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' 8 1 7 












70L. I. 


6. H. SMITH, F.6.S. 




) I 








The Gauls/' says Strabo, following the 
»8opher Posidonius, ** are universally madly 
of war, hot in temper, and quick to fight-; 
1 other respects simple, and void of malice. 
ce^ w ;^hen provoked, they marcfh multitudi- 
ily, openly; and incallitiously straight against 
enenij^ so as to be easily out-generalled ^ 
3 they^imay be drawn on to engage where 
when one chooses, and for any cause, being 
' ready for battle, even though armed only 
I their own natural strength and audacity, 
are they easily persuaded to useful employ- 
ts, and susceptible of culture and literary 
nction. Presuming on their gigantic build 
numbers, they soon collect in large mnlti- 
8, of their own free-will and accord, and 
ice take side with the injured party."* Such 
le first glance cast by philosophy on the 
; sympathetic and perfectible of the races 


he genius of these Gauls or Celts is at first 
ere restless activity, prompting to attack 
conquest : it was through war that the na- 
I of antiquity came into contact and inter- 
rled. A warring and noisy race, they over- 
the world, sword in hand, led on, it would 
1, less by greed, than by a vain and uneasy 
•e to see, know, and busy themselves with 
y thing ; bursting and destroying through 
5 inability to create. With their large, 
soft, and succulent bodies, they are the in- 
} of the nascent world ; elastic and impul- 
, but neither enduring nor persevering;! 

Ewayavarrovfrrr rots ddnaiaOiu ioKo9oi¥dtl r<!i¥ 1rXl^ 

Btnho, I. iv. 195. 
Modor. 9k: lib. v. c. 38. ToT<rik vapj^ K&&vypot koI >cv/ro(. 
pian. apad Scriptores Renun Francicaram, 1. i. 463. 
rt iipwTos cai iadfiaros . . . iltXvovro raxitoi. 


fierce in their joys, vast in thei^ hopes, and vain 
— ^for as yet nothing has withstood them. They 
would go and see K>r themselves what manner, 
of man was the conqueror of Asia, that Alexan- 
der, at whose sight kings fainted through dread.* 
" What do you fear 1'* inquired the man of ter- 
ror : ** The sky falling,"! was all the answer 
he got. Heaven itself had little terror for them ; 
they returned its thunders} with flights of ar- 
rows. Did ocean rise and invade the land, 
they did not refuse its challenge, but marched 
upon it sword in hand.^ Never to give way 
was their point of honor : they would often 
scorn to quit a house in flames. | No people 
held their lives cheaper. There were of them 
who would undertake to die for a trifle of money 
or a little wine, would step upon their sleeping- 
places, distribute the wine or money among 
their friends, lie down on their shields, and of- 
fer their throat to the knife.^ 

Their banquets seldom ended without a fray ; 
the thigh of the animal on the board was the 
right of the bravest,** and each would be he. 
Next to fighting, their greatest pleasure was to 
crowd round the stranger, seat him among them, 
whether he liked or not, and make him tell them 
tales of distant lands ; for these barbarians were 

* Plat In Alex. c. 96. Lonf after Alexander** death, 
Caaiander, who had become kinK of Macedonia, walking 
one day at Delphi, and examining the statues, Kuddenly 
came upon that of Alexander, when he was so ntruck by it, 
that he fell trembling, and was seized with a giddiness. 

t . . . . Et /i4 &pa b ovpavdf avroif itriwioot. t^trabo, 1. Til. 
902. (These were Gets. They had been encountered and 
subdued by Darius, in his famous expedition Hgainst the 
European Scythie, 514 ycnrs b. c. Alexander found theni' 
inhablUng the same locality on the western Hhor.K of the 
Euxlne, one hundred and eighty years aAorwards.) Trami- 


t Arlstot de Morib. 1. iii. c. 10. 

i iElian. I. xli. c. 33. Fvfivh rh (f^i? itaX rd. S6para rpo- 
ffcfoyrtf^— Aristot. Eudeniior. 1. iii. c. 1. Ol KiXrol wpds rk 
K^ftara onXa dvavruiai XaP^vra. 

11 iElian. ibid. 

It Posidon. 1. xxiii. ap. Athen. 1. iv. c. 13. MAXoi ^ h 
Bi&rptf \a06vrei dpyvpiow ^ xPiMr(or, oi ii offov ntpautuHf 
dpiBpov riya, xai ntOTtoadpivoi rifw Maiv, koI roti avny' 
KaSoif ^(Xotf Siaitopriaaiityot, wrrioi iKraOiyrci M Bvptdv 
nivrai' napacriif H rtf li^tt riv Xatudv dtroKirrrn. 

** Poaldon. ayud Athen. 1. Iv. c. 13. 


CuK^. nr CMBm* mat, 

fmtMVJU f«lliM» 




iniuti^ty ^^grer tnd cnrioas, and pressed ttnm- - their white chests and gif^ntic limbe laden wilfc 
^^r<« vizinK them in the markets and highways. > massive golden chains.* The Iberians wen 

and^^AUns^ them to talk.* They were 
th^.mftelves formidable and indefatijg^le talkers. 

divided into petty mountain tribes, which, 
cording^ to Strabo, seldom contracted allianoi^ 

his(hly fisfurative in their speech, p^impous and through an excess of confidence in their owi 
ludiToiiftly ((rave with their guttural tones,f strength. The Gauls, on the contrary, readE] 

and It Mr u quite a business in their assemblies 
to ntfjMrt; the speaker from interruption : inso- 
much Lhat it was the office of one man to en - 

collected in large hordes, encamping in laigi 
villages, in large exposed plains, and talkeit 
laughers, and haranguers as they were« williag- 

forrji Atl«:nce, which he did by proceeding with i ly associated with strangers, and became ift 
drawn nword to the [Arty interrupting, and, at i timate with new faces, mingling with all and b 

the third summons, cutting off a large piece of 
his dr';fis, so as to render it unfit for further 
wear. I 

Anoihf.r race, the Iberians, appear early in 
the south of f laid, along with the Gauls, and 
even bf;rore them. This people, whose tv'pe and 
langiiafff; have been preserved in the Basque 
moniitrLiiiH, were mfiderately endowed with na- 
tural gil'iM, a laborious, agricultural, mining 
race, att:iched to the soil for its products — ^me- 
tals and corn.^ There is nothing to show that 
they w(;ri! primitively as warlike as they be- 
came when driven into the Pyrenees by the 
conquf.TorH of the south and of the north, and 
finding tiieinselves in their own despite guardi- 
ans of tlw; defiles, they were so repeatedly in- 
vadi;(l, bruised, and hardened by war. Once 
Uoniiin tyranny impelled them to an heroic de- 
sjMiir ; but generally their courage has been ex- 
oinplifird in resistance, H as that of the Gauls 
has iM?rn in attack. The Iberians do not seem 
to have liiul the same love of distant expeditions 
and iulvf'.iiturous wars. Sonic of their tribes, 
indrni, ciaigrulcd, but unwillingly, and driven 
I'urth by iiioro jKiwcrful nations. 

'I'in* (JiLiils and the Iberians were a complete 
contniKt : I he latter with their rough black gar- 
miMilN, :iiid hiiir- woven boots ;^ the Gauls ar- 
rnvrd Ml hliowy stuffs, fond of bright and varied 
coldiN, Mirh ascMuniiOHe the plaid of the modern 
iScutli.sii liurl,'^* or olso almost nukud,but with 

• Di.Mi. Sic. I. V. p. 31M.— (^rmr, Drll. <inll. I. Iv. c. 5. 
T*t rtiiii'iii luH (■iilltrn* rtin^iuruiiliiiii lit vi vl.tUirvs ctliuii 
tnvliii^ mii'i'li^n* niffittit .... ri iiirmitiirtis in oppldiH 
viil)!ii« riirniiiNiHtiil, Ur. 

t h.iHiiT. Sir. I. iv. VUnl Kul rin\ ^.oyau ti>ipvtixoi^ xal 

«iiM}/.i*i <i «.ii TiW'iXXii (iiVirr^^iCfwi trvft^SuxiKuti' iroAX^ 

^j Xiti>i*rt ») ^^f^^^^i^^X^t^\ 

\ 'O'.-i ii\»t.Trii»' irnniffdi ri) Xmrr^fi. HtnlMi, I. iv. ap. 
8cr. U t*t. t. .Mt.-I ninniil <|ull Ihr »uliji*cl without noticing 
how luiirii ihr nnrirnl^i n|i|M'ar to li:t\i« Uvn iilnifli witli 
thi* i! crniu^ nn<i noi«y rlianrlrr or thi' (innln. 
lrfv\ ii .ti)N i'lciii. "H |N*oplr Uh-ii ittr v:iiii tiiiiiiiltH." Tli« 
piibtio I I.I I". tiiiiiipiMi'ris nmt iiil\ociitr« wrn* often <iaiil9i. 
" An ln-»l«i,.in.'* jgiy* I'irfn*. cl'^raiini. i»r. rontnt TisiniiMn.) 
■Mh:«i I". •« ^MOMiitin iimi n rrior." S(m>. hImi. ilie wholv of 
Ihr iM:iii>m pii> K« in trio. Vnio my«, lin (*U.iri«lo \ I quote 
IhMii no iii<ir\ .) "The (tnuU. f\^r tlie iiii*«t ivtrt. ii*M<hiou«ly 
ruUi\.iii' (u >* ihin|y— vnlur ami ^ninrinvn*.** l)ii»- 
Aini* s.< iiiii't vl- Iv.) rnlU \hm\\ "ImnMer*. brajqptrt*, and 
nill i>l ihoitiiriil 4iH|4ay." 

tSinthi. I. IV.— (*4rMr. Ri*!!. C:!!!. I. iii. r. •Xt. 
TUo Uvri mii»t not lie fMnfonnileil w iih their nriphlnwi. 
Qm l'*»r . The iliMinrtion liriwivn them w r le.triy e>- 
lrtlMi«>.| l«\ M. W.ite llamhoiat in hi« nilm.ntLile litilo work 
«l the n.'tMi'ii' linen.tfe. tVe .\|i|vnitiv. 

H Ti»i\ti.ii i,\.<ft*t «tv«4,'d|-. Dimliif. 

, *T J^"****- >«c. I. V. 'They wear tlyisl tunic*. rtiiwenHl 
pMl C rtliWNi ,M exTfv kind, and tnrwik.' nnd MrifVil rlimk^. 
Mnfti « ith a bttckht, 9m4 4irMed into Biunnvms many- 

all, dissolute through levity, and blindly and 
random abandoning themselves to infamoa 
pleasures ;t (the brutality of drunkenness wi 
rather the failing of the German stock ;) L 
short, theirs were all the qualities and vice 
that result from quick sympathy. These hih 
rious comrades were not to be too implicitly coc 
fided in. They were early addicted to hantea 
ing, (gaberj as it was termed in the middle ages 
They passed their word without a thought of il 
being obligatory, promised, then laughed, an 
there an end. {Ridendojidemfrangere^ " the 
broke faith with a jest." — ^Tix. Liv.) 

The Gauls did not rest contented with diii 
ing the Iberians into the Pyrenees ; but crew 
in^ that natural barrier, settled under their on 
name, in the south and northwestern angles < 
the peninsula, whereas in the centre they ami 
gamated with the conquered, and took the nam 
of Celtiberians and Lusitanians.J 

It was at the same epoch, (b. c. 1600~150C 
or perhaps previously, that the Iberian tribes 
the Sicani and the Ligor^ passed from Spa 
into Gaul and Italy ; in which latter coontr 
as in Spain, the Gauls attacked them, and crofl 
ing the Alps (b.c 1400-1000) under the desij 
nation of Ambray\\ (the valiant,) confined tJ 
Ligures within the mountainous coast from tl 
Rhone to the Arno, while they drove the S 
cani as far as Calabria and Sicily. 


(B. c. 1200-600.) 

In both peninsulas the conquering Celts amtl 
gamated with the inhabitants of the centn 

rolored •qiiares." 80 Vinril, (yEneid. I. viii. fifiO.) "Tkl 
slitter In their stripeii cloaks.*.' Elsewhvrc I have coUecM 
other immllel passiifics. 

• IModor. Sic. 1. w " They wear bracelets and anaM 
and nnind their necks thick riniTA. nil of gold, and colli 
rtttger-rinpi, and even ipilden conicts.** 
Vireil. iEncid. I. viil. 0.7.1. 
** Fair golden tresses frmce the comely train, 
And ev'ry warrior wears a folden chain. 
Kiiibrolder'd vesi» their snowy liinlw tin Told, 
And their rich mlies are all ndom'd with cold.'* 
t Diodor. Sic. I. v. ap. S<>r. R. Fr. i. 3]0.~:«tr;ibo. 1. Iv^ 
.\lhen. I. \iii. c. H. — At a Liter fieriiMl, tnire<c of the llM 
liousne*^ which prf\iiiliMi in ancient <:hiiI ure ninervabto 
the lri»h and Rritith (Vlts. Iceland, t. i. p. M. says, tt 
tlie Iriiih ctmsidered adultery "a innitinalile callantri 
O'llallomn. i. XM. — Lam nine. St. Ansel iii. and Pii|ie .Adft 
in his fi«iniius hidl. aildn-i^^ed t<) Henry II.. niilmiid thi 
with Incest.— S«'e r»<er. S>1. ep'.st. 70. m. !Ci.— St. Bema 
in Vit. S. Malach. 1*132. M]i]. Girnld. raiiil>r. 74*2. 74.T 
: l>iodtir. Sic. I. v.— tMdori Ofifiinuiii, I. i\.— Plin. 1. 

& Iberian hiehlanderH. W. de IIuiiiSiMl See Ajipesiii 
Q See Am. Thierry. HUl des Gaoluis, i. 10. 













(liiim, while the TaDqaished Iberians kept their 
poQod at either end, in Liguria and in Sicily, 
in the Pyrenees and in Boetica. The Italian 
Gauls, the Ambra, occupied the whole ralley 
of the Po, and spread into thepeninsula as far 
tt uie mouth of the Tiber. They were subse- 
^ently subjected by the Rasenae or Etrusci, 
whose empire was at a later period hemmed in 
by new Celtic emigrations between the Macra, 
die Tiber, and the Apennines. 

Soch was the aspect of the Gallic world. In 
Italy and in Spain, its young, soft, floating ele- 
Bent was early altered by intermixture with 
the indigenes ; whereas in Gaul it would have 
been long rolled to and fro by the flux and re- 
lax of barbarism, had not a new element from 
without infused into it a principle of stability, 
t social idea. 

Two people, the Greeks and the Phoenicians, 
were the leaders of civilization at this remote 
period of antiquity. The Tyrian Hercules was 
It this time sailing through every sea, buying 
lad transporting from each country its most 
precious products. He did not overlook the fine 
prnets of the coast of Gaul, or the coral f)f the 
Hieres ; and inquired into the precious mines 
which then cropped out upon the surface of the 
P^nees, the Cevennes, and the Alps.* He 
eame, and returned, and at last settled. At- 
tacked by Albion and Ligor, (both names sig- 
lify mtmntaineery^) the sons of Neptune, he 
voold have been overcome, had not Jupiter re- 
i&foTced his failing arrows with a shower of 
Hones, which still cover the plain of Crau in 
Provence. The victorious god founded Neman- 
Mu, (Nimes,) sailed up the Rh6ne and the 
8a6ne, slew in his lair the robber Taurisk, and 
built Alesia in the territory of the TEdui, (pays 
(TAuton.) Before leaving, he laid down the 
highway which crossed the Col de Tende, and 
led from Italy across Gaul into Spain ; and it 
was upon this foundation that the Romans built 
the Aurelian and Domitian ways, (viae.) 

In this, as in other directions, the Phoeni- 
eiaos did but open a path for the Greeks ; be- 
ing followed by the Dorians of Rhodes, who 
were themselves supplanted hj the lonians of 
Phocea, the founders of Marseilles, (b. c. 600- 
S87.) This city, planted so far from Greece, 
nbaisted by miracle. Landward it was sur- 
loonded by powerful Gallic and Ligurian tribes, 
who did not suffer it to take an inch of ground 
without a battle. Seaward it had to encounter 
the huge fleets of the Etruscans and Carthagi- 
ttiaas, who had org^anized so sanguinary a mo- 
nopoly coastwise, that for a stranger to trade in 
Sardinia was death by drowning.;^ In every 
«aj, success crowned the Massilians. They 
had the gratification of seeing, without their 

• Stnbo, I. Hi. iT. 

t Jib, in Gaelic, mmmtaln. — 0«r, in the Basque tongue, 
tknueii. W. de Ilniiiboidt. 

I Sinbo, 1. xviL " The Carthafinlans drowned all stran* 
m% nhum they found cuaitiAf to flenHnin, or to tlM 

drawing the sword, the Etruscan navy destroy- 
ed in a single battle by the Syracusans, and 
then of beholding the annihilation of all the 
commercial states— of Etruria, Sicily, and Car- 
thage — by Rome. Carthage, in her fall, left 
an immense held, which Marseilles might well 
have coveted ; but it was not for the humble 
ally of Rome, for a city without territory, and 
a people of plain and thriAy character, but more 
mercantile than political, and who, instead of 
gaining over and incorporating with themselves 
the barbarians in their vicinity, were ever at 
war with them, to aspire to such a part. How 
ever, through good conduct and perseverance, 
the Massilians managed to extend their estab- 
lishments along the Mediterranean, from the 
Maritime Alps to Cape St. Martin ; that is to 
say, as far as the early Carthaginian colonies. 
Monaco, Nice, Antibes, Eaube, St. Gilles, 
Agde, ^mpurias, Denia,and some other towns,* 
were founded by them. 

While Greece began the civilization of the 
southern shore, northern Gaul received its own 
from the Celts themselves. A new Celtic tribe, 
the Cymry or Cumry, (Cimmeriilf) came to 
join the Gauls, (b. c. 631-587.) The new- 
comers, who settled for the most part in the 
centre of France, on the Seine and the Loire, 
were, it appears, of more serious and stable 
character. Less indisposed to restraint, they 
were governed by a sacerdotal corporation— 
the Druids. The primitive religion of the 
Gauls, which yielded to the Cymric Druidism, 
was a natural religion, gross undoubtedly, and 
far from having reached that systematic form 
which it subsequently acquired among the Irish 
Ga^l.} That of the Cymric Druids, as far as 
it is discernible through the barren notices of 
the ancients, and the much-altered traditioi\^ of 
the modern Welsh Cymry, had a far loftier mo- 
ral tendency : they taught the immortality of 
the soul. Yet was the genius of the race too 
material to admit of such doctrines bearing 
early fruit. The Druids could not transport it 
out of its clannish life. The material principle, 
the influence of its military chieftains, co-exist- 
ed with the gwernment of the priests. Cymric 
Gaul was only imperfectly, Gallic Gaul not in 
the least, organized ; and escaping the Druids, 
it flowed over the Rhine and the Alps, to flood 
the world. 

* See the interesting account of Marseilles in Thieny*! 
Illstoiy, (t. ii. c. ],) one of the nuMt remarkable )Kirtions of 
that excellent work. Further on, I endeavor to i^how how 
greatly the share the Greeic colonies fayad in civilizing Gaul, 
has been exagfreratcd. 

t Appian (Illyr. p. 1106, and de Bell. Civil, p. OQS) and 
Dindnrus (1. v. p. 309) say that the Celts were Ciniiiierians. 
—Plutarch (in Miirio) agrees with them. — "Tho Cimme- 
rians/* says Ephoms, (Strabo, v. p. 375,) " inhabit subter- 
ranean dwellings, which they call argiUtu.^* in the \\ae\rf 
of the Wehh C)'mr)'. argd signllies a subterraneous place. 
(VV. Archaiol. 1. u. 1S3.) The Cymry swore ** by the bull." 
The anus of Wales are two cows. — However, several Ger- 
man critics deny the identity of the Cimmerians with th« 
Cirobri, and of ttie latter with tlie Cymry; referring tlM 
Cinibri to the Germanic stoclc 

X See Appendix. 


Btttlement ofthe Gsnli 




(b. c. 388.) 

This is the period assigned by history to the 
expeditions of Sigovesus and Bellovesus, neph- 
ews of Ambigat, king of the Bituriges, who 
led the Gauls into Germany and Italy, and ^'ho 
wandered )vith no other guidance than was af- 
forded by watching the flight of birds. Ac- 
cording to another tradition, they were guided 
by a jealous husband, an Aruns of Etniria, who, 
in his desire of revenge, introduced the barba- 
rians to the juice of the grape. They found it 
good, and followed him to the land ofthe vine.* 
These first emigrants, .£dui, Arvemi, and Bi- 
turiges, (Gallic tribes of Burgundy, Auvergne, 
and Berry,) settle in Lombardy, despite the 
Etrusci, and take the name of Is-Ambra,^ Is- 
Ombrians, Insubrians, synonymous with Gauls ; 
being the same with that of those ancient Gauls, 
or Ambra^ Umbrians, who had been subdued by 
the Etmsci. They were followed by the kin- 
dred tribes of the Aulerci, Camuti, and Ceno- 
maoi, (inhabiting Mans and Chartres,) under a 
leader called the Hurricane ;% w'ho established 
themselves at the expense of the Etrusci of 
Venetia, and founded Brescia and Verona. 
Lastly, the Cymry, jealous of the conquests of 
the Gauls, pass the Alps in their turn ; but 
finding the valley of the Po already occupied, 
they are forced to proceed as far as the Adri- 
atic, and found Bologna and Sinigaglia, or 
rather, settle in those towns, which the Etrusci 
had already founded. The idea of the city, 
measured out and laid down according to reli- 
gious and astronomical notions, was unknown 
to the Gauls, whose towns were only large 
open villages, such as Mediolanum, (Milan.) 
The Gallic world is the world of the tribe ;^ 
the l^trusco- Roman world, that of the city. 

Thus the tribe and the city are face to face 
in the listed plain of Italy. At first, the tribe 
has the advantage ; the Etrusci are hemmed in 
within Etruria, properly so called, and the 
Gauls soon follow them thither. They cross 
the Apennines ; and with their blue eyes, yel- 
low mustachios, and golden collan on their fair 
shoulders, proceed to defile before the Cyclo- 
pean walls of the aflfrighted Etrusci. They 
appear before Clu8ium,and demand a territory. 
It was then, as is well known, that the Romans 
interposed to protect their ancient foes, the 
Etrusci, and that a panic placed Rome in the 
hands of the Gauls. They were much aston- 
ished, says Livy, at finding the city deserted ; 
more astonished still at beholding at the doors 
of the houses the aged owners, who sat majes- 
tically, waiting death. By degrees they grew 
accustomed to these immoveable figures, which 

♦ Tit- Liv. 1. ▼. c. 34.— Platareh, in Cnmlllo. 

t I«, Ins. low, inferior.— I<-Ombria. Lower Ombria. 

i According to the interpretation of Am. Thierry, i. p. 43. 
— Tit Liv. V. c. 35. . ^ ^ 

^ It has been doubted by aoroe learned men whether 
<heir Mida, in Cmm*! time, wwe say thing mon than 
• or nflifi. 

had at first awed them ; when one of them, in 
his barbarian joviality, took it into his head to 
stroke the beard of one of these haughty sena- 
tors, who returned the caress with a blow of his 
stick.* This was the signal for massacre. 

The young men, who had shut themselves up 
in the Capitol, offered some resistance, but at 
last paid ransom. f This is the most probable 
tradition ; the Romans preferred the other. 
Livy asserts that Camillus avenged his country 
by a victory, and slew the Gauls on the ruins 
they had made. What is more certain is, that 
they remained seventeen years in Laiium, at 
Tibur, at the very gale of Rome. Livy calls 
Tibur, " arcem Gallici belli," (the stronghold 
of the Gallic war.) It is in this interval that 
were fought the heroic duels of Valerius Cor- 
vus and Manlius Torquatus with Gallic giants. 
The gods interfered ; a sacred raven gave the 
victory to Valerius, and Manlius tore the collar 
(tarquis) from the boaster who had defied the 
Romans. Hence, for a long time after, a i>op- 
ular image, a Cimbric buckler^ with the likeness 
of a barbarian, inflating his cheeks and thrust- 
ing out his tonguc4 used as a sign for shops. 

The city was fated to prevail over the tribe, 
— Italy over Gaul. Driven from Latium, the 
Gauls continued to war, but as mercenaries in 
the service of Etruria. They shared, with the 
Etrusci and the Samnitcs, in those dreadful 
battles of Sentinum and the Vadimonian lake, 
which secured Rome the sovereignty of Italy, 
and thence of the world. In these they dis- 
played their fruitless and brute-like audacity : 
fighting naked with the well-armed ; dashing 
with loud clamor in their war-chariots against 
the impenetrable masses of the legions ; and 
opposing the terrible pilum with wretched sa- 
bres that bent at the first stroke. § It is the 
common history of all the battles of the Gauls 
they never amended. Nevertheless, great ef- 
forts and the devotion of Decius were required 
on the side of the Romans. At length they 
in their turn, penetrated to the Gauls, recover- 
ed the ransom of the Capitol, and seated a col- 
ony in the principal burgh of the Senones, whoa 
they overcame at Sena on the Adriatic — exter- 
minating the whole tribe, so that there should 
not remain a single descendant of those who 
could boast of having burnt Rome.| 

great migration of the oaul8. 
(b. c. 391-280.) 

These reverses of the Italian Gauls may, 

• Tit. lilv. I. V. c. 41. M. Papirins, GrIIo Imrbnm Riiam, 
ut tmn omnibQA {immissa omt. pitmiulccntl, scipione ebor- 
neo in cnput incuvn, imm muvisso iliritiir. 

t Accordinx to Polyhius and Suetonius. See my Hist 
Romnine, vol. i. 1. 1. c. 3. 

t Aulus G«ll. I. Ix. 3.— Tit. Llv. I. vll. c. 10. 

\ Tit I Jv. I. xxll. " The Gunln have very long xwnrdi, 
without pointo/'— Polyb. I. ii. ap. Scr. R. Fr. 1. 167. " By 
their spirit at the fint onflct the whole Gallir rare, while 
fresh, is most fearful. Their sword* give one fatal rut bat 
are then at once blunted, and bend lenftthwise and flaj. 
wise."— A true symbol of the race of the Gael. 

I Flor. L L c 11. 





Saldeetioa oTthe Italian 07 

GauJs. ^* 


perhaps, be explained, by the supposition that 
their best warriors had joined the great migra- 
tioQ of the Transalpine Gauls, into Greece and 
Asia. Our Gaul was like that vase of the 
Welsh mythology, in which life is incessantly 
boiling and overflowing ;* and received in tor- 
rents the barbarism of the North, to pour it out 
00 the nations of the South. After the Druid- 
ieal invasion of the Cymry, it had to sustain 
the warlike invasion of the Belgae, or Bolg, (the 
most impetuous of the Celts, as are their de- 
•cendants the Irish,t) who had made their way 
Crom Belgium through the Gauls and Cymry, as 
fu south as Toulouse, and had seated them- 
Klres in Languedoc under the names of Are- 
eomici and Tectosagi. Hence, they bore on 
lo a new conquest ; and Gauls, Cymry, and 
eren Germans, descended with them the valley 
of the Danube. The cloud burst upon Mace- 
donia. The world of the ancient city, which had 
pown strong in Italy by the success of Rome, 
bd, since Alexander, been broken up in Greece. 
Nevertheless, this petty space was so strong by 
irt and nature, — so bristled with cities and 
iDooQtains, — as to be seldom entered with im- 
punity. Greece is like a trap with three bot- 
toms. You may enter, and find yourself taken, 
irst in Macedonia, next in Thessaly, and then 
betwixt Thermopyle and the isthmus. 

Thrace and Macedonia were successfully in- 
nded by the barbarians, who committed fear- 
foi excesses there, passed even Thermopyle, 
and marched to undergo defeat against the 
Bcred rock of Delphi. The god defended his 
temple. A storm, and the masses of rock 
hurled down by the besieged, sufficed for the 
discomfiture of the Gauls. Gorged with meat 
ind wine, they were already conquered by their 
ova excesses. A panic terror seized them in 
the night. In order to expedite their retreat, 
their firenn, or chief, counselled them to burn 
their cars, and to cut the throats of their ten 
tboiisand wounded ;| then drank his fill, and 

* See farther 00. 

t H<>adiii«>!S«, prumptitnde, and mobility of parpone are 
«^ll7 chnncceri^Uc of the Bolr of Ireland, Belgium, and 
fiatdy, (the Bellovaci, Bolcl, Bolgs, Bellas Voici, Ac.,) 
lad uf th(p*9 ol' the MHith of France, notwithstanding the 
ttlnent mtxtores theic races have undergone. 

la the oM Irixh tnirditions, the Beige are designated bv 
Ike name of Fkr-Bolg. Au-Honiiui (de clar. urb. Narbo.) 
Mimt the primitive name of the Tectosagi to have been 
lu)^>. TecUMaguH prinmvo nomine BalgasJ'* Cicero (pro 
Nui. FootKio) gives them that of B^m—*' Belgarum Allo- 
kt)«BXDquf> testUnonila credete non timvUs V* In the manu- 
ttn^-i iif Oiar, we And the name indiflerenUy written 
^Wf«r or Fe/e«.— Lastly, St. Jerome tells ux that "(ik« 
Haieet «/ the TeUoaagi wot the mom* as that of Treves,** the 
apitil of Belgian!. Am. Thierry, L 131. 

("The Belgic tribe*,** says I/Ogan, (1. 331.) " were denom- 
haled Ftrbulie. fimm the bolg, builg. or leathern bag, In which 
tbej carried their arrows, as some maintain.**) Transla- 


; Qis advice was followed, as regarded the wounded, fur 
the flew Brenn cnuted ten thouand men, who were unfit 
to fflireh. to be butchered ; bat he kept the greater part of 
tte bhgipM^. IHttdoT. Sic. xxil. 670.— The Gauls, In this In- 
nakm of Greece, whenever they met with Infants fatter 
ttaa a>n^l. or who seemed to have been suckled on better 
■Uk, driok their Mood, and feasted on their flesh. Puusa- 
liaa, 1. X. p. 650.— The Greeks, after battle, buried their 
; bat the Cymro-GanU sent no herald to aoUcit theirs, 

Stabbed himself. But his followers found it im- 
possible to extricate themselves from so moun- 
tainous a country and such diflicult passes, alive 
with a people wild for vengeance. 

Another body of Gauls, intermingled with 
Germans, Tectosages, Trocmi, and Tolisto- 
boioi, succeeded better beyond the Bosphorus. 
They threw themselves into the heart of mighty 
Asia, in the midst of the quarrels of Alexander's 
successors. Nicomedus, king of Bithynia, and 
the Greek towns which with difficulty bore up 
against the Seleucidsc, bought their assistance ; 
as the event proved — an interested and fatal 
assistance. These terrible guests parcelled 
out Asia Minor among themselves, for pillage 
and for ransom.* The Hellespont fell to the 
share of the Trocmi ; the shores of the JEgea,ay 
to the Tolistoboiui : the Tectosages had the 
South. Here we see our Gauls restored to 
the cradle of the Cymry, not far from the Cim- 
merian Bosphorus — here are they settled on 
the ruins of Troy, and in the mountains of 
Asia Minor, where, centuries after, the French 
will lead the crusades under the banner of 
Godfrey of Boulogne and of Louis the Young. 

While these Gauls gorge and fatten in deli- 
cate Asia, others ramble the world over in 
search of fortune. Whoever wishes to buy 
headlong courage and blood cheaply, buys 
Gauls — a prolific and warlike race, sufficing 
for innumerable armies and wars. They are 
in the pay of all the successors of Alexander, 
especiailly of Pyrrhus — that man of adventures 
and of blasted triumphs. Carthage also em- 
ployed them in the first Punic war. She re- 
quited them but ill ;t and they bore a principal 
part in the dreadful War of the Mercenaries. 
One of the leaders of the revolt was the Gaul, 

Rome availed herself of the troubles of Car- 
thage and of the interval between the two Pu- 
nic wars, to crush the Ligurians and the Italian 

'* The Ligurians, buried at the foot of the 
Alps, between the Var and the Macra, in a 
country bristling with underwood, were more 
difficult to find than to conquer — an agile and 
indefatigable;^ people, more given to rapine 

regardless whether they were buried or were food for the 
wild beasts and vultures. Pnusnnias, 1. x. p. <>49. — " At 
iEgeum they scattered to the windH the ashes of the kings 
of Macedon.^* Plut. Pyrrh. Diod. ex Val.— When the Brenn 
had learned from dc^ertrrs the number of the Greek inwpa, 
f^ll of contempt for them, he nmrrhed beyond Hcraclea and 
attacked the defiles the next day at sunrise, " without,** 
says an ancient writer, " having conHulieU with regard to 
the event of the battle any prient of his naUon, or, in de- 
fkult of that, any Greek diviner." Pausanias, 1. x. p. 640. 
Am. Thierry, passim. — At Delphi the Brenn raid, " that the 
wealihv god^ ought to enrich men, .... that they needed 
not riches, being the donors of wealth to man.*^ Justin, 
xxlv. 6. 

• Tit. Llv. I. xxxvlll. c. 16.— Strabo, 1. xlii. 

t She delivered up four thousand of them to the Romans. 
See Diodor. Sic. and FrontinUH, 1. ill. 16. 

X Floru.t, 11. 3. — The strengtli of the Ligurians gave rise 
to the common saying, " the poorest Llgurian can overcome 
the strongest Gaul.** Diod. Sic. v. 39. See also, 1. xxxix. 9. 
Strabo, Iv. It was from them that the Romans borrowed 
the use of the oblong shield, scutum Ligusticum, Liv. xhr. 

38 ^ISnT^ 


DefiMt of Ifaft 


than to war, and trusting in the rapidity of their 
flight and the remoteness of their Jurking- 
places. All these wild mountain tribes — 
the Salyi, the Deciates, the Euburiates, the 
Oxybii, the Ingauni — long escaped the Roman 
arms. At last, the consul Fulvius burnt their 
fastnesses, Biebius forced them into the plain, 
and Posthumius disarmed them, leaving them 
scarcely iron wherewith to till their fields/^ 
(B. c. 238-233.) 


For half a century after the extermination of 
the Senones by Rome, the remembrance of the 
dreadful event was fresh in the minds of the 
Gauls ; so that when At and Gall,* two kings of 
the Boii, (now the Bolognese,) endeavored to 
rouse that people to seize the Roman colony of 
Ariminum, and summoned a band of mercenary 
Gauls from beyond the Alps, the Boii, rather 
than face a war with Rome, slew them both, 
and massacred their allies. But Rome, uneasy 
at their restlessness, irritated the Gauls, by 
prohibiting all trade with them, especially in 
arms ; and the measure of their discontent was 
completed by the proposition of the consul Fla- 
minius to colonize and divide among the people 
the territory taken from the Senones fidy years 
before. The Boii, whom the colony of Arimi- 
num had taught the cost of having the Romans 
for neighbors, regretted not having assumed 
the offensive, and attempted to bring into a com- 
mon league all the nations of northern Italy. 
The Veneti, however, a people of Sclavonic 
origin, and inimical to the Gauls, refused to 
join it ; the Ligurians were worn out, the Ce- 
nomani secretly sold to the Roman. The Boii 
and Insubres, (the Bolognese and Milanese,) left 
to themselves, were obliged to call in from the 
other side of the Alps a body of Gesates, {Gais- 
da) — ^men armed with eats, or boar- spears, — 
who gladly took pay with the rich Gallic tribes 
of Italy ; money and promises luring across 
their leaders, Aneroeste and Concolitanus. 

The Romans, kept informed of all by the 
Cenomani, took alarm at the league. The 
senate ordered that the Sibylline books should 
be consulted ; and read therein with terror that 
the Gauls were twice to become masters of 
Rome. They sought to avert the calamity by 
burying alive two Gauls, a man and a woman, 
in the cattle market, the centre of the city ; by 
which the Gauls might be said to have taken 
possession of the soil of Rome, and the oracle 
oe eithen»fulfilled or eluded. The alarm spread 

35. Their women, who wrought In the qoiirriee, when taken 
In labw, 0!«cd to step axide for a short time, and. oAcr de- 
livery', return to their worit. Strabo, iii. Dlodor. 8lc. !▼. The 
Llpnirlans adhered Rtrictly to their ancient customx, ax, for 
Iniitance, thnt of wearing their hair long, whence their sur- 
■ame of dsiT/afi.— Cato says, in Servlus. " They have a 
perfect recollection of their origin, bnt, illiterate and liara, 
they have no memory for truth.** Nigidins Figuloi, a con- 
temporary of Varrn*s, n«es the same terms. 

* AUs and GaiatQ!«. in the Greek and lAtin historians. 
Polyb. U. See Am. Thierry, Hist das Oaulois, vol. L 

from Rome over all Italy ; not a people of which 
but thought themselves equally in danger of a 
fearful irruption of barbarians. The Gallic 
chiefs had taken from their temples the gold- 
embroidered standards, called the immoveable ; 
and had sworn a solemn oath, which they like* 
wise administered to their followers, that they 
would not unbuckle their baldrics until they had 
scaled the Capitol. In their march they swept 
off every thing, as well cattle as even the very 
furniture of the houses, and they drove the hus- 
bandmen before them, chained together, at the 
tail of the whip. The whole population of cen- 
tral and southern Italy rose as one man, to ar- 
rest such a scourge ; and seven hundred and 
seventy thousand soldiers* held themselves 
ready, should it be needful, to follow the Ro- 
man eagles. 

Of three Roman armies, one was to guard tho 
passes of the Apennines leading into Etruria ; 
but the Gauls were already in its heart, and 
only three days* journey from Rome. Fearful 
of being hemmed in between the two, the bar- 
barians retraced their steps, slew six thousand 
of the pursuing army, and would have utterly 
destroyed it had not the second army come up. 
They then drew off to secure their booty, and 
had fallen back as far as cape Telamon, when, 
by a surprising chance, the third army, which 
was on its return from Sardinia, landed close 
to the camp of the Gauls, who then findins 
themselves between the enemy, at once faced 
both ways. The Gesates, in bravado, threw 
off their clothes, and posted themselves naked 
in the first rank, shield and spear in hand. For 
a moment, the Romans were intimidated by the 
strange spectacle, and by the tumultuous array 
of the barbarian army. " Besides innumerable 
horns and trumpets which they sounded inces- 
santly, such a din of shouting suddenly arose, 
that not only men and instruments, but the very 
earth and surrounding places seemed emulously 
to join in the loud outcry. There w^s, too, 
something terrible in the looks and gestures of 
those giant frames which appeared in the fore- 
most ranks, — naked but for their arms, and not 
one of which that was not tricked out in chainSi 
collars, and bracelets of gold." The inferiority 
of the weapons of the Gauls gave the Romans 
the advantage. The Gallic sabre only served 
for cutting, and was so badly tempered as to 
bend at the first blow.f 

This victory being followed by the submis- 
sion of the Boii, the legions passed the Po for 
the first time, and entered the territory of the 
Insubres, where the fiery Flaminius would have 
perished, had he not wiled the barbarians into a 
negotiation until he was reinforced. Being re- 
called by the senate, with whom he was no 
favorite, and who pronounced his nominatioft 
illegal, he resolved to conquer or die, broke the 
bridge behind him, and gained a signal victory; 

* See the passage of Polyblus In the flnh book of mf 
History of Rome. ^ 

t Polyb. 1. 11.— Am. Thierry, 1. 1, p. »44. 




Tba Romam iaviled into 


JbBt which he opened the letters wherein the 
MMte warned him that his defeat was fore- 
dotmed by the gods. 

He was succeeded by Marcellas, a yaliant 
nUier, who slew in single combat the brenn 
Tinhimar, and consecrated to Jupiter Feretrius 
dM second spolia opima (since Romulos.) The 
Iiiabrians were completely subdued, (b. c. 322 ;) 
nd the dominion of Rome was extended over 
ike whole of Italy as far as the Alps. 

While Rome is belicring the Gauls prostrate 
nder her foot, Hannibal arrires and raises 
tbin up. The wily Carthaginian turns them 
tiffood account. He places them in the ran, 
nd compels them to pass the Tuscan marshes ; 
tke Numidians forcing them on from behind 
lith their swords.* They do not fight the 
worse for this at Thrasymene or at Canne. 
Humibal wins those great battles with Gallic 
Ibod.t The one time that he is without them, 
\nng cut off from them in the south of Italy, 
k cannot stir a step. So full of life was this 
halian Gaul, that after HannibaPs reverses it 
ii ip and doing under Hasdrubal, Mago, and 
Older Hamilcar. It took thirty years' warfare 
(i. c. 201-170) and the treachery of the Ceno- 
■ui, to consummate the ruin of the Boii and 
luobres ; and, at the last, the Boii rather emi- 
nated than submitted. The remains of their 
Nsdred and twelye tribes rose in a body, and 
nmoved to the banks of the Danube, at its 
ewfluence with the Save. Rome solemnly 
declared that Italy was closed to the Gattls. 
Tins last dreadful struggle occurred while 
Reme was warring with Fhilip and Antiochus, 
ad the Greeks flattered themselves that they 
were the chief thought of Rome, unconscious 
Ant it was the least part of her forces she em- 
ployed against them. Two legions were enough 
ftr the discomfiture of Philip and Antiochus ; 
iluie for many years in succession both con- 
nls were dispatched, with two consular armies, 
agsinst the obscure hordes of the Boii and In- 
labres. Rome had to stiffen her sinews against 
Gaol and Spain. A touch of her finger sufficed 
for the overthrow of the successors of Alex- 

Before quitting Asia, she struck down the 
only people capable of renewing the war there 
igainst her. The Galatae, who had been set- 
tled for a century in Phrygia, had enriched 
themselves by levying tribute on all the neigh- 
iMning tribes, and had amassed the spoils of 
Asia Minor in their haunts on Mount Olympus. 
One fact will characterize the wealth and pomp 
of these barbarians. Public notice was given 
bj one of their chiefs or tetrarchs that he would 
Eeep open table for any comer for a year round ; 
ind not only did he feast the crowd which 
locked from the adjoining towns and districts, 
mt he had travellers stopped and detained to 
partake of his hospitality. 

* See my Histoiy of Borne, beginniiig of tha lecond vol- 

t Ibid. 

Although the majority of the Galatae had re- 
fused Antiochus their assistance, the prctor 
Manlius attacked their three tribes, (the Troc- 
mi, Tolistoboioi, and Tectosagi,) and forced 
them in their mountains, by attacking them 
with missile weapons to which the Gauls, accus- 
tomed to fight with sabre and lance, could only 
oppose stones. Manlius compelled them to re- 
sign the lands which they had wrested from the 
allies of Rome, constrained them to renounce 
their life of pillage, and made them contract an 
alliance with Eumenes, to act as a check upon 
them. (b. c. 189-188.) 


The Romans were not contented with sub- 
duing the Gauls in their Italian and Asiatic 
colonies, without penetrating into Gaul, that 
focus of barbaric invasions. Their allies, the 
Greeks of Marseilles, always at war with the 
neighboring Gauls and Ligurians, were the first 
to summon them thither. It was essential for 
Rome to be mistress of the western pass into 
Italy, which, on the side of the sea, was occu- 
pied by the Ligurians. Attacking the tribes of 
whom Marseilles complained, then those of 
whom she did not complain,* Rome gave the 
land to the Massilians, and kept the military 
posts ; among£! others that of Aiz, where 
Sextius founded the colony of Aquae Sextiae. 
Thence she turned her eyes towards Gaul. 

Two vast confederations divided the land; 
on the one hand, the ^dui, a people whom we 
shall hereafter see united in the strictest bonds 
with the tribes of the Carnuti, the Parisii, the 
Senones, &c. ; on the other, the Arverni and 
AUobroges. The former appear to be the low- 
landers, the Cymry, living under a hierarchy, 
the party of civilization; the latter, moun- 
taineers of Auvergne and of the Alps, are the 
ancient Gauls, formerly forced into the moun- 
tains by the Cymric invasion, but restored to 
their preponderance by their very barbarism 
and attachment to a clannish life. 

The clans of Auvergne were at this time 
united under a chief or king named Bituit. 
These mountaineers believed themselves in- 
vincible. Bituit sent a solemn embassy to the 
Roman generals, to claim the liberation of one 
of their chiefs who had been taken prisoner ; 
and, as part of the train, there came with it his 
royal kennel, consisting of enormous bull. dogs, 
brought at great expense from Belgium and 
Britain. The ambassador, superbly attired, 
was surrounded by a troop of young horsemen, 
flaunting in gold and purple ; and at his side 
was a bard, rotle in hand, who chanted at in- 
tervals the glory of the king, that of the Ar- 
verni, and the exploits of the ambassador.! 

The i£dui saw with pleasure the Roman in- 
vasion. The Massilians offered their media- 

♦ See Am. Thierry, il. 164.— Tit Liv. Epitom. I. Ix.— Flo- 
rot, 1. ill. c. 2. 
t Am. Thierry, ii. 160. Appiaa. Folv. Vnin. 


Plate of GanL 
The Cimbri. 


Deitraction ofUie Roman 


tioDf and obtained for them the title of allies 
and friends of (he Roman people, Marseilles 
had introduced the Romans into the south of 
Gaul ; the ^dui opened Celtic or Central Gaul 
to them, as, at a later period, the Remi did 
Bel^ic Gaul. 

The enemies of Rome hurried with Gallic 
precipitation to meet the invader, and were 
conquered in detail on the banks of the Rhone. 
Bituit^s silver car and kennel of fighting dogs 
stood him in little stead. Yet the Arverni 
alone were two hundred thousand in number ; 
but they were daunted by the elephants of the 
Romans. Before the battle, Bituit, on seeing 
*the smallness of the Roman army, in close le- 
gionary column, had exclaimed, ** There are 
not enough there to serve my dogs for one 

Rome laid her hand on the Allobroges, and 
declared them her subjects ; thus securing the 
gate of the Alps. The proconsul Domitius re- 
stored the Phcenician high-road, and named it 
after himself, {Via Domitia.) Succeeding con- 
suls had only to push on towards the west, be- 
tween Marseilles and the Arverni. (b. c. 120- 
118.) They made their way towards the Pyre- 
nees, and founded, almost on the threshold of 
Spain, a powerful colony, Narbo- Martins, (Nar- 
bonne.) This was the second Roman colony 
out of Italy ; the first had been sent to Carthage. 
Joined to the sea by works of immense labor, 
it had, in imitation of the metropolis, its capitol, 
its senate, its baths, and amphitheatre. It was 
the Gallic Rome, and the rival of Marseilles. 
The Romans were desirous that their influence 
in Gaul should no longer depend on their an- 
cient ally. 

They were peaceably establishing themselves 
in these countries, when an unforeseen event, 
immense and appalling as a second deluge, 
nearly swept away all, with Italy herself That 
barbarian world which Rome had with such 
rude hand pent up in the north — existed never- 
theless. Those Cymry, whom she had exter- 
minated at Bologna and Sinigaglia, had brothers 
in Germany. Gauls and Germans, Cymry and 
Teutons, flying, it is said, before an overflow 
of the Baltic, turned their steps southward. 
(b. c. 113-101.) They had ravaged all Illyria, 
defeated at the gates of Italy a Roman general 
who had wished to bar their entrance into 
Noricum, and had turned the Alps by making 
through Helvetia, whose principal people, Um- 
brians or Ambrons, Tigurini (Zurich) and Tug- 
heni (Zug) swelled their horde. The whole 
mass, numbering three hundred thousand fight- 
ing men, penetrated into Gaul ; their families — 
old men, women, and children — followed in 
wagons. In the north of Gaul they recognised 
some ancient Cimbric tribes, and left, it is said, 
part of their booty in their charge. But, as 
hey passed, they laid waste, burned, and crea- 

• Pnul. Orm. 1, v. Fabiuii . . . B^k^o cum parvo exorcltu 
occurrit. ut Biiuitas pnucitAtcm Romnnoriim vix ad escam 
canlbiu, quos In agmine habebat, rafBeere powe Jactaret 

ted a famine in Central Gaul. To give the 
torrent way, the rural population betook them- 
selves to the towns, and were reduced to snefa 
extremity of starvation as to be compelled to 
eat human flesh.* Arrived on the banks of the 
Rhone, the barbarians learned that the opposite 
side of the river was still the Roman empirs. 
whose frontiers they had already met with ic 
Illyria, in Thrace, and Macedonia. Strucli 
with superstitious respect by the immensity of 
the great empire of the south, they said to thif 
governor of the Province, M. Silanus, with the 
confiding simplicity of the German race, ** thad 
if Rome gave them lands, they would willinglj 
fight for her." Silanus haughtily replied thaa 
Rome wanted not their services ; crossed thi 
Rhone, and was defeated. P. Cassius, the con- 
sul, who then came to the defence of the Pro- 
vince, was slain, Scanrus, his lieutenant, taken 
and his army sent under the yoke by the Hel- 
vetii, not far from the lake of Geneva. Th< 
barbariansi emboldened, were for crossing tlu 
Alps ; and their only doubt was, whether thej 
should exterminate the Romans or reduce thea 
to slavery. In the heat of their noisy debate 
they thought of questioning their prisoner Scaa- 
rus ; but maddened by his bold replies, one ol 
them ran his sword through his body. Never- 
theless, reflection followed ; and they deferrec 
crossing th^ Alps. It may be, the words ol 
Scaurus were the salvation of Italy. 

The Gallic Tectosagi, of Tolosa, (Toulouse,] 
descended from the same fathers as the Cini' 
bri, summoned them to their aid against th< 
Romans, whose yoke they had thrown oflT. Thi 
Cimbri came up too late. The consul, C. Ser 
vilius Cspio, stormed the town, and sacked it 
What with the gold and silver formerly carrier 
oflf by the Tectosagi from the pillage of Delphi 
the riches of the Pyrenean mines, and the 
wealth which was nailed up in one of its tem- 
ples, or thrown into a neighboring lake in vo- 
tive oflfering by the Gauls, Tolosa was the rich- 
est city of Gaul. Ca*pio collected, it is said, f 
hundred and ten thousand pounds weight of 
gold, and fifteen hundred thousand of silver. 
He ordered this treasure to Marseilles ; bul 
had it waylaid and carried oflf by creatures of 
his own, who murdered its escort. All who 
touched this fatal prey died a miserable death, 
and hence the saying — " He has Tolosan gold^ 
to express the victim of an implacable fatality. 

Forthwith, Caepio, through jealousy of a col- 
league, his inferior in birth, chooses lo encamp 
and fight apart, and insults the deputies sent by 
the barbarians to the other consul. Boiling 
with rage, they solemnly vow to the pods what- 
soever shall fall into their hands. Out of eighty 
thousand soldiers and forty thousand slaves oi 
camp followers, only ten men are said to have 
escaped ; of these, Caepio was one. Tlic bar- 
barians religiously kept their oath. They slein 

• ra»«r. Bell. Gall. 1. vli. c. 77. In nppidn compulrj, ai 
innpii nuharti, coram corporibiiH. qui ctate inulileii ad W 
Inm videbantor, vitam toteraverant. 


llarin* takes Uw enmoMiid 
of the Kooma wmj. 


The suceen of Marim A \ 

over the Gaub. ^* 





erery living being they found in either camp, 
collected the arms, and threw gold, silver, and 
even the horses, into the Rhone.* 


This victory, as terrible as that of Cannae, 
placed Italy within their grasp. The fortune 
of Rome stayed them in the rrovince, and di- 
tected them towards the Pyrenees. Thence, 
the Cinibri dispersed themselves over Spain — 
the other barbarians waiting for them in Gaul. 

While thus losing their time and wearing 
themselves out in contending with the moun- 
tuns and the obstinate courage of the Celtiberi, 
RiMne, in her alarm, had recalled Marius from 
Africa. The man of Arpinum alone, in whom 
til the Italians recognised one of themselves, 
eoold reassure Italy and arm it to a man against 
the barliarians. This hardy soldier, almost as 
terrible to his own countrymen as to the enemy, 
ind savage as the Cimbri whom he was about 
to oppose, was to Rome a saving god. For 
the four years that the barbarians were looKed 
for, neither the people, nor even the senate, 
eoald make up their minds to nominate any 
other than Marius, consul. No sooner did he 
reach the Province, than he set about harden- 
ing the soldiers by making them undertake 
irorks of prodigious labor. He caused them to 
excavate the Fossa Mariana, which facilitated 
his communications with the sea, and enabled 
ihips to avoid the mouth of the Rhone and its 
Moid bars. At the same time he overpowered 
the Tectosages, and secured the fidelity of the 
jirovince before the barbarians put themselves 
u motion. 

At length, the latter turned towards Italy ; 
the only country of the west, which had yet 
eaeaped their ravages. They were forced to 
separate by the difficulty of finding food for so 
larire a multitude. The Cimbri and Tigurini 
took the road through Helvetia and Noricum. 
A ahorter road was to lead the Ambrons and 
Teutons over the bodies of Marius' legions, 
across the Maritime Alps, right into Italy ; and 
they were to rejoin the Cimbri on the banks of 

Secure in the intrenched camp, from which 
he watched them — at first near Aries, then un- 
der the walls of Aque Sextias, (Aix,) Marius 
persisted in declining battle. He wished to 
accustom his soldiers to the sight of these bar- 
barians, with their enormous stature, savage 
kwks, and strange arms and garments. Their 
king, Teutobochus, could vault over four or 
eren six horses, placed side by side ;t when 
ied in triumph at Rome, he was taller than the 
trophies. IJefilin? before the intrenchments, 
the barbarians defied the Romans with a thou- 
•aod insults — " Have yuu no message for your 

* Vmx\. Offoa. 1. V. c. 16. Anniin arKentnmqae In flamen 
SliieetTiiii . . . rqni ipsi ^ inritiboa immerai. 

T Flfini.«. 1. lit. Rex Teatobocbns, quatemoa senoaqae 
•qpwa tnuudUre aotitoa. 



wives," they cried, "ire shall soon be with 
them." One day, one of these giants of the 
North came up to the very gates of the camp, 
to challenge Afarius. The general returned 
him for answer, that if he was weary of life, 
he could go and hang himself; the Goth insist- 
ing, he sent out a gladiator to him. Thus he 
diverted the impatience of his men ; while he 
had information of what passed in the hostile 
camp through the young Sertorius, who spoke 
their tongue, and mingled with them under favor 
of a Gallic dress. 

To inspire his soldiers with more eager de- 
sire for battle, Marius had pitched his camp up- 
on a hill where there was no water, but which 
overlooked a river, ** You are men,'' he said to 
them, "you can have water for blood." A 
skirmish soon took place on the banks of the 
river. The Ambrons alone were engaged in 
this first trial of strength, and the Romans A^ere 
at first discouraged by their war-cry of " Am- 
brons, Amlfrons,'*^ which, shouted in their buck- 
lers, sounded like the roaring of wild beasts ; 
nevertheless, the Romans came off victorious. 
However, they were repulsed from the enemy's 
camp by the women of the Ambrons, who, arm- 
ing themselves in defence of their freedom and 
their children, struck from the top of their wag- 
ons without distinction of friends or enemies. 
The whole night long the barbarians bewailed 
their dead with savage howls, that repeated by 
the echoes of the mountains and of the river 
struck terror even into the breasts of the vic- 
tors. Two days aAerwards, Marius drew on a 
second engagement by means of his cavalry. 
The Ambro-Teutons, carried away by their 
courage, crossed the river, and were over- 
whelmed in its bed. A body of three thousand 
Romans took them in the rear, and decided the 
fate of the day. According to the most mod- 
erate computation, a hundred thousand of the 
barbarians were killed or taken. The valley, 
enriched by their blood, became celebrated for 
its fertility. The inhabitants of the district 
used nothing else than the bones of the slain to 
enclose and prop their vines ; and the name 
given to the plain of Campi putridi (the putrid 
fields) is still recalled by that of the village of 
Pourrieres. As for the booty, the army resigned 
it wholly to Marius, who, alter a solemn sacri- 
fice, burnt it in honor of the gods. A pyramid 
was raised to Marius, a temple to \ ictory ; 
and an annual processi(m to the church of St. 
Victoire, built on the site of the temple, sub- 
sisted uninterruptedly down to the period of the 
French Revolution. The pyramid remained to 
the fifteenth century, and Pourrieres took as 
its arms the triumph of Marius, as represent- 
ed on one of the bas-reliefs with which it was 

Meanwhile, the Cimbri had crossed the Noric 
Alps, and descended into the valley of the 
Adige. The soldiers of Catulus beheld them 

* Am. Thieny, UUt. dei Gaol. vol. U. p. S96. 


TIm raccns of Marini 
over the Gauk. 


Tbe Cimbric women f u.e» 
tk7 tbemsdve*. ( 1<& 

with terror, sporting, half naked, amonff the 
snow-wreaths and ice, and sliding on their huck- 
lers from the tops of the Alps over the preci- 

Eices.* Catulus, a mere disciplinarian, thought 
imself safe behind the Adige, and under the 
cover of a small fort, which he imagined the 
barbarians would waste their time in forcing. 
They threw in rocks, laid a whole forest upon 
them, and crossed. The Romans fled; and 
did not stop till they were covered by the Po. 
The Cimbri thought not of pursuing them. 
While waiting the arrival of the Teutons, they 
ffave themselves up to the enjoyment of the 
Italian soil and sky, and suffered themselves to 
be conquered by the sweets of the soft and 
beautiful country. The wine, the bread, — all 
was new to these barbarians,f who melted be- 
fore the southern sun, and the still more ener- 
Tating influence of civilization. 

Marius had time to join his colleague. He 
gave audience to the deputies of the Cimbri, 
whose object was delay — ^** Give us,'*'* they said, 
*^ lands for ourselves, and for our brothers, 
the Teutons " — " Trouble not yourselves about 
iheniy'' answered Marius, " they have lands, 
which toe have given them, and which they will 
keep forever.'*'* And, as the Cimbri threatened 
him with the arrival of the Teutons — " They 
are here,"*"* he said ; " it were not kind should you 
part without saluting them,^^ and he ordered the 
captives to be produced. When the Cimbri 
asked him the place and day that he would 
meet them " to decide whose should he Italy, ^^ 
he appointed the third day from thai, and a 
plain near VerceiL 


Marius had so posted himself that the ene- 
my had the wind, dust, and scorching rays of a 
July sun directly in their faces. The Cimbri 
had formed their infantry in an enormous square, 
the front ranks of which were serried together 
with chains of iron. Their cavalry, fifteen 
thousand strong, was terrible to behold, with 
their casques crowned with the muzzles of wild 
beasts, and their crests — ^the wings of birds.l 
The ground occupied by the barbarian camp 
and army was a league long. As the battle be- 
gan, the wing in which Marius was, fancying 
the enemy*8 cavalry had taken flight, spurred 
on in pursuit, and lost itself in the dust ; while 
the enemy*s infantry, like the waves of a vast 
ocean, rolled on and was broken on the centre, 
where Catulus and Sylla commanded ; and then 
all was an indistinguishable mass of dust. To 
the dust and the sun belonged the principal 
honor of the victory.^ 

* Florux, I. iii. c. 3. Hi Jam (qaii crederetl) per hlemem, 
qne altiu^ Alpei Icvat, Tridentinis Jiigis in Itaiiam provo- 
lutl niini dpstcenderant.— Platarch, in Har. c. S3. To^i 0v 
pto^t nXartli vnortOi^rcs toi; trtaftaatp. 

t Ibid. In Venetii, quo fere tracta Italia molliMima est, 
ipei toll coellquo clomentlA mbnr elani^it. Ad hoc panls 
usu carnlsi|uo cmcUp et dnlcedlne vlnl miUfatos, he. 

% Plutarch, in ftlar. c. 37. 6i}p(wy ^fitpHv x6a^ttin . . . 

% Floras, 1. iU.— Plutarch, in Ifar. c S7. KfVM^red dp- 

The barbarian camp, with the women and 
children, was the next object. These, clad in 
the weeds of wo, sought a promise that their per- 
sons should be respected ; and that they should 
live slaves to the Roman priestesses of fire.* 
(The Germans worshipped the elements.) Their 
prayer rejected, they wrought their own deliv- 
erance. Marriage with these people was a se- 
rious thing. Their symbolical nuptial presents 
— the yoked oxen, the arms, the charger, suf- 
ficiently signified to the virgin that she had be- 
come the companion of her husband^s dangeis 
— ^that the same fate awaited them in life as in 
death, {sic vivendum, sic pereundum. Tacit.) 
It was to his wife that the warrior brought his 
wounds after battle, {ad matres et conjuges wd* 
nera referunt, nee aut iWt numerare aut exigen 
piagas pavent,) She counted and sounded them 
without a tremor ; for death was not to sepa- 
rate them. So, in the Scandinavian poemsi 
Brunhild burns herself on the body of Sieg- 
frid. The first act of the wives of the Cimbri 
was to set their children at liberty by death ; 
they strangled them, or cast them under the 
wheels of their wagons. They then hanged 
themselve^^ ; fastening themselves by a running 
knot to the horns of their oxen, and goading 
them on so as to ensure their being trampled to 
pieces. Their dead bodies were defended by 
the dogs of the horde, which it was found ne- 
cessary to destroy with arrows.f 

So vanished that terrible spectre of the 
North, which had filled Italy with such alarm. 
The word Cymbrtc abided as a synonyme of 
strong and terrible. Rome, however, was un- 
conscious of the heroic genius of these nationSi 
which were one day to destroy her ; she be- 
lieved in her own eternity. All of the Cymbri 
who could be taken prisoners were distributed 
among the towns as public slaves, or devoted 
to glacliatorial uses. 

Marius had the figure of a Gaul, thrusting 
out his tongue — a popular device at Rome from 
the days of Torquatus— carved on his buckler. 
He was hailed by the people as the third found* 
er of Rome, after Romulus and Camillus ; and 
they poured out libations in the name of MariuSi 
as they were wont to do in honor of Bacchof 
or of Jupiter. He himself, intoxicated with 
his triumph over the barbarians of the North 
and of the South, over Germany and the A/W- 
can Indies, would drink thenceforward out of 
that two-handled cup alone, from which, ac- 
cording to tradition, Bacchus had drunk after 
his conquest of India.} 

filvroi dtrXimv . . . awaytavtaaoSat rotf Tw/iafoi( rd Ka9^ 
Kol rdv fiXtop. 

* Paul. OitM. I. ▼. c. 16. Connnlnemnt conralem. at A 
Inviolati castitate vinrtnibos lacris ac dVin i(orvionduiii eneL 
vitam libi retervarent.— FlonM, 1. iii. r. 3. Quuiii. iniasi 
ad Marinm legatione, libertatem ac sacerdotluiu non imp»> 

t Piln. 1. vlll. c. 40. Canes defend^re, Cinibrls ccsia, d»* 
mns eonun planstrls impoaitas. 

t Valer. Max. 1. viil. c. 15. ex. 7. Sallnut, Bell. Jng . ai 
ealc " From that Ume he waa considered the hupe aad 
strenfth of the itate.*'— Veil. Paterc. L ii. c. 12. •• Such a 





BE gmt erent of the Cymbric inTasEon 

ciaed only a Tenr indirect iniluence oa the 

sie« of Gau), wbich waa iu principal ths- 

The Teutonic Cjmry were too_ bubo- 

lo incoiponte itiemMlvcB with the Gallic 
t, alteady.reclaimed by Druidiam from their 
itite rudeneaa.*' Let ua take a closei 
M at this leligioQ of tfae Dfaldi, which be- 
the morml culture of Gaol, fkciliwed the 
an iovaaioD, ajid cleared the wtj for Chris- 
\y. It mnat hATe attained ita full dfiTetop- 
. and complete liaturitr in the,centuTy pre- 
ig the conqoeat of CnMtJbt may, per- 
, have touched its decline ; M least, She 
ial influence of the Dtuidahaddiniaiabeil. 
In Gaula teem at firat to have worahipped 
rial objebta, the phenomena aod ageata of 
re i lakda, foantaiaa, atones, treea, wioda, 
i^cially, the terrible Kirk.\,. la time, thia 

worship waa elcTated; and generaliied. 
tt beiogs, tbeae phenomena, Jnd their re- 
tire ^nioB aaaisned ihem/ and ao had 
M and tribes. /Hence, the thunder- spirit, 
■n ;t Vaieguaflhe apotheosis of the Voa- 

PenfiiniM, of the Alps J Xri'uiRRa,of Ar- 
es : heoee, the Gtnitu of theArvemi; Bi- 
'«, the goddess and city of the ^dui ; 
Uia, amodg the HelTetii ; NtToatuus (Ni»- 

among the Arecomici, &c. 
t a step further in abatraetion, the general 
:n of natureyAnJ those of the human aoul 
of society Were likewise deified/* Taran 
me the god of heaven — the nilef and arbi- 
f the world./ The aun, under the name of 

or Belen, called into existence healing 
la, and presided over medicine ; Hem or 
u, over war ;^ Teutates, over trade and 
nerce. Even eloquence and poetry had 

syoibot in OgmiutJ^ armed like Hercules 

mace and bow, and drawing after bim men 
oed by the ear to gold and amber chains 
h iaaued from his mouth. 

The reaerablance became identity when Gaul, 
Bubilued by Rome, had undergone but for a few 
years only the influence of Roman ideas. For 
ilicn, the Gallic polytheism, honored and fa- 
vored by the emperors, was finally fused in that 
of Italy ; while Druidiam, its mysteries, doc- 

inU, and priesthood, were proscribed with the 

laatt severity. 


ly IVom wlabLnf thAI 

Ik rolliiwlBi Kcoaat of the n1l|ton of Uw GuDli li 
J bnrroveA (nm Ihfi frmlleDt work of An. Tbleny. 

■. ap Blnti, 1. It.— P. Om. 1. v. c It. Greg, Tum. 

' Uw Iilih nn allfd Orktm. 

lUaid. d'Hsnonn. VtlliBHT, uid Bnnfon, Ei Die 
tmmf it Rabn HtbenkU. fcc. 

U^i, lad Iks Opni isnmUsd iboM aOM Bnolc 

The Druids taught that matter and spirit are 
eti:rniU ^'4hat the substance of the universe 
siilisistB unaltered through the perpetual vatia- 
iinii of phenomenai^at these are under the 
alternate influence of fire and water ;f and, 
tinilly, the doctrine of the metempsychosis,} 
MJih which was connected the moral idea of re- 
wiirds and punishment. They taught that the 
ir;inaraigration of the human soul into animals 
iiilorior to man, waa a state of trial and of chas- 
tisement; and even proclaimed itn<i(Aerv>oWd,& 
■i. world of happiness, where the soul preserved 
its identity, its paasions, and its habits. At 
funerals, letteta were buret, which the dead 
were to read, or to deliver, to those who had 
gone before them ;| and, often, money waa lent, 
on condition of repayment In the other world.^ 

The combination of these two notiona of the 
meidmpaycbosis and of another life, formed the 
busit of the system of the Draids. But their 
kniivledge did not end here; they weremetaphy- 
^K-i^na, natural philosophera, physicians, and 
aliiive all, astronomers** ss well. Theiryear waa 
I'liiiiposedoflunationB, whence the aaaertion of the 
Romans that the GauIs meaaured time by nights 
and not by days i^ custom which they account- 
ed for from Ih/infernal origin of that people, 
and their descent from Pluto. ff /The medicine 
uf (be Druids was wholly fouHded on ma^o. 
Till! Samolus (marshwort, or fen berry) was to 
be gathered fasting, and with the left hand, 
was to be torn up without looking at it, and so 

' Unu, 1. VL c. 14. Dtodor. Bic. I. *. p. 3M. Vsl. Hu 

I ><ini», r. It. p, IffT. •AfSioTOBi Af vawi rii ijn>v^ n 
r&r Ki9fieif triwfivr^liif it to-h rot vip ital i6Llp.^-^^wsa^ 

I. Ualt,LUl.c.a. FUI.I.XT1.C.M. 

Druidieal prmctieei and 


DbeipIiTM and hienrehj 
oftlM Drukb. 

thrown into the waterin^r-places of the cattle ; lUws. One order of priestesses could udt 
against whose diseases it was a presenrativ^ip'The future only to their polluters ; another w 
The gathering of the selago (hedge-hvpiop) devoted to perpetual virginity ; a third, although 

required preparation by ablutions, and an offer- 
ing of bread and wine ; the gatherer went to 
seek it bare-footed, and arrayed in white ; as 
soon as he descried the plant he stooped as if 
accidentally, and slipping his right hand under 
his left arm, plucked it without ever using the 
knife, and then wrapped it in a napkin, which 
was to be used but once.t There was a dis- 
tinct ceremonial for the gathering of vervain. 
But the universal remedy, the panacea, as the 
Druids called it,t was the famous mistletoe, 
which they believed to be sown on the oak by 
a Divine hand ; and they saw in the union of 
their sacred tree, with the lasting verdure of 
the parasitic plant, a living symbol of the doc- 
trine of immortality. It was gathered in winter, 
last as it flowers, when the plant is most readi- 
ly distinguishable, and when its long green 
branches and leaves, and yellow tufls of flowers, 
present the only image of life to be seen where 
all nature around is dead and sterile. § 

The mistletoe was to be cut when the moon 
was six days old. It was gathered by a Druid 
in white robes, who mounted the tree, and, with 
a golden sickle, severed the root of the plant, 
which was caught by his fellow-Druids in a 
white cloak, for it was essential that it should 
not touch the ground. || Two white bulls were 
then sacrificed, which had never borne the yoke. 

The Druids foretold the future by the flight 
of birds, and inspection of the entrails of the 
beasts sacrificed. They also manufactured 
talismans ; such as the amber beads, worn by 
the warriors in battle, and which are often met 
with in their tombs. But the choicest talis- 
man was the serpent'* s egg.^ Their notions re- 
specting the egg and serpent, call to mind the 
cosmogonic egg of oriental mythology, as well 
as the metempsychosis and the eternal renova- 
tion of which the serpent was the emblem. 

Female magicians, and prophetesses, were 
affiliated to the Druidieal order, but without 
partaking its prerogatives. Their rule of life 
imposed on them fantastical and contradictory 

* Plln. 1. zxiv. G. 11. 


Omnia Monantem appellantes. Plin. I. xvi. c. 44. 

Plln. 1. xvl. c. 44.— Vlff . iEn. 1. vl. 

Plln. I. xvl. c. 44. 

Plln. 1. zxlx. c. 44. This pretended egg seems to have 
been nothing more than an cchinlte, or petrified sea-urchin. 
In siunmRf time, says Pliny, vast nombers of serpents 
fteqnent certain caverns of Gaul, where they blend and 
twine together, and with their saliva, combined with the 
llrnth that oozei out of their skin, produce this kind of egg. 
When It U perfect, they raise it and support it In the air by 
their hissings. This is the moment to seize It. Some one, 
placed in watch for the purpose, darts out, catches the egg 
Li a napkin, le:«ps on a horse which is In readiness, and 
nliops off at full xpeed to escape the serpents, who follow 
him until he puui a river between them. The egg was to be 
borne away at a certain period of the moon. It was tried 
by plunging It into water. If It swam, although encircled 
by a ring of gold, it empowered Its possessor to gain biw- 
■olts, and necured him a free access to kings. The Druids 
wore It, richly enchased, oi their necks, aiul sold it at ex- 
tnvagant prices 

permitted to marry, was enjoined long periods 
of celibacy. Sometimes, these females had t* 
assist at nocturnal sacrifices, with their nakaA 
bodies dyed black, their hair dishevelled, an! 
abandoning themselves to transports of phrensj.* 
The greater number of them dwelt on the wiM 
reefs, which are scattered throughout the Ai^ 
morican Archipelago! At Sena~(SeiQ).,wa8 thm 
celebrated oracle of the nine terriblevTTgis^ 
called Senes, from the name of their island.4 
The privilege of consulting them was confined 
to seamen ; and even they must have made tbt 
voyage for the express purpose. I These vir- 
gins knew the future ; cured incurable ailments ( 
predicted and raised tempests. 

The priestesses of Nannettes inhabited aa 
island at the mouth of the Lioire. Althougk 
married, man was forbidden to approach their 
dwelling. At certain prescribed periods, they 
visited their husbands on the continent ; wheOi 
leaving their island at night-fall, in bmall boati 
which they managed themselves, they passel^ 
the night in huts prepared for their receptid.' 
As soon as day broke, tearing themselves fnNi 
the arms of their husbands, they hurried to their 
skiflfs, and rowed back to their solitudes.^ ft 
was their bounden task every year, crownai 
with ivy and green garlands, to pull down aoi 
rebuild the roof of their tempip, in the spaet 
between sunset and sunset ; when, if one of 
them chanced to let any of the sacred material 
fall on the ground, she was lost — her compaa* 
ions rushed upon her with fearful cries, toif 
her in pieces, and scattered her mangled body 
to the winds. II The Greeks conceived thii 
they recognised in these rites the worship of 
Bacchus ; and they also likened to the orgiti 
of Samothrace, other Druidieal orgies celebrat- 
ed in an island ofi'the coast of Brittany,^ whenof 
the sailor heard with fear on the open sea furih 
ous cries, and the clashing of barbarian cyai* 


If the religion of the Druids did not institutei 
it at least adopted and kept up the practice of 
human sacrifice. The priests plunged theii 
knives above the diaphragm of the victim, aai 
drew their prognostics from the position ii 
which he fell, the convulsions of his limbs, tlM 
abundance and color of his blood. At timfl 
they crucified him on stakes within the templet 
or shot him to death with darts and arrows.** 
Frequently they reared a colossus of wicker 
work or hay, and, having filled it with livin( 

• Plln. 1. xxll. c. 2. Tacit Annal. 1. xiv. 

Gain Senas vocant. Mela, 1. iU. c. 5. 


Strabo, 1. iv. p. 196. 
„ Ibid.— Dionys. Pericf . v. 565. et sqq. 


AoBoa] MMnUf of IIm 
Dtaidieal Imnidiy. 




kaun Tictims, a priest threw into it a lighted 
tKth, and the whole soon disappeared in eddies 
if fire and smoke.* Undoubtedly, these hor- 
nUe ofierings were often redeemed by votive 

fi, by casting ingots of gold and silver into 
lakes, or nailing them up in the temples, t 
A word as to the hierarchy. It comprised 
Ikee distinct orders. The lowest order was 
hi of the bards, who handed down orally the 

rsalogies of the clans, and sang upon the rotte 
exploits of the chiefs and the national tradi- 
ins. Next came the priesthood, properly so 
idled, consisting of the Ovates (or fiubages) 
ad Druids. The Ovates had the charge of 
tke ceremonials of worship, and celebrated the 
•erifices. To them belonged especially the 
Implication of the natural sciences to religion, 
Mfonomy, divination, &c. Interpreters of the 
Draids, no civil or religious act was complete 
vithout their ministration.! 

The Druids (men of the oaks^) were the 
Aowning order of the hierarchy. In them 
dwelt power and knowledge. Theology, mo- 
llis, all the higher acquisitions, were their pri- 
vilege.! They were elective. Initiation into 
Ike order, which was accompanied by severe 
trials, sometimes lasted twenty years ; for they 
had to commit to memory all priestly lore, 
ioching being intrusted to writing, at least un- 
til the period that they became acquainted with 
the Greek characters.^ 

A solemn assembly of Druids was held once 
fcyear in the territory of the Carnoti, in a sacred 
ipot which was deemed the centre of all Gaul ; 
id to this the peodle flocked from the most 
liiUnt provinces. The Druids then left their 
nlitudes, and gave judgment, seated in the midst 
af the multitude. Here, undoubtedly, was 
chosen the Archdruid, whose office was to 
preserve the institution in its integrity ; and 
us election, not unfrequently, gave rise to civil 

Now, even had Druidism not been weakened 
by these divisions, the solitary life to which 
Bost members of the order seem to have been 
vowed, must have rendered it incapable of any 
vigorous action on the people. 1 he case was 
different from that of Egypt, where the popula- 
tion was massed on a narrow base. The Gauls 
were dispersed over the forests and marshes of 
Iheir wild country, and were exposed to the 
hizards of a barbarous and warlike life. Dru- 
idism had no firm hold on so scattered and 
Mated a people ; and they early escaped its 

Thus GauU at the time of Caesar^s invasion,** 

* Cxnar, 1. ri. c 10. Btrebo, 1. iv. p. 198. 
t ^ Ht Tnnlfra^e. See p. 40. 

t OiircK upavoioi tal f9(no\6yoi. Stnbo^ 1. Iv. p. 119. 
BM. i. ▼. p. 308. Amin. Mnrc. 1. xv. c. 9. 
% Dem. (C)-inricO Dent, (Annorican,) D«r, (Gaelic,)— 

I Diod. 1. ▼. p. aOB. Btimbo, L !▼. p. 197. Amm. Marc. 
L IV. r. 9. 

f Ca>mr, 1. ▼!. c. 14. 

** On the cbanfea that occmred in the Roman province, 
te fte iBicnml fc t tw i w i Maitni sad Gbmt, eoosalt Am. 

seems to have been utterly powerless to organ- 
ize itself. The old spirit of clanship and war- 
like feeling of independence which Druidism 
should have repressed, had gained new vigor ; 
though inequality of strength, indeed, had estab- 
lished a sort of hierarchy among the tribes, 
some of which were clients of the others, as 
the Carnuti of the Remi, the Senones of the 
i£dui, &c. (Now, Chartres, Reims, Sens, 

Cities had been formed ; places of refuge, as 
it were, in the midst of this life of war. But 
the tillers of the ground were wholly serfs ; so 
that Cesar might well say, " There are only 
two orders in Gaul, the Druids and the Knights 
(equites.)'* The Druids were the weakest. It 
was a Druid of the ^dui who called in the 


I have elsewhere spoken of Cesar, and of the 
motives which decided that marvellous man to 
abandon Rome so long for Gaul, and exile him- 
self that he might return master. Italy was 
exhausted ; Spain untameable ; Gaul was es- 
sential to the subjugation of the world. Fain 
would I have seen that fair and pale counte- 
nance,* prematurely aged by the debaucheries 
of the capital — fain have seen that delicate and 
epileptic man,t marching in the rains of Gaul 
at the head of his legions, and swimming across 
our rivers ; or else, on horseback, between the 
litters in which his secretaries were carried, 
dictating even eix letters at a time, shaking 
Rome from the extremity of Belgium, sweeping 
from his path two millions of men,t and subdu- 
ing in ten years Gaul, the Rhine, and the ocean 
of the north, (b. c. 58-49.) 

This barbarous and bellicose chaos of Gaul, 
was a superb material for such a genius. The 
Gallic tribes were on every side calling in the 
stranger, Druidism was in its decline. It seems 
to have prevailed in the two Brittanies, and in 
the basins of the Seine and Loire. ^ But in 

Thierry. Great part of Aqnltalne followed the example of 
Spain, and declared for Bertorius ; and from Caul l^pidoa 
invaded Italy. But tliyUa's party irainrd the day. Aquitaine 
was reduced by Pompey, who founded niiliutry colonien at 
TouloQrte, at Blterre, (Is^zien.) and at Xarbonne, (a. c. 75,) 
and collected all the exilen who infested the Pynmefia into 
hill new town of Canvenm, (a word nlgnifying iin anM^niblafe 
of men from all quarters.) now St. Bortrind do CouuuinKes. 
The chief agent of the violences of SyllaN party in Gaol 
had been one Fontelus, whom Cir/>ro m:in:ifi(>d to |R*t ac- 
quitted. (See Orat. pro Fonteio.) Th(> sutfrrincn of Roman 
tinul nearly drove the ambassadors of the All(»bn)geit Into 
Catiline's conspiracy. See my History of Rome. 

* Suet in J. Crs. c. 45. Fuisse tmditur culori^ candido. 

t Id. Ibid. Comltlaii quoqne morbo bis inter res gercndas 
correptus est. 

X Suet. Plut pagsim. Plin. vil. 35. Eleven hundred and 
ninety-two thousand men before the civil wars. The same 
writer, speaking of ('a>sar, says, " His genius could grasp 
every snbiect, even the sublimost, and iu quickness was 
like fire — ho could dictate four letters at a time, on import- 
ant business, to his secretaries, and, if not occupied with 
anv thing else, as many as seven." 

{ The Camutes. (Chartre«,) a Druidical tribe, were clients 
of the Remi. (Reims.) The Senones, (Sens.) who had 
connections with the Camutes and Parisii, had been vassals 
or cUests of the iEdai, (AatnUf) as perhaps the Biturtaii 



EitarmiMtioa of tte C%c 
TiffiniaL \ ML 

the south the Arrerni and all the IberuD aet- 
tlere of Aquitaine had, for the most part, re- 
mained faithful to their herediury chiefs. Id 
Celtic Gaul even, the Druids had been able to j 
lesist the old spirit of clanship only by favoring : 
the establishment of a free population in the | 
toMms, whose chiefs or patrons were at least ; 
elective, like the Druids. Thus two factions 
divided the whole of the Gallic states ; the he- 
reditary, or that of the chiefs of clans ; the 
elective, or that of the Druids and temporary j 
chiefs of the inhabitants of the towns.* At I 
the head of the latter were the ^dui ; the j 
leaders of the first were the Arvemi and Se- 
quani; and here began the enmity between 
Burgundy (the i£dui) and Franche-Comte, 
(the Sequani.) The Seqoani, oppressed by the 
ilEdui, who blocked up the navigation of the 
Saone. and interrupted their lucrative traffic in 
8wine,f summoned from Germany tribes, to 
whum Dniidism was unknown, and who went 
under the common name of Soevi. These bar- 
barians asked no better. They crossed the 
Rhine, led by an Ariovist, defeated the i£dui, 
and imposed a tribute on them. They treated 
their inviters, the Sequani, worse; depriving 
them of the third of their lands, according to 
the custom of German conquerors, and ill- 
treating them all the same. Reconciled by 
misfortune, the i£dui and Sequani then sought 
the aid o( other foreigners. Two brothers were 
all-powerful among the ^dui. Dumnorix, en- 
riched by the taxes and tolls, the monopoly of 
which he had secured either forcibly or in gift, 
had acquired popularity among the poorer in- 
habitants of the towns, and aspired to the sov- 
ereignty. Leaguing himself with the Helvetian 
Gauls, he married one of their countrywomen, 
and enticed that people to leave their sterile val- 
leys for the rich plains of Gaul. The other 
brother, who was a Druid — a title in all proba- 
bility identical uith that of Divitiacus, which 
Cesar gives as his proper name — sought less 
barbarous liberators for his country, lie re- 
paired to Rome, and implored the assistance of 
the senate,} which had called the ^dui kin- 
dred and friends of the Roman people. But 
the chief of the Suevi also appealed to the 
same quarter, and managed to get himself as 
well styled the friend of Rome. Influenced, 
probably, by the impending invasion of the 
llelvetii, the senate contracted alliance with 

(Remy) bad also been. Cnar, Bell. Gall. L vi. c. 4. and 

• Cc^r. 1. I. c. 16. •• The FergtiretuM. (Ver-fo-breltb. 
Gaelic. ' min for judinnenC) who is chosen annually, and 
haa Uie pnw^r of liio and death over hbi countrymen.** — 
L. tU. c. 33. " Dy th«> laws of the iEdnl. their chief mafl^ 
tralea cnulil mit lenve the country. The law h1»o forbade the 
chooflnc two livine nif>niber9 of the same fiimily ma|tistrate«, 
or even tint two «h<iuld nit at the same time in the Mnate.** 
— L. V. r. 27. " TliPir polity was so constitnted, that the 
maltitiiile had not \k*9 power over their chief than be over 
them.*' And pa*$tm. 

t Btriho. I. VI. p. 173. " Hence the Boman market baa ita 
faest '•npiily of suited swine.** 

X Clc de Divln. L 

For three years these mountaineers had madi 
preparations which clearly showed that the? 
wished to render return impossible. They hil 
burnt their twelve towns and four hundred rSh 
lages, and destroyed the moveables and profi- 
sions which they could not carry along with 
them. The rumor ran that they intended tt 
traverse the whole breadth of Gaul, and estab- 
hsh themselves in the west, in the country of 
the Santones, (Saintes.) Beyond doubt, thef 
hoped to enjoy a more timnquil life on the shorei 
of the great ocean than in their rude Helvetia, 
which formed the central battle-field of all thf 
people of the ancient world, Gauls, Cimbrii 
Teutons, Suevi, and Romans. Including wo- 
men and children, they numbered three hundrei 
and seventy-eight thousand souls : and it wu 
the difficulty of transporting so vast a multi- 
tude, which made them prefer the road through 
the Roman province. They found the way 
barred at the very beginning by Cvsar, who 
was posted n^r Geneva, and who kept them m 
play long enough to gain time to throw up b^ 
tween the lake and Mount Jura a wall sixteei 
feet high, and nearly six miles long. Thef 
were thus compelled to plunge into the rugged 
valleys of the Jura, traverse the country of tht 
Sequani, and to ascend the Sa6ne. Coming op 
with them as they were crossing this river, Ca- 
sar fell on the Tigurini while they were cut of 
from the main body, and exterminated the wholf 
tribe. His provisions failing, owing to the iU- 
will of Dumnorix and of the party who had 
called in the Helvetii, he was constrained to 
retire on Bibracte, (Autun.) The Helvetii, 
construing this retrograde movement into i 
flight, pursued him in their turn. Placed thn 
between enemies and disaffected allies, Ccail 
extricated himself from the dilemma by a bloodi 
victory. Once more overtaking the Helvetii, 
in their flight to the Rhine, he forced them til 
surrender their arms, and to pledge themselvei 
to return to their own country. Six thousand 
of them \yho had fled in the night, in order ta 
escape this disgrace, were brought back by the 
Roman cavalry, and, to use Cesar's own lan- 
guage, treated as enemies,* 


To have repulsed the Helvetii was nothini 
if the Suevi invaded Gaul. Their mirrratioBl 
were constant, and had already carried "there a 
hundred and twenty thousand fighting men. 
Gaul was about to become Germany. '^ CiPStt 
aflfected to yield to the prayers of the JEM 
and Sequani, oppressed by barbarians. " Thi 
same Druid who had solicited the assistance d 
Rome, undertook to explore the road and tl 
guide C»sar to Ariovistus. The chief of the 
Suevi, who had obtained the title of ally of th( 
Roman people from Cesar himself, while co» 

• Cnar, 1. L c «. 

'BdaetoM in boatisB 


DilarniiM* to ■nbdua A*t 

creeping plants. Bat, with their superioritj of 
arms, the Pizarros and Cortes waged a certain 
war; and what were the Peruvians compared 
with the hardy and choleric Bellovaci and Ner- 
vii, (Picardy, Hainault, Flanders,) who march- 
ed on Cesar a hundred thousand at a time! 
Through the mediation of the Divitiac of the 
i£dui,* the BeIlo?aci and Suessiones were 
brought over ; but the Nenrii, supported by the 
Atrebates and Veromandui, surprised the Ro- 
man army on its march along the Sambre, in 
the depth of their forests, and fancied them- 
seWes sure of its destruction. Cssar was 
obliged to seize a standard and lead his men 
on ; and the gallant Nervii were exterminated. 
Their allies, the Cimbri, alarmed by the works 
with which the Roman general was surround- 
ing their town, feigned to surrender, threw 
down part of their arms from the walls, and 
then made a sortie with the rest. Cssar sold 
fiftv-three thousand of them into slavery. 

No longer concealing his design of subduing 
Gaul, he undertook the reduction of all the coast 
tribes. He penetrated the forests and marshes 
of the Menapii and Morini, (Zealand and Guel- 
ders, Ghent, Bruges, Boulogne ;) while one 
of his lieutenants subdued the Unelli, Kbnrovi- 
ces, and Lexovii, (Coutances, Evreux, Li- 
sieux ;) and another, the young Crassus, con- 
quered Aquitaine, although the barbarians had 
summoned to their aid from Spain the old 
brothers-in-arms of Sertorius.f Caesar himself 
attacked the Veneti, and other tribes of our 
Brittany. This amphibious race inhabited nei- 
ther the land nor the water. Their forts, erect- 
ed on peninsulas alternately inundated and de- 
serted by the tide, could be besieged neither by 
the one nor the other. The Veneti maintained 
a constant communication with the other Brit- 
ain, and was supplied from it. To reduce them, 
it was necessary to be master of the sea. No- 
thing checked Caesar. He built vessels, formed 
sailors, and taught them to secure the Breton 
ships by using grappling irons, and cutting their 
ropes. He treated hardly this hard people ; but 
the lesser Britain could only be conquered 
through the greater. Caesar made up his mind 
to invade it. 

This barbarian world of the west which he 
had underuken to Ume, was threefold. Gaul 

vas amazed at being attacked by him. 
is,** said the barbarian, '* is my Gaul, — my 
; yea have yours, — if you leave me in 
s, you will be the gainers, for I will fight 
Nir wars, without youf incurring trouble or 

Are you ignorant what manner of men the 
nans are ? It is now more than fourteen 
I since we have slept under a roof"* These 
a told but too deeply on the Roman army. 
hat bad been reported of the stature and 
ity of these northern giants terrified the 
ler race of the south ;f and nothing was 

seen in the camp but men making their 
Caesar shamed them by saying, ** if you 
rt me, I shall still go on ; the tenth legion 
ough for me." Then leading them to Be- 
Mi, he masters the city, pushes on to the 
» of the barbarians,' which was not far 

the Rhine, forces them to give battle, al- 
irh they were desirous of deferring it till 
lew moon, and destroys them in a desperate 
gement, almost all the fugitives perishing 
e river. 

le Belgae, and other Gauls of the north, 
ing, and not without probability, that if the 
ana had expelled the Suevi, it was only to 
Fed them as masters of the land, formed a 
coalition ; of which Cesar took advantage 
iter Belgium. He had with him, as guide 
interpreter, tjie Divitiac of the -^dui,^ 
itiactu;) an^ was called in by the Se- 
8, ancient vassals of the ^dui, and by the 
i, suzerains of the Druidical territory of 
^arnuti.^ It is probable that these tribes, 
ted to Dniidism — or at least to the popular 
r — hailed with pleasure the arrival of the 
d of the Druids, and relied on opposing 

to the northern Belgae, their ferocious 
iibors ; just as, five centuries allerwards, 
I^atholic clergy of Gaul favored the inva- 
of the Arian Visigoths and Burgundians by 

war in the boggy plains and virgin forests 
le Seine and the Mouse would have been 
Dbre and discouraging prospect to any gen- 
less daring than Caesar. Like the conquer- 
yf America, he was often obliged to clear 
lelf a road with the hatchet, to throw bridges 

marshes, and to advance with his legions 
stimes on terra firma, sometimes by fording, 
y swimming. Besides, the Belgae inter- lay between Britain and Germany, and was in 

s the trees of their forests together, as 
I of America are naturally interlaced by 

1. 1, e. 36. aaam vellet, eonfrederetar ; Intellec- 
I qaid invicti f;ennani, exercitatittimi in nrmis, qui 
■aoo* xtv. tectom noa snbiiuent, vlnnte posaenL— 
leslore^ confidence to hia soldien (c 40) by remind- 
VB. tlMt in the war with Spartacat, tbey hiid already 
ad th#i Gennans. 

■aar. 1. f I. c. 30. At the ttefe of Genabum, the GauU 
«• ** How can men of such pigmy •tatnre hope to raiae 
iTjr a tower r* 

wa« thi* DiTitiac who had explored the mad when 

pr«>v^ria^!y marched afalntt tne BaevL L. i. c. 41. — 

Grmi-uis have no Drnida,** sayi Cesar, ** neither do 

nr for vcrifices.** L. t1. c. 21. ApparenUy, they were 

-icir» of the anti-Draidicai party in Gaol. 

r, L iL c 3» and the befiBBing of L vt 

communication with both. The Cimbri were 
in all three countries ; the Helvii and Boii, in 
Germany and Gaul ; the Parisii and Gallic At- 
rebates were found in Britain as veil. In the 

* We find the Divitiac of the XAxA accomprnyinK th« 
Romaaa everywhere, np to the period of the invnKion of 
Britain ; a clrcnmstance calrnlat^ to induce the hollef that 
cinar was about to re-e«tabli«<h in Delirinm the inflacnco 
of the iEdoan, that it, of the Druidicnl and pnpulnr pttrty.— 
L. 11. c 14. Qai>d si fecerit, JPAxnjimtn aucloritntem apod 
omnes Belgas ampliflcaturnni. qnonini auxiliis atqnc oplboa, 
al qua bella Inciderint, suntcntare consuerinu 

t Cesar, 1. Ui. c. 33. " They chone for their leaders the 
veterans who had served with Hertniios in all his cam- 
paigns, and who were supposed to be masters of militarv 
sdence.** ' 


CasMr lands in 


Insurraction of GauL 



differences which divided Gaul, the Britons 
seem to have been for the Druidioal party, as 
the Germans were for that of the chiefs of the 
clans. Caesar struck both parties, both inter- 
nally and externally ; he crossed the ocean and 
the Rhine. 

Two great German tribes, Usipii and Tenc- 
teri, worn out in the north by the incursions of 
the Sucvi as the Helvetii had been in the south, 
like them had just emigrated into Gaul. (b. c. 
55.) Caesar stopped them ; and, under the 
pretence that he had been attacked by their 
youngr men, during parley, he fell unexpectedly 
upon them, and massacred them to a man. To 
strike the greater terror into the Germans he 
went in search of those terrible Suevi, whose 
neighbors no nation dared to be. In ten days, 
he threw a bridge over the Rhine not far from 
Cologne, despite the width and impetuosity of 
that immense river. After having ransacked in 
vain the forests of the Suevi, he repassed the 
Rhine, traversed the whole of Gaul, and in the 
same year embarked for Britain. When these 
prodigious marches, more astonishing than victo- 
ries even, were reported at Rome, such auda- 
city and fearful rapidity provoked one universal 
burst of admiration. The senate decreed a 
lectisternium of twenty days in thanksgiving to 
the gods. " Compared with Caesar*s exploits,^' 
exclaimed Cicero, " what did Marius V** 


When Caesar desired to cross into Great 
Britain, he could obtain no information from 
the Gauls respecting that sacred island. Dum- 
norix, the il^duan, declared that religion for- 
bade his following Caesar ,t and sought to escape 
by flight ; but the Roman, aware of his restless 
disposition, ordered that he should be brought 
back alive or dead, and he was slain while de- 
fending himself. 

The ill-will of the Gauls had nearly proved 
fotal to Caesar in this expedition. From the 
first, they kept him ignorant of the difficulties 
of landing. The tall ships used on the ocean 
drew a great depth of water, and could not ap- 
proach the shore ; so that the soldiery were 
obliged to cast themselves into the deep sea, 
and form in line in the midst of the waves. 
This gave considerable advantage to the bar- 
barians, who crowded the strand ; but the ma- 
chines used in sieges were brought into play, 
and the shore was cleared by a shower of 
stones and darts. The equinox, however, was 
nigh ; and it was the full of the moon, when 
the tides are at the highest. In one night the 
Roman fleet was dashed in pieces, or rendered 
unfit for service. The barbarians who, in the 
first moment of astonishment, had given hos- 
tages to Caesar, attempted to surprise his camp ; 

* Clc<*r. de Provinc. Consnlarlbat. " Marias himaelf did 
not force hi^ way to their ciUes and flretidea.** 
t Cesar, 1. v. c. 0. Qudd leligioaibaa mm dic«ret impe- 

when repulsed with vigor, they again tenden 
their submission, and were ordered by Caes: 
to provide twice the number of hostages. Bu 
having refitted his vessels, he set sail the san 
night without waiting their answer. A fe 
days more, and the winter season w^ould hai 
interdicted his return. 

The year following, we find him almost 
one and the same time in Illyria, at Treve 
and in Britain : there are only the spirits of 01 
old legends who have journeyed after th 
fashion. On this occasion, he was led in 
Britain by a fugitive chief of the country wl 
had implored his assistance ; and he did n' 
return until he had routed the Britons, af^ 
laying siege to their king Caswallawn in tl 
marshy precinct in which he had collected h 
men and his cattle. He wrote to Rome th 
he had imposed a tribute on Britain ; and sei 
thither a large quantity of pearls of small vali 
collected on its coasts.* 

Afler this invasion of the sacred isle, Caesi 
could count upon no more friends among tl 
Gauls. The necessity of purchasing Rome i 
the expense of Gaul, and of satisfying the ni 
merous adherents who had managed to prolor 
his command for five years, had driven tl 
conqueror to the most violent measures. A( 
cording to one historian, he plundered tl 
sacred places, and gave up towns to pilla^ 
without a shadow of excuse.f In every diret 
tion he established chiefs devoted to the It 
mans, and overturned the popular governmen 
Gaul paid dearly for the union, quiet, and colt 
vation bestowed upon it by the Roman coi 

A scarcity compelling Cesar to disperse h 
troops, the whole country is up in arms. Tl 
Eburones massacre one legion, and besiei 
another, to relieve which, Cajsar, with eigp 
thousand men, cut his way through sixty thoi 
sand Gauls. The following year, he assembh 
the states of Gaul atLutetia; but the Nen 
and Treviri, the Senones and Carnuti not a 
tending, he attacks and crushes them singl 
He crosses the Rhine a second time, in ordl 
to intimidate the Germans, who were abo 
proceeding to their succor. Then, he striki 
at once both the parties which divided Gac 
He awes the Senones, the Druidical and popul; 
party 0) by the solemn trial and execution c 
their chief, Acco ; and overwhelms the Ebi 
rones, the barbarian party and friendly to tl 
Germans, by chasing their intrepid Ambior 
through the forest of Ardennes, and deliverii 
them up to the mercy of the Gallic tribes m 
quainted with their retreats in the woods ai 
marshes, who with cowardlv avidity joined 
hunting this quarry. The legions blockade 
this unfortunate people on every side, and pr 
vented all possibility of escape. 

• Sueton. In J. Caaare. c. 47. " It was reported by 
that he bad gone to Britain for the sake of the 

t Bcpias ob pnadam qulm ob delictum. Ibid. c. 54. 


BtioteiwolveortM AQ 

Gauli. ^^ 


bete barbarities united Gaul to a man 
Dst Cssar, (b. c. 52 ;) and, for the first 
, the Druids and chiefs of the clans found 
uelves agreed. The ^dui even were, at 
: secretly, arrayed against their ancient 
d. The signal was given from Genabum ; 

the Druidical territory of the Carnuti. 
le by shouts across the country from vil- 
to Tillage,* it reached the Arverni (for- 
f hostile to the Druidical and popular 
', but now its friends) that very evening, a 
Dce of one hundred and fifty miles. The 
ingetorix (general-in-chief) of the con- 
ation was of this nation ; young, brave, 
irdent. His father, who had been in his 
the most potent chiefU^in of Gaul, had 

burnt as guilty of aspiring to royalty, 
riting his vast clientship, the youth invari- 
declined the advances of Cssar ; and, in 
assemblies, and at their religious festivals, 
Hiotly animated his countrymen against 
tomans. He summoned to arms even the 
who cultivated the soil. He threatened 
owardly with death ; less serious offences 
to be visited with the loss of ears or of 


\e Gallic generars plan was to attack at 
the Province in the south, and in the 
the quarters of the legions. Caesar, who 
in Italy, divined all, anticipated alL He 
id the Alps, secured the safety of the 
ince, crossed the Cevennes with the snow 
ieet deep, and appeared suddenly among 
Lrverni. The Gallic chief, who had set 
>r the north, was compelled to return, as 
ountrymen thought most of defending their 
homes. This was to meet Caesar's de- 
. He leaves his army, under pretence of 
ig levies among the Allobroges, ascends, 
Mt discovery, the Rhone and the Sa6ne 
le frontiers of the i£dui, and by his arrival 
IS and rallies his legions. While the Ver- 
storix thinks to draw him to an engage- 
;, by laying siege to the iEduan town of 
povia, (Moulins,) Cesar puts every living 
I to the sword in Genabum. The Gauls 
f to meet their foe, but it is to witness the 
Ig of Noviodunum. 

lie Vercingetorix then forewarns his coun- 
len, that their only hope of safety is to 
re out the Roman army ; and that they can 
aecomplish this by burning down their own 
IS. They execute this cruel resolve with 
utmost heroism. The Bituriges burnt 
I twenty of their own towns ; but when 
were about to set fire to the great Avari- 
, (Bourges,) the inhabitants fell at the feet 
e Vercingetorix, and implored him not to 

r, 1. vU. c. 3. Nam, qM m^ . . . incidit res, cla- 
yer agms refkneMoe tlgniflcant ; hanc alii deincepa 
■Bi et prozimia tndiuit. 

■Mr. 1. vii. c. 4. Ifiii . . . necat; leviora de cauM, 
■ iea6ctt»i delioMla oeulls, dofflam remittli. 


ruin the finest city of Gaul * Their precaution 
proved their ruin, for their city was destroyed 
all the same, but by Caesar, who took it afler 
severe fighting. 

Meanwhile, the JSdui had declared against 
him. Their defection depriving him of cavalry, 
he was obliged to send for Germans in their 
stead ; and he failed in the siege of Gergovia, 
the capital of the Arverni, while Labienus, his 
lieutenant, would have been overpowered in 
the north, but for a victory. (The battle was 
fought between Paris and Melun.) So bad was 
the aspect of aflfairs, that he fell back upon the 
Roman province. The army of the Gauls pur- 
sued and overtook him. They had sworn that 
they would never behold house, family, wives, 
or children, until they had twice broken through 
the enemy's lines.f The contest was terrible. 
Caesar was forced to run the utmost personal 
risk, was nearly taken, and his sword remained 
in the hands of the enemy. However, a charge 
of his German cavalry struck a panic-terror 
into the Gauls, and decided the victory. 

This impressionable race then sank into such 
a state of discouragement, that their chief 
could only reassure them by taking post, strong- 
ly intrenched, under the walls of Alesia ; a 
town situated on the summit of a mountain, 
(Auxois.) Here he was soon attacked by 
Caesar; when, dismissing his horsemen, he 
charged them to spread throughout all Gaul 
the intelligence, that his provisions would fail 
in thirty days, and to bring to his succor every 
one capable of bearing arms. Caesar, indeed, 
did not hesitate to besiege this large army. He 
circumvallated the town and the Gallic camp 
with vast works ; consisting of three ditches, each 
fifleen or twenty feet wide, and as many deep, 
a rampart twelve feet high, eight smaller fosses, 
with their bottom bristling with stakes, covered 
over with branches and leaves, and palisades 
of five rows of trees with their boughs inter- 
laced. The counterpart of these works was 
erected at some distance from the town and 
camp, so as to enclose a circuit of fifteen miles r 
and the whole was finished in less than five 
weeks, and by fewer than sixty thousand men. 


Gaul, to a man, dashed itself vainly against 
these fortifications. The desperate efforts of 
the besiegers, suflfering from extremity of fam- 
ine, and those of two hundred and fifty thou- 
sand Gauls, who attacked the Romans on the 
other side, alike failed. The utter defeat of 
these, their allies, by Caesar's horse, and con- 
sequent flight and dispersion, filled the besieged 
with dismay. The Vercingetorix, alone pre- 
serving his firmness of mind in the midst of the 

♦ Cnar, 1. vil. c. 15. Pulcherrimam propo totius Galli» 
vrbem, quae et prrsidio et oraamento sit civitati. 

t Cwar, 1. vil. c. 66. Ne ad liberoa, ne ad pairntes, ne 
ad nzorein reditom habeat, qui noa bis per hostium 


GftuI nndor tht 




general despair, markedly deliyered himself up 
as the sole mover of the war. Clad in his rich 
armor he mounted his charger, and, wheeling 
round the tribunal of Cesar, cast his sword, 
easque, and javelin at the foot of the Roman, 
without uttering a word.* 

The year following, all the tribes of Gaul 
essayed by a partial and desultory resistance, 
to wear out the strength of their unconquerable 
enemy. Uxellodunum (Cap-de-Nac, in Quer- 
cy t) alone detained Cesar a considerable pe- 
riod. The example was dangerous, for he had 
no time to lose in Gaul. Civil war might 
break out at any moment in Italy ; and he was 
lost if he had to waste whole months before 

each petty fort. Therefore, to strike terror/ dertook to transfer the seat of the empin 

into the Gauls, he committed an atrocious act, 
of which, indeed, the Romans had but too fre- 
quently set the example — he ordered every 

prisoner's right hand to be cut off. „ ^ 

From this moment he changed his policy Me expelled the Gauls from the senate, 
towards the Gauls, caused them to be treated ^increased the tribute of Gaul ;^ where 

trymen.* Such men have no country ; t 
belong to the world. 

Cesar had not destroyed liberty, (it had 1 
been dead ;) rather, he had compromised . 
man nationality. The Romans had witnei 
with shame and anguish a Gallic army ai 
the eagles; Gallic senators sitting betw 
Cicero and Brutus. In reality, it was the c 
quered who profited by the victory .f If Ct 
had lived, it is probable that all the barbai 
nations would have found their way into 
army and the senate. He had already take 
Spanish guard ; and the Spaniard, Balbus, y 
on« of his principal counsellors.! 

Antony attempted to copy Cssar. He 

Alexandria, and adopted the dress and m 
ners of the conquered. /Octavios overci 
him, only by professing himself the patriot 
the avenger of the insulted nationality of It 

with extreme lenity, and so favored them in 
the matters of tribute, as to excite the jealousy 
of the Province ; disguising even its very name 
under the honorable name of military pay.f 
He allured their best warriors into his legions 
by high bounties ; and even formed an entire 
Gallic legion, the soldiers of which bore the 
figure of a lark on their helmets, and which 
was thence named the Alauda.X Under this 
perfectly national emblem of early vigilance 
and lively gayety, these hardy soldiers sang as 
they crossed the Alps, and pursued as far as 
Pharsalia, with their clamorous shouts of de- 
fiance, the taciturn legions of Pompey. Led 
by the Roman eagle, the Gallic lark took Rome 
for the second time, and was a sharer in the 
triumphs of the civil war. Gaul retained the 
Bword which Cesar had lost, as some consola- 
tion for her vanished liberty. The Roman 
soldiers had wished to tear it from the temple, 
where it had been hung up by the Gauls — 
" Let it alone," said Cesar, with a smile ; " it 
is sacred. "§ 




Alexander and Cesar have had this in com- 
mon : to be loved and wept by the conquered, 
and to perish by the hands of their own coun- 

* Pluu In Cam. Dlo, 1. xl. ap. Scr. R. Fir. i. 513. E7vt ^iv 
wUiv^ wiffdif 61 if y6ru. . . . 

t Suctnn. In C. J. Ccs. c 25. In ainfolot annot atlpendii 
Bomen impmnU. '^ 

X Id. Ibid. c. 94. Unam ex traasalpInU eootcrlpCam (1«- 
flonem) vnrabalo qaoqae GaUico, {almmdm enlm appellaba- 
tar.) Ace. C«mr anerwards made the toldlen of this lefioo 
BoRian citlxens. 

% Flataicb. ia Om. HifUcey ... I tfMWIftfMC tOr^ 

founded a Rome — Valentiaj (one of the m}r 
rious names of the eternal city,) and phL: 
many military colonies, as at Orange, Frd 
Carpentras, Aix, Apt, Vienne, &c.v/ A nur 
of towns became, from name ana privile 
Augustan^ as several in Cesar^s time had 
come Julian.\ Finally, in contempt oC 
ancient and illustrious cities of the land^' he 
poinded the recently built town of Lyoili 
colony of Vienne, ancl from the beginning 
tile to its parent city — the seat of governa: 
This city, so favorably situated at the coi 
ence of the Sa6ne and of the Rhone, all 
resting on the Alps, near the Loire, 
brought near the sea by the impetuosity of 
current, which sweeps one there at once, i 
veyed Narbonnese and Celtic Gaul, and seei 
like an eye of Italy open upon all the Gaols 

tlavtv, Updv iiyovftevoi. 

* Even supposing that Alexander waa not polaoM 
cannot be denied, at least, that his death was little lefH 
by the Macedonians. A few yean saw the extlnctloill 
whole fhmily. 

t " The only Injury done by the Romans to the Ml 
they subdned,'^ snys St. Augustin, (I)e Civit. Dei« 1. r. Cl 
" is the blood they shed of theirs. The Roman llvei * 
dient to the laws which he imposed upon others. AI 
subjects of the empire became citizens ; and the poonr: 
pie, who had no land, were supported at the pnlilic expi 
Vain-Klory apart, what benefit have they derived flM 
many wars 1 Do not their lands pay tribute 1 Havsl 
any privilege of learning what others may not learnt 1 
are there not in other countries senators who have noK 
seen Route ?** 

t It was ho who advised Cesar to receive the m 
when it waited upon him in a body, seated. See mvll 
History. (8ee, also. Suet c. 78.) 

$ He caused customs to be levied at the Straits, os li 
amber, and glass. 

II Cesar settled veterans of the tenth legion at Naita 
which then took the surnames of Ja/io, JtUia Fak 
CoUnia Decumanorum. Inscript ap. Pr. de I'Hlst do! 
guedoc.— Aries, Julia Patema Jlrelat«.-~H\ieTm, JmUt 
term. Scr. R. Fr. i. 135. Bibracte, Jutia Bibnutt, I 
Under Augustus. Nemauitus look In addition the nm 
Aug%$Ui, and assumed the Utie of Roman colony ; « 
Alba Jtiunuta, a town of the Helvii, and AMgMtia. a I 
of the TricasUnl. Augutto-J^^tmelum became th« ■ 
of the Arvemi.— Noviodunum took the name of Amgi 
Bibffmcte, that of .tfiyiwCMfomm, kjc Am. ThBl 




AeeodBt of the iiwurreeUon e | 

byTkcitiM. •** 

At Lyons, and at AiBnay, at the angle of the 
Sa6ne and Rhone, sixty Gallic cities reared 
■hars to Augustus, under the eyes of his son- 
b-law, Drusus. Augustus took his jilace 
among the dirinities of the country, -^ther 
ahars were raised to him at Saintc^s, at Aries, 
It Narbonne, &c. The old Gallic religion 
leadily blended with the Roman paganism* 
Augustus had built a temple to the god, Kirk* 
^tbe personification of the violent wind which 
blows in the Narbontiese ; and on the same altar 
■light be read in a two-fold inscription the 
nmes of the Gallic and the Roman divinities, — 
Mars-Camul, Diana-Arduinna, Belen-ApoUo. 
Rome placed Hesus and Nehalenia on the list 
tf her indigene gods. 

Nevertheless, Druidism long resisted Roman 
Muence, and was the sanctuary of the nation- 
ility of Gaul. Augustus endeavored to mode- 
Ate at the least this sanguinary religion — pro- 
kibitiag human sacrifices, and 0b\y tolerating 
iligfat libations of blood.f 


Dmidism must have had a share in the in- 
nrrection of Gaul under Tiberius ; although 
history ascribes it to the weight of taxes, aug- 
ttented by usury. The leader of the revolt, 
JdUus Sacrovir, was probably an i£duan ; the 
.£dui being, as I have said, a Druidical tribe, 
•ad the name, Sacrovir, perhaps, but a transla- 
tion of Druid. The oelgs were likewise 
4ivad into it by Julius Floru8.| 

jTla the course of the same year a rebellion 
««oke out among the cities of Gaul, occasioned 
by the load of debt that oppressed the common 
people. The principal leaders of the revolt 
were Julius Florus and Julius Sacrovir ; the 
former a man of weight among the Treviri, and 
the latter among the i£duans. They were 
both of illustrious birth. Their ancestors had 
deserved well of the Romans, and, for their 
services, received the freedom of the city, at 
the time when that privilege was rare, and the 
reward of merit only. By these incendiaries 
secret meetings were held; the fierce and 
daring were drawn into the league, together 
with such as languished in poverty ; or, being 
eoDScious of their crimes, had nothing left but 
to grow desperate in guilt. Florus undertook 
to kindle the flame of rebellion in Belgia ; and 
Sacrovir to rouse the neighboring Gauls. . . . 
A general spirit of revolt prevailed in every 
part of Gaul. Scarce a city was free from 

* Bencc Qiupst. Natnr. I. v. c. 17. Aulax GHliuii. 1. li. 
e.CL— In tbe Monk of Ht. Gall, (Her. R. ¥i. v. 132.) arcius 
SiKTiiiiii)iiifmA with Bomii. 

(■lAt WTileM on Celtic antlqaities are asreed that Kirk 
«u Uir N.N.W.)— Tbamslatok. 
. t Helh, I. Hi. c. 2. Ut ab ultimhi ccdibiis temperantf ita 
r riMhnlani obi devotos altaribus admov^re, drhlMnt 
I tT hciL AdmI. 1. iil. c 40. The anther borrowt the fMM- 
p 2^ AanThcitaN, which he has incorpoTHtr^ into hi:« text, 
FaVMa the MteewfMl tntnaiation of his cunutrymnn, M. Bar- 
The maHlatioa gives aiwTe is flmn Murphy'a no 

commotion. The flame blazed out among the 
Andecavians and the people of Tours ; but by 
the diligence of Acilius Aviola, who marched 
from Lyons at the head of a cohort, the insur- 
gents in the former province were reduced to 
obedience. The same commander, with a 
legionary force, detached by Visellius Varro, 
from the lower Germany, marched into the ter- 
ritory of Tours, and quelled the insurrection. 
In this expedition some of the principal chiefs 
in Gaul joined the Roman army, not with zeal 
for the cause, but pretending friendship, in 
order, with surer efiect, to be traitors in the 
end. Even Sacrovir fought with the Romans: 
he was seen in the heat of the action with his 
head uncovered, in order, as he gave out, to 
signalize his courage and fidelity ; but in truth, 
as was aflerwards collected from the prisoners, 
to avoid being aimed at by the darts of his 
countrymen. An account of these disturb- 
ances was transmitted to Tiberius. He doubted 
the intelligence, and by his indecision prolonged 
the war. 

^* Julius Florus, in the mean time, continued 
to exert his most vigorous efiurts. A regiment 
of horse, raised formerly among the Treviri, 
but trained to the Roman discipline, happened 
to be quartered at Treves. He tampered with 
those troops, in hopes of beginning the war by 
a general massacre of the Roman merchants. 
A small number listened to his advice, but the 
rest continued in their duty. Florus was fol- 
lowed by a rabble of debtors and a number of 
his own dependents. He marched towards the 
forest of Arden, but was mtercepted by the le- 
gions deta<;hed by Visellius and Caius Silius 
from the two armies on the Rhine. A party of 
those troops was ordered forward under the 
command of Julius Indus, a native of Treves, 
who was then at variance with Florus, and, for 
that reason, burned with impatience to encoun- 
ter his enemy. He gave battle to the rebels, 
and over an ill-appointed and undisciplined 
multitude gained a complete victory. Florus 
lay for some time concealed in lurking places ; 
but at length, finding himself unable to elude 
the search of the Roman soldiers, and seeing 
the defiles and passes guarded on every side, he 
died by his own sword. The people of Treves, 
afler this event, returned to their duty. 

*' The i£duan commotions were not so easily 
quelled. The state was rich and powerful, and 
the force necessary to subdue the insurrection 
lay at a considerable distance. Sacrovir strain- 
ed every nerve to support his cause. He seized 
the city of Augustodunum, (Autun,) the capital 
of the iEduans, and took into his custody the 
flower of the young nobility, who resorted thi- 
ther from all parts of Gaul, as to a school of 
science and liberal education. By detaining 
those pledges, he hoped to attach to his interest 
their parents and relations. He supplied the 
young men with arms, which had bieen pre- 
pared with secrecy by his directions. His 
numbers amounted to less than forty thooaaad 


Death of the letiden oTthe 


Spoiti inrtttated at the altar of 
Aufustuf bf CaliffttUu 


a fifth part of which were armed after the man- 
ner of the legions : the rest carried hunting- 
poles, knives, and other instruments of the 
chase. He had, besides, pressed into his ser- 
▼ioe a body of slaves reared up to the trade of 
gladiators, and, according to the custom of the 
country, clad with an entire plate of iron. In 
the language of Gaul they were called Crupel- 
LARIAN8. Their armor was impenetrable to 
the stroke of the enemy, but at the same time 
rendered the men too unwieldy for the attack. 
The adjoining provinces had not taken up 
arms ; but a number of individuals caught the 
infection, and joined the rebel army. Sacrovir 
gained a further advantage from the jealousies 
subsisting between the Itoman generals. Each 
claimed to himself the conduct of the war ; and 
the dispute continued till Varro, finding himself 
impaired by age, gave up the point to Silius, 
who was then in the vigor of his days. . . . 

'* Silius, in the mean time, having sent before 
him a body of auxiliaries, marched at the head 
of two legions into the territory of the Sequa- 
nians, (Franche-Comte,) a people at the ex- 
tremity of Gaul, bordering on the iEduans, and 
confederates in the war. He laid waste the 
country, and proceeded, by rapid marches, to 

Augustodunum At the distance of 

twelve miles from Augustodunum, Sacrovir ap- 
peared in force. His line of battle was formed 
on the open plain. The gladiators, in complete 
armor, were stationed in his centre, his co- 
horts in the two wings, and his half-armed 

multitude in the rear The rebels 

were soon hemmed in by the cavalry: the 
front of their line gave way at the first onset of 
the infantry, and the wings were put to flight. 
The men in iron armor still kept their ranks. 
No impression could be made by swords and 
javelins. The Romans had recourse to their 
hatchets and pickaxes. With these, as if bat- 
tering a wall, they fell upon the enormous load, 
and crushed both men and armor. Some at- 
tacked with clubs and pitchforks. The un- 
wieldy and defenceless enemy lay on the 
ground, an inanimate mass, without an effort to 
rise. Sacrovir threw himself into the town of 
Augustodunum, but in a short time, fearing to 
be given up a prisoner, withdrew, with his 
most faithful adherents, to a villa in the neigh- 
borhood, where he put an end to his life. His 
followers, having first set fire to the place, 
turned their swords against themselves, and 
perished in one general carnage." 


Augustus and Tiberius, severe rulers, and 
true Romans, had to some extent drawn closer 
the unity of the empire, compromised by Caesar, 
by withholding from the provincials and barba- 
rians all share in the government. Their suc- 
cessors, Caligula, Ckuidius, and Nero, adopted 
quite an opposite line of conduct. Descend- 
•Bta of Antony, the friend of the bubariaoa, 

they followed the example of their grandfather; 
which Germanicus,* Caligula's father, had, 
indeed, affected to follow. Caligula, bom, ac- 
cording to Pliny, at Treves, and reared in the 
busom of the armies of Germany and Syria, 
manifested an incredible contempt for Rome; 
a fact which serves to explain part of the follies 
with which the Romans reproached him, his 
violent and furious reign being a mockery of, 
and parody upon, all that had been held in reve- 
rence. Like the oriental monarchs, he married 
his sisters, and did not wait for death in order 
to be worshipped, but made himself a god in 
his lifetime. Alexander, his hero, had been 
satisfied with being the son of a god ; but ke 
tore the diadem from the statue of the Capi- 
toline Jupiter and placed it on his own head.f 
He tricked out his horse in consular ornaments. 
He sold piecemeal at Lyons all the heirluoma 
of his family, thus renouncing his ancestors 
and prostituting their memories, acting himself 
as auctioneer, pufiing every article, and raising 
them far beyond their value — ** This vase was 
my grandfather Antony's ; Augustus won it at 
the battle of Actium.''| He also instituted 
burlesque and terrible sports^ at the altar of 
Augustus; such as contests of eloquence* io 
which the vanquished was to efface his writings 
with his tongue, or suffer himself to be thrown 
into the Rhone. There can be no doubt thai 
these games were revived after some ancient 
custom. We know that the Gauls and €re^ 
mans used to sacrifice their prisoners by casting 
them, man and horse, into rivers, and divine 
the future from the manner in which they went 
whirling round. The conquering Cimbri treat- 
ed in this wise whatever they found in the 
camps of Caepio and Manlius ; and, even to 
this day, tradition points out the bridge over 
the Rhone, whence the bullocks were precipi- 

Caligula's companions were the most illustri- 
ous Gauls, as Valerius Asiaticus and Domitiot 
Afer. Claudius was himself a Gaul. Bom al 
Lyons,K and kept an utter stranger to publio 
life by Augustus and Tiberius, who mistrusted 
his singular absence of mind, he had grown old 

* " It li even said, that barbaroas natioM, both such 
were at variance among themaelvm, and thone that 
at war with us, all aitrecd to a cesmtion of anns, as If thif 
had been all In mourning for some very near and eommm 
(Hend ; that some petty klnpi shaved their beards apoD 1^ 
and their wives* heads in tolccn of their extreme sorrow; 
and that 
among the 

bu!<iness In a time of public mourning with us." SucL is 
Cnlig. c. 5. 

t One day Caligula asked of a Gaul, who was sllenttf 
staring at him, " What do you see in me 1" " A gaudy dr 
tard,** {ftcva napaXfipfifni,) was the reply. The emperor dtf 
not punlsti him ; he was only a shoemaker. ' Dio Omi 
1. xlix. ap. 8cr. R. Fr. 1. 5S4. 

t Dio Cassius 1. lix. 656. 

^ He signalized his journey to Gaul In a more honofabil 
manner, by building a lighthouse for the navigation betwvM 
Gaul and Britain, traces of which have been supposed dl^ 

U SuetoB. in CUnd. c 9. Benoe. de Morts CUadlL Sf 

ir wives oeaas m loacn oi incir exircme sorrow; 
the king of king;* (the king of Parthia) forbore hii 
of hunting and feasting with his nobles, whick 

he Parthlans, Is equivalent to a cessation of ■■ 


CkadhM the imtMlor of 


BklfhtCT of the Druids bf 


iniut PftulJnua. 


in snlitade and the cultiyation of letters, when, 
^tinst his will, the soldiery proclaimed him 
kifl|r. Never did prince more shock the Ro- 
iBins, or show himself more foreign from their 
tutes and habits. His uncouth stuttering, his 
preference of the Greek language, his constant 
footinff of Homer, every thing he did provoked 
their laughter ; so that he left the freedmen by 
vbom he was surrounded to govern. It might 
ferj well be — whatever Tacitus may say to the 
contrary — that these slaves, who were so care- 
fiiliy educated in the palaces of the Roman no- 
bles, were worthier to rule than their masters. 
The reign of Claudius was a kind of reaction of 
ibvery, since slaves governed in their turn, and 
pablic affaire were not a whit the worse for it. 
Cnar^s plans were followed out :* the port of 
Ostia was deepened, the circumference of Rome 
enlarged, the draining of Lake Fucinus under- 
uken, the aqueduct of Caligula continued, the 
Britons subdued in sixteen days, and their king 
pudoned ;t while in contrast with the tyranni- 
ttl authority of the Roman nobles who ruled 
the provinces as pretors or proconsuls, stood 
the procurators of the prince, men of no family, 
bat whose responsibility was therefore the more 
certain, and whose excesses could be the more 
easily repressed. 

Such was the government in the hands of 
freedmen under Claudius ; by so much the less 
national as it was the more human. He him- 
self made no secret of his predilection for the 
provincials. He wrote the history of the con- 
qaered races, of the Etrusci, of Tyre, and of 
Carthage,^ thus repairing the long injustice 
of Rome ; and founded a chair in the Museum 
of Alexandria for the annual reading of these 
works of his. Unable to save those nations, he 
endeavored to preserve their memory. His own 
deserved better treatment. Whatever may have 
been his carelessness, his weakness, or even his 
brutishness in his latter years, history will par- 
don much to him who declared himself the pro- 
tector of the slave, forbade his master to kill 
him, and endeavored to hinder his being ex- 
posed to die of famine, when worn out by years 
or disease, on the island of the Tiber.6 

According to Suetonius, had his life been 
prolongcfd, Claudius would have admitted the 
whole of the west to the privilege of Roman 
citizenship — Greeks, Spaniards,Britains, Gauls, 
and first of all the .£dui ; which latter people 
he readmitted into the senate, after the exam- 
ple of Cesar. The oration which he pronoun- 
ced on this occasion, (a.d. 48,) and which is still 
preserved at Lyons on tablets of bronze, is the 

* fkwton. in CUnd. c. 90. 

t TaciL Annfil. 1. iH. c. 37. Dlo. 1. Ix. 

X Gracas KriiHtt hintnrias, Tyrrhenlcon rlgintl, Carche- 
ioBfatcon octo. fcc. Soeton. in Cliiad. c. 4S. 

t ** It beinf the cu«toni of wmie to ezpote their ailinfr 
ikvm, when they de«paired of their recovery, on the l«iand 
•f iEwvlaplQs, he ordered that all who shoald be so ez- 
fMed, and Hhonld recover, thoald be considered flf«e ; and 
iMt whoever pot a ulave to death, aa preferable on this 
teeont to espoKing him, ihoold be held guilty of moider.** 
la Claud, c SSw 

first authentic monument of our national his- 
tory, the patent of our admission into this vast 
initiation of the world.* 

At the same time, he strove to suppress the 
sanguinary worship of the Druids, who, pro- 
scribed in Gaul, had been compelled to take 
refuge in Britain. He went in person to pur- 
sue them in this latter asylum. His lieutenants 
erected the countries which form the basin of 
the Thames into a Roman province, and \e(i in 
the West a strong military colony, at Camulo- 
dunum, (Colchester.) The march of the legions 
was constantly to the west. They overthrew 
the altars, destroyed the antique forests ; until, 
in Nero^s time, Druidism was shut up within 
the little island of Mona,t,( Anglesey.) Thither 
it was tracked by Suetonius Paulinus. In vain 
the sacred virgins hurried to the shore like fu- 
ries, in mourning habits, with dishevelled hair, 
and brandishing torches.| He forced the pas- 
sage, slaughtered every living being that fell 
into his hands — Druids, priestesses, and war- 
riors, and burst his way through those forests, so 
often the witnesses of bloody sacrifice, (a.d. 61.) 

Meanwhile, the Britons rose in the rear of 
the Roman army, headed by their queen, the 
famous fioadicea, whom intolerable outrages 
animated to vengeance. They had extermina- 
ted the veterans of Camulodunum, and the en- 
tire infantry of a legion. Suetonius retraced 
his steps, and coolly got together his forces, 
abandoning the defence of the towns, and giv- 
ing up the allies of Rome to the blind rage of 
the barbarians, who massacred seventy thou- 
sand souls ; but he crushed them in a pitched 
battle, slaying to the very horses. After him, 
Cerealis and Frontinus followed up the conquest 
of the north ; and, under Domitian, Agricola, 
the father-in-law of Tacitus, completed the re- 
duction, and began the civilization of Britain. 
(a.d. 84.) 

Nero was favorable to Gaul, and projected 
the junction of the Mediterranean with the At- 
lantic by a canal, which was to unite the Mo- 
selle with the Sa6ne.^ He relieved Lyons, 
which was ravaged by fire in his reign ; and 
which, in the civil wars preceding his fall, re- 
mained faithful to him. The prime mover of 
this revolution was the Aquitanian, Vindex ; at 
the time, pro-pretor of Gaul. This man, ** full 
of daring for every thing great,"|| excited G al- 
ba to revolt in Spain, and gained over Vitellius, 
commander of the German legions. But the 
two armies engaging in a murderous battle be- 
fore they could be apprized of this agreement, 
Vindex slew himself in despair. Gaul sided 
with Vitellius ; the German legions with which 
he conquered Otho and took Rome, mainly coo- 

* Pee Tacit Annal. 1. x. r. 24, and my History of Ronie. 

t Tncit. Annal. 1. xlv. c. 39. 

i Ttaeit Annal. I. xiv. c. 90. Intercnrsantibas feminis, in 
modnm fluiamm, que veste ferali, crlnibns dejectifl, faces 
pneferebant DruidiMiiie circnm, preces diras, sublatls ad 
cosinm manibofl, (bndentes, kx, 

i Tacit Annal. 1. xiii. c. S3. 
Die Out. 1. liiii. eM. Jlpis 9&V Ifyop ftiy <^X|W(. 


BomumUw crwitKiiiol 
a Gaul. 

tisted of GennanSf BatavianB, and Gauls :* no 
wonder, then, that she saw with pain the tri- 
umph of Vespasian. A Batavian chief, named 
Civilis, one-eyed like Hannihal and Sertorius, 
like them too a hater of Rome, and who had 
•worn, in consequence of some outrage by the 
Romans, that he would not cut his beard or his 
hair until revenged, seized the opportunity. He 
cat in pieces the soldiers of Vitellius, and in an 
instant the Batavians and Beige declared for 
him. He was encouraged by the famous Vel- 
leda, whom all the Germans reverenced as in- 
spired by the gods, or rather as if she were in- 
deed a divinity. To her were sent all prison- 
ers, and the Romans besought her to arbitrate 
between them and Civilis. The Druids of 
Gaul, too, so long victims of persecution, issued 
from their retreats, and showed themselves to 
the people. A report having reached them that 
the Capitol had been burnt in the civil war, they 
proclaimed that with this pledge of eternity the 
Roman empire had perished, and was to be suc- 
ceeded by that of Gaul. f 


Such, however, was the force of the bond 
which united these nations with Rome, that the 
enemy of the Romans thought it safest at first 
to attack the troops of Vitellius in the name of 
Vespasian. Julius Sabinus, the chief of the 
Gauls, gave himself out to be the son of the 
conqueror of Gaul, and styled himself Caesar. 
Thus, far from requiring a Roman army to de- 
stroy a party so inconsistent with itself, the Gauls 
who had remained faithful were sufficient. The 
old jealousy of the Sequani revived against the 
.£dui, and they defied Sabinus. All know the 
devotion of his wife, the virtuous Eponina. 
She buried herself with him in the cave where 
he had taken refuge. Children were born to, 
and reared by them there. Af\er ten years' 
concealment, they were finally discovered ; and 
■he knelt to Vespasian, surrounded by the hap- 
less beings who then first saw the open light of 
day. J The cruel policy of the emperor was in- 

In Belgium and Batavia the war was more 
serious, but the first soon submitted ; the last 
held out in its marshes. Cerealis, the Roman 
general, twice surprised, and twice conqueror, 
eoncluded the war by gaining over A^elleda and 
Civilis ; who pretended that he had not taken 
up arms against Rome originally, but only 
mgainst Vitellius and for Vespasian. 

The result of this war was to show how Ro- 
man, Gaul had already become. No province, 
indeed, had received impressions from the con- 

♦ Tacit Hhtor. I. i. c. 57, 61 ; 1. II. c. 09. 

t Tacit Hint. 1. Iv. c. 54. Fntali nnnc Igne slimain ccBlMtU 
Im dntam, et piwsefxlonein rcram hamananiin TmnMli^is 
fentibaH poitendl, inipemtltione vana I)nil(l«e canebant. 

t Her words were, " These, O Cesar, have I brought forth 
and nursed in a tomb, that there might be more of lu to 
mippUcate you.** Dio Caia. 1. IxvL 

qneror* with more promptitude or readiness. 
At first sight, the two countries, the two peo- 
ple, had seemed less to become acquainted than 
to renew their knowledge of each other. The 
Romans frequented the school of Marseilles; 
that petty Greece,f more sober and more modest 
than its prototype,! and which lay at their door. 
The Gauls crossed the Alps in crowds ; not only 
with Cesar, under the eagles of the legions, 
but as physicians^ and rhetoricians. Here we 
already descry the genius of the school of Mont- 
pellier, of Bordeaux, Aix, Toulouse, &o., wiUi 
its positive and practical tendency : the philoso- 
phers were few. These Gauls of the south, (it 
is too early to speak of those of the north,) bust^ 
ling and intriguing, just as we see them at the 
present day, could not fail to succeed both at 
fine speakers and pantomimists : the Roman 
Roscius was a Southern Gaul. Nevertheless, 
they were not unsuccessful in more serious 
branches. It was a Gaul, Trogus PompeiusJ 
who wrote the first Universal History ; and ro- 
mance is the creation of another Gaul, Petro- 
nius Arbiter.^ Rivals, too, rose among them 
to Rome^s greatest poets : witness Varro Ata- 
cinus, from the neighborhood of Carcassone,** 
and Cornelius Gallus, VirgiPs friend ,tt a natiye 
of Frejus. At the same time burst forth the 
true genius of France, the oratorical From its 

* Btmbo, 1. Iv. " Rome subdued the Gauls with mock 
more enTW than the Spaniards.*' — Bee the speech of Clau- 
dius np. Tncit. Annal. ii. c. 14. *' Review ailour wars, jos 
will find none more quickly ended thnn that of G«iil; 
hence, con'«tant and Arm peace." — Hirtins ad Cks. 1. tHL 
c. 49. " Cvnar easily kept GhuI, worn out by so many dt* 
fonts tranquil and docile.*'— Dio Cass. 1. lii. ap. Bet. E. Fir. 
1. 590. " Anpustns forbade the senators to leave Italy willH 
out receiving permission firom him — a cu-tora stili kept up: 
no i<onator can travel, except into Sicily or the NarboS' 

t Strnbo, 1. iv. ap. Scr. R. Fr. 1. 9. ** This town had nadB 
the GhuIk such PhiikeUenes, that they even drew np thilr 
rontr.'icts In Greek, (tiare ical rA ov^fi6kaia 'EAAiiMnl 
ypa^iv,) and even now it attracts the Romans thither ii 
preference to Athens.**— The towns paid sophists and phif* 
sicinns out of the public revenue ; thus Juvenal nyi^ 
'* Thuie mm talks of hiring a rhetorician.*'— Martial (L vi. 
cpiin*. 87) eomrmtulates himself on his poetrybeinf read \^ 
even the women and children of Vienne.— The most edt- 
brated schools were those of Marseilles, Autun. Touiooil^ 
Lyons, and Bordeaux : Greek continued to be taught la Iks 
latter longer than In any of the rent. 

X Strabo, ibid. ** Among the inhnMtanIs of Marseillet, it 
dowry exceeds a hundred pieces of gold ; no more than tvt 
pieces are allowed to be spent upon a dress, and the same 
for jewellery — not the Hiigiitest proofs of the simplielty and 
prudence of the Massiliots.*'— Thcit. Vit Agricol. c. 4. **IU» 
own ingenuoa<< disposition guarded him against the ledne* 
ttons of pleasure ; and this hnppy temperament was aaslslid 
by the advantage which he had enjoyed of pursuing hll 
studies at Mar!«eiiles, that seat of learning, where the refint- 
ments of Greece were happily blended with the sober mas- 
ners of provincial economy.** — A proverb occurs in Alk^ 
Mru«, I. xii. c. .'S, which appears contradictory of these aft- 
thoritioi— •' flail to M;«r*eliles.*' 

% Pliny mentions three, of great celebrity, In the first eas* 
tury. One of them gave a million towards the repair of thv 
fortifications of his native place. 

II Juttin. I. xliii. c. 5. "Trogus 8a>'B that his ancesloO 
sprung from the Vocontii." 

IT Bom near Marseilles. Sidon. Apolllnar. Carmen xxUL 

** The following remarkable epigmm Is fiom the na of 
thla Varro:— "^ 

Marmoreo LIcinus tumulo jacet, at Cato onrvo^ 
Pompeius nuilo. Credimus esse does f 
(Llclnns has a marble tomb, Cato a poor one, Pomper noal 
Is there a God?) ' 

ft Viig. Eclog. 10. 

ud Ci08fo. 

OF GAUL AND ROME. ^^ SS^uSSSl.*" "* 55 

lie eloquence became a power, and 
ome herself. The Romans sought 
as their instructors, even in their 
e. A Gaul, Gnipho, (M. Antonius,) 
leading rhetorician of the capital. 
1 at his birth, a slave at Alexandria, 
n, and then stripped of his gains by 
)ut gave himself up the more to the 
genius. The career of political elo- 
s closed to a wretched Gaul, a freed- 
the only means he had of displaying 
was by declaiming publicly on mar- 
He established his professional chair 
f house of Julius Caesar ;* and there 
e eloquence of the two great orators 
— Caesar and Cicero.f 
imph of Caesar, which opened Rome 
uls, enabled them to speak on their 
int, and to enter into the career of 
Under Tiberhis, Montanus rises to 
&nk of orators, both as regards free- 
ipeech and genius. Caligula, who 
mself on his eloquence, had two elo- 
Is among his intimates. One of them, 
Lsiaticus, a native of Vienne, and, ac- 
Tacitus, an honest man, at last con- 
iinst him, and fell a victim, under 
to the arts of Messalina, as suspected 
msly courting popularity in Gaul.{ 
r, Domitius Afer, of Nismes, and 
der Caligula, was eloquent, but cor- 
an indiscriminate public accuser : he 
digestion. The capricious emulation 
a had nearly proved as fatal to him, 
Nero was to Lucan ; for the emperor, 
i day in the senate, pronounced a 
ation, in which he hoped he had sur- 
mself, showing cause why that body 
idemn Domitius to death. The Gaul 
10 confusion, and seemed less struck 
n danger than by the emperor*s elo- 
He confessed himself convicted, de- 
t he could not dare to open his mouth 
a speech, and raised a statue to Ca- 
The emperor was satisfied to spare 
ily requiring his silence, 
ts origin the ancients recognised the 
of Gallic art to the impetuous, exag- 
and tragic ; a tendency especially 
i in its first essays. The Gaul, Ze- 
vho delighted in carving small figures 
s with the most minute delicacy, 
colossal fiffure of the Gallic Mercury 
y of the Arverni. Nero, who loved 
and prodigious, summoned him to 
execute a statue of him a hundred 
y feet high, which was placed at the 
le Capitol, and was visible from the 

) iUasU'. Grammat. c. 7. In domo divl JalU, 

.Rial. 1. xi. c. I. Quando (^enitUH Vicniue. mal- 
idi« propinqnitaUbus sabiiixu*, turbara gentiles 
mptum baberet 
a. Lliz. 

Alban Mount.* Thus a Gallic hand impressed 
on art that impulse towards the gigantic and 
ambition of the infinite, which at a later day 
launched forth the vaulted roofs of our cathe- 

Equal to Italy in art and literature, Gaul 
was not slow to exercise a more direct infla- 
ence on the destinies of the empire. Under 
Caesar and Claudius, she had given senators to 
Rome ; under Caligula, a consul. Yindex, the 
Aquitanian, dethroned Nero, throned Gaiba; 
Bee, (Antonius Primus,) the Toulou8an,t ^^^ 
friend of Martial, and himself a poet, gave the 
empire to Vespasian ; Agricola, the Proven^, 
subdued Britain for Domitian ; finally, the best 
emperor Rome ever had sprang from a family 
of Nlmes — the pious Antoninus, successor of 
the two Spaniards, Trajan and Hadrian, and 
father, by adoption, of the Spaniard,| Marcos 
Aurelius.^ The impress of the sophist, appa- 
rent in each of these philosophical and rhetorical 
emperors, was derived as much at least from 
their connection with Gaul, as their predilection 
for Greece. Hadrian's special friend was Fa- 
vorinus, the sophist of Aries, and preceptor of 
Aulus-Gellius ; that singular being, who wrote 
a book against Epictetus, a eulogium on ugli- 
ness, and a panegyric on the quartan fever, jf 

A Gaul by birth,^ Syrian on the maternal 
and African on the paternal side, Caracalla is 
the type of that discordant mixture of races and 
ideas, presented at this period by the empire ; 
the impetuosity of the north, the ferocity of the 
south, and the fantasticalness of oriental super- 
stitions uniting, in one and the same man, to 
form a monster — a chimera. After the philo- 
sophical and sophistical epochof the Antoninet, 
the grand Eastern idea which had filled the 
minds of Caesar and of Antony — the accursed 
dream which drove so many emperors mad, was 
revived ; and Caligula, and Nero, and Commo- 
dus, were all possessed, in the decrepitude of 
the world, with youthy thoughts of Alexander 
and Hercules. Caligula, Commodus, and Cara- 
calla seem actually to have believed themselves 
incarnations of these two heroes ; like the 
Fatemite caliphs and the modern lamas of Thi- 
bet, worshipping themselves as gods. This 
idea, so ridiculous to Greek and Western 
habits of thought, created no surprise in the 
Eastern subjects of the empire, Egyptians and 
Syrians : if emperors become gods after their 
death, they might very well be so in their 

In the first century of the empire, Gaul had 
made emperors ; in the second, she had sup- 

* Baeton. in Nerone, c. 31. — Plin. 1. xxxiv. c. 7. 

t Suet. Ill Vitell. c. 18. " When a boy he hud the name oi 
Btuut, which ^ignifle^ a cock's bill.** — Bek (AnnorieaoJ 
Big (Cymric) Gob (Gaelic.) Am. Thierry, t. iii. 417. 

f At least their families were orifrinally from Spuin. 

% See the correspondence of Hadrian with his oiaater. 

II Philostratos, In Apollon. Thyan. 1. v. c. 4.— Die. Caai. 

IT " Bom at Lyons.** Aurelii Victor. Epitome, c U^— 
Dio. Cass, excerpt ad aan. J. C. 09. 


Dseay of the Empire. 


Nehhar tlM fkott of tlw emiMraii, 
nor of the coverameut. 

plied emperors herself; in the third, she aimed 
at separating herself from the empire, then 
crumbling to pieces, and at forming a Gallo- 
Roman monarchy. The generals who in the 
time of Gallienus assumed the purple in Gaul, 
and governed with glory, appear to have been 
almost all superior men. Posthumus, the first 
of these, was sumaraed the restorer of Gaul.* 
He had formed his army in great part of Gallic 
and Prankish troops,! ^^^ ^^ slain by his 
soldiers for refusing them the plunder of Mentz, 
which had revolted against him.{ Elsewhere 
I give the history of his successors : of Yictori- 
BUS and Victoria, the Mother of Legions ; of 
the armorer, Marius ; and, finally, of Tetricus, 
whom Aurelian had the glory of dragging be- 
hind his triumphal car, together with the queen 
of Palmyra.^ Although Gaul was the theatre 
of these events, they belong less to the history 
of the country than to that of the armies which 
occupied it. 

Must of these provincial emperors — tyrants, 
as they were called — were great men. Their 
successors, who re-established the unity of the 
empire — the Aurelians and Prohuses — were 
ffreatcr still. Yet the empire mouldered away 
m their hands. This is not attributable to the 
barbarians ; the invasion of the Cimbri under 
the Republic had been more formidable than 
those under the Empire. Neither are the vices 
of the princes to be blamed for it : the most 
guilty of them as men, were not the most odious 
as rulers. Often did the provinces breathe 
freely under those cruel princes, who shed in 
seas the blood of the great of Rome. The 
government of Tiberius was prudent and eco- 
nomical ;|| that of Claudius, mild and indulgent. 

• Z(>:«im. 1. 1.— P. Oros. 1. vil. " He aiwained the purple 
to the en-M advnnnge of the republic/'— Trebell. Pollio, ad 
ann. IKiO. " Po->thuiuiu<< freed GhuI with a strong hand from 
all the Hiirmundini! barbarinns. ... He was Intensely be- 
loved In (J:iul, fritm hi* having driven out the (Sennan 
hordc<«. nnd rn^torfd the Roman empire to its pri!«Une necu- 
rit)'. B^ine willingly proclaimed emperor by the army, and 
l»y the ihiuU grnenifiy, he mtmnged in seven yenn** time to 
rehnbii'itito (iaul.** — i)n a nieilal of hw appear* the words, 
Rbstitutori (Gallic Scr. R. Fr. 1. 538. 

t Auffl. Victor, c. 33.— Treb. Pollio. nd ann. 960. Qui^m 
■iulti.4 iiuxiliin Pu«thnmiu« juvaretur CelticlH ac Prancicis. 

t Eutrop. 1. ix.— P. OroM. I. vii.— Anrel. Victor, c. 43. 

^ B<'e my article, 7.eHobie^ in Michaud't Blographie Uni- 

II In the aflfiir of M. St*rcnus Tiberio*, contrary to his 
uraal prartire {contra jnorrm 9uum) countenanced the in- 
ibnuers. T.icit. Annal. 1. iv. c. 30. — "Amidst these acts 
of violiMire. the informers. In their turn, were abandoned 
to their f ite." Id. I. vi. c. 30. — When, throoeh a general 
•nforcement of the payment of debit, whole families had 
been ruined, their credit de!<truyed, and every (Hrospect of 
hope h'ld vaniihed. *' Tiberius interiKMied with seasonable 
reltrf. He opened a tand of one hundred thousand great 
■esterceit, as a public lo:tn, for threu years, flree from in- 
terei^t, on condition that the borrower, for the security of 
the st'ito, should morteage lands of double the value. By 
this sulut'iry aid public credit was revived.'* Id. 1. vi. c. 17. 
—"To sM»nn» governors of provinces, who advised him to 
load them with tnxes, he answert'd, ' It Is the part of a good 
•hepherd to shear, not to flay his she<'p.' " Bueton. In Tiber. 
c. 32.—** By degrees he assumed the exercise of the sover- 
eignty, but fur a long time with great variety of conduct, 
tHoiuih genenlly with a due regard to the public good. At 
flrst, he only inU*rposed to prevent ill-msnagement. . . . 
If a rumor prevailed, that any person under pro«iccution 
was likely by his Interest to be acquitted, he would suddenly 
hia appearance In court, and firum the groand-benchea, 



Nero himself was regretted by the people ; and 1. 
his tomb was long kept constantly crowndl v 
with fresh flowers.* While Vespasian was on 
the throne, a pretender, who assumed the name . 
of Nero, met with enthusiastic support in : 
Greece and Asia ; and the recommendation of 
Heliogabalus to the purple, was his being be- 
lieved the grandson of Septimius SeYerus,4uid 
son of Caracalla. 

The provinces were not subjected under tiie 
emperors, as under the republic, to a yearly 
change of governor : an innovation ascribed by 
Dion to Augustus, and attributed by Suetonini 
to the negligence of Tiberius, though Josephm 
expressly asserts his motive to have been *' the 
relief of the people." And, in truth, by con- . 
tinning in a province, a governor not only ac- 
quired a knowledge of its wants, but at length 
contracted ties of affection and of humanity 
there, to the amelioration of tyranny. No long- 
er, as in the days of the republic, did con- 
tractors flock thither, eager to fill their purses 
in order to return to the pleasures uf the cap- 
ital. It was the difference intimated in the h- 
ble of the fox who declines the offer of the 
hedge-hog to free him from his tormentors, the 
flies : " others will come famished," said he, 
** these are gorged and glutted." 

The procurators — men of low hirth, the 
creatures of the prince and responsible to him — 
had his vigilance to fear : to enrich themselves 
was to tempt the cruelty of a master, whose 
avarice only required an excuse for severity. 

This master judged both great and little : for 
the emperors administered justice themselves. 

or the pnetor*8 seat, would remind the Judges of the laws, 
their oath, and the nature of the charge brought befoie 
them. He likewise took upon him the correction of the 
public manners, where any abuse had been countenanced, 
either by neglect of duty In the magistrates, or the pieva- 
lency of custom." Id. ibid. c.33. — '* He reduced the expeaie 
of public sports and diversions for the entertainment of die 
people, by diminishing the allowance to stage-playen for 
their service, and abridging the number of gladiaton <m 
those occasions. ... Ho moved In the senate, that a new 
sumptuary law sh<mld be enacted, and that the nurketi 
should be subjected to such regulaUons as should appear 
proper to the house. . . . And, to encourace Ihigality hi tbi6 
I)ubllc by his own example, ho would otien, at his enter- 
tainments on solemn occasions, have at hb table victuals 
which had been served up the day liefore, and were half 
eaten, and the half of a boar, declaring. ' It has nil tlie same 
good bits that the whole had.' " Id. Ibid. c. 34.—" Nor did 
he ever entertain the people with public sports and diver- 
sions." Id. ibid. c. 47. — '* Above all things, he was caraflil 
to secure the public quiet against the attempts of house- 
breakers, robbers, and such as were disntfected to the gov- 
ernment.". . . " He abolished everywhere the privileges of 
all places of refuge." Id. Ibid. c. 37. 

• "There were, however, some, who for a long time 
decked his tomb with spring and summer flower*. They 
likewise one while placed his Image upon the Rostra, 
dressed up In state robes ; another while published procla- 
mations in his name, as If he was yet alive, and would 
shortly come to Rome again, with a vengeance to all his 
enemies. Vohigesus, king 3f the Parthlans. when he sent 
ambassadors to the senate to renew the alliance betwixt 
that nation and the Romans, earnestly requested that due 
honor should be paid to the memory of Nero ; and to con- 
clude, when, twenty years after, at which tinte I was a 
young man, some person of obscure birth gave himself oat 
for Nero, he met with so favorable a reception from the 
Parthlans, that he was powerfully supported by that nation, 
and It was with much difficulty that they surrendered him.** 
Suet in Neione, c 57. 

futiee adininistnred by tlw 


CauMortbedecarofthe K^ 

empire— «laverr. •' ' 

Tacitus we read of an accused person who, 
ring popular prejudices, demands to be tried 
Tiberius, as superior to prepossessions of 
i kind ; he was influenced, too, by the notion 
.t one judge can discern the truth better than 
ay.* Both under Tiberius and under Clau- 
la, we find the convicted escaping by appeal 
the emperor.f Claudius, anxious to termi- 
te a business in which his own interest was 
niproiiiised, declares that he will himself 
iciate as judge, in order that he may show by 
I seutence, in his own cause, how uprightly 
would act in that of another :% undoubtedly, 

• one would have dared to give judgment to 
e detriment of the emperor. 

Domitian administered justice assiduously 
id intelligently, and oflen reversed the sen- 
nces of the centumviri, who were supposed 

be obnoxious to intrigue.^ Hadrian was in 
le habit of consulting on cases submitted to 
A judgment, not his friends, but the juriscon- 
ilts I Even that rude soldier, Septimius Sev- 
rus, did not conceive himself exempt from this 
aty ; but in the quiet of his villa, gave sen- 
dee, and willingly descended into the minutest 
etails of the matters submitted to him. The 
ssiduousness of Julian in discharging his ju- 
icial functions has also been noticed.^ This 
sal of the emperors for civil justice greatly 
>unterbalan(;ed the evils of the empire, by in- 
>iring oppressive magistrates with a salutary 
!rror, and remedying in detail a mass of gen- 
ral abuses. 

Even under the worst emperors, the civil law 
as steadily extended and improved. The ju- 

* In the cauM of Piso, acciued of having poisoned Ger- 
uikriL't, Tacitu-i -(tateA tliat " application wa« made to the 
■peror, that the caoiie might be heard before himself, 
le reqae^t vrvi perfecUy agreeable to the accused party, 
ho WTM not tu learn that the senate and the people were 
priced against him. Tiberius, he knew, was Arm enough 
re^:«t popular clamor. . . . Besides this, the truth, he 
CN^t, would be better invmtlgated before a single jnd|e, 
in in a mixed assembly, where Intrigue and party-vlo- 
Hoe too often prevailed. . . . Tiberius consented to hear, 
thfe pre!«ence of a few select friends, the heads of the 
aife. with the answers of the defendant ; and then re- 
Ted the whole to the consideration of the senate.** Annal. 


f ** The first men in Rome willingly came forward against 
n. (MesKalinns Cotta.) He knew how to baffle his ene- 
t». He removed the cauw by appeal to the emperor.*' 
icit. Annal. 1. vi. e. 5. — '^Vulcatius TuUinus and Mar- 
lins, aenalun, and Calpnmius, a Roman knight, by ap- 
aliag to the emperor, avoided instant condemnation.** 
d. I. xii. c. 2S.— Two influential infonnera. Domitius Afer 
d Pobliu* Dolabella, having combined to ruin Q,uintiliu« 
iniA, " the senate stopped the progress of the mischief, by 
lerinf the cau<« to stand over Ull the emperor's return : 
Krastiaation being the only reftige of the unhappy.** Ibid. 
!▼. c G6. 

I. Snet. In Claud, c. xv. Alium interpellatum ab adver- 
rtis de pn^a lite, negantemque cognitionis rem, sed or- 
inril jtuis esse, agere causam confestim apud se coegit, 
iprio negoik) documentum daturum qu^m cquus judex in 
eno negotio futurui esaeL 

I ** In the adminlKtraUon of JusUce he was diligent and 
iidanns ; and frequently sat in the Forum out of course, 

cancel the Judgments of the Centumvlral court, which 
d been procured through &vor or interest.'* Suet, in 
■B. e. a 

I Qndm Jodicaret, (Adrianus,) in consilio habult non 
tictp* ^nos . . . mlum, sed Jurisconsultos. Spnrtlan. 
IT Anun. Marceilin. I. xxii. c. 10.— Libanius, Orat. Parent 
to 91w— 6. Greg, de Nax. Oiat. iv. 


risconsult Nerva, grandfather of the emperor 
of that name, (a disciple of the republican La- 
beo — the friend of Brutus, and the founder of 
the Stoic school of jurfsprudence,) was the ad- 
viser of Tiberius.* Papinian and Ulpian flour- 
ished in the times of Caracalla and of Helio- 
gabalus ; just as Dumoulin, PHopital, and Bris- 
son did, in those of Henri II., Charles IX., 
and Henri III. By affining more and more 
with natural equity, and consequently with the 
common sense of nations, the civil law became 
the strongest bond of the empire, and the com- 
pensation of political tyranny. 

slavery; the canker or the empire. 

Tyranny, the tyranny of the princes, and the 
tyranny of the magistrates — different in kind 
and far more burdensome — was not the princi- 
pal cause of the ruin of the empire. The real 
evil which undermined it proceeded neither 
from the government nor the administration. 
Had it been simply of an administrative nature, 
so many good and great emperors would have 
found a remedy for it. But it was a social evil ; 
and its source was not to be dried up by less 
than an entire renovation of the social system. 
Slavery was this evil. The other ills of the 
empire — most of them at least, as the all-de- 
vouring taxation and constantly increasing de- 
mands of the military government — were only, 
as we shall see, a consequence : a direct or in- 
direct effect. Nor was slavery a result of the 
imperial government. It appears everywhere 
among the people of antiquity. We read of it 
as existing in Gaul before the Roman conquest ; - 
and if it strikes us as being more terrible and 
disastrous under the empire, it is because we 
are better acquainted with the Roman than with 
previous epochs. And the ancient system be- 
ing founded on war, on the conquest of man, 
(industry is the conquest of nature,) the system 
necessarily went on from war to war, from 
proscription to proscription, and from servitude 
to servitude, till it ended in a fearful diminu- 
tion of the population. There were people of 
antiquity which, like the savage tribe of Amer- 
ica, might boast of having eaten up fifty na- 

In my Roman history I have already shown 
how the class of small cultivators, having grad- 
ually disappeared, the large proprietors who 
succeeded them supplied their place with slaves, 
who quickly perished through the rigorous la- 
bor exacted of them, and disappeared in their 
turn. Draughted for the most part out of the 
civilized nations of antiquity, Greeks, Syrians, 
and Carthaginians, they had cultivated the arts 
for the behoof of their masters. The new 
slaves by whom they were replaced! — Thra- 

* Tacit. Annal. 1. vi. c. 96. " Cocceins Nerva was tbs 
constant companion of the prince, a man distinguished Iff 
his knowledge of laws, both human and divine.** 

t The followlnf Inscription was found at AntihM>— 

ftfi An annf nt elnl 

^'^ funetionarieL 


Strife between the tretAVf 
and woHMNit people. 

oians, Germans, and Scythians— -could at the 
most only rudely imitate the models left by their 
predecessors. Objects, the fabrication of which 
required any industry, soon becoming imitations 
of imitations, grew ruder and ruder ; and as the 
workmen who could achieve them became few- 
er and fewer, their price was constantly on the 
rise. The salaries of those dependent on the 
state ought to have been raised in the same 

Sroportiou ; and what marvel that the poor sol- 
ier who had to pay fitly sous* of our money 
for the pound of meat, and twenty-two francs 
for the commonest shoes manufactured, was 
bent on seeking any alleviation of his wretch- 
edness, and ready to make revolutions in order 
to attain it. There has been much denuncia- 
tion of the violence and rapacity of the soldiers 
who, fur increase of pay, made and unmade 
emperors ; and the cruel exactions of Severus 
ana Caracalla, and the princes who drained the 
country to maintain the soldiery, have been se- 
Terely blamed. But has attention been di- 
rected to the excessive price of the necessa- 
ries which the soldier had to provide out of 
Tery moderate payl The insurgent legiona- 
ries say in Tacitus — ** Our blood and our lives 
are valued at ten asses a day. Out of this we 
must pay for our dress, our arms, our tents ; 
must pay for our furloughs, and buy off the tyr- 
anny of the centurion. "t 

It was worse still when Diocletian created 
another army — that of civil functionaries ! Till 
his time there existed a military power and a 
judicial power, which have been too oflen con- 
founded. He created, or at least completed, 
the administrative power. This highly neces- 
sary institution was, nevertheless, at the begin- 
ning, an intolerable charge on the already ru- 
ined empire. Ancient society, very different 
from ours, was not incessantly reproducing 
riches by industrial means. Always consuming, 
but, since the destruction of the industrious 

D. M. 

PTTKltl RKPTKirritl 





** To the mane^ of the boy Septentrion, ased IS, who ap 
nared twice on the *Um of Antiben, dHuced. and plcaned." 
ThH poor child wan evidently one of thorn RlaveK who were 
educated with a view to their fetching hlffh terms flrom 
manafrers, and who M\ vicUms to the neverity of their 
tmlning. I know nothing more tragic than the brevity of 
this in<(cription. or which makes one more sensible of the 
Imrdne^w of the Roman world. ** Appeared twice on the 
•tage of Antibes. dnnced, and pleased.*' — Not a regret. Is 
not thiH a wpll-ruifilled fate ! No mention of parents ; the 
■lave hid no fnmily. It Is singuUr that he should have 
had a monument. The Romans, indeed, often raised them 
to their broken playthinr«. Nero built a mononient ** to the 
mane.H of a rr>-sUil vnne.'* 

* 8t^ Mon-'-u do Jonne«, Tableau dn jwix moyen des 
Demies d'apnis Tcdit de DiocUtien retrouvc. Il Stratonice. 
<— A pair of caligat (the commonest kind of covering for the 
fbot) co<«t 33fr. ."Kk. ; beef and mutton were 2flr. 50c. a pound ; 

r, 3fr. fiOr. the pound ; wine of the poorest quality, Ifr. 
the litre ; a fat goo^, 4r>fr. ; a hare, 33fr. ; a fowl, 13fr. ; 
a hundred of oynters, 23fr., 9t,c. 

t Tacit Annal. i. 17.* The emperors were at last obliged 
IB clothe and feed their troops. Bee Lamprtd. hi Alex, 
■nr. 1111. r- r- 

classes by slavery, no longer producing, the 
land was constantly required to yield morOi 
while its cultivators daily dwindled in nuroben 
and in skill. 

A more terrible picture has never been drawi 
than that left us by Lactantius, of this murder- 
ous strife between the hungry treasury, and tht 
worn-out people, who could suffer and die, bat 
not pay : ** So numerous were the receivers, ii 
comparison with the payers, and so enormooi 
the weight of taxation, that the laborer broke 
down, the plains became deserts, and woodi 
grew where the plough had been. ... It were 
impossible to number the officials who were 
rained upon every province and town — Afofit- 
triy Rationales^ clerks to the prefecture. Uon* 
demnations, proscriptions, and exactions were 
all they knew ; exactions, not frequent, but per- 
petual, and accompanied by intolerable outra- 
ges. . . . But the public distress, the univereil 
mourning was when the scourge of the censoe 
came, and its takers, scattering themselves ia 
every direction, produced a general confusion, 
that I can only liken to the misery of a hostile 
invasion, or of a town abandoned to the sol- 
diery. The fields were measured to the veiy 
clods ; the trees counted ; each vine-plant num- 
bered. Cattle were registered as well as mea. 
The crack of the lash, and cry of the tortured 
filled the air. The faithful slave was tortured 
for evidence against his master, the wife to de- 
pose against her husband, the son against hii 
sire. For lack of evidence, the torture wae 
applied to extort one^s own witness against 
one*s self, and when nature gave way, they wrote 
down what one had never uttered. Neither oU 
age nor sickness was exempted ; the sick and 
the infirm were alike summoned. In takinf 
ages, they added to the years of children, aiio 
subtracted from those of the elderly. Grief 
and consternation filled the land. Not satisfied 
with the returns of the first enumerators, they 
then sent a succession of others, who each 
swelled the valuation — as a proof of service 
done ; and so the imposts went on iticreasing. 
Yet the number of cattle fell off, and the people 
died. Nevertheless, the survivors had to pay 
the taxes of the dead.*** 

Who suffered for these numerous insults and 
vexations, endured by freemen? — the slaves, 
the dependent colonists or laborers, whose con- 
dition daily became more akin to slavery. On 
them the proprietors heaped all the insults and 
exactions with which they were overwhelmed 
by the imperial agents ; and they had been 
wrought to the highest pitch of misery and de- 

* Lactant de M. Persecut. c. 7, 23. Adeo major esse es 
perat numerus acclpicntium qu&m dantium. . . . Filll ad* 
versus parentes su^pendebantur, &«. — A varX of warfare WM 
established between the treasury and the people, beteren 
torture and the obstinacy of silence. Amniian. Mnrc. wvp* 
(in Comment. Cod. Theod. 1. xi. tit. 7. leg. 3«.,} " that MM 
among them would blush for himself, who could not thev 
the marks of stripes received fur eluding the payment Of 

(Modem travellers state exacUj the same thing of tte 
Egyptian AUaht.)— TmAjiiLaToa. 

_ oTtkeGdlie 


EeriTfUofhopa—tolw KA 
diaappoiiitad. vV 

•IT aC the time Lact&ntius traced the forego- 
g picture. Then all the serfs of Gaul flew to 
ms, under the name of BagaudiB,* The^ at 
lee became masters of all the rural distncts, 
imt several towns, and committed more rava- 
m than the barbarians could have done. There 

a tradition that the two leaders whom they 
id elected, ^lianus and Amandus, were Chris- 
ma ; and there is no improbability in snppos- 
g that this struggle for the natural rights of 
an, was in some degree instigated by the doc- 
ine of Christian equality. These undisci- 
lined multitudes were overwhelmed by the 
nperor Maximian, whose victory seems to 
ftve been commemorated by the column of 
uaay, io Bnrgundy.f But the Bagaudae are 
lentioned long afterwards by Eumenes in one 
r his Panegyrics ;t and Idatius speaks in sev- 
ral places of the Bagaude of Spain. ^ Their 
liafortunes are particularly deplored by Sal- 
ian : *' Stripped of their all by bloody judges, 
My had lost the rights of Roman freedom, 
ave loet the name of Romans. We upbraid 
lem with their misfortune, and reproach them 
rith the name that we have forced upon them. 
low have they become Bagauda save through 
or tyranny, the perversity of the judges, and 
beir proscriptions and rapme V*|| 

There can be no doubt that the Menapian, 
Sarausius, (bom in the neighborhood of Ant- 
rerp,) was supported by the fugitive remnant 
f the Bagavula^ in his usurpation of Britain. 
le had been commissioned to intercept at sea 
he Frank pirates, who were constantly cross- 
ng over into Britain ; and he did so, but it was 
n their return voyage, for the sake of their 
looty. On this being discovered by Maximian, 
le reared his standard in Britain, declared him- 
elf independent, and was for seven years mas- 
er of the province and of the straits.^ 

* Prmper AqaiL in Chronic. *' Almost all the slaves of 
Snl rotned into the Rafaadan conspiracy.*' — Dacanfe, v. 
iMArDiB, BacAUDC : Ei Paul. Oros. 1. vU. c. 15. Eutrop. 
ifcl. Hieroavna^ in Chronico Easeb. ** Diocletian shared 
he laipprlal «li|niiiy with Hercnlius Maximian, who, having 
nshed the roral popnlnUon that nwe up under the name 
€ B^tmmdm, had picified Ganl.**— Victor Scot. *• A band 
t rustics and robbers, whom the tahabitantn call Bagaudm, 
lavtef rtwn np in Gaol,** Jtc.— Peanlus, the Groelt trans- 
ilor of EntmpiaA, says, *'The boors of Gaul having re- 
lo i l s d , the con*piraton took the name of Rnkandul, si|nnify- 
i| masters of the conntry.'* — Snldas interprets fiayt^tv, to 
nadcT ; bat says, ** Since Aarellus Victor states it to be a 
hallsh wont, may it not derive IWhu bagat, or b0^[nd^ 
rhkh, with the Armorican and Welsh (and therefore with 
JM ancient Ganl't) signifles a troop and assemblnge of 
mmT* — Catholiciim Armoricnm: ** Ba^at, assembly, a 
Mfwd. a flock.**— The ftrst edIUon of Saivianns (1530) has 
I, Bmtfmmdas, or Ba0famdas. We find BaMgaredM in the 
iber 3e Castro Ambasie, nam. 8. — BaceJkartdas, IdaUa< in 
lioaieo. In Dkieletiano : *' Some Jeeringly call the Pari- 
lus BmdmmU, as if they were descendants of the Bagau- 
fe.**— Tumrr says, ** Bttgmeh, In Irish. Is warlike : in Erse, 
tflphting: Bf^ in Wehh, is maititnde.**— St. Manr-des- 
%ss^ near P.iris, was called ttie Chateau of the Bacands. 
tM ViL 8. B^bolenL 

t MiUhi, Voyage dans le Bfldl da la France, tL 

t Eamea. de flchol. instaurat. 

tin the rolgns of Rerhlla and Theodoric. 
Balvlaa. De vero jnd. et provid. iv. Impntamns nomen 
pad lp<l fiKlmns. Quibos enim rebus alUs Bagauda (kctl 
■at. nisi laiquitatibnH nostris, Jtc. 1 
f Aezt Anrel. Victor, In Csaar. ap. Scr. R. Fr. 1. 960.^ 
^ Liz.ih.573 

The accession of Constantine (a. d. 3O69 
July 25th) and of Christianity, was an era of 
joy and hope. Constantine Chlorus,* born, like 
his father, in Britain, was the child and nurs- 
ling of Britain and of Gaul. At his father's 
death, he reduced the numbers obnoxious to the 
poll-tax in the latter country, from five-and- 
twenty to eighteen thousand ;t and the army 
with which he subdued Maxentius must have 
been for the most part levied there. 

The laws of Constantine are those of a party 
chief, who offers himself to the empire as a 
liberator and savior. '* Far, far from the peo- 
ple,'* he exclaims, " be the rapacious hands of 
the tax-gratherer.t All who have suffered from 
their extortions, should apprize thereof the pres- 
idents of the provinces. And, if these screen 
the wretches, we permit all to lay their com- 
plaints before the counts of the provinces, or 
before the prstorian prefect, if he is in the 
neighborhood, in order that, duly informed of 
such robberies, we may punish the perpetrators 
as they deserve." 

This language reanimated the empire. The 
sight of the triumphant cross alone was al- 
ready balm to the heart. Yagne and immense 
hopes sprang up at this sign of universal equal- 
ity ; and all believed that the end of their woes 
had come. 

However, Christianity could do nothing for 
the material sufferings of society ; which were 
as feebly remedied by the Christian emperors 
as by their predecessors. The result of every 
attempt at amelioration was but to show the 
certain powerlessness of the law, which could 
only revolve in the same fruitless circle. At 
one time, alarmed at the rapid depopulation of 
the country, it would attempt to ameliorate the 
fate of the laborer, and protect him against the 
proprietor ;^ and then the latter protested that 

* Schrpflin thinks not See his Dissertntlon, Constanti- 
nus Mapius non (\iit Britannns. Bale, 1741, In 4tn. 

t Eunien. Panefryric. ap. Scr. R. Pr. 1. 720. Great part of 
Autun was uncultivated. 

% Cessent jam nunc mpaces ofllcialinm manus. . . . Lex 
Constantin. in OkJ. Theod. 1. 1, tit 7. leg. I*.—" Whoever, 
of any place, order, or degree, has good proof of injustice 
done by any of my iudges, counts, friends, or palatines, let 
him come boldly and securely to me. 1 will hear whatever 
he has to say ; and, if he substantiate his accusation, I will 
punish the wretch who has heretofore deceived me into 
belief of his integrity, and will honor and reward his ac- 
cuser and convicter.*' Ex liCge Constantini in Cod. Theod. 
1. iz. tit. 1. Im. 4*. — ** If wards, widows, or other unprutected 
persons, shall beseech a liearing fkom our serenity, espe- 
cially if they dread any person in power, the defendants 
against them mu^t sntoiit the case to u».'* Ex Lege Con- 
stantini, 1. i. tit. leg. 9*. — " We remit all arrears firom the 
sixth assessment to the eleventh just msde, as well to the 
curie as to the actual holder of the property assessed ; so 
that we remit to all, under the name of arrears, whatever 
has remained unpaid during the last twenty years, whether 
due In kind or in money : of these twenty years, the public 
granary, the chest of the most honorable prefecture, nay, 
both our treasuries, must expect nothing.^* ConstanUn. In 
CoA. Theod. 1. xt. tit. 38. leg. 16*.—" You have remitted us 
tlie arrears of five years,'* says Eumenes to Constantino. 
See Ammian. Marc, in Comm. Cod. Theod. 1. xi. tlL 88L 
leg. 1«. 

$ ** If any tenant has a greater rent exacted of him by 
his lord than he has been in the hsbit of paying, or than 
has been formerly paid, let him appeal to the judge, and 
bring his proof; so that he who is convicted of having de- 
manded more than he bad been accostomed to vmivs 


Expedient* of the empeiOfB. CHANGES IN THE LAWS. 

The TheodotUn code. 


he could not pay his taxes. At another, it 
would abandon the laborer, deliver him up to 
the proprietor, sink him in slavery,* try to root 
him to the soil : but the wretch died or fled, 
and the land was a desert. As early as the 
time of Augustus, the magnitude of the evil had 
called forth laws by which every thing, even 
morality,! was sacrificed in order to keep up 
the population. Pcrtinax exempted from taxes 
for ten years all who should occupy deserted 
lands in Italy, in the provinces, or in allied 
kingdoms^ s^ well as securing them the right 
uf property therein. He was followed in this 
policy by Aurelian. Probus was forced to 
transport from Germany men and cattle for the 
cultivation of Gaul :^ and ordered the replant- 
ing of the vineyards destroyed by Domitian.lj 
Maxim ian and Constantine Chlorus transported 
Franks and other Germans into the solitudes 
of Hainault, Picardy, and of the district of Lan- 
gres ;% and yet the population fell off both in 
town and country. Some citizens ceased to 
pay taxes ; which, therefore, were squeezed 
out of the rest, for the famished and pitiless 
treasury held the curiales and the municipal 
magistrates accountable for any deficiency. 

To have the spectacle of a whole people in 
mortal agony, that fearful code must be read 

nay be prevented from repeating such offence. The latter 
mast aim) refund what he \n proved to have exacted more 
than hit due.'* Cunitant. in Cod. JaAtinian. 1. xi. Ut. 49. 

* " Whoever is found harboring another's tenant, must 
restore him to his rightful owner. . . . Tenants attempting 
flight miy be put in irons like slaves, and compelled b) do 
Uie labor that befltn firemen, as slaves." Ex Lege ITon- 
■tanUnl, in Cod. Theod. 1. v. leg. 9«. 1. 1.—" If any tenant, 
bom on the CiitMte, or transferred to it, shnll have left it for 
thirty yean, nor have been claimed for that period, no 
charge lict cither agninst him or his immediate owner.** 
Sz Lftge Hon. et Theod. in Cod. Theod. i. v. UL 10. leg. U. 
— *' We refuse access and deny heuing to men of this class 
In civil C4<e!i against their lords or patrons, (those cases of 
•xtrenie hardnhip excepted, in which princes have formeriy 
given them a right of appeal.)** Arc. et Hon. in (]^kI. Justin. 
h xi. tlL 49.—" Whoever harbors or detains another's ten- 
ant, mn«t p;iy two pounds' weight of gold to him whose 
lands h:ive been left untilled through the flight of their cul- 
tivator, and shall restore the runaway with all his goods 
and chattels.*' Theod. et Valent. in Cod. JusL I. zi. tit. 51. 

These fluctuations in the law terminate by its identifying 
the tenant with the slave. "The tenant is transferable 
with the land.*' Valent. Theod. et Arc. in Cod. Justin. I. xi. 
tit. 49. leg. 9*.—" The tenant follows the law of his birth : 
although, in point of condition, apparently free-bom, he is 
the alave of the soil on which he is bora." Cod. Justin, 
tit. 51. — " A tenant secreting himself, or seeking to desert 
fkom his patron*'* estate, is to be held In the light of a fligi- 
tive slave.'* Cod. Justin, tit. 37. Bee, also, the Cours de 
Oniv'L, L iv.— Sivigny conceives their condition to have 
been, in one respect, worse than that of slaves, since he 
liolds that the tenant could not be enfranchised. 

t By the Julian law, no nnmarried man can inherit of a 
rtiangcr, or. indi*ed, of the majority of his kindred, except 
be have " a c«)ncubine, for the sake of a family." 

1 See Henidian. 

^ Pnibi KpiiL nd senatnm. In Vofrfsc. Arantnr Gallicana 
nira barbaric bobus, et Juga Germanlca capUva pntbent 

itris cx)lla cuitoribUH. ' 

fl Aurcl. Virt. in Canar.— Vopisc. ad ann. 281. — Eutrop. 
z. — Kuteb. Chronic. — Sueton. In DomiL c. 7. 
IT Euinen. I*Hnegyr. Constant. " As at thy nod. august 
Maximi-in, the Pnnk. restored by remitter to all his right* 
U a suhjnrt. Joyfully tills the neglected lands of the Nervii 
tad Trrviri ; »o now. by thy victories, unconquered Con- 
flaaUuH Ca»Hr, the desert lands of the Ambiani, Bellovaci, 
IWcassini, and Lingones, smile under the labors of their 
baitaiian cultivators." 

by which the empire essays to retain the citi*- 
zen in the city, that crushes him while cru» 
bling under his feet. The unfortunate curiahib 
the last who in the general poverty possesaei 
a patrimony,* are declared the slaves, the serjk 
of the commonweal. They have the honor of 
governing the city, and of apportioning its a^ 
sessment at their own risk and peril ; having 
to make good all deficiency.! They have the 
honor of supplying the emperor with his aurum 
coronarium, (coronary gold.) J They are the 
most ntible senate of the city, the very illustru 
ous order of the curia.^ However, so insensh 
ble are they to their happiness, that they are 
constantly seeking to escape from it. Daily is 
the legislator obliged to have recourse to new 
precautions, in order to close and barricade the 
curia — a strange magistracy which the law ii 
constrained to keep constantly in sight, and bind 
to their curule chair. It prohibits their absenting 
themselves,) their living in the country,^ b^ 
coming soldiers,** or priests ; and they can 
only enter orders on condition of making over 
their property to some one who will be curial 
in their stead. The law treats transgressor! 
in the latter respect with little ceremony — 
** Whereas certain worthless and idle persons 
have deserted their duties as citizens, &c., we 
shall not hold them free until they shall des]>ise 
their patrimony. Is it fitting that souls intent 
on divine contemplation, should retain attach- 
ment for their w^orldly goods Vft 

The wretched curial has not even the hope 
of escaping servitude by death. The law mir- 
sues his sons. His office is hereditary. The 

♦ At the least, twenty-seven juff^ra. 

t Neither could they dbpose ot their property withool a 
warrant. ("IlemuMt apply to the Judge and oxplnln, mti* 
cttm, the causes of his involvement.** Co<l. Thcodus. 1. %. 
tit. 33.) A cnrinl, without fauiiiy. could only will away tht 
fourth part of his imiperty ; the remainder went to the cnrlai 

X (Crowns of sold were anciently presented u> victcviooi 
Romiin generals by the allies wh<mi their v.irti>rieM had 
served. The Italian cities imitated the custom. Theie 
crowns were 8U:<pended In the temple of Jufriter. Cc«a 
who had no fewer than two thousand eight hundred aai 
twenty-two of these coatly oflferings, set the ez:iinple of 
melUng them down. At length, a present of niont>y hecaaw 
the substitute; and what was at first a free-will gi<|, wai 
rigidly exacted on every conceivable occasion of public »- 
Joiclng.)— Translator. 

$ However, the law Is good and generous, for it riosea tht 
curia neither against Jews nor ba.<»tard«. "This Ih do •!« 
on the order, which must always he kept tilled up.** C^ 
Theod. 1. xli. Ut. i.— Spurios, Slc L. Oeneraliter 3. 4 S. D. 
1. li. tit 2. ' 

II Cod. Theod. I. x. t. 31. " He must not absent hlmaeir 
without having insinuated hi* wish to the jtubre (insinualD 
Judicl desiderio) and obtained his leave.'* 

IT Ibid. 1. xli. 1. 18. " All curiales are to be sevi^rely ad- 
monished not t«> quit or desert the towns f«>r the connfrv; 
well knowing that their town property is aniennhle tn dm 
treasury, and that they have nothing to do with the rountiT* 
for the sake of which they have acted impiouslw in voidiM 
their native place.'* ' "«m^ 

,. *\^ ?* «»A»rtii/i* 30, Cod. Theod. I. viii. t. 4. •• Whoevw 
has dared to turn soldier is to be forre<l bwck tn bi« raimi- 
Uve condition.**— ThU provision disarmed all the iNxnirta- 

ft Quidam ignavie sectatores, desertia dvitatum mom^ 
ribus, captnnt >u>litudines ac secreta. . . . I^ muidmm 9L 
Cod. Theoil. I. xli. t. 1.— Nee enim eon allier. nisi con tmiDita 
pitrimonUs liberanius. Quippe anlmos dlvlna obf>erraUoM 
devlnclfls non decet patrimonionun desideriia occanarL L 
eunatUf 104. ibid. ••i— ■•• w 


• I" 


DHpftir of tht people. 


BelolBiyeflbettortheRoiiMa Hi 
cooquart. ^* 

requires him to marry, and to beget and 
rietims for it. Dejection took possession 
in^s aouls ; and a deadly inertia seized the 
9 social body. The people lay down on 
rround in weariness and despair, as the 
of burden lies down under blows, and re- 
to rise. Vainly did the emperors endea- 
y offers of immunities and exemptions to 
L the laborer to his abandoned field.* Noth- 
ould do that; and the desert increased 
At the beginning of the fif\h century, 
were in Campagna the Happy, the most 
B province of the whole empire, three hun- 
and thirty thousand acres lying untitled. f 
their panic at the sight of this desolation, 
mperors had recourse to a desperate ex- 
aent. They ventured to pronounce the 
, liberty. Gratian exhorted the provinces 
rm assemblies.^ Honorius endeavored to 
dize those of Gaul ;§ and besought, prayed, 
iced, fined those who would not attend 
1. All was in vain ; there wis no arous- 
i people grown torpid under the weight of 
' ills. They had fixed their views else- 
re ; and cared not for an emperor as power- 
for good as for evil. They desired but 
b ; or at least social death and the invasion 
le barbarians. | ** They call for the enemy," 

Deserted fknns are to be made over to the decoiiones 
e neif hborhood. free of tazee for three yean.** Con- 
In. in Cod. Ja^tin. 1. xi. t. 58. lex 1. 
' By the indnlieence of Honoiias, we have remitted the 
tat a certain portion of Campania, as tieinff waste land. 
We order allowance to be made for three hundred and 
r thmisand and forty-two acres, which, fh>m the ac- 
ts of the surveyors and from ancient records, are known 
lying waste in Campania, and the records to be burnt, 
Lt of date.** Arc. et Honor, in Cod. Theod. 1. xi. tit. S8. 

ty a law passed a. d. 383. it was enacted that, ** Whether 
vorinces hold one general assembly, or ench orovince 
I its own, no mHiEistrate whatever is to interfere with 
Isfrapt thie discussions required by the public interest.** 
w inUmrd, 9. Cod. Theod. I. xii. L 12. See Raynouard, 
Are da Droit Municipal en Frsnce, i. 193. 
rtae principal proviitions of the law of 418 are as follow : 
le aMembly is to be held yearly. II. It is to meet on 
des of August. lU. It is to omsist of the honorables, 
loprietons and the mai^istrates of each province. IV. 
e mafflstfates of Novempopulanla and Aquitaine are 
Bed by their duties, those distant provinces may, as 
table, send deputies. V. Absent magistrates are to be 
ftw pounds of gold ; absent honorables and curiales, 
t. VI. The duty of the assembly is to take prudent 
■el with fegard to the public Interests. Ibid. p. 199. 
Ifamertin. in Panegyr. Jnllanl. ** Lands, safe by dis- 
I ftioin the barbarians, were seized by shameless n^bers 
r the plea of Judgment in their &vor. Freemen were 
cted to shocking cruelties, and no one was safe from 
y; so that the barbarians were longed for, and the 
clwd people coveted captivity.'*— P. Oros. " There are 
aos who prefer poverty with fireedom among the bar- 
JM, to the slavery of taxation at home.** — Salvian. do 
id. L T. **They had rather nominal captivity with 
HB, than nominal liberty with captivity. The name of 
aa dlixen, once highly prized, is now repudiated. 
f five as captives under the yoke of the enemy, bearing 
NUlshnMnt of their existence of necessity, not of will ; 
lag for flreedum, but suffering under the extreme of 
t«de. They fear the enemy less than the tax-gatherer : 
proof Is, that they fly to the first to avoid the last, 
se, the one unanimous wish of the Roman populace. 
It was their lot to live with the barbarian. Nor only 
■r hrelhnsn decline to fly from them to us, but they fly 
itti to them; and, indeed, their marvel would be, that 
■r impoverished tributaries do not follow their exam- 
w«re it not for being aware that they are detained by 
iBfOMibUit/ of lemoving their fiuniliet and imaU dwell- 

say the authors of the time, "and long for cap- 
tivity Our countrymen who happen to 

be among the barbarians, so far from wishing 
to return, would rather leave us to join them. 
The wonder is, that all the poor do not the 
same. They are only hindered by the impos- 
sibility of carrying their little huts wiih them.** 


The barbarians arrive. The ancient social 
system is condemned. The long work of con- 
quest, slavery, and depopulation touches its 
term. Must we conclude, then, that all this 
has been wrought in vain, and that devouring 
Rome leaves nothing in this land of Gaul, which 
she is about to evacuate 1 What remains of 
her, is every thing. She leaves them organi- 
zation, government. She has founded the city ; 
before her, Gaul had only villages, or, at the 
most, towns. These theatres, circuses, aque- 
ducts, roads, which we still admire, are the 
lasting symbol of civilization established by the 
Romans, the justification of their conquest of 
Gaul. And such is the power of the organiza- 
tion so introduced, that even when life shall ap- 
pear to desert it, and its destruction by the bar- 
barians inevitable, they will submit to its yoke. 
Despite themselves, they must dwell under the 
everlasting roofs which mock their efibrts at 
destruction : they will bow the head, and, vic- 
tors as they are, receive laws from vanquished 
Rome. The great name of empire — the idea 
of equality under a monarch — so opposed to the 
aristocratical principle of Germany, has been 
bequeathed by Rome to this our country. The 
barbarian kings will take advantage of it. Cul- 
tivated by the Church, and received into the 
popular mind, it will move onward with Charle- 
magne and St. Louis, until it will gradually 
lead us to the annihilation of aristocracy, and 
to the equality and equity of modern times. 

Such is the work of civil order. But by its 
side was planted another conservator of peace, 
by which it was harbored and saved during the 
tempest of barbarian invasion. By the side of 
the Roman magistracy, which is about to be 
overshadowed and to leave society in danger, 
religion everywhere stations another protector 
which shall not fail it The Roman title of de- 
fensor civitatis is everywhere devolved on the 
bishops. The ecclesiastical dioceses are divid- 
ed on the model of the imperial. The imperial 
universality is destroyed, but there appears the 
catholic universality. Dimly and uncertainly, 
the day of Roman primacy and of St. Peter 
begins to dawn.* The world will be maintain- 

Ings. Some who leave their fields and hnt^, under the 
pressure of taxation, fly to the lands of tho^e who are richer 
than they, and become their laborers." — See, nl<tn, in Priscos, 
the story of a Greek who sought ref\ige with Attila. 

* At the beginning of the fifth century. Innocent I. ad- 
vances some timid pretensions, appt^nling to custom and 
the decisions of a synod. Epist. 2. " When importint causes 
occur, they should be refeired, after the bishop has deliver- 
ed Judgment, to the apostoilc see, as aathodzed by a synod^ 

AO Gnat rafonn of Bt 

^^ Benedict 


FoandaUonoftlMMnlie {yt* 
Church oTiiyoia. ( W 

ed and regulated by the Church ; her nascent 
hierarchy is the frame by which erery thing is 
ranged or modelled. To her are owing exter- 
nal order and the economy of social life ; the 
latter, in particular, the work of the monks. 
The rule of St. Benedict sets the first example 
to the ancient world of labor by the hands of 
freemen.* For the first time the citizen, hum- 
bled by the ruin of the city, lowers his looks to 
the earth which he had despised. He bethinks 
himself of the labor, ordained in the beginning 
of the world, by the sentence pronounced on 
Adam. This great innovation of free and vol- 
untary labor is to be the basis of modern exist- 

The idea of free personality, faintly percep- 
tible in the warlike barbarism of the Gallic 
clans, but more clearly seen in the Druidical 
doctrine of the immortality of the soul, expands 
into the full light of day in the fiflh century. 
Pelagius the Briton,t lays down the law of the 
Celtic philosophy, the law followed by the Irish 
Erigcnes, the Breton Abelard, and the Breton 
Descartes. The steps which led to this great 
event can only be explained by tracing the his- 
tory of Gallic Christianity. 

When Gaul, introduced by Rome into the 
great community of nations, took her part in 
Uie general life of the world, it might be feared 

and required by holy nw and wont**— Eplnt. S9. "The 
fktbcn have decreed, not prompted by theinwlveif but by 
God, that no ba<<iness should be esteemed settled, even as 
regairdi distant and widely remote provinces, until It shall 
have been submitted to this see.**— The meaning of the 
celebrated text. Farms m, dec., was much disputed. Neither 
8t Auvu«Un nor 8t. Jerome Interpreted It In favor of the 
bishopric of Rome. Auxuiftln. de Divers. Serro. 108. Id. 
la Ev inR. Joan, tract. 1S4.— HIeronym. In Amos vl. IS. Id. 
adv. Jovin. I. 1. But St. Hilary, St. Grefory of Nyssa, 
St. Ambroste, St. ChryuMtom, Ice., recoftnlM the rifhts of 
St. Pet4$r and his succeMon. In proportion as we advance 
into the fifth century, we see the opposition disappear, and 
the poped and their partisans speak in a loftier tone. Con- 
eil. Eptii*:!. ann. 431, actio ill. " To no one is it doubtAiI that 
Peter is the chief and head of the apostles, the pillar of 
fiilth, the found itlon-stone of the catholic church ; who to 
this time), and forever, liven and fKlves jnilcment In the per- 
son of hi4 itucceiwrii.**— Leonis I. Kpint. 10. " The Lord has 
provided for the maintenince of his holy relliion by sending 
forth the truth, for the snivntion of all. thruufth the apostolic 
tmmpot ; nnd h-is chiefly assicned that duty to the blessed 
Peter.*'— -S;3e. nl^o, Rpist. 1:2. — At I'lst Leo the Rreat assumed 
the title of Head •f the Chmrek Universal. Leonis I. EplsL 
103, 97. 

* RejFula S. Bened. c. 48. Otlositas Inlmica est aninue, 
kjc. " Idh^noM \% the enemy of the soul : therefore, the 
bnthren mu«t occupy thomMlves at ccrtiln houn in man- 
ual Ubor, at others In holy reading.** After spf^clfying the 
houri of work, it continues : *' And if the poverty of the 
■pot, nece^Vity, or harveUlng the produce, keep the brethren 
constantly occupied, let them not be aflllrtcd therewith, 
since they are veritably monks if they live bv the labor of 
their hands, as our fnthen and the apti^tles did." 

Thu-i. to the Ascetics of the Eut, offering up their soli- 
tary pnyeri from the heart of the Thelvild, to the Stylites, 
alone on their columns, and to the wandering Evxfrai, who 
vejected the law. and abandoned themselves to all the va- 
guries of an unbounded mysticl.<m, there succeeded In the 
West wiie cominanities, atttched to the soil by labor. The 
Independence of the Asintlc cenobltes was reiriaced by a 
regular and Inv iri-ible organiaation ; the rule of^ which was 
no longer a string of admonitions, but a code. Liberty had 
been lo«t in the E ist in the quietude of mysticism : In the 
West she di-«ciplined herself, and, to redeem herself, sub- 
■dtted to rule, to law, to obedience, and to liibor. 

t Born, according to some. In our Britanny, but accordlog 
to other'i. In Gre^t Britain. This, however, does not alfcct 
Iheqwttloii. It la moagli that he was of Oeltle QrigiaaL 

that she would forget herself and become whit 
ly Greek or Italian ; and, in fact, Gaol wodi' 
have been vainly looked for in her towns. WA' 
those Greek temples and Roman basilicae, In* 
could her individuality subsist ? However, mk- 
of the towns, and, especially, towards the noitki ■ 
in those vast countries in which towns becuH 
more infrequent, nationality was still to bl 
found. Druidism, proscribed, had taken refi|i 
in the country and with the people. To pleui 
the Gauls, rescennius Niger is said to han 
revived ancient mysterious rites; which, im> 
doubtedly, were those of Druidism.* It wui 
Druidess who promised the empire to DiodSi 
tian.f Another, when Alexander Severus wai 

Sreparing again to attack the Druidical island, 
iritain, threw herself in his way, and called to 
him in the Gallic tongue — ** Go, but hope Ml 
victory, nor trust in thy soldiers. ''{ Thus thi 
national language and religion had not perished; 
but slumbered under Roman culture until thi 
advent of Christianity. 

When the latter appeared in the world, and 
substituted the God-man for the God-natuie, 
and replaced the poor sensual enthusiasm witib 
which the ancient worship had wearied humia- 
ity by the serious joys of the soul and transport! 
of martyrdom, the new belief was received hf 
each nation according to the bent of its owb 
peculiar genius. Gaul embraced it as some- 
thing once prized, and now recovered. Tlie 
influence of Druidism still fermented the land, 
and belief in the immortality of the soul was no 
novelty in Gaul. The Druids appear, too, to 
have inculcated the notion of a mediator. So 
that the Gallic nations rushed into the arms of 
Christianity, and in no country did martyn 
more abound. The Asiatic Greek, St. Pothi- 
nus, (ro9ci»d(, the desired ?) the disciple of the 
most mystical of the apostles, founded the mys- 
tic church of Lyons, the religious metropolis of 
the Gauls ;§ and the catacombs, and the height 

* iElianus Bpartianut, in Pescenn. Nigro. " Pesceutai 
authorised, with general approval, the celebration ofeertiJl 
sacred rites which, In Gaul, are held In honor of tlw BMrt 

t Voplsc. In Nnmeriano. " While among the Tungrl h 
Gaul, abiding in a hostelry, and contracting witli a DmIdBM 
for his daily meals, she said to him, ' DiocleUan, thou art 
too close, too mi!«erly ;' to which, the tnle goes, Dioclette 
answered, *I will be liberal when I shall be empemr;* to 
which her rejoinder Is said to have been, ' Jest not. Dloda> 
tian, for empenMr thou wilt be, when thou shnlt have sUi 
a wild bair.' " i^per.)—ld. In IHocleUano. '* Diocletlu m 
Inted that Anrellan once consulted some Dmidesses, to kaoiv 
whether his dexoendants would ei^oy the empire, and ttail 
the answer was, that no name would be more lllustrioos to 
the republic than theirs.** 

t AfA. Lnmnrid. la Alex. Sever. Muller Drnlaa ennti tt> 
clamavit Gatlico sermone, ** Vadas, nee victorlam speiMh 
nee millti tno credas.*' 

$ It is to this period, about a. d. 177, and in the reign ef 
Marcus Aurelins, that writers assign the enrllest convcf 
slons and martyrdoms which took phce in Giiul. Bnlple 
Sever. Hist. Sacra, ap. Scr. R. Fr. 1. 573. " Under Aurelw, 
the fifth persecution took place, and mirtyrdom was tha 
first witnessed In Gaul.'*— Forty-six mnrtyra died along wMl 
St Pothinu<. (Sregor. Turonons. de (Jlor. Mirtyr. 1. i. e. 
40.— Under Severus (a.D. 909) St. IreMen«, ..i first bidMS 
of Vienna, and then successor of St. Pothlnus, suffbnl 
martyrdom together with nine thousand (other* say eighi 
thoumnd) of each aex and all ages. Half a century 
him, BL flatumlntts and his *^ti«p«i«i«Tnt had fniitrd 




Id which the blood of the eighteen thousand 
■lartjiB rose therein, are still shown there. Of 
these martyrs, the most celebrated was a wo- 
mmn, a slave, St. Blandina. 

Christianity made slower progress in the 
Borth, especially in the rural districts. Even 
in the fourth century, St. Martin found whole 
populations there to be converted, and temples 
to be overthrown.* This ardent missionary 
became as a god to the people ; and the Span- 
iard Maximus, who had conquered Gaul with 
an army of Britons, thought himself insecure 
mtil he had won him over. The empress 
waited upon him at table : and, in her venera- 
tion for the holy man, picked up and ate the 
crumbs that he let fall. Virgins, whose con- 
vent he had visited, kissed and licked the spots 
which his hands had touched. Miracles marked 
every step of his progress. But what will for- 
ever preserve his memory in honor, is his un- 
sparing eflbrts to save the heretics whom Maxi- 
mus was willing to sacrifice to the sanguinary 
xeal of the bishups.f For this, he hesitated at 
no pious fraud, but lied, cheated, and even com- 
promised his reputation for sanctity : an heroi- 
eal charity which is the sign by which we 
moderns know him for a saint. 

With St. Martin we must rank the arch- 
bishop of Milan, St. Ambrose, bom at Treves, 
and whom we may therefore account a Gaul. 
The haughtiness with which this intrepid priest 
ckwed the church to Theodosius, after the 
massacre of Thessalonica, is well known. 

The Gallic church was not less distinguished 
W knowledge than by zeal and charity ; and 
she carried into religious controversy the same 
ardor with which she shed her blood for Chris- 
tiaoity. Greece and the East, whence Chris- 
tianity went forth, endeavored to bring it back 
to themselves, if I may so speak, and to induce 
it to return to their own bosom. On one hand, 
the Gnostics and Manicheans tried to amalga- 
mate it with Parsism ; claiming a share in the 
government of the world for Ahriman or Satan, 
tnd seeking to make Christ compound with the 
{Hrineiple of evil. On the other, the Platonists 

M^hoprics. Pa»iio 8. Saturn, ap. Grpff. Tor. 1. i. c. 28. 
*!■ the tSine nf Deciux there were aent aa biHhopn to preach 
ta GuiU Gatianus to Toura, Tropbimaa to Arleis Paulas to 
BdtarninaH to Touloaie, Dionysloa to the Pari«ii, 
to the Arvernl, Martial, bUhop elect, to the Le- 
u** — ^Pope Zo!«i0iiu claims the {Nrimacy for Aries. 
L Ml EpHc Gall. 
'* Whnt temples 1 I Incline to think that temples devoted 
to the BStlooal religion, and to local soperttiUons, are here 
BMsaL The Romans who penetrated into the north could 
■01 fai so shfHt a time have Inspired the natives with much 
tttactanent to their gods. Solp^ 8ev. vita S. Martini. 8ee 

t Id. ibi<L np. 8cr. R. Fr. L S73. See also Greg, de Toars, 
I. X. e. 31. St. Ambrose, who happened lo be at Treves at 
a» sam* time, gave him his support Amhros. epixt. 94« 
H^— fie Martin had founded a convent at Milan, or which 
dty Ambrow shortly ader became bishop. The difficulty 
which the Milanese had to prevail upon him to accept the 
■M, is well known. It was the same with St Martin, with 
stratMjEem and almost violence had to be u<ed to in- 
hlm to accept the bishopric of Tours. Snip. Sev. loco 
cteloj— These coincidences in the fiite of two men, equally 
JMnfttished by their wdent and courageoas ehaxity, are 

proclaimed the world to be the work of an in- 
ferior god ; and their disciples, the Arians, 
saw in the Son a being dependent on the Fa- 
ther. The Manicheans would have made Chris- 
tianity altogether an eastern religion : the 
Arians, pure philosophy ; and both were equal- 
ly attacked by the fathers of the Gallic church. 
In the third century, St. Irenseus wrote his 
work against the Gnostics, entitled On the 
Unity of the Government of the World. In the 
fourth, St. Hilary of Poitiers heroically de- 
fended the consubstantiality of the Son and the 
Father, was exiled as Athanasius was, and 
languished many years in Phrygia : while 
Athanasius took refuge at Treves with St. 
Maximin, bishop of that city, and native of 
Poitiers likewise. St. Jerome wants terms in 
which to express his admiration of St. Hilary. 
He finds in him Hellenic grace, and ** the lofti- 
ness of the Gallic buskin.^' He calls him *' the 
Rhone of Latinity.*' Elsewhere, he says, 
*'The Christian Church has grown up and 
flourished under the shadow of two trees, St. 
Hilary and St. Cyprian." (Gaul and Africa.) 

Up to this period, the Gallic follows the 
movement of the Universal Church, and is part 
thereof. The question raised by Manicheism 
is that of God and the world ; Arianism con- 
cerns Christ, the Man-God. Polemics have 
yet to treat of man himself; and then Gaul 
will speak in her own name. At the very 
time that she gives Rome the emperor Avitus, 
(a native of Auvergne,) and that Auvergne 
under the Ferreols and Apollinarii,* seems de- 
sirous of forming an independent power between 
the Goths, already established in the south, 
and the Franks, who are about to precipitate 
themselves from the north — at this very time 
Gaul claims an independent existence in the 
sphere of thought. By the mouth of Pelagius 
she adjures the great name of human Liberty, 
which the West is no more to forget. 

Why is there evil in the world \ — with this 
question begins the controversy-f Eastern 
Manicheism replies, EvU is a trod ; that is to 
say, an unknown principle. This is no answer : 
it is advancing one^s own ignorance as an ex- 
planation. Christianity replies, Evil arises out 
of human liberty : not by the fauK of men, but 
of one man, Adam, whom God punishes in his 

This solution only partially satisfied the lo- 
gicians of the Alexandrian school, and was the 
cause of much suffering to the g^reat Origen ; 
who, seeing no means of escaping from the in- 
nate corruption of humanity, went through a 
kind of voluntary martyrdom by self-uiutilation. 
To mutilate the fiesh is easier than to extir- 

* See Appendix. 

t Euseb. Hi<<t. Eccl. v. 37, ap. Gie-;rl«^r*s Kirchenge- 
schichte, v. 139. *'The question, * Whoiico is cviir Is 
much discussed by the hcnetic«<." — ^Tcrtnllitn de Pnescr. 
Hsret. c. 7, ibid. "The same subject = »«' revolvod by here- 
tics and philosophers, the same ctimidoxiiicH<lind to and 
(to : * Whence comes evil, and why comes it ? and 
la man, and how produced V '* 

64 ftiariusandPelafianiim. THE GALLIC CHURCH. OppoNd bf St. Auf urtin. \\^ 

pate the passions. Shrinking from the belief 
that they who have not committed are answer- 
able for the sin — unwilling to accuse God, 
fearing to find Him the author of evil, and thus 
to lapse into Manichcism — he preferred the 
•apposition that souls had sinned in a previous 
state of existence, and that men were fallen 
angels.* If each man were responsible for 
himself, and the author of his own fall, it would 
follow that he must he his own expiation, his 
own redeemer, and soar up to God through vir- 
tue. ** Let Christ have become God," said the 
disciple of Origen, the audacious Theodore of 
Mopsuesta, ** I envy him not : what he has be- 
come, I also can become by the strength of my 


This doctrine, impressed as it is with Greek 

heroism and stoical energy, was readily ac- 
cepted by the West, where, undoubtedly, it would 
in time have arisen of itself The Celtic ge- 
nius, which is that of individuality, is closely 
affined to the Greek. Both the Church of 
Lyons and that of Ireland were founded by 
Greeks ; and the Scotch and Irish clergy long 
spoke no other tongue. John Scotus, or Hi- 
bernicus, revived the doctrines of the school of 
Alexandria in the time of Charles the Bald ; 
but the history of the Celtic Church will be 
pursued in another place. 

The man who, in the name of that Church, 
proclaimed the independence of human morali- 
ty, is only known to us by his Greek name of 
relagios, (the Armorican — that is, the man 
Crom the sea-shore.) t Whether he were layman 
or monk is uncertain ; but the irreproachable- 
ness of his life is uncontested. His opponent, 
St. Jerome, in drawing the portrait of this 
champion of liberty, represents him as a giant : 
giving him the stature, strength, and shoulders 
of Milo of Crotona.§ He spoke with labor, 
and yet with power. || Compelled by the in- 

* S. Ilirmnyin. ad PnnimAch. *' lie says in hU trenUae, 
TUpl ipx''*'"' <h:it soah nre confined in tnis body, as in a 
dungeon, and that they dwelt among rational creatures in 
the benvon«, liel'nre man wns made in Paradiae." Ht. Je- 
rome then reproaches him " with so ailegorixtng Paradise as 
totally tn deprive it of historical truth, understanding by 
tiees, anscN, by rivem, celcHtial virtues, and destroying the 
whole keeping and character of Paradiiie by a figurative 
iBterpretntlon.*' Thus by giving another explanation of 
the origin of evil, Origen renders the doctrine of original sin 
useless, nnd subverts its hi<«tory. He denies itv necessity 
Ant, then ttn renlity. He nlfo held that the demons— an- 
gels who hnd fallen like men — would repent and amend, 
and be hnppy with the s.iint-<, (et cum Sanctis ultimo tem- 
pore regnntnms.) Thus this doctrine, thoroughly stoical in 
character, endeHvored to esUibiish an exact proportion be- 
tween the sin nnd the punishment ; but the terrible ques- 
tion returned in its entirety, for it still remained to be ex- 
plained how evil hnd begun in a former life. 

t AugUHtin. t. xii. liiss. de Primis AucL Umr. Felnglanat. 

X He wa« iil«o called Morgan, (mor, sea, in the Celtic 
tongues.) He w:is a disciple of the Origenlst Rnfinus, who 
translated Origen into I«-itin, (Anastasii Epist ad Glseler, i. 
T!%) and published in his defence a vehement invective 
•falnst St. Jerome. Thus Pelagius reaps the Inheritance of 

% a. Hieronym. Prrf. 1. ii. In Jerem. Tn qui Milonis 
hnmcris intunie«(cis. " The dumb Rufinns howls through 
the dog of Albion, (Pelngius,) large and balky, who does 
e by kicking than by biting." 
St. AufusUn. L ILL diss. 1. De Pklmii Aoetor. Bar. 

H 81 

vasion of the barbarians to take refuge in the 
East, he promulgated his doctrines there, and 
was attacked by his former friends, St. Jerome 
and St. Augustin ; and, in point of fact, Pela- 
gius, by denying original sin,* argued against 
the necessity for redemption, and strtu'k at the 
root of Christianity.! So that St. Augustin, 
who, till then, had his whole life supported 
liberty against Manichean fatalism, devoted the 
remainder of his years to subjecting the pride 
of human liberty to Divine grace so vehe- 
mently as to run the risk of crushing it alto- 
gether ; and, in his writings against Pelagius, 
the African doctor founded that mystic fatalism 
so often revived in the middle ages, especially 
in Germany, where it was proclaimed by Got- 
terchalk, Tauler, and numerous others, until it 
finally prevailed through Luther. 

It was not without reason that the great 
bishop of Hippo, the head of the Christian 
Church, opposed Pelagius with such violence. 
To reduce Christianity to philosophy was to 
strip it of the future, and to strike it dead. 
What would the dry rationalism of the Pela- 
gians have availed, at the approach of the Ger- 
manic invasion? It was not with this fierce 
theory of liberty that the conquerors of the 
empire were to be humanized ; but by preach- 
ing to them the dependence of man and the 
all-powcrfulness of God. The whole power, 
both of the religion and poetry of Christiani- 
ty, was not more than was required to sub- 
due and soflen these unbridled barbarians ; and 
the Roman world instinctively felt that its 
place of refuge would be the ample bosom of 
religion — its hope, and sole asylum, when the 
empire, which had boasted itself eternal, be- 
came in its turn a conquered nation. 

Thus Pelagianism, at first favorably received, 
even by the pope of Rome, soon gave way to 
the doctrine of grace. Vainly did it make con- 
cessions, and assume in Provence the soflened 
form of semi-Pelagianism, and endeavor to 
reconcile human liberty with Divine grace.| 

• There can be no hereditary sin, armied Pelngins, fyt it 
is will alone that constitutes sin.—" Uuierendum est, pee- 
catum voluntatis an necessitaUs est ? Hi neressitatis eet 
peccatum, non est; si voluntaUs, vltari p«iU»t." (Au^nistSn. 
De Pecc. Origin. 14.) Therefore, he coittinues. m:tn can be 
without sin ; just Ukel*heodore of Mopsuesta.—" U is uhe< 
whether man should be without sin ? l^ndoubtedly he 
should. If he should, he can. If it is comniandeil, he can." 
(Id. De Perfectionc Justitiar Ilomin.) Origen, likewise, onlv 
asked for perfection—" liberty, aided by the law and doe- 
trine." Ibid. xii. 47. 

t Origen, who also had denied originni sin, conceived thn 
inrarnatlon to be mere allegory ; at least, he was renctwchcd 
with it. (Id. ibid. 49. V. Pamphylus in Ai>ol. pro (Mcen.) 
St. Augustin saw cleariy the necessity of this ronsequenee. 
Bee the treatise. De Naturd et (;mtia. u x. p. iw. 

t The first who attempted this diffirult n -rone ilia tk« 
wiw the monk John CTaasian. a disciple of 8t. (^hrysoetoiD. 
and who pleaded with the pope to recall th« I niter ftom 
exile. lie asserted that the first movenirni towards Miod 
sprang from free-will, and that gmre then rnme to enllchlBB 
and support it. He did not, with St. Augustin, bflievS 
grace to be free and prevenUng, but only«>iis. (ColUt 
XI1I.C3. Qui (Deus) cum in nobis ortuni queuidom boia 
voluntatis inspexerit, illuminat earn conftsiim atqae coT 
5?!!llii« . "#Jl**/ ad salutem 1 And he cites the tc>it of tht 
fonn that which la good I find not") Ue dedicated oaSZt 

ItmtXlMtimim. ORIOINES OF FBANCE. Jua„mA,i, ^ iim,\ii. 65 

9 aanctity of the Breton FauMu*,* \ But, before brioginK ^^ GennuiB on the Hii) 
Teaown of the biahopa of Ailea, af Gaul, ud uauling tx this new iateifuuon 
ly of tlist illuBtiioua moiutslery of | >)f nee, I must retrace my atepa in order to 
iicb gave the Church a doieo arch- , eatinute with preoiaion, how far the different 
elve biahope, and more than a bun- race* preiioualf settled there may haie modi- 
jrra, mjrsttciam triumphed. The aed the piimitiTe geeiua of tbe counttj, and ia- 
'tbe barbariana huahed all ditputea; j ^uire what ahue theae racea had in produciug 
ihic chain were deserted, and the the coUectiTe reeult, what was the poaitjon of 
~ ~ each in the commanitj, and ascertain how 

much there remained of the indigenoua eleraeU 
in the inidat of ao man; foreign ones. 

The ongiae* of Prance hare been Bsplainad 
on different sjatems. 

Some deny foreign influence ; and will not 
have France owe any thing to the language, 
literature, or law* of the conquerora. What 
do 1 Bay 1 — why, if it depended upon them, all 
mankind would find their originala in oura. Le 
„. ,,..„-,.,. „„ w"oKiON Biiganl, and hia disciple, Latout d'AuTergue, 
■ciLTic AND L«TU( aouBcis or THE I '"^ "^'^ grenadier of the republic, denre eTery 
[«u.oUi«E.— DBBTiMT Of TBI ciLTic j '"nguage from the Bw-Brelon. Intrepid aiid 
patriotic entice, the liberation of France doea 
not conteot them, unless they 'subject to it the 
giona philosophy of Pelagius is the ^ whole of the rest of the world. Historians and 
i« Uelle no-Celtic genius; the die- , legists are less daring. Nevertheless, the abbi 
wracteristic of which is formaliied Dubo* will not allow the conquest of Cloria to 
peodent /, the free personality, of have been a conquest ; and Grosley affimw 
lophical writers. The German ele- our common law to be anterior to Casar. 
different in its nature, will be seen Others, less chimerical, perhaps, but ai 


with it, and so constraining it to jna- 
Tclop itself, and bring out all that ' 

The middle ages are the strugglt 
DCS, the victory. 

Bl. HOBontni, who, u well u ks, bid villi 
Ub Chitot,) md who ftnniM Ixrin. fnni 

■ elusive and attached to a system, deduce every 

I thing from tradition, and the different importa- 

; tions of commerce or of conquest. In their 

opinion, our French tongne is a eonuption of 

the l«tin i our law, a eormption of the Rmnan 

,^, , ..™, or GennM law, and our traditions, a simple 

„, ..-Ufgnh ihg DoHUIuslouidcfeiuian echo of the foreigners. The; give one half 
£^^ 2S.^iS?cJSI,-??rtitoS"i^ "'' ^i^nee to Germany, the other to the Ro- 
4 i^ canbiDcd Id csmbu Ui^ieuiBu. mans, and leave her nothing to claim in her 
!£iu'£^2iu "ciVtan "S uiH^i "rf °^'* "8''^ Apparently, those great Celtic na- 
rirto wiow, lUa Cuulaa. Iplsat Nntoriu. "0"". "o much bruited by anliquitv, were of so 
■d HwwIlbH iBciiscd 10 •nni-Priaciiiiiun : | abandoned a cast as to be disinherited by oa- 

Ua nuuve, BL BUut— Uiu bim. ■ inppDruir trace. Gaul, which armed five hundred ihon- 
u of CmiUil BoHi wkb imried .1 Leriiu. gami jaen against Cssar, and which, under the 
,^2S.^-^^ri=1i^J.^?™y'X™ ; empire, ap^ara still so populoua, baa wholly 
iM of H, GaiuH ', nowlieni liu Ilia queiuon I disappeared, dissolved by intermixture wilh 
^iTn'rJS: ^ Bull. '■ ».cnci»im««n, po-- ' »0"e Roman legions. Or the lands of Clovifc 
■ou Fawu." Mc la 447. HI. Hiiur or Arin ' All our northern French are the offspnng of 
loiI:SSJ'irf'?SSj^S?Bi^m.?'STO ' '''* Germans, although their language contains 
fa^MO. .ao litlle German; and Gaul has perished utter- 

kitaL m, ll» Lalu wu (biudHl by 8L Jy, lj|ce the Atlantides. All the Celts are gone ; 
.*m£^15^"(^"°Bi^iu.'^ ""1 if ^7 «">«»'' "'ey wUl notescspe the ar- 
iBodttn oTTieiBa, Homntiu of iiuhui», and TOWS of modem oriticisrn. Pinliertcn does not 
'wii'rfilSrtlhtoSSr'JlI^aliri'^u.l*"^" '*'*■"'*'"'" '° thetomb, but fastens fn- 
I sbnia of a»ae who Uva la CbfUi, J». (Bh! i riously upon them like a true Saxon, as Eng- 
■ilIIUBi.nHta^AiDli^EDetauui..CHartiu< land does on Ireland. He contends that th<^ 
Jlw.'SLioSLTWijtof''iSaB had nothing of their own, not a particle of OTi- 
ta UM, u MoBta Gaartao. - At ctaii lime.- ginal genius ; that all the gtnUttnm ar« de- 
Sto,'^?Thi'oS5 S'SSSiiiiLtal"'- weo^od.from the Goths, (orSaiona, or Scylhi- 

b AivfriDi of Hu- . ans, it is all the same to him ;) and, 
Yi^' S" V" V I whimaieal furor, desires the estabUshiDtnt of 
US. Cbki. u^^7^^ I profe»»or*hip« of CelUc, " to teaoh na to bo^ 

■ladmiar,)-Th«. at the Celts." 

mi~-"^^~-"--"""*^iir.""T'"*Ti''' '^'" "^^ ^ 8*"" ^y ^°'' c'Joosiqg betwMn 
she a - Tifniitilsiiii \aiatwowjfUam,viAtM Mlaiiagfnt^mUlkn 


Blemoriak of the Cjrmrf. 


Clanthip. Theeitr. 

exclusive partisan of native genius or of exter- 
nal influences. History and good sense are re- 
pugnant to both. That the French are no long- 
er Gauls, is obvious : vain would be the search 
among us for those large, white, soft frames, 
those infant giants, who burnt Rome as a pas- 
time. On the other hand, the French is wide- 
ly distinct from both the Roman and German 
genius ; neither of which serve to throw any 
light upon it. 

We have no wish to reject incontestable 
facts. It is indisputable that our country is 
largely indebted to foreign influence. All the 
races of the world have contributed to dower 
this Pandora of ours. 

The original basis* — where all has entered 
and all been received — is the race of the Ga^l, 
young, soft, mobile, clamorous, sensual, and 
^ckle, prompt to learn, quick to reject, and 
greedy of novelty. Here we have the primi- 
tive, and the perfectible element. 

Such children require stem preceptors, and 
they will have them both from the South and 
the North. Their mobility will be fixed, their 
softness become hardened and strengthened, 
reason will be added to their instinct, and re- 
flection to their impulsiveness. 

In the South, appear the Iberians of Liguria 
and the Pyrenees, with all the harshness and 
craft of the mountaineer character ; then, the 
Phoenician colonies ; and after a long interval, 
the Saracens; The mercantile genius of the 
Semitic nations strikes root early in the south 
of France. .In the middle ages, the Jews are 
altogether domiciled there ;t and at the epoch 
of the Albigenses, Extern doctrines had easily 
obtained a footing. 

From the North, sweep down in good time 
the obstinate Cymry, the ancestors of our Bre- 
tons and of the Welsh. They have no mind 
to pass over the earth and be forgotten. Their 
progress must be marked by monuments. They 
rear the needles of Loc Maria Ker, and trace 
the lines of Camac : rude and mute memorials, 
futile attempts to hand down traditions which 

* (Dr. Prtehard (On tkt Ctltie JfiUtons) haa mtlt&ctnrllT 
fiemonstrated Uie oriental origin of the n«tive Celt, as well 
ftom etyimrforical proofs as ftom simUarity of physical con- 
formation and strong resemblance of saperstitioos, manners, 
customs, and observances. The connocUon of tho Sciavo- 
nian, German, and Pelasgian races with the ancient AsiaUe 
nations, may be established by historical testimony; and 
the relaticm between the lanirnages of those races and the 
Celtic, is such as to identify them as branches of the same 
oi1|lnal stock. 

Logan conjectures that the Greek Otdadoi (milky-white 
men) was first used to distinguish the whites generally ftom 
the necro races, as the native Americans style themselves 
the red men in contradistinction to the Ani^o- Americans ; 
and that when the most ancient Celtic had become un- 
known, it was given as the origin of the name, Celtr^ hav- 
ing been derlvM ftom the primitive language of the first 
settlers of the country. He adds, **It is worthy ofobserva- 
tloa, that * Gaelic' has been by good antiquaries translated 
the language of w&its men. Gmlta signifies whitened, and 
oomet mrni Geal, white. The similarity of this word to the 
term CelUe is striking ; ftom it, in all prob^ity, came the 
Roman Gallns.")— Tramblator. 

t *Tls true, they were often ill-treated there, but less so 
tfaaa elaewbere. They were allowed schoob In BfontpelUer, 
•ad la Bsay oClMV lowBs of LssgwdQC sad PiofVMs. 

posterity will be unable to understand. Their 
Druidism points to immortality, but is incapable 
of establishing order even in the present life. 
It only reveals the germ of morality which ex< 
ists in savage man, as the mistletoe, shining 
through the snow, testifies to the life that lies 
dormant in winter*s embrace. The genius of 
war is still in the ascendant. The Bolg de- 
scend from the North, and the whirlwind 
sweeps over Gaul, Germany, Greece, and Atia 
Minor. The Gauls follow, and Gaul overflowi 
the world. It is the exuberant sap of life run* 
ning out in every direction. The Gallo-Belgv 
have the warlike temperament and prolific 
power of the modern Bolg of Belgium and of 
Ireland ; but in their history the social power- 
lessness of the latter countries is already visi- 
ble. Gaul is as weak to acquire as to organiie. 
The natural and warlike society of clanship, 
prevails over the elective and sacerdotal socie 
ty of Druidism. Founded on the principle of a 
true or a fictitious relationship, the clan is thi 
rudest of associations, its bond flesh and blood : 
clanship centres in a chief, a man.* 

But there is need of a society in which mm 
shall no longer devote himself to man, but to to 
idea ; and, firstly, to the idea of civil order. 
The Roman agrimensores will follow the le* 
gions to measure, survey, and lay out accord* 
ing to the true cardinal points as prescribed hj 
their antique rites, the colonies of Aix, of Nar* 
bonne, and of Lyons. The city enters iota 
Gaul ; Gaul enters into the city. The great 
Caesar, afler having disarmed Gaul by fiAy bat- 
tles and the death of some millions of mea, 
opens to it the ranks of the legions, and, throw- 
ing down every barrier, introduces it into Rome 
and the senate. Then, our Gallo- Romans bo- 
come orators, rhetoricians, jurists ; and may ba 
seen surpssing their masters, and teachiif 
Latin to Kome herself. There, they learn m 
their turn, civil equality under a military chief 
— learn the lesson already taught them by their 
levelling genius. Fear not their ever forget- 
ting it. 

However, Gaul will not know herself untfl 
the Greek spirit shall have moused her. Ai- 
toninus the Pious, is from Nismes. Rome hai 
said — the city. Stoic Greece says, throujili 
the Antonines — the city of the world. Chna- 
tian Greece says, likewise, but better atilli 
through Saints Pothinus and Ireneus, whO| 
from Smyrna and Patmos, beai to Lyons the 
word of Christ ; mystic word, word of lovSi 

* Independently of this common bond, we shall find ■■ 
devoting themselves to this man who supports then,Mi 
whom they love. In this feeling originated the ** DevoSni^ 
of the Gauls and Aqultanians. CBsar, Bell. Gall. L tt 
C.99. " Z>etw(«, whom they call fs/darti, . . . nor has AM 
ever been an Instance of any one reftising to die wlwaka 
to whose friendship he hnd devoted himself was slala.*^ 
Athensns, 1. vl. c. 13. ** They say that the king of the l» 
tlanoi fa Celtic race) has a guard of six hunorad pUsi 
men, who are called soldurli by the Gauls, or, as we tfaoril 
say In Greek, c^biAi/iaroi, (men who have vowed to MM 
and die with their lords.)'* ZoMi, or Sa/di, ilgBlfiit a kM 
la the Baaqnt toagoe. 

""^gg SL*!" * CELTS, ROMANS, GREEKS, AND GERRLANS. ^fejil* 67 

which offers worn-out man rest and sleep in 
God, as Christ himself, at his last supper, rest- 
ed his head on the bosom of the disciple whom 
He loved. But in the Cymric genius, in our 
ttrd west, there is a feeling repugnant to mys- 
icism, and which hardens itself against the mild 
md winning word, refusing to lose itself in the 
losom of the moral God, presented it by Chris- 
ianity, just as it rejected the dominion of the 
yod Nature of the ancient religions. The or- 
;an of this stubborn protest of the /, is Pela- 
;iu8, heir to the Greek Origen. 

If these reasoners triumphed, they would 
bund liberty before society was settled. Re- 
igion and the Church, which have to remodel 
he world, require more docile auxiliaries. The 
Germans are needed. Whatever miseries their 
nvasion may inflict, they will soon aid the 
Church. From the second generation, they 
lie hers ; a teach, and they are overcome, and 
iriU remain in their state of enchantment a 
iioasaod years. " Bmo the head, mild Sicean- 
^,^^ the stubborn Celt would not have bowed 
t. These barbarians, who seemed instruments 
for universal destruction, become, whether wit- 
tingly or not, the docile instruments of the 
Clmreh, who will employ their young arms in 
forging the band of steel which is to unite mod- 
Bm society. The German hammer of Thor 
ind Charles Martel will ring upon, subdue, 
md discipline the rebellious genius of the 

Such has been the accumulation of races in 
oar Gaol — ^race upon race, people upon people. 
Gaols, Gymry, Bolg — from one quarter, Iberi- 
ans; from other quarters again, Greeks, and 
Roinana : the catalogue is closed by the Ger- 
mans. This said, nave we said — France 1 
lalher, all remains to be said. France has 
formed herself out of these elements, while 
amr other union mi^ht have been the result. 
Ou and snear consist of the same chemical 

eSements. But the elements given, all is not 
given; there remains the mystery of a special 
and peeuliar nature to be accounted for. And 
how much the more ought this fact to be insisted 
upon, when the question is of a living and ac- 
tive union, such as a nation ; a union, suscep- 
tible of internal development and self-modi- 
fication! Now, this development and these 
toeeessive modifications, through which our 
eoantry is undergoing constant change, are the 
labject matter of French history. 

Let OS not give too much importance either 
to the primitive element of the Celtic genius, 
«r to the additions from without The Celts 
have contributed to the result, there can be no 
doubt; so have Rome, Greece, and the Ger- 
■ans. But who has united, fused, converted 
these elements; who has transmuted, trans- 
inned, and made a single body of them ; who 
hu diminated out of them our France t France 
bmelf, by that internal travail and mysterious 


-. Bn the fbUowlag chapter. 


{)rod notion, compounded of necessity and of 
iberty, which it is the province of history to 
explain. The primitive acorn is poor compared 
with the gigantic oak which springs from it : 
let then the living oak which has cultivated, 
made, and is making itself, lift its head with 

And first ; are we to refer the primitive civi- 
lization of Gaul to the Greeks 1 The influence 
of Marseilles has plainly been exaggerated. It 
might enrich the Celtic tongue with some Greek 
words ;* the Gauls, having no letters of their 
own, might borrow the Greek characters for 
important matters. f But the Hellenic genius 
had too much contempt for the barbarians, 
to gain real influence over them. Few in 
number, traversing the country with distrust, 
and only for commercial purposes, the Greeks 
differed too widely from the Gauls both in race 
and language, and were too superior to them 
for fellowship. They stood in the same rela- 
tion to them that the Anglo-Americans do to 
their savage neighbors, who are driven further 
into the wild, and are gi^ually disappearing, 
without sharing the benefits of a state of civili- 
zation so far beyond their capacity, but into 
which it was sought to have initiated them all 
at once. * 

It was late when Greece, through philosophy 
and religion, exerted an influence upon Gaul. 
She aided Pelagius ; but only in giving a logi- 
cal expression to a feeling already existent in 
the national genius. Then came the barba- 
rians ; and it took ages for resuscitated Gaul to 
remember Greece. 

The influence of Rome is more direct ; and 
has left stronger traces in manners, law, and 
language. It is still popularly believed that our 
language is wholly Latin; yet, is not this a 
strange exaggeration 1 

To believe the Romans, their language pre- 
vailed in Gaul, as throughout the empire.^ The 
conquered were assumed to have lost their lan- 
guage with their gods. The Romans did not 
choose to know that there existed any other 
language than their own ; their magistrates 
answered the Greeks in Latin ;^ and, in Latin, 

* M. ChampoUlon Flfeae hat recognised some even In 
Oaaphiny. The audition of the rocognitiln of Ulyiset and 
Penelope is found, under a romantic shape, in Marseilles. 
Not very long since, even the Church or Lyons obsenrod 
the rites of the Grtick Church. It appears that the Celtic 
medals, prior to the Roman conquest, present a striking re- 
semblance to the Macedonian coins. Caumont. Conrs d*An- 
tiq. MonuBMnt i. 5M9. Ail this -seems to me Insufficient to 
prove that the Gallic genius has been much or deeply mod- 
ified by Greek influences. I incline rather to believe In a 
primitive analogy between the two races, than kt the strong 
eflect of their intercommunication. 

t See the quotation from Stmbo, p. 54. 

i Bt Auguistin, De Civ. Dei, 1. xiz. c 7. " The imperloiu 
ci^ labors, not only to Impoee her yoke en the conqnoed 
nations, but to give them her language also.'* 

% \al. Max. 1. ii. c S. " An iMa may be formed of the 
anxiety of the ancient magistrates lo preserve their own 
dignity and that of the Roman people, ftom the Ikct that, 
among other signs of jcrave authority, tliey were most strict 
in never answering Greek pleaders except In LaUn. Nay, 
even denying them the advantages derivable from their own 
plastic tongue, they compelled them to speak through an 
mtnpivltr, aot ooi j la ou dty, bat sthi in 

AA Pire to nddl oniverMlMf of 

vo tlM Lfttin toogut. 


Praralenee of tlie GftRie 

•ays the Digest, the praetors must expound the 

Thus the Romans, hearing only their ouni 
tongue from the tribunal, the pretorium, and 
the basilica, fancied they had extirpated the 
languages of the conquered. However, many 
facts exist to teach us what to think of this pre- 
tended uniyersality of the Latin tongue. The 
rebel Lycians, hayinf sent a countryman of 
theirs, but a citixen of Rome, to sue for pardon, 
it turned out that he was utterly ignorant of the 
language of the city.f Claudius found that he 
bad given the government of Greece, a most 
distinguished office, to an individual unac- 
quainted with Latin ;% and since Strabo ob- 
serves, that the tribes of Baetica, and most of 
those of Southern Gaul, had adopted the Latin 
tongue,^ the circumstance could not have been 
common, or he would not have taken the trouble 
to remar^ it. ** I learned Latin,^' says St. Au- 
gustin, ** >vithout fear or flogging, in the midst 
of the caresses, smiles, and sports of my 
tturses,^^! iust the plan followed with Mon- 
taigne, and on whic^ he congratulates himself. 
But the acquisition of the language must have 
generally been a harder task, or St. Augustin 
would not have introduced the subject. 

If Martial congratulates himself that all the 
world at Vienne had his book in thoir hands ;^ 
if St. Jerome addresses the ladies of Gaul, St 
Hilary and St Avitus, their sisters, and Sulpi- 
cius Severus his mother-in-law, in Latin ; and 
if Sidonius recommends the reading of St. 
Augustin to women,** all this only proves what 
no one doubts — namely, that the higher ranks 
of the south of Gaul, particularly of Roman 
oolonies, as of Lyons, Vienne, or Narbonne, 
spoke liitin by choice. 

As to the mass of the people, and I say this 

AiU« 1b the view of spiMidhig thioagb the worid » profbimd 
mpect for the ■peeeb of Rome.** 

(Olbbon nyi, ** So eenalble were the Romans of the in- 
flnaaoe cMTlanfiuife over national nHuinen, that It was their 
Boet lerioiu eare to extend, with the progress of their 
MOM, the use of the Latin tongne.**) — ^TiiAifSLATOit. 

* L. Deereta, D. 1. xlii. L 1. Deoeta a prctoribns Latino 
Intorpooi debent. Tlberins apologlied to the senate for 
valBC the Grecdc word monopoly, ** Adeo nt monopoliam 
■omTnatanis, prins veniam postnUrit qao<l sibi vcrbo pere- 
ptno ntendnm eaaet.** ** When, too, a decree was abont to 
■Mi the senate, in which the Greek word iftfiXtina had 
seen inserted, he ncommended its being changed.** Snet. 
!■ Tlbnr. e. 71. 

r Dio Caai. 1. Iz. ed. R«ymar,.p. OSS. 

t Boot, in Claud, c. IS. Splendidnm Timm, Gnedaqne 
fPOVinciB nindpera, ▼emm Latinl sennonis Ignamm. 

(What Boetoaiiis says Is, that ** he (Ciandlns) not only 
ilraek oat of the list of Jvdfes, but likewise deprived of his 
fteadom of Rome, a man of great distinetion, and of the 
irit rank in Gieeea, only beeavae he was ignorant of the 
liMln language ;** so that while the lefbrenee perfecUy bears 

•f Greece ; nor do the words, " Gnecls provinete pvind- 

Ci** mean ** gofemor of Groeee,** but simply. ** a man of 
llrst rank !■ Oreeee.**)— TsAmLATom. 
tSnab. L lU. ed. Ozoil p. Ml; I. Iv. p. 99B. 
Oonftas. 1. 1, e. U. 
Martial, t vIL epigr. 87. 
•• aid. Apoll. 1. iT ep. 9. loqaeflHrt, GloMnIra de la 
Romaine, 1808. See oo thia lolAect, la pvttealar, 
' w«k of IL Rayaowwi, I. L 

of the northern Gauls particularly, one can 
hardly suppose that the .Romans invaded Gaol 
in sufficiently large numbers to induce it to 
abandon the national speech. According to the 
judicious rules laid down by M. Abel Remusat, 
it appears that a foreign tongue generaUy 
mingles with an indigenous one, in proportion 
to the number of tliose who introduce it into the 
country ; and we may add, tliat in the particular 
case in question, the Romans, confined to the 
towns, or to the quarters of the legions, can 
have had but little communication with the 
slaves who were the tillers of the soil, the half- 
servile husbandmen who were scattered in the 
country. Even among the inhabitants of the 
towns and the persons of distinction — and in 
the language of those false Romans, who arrived 
at the dignities of the empire — we find traces 
of the national idiom. The Provencal Corne- 
lius Gallus, a consul and pretor, used the Gallie 
word casnar to signify assectaior puellaj (a girl's 
suitor,) and Quintilian objects it to hira.* An- 
tonius Primus, that Toulousan, whose victoiy 
gained the empire for Vespasian, was origiiudly 
named Becj\ a Gallic word found in all the 
Celtic dialects, as well as in French. In 330, 
by a decree of Septimius Severus, feofiments 
of trust are to be received, not only when exe- 
cuted in Latin and Greek, but in the GaBU 
tongue as well.} It has previously been re- 
lated that a Druidess addressed Alexander 
Severus in Gaelic ; and, in 473, Sidonius Apol- 
linaris, bishop of Clermont, thanks his brother- 
in-law, the powerful Ecdicius, for having 
induced the nobility of the Arverni to discon- 
tinue the rude Celtic.^ 

What, it will be inquired, was the vulgar 
tongue of the Gauls ? Are there any groonds 

* InsUtut Orat 1. 1. c. 5, init. 

t Suet, in Vitell. c. IS, ad calc«>m. 

; Digest. 1. xxxU. tit. I. FVom the eighth cenCvy, Iht 
onion of the Gallic and Latin tonnes soems to have gtvia 
rise to the Romance language. In the ninth eentwy, a 
Spaniard could make himself understood by an Itaflaa. 
(Acta 88. Oni. B. Ben. sec. ill. P. ». p. 8S6.) It wua this 
Romance ruttie language that was rvfem-d to when Iht 
Council of Anxerre prohibited young girls (Wun all 
hymns in mingled Latin and Roman<» ; while, on the 
trary, those of Tours, Reims, and Mentz, (81S. 8f7,) 
the prayen and homilies to ho translated Into it. 
Anally, it was in this language that was couched the *-w-,—^ 
oath, talcen by Lewis the German to Charles the P^ M, 
which is the earliest monument of our national loogna. 
There is no douht that the proportion in which eilhernn- 
piase contributed to its formation, diflbred acconling to the 
locality. About SUO, an Italian could write " aarvmomem' 
lar ianguage approximatfts to the Latin," (BCartene, Vet 
Scr. 1.396,} which ezplainn why the Tulgar Provencal Umgm 
was common to parts of Spain and Italy, but there is aoth- 
ing to show that it was the same with the vulgar tongue 
of central and northern Gaul. Gregory of Tours, riTvUl J 
describing the entrance of Gontran Into Orieans, deariv dls^ 
tingulshes between the Latin and the common tongue, b 
ftSS, we find a bishop preaching in the GalUc tonne. (Gal- 
lic*. Concll. Hardouln. v. 731.) The monk of^ Gall gives 
90ltre», (for l^yriers, greyhounds,) as a Gallic wonl. We 
S5? *l.ft* *^ ""f St. Coimnb, (Acta 88. see. II. p. 17.) -a 
Uttie wild animal, which men vulgariy call mtrink** 
(AcnreuU, squirrel.) It Is curioiu to observe ow nait 
language thus gradually dawning, in a despised Janoo. 

* "For that the nobility, casting off tWaiSrof lis 
Oaltie tongue, cultivate the graces of oratory, and ma? 
themusea?' BIdon. ApolUn. Eplst. 3, lib. UL i^ fler^ffc 





r thinking it to have been analogoos to the 
'elah and Breton, the Imh and Scotch dia- 
cta ! There is reason to beJieve so. The 
drdfl Bee, Alp, bardd, derwidd^ (Druid,) argel, 
are,) trimarkisia, (three horsemen,)* and nu- 
eroQS names of places, mentioned by classic 
riters, are found unchanged in those dialects 
I to the present day. 

These examples are enough to render it pro- 
ible that the Celtic tongues hare been per- 
*taated« and to prove the analogy of the ancient 
allie dialects with those spoken by the modern 
ipalations of Wales and Brittany, Scotland 
id Ireland. They who are aware of the mar- 
slloos pertinacity of these people, their at- 
ichment to their ancient traditions, and hatred 
r the foreigner, will not consider our proofs 

A remarkable peculiarity of these languages 

I their striking analosy with Greek and Latin. 

Ike first Terse of the iEneid, and the ** let there 

t Ugki, (both in Latin and in Greek,) are 

are! J Welsh and Irish. f These analogies 

light be accounted for by the influence of the 

eelesiastics, if they bore only on scientific or 

heologieal terms ; but they are equally met 

rith ia those which concern the near ties or 

ireooastances of local exiptence4 They are 

ilso met with in nations which have experi- 

iieed ia a very unequal d^ee the influence 

if the conquerors and that of the Church, in 

Montriea almost without communication with 

sieh other, and placed in very different geo- 

Siaphieal and political situations ; for instance, 

ia oar contiaeatal Bretons and the insular Irish. 

* ^A. whenee Alp*, Albania ; prun, peak, whenee Apen- 
■te^ FMuUne Alpi.— Barr^ ^^^^ "^P- I'^'^b. 1. Iv. et 
bM. L V. BuA, aji. Aan. Harr. Xrlv. Itc^ — Dtrmtfd i ^ (see 
Hie, p. 45;) to Ckis day. In Ireland Drmi ■Ignltea maci^an, 
Mdto, BM^ Toland*t LefUv*, p. 58. In Wales, 
I of Rlass aie called gleimi ma. Drittdk^ Dniida* ilasteii. 
erAuia, Ihiai Cr*. thiee, and aiare, a hone. Owen'i 
Wchh Met, AnB9Uoni|*8 Gael. Diet " Encb Gallic cava- 
i».* nya Panjaofau, (I. z.ap.8er.ILFr.L4iOO,) ''U followed 
>jtHm Mnraals who. In case of need, give him tbeir hones ; 
tab Is what thef call ia their UnguiiiEeTriinarkiaia, (rpi^ap- 
«f naj llroa tta0 Oettk word maica.** Many ocber examples 
■llkt ke added to these. We And the gataum (Gallic jave- 
Bi) of daaale wrileTis in the Gallic wordii, foisia, annod, 
gaitg^ laaverr: the eaiaia (the barbed dart used by Gaols 
•aiOenBasi) In gath-leth (pronovneed gau-tay ;) the ratta 
«ritn»a. (harp)—Fbrtaaat. vii. 8,— in the Gaelic, rratC in 
(k» Cparte, tiadd, la the ratta of the middle ages ; and the 
•mi (MUMary cloak) in the Armorlc aaa^ tcjc. kjc. 

T There In ant an anedacaled person in Ireland, Wales, 
«te Bflnh eCBeotland, who womtd not undentand, — 

AfoM vinunqae (ac) cano Troje i|al prioMis ab oris. 
CilUC. jfna agg far can pi pim fra ar. 

WiiML Jtroam me gwr emnatfo TVetfaa ew prin a ar. 

ri mH tw ^kH Toi lytifcra fiat. 

Vaamat pkaar agg ganmaik pk a ar. 

Qamai famdi ae v ganU famdL 

Fhi tax et (ac) Inz tecu Ailt 

Art Imr agg lur feal fel. 

TgHai iim€k a Umek a faitkiad. 

Cambro-Briton, Jaavary, US3. 

I AmwnniM ; eoapoanded of the article mr, and den, 
<C^^) ^Mi, (Baa-feiet.,) d— j l siaa, (GaeU) prafamd, deep.— 

A language so analogous with the Latin, 
must have furnished ours with a considerable 
number of words, which, from their Latinised 
appearance, have been ascribed to the learned 
tongue, to the language of the law and of the 
Church, rather than to the obscure and despised 
idioms of the conauered races. The French 
language has pre^rred boasting of her con- 
nections with the noble Roman tongue to claim- 
ing kindred with her less brilliant sisters. Nev- 
ertheless, to prove the Latin origin of a word, 
it must be proved that the same word is not 
still more closely affined with Celtic dialecu ;* 
and, perhaps, the latter original should be pre- 
ferred, when there is reason to doubt between 
the two, since apparently the Gauls were more 
numerous in Gaul than their Roman conquer- 
ors. I would admit of hesitation when the 
French word is found in Latin and Breton only, 
since, rigorously speaking, the Breton and the 
French may have received it from the Latin. 
But when the same word occurs in Welsh, the 
brother dialect of the Breton, it is very proba- 
ble that it is indigenous, and that the French 
has received it from the old Celtic root; a 
probability, heightened almost into certainty, 
when the word exists likewise in the Gaelic 
dialects of the highlands of Scotland, and of 
Ireland. A French word, found in these dis- 
tant countries, now so isolated from France, 
must be due to a period in which Gaul, Great 
Britain, and Ireland were still sisters, in whioh 
there was between them identity of race, reli- 
gion, and language, and in which the union of 
the Celtic world was still unbrokenf 

It follows from the preceding that the Roman 

element is not every thing, and that by far, in 

our language ; and language being the faithful 

representation of the genius of a race, the ez- 

; pression of its character, and revelation of its 

' inmost life, its Word — if I may use the term — 

* Take the following ezam|4ea 

Bretam. tVelak. 



Baton, (Ktick,) 



Bras, (arm.) ... braich 



Carriole, chariot, carr 



Chalne, chadden 

caddan catena. 

Chamtwe, cambr 



Cire, (wax,) 

Dent, (tooUi,) ... dant 





Glaive, (nword,) glaif 
Haleine, (breath,) haian alan 




Lait, (miik,) ... Ueth 



Matin, (morning,) mintin 


mane, matatinm 

Friz, (price,) prls 



Scear, (sister,) choar 



AuiATS ; ar, aar, «poo, and lafA, (OaeU) UaUkt (Cymr.,) 

- r..) 

ih4 — AvvHio; eMaiiM, (Gael.,) aeen, (Cymr. 
MBi waters — BaTavia; tac, prafamd, deep, and ae, eatt. 

«ilH^ GswABCM, (Orleans, and, alao, Geneva;) era, point, 
>■< aa, walerw— Moann, (Boulogne ;) smt, smt, sead— Rho- 

Hna; Hkad-cn, ri ed -aa, rapid waler, (Adelung. Diet Gael. 

t The notions which I here venture to throw out will be 
thoronghlv and irrefVagably demonstrated in the great work 
preparing bv Mr. Edwards, on the laacnagea of western Ka- 
mpe. Having mentioned the name of my lllnstrlous Mend, 
I cannot refkaln Ihm expressing my adnuratkNH of the truly 
acicnf iAc method which he has for twenty years punned hi 
his researches into the natural history of man. After hav- 
ing first taken his subject in its external point of view, {Im- 
Jtuanee Dea Jgena Pk^aiquea aur VHammUy) he has consid- 
ered it in rpgahl to the principlo of its classification, (.Lattraa 
aur lea Raeea Humainea ;) and, finally, he has now aoiuhft 
Ibr a new principlo of classification in languagat and baa 
undertaken to deduce (h)m the affinity of languages the 
philoflopbic laws of human speech. He baa thus selaod 
the point where man*s outward existence and hU Inner 
life Mend and are k»t tofother. 


Tenacity of the Celts. 


Attadunent to tmditionrr 

if the Celtic element has abided in our tongue, 
it must have left traces in other directions,* 
and must have sur?iTed in manners as in lan- 
guage, in action as in thought. 

I have spoken elsewhere of the Celtic tena- 
city ; and beg leave to return to the subject, 
and to dwell on the obstinacy, characteristic of 
these nations. France will be better under- 
stood, by strongly defining its starting point. 
The mixed Celts, who are called French, may 
be partially illustrated by the pure Celts, Bre- 
tons and Welsh, Scotch and Irish. Let me be 
permitted to pause, and to raise a stone at the 
cross- way where these kindred races are about 
to separate by such opposite roads, to follow so 
different a destiny ; for I should be pained did 
I not take a solemn farewell of these people, 
from whom the Germanic invasion will isolate 
our France. While undergoing the long and 
painful initiations of the Germanic invasion 
and of feudalism, she will proceed from serf- 
hood to liberty, and from shame to glory — the 
old Celtic races, seated on their native rocks, 
and in the solitude of their isles, will remain 
faithful to the poetic independence of barbarous 
life, until surprised in their fastnesses by the 
tyranny of the stranger. Centuries have elapsed 
since England has surprised and struck them 
down ; and her blows incessantly rain upon 
them as the wave dashes on the promontory 
of Brittany or of Cornwall. The sad and 
patient Judasa, who counted her years by her 
captivities, was not more rudely stricken by 
Asia. But there is such a virtue in the Celtic 
genius, sach a tenacity of life in this people, 
that they subsist under outrage, and preserve 
their manners and their language. 

They are a race of stone ;t immoveable as 
their rude Druidical monuments, which they 
still revere*! The delieht of the Scotch moun- 
taineers is to pile rock on rock, and rear a 
petty dolmen in imitation of the ancient.^ The 
native of Gallicia, at his yearly emigration, 
casts a stone, and the heap|| is the measure of 
his life. The Highlanders say as a token of 
friendship, " I will add a stone to your cairn ;*^ 
and but last century they restored the tomb of 
Ossian, thrown down by English impiety : ** In 
Glenamon stood Clach Ossian, a block seven 

* PramUinKf n» I have already explained and insisted, 
that tlie primitive irenus aze Utile in comparison with the 
various developments they have acquired from the spon- 
taneous labor of human liberty. 

t As is the soil, so the race. The idea of deliverance, 
■ays Turner, (HUt. of the Anglo-Saxons, 1. 313,} delighted 
the Cymry in their wild land of Wales, in their paradise of 
gtoae^—Honf fValett to use the exprevdon of Taliesin. 

X J. Lofan, The Scottish GaCl, or Celtic Manners, as pre- 
■erved among the Highlanders, 1831. vol. ii. p. 3S4. **It 
has lieen carefUly noted, that none who ever meddled with 
the Dr^ds* stones prospered in this world.*' 

$ Logan, U. 306. ** CLACH CUID FIR, U lifting a large 
gtone two hundred pounds or more flpom the gronnd, and 
ytocing It on the top of another about four fcot high. A 
youth that can do thu is forthwith reckoned a man, whence 
die name of the amusement, and may then wear a bonnet.'* 

II W. von Humboldt, Rechtrckt$ nr la Ltmgiu du 

V Logan, ii. 371. 

feet high and two broad, which, coming in the 
line of the military road, Marshal Wade over- 
turned it by machinery, when the remains of 
the bard and hero were found, accompanied 
with twelve arrow-heads. So great respect 
had the Highlanders for this rude, but impres- 
sive monument, that they burned with indigna- 
tion at the ruthless deed. All they could do, 
they did ; the relics of Ossian were carefoUy 
collected, and borne off by a large party of 
Highlanders, to a place where they were 
thought secure from farther disturbance. The 
stone is said still to remain with four smaller, 
surroanded by an enclosure, and retains its ap- 
pellation of Cat'm na Huseoig, or Cairn of the 
Lark, apparently from the sweet singing of the 

The Dake of Atholl, as descendant of the 
kings of the Isle of Man, sits to this day with 
his face turned towards the cast,f on the mount 
of Tynwald. Not long since, the churches 
were used as courts of justice in Ireland.} 
The trace of the worship of fire is found every- 
where in the language, the beliefs, and the 
traditions^ of these people; and, as regards 
our Brittany, I shall adduce at the beginning of 
my third book, a number of proofs of the tena- 
city of the Breton genius. 

It would seem, that a race which remained 
unchangeable wheA all was changing around it, 
must have gained the ascendant by its perti- 
nacity alone, and have moulded the world to 
take the impress of its own character. The 
contrary has happened. The more isolated 
this race has been, the more it has preserved 
its primitive originality, the more it has sunk 
and decayed, since for a people to contini^ io 
their original condition, apart from all foreign 
influence, and rejecting all foreign ideas, it to 
remain weak and imperfect. This is the isola- 
tion which has constituted at once the great- 
ness and the weakness of the Jewish natioo. 
It has had but one idea, has given it to the 
nations, but has borrowed hardly any thing fron 

♦ Id. ii. 373. 

t Id. i. S06. See, also, the third book of this History. 

(In 1^9, govcnuuent purchased fhim the lAto I>«ke «f 
Atholl, the whole of his remaining rights, tittoe, levaaM^ 
and patronage, in his Lordship of Man, for 43a,00Q<. 

No act of the Imperial Parliament extends to the Isle «f 
Man, except it contain an express provision to that efifacL 
The legislature of the island convists of two Chaaiben ; tl« 
Council and tho Houte of Keys. The lau«>r origlmatM 
laws, which, if they pass the Council, are laid befbte Iha 
Sovereign, whose assent is seldom refused. To glv« a law 
validity, it must be promnlgnted by the LieutenaDt-<;ovfr* 
nor, who does so, seated in grent state, sealed on the lopoir 
an ancient tumiUus called the T>-nwald mount, roand whirh 
are collected, at the same time, the Council, the Keys, tht 
officers of government, and, generally, a nuroenKn ew- 
course of the people. Hence its laws are eommonlv ealM 
—Acts of Tynwald. See, Isle of Man, in Enc BriL)- 
Translatok. ' 

t Id. il. 335. "Where zeal for Christianity did not taM 
to the destruction of circles and their eondemnatkia « 
places of meeting, they continued to be used as ooolft 
especially by the northern nations, until very Ulo liB» 
.... One of the latest instances of this approniUtSoB il 
* l*>«,»toflding stones' occurs in 1380, when Alezander Bmt 
art, lord of Badenach, held a court at tboee of tbo 

$ See Appendix. 

BcmtJ cH&ncter of the Celts. 


Tbeirrepiiffiiaiieetothelftw 71 

of primogeaitare. ' * 

L. It has always remained — itself; strong 
limited, indestructible yet humiliated, the 
Dy of mankind and its eternal slave. Wo 
lat stiff-necked individuality, which desires 
List for itself alone, and stands stubbornly 
f from community with the world, 
he genius of our Celts, particularly of the 
I, is strong and fecund, and therefore pow- 
Wy urged towards the material and natural, 
irds pleasure and sensuality. Generation 
the pleasures of generation occupy a large 
e of their thoughts. Elsewhere, I have 
:en of the manners of the ancient Gael, and 
relaod, which have deeply tinged those of 
ice — the Vertgalanl* is the king of popular 
y . For a man to have a dozen wivesf was 
mon in Brittany, in the middle ages. The 
iers, who took pay under any bauner,t did 
fear to beget soldiers; and in all Celtic 
>ns bastards succeeded even to the throne, 
> the leading of the clan. Woman, an ob- 
of pleasure, and mere toy of voluptuous- 
t, appears not to have had among these peo- 
the same honor as among the Germanic 

[•*A brisk fDillant** The attribute civen to Ilcniy the 
ch of Fmnce in the nnttonal long, Fiv Henri QmaU:) 


^nlielm. PictnT. ap.8cr. R. Fr. xl. 88. "The confidence 
man U. was kept up by the incredible number of men- 
BB which his kingdom thrnlsbed ; for you must know 
hervt, be:ilde« that the kingdom Is extensive as well, 

warnor will be|{ct fl(W, since, bound by the laws 
aer of decency nor of religion, each has ten wives, or 

ev«n.^ The count of Nantes says to Louis the De- 
air, ** Brother and sister there unite,'* Ice. Ermold. 
IhLS 1. ill. ap. 8cr. R. Fr. vi. SL—UUX. Brit Armories, 
vil. as ** Adulterous with their sisters, nieces, cousins, 
other roen*s wives, and, worse still, homicides ; they 
thildrea of the devil.**— Ccmr says of the natives or 
c Britain, '*Tea or twelve nf them will have thoir wives 
nmoB, and, for the most part, brothers with brothers, 
psKuts with sons. The children bom of such prumis- 
is Inlercovne belong to those who ^r*x knew the mo- 
C* Bell. Gall. I. v. c. 14.— See also the letter of the 
d of Paris to Nomeno^. (a. n. 840.) ap. Scr. R. Fr. vli. 

and that of the cuuncil of Savonni^res to the Bretons, 

Ducaage, Gloasarlum.— " A Breton w»s synonymous 
1 a soldier, a swnnbman, a robber.** Guibert. de Lnude 
[irfae, r. la— Charta ann. 1395. "Through tbefe parti 
I pused men-at-arms, Britons and plunderers, and 
e off four hend of cattle.** Breten was also used to 
fjf the rappnrter of one engaged in the trial by battle. 
tad it set down In an edict of Philip the Fair . . . . 
lit aler dns ki a spelet devant, et ses Bretons porte son 

devant Ini: "The chtilienger must go first, with his 
BBS carryiBf his shield before him.'* Carpentler. Suppie- 
t Id Dunnge. — (M^y we not deduce from Breton, the 
Is. treUtmr, bretaHleur,—\mny, Hector ?) " They are a 
of Ben,** says William of Malmesbury, (sp. Scr. R. Fr. 
n,) ** pennileM at home, who take pny and reAiie not 
hunden service abroad. You may buy them for civil 

which they will engnge in without any care for right 
r Uadred ; but will f^ht for the side which piys best'* 
Nevertbeiew, at first she is a slave even among the 
■aos, the same as with the Celts. This is the common 
of ages, in «(hich brute force enjoys an undivided 
u See above, p. 2.— Strabo. Dion, Solinus, and St Jo- 
I, ai« agreed as to the licentiousness of Celtic manner.*. 
■nnr says that polygamy was permitted ; Derrick, thnt 
•scbanfled wives once or twice a year; Campion, that 

BMrrted for a veer and a day. The Scottish Picts 
t Iheir kings, neferentially, In the female line, (Fonlun, 
Idom, Hist or Scotland ;) Just as among the Nairs of 
ibar, the mo^t corrupted people of India, the female line 
tkneA, for the greater certainty of the descent Per- 

It was as niochera of kings that Boadicea and Cartis- 
iua are styled queens of the Britons in Tacitus. The 
di laws limit the right of the husband to beat his wife, 

This proneness to the material has hindered 
the Celts from easily acceding to laws, founded 
on an abstract notion. The law of primogeni- 
ture is odious to them. This law originates in 
a strong feeling for the indivisibility of the sa- 
cred domestic hearth, and perpetuity of the 
paternal godship.* But, with our Celts, the 
shares are equal among brothers, just as their 
swords are equally long. They will with diffi- 
culty be made to comprehend that one should 
be sole heir. With the Germanic race the 
task is easierf — the eldest will be able to 
support his brothers, and they will be satisfied 
to preserve their seat at the table, and at the 
fraternal hearth. | 

This law of equal succession which they call 
the gabail'cinej (gavel-kind,^) and which the 
Saxons borrowed from them, particularly in the 
county of Kent, imposes on each generation the 
necessity of division, and keeps up a constant 
change in the appearance of property. When 
death carries oflf a proprietor who had begun 
to build, cultivate, and improve, the division of 
the estate ends these plans, and all is to begin 
anew ; besides, the division itself gives rise to 
frequent enmities and disputes. Thus, the law 
of equal succession, which, in a ripe and set- 
tled state of society, constitutes at this very 
moment the beauty and strength of our France, 
was among barbarous nations a constant source 
of trouble, an invincible obstacle to improve- 
ment, a perpetual revolution ; and, wherever it 

to three eases : the having wished disgrace to Us beard, at- 
tempted his life, or committed adultery. The very limita- 
tion is proof of the brutality of the hu4bond. However, the 
Idea or equality is early appnrent in the Celtic marriage 
bond. Cassor (Bell. Gall. I. vi. c. 19) tells us, that amonf 
the Gauls the man brought a portion equal to that of the 
wife, and thnt the survivor enjoyed the whole. By the laws 
of Wales, man and wife coulfl equally demand a divorce ; 
and, in case of separation, the poperty was divided. II- 
nallv, in the poems of Ossian (largely modified. It is true, 
by the spirit of modern tlmo'i*) we see women sharing with 
heroes their shadowy life of the clouds. On the contimry, 
they are excluded from the Scandinavian Walhalla. 

* In ancient Italy, the parent was as a god — ^Dbivki Pa- 
RKNTKs. See ComeliH*s letter to Calus Gracchus. 

t The law of equality of division soon fell into disuse in 
Germany ; the north clung to it longer. See Grimm, Alter- 
thiimcr, p. 475. and Mlttermaier, Grundsatze des Dentschen 
Privatrechts, 3 edit 1837, p. 730.— I have met with a very 
chamcterbttic anecdote on this liubject in some tour, (M. de 
StnePs, if I mistake not.) The French traveller, conversinf 
with some cumuHHi miners, grnatly surprised Uiem by the 
information that uisny French workmen hod a little land 
which they cultiv-ited in their off hours. " But when they 
die, whofe is It 1'*—" Their children's.'* Here was a new 
surprise for our Engli.xlimon ; who, on the Sunday after, 
met to put the following questions to the vote : ** Is it good 
for worlunen to have lands ?**— A unanimous " Yes." ** la 
it good thnt such lands should be divided, and not go ezclu* 
sivelv to the eldest ?" — A unanimous " No.** 

(Tlic work referred to by the author Is the IjMrta $ur 
rJIngteUrro of M. A. de StalU-HoUtein, published in Paris 
in 183S. A notice of these letters will be found la the 85th 
number of the Edinburgh Ucview.)— Translator. 

X Or elte they cmlgmu*. Hence, the Germanic Wurgna, 
the For Sacrum of the Italinn nations. The law of pruno* 
geniture, which is ot\en equivalent to the proscription and 
banishment of the younger sons, thus bec<»Des a fertile 
source of colonization. 

$ See the Second Part of this work ; and the works of 
Somner, Robinson, Paigrave, Dalryrople, Sullivan, Low, 
Price, Logan, the CoUecUnea de Rebne Hibemieit^ and the 
Usances de Rohan, Brouerec, Itc. Blackstooe undentood 
nothing of the matter. 




M iwhwii ly wpirit 


prerailed, the land was long left half cnltirated 
and in pasture.* 

Whatever has been the result, it is honora- 
ble to our Celts to have established in the west 
the law of equality. That feeling of personal 
right, that rigorous assumption of the i, which 
we have already remarked in Pelagius and in 
religious philosophy, is still more apparent 
here ; and in great part lets us into the secret 
of the destiny of the Celtic races. While the 
Germanic families converted moveable into im- 
moveable property, handed it down in perpetu- 
ity, and successively added to it by inheritance, 
the Celtic families went on dividing, subdivid- 
ing, and weakening themselves — a weakness 
chiefly owing to the law of equality and of 
equitable division. As this law of precocious 
equity has been the ruin of these races, let it 
be their glory also, and secure to them at least 
the pity and respect of the nations to whom they 
so early showed so fine an ideal. 

This tendency to equality, this levelling dis- 
position, which kept men aloof from each other 
in matters of right and law, needed the balance 
of a close and lively sympathy which would at- 
tach man to man, though isolated and indepen- 
dent through the equity of the law, by voluntary 
bonds ; and this is what at last took place in 
France, and accounts for its greatness. By 
this we are become a nation, while the pure 
Celts have remained in a state of clanship. 
The petty society of the clan, formed by the 
rude bond of a real or fictitious relationship.f 
was incapacitated from receiving any thing 
from without, or connecting itself with any 
thing foreign. The ten thousand men who 
constituted the clan Campbell were all cousins 
of the chief,| all named Campbells, and were 

* Accovdinf: to Tamer's History of the Ang lo-flexons, i. 
S33, it was the custom of fpivei-lclnd which delivered Great 
Britain into the hands of the Saxons, by the incessant sub- 
dlvlston of the possessions of the chieCi into sinali tyran- 
nlet. He cites two remarkabie instances from two Lives of 
die Saints. 

t It is wen known that In Brittany the Utle of ancle is 
ciTen to the convin who is superior by one decree ; a cns- 
tomi evidently tendins to draw the ties of kindred tighter. 
Genemily speaking, the spirit of clanship has been stronger 
in Brittany than is sappo!<ed, nlthongh Ipm dominant among 
the Cymry than the Gail. (See in the Second Part, a note 
upon Laariere*s important article, FORJURER l^ES FAC- 
TEURS, in the Giossaire dn Droit Fran^ats.) 

t Bnt the obedience of the^ cousins was not fiithont its 
pride and independence. "Stronger than the Wlrd were 
the vassals," Is an old Celtic saying.— Lngan, i. 192. " The 
right of primogeniture among the Celtic race was, however, 
(Mlged to give way to superiority in miiitarv abilities. The 
anecdote of the young chief of CUnrannald Is well known. 
On his return to take possession of his estate, ob<teiving the 
nrofUse quantity of cattle that had been slaughtered to 
celebrate bis arrival, he very unfortunately remarked tflat a 
few hens might have answered the purpose. This exposure 
of a narrow mind, and Inconsiderate display of indiflerence 
10 the feelings of hU people, were fhtaf. * We will have 
nothing to do with a hen-chief,' said the indignant clans- 
men, and immediately raised one of his brothers to the 
dignity. So highly did the Highlanders value the quallAca- 
tions of their commanders, that in the deposition of one 
whom they deemed unworthy, they rUked the evil of a 
deadly feud. On this occasion, the Frasers, among whom 
young Clanrannald had been fostered, took arms to revenge 
htedlsgrece ; but they were, after a desperate battle, de- 
feated with great slaughter, and the unhappy hen-chief 
periahed on the field.** 

SO little desirous of knowing or being more, a 
scarcely to recollect that they were Scotcl 
The small and dry nucleus of the clan has ctc 
proved unfit for purposes of aggregation. Flinl 
serre badly for building, as they do not readil 
take the mortar ;* whereas Roman brick so a 
fects it, that to this day cement and brick unit 
in forming in the Roman monuments one con 
pact and indestructible block. 

On becoming Christians, one would suppot 
that the Celtic nations would have been softei 
ed into union and fellow feeling. This was lu 
the case. The Celtic Church partook of tli 
nature of the clan. At first, fecund and arden 
it seemed about to take the west by storm. Th 
Pelagian doctrines were eagerly received i 
Provence, though welcomed but to die then 
Later still, while the Germans invade the Ian 
from the east, the Celtic Church moves on tli 
west, on Ireland; where intrepid and ardei 
missionaries land, fired with poetic fervor, ai 
vain of their logical skill. Nothing was ev( 
more wildly imaginative than the barbaroi 
Odysseys of these holy adventurers, these bin 
like travellers, who alight in flocks upon Gau 
both before and after St. Columbanus. Tl 
impetus is inmiense ; the result small. Vainl 
do .the glowing sparks fall upon this wori 
drenched with the deluge of German barbarisi 
St. Columbanus, says his contemporary biogr 
pher, was about to cross the Rhine, to coove 
the Suevi, when a dream stayed him. Wh 
the Celts omit, the Germans will accomplish 
themselves ; and St. Boniface, the Anglo-Sa: 
on, will convert those whom St. Cc^nmbani 
has disdained. The latter saint passes in 
Italy ; hut it is to give battle to the Pope. Tl 
Celtic Church separates from the Church Ui 
versal, rejects unity and co-operation, and r 
fuses to lose herself humbly in European cati 
olicity. But the Culdees of Ireland and < 
Scotland, who permitted themselves maniag 
and were independent, even while living una 
the rule of their order, which associated the 
in small ecclesiastical clansf of twelve met 
hers each, have to give way before the infl 
ence of the Anglo-Saxon monks, disciplined 1 
the Roman missions. 

The Celtic Church will perish, as the Cell 
State has already. The tribes of Britain, i 
deed, endeavored, when the Romans abandon 
their island, to form a kind of republic.:^ '^ 

* A Breton proverb says, ** A hundred countries, a hmmk 
ways ; a hundred pnrishes, a hundred chnrchoa** — 
Kant brot, kant kis, 
Kant parrea, kanC lilt, 

A Welsh proverb, " Two Welshmen, and a fight** 

t 8oe the following book. 

t We loam from Gildas, p. 8, that the Saxons hai 

, prophecy, according to which they were to ravage Brit 

for a hundred and fifty years, and keep possession of I 

hundred and nfty : (may not the last clause bo an Interne 

tlon of the WeUh t)— ^^ 

•* A serpent with chains 
Towering and plundering 
With armed wings 
Pmm Germania, Jtc." 
Tallesln, p. IM. and 1 inier,i.p.SI1 



I Loearian*, (Camry and Lloe. 

grwya, Wales and England,) unitM for x mo- I 
tnent onder the Loeg:ri«n Vortiffern, in order to ' 
opfMue Ihe Picta and Scota from tho north. ' 
But, badly aupparted bjr the Cambrians, Vorti- 1 
nm waa obliged to call in ths Saxona, who, ' 
from anxiliariB*, aoon became enemiaa, Loh- 
gna conqaeTed, Cambria held oat under the ' 
fUDOoa Anhur, and prolonged the resiatanee I 
for two canturiea. The Salona themselTM 
were tt> be aubdned in a single battle, by Wil- 
liam the Baatard ; ao Hl-oalculaled ia the Gei- ' 
uaoie race for retiitance. In the aame manner 
Ibe Franka, eatabliahad in Gaul were, subdued, 
and tboraoghl; changed in the second genera- | 
tion, by eceJeBiastieal iufluenee. I 

The Cambrians held out two hundred year* 
lij force of arma. and more than a thousand by 
dint of hope. Untameable hope (the"uncon- 
qBerable wilt" of Milton) has been the charac- 
teristic of tbeae races. The Saotoa (Saxon* ' 
— Engliah, in the language! of the Highlaoda 
Md of Wales) believe Arthur to be dead. They 
lie deceiTed. Arthur IItcb, and bides hia time. 
Pilgrims have eren found him in Sicily, lying 
(ochanted under Etna.* The sageal of sages, 
tbe Druid Myrdhyn, (Merlin,) iialso somewhere 
in eziatence. He sleeps under a stone in the 
foiett, tbroagfa the fault of his mistte**, Vyryan. 
She chose to try her power, snd brought the 
Nge to tell her the fatal word by which he 
nnU ba *peQ-bound. He, who knew all, waa 
not igBM«at of the nie to which she waa about 
ta pit iL NeTeitheleaa, he told it her, and, 
wlely to i^ease her, laid himself quietly down 

While wailing for his Tenureelion, this great 
ce weeps, and sings* songs as full of tears aa 
those of tbe Jews by Btbel's stream. This im- 
press of melancholy is stamped on the few Os- 
•■ianic fragments which are really ancient. 
The language of our leas nnfortunate Bretons 
ubounds in melancholy sayings. They sym- 
giathiae with night, and with death. "I neTBt 
nleep," says their proverb, " thai I do not die % 
bitter death i" — and, to him who passes over a 
tomb, " Step from off my corpse." It is an- 
other saying of theirs, that " Ihe earth is too 
old to bring forth." 

They ha>e no great reason to be gay, since 
■iU has been against them. Brittany arid Scot- 
land have voluntarily espoused the weaker par- 
ty and the losing side- The Chouane supported 
the Bourbons — the Highlandera, the Stuarts. 
But the Celts lost tbe power of making kings 
when the mysterious stone, formerly brought 
Trom Ireland into Scotland, was transferred to 
Westminster, t 

Of all the Celtic nations, Brituny is the least 
1 10 be pitied, having been ao long the sharer of 
equality — France is a humane and generona 
itry. The Welsh Cymiy, again, were ad- 
mitted under the Tudors (from Henry ths 
Eighth's time) to the privileges of English* 
men ; stilt, it was by torrents of blood and tha 
massacre of the Bards, that England led the 
way to this happy fraternity, which, after all, 

ti Ibc Briton, It 

* ttulf ■■eta iuiicTbU !<._.. 

HLudhUwUllHlhanTigHdrGsaL Hewlllbelkmou 
k Ma Bcallu of U» peoolg. asd Us utkH 
ntkiMirhaihillilBtdinD. Tb*awUlco 

wbtch wUI tk.-.. 
n of HilBlB. Tin 

Tks kmeo of tbo fDnen] pile thaU be ch^Df^ into awsj 
■ka will fwin upon Iba lead, u In ■ ilvei. The >lu 

Mb hh witl baei foor ciowsi at ■ol'' "'- -• ■-' 

^ischw will b> eheafd Into oI-Eo 
wUh (B BBbavd-of Hud. the Ibm 
iiM oUl UHBlike u It, end •rill eir ooi wiin nnmu 
Ome, CUnbria, (lid Oonnll to tlir dde, and hv la 
GilHoaU, Tha earth ihull iwellow Uiee Dp.' "— " Then 
ifaell ilHn ha gainrta at ibe rmlnei. Ths fbanialiii or 
tiHitka tb^l leap. Csaibrls ■balT be tilled wtth Jov, th!> 
■taarcmwellihall pullinh Ibelr tuoiluta. Surats 
iball ipeah ; tha nnlu of G«d ihall be coatncted. , . . 
ftiee etn ihall be halebad la (ha atat, wbMice tbill iow 
in. bw. ud mC On whkb ihall erlH the ilut of In 
hiiitT.wboaeloot ibaUfifleH the wortd with feu-." G^l 

* G«T■(lB■TllbqIteIl■l^deOtll•l■nperlaJlbB•,■p.Bcr. R. 
I wai ab^ Ik TH. Thieny, Caaqaeia da I'AnflMaiTe. Sri 

\ tkta'ttahMvTaf AdiBaBdK*«,teMaiaBd[M]-)i 

lib, HpKilei ud Otnptiilei but lb* Celtic Icfend li lbs 

"Bweel 1> Ihe lale of tbe mliuni i«ttt, 

^^TdfAW, (AlllbeBlfbli) 


And Cn beam op[n»( wllfa •amw 

Corwd Iba nu-h of Joy lo bomw. 

Comfbrt U there. Ull the raonow, 

jjr ifd r A"m." 

CuBbro-BrltoB, Noveuber, 1BIR. 

t Logu, 1. 197. " The cncitni of ciownlni k bins bids 

( atoae D of nmote utiqully. Tbe ulebialed unutlai 

halr.Ibe eeal or whkh U finned of the .l.b oa oblch lbs 

u» l> nuHnl hub la a pertDd fiu beyond all ■nthntk: 
n«ird;aiul tha Irlib bt tbu 11 wu Ont la Ibeir pouea- 

wu renond U Bcooa, the pUee aTcoranallDB fa Um Uot* 

of Srollud. wbeiue II wu ouiiad to London b; Edward 

IhannL Tbtoenrtmu Rite lioTa dark ular, and annus 

K> be that aanlbiuul near DDndaa. It wu looked on wlUi 

mat veneraHati Hr the aacleai Seota, wbo believed the Ibia 

Bcoa pn«m Iba MIowlDi mttUai vena ^~ 


Fu am falrbeir an lla-hU. 
DUghe dalOHi dogbabbaU. 

" CTha nca of Iba Aea BcoD ihaU Sonrlah, if Ibk ^s- 

dlellon ta not fUee ; wbenrer the f tone of dMttnr li foaa^ 

74 Expintkni ofthe OonUi 

' ^ lanf u«f«> 

FATE OF THE CELTIC RACES. Prolifiekne. ofthe 

is perhaps more apparent than real.* As for 
Cornwall, so long the Peru of England, who 
saw in her only her mines, her fate has been to 
lose e?en to her language if — " There are only 
four or five of us who speak the language of 
the country, said an old man in 1776, and they 
are all old folk like me, from sixty to eighty 
years of age : not one of the young people know 
a word of it." 

Singular fate of the Celtic world ! Of its two 
great divisions, one, although the least unfor- 
tunate, is perishing, wearing away, or at all 
events losing its language, costume, and charac- 
ter — I allude to the Highlanders of Scotland 
and the people of Wales, Cornwall, and Brit- 
tany.| Here we find the serious and moral 
element of the race, which seems dying of sad- 
ness and soon to be extinguished. The other, 
filled with inexhaustibleness of life, multiplies 
and increases despite of every thing : it will be 
felt that I speak of Ireland. 

Ireland ! poor elder child of the Celtic race, 
so far from France, her sister, who cannot 
stretch out her arm to protect her across the 
waves — the isle of Saints,^ the emerald of the 

* The Tndon placed the Welsh dragon in the anns of 
Inland, as the ctnarts afterwards adorned them with the 
gloomy Scotch thteUe; bat the fierce leopards have not 
admitted either <m a footing of equality any mora tlian the 
Irish harp. 

t Memoirs of the London Society of Antiquaries, iL 305. 
Thierry, Conq. de I'Anglet iv. 341. 

(The paper referred to by the author is in thej^flk volnme 
of the Transactions of the London Antiquarian Society ; 
being a letter fhim Daines Barrington, read March 31st, 1776, 
in conUnuation of some remarks of his ** On the Expiration 
of the Cornish Language,'* published in the third volume 
of the Society's Transactions. Appended to this, letter, is a 
letter written in Cornish and English (deposited with the 
8ociet>') sent to him from an aged Cornish fisherman ; of 
which the following is part:— ** My age is threescore and 
five, I learnt Cornish when I was a boy, I have been to sea 
with my fiither and Ave other men in the boat, And have 
not heard a word of English spoken in the boat. For a week 
together, I never saw a Cornish book, I learned Cnmi«h 
gmng to sea with old men, There is not more than four or 
five in our town, Can talk Cornish now, Old people four- 
score years old, Cnmlsh is all forgot with young people.** 

This letter U dated Mousehole, July 3d, 1776. It is 
written in lines of various length : the Cornish above, the 
English under. The punctuation of the foregoing copy 
■hows the length of each line.)— Translator. 

t See the Cambro-Briton, (having for motto, Ktmrt ru, 
Ktmrt ftdd.) Many laws were passed prohibiting the 
Irish fipom speaking their native tongue, ancl the Welsh as 
well, about the year 1700. In the principal Welsh gram- 
roar schools, particularly in North Wales, Welsh, fiur from 
meeting encouragement, has been for many years discoun- 
tenanced by severe penalties. The boys there speak it 
ineorrectiy, are unacquainted with its grammar, and are 
unable to write it CamtHPO-Briton, 1821. But it appears 
that the Celtic tongues have taken refVige in literature. In 
1711, there existed seventy works ptnted in Welsh ; their 
nimiber is supposed now to exceed l0,000. Logan, 11. 396. — 
The Celtic dreu has undergone no less persecution than the 
language. In 1585 an act of pariiament forbade the natives 
to assemble in the Irish dress. However, the Iriflih appear 
to have given it up in the middle of the seventeenth century 
with less reluctance than the Scotch Highlanders. It is 
atated in a Scotch paper of 1750, that a murderer was ac- 
quitted, as the individual he killed wore a Tartan dresn. 

(The various enactments acainst the use of the Highland 
dress were repealed by a bill introduced into pariiament by 
the Duke of Montrose, in 17H2 ; and the perpetuation of the 
language and dress of the Scottish Gnfil is one of the main 
objects of the Celtic Society.)— Translator. 

$ Giraldns Cambrensis (Topograph. Hibemlip, ill. c. 80) 
nnoaehed the Irish as the only people in the worid who 
dia Boc cement the Choieh of Christ with blood. ** All the 
nisU of thU couitry/' ba Myi, **•!• ctmMmon, hat no 

sea, all-fertile Ireland, whose men grow like 
grass, to the terror of England, in whose ear is 
daily shouted — " they are another million" — 
land of poets, of bold thinkers, of John Erige- 
nes, of Berkeley, of Toland, land of Moore, 
land of 0*Connell* — ^land of the brilliant speech 
and lightning sword, which, in the senility of 
the world, still preserves the power of poetry. 
The English may laugh when they hear in some 
obscure corner of their towns the Irish widow 
improvising the coronach over the corpse of her 
husbandf-^ewrer d Plrlandaise, (to weep 
Irish,)! is with them a by- word of scorn. Weep, 
poor Ireland, and may France weep as well, as 
she beholds at Paris, over the gate of the asy- 
lum which receives your sons, that harp which 
asks for succor. Let us weep at our inability 
to give back the blood which they have shed 
for us. In vain, in less than two centuries, 
have four hundred thousand Irish^ fought in 
our armies. We must witness the sufferings 
of Ireland, without uttering a word. In like 
manner have we long neglected and forgotten 
our ancient allies, the Scotch — and the Scotch 
mountaineer will soon have disappeared from 
the face of the earth.|| The Highlands are 

martyr, which can scarce be paralleled by any other Chris- 
tian nation. There has not been found those who would 
cement the foundations of the rising Church with blood.'* 
Then, playing on the words of the Psalmist, he exclaims— 
"There is none that doeth good, no, not one.** To tUs 
reproach, Maurice, Archbishop of Cashol, replied — "It b 
true our country boasts of numbers of holy men and scho- 
lars, who have enlightened not only Ireland, but all Europe ; 
but wo have ever held piety and learning in too much rev- 
erence, to injure, much less destroy the promoters of either. 
Perhaps now, sir,'* added he, ** that your master holds the 
monarchy in his hands, we shall be enabled to add martvn 
to our catalogue of saints.** The good Archbishop alludes 
to the murder of Thomas ik Becket. 0*Ualloran, Introduct. 
to tlic Hist, of Ireland. (Dublin, 177S, p. 188, IfO.) 

* Since Mirabeau*s time, no assembly, I think, has wit- 
nessed a finer burst of eloquence than 0*ConneU*s unpra- 
medltated speech on the 5th of February, 1833. 

t Logan, ii. 383. It is an extempore coropoaltioo, des- 
canting on the virtues and respcctabilitv of the deceased. 
At tlte end of each stanxa, a chorus or women and giris 
swell the notes into a loud, plaintive cry. The Irish, in 
remote parts, before the last howl, expwtulnte with the 
demd body, and rewoach it for having died, notwithstantUng 
he had a good wife and a milch cow, several fine children, 
and a competency of potatoes. lUd. 383. The singing of 
the coronach appears to have given place to the playing of 
the bagpipes, among the HigtiUnders. 

t (Sic In orig.) 

(The passage of Logan which the author has introduced 
into bis text, is as follows:— ** This wild and melancholy 
dirge has been termed ' the howl,* and gave rise to the ex- 
pression among the English of ' weeping Irish.* **>— Taajh- 


$ O'Halloran, I. 95, 37G. I^ouis XIV. wrote several letlen 
with his own hand, to press the claims of tho Irteh on 
Charies II. See, particularly, the letter dated Sept 7th, 
1S60. CHalloran states, that, according to the registers of 
the War-Office, 450.000 Irish enlisted under the French 
banners between 1601 and 1745 inclusive. Perhaps, this 
estimate should include all the Irish who entered our 
armies up to 1789. 

II The Scotch mountaineers are now compelled to emigim 
tion by want. The land is everywhere convened into pas- 
ture. Regiments can hardly be raised there. The piobnch 
may sound ; no warriors will reply to it. 

The entire passage of liogan, which M. Michelet has 
condensed into the above note, is as follows : — " Maay 
Highland proprietors have of late turned their almost ex- 
clusive attention to sheep-fknning, and have follovrod their 
object with so much seal, that whole districts have bees 
depopulated that they might be turned into extensive sheep* 
walks. How tu this may bo ultinstaly of advsatift la 

GERMANY AND THE GERMANS. Closet of miititioo. 


daily unpeopled. The con?eT8ion of small 
koldiogs into large farms, which mined Rome, 
has destroyed Scotland.* Estates may be found 
ninety-six square miles in extent, others twenty 
miles long aod three broad ;t so that the High- 
lander wili soon only exist in history and in 
Walter Scott. When the tartan and claymore 

are seen passing, the inhabitants of Edinburgh 
run to their doors to gaze at the unusual sight. 
The Highlander expatriates himself and disap- 
pears ; and the bagpipe awakens the mountains 
with but one air* — 

"Cha till, cba till, cha till, sin ttiUe.** 
We return, we retnm, wo rettim, no more. 





Bkhikd the old Celtic, Iberian, and Roman 
Earope, so precisely defined by its peninsulas 
ind islands, lay stretched out another world — 
the Germanic and Slavonic world of the north 
—equally, though differently, vast and vague, 
aod with its boundaries, left indeterminate by 
nature, determined by political revolutions. 
Nevertheless, this indecisive character is ever 
sthlnmr in Russia, Poland, and in Germany it- 
self. On our side, the frontiers of the German 
language and population run down into Lorraine 
and Belgium. Eastward, the Slavonic fron- 
tier of Germany has been upon the Elbe, then 
on the Oder, and then, — as unsettled as this ca- 
pricious stream which so often changes its 
course. Through Prussia and Silesia, at once 
German and Slavonic, Germany dips towards 
Poland and towards Russia, that is to say, to- 
wards the boundless world of barbarism. North- 
ward, the sea is hardly a better defined bound- 
ary. The sands of Pomerania are the continu- 
ation of the bottom of the Baltic ; and there, 
lie under the level of the water towns and vil- 
lages like those threatened to be swallowed up 
by the sea in Holland. Pomerania is but the 
nttle-field of the two elements. 

The land is undefined, its inhabitants unset- 
tled. Such at least is the picture given by Ta- 

|WH>ttol u ff» It Is not easy to forosee, bat its pcriJcy is cer- 
tainly rmrr ottfeettonable. To fcNre so great a niunbor of 
fkt JnhsWtants to emifrate, and thus deprive the country 
of the services of a lufe proportion of the beat part of the 
peaaaatry. Is surahr a sertoas national evil. Ref^ents can 
ao loager be ralsea in case of need, in those places where 
Boir are onlyto be seen the nnmerons flocks of the solitary 
shepherd. The plohraeh may sound through the deserted 
Klens, bat so eager warriors will answer the sonunons : the 
ust notes which pealed in many a falley were the plaintive 
itaias of Che expatriated clansmen hi ' Cha till, cha till, 

* Latlftindia peidld^re Italiam. Plhiy, xviU. InScoUand, 
Ihm lairds have taken possession of the lands belonging to 
the du, sad have converted their snaeralnshlp Into pro- 

Ej^ — ^IB Brittany, on the contrary, many fbrmers who 
flaads at the lord's ptoasme, hare become nropcletors ; 
the IfanMr ownen having been deprtred of theu estetes as 


citus in his De MorUms Germanorum, He 
speaks of marshes and forests of greater or 
smaller extent, as they are cleared and retreat 
before man, or grow denser in the spots which 
be has abandoned ; of scattered habitations, 
and of scanty cultivation, transferred each year 
to a virgin soil. The forests were alternated 
with marches^ vast openings, an indeterminate 
and common territory, which yielded a path for 
migrations, the scene of the first attempts at 
cultivation, and where a few huts would be col- 
lected together as caprice dictated. "Their 
dwellings," says Tacitus, ** are not contiguous ; 
here, they will stop near a spring, there, near a 
clump of trees." To determine the limits of 
the march, is the all-important office of the for- 
est council — but the limits are not very accu- 
rately drawn. ** What size," it is asked, " can 
the husbandman make his plot in the march J 
As far as he can hurl his hammer." The ham- 
mer of Thor is the sign of property, and the in- 
strument of this peaceful conquest dver nature. 

However, it must not be inferred from these 
changes of abode, and this desultory mode of 
cultivation, that they were a nomade people. 
They display none of that spirit of adventure 
which has equally led ancient Celt and modern 
Tartar over Europe and Asia. 

Specific causes are usually assigned for the 
first migrations of the great Germanic swarm : 
thus, the Cimbri were fiirced towards the south 
by an irruption of the ocean, and in the course 
of their flight hurried numerous nations along 
with them. War and famine, and a craving for 
a more genial soil, as is evident from Tacitus, 
often forced tribe after tribe upon each other ; 
but when they found a spot to their liking and 
with natural defences, they settled down there. 
The Prisons, who have for so many ages re- 
mained faithful both to the soil and the customs 
of their ancestors, are a case in point. 

Notwithstanding the lively colors with which 
Tacitus has delighted to adorn them, the man- 
ners of the early inhabitants of Germany do 
not appear to have differed from those of most 






barbarous nations. The hospitality, deadly spirit 
of revenge, passionate addiction to gaming, love 
of fermented drinks, abandonment of agricul- 
ture to their women, and numerous traits of the 
kind supposed by writers unacquainted with any 
other savage people to be peculiar to the Ger- 
mans, are common to most races of men in a 
state of nature. However, they are not to be 
confounded with the traistoral Tartar or Ameri- 
can hunting tribes. The German hordes, more 
agricultural and less scattered than they, and 
not covering the same vast spaces, appear to 
us under softened features, seeming rather bar- 
barian than savage, rather rude than ferocious. 
At the time Tacitus described Germany, the 
Cimbri and Teutons (Ingaevones, Istaevones) 
were fading and dying away in the west ; the 
Goths and Lombards were beginning to rise in 
the east; we hardly hear of the Saxon van- 
guard, the Angles ; and the Prankish confede- 
ration was not formed. The Suevi (Hermiones) 
were the dominant race.* The prevailing re- 
ligon, although many tribes may have cherished 
peculiar local superstitions, consisted, there is 
every reason to believe, in the worship of the 
elements, of the groves, and of the fountains :f 
and every year Uie goddess Hertha, (erd, the 
earth,) issuing in a covered car from the mys- 
terious forest in which she had placed her 
sanctuary, in an island of the Northern Ocean,| 
showed herself for adoration. 

* Ma\)anMn enim Gemmnlc paitem obdnont Tkcit Ger- 
HMUn. c98. 

t When 8l Bonlftce went to convert the lleaa, he found 
that **9om& saerldeed to froTes and fountains privately, 
others openly.'* Aeta S8. Ord. 8. Ben. umc UL In 8. Bonif. 

rrhe adontlon of stones In woods and elsewhere was 
fbmdden by a Council of Lateran, In 453. Gregory of Toors 
states that woods, waters, birds, beasts, stones were wor- 
shipped in his time — he wrote In the siith century; and 
the Germans were prohibited from sacrifices or auguries be- 
side sacred iroves or fountains by Pope Gregory UI., about 
740. ** So dUBcult U It,** says Logan, (ti. 354.) ftom whom 
the foregoing fiicts are taken, *'to wean people from the 
religion of their ftthers, and that which has been long ven- 
erated, that the first Christians were obliged to conciliate 
their proselytes by tolerating some of their prejudices ; per- 
haps they themselves were somewhat al&ctecf by a respect 
for ancient usages.*')— TnAMSLAToa. 

X Tscit Germanla, c 40. " They all agree to worship the 
goddess Earth, or, as they call her, Herth, whom they con- 
aider as the common mother of all. This divinity, accord- 
ing to their notioii, interposes In mrndane aflklrs, and, at 
times, visits the several nations of the globe. A sacred 
grove on an island In the Northern Ocean is dedicated to 
ner. ThMe stands her sacred chariot, covered with a vest- 
ment, to be touched by the priest only. When she takes 
bar seat In this holy vehicle, he becomes immediately con- 
■elous of her presence, and In his fit of enthusiasm pursues 
her progress. The chariot is drawn by cows yoked together. 
A general festival takes place, and public rejoicings are 
beard, wherever the goddess directs her way. No war is 
thought of; arms are laid aside, and the sword is sheathed. 
The sweets of peace are known, and then only relished. 
At length the same priest declares the goddess satisfied 
with her visitation, and reconducts her to her sanctuary. 
The chariot with the sacrod mantle, and. If we may believe 
report, the goddess herselC sie purified in a secret lake. In 
this ablution certain slaves oflKiate, and Instantiy perish In 
the water. Hence the terrors of superstition are more 
widely dlflhsed ; a religious horror seises every mind, and 
all are content in pious ignorance to venerate that awful 
mystery, which no man can see and live.** 

May not the cMtim luwuu of Tacitus be the holy isle of 
the Saxons, HeUigUmd^ (Heligoland,) situated at the mouth 
of the Elba, and which Is also called Asstes/aiMi, from the 
of the tdolwonhlppad there t (i nonlM del sui fkhd. 

Just as we have seen Druidical Gaul estah* < 
lished in Gallic Gaul by the invasion of the ' 
Cymry, so a new Germany rose above these ^ 
races and religions, and succeeded the infant c 
world of primeval Germany, which, colorless, 
vague, and indecisive, bowed down in worship . 
to matter. The invasion of the worshippers « : 
Odin, of the Goths, (Jutes, Gepidae, Lombards, : 
Burgundians,) and of the Saxons, imparted to - 
the Suevic tribes a higher civilization, and : 
bolder and more heroic aspirations : for although - 
the system of Odin was undoubtedly far from 
having reached the elevation it subsequently - 
attained, particularly in Iceland, it already con- 
tained the elements of a nobler life and deeper 
morality. It promised the brave immortality, 
a paradise, a Valhalla, where they would bat- 
tle the whole day, and at eve sit down to the 
feast of heroes : while on earth it spoke to 
them of a sacred city— city of the Asi, Asgard, 
a happy and hallowed spot, from which the 
Germanic races had been formerly driven forth, 
and which was to be the object of their wan- 
derings over the world.* It is not improbable 
that the migrations of the barbarians were io 
some degree prompted by this belief, and had 
in view the discovery of the sacred city, as an- 
other holy city M-as at a later age the object of 
the crusades. 

There is an essential difierence to be noted 
among the Odinic tribes. The Goths, Lom- 
bards, and Burgundians, looked up to and fought 
under military chiefs, as the Amali and Balti ;t 
and the spirit of warlike fellowship, of the 
comitatus, described by Tacitus in the early 
Germans, was all-powerful among these peo- 
ple : — ^^ Where merit is conspicuous, no man 
blushes to be seen in the list of followers or 

FosKTK, Fosetesland est appellata. Acta S8. Ord. 8. Benrd. 
sec. 4. p. 85.) According to Adam de Breme, It was held 
in veneration by msriners, even in the eleventh ceatary. 
Pontanns descrilies It In 1530. It consists of two roclw, 
like Mont »t. Michel and the rock of Delphi. (Bee Toner, 
UisU of the Anclo-Saxons, i. 133.) The sea, which all but 
swallowed up North-Straodt in 1634, nearly washed away 
Heligoland In 1649.— Since 1814, this Danish Ule, which was 
Uio credle of their ancestors, has belonged to the ig««g»t«K 
Its arms are, a vessel under tall salL 

(Gibbon supposes the Isle of Rugen to be the itland In 
question ; and, with res^t to the suspension of wnr which 
honored the presence ot the goddess, observes, **The trut* 
of Qo<L, so olt(>n and so ineffectually proclaimed by the 
clei)^ of the eleventh century, was an obvious tmltatlosi of 
this ancient cnsumi." Decline and FUl, vol. I. e. Iz. p. 371 
See also, quoted by him, Dr. Robertson's Hist, of Charles V. 

vol. I. note 10.)— I'RAKSLATOR. 

* Consult an interostinf memoir, by M. Leo, on the war* 
ship of Odin in Germnnv.— In Regnar Lodbrof *s Baga, the 
Normans are represented as going to seek Rome, of whiae 
fkme and opulence they have hoard so much. Oominc to 
Luna, they take it for Rrane, and plunder it. JFIndins tM^ 
mistake, tney set out again, and meet an old man, who has 
Iron shoes on his feet. He tells them that he is bound to 
Rome, but that It is so fiir off that he has already worn oot 
a similar pair of shoes : at which they lose heart.— Bee Am- 
pere, Bur la Litt^rature du Nord. 

t Jornandes (c. 13, 14) has given the genealogy of Tlieo- 
deiic, the fourteenth offihoot of the race of the Amau. 
beginning with Gapt, one of the asi or demigods; "a 
wondrous origin,** viy the same author. Bee Gibbon, L 3H 
and vil. c 39.— Baltha, or Bold, (hence the English, boldj 
— Ahtfic was of this illustrious stock. The fomily of BaUi 
belonging to Provence and to Naples, boast their 
(hntheBalU. Gibbon, L 394, vlL S. 


MiffiaUoai of thfl Golba. 


)XFA!iioR8. A cUnship is formed in this 
»iner, with degrees of rank and subordina- 
oo. The chief judges the pretensions of all, 
id assiinis to each man his proper station. A 
pint of emulation prevails among his whole 
■ain, all struggling to be first in &Tor, while 
le chief places all his glory in the number and 
itreptdity of hia companions. In that consists 
lis dignity ; to be surrounded by a band of young 
aen is the source of his power ; in peace, his 
irightest ornament ; in war, his stronfMt bul- 
rark. Nor is his fame confined to^pi own 
roontry ; it extends to foreign nations, and is 
ben of the first importance, if he surpasses his 
iTils in the number and courage of his follow- 
ers. He receives presents from all parts ; am- 
nssadors are sent to him ; and his name alone 
s often sufficient to decide the issue of a w^ar. 
Id the field of action, it is disgraceful to the 
pHuce to be surpassed in valor by his compan- 
ions ; and not to vie with him in martial deeds, 
is equally a reproach to his followers. If he 
dies on the field, he who survives him survives 
to live in infamy. All are bound to defend their 
leader, to succor him in the heat of action, and 
to make even their own actions subservient to 
his renown. This is the bond of union, the 
most sacred obligation. The chief fights for 
victory ; the followers for their chief. If, in 
the coarse of a long peace, the people relax into 
sloth and indolence, it often happens that the 
voQog nobles seek a more active life in the ser- 
viee of other states ensaged in war. The Ger- 
mtn mind eannot brook repose. The field of 
danger is the field of glory. Without violence 
and rapine, a train of dependents cannot be 
maintained. The chief must show his liberal- 
ity, and the follower expects it. He demands 
at one time this warlike horse ; at another, that 
fietorioos lance imbrued with the blood of the 
enemy. The prince's table, however inelegant, 
iBiist always be plentiful : it is the only pay of 
hit followers. War and depredation are the 
wave and meana of the chieftain.*'* 

In the other branch of the Odinic tribes this 
principle of attachment to a chief'—this personal 
derotion and worship of roan by man, which at 
a later period became the vital pnnciple of feu- 
daUsm — ia of late development. The Saxons 
Beem at first to have been strangers to this war- 
like hierarchy mentioned by Tacitus. Equal 
BBder the gods, and under the Asi, chUdren of 
the gods, their chiefs had no authority over 
tben, ezeepc when sappoeed to be divinely 
commissioned. The ver^ names of Asi and 
StxoDs are perhaps identical.f They were di- 
vided into three nations and twelve tribes ; and 

* Tte §baf b fhsD Mnrphv*! traMlatkm. 

f Bwpf, fluBB, Bsee, Ad, ArU f— Tumor, L 115. 8az- 

UmU Is, 8akmi-9mma, woaM of tbo Bsee, eoiiqiierafs of 

nbqr my that the Bftkal wtttod la Armoiiia 

SaeMMWii, (i. vi. e. 11 ;) the pcovlnee of 

, whovB tbojr wen, wm eallod Smetatna. (Btnb. 

^d. p. 771-8.) Wo Hai 6msi on tho Euliio. (Btephan. 
^Vm. •! ftv. p. 697.) FtoleiBy cslU a BcytUan peofiie, 

every other division was so obnoxious to them, 
that when the Lombards invaded Italy, the 
Saxons refused to follow them, through dislike 
to conform to the military division of tens and 
hundreds in use among their allies.* It was 
not till a late period — some, indeed, state not 
till Alfred^s time — when, hemmed in between 
the Franks and Slaves, they betook themselves 
to the ocean and threw themselves upon Eng- 
land, that the authority of military chieftainship 
and division into hundreds prevailed among 

Once established in the north of Germany, 
the Saxons seem to have long remained seden- 
tary, while the Goths or Jutes, on the contrary, 
undertook distant expeditions, migrating into 
Scandinavia and Denmark, and appearing al- 
most at the same time on the Danube and the 
Baltic ; vast expeditions which could never 
have been undertaken except the entire popula- 
tion had formed one band, and the eomitatus^ 
the apprenticeship to war, had been organized 
under hereditary chiefs. Pressing on all the 
Germanic tribes, the latter were obliged to put 
themselves in motion, — either to give place to 
the new-comers, or to follow them in their 
wanderings. The youngest and the boldest ar- 
rayed themselves under leaders, and began a 
life of war and adventures — another trait com- 
mon to all barbarous nations. In Lusitania 
and ancient Italy the young men were drafted 
ofi* to the mountains ; and, among the Sabelli, 
the banishment of part of the population was 
regularly organized, and consecrated by the 
appellation of ver sacrum,^ These banished 
or banned men, {banditti^) thrust out of their 
country into the world, and out of the pale of 
the law {outlaws) into a state of warfare, these 
wolves, (wargr,) as they were called in the 
north,{ constitute the adventurous and poetic 
portion of all ancient nations. 

The yoimg and heroic form which the Ger- 
manic race happened to assume in the eyes of 
the old Latin world, has been imagined the in- 
variable character of the race ; and historians, 
whose authority has great weight with me, 
have considered that we are indebted to the 
Germans for the spirit of independence and the 
genius of free personality. Before subscribing, 
however, to this opinion, it should be ascertain- 
ed whether all races have not, in similar situa- 
tions, presented similar characteristics. As 
the Germans were the last who arrived of the 
barbarians, may not the qualities which have 
composed the barbiA'ian genius of all ages have 
been ascribed to them t May we not even say 
that their successes over the empire are attril>- 
ntable to their readiness to band together in 
large armaments, and to their hereditary at- 
tachment to the families of their chiefs— in a 

* I am lony that the aotbor in whom I haw nc i this 
hnportaat fhet has ■Uppod my memory, 
f Bee my History of Rome, 9d ediL 1. 58. 
X Jacob Grimm, DeatMho Bechli AUaithUBMr, UM, ^ 


Gcnoftn iBgondi* 


Toab of Theodaric 

word, to that personal deyotion and submissive- 
ness to order which have in every age been 
characteristic of Germany ; so that what has 
been adduced in proof of the indomitable spirit 
and strong individuality of the German war- 
riors, is, on the contrary, the sign of the emi- 
nently social, docile, and flexible genius of the 
Germanic race ?* 

When Alaric swears that an unknown power 
draws him on towards the gates of Rome, we 
recognise in the fact that manl^ and youthful 
buoyancy of spirit, characteristic of the free- 
man of the illimitable forest, who, lord of the 
world, in the joyousness of his strength and 
liberty, is borne as if on ocean to unknown 
shores, or rushes on like the wild horse of the 
steppes and pampas. The same intoxication 
of spirit prevails in the Danish pirate, who 
proudly careers over the seas, and animates the 
glade where Robin Hood sharpens his good ar- 
row against the sheriflf. But is not the same 
discernible in the Gallician guerilla, in the Don 
Luis of Calderon, the enemy of the law ? Is it 
less striking in those joyous Gauls who follow- 
ed Cesar under the standard of the lark, and 
marched singing to the capture of Rome, Del- 
phi, and Jerusalem 1 Is not this character of 
free personality, of the boundless pride of the 
/, equally marked in the Celtic philosophy, in 
Pelagius, Abelard, and Descartes; while the 
mystic and ideal have been the almost invaria- 
ble characteristics of the German philosophy 
and theology If 

From the day that, according to the beauti- 
ful Germanic legend, the Wargtis threw dust 
upon all his kindred, and cast grass over his 
shoulders, and leaped with his staff the small 
enclosure of his field, from that day — whether 

* We must careftUly lepamte fVom oar idea of primlUve 
Gennany Uie two fomis ooder which vhe hai presented her- 
•elf externally : flnUy, aa bands of adventnroos barbarians 
who descended apon the sonth, and entered the empire as 
oonqneroci and as mercenary soldiers ; secondly, as lawless 
pirates, who, at a later period* when stopped' in their pro- 
ness westward by the rranks, left first the banks of the 
Elbe, and then the shores of the Baltic, to plonder England 
and France. Both committed fearfal ravages. — Undonbtedly, 
great mlserr most hare followed the first contact of races, 
strangers alike la habits and in language : still, the con- 
qnwed omitted no ezagaeration, to increase their own tmror. 

t In another worii I nave pointed ont the profonnd im- 
pefsonalitv which is the characteristic of Gennan genius, 
and I shall retom to the subject in this. The sanguinary 
complexion, which is very remarkable in the youth of Ger- 
many, flrequently throws this characteristic into the shade ; 
and while this ebulliency of Mood lasts, the German dis- 
plays much heady impulse and Mind enthusiasm. Neverthe- 
less, the fundamental character of the German mind is im- 
personality. (Bee my IntrpdmctioiU PRiatoirt UmivertelU.) 
This point has been admirably soIImI in ancient sculpture. 
To illustrate mv meaning, I would refer to the colossal 
busts of the captive Daci, in the new wing of the Vatican, 
and to thr polychrome statues— Ihr inferior, It is true, to 
these — which are la the vestibule of our Museum. The 
Dad of the Vatican, with their enormous poporUons and 
forest of wild hair, suggest no idea of barfaaruui ferocity, but 
lather that of immense brute power, like tlie ox and the 
elephant, presenting, as well, a singularly indecisive and 
vague air. They see, but without seeming to look ; Just 
Uke the statue of the Nile, also In the Vatican, and Vletti*8 
charming statue of the Srtae, la the Lyons* Museum. I 
have often noticed and been struck with this lndedilOB of 
liok ki tlw wMt cBlBnt 

he tossed a feather in the air* to direct his 
choice of road, or hesitated with Attila be- 
tween attacking the empire of the East or of 
the Westf — hope and the world were the Ger- 
man's ! 

It is out of the amplitude of this poetic state 
that the Germanic beau-ideal had its origin, 
personified by the Scandinavian Sigurd — the 
Siegfried or Dietrich Von Bern of Germany. 
In this colossal figure are combined what 
Gree^H^vided — ^heroic strength and the pas- 
sion IHkravel — Achilles and Ulysses; Sieg' 
fried overran many countries by the strength 
of his arm,l But, with the Germans, the roan 
of craft, so lauded by the Greeks, is accursed, 
in the person of the perfidious Hagen, the mur- 
derer of Siegfried ; Hagen, of the paleface^ the 
one-eyed and monstrous dwarf, who has dug 
into the entrails of the earth, who knows every 
thing, and whose sole desire is mischief. § The 
conquest of the North is typified in Sigurd ; 
that of the South, in Dietrich Von Bern, (Theo- 
doric of Verona t) By the side of Dante^s 
tomb, the silent town of Ravenna guards the 
tomb of Theodoric ; an immense rotunda, whose 
dome — a single stone — seems to have been 
raised by the hands of the giants. Perhaps, 
this is the only Gothic monument now existing 
in the world ; though there is nothing in its 
msssiveness to suggest the idea of that bold 
and light style of architecture which goes un- 
der the name of Gothic, and which, in fact, is 
the expression of the mystic soaring of Chris- 
tianity in the middle ages. It may rather be 
compared to the massive building of the Pelaa- 
gi, in the tombs of Etruria and of Argolis.ll 

The venturous inroads of the Germans into 
the empire, and their service as mercenaries in 
the Roman armies, often brought them into con- 
tact with each other. At Florence, the Vandal 
Stilicho defeated his countrymen, who served 
in the huge barbarian army of Rhodogast. 
The Scythian, iEtius, defeated the Scythians 
in the plains of Ch^ons — where the Franks 
fought both for and against Attila. What is it 
that hurries the German tribes into these par- 
ricidal wars t It is that terrible fatality spoken 
of in the Edda and the Nibelungen : it is the 
gold of which Sigurd rifies the dragon Fafnir, 
and which is to be his own destruction ; that 
fatal gold which passes into the hands of his 
murderers, in order to prove their death at the 
banquet of the grasping Attila. 

The object of wars, the end of heroic expe- 


* See the forms of entmaee Into the German Com^rnnion- 
$kip, translated by me In the notes to my /atrmlMc. d VHist 

Priseus, in Corp. Histor. Byzantine, p. 40. 
" Durch sines libes Sterche er lelt in menegin Lant.'* 

Dtr JifiMmMfem, JVoC, 87. 
Oomellns, and It is to be regretted, appears in his admira- 
ble ftescoes to have remembered the German Nibelungen 
rather than the Scandinavian Edda and Sagas. 

^ See the admirable article byM. Amperd in the Rtw 
dw Drnut MandM, August 1st, 1833. 
H See the voyage, or father the epopee, of Bdfu Qoiae^ 


Decay of the Mapire. 


ditioDS, are gold and woman — heroic, with re- 
gard to the exertion, for love with this people 
exercises none of its softening qualities. Wo- 
man 8 grace consists in her strength and colos- 
al size. Reared by a man, by a warrior, 
(wonderfiil coldness of the Germanic tempera- 
ment !*) arms are familiar to the virgin^s hand. 
To win Brunhild, Siegfried must launch his 
javelin against her ; while she, in the amorous 
straggle, must with her strong hands make the 
blood spirt out of the fingers of the hero. In 
primitiTe Germany, woman was yet bowed 
down to the earth she cultivated ;t she grew 
up in the midst of war, and became the sharer 
of the dangers of man, the partner of his fate 
in life and death, (sic vivendttm, sic pereundum. 
Tacit.) She shrinks not from the field of bat- 
tle, but coolly faces and presides over it, be- 
coming the spirit of battles, the charming and 
terrible Yalkyria, who gathers the soul of the 
dying warrior, as you gather a flower. She 
seeks him on the deathfol plain, as the swan- 
necked Edith sought for Harold after the battle 
of Hastings, or like that courageous English- 
vooian who turned over the corpses of Water- 
kn to discover the body of her youthful hus- 

BAJtlANS. (a. D. 375.) 

The occasion of the first migration of bar- 
buians into the empire,^ is well known. Till 
tke year 375, only partial inroads and invasions 
bad occurred. At that period, the Goths, worn 
OQt with the incursions of the Hunnic cavalrvi 
which rendered aJl cultivation impossible, ob- 
tained permission to cross the Danube as sol- 
dieis of the empire, which they sought to de- 
fend and cultivate. Converts to Christianity, 
t|«y had been already softened by intercourse 
vith the Romans. Steeped in famine and de- 
Qtir^ by the oppression of the imperial agents, 
they ravaged the provinces between the Black 
Sea and the Adriatic ; incursions which served 
to humanize them the more, both by the luxu- 
ries they enjoyed and their intercourse with 
the fiunilies of the conquered. Bought over at 
uy price by Theodosius, they twice gained him 
the empire of the West. The Franks had at 
first gained the upper hand in this empire, as 
the Goths had in the others ; and their chiefs, 
MeOobaQd, under Gratian, Arbogastes, under 
Valentinian II., and then under the rhetorician 

* flee Che openiivof the NkUssfa.— SalvUn. de Providftnt. 

Lvtt. **Tbe Goths are a treacheroiis, bot chaste race. The 

fluDot, ii ms le fs of eraelty, tnit marvels of chastity.** 

t TWi. Geranals, c 15. '*The intrepfid warrior, who in 

^ 4m Md hiaved mrj dangw, becomes in time of peace a 

^ hden si«a|aid. The manaaement of hie house and lands 

: k leaves to the women, to the old men, and to the inflrm 


t The gnat work of AngnstSn Thierry on the invasions of 
tebaifcaiteBS Is anikmsly looked for. The sabject is han- 
'^ iidiaByHiBlaryoftheBonanEmplre. 

% IH wM. Ow. Ad rabaUloasn flune coicti fOBt 

Eugenius whom he had invested with the par- 
pie, were, in point of fact, emperors.* 

In this prostration of the empire of the West, 
which yielded itself up to the barbarians, the 
old Celtic populations, the indigenes of Gaul 
and of Britain, rose up and chose their own 
rulers. Maximus, who as well as Theodosiusf 
was a Spaniard, was raised to the empire by 
the legions of Britain, (a. d. 383.) He landed 
at St. Malo with a swarm of islanders, and 
defeated the troops of Gratian, who, with his 
Frankish chief, Mellobaud, was put to death. 
These British auxiliaries settled in our Armo- 
rica under their conan or chief, Meriadec, or 
rather, Murdoch, who is said to have been 
first count of Brittany.t Spain willingly sub- 
mitted to the Spaniard Maximus, and this able 
prince soon wrested Italy from the young Va- 
lentinian II., the brother-in-law of Theodosius. 
Thus the whole west was united by an army, 
partly composed of Britons, and commanded 
by a Spaniard. 

It was by the aid of the Germans^ that . 
Theodosius triumphed over Maximus. His 
army, consisting principally of Goths, invaded 
Italy,|| while the Frank, Arbogastes, effected a 
diversion through the valley of the Danube. 
The latter chief remained all-powerful under 
Valentinian II., got rid of him, and reigned 
three years in the name of the rhetorician Eu- 
genius ; and it was likewise to the Goths that 

* Zoeim. 1. iv. a p. Script. R. Fr. i. 984. ** Arbogastes was 
of conseqaence enough to be able to speak boldly to the 
king, and even to prevent the execution of any orders that 
struck him as being improper or unbecoming.**— Paul. Oros. 
1. vii. c 35. ** He mred to raiie Eugenius to the purple, and 
give him the name of emperor, reserving the power to hlm- 
wlf.*'— Prosper. Aquitan. ann. 394. Marcellln. Chron. ap. 
Scr. R. Fr. i. 640. 

Hunc sibl Germanus ftmulum delegerat exul, 
(Him the German exile chose for servant,) 

is the contemptuous language of Claudian, iv. Cons. Himor. 

t Zosimus, Iv. 47. — Socrat. Iv. — Sulpicius Sevems (Dialog, 
ii. c. 7) says of him, that ** he would have been a perfect 
mnn, could he have r«>jected the crown, or abstained flrom 
civil war.** — Some authon state that be was elected emperor 
against his will. Paul. Oms. 1. vii. c. 34, Jtc. 

(Sulpicius, Gibbon observes, had been hit 8Qt|}ect)— 

%■ Triads of the island of Britain. **The leaden of the 
third conjoint expedition from the island were Ellen, power- 
fhl in battie, and Cynan, his brother, lord of Melriadof in 
Armorica, where they obtained lands, power, and sove- 
reignty, fVom the emperor Maximus, as the purchase of 
their Bupport agaluRt the Romans. . . . None of them ro- 
turned ; but they remained there, and in Ystro Gyvaelwg, 
where they established themselves."— In 4^ a bishop of tiia 
Bretons attended the council of Tours. — In 468, Anthemlus 
summoned to his aid twelve thousand British auxiliaries. 
They were commanded by Riothamus, one of the indepen- 
dent kings, or chieftains, of Britain, who sailed up the 
Loire, and established his quarters in Berry. Jomancfes, de 
Reb. Geticis, c. 45.— Turner (Hist, of the Anglo-Saxons, p. 
S8S) thinks that the Britons did not settie in Annorica till 
the year 532, the date assigned to that event by tiie chroni- 
cle of Mont St. Michel.— There can be no doubt that firom 
the remotest antiqul^ a constant flow and ebb of emigra- 
tion, induced by motives of commerce, and especially of 
religion, took place between Great Britain and Annorica. 
(See Caesar.) The only Question about which there can be 
any dispute, is the date or emigration for the purpose of con- 

$ Maximus also had Gennanain his pay. Gibbon, vol. ▼. 
p. 47. 

n Id.ibld.p.M. 


MemoraUe dJMHwn* 



Theodosias was chiefly indebted for hia rictory 
over this usurper.* 

Under Honorius, the rivalry of the Goth 
Alaric and of the Vandal Stilicho deluged Italy 
for ten years with blood. The Vandal, appoint- 
ed guardian of Honorius by Theodosius, had 
the emperor of the West in his power. The 
Goth, nominated to the command of the pro- 
yince of Illyria by Arcadius, emperor of the 
East, Tainly solicited from Honorius permis- 
sion to repair thither. Meanwhile, Britain, 
Gaul, and Spain recovered their independence 
under the Briton, Constantino. The revolt of 
one of this emperor^s generals,t and, perhaps, 
the rivalry between Spain and Gaul, prepared 
the way for that ruin of the new Gallic em- 
pire, which was consummated by the recon- 
ciliation of Honorius and the Goths. Ataulph, 
Alaric^s brother, married Placidia, the sister of 
Honorius; and his successor, Wallia, made 
Toulouse the head-quarters of his bands, em- 
ployed as a federal militia in the service of the 
empire, (a. d. 411.) However, that empire 
soon no longer needed a militia in Gaul, but 
voluntarily abandoning the province, as it had 
already given up Britain, concentrated itself in 
Italy — ^there to expire. In proportion as it 
contracted its limits, the Goths enlarged theirs, 
occupying in the space of half a century Aqui- 
taine and the whole of Spain. 

The dispositions of these Goths towards 
Gaul were any thing but hostile. In their long 
passage through the empire they had learned to 
yiew with wonder and respect the prodigious 
fabric of Roman civilization, frail and ready 
to crumble away, undoubtedly, but still standing 
and in its splendor ; and, after the first brutal 
excesses of invasion, simple and docile, they 
had submitted themselves to the discipline of 
the conquered ; and the ambition of their chiefs 
sought as its highest object the title of restorers 
of the empire — a fact proved by the following 
memorable words of Ataulph which have been 
handed down to us : 

" I remember," says a writer of the fifth 
century, " having heard the blessed Jerome re- 
late at Bethlehem his having heard from a 
citizen of Narbonne who had risen to high 
offices under the emperor Theodosius, and was, 
moreover, a religious, wise, and grave man, 
and who had enjoyed in his native city the 
friendship of Ataulph, that the king of the 
Goths, who was a high-hearted and lar^e- 
minded man, was in the habit of saying that 
his warmest ambition at first had been to an- 
nihilate the name of Rome, and to erect out 
of its ruins a new empire, to be called the 
Gothic so that, to employ the terms commonly 
used, all that had been Romania should be- 
come GoTHiA, and he himself play the same 

* The pott of honor wm anifMd th«n In the battle. 

Id. ibtd. p. as. 

t Gerontins, who had eonmiaiided in Spain dorlnf the 
absence of CoDstaatineV ion. Zoiiffl. L vL ap. Scr. R. rr. L 
S88. SoMaMn,Lii.ih.fl06ii 

part that Cesar Augustus formerly did. 
that becoming convinced by experienc 
the Goths were incapable, from their sti 
barbarism, of obedience to the laws, im 
which a republic ceases to be a repub 
had resolved to seek glory by devotir 
might of the Goths to the integral re-est 
ment and even increase of the power of tl 
man name, so that he might be regan 
posterity as the restorer of that empire 
he found himself unable to transplant, 
view he abstained from war, and devol 
best care to the cultivation of peace."* 

The quartering of the Goths on the I 
provinces was no new or strange fact, 
emperors had long had barbarians in thei 
who, under the name of guests, lodge 
lived with the Roman ; and the presen 
these new-comers was, in the first instan 
signal benefit, by completing the overthj 
the imperial tyranny, for the agents 
treasury gradually withdrawing, the gi 
evil of the empire ceased of itself; ai 
curiales, restricted henceforward to the 
administration of the municipalities, 
themselves relieved from the loads with 
the central government had weighed 
down. It is true that the barbarians too 
session of two-thirdsf of the land in the c: 
where they settled ; but, considering the 
tity of land which had been thrown out ol 
vation, this must have been, compan 
speaking, but an inconsiderable grie* 
Sometimes, too, the barbarians appear U 
entertained scruples with respect to such 
ble assumption of property, and to have i 
nified the Roman proprietors. Paulinv 
poet, who had been reduced to poverty tfa 
the final success of Ataulph, and had reti 
Marseilles, mentions his surprise at rec 
one day the value of one of his estates, 
had been sent him by its new owner. { 

The Burgundians, who established 
selves westward of the Jura, about the 
of the settlement of the Goths in Aqu 
were, perhaps, a still milder race. *' The 
nature, which is one of the present chai 
istics of the Germanic race, was early dis] 
by the Burgundians. Before their en 
into the empire, they very generally pi 
some trade, and were carpenters or cf 
makers: they supported themselves by 
labor in the intervals of peace, and wer 
free from that twofold pride of the ¥i 
and of the idle proprietor, which nou 
the insolence of the other barbarian conquc 
. . . . Established as masters in the doma 

* p. Oroe. 1. vil. c. 43. The panaM has been qm 
translated by Thierry, Lettres snr l*Histolre de Fran 

t The Hemli and lioinbardt contented themeelTei 

t Paallnns, in Eucharist y. 564-581, ed. 1081, ii 
Bee also l*Hlst Ut de Fr. 363-308. * 

$ Boeialat, i. tU. c 30. ap. Bcr. R. Fr. L OML Qni 
nes fere sunt fkbri UfnafU, et ex hac arte meicndaBB o 


Germany in thft 


Meaninff of the name Q 1 
ofAttila. O* 

the Gallic landowners, and having received, or 
taken, under color of hospitality, two-thirds of 
the land, and a third of the slaves, or, probably, 
what amounted to a half of the entire property, 
thej scrupled usurping any thing more, and did 
not treat the Roman as their farmer, or, to use 
the German phrase, as their lide^ but as their 
equal ; and even experienced, when in com- 
pany with the rich senators, their co- proprietors, 
something of the conscious embarrassment of 
men of inferior birth who have suddenly risen 
Dp in the world. When quartered as soldiers 
in a handsome mansion, and, in point of fact, 
masters of it, they did what they saw done by 
the Roman clients of their noble host, and as- 
sembled in the morning at his levee."* The 
poet Sidonius has left us a curious picture of a 
Koman house in the occupation of barbarians, 
whom he represents as troublesome and coarse, 
bat in nowise ill-inclined : — " From whom do 
you ask a hymn to the joyous A^'enus t From 
one beset with the long-haired bands, who has 
to endure the dissonant German tongue, and to 
force a melancholy smile at the songs of the 
gorged Burgundian, who smears his locks with 
rancid butter the while. . . . Happy man ! thou 
art not condemned to see this army of giants, 
who come to salute you before daybreak, as if 
jou were their grandfather or their foster- 
father. The kitchen of Alcinous would not 
suffice to feed the swarm — but enough said — 
silence ; what if my verses should be deemed a 
atire !"t 

The Germans who had settled in the empire 
with the permission of the emperor were not 
lUowed to remain peaceful possessors of the 
lands allotted to them. Those same Huns, who 
had formerly forced the Goths to cross the 
Danube, drew with them the other Germans 
who had remained in Germany, and both crossed 
the Rhine. Here is the barbarian world, rent 
into its two forms — the band, already estab- 
lished on the soil of Gaul, and which, more and 
more won over to Roman civilization, | adopts, 
imitates, and defends it ; and the tribe, the 
primitive and antique form, more afHned to the 
genius of Asia, which flocks aflcr the Asiatic 

* Ang. Thierry, Lpttres snr rilb»t. de France, vi. 
t Bidoo. Apnilin. carmen xll. ap. Scr. R. Fr. i. 811 :— 

Lnadantcm tctrico mbinde vnltn, 

Qn<xl BuFKundio cantat PM>alentiis, 

Infamlcn!* acido comam batyro. 
* • * « * 

dnein non ot vetnlom patris porentem, 
Nutricisque virani, die ncc oriri. 
Tot tantiqne petunt aimal gigantcs. 

t Pmcopiiu contract* the Gothn with the Germans, De 
BritnGothiro. 1. lil. c. 33, ap. Scr. R. Fr. il. 41.— Paul. Oros. 
ip. B«. R. Fr. i. " By the mercy of God, bII became Chris- 
l^u» and Catholics, and, submitting them5elve8 to our 
fnuttss lead a ealm and innocent life, treating the Gauls not 
wnili^ti^ but an Chri<<tian brethren." 

(la the foregoing passage, Ormia<< refers to the Borgun- 
^ban, who obmined n permanent seat <n Gaul at the com- 
Beaopntf>ot of the fifth century. The learned editor of the 
9a. R. Fr. ob^rve* on this passage, that " The Burgun- 
itaas, some yean afterwards, turning Arians, grievously op- 
inmed the G«als.**>— Trams latoe 


cavalry, and comes to demand a share in the 
empire from her sons, who have forgotten her. 

It is a remarkable singularity in our history 
that the two great invasions of Europe by Asia 
— that of the Iluns in the fifth century, and that 
of the Saracens in the eighth — should both have 
met with their repulse in France. The Goths 
were the principal actors in the first victory ; 
the Franks in the second. 

Unfortunately, great obscurity hangs over 
both these events. The leader of the invasion 
of the Huns, the famous Attila, appears in tra- 
dition less like an historical personage than a 
vague and terrible myth, the symbol and me- 
morial of wholesale slaughter. His true eastern 
name, Etzel,* signifies something vast and 
powerful, a mountain, a river, and, iti particular, 
the Volga, that immense river which separates 
Asia from Europe. This is also the aspect of 
Attila in the Nibelungen — powerful, formidable, 
but indefinite and vague, destitute of all human 
qualities, as indifferent and void of moral sym- 
pathies as nature, hungry as the elements, and 
as devouring as fire and water.^'f 

The existence of Attila would be doubtful 
were not all the writers of the fifth century agreed 
on the point, and if Priscus had not told us 
with terror that he had seen him, and described 
to us the table of Attila — terrible even in his- 
tory, although we do not find it decked oat 
there, as in the Nibelungen, with the obsequies 
of a whole race. But it is a great spectacle to 
see seated there, in the lowest place, and be- 
neath the chiefs of the lowest barbarian hordes, 
the sad ambassadors of the emperors of the 
East and West. J While mimes and buffoons 
excite the mirth and laughter of the barbarian 
warriors, Attila, serious and grave, and gather- 
ed up in his short and thick frame, with flat- 
tened nose, and his broad forehead pierced with 
two burning holes,^ revolves gloomy thoughts, 

* ** Etzel, Atzel, Athila, Athela, Ethela.— Atta, Atti, Aetti, 
Vatcr, signify in almost all languages, and especially in those 
of Asia, father, judge, chief, king. Il is the root of the names 
of the king of the Marcomannl, Attaint ; of the Moor, At- 
tala ; of the Scythian, Atheas ; of AtttilU't of Perg.imus ; of 
Atalrich, Eticho, Edico. But it has a deeper and wider 
meaning. Attila is the name of the Volga, of the Don, of 
a mountain in the province of EinsifMleln, and a general 
name for mountain and river. Thus it may l>e intimately 
connected with the Atlas of the Greek myths." Juc. Grinun. 
AltdeuUche WUlder. i. 6. 

t We lirequenUy read in Priscus and Joman«les. of both 
the Greeks and Romans pacifyins him by presents, f I'riscua, 
in Corp. Ilistor. Byzantinsp, 1.7*2. 'Xntrx^n tw -rXfitin rw» 
Sutpuiv. — By fiirce of presents, Genseric det^fruiined him to 
invade Gaul. — As reparation for an attempt on his life, he 
demanded an Increase of tribute. Ax.)— In the Wilklna- 
Baga, c. 87, he ii called the most avaricious of tiwn ; and it 
was by holding out to him hopes of a treasure, thut rhricm- 
hild persuaded him to admit his brothers into his {tiiiace. 

X Priscus, (In Corp. Ilistor. Byz.intin8>, i. (W,) dccribing 
their reception, states •' that they were seati-d on the left 
hand, and Beric, a Bcythian chieflain, had precedence of 
them.'* The right hand was esteemed the niu^t iionor- 

$ Jomandes, De Rebus Getic. ap. Duchesne, i. 226 : " A 
laree head, a swarthy complexion, small deep-M>nt«>d eyes, 
a nat nose, a few hairs in the place of a beard. broHd shoul- 
ders, and a short square bo<Iy : in fine, ho displayed all the 
signs of his origin."— -\mm. Marcell. xxxi. 1. "The Huns 
you would compare to be.asts on two legs, or to those 
misshapen fifiunes, the TVmtNt, which aro placed on oat 

oo DeieripUan of the rokr 

^^ of the Hum. 


Dmp imimiiion left Iqr 


as he passes his hands through the hair of his 
young son. There they sit, those Greeks who 
come even into the lion*s den, to lay snares for 
him ! He knows all ; but is satisfied with re- 
turning the emperor the purse with which he 
had thought to purchase his death, and with 
addressing him this overwhelming message : — 
** Attila and Theodosius are sons of very noble 
fathers. But Theodosius, by paying tribute, is 
fallen from his nobility, and has become Attila^s 
slave. It is not fit that he should conspire 
against his master, like a vile serf." 

He disdained all other vengeance ; but ex- 
acted some thousand ounces of gold the more. 
When payment of the tribute was not made to 
the day, the follow^ing notice, delivered by a 
slave, sufficed to secure its immediate trans- 
mission : ** Attila, my lord and thy lord, is com- 
ing to see thee. He orders thee to get a palace 
ready for him in Rome."* 

And what would have been the gain to this 
Tartar to have conquered the empire ? He 
could not have breathed in its walled cities or 
marble palaces. Better did he love his wooden 
Tillage, with its huts adorned with paint and 
hangings, and its thousand kiosks, flaunting in 
a hundred difl!erent colors, scattered in the green 
meadows of the Danube. Thence he yearly 
took his departure with his innumerable cavalry, 
and the German bands which followed him whe- 
ther they would or not. At enmity with Ger- 
many, he yet made use of Germany. His ally, 
the V end Genseric, who had settled in Africa,t 
was the enemy of Germany. The Vends hav- 
ing turned aside from Germany through Spain, 
and changed the Baltic for the Mediterranean, 
infested the south of the empire while Attila 
laid waste the north. The Vend Stilicho's 
hatred of the Goth, Alaric, reappears in Gen- 
seric's hate of the Goths of Toulouse. He 
sought in marriage, and then cruelly mutilated 
the daughter of their king. He called Attila 
against them into Gaul. A contemporary his- 
torian (of slight authority, it is true) states that 
his countryman i'Ktius,! general of the Western 
empire, had also invited his presence, in the 
hope that the Goths and Huns might extermi- 
nate each other. AttiJa^s path was marked 
by the ruin of Mctz and of numerous other 
cities. An idea may be formed of the impres- 

bridceH."— Joraanden, c. 34. "They are fcarfally swarthy; 
their liice h nhapeless lump, (if I mny so iii>eak,) mther than 
a hnmhn C('iint(;nance, and hnvlnff two dots fur cyen.** 

(Gil)lM>n. qu(»linf[ the same pasiutge. observes, " Jomandes 
draws a strong caricature of a Calamck face.'*) — Trans- 

* Chronic. Alezandrin. p. 734. 

t Jomandes, ap. Scr. R. Fr. I. 23. " By lavhh presents, 
6en!«eric induces Attila to fall on the VlnlKOths," Ate. 

t tJri'ff. Tur. I. il. np. Scr. R. Fr. i. 163. " Gaudentins, 
iEtiu^N ftthfr, was a man of the fin^t rank in the province 
of Si y thin. "—Jomandes (ap. Scr. R. Fr. 1.22) says that "he 
was dc^cndrd from the valiant Blcpsii, and bora in Donis- 
toruin.** — ^fltius had been a hostage to the Hans. (Greg. 
7\ir. loc. cit.) Orestes, the father of Aufu»tuiu.% the hut 
emperor of the West, and the Ilun, Edccon, the father of 
Odoaccr. the conqueror of Italy, dfon among the 
don of Attiia. Bee the Mcoont fiym by Pitaciia. 

sion left* by this terrible event, from the nume- 
rous legends that g^ew out of it. Troyes was 
saved by the merits of St Lupus. God took 
St. Servatius to himself to spare him the grief 
of seeing the ruin of Tongres. Paris was saved 
by the prayers of St. Genevieve ;f and Orleans 
stoutly defended by Bishop Anianus. This holy 
man, while the battering-ram was shaking the 
walls, asked, in the midst of his prayers, whe- 
ther any thing was seen coming. Twice he wis 
answered, no : but on asking the third time, he 
was told that a small cloud was visible in the 
horizon — it was the Goths and Romans who 
were coming to the aid of the citizens.^ 

Idatius gravely asserts that two hundred thou- 
sand Goths, with their king, Theodoric, fell in 
a battle with Attila, near this town. His sm 
Thorismond burns to avenge him ; but the om* 
dent Otitis, who equally feared the triumph of 
either party, seeks Attila under cover of night, 
and tells him — *' You have destroyed but the 
smallest part of the Goths, who will bear down 
upon you to-morrow in such multitudes, that 
you will find it difficult to escape ;^* and, in his 
gratitude, Attila presents him with a thousand 
pieces of gold. Then, repairing to Thorismond, 
.^tius tells a similar tale to him ; and, besides, 
awakens his fears that if he does not hasten his 
return to Toulouse, his brother will usurp hit 
throne. For this good advice, Thorismond, in 
his turn, gives him ten thousand solidi ; and 
both armies quickly take opposite routes.^ 

The Goth, Jornandes, who wrote a centoiy 
afterwards, does not fail to add to the fables of 
Idatius ; but he gives all the glory to the Goths, 
and attributes the employment of treachery, not 
to iEtius, but Attila — all whose enmity is di- 
rected against the king of the Goths, Theodo- 
ric. || Attila is represented as leading into 
Gaul the collective barbarians of the North and 
thp East ;^ and a frightful battle is delivered 
between the whole Asiatic, Roman, and Ger- 
man world, three hundred thousand of whose 

* Italy retained as sensible an Impression of the InvMte 
of the same bnrharian. In a battle, fought at the very fitw 
of Rome, both parties were said to have perished to a maa; 
" but their spirits rose, and fought with unwearied farj ki 
three days and three nights." Dumasciu.t, ap. PhoC Bttl 
p. 1039. 

t According to the legend, it was on his retreat fkom Ot- 
leans that Attila massacred the eleven thousand vlr|iiii of 

X Greg. Tur. 1. 11. c. 7. Aspicite de muro civitatia, at IM 
miseratio Jam succurrat. . . . Aspicite itenim, Itc. 

$ Idatiut, ap. Frcdeg. Scr. R. Fr. li. ifti. The eztncli 
given by (Yedegarius are rt^garded w^ith suspicion. 

II Jomandes. c. 36. ap. Scr. R. Fr. ii. 23. 

IT See Jornandes, ibid., and the notes of the edltan.1— 
** The greater part of the araiy collected by vKtins In OmI 
must have lieon composed of Fnink«. Hupposi'd by tki 
modems to have Iteen Saiians, and subjc :U of Meniveoa; 
of Ripuarii, also of FninkUh race ; of Sixons. setUed at 
Bayeux ; of BurgundianK, who had esfibrKlied their i 
archy, forty years liofore. near the lake t»I" linneva ; of 

mattans, who had pa«<(««d into Gaul at the Unir of the | 

barbaric invasion in 40i): of Alani of Orleans or of Valence; 
of Tayfales of Poitou; of Brehons, canUined in Rhvtia; of 
Armoricans, soldiers, perhup«, fhim the provinces whkll 
had shaken otT the yoke : and of I^i'ti, or vrtoran 

rians, who<<e services had been rewarded with a cUI ef 
lands, granted on condition of their defending them.^ Hi 
moadi, Hist dea FAncais, 1. ISt, who cites Joramiulei^ cu i 



floBS ofHiUehrand and 




bodies strew the field. Attila, in danger of 
being forced in his camp, rears an immense 
funeral pile of the saddles of his cavalry, and I 
takes his station by it, torch in hand, ready to 
fire it.* 

In this recital, however, there is one fearful 
circumstance, which admits of no doubt. On 
both side&i the combatants were, for tlic most 
part, brethren, — Franks against Franks, Ostro- 
goths against V'isigoths.f After so long a sepa- 
ntion, these tribes meet only to fight and slaugh- 
ter each other. This circumstance is touch- 
in^rly alluded to in the Nibelungen, when, in 
oliedience co the wife of Attila, the Margrave 
Kudiger, shedding big tears, attacks the Bur- 

S Indians whom he loves, and in his duel with 
agen, lends him his buckler.| Still more 
pathetic is the song of Hildcbrand and lladu- 
bnnd. The father and son, who have been 
many years separated, meet at the other end 
of the world : but the son does not recognise 
the father, and the bitter alternative left to the 
Utter is to slay his son or perish.^ 

• Jurnnad?s c. 40: . . . . Eqniiilt sellis con^iruxis'V py- 
lUB. !!e^<>qui\ HI Hdvrr^iirii irriiin}iorcnt, llHiiiinis iiijk-erK 
YiduLoe.— In the Nibflunften. C'lirU'iiihiiil tirf.» tlu; I'our 
eonrrt of the hnll in wliich hvr ImithcrH are. 

t Thr ViHifKiihi, with their kinK Thenilorlr. ffjiisht on 
IhP 4ld«i nf Ihf! Romans; the (NinnfothH nnd thf> <;<>iiida; 
vne witti Ihc Ilan4. it was an OKtmgutb who ^U'W Tlieo- 
t ** Wie tnme ich dir wcem ^ut mit mineni SchUde, 
Tonf kh dir'n bietrn vor I'lirivinhildc ! 
Duch niin du In hin. Il:ii!i>nc unt tnie* en nn den hunt : 
Htfi, loldejfta In fiirrn heini In dirr Hurcundcn 1 int!" 

Der .Vibeiuitirem. J^vt. «(?**-»*«. 
I woold willingly (live you my iiuckli'-r. 
If I dtti"! oflV-T it you iK'lorc l.'hrinnhihl — 
It nintterH ni»t — take it, llnsen— tiCHr it un thy nrm: 
Ah ! iniy«l thou bear it to thy huinv, to the land uf 
the BiiiTundl;in«» ! 
% The MMie of Ilildrfarand nnd llndiihrnnd w»m di'^^iverrd 
lad |rabll«h«l in Irtld by the brothers (irinini. who rcfiT it 
Id tbfr eichth cenlur)'. 1 cannot n'tRiin iniiu giving here 
bi« venerable monuuifnt of |iriniltivr (icnii.-in litcrMiim'. 
It ba4 been tr:in«tati.*d by M. filey, (Ltncm* dt^ Fr:inr<t, 
liU,) and by M. .I^Diperf, (Ktndes lli^t. dv C'h.-iti':iiil»rii<Rd.} 
livnture V* offrr a new vor^ion : — " I hnvi* linani tell ihit 
in« day, while the b-Utle w;ih nffinc, Hildibriht and ll;i- 
ftabnht. father and Kon. di'fifrl e:ich other. . . . Tliry iir- 
nji-d tfacm^tflve^ in their annor and KurctviL*, put oi their 
iMleif. barkled their ^word^<. nnd miirched ng^iiiiNt i-:irh 
otber. * Who in thy f ithcr among ihe pt'opN; V »^k* the 
vi.«e and noble Iliidilviht, ' nnd of whut nice art ilmu ? If 
, r<m will cell me, I wiU give yi>a a co-it nf iinii of triple 
mk*. I know every r:tce of nrin.* Hnllitibriht. "tni of 
Hildibnht. replied. 'The old and wi«e of furnit-r diy<« told 
tr that Hildibmht writ my father: I nni llathulinht. One 
ii7 he flf<d Ut the Kn«t to avoid the writli of Oih'iclir. 
(OdTAO-r If He went with Theothrirh (Theodonr. 7) and a 
, train nf follower-'*. I^caving a young witi* Killing in hN 
f hno'ie. nn infant son. and an nrnior without a ih-i^ut, he 
veat to the.K-i«t. The mirfortuneit of uiy rnUMin IMetrich 
' iKr»4»ins. and nil deserting him. he wua rver at tlie 
of hi* pK>ple, and hi« ««>In jny wan lirittle. I di> not iN-lieve 
l^t h<* !«till live^.* * G<>d of hr/iven, lord of man,* f>\rl iini» 
RiM^bnhl. ' satC'r not tho:to who nri' thus ronnerttit to do 
ktttle !' lie then L'ike<> from hin arm n lirin-lel whirh hid 
\ hen the gift of the klngr, loni of the Iinn«. * .\lliiw m*',* 
: hpnid. ' to nflfT thi« to thee.' Il.ithuhralil rf'pliod. ' With 
: tbe jivelin only rnn I rrTiMve it, nnd |Milnt to piiint! Old 
Bud, vile spy. thou wouldtt drceive me by thy word:*. In 
. t moment I liuiirh my javelin at thee, old man, did»t 
Ibaa hope to t'lkr* ni«* in ? They have told me. tliey who 
• Wled ti» the We<t. on the sen of the Vend>, that Hildilmiht, 
I m of Heerihrtht. fell in a grnnt Ijsittle then-.' Then rv- 
' |lie« Hildlhnht. Kon of Heeribraht, *I "ce hy thy armor 
' Ih-it ibna art not n noble chief, that thou hnit not ypt c(m- 
VWRd. . . . Alivt I what a fate h mine ! Sixty >ummerH 
■d silly winters have I been wandering a banisheil and 
St wpililiird MMk Ever have I been icen in the thick of 

Attila withdrew ; but the empire could take 
no advantage of his retreat. Who then re- 
mained masters of Gaul ? apparently the (xoths 
and Burgiindians. These people could nut fail 
to have invaded the central countries, which, 
like Auvergne, persisted in remaining Roman. 
But were not the Goths themselves Roman ? 
Their kings chose their ministers from the con- 
quered. Theodoric II. employed the pen of 
the ablest man of Gaul, and was proud to have 
the elegance of the letters written in his name 
admired. The declaiiner, Cassindorus, was 
minister to the great Theodoric, the adopted 
son of tlie emperor Zeno, and king of the Ostro- 
I goths who had settled in Italy The learned 
I Amalasontha, Theodoric^s daughter, spoke 
Greek and Latin fluently ; and her cousin, hus- 
band, and murderer, Theodatus, atfected the 
language of a philosopher. 

The (.roths Itad succeeded but too well in re- 
constructing the empire. With the reappear- 
ance of the imperial administration, all its abu- 
ses had followed. Severe regulations in favor 
of the Rtiman landed proprietors had kept up 
slavery. Imbued, from their long sojourn in 
the East, with the tenets current at (Constanti- 
nople, the (jruths had brought thence the Arian- 
isni of the (rreeks, by which Christianity was 
reduced to mere philosophy, and the Church 
made a pendent of the State. They were de- 
- tested by the Gallic clergy, whom they suspect- 
ed, not without cause,* of calling in the Franks, 

the bittlle: never ha<< an enemy ttken me or held me 
rliaiiicd in hio forL And now, eithrr my Iteliivi-d mm muAt 
pierce me with hi« HWord. hew me down with hlii axe, of 
1 iNM-ome his murdf-rer. I'ndoulHediy, it mny lie, if thy 
anil in stmng, that thou mny>-t take hix unnor fmm a nan 
of lu-.iri, and de<«poiI hi:* corpse: do it, if (hou hnnt the 
right : and may he be the moot infanKmn of the men of the 
Ka^t who nhali di.tsuade the«^ from the comlNit thou de^^iri'Mt. 
Hrive c(>iii|rinions judge of your valor, who to-day nill 
la'st hurl the javelin, who diMK^c of the two nrmon.* 
Ttier(.n|Min Ihe sharp javeitii.H tlew, and liuried tliem^telvca 
in the i:urkler4 : tlieu they c aiie hand to hand, their stone 
nxi'" sound, ringing heiivilv on the white !<hield>. Their 
IxKlies were Komewhat Bhaken, not, however, their limlM.** 
itv. &r. 

* '• When fi-ar of the Fninks filled theite pnrU, nnd there 
was u gfncral and vehement longing for them to <«eiKe the 
kingduiii, the Uurcundians began to su-iM^rt the holy .Ajirun- 
culurt. bishop of I«:ingn!H: nnd growing diily wor^e aderted 
towanls him, gavf ordeni that lie should Iw privately dealt 
with. Thin lN<ing n'iMirted to him, he lett Dijon at night, 
and rp|iairing to Auvergne, wut ma<le bishop there. — At this 
tinif many of the (fiiulH gn-itly di'»ired the Franks to be 
ruiern ovrr them; whenrj.> it i*.ime to |iass. that Uuinlianus, 
l>i«liopof UbiNli'Z, in AqiitUiine, wax exiN^lled ihitrity; for 
they said to him, * Her .u>r thy desire is to the Fnnks, that 
they may rule over thi^ land. . . . tV-andal h'lvmc nriMsn 
lieiwixt him and the cttixen.''. the latter insinuated to the 
(tilths who tnrrifd there that lie wished to !<uhjert them to 
the xwiiy uf the Franks ; wlirrciifion they t<Mik rounM*! to 
kill him. When thin wns told to Ihe man of (jinI. rising by 
nidil, nnd lleiMng from KluMieK, he came to Auvergne. 
There he was kindly entrented by the k<nm1 bishop Kuphra- 
siiis; mill whnn AiNtlliiinr'.U'i deinrted this life, and news 
w-i<i brought to king TheiNloric. he ordered the- holy Uuin- 
tianii-t to be elected in his stead, sayiiu;, ' lie was ejectiHl 
from his rity out of his m'hI fur u<«.* .\t this time Clovls 
reigned in some cities of (■ ml ; and hence the Cioths, enter- 
tiining n KU«picifm thft this iMinlifT de^irtMl to ^uliinit him" 
N4'if t<i the Fmnks, lianished him to TouIoum*. where he 

died Volusianus, the seventh bishop of Tours, and 

Vi^ru^, the eighth, being MU-iiected by the (joths of favorluf 
the aforeN.aid caui^e, ended their lives in exile.'* (Sreg. Tur. 
1. il. c. 21. 36; I. x. c. 31. Bee aiao e. S6, and Vit. Pat Sf. 
8cr. R. Fr. t. liL p. 408. 

84 FiBthinlofthelnquiiition. COMMENCEMENT OF THE 

Tb» oithodoz cWc7 iti|>poit 
the FraiUuk 

the barbarians of the north. The same suspi- 
cions were entertained by the milder Burgun- 
dians ; and this common distrust rendered the 
ffOTernmeut daily more severe and tyrannical. 
It is known that the Gothic law derived the 
first hint of the inquisition from the proceedings 
of the imperial courts.* 


The Franks were the more longed for, that 
no one, perhaps, knew what they werc.f They 
were not a people, but a confederation, which 
▼aried in its members as it fluctuated in its in- 
fluence, but which must have been powerful at 
the close of the fourth century, under Mello- 
baud and Arbogastes. At this period the 
Franks had indisputably large [lossessions in 
the empire. Under the name of Franks, Ger- 
mans of every race composed the best troops 
of the imperial armics>| and the body-guard of 
the emperor.^ Floating between Germany and 
the empire, they generally declared against 
the other barbarians, whose irruptions into Gaul 

* MonteM|Uion. Eiprlt des I^>lx, I. xxvUI. c. 1. 

f The Fnink-t had inviidi>d Uuul in 2r>4. durini; the reifn 
of <>.ilU»nns and had inadu their way through Hpnin an tar 
•M M;iurilaiila. (Zosiniii't, 1. i. p. IVKi: Aurrl. Victor, c. 33.) 
In 277, Pnibus twice defeated them on tho Rhine, and 
■ettied niiinben« of Iheui on the shuren of the Blaclt S^a. 
The d ihn{! voyap; of thene pimtes is weil Icnimm. Tlrcil of 
exile, tliey M;t sail in order to revisit their bttloved Rhine, 
and, plandering on their way the coaiLs of Asia, Circcco, and 
Sicily, landiNl |ieac-cably in Frisia or Batavia. (Zo^iniux. i. 
6G(i.)— In 'J93, Conntantiaa transported a colony of Frunlcs 
Intii Guui. — In 35ri, Julian drove tho Chaiuavianit beyond 
the Rhine, and Hubjectcd the Salianii. k.c. — C-lovis (I Hod wis) 
defeated i^Y-Hgriiu in 4iM.—iirvg. IMr. i. ii. c. 9: "It is fteii- 
ernllY heiti that these saine Franks canie fn>ni Fannonia, 
and firft fcetlled on the shore*» of the Rhine ; and that then, 
croMing the river, they pa.tHcd over into ThiirinKiii-** 

t For inxUince, of the armies of Constantino. Zoslnius, 
1.11.; (Gibbon, iii. (36. 

^ Ainin. Marceliin. 1. xv. a. d. 3.T5: "The Fmnks who at 
this tune swarmed in the palace," Ice. When, at a later 
period, the enipen>r Ana»tasiiis sent Clovis the inMienia of 
the con>'iil''hi|K the Frankinh chietViins were already fami- 
liar with the Roman titles of honor. A little later than 
this, .\fE:ithias tenns the Frtinkt the mtrat civilized of bar- 
barians, and Hay.4 that drc^s and iMngunge are all that div 
tingulth them from the Romans. Not that their dn>M wiis 
devoid of clecnnre. "The young chief, Higixmer.** aays 
BidoniuH AiMjlliniiri*, "walked, [troceded or followed by 
horws whoM! housinR!« H|Kirkle<l with jf'weU. On fimt, and 
clad in milk-white silk, resplendent with f^old. and blazing 
with purple ; these three ci>liirs harmonized with his hair, 
bis complexion, and his skin. . . . The chiefs around him 
wore boots of ftir ; their legs and knees were bare ; their 
high narniw gowns, striped with varioas colors, hnrdly 
reached their calves, and their sleeves did not fall below the 
elbow ; their green mantles were edged with a scarlet bor- 
der; their sword.s, suspendeil fnan the shoulder by a long 
belt, ginled their sides, anmnd which they wore skins; 
their ann!« were an additional ornament.*' .... Hidon. 
Apollin. 1. iv. epist. 'JO, np. Scr. R. Fr. I. 7U3. " In the tomb 
of Childeric 1., di!K-«>vered in 1053 at Toumai, there were 
fovnd a crystal glolie. a style with tablets, and medals of 
aevenU em|ien>ni. His name was traced round his IsNly in 
Roman letUfrs. ... In all this there is nothing very bar- 
barous." Chateaubriand, Eludes Historiques, iii. Sl-2.— St. 
Jenime (as qunted in Frt>degarius) thinks the l-Yinks, like 
the Roriian<«, de^cemlcd fri>m the Trojans, and refers tlieir 
origin tt> one Fnincio, a son of I'riam: "The blessed Jerome 
wmie of the ancient Franks that Priam was their kine. and 
that, when Troy was taken, half of Iheni. with Fmnrio fi>r 
lUng, invaded Huro|N*, and settled on the kink of the Rhine 

with their wives and children A long time atler- 

wards they were called ]-*ninks. they and their chiefs always 
■paming foreign rule." Fredeg. c. 2. — The fondness with 
which this truditiun wu welcomed by the middle ages ia 
well known. 

succeeded theirs. They opposed, though uih 
successfully, the groat invasion of the Burgun- 
dians, Suevi, and Vandals, in 406,* and many 
of them fought against A itiia. At a later period 
we shall sec thi'm, under L-lovis, defeating the 
Germans near Cologne, and preventin<; their 
crossing the Rhine, biill pagans, and from 
their roving life on the fnuiticr no doubt but 
loosely attached to any religious, system, they 
must have proved easy coiivertites to tho clergy 
of Gaul. At this epoch the rest of the barl^- 
rians were Arians ; and they all were of distinct 
race and had a distinct nationality. The Franks 
alone, a mixed people, seemed hovering indeci- 
sively on the frontier, ready to take the impres- 
sion of any idea, influence, or religion. 'Vhey 
alone received Christianity through the Latin 
Church ; that is, in its complete form, and with 
its lofty poetry, liationalism may follow civi- 
lizati4)n ; but it would only wither barbarisnii 
dry up its life-bl4M)d, and strike it with palsy. 
Seated in the north of France, in the north- 
west corner of P<urope, the Franks held their 
ground against the pagan Saxons, the latest 
swarm from Germany, against the Arian Visi- 
goths, and finally against the Saracens, all three 
equally hostile to the divinity of Jesus Christ. 
Therefore, it is not without reason that our mon- 
archs have been styled the eldest sons of the 

The Church made the fortune of the Franks. 
It would have seemed that the establishment 
of the Burgundian monarchy, the greatness of 
the Goths — masters of Spain and Aquitainc — 
the formation of the Arniorican confederations, 
and that of a Roman kingdom at Soissons by 
i^gidiuSjf must have confined the Franks will^ 
in the Carbonarian forest between Tournai and 
the Rhine.| But they induced the Armoricam 
to join their bands, at least those settled at the 
mouths of the Somme and Seine,^ and the sol- 

• (Cibbon (v. 254) remnrks of this inv.i<i|on: "This 
morable |Kissiige ot' the Snevi, the Vandals, the Alani, 
the Burgundians, who never afterwards rt>trrated, liny bt 
considered as the fall of the Ronmn empire In the rxiuntrica 
lieyond the Alps ; and the liarrier-i, which had m) long ^epa 
nitcd the savage and the civilized nations of the mrlh. 
were fnmi that fatal moment levelled with the ground."^ 

t ("Jlis dominions (Ricimer*s) were boundr<I liy the .\1di; 
and two Roman generals, Marcellinns and iKgidiu^, main- 
tained their allegiance to the republic, by n'Jecting with 

dlMlain the phant^mi which he htyleil an onipnnir 

ilCgidius, the m.ister-genenil of fiaul, whfi i><iuallett, ur at 
least who imiUiU'd. the heriK-s of ancient Rome, ivorlainni 
his imniiirtal reMOntment against the assassins of his liclowt 
master, Majorian. A brave and numerous anny was al- 
tached Ui his standard ; and though he was prevcnlril kf 
the arts of Ricimer, and the arms of the Visigoths, from 
marching to the gates of Rnme. he inniniaincii his inde- 
pendent sovereignty In-yond the Alps, and rondrrvd ttf 
name of iEifidiu-i rfs|N'i!t:ihli> lioih in peace and war.** Gi^ 
bon, vl. IW-fj.)— Tra!«i«i.ator. 

t During their long stay in Belgium, they movt nectr 
sarily have mingled with the indigenes, and by tlio llw 
of their arrival in Gaul, werp, no doubt, prirUy Belgian 
(The (Carbonarian w<¥hJ was that p:irt of the gifai fonvlif 
Ardennes which lay bi'lween tho Scheldt and the McoiCiJ 
— ^I'ranslator. 

^ Procop. Hell, fioth. c. 12, a p. Per. R. Fr. II. 30: "TH 
fJermans sought to fniterni7A> with thrm. and the A 
cans were nut at all unwilling, both happening lo be 


{ riirt»d»«nc«oftheFr«nki. PRANKISH CONQUEST. 

BaUle of Tulbiac 


dierB of the empire as well, who had remained 
without a leader after the death of i£gidius ;* 
but never could their feebler forces have de- 
stroyed the GothSf humbled the Durg^ndians, 
uhi repulsed the Germans, had they not every- 
where found the cleri^ ardent auxiliaries, who 
guided and lighted their prog^ress,- and gained 
the country over to them beforehand. 

S.'»j in what modest terms Gregory of Tours 
sp<';iks of the first advances of the Franks in 
G;iiil. '* It is said that at this time Clilogion, 
';(-la'lion.) a powerful and distini^uished in 
his country, was king of the Franks. He held 
'ii> residence at Di8pargum,f on the borders of 
the Thuringians of Tongres. The Romans occupied these countries ; that is, 
southward, as far as the Loire. Beyond the 
Loire the country belonged to the Goths. The 
Burgundians, like them attached to the sect of 
til'.' Arians, dwelt beyond the river Khone, 
which runs by Lyons. Chlogion having sent 
spie^ into the town of Cambrai, and examined 
the land, defied the Uomaus, and took po-sses- 
ftion of that town ; having remained in which 
•rime time, he conquered the land as far as the 
Sonime. Some assert that king Meroveua, 
who had Childeric to his son, was his dcscend- 

It is probable that many of the Frankish 
ehiefs. fur instance this Childeric, who, we are 
tuld, was son of Meroveus and father of Ciovis, 
had Roman titles ; as was the case in the pre- 
cHing century with Mellobaudand Arbogastcs. 
We Kee .^gidius, a Roman geueral, and par- 
tisan of the emperor Majorian, and who was 
the enemy of the Goths and of (heir creature 
the emperor Avitus, the Arvernian, succeeding 
the Fronkish chief, Childeric, who was for a 
tune expelled by his subjects ; but, undoubtedly, 
it was not as hereditary and national chief,^ 
but as general of the imperial militia. Chil- 
deric, accused of having violated some freeborn 
VLro[ins. took refuge with the Thuriugians, and 
carried off* their queen. On the death of ^Kgi- 
4itu| he returned to the Franks ; and was suc- 

* Id. ibid. " Anrt the Roman noldlm, not bnln? atilc to 
ivtan u> Rnme, .tnd not wUhinc tlip Arinn enfim* to kuc- 
«»»*L joined with the Arinoriciinii .ind Fr:ink«." T hu* the 
IVinlL.4 combined all the Catholic!* of Gaul afpiiusit the 

' (A v'A\*f» or fortrosA between I^nvaln and DruMsels.) 

* tirfji. Tut. 1. iL c. 9, ap. Scr. R. Fr. il. IfiA. 

^> M my En^tUh and (if ninn criticH have come over to 

iht: upmi-m of- the AIiIm) DuhiH. th:it myaUy aition{! the 

Prmkt h^id no atftnity with the (>erm<in nmnarchicH. hut 

Wtn « ni*-:ru iiiiit.ition of the inifierial govrrnoro, prtejiiJeM, 

kc. i>*^ Pilunve. Upon the C.'iuiimonwenlth ol' KiiKland. 

»•»!. i. IKK.— The Franks attcinpU'd. though inort«Ttirdly. 

Ill iirft'.t%d the t'rnntiert ft|[Hlnst the great invasion nf the bar- 

birrtns in4iM.and at various intcrvaN they obtiined iminL^ 

of land H.% Ruinin xoMior*. Sisinondi, i. 174.— Finully. the 

K^Be•lietioei #-ty In their prel'ice. (8i-r. R. Fr. x.SH:) "There 

li Dothintf, either in the history nr 1:iwa of the FninkH, 

wbirh cm w irmnt the inference that the (iaiil^ wen; dn- 

tpriiled fif a portion of their land;* to form t^ilic lands for the 


j) itli\>b(*n relate:! the cir^'uin-ttance somewhat dilTerenUy : 
*The Frtnk*. who had puninhtMl with exile the youthful 
feliie* of Childeric, elected the Rom-tn general for their 
Hog; hifl vanity, rather than hit ambition, was gratified by 

ceeded by his son, Chi vis, who in his turn tri- 
umphed over the patrician Syagrius, son of 
^'Kgidius. Defeated at Soissons, Syagrius flies 
to the Goths, who deliver him up to Ciovis, 
(a. d. 486.) Subsequently, the latter is invest- 
ed with the insignia of the consulship by Ana- 
stasius, emperor of Constantinople. 


Clovis was still only chief of the petty tribe 
of the Fnuiks of 'JVuirnai, when numerous bands 
of Suevi, under the designation of All-men, 
(Alemanni,) threatened to pass the Rhine. 
The Franks, as usual, flew to arms, to oppose 
their passage. In similar emergencies the dif- 
ferent tribes were accustomed to unite under 
the bravest chief,"^ and Clovis reaped the honor 
of the common victory. This was the occasion 
of his embracing the worship of Koman Gaul, 
which was that of his wife Clotilda, niece of 
the king of the Dnrgundians. lie had vowed, 
he said, durinj; the battle, to worship the god 
of Clotilda if ho gained the day. Three thou- 
sand of his warriors followed his example. f 
There was gnat joy among the clergy of Gaul, 
who thenceforward [ilaced their hopes of deliv- 
erance in the Franks. St. Avitus, bishop of 
Vienno, and a. subject of the Arian Burgundians, 
did nnt hesitate to write to him — " When thou 
fightosl, it is to us that the victory is due.'*! 
These words were the subject of eloquent com- 
ment by St. Remigius, on the occasion of the 
baptism of ('lovis — '*Sicamber, bow meekly 
thy head ; adore what thou hast burnt, burn what 
thou habi adored. '*$ In this manner the Church 
took soleiini |)os8Cssion o\' the barbarians. 

This union of Clovis with the clergy of 
(raul threatened to be fatal to the Burgundians. 
He had already endcavon>d to turn to account 
a war between the Burgundian monarchs Gode- 

I rn 

tliat iiinciilar honor ; and when the naUon. at the end of 
four yenrs, r(.'|iciitinl of the injury \vtii<h lh(>y had nllifred 
111 the Mernvintfian family, he |):itiPiiUy ar({uii>«rcd in the 
revtonition of the lawful prince." Decline and Fall. vi. IH6.) 


* The following iKtHMage"*. collected by M. (lUlzot. (K^saii 
Kur riliHt. dc France, p. I(KI,; show how thuruuuhly inde- 
jiendenl they wrn; of their king^t: " If thou will nm'co into 
Hurcnndy with thy brnther'^,** Kay the<* in 'I'lu-odoric, 
•■ we will leave lh«?e there, ami mnrrh with thiMii." (In'g. 
Tur. I. iii. c. 11. — .At another time, the Frankt chti*><<« to 
m-irrh against the HaxoUN who sue for |te:i'*c>. *■ Ho not 
oiKtinati'ly !*eek this w.-ir. which will !«■ your njiii." !«ayi 
(Motiiire I. to them; "if you will uo. I will not follow you." 
.\t these words hi<( Wiirrior-t tiew \i\Htn him, di-iiiolishcd hli 
tent, forced himoutof it.mcrwlinlmcd hiin with n prniches 
and threatened to slay him if he iH>r'>i«ii>d in Ium refusal. 
Ibid. 1. iv. c. 14. — At tir<it, the title of king was an empty, 
name. Ennodiu^, bishop of I'.iris, ^nys of lui army collected 
by the great TheiMbiric : " In this army f Acre itirf no many 
kinffs, that their nundier wan at least ei|u il to tint of thoM 
Holdicrii who could be mainUtined out of the coritribuiioni 
levieil on the district in which it was enr im]iod." 

t <ireg. Tur. I. il. c. 31. SiuelMTi timl (.'liil|MTic do not 
marry Brunehanit and (vaNuinth till they h.ive alijun;d 
Arianism. — (-hlotoinda, dauehU'r of (Motaire I.; Ingundix, 
wife of Krmengild; and Bertha, wife of the king of Kent, 
cimverted their huslwnd>. 

X C-um pagnnUH, vincimus. S. Aviti epist. in append, ad 
Greg. Tur. 

^ iMiti:4 depone colla, Hicamlwr: adora quod Incendistti 
incende quod adonisti. Greg. Tur. I. il. c. 34 


If haeuloa march oTCIoriiL 




ffisil and Gundebaut, alleging against the latter 
his Arianism and tlie murder of Clotilda^s fa- 
ther ; and without doubt he had been called in 
by the bishops. Gondebaut humbled himself: 
amused the bishops by promising to turn Ca- 
tholic ; gave them his children to educate ;* 
and granted the Romans a milder law than had 
been hitherto accorded the conquered by any 
barbarian people. He wound up these conces- 
sions by becoming tributary to Clovis. 

Alaric II., king of the Visigoths, entertain- 
ing a similar dread and distrust of Clovis, 
endeavored to propitiate him, and sought an in- 
terview with him in an island of the Ijoire. 
Clovis spoke him fairly, but the instant after 
convened his Gauls. " It offends me,'* he said, 
'* that these Arians possess the fairest portion 
of the land. Let us on them, and with God to 
aid, expel them. Let us seize their land. We 
shall do well, for it is very good "f (a.d. 507.) 

Far from encountering any obstacle, he 
seemed to be conducted by a mysterious hand. 
He was led to a ford in Vienne by a hart.^^ 
A pillar of fire appeared on the cathedral of 
Poitiers, for his guidance by night. || He 
sent to St. Martin de Tours^ to consult the 
lots ;** and they were favorable to him. On 
his side, he did not overlook the quarter whence 
this assistance came. He forbade all plundering 
round Poitiers. Near Tours he struck with his 
sword a soldier who was foraging on the ter- 
ritory of this town, made sacred by the tomb of 
St. Martin. " How," said he, " can we hope 
for victory, if we offend St. Martin V-f\ After 
his victory over Syagrius, one of his warriors 
refused the king a sacred vase, which he 
sought to include in his share of the spoil in 
order to dedicate it to St. Remigius, the patron 
saint of his own church. A short time after- 
awards, Clovis, seizing the opportunity of a re- 
▼iew of his troops, snatches his francisque 
(Frankish battleaxe) from the soldier, and as 
he stoops to pick it up, splits his skull with a 
stroke of his own axe, exclaiming — *^ Remem- 

* Id. Ibid. c. 31. 

t (i«Hta rRKUin Pmncorum, ap. Scr. R. Fr. 11. 553. Thier- 
ry. Ciinqu^tp de TAnf;!. i. 43. 

1 Grift. Tur. 1. U. c. 37. 

\ (The hurt wa^, of tax 

iflwl thi' HMrt's ford.)—! 

cotirw, vkitf ; and the place is itill 
calloil thi' Hurt's loru.)— TRA.KeiLA.TOR. 

II V,T02. Tur. I. ii. c. 37. 

IT Id. iliid. 

♦* (" His met-tcnyrrn," My« Gibbon, " werr Inntmrtrd to 
wmiirk the words ot' the pwlm whirh nhonld hapiien to be 
chnnted at the preci!«c nmnient when they enti>n><t the 
churrh. The^e worth mo^t fortanntely exprp<yod the vnlor 
and victory of the chnniplonii of ilenven, nnd the applica- 
tion ynk^ easily tmnHferrcd to ttie new Jinhna, t)ie new 
Gideon, who went forth to battle aipiinsl tlie enemie« of the 
Lord.*' In a note on thix pnMa|^, Gibbon addn, " Thif mode 
of divination, by arci>ptin|[ an an omen the«first RHcred 
words which in particnlnr circuni«iancr<( shonld be pre- 
aented to the eye or exr, wax derived from the PHCiinK; 
and the Ptalter or RIble wnii iinb**titnted to the po«*ni!i of 
Homer and Vincil. From the fourth to the fourteenth ren- 
l«ry theiM* aorttg aoMctorum^ as they arc styled, were repeat- 
wily condemned liy the decree^ of conncils, and repente<lly 
prnctiiK'd liy kinc«. bl«hop4, Hnd saints.*' Decline and Fall, 
vol. vi. p. .133.)— Tranhlator. 

tt Greg. Tur. 1. ii. c. 37. " Et ubi erit spes vlctoriB, si 
keatos Martlnuf oflenditurV 

her the vase at Soissons.'^* So zealous a de- 
fender of the goods of the church could not fail 
to find her a powerful help towards Tictory; 
and, in fact, he overcame Alaric at Vougle, 
near Poitiers, advanced as far as Langaedoc, 
and would have marched further had not the 
great Theodoric, king of the Italian Ostrogoths, 
and father-in-law of Alaric II., covered Pro- 
vence and Spain with an army, and saved the 
remainder of his kingdom for the infant son of 
the latter, who, on the mother*s side, was his 
own grandson. 

The invasion of the Franks, so evidently de- 
sired by the heads of the Gallo- Roman popula- 
lation, in other words, by the bisbiips, added 
momentarily to this confused state of things. 
The historic notices which remain to us of the 
immediate results of so varied and complicated 
a revolution are scanty : but nowhere have 
they been more happily divined and analyzed 
than in the following passages of M. Guizot*s 
Covrs tflfistoirey (t. i. p. 297) : — 

" Invasion, or, more properly speaking, inva- 
sions, were essentially partial, local, and mo- 
mentary events. A band arrived, generally 
small in number — the most powerful, those 
which founded kingdoms, for instance, that of 
Clovis, did not number more than from five te 
six thousand men, while the entire Burgnn- 
dian nation did not exceed sixty thousand — it 
rapidly traversed a narrow line of ground, rav- 
aged a district, attacked a city, and then either 
withdrew with its booty, or settled within a li- 
mited range so as to avoid too great a disper- 
sion. Wc know the ease and rapidity with 
which such events take place and pass away. 
Houses are burnt, lands laid waste, harvests 
carried off, men slain or led into captivity, and 
hut a brief time af\er all this mischief has been 
done, the waves cease, their furrows are effaced, 
individual sulferings are forgotten, and society 
returns, apparently at least, into its ancient 
channel. Such was the course of affairs in 
Gaul in the fiAh century. 

" But we also know that human society — 
that form of it which deserves the name of a 
people — does not consist of a number of iso- 
lated and passing existences thrown into simple 
juxtaposition. Were it nothing more, the in- 
vasions of the barbarians would not have pro- 
duced the impression traced on the records of 
the time. For a considerable j»eriod, the num- 
ber both of places and of individjjals who suf- 
fered from them, was far inferim* to that of 
those untouched by their ravages. But man's 
social life is not confined to the material space 
or to the mere moment of time in which it 
passes. It ramifies into the many relations it 
has contracted in many localities, and not only 
into them, but into those which it may contract, 
or may form an idea of. It embraces not alone 
the present, but the future. Man lives on a 
thousand points which he does not inhabit, and 

♦ Greg. Tor. 1. U. c. 9B. 





Ne vr order of th inji*. 
Cruel poLcjr oi'tluvii. 


ia a thonsand moments yet in the womb of 
time : and if this expansion of his existence 
Mifler eumprpssion, if he is compelled to con- 
tract himself within the narrow limits of his 
material and actual existence, and isolate him- 
self both as regards space and time, social life 
is a truncated and lifeless corpse. 

*• This was the result of the invasions— K)f 
those apparitions of barbarous bands, brief, it is 
true, and limited, but ever renewed, every- 
where possible, and always threatening. They 
destroyed, 1st, all regular, customary, easy 
correspondence between diflfereut parts of a 
territory ; 2dly, all security and prospect for 
the future. They broke the bonds which unite 
the inhabitants of the same country, interrupted 
the regular pulsations of a whole social exist- 
ence. Thev isolated men, and the days of 
each man. In many places and for many years, 
the a5i)ect of the country might remain the 
same ; but the organization of society felt the 
blow, its limbs fell from each other, its mus- 
cles were nerveless, the blood no longer cir- 
culated freely or surely in its veins, the evil 
burst out sometimes in one point, sometimes in 
mother — a town was plundered, a road render- 
ed impracticable, a bridge broken down, this or 
that communication ceased, cultivation was put 
a stop to in this or that district — in a word, the 
organic harmony and general activity of the 
social body were daily interfered with and dis- 
taibed, and every day impelled the general 
paralysis and dissolution. 

"The term had come of all those tics by 
which Rome, after unnumbered efforts, had ac- 
complished the union of the dilTcrent parts of HtgilxTt .iml hw »>n, rr|Niirs Ui CoUiiinr, assi>iulik'!« I 

ij^j sycitem of aduiinistra- ' *"*''' ^-'^nl"*' ""•* Jmy*, ' l am nowLsi' conn'rncit in 

under Chilperic, Gontran, and Theodehert, are 
related by Gregory of Tours, arc counts of 
towns, established, side by side with their 
bishop, within the precinct of their walls. It 
woula be too much to say that the province has 
disappeared ; but it is disorganized, unsubstan- 
tial, and all but a phantom. The city, the pri- 
mitive element of the Roman world, is almost 
the sole survivor of its ruin." 

The fact is, a new organization is on the eve 
of gradual formation, of which the city will not 
be the sole element, and in which the country, 
which went for nothing in ancient times, will, 
in its turn, take a place. Centuries will be 
required to establish this new order of things. 
Still, from the time of Clovis, it was prepared 
from afar by the consummation of two impor- 
tant events. 

On one hand, the unity of the barbarian army 
was secured. By a scries of treacheries, 
Clovis elfected the death of all the petty kings 
of the Franks.* The Church, preoccupied by 
the idea of unity, applauded their death. " He 
succeeded in every thing," says (Jrcgory of 
Tours, ** because he walked with his heart up- 
right before God."t St. Avitus, bishop of 

♦ "Ue secretly sent wonl to the «Mm of Sijiobort tha 
LAmo. kin^ of Coloenr. *Thy father erow* olil. and halts 
on his liad tiHii. Were he to dir, hi.t kinpdinii iind my 
friendship would Ite thine.' .... (.'hliMleric, (moyi'd up by 

thoM! hope*, h;ul his falhiT njfaHsinHted Vnd IHovu 

M>nt hlui word. ' I thank thee for thy |;oud will, and pray 
thoe to Khow thy tro.iMires to my uiessenRen*. and then 
tnkc nil thyitelf.' Chloderir Maid, ' Ilere is the rh<*st In which 
my father hen^M-d n\t his cold. They replied, ' IMunee thy 
arm down to the Itottmn, ti> see how much it is ;* and wh«B 
he did so. and was t«ttMipinc down, one of them raised his 
axe and .<*plit hist :«kull. — ('loviii, appriwul of the death of 

the In- 

IhinitH. I cannot Nhed the hltNNl of my relative-i, liir it U 
forbidden. But finrn ihe«e things have hapiN-ned. I will 
fivi* you counsel, whicli y<iu ran t^ike if you like, (^ime to 
me: let me proieci you.* The |N>ople apphmd, >houUiis 
and rl:i:«hine their hucklers, and raiHini; him on the shield, 
elect him kine. — lie then marched acainst rinmr.c . . . . 
made him and his non pri'^oners, and caused the hair of 
ImiIIi to lie cut oir. Chaniric werpini;, his .s<m s.iid to him, 
'This foli.'iee h'ls U-en cut from a sreen ^tem. ii will i^row 
and flourish ipiickly. Woulil to CinI tliat he who lias duim 
this may {n'rish nM quickly.' The!^t words iM-ini! n>|Mirted to 
('lovis .... he ordered iMith to In; l)oheadiii. Un their 
deiith he M'ixed their kinsdom, treasures, and people. — 

Uagnacair was at this time king at Camlirai Clovis, 

having had hncelels and baldrics made of fal^<- ^'Kld (it was 
i>nly briss, pilt; gave them to the gn-at v;uf«ah <>(' |{.-i(!nncAlr 
that ihry might con«pire Hgain<*t him. . . . K l'th* lir was 

the globe — of that great sycitein 

tion, taxes, recruitment, public works and roads. 

or all these, there only remained those portions 

which could subsist isolated and locally — that 

IS to say, the ruins of municipal government. 

The people betook themselves to the towns, in 

which they continued to govern themselves 

nearly on the same system as before, with the 

same privileirps, and throuf;h the medium of the 

&ame mstitutions. A thousand circumstances 

prove this concentration of society in the towns. 

One, which has been but little noticed during 

the Roman government, is the constant recur- , . , , . . .^ . . ... 

.,.^1 , , J i-i-.. defeated, and nnde prisoner with his i>on Ilu h.ur. 

rence, Iwith m the laws enacted and in history, ('i„viH said to him, 'Why hast thou disgmr.Mi ii,> i-imlly 

by suifcring thyself to iNM'ettered? Inrtter hn\e di/d :' and 
lilting his axe, he buried it in his head. 1'lifii. turning to 
Kidiair, h*" s:iid, ' lladst thiui hel|NMl thy l)roihi>r, In- would 
not have been in chains;* and lie filew him In the i>ame 

P. occurs less frequeiilly ; but wo still iind '»'nner.--Kigm.mer wis put to death Uy hi- in th« 

, * , ' town ol .Mans Having slam on this w:*-« innny rtther 

•S an'l Ci>untS naniea as governing pro- kings and his nean»it kindred, he cxlendid hi- .nilhority 

of * governors of provinces, oflicers with con- 
sular jMJwer, correclore.%^ presidents,' who arc 
ever on the sirene. In the sixth century their 

vinces. The barbarian kinffs strove to succeed I "ver tin- wh«de of (i.^ui 
to the Kornan form of government, to keep up ! 

the same oflicers, and direct power into the i muUt of .Ntningirv'i'h.i>e no relative tn IxiVkikI me in the 

same ch-mnel ; but their success i.s incomplele •!">'.:''" 7,'' '"''^'f*''', n"!,!'""; '""* ""\/*" ";""''' '* *^*," 

, -. , , fr«i • 1 1 . I- death. He only helrl ihi* langiiaue tlirou'jii ninning, In 

and ds.sorderly. I heir dukes are rather mili- 
tary than political chi^its ; the governors of 


Finally, oni- diy. a-«emliiing hit 
{it'oplr, he s|Mike as follows of the rebiiivet \vh< in he had 
butchi-red, 'Unhappy that I am, h-lt like n tnxeller in thfi 

provinces are evidently no longer of the same 
importance, and play a different part. It is 
the governors of the towns who figure in his- 
tory. Most of those counts, whose exactions 

order li> disco\er whether he had still atiy nl-iiir lett. In 
onler that he might «li"sir«»y him." <;reg. 'i'ur, I. ii. r. 49. 

t (>ri>g. Tur. I. ii. c. 41): l*ni>ternib:ii eiiim inmUdle 
I>eus lioHleH fjus sub manu ip'<iu> et au!;i bit ri'L-Kiim ejus, 
eo c|U(hI ambularet recln corde coram eo. it l:if-eret qaa 
placita erint in ocu'isejiis. — Thtv-w^ Kmguin-ir>' priis^-M are 
Hur|»rising in an hi^to^ian, who in every oiIm r inrt of his 
work exhibits great genUcncss and humanity of uiitposllloa. 

QQ Flavor shown brCloTn 

OO lo ihe Church. 


Renown of the Fiuiki. I 


Vienne, )i:iiJ in like manner congratulated God- 
debaut on the death of his brother — which put 
an end to the civil war in Burgundy. Ihe 
deaths of the Prankish, Visigoth, and Roman 
chiefs, united under one and the same head 
the wtiole of western Gaul from Batavia to the 

On the other hand, Clovis allowed the Church 
the must unbounded right of asylum and pro- 
tection. At a period that the law had ceased 
to protect, this recognition of the power of an 
onler whii-h took upon itself the guardianship 
and security of the conquered, was a great 
step. Shivos themselves could not be forced 
from the churches where they had taken ref- 
uge. The very houses of the priests were ac- 
counted asylums, like the temples, to those who 
should appear to lice with them* A bishop 
had only to make oath that a prisoner was his, 
to have him immediately given up. 

Undoubtedly it was easier tor the chief of 
the barbarians to grant these privileges to the 
Church, than to cause them to be respected. 
The case of Attains, carried into slavery so 
far from his country, and then rescued as by a 
miracle,! testifies the insufficiency of eccle- 
siastical protection. But it was some advance 
to have the abstract right recognised. The im- 
mense property secured by (clovis to the church- 
es, particularly to that of Jleims, whose bishop 
is said to have been his principal counsellor, 
must have {^ivcn vast extension to this salutary 
intlucn(;e i»f the Church. To place property in 
eccle^iasitical keeping was to subtract it from 
▼ioleucc, brutality, and barbarism. 


On the death of Clovis, (a. d. 511,) his four 
sons, aecordiui; to the custom of the barbarians, 
all became kings. Each remained at the head 
of one of lli(»se military lines, which had been 
traced in Gaul by the successive encampments 
of the Franks. Theodcric held his residence 
at Metz — his warriors being settled in Austra- 
sia, or eastern France, and Auvergne. Clotaire 
kept court iit Soissons, Childebert at Paris, and 
Clodomir at Orleans : the three latter also 
shared Acpiitaine among them. 

In point of fact, it was not the land but the 
army whicrh was divided ; and, from its nature, 
this division could not fail to bo an unequal one. 
The barbarian warriors must often have de- 
serted one chief for the other, and have flocked 
to him whose courage and military skill prom- 
ised the greatest share of booty ; and, therefore, 

• Qui rum illiH in rionio ip^nirii conHistnm vidflnntur. 
. . . 'IK- cctiTi't (|Ui(lcrii ciptivi'i luirit. Acr. E|)i«t. riodovati 
ad ppix". <; lU. :ip. fc»rr. R. Fr. Iv. W.— ThU li?ni'r w.-w writ- 
ten by C'luvi-c (Ml thr> (tcriiHion of hi<i vim with l\w (>otb<. 

t Urejr. Tur. iii. 15. — The nt^ry i?* trin^lntiMl l)y Aueu^lin 
Thinrry, in hin U'ttrcH snr l*IIi'»l. di' France. — On the con- 
iltlnn of iho MilijiTt in (inul undor the kings of the lir>t 
lacG. consult thi; learned nioninir of M. Niuidet. 

(The Eneli^h n^iulor will find the story of Attilu4 in 
Gibbon. Decline and Fall, vol. vl. pp. Slid, 3U9.)— Trams- 

when Theodel>ert, the grandson of Clovis, in- 
vaded Italy at the head of a hundred thousand 
men, it is probable that he was followed by al- 
most all the Franks, and that many other bar- 
barians as well, attracted by them, swelled lui 

The Franks acquired so much renown from 
the rapid conquest of Clovis — with the causei 
of which we are so imperfectly acquainted— 
that most of the barbarian tribes chose to ally 
themselves with them ; as it formerly happened 
to the followers of Attila. The most hostile 
races of Germany, the Germans of the south 
and of the north, the Suevi and the Saxons, 
became federate with the Franks. So did the 
Bavarians. Alone, in the midst of these na- 
tions, the Thuringians rejected this amalgama- 
tion, and were overwhelmed.* At this period, 
the Gallic Burgundians appeared more capable 
of resistance than in the time of Clovis. Their 
new king, St. Sigismund, the pupil of St. Avi- 
tus, was orthodox and beloved by his clergy: 
thus the pretext of Arianism could no longer 
be advanced. But the sons of Clovis oppor- 
tunely remembered that forty years previously, 
their maternal grandfather had been put to 
death by Sigismund. Clodomir and Clotaire 
defied him to battle, and threw him into a well, 
which was then filled up with stones. But 
Clodomir's victory drew down ruin on his fam- 
ily, for he perished in the engagement, and so 
leli his children without a protector. 

" While queen Clotilda held her residence at 
Paris, Childebert, perceiving that all his moth- 
er's alTcctions went to the sons of Clodomir, 
became jealous of them, and fearing that her 
favor might secure them a share of the king- 
dom, he privily sent the following message to 
his brother Clotaire : — *■ Our mother is tjUcing 
care of the sons of our brother, and seeks to 
give them the kingdom. You must come di- 
rectly to Paris, and we will consult what to do 
with them — whether to cut oil' their hair so as 
to reduce them to the rank of subjects, or to kill 
them, and make an equal division of our broth- 
er's kingdom.' Rejoiced hereat, Clotaire came 
to Paris, (-hildebert had already spread a ru- 
mor that the two kings had agreed to raise the 
children to the throne. They sent then, in their 
joint name, to the queen, who abode in the 
same city, and said to her, * Send us the chil- 
dren, that we may seat them on the throne.' 
Filled with joy, and unsuspicious of their arti- 
fice, after she had given the children to eat and 
drink, she sent them, saying, * I shall think 
that 1 have not lost my son, if I see you suc- 
ceed to his kingdom.' The children went, but 
were immediately seized, and soparaied from 
their servants and nurses, and shut up apart—- 
the servants in one place, the children in an- 

♦ Creg. Tur. I. IH. c. 7.— In Hess and l-V«ncoiiia, they 
broke on the wheel, or crushed und«"r the wheeh of tbrff 
WH);onfl, more than two hundit'd youn;; girN, and thea 
gave their linibn to their dogt and huwlijt. — See tlie si 
of Theoderlc to his soldiers, ibid. 


Fata nfThRodebert's 


r. Then Childebert and Clotaire sent Ar- 
uft, whom wc have already mentioned, to 
queen, cuirrying scissors and a bare sword. 
en he had cume to the queen, he showed 
n to her, Hayinir, * most glorious queen, 

sons, (>u r Ii»rds, arc waiting to know thy 
I a.-} to tlie treatment of those children : order 
ether they ^liall have their hair cut off, or be 
kD." Allrip^hted at this message, and, at the 
ae time, tmiisported with violent wrath at 
1 sight of* thut hare sword and scissors, she 
re way to her indignation, and, not knowing 
her ^rief what she said, imprudently replied 
' It* they are not to be raised to the throne, 
had rather see them dead, than shorn of 
sir U>i!ks.^ Hut Arcadius, caring little for 
r grrief, and not troubling himself to divine 
r real wishes, hastily returned to those who 
d sent him, and said, *■ You have the queen's 
ive to go on with what you have begun ; 
e desires you to fulfil your wishes/ On 
lA. Clotaire, seizing the eldest child by the 
OL, threw him down, and plunging his dagger 
to hi» arm-pit, slew him cruelly. At his 
ies, his brother cast himself at Childebert's 
et, and clasping his knees, exclaims with 
ars, " II«dp me, kindest father, that I die not 
\ my hri»ther.' Then Childebert, his face 
ithed with tears, says to Clotaire, * I entreat 
iee« dearest brother, to have the goodness to 
rant me his life. If thou wilt not kill him, 

will give thee for his ransom whatsoever 
lou shall ask V But Clotaire, overwhelming 
im with reproaches, says, * Cast him far from 
tiee, or thou shalt certainly die in his stead. 
Tis thou who hast stirred me to this thing, 
Ad art thou so ready to break thy pledge !' 
\X these words, Childebert repulsed the child, 
md flung him towards Clotaire, who caught 
iim,and plunging his dagger in his side, slew 
aim as he had done his brother. They then 
ilew the servants and nurses, and, when they 
vere dead, Clotaire, mounting on horseback, 
rodeoflfwithtmt the slightest remorse at having 
murdered his nephews, and repaired with Chil- 
debert to the faubourgs. The queen, ordering 
their little bodies to be laid on a litter, con- 
veyed them, with many hymns and an immense 
train of mourners, to St. Peter's church, where 
both were interred with like ceremony. One 
was ten, the other seven years of age.''* 

The<ideric, who had not engaged in the expe- 
dition to Burgundy, led his followers into Au- 
fergne. *' 1 will lead you," he had told his 
•oldiers, " into a land where you will find as 
much money as you can covet, and where you 
may seize in abundance, flocks, slaves, and ap- 
parc;l.**t Indeed, this was the only province 
which had escajied the general plunder of the 

• Crr*e. Tor. I. Hi. — A third son of ClndomirN e!>cflp!nK. 
id ttiking it'tugc in a monantcry, bocamo St. Cloduald, or 
L Cload. 

t Ubi inrum et nicentnin acciplatlM, qnantnin vc^tra 
Mni d<*«idemrc cuplditaa, de qua pecora, &c. Greg. Tur. 
ULc. 11. 


West. Tributary, first to the Goths, then to 
the Franks, it preserved the right of governing 
itself. The Apollinarii, the ancient leaders of 
the Arvernian tribes, who had valiantly defend- 
ed their country afrainst the Goths, felt on the 
approach of the Franks that they would lose 
by the exchange, and fought on the side of the 
Goths at Vouglc.* But here, as elsewhere, the 
majority of the clergy favored the Franks. St. 
Quintin, bishop of Clermont, and the personal 
enemy of the Apollinarii, seems to have deliv- 
ered the citadel of that town into their hands ; 
and the Franks slew at the very foot of the 
altar a priest, of whom he thought fit to com- 

The bravest of these Frank kings was The- 
odebert, son of Thcoderic, chief of those east- 
ern Franks, whose ranks were constantly re- 
cruited from all the Warffi of the German 
tribes. He flourished at the time the Greeks 
and Goths were contending for Italr. The 
whole policy of the Byzantines consisted in op- 
posing to the Romanized barbarians, the Goths, 
barbarians who had remained utterly barbarous. 
The victories of Belisarius and of Nars<'s were 
gained by means of Moors, Slaves, and Huns ; 
both Greeks and (xoths equally hoped to turn 
the Franks to account as auxiliaries. They 
knew not the men they had called in. (a. d. 
539.) The Goths hasten to meet Theodebert 
on the threshold of Italy. He falls upon thenif 
and cuts them to pieces. The (t recks on this 
make sure of him ; and are massacred in like 
manner. t The finest towns of Lombardy are 
reduced to ashes, and such ruthless waste com- 
mitted that the Franks are reduced to starva- 
tion in the midst of a desert of their own mak- 
ing, and faint under the sun of the south, in the 
marshy plains of the Po. Numbers perished 
there ; but those who managed to return were 
so laden with booty as to induce a new expedi- 
tion, which shortly after set out under the 
leading of a Frank and a Sueve, overran Italy 
as far as Sicily, and destroyed more than it 
gained. The climate did justice on the bar- 
barous invader ;t and, at the same time, Theo- 
debert died in Gaul,^ at tbe moment lie was 
preparing to swoop down on the valley of the 
Danube, and invade the empire of the East — 
vet Justinian was his ally, and had ceded him 

* ^ if 

all the rights of the empire over southern Gaul.) 

* (;rr«. Tiir. I. ill. Cesta Rrp. Fnnc. c. 17. 

t rrocop. dt; Ik'll. C^ith. I. ii. c. <r>. 

X Th«*»KH'liiTl'!« rxpj'diilon wjis in»t Ihr- Inst ^ttoriipt ninde 
by the hVankti on Italy. In .V«4. "Kin^ 4'hildrl)frt inviidod 
Itiily, which the LiinilMrd^ h'aminf;. hihI fc:«rin(; tlffciit nt 
his hnndi, they recttunisfd him n« their hird, him 
ni'tny prpKcnLs. and vowed Mihniio'<ion nnd fidelity. Ihiving 
Att'iined hi^ object, he returned into (Jiinl, and i>iit nn iinny 
in movement Hir»inHt Sp-iin. Ihiwever, he forlwre. The 
year before, the emiieror MMurice \\'u\ ^iven him fifty ihoii- 
Mind ptlden nout (miI«) to drive the LondKirds out of Italy, 
nnd when he learned th'it Childeliert h:id ccmr'.uded (lenca 
with them, he demanded b:ick hit money. The kinp, how- 
; ever, tru^Uns in hi** own vtrenpih, did not even doLRn him 
an an«*wer.'* (ireg. Tur. I. vl. c. 4'2. 

^ (iored by a wild bull, According to Agathiafl, ap. So. 
R. FY 1. 1, p. TiO. 

II Procop. d0 Bell. Gothic L iiL c 33. 


^ ' -^ — —-■■-■■■■■■■ ■ - - - ■ ■ -— — I »^^^^ 1^— ^^^^ 

Theo(lebert*8 death, and the disastrous fate wise. As well as being of more pliant dispo- 

of the expedition which followed close upon it, sition, and more skilful flatterers, there wers 

stopped the further proj^rcss of the Franks ; none else qualified to impart to their mastert 

and Italy, shortly afterwards invaded by the notions of order and government, of gradually 

Lombards, was thenceforward closed against substituting a regular administration for the cft* 

their invasions. In Spain, they always failed.* priciousness of mere power, and of modelling 

The Saxons soon discarded a profitless alliance, barbarian royalty by the imperial monarchy, 

and refused payment of the tribute of five hun- As early as Theodebert, the grandson of Cio* 

dred cows which they had voluntarily offered.! vis, we find the Roman minister Parthenius d^ 

Clotairc, who attempted to exact it, sustained vising to tax the Franks ; for which he is put 

a defeat at their hands. Thus the most pow- to death by them immediately on that monarch's 

erful of Uie German tribes escaped alliance with demise.* 

the Franks ; and here began that hostility be- Another grandson of Clovis, a son of Clo- 

twcen them and the Saxons, which grew in taire's, Chramnes, had for confidant the Poite- 

rancor, and constituted for so many centuries vin Leo ;f for enemy, Cantinus, bishop of 

the grzind struggle of the barbarians. The Clermont, a creature of the Franks ; and for 

Saxons, whose further progress on the continent friend, the Bretons, with whom he sought ref- 

to the westward is henceforward barred by the uge when, after an abortive revolt, he was pur* 

Franks, while they are pushed on the east by sued by his father — who ordered him and his 

the Slaves, will turn towards the ocean, towards whole family to be burnt in a hut, to which he 

the north, and, becoming daily more friendly had fled for concealment, 

with the Northmen, they will infest the coasts Clotaire, lef\ sole king of Gaul, (a. d. 558- 

of France,! and strengthen their English coIo- 561,) by the death of his three brothers, was 

nies. succeeded by his four sons. Sigehert had the 

The hostility of the Germans proper, to a eastern encampment, or, to use the term of the 

people subjected to Roman and ecclesiastical chroniclers, the kingdom of Austrasia. He 

influence, was natural. It was to the Church held his residence at Metz ; and being thus a 

that Clovis was chiefly indebted for his rapid neighbor of the German tribes, several of whom 

conque:its. His successors early chose their had remained in alliance with the Franks, it 

counsellors from the Romans, from the con- became probable that he would sooner or later 

quered ;^ and it could hardly have been other- overpower his brothers. Chilperic had Nea* 

stria, and was called king of Soissons. Gon- 

!'^**^f^iH'"*''^''y*™i^l*''m**iL*«.^^^^^^ tran had Burgundy: his capital was ChAlons- 

gave uut thrit U WR4 to AVPDKe the ili-trcntnient of her huH- 4. . „r ,•' , rr^i -i -t j 

band, Am ibric, kinff of the vuipoihs, who Bought to ron- sur-&a6ne. 1 he death of Uhanbert contributed 

rert her to ArianiMii. Hbe hnd wnt her brothen a handker- his odd kingdom, which was formed by the 

chief dycil in her bloofl. G reft. Tar. I. Hi. c. 10. :.,««♦;«„ ^r "D^.: . »^j a ^. .:•„;»» .^ »...^ii aU- 

t Uiiinjientin vacca» inferendas annis sinfiilbi a Chio- junction of Pans and Aquitaine, to swell the 

tario seniore ren«iti roddebant (iesta Dagoberti, c. 39. portion of the three Others. Under these prin- 

t Sidon. AHIin. 1. vUi. epUt. 9: "There (Bordonux) wc ^pg Roman influence was in the ascendant. 

•ee the blun-eyed Saxon, emt accustomed to the aea, dread Xf. ' . "*^r*" '""U<?nce was 1" me ascenaank 

the land." And Carmen viii. : Their ministers were usually Gauls, Goths, or 

aiiin rt Aremoricns piratnm Paxonn trartnii Romans ; names which at that time were al- 

jsiM-niKit cui p».iie Mium Huicare Britannuin most synonymous. Intercourse with the bar- 

LiidiiN, et assuto slaucuin mare finders lembo. i. • "^ ■ ■ • i> i ■ i ■ <• • • 

(FA-en Annorlca looked for the SHXon pirate, whose sport U barians had infused into them sparks of theiT 

Is to pioiuh ilie RritUh M'a in his coracle, and to cleave the energetic spirit. ** King Gontran, says Greg- 

green M-:i in hu ^kiln-covered pinnHce.) ory of Tours, " honored with the patriciate Cel- 

^ Clovis»olf selected him iimbassadors ihMn amoni "^ \ii/«.^ ^V.i ii j 

thrRoiiiinM.- Aurelianin481,andPRtemusln.W7. (limjj. 8U8, a man tall of Staturc, Stout-shouldered, 

Tur. epi-i. c. 18. 25.) Rom^n niimes aiiuund in the court<« strong-armed, emphatic in Speech, happy in re- 

of tht.' Gcmmn kinff!*. Aridias is the constant coansellor of _i„ o«*l «,oll ^iin^l in tkn 1..«t . ko k<k»»nn.« m^ 

Gondebald. (tlree. Tur. I. 11. c. 3!2.)-Arcadlu8. an Arver- P'y» .^P^ ^^" ^^^^ *" J^C law ; he bccamc 80 

nian senator, inviten chiidebert I. into Auvenme, and is avaricious as frequently to despoil churchcs, 

anintermedmtcinthe^^niurderofnod^^^ &C.J Sigehert sent an Arvernian as his en* 

I. iil. c. 0. 18.) A<terioluH and 8erundiniis, "enrh wise * /? ^ ^- i j ^ i 

and j'kilUd in letters and rhetoric,'* had prcnt influence VOy tO Constantinople ; and we find amODg 

with Th«'tMlpb<'rt. (a. p. 547.— Ibid. c. 33.)— An ambn!«s»dor 

of Contr:inN Is nnnied Felix, ((Jreg. Tur. 1. vlil. c. IIJ,) his ^.. ^ ^,.^^ ._ .. „.. ^,^^„.,„ v^,. .... ^„ , _ 

r^frrrH.Lir» FImvIus (I. v. c. 4«:) and he sends a Cb.u.liiw ^^.^^S" '\" *AZ?v f TL.J^"Sriii!i*,a?^"i^ 

ti> NlHy Kl-mlf in 8t. Martin de Tours. (I. vil. c. 29.)- "Ai*''" u^V"ijffi T. .^kS" .rT^.,"^ w*^"'i!!J 

AnothorC' in r*«aff//iH- to Chlldeterl II. ((Jreg. de S^^A^ji^i^' .;;:^ j^ 1'^^^ '" fJ^Y " ^.^^^ T~^ 

Mlr.c. K M;.rlml. I. iv.)-A domosUc of Brunehnult's b. Ej^'.^^^I^^X," ^» SC^II.^'^n''^ *i'^^^^^ 

named Kb.vUis. (Cn-p. Tur. I. ix. c. 19.) To hi* favorite 2if;"V,"L'^.!?^7 ..r™"*'\S*'"'Sj^^^ *ST?'*"'-1&" 

Prot,idi«. (^eethesecondnoteof next p«ie) succeed, "the 5»^^;^ u^^" if ; ^^Jic 'S;«IiV*' ^r^i^'^^^ ^^^ 

Romrin «M: udm., n well-lnfonned mnn anc( apreeable ron- Lia«r lJi«„ L .i^u "^ ^^1"***^^ Wiii>Ht. Where's Uw 

versatioui^l." (Fiedepir. c. 2P.) Ih.pobert hRS a Servatus ^^f";^""^;" ^'^A^^^n^'i?-^^'*^^^^ " '""" "r^^"*^^' ."1 

and a f.,r ambMssadors and an Abundantius and ?^n^J"^LJ^^l^^ !^\lZi ^ll^il^'l n'^'-' ^*" S"^?^ 

aVen.r.rduH for cenemls &r. (fiesta l)Hp.l«»rtl, passim. JSIh" arc used to break ihe.r word wilht 

tc.;— riulnubtodly nwire than one .Merovinfcian monarch * Jv___ fr.„_ i ,., ^, 

lost by lnt*Trnur»e with the con(|uered his hurburlan rude- x J'l i ,' r 4i 

ness, and de«in*d to wiih his favorites I^Un elegance. + r' * „ ris.* V •„ . «« » #^ * v ^, 

Fonunatus wriUs to Chnribert- » ^'"^^.- T"'- >• »v. c. 24. Rex Cuntchmmnna Celna 

„. . , . ,. r .i . patriciaiiis honore donavit. vlrum proreruui statu, in ,„^ 

Horet in ebMiuio Lnirua lAtlna tuo, pun» validum, iNcerlo nibasiuni, in verliit tnmidum. Is 

QuhIih es m prripria docU> sermone loquela rcsponsis opportunum, juris leciione peritum ; rul taato 

Qui nos Romano vincla in eloqulo !— deinreps habendi cupldltaa exUlit, ut Mcpioa eccloski^ 

niia LaUn tongue flourishet in thy eloqneiice, O Thou, ret autSerens, Ice. 


oricin of the GtDie 


FVeikronda lurroanded bjr 
devoled tu her service. 


Mi domestics one Andarchios, who was " fa- 
■iliar with Viigil, the Theodosian code, and 

Most of the good or eyi] of the rule of the 
Frank kings must henceforward be ascribed to 
Ike Rofiiaos. They are the revivers of the 
ijttem of taxation ;f and they not unfrequently 
ippear with distinction in war. Thus, while 
Ike king of Austrasia is defeated by the Avars 
tad maude their prisoner, the Roman Mummo- 
lii, general of the king of Burgundy, routs the 
Sixons and Lombards, and compels them both 
to purchase leave to retreat from Italy back to 
Germany, aod to pay for their provisions on the 

these Gallic ministers of the Frankish mon- 
inhs were often of very low birth. The his- 
tory of the serf Leudastes, who became count 
of Tours, will serve to illustrate the career of 
■any of them. ** Leudastes was born in the 
iiland of Rhe, in Poitou, of one Leocadius, 
vho had the care of the vineyards of the treas- 
ury. He was placed in the roval service, and 
la the queen^s kitchen ; but being blear-eyed 
iibis younger days, and the smoke disagreeing 
with his eyes, he was transferred from the spit 
10 the kneading-trough. Although he seemed 
to like confectioner^s work, he ran off and quit- 
ted the service. lie was brought back two or 
three times, but still running away, was con- 
demned to lose an ear. No credit being able 
to cover such a mark of infamy, he fled to 
queen Marcovef, whom king Charibcrt, smitten 
with love of her, had taken to his bed in the 
loom of her sister. Ho met with a gracious 
neeption, and was intrusted with the care of 
tin queen^s choicest horses. A prey to vanity 
lod pride, he obtained by intrigue the post of 
count of the stables, in which he cunductcd 
himself with utter contempt for everybody. 
Swollen with vanity, plunging into dissipation, 
grossly grasping, and the favorite of his mis- 

* Gref. Tur. I. Iv. c. 39, 47. 

t FrederarioA »peAk^ of the flscAl tyranny of one Pro- 
iMiia*. m-iyor of the palace to Theodorie in fi05, Hnd a fa- 
nrip of Brunehault'ft, and as "swclUne the treasury by 
liiPDiou« devices out of men's properties." C. S7. 

: Wk<'n the SHXon« rrtumed, they found their seats oc- 

capied : — " When Alhoin passed Into Itiiy. CMotMre and 

fliiebert Mettled Hue^n and other people in the territory lio 

bid qntifHi. On the return of his folio wi^rt, in HiKolicrt's 

iricn. thny were for driving these Intrudorn out of the 

CDiiiiir>' ; hut the latter otfvred them a third of the land, 

layuif. ' \\> m-iy live together without fighting.* KnRiged. 

keciia-«r tli^y hid fi>nui*rly pos^tessed the country, they 

vroatd noi listen to tilk of peace. The i^uevi otfon-d thcui 

half, and then tW(»-thirdM of the land ; and, on their refuMl, 

Mferr^ tli^m the whole of the land, and alt the flocks and 

hcnl4. provided they would forego the idoa of fighting. 

llkpy. nf v«-rtlu;le»*i, inMi^ted on battle ; and dividiil nuiong 

Ibrai'«!v4"« beforeliand the wives of the .Suevi. rhooitini; 

whooi eich likc^, as if the latter were alrp.-idy derad. But 

tile merry of God. which is ever consonant with justice, 

obliged them to think of other matters ; for in the b.tttlc, 

o«t of iw^nty-Aix thousand Saxons, twenty thou.^and were 

•UiB, and of the Saevi, out of six thousand four hundred, 

only eighty, and the rest won the day. The survivhig 

Baions. with curves on their heads, swore never to cut 

•llher heard or hair, until they had taken vengeance. Rut, 

MBging a uncond Ume, thev were still more comntetely 

Mealed. So the war ceased.'* Greg. Tur. 1. v. c. 15. See 

Oho Pksl Diae. De Geitis Langohardomm, ap. Mnnttori, L 

tress, he wormed himself into all her concerns. 
After her death, fattened with plunder, he con- 
trived by dint of presents to be continued in 
the same offices by king Charibert ; and, ai\er- 
wards, as a punishment of the accumulated sins 
of the people, he was made count of Tours. 
There, waxing with his dignity into more intol- 
erable pride, he showed himselfgrcedy of gain, 
haughty in quarrel, and stained with adultery ; 
and by his activity in fomenting disputes, and 
instituting calumnious charges, he amassed 
considerable treasure." This intriguing indi- 
vidual, with whom we are only acquainted 
through the pages of his personal enemy, 
Gregory of Tours, endeavored, says the histo- 
rian, to ruin him by charging him with having 
spoken ill of queen Fredegonda. But the peo- 
ple collected in large numbers ; and the king 
was contented with the bishop^s clearing him- 
self by oath, which he did, celebrating the 
n)ass on three altars. The assembled bishops 
even threatened to withhold the sacrament from 
the king.* Leudastes was slain some time 
after by Fredegonda^s own retainers. 


The great and popular names of this period, 
and which have found a place in men^s memo- 
ries, are those of the queens and not of the 
kings — those of Fredegonda and of Brune- 
hault. The latter, the daughter of the king of 
the Spanish Goths, her mind imbued with Ro- 
man cultivation, and her person fraught with 
grace and winning charms, was carried, by her 
marriage with Sigcbcrt, into savage Austrasia — 
that Gallic Germany, which was the scene of 
one constant invasion. Fredef^onda, on the 
contrary, thoroujfhly barbaric in her genius, 
ruled her husband, the poor kini? of Neustria, 
a grammarian and theologian, who owed to her 
crimesf his appellation of the Nero of France. 
She first made him strangle his lawful wife, 
Galswintha, Brunchault's sister ; and then dis- 
patch his sons-in-law, and his brother-in-law, 
Sigebert. This fearful woman was surrounded 
by men devoted to her service, whom she fas- 
cinated by her murderous genius, and whose 
I faculties she disturbed by intoxicating bevcra- 
: ges.{ It was through them that s^lio reached 
her enemies. The ancient devotees of Aquita- 
nia and Germany, the followers of the assassins, 
who, on a signal from their chief, blindly rush- 
ed to kill or perish, were revived in the retain- 
ers of Fredegonda, who, beautiful, and homi- 
cidal, and possessed by pag:in &upersiitions,$ 

* O rex, quid nunc ad te, nisi ut nnnmnniona 

privoriN ? At ille : Non, inqnit, ego n'w\ nudiu nnrravL 
IJreg. Tur. 1. v. c. M. 

t Bo think Vnlnis nnd I). Ruinnrt. the editor of Gregory 
of Tours.— UxoriuH m-'igis quam crudelis. Srr. K. Fr. pns- 
fiitio, p. 11.5. 

X (>reg. Tur. 1. viii. r. 5S). Fredegonda give<« a potion to 
two priests to inntiff-ite them to the murder of Sigebert, 
(mediflcntiH poUone direxit, Ace.) 

$ A rich freedwoman, munificently attired, who was 
poMMsad by tha spirit of Python, seeks Fradegonda*s pRH 

thaebcrt m'lnlerH. %iidjB 
«er« wf htt niiiisien. 


Compirarr of the Aiirtrian 
ana Burcundimn iM»blek 


sppearb to us like a Scandinavian Valkyria. 
Sbe coiiiiien»jtt*<J the weakness of Neustria by 
audacity and crime : made a war of stratagems 
and a»sji&i!i< nations un her powerful rivals ; and, 
perhaps, sived the west of Gaul from a fresh 
inva^ttjii of barbarians.* 

Ti(f ri^rnians. indeed, had been called in bv 
BrLuehiuit's husband ,1 Sigebert. Chilperic 
coull r.nt make head against their bands ; which 
pushfTd itii us fur as raris, burning every vil- 
lage, and c'lrryingoflfthe men prisoners. Sige- 
bert hiinsolf could scarcely restrain these terri- 
ble allies, who would have left him nothing to 
reign over.^ But just as he had |)ent up Chil- 
peric m Tournai, and, in imagination king of 
Keujitna, had caused himself to be elevated on 
the shield, twoof Fredegonda's retainers spring- 
ing from out the crowd, stab him with poisoned 

lectiiifi. M. I. vii. r. 44.— Cl^adia* proniiwH Fredrqoiula 
•ndc:iintr>n Ui •^liy Klierulf, Cliil|trrir*s uiunicn'r, in the 
lM>ilici lit T< iir- : and "on hh riKid, as h the nne uf the 
barUirMn". h<^ U'r^n to take nu^nicps. and nl<M) questioned 
many h hi Un r iht.- Virtue of the ble«MH| Martin was luade 
pft'^fntiy imnif«*-l •-triin'>t tnitor*." c. 29. 

Pirnni'H' 1" ^ii!l very pre^'nlent Ht thi.t perioil. In a 
counril MI Mh!(-h Sfonntui, bi<hop of Rheiin<. and forty 
othT hi-hdp' wen- liferent, it wa« derrcod : " that all who 
pracii-e iiimiry and ifther pHgan custoinn, or who aasist at 
the ^'Upi'-r-i um-t ff i-^i* of the pfipin», lie at dnt irently ad- 
■mnjoh'd end warned to foTMike their ancient error*, hat if 
they n«-cl<'''i '^t to ilo, and Htill hold intf rcuur-c with idola- 
ter* ''ind or.crirircr^ tf> idoK ther he iiul)ieried to a penance 
pniprfi-oni-d to thfir f:iult.*' FVodoard. I. ii. c. 5.— In CreK- 
ory of T.'iir-. '1. viii.c. 15.) St. Wulfiisiic. n hennit of Treves, 
reinie^ hi'MT hf h-.d overthrriwn (in 585} the Diana of the 
placp. ft ml oth'^r i(l«d4. — The councih of I*itenin, in 402, 
and (it Arl' «. in 4.Vi. |imhibit the wor«hippinf[ of !<t«ine«, trees, 
and foii-.i-tin-<. In the canonn of the council of Nnntes, 
held in tliir ye-ir f%ji*. we find the followins : " Bi<(ho|i8 and 
tl^ir rlorL'y 'Mizht t^i exert thein^elvet to the utmost, to ex- 
tirpttfr Hnd burn the trees concern ted to demon •<, and 
whirh :in? W'>r<iiip[ied by the common people, and held in 
■nrh vi-ncr-iinn th-it they dnre not lop Iminch or pucker 
ftoin th'iii. I>t the utime^ likewiw which, lured by the 
dceit* of ih*' dMiii»n<, they worship in mined and woody 
plar«'«, u> whirli they vow vow< and lirinc otlerin;;^, lie 
thoroiisiity dn;: up :ind carried to *tpoti where they can 
■ever lie ti>un<l liy their womhippen. And be it fori>idden 
all ti off r r-iniltei or any other offi'rinc. except Ut the 
Chiircli. to the liiord their God." Himiund. t. lii. Conr. 
GalJir. ^<e«^ t\\n the twenty-<tecond cnnon of the council 
of Tour*, ill jf>7, Hml tlie Capitularies of Charlemagne, ann. 

♦ " R*nkfUi\^T Fredeffrinda," says Pt Oncn ti> his friend 
Eliroln. thi- tii'i'i-ndfr of \oUHtri» Hfiiinst .Auiinii^ia. At Ar^t 
Nea-tri-i w •« th«* ni-irr^ imiiortint of the two. After CMovis, 
and liefiif^ iho riinipleie annihilati«>n of the royal authority 
by the M-<yiir« of tin* Pit lure, four kin^^. ail Junes of Neut- 
tria,ciinrr>nir ited the entire Pninki«<h nionirchy in their own 
penuino : n tni'lv. (.loture I. (a.d. 558-561.) Clotaire II. filia- 
te.) IMbiiU ri k. 'fiSI-fiSH.) and CIovih II. ((i55, fi5».)— It 
wa« in Ni'ii'tiri.'i th «t CUM^ hnd fettled with the then pre- 
dnmin int trilf.— .\t'U->tria was the nunr. centnil, RoiUAn,and 
eccif xi-i-tir:!! : Au«tri«ia was constantly expoited to the 
varied lid'' of (H-ninnic emigmtion. Guizoi, Essais sur 
rili*!. d»' F'riii'-e. p. T3. 

t Gn^L'. Tiir. t. iv. c. ."iO. Pieebertui rex Kentes qnaf 
ultra Kh> ninii bilieniur. commovet . . . et contra fratrem 
ninm Chit|>i r.ruiii in.> dentinal. 

♦ "The vill iB»-4 riMind Paris." says Grejrory of Tours, 
**were Imrni !■• (he cniund. The (-neun* destroyed the 
hou'e^ w III -ill (liey rontrtined. and led off the inhabitants 
into r.i|i(i\iiy. .S::.fliert entreated them ki deoi»t, hut was 
Dnablf> to re-iriin ihe fury of the triiies who had come from 
the other Innk of the Rhine, lie, therefore, bore all 
patiently until hf couM return to his own country. 8omo 
•f the-^ pis'in« ri>M' up nrainHt him, repm-ichine nlm with 
havine shunned evpoHing hi:* person In U-itile. However, he 
nioantfd hit hor^?, and (ireHentlni! himself with the utmost 
iBlrepidit>'. Hppo:m«Ml them with mild words ; bat, ailcrwaids, 
tai • Bomber of iliea Honed.*' L. Iv. c 90. 

knives.* (a. d. 575.) The people rise on the 
instant and massacre his ministers — Goths.f 
At the heiglit of power, and at the very moment 
of victory, Brunehault becomes the captive of 
Chilperic and Fredegonda, who, however, spare 
her life;^ and Mcroveus, Chilperic*s sun, fall- 
ing desperately in love with her, through his 
agency she effected her escape. His passion 
blinded him so far as to marry her. He married 
his death ; for his father had him dispatched. 
Pra>textatu8, bishop of Rouen, a volatile and 
imprudent man, who had had the audacity to 
marry them, was at first protected by Chilpe- 
ric *s scruples : but sulyscquently Fredegonda 
contrived to have him dis|)ospd of. 

Brunehault withdrew into Australia, of which 
her infant son, Childebert IL, was nominal 
ruler. But the nobles of that kingdom had de« 
tennined to overbear the Gothic and Koman 
influence, and were even on the point of slaying 
the Roman Lupus, duke of Champagne, the 
only one of them still devoted to Brunehault. 
She threw herself into the midst of the armed 
battalions, and gave him time to escape.^ Feel- 
ing their 8u|)eriority over Rtmio-Burgundian 
Gaul, of which Gontran was king, the Austra^ 
sian nobles longed to sweep down on the south 
with their barbarian followers, and promised a 
share of their conquest to Chilperic. Several 
of the Burgundian chiefs united, and Chilperic 
joined them. But his troops were defeated by 
the valiant patrician Mummolus ; whose suc- 
cesses over the Saxons and Lombards had al- 
ready saved Gontran his kingdom. On the 
other hand, the freemen of Austrasia rose 
against the nobles, perhaps incited by Brune- 
hault, and accused them of betraying their 
young king. It would appear, indeed, that at 
this pericid the Austrasian and Burgundian 
chiefs had come to a mutual understanding to 
rid themselves of their Merovingian rulers. 

In Neustria, on the contrary, the royal power 
seems to gain strength. Loss warlike than 
> Austrasia, and poorer than Burgundy, Neustria 
I could only subsist by the conquered being al- 
lowed a place by the side of the conquerors. 
: Thus Chilperic employs Gallic militia against 
the Bretons ;|| which is the first instance, since 
' the fall of the empire, of the conquered being 
intrusted with arms. In spite of his natunu 
ferocity, Chilperic would appear to have at- 
I tempted the reconciliation of the two by directer 
I methods still. In a war with Gontran, hu slew 
I one of his own followers for not staying his 
men from plunder.^ He also built circuses at 

* Id. Ibid. c. 53. Duo pueri cum nxltris Ta)idi«, qpoi 
vul^^ scramasaxos vocant. infecUs veneno, nialeficati i FYe> 
decunde revlni, utmque ei latera feriunL 

T (ireg. Tnr. I. iv. c. 53 : ibl et 8ij;ila, qui qaondam ci 
; Gotthiik venerai, multum laceratus est. 

t Id. I. V. c. k. Chilperic went to Paris to seise Bnm^ 
. hault's treasure^, and banished her to Rouen, mad iMi 
, daughters to Meanz. 

<» III. 1. iv. c. I. 

I) Cms. Tnr. 1. v. c 37. 

V ld.l.vLc31. 

*jf I ""MTt.l.'iSSr" ROMAN SYSTEM OF TAXATION. ^^^^^Z?" »3 

SoU*ons an«l Paris,* and exhibited shows aftor I tion ; and, undoubtedly, the exfcrition with 
tfie/a^hiou of the Romans. He was himself a ' which the names of (.'lulperir and Kri'dcironda 
mn'/cser of verse in Latin,t especially of have eome to be rejjarded, arJM^b :is imirli from 
kjUEd and prayers. ]Ie endeavored, like the this cause as from ihe murders who^r horrible 
aaf<«:>»rs Zcno and Anastasius, to impose on details have been handed down to us by (irociory 
tbe bi5bo|:£i a Credo of his own drawin<; up, in of Tours. It was their own impressiDn, iinlced, 
wiLcls Gild was named without any reference | when their cbildren were carri«rd off by an epi- 
:• if«e d'.»linclion of the three persons. The j deinic disorder, that the curses (»f th«' pnor had 
firs: b:sh<»p to whom he showed it was sohorri- 1 drawn down upon them the wrath iff IffuviMi. 
led.ihit he would have torn it in pieces had he | ^' In those d.tys. kiiitrCbilperie fell lirtcvously 
iefc.n cbiser to the kin«rt— avery convincing , sick. When recovcrinir, his youiiL'j'^t . son, who 
fKH-f of his patient policy in regard to the ; had not as yet been re^enerateil by wati-r and 
Clii<;?h.^ ; the Holy Ci bust, fell sick in bis turn. Ik'ing 

Th'_»c rude attempts at reviving" the imperial i in extremity, be was ba[)t.izpd. Soon iifler he 
guv^rniuPDl brought in their train a renewal of jrrew bettrr; but bis eldest brotber, named 
the fi.***al tyranny which had destroyed the em- ' ( -biodobert, was seized with the same disorder. 
pinr. Chilperic ordered asurvey|| of the king- . His mother Fredegonda, seeinir bim in danjrer 
dcm: and exacted, says Gregory of Tours, an of death, was touched with remorse, and" said to 
imphora of wine for each half acre. His ex- the king — ' The Divine mercy has loni MillV'red 
iet;<.cs, which, perhaps, the terrible struggle , our crim<«s, has (ifton visited us with f«\»rs and 
Neustna haii to maintain against Austrasia and I other ills, and we have n<Jt rrjUMiird. We 
litt iiarbarians allied with her, rendered impera- ' have already lost sons. Tbe tears ofthr poor,* 
tite, wtrre, nevertheless, felt to be intolerably i the groans of widows, the sigbs of orpbans will 
oppressive at'tcr so long a remission from taxa- ' call down d(atb on these, loo, and wo shall 

have none for whom we may enjoy tin- bope 

• 1.1. l.v. r. iH: Apiul Siu-tHJonns atque ParWoH rimm of amassiuij treasure. We sball lieap up trea.s- 

■d"£ I.ra'rcinuinei5|K>piiloH,«Mi:u^^^^^^^^ „ ur^s, and know not for whom. Our treasures 

f "dul hiH vt-r-**"-, ».'iv» <;n*cor\' of Tours, "v:«jl.iti< nil ' „ ■ i •• i • i 

*r hw^ .if inelre." L. v. r. 4.'i.-nowvvir, trM.liii.m ji<- | wdl remain Wltbout po.sse>sors— Iraiiirbt WJth 

oShen I.J him the tuUowing epibiph uiNin Si. (^rniiain d«.'s j vi(donre anil cur.scs. Are not our et Il.iiS eboked 

with wine ? Are not our granaries lul! of«*(Mn1 
Is not our treasury crowcb.-d with uo!.!. silver, 
precious stones, collars, and otber kuu^ly orna- 

V-- ct.i ,lar.« nihil mK:u,runl f.iUi sopulrri : "»' "^"^ ' ^^"^' ^^;*. ''''■ "«»^^' ^^'''V'^ "• '"•"^" ''' '••^^. « 

Vivit rniiii. n.-iiii miir:? qiK III nilit lp<a tiiiMt. ' to us. AOW, J'ome, it it be Voiir Will, 

^^•v:la..nlu..■ll..^lll*jll-'n^MK'-l|■"np^l; nnmqui ' j^.^ ^^^ biim these unjust rei:isters. " L«.-t that 
Firir.e vjiii tiMTil. sfiiiinrt -uiwrnsi iincat. . . i- i- i . it 

Bu-ii« o,K.iu II iii.r.i.iin iiiutiH chui virUi l.Hiiiiintur. ' content us \oT our revi'iiue, w lueb contented thy 

Rt'iiiiiiii<i »■! r.Tci?. |>ra'tlU:it ow die*. | father, king ( 'lotair(\' 

Nunr V.r;ip.»-Uilini-. r.pi.Mi'c.k.rarnolroph.TUiri. *' S-ivinir tliiis -ind be-itin.r linr hosoni with 

Jar«: iriaiiiphali nm>idfi an-j. iiiMiii." | »^.i\ng inns, .inn otaiing n» r nosom wiin 

.\piid .\iiiuiin. I. i'i. r. 10. ■ clenched liMs, tbe ipn'cn ilemaiuled tbe registers 

!!liiT"f of the (-hiinli. Mn-niUi oi" hU oniiKrv. ninu*' of which Marcus bad brouijbt of tbe cities which 
ih^eiiiltv.fahpr .«iid phy^iriun.^hpphcnl anil il«li:iht of his* ' i,,,i, ,,,_.,, I ,,, i.,,_ .,„,i .i, -,»,,.;„.. «i„.,„ ;,.,.» «i,« 
flock.-i;VniMin. bU-^ Viri^.^ lillh. frHinu^. :m.l M-ntl- i ':^ ''^^ V .' , throw in»J tben into the 

Dv:it<i. thf tiiinii wiih h\* iiioriil reiii:iin«. the. world , tire, turned to the king, and said — * \\ bat stops 
with ih- pndnrinjf Iion-.r of hi-, mind. Th.- ur-.v.- Inn ^ji^.p 1 j)^^ ^s tliou seest me d«. : tbat if we 
EUJie*) n>i v.rbfr\- ovor him. He niii>t livi\ whom dc.iUi. , i t • i i 

win* ha- »-.rni- him hrtic*-. fcnr*. Tho ju<i iinn ha< lose our dear ebiblren, we may at least escape 
fc«r.*n-.l ih^ iiion- rtir dnuh: for what was iin i-rsrtlun ' eternal T)uni>bnient.' Toucbed wifb re |Miilance, 
ni«\ »,o*v -l.tiHfK tt 2«m on hich. Tint diimk n ^t-nd lo I .i i • ,1,-,.... ;,„„ ,i„. f.^p .,i) ,|,„ r,'n\<\,>r< ni' 
V^h.*]*tH Ui^Hul Hnd moriu; nnd Ihi! hliml. cum to , "'^ *^'"i>' tUri w into tin. jire .ill Ilie n glMeis oi 

Irhii'd thi- d-v. pr><-Uiiiithrm. Th(> :iiK>>tol.riii.iii. triumph- the taxes, and, wben tliev Were burnt. S(Mlt 
iS^-j V ihr ie ** ' "'"' '"' '** '**■'" "' •••'"•i'""» "" •*' I orders in all diree.tions jirobibitiiiLr tbe drawing 
ViliiPTr ;ii!did h»in»r^ to thi- alphni^-t. nnd "j««'ni mnn "p of any more tor the future. AOer tins, the 
tev. I .♦>. ry p .rt of hi-' kincdom ordprina tlu-m toU- tiimht ' \oun:re>t of their little ones t'ell ixeeedinir weak 
Ihi' vnir.c and roriihiJindinir ttr«l all IkmiK* writli-n In tin* ' ' i P- i ri.i . • • • , . "^,. ,. 

win lo-.,.!.- -hould !»• l-^i-ntcd wilh pmiiir... and writuu | :^"<'. '>'**''• * *";•>' '"'r*' '"'" ^Vltb liieat U.. „1 (rom 
«r*r '-:t»n.'* lirf-j:. T«r. I. v. r. 4.'». ; tlieir lnuise of I^raine to l*aris, and buiiiil bill! 

; II <i 'hMrttm |K.lm>-it ndilnsi're. in fm-t.i dixrrrpirit. :„ <. !),.»,,«' i-lmrfli ( 'IiIihIhIhm' vvi^ l-.iil iiiinn 
Et..rr.-i:-.hh-.cmumi..r.».qim.vit. Id. Ihid. | "\ ! ^' *" " "* <.nurr ii. t.niouoDM. w a- i.. hi upon 

$ r^r-.. in i;r»'tfor\- of Ti.nrsi. I'l. vi. r, »«.; his forliraranrr a litter, and carru'd to SoissiUls. to M. .Ah (bird S 

Ir.w-rdii l>i-hop. who.ainoim ..ilwr in-nlfumoliMrv:ii:onv. (.|,urob. Tliev took liim ti» tbe tuinl) of the 
Irid n-ir.Tk«'d. th:«l in iMoshiz from Hontrm'^ kincdi'iii tiiiu . , , ' , n' ■ i- i i i 

Cliiii-r:.-'. h«- pi-s.-.! tn.m ht.-avcn into hHi. At ..Ui. r »ainl, and vowed an ollerinL' b'r biiii ; but, al- 

i.Tii*'. howovrr. w" find him romplainini! liitliTly of Ihe , ready exliausti'd and lacklHi; brealli. b«' "ave 
bi.h.jH. 'Pm- ' wrir.r s.yH M. vi. r. 4»i.) " ri.- hild ih.- , .f i ^ • . i ,,,.,1,11,. .,.• .i,,. „;.,),, 'i'|,,.„ 
ChiK'h in tyionush liitrr-d. nnd was oiV'n art d lo "P "'^ g no. "si. in iiu. miuuK 01 in«. ii.^i'i. j u* y 

''Errl<r«lr «prrii1iim. patriii- visor, am monim, 
i'si \*iU'r. K-% nH-di<-ii<. |Ki«tor nmoniiK* tiri'trit, 
G<mmnu« viriuii*. tid»', rordf. orv iM-aiii*. 
0«me t(-n«-t tumiilum. ini-iitiH honors [xdum, 

«»y. I.'i' i,wr irfi^urv' h impii\i>ri'>hod. our ni«»!ir)"- 
frm-ii:iith« <*hiirrh: l»i.« Iii>|k arc ih<* only kinp«; our kiiij^ly j • Thi* viol«'nrr»i rxmi-'iMl in thii r«-iL'n ni.i\ In' iiili'rn'd 
djfnity i> ctini*. nn*l lii^hup'* rnlit th<> sLiU*.* " from ilu> iicniiit r in w lii<-h ('litl|M ric r ti>( d a it<i\\r\ l^r hiit 

H liVfS 'i ur. 1. V. r, 'Jj: Il.'>rriplionr« novns ft eravt's in ! d»ni!!liiir Kiiiuiitha. Ih- raii'itl a iiiiiliiliii'.f oi pniMlial 
omn. rojis'i til n iti^^ii • . • »-t<itiitum < nini fiifmi, 111 jioxsfv- 1 servants of 1 hi* < ro^n lo Ih* iHinu* off uitli hir t<iS|*iinnH 
»iird** pM;>rr> K-rrik nnain ampliorini vini {vr ari|M>nn<'m, id , slaves. .NiiiiiInt> kilhd tlK-niMlvpt lo a\i>ii! il>i> I'lli' : nnd 
)!!>t <'-i:i. jiiC^'PUii rontinfiit<.'ni I*jn immIci. ri>ddi*ri t. "Many- \lw iinliappy (riM»p si*t out. Inadin*! tin- kmi; ulih iinl«>dic- 
nihi-r 'Int.* - WfT*'. Irvii'il," udiU the chmniclcr. '* both ofi | lionH. The tn»g>dy »le>.trvt\s ptTUMil.— St c Uti;:. 'i'ur. I. vU 
other kinU> vt Und, and on Klavcs.** . c. 45. 

94 Monte of ChUpnie. ATTEMPT OF GONDOVALD. Epbode orGondorald. \^^ 

buried him in the basilica of the martyrs, St. 
Crispin and St. Crispinian. There was great 
lamentation among all the people; the men 
followed his funeral in mournintTf and the wo- 
men, clad in the same weeds which they wear 
at the hurial of their husbands. King Chilperic 
then gave large gills to the churches and to the 
poor.* . . . 

"After the synod of which I have spoken I 
had taken leave of the king, but, being unwilling 
to depart without bidding adieu to Salvius, and 
embracing him, I went in search of him, and 
found him in the court of the house of Braine. 
I told him that I was about retu?ning home, and, 
on our stepping aside to converse, he said to 
me — *■ Seest thou not what I see, above that 
roof ?'■=-* I see,' was my reply, * a small building 
which The king has had raised above it.' ' And 
nothing else V * Nothing,' I said. Then, sup- 
posing that he was speaking jestingly, I added 
— * If thou seest any thing more, tell me.' 
Heaving a deep sigh, he said, ' I see the sword 
of Divine wrath drawn and suspended over that 
house.' And truly the bishop's words were 
those of truth, for, twenty days afterward, as 
we have shown, the king lost his two sons."! 

Shortly afterwards Chilperic himself perished, 
(a. d. 584 ;) assassinated, according to some, 
by a lover of Fredegonda's ; according to 
others, by emissaries of Brunehault's, who so 
avenged both her husbands, Sigebert and Me- 
roveus. Chilperic's widow, his infant son, the 
Church, and all the enemies of Austrasia and 
the barbarians, then turned for succor to the 
king of liurguiidy, the good Gontran, who was, 
indeed, tlic best of the Merovingian monarchs, 
for not more tban two or three murders could 
be objected to him. Addicted to women and 
pleasure, he seemed softened by intercourse 
with the Romans of the south, and churchmen. 
To tlie latter, be showed extreme respect. 
" He was,'' sjiys Fredegarius, " like a priest 
among priests. "{ 

Gontran declared himself the protector of 
Fredogonda, and of her son Clotaire H. ;^ 
whom Fredegonda deposed on oath, and made 
twelve Frank warriors swear the same, to be 
truly Cbilperic's son. The good man seems to 
be cast the comic part in the terrible drama of 
Merovingian history. Fredegonda played with 
his simplicity . II The death of his three brothers 

• Grrg. Tur. I. v. c. 35. 
t Ibid. Ciip. ulL 

X i.u..u (.iiiii.tiH rex . . euro sarordntibns utique saccr- 
dotit H(i iii-Uir >e oclfndebiit. Fn^iU'^r. ap. ik-r. K. Fr. L 11. 

E.414. — A wdfinn curcA hrr xon of quHrtnn texrr hy making 
im drink w:iti r in which n fringe of GonUnn's cloak had 
been ftKikcd. (jrog. Tur. 1. ix. 
<^ I'HtrfH-inid suo lovrluit. On*^. Tiir. 1. vii. c. 7. 
11 Cn'K. Tur. I. vii. c. 7: "(>ontnin protected Fredegonda, 
and ot^>n <iKii«>ft hvr to liiH t-<l)ie, pronii.oing that he would 
be her fast friend. On one of these occasionfi, the queen 
rising up and t iking her leave, the king stayed her, \aet%- 
Ing her tn t:ikp more, when nhe Mid to him, ' Pray, give me 
leave, my lord, for, htXer the fii^hlon of women, I mutt 
withdraw in order to lie In.' He waa atuplfied at this 
ipeer.h ; for only four months before she bad broogbt a son 
Isto tbe world : however, be rafeied her to withdraw.** 

seems to have taken strong hold of his imagi- 
nation. He swore to pursue Chilperic *8 mar* 
dcrer to the ninth generation, ** in order to put 
a stop to the wicked custom of killing kingi/' 
He believed his own life to be in danger. ^ It 
happened that one day, after the deacon had 
proclaimed silence for the hearing of the maat, 
the king, turning to the people, said — * 1 praj 
you, all ye men and women here present, to be 
ever faithful to me, and not to slay me, as yon 
have latterly slain my brothers. 8o that I maj 
at least live for three years to rear my nephews 
whom I have adopted as my sons, tor fear it 
should happen — which, may the everlastiag 
God deign to avert, that after my death ye 
perish with these little ones, for there would 
no strong man of our family be left to defend 

1 >n 


All tlie ^ople addressed prayers to the Lordt 
that he would be pleased to preserve Gontran. 
In fact, he alone could protect Burgundy and 
Neustria against Austrasia, Gaul against Ger- 
many, the Church and civilization against the 
barbarians. The bishop of Tours declared 
loudly for Gontran. " We oent word," (it ia 
Gregory himself who is speaking,) '* to the 
bishop and citizens of Poitiers, that Gontran 
was now father of Sigebert's and Chilperio*s 
two sons, and that he was master of the whole 
kingdom, as waa his father Clotaire before 

Poitiers, the rival of Tours, did not follow ita 
lead, but preferred recognising the king of Ana- 
trasia, as too far distant to be troublesome. The 
men of the south, the men of Aquitaine and 
Provence, thought that in the decay of the Me- 
rovingian family, represented by an old man 
and two children, they might elect a king who 
would be dependent upon them. They, there- 
fore, summoned from Constantinople one Gon- 
do v aid, who boasted to be descended from the 
Frank monarchs. The history of this attempt, 
which is given at length by (Gregory of Toura, 
makes us acquainted to the life with the noblea 
of the south of Gaul, the Mummoluses and 
Gontran-Bosons — individuals of equivocal and 
double origin and policy, half Roman, half bar^ 
burian — and their relations with the enemies of 
Burgundy and Neustria, with the Greeks of 
Byzantium, and the Germans of Austrasia. 


" Gondovald, who gave out that he was a sop 
of king Clotaire's, had arrived at Marseilles 
from Constantinople. His origin was, briefly, 
as follows. Born in Gaul, he had been care- 
fully brought up and educated ; and, according 
to the custom of the kings of the country, wore 
his curled locks hanging down his shoulden. 
He was presented to king Childebert by hii 
mother, who said — * This is thy nephew, kinf 
Clotaire's son ; as his father hates him, take 

* Greg. Tar. 1. viL c 8. 

t U.IMd c 13 


Gontnn tnd Childebtrt'i 





with thee, for he is thy flesh.' Having no 
, king Childebert took him, and kept him 
him. The news being told king Clotaire, 
l» sent to his brother, saying — * Send the 
foung man, that he may be with me.' His 
bicHher sent him at once ; and, when Clotaire 
Mw him, he ordered his long hair to be cut off, 
Myiog, *' He is no son of mine.' On Clotaire's 
iflAtb, king Charibert received him. But Sige- 
bert sent for him, and having had his hair 
eat ofT again, dismissed him to the city of Ag- 
rlppina, duw called Cologne. On his hair 
nowing, be escaped thence, and repaired to 
Narses, who then governed Italy. There he 
took a wife, begot sons, and left that country 
finr Constantinople. Long after this, he was 
mvited, so runs the tale, to Gaul ; and, landing 
tt Mai^illcs, was received by bishop Theo- 
dore, who gave him horses, and he repaired to 
iuke Mummolus. Mummolus, as we have 
nid, at that time had his residence at Avignon. 
But displeased hcreat, duke Gontran-Boson 
Mixed bishop Theodore, and had him carefully 
watched, accusing him of having introduced a 
ttran^er into Gaul, for the purpose of subject- 
ing the kingdom of the Franks to the emperor. 
Theodore is said to have produced a letter, 
ngned by the great of king ("hildcbert^s court, 
ttjing — " I have done nothing of myself, but 
iuy what was commanded by our masters and 
lords.' .... Gondovald sought refuge in an 
itUnd, and awaited the result. Duke Gontran- 
Boson divided Gondovald's treasures with one 
of king Gontran's dukes, and carried off, they 
ny, into Auvergne an immense quantity of 
g^d, silver, and other things." 

Before deciding for or against the pretender, 
the king of Austrasia required his uncle Gon- 
tnn to restore those towns which had belonged 
to Sigebert. ** King Childebert sent to king 
Gontran the Bishop ^gidius, Gontran-Boson, 
Sigewald, and many others. When they had 
oome, the bishop said, * We thank Almighty 
God, most pious king, that after many troubles 
: ke has restored thee the countries which be- 
long tu thy kingdom.' The king replied, * All 
i thanks be, indeed, to the King of kings, the 
Lord of lords, who, in his mercy, has deigned 
to bring these things to pass, for we owe none 
to thee, who, by thy treacherous counsels and 
perjuries, didst raise disturbances throughout 
Bij whole kingdom this past year, who hast 
lerer kept faith with any one, whose craft is 
everywhere notorious, and who everywhere 
tooductest thyself not as a bishop, but as the 
Coemy of our kingdom !' At these words, the 
' bishop, choking with rage, was silent. One of 
Uie deputies said, * Thy nephew Childebert begs 
thee to restore the cities which belonged to his 
hther ;' to whom (rontran replied, * 1 have al- 
leady told you that those towns are mine by 
treaty, and that therefore I will not give them 
Up.' Another deputy said, ' Thy nephew prays 
thee to deliver into his hands the sorceress 
Fredegonda, who has caused the death of many 

kings, in order that he may have vengeance 
upon her for the death of his father, his uncle, 
and his cousins !' The king answered, * I can- 
not put her in his power, for her son is a king : 
nor do I believe all you say against her.' Then 
Gontran-Boson drew near the king as if to re- 
mind him of something ; and, as there was a 
rumor that Gondovald had just been proclaimed 
king, Gontran, cutting him short, said, ^ FiUemy 
of our country and our throne, who hast before 
this gone to the East expressly to place on our 
throne a Skip-seOf* (so the king called Gondo- 
vald,) O thou, who art always perfidious and 
who never keepest faith !' Boson answered, 
* Thou, lord and king, art seated on the royal 
throne, and no one dares return thee a reply. 
I aver my innocence in this business. jJkf there 
be any equal of mine, who in secret tlunks me 
guilty of this crime, let him charge me with it 
in public. Then, most pious king, refer the 
whole to the judgment of God. Let him de- 
cide, when he shall see us in the lists.' As 
every one kept silence after he had spoken, 
the king said, * This business calls on all war- 
riors to chase from our frontiers a stranger 
whose father turned the mill, nay, to say truth, 
who was a wool-comber.' Now, though it may 
very well be that a man may follow both these 
trades at once, one of the deputies replied to 
this taunt of the king's — * Thou assortest, then, 
that this man had two fathers, a wool-comber 
and a miller. Cease, O king, such silly talk 
Never has one man been known to have two 
fathers, save in spiritual matters.' Many 
laughing at these words, another deputy said, 
' We take our leave, O king ; since thou wilt 
not restore thy nephew's cities, we know that 
the axe is whole which took off thy brothers' 
heads, and it will soon send thy brains skip- 
ping.' " Thus they withdrew with scandal. 
The king, fired with wrath at this in£<ult, or- 
dered dung, decayed vegetables, straw, rotten 
hay, and stinking mud out of the streets, to be 
flung upon them as they were going awny ; and 
the deputies went off, covered with filth, and 
loaded with insuhs and reproaches. 

Gontran's answer united the Austrasians, 
with the Aquitanians, in favor of (londovald 
The nobles of the south welcomed him ;t and 

* Un Bnilomer. 

t " Am Gondovald wkk ncnkinf; for help in every direc- 
tion, some one told him that a rertnin K.'*trrn monarch, 
havinx carried olT the thtimli of the holy ni irtyr. iSergias 
had it imbedded in Xiin richt arm; and thm, when he 
wanted to repulsie his enemies, he had only to rilse hii 
arm confidently, when, as W overborne by the iMiwer of the 
martyr, they instantly tool( to fW^Yil. (londovitld oaperly 
inquired whether there wi-ro any one in the ptare who had 
lieen judced worthy to rereivo any of tlie "Mint's n^iirs. 
Bishop Bertrand named a merchant, called Kiipbrun, whom 
he hated, becan^, coveting \\U wcaitli. he liad formerly 
caused him to submit to the ton^url■ in order to ('oni|N-l him 
to enter the church, but Fluphnm prmsed inti> aimther riiy, 
and returned when his hair had grown np 'in. S«i the hisliop 
said, 'There is a certain Syrian, named Kuphnm, wlio has 
made his house into a churoh, and pliced in it the relics of 
that saint throufth which many mimcicM h-tve Ikmmi worked ; 
for. when the city of Bordeaux was n prey to » violent con- 
flaitmtion, his house, thouiih surrounded with H.mies, was 
nnloiiched.* Hereupon Mummolus hastened to the Syrian's 


£evenM of Gondovald. 


Hit f peerh. 
fiiuue laid fur him. 



with their aid, he m^e rapid head. He soon 
saw himdelf master of Toulouse, Bordeaux, 
Perigueux, and of Angouleme : and received 
in the name of the king of Austrasia the aile- 
giance of the towns which hud been Sigebert's. 
The danger of the aged Burgundian monarch 
became imminent. He knew that Brunehault, 
Childebert, and the nobles of Austrasia, favored 
Gondovald ; that Frcdegenda herself had been 
tempted to treat with him ; that the bishop of 
Reims was secretly, and all the southern bishops 
openly for him. This defection of the Roman 
ecclesiabtical party, of whom he had thought 
himself certain, compelled Gontran to court the 
Austrasians. He adopted his nephew Childe- 
bert, named him his heir, complied with his de- 
mands^nd promised Brunehault that he would 
leave Wr five of the principal cities of Aqui- 
taine, with which her sister had been dowried, 
as anciently belonging to the Goths. 

Gondovald^s party was discouraged by the 
reconciliation of the kings of Burgundy and 
Austrasia ; and the Aquitanians were as quick 
to desert as they had been to welcome him. He 
was constrained to shut himself up in the town 
of Comminges, with those nobles who had most 
compromised themselves, but who waited their 
opportunity to give him up, and make their 
peace at his expense. One of them, indeed, did 
not delay so long ; but fled, taking Gondovald*s 
treasures along with him. 

** Many ascended the hill and often accosted 
Gondovald, heaping reproaches upon him and 
saying, — *Art thou the painter who, in king 
Clotaire*8 time, daubed the walls and ceilings 
of the oratories ? Art thou he whom the Gauls 
used to call Skip-sea ? Art thou he, who, for 
thy pretensions, hast so oAen had thy locks 
shorn and been banished by the kings of the 
Franks ? Tell us at least, roost miserable man, 
who brought thee hither, who inspired thee with 
such height of audacity as to approach the fron- 
tiers of our lords and kings ? If any one sum- 
moned thee, name him aloud. See, death stares 
thee in the face, and the ditch thou hast craved, 
and into which thou wilt have cast thyself, 

hoanc with Bishop Bertmnd, forced his way into it, and 
orderrd the holy reiics to be produced. Kuphron refused ; 
but. thinlcinK that a nnare was niuliciowly laid for him, he 
said, ' I^nve nn old ninn alone, and intuit not a saint : take 
these hundred pieces of gold, and depart.' Mumroolus per- 
sisting, Kuphron offered him two hundred; hut even this 
sum rould not tempt him to retire without seeing the relics. 
Then Munnnolus ordered a ladder to lie placed against the 
wall, (the relics were conceitied in a shrine at the top of 
the wall, over nguinst the altar,) and ordered the deacon to 
mount it, Who, doinc so, was i^elzed with such a fit of 
trembling, when he l'.iid hands on the shrine, that it was 
thought he would not descend alive. However, he brought 
It down ; ami Mumniolus, on opening it, finding tlie bone of 
the saint'.H finger, did not fear attempting to cut it. Placing 
one knife upon the relic, he t>truck this with another; and, 
after having broken it with much ado and many blows, the 
bone, which had been cut in three, disappeared. The thing 
was not agroraiile to the martyr, as the event showed." — 
These Romans of the south held holy men and things in 
much less res-pt^t than their northern brothers. A little 
farther on, we read that on a bishopN insulting the pre- 
tender at tnhle, dukes Mummolns and Didier fell upon the 
priest and beat him. Greg. Tur. 1. vU. ap. Scr. R. Fr. t U. 

yawns for thee. Count us thy satellites ; nami 
those who invited thee.' Gondovald, heario| 
these words, drew nigh and said from the to] 
of the gate — ' That my father Clotaire hate< 
me, is what all know ; that my head was short 
by him and by my brother is also known. I 
was on this account that I withdrew into Italy 
and betook myself to the prefect Narses. Then 
I married, and begot two sons. My wife dying 
I took my children with me and went to Con 
stantinople ; w^here I lived, most kindly en 
treated by the emperors. Some years ago, oi 
Gontran-Boson^s coming to Constantinople, '. 
anxiously inquired of him how my brothen 
prospered, and learned that our family was mucl 
lessened, and that there only remained Childe 
bert, my brother's son, and Gontran, my brother 
that king Chilperic*s sons were dead as well ta 
he, that he had left only an infant, that m] 
brother Gontran had no child, and that m] 
nephew Childebert was not distinguished bi 
courage. Then, afler Gontran- Boson hai 
clearly set forth all these things to me, he in 
vited me, saying — " Come^for all the nobles of 
ChUdeberVs kingdotn invite thee, and none irii 
dare to wag his tongtie against thee, for we al 
know thee to be Clotaire^ s son, and there is non 
left in Gaul to govern the kingdom except thai 
comey I made large presents to Gontran 
Boson ; and received his oath in twelve hoi; 
spots, to the end that I might come safely hithei 
I came to Marseilles, was most kindly receive* 
by the bishop, who had had letters from th 
chief nobles of my nephew's kingdom, and pro 
ceeded to Avignon, to the patrician Mummolua 
But Gontran-Boson, forswearing himself, de 
prived me of my treasures, and kept me in hi 
power. Acknowledge me, then, to be king, n 
less than my brother Gontran. NevertheleM 
if you are possessed with such lively hatrec 
lead me, at least, to your king, and if he recog 
nise me for his brother, let him do by me as h 
may think fit. Should you deny me this, suifie 
me to return whence I came. I will go witti 
out injury to any one. That you may kno^ 
what I say is true, question Radegonda at Poi 
tiers, and Ingiltrude at Tours, who will confirf 
to you the truth of my words.' As he spofc 
thus, his speech was received of many wit 

insults and reproaches 

'•*' Mummolus, bishop Sagittarius, and Wadd 
went unto Gondovald, and said to him — * Tho 
knowest the oaths by which we are bound t 
thee. Listen, now, to wholesome counsel. B< 
take thee from this city, and present thyself be 
fore thy brother as thou hast often asked to dc 
We have already spoken with these men, ai* 
they say that the king wishes not to lose tb; 
support, for there are but few remaining of yoU 
race.' But Gondovald, perceiving their deceil 
says to them, all bathed with tears — * Your iti 
vitation brought me to Gaul. Of my treasure^ 
which comprised immense sums of gold ftO* 
silver, and different objects, one-half is in ArJ^ 
non; Gontrau-Boson has robbed me of Uf 


Mmte of Gondov«U. 


Deatb of Frsdtmoda. 
Poiror of BnuMnuiH. 


«llier. As for myself, reposing, next to God, 
afl my hopes in you, I have confided in your 
•omisels, and haye always wished to govern 
tkcoQgh yoo. Now, if you are deceiving me, 
aaswer it to God, in whose hands I leave my 
cause.' To this Mommolus gave answer, * We 
mlj tell you the truth, and here are brave war- 
nors waiting at the gate. Take off, now, my 
|dden baldric which thou hast on, that thou 
nayest not seem to proceed in too great state, 
aod take thy sword, and give me back mine/ 
Goadovald said, * All I gather from thy words, 
ii that thou art stripping me of what I received 
mi wore in token of friendship for thee.* But 
Mommolus solemnly swore that no harm should 
W&Il him. When he had passed through the 
gite, G<»adovald was received by Olio, count 
if Bourges, and by Boson. Mummolus with- 
drew with his followers into the town, and bar- 
nd the gate with every precaution. Seeing 
Umaelf abandoned to his enemies, Gondovald 
taiaed his hands and eyes to heaven, and said 
— ^ Eternal Judge, and true avenger of the in- 
■ocent, God, from whom proceedeth all justice, 
vhom ftlsebood offends, in whom is neither 
craft nor any guile, to thee I resign myself, be- 
leeching thee quickly to avenge me on those 
vho have betrayed ao innocent man into the 
lands of his enemies.' Thus saying, he made 
thetign of the cross, and rode off with those 
whose names are mentioned above. When 
they were at a distance from the gate, as the 
niley under the town slopes rapidly, a push 
from Olio unseated him, when the latter cried 
Mt, ' There's your 8kip-se<h who calls himself 
|he brother and the son of a king !' Hurling 
kit javelin, he sought to transfix him, but his 
cuirass warded tiie blow. Gondovald getting 
ap and endeavoring to make for the hill-side. 
Boson dashed in Im head with a stone, and he 
iMiantly fell, and died. The whole of them 
Aen hastened up, and piercing him with their 
haees, bound his feet vrith a cord, and dragged 
loBi all round the camp : when, plucking off his 
kir and beard, they left him unburied on the 
tffA where he had been slaim" 

Gontran, reassured by Gendovald's death. 
Hold have made the bishops dearly pay for 
die countenance they had afforded him, had he 
nt been himself prevented by death. 

This event, laying Burgundy open to the king 
tf Anstrasia, seemed a» a necessary conse- 
Mice to give him possession of Neustria. 
nevertheless, it reftised submission ; and the 
Aastrasians invading it were astonished at the 
i|ht of a moving forest advancing against them 
(it was the Neustrian army under the cover of 
bitths*) and fled. This was the last success 
tf rredegonda and of her lover, Landeric, who 
iiaaid to have been Chilperie's substitute. She 

i * §0 tai BbmkMfmn-'^ I looked towards Binam, and 

[IHB, aielhoaght, the wood began to move.** Maebeth, 

fStTi— The Kent men vied the eaine itfatafem wbOD 

afidBrt WlUiaa tte OoiMiwfor, •tim tte tarttle 


died shortly after. Childebert had died before 
her. The whole of Gaul thus devolved upon 
three children ; — Childebert's two sons, named 
Theodebert II. and Theoderic II., and Chilpe- 
ric^s son, Clotaire II. The latter was over- 
borne by the other twa He found himself con- 
strained to cede to the Burgundians his posses- 
sions between the Seine and Loire, and to the 
Austrasians the countries between the Seine, 
Oise, and Austrasia. But it was not long be- 
fore he derived from the dissensions of the con- 
querors more than he had lost. 

The aged Bronehault conceived the plan of 
reign inff herself, by plunging her grandson, 
Theodebert, into a vortex of dissipation ; and 
her plan succeeded only too well. The weak 
prince was soon governed by a youn|||female 
slave, who managed to have Brunehaul^anish- 
ed. Taking refuge with Theoderic in Burgun- 
dy, in a country where Roman influence was in 
the ascendant, she enjoyed still greater power. 
She made and unmade the mayors of the palace, 
compassed the death of Bertoald, who had re- 
ceived her with kindness, installed her lover 
Protadius* in his place, and when this favorite 
was torn in pieces by the people, had still credit 
enough to raise one, Claudius, to power. Her 
rule was at first inglorious. The Austrasians, 
and their allies, the Germans, wrested from the 
kingdom of Burgundy the Sundgau, the Tur- 
gau, Alsace, and Champagne, and laid waste 
the whole country between Geneva and Neuf- 
chatel. The people of the south seem to have 
been drawn together and united by the terror of 
these invasions. 


** In the seventeenth year of his reign, in the 
month of March," says Fredegarius, "king 
Theoderic collected an army at Langres, from 
all the provinces of his kin^om, and marching 
through Andelot on the city of Toul, he took 
the castle of Nez. Theodebert, with his 
Austrasians,%ncountered him in the plain of 
Toul, and was defeated. The Franks lost 
many brave men in the battle. Theodebert 
fled through the territory of Metz, crossed the 
Vosges, and did not stop till he reached Cologne, 
closely pursued by Theoderic and his army. 
Leonisius, bishop of Mentz, a holy and apostolic 
man, loving Theoderic's valor, and hating 
Theodebert 's folly, came out to'meet Theoderic, 
and said — ^ Finish what thou hast begun, for 
your advantage requires you to find out and 
pursue the cause of evil. There is a country 
fable that the wolf having one day stationed 
himself on a hill, as his sons were about to 
begin their prowl, called out to them — Far as 
you can see, and in every direction, you have 
no friends, save your own kind. Finish, then, 
whatyou have begun.' 

"llieoderic, having traversed the foiest^of 



t%Q BraiMhanlt utterly 

^'^ fonaton. 


Hhe ii barfmmuily 


Ardennes, encamped at Tolbiac ; whither Theo- 
debert hastened with such Saxons, Thuringians, 
and other dwellers beyond the Rhine as he had 
been able to collect, to give him battle. They 
say, that so bloody a battle was never before 
fought either by the Franks, or any other peo- 
ple Here Theoderic was again con- 
queror, for God was with him ; and Theode- 
bert^s army was mowed down with the sword 
from Tolbiac to Cologne ; the ground being, in 
some spots, literally covered with the slain. 
Theoderic reached Cologne the same day, 
where he found Theodel^rt^s treasures. He 
sent on his chamberlain, Berthaire, in pursuit 
of Theodebert, who fled beyond the Rhine, ac- 
companied by a few retainers ; but was over- 
taken^nd brought before Theoderic, stripped 
of his TOyal robes. Theoderic gave his spoils, 
his horse, and all his royal equipage, to Ber- 
thaire ; and sent Theodebert, losuled with chains, 
to Ch^ons." It is related in the Chronicle of 
iSt. Benignus, that his grandmother Brunehault 
at first had him ordained priest, but shortly af- 
terwards caused him to be made away with. 
^ By Theoderic's orders, one of his soldiers, 
lifting up Theodebert's infant son by his foot, 
beat his brains out against a stone.'^* 

The union of Austrasia and Burgundy under 
Theoderic, or rather under Brunehault, seemed 
to threaten Neustria with certain ruin; nor 
would this posture of affairs have been altered 
even by the death of Theoderic and the acces- 
sion of his three infant sons, had Clotaire^s en- 
emies been united. But Austrasia was ashamed 
and irritated by her recent defeat ; and, even in 
Burgundy, Brunehault was no longer supported 
by the Roman and ecclesiastical party — to be 
sure of which it was necessary to have the 
whole of the ecclesiastics at one's side, to gain 
them over at any price, and to divide all power 
with them. The assassination of St. Didier, 
bishop of Vienne, who had endeavored to wean 
Theoderic from the mistresses with whom his 
grandmother surrounded him, and restore his 
wife to his arms, had alienated thd%ntire church 
from Brunehault. With equal freedom, the 
Irish saint, St. Columbanus, the restorer of 
monastic life — the bold missionary who reform- 
ed kings as well as people, refused his blessing 
to Theoderic^s sons : ** They are," he said, *^ the 
offspring of incontinence and crime.*' Driven 
from Luxeuil and Austrasia, he took refuge 
with Clotaire II. ; and his sacred presence 
seemed to stamp the cause of Neustria as legi- 

Brunehault was utterly deserted. The Au- 
•trasian nobles hated her as one of the Goths, 
the Romans, (the two words were almost syno- 
nymous ;) and the priests and people regarded 
her with horror, as the persecutor of the saints.f 

* Fredefcarii Schol. c. 38, ap. Scr. R. F)r. pp. 438, 4S9. 

t Moaach. S. Gall. L U. ap. Scr. R. Fr. t v. p. 133: Cam 
a ragno Romanoram . . . Fraod vet GalU dewelaaent . . . 
Ipalque rages Gallonim vel Francomm propter Interfectlo- 
a Deatderil VlMinsfcli eptieogi, t wpulikwMm 

Though till this period hostile to German in- 
fluence, she was obliged to have recourse to 
the assistance of Germans, of barbarians, in 
order to make head against Clotaire. Amolph, 
bishop of Metz, and his brother Pepin (Pipin) 
went over to him before the engagement : the 
rest allowed themselves to be beaten, and Clo- 
taire made a pretence of pursuing them. They 
had been gained over beforehand ; and Warna- 
chaire, mayor of the palace, had stipulated for 
the enjoyment of that office during his lifetime. 
The aged Brunehault, the daughter, sister, 
mother, and grandmother of so many kings, 
was treated with atrocious barbarity. She was 
fastened by the hair, a foot, and an arm to the 
tail of a wild horse, which dragged her to pieces. 
In addition to her own crimes, she was reproach- 
ed with those of Fredegonda, and was upbraid- 
ed with being the murderess of ten kings ; but 
her greatest crime in the eyes of barbarians un- 
doubtedly was the having restored, under any 
shape, the administrative government of the 
empire. Fiscal laws, the forms of justice, and 
the supremacy of end over strength, were in- 
surmountable objections in the minds of the 
people to the idea of the ancient empire, which 
the Gothic kings had endeavored to restore. 
Brunehault, their daughter, had followed in 
their steps. She founded numerous churches 
and monasteries — ^the monasteries at tha^ime 
were also schools. She favored the missions 
sent by the pope for the conversion of the Bri- 
tish Anglo-Saxons. This use of the money 
which she had wrung from her subjects by so 
many odious means, was not without glory and 
grandeur. So profound was the impression left 
by her long reign, that that left by the empire 
seems to have been weakened in the north of 
Gaul ; and the people ascribed to the famous queen 
of Austrasia a multiplicity of Roman monuments. 
Remains of Roman ways, still met with in Bel- 
gium and the north of t ranee, are called Brune- 
hault^s causeways ; and near Bourges was 
shown Brunehault's castle, at Etampes her 
tower, near Tournay Brunehault^s stone, and 
Brunehault*s fort pear Cahors. 

Under Fredegonda, Neustria had resisted ; 
under her son, she conquered — a nominal con- 
quest I grant, since she only owed it to the hate 
of the Austrasians for Brunehault, and won bj 
weakness, since it was the conquest of the old- 
er races, of the Gallo-Romans, and of tht 
priests. The very year af\er Clotaire's victory, 
(a. d. 614,) the bishops were summoned to the 
assembly of the Lends, and they collected from 
the whole of Gaul to the number of seventy- 
nine. 'Twas the enthronizing of the Church. 
The two aristocracies, the lay and ecclesiasti- 
cal, drew up a perpetual constitution. Several 
articles of singular liberality indicate the eccle- 
siastical hand. The judges are forbid to con- 
demn a free man, or even a slave, without i 

tlMtoornm advenarom, CoinmbMii vUtUeet et GaUl, rafet 


) RealwMl 



The pri«tt^-kinK. 
UiM of tiM Chiueh. 


hearing. The disturber of the pablic is to be 
paoished with death. The Leuds are to be re- 
possessed of the estates, of which they had 
been deprived ia the civil wars. The election 
of bishops is secured to the people. Priests 
are to be judged by the bishops alone. The 
taxes imposed by Chilperic and his brothers are 
abolished,* (a regulation by which the bishops, 
who had become large proprietors, would profit 
more than any one.) Thus begins with Clo- 
taire 11., that dominion of the Church, which 
will be consolidated under the Merovingians, 
and will suffer no interruption except from the 
tyranny of Charles Martel. 

We kaow little of Clotaire II., more of Da- 
S^obert. Wise, just, and a lover of justice, Da^ 
gobert begins his reign by making the tour of 
bis dominions, according to the custom of the 
liarbarian monarchs. Raised to the throne of 
Attstrasia in the lifetime of his father, he did 
■ot long retain his Austrasian ministers. He 
Boon laid on the shelf the two leading men of 
the country, Amolph, archbishop of Metz, and 
Us brother, Pepin, who succeeded him, and 
sammoned the Neustrian, Ega. Surrounded 
by Roman ministers, by the goldsmith, St. Eloi, 
ind the referendary St. Ouen, he busies him- 
self with founding convents, and designing or- 
naments for churches.f For the first time, his 
scribes commit the laws of the barbarians to 
writing — ^laws written when they are beginning 
to be obsolete. The Solomon of the Franks, 
hke his prototype of the Jews, peoples his pal- 
aces with lovely women,^ and is divided be- 
tween his concubines and his priests. 

This pacific prince is the natural friend of 
the Greeks ; and as the ally of the emperor 
Heraelius, interposes in the affairs of the Ix)m- 
birds and Visigoths. Amidst the precocious 
uld age of all the barbarian nations, the decay 
of the Franks is still surrounded with a shadow 
of glory. 

Nevertheless, the weakness concealed under 
this outside show, is easily perceptible. Even 
while Clotaire lived, Austrasia had resumed the 
provinces of which she had been stripped, would 
have a king of her own, and Dagobert, who 
came to the throne at fifteen years of age, was 
in fact only an instrument in the hands of Pe- 
nin and Aroolpfa. On his becoming king of 
Neustria, Austrasia still demands a separate 
government, and has for king, his son, the 
young Sigebert. Clotaire U* allows the Lom- 
bards to redeem their tribute by paying down a 
sum of money. ^ The Saxons, defeated, it is 
said, by the Frauiks,!! yet forget to pay Dago- 

* Gapital. Balvx, t L p. 31, et ap. Bar. R. Fr. iv. 118. 
t G«Btft Dafol». 1. 17, tqq. 

t Fredeftf. c 60: Laxorte wagn. modam deditaa, trat 
hftbebat, ad idstar SalomonU, raglnas, maxime et pliirimas 
eoBcnUaas. .... Nomtna eoncnblnaniin, e^ quod plnim 
fninrnt. iBcnvit haie chronlea Inaeri. 

^ Frademr. c 45. Cbrooic Molialac. cnnobli, a(>. Scr. 
R. Fr. iL ^. 

Gesta Dafol». c 1. ap. Scr. R. Ft. ii.588: "Clotaire Uien 

ibat memorable proef of hto power to posterity, that 

nnUsd tfiilHt BfaB, be csMtfioa thsm 


bert the five hundred cows which they had paid 
annually up to this time. The Vends, deliver- 
ed from the Avars by the Frank Samo, a mer- 
chant warrior whom they adopted as their 
chief,* throw off Dagobert^s yoke, and defeat 
the Franks, Bavarians, and Lombards, who had 
combined against them. The fugitive Avars 
themselves settle forcibly in Bavaria, and Da- 
gobert frees himself from them only by base 
treachery .f The submission of the Bretons and 
Gascons, indeed, seems to have been voluntary, 
and to have been produced more through their 
respect for the priests than the dread of arms. 
Their duke, St.. Judicael, declines an invita- 
tion to the king^s table in favor of one from St. 

The priest, in fact, was now kio^ The 
Church had silently made her way in the midst 
of the tumult of barbaric invasions, which had 
threatened universal destruction ; and strong, 
patient, and industrious, she had so grasped the 
whole of the new body politic as thoroughly to 
interfuse herself witii it. Early abandoning 
speculation for action, she had rejected the bold 
theories of Pelagian ism, and adjourned the great 
question of human liberty. The savage conquer- 
ors of the empire required to have not liberty but 
submission preached to them, to induce them 
to bow their necks to the yoke of civilization 
and the Church. 

The Church, coming in the place of the mu- 
nicipal government, letl the city at the approach 
of the barbarians, and issued forth as arbiter 
betwixt them and the conquered. Once beyond 
the walls, she took up her abode in the coun- 
try. Daughter of the city, she yet perceived 
that the city was net all in all. She created 
rural bishops,^ extended her saving protection 
to all, and shielded even those she did not com- 
mand with the protecting sign of the tonsure. 
She became one immense asylum ; an asylum 
for the conquered, fur the Romans, for the serfs 
of the Romans. The latter rushed by crowds 
into the church, which more than once was 
obliged to close her doors upon them — there 
wodd have been none led to till the land. No 

tn th&t extent that he destroyed all the males who were 
taller than the sword wliich be then happened to wear.'* 

* Fredegnr. c. 48: "A certain man, named Samo, a Frank 
by btrth, from Senn, who had associated many merchants 
with him, went to trade among the Sclav!, by name Vends. 
The SclHvi had entered upon a war with the Avars, Chnai 
by name. The Chonl came to winter yearly among the 
Sclaves, and used to lie with the wives and daughters of 
the Sclave*. . . . The Vends recognising Sajno*s servioM, 
choose biro for king; and he took twelve wives from among 
the Vends." 

t Fredegar. c. 7S : " When they were scattered for the 
winter throoghoat the houses of the Bavarians, Dagobevt, 
by the advice of the Franks, orders the latter to rise up 
each man in the night-Ume, on an appointed night, and to 
slay his guests with their wives and children ; and Uiis was 
forthwith done." 

t Fredegar. e. 78. 

% To9 xc'poe MffKowoi.—ln the Capitularies of Chaile- 
mague they are called " Episcopi vlllani."— Hincmar. opose. 
33, c 16, calls them '* Vlcani."— The canons of the AraMaa 
Nlcene Synod say, " The Choroptoeopas holds the plaee of 
bishop over villages, monasteiies, and the pfiests of vU* 
lagM/*— flae Ducaage, t. IL 

100 H«piito^;8tjMaitiii ACQUISITIONS OF THE CHURCH. 

Wealth of th«Chorrh. 
lliradMof St. Bcaiiffini. 

less was she an asylam for the conqoerors; 
who sought a retreat in her bosom from the dis- 
orders of barbarian life, and from their own 
passions and violences, from which they soiSer- 
ed equally with the conquered. Thus serfs 
rose to the priesthood, the sons of kings and 
dukes sank to be bishops, and great and little 
met in Jesus Christ. At the same time the 
land was diverted from profane uses by the vast 
endowments which were showered on the men 
of peace, on the poor, on the slave. What 
they had taken, that the barbarians gave. 
They found that they had conquered for the 

So was a right destiny fulfilled. Both as an 
asylam and a school, the Church needed wealth. 
In order to be listened to by the nobles, it was 
essential that the bishops should address them 
as their equals. In order to raise the barba- 
rians to her own level, the Church had to be- 
come herself material and barbarous : to win 
over these men of flesh she had to become 
fleshly. As the prophet who stretched himself 
out upon the child in order to bring it to life 
again, the Church made herself little in order to 
incubate this new world. 

The bishops of the south are too civilized, 
rhetorical, and ratiocinative,* to have much ef- 
ftet on the men of the first race. The ancient 
metropolitan sees of Aries, Vienne, and even of 
Lyons and Bourges, lose their influence. The 
real bishops and true patriarchs of France are 
those of Reims and Tours. St. Martin of 
Tours is the oracle of the barbarians, and what 
Delphi was to Greece — umbilicus terrarum, 

St. Martin is guarantee to all treaties. He 
is momentarily consulted by the kings on their 
business, and even their crimes. When Chil- 
peric pursues his hapless son, Meroveus, he 
places a paper on the tomb of the saint, inquir- 
ing of him whether he would be allowed to drag 
him from the asylum of the basilica. The pa- 
^r, says Gregory of Tours, remained blank. 
For the most part, these claimants of the shel- 
ter of the Church were as fierce and violent as 
their pursuers, and often proved very embar- 
rassing to the bishop, becoming the tyrants of 
the asylum which protected them. It is worth 
while to turn to the pages of the eood bishop 
of Tours for the history of that Eberulf who 
seeks to kill Gregory himself, and who strikes 
the priests when they are slow in bringing him 
wine. The servants of this ruffian, who had 
■ought refuge in the basilica along with him, 
■eandalize the whole of the clergy by prying 
too curiously into the sacred paintings which 
adorned its walls.f 

* Clotalre wmt alMmt to lewwd Bt Danmoliis for hU fte- 
onmit wrvioM in conMalinf hit iplat during Chlldebert*i 
nibtinie, by mlilnf him to the lae of AvigiMB, when the 
■tint pnys him— '^Not to Mnd a ilmiilo mnn liko hlmiolf to 
to baited by Mphlitkal wnaton and phUoMpiile jodm.'* 
(ki which Clotalve made him bishop of Maat. Greg. Tw. 
1. vi. e. 0. 

t Greg. Tv. vtl. U, tqq. 

Tours, Reims, and all their dependencies, 
are tax-free.* Reims owns estates in the fur- 
thest parts of the land, in Austrasia and in 
Aquitaine. Every crime committed by a bar- 
barian king brings a new donative to the Church 
— and who could blame such gifts ? There is 
no one who does not desire to be given to the 
Church — ^it is to be as if enfranchised. The 
bishops have no scruple to invite, and to in- 
crease by pious frauds the grants of the kings. 
The testimony of all the inhabitants of the 
country is at their service if required. At 
need, all will swear that such or such an estate 
or village was formerly granted by Clovis or by 
the good Gontran, to the adjoining monastery 
or bishopric, which has only been despoiled of 
it by impious violence. Thus, the understand- 
ing between the priests and the people must 
daily strip the barbarian of some of his spoils, 
and turn his credulity, devotion, or remorse, to 
account. Under Dagobert, grants of the kind 
are referred to Clovis ; under Pepin the Short, 
to Dagobert. The latter gives at one swoop 
twenty-seven burghs to the abbey of St. Denis-f 
His son, says the worthy Sigebert of Glem- 
bours, founded twelve monasteries, and gave 
St. Remaclius, bishop of Tongres, a square 
twelve leagues long and tweWe broad, out of 
the forest of Ardennes.^ 


The most curious of these grants is that of 
Clovis to St. Remigius, reprc^uced, or, most 
probably, fiaibricated in Dagobert^s reign : — 

'* Clovis had taken up his residence at Sois- 
sons. This prince had great pleasure in the 
company and converse of St. Remigius ; but as 
the holy man had no other resting-place near 
the citv than a small property formerly given 
to St. Nicasius, the king offered to grant him 
all the ground which he could encircle, while 
he himself was taking his nooning ; complying 
in this with the prater of the queen and the 
petition of the inhabitants, who complained of 
being overburdened with exactions and contri- 
butions, and who therefore preferred paying the 
church of Reims to holding of the king. The 
blessed St. Remigius then set out ; and to this 
day there may be seen the traces that he lefl, 
and the boundaries which he marked. On his 
way, the holy man was turned back by a miller 
who did not wish his mill to fall within the 
enclosure. ' My ffiend,' said the man of God 
mildly to him, * think it not ill that we should 
possess this mill in common.' Tlie miller 
again refusing, the wheel of the mill instantly 
turned backvwd, when he forthwith ran after 
the saint, crying, ' Come, servant of God, and 

• 8cr. R. Fir. U. 81. 

t Gosta Dafobertl, e. 35: In arehivo ipeo 
vislnti et wptem TlllAnun nomina, he 

; Vita B. Slgeberti Anstias. c 5. an. 8cr< 
Tkadldl al M ipeft Ibiwta doodKim ItooM ia 

• • . • 

ft.Fr. L6n 



FalUnf offoftlM 

mlung fl 


let BB have the mill together.' 'No,' replied 
the saint, ' it shall be neither thine nor mine.' 
Straigfatwar, the ground disappeared, and open- 
ed iato sack an i^yss, that a mill could nerer 
be baUt there again. 

" Again, as the saint was near a small wood, 
and its owners sought to hinder him from in- 
ciudiae it in his domain, ' Well,' he exclaimed, 
* may leaf neyer fly, nor branch fall, out of this 
wood iato my precincts !' And, indeed, by the 
will of Crod, such was the case, as long as 
there was a wood there, although it was close 
to the sacred territory. 

^ Thence, proceeding on his way, he arrived 
at CkaTignon, and wanted to enclose it, but was 
hindered by the inhabitants. Driven off one 
while, retoming another, but always equani- 
roous and peaceable, he went on his way, 
tracing the boundaries as they now exist. 
Finding himself at last completely foiled, he is 
ronored to have said to them, ' Work on for- 
ever, and remain poor and wretched* — as they 
are to this day by the virtue and power of his 
¥rord. When king Clovis had risen from his 
osoning, he gave to St. Remigius, under his 
royal s^, all the land which he iiad walked 
roand. Of the estates so enclosed, the best are 
Lailly and Coey, which are enjoyed in peace 
bf the ehorch of Reims to this day. 

''A very powerful man, named Eulogus, 
convicted of tlye crime of high treason against 
king Clovis, one day implor^ the intercession 
of St. Remigius ; and the holy man obtained 
him his pardon, and saved his property from 
confiscation. Eulogus, in return for this ser- 
vice, offered his generous patron his village of 
Epeniay in perpetuity ; but the blessed bishop 
would not accept a temporal reward for his 
good deed. However, seeing that Eulogus 
was sinking with shame, and was bent on with- 
drawing from the world, feeliof he could no 
longer mingle with it, as he owed his life, to the 
dishoaor of his house, to the royal clemency 
alone, he gave him a wise counsel, saying, that 
if he desired to be perfect, he should sell all he 
had and give it to the poor, and follow Jesus 
Christ. Then, valuing it, and taking out of 
the treasure of the church five thousand pounds 
of silver, he gave them to Eulogus, and so pur- 
chased his property for the church — thus leav- 
ing to all priests and bishops this good example, 
that when they intercede for those who throw 
themselves into the bosom of the Church, or 
into the arms of the servants of God, and ren- 
der them any service, they should never do it 
with a view to temporal benefit, nor take as 
their wage perishable goods, but on the con- 
trary, as the Lord hath taught, give for nothing 
as they have received for nothing.* 

^ St. Rigobert obtained from king Dagobert 
a patent or exemption for his Church, remind- 
ing him that under all the Frank kings, his 

* (** Freely y« have leedvod, ikoely give." Matt x. a)— 

predecessors, from the days of St. Remigius 
and of king Clovis, baptized by that saint, it had 
ever been free and exempt from all public ser- 
vice and charge. The king, then, desiring to 
ratify or renew this privilege, with the advice 
of his nobles, and in the same form as the 
kings, his predecessors, ordained that all goods, 
villages, and men, belonging to the holy chnioh 
of Reims, or to the basilica of St. Remigius, 
situate or lying as well in Champagne, in the 
town or faubourgs of Reims, as in Austrasia, 
Neustria, Burgundy, the country of Marseilles, 
Rouergue, Gevaudan, Auvergne, Touraine, 
Poitou, Limousin, or elsewhere in his countries 
and kingdoms, should be forever exempt from 
all charge ; that no public judge should dare to 
enter the lands of these two holy churches of 
God to sojourn there, give judgment, or levy 
any tax ; in short, that they should ever pre- 
serve the immunities and privileges granted 
them by his predecessors 

''This venerable bishop was on terms of 
great friendship with Pepin, mayor of the pal- 
ace, and was in the habit of sending meats 
that he had blessed to him, by way of benedic- 
tion. Now, at this time, Pepin was sojourning 
in the village of Gernicourt, and learning from 
the bishop that the place was to his liking, he 
offered it to him, adding, besides, that he would 
give him all the ground that he could make the 
tour of, while he was resting at mid-day. Ri- 
gobert, following the example of St. Remigius, 
set forth and ordered the boundaries, which are 
seen to this day, to be laid down, and so mark* 
ed out the enclosure, as to obviate all dispute. 
Pepin, on awakening, finding him returned, 
confirmed to him the grant of the land which 
he had just encompassed ; and, in memorable 
proof of the road which he traced, the grass 
where he trod is greener and richer than any- 
where round about. Another miracle not less 
worthy of notice, which the Lord deigns to 
work here, undoubtedly in token of the merits 
of his servant, is that from the time of the 
grant to the holy bishop, neither tempest nor 
hail has wrought damage on his domain ; and 
when all the adjoining country is beat down and 
spoiled, the storm stops at the boundaries of the 
church, not daring to cross them."* 

Thus, every thing favored the absorption of 
society by the Church. Romans and barba- 
rians, slaves and freemen, man and land, all 
flocked to her and took refuge in her maternal 
bosom. Whatsoever she received from with- 
out the Church ameliorated ; but she could not 
effect this without, at the same time, propor- 
tionally deteriorating herself. With riches, a 
spirit of worldliness took possession of the 
clergy ; and power brought with it the bar- 
barism which was then its inseparable adjunct. 
The slaves who became priests, retained the 
dissimulation and cowardice, which are the 
vices of slaves. The sons of barbarians who 

• Fkodowd. L i. e. 14; L U. e. IL 

I no Ezntion oi the mociki 
*V4© or regular elercf. 


Contert of the pope* with tfie 
Booteh aad IrMb cbufeh. 

became bishops, often remained barbarians. A 
violent and gross spirit pervaded the Church. 
The monastic schools of Lerins, St. Maixent, 
Reome, and the island of Barbe had declined 
in renown; the episcopal schools of Autun, 
Vienne, Poitiers, Bourges, and Auxerre re- 
xnained — but unnoted. Councils were held 
more and more seldom ; from fifty-four in the 
sixth century, and twenty in the seventh, they 
dwindled down to seven only in the first half 
of the eighth century. 


The spiritual genius of the Church found 
•belter with the monks ; and the monastic state 
was an asylum for her, as she had been for so- 
ciety. The monasteries of Ireland and Scot- 
landf, better preserved from intermixture with 
the Germans, attempted to reform the Gallic 
clergy. Thus, in the first age of the Church, 
the spark which enlightened the whole west, 
had proceeded from Pelagius ; and the Breton 
Faustus, who held the same doctrines with 
more moderation, opened the glorious school of 
Lerins. In the second age, it was still a Celt, 
but this time an Irishman, St. Columbanus, 
who undertook the reformation of Gaul. A 
word as to the Celtic church. 

The Cymry of Britain and Wales — rational- 
ists, and the Ga^I of Ireland — poets and mys- 
tics, nevertheless exhibit throughout their en- 
tire ecclesiastical history one common charac- 
ter — the spirit of independence and opposition 
to Rome. They enjoyed a better understand- 
ing with the Greeks ; and notwithstanding dis- 
tance, revolutions, and manifold misfortunes, 
they long preserved relations with the churches 
of Constantinople and Alexandria. Pelagius is 
already a true son of Origen ; and four centu- 
ries afler him, the Irish Scotus translates the 
Greek fathers, and adopts the pantheism of 
Alexandria. In the seventh century, too, St. 
Columbanus defends the Greek time of holding 
Easter against the pope of Rome : — *^ The 
Irish," these are his words, " are better astro- 
nomers than you Romans."* It was a disciple 
of his, also an Irishman, Virgil, bishop of Salz- 
burg, who first affirmed the rotundity of the 
earth and the existence of the Antipodes. All 
the sciences were at this period cultivated with 
much renown in the Scotch and Irish monas- 
teries. Their monks, called CuldeeSji recog- 
nised hardly more of the hierarchical state than 
the modern Scotch presbyterians. They lived 
in societies of twelve, under an abbot of their 
own election ;l and their bishop, according to 
the strict etymological sense of the word, was 
only their overseer. Celibacy does not seem 

* There are two spou In the Tsle of Angleeev still called 
tbB Astronomer's Ring, (etnrrif-^ntffdn,) and the Astrono- 
Bor*! Town, lemr-^ris.) Rowland, Mona Antiqua, p. 84. 
Low, Hist, of Scotland, p. S77. 

t 6od*s solitaries. D«um, and es/orc, and ectfo, have an- 
•lofoos roots in Latin and CelUc. 

X Dncange, iL— Low, p. 31ft. 

to have been strictly observed in this church ;* 
which was, moreover, distinguished by a parti- 
cular form of tonsure, and other singularities. 
Bsmtism was in Ireland performed with milk.f 

The most celebrated establishment of the 
Culdees was that of lona ; founded as almost all 
their establishments were, on the ruins of the 
Druidical schools — lona, the burial-place of 
seventy Scottish kings, the mother of monks, 
and the oracle of the West in the seventh and 
eighth centuries. She was the city of the 
dead, as Aries in Gaul, and Thebes in Egypt. 

The war which the emperors had to wage 
against the numerous usurpers, who issued out 
of Britain in the latter ages of the empire,^ 
was continued by the popes against the Celtic 
heresy, against Pelagius, against the Scottish 
and Irish church. To this church, Greek in 
language and in spirit, Rome oflen opposed 
Greeks. As early as the commencement of 
the fifth century, she dispatches as her cham- 
pion, Palladius, a Platonist of Alexandria :^ but 
his doctrines were soon discovered to be as 
heterodox as those he denounced. Safer men 
were then sent — St. Lupus, St. Germain of 
Auxerre,|| and his three disciples — Dubricius, 
Iltutus, and St. PatriciusJ (Patrick,) the great 
Irish apostle. Of all the fables with which the 
life of the latter has been plentifully bedecked, 
the most incredible is the assertion that he 
found no knowledge of the Scriptures in a 
country which we have seen in so short a time 
covered with monasteries, and supplying the 
whole western world with missionaries. A 
truce was put to these religious quarrels by the 
invasion of the Saxons ; but as soon as they 
were firmly established, the pope dispatched 

* The wives and chUdnm of theCnIdces chdnied a share 
of the giftd offered on the albur. Low, p. 318. 

t Ciurpcntier, Suppl. an Gloss, de Ducnnge. In II)'bemift 
Inc adhtbitnm fnisw ad baptlzandos diritom filios, qui domi 
baptiziliantnr, testis est Bened. abbas Petroboif . t. L p. 3IX 
(Infants were thrice plunged in water, or in n^lk, if the 

C rants were wealthy. The children of tho rich were al!»<» 
piizMl at liome. The Council of Cashet, a. d. 1171, nrrters 
bapti.fni to be performed in the church.) Wo learn that tlie 
child mieht be baptized in the mother's womK from the 
words, (Ex Concil. Nooccsariensi in ret. FoenltentlalU) 
**PrK|pians mulier bnptizctur, ct postea infons.'* Married 
bUhom wero common in Ireland. 0*Halloran, vol. Ui.— In 
the ninth century, the Bretons approxlrontod to the Angio- 
Breton Church in their liturgy and discipline. Louis the 
Debonnair, observing that the monks of the Abbey of Lhn- 
devencc wore their tonsure afler tho form of the insulnr 
Bretons, ordered them to conform In thU, as in all other 
thing*, to the decisions of the Romish Church. D. Lobi- 
neau, Prruves, ii. 28. D. Morice, Preuves, 1. 238. 

t St. Jerome style* Britain— '* a province fertile in tr- 
ranu." ' 

^ Low, under the year 451, foUoviing iBneas Gaxcus, tn 

II St. Lupus was bom at Toul. married the sister of St. 
HUar>', the Ushop of Aries ; was a monk at Lerius, and 
then bishop of Troye*. St. Germain, horn at Auxerre. was 
at Urn duke of the troops of the Arm<»lcan and Nervian 
marches. On his return to Auxerre, he addicted hlnnelf 
wholly to hunting; and rained trophies to conmmnatmte his 
success in the chase. St. Amator, bishop of that town, 
banished him, then converted him, and oithUned him priest 
in his own des^te. SL Genevieve and St. Patrick were his 
disciples. St. Germain and SL MarUn— the hunter and the 
•oldiei^wero the two most popular saints of France. St. 
Hubert, however, subsequently beeame the patron aaim of 

8t Goliimbaiiai' fin* 


Abbeys of Lonoil 1 HQ 

andBobbio. •^^«' 

Sl Augostin, a monk of the Benedictiae order, 
for the conTersion of Britaia. The Romish 
nusaioaariea succeeded with the Anglo-Saxons, 
aod began that spiritaal conquest which was 
(0 have such great results ; while from the 
fluooastery of lona, founded exactly at this same 
period by St. Colomba, there issued his cele- 
brated diiBciple, St. Columbanus,* the boldness 
of whose zeal against Brunehault has been 
already related. For a moment Gaul was re- 
attached to the principles of the Irish church, 
by this ardent and impetuous missionary. 

The fall of the children of Sigebert and 
Brunehault, and the reunion of Austrasia with 
Neaslria, presented a favorable opportunity, 
la Neostria, and throughout the whole south of 
Gaul, as the traces of invasion disappeared, the 
Germaos melted into the Gallic and Roman 
papulation. The Tigor of the ancient races re- 
vived. Neustria had repulsed Austrasia under 
Fredegooda, and had annexed that province to 
herself under Clotaire — which prince, as well as 
his son, Dagobert, less Franks than Romans, 
must have favored the progress of the Geltic 
church, whose discipline and learning put to 
shame the barbarism into which her Gallic sis- 
ter had sunk. 

When St. Colombanus first visited Gaul, he 
had twelve companions only ; but he seems to 
have been followed by a swarm of monks, who 
peopled the monasteries founded by these first 
apokles. We see the saint at first settling in 
the deepest solitudes of the Vosges, on the 
ruins of a pagan temple ;t a circumstance 
which his biographer notices to have occurred 
with regard to all the religious houses which 
he founded. The nobles of this part of Gaul 
soon sent their children thither :% but he was 
disturbed by the jealousy of the bishops, to 
whom the strangeness of the Irish rites lent a 
colorable cause of attack.^ His bold remon- 
strances to Theoderic and Brunehault brought 
on his expulsion from ftuxeuil : but, led out of 
Gaul by the Loire, he re-entered it by the do- 
minions of Clotaire II., who fi;ave him an hon- 
orable reception. It was, inaeed, of immense 
advantage to this prince to appear in the eyes 

* St. Colambaniis explains the mystical aAiiity of hU 
■ame with the mia and b»wnm of the Scriptures, signifyiiig 
—dove. Bibl. MiUE. PP. iil. 38, 31. 

t Acta S6. OrdJn. & Bened. ii. 13. Vita S. t^olumb. ab 
aacsora fere cqaili: Invenitqne castnun .... Lnzovinm 
. . . . IM iroa^num lapldearam donsitrui vicina saltos dcn- 
sabat, «|Qas calta miaerabiU ritnqae profano vetuta pafano- 
mno teanpora honorabant. 

t Il»&d : Uii nobUium lihert nndiqae concnrrere nlt«bantnr. 

^ His eloquent reply to a cmincil. assembled In judgment 
OB hiss, has been handed down to us. DibUoth. Max. 
Patmm, ilL epist. 9. **I only beseech of your goodness 
that as I am not the author of these difference.*, (with re- 
fard to Easter,) but have come hither for the sake of God, 
and <]€ Christ the Bavlonr of us all, you would peaceably and 
ehailcably allow me to live silenUy in th«M forest*, near the 
ashes of our seventeen deceased brothers, as it has been 
hithflilo allowed o>e to live among yoo these twelve yean. 
My prayer is, that this earth of Gaul may receive together 
ia Its boKom those who, if found deserving, the kingdom of 
bMiven will together reoeive. I confess the secrets of my 
coosciencc — that I hold to the traditions of my own Land,'* 

of the people as the protector of the .saints, 
persecuted by his enemies. From France Co- 
lumbanus passed into Switzerland, where his 
disciple, St. Gall, founded the famous monas- 
tery of this name. He finally settled in Italy 
with the Bavarian Agilulf, king of the Lom- 
bards, and built himself a retreat at Bobbio, 
where he remained till his death, notwithstand- 
ing the entreaties of the victorious Clotaire that 
he would return to him.* It was from this spot 
that he addressed to the pope his eloquent but 
fantastical letters on the union of the Romish 
and Irish churches, in the name of the king and 
queen of the Lombards, at whose request he 
states that he writes. Perhaps, the opinions 
which he expresses on the superiority of the 
latter church were entertained by Clotaire and 
kis son Dagobert likewise ; since these princes 
raised in every direction monasteries after his 
rule. The Austrasian race of the Carlovingi- 
ans, on the contrary, sides devotedly with the 
pope, and makes all the monasteries conform to 
the rule of St. Benedict. 

From the great schools of Luxeuil and Bob- 
bio sprang the founders of multitudinous abbeys 
— St. Gall, mentioned above ; Saints Magnus 
and Theodore, the first abbots of Kempten and 
Fuessen, near Augsburg ; St. Attalus of Bob- 
bio ; St. Romaric of Remiremont ; St. Omer, 
St. Bertin, St. Amand, the three apostles of 
Flanders : and St. Wandril, related to the Car- 
loviogians, and founder of the great school of 
Fontenelle in Normandy, which in its turn was 
to be the metropolis of numerous others. It was 
Clotaire II. who raised St. Amand to the epis- 
copal bench ; and Dagobert had his son baptized 
by this saint. Dagobert^s minister, St. Eloi, 
founded Solignac in Limousin, whence pro- 
ceeded St. Remaclius, the great bishop of 
Liege. He had said one day to Dagobert — 
" My lord, grant me this gift that I may make 
it into a ladder, by which you and I may ascend 

to heaven."! 

Simultaneously with these schools, learned 
virgins opened others for those of their own 
sex. Not to mention the schools of Poitiers, 
of Aries, and of Maubeuge — where St. Alde- 
gonda wrote her revelatiuns,| the abbess of 
Nivelle, St. Gertrude, had repaired to Ireland^ 
for the advantages of study ; and St. Bertilla« 
abbess of C belles, was so celebrated, that nu- 
merous disciples of both sexes flocked around 
her from all parts of Gaul and of Great Britain.! 

What was the new rule to which this crowd 
of monasteries was subjected 1 The Benedic- 
tines^ ask no better than to persuade us that it 

♦ Acta 88. Ord. 8. Benod. II. 81. 

t QenVi DagubcrU, c. 17, ^qq. ap. 8rr. R. Fr. 11. SBS. 
Sfittcti Eligii Vita, ibid. lit. 5S3, 550: Hanc mihl, domine 
mi rex, tierenltns tu^ concedat, quo passim et mihi et tibt 
scalnm constmere, per quun nioreamur ad ccBlestia regna 
utergue conscendere. 

t This work Is lost. 

i Acta 88. Ord. 8. Bened. ii. 664, 665. 

il Id. Ul. 34, 25. 

IT Acta 88. Ord. 8. Bened. ii. prsftit.— It was the Interest 
of the Church of Rome to snppreas the wrlciafi of aa eaMny, 

1 i\A Tht rahi ofSt. Oohnnbft. 
M.\r± nns ud St. Benedict. 


of at. 


was that of St. Benedict ; and the Tery pas- 
sages they quote clearly prove the contrary. For 
instance, we find nans entreating St. Donatns, 
a disciple of St. Columbanus, who had been 
made bishop of BesanQon, to draw up for them 
a code of rules, founded on those of St. Cesa- 
reus of Aries, of St. Benedict, and of St. Co- 
lumbanus. St. Projectus did the same for other 
nuns. The rules, therefore, were nut identical. 

The rule of St. Columbanus, which is oppo- 
sed in this point to that of St. Benedict, does 
not make regular labor obligatory, but compels 
the monk to the repetition of an enormous num- 
ber of prayers. Generally speaking, it does 
not bear that imprint of decision, so highly 
characteristic of the other. It similarly enjoins 
obedience, but does not leave punishment to 
the abbot's discretion ; specifying with minute 
and curious precision the penalty for each of- 
fence. There is much in this strange penal 
code to scandalize the modern reader. It pre- 
scribes " a year's penance for the monk who has 
lost a consecrated wafer — for the monk who 
has fallen with a woman two days' bread and 
water, but only one day's if he knew it not to 
be a sin."* Its general tendency is mystical, 
the legislator paying more regard to the thoughts 
than the acts. " We must estimate," are his 
words, " a monk's chastity by bis thoughts ; 
what avails his being a virgin in body, if he be 
not one in mind 1"t 

This reform, doubly remarkable, both by its 
brilliancy and its connection with the awalLen- 

who had left in the roemorv of the people to Kreet a repata- 
tftoa for sanctity, and thus mont of Bt Columlianas*! works 
have perished. Some were still to be foand in the sixteenth 
eeatory at Besan^ on and BobUo ; bat are said to have been 
transfeired to the libmriea of Rome and Milan. 

* Bibl. Max. PP. xii. p. 3. Si oois monachos donnierlt 
In nnA domo cam muliere, daon diea in pane et aqa& ; rt 
■eaeivit qood non debet, anum diem. 

(Sorely, the aathor*s translation strains the point. The 
text saya---** For the monk who shall sleep in one (or the 
•ame) hoase with a woman,** A^c. ; which is certainly not 
Identical with sinning with a woman. Besides, the context, 
** if he knew not that he was committing a sin," seems con- 
slosive aa to the meaning. No monk could be so ignonnt 
M not to know that he had andertaken the vow of chastity.) 
— Trawblator. 

t Id. ibid. Castitas vera monachi in cogitationiban Jndi- 
eatar . . . . et qaid prodest virgo corpore, si nnn sit vligo 
mente 1-— The b<tflts of the discipline is abstolnte obedience 
ontil death. " What limit shall we prescribe to obedience 1 
Death, assnredlv, since Christ obeyed his Father, for oar 
sake, antil death." What is the measure of prayers: Eiit 
vera orandi traditio, ut poMlbilltna ad hoc destinati sine 
flMtidlo voti prsvaleat — " A yenr*s penance for him who 
loses a consecrated wafer ; six months for him who snflen 
IC to be eaten by mites; twenty days for him who lets it 
tarn red ; forty days for him who contemptuonsly flings it 
Into water ; twenty days for him who brings It up throuKh 
weakness of stomach ; but, if throogh illness, ten days. He 
who neglects his Amen to the Benedicite, who speaks when 
•ating, who forgets to make the sign of the cmss on his 
spoon, (qui non signaverit cochlear quo lambit,) or on a 
lantern lighted by a younger brother, is to receive six or 
twelve stripes as the case may be, repeat twelve psalm«, 
IfcCw — A handled stripes for him who does a work apsrt; 
ten for him who strikes the table with his knife, or spills 
his beer ; fifty for him who does not kneel to prayer, who 
has sung badly, has coughed while chanting the psalms, 
who has smiled during prayer-time, or who amuses him- 
self bv story-telling.— He who relates a sin for which he has 
already done penance, is to be put on bread and water for a 
day.*' (Is this tn hinder one from recalling the feeling of 
pttt temptations t; 

ing of the conquered races in Gaul, was, how- 
ever, far from satisfying the real wants of the 
world. Pious practices and mystical impulses 
were not the only things needful, when barba- 
rism pressed so hearily on man, and a new in- 
vasion threatened on the Rhine. St. Benedict 
understood better what the epoch required — an 
humbler and more laborious mooachism, to 
clear the land, left to run waste and unculti- 
vated, and to clear as well the mind of the bar- 
barians. Far from opposing Rome, the natural 
centre of Roman and ecclesiastical civilixation, 
it was required to rally around her. But the 
Irish church, animated by an untameable spirit 
of individuality and of opposition, agreed nei- 
ther with Rome nor with herself. St. Gall, 
the principal disciple of St. Columbanus, refu- 
sed to follow him into Italy, remained in Swit- 
zerland, and labored there independently of his 
master.* St. Columbanus occupied himself in 
Italy with combating the Arianism of the East- 
ern8--7which was turning to a bygone world 
and the past, instead of looking towards Ger- 
many and the future. While on the Rhine, he 
at one time entertained the idea of converting 
the Suevi, and, afterwards, thought of under- 
taking that of the Slaves ; but he was dissuaded 
in a dream by an angel, who, tracing a noap of 
the world, pointed out Italy to him.f This 
want of sympathy with the Germans, and of 
relish for the obscure task of converting them, 
is the condemnation of St. Columbanus, and of 
the Celtic church. The Anglo-Saxon mis- 
sionaries, submissive disciples of Rome, pro- 
ceed, with the aid of the Austrasian dynasty, to 
gather in Germany that harvest, which Ireland 
could not, or would not gather.^ 


The powerlessness of the Celtic church, its 
want of^ unity, is parallefbd by that of the mon- 
archy which at this period nominally prevaUed 
throughout Gaul, ana whose death-struggle ap- 

* To excnse himscdf trom following Colnrobanos Into 
Italy, St. Gall protended that he was laboring under fever. 
— " St. Columbanus, judging that he was detained by the 
liking he had taken to the conntry, and a wish lo labor 
there, and so shunned the fetigue of longer travel, said to 
him, ' I know, my brother, that it is a bnnlen to thee to go 
through snch great labors for roe, and I take leave of thee, 
solemnly charging thee not to presume to say mawi, so long 
aa I dwell in the flesh.* ** A bear waited on St Gall in his 
solitude, and brought him wood for his Are. St. Gall gives 
him a loaf—" By this covenant, have the monntains and 
hills around in common with me.** A poetic symbol of the 
alliance between man and living nature, in the desert. 

t Acta 8S. Ord. S. Bened. sec. 11. Cogitatio in raontem 
irrnit, ut Venetiorum, qui et Siavi dicnntur, tenninos adlrrL 
Angelas Domini ei per vbnm appanit, parvoqne ambitn, 
velnt in paginali soient stylo orbis describeret elrenlom, 
mundi compagem monstravit, etc. 

t The Bollandists very Justly observe, that there Is the 
same difference between the rule of St. Colambanns and 
that of St. Benedict, as between those of the Frandseans 
and Dominicans. It is the opposition betwixt the law and 
grace. The order of St Benedict was to prevail, 1st over 
the Rationalism of the Pelagians ; 9dly, over the Mysti- 
cism of St CoLUMBANtTS. It gsvo rlse to FnKn Labob ; the 
want of which was the great soro of the expiring emplra. 



Ifatiire oTUm 




<tra to begin with the demise of Dagobert ; 
nder whom, it is probable that the inflaeoce 
r the ecclesiastics was superior to that of the 
ibles. The priests by whom we see him sur- 
aoded, most haye followed the traditions of 
e ancient Nenstrian government in the strug- 
e of that country with Anstrasia ; that is to 
f, with the country of the barbarians, and of 
i aristocracy. When the famous mayor of 

• pftlace, Ebroin, sent to consult St. Ouen, the 
hop of Rouen, Dagobert*8 old minister in- 
Atly answered — ** Remember Fredegonda."* 
The nobles at first missed their game in Aus- 
sis, under the third Sigebert, the son of 
Lgobert. The mayor, Pepin, had been sue- 
sded by his son Grimoald ; and the latter, at 
^bert's death, had attempted to make one of 
I own children king. He was seconded by 
do, bishop of Poitiers, uncle to the famous 
. Liegei^--both uncle and nephew being the 
ads of the P>trty of the nobility of the south. f 
le rightful king was but three years old, and 
eh a child was easily put out of the way — 
ido took him over to Ireland. But the free- 
BO of Austrasia plotted against Grimoald, ar- 
sted him, and sent him to Paris, to the king 

Nenstria, Clovis II., a son of Dagobert, who 
It both him and his son to death. 
The three kingdoms were thus united under 
lovis II., or rather, under Erchinoald, mayor 
' the palace of Nenstria. During the minori- 
of that monarches three sons, this very Er- 
linoald, and, after him, the famous Ebroin, 
led the same office, supporting themselves 
ith the name and sacred character of Bathilda, 
idow of Cloyis — a Saxon slave, whom he had 
ised to the throne. t These mayors, the rivals 
' the nobility, set up against the latter — to the 
tis^tion of the people— a slave and a saint. 
What was the exact nature of this office of 
ayoTM of the palace t M. Sismondi cannot 
ilieve the mayor to have been originally a 
yal officer ; but sees in him a popular magis- 
ate, instituted for the protection of freemen, 
ce the justiza of Arragon. This compound of 
ibene and judge may have been called mord- 
mi, the judge of murder ; and these German 
ords may have been easily confounded with 
e name of major domiis, and so the mayor- 
lip likened to the office of the ancient couut 
' the imperial palace. No doubt the mayor 
as often elected, and even at an early period 
-in time of a minority, or when the royal an- 
ority was enfeebled. But there can also be 
I doubt that he was chosen by the monarch ; 
least, up to Dagobert^s time.^ Those fa- 

* CSeata Ref. Fr. c. 45. Ad beatuin Aadanum dlrezlt, 
id el coBsllU daret, Interrofatanu. At Ule per internnn- 
■ hoc folnm ncripCo dtrlfeni, ait— ^'De Fredeganda tlbl 
bfealal in memoriam.** At ille, ingenioeiu nt erat, in- 

t VltB B. Leodesarii, c I. ete. ap. 8er. R. F)r. tL 011, iqq. 

F^cdefar. eootiii. ibid. 490. 

I 8er. R. Fr. U. 440. 

% ** When Siffebertwrna a child, aad all tbe AnttiMlana 

MS Quodliiiis, Bi^or damfta, os hto dtaappraval, tbey 


miliar with the spirit of the German /amt/y, 
will not be surprised at finding in the mayor an 
officer of the palace ; since, according to its 
sentiments and feelings, domesticity gives no- 
bility. All offices considered servile by the 
southern nations, are accounted honorable by 
the northern ; and, in truth, they are elevated 
among the latter by personal devotion. In the 
Nibelungen^\\ie master of the kitcheil, Rumolt, 
is one of the leading warriors. At the corona- 
tion feasts of the emperors, the electors deemed 
it honorable to be the bearers of the oat-beer, 
and to lay the dishes on the table. Among the 
German nations, whoever is great in the pal- 
ace is great with the people. The greatest 
man (major) of the palace, as a thing of course, 
is the first among the lends, their chief in war, 
their judge in peace. Now, at a period when 
the freemen were interested in being under 
royal protection, (tn truste regia,) and to be- 
come antrustions and lends — the judge of the 
lends must gradually have become judge of the 

elect Gofo to the olBee.** Grac . Tnr. epltom. c. 58.— ▲. d. 
OSS. '* On the death of GnndoiJd, king IMfobert appointed 
the illiutrioiu Erconaidiu. nu^ domtks.**— a. d. 856. 
** When Eicooald deceased, the Franks, after donbt, deter- 
mine on maUsf Ebroin, in the height of his honor, n^Jar 
domo in the ro^ palace.** (DaftM^rt was dead, and they 
had eieeUi Clotalre IIL Idng.) Gesta Reg. Yr. e. 43, 45.— 
A. D. 698. " Clotaira II., met by tlie nobles and lends of 
Bonondy at Troyes, having asked them whom they would 
wish to elect as snccessor in his hi|di rank to Wamacha- 
rios, thev alt, paying their court to me king, ananlmonsty 
denied that they had any desire to choose the na^ do- 
mfis.** Fredegar. c. 54. ap. 8cr. R. Fr. ii. 435.— a. d. 641. 
** Flaochatos, a Prank by birth, is honorably raised to the 
hi^ post of msjor domfts, by qneen Nantichiid, having 
been elected to it by the bbhops and all the diikes.** Id. c. 
8B. Hrid. 447.— M. Pertz, in his work entitled Geschkhte der 
MMOwingischen llansmeler, (1819,) has collected the severAl 
styles by which the mayors of the paUtce were designated, 
▼ix.— Major dom&s regiB, domds renlis, dom&s, domfis 

Rlatii, doraAs in palatto, palatii, in ami.— Senior domAs. — 
Inceps domAs.— PrinceDs palatiiw— Prepositos palatii. — 
Prsfectas domOs regie. — Prcnectos palatii. — Preiectus anlc 
— Hector palatii. — Nntrltor et bajnlus regis 1 (Fredegar. c. 
86.) — Rector anlB, imo totiiM re^.— Gnbemator palatii.— 
Moderator palatiL— Doz palatii.— Gustos palatii et tutor 
regni.— Subregulus.— Thus we see the mayor be<»mlng al- 
most the king ; and to express gmfmndng tkt kinfdtm, the 
phrase used wa s g9v « rm inf tk* pclmee .' — * Bathilda regina, 
qn« cum Chlotarlo nlio Francorum regrehatpalaUum^^—nvtcen 
Bathilda jfwenMd tke fUc$ of the Franks together with 
her son, ulotalre. 

* (** The usurpation of the mayori closely resembles that 
of the great officers in some of the Asiatic monarchies. In 
the twelfth century the sovereign power in Japan was en> 
grossed by the general-in-chief, ana only the ecclesiaMical 
supremacy left to the king.- Towards the end of the seven- 
teenth century the n^ah of Battaiah, chief of the MiUuatia 
empire, was set aside by the chief minister, the peshwah, 
who made his oAoe hereditary in his own Ikmily, and re- 
duced the power of the prince to a mere name. This hap. 
pened to the second rsjah in succession after Bevagee the 
founder of that empire. — 0o too in Tonquin, the cbu-vua 
appears to be the real sovernor, and this king a nominal 
fancUonary.— Again, at Bagdad, in the ninth century, th« 
calif was only the nominal sovereign, the Ameer ul Oinrah, 
a Turkish imeral, ruling in his name. The indolent and 
eflbminato habits of the Bastem princes in all these ease* 
have produced the same eflbets with the weakness of the 
Bleiovinglan kinp ; and the usurpers have in botii Asia 
and Europe been enabled to accomplish their designs by 
their influence with the soldiery, or the support of the 
chiefii, or both. The superstitloas regard for the reigning 
ikunily appean to have iu each.inslanee produced the same 
eflbet, or preventfaig, for a lengfii of time, an (men and avofvr- 
ed usurpation.** Lord Bronghim*a FoUtiaal rhUoaophy, e. 
zL p. 373.}— TtAiisLAToa. 


Contest of Ebroin with Bar. 
f undf and Australia. 


Dnths ofEfafroin and 
ot'St. JLecer. 



The mayor Ebroin undertook impossibilities. 
At a time when the universal tendency was 
towards separation, he sought to establish unity ; 
and when the nobles were in every direction 
asserting their independent power, he endea- 
vored to found royalty. His plans would have 
been useful, had they been practicable. He 
appointed dukes and other chief officers to dif- 
ferent provinces from those in which lay their 
possessions, slaves, and clients.* Isolated by 
this means from their personal sources of power, 
they would have been mere dependents on the 
king, and could not have rendered their offices 
hereditary in their families. In addition to this 
stroke of policy, Ebroin seems to have striven 
to consolidate the different laws and customs 
of the nations composing the Prankish empire : 
an attempt which was regarded as tyrannical,! 
and which at the time, in fact, was so. 

Hence Austrasia slipped out of Ebroin^s 
hands — demanding a king, mayor, and govern- 
ment of her own. The nobles, too, of Austra- 
sia and Burgundy — among others, St. Leger, 
bishop of Autun, the nephew of Dido, bi^op 
of Poitiers, (both friends of the Pepins,|} march 
against Ebroin in the name of the young Childe- 
ric II., king of Austrasia.^ Ebroin, deserted by 
the Neustrian nobles, is compelled to enter the 
monastery of Luxeuil. St. Leger was little 
advantaged by the revolution which he had 
aided in bringing about. He was accused, 
wrongfully or rightfully, of having aspired to 
the throne, in concert with the Roman Victor, 
the sovereign patrician of Marseilles, who was 
at Childeric's court on matters of business. Q 
The northern nobles inspired the latter with a 
* natural mistrust of the leader of the nobles of 
the south ; and St. Leger was confined in the 
same monastery that he had imprisoned Ebroin 
in. This treatment eyidences the improvement 
in manners; for, under the first Merovingian 
monarchs, such a suspicion would have infal- 
libly drawn down capital punishment. 

However, the Austrasian Childeric had hard- 
ly breathed the air of Neustria before he, too, 
became offensive to the nobles. In a fit of 

* vita 8. Leodegarii, c. i. ap. Bar. R. Fr. il. 613. 

t Ibid. *' Tbe nniTenal cry to king Hilderic is, that he 
■hould shape his laws for his three kingdoms, so that the 
Uwi or castoms of each ihoold be preserved and respected, 
M thev were by the Judges in time past" 

X Vita 8. Leodeg. pa»»im, 

% With tlie diflmrences betwixt St. Leger and Ebroin was 
mixed up a national qnarrel— a rivalry between two cities. 
St. Leeer, bishop of Autun, had the bishop of Lyons on his 
aide, (vita !• 8. Leodeg. c. 8. 11,) and against him the bish- 
ops of Valence and ChAlons, (c 9,) which two cities made 
war in this manner on their rivals, the two capitals of Bur- 
gundy. — When St. Leger had voluntarily surrendered to his 
•nemiea, Autun was nevertheless obliged to ransom herself. 
Tbe bishop of Lyons would also have been forced to fly, 
had not the Lyonnese taken up arms in his defence, (c. IL) 
It ii clear that the cities bore an acUve part in the quarrel. 

II ViU 8. Leodeg. c. 5. Vir quidam nobilis, Hictor voca- 
tns nomine, qui tunc regebat in faseibus Patrielatum Maa- 
ailia .... ad Hildericum regem pro quiLdam causA ad- 
veneraL .... Mendacem fabulam de Leodegario et Hie- 
tofe eonfingunt, quasi Ideo inaimul (hlsaent co^juncd ut re- 
glam domlnatioaem everterent, et potestatis Jura rtbimet 

passion, he had one of them, named Bodilo, 
beaten with rods ; and this treatment of one of 
their number as a slave exasperated the whole 
body. Childeric II. was assassinated in the 
forest of Chelles ; and the murderers did not 
even spare his pregnant wife and infant son.* 

Ebroin and St. Leger left Luxeuil, apparently 
reconciled ; but they soon parted to take ad- 
vantage of the two revolutions which had just 
been brought about in Austrasia and Neustria. 
The parts were changed. While St. Leger 
and the nobles triumphed in Neustria through 
Childeric's death, the freemen of Austrasia had 
sent to Ireland for that child (I^agobert II.) 
whom the Pepins had formerly removed to a 
distance in the hope of securing the throne for 
themselves; and, placing Ebroin at the head 
of an army, they brought him in triumph back 
to Neustria, where he had St. Leger degraded, 
blinded, and finally put to death, (a. d. 678,) on 
the charge of having counselled Childeric^s 
murder. At this very moment, another Mero- 
vingian was slain in Austrasia by the friends 
of St. Leger ; where the two Pepins and Mar- 
tin, grandsons of Arnulf, bishop of Metz, and 
nephews of Grimoald, had Dagobert II., the 
freemen's king, that is, the king chosen by the 
party allied with Ebroin, condemned by a 
council and poniarded. Ebroin avenged Da- 
gobert, as he had avenged Childeric. He al- 
lured Martin to a conference, at which he had 
him assassinated ; and was himself slain soon 
afterwards by a noble Frank, whom he had 
threatened with death. f 

This remarkable man had, like Fredegonda, 
successfully defended western France, and re- 
tarded for twenty years the triumph of the Au- 
strasian nobles. His death delivered Neustria 
into their hands, his successors being defeated 
by Pepin at Testry, between St. Quentin and 

At first, no change of dynasty followed this 
victory of the nobles over the popular party, 
of German over Roman Gaul. Pepin adopted 
the very king, in whose name Ebroin and his 
successors had fought However, the battle 
of Testry may be considered the fall of the 
family of Clovis ; for it matters little that it 
still retains the title of king in some obscure 
monastic retreat. Henceforward, the name of 
the Merovingian princes will only be cited as 
the symbol of a party ; and they will soon 
cease to be employed even as instruments. 
The last stage of decay is come. 

According to an old legend. Clevises father 
had carried ofif Basina, the wife of the king 
of Thuringia : — " She said to him on the first 

* Gesta Beg. Fr. c 45. 

t Vita ]• 8. Leodeg. c. 16. ** He took oppwtnnltlet of 
fleecing a certain nobleman, at the Ume at tbe liead of the 
tax-department, so as to strip him of almost all hla spoil; 
and he then threatened him with death as well.'* — M. de 
Biaroondi does not seem to have given this paasage lis exact 

t Annal. Metenses, ▲. d. 000.— Contin. Fiedeg. c lOOi^ 
Chroaic Molialac. ap. Scr. R. Fr. U. 051. 



Advice of Bi. Colnmbftoot 


iit, when they were in bed together, 'Let 
refrain ; rise, and what thou shalt see in 
; coait-yard of the i>alace, that thon shalt 
I to thy serrant.* HaTine risen, he saw as 
were lions, unicorns, and leopards walking 
mt. He returned, and told what he had 
The woman then said to him — 'Go 


ain, and return to thy servant.' He went, 
d saw this time bears and woWes. The 
ird time, he saw dogs and other sorry beasts. 
bey passed the night chastely, and when they 
se Basina said to him — ' What thou hast seen 
Lth thy eyes is based on truth. A lion will 
; bora to us — the leopard and the unicorn 
pify his hrave sons. Of them, will be born 
AFs and ^nrolves for courage and greed. The 
^jBps signify the last kings, and the crowd of 
etty beasts those who shall harass the people 
!fi onprotected by their kings.' "* 
The Merovingians, indeed, rapidly degene- 
ite. Of the four sons of Clovis, one alone, 
'lotaire, leaves issue. Of Clotaire's four sons, 
ut one has children. They who come after, 
lie almost ail young. It would appear as if 
hey were a peculiar race ; for every Merovin- 
pan is a father at fifteen, and decrepit at thirty 
rears of age. Most indeed do not live so long. 
Jharibert II. died when twenty-five ; Sigebert 
[I. when twenty-six ; Clovis U. when twenty- 
:hree ; Childeric II. when twenty-four ; Clo- 
laire III. when eighteen ; and Dagobert 11. 
«rhen twenty-six or twenty-seven years of age, 
&c. The symbol of the race are the nerveless 
ones of Jumidge — those young princes whose 
joints have been divided, and who are borne in 
i. boat by the river's current towards the ocean, 
but are saved and sheltered in a monastery. 

Who has cut the nerves and bruised the 
bones of these children of barbaric kings t — 
naught else than the precocious entrance of 
Their fiuhers into the riches and luxuries of that 
world of Rome which they invaded. Civiliza- 
tion bestows on man knowledge and gratifica- 
tions ; and knowledge and the pursuits of in- 
tellectual life counterbalance in cultivated 
minds the enervating effects of these gratifica- 
tions. But barbarians suddenly transported into 
a state of civilisation for which they are un- 
prepared, only clutch at its gratifications. There 
is nothing surprimng, therefore, in their being 
absorbed by it, and melting away in it, so to 
speak, as snow before a blading fire. 

The poor old historian Fr^egarius, in his 
rode language, sorrows over this decay of the 
Merovingian world. After stating that he will 
attempt to continue Gregory of Tours, he goes 
on to say — "Would that I were gifted with 
such a portion of eloquence, that I might be 

* Greg. Tor. epifooi. ap. 8er. B. Rr. il. 307.— Basina baa 
the gift of Mcoad right, UJe0 BmnhlM in the Edda ; and, like 
her. throw* benelilnto the anna of the braTest : — ** I know 
yoor worth, how rallant 70a ara, and therefbre am eome to 
dwell with thee. Knoweat tboa not, that If I had known 
ary worthier thas thoa beyond the aeea, him and his em- 
liraccawoaldlliaveaoi^tr Id.U.168. 

but a little equal to the task. But where the 
fountain is not ever flowing, the jar will still fail 
to be filled. The world is growing old, and our 
faculties are on the decline, nor can any one 
of this day — ^nor would he presume to affect it 
— be like the orators of past times.''* 



" The man of God (St. Columbanus) having 
gone unto Theodebert and advised him — ^putting 
aside arrogance and presumption — to turn priest, 
enter the bosom of the Church, and humble 
himself to holy religion, lest, in addition to the 
loss of his temporal kingdom, he should forfeit 
life eternal — the king, and those who were with 
him, were moved to laughter, sapng, that such 
a thing as a Merovingian, raised to the throne, 
turning priest, had never been heard of. And 
all bemg highly offended at his words, the 
saint added, * He despises the honorable poet 
of priest ; weU, he shall be one in spite of him- 
self.' "t 


The foregoing illustrates one of the main dis- 
tinctions between the first and second races. 
The Merovingians enter the Church in their 
own despite; the Carlovingians voluntarily. 
The head of the latter family is Amulf, bishop 
of Metz, and his son Chlodulf succeeds to that 
see. Amuirs brother is abbot of Bobbio ; his 
grandson, St. Wandril. The whole family is 
closely united with St. Leger. Carloman, 
brother of Pepin le Bref, enters Monte-Cassino 
as monk ; his two other brothers are, one, arch- 
bishop of Rouen ; the other, abbot of St. Denis. 
Charlemagne's cousins — ^Adalhard, Wala, and 
Bernard, are monks. Drogon, Louis the De- 
bonnaire's brother, is bishop of Metz ; and three 
other brothers of his are monks or priests. 
The great saint of the south, St. Gulielmus of 
Toulouse, is both cousin and preceptor of Charle- 
magne^s eldest son. This ecclesiastical turn 
of the Carlovingians explains their strict union 
with the pope, and their predilection for the 
order of St. Benedict. 

Arnulf is said to have been bom of an Aqui- 
tanian father, and Suevian mother ;% and his 

* Fredegarimi, ap. Scr. B. I^. II. 414. Optareram et ego 
ut mlbl sQccomberet tails dlcendl fltcundlif at vel panlnlnm 
esaet ad Instar. Bed carina haorltor, obi non eat perennltaa 
aqoB. Mandns jam aenesdt, Ideoqoe pmdentiie acnmen in 
nobis tepesclt, nee qoiaonam potest hi^us temporla, nee pvR- 
snmlt oratoribns praeediBntlbiu esse consimlUs. 

t Alebant enim nonquam ae aodUsse Merorlngnm, in 
regno snbUmatnm, Toluntarlnm elerknm ftdsse. Detestan- 
tibns eigo onmlbns, etc. Vita 8. Golnmb. In Aetls Ord. 
8. Ben. saec. U. p. 97. 

t In a Ulb of 8t Arnold, b j one Umao^ who ■miiIi tfant 

I AQ GvMtMM ofthA epiiooiml 


father is made out to be one of the Ferreoli, 
and son-in-law of Clotaire the First-— a genea- 
logy which appears to have been fabricated in 
order to connect the CarloTingians, on the one 
hand, with the Merovingian dynasty, and, on 
the other, with the most illustrious family of 
Roman Gaul.* However this may be, I can 
easily suppose that from the frequent intermar- 
riages of the Austrasians and Aquitanians,t the 
Carlovingians in reality sprang from both races. 

This episcopal house of Metz( combined two 
advantages, which were certain to secure it the 
monarchy. On the one hand, it was bound up 
with the Church ; on the other, it was settled in 
the most Germanized country of Gaul. Be- 
sides, fortune in every way favored it. Royalty 
had become a cipher; the freemen daily de- 
creased in numbers ; the great alone, the lends 
and bishops, grew in power and strength. In 
such a state of things,nhe chief authority must 
naturally pass into the hands of him who was 
at once one of the large proprietors, and the 
chief of the lends ; and it furthermore became 
a natural consequence that these various requi- 
sites should centre in one of the great episcopal 
and Austrasian families, that is to say, in a iam- 
Uy at once friendly to the Church and the bar- 
barians. That Church which had summoned 
Clovis and his Franks against the Goths, neces- 
sarily favored the Austrasians against Neustria, 
when the latter, under an Ebroin, sought to or- 
ganize a lay power in counterpoise to the clergy. 

The battle of Testry, which was the victory 
of the nobles over the royal authority, or at 
least over the name of king, served to complete, 
proclaim, and legitimate the dissolution of the 
empire ; so that all the nations must have seen 
in it the judgment of Gi)d upon its unity. The 

he undertakes it by eoranuuid of Chftriemane, his geneal- 
ogy Is so liTen : — Carolos . . . cni Aierat tntavus Arnolftu 
legem Chlotariiun ; c^)as flllam« Bhilthildem nomine, Ans- 
bcvtns, Tir Aqoitanicas prspotens divttUs et genera, in 
matrimoniiim acceplt, de qail Bortgiiiam genn||, patram B. 
hqjos Arnolfi. — And fiirUier on, Natus est B. ArnolAu 
Aqnltanlco patra ; SnevlA matre in castro Laeensi (Lay, 
diocese of Tolie) in eomltata CalvimontensL 

• See Lefebvro, DidqaUlt., et Valois, R. Fir. I. viii. and 
zviL We read in an old life of St Ferreol— " The holy 
Iteieolm was bom at NariKmae, and of noble parentage ; 
his iktber, Anspertns, beins of high senatorial oescent, re- 
aeived in marnage BlltU, daoghter of Clotaire, king of the 
IVudn.— The monk iBgidins, In his additions to the hlslury 
of the bishops of Utrecht, complied by Abbot Hariger, says 
that Bodegisil or Boggis, Anspert*s son, held Are dnchies In 
Aqnltaine. Aeeovdinf to this genealogy, the wan of Charles 
Martel with Bodes, and of Pe|rin with Uonald, were wars 
between relatives. 

t See the important charter of 845. (Hist, du Lang. i. 
pimiTes, p. 8S, and not«s, p. 888.) Bonis and Bertiand, 
dakes of Aqnltaine, married Oda and Bhigberta, Anstra- 
■lans. Eades, son of Bonis, married Waltrude, an Austra- 
dan. These marriages adbrded St. Hnbert, Eades* brother, 
Che opportnnity of settling in Austrasia, nnder Pepin*s pro- 
tection, and founding there the bishopric of Liege. 

X Within a cAtniry and a half the Carlovlngian house 
save three Mshops to Mets— Arnnlf, Chrodulf, and Drogon. 
^le bishops in tnese days being oflen married before Uiey 
look ocden, had no dlAcolty in transmitting their sees to 
their sons and naadsons. ThoM the Apollinarii laid hered- 
itary claim to toe bishopric of Clermont Gregory of Tours 
(1. T. c 50, an. Ba. R. Fr. U. 984) says of one who endear- 
oied to supplant him in that see— **The wretch did not 
know that all the bishops of Tours have been choien out 
Sf our ftmily, with but nVe eieepckma.*' 

south — Aquitaine and Burgundy — ceased to be 
France ; and, as early as Charles MartePs time, 
these countries were termed Roman : he pene- 
trated, say the Chronicles, even into Burgundy. 
Eastward and northward, there was no reasoa 
why the German dukes, why the Frisons, Sax- 
ons, Suevi, and BaTarians, should submit to the 
duke of the Austrasians, who, perhaps, could 
not have conquered without them. Pepin found 
himself isolated by his very victory ; and he at 
once sought to support himself by means of the 
very party which be had overcome, that of Eb- 
roin, whose object was the maintenance of the 
unity of Gaul. He married his son to a power- 
ful matron, widow of the last mayor, and dear 
to the party of the freemen.* Abroad, be en- 
deavored to bring back under Frankish inflo- 
enoe, the German tribes who had thrown it off 
— the Frisons in the north, the Suevi in the 
south. But his endeavors fell far short of re- 
storing the unity of the empire. His death hot 
rendered matters worse. He was succeeded 
in the mayoralty, nominally, bv his grandson 
Theobald, in reality by his widow Plectrude : 
and the king, Dagobert HI., still a child, was 
subjected to a mayor, who was also a child, and 
both to a woman. The Neustrians easily freed 
themselves. Austrasia was left a prey to the 
first spoiler. She was laid waste by the Fri- 
sons and Neustrians, and the Saxons overrsa 
her German possessions. 

CHARLKS MARTIL. (A. D. 715-741.) 

Trampled on by every nation, the Austrasiuis 
put aside Plectrude and her son, and drew out 
of prison a bastard son of Pepin's, the raliaot 
Carl, sumamed Marteau, (the Hanuner,) to 
whom Pepin had left nothing — as an accursed 
scion, odious to the Church, being sullied with 
the blood of a martyr. St. Lambert, bishop of 
Liege, had one day, at the rc^al table, express- 
ed his contempt for Alpaide, CarPs mother, and 
Pepin's mistress. Alpaide's brother broke into 
the episcopal mansion, and slew the bishop at 
his prayers. Grimoald, Pepin's son and heir, 
having gone on a pilgrimage to St. Lambert t 
tomb, was slain there ; undoubtedly, by friends 
of Alpaide's. Carl himself was notoriously 
hostile to the Church; and, from his Pagsa 
name of Marteau^ I should doubt his being a 
Christian. We know that the hammer is the 
attribute of Thor — the sign of Pagan compact, 
as well as that of property and of barbaric coo- 
quest.f This circumstance would explain how 
an empire, exhausted under preceding reigns* 
could suddenly furnish such armies both against 
the Saxons and the Saracens. These verr 
men, lured to take up arms under Carl, by the 
attraction of the wealth of the Church which 
he lavished upon them, might very well adopt 
by degrees the belief of their new country, and 

* Annal. Met ap. Ser. R. FT. IL 6BL 
t See the Saeoad FSit 





pare a ^oermtion of aoldiera for Pepin le I 
:f and Cbarlenugne. la thij thoroughly ec- 
liastical family c^ths Carlo ringiftn*, the b>a- 
1, tbe prosciibed Carl, or Chailes Mirtel, 
senia a, distinct phyeiognom; of bia own, 
I a T«r]r un-Chriatian ono-' 
\t first, tbe Nemtiiana, defeated by him at 
icy. Dear Cambiai, summoned to their aid 

AquilaniaDS, who, since the dissoluiioa of , 
■- Fr»nkish empire, constituted a formidable i 
Ker. Gades, their duke, advanced as far as i 
iBBOfiB, and there formed s junction with the | 
lustriaa*. who, notwithstanding his aid, lost | 
t day. Perhaps he might have prosecuted 
i war with advaniage, had he not had an e[i- 
ly behind bim, the Saracens, who, sl\er con- 
eriDg Spain, had seized Languedoc. CoO' 
iag in tJie speed and indefatigable vigor of . 
BIT African barbi, their innumerable cavalry . 
Idly aallied forth from the Roman and Guthio 
ara of Narbonne, of which Ihey had posses- 
>o, upon the north, as far aa Poitou and Bur- 
lodj-T 1'b*> aatoniahing celerity of these j 
iganda, who pricked into every quarter, seem- 1 
I to multiply them. They soon made their 
irmda in larger numbers; and it began to be 
axed (hat, according to their usaal practice, 
(ier they bad turned great part of the south 
ito a desert, they would finally settle there. 
lOdea, having austaiiied a defeat by them, had 
ecuurse to his former antagonists, the Fnuiks. 
I rencouDEei took place near Poitiers between 
tie rapid African cavalry and the heavy battA' 
lon* of the Franks, (*. v. 733 when the first, 
inding their powerlessness against the massy 
treogth of the latter,drew offduringtbe night, 
rilh whit loas it is impossible to say. But the 
maginatioa of the chroniclers of tbe period wm 
rxcited by this solemn trial of prowess between 
be men of the north and those of the south ; 
lai tbey concluded that the two races could not 
neet in hostilo shock without wholesale slaugb- 
er.} Charles Martel pushed on to lAnguedoc, 

• Auofdlaf to HBH antboriUa, Fiuee. U Ihli psrlcid, 
nsst b«va boBIL ay IbB v«»a of tS|Bln| Inta PH^aiun. 
Smi^a (epiR- R saa. 7«i] un> "Tha nuki, h oai 
Men icpon. ban bm hdd ■ naod fiir mon tku atckt; 
rcan. but hsn )iad aa uchUuiDa, aor hiTB wiywbgn 
buM w niiBWBd Um caooBn of Ilia ehoreh."— Hlncnuu. 
•fiu. ft. e. IS.) ' Is Cul'i dan. fniriitluiitv wu ■Imoii 
mOnlv uUkI I* tbt OsHMia, Bal|(caiid Gallic pnvjBcn ; 
B mith lo, Ihst Is Iba auMia putt nsar wmhlppad UnK 

t la RS, Ibev lank Cammo— a, lavlad a uaulbDtln m. 
Ednea. and dasmvad ABtBa. (Chmalr- Halulafi. ap. Bcr- 
■.rr. ll.SK.) Inni, Umt hnni Iba eburch of Si. ttUui 

failed to take Nsrbonne, entered Ntanes, and 
endeavored to bum the amphitheatre, which 
had been converted into a fortress. Harka of 
the hre are yet to be seen on its walla. 

But danger did not threaten on the southern 
border alone. Invasions from the German side 
were much more formidable than this of the 
Saracens. The latter bad aettled in Spain ; 
and intestine divisions soon kept them there. 
But tbe Frisona, Saiona, and Germans, were 
constantly attracted to the Rhine by the wealth 
of Gaul and the memory of their ancient inva- 
sions ; and Charles Martel had to mske repeat- 
ed expeditions before he could repel aAd drive 
them within their own bounds. What soldiera 
did he use in these expeditions ! The proba- 
bility is that he must have recruited his armiea 
in Germanv. By distributing the spoils of the 
bishops and abbota of Neostria and Burgundy,* 
be had a ready means of drawing warriors to 
his standard. Now, to get Germans to act 
against Germans, it behooved to make them 
Christians ; and this explains how Charles 
finally became the friend of the popes, aitd their 
support against the Lombarda. The pontifical 
missions created in Germany a Christian popo- 
. laiioa friendly to the Franks. Each horde 
must have been divided : the Pagan portion 
would obstinately cling to the paternal soil, and 
their primitive life of the tribe ; while tbe 
ChTiatians anpplied the armies of Charles Mar- 
tel, Pepin, and Charlemagne. 

t AccvdiBi Id Tv 
na kDdiad aal ■ 


Chnreh landi, ud ilva Ibmi to hla fellow-ieldlsn.'' kc— 
Fnidoaid.lH.«.U. -WlwDChiirtM HatM hadaveRODa 
lils«eailM,lw npeilad Ana Ut Kathaptau Blnban, 
hla Eodlkilwr, wbo had bald him oa tha holv tiaHUaail finL 
and pva Um hlibopric at Boliu to oae Kilo, who was aa 
rulbar • ehmctamaa thas tha waaan laada him. hot whs 
had acrvad him la war. TU* Cbariaa MarM, lb* onpl^ 
flC a tlava, ■ coocllilaa— ai we nad la Iba aaaali or lbs 
rnak Uaip— nun aadadou Ihas all tha Unf* Ui jniit- 
cenaon, |ava Ml attj Iho Hiboisle el Rsbn, bat waaf , 
dUhi* la Iba Untdon of Tiaaea. la layman aad cooali ; m ' 
u lo dapivs the hLabopa of all pDWcr ovct Iba |iD«la aad 
itttin of the Cbarcb. Bai all tba hum ha bad wmqiht 
na Ibli bolT maa, and oa Iba otbai ehorebaa of ChiUI, Uis 
Lord, bf a )n>t JndiDMiI, eanKd lo Rten so hit owa baad. 
Fat ws nad In Iba wililDn of tba Fathen, that 8t. PdIcIm- 
riai, fonnerlf Mihim of Ortaaai, wboaa badf rMU In St. 
Trndo'i DWBUIan'.beiBi ona day al ptafar, akanbMI la 
lluUon sT^Havanlv thlap, waa lul Into Iba olbar 
aad than, IbiDOrii nnlaDoB or tba Lord, aaw 
UraHBlad la Iba Innai IwlL Wbta ba laqalnd 
tha cania of Iba aafM who coadiKleil Um. Iba laiMr ra- 

Sad, ibai hr lbs MaMBCS et Iba aalaB who, oa Iba Uii 
y. woald boM Iba halam UfaUMr wllb Iba Lord, ba 
wu eoadasnad lo •vsrlaiUaf jnalihBHBt Ga bavlaa laid 
handa oa Ibalt yawloaa. A. PolcbaitBi. oa hU ntara 
10 Ibli world, hamsid M i«U» what b* kd Han to SL 
BoBllbca, win bad baaa dapaied by tba boir aaa u m- 
aiisliUab canoaloal dIadpUaa Is Fnaee. aad lo Falrad, 
abbot or f. OmI*. aad Iba baad of Uaf Paplnl tbaplala*i 
talUBt than, la inor of iba mtb of wbal ba mUMd vi 
Cbulaa Hartal, ■hal.aa —-'•■-ii bli ui^ iln woM 
MM Oad bH bodr 1 sad, la hM. wbaa thar waal B Ui plus 
of bDrtsl.HdopaaadblaMibkS MCpaat taaaad sol of lb 
aad Iba loah was AnadawptraM blKfeMidasIf SIMM 




Z**l tni EiHtdM 

itom fx. 

The inatramsDt of thia great reTolution waa 
St Boniface, the apostle of Germanj. Tha 
Anglo-Saxon church, to which be belonged, 
was not like thoae of Ireland, of Gaul, oi of 
Spain, the aJBter and equal of that of Rome, 
but the child of the popes. Bj this church, 
Roman in spirit,' German in tongue, Rome 
laid her hand on Germany. St. Columbanua 
had disdained preaching to the Suevi. The 
Cells, in their hard spirit of opposition to the 
German raee, could not be the instruments of 
its conieraion. A more plastic and sympa- 
thetic element than the Celtic church, was re- 
quired to win to Christianity the latest arrived 
barbarians. They had to De told of Christ in 
the name of Rome ; thai great name which had 
filled their ears for »o many centuries. To 
coniert Germany, the disinterested genius of 
Germany herselff was required to set the 

• AcU SS. OM. S. Beiwd. •■c. Ul. Pop* Zvbur oitUw 
la Bl. BoniQice— "TiM prorliK* !■ wblcb yonwers bora 
tad Imiiihl op, when, HWnl tbo Aii|1« ud BauMi tii 
Iba IglnnJ of BrtlakB, Uh dm pnachen wnp «eDl fkmi tbe 
•(nODlIc me, Aoiortls, IdimiKe, Jbroi, and BoBorl 
and liMly. In yonr Mr— '''' — •-— - "- — b™.. ■ .. 

to ihe tramuld Brtals U indn ud tomn," lU^ tx.- 
-'niMd<jn,"»n W*R«, (Hill at Eb|. Pocdt, Dlaens- 
tlin U. p. IB. M.l'oVBi'l'r ■ *inek Meit,* uUn of 
ud HBi IBU Esslsad by Po|i* VltalUu, {■ the vmr HB. 
Ha mi >Ullnl Ib the sMrieal at, ulXMoaiy. uftbDwUc, 
ehnich-Bulc, aoi Dm Gnck aad Lalln lanfsaiei. Tbe 
aaw tfelua linn|ht wtlb Un ■ lui* lUnry. aa It vu 
called aad eauamed, comlillat of miiMnitu Gcnk and 
Latin aathoia ; amont wtakh wen Honec, In a lai|e vo- 

hoDlllet of Bt CtUTxatoci) ca parehmcB^ Ike paallsi, aad 
Jnapliiu'i HnniiaHlkoii. all In GiMk. Tbaortm wu 
aaeompuiled fnto Kiiila«d In Adrlu. a Neapolltaui moDk 
■Bd a BaUn of Amok, who wa* aqnally aUlled la uimd 
ud pn&BB laanlDi, aad al Ihi •ania Una aHnlnlHl lo Ihe 
[rjr of SL AmtlB*! at C^Bterbnry. Bade lalbrnu 

; a JoDnay, w«dd HndBclTbeodon lalo Britnla. Tbey 
wcie Inlh iKIinMl to tba dty of CUIntiBry by Baaedlcl 
BlKap. a aaUn of NonbanibelUnd. and a Birai. who bud 
fimmTlir boon aaaalaied with then 1b ■ tUt which he 
PHda IS Bane. Bnadlcl aenu, al thli Ubh, to ham beon 

AnlUni hlBHlf of the adrlcs of theae two leaned uraa- 
len, DMiet Ibeir dlfMOaa aad aaatuaiica he jmcitted wotk- 
■HB Ihn naoaa, aad bnlU the mnoaaleffy of WelWDOQIh 
Is NoRhoBibetlaad. Tha choRh he eoBiBncied of iioBe 
■(tor Ifa* naBBei of lh« Bonaa aicbllHUire. and ail<n«l 
Hawaii! and m>f wlih plctnm, which be ponhued at 
KOSM, RpcaeBt)B(, aaanof DthR aacred nlilecu, Ihe Vli(ln 
Hary, tha twelTe apodlea, Iha eiaaiieUeal hlitoiy. and Ibe 
Tlilou of the Analypae. The wladowa wan (laud by 
aitliii bniB|hl Itoa FiaBCo." A leader of Ibe chnlr wu 
bnnhl am BL Pctei'a. Bone. (Beda. HIbL Abb 
— ... 1 . 1—1, f^ Aldbelm *m pnpilc of Theodora ai 
■ ■ re of klnK I Ba'^ wu. 

„, ^ihmaa la poo| 

aalo^blaf ibai tha aDnpIe ih 

aaen eei ny tha BauBB, who, 01 theli aaUra aoU of GanDany, 
•0 l«u reiecMd tJbitotlaBlRi asd who, at Ibe mice oT 
Lnlber. were Ibe am ID ibafca off Oe yiAe of Bone. Bui 
•hiaa ihinm, oaHplBnted Into BrIiatB, had KmalMa (be 
of be JuTlsMlowBilUttlT leaden. The ne- 
ibrirdlaiait anedlHoaa, and the BonMaasf 
id nadeiheB 1IA|«BI lie* i aad beaMea.lba 

world the example of submission to the hienr- '' 
chy, and to teach it to resign ilself for a seconi ' 
time to Roman centralization. '' 

Winfried (this is Che German name of Booi- ' 
face) resigned himself unreservedly tothepiHtm," 
and, under their auspices, plunged through bar- ' 
barous nations into the vast pagan world of'' 
German]?. He was tha Columbus and lh« ' 
Cortes of this unknown world ; into which he- 
penelrated with no other arms than his intrepid ' 
faith and the name of Rome. This heroic mas, ' 
who crossed so often the sea, the Rbioe, and - 
the Alps, was ths bond of the nations. It wu - 
through him that ihe Franks came to an under- ^ 
standing wilh Rome, and with the tribes of ' 
Germanjr. It was he, who by religion and • 
civilizatinD attached these roving tribes to Ihe - 
soil, snd unconsciously prepared the road for '- 
the armies of Charlemagne, as the missionaries ' 
of ths sixteenth century opened America to ^ 
those of Charles the Fiflh. He reared on the ' 
Rhine the metropolis of German Christianity— - 
the church of Menti, the church of Ihe empire; ' 
and, farther on, the church of Cologne— die ' 
church of relics and the Holy city of the Lo« ' 
Countries. The youngschool of Fulda, founded ' 
by him in the heart of German barbarism, be- ' 
came the light of iha West ; and laoght its ' 
mastere. First archbishop of Mentz — he choss ' 
to hold of the nope the government of ibis new ' 
Christian world which he had himself csUcd ' 
into existence. By his oath, he devote* him- 
aelf and his suceessore Co the prince of tbe 
apostles, " who alone has the nght of bestowiDg 
the pallium on bishops."* There is notbin; 
servile in this submission. In hi* simplicitj 
the good Winfried inquires of the pope whether 
it be trne that he break* the canons, and incur) 
the guilt of simony ;t and entreats him ui puts 
stop to tbe pagan ceremonies still celebrated bjr 
the Roman people, to tbe great scandal of the 
Germans. But his chief haired is to the Scots, 
(the name equally given to the Scotch and 
Irish,) and he especially condemn* Iheir allow- 
ing priests to marry. Al one time be denounces 
lo the pope the &mous Virgil, bishop of Salu- 
burg \X St another, a priest named Samson, who 
disused baptism. Clement, another Irtahiou, 

• Banlftc.Eplit. IDS. "iBooriyBodwehavepRKlahiitd 
and prorewed oar dealn lo prewrve Ihe Catholk ftJIh •*' 
ally, and fuhDilnlon UUwBaiiilib chmcbi loihe aadif 
qriUe— lobataUectedtoSLIVIeraBdhli vicar. ... Aad 

, dsaml bnMher. we mj 

aiaJB." .... IK. CM. E. 

: A«aB8.0rd.B.Ban.iK:.lU.a)a3W^ 

(Inland lava Um UHh. Infcnned, lan(hl, eteilalwd, asd 
ll Til hi Trim Hill liswlsd llai iiilsnillj id" ll» sail 




Duality of tbekingi* 


the Graul Adalbert likewise troable the 
iTch. Adalbert having erected oratories 

crosses near fountains, (perhaps by the 
lent Draidical altars,) the people flock 
ber and desert the churches.* This Adal- 
t is so revered, that his nails and hair be- 
le the subject of dispute as relics. Au- 
rixed by a letter which he has received 
n Jesas Christ, he invokes angels of un- 
)wn names. He knows the sins of men 
brehand, and will not listen to their confes- 
D, Winfried, the implacable enemy of the 
Itic eharchv prevails on Carloman and Pepin 
imprison Adalbert. His fierce and rugged 
il is at the least disinterested. After having 
inded nine bishoprics and as many monaste- 
!S, when at the height of his glory and in the 
venty-third year of his age, he resigned the 
chbishopric of Menti to his disciple Lullus, 
id retamed a simple missionary to the woods 
d marshes of pagan Frisia, where, forty years 
•fore, he had been the first to preach the Gos- 
d. He found martyrdom there, t 
Foot years before his death (a. d. 753) he 
id consecrated Pepin king, in the name of 
m pope of Rome, and so transferred the crown 
I a new dynasty. This son of Charles Martel, 
sft sole mayor by the retirement of one of his 
rolhers to Monte-Cassino, and by the flight of 
le other, was the darling of the Church. He 
idemnified her for the spoliations of Charles 
lartel ; and was the only support of the pope 
gainst the Lombards. Hence he was em- 
oldened to bring to a conclusion the long farce 
layed by the mayors of the palace since Dago- 
ert^s death, and to assume the title of king. 
t was near a hundred years since the Mero- 
ingfians, confined in their villa of Maumagne, 
T in some monastery, had preserved a vain 
hadow of royalty. ( Hardly at any other pe- 
iod than spring, on the occasion of opening the 
]!hamp de Mars, was the idol drawn from his 
■netoary, and the people shown their king. 
$ileat and grave, this long-haired and bearded 
nonarch (whatever his age, these were the in- 
lispensable ensigns of royalty) appeared, slowly 
Iragged on the German car by yoked oxen, 
ike that of the goddess Hertha.^ In all the 
lomerous revolutions which took place in their 
lame, whether conquered or conquering, their 
ate underwent litde change. They passed 

• 8c Booi&ee writes to pope Zachariae— "* My greatest 
moble was wtfli two Inveterate heretics, one called Adal- 
ten, a Ganl by birth ; the other, oamed Clement, a Scot" 
Ttdt ifooqne (Adalbert) cmcicalas et oratoriola in campls, 
rtadlbsrtes; . . . QDnuasqiioqaeetcapillosdedltadhono- 
ificaaiom et portandiim cum reliqniis S. Petri prlndpis 
ipostoloriun. B. Bonit Epist. 135. 

t Acta 80. sac UL Eginhard, Annal. ap. Scr. R. Fr. ▼. 

t like the poBtilT king at Rome, the caliph at Bagdad in 
jbs decay of the caliphi^, or the dairo at Japan. 

(Is not this note the germ of Lord Broagham*s remarks, 
{ooled p. eO T)— Teakslatob. 

% Criae pnmiso, barb4 sabmlss4, .... qnocnmqae eon- 
him erat, carpento Ibat, quod bubas tanctls, bobalco rastioo 
aM»<BafBnte,trahebatar. Eglnhard, Vita Karoli Uagnl, c 1. 
ip 8a.ft.F^.v.8B. 

from the palace to the cloister, without ob- 
serving the difference. Often, indeed, the 
victorious mayor would quit his king for the 
conquered king, if the latter were the more 
personable of the two. Generally, these poor 
kings soon died off. Frail and feeble, the last 
descendants of an enervated race, they bore 
the penalty of their fathers' excesses. But 
this very youthfulness, this state of repose, and 
this innocence must have inspired the people 
with a profound idea of royal sanctity and king-^ 
ly right. The king must have early appeared 
to them as an irreproachable being — perhaps, 
as the companion of their miseries, who, had 
he the power, would relieve them. The very 
silence of imbecility did not lessen their re- 
spect ; the secret of the future seemed envel- 
oped in it. It is still a common belief in many 
countries that idiots are divinely favored ; just 
as the pagans formerly recognised the divinity 
in brutes. 

After the Merovingians, says Eginhard, the 
Franks chose for themselves two kings ;* and, 
indeed, this duality is everywhere apparent at 
the commencement of theCarlovingian dynasty. 
Commonly, two brothers reign together, as 
Pepin and Martin, Pepin and Uarloman, Carlo- 
man and Charlemagrne. When there happens 
to be a third brother, (Grifon, to wit, brother of 
Pepin-le-Bref,) he is excluded from the division. 

This monarchy of Pepin's, founded by the 
priests, was devoted to the priests. The de- 
scendant of Bishop Amulf, and kinsman of so 
many bishops and saints, allowed great influence 
to the prelates. 

In all directions, the enemies of the Franks 
were at the same time the enemies of the 
Church — the pagan Saxons, the Lombards, per- 
secutors of the pope — the Aquitanians, the 
spoilers of the property of the Church. Pepin's 
chief war was against Aquitaine. He only 
made one campaign in Saxony, by which he 
secured the missionaries! the power of preach- 
ing there ; and left the rest to the work of time. 
Two campaigns sufficed for the subjection of 
the Lombards; against whom Pope Stephen 
came himself to implore the assistance of the 
Franks. Pepin forced the Alps, took Pavia, 
and compelled the Lombard, Astolph, to surren- 
der — not to the Greek empire — but to St. Peter 
and the pope,{ the towns of Ravenna, iGmilia, 
of the Pentapolis, and of the duchy of Rome. 

* *' The FYanks, in a sc^emn general assembly, choose two 
kings, bat with the express provision that they divide the 
kingdom between them equally.*' Eginh^d, Vita KaroU M. 
c. 3, ap. Scr. R. Fr. v. 90. 

t He exacted, besides, a tribnie of three hundred horses. 
Annal. Met. ap. Scr. R. Fr. v. 33S. The horse was the 
animal chiefly sacrificed bv the Persians and Germans. 
Pope Zachary (epist 14S) aovises Bonifltce to pat a stop to 
the eating of hone-flesh—no doabt, meaning as a sacrificial 

t To the emperor's protests he replied, that he had under- 
taken the warnir the love of St Peter, and the reroissioo of 
his sins.«-" He sent a deed of gift of the states given to the 
blesaed Peter and the holy Rcwnaa see, and to be held te- 
ever by ail oootifili of the apostolic see.** Aaastas. BUdloth. 
ap. Scr. R. Fr. v. 3. 

II Q War with Aqnitaioe. 
AA<o EpiMxtoof AmandiM. 





The Lombards and the Greeks must have been 
little to be feared, when Pepin thought these 
provinces safe in the unarmed hands of a priest. 

The war with Aquitaine was a very different 
matter; and its duration is easily explained. 
Backed by the western Pyrenees, which were 
and still are occupied by the ancient Iberians, 
Vasques, Guasques, or Basques, (Eusken,) the 
population of this country was constantly re- 
cruited from the mountains. Agricultural by 
taste and disposition, but robbers by their posi- 
tion, the Vasques had long been pent up in their 
rocks, first by the Romans, then by the Goths. 
The Franks expelled the latter, but did not fill 
their place, often failing against this mountain 
race. At length they appointed duke Genia- 
lis — no doubt a Roman of Aquitaine — to ob- 
serve them, (about a.d. 600.*) However, these 
mountain giantsf descended by degrees among 
the smaller race of the B6arnois ; and, in their 
large red capes, and shod with the hairy almrcaf 
advanced — men, women, children, and flocks — 
towards the north : the hmdes are, in fact, a 
Tast road. Eldest born of the old world, they 
came to claim their share of the beautiful plains, 
seized by so many successive usurpers — Gauls, 
Romans, and Germans. Thus, in the seventh 
century, when the Neustrian empire fell to 
pieces, Aquitania was renovated by the Vasques, 
as Austrasia was by successive immigrations 
from Germany. The name accompanied either 
people, and grew in extent with them — the 
Dorth being called France, the south, Vasconia, 
Gascony; which last reached to the Adour, 
next to the Garonne, and, for a moment, to the 
Loire. Then came the shock. 

According to doubtful traditions, the Aquita- 
nian Amandus had grown powerful in these 
countries, about the year 638, overcoming the 
Franks by means of the Vasques, and the lat- 
ter, again, by means of the Franks. He mar- 
ried his daughter to Charibert, Dagobert^s 
brother ;% and afler his son-in-law's death, pro- 
tected Aquitaine, in the name of his orphan 
Sandsons, against their uncle Dagobert. Per- 
ps Charil^rt*8 marriage is only a fable in- 
vented at a later period in order to connect the 
Seat families of Aquitaine with the first race, 
owever, shortly afterward, we find three 
Aquitanian dukes marrying three Austrasian 

Eudes and Hubert were great-grandsons 
of Amandus. Hubert passed first into Neu- 
stria, where Ebroin ruled, and thence into Au- 
strasia — the birthplace of his aunt and grand- 
mother. Here he attached himself to repin. 
Passionately fond of hunting, he used to range 
through the immense forest of Ardennes ; when 

* Seeing that the Fnuiki were Aaeomfited by them la the 
Mrty stage of thetr emptoe. I nmeh donbt their havUig nib- 
■Itled to a tribute, as nedegarliu aieeiti, (FredefarTBcho- 
llMt, e. 91,) under the feeble raeeeieon of Bmnehnult 

t The Vasqnea are eiffeedlngly tall, pnrtlcuUrly comptied 
WItktheBAamola. "^ 

t Bee THlst G«B. da LugiMdoe, L 6BB. 

the apparition of a miraculous stag determined 
him to quit the world for the Church. He 
was the disciple and successor of St. Lam- 
bert at Maestricht, and founded the bishopric 
of Liege. He is the patron of hunters from 
Picardy to the Rhine. 

The career of his brother Eudes was very 
different. Once, when master of Aquitaine 
as far as the Loire, and master of Neustria, 
through having Chilperic XL in his power, he, 
for a moment, thought himself king of the 
whole of Gaul. But it was the fate o( the dif- 
ferent dynasties of Toulouse, as we shall here- 
after see, to be ever crushed between Spain and 
northern France. Eudes, having been defeated 
by Charles Martel, and fearing the Saracens, 
who threatened his rear, gave up Chilperic to 
him. Conquering the Saracens before Tou- 
louse, but menaced, in turn, by the Franks, he , 
treated with the infidels ; and the emir Munuaa, 
having rendered himself independent in the ; 
north of Spain, and being with regard to the 
caliph's lieutenants precisely in the same sitna- , 
tion as Eudes was in relation to Charles Martel, ^ 
Eudes allied himself with him, and gave him . 
his daughter in marriage.* This strange al- 
liance, which was then unexampled, is an early , 
proof of that religious indifference of which - 
Gascony and Guienne offer so many instances. 
The versatile and witty people of these pro- 
vinces, look too keenly to the affairs of this 
world to be over-busied with those of the other. 
The country of Henry IV., of Montesquieu, 
and of Montaigne, is not a land of saints. 

This politic and impious alliance turned out 
ill. Munuza was blocked up in a fortress by 
Abder- Rahman, the caliph's lieutenant, and only 
avoided captivity by death. He threw himself 
from the top of a rock. The poor Frenchwo- 
man was sent a present to the seraglio of the 
caliph of Damascus. The Arabs crossed the 
Pyrenees, and Eudes was defeated as his son- 
in-law had been. But the Franks themselves 
joined him, and Charles Martel aided him to 
overcome them at Poitiers, (a. d. 732.) Thus 
Aquitaine, proved incapable of defending itself, 
became a kind of dependency on the Franks. 

Hunald, the son of Eudes, and the hero of 
his race, could not resign himself to this humili- 
ation, and began a desperate struggle with 
Pepin-le-Bref and Carloman,in which he sought 
to interest all the enemies of the Franks, whe- 
ther open or secret ; and he sought alliesf even 
as far as Saxony and Bavaria. The Franks 
laid waste Berry with fire and sword, turned 
Auvergne, and just as they had forced Hunald 
to recross the Loire, were recalled by the in- 
vasion of the Saxons and the Germans. Hu- 

* hManu FMensls, a]>. 8er. R. FT. U. 731. 

rled his dangfater to him In order to stave off th^ atlMdEi of 
the Arabs, and win them over to his Interests.** 

t Annal. Met ap. 8cr. R. Fr. 11. 687. **The BnvMlaM 
brought BaxoBs, Alemannl, and BlaTes along with ttem. . . . 
Hnniad, crossing the Loire, burnt Chartres. Thto h* dUat 

'*- igestioB of Ogdllo, with whom he had oateiud Into t 

ie alUanee agalBst the ftaiUBk** 



th* war roeetof aOj 
Um AquiUoiMM. 



Hid passed the Loire once more, and burnt 
Obartres. Perhaps he would have carried his 
necesses further ; but he seems to have been 
letnyed bj his brother Hatto, who governed 
PoitoQ under him. Here we see the origin of 
he future ills of Aquitaine — the rivalry of 
Poitiers and Toulouse. 

Hunald yielded ; but took vengeance on his 
irother. He had his eyes torn out, and then 
mmnred himself in a monasteir in the isle of 
lUie,* by way of expiation. His son, Guaifer, 
[a. d. 745,) found an ally in Grifon, Pepin^s 
ronnger brother, as Pepin had himself done in 
Sunald^s brother. But the war of the south 
Kd not begin in earnest till 759, after Pepin 
nd vanquished the Lombards. This was the 
spoeh of the division of the caliphate. Alphon- 
iOythe Catholic, intrenched in the Asturias, 
revived there the monarchy of the Goths. The 
[yoths of Septimania (all Languedoc, with 
iie exception of Toulouse) likewise rose to re- 
aver tbeir independence; and the Saracens, 
n occupation of the country, were soon con- 
■trained to take refuge in Narbonne. A Gothic 
chief got himself acknowledged lord of Nlmes, 
Hagnelonne, Agde, and Beziers.f But the 
GoUis were unable to force Narbonne, and 
called in the Franks ; who, unused to sieges, 
might have remained before the town forever, 
had not the Christian inhabitants massacred 
the Saracens, and opened its gates. Pepin 
swore to respect the laws and franchises of the 

He then renewed the war successfully against 
the Aquitaniaos, whom he was now enabled to 
turn on the eastern flank. " After the country 
had rested from war for two years, king Pepin 
sent deputies to Guaifer, prince of Aquitaine, to 
ask him to restore to the churches of his king- 
dom the lands belonging to them in Aquitaine. 
He sought the full and free enjoyment of their 
estates by the churches, together with that of 
all the immunities heretofore secured to them ; 
and that Guaifer should pay, according to the 
law, the price of the lives of certain Goths, 
whom he had killed against all rule of right. 
Finally, he required that Guaifer should give 
op those of Pepin's followers who had fled into 
Aquitaine. All which demands Guaifer dis- 
dainfully refused.'*^ 

The war was slow, bloody, and destructive. 
Several times, the Basques and Aquitanians,|| 
by bold inroads, pushed as far as Autun and 
even as ChAlons. But the Franks, better dis- 

* IbifdL In mooMteriimi quod Badli imnlA iltmn est In- 

t Chronic. MoiMJac. ap. Scr. R. I^. v. 68. 

i Ibid. 60. Dnto Mcramento GoOiis qol lU ennt, nt tl 
dvitntea partUmi tradnvnt Piplni regis Fknneomm, peradtte- 
rant eoB k iym Muun hnbera. 

^ OonclB. Fredonr. n|>. Scr. R. Fir. v. 4.— See, alfo* Egln- 

Bid, Annnl. Il»ld. IW. Com ret oub ed mcUmIm . . . per- 

. . f^QBdat ae aeclaaih aoa 

I OoBtlB. Fkaidefar. tp, 8er. R. F^. v. S» 6^ 7. WaiAurlns 
el pIvlBionmi Waacoaoraa^ qol ultra 
r, qol aattqoltaa vocatl issc Vscati, 


ciplined and marching in imposing masses, in- 
flicted much greater injury upon Uiem. They 
ravaged the whole of Berry with fire, burning 
down trees and houses, and that more than 
once. Next, they forced their way into Au- 
vergne, took its strongholds, and traversed and 
burnt the Limousin. Then, with the same 
regularity, they burnt the Quercy, and cut 
down the vines which formed the wealth of 
Aquitaine. ** Prince Guaifer, seeing that the 
king of the Franks, by the help of his machines, 
had taken the fort of Clermont, as well as 
Bourges, the capital of Aquitaine and a strongly 
fortified city, despaired henceforward of re- 
sisting him, and ordered the walls of all the 
cities in Aquitaine belonging to him — of Poi- 
tiers, Limoges, Saintes, Perigueux, Angoul^me, 
and many others — ^to be thrown down.*** 

The unfortunate Guaifer withdrew into the 
wild fastnesses of the mountains. But every 
year saw his foUowers drop off. His count of 
Auvergoe fell in battle ; his count of Poitiers 
was slain by retainers of the abbey of St. Martin 
of Tours.f His uncle, Remistan, who had 
first deserted and then returned to his banners, 
was taken and hanged by the Franks. And, 
finally, he was himself murdered by his own 
adherents ; who, in their fickleness of disposi- 
tion, had doubtless grown weary of a glorious, 
but hopeless war. repin, triumphant through 
treachery, saw himself at length sole master 
of the whole of Gaul, all-powerful in Italy by 
the humiliation of the Loml>ards, and all-power- 
ful in the Church by the friendship of the popes 
and bishops — to whom he transferred almost 
the whole legislative authority. His reform 
of the Church through the exertions of St. 
Boniface, and his innumerable translations of 
relics, of which he despoiled Italy to enrich 
France, won for him infinite honor. On solemn 
occasions of the kind he would himself appear 
bearing the relics on his shoulders — as he did 
those of St Austremon and of St. Germain 
des Pr6s.$ 


Charles,^ Pepin's son and successor, was 

* Ibid. 6. PectaTla, Lemodlcaa, Bantoinia, FMreeota, 
EquoUsma, et reUqnas qnam plnret dvitatea at caalella, 
omnes oiiuroa eonun In terrem proatravlt, etc. 

t Ibid. 6. Comet PictaTenaiii, dnm Tnronieam Inteta- 
tam pnedaret, ab bominlbos Vol&idl abbatli monasteili B. 
Maraai Interfecttis eat. 

1 Seconda B. Anstremonli Traiialatio, ap. Bar. R. I^. v. 
433. "The king, like king David, forfetAU of the regal 
pnrple, in his Joy bedewed nla costly rtMbes with tears, uid 
danced (eznltabat) belbre the relics of the Messed martyr, 
himself even bearing the moat sacred limbs on his shoiddas. 
And It was the winter season.'*— Translat B. Germani Pra- 
tensis, ibid. 4SB. .... mittentes, tam ipae qnam optimatea 
ab ipso elect!, manna ad feretmm. .... 

^ Cbaelbmaonb U commonly said to be the translation 
of Caeolos MAOKua— ^ Challmnalnes vaut antaat cwnae 
pant Chales,** (Chron. de St Denys, I. i. c. 4.)-— However* 
uhailemagBe la only a eaavpOum of GsriMMM, Kael- 
Mahw , the strou man. In the Chronlelea of 8t Danys wa 
find Challea and ChalleBdainea for Oharlea and Garlomaa, 
(sMtM being tha IVsneh eom m tlan ofaiean, aa laaa i 
lidiia,lM.) AstUlBMnAMMfspwrMMBlatlM 


Cawrlei talm the title of 
kiaff of the Lombardk 

ACCESSION OF CHARLEMAGNE. ^"" *°a*cE5ii^" \^-Sil 

Kxm left sole possessor of the empire by the 
death of his brotlier Carloman, as Pepiu He- 
risthal had been by the death of Martin, and 
Pepin-le-Bref by the retirement of the first Car- 
loman. The two brothers had easily stifled 
the war, which was rekindled in Aquitaine by 
the aged Hunald, who, emerging from the 
monastery in which he had immared himself 
for three-and-twenty years, vainly attempted to 
ftTenge his son and liberate his country. He 
was betrayed by a son of the ven^ brother whom 
he had deprived of his eyes. This unconquer- 
able man, however, even then did not yield, 
but managed to take refuge in Italy with 
the king of the Lombards, Didier, to whom his 
son-in-law, Charles, had conturoeliously re- 
turned his daughter, and who, by way of repri- 
sal, supported Charleses nephews, and threat- 
ened to see them in possession of their rights. 
The king of the Franks invaded Italy, and laid 
siege to Pavia and Verona, which ofl^ered a 
lengthened resistance. Hunald had thrown 
himself into the first-named town, and compel- 
led the inhabitants to hold out until they stoned 
him.* Didier*s son fled to Constantinople ; and 
the Lombards could only retain the duchy of 
Beneventum, that is, the central part of what 
constitutes the present kingdom of Naples : 
the sea-ports were in the hands of the Greeks. 
Charles then took the title of king of the Lom- 

The empire of the Franks was already old 
and worn out when it fell into Charlemagne^s 
hands; but then all the surrounding nations 
were weakened. Neustria was reduced to no- 
thingness, and the Lombards were little better 
oflr--divided for some time between Pavia, Mi- 
lan, and Beneventum, they had never altogether 
recovered themselves. The Saxons, who, it is 
to be granted, were truly formidable, were at- 
tacked from behind by the Slaves. The unity 
of the empire of the Saracens was destroyed 
the very year Pepin came to the throne by the 
isolation of Spain from Africa ; and Spain was 
herself weakened by the schism that divided the 
Caliphate, and which left Aquitaine undisturbed 
on the side of the Pyrenees. Thus two nations 
remained standing in this general decay of the 
West ; weak indeed, but still less weak than 
the rest — the Aquitanians and the Austrasian 
Franks. The last could not fail to gain the 
ui^r hand. More united than the Saxons, 
less fiery and fickle than the Aquitanians, they 
were better disciplined than both. '^The 

aide of TbeophuiM, who calli Carlomaii, KmpovWdnmypot. 
8er. R. I^. v. 187. Both brotlMn, then, ban the Mune 
■UM.— In the tenth oentory, Charles the Bald gained the 
nmame of Great throogh the Ifnocanoe of the Latin mooicf, 
M his grandfather had done. Epitaph, ap. Scr. £. Fr. vU. 

.... Nomen (rai nomine dnxlt 
De Magnl Magnot, de CaioU Caroloa. 

In the «une way the Giedn mistook the name of Elan- 
hnlns, of which tney would make Heilogahalns, ftom ue 
Qieek Helios, the son. 

* Blcsbertl Chronic, apw fler. R. rt. v. 9t$. IMmM 
' I post biffUlhat ' 

Franks," says M. de Sismondi, (t. ii. p. 267,) 
'* had preserved some of the habits of the Ro- 
man militia, in which their ancestors had so 
long served." They were, indeed, of all the 
barbarians, the most capable of discipline, and 
whose character was stamped with the least 
individuality, the least originality, and the least 
of the poetic element.* The sixty years of 
warfare which fill the annals of Pepin and of 
Charlemagne, exhibit few victories, but regular 
and periodic ravages. The Franks wore out 
their enemies rather than subdued them, and 
by persevering broke down their spirit and elas- 
ticity. A defeat — ^the battle of Roncesvalles — 
is the most popular reminiscence that remains 
of these wars. It matters not : conquerors or 
conquered, they made deserts, and in these de- 
serts they reared some strong place,t and thence 
pushed on further, for they had already begun 
to build. The barbarians had journeyed long 
and far enough. They desired stability ; and 
the world rested, at least, through weariness. 

The length, too, of the reigns of Pepin and 
Charlemagne, was favorable to the fixation of 
this floating world. To a series of monarch^ 
who die at from fifteen to twenty years of age, 
there succeeded two whose joint reigns fill up 
close upon a century. (From 741 to 814 a. d.) 
These had time to build and to found. They 
collected and brought together the scattered 
elements of preceding ages. They inherited 
all ; and, at the same time, blotted out the mem- 
ory of all that had preceded them. It happened 
to Charlemagne as to Louis XIV. — every thing 
was dated from the great reign; institutions, 
national glory, all was referred to it. The very 
tribes that opposed him refer their laws to him; 
laws coeval, indeed, with the Grerman race it- 
self .( In reality, the senility and decrepitude 
of the barbarian world were favorable to the 
glory of his reign ; since as that world expired, 
all of remaining life rushed in full tide to 
France as to the heart. Distinguished men 
from every country flocked to the court of the 
king of the Franks. Three heads of schools, 
three reformers in learning or in mannera, cre- 
ated a passing movement in it — Clement from 
Ireland, Alcuin from the Anglo-Saions, St. 
Benedict of Aniane from Gothia or Languedoc. 
Thus each nation paid it its tribute ; and we 
may cite, besides these, the Lombard Paul War- 
nefrid, the Gotho-Italian Theodalf^ and the 
Spaniard Agobart The fortunate CharlemagDC 
profited by all. Surrounded by these foraign 
priests who were the light of the Church, and 
son, nephew, and grandson of biahopa aod of 

* This Is rmrj striUnf In their jniispnideaes. 
adopt, almost Indlfibrently, most of the syi ' ~ 
which Is pecnilar to each German tribe. I 
Alterthiimer, fssWsi. 

t Fnmsac (Fmadcnm or Frontlaeam} te 
(Eglnh. Annal. ap. Scr. R. FT. v. 901 ;) and, In I 
town desifnated In the Chmnlcles by the name ef 
JTervU, (Annal. Franc lUd. p. 14,) a Ibrt on thn 
(PL 90.) Ehreshaix, etc 

t Bee Jac Orimm, DralMhs Beehli AllvtMiMi^L 




«iiti|«tliyb«twMi GREAT WAR WITH THE SAXONS. the Pranto and B«o». 115 

•unts, ma well as sare of the pope whom his 
family had protected against the Greeks and 
Lombards, he disposed of bishoprics and ab- 
beys, and even gave them to laymen. But he 
confirmed the institution of tithes,* and freed 
the Church from secular jurisdiction. f This 
DaTid and Solomon of the Franks found him- 
telf more priest than the priests, and was thus 
their king. ^ 

The wars of Italy, and the fall itself of the 
kingdom of the Lombards, were only episodes 
io tlie reigns of Pepin and Charlemagne. The 
great war of the first was, as we have seen, 
against the Aquitanians, that of Charles against 
the Saxons. There is nothing to show that the 
latter arose, as has been alleged, from the fear 
of an invasion. Undoubtedly the Germans were 
constantly immigrating across the Rhine, and 
seeking fortune in large numbers in the rich 
countries of the West. They were so many 
recruits, forever strengthening and renewing 
the armies of the Franks. But as regards the 
invasion of whole tribes, such as took place in 
the latter times of the Roman empire, there is 
no reason to suppose that such a fact accompa- 
aied the elevation of the second race, nor that it 
was threatened with a repetition of the scourge 
on the accession of Charlemagne. 

The real cause of the war was the yiolent 
antipathy of the Frank and Saxon races : an 
antipathy which each day added to in propor- 
tion as the Franks became more Roman, and 
especially since they had been newly organized 

* CSapitalar. aan. 779, c. 7. *' Of traUw—aaek mast glTe 
lUa tonlh to be dlspowd of m the pontiff (other raeillngB 
Mf , * as the Uthopr*) wiiU.'*-X>ipltiilatio de Saxon, ann. 
791, e. 1ft. ... . «* Whatever taxes be paid Into the traa- 
Bury .... let the tenth be given to the churches and the 
priertii.** C. 17. ** All axe to iive a tenth of their substance 
asd labor, as well nobles as freemen, and the lends as 
well.** — Bee, also, Ca|rital. Francoford. ann. 794, c. S3.— As 
early as the year 567, we find mention of tithes In a pastoral 
letter of the Ushops of Touralne. They are the subject of 
express enactment in aOonstitation of Qotaire*s, and in the 
Acts of the Council of Mafon, held in 96B. Ducange, 11. 
1334. •. Dbcima. 

(Dean Waddingtoa in his History of the Church, (p. 831,) 
says, with respect to the quotation from Charlemaipie's 
Cipilulvy given above, namely— ** That every one should 
five his tenth, and that It should be disposed of accord- 
ug to the orders of his Ushop.**— ** This must be under- 
stood with some limitation, since the tripartite division of 
tithes seems to be properly ascribed to Charlemagne ; that 
of one share finr the bishop and cleigy ; a second for the 
poor ; a third finr the fiilvic of the Church. It seems uncer- 
tain what part of these was at first intended Ibr the mainte- 
naaeeoraraakleatclasy. Parochial divisions, such as they 
now ezbrt, were still not Tery common, though they may be 
trsced 10 the endowment of churches ti^ Individuals as early 
as the time of Justinian. The rural churches were, in the 
first Inetimvi, chapels dependent on the neighboring cathe- 
dral, aad w«ie served by Itineiant minlsten of the UsIm^b 
npolulBMBt. It was some time belbce any of them obtained 
the privilegM of bMtLsm and burial ; but these were indeed 
aceooipaBied by n fixed share of the tithes, and appear to 
have Implied la each ease the independence of the church 
ami the reiWeirw of a ndnlsler.**)— TmAHSLAToa. 

t OsfitoL add. ad leg. Langob. ann. 801, c I. "It is our 
yieasarB that aeilber abbots, nor presbyters, nor deactms, 
aor subdeacoss, nor any priest whatMever, be brought 
betes the pabDc and secular tribunals, but be delivered for 
trial to tIsBtf tdshooB.** Cfl Ospitol. Aqulegr. ann. 789, c 37. 
— Cspftal. ft a nc o w r d. ann. 794, c 4. ** Our lord the king 
ami the bohr synod decme, that the btahops are to execute 
Jostlee In tbelT nailsbes .... Our coonlsalM must attend 
ikBOibiMlorttiM ' 

by the ecclesiastical hand of the CarloringianB. 
The success of St. Boniface had inspired the 
latter with hopes, that the missionaries would 
gradually gain over and subdue Germany for 
them. But the difference between the two peo- 
ple was too great to allow of their amalgama- 
ting. The progress of the Franks in civilization 
had latterly been too rapid. The men of the 
Red landy* as the Saxons proudly styled them- 
selves, dispersed, according to the free bent of 
their character, over their marches^ in the deep 
glades of those forests, where the squirrel could 
bound from tree to tree for seven leagues without 
descending, and neither knowing nor desiring any 
other barrier than the vague limits of their ^ou, 
— held in horror the boundaries and mansij of 
Charlemagne. The Scandinavians and Lom- 
bards, like the Romans, divided their lands with 
due regard to the set of the east. But there 
is no trace of such a custom in Germany. Ter- 
ritorial divisions, censuses, and all the instru- 
ments of order, government, and tyranny, were 
feared by the Saxons. Divided by the Asi 
themselves into three people and twelve tribes, 
they sought no other division. Their inarches 
were not altogether wastes. Town ^nd prairie 
are synonymous in the old languages of the 
north ;X the prairie was their city. The stran- 
ger passing through the march was not to ride 
upon his plough ; he was to respect the land 
and turn up the share. 

These fierce and free tribes were all the 
more attached to their old beliefs, by the hatred 
and jealousy with which the Franks inspired 
them. The missionaries that the latter would 
weary them with, had the imprudence to threaten 
them with the arms of the great empire ;^ and 
St. Libuin, who uttered the menace, would haye 
been torn in pieces, but for the interference of 
the Saxon elders. This, however, did not hin- 
der the young men from burning down the 
church, built by the Franks at Daventer.U Per- 
haps glad of the excuse to expedite by force of 
arms the conversion of their barbarous neigh- 
bors, the Franks marched straight against the 
principal sanctuary of the Saxons, where was 
their chief idol, and with which were connect- 
ed the dearest remembrances of Germany — ^the 
Hermau-saul,^ a mysterious symbol, in which 
might he seen the image of the world or of one^s 
country, of a god or of a hero. This statue, 
armed cav-d-pie, bore in its left hand a balance, 
in its right a flag, on which figured the roee ; 

* See Grimm, Deutiche Bechts AlterthBmer. 
Id. p. 538. 
Id. p. 51& 
8. UbuiBi yita apud Pegl, Citt. 779^ ^ 



Ibid.— They attempted to bum down a church which 
8t Bonifbce had built at Fritxlar, in Hesse. But when Im 
built it, the saint had prophesied that It would never be 
destroyed by fire. Two angels, clad In white, deseended to 
protect It ; and a Saxon, who had knelt down to blow die 
fire, was found dead In the same attitude, and with his 
cheeks still puilbd out Annates de Folde, ap. 8er. B. fr. 
V. 398w 

f A eotuBiB er itatoe of Gsnnuiy, or of Analalas. 

1 1 A ]>egtraetioa of tbt 

*'*-^ Sftzoa MnctuaiT' 

BATTLE OF RONCESVALLES. •ni««m>hofWiUkiod. \^Jj^ 



on its buckler a lion, lording it over the other 
animals, and at its feet a field sown with flow- 
ers. All the spots in the vicinity were conse- 
crated by the remembrance of the first and great 
victory of the Germans over the empire.* 

If the Franks had borne in mind their Ger- 
man origin, they would have respected this sa- 
cred spot. They violated it, and dashed in 
pieces the national symbol. A miracle sancti- 
fied this easy victory. A spring of water 
gushed out on purpose to refresh the soldiers of 
Uharlemagne.f The Saxons, surprised in their 
forests, gave a dozen hostages — one, each tribe. 
But they soon thought better of the matter, and 
ravaged Hesse. It would be wrong from this 
and numerous facts of the same kind, to charge 
the Saxons with perfidy. Independently of the 
instability of purpose peculiar to barbarians, the 

{probability is, that those who submitted to the 
aw of the conqueror, were generally that part 
of the population which was fixed to the soil by 
its weakness — ^the women and aged men. The 
young, flying into the marshes and mountains 
in the northern cantons, would return and renew 
the war. They were only to be kept under by 
dwelling in the midst of them. Therefore, 
Charles took up his residence on the Rhine, at 
Aix-la-Chapelle, to whose hot baths he was 
abo partial, and built and fortified in Saxony 
itself the castle of Ehresburg.| 

The year following (a. d. 775) he crossed 
the Weser; when the Saxon Anearians sub- 
mitted to him, as did part of the Westphalians. 
He devoted the winter to chastising the Lom- 
bard dukes, who had recalled Didier's son. The 
ensuing spring, the assembly or counsel of 
Worms took a solemn oath to prosecute the 
war until the Saxons should be converted. 
Under the Carlovingians the bishops are known 
to have taken the lead in these assemblies. 
Charles penetrated as far as the sources of the 
Lippe, and built a fort there. ^ The Saxons 
appeared tq give way. All of them who 
aoided in their settlements sufiered themselves 
to be baptized without difficulty ; and, indeed, 
this ceremony, of which, undoubtedly, they 
hardly understood the meaning, never seems 

* Btapfer. art Armlnias In the Biocmpble Univenelle. 
**The nelghborfaood orDttUunold iM 11111 ftiU of the recoUee- 
ttoD of thli msmonble event Tbe field at the foot of the 
Ttatberg Is fUU called Wintfeld, or Victory Field, and U 
crossed by the Rodenbeck or Stream of Blood, and the 
Kaocbenback or Btream of Bones— recalling the bones 
Ibnnd six yean after the defeat of Varus by the soldiers of 
GermanlcQS. Close by, Is Feldrom, the Field of the Ro- 
mans ; a little ftirther, near Fyrmont, is Herminsbetg, or the 
HUl of Armlnias, crowned by the ruins of a castie, called 
HarmlnsburK. On the borders of the Weser, In the same 
eowity of lippe. Is Varenbols, the wood of Varus." 

t E«lnhard, Annal. Ap. Bcr. R. Fir. t. 901. Ne dintius 
ilti oonfectns laboraret exerdtus, divlnltus fiutem creditor 
vt qnadam die, cum Juzta OMiem tempore meridiaao cunctl 
qmles ce r e nt, prope montem qui castrls erat contiguns tanta 
vliaquarum in concavltate ci^Juadam tonentiB eruperit, ut 
•lercitui cuncto sniBeerBt— Poete Baxonid AnnaL L 1. 

t Aaaal. Tnac iUd. ST.— Be«dlflcaTit ipsum castellnm, 
flt baslUcam IMden eoostrnzit AnnaL Fnld. IbUL SH. 
B i ns lm i g ii i ii re«dl fl ca t 

i AnnaL Ftraae. IMd. 9. Bt fedC CMteUwBiap«llwlWB 

to have inspired the barbarians with any parti- 
cular repugnance. More proud than fanatical, 
they, perhaps, prized their religion much less 
than their resistance would lead us to conclude. 
In the reign of Louis the Debonnaire, (the 
Meek,) the Northmen flocked in crowds to be 
baptized, the only difficulty being to find white 
dresses enough for the proselytes ; some of 
whom would be baptized three times in order to 
gain three dresses.* 

Thus, while Charlemagne supposes his work 
finished, and is baptizing the Saxons by thoa- 
sands at Paderbom, Witikind, the leader of tlie 
Westphalians, returns with his warriors who 
had taken refuge in the north, and even with 
Northmen who then, for the first time, meet 
the Franks. Defeated in Hesse, be withdraws 
into his forests, and retires among the Danes — 
but soon to re-appear. 

This was in the very year 778, when the 
arms of Charlemagne received so memorable a 
check at Roncesvalles. The weakness of the 
Saracens, the friendship of the petty Christian 
kings, and the prayers of the revolted emirs of 
the north of Spain, had favored the progress of 
the Franks, who had pushed as far as the 
Ebro, and had erected their encampments in 
Spain into a new province, under the names of 
the March of Gascony and March of Gothia. 
On the east they were completely successful, 
being supported by the Goths : but, on the 
west, the Basques, Hunald^s and Guaifer^s old 
soldiers, and the kings of Navarre and the 
Asturias, who saw Charlemagne taking posses- 
sion of the country, and securing all the forts 
in the hands of the Franks, took up arms under 
Lope, Guaifer's sonf The Franks being at- 
tacked by these mountaineers on their return, 
sustained a considerable loss in those difficult 
porSf those gigantic ladders, only to be scaled 
in single file, either on foot or on a mule^s back, 
where the rocks tower above, and seem ever 
on the point of crushing the violators of this 
solemn limit of the two worlds.^ 

The defeat of Roncesvalles is said only to 
have been a rear-guard affair. However, 
Eginhard confesses that the Franks lost many 
men in it, with several of their most distin- 
guished chiefs, and, among them, the fa- 
mous Roland. It may be that the Saracens 
took a share in the engagement, and that 

* On one occasion that some Northmen were beinf bsp- 
tlzed, there was a deficiency of linen dresses, and an iadlf- 
ferentiy made shirt was given to one of them. Looking st 
It Ibr some time with great indignation, he said to the en- 
peror— " I have been washed here twenty times, and have 
always had given me fine linen, white as snow. Is a sack 
like this fit for a warrior or a swineherd t Wars I not 
ashamed to go naked, having now no dress of my own and 
spoming yours, I would turn my back upon your cloak and 
par Christ.'* Monachos, 0. GalU, 1. ii. c SA, ap^ Bcr. R. 
n. V. 134^— The Avars, Charlemagne's alllea, peredvlng 
that be feasted their Christian canntrymen In tkm hall, 
while the rest eat at the door, reeelved bapttsm In nuibsis 
In order to have a seat at the imperial table aa walL Pigl 
Giltica, ad ann. 304. 

t Slsmondl confiNuidB him with Lope, a soa of Ballot 

t Bee book the thM of thia Oiloffy. 

A.».nBI Bmehof 



The Weimie 117 
coaita. ** ' 

the defeat began by them on the Ebro, was 
fiaished by the Basques io the roouotains. The 
name of the famous Roland receives no other 
explanation from Eginhard than is contained in 
the words — RoUandus jyrafectus Brilannid 
lunitUj* (Roland, Prefect of the Bretagne 
March.) The immense breach that opens the 
Pyrenees under the towers of Marbore, whence 
a keen sight could descry, at will, Toulouse or 
S^ragossa, is, as is well known, only a stroke 
of RoJand's sword. His horn was long pre- 
served at Blaye, on the Garonne ; that horn on 
which, according to the poet, he blew so furious 
a blast, — when, having broken his good sword 
Duraodal, he summoned the heedless Charle- 
magne, and the traitor, Ganelon of Mentz, — 
that he burst the veins of his neck. The 
traitor, ia this eminently national poem, is a 

The following year (779) was still more glo- 
rious for the king of the Franks. He invaded 
the Saxons, who were again in arms, and find- 
ing them concentrated on Buckliolz, fell upon 
them and defeated them there. Resting on the 
Elbe, the boundary between the Saxons and 
the Slaves, he busied himself in settling the 
country which he fancied he had conquered. 
Again receiving the oaths of tlie Saxons at 
Ohrheim, he had them baptized by thousands, 
and charged the abbot of Fulda to establish a 
regular system of conversion, of religious con- 
quesLf An army of priests succeeded his 
army of soldiers. The whole land, say the 
Chronicles, was partitioned out between the 
abbots and the bishops.^ Eight large and pow- 
erful bishoprics were created in succession — 
Mindea, Halberstadt, Verden, Bremen, Mun- 
ster, Hildesheim, Osnaburgh, and Paderborn, 
(4. D. 780-^2) — foundations at once eccle- 
siastical and military, where the most docile of 
the chiefs will take the title of counts to execute 

* E^nhafd, Vita Karoll, np. 8cr. R. n*. v. 93.— fiee also 
Reinhard. Annal. ibid. 903.— Poet 8ax. 1. 1. Ibid. 113.— 
(.'fanmiques de St. Denyx, 1. 1, c. 8.— No mention bi made of 
•Jhu defeat in the otber ChronieleSd — On the Carlovlnfian 
poema, we the Coun of M. Faarici, and the excellent tluwU 
of IL Horin, {nr ie Rtman ie Kaneepauxt 1833;) profettor 
10 the faculty of Toaloase. 

t He look HQeen of the nobler of them as hnstaces, and 
placed them in the keejrinf nf Valfiir, nrchbUhop of Reinit, 
in whom he rap oae d the fieatest eonfMenee, aiul who had 
pffvrioaAJy lllied the odice of mlMOs daminlcos (royal eom- 
iui««loner) In Champafne. Fmdoard. Hist. Remens. 1. 11. e. 
IS— " The binfrapher of Lonis-le-Debonnalre states that the 
wise aad able Charles managed to make the bishops his 
stanch adherents. He established throaghoat Aquitaine 
coants and abbots, and onany others — who are called Fa»»i 
—all of Prankish race, Ijitrusting to them the care of the 
Jn oKfium , the defence of the frontiers, and the Roverament 
of th« royal terass.** Astronom. Vita Ladov. PIL, e. 3, ap. 
fler. R. Fr. vi. 08. Here we see the abbots discharBlnc mili- 
tary Aractkms. (%arleroagne summons a flazon abbot to 
come with welt-armed men and victuals tar three months. 
CaioU M. epbt. SI. ap. 8er. R. Fr. t. 613. 

% Vila & RCwmii, Abbat. Fald. ap. 8er. R. Fr. v. 447. 
Karotas .... awompcis nniversis sacerdotibos, abbatibos, 

praabyterto totam iilam prorlnciam in pnrochlas 

epbcooaiea dlfisii. Tunc par« maxima beato 

Stnnnio pnpaU et terns lUias ad procunadtim commlttitor. 
AnnaL rkmae. ap. 6er. R. Fr. ▼. 98. Dlvisltqiie Ipnam 
intriam Inter presbytema et epbieopos svoa et abbates, at in 
Ha haptinnttt«l pndkumt^— Item Chroo. Itoimian. lUd. 

against their brothers the orders of the bishops. 
Tribunals instituted throughout the country 
will pursue backsliders, and sererely teacn 
them the gravity of the tows so often taken 
and violated ; and to these tribunals has been 
ascribed the origin of the famous Weimie 
courts, which in reality only date from between 
the thirteenth and fifteenth centuries.* We 
have already seen the willingness of the Ger- 
man nations to refer their institutions to Charle- 
magne ; and, perhaps, the terrible secrecy of 
these proceedings may have vaguely recalled 
to men^s minds the inquisitorial proceedings 
enforced in former days against their ancestors 
by the priests of Charlemagne^s day. Or, if it 
still be contended that the Weimie courts are a 
remains of ancient German institutions, the 
probability is that these tribunals of freemen, 
who struck in the dark a culprit stronger than 
the law, were first established for the punish- 
ment of traitors who passed over to the for- 
eigner, forsaking their country and their gods, 
and who, under his protection, braved the 
ancient laws of their country. But they did 
not brave the arrow which whistled in their 
ears from unseen hands ; and more than one 
turned pale in the morning when he saw nailed 
to his door the funeral sign that summoned him 
to appear before the invisible tribunal. 

While the priests reign, convert, and judge, 
and securely pursue their murderous education 
of the barbarians, Witikind (a. d. 782) again 
swoops down from the north to destroy their 
work. The Saxons crowd round him, defeat 
Charlemagne^s lieutenants near Sonnethal, (the 
Valley of the Sun,) and, when the slow moving 
masses of the Frankish army come up, disperse 
as quickly as they had drawn together. Four 
thousand five hundred of them remained, who 
probably having their families to provide for, 
could not follow Witikind in his rapid retreat. 
The king of the Franks burnt and destroyed all 
before him until they were given up ; and his 
counsellors, being churchmen, imbued with no- 
tions derived from the Roman form of adminis- 
tration, and constituting a government at once 
of priests and jurists, coldly cruel, and unin- 
formed by any touch of generosity or know- 
ledge of the barbarian character — saw in these 
captive Saxons so many criminals guilty of 
high treason, and judged them by the letter of 
the law. They were all beheaded in one day 
at Verden. t Their countrymen, who endeavor- 
ed to avenge them, were themselves defeated 
and massacred at Dethmold and near Osna- 
burgh. The conquerors, whose operations 
were often suspended in this humid region by 
rains, inundations, and the impossibility of 
forcing a way from the depth of the mud, de- 

* Grimm, Dentscho Rechts Alterthiimer. 

t Eginh. ann. v. 906. Ceteromm, qnl, persnasloni ejw 
Vitiklndl morem gerentes, tantom flidnns peief em nt, usque 
ad MMMMD tradiU, Jusf o regis omnes nn& die deeollati smiL 
Unjnsmodl vlndictA perpetratA, rex in hlbenm concesaiL-- 

118 8HS13,S5?ihe"£b2. THE BAVARIANS AND LOMBARDS. TT-ffai oftheATmn. [\ 


termined to prosecute the war through the 
winter ; and the forests stripped of their leaves, 
and the marshes frozen orer, no longer screen- 
ing the fugitives — each isolated in his hut, with 
his wife and children, falls the prey of the sol- 
diery, like the deer crouching in its lair over 
the tender hind. 

Saxony remained undisturbed for eight years 
— ^Witikind having sunendered ; but, never- 
theless, the Franks were not left tranquil, the 
nations dependent on them being any thing but 
resigned. Nay, the Thuringians drew the 
sword in the very palace against the Franks, 
who, on the occasion of the marriage of one of 
their chiefs, sought to subject them to the Salic 
law.* For this, and other causes with which 
we are unacquainted, a conspiracy vma formed 
against Charlemagne by the nobles ; who were, 
besides, excessively irritated by the pride and 
cruelty of his young wife Fastrade,t to whom 
a husband of fiuy could refuse nothing. On the 
discovery of the plot, the conspirators were so 
far from seeking to deny it, that one of them 
audaciously exclaimed, *' Had my counsel been 
taken, thou wouldest never have passed the 
Rhine alive." The only punishment imposed 
upon them by the easy-mannered monarch, was 
to order them to undertake distant pilgrimages 
to tombs of the saints — but he had every one 
of them murdered on his journey.^ Some years 
after this, a natural son of Charlemagne^s join- 
ed in a conspiracy with some nobles to dethrone 
his father.^ 

Abroad, too, the tributary princes conspired. 
The Bavarians and Lombards were almost one 
and the same people, the first having long given 
kings to the second. Tassillo, duke of Bavaria, 
had married a daughter of Didier's — sister to 
that wife whom Charlemagne had ignominious- 
ly sent back to her father ; and, by this con- 
nection, had become brother-in-law of the Lom- 
bard duke of Beneventum. The latter was on 
friendly terms with the Greeks, who were 
masters of the sea, and Tassillo called in the 
Slaves and Avars. Some movements at the 
same time among the Bretons and Saracens 
gave them additional hope.|| But Tassillo was 
surrounded by three armies ; and, on his sur- 
rendering himself, was cited as a common crim- 
inal before the assembly of Ingelheim, found 
guilty, and sentenced to death. He was final- 

* Secandnin legem Fmncomin. Anna]. NaKur. 

•p. 8er. R. I^. r. 11. 

t EKinh. Kar. M. c. 80, Ibid. 97. Hanim eonjiintloiiuin 
Futradc cradelitas causa et oiigio eztitlsse credltur; et 
klelito In ambabiu (coqjnrationibas) contra refem conspl- 
imlnin ett, quia oxoris crudelltatl contenUent 4 sob natara 
bnUcnitata ac toUtft mannietadlne immaniter exorbltnsse 
vMebatnr.— Eflnb. Anna!. Ibid. 810. *' Charlemafne's eldest 
ton, Pepin, and certain Franks consplrMi agalniit him, al- 
leglDg taat they eonld not endore the cruelty of queen Fas- 

ttaide Fudolph, a Lombard, having dotectr^d the 

plot, was rewarded with the roonaatery of Bu Denys.** 

1 Annal. Naxar. ap. Scr. R. Fr. v. 13. 

« Annal. Franc. lUd. 8S. Flllns regis npplnns ex con- 
coMni Hlmildradif com allqaibus comltlbns Flrancomm 
eoiuiUatnr .... 

Q Egiah. Kar. M. c 10. Dunalt (aaa. 78^ et BrltloBM 
fu . . . . dkto andlMUw 

ly forced to submit to the tonsure, and shut op 
in the monastery of Jumidges. Bavaria ]o6t 
her independence as a nation, as did the king- 
dom of the Lombards — with the exception of 
the mountain duchy of Beneventum, which 
Charlemagne was never able to subdue, but 
which he weakened and disturbed by raising a 
rival to Didier^s son, whom the Greeks had 
brought back. 

Charlemagne thus had one more tributary, 
and one more war. It was the same in Ger- 
many. For having advanced to tho Elbe, and 
being thus in presence of the Slaves, he found 
himself constrained to interfere in their quar- 
rels, and to second the Abodrites against the 
Wiltzi, (or Weletabi.) The Slaves placed hos- 
tages in his hands ; and the empire, always ex- 
tending its limits, but always growing weaker, 
appears to have gained the whole of the country 
between the Elbe and the Oder. 

Between the Slaves settled on the Baltic and 
those on the Adriatic, and beyond Bavaria, 
which, as we have just seen, had become a 
mere province, Charlemagne encountered the 
Avars, whose indefatigable cavalry, intrenched 
in the marshes of Hungary, swept thence at 
pleasure upon the Slaves and the Greek empire. 
Every winter, says the historian, they used to 
go and lie with the wives of the Slaves. Their 
camp, or ring, was a huge village of wood, 
covering a whole province, and encircled by 
hedges of trees with their branches interlaced. 
Here was amassed the plunder of centuries, the 
spoils of the Byzantines — a strange heap of the 
most brilliant objects, and, at the same time, 
the most useless to barbarians; a fantastical 
museum of robberies. According to an old 
soldier of Charlemagne^s, this camp roust hare 
been twelve or fifteen leagues' in circumfer- 
ence,'*' like the eastern cities, like Ninereh or 
Babylon. Such is the Tartar habit — the peo- 
ple collected into one camp, while part are 
scattered over desert pastures, llie visiter of 
the chagan of the Turks in the sixth century, 
found the barbarian sitting on a golden throne 
in the midst of the desert. The chagan of the 
Avars, in his wooden village, rested on beds oi' 
massive gold, which he forced from the weak- 
ness of the emperors of Coostantinople.f 

These barlnirians, now neighbors of the 
Franks, sought to exact tribute from them as 
they had done from the Greeks. Charlemagne 
attacked them with three separate armies, and 

* Honach. B. GalU, 1. 11. c. 8. ^ The country of the Hvns 
was encircled by nine circles. One circle was as wide as b 
the dbtance between Tours and Constance. The streets 
and houses were so &r apart, that a shout could hardly be 
heard ftom one to the other. Over against theee buUdings. 
and between these Iroptegnable enclosures, gates of no great 
width were constructed. Likewise ftom the second curl»» 
formed like the first, It was twenty German, which are 
equal to forty Italian miles, to the third ; and so on to the 
ninth, only each circle being much smaller than the one 
befiire It They had heaped up In these fortlflcatlona, Inr 
two hundred yean and more, riches of every kind flrani all 
the western countries, almost stripping the whole west.'* 

t £xc Menandri, n. 106-lCI. TheophUMt. Uk U. e. M^ 
17 -Gibbon, ch.«; 41 



^lErsi^ir* H» 

dT&nciog as far as the Raab, barnt the few 
abitationa he met with ; but what did the burn- 
ig of these hau signify to the Avars ? Charle- 
lagne's cavalry was worn out in seeking through 
his desert region an invisible enemy, encoun- 
sriog in his stead marshy plains, bogs, and over- 
owing rivers ; among which the Frank army 
wt all its horses.* 

We say the Frank army : but the Frank na- 
ion is like Theseus' ship, for, renewed piece 
»y piece, scarcely any thing remains of its origi- 
al self. Charlemagne^s armies were recruited 
a Frisia and in Saxony quite as much as in 
Vostrasia, and it was these nations which real- 
y soflered from the losses sustained by the 
h^raoks. They had not only to bear the yoke 
)f the clergy, but, what was intolerable to these 
barbarians, were forced to forsake the dress, 
naoners, and language of their fathers, to bury 
iiemseWes in the battalions of the Franks, their 
snemies, and to conquer and die for them. And 
they seldom saw their country again, being 
lent three or four hundred leagues off against 
ihe Spanish Moors, or the Lombards of Bene- 
rentiun. Death being their fate, the Saxons 
preferred facing it in their own land. They 
massacred Charlemagne's lieutenants, burnt the 
ehofcbes, expelled or slaughtered the priests, 
and returned enthusiastically to the worship of 
their old gods. They made conmion cause 
with the Avars, instead of furnishing an army 
against them. The same year, the army of the 
caliph Hixdm, finding Aquitaine drain^ of its 
garrisons, passed the £bro, crossed the marches 
and the Pyrenees, burnt the faubourgs of Nar- 
bonne, defeated with great slaughter the troops 
drawn together by William (au Court-Nez) 
count of Toulouse and recent of Aquitaine, and 
then withdrew into Spam, carrying off with 
them a whole nation of prisoners, and laden 
with rich spoils with which the caliph adorned 
the magnificent mosque of Cordova. f The 
world was in arms against Charlemagne, and 
even nature herself. When he received this 
disastrous news he was in Suabia, hurrying on 
the works of a canal which was designed to 
connect the Rhine with the Danube, and which, 
in case of invasion, would have facilitated the 
defence of the empire. But the humidity of 
the ground and the constant rains prevented its 
being carried into execution ;% and so with the 

• Poet. Sax. UL ap. 8cr. R. Fr. v. 155. 

t Chrimic. Moiaslac t. 74. — Htst. da LaninedoG, I. Iz. 
e. 98u — Conde, Histoire de U domination des Anbes et dm 
llaum en £«pagne, (translated firom the Arabic Into Bpan- 
Uh,) L IL of the Freneh lranslat;on. p. 984. 

X Eclnh. Annal. ad ann. 793. ** The king had been per- 
raaded, that by formlnff between the Rednltz and the Alt- 
oral a canal large enoogii tar vesaels, navigation might eaitlly 
be carried on lietween the Rhine and the Daoabe, <Mie <m 
theee riven foiling into the Dannbe and the other into the 
Meln. Charlemagne immediately repaired to thif district 
whk the whole of hie court, and collected an immense 
nnndier of Uboters.whom he kept at work the whole of the 
aatmnn. They dog about two thooMind paces of the canal, 
with a width of three hundred yards, bat onsoccessftilly. 
The work came to nothing, owing to the marshy natora of 
the soil, which was readned worse, too, by eootlnoHl rainn, 
ao Ckst whatever miih wu dog oat la the dayHtme, Its 

great bridge of Mentz, which was to have 
secured the communication between France and 
Germany, and was burnt down by the boatmen 
on either side of the river. 

Notwithstanding these various reverses, 
Charlemagne soon resumed the ascendant over 
enemies at such distant points from each other. 
He determined to unpeople Saxony, since he 
could not subdue it. Encamping on the Weser, 
and perhaps, by way of convincing the Saxons 
that he would not relax his hold on them, call- 
ing his camp Heerstall, after the name of the 
patrimonial castle of the Carlovingians on the 
Meusc, he thence carried his inroads on every 
side, and forced, from more than one canton, as 
many as a third of the inhabitants to be deliver- 
ed up to him. These flocks of captives were 
then driven southward and westward, and set- 
tled in strange lands, in the midst of Christian 
and hostile populations, and speaking a different 
tongue. In like manner, the Babylonian and 
Persian monarchs had transported the Jews to 
the Tigris, and the people of Chalcis to the 
shores of the Persian gulf; and so had Probus 
transported colonies of Franks and Frisons as 
far as the shores of the Euxine sea. 

At the same time, a son of Charlemagne's, 
taking advantage of a civil war among the 
Avars, invaded them on the south with an army 
of Bavarians and Lombards. He crossed the 
Danube and the Theiss, and at length laid his 
hands on that precious ring, in whose enclosure 
slumbered such vast riches. So great was the 
booty, says the annalist, the Franks were poor 
in comparison with what they became from that 
moment. It would seem as if this hoarding 
race had lost its life with the gold over which 
it brooded — like the dragon of Scandinavian 
poetry, for it at once fell into a state of pitiable 
weakness. Its chagan turned Christian ; and 
they who remained Pagans, were constrained 
to eat out of wooden platters along with the 
dogs, at the gates of the bishops sent to convert 
them.* Some years afterwards, they humbly 
sought from Charlemagne refuge in Bavaria, 
alleging their inability to make head against 
the Slaves, whom they formerly had the upper 
hand of 

Now, at lasty Charlemagne began to hope that 
he should enjoy some rest. To judge by the 
extent of his dominion, if not by his real strength, 
he must have been the most powerful monarch 
at this time on the face of the globe. Why 
then should he not accomplish what Theodoric 
had been unable to effect — ^the resurrection of 
the Roman empire t Such seems to have been 
the thought of the priestly counsellors by whom 
he was surrounded. In the year 800, Charle- 

place was sare to bo filled np by an eqaal qnantlty in the 
night. While engaged in this andertaking two very im- 
pleasant pieces of news were brought to him ; fint, that the 
ekucons were every wlkera up in arms; secondly, that the 
Saracens had invaded Beptiroanla, encountered the counts 
and guards of that fhmtier, slain numbers of the IVankii, 
and returned home in triumph." 
• Pagi Crltlca, ad aan. 804, p^ 838. fliipiondl, IL 408. 



abuK ; and it wu reported that the chief or Ihs 
in&deli had trsaarerrsd to bim the sovereignly 
of Jentraleni. A clock that atruck the houia, 
an ape, and an elephant, were presenla whieb 
BLruck tbe people of the West* with astonish- 
ment ; and it depends on oaraelTss to beliere 
that the gigsntie horn still shown at Aii-la- 
Chapelle, ia one of this aelf-same elepbaot't 

Tu hnon Charlemagne, we mult see bim in 
hit palace of Aii.t Thi» restorer of the empire 
of the West had despoiled Haienna of her most 
preciouB marbles in order to adorn his barbarian 
Itome. Aclirely busied eien when taking his 
leisure, he pcoseciited his studies there under 
Peter of Pita and the Saxon Alcuin, applying 
himself to grammar, rhetoric, and astronomy. 
lie also acquired the art of writing — a rare ac- 
complishment in those days.^ He piqued him- 
self on his choral singing-, and was unsparing in 
his animadversions un those priests who were 
deGcieut in this part of the service.^ He eien 

magne repairs to Rome, nnder the pretext of 
re-establishing the pope, who had been driren 
from the pontifical city.* On the festiTal of 
Christmas, the last year of the eighth century, 
while Charlemagne is absorbed in prayer, the.- 
pope places on his head the imperial crown, 
and proclaims him Augustus. The emperor is 
astonished, and regrets the imposition of a 
burden beyond his slrengthf — a puerile hjpfi- 
orisy which be belies by adopting tbe titles and 
ceremonies of the court of Bysantiom. For 
tha perfect restoraiion of the empire, one thing 
more was necessary — to marry the aged Charle- 
magne to tbe aged Irene, who reigned at Cun- 
staotinople, after murdering her son. Su 
thought the pope,{ but not so Irene, who took 
good cara not to accept of a master.^ 

A crowd of petty kings adorned the court of 
tha king of tbe Franks, and aided him in keej)- 
ing up this weak and pale representation of the 
empire. The young Egbert, king of Sussex, 
and Eardalf, king of Northumberland, came In 
fonn themselves in the polished school of the 
Franks.Q Both were re-established in their 
dominions by Charlemagne. Lope, duke of the 
Basques, was also brought up in his court. The 
Chnstian kings and emirs of Spain fullowed 
biiQ evan to the forests of Bavaria, to implore | 
his assistance against the caliph of Cordovk. ! 
Alphonso, king of Gallieia, displayed the rich i 
hangings which be had taken in the sack of i 
Lisbon, and offered them to the emperor. The | 
Gdriaites of Fei also sent him an embassy ; i 
but no embsssags was so brilliant as that ol 
Haronn Alraschid, caliph of Bagdad, whn 
thonght it eipedient to entertain relations witk , 
the enemy of bis enemy, the schismatic calipli . 
of Spun. Araonz other things, he is said to ' 
have offered CharTemagne the keys of the holy 
sepulchre — a ver^ honorable present, which ii 
is certain the king of tbe Franks could o(>i 

AlMu'i pRdixavHU. - On Iho nrwm of Adrtiin'i dmlh," i Id rtiolurtc aiul Inflt, aiul pniculmf 
•sr* Bitnhud. (VlDtKu. M. e. IS.) "wbom be e-tHiticJ ilvlamfd Uu ut of nlcnlillai; u 

" Ug KCDl four liiHa la Eone for lb« fnlfllimWDf vow. | Iwjun lll^'^ll^^!?^le imde nor -■ ' 

ul to pntbrm pnyen Uirn."— aae AdrtnoV Idler uCbir i (iniiliidinf ymn nT tali Utc. fali 

Iwumw. (Bo. B.Fr. V.Wa.5M-MI.Ma.^.) Ipnyermslm-glTliii, md UWUHTH . . _. 

Sm [Iw puuia (HUah. VIU Ku. M. ftild. TO) fmly ic>i- . Manh^. St^rk, 9l I.nlTo. aDd et. John.'^l^rfan. (k> 

' TIh ibcI'i i(an(lve Bvpiwlt 
rim Puihu Uticl. ul 

UkRiiigh Chirk 



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dEllBbW 1 





om M. ~ft[. 


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I Chranifr. ThBophsnls ip. Sri. K. 

iltidwocriUtittati «»■»»**« 'A. -_-._ , , ., 

lUn Aiirrw w,tt ri)* &>(.■•, a.'Tv<^n' ^it^ffiinu a,'-\ 4 Ef Isb. In Knr. H. c. W. -Ho canM Ibe ieuIIik >iid 
r1^ tu Kaptfiluf nfit iiuun. I cbuiUnnof UnflcTlpRirH to pertMlkM.iillbiiaili he Hirr 

4 AGrsek proverti «sld — ^Cbnnao the Fmnk fur yotir hlmnelf rvadln pnUlc. fuidfuf Anlv In ut sii«lei tm* Eo. 
IHeW.baliiMTOiirnelfhbDr." mixb. In Kar. plber with (he chuli."— Moa. BufMI. I. L c.I. "Iisu 

y .u.L -^B^, (_ B„, t- Vt V. ST. "The k)ns "f never nceeinrr In Itae bullie* ct Ibe leuied Cbsrtn la 
id. Id Uh l>le of BilnUii, Ewdnir bv nani". polnl oal u «eh Ike pai«ie vhleb he had In md. or la 

r. (b» at NlmeiRn : and. hnvlni eiptalBnl tli" all knew ■> writ what Ihcyhad loi«d.lhiitir(iildtntieirin 
if bbjooniey. repalivd lo Rnne ; on tall relufn fro i<k 'nddmly and wilboul JWpaiatLnn, Ibey warn neTTT at bniL 
city bewu realored to bla kln(dDni. by U» mmlLi The eiii[iemr woqid Un hli Ingei or a tUek. (or woald Hud 
Um leiaM of Uw Konus poalUl ud of the Wi- (ome one to Iba prtoeu. who weie Kaled tone dliunca finn 
ihimJsadpoistoallh*gaib*«Uhsdlaki|tH. HawaaU 

DvoripUoa <^lui 


Ha wiah to i«-«itabliah obI- | q 1 
focmity of inatrucUon. a <« a 

fiMind time to watch who went io and who went 
OQt of the palace ;* and for his coDvenience in 
this respect, he caused lattices to be made in 
ils upper galleries. He regularly rose a-nights 
lor matiDS.t Tall, with a round head, full neck, 
long nose, rather prominent belly, and a clear, 
bat small voicel — so Charlemagne is drawn by 
his historian and contemporary. On the con- 
trary, his wife Hildegarde had a strong Toice ; 
and Fastrade, whom he afterwards married, 
ruled him with manly influence. However, he 
had many mistresses, and married five times ; 
but, on the death of his fifth wife, he did not 
marry again, but selected four concubines, with 
whom he thenceforward contented himself.^ 
The Solomon of the Franks had six sons and 
eight daughters — the latter very beautiful and 
very frail. It is stated that he was exceeding- 
ly attached to them, and never wished them to 
marry, and he delighted in seeing them parade 
behind him in his wars and ^ 

mark where be himself Intended to leave off by a guttural 
•oand. which all were accastomed to look oat anxioiuiy for, 
HO that whether he ended at the close of a meaning, or at 
the paoie In the midst of a sentence, or even before, no 
ooe took It np at any other than the exact spot where he left 
o£ however stimnge beginning there might appear. So 
that, although there might be some who did not understand 
what they read, nowhrnns were better readers to be found 
than in his palace, and no one durst enter his choir (how- 
ever known elsewhere) who could not both read and sing 
well.**— C. SI. ** On the occasion of a certain festival, a 
yoong man, a relative of the king's, singing the Alleluia 
excel entiy, the king observed to a bishop near him, * Our 
prieat rings well !* when the foolish man, thinking the king 
was joking, and not aware that the priest was his relation, 
rrplied — 'It's like our boors singing to their oxen.* At 
which impertinent answer the emperor darted such a with- 
4 ring look at him that be was as if thunderstruck.** 

* Moo. SangalL 1. i. c 93. Que (manslones) Ita circa pala- 
tinm peritissimi Garoll ejus dispoeitlone constructs sunt, ut 
ipse per cancellos solarli sni cnncta poaset vlitere, quccnm- 
que ah Intrantibos vel exeunUbua quasi latenter fierent 
The monk goes on to say—" The apartments of the nobles 
were raised to such a height firom the ground, that not only 
the soldiers and their servants, but aU classes could shelter 
themselves from rain, frost, or snow, by the side of the 
hearths, and at the same time, Charles's searching eyes 
eoaid descry all that was pAog on.** 

t Eglnh. in Kar. M . c. 9ft. " He was a diligent attendant 
at church, mominc and evening, and in the night, ped at 
masa, a« long as his health allowed."— Mon. Bangal. 1. 1. c. 
3X ** The most glorious Charles had a long and wide cloak 
to wrap himself up In for the nightly luuds.** — In Lent he 
uiicd to fiist Ull the eighth hoar of the day. 

t Efinh. in Kar. H. c. 9S. **He was of large and stout 
frame, of a just and not disproportionate height, round- 
headed, with very large and qiiick eyes, his nose a little ex- 
ceeding a modeiate size, his neck thick and short, his belly 
rather protaberant, his voice clear, but not consonant to his 
stamre. — He haled physicians, because they tried to per- 
Koade him to dlscontinoe the use of roast meats, to which 
he was accastomed, and to habituate himself to boiled.** — 
We may allow the Chronicles of BL Denys, written so long 
afterwards, to relate how he split a knight In two with one 
stroke of his sword, and could carry a roan, IVilly aceontred, 
and standing upright, in his band. The emperor has been 
proportioned to the empire ; and it has been concladed that 
be who reigned from tne Elbe to the Ebro must needs have 
been a giant. 

% fi^h. in Kar. M . e. 18. Post c^Jua (Loitgardls) mor- 
tem, qoatnor habait eoocoblnas. 

H Id. iUd. e. 19 Nunquam Iter sine lUls (beeret 

Adeqoitabaot ei flllt, fiiia vera pone aequebMntar 

One com pnlcberrioMB essent et ab eo plarimum dillgeren- 
tnr, mlram dicta qood nuUam earum cuiqaam aut saoruro 
aot ezteromiD aaptam date voluit. Eginhard adds, "He 
kept then all with him till be died, saying that he could not 
live without tbeir society. And on this account, though 
fbrtonate la all other respects, be experienced the mal^ 
Btacy of Actane-'lhoagb he dlmemhtod to Araa to 

^ The literary and religious glory of Charle- 
magnets reign is derived, as has been already 
remarked, from three foreigners. Alcuin, the 
Saxon, and Clement, the Scot, founded the Pa- 
latine school, which was the model of all suc- 
ceeding ones. Benedict of Aniane, the Goth, 
and son of the count of Maguelone,* reformed 
the religious houses, and did away with the dif- 
ferences introduced by St Columbanus and the 
Irish missionaries of the seventh century. He 
imposed the rule of St. Benedict on all the monks 
of the empire ; hut how far this peddling and 
pedantic reform fell short of the original insti- 
tution, has been excellently shown by M. 6ui- 
zot. j No less pedantic and fruitless was the 
attempt at literary reform, in which Alcuin was 
the prime mover. We know that Charlemagne 
and his principal counsellors formed themselves 
into a kind of academy, in which he took his 
place as king David, the rest assuming dififer- 
ent names as well, as Homer, Horace, &c. 
Notwithstanding this pompous nomenclature, a 
few poems of Theodulf, bishop of Orleans, a 
Gotho- Italian, and some letters of Leidrad*s, 
archbishop of Lyons, are all that is left of their 
efforts worthy attention. The wish and the en- 
deavor to re-establish uniformity of instruction 
throughout the empire, remain to deserve our 
praise. Charlemagne encountered great diffi- 
culties in the mere attempt to bring into uniform 
use the Latin liturgy and the Gregorian chant ; 
and with so many different nations and langua- 
ges to deal with, despite all his efforts the 
grossest differences constantly prevailed . % Dro- 
go, the emperor's brother, presided himself over 
the school of Metz. 

With this turn for literature and Roman re- 
miniscences, it is not surprising that Charle- 
magne and his son Louis loved to surround 
themselves with strangers, and literary men of 
mean extraction. " It happened that together 
with some Breton merchants, two Irish Scots,^ 
men of incomparable skill in literature, both 
profane and sacred, landed on the coast of Gaul. 
They displayed no merchandise for sale, but 
daily exhorted the crowd of purchasers on this 
wise — 'Whoever desires wisdom, let him 
come to us and receive it, we have it to sell.' 
.... This they continued so long, that the 
people in their astonishment, or else concluding 

never to have heard any reports unfkvoiable to their bon - 

* Acta 88. Ord. 8. Bened. 8ec. iv. p. 194. Ex Getamm 

genere, partibos Gothic, oriundus frilt Pater ^os 

comltatum Magdalonensem tenuit. Bee, also, Guixot (ISs,) 

t Vingt-slxlime lefon, p. 4S, sqq. 

i 8ee a curious passage fltun a lUb of 8t Grqmry, t v. 
p. 445, of the Scriptoces Rerum Francicamm.— See, also^ 
the Life of Chariemagne, by a monk of AngoolAme, (ap. 
Bcr. R. Fr. v. 185.)— Hon. Sangall. 1. 1. c. 10. *« Being an- 
noyed at finding toe chanting diflbrent In different provinces, 
he sent to the pope for a dcnen priests skilled in psalmody. 
But when they had been dispatched to different quarters, 
they all maliciously set about teachlnc dIArent methods, at 
which Charles Indignandy com|rialned to the pope, who pat 
them all In prison.*' 

$ It has already been stated that the Irish and the Bcolcli 
were anciently Indiflbnatly 


tbsm to be msdmen, conrejed inrornittion of iag to m; orden, «nd for your own good. Pro- 
tfae eircnmBtanee to king Charlet, bIwijs i eeei ; endearor U> perfect youraelvea, and I 
pusiOMte loietof witdom. He aeal for tbem will iswird you with mBgnificent bishoprici 
with >11 h&ite, and uked them if it were true, and abbeyt, and yoa shall be erer honorable in 
u Ikme had repotted to hiin, that tber had wis- my sight.' Then he bent an angry coante- 
dom with them ' They replied, ' We ha<re it^ : nance on those on hla lefl hand, and troubling 
and we gire it, in the name of the Lord, to their consciences with a lightning look, with 
those who seek it worthily.' And, on hi* aak- ' bitiei irony, and thundering rather than speak- 
ing what they aoaght in return, they said — ' A ' ing, he burst upon them with ihis terrUile 
eonienienl place, rational creatures, and — what apostrophe — ' But for you nobles, you boos of 
cannot be done without in this earthly pilgrim- ' the great, delicate and pretty minion* as you 
age — food and raiment.' Filled with joy, tha I are, proud of your birth and your riches, you 
king at first kept ibem some time with him. hare neglected my orders, and your own glory. 
Then, being compelled to undertake certain . and the study of tetters, and Iutb giren your- 
military ezpeditioDS, he ordered one of them, aehes up to eue, sports, and idleness, or to 
named Clement, to remain in Gaul, and intrust, j worthless exercises !' After this preamble, 
•d to him a number of children of all ranks of | raising on high his august head and his inrinci- 
society, high, low, and of ihe middle class, and ble arm, he fulminated his usual oalh — * By the 
found them in such things as were necessary, | King of HesTen, I care little for yuor nobility 
aa well as provided thero with a comfortable and beauty, however others maj admire you ; 
abode. The other, John Mailroa, (Melrckae 1) and held it for certain, thai if you do nol make 
a disciple of Bede's, he sent into Italy, giving amends for your past negligence by vigilant zeal, 
him St. Augustin's monastery, near Favia, that , you will never obtain any thing from Charles.' 
he might open a school there. On hearing of I ''One of these low-born yontha of whom I 
theae things, Albkus, of the nation of the An- have spoken, a proficient ia the arts of dicuting 
glea, one of the learned Bede'a diaciplea, aeeing , and writing, waa placed by him in the chapel — 
the warm reception given to wiae men by (he name given by the kinga of the Franks to 
Charlea, the moat religious of kings, embarked Iheir oratory from Ihe chape (cope) of St. Mar- 
aud repaired to hira Chaiiea gave him tin, which (hey conatantly wore in battle, for 

St. Martin's abbey, near Tours, in order that, their own defence and the defeat of Ihe enemy. 
during his absence, he might repoae himsetf One day, on news being brtmght to the prudent 
there, and leach thoae who haalened to hear Charlea of the death of a certain biahop, he 
him.* And auch fruita did hia learned labors aaked whether the prelate had aent before him 
produce, that the modern Gauls or Franks ware into the other world any of his wealth and of 
thought to equal the ancient Romans or Atbe- . the fruit of his labors 1 and, on the messenger's 

replying, * Lord, not more than two pound* of 

" When, after a long absence, the victorious | silver,' our young clerk aighed, and, unable 
Chatle* relumed to Gaul, be oHered the chil- . contain the lively thought within him, exclaira- 
dren who had been placed under Clement's i ed, 'A poor provision for so long a journey!' 
eare to be brought to him, to ahow him (heii Charles, the most reasonable of men, after a 
exercises and verses. Such of them as be- few moments' reflection, said to him, ' What 
longed to the middle and lower classes display- thinkest thou, hadst thou this bishopric, wouldst 
ed works beyond all hope, aeaaoned with all the than make a better proviaion for ao long a Jour- 
oondimenta of wisdom ; . but such aa were of ley V The clerk, with hia mouth watering at 
noble descent had only crude and silly trifles theae words as at grapes of the first vinisffe 
to show. Then the wise monarch, imitating dropping into it of themselves, threw himself 
the justice of ibe eternal Judge, placed Ihoae at hla feet, aaying. ' Lord, herein I trust my- 
wbo had done well on hia right hand, and ad- self to the will of God, and to thy power.' And 
dreaaed them aa follows — ' A thousand thanks, j the king said to him, ' Keep thee behind this 
my SODS, for your diligence in laboring accord- curtain at my back, and thou wilt bear how 
I many protectors thou hast.' In fact, at the 
■ WbIl 1b Kar. II. e. M. AIManm, acnnmntUi Al- "^''^ "^ '■^^ bishop's death, the courtiers, ever 
colBiuB. li«n dlKonnm. dg BiltuBli. Buaslel gennti On the watch for the misfortunes or the death 
bN^Tiwai'lantuikwiTwiiMi I °^ """ets, all impatient and envtoua of one 
I hsva ih* «n kem. (la lbs llknrr ■> Y«*.) *«l whkh | another, endeavored to obuin (he vauant place 
mraKilkcttdliTmTBuur.BctoR; udlwlll md-onix through (hose about the emperor's person. But 

l"i!s."5sri;r,KiS!S5',srs;".'.S'„ ' *•. m'^b <i™ir ■» m. p-iJ-. riM,,„, 

at Ycsk, bni ihu how sthGoxi thm FhiiIIh miiv II'k one, aaying thai he would not break hia word 

' ssi'Sr;:s-iE,i:ls!sr!,?K;;,"'.l:; ■••tajoungm... Atiut.Qu«DHiid.pric, 

' 'w (icai KluKil orFMda^Mnbuil t;>\' T. ii: having Aral sent the great of the kingdom, 

toiiowed hoB«i BBifmftrtMfri.ii ..nil:-, sought the king in person, in order to secure 

- - ■ Dinrh ik^'ii'il "'^ bishopric for her own clerk. Aa be re- 

•iHi u chuis- ceived her demand most graoionsly. aaying, 
,_7j';^~~^~~]J "nMilii'iii vm I ''"* ''* '■*''''or would nor could refuse her any 
Wis irftfiiiwifiwi" i thing, but that ba oootd nerer fbrytTS himaelf 


Mold he deeeiye the yoang clerk, she did aa all 
timen do when they aeek to bend their hus- 
md'a will to their own caprices. Dissembling 
er passion, and softening her big roice, she 
LroTe to coax and wheedle the unshakeable 
Mil of the emperor into compliance, saying — 
Dear prince, my lord, why throw away the 
ishopric on this child? 1 beseech you, my 
veetest lord, my glory, and my support, to 
estow it on my clerk, your faithful servant I^ 
\ea the young man whom Charles had placed 
lose by him behind the curtain, in order that 
le might hear the solicitations of vdthe suitors, 
lisping the curtain and the kng together, 
hod out in imploring tone — * Stina firm, lord 
Ling, and suffer not the power ^rhich God has 
'onfided to thee to be wrested frum thy hands.* 
Then this courageous friend of truth ordered 
lim to show himself, and r^id, *Take the 
>ishopnc, and see that thou sr^dest before me 
ind before thyself into the other world, greater 
dms and a better provision frr that long jour- 
ley, whence there is no return/ '** 

However, whatever might be Charles's pre- 
'ereoce for strangers, and literary men of mean 
condition, his endless wars xiAde the men of the 
[rermaa stock too necessary to him, for him to 
)ecome altogether Roman. German was the 
aoguage which he commonly spoke ; and he 
iTen wished, like Chilperic, to frame a German 
grammar, and had a collection made of the old 
lational songs of the Germans.f His object 
nay have been to arouse the patriotism of his 
loldiers, just as, in 1813, Germany, not recog- 
nising herself when she awoke, sought herself 
n the Nibelungen. Charlemagne always wore 
he German dress.} Perhaps, it would have 
>een impolitic for him to have presented him- 
self in any other garb to his soldiers. 

Here, then, we see him strenuously affectinff 
a renew the empire — often speaking Latin,^ 

* MoDBcli. 8uq(sll. 1. 1. e. 3, iqq.— See, also, in the fifth 
:b«pter of the laine r/riter, an atnnsiog account of a poor 
n%B who waa in Uke manner preferred by Charies to a rich 

t Eginh. In Kar. M . c. SO. Barbara et antlqnlMinia car- 
nina, qnibos vf^rxun rognm acta* ac bella canebantnr, 
cripsit, memcrisqiie nandaiit. Inchoavit et smnimatl- 
.hta patrii Mmonlaw According to Eginhard, (c. 14,) Charle- 
nagne gave the months signiflcant names in German, (as 
vinter month, mod month, itc.;) but, as M. Gnizot ob- 
^rres, we And similar appellattons osed by i^uions German 
latinas before Charlemaijp>e*s time. 

t ** When the Franks, fighting in the midst of the Oanls, 
taw the latter clad in gay cloaks, of different colors, taken 
irlth the novelty, they fbrsook their own for tlie Frankish 
;ostame. The serere emperor, who thought tlie latter fitter 
nr war, did not oppose the change ; bat when he saw ttie 
PriMMis taking advantage of It to sell the little short cloaks 
It as high a nice as they were ased to sell the large ones, 
)e ordeied that only very Ions and wide cloaks shoald be 
wQght of them, and at the ordinary price. * Of what use,* 
aid he, * are these little cloaks Y la bed they won't cover 
oe ; on horseback, they screen me neither from the ndn 
MMT die wind ; and WMn I satisfy the calls of nature, my 
imbn are fimen.* ** M onaeh. SanjpUl. 1. 1. e. 96. 

"S l^nh. In K^x. If . e. SS. ** He so mastered Latin, as to 
vay indUfcrestiy It it or his native tongne ; Greek he nn- 
ierstood better than he spoke it**— PoeU Saxon. I. v. ap. 
3cr. R. Fr. v. 17»— 

.... Solitos llngoA sspe et orare LatlnA, 
N«e Gfce* fvoms atseiiu eztUant. 

and forming his staff of officers on the model of 
that of the imperial ministers. Nothing can 
be more imposing than the picture left us by 
Hincmar of Charlemagne^s administration. 
The general assembly of the nation, regularly 
held twice a year, deliberated, (the churchmen 
and the laymen, in separate bodies)— on the 
matters laid before it by the king. They then 
met in committee ; with a master, whose sole 
desire was to gain correct information. Four 
times a year, proyincial assemblies were held, 
with missi daminici (royal commissioners) as 
presidents. These missi were the eyes of the 
emperor — the quick and faithful messengers 
who, incessantly trarersing the empire, re- 
formed and denounced eyery abuse. Under 
them, the counts presided oyer inferior assem- 
blies, in which they rendered justice, assisted 
by the boni homines^ jurymen chosen among 
the landed proprietors. Under these, again, 
were other assemblies, as those of the yicars or 
viscounts, and of the centenaries or goyerhors 
of hundreds ; what do I sayr-the humblest be- 
neficed clergyman, and the oyerseers of the 
royal farms^ held courts like the counts.* 

Assuredly this apparent order leaves nothing 
to be desired. There is no want of forms. A 
more regular system of goyemment cannot be 
imagined. Yet it is clear that the general as- 
semblies were not general. It is not to be 
supposed that the missi, counts, and bishops, 
ran twice a year after the emperor, in the dis- 
tant expeditions from which he dates his ca- 
pitularies ; that one while they scale the Alps, 
another, the Pyrenees — equestrian legislators 
who must have passed their lives in galloping 
from the Ebro to the Elbe. Still less could 
the people have followed him. In the marshes 
of Saxony, and in the marches of Spain, Italy, 
and Bavaria, these were only hostile, or con- 
quered populations. If the word people, in 
this case, be not a fiction, it signifies the army ; 
or else a few notables who accompanied the 
'nobles and bishops, &c., represented the great 
nation of the Franks, as at Rome the thirty 
lictors represented the thirty curie in the 
camitia curiala. As to the assemblies of the 
counts, the boni homines, the scabini (schceffen)! 
who compose them, are elected by the count 
with the approbation of the people, and are re- 
moveable at his pleasure. They are no longer 
the old Germans judging their equals ; but 
rather resemble the poor decurions, presided 
over and directed by an imperial agent. The 
sad image of the Roman empire is summoned 
up again in this early decay of the empire of 
the barbarians. Yes, the empire is restored ; 
only too well restored. The count sits in the 
seat of the duumvir, the bishop calls to oar 
mind the defensor civiiatis, and the herimans, 
(men of th0 army,) who forsake their properly 

* Capital, aan. 810t e. 9, apw 8er. R. Vr. y. 

ex Adarardi'Ubro, (edltT'lMSy p. 908, 8M.' 
t Compare Savigny and Giiwi 


iTenr'-^ha afylum of 


in order to withdraw themselves from the over- 
whelming obligations which it imposes on them, 
stand in the place of the Roman curiales* — 
those free proprietors, whose only safety con- 
sisted in deserting their property and in flying, 
or in turning soldiers or priests, and whom the 
law was unable to confine to their homes. 

The desolation of the empire is here repro- 
duced. The enormous price of com and cheap- 
ness of cattle are clear proofs that the land 
remains in pasture.f Slavery, mitigated, it 
is true, is greatly increased. Charlemagne 
gratifies his master, Alcuin, with a farm of 
twenty thousand slaves.^ The nobles daily 
force the poor to give themselves up to them, 
body and goods. Slavery is an asylum where 
the freeman daily takes refuge. 

No legislative genius could have stayed 
society on the rapid hill down which it was 
descending. Charlemagne could only confirm 
the laws of the barbarians. " When he had 
taken the name of emperor,*' says Eginhard, 
*' he designed to fill up omissions in the laws, 
to correct them, and to make them consistent 
and harmonious. But all he did was to add 
some articles, which nevertheless were im- 

Generally speaking, the capitularies are ad- 
ministrative laws — civil and ecclesiastical ordi- 
nances. They contain, it is true, a considera- 
ble mass of legislation, which seems intended 
to supply the omissions alluded to by Eginhard ; 
but, perhaps, these acts, though all bearing 
Charlemagne's name, are only repetitions of the 
capitularies of the ancient Frankish kings. It 
is unlikely that the Pepins, that Clotaire II., 
and Dagobert, should have left so few capitu- 
laries ; and that Brunehault, Fredegonda, and 
Ebroin, should have leA none. I That must 
have happened to Charlemagne which would 
have occurred with respect to Justinian, had 
all the monuments of Roman law, previous to 
his time, been lost — the compiler would have 
been taken for the legislator. This conjecture 
derives confirmation from the striking differ- 
ences of language and form presented by the 
1 capitularies. 

The original portion of the capitularies is the 
administrative, which provides for the wants of 
society according to the conjuncture. It is im- 

* Tlie CQiisl waa to have at least twenty-five acres of 
land ; the heriman from thirty-six to forty-eight. 

t **One ox, or six bashels of wheat, were worth two 
■oas. Five oxen, or a single robe, or thirty bushels of 
wheat, ten sons. Six oxen, or a cuirass, or thirty-six bash- 
els of wheat, twelve sons.** M. Desmichels, HisLdn Moyen- 
Afe, U. I rely for these prices on the exactitude of tbis 
conselentions writer. But he commits a mistake in refor- 
riiw for proof to the (Ninons of the Ckinncii of Frankfort. 

f Fref. ad Elipand. Epist. 37, ap. Fleury, Hist Eccles. 
1. xlv. e. 17. 

$ Eglnh. in Kar. M. c. 99. Post suiceptnm iniperlale no- 
nea, enm adverteret multa legibus populi sol deesse, (nam 
Fkaael doas habent leges pturimis in locls valde diversas,) 
cogitavlt qua deerant addere, et discrepantia unire, pra^ 
quooue ac perperam prolata corrigere. Bed de his niml 
•Und ab eo fhetum est, quam qw^ paoea capltoia, et ea 
imperfecta, leglbus addidit. 

H 8w the Recneil de Baloae. 

possible not to admire the activity, though fruit- ' 
less, of that government which made every 
effort to reduce to some degree of order the . 
immense disorder of such an empire, and to in- 
troduce some degree of unity into an heteroge- 
neous whole, all whose parts tended to isolate 
themselves and fly off from each other. The 
large share occupied by canonical legislation* 
shows, although we derive the knowledge from 
no other source, that the priests had a principal 
hand in all this ; and the fact is rendered plainer 
still, by the moral and religious counsels with 
which the laws abound. They reflect the pedan- 
tic tonef of the Visigoth laws, made, as is well 
known, by the bishops. Charlemagne, like the 
Visigoth monarchs, gave the bishops an inquisi- 
toriid power, by investing them with the right 
of pursuing criminals within the boundaries of 
their dioceses. A few passages of the capitu- 
laries, condemnatory of the abuses of the epis- 
copal privileges, cannot invalidate our belief in 
the supremacy of the clergy during this reign. 
They may have been dictated by priests attach- 
ed to the court, by chaplains, and by the central 
clergy, naturally jealous of the local power of 
the bishops. The friend of Rome, and sur- 
rounded by priests like Leidrad, and so many 
others who considered episcopacy equivalent to 
retirement from the world, Charlemagne would 
naturally concede much to this untitled clergy 
who composed his ordinary council. 

The feeling of Byzantine and Gothic pedan- 
try, observable in the capitularies, is conspicu- 
ous in all Charlemagne's conduct relative to 
matters of doctrine. He ordered a long letter 
to be written in his name to the heretic Felix 
of Urgel, who, with the church of Spain, main- 
tained that Jesus, as man, was simply the adopt- 
ed son of God. In his name, too, appeared the 
famous Caroline books against the adoration of 
images.^ Three hundred bishops condemned 
at Frankfort, what three hundred and fi(\y bish- 
ops had just approved of at Nice.^ The men 
of the West, who struggled in the Morth against 
Pagan idolatry, necessarily denounced image 
worship ; while those of the East justified it 
through hatred of the image-breaking Arabs. 
The pope, who coincided with the Eastern 

* See Gnizot, 31« lef on. 

t Numerons examples might be cited. — Capital, ann. 802, 
ap. Scr. R. Fr. v. 650. " It has been thought fit that every- 
one should u.<ie his best endeavors k> ptwerve him^eii' 
wholly the servant of God, according to God's word and 
his baptismal vow, as (kr as his understanding and hU 
strength penult; because our lord the emprror cannot give 
necessary hoed to each separately."— Capital, anni fiUd, 
Ibid. 677. ** Desire mav be either laiyfaible or culpable. 
Laudable, according to the apostle, Itc."— ** Avarice is seek- 
ing what b another's, and giving nothing of one*s own. 
And, according to the apostfe, it is the root of all eviln. 
They follow base lucre, who seek by fraud of every kind, 
for tne sake of gahi, to heap up all manner of things dis- 

t CaroL librl li. c. SI. ** God alone, fherfibm «• •» i« 
worshipped, adored, and glorified, of whom u i» sposen oy 
the prophet—* His name alone is to be exalted,* kx." 

$ (This was the seventh general council — but second of 
Nice — held ▲. d. 787, for the restoration of images. I'he 
council of Frankfort against image-worship, was held sevea 
yean aAerwaidi, ▲.!». 794.)— TBAmi*4Toa. 


WEAKNESS OF THE EMPIRK ChariemafM's prophwf. 125 

hriatiaas, durst not speak out in opposition to 
harlecnagne; and manifested equal prudence 
hen the French church, in imitation of that 
r Spain, added to the Nicene creed that the 
[oly Ghost proceeds from the Son, (Fiiioque,) 
I well as from the Father. 

While Charlemagne is lecturing on theology, 
reamiog of the Roman empire, and studying 
rammar, the power of the Franks is quietly 
rumbling away. Oharlemagne^s young son 
aring, in his kingdom of Aquitaine, either 
lirough weakness or a sense of justice, given 
p and restored all that Pepin* had laid violent 
ands on, incurs his father^s displeasure ; still 
e only did that voluntarily which was taking 
ilace of itself. The work of conquest was 
iiturally going to pieces ; men and lands gradu- 
.Uy slipped away from the monarches hands 
ato those of the nobles, and, particularly, of the 
'ishops, that is to say, of the local authorities 
rho were soon to constitute the feudal republic. 

Abroad, the empire manifested a similar de- 
ay. In Italy, its efforts against Beneventum 
ind Venice had been fruitless. In Germany, 
t had retreated from the Oder to the Elbe, and 
iuffered the Slaves to divide its power. And, 
ndeed, how could it forever contend and strug- 
^e with new enemies? Beyond the Saxons 
ind the Bavarians Charlemagne had found the 
slaves, and then the Avars ; beyond the Lorn- 
>ards, the Greeks ; beyond Aquitaine and the 
Sbro, the caliphate of Cordova. This cincture 
>f barbarians, which he conceived to be single, 
ind which he at first broke through, doubled 
ind tripled itself before him ; and when his 
irms dropped down through weariness, then 
here appeared, with the Danish fleets, that 
estless and fantastic image of the Northern 
vorld, which had been too much forgotten. 
These, the true Germans, come to demand a 
eckoning from those bastard Germans who have 
umed Romans, and who call themselves the 

One day that Charlemagne happened to be in 
I city of Narbonnese Gaul, some Scandinavian 
larks boldly entered the port for plunder. Some 
ook them for Jewish or African, others for 
British merchants ; but Charles recognised who 
hey were by the speed of their vessels. ** Those 
ire not merchants," he exclaimed, ** but cruel 

* I eoseelvs tfiat this Is the view to be taken of that 
Uapidatioa of his domain, with which Charlemagne re- 
foaehes his son. This domain most have been constructed 
at of the robberies of eonqoest. Tlie scnipaloos character 
€ Louis, and the lestltntlons which, at a later period, he 
nade to other nations which had been lU-tieated by the 
'kaalBs, aatboriie tlds Interpretation of his conduct in 
Li|vliaiBe. The fhUowlng is the text of the contemporary 
listotian : la tantom latins, ut antea nee In antlqnls llbris 
lee in modemls temponbos audltnm est, ut villas regias 

Cenat et avl et triuvl (Pepin and Charles Martel) 
ibos svto mdldlt eas in possesriones sempitemas .... 
^tdtt eoiB hoe dl« tempore. ThefUBS, de Gestis Lndov. 
PtI, c 19, ap. 0er. R. Ft. vL 7& 

enemies.'' As soon as pursued, they disap~ 
peared. But the emperor, rising from tablet 
stationed himself, says the chronicler, at the 
window looking towards the East, and remained 
there a long time with his face bathed in tears. 
No one durst question him, but, turning to the 
nobles around him, he said, ** Do you know, my 
faithful friends, the reason of these bitter tears ? 
Certes, I can have no fear of injury from these 
wretched pirates ; but I deeply mourn that they 
should dare, in my lifetime, all but to land on 
these shores, and I am overcome with agony 
of grief when I foresee all the mischief they 
will do to my successors and their subjects.*'* 

Thus the fleets of the Greeks, Danes, and 
Saracens are already prowling round the em- 
pire, as the vulture hovers over the dying in 
expectation of his corpse. Once, two hundred 
armed barks fall upon Frisia, lade themselves 
with booty, and disappear. Nevertheless, Char- 
lemagne ** collected men" to repulse them. On 
the occasion of another invasion, '* the emperor 
assembles men in Gaul and in Germany,"! and 
builds in Frisia the town of Esselfeld. Un- 
happy athlete — he slowly moves his hand to bis 
wounds, to parry blows already received. 

** Godfried, king of the Normans, promised 
himself the empire of Germany, and looked 
upon Frisia and Saxony as his own. He had 
already subdued his neighbors, the Abotrites, 
and compelled them to pay tribute. He even 
boasted that at the head of a numerous army he 
would soon visit the king in his court of Aix-la- 
Chapelle. However vain and empty these 
threats might be, they were not altogether dis- 
believed ; and it was supposed that he would 
have made some attempt of the kind, had he 
not been cut off by a premature death."! 

The aged empire proposes to protect nerself. 
Armed Inirks defend the mouths of the rivers ; 
but how fortify the whole coast 1 He who has 
dreamed of unity, is, like Diocletian, obliged to 
divide his dominions in order to provide for 
their safety; to one of his sons he intrusts 
Italy ; to another Germany ; to a third, Aqui- 
taine. But every thing is against Charlemagne. 
His two eldest die ; and he is forced to leave 
this weak and immense empire in the pacific 
hands of a saint. 

* Mon. Bangall. 1. 11. c SS. Scitls, O fideles mei, 

quid tantopera ploraverim T Non hoc timeo quod isti nngis 
mihl aliqnid nocere prwaleant; nimium eontrlstor quod, 
me vivente, ausl sunt Uttus istnd attingere ; et maxlmo do- 
lore torqoeor, quia prevideo quanta inala poslerls meis et 
eomm sint ftictnrl snIOectls. 

t Annal. Franc ad ann. 810t ap. Scr. R. Fr. v. 50. Nvn- 
tlum accepit classem cc. navium de Nortmannli Frisiam 

appulisse Missis In oomes circumqnaoue reglones ad 

oonipregandum exereltnm nuntlls. .... Ibid ad. ann. 800. 
Cumque ad hoc pw Galliam atque Germanlam homines 
eongretisset .... 

1 Epnh. In Kar. Bf. c. 14. Godefridus adeo vanA spo 
Inllatns erat, ut totius slU Germanla promitteiet ptoiesta- 
tem, Jfcc— Bee, also, Annal. Flranc. ap. Scr. R. It. v. JS7. 
Hanaaaa. CoDtnd. lUd. 800. 




Tnc dinnptioD and dirorcB of the helero- 
geneous pirta which conatituted the vui whole 
of the empire, trere to be conBummsted under 
the rule of Louis the Debonoaire, (the meek,) 
or niiich ia the more faithful translation of his 
name, of Saint Louis. Thete rarious parts 
•uffered from thrir union ; the evil to which it 
gave risebeingtheobligationit imposed of keep- 
ing up one immense war, so (hat the [eventcs 
sustained in one part were felt in thoas most 
diatinl from it — ihe disasters of Austmsia 
shaking the banks of the Loire. This was the 
iBsult of the tjrannouB effort to bring abnut a 
premature centralization ; and the nearer Char- 
lemagne attained this end, the more intolemble 
was the ^erance. No doubt Pepin, and his 
father — 0/ the tmitlC$ hammer, had rained hard 
blows on the nations ; but, at least, they had 
not undertaken lu reduce them, discordant as 
they still were, to this insufferable unity — which, 
at first, however, was simply administrative, 
though Charlemagne was contemplating to ren- 
der it legislative : while his son affected unity 
in matters of religion by naming Benedict of 
Aniane to be reformer of the monasteries of the 
empire, and to btiog them all back to the rule 
of St. Benedict. 

An expiring world always breathes its last 
and expiates its fanltc in the arm* of a saint — 
this i« an invariable law of history. The purest 
of the race has to bear their faults, and the 
punishment devolves on the innocent, whose 
crime is the carrying an of a system condemned 
to perish, and the cloaking with his virtues the 
long-continued injasiice that oppresses his peo- 
ple. Advantage is taken of one man's virtue, 
lo revenge the social wrongs of a nation '. 'Tis 
an odious means ; and, in the case of Louis the 
Debonnaire, it was parricide — since his children 
headed the different races, who sought lo sepa- 
rate themselves from the empire. 

The hapless beiog who lends his life to this 
immolation of a social world — whether he be 
called Louis the Debonnaire, Charlos the First, 
or Louis the Siiteenth — is, however, not al- 
ways free from reproach. His fate would be 
Idsb touching were be less mortal. No, he is 
A man of Seshand blood like ourselves — tender- 
boarted, weak-willed, desiring good, sometimes 
committing evil, unbounded in his repentance, 
tntsting thoae who surround him, and betrayed 
bjr them. 

The Saint Louis of the ninth oentory,* like 

* There li i ttn|ni1sf i«aeinbLuicfl between the potrftlli 
Ml ubrhlmlorVDrLoata lbs DebimDelte —-■-"" ' —'- 
" The enperof ibjI 1ob£ handa, Binighl 

rindei lifi. uid hn (M." Theaan __ 

ru, e. ID, up. Set. R. Pr. tl. 78.— "Loali (8L Lcnli) •» 
tkik. eleifeder, meeiver, or foul knflh, ud of anfenc look 
sal antiau raanieaUKe." BsllubeBl. aoi. ap. BMmar, 
Oeichkhle ds HohesMnf^s. I*. STl.— Both Hihiloiuly 
nr ISBjhler. " Never dtd the eupenr 

' his successor of the thirteenth, was reared in ; 
the thoughts of a holy war. While still young, , 
he headed many expeditions against the Span- 
ish Saracens, and took from them the important 
city of Barcelona, after a two year*' siege. 
Educated by St. Gulielmus, of Toulouse, jusi 
as St. Louis was by Blanche of Castile, he 
mingled in his religion, like him, the fervor of 
the south with the candor of the north. 

His inslractors, the priests, sacoeeded better 
with him than they wished. Their pupil wga 
more a priest than they, and, in his intractable 
virtue, began by reforming his maatera. He 
would reform the bishops — no more arms, 
horses, or spurs.* He would reform the monas- 
teries — and so subjected them tu the scrutiny 
of the severest of monks, St. Benedict of Ani- 
ane, who found the Benedictine rule itself only 
calculated for babes and sucklings-t The netv 
king dismissed to their monasteries Adalhard 
and Wala,{ two clever and intriguing nonba, 

njDielnt. Khen Jnim uid bnflboi 
placed M hl> utile to ainiKe ( 

■how hW whtir Irvth." Thrgnn. 

iven .nllUig » ms ID 
.— Wlih re^rd to Ok 

Ox luie deUre wu dliplnyed by Mil uiau, to leimi 

* ^tmoirt V[u Lndov. ni. c K, Ip. Bcr. R. t 
101. Tunc cnperanl deponl ab epUcofili el clerlcU cii 

veilei. •ed Bi ulcaAi uloi nu 

refonnen of .\b)*ih. wen cosflnned (in 811) by Ihe ti 
" ' " [.|a-Chape1le. Pmn (hit epoch ire may dnie 

d load and heuqr laoil 







The barbarians tnbmit Uiair 
duputai to hia arbitmtioo. 


grandsons of Charles Martel, who had governed 
Charlemagne in his latter years. The imperial 
palace had its reform likewise. Louis expelled 
his father's concubines, and his sisters* lovers, 
and his sisters themselTes.* 

The people, oppressed by Charlemagne, found 
in his son an opright judge, ready to decide 
against himself. When king of Aquitaine, he 
had attended to the claims of the Aquitanians, 
and had reduced himself to such poverty, says 
the historian, that he had no more any thing to 
give, hardly even his blessing.f As emperor, 
he listened to the complaints of the Saxons, and 
restored them the right of succession,^ at tlie 
same time depriving the bishops, the governors 
of the country, of the tyrannical power of dis- 
posing of inheritances at their pleasure. The 
Spanish Christians, who had taken refuge in 
the Marches, had been despoiled by the imperial 
nobles and lieutenants of the possessions allotted 
to them by Charlemagne ; but Louis promul- 
gated an edict by which they were confirmed 
in their rights.^ He respected the principle of 
episcopal elections, constantly violated by his 
fiither, and suffered the Romans to choose, 
without applying to him, popes Stephen IV. 
and Pascal 1. 1 

Thus, this inheritance of conquests and of 
spoliations falls into the hands of a simple and 

* Astrooon. e. 9L '^ Althoof h natunlly of the mildest 
AqMwUloii, hie anger wee roaaed by the condnet of his sis- 
iciB andfer the petenel roof, — the only blot by which it was 

blemished. He seat trusty frieads to attach f<Hiie 

of froM and insolent IUIb, as gnilty of high treason, until his 
amvaL*^--C. 88. "* With the exception of a few, he had the 
crowd of women in the palace, which was very naroenras, 
lent oC Bnt he allowed his sisters whatever each had re- 
ceived from his Ikther.** 

t AsUonom. c. 7. ** King Loois soon gave a proof of his 
wisdom, as well as displayed the tenderness natural to him. 
He settled that he wonld spend his winters in four diflbrent 
places, and that afler the eipiraUon of three years he would 
wek a new abode for the fourth winter. Tfaieae four places 
vera Dooi, ChasseulU Audiac, and Ebreull. Thus, each, 
ia its tarn, would be enabled to supply the royal requlsi- 
tiotts. In conformitv with this wise plan, he forbade the 
mpplies for the soioiers, vulgarly called federum^ (hnn be- 
lag hoaeeforwani exacted of the peopto. The army was 
dtfcaaientcd. But this man of mercy, taldng into consider- 
ation the wretchedness of those who paid this tax and the 
cruelty of thoee who collected it, and the perdition it en- 
tailed on tmch, preferred maintaining his men out of his own 
Beans, to suflinlng the continuance of so heavy an impost 
on his subjects. At the same Ume, he, of his bounty, re- 
lieved the Alb igenwes ftom a contribution of wine and com. 
.... All this, it is s^d, was so pleasing to his fether, that 
he rimllarly suppressed the military supplies with which 
bis sniijects in Franee were taxed, and ordered many other 
refanns, congratulating his son on his happy beginnings.**— 
See, also, Thegan. de GesUs, *c. 

t Aslrooom. c. 94. flaxonilMis atque Frlsoaibus Jus pa- 
isnae berediiatia, quod sub patie ob perfUttam legallter 

penlideraat, imperatoria restituit dementia Post 

tmc easdem gentee semper siM devotissimas habuit 

$ Diplomat. Lndov. Imperat. ann. 816, ap. 8cr. R. Fr. 

vt 488, 487 ''It is our pleasura that those who 

have been thought worthy of reviving praeepts ftom our- 
seiC or ftom our lord nod mther, should possess of our ftee 
gmoe whatever waste lands they and their followers have 
fBclaioMd. Those who have arrived since, and have com- 
meadad themselves to our counts, or our vesst, or their own 
equals, and have received lands ftom them to dwell upon, 
are to bold them heaeeforward, and leave them to tnetr 
posterity on the same agreement and conditions on which 
ftey toiit them,** Ac 

I AifeoB. c 98. ThMin e. 18, an. Ber. R. Fir. vL 77 

just man, who chose at any cost to make repa- 
ration. The barbarians, who recognised his 
sanctity, submitted their disputes to his arbitra- 
tion.* He sat on the judgment seat, in the 
midst of his people, like an easy and confiding 
father. He went about repairing, comforting, 
and restoring ; and it appeared as if he would 
willingly have given away the whole empi/6 
in making reimbursement 

In this day of restitution Italy put in her 
claim,t and asked for nothing less than liberty. 
The cities, bishops, and people formed one 
common league — under a 1* rankish prince, but 
that matters not. Charlemagne had made Ber- 
nard, the son of his eldest son, Pepin, king of 
Italy. Tiie pupil of Adalhard and Wala, and 
long after his accession to the throne a puppet 
in their hands, he laid claim to the empire as 
the heir of the eldest born. 

However, the right of the younger brother 
is held by the barbarians to be preferable to 
that of the nephew.^ Besides, Charlemagne 
had appointed Louis his successor, and had 
consulted his nobles one by one, and obtained 
their recognition of his choice.^ Bernard 
himself, indeed, had recognised his uncle as 
emperor ;|| and custom, his father^s will, and, 
finally, election, were all in favor of the latter. 

Bernard, therefore, deserted by the greater 
portion of his own dependents, was obliged to 
avail himself of the promises of the empress 
Hermengarde, who offered her mediation. He 
delivered himself up at Ch&lons sur Sa6ne, and 
denounced all his accomplices : one of whom 
had formerly plotted against the life of Charle- 
magne.^ Bernard and the rest were condemned 
to death ; but the emperor would not consent 
to their execution.** Hermengarde at last in- 

* Several Danish chiefii who claimed to succeed to God- 
ftied choM him as arbiter between them. lie decided hi 
fuvor of Harold. 

t Bemard*s attempt against his uncle Is the first essay 
made by Italy to free herself ftom the barbarians. " All the 
clttOH and princes of Italy conspired together, and agreed to 
guard and block up all the passes.** Astronom. c. SO. See, 
alffo, Eginh. Annal. ap. Scr. R. Fr. vi. 177. 

X They prefer fur king a man to a child, and, generally, 
the unrle It a man, is u»f/tU (as was the phrase of thoss 
days) long before the nephew. 

^ Thegan. c 6. ** When he felt that his last hour drew 
nigh, be summoned his son Louis, with all his army, bish- 
ops, abbots, chiefs, counts, and lieutenants he theu 

questioned all ftt>m the highest to the lowest, whether they 
were willing that he should name his son Louis emperor 
sHer him. They all answered that such was clearly (iiod*i 
will.'*— He aim consulted Alcuin at the tomb of St. Martin 
of Tours. ** On which spot, holding Albinus by the hand, 
he says secretly— * Sir master, which of my sons seema 
fittest to succeed to those honors which God has bestowed 
on me, however unworthy of them V But he, looking to 
Ixmls, the youngest, but dlsUnguished by his humility, for 
which he was despised of many, says, ' The lowly Iioida 
will be thy best successor.* ** Acta SB. Ord. S. Bened. see. 
iv. p. 156. 

II Thegan. c. 13. Venlt Bemhardus . . . . et fidelltaten 
el cum juramento promisit 

IT Eginh. Annal. ap. Scr. R. Fr. vl. 177. **The heads of 

this conspiracy were and Reglnhair, count Megla- 

hair*s son, whose grandfiither, on the mother's side, Hardra 
dus, had formerly conspired in Germany against the emperor 
Charles, together with many nobles of that province." 

** Astronom. c. 30. Cum lege Judlcioque Fkancomm 
deberent capitall invectlone feriri, suppresM tristi<»i sea- 
MBtift, ImlaUms oihail eosnsuiit, Iket nultki oboheiitlhaib 


He marries Judith, ilauitbtar 
ufeount VV«lf. 





duced him to consent to Bernard^s being de- 
prived of sight ; bat had the operation performed 
in such a manner that he died of it in three 

Italy was not solitary in this movement. All 
the tributary nations had taken op arms. The 
Slaves of the north bad the Danes to support 
them ; those of Pannonia counted upon the 
Bulgarians ; the Basques of Navarre extended 
their hand to the Saracens ;* and the Bretons 
relied upon themselves. These insurrections 
were all quelled. The Bretons saw their coun- 
try completely occupied, perhaps for the first 
time.; the Basques were defeated, the Saracens 
repulsed, the Slaves were overcome and com- 
pelled to serve against the Danes, and one of 
the Danish kings even embraced Christianity. 
Louis founded the archbishopric of Hamburgh ; 
and a bishop, whose metropolitan was the arch- 
bishop of Reims, was given to Sweden. f It 
is true that these first conquests of Christianity 
were not lasting ; and his sul^ects rose up and 
expelled the Christian king of the Danes. 

Up to this period, Louis's reign, it must be 
acknowledged, iloarished in strength and in 
justice. He had maintained the integrity of 
the empire, and extended its influence. The 
barbarians feared his arms, and venerated his 
sanctity. Fortune being all smiles, the soul 
of the saint was soAened, and he discovered 
that he had human wants. His wife being 
dead, he invited, it is said, the daughters of the 
nobility of his empire, and chose the most 
beautiful. t In Judith, daughter of count Welf, 
was blended the blood of the nations most odious 
to the Franks. Her mother was a Saxon, her 
father a Bavarian — one of that people who 
were allied with the Lombards, and who had 
summoned the Slaves and Avars into the em- 
pire.^ Leamed,|| says history, even too learned, 

et anlmadverti In eos toti severilate lefAli cnpientllms.— 
The|aii. ibid. 79. Jndiciam inortale impemlor eiercere 
noluit; sed consiliaiii Berahardom lomlnlbat privimnt. 
.... Bemhardns obiit " On bearing of Bemard^s death,*' 
np the chronicler, *' the emperor wept long and bitterly.*' 

* Astronom. c 37. Eglnh. Annal. ap. Scr. R. Fr. vi. 185. 

t B. Anscharli Vita, ibid. 305. In civitate Hammabuig 
•edem consUtolt archieptscopalem. — Ibid. 306. Ebo (archiep. 
Rementis) qoerodam .... pontiflcall insignitum honore, 
ad partes direxit Sneoniun, Ifcc 

X Aftronom. c. 80. Undecnnqne addnctan pmcernm fillas 
inaplciena, Judith . . . Thegan. c. 90. Arcepii fillam Welil 
dncla, qni erat de nobiliaaima atirpe Bavaromm, et nomen 
Virginia Jndlth, qom erat ex parte matris nobiiiadmi ge- 
nem Saxonici, eunqae reginam eonstitait Erat enim pul- 

ehra valde Bishop Frienlf wrote to her : ** As to 

penonal charms, yon excel every queen whom it has been 
the lot of my humble self to see or hear of." Scr. R. Fr. 

$ Bee above. Besides, they had been allies of the Aqni- 
tanian, Hnnald. 

11 See the dedicatory epistles of the celebrated Rabaaus 
of Fulda, and of Bishop Friculf. The latter writes, '* When 
I learnt the copiousness of your erudition in divine and hu- 
man learning, I was amased." Scr. R. Fr. vL 355, 356.— 
See, also, the Verses of Walaflld, Ibid. ~ ~ 

" Organa dulcisooo percurrlt pectine Judith. 
O si Sappho loanax, vel nos Invisaret Hdda 

Lndere iam pettibus 

Uuidquid entm tiMmet sexfts rabtraxit egestaa, 
Reddidit Ingeniis culta atqoe exercita vita.** 

(JndUh mas ov« tha oi|m with swiottly 


she brought her husband under the influence of 
the elegant and polished natives of the south 
Louis was already well inclined to the Aquita 
nians, among whom he had been brought up 
Bernard, the son of his old preceptor, St. Guli 
elmus of Toulouse, became his favorite, am 
still more the favorite of the empress. A beau 
tiful and dangerous Eve, she degraded an( 
ruined her husband. . 

Afler this fall, Louis, weaker, because he ha< 
ceased to be pure ; more human and more sen 
sitive, because he was no longer a saint, opene( 
his heart to fears and scruples. He felt him 
self sunk — virtue had gone out of him, H< 
beg^n to repent of his severity towards hi: 
nephew Bernard, and towards the monks Wal: 
and Adalhard — whom, however, he had onl; 
dismissed to the performance of their duties 
His heart yearned for relief. He asked an< 
was allowed to submit to public penance. Sinc> 
Theodosius, this was the first time that thi 
great spectacle of the voluntary humiliation o; 
an all-powerful man had been witnessed. Th 
Merovingian kings, after committing the great 
est crimes, had contented themselves wit! 
founding religious houses. Louisas penitcne 
may be deemed the new era of morality — th 
advent of conscience. 

But the brutal pride of the men of the da; 
blushed for royalty, and for its humble admis 
sion of its weakness and mortality. They con 
ceived that he who had bowed his head befor 
the priest would be unfit to command warriors 
The empire, likewise, appeared degraded an 
disarmed by the act ; and the flrst beginning 
of its inevitable dissolution were ascribed to th 
weakness of a monarch who had figured as 
penitent. In 820, thirteen Norman vessels rav 
aged the coast for three hundred leagues, an 
amassed such quantities of booty, that to mak 
room for it, they were obliged to release th 
prisoners they had made.* In 824, the Fran 
army having invaded Navarre, was defeated a 
Koncesvalles. In 829, apprehensions wer 
entertained that the Normans, whose leas 
barks were so formidable, would attempt an io 
vasion by land, and the people were ordered t 
be ready to march en masse. i Thus the publi 
discontent gained ground. The nobles and bisli 
ops encouraged it. They accused the eraperoi 
and abo the Aquitanian, Bernard. They wer 
confined and circumscribed by the central powei 
and longed to break in upon the unity of th 
empire. Each wished to be king in his ow 

O ! if the eloquent Sappho or Holda should visit u»-h 

dance whatever thou hast lost by thy sax 

weakness, thou hast gained in mental cultivatioa and aii 

Annal. Met ibid. SIS. *'She was too beautiftil, ai 
adorned with all the flowers of wisdom.'* 

* Astronom. c 33. Eginh. Annal. ap. Scr. R. Ft. i 

t Eginh. Annal. iUd. 18B. Quo nuncio eoomioCBs, all 
is omnes Fraacia ragloBes, at jusslt nt summt ~ 
tota popQli tui amltttado la SsioBia» vwJn^ 


Lothaire eoofinti hit fathar 
ID a momutery. 


TiOthaira iletradei hif (hther, t QQ 
by iniputiiiE public penanoa. -^^v 

C03I8P1RACT or THE IMPER0R*8 SONS. (a. D. 830.) 

Leaders were wanting. The emperor's own 
sons undertook the office. As soon as he as- 
cended the throne, he had given them two fron- 
tier proTinces to govern and defend — to Louis, 
Bavaria ; to Pepin, Aquitaine — the two barriers 
* of the kingdom.* Lothaire, the eldest, was to 
he emperor, with the sovereignty of Italy. 
Wlien Louis had a son by Judith, he gave the 
child, named Charles, the title of king of Ala- 
mania, (Suabia and Switzerland) — a grant which 
operated no change in the possessions of the 
princes, though it greatly altered their hopes. 
They lent their names to the conspiracy of the 
nobles, who refused to march their followers 
against the Bretons, whose ravages Louis was 
anxious to repress, so that the emperor found 
himself deserted and alone. A Frank by birth, 
and leaning for counsel and aid on an Aquita- 
nian, he was supported neither by the north nor 
the south ; and we have already seen a simi- 
larly equivocal position prove the ruin of Brune- 
hault. I lis eldest son, Lothaire, thought him- 
self already emperor, and exiled Bernard, 
imprisoned Judith, and confined his father in 
a monastery — poor old Lear, who found no 
Cordelia among his children ! 

However, neither the nobles nor Lothaire^s 
brothers were inclined to bow the knee to him. 
Emperor for emperor, they preferred Louis. 
The monks, whose prisoner he was, labored to 
effect his restoration. The Franks perceived 
that the triumph of his sons was depriving them 
of the empire ; and the Saxons and i risons, 
who were indebted to him for their liberty, in- 
* terested themselves in his behalf. A diet was 
assembled in Nimcgen, in the midst of the na- 
tions that espoused his cause. *^ All Germany 
hastened to it, to succor the emperor. ^*t Lo- 
1 thaire, in his turn, found himself deserted, and 
I at his father^s mercy. Wala and all the lead- 
f ing conspirators were condemned to death, but 
the good emperor would not have their lives 
taken. { 

However, war is rekindled in the south by 
the Aquitanian Bernard, who had been sup- 
planted in the royal favor by Gondebald, a monk, 
one of those who had effected the liberation of 
Louis. Pepin is persuaded by Bernard to take 
up arms, and the three brothers enter into a 
new conspiracy. Lothaire is attended by the 
Italian, Gregory IV., who fulminates excom- 
munication against all who refuse obedience to 

* Chronic. Molaalac. ibid. 177. Unam BaJoarUe, alteram 

T Astn>noni. c. 45. "The emperor's enemies were anx- 
kna thftt the feneral council nhonld be held somewhere in 
France. But the emperor, distrustlnn the Franks, and con- 
Minf In the Germans, wcretly opposed their plans, and suc- 
ceeded In having it held in Nimef>en** .... "Omnisque 
Gennanla eo eonfliuit, imperatori aozilio ftitnnu** On Louis's 
k pudoatttf his son. the enraf^ people threatened to masm- 
cva boCb ; hot the chief insai|rents were seized, and though 
%■ eondenaied to death he would not suflbr the Judgment to be 
necated.— See, also, Annal. Bertinian. Ibid. 193. 
t AsBoMMB. c M. Cunctis dyudicatis ad m<»tem, vllam 


the king of Italy. The armies of the father 
and sons encounter in Alsace. The pope is 
put forward to parley, and various unexplained 
means are resorted to during the night. In the 
morning the emperor, seeing himself abandon- 
ed by a part of his followers, says to the rest, 
" I do not wish any one to lose his life on my 
account.""* The theatre of this dii«gracefui 
scene was called the Liar's Field. 

Lothaire, again master of the person of Louis, 
wished to conclude the business, and to get rid 
of his father. He was a man who shrank not 
from shedding blood, and had had a brother of 
Bcrnard*s murdered, and his sister thrown into 
the Saune ;t but he feared the public execra- 
tion if he laid parricidal hands on Louis. He 
bethought himself of degrading him by impos- 
ing on him so humiliating a public penance, 
that he would never rise above its effects. Lo- 
thaire^s bishops handed the prisoner a list of 
crimes of which he was to confess himself guil- 
ty. First on the list figured the death of Ber- 
nard, (of which he was innocent ;) next, the 
perjuries to which he had compelled liis people 
by new divisions of the empire ; then the having 
made war in Lent ; then his severity towards 
the adherents of his sons, (whom he had saved 
from capital punishment ;) then the having 
allowed Judith and others to justify themselves 
by oath ; sixthly, the having exposed the king- 
dom to murders, spoil, and sacrilege, by excit- 
ing civil war; seventhly, the having excited 
these civil wars by arbitrary divisions of the 
empire ; and lastly, the having ruined the state, 
which he was bound to defend. ;( 

When this absurd confession was read in the 
church of St. Medard at Soissons, the poor 
Louis disputed no one point, signed the whole, 
humbled himself to the extent of their wishes, 
wept, and besought that he might expiate by 
public penance the scandals which he had 
caused.^ He laid aside his military baldric, 
put on sackcloth ; and his son led him in this 
plight, miserable, degraded, and humiliated, to 
the capital of the empire, to Aix-Ia-Chapelle, 
to the very city in which Charlemagne had him- 
self taken the crown from the altar.|| 

The parricide thought he had killed I^ouis ; 
but a feeling of pity became general throughout 
the empire. The people, miserable as they 
were themselves, yet found tears for their aged 
emperor. It was told with horror how his sod 
had held him down at the altar, weeping, and 

** Thegan. c. 4S. " Saying, ' Go to my sons, I none 
to loNe life or limb for roc.* They \e(i him, with tears.*' 

t Id. c. 53. ** He had her enclosed in a wine-casJc, and 
thrown into the river." 

X Arta Exauctorationis Lud. Pii, ap. Scr. R. Fr. vi. 945. 
— ()f nil these charges, the seventh is the heaviest. It re- 
veals the feeling of the time. It is the voice of that local 
spirit, which seeks henceforward to follow the material and 
fated movement of races, countriq;*, and lanfninpes, and 
which, in every purely political division, sees only violenee 
and tyranny. 

$ Ibid. 346. Pcenitentiam publlcam oxpetiit, quatenw 
Eccleslc, qnam peccando scandalizaverat, posnitcndo satis* 

II Chronic. Moisslac. ap. Scr. R. Fr. ▼. 83. 



Gfloeial fteiinf of pi|7 


New diTWon of the 



sweeping the dost with his hoary locks ; how 
he had inquired into the sins of his father — a 
•econd Ham, exposing to derision his father^s 
nakedness ; how he hkd drawn up his confes- 
sion, and such a confession ! — stuffed with lies 
and calumnies. It was archbishop Hebo, who 
had been brought up with Louis, and was his 
foster-brother— K)ne of those sons of serfs whom 
he loved so well,* who had torn his baldric 
from him, and clad him in sackcloth. But in 
depriving him of his belt and sword, and strip- 
ping him of the dress of tyrants and of nobles, 
they had shown him to the people as one of 
themselves, and both as saint and man. Nor 
was his history any other than that of the bibli- 
cal man. His Eve had ruined him, or, if yon 
will, one of those daughters of the giants who, 
in the book of Genesis, seduce the sons of God. 
Besides, in this marvellous example of suffering 
and of patience, in this 'wronged and spat-upon 
man, who returned blessings for insults, men 
thought they recognised the patience of Job, or 
rather an image of the Saviour — nothing was 
wanting to complete the likeness, neither gall 
nor vinegar. 

So the aged emperor found himself exalted 
by his very humiliation — all avoided the par- 
ricide. Al^ndoned by the nobles, (a. d. 834-5,) 
and unable, this time, to suborn his father^s par- 
tisans,! Lothaire fled to Italy. Sick himself, 

* Thcgan. c. 44. " Hebo, blfhop of Helms, who waa a 
■erf by birth. . . . O, what a retain hast thou made him ! 
He arrayed thee In par|te and in the palliam, tboa hast 

clad him In sackcloth Thy fathers were goat-henls, 

not princes* counselloTB. . . . But the trial of the most pious 
king . . . just like the patience of the blessed Job. They 
who insnlted the blessed Job are said to have been kings ; 
bat they who aflllcted him were his own lawful servants 
and the servants of his fathers All the bishops mo- 
lested him, and chiefly those whom he had raised flrom a 
■ervile condition, toftether with such of the barbarians as 
were simiUurlv honored.** — Id. c. 90. " It had long been a 
mlschievou:! habit to make bbhops of the lowest slaves, 
and this did not hinder, 4cc.'* Then follows a lonf Invec 
five afcalnst upstarts. — Many fkcts prove Louis's predilection 
for the serfs, for the poor, and the conquered races. One 
day he gave the dress he had on to a serf, a Klftzler belong- 
ing to the monastery of Bt. Gall. Alon. Sangall. ad calc. — 
HU Hflection for the Baxons and Aqoitanlnns has been 
Boticrd. In his youth he wore the Aquttanlan dress. ** The 
yonnit liouis, in compliance with his lather's commands, 
which he obKerved with nil hiii heart and to the bent of his 
power, n^iHiired to him to PadcrlMNrn, attended by a company 
of youn^ people of his own age, and attired in the Ciascon 
dress, that is to nay, wearing the little round surtout, a shirt 
with lone sleeves and hanging down to hLi knees, his spurs 
laced on nis bootn, and a javelin In his hand. Buch was the 
king's pleasure and deNlre." Antronom. c. 4.— Mon. Bangall. 
1. il. c. 31. " Moreover, finding himself absent, king Louis 
chose to have the trials of the poorer classes so regulated 
that one of their own order, who, although completely In- 
firm, appeared endowed with superior energy and Intelli- 
gence, was authorized to inquire into their crimes, prescribe 
what rpstllution should be made in cases of theft, order the 
lex talionlH for injuries and deeds of violence, and, taking 
eognlzance even of the most serious matters, should order 
a limb to be struck off, or beheading, or the punishment of 
the gHllows, as the case might require. This Individual 
•ftabllshed dukes, tribunes, and centurions, gave them 
deputies, and discharged with finnness the duties Intrusted 
to him.'* 

t Nithardl Historic, 1. 1. c 4, ap. 8cr. R. Fr. vil. 12. 
*'Bhame and repentance seised all the people for having 
twice depowd the emperor.**— C. 5. " The Franks, having 
twice deserted the emperor, were filled with compunction, 
and refused again to be driven into rebellioD.**— All the na- 
tloni retoraed to their ■lleglaiieew>*Th> peopi* ai w«ll of 

he saw in the course of one year (836) all the 
chiefs of his party die — the bishops of Amiens 
and of Troyes, his father-in-law Hugh, counts 
Matfried and Lambert, Agimbert of Perche, 
Godfried and his son Borgarit — his warden of 
the chase — and numerous others.* Hebo, de- 
prived of the see of Reims, passed the rest of 
his life in obscurity and exile. Wala withdrew 
to the monastery of Bobbio, to the tomb of St. 
Columbanus, (a brother of St. Arnuiph — ^the 
bishop of Metz, and progenitor of the Carlovin- 
gians, had been abbot of this monastery,) and 
died there this very year, which proved so fatal 
to numbers of his party, exclaiming every 
moment, ^^ Why was I born a man of strife and 
discord V^f '^^^ grandson of Charles MartePs, 
this political monk, this factious saint, this 
hard,! ardent, and impassioned man, who had 
'been confined by Charlemagne in a monastery, 
had then been made his counsellor,, and who 
afterwards became all but king of Italy under 
Pepin and Bernard, had the misfortune to lend 
a name, previously unsullied, to the parricidal 
revolts of the sons of Louis. 

However, the Debonnaire, following the same 
counsels as before, did what he could to renew 
the revolt, and to be again deposed. On the 
one hand, he summoned the nobles to restore 
to the churches the estates which they had 
usurped ;^ on the other, he lessened the shares 
of his eldest sons, who, it is true t^ ell deserved 
the loss, and elevated at their expense the son 
of his choice, the son of Judith — Charles the 
Bald. The children of Pepin, who had just 
died, were stripped of their inheritance, and 
Louis the German was reduced to the posses- 
sion of Bavaria alone. All was divided betwixt 
Lothaire and Charles. The aged emperor is 
reported to have said to the first — " See, my 
son, all the kingdom is before thee, divide, and 
let Charles take his choice ; or, if you desire 
the choice, we will make the division.* | Lo- 

France as of Burgundy, and both of Aqnltania and Germany 
united in loud complaints of the mbfortnnes of the emperor, 
itc" Astronom. c. 49. — All were of one accord — undoubt- 
edly, through discontent with Lothaire. that ia, with the 
unity of the empire. Bernard seems to have sided with the 
emperor against his sons, but with Pepin, that Is to say, 
with Aquitanla, even against the emperor. 

* Asironom. c. 56. "It Is marvellous how Lothaire't 
followers were swept o^ dec." " He hiuuielf died not long 

t Acta BS. Ord. B. Bened. sec. I v. p. 453. Vlrum rixB 
virumque dlscordir se progenitum frequenter Ingemuerit — 
Paschasius Radbcrtus, author of the IJfe of Wala, and who 
wrote in the reigns of Louis the Debonnaire and of liis son, 
Charles the Bald, thought it prudent to di^gui^te his person- 
ages under fictitious names. Wala Is railed Jirtnims ; 
AdhalanI, Antoniug ; l/ouls the Debonnaire. Jm»tinimM*$ ; 
Judith, Ju3ti»a; IjOthaire, Honmrius ; liouis the (aerman, 
Gratianua ; Pcpln, JUdaniut ; Bernard of Beptimania, Aiue 
and ^mtMarius. 

X Ibid, passim. — A monk having tried to e«cape fltun the 
monastery in order to avoid some punishment, VVala plaoed 
soldiers at the gates, p. 485. 

^ Annal. Bertinianl, ann. 837, ap. Scr. R. Fr. vl. 19B.— 
Astronom. c. 53. MandavU Pippliio .... res ecclesiastku 
restitui. 8t*e^ also, c. 56. 

II Nithsrd. 1. i. c. 7. Ecce, fill, ut promiseram, regBOBi 
omne coram te est: divide lllud prout libuerit. Quod si ts 
dlvlseris, partium electio Caroll erit. 81 autem oca ilhid 
dlvlMiimus, similiter pulliini electio tna eritw— ^WkM 


CHai1« a id Loob of BaTaria 
attack LoUiain. 


EariiMt monument of the FraoA 
and Gennan toacuaa. 


thaire took the east, Charles was to have the 
west. Louis of Bavaria took up arms to pre- 
vent this treaty^s being carried into execution ; 
and, by a singular change, the father had now 
Prance on his side, and the son Germany. But 
the aged monarch sank under the vexation and 
fatigues of this new war. ** I forgive Louis,** 
he said, " but let him look to himself, who, de- 
spising God^s command, has brought his fa- 
ther's gray hairs to the grave."* The emperor 
died at Ingelheim, in an island of the Rhine, 
near Mentz,f in the centre of the empire— 
whose unity expired with him. 

It was vain to attempt to restore it, as Lo- 
thaire did — and with what means ? With Ita- 
ly, with the Lombards, who had so poorly de- 
fended Didier against Charlemagne, and Ber- 
nard against Louis the Debonnaire ? The 
young Pepin, who attached himself to his for- 
tunes through a spirit of opposition to Charles 
the Bald, brought as his contingent the army of 
Aquitaine, so often defeated by Pepin-le-Bref 
and Charlemagne. Strange, that the men of 
the south, the conquered, the men of the Latin 
tongue, should seek to maintain the unity of 
the empire against Germany and Neustria. 
The Germans only sought independence. 

However, the name of eldest son of the sons 
of Charlemagne, the title of emperor and of 
king of Italy, and the having Rome and the 
pope on one's side, still had their influence. It 
was, then, with humility, and in the name of 
peace and of the Church,^ of the poor and of 
the orphan, that the kings of Germany and of 
Neustria addressed themselves to Lothaire, 
when the armies were in presence at Fontenai 
or Fontenaille, near Auxerre. ** They offered 
to present him with all they had in their army, 
save the horses and arms ; if he did not choose 
to accept this, they offered to cede to him a 
part of both their kingdoms, the one as far as 
.Vrdennes, the other as far as the Rhine; if 
this would not content him, they would divide 
ill France into equal portions, and give him his 
choice. Lothaire answered, according to his 
custom, that he would make known his wishes 
through his messengers. Then sending Drogo, 
Ilu^h, and Heribert, he told them that not hav- 
ing made him such propositions before, he re- 
quired time for consideration. But, in fact, 
Pepin not having arrived, Lothaire desired to 
wait for his coming up."^ 

Lirthaire hsd b^n three days trying to make the division 
and cuald not. he sent Josippas ami Rlcardus to his father, 
prayinf that he would undertake the division, and leave tlie 
rifhi of choice to him .... they professed that he had 
been unable to mnke the division from Ignorance of the 
countries alone. Wherefore his father, being very 111, di- 
vided the whole klncdom, Bavaria excepted, with his sons. 
Lothaire took the floathem portion IVom the Meuve, and 
ojnwnted that Charles should take the West" — Astronom. 
e. M- 

* AwtranniD. c. 64. 

t Nithitrd. 1. 1. c. 8.— Astronom. c 64.'Wandalbertus, in 
Marcrrol. ap. Ser. R. Fr. vl. 71. 

X Nitbaid. 1. 11. c. 9. Memor sit Dei omnipotentis, et cod- 
eadbt paeem flratribm mil ulvtCMDqsA ecctoiia DeL 

f JlllJHuni.LU.e.lOL 

On the next day, at the precise hour of the 
morning they had given Lothaire notice that 
they would attack him, they marched upon him 
and defeated him. To believe the historians, 
the battle was murderous and bloody — so bloody 
that it exhausted the military population of the 
empire, and left it defenceless against the rava- 
ges of the barbarians.* Such a massacre, dif- 
ficult to credit at all times, is particularly so as 
occurring at this period of soAnessf and of ec- 
clesiastical influence. We have already seen, 
and we shall see more clearly still, that the 
reigns of Charlemagne and of his immediate 
successors were exalted in the eyes of the men 
of the deplorable times which followed into an 
heroic epoch — the glory of which they loved to 
heighten by fables as patriotic as they were in- 
sipid. Besides, it was beyond the age to ac- 
count for the depopulation of the west, and the 
decay of military spirit, by political causes. It 
was at once both easier and more poetical to 
suppose that all the brave had perished in one 
bloody fight, and that the cowardly were the 
only survivors. 

The battle was so indecisive, that the con- 
querors were unable to pursue Lothaire ; but, 
on the contrary, in the succeeding campaign, he 
pressed Charles the Bald hard. Charles and 
Louis, ever insecure, contracted a new alliance 
at Strasburg, and endeavored to interest the 
people in it, by addressing them, not in the lan- 
guage of the Church, till then constantly used 
in all treaties and councils, but in the popular 
speech of Gaul and Germany. The king of the 
Germans took his oath in the Romance or 
French tongue ; the king of the French (so 
we may henceforward style the Frankish mon- 
archs) took his in the German. These solemn 
words, pronounced on the bank of the Rhine, 
are the first monument of the nationality of the 
two races. 

Louis, as the eldest, was the first to take the 
oath : — ^** Pro Don amur, et pro christian poblo, 
et nostro commun salvamento, dist di in avant, 

* Annal. Met. ap. Scr. R. Fr. vii. 184. In qu& pngn& Ita 
Franrorum vires attenuate sunt . . . . nt nee ad tuendoa 
proprim Anos in postorum sufficerent. — " In thin bnttie/* 
says another chronicle written in the reign of Philip Augus- 
tus, "almost all the warriors of France, of Aquitaine, at 
Italy, of Geniinny. and of Burgundy, mutually destroyed 
each other." Hist. Reg. i-^ance, 250. 

t The extent of this effeminacy may be inferred from the 
extraordinary moderation which charact^zes the militaiy 
gfimes given at Worms by Charles and Louis. " The mol- 
tiiude clustered all round; and at first, the Baxons, the 
Uascons, the Austraslans, and the Bretons, ranging them- 
selves in equal numbers, on opposite sides, as if ihey were 
aiwut to wage mutual war, ntiloped headlong against each 
other. The one party took night, covering themielves with 
their shields, and feigning to avoid the pursuers ; when 
suddenly wheeling, they became pursuers in their turn, 
until both kings, with all their young men, uttering lood 
shouts, spurring their horses, and brandishing their lances, 
charged and pursued sometimes the one, sometimes the 
other party. It was a flne sight, both from the nupibers of 
the high nobility collected there, and from the muderatioa 
which prevailed. Out of this large multitude, and amidst 
so many of different race, one did not even see what Is often 
seen where the number Is small and the combatants ac- 
quainted— any one daie to woiud or injoxe another.* 

1 oo liolbam talk under eeck- 
AO« ■iartiol onwurai. 



in quant Deus sayir et podir me dunat, si salva- 
itio cist meon fradre itarlo et in adjudha, et in 
cadhuna cosa, si ciim om per dreit son fradre 
•alvar dist, in o quid il mi altre si fazet. Et ab 
Ludher nul plaid numquam prindrai, qui meon 
Tol cist meo fradre Karle, in damno sit." Louis 
haying sworn, Charles repeated the oath, but in 
German : — " In Godes minna indum tes chris- 
tianes folches, ind unser bedhero gebaltnissi, 
fon theseroo dage frammordes, so fram so mir 
Got gewizei indi madh furgibit so hald in tesan 
minan bruodher soso man mit rehtu sinan bru- 
der seal, inthui thaz er mig soso ma duo ; indi 
mit Lutheren inno kleinnin thing ne geganga 
she minan Tvillon imo ce scadhen vverhen."* 
The oath taken by the people of the two coun- 
tries, each in their rernacular tongue, is as fol- 
lows in the Romance language : — *^ Si Lodhu- 
Tigs sagrament que son fnidre Karlo jurat, 
consenrat, et Karlus meos sendra de suo part 
Don los tanit, si io returnar non lint pois, ne io 
DO nuels cui eo returnar int pois, in nuUa ad- 
judha contr^ Lodhuwig nun lin iver.^f 

This oath is as follows, in the German : — 
** Oba Karl then eid then er sineno bruodher 
Ludhuwige gessuor geleistit, ind Luduwig min 

nes irrwenden ne m&gy nah ih, nah there, noh 
hein then ih es irrwenden mag, yrindhar Karle 
imo ce foUusti ne wirdhit." 

" The biihops," adds Nithard,^ " declared 
that Lothaire had fallen under the just judg- 
ment of God, who had transferred his kingdom 
to the most worthy. But they did not author- 
ize either Charles or Louis to take possession 
of it, until they had inquired of them whether 
they would reign afler the example of their de- 
throned brother, or according to the will of 
God. The monarchs having replied, that so 
long as God should give them the power, to the 
best of their knowledge they would order both 
themselves and their subjects in obedience to 
his will, the bishops pronounced — * In the name 
and power of the Most High, take the kingdom, 
and govern it according to hi^ will ; we advise, 
exhort, conmiand you so to do.* Both brothers 

* Nlthard. 1. lU. c. 5, ap. Scr. R. Fr. tIU. S7, 35. I borrow 
M. Aug. Thierry*! tnuulatlon of these oaths (Lettres sor 
L*Hlst. de France) but do not adopt his restorations, think- 
ing It too hazardous to change the Latin words met with in 
the monuments of such an epoch. Latin must have enter- 
ed. In different proportions, into all the early languages of 
Europe. (See, in the Appendix, the barbarous poem on the 
captivity of Louis IL) 

'* For the love of God and for the Christian people, and 
our common safety, firom this day fonn^rd, and as long as 
God shall give me understanding and power, I will support 
my brother Kari here present, by aid and In every thing, as 
it 18 right that one should support one*s brother, so long as 
he shflil do the same for me. And never will I make any 
■greement with Lothaire whkh by my will shall be to the 
detriment of my brother.'* 

t ^^ If Ludw^ keep the oath which he has sworn to bis 
brother Karl, and if Karl, my lord, on his part does not keep 
it, If I cannot brine him back to It— and neither I nor any 
oihen can bring him back to It, I will aid him Is nothing 
■filast LudMrlg now or ever.*' 

TThe Germans repeated this In their tongue, only changing 
. 11m order of the names. Nlthud. I. lU. e. S. cL 

chose twelve of their adherents, (I was of the 
number,) and intrusted them with the division 
of the kingdom." 

The conduct of Lothaire and of Pepin in en- 
deavoring to support themselves by aid of the 
Saxons and Saracens, gave the advant&ge to 
Charles and Louis, since the Church declared 
against the two first. Lothaire, therefore, had 
to content himself with the title of emperor, 
without the authority.' ** All the bishops de- 
ciding that the three brothers ought to be at 
peace, the two kings sent for Lothaire^s depu- 
ties, and granted him what he asked. They 
passed four days, and more, in dividing the 
kingdom. It was at length concluded that the 
whole country between the Rhine and the 
Mouse,* as far as the source of the latter river, 
thence as far as the source of the SaOne, along 
the SSi6ne to its confluence with the Rhone, 
and along the Rhone as far as the sea, should 
be offered to Lothaire as the third of the king- 
dom ; and that he should hold all the bishop- 
rics, all the abbeys, all the counties, and all the 
royal domains of the countries on this side of 
the Alps, with the exception off .... (Trea- 
ty of Verdun, a. d. 843.) 

herro then er imo gesuor forbrihchit, oh ina ih.> ** Louis and Charles's commissioners having 

made yarious objections to the proposed di- 
vision, they were asked if any one of them were 
thoroughly acquainted with the whole kingdom. 
No one answering in the affirmative, they were 
then asked why they had not taken advantage 
of the time allowed for consideration, to send 
parties throughout the provinces, to draw up 
a description of them. It was discovered that 
this was what Lothaire did not want to be done ; 
and they were told that it was impossible for 
men to make an equal division of a thing they 
were ignorant of. They were then asked 
whether they could conscientiously have taken 
oath, that they would divide the kingdom equal- 
ly and impartially, when they were aware that 
not one of them knew its extent — and the ques- 
tion was referred for decision to the bishops. ''1 
Lothaire's odious application to the Pagans^ 

* The countries watered by the Mense had declured 
openly for Charles. " All the people who dwelt between 
the Mease and the Seine sent messengers to Charleji, (a. d. 
840.) beseeching him to come before Lothaire should M>ize 
their country, and promising to meet him on his arrival. 
Charles, accompanied by a few followers, hastily %ct% out. 
and, on his reaching Quiersy, Is warmly welcomed by the 
people fVom the forest of Ardennes and (torn the countries 
below. As to the dwellers beyond the forest — Herenfried,. 
Gisiebert, Bovon, and others, seduced by Odnlf— they failed 
in the allegiance which they had sworn." Nlthard. 1. ii. 
c. 2. 

t Id. I. iv. c. 3. 

t Id. ibid, c 4. 

^ Id. ibid. c. 2. *' He sent messengers into Saxony, to 
promise both flreemen and serfs, (frillngi et lazzi,) who are 
most numerous, that if they would support him, he would 
restore the laws which their ancestors had er^oyed at the 
time they worshipped Idols. The Saxons, eagerly desiring 
this consummation, took the new name of SUuingm^ banded 
together, expelled nearly all their lords, and each, according 
to ancient custom, began to live as he liked best. Lothaire 
also called the Northmen to his aid. He sul^Jected some 
tribes of Christians to their rule, and had even allowed 
them to plunder the rest of the people of Chiist. Loufai 
Ibnrad thst the Northmsn and SUvm mlfht bs ladneti, 

.jjgDj Ad»«irftitop*p«l CHARLES AND LOUIS TRIUMPH. LSSt'ttoiSSSoS?" 1** 

for aid — an example afterwards followed by 
his ally Pepin in Aquitaine — seemed to bring 
down misfortune on his family. Charles the 
Bald and Loais the German, supported by the 
bishops of their kingdoms, perpetuated the name 
of Charlemagne, and, at least, . founded the 
monarchy, which, long eclipsed by feudalism, 
was one day to become so powerful. Lothaire 
and Pepin were unable to found any thing. 
Charles the Bald, who was supposed to be the 
son of Bernard of Languedoc, the favorite of 
Louis the Debonnaire, and of Judith, and who 
resembled Bernard,* seems, indeed, to have 
had all his southern address. At first, he is 
the man of the bishops, of Hincmar, the great 
archbishop of Reims ; and, in some sort, it is 
in the name of the Church that he wars on 
Lothaire and Pepin, the allies of the Pagans. 
Pepin, eoverned by the counsels of a son of 
Bernard^s, did not hesitate to invite the Sara- 
cens and Normansf into Aquitaine. It has 
been seen by the marriage of Eude's daughter 
with an emir, that the Christianity of the men 
of the south was by no means shocked at these 
alliances with unbelievers. The Saracens in- 
vaded Septimania in Pepin's name, and the 
Normans took Toulouse. It is asserted that 
he went so far as to deny Christ, and ratified 
his oaths by adjuring Woden and the horse. 
Such means must have been more fatal than 
serviceable to him. The people detested the 
friend of the barbarians, and imputed all the 
ravages committed by them to him. Given up 
to Charles the Bald by the leaders of the Gas- 
cons, often a prisoner, and often a fugitive, 
anarchy was all he wrought 

Lothaire's family was hardly more fortunate. 
On his death, (a. d. 855,) his eldest son, Louis 
II., became emperor. His two other sons, 
Lothaire II., and Charles, became — the first, 
king of Lorraine, (the provinces between the 
Meuse and Rhine,) the second, king of Pro- 
vence. Charles died early. Louis, harassed 
by the Saracens, and taken prisoner by the 
Lombards, was always unfortunate, despite his 
courage. As to Lothaire II., his reign seems 
to be the advent of the Papal supremacy over 
kings-l He had put away his wife, Teutberga, 
in order to live with the archbishop of Cologne's 
sister, (niece, too, of the bishop of Treves J 
accusing Teutberga of adultery and incest. 
For a long time she denied the charge, and 

thrnniEh Ues of kindred, to Join the Saxons who had taken 
the nnme of Siellinga, invade hi* dominions, and almllsh 
the Christian religion." See, also, the Annals of St Berlin, 
ann. Ml. the Annals of Falda, ann. 842, and the Chronicle 
of Hermann, Abridged ap. Scr. R. Fr. vii. 232, Alc. 

* Tbegan. c 38. ** There were even men evil enough to 
nv that queen Judith had been violated by dake Bernard." 
—Vila Venembl. Wale. ap. Scr. R. Fr. vi. 280.— Agobardi 
Apolog. ibid. 24S.— AribertI narratio, ap. Scr. R. Fr. vil. 386. 
**His features were marvelloosly like, and gave natural 
proof of his mother's adultery." 

t Annal. Bertin. ap. Scr. R. Fr. vli. 66.— Chronic. 8. Be- 
■igni Divkm. ibid. S89.— Translat S. Vincent 353. Nort- 
Banni .... a PIddIbo cmidncti mercimoniis, pariter com 
M ad ohaideBdam Tolosam advenlaverant 

X If icolal, Epiat i. ap. Maaal, xv. p. 373. 

then confessed it — undoubtedly through intimi- 
dation. Pope Nicholas I., to whom she first 
addressed herself, refused to credit her con- 
fession, and compelled Lothaire to take her 
again. The latter repaired to Rome to justify 
himself, and received the communion from the 
hands of Adrian II. ; who, however, at the 
same time threatened him, unless he repented, 
with the vengeance of Heaven. Lothaire died 
within the week, and most of his supporters 
within the year.* Charles the Bald, and Louis 
the German, profited by this judgment of God's, 
and divided Lothaire^s dominions between them. 
On the contrary, the king of France, at least 
in the earlier reigns, was the man of the Chureh ; 
for since France had escaped the influence of 
Germany, the Church alone possessed power 
within it, a power which the secular clergy 
were unable to counterbalance. Germans, 
Aquitanians, and even Irish and Lombards, 
seem to have been more favored at the Carlo- 
vingian court than the Neustrians. Governed 
and defended by foreigners, Neustria had long 
only moved and breathed through her clergy. 
Her population would appear to have consisted 
of slaves, scattered over the immense and half- 
cultivated estates of the nobles of the country ; 
of whom the greatest and richest were the 
nobles and abbots. With the exception of the 
episcopal cities, the towns were nothing ; but 
around each abbey was clustered a town, or at 
least a small burgh. f The richest abbeys were 
those of St. Medard of Soissons, and of St. 
Denys — founded by Dagobert, the cradle of 
our monarchy, and the tomb of our kings. 
Above the whole land there domineered—by 
its dignity as a see, by its doctrine, and by its 
miracles — the great metropolis of Reims, as 
great in the north as Lyons was in the south. 
Through wars and ravages, the sees of St. 
Martin of Tours, and of St. Hilary of Poitiers, 
had lost much of their pristine splendor ; and 
under the second race, Reims succeeded to 
their influence, and extended its possessions 
into the most distant provinces, even into the 
Vosges and Aquitaine. ( It was pre-eminently 
the episcopal city. Laon, on its inaccessible 
hill, was the royal city, and enjoyed the melan- 
choly honor of defending the last of the Carlo- 
vingians. Our kings of the third race waited 
till the incursions of the Normans ceased, before 

* Annal. Met. ap. Scr. R. Fr. vil. 196. 

t M. de Chateaabriand Jastly observes, that an abbey 
was neither more nor less than the abode of a rich Roman 
patrician, with the various classes of slaves and of work- 
men attached to the service of the property and of the pro- 
prietor, toccther with the towns and villages dependent on 
these. The ihther abbot was the master ; the monks — so 
many freedmen of the master— cultivated science, literatore, 
and art— To the abbey of St Rlqnier bolonged the town of 
that name, with thirteen other towns, and thirty villafea, 
besides an Immense namber of forms. The offerings of 
silver laid on the Saints tomb yearly amounted to nearif 
two millions of our money. Acta SS. Ord. S. Bened. sec. iv. 
p. 104.— The monastery of St MArtin, at Autun, though not 
equally wealthy with these, owned, under the Merovin- 
gians, a hundred thousand farms, (nutnsi.) Etudes Hls- 
torlques, iii. 271, sqq. 

t Frodoazd, Hist. Eccles. Ram. Ub. IL c 18 ; L liL c 98. 

i«4 '^ai'tsfir 


GftfttDMi of Arebbiabop 

they Tentured to descend to the plains, and 
ettablish themselves at Paris, in the island of 
the City, close to St. Denys, as the Carlovin- 
gians had chosen for their last asylum Laon, 
close to Reims. 

Charles the Bald was, at first, only the hum- 
Ue client of the bishops. Before and after the 
battle of Fontenai, he complains, in his nego- 
tiations with Lothaire, of the latter*8 disrespect 
for the Church.* Therefore is he protected by 
God. When Lothaire arrives on the banks of 
the Seine with his barbarous and pagan army, 
partly consisting of Saxons, the river miracu- 
lously overflows its banks and protects Charles 
the Bald.f The monks, before they set Louis 
the Debonnaire free, had asked him whether 
he would re-establish and maintain Divine 
worship.^ In like manner the bishops interro- 
gated Charles the Bald and Louis the German, 
and then conferred the king^dom upon them.^ 
Later still, the bishops are of opinion thai peace 
should prevail among the three brothers. \i After 
the battle of Fontenai, the bishops, in full as- 
sembly, declare that Charles and Louis have 
fought for equity and justice, and command a 
three days* fast.^ ** The Franks, as well as 
the Aquitanians,** says Charleses partisan, Ni- 
thard, ** despised the small number of Charleses 
followers. But the monks of St. Medard of 
Soissons came to meet him, and prayed him to 
bear on his shoulders the relics of St. Medard, 
and of fifteen other saints, which they were 
removing to their new basilica ; and, with all 
Teneration, he bore them on his shoulders, and 
then repaired to Reims."** 

The creature of the bishops and of the monks, 
he conferred on them the greatest share of his 
power, as indeed was right and fit, for they 
alone had both the knowledge and the means to 
regulate, in some degree, the wild disorder that 
prevailed throughout the land.ff Thus the 
powers of the king^s commissioners are divided 
between bishops and laymen by the capitulary 
of Epernay, (a. d. 846 ;) and by that of Kiersy, 

* " He r«qulrrd him U> forbear peraecutinf God*s holy 
Charch, and to pity the poor, the vrklow, and the orphan.'* 
Nlthard. 1. lii. c. 3. 

t Id. ibid. " WonderAil to tell, the Seine, although the 
weather was perfectly tranqail, bofian to rlw." 

X Id. 1. i. r. 3. Percontarl . . . . ni renpablica el rrstitae- 
fetur, an earn erigera ac fovere veliet, maxinieqae caltuiu 

% Id. 1. iv. r. 1. Palam illo* pcrcontati siint . . . . an iie- 
dudum Del voluntateni regerp voluliMent. KoApondentihus 
. . . . se velle .... aiunt : Et auctoritate divlnft ut iUnd 
■awipiatis, et iiecandum Del vnluntateni lUud regatis, mo- 
aenia^, hortaniur, atque pnecipimuv. 

|| Id. ibid. c. 3. " Ab usual, the matter Is referred to the 
priests and bishops : on whose unanimously counselling 
peace, they consent, expedite ambassadors, and come to an 

II Id. 1. iii. c. 1. 

** Id. ibid. c. S.— Before tearing Angen, (a. d. 873,) 
Charles the Baid would assist at the eeremonies of the 
Inhabitants on their return to their rity, in order to replace 
tiie bodies of SL Aubin and of St. Ijezin In the sliver shrines 
which they had carried ofll Annal. Berlin, ap. Scr. R. Fr. 
▼U. 117. 

tt A recent historian Is mistaken in rappoalng this power 
to have been transferred to the bishops eidnslvely. Baluz. 
t It p. 31. Capital. Spamac. ann. 0M, art. 90. MiMoa ex 
VUoqne ordine .... nittatla. .... 

(a. d. 857,) the right of proceeding against all 
evil-doers* is conferred on the cures. This 
thoroughly ecclesiastical legislation prescribes 
as a remedy for the troubles and robberies that 
distract the kingdom — the oaths, to be sworn 
on relics, of the freemen and hundredors; and 
recommends brigands to episcopal exhortation, 
threatening them, if they persist in their course 
of life, with the spiritual sword of excommuni- 

The bishops, then, were the masters of the 
land. The real king, and the real pope of 
France, was the famous Hincmar,^ archbishop 
of Reims. He was born in the north of Gaul, 
but an Aquitanian by descent, being related to 
St. Gulielmus of Toulouse, and to Bernard, 
that favorite of Judith^s, who was thought to 
he Charles's father. No one contributed more 
to increase the power of the latter, or exercised 
more authority under him in the first years of 
his reign. It was Hincmar, apparently, who, 
at the head of the French clergy, hindered 
Louis the German from establishing himself in 
Neustria and in Aquitaine, whither he had been 
invited by the nobles. When Louis invaded 
Charles's dominions in 850, the council of Metz 

* Capitul. Car. Calvl, ap. Scr. R. Fr. vil. 630. Ut unus- 

Siuisqne pmtiyter imbreviet in siiA p:irmchi& omnes male- 
actorc^s etc., et eos extra errtesiam faciat "If they 

do not reform, they must be cited liefore the bishop.** 

A trcnty of alliance and mutual aid whs entered into 
(▲. D. .V^l) by the three sons of IjOuIs the Debonnaire, lor 
the seizing of ruch as fled from episconal excommunicatioa 
into the liingdoms of the others, and for the capture of 
such as had been guilty of incest, erring nuns, and adnlter- 

t Ibid Si quis hoc transgresaus fVierit, eccleaia»- 

tico annthcmate ferlntur. 

X (" liinrmnr," says Doan Waddlngton.—Hlstory of the 
Church, p. 2S&I — " was descended ttnm a noble family, and 
the early psirt of his life he so divid<>d between the court 
and the cloister, and displnyrd so much ability and enthu- 
siasm in the discharge of the duties attached to either 
situation, as to combine the practical pem^traUon of a states- 
man with the vigor of a zealous ecrlesiasUc. He was 
raiM>d to the see of Reims in the year 845, at the age of 
thirty-nine, and filled it for nearly forty rears with firmness 
and vigor. In the ninth centnr>', when the miKhtiest 
events wore brought about by errleslastlcal guidance, he 
stands among the loading chHracters, if, indeed, we should 
not rather consider him as the m(»Kt eminent. He was the 
great churchman of the age: on all public occasions of 
weighty deliberation, at ail public ceremonies of ctwonation 
or consecration, Hincmar is invariably to lie found as tlic 
active and directing spirit. Hh great knowledge of canon 
leal law enabled him to rule the councils of the clerg>' ; his 
universal talents rendered him necessarv to the state, and 
gave him more influence in political affiiirs than any other 
subject : while his corre^ponilence — Fnidoard mentions 433 
letters of Hlncm^rN, liesiiles many others not specif)«»d — 
attests his close intercourse with all the leading characters 
of his age. In the management of his diocese, he was no 
less careful to instruct and enlighten than strict to reenlate ; 
and while he issued and enforred his capitularies of disci- 
pline with the lUr and authority of a civil despot, he waged 
incessant warfare with ignorance. It Is inueed probable 
that he possos«ed less theological learning than his less 
celebratea contemporary, Rahanus Maurus; but he had 
much OMire of that active energy of character so seldom 
associated with contemplative habits. It is also true that 
he was craAy. imperious, and inuilerant; that he paid his 
acdulous devotions ti> the Virgin, and was Infected with 
other super^tititmi of his age. His occasional resistance to 
the see of Rome has acquired for him much of his celebrity : 
but if Divine Providence had so disposed that Hincmar had 
been bishop of Rome for as long a spnce as he was primate 
of Fhtnce. he would unquestionably have ezmlted papal 
supremacy with more courage, consistency, nnd saooMi 
than he opposed it**)— Teamslatos. 

OipaUtiaii ofUriMpi 


deputed three bishops to wait upon him, and 
offer him the Church's pardon, provided he 
would redeem the sin of which he had been 
guilty in invading his brother's kingdom, and 
exposing it to the ravages of his army, by a 
proportionate penance. Hincmar was at the 
head of this deputation. " King Louis,'' said 
the deputies on their return to the council, 
" gave us audience at Worms on the 4th of 
June, and said — ^ I beg you, if in any thing I 
have offended you, to be good enough to pardon 
me, so that I may proceed to speak in safety 
with you.' To this Hincmar, who was id the 
first place, on his left, replied, ' Our business 
will be soon dispatched, for we are come on 
purpose to offer you the pardon which you 
seek.' Grimold, the king's chaplain, and bish- 
op Theodoric, having addressed some remark 
to Hincmar, he resumed — * You have committed 
nothing against me to leave in my heart repre- 
hensible rancor, otherwise I durst not approach 
the altar to offer sacrifice to the Lord.' — Gri- 
mold, and bishops Theodoric and Solomon, 
again addressed Hincmar, and Theodoric said 
to him, *' Do as our lord the king requests you, 
pardon him.' — To this Hincmar replied, *■ As 
regards myself and my own person, I have par- 
doned and I do pardon you. But as to your 
offences against the Church, which is intrusted 
to my keeping, and against my people, I can 
only give you my best advice, and ofiTer you the 
help of the Lord to obtain absolution, if you 
desire it.' — Then the bishops exclaimed, *0f a 
verity, he says well.' — All our brothers being 
unanimous on this head, and never vacillating, 
this was all the indulgence extended to him and 
nothing more .... for we expected that he 
would ask our advice as to the means of safety 
offered to him, and then we should have coun- 
selled him according to the tenor of the paper 
of which we were bearers. But he answered 
from his throne, that he could not attend to the 
paper before he had consulted with his bishops." 
Soon after, another and a more numerous 
council was assembled at Savonni6res, near 
Toul, to restore peace between the kings of the 
Franks. Charles the Bald addressed himself 
to the fathers of this council (a.d. 859) for jus- 
tice against Venilo, clerk of his chapel, whom he 
had made archbishop of Sens, and who had nev- 
ertheless left him for Louis the German. The 
complaint of the king of the French is remark- 
able for its humble tone. After recapitulating 
all the benefits which "he had heaped upon 
Venilo, all his personal obligations, and all the 
proofs of his ingratitude and wantxlT faith, he 
adds, *' Elected by him, and l^ji^he other 
bishops and faithful n9bles of our kiiisaonx^ who 
testified their will and their consent by their 
acclamations, Venilo, in his own diocese, in 
the church of the Holy Rood at Orleans, con- 
secrated me king, according to the traditions 
of the Church, in presence of the other arch- 
bishops and bishops — he anointed me with the 
holy chrism, gave me the diadem and royal 

sceptro, and bade me ascend the throne. After 
having been thus consecrated, I ought neither 
to have been dethroned nor supplanted, without 
having been heard and judged by the bishops, 
by whose ministration I have been consecrated 
king, and who have been called the thrones of 
the Divinity. In them God sits, and through 
them He renders judgment. At all times I 
have shown myself ready to submit to their 
paternal corrections and castigatory judgments 
— and I am so now."* 

The kingdom of Neustria was, in fact, a 
theocratic republic. The bishops cherished 
and supported this king of their own making, 
allowed him to levy soldiers among their re- 
tainers, and directed the affairs of war as well 
as those of peace. ^* Charles," says the an- 
nalist of St. Bertin, " gave notice that he 
would proceed to the assistance of Louis with 
such army as he had been able to assemble, 
and chiefiy raised by the bishops. ''f *^The 
king," says the historian of the Church of 
Reims, ** intrusted all ecclesiastical matters to 
archbishop Hincmar, and moreover, when it 
was necessary to raise the people against the 
enemy, it was to him that the mission was con- 
fided, and straightway, by the king's orders, he 
convened the bishops and the counts-'t 

The same hands then were the depositories 
both of the temporal and the spiritual power ; and 
the churchmen governed by the triple title of 
bishops, magistrates, and great proprietors : a 
fact, sufficient to show the wordly and political 
character which episcopacy is about to assume, 
and that the state will be neither governed nor 
defended. This weak and lethargic rule, un- 
der which the wearied world might have slum- 
bered, was broken up by two events. On the 
one hand, the human mind raised its protest, in 
various ways, against the spiritual despotism of 
the Church; on the other, the incursions of the 
Northmen constrained the bishops to resign, at 
least in part, the temporal power into hands 
more capable of defending the country. The 
foundations of feudalism were being laid ; the 
scholastic philosophy was, at the least, being 
gradually prepared. 

The first dispute turned on the Eucharist ; 
the second, on Grace and Liberty. This is the 
natural and necessary order of religious dif- 
ferences ; first, the question touching God — 
next, that concerning man. Thus Arius pre- 
cedes Pelagius, and Berenger, Abelard. It was 
Paschasius Radbertus, the panegyrist of Wala 
and abbot of Corbie, who, in the ninth century, 
first explicitly taught the marvellous poetry of 
a god enclosed in a loaf, spirit in matter, and 

* Balaz. Capitul. kUn, 859, p. 137.— At a latnr perlodf 
Hincmar rxpre^tsly asserts that he elected Louis III. Iline- 
mari ad Ludov. iii. (np. Hincm. Opp. ii. 198.)— EfO 
cam collegls meis ct ceteris Dei ac progenitorum vestruniu 
fldellbus, vos elefi ad regimeii regni, sub condiUone debltaa 
legos servandl. 

JAnnal. Bertin. ann. 865, ap. Scr. R. Fr. vii. 
Frodoard, Hist. Ecdes. Remcnsis, Ibid. 314 Bti 

et de populo in hcwtem eonvocando. .... 

186 GolleMlialkpiockiiMtlie RELIGIOUS CONTROVERSIES. doctrintofpfedertinaUoo- 

infinity in an atom.* The ancient fathers had 
had glimpses of this doctrine, but the time was 
not come. It was not till the ninth century, 
and till the eve of the last trials of barbaric in- 
vasion, that God deigned to descend in order to 
strengthen mankind in their extreme of misery, 
and suftered Himself to be seen, touched, and 
tasted. Vainly did the Irish church protest in 
the name of logic — it did not hinder the doctrine 
from pursuing its triumphant progress through 
the middle ages. 

The question of liberty originated a livelier 
controversy. A German monk, a Saxon,f 
named (Jotteschalk, (i. e., God's glory,) had 
proclaimed the doctrine of predestinationj — 

* (*' Mn^hcim asserts wlthoat hesltntion that it had been 
hitherto the unanimoni opinion of the Church, that the 
body and l)liKid of Christ were really administered to those 
who rt-wlved the sacreinent, and that they were conse- 
quently prtscmt at the administration, hot that the senti- 
inentH of Christians concerning the naturt and manner of 
lhi< pre-<enco were various and contradictory. No council 
had yt't <lf tpnnlned with precision the manner In which 
tliat pre^ncu wan to be understood ; both reason and folly 
were littherUi ipft free in this matter ; nor had any imperi- 
ous niodf uf faith suspended the eiercise of the one, or con- 
troile<l the oximvagance of the other. The historian's first 
poMiiiitn is laid down, perhaps, somewhat too peremptorily, 
for thduuh many passages may bo adduced from very an- 
cient father* In affirmation of the bodily presence, the ob- 
acurity or ditTerent tendency of others would rather persuade 
OS th<it even thatdnctrine was also left a good deal to Indi- 
vldunl juilsment. The second Is strictly true: and the 
question which hid escaped the vain and intrusive curioilty 
of orivntitl theologians was at length engendered in a con- 
vent in <;aul. In the year 831, Paschasius Radbert, a Bene- 
dictine monk. aflerWHrd* abbot of Corbie, published a trea- 
tise * ronci^rning the 8:icrament of the Body and Blood of 
Chri>it,' whjrh he presented, flfleen years aOorwards, care- 
ftilly rfvl!.p«l and augmented, to Charles the Bald. The 
doctrine .idvanTed by Paschasius may be expressed In the 
two folliiwing propositions :— First, that after the consecra- 
tion of the biead and wine, nothing remains of those sym- 
bols excopi the outward figure, under which the body and 
blon<l of Christ were really and locally present. Secondly, 
that th«« iMMly <if Christ, thus present, is the same body 
which was horn of the Virgin, which sufl!ered upon the 
cm**, iiiul w:is raiiKrd from the dead. Charles appears de- 
cldeiily to hiive dlsa|>pn)ved of this doctrine ; and it m«ht 
perhaps have been expected that, after the example or so 
many priiiros, he would have summoned a council, stlgma- 
tixed it as herosy. and excommunicated Its author. He did 
not do 'in; Imt, on the contrary, adopted a method of oppo- 
sitiun worthy of a wiser |irince and a more enlightened age. 
He roiiiiiii^sitinod two of the ablest writers of the day, 
Ratniiiiii and Johannes Bcotus, to investigate by arguments 
tlio sn^|)iciou4 ftpiniun. The compMiUon of the former Is 
■till ext-int, and has exercised the lngenult>' of the learned 
even in recent times ; but they have not succeeded in extri- 
cating iroin the perplexities of his reasoning, and perhaps 
the uiicortiinty of his belief, the real opinions of the au- 
thor. The work of Johannes Scolus Is lost; but we learn 
Uiat his nniunients were more direct, and his sentiments 
more pfT^piruoiis and consistent; he plainly declared that 
the br«**)d and wine were no more than the symlmls of the 
absent body nnd IiUnmI of Christ, and memorials of the Last 
8upp«>r. <.)thpr theologians engaged in the dispute, and a 
decided su|ierior'ty, btith in numbers and talents, was oppo- 
sed to the doctrine of Paschasius — yet so opjKwcd that there 
was little unanimity among itt adversaries, and no veiy 
perfect con-<istency even in tlielr several writings.** Wad- 
dington. Ilistr)r)- or the Church, pp. 257, 8.)— Trasslator. 

t t»»'c the texts relative U» this, collected by (>lescler. 
Kirchenppophirhte. 11. 101, sqq. — In his profession of faith 
Gotte-^cliHlk offered to prove his doctrine by passing through 
(bar hnrnrls filled with boiling water, oil, and pitch, and 
alterwards through a large fire. 

t (" The subject of predestination and Divine grace, which 
liad already— in the fifth century — been controverted In 
Ftanc<> with some acnteness, and what Is much better, with 
candor nnd charity, was subjected to another investigation 
ta the ninth century. Godesehalciu, otherwise called Ful- 
pntlot, waa a aatlve of Gannaay, and a monk of Orbals, 

that religious fatalism which offers up human 
liberty a sacrifice to Divine prescience. Ger- 
many thus became heir to St. Augustin, ana 
plunged into that career of mysticisnr. which 
she has since but seldom quitted. The Saxon 
Gotteschalk foreshadowed the Saxon Luther. 
Like Luther, he repaired to Rome, and did not 
return the more tractable for it. Like him, 
too, he disavowed his monastic vows. 

Having sought refuge in northern France, he 
was ill received there. German doctrines were 
not calculated to win a favorable welcome in a 
country which had just separated from Germa- 
ny, and a new Pelagius arose against the new 

And first, the Aquitanian Hincmar, archbish- 
op of Reims, entered his protest in favor of free- 
will and of endangered morality. A violent 
and' tyrannic defender of liberty, he caused 
Gotteschalk, who had taken refuge in his dio- 
cese, to be seized, and had him condemned, 
scourged, and imprisoned. But Lyons, always 
mystical, and the rival, too, of Reims — ^with 

In the diocese of Solssons. He was admitted to orders, 
during the vacancy of the see, by the chorepiscopus— a clr- 
cumstince to which the subsequent animosity of Hincmar 
is sometimes attributed. He possessed considerable learning, 
but a mind withal too prone to pursue abstruse and unprofit- 
able Inquiries. Early In life he consulted Lupus, abbot of 
Ferrara, on the question, whether, after the re&nrrectlon. the 
blessed shall see God with the eyes of the body ? The 
abbot concluded a reluctant reply to the following efliMrt:— 
' I exhort you, my venerable brother, no longer to weary your 
spirit with such-like ipeculations, lest, through too great 
devotion to them, you become incapacitated for examining 
and teaching things more useful. Why waste so many re- 
searches on matters which It Is not yet, perhaps, expedient 
that we should know 1 I^et us mther exercise our talents 
In the spacious fields of Holy Writ; let us apply entirely to 
that meditation, and let prayer be associated to our studies. 
God will not fall In his goodness to manifest Himself in the 
manner which shall be best for us. though we should cease 
to pry into things which are placed above us.* The specu- 
lations of Godeschalcns were diverted by this judicious 
rebuke, but not repressed ; and the books of Scripture were 
still rivalled or superseded in his attention by those ot 
Augustin. Accordingly ho involved himself deeply and in- 
extricably in the mazes of fatalism. About the year 846 
he made a pilgrimage to Rome, and on his return, soon 
afterwards, he ex|>ressed his opinions on that subject very 
publicly in the diocese of Verona. Information was instantly 
conveyed to Rnbanus Maurus, archbishop of Mayence, 
the most profound theologian of the age. That prelate im- 
mediately replied, and, in combating the error of a pro- 
fessed Atigiutinian, protected himself also by the authority 
of Auffu^Un. 

" Happy had It lieen for the author of the controversy If 
his adversary had allowed it to remain on that footing ; but 
the doctrine was becoming too popular, and thnmtened 
moral eflects too pemicioin to be overlooked by the (?hurch. 
Rabanus assembled. In 848, a council at Mayence. at which 
the king was present, and Godesrhaicus was summoned 
before it. Hero he defended, in a written treatise, the doc- 
trine of dovble predestination,— that of the elect to eternal 
life by the ftve grace of God, — that of the wickeil. U) ever- 
lasting damnation through their own sins. His explanations 
did not satisfy the council, and the tenet was rejt^cted and 
condemned; but its advocate was not considered amenable 
to that tribunal, as he had been ordained in the ilior«>se of 
Reims; wherefore Rabanus consigned him to the final 
custody of Hincmar, who then held that see. ... It Is cer- 
tain that he was confined to the walls of a convent for 
almost twenty years, and that at length, during the agonies 
of his latest moments, he waa required to subscribe a formu- 
lary of faith as the only condition of reconciliation with 
the Church, — that he disdained to make any sacrifice, even 
at that moment, to that consideration. — and that his corpse 
was deprived of Christian sepulture by the nnrelentui| 
bigotry of Hincmar.** Waddlngton, History of the Church, 
pp. 8S&-aOO.)— TaAKiLAToa* 

BineaMr oppoMi Jblm Brigaoa 


The tamporal roTernment 1 0*7 

of the bnhop* pwalysed. **'* 

whom she contested the title of metropolis of 
Gaol — Lyons sided with Gotteschaik ; and men 
of eminence in the Gallic church — Prudentius, 
bishop of Troyes, Lupus, abbot of Ferri^res, 
and Ratramnus, a monk of Corbie, whom Got- 
teschaik called his master, endeavored to justi- 
fy him by putting a favorable construction on 
the terms in which he had advanced his doc- 
trine. There were saints against saints, and 
councils against councils. Hincmar, who had 
not foreseen the storm, at first sought the as- 
sistance of the learned Rabanus, the abbot of 
Fulda,* to which monastery Gotteschaik had 
belonged, and who had been the first to de- 
nounce his errors. Rabanus hesitating, Hinc- 
mar applied tu an Irishman who had engaged in 
controversy with Paschasius liadbertus on the 
question of the Eucharist, and who was then in 
high credit with Charles the Bald. Ireland 
was always the school of the West — the mother 
of monks, and, as it was termed, the isle of 
saints. It is true that its influence on the con- 
tinent had dwindled, since the Carlovingians 
had supplanted the rule of St. Columbanus by 
that of St. Benedict. However, even in Charle- 
magne^s time, the school of the palace had been 
intrusted to Clement, an Irishman, with whom 
had been associated Dungal and St. Virgilius. 
The Irish were in still higher favor with 
Charles the Bald, who, a patron of literature, 
like his Another Judith, intrusted the school of 
the palace to John of Ireland, (otherwise called 
the Scot or Erigena) — and attended his lessons, 
and admitted him to the greatest familiarity. 
The phrase was no longer the school of the pal- 
ace^ but the palace of the school. 

This same John, who was acquainted with 
Greek, and, perhaps, with Hebrew, had become 
celebrated by his translation — undertaken at 
Charleses request — of the writings of Dionysius 
the Areopagite, the manuscript of which had 
just been presented by the emperor of Constan- 
tinople to the French king. It was supposed 
that these writings, which had in view the re- 
conciliation of the neoplatonism of Alexandria 
with Christianity, were the production of Dio- 
nysius the Areopagite, spoken of by the apostle 
Paul, with whom the Gallic apostle was con- 

The Irishman did as Hincmar desired. He 
wrote against Gotteschaik, in favor of liberty ; 
but did not confine himself within the limits to 
which the archbishop of Reims would no doubt 
have restrained him. Like Pelagius, from 
whom he derived his opinions, and like Origen, 

* Accordlnf to aome, both Rabaniu and hla master Al- 
eain, were BciMa. Low, p. 404. • 

WilUani of Malmesbniy relatea the following anecdote. 
**One day that John was sitting at table, onposite to the 
king — the dishes having been removed, and the wine going 
round — Charles, with lively look, and after some other 
pteasanlries, seeing John do something which shocked 
Gallic breeding, genUy rebuked him by asking, Quid diatat 
imUr MoUmm el Seotumi (what*s the distance between a »oi 
—a fool— and a Se0t 1) * A table's breadth,* was John's re- 
ply, who thos retorted the insult** 


their common master, he relied less on author- 
ity than on reason. He admitted faith — but as 
the beginning of knowledge. Scripture, with 
him, is simply a text for interpretation : reli- 
gion and philosophy are the same word.* It is 
true that he only defended liberty against the 
predestination of Gotteschaik, to absorb and 
lose it in the pantheism of Alexandria : how- 
ever, the violence with which Rome attacked 
John Scotus, proves the alarm authority felt at 
his doctrines. The disciple of the Breton, Pe- 
lagius, and predecessor of the Breton, Ahelard, 
he marks at once the regeneration of philoso- 
phy, and the revival of the free Celtic genius 
in opposition to the mysticism of Germany. 


At the very moment in which philosophy 
aimed at extricating herself from theological 
despotism, the temporal government of the 
bishops became paralyzed. France slipped out 
of their power. She needed stronger and more 
warlike hands to defend her from new inva- 
sions of the barbarians. Hardly freed from the 
rule of the Germans, who had so long governed 
her, she found herself weak and incapable un- 
der the administration and protection of priests. 
Yet she was inundated by her every river and 
her every shore with other Germans, whose 
savageness was of a very different kind from 
that of those she had just escaped from. 

The inroads of these brigands of the north 
(Northmen, Normans) differed widely from the 
great German migrations that had taken place 
from the fourth to the sixth centuries. The bar- 
barians of this earlier period, who settled on 
the \e(i bank of the Rhine, or who established 
themselves in England, have left their language 
there. The petty Saxon colony of Bayeox 
preserved their own tongue for at least five 
hundred years. On the contrary, the North- 
men of the ninth and tenth centuries adopted 
the speech of the people among whom they set- 
tled. Their kings, Rou, both of Russia and of 
France, (Ru-Rik, RoUo,) did not introduce the 
language of Germany into their new country. 
And from this essential distinction between the 
invasions of the two epochs, I am led to believe 
that those of the first, which were carried on by 
land, consisted of whole families — of warriors, 
followed by their wives and children. They 
would not be so blended with the conquered by 
intermarriage, and would thus the better pre- 

* J. Eiig. de Div. Predoi«tin. c.l. (Gaizot, Vingt-ncavMme 

le^un.) ''Trao philosophy is true rolicion, and, re- 

ciprucally, trnc religion Is true philofiophy."— IK; Nat. Divia. 
I. i. c. oQ, (ibid.) . ..." It i5 not to be suppiuted that 
Holy Scripture always employs precise nnd ypiTilic wofda 
and signs to penetrate u% with the Divine nature ; but, by 
the use of similitudes^ and of indirect and figurative terms, 
sloops to our weakness ; and, by its siniplo teaching, ele- 
vates our gross and childish minds." In the treatise Uul 
^vctfof ittpiofiu9, authority Is derived from rea.«on, bat by 
no means reason from authority. All authority not ree- . 
ognlsed by reason seems worthless, Ate. See Galxot, IbM. 





The barbarians violate 
Um laiictuariM. 



serve the purity of their race and language. 
The pirates of the epoch at which we are now 
arrived, appear to have been for the most part 
exiles, banished men who aspired to be sea- 
kingSt for lack of land whereon to reign. Fu- 
rious wolves,* whom hunger had driven from 
their paternal lair,t they landed alone, and 
without families ; and, when they were satiated 
with plunder, when, by dint of annual visita- 
tions, they had come to look upon the land 
which they pillaged as their country — these 
new Rom uluses repeated the tale of the Sabine 
women.J They took wives ; and the children, 
of course, spoke the language of their mothers. 
It is conjectured by some that these roving 
bands were increased, in Charlemaffne^s time, 
by fugitive Saxons. For my part, 1 can read- 
ily believe that not only Saxons, but that every 
fugitive, every bandit, every stout-hearted serf, 
was welcomed by these pirates, commonly few 
in number, and who would gladly strengthen 
their bands with any bold and robust volunteer. 
Tradition will have the most terrible of the sea- 
kings, Hastings, to have been originally a pea- 
sant of Truyes.^ Such fugitives must have 
been valuable to them as interpreters and as 
guides; and often, perhaps, the fury of the 
Northmen, and the atrocity of their ravages, 
were inspired less by the fanaticism of the 
worshippers of Odin, than by the vengeance of 
the serf, and the rage of the apostate. 

Far from keeping up the armament of barks 
with which Charlemagne had sought to bar the 
mouths of the rivers against them, his succes- 
sors called in the barbarians as auxiliaries. The 

* WargTy wolf; varfu*^ banished. See Grinun. 

t Famine was the presiding genius of these sea-kings. A 
dearth which dcsolntcd Jutland gave rise to a law, which 
condemned every five years all eldest sons to exile. Odo 
Claniac. np. Her. K. Fr. vi. 318. — Dudo, de Mor. Due. Nor- 
mann. 1. i. — (>uill. Gemctic. I. i. c. 4, 5. — According to an 
Irish SigH, parenU) aicd to have their gold and silver, ^., 
burnt with them when they died, in order to compel their 
children to seek their fortunes by sea. Vaetzacla, ap. 
Barth. 43H. 

"Oliver Barnakall, an intrepid pirate, was the first to 
fbrbid his conmtdcs to toss Inrants from one to another on 
the points of their spears, which was their usual practice, 
and nence his name of Barnakall—' saviour of children.* *' 
Bartholin, p. 457.— When the warlike enthusiasm of the 
companions of the chief rose to phrensy, they took the name 
of Bersekir, (madmen, infuriates.) The Bersekir's post was 
the prow. The ancient Bagas give the name to their heroes 
as an honorable appellation, (see the Edda Semundar, the 
Hervnrir-8:iga, and several of Snorro*s Sagas ;) but In the 
Vaetzdtela-Snga, the name of Bor«eklr becomes a reproach. 
Barthoi. 3-15. — " lie is to be punished, who runs rampant 
with the madnens of a Bernekir." Ann. Kristni-Saga.— 
Turner, Ili^t. of the Anglo-Saxons, 1. 463, sqq. 

X The poetic form of the tradition which assigns^them as 
companions the Virgins of the buck/er, clearly proves that 
this was an exception, and tluit they seldom had women 
with them. — See Depping, Expeditions des Normands. 

^ Had. Glabcr. 1. i. c. 5, ap. Scr. R. Fr. x. 9. " In course 
of time there was Iwm, near Troyes, a man, in the lowest 
data of the peasantry, named Hastings. He belonged to a 
Tillage called Tranquille, three miles from the city, and was 
■trong in body, but of a perverse disposiUon. In his youth, 
his pride inspired him with contempt for the povertv of his 
parent<«, and yielding to his ambition, he voluntarily expa- 
Vlated himself, and managed to fly to the Normans. There, 
ho commenced his career by taking service with those who 
40TOted themselves to constant pimcy in order to supply the 
iwt of their nation with food, and who formed what was 
called the /M<,(flotta.r 

younger Pepin employed them against Charles 
the Bald, and hoped, it is said, to secure their 
assistance by worshipping their gods. They 
took the faubourgs of Toulouse, thrice pillaged 
Bordeaux,* and sacked Bayonne and other ci- 
ties at the foot of the Pyrenees. However^ 
they were soon discouraged (from a. d. 864} 
by the mountains and torrents of the south. 
They could not sail up the rivers of Aquitaine 
so easily as thev had ascended the Loire, the 
Seine, the Scheldt, and the Elbe. 

They succeeded better in the north. Since 
their king, Harold, had obtained from the pious 
Louis a province for a baptism, (a. d. 826,)t 
they all resorted to the same gainful trade. At 
first, they got themselves baptized for the sake 
of the dresses ; which could not be provided in 
sufficient quantities for the crowd of neophytes. 
In proportion as they were refused the admin- 
istration of a sacrament which they at once 
mocked and made a source of gain^ they be- 
came the more furious. As soon as their 
dragonSf their serpentSjl ploughed the rivers, 
as soon as the ivory-horn^ re-echoed on the 
banks, no one stayed to look behind him. All 
fled to the nearest town or abbey, hiEistily driv- 
ing their flocks before them, and hardly taking 
time for this. Vile flocks themselves, without 
strength, unity, or guidance, they crouched at 
the altars under the relics of the saints, which, 
however, did not stop the barbarians. On the 
contrary, they seemed wild to violate the most 
venerated sanctuaries. They broke into those 
of St. Martin of Tours, St. Germain-des-Pres, 
and numerous others. So great was the terror 
they inspired, that the harvest was lefl neglect* 

* Fragm. Hist. Arroorle. ap. Scr. R. Fr. tU. ad. ann. 843. 
— Annai. Berlin. Ibid, ad ann. 848, 855. 

t Thegan. c. 33, ap. Scr. R. Fr. vi. 80 Quem im- 

perator elevavit de fonte baptismatis Tunc magnam 

partem Friaonum de<Ut ei. Astronom. c. 40, ibid. 107. — 
£ginh. Annal. ibid. 187. — Annal. Bertin. ann. 870. *' Slean- 
whiie some Normans were bapUzed, brought for this pur- 
pose to the emperor by Hugh, who was both abbot and 
marquis. Presents were msSle them, and they returned to 
their countrymen; when, after bapUsm. they conducted 
themselves as before, like Ncmnans and like pagans.** 

t Dmkart, Stukkart — these were the names they fave 
their barks. 

$ The Ivory horn figures conspicuously in the legends 
relating to the Normans; for instance, in the Armorican 
legend of St. FlorenUus. Turn Guallo monachns apud S. 
Fiorentium dlrigitur .... postqu&m monasterium sub- 
intmvit, illius cryptas tam siivaticis scrqfls qu&m iliamm 
fcetibus plenas evacuavit. .... Dein .... Ilastensem ad 
Nonnannorum ducem .... adhuc m<vantem in nrbe Nan- 

netica Quem nt dux ad se cum donis afnovit ad- 

venisse, protinus surigit relictA sede, orique Illius oa snnm 
C4rpit imponere. Etenim utcuroque Christianus dicitur 

fuisse Tnbam ebumeam tonitruum nunrupatam 

dedit monacho, hec illi addens, nt suls in pnpdam exeun- 
tibus ek bnocinaret, et nequaqnam de soo timidos esset, 
nbicumque a predatoribus audiri posset (The monk Guallo 
was sent to Sl Florentius. . . . When he entered the con- 
vent he drove out of the vaults the wild sows, with their 

young, that had taken poesession of them Then he 

repaired to Hastings, the Norman chief, who still abode in 
Nantes. . . When the chief saw him arrive with presents, 
he forthwith arose and left his scat, and kined him on the 
mouth— for he Is said to have profeiued Christianity after a 
(kshion. ... He gave the monk an lv(Hy horn, called the 
horn of thunders, adding, that whenever his men came to 
plunder, he (the monk) should sound it, and ftar notUnf 
for his property whenever he could be heard by thon.) U 
Morice, Preavet da VBiat da Bietafiie, p. 119. 


rififlniii Hill Mttlwmiiili 
flftlM NotUuno. 


Inftbflitjroftheemteopal power 130 

ed ; and men would eke out the flour with earth. 
The woods between the Seine and Loire grew 
denser. A flock of three hundred wolves* de- 
rastated Aquitaine without interruption; and 
the wild beasts seemed to have taken possession 
of France. 

And, meanwhile, what was done by the sove- 
reigns of the country, the abbots and the bish- 
ops ? They took to flight — carrying off with 
them the bones of the saints, and, powerless as 
their relics, lefl the people without guide or 
asylum. At the most they sent some armed 
serfs to Charles the Bald — to watch timidly the 
march of the barbarians, to negotiate, but at a 
distance, with them, and to seek from them for 
how many pounds of silver they would quit 
such a province, or deliver up such a captive 
abbot. A million and a half of our money was 
paid for the ransom of the abbot of St. Denys.f 

These barbarians laid waste the north, while 
the Saracens infested the south. { I pass o^er 
the monotonous history of these inroads, to spe- 
cify their three principal stages — ^the inroads 
themselves, the posts or stations taken up by 
the marauders, and thirdly, their places of final 
settlement. The usual stations of the North- 
men were islands at the mouths of the Scheldt, 
the Seine, and the Loire. Those of the Sara- 
cens were at Fraxinet (Garde Fraisnet) in Pro- 
vence; and at St. Maurice-en- Valais : such was 
the audacity of these pirates, that they had thus 
dared to leave the sea behind them, and pitch 
even in the heart of the Alps, in the passes 
commanding the high roads of Europe. The 
Saracens had no settlements of consequence 
eicept in Sicily. The Northmen, the more 
practicable of the two, ended by adopting Chris- 
tianity, and settled in several parts of France ; 
particularly in the province which is named af- 
ter them, Normandy. 

The following passages from the annals of 
St. Bertin show the darinc^ of the Northmen, 
the helplessness and humiliation of the king 
and of the bishops, and their vain attempts to 
combat these barbarians or to oppose them to 
one another. 

"It was stipulated in the year 866 that all 
serfs taken by the Normans, who might make 
their escape, should either be restored to them 
or ransomed at their own valuation, and that if 
any Norman were slain, a fine should be paid 
as the price of his life. 

*' In 861, the Danes who had recently burnt 
the city of Terouanne, coming back, under their 
chief Weland, from the country of the Angles, 
sail op the Seine with more than two hundred 
ships, and besiege the Northmen in the castle 
which they had built on the island of Oiyel. 

* Annal. Bertin. bbo. 846. 

t Note by the editors of the French hUtoriant, t. vil. 
p. 73. — ^The abbey Itself wu often mnsomed, and was finally 
reduced to anhes. Annal. Bertin. Ibid. 7S. Chronic. Nort- 
mannic ibid. 53. 

X The Incursion of the Saneens In the south of France 
hnve nowhere bean described and enumerated with more 
lodgment and talent than in M. DeiaDichel*t Hlstolre du 
kofwAfe, U IL (1831.) 

Charles ordered there to be raised — in order to 
give to the besiegers as a guerdon — five thou- 
sand pounds of silver, with a considerable quan- 
tity of cattle and of grain, so that his kingdom 
mi^ht not be laid waste; then, crossing the* 
Seine, he repaired to Mehun-sur- Loire, and re- 
ceived count Robert with the stipulated honors. 
However, Guntfrid and Gozfrid, by whose ad- 
vice Charles had received Robert, deserted 
him, together with their companions, according 
to the ordinary inconstancy of their race and of 
their native habits, and joined Salomons, the 
duke of the Bretons. Another band of Danes'* 
ascended the Seine with sixty ships, and enter- 
ing the river of Hi^res, joined the besiegers. 
The besieged, overcome by famine and the 
most fearful misery, give the besiegers six 
thousand pounds, as well of gold as of silver, 
and join them. 

" In 869, Louis, son of Louis king of Ger- 
many, undertaking a war with the Saxons 
against the Wends, who dwell in the country 
of the Saxons, gained a kind of victory, with 
great slaughter on both sides. On his return, 
Roland, archbishop of Aries, who (but not 
empty-handed) had obtained from the emperor 
Louis, and from Ingelberga, the abbey of St. 
Cesareus, erected in the island of Camargue^ 
which is on every side extremely rich, and 
where is most of the property of the abbey, and 
in which the Saracens were accustomed to 
have a port — a fortress, of earth alone, hastily 
thrown up, and imprudently threw himself into 
it when he learned the arrival of the Saracens, 
who, landing there, slew more than three hun- 
dred of his retainers, and taking the archbishop 
prisoner, led him to their vessel, and put him 
in chains. To the said Saracens were given 
as ransom a hundred and fifty pounds of silver, 
a hundred and fifty cloaks, a hundred and fifty 
large swords, and a hundred and fifty slaves, 
exclusive of what was given by common con- 
sent. Meanwhile, the bishop died on board. 
The Saracens cunningly hastened the collection 
of his ransom, saying that they could stay no 
longer, and that, if they wished to have him 
again, his ransom must be quickly paid — which 
was done ; and the Saracens having received 
it, seated the bishop in a chair, clad in the 
sacerdotal vestments which he wore when they 
took him prisoner, and, as if to do him honor, 
carried him so seated from the ship to the shore. 
When they who had ransomed him desired to 
speak with him, and congratulate him, they 
found him to be dead. Bearing him off with 
great mourning, they buried him on the 22d of 
September, in the sepulchre which he had had 
made for himself.** 

Thus was proved the inability of the episco- 
pal power to defend and govern France. In 
870, the head of the Gallican church, the arch- 
bishop of Reims, Hincmar, made the following 
painful confession to the pope — '^ These are the 
complaints addressed to us by the people, ' Cease 
to take oar defence upon yourselves ; content 

140 ^'SS'iftSrchSS.'" WEAKNESS OF THE EMPIRE. ^^fiSitSSKr""^ {^^ 

yourselves with contributing to it by your pray- brother, for the moment master of Neustria, 

ers, if you desire uur assistance for the common triumphs in Charleses own palace. The pool 

defence. . . . Beg the apostolic lord not to emperor flies from Italy at the approach of one 

impose upon us a king who cannot aid us in of his nephews, and falls ill and dies in a Tillage 

distant parts against the frequent and sudden of the Alps, (a. d. 877.)* 

incursions of the pagans.'"* . . . His son, Louis the Stammerer, cannot even 

These grave words are equally the condem- retain the shadow of power preserved by his 

nation of the local power of the bishops and of father. Italy, Lorraine, Brittany, and Gasco- 

the central power of the sovereign, who, a ci- ny will not hear him spoken of. Even in the 

pher in the Church, will only be the weaker for north of France he is compelled to acknowledge 

separating from it. He may dispose of some before the prelates and nobles, that he holds 

bishoprics, humble the bishops,! and oppose the the crown only by election.f His life is short ; 

pope of Rome to the pope of Reims. He may those of his sons, shorter. In the reign of one 

accumulate empty titles, have himself crowned of these — that of the young Louis — the annalist 

king of Lorraine, and divide with the Germans cursorily lets fall this terrible fact, which ena- 

the kingdom of his nephew, Lothaire II. ; he bles us to estimate the depth of the abyss into 

will not be the stronger. When he becomes which France had sunk — " He built a fort of 

emperor, his weakness is at its height. In 875, wood, but it rather served to strengthen the 

the death of his other nephew, Louis II., led pagans than to defend the Christians, for the 

Italy vacant, and the imperial dignity as well, said king could find no one to whom he could 

Anticipating the sons of^ Louis the German at intrust the charge of it:'^ 

Rome by his greater speed,| he filches, if I However, in 881, Louis gained a victory 

may so speak, the title of emperor ; but the over the Northmen of the Scheldt, and the his- 

▼ery Christmas-day on which he triumphantly torians were at a loss how to celebrate so rare 

arrays himself in the Greek Dalmatic,^ his an event A poem, in the German tongue, 

which was composed on this occasion,^ is still 

* Et vos ergo soils oraUonibas vestris regnam contra extant. But this reverse only rendered them 

Nonnftnno8etuliosimpetentesdefeiidite,et noslram defen- the more terrible. Their chief Gotfried, who 

sionem nolite qusrere ; et si YUltis ad defensioneni habere «i ji^-i^uj i^ rT.V- 

nostrum auxUlum, sicut volumus de vestris oraUonibas "^d espoused Uizla, the daughter Of Lothaire 

babero adjutorium, nolite qocrere nostrum dlspcndium, et II., required Frisia tO be ceded tO him ; and 

Cute douiinum apostollcum . . . . ut non pneclpiat nobis «.kpn Pharlpa thfl Fat the n#»w kintr of (iprmsL. 

bere rofrcm qui no« in longinquis partibus adjuvare non ^"®" *^"aJ^*e8 ine r at, me new King 01 uerma- 

possit cnnira KubitaneoA et frequentes paganorum incursus^ ny, Consented, he demanded m addition a set- 

♦• A^'^'Yn '1?- **"• ^u^ ^nK'-,^' ^ . tlement on the Rhine, in the very heart of the 

t Annal. Bertin. ann. 850. '* Charles gave certain monas- -c^ • • • j j-j ^. • u 

teries to iHviuen which had never been bestowed save on empire, t risia, he said, did not yield wme. 

iwiests."— Ann. 8C2. '* He bestowed the abbey of St. Martin, He wanted Coblentz and Andernach. Beinc: 

which he had unreasonably given his son, Hludowic, with- „Jr-,:*4«j #« «« ;„«««,.:«.„ ,.,;«k ♦u^ A«r^.v».^. ^^ 

oat any more reason, on rfuBert, a marri^ priest" For a admitted to an interview With the emperor on 

longtime he did not fill up the vacant abbotship,in order an island in the Rhine, he advanced new pre- 

£f Jlf.«"i^l\; ?Sf L'£f.rJS? oil^;;^^^^ tensions in the name of his brother-in-law, 

toe same with the abbeys of St. Qnenun and St. Waast. — tt i. -i l • • i ^ • 

Ann. 876. He rewarded wiUi abbeys the deserters who Hugh ; until the imperial retainers lost patience 

pawed over to hUparty.-Ann.8fi5." He nominated Vuifad, and assassinated him. Either to avenge this 

of his own authority, before any decision was come to in ^„,j«, «_ • ^^«««^ „-4u r<k».i». ♦u^ r*„» u;- 

the case, to the archbishopric of Bourges, Ja:."-Frt)doard, murder, or in concert With Charles the t at, his 

I. u. c. 17. The syntKi of Troyes, which had disapproved succcbsor, Siegfried, associated himself witn 

l';^rVS~\S"ul.r4fu; wSlS'i'S.d ">« Northmen of the Seine and invaded North- 

it, broke the seals of the archbishops, Jtc.— See, also, in the em t rance — which Submitted With an ill grace 

Annals of St. Bertin, his harsh and haughty conduct to the to the yoke of the king of Germany, Charles 

Ushops assembled In the council of Ponthlon. — In 867, he -i xr«* llju i- r-c^ l*l 

requlrcti from the bishops and abbots an account of their ^^^,^ *V ^"** "*" become king Of i* rance by the 

possessions, that he might know how many serfs to exact extinction of the French branch of the Carlo- 

flrom them to employ in building. Ten years afterwards, he vin( 

UMssed the clergy for the payment of a tribute to the Nor- v">6^^"°* 

mans. Ann. Bortin.— In his military ezpediUons his scruples ,. . -x j« «_. vi v . . j 

did not restrain him from plundering *Se churches. iSld. f?^" 2 J"^,?'*'?'^. ^Jf ^^'^^ *»1T!.'*''*°' ^ 

ann. 851 .-Doubts were even raised L to Uie purity of hU S*.i?'^,*L?° \^ ^ ""^"y "** **" hoiydays ... he thought 

iklth. (Lotharius ad versus Karolum occasione suspectc « 551?? isCSL-T .« 'o.. d i^ ^t ic» a -^ . 

lidei queritiu- Multa catholics fidei contraria in !«gno * /^l^}\ !? af "SlJJP- ^K;i'-iSr\'£: '^-According to 

Karli, ipso quoquo non nescio, concitantur. Ibid. ann. 8M.) fi^X"! Il.„ R^^it ^ h« A?i;\?of M^tfi^H"^'' * 

He even humiliates the archbishop of Reims, to whom he ^T f Jj! ^'^J^Vtifl.'n Sr R ^?^H ^ ?i i i.lf*... 

owed all, by giving the primacy to the archbUhop of Sens. _[ ^5"*/- ^"J?* *P* *^- A i S' ^1' ^^^^ ft 

Hincmar wL weak and v;SSerable on many points. He had ffi»^,^„ ^\^l "^^^^"^^ *»^ 1* i^.rih«°t." ntli?1 

•ucceeded archbishop Hebo. whose deposiUoiiwas much dis- SS? ir^„ .K?ui!^fl!i '.i'.L\^^» ^miw-the people that I 

approvcdof. He had compromised himself in Gotteschalk's t A^fn.i ?iittY« .«« «^ r».fiin« ™«.-^s 

boSness, both by his Illegal proceedings against the hereUc. „i.„-{"***- "fSS'mri^*. 55 'J^S J^' ni^n^nT.^^^f^S 

and his connection with 5oaEnes ErigbnaT His violence to^ ^Sf„ ' Vk,i^^2^«^ #J^»„« S .T" ?1!«T"* ^?*"" ^ 

wards his nephew Hincmar. the blSiop of Laon, a young ^'^ '*?„PiS'!^*"°*r ,^^ '^''.S?«"J;S™^''*""^.2?' 

and learned prelate, who wa^ not sufficienUy sub^ve tS J^Sit. C"toUum ad custodiendum committeie 

die primacy of Reims, was also objected to him. «su. v vs. i« on 

t Annal. Fuld. ap. Scr. R. Fr. vU. 181. Quanti potuit V »«• *• ". ix. w.— 

VVlocltate Romam profectus est ** £inen Kunlng weiz Ich 

% Ibid. " Returning from Italy to Gaul, he Is said to have Helsset er Ludwlg 

■iramed new and unusual garments ; for, arrayed in the ^' feme Oott dienet, 4cc.** 

Dalmatic, which flowed down to his heels, and girt, more- A chronicler, two centuries later, roundly afRnns thai 

iffw, with a belt that hung as low, (balteo pendente usque Eodea, Louis's general in this war, slew a hundred thoa 

ti pedes,) and with his head wiapped la a lUkra vail, sand of Um Nonnana. llailaBva Scotm, ap^ Scr. R. ft. vUk 

*-4jPjTli.dtf«afwof EXTINCTION OF THE CARLOVINGIANS. CharJ«^2JJJ»;««»e. 141 

But the hnmiliation of the country is not com- 
plete until the accession of the German prince, 
(a. d. 884,) who unites in his own person the 
whole of Charlemagne's empire, becoming em- 
peror and king of Germany, Italy, and France. 
A splendid mockery ! The Northmen do not 
content themselyes in his reign with ravaging 
the empire, but seek to take possession of the 
fortified places. They lay siege to Paris with 
prodigious fury. Oflen attacked, that city had 
never been taken ; but would have fallen .now, 
bad not count Eudes, son of Robert the Strong, 
bishop Gozlin, and the abbot of St. Germain- 
des-Pr^8, thrown themselves into it, and defend- 
ed it with the utmost valor. Eudes even dared 
to sally from it, in order to implore Charles the 
Fat to come to its relief. The emperor came, 
indeed, but contented himself with watching 
the barbarians, and persuaded them to leave 
Paris to ravage Burgundy, which did not yet 
recognise his authority, (a. d. 885-886) — a 
cowardly and perfidious connivance on his part, 
which dishonors Charles the Fat. 

It at once provokes melancholy and laughter 
to see the efforts of the monk of St. Gall to 
reanimate the courage of the emperor. The 
good monk makes nothing of exaggerating. He 
tells him how his grandfather Pepin cut off* a 
Uon's head with a single blow ; how Charle- 
magne (as Clotaire II. had before done) slew 
in Saxony every one taller than his sword ;* 
how Charlemagne's meek son astonished the 
envoys of the Northmen with his strength — 
sportively breaking their swords to pieces with 
his hands.f He makes a soldier of Charle- 
^ magne's boast that he had carried seven, eight, 
and even nine barbarians, spitted on his lance 
like little birds.| He invites him to imitate his 
forefathers, conduct himself like a man, and to 
be peremptory with the nobles and bishops. 
^ Charlemagne having sent to consult one of 
his sons who had turned monk, on the conduct 
he should observe towards the nobles, found 
him plucking up nettles and other weeds. 'Tell 
my father,' are his words, * what you have seen 
me doing.' .... His monastery was destroy- 
ed, and there can be no doubt as to the cause — 
but I will not tell it to you, until I shall see 
your little Bernard with his sword in his belt."^ 
This little Bernard passed for the emperor's 
natural son, though Charles himself threw a 
doubt on the matter by the manner in which he 
accused his wife before the diet of 887, so as 

* Mon. SangA 1. U. c. 17. 

t Id. ibid. c. 9S. In like maimer Haroun Alraschid breaks 
tbe wenpnns brought to him by the ambassador from Ck>D- 
tt&ntinople. The reader will call to mind Ulysses* bow 
in the Odyssey, the bow of the king of Ethiopia in Ilerod- 
uios, Jtc. 

X Id. ibid. c. 90. "When he had mown down Bohe- 
iDian«, WUzis. and Avars like grass, and hung them like 
vaall birds from his spear ... he was wont to say, * What 
were the«>e frugf to me 1 I used to carry here and there 
■even, eight, or nine of them, indeed, spitted on my spear, 
•ad croaking I know not what.' " 

4 Id. ibid. c. 19. Quam ant^ non solvam. quam Bema- 
duam vettrom spathi §uawt accinetua coospidam. 

to appear to give himself out for impotent. He 
affirmed " that he had not known the empress, 
although he had been united to her in lawful 
wedlock for ten years."* It was but too likely 
that the emperor was as powerless as the em- 
pire. The degeneration of his race is suffi- 
ciently attested by the sterility of eight queens 
and the premature death of six kings. It is 
fairly worn out, like that of the Merovingians. 
The French branch is extinct, and France dis- 
dains longer to obey the German. Charles the 
Fat is deposed by the diet of Tribur, in 887. 
The different kingdoms that composed the em- 
pire of Charlemagne are once more separated ; 
and not only kingdoms, but duchies, countships, 
and simple lordships, will soon be so. 

The very year of his death, (a. d. 877,) 
Charles the Bald had made the countships he- 
reditary ;t fiefs were so already. The counts 
— up to this period, judges removable at pleas- 
ure — became hereditary sovereigns in their 
several districts. Circumstances had compel- 
led this concession. At first, Charles the Bald 
had prohibited the barons from building cas- 
tles, as a vain and culpable mode of defence 
when the Northmen ravaged all around ; but 
he was constrained to yield to necessity, and 
recognised the hereditary tenure of the count- 
ships J — it was to resign his crown. The counts 
and barons are the real heirs of Charles the 
Bald, and already he has married his daughters 
to the bravest of them, to those of Brittany and 

These liberators of their country will occupy 
the defiles of the mountains, the fords of the 
rivers. They will rear their strongholds there, 
and defend themselves at once against the bar- 
barians and their prince, who from time to time 
will be tempted to endeavor to resume the 
power which he abandoned with regret. But 
the people hate and despise a king who cannot 
protect them ; they crowd around their defend- 
ers, around the lords and the counts. On its 
first institution, nothing could be more popular 
than feudalism ; and there is a confused remem- 
brance of this popularity in the romances in 
which Gerard of Roussillon, Renaud, and the 
other sons of Aymond, maintain an heroic strug- 
gle against Charlemagne, whose name is used 
in them as a common designation for the Carlo- 
vingians. .^* 

The first and the most powerful of these 
founders of feudalism is Charles the Bald's own 
brother-in-law. Boson, who (a. d.^879) assumes 
the title of king of Provence, of of Burgundy 

* Annal. Metens. ann. 887, ap. Scr. R. Fr. viil. — Gesta 
R^. Franc, ibid. iz. 47. 

f This remark is due to the Hlstoiro du Moyen-Age of 
M. DesmicbelSf (t IL p. 373.) All this portion of his work 
Is beyond praise. 

t Capltul. Caroll Calvi, ann. 177, ap. Scr. R. Fr. vli. 70S 
Si comes de isto regno obierlt .... filium ilUus de hono- 
ribus illius honoremus. — He secures the inheritance to the 
son, even though a child at his father's death. If there la 
no son, the countship Iklls to the disposal of the princev— 
See the mistake on this subject of the authors of the Art dt 
V«ilfierlM Dates, V.47L 


Tha first foandan 




CisjuraDa, (on this side of the Jura.)* Not 
long afterwards, (a. d. 888,) Rodolph Welf oc- 
cupies Burgundy Transjurana, (beyond the 
Jura.) which he erects into a kingdom.f These 
are the barriers of France on the southeast 
Here the Saracens will have to contend with 
Boson, with Gerard of Roussillon — the celebra- 
ted hero of romance — with the bishop of Gre- 
noble, and the viscount of Marseilles. 

That family of Hunald*s and of Guaifer's,t 
80 ill-treated by the Carlovingians on whom it 
brought the disaster of Roncesvalles, re-estab- 
lish, at the foot of the Pyrenees, the duchy of 
Gascony ; and, in Aquitaine, arise the power- 
ful families of Gothia, (Narbonne, Roussillon, 
Barcelona,) of Poitiers, and of Toulouse. Those 
of Gothia and of Poitiers trace their origin to 
St. Gulielmus, the patron saint ofthe south, and 
conqueror of the Saracens. In like manner all 
the kings of Germany and Italy claim to de- 
scend from Charlemagne ; and the heroic fam- 
ilies of Greece, the kings of Macedon and of 
Sparta, the Aleuadae of Thessaly, and Bacchi- 
de of Corinth, referred their original to Her- 

On the east, Regnier, count of Hainault, will 
dispute Lorraine with the Germans — with S win- 
tibald, the ferocious son of the king of Germa- 
ny. RGgaier- Renard wUl remain the type and 
gopular name of that strife of stratagem with 
rute force, which eventually terminates in its 

On the north, France takes for its twofold 
defence against the Belgians and the Germans 
— the foresters of Flanders,^ and the counts of 
Vermandois, kindred and allies, more or less 
faithful, of the Carlovingians. 

But the great struggle is on the west, towards 
Normandy and Brittany, where the Northmen are 
accustomed to land yearly. The Breton, Nome- 
nol, puts himself at the head of the people, de- 
feats Charles the Bald, defeats the Northmen, 
defends the independence of the Breton church 
against Tours, and desires to erect Brittany into 
a kingdom. || On his decease, the Northmen return 

* He was chosen king at the conncll of Mantallle by 
twenty-three bt«hop4 of the south and east of Gaol. See 
the Acti of the Council, ap. Scr. R. Fr. ix. 304. 

t Annal. Met. np. 8cr. R. Fr. vHi. 68. Provlnciam Inter 
Jnrani et Alpos Fonninas occup^t, rei^mque se nppellavlL 

X See the charter of 845, by which Charles the Bald re- 
ftues to ratify the vast gifts which the count of the Gascons, 
Vandi¥glsil. and his family, (countn of Bigorre, ice.,) had 
conferred on the church of Alahon, (in the diocese of Urgel.) 
Hist, du Lang. 1. note at p. 6B8 and p. 85, of the proofs. — He 
did not give less than the whole ofthe ancient patrimony of 
his ancestors in France — all their property and rights In tlie 
7V«/oM«an, the ^gauns, the Qvterrv. the jMy« d'^rlet, 
Ptrigueui, Saintogne^ and Poitou. The Benedictines do 
Bot see, either in the material or the form of this document, 
any reason to doubt its authenUcity. It may be considered 
the testament of the ancient Aquitanian dynas^, wliich 
baving sought reAige among the Basques, had willed to the 
Spanish church ail It ever possessed In France. Tlie gift 
was reduced by Charles to some estates in Spaing to which. 
Indeed, he had no great netensions. 

I The counts of Flanders at first bora this name aa well 
at the counts of Anjou. 

. H HIstor. Britann. ap. Scr. R. Fr. vii. 49. . . . In corde 
mo cogitavit ut se regem fiiceiet. According to tlie ehroni- 
ckr, be Uumght of removinf fhun their tees tht Mihope 

in greater numbers, and the country is reduced to 
a desert, when one of his successors, (a. d. 937,) 
the heroic Allan Barbetorte, takes Nantes from 
them ; on which occasion he haa to cut his way 
with his sword through the bratnbles to get to 
the cathedral to return thanks for his victory to 
God. This time, however, the country is de- 
livered. The Northmen and the Germans — 
called in by the king against Brittany — are alike 
repulsed. For the first time Allan convenes 
the states of the countship, and the contest be- 
tween him and the king ends by the recognition, 
on the part of the latter, that every serf who 
takes refuge in Brittany becomes, by that act 
alone, a freeman.* 
/'/In 859, the lords had hindered the people 
from taking up arms against the Northmen.f 
In 864, Charles the Bald had forbade the bar- 
ons to build castlea A few years elapse ; cas- 
tles arise in every direction, and in every direc- 
tion the barons arm their followers. The 
barbarians begin to feel the obstacles that spring 
up against them. Robert the Strong falls in a 
battle with the Northmen, near Brisserte, (a. d. 
866.) His son Eudes, with better success, 
defends Paris against them in 855 ; and, sally- 
ing from the town, cuts his way back to it 
through their camp.| They raise the siege, 
and, attacking Sens, fail there as well. In 891, 
Arnulph, king of Germany, forces their ^c^mp, 
near Louvain, and drives them into the Dyle. 
In 933 and 955, the Saxon emperors, Henry 
the Fowler, and Otho the Great, gain their fa- 
mous victories of Merseburg and Augsburg over 
the Hungarians; and about the same period, 
(a. d. 965-972,) bishop Izarn drives the Sara- 
cens out of Normandy, and William, viscount 
of Marseilles, delivers Provence from them. 

Gradually the barbarians lose confidence, and 
sink into peace. Forsaking their life of pillage, 
they ask for lands whereon to settle. The 
Northmen of the Loire, so terrible under the 
aged Hastings, who led them as far as Tusca- 
ny, are repulsed from the shores of Britain by 
king Alfred. They care not to stay and die 
there, like their hero, Regnar Lodbrog, in a 
cavern swarming with serpents, but prefer set- 
tling in France, un the beautiful Loire. Char- 
tres. Tours, and Blois become theirs. Theobald, 
their chief, the progenitor of the house of Blois 
and of Champagne, closes the Loire against new 
invasions, as Rad-holf or Rollo presently will 
the Seine, where he settles with the consent of 
the king of France, Charles the Simple or the 

nominated to them hy the kings of the Franks, and of 
appointing bishops of his own choice in their stead, so as to 
ensure his own elecUon to the throne. 

* See the authors cited by Daru, Hist, of Brittany, I. 

t Annal. Bertin. ap. Scr. R. Fr. vil. 74. Vulgus promls- 
cuum inter Seqnanam et Ligerim, Inter ve conjuran^ adver- 
sus Danos in SequanH consistentes, fortiter resintit. Sed 
quia Incaut^ suscepta est eorum conjuratio, a potentiaribns 
nostrls facile Internciuntur. 

t Annal. Vedast ap. Scr. R. Fr. vill. 85. Nortmannl, ejni 
redltom prcscientes, aocurrerunt ei ante portam Turris ; sed 
Ule, emlsso equo, a dextris et sinistiii ndvenaiios 
civltAleB IngieHiis. 


TV NofthnwD fomlDt 
tJMtr yn tim t a n ' 


Fool. He did not, however, betray any folly 
in mttachiog these Northmen to him, and giving 
them the burdensome sovereignty of Brittany — 
throagh which the Bretons and they would mu- 
tually wear each other out. Rollo was baptized, 
and performing homage, not in person, but by 
deputy — bis representative managed so to exe- 
cute the ceremony of kissing the king^s foot as 
to throw him on his back.* Such was the in- 
solence of these barbarians. 

Thus the Northmen settle down ; the natives 
gather strength. France acquires consistency, 
and gradually shuts herself in. Large feudal 
seigniories rise on all her frontiers, like so ma- 
ny tuwers, and she finds some security in the 
formation of local powers — in parcelling out the 
empire, and breaking down unity, is there, 
then, no hope that that great and noble unity of 
our country, the image of which, at least, has 
been shown us in the Roman and Frankish gov- 
ernments, will one day return ? Have we ut- 
terly perished as a nation ? Does there not 
exist, in the midst of France, some central force 
which allows of the belief that the various mem- 
bers will be again brought together, and once 
more form a complete whole ? 

If the idea of unity is preserved, it is in the 
great ecclesiastical sees which maintain their 
l^etensions to the primacy. Tours is a centre 
upon the Loire ; Reims forms one in the north. 
Everywhere, however, the episcopal power is 
limited by the feudal. At Troyes and at Sois- 
80QS the count lords it over the prelate ; at 
Cambrai and Lyon they hold divided power. It 
is chiefly in the king^s domains that the bishops 
obtain or preserve the seigniory of their cities. 
Those of Laon, Beauvais, Noyon, Chdlons-sur- 
Marne, and of Langres, become peers of the 
kingdom ; as do the metropolitans of Sens and 
Reims — the first expelling the count, the sec- 
ond resisting him. The archbishop of Reims, 
the head of the Gallican church, is long the 
faithful support of the Carlo vingians ; and he 
alone seems still to take an interest in the mon- 
archy and the family on the throne. f 

This age-worn dynasty, committed to the 
guardianship of bishops, could not rally France. 
Environed by wars and by the ravages of the 
barbarians, the kingly title must perforce 
pass to one or other of the chiefs who have be- 
gun to arm the people; and this chief is to 
issue from the central provinces. The inhab- 
itants of the frontier are not the men to take up 
and defend the idea of unity, which is hateful 
to them. Independence is their wish. 

The church of Tours had constituted the 
centre of the Merovingian world. The centre 
of the Carlovingian wars against the North- 

• Gailbnm. Ometic. I. U. c. 17. 

t Whfi Cli>rle«( the Simple sammoned his vassals to 
serve nirt'o-i the UunKarians in 919, not one obeyed except 
Herivra*. tho >rchbishop of Reims, who repaired to him 
with finren hnMilrf>d men-at-arms. Frodoard, 1. iv. c. 14. — 
In SOS, l^nal* d'Outremer confirmed all the ancient privi- 
le|re« of ih<> rhun:h of Reims ; which were again conflnued 
b^ LoUiair? m W55, and, later, by the Othos. 

men and the Bretons is also on the Loire, but 
more to the west, that is to say, in Anjou, close 
by the Bretagne march. Here two families 
arise ; the progenitors of the Capets and of the 
Plantagenets, of the kings of France and of 
England — both springing from obscure chiefs 
who distinguished themselves by their defence 
of their country. 

The Plantagenets refer their origin to one 
Torthulf or Tertul, of Rennes in Brittany, ac- 
cording to the Chronicle, a simple peasant, liv* 
ing on hunting and on the products of forest 
life. " Charles the Bald named him forester 
of the forest of Nid-de-Merle* (Thrush's nest.) 
His son, who was named after him, was created 
seneschal of Anjou. His grandson, Ingelger,t 
and the Fulks, his descendants, were the 
scourges of Normandy and Brittany." 

The Capets, likewise, first settled in Anjou, 
and appear to have been Saxon chiefs in the 
service of Charles the Bald,^ who trusted to 
their first known ancestor, Robert the Strong, 
the defence of the country between the Seine 
and the Loire. Robert is slain by Hastings, 
the leader of the Northmen, in the battle of 
Brisserte ; while his more successful son, 
Eudes, repulses them when they lay siege to 
Paris, (a. d. 885,) and gains a great victory 
over them at Montfaucon.^ On the deposition 
of Charles the Fat, he is chosen king of France 
(a. d. 888.) 

dynastic revolution. 

The alternations of this long contest which, 
in the space of a century, confirmed the new 
dynasty on the throne, have been traced with 
great perspicacity by M . Augustin Thierry in 
his letters on the History of France, and I 

* Gcsta Consulom AndcfFsv. c. 1, 2, ap. Scr. R. Fr. viL 
25G. Torqnatns .... sen Tortultns .... hHbltator ms- 
ticanns fuit, ex coplft silvestri et venatico cxercitio victitana, 
&c. 8oe, alM), (ibid.,) Pactias Lochiensis, de Grig. Comitom 

t The first forester of Flanders was called Ineelram. 

X Aimoin de St. Fleury, who wrote in 1005, expressly 
calls Rothert .... a man of Saxon race .... his sou 
were Exuie* and Rrtbert. Acta SS. Ord.*S. Bencd. P. U. 
sec. iv. p. 357. M. T smondi is mistaken in ^upitaning that 
Albcric des Trois F^/ntaines, who wrote two ciMiiuries later, 
was the first to trace this frenealoKy. '' Kinir« Knl)crt and 
Eudcs were sons of Robert the Strong;. marqui.'< of the race 
of the Snxons *. . . . but historians toll us nothing fiirther 
of this race." Ibid. 385.— Gnillauni. de JniiiioKC!* : " Robert, 
count of Anjou, a man of Suxon race, had two »ion<i. Prince 
Eudes and Robert, Eudes' brother." Also, Chron. dr> Strozjd, 
ap. Scr. R. Fr. x. 278.— An anonyniou< writor, Huthor of a 
Life of l/ouis VIII., says, " The kingdom p-i»:M>d from the 
race of Charles to that of the counU of PariH, who were of 
Saxon ori|dn."— HelKHld, Life of Roltert, r. i., say*?, " The 
aueu^t family of Robert, as he him.^eif sKsertPd in holy and 
humble words, had iU origin in Au«onia." (Ausoni& — 
xhould not the reading be Saxonift ?) — Some hi<'tf>riHns make 
NeUMtria Robert's birth-plare ; others, Heez, (s^axiM, civltas 
Saxonum;) others again, Sstisscau, (S'lxiarum.) See the 
preface to the tenth volume of the Hi<<t()rianH of France. 
All these opinions are reconciled and confirmed by their 
very discrepancies, on the supposition thnt Hotx'rt the Stmnf 
descended from the Saxons settled in Nou<>triH, and, par- 
ticularly, at Bayeux. The whole coa»t wa<<i called lithu 
SaTonicum; and the names of Seez, SaisuraH, and of tke 
river of Sei, itc.^ have evidently the same origin. 

$ AbbonU versos de Bellus Paris, ap. Scr. R. Fr. viU. M. 


Ezclntion of the famfly of 
Charle« the GnmL 


Inraiion of France 
bjr SwinUbold. 



cannot resist the temptation of borrowing a few 
pages from his spirited narrative.* The qnes- 
tion is treated under one point of view only ; 
but with singular clearness : — 

" To the revolution of 888, there corresponds 
in the exactest manner a movement of another 
kind, which raises to the throne a man who is 
an entire stranger to the Carlovingian family. 
This king — the first to whom our history can 
assign the title of king of France, as opposed 
to that of king of the Franks, is Ode, or ac- 
cording to the Roman pronunciation which 
then began to prevail, Eudcs, soq of Robert the 
Strong, count of Anjou. Elected to the disad- 
vantage of an heir who was legitimately quali- 
fied, Eudes was the national candidate of the 
mixed population which had fought for fifty 
years to form a kingdom by itself; and from 
his reign dates the commencement of a second 
series of civil wars, which, aflerthe struggle of 
a century, terminated by the definitive exclu- 
sion of the family of Charles the Great. In 
fact, the French could only regard this race, 
which was thoroughly German, and attached 
by the ties of remembrance and of family affec- 
tion to the countries of the German tongue — 
as an obstacle to that separation, on which 
their independent existence had just been 

" It was not through caprice, but policy, that 
the barons of the north of Gaul, Franks by ori- 
gin, but attached to the interests of the coun- 
try, violated the oath taken by their ancestors 
to the family of Pepin, and consecrated king at 
Compiegne a man of Saxon descent. Charles, 
sumamed the Simple or the Foolishf — the heir 
dispossessed by this election — was not slow to 

i'ustify his exclusion from the throne by placing 
limself under the protection of Amulph, king 
of Germany. *Not being able to hold out,' 
says an ancient historian, * against the power 
of Eudes, he went, as a suppliant, to petition 
the protection of king Amulph. A public as- 
sembly was convened in the city of Worms, to 
which Charles repaired; and, afler having 
offered large presents to Amulph, was invested 
by him with the sovereignty whose title he had 
assumed. Commands were issued to the counts 
and bishops who dwelt near the Moselle to 
lend him every aid, and to marshal him back to 
his kingdom in order that he might be crowned 
there ; but all was of no avail. 

" The Carlovingian party, though aided by 
German intervention, did not gain the day over 
that which may be called the French party. 
They and their chief were several times de- 

♦ The only alteration which I have allowed myself to 
make. Is in the German orthography adopted by M. Thierry 
for the proper names. AU trace of German is almost en- 
tirely lost under the later Carlovlnfrians. 

t Chronic. Dltniarl, ap. Scr. R. tV. x. 119. Fuit in oc«i- 
dnis partibas quldam rex ab Incolis Karl Sot^ id est Stolidus, 
ironicd dictuB.— Rad. (ilabcr, 1. 1. c. 1. ibid. 4. Carolum Ht- 
heUm cognominatuiu. — Chronic. Strozzian. ibid. 273. .... 
C^ux>lum Simpiicem. — Chronic. S. Maxent. ap. Bcr. R. Fr. 
is. 8. KaroluM /^/m.— Richard. Pictav. iUd. SS. Karoliu 
eHmplez sive Stuttus, 

feated ; and, afler each defeat, he placed him- 
self in safety under cover of the Mouse, out of 
the limits of the kingdom. Nevertheless, 
Charles the Simple, thanks to the vicinity of 
Germany, managed to obtain some degree of 
power in the territory between the Meuse and 
the Seine. A remains of the old German 
belief — that the Welskes or Walloons were na- 
tural subjects of the sons of the Franks, contri- 
buted to render this contention for the throne 
popular in all the countries adjoining the Rhine. 
Under pretext of supporting the rights of legi- 
timate royalty, Swintibald, natural son of 
Arnulph, and king of Lorraine, invaded the 
French territory in the year 895. He pene- 
trated as far as Laon with an army composed 
of Lorrains, Alsacians, and Flemings, but was 
soon compelled to beat a retreat before the 
army of king Eudes. On the failure of this 
great attempt a kind of political reaction took 
place in the court of Germany, in favor of him, 
who, up to this event, had been termed a 
usurper. Eudes was acknowledged king;* 
and a promise was given that no further as- 
sistance should be furnished the pretender. In 
fact, so long as his opponent lived, Charles ob- 
tained nothing ; but when the death of Eudes 
renewed the question of a change of dynasty, 
the Kaisar, or emperor, again sided with the 
descendant of the Frank kings. 

*^ Charles the Simple, received as their king, 
in 898, by numbers of those who had labored to 
exclude him, reigned at first two-and-twenty 
years without any opposition. It was during 
this period that he abandoned all his rights to 
the territory bordering on the mouth of the 
Seine to the Norman chief Rolf, and conferred 
upon him the title of duke, (a. d. 912.) Later 
still, the duchy of Normandy served to cover 
the kingdom of France against the attacks of 
the German empire, and of its Lorraine or 
Flemish vassals. The first duke was faithful 
to the treaty of alliance which he had con- 
tracted with Charles the Simple, and supported 
him, though feebly enough, against Rodbert, or 
Robert, king Eudes' brother, who was elected 
to the throne in 922. His son, William I., at 
first pursued the same policy ; and when the 
hereditary monarch was dethroned and impri- 
soned at Laon, he declared for him against 
Radulf or Raoul, Robert's brother-in-law, who 
had been elected and crowned king through 
hate of the Frank dynasty ; but some years 
afterwards, changing sides, he forsook the 
cause of Charles the Simple, and entered into 
an alliance with King Raoul. In 936, expect- 
ing greater advantages from a return to his 
early track, he lent an energetic assistance to 
the return of Charles's son, Louis, surnamed 
d'Outremer, (from beyond the sea.) 

* Eudes mast not be magnified into the sovereign of a 
well-defined empire, like Ilngh the Great and Hugh Capet 
afler him. His kingdom, cr rather his army, was a flnc- 
tnating one. He is a partisan-chief, fighting now in the 
north, now In the wroth, in Flanders and In Aqnitaine. 


^ The new king, to whom the French party, 
other through ezhaustioD or from motives of 

Gideoce, opposed no competitor, influenced by 
zeditary inclination to seek friends beyond 
the Rhine, contracted a strict alliance with 
Otho, first of that name, king of Germany, the 
most powerful and most ambitious prince of the 
day. The barons, who entertained a great 
aTeraion to the Teutonic influence, were much 
discontented with this alliance. The repre- 
•entative of this national feeling was Hugh, 
count of Paris, surnamed the Great from his 
immense possessions, and who was the most 
powerful man between the Seine and the Loire ; 
and, as soon as their mutual distrust had 
broaght about a new war between the two par- 
ties, (a. d. 940,) who for flfly years had been 
anayed against each other, Hugh the Great, 
though not assuming the title of king, played 
against LfOuis d'Outremer the same part which 
had been played by Eudes, Robert, and Raoul, 
against Charles the Simple. His first care 
was to deprive the opposite faction of the sup- 
port of the duke of Normandy, and, succeeding 
m this, he managed to neutralize the effects of 
the German influence by Norman intervention. 
The whole strength of Louis and the Frankish 
party was dashed to pieces, in 945, against the 
little duchy of Normandy. The king, over- 
come in a pitched battle, was taken prisoner, 
together with sixteen of his counts, and confined 
in the tower of Rouen, from which he was 
only released to be delivered up to the chiefs 
of the national party, who imprisoned him at 

" In order to cement the recent alliance be- 
tween this party and the Normans, Hugh (he 
Great promised his daughter in m^nlage to 
their duke. But this confederati<»n of the two 
Gallic powers nearest to Gwmany drew down 
upon them a coalition of the Teutonic powers, 
the chief of which »i this time were king Otho 
and the count of Flanders. The deliverance 
of king I^oois was the ostensible motive of the 
war, but the confederates promised themselves 
results of a very diflferent nature. Their aim 
was to annihilate the Norman power by annex- 
ing the duchy to the crown of France, on the 
restoration of their ally, Louis ; expecting in 
return a large accession of territory at the ex- 
pense of the French kingdom.* Under the 
leading of the king of Germany, they invaded 
France in 946. Otho, say the contemporary 
historians, advanced at the head of thirty-two 
legions as far as Reims. The national party, 
which kept a king in prison, and had no king 
at its head, could not assemble sufficient forces 
to repulse the invaders. King Louis was re- 
stored to liberty, and the confederates advanced 
even up to the walU of Rouen ; but this bril- 
liant campaign was attended by no decisive 
^esult. Normandy remained independent, and 
he liberated monarch had no more friends than 


before. On the contrary, the miseries brought 
in the train of invasion were imputed to him ; 
and, soon threatened with a second deposition, 
he retired beyond the Rhine to implore fresh 

'^ In the year 948, a council of the German 
bishops met at Ingelheim, by order of king 
Otho, in order to take into consideration, among 
other matters, the griefs of Louis d'Outremer 
against Hugh the Great and his party. The 
king of the French appeared as a supplicant 
before this foreign assembly. After the pope's 
legate had announced the object fur which 
the synod was convened, he rose from his seat 
by the side of the king of Germany, and spoke 
as follows : — * None of you are ignorant that 
messengers from count Hugh and the other 
lords of France sought me out in the country 
beyond the sea to invite me to return to the 
kingdom which was my paternal inheritance. 
I was consecrated and crowned by the wishes 
and amidst the acclamations of all the chiefs, 
and of the army of France ; but, shortly after- 
wards, count Hugh traitorously got possession 
of my person, deposed, and imprisoned me for 
a whole year, and, at last, I only obtained my 
deliverance by putting in his power the city of 
Laon, the only city of my crown still faithful 
to me. If there be any one who maintains 
that all these misfortunes which have fallen 
upon me since my accession to the throne, 
have happened to me through my own fault, I 
am ready to auswer the charge either by sub- 
mitting to the judgment of the synod, and of 
the king here present, or in single combat.* 
As may be imagined, neither pleader nor cham- 
pion of the opposite party presented himself to 
submit a national difference to the judgment of 
the emperor of the land beyond the Rhine; 
and the council, transferred to Treves at the 
instance of Leudulf, the Caesar^s chaplain and 
delegate, pronounced the following sentence :— 
* By virtue of the apostolical authority, we ex- 
communicate count Hugh, king Louis's enemy, 
on account of the ills of every kind which he 
has wrought upon him, until such time as the 
said count repent, and give full satisfaction to 
the legate of the sovereign pontiff. If he re- 
fuse to submit, he will have to proceed to Rome 
to procure absolution.' 

" On the demise of Louis d'Outremer, in the 
year 954, his son Lothaire succeeded him with- 
out any apparent opposition. Two years after- 
wards count Hugh died, leaving three sons, the 
eldest of whom, who was named afler him, in- 
herited the countship of Paris, also called the 
duchy of France. Before his death, his father 
had recommended him to Richard or Richard,, 
duke of Normandy, as to the natural defender 
of his family and of his party.f This party 
seemed to slumber until the year 980." 

* 8cr. R. Fr. viU. 903. 

t Rlcliardo duel flUnm nomine Hogonem cooimendsis 
•tudnlt, at eioi patrocinio tatus, inimlconun fimndibiis 
capapetur. Id. Ibid. 9IP 


g upoadw aneeofGimtBy. 
Bamowb fli OUio. 


FbtaoftlM last of tbo 5iuD.BS0 

Canorinciam. c — W7. 

This slumber, which M. Thierry forgets to 
explain, was nothing else than the minority of 
king Lotherand of Hu^h Capet, duke of France, 
under the guardianship of their mothers Hed- 
wige and Gerberge, both sisters of the Saxon 
Otho, king of Germany.* This powerful mon- 
arch seems at this time to have governed 
France through the intermediation of his broth- 
er, Bruno, archbishop of Cologne and duke of 
Lorraine, and of the Low Countries.! These 
reUtions account for the Germanic character 
which M. Thierry notices in the later Carlo- 
Tingians. Louis d'Outremer, brought up among 
the Anglo-Saxons, and Lothaire, the son of a 
Saxon princess, naturally spoke the German 
tongue. The preponderance of Germany at 
this period, and the renown of Otho, the con- 
queror of the Hungarians and master of Italy, 
will likewise justify the predilection of these 
princes for the language of the great king of 
his day. The later Canovingians and first Ca- 
petians were not a whit the more warlike for 
their consanguinity with the Othos. Hugh 
Capet and his son Robert, princes devoted to 
the Church, are little calculated to remind one 
of the adventurous character of Robert the 
Strong and of Eudes, their ancestors, who felt 
no scruple at waging war with bishops ; as, for 
instance, against the archbishop of Reims.| 
But to resume M. Thierry's narrative. 

After the death of Otho the Great, " king 
Lothaire, abandoning himself to the impulse of 
French feeling, broke with the G«rman pow- 
ers, and endeavored to push the frontier of his 
kingdom as far as the Rhine. Suddenly ki. 
Tading the empire, he sojourned as conqueror 
in the palace of Aix-la-Chapelle. But this ad- 
Tenturous expedition, which flattered French 
Tanity, only served to bring the Germans, All- 
mans, Lorrains, Flemings, and Saxons, to the 
number of sixty thousand, to the heights of 
Montmartre, where this vast army chanted in 
chorus one of the verses of the Te Deum.^ 
Their general, the emperor Otho, as it often 
happens, was more successful in invasion than 
in retreat. Defeated by the French at the 
passage of the Aisne, he was only enabled to 

• Alberic. Tr. Font ap. Scr. R. Fr. Ix. 06. " Lonia d*Oa- 
tmner married Gerberge, slater of the emperor Otho. Duke 
Hof h the Great, seeing this, and In order to be even with 
binit and to connlerbalance the credit which Louis had ob- 
tained with Otho, took to wife the other sister, Hedwlge. 
From these two sisters sprang the imperial race of Germany, 
■ad the royal races of France and Encland.'* 

t Hedwifte and Gerberge both pat themselves under Brn- 
BO*s protection, and he restored peace between his ne^ews. 
Frodoard. Chronic ap. Scr. R. Fr. vlii. 211. Vita 8. Bruno- 
Bit, ap. Scr. R. Fr. ix. 134.— The two sisters visited Otho 
when he came to Aix, in 965, and never, says the Chroni- 
cles, did they experience the like Joy. Chronic. Turon. ap. 
0cr. R. Fr. ix. 54. 

1 Frodoard, I. iv. ap. Scr. R. Fr. vlii. 157 For 

Odo besieged Reims, committed Immense slaughter and 
plundered the town, and gave up the property of the church 
of Reims to hla followers, insisting upon the plunder of the 

^ As many priests aa possible being brought together, he 
amned the AlULuia te Mor^mtai, fcc. to be sung lo loudly 
tkat Hugo and all the Fuitiau marvel tbeiMU. Scr. K. 

regain the frontiers through the medium of a 
truce with king Lothaire. According to the 
Chronicles, this truce, concluded against the 
will of the French army, revived the quarrel of 
the two parties, or rather supplied a new pre- 
text for resentments which had not ceased to 

" Threatened, like his father and his grand- 
father, by the implacable enemies of the Car- 
lovingian race, Lothaire looked towards the 
Rhine for aid in course of distress. He re- 
signed in favor of the imperial court his con« 
quests in Lorraine, and all the pretensions of 
France over a part of the kingdom. This, 
says a contemporary writer, seriously saddened 
the heart of the lords of France. Never- 
theless, they did not betray their discontent in 
a hostile manner. Instructed by the ill success 
of attempts reiterated during nearly a hundred 
years, they would undertake nothing against 
the reigning dynasty except sure of gaining 
their end. King liothaire, — ^to judge by his 
conduct, more able and active than his two pre- 
decessors,! — took a clear view of the difficul- 
ties of his position, and neglected no means of 
overcoming them. In 983, taking advantage 
of Otho*8 death, and of the minority of £s 
son, he suddenly dissolved the peace which he 
had concluded with the empire, and again in- 
vaded Lorraine ; an aggression which restored 
him some of his popularity. Thus, he avoided 
any open rebellion until the end of his reign. 
Each day, however, his power diminished. 
The power which he lost passed into the hands 
of Hugh — ^the son of Hugh the Gxou^-«count 
of the isle of France and of Anjou, sumamed 
in the French of the time Capet or Chapet, 
^ Lothaire,* writes one of the most distinguished 
individuals of ike tenth century, ' is king only 
in name. Hugh, without the title, is king in 
truth and deed.' '^ 

The German princes were deterred by the 
difficulties of every kind which opposed a 
fourth restoration of the Carlovingiana> (a. d. 
987,) and sent no army to the assistance of 
Charles, brother of the last king but one, and 
holding the dukedom of Lorraine of the em- 

* Paclfiratus est Lotharius rex cum Othone rege, Remis 
civitate, contra volnntatem Hugonis et Halnrici, fratris sni, 
et contra volnntatem eiercitus sui. Scr. R. Fr. vili. 934. 

t With regard to this observation of M. Thierry's we 
may observe that the Carlovlngians did not degenerate to 
the same extreme as the Merovingians. If Louis the Stam- 
merer were sumamed JVYAt/-/eci£, (Do-Nothing,) we must 
bear in mind that he reigned only eighteen months ; and 
the Annals of Metz boast his mildness and his sense of jus- 
tice. — Louis in. and Carloman gained a victorv over the 
Northmen, (jl. d. 879.)— Charios the Sot concluoed an ad- 
vantageous treaty with them, (▲. d. 911.) He defeated his 
rival king Robert, and slew him, it is said, with his own 
hand. (Chronic Tur. ap. Scr. R. Fr. ix. 51.)— Louis d'Ou- 
tremer evinced a courage and an acUvity which ought not 
to have drawn upon him the satirical proverb—** Dominus 
In convivio, rex in cubiculo,** (lord of the feast, and king 
of the chamber.) Mirac 8. Bencd. ibid. ix. 14a— Finally, 
as D. Vaissette observes, the youth of Louis /c Aiasml, 
(the Sluggard,) the shortoess of his reign, and the valor 
which he displayed at the siege of Reims, did not deserve 
this surname of the later IferoviaglanB. 

t Geilwrtt EpUt ay. Scr. R. F». z. SBT. 

Tte ehuff* of dyMfliF kudly Dotioad 


in Um dnUnt prariaen. 


pire — who aspired to the French throne. Re- 
duced to the poor assistance of his partisans 
within the kingdom, the utmost of Charleses 
SQCceas was the gaining possession of Laon, 
where the strength of the place enabled him to 
lustain a blockade until he was betrayed and 
given up by one of his own party. Hugh Ca- 
pet confined him in the tower of Orleans, 
where he died. His two sons, Louis and 
Charles, born in prison, and banished from 
France after their father^s death, found an asy- 
lom in Germany, where their connections and 
&mily ties secured them a welcome. 

'^ Although the new king was of a German 
stock — his want of relationship with the impe- 
rial dynasty, and the very obscurity of his 
origin, which could not be traced beyond the 
third generation, pointed him out as a candidate 
to the native race, whose restoration had been 
preparing since the dismemberment of the em- 

" In our national history, the accession of 
the third race far exceeds in importance that 
of the second. Strictly speaking, it constitutes 
the end of the reign of the Franks, and the 
substitution of a national monarchy for a gov- 
ernment founded on conquest. Henceforward, 
our history is unmixed, and we follow and re- 
cognise the same people, despite the changes 
thai take place in manners and civilization. 
This national identity is the foundation on 
which the dynastic unity has for so many ages 
rested. The people seem to have had a singu- 
lar presentiment of this long succession of 
kings, on the accession of the third race. The 
report ran that in 981, St. Valery, whose relics 
Hugh Capet, then count of Paris, had just had 
translated, appeared to him in a dream, and 
said — ' For what thou hast done, thou and thy 
descendants shall be kings to the seventh gene- 
ration — that is, forever.** 

"This popular legend is repeated by all 
chroniclers without exception, even by those 
few who, disapproving of the change of dy- 
nasty, assert the cause of Hugh to be bad, and 
accuse him of treason to his lord, and disobedi- 
ence to the decrees of the Church.f The be- 
lief was very generally diffused among the 
commonalty, that the new reigning family had 
issued from their own class ; nor was its cause 
injured by this belief, which prevailed for seve- 
ral centuries.**^ 

The accession of a new dynasty was hardly 

* Chronic. SIthlen. ap. Scr. R. Fr. z. 396. 

t Acta 8S. Ord. 8. Bened. lec. v. p. 557. 

X Raool. Glaber, monk of Cluny, who died In 1048, con- 
tents hlmwlf with sayinf— " Hugh Capet was the ion of 
Hu|;h the Great, and grandson of Robert the Strong ; but I 
pottcpooe relatins his origin, because the higher It is traced 
the obMHuer it becomes.^* L. i. c. 3, ap. Scr. R. Fr. x.— 
Dante subscribes to the popular belief which refers the ori- 
gia of the Capets lo a butcher of Paris :— 

** Di me son natl i Filippl, i Lnici, 
Per cnl novellamente ^ FrancM retta. 
Flgliool fui d* un becca io di Parigi, 
Qoaodo li reci aatichi venner meno, 
ToUi ftior eh'iiB renduto in panni UgL 

Pnifatark)^ c zx. v. 40. 

noticed in the distant provinces.* What mat- 
ter was it to the lords of Gascony, of Langue- 
doc, and of Provence, to know whether he who 
bore towards the Seine the title of king, was 
called Charles or Hugh Capet ! 

For a long time the monarch will have little 
more influence than a duke or a mere count. It 
is, however, something for him to be the equal 
of the great vassals, and for monarchy to have 
descended from the lofty summit of Laon, and 
to have walked forth free from the ^ardian- 
ship of the archbishop of Reims.f The later 
Carlovingians were often at a loss to make 
head against the pettiest barons. The Capets 
are powerful lords, capable of resisting bj 
themselves the count of Anjou or the count d 
Poitiers. 'I'bey hold many countships in their 
own hands, ffach accession to the throne is 
worth a new title to them, as the ransom of 
royalty, as the indemnification for the crown 
which they still forbore seizing. Hugh the 
Great obtains from Louis IV. the duchy of 
Burgundy, and the title of duke of Aquitaine 
from Lothaire. 

Abased as the latter Carlovingians were, roy- 
alty was but a name— «n all-but-forgotten re- 
membrance. Transferred to the Capets, it be- 
comes a hope, a living right, which slumbers, it 
is true, but which, when needful, will awaken. 
With the third race, as with the second, royalty 
was renewed by a fkmily of large proprietors^ 
friendly to the church. Property and the church, 
the land and God, form the deep foundations on 
which monarchy will once more rise and flourish. 

Arrived at the term of the German sway and 
accession of French nationality — let us pause a 
moment. The year 1000 draws nigh — ^the 
great and solemn epoch at which the middle 
ages expected the end of the world to arrive. 
In truth, the end did come. Let us cast our 
looks backward. France has already lived 
two ages of its life as a nation. 

In the first, the races deposited themselves 
one upon the other, so as to fertilize the Gallic 
soil with their alluvions. Above the Celts are 
placed the Romans, and, last deposit of all, the 

* A monk of Mailleials (Poitou) says in hli Chronicle, 
(ap. Scr. R. Fr. z. 182.) . ..." It was said that Icing Rob- 
ert reigned over the Franks.**— The duke of Aquitaine, at 
this Ume (▲. n. 1016) William of Poitiers, recognised the klnf 
of Aries as his sovereign. See the Chronicio of Ditnuur, 
1. vii. ap. Scr. R. Fr. z. 133, 133. 

t Cluurles the Bald, on his accession to the throne, only 
saw with Hincmar's eyes. ** Non solum de rebus ecclesiaa- 
ticis, etc.** (Frodoard, 1. iii. c. 18.) It was Hincmar, again, 
who governed Louis the Stammerer, (Hincmar. epist. ap. 
Scr. R. Fr. iz. 254.) and who, as he himMif boasted, roaib 
Louis ni. king. — His successor, Fullc was the protector of 
Charles the Sijnnle in his minority. He crowned him in the 
year 803, when ne was fourteen years of age, treated in his 
name with king Amnlph nnd with Eudes, and at last mads 
him kins in 8W. (Chronic. Sithiens. ap. Scr. R. Fr. iz. 7S. 
Frodoard, 1. iv. e. 3, 5.)— After him, Heriveus, in 090, won 
Imck to their allegiance the royal vassals who had revolted, 
and confirmed the wavering monarchy. (Chronic. Tur. apu 
Scr. R. Fr. iz. 50. — Frodoatrd, 1. iv. c. 15.) He came alone, 
with his retainers, to protect him against the invasion or 
the Hungarians. (Frodoard, 1. iv. c. 14.)— Louis d*OutrenMr 
made war on Heribert with archbishop Arnold, to whom 
he granted the priviieie of coining money. (AlbeiiG. apw 
Scr. R. ft. Iz. 6S.— Ftoaoaid, 1. iv. c 90^ «|q.) 

lAA Bamamxj wad mar€f of toB 


RatMNUM of the btwt of 
Fraoen hntorj. 

Gennans — ^the latest comers into the world. 
Soch are the living elements and materials of 

In the second age begins the fusion of these 
races : society seeks to settle down. France 
would feign become a social world; but the 
organization of such a world presupposes fixity 
and order. Fixity — that attachment to soil and 
to property which cannot be felt so long as the 
immigrations of new races continue— scarcely 
exists under the Carlovingians, and will only 
be completely established by the influence of 

Seemingly, order and unity had been attained 
by the Romans, and by Charlemagne. But 
wherefore were they so evanescent t Because 
they were altogether material and external, 
concealing the utter disorder and obstinate discord 
of heterogeneous elements, that had only been 
bound together by force. Under the magnifi- 
cent and deceitful unity of the Roman admin- 
istration, more or less revived by Charlemagne, 
were concealed differences of race, of language, 
and of feeling, want of communication, mutual 
ignorance, and instinctive antipathies ; — ** mortua 
quinetiam jungebat corpora vivis, tormenti ge- 
nus,** — this tyrannical junction of antagonist na- 
tures was torture. Its agony may be inferred 
from the eagerness and violence with which the 
nations tore themselves from the empire. 

Matter tends to dispersion ; spirit to unity. 
Matter, essentially divisible, seeks disunion and 
discord. Material unity is a contradiction in 
terms, and, in policy, is t3rranny. Spirit alone 
has the right to effect union. It alone compre- 
hends, embraces, and, to say all in one word — 
loves. As has been so well put by the meta- 
i^3rsics of Christianity — Unity impUes Power, 
Love, and Spirit. 

Unity must begin through the spirit — ^through 
the Church. But, to enable it to give unity, the 
Church herself must become one. In the organi- 
lation of the Carlovingian world, the episcopal 
aristocracy has utterly failed. It must humble 
itself, learn subordination, accept the hierarchy, 
and, to rise from powerlessness to strength, be- 
come the pontifical monarchy. Then, amidst the 
dispersion of material things, will appear the in- 
Tisible unity of mutual understanding, the only 
Ittal unity — that of minds and of wills. Then will 

feudalism, apparently a chaos, contain a substan- 
tial and potent harmony, whereas in the pompous 
deceit of imperial unity lurked anarchy alone. 

Waiting the advent of the spirit, and the 
breath of God from on high — matter is dispersed 
towards the four quarters of the world. Divis- 
ion is subdivided ; the grain of sand seeks to 
part into atoms. Men abjure, and curse, and re- 
fuse to know one another. Each asks, ' Who is 
my brother t* and becomes fixed by isolating 
himself. One will perch with the eagle ; an- 
other wUl intrench himself behind the torrent. 
Soon, man no longer knows whether there ex- 
ist a world beyond his canton, or his valley. 
He takes root, and strikes into the earth — 
*' pes, mode tam velox, pigris radicibus, haeret.*' 
But lately, he classified himself, and would be 
judged by the law peculiar to his race — Bur- 
gundian, Lombard, or Gothic. Man was a per- 
son, the law personal. Now, man becomes 
land — the law is territorial. Jurisprudence be- 
comes a matter of geography. 

At this stage, nature takes upon herself to 
regulate the alfairs of men. They fight ; she 
divides. At first, she tries her strength, and 
maps out kingdoms on the empire with bold and 
free strokes. The basins of the Seine and 
Loire, those of the Mouse, the Sa6ne, and the 
Rhone — here are four kingdoms; they only 
want names ; you can call them, if you so will, 
the kingdoms of France, of Lorraine, of Bur- 
gundy, and of Provence. It is sought to unite 
them. Far from it; they divide themselves. 
Rivers and mountains enter their protest against 
unity. Division triumphs : each point of space 
asserts its independence. The valley becomes 
a kingdom ; the mountain, a kingdom. 

History should obey this movement, disperse 
herself as well, and trace on every point where 
they arise all the feudal dynasties. Let us en- 
deavor to disentangle this vast subject, by clearly 
defining the original characters of the provinces 
in which these dynasties have come to land. 
In its historical development, each was clearly 
modified by the different influence of its respect- 
ive soil and climate. Liberty is potent in civ- 
ilized ages, nature in barbarous ones. In these 
the accidents of locality are all-powerful as the 
laws of fate ; and mere geography becomes a 


CStDtnl rivw of tfateomoliy. 




Thb history of France begins with the French 
language. Idinguage is the distinguishing mark 
of nationality. The earliest monument of our 
language is the oath dictated by Charles the 
Bald to his brother, at the treaty of 843.* In 
the half century following, the different coun- 
tries of France, up to that time confounded in a 
vague and obscure unity, assume distinctiye 
characters from the feudal dynasties established 
in them. Their population, so long floating and 
unsettled, is fixed and seated. We know where 
are the respective people of each : and at the 
same time that they all begin to exist and act 
apart, they gradually acquire a voice : each has 
its history, which each relates for itself. 

Through the infinite variety of the feudal 
world, and the multiplicity of objects with which 
it at first distracts the eye and the attention, 
France nevertheless stands manifest. For the 
first time she displays herself under her goo- 
graphic form. When the wind dissipates the 
vain and fantastic fog with which the German 
empire had covered and obscured every thing, 
the country comes oat into full light, with ^1 
its local diflferences defined by its mountains and 
its rivers. The political correspond with the 
physical divisions. Far from there having 
been, as is commonly stated, confusion and chaos, 
all was order — inevitable and fated regularity. 
Strange If our eighty-six departments corre- 
spond, or very nearly so, with the eighty-six 
districts of the Capitularies, whence sprang 
most of the feudal sovereignties ; and the revo- 
lution which gave the death-blow to feudalism 
was fain to imitate it. 

The true starting-point of our history is a 
political division of France, founded on its nat- 
ural and physical division. At first, history is 
altogether geography. It is impossible to de- 
scribe the feudal or the provincial period, (the 
latter epithet is equally characteristic,) without 
first tracing the peculiarities of the provinces. 
Nor is it sufficient to define the geographical 
form of these different countries. They are to 
be thoroughly illustrated by their fruits alone 
— I mean by the men and the events of their 
history. From the point of view where we 
are about to place ourselves, we shall predict 
what each of them will do and produce ; we 
shall indicate to them their destiny, and dower 
them in the cradle. 

• 8ee p. 131. 
t 8cr. R. Fr. vli. 016, 617. Capital, annl 853. 
C«ixo(,Cottnori8B3,tlU.i>. 27. 


And first, let us view France in its whole, 
that we may see how it will divide of itself. 

Let us ascend one of the highest summits of the 
Vosges, or, if you choose, let us seat ourselves 
on the Jura — our back to the Alps. Could our 
sight take in an horizon of three hundred leagues, 
we should distinguish an undulating line, ex- 
tending from the wood-crowned hills of Luxem- 
bourg and of Ardennes to the balloon-shaped hills 
of the Vosges, and thence along the viny slopes 
of Burgundy to the volcanic crags of the Ce- 
vennes, and to the vast wall of the Pyrenees. 
This line marks the great water-shed. On its 
western side descend to the ocean the Seine, the 
Loire, and the Garonne ; on the other, the Meuse 
flows to the north, the SaAne and Rhone to the 
south. In the distance are two continental 
islands, as it were — Brittany, low and rufi^ged, 
of quartz and granite only, a huge shoal placed 
at the angle of France to sustain the shock of 
the current of the strait ; and Auvergne, green 
and rude, a vast extinct fire, with its forty vol- 

The basins of the Rh6ne and of the Garonne, 
notwithstanding their importance, are only sec- 
ondary. In the north alone life exists in the 
fulness of strength ; and in it was wrought the 
great movement of the nations. In ancient 
times there set a current of races from Germa- 
ny into France ; the grand political struggle of 
modem times has lain between France and 
England. These two nations are placed facing 
each other, as if to invite to contest. On their 
most important sides the two countries slope to- 
wards each other, or you may say that they form 
but one valley, of which the Straits of Dover 
are the bottom. On this side are the Seine and 
Paris ; on that, London and the Thames. But 
England presents to France that portion of her 
which is German — keepin? behind her the Celts 
of Wales, Scotland, and Ireland. France, on 
the contrary, backed by her Germanic provin- 
ces, (Lorraine and Alsace,) opposes her Celtic 
front to England. Each country views the 
other on its most hostile side. 

Germany is not opposed to France, but rather 
lies parallel with her. Like the Meuse and the 
Scheldt, the Rhine, Elbe, and Oder run into 
the northern seas. Besides, German France 
sympathizes with Germany, her parent. As 
for Roman and Iberian France, notwithstanding 
the splendor of Marseilles and of Bordeaux, she 
only faces the old world of Africa and of Italy, 
or else the vague abyss of ocean. From Spain 
we are severed by the Pyrenees even more eom- 




•rcliitedure, and eottOBM. 

pletely than she is by the sea from Africa. 
Rising above the regiori of rain and of the low- 
er clouds to the por of Venasque, and prolong- 
ing our view over Spain, we see that there 
Europe ends. A new world opens ; before us 
is the blazing sun of Africa; behind, a fog un- 
dulating with a constant wind. 

Looking at France in its latitude, its zoneis 
are at once discriminated by their products. 
In the north are the low and rich plains of Bel- 
gium and of Flanders, with their fields of flax, 
hops, and of cotewoi^, and the bitter northern 
vine. From Reims to the Moselle begins the 
region of the true vine and of wine ; all spirit 
in Champagne, and good and warm in Bur- 
gundy, it grows heavier and duller in Langue^ 
doc, to awaken again at Bordeaux. The mul- 
berry and the olive appear at Montauban ; but 
these delicate children of the south are ever 
exposed to risk in the unequal climate of 
France.* Longitudinally, the zones are not 
less distinct. We shall presently see the in- 
timate relations which connect, as in one long 
belt, the frontier provinces of Ardennes, of 
Lorraine, of Franche-Compt6, and of Dauphiny. 
The oceanic zone, formed on the one hand by 

* Arthur Young, lo hh Agricultural Tour throuch Fmnce, 
■ays, (vol. 1. p. 8^) " France admlu a division into three 
capital parts ; Ist, of vines ; Sdly, of maize ; 3dlT, of olives— 
which plants give the three districts of, 1st, the northern, 
where vines are not planted ; Sdly, the central, in which 
raalze is not planted ; 3dly, the south, in which olives, mul- 
berries, vines, and maize are all found. The line of separa- 
tion between vines and no vines, as I observed myself, is at 
Ck>ucy, ten miles to the north of Soissons ; at Clermont, in 
the Beauvoisols ; at Beaumont, in Maine ; and Uerbignac, 
near Guerande, in Bretagne.** This limitation, though per- 
haps too rigorous, is, generally speaking, exact 

The following account of the importations by which the 
vegetable kingdom has been enriched In France, gives a 
high idea of the infinite variety of soil and of climate that 
distingnishes our country : — 

" Charlemagne's orchard at Paris was considered unique 
from its containing apple and pear trees, the walnut, service- 
trees, and chestnuts. The potato, now the staple food of a 
large part of our population, was not brought to us flmm 
Peru till the close of the sixteenth century. We are in- 
debted to S!. Louis for the inodorous ranunculus of the 
plains of Byria. Ambassadors had to employ their influence 
to procure France the garden ranunculus. Provins is in- 
debted for her gardens of roses to the trouveur Thibaut, 
oonnt of Champagne and of Brie, Joining the crvmades. 
Constantinople supplied us with the horse-chestnut at the 
beginninc of the seventeenth century. We long envied 
Turkey the tulip, of which we now possess nine htmdred 
species, of greater beauty than those of any other country. 
The elm was hardly known in France before the time of 
Francis the First ; nor the artichoke before the sixteenth 
century. The mulberry was not planted here till the mid- 
dle of the fourteenth century. Fontaineblean is indebted 
for its delicious ekasgdms (a species of grape) to the island 
of C\'prus. We have fetched the weeping-willow fironf the 
neignborhood of Babylon ; the acacia, ftt>m VirgtnK ; the 
black-ash and the lignum-vitc, from Canada ; the marvel- 
of-Peru, from Mexico ; the sun-flower, flrom the Cordilleras ; 
mignionette, from Egypt; Indian-corn, from Guinea; the 
ricinus, or palma-christi, and the Indian date-plum, from 
Africa; the passion-flower and the Jerusalem-artichoke, 
from Brazil; the gourd and the agave, from America; to- 
bacco, firom Mexico ; amomum, from Madeira ; the angelica, 
from the mountains of Lapland ; the yellow day-lily, from 
Siberia ; the balsamine, from India ; the tuberose, m>m the 
island of Ceylon ; the barberry and the cauliflk>wer, firom 
the East; horse-radish, from China; rhubarb, from Tar- 
tary ; buckwheat, from Greece ; the phormium-tenax, from 
Australia." Depplng, Description de la France, t. i. p. 51.— 
Bee, also, De Candolle, Sur la Statistique V«getale de la 
nmnee ; and Alax. Homboldt** Botanical Geofisphy. 

Flanders, Pieardy, and Normandy, and, on 
the other, by Poitou and Guienne, would float 
at its immense length, were it not bound tight- 
ly round the middle by the hard knot of Brit- 

It has been said, Paris, Rouen, and Havre 
are one city, of which the Seine is the hfgh 
street. Betake yourself to the south of this 
magnificent street, where castles join castles, 
villages join villages. Pass from the lower 
Seine to Calvados, and from Calvados to the 
Channel — whatever be the richness and fertility 
of the country, the towns become fewer, arable 
decreases, pasture increases. The aspect of 
the country is serious ; it soon becomes wild 
and gloomy. To the lofty castles of Norman- 
dy succeed the humble manor-houses of the 
Bretons. The costume seems to follow the 
change of architecture. The triumphal bonnet 
of the women of Caux, which bespeaks so fitly 
the daughters of the conquerors of England, 
widens out towards Caen, grows flat at Ville- 
Dieu, divides and figures in the wind at St. 
Male ; sometimes like the sails of a mill, at 
others like those of a ship. On another side, 
dresses of skins begin at Laval. The increas- 
ing density of the forests, the solitude of La 
Trappe — where the monks lead together a 
savage life — the expressive names of the towns 
Foug^res and Rennes, (both signifying heath 
or fern,) the gray waters of the Mayenne and 
the Villaine — all announce the wildness of the 

It is here, however, that we wish to begin 
our study of France. The Celtic province, the 
eldest born of the monarchy, claims our first 
glance. Hence we will pass on to the old 
rivals of the Celts, the Basques and the Iberi- 
ans, not less obstinate in their mountains than 
the Celt in bis heaths and marshes. Then we 
may proceed to the countries blended and con- 
founded by the Roman and German conquests. 
We shall thus have studied geography in chro- 
nological order, and have travelled at once in 
space and in time. 

Brittany, poor and hard, the resistant cle- 
ment of France, extends her fields of quartz 
and of schistus from the slate-quarries of Chi- 
teaulin, near Brest, to the slate-quarries of 
Angers. This is her extent, geologically speak- 
ing. However, from Angers to Rennes, the 
country is a debateable land, a border like that 
between England and Scotland, which early 
escaped from Brittany. The Breton tongue 
does not even begin at Rennes, but about El ven, 
Pontivy, Loudeac, and Ch&telaudren. Thence, 
as far as Cape Finisterre, it is true Brittany — 
Breton Brittany, (Bretagne bretonnante,) a 
country which has become altogether foreign 
from ours, exactly because it has remained too 
faithful to our primitive condition, the more un- 
like the French that it is like the Gaul, and 
which would have slipped from us more than 
once, had we not held it grasped, as if in a vice, 
between four French citiWs of rough and de- 


. -Abghid. 


01, Halo tnd Brail. 
Daaian oTUm oout. 


einTe character, Nantes and St. Malo, Rennes 
aad Brest. 

And yet this poor old province has saved us 
more than once. Often when our country has 
been held at bay and been at the point of de- 
spair, Breton heads and breasts have been 
found harder than the stranger ^s sword. When 
the Northmen were ravaging with impunity 
our coasts and rivers, the Breton, Nomenoe, 
was the first to resist. The English were re- 
pulsed in the fourteenth century by Duguesclin ; 
in the fifteenth, by Richemont; and, in the 
seventeenth, were chased through every sea 
by Duguay-Trouin. The wars of religious and 
those of political liberty present no more purely 
and innocently glorious names than Lanoue^s, 
and that of Latour d^Auvergne, the first grena- 
dier of the republic. The story runs, that it 
was a native of Nantes who uttered the last 
exclamation heard at Waterloo—" The guard 
dies, but does not surrender /*' 

The Breton character is that of untameable 
resistance, and of blind, obstinate, intrepid op- 
position — for instance, Moreau, the opponent 
of Bonaparte. In the history of philosophy and 
literature, this character is still more plainly 
evidenced. The Breton, Pelagius, who infused 
stoicism into Christianity, and was the first 
churchman who uplifted his voice in behalf of 
human liberty,* was succeeded by the Breton 
Abelard, and the Breton Descartes. Each of 
these three gave the impetus to the philosophy 
of his own age. However, Descartes* disdain 
of facts, and contempt for history and languages, 
clearly show that this independent genius, who 
founded psychology, and doubled -the sphere of 
mathematics, was rather vigorous than compre- 
hensive, f 

This spirit of opposition, which is natural to 
Brittany, manifested itself in the last century 
and in ours, by two apparently contradictory 
facts. The same part of Brittany (St. Malo, 
Dinan, and St. Brieuc) which, in Louis the 
Fifteenth's day, produced the unbelievers Du- 
clos, Maupertuis, and Lametrie, has given birth in 
our own time to the poet and to the orator of Ca- 
tholicism, to Chateaubriand and to La Mennais. 

Now, to take a rapid survey of the country. 

At its two gates, Bretagne has two forests — 
the Norman Bocage, and the Vendean Bocage ; 
and two cities — St. Malo and Nantes, the one 
the city of privateers, the other of 6uineanien.| 

* See above, book i. c. 3. 

t He saw far, Btraight before him, without looking to the 
right or the left ; and the first resoit of that idealism which 
seemed to give all to man, was, as all know, the annihila- 
lioa of man in the dream of Malebranche and the pantheism 
of 8pinoa». 

X I here state two fiu^ts. But how ranch onght to be added 
10 do justice to these two heroic towns, and to pay them the 
debt due from France ! 

There are other original features of Nantes, worthy of 
BoUce — the anintermpted handing down of businesses firom 
frther to son, their slowly and honorably acquired fortunes, 
tbeir household eeonomy, and the strength of family Ues. 
They are somewhat strict in business, fVom a desire to meet 
their engagements. Young folk there have their eye on 
each other ; the mof^ of Nantes are luperiDr to those of 
say other lea-jjeit. 

St. Malo is of singularly ugly and sinister ap- 
pearance ; and there is in it, besides, something 
fantastical, observable throughout the whole 
peninsula as well, whether in costume, in pic- 
tures, or in monuments.* It is a small, weal- 
thy, sombre, and melancholy spot — the home 
of vultures and of ospreys ; by turns, as the 
tide ebbs and flows, a peninsula and an island, 
and bordered with foul and fetid shoals where 
the seaweed rots at will. In the distance, is a 
coast of white, angular rocks, cut sheer as if 
with a razor. War is the harvest of St. Malo 
— they know no more delightful holiday. To 
feel this, one should have seen them on their 
black wails with their telescopes, which already 
brooded over the ocean, when, no long time 
since, they were filled with hopes of running 
down the vessels of the Hollander.f 

At its other extremity lies Brest, our great 
military port — planned by Richelieu, created by 
Louis AIV. ; fort, arsenal, and bagnio, cannon 
and ships, armies and millions, the strength of 
France amassed at one end of France — and all 
this in a contracted harbor, where one is pent 
up and stifled between two mountains, covered 
with immense buildings. The entrance into 
the port is like passing into a small boat between 
two lofty vessels — ^the heavy masses seem 
about to close upon and crush you. Your gene- 
ral impression is grand, but painful. You see 
a prodigious effort of strength, at once a de- 
fiance to England and to nature. You every- 
where are conscious of the efibrt, and so are 
you of the air of the Bagnio, and of the galley- 
slaveys chain. It is precisely at the point on 
which the sea, escaping from the Straits of 
Dover, dashes with its utmost fury, that we 
have pitched our great naval arsenal. Certes, 
it is well guarded. I saw a thousand cannon 
there. t All entrance is barred ; but, at the 
same time, the port is not to be left at pleasure. 
More than one vessel has been lost in Brest 
channel.^ The whole coast is a grave-yard. 
Sixty vessels are wrecked on it every winter.] 
The sea is English at heart. She loves not 
France, but dashes our ships to pieces, and 
blocks up our harbors with sand.^ 

* For instance, In the steeples, either hangin^^, or fesh- 
ioned like houses of cards, or rising in stages with heavy 
balustrades, such as those of Tr^guier and Landernau ; alao^ 
in the tortuous cathedral of Quimper, whose chuir runs tlM 
wrong way with regard to the nave, and in the triple church 
of Vannes, 4tc St Malo has no cathednii, notwith- 
standing its fine legends; respecting which, see the Acta 
SS. OnT 8. Bened. sec. i., and D. Morice, Preuves de THIs- 
toire de Bretagne, t. i. 

1 1 happened to be at St. Malo in the month of Septem- 
ber, 1831. 

(It is to be hoped that if Europe be ever mad enough t0 
plunge again into war, it will not be base enoufnh to counte- 
nance privateering. The merit of directing attention to thli 
point Lb duo to the Spectator newspaper.)— Translator. 

X In the arsenal, and not reckoning those Ln the batteries. 

^ For instance, the R^publicain^ a J20 gun ship, in 1783. 

ll This number, which I give on the report ol natives of 
the place, is, perhaps, exaggerated. Altogether, about eigh^- 
eight vessels are yearlv lost on our western coasbt, between 
Dunkirk and St Jean de Luz. Dlscours de M. Aragcs MomI- 
teur, March 23, 1833. 

tr Dieppe, Havre, Rochelle, Cette, lie. 


BaTrnffenoi both of man and 


Tba baditioot and monamaoto 
oftha eountrj. 

Nothing can be more Binister and formidable 
than the coast of Brest ; it is the extreme limit, 
the point, the prow of the old world. Here the 
two enemies, land and sea, man and nature, are 
face to face. Wlt.en the sea madly lashes her- 
Belf into fury, you should see what monstrous 
waves she hurls on point St. Matthew, fifty, 
sixty, eighty feet high. The spray is flung as 
hx as the church, where mothers and sisters 
are at prayers.* And even in those moments 
of truce, when the sea is silent, who has passed 
along this funereal coast without exclaiming or 
feeling — Tristis usque ad mortem ! (the shadow 
of death is here !) 

Tis that there is here what is worse than 
shoal or tempest. Nature is fierce, man is 
fierce ; and they seem to understand each oth- 
er. As soon as the sea casts a hapless vessel 
on the coast, man, woman, and child hurry to 
the shore, to fall on their quarry. Hope not to 
stay these wolves. They plunder at their ease 
under the fire of the coast-guard .f It would 
be something if they always waited for ship- 
wreckf but it is asserted that they often cause 
it. Often, it is said, a cow, led about with a 
lighted lantern at its horns, has lured vessels 
on the rocks. God alone knows the night- 
scenes that then take place ! A man has been 
known to gnaw off a finger with his teeth, in 
order to get at a ring on the finger of a drown- 
ed woman.f 

On this coast, man is hard. The accursed 
son of creation, a true Cain, wherefore should 
he spare Abel ? Nature spares not him. Does 
the wave spare him, when in the fearful nights 
of winter he roams the shoals to gather the 
floating sea- weed which is to fertilize his sterile 
field — when the billcw which bears the plant 
so often carries off the man t Does it spare 
him when he tremblingly glides beneath Cape 
Raz, by the red rocks, where the hell of Plo- 
£off yearns for its prey; or along DeadmarCs 
Bay, whose currents have for so many centu- 
ries swept corpses with themt The Breton 
proverb says, " None pass the Raz without hurt 
or a fright ;'' another, " Help me, great God, 
at Cape Raz, — my ship is so small, and the sea 
is so great !*'^ 

Here nature expires; humanity becomes 
mournful and cold. There is no poetry, little 
religion, and Christianity dates but from yes- 
terday. Michel Noblet was the apostle of 

Goiians, foHoMSy 

Ramtnei-n»%a not mari», no» amauM, 

(Bark)«, barkx, brinit as back our husbands, our loyen.) — 
Apparently, the burden of a local song. — ^Translatoi. 

t Th«> f»ct Is vouched for by the coast-guard themselves. 
—The Bretons seem to consider the bris (wreck) as a sort of 
alluvial right. This terrible right of the bris was, as is 
well known, one of the most lucrative of the feudal privi- 
leges. The viscount de Le<>n, alluding to a reef, said, '* I 
have a stone there more precious than those wbiq^i enrich 
a king*s crown." 

X I Mve the tradition of the country, without gnaranty- 
iBg It It is needless to add, that the remains of these bar- 
baroob customs are daily disappearing. 

i Voyage de Cambry, L iL p. 941-^B7 

Batz in 1648.* In the islands of Sein, Batz, 
and Ushant, the wedding festival itself is sad 
and severe. The very senses seem dead ; and 
there is nor love, nor shame, nor jealousy. The 
girls unblushingly make the marriage propo- 
sals.! Woman labors there harder than man, 
and in the Ushant isles she is taller and strong- 
er. She tills the land, while the man remains 
seated in his boat, rocked and cradled by the 
sea, his rough nurse. The animals also de- 
ffeuerate, and seem to change their nature. 
Horses and rabbits are wonde^ully diminutive 
in these islands. 

Let us seat ourselves on this formidable Cape 
Raz, upon this overhanging rock, three hundred 
feet above the sea, and whence we descry seven 
leagues of coast-line. This is, in some sort, 
the sanctuary of the Celtic world. The dot 
you discern beyond DeadmarCs Bay is the isl- 
and of Sein, a desolate, treeless, and all but 
unsheltered sand-bank, the abode of some poor 
and compassionate families, who yearly save 
the shipwrecked mariners. This island was 
the aboide of the sacred virgins who gave the 
Celts fine weather or shipwreck. There they 
celebrated their gloomy and murderous orgies ; 
and the seamen heard with terror, far off at sea, 
the clash of barbaric cymbals4 This island is 
the traditionary birth-place of M3rrddyn, the 
Merlin of the middle age. His tomb is on the 
other side of Brittany, in the forest of Broce- 
liande, under the fatal stone where his Vy vyan 
has enchanted him. All these rocks around us 
are towns which have been swallowed up— this 
is Douarnenez, that is, the Breton Sodom; 
those two ravens you see, ever flying heavily 
on the shore, are the souls of king Grallo and 
his daughter ; anu those shrill whistlings, which 
one would take for the voice of the tempest, are 
the crierien, the ghosts of the shipwrecked 
clamoring for burial.6 

At Lanvau, near Brest, there rises, as if to 
mark the limit of the continent, a large un- 
hewn stone. From this spot as far as Lorient, 
and fro-n Lorient again as far as Quiberon and 
Carnac, you cannot walk along the southern 
coast of Brittany without meeting at every step 
one of those shapeless monuments which are 
called druidical. You of^en descry them from 
the road on landes covered with briers and 
thistles. They consist of huge low stones, 
placed upright, and often a little rounded at 
top ; or else of a stone laid flat on three or four 

* Id. t. i. p. 109. I give my authority. The other facts, 
for which I am indebted to this agreeable work, have been 
conArmed to me by natives. 

t Id. 1 11. p. 77.~Toland's Letters, p. 2, 3. In the Heb- 
rides, and other islands, the man took the woman on trial 
for a year, when, if she did not suit him, he resigned her to 
another, (Martins* Hebrides.) No very long time since, the 
peasant who wished to marry applied for a wife to the lord 
of Barra, — the lords of which had reigned over these islands 
for thirty-five generations. Solinus (c. 9S) asserts that tha 
king of the Hebrides takes no wives of his own, bat 
ftee with those of his subjects. 

X Bee above, book ii. c. 9. 

i Gambry, t. IL p. 8S3-964. 



Natioomlitj oTUm Bmtoni. 


Ading stones. Whether we see in them al- 
9y tombs, or mere memorials of events, these 
numeDts are exceedingly imposing. Yet is 
5 impressioo they make a saddening one, there 
ing something singularly repnlsiTe and rude 
tt^ir effect. They seem to be the first es- 
ys in art of a hand already intelligent, but as 
xd and as little human as the rock which it 
s fashioned. Neither inscription nor sign is 
sible on them, if we except some marks un- 
T those stones of Loc Maria Ker that have 
en thrown down, so indistinct as to induce a 
lief that they are merely accidental.* Ques- 
m the people of the country, and they will 
iefly reply that they are the houses of the 
'orriganSj the Courtis , wanton dwarfs, who at 
ght bar your road, and force you to dance 
ith them until you die of fatigue. In other parts 
tey are fairies, who, descending from the 
ountains, spinning, have brought away these 
wks in their aprons.f Those scattered rocks 
re a whole wedding party petrified. One sol- 
vrj stone, near Morlaix, bears witness to the 
iserable fate of a peasant, who was swallowed 
;> by the moon| for blasphemy. 
Never shall I forget the day on which I set 
It, early in the morning, from Auray, the ea- 
red city of the Chouans, to visit the great dru- 
ical monuments of Loc Maria Ker, and of 
amac, which are some leagues distant. The 
ret of these villages lies at the mouth of the 
Ithy and fetid river of the Auray, with its 
lands of Morbihan, outnumbering the days of 
le year, and looks across a smsul bay to the 
itaJ shore of Quiberon. There was a fog, such 
s envelops these coasts one-half of the year, 
orry bridges lead across the marshes ; at one 
}int you meet with the low and sombre manor- 

* See the plates In M. De Fr6inlnvill«*8 work, and in the 
ran d*Anaqait6s Monmnentalei de la France by M. 
ioraont, Secietary to the AnUqoarian BocietY of Nor- 
indy. and who was the flnt to illustrate this branch of 
itional Archmoloff with an intelligent and enlightened 

t This is the fonn taken by the legend in Anjon. Trans- 
lated into the beaatiftil provinces of the Loire, it there 
rames a soft and winning cliaracter, yet not without 
indeor in the midst of its simplicity. 
t This star ever shines malignantly on the Celta. To 
ert its maleficent Influence, they say to it— "Thou hast 
and as well, leave us well." On the moon's rising they 
1 oo their knees, and repeat a PaUr and an Jive, (Cambry, 
iii. p. 35.) In many places they call her " our Lady." 
me take ofl!' their eain on first seeing the evening star. 
ambry, t. i. p. 193.)— They also venerate lakes and foun- 
nm and bring th«>m on certain days bread and butter. 
ambry, t. iii. p. 35.— See Depping, 1. 1. p. 76.)— As late as 
9 year 1788, they solemnly sang at Lesneven on New 
MIT's Day— GcT-SA-KB. (Cambry, 1. 11. n. 26.)— In Anjou 
ildren used to ask for their New Years gifts by saying, 
i GuiLt.A3iBU, (Bodin, Recherches sur Saumur;) and in 
? Depnrtroent of Haute-Guienne, by crying Gui-ohb-lbu. 

* Dr. Henry says that within twenty or thirty years, when 
jarty in Orkney agreed to marry, they went to the temple 
the moon, which was semicircular, and there the woman 
I on hfT knees and invoked Woden." (Lo^, vol. li. 
360.) — According to M. ChampolHon-Fiseac, the sun's 
e Is still celebrated in a village of Dauphin6. (Sur les 
alectes da Dauphin^, p. 11.)— In the environs of Saumur, 

Trinity-day. the people used to go out to see three sun* 
e.— On St. John's day, they went to see the rising sun 
mee. (Bodin, as quoted above.)— The people of Anton 
ed to call the sun L^rd^ and the moon Lad§. (Id. 
rJiochies sur r Ai^oit, t. L p. 86.) 


house, with its long arenae of oaks — a featore 
religiously preserved in Brittany ; at another, 
you encounter a peasant, who passes without 
looking at you, but he has scanned you askance 
with his night-bird eye, — a look which explains 
their famous war-cry, and the name of Chouans 
(owls) given them by the blues.* There are 
no houses on the road-side ; the peasants re- 
turn nightly to their villages. On every side 
are vast landes, sadly set off by purple heath 
and gorse ; the cultivated fields are white with 
buckwheat. The eye is rather distressed than 
refreshed by this summer-snow, and those dull 
and faded-looking colors — ^resembling Ophelia's 
coronet of straw and flowers. As you proceed 
to Camac, the country saddens. The plains 
are all rock, with a few black sheep browsing 
on the flint. In the midst of this multitude of 
stones, many of which stand upright of them- 
selves, the lines of Camac inspire no astonish- 
ment ; although there are several hundred stones 
still standing, the highest of which is fourteen 

M orbihan is sombre to look at, sombre in its 
traditions — a country of old feuds, of pilgrimages, 
and of civil war — a land of flint and a race of 
granite. There, all is lasting ; even time 
passes more slowly than elsewhere. The 
priests there wield great power. Yet it is a 
mistake to suppose the people of the West, the 
Bretons and v endeans, to be deeply religious. 
In several cantons, the saint who turns a deaf 
ear to prayers runs the risk of a severe scourg- 
ing.t In Brittany, as in Ireland, the Catholic 
religion is dear to men as the symbol of their 
nationality, and the influence of religion is in a 
large degree an afiair of politics. An Irish 
priest who should favor the English party 
would soon be expelled his country.^ No 
church, in the middle ages, continued longer in- 
dependent of Rome than those of Ireland and 
of Brittany. For a long time the latter endea- 
vored to withdraw itself from the primacy of 
Tours — opposing to it that of D61e. 

The nobles, as well as the priests, are dear 
to Brittany and La Vendue, as defenders of old 
ideas and customs. No wide gulf separated 
the innumerable and poor nobility of Brittany 
from the laboring class. Some of the feelings 
of clanship prevailed there too. Numerous 
I>easant families considered themselves noble ; 
some traced their descent to Arthur and the 
fairy Morgana, and are said to have stuck their 
swords in the ground to mark the limits of their 
fields. They would sit down covered before 
their lord, to mark their independence. In sev- 

* (The name given to the Republicans, fVom their uni- 
form.) — ^TaANSLATOl. 

t In Mr. O'Higgins's magnificent work (Celtic Druids, 4to, 
1829) the dimeiMions are greatly exagKerated. He makes 
one of the principal stones of Camac four-and-twenty fbet 

t According to Cambry, In La Comouaile.^The Chouans 
have even been known to beat their chie&, and then obey 
them the m<nnent afler. I pledge myself to the tnith of 

^ See SheU*s Sketches. 

I KA Gradual dacHiw of the aadant ha. 

*■ ^'^ ffuace and einlooii. 


Nuta and Anfeti. Aaim tad 

erel parts of the province serfhood was un- 
known. The domaniers and quevaisiers, how- 
eyer hard their condition might be, were per- 
sonally free, though the land was in bondage. 
They would stand up in presence of the haugh- 
tiest Rohan,* and say, in their solemn manner — 
Me zo deuzar atmorig — ^I, too, am a Breton. 
A profound reflection has recently been made 
with regard to Vendue, and it is applicable 
to Brittany as well — " The people are at heart 
republicans, ^^f Social, not political republi- 
canism, is here meant. 

We need not be surprised that the Celtic 
race, the roost obstinate of the ancient world, 
made some efforts in later times to prolong its 
nationality, just as it defended it in the middle 
ages. It required the Plantagenets to become, 
by two marriages, kings of England, and dukes 
of Normandy and of Aquitaine, before they 
could subject Brittany to Anjou, an event which 
did not take place till the twelfth century, when 
Brittany, to escape them, threw herself into the 
arms of France, but only after the French and 
English parties, the Blois and the Montforts, 
had carried on the war for a century longer. 
Ajfler the marriage of Anne of Brittany with 
Louis VII. had united the province to the king- 
dom, and Anne had written on the castle of 
Nantes^ the old device on the castle of the 
Bourbons — Qui ou*en grogne, tel est mon plai- 
stTf (Let who will grumble, such is my will) — 
there began the legal struggle of the states, of 
the parliament of Rennes, its defence of the 
common law of the country against the Roman,^ 
and the war between provincial rights and mo- 
narchical centralization. Sternly coerced by 
Louis Xiy.,|| the struggle recommenced in his 
successor's reign ; and La Chalotais, in his 
dungeon in Brest, wrote with a toothpick his 
courageous plea against the Jesuits. 

Resistance is now dying away, and Brittany 
is being gradually absorbed mto France. Its 
language, undermined by the constant infiltra- 
tion of the French tongue, recedes step by step.^ 
Even the talent for poetic improvisation, which 
has endured so long among the Celts of Ireland 
and of Scotland, and which is not altogether 
lost among the Bretons, is become rare and 
unusual. Formerly, when a girl was sought 
in marriage, the bazvalan** would sing stanzas 

* The mretensioM of this fiunily, which is descended flrom 
tbe Mac Tiern of Leon, are well known. In the sixteenth 
eentury the Rohans took this motto, which may serve as an 
Index to their history—" Roi je ne ntw, frinee ne dairne, 
lUkanje Muis** (King I'm not, prince I scorn to be, Ronaa 

t As stated in his evidence by captain Galleran at tbe 
Nantps assizes, October, 1833. 

I Daru, Histoire de Bretagne, 1 11. 

d This point will be notlc^ hereafter. 

II See Madame de 86vlgn^*s Letters from September to 
December, incluiive, for the year 1675. Great numbers 
were broken on the wheel, hanx, or sent to the galleys. She 
mentions those things with a carelessness which is painfti]. 

IT According to M. de Romien, snb-prefect of Qoimperl^, 
one may measure how many leagues the Breton tongue 
loieft in a given number of years. See this genUemaa's in- 
ffMdous articles in the Rmu d» Paris. 

** Tbe bazvalan was the penon depoted to aik gbla In 

of his own composition, to which she would 
respond ; but this has now degenerated into a 
set form, learned tnr rote.* The attempts, rather 
bold than successml, which have been niade by 
some of the natives to revive, by instruction, 
the nationality of their country, have only been 
received with laughter. I have myself seen at 
T * * * *, Le Brigant*s learned friend, the aged 
M. D., (known here only by the name of M. 
Systdme.) The poor solitary old man, sunk in 
an old armchair, with five or six thousand vol- 
umes scattered round, childless, and without a 
relative to care for him, was dying of fever, 
with an Irish grammar on one side, and a He- 
brew one on the other. He rallied so as to re- 
peat to me some stanzas in the Breton tongue, 
of emphatic and monotonous rhythm, which, 
however, was not without its charm. It touch- 
ed me to the heart to see this representative of 
Celtic nationality — ^this dying champion of a 
dying language and dying poetry, f 

We may trace the Celtic world along the 
Loire, as »r as the geological limits of Britta- 
ny to the slate-quarries of Angers ; or else, to 
the great druidical monument at Saumur, the 
most important, perhaps, of all that still exist ; 
or else, to Tours, the ecclesiastical metropolis 
of Brittany in the middle ages. 

Nantes is a semi-Bordeaux, less showy and 
more staid — a mixture of colonial opulence and 
Breton sobriety — standing civilized in the midst 
of two scenes of savage atrocity, carrying on 
commerce in the midst of two civil wars,{ and 
thrown where it stands as if to break off all 
communication. The great Loire runs through 
it, sweeping with its eddies between Brittany 
and La Vendee — ^the river of the Nayades. 
" What a torrent,''^ wrote Carrier, drunk with 
the poetry of his crime ; " what a revolutiona- 
ry torrent is this Loire /" 

It was at St. Florent, at the very spot mark- 
ed by the column in honor of the Vendean, 
Bonchamps, that in the ninth century the Bre- 
ton Nomeno^, the conqueror of the Northmen, 
had reared his own statue ; which faced Anjou, 
faced France, that he looked upon as his prey.^ 
But the day was Anjou's. Its more disciplin- 
able population was under the sway of the great 
feudsd barons ; while Brittany, with its innumer- 
able petty nobility, could carry on no great war, 
nor effect any great conquest. The black city 
of Angers bears, not alone on its vast castle. 

marriage, and was, usually, a tailor, who pnseated himself 
with one stocking blue, the other white. 

* I give this and several other frets on the authority of 
M. le L^dan, bookseller, of Morlaix, and a celebrated anti- 
quarian. Other details I am indebtied for to various natives 
of the country, and, among others, to M. de R., Jnn., who 
belongs to one of the most distinguished fiunllies in Brest 
I i^ace implicit confidence in tbe veracity of this heroic 
young man. 

t See Appendix. 

i (Those of the League and of the Revolutioa 1 Tbe 
barbarous acts alluded to, seem to be the revocation of the 
edict of Nantes, and the Noyades.)— TaANSLATon. 

^ D. Maurice, Preuves de THist. de Bretsgne, L t p. S78. 
Charles the Bald, in his turn, had one of hlnaelf erected 
with the free towards Brittany. 

Tbon and tht Loin. 


BofkiiMi (^ the eliinate. 


ud its DeTil's Tower, bat on its very cathedral, 
this feudal impress. The church of St. Mau- 
lice is crowded, not with saints, but with knights 
armed cap-i-pie — and in its halting spires, the 
one charged with sculpture, the other plain, is 
typified Uie unfulfilled destiny of Anjou. De- 
spite its fine situation on the triple stream of the 
Maine, and close to the Loire — where one can 
distin^^uish by their color the waters flowing 
from four prorinces. Angers is now asleep. It 
is enoagh for it to haye united for awhile, under 
its Plaotagenets, England, Normandy, Brittany, 
and Aquitaine, and, at a later period, under the 
good Ken6 and his sons, to have possessed, 
contended for, or, at the least, claimed the 
thrones of Naples, of Arragon, of Jerusalem, 
and of Proyenoe, while his daughter Margaret 
supported the red lu^inst the white rose, and 
Lancaster against York. And here slumber, 
likewise, to the murmurings of the Loire, the 
cities of Saumur and of Tours — the one, the 
capital of Protestantism — the other, that of 
Catholicism* in France-— Saumur, the little 
kingdom of the Calvinist preachers and of the 
aged Duplessis Momay, in opposition to whom 
their good friend, Henri IV., built La Fl^che 
for the Jesuits. The castle of Moroay and its 
yast dalmenjj will always render Saumur of 
historical import. And important historically, 
though in a dififerent way, is the good city of 
Tours, with its tomb of St. Martin — the ancient 
asylum, the ancient oracle, the Delphi of France, 
where the Meroyingians came to consult the 
lost{ — ^the great and lucrative resort of pilgrims, 
finr the possession of which the counts of Blois 
and of Anjou splintered so many lances. Mans, 
Angers, and the whole of Brittany, were in- 
cluded in the see of the archbishopric of Tours. 
The Capets, and the dukes of Burgundy and of 
Brittany, and the count of Flanders, and the 

Striarch of Jerusalem, and the archbishops of 
entz, of Cologne, and of Compostella were 
its canons. Money was coined here, as well 
as at Paris ; and here were early manufactured 
the silks, the precious tissues, and, if it must 
be owned, the sweetmeats and rtUettes, for 
which Tours and Reims — cities of priests and 
of sensuality — ^haye been equally famous. But 
the trade of Tours has been injured by Paris, 
Lyons, and Nantes. Something may be as- 
cribed, too, to the influence of the mUd sun and 
softening Loire : labor seems unnatural in the 
idle climate of Tours, of Blois, and of Chinon, 
in the country of Rabelais, and near the tomb 
of Agnes Sorel. Chenonceauz, Chambord, 
Montbazon, Langeai, and Loches — all fayored 
by our kings or their mistresses, haye their 
several castles seated on the Loire. It is the 
country of laughter ^ and of the far niente. The 

* At least, during the MerovlngiaB en. 

t It is a kind at artlfieial grotto, forty feet loofu ten wide, 
umI eight high, formed of eleven hnge stones. Tills dohnen, 
which lies in a valley, seems to answer to another reared 
OB a hill. I have often noticed this pecnUailty in dmidical 
■wnments; for instance, at Camac. 
See, above, book tt. c L 

verdure is fresh in August as in May — fruits 
succeed fruits, trees succeed trees. Look into 
the river from the bank — the opposite bank 
seems hung in air, so faithfully is the sky re- 
flected by the water. The sand glistens at the 
bottom ; then comes the willow, bending down 
to drink of the stream ; next you see the pop- 
lar, the aspen, and the walnut, and then islands 
floating in the midst of islands, and beyond, 
tufted trees, gently waving to and fro, and 
saluting each other. A soft and sensual coun- 
try ! the very spot to give birth to the idea of 
making woman queen of the monasteries, and 
of living under her in a yoluptuous obedience, 
a compound of love and of holiness. And 
neyer was abbey so splendid as that of Fonte- 
vrault.* Five of its churches still remain. 
More than one king desired to be buried there. 
Even the fierce Richard Coeur-de-Lion willed 
the nuns his heart, thinking, that murderous 
and parricidal as it was, it would win repose in 
woman's gentle hand, and sheltered by the 
prayers of virgins. 

To find on this Loire something less soft and 
more severe, you must proceed up it to ^e 
angle by which it sweeps round towards the 
Seine, as far as the serious Orleans — in the 
middle ages, the city of legists, afterwards Cal- 
yinistical, then Jansenist, and now a manufac- 
turing town. But I defer for the present speak- 
ing of the centre of France, in order to hurry 
to the South. I have spoken of the Celts of 
Brittany, and would now proceed to the Iberi- 
ans, to the Pyrenees. 

Poitou, which we meet with on the other side 
of the Loire, facing Brittany and Anjou, is a 
country composed of very dififerent but still dis- 
tinct elements. Three distinct races occupy 
three distinct belts of land, stretching from 
north to south ; and hence the apparent con- 
tradictions presented by the history of this 
province. In the sixteenth century, Poitou is 
the centre of Calvinism, recruits the armies of 
Coligni, and attempts to found a protestant re- 
public. In our own time, Poitou originated the 
Catholic and royalist opposition of la Vendue. 
The natives of the coast figure in the former 
attempt ; those of the Vendean Bocage in the 
latter. Both, however, may be referred to the 
same principle, of which republican Calvinism 
and royalist Catholicism have been but the form 
— an indomitable feeling of opposition to the 
central government. 

Poitou is the battle-field of the South and of 
the North. It was near Poitiers that Clevis 
defeated the Goths, that Charles-Martel repuls- 
ed the Saracens, and that the Anglo-Gascon 
army of the Black Prince took king John pris- 
oner. Blending the Roman with the common 

* Recherches de Bodin.— Genonde, Voyage en Ai^Jon et 
Vendue, 1821. At this date, the remains of the abbey c(ar 
sisted of three cloisters, supported by columns and pilasters, 
of five large chorches, and several statues among othen, 
that of Henry II. There was no trace of the tomb of Ids 
son, Richard CcBar-de-Lion. 




Foitoa I ill eoanti.-«-Riehdieo 



law, giving her legists to the North and her 
troubadours to the South, Poitou is like its own 
Melusina,* a compound of different natures, 
half-woman, half-serpent. The myth could 
have originated only in a mixed country — in a 
country of mulesf and of vipers.^ 

This mixed and contradictory character has 
hindered Poitou from ever bringing any thing 
to a conclusion ; but it began every thing. The 
old Roman city of Poitiers, now so deserted, 
was, with Aries and Lyons, the first Christian 
school of Gaul. St. Hilary shared the battles 
of St. Athanasius, in defence of the divinity of 
Jesus Christ. In some respects, Poitiers was 
the cradle of our monarchy as well as of Chris- 
tianity. From her cathedral shone during the 
night the column of fire which guided Clovis 
against the Goths. The king of France was 
abbot of St. Hilary of Poitiers, as well as of St. 
Martin of Tours. The latter church, however, 
less literary, but better situated, more popular, 
and more fertile in miracles, prevailed over her 
elder sister. The last light of Latin poetry had 
shone at Poitiers in the person of Fortunatus, 
and the aurora of modern literature dawned 
there in the twelflh century — ^William VIL is 
the first troubadour. This William, excommu- 
nicated for having run away with the viscoun- 
tess of Chd,teUeraut, led, it is said, a hundred 
thousand men to the holy land,§ but he likewise 
took with him a crowd of his mistresses. || It 
is of him that an old author says, ** He was a 
good troubadour,! a good knight, and he travelled 
a long time over the world, deceiving the ladies y 
Poitou would seem to have been at this i>eriod 
a country of witty libertines and of freethinkers. 
Gilbert de la Poree, born at Poitiers, and after- 
wards its bishop, who was Abelard^s colleague 
in the school of Chartres, taught with the same 
holdness, was, like him, attacked by St. Ber- 
nard, like him, retracted, but did not persist in 
his relapses like the Breton logician. Poitevin 
philosophy is born and dies with Gilbert. 

The political power of Poitou had no better 
fate. It began in the ninth century with the 
struggle maintained against Charles the Bald 
by Aymon, father of Renaud, count of Gasco- 
nY,and brother of Turpin, count of Angoul6me.^ 
This family claimed its descent from the two 
famous heroes of romance, St. William of Tou- 
louse, and Gerard of Roussillon, count of Bur- 

gundy. It was, bdeed, great and powerful ; 
and lot some time found itself at the head of 
the south. They took the title of dukes of 
Aquitaine, but had too difficult a game to play 
with the people of Brittany and of Anjou, who 
pressed them on the north. The Angevins took 
from them part of Touraine, Saumur, Loudun, 
and turned them by seizing on Saintes. How- 
ever, the counts of Poitou exhausted them- 
selves in strenuous efforts to establish in the 
south, and especially over Auvergne and Tou- 
louse, their great title of dukes of Aquitaine. 
They spent their substance in distant expedi- 
tions to Spain and Jerusalem. Showy and 
lavish, these knightly troubadours were oflen 
embroiled with the Church ; their light and vi- 
olent manners giving rise to adulteries and do- 
mestic tragedies, which have been a world^s 
talk. It was not the first time that a countess 
of Poitiers had assassinated her rival, when the 
jealous Elinor of Guyenne forced fair Rosa- 
mond to swallow poison in the labyrinth where 
her husband had concealed her. 

Elinor's sons, Henry, Richard Coeur-de-Lion, 
and John, never knew whether they were Poi- 
tevins or English, Angevins or Normans. This 
internal strife of two contradictory natures is 
figured in their fluctuating and stormy career. 
Henry III., John's son, was governed by Poi- 
tevin favorites. The civil wars to which this 
gave rise in England are well known. Once 
united with the monarchy, Poitou, both of the 
marsh and of the plain, followed the general 
movement of France. Fontenai supplied her 
with great legists, with the Tiraqueaus, the 
Beslys, the Brissons ; and many a skilful cour- 
tier (Thenars, Mortemar, Meilleraie, Mauleon, 
&C.) issued from the nobility of Poitou. The 
greatest politician and the most popular writer 
of France belong to eastern Poitou — Richelieu 
and Voltaire. The last, who was born at Pa- 
ris, sprang from a family belonging to Par- 

But we have not seen the whole of the prov- 
ince. From the plateau of the Deux Sdvres 
descend the two rivers so named, the one run- 
ning towards Nantes, the other towards Niort 
and Rochelle. The two eccentric districts 
which they traverse, stand aloof from France. 
The lower, a petty Holland,! spreading itself 
out in marshes andf canals, faces only the ocean 
and Rochelle. Originally, the white city^X like 

* Bee Appendix. 

t The mules of Poitou are higtily esteemed throufhout 
Auvergne, Provence, Lanraedoc, and even in Spain. Sta- 
tfart. de la Vendue, liy La Bretonni^re.— The birth of a mule 
is baited with more joy than that of a son.— In the district 
of Mlralieau, a stallion ass will fetch as much as 3000 francs. 
Dupin, St'itist des Deux-S^vres. (Dupin was prefect of the 

% The apothecaries buy numbers in Poitou. — Formerly, 
Poitiers ex|M)rted its vipers as far as Venice. La Breton- 
Bl^re. Dupin. 

^ He reached Antioch with six men. 

tj The bi'^hop of Angoulfime said to him, " Reform,** — the 
count replied, ''When you shall comb your hair.** The 
Mahop wn4 bald. 

T tSingntar enoagh, the names <^ the heroet and of the 
lunona author of the Chranide figure on the tame pafo. 

* According to M. de Genoude, there are still some of the 
fluniiy of Aronet in the village of St. Loup, ne^ir this town. 

t llie southern manh is wholly a work of art. The dilA- 
culty to be overcome was not so much the tides, as the over^ 
flowings of the S^vre.— The dikes are often threatened 
with destruction. — ^The embawitrM (the occupiers of farms 
called cahatut) watk with leaping-poles twelve feet Icmg. in 
order to leap over the ditches and canals.— The wet marfi, 
beyond the dikes, is all the winter under water. La Bre- 
tonni^re. — ^Noirmoutien is twelve feet below the sea-leveL 
and artificial dikes occur throughout a tract eleven thousand 
toises in length.— The Dutch drained the martk of Litti* 
Poitou by a canal, called tk* Dutchmen'* ginile^ (Oeintnra 
des Hollandais.) Statistique de Peuchet et Chaulalrc. See. 
also, the Description de la Vendue par M. Cavoteau, 181& 

X This name was given to Rochelle by tke English ftoa 



ibe black city,— Rochello, like St. Main,— wu I 
in Kajluni opened bj the Church, for the Jews, '. 
ite Beifs, the eoliierts of Poitou. The pope ' 
ajiulljr protected both* agaiusl the barons, and, 
fned as they were fiom tilhe and tribute, 
Lhej n.pi<llj increased. A swarm of adventar- 
irs, issuiae from their nameless populace, 
Dpeoed up the seas as merchants or as pirates : 
others opened op the court, and placed at the 
Krrice of their inoDarchB their democratic ge- 
nioa and hatred of the barons. Without going 
BO &r back as to the serf Leudastes, of the isl- 
and of Rhe, whose curious story has been pre- 
serred to us by Gregory of Tours, we may cite 
the famous cardinal de Sion, who got the Swiss 
to take up arms for Julius II., and the chancel- 
lors Olivier, Balue, and Doriole — the first, un- 
der Charles IX., the two last under Louis XI., 
who lo»ed to make nse of these intriguers — 
ttTing tbat he would lodge them afterwards in 
u iron cage. 

For a moment, Rochelle thought to become 
an Amsterdam, of which Coligni would have 
been the William of Grange. All know the 
two famous sieges it supported against Charles 
IX. and Richelieu, it« numberless heroic ef- 
fiMla, its endurance, and the poniard which the 
mayor laid on the table of the HAtel-de-Ville 
for his heart who should speak of surieader. 
Tet were its brave inhabitants constrained to 
yield, when Engiaod, betraying the Protestant 
cause and her own interest, suffered Richelieu 

3 constructed for this purpose, 
■till distinguishable at low tide. Shut out from 
the sea, the amphibious city drooped and lan- 
guished i and, to muzzle her the better, Louis 
XIV. founded Rochefott, a stone's throw from 
Rochelle — the port of the monarch, by the side 
of the port of the people. 

There was, however, a part of Poitou which 
had scarcely figured in history, which was but 
little known, and knew not itself. It was re- 
vealed by theVendean war. The principal and 
the earliest scene of this fearful war, which 
kindled a conflagratian throughout the whole 
west, was the basin of the Sfevre, Nantaise, the 
•ocabre hills with which it is surrounded, and 
the entire Vendean Bocage. This said Vendee, 
which has fourteen riven, and not one naviga- 
ble Dne,t — a country lost in its woods and 

■n, de I'Onuln, 

hedges — despite all that has. been said, was 
neither more religious nor more loyal than ma- 
ny other frontier provinces ;* but il clung to ill 
habits. These had been but little disturbed bj 
the ancient monarchy, with its impcrrect cen- 
tralization i but the revolution sought to uproot 
them, and to briuKover the province at once to 
national unity. Precipilale, and violent, and 
startling by the sudden aod hostile light il ihre 

a fact, tbat Cathelineau, the carrier, {voilurier,) 
was kneading his breadf when he heard the re- 
publican proclamation read. He just washed 
his hands, and shouldered his gun. Each did 
the same, and marched straight against the 
blues .- and the struggle was not man to man, in 
woods and in darkness, as with the Chouans in 
Brittany — but in masses, and in the open plain. 
Nearly a hundred thousand men were present 
at the siege of Nantes. The war of Brittany 
is as a warlike ballad of the Scottish border; 
that of La Vendee, an Iliad. 

Proceeding towards the south, we shall pan 
the sombre city of Saintes, with its beautiful 
plains — the battle-fields of Taillebourg and Jar- 
nac — the groltues of the Charenle, and its vines 
in the salt-marshes. We must rapidly iravene 
the Limousin — that lofty, cold, rainyj country, 
where so many rivers lake Iheir rise. Its beau- 
tiful granite hills, like semi-globes, und its vast 
chestnut forests, maintain an honest, but heavy 
race, timid, and awkward through their indeci- 
sion ; as if bearing the stamp of the sufferings 
inflicted on their country by the long strug^e 
for its possession between England and France. 
Quite different with Lower Limousin — tlie live- 
ly and quick-witted character of the Southern* 
is already very striking there : and the names 
of the SeguTS, St. Aulaires, Noailles, Venta- 
dours. Pompadours, and especially of the Tu- 
rennes, will serve to characterize the genius of 
the men here — to indicate their attachment to 
the central power, and the profit to which they 

Ite nll«UoB of the ll|ht on 
L'Biaoin ds la RwImIIe, pv Is 
ttoD.tto.— FoiUwcoUbwu,Gaq 

• FcvibaliJilariror et-Hslo,' 

,. ■ . . , FkHmt Arrtni'i wort 

naatkned In Um rnccMtf noia.— Binuoud Pcrraue, a m 
Un at Rochelle, ud who beeuH blahap ud urdlnil. oti- 
alanl tai tha Roehellen, la isa, boJli [nhlblUiii tbelr 
Wh Mad by ur (onin MbiiBd. 

I Bea Ihe Sou*, da Deinn. dt Is Vlenne. pu le Prtrei 
0DCluii.>ii.i.~Ai>ul;uIS7T,llwuprapi>Hd lo lender 
the VteBBe uTlnbla u ISu u Umofei. tnd than to aw- 
■adlltrllh (he CacT«u, which Ulllnlo the DordufDe: U 
maid hin miHiiDalcilBd with Botdeani ud PuU by Iha 
Ijbe. but tha Vieniia hu too muy tocki lo ■llmr of nch 
-Tha tJlalb ail^i ba leadend navlnUa a> 
■a U awtaw lb* aavKaUoB of the riawH ; 

poblle. Tho\ 

Uiam bom tbelr he 

Itai Loale iha ElfhHantb'i gOMiJ, ■ 
DfliimL CSTolen. DaKripDoi de Is icdu>«, idic, 
t Ptnnlol de la Force, O.— BanlilnvlUliin.— Than h a 

Vlsaa*, fSr Tama, Qnlael of tha dapailBinl la 180^ p.1. 

IRfi AmreijrM and til* 
*uo LimaffM. 


ClMia^er and habiti 
of the peopltt. 

mit it. That extraordinary personage, cardinal 
Dubois, came from Brives-la-Gaillarde. 

The mountains of Upper Limousin ramify 
with those of Auvergne, which, in their turn, 
join the CcTennes. Auvergne is formed by the 
▼alley of the Allier, over which towers, on the 
west, the mass of the Mont-Dor, which rises 
between the Pic or the Puy-de-D6roe and the 

Soup of the Cantal. It is a vast extinct fire — 
e ashes now almost everywhere covered by a 
rude and strong vegetation.* The walnut strikes 
root in the basaltic rock, and the corn sprouts 
out of the pumice.f Nor are the internal fires 
•o far extinguished, but that smoke still rises 
in one of the valleys ; and the Houffis of 
Mont-Dort remind one of Solfaterra and the 
Grotto del Cane. Built of lava, the towns 
(Clermont, St. Flour, &c.) have a black, heavy 
look ; but the country is beautiful, whether you 
traverse the vast and solitary meadows of the 
Cantal and the Mont-Dor, to the monotonous 
sound of the waterfalls, or gaze upon the fer- 
tile Limagne and on the ruy-de-Ddme, that 
pretty thimble seven hundred toises hish, and 
which is alternately veiled and unveiled by the 
clouds which love it, and can neither fly it nor 
remain with it. In fact, Auvergne is bufieted 
by a constant but shifting wind,^ whose cur- 
rents whirl and chafe with the ever-changing 
direction of its mountain valleys. With a south- 
em sky, the country is cold ; you freeze on lava ; 
and the inhabitants of the mountain district bury 
themselves all the winter in their stables,i| and 
surround themselves with a warm and thick at- 
mosphere. Laden, like the Limousins, with 
Heaven knows how many thick and heavy gar- 
ments, they may be considered a southern 
race,^ shivering in the bleak north wind, and 
pinched and stiffened by a foreign clime. Their 
wine is rough, their cheese bitter** — like the 
rude herbage from which it is produced. They 
sell, too, their lava, their pumice-stones, the 
pebbles of the district,ff and the common fruits 
of the country, which are taken down the Allier 
in boats. Red — eminently the barbarian color 

• Texler-Ollvler, pp. 44, 96, fcc. 

t The products both of the soil and of manufactures are 
mde and common, but abundant. De Pradt, Voyafe Afro- 
Bon. p. 106.— North of St. Flour, the ground Is covered with 
a thick layer of pumice-stones, but is not the less produc- 
tive. Id. p. 147. 

iSee Lefrmnd d*Aussy, Voy«ge en Auvergne. 
De Pradt, p. 74. 
In winter they live in the stable, and rise at eight ot 
■iiie o'clock. ^Legrand d'Aussy, p. 383.) For various char- 
seterifltic details, see the M^molres de M. le Comte de 
Montloifler, t. i. The elegant picture of Fuy-de-DAme by 
M. Duch^, the curious Researches of M. Oonod into the 
Antiquities of Auvergne, and the work of the good octo- 
(enarian cur6, Delarbre, may also be advantageously con- 

If In Limaj^ne there is an ugly race, apparently of south- 
ern extraction. From Brioude up to the source of the Al- 
lier, they look like cretins or Spanish mendicants De Pradt, 

** The bitterness of the cheese may either be owing to 
the making, or to the coarseness and rankness of the grass. 
They never lay down fresh grasses. De Pradt, p. 177. 

tt As late as 1784, the Spaniards came to buy tbo pebbles 
ler common Jewelery) of Aaveigne. Lefmid d*ABMy, p. 

— is that which they prefer: they like rough 
red wine, red cattle.* Rather laborious than 
industrious, they still often till the deep and 
strong soils of their plains with the small 
plough of the south, which scarcely scratches 
the Burface.f Their yearly emigration from 
the mountains is thrown away ; they bring back 
some money, but few ideas. 

And yet there is real strength in the men of 
this race — a rough sap, sour perhaps, but full 
of life as the heibage of the Cantal. Age has 
no effect upon it. See the green old age of 
their old men, of the Dulaures, and the De 
Pradts — and the octogenarian Montlosier, who 
directs and superintends his workmen and all 
around him, who plants and who builds, and 
who, on the spur of the moment, could write a 
new book against the clergy, (parti-pretre,) or 
in favor of feudalism, — at once the friend and 
the enemy of the middle-ages, t 

This inconsequent and contradictory charac- 
ter, observable in other provinces of our mid- 
dle zone, reaches its apogee in Auvergne. 
There sprang up those great legists,^ the logi- 
cians of the Gallican party, who never knew 
ii^hether they were for or against the pope — 
the chancellor de THdpital, a doubtful Catho- 
lic ;|| the Arnauds ; the severe Domat, that 
Jansenist Papinian, who endeavored to bound 
the law by Christianity, and his friend Pascal, 
the only man of the seventeenth* century who 
felt the religious crisis going on between Mon- 
taigne's day and that of Voltaire, and in the 
struggles of whose conscience the battle of 
doubt and faith is so singularly depicted. 

We might enter the great valley of the 
south by Rouergue, a province signalized by a 
rude hap ;^ and which, indeed, under its sombre 
chestnut trees, is but one enormous heap of 
coal, iron, copper, and lead. Its coal mines** 
have been for ages on fire for several leagues ; 
a fire, however, unconnected with any thins 
volcanic. Exposed to every vicissitude of cold 

* De Pradt, p. 74. 

t The arotre, a small plough unequal to strong soils, is 
used in the country beyond the Loire. Thronghoat the 
entire south the carts and all agricultural implements are of 
the smallest and poorest description. Arthur Young speaks 
with indignaUon of the small plough, that scratched the 
land and belied its fertility. De Pradt, p. 85. 

t I trust this distinguished individual will not be oflfended 
at a criUcal remark which applies to all the great men of his 

^ Domat, of Clermont ; the Laguesles, of Vic-le-Comte : 
Duprat, and BariUon his secretary, of Issolre; i*II6pltal, of 
Aiifueperse; Anne Dubourg, of Riom; Pierre Lizet, first 
president of the parliament of Paris, in the sixteenth cen- 
tnrv; the Du Vairs, of AuriUac, Itc. 

11 See in the M6m. de d* Aubign^, the secret prtrt the chan- 
cellor acted In the conspiracy of Amboise. There was a 
proverb— '* God keep us from the chancellor's mass, the 
admiral's tooth-^ck, and the constable's patemmters." 

IT Roneig;ue, I believe, is the first French province which 
paid a tai to the king, (Louis VII.,) on the condition of his 
putting a stop to private wars. See the Gloesaire de Lau- 
ri^re, t i. p. 164, at the word Ctmmun de PaiXy and the 
Decretal of Alexander III. on the first canon of the coaiicU 
of Clermont, published by Marca. — For an account of Ro«- 
ergue, see Peuchet and Chaulalre, StaUstique de T Aveyroo, 
and particularly M. MontelPs excellent work. 

** According to M. Blairier, (Mineralofle de l* Aveyiea. p, 
Uk) nan tbui two-thlids of thla depsitmnt CMtsla ttm 

Fim Ttow of the Pfwmn , 


The annual migration of ifaeep i eQ 

from the mountaim. *• ^^ 

and heat by the variety of its aspects and of 
its climates, splintered by precipices, and cut 
up by two torrents, the Tarn and the Aveyron, 
the wild CeTennes need not envy it. But I 
prefer entering by Cahors. Here, nature is 
clad in vines. You meet with the mulberry 
before yoa reach Montauban. ** The prospect 
before yoa, which contains a semicircle of a 
hundred miles diameter, has an oceanic vast- 
ness, in which the eye loses itself; an almost 
boundless scene of cultivation ; an animated 
but confused mass of infinitely varied parts — 
melting gradually into the distant obscure, from 
which emerges the amazing frame of the 
Pyrenees, rearing their silvered heads far 
above the clouds.*'* The ox, yoked by his 
horns, ploughs the fertile valley — the vine 
throws her tendrils round the elm. If you 
draw to the left, towards the mountains, you 
descry there the goat hanging on the arid hill- 
side, and the mule, laden with oil^following the 
midway track. Southward there bursts a 
storm, and the country becomes a lake : in an 
hour, the whole has dried up before the thirsty 
sun. In the evening you reach some large and 
melancholy city ; Toulouse, if you like. The 
sonorous accent which strikes your ear would 
lead you to fancy yourself in Italy ; but the 
houses, built partly of wood, partly of brick, 
and the abrupt accost and bold and lively de- 
meanor of the people, soon remind you that you 
are in France. The upper classes, at least, are 
French: the lower present quite a different 
physiognomy, and are, i>erhaps, Spanish or 
Moorish. You are in the ancient city of Tou- 
louse, so great under its counts, which, through 
its parliament, became the monarch and tyrant 
of the south,f whose hot and heady legists bore 
to Boniface VIII. the buffet of PhQip the Fair, 
for which they made but too frequent atone- 
ment at the cost of the heretics — ^burning four 
hundred in less than a century, and who, at a 
later period, becoming the instruments of Riche- 
lieu's revenge, condemned Montmorency, and 
beheaded him in their beautiful hall, stained 
with red.^ The Toulousans made it their 
boast that they had the capitol of Rome, and 
the grotto dei morti of Naples^ — in which 
corpses remain for centuries without under- 
going putrefaction. The city archives were 
kept in the capitol, in an iron chest, like those 
of the Roman flamens ; and the motto on the 
vralls of the. Gascon senate-house was, Videant 
canstUes ne quid respublica detrimenti capiat.^ 

* Yoanff, Acricnltnral Tonr In France, vol. 1. p. 20. 

t And mlt snpremaq^ seems now to be revived, at least 
as regards Utentore. Various periodicals that have re- 
cently started ap here, and particularly the Revue du Midi, 
ezempiuy the spirit and power which characterized the 
IBenhis or the andent Languedocians and the language of 
Oe, (one of the dialects of me troubadours which prevailed 
in Provence.) 

X It was so in the last century, according to Pig^ol de 
la Fovte, Description de la France. 

4 Bodies have been preserved in it for five centuries. 
MuUn, Voyage dans le Bfidi de ia France, t. iv. p. 452. 
Pleaniol de la Faroe, kA.^ 

I "Let di0 eoanUi see to tha MiSrty of the republic*' 

Toulouse is the central point of the great 
southern basin. Here or near it meet the 
waters of the Pyrenees, and of the Cevennes, 
the Tarn, and the Garonne, to fall with their 
united streams into the ocean — ^the Garonne 
receiving the whole. The sinuous and quiver- 
ing rivers of Limousin and of Auvergne, flow 
northward past Perigueuz and Bergerac; 
while the Lot, the Viaur, the Aveyron, and 
the Tarn, after making several more or less 
abrupt turns, run from the east and the 
Cevennes, by Rodez and Alby. The north 
supplies rivers ; the south torrents. The Ar- 
ri^ge descends from the Pyrenees ; and the 
Garonne, already swollen by the Gers and the 
Baize, makes a beautiful curve to the north- 
west, which the Adour imitates on a smaller 
scale towards the south. Toulouse separates, 
or nearly so, Languedoc from Guyenne ; pro- 
vinces which, lying in the same latitude, are 
yet widely different. The Garonne passes 
through the antique Toulouse, through the old 
Roman and Gothic Languedoc, and constantly 
increasing its flood, opens to the sea, like a sea, 
beyond Bordeaux. This last-named town, 
long the capital of English France, and long 
English at heart, turns, on account of its com- 
mercial interests, towards England, the ocean, 
and America. Here the Garonne, which we 
may now call the Gironde, is twice the width 
of the Thames at London. 

Rich and beautiful as is this vale of the 
Garonne, we cannot linger there ; the distant 
summits of the Pyrenees are too powerful an 
attraction. But the road is a serious obstacle. 
Whether you pass through Nerac, the sombre 
seigniory of the Albrets, or proceed along the 
coast, you have before you a sea of landes, 
only varied by cork-tree woods, vast pinadcu — 
a lonely and a cheerless route, with no other 
signs of life than the flocks of black sheep* 
that annually migrate from the Pyrenees to the 
landes, leaving the mountains for the plain 
under the charge of shepherds of the landes^ 
and going northward in search of the warmth. 
The wandering life of the shepherds is one of 
the picturesque characteristics of the south. 
You meet them scaling the Cevennes and the 
Pyrenees from the plains of Languedoc, and 
ascending the mountains of Gap and Barcelo- 
netta,f from Crau in Provence. This nomad 

The form by which the Roman senate gave the consuls ex- 
traordinary powers in critical circumstances. ..^ 

* Hiiiin, t. iv. p. 347.— Black sheep are also found m 
Roussillon and in Brittany, (Arthur Young, Agricultonl 
Tour, tec. vol. i. p. 415, 418.) The bulls of Carmargne are 
not unfrequently black. 

t Young (vol. i. p. 423) says, "There is In Provence as 
regular an emigration of sheep as in Spain ; the march is 
across the province, from the Crau to the mountains of Gap 
and of Barcelonetta ; not regulated by any other written 
laws than some arrets of the parliament to limit their roads 
to five toises of breadth ; if they do any damage beyond that, 
it is paid for. llie Barcelonetta mountains are the liest; 
they are covered with fine turf, gatonniM swperbement, . . . 
M. Darluc— (Hist Nat. de la Provence, 1782, p. 303, 394, 
329) — asserts that their number is a million, and that they 
travel in flocks of 10,000 to 40,000, and are twenty to thirty 
days on the jcniniey.'*~^'The sheep leave the kmvr 0»' 


nt BaMTOfli and GUalui 


fifth* PwriiiM. 

nee, carrying their all with them, with the 
stars as the sole companions of their eternal 
solitude, half astronomers, half astrologers, 
bring the life of Asia, the life of Lot and of 
Abraham, into the heart of onr western world. 
Bat, in France, the husbandmen fear their pas- 
sage,* and confine them to narrow routes.* It 
is in the Apennines, in the plains of Apulia, 
and in the Campa(^a of Rome, that they roam 
with all the freedom of the ancient worid; 
while in Spain they are kings and lay waste 
the whole country with impunity. Protected 
l^ the all-powerful company of the Mesta^ 
which employs from forty to sixty thousand 
shepherds,! the triumphant merinos devour 
the country from Estramadura to Navarre and 
Arragon. The Spanish shepherd, wUder than 
ours, wrapped up in his sheepskin, and with 
his dbarca of rough cowhide fastened on his 
feet and legs with string, resembles one of his 
own shaggy flock.| 

At last we see the formidable barrier of Spain 
in all its grandeur. It is not, like the Alps, a 
complicated system of peaks and valleys, but 
one inmiense wall, lowered at either end.^ 
Every other passage is inaccessible to car- 
riages, and even to mules and man himself, for 
six or eight months of the year. Two distinct 
people who, in reality, are neither Spanish nor 
French — the Basques on the west, and on the 
east the Catalans and people of Rou8sillon|| — 
are the porters of the two worlds. The portals 
are theirs, to open and to shut. Irritable and 
capricious, and tired of the constant passage 
of the nations, they open to Abder-Rahman, 
and shut to Roland. Many are the graves be- 
tween Roncesvalles and the Sen of Urge!. 

It is not the historian's province to describe 
and explain the Pyrenees. We must look to 

vennes and the plains of Languodoc about -the end of 
Floreal, (April,) and reach the monntaina of Lozt^re and 
Marg^ride. where they stay the whole summer, retom- 
Ing to Lower Langueduc by the time the fWwt sets in.** 
Statistique de la Ixraere, par M. Jerphanion, {wefet of the 
department, an. x. p. 31.— The flocks are brought from the 
Vynxneeti to winter as far as the landea of Bordeaux. La- 
boulini^rc, t. i. p. £15. 

* Five toises in breadth. See the preceding note. 

t A year in Spain, by an American, 1832. In t^e six- 
teenth century the troops of the Mtsta amounted Ut about 
seven million head of sheep. They fell to two millions and 
a half at the beginning of the seventeenth, increued to 
about four millions at its close, and now number nearly 
five million head — about half the cattle in Spain. — ^The 
shepherds arc more dreaded than the banditti, and they 
unscrupulously abuse the right of dragging any citizen 
before the tribunal of the association, whose decisions are 
always in their favor. The Mesta employs alcaldes, entre- 
mtdarSf and ackaguerot, who harass and oppress the farmers 
m the name of the association. 

X Description des Pyrenees, par Dralet, Cionservatcur des 
eanx et for^u, 1813, t i. p. 343. 

$ The Basque word, murua. signnifies both w:ill and 
Pyrenees. W. de Humboldt, Recherches sur la Ijangne 
des Basques. 

H Arthur Yotmg, vol. 1. p. 29.—" Roui^illon is, in f^t, a 
part of Spain. The inhabitants are Spaniards in language 
and in customs. The towns must be excepted, which are 
tat the most part filled with foreigners. The fishermen on 
fbb coast have a Moorish cast of countenance." — ^The cen- 
ml district of the Pyrenees, the country of Foix (Arri^ge) 
ia quite Fieuch, both in disposition and language : few or 
B» OatsUa word! are preserved. 

the science of Cuvier and of Elie de Beaumont, 
for the narrative of this ante-historic history. 
They were present — ^not I — ^when nature sud- 
denly produced her amazing geologic epopee, 
when the burning mass of the globe elevated 
the axis of the Pyrenees, when the mountains 
were split asunder, and the earth, in the tor- 
tures of Titanic travail, reared against the sky 
the black and bald Maladetta. However, a 
consoling hand gradually covered the wounds 
of the mountain with those green meadows, that 
eclipse the Alpine.* The peaks levelled and 
rounded themselves into beautiful towers ; 
while smaller masses were put forth to break 
the abruptness of the declivities, to take off 
from their steepness, and to form, on the French 
side, that colossal staircase, each step of which 
is a mountain-t 

Let us then scale, not the Vignemale, not 
the Mont-Perdu,J but only the par of Paillers, 
the water-shA of the two seas ; or else, let us 
ascend between Bagn^res and Bareges, between 
the beautiful and the sublime.^ Here you will 
comprehend the fantastic beauty of the Pyre- 
nees — their strange, incompatible sites, brougiit 
together as by some freak of fairy hands; I 
their magic atmosphere, which alternately 
brings every object close to you, and removes 
it to a distance ;% and these foaming gaves ol' 
soft green hue, and their emerald meadows. 
To this scene of loveliness succeeds the wild 
horror of the loftier mountains, concealing them- 
selves behind it, like a monster behind a mask 

* Ramond, Voyage au Mont Perdu, p. 54 " these 

greenswards of the TofUer mountains, cmupared with which 
there is something crude and false even in the verdure of 
the lower valleys." — Laboulini^re, t. i. p. 230, "The waters 
of the P3rrenees are pure, and of a beautiful wateru grrm^ 
(vert d'eau.)"— Dralet, p. 305, " When the streams from the 
Pyrenees overflow, they do not deposit an injurious mnddy 
sediment like those of the Alpe ; on the contrary," &c. 

t Dralet, 1. 1. p. 5. — Ramond, " in the south, the descent 
Is precipitous and sudden — the precipice sinking from a 
thousand to eleven hundred metres, and its ba5e being the 
summit of the highest mountains in this part of Spain, 
which, however, soon degenerate into low rounded hills, 
beyond which appears the wide perspective of the Arra- 
gonese plains. On the north, the primitive mountains are 
closely packed together, so as to form a belt more than four 
myriametres thick . . . this belt consists of seven or eight 
rows, which gradually decrease in height." Thi« descrip- 
tion, which has been contradicted by M. LalKiulini^re, is 
confirmed by M. Elie de Beaumont. The granitic axis of 
tho Pyrenees is on the French side. 

X The great poet of the Pyrenees, M. Ramond, searched 
for Mont-Perdu for ten years. '* Some," he says, " ajuwrtrd 
that the boldest hunter in the country had only reacbetl iu 
top by the aid of the devil, who led him up to it by seven- 
teen steps," p. 28. Mont-Perdu is the loftiest of the French 
Pyrenees, Vignemale of the Spanish, ibid. p. 261. 

^ It was between these two valleys, on the plateau callfd 
the Hourqurtte de Cinq Ourg, that the aged HStmuouM^r 
Plantade breathed his last, with his quadrunt by Ills 5ide, 
exclaiming, '* Great Ikxl ! how beautiful this is !" 

II Ramond, p. 169. " Scarcely do you plant your foot on 
the cornice than the decorations change, and the nisrgin of 
the terrace cuts off all communication between two inroai- 
patible sites. From this line, which you cannot touch 
without leaving one or the other, and which you cannot 
cross without entirely losing sight of one of them, it seeuts 
impossible that they should both be real ; and were they 
not brought in juxtaposition by the chain of Mont-Perdu, 
which slightly does away with the contm:iU one would be 
tempted to consider cither the view you lose, or that yoa 
gain, a vision." 

H Labouliniere, t. iii. p. IS. 

THE FTRENEE8. %£»!:£?&.>• 


portnying a lorelr muden. NeTarUielsM, wo | 
matt peraut, ud Wdlj penetrate the gvie of 
Pu by yon gloomj pus, thresdinK Ihuse brapa 
ofptMar blocks, three or JburlhouMUid cubic feet 
io conteats, then by the aharp roclu, eierlaaling 
now*, ud windiaga of the gire, buHeted from 
sue nek to aootber, till we reach the prodigioua 
Ctreiu with it* towera VMi'iag to the aky. At 
iu foot riae twelve apringa to feed the gave, 
which groua ooder hidgit of now, and yet 
falla tbirteea hnodred feet — the loftiest water- 
fall of the aooient world. * 
Hare Fianeo eode. The par of Gavaroie, 

which yon Me above jau, that lempaati 
paaa, where, aa they say, the sod waits nol 
[lis fathet.f is the gUe of Spain. Thia boun- 

dary of the two worlda is one wide field of hia- 
toric poeay. Hence may be deacried, could 
Tisioa reach ao far, Toulouao on the one hand, 
on the other, Saragooaa. Thia mountain em- 
braaare, ihtve handred feet in length, waa 
opened W Roland, with two atrokes of bia good 
sword Dutandal ;X and ia the symbol of that 
endarin^ aliife l>Btween France and Spain, 
which u, indeed, no other than the struggle 
belween Earopa and Africa. Roland perished, 
but I^naee conquered. Compare the two aidea 
of the mountain range : how aoperior la oura !$ 
Tie Spaniah dope, being the south, is abrupt, 
wild, and arid : Iho French trends away with 
a gentle ftll, ia belter clotbed with wood, and 
rejoices in beautiful meadows, which supply 
Spain with cattle. Barcelona, rich in Tine- 
yards and paaturea, ia obliged to buy our flocks 
and our winea, and Uvea on our oxen.l! On 
the one side of the range are a fine sky, a 
loTety climate, and want ; on the otheT,'fogB and 
nin, but intelligence, wealth, and freedtAo. 
Paaa the frontier, contrast our splendid high- 
ways and tfaeii tugged paths ;^ or simply look 

• It ta BH Ibooud two budnd ud MrMtT ImI 
IFmeb) hlib. For a foU Utaftliam, h« Dnlal, 1. L p. 

, T. sat-i 

II 'of LhlIi 'xi vT Ibne" 
obIj Patau of •linUarltj. 
I Cnld, L U. p. UT. y Spalg, Mu e 

lonvlH. S™" 

...!• of Pi3loa.._, 

Ib IwB aiuiben. Wsdioninilrl 

jf Spdn, ud nuOcnlulT OiMnDU Hd BIjot. 

,_.., _.__iEr_ . ueeloM .10™ 

. ispiilir «f «« 
hwidrnd ibaap, iwo Imadrad luib*, lUnr iuk ud IIR? 
tpadad iDMi. imUm MdBi jwnHj mora [ha^Hthoiuud 
■aiiia. which laan ob HHilbBB irrmtlmtUhtrj an- 

loaa; asd oarlBpata lau Um oUht 
mlim > UlB ran. CaUkmla p>t> Ib ( 
iS. catt-wood, aad corki." StauDnli 
Bimhli tliaaff bbm ka*a Blwii plu 
1 Ankai ¥«■(, njU I. p. W. " La 

at those stiangen who hate eome to drink 
the waters of Cautereta, ooTering their laga 
with the dignity of the oloak ; siuihre, and 
scomicg all compariaon with othera. Great 
and heroic nation, fear not our insulting your 

To aee all the race* and coatnmea of the Fy- 
reneeii, you must go to the fairs of Tarbea, 
which are frequented by nearly ten thouaand 
persons, and whither the whole country floeka 
for twenty leagues round. Here you often see, 
at one and the same time, the white oap of Bi- - 
Dorre, the brown one of Foil, the red one of 
Roosaillon, and, aometimee, the large flat bat 
of Arragon, the round hat of Navarre, and 
the peaked cap of Biacay.* Hither cornea the 
Basque voiturier, with his long wsgon drawn 
by three boraea, wearing the Beameae itTTtt;\ 
but you will easily tell the Bearnese from the 
Basque — the sprightly, handsome little man of 
the plab, ready of tongue, and of band sa well 
— from the son of the mountain, with his rapid 
stride and huge limb*, a skilful farmer, and 
proud of the family whose name he bears.} To 

paaaafa laad tha mlad kj Hfoa fradatloa id _ 

ehwga ; tot ken, urtthMi fdif ltmw |h atnw a. a bantw, 

aad mlianNa md> of CaUlmla, grgn mad at oaca oa a 
BoUa caBHWBT. laada wtth all tha mlUIITud mlaiacawa 
ihaidladafBUhai ihaUthwayiofrmiH. luiaad of bada 

7, wUd, datert. and po«, w« fnaaZ ourwlTai hi the mMK 
cnlUnUon and ImptDracnnL" 

("Erarr MlHr cLrcDDUIuae." addi Ttnaf, "ipoln Iha 
' laagaa^. and tald n» bj ilfiv nr' " ''' — .— ■. — 

maat: Olben ibnn auaptioBi, aad ^ra 

«e« and dtalncUoa, Iml thia ana with pi 
face. Tba pnaanl li 

iwead.." Ajialo-"W 

■boat: hniTUnlKM . . . 

a nurt eoaulatlMi la walUw npoa nagiiiaMBl a 
wayi, . , Tha madi nflABfiiedoe an iptand'-* — ' — 

aad ir I njuld tnt my islDd oriba neollacUoi 
DuaUoD which payi fOt tham, I ilumld tJKTel 

rehlH. Unlac wl 

laara of Bpala, and ra-aalei 

Perhapa la Jeopaidf ot wi , 

Whaa layaf emta nay daaca abi.'*) 

Lndr gf Iha lake.— Tamunn. 
t Ibaru da Bidanoaet. CanUbw el Bawinn, 1BU. Sn. 
"Tba Bakquaa, who. hifathef with thalr paatiim hava 

&hI •wlna In lai|a Dunhwi ta OtOl MklfaMaB, Un k^ 


Suieho, the Uut kioff of tte 


Orifhi of the Utle-kinc of 
Fkanoe and Narure. 

find men like the Basque, you must search among 
the Celts of Brittany,* of Scotland, or of Ire- 
land. The Basque, eldest of the Celtic races, 
immoveably fixed in the corner of the Pyrenees, 
has seen all the nations pass in review before 
him — Carthaginians, Celts, Romans, Goths, 
and Saracens. He regards with pity our recent 
genealogies. A Montmorency said to one of 
Uiem : ** Do you know that we date a thousand 

{rears back !'' " We," was the rejoinder, " have 
eft off dating."! 

The Basques were momentary masters of 
Aquitaine, to which they have bequeathed in 
memorial ofthemthenameofGascony. Driven 
back to Spanish ground in the ninth century, 
they founded there the kingdom of Navarre, 
and in two centuries occupied all the Christian 
thrones of Spain — Gallicia, the Asturias and 
Leon, Arragon and Castile. But the Spanish 
crusade bearing southward, the Navarrese, cut 
off from the theatre of European glory, gradu- 
ally lost every thing. Their last king, Sancho, 
the Shut'Upi who died of a cancer, is the true 
Sjrmbol of the destiny of his people. Shut-up, 
in point of fact, in its mountains, by powerful 
nations, and eaten into, if I may so express 
myself, by the progress of Spain and of France, 
Navarre even implored the aid of the mussul- 
mans of Africa, and, at last, sought refuge in 
the arms of France. Sancho gave the death- 
blow to his kingdom by bequeathing it to his 
son-in-law, Thibault, count of Champagne — a 
Roland, breaking his Durandal to save it from 
the enemy. The house of Barcelona, the root 
of the kings of Arragon and of the counts of 
Foix, seized upon Navarre, and consigned it, 
but for a moment, to the Albrets, the Bourbons, 

plenty and abnndanee ; while throoghont the neater part 
of the Pyrenees,*' Ate.— Labonlinidre, t UL p. 41&~ 

Fans et conitet. 
Pirque can — 

(The Bearnese la false and coorteons, the Blgordan wone 
than a dog ;) so runs the proverb. The Bigonian has the 
advantage as regards frankness and plain npiightness." — 
** There are very few points of resemblance between these 
two races. The Beamese, forced by the snows to descend 
with his floclu into the plain, polishes there, and loses his 
natural mdeness. Turning crafty, dissembling, bat inqnisi- 
tivo wiilial, he nevertheless preserves his haughtiness and 
love of indiependence .... the Beamese is variable and 
vindictive, as well as keen-witted ; but, through fear of dis- 
grace, and of the pecuniary damage, has recourse to law 
for his revenge. It is the same with the other people of 
the Pyrenees, from Beam to the Mediterranean; all are 
more or lens litigious, and nowhere do lawyen more abound 
than in Bigorre, Comminges, Couserans, in the county of 
Foix, and in Rousslllon — all lying along this roountidn 
chain." Dralet, L I. p. 170. 

♦ (Arthur Young, vol. I. p. 85. " Falr-dav at Landevoi- 
iler, which gave me an opportunity of seeing numbers of 
Bas Bretons collected, as well as their cattle. The men 
dress in grpnt trousers like brteches, many with naked legs, 
and most with wooden shoes, strong-marked features like 
the Welsh, with countenances a mixture of half-ener^, 
half-laziness ; their persons stout, broad, and square. The 
women Airrowed without age bv labor, to the utter ex- 
tinction of all softness of sex. The eye discovers them at 
first glance to be a people absolutely distinct from the 
French. Wonderful that they should be found so, with 
distinct language, luauners, dress, &c., after having been 
■etUed here 1300 years.")— Tram8I«itoi. 
^ t Iharce de BidassoiMt. 

who lost it in order to gain France. However, 
through a grandson of Louis XIV., a descend- 
ant of Henri Quatre, the Basque race has re- 
covered not alone Navarre, but the whole of 
Spain ; and thus was verified the mysterious 
inscription on the castle of Coaraze, where 
Henry IV. was brought up — Lo que a de ser 
no puede faltar^ (that which must be, cannot 
fail to be.)* Our kineshave styled themselves 
kings of France and Navarre — a title happily 
significant of the origin of the French people 
as well as of that of their sovereigns. 

The old and the pure races, Uie Celts and 
the Basques, Brittany and Navarre, had to 
yield to the mixed races — ^the frontiers had to 
give way to the centre, nature to civilization. 
The Pyrenees present in every directio;i the 
image of this decay of the ancient world. The 
remains of antiquity have disappeared, those of 
the middle ages are crumbling away. Those 
mouldering castles, those towers of the Moors, 
those bones of Templars which are preserved 
at Gavamie,t image most significantly an ex- 
piring world. Singular to say, the existence 
of the very mountain seems at stake. Its bared 
summits attest its unsoundness.^ Not in vain 
has it been battered by so many storms — whoso 
wild work has been aided by the havoc of man 
at its base. Daily does he lay bare that thick 
girdle of forests which covered the nakedness 
of his mother earth. The soil, retained by the 
grasses on the slopes and ledges, being washed 
away by the rains, the rock is left l»re ; and 
splintered and exfoliated by heat and frost, and 
undermined by the melting away of the snows, 
is carried away by avalanches. Instead of rich 
misture, there remains a dry and ruined soil. 
THe laborer, who has expelled the shepherd, 
gains nothing by his usurpation. The waters 
which gently trickled down the valley across 
the turf and the forests, now rush down in tor- 
rents, and cover his fields with ruins of his own 
making.^ Numerous hamlets in the upper 
valleys have been deserted for want of fire- 
wood ; and their inhabitants have fallen back 
on France in consequence of their own devasta- 

As early as 1763, the alarm was raised, and 
a law was passed that each inhabitant should 
plant yearly one tree in the royal forests, and 
two in the lands of his commune. Foresters 


* LabouUni^re, 1 1, p. S38. 

t Dralet 

X LabouUnidre, t. i. p. 833.— Several ipecies of animals 
have disaD|«ured from the Pjrrenees. Dralet, t. i. p. 51. 
The wild|B is rarely met with there ; and, according to 
Buflbn, tnlPkg disappeared two centuries since. 

Dralet, t i. p. 197 ; t U. p. 290. Dralet wrote in 1813. 
Id. X. il. p. 105. The Inhabitants went even into Spain 
to pilfer wood.— CntUng but a branch in the large forest 
overhanging Cauterets, and which protects it from the snows, 
subjects the offender to a heavy fine. — Diodorus Siculus had 
said long since, (lib. W.y-" Pyrenees comes from the Greek 
pur, (fire.) becan^. In former times, the woods were fired 
by the shepherds." — " There is no forest but what has been 
purposely set on fire, on various occasions, by the InhaUt- 
ants, in order to convert the woodland into arable or pas-* 
tore." Proc^t-verbal da 8 Mai, 1670. 

. T%0 windi ud nil 
of nvveiMMw 


Rnint. Tbt Roman law. 


also were qvpointed. In 1679, in 1756, and 
later still, new regulations attested the alarm 
occasioned by the progress of the evil. But at 
the Revolution every bonier was thrown down ; 
and the impoverished people unanimously be- 
gan the work of destruction. Fire and spade 
in hand, they scaled even to the eagles* nests ; 
and, let down by ropes, cultivated the depths 
of the abyss. Trees were sacrificed to the 
slightest want, and two firs would be cut down 
to make one pair of sabots.* At the same time, 
the smaller cattle increasing in large numbers, 
infested the woods, injuring trees, shrubs, and 
the tender shoots, and devouring the hope of 
the future. The goat especiaUy — of all ani- 
mals the property of him who has nothing — ^an 
adventurous creature that lives on the domain 
common to all, a levelling quadruped, was the 
instrument of this revolutionary invasion, and 
the Terror of the desert. His war against these 
nibbling animals was not the least of Bona- 
parte^s labors, and in 1813 the goats were not a 
tenth of the number they had been in the year 
X ;f but he could not entirely put a stop to 
their war on nature. 

The whole of this South, beautiful as it is, is, 
nevertheless, a country of ruins, compared with 
the north. Let us haste through the fantastic 
landscapes of St. Bertrand de Comminges and 
of Foix — towns which one might suppose to 
have been tossed down at random by fairy 
hands — and through our little Spanish France, 
Roussillon, with its green meadows, black 
sheep, and Catalan romanzas, so sweet to gather 
in the evening from the lips of the maidens of 
the country! — and, descending into stony Lan- 
guedoc, pursue its hills, but raintly shaded by 
the olive, to the monotonous notes of the cicada. 
Here are no navigable rivers, and the canal 
which unites the two seas^ has not sufficed to 
supply the want ; but salt ponds, and salt marshes 
as well, where the salicornia gn^ows,|| abound ; 
while its countless hot springs of bitumen and 
asphalte make it another Judea.^ The rabbis 
of the Jewish schools of Narbonne might have 
fancied themselves in their own land — even the 
Asiatic leprosy was not wanting to complete 
the illusion : recent cases of this disease have 
occurred at Carcassone.** 

The cause is to be found in the fact that,. not- 
withstanding the western Cers, to which Au- 
gustus reared an altar, the hot and leaden wind 
of Africa weighs heavily on the country. Sore 

• Dnlet,tli.p.74. 

t Id. L i. p. 83. 

X M. Barberet, professor of History In the College Looisi- 
le-Grand, is preparing for publication a collection of the his- 
tnrie Kxnaaces of Roussillon and Catalonia. M. Tastu, like- 
wise, has in hand a great work on the antiquities of the lat- 
ter country. The literary conquest of the South, begun by 
the venerable Raynouard, is thus going on. 

% I shall have occasion to notice this great monument of 
the reign of LonU XIV. in another place. 

y Tronv^. Btatistique du Departement de TAude, p. 507. 
It is imported from Narbonne for the glass manufacturers of 

^ Depplng, DescripUoa do la France, t i. p. 380. 

•• Trouv(fe, p. 3I& 

legs won't heal at Narbonne.* Most of the 
sombre towns of this region have sites of sur- 
passing loveliness, while around them are un- 
healthy plains — for instance, Albi, Lod^ve, Ag- 
de the black,^ seated close to its crater, and 
Montpellier, the heiress of the ancient Maffue- 
lone, whose ruins are by its side — Montpellier, 
which looks at will on the Pyrenees, the Ce- 
vennes, and the Alps themselves, has close to 
her and under her an unhealthy soil, covered 
with flowers, all aromatic, all highly medicinal ; 
a city of medicine, perfumes, and verdigris.;^ 

An aged land is this Languedoc. You meet 
here ruins upon ruins — ^the Camisards upon the 
Albigenses, the Saracens upon the Goths, un- 
der these the Romans, then the' Iberians. The 
walls of Narbonne are built with tombs, stat- 
ues, and inscriptions.^ The amphitheatre of 
Nimes is pierced with Gothic embrasures, 
crowned with Saracen battlements, blackened 
by the fires of Charles Martel. But it is the 
oldest who have left the most — ^the Romans 
have dug the deepest furrow ; witness their 
maison guarree, their triple *bridge over the 
Gard, their vast canal which the largest vessels 
could navigate.] 

The Roman law is another*ruin ; as imposing, 
though in a different fashion. To it, and to the 
old franchises arising out of it, Languedoc was 
indebted for the exception she offered to the 
feudal maxim — no land without its lord.^ Here, 
the presumption was always in favor of liberty. 
Feudalism could only gain a footing under cov- 
er of the crusades — as an auxiliary of the 
Church, as a familiar of the Inquisition. Si- 
mon de Montfort founded here four hundred 
and thirty-four fiefs.** But this feudal colony, 

* Id. p. 347. AceordUig to the same author. It b th« 
same wiUi sores in the head at Bordeauz.— The Cers and 
the Autan prevail by turns in Languedoc. The Cers (cjrrdk, 
the Welsh f<Mr impetuosity) is the west wind— violent, bat 
healUiy.— Senec. auiest NatuxiL 1. iii. e. 11, "The Circiiu 
.... infests Gaul, and though it shakes down buUdingt, 
the natives return thanksgiving to It, since they owe to it 
the healthiness of their climate. While the divine Au- 
gustus was In Gaul, he vowed and built a temple to it." — 
The Autan is the southrast or African wind, heavy and 

t The proverb says—" Agde, the black, the robber's den.** 
It is buUt of lava. Lodive is likewise black. Millin, L iv. 

p. atfi. 

t Millhi, L iv. p. 393. MontpelUer is celebrated for its 
distilleries and manufacture of perfhmes. The discovery of 
brandy Ls ascribed to Amaud de Vilieneuve, who founded 
the perfume manufactories of this town, p. 3S4. — Formerly, 
Montpellier had the monopoly of verdigris, its cellars being 
supposed to be exclusivel/fitted for it. 

i Millin, t iv. p. 383. The walls of Narbonne were le- 
paired hi Francis the First's time, and were covered with 
fragments of ancient monuments. The engineer who di- 
rected the repairs had the inscriptions let Into the walls, 
and the remains of bas-reliefs placed over the gates ana 
arches — so that the walls are an Immense museum of limbs, 
heads, hands, trunks, weapons, and mottoes, flung there at 
random and in indescribable confusion. Nearly a million 
of inscriptions are there, almost entire, but which, from the 
width of the fosse, can only be deciphered with the aid of 
a glass. — On the walls of Aries are numerous remains of 
sculpture, formerly belonfring to an ancient theatre. Thieiry, 
Lettres sur THistoire de France, p. 259. 

II Ituuv^, n. 271. The canal was a hundred paces wide, 
two thousana long, and thirty deep. 

IT Caseneuve, Traits du Franc-aleu en Lanjpedoc 

** I have been assured that In 1814 many tamilies of tht 
emigrants were taxed with their descent from Simon dt 

164. ' *^S5fi.'1t''8SaS:*** PROVENCE. 


birbwajr of 

governed by the custom of Paris, only senred 
to prepare the republican spirit of the province 
for monarchical centralization. A land of po- 
litical liberty and of religious servitude, more 
fanatical than devout, I^nguedoc has always 
cherished a vigorous spirit of opposition. The 
Catholics even had their Protestantism here, 
under the form of Jansenism. To this day, 
at Alet, they rake the tomb of Pavilion, in or- 
der to drink the ashes that are a charm for fe- 
ver.* Since the days of Vigilantius and of Fe- 
lix of Urgel, the Pyrenees have never been 
without heretics. The most obstinate of skep- 
tics, and most undoubting believer in doubt — 
Bayle, was a native of Carlat. The Cheniersf 
— Hhose rival brothers, whose rivalry did not, 
however, as is conmionly supposed, lead to fra- 
tricide — were from Limoux. Need I name in 
the list the player of Carcassone, the sangui- 
nary bel-espritf Fabre d' Eglantine 1 At least, 
one cannot deny the attributes of vivacity and 
energy to the Languedocians — a murderous en- 
^rgy* a tragic vivacity. Placed at the angle 
of the South — ^which it seems to bind and unite 
— Languedoc has frequently suffered from the 
struggles between jarring races and relijnons. 
Elsewhere I shall have to speak of the mffht- 
ful catastrophe of the thirteenth century ; but, 
even at this day, a traditional hatred exists be- 
tween the inhabitants of Nlmes, and those of 
the mountain of Nlmes, which, it is true, haa 
now but little to do with religion, and may be 
likened to the feuds of the Guelphs and Ghib- 
elines. Poverty-stricken and rude as the Ce- 
vennes are, it is not surprising that at the point 
where they come in contact with the rich re- 
gion of the plain, the shock should be one of 
violence and of envious fury. The history of 
Nlmes is but that of a battle of raging buUs. 

The strong and hard genius of Languedoc 
has not been sufficiently distinguished from the 
quick-witted levity of Guyenne, and the hot- 
headed petulance of Provence ; yet is there the 
same difference between Languedoc and Guy- 
enne, as between the men of the Mountain and 
the Girondists, between Fabre and Bamave, 
between the smoky wine of Lunel and claret. 
Belief is strong and intolerant in Languedoc, 
often, indeed, to atrocity — so is dwbelief. 
Guyenne, on the contrary, the country of Mon- 
taigne and of Montesquieu, has floated betwixt 
belief and doubt ; Fen^lon, the most religious 
of its celebrated men, was almost a heretic. 
Things grow worse as we advance towards 
Gascony — the land of poor devils, exceedingly 
noble, and exceedingly beggarly ; joyous and 
reckless rogues, not a man of whom but would 

Montfort** companioiM. — See fbither on the history of the 
enuade agnlnst the Alblgenses. 

This chapter completes the picture of Langnedoc, as the 
flrst chHpter of the flrat book began that of Gascony, by de- 
scribing the Iberians, the ancestors of the Basques. 

♦ Trouv*, p. 856.— See Appendix. 

t The two Cheniers were bom at Constantinople, when 
mt tkthex was consul-general ; but their family belonged 
IS X«imoaz« and Uielr anceston had long baea iaspoctors of 
Urn ■Oats of Ung— doc aad BomsUlaa. 

have said, like their Henri lY . — ** Paris is well 
worth a mass,** {Paris vaut bien une messe,) or, 
as he wrote to Gabrielle, just before he abjured 
his faith — '* I am going to take the desperate 
leap," (Je vaisfaire le saut perilletix.*) Such 
men risk all to succeed, and do succeed. The 
Armagnacs allied themselves with the Valois 
— the Albrets, blending with the Bourbons, at 
last gave kings to France. 

In some respects, the genius of Provence is 
more analogous with the Gascon than with the 
Languedocian ; and it is by no means uncom- 
mon for the people of the same zone to be sim- 
ilarly alternated — for instance, Austria, which 
is further from Suabia than from Bavaria, is 
more akin to it in feeling and chu-acter. The 
provinces of Languedoc and of Provence, both 
of which lie along the Rh6ne, and are similarly 
intersected by corresponding rivers and tor- 
rents, (as the Gard, which answers to the Du- 
rance, and the Var to the Herault,) form of 
themselves the whole of our Mediterranean 
coast ; which has in both its ponds, its marshes, 
and its extinct volcanoes. But Languedoc is 
a complete system — a ridge of mountains or 
hills with their two falls; whence flow tl > 
rivers of Guyenne and Auvergne. Provence 
rests upon the Alps — but neither the Alps, nor 
the sources of her great rivers are hers. She 
is only a prolongation, or fall of the mountain 
range towards the Rh6ne and the sea, at the 
base of which &11, stooping towards the ocean, 
are her beautiful cities — Marseilles, Aries, and 
Avignon. All the life of Provence is on the 
coast. The cities of Languedoc, on the con- 
trary, from the less favonble nature of the 
coast, lie behind the sea and the Rh6ne. Nar- 
bonne, Aigues-Mortes, and Cette, have no am- 
bition to l^ ports, t Thus the history of Lan- 
guedoc is more continental than maritime ; and 
the great events with which it deals are the 
struggles of religious liberty. In proportion as 
Languedoc retreats from the sea, Provence 
meets it, and throws into its bosom Marseilles 
and Toulon — seeming to spring forward to- 
wards maritime adventures, cnuades, and the 
conquest of Italy and Africa. 

Provence has both visited and sheltered all 
nations. All have sung the sonffs and danced 
the dances of Avignon, and of Beaucaire ; all 
have stopped at the passes over the Rhdne, 
and the great crossways of the high roads of 
the south.| The saints of Provence (true 

* A Gascon prorerb says—" Every good Gascon may con 
tradict himself thrice, {7\nU hann Oateoun f»^s pot rtprtm- 
fui trig cop*.) In many of the southern departments it is 
thought shameful not to go to mass, but pitiful to attend 
confession. The truth of this has been wananted to me, 
especially as regards the department of Gers. 

T Three nnsuccessfhl attempts of the Roauuiw, of St. 
Lonbt, and of Louis XIV. 

X The bridge of Avignon, so noted In song, replaeed the 
wooden bridge of Aries, which In lis time bad been— «s 
Avignon and Beaucaire afterwards were — the rendeavoos 
of the nations. Aries, according to Ansonius, was th0 Uttto 
Gallic Rome— 

^ Gallula RfMna Arelas, quam Naibo MartkUL tC QMm 
Accolit Alpinls opnlaata VlMMs Mto^ 



mnts whom I honor) bailt bridges' for th«ra, 
•nd hema to fnterniie the Wen. Tho Bpright- 
I7 and lorelj girls of Arlet and of ATignon — 
in continuatioii of their good work — have t&ken 
by the htod the Greek, the Spaniard, and the 
Italiui — and ^ve led oS the farandolaf with 
(hem, whether they would, or not. Nor have 
theaa atrao^rs wished to re-embark. They 
have built ID Provence, Greek, Moreaco, and 
Italian towns, and hare preferred the feverish 
eoDDtenanees of Fr^jusJ to those of Ionia, or 
of Toaenlum, have wrestled with torrents, 
tanked the sbelfs of the hills into cultivated 
tenacea, and extorted erapes from the stony 
ndge* which yielded only th^e and lavender. 
Poetic as Provence is, il is, nevertheless, a 
rode conntry. Not to mentton its Pontine 
■narakea,^ its vale of OUoul, and the tiger-like 
viracity of the Tonlon peasant — that everlast- 
ing wind which buries in sand the trees of the 
scA-ahore, and drives vessels on the coast, is 
not leas Etfal on land| than on sea. Its abrupt 

and sudden' gusts bear death* on their wingai. 
The Ptoveni^al is too brisk to wrap himself np 
in the Spanish cloak. And the powerful sun 
of the cltme — that sun which m^es the com- 
mon festival of this country of festivals~-dartB 
painfully on the head, when, at one burst, it 
changes winter into summer. As it vivifies the 
tree it scorches it. The very frosts bum. Bnt 
rains,f which convert brooks into rivets, are 
more frequent than frosts. The husbandman 
sees his field at the base of the hill on whoaa 
side it hung, 01 fallows it floating on the flood, 
and adding itself to his neighbor's land. Na> 
ture is capricioua, choleric, paasionato, and 

The Rtiftne is the symbol of the country — ita 
fetish, as the Nile is that of Egypt. The poo- 
ple cannot believe this liverto be only a river; 
but sees wrathj in its violence, and recognlsea 
the convulsions of a monster in its devouring 
eddies. It is the drae, the laratqut, a kind of 
tortoise-dragon ; whose effigy is vociferously 

Eitaded about on certain festivals,^ and la 
cime to the church dashing against all in ita 
way. Except there be an arm broken, at the 
least, the festival is considered a failure. 

The RhAne, fiirious as a bull maddening at 
the sight of red, dashes against its Delta, the 
Camargue, the island of bulls and of fine paa- 
tures. The Femde is the high festival of the 
island. The bullocks are driven with goads 
into the centre of a circle, formed of wagona 

c^ vale AHtdKHL" {Wlnil* Avlinom _ 

<nl. ««ur wlUi « wliu].)— In UI3, Uw Uihon of Nu- 
bDus. *£. whia u iBBOceBt ttl. that ■ pcoviuclil cmikU 

natila id UisBd ftga tha InmluMtf of (be wnlber. u 

filled nith epecUtor*, in order to be marked — 

and SB the animals aie thrown down in turna 
by some active and vigorous youth, and held 
on the ground, the red-hot marking iron is pre- 
sented to the chosen lady, who steps from the 
wagon, and imprints it on the hide of the foam- 
ing beast.' 

Such is the genius of lower Provence, vio- 
lent, noisy, baTlKLrouB,butnot ungraceful. Here 
are the indefatigable dancers of the Moresco, 
with bells at their kneea,t and of the sword- 
dance, the baechubcTjX as it is called by their 
I neighbi ' " 

yearly enact the hravade of the Saracens.^ 
The land of soldiers, of the Agrieolas, Baui, 
and Crillons, the land of fearless sailors — this 

Silf of Lyons is a rough school. Witness the 
ailli de SuSVen, and that renegade who died, 
CapiUn Pasha, in 1706 ;|| witness Paul the 
' cabin-boy, (he was never Jcnown by any other 
name,) to whom a washerwoman gave oirth at 
sea, who became admiral, and feasted Louis 
XIV. on board his ship. But not for all this 
did he forget his old comrades ; and it was his 
wish to be buried with the poor, to whom he 
f bequeathed all his property. 

There is nothing surprising in finding this 

cipaliiies. Even in the rural districts, bondage 
never pressed as heavily as in tho rest of 
France. The peasants wrought their lil>erty 
for themselves, and were the conquerors of the 
Moors. They alone could till the steep hill- 
side, and confine the torrent within its bed. 
The inlelli^nt hands of freemen alone could 
subdue such a land. 

And in literature, and philosophy as well, 
Provence took a free and bold flight. The 
grand protest of the Breton Pelagius in behalf 
of liberty was hailed and supported in Provence 
by Faustus, by Cassian, and by the noUe school 
of Lerina, the glory of the fifth century. When 

18 attempting the same revolution m the 
of sensuahsm ; while, in the last century, Man- 
pertius and Lamettrie, the atheists of St. Malo, 
were assembled with the Provencal atheist, 
D'Argens, at the court of f'redcrtck. 

Not without reason is the literature of the 
south in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries 
termed the Proveni^al, displaying, as it did, all 
the quick and graceful play of the Provencal 
genius. Provence is the land of line speakers; 
copious, impassioned, at least in stjh ' 

* MllllB, L It. Ab <u and a 1llU< BI. John Itie BiiHlu 
s» L«d ruDud MknelllH thn« dayi belbn Corpu Chri«li 
day. Nurm make tlwir nuFihop kUt thd «'■ jnnulv \a 
con thrm In iBCIIilH. hpoD, L 1. 

t Ml"!''. I- ui. p. MO. 

will, obstinate fasblonists of language. It has 
given us Massillon, Mascaron, Iltchier, Maury 
— orators and rhetoricians. But Provence, in 
its every phase, municipal, parliamentary, and 
noble, popular and rhetorical — the whole in- 
vested with the magnificence of aolithem inso- 
lence — was concentrated in Miraffiau ; in whom 
were joined the massy neck of the bull, and 
the impetuous strength of the RhAne. 

How is it that this country did not conquer 
and rule France \ It conquered Italy in the 
thirteenth century. How is it now so dull ; 
with the exception of Marseilles, that is, of the 
sea \ Besides the unhealthy coasts, and expi- 
ring towns, like Frfejus,* in every direction I 
see ruins only. I allude not to the beautiful 
remains of antiquity, to the Roman bridges and 
aqueducts, and the arches of St. Remi and of 
Orange, with numerous other monuments. In 
the mind of the people, and their tenacity to 
old customs,! which impart to them so original 
and ^nti^o & physiognomy — it is there I find 
ruins. .They are a race who cast no serious 
look on the past, and yet preserve its traces. t 
Every nation having made their way through 
them, they ought, one would think, to have for- 
gotten more : but no, they cling to their recol- 

* " Thb tam dally becomci man dgaened. aod. Is hatr 

of Iheir population.^' F^nchet, aa. li. lac. ciL 

t In lla pntly Ifoivw dancva. In Iha nrnirnga of itt 
hnrib*. \a u» keeplni op of tho kickt caiemdairt, Id mtlnf 
fou-ckitktM nt ewlabi laitivaJa, and ia nmncroBi oth«r 

Tha Ibaal of tha palmn lalnl of sach Hllafs ti callnl 

lleiiWDIIr comiBf on jut u ths loid oT ttia Tlllafe wai 
)aunur>i«.oi waa aboDl u JaDnor u Kome. (1) MIlUi, 

Ai CbriiuDU 1h«y ban (h« oiifTun a talndtau^ a 
iBTfa Id( of oak. which Ibcy sprlnkTe wIEb wLna and 0.1. 
TheynHdMi cryontaa ibsy pui u on Uu Are, d/cuFn. 

caJIsd uw /kc*. (Ih< Usud'i lln.J Mllltn, L m. p. IX. 
—The tuns cuawin It mcl with in Danpblny. They coil 

(TIM Ynle-kf of 

Id will ID 

Tbfl poof man'a hwl UirDii|h half (hp year."^ 

Biy and In Spiln. ai Genoa and MnnWIIIer 
it Om laitcr lawn believe ihrii when Jnit> Ct 


■f-pcai) bu been handed donn.— Tho Alht 

he Paoepala. 


M Uie rood king Bent > 

on Ikble. hU 


DlWe. Mlllln. 


11 alTd hl< 


paraded In ll. 

innnled OB Maej. There 

a loul. B». » 

,ch iwo devi 


hone.; kInK 




H<n, and. ai II 

e end of a till 

k. the itar 

• o^ ■»■> of 


Jf»a.n cotMMl witk fowdn Md ilbudi. 


AriM and to ElytteB Mdk 


GtMNti ofdit niin oTPrawiM. 


lections. In Tarious respects, Provence, like 
Italy, belongs to antiquity. 

Cross the melancholy mouths of the Rh6ne, 
blocked up with sand, and as marshy as those 
of the Nile and the Po. Ascend to Aries. 
Phis old metropolis of Christianity in the south, 
aombered a hundred thousand inhabitants in 
the time of the Romans ; it has now but a fifth 
part of that number, and is rich only in the 
dead and in sepulchres.* It was long the com- 
mon tomb — the necropolis of Gaul ; and to rest 
in its Elysian fields (the Aliscamps) was con- 
videred happiness. Those who dwelt on the 
banks of the riyer were, it is said, accustomed, 
even as late as the twelfth century, to place 
the bodies of their deceased friends, and a piece 
of money, in a cask covered with pitch, and to 
coDunit them to the stream to be borne to the 
sacred spot — ^where they were faithfully inter- 
red.f Nevertheless, the town has constantly 
declined. Lyons soon deprived it ef the pri- 
macy of Gram ; the kingdom of Burgundy, of 
which it was the capital, has passed aviray 
quickly and obscurely; and its great families 
are extinct. 

When, leaving the coast and the pastures of 
Aries, and ascending the hills of Avignon, one 
ascends the mountains conterminous to the 
Alps, the ruin of Provence is accounted for. 
It IS an eccentric country, with its great towns 
on its frontiers only, and these, too, chiefly 
foreign colonies. The truly Provenpal part 
was Uie least powerful. The counts of Tou- 
louse managed to make themselves masters of 
the Rhdne, the Catalans seized the coast and 
the ports ; to the Baux, the indigenes of Prov- 
ence, who had formerly deUvcred the country 
from the Moors, there remained Forcalquier 
and Sisteron, that is, the interior. Thus the 
states of the south fell to pieces until the arri- 
val of the French, who overthrew Toulouse, 
drove back the Catalans into Spain, united the 
Proven^^als, and led them on to the conquest 
of Naples. Here closed the destinies of Prov- 
ence. She reposed with Naples^ under the 
same master. Rome lent her pope to Avignon, 
and dissoluteness and wealth abounded. Since 
the time of the Albigenses, religion had been on 
the decline in this region : it was annihilated 
by the presence of the popes. At the same 
time, the ancient municipal franchises of the 
south fell into neglect, and were forgotten. 
Roman liberty and the religion of Rome, re- 
publicanism and Christianity, expired at one 
and the same period. Avignon was the scene 
of this decrepitude. Believe it not then that 

* As when old Aril seei the ituiuuit flood, 
• * ♦ > • 

Long lepalchret defonn the ftan'ml field. 

Daate, Inferno, c. Lc. 

Among other remarkable baa-relleft found on the tombi of 
Aries, is one bearing the monogram of Christ, in a crown of 
oak, and carried in the air by an eagle — a beautifUl symbol 
of Constantine's victory. — Charies IX. sent here for some 
sarcophagi of porphyry, which were lost in the RhOne, and 
have never been recovered. Millin, t ill. p. 504. 

t La Lansi^re, Hist d* Aries, L L p. 306. 

it was for Laura alone, Petrarch watered the 
springs of Vaucluse with his tears. Italy also 
was his Laura, and Provence, and the whole 
of that antique South which was daily expir- 

Provence, in its imperfect destiny and in- 
complete form, is to me as a troubadour's song, 
a sonnet of Petrarch's — ^there is in it more im- 
pulse than depth. The African vegetation of 
its coasts is soon checked by the icy wind of 
the Alps. The Rh6ne hastens to the sea, and 
reaches it not. Pasturage gives place to arid 
hills, poorly adorned with myrtle and lavender, 
perfumed and sterile. 

The South seems to linger and bewail its 
fate in the melancholy of Vaucluse, and in the 
unspeakable and sublime sadness of Sainte- 
Baume, whose height surveys the Alps and the 
Cevtones, Languedoc and Provence, and, be- 
yond these, the Mediterranean. And I, too, 
could weep like Petrarch, on quitting this love- 
ly region. 


But I must make my way to the north, 
through the firs of the Jura and the oaks of the 
Yosges and of the Ardennes, to the discolored 
plains of Berry and Champagne. The provin- 
ces that we have just traversed, isolated by 
their very originality, cannot make up the unity 
of France. More flexible and docile elements 
are required — ^men more amenable to discipline, 
and more capable of forming one compact body 
to shield jiorthem France from great invasions 
by sea and land, from the Germans and the 
English. The serried populations of the cen- 
tre, the Norman and Picard battalions, and the 
deep and massy legions of Lorraine and Alsace 
are not more than sufficient for the end. 

The Proven(^ call the men of Dauphiny, 
the Franciaux. In fact, Dauphiny belongs to 
the true France, the France of the north. 
Despite its latitude, this province is northern. 
Here begins that zone of rude countries and 
energetic men which covers the eastern flank 
of France — ^first, Dauphiny, like a fortress to 
the windward of the Alps ; then, the marsh of 
la Bresse ; then back to back, Franche-Comte 
and Lorraine, cemented by the Yosges, which 

* I know not which Is the most afiectlng, the poet*s 
lamentation over the fate of Italy, ox his grief at havii^ lost 
Laura. I cannot refrain from quoting the admirable sonnet 
In which the poor old poet at last confesses that he has only 
pursued a shadow : — 

" I feel, I breathe it once more, *tis the air of past times. 
They are there, the sweet hills, where was bom the beauti- 
ful light, which, so long as Heaven permitted, filled my eyes 
with joy and desire, and now swells them with tears. 

" O fmgile hope ! O foolish thoughts ! the grass 

is widowed, ana the waves are troubled. The nest mdeh 
she occupied Is cold and empty ; that nest, where I should 
have wished to live and die. 

" I hod hoped to find some rest after so many fatlcaes, 
in sweetly tracking her, and to have been soothed by iaoM 
lovely eyes, which have consumed my heart 

"druel, nnsrateful servitude! I burnt as long as the 
object of my fires lasted, and I now wander, weeping over 
her ashes." 

Sonnet CCLXXIX. 


Wuliln md aeimtUlo 

DAUPHINY. '^-''^^i&iSSL^S^ 

bestow the Moselle on the last—- on the first, the 
Sadne and the Doubs. A Tigorous genius of 
resistance and opposition, is the characteristic 
of these provinces ; ffiving rise to inconTcni- 
ences, perhaps, within, but our safeguard 
against the foreigner. To science they have 
contributed men of a severe and analjrtic cast 
of mind — Mably, and his brother, Condillac, 
are from Grenoble ; D'Alembert belongs to 
Dauphiny by the mother's side ; Lalande, the 
astronomer, and Bichat, the great anatomist, 
are from Bonrg^n-Bresse.* 

Reasoning uid selfishf as they are in other 
respects, war is the grand lever of the thoughts 
and feelinffs of these men of the frontier, com- 
manding their whole moral being and elevating 
it into poetry. Speak of passing the Alps, or 
of crossinff the Rhine, and you will find that 
Dauphiny has yet her Bayards, and Lorraine 
her Neys and Faberts. On this frontier line 
are heroic cities, whose families have been ac- 
customed to lay down their lives for their 
country from generation to generation.! The 
women have hardly been less sparing or them- 
selves than the men.^ Throughout the whole 
of this zone, from Dauphiny to Ardennes, the 
women display an Amazonian grace and cour- 
age, which YOU would vainly seek for else- 
vdiere. Cold, serious, elaborate in their dress,| 
impressing both strangers and their own fami- 
lies with feelings of respect, they live in the 
midst of a race of soldiers, whom they know 
how to awe. Themselves widows and daugh- 
ters of soldiers, they are familiar with war, and 
know what it is to aie and to suffer ; but, brave 
and resigned, they do not the less freely com- 
mit those dearest to them to its chances; at 
need, they would go themselves. It was not 
Lorraine alone which saved France by a wo- 
man's hand. In Dauphiny, Margot de Lay de- 
fended Martelimart, and rhilis la Tour-du-Pin 
la Charce barred the frontier against the duke 
of Savoy, (a. d. 1693.) The virile genius of 

* The same erltieal spirit Is observable in Fraache- 
Oomt^ — for instance, Gnlllaame de St. Anurar, the oppo- 
nent of the mysticism of the mendicant orders, the gnun- 
ttarian d*011vetr ice. Did we wish to name some of the 
most dlstinraishlMl of onr contemporaries, wo should men- 
tion MM. Chartes Nodier, Jonffiroy, and Droz. M. Cavier 
was fh>m Montbelliard, but the character of his genios was 
vodifled by a German education. 

t Singular traces of the old litigious spirit of the Dan- 
lihlnese still remain in their provincial dialect. *'Tlie 
wealthier proprietors spealc very tolerable French, but in- 
teriard it with ancient law-terms, which the bar dares not 
yet entirely disuse. Previously to the Revolution, after 
a youth had been a vear or two In an attorney's office, 
occupied in making nir copiM of subpoonas and Judge's 
orders, his education was considered to be finished, and he 
feCnmed to the plough.** Champollion-Flgeac, Patois du 
Dauphin^, p. 87. 

X Within a period of twenty years, five or six hundred 
oflkers and soldiers who liad won the cross of the Legion 
of Honor, (militaire* dicoris,) and almost all of whom died 
on the field of battle, came firom the little town of Sarrelouis 
alone, with a population of scarcely five thousand. I have 
ndslaid my authority for this, but believe that I am comci 
M to the ngures. 

^ The rich and showy armor of the princesses of the 
house of Bouillon Is preserved in the Musit i'^rtiUeru. 

P This Is obvious to every eye In Francbe-ComtA, Lor- 
laue, and th« AfdeoMf. 

the women of Dauphiny has often exercised ir- 
resistible power over men; as, for instance, 
the famous Madame Tencin, D'Alembert's mo- 
ther, and that washerwoman of Grenoble, who 
married husband after husband, until she at 
last married the king of Pdand, and who forms 
the theme of the popular ballads, together with 
Melusina and the fairy of Sassenage.* 

There is a frank and lively simplicity, a 
mountaineer grace, in the manners of the peo- 
ple of Dauphiny, which charms one at first 
sight. As you ascend towards the Alps, you 
meet vnth all the honesty of the Savoyard,! 
the same kindness, but with less gentleness. 
Men, here, must love one another perforce — 
for nature, seemingly, loves them but little.| 
Life had need to be softened by the good hearts 
and good sense of the people, exposed as they 
are on bleak mountain ndges that front the 
north, or living in the depthis of those gloomy 
shafts down which sweeps the accursed Alpine 
wind. Granaries are supported by the com- 
munes, to remedy the deficiencies of bad har- 
vests. The widow's house will be bmlt by her 
neighbors, and her virants attended to before 
they think of their own.^ These mountains 
send forth yearly a swarm not only of maA>ns, 
water-carriers, wagoners, and chimney-sweep- 
ers, like the annuid emigrations from the Li- 
mousin, Auvergne, Jura, and Savoy — but num- 
bers of pedestrian teachers,) who start each 
winter m)m the hills of Grap and Embrum. 
They proceed throush Grenoble, to disperse 
themselves over the Lyonnais and the opposite 
side of the Rh6ne ; and are welcome guests, 
teaching the children, and aiding in the labors 
of the farm. In the plains of Dauphiny, the 
peasant — ^less virtuous and modest than the 
mountaineer — often figures as a bel esprit^ wri- 
ting verses,' and satirical verses, too. 

Feudalism never pressed as heavily on Dau- 
phiny as on the rest of France. The barons, 
ever at feud with Savoy ,1[ were bound by inte- 

* See Les Montagnardes, by Barginet, of Grenobfe. 
Whatever remarks this fervid writer may provoke, one 
cannot but read with interest his romances written in prison, 
and annotated liy a schoolmaster of the province.— See, alno. 
La Faye de Saasenace, par J. Millet— containing the adven- 
tures of Claudine Mignot, called ia hM* ZJkmuta, wife of 
Ambl6rienx, treasurer of Dauphiny, of the man|uls de 
l'H6pital, and of Casimlr III. king of Poland.— Louise Ser- 
ment, the philoeopber of Grenoble, died in 1603, aged thirty. 
— See Appendix. 

t This simplicity and these almost patriarchal manners, 
are largely owing to the preservation of ancient traditions. 
The old man is the object of respect and the centre of the 
forolly, and the same (arm is often in the handto of two or 
three generations at the same time. — ^The servants eat at 
the same table with their masters.— On the 1st of November 
(which Is the mUd% of Brittany) a table of eggs and boiled 
com is laid out for the dead — a plate to each of the fkmily 
deceased. (Barginet, Les Montagnardes, vol. ill.) Accord- 
ing to M. Champollion. the festival of the sun is still kept 
in one village.— The Celtic hrmiea (wide trousers) are met 
with in Dauphiny as well as in Brittany. 

X In spite of the poverty of the country, the good sense of 
the people preserves them from every hazardous enterprise. 

$ When a widow or an orphan suffers any loss of cattle, 
ice., they club to make it up. 

II Out of four thousand four hundred emigrants, seven 
hundred were teachers. Penchet, ice. 

V These wars gave great «dat to th« nohiUty of Draphlay. 


"-a^jar'*' i«t> 

rest to keep &ir with their retainers ; and the 
Msowtfurf were rather petty^ nobles, almost in- 
dependent,* than Tassals bound to suit and ser- 
rice. At an early date, property admitted of 
sobdiTinon to any extent ; and thus the French 
rerolntion was unbloody at Grenoble : it had 
been anticipated.! Not that the people are 
gentle or easily ruled ;t but that, familiar with 
democraiie practices, their passions were un- 
excited. So far is the division of property 
carried, that a house of ten rooms will have ten 
owners.^ Bonaparte knew Grenoble well, when 
he selected it for his first stage on his return 
from Elba ;| he sought to restore the empire 
through the republic. 

At Grenoble, as at Lyons, Besan<;on, Metz, 
and throughout the north, the independent spirit 
of trade was less the offspring of Roman muni- 
cipal prtrileges, although the contrary has been 
affirmed, than of the protection afforded by the 
Church ; or, rather, they both happened to be 
in uniflon, the bishop— at least up to the ninth 
centory— -haying been alike in name and fact 
the tme defensor civiUUis, That cross, which 
rises on the Great Chartreuse into the region 
of storms and snow, was the beacon of liberty. 
Bishop Izam drove the Saracens out of Nor- 
naandy in 965 ; and CTcn up to 1044, the date 
at which the counts of Albon assumed the 
title of Dauphins, Grenoble, say the Chroni- 
cles, ^ had always been a freehold of the bish- 
ops.*^ It was by derooiling the bishops that 
the PoitOTin counts of Die and of Valence be- 
gan to extend their power, supported one while 
by the Germans, at another by the heretics of 

They wen called the flower of fentility, {Viearlat* ie» ^m- 
Uisktwmut.) Savoy b the counliy of Bayard, and of that 
LeadinUcres who was kinff of Danphfny under Henri IV. 
The nist hat left a deep Impiesaion here — and the phrase 
prameMsedt TVrratI (as brave as Bayard) was as proverbial as 
Ufomti dt S«fo«nv« w nMt»§» d* S—tmagt, (as loyal as 
Solvaii^ as noMe as Sasaenafe.}— Near the valley of Gralsi- 
vwdaa Is the territory of Royans, the Vale of Cnivalry, (la 
VailU aUvmUtremst.) 

* The n<rf>le performed hcnnafe standing ; the botirgeols 
on hH knees, and klsalnf tibe back of his lord's hand ; the 
ptebeian also on his knees, bat he was only allowed to kiss 
his k»d*s ChtUDb. 8^ Salvaing, Usafe des Fieft.— In like 
manner, at Mets, the aiattre icknin (head baHiff) addressed 

the ktaf standing. 

t Daring the Reign of Terror, the workmen preserved 
order with admirable coarage and hamanity ; Just as Michel 
Undo, the wool-comber, did at Florence, in the insurrection 
of the dompi. « 

X Rec^mduiU dt OrenM§ (to wait on von out as they do 
It Grenoble) was a common saying for— kicked out, or 
being driven off with showers of stones. (Lea Montagnardes, 
L i. p. 37.) In Languedoc they had a saying, Omvit de 
MamipeU, e»m»Ua. k Ceseai* ; that is, hnitatum, d» Montpel- 
Her, imviUtU^n awr V—calitT^ (a Montpellier invitation, a Idck 
down stairs.) (?) MlUin, t v. p. 338. 

% Perrin Dalac, Description de TMre. (Grenoble, 1806, 
L i. p. 307.) 

H He alighted at an inn kept by an old soldier, who 
had one day given him an orange in the Egyptian cam- 

^At fint the Vaudois, afterwards the PmtestaniB. In 
the department of DrAme alone are about thirty-four thon- 
nnd Calvinists. (Peuehet et Chaulaire, Stadstique, kx..) 
The fleree struggle of the Baron des AdretJi and De Montbrun 
fdoring the League) will occur to the reader. The most cele- 
brated of the Protestants of Dnuphiny was Isaac Casaubon, 
Km of the minister of Bordeaux snr le Roubioa, who was 
bora la 1550. He lies hi Westmhuter Abbey. 

TOL. I. — 29. 

BesauQon,* like Grenohle, was another ee^ 
clesiastical republic, under its archbishop, who 
was a prince of the empire, and under its no- 
bly-born chapter-! But, here, the constant war 
between Franche-Comt6 and Germany, made 
the yoke of feudalism heavier. The long wall 
of the Jura, with its two gates — the pass of 
Joux and that of Pierre-Pertius — and the wind- 
ings of the Doubs as well, constituted a strong 
bamrier ;| yet, neyertheless, Frederick Barba- 
rossa establisheKd his descendants here for a 
century. It was with serfs of the Chtirch, at 
St. Claude, and, also, in the poor town of Nan- 
tua, on the opposite side of the mountain, that 
the trade and industry of these proyinces took 
their beginning. Attached to the soil, they at 
first cut rosaries for sale in Spain and Italy ; 
now that they are free, they cover the high- 
ways of France with carriers and pedlers. 

Even under its bishop, Metz was free, like 
Liege and Lyons ; and had its Echevin and 
council of thirteen, as well as Strasburg. The 
three ecclesiastical cities, Metz, Toul, and Ver- 
dun,^ which form a triangle between the great 
Meuse) and the lesser, (the Moselle, Montloj) 
constituted a neuter ground — an island, an asy- 
lum for fugitive slaves. The very Jews, pro- 
scribed everywhere else, were sheltered in 
Metz. It was the French border^ between us 
and the empire. On this side there was no 
natural barrier between France and Germany, 
as in Dauphiny and Franche-Comt6. The 
beautiful balloon-shaped hills of the Vosges, 
and the chain of Alsace itself, were favorable 
to war by their gentle and peaceful undula- 
tions. IfOrraine — that Austrasian soil, strewed 

* The ancient device of Besanfon was Plit i Dieu^ (If 
God will.) At Saiins there was Inscribed over the gate of 
one of the forts where the salt- pits were, the motto of Philip 
the Good, Autre n'amrajf, (No other shall have.) Beveml 
buildings at Dijon bore the motto of Philip the Bold, Moult 
wu tarde^ (I lnng.>— The celebrated diplomatist Granville, 
chancellor to Charies the Fifth, was a native of Besancon. 
He died in 1M4. 

t At the abbey of St. Claude as well, which was erected 
into a bishopric in 1741, the monks were obliged to prove 
their nobility up to their great great-grandfiither, both on the 
flither*s and mother's side. The canons had to prove sixteen 
quarters, eight on each side. 

t Peuehet et Chaulaire, Statistique du Jure. Franche- 
Coint^ is the best-wooded district in France. There are no 
fewer than thirty forests on the SaOne, the Doubs, and the 
Lougncm .—There are many gun-manufactories here. Horses 
and oxen are plentifal, sheep scarce, and the wool is bad. 

^ On the manners and customs of the inhabitants of the 
three Bishoprics, (let Treie-Evlckis,) and of Lomlne in 
general, consult M. Turgors Description Etaete et Kdele 
du Pttfe Meeein^ tt/c., among the manuscripts of the public 
library of Metz.— The three bishops were princes of the 
Holy Empire.- The countship of Crftange and barony of 
Ftonestrange were two freeholds of the empire. 

II Ausonius has devoted a poem to the praises of the 
Moselle : — 

" Salve amnis laudate agris, laudate eolonis, 
Dignata imperio debent cut moenia Beige ! 
Amnis odorifero Juga vitea consile Baccho, 
Consite gramineas amnis viridissime ripas : 
Salve, magna parens frugumqne vlrAmque, Mosella.** 

(Hail, river, welcome to the soil, and landed by the fkrmer ; 
to whom the Beige are indebted for their city's being 
thought worthv of emjrire. O river, with thy viny slopes 
planted with odoriferous wine. O river, whose grassy banks 
are of verdant green ; hail, thou Moselle, great mother of 
com and of men.) The city alluded to, la Tri vm. 


with monuments of the CsrloTingisns,* with 
its twelve great and illustriouB houHca, its hun~ 
dred and twenty peers, and its »DTereign abbey 
□f Remiremont, where Charlemagne and hie 
BOD held theii great autumn hunts, and where 
the sword was borne before the abbessf — was 
the German empire in miniature. Here, Ger- 
many was everywhere conliuedly mingled with 
France, and the whole country was frontier. 
Here, too, sprang up, in the ralleya of the 
Meuse and the Moselle, and in the toiests of 
the VoBgea, a wandering and indeterminate 
lace, themselves unconscious of their origin, 
living on the world at large, on noble and on 
priest, who allemalely took them into their 
■errice. Meti was the city of these, and of 
aJl who had no other — a eitv of mixed races, 
if ever there were one. To reduce to one 
common system the contradictory customs of 
tills Babel, ever proved an ^mrtive effort. 

The French tongue ceases in Lorraine, and 
I will not go beyond it. I refrain from cross- 
ing the mountain-chain, and gaiing on Alsace. 
The German world is dangerous ground for 
tne — for it has a lotos-tree, all-powerful to in- 
duce oblivion of one's native land. Were I 
once to look on thee, divine spire of Strasburg, 
— were I to descry my heroic Rhine, I might 
be tempted to follow its current charmed by its 
legends^ and wander towards the red cathe- 
dral of Mentz, towards that of Cologne, and so 

■ The Uwb oT LonJi Iba IMbaruuIn uid Ibe muuKrlpI 
oT Ihs AimIi of Man (diw, i. d. EM) lued lo be ibown 
■I Msti.— Tbe be«. u oflen menUoneil In ibe Ciplnilutn. 
asd which kupE^led UvU with Lu Dudoiib mead. Died, be- 
^tfv Lhe KevoldUaB, lo b« reued by the cnMi %aA hmnllB ; 
Ihor UK now iniKb KKleeled. In Uulullwdf eaenuy.lhs 
qdHnUly ft honey ye«ly coUMIed hmg deenued by me- 
hkir. Feachel rl Chutalie. SuUittqne da b Heonhe. 

vULacei ; aJI Lha beei iwanned 

ftbbey had ft gnnd Drov«L ft gnnd and petty chue«Uar. n 

cemiTy Air Lhe propgvd atibeaa lo prove her noUILty. on 

JeasefAn— (b(l 

opefBonfttion ef 

I to the ocean ; or perchance I should be stayed, 
^enchanted on the solemn boundary of the two 
empires, by the ruins of some Roman camp, or 
of some church, once the cynosure of pilgrims 
— or else by the convent of that nobly-born 
nun, who passed three hundred yAn in listen- 
ing to the birds of the forest. * 

No, J stop at the limit of the two tongues, 
in Lorraine, at the point of contact of the two 
races, at the Chine dei Partt3aru,f (the tryat- 
ing oak^) which is still shown in the Vosges. 
The struggle between France and the empire, 
between heroic stratagem} and brutal strength, 
was eailj typified in Uiat of the German Swin- 
tibald and the Frank Regnier, (Rainier, Rein- 
er, Renardi) the ancestor of the counts of 
Hainaull. The war of the Wolf and the Fox 
is the great legend of northern France, the 
theme of fabliaux, and of the popular poems. 
The last of ihese^ was written in the fifteenth 
century by a grocer of Troycs. For two hon- 
dred and Sity years, the dukes of Lorraine 
were Alsacian by descent, creatures of the 
emperors, and who, last century, became em 
pecors themselves. They were almost always 
at war with the bishop and the repuUic of 
Meta,i| with Champagne, and with France ; 
but, through the marriage of one of them ia 
IS55, with a daughter of the count of Cham- 
pagne's, becoming French on the mother's side. 
they lent a vigorous support to France against 
the English — against ilie English party in 
Flanders and Brittany. They fought for France, 
to death, or to captivity, at Courtray, Cassel. 
Crecy, and at Auiay. A poor peasant girl, 
Joan of Arc, bom on the frontiers of Lorraine 
and Champagne, did more — she awakened na- 
tional consciousness ; in her appeared, for the 
first time, the great image of the people, under 
a pure end original form. Through her, Lor- 
raine was attached to France. The very duke, 
who had for a moment forgotten his king, and 
trailed the royal nennons at the tail of his 
horse, married his oaughter, nevertheless, to a 
prince of the blood, to the count de Bar, Renb 
of Anjou. A younger branch of this family 
gave leaders to the Catholic party, in the per- 
son of the Guises, against the Calviniats, the 
allies of England and of Holland. 

Descending by the Ardennes from Lorraine 

cli of AlMMUled lo hold rcfnlu- UKRlHIIen. Tho Krfpllo'ni 

ollDl.uof Allow heldofi .uperlor; UioMofUpper pltlire deTRwI 
-ere bound lo preienl IheiraelvM ■! B«[»l«leln,— , wen bora a Mi 
Lower ALfaee u BiflchewillBr- j (be adtcl of Nantee. 

Ligiadi of AidamiM. 


The eountrr of the Ttne-^IlN ift 
eouirtJT of literatim. Afx 

into the Low Conntries, the Meuse changes its 
character from the agricultural and industrious 
to the warlike. Yeraun, Stenay, Sedan, M6- 
li^res, Givet, Maestricht, and numerous for- 
tified places, command its course, and are cov- 
ered l^ it. The whole country is wooded, as 
if to mask it either in defence or attack from 
the approaches of Belgium. The great forest 
of Ardennes, the deep, (ar duinn,) stretching 
out on eyery side, is rather vast than imposing. 
You meet with villages, burghs, and pastures, 
and fukcj yourself out of the forest— -but they 
are only so many openings in it. The woods 
commence again, an humble and monotonous 
ocean of dwu^sh oaks, whose uniform undula- 
tions yon descry from time to time, from the 
summit of some niU. Formerly, the forest was 
much more continuous. The hunters could 
range, without ever losing the shade, from Ger- 
many, from Luxemburg to Picardy, and from 
St. Hubert to Notre-Ihme de Liesse. 

From the mysteries of the Druids down to 
the wars of the wild boar of Ardennes, in the 
fifteenth century, and from the miraculous stag 
whose apparition converted St. Hubert, down 
to the fiur Iseult and her lover — ^whom her hus- 
band surprised asleep on the mossy bank, but 
so beautiful, so discreet, and with the large 
sword between them in token of their slumber- 
ing apart, that he withdrew without disturbing 
them — ^how many a history has been enacted 
onder these shades, and how many a tale could 
be told by these oaks, laden with mistletoe, 
, ^ould they but tell it ! i/^-^ 

^ TheTrou du Han, beyond Givet, where for- 
merly no^e durst enter, deserves a visit; as 
well as the solitudes of La3rfour and the black 
rocks of the Dame de Meuse, the table of the 
enchanter Maugis, and the ineffaceable print 
left in the rock by the foot of Renaud^s horse. 
The four sons of Aymon are the burden of tra- 
ditionary tales at Ch&teau-Renaud as at Usez, 
in the Ardennes as well as in Languedoc. I 
still seem to see the spinner, who, while at 
work, holds on her knee the precious volume 
of the Bibliothique hleue — ^the hereditary book 
of the house, worn, and blackened with use 
during many a nightly vigil.* 

This sonibre land of Avenues is not natural- 
ly connected with Champagne. It belongs to 
the bishopric of Metz, the basin of the Meuse, 
and the ancient kingdom of Austrasia. As 
soon as you are past the white and colorless 
champaigns, which extend from Reims to Re- 
thel. Champagne is ended. The woods begin, 
and, with the woods, the pastures and small 
sheep of Ardennes. The chalk has disappear- 
ed ; the dull red of tiles gives place to the 
sombre sheen of slate ; and the houses are 
roughcast with steel filings. Manufactories of 

* Tberoyoa read how the good Renand played many 
s trick OD Charlemagne, and how. after all, he made a happy 
nd.faaTlBg biunbly tamed knight-mason, {chnalier mofon^ 
iad borne on hia back enormoo* blocks for the building of 
tte holy duucli of Colapww— See Appendix. 

arms, tanneries, and slate-quarries, do not much 
enliven the appearance of a country ; but the 
inhabitants strike the eye as a marked race. 
There is intelligence, sobriety, economy about 
them ; a dryness of look in their countenance, 
but with sharp, well-cut features. This dry 
and staid character is not peculiar to that Uttle 
Geneva — Sedan — ^but prevails throughout the 
country, which is not nch, and has, besides, the 
enemy at its threshold ; circumstances calcu- 
lated to ^engender thoughtfulness. The people 
are serious, and of a critical habit of mind ; not 
uncommon among those who feel themselves 
superior to their fortunes. 


Beyond this rude and heroic zone of Dau- 
phiny, Franche-Comt^, Lorraine, and Ardennes, 
there stretches another as distinguished by 
its amenities, and more fertile in the products 
of thought — ^that of the provinces of the Lyon- 
nais, Burgundyfand Champagne, a vinous, joy- 
ous zone, fraught with poetry, eloquence, and 
elegant and ingenious literature. Unlike the 
rest, these provinces had not to sustain the un- 
ceasing shock of foreign invasion. Better shel- 
tered, they had leisure to cultivate the delicate 
flower of civilization. 

And first, close to Dauphiny, rises the large 
and amiable city of Lyons, eminently sociable 
in its character, and uniting men as it does riv- 
ers.* This angle of the Rh6ne and Sa6nef 
appears ever to have been a sacred spot. The 
Se^sii of Lyons were clients of the Druidical 
nation of the i£dui ; and, here, sixty tribes of 
Gaul united in raising an altar to Augustus, and 
Caligula founded those contests of eloquence, 
where the vanquished was thrown into the 
Rh6ne, except he preferred effacing his ora- 
tion with his tongue.| In place of this, a cus- 
tom arose of throwing victims into the river, 
according to an old Celtic and German usage ; 
and the arc merveilleux, (the marvellous arch,) 
whence the bulls were precipitated, is still 
pointed out in St. Nizier*s bridge. 

The famous table of bronze on which may 
still be read the speech of Claudius, on behalf 

* The bonndary-line between France and the empire waa 
formed by the Sa6ne as far as the Rhftae, and then by the lat* 
ter to the sea. Lyons, lying for the most part on the left bank 
of the Sadne, was an imperial city ; but the counts of Lyons 
held the foubourgs of Bt. Just and St. Irenctis of France. 

t Seneca — 

** Vidl duobus imminena flariis Jngnm, 
Quod Phcebns ortu semper obverso vldet 
Ubl Rhodanus ingens amne prvrapldo fluit, 
Ararque dubitans quo sues cursus agat, 
Tacitus quietls alluit rlpas vadls." 

(I have seen the height hanging over the two rivers, always 
viewed by the rising sun, where the huge Rhdne flows in 
headlong current, and the Arar (the Saftne) with hesitating 
course, silently washes the bonks with its quiet waters.) 
X Sueton. in C. Caligula.— Juvenal, i. 48:— 

*' Palleat ut nudis pressit qui calclbus anguem, 
Aut Lugdunensem rhetor dictnms ad aram." 

(Turns pale as one who has trod with naked heel on a 
snake, or li about to recite his riietorieal discourse at tlw 
altar of Lyons.) ^ 

172 AntlqaitfoftI»«iarfkflto»iiaf .pjjg LYONNOIS. 

PoeCte and mntieal ■ptHt of 
iiuuHi&eturinf citios. 

of the admission of the Gauls into the senate, 
is the earliest of our national antiquities, and 
the sigtt of our initiation into the civilized 
world. Another, and a far holier initiation, has 
its monument alike in the catacombs of St. Ire- 
neus, the crypt of St. Pothinus, and in Four- 
yi^res — the mil of pilgrims. Lyons was the 
seat of the Roman government, and, subse- 
quently, the see of the ecclesiastical jurisdic- 
tion for the four Lyonnaises, (Lyons, Tours, 
Sens, and Rouen,) that is, for the whole of 
Celtic Gaul. During the fearful vicissitudes 
of the first centuries of the middle ages, this 
great ecclesiastical city opened her bosom to a 
crowd of fugitives, and was peopled by the gen- 
eral depopukition, just as Constantinople gradu- 
ally concentrated the whole Greek empire, as 
it gave way before the Arabs or the Turks. 
Its inhabitants had neither fields nor land, only 
their arms and the Rh6ne : thus it turned to 
trade and commerce. It was a manufacturing 
city even under the Romans. Epitaphs are 
still extant — ** To the memory of a rlass-ma' 
ker, bom in Africa,^^ an inhabitant of Lyons ;* 
*'*' To the memory of a veteran who served in 
the legions, a paper-maker.^^^ An industrious 
swarm,| shut in between the rocks and the 
river, and heaped up in the sombre streets that 
open upon its banks, under a clime of rain and 
constant fog, the^ had, nevertheless, their mor- 
al and their poetic side. It was thus with our 
master Adam, the cabinet-maker of Nevers — 
with the meistersaenger of Nuremburg and 

♦ D.M. 





(Sacred to the manM and lasting memocyof Jnliat Alez- 
aader, bom In Africa, a citizen of CanhagB, an ezcellent 
man, a glaw-maker, who wa> aged aeventy years. . . .) 

t - D.M. 


vrrALim . fbucis . vbt . lb« 




TA.BIJI . qm . nziT . juims 

Vin . M . V . D . Z . IIATUS BIT . D 





viTALiN FBLicissmns . n 




(Sacre^ to the manes and everlasting memory of Vitalinns 
Fellz, a veteran of the legion .... of Minerva, a very 
prudent man, who carried on the inannfacture of paper 

with great repote for probity, who died, aged eight 

years, five months, and ten days. He was bom on a Tues- 
day, set oat on his first campaign on a Tuesday, obtained 

his discharge on a Tuesday, and died on a Tuesday 

His son, Vitalinus Feiicissimus, and his wife. Julia Nice, 
erected this monument, and dedicated it beneath Ascia.) — 
Mililn. 1. 1. p. 457, SOB. 

t Elsewhere I shall treat of the present state of the mann- 
fitctures of Lyons. The st«te of this town Is one of the 
gravest and most melancholy subjecti of modem history, 
and embraces all the great questions of policy and political 
economy To speak of Lyons under this point of view here, 
would be to draw a picture of the world in order to describe 

Frankfort — coopers, locksmiths, and black- 
smiths — and so, m our day, with ihe tinman of 
Nuremburg. In their darkling cities they 
dreamed of that nature which they did not see, 
and of that glorious sun which was denied 
them ; and they hammered out in their black 
stithies idylls on fields, birds, and flowers. 
Poetic inspiration at Lyons has not been na- 
ture, but love ; and more than one young shop- 
woman, seated in the dim light of the back 
shop, has composed, like L<Miise Labb^ and 
Pemette Guillet, verses full of sadness and of 
mission — ^which were not for their husbands.* 
The love of God, and a voluptuous mysticism, 
were, it must be owned, traits of the Lyonnese 
character. The church of Lyons was founded 
by the desired, (no^cii^, St. Pothinus ;)t and it 
viras at Lyons, at a later period, that St. Mar- 
tin, the desired, established his school. | Our 
Ballanche was bom there ;^ and the author of 
the Imitation, Jean Gerson, chose it as the 
spot in which to close his earthly pUgrimage.| 
It seems strange and contradictory that mys- 
ticism should have originated in large manu- 
facturing and dissolute cities, such as Lyons 
and Strasbourg now are. The reason is, that 
nowhere else does man's heart so yearn fox 
heaven. Where all the grosser pleasures are 
at one's call, there satiety soon begins. The 
sedentary life, too, of the artisan, seated at his 
trade, favors this internal ferment of the soul. 
The silk-weaver, in the humid obscurity of the 
streets of Lyons, and the weavers of Artois and 
of Flanders in their gloomy cellars, shut out 
from the world, have created a world for them- 
selves, a moral paradise of sweet draams and 
visions ; to indemnify themselves for the na- 
ture of which they were deprived, they gave 
themselves to God. No class of men gave more 
victims to the fires and fagots of me middle 
ages. The Vaudois of Arras had their mar- 
tyrs, as well as those of Lyons. The latter 
msciples of the manufacturer, V aldo — ^Vaudois 
or poor men of Lyons, as they were called— 
endeavored to restore the customs of primitiv< 
Christianity. They set an affecting exampU 
of brotherhood ; nor did this union of heaiti 
depend uniformly on conformity of religioui 
belief. Contracts ^xist, of times long subse- 
quent to the Vaudois, by which two friendi 

* For these, as tar many other persons (and things) Indl 
eated in this mpid survey of the country, see Appendix. 

t See the martyrdom of St. Pothinus, in EuseUus, t i 
c. 5. 

X He was bore at Ambolse in 1743.— In 1147, a PoUsI 
bishop introduced the ceremonies of the church of LycM 
Into a church of his own building. Crommems, 1. vi. b| 
Duchesne. Anclennes Villes de France. — It is no very loe 
time since service was performed at Lvons without orpat 
books, or any musical instrument, as in the first ages o 

$ As were MM. Ampere, Degerando, Camille Jordan, an 
de S^nancour. Their families at least are Lyonne»e. 

II In 14S9. — St. Renii or Remlgin«i, of Lyons, espon<ied th 
cause of Gotteschalk, and the doctrine of grace, agalns 
Joannes Erigena. — According to Du Boulay, the doctrine o 
the Immaculate Conception was first taucht at Lyons.— 1 
the reign of Louis XIII., one individual, Denis de Marqw 
mont, founded fifteen rellgknii homes at Lyons. 

ChUoM aod Aotaa. 


Bphmdor of tlw Burgondiaii 


adopt each other for heirs, and coTenant to 
share life and fortune.* 

The genius of Lyons is more moral, more 
sentimental at least, than that of Provence. 
Lyons may he said to belong to the north. It 
fonns one of the centres of the south, without 
beinff southern, and which the south rejects. 
On uie other hand, France Jong denied Lyons 
as a stranger to her ; being loath to recognise 
the ecclesiastical primacy of an imperial city. 
Notwithstanding its fine position on two rivers, 
and between so many provinces, Lyons has 
never been able to extend itself. Behind, lay 
the two Burgundies — that is to say, French 
feudalism and the feudalism of the empire; 
fiieinff it — the Cevennes, and its rivals, Yienne 
and Urenoble. 

Proceeding to the north from Lyons, you 
have to choose between Ch^ns and Autun. 
The Lyonnese Segusii were a colony from the 
latter city.f Autun, the old Druidical city4 
had thrown out Lyons at the confluence of the 
RhAne and Sa6ne, at the apex of that great 
Celtic triangle, whose base was the ocean from 
the Seine to the Loire. Autun and Lyons, the 
mother and the daughter, have enjoyed very 
different destinies. The daughter, seated on 
the great high road of the nations, beautiful, 
aBuaDle, and of easy access, has constantly 
prospered and increased. The mother, chaste 
and severe, has remained solitarily on her tor- 
rent-stream of Arroux, in the depth of her 
mysterious forests, among her crystals and her 
kva.& It was she who invited the Romans 
into Gaul, and their first care was to raise up 
Lyons against her. In vain did Autun renounce 
her sacred name of Bibracte for that of Augus- 
todnnum, and, afterwards, for that of Flavia ; 
in vain did she resign her divinity,) and be- 
come more and more Roman.^ She went on 
but from decay to decay. All the great wars 
of Granl were decid^ed in her vicinity, and were 

* When the eontraet wm drawn np, Um adopltd brothtet 
WB( eaeh other yftriands of flowen and golden hearts. 

t Gallia Christiana, L iy.— In a diploma, dated 1180. 
PUUp Aagnstas aeknowtedget that on the vacancy of either 
•ee, Lftmm and Anton have reciprocallj the rifht of legality 
aad Jurisdiction over each other.— The bishop of Anton was 
of tight ptesldent of the* states of Bnrgnndy.— The reader 
vUl remember the relatioBS between St. Lefsr, the fiunous 
Mshop of Anton, and the bishop of Lyons. 

t On the arms of Anton were, first, the Droidlcal serpent, 
(lee b. i. c. %) and then the hog— the animal reared in the 
Celtic focMts. Rosnr, p. 909.— By the privileges of Anton, 
the head of the military and Judicial administration was 
termed Flcfv. (Vergobret— See 1. 1. c. S.) Coort«p6e, De- 
•eri|icbm de m Boorgogne, t. lii. p. 491. 

^ Between Anton and 8l Prix a muddy lava is met with. 
The Abb6 Soulavie discovered a volcano at Drevin, five 
leegoes east of Aoton. M^inoires de TAoui^mie de IHion, 
ITCB.'-Tbe grotto of Argental Is celebrated for its beannfVil 
oystallixatkms. MilUn, L i. p. 343.— Silver, copper, and iron 
tre also ibnnd In the neighborhood. Bosny, p. 381. 

I Ittscfiptfon found at Autun— 


L.M . 

MllUu, t L p. 337. 



5The aristocracy mmb to have given themselves up 
l^toloBM, while thtSraldical nod popolar party sbs 

decided against her.* She did not even pre- 
serve her famous schools : aU she retained was 
her austere genius; and up to modern times 
her sons have been statesmen and legists — as 
the chancellor Rolin, the Montholons, the Jean- 
nins, and numerous others. This grave cast 
of mind is widely spread westward and north- 
ward. The Dupins are from Clamecy ; while 
Theodore de Beza, the orator of Calvinism, 
and mouth-piece of Calvin, is from V^zelai. 

There is none of the amenity of Burgundy in 
the dry and sombre districts of Autun and Mor- 
van. To know the true Burgundy, the Bur- 
gundy of cheering smiles and of the grape, yon 
must ascend the Sa6ne by ChMons, then turn, 
through the C6te d'Or, to the plateau of Dijon, 
and follow the current towards Auxerre — a 
goodly land, where vine-leaves adorn the arms 
of the cities,! where all are brothers or cousins, 
a land of hearty livers and of merry Christ- 
mases.l No province had greater or richer 
abbeys, or which ramified into more new and 
distant foundations — as the abbey of St. Benig- 
nus at Dijon ; that of Cluny, near Ma(;on, and 
the monastery of Clteaux, close to Chdons. 
Such was the splendor of these monasteries, 
that Cluny once extended her hospitality to a 
pope, and a king of France, and the numerous 
princes in their suites, without the monks be- 
mg at all inconvenienced' by lodging so large a 
train. Citeaux was on a still larger scale, or 
at least was more fertile in her offshoots. She 
is the mother of Clairvaux, the mother of St. 
Bernard. Her abbot, the abbot of abbots, was, 
in 1491, recognised as chief of their order by 
three thousand two hundred and fifty-two mon- 
asteries. It was the monks of Clteaux, who, 
at the beginning of the thirteenth century, 
founded the muitary orders of Spain, and 

recover thehr Independence. **The prudent government of 
Autun«'* says Tsdlos, "soppressed the revolt of the &natie 
bands of Blaricos, a Booian sproag ftom the dregs of the 
people, and who 9s ve himself ont for a god, and the liberator 
of Gaol.'* (Annal. 1. ii. c. 01.) The revolt of Sacrovir has 
been described in the first book.— The Bagaodc twice sacked 
Aotnn, when the Blaonian schools, which the Greek Eo- 
menes reopened under the patronage of Ckmstantins Chloms, 
were closed.— Francis the first vUited Autun in 15S1, and 
named it ** his French Rome.** According to Eumenes, it 
had already been called the sister of Rome. Scr. fi. Ft. 1. 
712, 716, 717. 

* Autun was almost ruined by Aurelian at the period of 
his victory over Ttotricus. who had had medals struck there. 
— It was sacked by the Germans a. d. 900. by the Bagaudc In 
Diocletian's time, by Attila in 451, bythe Saracens in 739, 
and by the Normans in 886 and 895. The Hungarians were 
bought off in 934. Histoire d* Autun, par Joseph de Rosny, 

t See the arms of DHon and of Beaune. — A bas-relief at 
Dijon represents ttie trimnvirs each holding a goblet : this 
Is a local trait— The cultivation of the vine, of such high 
antiquity here, has singularly influenced the character of 
\tn history, by increasing the numl)er of the lower classes. 
This district was the principal scene of the war of the 
BagandsB. — In 1630 there was a revolt of the vine-dressenL 
who chose for their leader an ola soldier, whom they called 
king Machas. 

t See the curioas Recuell de la Monnoye. — PIron (bom 
in 1640. died In 1737) was from Dijon.- The FiU de» Am 
was celebrated at Auxerre till 1407. — The monks played at 
ball (pdoU) in the nave of the cathedral, till 1538. Th« 
youngest canon fhmlshed the ball, mmI gave it to the deaa: 
as soon as the game was over, they muioed and ib as t e d i 





IVojM and Reiim.— Eqnalitjr of 

preached the crusade against the Albigenses, 
as St. Bernard had the second crusade to Je- 
rusalem. Burgundy is the land of orators ; of 
lofty and solemn eloquence. From the upper 
part of the province, from the district which 
ciYes rise to the Seine — from Dijon, and from 
Montbar — tissued the yoices which have most re- 
sounded through France, those of St. Bernard, 
of Bossuet, and of Buffon. But the amiable 
sentimentality characteristic of Burgundy, is 
observable in other quarters — more graceml in 
the north, more brilliant in the south. Not far 
from Semur were bom the good Madame de 
Chantal, and her grand-daughter, Madame de 
Sevigne ; at Mapon, Lamartine, the poet of the 
religious and lonely-minded ; and at Charolles, 
Edgar Quinet, the poet of history and of hu- 

France has no more ductile element than 
Burgundy, or more capable oT harmonizing the 
north with the south. Its counts or dukes, 
who sprang from two branches of the Capets, 
gave, in the twelfth century, kings to the mon- 
archies of Spain; and, at a later period, to 
Franche-Comte, Flanders, and the whole of 
the low countries, but, despite English aid, 
they were unable to descend the valley of the 
Seine, or settle in the plains of the centre. 
The great king of Burgundy failed before the 
poor king of Bourges;\ of Orleans, and of 
Reims ; and the commons of France by whom 
he had at first been supported, gradually rallied 
against ihe oppressors of the commons of Flan- 

The destiny of France was not to be con- 
summated in Burgundy. This feudal province 
was unable to impart to her the monarchical 
and democratic form to which she tended. 
The genius of France had to descend into the 
pale plains of the centre, to abjure pride and 
inflation, nay, the very form of oratory, in order 
to bear her last, most exquisite, and most French 
of fruits. Burgundy seems still to be allied to 
its wines ; the spirit of Beaune and of Magon 
mounts to the head like that of Rhenish. Bur- 
gundian eloquence trenches on the rhetorical ; 
and the amplitude of its literary style is not 
ill typified in the exuberant charms of the wo- 
men of Yermanton and Auxerre. Flesh and 
blood reign here : inflation, as well, and vulgar 
sentimentality ; in proof, I need only cite Cr6- 
billon, Longepierre, and Sedaine. Something 
more sombre and severe is required to consti- 
tute the core of France. 

'Tis a sad fall to step from Burgundy into 
Champagne, and to leave its smiling slopes for 
low and chalky plains. Not to speak of the 

* The author of AhagueruM, born at Bourg, was brought 
np at Charolles. 

Nor should we forget the picturesque and mystic little 
town of PHray-le-Monlal, which gave birth to the devotion 
of Bacr^-Cceur, and where Madame de Chantal died. A re- 
ligious spirit certainly broods over the country of the trans- 
lator of the Smnholik and of the author of Solitude— WA. 
Gnlgnaut and Dargaud. 

t The name given to Charles VII. 

desert of Champagne-Pouilleuse, (the lousy,) 
the country is almost universally flat, pale, and 
of a chillingly prosaic aspect. The cattle are 
sorry ; the plants and minerals present no va- 
riety. Dull rivers drag their chalky streams 
between banks poorly shaded by young or 
stunted poplars. The houses, young too, and 
frail at their birth, endeavor to protect their 
fragile existence, by hooding themselves under 
as many slates as possible, or, at least, poor 
wooden slates: but beneath this false slating 
and its paint, washed off by the rain, the chalk 
betrays itself, pale, dirty, and misery stricken. 

Such houses cannot make fine cities. Cha- 
lons looks hardly more lively than the plains 
around it. Troves is almost as ugly as it is 
industrious.* The striking width of the streets 
of Reims makes its low houses appear lower 
still, and creates a gloomy impression — Reims, 
formerly the city of citizens and of priests, and 
twin sister of Tours, a sugarish city, with a 
tinge of devotion, manufacturing rosaries and 
gingerbread, excellent common cloth, an ex- 
cellent small wine, and the seat both of fairs 
and of pilgrimages. 

These cities, essentially democratic and anti- 
feudal, have been the principal stay of the 
monarchy. The Coutume de Troyes^ which 
consecrated the principle of equality of inherit- 
ance, early divided and annihilated the power 
of the nobility. A barony, by the constant 
subdivision flowing from this principle, might 
be distributed into fifty or a hundred parts, by 
the fourth generation; and the impoverished 
nobles endeavored to recover themselves by 
marrying their daughters to rich plebeians. 
The same coutume declares that rank goes by 
the mother^s side, {que le ventre anoblit.\) 
This illusory precaution did not hinder the 
offspring of unequal marriages from finding 
themselves considered little more than plebe- 
ians ; nor did the noblesse gain by this addition 
of ennobled plebeians. At length, they dis- 
carded false shame, and betook themselves to 

The misfortune was, that this commerce 
was neither elevated by its objects nor by the 


* The. old walls of Troyes were boUt with ruins of Roman 
monuments, comiceSf capitals, stones covered with inscrip- 
tions, fee, like those of Aries and Narbonne. 

" La grand* ville de Bar-sur-8aigne 
A fait trembler Troye en Champagne.** 


t This custom of mnlt*s going with the mother b met 
with in other parts of France, even under the first race. 
(See Beanmanolr.) Charles V. (by a decree dated November 
15th, 1370,) subjected those noble by the mother's side to 
the law of freehold. On the occasion of the second drawing 
np of the Coutume de Chaumont, those who were noUe by 
the father'k side entered their protest against this— aad 
Louis Xir. leA the question undedded. — The Contome ds 
Troyes consecrated equalinr of division between the chil- 
dren, whence the decay of the nobility. For instance, John, 
lord of Dampierro and viscount of Troyes, left at his death 
several children, who divided the countship among than. 
Through successive divisions, Eustache de Conflans cams 
into possession of a third, which he bestowed on a chapief 
of monks ; and another third was divided into four parts, and 
each part into twelve shares, which went to various fkmilin> 
and to the city's and tba royal domains. 

Htataried and ntiitel fwiw of 
tlw Chunpaooii. 


ITuit If gii of FwBdi intallirtnil 


materials with which it dealt. It was not a 
distant, adventurous, heroic commerce, like 
that of the Catalans or of the Genoese. The 
commerce of Troyes and of Reims did not con- 
sist in furnishing the means and appliances of 
luxury ; nor had these cities illustrious corpo- 
rations, in whose haUs, like those of the Great 
and Small Arts at Florence, statesmen, such 
as the Medicis, trafficked in the noble products 
of the east and of the north, in silks, nirs, and 
precious stones. The trade of Champagne 
was thoroughly plebeian. Thread, coarse 
stufis, cotton caps, and leather,* were the staple 
of the fairs of Troyes, which were frequented 
by dealers from every part of Europe — (our 
tanners of the faubourg St. Marceau, were 
originally a colony from Troyes.) These 
common products, essential, however, to all, 
constituted the wealth of the country. The 
nobles seated themselves with a good grace at 
the counter, and showed due attention to the 
clown. The crowds of strangers that flocked 
to their &irB were so flrreat as to prevent inquiry 
into the genealogy of purchasers, or wrangling 
on points of etiquette — hence, the graduu 
growth of equality. The great count of Cham- 
pagne himself, at one time kin^ of Jerusalem, 
at another of Navarre, found the good-will of 
these traders exceedingly convenient. It is 
true t|^at the barons bore him a gnidge for this,t 
and treated him as if he were himself a trader 
—witness the brutal insult of the soft cheese 
which Robert of Artois had thrown in his 

This precocious degradation of feudalism, 
and these grotesque transformations of knights 
into shopkeepers, must have not a little con- 
tributed to give zest and point to the wit of the 
natives, and to have inspired them with that 
turn for ironical and shrewd^mplicity, which, 
for what reason I know not, is called najivet^,! 
in our fabliaux. Champagne was the land of 
good stories, of droll an^dotes of the noble 
knight, the simple and unsuspicious husband, 
of Monsieur, the parson, and his sejrvant lass. 
The genius for tale-tellmff, which prevails in 
Champagne and in Flanders, expanded into 
long poems and fine histories, uhretien de 

* Urban IV. was the ton of a eordwainer of Troyes. He 
fbnnded Uie chnrch of St. Urban there, and had tapestry 
htuif ap in it, with a likeness of his (ather maklnc shoes. 

t So did the priests as well. The counts of Champagne 
protected St. Bernard, but they likewise protected his rival, 
AbelanL The Paraclete, founded by him, lay on the Ai- 
dnsran, between Nofent and Pont-sur-Selne. 

X The ancient type of the peasant of the north of France 
is the honest Jacques, who, however, at last, raised- the 
Jumurie. The same personage, considered in his sim- 
plicity and mildness of character, is called Jeannot; when 
he (alls into in£sntile despair, and becomes rageur, he takes 
the name of Jucrisse. Enlisted by the Revolution, he loses 
his siropllrity very strikingly, although under the Restora- 
tion b<' L<« again termed Jean-Jean.— These dlflerent names 
dcj not designate local follies, like those of Arlequin, Panta- 
loon, and Puliehinello. in Italy.— The names commonly 
borne by valets in the aristocratic France of the old r^f^me 
wens names of provinces — as Lurralne, Picard, and particu- 
larly. La Brie and Champagne. The Champenois, indeed, 
is thfe most tractable of all the provincials, although his ap- 
parent simplicity conceals great shrewdnees and irony. 

Troyes, and Guyot de Provins,* begin the list 
of our romance poets. The great lords of the 
country wrote their own actions — ^witness Ville- 
hardouin, Joinville, and the cardinal de Retz, 
who have themselves narrated to us the history 
of the Crusades and of the Fronde. History 
and satire are the vocation of the Champenois. 
While count Thibaut had his poems painted on 
the walls of his palace of Provins, surrounded 
by roses from the East, the grocers of Troyes 
scrawled on their counters the allegorical and 
satirical histories of Renard and Isengrin. The 
most punffent pamphlet in our language — the 
satire of Menipp^e — is mostly due to some 
lawyers of this city.f 

Here, in Uiis naive and biting Champagne, 
terminates the long line which we have traced 
from Languedoc and Provence, through Lyons 
and Burgundy. In this viny and literary zone, 
the mind of man has gone on increasing in dis- 
tinctness and sobriety of thought. We have 
sig^nalized three stages of this progress — ^the 
fire and intellectual intoxication of the south, 
the eloquence and rhetoric of Burgundy,! and 
the grace and irony of Champagne. This is 
the last and most delicate fruit which France 
has borne. On these white plains and hungry 
slopes ripens the light wine of the north, full 
of caprice^ and sudden sallies. Scarcely does 

* Whom they will persist In calling Klot de Provence, 
after the orthography of the Crerman, Wolfhim von Elschen 
bach. This Ingenious correction is due to the young and 
learned M. Michel, who has already thrown so much light 
on the literary antlauities of France. 

t Passerat and Plthou.— The Jeering spirit of the north 
of France displays Itself in the popular fcte$. In Cham- 
pagne and other parts we find the roi de I'aumdne, (a citizen 
chosen to deliver two prisoners, iu:. ;) the roi de Vetevf— 
king of the ball— (Dupin, Deux-S^vres the rot dee Ar- 
balitriere, with his knighti, (Cambry, One, li. ;) the roi dea 
guitife — king of the poor— even in 1770, (Almanach d' Ar- 
tois, 1770 ;) the rot dee roeiere — king of the roses, or king of 
the gardeners— still kept up in Normandy, Champagne, Bur^ 
gundy, Au;. — At Paris, the file dee eou» iUaeree, or dutcree- 
eoiUe — tipsy priests — who elected a bishop of unreason, 
oflered him incense of burnt leather, sang obscene songs, 
and turned the altar into a table.— At Evreuz, on the first 
of Bfay, St. Vital's-day, was the feU dee comardt—cnck- 
olds' holyday — when they crowned each other with leaves ; 
the priests wore their surplices the wrong side outward, 
and threw bran in each other's eyes : the bell-ringers pelted 
each other with cceee-mueeaux — hard biscuits. — At Beau- 
vals a girt and child were promenaded round the town, 
taken to mass, and the burden of the chorus was ki-kan I — 
At Reims, the canons promenaded in two files, each drag- 
ging a herring, and stepping on the herring dragged by the 
one before him. — At Bouchaln was the file du prevot det 
iUrurdie — of the captain of the careless : at ChAlons-sur- 
Sadne, of the gaiUardene — the brave boys ; at Paris, of the 
cnfane eane eouei— the sons of mirth ; of the rigiment de te 
c</oa«— the fool's-cap company; and of the eo^fririe d§ 
Vaiofau— the brotherhood of beef-ealers !— At Union, the 
procession of the si«re/o//f— mother madcap. — At Harfleur, 
on Shrove Tuesday, the ffte de la eeie—the saw fete, (a saw 
figures in the arms of the president Coss^ Brissac.) The 
magistrates kiss the teeth of the saw. Two monks carry 
the baton frieeuz, (ufHlghts of the saw.) Then the baton 
frigeuz Is taken to a husband, who beats his wife.— The 
Ckevalerie ^Honttur has existed since the conquest of 

\ Diderot was bom on the hill of Langrcs— the point of 
transition between Burgundy and Champagne. lie com- 
bines the characteristics of both. 

% This must be understood not only of the wine, but of 
the vine. The soil of the \'ineysrds seems to follow no 
iiettled law, and the natives assert that out of a vineyard of 
three acres, the soil of which appears to be exactly the same 
throughout, only the centre strip will yield firat-mte wine. 

176 OMnik-rfEjAi-ioth. FLANDERS. ®--**WSS?n*"''*-"*' 

it owe any thing to the soil ; it is the child of the Anglo-Saxons, which made England, afier 

labor and of society.* And here also grew the Conquest, a nationofwarriors and of scribes, 

that trifling thing,\ profound nevertheless, and is the purely Norman spirit. This acerbity 

at once ironical and dreamy, that discovered of character is common to both sides of the 

and exhausted the domain of fable. straits. Caen, the city of wisdom, preserves 

The river of the Low Countries and the riv- the great monument of the Anglo-Norman sys- 
er of France — the Mouse and the Seine — to- tem of finance, the accounts of the Conqueror^s 
gether with the Mame, the acolyte of the latter, exchequer. Normandy has nothing to envy 
Sow negligently through the flat plains of Cham- others for, and keeps up its good customs. It 
pagne, out swelling as they flow, in order to is common for the head of a family, on his re- 
meet the sea with the ^rreater dimity. The turn from his day's labor on his farm, to recre- 
land, too, rises gradually mto hills, m the island ate himself by explaining to his attentive little 
of France, in Normandy, and in Picardy. ones, some article or other of the r<Nfe ctvt/.* 
France becomes more majestical. She will The native of Lorraine or of Dauphiny can- 
not meet England, face to face, with lowered not keep pace with the Norman in his passion 
head ; but arrays herself with forests and proud for the law. The Breton character, harder 
cities, swells her rivers, throws out in broad and more negative, is less greedy and grasping, 
sweeps her magnificent plains, snd confronts Brittany is resistance ; Normandy, conquest ; 
her rival with that other Englimd — Flanders in our day, the conquest over nature, the con- 
and Normandy.| quest of agriculture and manufiietures. This 

Immense is the rivalry of these opposite ambitious and conquering genius generally 

shores which hate, yet resemble each other, makes its way by fixity of purpose, though 

On both sides the characteristics of the people often by daring, and by sudden impulse ; an im- 

are hardness, greed, and sobriety and travail pulse soaring at times to the sublime — as ex- 

of mind. Antique Normandy looks askance at emplified in the numerous heroic seamenf 

her triumphant daughter, who smiles upon her Normandy has produced, and in the great Cor- 

in fulness of insolence from her lofty cliffs, neille. Twice has French literature taken her 

Yet the rolls still exist on which are read the upward flight from Normandy, while philosophy 

names of those Normans who conquered Eng- was aroused from her slumbers by Brittany, 

land. Does not England, too, date the com- The old poem of Ron or Rollo^ appeared in 

mencetnent of her rise from the Conquest 1 the twelfth century together with AbeUrd; 

To whom does she owe whatever of art she and in the seventeenth, Comeille arose simul- 

has to boast of 1 Did the monuments of which taneously with Descartes. Yet, why I know 

she is so proud exist before the Conquest 1 not, the Norman genius has been denied ideality. 

What are the wondrous cathedrals of England, in the largest and most creative sense of the 

but an exaggerated imitation of Norman archi- faculty. It soars high, but faUs quickly. It 

tecture ^ How great was the change opera- falls in the meager precision of Malherbe, in 

ted in the men themselves, and in the Saxon the drjrness of M6zerai, and in the ingenious 

race, by this interfusion of French blood 1 researches of La Bruy^re and Fontenelle. 

The warlike and litigious spirit, foreign from The very heroe4^f the great Comeille, when- 
ever they cease to be sublime, sink into insipid 

* An estate whfch, laid down in wheat, wonid liTe ma- special pleaders, rejoicing in the subtleties of a 

ployment to only five or six fkmilles laid down in vinea, yain and Sterile dialectic 

will require five or six hnndred hands, men, women, and a -^ ji *i- • '/• _^ * j ^i_ 

children. The attention which the manufiictare of the wine Assuredly, the genms Of OUT StOUt and worthy 

itself reouires is well known. Boargeoisnjersaint, sutis- Flanders is neither subUe nor Sterile, but poei- 

give the preference to Bargundv. The reason is, that, after — soltdu funaatttm OSSlbus tntus. On its rat 

so m-iny troubles and scenes ofMitaiion, we no longer want and plenteous plains, teeming with manure, 

to Hhnrpen our intellects by stimulating the nerves, but -^i. i 5i -^i! ^ j t 

rather to strengthen our bodies. ^i<n canais, and With a gross and exuberant 

t La Fontaine says of himself— vegetation, grass, men, and animals wax emu- 

•• Je suis chme i«f ^re. et vole A tout snjet. lously fat and Urge, as if they had nothing to 

Je vais de fleur en fleur, et d'objet en ohiet j^ K,,* ♦k««« nruJ ^«. j ♦i.l u^— . ii « 

A beaucoup de, je m«ie un peu dTgioire. "0 ^^^ thnve. The OX and the horse Swell out 

J*inils pluf haul peut-^tre an temple de mAnioire, i 

81 dans un genre seul j'avais n»^ mes jours ; * ** Do you see that small field T** one day said to me M. D., 

llals quo! ! je suls volage, en vers comme en amours.** ez-president of one of the tribunals of Lower Norra&ady ; 

(I am a trifling thing, and fly to whatever taltes ray fency, "•hould It pass into the hands of four brothers to-OKirrow. 

firom flower to flower, from object to object. Given mostly ^^ would be at once latefsected by four hedges ; so essential 

to pleasure, I have my dreams of glory, and perhaps should ". '^ **«'• ***** property should be distincUy defined.*'— The 

obtnln a higher niche in the temple of Fame, had I devoted Normans are so given to the study of eloquence, says sa 

mytelf to one walk of poetry alone. But why talk of it 1 •»»**»o' »<" **»• twelfth century, that one may hear even the 

I am as fickle in verse as in love.) l^t*^« children declaiming like orators .... ** quasi rheloRS 

•• Thfl rmot » Mv. Pi-t« •• I. . n.kt .n<t ..«P^ «ki.. •» attendas.'* Gaufired. Malaterra. 1. 1. c 3. 

♦ n.Lr^ ; ^m^!^' u^ ^™ "'• t M. Esiancelin*s publication, and ruistoire des Villes ds 
X Dlbdln, in his Bibliogrephical Tour, remarks that near France, par M. ViteL Dieppe, t U.— It seems that the pas- 

Cout^nceH. in pirticutar, both people and landscape are sage to India by the Cape of Good Hope was discoveredbr 

strlklnglyEngllsh. the Dieppois before the Portuguese, but that, through 

\ . ™""®'' "'O"® Pv«» *be superiority to the English anxiety to keep the discovery lecret, they lost the don 

eathedrals, and SFcriben the origin of the ogive to English of it / •» * »— / 

architects. Bee M. de Caumont, Cours d'Antiquit^s llonu- t See the excellent editton by M. August* Provost, of 

mentalea, L ii. Ronan, ona of onr miMt dutjngnu^fii anfiquartie 

dMActar of the Fhminia. 


!%• namidi and I^iaa dnmdiH 


to elepfaantiiie size. Woman grows apace 
with man, and is often the better of the two. 
This large-built race, however, with all its 
bulk, is £ccid, and strong rather than robust, 
though of immensely muscular power. The 
Herculeses of our fairs are often natives of the 
deMLTtment of the north. 

The prolific power of the Bolg of Ireland is 
common to the Belgians of Flanders and of 
the Low . Countries. Men swarmed, like in- 
sects after a storm, in the thick ooze of those 
rich plains, in those vast and sombre marts of 
trade, Ypres, Ghent, and Bruges. 'Twas 
tempting fate to set foot on those ant-hills, 
whence would spring at a touch — spikes lower- 
ed — swarms of men by fifteen, twenty, or thirty 
thousand at a time, stout, well-fed, well-clothed, 
and well-armed. The feudal cavalry of the 
times found fighting with such masses no child's 

And were these worthy Flemings in the 
wrong to be so proud 1 Fat and gross* as they 
were, they thoroughly underst<K>d their own 
businessw None were better acquainted with 
commerce, trade, and agriculture. No people 
were more distinguished by food sense, or 
comprehended more thoroughly the positive 
. and the real. Perhaps no people of the middle- 
ages more thoroughly seized the spirit of the 
time, or knew better both how to act and how 
to narrate. At this date, Champagne and 
Flanders were the only countries which could 
compete with Italy in historians. In Froissart, 
Flanders has her Villani, and in Comines her 
Machiavelf — ^we may add to these her emperor 
historians of Constantinople. Her authors of 
fabliaux are historians as well ; at least, in all 
that concerns public manners. 

These had little in them to edify ; were sen- 
sual and ffross. And the further we proceed 
northward in this fat Flanders, and under its 
mild and moist climate, the softer does the 
country become, sensuality is more in the as- 
cendant, and nature becomes more powerful.^ 
History and narrative no longer satisfy the 
^-ant of reality, and the requisitions of the sense. 
The arts of design are called in to aid. Sculp- 
ture dates in France from Michel-Angelo's fa- 
mous pupil, John of Bologna. Architecture, 
alio, starts up airesh ; no longer soberly and 
severely Norman, sharpened into ogives, and 
aspiring to the heavens, like a verse of 

* In^taiices of the Belglc groflsnets or coaneness may be 
met with at every torn. Take note at Bnutels of the little 
statue of the Mannekenpisa — "the oldest citizen of the 
umif* — which is supplied with a new dress on great holi- 


f For exampler^again of Dooai, Oadef^herst of Lilie, 
and many others. 

t 8^ the Castoms of the Coantship of Flanden, trans- 
laiiMl by Lefnrand, Gambrai, 1719, vol. i. — Custom of Ghent, 
p. 119, mb. 96: " Niemandt en sal bastaerdi wesen van de 
RMBder**. . . . A'tf oue $kaU be a bastard by the moikfr*» tide, 
but shall succeed to her property along with the legitimate 
children, though not to the father's: a proof that they were 
not Excluded on any religious or moral account from suc- 
ceeding the father, but from doubts as to the paternity. In 
thill cMstam we meet with community of goodi, equal divi- 
sion of Inheritance, ice. 

VOL. I. — 23. 

Comei]le*8, but rich and full and largely am- 
ple. The ogive bends into soft curves, and 
voluptuous roundings. The curve sometimes 
sinks and narrows, at others swells and arches 
out. Round and imdulating in its every orna- 
ment, the charming tower of Antwerp rises ta- 
peringly by easy gradations, like a gigantic 
corbeillet* braided with the rushes of the 

Kept in as scrupulous order as the inside of 
Flemish houses, these Low Country churches 
dazzle the sight with their joint cleanliness and 
richness, with the splendor of their ornaments 
of brass, and their profusion of black and white 
marbles. They are cleaner than the Italian 
churches, and no less coquettish. Flanders is 
a prosaic Lombardyf — to which the sun and 
the grape are wanting. It has another want, 
which is at once forced on one's notice by the 
innumerable figures carved in wood, that one 
meets at every step on -the ground-floor of these 
cathedrals — an economic species of sculpture, 
which does not compensate for the want of the 
marble people of the cities of Italv-t Above 
these churches, from the summit of their towers, 
sound the uniform and well-arranged chimes, 
the delight and pride of the Flemish communi- 
ty. The same air, repeated for centuries, from 
hour to hour, has satisfied the musical wants 
of generation after veneration of artisans, who 
have been born and who have died on their 

But music and architecture are still too ab- 
stract. Sounds and forms are not sufficient. 
Colors are required, true and lively colors, liv- 
ing representations of the flesh and senses — 
pictures of rude and hearty festivals, in which 
red-faced men and white-faced women drink, 
smoke, aiid "dance heavily ;|| pictures as well, 
of cruel tortures, of indecent and horrible-look- 
ing martyrs, of enormous, fresh, fat, and scan* 
da!<'usly-beautiful Virgin Marys. Beyond the 
Scheldt, in the midst of gloomy marshes, of 
deep waters, and under the lofty dikes of Hoi* 
land, begins the sombre and serious style of 
painting. Rembrandt and Gerard Dow paint, 
where Erasmus and Grotius^ write. But in 

* {CorbeUle is the liasket containing the bride's Jewellery, 
dresses, shawls, lu:., displayed at all weddings of eoni»> 
quence in France.) — Translator. 

t We meet here with a predilection for the swan, which, 
according to Virgil, was the ornament of the Mincias and 
of the other rivers of Lombardy. Amiens, at the threshdid 
of the ancient Belgium, (that little Venice, as Louis XIV. 
rallied it,) kept the king's swans on the Sommc. The swan 
is a common sign of Flemish inns. 

t The cathedral of Milan alone is adorned with five thou- 
sand statues and small figures : so I have been assured ky 
M. Franchetti, the author of the description of this won- 
drous church. 

^ It is but fair to state that this musical instinct has led 
to great things here, particularly among the Walloons. 
(ir6try comes from Liege. 

II »Be in the Ltravre the picture, styled in the catalocoe 
Fi'te fJamande, (a Flemish Ilolyday.) It is the ezpresilon 
of the most licentious and sensual baoehanallsm. 

V To my mind, Belgic genius, as fUr as regards the FleQ 
ish part of Belgium, reaches its highest pitch in Rulieiia , 
and, as regards the Walloon part, in Gr^try. Bpontaneon*- 
ness prevails in Belgium ; reflection in Holland. Thinkera 
have loved the last. Here Descartes came to deUy the h«- 


GwioiofKili— ■ 


JMitan-tte battle-Md of tte 
• .-Waterloo. 

Flanders, in wealth j and sensnal Antwerp, the 
rapid pencil of Rubens will create the Baccha- 
nalia of the art. The very mysteries of religion 
will be travestied* in his idolatrous paintings, 
which yet seem quivering with the fire and 
brute force of genius. f This extraordinary 
man, though born at Cologne, had none of the 
idealism of Germany. Sclavonic blood ran in 
his veins, and reared in all the passionate tem- 
perament of the Belgians, he deified nature in 
his pictures, like a barbarian. 

This frontier country of European races and 
tongues| is the great scene of the conquests, 
both of life and of death. Men here start up 
quickly, multiply unto the stifling of one another,^ 
and are then disposed of in battle. Here is the 
great and lasting battle of races and of nations. 
That battle of the world which is said to have 
taken place on the death of Attila, is ever re- 
newed in Belgium' between France, England, 
and Germany, between the Celts and the Ger- 
mans. This is the confer of Europe, the ren- 
dezvous of wars. | And hence the fatness of 
these plains ; blood has no time to dry up there. 
Dreadful and varied struggle! Ours are the 
battles of Bouvines, Rosebek, Lens, Steinkerke, 
Denain, Fontenoi, Fleurus, and Jemappes — 

n&n Kffo ; and SpiBOsa, to insUtute the apotheosis of na- 
ture. However, the philosophy pecaliar to Holland is that 
l»uctical philosophy which applies itself to the political 
rplations of nations, as exemplified in Grotlus. — On oom- 
parinff Germany with the Low Countries, we shall find 
Austria to be to Belgivn what Pmsala is to Holland ; only, 
the latter is less energetic, Its energios seeming to be sunk 
In iu habltoal calm and tRcitnm character. The paviers 
in Holland may be seen taking tea in the streets, three or 
four times a day. Among this class, says a traveller, you 
will neither meet with a tl&ief to rob yon, nor a guide to di- 
rect you the way. 

* In a picture by his popil, Vandyke, is an ass on its 
kneos before the host. See Forstei's Travels in Germany 
and Flanders. 

t His fkmlly was from Styria. The most impetuous of 
the European family lie at either extreme ; on the east, the 
Slaves of Poland, lllyria, Styria, ice.; on the west, the 
Colts of Ireland, Scotland, &c. 

X Dutch Flanders consists of places ceded \rf the treaty 
of 1648, and by the Barrier Treaty, (1715 ;) a name ftill of 
flgnificance.— The Biarch, or Maratusate of Antwerp, cre- 
ated by Otho n., was Iwstowed by Henri IV. on the bravest 
man of the empire, on Godfrey of Bouillon. — A fosse was 
dug, in 980, at Sos de Gand, by orders of Otho, to mark the 
boundary between the empire and France. — At Lonvain, 
says a traveller, the language is German, the manners 
Dutch, and the cookery French. — ^Together with the idiom 
of Germany begin the astronomical names of places, as M- 
0ttj 0*t-ende. In France, as is ttie case In all Celtic nations, 
the names are borrowed from the earth, as Lille, PUe, (the 

$ Previously to the emigration of the weavers into Eng- 
land, about I%2, Louvaln contained fifty thousand weaver*. 
VonifT, vol. I. p. 354.— At Yprei (the b inliouc of course In- 
fCladed) there were two hundred thou<uuid in 1833.— In 1380, 
'"^the inhabitants of Ghent sallied forth with three nrmle<t.'* 
Oudegherst, Chroniquo do Finndrc, folio 301.— Thh moist 
country l\ in many partn, as unhealthy as It i« fertile. To 
signify a man of nillid complexion, they say, "he Is like an 
Ypres corpse.*'- Belgium, huwowr. has suffered lew fh)m 
the natural inconveniences, than from the pciliticii revolu- 
tions of \U soil. Brakes wan ruined by the revolt of 1492; 
Ghent, by thai of 1540; Antwerp, by the treaty of 1648, 
which riised Amsterdam to the height of prosperity by 
.closing the navigation of the Scheldt. 

II The prt^at bHlllo of modern times was fought jn^t at the 

boundiiry line lM;twocn the two I inpuico*— nt W itcrloo. A 

short disLanrc on thi* s«ide of it Is Mont Stint- JeaR.— The 

■mound reared in the cciHre of the pl.tin looks iiko a bar- 

Jivian tumuiut, thrown up by Celtd or Germans. 

theirs, the battles of the Spurs and of Coortray. 
Must I name Waterloo ? 

England ! England ! you fought not on that 
day single-handed with France : you had the 
world with you. Why arrogate to yourself all 
the glory ? What means your Waterloo-bridge T 
Is there then so much to glorify yourself withal, 
if the mutilated remnant of a hundred battles, 
if the last levy of France, a beardless legion, 
who had scarcely left school and their mother*s 
tender kiss, were dashed to pieces against your 
mercenary army, spared in every battle, and 
kept to be used against ns like the dagger of 
mercy with which the soldier, when at the last 
gasp, assassinated his victor 1 

Yet will I conceal nothing. Hateful as Eng- 
land is, she appears grand indeed, as she faces 
Europe, as she faces Dunkirk* and Antwerp 
in ruins.f All other countries — Russia, Aus- 
tria, Italy, Spain, and France — have their 
capitals on the west, opposite the setting sun : 
the great European vessel seems to float with 
her sails bellied by the wind, which erst blew 
from Asia. England, alone, has hers pointed 
to the east, as if in defiance of that world — 
unum omnia contra. This last country of the 
old continent is the heroical land ; the constant 
refuge of the exiled and the energetic. All 
who have ever fled servitude, Druids pursued 
by Rome, Gallo-Romans chased by the barbari- 
ans, Saxons proscribed by Charlemagne, fam- 
ished Danes, grasping Normans, the persecuted 
Flemish manufacturers, the vanquished Calvin- 
ists — all have crossed the sea, and made the 
great island their country : arva, heata petamus 
area, divites et insuLas, . . . Thus England 
has thriven on misfortunes, and grown great 
out of ruins. But as these exiles, crowded into 
this narrow asylum, began to scrutinize each 
other, as they observed the differences of race 
and belief which separated them, as they per- 
ceived themselves to be Cymry, Gael, Saxons, 
Danes, or Normans, their hate arose, and they 
flew to arms. Like the fights in the amphi- 
theatre on *' a Roman holy&y," between wild 
beasts of all kinds, astonished to find themselves 
together, hippopotami, lions, tigers, and croco- 
diles — ^this amphibious race, after having long 
worried and torn each other in their ocean cir- 
cus, cast theniselves into the sea, and began to 
worry France. But the strife between them- 
selves, to a certainty, b not yet at an end. 
Vainly does the triumphant beast defy the 
world from his sea-girt throne. A furious 

* Faulconnier, Histoiro de Dnnquerqne, 1730, fol. t. 0. 
Vain were the petitions of the inhabitants of Dunkirk to 
Queen Anne, and their attempts to prove that the Dutch 
would bo greater gnincM than the English by tho demolition 
of Dunkirk. No pnrt of history is nKMPO painful or humilia- 
ting rending to a Frenchman than thi;*. Cherbourg had not 
then boen created : and from Ostend to Brest there did not 
remain one fortified harbor. 

t "There." said Bonaparte. "I have a Imdcd pistol, 
pointed tit EnghndN he in."— Flo said at St. Helena- Th« 
lortroi* of Antwerp is one of the great cnuscs of my being 
hero ; its ceMiun, one of the motives which determined 
not to sign the peace of ChfttUlon. 

Boffauid and Fhinee. 


ThoIdeorfYtnee-CfaapoUtietl |7Q 
centra of the kingdoai. a f v 

fniashing of teeth mocks his derisive smile — 
whether that the shrill and creaking wheel of 
Manchester refuse to turn, or that the Irish 
boll, which he has pinned to the ground, lift up 
its head with sullen bellow. 

The war of wars, the battle of battles, is that 
between Enffkind and France ; all others are 
episodical. The names dear to France are 
those of the men who have greatly dared 
against England. France has only one saint, 
the Pucelle, fJoan of Arc ;) the great Guise, 
who wrung Calais from their grasp, and the 
founders of Brest, of Dunkirk, and of Ant- 
werp,* theirs are the names — whatever else 
they may have done — ^which are dear and sa- 

^ c red to France. For my own part, I feel under 
personal obligations to these glorious champions 
of France and of the world, and to those whom 
they armed, to the Duguay-Trouins, the Jean- 
Barts, the Surcoufs — to those who disturbed the 
rest of the men of Plymouth, who made these 

I islanders sadly shake the head, who forced 
them out of their taciturnity, who compelled 

y them to elongate their monosyllables. 

And think you undeserving of the praise and 
thanks of France, the brave Irish priests, the 
Jesuits, who on our every shore, and in the 
monasteries of St. Columbanus, — at St. Waast, 
St Bertin, St. Omer, St. Amand, and at Douai, 
Dunkirk, and Antwerp,! organized the Irish 
missions — popular orators, ardent conspirators, 
lions and foxes, who would plot, fight, lie, or 
die for their country, as the crisis required ? 

The struggle with England has done France 
immense service. It has confirmed and stamped 
her nationality. By dint of banding against 
the common enemy, the provinces have become 
ooe people. The near view of the English- 
man has made them feel themselves to be 
Frenchmen. It is with nations as with indi- 
riduals ; they know and distinguish their identit}' 
by the opposition of some extrinsic body. The 
I is marked out by the Not I. France has 

■ thus been formed under the influence of her 
great wars with England, at once by opposi- 
tion and by composition; the opposition dis- 
tinctly perceptible in the western and northern 
provinces through which we have just passed, 
while the composition is the work of the cen- 
tral provinces, of which we have still to speak. 


To find the centre of France, the nucleus round 
which all the rest is to cluster, we must not take 
the central point geodesically considered ; that 
would be about Bourges and the Bourbonnois, 
the cradle of the dynasty. We must neither 
fix on the main water-shed, which would be to 
choose the plateaux of Dijon or of Langres, 
between the sources of the Sa6ne, the Seine, 
and the Meuse, nor even the point where the 

* Richelieu, I>oaU XIV., and Bonaparte. 
t Enfland*« victim, Mnry Smart, led her portrait in the 
atflicy of Sl Andr^ at Antwerp, whoro it itUl commands 

different ra^s separate, ^hich would be on the 
Loire, between Brittany, Auvergne, and Toa- 
raine. No ; the centre is marked by political 
rather than natural, by human rather than ma- 
terial causes. It is an eccentric centre, derived 
from and supported by the North, the principal 
theatre of national activity, and bordering on 
England, Flanders, and Germany. Protected, 
not isolated by the rivers which surround it, it 
is rightly characterized by its name of the lale 
of France. 

Looking at the great rivers of our country, 
and the grand territorial lines in which they are 
set, one would say that France runs with them 
to the ocean. On the north, the fall of the laid 
is gentle, the rivers tame. There has been no 
physical hinderance to the free action of the 
policy which sought to group the provinces 
around the centre to which they tended. In 
every respect the Seine is the first, the most 
docile, and perfectible of our rivers. It haa 
neither the capricious and treacherous gentle- 
ness of the Loire, nor the abruptness of the 
Garonne, nor the terrible impetuosity of the 
Rhone, which descends from the Alps like a 
wild bull, traverses a lake eighteen leagues in 
length, and hurries, eating into its banks, to the 
sea. The Seine hardly rises before it bears 
the impress of civilization. On reaching Troyes, 
it suffers itself to be cut and divided at will, — 
seeking out manufactories, and lending them 
its waters. Even when Champagne has ren- 
dered it the tribute of t^e Marne, and Picardy 
of the Oise, it needs no Mrong dikes, but quiet- 
ly allows itself to be restrained by our quays ; 
and after supplying the manufactories of Troyes, 
and before supplying those of Rouen, it quenches 
the thirst of Paris. From Paris to H^vre is 
but one town. To know the beauty of this 
beautiful stream, it should be seen between 
Pont de PArche and Rouen, wandering among 
its innumerable islands, all encircled by the 
setting sun with waves of gold, while the apple- 
trees that border either bank view therein their 
streaked fruit of red and yellow, topped by whitish 
masses, {sous des masses hlanchdtres.) This is 
a sight to which I can only compare the view of 
the Lake of Geneva, which, it is true, presents 
in addition the vineyards of Yaud, Meillerie, and 
the Alps. But the lake moves not on ; it ia 
immobility, or, at least, agitation without visible 
progress. The Seine moves onward, and beara 
with it the mind of France, of Paris — towards 
Normandy, the ocean, England, and far-distant 

The first girdle round Paris consists of Rouen, 
Amiens, Chalons, and Reims, which are carried 
off in its vortex. To this is attached an ex- 
ternal bell — Nantes, Bordeaux, Clermdnt, and 
Toulouse ; Lyons, Besant^on, Metz, and Stras- 
bourg. Paris has another self in Lyons, in order 
to reach, by the Rhone, to the eccentric Mar- 
seilles. The whirlwind of national life is den- 
sest in the north ; in the south, the circles 
which it describes grow fainter and wider. 

180 aii35ror?«"Shi'uS 


Ftc4rd|~-t)ie ilmtn of tbt 

Tlie true cantTe w«s earl; defiyd, and was | 
■pacified from the time of St, Louis in the two 
works which laid the foundation of our juris- 
prudence — the ETABLIBSiniNB DE FrAHCB ET | 

d' Orleans, and the Coutumes dk France et I 
DE Vermandois.* It is between the Orlemois I 
and the Ve^ma^doi^ between the angle of the ', 
Loire and the sources of the Oise, between Or- i 
liins and St. Quentin, that France al length | 
found her centre, her seal, and place of rest, ' 
which she bad vainly sought for in the druidi- i 
oal countries of Charties and of Autun, in the 
chief towns of the Gallic clans, Bourges and 
Clermont, (Avaricum, Vrbs Anemorum.) and ' 
in the capitals of the Meroringian and Carlo- j 
ringian church, Toura and Reims. t 

The Capetian France of the king of Si. ' 
DenyX lies between feudal Normandy and demo- 
oiatic Champagne, and extends from St. Quen- I 
tin to Oileana and Tours, The king Is abbot I 
of Si. Martin's in the latter city, and first canon ' 
of St. Quenlin's. From the situation of Or- ; 
Uans near the junction of her two great rivers, i 
this city has oflen shared the fate of France. 
The names of Ca-sar, of Altila, of Joan of Arc, 
and of the Guises, lell of the wars and sieges 
that Orleans has witnessed. The serious Or- 
leans^ is close to Touraine, close to the soft 
and laughing country of Rabelais, just as the 
choleric Picardy is close to the ironical Cham- 
pagne. Picardy seems to embrace the whole 
of the ancient hietory of France. Fredegonda 
and Charles the Bald held their courts either 
al Soissons.ll Crfepy, Verbery, or Atligny, 
When the throne succumbed to feudalism, the 
monarchs sought refuge on the mountain of 
Laon.^ Alternately asylums or prisons, Laon, 
Peronne, and St. Medard's abbey at Soissons, 
receired within their walla Louis the D^bon- 

• To Ortesni n inrB ttw kn(iwled(e ud uuhlu of Ibe 
BiHiun law— H Flcuit]r. Ihe ItHiiiiliiitoii oT Ihe r«iidal snd 

laid Ihe bciiannliiiii araar]Drt:>piud«B». 

The ■Rhblthoii nr Sourtea wu pnulnrch, prlmnle of th«- 
AqnllqlnvB, and inelxopriutHn. A* paalarcht hifl JdHnI1i> 

looia. u prtniU avei IhOM of Burdeiui and nf Aach, (Ihe 

as melrojiDniMi. he bud andcnlly oleycn .nrfragani— thrj 
blahi>|i> nr Clermonc. St. Flour. La Fn;, Tulle. Umoge), 
Mrnde. Riidei. Vabrei. Caatrei, Cahon. BhI iMi rrecllun 
of ltu> Uihopile vl Alby loUi an anhM-hoprtc, oily left Ihe 
Ave Ant of thsta itei under hU lurlHllelioii. 

middle af«i. 

and won rer Ibem the nickname or fiaffint. {Ihe wa«ptsh.j 

Louis d'Oulremer, and Iiouis XI. The 
royal tower of Laon was destroyed in 1833 ;' 
ihat of Peronne still remains — still does Ihe 
innnstrous feudal tower of the CoDcys rear its 
proud headf — 

Ja u lull ml. ne due prince, ne comle anul, 
J* aDU le tire de Concv.t 

But the noblesse of Picardy early compre- 
Siended the great truth of French nationality. 
The heroic house of Guise, — the Picard branch 
of the princes of Lorraine, — defended Meiz 
iRainst the Germans, took Calais from the 
English, and had all but taken France from its 
king. The reign of Louis XIV. was described 
and Judged by the Picard, St. Simon. ^ 

Strongly feudal, strongly communal and 
democratic, was this ardent Picardy. The ftral 
communes of France are the great ecclesiasti- 
cal cities of Noyon, St. Quentin, Amiens, and 
of Laon. The same country produced Calvin, 
and the league against Calvin. A hermit of 
Amiensl hurried olf all Europe, princes and 
people, lo Jerusalem, in a religious transport. 
A legist of NoyonTl changed the religion which 
had given birth to this transport in one-halfofthe 
' coimtries of the West, founding a Rome of his 
own in Geneva, and makingrepublicanism a mat- 
ter of faith. Republicanism was pushed onwards 
in its frenzied course by Picard hands, from 
Condorcet to CamiHeDesmoulinB, and from Dca- 
moulins toGracchuB Babceuf," and was sung by 
Beianger, in whose happy verse " Je suit vilain, 
cl Iris i-i7otn," (I am low-bom, low-born very,) 
Bpe*k the feelings of our new France ; in the 
first rank of which vitatTii we may well place 

• See two anlrlei by Wrtor Roto, and by U. da M«1- 

t The loner of Coney l> a handted and eevenly-two leet 
hlfh.nnd three hondredand Ave In eltetiinfrrenee. PartieT 
the mill are ihlrty-two feet thick. Haurln blow np ihr 
oulwud wall, Id IW and, un Ihe IBlh at Sepwmher, IflK 
■ a earlhiiiiake aplll ihe lower ttvm tnp to bollom. — An an- 

EauaennA VII., who foiuhl at Nlcnpolli, bad hie poTlnit. 

II Peiiln woi choaen kinc here. In T50, and Louli d'Onue- 
Bier died here. 

II '•liadi* '^oety 'bovrUie ^tnU^ the ^Ine'at Fah> : end 
■ huwircd almVE the wa-level. Peochel el Chaulaire, Bla- 
ituiigH de I'Abiie.— Three laaniri fr.™ Laon ia Nnim- 
IMbw de Llew. rmiided lo iTll. Three knl^hu oT the 
l/MHiitrAs Diadc prlxiBen by Ihe »ildan. relhwd lo allure 
their lellEliiB ; and whei Ihe SuldanM-ndi hiadanihler li> 
•irdiiui ihriii. iber awven hei. Kbowlng licr ( ipinculoiu 
hnif «f the Virion. Flllni whh Iheni. ihe cuiln nlT the 
limfe, whith, 01 reachlBalheliutahDrDiulddy of Lleise. 
liKiaH> IM tmr ID kacairtsdftutkM. 

^ Thli tliniUT. of rcconl dale, whitb pretendi lo traer 

' (Thn'aBIbar allude) lo the line de PI. Sinon. lo the re- 
sult puMltation of wl - ■ 

l> XIV., I 

TIm hytany of fftrit. the hirtory 
of Uie whole nxMiafchr* 

THE CENTRAL PROVINCES. "'^„JS±?2'„&^S5Sr***' 181 

oonBtitutinc oentmlisanon. 

the illiistrious, pure-minded general Foy, the 
incarnation of military honor.^ 
The South and the lands of the vine have, 

I as we see, no monopoly of eloquence. Picardy 
is well worth Burgundy — the wine is in her 
heart. In one^s course from the centre to the 

' Belgian frontier, one would say that the blood 
nms quicker, and that it grows wanner as one 
advances towards the north.f Most of our 
great artists, Claude Lorraine, Poussin, Le- 
Mieur,^ Goujon, Cousin, Mansart, Len6tre, 
David, belong to the northern provinces ; and 

t if we pass Belgium, and cast a glance at that 
little France — -Li^ge, standing alone where all 

) around is foreign and speaks with foreign 
tongue, we find our Gretry.^ 

The history of the centre of the centre, of 
Paris, of the Isle of France, is the history of 
the whole monarchy. To specify a few proper 
names, would be to make the reader but poorly 
acquainted with them. They have both re- 

' oeived and given the national character ; they 
are not a country, but the epitome of the coun- 

\ try. The history of feudalism alone in the 
Isle of France embraces wide relations. To 
speak of the Montforts is to speak of Jerusalem, 
of the crusade of Languedoc, of the commons 
of France and England, and of the wars of 
Brittany. Mention the Montmorencys, and 

I you have to tell how feudalism devoted itself to 
the power of the monarchy, and of fervent 
loyalty, though marked by but moderate talent. 

/ As to the numerous writers bom in Paris, they 
owe much of their idiosyncrasy to the provin- 
ces from which their families originally came, 
and, above all, express the genius of collective 
France, which shone so brightly in them. The 
universally distinguishing characteristics of 
French genius are clearly displayed in Villon, 
in Boileau, in Moli^re, Regnard, and Voltaire ; 
and if you search for local peculiarities, the 
most you will find will be a touch of the old 

^ leaven of the civic mind, (Vesprit bourgeois^ 
less comprehensive than judicious, critical, and 

* Bom at nthoD or at Ham. Several of the oeneraU 
of the Revelation were ttoai Picardy, a« Dumas, Oupont, 
Serrarier, &«. — L«t ns add to the list of those who do honor 
to a district fertile la glory, Anselm of Laon ; Ramas, slain 
in the fltKUwacre of St. Bartholomew ; Boutiilier, author of 
Ls Soinine Rnrale ; the historian, Guibert de Nogent ; the 
Jesuit, Charlevoix ; the d'Estries, and Genlises. 

t I say the same of Artois, which has produced so many 
^ myttjca. The abb6 Prevost comes ttom Arras. The Bou- 
loDDois has given ns in one individual a peat poet and a 
f^mi critic— our Sainte-Beuve. 

X Claude Lorraine, bom at Chamagne in Lorraine, in 
1600. died in 168S.— Poussin, of a Soissons family, born at 
Andelys in 1504, died in 1865. — Lesueur, bom at Paris in 
1617, died in 1665.— Jean Cousin, founder of the French 
scboiDl of painting, bora at Coucy, near Sens, about 1501.— 
Jean Goujon, bora at Paris, diea in 1572.— Germain Pllon, 
bora at Lou^, six leagues fhmi Mans, died at the end of the 
sixteenth century.— Pierre Iie«cot, the architect of the 
Fountain of Innocents, bora at Paris in 1510, died in 1571. 
-<:allot, bom at Nancy in 1503, died in 1635. ThU rapid 
and clever artist engraved fourteen hundred plates.— Man- 
sart, the architect of Versailles and of the H6tel des Inva- 
lides, bom at ParU in 1645, died in 1706.— Lenfttre, bora at 
Paris in 1613, died in 1700, Ate. 

% Bom in 1741. died in 1813.— Liege is greatly and cu- 
riously original, a town by itself. When will it meet with 
an hisUNTianl 

sarcastic, and which grew up a compound of 
Gallic good humor and parliamentai^ bitter- 
ness, between the parvis Notre Dame and th« 
steps of the Sainte-Chapelle,* 

Dui this indigenous and special character is 
still secondary ; the general one predominates. ' 
To say Paris, is to ^um up the whole monar- 
chy. How happens one city to have become 
the perfect symbol of the entire country 1 It 
requires a whole history of the country to ex- 
plain it, and Paris would be its last chapter. 
The Parisian mind is at once the most complex 
and the highest form of French genius. It 
would seem that the result of the annihilation 
of every local and provincial feeling must be ' 
altogether negative; but it is not so. From 
all these negations of material, local, and spe- 
cial ideas, results a living generality, a positive 
fact, a lively strength, we saw it in Ju)^4 — - 

'Tis a great and marvellous spectacle which 
meets the eye as it wanders from the centre to 
the extremities, and embraces with its glance 
that vast and powerful organism, whose differ- 
ent parts are so fitly approximated, opposed, or 
blended together, the weak with the strong, the 
negative with the positive : to see the eloquent 
and winy Burgundy betwixt the ironical naivety 
of Champagne, the critical, polemical, and war- 
like ruggedness of Franchc-Comte and Lor- 
raine ; to see the the Languedocian fanaticism 
between the Provent^al lightness, and the 6re- 
can indifference ; to see the grasping desires 
and spirit of conquest of Normandy, restrained 
between resisting Brittany, and thick and mas- 
sive Flanders. 

Longitudinally considered, France undulates 
in two long organic systems ; as the human 
body has 'its double apparatus, the gastric and 
cerebro-spinal. On the one hand are the prov- 
inces of Normandy, Bretagne, Poitou, Au- 
vergne, and Giiyenne ; on the other, those of 
Languedoc and rrovence, Burgundy and Cham- 
pagne, Picardy and Flanders — where the two 
systems unite. Paris is the sensorium. 

The power and beauty of this preat whole 
consist in the reciprocal support and continuity 
of the parts, in the distribution of the functions, 
in the division of social labor. Resistant and 
warlike strength and the power of action are 
at the e-xtremities; intelligence in the centre. 
The centre knows itself, and knows all the other 
parts. The frontier provinces, contributing 
more directly to defence, preserve military tra- 
ditions, hand down the old barbaric heroism, 
and their energetic populations incessantly re- 
new the centre, worn down by the rapid friction 
of the social movement. Sheltered from war, 
the centre thinks, operates changes in business, 
science, and policy, and transforms all it re- 
ceives. It swallows raw life — which becomes 
transfigured.! In it the provinces see them- 

• (Or between the market-place and the law-courts. Tb« 
Chapelle is the scene of Boileau's /'«^"«)-; TRANsvkTolU 
t (Alluding to the revolution of 1830.)— TRAHBLi^Tom 
i (" U bolt la vie brute, et eUe se transfigure." Thia la oM, 


Fronticn off^anet mod 
aiUoininff coaoUiM. 


ftuiM eomparad with 
Unninous eoantfiei. 

86lye8 ; in it, they love and admire themselves 
under a superior form, hardly knowing them- 
selves — 

'^ Mirantorque novas flrondei, et noa ma poma.** 

This beautiful centralization, through which 
France is France, is at the first view sadden- 
ing. Its life is either at the centre or the ex- 
tremities — ^all between is weak and pale. Be- 
tween the rich Banlieue of Paris and the rich 
Flanders, you cross Picard^, old and sad : 'tis 
the fate of centralized provmces, which are yet 
not the centre. The powerful attraction of the 
latter would seem to weaken and attenuate 
them. They look up to it only, are great 
through it only. Yet prreater are they when 
thus preoccupied by their interest in the centre, 
than the eccentric provinces can possibly be by 
their originality. Centralized Picardy has given 
us Condorcet, Foy, B6ranger, and many others 
in modern times: what names have wealthy 
Flanders or rich Alsace produced in our day 
to compare with these ? In France, man's 
chiefest boast is that he is bom a Frenchman. 
The extremities are opulent, strong, heroic, but 
their interests are often different from those of 
the nation : they are less French than the rest. 
The Convention had to conquer provincial fed- 
eralism, before it conquered Europe. Carlism 
is rife at Lille, and at Marseilles. Bordeaux 
is French, certainly, but equally colonial, 
American, or English. She must ship sugars, 
and sell her wines. 

Nevertheless, 'tis one of the elements of the 
greatness of France, that on her every frontier 
she has provinces which blend something of 
foreign genius with their national character. 
To Germany, she opposes a German France ; 
to Spain, a Spanish France ; to Italy, an Ital- 
ian France. Between these provinces and the 
adjoining countries, there is a certain decree 
of analogy, and yet an intense opposition. I)if- 
ferent shades of the same color do not harmon- 
ize so well together as opposite colors, and all 
Seat hatreds are between relatives. Thus, 
erian-Gascony loves not Iberian-Spain. — 
These analogous yet differing provinces, with 
which France confronts the foreigner, oppose 
either a resisting or a neutralizing power to his 
attacks; and are so many various powers by 
which Fi:ance touches the world and has a hold 
upon it. Sweep on then, my brave, my beau- 
tiful France, sweep with the long waves of 
thy undulating territory on to the Rhine, the 
Mediterranean, and the ocean. Heave against 
hard England, hard Brittany, and tenacious 
Normandy ; to grave and solemn Spain, oppose 
scoffing Gascony ; to Italy the fire of Provence ; 
to the massive German empire, the deep and 
solid battalions of Alsace and of Lorraine ; to 
Belgian inflation and rage, the cool, strong 

out of many, of those bold flgnres of speech, whieh I have 
not altered— however forced, strange, or strong, since they 
•cmstitnte a marked feature of my author's style.)— Trans- 


wrath of Picardy — the sobriety, reflection, or- 
derly spirit, and aptitude for civilization of the 
Ardennes and of Champagne. 

On passing the frontier, and comparing France 
with the conterminous countries, the first im- 
pression is unfavorable. On almost every side, 
the advantage seems to rest with the stranger. 
From Mens to Valenciennes, and from Dover 
to Calais, the difference is painful. Normandy 
is an England, a pale England. What are the 
trade and commerce of Rouen and Havre, 
in comparison with those of Manchester and 
Liverpoolt Alsace is a Germany, without 
that which constitutes the glory of Germany — 
philosophic omniscience and depth, with true 
poetic simplicity.* But we must not take 
France on this fashion, piece by piece, but em- 
brace her in her entirety. It is precisely be- 
cause centralization is powerful, and general 
life strong and energetic, that local life is weak : 
and this it is which constitutes the beauty of 
our country. France has not the calculating 
head of England, ever perfecting new schemes 
of trade and money-making; but then she 
has neither the desert of the Scottish High- 
lands, nor that cancer, Ireland. She has not, 
like Germany and Italy, twenty central points 
of science and of art. She has but one ; and 
but one centre of social life. England is an 
empire ; Germany, a country—* race ; France 
is a person. 

personality and unity form the steps by 
which the human being mounts high in the 
scale of being. I cannot explain my meaning 
better than by quoting the language of an in- 
genious physiologist. 

In animals of an inferior order, as fish, in- 
sects, mollusca, and others, local life is strong. 
** Each segment of a leech contains a complete 
system of organs, a nervous centre, vascular 
recesses and enlargements, a pair of gastric 
lobes, respiratory organs, and seed vessels; 
and it has been noticed that one of these seg- 
ments can Uve for some time when cut off from 
the others. In proportion as beings rise in the 
scale of animal existence, the segments become 
more intimately united, and the collective whole 
more clearly individualized. Individuality in 
composite animals consists not only in the 
juncture of all the sets of organs, but in the 
common enjoyment of a number of parts, — a 
number that is found to increase the higher the 
animal rises in the scale, and the centralization 
to be more perfect as it ascends."! Nations 
may be classified in a similar manner. The 
common enjoyment of a large number of part8, 
the continuity of these parts, and the recipro- 

* I do not mean to say that Alsace iii without all thb. 
bnt only that it has it in an inferior degree to Genaanv. It 
has produced, and sUU possesses, many distingnishrd phi- 
lologists. Nevertheless, Alsacian genius is rather practical 
and ptditical than speculative. The second house of Flan- 
ders and that of Austrian Lorraine, drew their origin from 

t Memoir read at the Acad^mie des Sciences, by IL 
Dngis. (See the Tew^ of the 31st of October, 1831.) 


'^J&^'^ THE CENTRAL PROVlNCEa "^iSTrfiuvSSyi^Sw!** IM 



ca] functions which they discharge to each 
other, constitute in their perfectness social su- 
periority. Hence the social supremacy of 
France — the country of all others in which na- 
tionality, or national personality, is most closely 
united with individual personality. 

To lessen, without destroying, local and pri- 
vate life to the advantage of common and fed- 
eral life, is the firreat problem of human socia- 
bility, and maiucind daily draw nearer to its 
solution. The foundation of monarchies and 
of empires forms the steps by which it is to be 
reached. The Roman empire was a first step, 
Christianity a second. Charlemagne and the 
Crusades, Louis XIV., and the Revolution, and 
the French Empire which rose out ef the latter, 
are so many advances in the road. The nation^ 
whose centralization is the most perfect, is 
likewise that which, by its example, and by the 
energy of its action, has doD6 most to forward 
the centralization of the world. 

This condensation of France into oneness, 
and annihilation of provincial feeling, is fre- 
quently considered to be the simple result of 
the conquest of the provinces. Now, conquest 
may fasten aud chain hostile parts together, but 
never unite them. Conquest and war have 
only laid open provinces to each other, and 
brought isolated people in contact ; the rest has 
been accomplished by the quick and lively 
sympathy and social instinct of the Gallic char- 
^pcter. Strange! these provinces, differing in 
climate, habits, and tongue, have comprehended 
and lov^^ie another, until they feel them- 
selves ^^^HThe Gascon has been disturbed 
about ^IBcrs, the Burgundian has rejoiced 
or sufferedfrom what hi^ taken place m the 
INrrenees; the Breton, seated on the shores 
of ocean, has felt the blows struck on the 

In this manner has been formed the gen- 
eral, the universal spirit of the country ; the 
local has disappeared daily; the influence of 
soil, climate, and race, has given way before 
social an^ political action. Local fatalities 
have be^n ^Overcome, and man has escaped 
from the ijrranny of material circumstances. 
The Frenchman of the North has enjoyed the 
South, and gathered life from her sun. The 
southern has gained something of the tenacity. 

seriousness, and reflectiveness of the north. 
Society and liberty have subdued nature, and 
history has eflfaced geography. In this mar- 
vellous transformation spirit has triumphed over 
matter, the general over the particular, and the 
ideal over the real. Individual man is a ma- 
terialist, and spontaneously attaches himself to 
local and private interests. Human society is 
a spiritualist ; it tends unceasingly to free itself 
from the miseries of local existence, in order 
to attain the lofty and abstract unity of— a 

The deeper we plunge into past times, the 
further we are removed from this pure and no- 
ble generalization — ^the growth of modem feel- 
ings. Barbarian epochs present only the locals 
special, and material. Man holds by the soil ; 
he is bound to it, and seems a part of it. His> 
tory, in these epochs, has to consider the land, 
and the race that inhabits it ; and each race is 
powerfully influenced by its own land. By de- 
grees, the innate strength of man will disengage 
and uproot him from this narrow spot. He 
will leave it, reject it, trample it under foot, 
and require, instead of his natal village, town, 
or province, a great country by which he may 
himself become a sharer in the destinies of the 
world. The idea of such a country — an abstract 
idea but little dependent on the senses — will 
conduct him, by a new eflfort, to the idea of a 
universal country, of the city of Providence. 

In the tenth century, the period to which the 
present history has now come down, we are 
very far from this light of modem times. Hu- 
manity must sufller and be patient, and deserve 

to reach alas ! what a long and painful 

initiation she has yet to undergo ! What rode 
trials to sustain ! How sharp will be the panffs 
of her own travail in bringing forth herself! 
She must sweat blood as well as sweat to brinff 
into the world the middle-age, and must see tt 
die after she has so long reared, nursed, and 
caressed it : — a. child of sorrow, torn out of die 
very entrails of Christianity, bom in tears, 
reared in prayer and in visions, and in anguish 
of heart, and that died without having brought 
any thing to a conclusion — but bequeathing to 
us so touching a memory of itself, that all the 
joys and the greatness of modem times wiU 
fail to console us. 

184 ^"*^,^lS%5Se*;iSr***- THE YEAR ONE THOUSAND. 

Tbe feelinc of the ace 
in iti montuMotu i 




This vast revelation of France which we 
have just traced in spaccy and are about to 
track in timcy begins with the tenth century, 
with the accession of the Capets. From this 
period each province has its history : each ac- 
quires a voice, and becomes its own chronicler. 
At first, this immense concert of simple and 
barbarous voices — ^like the chanting on a Christ^ 
mas eve, in the sombre light of a huge cathe- 
dral — sounds harsh and grating on the ear. 
Strange accents, singular and fearful, and hard- 
ly human voices, mingle in the deep acclaim — 
so as to render it doubtful whether you hear the 
hymn of thanksgiving for our^aviour's birth, 
or the dissonant strains of the Festival of Fools, 
or that of the Ass ;* making a wild, fantastic 
harmony, unlike aught else, and in w^hich every 
hymn seems to mingle, from the solemn strains 
of the Dies ira to the thrilling burst of the 

I^was the universal belief of the middle age, 
that the thousandth year from the Nativity 
would be the end of the world.f In like man- 
ner, before Christianity, the Etrusci had fixed ten 

* (" In each of the cathedral churches there was a bishop 
or an archbishop of fools elected ; Md in the chanches im- 
mediate! v dependent on the papal see, a pope of fools 

DorlM the divine service this motley cr