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i 



HISTORY 

OF THE 

GREAT CIVIL WAR 

VOU III, 



HISTORY 
GREAT CIVIL WAR 



BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE. 



HISTORY of ENGLAND, from the ACCESSION of 
JAMES I. to the DISGRACE of CHIEF-JUSTICE COKE, 
1603-1616. 2 vols. 8vo. 1863. 

PRINCE CHARLES and the SPANISH MARRIAGE, 

i6i7-x6a3. 2 vols. 8vo. X869. 

HISTORY of ENGLAND under the DUKE of 
BUCKINGHAM and CHARLES I. 1624-1628. a vols. 8vo. 

1875. 

The PERSONAL GOVERNMENT of CHARLES I. 
from the DEATH of BUCKINGHAM to the DECLARA- 
TION of the JUDGES in FAVOUR of SHIP-MONEY. 
1628-1637. a vols. 8vo. 1877. 

The FALL of the MONARCHY of CHARLES I. 
1637-1642. 2 vols. 8vo. 1881. 

These Volumes have been revised and re-issued in a cheaper 
form, under the title of ' A History of Eneland, from the Accession 
of James I. to the Outbreak of the Civil War, 1603-1642.' 

xo vols. Crown 8vo. 1883-4. 

HISTORY of the GREAT CIVIL WAR. 1642-1649. 

Vol. I. 1642-X644. 8vo. 1886. 

Vol, II. 1644-1647. 8vo. 1889. 

Vol. Ill, 1647-1649. 8vo. 1891. 

These Volumes have been revised and re-issued in a cheaper 
form, in 4 voU. crown 8vo. uniform with the ' History of England, 
1603-1642.' 1893. 

HISTORY of the COMMONWEALTH and PRO- 
TECTORATE, 1649-1660. 

Vol I. X649-X651. 8vo. 1894. 

Vol. II. 1651-X6S4. 8va X897. 

Vol. III. X6S4-1656. 8vo. X901. 



^i.-. 



HISTORY 

OF THE 



GREAT CIVIL WAR 



1642- 1649 



BY 



SAMUEL R. GARDINER, D.C.L., LL.D. 

FELLOW OF MBRTON COLLBGB, OXFORD 
BTC. 



IN FOUR VOLUMES 



Volume III. — 1645 -1647 



NEW IMPRESSION 



LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 

39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON 

NEW YORK AND BOMBAY 

1901 

All rights reserved 



BlBI,!OGR.\PHiCAL NOTE 

id -Chi-aper tuition. 4 vols. Crown 8vo. 



Vol. III. frsl pHnled July 1893; npriiiUa 
May 1894; Ftbruary 1898 ; August 190:. 



CONTENTS 



OF 



THE THIRD VOLUME. 



CHAPTER XXXVHL 



A DIPLOMATIC TANGLE. 



i 



PAGE 

1645 Charles plays with both 

parties . . .1 

September 23. — Leven's 
army invited south . . 2 
^ Holland proposes that the 
King shall go to the 
Scots . . .2 

October 17. — Terms of- 
'^ fered to the King by the 

Scottish commissioners 3 

Mission of Sir R. Moray to 
the Queen . . . 4 

October 22. — Digby's cor- 
respondence read at 
Westminster . . 5 

Strong position of the In- 
dependents . • • 5 

August 4. — Claims of the 
Assembly of Divines . 6 

October 20. — Excommuni- 
cation to be placed un- 
der the control of a Par- 
liamentary committee . 7 

Religion of the London 
citizens . . .8 

October 6. — Henry Burton 
locked out of his church 9 

October 13. — The Dissent- 
ing Brethren refuse to 
produce a scheme cf 
church government . 10 



PAGE 



November 6. — Revival of 
the Accommodation Or- 
der . . , . 

November 17. — ^The Dis- 
senting Brethren declare 
for full liberty of con- 
science , 

November 19. — Counter- 
petitions of the London 
citizens 

N o vember 24. — Peace-pro- 
positions to be prepared 

A secret negotiation be- 
tween the King and the 
Independents . 

Result of Sir R. Moray's 
Mission 

March 5. — Rinuccini's 
Mission to Ireland 

Rinuccini in Paris 

June. — Mission of Sir 
Kenelm Digby to Rome 

November, — The Queen 
hopes for aid from France 

A plot to deliver up the 
King 

December 5. — Charles 
offers to negotiate at 
Westminster 

December 7. — The Prince 
ordered to leave England 



10 



10 



II 



II 



12 

12 

13 
14 



16 



»7 
18 



VI 



CONTENTS OF 



PAGB 

Charles's new plan of cam- 
paign . . . i8 

Charles attempts to outwit 
the Houses . • Z9 

December 6. — Sir R. 
Moray returns to Eng- 
land . . . 19 

October 31-22. — Execu- 
tions in Glasgow . 20 
- December 13. — Charles in- 
vited to the Scottish 
camp . . . 31 

December 17. — Hereford 
surprised . . 31 

December 26. — Charles re- 
peats his offer to come 
to Westminster . . 22 
1646 January 2. — ^Montreuil at 

Oxford . . .32 

January 5. — Charles pro- 
poses to tolerate Presby- 
terianism . . . 24 



PAGB 

January 13. — The reply of 
the Houses sent to the 
King . . •25 

January 10. — ^The King's 
formal overture to the 
Scots . . . 25 ^ 

1645 November 26. — Meeting 

of the Scottish Parlia- 
ment at St. Andrews . 26 

1646 January 20-22. — Execution 

of Montrose's followers . 26 

January 15. — Charles's of- 
fers on religion . . 27 

January 18. — He explains 
away his offer ... 27 

January 15. — Montreuil re- 
monstrates with Charles 37 

January 15.— The City pe- 
tition against toleration . 28 

January 16. — The con- 
sideration of the King's ' 
proposal interrupted • 29 



CHAPTER XXXIX. 



GLAMORGAN AND RINUCCINI IN IRELAND. 



1645 August. — Glamorgan lands 




November 20. — Agree- 




in Ireland 


30 


ment between Glajmor- 




June 9. — The Assembly at 




gan and the Supreme 




Kilkenny agrees to refuse 




Council 


37 


to abandon the Churches 




November 12. — Rinuccini 




in the hands of the Irish 


30 


at Kilkenny 


38 


June 19.— Resumption of 




Rinuccini and the Supreme 




negotiations between 




Council 


39 


Ormond and the Con- 




December 20. — Glamor- 




federates 


30 


gan signs a second 




Progress of the war in Ire- 




treaty 


40 


land 


31 


December 27. — Glamor- 




August II.— Glamorgan at 




gan arrested 


41 


Kilkenny . 


32 


1646 January 16. — The Glamor- 




August 25. — Signature of 




gan treaty known at 




the Glamorgan treaty . 


33 


Westminster 


42 


July 31. — Charles offers to 




Reports from France 


43 


allow the Catholics to 




The Channel Islands to be 




build chapels . 


34 


pledged to France . 


44 


Au.ust 25 — Glamorgan's 




The negotiation between 




defeasance , 


35 


Charles and the Scots 




Scarampi distrusts Gla- 




revealed . 


45 


morgan . 


36 


January 29. — Charles dis- 




August 29. — The Supreme 




avows Glamorgan . 


45 


Council offers to join 




Charles explains his con- 




Ormond 


37 


duct 


46 


September 9. — Glamorgan 




"Worcester quotes Gower 




is offered an army for 




against Charles 


47 


service in England 


37 


February 3. — Charles as- 





THE THIRD VOLUME. 



VI » 



PAGB 

snres Glamorgan of his 
£a.vour . . .48 

January 21. — Glamorgan 
liberated . . . 49 

Rinuccini receives the arti- 
cles agreed on by the 
Pope and Sir Kenelm 
Digby . . .49 

February 7. — He urges 
these articles on the 
General Assembly , . 51 

February 8. — Glamorgan 
uiiges Ormond to accept 
Rinuccini's proposals . 51 

February 16. — Compact 
between Glamorgan and 
the Supreme Council . 5a 



PAGB 



February 18. — A third 
Glamorgan treaty 

March 8. — The surrender 
of Chester known in Ire- 
land 

The seiz\u« of Bunratty . 

March 4. — Rinuccmi's 
view of Charles's charac- 
ter . . . . 

March 28. — the treaty with 
Ormond signed . 

An Irish army to be sent 
to England . 

April 3. — The expedition 
countermanded . . 



SZ 



53 

54 



54 
55 
56 
57 



CHAPTER XL. 



THE LAST CAMPAIGN IN THE WEST. 



1645 November. — ^FairfiaLX before 

Exeter . . • 58 

1646 January 9. — ^A surprise at 

Bovey Tracey . . 59 

January 15. — Hopton ap- 
pointed to command the 
RoyaUsts in the West . 60 
January 18. — Fair£ax storms 

Dartmouth . . 60 

January 26. — Powderham 
Castle surrenders . . 63 

The Queen's projects 
known . . .63 

A French invasion pro- 
posed . . . 63 

February i. — Charles talks 
of marching into Kent . 64 

February 10. — Fairfax ad- 
vances to meet Hopton . 64 

February 16. — Hopton's 
defeat at Torrington . 65 

February 25. — Fairfax en- 
ters Launceston . 66 

March 2. — Fairfax occu- 
pies Bodmin . . (yj 

March 2. — The Prince of 
Wales embarks for the 
Scilly Isles . . 67 

March 14. — Hopton's sur- 
render . . . 68 

February 5. — Arrest of 
Will Murray . , 69 

-•^ February 19. —-Charles re- 
fuses to make religious 
concessions to the Scots 70 



March 2.— Charles appeals 
to the Independents . 71 

Charles's letters to his wife 72 

The Scottish terms con- 
veyed by Sir R. Moray . 73 

M arch 16. — Modification 
of the Scottish pro- 
posals . . .74 

Final terms of the Scots . 75 

March 17. — Montreuil car- 
ries them to Oxford . 76 

February 13. — Question 
of the command of the 
suburban militia . . 76 

March 5. — The Ordinance 
for Presbyterianism 

passed by the Commons 76 

March 14. — ^The Ordin- 
ance passed by the Lords ^^ 

The Recruiters . . 77 

Baillie's view of the situa- 
tion. . . . 78 

March 14. — ^The City com- 
plains of the 14th clause 
of the Ordinance for 
Presbyterianism . 78 

March 17. — Montreuil' s 
negotiation with Charles 79 

March 21, — ^Astley de- 
feated at Stow-on-the 
Wold , . . 79 

Causes of Charles's mili- 
tary failure . . 80 

Cromwell's national posi- 
tion. . . . 8z 



VIU 



CONTENTS OF 



\ 



CHAPTER XLI. 

THE king's flight TO THE SCOTS. 



PAGB 

1646 March 33. — Charles again 
asks to return to West- 
minster . . . 83 

March 34. — ^Alarm in the 
City . . .84 

Hugh Peters's thanks- 
giving sermon . . 84 
■^^ March 23. — Charles sends 
a secret message to the 
Scots . . .86 

April f. — Engagements ex- 
changed though Mont- 
reuil . . . 87 

- April 3. — Montreuil goes 

to the Scottish camp . 88 

April 15. — Further modifi- 
"" cation of the Scottish 

terms . . .89 

April 13. — Charles's vow . 90 

Montrose in the High- 
lands . . . 90 

April 18. — Charles invites 
Montrose to join the 
Covenanters . . 90 

April 22. — Charles thinks 
of escaping to Lynn . 91 



PAGB 

April 13. — Surrender of 
Exeter and other for- 
tresses in the West . 91 

April 7. — ^The Scots urge 
Parliament to come to 
terms with the King * 93 

April 17. — Manifesto of 
the Commons . . 93 

The Commons attack the 
Divine Right of Presby- 
tery. . . . 94 

April 23. — Cromwell 
thanked by the House . 95 

April 22. — Charles sends a 
message to Ireton . 95 

April 25. — Makes over- 
tures to Rainsborough . 96 

April 26. — Takes leave of 
his Council . • • 97 

April 27. — Leaves Oxford 97 

April 28. — Hudson sent to 
Montreuil . . 99 

April 30. —The verbal en- 
gagement of the Scots . loo 

May 5. — Charles arrives 
at Southwell . . 102 



CHAPTER XLII. 

THE FIRST MONTHS OF THE KING'S CAPTIVITY. 



1646 May 5. — Charles removed 

to Relham . . 103 

May 6. — Newark surren- 
dered . . , IC3 

May 13. — ^The King at 
Newcastle . . 104 

May 18.— The Presby- 
terian majority in the 
Lords . . . 105 

May 19. — ^The Commons 
resolve that the Scottish 
army is no longer needed 106 

May 18. — The King writes 
to the Houses, the City, 
and the Scottish Com- 
mittee of Estates . 107 

May 25. — Effect of his 
lett^ at Westminster . 107 

May II. — Oxford sum- 
moned . . . 108 



June 15.— Ireton's mar- 
riage . . . 109 

June 24. — Surrender of 
Oxford . . . 109 

April 16.— The Prince of 
Wales leaves Scilly for 
Jersey . . . no 

May 20. — Hyde protests 
against the Prince's re- 
moval to France . .110 

June. — Charles's contro- 
versy with Henderson . 111 

June 9.— Charles proposes 
a local toleration of Epi- 
scopacy. . . 1x2 

June 8. — ^The Commons 
learn that the Scots in- 
tend to employ their 
army in the King's 
cause . . . 113 



THE THIRD VOLUME. 



IX 



PAGB 

Tlie Scots declare their 
innocency . . . 114 

June II. — Charles applies 
to the English Parlia- 
ment . . . 115 

June 18. — Hudson's con- 
fession . . . 115 

June 2C. — ^Argyle's speech 
at Westminster . . 116 

Argyle's policy . . 117 

June 20. — The Prince's re- 
moval from Jersey de- 
manded . . . 118 

June 26. — ^The Prince em- 
barks for France • .119 



PAGB 

Hyde's character and prin- 
ciples contrasted with 
Cromwell's . .119 

His dissatisfaction with 
Charles's conduct . . 121 

His History of the Rebel- 
lion . . . 121 

His relation to Hooker . 122 

May 5. — ^A petition for the 
abolition of tithes . .124 

June II. — Lilbume com- 
mitted by the Lx>rds . 125 

JuW n. — Is sentenced to 
one and imprisonment . 125 



CHAPTER XLIII. 



THE NEWCASTLE PROPOSITIONS. 



1646 June 9. — Elders to be 

elected in London . 126 

July 13. — Despatch of pro- 
positions to the King . 127 

Belli^vre's mission . .128 

The Queen's Memorandum 128 

Hyde's opinion of the 
propositions . .129 

Mazarin aims at the an- 
nexation of the Spanish 
Netherlands . .129 

Belli^vre's instructions . 130 

July. — Bellifevre's first re- 
port from England . 130 

Chances in favour of the 
King . . .131 

July I. — Charles makes up 
his mind to reject the 
propositions . .132 

July 16. — Charles's secret 
communications with 
Montrose . . 132 

July 30.— Arrival of the 
Parliamentary Commis- 
sioners . • • 133 

August I. — Charles gives 
an evasive reply to the 
propositions . . 133 

August 3. — Montreuil sent 
back to France . . 134 

Charles acts in opposition 
to the Queen . . 135 

His views on the connec- 
tion between Church 
and State • • • 135 



Impossibility of coming to 
terms with him . .136 

August 12. — Reception of 
the King's answer at 
Westminster . .137 

August i4-Septeml>er i. — 
Votes for paying off the 
Scots . . . I;38 

September a; — An ordi- 
nance against blas- 
phemy and heresy 
brought in . , . 139 

End of the War . .139 

September 4. — A Scottish 
deputation at Newcastle 140 

September 7. — Charles 
complains to the Queen 141 

September 14. — Charles 
m consultation with Will 
Murray . . . 142 

August 31. — Montrose es- 
capes from Scotland . 143 

State of the Highlands . 143 

September 16. — Charles 
makes fresh proposals to 
Ormond . . . 144 

September 18. — ^The Com- 
mons claim for the 
English Parliament the 
disposal of the King . 144 

September 22. — Concur- 
rence of the Ijords . 144 

October 9. — Ordinance 
abolishing Episcopacy . 145 

October 7. — Fairfax's 



CONTENTS OF 



PAGI 

army continued for six 
months . . . 145 

The Scots claim a share 
in the disposal of the 
King . . . 146 

October 10 — Cromwell's 
opposition to the ballot 147 



October 22. — Massey's 

troops disbanded 
September 16. — Death of 

October 22.— Funeral of 

E^sex . 
November 26. — His effigy 

destroyed • • • 



PAGI 

Z48 

148 
149 



CHAPTER XLIV, 



THE FAILURE OF THE IRISH PEACE. 



1646 June II. — Charles directs 
Ormond to abandon the 
negotiation with the 
Irish 

He explains his order away 

June 5.— Monro defeated 
by Owen O'Neill at 
Benburb 

June 29. — Distress of the 
garrison of Dublin 

July 4. — Digby's arrival at 
Dublin 

July 2a — Charles holds 
secret commimications 
with Glamorgan 

July 30. — The Iiish peace 
proclaimed . 

August 12. — ^The peace 
condemned by a congre- 
gation of the clergy 

August 9. — The experi- 
ences of Ulster King-at- 
arms . . • 

August 17. — ^Towns ac- 
cepting the peace threat- 
ened with an interdict . 



151 
151 



153 

154 



154 
15s 



156 



157 



157 



Owen O'Neill declares for 
the clergy . . . 157 

August 18. — Action of the 
Supreme Council . 158 

August 31. — Ormond at 
Kilkenny . . . 159 

September 19. — ^Arrest of 
the leaders of the Su- 
preme Council . . 159 

September 26. — A new 
Supreme Council . . 160 

September 28. — Glamor- 
gan to be Lord-Lieu- 
tenant under the Nuncio z6o 

September 26. — Ormond 
sends for help to West- 
minster . . . z6z 

Weakness of the Supreme 
Coun'^il . . . 162 

Ireland only capable of an 
ecclesiastical organisa- 
tion. . . . 163 

Grounds of English re- 
sistance. . , 163 

October 12. — Reception of 
Ormond's overtures at 
Westminster • • 164 



CHAPTER XLV. 



THE DEPARTURE OF THE SCOTS. 



X646 September 21. — Charles 
rejects the Queen's pro- 
ject . . . 165 

September 3a — He con- 
sults divines on a new 
proposal . . . 166 

October 5. — The case 
against Charles's eccle- 
siastical policy . . 167 



October 12. — Charles 

sends his new proposal 

by Will Murray 
His proposal rejected by 

the Scots 
October 31. — ^The Queen 

condemns it 
The siege of Dunkirk 



168 

168 

169 
169 



THE THIRD VOLUME. 



XI 



PAGE 

September 21. — CardeDas 
pleads for help . . 170 

October i. — Surrender of 
Dunkirk . . 171 

October 9. — The Queen 
gives fresh advice . . 171 

She expects that Montrose 
will again take the field 171 

She proposes to cede the 
Channel Islands to 
France . . . 172 

Failure of Will Miuray's 
mission . . . 172 

November 2. — Charles 
proposes a temporary 
abdication . . 173 

November 7. — Will Mur- 
ray returns to Newcastle 174 

Belli^vre advises Charles 
to come to terms with 
the Independents . . 174 

Growing desire for the 
King's restoration . 175 

November 18. — Hudson's 
escape . . . 176 

Proposed rising against 
Parliament . . 176 

November 28. — Charles 
receives the Queen's ob- 
jections to his plan . . 178 

December 5. — He points 
out an equivocation in 
his offer to Parliament . 178 

December 6. — His offer 
rejected by the Scots . 179 

November 3. — Meeting of 
the Scottish Parliament 179 

Arrangements for the de- 
parture of the Scots . 180 

The Scottish Parliament 
proposes to support the 
King . . . 180 

December 17. — Protest of 
the clergy . .181 

The Scottish Parliament 
calls on Charles to ac- 
cept the Covenant and 
the propositions . . i8x 

December 16. — Charles 
learns that his proposed 



PACB 

abdication is unaccepta- 
ble to Mazarin and the 
Queen . . . 182 

December 20. — He again 
asks to come to London 183 

December 19. — A City 
petition . . . 183 

December 21. — Discovery 
of a design to carry off 
the Duke of York . 184 

December 22. — The Lords 
wish to place the King 
at Newmarket . . 184 

December 24. — The Com- 
mons declare for Holmby 
House . . . 184 

December 31. — ^The Lords 
give way . . . 185 

December 31. — Ordinance 
against lay preaching . 186 

December 22. — Offers 
made to Charles by the 
Scottish commanders . 186 

December 24. — Charles 
attempts to escape . 186 

November. — Ormond re- 
fuses to surrender Dub- 
lin to the English 
F^liament . . . 187 

1647 January 5. — Charles ap- 
proves of Ormond's 
refusal , . . 187 

January 4. — Belli^vre at- 
tempts to win David 
Leslie . . . 187 

January 30. — ^The Scots 
leave Charles in the 
hands of the English 
commissioners . .188 

The Scots compared to 
Judas . . . 189 

They were unable to sup* 
port Charles if they had 
wished to do so . . 190 

Charles's object in clinging 
to monarchy and Epi- 
scopacy . . . 190 

Weakness of English 
Presbyterianism . 191 



kii 



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^3^ 



THE THIRD VOLUME. 



xiu 



CHAPTER XLVIII. 



THE AGITATORS. 



PAGB 

1647 April I. — Officers at the 

Bar of the Commons . 231 
Arrangements for the 

government of Ireland . 232 
April 1^. —Parliamentary 

commissioners at Saf&on 

Walden, . . 233 

Resistance amongst the 

officers . . . 233 

April 21. — Failure of the 

commissioners . . 235 

The • Godly Party • in the 

army . . ; 235 

Lilburne's influence over 

the soldiers . . 235 

A military gathering at 

Ipswich . . • 236 

Charles at Holmby . 237 

The Prince of Wales and 

the Great Mademoiselle 238 
The Queen's political 

schemes . . . 238 

April 21. — Charles receives 

a message from the army 239 
Talk of fetching the King 

to the army . . 239 

Character of Ireton . . 240 
Cromwell's hesitation • 241 



r«GS 



April 21. — ^Th« Commons 
resolve to send the New- 
castle Propositions to the 
King 

April 27. — Report of the 
Commissioners . 

Six weeks' arrears voted . 

Eight cavalry regiments 
choose Agitators 

April 28. — TTie Agitators 
address letters to the 
generals 

Anger of the Presbyte- 
rians . . • 

April 30. — ^Three Agitators 
at the bar . 

The military members sent 
as commissioners to the 
army . 

General election of Agita- 
tors . . . . 

May 16. — A Declaration of 
the Army presented to 
the Commissioners 

May 17. — Reply of the 
Commissioners 

Language used by Crom- 
well and Ireton . 



242 

242 
243 

243 



244 

245 
24s 



24s 



247 



248 



249 



249 



CHAPTER XLIX. 



THE ABDUCTION OF THE KING. 



1647 The City receives power to 
appoint a new militia 
committee . . . 250 

The City militia purged of 
Independents . . 250 

Huntly overpowered by 
David Leslie . . 251 

Arrival of Lauderdale and 
Dunfermline . . 252 

May 1 2. — Charles replies to 
the Newcastle Proposi- 
tions . . . 252 

May 18. — Coalition be- 
tween the Scots and the 
English Presbyterians in 
favour of the King . 253 

May 19. — Circular of the 
Agitators . . . 253 



May 20. — ^The Lords invite 
the King to Oatlands . 254 

A Lilbumian movement in 
London . . . 254 

Imprisonment of Tew and 
Tulidah . . . 256 

The Commons order the 
burning of the Lilbumian 
petitions . . . 257 

May 21. — Cromwell asserts 
that the army will dis- 
band . . . 258 

Ordinances favourable to 
the soldiers . . . 258 

A Presbyterian negotiation 
with the Scots . . 259 

Plan for carrying the Kmg 
to Scotland • . 259 



XIV 



CONTENTS OF 



PAGB 

Tlie Houses resolve to pro 
ceed with the disband- 
ment of the army . 260 

The Agitators determine 
to resist . . . 261 

May 27. — Ireton expresses 
the dissatisfaction of the 
soldiers . . . 261 

Ma^ 31. — The Commis- 
sioners for disband ment 
arrive at Chelmsford . 262 

Mutiny in Fairfax's regi- 
ment . . . 262 

Recall of the Commis- 
sioners . . . 263 

May 30. — Rainsborough at 
Abingdon . • . 264 



PAGB 

Cromwell placed between 
military anarchy and a 
Scottish Invasion . . 264 

May 31.-- Cromwell sends 
Joyce to Holm by . 266 

June 2. — ^Joyce finds the 
King at Althorp . . 269 

June 3. — He enters Holm- 
by House . . 269 

He obtains the King's pro- 
mise to accompany him 271 

June 4. — Carries ofif the 
King . . . 271 

Army and Parliament at 
issue • . • 273 



CHAPTER L. 

THE MANIFESTOES OF THE ARMY. 



1647 June 2. — Another Lilbum- 

ian petition . . 275 

June 3. — Effect of the news 
from Holmby . . 276 

June 4. — ^The Declaration 
against the Army ex- 
punged . . . 277 

June 5. — The Houses order 
a rendezvous . . 277 

June 6. — Attitude of the 
Presbyterians . . 278 

June 4. — Cromwell escapes 
to Newmarket . . 279 

A rendezvous on Kentford 
Heath . . . 279 

The Humble Representa- 
tion, and The S)Umn 
Engagement . . 279 

Council of the Army to be 
formed . . . 281 

The Presbyterians to be 
conciliated . . . 281 

Cromwell's change of 
front . . . 281 

Difficulty of restoring dis- 
cipline • • • 283 



Charles visited by Fairfax 
and Cromwell . . 285 

He arrives at Newmarket . 285 

The House of Commons 
beset by Reformadoes . 285 

Attempt to form a Parlia- 
mentary army . . 285 

A rendezvous on Triploe 
Heath . . . 287 

The army appeals to the 
City . . . 287 

Was Cromwell a hypo- 
crite? . . . 289 

June II. — Warlike resolu^ 
tions at Westminster . 291 

A Committee of Safety ap- 
pointed . . .291 

June 12. — The army 
marches towards Lon- 
don . . . . 292 

June 13. — Submission of 
the City . . . 293 

June 15. — The Declaration 
of the Army . . . 293 

Constitutional programme 
of the armjr . , 294 

Ireton's pohtical views . 295 



THE THIRD VOLUME. 



KV 



CHAPTER LI. 



THE ELEVEN MEMBERS. 



PAGE 

1647 June 15. — Charles invited 

tc Richmond . . 297 

June 16. — The Committee 
of Safety repudiated . 298 

Charge brought against 
eleven members . 298 

The Presbyterians without 
support . . . 299 

Alaster Macdonald driven 
from Scotland . . 299 

A Scottish army offered to 
Charles . . . 300 

June 18. — Lauderdale's in- 
terview with Charles . 301 

June 22. — ^The Commons 
reject the constitutional 
proposals of the army . 302 

Military designs of the 
Presbyterians , . 302 

June 24. — ^The Houses give 

way. . . . 304 ^ 

June 26. — ^Withdrawal of 
the eleven members . 304 

Undisguised military inter- 
vention . • • 305 

June 28. — Full demands of 
the army , . 305 



PAGS 

June25. — ^The Kingvisited 

by his chaplains . . 306 
Futile attempt of the Houses 
to dismiss the chaplains . 306 

The King at Windsor . 307 

Head-quarters removed to 
Reading, and the Kiiig 
to Caversham . . 308 

Charles's interview with 
Cromwell . . . 308 

Importance of gaining 
Charles , • . 309 

A parody on George Her- 
bert's Sacrifice . . 309 

Cromwell anxious to come 
to an understanding with 
the King . . 310 

June 28.— Jeremy Taylor's 
Liberty cf Prophesying . 310 

Charles disapproves of 
Taylor's argument . 31a 

May z. — Ordinance for the 
visitation of the Uni- 
versity of Oxford . .313 

June z. — Resistance of the 
University . •314 

June 4. — An abortive visi- 
tation . . • 314 



CHAPTER LII. 



THE HEADS OF THE PROPOSALS. 



1647 July 8-1 z. — Bellifevre's visit 

to the army . . 316 

Sir John Berkeley sent 
for , . . . 317 

July Z2. — Berkeley at 
Reading » . . 318 

Cromwell and the King , 319 

Adverse opinions on Crom- 
well's character . . 320 

Agitation amongst 
Poyntz's troops . . 32Z 

Poyntz captured and sent 
to Reading . . 32a 

Articles against the eleven 
members . . . 322 

The danger not past . 323 

The holiday of the London 
apprentices . « . 394 

The apprentices' petition . 325 

VOL. UL 



Cfxjmwell and Ireton op- 
pose the demand of the 
Agitators for a tnarch 
on London . 

The Presbyterians abandon 
the struggle 

July 2a — The eleven mem- 
bers ask leave to go 
abroad 

Cromwell's attitude to- 
wards Parliament 

July Z7. — Tht Heads of the 
Proposals before the 
Council of the Army 

Its plan for Church govem- 
roent . . . 

Its constitutional arrange- 
ments . • . 

Hostility of the King 



326 



327 



328 
328 



329 

330 

330 
333 



XVI 



CONTENTS OF 



CHAPTER LIII. 

THE MILITARY OCCUPATION OF LONDON. 



1647 July 22. — Charles nego- 
tiates with Lauderda e. 

July 21. — ^The Solemn En- 
gagement of the City . 

July 26. — ^A mob at West- 
minster 

The Houses under co- 
ercion . 

July 29. — Fairfax leaves 
Bedford 

July 30. — Retreat of the 
Speakers and of the In- 
dependent members 

Proceedings oi the Presby- 
terians at Westminster . 

July 30. — FairiiELx at Coin- 
brook . 

July 23. — ^The Heads 0/ the 
Proposals submitted to 
Charles 

July 30. — Lauderdale ex- 
pelled from Woburn 

August 1. — Publication of 
the Heads of the Pro- 
posals 

Danger of anarchy in the 
City 

August 3. — The fugitive 
members received by the 
army 



PAGB 



334 
335 
336 
336 
338 



339 
339 



339 



340 
342 



343 

343 



344 



Surrender of the City . 

August 6. — The army 
enters London 

Restoration of the fugitive 
members . . 

August 7. — The army 
marches through the 
City . . 

The Independent majority 
in the House of Lords . 

August 9. — ^The struggle 
in the House of Com- 
mons • . 

A bare majority for the 
Independents . 

August 10.— The Presby- 
terians r^ain the ma- 
jority 

Augiist 14. — The Agita- 
tors call for a purge 

August 16.— Flight of six 
of the eleven members . 

August 18. — Cromwell and 
the Council of the Army 
support the Agitators • 

Resistance of Fairfax. 

August 20. — Cromwell co- 
erces the House • 



rAGB 

345 
345 
345 



345 
346 



347 
347 



348 
348 
349 



350 
351 

351 



CHAPTER LIV. 



CROMWELL AND THE KING. 



1647 Cromwell still builds his 

hopes on the King . 353 

August 24. — Charies at 
Hampton Court and 
head-quarters at Putney 354 

August 26. — The New- 
castle Propositions re- 
vived . • . 355 

The Independents attempt 
to mediate between King 
and Parliament. . 356 

September 7. — ^The Pro- 
positions laid before the 
King . . . 357 



September 8. — Impeach- 
ment of seven peers . 357 

Cromwell and Ireton give 
assurances to the King. 358 

Charles's hopes from Scot- 
land . . . 359 

The Hamiltons take up the 
King's cause . . 359 

September 4. - Action of 
the Committee of Els- 
tates . . . 360 

Batten offers the English 
fleet to the Scots . . 360 



THE THIRD VOLUME. 



xvii 



PAGB 

The King's answer to the 
Propositions . . 361 

September 9. — ^The Coun- 
cil of the Army discusses 
the terms of the King's 
restoration . . 362 

Lilbume's overture to 
Cromwell . . , 363 

Lilbume denounces Crom- 
well , . . 364 

Proposals of the Council of 
the Army . . , 365 

Cromwell vilified by Rains- 
borough and by the Lon- 
don newspapers . 365 

September 21. — The 
King's answer voted a 
denial of the Proposi- 
tions . . . 366 

Divisions in the Indepen- 
dent party . . 366 

Rejection of a proposed 
vote of No Addresses . 367 



rAGB 

One more application C:» 
be made to the King . 368 

Charles foxmds his hopes 
on the divisions of his 
adversaries . . . 368 

Cromwell and Ireton per- 
sist in continuing their 
negotiations wiUi the 
King . . .369 

September 28. — An Inde- 
pendent Lord Mayor . 370 

The Commons vote that 
Rainsborough shall be 
Vice-Admiral , . 370 

New overtures from the 
army to the King . 371 

Growing dissatisfaction 
with Cromwell . . 372 

October 11. — Arrival of a 
fresh body of Scottish 
Commissioners . . 373 

October 14.— Failureof the 
negotiations between the 
army and the King • 373 



CHAPTER LV. 



THE AGREEMENT OF THE PEOPLE, 



1647 Cromwell seeks a compro- 
mise with the Presby- 
terians . . . 375 

October 13. — The Lords' 
scheme for the settlement 
of religion . . 375 

Presbyterianism to be ac- 
cepted till the end of the 
next session . . 376 

Selden and Marten plead 
in vain for the toleration 
of Catholics . . 377 

Toleration to be denied to 
those who use the Prayer 
Book . . . 377 

The new Agitators . 378 

October 18. — The Case of 
the Army truly stated 
laid before Fairfax . . 378 

The King will not hear of 
a compromise . . 380 

October ao. — Cromwell's 



speech on behalf of 
monarchy , . . 381 

October 28. — An army 
meeting in Putney 
Church . . . 382 

The Agreement of the People 
taken into consideration 383 

A discussion on natural 
rights . • • 385 

October 29. — Provisions of 
the Agreement of the 
People . . . 386 

Compared with those of 
American State constitu- 
tions . . . 387 

A debate on manhood suf- 
frage . . . 388 

October 30. — A committee 
to consider the engage- 
ments of the army . 390 

It prepares a new consti- 
tutional scheme . . 390 

Cromwell's conservatism . 391 



xviii CONTENTS OF THE THIRD VOLUME. 



APPENDIX. 

PAGB 

The Agreement of the People as presented to the Council of the Army, 

October 28, 1647 . . . . • • • 39« 



MAPS, 



The last campaign in the West . . • • • 61 

The zxMite of Charles I. after his escape from Oxford • • « • 9$ 



THE GREAT CIVIL WAR. 



<o« 



CHAPTER XXXVIII. 

A DIPLOMATIC TANGLB. 

Ai READY, before his return to Oxford, Charles had been play- 
ing with each of the two parties into which his opponents were 
Charles divided. The attempt to open a correspondence 
fcr "^^^ ^^^^ Leven and the Scottish army was now of old 
parties. date.* There is more obscurity as regards the inter- 
course between Charles and the Independents, but there is 
strong reason to believe that he had given a favourable response 
to overtures made to him from that quarter for an understand- 
ing on the basis of liberty of conscience.* On the whole, how- 
ever, the King inclined to the Presbyterians. He was afraid 
of the democratic tendencies of the army, and he underesti- 
mated the tenacity with which the Presbyterians clung to their 
ecclesiastical system. 

Circumstances were bringing both the Scots and the English 
Presbyterians to contemplate an understanding with the King, 
as affording them a rallying-point against the Independents. 

* See vol. ii. p. 385. 

^ It is true that nothing of this appears in the printed papers taken at 
Sherburn, or in the notes in Yonge*s Diary of others read in Parliament. 
T/ie Scottish Dove^ however (E. 308, 25), says that * the chief champions 
of our sectaries, or furious factious men, have been tampering with the 
Royal party,' and this, which in itself would not be of much weight, is 
confirmed by the reiterated allegations of Montreuil. 

VOL. III. B 






A DIPLOMATIC TANGLE. CH. XXXViiL 

Though, as faras liberty of conscience was concerned, the Pres- 
byterians had the mastery in the House of Commons, the In- 
dependents carried all before ihem whenever any 
question arose bearing on the conduct of the war, or 
on the relations between the English Parliament and 
its Scottish auxiiiaries. Towards the end of September 
s much bickering between the House and the Scots. 
On the Z3rd the Commons voted that Leven should 
be asked to lay siege to Newark, that 1,400/. a week 
"mc " should be paid to his infantry, and that he should 
touih, not be allowed to levy taxes or contributions in any 

Sfpi- w. part of England. The Scottish commissioners re- 

RrplvOf .,,,,, , . , . 

ihe Scats, minded the House that it was one thmg to vote 
money and another thing to pay it, and that of the large sums 
which had been already voted, very little had ever come into 
their hands. If their soldiers were neither paid nor allowed to 
levy contributions, they must either starve or disband. This 
sharp reply was accompanied by a request that Presbyterian 
government might be established and negotiations opened with 
the King.' 

Almost at the same time that the gulf between the Scots 
and the House of Commons was thus widening, Holland made 
Holland a proposal to Montreuil that the King should seek 
f^f^ refuge with the Scottish army. Montreuil passed on 
"Vll 'he" ^^ project to Balmerino, who was one of the Scottish 

IScois. commissioners, and Balmerino adopted it warmly. 

Holland was hardly the man to invent such a stroke of policy, 
and it is likely enough that he had in some way learnt that the 
proposal had already been made by Charles to Leven and 
Callander. At all events, he now took it up with the utmost 
enthusiasm. " I am but a poor gentleman," he told Montreuil, 
" with a scanty following, but I should be able to go to the 
King with 10,000 men."' 
Knowing nothing of the proposed scheme, the Commons 
proceeded to act as if their express design had been to irritate 
the Scots. It is true that they voted them 30,000/. to be paid 
I C.J. iv. 283 ; Z./ viL 619. 
■ MoQUeuil to Brieiine, Oct. ^^. Carle MSS. IxxxiiL foL loi. 



I64S THE SCOTS APPLY TO THE KING. 3 

on November i, on condition that their army was actually 
before Newark on that date, but they took no notice of any of 

Oct 6. the complaints of the Scottish commissioners. They 
^^^a treated Leven's troops as hired auxiliaries who 
HieScou. ^ere expected to obey orders without question.' 
They complained, and justly complained, of the devastation 
wrought by the Scottish army in the northern counties, but 
they coiild not be induced to remember that it was their own 
slackness in sending pay which had been the main cause of 

Oct. 13. the evil. On the 13th they passed a new series of 
found vriih resolutions, protesting against the conduct of the 
^1™°- Scots, and demanding the immediate withdrawal of 

their ganison from the northern towns. It is true that they 
added a resolution to set apart two days a week to the con- 
sideration of propositions of peace, but the Scots were likely 
to doubt whether their deliberations would lead to a speedy 
result.* 

Under these affronts the Scots were growing more inclined 
than they had hitherto been to listen to direct overtures from 

Od. 9. Charles, Leven, indeed, was too cautious to engage 
^^^ ,o in political intrigues, and he had recently forwarded 
"Jhihe" *" Westminster a letter in which Digby, immediately 
King. on his arrival with the King at Newark, had pressed 

him for an answer to his former proposals.' The commis- 

Oct, 1;. sioners in London were, however, less reserved, and 
^leriiii (jjj October 17, having adopted the view already 
Scoitish expressed by Balmerino, they placed in Montteuil'a 
lioneri hands a paper expressing the terms of peace to which 
they were prepared to consent. The King, according to these 
terms, was to agree to establish ecclesiastical affairs in the 
manner agreed on by the Parliaments and Assemblies of both 
kingdoms. If he did that, his wishes would, as far as possible, 
be complied with in all other respects. When he had signified 
his acceptance of this proposal, the Scots would use all their 
power in his support. Fearing to commit themselves, the 
' C.J. iv. 298. ' Ibid. iv. 305. 

' Digby's letter was dated Oct. 4, and was read with Leven's answer 
in the House of Lords on Oct. 15. i-J- vii. 638. 




A DIPLOMATIC TANGLE. 

s requested Montreuil to take a ciphered copy of 
their paper for transmission to France, and to return the orig- 
inal into their hands. They had, in fact, no sort of warrant 
from any public authority in Scotland to do what they were 
doing, and the Scottish Parliament would be able to disavow 
ihem with a good conscience if it saw fit to do so. 

It was agreed that the Queen's support should, if possible, 
be obtained liefore her husband was directly approached, and 
The leniu Sir Robert Moray, who had recently been appointed 
".rfertto colonel of the Scottish guard in France, and who 
fc'^sfr'R.'' """''^ consequently be able to cross the sea without 
Many. exciting attention, was selected as the bearer of so 
important a communication. Moray, who, after the Restora- 
tion, became the first president of the Royal Society, was a man 
of singular force and delicacy of character ; hut, like all his 
countrymen, he was quite unable to understand how anyone 
could entertain a conscientious objection to take part in the 
abolition of Episcopacy.' 

In fact, there was no need for a Scotchman to be a bigot to 
make him anxious to see Presbyterian ism established in Eng- 
land. The Scottish nobility and gentry did not so much dread 
either Episcopacy or Independency, in so far as they were 
ecclesiastical institutions, as they feared the establishment of 
a military organisation by their powerful neighbour under 
influences hostile to themselves.* They believed, rightly or 
wrongly, that a negotiation was on foot between the King and 
the Independents,* and the prospect of a junction between 
Royalty, Independency, and the New Model army naturally 
filled them with alarm, 

' Montreuil to Da Bosc, Oct. ^ ; Tianscript of a paper givEn to ,. 
Montreuil ; Queslions put by Montreuil, Arck, dts Aff. Efran^ni, li. 1 
fol, 284, 308, 31J. 

' Montreuil told Maiarin Ihat the Scots asked for the establishment 
'of Presbyter Ian ism in England, ' ayans loujoiiis a craindre de I'Aogletetre 
innl qu'elle ne se gouvernttail point dans Ics choses dc la religion pa: i 
mesnie esprit que I'Escusse.' Montreuil to Mazarin, Oct. 1^. Anh. a 
Aff. mrani,irc!. li. fol. 317. 

< Balmeiino had told Montreuil 'que 1e Prince Robert avoit apporti I 
de Brislo \ Osford les articles de la pais cnlre le Rov de la Grande \ 



\ 



\ 



rtl4S 



DIGByS CORRESPONDEXCE. 



Some weeks would necessarily elapse before the success of 
Moray's mission could be known in England. Long before 
Oct ai. ^^^^ ^''"^ arrived tbe Houses were in possession of 
^rd information which strengthened their resolution tu 

corrMpond. make no peace with the King on any terms short of 
eunrta . his absolute submission. Lord Digby's correspond- 
ence had been captured at Sherburn, as his master's had been 
captured at Naseby, and during the last week in October the 
Houses learnt more than they had ever known before of the 
details of the negotiation with the Prince of Orange for his 
daughter's hand, and of the readiness of the Stadtholder to 
employ Dutch shipping against the English Parliament. Some- 
thing too they discovered of aid implored by Charles from 
Denmark, and of contributions expected from the French clergy. 
Above all things it was clear that Charles continued to hope 
for the intervention of an Irish army, and that he had consented 
to the abolition of the penal laws. One passage struck nearer 
home. " We are," wrote some one, who was probably Digby 
himself, "in hourly expectation of an answer from the Scots' 
army to those overtures made unto them, whereof I advertised 
you formerly, and we have cause to hope well of that negolia- 

It would evidently be unwise to publish letters in which so 
many foreign States, and possibly the Scots themselves, were 

compromised, and for the present at least they were 
■nidcnt allowed to remain unprinted." Yet they could not 
nrengit- but confirm tbe hold which the Independent leaders 

had acquired upon the House as the chief supporters 
of the war. Their influence, indeed, was now greater than 
ever, as, by a combination with a group of members which was 
not disposed to accept their whole programme, they had of 

Brelagne e( les Anglois Independans, et qu'on attendoit le dit Roy pour 
les signer.' Monlreuil to Maiarin, Sept. 1|. Arch, dts Ajf. Eiranglres, 
li fol. 56S. Later iafDrmaEioii coODected the King more directly with 
the negotiation. 

' L.J. vii. 666 j Tht Lord Giorgt Digiv't Cabinet, E. J19, I J. 

' Till March 26, 1646. The passage about the Scots is in L.J, vii; 



6 A DIPLOMATIC TANGLE. CH. xxxvilt 

late found themselves on the winning side even on quesliona 
of religion. The Independents had long discovered that 
it would be as imprudent as it would be useless to throv» 
obstacles in the way of the estnblishment of Presbyterian ism. 
They had, therefore, found it expedient to preserve silence on 
the question of liberty of worship for sectarian congregations 
outside the Presbyterian pale till a more convenient season 
Thfyfind should arrive. Yei if such a season was ever to 
fDi.imon arrive, it was necessary to provide that the Pres- 
nEiiiou byterianism to be established should not assume a 
preihy. thoroughly Scottish character — that is to say, that it 
leHaniim. ghould not be entirely in the hands of the clergy 
and of the clerically-minded laity, but that it should be sub- 
jected to the influences which prevailed in distinctively Uy 
society. In working in this direction the Independents were 
certain of the support of many who would not hear of tolera- 
tion, especially as not only the lawyers but not a few of the 
ordinary supporters of Presbyterian ism were Erastian at heart, 
and no more wished to be subjected to clerical Pres byte nanism 
than they had formerly wished to be subjected to Episcopacy. 
The battle was fought out on a question sure to arise as 
soon as any attempt was made to bring the Presbyterian system 

Mayg. into action. As early as on May 9 the Houses 
on«'dution ^Iccidcd that the right of exclusion from participa- 
i™'l'" ''*^" '" ^^ Lord's Supper should rest, as the 
s.;pper. Assembly had desired, in the eldership — that is to 
say, in the lay elders combined with the minister. They 
themselves, however, drew up a definition of the competent 
knowledge to be required of communicants, as well as a hst of 
the moral offences which were to debar from communion.' 

Ai.g. 4. To this the Assembly took exception. On August 4, 
S='AMm- finding that the Houses persisted in refusing to 
Ills'- allow to the eldership an arbitrary and unlimited 

power of exclusion, ihey stated their own view of the case in 
reply. "How," they asked, "can that power be called arbi- 
trary which is not according to the will of man, but the will 
of Christ ; or how can it l)e supposed to be unlimited wliich is 
' Z/. vil 36». 



I 
J 



1645 INDEPENDENTS AND ERASTIANS. 7 

circumscribed and regulated by the exactest law — the Word 
of God?"» 

Such views obtained little, if any, support in either of the 
Houses. Both Lords and Commons went tranquilly on their 

g^ J way in drawing up rules for the choice of elders, 

A committee and on September 29 the Lords insisted, not only 
Houses on on mamtammg the list of offences, but on addmg a 
catJonp^*' clause to the effect that if there were any not 
posed. specified which were thought by the elders to de- 

serve excommunication, no action should be taken by them 
till the matter had been referred to a standing committee of 

Oct. ao. both Houses, *to the end that the Parliament, if 
aJfhSrising T^^^ require, may hear and determine the same' '^ 
"• This proposal was accepted by the Commons, and 

was finally, on October 20, embodied in an ordinance.' 

The same spirit which prevailed in prescribing limitations 
to the %ithority of the elders prevailed in the rules laid down 
for their election. Pending the full introduction of the system 
in the counties, Parliament had resolved to set up a model in 
London. London was to be divided into twelve classes, to 
which a thirteenth, comprising the Inns of Court and other 
abodes of lawyers, was subsequently added. In each of these 
classes was erected a board of nine triers, without whose con- 
firmation no election of elders by the congregations would 
have any validity. Each board of triers was to consist of three 
ministers and six laymen, and, what was of more importance, 
these triers were to be named not by any church assembly 
but by Parliamentary ordinance. 

To the zealous Presbyterians of the Assembly the course 
taken by Parliament was a sore discomfiture. " Our greatest 
Baiiiie's troublc for the time," wrote Baillie, "is from the 
*a™«°'- Erastians of the House of Commons. They are 
at last content to erect presbyteries and synods in all the 
land. • * * Yet they give to the ecclesiastical courts so little 
power that the Assembly, finding their petitions not gianted, 
ftre in great doubt whether to set up anything, till, by some 

* Petitions, Aug. 4, 12. L,J, vii. 523, 534. 

• L*J. viL 609. • Ibid, vii. 649, 652. 



S A DIPLOAfATIC TANGLE. CH, xxxviit 

powerful petition of many thousand hands, they obtain some 
more of their just desires. The only means lo obtain this and 
all else we desire is our recruited army about Newark." ' 

Baillie's cry for 'some powerful petition' was evidently 
addressed to the City of London, which was already taking 
_ ,. . its stand with the Presbyterian Scots, if not in its 

iitr,ondDo zeal to subject the laity to the clergy, at least in 

its desire to free both laity and clergy when as- 
sembled for ecclesiastical purposes from the interference of 
Parliaiiient, The Common Council represented, not the whole 
of the inhabitants, but the tradesmen and merchants of 
London. Their religion was a good average religion, and 
their morality a good average morality. Of the heights s 
depths of spiritual warfare, of the soul's travail, and of the 
eager quest for truth, they neither knew nor cared to know 
anything. Milton's scornful reference lo the rich man n 
would fain be religious, and who, having found q^t some 
divine of note and estimation, made ' the very person of thai 
man his religion,' and having feasted him and entertained him 
in the evening, and in the morning, gladly allowed him to walk 
abroad at eight, and to leave ' his kind entertainer in the shop 
trading all day without his religion,' ' was doubtless a carica- 
ture, though not without a basis of truth. Yet there was 
another side from which a picture might be drawn. The 
religion of the London citizens on the whole implied : 
observance of those common rules of honesty and self-restraint, 
without which all religion is vain, and which in the eighteenth 
century continued to characterise them, after the zeal of 
Puritanism had melted away. 

Such men could not but be Presbyterian, though their 
Presbyterian ism was likely to be more after Prynne's type than 

after Baillie's, The lay- elderships opened to them a 
prcby. whole sphere of disciplinary activity, and they would 

be quite ready to use their new powers in silencing 
the voices of those who, for any reason, were unwilling to tread 
the beaten paths. They had a horror of singularity, especially 
if singularity appeared likely to lead to disquiet. 

■ ' Sail/u, a. 31S. ' jireo/agitita. 



L^ 



BURTON LOCKED OUT. 

Within the last few weeks a controversy had arisen in the 
City which served to disclose the temper of the citizens. A 
Conirovcr«y lectureship supported by voluntary contributions al 
Aid^^S^?" the church of St. Mary's Aldercnanbury, of which 
''"'■>'■ Calamy was the minister, was controlled by a com- 

mittee representing the subscribers. The lecturer was Henry 
BurtoD's Burton, and for some time the congregation beard 
itciutrthip. [jj^ gJadly. Of late he had given oifence by advo- 
cating the Independent system, but his culminating fault was 
Stpt-sj. that he called on his hearers to make sure of their 
"i^f """" religion by personal investigation, and not to take it 
offence. Qf) trust from Parliament or Assembly. On this the 
committee locked the door of the church in his face and put 
On. s. an end to his lectureship. In the controversy which 
^Ml^rdi"^ followed no stress was laid by the committee on the 
locked scriptural argument for Pres byte nanism. What was 

him. wanted was not a divinely appointed model of church 

government, but peace and quiet. The committee was quite 
ready to trust Parliament to make some arrangement which 
would satisfy all moderate men, and to which all who were not 
moderate must be compelled to submit. If their lecturer was 
to stir up troublesome questions, he would not only foster 
distractions in the congregation, but might drive influential 
subscribers to withhold their subscriptions.' 

To do the committee justice, it had not merely to be on its 
guard against the high champions of spiritual religion. In- 
Twofoid dependency was apt to assume an unlovely shape in 
uS™n- '^^ ^y^^ ^f *^^ well-to-do citizen. The main danger, 
dency. as far as he was concerned, did not lie in the enforce- 

ment of the ideas of the Dissenting Brethren concerning 
ecclesiastical organisation, but in the noisy ranting of the tub- 
preacher. Wild incoherency of ignorant speech was flowing 
from the mouths of men and women who had no sense of 
decorum and no capacity for grasping the relative importance 
of doctrines, while they regarded themselves as immensely 
superior to those who had hitherto been counted as their 

■ Truth shut out of doors, by H. Burton, E. 31I, I ; Thi door ef 
truth «pt«td, E. 311, 15. 




lo A DIPLOMA TIC TANGLE. CH. XXXViil. 

letters. On one occasion at least Ihis reversal of the old 
order led to the deliberate defilement of the pews in which the 
wealthier citizens ensconced themselves, and which were as 
hateful to the equalitarian zeal of the sectaries as they had 
been lo Laud.' 

Whilst Presbyterian ism was obtaining a firm hold on the 
City, the Dissenting Brethren in the Assembly marked the 

Oci. li gf'owing influence of the Independents in the House 
ThcDii. of Commons. In April they had been bidden to 
HreibreD produce their own scheme of church government. 
proiiu«« On October 13 they flatly refused to do anything of 
chiiKh the kind. They declared that the majority of the 

govKiuntnL Assembly had shown itself so hostile that it was 
hopeless to expect from it a fait construction of anything that 
they might propose.' It was the House of Lords, and not the 
House of Commons, which now took up the cause of the 

Nov. 6. minority by ordering, on November 6, the revival of 
re^.^]^ Cromwell's Accotnmodation Order for a committee 
A™"!- to consider how an accommodation could be eflected 
Ordct. between the Presbyterian system and that of the 

Dissenting Brethren.^ It can hardly be doubted that the Lords 
came to this resolution, not because they approved of it, but 

Nov, 14. because they feared something worse. On the 14th 
ilTc^J^the ^^ proposal of the Lords was accepted by the 
Lommoni. Commons. It was all in vain. What had been in 

Nn^., 17. September 1644, when Cromwell proposed it, a 
srminE healing measure, was in November 1645 a mere 
retrograde expedient for shelving an inconvenient 
subject. The Dissenting Brethren would have none 
stieno!. pj- jj^ -pjjg jjj.jj meeting of the committee, on the 
17th, showed that an arrangement on these terms was imprac- 
ticable. The Independents declared for full liberty of 1 

' AjnsI defeme of J. Basheick, p. 41. E. a6s, «. 

' A copy of a Reniomlrance. E. Jog, 4. In Tke answer ef the Ai. 
sembly, E. 506, II, this is said to have been daled Oct. 22, but see TTtt 
Mitiales af .... the WeitminUer Assembly, 148, where it ii mentioned 
Kt the end of the sitting of the I3lh. 

' See vol, ii. p. 30. 



I 






kdiifei 



i645 A DEMAND FOR TOLERATION, ri 

science. They ' expressed themselves,' as Baillie sadly wrote, 
* for toleration, not only to themselves, but to other sects.* * 

This audacious demand roused the London citizens. On 
the 19th, by order of the Common Council, a batch of 
petitions was laid before the Houses. They asked 
London for Certain amendments in the Ordinance on Church 
pcuuons. Government, and especially that care might be taken 
for the maintenance of unity by the establishment of Presby- 
terian discipline. The Commons replied in a somewhat surly 
tone. The answer of the Lords was far more sympathetic.^ 
The two views of Puritan ecclesiastical development were at 
last brought face to face. 

As long as the war lasted it would manifestly be impossible 
to bring so grave a question to an issue, and it was hard to see 
Nov. 13. how the war could be brought speedily to an end 
Se*u[-°^^ without the assistance of the Scottish army. On 
mwthem '^* November 13, therefore, the Houses postponed till 
fortress^ March the date at which Iheir irritating demand for 
the surrender of the northern fortresses was to be 
Nev^ic*^* complied with.^ They were rewarded by knowing 
invested. ^j^^^ Leven's army had moved southwards. Before 

the end of November the Scots took up their quarters on the 
north side of Newark, whilst Poyntz completed the investment 
on the south.* 

If the Scots were to be satisfied, more would be needed 
than an abandonment for a time of an offensive proposal. 

On November 24 their commissioners again pressed 
Dcmaildsof for supplics for their army, for the settlement of 
t e cote, religion, and for a speedy consideration of the terms 
to be offered to the King.* To settle religion, as matters 

stood, was plainly impossible; but, at least, the 

positions to farcc of preparing peace propositions which the 

prfpa . King was certain to reject could be gone through^ 

and for some weeks the Commons were hard at work on the 

» LJ. vii. 679 ; CJ, iv. 338, 342 ; Whitacre's Diary, Add, MSS. 
31,116, fol. 242 ; Baillie, ii. 326. 

« C./. iv. 3485 LJ vii. 713. * CJ, iv. 341. 

« Jbid. 362. • L,J, viil 9. 



13 



A DIPLOMATIC TANGLE. CH. XSXViil. 






well-worn task. The categories of delinquency were extended, 
j^ ^ and a demand was inserted that Essex, Northum- 
BewBTdi berland, Warwick, and Pembroke should receive 
pariumen- dukcdoms, that Manchester and Salisbury should 
""^ "^ become marquises, Robartes, Say and Sele, Whar- 
ton, Willoughby of Parham, and the elder Fairfax earls. At 
the same time Holies was to be created a viscount, and 
Cromwell, the elder Vane, and Sir Thomas Fairfax were to be 
raised to the peerage as barons. Sir Thomas was to have 
5,000/. a year, Cromwell and Waller 2,500/., Hazlerigg and 
Stapleton 2,000/. apiece, Brerelon r,5oo/,, and Skippon 1,000/. 
Evidently the House was bent on making no distinction be- 
tween Presbyterians and Independents in this distribution of 
honours and rewards.' 

Even before these impossible terms of peace were dis- 
cussed in the House of Commons, the Scottish commissioners 
jj^^ learnt that the Independents were secretly negotiat- 
A s«m ing with the King on far different conditions. The 
tmmttn the Independents, it seemed, were ready to make over 
ihc inde. to the King the New Model army and the fortresses 
pin^enu. j^^ jj^ possession if he would ultimately allow them 
to retreat to Ireland, and to enjoy there the liberty of worship 
which they would be the first to refuse to the Irish Catholics.' 
The knowledge ot this negotiation made the Scots all the 
more anxious to learn the result of Moray's mission to the 
Queen. When at last the news arrived, a little 
Moray'* before the end of November, it was Cir from being 
"■""■ as satisfactory as they had hoped. For some time 

the Queen had obstinately refused to give any support to the 
establishment of Presbyterian ism, and though she ultimately 
gave way before Mazarin's entreaties so far as to promise to 
write to the King in favour of the Scottish demands, it was only 
on condition that Moray should not be told of her promise.* 
' CJ. iv. 359- 

' MonWeuillo Mazarin, Nov. JJ, Arch, d^s Aff. Slrangh^s, li. fol. 356. 
• Montreuil to MaiBrin, Nov. Jg ; Maiarin to Montteuil, ^" ; Moray 
1 the Scottish coQimiasionets. Copied ^^^ , written about a foclnight 
earlier. Ank. dts Aff. Elran^res, IL fol. 359, 364, 369. 



mNUCCINPS Af/SS/OJV. 

It is probable thai the grounds of the Queen's disinclina- 
tion to accept Moray's overtures are to be found in the eager- 
Heasomof "CSS with which she had for some months been 
IhSmM^" seeking for help from the Continental Catholics on 
to™™s»lih t's'^'i'f °f '^^'^ Catholics in England. The Pope now 
iheScois. on the throne was no longer Urban VIII., who 
during a long pontificate had striven to advance the interests 
of his Church by a politic moderation. Innocent X. had 
Sepi. ft. been chosen as his successor in September 1644. 
innocem X. Though Innocent was a siave to his sister, and his 
own household a prey to disorder, yet in dealing with the 
outer world he showed conspicuous firmness of a kind which, 
for want of knowledge of the ways of men, was likely to prove 
more disastrous to the causes which he advocated than to 
those which he opposed. He was a fair type of the adminis- 
trative ecclesiastic, without spiritual aspirations or priestly 
subtlety.' 

In the winter succeeding his election the new Pope re- 
ceived BelHngs, the secretary of the Irish Confederate Catho- 
lics, who had come to solicit help in money. Much 
Beii'nss'in to the surprise of Bellings, Innocent resolved to 
"""■ send a representative to Ireland, who would act 

directly in his name, and would give hira information on the 
state of affairs uninfluenced by Irish parties. Early 
Rinucdn'rs in March he announced that he had chosen Rinuc- 
■cifaipq. ^j^.^ Archbishop of Fermo, to be his Nuncio in 
Ireland. 

Rinuccini was a churchman of resolute character, with a 
power of bending others to his will which would stand him in 
good stead in Ireland if his inflexibility did not drive from his 
side those whom it was to his interest to gain. In 
Hf caches May he arrived in Paris, bringing with him a store 
"^ of money from Rome, which he hoped to increase 

with the help of a contribution from Mazarin. It was long 
before he could obtain a favourable answer from the Cardinal. 
The Pope had already given grave offence to Ma?arin by his 

Visitors to the Loan EshiLition of 1886-7 will not be lilitly lo fcr- 
|tt( the marvellous porliait of lliis Pope by Velasquei, 



L 



r4 A DIPLOMATIC TASGF.E. CR. xxxviii. 

leaning to the Spaniards, and the French statesman was 
probably anxious to know the issue of the conflict in England 
before committing himself even in secret to a decided policy. 

The Nuncio therefore found the summer months slipping 
away whilst his purpose was still uneffecled. Between him 
and the Queen of England there soon sprang up 
■ndihc that feeling of tacit hostility which shows itself 
clearly beneath the veil of outward courtesy. Ri- 
nucctni wished to adi-ance the authority of the Papal See, 
without caring whether Charles remained a king or na 
Henrietta Maria wanted to combine her pious devotion to her 
Church with a vigorous effort on behalf of her husband and 
herself. She was unable even to receive a visit from 
Shtcannoi the Archbishop, as he refused to visit her except in 
"™"" '°' the state of a Nuncio, and she knew well that his 
appearance in her presence in such a guise would compromise 
her in the eyes of ail Protestant Englishmen. The Nuncio, 
on his part, was glad to avoid the visit which he pretended to 
desire, as he feared lest he should be wheedled out of some 
promise which he might find it inconvenient to fulfil when he 
^ arrived in Ireland. At last, on August 15, Mazarin 

Maiarin gave him aSiO"'* crowns and shipping for transport, 
ihipping The Cardinal had probably no desire to waste his 
>D moDty. gjjgj-gjgg jjj jf^iamj^ t,m \^ y,^ important to him to 
keep a hold on the affections of the people, if it were only 
to prevent them from falling under the influence of the King 
of Spain,' 

Rinuccini had thus been delayed in France for many 
weeks by his negotiations with Mazarin. Though it was evi- 
dent that when he arrived in Ireland he would not be eager to 
work in the interests of Charles, the Queen had not lost hope 
of winning the Pope to her side. At the beginning of the 
summer she had at last despatched Sir Kenelm Digby to 

June. Rome to negotiate for an advance of money on her 
&r™eDf'im ^""^ behalf, and on behalf of the mixed committee 
D'gi'i'. of English and Irish Catholics which met at Paris.* 

On his arrival at Rome he was full of hope that his request 

' RinucciDi, ^tinualura, J-^J. * See vol. \L p. 17a 



i645 SII^ KENELM DIGBY AT ROME, 15 

for pecuniary assistance would be shortly granted. For a 
moipent his torrent of words appeared to carry everything 
before it. Innocent himself declared that the Englishman 
spoke not merely as a Catholic, but as an ecclesiastic. Rome, 
however, had not so lost her cunning as to be carried away by 
the promises of a sanguine enthusiast who gave glib assurances 
that, if Charles owed his success to Catholic aid, the hearts of 
the King and of his chief supporters would return to the one 
fold and the one shepherd. Digby was asked what warrant 
he had to produce from the King. As soon as it appeared 
that he had none to show, cold looks convinced him that his 
mission was likely to fail. The paper on which he had couched 
his demands was forwarded to Paris for Rinuccini's criticism, 
and the utmost that he could obtain was an order for 20,000 
crowns, to be spent in munitions of war.^ 

In the beginning of the winter Henrietta Maria had still 
hopes of Digby's success. She continued to correspond with 

Nov. the French Catholics who had talked of supporting 
ho^frSm * ^o^'eign troops in England, and she thought it pos- 
Francc giblc that Mazarin might be induced, now that the 
troops of the continental powers had retired into winter 
quarters, to lend her some soldiers from the French army 
itself.* It must have been therefore a severe wrench to her 
mind to have to apply herself to a project for establishing 
Presbyterianism in England, especially as she knew well that 
she would be favouring the system which was of all others the 
most hostile to a Catholic propaganda. 

Half-hearted as the Queen's support was, the Scots in 
London and their English Presbyterian allies could not afford 

Oct. to reject it Knowing that Charles was already en- 
^otScs g^g^^ ^^ ^ negotiation with the Independents, their 
with the fears inclined them to regard that negotiation as 
dents. more serious than it really was. Generous as were 

the offers which the Independents were making, it is un- 
likely that Charles would have responded to them at all but for 

' Rinuccini, Nunziatura, 32,445,446; Lord Leicester's MS, fol. 856. 
' The Queen to the Duke of Orleans, Nov. 7 H, O, Transcripts^ 



L 



A DIPLOMA TIC TANGLE. CH. xxxvitr. 

itie pressure put upon him by his own partisans. Yet before 
the end of October, whilst he was still at Newark, he had 
VavMcrai'i authorised a Royalist officer, Sir William Vavasour, 
'°™''°- to surrender himself a prisoner in order that he 
might discuss terms of peace with the leading Independents. 
When the King reached Oxford, however, little belief was 
entertained of his intention to accept a peace. In vain did 
Dorset, Southampton, Hertford, and Lindsey conjure him to 
put an end to the miserable war. He answered fiercely that 
he would place the crown on his head, and would defend it 
with his own sword, if the swords of his friends failed him. \i, 
as there is little doubt, the terms offered by the Independents 
were known in Oxford, as they were known to Montreuil in 
London, it is easy to understand the irritating effect produced 
by the King's words upon men who would have been delighted 
to find peace thrown in their way without the necessity of bow- 
ing their necks under the Presbyterian yoke. Unless Mon- 

^^ treuil was misinformed, the Independents offered 
Terms ' before the end of November to allow the K.ing to 
ihe imie- regulate matters of religion in concurrence with his 
pen eiiu. Parliament after his return to Westminster, and to 
leave at his disposal half the places of authority in the realm. 
They asked in return that after the army had conquered Ire- 
land he would establish Independency there, and tolerate it in 
England.' If the Parliament threw any difficulty in the way 
of this arrangement, the army would place itself at the King's 

Nov. disposal and force it to give way.' So incensed were 
^'Iraiiihr '^^ ^^'''^ ^' Charles's rejection of these proposals, 
*■'"£■ that they sent to Westminster offering to deliver up 

Ihe King on the sole condition that their own properties might 
be secured lo them. 

' This has passed through the mind of a Frenchman, but it proljably 
means thai neither the Roman Catholic nor Ihe Presbylerian oi^aniaaiion 
lias to be allowed to exist in Ireland, if indeed the contrast between 
establishment and toleration is more than a Hourish. 

"J'en ai apris ces particular! lei qu'ils offrent audit Roy, de luy 
laisser regler les choses de la Religion qnand il sera de retour en son 
Pailcmeni, de luv donner la disDosition de la moitif des eouremeQ'.ens et 



l645 A SUSPICIOUS NEGOTIATION. 17 

In some way or another the plot became known to Vava- 
sour, who at once sent information of it to Charles.^ On 
Dec. December 5, accordingly, the King, anxious to dis- 
£&^ arm this dangerous opposition in his own camp, 
of it, wrote to Westminster and proposed that the Houses 

dlSffere should Send commissioners to open negotiations.'-* 
to negotiate As it soon appeared that the commissioners were to 

with Par- 

lianent. proposc that Charlcs should come to Westminster to 

treat in person,' the Houses naturally drew back, fearing lest 

Dec 9. his presence would be a mere centre of intrigue. 

Vavasour __ 

arrested, For somc time they hesitated to send any answer 
Dec 17. whatever. On the 9th the House of Commons 
banished, ordered the arrest of Vavasour, and on the 17 th they 
expelled him from England.^ 

The Houses were undoubtedly right in their suspicions. 
Vavasour's mission had, as one of his companions informed 
Montreuil, been contrived merely to spin out time 
wishes to till foreign troops could arrive in England,'^ and it 
gam tune. ^^^^ hardly likely that the King's proposal to visit 
Westminster had any other end in view. His mind was now 
full of a combination between the scheme of Willis, which he 
had rejected in October,^ and a scheme for the landing of 

des charges de son Royaume, et de luy pourvoir des forces suffisantes pour 
se rendre maitre d'Irlande k condition que I'lndependance sera establye 
et sera soufferte en Angleterre, et que, si le Parlement d'Angleterre n'est 
pas satisfaict de ces conditions, ils pretendent donner leur arm^e au Roy 
d'Angleterre pour les forcer h, les recevoir." — Montreuil to Brienne, 
Nov. |g. Carte MSS, Ixxxiii. fol. ill. 

* Montreuil to Mazarin, Dec. ^j. Arch, des Aff, Etran^es^ li. fol. 
383. Vavasour had received permission to come to London on Oct. 30. 
Cy. iv. 326. Montreuil derived his information from a messenger em- 
ployed by Vavasour. 

* The King to the Speaker of the House of Lords, Dec 5. L.J. 
viii. 31. 

* Charles's intention is mentioned on the iith in The Diary. E. 311, 
23. Compare The Scottish Dove, £. 313, 6. 

* C.J. iv. 370, 379. 

» Montreuil to Mazarin, Dec. ^ Arch, des Aff. Etrangires^ li. foL 

383- 

* See voL ti. p. 366. 

VOL. IIL C 



Euii 



li. A DIPLOMATIC TANGLE. Ch. xxxviil. 

French troops which was in favour with the Queen. On 
Dec. 7. December 7 he reiterated his orders to the Prince to 
latl™" leave England, so that the rebels, if they succeeded 
Eusiwid. in capturing himself, might know that the heir to the 
TheDufce crown was beyond their reach.' The Duke of York 
was to be conveyed as soon as possible to Ireland. 
Orders were sent to the governors of Worcester, 
Exeter, Newark, Chester, and Oxford to destroy their fortifica- 
tions simultaneously on February 20, and to con- 
vciioutpian centrate on Worcester. In this way the King hoped 
oHnpugn. j^ ^^ ^^ ^1^^ \\e3.A of an army of 3,000 foot and 2,500 
horse. He might then either march to the West to relieve his 
overmatched forces in Devon and Cornwall, or might turn 
towards Kent and Sussex, where, as it was believed, the inhabi- 
tants were prepared to ' rise with great cheerfulness ' if only the 
King appeared amongst them. It was expected that by April 1 
Astley, who, now that South Wales was lost, had been sent to 
take up Prince Maurice's command in the Border counties, 
would have succeeded in raising at least 3,000 recruits in Wor- 
cestershire and in the neighbouring districts. The Queen's 
foreign forces would serve to fill up the numbers of the army.^ 
Charles was never content with a single project, and simul- 
taneously with this scheme for a renewed military effort he had 
embarked heartily on another scheme which might give him 
the assistance of the Scottish army. He had doubtless been 
made aware before his message was sent to the Houses, on 
December 5, that the Scottish and English Presbyterians in 
. . London wished to come to an understanding with 
mwithinB him. He was therefore anxious to be allowed to 
Wraimiii" appear at Westmin.ster, not because he expected to 
""■ come to terms with Parliament, but because he 

hoped to come to terms with tlie Scots. If the Scots rejected 

' The King lo the Prince, Dec 7. Clatmdm, in. 114. 

' Icrmyn to Hyde, Nov. 17 ; Aahburnhain to Culpepper, Dec. 13, 
Clar. AfSS. z,02g, 2,046. Mutilated portions of the lalter are printed in 
C/ar. S/. P. a. 196. The ollusionE to the foreign forces are somewhat 
veiled, but there can be na doubt as lo their meaning, especially u the 
inlintion conies out more cleaily aTlernaida. 



IC45 A SANGUINE PLAN. 19 

his offer, he might fall back on his military plan. He was pre- 
pared to ask permission to remain at \yestminster for forty 
days, and he calculated that, as that permission could not reach 
him before the end of the year, his proposed visit would come 
to an end not long before February 20, the day fixed for the 
concentration of his forces at Worcester. He had therefore 
asked to be allowed, if the negotiation failed, to retire in safety 
to Oxford, Newark, or Worcester. The reason why these 
places were named is not difficult to guess. If Charles came 
to terms with the Scots he would join their army at Newark. 
If he did not, he would put himself at the head of his own 
army at Worcester. Oxford can only have been spoken of to 
disarm suspicion.^ 

When projects so wild were entertained, the fact that 
Rupert was once more at his uncle's side could have no mili- 
tary or political significance. As he had declined to 
return to engage never more to draw his sword against Parlia- 
ment, and the Houses had refused him a passport to 
go beyond sea on these conditions, he cut his way through 
their armies to Woodstock, and on December 8 humbled him- 
self sufficiently to ask forgiveness from the King. Charles was 
well pleased to receive him at Oxford, but he never gave him 
his confidence again.^ 

Of the two contradictory policies in which Charles was in- 
volved, the negotiation with the Scots assumed a more promi- 
nent position than the wild military scheme— so impossible to 
carry into execution— over which he sometimes brooded. On 
Dec. 6. December 6, the day after the King's message was 
Moray's despatched to Westminster, Sir Robert Moray re- 
retum. tumcd to England, bringing with him the Queen's 
tardily given consent to the greater part of the Scotch demands.^ 
Though Montreuil was in hopes that the religious difficulty 
might be smoothed away, he had first to deal with an obstacle 

' Ashbumham to Culpepper, Dec. 13. Clar, St, P. ii. 196. 

* Warburion, iii. 208. Dorset's letter, printed by Warburton at p. 
213, should have been doited Nov. 25, not Dec. 25, and Nichohis's letter 
of June 10 was written in i6dSi not in 1646. 

• Seep. 12. 

r 2 



30 A DIPLOMATIC TANGLE. ch. xxxviit 

in the King's refusal to employ Will Murray in Scotland, 
Su ltd 'hough the Scottish commissioners had expressed 
tmpioy. a wish that he might be sent there by the Queen, 
Will the ground of Charles's refusal being that Murray 

"'"' was distasteful to Montrose, who 'was principally to 
be consulted in that business.' ' 

Charles's feeling towards Montrose did honour to his heart. 
" Be assured," he had written to him early in November, " that 
your less prosperous fortune is so far from lessening 
and Mom- my estimation of you that it will rather cause my 
affection to kythe the clearlier to you." ' In anyone 
but Charles the adoption of the notion that it was possible to 
combine the services of Montrose and the Scottish Presby- 
terians might fairly be set down as a symptom of an unsound 
mind. The Scots had certainly shown themselves unsparing 

-^ to Montrose's followers. On October 21 Sir William 

ExmiiLoji Rollock, his companion in his daring ride across the 
>t GiMgp-, Lowlands from England, was beheaded in Glasgow. 

Oct. ja. On the 22nd two more, Sir Philip Nisbet and Alex- 
N^iii and ander Ogiivy, of Inverquharity, shared his fate. 
Ogii-y. Ogilvy's appearance on the scaffold aroused almost 
universal commiseration. He was but a lad of eighteen, and 
singularly attractive in the flush of opening manhood, but the 
Kirk had been too terrified to be merciful. David Dickson, 
the moderator of the Assembly of 1640, who had wept tears ot 
joy when Episcopacy was abolished, triumphed in the deed of 
cruelty. "The work," he cried, "goes bonnily on." Such 
words were not easily forgotten in the land.' 

Other victims were reserved for a yet more solemn sacrifice 
when the Scottish Parliament next met. To Charles it seemed 
easy to bring the slayers and the kinsmen of the slain to make 
common cause in his behalf. The Scots, in England at least, 

' Monlreuil to Maiarin, Dec. I>, Arch, des Aff. Etran^ris, 11. fol, 
397 J Ashburnham to Culpepper, Dec. 13, Clarindon MSS. 2,046. 

' i.i. to show itself more plainly to yon. The Kiug to Montrose, 
Noi'. 3. Napier, Memoirs of Montrose, a. 614. 

* Cuthrf's Memoirs, 16&. For the doles, see Napier, Mtmoirs tf 
JUenlivse, \L 589. 



\ 

I 

I 



i645 CHARLES AND THE SCOTS. 21 

were profuse in expressions of devotion. On December 13 
Charles received from Lord Sinclair and David Leslie a direct 
Charles invitation to the Scottish camp. Yet, if Charles was 
h-o^thi"'* to bend the Scots to his will, it was necessary for 
Scots. hiiyj to visit Westminster that he might* employ his 

powers of persuasion with the Scottish commissioners there. 
^^ He therefore on the 15th repeated his request for a 

He urges safc-conduct for the persons whom he proposed to 

the Houses _ , * ^ « . . . , ^x* 

tpnego- send to prepare the way for his own visit.* Hi.« 
diplomacy seemed likely to be wrecked on the incur- 
M^dSay^i able distrust which he had awakened on every side, 
speech. Q^ ^^iQ 17th Mildniay cxpresscd the feeling which 
prevailed in the House of Commons. Their affairs, he said, 
were now in good condition. Let them keep the advantages 
which they had gained, and renounce all further treaties. 
Dec Balmerino, one of the Scottish commissioners, almost 
rinLT' ^t t^^ same time declared his belief that the King's 
doubts. overtures to them were only made in order to induce 
the Independents to bring their negotiation to a satisfactory 
end.^ Yet neither the English Parliament nor the Scottish 
commissioners liked to announce openly that a breach was 
unavoidable, and during the greater part of December a warm 
discussion was carried on between these two bodies. In the 
Proposed course of the dispute the Scots urged that the pro^ 
negotiation, posed negotiation should be so conducted as to make 
it comparatively easy for the King to accept the terms offered 
him, whilst the English wished the proposals to be made as 
unacceptable as possible. 

The time was rapidly approaching when Charles would 
have no course open to him but submission to the conquerors. 
One fortified post after another was falling into the 
Hereford' hands of his enemies. On December 17 the im- 
surpris . portant city of Hereford was surprised by Morgan 
and Birch,^ and Charles'^s project of sending his second son 

* L.J, viii. 4j6. 

* Montreuil to Mazarin, Dec. Jf. Arch, des Aff, Etrangires, li. fol. 

411. 

« Several LeUers, E. 313, 17. 



72 A DIPLOMATIC TANGLE. CH. xxxviiL 

to Ireland' had of necessity to be abandoned Chesty was 
strictly blocked up, and except in the improbable contingency 
Oiester of the landing of an Irish army to relieve it, it could 
Newark "^^ \i^^ out much longer. The surrender of 
blocked up. Newark was a mere question of time unless Charles 
could induce the Scots to come round to his side. 

At last, on December 23, the Houses, with the assent of 

the Scots, positively refused to admit the King's commissioners 

to Westminster. They were busy, they said, in pre- 

Answer of paring tcrms of peace, which would be presented to 

ouses. j^.^ ^ ^QQii as they were ready.* Before this answer 

reached Charles he had despatched, as he had previously 

Dec. a6. planned, a fresh letter, in which he offered to come 

propwes w ^ person to Westminster for forty days, if security 

wr^^- were given that at the end of that period he might 

ster. retire to Worcester, Newark, or Oxford. He also 

sketched out a plan for dealing with the militia, and on 

Dec. 29. the 29th he further offered to give satisfaction 

furth"S^** about Ireland and the public debt. Up to this 

offers. time he had not spoken a word upon the subject 

of religion.* 

Montreuil perceived that if his scheme was not to break 

down altogether, it would be necessary to appeal in person to 

Charles. Already there had been signs of a diver- 

Montreuil - . . , i ^m « i . 

resolves to gcncy of opmion between the Scots and their Eng- 
mtcrvene. j.^j^ Presbyterian allies. Before Christmas Balmerino 
had been growing impatient because the King did not throw 
himself, without further question, into the Scottish army, whilst 
Holland, who had been deeply irritated at the refusal of the 
House of Commons to grant him 1,000/. a year in compensa- 
tion for the losses which he declared himself to have suffered 
in their cause, talked of effecting a Royalist rising in the City 
if only Charles could be brought in safety to Westminster.* 
On January 2 Montreuil arrived at Oxford to urge Charles 

. ' See p. 18. • L,J» viii. 64. 

• Ibid, viii. 72. 

* C./. iv. 380 ; Montreuil to M;izarin, ^J-^, Arch, desAff, Etran^res^ 
lU. 9. 



1646 MONTREUIL AT OXFORD. 23 

to accept the proposals which he was now commissioned to 

1646. ^^y before him on behalf of the Scots. Charles was 

Mor!u^uU ^^ accept the propositions rejected by him at Ux- 

at Oxford, bridge, and then to betake himself to the army 

Jan. 3. before Newark. In his reply, the King compared 

sSitish* favourably the zeal of the Scots for his person with 

CSJrethe the resolution of the Independents to place the 

King. monarchy in bonds, but he would hear nothing of 

an arrangement which would virtually establish Presbyterianism 

in the Church of England. He would, he said, lose 

refuses to his crown rather than his soul. He was, however, 

accept 

Presby. quite Tcady to go to Leven's army if the Scots would 
cnanism. engage themselves for his safety, and if the Queen 
Regent of France and Mazarin would give security for the 
fulfilment of that engagement. Of Montrose he spoke with 
unqualified praise. "From henceforth," he said, "I place 
Montrose amongst my children, and mean to live with him as 
a friend, and not as a king.'' 

A further conversation gave Montreuil the key to Charles's 
readiness to trust himself to the Scots, whilst refusing the con- 
Tan. 4. cession which they most eagerly demanded. He 
A further found him convinced that the Scottish negotiators 



conversa- 



tion, had no conscientious motives in urging the estab- 

lishment of Presbyterianism in England, and that they merely 
wanted the security of the bishops' lands for the payment of 
their own arrears, or at the most were afraid lest, if bishops 
were re-established in England, they would be re-established 
in Scotland as well. To meet the second difficulty he pro- 
posed to offer the security of the French Government for the 
maintenance of the existing church government in the Northern 
kingdom. With respect to the first, he offered to the Scots 
lands in Ireland in place of church property in England. How 
far this proposal would affect the negotiation which he was still 
carrying on with the Confederate Catholics, he probably did 
not care to inquire. 

Stubborn as Charles was, he at last discovered that some 
concession must be made to the religious feeling which even 
the Scots might be supposed to possess. The restored Church 






34 A DIPLOMATIC TANGLE, ch. xxxvill. 

of England, he told Montreuil on the sth, should grant tolera- 
lion to English Presbyterians and to Scottish visitors. He 
Tan. t had, in fact, rightly discerned that the Scottish 
nobles were not entirely dominated by religious 
enthusiasm ; but he had failed to understand that 
they were anxious to see a Presbyterian Chtirch 
established in England because such a Church would 
be not only through its system friendly to Scotland, but 
would, from its very weakness, be driven to seek support in 
Edinburgh. 

When Montreuil returned to Westminster he found that 
the reception of Charles's proposals was even worse than he 
Rfception had eiipected,' The Scottish commissioners had 
MMi'h?™' recently been joined by Lauderdale, and Lauder- 
ihc Scon, (jaie, keen of vision and firm of purpose, was not 
likely to favour the acceptance of a mere toleration for Presby- 
terians, which would allow a restored Cavalier England to 
grow up and hold out a hand to the Royalist nobihty of 
Scotland. 

If Charles failed to conciliate the Scots, he also failed lo 
conciliate the English Parliament. On January 3 the House 
agreed to a further answer to Charles's proposal to 
K=piy come to Westminster. "Concerning the personal 

to^ht treaty desired by your Majesty," they declared, 

pi^I'q^"' "there being so much innocent blood of your good 
Westildn- subjects shed in this war by your Majesty's com- 
""■ mands and commissions ; Irish rebels brought over 

into both kingdoms, and endeavours to bring over more to 
both of them, as also forces from foreign parts, and the Prince 
at the head of an army in the West, divers towns made 
garrisons and kept by your Majesty against the Parliament 
of England, there being also forces in Scotland against that 
Parliament and kingdom by your Majesty's commission ; ihe 
war in Ireland fomented and prolonged by your Majesty, 
whereby the three kingdoms are brought to utter ruin and 
destruction ; we conceive that, until satisfaction and security 




' Montreuil lo M; 
The King to the Que 



irin, Jan. ^, Arck. des Aff. Elrangira, lii. fol. 45 J 
I, Jan. 8, Cha It! /. in 1646 (Camden Soc). 3. 



I 



1646 THE KING'S OFFERS. . 25 

be first given to both your kingdoms, your Majesty's coming 
hither cannot be convenient or by us consented to." To 
accept the propositions which would shortly be despatched 
to him would *be the only means* to give satisfaction.* To 
the last phrase the Scottish commissioners, who had another 
project of their own, took exception, and it was only after it 
had been somewhat toned down that they consented to the 

Jan. 13. despatch of the reply. It was not till January 13 
int S^*^ ^^at this reply was at last sent off.* Even then it 
Charles. must have been offensive enough to Charles. It 
refused to admit to the position of a constitutional king one 
who had been a promoter of foreign invasion. 

Charles had no conception of the injury done to his cause 
by these foreign entanglements. On January 10, in a letter to 

Tan xo. ^^^ French Agent, he had committed to writing the 
The king's conccssions which he was prepared to make to 
overture to the Scots. The religious disputes in England were 
to be composed by a national synod, which, although 
some Scottish divines were to be admitted to it, would certainly 
be a very different body from the existing Westminster As- 
sembly. Toleration was to be accorded to the Presbyterians. 
Charles was the more confident that he would carry his point, 
because he was aware that the Presbyterian system adopted by 
the House of Commons did not altogether tally with that 
which existed in Scotland, and he seems to have fancied that 
the Scots would therefore be disinclined to press for the luke- 
warm system which found favour with the English Parliament. 
How little he knew of the motives which influenced the Scot- 
tish nobility was, however, clear from the words in which he 
pressed for their union with the man of whom they were most 
jealous. " Lastly," he wrote, " concerning the Marquis of 
Montrose, his Majesty's resolution is that he and his party 
shall be received into this conjunction with all possible freedom 
and honour without any reservation." * 

Whatever the Scottish commissioners might be induced to 
say, their countrymen in Scotland had set their minds in a very 

* LJ, viiL 81. ' Ibid, viii. 91, 99. 

• The King to Montreuil, Jan. 10. Clar, St, P, ii. 209. 



16 



A DrpLO.\rATrc tangle, ch. xxxvin. 






^ 



different direction. Sitting at St Andrews amidst the howls 
of the Kirk for blood, the Scottish Parliament opened its pro- 
,6^,. ceedings on December 23 by ordering that all Irish 
Th^'p^i- captives still remaining in prison should be put to 
death without form of trial.' On January 16 they 
condemned to death Nathaniel Gordon, William 
Murray, Andrew Guihry, and Sir Robert Spottis- 
jint^fi. woode, the latter being the brother of the Arch- 
mH"™^" bishop, and guilty of having, as Charles's Secretary 
toiio«o. of State, prepared Montrose's commission, and of 
having brought it down to Scotland. Every one of these 
had been admitted to quarter after Philiphaugh, and Spot- 
tiswoode could plead that he had taken no part in opera- 
tions of war. On the 20th three of the number — 
Three Gordon, Guthry, and Spottiswoode — were executed, 

e.ecu loni. ^^^^y fecelved a respite, as his brother, the Earl of 
TuUybardine, pleaded for his life on the ground of his youth, 
and even alleged him to be insane. The appeal for mercy 
was, however, rejected, and on the 22nd the young 
vtamr Murray followed his comrades to the scaffold, claim- 
ing it as his highest honour to die for a king who 
was the father of his country. 

Lord Ogilvy escaped, but not through the mercy of the 
Covenanters. He owed his life, as many another has done, to 
Ogiivy'i the brave devotion of a woman. His mother, his 
«™p=- „jfe^ and his sister were permitted to visit him in 
prison. When the time for parting came, the keepers con- 
ducted, as they supposed, three weeping ladies from the cell. 
One of these figures was that of young Ogilvy himself, whose 
sister had exchanged clothes with him, and had taken his place 
in bed.* 

Ignorant of the doom impending over his loyal subjects at 
St. Andrews, Charles, having prepared the way by his com- 
munications with the Scottish commissioners, addressed him- 
self for the first time on January 15 to the English Parliament 



I 



f646 AN INSIDIOUS OFFER. 27 

on the subject of religion. The government of the Church, 

ne now openly said, was to be restored to its condition in 

j^^ ^ the happy times of Elizabeth and James, but there 

Charles's was to be * fuU liberty for the ease of their con- 
oners to . 1 Ml • • 1 • 

Parliament scienccs who Will not communicate m that service 
on re igion. ggi^^ jghgd by Jaw, and likewise for the free and public 

use of the Directory prescribed, and by command of the two 
Houses now practised in some parts of the City of London.' 
With respect to Ireland and the militia, he would endeavour to 
give satisfaction.^ 

It looked as if Charles was really working himself round to 
that principle of toleration through which the difficulties of the 

Tan. x8. time ultimately received their solution ; but even if 
nado^nScT' ^he Houses had been at all ready to accept his pro- 
the Queen, posal, his diplomacy was too crooked to achieve 
success. "For Ireland and the militia," he wrote to the 
Queen, " it is true that it may be I give them leave to hope 
for more than I intended, but my words are only to * endeavour 
to give them satisfaction in either.' . . . Now, as to the fruits 
which I expected by my treaty at London. Knowing assuredly 
the great animosity which is betwixt the Independents and 
Presbyterians, I had great reason to hope that one of the 
factions would so address themselves to me that I might with- 
out difficulty obtain my so just ends, and questionless it would 
have given me the fittest opportunity for considering the Scots' 
treaty that would be ; besides, I might have found means to 
have put distractions among them, though I have found 
none." ^ 

Charles's method of proceeding had been condemned in 
advance by Montreuil. On the 15th the Frenchman had 

Jan. 15. warned him not to play with the Scots. They would 
remo'il^"** ' be content, he wrote, with nothing short of the three 
stiancc propositions of Uxbridge, implying the establishment 
of Presbyterianism, the abandonment of Ireland, and the 

1 The KiDg to the Speaker of the House of Lords, Jan. 15. Z./. 
viii. 103. 

« The King to the Queen, Jan. 18. Charles L in 1646, 11, 



28 A DIPLOMATIC TANGLE. CH. xxxviil. 

appointment of Parliamentary commissioners permatiently to 
control the militia, with the assistance of Scottish commis- 
sioners not exceeding a third part of their number. As for 
Charles's expectation that the Scots would quarrel with the 
English because their Presbyterian ism was too Erastian, Mont- 
reuil besought him to put that notion aside. Both the Scots 
and the City had already expressed their approbation of the 
system adopted by Pariiament, and Charles's only chance of 
safety lay in his acceptance of that which had been adopted at 
Westminster.' 

The Scottish laity wanted, in short, to be assured that 
England would be governed by persons whom they could 
The lanpcT trost, not that its Church should assume the exact 
aiid'of^ihe"' f'"''" which might satisfy Henderson or Baillie. 
ciiy. Presbyterian as the City was, it was quite content 

with Parliamentary Presbyterian ism, and was not likely to 
quarrel with the House of Commons in order to set Epi- 
. scopacy on its feet again. In a petition presented to 

TheCiii- the House of Commons on the 15th, the City de- 
ugaiosi clared against any sort of toleration. The existing 
lomti™. ^^^^ ^j. jjjjugg ^^g declared to be unbearable. 
Private meetings for religious worship were constantly held. 
In one parish there were as many as eleven. Godly ministers 
were evil spoken of, and their discipline was compared to that 
of the prelates. Women and other ignorant persons were 
allowed to preach. Superstition, heresy, and profaneness were 
increasing. Families were divided and God was dishonoured. 
The Commons, Independent on questions of policy, but Pres- 
byterian on questions of religion, heard and approved.' It 
was evident that Charles had addressed himself to the wrong 
persons in seeking Presbyterian support for a scheme of tolera- 
tionist Episcopacy. 

' Montreiiil to the King, Jan. 15. Ctar. St. P. ii. III. 

' Petition of Ihc City. L.J. vm. 104. Though the cleciLons of the 
preceding December had undoubtedly strengthened the anli-tolerationisls, 
[hey had made no thorough change in the predominant party in the 
City, as the November petitions (see p. 11) had been couched in similar 



1646 A SECRET DISCLOSED. 29 

On the 1 6th the King's proposal for a religious compromise 
Jan. 16. was read in the Houses. It was nearly certain to 
proj)^^* be rejected in any case; but on the same day news 
'^**- arrived which seemed to make all further negotiation 

with the King impossible. The secret of Glamorgan's mission 
was at last disclosed. 



30 



CHAPTER XXXIX. 

GLAMORGAN AND RINUCCINI IN IRELAND. 

Early in August Glamorgan landed in Dublin. He came, 
there can be little doubt, to smooth away the difficulties in the 
1645- way of Ormond's negotiation, and to induce the 
Git^o™ Confederates to content themselves with the repeal 
in Ireland, of the pcnal laws, instead of asking for the additional 
repeal of the statutes which threw obstacles in tlie way of the 
exercise of Papal jurisdiction in Ireland. When Glamorgan 
arrived he found the situation greatly changed. It is possible 
that Charles's unwise instruction to Ormond to keep back the 
secret of the permission given him to promise the repeal of the 
penal laws ^ had weakened the hands of the moderate party at 
Kilkenny. At all events, the Irish clergy were already asking 
for much more than that On May 31 they had 
The Irish* pronounccd emphatically against any peace which 
to^'ISn^on^ did not leave in their hands all the churches at that 
the churches, ^j^^ ^^ ^j^^-^. pQgsession, and by implication all the 

property of those churches as well, a concession which would 
have surrendered to them almost all the ecclesiastical property 
existing in Ireland. On June 9 the General As- 
Concurrence sembly exprcsscd its concurrence with this resolu- 
rai A^ssem- tion, with some formal modifications, and when on 
^^^' the 13th the Agents of the Confederates received 

June 19. authority to reopen the negotiation with Ormond, 
of negotia- they Carried with them instructions to stand firm on 
this point, as well as on that of the absolute libera- 
tion of the Catholics from all ecclesiastical jurisdiction except 

* See vol. iL p. 1 74. 



i645 ^ FRUITLESS NEGOTIATION. 31 

that derived from the Pope.* The negotiations were reopened 
on the 19th, and were carried on at Dublin during the follow- 
ing weeks. 

To the Confederates peace was in every way desirable. In 

the middle of July it was known in Dublin that Monro with 

July. the Scots and their English allies had pressed on 

Kwmed. through Ulster, had stormed Sligo on the 8th, and 

March x ^^^ massacrcd not only the Irish garrison, but the 

Surrender womcn and Children as well.* It was true that in 

of Duncan- 

non. the South the fort of Duncannon, important from its 

Castiehaven Command of the entrance to the harbour of Water- 

unster. ^^^.^^ j^^ ^^^^ rcduced by Preston on March 19,' 

and that Lord Castiehaven, at the head of 5,000 foot and 800 
horse, had been subsequently carrying on a successful cam- 
Financial P^ign in Munster.* Castiehaven, however, was 
distress. calling aloud for money, and money was hard to 
find. It was, indeed, known that, though the mission of 
Sellings had failed,^ Rinuccini, when he arrived, would bring 
with him a certain amount of supplies, but, unless he arrived 
soon, it would be difficult to hold out. 

Dangerous as their situation was, the Irish Agents refused 
to give way on the two points now at issue. With them it was 
A fruitless a point of honour not to surrender churches which 
negotiauon. j^^^^ already been restored to Catholic worship, and, 
though Ormond asserted that the King demanded no more 
than a theoretical acknowledgment of his jurisdiction, he was 
reminded that the Protestant clergy put forward a practical 
claim to the power of the keys, carrying with it the right of 
excommunication and absolution, a right the exercise of which 
was followed by civil consequences.^ Nor was it likely to 

> Lord Leicester's MS, fol. 688-7o8b. 

» Scarampi to , July 14, Ibid, fol. 708b ; Captain Dillon to Sir 

Ulick Bourke, Carte MSS, xv. fol. 238. 

» Examinations on the siege of Duncannon Fort Gilbert's Hist, of 
the Irish Confederation^ iv. 210. 

* Castiehaven to the Supreme Council, June 17; Castiehaven to the 
Mayor of Limerick, June 17. Ibid, iv. 281, 286. ' See p. 13. 

• Negotiations in Gflbert's Hist, of the Irish Confederation^ iv. 289, 
309. See also Carte MSS, xv. fol. 198-315. 




L 



GLAMORGAN AND RINUCCINT. CH. XXXIX. 
conduce to the success of the negotiation that Ormond, con- 
ceiving himself still bound by the King's instructions, persisted 
in keeping secret Charles's readiness to assent to the repeal of 
the penal laws.' 

Under tliese circumstances Glamorgan, as long as he con- 
tinued to act in conformity with Ormond's wishes, could not 
possibly be of any service to his master. He waj 
Ciiunoigan-s Confronted with the difficulties of a situation for 
poiiuop. ^hi(.ij nothing in his instructions had prepared him. 
The question about the churches had arisen since he had had 
an opportunity of speaking with Charles, or even of receiving 
written directions from him. 

For some time Glamorgan did his best to tide over the 
difficulties. As !ong as he remained with Ormond, he kept 
within his instructions, consulting as opportunity 
odhenego- arose with the Lord Lieutenant. It was not, how- 
ever, long before he was called upon to act on his 
own judgment. There was to be a meeting of the General 
Assembly at Kilkenny on August 7, and the Agents of the 
Confederates left Dublin to attend it. In order that the thread 
of the negotiations might not be dropped, Glamorgan was 
Aug. II. directed to follow them, and on August 11 he set 
goeTio^liS- ''"* °" ^'^ journey, hoping that he might .succeed in 
keimy. itiducing the Confederates to abandon their preten- 

sions. The letter which be carried to them from Ormond 
commended him to their confidence in the warmest possible 
terms.' 

Of discussions between Glamorgan and the Confederates 
during the first fortnight of his visit to Kilkenny we have no 
GiamorgHn'i record, and the motives which determined his action 
diificuiiies. (.^j, Qjj]y j,g conjectured in the light of his sub- 
sequent proceedings. Vet it may safely be supposed that he 
was anxious to overcome the obstacle about the churches, and 
he may very well have reasoned with himself that it would be 
fit for him to spare the King by taking upon himself the 
responsibility of yielding. Though his instructions had im- 

■ Fitiwilliam to Digby, July 16. Ciilirt, iv., luiL 

' Ormond to Muskeiry, Aug. 11. Lard Leicesttr's MS. &>\. 717b. 



,1645 GLAMORGAN'S TREATY. 33 

plied that he was to place himself at Ormond's service,' he 
had, on the other hand, unlimited powers, and it can hardly 
be doing him wrong to hold that he thought very little of 
instructions which had been given him five months before 
under circumstances different from those which now embar- 
rassed him, 2 and very much of powers which authorised him 
to do almost anything he pleased. As a Catholic he would be 
little inclined to sympathise with Charles's scruples about the 
abandonment of churches which had once been in Protestant 
keeping, whilst he was most anxious to gather under his com- 
mand that Irish army which was to relieve his master from his 
difficulties in England, but of which not a man would ever be 
levied unless he could come to terms with the Confederates. 

If such thoughts passed through Glamorgan's mind, it is 
easy to understand the motives which induced him to sign on 
Aug. 25. August 25 a secret treaty with the Confederate 
sijfned'?y Catholics in virtue of the powers granted to him in 
Glamorgan, ^^e preceding March.^ In this treaty the grant of 
the free and public exercise of the Roman Catholic religion 
may perhaps be regarded as giving no more than Ormond was 
empowered to give, though in a more complete and definite 
manner. Two other concessions went far beyond anything to 
which Charles had consented. In the first place the Catholics 
were to enjoy all the churches which they had possessed at 
any time since the outbreak of the rebellion in Ulster, and all 
those — apparently those which were lying vacant in conse- 
quence of the war — * other than such as are now actually 
enjoyed by his Majesty's Protestant subjects.* In the second 
place all Roman Catholics were to be exempted from the 
jurisdiction of the Protestant clergy, and the Roman Catholic 
clergy were not to be molested * for the exercise of their juris- 
diction over their respective Catholic flocks in matters spiritual 

* See vol. ii. p. 166. 

' The power on which Glamorgan acted was that of March 12. See 
my article in 7^ English HistorUal Review for October 1887, to which 
I must again refer my readers for a more complete discussion of this 
question. 

• See vol. ii. p. 175. 

VOL. Ill, D 



34 GLAMORGAN AND RINUCCINL CH. xxxix. 

and ecclesiastical'* — a stipulation which left untouched the 
question how far the clergy themselves were subjected to the 
jurisdiction of the See of Rome. No doubt it was clearly 
stated that the jurisdiction of the clergy was to be confined to 
* matters spiritual and ecclesiastical,' but there must be some 
authority to decide where the border line between civil and 
spiritual cases was to be traced, and it is hardly likely in the 
existing circumstances in Ireland that this authority would 
have been allowed to rest with the crown. 

That Glamorgan had secret instructions from Charles, 
empowering him to act as he did, is a notion which may be 
HadGU- promptly dismissed. Charles had not heard of 
Sere?" the demand about the churches till after Glamorgan 
instructions? \^{^ England. His first reference to it is in a letter 
to Ormond on July 31, and his reception of the proposal was 
Tiot such as to give encouragement to Glamorgan's enterprise. 
Charles He was indeed ready to take one step in the 
aUowthe direction in which the Irish Confederates wished to 
Catholics to drag him, and to allow the Catholics to build 

build ^ ' , 

chapels. chapcls for their worship wherever they were m a 
decided majority, but he absolutely refused to allow them the 
enjoyment of the existing churches. " I will rather choose," 
he declared, " to suffer all extremity than ever abandon my 
religion." * There is always something arbitrary in the selection 
of a limit to concession, but that limit had now been reached 
by Charles. 

It may possibly be said that Charles merely intended to 
conceal his real intentions from Ormond, and it may be 
Was Charles acknowledged that if his refusal to abandon the 
Sincere . churches had been embodied in a proclamation or 
in a message to Parliament there would have been little reason 
to give credence to it. On the other hand, for Charles to use 
strong language on the subject to Ormond and at the same 
time to authorise Glamorgan to do that which was forbidden 
to Ormond would have been to pile up unnecessary difficulties 

> Cox, Hib, Anglicana, ii. XXVII. 

* The King to Ormond, July 31. Carte's Ormond^ vl 305. The 
original is in the possession of Mr. Alfred Morrison. 



i645 GLAMORGAN'S MOTIVES. 35 

against himself. Even if he had been unwilling to trust 
Ormond with his whole secret, if such a secret in reality ex- 
isted, he would at least have attempted to smooth the way for 
its subsequent revelation. 

The simplest explanation of the facts is here, as usual, 
undoubtedly the best. It was characteristic of Charles to 
shrink from the abandonment of the churches as equivalent to 
the abandonment of religion, and it was no less characteristic 
of Glamorgan to act on the spur of the moment, in accordance 
rather with his own wishes than with the wishes of his master. 
Contrast Ormoud in similar circumstances would have written 
Q^J^ for fresh instructions, but it may not unfairly be 
Sid"^'^*°* presumed that Glamorgan neglected even the in- 
Ormond. structious which he had already received, and fixed 
his eyes solely on his powers. He was not, as Ormond was, 
a man of one devotion. Chivalrously loyal to Charles, he was 
even more chivalrously loyal to his Church. To save Charles 
for the sake of the Church was the great ambition of his life, 
and there was nothing in his scheming, impulsive, and most 
indiscreet mind to make it improbable that he resolved to save 
the Church on her own terms, and Charles in spite of his petty 
hesitations. He doubtless hoped to purchase Charleses con- 
donation of his disobedience by the levy of 10,000 Irish sol- 
diers for his service, as Raleigh had once hoped to purchase 
from Charles's father the condonation of a ^similar act of dis- 
obedience by a sample of gold from Guiana. 

Strong as is the evidence derived from Glamorgan's cha- 
racter in favour of the view that he acted without Charles's 
Giamorjfan's knowledge, there exists evidence more conclusive 
defeasance, g^j^^ Qn the day after that on which he signed the 
main treaty he signed another document, which he called a 
defeasance, in which he declared that he had no intention of 
binding the King to any concession * other than he himself 
shall please, after he hath received these ten thousand men, 
being a pledge and testimony' of the loyalty of his Irish 
subjects. This defeasance was, however, to be kept secret 
even from Charles till Glamorgan had done everything in his 
power to induce him to accept the treaty, and had failed to 

i> 2 



36 GLAMORGAN AND RINUCCINL CH. xxxix. 

persuade him. Such a stipulation is the strongest possible 
evidence that Charles had yet to be converted — partly, it 
would seem, by the presence of 10,000 Irish soldiers in Eng- 
land — to Glamorgan's views on the point at issue. ^ 

It was hardly within the bounds of possibility that Gla- 
morgan's action should prove beneficial either to his master or 
f *^ ^^ ^"^^ people ; but he was surely right in 
Glamorgan's thinking that if a military alliance was to be formed 
compact. ^^j^j^ ^^ Confederates, it could only be by the 

acceptance of their own terms. It was childish to expect to 
gain the hearty co-operation of the Irish if their Church was 
to be maintained in the position of a merely tolerated sect, 
the organisation of which was in constant danger of a sudden 
application of the Statutes of Appeals and Praemunire ; and if 
the ecclesiastical lands and buildings set apart for religious 
use by their ancestors, and now recovered after a deprivation 
of less than a century, were to be forcibly torn from them, and 
restored to the professors of an alien creed from whom they 
had nothing but persecution to expect. 

As Glamorgan, at all events, had still to force the hand of 
Charles, he could not venture to mention what had been done 
until he could emphasise his words by his appearance in 
England at the head of an Irish army. Whether such an 
army would really be entrusted to him might reasonably be 
doubted^ It was significant that Scarampi looked 
distrusts on him with grave suspicion, holding that the powers 
G amorgan. ^^j^j^j^g^j ^y j^jj^j ^jj^j ^^^ gj^g j^jj^ Sufficient autho- 
rity to conclude the treaty, and that Charles, if he were so 
minded, would have no difficulty in disavowing his agent.* It 
^ had indeed been arranged that the negotiation with 

Thenegotia- , i , i i • « . 

tion with Ormond should be contmued, m the hope that he 
be carried might be induccd to make the required concessions 
*°* in a regular way, and it is not unlikely that Gla- 

morgan at first thought it possible to carry Ormond with him. 
The Supreme Council proceeded at once to test the value 

> Cox, Hib. Angiicana, ii. App. XXVII. 



1645 AN IRISH CONTINGENT. 37 

of the new alliance which they had formed. On August 2g 
^^ ^ they proposed to combine their forces with those of 
The Ormond against the Scots in the North.* Finding 

Council that Ormond made no response, they betook them- 
forees\o selves to Glamorgan. Glamorgan could not press 
Ormond. Qrmond to consent to the junction of forces, but on 
gS^o' an September 9 he assured him that the General As- 
»sassured sembly had agreed to give the 10,000 men of which 
take an army SO much had been said, for service in England, and 
^^ ' that it was now proposed to resume the negotiation 
in Dublin. The Confederates, he added, hoped that Ormond 
would yield as much as possible, and would leave them to 
appeal to the King for the rest. Glamorgan had, in short, 
induced the Confederates to believe that they would get all 
that they wanted from Charles, and they were consequently 
ready to accept from Ormond such an instalment of their 
demands as he thought fit to give. To prevent Ormond from 
becoming aware of the real state of the case, Glamorgan pro- 
fessed entire ignorance of the requests which would now be 
made by the Agents of the Supreme Council. ^ 

For two months the discussion between Ormond and the 

Irish Agents was kept up in Dublin. Though 

A useless ' Ormond was strongly urged to give way on points 

negotiation, j-^j^^jj^g ^^ religion, he refused to go a single inch 

beyond his instructions.^ 

On November 20 Glamorgan, after visiting Dublin to take 

part in the debates, returned to Kilkenny. He found that the 

Nov 20. resolutions of the Confederates were shaping them- 

Agreement sclvcs according to his wishes. The Supreme 

between _^ 

Glamorgan Council agreed that, if Ormond refused to concede 
Supreme 1 he articlcs relating to religion, the political ones 
Counai. should be published alone, whilst those which had 
been agreed on with Glamorgan should be kept secret till they 
had received Charles's approval. They further promised that 

' The Supreme Council to Ormond, Aug. 29. CarU MSS, xv. fol. 
526. 

'' Glamorgan to Ormond, Sept. 9. Carte MSS. xv. fol. 580. 
■ See the Carlg MSS, passim from September to November. 



38 GLAMORGAN AND RINUCCINI. CH. XXXI3L 

the army of 10,000 men should be despatched under Gla- 
morgan's command without waiting for the King's acceptance 
of these articles. After he had landed with them— so 
Glamorgan assured the Supreme Council upon oath — ^not 
only would he make no use of them till the King's consent 
had been given, but, in the event of a refusal, he would either 

compel him to assent by force of arms or would 
be forced or bring the whole force back to Ireland.* In writing 

to Ormond Glamorgan not only gave no hint of this 
secret negotiation, but assured him with the most fulsome 
expressions of devotion that he was but carrying out the 
directions which he had received at Dublin. His precipitate 
zeal to effect Charles's objects in Ireland was already trans- 
forming itself into an eager desire to impose upon Charles by 
force of arms concessions which he was never likely voluntarily 
to make.* 

By this time Glamorgan had to count on another power in 
Ireland besides that of the Supreme Council. A new actor 
Oct. XX. bad appeared on the stage. On October 1 1 Rinuc- 
Riliu5:in[ ^^^^» ^^^ Papal Nuncio,' landed at Kenmare.* On 
atKenmare, Novembcr 12 he cntcrcd Kilkenny amidst the 
andfat* *** applauscs of a shouting throng.* On his journey he 
Kilkenny. j|ad been struck by the hardihood and activity of 

JlS^Snson ^^® ^^^ ^^^ W ^^^ beauty and modesty of the 
the journey, womeu. The fccundity of the latter struck him with 
amazement There were married couples, he related with 

* *< II quale si h obligato di piii con suo giuramento avanti il CTonsiglio 
Supremo, che egli non imbarazzedi la soldatesca predetta in alcuna fazione, 
prima che il 'Rh ratifichi ; e quando non lo volesse fare, che ^li lo con- 
stringer^ con quelle forze, o vero rimetterk neir Ibernia tutti i I0,ooo 
soldati." — Rinuccini to Panfilio, Dec. 23. Nunziaiura, 76. 

''' Glamorgan to Ormond, Nov. 28. Carte MSS, xvi. fol. 264. 

• See p. 13. 

* Rinuccini to Panfilio, Oct. ||. Nunziatura^ 63. This letter is dated 
Oct. 25, 'stile nuovo d'Ibernia,* which is unintelligible. In the Latin 
translation in Lord I^icester^s MS, we have * stylo novo, nam imposterum 
ad alterum, quo in hac patria utuntur, me semper accommodabo,' aa 
indication useful in dating subsequent letters. 

• Numiatura, 68-71 ; L^rd Leicester^ s MS,, fol. 93, 1^026. 



1645 RINUCCINPS ATTITUDE. 39 

surprise, which were blessed with no less than thirty children 
still living, whilst families of fifteen or twenty were — so at least 
he had been told— of common occurrence.^ 

Glamorgan's first impression of the Nuncio was that he 
would throw no obstacles in his way. " Before Sunday night,** 
Nov. 28. he wrote to the Lord Lieutenant on the 28th, "1 am 
S!^to?"** morally certain a total assent from the Nuncio shall 
tions. be declared to the propositions for peace, and in the 

very way your Lordship prescribes." ^ The approbation of the 
Rinuccini's Nuncio was not so easily gained. He brought with 
^3'^**' him a firm will, an exclusive devotion to the interests 
position. of his Church, coupled with a disability to enter into 
the feelings with which even Catholic laymen regarded ques- 
tions in which both ecclesiastical and political interests were 
involved. He held in contempt all projects aiming at the em- 
ployment of the resources of a Catholic country to buttress 
up the tottering throne of an heretical king. As he brought 
with him a considerable sum of money, as well as a large store 
of arms and munitions, he was able to speak with even more 
authority than he could derive simply from his position as 
representative of the Pope. 

Rinuccini was not long in discovering that a large number 
of the influential members of the Supreme Council were 
Rinuccini attached to Ormond by ties of affinity or dependence* 
Supreme ^^^ ^^ ^^ once held them in suspicion as lukewarm 
Council defenders of the cause confided to their keeping. 
He distrusted too the natural desire of wealthy landowners to 
regain peace, and thus to preserve their estates, though at some 
sacrifice of the claims of religion ; and he was easily convinced 
that such men would shrink from continued suffering in vindi- 
cation of the full privileges which he demanded for the Church, 
and would not take it much to heart if she were even forced 
to content herself with the clandestine celebration of her 
rites. 

Rinuccini was the more ready to take alarm as he had 
reason to believe that the Agents of the Supreme Council were 

' Lord Leicester's MS, fol. 944. 

' Glamorgan to Ormond, Nov. 28. Carte MSS, xvi. fol. 264. 



40 GLAMORGAN AND RINUCCINL CH. XXXIX. 

at last on the point of coming to an agreement with Ormond 
on the basis of the acceptance by the Lx)rd Lieutenant of the 
AppKwch- political articles, whilst the religious articles were 
mfuMlith ^^ ^ reserved for Charles's own judgment — an ar- 
Ormond. rangemcnt which, as he firmly believed, would ulti- 
mately result in the entire abandonment of the religious ar- 
Rinuccini'i ticles. He therefore openly protested against the 
protect. course taken by the Supreme Council' His next 
step was to win over Glamorgan. The impressionable Eng- 
Dec. ao. Hshman became as wax in his hands, and on De- 
"tr'*'*"* cember 20 engaged on the King's behalf that, even 
Glamorgan, jf Qrmond acccptcd the political articles, they should 
not be published till the religious questions at issue had been 
settled by Charles's confirmation of the secret treaty which had 
been signed by Glamorgan on August 25, and that he would 
demand this confirmation as soon as he landed with his army 
on English soil. 

Even this engagement was not enough for Rinuccini. He 

drew Glamorgan on to expand his original promises into what 

^ can only be fitly described as a second treaty. The 

The Mcond — ,, ii.i ii, , 

Glamorgan Earl now undcrtooK, m the name and by the autho- 
trcaty. ^.^^ ^^ ^^ King, that Charles would bind himself 

never again to appoint a Protestant Lx)rd Lieutenant, would 
admit the Catholic bishops to their seats in the Irish Parlia- 
ment, would allow Catholic statutes to be drawn up for a 
Catholic university which was about to be founded, and would 
grant to the Catholics the churches and ecclesiastical revenues, 
not only in all places taken by the Confederates before the 
date on which the political articles were signed by Ormond, 
but also in those taken subsequently to that signature up to 
the confirmation of the treaty of August 25 by the King. 
Finally, Glamorgan promised that the Supreme Council should 
not be superseded in its jurisdiction till this confirmation had 
l)een given.*^ 

* The Nuncio's speech. Lord LtUester^s MS, fol. x,oo5b. 

* * Donee privatae concessiones ratae hal)eantur. ' This means, as far 
AS can be gathered from the use of 'privatae concessiones ' in the earlier 



1645 GLAMORGAN'S ARREST. 41 

Even if it were possible to entertain doubts about the first 
treaty, it is certain that this second one was not founded on 
Glamorgan's anything more explicit than the general powers 
motives. which Glamorgan possessed. It was drawn up by 
him on the spur of the moment, and is only to be explained 
by his intense eagerness to lead Irish troops to Charles's help. 
If Irish soldiers could effect anything but mischief in England, 
Chester in their presence was sadly needed now that Chester 
A^forceto ^^^ ^" imminent danger, and, in view of the incon- 
be given to yeniences which would rebult from the loss of a port 

Glamorgan '^ 

for its relief. SO important for the traffic with Ireland, the Supreme 
Council agreed to allow Glamorgan to take with him at once 
3,000 men as an advanced guard.* Yet Glamorgan could not 
embark a single man till he had procured Ormond's consent 
both to his own appointment to command this force, and to 
the arrangement by which the expected political 
GiamJr^an treaty was to be kept back for a time from publica- 
tion. With this object in view he set out for 
Dublin, and arrived in that city on December 24.^ 

Before two days were over Glamorgan's dazzling vision of 

his own triumphant intervention in England melted away. On 

Dec. 26. the 26th he was summoned before Ormond and the 

S^te^ Privy Council at the demand of Digby, who had 

Oct. 17. recently reached Dublin from the Isle of Man.^ On 

S«igS?2 October 17 the Scottish garrison of Sligo had made 

light. a sally, in which the Catholic Archbishop of Tuam 

was killed.* On his person was found a copy of Glamorgan's 

original treaty, which after some time passed into Ormond's 

. hands. Digby, who now saw the treaty for the first 

denounced time, raised his voice loudly in the council against 

^ ** ' Glamorgan. He was especially scandalised at the 

EarPs claim to have the King's authority for his engagements. 

part of the document, the treaty of August 25. See En^l. Hist, Review, 
Oct. 1887, p. 706. 

' Kinuccini to Panfilio, Dec. 23. Nunziatura, 75. 

* Lord Leicester's MS, fol. 1,033b ; Muskerry to Ormond, Jan. 3 ; 
Glamorgan to Ormond, Jan. 10, Carte MSS, xvi. fol. 380, 409. 

* See vol. ii. p. 371. * Rushw, vi. 239. 



4f CIMMOftGAX ASD EINUCCIXL chl xzznL 

'tUti m&\fe^jf de^dsatd the Sc uctiii, *mma^ be other 
Prttf(fi4 m mftef^Momfy puotd/ as k was certain tbat the 
1iit)% wffM m^tt g^amt to the Irish 'the kart piece of con- 
^.^^^m M» d^Mructsift to his reff^Htj and idigionL' The Coon- 
^ dl toci4 tip the note^ and dedaicd die treaty ' to 
J^v import DO less than absdote gning tip the Kii^s 

ec;^.iesfastieal stipreroacy within this kingidom, and in 
1^ of itf inirtfdudtm the fulness of papal power of vast prcju- 
Aks to all the Protestant clergy, and that not only to their 
Uiim fU^n in point at subsistence, but also to the absolute 

^ . taking away of their churches and ecclesiastical es- 

,pJ****' ^ Mit»t possessions, rights, interests, jurisdiction, and 

fj^^M ut grivemmcmt' On these grounds the Council com- 

^ mitU;d (Glamorgan to prison, and referred the whole 

ttiAiUi' to th« King.' 

On jAnuary t6, before the despatches of the Irish Council 
fm^Mifd ChAfloSf copies of the incriminating documents had 
hH- f(f. I^Jcn received at Westminster, having been for- 
IHM fiiSi'y*'' WArdc?d by some commissioners who had been sent 
WmT**** '^y l*ttrllftmcnt to Ulster to watch over English in- 
Him'^h \pTi$m In the North of Ireland. The Commons at 
(jiHi^ Mrd^r^d them to be sent to the press, together with the 
\v^\mik whli^h hA(l been captured at Sherbum.^ Some motives, 
iMiWt^v^r- prcjlmbly those of prudence— held back the House 
f\{m AltMwinit the latter documents to be printed in accordance 
yt\\\\ Ihtik order. And for the present the Glamorgan mystery 
i^\^\^^ WA» vinvetted to the public gaze. 

I)^ the Hi^u^e itself sharp words were spoken against the 
)H»riKm of the Ktng« They had» it was said, the example of 
^. w^tfvW ^^^^ l^arltATOents, and they knew how kings had 
J^SJ^ Im^W w^ by them in similar cases. At a meet- 
\\\^ held by four or five of the Independent leaders 
\\ w^si ri^Y^ \\> jiiv^ point to these words by agitating for 
^W Kin^Ni d^^>o^tk)4V When that had been effected, the 

^ \%\^X W NwM»»it J9k«k 4x ^^w^K vi »|0 ; Oraotood uadtbeCoQiicxl 



t646 CHARLES UNDER SUSPICION. 43 

Prince of Wales was to be declared an enemy of the State, and 
the Duke of York summoned to present himself at Westmin* 
ster. In the* probable case of his refusal the little Duke of 
Gloucester was to be crowned, and Northumberland declared 
Lord Protector of the realm.* 

It may seem strange, after all that had passed, that the 
Houses made no reply to an angry letter received on the 19th 
Charles asks ^"^ovck the Kiug,^ in which he demanded an imme- 
forarepiy. ^iatc answer to his last communication.^ Their 
silence was, perhaps, due to their wish to know their whole 
peril before further negotiation was attempted. It was not only 
from Ireland that they were threatened with danger. During 
Reports ^'^ ^st wccks of the year the reports which the 
from Fiance. Committee of Both Kingdoms derived from their 
agents in Paris, Robert Wright and Sir George Gerard, had 
been reassuring. The Queen, they were told, had been doing 
all that was in her power to engage the French court to assist 
her husband, but it did not appear likely that as long as the 
war with the House of Austria lasted the Queen-Regent would 
be in a position to give serious aid. Mazarin would no doubt 

* *< £t ce qui n'est pas nioins secret qu*il est estrange que quatre oa 
cinq des chefs des Independants s'etant assembles vendredi dernier, ils 
arresterent qu'il falloit travailler promtement k la deposition du Roy de 
la Grande Bretagne, k quoy les lettres qu'ils avoyent de luy et sa decla- 
ration en faveur des Catholiques d*Irlande qui avoit et^ lue le mesme jour 
au Parlement donneraient assez de sujet qu'on declarcroit le Prince de 
Galles enemy de TEstat apr^s le refus qu'il auroit fait de poser les armes, 
qu*on sommeroit le Due d'York de venir au Parlement, et que n'aiant pas 
voulu obeir, on couronneroit le petit Due de Glocester et on feroit le 
Comte de Northumberland protecteur de ce Royaume. 

*< Ce mesme jour diverses choses furent dittes dans la maison basse du 
Parlement qui ne s'^loignoient pas bien fort de cela, puisqu'il y en eut un 
qui remontra sur le sujet de cette declaration en faveur des Catholiques 
d'Irlande qu^ls avoient les examples des precedens parlemens, et qu'ils 
s9avoient comme on en avoit us^ envers d'autres Roys d*Angleterre dans 
de semblables rencontres. " — Montreuil to Mazarin, fjjjy . Arch* (Us, Aff. 
Etrangires, lii. fol. 81. 

* The King to the Houses, Jan. 17. L,J, viii. loSi 
' See p. 29. 



44 GLAMORGAN AND RINUCCINL CH. xxxix. 

do his best to weaken England by a prolongation of the civil 
war, but this at least was no revelation at Westminster.* 

On January 17, however, far more startling news reached 

the Committee. Sir Kenelm Digby had returned to Paris 

upon the completion of his negotiation with the Pope. 

TheOueen In the Quccn's name— so much at least had oozed 

by the* out — he had eneaered that Charles should abolish 

French 

clergy. the pcnal statutes in England as well as in Ireland. 
Sir Kenelm ^^ conscqucnce of the hopes thus raised, an assem- 
S»^^* bly of the French clergy, which was then in session, 
had offered 1,500,000 francs, or about 150,000/., for 
the French the expenscs of an expedition which on the lowest 
^ ^'^^' computation was to consist of 5,000 foot and 2,000 
horse, and was to be placed under the command of the Duke 
of Bouillon. Emery, a Frenchman of Italian origin, who had 
risen under Mazarin to be comptroller-general of finance, and 
who for the most part employed his ingenuity in contriving 
fresh means of wringing money out of the poor for the benefit of 
the treasury,^ now posed as an enthusiastic devotee, and be- 
came the Queen's principal adviser in the matter. It was even 
The said that Henrietta Maria had offered to pledge the 

SaJJdJ\o Channel Islands and some towns in the West of 
be pledged. England to those who would now come to her help. 
^*niai ^^^ ^^^ further hoping to get possession of her son, 
schemes. the Princc of Walcs, and thinking of abandoning her 
project of marrying him to the daughter of the Prince of 
Orange,^ in the hope of securing for him the hand of her niece, 
the daughter of the Duke of Orleans. The young lady, after- 
wards known as the Great Mademoiselle, was three years older 
than the Prince, but she would be one of the wealthiest brides 
in Europe.* 

» Wright to St. John, Nov. || ; N. N., i.e. Sir G. Gerard, to S. G., 

^i^;.?» ^iS:?> ^«««^'' ^^'S' 1^- fol- 339, 342, 344. 

* See Nouvelk Biogr, GiniraU^ s, v, Particelli. 

* The negotiation with the Prince of Orange was finally broken off in 
the following April, Goffe |o the Prince of Orange, April 9. Groen. van 
Ptinsterery iv. 152. 

* N. N. to S. G. Jan. ^®g. News from France read in the House, 



1646 THE SCOTS UNDER SUSPICION. 45 

This intelligence, alarming as it was, fitted in too well with 
the news from Ireland to cause much surprise. Far more sur- 
The s • prising was the revelation contained in other letters 
treaty re- from Wright, that the Scottish commissioners were 

vealed. 

treating through Will Murray with the Queen, and 
that they were ready, under certain conditions, to direct their 
army to * do no service before Newark.' Though it is certain 
that the Scots were aiming at the establishment of Presby- 
terianism and not at the establishment of the Papal Church in 
England, their junction with the Queen and Mazarin, at a time 
when the forces of Papal France and Papal Ireland were 
sharpening all their weapons against England, may well have 
seemed to Englishmen to be treason of the deepest dye. The 

Scots at once perceived how the accusation was telling 
Protestor against them, and with unblushing effrontery they 

publicly declared that the charges were absolutely 
false from beginning to end. They then, with every expres- 
sion of injured innocence, called on the English Parliament to 
produce its informants in order tlftit they might be compelled 
to answer for their calumnies.* The House of Commons was 
Jan. 29. not so easily misled. On the 29th it voted that the 
the^com- Hiembers of the Committee of Both Kingdoms who 
mons. had supplied the information had done no more 

than their duty, and directed the preparation of an answer to 
the Scottish protest.^ 

Charles's disavowals were made in a different style, though 
at the bottom they were no less false. He was accustomed to 

strive to give as much as possible the semblance of 
disavows truth to what was in itself untrue. He now, writing 
morgan, ^^^^ Oxford on the 29th, after he had had know- 
ledge of the publication of Glamorgan's treaty, assured the 
Houses : — 

Jan. 29. Tanner MSS» Ix. fol. 362. Other letters from France, read on 
the 29th, were before the Committee on the 17th, and I have therefore 
supposed this to have been read there with them ; but the date is of no 
consequence. 

* The Scottish commissioners to the Speaker of the House of Lords, 
Jan. 24. Z.y, viii. 122. * C./. iv. 421. 



46 GLAMORGAN AND RINUCCINL CH. xxxix 

'' That the Earl of Glamorgan, having made offer unto him 
to raise forces in the kingdom of Ireland, and to conduct them 
into England for' his Majesty's service, had a commission to 
that purpose, and to that purpose only. 

" That he had no commission at all to treat of anything 
else without the privity and directions of the Lord Lieutenant, 
much less to capitulate anything concerning religion, or any 
propriety * belonging either to Church or laity." 

It can be no matter of surprise that Charles should have 

acknowledged what he could not help acknowledging, and 

^ ^ should have sought to cast a discreet veil over that 

and offers ° 

to abandon which could yet be concealed. His really unpardon- 
able fault was that, after engaging in such a negotia- 
tion with the Irish Catholics, he should now have announced 
his 'resolution of leaving the managing of the business of Ire- 
land wholly to the Houses, and to make no peace there but 
with their consent.' * What sort of peace the Houses would 
establish in Ireland he knew full well. Rinuccini had looked 
into his heart and had estimated his motives to more purpose 
than Glamorgan. 

No wonder that the Houses declared themselves dissatis- 
fied. There was a talk of sending to the King a copy of the 

Feb. s. warrant on which Glamorgan had rested his authority, 
CoSunons ^"^ which, together with the treaty founded on it, had 
dissattfied. fallen into the hands of the Scots when the Arch- 
bishop of Tuam was slain ; ^ but in the end the proposal was 
allowed to drop, probably because those who made it felt that 
it was useless to continue the altercation. 

To Ormond Charles could not venture to prevaricate on 
the subject of Glamorgan's commission. He could not say to 

Jan. 30. bini, as he had said to the Houses, that he had given 
S'^^Sito ^^^^ ^^ authority to treat without the Lord Lieu- 
Ormond, tenant's privity, but he was able to say, what in all 
probability was strictly true, that his intention had never been 
that Glamorgan should treat without Ormond's approbation, 

* A.#. property. « Z./. viii. 132. 

• CJ, iv. 426. 



1646 A LAME EXPLANATION. 47 

much less without his knowledge.* In a public despatch to 
the Irish Council he allowed himself to cast doubts upon the 
genuineness of his warrant to Glamorgan * by speak- 
but throws ing of it as a credential which he might possibly have 
the **° given, whilst he permitted Nicholas at the same 
genumeness ^j^^ ^^ ^^ attention to its dcfects as an official 

*'**™"*' document "Your Lordships,'' concluded the Secre- 
tary, " cannot but judge it to be at least surreptitiously gotten, 
if not worse ; for his Majesty saith he remembers it not." ' 

Whatever he may have been to others Charles was always 
perfectly truthful in his letters to his wife. " It is taken for 
„ granted," he wrote to her, " the Lord of Glamorgan 

plains to neither counterfeited my hand, nor that I have 

e gueen. ^j^jj^g^ ^Avci more than for not following his instruc- 
tions." * This may perhaps be accepted as the final verdict of 
history on the subject. 

It remained to be seen how Glamorgan would take his dis- 
avowal. It struck heavily on the ears of his aged father. " It 

' , was the grief of his heart," complained Worcester to 

Worcester one who reached Raglan with a comforting message 
of hw^n% from Charles, " that he was enforced to say that the 
tmen. King was wavering and fickle, and that at his 
Majesty's last being there he lent him a book to read" — • 
Gower's Confessio Amantis^ — "the beginning of which he 

* The King to Onnond, Jan. 30. Carte's Ormonde v. 16. 
' The one of March 12 is alwa3rs intended. 

* The King to the Irish Council, Jan. 31 ; Nicholas to the Irish 
Council, Jan. 31. Carte's Ormonde vi. 347, 349. 

* The King to the Queen, March 22. Charles I. in 1646, 28. 

' That the book was Gower's appears from Bayly's Golden Apo^ 
pkihegms, p. 5. E. 184, 3. The lines referred to are, I suppose, those 
near the end of the Confessio Amantis (ed. Pauli), iii. 381 :— 

•* So were it good, that he" {i.e, the King) "therefore 
First unto right wisnesse entend, 
Wherof that he himself amende 
Toward his God and leve vice. 
Which is the chefe of his office. 
And after all the remenaunt 
He shall upon his covenaunt 



48 GLAMORGAN AND RINUCCINL CH. xxxix. 

knows he read, but if he had ended it, it would have showed 
him what it was to be a fickle prince ; for was it not enough 
.... to suffer .... the Lord of Glamorgan to be unjustly 
imprisoned by the Lord Marquis of Ormond for what he had 
his Majesty's authority for, but that the King must in print 
protest against his proceedings, and his own allowance, and not 
yet recall it ; but I will pray for him, and that he may be the 
more constant to his friends." ^ 

However harshly Charles's conduct may be judged, he at 
least did not make a scapegoat of Glamorgan as Elizabeth did 
ciiamorgan of Davison. In his public despatch, indeed, he 
ierbusiy^ directed that the charge against him should be dili- 
prosecuted. gently prosecuted,* but in a private letter to Ormond 
he ordered that the execution of the sentence should be sus- 
pended till his pleasure was known. Glamorgan, he added, 
had sinned through misguided zeal rather than from malice.^ 
To Glamorgan himself he declared his whole mind. 
Charles * «* I must clcarly tell you," he wrote on February 3, 
SfMs " " both you and I have been abused in this business, 
favour. j^^ y^^ \i^st. bccn drawn to consent to conditions 
n\uch beyond your instructions, and your treaty hath been 
divulged to all the world. If you had advised with my Lord 
Lieutenant, as you promised me, all this had been helped ; but 
we must look forward. Wherefore, in a word, I have com- 
manded as much favour to be shown to you as may possibly 
stand with tny service or safety ; and if you will trust my ad- 
vice, which 1 have commanded Digby to give you freely, I will 
1)1 itig you so off that you may be still useful to me, and I shall 
be ttl)le to recottii>cnBe you for your affliction." * 

(Jovetnc nnd lede in such a ^nse 
^o (hut there be no tirannise, 
Whenvf that he his people greve. 
Or f^llfn may he nought achcvc 
1'tiftl lonueth to his rcgalie." 

' NfltrAtlvr rtf Allrtrt WfM»*li*t*, Cm^ MSS, xxx, 307. 

• Ihf Klnn in <)tmtni«< «m< the Irish Council, Jan. 31. Carte's 

• Thr Kltin trt Otm»mt1, )ftn. %^ /htW. v. 16. 

• 1'hf Kinn tt) Ul«mr»rgan, ^eb» 3» iMnks, 134. 



1646 MISSION OF SIR K, DIGBY. 49 

Before these lines were written Glamorgan had regained his 
freedom. He had made strong representations to Ormond 

fan. 21. that the continuance of his imprisonment would be 
uUrat3f° of the greatest disservice to the King, and on Janu- 

jan. 84. ary 2 1 he was liberated on bail.^ On the 24th he was 
at Ictr*^** once more at Kilkenny, urging the Supreme Coun- 
kcnny. cil to push OH the political treaty with Ormond on 
which all parties were agreed, and to give him in all haste the 

- 3,000 men needed for the relief of Chester. On the 

The Su- 20th he was able to announce to Ormond that as to 

preme 

Council his first request, the Council was only waiting for 
Jdi^*** the meeting of the General Assembly to be empow- 
chester. ^^^^ ^^ -^ ^^ conclude pcace, and that, as to the 

second, the men would be ready to sail at a day's notice as 
soon as the treaty had been signed.* 

Meanwhile the Nuncio's doubts of the solidity of a peace 
concluded by anyone professing to act by the King's authority 
Attitude of bad been intensified by Digby's denunciation of 
the Nuncio. Glamorgan. It now seemed that the Earl, by acting 
as intermediary between Ormond and the Supreme Council, 
had basely deserted his alliance with himself, and might even 
be expected, if only he could receive the regiments which he 
needed, to treat a merely political undertaking as a sufficient 
satisfaction of the whole of the demands of Ireland.* Rinuccini 
was the more anxious to hinder any understanding with 
„ . Ormond, as before the end of January * he received 

He receives ' i • t i j l 

the articles from Romc a copy of articles which had been pre- 
between" sentcd to Sir Kenelm Digby in the Pope's name, 
Md sSIl and he had thus learnt that the Queen's representa- 
Digby. ^jyg Yis^^ consented to terms which went far beyond 
not only anything that Ormond, but even anything that Gla- 
morgan, had hitherto been prepared to concede. 

The articles brought from Rome by Sir Kenelm were even 

* Glamorgan to Ormond, Jan. 10, 20 ; Act of G)uncil, Jan. 21. Carte 
MSS. XV. fol. 409, 449, 455. 

* Glamorgan to Ormond, Jan. 29. Carte MSS. fol. 465. 

* Lord Leicester's MS, fol. 1,042. 

* Ibid, fol. i,os6b. 

VOL. III. E 



50 GLAMORGAN AND RINUCCINL CH. xxxix. 

more trenchant than had appeared by the warning lately con- 
Naturcof ^^X^^ ^^ ^^ Enghsh Parliament* Not merely was 
these entire liberty of the Catholic worship and a com- 

pletely independent parliament to be granted to 
Ireland, but Dublin and all other Irish fortresses still garrisoned 
by the King's troops were to be placed immediately in the 
hands of Irish, or at least of English Catholics, whilst the 
King's forces were to join the Confederates in chasing the Scots 
and the Parliamentary English out of the country. As soon as 
this was done, and any additional demands which might seem 
desirable to the Nuncio had been granted, the Pope would pay 
to the Queen 100,000 crowns, or about 36,000/. * of English 
money. The remaining articles concerned England In that 
country the King was to revoke all laws affecting the Catholics, 
placing them on complete equality with his Protestant subjects. 
At the next Parliament the change thus made was to be con- 
firmed, and in the meanwhile the Supreme Council was to 
send into England a body of 12,000 foot under Irish oflficers, 
to be supported upon its landing by 3,000, or at least 2,500, 
English horse commanded by Catholics. As soon as the Irish 
landed in England the Pope would pay another 100,000 crowns, 
and the same payment would be continued during the two 
following years, if it appeared to be desirable.* Preposterous 
as these terms were, Rinuccini was, from his own point of 
view, perfectly right in adopting them. Nothing would make 
the Pope the master of Ireland which did not make him 
master of England as well 

In the General Assembly, as soon as it met, Rinuccini 
struggled hard for the postponement of any conclusion with 
Ormond until it was known whether Sir Kenelm*s articles were 
accepted or not Whatever difficulty he had with the Irish, 
he had none with Glamorgan.^ With the instinct of a weak 

* See p. 44. 

' The exchange in 1638, as given in Lewis Roberts* Map of Commerce^ 
was 7 J. 3jdC for the Roman crown, making the sum 36,375/. 

' Articles, Nunziatura, 459. Further proposals for managing this 
army will be found at p. 154. 

* Lord LeUcstet^s MS, foL l,o6d. 



1646 GLAMORGAN AND ORMOND. 51 

and excitable nature, Glamorgan once more bowed before the 
Nuncio's strength of will, and recognising at once that in no 

Feb. 7. other way could he hope to obtain immediately the 
m^^^th^** 3,000 men who were to be sent in advance to the 
Jhe g?m1^ relief of Chester, on February 8 he adjured Ormond 
Assembly, to givc all contcnt to Rinuccini. "Certainly," he 

Feb. 8. wrote, after referring to * the expectance of a more 
appSa?to* advantageous peace wrought by the powerful hand 
Ormond. q{ her Majcsty,' " before I can put myself into a hand- 
some posture to serve the King, my master, by sea and land 
and in some kind to supply his Majesty's private purse, I think 
it will stand me in little less than 100,000/. within three 
months ; all which whence can I have it but out of Catholic 
countries ? And how cold I shall find Catholics bent to this 
service if the Pope be irritated, I humbly submit to your 
Excellency's better judgment. And here am I constrained . . . 
absolutely to profess not to be capable to do the King that 
service which he expects at my hands unless the Nuncio here 
be civilly complied with, and carried along with us in our 
proceedings." * 

Ormond's reply to this extraordinary letter was coolly 
sarcastic. After declaring his inability to understand what 
was meant by the advantageous peace to be ob- 
Ormond's' taincd by the Queen's intercession, he went on to 
"^ ^' define his own position. " My lord," he wrote, 

"my affections and interest are so tied to his Majesty's cause 
that it were madness in me to disgust any man that hath power 
and inclination to relieve him in the sad condition he is in ; 
and, therefore, your lordship may securely go on in the ways 
you have proposed to yourself to serve the King without fear 
of interruption from me, or so much as inquiring the means 
you work by. My commission is to treat with his Majesty's 
Confederate Catholic subjects here for a peace, upon condi- 
tions of honour and assistance to him and of advantage to 
them ; which, accordingly, I shall pursue to the best of my 

* Glamorgan to Orniond, Feb. 8. Carte MSS, xvi. fol. 502. 

E3 



S3 



GLAMORGAN AND niNUCCINT. ch. XXXIX. 



IheNi 



alcitl, but shall not venture upon any new negotiation foreign 
to the powers I have received." ' 

■Upon Glamorgan this dignified protest had no effect what- 
ever. On the i6th he surrendered himself body and soul lo 
Feb. is. *^^ Nuncio, swearing by all the saints that he would 
GLamortron obey every one of his commands and would never do 
anything contrary to his honour and good pleasure." 
Glamorgan's profession of unlimited obedience was 
accompanied by a compact between himself and the Nuncio on 
Compact the one part and the Supreme Council on the other, 
siprem* '" consequence of which the latter body agreed to 
CoukU. prolong the cessation till May i. So much time was 
to be allowed to the Nuncio to enable him to obtain the 
original articles which Sir Kenelm Digby had brought from 
Rome, signed and sealed by the Pope and the Queen, as the 
Supreme Council refused, upon the mere sight of a copy, to 
support the fresh demands upon Charles which they contained. 
He, on his part, engaged that if he failed to produce the docu- 
ment within the specified time, he would content himself with 
such terms as might be agreed on between Glamorgan and the 
King. In the meanwhile he waived his objection to the 
continuance of the Supreme Council's negotiations with Or- 
inond, on the understanding that nothing should be made 



\xs III"*' promitlo 
mperatis eine alia 
anc prolestalionein 
111™ el R"- non 



' Otmond to Glamotpin, Feb. II. Carte's Ornumd, v 

' "Ego Eduardas Glamorgan 
et juro me piomple obtempeialu 

reluctatione ex animo, et cum animi oblccUtiooe. El hi 
pecpeluam posilis genibus facia DominatlDni vestta: 1 
solum velut Papx miiiiatro ^tl eliam suas persorue lam insigni, el meamm 
in hoc pucisaimanim inlenllunum testes invoco Bealiiisiinain Virginem 
■ique otnnes Sinctos Paiadisi. Pcxlerea sincere spundeo me de[i[i] in 
onmibus quibus honoris sui inlersit fore aon aiimia BOllicituni nee minore 
cura ptocessumm quam circa memelipsum, nihilque me ipsi pioposiluram 
nisi quod eidem congmal nee commissurum, vel aliquid suo honori vel 
beneplacito contrarium fiat, sed conforme obligationi, qua tenear nunquam 
non esse "D.V. Ill" 



I 



I 



.■6+6. 



Benei 



Lard UUcsUr's MS, fol. 1,0531). 



usque ad 




1646 A SANGUINE NEGOTIATOR. 53 

public till the result of Glamorgan's negotiation with Charles 
vvas known, so that both treaties — the political one concluded 
with Ormond, and the religious one concluded with the King 
in person — might be published at the same time.* 

The immediate interest of the negotiation was thus trans- 
ferred to the Continent, and on the i8th Glamorgan, leaving 
Feb. x8. the conduct of the troops for Chester to others, and 
to*Sot?£l despatching his brother, Lord John Somerset, to 
Continent. England to urge Charles to compliance with the new 
terms, announced his intention of leaving Ireland for Rome in 
the hope of being able to induce the Pope to give his full 
support to the proposals already made by him to Sir Kenelm 
Digby. So certain was Glamorgan of being able to sway the 
resolution not only of the Pope but of the King as well, that 
though he had no fresh instructions from England, he referred 
Rinuccini to the powers which he had originally re- 
Giamorgan ceivcd from Charlcs as being sufficient to assure him 
*'**'^* that the royal ratification of these proposals could 
not possibly be refused.^ It is incredible that this third 
Glamorgan treaty,^ as we may fairly call it, emanated in any 
way from Charles. 

An agreement having been thus temporarily come to be- 
tween the Nuncio and the Supreme Council, it seemed as if 
there would be no further difficulties in the way of 

Feb. 34. ■' 

Troops to be the dcspatch of troops to Chester. On February 24 
sen over. Glamorgan was able to assure Ormond that not 
3,000 but 6,000 men would be sent, and that he was himself 
March 8. Starting for Waterford to expedite their embarkation.* 
frSm Eng. On March 8 bad news arrived fiom Chester. The 
^*** city had surrendered to Brereton on February 3. 

Feb. 3. The port which was to have received Charles's Irish 

Surrender x . i i • i 

Qf Chester, auxiliancs was closed agamst them. 



5 



* Articles between the Confederate Catholics and the Nuncio with 
Glamorgan, Feb. 16. Lord Leicester's MS, fol. 1, 086b. 

* Glamorgan to Rinuccini, Feb. 18. Lord Leicester's MS, fol, 1,084- 
1,086. • For the other two see pp. 33, 40. 

* Glamorgan to Ormond, Feb. 24. Carte MSS, fol. 546. 

* Note by Glamorgan, March 9. Ibid, xvi. fol. 617. 



n GLAMORGAN AND RTNUCCINI. CH. xxxiA 

As Tar as Glamorgan's plans were concerned, the only 
immediate result of the evil tidings was the transference of his 
intended port of landing from Ciiester to some point either in 
Wales or in Cornwall, where the Prince of Wales was still 
Maitti iB. holding out. On March 18 a far worse blow over- 
{^"^ took him. He then learned thai Charles had not 
J^J^^^ only disavowed him, but had published his disavowal 
him. to the world.' In his annoyance Glamorgan talked to 

Du Moulin, the French agent at Kilkenny, of abandoning the 
master to whom he had hitherto devoted himself, and of 
passing with the army which was being raised to champion 
Charles's cause in England into the service of the King of 

Glamorgan's chance of being allowed to carry any consider- 
able force from Ireland was, however, now the less, as the 
Irish had fresh dangers to meet at home. A Pariiamentary 
ThtMiiure squadron had sailed up the estuary of the Shannon 
of Buniany. gj,^ j[a(j seized Bunratty Castle, a few miles below 
Limerick. The Earl of Thomond, whose influence in Clare 
was great, and who for some time had Ijeen hesitating between 
the parties, now threw his whole weight on the Parliamentary 
side. The members of the Supreme Council informed Gla- 
morgan that unless Ormond would openly join forces with 
them they would neither make peace at Dublin nor send an 
army to England.' 

Rinuccini, at least, was well satisfied with the turn events 
were taking. He thoroughly distrusted the Supreme Council, 
Rinuccini believing it to be capable of sacrificing the Church 
Sap'ramo foi' mere temporal expediency; but he still more 
Council. thoroughly distrusted the King. "I consider," he 
Marchj. had written a few weeks earlier, "that, with regard 
King. to the Faith, it is safer to treat with a prince who 

perhaps is not averse to concede what he can on this head, 
and who has had experience of the fidelity of the Irish, besides 

' Glamo^n lo Ormond, March 18. Carte MSS. xvL fol. 666. 

' Dh Moulin to Mazarin, "°^^^. R.O. Transcripts. 

• Lord Leiciiltr's MS. foL 1,145b ; GUmorgan to Otmoad, March 18, 
Carli MSS. xvL fol. 66S. 




x646 AN IRISH PEACE. 55 

having a Catholic wife, and having intercourse in civil matters 
with all the other princes of Christendom. Yet, on the other 
hand, I am alarmed at the common belief of his inconstancy 
and untrustworthiness, on account of which it may be doubted 
that no concession made by him will live longer than he wishes, 
and that, unless a Catholic Lord Lieutenant is appointed, he 
will, in the end, by means of Protestant ministers, assert his 
claims by the sacrifice of the best heads in Ireland, and 
establish more atrociously than before the heretic reign of 
terror." ^ 

The Supreme Council could not, however, make up its 
mind to abandon its negotiation with the representative of a 

March x8. King who had not the power, even if he had the 
Uie Supreme ^iH, to fulfil engagements made in his name. There 
CouncU. being as yet no sign of Charles's acceptance of Sir 
Kenelm Digby's articles, or even evidence that they had come 
under his notice, the Council bade their commissioners, who 
were now once more at Dublin, to propose that the conclusion 
of peace should be deferred to the middle of June, to enable 
Glamorgan to fetch from France and the Netherlands the ships 
and money of which he was in need for the transportation of 
his forces to England. In the meanwhile Glamorgan would 
send his brother to obtain from the King a confirmation under 
the great seal of his own treaty. If this were accepted, and if 
Ormond would agree in the meanwhile to combine with the 
Irish forces against the common enemy, the Council would 
allow him 3,000/. to meet his current expenses.* 

On these terms, with some modification, Ormond agreed 
to conclude the peace, on the understanding that it was to be 

March a8. ^^P^ ^ profound sccrct, not till the middle of June, 
The treaty ]^^^ ^[i\ ^ay I. The articlcs of the treaty which 
signed. related to the civil government were signed on 
March 28. They contained many valuable reforms, especially 
providing for the admission of Catholics and Protestants to 
office upon equal terms. The whole question of religious 

* Rinuccini's Memoir, March i. Nunziaiuray 114. 

* The Supreme Council to the commissioners, March 18. CarU MSS. 
xvi. fol. 668. 



L 



ved from ^H 
ant of a ^ 



55 GLAMORGAN AND RINUCCINT. ch. 

liberty was postponed till an answer had been received 
Charles, The negotiators were, however, so expectant of a 
. , favourable reply that they appended to the treaty an 
onraJigion agreement to send to England without delay the 
"^ long promised army of 10,000 men. Six thousand 

men 10'™ were to start on April 1, and on May i the remaining 
lenmonct. ^^^^ „g,.g (q follow. On March 30 Otmond gave 
to the Irish commissioners a written promise that if they were 
attacked before the time appointed for the publication of the 
treaty, he would appear in arms against their assailants.' 

Whatever hopes might be entertained at Dublin. Glamorgan 
had given up all hope of conducting the army to England till 
March ao. '^^ ''^y when the King should, as he fervently be- 
GiBmoigM lieved he would, acknowledge the articles signed in 
lope pf com- his name. In the meanwhile he would go abroad 
iSSiwpre- and gather support for the great enterprise. His 
'""■ short access of ill-temper had passed away, and he 

avowed his belief freely that the King's disavowal had been 
drawn unwillingly from him. Yet he also acknowledged frankly 
that for the time it rendered him incapable of doing him 
service. During his absence the men should be placed under 
Preston for operations in Munster.* 

No wonder that, in spite of the signatures of their commis- 
sioners in Dublin, the Supreme Council felt doubtful as to the 

prospects of the treaty. Within a few days after 
ihtenpr conclusion, news arrived from England which ren- 
dered the prospects of the expedition hopeless. 
Chester had long been closed against it, and South ^VaIes had 
since fallen into the hands of the Parliamentarians. Cornwall 
was now lost as well, and there was no longer a foot of English 
soil on which the army could land with any prospect of being 
able to maintain itself Officers and soldiers alike refused 
leave Ireland.^ On April 3 Muskerry wrote to Ormond that 



I 



1 The Irish Treaty, Jiushiv, vi. 402, with the da 


e of its subsequent 






30. Ca'H MSS. xvi. fol. 610, ivii. fol. ig. 




■ Glamorgan's consiiieiatioiiE, Mar. 19. LerdLeice 


le>'iMS.lQ\. i.ioi. 


« Digby to Oimond, AprU 3. Cwle's OnfioKi, vi 


363. 



1646 



IRISH HELP LOST FOR CHARLES. 



57 



the expedition must be abandoned for the present. It would 
be impossible to land 10,000 infantry in a hostile country where 
April 3, no cavalry was available for their protection.' A 
Sn "™k'^ week earlier Charles had written to Ormond pre- 
minded. cisely to the same effect. The foot, he said, was 
to be kept back, as it would be lost if it should now attempt to 
land, ' we having no horse nor ports in our power to secure 

The bubble had burst. Irish help was not available for 
Charles. Excellent as were the motives of the Supreme 
Council, their expectation of being able to gain civil and 
religious liberty in co-operation with a Stuart king was a rock 
upon which wiser statesmen than themselves must infallibly 
have split. 



'■ 309. 



i. fol. 49. 



S8 



CHAPTER XL. 

tTHE LAST CAMPAIGN IN THE WEST. 

Long before Charleses Irish negotiation hopelessly collapsed, 
the only army which still kept the field for him in England had 

begun to melt away. Before the end of N^ovember 

Novemi)er. Goring bctook himself to France, partly because he 

leaves Eng- was in reality suffering in health from the effect of 

his debauches, and partly because he hoped for a 
high command in the army of foreigners which the Queen 
expected to muster in the spring.^ During the remainder of 

the year Fairfax, in spite of the sickness which was 
before Exe- ravaging his army, was cautiously establishing his 

posts on the east side of Exeter, in the hope of 
being able ultimately to complete the investment and to starve 
the city into surrender.^ Though Cromwell had rejoined the 
army in October, neither he nor his chief was disposed to 
undertake an active campaign during the rainy season in so 
impracticable a country as Devonshire, and Fairfax contented 
himself with sending detachments to occupy Fulford and 
Canonteign, with the object of hindering the introduction of 
supplies into Exeter by the Royalists in the West. 

Fairfax could afford to wait better than the enemy. On 
December 26 the Prince of Wales was at Tavistock, where he 
had ordered his scattered forces to concentrate in order to 

* Goring to the Prince of Wales, Nov. 20 ; Jermyn to Hyde, Nov. 27. 
Clar, AfSS, 2,033, 2,038 ; Ciarendan, ix. 99. His name is afterwards 
connected with the foreign forces by the Parliamentary newspapers, and 
he does not seem to have been blamed by the King for his desertion. 

^ For the operations before Exeter, see the map at vol. ii. p. 358. 



1646 FAIRFAX IN DEVONSHIRE, 59 

fall upon the Parliamentary army whilst it was hampered by 
the operations of the siege. He calculated that when every 

Dec. 26. available man had been brought into line he would 
a?T^."*^* have 6,000 foot and 5,000 horse at his disposal. 
stock. Unfortunately for him, his body was formidable in 

of'hiWmy. J^umbers only. The brutalities of Grenvile in Corn- 
wall, and the ravages committed in Devonshire by the 
cavalry which had been deserted by Goring, had exasperated 
even the most loyal subject who had anything to lose. The 
army itself was Httle better than a mob. Scarcely an officer of 
rank would take orders from his superior, and the men, stinted 
of every kind of supply, were scattered in small groups, from 
the neighbourhood of Exeter almost to the Land's End.^ 

Fairfax's own army was indeed somewhat weakened by the 
necessity of despatching Fleetwood and Whalley to watch the 

Dec. 25. motions of the King's cavalry at Oxford, but it was 
smdTwSiiey Still Strong enough to continue the blockade of 
to_^chthe Exeter, and to deal with the approaching enemy in 
A ha f J^is existing state of disorganisation. A frost which 
weather. now set in made the roads slippery, and threw almost 
as much difficulty in the way of an advance as the previous 
rains. At last on January 8 orders were given to 

Jan. 8. advance. Whilst Sir Hardress Waller pushed on to 
Fairfax. Bow to distract the enemy's attention, Cromwell 

Jan. 9. surprised a part of Lord Wentworth's brigade at 
Jt^'Iov^ey'^ Bovey Tracey by a night attack, and though the 
Tracey. jjj^jj fQj. ^^ x£iQ^\. part escaped in the darkness, four 
hundred horses fell into the hands of the victors. So terrified 
was Wentworth at the unexpected blow that he fled in hot 
haste to Tavistock to tell the news of his misfortune. The 
Royalist plan had crumbled away, and the Prince, 
retreats to who had sct out with the intention of advancing to 
Launceston. j^^j^gg^ ^^ }^^^ \3i^on Launccston, Sending orders 

to Colonel John Digby, who had been watching Plymouth 
from afar, to abandon the semblance of a blockade and to fall 
back upon headquarters.* 

> Clarendon^ ix. 116. • Clarendon^ ix. 117; Sprigg^ 176. 






«0 THE LAST CAMPAIGN IN THE IVSST. ch. xi. 

Insubordinate and tyrannical as Grenvile was, he was at 
least a soldier, and his first impulse on hearing of Wentworth's 
,. ;,. mishap was to urge the Prince to appoint a com- 
mander-in-chief— Brentford or Hoplon — to whom 
the officers would be bound to render obedience, 
oomminaet. q^ JanuoTy 15 the choice of the Prince — or rather 
h/p™i"' tfi^t of the counsellors by whose advice he was 
•ppointtd. guided— fell u^xin Hopton. Grenvile was to serve 
under him in charge of the infantrj-, and VVentworth in charge j 
of the cavalry. In pure devotion Hopton accepted the heavy | 
burden. He knew well that nothing but defeat was possible. He | 
declared that he had often heard men say that it was against 
their honour to do this or that, when, in reality, it was only | 
against Ihcir inclination. He for his part was ready to obey 
his Highness, though by so doing he should lose his honour. 

Never, in the eyes of all whose opinion was worth having, 
had Hoplon's stainless reputation stood higher than on that 
day of self- surrender. He was not likely to find many to 
follow him in his path of loyalty. Grenvile, after recommend- 
Omnvii.'t '"g h's appointment, refused to serve under him, 
•fiMt. j„jj projxised to employ himself in Cornwall in 
bringing up those who had descried from the trained bands of 
ihe county. The Prince and his council were at last weary of 
his disobedience, and thrust him as a prisoner into Launccston 
Ckitle, whence, before many days were over, he was removed 
to uJbr custody to St. Michad's Mounc' 

The new commander bad indeed a hopeless task before 
him. Fairfax, having secured himself from immediate danger 
by disi^ersing the ad«nced parties of the enemy, wheeled m 
the Ich, and. thoush the heavy snow made it impossible to 
bring up the anit)«)', carried Dartmouth by storm 
iHNflHMh on the iSth. The general's clemency served him 
"""^ cnr«n ben« than his valour. To the Comtshmen 
taken In Ihe place he gave two shillings apiece^ and sent Aem 
home to spi«ad among (heir countrj-men the news diat the 
IVrliamentary soldiers were not Tobb«^ like those of Giennle I 
and Goring.* 





t646 THE WESTERN CAMPAIGN. 6i 




62 THE LAST CAMPAIGN IN THE WEST CH. XL. 

In Devonshire, at least, the belief was spreading that peace 
and plenty were only to be recovered by the victory of the best 
Jan. 2^ disciplined army. On the 24th, on his return to 
J^m"te fo? Totnes, Fairfax called on the county for 1,000 re- 
Fairfax. cruits to be employed in the defence of South Devon. 
Three times the number offered themselves willingly. "We 
are come," said Cromwell to them, " to set you, if possible, at 
liberty from your taskmasters." * 

Having thus strengthened his position in South Devon, 
Fairfax returned to the work of encompassing Exeter. On 
Jan. afi. the 26th his chain of forts round the city was com- 
Powderham ^\qxq^ by the Surrender of Powderham Castle. On 
surrenders, ^j^g same day ncws reached the army of a nature to 
Strengthen, if possible, the grim resolution with which it had 
set itself to its appointed task. The captain of a French 
vessel sailed into Dartmouth, thinking the place to be still in 
intercented Royalist hands. As soon as he discovered his mis- 
letters. ^^^ ^iQ thrcw ovcrboard a packet, which was, how- 
ever, seized before it sank, and was found to contain letters 
written by the Queen and her principal adherents.' 

After the reading of these letters at Westminster there 
could no longer be any reasonable doubt as to the correctness 
The Queen's o^ the information recently forwarded from Paris ^ as 
projects. ^Q ^YiQ Queen's plans. In her letter to her husband 
Henrietta Maria wrote of the project of marrying their eldest 

* Sprigg^ 186 ; The Moderate Intelligencer^ E. 3250, ii. 

« SpHgfr, 188. 

■ ••The treaty betwixt the King and Scots is with all industry pro- 
secuted by Mr. William Murray with the Queen. She, to gain time, 
entertains it with great hopes of a fair and desired conclusion, and is 
resolved — if other expectations fail— to give them their desires. The 
obstacle at present is the difficulty of reconciling the party of Montrose 
with that of Hamilton and Argyle. Yet in case the Parliament should 
— upon the King's refusal of the propositions now desired - proceed to 
the deposing of him, the Scots commissioners in England do assure that 
those two parties shall re<:oncile and declare with one consent for the 
King, which is the only thing by her desired ; for having also assurance 
— in that case — of a party now with the Parliament, she is confident that 
that is the only way to re-establish the King to her content. The French 



1646 DANGER FROM FRANCE, 63 

son to the daughter of the Duke of Orleans. Nor did she 
pass over in silence that negotiation with the Scots, the exist- 
ence of which had been emphatically denied by the Scottish 
commissioners in London. She had sent, she said, *Will 
Murray fully instructed with her mind about it.*^ Of the 
other letters the most important was one from Jermyn. His 
mistress, he said, had obtained leave to raise 4,000 
invasion foot and i,ooo horsc in Brittany and Guienne, and 
^^^ she would have no difficulty in obtaining a larger 

number if she wished. This force would be ready about the 
end of February, and by that time the Dutch fleet, which was 
to transport them to England, would be ready to put to sea. 
" I had almost forgot," he concluded, " to observe to you that 
if the Scots' treaty be concluded it draws along with it another 
thing of equal importance, which will be the declaration of this 
Crown, and that may very probably be followed by that of the 
States United.'* ^ If the Houses had had any doubt before, 
they were now convinced that the Scots in their self- exculpa- 
tion had spoken falsely. 

The combination was, at least on paper, extremely for- 
midable. The knowledge of its existence seems to have come 
through some other channel to Charles, who was now hoping 

to entertain the war, until they have done their business in Flanders, give 
leave to raise 6,000 volunteers ; 2,000 in Normandy, 3,000 in Brittany, 
and 1,000 in Poitou; for the setting forth of all which the Queen of 
France and Cardinal have this last week given 30,000 pistoles. The 
clergy gives the like sum, and both assurance of 5,000 pistoles monthly. 
Six hundred of the former number are within sixteen days to be shipped 
at Newhaven," ue, Havre, **and conducted to Dartmouth by Sir William 
Davenant ; the gross in March, all to be commanded by General Goring, 
who, having now passed his cure, will make his flourish for twenty or 
forty days in Paris." R. Wright to St. John [?], Jan. 17. Portland 
MSS, See also p. 44. 

* See p. 20. 

• Jermyn to Culpepper and Hyde, Jan. 17. Clar. MSS. 2,094. The 
signature is in cipher, but it is ascribed to Jermyn by Hyde. This is a 
duplicate of the copy taken at Dartmouth, which is, no doubt, the one 
noyi zmongsiiYie Tanner MSS, Ix. fol. 371. That the Parliamentarians 
ascribed it to Davenant merely shows that they guessed the interpretation 
of the ciphered signature wrongly. 



64 THE LAST CAMPAIGN IN THE WEST. CH. XL. 

to do great things with the help of his foreign auxiliaries. 
The notion of concentrating at Worcester' was for the time 
abandoned, in all probability because the success of 
cbaria Fairfax put aji end to all hope of a junction with 
nurehinio the Prince's army. Charles, therefore, urged the 
"^ Queen to divert her French levies to the east of 

England. If they could land at Hastings before the middle 
of March, he would be able to gather a force of a,ooo horse 
and dragoons. With these he would make a dash upon Kent, 
seize Rochester, and hold out a hand to the invaders in 
Sussex.^ 

Knowing nothing of this last wild scheme, Fairfax loitered 
not in the execution of the duty before him. On February 8 
F,i^ 8. he received the good news of the fall of Chester, 
bd'ore' ^^*^ ^^ ^^ same time learnt that the Prince's army 
Eieicr. under Hopton's command was already on the march 
Hopion for Torrington, in the hope of falling upon him 
t™aKis whilst he was engaged in the siege of Exeter, 
omngion. j^jjyjjjg a large part of his force under Sir Hardress 
pi^"'u«u. Waller to carry on the blockade, and despatching a 
Feb lo. strong body of horse northwards to keep back the 
Headvancca Royalist garHson of Barnstaple from coming to 
Hopion. Hopton's assistance, he was still able to advance to 
meet the enemy with io,ooo men. 

Hopton reached Torrington on the loth, the day on which 
Fairfax broke up from before Exeter. The force at his dis- 
posal numbered little more than 5,000 men, of 
Hupton'. which by far the greater part were cavalry.^ In all 
*""'■ that constitutes an army he was miserably lacking. 

His foot-soldiers had no heart in the cause for which they had 
been dragged from their homes, and his horse, which had 
been trained in Goring's evil school, utterly refused to submit 
to discipline. They could seldom be induced to appear at 

> Seep. tS. 

' The King lo the Queen, Feb. 1. Ckarlts I. in 1646, p. 14. 

' I follow Hopton's own account, Rebtion, Carle's Orig. Lellers, i 
110, which gives 5,140; Hyde writing to Ihe Queen on Feb. 17, Ciiirta- 
den St, P. ii. 308, says he had 6,ioo. 



1646 THE FIGHT AT TORRINGTON. 65 

the appointed rendezvous, and so slack were they in watching 
the enemy's movements, that it was only by accident that 
Hopton learnt on the 14th that Fairfax had arrived 
Fairfax at at Chumleigh, and that an immediate conflict was 
**^ ' therefore to be expected. Supplies too were slow 
in coming in, and, even if Fairfax left him unassailed, he 
would experience some difficulty in keeping his army together. 

All that a brave soldier could do was done by Hopton. 
To abandon Torrington was to give up all hope of preserving 
Hopton the West, and as the frost of the early part of the 
ddfen? ^ y^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ succeeded by soaking rain, it was just 
himself. possible that if the Prince's army could maintain 
itself in a strongly defensible position for a few days, Fairfax 
might be compelled by the weather to retreat. Such a posi- 
tion Hopton attempted to make for himself at Torrington. He 
blocked up with mounds of earth the entrances of the streets 
at the eastern end of the town, the side on which Fairfax was 
likely to approach, and threw out advanced guards to give 
warning of his coming. The Royalist general took care to 
quarter the greater part of his cavalry on a common to the 
north, so as to be ready to take the Parliamentary army in 
flank as soon as it was engaged in storming the town. 

For two days there was skirmishing between the horse, 
always to the disadvantage of the Royalists. On the i6th 
_ Fairfax advanced in force. In the afternoon the 

Advance of weather temporarily cleared, and the Parliament- 
** *** arians succeeded in establishing themselves at no 
great distance from Hopton's defences. After nightfall a re- 
Torrington counoitring party, fancying that the barricade at the 
stormed. ^^^ ^f jj^g street had been abandoned, and creeping 
orward too far, was unintentionally drawn into an engagement. 
Other troops were pushed forward in support, and at last a 
general attack was ordered. After a sharp struggle the de- 
fences were carried. A body of horse, which had been kept in 
the town by Hopton to support his infantry, turned round and 
galloped down the long street which sloped westwards towards 
the Torridge. Their flight was the signal for disorder. Of the 
whole of the foot the Prince's guard alone maintained the 

VOL III. F 



66 THE LAST CAMPAIGN IN THE WEST CH. XL, 

struggle. Hopton himself, hurrying out to the common where 
the main body of his horsemen lay inactive, brought them 
back with him to turn the tide. The horsemen did their best, 
and drove the assailants back for a while, but not a foot-soldier 
could be induced to make a stand, and cavalry, unsupported, 
were at a hopeless disadvantage in a narrow street. Fifty 
barrels of powder, the whole of Hopton's remaining ammu- 
nition, which had been deposited in a church, now blew up 
with a terrific roar. Retreat was now inevitable, and under 
cover of the night the greater part of the Royalists who had 
not already fled made their way across the Torridge. The next 
Hopton at cl^y Hopton mustered the remains of his army at 
stratton. Stratton, the scene of his most successful exploit in 
happier days. Only 1,200 foot had rejoined him. The re- 
mainder had either stolen away to their homes or had enlisted 
in the ranks of the enemy. ^ 

The victory encouraged Fairfax to make short work of the 
enemy. The Prince, he knew, had retreated to Truro, and a 

p^ deserter brought a rumour that the Queen's allies 

Fairfax's were to land in Cornwall in the middle of March, 
advance. There was, therefore, no time to be lost On the 

Feb. as. 25th Fairfax entered Launceston, driving the enemy 
Tntl^r before him. The Cornishmen had once risen 
Launceston. ^g ^^^ j^^j^ jq drive intruders over the Tamar. 

Since that time the bitter lesson of Royalist plunderings had 
entered into their souls, and they welcomed the soldiers who 
robbed no one and paid their way.^ 

Hopton had fallen back upon Bodmin. It was no fault of 
„ ^ , his if he was unable to make a stand. Even his 

Hoptons 

condition, cavalry was now dissolving before his eyes. Those 
March i. who did not desert to the enemy neglected to per- 
of his°" ^ form the commonest duties of military service, 
cavalry. Regimcnts appeared at their posts with half their 
numbers absent, and those who thought fit to attend often 
arrived two hours after the appointed time. On March i a 

* Hopton's Narrative, Carte's Orig, Letters, i. 109 ; Wogan*s Narra- 
tive, Ibid, i. 126 ; Sprigg, 192 ; A more full relation^ E. 325, 2. 

* Sl^rigg, 207. 



1646 THE PRINCE LEAVES CORNWALL. 67 

whole brigade of horse, posted on Bodmin Downs to check 
March a. the advance of the enemy, fell back upon the town 
oixupils ^^ direct defiance of their commander. Hopton 
Bodmin. ^^s Compelled to abandon Bodmin, and the place 
was occupied by Fairfax on the following day.^ 

The advance of the Parliamentary army had rendered the 
position of the Prince of Wales exceedingly precarious. It 

Feb 21 ^^^ *^^^ ^^^ ^^ February 21 he had received letters 

Frenciiaid from France in confirmation of the rumour that 

to the troops were being raised for his succour, ^ but it was 

added that there would be a delay of two or three 

weeks beyond the date which had been originally fixed for 

their transportation, so that they could hardly be expected in 

Cornwall before the latter end of March.* Almost 

seize the at the Same time those who had the charge of the 

Prince's person learnt that that old trickster, Lord 

Newport, had been attempting to curry favour with Parliament 

by suborning a lieutenant of the Prince's guard to carry the lad 

off to Westminster.* 

Before Fairfax reached Bodmin the heir to the crown had 
taken refuge in Pendennis Castle, where a council was hastily 
The Prince summoncd to discuss the measures for securing his 
nis^lfc. safety. There was a general disinclination to send 

March a. ^^"^ ^o France, if it could possibly be avoided, and on 
Se icfii '** March 2, the day on which the Parliamentary troops 
Isles. occupied Bodmin, the Prince embarked for the Scilly 

Isles, where he would be out of reach of Fairfax, and would 
yet be on English soil. 

As soon as the Prince had departed, Hopton ceased to 

March X. have any motive for prolonging an impossible 
vilfs""cS'. resistance. When he left Bodmin he appointed 
tie Dinas. ^ rcndczvous at Castle Dinas, an isolated hill at no 
great distance, crowned with the ramparts of an ancient 

' Clarendon^ ix. 144; Hopton's Narrative, Cartels Orig. Letters^ i. 
n6. .2 Seep. 63, Note 3. 

» Hopton's Narrative, Cartas Orig, Letters^ i. 116. 

* Montreuil to Mazarin, '^V^, Arch, des Aff, Etrangtres^ Hi. fol. 91 % 
Jermya to Culpepper, Feb. 9, Clar, MSS, 2,125. 

P2 



68 THE LAST CAMPAIGN IN THE WEST. CH. XL. 

camp. Very few of his horse attended, and at a council of 

March a. ^^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^"^ evcry officcF, cxcept himself 

AcouncU and Major-General Webb, voted for an immediate 

votes for Surrender. A letter from Fairfax offering honourable 

•urren er. ^g,.jj^g arrived ou the 6th, and Hopton, though he 

A te«?J* ^ resolutely refused to treat for the surrender of Pen- 
from Fair- dcnnis and St. Michael's Mount, was driven by the 

March 8. J^^P^rtunity of his own officers to open n^otiations 
Hoptoo on the 8th. Before it was too late he took care to 
treat. Send to the two garrisons reinforcements out of the 

infantry still remaining with him. 

But for the forbearance of the Parliamentary soldiers 
Hopton's desire to postpone the inevitable surrender might 

,, - have cost his followers dear. On March lo a 

March lo. /• ▼ i i 

A peaceable party of Ircton's horse, near Probus, fell in with 
some of the Royalist cavalry, who, fancying that they 
were out of danger because negotiations had been opened, 
made no preparations for resistance. Ireton had much 
ado to persuade them that hostilities had not been sus- 
pended, but he had too much generosity to take advantage 
of their error, and allowed them to retire without 

Commis* 

«o„.rs injury. On the same day commissioners from both 
sides met at Tresillian Bridge. Fairfax did not, 
however, think it necessary to halt, and before night he entered 
Truro. 

It seemed as if Hopton's army would cease to exist before 

the commissioners could agree. The gentlemen of the county 

and the soldiers alike declared themselves to be weary of the 

war, and to be desirous of living peaceably under the protec- 

„ ^ tion of Parliament. At last, on the 14th, the wrangle 

March 14. ,11 i 

Hopton's over the terms of surrender was brought to a conclu- 

surrender. . ^^ , , . - . . . 1 • 

sion. Common soldiers, after givmg up their arms 
and horses, might return to their homes or go beyond sea. 
Officers not specially excepted from pardon by the Parliament 
were allowed the same choice, but might retain their horses 
and their pistols. Even officers excepted might leave the 
country, a reasonable time being allowed them to petition Par- 
liament for their restoration to favour. All who remained in 



1646 END OF HOPTON'S COMMAND, 69 

England were to take an oath never again to serve against 
Parliament. 

On the 20th the disbandment of what remained of the army 
of the West was carried out on these terms. The spirit which 

March 20. l^^d oncc animated that army was as extinct as its 
SX'dS organisation. The contrast between the vagabonds 
banded. whom Goring had mustered and the disciplined 
warriors of the New Model was striking enough to counter- 
balance the local Western patriotism which at one time had 
stood Charles in good stead. No one who had anything to 
lose wished to see Ck^ring back again, especially if he brought 
a pack of hungry Frenchmen at his heels,* No less distasteful 

March 5. was the prospect of an Irish invasion. A Waterford 
foiS^shfp" ship, taken at Padstow on March 5, had been found 
taken. ^.o Contain letters from Glamorgan, in which he 

boasted that 6,000 Irish would soon land in England, to be 
followed in May by 4,000 more. In making its submission, 
Cornwall did not so much bow before the conqueror as rally 
round the national banner in the hands of Fairfax.* 

Charles had little left to rely on except his foreign intrigues. 
A few strong places held out for him, but he could not hope to 
Strong- maintain them for many weeks. Yet he could hardly 
um^uccd. expect to profit by his intrigues any more than he 
Charles's ^^ profited hithcrto. Before the end of January 
wf?** ^^ knew that Glamorgan's negotiation had miscar- 
down. ried,' and that the Queen's negotiation with the 

Scots had been revealed.* Her letter, which had recently been 
intercepted at Dartmouth, referred to Will Murray as about 
to cross to England to inform the King what she had been 

Feb. s, doing in that matter, and on February 5 Will Murray 
Siliray ^^ scized as he was passing through Canterbury in 
arrested. disguisc, on his way to Oxford. The Houses sent 
him to the Tower, and attempted to extract his secrets from 
him. No revelations were, however, obtained and he was 

' Sprigg^ 212; Hopton's Narrative, Cartels Orig, Letters^ i. 117, 
• Spriggy 213, The Earl of Glamorgan's negotiations i E. 328, 9. 
» See p. 45. * See p. 63. 



lo THE LAST CAMPAIGN IN THE WEST. CH. XL. 

ultimately sent before a court-martial as a spy. The court 
Tried as ^^^ properly refused to adjudge hitn to be a spy^ 
»PN and and he recovered his liberty on bail in the course 

acquitted. ^ , , * 

of the summer.* 
Murray had brought with hira an important letter from the 
Queen to her husband, of which the French Agent was able to 
Montreuti g^in possession, as it had been directed to himself. 
iSle^to^go Montreuil was anxious to carry it to Oxford, but the 
to Oxford. Houses, suspecting the object of his journey, threw 
every possible obstacle in his way.* Charles, however, knew 
T^ ^ from other sources that his wife, who had by this 

The Queen . ' ' 

favours an time dlscovered the articles brought from the Pope 
wuh the by Sir Kenelm Digby to be hopelessly impracticable, 
had now set her heart on an understanding with the 
Scots. She seems to have said something about the prob- 
ability that concessions made to them on the score of reli- 
gion would be only temporary. Charles replied bluntly that, 
Feb. 19. whether they were temporary or not, he would never 
rtfuJ^to make them. " I must confess to my shame and 
^i^^, grief," he added, with evident reference to his 

religious o ' » 

concessions, abandonment of Strafford, " that heretofore I have, 
for public respects — yet, I believe, if thy personal safety had 
not been at stake,* I might have hazarded the rest — yielded 
unto those things which were no less against my conscience 
than this ; for which I have been so deservedly punished that 
a relapse now would be insufferable, and I am most confident 
that God hath so favoured my hearty though weak repentance, 
that He will be glorified either by relieving me out of these 
distresses — which I may humbly hope for, though not presume 
upon — or in my gallant sufferings for so good a cause, which to 

> Z./. viii. 260, 416 ; CJ. iv. 641. 

« C.J. iv. 430, 431 ; Montreuil to the King, Clar. Si, P, il 213 ; 

Montreuil to Mazarin, Feb. ^, ^^^tp ^^^^' ^^^ ^ff- ^irangires, lu. fol. 

103, 126. 

* This is a curious corroboration of the evidence in favour of the view 
that Charles's anxiety about his wife was a principal cause of his weak- 
ness in the case of Strafford. See Hisi. of England^ 1603-1642, ix. 
365. 



1646 CHARLES AND THE INDEPENDENTS, 7 1 

eschew by any mean submission cannot but draw God's 
further justice upon me, both in this and the next world." * 

The words were well and bravely written, and there could 
be little doubt that they were well and bravely meant. Yet 
Hisresoiu- ^^^^^^s could not fold himself in silence, or hold 
tion un- himself aloof from entanglement with men whom he 

alterable. 

never could conciliate. His resolution not to grant 
to the Presbyterians the only terms which they would accept 
merely led him to make fresh overtures to the Independents. 
March 2. On March 2 Ashbumham wrote to Vane, by the 
tofhe^hSe- King's orders, adjuring him to support his master's 
pendents, request for leave to visit London, there to obtain the 
acceptance of that offer of toleration which he had already 
made,^ so amended as to make it applicable to all religious 
parties. "If Presbytery," urged Ashburnham, "shall be so 
strongly insisted upon as that there can be no peace without it, 
you shall certainly have all the power my master can make to 
join with you in rooting out of this kingdom that tyrannical 
government, with this condition, that my master may not have 
his conscience disturbed — yours being free — when that work 
is finished." ^ 

If no response was made to this offer — and at least no 
evidence exists that Vane ever replied — it is unnecessary to 
No response blame the Independent leaders. It was impossible 
made to it. ^qj. t^em to believe that Charles had no other object 
in coming to London except to establish a settlement of the 
kingdom on the basis of a general toleration. The knowledge 
of Glamorgan's treaty must have made them cautious, and, 
however loudly the Scots might protest, no reasonable person 
could doubt that Charles had been listening favourably to 
overtures from them, or that in those overtures they had stood 
out for exclusive Presbyterianism. It was not the fault of the 
Independents if they refused to believe that Charles could be 
negotiating with the Presbyterians without being prepared to 
grant their most indispensable demand. 

» The King to the Queen, Feb. 19. Charles 7. in 1646, p. 18. 

* See p. 17. 

* Ashbumham to Vane, March 2. Clar, St, P, ii. 226. 



72 THE LAST CAMPAIGN IN THE WEST, CH. XL. 

This, however, was precisely what Charles was doing. On 
March 3, the day after Ashburnham*s letter was sent to 

March 5. London, he wrote again to his wife. "For the 
attiulS* Scots," he told her, " I promise thee to employ all 
pr^*^^* possible pains and industry to agree with them, so 
terians, that the price be not giving up the Church of Eng- 
land, with which I will not part upon any condition whatso- 
ever. . . . Besides the nature of Presbyterian government is to 
steal or force the crown from the king's head ; for their chief 
maxim is . . . that all kings must submit to Christ's kingdom, 
of which they are the sole governors, the king having but a 
single and no negative voice in their assembUes, so that yield- 
ing to the Scots in this particular, I should both go against my 
conscience and ruin my crown." * It was impossible iot 
Charles to express more clearly the mixture of religious and 
political considerations which possessed his mind. 

The King's distrust of the Presbyterians had made him 
ready on the 2nd to seek the aid of the Independents. On 

March xa. the 1 2 th it made him ready to seek the aid of the 
ta^rchthc Catholics. "If the Pope and they," he wrote, 
Catholics, "will visibly and heartily engage themselves for 
the re-establishment of the Church of England and my crown 
. . . against all opposers whatsoever, I will promise them, on 
the word of a king, to give them here a free toleration of 
conscience." Would it not be well, he added in a postscript, 
* that all the English Roman Catholics be warned by the Pope's 
ministers to join with the forces that are to come out of 
Ireland?'* How was it possible to deal with a man so 
utterly out of touch with the world in which he lived ? 

Whilst Charles was speculating on the choice of allies, 
Montreuil, with a Frenchman's incredulity of the existence 
Feb. of insuperable conscientious objections in the breast 
conUnued* of a hcrctic, was pertinaciously striving to extract 
activity. from the Scottish commissioners the lowest terms 
upon which they would receive Charles into their army, making 
no doubt that he would ultimately accept them without 

* The King to the Queen, March 3. Charles /. in 1646, p. 22. 
■ The King to the Queen, March 12. Ibid, p. 24. 



1646 THE SCOTTISH TERMS, 73 

difficulty.* He soon found, however, that the task of re- 
conciliation was harder than he anticipated. In spite of all 
his protestations, he was unable to obtain anything in writing 
from a body of which Lauderdale was a member, and was 
March, obliged to Content himself with a verbal authorisa- 

Sir R. • • 

Moray tion to Sir Robert Moray to set down in writing the 
tttSMrf**** conditions demanded. Charles, it appeared, was not 
the Scots. Qniy to accept the three propositions touching the 
Church, the militia, and Ireland which he had rejected at 
Uxbridge, but he was also to sign the Covenant If he did 
these things he would be received with honour and respect 
into the Scottish army, and might be assured that the Scots 
would do all in their power to reconcile his followers with the 
English Parliament. If it were necessary to make exceptions 
in the cases of five or six, then nothing worse than temporary 
banishment should befall them. If the King accepted these 
terms he must write two letters to that effect, the one to the 
Parliament and the Scottish commissioners at Westminster, 
the other to the Committee of Estates at Edinburgh.* 

* Montreuil to Nicholas, Feb. 26, Clar, St, P, ii. 217 ; Montreuil to 
Mazarin, Feb. 26, Arch, des Aff. £irangh-es. Hi. fol. 140. 

• " Les Deputez d'Escosse m'ont autoris^ pour asseurer la Reyne et 
Mgr le Cardinal, ainsy que je fays par ce present escrit, que si le Roy de 
la Grande Bretagne veut se retirer en Tarm^e des Escossois, il y sera 
receu avec toute sorte d'honneur, et de respect, et y demeurera avec une 
enti^re seuret^, et que les Escossois s*interposeront efficacement pour faire 
Taccomodement de ceux de son party avec le Parlement d*Angleterre k 
la reserve de cinq ou six qui s'esloigneront seulement pour quelque temps, 
pourveu qu*avant que d'aller en Tarm^e il plaise k sa dite Majesty de la 
Grande Bretagne escrire deux lettres, Tune au Parlement d'Angleterre et 
aux deputez d'Escosse 4 Londres, et I'autre aux commitez du Parlement 
d'Escosse, par lesquelles il donne son consentement aux trois propositions 
fouchant Religion, la Milice, et I'lrlande, qui ont est^ autrefois faites k 
Uxbridge, et aux demandes de la Ville de Londres qui sont de peu de 
consequence avec promesse de les ratifier par actes de ses Parlements, et 
de faire tout ce que peut contribuer k I'establissement des affaires eccle- 
siastiques et civiles et k la paix et Tunion de ses Royaumes par Padvis de 
ses Parlements, et que sadite Majesty de la Grande Bretagne signe le 
Couvenant devant qu'aller k I'armee des Escossois, ou en y arrivant k son 
choix." Moray to Montreuil, March ? Anh. des Aff, Etran^res^ lii. fnl 
164. 



74 THE LAST CAMPAIGN IN THE WEST. CH.Xt. 

Montreuil, sanguine as he was of bending Charles to his 
will, knew that it would he impossible lo obtain his consent to 
Mjifch ts. ^"^^ terms as these, and he accordingly sought for 
Tht . an interview with Loudoun, the most influential of 

proDOiai the commissioners who had lately returned from 
Scotland. He was told that an interview could not 
be granted, and that he must continue to treat through Sir 
Robert Moray. Moray, on being again addressed, assured the 
Frenchman that Loudoun had full powers from the Scottish 
Parliament to negotiate,' and on March 16 he announced that 
the commissioners would withdraw their demand for the accept- 
ance of the whole of the three propositions of Uxbridge and foi 
the signature of the Covenant, and would content themselves with 
a promise from Charles to accept the church settlement which 
had been already made and which should hereafter be made 
by the Parliaments and Assemblies of the two kingdoms. 
Charles was, however, to express a general approbation of the 
Covenant in the letters to the two Parliaments in which he was 
to accept these conditions. The first requirement, wrote 
Montreuil to Ma^arin, was no more than had been proposed 
by Moray in France. As to the second, Charles would not, by 
writing a letter, bind himself to the Covenant as much as if he 
had actually signed it.^ Montreuil was a young diplomatist, 
full of indiscreet zeal and anxious to distinguish himself by 
promoting the establishment of a weak government in Eng- 
land ; but he entirely failed to understand the very peculiar 
charinV Constitution of Charles's mind. Charles could ex- 
If^raih"^ plain away a promise which he had formerly made, 
(aiMhood. Of could couch a promise which he was making in 
words which he intended to explain away at some future time : 

' The only official powers given to him by Parliament were given tc 
him as a mcmbet of the Committee of Eslales, and they contained s 
clause ' that oane of the commities entir in treatlie anent the poyntes and 
nnieles in questione betwixt his Ma"" and estates of thii kingdomc, 
belwixt the kingdomcs themselves, without consent of a quorum of tbe 
whole thrie conimitties.' Atts ef Pari, af St. vi, 383. Probably Loudoun 
had this assent, but a foreigner easily makes mistakes in such matters 

* Montreuil lo Maiarin, March ^. Arch, dts Aff. ^trangire!. 
fol. 164. 



I 
I 



1646 MONTREUIL AND THE SCOTS. 75 

but nothing would induce him deliberately to use binding 
words with the express intention of disregarding them on the 
plea that the form in which his promise was made did not 
officially and legally amount to a contract The distinction 
may appear to plain minds to be merely one between one form' 
of falsehood and another, but there can be no doubt that it 
was a very real one to Charles himself. 

Later in the day Moray handed to Montreuil a paper in 
which the final engagements expected by the Scottish Com- 
A final missioners were written down, though merely in 
engagement his own hand. The demand for even a general 
approval of the Covenant had disappeared entirely, 
but in other respects the obligations now required by Moray in 
the name of the Scots corresponded with that indicated in his 
own conversation in the morning.* On Charles's agreeing to 

' " Les Deput^z de I'Escosse m*ont autoris^ pour asseurer la Reyne et 
Monseigneur le Cardinal, que si le Roy de la G. B. veut se retirer en 
Tarm^e des Escossois il y sera receu avec toutes sortes d*honneur et de 
surety, et y demeurera avec une enti^re surete, comme aussy les Princes 
Robert et Maurice, le Secretaire Nicholas, et Mr. Ashbumham, et les 
Escossois s*interposeront eflficacement pour faire I'accomodement de tous 
ceux de son party avec le Parlement d'Angleterre, k la reserve de trois ou 
quatre qui s*^loigneront pour quelque temps seulement, pourvu qu*aupara- 
vant que d'aller ^ la ditte arm^e : il plaise au Roy de la Gr. Br. escrire 
deux lettres, Tune au Parlement d'Angleterre et aux Deputez d'Escosse ^ 
Londres, I'autre au Comit^ du Parlement d'Escosse, qui sont en Escosse, 
et en I'arm^e des Escossois, par lesquelles il declare qu'il consent que les 
affaires ecclesiastiques soient establies en la mani^re desja prescrilte par les 
Parlements et Assemblies du Clerg^ des deux Royaumes, et qu'il approu- 
vera tout ce qu'ils feront k I'advenir touchant les dittes affaires ecclesias- 
tiques, consent que la Milice soit dispos^e en la mani^re qu'il a este propose 
par les Deput& d'Escosse et d'Angleterre k Oxbrige pour sept ans entre 
les mains de ses Parlements, comme leurs Depute I'ont propose 4 Oxbrige, 
et qu'il accorde les demandes de la ville de Londres presentees k sa ditte 
Majesty k Oxford avec promesse de tout ratiffier et establir par actes de 
ses Parlements et de faire tout ce qui peut contribuer au bien des affaires 
ecclesiastiques et civiles par Tadvis de ses Parlements, ce qui estant fait 
les Deputez d'Escosse sont r^olus de faire en sorte, que sa ditte Majesty 
seroit re9ue en son Parlement et remis en sa dignity, grandeur et autorite. 
A Londres le || Mars 1646, sign^ Moray." The second engagement of the 
Scots, Ranke, EngL Geschichte^ viii. 174. 



76 THE LAST CAMPAIGN IN THE WEST. CH. XL. 

tlie terms as they now stood he would be received in the 
Scottish army. 

Bearing this missive, Montreuil set out for Oxford on the 
following morning. He had learnt from the Scots that they 
March 17. entertained no doubt of their ability to cany their 
Montreuil point with the English Parliament The majority of 
Oxford. the Peers was on their side, and the City was no less 
Hopes of firmly attached to them. The Presbyterian mem- 
**** '*' bers of the House of Commons had bound them- 
selves by oath that if, on the King's betaking himself to the 
Scottish army, the Independents should refuse their consent to 
a reasonable settlement, they would join the Scots with an army 
of 25,000 men. These troops they hoped to levy in the asso- 
ciated counties, where Presbyterianism was now rampant,possibly 
because the Independents who found their way into the army at 
the beginning of the war were, after all, exceptions amongst their 
neighbours, and certainly because the eastern counties, as a seat 
of manufacture as well as of agriculture, were anxious for peace, 
and were annoyed at the burdensome taxation which had been 
imposed specially upon the Parliamentary counties for purposes 
in which they were not themselves immediately interested.* 

Whatever might be the result of the proposed appeal to 
the associated counties, the support of the City seemed to be 
Collision absolutely certain. As usually happens when bodies 
between of TCitu are divided upon some wide question of 

Parliament • • 1 .- j/r r • • 

and the principle, petty differences of opinion were aggra- 

^^^' vated into causes of grave dispute. On February 13 

Th^*?om?' the officers of the militia of the suburbs, the Tower 

whu^rWn*'* Hamlets, Southwark, and Westminster, had remon- 

miiitta. stratcd against a proposal for placing them at the 

March 5. orders of the City Committee of Militia. The Com- 

for pJell^ mons did their best to smooth away the difficulty, 

^^^"* and on March 13 appointed a committee to con- 

ciommont. ^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^ Suburban forces could be placed under 

the command of the City authorities in some way 

which would avoid giving offence to either party.* A far 

* Montreuil to Mazarin, March ^ Arch, des Af, Etran^is. 
■ C./. iv. 441. 474' 



1646 THE RECRUITERS. 77 

more important question was raised by an ordinance for th^ 
general establishment of Presbyterianism throughout England, 
sent up to the Lords on March 5. Of this ordinance one 
The Z4tb clause — the 14th — was singled out by the high Pres- 
*^°**' byterians for animadversion as introducing the au- 
thority of the State where they wished to see nothing but the 
authority of the Church. Whenever the eldership came to the 
cianse on conclusion that a scandalous offence, which ought to 
from^oS exclude the offender from participation in the Com- 
munion, mimion, had been committed, they were then, if it 
was not included in the Parliamentary list, to suspend the guilty 
person for a time, and to report the matter to certain commis- 

Marchxs. sioucrs appointed by Parliament, who were finally 
^dause jQ decide upon the case.* On the 13th the Lords, 
the LorS, though not without strong opposition, passed the im- 

March 14. pugncd clausc, and gave their assent to the whole 
whole ordinance on the following day,^ though it had, in 

ordinance, conscquence of amendments made in it, again to 
come before the Commons. 

The House of Commons which adopted this ordinance was 
not altogether the same as that which, in the crisis of the war. 
The had stood at the head of Parliamentary England. 

Recruiters. |^Jq^ ^y short of 150 ncw members had been chosen, 

and these Recruiters, as they were called, counted amongst 
them men like Ireton and Fleetwood, Ludlow and Algernon 
Sidney, not to mention Henry Marten, whose expulsion was 
thus virtually annulled. By the sheer weight of numbers, if 
their votes had been thrown on one side or the other, they 
would have been able to make an entire change in the balance 
of parties. Yet it is doubtful whether the complexion of the 
House was much altered. Still, as before, the Presbyterian 
party was predominant, if by that name it is intended to in- 
clude those who desired the establishment of Presbyterianism 
and were unwilling to tolerate the wilder forms of opinion. 
Still, as before, the Independent party was predominant, if by 
that name is meant to include those who would hear nothing 
of a combination with the Scots to come to terms with the 
* Cy. iv. 464. » L,J, viii. 208, 209. 



78 THE LAST CAMPAIGN IN THE WEST. CH. XL. 

King, and who wished to grant some modified form of tolera- 
tion to those whose opinions were not in all respects identical 
with those which generally prevailed. The Long Parliament 
at this period, like the assemblies of the French Revolution, 
contained groups rather than parties. There was a small 
group of members in favour of unlimited, or almost unlimited, 
toleration. There was a somewhat larger group of members 
in favour of refusing toleration of any kind. There was a 
powerful group of lawyers, with Selden and Whitelocke at their 
head, entirely opposed to any scheme for entrusting the clergy 
with secular jurisdiction even in church matters, except undjer 
the permanent control of Parliament. Between the lawyers 
and the Independents in the stricter sense an alliance was 
formed, and the general drift of opinion against clerical 
power was strong enough for the present to give them the 
mastery. 

The sentiments of the Assembly in opposition to those of 
the Parliament were well expressed by Baillie. "We find it 
necessary," he wrote, " to say that Christ in the New 
view of the Testament had instituted a church government dis- 
situation. iii^Qi from the civil, to be exercised by the officers of 
the Church without commission from the magistrate." The 
conduct of the Houses filled him with despair. " The Pope 
and the King," he added, " were never more earnest for the 
headship of the Church than the plurality of this Parliament. 
However, they are like for a time, by violence, to carry it Yet 
almost all the ministry are zealous for the prerogative of Christ 
against them." The crisis had now arrived. The Scottish 
commissioners, he hoped, and the Assembly together with the 
City ministers would petition against the obnoxious clause, 
* but that which, by God's help, may prove most efiectual is 
the zeal of the City itself.' ^ 

On March 14, in fact, the City presented to the Commons 

March I ^^^ objections to the 14th clause, which, as the ordi- 

TheCity nancc was on that day returned with amendments 

by the Lords, was still before the House. It is no 

matter for surprise that the City was tenaciously Presbyterian, 

» BaiUtey ii. 360. 



x646 MONTREUIL AT OXFORD, 79 

The fear of ecclesiastical tyranny which was so strong on the 
benches of the House of Commons had no terrors for the 
merchants and tradesmen of the City. By filling the elderships 
those very merchants and tradesmen constituted the Church 
for purposes of jurisdiction. Whatever ecclesiastical tyranny 
there was would be exercised by themselves. 

In the House of Commons the interference of the citizens 
was treated as impertinence. The petitioners were 

Answer 

of the told that they had broken the privileges of Parlia- 

ommons. j^^j^^.^ ^^^ ^^^ jj^^y must present no more petitions 

of the kind.^ 

After this the Scots were easily able to assure Mon- 
Charies's ^rcuil that they were secure of the support of the 
assent to the City. The kcystone of the arch was, however, the 

Presbyterian "^ , . r r^y t -i • i • 

combnation approbation of Charles, and it was to secure this 

"^ ' that the French Agent took his way to Oxford. 

M^nt'iSiiV* No sooner had he arrived than he discovered that 

at Oxford. ^]^g King was as firmly resolved as ever to give no 

March 23. conseut to the establishment of Presbyterianism. 

Charless '' 

opin on of In his letters to his wife Charles characterised the 
efforts made to explain away the promise which he 
was asked to give as * Montreuil's juggling.' * 

The time had, however, now come when Charles must 
nerve himself to some decision. He must have known, if not 
A decision of the actual Surrender of Hopton, at least of the 
necessary, j^gavy blows of misfortunc which would soon make 
surrender inevitable. Now, too, arrived news of fresh disaster. 
Even after the Western army had been definitively cut off from 
^j , Oxford, Charles had still entertained hopes of rally- 
miiitary ing Tound him soldiers enough to enable him to 
prospec effect a junction with those French auxiliaries for 
whose coming he still looked with eager expectation. With 
March 21. this object Astley was already on the march through 
Stow!ifn^' *' Worcestershire to Oxford with 3,000 men. On 
the- Wold. March 21, in the early morning, he was attacked near 
Stow-on- the- Wold by the combined Parliamentary forces of 

» Whitacre*8 Diary. Add. MSS. 31,116, fol. 259. 

* The King to the Queen, March 22. Char Us /. in 1646, p. 27. 



8o THE LAST CAMPAIGN IN THE WEST. CH. XL. 

Morgan, Birch, and Brereton, the numbers on either side being 
about equal After a sharp engagement the Royalists were 
overpowered. As in Cornwall, the King's soldiers had no heart 
to prolong the war, and at once surrendered in crowds. De- 
serted by his men, Astley gave himself up as a prisoner. The 
AsUev's white-haired veteran, seated on a drum amongst his 
^"'*™*"** captors, frankly acknowledged that the King's defeat 
was final. "You have now done your work," he said, "and 
may go play, unless you will fall out amongst yourselves." * A 
few garrisons might still, for honour's sake, bid defiance to the 
victors for a time, but to gather an army in the field was no 
longer possible for Charles. 

If it be asked what were the causes which had led to such 
a disastrous result, the answer cannot be otherwise than a com- 
plex one. Something may be laid to the account of 
Charles's Charlcs's inferior financial position ; something to 
**** the reluctance of the classes which furnished his 
principal supporters to submit to discipline ; something to the 
ill-feeling which prevailed between the military and the civilian 
element in his court. Nor was it of little moment that, al- 
though he had succeeded in enlisting on his side commanders 
like Rupert and Brentford, whose military talents were un- 
questionable, he had, in England at least, no one to direct his 
armies who rose, as Cromwell rose, to the rank of those who 
are possessed of the rare quality of military genius. Yet, after 
all, these things were but symptoms of causes of evil more pro- 
found. Charles's own character was most in fault. His entire 
want of sympathetic imagination had ruined him in the day of 
his power by rendering him incapable of understanding the 
nation which he claimed to govern. It ruined him equally 
when he was striving to recover the power which he had lost, 
because he was unable to rouse enthusiasm even in that part 
of the nation which, through an unexpected concurrence of 
events, had rallied to his standard. Over those who shared his 
devotional feelings, especially over such of them as were eye- 
witnesses of his passive constancy of endurance, his ascen- 

^ Rushw, vi. 140. 



1646 CHARLES AND CROMWELL. 81 

dency was complete. A nation looks for the word of command 
from a leader who is imbued with its virtues, its passions, and 
its prejudices. Such a word of command Charles never had it 
in his power to give. He could criticise his opponents, but he 
was absolutely devoid of constructive power. 

Hence it was that in spite of the tendency of a great mer- 
cantile community to support the cause of order, Charles was 
never able to win back the allegiance of the London citizens, 
and left to his opponents the enormous advantages, military 
and financial, which the City of London had to offer to them, 
and which more than any other cause contributed powerfully 
to their success. Hence, too, it was that on the disastrous 
field of Naseby, when his gallant and well-disciplined infantry 
was crushed by superior numbers as well as by superior skill, 
it was found to be composed almost entirely of Welshmen. It 
was not for nothing that the nickname of Cavaliers clung to 
his adherents. The bulk of the gentry made common cause 
with him ; but the bulk of the middle classes, the tradesmen in 
the towns, the farmers and yeomen in the country attached 
themselves to his adversaries, whilst the labourers in town and 
country stood, for the most part, aloof from the struggle, and 
after a while could no longer be brought by force or persuasion 
to fight for a King who knew not how to find the way to their 
hearts. 

Ruinous as were the defects of Charles's character, they 
were rendered still more fatal by his positive antagonism to the 
national spirit. Nothing could be more disastrous to him than 
his constant appeals to Welshmen, Irishmen, Scots, French- 
men, Lorrainers, and Dutchmen to assist him in arms. 
Englishmen, without regard to party, felt the affront, and their 
indignation quickly made itself perceptible to Charles in the 
slackening of the arms of his defenders and in the strengthen- 
ing of the arms of his enemies. Charles grew weak in propor- 
tion as he sought to make good his claims through 
Cromwell's Combinations outside England. Cromwell grew 
success. strong in proportion as he brought the objects at 
which he aimed into harmony with the grand design of 

VOL. III. G 



8a THE LAST CAMPAIGN IN THE WESl. CH. XL. 

preserving the national unity and independence intact That 
Cromwell should have had at his disposal more skilful com- 
manders and more energetic and better disciplined soldiers 
than Charles could gather round him was no more than the 
natural result of the moral and intellectual difference between 
them. 



«3 



CHAPTER XLI. 

THE king's flight TO THE SCOTS. 

It was ever Charles's habit to meet difficulties with neatly 
arranged phrases, rather than with a prompt recognition of the 

1646. significance of unpleasant facts. Since he had re- 
Ch^iesasics ccivcd Montreuil's communication, the Scots had 
wIstmS-'° been out of favour with him, and on March 23, upon 
ster. the arrival of the bad news from Stow-on-the-Wold, 

he despatched a request to the English Parliament for permis- 
sion to return to Westminster, on the understanding that an 
act of oblivion was to be passed and all sequestrations taken 
off the property of his supporters.* 

Even had this offer been ingenuous, it simply concealed a 
demand that the whole civil war should go for nothing, and 
Character of ^^^^ Charlcs should bc allowcd to step back on the 
the request, throne, frcc to refuse his assent to any legislation 
R^t'^oAhe ^^^^^ displeased him. On the 26th the Commons 
Houses. drew up a reply refusing to concede his request until 
he had given satisfaction for the past and security for the 
future. In other words, there was to be a mutual understand- 
ing on the constitutional changes which were to be accepted 
by both parties before Charles could be permitted to take up 
the position which he held to be, by indefeasible right, his 
own. The proposal of the Commons was accepted by the 
Lords and by the Scottish commissioners, after which, on 
April I, it was despatched to Oxford.^ 

Charles's proposal, in short, had gone far to reconcile the 
opponents whom he hoped to divide. Already, on March 18, 
before his message was penned, the Commons had recognised 

> Z./. viii. 235. « Ibid. viii. 248. 

Ga 



84 THE KING'S FLIGHT TO THE SCOTS. CH. XU. 

their mistake in reflecting on the conduct of the City, and had 
expunged from their journals the resolution^ in which they 
April X. ^^ embodied their feelings of dissatisfaction.' On 
OxfoS?' ^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ arrival of the King's letter completed 
the reconciliation. The citizens were terrified at the 
the Com- prospcct of Charlcs's return to London before he 
""^"^ had bound himself to the constitutional and ecclesi- 

/ulrm ufliie astical changes which they desired, especially as the 
^''y* Royalists in London had recently been reinforced 

by hundreds of still more pronounced Royalists, who had 
flocked into the City to make their compositions with Parlia- 
ment. 

On the 26th the Houses urged the City to stand on its 

March 26 g^^r^ 'I^^® sense of a common danger showed 
The City to itself in a mutual interchange of civilities. The 

^uard. Commons invited the authorities of the City to be 

Mutual present at their thanksgiving service for the victories 
civilities. j^ ^j^g ^y^gj^ ^^^ ^Yit City authorities returned the 

compliment by asking the Commons to dinner.' 

Baillie's remarks on this sudden revulsion of feeling were 
dismal enough. "The leaders of the people," he moaned. 
Pa iHe's " seem to be inclined to have no shadow of a king ; 
co.upiamt. ^Q \i2ivt liberty for all religions ; to have but a lame 
Erastian Presbytery ; to be so injurious to us as to chase us 
home by the sword. . . . Our great hope on earth, the City of 
Ix>ndon, has played nip-shot" — in other words, has missed 
fire. "... They are speaking of dissolving the Assembly." * 
The sermon on Thanksgiving-day was delivered by that 
prince of army chaplains, Hugh Peters. At times rising into 
April 2. what, compared with the dull platitudes of most of 
JJefc^hM a" ^^^ celebrated preachers of the day, almost ascends 
thanks- into real, if somewhat incoherent, eloquence, he was 

giving scr- ' » 1 7 

mon. entirely without fear of giving oflence to any of his 

hearers. " I could wish," he said, " some of my learned 

* See p. 79. 

* C.J. iv. 479; Whitacre's Diary, Add. MSS. 31,116, fol. 259. 

* Merc. Civicus. E. 330, 15. 

* Baiilie, ii. 362. 



1646 HUGH PETERS'S SERMON, 85 

brethren's quarrelling hours were rather spent upon clearing 
the originals, and so conveying over pure scripture to posterity, 
than in scratching others with their sharpened pens, and making 
cockpits of pulpits." In another place he pitilessly represented 
Charles's court as travailing as a woman with child with its 
great design for the overthrow of the Parliament " And then," 
he continued, " before the birth, what throes and pains ! Send 
to Denmark, run to Holland, fly to France, curse Digby, im- 
prison Hamilton, &c. ; and then all help is called in for 
midwifery — entreat friends here and there, pawn jewels, break 
and close with Irish even in a breath — anything for help — 
hazard posterity — engage in marriage,* and — as she did — roar 
out, * Give me a child, or I die ! ' and that miscarriage we are 
this day to praise God for, and wonder at." If their enemy 
were indeed such a one as this, let those who had opposed 
him in the field be deaf to his pleadings for an insidious peace. 
Yet it was not with political considerations alone that Peters 
was concerned. He had thoughts for the salvation of the 
profane and the sinner. "Men and brethren," he cried, 
" whilst we are disputing here, they are perishing there, and 
going to hell by droves. If I know anything, what you have 
gotten by the sword must be maintained by the word — I say 
the word, by which English Christians are made; in other 
countries discipline makes them so. Drive them into a church 
together, and then dub them Christians; you will find too 
much of this abroad, and hence it comes to pass that most of 
their religion lies in polemics, which is the trade we are likely 
to drive if God prevent not." What Peters asked for was not 
stricter discipline but more attractive preaching. Nor were 
men's bodies to be neglected. Why, he asked, was not the 
Charterhouse employed in helping the widows and orphans of 
those who had been slain in the war? Why were there so 
many beggars in the City? Why could not the courts do 
justice more quickly ? and, as a means thereto, why could not 
the language of the law be English instead of French — that 

* Referring, I suppose, to the latest matrimonial project. The Great 
Mademoiselle, being a Roman Catholic, would if married to the Prince 
hazard posterity. 



86 THE KING'S FLIGHT 70 THE SCOTS. CH. XLI 

badge of conquest ? There might even be ' two or three friend- 
makers set up in every parish, without whose labour and leave 
none should implead another. Why, he asked again, were 
poor debtors to be kept in prison ? Why, finally, should men's 
names be exposed to detraction ? He did not, indeed, ask for 
punishment. He had learnt better things from the Lord 
General. " Let us look to our duties," Fairfax was accustomed 
to say, " and the Lord will care for our reproaches." ^ 

No one who has read this sermon will be at a loss to know 
why the man who preached it was favoured alike by Fairfax 
Character of ^^^ Cromwell. There was no canting fanaticism 
the sermon, ^grg There was distrust of an intriguing enemy, 
but, for the rest, there was an appeal to all who came within 
the influence of the preacher to leave windy disputations for a 
religion which manifested its reality in abounding well-doing, 
especially in the direction of social reform. 

As a matter of fact Peters's suspicion that Charles was not 

straightforward in his request to come to London was per- 

Marchas. fectly well-founded. On March 23, the very day on 

^ndl^i which his letter to the Houses had been despatched 

secret from Oxford, he dictated to Montreuil a secret mes- 

message to 

the Scots, sage to the Scottish commissioners in London, 
which, though it contained no direct promise that he would 
do anything they wished him to do, might serve to keep them 
in hope of his possibly doing it at some future time. " First," 
so ran the words, "as concerning church government, we do 
really promise that we shall give full contentment therein as 
soon as we come to London, so as in the meantime you give 
us satisfaction— which we shall be willing to receive — that 
what you desire therein shall not be against our conscience." 
In case of a refusal of his offer to come to Westminster, he 
would betake himself to the Scottish army on receiving 
assurance that he would be there secure in conscience and 
March 24. honour. On the next day he added that as soon as 
BuJl-ende?'^ this assurancc reached him he would surrender 
Newark. Newark into their hands. Nor was London forgotten 
in Charles's promises. He offered to satisfy the demands which 
* God^s dcin^s and Man's dufy^ 114, e. 15^ 



1^46 MONTREUWS DIPLOMACY, %•) 

the City had made at Uxbridge, especially in respect to the 
command of the militia.^ 

On the 27th Montreuil, in Charles's name, pressed the 
Scots for a reply.* Though their answer has not been pre- 
March27. Served, there can be little doubt that they gave 
presI^^Vora assurances that if the King placed himself under the 
reply. protcction of their army he should be secure both 

in conscience and honour ; though it is most unlikely that 
they allowed anything of the sort to appear in their own hand- 
Apriii. writing.^ The result was that on April i engage- 
of"enga«i^* mcnts werc exchanged between Montreuil and the 
ments. King. The French Agent promised in the name of 

the King of France and of the Queen Regent that, if Charles 
* put himself into the Scots' army, he ' should * be there re- 
ceived as their natural sovereign, and that he ' should * be with 
them in all freedom of his conscience and honour . . . and 
that the said Scots shall really and effectually join with the 
said King . . . and also receive all such persons as shall come 
in unto him, and join with them for his Majesty's preservation ; 
. . . and that they shall employ their armies and forces to 
assist his Majesty in the procuring of a happy and well- 
grounded peace . . . and in recovery of his Majesty's just 
rights.' Charles on his part promised to take no companions 
with him except his two nephews and John Ashburnham. 
" As for church government," he added, " as I have already 
said, I now again promise that, as soon as * I come into the 

' The King's messages, March 23, 24. Clar, SL P. ii. 218, 219. 

• The King's message, March 27. Ibid. ii. 220. 

• Clarendon in his History (x. 26) says that Montreuil visited the 
Scottish army before he made the engagement. This is, however, an 
evident mistake, first, because there was hardly time to do it between the 
27th and the 1st ; and, secondly, because not only had his communications 
hitherto been with the commissioners in London, but the Frenchman's 
letter of April 1 1 shows that up to March 25 the commissioners with the 
army knew nothing about the affair. Montreuil to Mazarin, April ^J. 
Arch, des Aff. Etrang^res^ lii. fol. 227. Clarendon's account of the 
Scottish commissioners with the army waiting for Loudoun's arrival shows 
that he was really thinking of the modification of the Scottish terms made 
on March 16, after Loudoun's arrival in London. See p. 75. 



88 THE KING'S FUGHT TO THE SCOTS. CH. XLI. 

Scots' army, I shall be very willing to be instructed concerning 
the Presbyterian government, whereupon they shall see that I 
shall strive to content them in anything that shall not be against 
my conscience." ^ 

A question might one day arise whether the Scottish com- 
missioners in London had any right to bind their Parliament 
Faults on ^^^ nation. However this may have been, there 
both sides, ^^g undoubtedly a want of straightforwardness on 
both sides. The Scots did not urge the King's acceptance of 
Presbyterian ism as a necessary condition of the help which 
they were prepared to offer. The King talked of contenting 
the Scots about church government as far as his conscience 
would allow, and of being instructed in the Presbjrterian 
system, without stating that he had resolved never to abandon 
Episcopacy. If we knew all, we should probably come to the 
conclusion that both parties were trying, perhaps to some 
extent unconsciously, to outwit one another. Charles was 
hardly able to conceive it possible that the Scots, when he 
was once among them, would really insist on the establishment 
of Presbyterianism in England, and the Scots were hardly able 
to conceive it possible that, considering all that was at stake, 
Charles would ultimately refuse to establish it. Neither spoke 
clearly or openly on the all-important subject. In such a case 
it is the weakest who goes to the wall ; and Charles was cer- 
tainly not the strongest. 

Of all this Montreuil seems to have had no conception. 
On April 3 he took the road towards Newark, in full confidence 
April 3. that, as had been agreed in London,^ Leven would 
^s to"^ despatch a body of cavalry to meet the King. He 
Newark. ^^s to tcll the Scottish commandcrs that Charles 
would leave Oxford on the 7th, and would expect to meet his 
convoy at Harborough on the 8th. 

When Montreuil reached the army on the 5th he found 
that all his work must be begun afresh. Balmerino, who was 

* The King's promise, and Montreuirs engagement, April i. Clar, 
St, P, ii. 220. 

* Montreuil to Mazarin, March J|. Arch, des Aff, Etranghes^ lii, 
fol. 169. 



1646 A HARD NEGOTIATION. 89 

to have come from London to persuade the commissioners 
with the army and the officers to receive the King, had not 
April 5. arrived. On inquiry, it appeared that, as the day 
d^p^Li* was a Sunday, he had hahed thirty miles short of 
meat. Newark to keep the Sabbath. Montreuil, to whom 

Baimcnno (he scruplcs of a Scotchman were inexplicable, rode 
Sabbath. oflf to hasten his coming. Balmerino, when at last he 
appeared, argued but feebly in support of the plan to which 
he had assented in London. The Scottish officers not only re- 
fused to send the required escort, but even hindered Montreuil 
from despatching a messenger to inform Charles of their refusal. 
For some days the French Agent feared that Charles 
might already have set out from Oxford, and have been cap- 
Montreuir* tured by the enemy for want of a convoy. He was 
fears. finally relieved by a letter from the King teUing him 

Th^^Kin"* ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ postpoucd his joumey. At last, on the 
journey 15th, Montrcuil was able to forward somewhat better 
^* ^^ tidings. Loudoun had come down to Royston, and 
Modified^' had there had an interview with Dunfermline and 
offS^by Balcarres,^ two of the Scottish commissioners with 
the Scots. ^Q army. The result was a proposal to receive the 
King into the army, on the understanding that to avoid giving 
oflfence to the English Parliament, he should give out, when 
he arrived, that he was on his way to Scotland, and had merely 
halted in the camp. The Scots professed themselves still 
ready to receive the two Princes and Ashburnham, but only 
on condition that, if their surrender were demanded, they 
would leave the country rather than bring their hosts into 
trouble. If these terms were accepted the Scots would send 
an escort as far as Burton, and a few horsemen might push on 
to Bosworth, but to send men to Harborough was 
terilnf^mto out of the qucstion. " As to the Presbyterian 
be granted, goy^mnfient," they added, " they desire his Majesty 
to grant it as speedily as he can." * 

* The name is inserted from the copy of Montreuil's letter to Nicholas 
in the Arch, des Aff. Eirang^reSy lii. fol. 216, where Balcarres is called 
•Bacara.* 

» Montreuil to Mazarin, April JJ, Arch, des Aff. Etrangh^es, lii. fol. 



I 






90 THE KTKC'S FLIGHT TO THE SCOTS. CH.*LL 

The situation was now clear. U'hatever inferences Charles 
may have drawn from ihe communications of the London 
commissioners, he would be now wilfully blind if he misunder- 
stood the peremptory nature of the demand for the establish- 
ment of Presbyterianism in England. Yet it was this which 
he had firmly resolved to oppose to the uttermost. On the 
i3lh he delivered to his chaplain, Gilbert Sheldon, 
a written vow declaring his resolution that if ever he 
'""■ was restored to power he wou]d give back to the 

Church its right to all impropriations and to all Church lands 
hitherto in possession of the Crown, and would thereafter hold 
them from the Church at such fines and rents as might be 
fixed by a conscientious arbitrator. It is impossible to sup- 
pose that Charles intended to restore this property to any 
Presbyterian body.' The paper on which this solemn obliga- 
tion was written was buried by Sheldon, and remained in the 
earth till after the Restoration. 

Charles's anxiety to retain the services of Montrose was no 
less incompatible with an understanding with the Scots than 

„__, was his resolution to maintain Episcopacy in 

England. For some months Montrose had been 
hanging about the Highlands with a scanty follow- 
ing. Now that he had lost the Macdonalds, and that their 
war against the Campbells was being carried on under another 
leadership than his own, he had done his best to secure the 
co-operation of Huntly. The old difficulty stood in his way. 
Huntly was too great a man to put himself under Montrose's 
orders, and Montrose could hardly be expected to serve under 
ArrU is. a nobleman who had never given proof of courage or 
i^^him capacity.' Charles had thought of smoothing away 
Co«-" "" ''^^ difficulty by appointing Montrose his ambassador 
ranim. to the French court, but he still hankered after the 
idea of uniting him with the Covenanters, On the iSth he 

2J7 J Monlreuil lo Nicholas, April 15 or 16 ; Messages to the King. 
April 16, Clar. St. P. ii. 3zl, 223. 

' The King's vow, April 13. Clar. MSS. 2,176. Ptinled in the 
■ppendix to Eachard's Hiitoty, p. J. 

' Wisllarl, ch. XX. ; Patrick Gordon, IJJ. 



I 



HiglilaatU. 



1646 CHARLES DISAPPOINTED, 91 

wrote to urge him, if Montreuil should send him favourable 
news, to combine his own forces with those of the Covenanters 
and to hasten to his relief.^ 

On the following day ^ Charles heard from Montreuil that 
the Scots expected him to establish Presbyterianism, and that 

April 19. they would not consent even to allow him to send 
heareofthe Montrosc to Paris. "The Scots," he complained 
cSngeof to his wifc, "are abominable relapsed rogues."^ 
front. Ygt without the help of the Scots his position was 

His danger, well-nigh desperate. Forces under Fleetwood and 
Whalley were already gathering round Oxford, and they would 
before long be joined by Fairfax's victorious army from the 
West. A new project flashed across Charles's mind. On the 

Aril 22 22nd he resolved to escape to Lynn. How he 
He resolves expcctcd to make his way into the place there is 
refuge in nothing to show, but he assured the Queen that 

^^' when he was there he would attempt to procure 

'honourable and safe conditions from the rebels.' If that 
failed he would join Montrose by sea, and if that resource 
failed also he would escape to Ireland, France, or Denmark. 
" If thou hearest," he added in a postscript, " that I have put 
myself into Fairfax's army, be assured it is only to have the 
fittest opportunity of going to Lynn in a disguise, if not by 
other ways." * 

If Charles had tarried much longer at Oxford, he would 

soon have come into collision with the army against which he 

March ^^^ ^^ strongly prejudiced. On March 31 Fairfax 

Exeter returned to the lines round Exeter, and summoned Sii 

John Berkeley to surrender. Berkeley, cut off as he 

was from hope of succour, agreed to treat. The articles of 

April 9. surrender were signed on April 9. The little Prin- 
turifnier ^^^^ Henrietta and her governess, Lady Dalkeith, 
signed. were to remain in any place of England which it 
pleased the King to appoint. Neither the cathedral nor any 

* The King to Montrose, April 18. C/ar, S^. P, ii. 224. 

* The King to the Queen, April 22. Charles I, in 1646, p. 37, 
■ The King to the Queen, April 21. Ibid. p. 36. 

* The King to the Queen, April 22. Ibid, p. 37. 



92 THE KING'S FLIGHT TO THE SCOTS. CH. XU. 

other church was to be defaced. The garrison, which was to 
march out fully armed with all the honours of war, was per- 
mitted to betake itself to Oxford unless it preferred to disband. 
There were further concessions made to the lords and gentle- 
men who had taken refuge in the city, amongst whom was the 
detested Bristol. That which distinguished this capitulation 
^ j^j from all others was, however, a provision that ' no 
exemption oath, covcnant, protestation, or subscription ' was to 
and cove- bc imposed on any person within the walls. To 
"*° *■ this article Thomas Fuller, who had been in the city 

during the siege, owed it that he was able to continue preach- 
ing during the rest of the civil troubles, without being required 
to take the Covenant. 

On the 13th the Parliamentary forces entered the capital of 

the West, Cromwell taking good care that the terms granted 

. ., were observed. Fairfax had not waited for the com- 

Apnl 13. 

Surrender of pletion of the formalities. Hurrying off to Barn- 
staple, he soon brought its garrison to terms. On 
April ao. thg 20th, the fortifications having fallen into the 

Sunender ' " 

of Bam- hands of the besiegers, the place surrendered, and on 

staple and , ,-r^^i •!/. -r^ii 

Dunster the samc day Dunster Castle gave itself up to Blake. 

** St. Michael's Mount had already submitted on the 

April IS. icth. The little fort of Salcombe held out for about 

and of St. '■' 

Michael's three weeks longer, and then the Castle of Penden- 
°""' nis was the only unconquered stronghold in the 
West. Fairfax was already on the way to lay siege to Oxford.^ 
If Charles had been in earnest with the schemes of tolera- 
tion which he from time to time proposed, he would surely 
Charles and ^^vc disccmed the significance of the article exempt- 
thearmy. j^^g ^^^Q bcsicgcd at Exetcr from the obligation of 
taking the Covenant. That he was not, under such circum- 
stances, attracted to the army is strong evidence that his talk 
about toleration never went deeper than his lips. Whilst the 
g infatuated King inclined rather to the Scots than to 

and the the army, events were occurring in London which 
ar lamen ^^^^ ^^ Scots towards the King. The temporary 

withdrawal of the City from its alliance with them ^ had delivered 
* S^rtgg, 239. * See D. 84. 



1646 THE MANIFESTO OF THE COMMONS. 93 

their commissioners over to the mockery of the Independents 
and Erastians, whose alliance dominated the Commons. Re- 

^ ^j solved to stand up in their own defence, on April 7 
The Scots they presented to the Houses a paper urging the im- 
speedy portance of speedily coming to terms with the King, 
*"*° and suggested that a committee might discuss with 
them each point of the proposed articles. If this were done, 
the propositions on religion might be agreed to in a few days, 
and * a method for a model of uniformity in church govern- 

Apriiii. ment' discovered.* On the nth, without waiting 
pubufh°Seir ^^^ ^ ^^P^Yj the Scots uot Only sent to the press this 
papers. paper and two others, which they had formerly pre- 
sented, but added a preface, written by David Buchanan, in 
which every point which had been raised by them against the 

April 13. English Parliament was set forth succinctly. On the 
2^ns^er ^S^h the Commons ordered the whole publication to 
burnt.'° ^ ^^ burnt ; and though subsequently the Lords re- 

. ., o stricted the execution of the order to Buchanan's 

Apnl z8. 

Ony the preface, the condemnation of the attitude taken up 

preface to , 

be burnt. by the Scots was hardly less complete.^ 

On April 1 7 the Commons replied to the manifesto of the 
Scots by a counter-manifesto. They protested their desire to 
April 17. settle religion m accordance with the Covenant, * to 
JfThe'^"°° maintain the ancient and fundamental government 
Commons, of this kingdom, and to lay hold on the first oppor- 
tunity of procuring a safe and well-grounded peace .... and 
to keep a good understanding between the two kingdoms.' 

Then, entering into details, they declared that the future 
church government was to be Presbyterian * saving in the point 
The Church of commissioncrs.' It was impossible for them to 
teri^'^^^^' * consent to the granting of an arbitrary and unlimited 
but under power and jurisdiction to near ten thousand judica- 
Pariiaraen- torics to bc crectcd.' Presbyterian the church was 

tary con* 

troi, to be, but it was to be Presbyterian in due submis- 

mission to the authority of Parliament. If so far satisfaction 

* Z.y. vlii. 256. 

* Some Papers of the Commissioners of Scotland^ E. 330, I ; CJ, iv. 
506 ; L.J, viii. 277, 281. 



94 THE KING'S FUGHT TO THE SCOTS. CH. XLt 

was given to the Erastians, satisfaction was given to the Inde* 

pendents by that which followed. " Nor," continued 

moderate the manifesto, in words which were only inserted on 

toleration. •!• • • /■ • ^ ^ /■ _^ 

a division of sixty-seven to forty-one, so scanty was 
the attendance when even important questions were at issue, 
" have we yet resolved how a due regard may be had that 
tender consciences, which differ not in any fundamentals of 
religion, may be so provided for as may stand with the Word 
of God and the peace of the kingdom." 

In matters of state the House professed its intention of 

abiding by the old form of government by King, Lords, and 

Dosed Commons, and of asking no more of the King than 

scitSncnt that he should abandon to Parliament such powers 

of the State. ... . /• • •! 

as were needed to make a recurrence of civil war 
impossible. Justice was to be administered by the courts of 
law, and the subject to be, as soon as was possible, eased of 
his burdens. After taking this rosy view of the political situa- 
tion, the Commons addressed a final defiance to the Scots. 
The Cove- ^^^Y "^^^^ ^^^^^ ready, they declared, to observe the 
nanttobe Covcnaut, but they expected *that the people of 
by Pariia- England should not receive impressions of any forced 
'"^°'* constructions of the Covenant, which, in case of any 

doubt arising, is only to be expounded by them by whose 
authority it was established in this kingdom.' ^ 

Whilst the Commons, falling, in their animosity against the 
Scots, under the guidance of the Independents, were thus 
The Com- Carrying on a paper war, they were contemptu- 
the"A8sem- ously Setting their foot upon one of the two but- 
^'y- tresses of Scottish power in England, the Assembly 

P«»^of of Divines. In their wrath against the appointment 
biy. of commissioners to decide on ecclesiastical offences, 

the divines had presented a petition, in which they asserted 
April Tx. that ecclesiastical jurisdiction was, by Divine right, 
mon»^de"iarc vested in the Church. On April ii the Houses 
bre^^Tof voted this petition to be a breach of privilege, 
privilege. ^j^^ ^^ jj^g jg^j^ appointed a committee to draw 

up questions to be submitted to the Assembly.^ Already 

» C.J. iv. 512. 2 Ibid. iv. 506, 511. 



1646 THE ASSEMBLY INTERROGATED. 95 

by the 22nd the questions were prepared, which if we may 
judge by internal evidence originated in the critical mind of 
April aa» Selden. Did the Assembly mean that 'parochial 
Questions ^^^ Congregational elderships appointed by ordi- 
Assembiy. nance of Parliament, or any other congregational 
or presbyterial elderships,' were of Divine right? Then 
followed a string of similar interrogatories, ending with a 
request that the answers given might be followed by Scripture 
proofs.^ 

It is needless to pursue the unequal struggle further. Par- 
liament was as disinclined as the Tudor kings had ever been to 
allow the establishment in England of a church system claim- 
ing to exist by Divine right, or by any right whatever inde- 
pendent of the authority of the State. 

On the 23rd, the day after that on which these questions 

were brought in, Cromwell once more took his place at West- 

. .. minster, and received the thanks of the House for 

April 23. , ' 

Cromwell his extraordinary services. ^ The political situation 

receives the 

thanks of must have been almost as much to his mind as was 

the House. ^. ...^ 

the military. 
The events of the last few days had strengthened the hands 
of Parliament in dealing with the King. On the 22nd Charles, 
A rii 22 doubtless in pursuance of the project which he had 
Charles announced to the Queen, of making his escape by 
message to throwing Fairfax's army off its guard,^ sent a mes- 
sage to Ireton through some Royalist officers who 
had passes to go beyond sea, and were visiting Oxford on their 
way. The King, they declared, was ready to come in to Fair- 
fax, and to live wherever Parliament might direct, * if only he 
might be assured to live and continue king still.' Ireton at 
once refused either to discuss a political question with the 
Ireton officers Or to allow them to return to Oxford. All 

sti^^to** that he would do was to acquaint his superior officers 
Cromwell, ^jj^j^ tj^gj,. proposals, and he accordingly wrote to 

Cromwell telling him all that had passed.^ 

» C./. iv. 519. « Ibid, iv. 520. ■ See p. 91. 

* Ireton to Cromwell, April 23. Cary, Memorials of tke Civil 
War^ i. I. 



96 THE KING'S FUGHT TO THE SCOTS. CH. XLL 

It was not much to do, yet even this was more than Crom- 
well approved of. Hitherto he had been a Parliamentary 
April as. general in the fullest sense of the word, setting his 
Warned by ^^^ against every attempt to bring political questions 
Cromwell, within the cognisance of military authorities, and he 
now, from his place in the E[ouse, denounced Ireton as worthy 
Fairfax not of reproof. It was at his instigation that Fairfax was 
wiltures^ instructed to for^'ard to Westminster any letter which 
for peace came into his hands with the King's signature, and 
to take care that neither he nor anyone under his command 
listened to any overture for peace from whatever quarter it 
might come.' 

The close combination which now existed between Parlia- 
ment and army was by no means to the taste of the English 
An overture Presbyterians. Some of them had recently besought 
Engii'^* Charles to take up his dropped negotiation with the 
urlanl" Scots, and on April 24 Nicholas begged Montreuil 
to convey to the Scottish commissioners in London 
answered* assuranccs that the King was still ready to take 
Kbgf refuge in the Scottish army, if only he could be 

received on fit conditions.^ 

Charles could not afford leisurely to await the issue of a 
lengthy negotiation. Colonel Rainsborough was attacking 
April a^ Woodstock, and on the 25th Charles sent to him the 
attempt to Earls of Lindscy and Southampton, nominally to 
negotiate arrange for the surrender of the place, but in reality 
army. to ask him to take the King's person under his pro- 

tection till Parliament could be applied to, and even to engage 
to defend Charles and his servants if the answer of Parliament 
should prgve unsatisfactory.^ 

Charles waited in vain for a reply from Rainsborough, and 
a fresh attempt to win over Ireton proved equally unsuccessful.* 
A letter from Montreuil turned the hopes of the unhappy King 
in another direction. " The disposition of the Scottish com- 

» C./. iv. 523 ; Whitacre*s Diary, Add, MSS. 31,116, fol. 266b. 
^ Nicholas to Montreuil, April 24. Clar. St, P, ii. 225. 
^ Instructions to Lindsey and others, April 25. Clar, St, P, ii. 228. 
* Ashburnham's Narrative^ ii. 71. 



1646 CHARLES'S LEAVE-TAKING. 97 

manders," wrote the French envoy from the camp before 
Newark, " was all that could be desired." They had already 
Acorn. detached some troops towards Burton to look out 
fromM<S^ ^or the King.i Nothing was said about the Scots 
treuii. abating their demands for the establishment of 

Presbyterianism, but, with Fairfax approaching and a siege 
of Oxford imminent, Charles was ready to catch at any straw. 

A rii26 ^^^ ^^ '^^ evening of the 26th he assembled his 
Charles council, and assured them that he had made up his 

takes leave 

of his mind to go to London. If they did not hear of him 

coimc .^ ^ fortnight or three weeks, they had his leave to 

make the best conditions they could.* Of the Scots he did 
not breathe a word, knowing well that he would only rouse 
opposition by mentioning the design on which he was really 
bent. It is possible, however, that he had not finally made up 
his mind as to the course which he was to take. 

A direct ride to the Scottish camp was in any case im- 
possible. Dr. Hudson, one of the royal chaplains, who knew 
Dr. Hud- the country well, and had been employed in carrying 
SODS advice. \Qix.tis between Charles and Montreuil, warned the 
King that his only chanceof reaching Newark without interrup- 
tion lay in his taking at first the direction of London. At 
April 27. three in the morning of the 27th Charles, disguised 
ka^*^ as a servant, with his beard and hair closely trimmed, 
Oxford, passed over Magdalen bridge in apparent attendance 
upon Ashburnham and Hudson. " Farewell, Harry ! " called 
out Glemham to his sovereign as he performed the Governor's 
duty of closing the gates behind him.^ The little party rode 
leisurely on through Dorchester, Henley, and Slough, putting 

* Montreuil to Nicholas, April 20. C/ar. St, P, ii. 224. Ashburn<' 
ham in his Narrative (ii. 71) says that Montreuil*s letter, apparently 
received on the 26th, * did import that all difficulties were reconciled, and 
Mr. David Leslie, their Lieutenant-General, had orders to meet his 
Majesty with two thousand horse at Gainsborough.' The last word is an 
obvious blunder for Harborough. The message appears to have related 
to military movements, and does not appear to have touched on religious 
concessions. 

* Narrative of affairs. Clar, MSS, 2,240. 

* Payne to Browne. Gary, Mem, of the Civil fVar, i. 12. 

VOL. III. H 



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1646 CHARLES'S WANDERINGS, 99 

the guards on the road in good humour by small gifts of money, 
and exhibiting a pass bearing Fairfax's signature, which be- 
and takes longcd to some officer who had received leave to 
lo^JiSs* make his composition in London. Between ten and 
London, eleven Charles rested for about three hours at Hil- 
lingdon, where time was consumed in a discussion whether it 
would be more prudent to make for London or to turn north- 
wards. It is possible that he expected some message from 
London to meet him here, either, according to a rumour which 
prevailed at Oxford, from the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, or, 
as Ashbumham aftenvards stated, from the Independent leaders. 
It would only be in consonance with Charles's character if he 
expected tidings from both. However this may have been, no 
He turns Communication reached him, and, sadly acknowledg- 
northwards. jjjg ^j^j jj ^quM be uselcss to arrive uninvited in 
London, he turned his horse's head, and riding through 
Harrow and St. Albans, he halted at Wheathampstead for 
the night. 

On the morning of the 28th Hudson was despatched to 

Montreuil, whom he found quartered at Southwell, to urge 

April 28. bim to demand a written assurance from the Scots 

Snt^^fo"* ^^^ *^^y would receive the King on conditions 

Montreuil. satisfactory to himself. Charles, meanwhile, rode on 

towards Norfolk, with the evident intention of throwing himself 

into Lynn, in order to leave England by sea should 

c\ aries at the answcr of the Scots prove contrary to his wishes. 

On the 30th he reached Downham and waited 

for news.* 

Whilst Charles was making for Downham, Montreuil was 

* Hudson's examination. Peck's Desiderata Curiosa, 358. On May I 
Montreuil wrote to Du Bosc {Arch, des Aff, J^trangtres^ lii. fol. 260) in 
cipher that the King was at Coisy * en lieu d'ou il peut aller en France, en 
Escosse, ou en Dannemarc' In a letter of May 11 Du Bosc doubts 
whether the decipher of Cots was correct. * Lynn,' being also composed 
of four letters, was doubtless the word intended. Compare a letter from 
Corbet and Walton to Lenthall, in Hearne*s edit, of Morin's Chronicle 
of Dunstahky ii. 799. The King was never actually at Lynn, but Mon- 
treuil may have thought that he had reached it. 

H2 



100 THE KING'S FLIGHT TO THE SCOTS. CH. XIX 

urging the Scots to put their engagements to the King into 
The Scots ^''^^i'^g' To this request the Scots returned a per- 
refuscto emptoFv FefusaL All that they would do was to 
written allow Montreuil to draw up a written form to which 
assurance. ^^^^ verbally expressed their assent. A copy of this 
form was given by the French Agent to Hudson to carry to the 
King, and, according to a statement subsequently made by 
the bearer, it ran as follows : — 

'* I. That they should secure the King in his person and in 
his honour. 

The verbal " ^' ^^2X they should prcss the King to do 

engagement nothing Contrary to his conscience. 

"3. That Mr. Ashbumham and I should be 
protected. 

"4. That if the Parliament refused, upon a message from 
the King, to restore the King to his rights and prerogatives, 
they should declare for the King, and take all the King's 
friends into their protection. And if the Parliament did con- 
descend to restore the King, then the Scots should be a means 
that not above four of them should suffer banishment, and 
none at all death." * 

That the Scots were glad to allure the King to come 
amongst them may be taken for granted, and it may perhaps 
^ be accepted as equally certain that they had no 

the meaninz conccption how insupcrablc was Charles's objection 
to Presbyterianism. Nor was it altogether their 
fault that they fell into the mistake. Charles had, at all 

' Montreuil's despatch of May J| {Arch, des Aff. £trang^res) gives an 
account of the paper to which the Scots verbally assented, which agrees 
with that given by Hudson in his examination, and printed in Peck's 
Desiderata Curiosa 361. Unfortunately the secretary whose duty it was 
to put Montreuil's letter into cipher omitted a few words, and the im-^ 
portant passage relating to the message to be sent by the King was thus 
left out. We have therefore only Hudson's evidence to fall back on. He 
himself tells us that the terms as he states them were given him by 
Montreuil, and it is to be supposed that he had the paper still with him 
M hen he was examined. The agreement between his account and that of 
Montreuil as far as it goes is strongly in favour of the theory of his sub> 
itantial accuracy. 



r646 AN AGREEMENT WITH THE SCOTS. loi 

events, done his best to cherish their delusion. On March 23 
he had promised to give them full contentment on church 
government if only they could satisfy him that to do so would 
not be against his conscience.* On April i he had declared 
his willingness to receive instruction as soon as he reached the 
Scottish quarters.* Was it strange if the Scots believed that he 
was as ready to be converted as Henry IV. of France had 
once been ? It is likely enough, if this was their belief, that 
they cared more for getting the King into their hands than for 
the sincerity of their engagements to him. They had not 
hitherto shown themselves scrupulous in the matter of veracity 
in their dealings with the English Parliament,^ and they may 
very well have been somewhat unscrupulous in their dealings 
with the King. 

Yet there is a possible explanation of their conduct which 

sets it in a fairer light. In the engagement taken by them at 

Newark — the terms of which were, after all, drawn 

Nature of 

Charles's by Montrcuil and not by the Scots — all hung on the 
igaion. meaning of the expression in the fourth clause, 
* upon the sending of a message from the King.' Unless this 
message was sent, the Scots would be under no obligation to 
do anything to restore Charles to the throne. Yet, even if we 
have MontreuiPs exact words, it is incredible to suppose that 
Charles would have satisfied the obligation under which the 
French Agent had brought him by sending any message, how- 
ever little to the point ; by informing Parliament, for instance, 
that it had been raining at Oxford, or that his horse had cast a 
shoe. In spite of the indefinite article, if it really appeared in 
MontreuiFs French, a message of a particular kind must surely 
have been intended, and what other kind of message could 
have been meant than that which had for some weeks been 
discussed by both parties ? It was not so very long ago since 
the Scots in London had urged Charles to write a letter to the 
two Parliaments granting the establishment of Presbyterianism ; 
and when Loudoun met Dunfermline and Balcarres at Royston, 
the demand that Charles should yield about the Church was 
formally made, whilst, as late as the 15th, Montreuil had 
» See p. 86. * See p. 87. ■ See p. 45. 



los THE KING'S FLIGHT TO THE SCOTS: CH. *tt 

wrilien to him to urge him to hasten his decision,' To this 
demand Charles had never returned a positive refusal. If, 
then, both Montreuil and the Scots expected him to grant 
Presbyterianism, but expected bim only to do it after some 
delay and with the appearance of having been vanquished in 
argument, it would to some extent account for, though il would 
not excuse, their talking about 'a message ' in general, when 
they really meant a message of a very particular kind.' 

Charles, in short, if this explanation be correct,' was hoist 
with his own petard. Intending to deceive, he became de- 
The King ceived. Following Montreuil's advice to trust the 
tmi'ihB" Scots, he determined to make for their camp. Ash- 
scois. bumham indeed wibhed him to take shipping for 

Newcastle, when he would at least be at a distance from any 
English army. This advice was, however, overruled, and on 
May J Charles set out from Downham. By a devious route 
through Melton Mowbray he arrived at Stamford on the even- 
ing of the 3rd. The next day he kept himself concealed, and 

then, after travelUng all m'ght,* alighted at seven in 
chaHoM the morning of May 5 at Montreuil's lodgings in 

Southwell.' He fancied himself to be a guest, but 
the days of his captivity had in fact begun. 

' See p. 89. 

' That the Scots' commissioners in Ixmdon alill expected the King to 
write letters announcing His acceptance of Presbyterianism is shown by a 
letter from Moray, written after the King's arrival in the camp, in which 
he expresses surprise that the leller has not yet arrived. Moray to Du 
Bosc, May ^V ^"l'- <^" ^ff- ^trangires, lU. foL 1^^. 

' It is m favour of the view that the message was Intended to grant 
Presbyterianism that in all his subsequent (Wrrespondence Montreuil never 
refers to this engagement as having been broken. His argument always 
turns on [he engagement made through Sir R. Moray. (See p. 73 in 
which the nature of the message was distinctly expressed.) 

* Browne's examination. Peck's DtsidcnUa Curiasa, 35a. 

' Montague to the Speaker of the House of Lords, May J. £,_/. viii 
30$. According to tradition, the house in which the King was receive! 
was the Saracen's Head, which boasts, truly or falsely, of having been ai 
inn in the days of Richard I. The sitling-room and bedroom are nov 
thrown into one as the inn parlour, but an oaken beam acioss the ceilii^ 
still marki the place where the partition was. 



I 



loj 



CHAPTER XLII. 

THE KING IN CAPTIVITV. 

Whatever may have passed through the minds of the Scottish 
commissioners when they signified their assent to the terms 
1646. which Montreuil forwarded to the King, there can 
Tte^Scote ^ ^'^'^^ doubt that they expected Charles, as soon 
expect as he came amongst them, to yield to their most 

yield. extreme demands. Lothian, on receiving the news 

Lothian's of his arrival, hurried to Southwell, and imperiously 
eman s. called on him to command the surrender of Newark, 
to sign the Covenant, to order the establishment of Presby- 
terianism in England and Ireland, and to direct James Graham 
to lay down his arms. To all this Charles positively refused 
his assent " He that made you an earl," he sternly replied to 
Lothian, " made James Graham a marquis." He was, there- 
^ , fore, removed to Kelham, the headquarters of David 

Charles re. ^ i- 1. • j r 1 

moved to Lcslic, who was ttow m command of the army, 
Leven having withdrawn to Newcastle. He was 
there treated as a prisoner, sentinels being placed before his 
windows lest he should communicate with his friends by letter.^ 
Assurances Bcforc he left Southwcll the Scottish commissionera- 
of the Scots. YfYQiQ ^q jhe Houscs at Westminster, assuring them 
that the King's coming had been entirely unexpected, that it 
had filled them with amazement and made them like 
Newark ' men that dream. On the following day they gave 
surren ere . pj^^jj^g^j cvidcnce of their wish to remain on good 

terms with the English Parliament. Charles, who knew that 
Newark was incapable of prolonged resistance, ordered its sur- 

* Sir James Tumei's MemoirSy 41. 



I04 THE KING IN CAPTIVITY. CH. XLii 

render to the Scots. They, however, refused to accept it, and 
insisted that it should be given up to the English commis- 
sioners.* 

Laying aside all question of the personal truthfulness of 
the Scottish commissioners, it is hard to see how they could 
^.^ , . have acted otherwise than they did. Charles came 

Difficulties -1 1 . , 

oftheScou' amongst them as his grandmother had come to 
position. Elizabeth, not merely to seek refuge from imminent 
ruin, but to rouse them to intervene in arms on his behalf. 
Whatever this or that Scottish nobleman may have said, or 
allowed to be said, in his name, it was absolutely impossible 
to begin war afresh on Charles's conditions. Not only was the 
Presbyterian feeling too strong in Scotland itself to tolerate 
the employment of the Scottish army in a war waged for the 
restoration of Episcopacy, but Leven's soldiers were not pre- 
pared to face the New Model without the aid of English allies, 
and their only possible allies, the English Presbyterians, would 
to a man refuse to take arms unless Charles made the ecclesi- 
astical concession which they required. If the Scottish com- 
missioners had not seen this before — which there is no reason 
to suppose — they saw it now. All that they could do in the 
face of the English Parliament, was to repudiate their past 
dealings with the King, to deprecate a hasty decision, and to 
retire to a place less exposed than Newark to the forces which 
Fairfax might bring against them. 

Accordingly, on May 7 David Leslie broke up from 
Newark. On the 13th, with his royal captive, he reached 

May 7. Newcastle. Unable long to withstand the demands 
m^hSSth- of the English Parliament for the surrender of the 
vrwtu. King's attendants, the Scots allowed both Ashbum- 

May 13. ham and Hudson to escape. Ashburnham made 

The King at , •/▼ i , . 

Newcastle, his way to France, but Hudson was retaken m 
London, and placed in confinement, in order that he might be 
subjected to a rigorous examination.* 

It was hard to persuade the English Parliament that 

* Z.y. viii. 305-31 1 ; Montreuil to Mazarin, May Jf, Arch, <ks Aff, 
£trangires^ lii. fol. 292. 

3 Rushw, V. 271 ; Peck's Desiderata Curiosa 349, 361. 



1646 DEMAND OF THE COMMONS. 105 

Charles's arrival at Newark had been wholly fortuitous, and 
they therefore became all the more anxious to rescue bis person 

May d. from a suspected guardianship. On the 6th the Com- 
S"*t!w"com. '^o'^s resolved that the King's person should be 
mona. disposed of wherever the English Parliament should 

appoint, and selected Warwick Castle as his place of residence. 
The Lords objected, apparently on the ground that Warwick 
was in the midst of Fairfax's cantonments, upon which the 
Commons agreed to omit the designation of any particular 
locality. The Lx)rds, however, refused to concur even with 
the general proposition, and after much warm language had 
passed between the Houses the subject was allowed to drop.* 

It was probably a strong sense of the necessity of union, in 
the face of dangers which might arise in the North, which led 

May ax. the Commons on May 21 to propose that some sub- 
jaksionSs stitutc should be found for the commissioners for 
caiiS^be Church causes, whose appointment had given so 
removed. much offcnce to the extreme Presbyterians. Ulti- 

junes. mately, on June 5, the power of suspending from 
found. communion was placed in the hands of a committee 

of both Houses, and for some unexplained reason the change 
was accepted as satisfactory by both parties.^ 

The Independents, who naturally took th6 lead in all 
measures directed against the Scots, had the more need to 

May 18. walk warily because their majority in the House of 
i^*th^ou2 Lords, which had hitherto depended on a single 
jl^^™^* vote, was now transferred to the Presbyterians by 
terian. the act of the aged Earl of Mulgrave, who took his 

proxy away from Say and entrusted it to Essex.^ 

i C./. iv. 535, 540, 547 ; LJ, viii. 314. 

« C./. iv. 552, 562 ; Z./. viii. 359. 

■ L,J, viii. 319. A list of the Peers on both sides is given by Mon- 
treuil {Arch, des Aff, ^tranghres^ lii. fol. 734). It is undated, but as 
Essex is stated to hold Mulgrave's proxy it must be later than May 18, 
and earlier than the death of Essex on Sept. 15. It is as follows : — 

With the King and the Scots Against 

Manchester Northumberland 

Rutland Kent 

Essex ' Pembroke 



io6 THE KING IN CAPTIVITY. CH. xtit 

In the Commons, on the other hand, the majority, in its 
^^ ^ hostility to the Scots, was still under the influence of 
Resoiutioo Independent leadership. On the 19th the House 
Scottish resolved, without a division, ' that this kingdom hath 
fo^CT* ^ no further use of continuing the Scots* army within 
the kingdom of England,' and ordered that 100,000/. 
should be provided to pay it off.^ 

If there was a rift between the English parties, Charles 
might be trusted to do his best to widen it. His position at 
The King at Ncwcastlc was One of increasing discomfort. The 
Newcastle, gcots werc daily pressing him to declare for Presby- 
d?n '^S*'* terianism, and, relying apparently on the fact that no 
engagement, promise in the handwriting of any one of their com- 
missioners was in his possession, refused to recognise the 
assurances given by Moray and Montreuil, and boldly averred 
thnt he had come into their camp without any agreement what- 
ever. If the Scots resorted to unblushing falsehood, 
forHendei^ Charles fell back upon his old course of raising 
***"' hopes which he never intended to fulfil. He asked 

that Henderson might come from London to instruct him, and 
promised to do his best to receive enlightenment He also 



ith the King and the Scott 


Against 


Lincoln 


Nottingham 


Suffolk 


Salisbury 


Warwick 


Denbigh 


Bolingbroke 


Middlesex 


Berkeley 


Stamford 


Dacres 


Say and Sele 


Willoughby of Parham 


Wharton 


Robartes 


Howard 


Maynard 


North 


Hunsdon 


Grey 


Mulgrave (by proxy) 


Montagu 



Montreuil states that two days before the list was made out, Pembroke 
and North had leant towards the King. 

It will be observed that the numbers here given are equal. Lx)rd 
Bruce is, however, omitted, who was Earl of Elgin in the Scottish peer- 
age, and may be safely added to the Presbyterians, thus giving them a 
majority of one when all the peers were present. 

» C./. iv. 551. 



1646 CHARLES'S APPEAJL 107 

requested that Loudoun might accompany Henderson. To 
gain time was his real object. He intended to despatch 
Montreuil to France, hoping to induce the French court to 
intervene in his behalf.* 

In much the same spirit Charles drew up a letter to the 
Houses. If words ever implied anything, those which he 

May 18. selected were fitted to convey an impression that he 
ku^^S die ^^s ^"^ ^^ point of changing his mind. " Since," 
Houses, he wrote, " the settling of religion ought to be the 
chiefest care of all councils, his Majesty most earnestly and 
heartily recommends to his two Houses of Parliament all the 
ways and means possible for the speedy finishing the pious and 
necessary work, and particularly that they take the advice of 
the divines of both kingdoms assembled at Westminster." He 
hoped that the propositions which they were preparing would 
speedily be sent, * his Majesty being resolved to comply with 
his Parliament in everything which shall be for the happiness 
to the Scot- of his subjects.' ^ A similar letter was despatched to 
mUtS'S"' the Committee of Estates at Edinburgh.* Charles, 
Estates, having at least caught the watchwords of his subjects. 

May 19. also wrote to the City declaring his readiness to 
City. concur in settling truth and peace.* With his packet 

for Westminster he enclosed a letter to Glemham ordering him 
to surrender Oxford, which, as he was well aware, could not 
hold out many days longer.* 

For the moment Charles succeeded in throwing the apple 
of discord amongst his enemies. On the 25th the Lords voted 

j^^ ^ his letter to be satisfactory.® On the 26th the City 
Effect of presented a strongly worded petition calling on the 
at West- Houses to suppress heresy and schism, to join in 
minjyter. union with the Scots, and to despatch propositions 
to the King with all possible speed.^ The Lords commended 

' Montreuil to Mazarin, May }f . Arch, des, Aff. £tranglres^ lii. foL 
292. 

'^ The King to the Houses of Parliament. L.J, viii. 329. 

• Acts of the Pari of ScotL vi. 635. 

• /../. viii. 334. ' » Ibid^ viii. 329, 

• Ibid. viu. 328. ' » The City Petition. Ibid. viii. 332. 



log THE KING IN CAPTIVITY. CH. XLii. 

the City highly. On the other hand, the Commons were 
offended with the City authorities for opening a letter from the 
King without the leave of Parliament So strong was the 
feeling of annoyance that the Presbyterians, not venturing to 
express direct approval of the petition, moved that the citizens 
should be told that an answer would be given them in con- 
venient time. Yet this very moderate proposal was only 
accepted by the House after two divisions.* 

The Presbyterians had still sufficient hold upon the House 
to hinder an open rupture with the City. In questions invol- 
Mayap. ving acceptance of the King's overtures they were 
Se««*^r!af * Unable to make head against their rivals. They 
toGiwS* could only muster 103 votes against 145 in favour 
hanu of a rcsolution, which had come down from the 

Lords, for sending to Glemham the letter in which Charles had 
commanded him to surrender Oxford.* 

The capital of the Cavaliers was incapable of prolonging its 
resistance. On May 9 Banbury Castle submitted to Whalley.' 
On the nth Fairfax, having drawn his lines round 
Reducn2*n Oxford, summoncd the Governor to surrender, 
of Banbury. Q]g,^)^j^jjj indeed was ready to repeat the efforts 
oifoiS "' which he had made at Carlisle, and to hold out till 
summoned, evcry horsc and rat in the place had been eaten. It 
Along was, however, impossible to induce the Royalist 

negotiation. 

lords and ladies who filled the rooms of the departed 
scholars to take this view of their duty. On the 15th the 
King's Privy Council declared itself empowered to treat, and 
at once notified its sense that only one issue was possible by 
committing to the flames all existing records of the Oxford 
Parliament, lest they should rise up in judgment against those 
who had taken part in its proceedings.* Negotiations were 
quickly opened, though in the face of the opposition of the 
Royalist officers progress was necessarily slow. There was, how- 
ever, no doubt how matters would end, and Cromwell at least 

> C./. iv. 555 ; Whitecre's Diary, Add. MSS, 31,116, fol. 271. 

« C./. iv. 558. 

» Whallcy to Lcnthall, May 9, Cari's Mem, of the Civil fVar, i. 28. 

* Dugdale's Diary » 



1646 ISURRENDER OF OXFORD, 109 

showed his sense that all danger of a fresh outbreak of hostilities 
Tune I ^^ ^^^^ ^y sending for his daughter Bridget, that 
ireton's shc might be married at Fairfax's headquarters to 
*°*^*^*' his favourite officer, Ireton. On June 15 Ireton 
became the son-in-law of Cromwell. 

On the day after the wedding it was known in Oxford that 
a quick surrender was inevitable. The storekeeper announced 
June 16. that he had only provisions for twelve days more, 
k^p^r?** ^"^ ^^^ there was not powder enough to resist a 
report. storm. At the same time the soldiers broke out into 
mutiny in the streets, clamouring for pay which was not forth- 
coming. Delay was no longer possible, and on June 20 articles 
of capitulation were signed. For some time the lords of the 
council had been in fear of their lives from the mutinous 
soldiery, and now they only succeeded in stilling the tumult 
by pawning to a Parliamentary officer the insignia of the Garter 
which had been left behind by Charles.^ 

On the 22nd the two Princes, Rupert and Maurice, rode 
out of the city, and they were followed on the 23rd by the 
greater part of the noblemen and gentlemen. The garrison 
June 24. itself marched out on the 24th, when the defences 
de^Tof""**** of the city were then given over to the Parliamentary 
Oxford commanders.^ Of the outlying posts, Boarstall and 
Radcot had already surrendered. Wallingford held out till 
July 27.' 

By the surrender of Oxford the Duke of York fell into the 
hands of Parliament. The Prince of Wales alone of the King's 
children was still at liberty. On April 16 he left 
of York a Scilly for a safer and more pleasant abode in Jersey.* 
prisoner. ^^ sooner was he there than he was assailed by fre- 
quent messages from his mother urging him to take refuge in 
France. In singularly thoughtful and vigorous language Hyde 

* The official narrative (Clar, AfSS. 2,240) is the primary authority. 
With this may be compared Dugdale^s Diary, 87, and Wood's History of 
the Univ, of Oxford, ii. 480. The latter represents the discontent of 
those who believed that the place had been unnecessarily abandoned. 

» Wood, ii. 485. » Spi-i^, 261. 

« Hyde to Arundell. Clar. St, P, U. 229. 



no THE KING IN CAPTIVITY, CH. XLit 

argued for the Prince's stay within his father's dominions, at 
least till the approach of actual danger made his position unten- 
Aprii 16. ^hle. The letter was in fact one long protest against 
3*w2«i** ^^ system of dependence on foreign aid, which 
L*^n**r had done more to wreck Charles's cause than all 

Sculyfor 

jewey. the cfforts of Parliament The one thing needful, 
May M. according to Hyde, was * the resurrection of English 
prot^ loyalty and courage,' and such a resurrection was 
ISovii^to out of the question if the heir to the throne was 
Ffance. found dangling about the court of France, consorting 
with Papists, and liable to the accusation of being himself a 
Papist It would be time enough to consider the advantages 
to be gained from French aid whenever the French began to 
act instead of merely talking.* 

Hyde had on his side all the councillors in Jersey except 
Culpepper, and he had still sufficient influence with the Prince 
. to induce him to resist his mother's entreaties. It 
remains in would howevcr go hard with him if the Queen 
Jersey. appealed to her husband. Of the strength to be 
gained by relying exclusively on English feeling Charles was 
absolutely ignorant. All his thoughts since his arrival at New- 
castle had been directed, not to the adoption of a policy which 
might rally Englishmen round him, but to the making of 
meaningless promises which would enable him to gain time to 
May 28. summon foreign powers to his aid. On May 28 he 
MM loT***^ despatched Montreuil to lay his case before the 
France. Queen Regent and the Cardinal Yet though he 
was ready to make use of Montreuil as his agent, he turned a 
deaf ear to his pleadings for the concession of Presbyterianism. 
The Scots, he assured the Queen, cared more for clipping 
the royal power in England than for any alteration in the 
government of the Church. As Charles did not wish his 
power to be clipped, he was ready to turn for help in another 
direction. He recommended the Queen to press on Mazarin 
The Pope ^hc advantage of urging the Pope to support the 
to be won, restoration of English Episcopacy in considera- 
tion of a grant of liberty of conscience to the Catholics. 
* Ilydc to Jermyn, May 2a Clar, St, P. ii. 230. 



1646 CHARLES AND HENDERSON. ii% 

With this notion in his head he was not likely to lay much 
- store by considerations such as those which had 

Prince Weighed heavily with Hyde, and he accordingly 
"***^ directed the Queen to send for the Prince from 

Jersey, as he no longer considered him to be in safety in the 

island. 

For the time Charles's position at Newcastle was easier 

than it had been. Loudoun and Moray had arrived from 

The strict. Lo^don, and by their influence something had been 

nessof done to relax the strictness of his captivity.^ On 

Chdrles s 

captivity the 29th he finally abandoned all hope of inducing 

"** the Presbyterian Scots to coalesce with Montrose, 

M^mw? 2i^cl sent orders to the hero of the North to disband 

Scitiand. ^^^ troops and to go to France.* On the same day 

The confer. ^® began a long controversial argument with Hender- 

encc with son, which, if it had no other effect, would serve to 

Henderbon. 

postpone the day when he would have to speak out 
on the subject of Presbyterianism. The argument was carried 
on in writing in a leisurely fashion, and was spread over seven 
weeks. There can be no doubt that Charles thoroughly en- 
joyed the opportunity of standing forth as the champion of the 
Church which he loved. There is evidence in his papers of 
a strong devotional piety, of the kind which takes pleasure in 
resting on well-defined authority and consistent practice, and 
which loves not to embark on overmuch questioning of the 
heavenly laws. Henderson's argument, on the other hand, 
was of the usual Presbyterian type, in no way calling for special 
commendation. The minds of the two men moved in differ- 
ent planes,* and, after his part had been played at 
Dejuhof ' Newcastle, Henderson, whose health was broken, 
en erson. ^^^^.q^j^ hiuisclf to Edinburgh, where he died before 

many weeks were over. 

* Montreuil to Mazarin, ^^", Arch, des Aff, £irangireSy Hi. fol. 
317 ; the King to the Queen, May 28, June 3, Charles /. in 1646, 41, 

43. 

* The King to Montrose, May 29. Napier's Memoirs of Montrose^ ii. 

634. 

* The Papers which passed at Newcastle, £. 1,243, 



\ 



Ill THE KING IN CAPTIVITY. CT. XLit 

Charles had to endure assaults more difficult to meet than 

were Henderson's polemics. Twice^ on June 5 and 8, the 

, o Scottish commissioners were on their knees before 

June 5-8. 

Urgencyof him Urging him to give way. His reply was that he 
commis- was willing to allow the establishment of Presby- 
sioners. tcrianism in England, and the suppression of * all the 
c£Sw'* superstitious sects and Independents,' provided that 
f<S£°SteSi. lit>erty of conscience might be granted to himself and 
E°i^o ^*^ co-religionists. For this purpose it would be 
enough if bishops were retained in the sees of the 
South-West, namely, in those of * Oxford, Winchester, Bristol, 
Bath and \Vells, and Exeter.' * 

It is doubtful whether this extraordinary proposal was made 
with any serious expectation of its proving acceptable to any- 
The one. Though Charles asked that it might be sub- 

Segkd^ in fitted to the General Assembly, which was then in 
Scotland, scssion, there is no evidence that it was ever laid 
before the Scottish clergy, and it does not seem to have been 
and never cvcn hcafd of at ^Veslminster. The House of Com- 
heard of at mons was indeed in no mood to take into considera- 
«*'^- tion a scheme which began by arranging for an 

attack on the Independents, and ended by proposing the erec- 
tion of an Episcopalian fortress from which it would be easy to 
make assaults upon Puritanism thus divided and weakened. 

The leadership of the Independents in the Commons was 
too firmly established to be easily shaken, especially as it was 
„ ... founded on the national detestation of Scottish and 

Hostility to- _ - . . i-N T y r-K 

vards the Frcnch mtngucs. On June i the Commons ur 
House of * the Lx)rds to assent to the vote of May 19, tf 
Commons. ^^^^^ ^^^ ^^ Scottish army was no longer needea 

in England.^ On the 2nd they passed — it is true, by a small 

* Burnet's Lives of the Hamiltons^ 369. The true date of this pro- 
posal is fixed not only by the reference in it to the General Assembly, 
which, as Professor Masson has j»ointed out {Lif^- of Milton^ iii. 500), was 
sitting at this time, and not in September, the date assigned by Burnet, 
but by the direct statement of Montreuil's secretary. Bacon to Montreuil, 
June ii. Atfh, des Aff, Etrangires^ Ui. 348. 

* See p. 106. 



1646 ALARMING NEWS, 113 

majority — a vote of thanks to a body of Londoners who had 
presented a petition hostile to the anti-tolerationist petition of 
the Common Council.* Complaints against the cruelty and 
extortions of the Scottish soldiers were greedily welcomed,* 
whilst no effort was made to supply the needful pay, the want 
of which went far to palliate any enormities of which the Scots 
might have been guilty. 

If any one member of either House still doubted the 
complicity of the Scots in the King's escape to Newark, that 
June 8. doubt must have been now removed. On June 8 
^tS*'" there was read in Parliament an intercepted letter, 
letter. written early in April by the King to Ormond, in 

which Charles expressly acknowledged that he had received 
good security from the Scots, not only for their hospitality to 
himself, but for the employment of their armies on his behalf.^ 
Information On the Same day the Houses received information 
from Paris. fxoTCi their agent in Paris, telling them that the 
accord between the King and the Scots had been arrived at 
through MontreuiFs mediation, and that Digby had just brought 
tidings from Ireland that the Irish peace had been concluded, 
and that an Irish army would soon be on its way to join the 
Scots in an attack upon the English Parliament. The French 
clergy had at last opened their purses,* and had presented the 
Queen with a sum equivalent to 40,000/. Digby, it was said, 
was to go to Jersey to conduct the Prince to Ireland, where it 
was hoped that his presence would rally English, Scots, and 
Irish round the royal standard. A later communication added 
that there had been some delay in Digby's enterprise, and that 
Bellibvre, who had been at Charles's court as ambassador in 
the days of his prosperity, was to return to Englanji in a similar 
capacity, nominally to mediate a peace between the King and 
the Parliament, but in reality, as the writer thought, to foster 

> C.J, iv. 560, 561. There were between 5,000 and 6,000 signatures 
to it. Whitacre's Diary, Add, MSS, 31,116, fol. 272, 
« Ibid, fol. 272b ; C.J, iv. 567. 

• L,J, viii. 366 ; C,J, iv. 567. 

* See p. 62, Note 3. 

VOL. III. I 



114 THE KING IN CAPTIVITY. CH. XLIL 

irritation between the Scots and the Parliament, and thus to 
weaken both.* 

By this revelation — substantially true as it was — the Scots 
were deeply touched. Their commissioners in London took 

Scot ''^^"gc i" blank denial What the King meant by 
decUre their his letter to Ormond, they said, he was himself best 
innocence ^^^ ^^ explain. As to its contents, they had no 

hesitation in expressing themselves freely. " It doth consist in 
our perfect knowledge," they asserted, " — and we declare it 
with as much confidence as ever we did or can do anything — 
that the matter of the papers, so far as concemeth any assur- 
ance or capitulation for joining of forces, or for combining 
against the Houses of Parliament, or any other private or 
public agreement whatsoever between the King on the one 
part, and the kingdom of Scotland, their army, or any in their 
name and having power from them upon the other part, is * a 
most damnable untruth." * 

False as this was, the Scots were at least aware that nothing 

had passed in writing except under the hands of Moray and 

Montreuil, and it was certain that neither Moray 

of the nor Montreuil had been commissioned by the king- 

declaration. . , f r> ■x ■^ h. •m.T « • 

dom or the army of Scotland. At Newcastle the 
shame of detection drove the Scots there to put fresh pressure 
June to. ori the King, in the hope that the understanding, the 
pit upon existence of which their countrymen were repudiating 
Charles. jn Loudou, might at last bear fruit. " I never knew," 
wrote Charles to his wife on the loth, "what it was to be 
barbarously treated before." He w^as told that he must sign 
the Covenant, and enjoin its signature upon all his subjects. 
He must, in his own family, abandon the Prayer Book for the 
Directory, and declare without reserve for a Presbyterian settle- 
ment If he refused his assent to these demands, the Scots 

> CJ. iv. 568 ; the Agent at Paris to the Com. of B. K. f^^-^, f^, 

Gary's Mem, of the Civil IVar^ i. 56, 72. 

« Printed 'as.' 

» The Scots' commissioners to the Speaker of the House of Lords, 
June & Z.y. viiL 364. 



1646 ANGRY FEEUNG. 115 

would throw him over and come to terms with the English 
Parliament* 

Charles preferred at least an appearance of coming to 

terms himself with the English Parliament. On the day on 

. which he described his miseries to the Queen he 

June IX. ^ 

He turns wrotc to the Houscs, begging them to hasten the 
English sending of propositions, and to permit him to come 
ar lamen ^^ Londou to co-opcratc in the work of peace. To 
inspire confidence in his words he enclosed orders directing 
the commanders of the scattered fortresses still holding out foi 
him to surrender them at once.* 

The Houses were the less likely to be won over by this 
overture as, at the time when it reached them, they were 
engaged in an investigation which promised to reveal to them 
a part, at least, of his past intrigues. Hudson, the King's 
guide to Newark, had been for some time under examination, 
and on the i8th he acknowledged that he had come 

June x8. 

Hudson's from Ncwcastlc with the intention of crossing to 
France, in order to bring about a league between 
the French and the Scots against the English Parliament.* 
Baillie, who was not in the secrets of the Scottish commis- 
sioners, watched the rising storm of English indignation, and, 
like the partisan he was, threw all the blame upon 
thrown on the Independents. "This people," he wrote, "is 
very jealous, and the Sectarian party, intending only 
for private ends to continue the war, entertain their humour : 
• Let the Scots do and say what they can, yet certainly they 
cannot be honest. They have a design with the King and 
foreign nations to betray and ruin England \ therefore let us 
be rid of them with diligence ; if they will not immediately be 
gone, let us drive them home with our armies.' " ^ 

The Scots had been more at fault than Baillie was aware. 
As readers of MontreuiFs despatches know, some, at least, of 
their leaders had been prepared for the outbreak of a fresh 

* The King to the Queen, June 10. Charles I. in 1646, 45, 

• The King to the Houses, June 10. L.J, viii. 374. 

• Whitacre's Diary. Add, MSS, 31,116, fol. 274b. 

* Baillie^ ii. 374. 

I 2 



Ii6 THE KING IN CAPTIVITY. CH. XLIL 

civil war, in which they and the English Presb)rterians were to 
bring to reason the Independents and the New Model The 
knowledge of these dealings, vague as it yet was, was strength- 
Growing ening the undoubted preponderance of the Indepen* 
the^iSde-^* dents in the House of Commons. They were now 
pendents. ^he national party, hostile alike to the French, the 
Irish, and the Scots, and distrustful of any accommodation 
with a king in league with foreigners. 

As an organised opposition the Presb)rterians were for the 
time helpless. Some of them supported the Independents in 
Weaknesi ^^^^ rcsistancc to the Scots, whilst their leaders, 
Presby. baffled in their intrigue by the refusal of the King to 
terians. acccpt thc onc condition on which either the Eng* 
lish or the Scottish Presbyterians would assist him, took refuge 
for the time in sullen silence. The Scots themselves were 
aware that they had committed a blunder, and that if Pres- 
byterianism was to be advanced in England, they must work 
for it in co-operation with Parliament rather than in co- 
operation with the King. 

To give emphasis to this new policy Argyle himself, the 
real leader of the nation, appeared upon the scene. Miserable 

leat soldier as he was, he had a keen eye for political 

Westmin- tendencies, and when, on June 25, he stood up in 

the Painted Chamber to address the committees of 

Argy?c'8*^' the two Houses which had been appointed to receive 

address. j^j^^^ j^^ ^^g ^^^ likely to Strike blows at random. 

After a complimentary exordium he went straight to the point 
of church government, severing himself both from the sects 
. . and from the rigid Presbyterians. " Upon one part," 

on toiera^ he Said, " wc would take heed not to settle lawless 
*°°* liberty in religion, whereby, instead of uniformity, 

we should set up a thousand heresies and schisms, which is 
directly ' contrary and destructive to our Covenant. Upon 
the other part," he said, "we are to look that we persecute 
not piety and peaceable men, who cannot, through scruple of 
conscience, come up in all things to the common rule." 
Having thus placed himself in accord with the prevailing 
sentiment of the House of Commons, he proceeded to lay stress 



1646 ARGVLE AT WESTMINSTER. 117 

on the essential unity of the two kingdoms, *so that in 

eifect we differ in nothing but in name— as brethren do — 

, which I wish were also removed, that we might be 

on the union , . , 

of the altogether one, if the two kmgdoms shall think fit; 

kingdoms. i* t j i i • -i . i 

for, I dare say, not the greatest kmgdom m the 
earth can prejudice both so much as one of them can do 
the other' harm.* 

Having thus cleared the way, Argyle approached the burn- 
ing question of the relations between his countrymen and the 
and on their King. The Scots, he said, had always borne affec- 
Sith't*he tion to his Majesty. " Yet " as,^ he said, " experi- 
^"«* ence may tell, their personal regard for him has 

never made them forget that common rule, * The safety of the 
people is the supreme law,' so likewise their love to monarchy 
makes them very desirous that it may be rather regulated than 
destroyed." In the end he played his commanding card. 

The peace -propositions, in the elaboration of which 
the peace- thc Houscs had Spent so many months, had at last 
proposi ions, j^^^^ completed, and had been handed to the Scottish 
commissioners two days before. Argyle now returned them as 
accepted without a single alteration.^ 

Hearty co-operation with the English Parliament in the 
establishment of a somewhat elastic form of Presbyterian ism 
Arj?yie's i^ the Church, and the establishment, if possible, of 
pohcy. constitutional monarchy in the State, were the main 
lines on which Argyle's policy was drawn. The weak point in 
it was that it could not be realised without the King. Charles 
was, in fact, as uncompromising as ever. He knew that the 

propositions would soon be laid before him. On 

June 24. *■ ^ 

Charles's Junc 24, the day before that on which Argyle de- 
livered his speech at Westminster, he disclosed his 
intentions to the Queen. " It is folly," he wrote concerning 
the English Parliament, " to think they will go less so long as 
they see none to resist them, knowing that the Scots will not ; 
so that all my endeavours must be the delaying my answer till 

* * harm ' is not in the original, 

' * as ' is not in the original. 

' Argyle's speech, June 25, * L,/, viii. 392, 



ii8 THE KING IN CAPTIVITY. CH. XLn. 

there be considerable parties visibly formed, to which end I 
think my proposing to go to London, if I may be there with 
safety, will be the best put-off, if — which I believe to be 
better — I cannot find a way to come to thee." * 

If Charles could not himself go to France, the orders 

which he had given for transferring his son thither were 

already in course of execution. Before the end of 

A message to May the Prince*s councillors in Jersey despatched 

guecn. (^pg| ^j^^ Culpepper to St. Germains to urge the 

Queen to desist from her importunate request for the removal 
of the Prince.* Though she failed to persuade Capel of the 
prudence of her demand, she had no difficulty in winning over 
Culpepper, who had been a warm advocate of the intrigue 
with the Scots, and who was easily drawn to support the 
Tunc ao. ^^^^rigue with France. On June 20 the pair returned 
The Prince's to Jcrscy, accompanicd by Digby and others of the 
from Jersey Quccn s associates, amongst whom was Jermyn. 
Jermyn brought with him a pressing letter from the 
Queen to the Prince, begging him to come to her, and he was 
also able to produce extracts from letters written by the King 
in support of her entreaties.^ 

It was only with difficulty that Hyde and those councillors 
who agreed with him in opposing the plan obtained an ad- 
journment of its discussion for a single day. In 

ArEunients %j ^ 

in favour of private conversation Digby spoke plainly. All their 

t e p an. dependence, he said, was on the French, as the Scots 

The*p!ince ^cre Only to be reached through the French. Unless 

wsoivet to ^[jg Prince were in France nothing could be done. 

Tune afi. ^^ ^^^ ^^ "^ purposc that Hyde expressed his entire 

Hydei disapprobation of a policy which made the fortunes 

Hopion of England depend upon a foreign government, 

reinam. q^ ^^^ following moming the Prince was asked 

to declare his mind. He was probably by this time tired 
of his residence in a narrow island, and he replied that he 

* The King to the Queen, June 24. CharUs /. in 1646, 50. 

• Hyde to Nicholas, June i. Ciar. St, P. u. 2^6. 

■ The Queen to the Prince of Wales, June JJ ; Extracts from the King's 
letters, Ibid, il 238, 239, 



1646 HYDE'S RESOLUTION. 119 

meant to obey his parents. On the 26th he embarked for 
France. Hyde, Capel, and Hopton refused to accompany 
him.^ 

These three men represented the honourable royalism 
which stooped to no intrigue, and would soil itself by no 
May 30. baseness. " Truly," Hyde had written some weeks 
tSfSrSThU before, " whoever enough considers the admirable 
position. confusion in all three kingdoms, to which in the 
instant the wisdom of men and angels can hardly find an 
expedient to apply, will think the station very happy from 
whence he may without prejudice so long look on, till upon 
full observation and free counsels such designs may be 
formed, with all circumstances for prosecution, as good men 
may confidently undertake and cheerfully persist in." ^ « j 
will endeavour," he declared a few days later in a 
His *' letter to his old friend Nicholas, " to follow your 

tesolution. j i j • '^ r i_ ^ 

good example . . . and, m spite of what can come, 
do the part of an honest man, and die by those principles I 
have lived in ; for truly I would not buy a peace at a dearer 
price than was offered at Uxbridge ; and I am persuaded in 
my soul, if ever it shall be purchased at a more dishonourable 
or impious price, it will be more unpleasant and fatal to those 
who shall have their hands in making the bargain than the 
war hath been." * 

It was well and wisely said. No concession to Puritanism, 
still less any seeming concession to Puritanism, could avail 
Hyde and thosc who in their hearts believed that Puritanism 
CromweU. ^^ ^^ ^yQ thing. Little as there was of genial 
statesmanship in Hyde, and tied down as he was to the 
pedantries of the constitutional law, he nevertheless repre- 
sented, as far as religion was concerned, the only living force 
with which Cromwell had seriously to count. The English 
Presbyterian members of Parliament, the Scottish Presbyterian 
lords, nay, even the iK^ing himself, were but the weavers of one 

» Hyde's Memorandum, Clar, MSS, 2,249; Capel, Hopton, and 
Hyde to the Queen, undated, Clar, SL P, IL 239. 

* Hyde to Jermyn, May 20. Ibid, ii. 231. 

• Hyde to Nicholas, June I. Clar. St. P. iL 235, 



I20 THE KING IN CAPTIVITY. CH. XLII. 

vast intrigue with many faces. Hyde stood firmly upon the 
ground of a sentiment which would one day, through the 
errors of his antagonists, gain a hold upon the nation, and he 
knew how to bide his time till the nation was ready to declare 
in his favour. It was not Puritanism, but the very opposite 
of Puritanism — the expansion of the reasoning intelligence — 
which held the main current of the thought of the seventeenth 
century. Cromwell, mighty as he was, could but dam back 
that current for a time, and when he had done his utmost he 
would have toiled only that Hyde might step into his place. 

Political work there would be none for Hyde for many a 
year to come. Neither with the enemies of Episcopacy and 
H de't ^^^ Prayer Book nor with the enemies of constitu- 
strong tional monarchy could he find anything in common. 

against the " For your Prcsbytcrians and Independents," he 
"" * assured Nicholas, " I am not yet grown learned 
enough to know which side to be of, nor charitable enough to 
know which to pray for. . . . The truth is, I take many who 
think and find it necessary and safe to pretend to be of one 
side are indeed of neither ; but they who abhor Presbytery in 
the Church join with the Independents, and they who tremble 
at Independency in the State join with the Presbyterians, and 
yet would be as willing to have the heads of their own party 
hanged as you or I would. But the first form of either party 
I take to be as devout enemies to Monarchy, at least to the 
King and his posterity, as the other ; and therefore I expect 
no great good from either till they have bettered their under- 
standings and reformed their consciences by drinking deep in 
each other's blood ; and then I shall be of your opinion that 
whosoever shall by God's blessing be able to preserve his 
conscience and his courage very few years will find himself 
wished for again in his country, and may see good days again 
if the Turk in that time prove not strong enough to send them 
another Covenant." * 

Though Hyde's view of the situation was much the same 
as Charles's, he had none of Charles's restless impatience, and 

» Hyde to Nicholas, Nov. 15. Clar, St, P, u. 285. 



1646 THE HISTORY OF THE REBELLION. 12 1 

he was too much of an Englishman not to be horrified by 
Charles's tampering with the Irish Catholics. "Oh, Mr. 
anddis- Secretary," he wrote to the same correspondent, 
t^th'the**'* "those stratagems have given me more sad hours 
King. than all the misfortunes in war which have befallen 

the King, and look like the effects of God's anger towards us." ^ 

Stranded thus for a time on the beach of politics, Hyde 
could not endure to fold his hands idly before him. No 
sooner had he reached Scilly, and all thought of active resist- 
ance was at an end, than he seized his pen to record, without 
Hyde begins ^opc of influencing the existing generation, the 
oftS^'^*^ events of which he had been a witness, and amidst 
Rebellion, which his morc energetic years had been spent. 
The work of which the foundations were thus laid within 
hearing of the plash of the Atlantic waves was one day, 
through the stately dignity of its style and its lifelike pour- 
trayal of character, to be reckoned as one of the masterpieces 
of English prose. The task taken up in Scilly was carried on 
in Jersey,* and by the middle of August Hyde had completed 
three books and a part of a fourth, bringing his story down to 
the unhappy day of the King's flight from Westminster after 
the failure of his attempt upon the five members. 

Under such circumstances minute or even tolerable accu- 
racy was not to be expected. An exile, writing without books 
^ or literary materials of any kind, and trusting merely 
of the early to a mcmory the impressions upon which have been 
portion. blurred by the influences of political strife, must of 
necessity depart widely from the truth in every page. That 
Hyde did not depart from it willingly does not appear merely 
from his own protestation.^ When writing of the war itself he 

* Hyde to Nicholas, Feb. 12, 1647. Clar, St, P, ii. 336. 

* The first two books were written in Scilly. See Ranke, Engh 
Geschichte^ viii. 217. Compare the Preface to Mr. Macray's new edition 
of Clarendon. 

■ ** As soon as I came to Scilly, I began, as well as I could, without 
any papers, upon the stock of my own memory, to set down a narrative 
of this prosperous rebellion, and have, since I came hither, continued it, 
to the waste of very much paper, so that I am now come to the King's 
leaving London ; in which, though for want of information and assistance 



12a THE KING IN CAPTIVITY. ch. XLli. 

made use* of the documents in his own possession, and it can 
be shown that when he founded his narrative upon them he 
adhered to them as closely as can be expected.* 

That Hyde's work rose above the level of a party pamphlet 
on a large scale may be freely granted. If he failed to recog- 
Was the i^isc virtuc or largeness of mind on the Puritan side, 
^^^ he was lavish enough in distributing blame amongst 
pamphlet ? t^c Royalists. Yet for all that— and it could hardly 
be otherwise — the book is instinct with party feeling. Hyde's 
party, however, was not that of the Royalists as a body, but of 
a little group amongst them — a church within a church — ^which 
maintained its principles with uncompromising severity, and 
which regarded the wiles of Digby or Jermyn, and even — 
though Hyde did not venture to speak his mind out here— the 
shifty weakness of Charles, as evils almost as dangerous as 
Puritanism itself. Hyde's opening sentences have none of the 
Hyde's ^ng of all-wcighing justice. " Though for no other 
exordium, reason," he began in conscious imitation of the first 
paragraph of the Ecclesiastical Polity,'^ " yet lest posterity may 
be deceived ^ by the prosperous wickedness of these times into 
an opinion that less than a general combination and universal 
apostasy in the whole nation from their religion and allegiance 
could, in so short a time, have produced such a total and pro- 

I shall leave many truths unmentioned, upon my word, there shall not be 
any untruth nor partiality towards persons or sides, which, though it will 
make the work unfit in this age for communication, yet may be fit for the 
perusal and comfort of some men, and, being transmitted through good 
hands, may tell posterity that the whole nation was not so bad as it will 
be then thought to have been." Hyde to Berkeley, Aug. 14. Clar, 
MSS, 2,280. 

' This is especially true of his narrative of the Western campaign. 
In his account of events in London he gives himself up to mere unfounded 
gossip. 

* " Though for no other cause, yet for this : that posterity may know 
we have not loosely through silence permitted things to pass away as in 
a dream, there shall be for men's information extant thus much concern- 
ing the present state of the Church of God established amongst us," &c. 
Eccl, Pol. i. I. 

' This is the true reading, as Ranke pointed out, and it is now restored 
In Mr. Macray's edition. 



1646 THE HISTORY OF THE REBELLION. 123 

digious alteration and confusion over the whole kingdom ; and 
so the memory of those few, who out of duty and conscience 
have opposed and resisted that torrent which hath overwhelmed 
them, may lose the recompense due to virtue, and, having un- 
dergone the injuries and reproaches of this, may not find a 
vindication in a better age ; it will not be unuseful, at least to 
the curiosity if not the conscience of men, to present to the 
world a full and clear narrative of the grounds, circumstances, 
and artifices of this rebellion." * 

After such an exordium a calm and philosophical narrative 
is the last thing to be expected. Yet it is not without signifi- 
Hb relation cancc that at the very opening of his work Hyde 
to Hooker, deliberately attached himself to Hooker. He was 
engaged on another stage of that conflict against Puritanism in 
which the great author of the Ecclesiastical Polity had couched 
his lance. The combat was more political now than it had been 
in the days of Elizabeth, but in the main the issues were the 
same. The ideas of the organic development of the Church, 
of the power of the trained human intelligence to grasp the 
significance of Divine laws, and of the application of the whole 
of man's complex being to the service of his Creator, were 
handed down by Hooker to his successors, and, though it can 
hardly be said that the author of The Great Rebellion lived and 
moved on these ethereal heights, at least something of theif 
influence had fallen upon him. Hyde, in short, was a lawyer 
His merits ^ho had applied himself to statesmanship, and if he 
and defects, j^^^j ^^ defects of his personality, he had also its 
merits. He could not descry the larger issues to which the 
work of his generation was tending, and he was bereft of the 
imaginative power which sometimes enables statesmen to per- 
ceive what will be the working of forces not yet called into 
existence ; but he was able to see that in some way or other 
kingship and Parliamentary institutions must be brought into 
active co-operation, and that Puritanism was incapable of 
giving permanent guidance to the nation. His History is 
chiefly important as a revelation of himself and of the beliefs 
which outlasted the victory of Puritanism. 

* Clarendon^ L I. 



124 THE KING IN CAPTIVITY. CH. XLIL' 

The causes which ultimately made Hyde successful were 
already visible. The very earnestness of the Independents, 
Offence ^^^ ^^^^^ craving for the development of the inward 
given by and Spiritual life at the expense of the laws and tra- 

the extreme ...-, .. ,, i.^ 

indepen- Qitions of the past, gavc rise in unbalanced minds to 
manifestations which jarred painfully with the feel- 
ings of men whose chief guidance was derived from what was 
outward and customary. On May 5 a deputation of upwards 
of 2,000 persons from Hertfordshire and Buckinghamshire 
appeared at the bar of the House with a petition for the abo- 
lition of tithes. Their request found no supporter, and the 
Speaker was directed to inform those who made it, that they 
were ignorant of the laws both of God and the kingdom, and 
that they must go home and obey them. Some of the members 
observed that tenants who wanted to be quit of tithes would 
soon want to be quit of rent Nine-tenths were due to the 
landlord on the same ground that one-tenth was due to the 
minister.^ 

Lilbume, too, had again been making himself heard, and 

Lilburne always contrived to express himself in the most irri- 

Tune 6 ^^ing way. Early in June he published A Just Man's 

Liiburae, A justification^^ in which he assailed a certain Colonel 

iustifica. King, who had brought an action for libel against 

him. Incidentally, he also took opportunity to find 

fault with the proceedings of the Earl of Manchester, who had 

junexo. V'^^^ ^is support to King. On June 10 the Lords 

He is summoned him to the bar for speaking ill of a mem- 

beforethe bcr of their House.^ Lilburne boldly repudiated 

the claim of the Lords to take cognisance of his 

Here*"* case. "You," he said to them, "being Peers, as 

SutlioritVof* you are called, merely made by prerogative, and 

the Lords, ncvcr entrusted or empowered by the Commons of 

England, the original and fountain of power ; Magna Carta^ 

the Englishman's legal birthright and inheritance, so often 

bought and redeemed with such great seas of blood and mil- 

» CJ, iv. 534 ; Whitacre's Diary, Add, MSS, 31,116, fol. 268. 
' A Jtist MatC 5 justification, E. 340, 12. 
* Charge against Lilbume. L,J, viii. 429. 



1646 LILBURNE AND THE PEERS. 125 

lions of money, hath justly, rationally, and well provided that 
your lordships shall not sit in judgment, or pass sentence in 
criminal causes, upon any commoner of England, either for 
life, limb, liberty, or estate, but that all commoners in such 
cases shall be tried only by their peers or equals." 

The Lords at once committed IJlburne to Newgate for 
contempt Lilburne appealed to the Commons ; but finding 
June x6. that they were not inclined to do anything for him. 
He appeals j^g published the whole story of his wrongs in a fresh 
Commons, pamphlet, called The Freeman's freedom vindicated^ 
V^ . in which he deliberately charged Manchester with 
freedom causing his arrcst, and asserted his belief in the 
"^ *^ ^ ' truth of the charges brought by Cromwell against 
Lrlburae^ the Earl after the second battle of Newbury.* The 
tfe Utff author being again brought to the bar of the Lords, 

refused to kneel or in any way to acknowledge their 
jurisdiction over him. He was sent back to Newgate, and 
orders were given to prepare a charge against him. On July 1 1, 

when brought up for trial, he again refused to kneel. 
Sentence * and on the reading of the charge against him stopped 
against mi. j^.^ ^^^^ ^.^^ j^.^ fingers. He was adjudged to pay 

a fine of 2,000/., to be imprisoned in the Tower during the 
pleasure of the House, and to be incapable of holding office 
during life.* 

The claim of either House to punish criticism on its mem- 
bers might easily lead to gross abuse. In this case the action 
of the Lords, so far as it was not the result of exasperation at 
Lilburne's cool defiance of their authority, may be traced to 
panic. Lilburne was simply an outspoken exponent of the 
spirit of contempt for existing institutions, which appeared the 
more dangerous to those interested in their maintenance be- 
cause they knew that it was not only widely prevalent, but that 
it had its strongest support in an important section of the 
army, 

* Z./. viii. 368, 370 ; The Freeman's freedom vindicated, E. 341, la. 
2 Z,/. viii. 388, 429, 43a- 



126 



CHAPTER XLIIL 

THE NEWCASTLE PROPOSITIONS. 

It was not merely the special circumstances of the time which 
stood in the way of the complete realisation of the projects of 
i6a6. ^^^ Independents. Nations, even in time of revo- 
characterof lution, take no sudden forward leaps, and the task 
ofthcPres- of the Presbytcrians in establishing the authority of 
ytenans. Parliament over the King, and the authority of the 
laity over the clergy, was in itself such an enormous stride in 
advance as to make it in the highest degree improbable that 
the Independents would gain the approbation of Parliament, 
or of the country, for the further reforms upon which their 
hearts were set. 

The Presbyterians, therefore, in spite of their defeats on all 
questions relating to war or diplomacy, held their own in the 
June 9. House of Commons on all questions relating tg the 
dl^tS'i^^ Church. On June 9 the Commons, without a divl- 
London. gion. Ordered the elections for the eldership to be 
held in London,^ and before many weeks were over the capital 
was actually brought under Presbyterian government. On 
July 22 the House practically relieved the Assembly from the 
burden of answering the obnoxious questions on the Divine 
right of church government, by directing it to proceed at once 
to the preparation of a catechism and a confession of faith.* 

If the Independents did not venture to throw obstacles in 
the way of a Presbyterian settlement, still less did they venture 
The propo- to impede the continuance of the negotiations with 
inttothe* ^^^ King. On July 6 the Houses announced in a 
K^ing- letter to Charles the speedy arrival of their proposi- 

tions, and they further requested him to direct Ormond to 
> C./ iv, 569. * //>i(f, iv. 622. 



rt46 THE NINETEEN PROPOSITIONS. 127 

surrender to them Dublin, Drogheda, and all other garrisons in 

his keeping.^ On the 13th Nineteen Propositions— equalling 

_ , in number those which Charles had rejected in 

July 13, ^ 

They are 1642 — were despatched to Newcastle under the 
charge of two lords and four commoners. These 
commissioners were to demand the King's positive consent, 
and if it was not obtained within ten days after their arrival, 
they were to come back without entering into further nego- 
tiation.* 

It is not likely that anything which the Houses could have 
asked would have been palatable to Charles, but at least 
rj.^^ nothing was done to make his acceptance easy. He 

sitions not was to take the Covenant himself, and to consent to 

bkelytobe . . . . ,,1.1. « 

accepted. an Act imposmg It on all his subjects ; to accept the 
Their main abolition of Episcopacy, and *the reformation of 
stipulations, j^ligion according to the Covenant ... in such 
manner as both Houses have agreed or shall agree upon, after 
consultation had with the Assembly of Divines.' Acts were to 
be passed for the easier conviction of recusants, for the levying 
of their fines, and for the education of their children in the 
Protestant religion, as well as for a stricter course in the sup- 
pression of the mass. There were also to be Acts against 
innovations and pluralities, and for correction of divers abuses 
in the Church. The militia and the fleet were to be controlled 
by Parliament for no less than twenty years, and even when 
that long period had come to an end, the Houses were to 
declare the future conditions of authority over the military and 
naval forces, and the Bills embodying their resolutions were to 
become law even if the royal assent were refused. Provision 
was made for keeping up a good understanding with the Scots. 
A long list was given of Royalists either entirely or partially 
exempted from pardon. The Irish Cessation was to be 
annulled, and the war in Ireland was to be prosecuted in such 
a manner as both Houses might agree upon.^ 

That Charles ought unhesitatingly to have rejected these 
propositions it is impossible for anyone to doubt who knows 
what his conscientious belief was. Now, if ever, was the time 

' L.J. xm. 417. * Ibid. viii. 423, 433. • Rushw, vi. 309. 



128 THE NEWCASTLE PROPOSITIONS. CH. XLili, 

to speak his mind out plainly, and, whatever might come of his 
refusal, to reject decisively a scheme to which he could not in 
honour assent It was precisely this outspoken as- 
Charies scrtion of his position which Charles was incapable 
speak out ^^ making. He was involved in a new phase of his 
long intrigue with the French Government, and he weakly 
thought that he could make his answer to Parliament helpful 
towards the attainment of his object, even though he refused 
to carry out the policy which the French were urging upon 
him. When Digby was at Jersey, he boasted in conversing 
Beiiiivre's with Hyde of the speedy departure of Belli^vre, who 
"^*^o°* was soon to set out from France as ambassador to 
England at the instance of Henrietta Maria, carrying with him 
instructions from Mazarin which had been drawn up by Digby 
himself and other Englishmen.^ As often happened, Digby 
had overreached himself. His own production had, indeed, 
been committed to Belli^vre's charge, but the real instructions 
upon which the ambassador was to act had been carefully 
prepared by the Cardinal himself. Digby*s paper is chiefly 
interesting as revealing the ideas which prevailed at the little 
court of exiles at St. Germains. 

The Queen's memorandum, as it was called, bore unmistak- 
ably the impress of Digby*s erratic genius. Presbyterianism, it 
^t^ /^ . urged, should be frankly conceded, because that was 

The Queen's ,°' ^ y .,t, 

memo- the surcst way to set Presbyterians and Independents 

by the ears. The militia was to be abandoned to Par- 
liament for a time, to allay the fears of those rebels who dreaded 
the royal displeasure, but it must eventually be restored to the 
King. Above all, the Act preventing the dissolution of Parlia- 
ment without its own consent must be repealed, and the 
Parliamentary constitution must revert to the principles of the 
Triennial Act. The government of the country was, in short, 
to be restored to Charles with the single obligation of meeting 
a Parliament once in three years, during a session limited at 
his pleasure to fifty days. Lest the patronage of the Scots 
should prove oppressive, they were to be persuaded to admit 

* Hyde's Memorandum, Clar, MSS, ; Capel, Hopton, and Hyde to 
the Queen, undated, Clar, SL F, ii. 239. 



1646 HYDE'S PROTEST. 129 

Montrose to a conjunction with their army at Newcastle, and 
to acknowledge Ormond's treaty with the Irish Catholics. If, 
as was probable enough, the Scots objected to this, Belli^vre 
was to frighten them by threatening to throw the weight of 
'France into the scale of the Independents. No real success 
was to be hoped for till the Presbyterians and Independents 
had taken arms against one another. Then France, Ireland, 
and the Cavaliers would give victory to that which appeared to 
be the weaker side, and the King would reign in peace through 
the exhaustion of his enemies.^ 

It is unnecessary to point out that this airy scheme was 
utterly unpractical. Hyde, though he can hardly have been 
Hyde's acquainted with the memorandum itself, pointed out 
opinion. jjj jj|g private Correspondence the immorality of its 
main provision. ** For the propositions," he wrote, " whoever 
understands them . . . cannot imagine that, being once con- 
sented unto, there are any seeds left for monarchy to spring 
out of, and the stratagem of yielding to them to make the 
quarrel the more popular, and to divide the Presbyterians and 
Independents, is so far above my politics that I am confident 
a general horror and infidelity will attend the person that 
submits to them after the infamy of such a submission ; and if 
I know anything of the King's heart or nature, he will not 
redeem the lives of his wife and children at the price, though 
he were sure they would not be consented unto when he had 
done." » 

Hyde at least knew the rock upon which all the efforts of 
Digby and Mazarin would split. Mazarin indeed had other 
Mararin objccts in Sending Belli^vre than that of exalting the 
an^xthe authority of Charles. He was now engaged in a 
l?Sher^ negotiation which, if his hopes were fulfilled, would 
lands. lead to the annexation of the Spanish Netherlands, 

and he had already sent an army across the frontier to give 
emphasis to his diplomacy.' Knowing how readily England, 

* Memorandum by the Queen of England. Ranke, Engl. Ceschichie^ 
viii. 175. 

* Hyde to Berkeley, Aug. 14. Clar. AfSS, 2,280. 

* Ch^ruel, Zd France pendant la minoriti de Louis XI V.^ ii. 267* 
VOL. HI. -«.. 



tio 



THE NEWCASTLE PROPOSITIONS. CH. XLiu. 




if she were free to strike, might be led to resist his enterprise, 
he was eager to do what he could for Charles by diplomatic 
means, not because he wanted to make Charles strong, but 
because he wanted to keep England weak. 

^ia^a.^i^, therefore, directed Bellifevre to foment dissensions 
between the two Parliamentary parties. Their union would 
B»m*.™'» make a republic possible, and an English republic 
in.inic.ioni. ^^^ ij^g pjjg thing which he wished to avert. It 
would, he thought, be terribly strong in the strength which 
grows out of the voluntary effort of its citizens. Even the 
re -establishment of the King in the plenitude of his power 
would be less formidable to France. 

As a means to the re -establishment of the King, Mazarin 
IcKjked to the help of the Scots and of the English Presby- 
terians. He treated Charles's objections to Presbyterian ism as 
a mere passing obstacle, which would be removed by the good 
advice of his wife. Both from Mazarin's instructions and from 
Uellibvre's sulisequent despatches it is perfectly clear that the 
ambassador started under a complete misapprehension of the 
difficulties of the task before him, and that he expected with 
case to carry out the undertaking in which Montreuil had 
failed.' 

Bellifevre arrived in England early in July. His first report 
from London was most despondent. Both parties, he found, 
Inly 16. were of opinion that the King was lost if he did not 
ml!«r" "Accept the propositions. In case of his refusal the 
Pbniofihi Independents — the ambassador was probably retail- 
iwoponidi. ing Presbyterian gossip — would set the little Duke of 
Gloucester on the throne for a year or two, till they were able 
to establish a republic. On most points there was a sharp 
division between the parties. The Presbyterians wanted to 
disband the army and to dissolve Parliament, on condition^ 
thus anticipating the vote of the French Constituent Assem- 
bly—that no member of the existing House of Commons 
should have a seat in the next. The Independents wanted 

keep together both Parliament and army. The Scottish 



Inkiiu 



o Reiiii' 



Ranke. Eagl. Ca,-h!chle, 1 



1646 BELLIEVRE'S DIPLOMACY 131 

commissioners,- it appeared, were sanguine as to their pro- 
spect of obtaining the King's assent to the prppositions, if 
Expecta. ^^^^ withdrew, as they were prepared to do, the 
Scotdsh'*** demand for the signature of the Covenant. They 
cpinmis. would then, as they were no longer distracted with 
war at home, be able to place twenty thousand men 
on the Borders in addition to their army actually at New- 
castle. 

The English Presbyterians gauged Charles's character more 
accurately. Bellifevre reported that they had little expectation 
The Eng. of a favourable answer from him, and that some of 
byte^Ln^ them evcn talked of making common cause with the 
despondent. Independents and of abandoning all hope of coming 
to an understanding with the King. It needed all Bellifevre's 
assurances that his own appearance in Newcastle would change 
the King's resolution to keep them constant to the policy which 
they had hitherto adopted. 

Having thus fully acquainted himself with the views enter- 
tained at Westminster, Bellibvre set out for Newcastle. If 
Charles had been hypocritical enough to play the 
in favour game which had been suggested by Digby with 
"'"'•'''"*• somewhat more of soberness than suited the temper 
of that erratic adviser, he would probably have had a fair chance 
of recovering his authorit3r. So weary were the people of the 
burden of the new taxation, that, if once the existing Parlia- 
ment were dissolved, the King might possibly regain his power 
without much difficulty. So widespread was the impression 
at Westminster of impending danger, that the Inde- 
the inde- pcndcnts werc alarmed lest the whole result of the 
pen ents. ^^^ should be thrown away. " May God grant," 
said one of them, " that we have nothing worse to fear than to 
see the King in as much authority as he had before the war. 
It is much to be feared that he will much augment and 
strengthen it." ^ 

The Independents need not have been alarmed. Already, 
on June 28, Charles had received a copy of the propositions, 

• Belli^vre to Mazarin, July \% Dec. |l. JR.O, Transcripts. 



1.32 THE NEWCASTLE PROPOSITIONS, CH. XLlll. 

On July I he informed his wife that he could not accept them, 
June 28. but ' a flat denial ' was ' to be delayed as long as 

Sifite "^y b^' ^^ Quite understood what the conse- 

fioiST** quence would be. He would not be allowed to go 
July 1. to London, and the Scots would refuse to help him.* 

"* '^'^IL* On the 8th he wrote to Ashbumham that he believed 

not accept 

thenu himself to be lost, unless he could escape to France 

before August.^ 

On July 9 Montreuil returned from France, with friendly 
messages from the Queen Regent and the Cardinal, and with 
-^j assurances of Belli^vre's support. He was also able 

MontreuU's to chccr the King with tidings relating to Montrose. 
On June 15 Charles had repeated his orders to 
Monm>M' Montrose to disband his army, and again on July 16 
to disband, j^^ wrote vcry much in the same strain.* The last 

A^j^CTct^ letter was, however, accompanied by secret instruc- 
communi- tions to Spin out the operation as long as possible.* 
It is not improbable that this order was given to 
Montrose in consequence of a message received from him to 
the effect that the variable Seaforth had now declared for the 
King, that he would himself be able to raise 8,000 men, and 
that an offer of 7,000 more had reached him from the Irish 
Confederate Catholics.* 

At the same time that Charles ordered Montrose — at least 
Proceedings i^ his public dcspatch — to disband his forces, he sent 
2n ^u^ ^ similar command to Huntly and Alaster Macdonald. 
donaid. Huntly was about to obey, but on a countermand 
from the King prepared to continue the struggle. Macdonald' 

» The King to the Queen, July I. Charles I. in 1646, 51. 

* The King to Ashbumham, July 8. The letter is in the possession 
of the Earl of Ashbumham, and has been lent by him to the Stuart 
Exhibition. 

* The King to Montrose, June 15, July 16. Napier, Memoirs of 
Montrose^ 636, 637. 

* Montreuil to Mazarin, July J|, ^^^^. Arch, des Aff. £tranglres^ 
111. fol. 438, 467. Montreuil only knew of the secret letter, or did not 
think the public one worth mentioning. 

* The message is undated, but a reference to Antrim places it here. 
Arch, des Aff. £trangires, Hi. 517. 



1646 PLEADINGS WITH CHARLES. 133 

had recently been joined by Antrim in person, and was not 
likely to desist from his attack upon the territory of the Camp- 
bells for anything which the King might write. ^ 

Fed with empty hopes, Charles prepared himself to receive 

the Parliamentary commissioners. On July 30 they reached 

July 30. Newcastle. At this crisis of the monarchy all who 

th2^ Parul- fancied themselves capable of influencing the King's 

mentary decision gathered round him. Bellifevre was there 

commis- ° 

%ioners. to couuscl acccptaucc of Presbytcrianism in the 
interests of France. Argyle came to recommend the same in 
the interests of Scotland, whilst Hamilton, who had been 
liberated from his captivity by Fairfax, appeared at Newcastle 
as lugubrious as of old, denouncing the King's resistance, and 
The advice prophesying all happiness to him if he would only 
of the Scots. £q1Jq^ ^^ advice of his faithful Scots. *^ Nor was 

that advice quite as harsh as might have been expected. The 
Scottish commissioners at Newcastle threw themselves on their 
knees before him, assuring him that they would venture their 
lives and all that they possessed on his behalf if only he would 
accept, not the offensive propositions now laid before him, but 
those milder ones which had formerly been made through Sir 
Robert Moray,' with some modifications in the clause relating 
to the militia.* 

Moderate as Sir Robert Moray's scheme had been on civil 
matters, its demand for the establishment of Presbyterianism 
^^^ ^ in England had been as uncompromising as that of 
Charles the propositions. It can surprise no one that 
the propo. Charles refused to give way ; but there can hardly 
be one, even amongst his most devoted admirers, 
who can approve of the manner in which, after rejecting the 
offer of the Scots, he replied to the English Commissioners. 
He did not flash out into becoming indignation at the sugges- 

» Patrick Gordon^ 194, 198. 

* Z.y. viii. 447 ; Montreuil to Mazarin, ^J^g^> Arch, des Aff. £iran» 

gireSi lii. fol. 467. 
» See p. 73. 

* Sir R. Moray to Mazarin, Oct. |g. ArcL del Aff, £trangh'es^ lii, 
fol. 630. 



»34 



THE NEWCASTLE PROPOSTTTONS. CH. Xtlli. 



tion that he should— as he would himself have expressed it — 
abandon the Church, his crown, and his friends. Neither did 
he clearly say what he was himself ready to grant. He merely 
handed to the commissioners on August i a letter in which he 
complained of the difficuky of giving a decided answer in the 
short time allowed to him, and pressed once more for leave to 
come to London to discuss more thoroughly the points which 
had been raised. He would never, he vaguely added, 'con- 
sent to anything destructive to that just power which by the 
laws of God and the land he is bom unto ' ; but, on the othet 
hand, he was ready to pass all bills ' really for the good and 
peace of his people.' ' 

It was strange that Charles should think fit to reply to an 
elaborate demand in such a fashion, but it was still stranger 
that he should have been sanguine of the success of 
languiiwof his Contrivance for spinning out the negotiation 
whilst Irishmen and Highlanders were preparing to 
come to his rescue, or whilst parties at Westminster were 
breaking up under the influence of his personal skill On 
Aug. J. August 3 he sent Montreuil back to France to 
rttTrnTio inform the Queen of all that had passed, and he 
France. assured Bellifevre, who remained at Newcastle, that 
^™V™- he expected a favourable response from the Houses, 
BoiiLivre. and that when he was once in London all difficulties 
would be at an end.^ Bellifevre thought it far more likely that 
the Scots would deliver him up to the English, and that he 
would either be deposed or allowed to remain on the throne 
with no more than the name of a king.* 

In rejecting Presbyterian ism Charles was acting in opposi- 
tion to the advice, not only of all who were in daily intercourse 

■ The King's answer, Aug. I. L.J. viii. 460. 

' " Le Roy de la Grande Bretagne s'imagine que sa response sera b 
rescue du ParlemenI, qu'il consentira qu'il aille il Londres, et que cela 
estaot, iQules ses affaires se lennineronl & son avantage." Bellievre did 
not think this likely to be the case : " Cependant le dit Roy le flatte de 
Ks imaginations et se nourit d'esperances auxquelles je ne tiouve noiat 
(bndement aolide." UelHiivre to Maiarin, Aug, j^ R.O. TramcHpts 



1646 CHARLES AND THE QUEEN. 155 

with him, but also of her from whose judgment he most uti 
willingly dissented. About the time when Belli^vre left France 
Charles the Queen instructed Jermyn, Culpepper, and Ash- 
oppoStionto burnham to plead with her husband in a joint 
the Queen, letter fof an understanding with the Scots based 
on the acceptance of Presbyterianism without the Covenant.^ 
In reply Charles denied that the separation was possible. If 
he granted Presbyterianism he would be driven to grant the 
His views Covenant. He then proceeded to show the influ- 
hlflience of ^^^cs which evcn the concession of simple Presby- 
J^pi^copacy tcrianism would have, not only upon the Church, 
State. but upon the State. Bishops were to him not merely 

divinely appointed channels of grace, they were also an effec- 
tive police for the suppression of anti-monarchical opinions. 
" It is not the change of church government," he wrote, " which 
is chiefly aimed at — though that were too much — but it is by 
that pretext to take away the dependency of the Church from 
the Crown ; which, let me tell you, I hold to be of equal 
consequence to that of the military, for people are governed 
by pulpits more than the sword in times of peace. Nor will 
the Scots be content with the alteration of government, except 
the Covenant be likewise established, the which doth not only 
make good all their former rebellions, but likewise lays a firm 
foundation for such pastimes in all times to come. Now for 
the theological part, I assure you the change would be no less 
and worse than if Popery were brought in, for we should have 
neither lawful priests, nor sacraments duly administered, nor 
God publicly served, but according to the foolish fancy of every 
idle parson ; but we should have the doctrine against kings 
fiercelier set up than amongst the Jesuits." 

Charles could say all this to his wife and her ministers ; 
why could he not say as much openly to the world? It 
would have revealed the inward sincerity of his nature, 
whjch lay enveloped in such a cloud of trickery and false* 

> This letter has not been preserved, but its purport can be gathered 
fr "^m the King's answer on July 22, and from the remainder of the corre- 
spondence. Ciar, St. F, ii. 242. 



136 



THE NEWCASTLE PROPOSITIONS. CH. XUn. 






Chn.ch . 



hood. An agreement between him and either of the parties 
opposed to hira was, in truth, for ever impossible. It was 
from no craving after personal aggrandisement that 
Charles took his stand on the maintenance of the 
Monarchy and the Church. He believed it in his 
heart to be contrary to the will of God that he should 
abandon eilher, " How," he wrote at a later date, 
"can I keep my innocency which you, with so much 
mind. reason oft and earnestly persuade me to preserve, if 

I should abandon the Church ? Believe it, religion is the only 
firm foundation of all power ; that cast loose or depraved, no 
government can be stable ; for when was there ever obedience 
where religion did not teach it? But, which is most of all, 
how can we expect God's blessing if we relinquish His Church? 
And I am most confident that religion will much sooner 
regain the mihtia than the mUitia will religion."' 

Evidently Charles had in him the stuff of which martyrs 
are made, and for that very reason, if his opponents had any 
impotsibiiiiy regard for their own safety, they could be satisfied 
wieJ^s* "'^^ "o terms which failed to lay him entirely at 
with biou their feet. Constitutional kingship was unattainable 
if he was to continue to be the king, because constitutional 
kingship rests on the idea that, in case of deliberate and pro- 
longed difference of opinion, it is the nation which is to have 
the last word, and not the king. To this idea, and not merely 
to the aljerrations of the existing Parliament, Charles was 
strenuously opposed. He gave himself, body and soul, to the 
maintenance of the Monarchy in Church and State, and the 
Monarchy, as understood by Charles, had absolutely 'no future 
before it The restored kingship of Charles II. was fettered 
by Parliament in a way which would have been unendurable 
to Charles I. ; and if, ecclesiastically, the Church of Sheldon 
and Morley appeared in very truth the Church of Hooker a 
laud, there is a sense in which its historical continuity is to be 
detected in what, in 1646, was known at Westminster as the 

' The King to Jcmipi, Culpepper, and Ashhumham, July 17, Aug. 
Clar. St. P. iL 342, 24S. Compare the King's letter to llie Fiince of 
Wsies, Aug. 26. Ibid. iL 253, 



1646 OFFER OF THE SCOTS. 137 

reformed Church of England. When bishops ultimately re- 
ascended their ancient thrones, they sat on them because they 
were favoured by Parliament rather than because they were 
favoured by the king. The supremacy of lay England in its 
collective capacity over king and Church was, in reality, the main 
object for which the Presbyterians were contending, and their 
object, and not Charles's object, was obtained with the full co- 
operation of the party of the Cavaliers, when king and bishops 
reappeared in 1660 under changed conditions. 

The King's procrastinating answer to the propositions — if 

answer it can be called — produced far other effects at West- 

^^ ^^ minster than those which he had anticipated. On 

The King's August 1 2, 35 soon as it had been read in the 

Answer 

received. Housc of Lords, a letter from the Scots* commis- 
The Scots sioners was produced, in which they offered to with- 
offertogo. ^j.^^ jj^gjj. fQYQQ^ from England on receiving due 

satisfaction for their expenses, and suggested a consultation 
between the two kingdoms to decide upon the best way of 
disposing of the King.^ They did not in any way conceal 
their resolution not to take him to Scotland.^ 

It was perhaps natural that this overture should be received 
in a different spirit by the two parties. It was impossible for 
Feeling of the Prcsbyterians to retain the Scots against their 
{^rtSiu>ut ^^^^> ^^* they wished to treat them with every 
them. courtesy, and to keep, as much as possible, the 

alliance intact. The Independents, on the other hand, re- 
garded them as detected intriguers, who had attempted, with 
the aid of the King and the French, to crush liberty of con* 
science in England. This time they were unable to rally the 
House of Commons to their views. Common sense 

Aug. 14. 

Libellers of taught those who had not permanently attached 

the Scots , ° , . , , ^ . '' 

to be themselves to either party that it was not well to 

punis . irritate the Scots at the moment when they proposed 
to free England of their presence, and on August 14 the 
House read a second time, by a majority of 130 to 102, an 

* L.J. viii. 461. 

« Bati/te, ii. 386-391 ; Grignon to Brienne, Aug. |g, J§, R. 0. Iran- 
Siripts, 



lit THE NEWCASTLE PROPOSITIONS. CH. xnir. ' 

ordinance inflicting punishment on the printers and writers of 
all libels against the kingdom and army ui Scotland. 

On a question of money it was less easy to influence the 
House in favour of a generous treatment of the Scots. A bare 
ioaaȣ sum of joo.ooo/. was voted without a division as full 
toiid for satisfaction of the outstanding account between the 
nations.' The Scots, on the other band, reckoned 
their uncovered expenses in England at r,8oo,ooo/., of which 
500,000/. was owing to the Englishmen in whose 
wtojkin houses their soldiers had lived at free quarter, leav- 
ing due to themselves no less than 1,300,000/. 
Nevertheless, they offered to be content with a sum of 
500,000/. In the end, after a good deal of haggling, and a 
prolonged party struggle within the House itself, 
4™,™!: u 400,000/. was voted on September i, half to be paid 
before the Scots left England, and the remainder by 
instalments at fixed intervals.* 

The Scots having consented to this proposal,' it only re- 
mained to procure the aoo,ooo/. needed for the Erst payment 
g^ ^ In the City it was thought that there would be no 

A loin 10 difficulty in raising a loan upon the security of the 
excise and the bishops' lands,* and this suggestion 
was supported by the Presbyterians in the House. The Inde- 
pendents, however, carried against them a vote for adding to 
the security the lands of delinquents,' as though they feared 
that their rivals might bribe Charles to abandon the bishops 
by offering to restore the property of his followers. The City 
could hardly take exception to additional security, and the 
arrangements for paying off the Scots were now likely to take 
effect without much further delay. 

Strong, however, as, in spite of occasional checks, the hold 
of the Independents upon the House seemed to be, indications 

■ C.J. iv. 644. 
> Ibid. iv. 649, 655, 659; Whitacre's Diary, Add. MSS. 31,116, fcL 

zSi. 

■ L.J. viiJ. 487. 

■ Whitacre's Diary. Add. MSS. 31,116, fol. 183. 
' L.J. viii. 489 i C./. iv. 66s. 



1646 LAST FLICKER OF THE WAR. 139 

were not wanting that it was only on questions of national 
policy that they could be secure of a majority, and that when 
Character at last liberty of conscience came to be seriously 
fnfluenceof ^iscusscd, they would have little chance of obtain- 
*^ndente in ^^^ ^^^ acccptance of their views. On September 2 
the House, an Ordinance for the suppression of blasphemy and 
Sept. 2. heresy was brought in by two members of no great 
o/dmam'l ^^^^'^ Denial of doctrines relating to the Trinity 
to suppress and the Incarnation was to be punished with 

Dla<-phemy * 

and heresy, death ; whilst denial of several other less important 
doctrines, such as those relating to Presbyterianism and Infant 
Baptism, was to be punished with imprisonment for life. This 
monstrous ordinance was read twice without a division, and 
sent before a committee of the whole House.^ 

It was not only the certainty that prominence would be 
given to internal and especially to ecclesiastical questions as 
Is th E ^^^^ ^^ *^^ Scots were fairly gone which boded ill to 
lish army the predominance of the Independents. The dying 
down' of the flames of war would lead men who had 
been taught by the Independent leaders to ask whether there 
was need of a Scottish army in England to ask whether there was 
any need of an English army. As far as the Royalists were 
concerned, indeed, it could hardly be pleaded that Fairfax's 
Surrender of army was nccessary. Worcester had given itself up 
fortresses. ^^ j^j^ 22, Pendeunis on August 17, and Raglan, 

the last of purely English fortresses to hold out, had surrendered 
on the 19th. The castles of North Wales took longer to 
capture, that of Flint surrendering by August 24,^ that of 
Denbigh by October 26,* and that of Conway by December 
18,* whilst Holt Castle held out till January 19,® Chirk Castle 

* Bacon and Tate, the latter, however, having been the original sug- 
gester of the Self-Den3dng Ordinance. The proposed ordinance is printed 
in A relation of several heresies, E. 358, 2. See The Moderate Intelli- 
gencer^ E. 353, 18 ; Some modest and humble queries, E. 355, I. 

« CJ, iv. 659. 

' Mitton to Lenthall, Aug. 24. Tanner MSS, lix. fol. 493. 

* Per/, Occurrences, E. 360, 13. 

• Ferf. Diurnal, E. 513, 2$. 

• Maurice's Note-Book, Arch, Cambrensis, 41, gives Jan. 16, perhaps 



MO THE NEWCASTLE PROPOSITIONS. CH. xuil. 

till February 28, and Harlech Castle, the last fortified post over 
End of the which King Charles's banner waved, till March 13, 

CivUWar. ^g^^l 

The question of the disbandment of Fairfax's army in 
consequence of these successes would undoubtedly be raised 
in the not distant future. As long as the Scots were still 
quartered at Newcastle it was impossible that it could be 
entertained. 

It was Charles's firm conviction that he was dividing his 
enemies by his policy. In reality he was unconsciously doing 
everything in his power to close their ranks. As it 
Charles's Seemed every day less probable that any concession 
^ **^' would be obtained from him, the Scots redoubled 

their efforts to induce him to give way. In August Hamilton 

Aug. had visited Scotland, where he had striven to induce 

lifi"tlr*°* bis fellow-countrymen to abandon some of their 

Scotland. pretensions, but, in face of the King's unbending 

Sept. 4- resolution, his efforts were of no avail, and early in 

A Scottish ' ' 

deputation. September he returned to Newcastle as a member of 
a body of commissioners sent by the Committee of Estates to 
urge Charles to an unconditional surrender. 

Between the two great factions into which the Scottish 
Covenanting nobility were divided — the Hamiltons and the 
„,. TT ., Argyles, as they were called — there was not, from 

The Haiml- ^, ' , , . ^ ^ . . , ^/ 

tons and Charles s pomt of view, much to choose. The only 
rgyes. difference between their leaders, as it appeared to 
Bellifevre, was that, whereas Argyle wished to put an end to the 
monarchy, Hamilton wished to preserve it, but to be himself 
the monarch. If this was unfair to Hamilton, who was always 
leady to serve the King so far as he could so without injuring 
himself, it hardly did injustice to Argyle. One little knot of 
Callander's ^^^ indeed there was, of whom Callander was the 
party. leading spirit, who were anxious to do what they 

could to restore the King's authority. These men, who held 
influential positions in the army, and amongst whom was pro- 

the date of the capitulation, while the 19th, given by Mercurius Diutinus^ 
is perhaps the date of surrender. £. 372, 9. 
' Arch, Cam rensis^ 42. 



1646 AN OFFER REJECTED. 141 

bably David Leslie himself, assured Charles that they could 
place at his disposition 4,000 horse and one of the strongest forti- 
it offers fications in Scotland. Yet even they acknowledged 
to a^S. that the disposition of the Scottish people was such 
The depu- that unless he would accept Presby terianism nothing 
returns to could bc donc. Charles rejected their offer with- 
Edinburgh. Qut hesitation. What he had refused to Callander 
he was not likely to grant to Hamilton, and the commis- 
sioners of the Committee of Estates went back to Edinburgh 
Charles with a negative answer. Before allowing them to 
togot^^ return Charles again pressed for permission to go 
London. ^q London. He did not, he said, refuse to sign the 
propositions. He only asked that his arguments against them 
might be heard. ^ 

To Bellifevre Charles explained that he had no intention of 
going to London unless he could be received there in honour 
and safety, or, in other words, unless he could preserve some- 
thing of the state and influence of a king. He had already, he 
added, sent Dunfermline there with a message to this effect. 
Sept. 7. In writing to the Queen he dwelt more on his annoy- 
w^es*to ^'^c^ ^t t^^ continual pressure which was put on him. 
the Queen, j^q^ Qfjiy had he bccn * freshly and fiercely assaulted 
from Scotland,' but Will Murray had been Met loose upon' him 
* from London.* He was even afraid, as he informed his wife, 
that the Scots would be persuaded by the English to detain 
him as a prisoner. Meanwhile he assured Bellifevre that he 
would take no decisive step till he had heard from the Queen, 
but, as the Frenchman shrewdly remarked, it was very unlikely 
that he would take her advice when it arrived.^ 

* Burnet, Lives of the Hamiltons, 366-368 ; A letter from Scotlandy 
E. 354, 3 ; Ji^erc, Civicus^ E. 354, 12 ; Bellievre to Mazarin, Oct. ^, 
R,0, Transcripts, The ambassador says that the offer of the cavalry 
was made a month before his letter was written, which would bring it 
to the beginning of September, Callander's name is not mentioned, 
but Charles, writing about this time, refers to him as making offers to 
help him to his liberty. The King to the Queen, Sept. 7. Charles /. in 
1646, 63. 

2 The King to the Queen, Sept. 7, Charles I, in 1646, 63 ; Bellievre 
to Mazarin, Sept. ^, JJ, R.O, TranscHpts* 




THE NEWCASTLE PROPOSITIONS. CH. Xtm. 



Charles was, in fact, slill engaged in replying to the fetters 
in which his wife's ministers, acting by her instructions, were 
The Qurni setting forth the advantages which would accrue to 
pia™!™" '''"' '^ ^^ grasped the sword and discarded the 
Cinriei't bishops. To all their arguments he turned a deaf 
nfuMi. ear. Taking them on their own ground, he urged, 
they were utterly worthless. The Scottish religion meant the 
rule of the clergy. The Westminster religion meant the rule 
of Parliament, Both were equally anti-monarchical.' 

Though Charles would never accept Presbyterianism, he 

had no objection to lead others to think he was 

Khomo. going to do so, provided that he made no positive 

Aconsuii*. declaration. He easily gained over Will Murray to 

will"' his view, ' that the Scots ' were ' not to be satisfied 

Murray. without the Covenant,' and that 'the monarchy' 

could not 'stand with Presbyterian government.' The two 

then consulted how ' to find such a present compliance as may 

stand with conscience and policy.' On the 14th they 

^^'^ '* had not yet succeeded in their task, but Charles 

thought that there would be no great difficulty in the matter, 

and proposed to send Murray to London to recommend the 

scheme which was still in embryo.* 

One obstacle in the way of Charles, if he wished to come to 
an understanding with the Scots, had been already removed. 
An obstacle He was, indeed, slow to give up hopes once formed, 
reraovcii. 3f,(j [),g j^gg ^f ^ combination between Montrose's 
Highhnders and an Irish invasion had been too long familiar 
to him to pass readily out of his mind. On August zi he 
Aug II. enircaled Montrose to remain in Scotland as long as 
MotI™''" ^^ could without breaking his word.' Montrose was, 
lo ranuu. however, too far advanced in a bargain, upon which 
he had for some little time been engaged, to wish to hold out 
longer. Much to the disgust of the Covenanting cler^, 

' The King to Jermyn, CQlpepper, and Ashbumham, Sept. 7. Clar. 
St. P. iL 260. 

' The King to the Qneen, Sept. ^. Charles T. in 1646, 64. 

' The KinR tn Montrose, Aug. 11. Kapler's Mimoirs af Monliox, 
il 641. 



1646 MONTROSE'S ESCAPE. 143 

Middleton, who commanded the army of the Scottish Parlia- 
ment in the North, had made him a promise that he, together 
Terms ^^^^ Crawford and Hurry, might be allowed to leave 

accepted Scotland in safety if they would take care to be on 
shipboard before September i. One of his followers 
was allowed to remain in the country with the forfeiture of his 
estate, while all the others were to be admitted to a complete 
amnesty. 

As the time for his departure approached Montrose found 
reason to think that Middleton's employers intended to trick 
He doubts him out of the benefit of the conditions into which 
they ^u be ^hcir Subordinate had entered. The ship which was 
observed. ^q carry him away did not make its appearance in 
Montrose harbour till August 31, the last day on which, accord- 
ing to the agreement, he could be safe in Scotland. Even at 
this critical moment the captain declared that he would not be 
ready to sail for some days. Montrose, however, was not to be 
Montrose's thus entrapped. Putting on a disguise he flung him- 
escapc. gg|£^ ^g ^YiQ evening darkened, into a small boat, and 
rowed out to a Norwegian vessel which he had hired to lie 
off the mouth of the harbour till he appeared. He thus made 
his way in safety to Bergen.* His high enterprise had come 
to a disastrous end. No skill of warrior or statesmen could 
deal successfully with a problem the solution of which de- 
pended on the one hand upon the wisdom of Charles, and on 
the other on the discipline of the Gordons and of the Highland 

clans. 

Though Montrose was out of Scotland, the Covenanting 
government was not yet at its ease. Huntly and the Gordons 
State of the wcrc Still in arms on the East, and Antrim and 
Highlands. Alastcr Macdonald were still in arms in the West. 
There was enough to make the Irish peace a special object of 
alarm to the Scots. It would certainly expose to increased 
danger their defeated army in Ireland, and it would probably 
be followed by the sending of reinforcements to their enemies, 
in the Western Highlands. Charles at least was fully alive to 

' Napier's Memoirs of Montrose^ 639-643 ; Wishart^ ch. xxi. 



144 THE NEWCASTLE PROPOSITIONS. CH. xilll 

the possibility of a turn in his favour. On September i6 he 

wrote to Ormond suggesting the seizure and fortification of a 

Sept. 16. ^P^^ ^" ^^ Lancashire coast as a means * of helping ' 

Charles asks him * to make use of the Irish assistance.' ' Yet even 

Unnond to 

»eute a spot Charles could hardly be very sanguine now. On the 
coast of day on which his letter to Ormond was written he 
Lancashire. ^^^ ^^ j^j^ daughter in the Netherlands, begging her 

ofOnmerto to persuade the Prince of Orange to send a swifk 
to^New- s^P ^^ Newcastle, to carry letters between himself 
castle. and the Queen.^ Though nothing was said further, 

it is by no means unlikely that Charles had some thought 
of using the ship to effect his own escape if he should find it 
desirable to take that course.' 

At Westminster the Presb3rterians now outstripped their 
rivals in their anxiety to secure Charles's person. On Septem- 
g^ ber 18 the Commons, at their instigation, resolved 

The Com- that * the person of the King shall be disposed of as 
that the both Houses of Parliament of England shall see fit.** 
to^di^P^jsTof The Presbyterians had no reason to entertain any 
the King. further hope of Scottish military assistance. They 
were at this moment engaged in discussing with Grignon, Bel- 
li^vre*s brother, who had remained in London to act as his 
agent, how changes might be effected in the propositions so as 
to render them more easy of digestion, and they may very well 
have imagined that they were more likely to win Charles's 
assent if he were out of the hands of the rigid Scottish Cove- 
nanters. The Independents, on the contrary, though they 
were anxious to separate Charles from the Scots, were unwilling 
to bring him too near London. " The King," said 
The i^rds One of them in the House — was it perhaps Henry 
**''®** Marten ? — "could not for the good of England be 

too far off." On the 22nd the vote was accepted by the Lords, 

' The King to Ormond, Sept. 16. Carte's Ormond^ v. 17. 

' The King to the Princess Mary, Sept. 16. MS. letters of the Family 
of Charles I. BodL Library, 

■ See his words to the Queen at p. 117. We Ivnow from Bellicvre 
that he was for some time hankering after a scheme of joining his wife in 
France. See also p. 132. * C,J, iv. 672. 



THE BISHOPS' LANDS. 

ihough not without difficulcy, and a joint committee was ap- 
pointed to discuss with the Scottish commissioners the best 
mode in which the King's person could be disposed of. It 
was, however, to be understood that the negotiation with the 
ycots was not to affect the right to dispose of the King's 
person claimed by the English Parliament' 

It now remained to carry into effect the proposal which 
had been previously made ' for offering the bishops' lands as 
g^ I security for the loan to be raised for the payment of 

OrJjM.^' the Scots. On September 29 an ordinance was 
init bihhopi brought in for the abolition of bishops and for vest- 
tii«iroHa°M ing their estates in trustees. The trustees were eight 
in triuteea. aldermen and sixteen common councillors, who were 
hU^ao-*" ^° ^'^^^ ^^^ lands as security for the repayment of 
thf La^ ^^^ 200,000/. which were immediately wanted for the 
Scots.* On October 9 the ordinance, after some 
resistance, was accepted by the Lords.* 

There can be little doubt that the Presbyterians had recon- 
ciled themselves to the idea of parting with the Scots, in the 
expectation that when once they were gone it would be easy to 
get rid of the New Model as well. They received a warning 
that the execution of the last part of their plan must at least 
OcL 1. be delayed. On October 7 the Independents moved 
■rmy wbc '''^' Fairfax's army should be continued in pay for 
coniraued six months longer, urging that it would be treason to 
monihs. the kingdom to disarm when the Scots were still 
advocating the King's claim, and when there was an imminent 
risk of invasion by foreign powers. So strongly was the House 
impressed by this argument, that the Presbyterians did not 
venture to divide against the motion.* 

The Presbyterians, indeed, were undergoing the fate of all 
parties which at the same time pursue incompatible objects, 

' Grignon to Brieone, SepL \%; Grignon to Ma^rin, Sept. Jg, ^J;", 
R.O. Tramcripts; L.J. viii, 49S, 499. 
> See p. ij8. 

• C.J. iv. 677 i Whitacre's Diary, Add. MSS. 31,1 16, fol. 284. 
< LJ. viii. 5,5. 

' a/, iv. 686 ; Grignon to Brienne, Oct. ^ X.O. Tramcritu. 
VOL. Ill, A. 



146 THE NEWCASTLE PROPOSITIONS, CH. xun. 

They wanted both to establish constitutional government and to 
conciliate Chaxles. They bitterly complained to Grignon that 

Hesitation ^^ ^"^^ months they had not had a word from the 
of the Pre*. King which would enable them to advocate his 

> "*"»• cause with effect Unless a satisfactory answer should 
arrive within a week it would be impossible to serve him 
The Scot! further.* In the meanwhile the Scots, though they 
wish the urged that the King should be allowed to come to 
cume to London with honour, safety, and freedom, were en- 
^' tering upon a conflict in which the spirit of English- 
men was roused against them, by declaring Uiat Charles was 
and them. ^^"S ^f Scotland as well as King of England, and 
>«Jves to that, by the treaties, the English Parliament had no 
disposal of right to disposc of his person unless the Scottish 

IS person, parliament gave its consent In this contention the 
English Presbyterians were unable to support them, and though 
the controversy was still prolonged for some weeks, there wa$ 
never any chance that the Scots would win over the House of 
Commons to their views.* 

It is impossible to trace definitively Cromwell's action upon 
Parliament during these stirring discussions. He had returned 
Cromwell ^^ ^^^ placc in the House soon after the surrender of 
Ml the Oxford, but though a few not very important letters 

written during the succeeding months have been 
preserved, nothing is known of his Parliamentary action at 
this time. Yet it is not a very hazardous conjecture that he 
was foremost in holding his party to the policy which it had 
adopted. The persistence of the Independents in keeping 
themselves to the one practical object of getting rid of the 

Oct. so. Scots whilst refusing all conflict on wider issues bears 
fbr"the°° ^^^ impress of his mind. At last he appears as a 
i?\h^b3iot ^'^'^^ against a proposal made by the Presbyterians 
ejected. for the introduction of the ballot into the House 
whenever offices were given away. In a thin House he 
carried the day against them by a bare majority of two.^ 

* C/. iv. 686 ; Gri^on to Brienne, Oct. ^. R,0, Transcripts, 

* Rushw. vi. 329, &c. 

■ C./. iv. 690; \Yluta(;re'8 Diary, Add. MSS. 3i|ii6^ foL 2S5. 



)546 



CROMWELL ON THE BALLOT. 



"47 



Cromwell's objection to the ballot is probably to be explained 
by his fear lest it might be used to conceal the personal or 
corrupt motives of the voters in the case of appointment to 
offices. He held that merit was the sole recommendation of a 
candidate for promotion or reward, and he had certainly no 
objection to see rewards conferred on himself. An ordinance 
An^Haw w'l'c'i ultimately passed was now before the House 
(or tirDm- conferring on him an estate taken from the confis- 
cated property of the Marquis of Worcester, and 
valued at 2,500/, a year. 

It seemed as if the Independents were to have the mastery 
in everything. For more than five months they had been 

May-Oo. anxious to dlsband Massey's troops. On the one 
di^^d" "^ 'i^"'^ Massey was obnoxious to them as a Presby- 
Massey's terian ; and on the other hand his men had, from 

"''* want of pay, been guilty of considerable disorders. 
Obstacles had, however, been thrown in the way, and it was 
not till the middle of October that Fairfax was in a position 
to carry out the instructions which he had by that time received 
from the House of Commons to offer to the men the choice of 
being paid off or being sent to Ireland. Upon this the Lords 

Oci. i«. took alarm, and on October iG ordered Fairfax to 
Sjw™'* proceed no further without the commands of both 
eonseot. Houses.' The Commons insisted on having their 
way, and Fairfax, without waiting for the consent of the Peers, 

Oct. jj. acted according to their wishes. By the 22nd the 
BienuT dis- disbandmcnt was completed. Not a man volunteered 
banded. to go to Ireland.' In order somewhat to lighten the 
burdens on the country, the same course was pursued with 
several of the local forces which were no longer needed. 

Already the man whose name was most closely connected 
with the old military order now passed away had ceased to be 
B witness of the scenes which he deplored. On September 
j6 the Earl of Essex died. Now that he was no more amongst 
' C./. iv. 537, '548. 577. 581, 615, 630, 638, 640, 652, 658, 670J L./. 
Tiii- S3°, S3'- 

' C./. iv. 697 ; Ludlow anJ Allein to Lmthall, Oct. 2X, Tanntr MSS. 
in. fol. 566. 



THE NEWCASTLE PROPOSITIOffS. CH. XLIIL , 

them, Preslij-terians and Independents combined to do hira 

honour, and both Houses agreed that his funeni) should be cele- 

g^^i, brated at the public expense. Yet even in this 

Dw^of matter the Independents had the upper hand. It 

would only have been in accordance with custom that 
his brother-in-law, the Marquis of Hertford, should takea lead' 
On. 17. ing part in the ceremony. On the lyih the Independ- 
iM^^Kiid ^"'^ carried a vole that neither he nor any others 
'"■« fuu*™!- who had taken arms against Parliament should attend 
The credit of the Independents, wrote Grignon, 
s every day.' The Presbyterians, who were coquetting 
with a king who would not even vouchsafe them an answer, 
could not hope to make head against their rivals as long as the 
relations between the Houses and the King formed the main 
staple of discussion. 

The preacher selected to do honour to the virtues of the 
commander who was to lie amongst the mighty dead in the 

Abbey Church at Westminster was, as was befitting, 
Tbt flinenJ. a Presbyterian, Richard Vines. In the hearing of 
v;ne.-i both Houses, and of a vast congregation. Vines 
KOBon. dwelt on all that was best in the leader who had 
passed away ; on his constancy, his loyalty to his engagements, 
and his thoughtfijlness for the comfort of his soldiers. Unless 
Essex had stood forth as a ral lying-point, he declared, with 
scarcely an exaggeration, the Parliamentary army would hardly 
have come into existence, " He was the man," continued the 
preacher, with some confusion of metaphor, " to break the ice, 
and set his first footing in the Red Sea ... a man resolved, 
when others hung in suspense. ... No proclamation of trea- 
son could cry him down, nor threatening standard daunt him 
that, in that misty morning, when men knew not each other, 
whether friend or foe, by his arising dispelled the fog, and, by his 
very name, commanded thousands into your service. Such as 
were for reformation and groaned under pressures in religion 
he took by the hand, and they him. Such as were patriots 
and would stand up for common liberties he took by the hand, 
■ C.J. iv. 697. 
' Crifinon 10 Biienne, °°'". ^.0, Transcrifls. 



I 



FUNERAL OF ESSEX. 

and they him, and so became Ihe bond or knot of both, as the 
axlelree of the world, upon which both the poles do move." 

It was impossible to express more successfully the services 
which Essex had rendered at the outbrealc of the civil strife. 
Essriand Turning to the present, the preacher could not but 
Fairfkx. remember that a greater, or at least a happier, warrior 
than Essex was amongst the congregation, and even the very 
funeral of the Presbyterian Earl was made by a Presbyterian 
minister to do honour to his successor. "God," said Vines, 
" had done wonders by the first hand of him that led us through 
the untrodden paths of the wilderness, and by the second hand 
of him that had made victory, which Homer calls ... a Jack 
on both sides, to change its name ; who, if he shall have but 
one stone out of each city or stronghold taken by his arms to 
make his tomb, it will be such a monument that every stone of 
it will speak a history, and some a miracle ; or, if that cannot 
be, it will be enough that he lay his head upon an immortal 
turf taken out of Naseby field. God thought Moses, or rather 
made him, the fittest man to begin and lead Israel forth, and 
He honoured Joshua with the completing of the work ; neither 
doth Joshua eclipse the worth of Moses, nor he the worth of 
Joshua." ' 

Strangely enough, the effort made to perpetuate the memory 
of Essex roused the anger of one of those half-crazy fanatics 
whose existence had exasperated him in life. An effigy of the 
dead commander ' with his creation robes, his Earl's coronet 
upon his head, in soldier's apparel,' and the biton of command 
in bis hand, after being drawn to the Abbey, was brought into 
KsM.'i the church, and set up under a hearse, or temporary 
bratse. monument, in the place where the Communion table 

had once stood.* During the days which followed the funeral 
large crowds were attracted by the sight. In the night 
between November 26 and 27 a certain John White 
concealed himself in the church, hacked the effigy to pieces, 

' The Heatse of Ihe RetKnoned, by R. Vines. E. 359, 1, Compare 
FerfeU Occurrences. E. 358, 17. 

' There is a woodcut of the hearse in The true manner of llii funeral 
tfReberl^ Earl of Essex. E. 360, I, 



Hi^ tffi^ 



150 THE NEWCASTLE PROPOSITIONS. CH. XLlii: 

and then proceeded to mutilate the figure of the antiquary 
Camden. The next morning he was arrested, and stated that 
an angel had directed him ' to cut all the said image, hearse, 
and all that was about it in pieces, and to beat down the rest of 
the images in the said church.' He defended himself by argu-> 
ing that it was a dishonour to Christ to introduce the effigy of 
a man into a sacred building.^ 

' Perfect DiumaU E. 513, 26 ; The whole proceeding of the demolishing^ 
of the Earl of Essoins tomd, £. 264, 2 ; White's examination, L./. viiL 

653. 



tst 



Chapter xliV. 

fHE FAILURE OF THE IRISH PEACti. 

Sooner or later, in the pursuit of an alliance either with the 
Scots, or with one of the English parties, Charles was certain 
^g to be hampered by his long-cherished design of 

juneiii seeking assistance from Ireland. On June ii he 
abandon had been forced to direct Ormond to abandon all 
tion"wfdi**' further negotiations with the rebels,^ and this letter 
the Irish. ^iQ allowed to be seen by the Scots around him. 
c&i^*^* Though he did not discover his meaning to Ormond, 
•J^iains yet in writing to the Queen he explained that his 
means letter Only instructed Ormond * to stop further treat- 

not mg, .^g there after the receipt of it, but meddles nothing 
with what was done before.' * Charles knew that the treaty 
had been already concluded, and he had no intention of 
depriving himself of any help which the Irish might be able to 
give. 

Improbable as it was that the Irish would really consent to 
exert themselves in Charles's behalf, they were at least in a 
better position to do so than they had been for some 
time. The fort of Bunratty,' indeed, was still un- 
taken, though the Supreme Council, followed by the Nuncio, had 
migrated to Limerick to strengthen the hands of the besiegers. 
The principal object of the Confederates, however, had been to 
gather an army strong enough to bear down opposition in the 
North. Rinuccini would gladly have seen this army under the 
command of Owen O'Neill, to whom he wished to assign the 

* The King to Ormond, June II. Carte's Ormcnd, vi. p. 392. 

* The King to the Queen, June 16. Charles I, in 1646, 47, 

* See p. 54. . 



151 THE FAILURE OF THE IRISH PEACE. CH. XLIV. 

money and supplies which he had brought from Italy and 
France. The Supreme Council asked that part might be givi 
to Clanricarde, who commanded in Connauglit and who was 
on terms of close intimacy with Onnond. To this Rinuccini 
with difficulty consented, and then only on condition that 
Preston, the general commanding in Leinster, should accom- 
pany Clanricarde as his lieutenant-general The discord which 
brought confusion on the counsels of the Confederates was 
thus reflected in their army. Even in Ulster their power 
had long been weakened by the personal rivalry of Owen 
and Phelim O'Neill. Rinuccini now succeeded in effecting a 
reconciliation between the two, and in launching the Ulster 
army against Monro and the Scots.' 

The hostile forces met on June g at Benburb, on the 
Blackwater, the stream on the banks of which Bagenal, the 
junsj. Marshal, had been defeated and slain in 1598. The 
"fni"«i I"^^ army, consisting of some 5,000 foot and 500 
Btnburb. horse, was drawn up on the western side. Monro, 
whose following was probably superior in numbers, advanced 
rapidly from the east. Instead of attempting to cross the 
stream in face of the enemy, he swerved aside, and, having led 
his men over by a ford, at some little distance, wheeled round 
to attack the enemy on his undefended flank, in full confidence 
that victory was in his hands as soon as he had crossed the 
river. The Irish, however, were fighting for their race and 
their faith, and their courage had been raised to the highest 
pitch of enthusiasm by the confident exhortations of their 
priests. They resisted with unexpected tenacity, and when, 
after a combat of four hours' duration, O'Neill gave the word 
to charge, Monro's horse turned to flight, and the infantry 
speedily followed the example The slaughter which followed 
was as unsparing as at Kilsyt.i. The cruelties of the Scots 
were returned into their own bosoms, and though a few of the 
oflScers were kept alive for ransom, quarter was for the most 
part refused. When all was over, 3,000 dead bodies were 
counted on the field. Large stores of provisions and 
munitions of war fell into the hands of the victors. " Tbe 
' lord Ltictslers MS, fol. 1,161b. 



1 



1646 A « TE DEUM' FOR BENBURB. 153 

rebels," wrote an English narrator, " had never such a day of 
the Protestants. The Lord sanctify His heavy hand unto us, 
and give courage to His people to quit themselves like men 
till help comes." When the news reached Limerick the 
Nuncio, attended by the whole population of the city, sang a 
triumphant Te Deum to the Giver of the victory.* 

The defeat of the Scots at Benburb reduced Ormond to 
great perplexity. On the one hand the Parliamentary com- 
missioners in the North urged him to take arms 

June. " 

Ormond's with them against the triumphant rebels.* On the 
perpexity. ^^^^ hand the Supreme Council begged him to 
proceed to the publication of the peace. They were ready, 
they declared, to leave Glamorgan's articles for future con- 
sideration, and to throw themselves on the King's mercy in 
June 24. "regard to their religious independence.' On June 
Heieceives 24 Ormond rcceived the letter of Tune ii,* in which 

orders not to ^ ' 

proceed with Charlcs forbade him to abstain from further nego- 
e treaty. ^j^^Jqjj . ^^^^ ^^ j^g failed to discover in it the bril- 
liant distinction which Charles drew hi his letter to the Queen, 
between proceeding with a new treaty and acting on an old 
one, he assumed that he was really intended to put an end to 
all further communication with the Irish Confederates. In 
conveying to the King his determination to comply with his 
June 29. orders he could not but remind him of the hopeless 
S*e*^^n position of his army in Ireland. If war were to 
of Dublin, recommence, the situation of Dublin would be de- 
sperate. Everything was wanting to the soldiers, and there 
were but thirteen barrels of powder in store.* 

On July 4 Ormond's instructions were suddenly changed. 

' L,J. viii. 378, y^^\ Lord Leicestei^s MS, fol. 1,191b; Rinuccinii 
NunzicUura^ 136. 

^ Ormond and the Irish Council to the King, June 22. Carte's 
Ormond^ vi. 400. 

» Instructions to Plunket and Browne, June I. Cart$ MSS, xvii 
fol. 492. 

* See p. 151. 

* Ormond and the Irish Council to the King, June 29. Carte's 
Ormond, vL 405. 



w 



rS4 TffE FAILURE OF THE TRTSH PEACE. CH. Xtrf.-^ 

On that day Pigby, having arrived from France, informed him 
juiyj. that the King had directed that, being himself 
SliiS.' virtually a prisoner, no respect was to be paid to 
Omomi la ^"y commands in ordinary writing bearing his sig- 
o^n''Md "^'"f*- ^" default of ciphered instructions the 
vrincf. Lord Lieutenant was to conform to such directions 

as he might receive from the Queen and the Prince of Wales, 
and he was now in particular to carry the Irish peace as sooa 
as possible to its completion.' 

In acting upon Digby's instructions Ormond would un- 
doubtedly be complying with the King's wishes. A few days 
later Charles was explaining to Montreuil that he 
Mpiana- had already written to Ormond ' to take no account 
'"""■ of his prohibition to negotiate. He could not, he 

added, send him formal powers to come to terms with the 
Irish lest he should seem to be guilty not only of inconstancy 
but in some sort of bad faith.* It would be enough that he 
had bidden him to receive orders in future from the Queen 
and the Prince.' 

Charles's notions of bad faith were all his own. On 
July zo, a few days after he had despatched this communi- 
cation to Ormond, he wrote to Glamorgan, whose 
Altiierio policy in Ireland had crossed Ormond's at every 
" '^'^^' step. He began by expressing a wish to enjoy 
Glamorgan's conversation, or, in other words, to be set free by 
an invading Irish army. " If," he added, " you can raise a large 
sum of money by pawning my kingdoms for that purpose, I 
am content you should do it, and if I recover them I will fully 
repay that money. And tell the Nuncio that, if once I can 

' Eiglij' to Otniond, July 4, Cnrte's Ormond, vi. 415 ; Declaration bjr 
the Queen and the Prince of Wales, appended to Digby's letter of Jut 
Cartt MSS. fol. 4M. 

" This letter has not been preserved. It may have been carried to 
Orniond by Di^jby. If so, we oui understand why he accepted the 
Sccretuy'a directions. 

• " Puisqu'il ne fcroit pas seulement paroilre beaucoup d'inconslance 
dans lei actions, mais encore quelque sorte de mauvaise loy." 

' Montreuil lo Mnnarin, July if. Arch, dts Aff. &tran^ires, lii. foL 
4JS. 



I 



ie4« 



FRUITS OF VICTORY. 



'55 



come into his and your hands, which ought to be extremely 
wished for by you both, as well for the sake of England 
as Ireland — since all the rest, as I see, despise me— I will 
do it."' Of this letter to Glamorgan Ormond knew no- 
thing. 

Whatever Ormond was to do, must be done quickly. The 
Irish forces were already gathering the fruits of O'Neill's 

victory at Benburb. On July lo Roscommon sur- 
nn a.tacit ca rendered to Preston. On the 14th Bunratty was 

given up to its besiegers. Preston and O'Neill 
infonned the Nuncio that they were ready to combine in an 
attack on Dublin. The French Agent, Domoulin, was with 
Ormond, pleading with him to seize the opportunity of con- 
cluding peace with the Supreme Council. Ma^arin distrusted 
Rinuccini as being on too good terms with the Spanish Agent, 
French ^e la Torre, and he was himself too unfamiliar with 

dipiomicy. (j,g iosce of a popular movement to doubt the power 
of the Supreme Council to make peace on its own terms. At 
all events a combination between Charles and the Supreme 
Council would be likely to lead to the dependence of Ireland 
upon France, and would be one more link in the chain which 
the French Minister was forging for the purpose of weakening 
England. He therefore supplied Digby with 10,000 pistoles, 
a sum amounting to more than 7,000/.' 

Ormond had hardly any choice before him. The main 
obstacle rose in the Privy Council. Twice did a majority of 
o itian t*o-thirds declare against the publication of the 
inih= peace without direct orders from the King. On 

July 29 Ormond took upon himself the responsi- 
OraJn?' bility of obeying the orders transmitted by the 
orarcomesiL Qygg„ ^-^^ Princc, entering a minute on the Coun- 
rhe"'*' '"' ^'' '■^g'^ts'' '" which he declared that his authority 
p.odaimcd. was sufficient to enable him to act in the King's 
name, and that he expected from the Council nothing 

' The King to Glamorgan, July 20, Dircks, 174. 

'' Lord IMuitet's MS. fol. i.ziob, 1,228, 1,231b ; Rinuccini to Pan- 
filio, July 7, S, 17, 19, Nuaziaiura, 146, 149, 150J Du Moulin to 
Onnond, July ij, CaHt MSS. xriii. foL 113. 



»S« THE t-AILURE OF THE IRISH PEACE. Ch. xi.lV. 

but obedience.' On this the Councillors gave way, and on 
July 30 the peace was publicly proclaimed in Dublin.' 

Ormond and the Supreme Council were of one mind, but 
it remained to be seen whether an agreement exposed to the 
Tht rr"' hostility of the Nuncio on [he one hand and of the 
pncinoui. Protestant councillors at Dublin on the other could 
possibly be maintained. It was siill more unlikely that 
Charles would derive from it the benefit of an armed inter- 
vention in England, for the sake of which he had ordered its 
Aug. 6. conclusion, On August 6 a congregation of the 
MiSt^i' clergy was held at Waterford under the presidency 
Wuerford. Qf Rjnuccini. On the 12th this body utterly con- 
li*oSdi^ demned the peace, and pronounced all Catholics 
iheptM*. who had taken the oalh of confederation to be per- 
jured if they accepted it. The objections raised by the clergy 
were not without weight. The peace had indeed relieved 
Catholics as individuals from all obligation to take the oath of 
BUpremacy, and from all fines and penalties which stood in 
the way of ' the freedom of the Roman Catholic religion,' 
Nothing in it, however, gave permission to the Church col- 
lectively to possess the property which it now held, or to 
occupy ecclesiastical buildings, still less to complete its or- 
ganisation by the exercise of ecclesiastical jurisdiction. The 
congregation was therefore able to allege, by a somewhat bold 
stroke of rhetoric, that ' in those articles there is no mention 
made of the Catholic religion,' and to complain, with greater 
justice, that the removal of these further grievances was left 
to the King, from whom, as matters stood, no certain orders 
could be received, whilst in the meanwhile the government of 
Ireland, and even the command of ihe Catholic army, was to 
be in the hands of the Protestant Council at Dublin, and of 
'the Protestant officers of his Majesty.'^ 

' Digby's declatolion, July 28, Carte's Ormcnd; Onnond's declflri- 
lion, July 29, Carte AfSS. xvJlL fol. lai. 

' Proclflmalion of the peace, July 30, XuiAtv. vi 401 i Riauccini to 
Panfilio, Aug. 3, Nuniialura, 151, 

' Declaralion of ihe congregHlion, Aug. 2. f!«shiv. vi. 416. Tho 
phrase about the King is there pnnteii, 'fttim wnom in [his present eslale 



I 

I 



L 



1646 A PROCLAMATION RESISTED. 157 

The clergy had reason to believe that their uncompromising 
attitude would find support. On the 9th Ulster King-at^arms 

^ arrived outside the gate of Waterford, and sent in an 

Ttitcs^- attendant to inform the mayor that he was come to 
King-ai- proclaim the peace. The attendant found the streets 
lined with an angry crowd, which scowled at him as 
he passed, and refused to inform him where the mayor's house 
was to be found. At last he bribed a boy by the promise of 
sixpence to act as his guide. The mayor's house indeed he 
found, but not the mayor. After waiting at the gate for three 
or four hours the King-at-arms put on his tabard and entered 
the city. The mayor, who was not to be found when he was 
sought for by the servant, at once confronted the master, and 
told him that he would not be allowed to read the proclama- 
tion there til! he had read it at Kilkenny. The discomfited 
official thought it prudent to withdraw. 

At Kilkenny and at Fethard the King-at-arras was at least 
able to read his proclamation in the presence of the magistrates, 
but the bulk of the population kept within doors. At Clonmel 
he found the gates barred in his face, and at Limerick he was 
attacked and wounded by a mob. The mayor, who supported 
him, was dragged off to prison ; and a vehement partisan of 

, the clergy, Dominic Fanning, was installed in his 

T&wn! place. On August 17 the congregation at Waterford 

»ub inter- threatened to lay an interdict on every town in which 
the peace was published.' Before the end of the 
month the greater part of the troops which had served before 
Bunratty had taken part with the clergy, and, what was of far 
o«m greater importance, O'Neill with his victorious army 

dB«°'fii[ the ^^ declared in their favour. Preston, who was con- 
ciergy. nected by family ties with the lords of the Pale, 

advanced, indeed, as far as Birr, but be could not be induced 
to do more than to make vague promises to either side.* 

wccanhavenothingsetlled." This is more intelligible in the ]-atin, 'aquo, 
inpiEesenlistalu, nihil certi potest habeii.' Lerd Leicester's MS. fol. 1,31a 

' A relation by W. Kirkby, Carle JUSS. xviii. fol. 383 [ Lent 
Ltictsler'i MS. fol. 1,315-'. 3»S. 

' Lord LeUeslei's MS. fol. 1,328, 1,333b, 1,334. 



Wfc THE FAILURE OF THE IRISH PEACE. CH. Xl.tT. 

about to lake a step which would change the whole state of 
al!Uirs. Seeing that the policy which by his master's command 
he had pursued for three years had utterly broken down, he 
Ormonti fe- resolved, with the full consent of his council, to place 
m.'™\he"'^ Dublin and the few fortresses which still held out in 
t^S"^^"" 'hu hands of the English Parliament rather than 

Sept. A allow ibem to fall into the hands of the Nuncio. 
Suillwaie Rinuccini, eager to defeat the project, summoned 
^^"Jl^'. O'Neill to bring his armed forces to his aid. On 
thedergy. the 76[h a new Supreme Council was chosen by the 
congregation of the clergy, of which Rinuccini was naturally 
appointed president.' 

One step remained to be taken. Rinuccini must not only 

have a Supreme Council, but a Lord Lieutenant of his own. 

Glamorgan was ready to his hand. He had brought 

ioi>cLofd with him to Ireland amongst other papers a docu- 

lenienapt. ^^^^^^ scalcd With Cliarlcs's signet, appointing him 
Lord Lieutenant in the case of Ormond's death or miscon- 
duct.' As soon as Dublin was taken— and the Nuncio felt 
little doubt that it would soon fall — Glamorgan could possess 
himself of the authority which had dropped from Ormond's 
hands. It was true that he had not the appointment by 
patent, but the Irish were not likely to make a distinction 
between one seal and another.' The enthusiastic letter in 
which Charles had expressed his eagerness to place himself in 
the hands of Glamorgan and Rinuccini seemed to leave no 

Stpi. =8. doubt of his assent.* On the s8th Glamorgan 
caih'i'olhS' qualified himself for his high office as the King's 
Nundo. representative in Ireland by swearing entire submis- 
sion to the Nuncio. He would do nothing without his appro- 
bation, and would at any time be ready to resign his office 
into his hands.* 

It was not difficult to discover in Ortnond misconduct 

' Lonl Ltkcster's SIS, fol. 1,367, i,3S4b. 

• See vol. ii. p. 165. 

■ Kinuccini to Paniilio, Sept. 31, 25, ag. Numiatura, 160, 162, 166, 

' See p. 154. 

» Ljrd Lehalc^'i MS. fol. 1,380. 



I 



I 



1646 ORMOND'S RESOL UTION. i6i 

which in the eyes of Glamorgan and Rinuccini would justify 
Ormondat the Contemplated change. Ormond had at last 
Dublin. carried out the purpose which he had contemplated 
OmSnd*^* ever since his return to Dublin. On the 26th he 
Mnds to despatched commissioners to Westminster to ask for 

Westminster * 

to ask for aid. aid in the defence of Dublin. 

Ormond's reluctance to submit to Rinuccini had other 
motives than those which weighed with the Supreme Council. 
It was not so much the ruin of the Irish- English stock which 
he feared, as the loosening of the hold of England upon 
Ireland, by the destruction of the English settlements which 
formed the Protestant garrison of Ireland. Those who now 
held sway, he declared in his instruction to his commissioners, 
aimed, in the first place, at the 'overthrowing of all planta- 
tions' which had been made *for the better strengthening, 
civilising, and enriching the kingdom, and establishing it in 
due obedience to the crown of England,' and, in the second 
place, at *the setting up of Popery in this kingdom in the 
fulness of papal power, jurisdiction, and practice ; and both 
these aims laboured by the Popish pretended clergy, and by 
most of the mere Irish, and others of English extraction too 
easily carried away by the seducements of their prelacy and 
clergy, and all industriously set on and fomented by two 
persons who came into this kingdom, and have a long time 
resided here, without any licence from us, his Majesty's Minis- 
ters, or any application by them made unto us ; namely, the 
King of Spain's Agent and the Pope's Nuncio.' 

The commissioners were accordingly to inform the Houses 
that the Lord Lieutenant was prepared to admit their troops 
Ormond's i^^to his garrisons and to place his remaining forces 
^^^^' at their disposal. He would either carry on the war 

with their help as Lord Lieutenant, or would, if they preferred 
it, quit his office in favour of some one else. If they adopted 
the latter alternative, they must understand that he could not 
leave his post without the King's permission, and he therefore 
sent a letter in which that permission was asked for, which he 
requested the Houses to forward to his Majesty.^ 

' Letter of credence and instruction, Sept. 26. L.J, viii. 519, 523. 

VOL. III. Vl 



XLtV. ^^M 

> face— the ^H 
. The old ^ 



I6i THE FAILURE OF THE IRISH PEACE, cn, 

At la.;t the two real combatants stood face 
Papal Nuncio and the English Puritan Parliament. 
•n„,«, Supreme Council had already disappeared and, it 

""' must be acknowledged, had deserved to disappear. 

a^s"^^ It had neither a feasible policy of its own nor sym- 
Caundi, pathy with the people whose guidance it had under- 
taken. Il had been voluntarily ignorant, not merely of Charles's 
inability to support his adherents in Ireland, but of the hope- 
lessriMs of founding a policy of alliance with any one of the 
English parties at a time when all English parties were resolutely 
opposed to every idea which had found favour at Kilkenny. 
So evident does this appear, that it may well be asked how it 
g^ came about that the nobles and gentry of the Supreme 

111 w-ni of Council should have lent themselves to a policy so 
with icii. manifestly fulile. The answer is given in a letter in 
which one of its members. Sir Robert Talbot, im- 
plored Preston to range himself on the side of the peace. "I 
fear," he wrote, " that religion is not the aim of the clergy, but 
the destruction of the English rule, and of those who derive 
their origin from England.'' ' " If you fail us," he added, " all 
is at an end for the old Irish- English, who rest especially on 
your arm."* 

The man who wrote these words, and those on whose behalf 
they were written, had not learned that the one unpardonable 
sin of a conquering aristocracy is to retain its individuality 
in the midst of the native population of the land which it has 
invaded. Little more than a century after the Norman invasion 
of England no one could say of any one of the ruHng class 
that he was of distinctly Norman blood. In less than two 
centuries the descendants of the conquerors and the conqtiered. 

The Spanish Agent, De la Torre, resided at Waterford, where Rinuccini 
had lately been for some lime, hut il is only fair 1o say that there is 
no trace of his specinl inHuence over the NuDcio in Rinuccini's 
■pondence. 

' "Timeo tie Religio non sit scopus sed cversio Regiminis Anglicuu, 
et eorum qui exinde originem irahunt." 

im est de omnibus antiquis Ibianis — Anglis too 
prfEseitim brachiu innilcntibus," Talbot to Preston, Sept. 3. I.erd 
LtUattr'i MS. foL 1,335. The leltet only exists in a Latin Itanslation. 




1646 IRISH ECCLESIASTICS. 163 

without distinction of origin, wrested the Great Charter from a 
Norman king and faced his son on the hillside at Lewes. 
Though more than three centuries and a half had passed since 
Ireland was invaded, the offspring of the invaders still spoke of 
themselves as Irish-English, and shrank from sharing their 
authority with the true children of the soil Community of 
religion had for a time concealed the cleft separating the races, 
but at the critical moment the heirs of the conquerors found 
themselves out of sympathy with the people whose leaders 
they had professed themselves to be. 

It was by no mere accident that the power which had 
dropped from the hands of the Supreme Council fell into 
those of Rinuccini and the clergy. Ireland, with 
the clergy national aspirations, was without the elements of a 
national organisation. Only one organisation — that 
of the Church — bound together the scattered elements of Irish 
^^ J life for unity of action. That it was so involved a 
siasticai ^ war to the knife with England. The Irish Church, 

organisation ,.,1 r r^ t -x • i» 

ho. tile to unlike that of Scotland, was not national but cosmo- 
^^ ' politan ; and with good reason Englishmen dreaded 
to allow free scope to an organisation in Ireland the establish- 
ment of which would be a standing menace to the development 
of national life in England. With an Irish nation, it might be 
possible to come to terms, as it ultimately proved possible to 
come to terms with Scotland. With the Roman Catholic 
Church, so long as she thought of making use of an arm of 
flesh to vindicate her claims, it was not possible. Fear of 
giving a foothold in Ireland to foreign armies acting in the 
name of the Church had driven Elizabeth to conquer Ireland, 
and James to colonise it. Of late years everything had been 
done to stimulate the terror. Strafford had threatened to 
coerce England with an Irish army, and -even the Supreme 
Council had followed in the same path. Rinuccini, freed 
from an alliance with any English party, was ready to walk in 
Grounds f ^^ ^^^ greater boldness still. Evil — ^unspeakably 
English evil— as would be the results of a fresh English 

resistance. ^ •. « i i • •» » . 

conquest, it had now become impossible to avert it. 
There are crises when the spirit of the moss-trooper*s cry^ 



i64 THE FAILURE OF THE IRISH PEACE. CH. xuv. 

"Thou shalt want ere I want," becomes the key-note of 
national action. It was hardly likely, especially under clerical 
guidance, that Ireland would succeed in conquering England ; 
but the danger of a combination formed between an inde- 
pendent Ireland and one or other of the Continental monarchies 
was sufficiently menacing to rouse in England the bitterest 
feelings. England, in short, was making ready to invade Ire- 
land rather because she was resolved to defend her own 
national existence than because she was hostile to that of her 
neighbour. After all, if the only alternative to an English 
conquest of Ireland was to be the weakening and impoverish- 
ment of English national life, it may well be doubted whether 
the world at large would not have lost more than it would 
have gained by the success of the Irish. 

On October 12 the attention of the Houses at Westminster 
was drawn to the latest phase of the Irish imbroglio.* Admirably 
Oct. xa. as Ormond, by his offer to surrender to them his 
Jf?hi*ne^ authority, was playing into their hands, they could 
aTwi/*!^- "^^^ overcome their rooted distrust of co-operation 
«tcr. with Charles or of officers who had Charles's confi- 

dence. They accordingly agreed to accept Ormond's resigna- 
tion rather than his services, but they refused to transmit to the 
King that letter containing the Lord Lieutenant's demand for 
Charles's approval of his conduct which he had declared to be 
the necessary condition of his resignation.^ There can be little 
doubt that they were wise in refusing his offer to take service 
under them. Upright and loyal as Ormond had in every 
circumstance of his life been found, he would have been out 
of place as the servant of the English Parliament 

> CJ. iv. 690. • C./. It. 693 ; Z./. viii. 53a 



165 



CHAPTER XLV. 

VHE DEPARTURE OF THE SCOTS. 

The complete failure of Charles's Irish policy did not make 
him any more ready to yield to his English subjects. It was 
in vain that the Presbyterians at Westminster had cast longing 
1646. eyes in the direction of Newcastle. About the middle 
cSdes*'* of September Charles received from the Queen's 
rejects the council the draft of a reply which they advised him 

Queen s *^ •' ' 

project. to give to the propositions. As it contained a more 
or less open concession of the Presbyterian demands, he sum- 
marily rejected it In time, he answered, they would ask him 
to submit to the Pope, * for questionless it is less ill in many 
respects to submit to one than many popes.* ^ 

It was about this time that Charles had a fresh overture 
from the Independents. According to a statement by Sir 
Fresh offers Robcrt Moray, they offered him * his will in religion 
indepen- — ^^' ^^» moderated Episcopacy — when the Scots ' 
dents. wert *gone, to pass delinquents, and waive Ireland 

till King and Parliament were agreed.' ^ It can hardly be 
doubted that, though Moray makes no mention of it, some- 
thing was also said about liberty of conscience. However 
that may have been, Charles was, on political grounds, too 
distrustful of the Independents, to incline him to listen to their 
proposals, and he was, moreover, at this time entirely absorbed 

* The King to Jermyn, Culpepper, and Ashburnham, Sept. 21. C/ar. 
^/. P. ii. 264. 

2 Moray to Hamilton, Sept. 21. Hamilton Papers (Camd. Soc), 115. 
Mr. Blaize, here and at p. 1 14, should be Mr. Blair, 



r 



THE DEPARTURE OF THE SCOTS. CH. XLV. 

in the elaboration of that project of his own which he had 
been for some time concocting with Will Murray.' 

On September 30 this marvellous scheme was at last com- 
pleted. The exi.siing church arrangements were to remain in 

Stp,, 30. force for three years. During that time a committee 
^tai Kw "^f ''*'''' Houses was to discuss the future govem- 
i™i™»'- ment of the Church with sixty divines, twenty of 
whom were to be Presbyterians, twenty Independents, and 
twenty chosen by the King, When their part had been 
played — and it coutd hardly end except in a bitter wrangle — 
the King and the two Houses were to pronounce sentence. 
In the course of three years of a Restoration government it 
was more than probable either that fresh elections would take 
place or that the composition of the existing Parliament would 
be modified by the readmission of the expelled members, and 
there was therefore every reason to expect that Episcopacy 
would be brought back without much difficulty. At all events, 
H( conmlu l^is was what Charles in reality expected. To salve 
divinM. jjjs conscience he wrote to Juxon for advice, and 
bade him consult Bishop Duppa and Dr. Sheldon, He as- 
sured Juxon tliat he had adopted this plan ■ with a resolution 
to recover and maintain that doctrine and discipline wherein ' 
he had 'been bred.' "My regal authority once settled," he 
declared, " I make no question of recovering Episcopal govern- 
ment ; and God is my witness, my chiefest end in regaining 
my power is to do the Church service."'' The answer of the 
divines was favourable,' but before it arrived the King had 
already decided to act. 

Scarcely had Charles's letter left Newcastle when Mon- 

treuil returned to press him once more to concede everything 

to the Scots, Montreuil was shortly followed by 

DavtnaM'i the poet Davcnant, who was now high in favour 

'"'™' with Jermyn, whose fortunes he had shared in the 
days of the Amy Plot, Davenant had been specially in- 
structed by the (^ueen to urge Charles to give way, but she 

• The King lo JuiDti, Sept. 30, Clar. St. P. ii. 265. 

■ JuKon and Duppa to ihc King, Oct. 15. C/ar, Si. P. ia. aSj. 



I 



I 



DAVENANT'S MISSION, 

could hardly have selected a more unfit agent to charge with 
sQch a commission. He urged Charles to abide by the advice 
of his friends. To Charles's inquiry who the friends were, be 
named Jermyn and Culpepper, Ashburnham having already 
shown that, though he joined these two in signing the joint 
letters written to Charles at the Queen's directions, he had 
personally no liking for their arguments in favour of Presby- 
tetianism. Jermyn, said Charles, understands nothing about 
the Church, and Culpepper has no religion. Davenant then 
brought forward an argument which probably seemed to him 
conclusive. If the Queen, he said, did not have her way, she 
would cease to trouble herself about her husband's affairs and 
would retire into a nunnery. After this he spoke slightingly 
of the Church, hinting that it was not worth the sacrifice 
which the King was making for it. Charles for once lost his 
temper, and drove the unlucky disputant from his presence.' 
Davenant was afterwards readmitted to an audience, but his 
mission had plainly failed, and before long he returned to 
France. 

Davenant's verbal arguments were supported by another 
long letter from Jermyn and Culpepper, Episcopacy, they 
urged, was an admirable institution, but it was not 
A cist'p^t of Divine right. On the other hand, Presbyterian ism 
King. ^^^^ ^^ doubt, politically dangerous, and as such 
was to he avoided as long as possible. The plain fact, how- 
ever, was that Charles had no longer a choice. " Presbytery," 
they declared, " or something worse will be forced upon you, 
whether you will or no. Come, the question is whether you 
will choose to be king of Presbytery or no king, and yet 
Presbytery or perfect Independency to be."* It was plain 
common sense, bat common sense has no jurisdiction in the 
sphere in which Charles's thoughts were moving. He was 
resolved to be ' no king ' rather than soil his conscience. 

If Charies stood alone in his resolve, he also stood alone 
in thinking it possible to avoid ruin unless he surrendered to 

' C/ar^ndoH, X. 57; the King lo Jermyn, Culpepper, and Ashburnliam, 
Oct. 3, C/ar. S/. P. ii. syo. 

' Jeimyn and Culpepper to ihe King, Sept. l8. Clar. St. P. ii. 261. 



1 68 THE DEPARTURE OF THE SCOTS, CH. XtV. 

one party or the other. He had no lack of advisers. Argyle, 
anxious, as Montreuil thought, to spare his countrymen the dis- 
Charieas gracc either of surrendering their king to the English 
advisers. q^ q£ detaining him a prisoner, recommended him 
to go to Ix>ndon without permission, throwing himself on the 
generosity of the English Parliament. Others pressed him, 
through the intervention of Will Murray, to escape to the 
Continent. Belli^vre, who needed him as an instrument to 
promote the designs of France, urged him to remain in his 
own dominions, and if no other course were open to throw 
himself into the Highlands, and to seek the support of Huntly 
and the Gordons.* 

Charles listened to none of these suggestions. On 
October 12, tired of waiting for the answer of the divines, he 

^^ sent off Will Murray with instructions to show his 

He sends schcme for an ecclesiastical settlement, together 
l!y°??iii with certain political proposals, to the Scottish com- 

"'^^' missioners in London.*-' He was, in particular, 
ready to abandon the militia for ten years, or even, at the last 
extremity, for life, if only he could be certain that, at the end 
of the appointed term, it would return to its ancient depend- 

Oct. 15. ^J^ce on the Crown. In a letter which followed 
SddiSS? Murray on the 15th he offered to grant Presby- 
offers. terianism for five years instead of for three, and to 

waive his suggestion of a conference, if the leading English 
Presbyterians would positively engage that at the end of that 
titne * a regulated Episcopacy ' would be restored.* 

As might have been expected, the Scottish commissioners 

in London would have nothing to do with offers so 

rejected by illusory, though, in order to cover their own failure 

the cots. ^^ obtain satisfactory terms, they spread a report that 

no answer whatever had reached them.* 

* Montreuil to Mazarin, Oct. ^, Arch, des Af, Etrangires^ Hi. fol. 
610; Belli^vre to Mazarin, Oct. f^, R,0. Transcripts. 

* The King's answers, Oct. 12 and 15. Clarendon MSS. 2,333. 
" The King to Murray, Oct. 15. Clar. St. P. ii. 275. 

* Grignon to Brienne, 5^^, R* 0. Transcripts \ the King to the 
Queen, Nov. i, Charles /. in 1646, 73. 



T646 SIEGE OF DUNKIRK. 169 

Before Charles knew that Murray had failed he received a 
letter from his wife. Side by side with his conscientious but 
Oct. 3x. tortuous schemes for inveigling his enemies to their 
h^^from destruction, there is something positively refreshing 
the Queen, jn the bold directncss with which she broke through 
his scrupulosities. " If you are lost," she dashingly wrote, 
" the bishops have no resource, but if you can again place 
yourself at the head of an army we can restore them to their 
sees. . . . Preserve the militia and never abandon it. By that 
all will come back to you. God will send you means to your 
restoration, and of this there is already some little hope." ^ 

It was, as might have been expected, to France that 
Henrietta Maria was looking. In the campaign of 1646 
French sue- MazaHn had sent Turenne into Germany to out- 
SShw!?*'^* manoeuvre the Imperialists, but he had thrown the 
land*. chief weight of the war upon the Spanish Nether- 

Surrenderof lands. In June the important frontier town of 
Mardyk. Courtrai had been captured. Mardyk, the outpost 
Siege of of Dunkirk, surrendered in August. Then followed 
Dunkirk. ^^ %\tgit of Dunkirk itself. Enghien, marking his 
sense of the hazardous nature of the employment, under- 
took in person the command of the beleaguering army. It 
was all-important to secure the assistance of the Dutch fleet, 
and the Prince of Orange, sunk into dotage, was no longer 
accessible to argument or persuasion. When the French 
ambassador, Grammont, arrived to ask him to send the ships, 
he took the astonished Frenchman for a lady, seized him by 
the hand, and gravely went through the steps of a German 
dance which had caught his fancy. Grammont found a better 
reception from Frederick Henry's son than from himself. 
Prince William was too ambitious of military fame to share 
the unwillingness which was already manifesting itself in the 
States General to assist in bringing so powerful a 

Dutch ships . , 1 T-. /• » -1 1 

Bent to aid in neighbour as France a step further towards the 

siege. frontier of the Republic. He threw all his weight 

Into the scale in Grammont's favour, and Tromp was ordered, 

> The Queen to the King, Oct. 9. Clar. St, P, ii. 271. 



IJO 



THE DEPARTURE OF THE SCOTS. CH. xvf. 






with the assistance of a small French squadron; lo seal the 
entrance of the harbour of Dunkirk.' 

In their despair the Spanish officers and the Low Countries 
turned to England. It had been a cardinal principle of I 
Charles's policy, as long as he was in a position to have a 
policy at all, to keep Dunkirk out of the hands of the French. 
Thf indc- There is good reason to believe that Cromwell and 
EtndiV'o '■^^ Independents would have been ready, if they had 
Spain. had the power, to follow in his steps.' They had 

long been on better terms than their rivals with Cardenas, the 
Spanish ambassador,' and they thoroughly distrusted the 
French government as the chief accomplice in Charles's in- 
trigues with the English and Scottish Presbyterians. 
On September zi it was known in London that Car- 
denas intended to apply for assistance, and it was 
believed that he would accompany his request with an offer of 
liberty of traffic in the Indies. As a matter of fact, he offered, 
not the trade of the Indies, but a large sum of ready money. 
Before an aiiswer could be given, John Taylor, an 
Tiyinr'i Englishman residing in the Low Countries, arrived 
BiuaDu. j^^^ ^^^ Marquis of Castel Rodrigo, the Governor 
of the Spanish Netherlands, with an offer to place Dunkirk, 
Ostend, and Nieuport in the hands of the English Parliament, 
if they would save them from capture by the French.* As 
Cardenas did not venture, without instructions from Spain, to 
take up Taylor's negotiation, he simply be^ed the Houset 
' Ch^niel, ffist. dt Frtutct ptndant la minnriil de Louis XIV. ii, 

' Up to 1654 (he Simancas MSS. show Cromwell to have been 
friendly to Spain, and hostile to France, 

* Cardenas, willing on Sept. |f, speaks of the Independents as lesa 
hostile to Spain than the Piesbyleiian^ Consulla of the Council of 
Slate, J^f=^> 164?. Siihatuas MSS. The French ambassadors eicpten 
themselves more Blrongly, and I suspect with reason. 

' Taylor, wrole Cardenas on Oct, |i, 'dijo llevavi comiaion del 
Marques paia poner en manos del Parlamento las platas de Domquerque, 
Oslende y Neopoit. Con que se desvanecieron las platicas de Don 
Alonso,' i.t. of Cardenas himself, ' no queriendo arrostiar Ingleses a ottK 
CI3W si no ^ la oferu de Teller.' 



I 



i64« SURRENDER OF DUNKIRK. 171 

that 4,000 English soldiers with a suitable naval force might 
be sent at once to succour Dunkirk. Having nothing, as it 
would seem, to offer in return, he may have thought that the 
natural disinclination of the English to see these places in 
French hands would be sufficient to obtain from him a favour- 
able reply. In any case the Presbyterian members, as allies of 
France, would have been against him, and his silence both on 
the admission of English traders to the Indies and on the sur- 
render of the Flemish ports put an end to what little chance of 
success he might have had.' Even if there had been any dis- 
position to send help— and it is hard to see how, with the Scots 
His still at Newcastle, any English party could have been 

n^ocSd. guilty of the extreme rashness of embarking in a 
O^ L, foreign war— the succour could not possibly have 
of™ arrived in time. On October i, after a vigorous 

i;"!:. defence, Dunkirk passed under the power of 

It was upon these successes that Henrietta Maria grounded 
her hopes. Mazarin, she wrote to her husband, had assured 
Oct. 9. her that there would be a general peace before 
Queen'i Christmas, and that France would then be at liberty 
advice. to give him powerful aid. It was tlierefore, continued 
the Queen, necessary for him to have the Scots on his side, 
though he need not take the Covenant or do anything that was 
dishonourable.* 

To abandon Episcopacy for a time in order to regain that 
and everything else was, in short, the advice of the Queen. 
^^^ It was not a project likely to commend itself to 

ukc iTQu Charles ; and even the Queen had just thrown an 
obstacle in the way of its realisation by entertaining 
another project in direct antagonism with it. The Earl of 

' It may, I think, be galhered from the quotation in the last nolE th»t 
the surrender of the ports had no place in 'las platicas de Don A1oiih>.' 
The diasatisfactloD of the English wilh his omission to offer the traffic 
of the Ipdies is noled in the French despatches. Giignon to Biienne, 
Sept. J?, ^-|^, Oct. ^. R. O. Tnmseripts. 

• Chiruel, ii. 157. 

' The Queen to the King, Oct. j^ C!ar. St. P. ii. 271, 



173 



THE DEPARTVKR OF THE SCOTS. CH. XLV. 



Crawford, Montrose's lieutenant-general, had recently ftrrived 

ri France, and had given assurances ihat, what wiih the loyalty 
of the Highkndersandwhat with the zeal of the Irish, Montrose 
would be able in the spring to take the field at the head of 
30,000 men. At this improbable story the Queen eagerly 
caught. It was true that she knew that there had been 
differences in Ireland between the Nuncio and the Supreme 
Council ; but she imagined that by sending a confidential agent 
to Ireland, she might easily get the better of the difficulty.' 

It was a sorry policy to revive the plan of combining the 
Presbyterian Scots with the Catholic Irish in an assault upon 
Tht OiM- England. Jertnyn was prepared to go further still, 
nei ui»tid» He proposed to purchase French aid by the cession 
o«9 10 ibt of the Channel Islands, as Cnarles had formerly pro- 
posed to purchase Danish aid by the cession of 
Orkney and Shetland. To the group of exiles at Jersey the 
proposal appeared to be monstrous. Hyde, Capel, and 
Hopton were Royalists indeed, but they were Englishmen first. 
To give up the islands, they thought, was to give up England's 
mastery in the Channel. They resolved that Capel should 
carry their united remonstrances to St. Germains, and that, if 
this step failed, they should apply to Northumberland for help 
to be sent from England, though they still hoped to be spared 
the necessity of acknowledging the supremacy of Parliament.* 

Whether Charles ever heard of this extraordinary proposal 
or not, he did not share in the Queen's elation at the prospect 
of help held out to him. It was embittered by her assurance 
that it would be needful for him to accept Presbyterianism, 
even if it was to be Presbyterianism without the Covenant He 
Fjiiiure a had just learnt that Will Murray's mission to London ' 
MuJray'i ^^^ entirely failed, and that the Scottish commis- 
miaioB. sioners there had rejected not only his offer about 
religion, but his offer about the militia as well. On the latter 

' The Queen to the King, OcL ^ ; Jennyn and Culpepper ti 
King, Oct. fs, Clar. SI. P. ii. 17 1. 

" Articles of association, Oct. 19. Il'id. ii. 279. The »lory res 
informatioa tent by a credible peiion, and I lee no reuon to dUbelie 

■ See p. 16S. 



I 



1646 A DIPLOMATIC INTRIGUE. 173 

point ihey adhered to the demand made at Uxbridge for the 
permanent surrender to the English Parliament of all authority 
over the armed force of the kingdom. The news does not 
seem to have been altogether unwelcome to Charles. He had 
probably felt the difference of opinion between himself and his 
wife far more than the difference of opinion between himself 
and his subjects, and he now took the opportunity of removing 
it. She would not, he seems to have thought, any longer wish 
him to yield on the question of the Church, now that his offers 
about the militia, though they went far beyond anything which 
she would be willing to grant, had been refused. After assur- 
ing her on November i that he was now in no mood to give 
way, he added a fresh piece of intelligence. " They tell me 
from London," he wrote, " that they will neither declare against 
jj^^ ^ monarchy nor my posterity, but merely against my 
He thinks person." ^ It was doubtless this news which inspired 

of tempo- 

rariiy abdi- Charlcs for the first and last time in his life with the 
*^""*^' idea of abdicating, in some loose fashion, in favour 
of the Prince of Wales. 

Not, indeed, that Charles seriously thought of divesting 
himself of power. His scheme was not intended to remove 
any obstacles which might stand in the way of the 
national well-being either in England or in Scotland. 
It was a mere device to bring home to his wife that not only 
was her plan of Presbyterianism without the Covenant certain 
to be rejected by the Scots, but that even the widest ecclesias- 
tical changes would be unacceptable to them unless they were 
accompanied by political changes to which she, equally with 
himself, would refuse to submit. He had recently quoted with 
approval the saying, "No bishop, no king," which he had 
learned from his father, ^ and, though these words were very 
far from representing all that he personally believed on the 
subject of Episcopacy, he placed them in the foreground in 
his friendly controversy with his wife and her advisers. He 
now suggested to Belli^vre the idea of allowing the Prince, 

* The King to the Queen, Nov. i. Charles /. in 1646, 73. 

* The King to Jermyn, Culpepper, and Ashburnham, Oct. la C/ar. 
St. p. ii. 273. 



174 THE DEPARTURE OF THE SCOTS. CH. xlv. 

either with or without the name of king, to attempt to satisfy 
the Scots by a promise of compliance with their desires as 
far as the Church alone was concerned. He felt no doubt 
that it would thus be made dear that the Scots aimed at the 
destruction of monarchy, and he had too much confidence in 
the affection of his wife and in the respectful obedience of 
his son to imagine that, when once they had found the Scots 
as resolute in refusing the control of the militia to a new king 
as they had been in refusing it to the old one, they would be 
slow to restore to him the power of which he had temporarily 
divested himself.^ 

It would be some time before Charles could hear of the 
reception of this extraordinary scheme by the Queen. In the 
Not. 7. meanwhile he was engaged in pushing forward his 
SSray't ^^^^h plan. Will Murray bad returned on November 
return. y^ and had told his master that, though nothing was 
to be gained from the Scots, the English Presbyterians were in 
Offers of ^ more yielding mood. If they * might have some- 
pJLby?*"^ thing to say for religion, and reasonable security con- 
teriaiu. ceming the militia ... a considerable prevailing 
party' might declare for the King's 'coming to London.'* 
Upon these hopes Charles set to work so to modify his offer of 
Presbyterianism for three years as to render it palatable to the 
English Parliament. 

To Bellibvre all this senseless intrigue seemed to be the 
worst of follies. He plainly told Charles that, if he would not 
grant the Scottish terms, he had better throw him- 
advises self boldly into the hands of the Independents. It 
come to was true that they did not love him, but if they had 
thcTnde' liberty of conscience, and their leaders were rewarded 
pendents. ^-^j^ j^jg^ placcs, they would allow him to deal with 

the militia at his pleasure.' Charles listened approvingly, 
but he also listened approvingly to others. The ambassador 

* Belli^vre to Brienne, Nov. ^. Ranke, EngL Gesch, viii. 184. 

* Moray to Hamilton, Nov. 8, Hamilton Papers^ 121 ; the King to 
the Queen, Nov. 14, Charles I. in 1646, 75. 

■ Belli^vre to Mazarin, Nov. JJ. R, O, Transcripts, 



1646 ROYALIST FEELING, 175 

bemoaned the difficulty of serving a prince who never gave 
his full confidence to anyone. 

Bellibvre was, in fact, aware that Charles had kept to him- 
self an overture which had lately reached him.^ The Northern 
counties were necessarily subjected to bitter oppres- 
lali^p" the sion from the Scottish army, which had been left 
ffoSil" ^^ without pay for no less than nine months,' and their 
Growing indignation easily grew into a desire for a return to 
North for ^* that old order of things which, in the North at least, 
the King's seemed to be necessarily conjoined with the restora- 

restoration, . i. , -rr^. ... , . .-. 

tion of the Kmg to his ancient authority. Nor was 
this feeling confined to the North. In the South and the East 
the heavy taxation which had to be borne for the support of 
Fairfax's army swayed men's minds in a similar direction, 
whatever hope of release from this heavy burden had hitherto 
existed being now crushed by the knowledge that the Houses 
had voted the reassessment of the tax for another six months. 

Even the Eastern Association, so resolute in the 
Eastern early days of the war, would have been forward 
^^^^ in supporting an accommodation with the King, if 
only he had been ready to make concessions to the Presby- 
terian feeling which prevailed there.' The causes of this 
reaction are, indeed, obscure. Something, no doubt, was due 
to the intensity of local feeling. The Association was con- 
scious of its own sacrifices, and objected to bear the burden of 
military defence outside its own limits. Something, too, must 
have been due to the dislike of militarism natural to a busy 
and thriving district. Nor must it be forgotten that the coun- 
ties which had produced more than the average number of 
Protestants in the days of Mary, and more than the average 
number of Puritans in the days of Charles, produced more than 
the average number of fanatics in the days of the Long Parlia- 
ment. The fanaticism of the few was certain in time to excite 
a loathing of fanaticism amongst the many, and the growth of 
a strong Presbyterian sentiment, tending even to merge itself 
in Royalism, would thus be easily accounted for. 

> Belli^vre to Mazarin, ^ff. R,0, Transcripts. 
• L.J, viii. 555, * See p. 184, note 3. 



176 THE DEPARTURE OF THE SCOTS. CH. XL^. 

The feeling against a prolongation of the existing uncer- 
tainty was brought before Charles's notice by Dr. Hudson, the 
„ ' . guide who had accompanied him to Newark. On 
Hudson's November i8 Hudson escaped, or was allowed to 
***^^ escape, from the prison in which he had been con- 
fined, and he soon made his appearance at Newcastle as the 
bearer of proposals which seemed for a moment likely to 
change the whole state of affairs.^ 

The communication which Hudson was empowered to 
make announced a general rising in the East, the South, and 
Proposed the West on behalf of the King. A large force was 
il^imst to be placed in the field to support this design. 
Parliament, chailcs, on his part, was to issue a general pardon 
to all who now joined him, even if they had been deeply con- 
cerned in the late rebellion. He was to engage to abolish ' the 
excise and other unlawful taxes, not to bring in foreign forces, 
not to dispose of delinquents' estates to private uses, nor that 
the Scots should come over the Trent' The Prince of Wales 
was to be the general of the new army. To this last proposal 
Charles demurred. He wished to take the command in per- 
son, but he was ready to give satisfaction in ever3rthing else. 
In the meanwhile Hudson asked the King to despatch Sir 
Thomas Glemham to Lynn, where he would be ready for all 
emergencies.^ 

» WhUelocke, 228. 

' I am aware that Bamfield in his Apologyy written long after the 
Restoration, attributes Hudson's mission to the Independent leaders, and 
that his statement is adopted by Rushworth's editors in the contents to 
the posthumous fourth part of his Collections. Contemporary evidence, 
however, seems to me conclusive against this view. In the first place 
the selection of Lynn as GIemham*s landing-place connects the proposed 
rising with the Eastern Association, and we know that when the Lords 
proposed that the King should reside at Newmarket, the Commons, under 
the influence of the Independents, substituted Holmby, because the 
Eastern Association was too favourable to the King. Moreover, on 
November 18 a letter was read in the Commons to the effect that Hudson 
'intended to go to the King and to get from him commissions to the 
gentry in Norfolk to raise men, with whom should join the forces in 
the North and in the West and in Wales, under the command of Colonel 
Laughame, who should all declare themselves for the King, and come 



1646 A PROPOSED RISING. 177 

Nothing came of this unexpected proposal, nor is it pos- 
sible to ascertain who were its authors. It is not unlikely that 

up to London * (Whitacre's Diary, Add, MSS, 31,1.16, fol. 290). In 1648 
Laugharae took the Royalist- Presbyterian side. The forces in the North 
referred to seem to be connected with the purely Royalist movement to 
seize Pontefract Castle, soon afterwards detected by Poyntz {C.J, iv. 730). 
Again, Hudson was taken in December, and soon after his capture 
Laugharne sent up a letter from him with an enclosed copy of a letter 
from the King. These were read in the House of Commons on January 5. 
The only account we have of them is in Perfect Occurrences (E. 370, 21). 
The King's letter is not printed verbatim, but its purport is pretty clear. 
It is thus given \-^ 

*' Hudson, let all my honest friends know that I will grant com- 
missioners [? commissions] as large as I have promised - (And so the said 
letter went on showing the ends thereof) —to restore his Majesty to his 
rights, and dissolve the Parliament, that he will not seek foreign help 
but for money and ammunition, and will ^her himself or his son be 
general of the army ; that he shall pardon all the oaths and covenants 
that formerly they have taken ; that he is resolved to take off the excise 
and all illegal taxes; and that his principal aim shall be to restore the 
Church ; and that he shall endeavour to keep the Scots from coming 
over Trent. 

Dated November 21, 1646. (Signed) 

(Not the King's own hand.) ۥ Rex." 

Hudson's letter to Laugharne is given as follows :— 

<* Assuring him (by the command of the King) of the great value his 
Majesty had of him, desiring his assistance, with his other friends, to 
restore him to his rights, telling him (amongst other passages) that if the 
Parliament should not bring up the King with honour and safety, before 
New Year's Day, all his Majesty's friends will declare for bim. 

(Subscribed) J. Hudson." 

Hudson's name was Michael, and letters abbreviated in this way are 
not likely to be altogether accurate in other respects besides the signature, 
but they clearly do not point in the direction of a plot with the Indepen- 
dents. Taking the evidence all together, it looks as if Hudson proposed 
to the King to appeal to the sjnrit of dissatisfaction which undoubtedly 
existed, without much regard for either Independent or Presbyterian. 
The plan would thus be a predominantly Royalist one, intended to catch 
weak Presbyterians rather than weak Independents. On the other hand, 
it seems that at Newcastle (Moray to Hamilton, Dec 2. Hamilton 
Papers y 132) Hudson was believed to be concerned in proposals made by 
VOI^ III. ^ 



178 THE DEPARTURE OF THE SCOTS. CH. xlV. 

some of the Presbyterians were cognisant of it, but on the 
whole it bears the impress of a spirit totally unlike that which 
Question of prevailed in either of the Parliamentary parties. It 
lh?p*of tST seems to have arisen amongst men who assumed 
scheme. ^^e attitude of the Clubmen of the preceding year, 
but with better knowledge and greater political experience. 

Charles was not likely to neglect an old intrigue because he 
took part in a new one, and he was still busy over his scheme 
for granting Presbyterianism for a limited time, even though 
Nov. a8. liis wife in a letter received by him on the 28th ex- 
SSiW^tSt pressed her opinion freely that his cherished project 
the Queen ^as a scuselcss coutrivance. For her part, she wrote, 

condemns «^ ^ » 

him. if she had thought of granting for three years some- 

thing which her conscience forbade her to grant at aU, she 
would go a step further, and grant it altogether to save the 
throne.* Yet in spite of his knowledge that it was impossible 
to make his wife understand his scruples, Charles was always 
Prepares an anxious to havc her opinion, and he now submitted 
the Pw[S^ to her the answer which he had drawn up for the 
ment. English Parliament. There was to be a concession 

of Presbyterianism for three years, and of the militia for ten. 
As for Ireland, he would 'give full satisfaction as to the man- 
aging of the war, and for religion as in England.* * In these 
Dec 5. words he took especial delight. " I only say," he 
Tq^v^doS informed the Queen, "that I will give full satisfaction 
»n »'• as to the management of the war, so that if I find 

reason to make peace there my engagement ends." Belli^vre, 
to whom he pointed out this excellent contrivance, told Mazarin 
that he left it to those who knew more English than he did to 
judge of the force of the equivocation, but that he thought 

Independents. Is it possible that Hudson, in order to effect his escape, 
entered into communications with the Independents, and was believe<l by 
them to be their emissary, though he was really working in another direc- 
tion ? I have sometimes thought that Dr. Stewart, who visited Newcastle 
earlier, may have been the bearer of proposals from the Independents, 
and that Bamfield, intending to refer to him, gave a description of him 
which can only apply to Hudson. 

» The Queen to the King, Nov. i§. Clar. St, P. ii. 294. 

* Proposed message. Burnet^ 382. 



1646 CHARLES AND THE SCOTS. 179 

that its interpretation would lie with him that had the longest 
sword. ^ 

For the present, till the Queen's comments arrived, Charles 
hesitated to send his answer to London ; but he 
ChariM^ fancied that something might be gained by obtain- 
ScotUind? ^^% the preliminary approval of the Scots. Accord- 
Dec 8. ^'^S^y* on December 4 he sent his scheme to Lanark, 
The Scots that he might test Scottish opinion. Much to his 
surprise and disgust, Lanark replied that no one in 
Scotland would have anything to do with it.* 

The days which Charles was thus frittering away were being 
used to his disadvantage at Westminster. Almost to the end 
Nov.as. of November, indeed, it seemed possible that the 
UonS'west. English and the Scots might come to a rupture on 
minster. thgjf respective claims to the custody of his person. 
In the press a vigorous paper war was raging on the subject, 

The Com ^^^ ^"^ ^^ ^^^ ^^ Independents carried through 

pions assert the Commons a declaration asserting the right of the 

the English English Parliament alone to dispose of the King's 

uTdispo^' person as long as he was in England. They then, 

of the King, y^^ ^ majority of no to 90, obtained a vote that thi? 

Th?Scote declaration should be sent to the Scottish commis- 

return their sioncrs without any previous communication with the 

declaration. ' ' 

Lords, ^ The Scots, however, prudently returned it 
unopened, on the ground that it only proceeded from a single 
House.* 

They had probably even stronger reasons for avoiding 
further controversy. On November 3 the Scottish Parliament 
Nov. 3. bad met at Edinburgh, and though it long refrained 
thrsco«?sh ^^om touching on so delicate a subject, there was 
Parliament, strong reason to believe that it would refuse to afford 
to Charles a shelter in Scotland* 

» The King to the Queen, Dec. 5, Charles L in 1646, 82 ; Belli^vre 
to Mazarin, Dec. ^, '/*. 0, Transcripts, 

^ The King to Lanark, Dec. 4 ; Lanark to the King, Dec. 8. Burnet, 
381, 3^6. 

* C.J, iv. 730 ; Rushw, vi. 341. 

* C/. iv. 734; Whitacre's Diary, Add. MSS, 31,116, fol. 291. 

* Bellievre to Mazarin, Dec. §J. R. 0, Transcripts. 



i8o THE DEPARTURE OF THE SCOTS. CH. XLV. 

Whatever resolution the Scottish Parliament might take, 

the English House of Commons pursued its course of making 

Nov. «>. the way of retreat from England easy. There was 

^o^ai^ the more reason to hasten to a conclusion, as on 

attempt oo November to it was known at Westminster that there 

Jronteiract ** 

Castle. had been a Royalist plot to seize Pontefract Castle, 
which might not unreasonably be thought to be connected 
Arrange- with Hudson's mission.^ The Commons therefore, 
dlT^rture'Jf dropping all reference to their rejected declaration, 
the Scots, pressed on, in amicable conference with the Scottish 
commissioners, the arrangements for the marching away o\ 
the Scottish army, and for the payment of the 
Earnest , moncy which would then be due. On the i6th of 
money pai Dgcgj^ber the two parties reached an agreement, 
and twelve thousand pounds was paid over as earnest money 
to the Scots.^ 

England would rid itself to little purpose of the Scottish 

army if Charles was to be suffered to retreat with it to Edin- 

. „. burffh, and to make Scotland a centre of intrigue 

Is the King .,T^,.i-r»i. -r-. i* 

to go to agamst the English Parliament. Events now showed 
^° ^ that no such danger was to be feared. It is true that 
on the 1 6th, the day on which the earnest money was paid at 
. Westminster, the Scottish Parliament, under the im- 

Scottish pulse of Hamilton, resolved * to press his Majesty's 
^ coming to London with honour, safety, and freedom,' 

and at the same time avowed its own determination * to main- 
tain monarchical government in his Majesty's person and 
posterity, and his just title to the crown of England.' ' The 
resolution, however, though strictly in accordance with the 
wishes of the King, would be of little avail until the conditions 
had been settled on which the promised support was to be 
given, and there was a powerful party in Scotland which had 
no wish to make them too easy. Argyle had even been heard 
to say that a promise to keep the King in honour and safety 
would be fully observed, even if he were thrown into prison, 

* C/. iv. 730. « L.J, viii. 603, 614. 

• Lanark to [? Sir R. Moray], Dec. 17. Burnet, 389. 



1646 THE SCOTTISH CLERGY. i8i 

provided that his attendants served him on their knees, and he 
was carefully guarded against assassination.* 

Argyle's main support lay elsewhere than in Parliament. 
When Parliament met on the 17th, it was confronted by a 
Dec. 17. petition from the ministers who formed a standing 
Sitmfni^^ committee of the General Assembly,^ protesting 
ters. against those persons who endeavoured to bring 

about *a division and breach between the kingdoms, or the 
making of any factions or parties contrary to the Covenant 
under pretence of preserving the King and his authority,' and 
against those who were remiss in their duty of urging him to 
subscribe the Covenant and to 'give satisfaction to the just 
desires of both kingdoms.' To give him shelter in Scotland 
would * confirm the suspicions of the English nation ' that there 
had been underhand dealings with him before his coming to 
the army.* 

It is in the highest degree probable that this petition had 
been drawn up in concert with Argyle. His policy, and that 
Argyie and o^ the ministers, was identical in recognising the car- 
the clergy, (jjnal fact of the situation, that Charles did not wish 
to give satisfaction to the demands of Scotland, but simply to 
use Scotland as a base of operations against England. The 
fanatical simplicity of the clergy and the subtle intelligence of 
Argyle combined to defeat a project so disastrous to Scotland 
as well as to England. 

Under the influence of the clerical petition Parliament 
addressed itself to the consideration of the conditions under 
The Scottish which support was to be given to Charles. All that 
conditions, y^^ ^jg^jj gained for him on the previous day was 

now swept away. He must accept the propositions made to 
him by the English Parliament at Newcastle as they stood. 
If he refused, the government of Scotland was to be settled 
without him, and he must not think of coming to Scotland to 
exercise the office of a king. Even if he were deposed in 

» Belli^vre to Mazarin, Dec. ^. R.O. Transcripts. 
« Acts of the Pari, of Scotl. vi. 634. 
• Rushw. vi. 390. 



i«2 THE DEPARTURE OF THE SCOTS. CH. XLV. 

England, Scotland would do nothing for him unless he took 
the Covenant and accepted the propositions.^ 

It is hard to find serious fault with the resolution thus 
taken, except by condemning the whole ecclesiastical and 
^, political system which the Scottish nation had 

Scots justa- deliberately adopted. That Charles was bent upon 
destroying that system in England if he could get an 
opportunity is beyond all reasonable doubt, and its supporters 
were therefore justified in refusing to him the vantage-ground 
which would be given him by a residence in Eklinburgh. 

In every direction Charles's schemes were, as usual, break* 

ing down. On December i6 he learned that his plan of a 

Deci6 temporary abdication had been scornfully rejected 

Charles by Mazarin, as well as his plan for a temporary 

learns that i ,. . r ▼> t •••■*«• • •/« 

Mazarin establishment of Presbytenanism.' More trying still 
iTro^^Uo must have been the sarcastic comment of the Queen. 
abdicate, jjjg proposal to grant the militia for ten years, she 
told him, was equivalent to a confirmation of the existing Par- 
^ ^ . . liament for that time. " As long as the Parliament 

and that his ° 

other sug. lasts," shc Continued, "you are not king. As for 
derided by mc, I will not again set foot in England. With your 
the Queen, g^^j^gj^g Qf granting the militia you have cut your 

own throat, for when you have given them that power you can 
refuse them nothing, not even my life, if they ask you for it. 
You ask my opinion about Ireland. I have often written to 
you about it. You must not abandon Ireland. ... I am 
surprised that the Irish do not give themselves over to 9 
foreign king. You will force them to do so at last, when they 
see that you are offering them up as a sacrifice." ' 

A day or two after the reception of these communications 
from France came a doleful letter from Lanark, telling Charles 
how the Scottish Parliament had declared against him. It 

» Lanark to [? Sir R. Moray], Dec. 17. Burnet, 389. The instruc- 
tions founded on this resolution were adopted on the 24th. Acts of the 
Pari, of ScotL v. 635. 

« Mazarin to Belli^vre, gf^^ ; Jermyn and Culpepper to the King, 
Dec. ^, Clar, St. P, ii. 301. 

» The Queen to King, Dec. ^. /did. U. 30a 



1646 ATTITUDE OF THE CITY. 183 

would now be useless to send to Westminster the elaborate 

Dec. ao. ^^^swer to the propositions which had satisfied no 

Charles one but himsclf, and on December 20 he substi- 

again asks 

to come to tuted for it a renewed request to be allowed to 

London. . x jt 1 

come to London.* 

To this request no attention was paid. The policy of the 
Independents was still in the ascendant, and was likely to 
remain in the ascendant as long as a Scottish army was quar- 
tered at Newcastle. In matters of religion, indeed, the Inde- 
pendents still found it prudent to maintain a discreet silence. 
The ordinance against blasphemy and heresy was being pushed 
Dec. ta. steadily on through committee. On December 12, 
fc?red toa when the Presbyterians proposed to refer to a com- 
committce. mittec a sermon in which Dell, one of Fairfax's army 
chaplains, had denied to the civil magistrate the right of inter- 
fering with a gospel reformation, the Independents offered no 
opposition, but contented themselves with demanding that 
another book, written in defence of the Divine right of Presby- 
terianism, should be treated in a similar manner. ^ 

Naturally the Royalists sought to turn to account the 
antagonism which existed on religious matters between the 
two parties, and they hoped that a fresh City petition, 
ACitypeti. which was ultimately presented on the 19th, would 
**'^°* be a further cause of strife. That petition was cer- 

tainly unfavourable to the Independents. In addition to the 
usual demand for the suppression of heresy, it asked that the 
English army might be disbanded in consequence of the favour 
shown by it to heretics, but it was entirely silent as to the 
treatment of the King. It contented itself with expressing 
confidence in the wisdom of Parliament.^ 

Charles had not conciliated anyone, and had not cared to 
conciliate anyone. To have him in London, fighting for his 

* The King to ihe Speaker of the House of Lords, Dec. 20. Z./. viiL 
627. 

« CJ, V. 10; Whitacre's Diary, Add. MSS, 31,116, fol. 293 ; Right 
Reformation^ by W. Dell, E. 263, 2. 

■ The City Petition, E, 366, 14; CJ. v. 20; Grignon to Brienne, 

?«:f. R^O. TranscHpts. 



1 84 



THE DEPARTURE OF THE SCOTS. CH. Jtr.V. 



N 



own hand, would be resbted by everyone, whether Presby- 
lerian oi Independent, who believed that, in the old sense of 
ci«rrocon- t**^ word monarcliy, there was no longer room for 
oo^'*"" monarchy in England, and that il must give place 
_^ to a government founded, in some way or other, upon 

D^njo the national will. A discovery made on Decem- 
liuiwof ber 31 probably served to knit the parties together 
for a time. In the preceding July the little Princess 
Henrietta had been carried off to France by her governess, 
Lady Dalkeith.' It now appeared that a design had been 
formed to carry the Duke of York, who since the surrender of 
Oxford had been in Northumberland's custody, either to New- 
castle or to France.* That such an attempt should have been 
contemplated was convincing evidence that Charles had no 
thought of coming to terms with Pailiament. 

On the aznd the Lords, taking into consideration the City 
petition, directed Fairfax lo see that all officers and soldiers 
Dee. n under his command took the Covenant, and ordered 
nwluii™ '*"*' "" Anabaptists and other sectaries disturbing 
wid, public worship should be punished according lo 
the king lo law. They then voted that the King should come 
Newm.rk«. to Newmarket, there to remain till the two king- 
Dec. 14. doms had consulted on the ultimate disposal of his 
Co^™« person. On the 34th the Commons substituted 
Huimb/" Holmby House for Newmarket. Newmarket was 
HouM, in the Eastern Association, and the Flastern Associa- 
tion was now given over to Presbyterian, if not to Royalist 
views. The revelation of Hudson's plot had plainly not been 
forgotten/ 

' Mrs. Everett Green, Princtssts af England, vi. 40S. 

' L.J. viii. 619. On the effecl of ihis discovery in hardening the 
House of Lords against the King, see Grignon to Btienne, ^^77. R.O. 
Ttanscrifls. 

■ C.j. V. a8i Whiiacre'a Diary, Jdd. MSS. 31,116, fol. a94b. 
Grignon says plainly what Whilacre only hints at. The Associated Coun- 
ties, he says, me those ' qui onl toujours tesmoigni beaucoup d'affeclion 
pout leur Roy, le presence duquel Icur puunoit tionnei de couiage d'entre- 
prendie quelque chose ; ce qu'ils crai^Reni d'autant plus que le ministre 



1 



1646 NEWMARKET OR HOLM BY f 185 

The assignment of Newmarket as a residence to the King 
was not the only part of the Lords' resolution to which the 
and object to Commons took exception. They objected to declare 
the scotsf that the disposal of the King's person could be a 
D6C. 3x. fitting object of consultation between the two king- 
Kbg's"'^* doms. The amendments of the Commons were 
person. acccptcd by the Peers, as well as a clause in which 
the King was called on to give his complete assent to the 
propositions and to the ordinance for the sale of the bishops' 
lands, failing which the two Houses would maintain * the happy 
union already settled between the kingdoms.' * 

The King's refusal to come to terms with the Presbyte- 
rians had, for the moment, weaned them from their unhappy 
Indirect poHcy of Seeking to realise their aims in concert 
[hrKing^ with the King, the Scots, and the French.^ Their 
action. rivals, no longer having the credit of being the 
exclusively national party, lost ground rapidly. The return of 
the Scottish army to its own country and the bringing up of 
the King to Holmby House would dispose of the questions 
which had given the lead to the Independents. Ecclesiastical 
discussions would then mainly occupy the attention of 
Parliament, and on ecclesiastical questions the Presbyterianis 
had more of the national feeling behind them than their 
opponents. 

Even now, whilst the Scots were still at Newcastle, the 
result of the agreement of the two Houses on matters rela- 
ting to the King was quickly seen. The Lords had prepared 

Hudson qui s'estoit eschapp^ dernierement, et que Ton disoit conduire 
quelque dessein en faveur du Roy de la Grande Bretagne dans ces mesmes 
Comt^s, a est^ repris depuis quatre jours sur le chemin de Newcastle, et 
Ton croit qu'il venoit d'aupr^s du dit Roy pour cela.' Grignon to Brienne, 

Jwi^* -^.a Transcripts. 

'» Z./. viii. 63s, 638. 

* The King, wrote Grignon, would hardly come to London unless he 
accepted the propositions, * voyant que les Presbyteriens qui s*imaginent 
avoir h. present Pavantage sur leurs adversaires, ne se disposent point ^ 
porter ses interests, s'il ne consent h. ce qu'ils ont desir^ de luy.' Grignon 

to Brienne, JJJJ; JJ. R-O. TranscHpts. 



IM TMS DEPARTURE OF THE SCOTS. CH. XlV. 

•I* ordiiunce forbidding alt who had not been ordained, eidiCT 
initHt Chunrhof England or in some foreign reformed Church, 

i>H, wi ' W preach or expound the Scriptures in any church 
ii««i"ii ^* chapel, or in any other pbce." On December 
r-uTkUe ji ihi» ordinance was taken into consideration in 
Ih* t'ointttiwi. The Independents, doubtless knowing that 
lh*v cxHtkt m^t hope lo reject it, attempted lo amend it so as 
l« t**n>rt U)f«u*n at lost to expound the Scriptures. After a 
twiK *t>i' ftwrmx debate, lasting well into the night, thej- were 
hMK'ti tw A itivi&inn, in which Cromwell himself acted as 
1*t*»*, >'Jf isij tv> S7- A motion to restrict the prohibition to 
l^lavm 't^VtnKtl fVir public worship' was defeated without 
(»!* *i»fe»« • itiviMi<a.' That night's work indicated a shifting 
Im^h ita ^ p*Hiw, of which there had, no doubt, been clear 
**»»it. tlldk«tiom before. It was not that a sufficient 
HUMtiM vt ttwaben had changed their minds to give a 
W<tUi.»njf » l*>* Presbyterians, but that the questions on which 
tW t'H»byt«ti«tM h*d ftttn/s had a majority had now become 
\\\<i i,iht»>IKtn« (tf tbe day, whilst those on which the Inde- 
jVinW"^ h«vl Md Ihft nmjority were now practically solved. 

h v«k itHiKvniMv that Charles should remain much longer 
tH »he MihU V>I' the Sci>ts. On the aand, when the resolution 

(•w M "0^ (h* Edmbur^h Parliament was known at New- 
U^uii* »>^,|l^ (l,^ vfn»manders of the army made one last 
WjjJ** ^VhiK to Wing him Oii-cr to their side. They assured 
SlH^«> him ihsi, If he would only promise to establish 
Vw*byWtl«nt*l\> when once he was firmly seated on the 
thl\«'ft ihffy would undertake to recover his authority in the 
Jpwih *>f both thP I'arlitments. Though the French ambas- 

\\^ t^ tailiW aiMcd his entreaties to theirs, Charles firmly 
wtJwTuw dwiinwl the tempting offer.' ^Vith no prospect now 
•»»i* U'f^(« him except that of being handed over to the 
hiXXSa R»tl^'*hi he began at last seriously to think of escap- 
l*k»H. lug to the Continent, and Will Murray was em- 

ployed 10 Tuake the arran^'mcnts for his flight.' The schema 
' CJ. ¥, 34 I Crisnon to BricDne, Jin, {,, S.O. TnaucripU. 

UoIUiWmj 10 MnMiin. Jun. ft, K.O. Transcrifts. 
' Zy, vlli. 665. Foi Munray's rii-nial, which was 10 be e»p«ted, see 




1(346 ORMOND HOLDS DUBLIN. 187 

however, got wind, and the Scots, redoubling their precautions, 
treated him as a veritable prisoner.' 

Dark as the outlook was, there could hardly fail to be a 
gleam of hope on some quarter of the horizon. This time it 
ciiariei was once more frora Ireland that Charles looked 
10 Inland" ^°^ help. The attempt of the Confederate generals 
for help. to seize Dublin had been wrecked, for this season 
FaiiS're'of ^' least, by their own dissensions, and by the diffi. 
f^s^TESio ^"^ty °f conveying supplies through a devastated 
lake Dublin, country and over streams swollen by the Novem- 
ber rains.' In the meanwhile the Parliamentary commis- 
sioners who had been sent to take possession of Dubhn 
ornond found Ormond unwilling to accept the terms which 
"™dl?tt they were empowered to oiTer, The Lord Lieute- 
Engifsh n^nt had made it a condition of the surrender that 
Pafliamtnc. ([jg letter in which he had asked leave to surrender 
his authority should be forwarded to the King for his approval. 
Parliament having refused to send this letter on, Ormond 
declared himself no longer bound by his own conditional 
promise. He would not, he said, give Dublin up without 

J. positive directions from his master.^ On January 5 

Jan S' Charles, having heard what Ormond was doing, gave 

approved by him his hearty approval,' and directed him ' to re- 

""■ piece' his 'breach with the Irish,' if it could be done 

' with honour and a good conscience.' 

Whilst Charles was thus cherishing new imaginations, 
Belli^vre had made up his mind that nothing could be done 
BeiiiSTTo for a man who could do nothing for himself. He 
*fa Dand" ni^de one last attempt to win over David Leslie, 
Lejie. telling him, evidently with Charles's authority, that 

if he would restore the King without insisting upon Presby- 
ibid. 703. Belli Jvte'a despatches conslantly refer to the thought of escape 
as being in Charles's mind, so that there is every reason to believe the 
story. The protestations of the Scots are worth absolutely nothing. 

' Sir R. Moray to Hamilton, Dec. 29. Hamilton Paferi, 141. 

' Lord Lticeslet's MS. I,4llb-I,439. 

• Carte MSS. xix. passim ; Smdral fassagcs of Ihi treaty, E. 378, 4 ; 
Rushw. vi. 420. 

• The King to Onnond, Jan. 5, Carle's Ormond, v. 18. 



a^ 



iSa THE DEPARTURE OF THE SCOTS. CH. Xt-V. 

terianism he should be created DuVe of the Orkneys, and 
made a Knight of the Garter and Captain of the Guard, with 
a sum of 8,000 jacobuses ' paid down, and a yearly revenue 
of a, 000. It was of no avail, Leslie told the Frenchman 
plainly that nothing could be done unless the King yielded 
on the religious question. On January 4 the am- 
bassador turned his back on Newcastle, where he 
NeweisUa. had met with so many disappointments, and made 
his way to London." 

The final catastrophe could not be long 'deferred. There 

was, indeed, some delay about the arrangements for counting 

the money, and it was not till January a6 that the 

ChSeJi commissioners who had been appointed by the 

"iih™r English Parliament to inform the King of the vote 

m^Mal"' "^ '^^ Houses relegating him to Holmby came into 

his presence. On the following day Charles de- 

Ades^icii spatched another letter to Ormond, again urging 

him to come to terms with the Irish, ^ On the aSth 

he informed the commissioners that in a few days he would be 

ready to accompany them. 

Against this arrangement the Scots had nothing to say. 
On the 3olh, the first 100,000/. having been duly paid, the 
Jan. 30. Scottish commissioners took their leave of Charles. 
The^soKs "Their garrison marched out, and their guards were 
Newcasiis. relieved by English soldiers as if nothing more was 
occurring than an ordinary piece of routine. On February 3 
the second instalment of 100,000/, was also paid,' 
and by the rith° every garrison had been debvered 
up, and every Scottish soldier had crossed the 
Tweed. 

Such was the transaction which Royalist partisans were 
soon to qualify as the act of Judas, who sold his Lord for 
money. The despatches of Montreuil and Bellitvre tell a very 



he Two 



' Belliivte lo Maiarin, Jal 

• The King to Onnond, Ji 

• L.J. viii. 699, 716. 

• A mast v/orlhy .'fuck. E. 378, 10. 



\. H.O, Transcripts. 
37, Carte's Ontumd, v. 



1646 CONDUCT OF THE SCOTS. 189 

different tale. They show, beyond possibUity of dispute, that 
the Scottish leaders, soldiers and civilians alike, would wil* 
Comparison lingly have renounced the English gold and have 
?o judf^'' defied the English army to do its worst, if Charles 
Evidence of would havc Complied with the conditions on which 
dSpatehwl alone— even if they had been personally willing to 
What was conie to his help without them — it was possible for 
the promise them to raise forces in his defence. It is true, 

•'iven to ' 



haries? indeed, that from time to time, in the early stage 
of the negotiations, some of their number showed signs of 
wavering, and that in the final offer made before the King 
arrived at Newark Montreuil was allowed to use words which, 
under the most favourable interpretation, must be allowed to 
be ambiguous. Yet, at all events, the engagement made 
through Sir Robert Moray gave no uncertain sound, and, if 
ever the strict demand /or the establishment of Presbyteri- 
anism was for a moment relaxed, it was almost immediately 
renewed. 

Apart from the personal question of the truthfulness of the 
commissioners — in which, after all, only five or six persons 
Were the wcre involved — is it to be seriously argued that the 
Wm a reSgc Scots, as a nation, were in any way bound to give to 
in Scotland? Charles a refuge in their own country? It was not 
for the sake of a peaceful retreat that Charles thought at one 
time of accompanying the army to Scotland. What he wanted, 
as Montreuil, who knew him well, declared, was to give en- 
couragement to the Scottish Royalists, and above all to bring 
about a quarrel between the two nations.* 

Were the Scots to be blamed because they refused to 

* "Pour ce qui est de la resolution qu'i ladite Ma** de se retirer en 
Escosse avec Tarm^e des Escossois, s'il ne luy est pas permis de se sauver, 
il espere en recevoir de differenls avantages ; comme d'estre en lieu ou sa 
presence pourra donnei du coeur h, ce qui hiy teste d'amys, et les porter k 
chercher les moyens de le restablir ; de se pouvoir sauver plus aisement 
estant I^, que demeurant en Angleterre; de donner sujet k les deux 
nations de se brouiller, puisque les Anglois qui ont arrest^ que leur Roy 
viendroit k Hornby auront sujet de le demander k TEscosse." Montreuil 
to Mazarin, Jan |g. Arch, des Aff, £trangire5^ Ivi. foL 23, 



I90 THE DEPARTURE OF THE SCOTS. CH, XLV. 

expose themselves to such a danger ? Were they even under 
obligation to allow the King to escape to the Continent ? It 
whatwew '^ probably the course which posterity would be 
theScoa inclined to recommend Yet, knowing as we do 
the whole network of Charles's foreign intrigues and 
his continual expectation of aid from foreign armies, it is not 
for us to feel surprise if Scots and English alike shrank, as 
Elizabeth had shrunk in the very similar case of Charles's 
grandmother, from incurring so evident a danger. 

If in modem times the Scots get less than justice, because 
the ineffectual wiles of Charles's diplomacy are so hard to bear 
Could in mind, they also get less than justice because they 

te'i^um attempted, with the assistance of a certain number 
^n"*** of Englishmen, to force upon the English nation an 
England? ecclcsiastical system which was uncongenial to its 
character and its traditions. It is almost forgotten that bishops 
were known to that generation as the organs of a system of 
political despotism, or that Charles supported them, not merely 
as ecclesiastical functionaries of Divine appointment, but also 
as the supporters of something very like absolute monarchical 
authority. He wanted them to ordain a lawful clergy, but he 
also wanted them to *tune the pulpits '— that is to say, to 
What did prevent the free expression of the only kind of 
S^ bUhops opinion which had in his time any hold uix)n the 
^or? masses, lest it should lead to an uprising against 

monarchy. When he spoke of monarchy he meant the monarchy 
of Henry VIII. and Elizabeth, not the monarchy of William III. 
and Victoria. He was hankering after the restoration of the 
system which Laud had praised and which Strafford had 
supported. 

Presbyterianism had many faults, but at least its existence 
rendered impossible a return to a mode of government which 
had been tried and found wanting. It rested in the Church 
on an organisation proceeding out of the nation itself in the 
form of elderships, classes, and assemblies, rather than on an 
organisation proceeding from the King. In the State it rested 
upon the House of Commons, an elective body proceeding 
from constituencies which were more or less extensive, but 



1646 ENGLISH PRESBYTERIANISM, 191 

which on the whole fairly represented the mind of the nation. 
In the hands of men of expansive genius such a system might 
have acquired, at least for a time, a hold upon the nation 
itself. Its leaders were, however, by no means men of expan- 
sive genius. They could not see that no bridge was strong 
enough to cross the gulf which separated them from Charles. 
They sought to carry Out with his aid changes which, through 
motives of interest as well as of principle, he thoroughly de- 
tested. What was more fatal still, in seeking to combine with 
the King they were driven to combine with the Scots, and 
even with the French. They became the anti-national party, 
when their strength lay in being truly national. 

The Presbyterians had done their work. They had over- 
thrown the monarchy, never, in the sense in which Charles 
Weakness Understood the word, to rise again in England.* In 
Sf^^«, accomplishing this they had called forth an army 

English ,.,,,,,/., . .. J 

Pre>by- which had translated their phrases mto action, and 
enanism. ^j^^ virtual head of that army was a statesman ag 

well as a soldier. Whether Cromwell and the Independent^ 
would succeed where the Presbyterians had failed, in establish- 
ing a government which had the elements of endurance, re- 
mained to be seen ; but at least they had recognised that 
England was called upon to work out her own destiny without 
respect to Scots or Irish or the Continental powers. It had 
been the statesmanship of the Independents which had cuU 
minated in the departure of the Scots and the surrender of the 
King. In gaining the custody of Charles's person England 
bad in truth entered into possession of herself. 

* Since this was written Mr. Frederic Harrison has said much the 
same thing {Oliver Cromwell^ 129) in speaking of Charles's death. ** It 
is said," he writes, ** that the regicides killed Charles I. only to make 
Charles II. king. It is not so. They killed the old monarchy ; and the 
restored monarch was \fj no means its heir, hut a royal Stadtholder or 
hereditary President. In 1649, when Charles I. ceased to live, the true 
monarchy of England ceased to reign." If, however, the act was the act 
of the Independents, the mental preparation for it was the work of the 
Presbyteriam, even more than they were themselves aware of. 



193 



CHAPTER XLVL 

riKAKCIAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE DISORDEIL 

In the first months of 1647 a cry was raised on all sides for 
the restoration of peaceful order. In addition to the devasta- 
1647. tions of war there had been an enormous increase 
ihfj^bu^ of the public burdens, though it is impossible to 
burdens. Calculate, even conjecturally, what that increase was.' 
The collection of the revenue was in the hands of separate 
Confused committccs, and the funds thus acquired were liable 
finance. ^q ^^ drawn on, or even to be anticipated by Parlia- 
mentary orders issued, not on the recommendation of any 
official responsible for the financial soundness of the course 
adopted, but on the spur of the moment, as news arrived that 
some fortress was hard pressed, or some regiment was clamour- 
ing for pay. Under such conditions economy was impossible. 
No balance- No general balance-sheet was kept, perhaps because 
sheet kept, ^jjg Houscs had no mind to look their liabilities in 
the face. Recourse was constantly had to loans, and large 
sums of money were thus obtained from the City, at first 
Pariia. simply on Parliamentary security, or, as the phrase 
iSdeSS. ^^^" ^^» ^^ * ^^^ public faith,* and afterwards, as 
ness. the value of this security decreased, by mortgaging 

future revenues, or by pledging confiscated property still 
unsold. 

' The greater part of the increase was upon the army and navy. It 
appears from a report from the Committee of Accounts {C,/. vi. 63) that 
before the formation of the New Model Army, the expense of the navy 
was about 236,CXX)/. a year, and that of the army about 444,000/., making 
together 6So,ooo/. This result is, howevei, far from being complete, as 
ordnance stores and money spent on local forces are left out of the account, 
more than 10,000 soldiers, for instance, being employed in garrisons. 



1647 ESTIMATE OF THE REVENUE. 193 

Whilst it would be hazardous even to guess at the amount 
of Parliamentary expenditure, it is not quite impossible to form 
Estimate of ^ conjectural estimate of the revenue of 1647 which 
theCrovm may not be very far distant from the truth. The 
Royal income at this time gathered in by the Parlia- 
mentary authorities can hardly have exceeded 450,000/., if, 
indeed, it reached that amount,' though in 1635 it had been 
estimated at 618,000/. Of this revenue the only head on 
The which we have definite information is that of the 

customs. customs. In 1635 the customs brought in 328,000/. ; 
in 1643 they had dropped as low as 165,000/. ; in 1647, after 
some fluctuations, they brought in 262,000/* 

An income of 450,000/. was manifestly inadequate to meet 
even a peace-expenditure, especially if any considerable part of 
inad ua ^^ army was to be kept on foot. Nothing, therefore, 
ot the was for the present heard of any proposal to diminish 

fe venue 

those additional sources of revenue which had been 
opened by Parliamentary Ordinances since the beginning of 

* In 1660 {Pari, Hist. iv. 118) the revenue which Charles I. had 
enjoyed just before the Civil War was estimated at 819,000/. From this 
must be deducted, to arrive at the amount of it receivable in 1647, pay- 
ments which had ceased to be made before that date : — 

£ 
Casual and dropped payments • • • • 45»ooo 

Court of Wards ..•••• 100,000 

Decrease of Customs •••••• 138,000 

Post Office • . • • • • • 21,000 

304,000 

leaving 515,000/. I have deducted a further 65,000/. as a moderate 
estimate of the general decline of revenue owing to the ravages of the 
war, thus bringing my estimate down to 450,000/. 
' The receipts from customs were as follows : — 

1643. • • • 165,000 

1644 .•••«•••• 225,000 

1645 •••• 192,000 

1646 ••••••/«•• 276,000 

1647. •••••••.• 262,000 

R, 0, Audit Office Declared Accounts. The drop in 1647^ wh.ecL^\ax5^ 
VOL. III. ^ 



1S4 



FINANCTAL DISORDER. 



the war. These were, in the main, three— the excise, the 
assessment, a^nd Royalist forreitures and compositions. 

The excise, which pressed on all classes alike, was levied ( 
not only on food and drink, but on goods of almost every I 
description. In the three years beginning with 1647 
™^ it averaged 330,000/.' The assessment raised by 
*'™™""" monthly payments from the counties for the support 
of the New Model Army was estimated at 641,000/. a year.* 
Comne.!- The compositions, taking the average of eight years , 
lions. beginning in 1643, yielded an annual revenue of I 

Grnenil 162,000/.* 

icveuuc. Upon these data, therefore, a rotigh estimate oi I 

e of 1647 becomes possible: — 



Excise ■..,,,. t 330|OC> 
Assessment •••••.. £41,00 
Compositions .■•..•. t6z,oo 

The produce of the sale of forfeited lands is not included I 
in this estimate, as it was usually either kept for the payment 
of debt, or given away to persons who had incurred losses i 
the service of the State, or were held to be specially deserving 
of reward. As the assessment money was badly paid, the 
actual revenue was in all probability far below r, 583,000/. 
This sum, however, even if it had been gathered in, would 
have been quite inadequate for the maintenance of the existing 
army and navy in addition to the very large curre 
penses of government, especially as there can be little doubt J 
that peculation prevailed to a considerable extent. 

That this increase of taxation, and especially the imposition I 
of the excise, weighed heavily on the poor does not admit of 1 
doubt, though the employment of large numbers of agricultural [ 

increase would naturally be expected, is ptoliably accounted for by the ' 
badness of the harvest in 1646 and 1647. 

' fi. 0. Audit Offici Declared Aaounfs. " L.J. va. ! 

' Prelace to Mrs. Everett Greco's CalcadarefS. h. Dam. 16491650, 



labourers as soldiers no doubt afforded an escape for the 
more vigorous. The economical position of those who remained 
The labour- at home cannot be accurately defined. In many 
ing ciasi. places they suffered from military violence, but, in 
spite of the disturl)ed state of the country, wages appear to have 
remained much at the level at which they had stood before 
the ivar, that is to say, at Td. a day, with a tendency to rise to 
81/., this sum being, however, supplemented by the produce of 
the domestic labour of wives and daughters, by pasturage on 
commons, and by fowling on moor and fen. 

Yet the greatest suffering to which the labourer was at this 
time subjected arose from a cause entirely independent of 
Bad human agency. The year 1646 was the first of a 

hjtvMB. series of six years in which the harvest was deplor- 
ably bad ; wheat, which even in plentiful years seldom fell 
below 30J. a quarter, standing at an average of 58J. 7^1^,, and 
for the three years beginning with 1647, even at an average of 
&S^- ik'^- It is true that the labourer seldom, if ever, tasted 
wheaten bread ; but the oats, the rye, and the pease which 
formed the staple of his diet rose in like proportion. On the 
other hand, meat did not rise to the same extent, the increase 
of price being about 50 per cent, in the worst years, whereas 
the price of bread had more than doubled.' In one respect, 
indeed, the position of the labourer may seem to have been 
Wa ftitd "^''^'^ ^^'^^ ^* *^^ present day. A statute was in 
by lilt existence which directed that his wages should be 

jui ices. ^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ justices of the peace. Yet the absence 
of complaint, at a time when every possible grievaitce found 
advocates, seems to show that on this score no feeling of re- 
sentment was entertained, and indeed there is strong reason to 
believe that this law was usually if not altogether disregarded. 
At all events the justices, where they acted in accordance with 

' Rogers, HUI. of AgricnUuri ami Prices, v. 205, 633 ; ri. 54, 286. 
TTiose who calculate the relative value of money in the aeventeenlh and 
nineteenth centuries sonietimes forget that, though moat commodities 
were at far lower prices than they are at present, Ihe price of grain was 
as high 01 higher. Mutloti was oidinariW at 31/,, beef at 2d. 1. pound. 
Did the lat>ourcr eat more meal than at present! 




igS FiyASCZAI. DMSQMDEM. CKZLVL 

the Iaw, recognised the >ai w qfiii of the lihuip'ii cne kx 
lii^^htf wages by nnsins tiicm goaiDBQi^ tfll in E65Z tiief fixed 
n-^:aban«r thtdu It LT. 2i£ a daj.^ ^ a fiKtor in tbe ""Jyipf 
^^^ and poiincal diqnites of die dme tbe Jt^iin^i i ul 
^^^^°^ labourer coimtBd for iMiihiw|^ No endence easts 

CO show diat he cared fior ekfacr King or FsfiamenL The 
party which broiight him pcacs and »*^*'^^^»*'f the csne vanid 
have his giood wiiU whatever dnt "'%h* be ^nrth. 

The edect of die war on odier 
In die spring of 1645 the 6dl of 
Bn-dim Counties which had been mtoacfaed bf 
r^iiMTT'^ estiinated at a acveiuh, and it 
- ,. ^ was coo low an e^uiuatc One prapnctnr oomplaiiied 
jc .-cms. that a tburtfa part of his leases in Sofiblk had been 
rttumed on his handa^ and that ftom some pacts of his estate 
he received less than half of the income which he had eqoyed 
benire the war.* In the North, the injury to piap c it| had been 
Gtti^jtionaily aerere. In the five years ending in 1646^ die 
E^uri of Northumbeiiand had lost either by acnal damage or 
by the non-paymett of rents 42,500^!' In Wirzal Hinidred» 
Cheshire, the rental dL thirty-one estates dr o ppe d^ b etw ee n 
1Q4J and 1647* from 4t^42^ to 2^o^iL ; and in Qoacestezdiire 
the rental of cwaity-seven estates was similarly reduced from 
0,542! to 3»24iA the fiili to about half the aiiiniint being 
the same in bodi cases>^ 

From a modem point of view, the most fimlty pnt of Rur- 

liamentary fiance was the eaacdon of the Royalist Gomposi- 

don& In the case of dvil war we fed. at onoe the 

Royalut 

(smpott- injusdce of marking off as specially guilty one por- 
°''°*' ticn of che population^ and the folly of esasperadng 

that portion by laying special burdens on its shoaldezs. To 



* See Camungiiaxn's Growth of English Imimstry amd 
jCuient TimuSj 195 aaa 

* D'Ewes'3 Diary, BarL JfSS. 166, foL 2lob. 

* Report, Sept. 1646 ; Sist. J/SS. Cjm. H^trtr^ m. 8& 

* CaUmdar sf tkd Fracamiings ^ tim CjmmUtaa Jmr Ck 
p»rt i pp. 6(\ S5. la both calmTotimg I have amirtni lents gcvca 
only one date* 



1647 TREATMENT OF DELINQUENTS. 197 

these considerations the men of the seventeenth century were 
blind. They had before them the precedents of the sweeping 
confiscations of estates of traitors by a long Ime of kings, and 
of the fines imposed on Catholics by the recusancy laws of the 
reign of Elizabeth. In their eyes the delinquent was as the 
traitor or the recusant had been. He had, as they fully be- 
lieved, broken up the peace and order of the realm without 
adequate excuse, and with this idea firmly fixed in their minds, 
it is to their credit that they contented themselves with pecu- 
niary mulcts, and, save in the instances of Strafford and 
Laud, had abstained from shedding the blood of their political 
opponents on the scaffold. 

It is true that in every treaty with the King it was proposed 
to except a few of his adherents from pardon, but at the end 

Banishment ^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^Vi these wcre allowed to leave the 
and con- realm without hindrance, though the whole of their 

nscation. 

property was confiscated. Other Royalists were 
treated with more leniency in accordance with a system which 
^g had been gradually brought into existence. On 
Marcn27. March 27, 1643, an Ordinance declared that all who 
tion Ordi." had dircctly or indirectly assisted the King were to 
°*"*** be reckoned as delinquents, and that their property 
was to be sequestered by the Committee of the county in 
Aug. 19. which it was situated. Another Ordinance on Au- 
forwTv"s*^d g^^* ^9 n^itigated this sentence so far as to set aside 
children. ^ sum, not exceeding a fifth of the sequestered in- 
come of the delinquent, for the benefit of his wife and 
children.* 

In 1644, by summoning the Oxford Parliament, Charlef 
unwittingly brought about an amelioration in the lot of some 
who had hitherto supported him. On January 30, 
Jan. 30. m that year, the Houses at Westminster, being 
comp^li° anxious to attract deserters, offered pardon to all 
tions. Royalists who would submit before a certain date. 

To this offer was affixed the condition that those who took 

* Husbands^ Collection^ 13, 296. For the date of the first Ordinance 
see L,J, V. 672. See also vol. i. 100. 



198 



FtNANCIAL DISORDER, 



advantage of it should compound for their delinquency by the 
payment of a sum to be assessed on .hem towards the relief of 
the public burdens.' Thirteen persons who submitted on these 
terms were allowed to compound by paying a sum usually 
equal to two years' purchase of their estates,' and after the 
expiration of the term fixed, special leave was given to others 
to compound in the same way.* 

It was not till October 1645, after the capture of Bristol, 
when the whole (rf England was lalling under the power of the 
,6(j. Parliament, tliat this method of dealing with Royal- 
CeMrai'*' '^'* *'*^ made general. All who would submit before 
coaiiKBition. December i were to be admitted to composition.* 
This limit of lime was subsequently exlended, and thus every 
opportunity given to all desirous of making their peace, save 
those whose names were on the list of persons e^iempted from 
pardon. 

Delinquents who wished to free their estates from seqnes- 
tration had accordingly to present themselves before 
»mithi; Hall the Committee for compounding which sat at Gold- 
smiths' Hall. This Committee, which was at firet 
composed only of members of the House of Commons, was 
,6,,. modified by an Ordinance of February 6, 1647, after 
its^eow^ which date it consisted of members of both Houses, 
iinicuon. ^ith (he addition of a few persons who were not 
members of cither House.^ The first step required of the 
The dtiin delinquent appearing before this Committee was the 
qi.fni 10 taking of the Covenant and of the Negative Oath, by 
CjKnani whlch he bound himself never again to bear arms 
against the Parliament. After this he had to declare 
the full value of his estate, any misstatement render- 
ing him liable to a heavy fine. These prelimina- 
ries having been accomplished, delinquents were 
n classes. Members of Parliament, for instance, might 
be deprived of half of their estates, whilst undistinguished 

' See vol. i. 301. » CJ. ii!. 571. 

* As for instance to Serjeant Glanvile, id. iii. 710. 

* Husbands' CullecliBn, 751. • C.J. ». 78. 



tH7 



THE DELINQUENT CLERGY. 



195 



L 



Royalists might escape on payment of a sixth part. The rates 
exacted, however, varied from time to time.' 

Whatever may be thought of the treatment of the Royalist 
gentry, it was at least better than the treatment of the Royalist 
Condiiim clergy. The gentleman might have to sell or mort- 
dtihi^nent S^g^ part of his land, or to cut down the woods 
geniry; which wefG the pride of his estate, in order to pay 
his fine, but after this his account with Parliament was closed, 
tuidofiho ^"'^ ''^ ^^^ ^'^^ '° enjoy what was left to him. The 
^[[nquept Clergyman noted either as a Royalist, or as attached 
'^'"^' to Episcopacy or the Prayer Book, was ejected from 

his living, and was thus deprived at one sweep of his means of 
Fifths id ''^^"hood ; excepting so far as he profited by the 
«o"7f*=nd fifth of his late income, which was payable to 
his wife and children in the same way as to lay 
delinquents whose property was sequestered, though in his 
case it was payable not by the committee of sequestration, but 
Their by the incumbent who had succeeded him. That 

Mm™mE) '^'^ fi'^''^ ^^^ grudgingly paid, and sometimes abso- 
wiihhcid. luiely withheld, has often been asserted, and it is 
highly probable that the charge was in many cases well 
founded. As far, however, as can be judged from the frag- 
mentary evidence which has come down to us, the dispossessed 
. clergy often obtained their rights from the Committee 
iheLom- for Plundered Ministers, which, though it had been 
piunderBi Originally instituted Co provide benefices for the 
imsiers , pyj^tan clergy driven from their livings by the King's 
forces, ultimately acquired a practical supervision over the 
financial side of ecclesiastical affairs, and frequently intervened 
to secure the payment of the fifths.^ 

Another piece of evidence points in the same direction. In 
each county there existed a committee charged with the general 
management of affairs in the Parliamentary interest, and it 

' Preface to Mis, Everett Green's Calendar of the Comniittie for Corn- 
founding. 

' Proceedings of the Committee of Plundered Ministers, AM MSS. 
I J, 669-71. 



FINANCIAL DISORDER. 



CH. XlVt 



^ 

^ 



appears from the minute-book of the Dorset Committee, the 
only one whose records are now accessible,' that in that county 
Mdofthe "' '^''" ^^ payment of fifths was enforced. In one 
Donti instance, in which the Puritan incumbent refused 

to pay them to the wife of his predecessor, on the 
ground that his conscience would not allow him to support 
matignants, the committee promptly placed his living In the 
hands of trustees, giving them directions first to pay over the 
fi.ths to the wife, and only after she had been satisfied to make 
over the remainder to the actual holder of the benefice. 

It is needless to inquire minutely into the numbers of the 
ejected clergy. Whether it exceeded or fell short of s,ooo ' is 
SI nifioiMe ^^ "° historical importance. The real significance 
orihi eject- of the ejectment is that it rendered permanent the 
ecclesiastical disruption of the English Church. 
Atthe time of the Reformation that Church had been brought 
under two distinct influences. On the one hand, there was a 
_ . conservative reverence for the past, moulded by the 

meniiofihe critical Spirit of the Renascence ; and, on the other, 
Rrfotmi- a readiness to adopt, first from Zwingli, and after- 
wards from Calvin, a system built up out of the study 
of the Bible itself, without regard to the historical development 
of Christianity. During the Elizabethan stru^le with Spain 
and Rome the latter infiuence had been preponderant, and 
when, in the reigns of James and Cliailes, a new and rising 
school amongst the clergy threw itself back on the teaching of 
the more conservative reformers, it suflered from the enor- 
mous disadvantage of having very few lay supporters. The 
country gentlemen, slow to move, were Calvinists almost to a 
. man ; and though time would probably have mo- 

beiween the dified their sentiments. Laud's impatient violence 
cie?^V»n<i checked the natural course of intellectual develop- 
'""'' ment. What Laud had failed to do the Long Par- 

liament had gone far to accomplish. It had singled out the 

■ This book is in Ihe possession of W. R. fiankes, Esq., of Kingston 
Lacy, where tie kindly allowed me to examine it. 

" Walker's Sufferings vf llu Clergy; Calaniy's TAe Cliurck atid Ikt 
DUstnUrs. 



1647 CHURCH PARTIES. joi 

Royalist gentleman and the a nti- Calvin ist clerg)man for special 
penalties, with the result that every Royalist gentleman became 
not only a sworn foe to Puritanism, but a reverent admirer of 
doctrines and practices which ten years before he had pro- 
nounced to be detestable. Community of suffering draws 
friends more closely together than community of enjoyment. 

Nor was the work of consolidation amongst the Royalists 
confined to the healing of the breach between the clergy and 
DLmppeir- the laity. Minor differences no less tended to dis- 
rninor"^ appear. Amongst the laily Hyde and Culpepper 
difference, were in close combination with CharJes, whose 
j)olicy they had long combated ; and amongst the clergy Shel- 
don and Morley, the friends of Falkland, were at one with 
Jeremy Taylor, the pupil and disciple of Laud. The whole 
phalanx of the opposition to the Long Parliament had closed 
its ranks. 

It would be some time before this union would tell to the 
advantage of the losing party. Numerous as were the Royalist 
gentry, they were defeated and overthrown. Without armed 
force or political organisation, they had but to receive the law 
from their conquerors. Moreover the Presbyterian party in 
Parliament was also mainly composed of country gentlemen, 
and so long as the gentry were divided amongst themselves, 
the weight and influence of their class would be unable to teli. 

The adoption of Presbyterianism in 1643 had been the 
result of mixed motives, in which the desire to conciliate the 
PBiiia. Scots was the dominant factor. Many therefore 

y™^. who voted for its establishment approved in their 
Mrianism. hearts of a very different kind of Presbyterianism 
from that of Scotland^a Presbyterianism such as had appeared 
in the Root and Branch Bill, in which there were no Church 
courts, and in which all ecclesiastical jurisdiction was exercised 
by lay commissioners. Even when Parliament authorised the 
establishment of Presbyterianism its mode of doing so was of 
the nature of a compromise, as (he Church courts although 
called into existence were subiected to the control of the lay 
Parliament. In practice the system established was even more 
remote from the Scottish system. Though the often repeated 




riNANCIAL DISORDER. ch. XLVi, 

statement that Presbyieriaiiism was only eslaLilished in London 
and Lancashire is very far from the truth,' yet it is true that 
for some hitle time only I-ondon and Lancashire accepted 
the new scheme : — London because there was there a strong 
middle class to lake possession of the eldership ; Lanca* 
shire because a strong Puritan organisation was made popular 
by the presence of a strong Roman Catholic element in the 
population. 

If, however, the Dorset Committee Boole may be trusted as 
an exponent of the system which prevailed in the rest of Eng- 
Tht Church land — and there seems no reason why it should 
cogn'J'com- not— the new Church organisation outside London 
miiieci. and Lancashire resembled that of the Root and 
Branch Bill far more than that of the later Parliamentary Ordi- 
nances. In place of the lay commissioners of that Bill, there 
were the county committees. These committees indeed had 
no definite authority to govern the Church, and did not inter- 
fere in any high-handed fashion unless in cases in which the 
patronage of a living was under sequestration. Otherwise 
patrons still presented to the livings in their gift, and when the 
committee assumed the right of exercising patronage be- 
longing to delinquents, it appointed the candidate most accept- 
able to the parishioners, subject to his being able to produce a 
certificate of orthodoxy and good conduct from three approved 
ministers. 

With the Dorset Committee at least interference with the 
Church went tittle farther. In the course of many years it only 
Wantof silenced two ministers, one for using portions of the 
discipline. Boole of Common Prayer, and the other a separatist 
preacher near Weymouth, whom, however, it only ventured to 
meddle with on the pretext that his sermons attracted thesoldiers 
of the garrison from their duties, and thus exposed the fortifica- 
tions to an attack from the enemy. Public worship for the 
most part followed the rules laid down in the Directory, but of 

' See especially the introduction to the Minules to the Mnitckeslcr 
Chssn, ediled for ihe Chelham Sociely by Mr. W. A. Shaw, whu will, 
I hope, conduct a more exhaustive inquiry into Ihc history of English 
rrcsbyterianisn! than is possible in ihese pages. 



I 



I J 



1647 THE PURITAN CLERGY. 303 

internal discipline in the parishes themselves there is no trace, 
a fact which goes far to explain the ease with which the country 
The Puritan ^^ large, tn spite of occasional ebullitions of feeUng 
Sn^^tpi^ when maypoles were cut down and Christinas sports 
Biiit. prohibited, accepted ecclesiastical changes thorough 

enough in other times to set every county in England ablaze. 
The notion that Englishmen were at this time ardently craving 
for relief from the Puritan teaching is one which receives no 
countenance from documentary evidence. If they were ever 
driven to revolt, it would be by a desire to throw off the burden 
of taxes or to free themselves from military rule, not from any 
eagerness to change the Puritan doctrines for those which 
found credence amongst the cultivated divines who adhered to 
the fortunes of Charies. 

Whatever their motives might be, the gentry of both parties 
were eventually swept into the current which made for a Re- 
Asiudyof storation. Even at the opening of the year 1647 
m.e'^^u influences drawing them in that direction were in 
dcsLiahie. operation, influences which will be better estimated 
by dropping generaliries for a time, and by studying the par- 
ticular career of some personage who was not a violent partisan 
of one side or the other. 

Happily knowledge of this sort, though rarely attainable, is 
offered by the voluminous correspondence of the Vemeys of 
Th= Claydon. Since the death of Sir Edmund Verney, 

CtiydSn."' who fell at EdgehiU with the King's standard in his 
charactor hands, his eldest son, Sir Ralph Verney, had become 
?f ^" the head of the family. Sir Ralph was formed after 

Vemey. thc best model of an English country gentleman. 
Critical by nature, he was, till near the close of a long life, the 
opponent of every government in turn. He was alike dissatis- 
fied with Laud, with the Presbyterians and the Independents, 
with Charles II. and James II. At last in extreme old age he 
died, politically contented as a member of Parhament under 
William and Mary. In this Sir Ralph was the type of his class 
and age. His own tender and self- reproachful character was 
reflected in his melancholy face. In 1650, on the death of his 
wife whom he dearly loved, he wrote to an intimate friend that 



FINANCIAL DISORDER. Ch. xlvl 

so solemn a time was a fitting occasion to search into the faults 
of his past life. Once in his youth, he confessed, he had been 
A you.hfiu ' fond of a little face,' but the tale which followed 
nopaiie. ^^j Cg^ {ram being one of passion or sin. The ' little 
face ' was of painted glass in a church window. Slipping out 
in the dark from the house in which he was then staying, the 
young Ralph had mounted a ladder and carried off the prize. 
Years afterwards his conscience continued to prick him, and 
gave him no rest till his friend promised to visit the church and 
to drop two shillings into the poor-box, in atonement for the 
boyish theft.' 

So delicate a conscience cou!d ill broolt the rough wear 
and tear of public life. Sir Ralph, who was a member of the 

1 6,3. Long Parliament, had remained at Westminster 
«fL^'f£e when his father joined the King, In 1643, tn con- 
Covenini. sequence of some religious scruple, the exact nature 
of which is unknown, he refused to take the Covenant. 
Having no sympathy with Royalism, he also refused to join 
the King, and betook himself with his wife and two of his 
three children to Rouen, from which place he afterwards 
removed to Blois. The rental of his estates might 
iiuwoiat gggju ^^ ]jg enough to secure him a comfortable 
living, as from his Buckinghamshire property alone he received 
slightly more than 1,000/. a year,' and he had also property in 
Oxfordshire and Berkshire, the additional income from which 
suRiced at a later date, even after some of these lands had 
been sold, to raise his total income to more than 1,500/.* 

His estates, considerable according to the reckoning of 
those days, were, however, not only heavily mortgaged to pay 

I Sir R. Vcniey to Dr. Demon, June 2, 1650, Verney MSS. It is 
charade rislic of the orlislic weakness of ihe age (hat Sir Ralph adds that 
the glass was but a trifle, and that he could have had a piece of white 
glasi put in for twopence. In [elters written during a visit to Italy, he 
has no admiration to bestow on anything encept a certain grotto at Rome. 
SiiK'e these pages were wrillen, the most interesiing portions of these 
letters have been printed in Lady Verney's Mcmeirs of Ike Veraey Family 
during Iht Civil War. 

' CaUadar of ikt Pnttedingi of Ihi Commitlee for Ccmfvunding, 68, 

• Sir R. Vemey to Mrs. Ishani, Aug, ai, 1655, Vemcy MSS. 



1643 ^^^ RALPH'S TROUBLES. aoj 

off debts contracted by his father during his life at Court, but 
were burdened with rent-charges * payable to his three brothers 
HU estates ^^'^ ^ve Unmarried sisters, one sister only having 
encumbered. \^^^y^ married before his father's death. After these 
payments had been disbursed, the amount left to himself was . 
but small even in good times, and when times were hard it 
threatened to disappear altogether. What was worse, brothers 
and sisters for the most part agreed in considering his purse 
inexhaustible, and were constantly applying to him tor addi- 
tions to their scanty incomes, 40/. having been according to 
his father's disposal of his property the allowance of each of 
the sons, and 20/. of each of the daughters. 

Accordingly, Sir Ralph had been forced to pawn his plate 
to pay the expenses of his journey to France.* Before many 
He pawns months passcd he is found complaining that he has 
hu plate. YizA to make up the income of his sister Susan to 40/. 
"Would to God," he writes, "every one of my children were 
sure of 40/. a year to keep them from starving, and I should 
sleep much the quieter, I assure you. Certainly, if the taxes, 
the fall of rents, and other unavoidable losses, together with 
how many depend upon me, were well considered, it would 
appear a more liberal allowance than I perceive she deems it." * 

In one respect Sir Ralph was more fortunate than his 
neighbours. In the beginning of the war he obtained a letter 
of protection for Claydon from the Earl of Essex on 
double pro- account of his own adoption of the Parliamentary 
cause, and another from Rupert on account of his 
father's services to the King and his death at Edgehill. 
Hoping, accordingly, that his house would be safe from plun- 
derers to whichever side they belonged. Sir Ralph offered it 

* This is not literally accurate, as the income of two sisters was to be 
paid out of a pension of 400^! on the alnage revenue, payable to the Crown 
by the Duke of Lennox (see Memoirs of the Vemey Family y ii. 431). 
As, however, this security was not now available, Sir Ralph paid the 
income of his sisters out of his own estate, thus practically converting the 
burden into a rent -charge. 

« Sir R. Vemey to Edmund Vemey, Nov. 1643, Vemey AfSS. 

• Sir R. Vemey to Dorothy Leke, May ft, 1644. /did. 






I 



to 



FINANCIAL DISORDER. 

as a refuge to any of his five unnunicd sisters who might 
be unable to 5nd a home with other relatives. It 

nftig/fo'iiit was but a poor retreat at the best for young girls in 
"""^ time of war, with no woman of their own rank to 

guide their steps. 

In the summer of 1644 four of Sir Ralph's sisters were at 
Claydon. Two of these, Susan and Penelope— or, to give 
them the names by which they were invariably known 
amongst their friends, Sue and Pen — were young 
women, whilst the other two, Mary and Elizabeth, 
were still children. With them was Sir Ralph's youngest son, 
John, a child in weak health. The remaining unmarried sister 
Margaret, or Peg, had for the time found a home elsewhere. 

Sue and Fen at this time kept up a constant correspon- 
dence with their brother abroad. In their letters is never to 
LHicnor tte found any appreciation of the great issues of the 
SutMdPeo. struggle raging around Ihem, nor is there any sign of 
their possessing any kind of intellectual interest. Their minds 
are entirely occupied with the everyday affairs of life, and they 
fill the sheets which they despatch with querulous complaints 
now of one person, now of another. Pen is vexed because the 
nurse of her little nephew refuses to act also as lady's maid to 
herself and to comb her hair. Sue is out of temper because 
Mrs. Alcock, Sir Ralph's housekeeper, expects her to pay 35/. 
a year out of the 40/. which was now her income for her ' diet, 
and half a maid's,' besides requiring her :o find ' firing, candles, 
and soap ' at her own expense. Sir Ralph had as little comfort 
from his brothers as from his sisters. Tom, the eldest of the 
three, was in the course of a long life guilty of every villainy 
short of murder, and was constantly dunning Sir Ralph for 
money in the most sanctimonious language. The next, the 
chivalrous and affectionate Edmund,' was fighiing on the King's 
side, and, by some mischance, his letters, full of the tenderest 
feeling, miscarried, leaving Sir Ralph under the impression 
that his best-loved brother was as heartless as the rest. Henry, 
the youngest, was a cold-hearted man of the world, whose chief 
interest lay in horse-racing, and who lived through the civil 

' See vol. i. S. 



wars in a well-to-do fashion, though there is nothing in the 
family correspondence to indicate the sources of his income. 

The fortune of war played sad havoc amongst the Vemey 
kindred. In the spring of 1644, Hillesdon House, hard by 
LoHEs by Claydon, the residence of Sir Ralph's Royalist cousin, 
*"■ Sir Alexander Denton, was stormed by Cromwell 

and burnt to the ground. Sir Alexander himself being lodged 
in the Tower. Later in the year a son of Sir Alexander, John 
Denton, was killed in a fight near Abingdon. " I think," wrote 
Mrs. Isham, an aunt of Sir Ralph and Sir Alexander, " if these 
times hold there will be no men left for women." ' 

Matters, however, had not reached that stage as yet. A 
Royalist, Colonel Smith, who was one of the Hillesdon 
A marriage prisoncrs transferred to the Tower, employed his 
inihciower. gjjforced Icisurc in courting Sir Alexander's daughter. 
The couple were married, and, soon after the ceremony had 
been performed, Smith succeeded in effecting his escape. 
Suspicion of having aided in his evasion fell not only on his 
young wife, but also on Mrs, Isham, who lived in London, and 
in this suspicion Sue Verney, who was visiting her aunt at the 
time, was unfortunately involved. The charge, however, could 
not be substantiated against any one of the three ladies, and 
Suf-s im- 'iftsr ^ week's imprisonment they were all released. 
priHinincnL jmprisonment in those days was expensive as well as 
unpleasant. The houses which had been occupied by persons 
arrested were usually ransacked by constables in the hope of 
finding evidence against them, and property was apt to dis- 
appear in the process. "I lost," wrote Sue to her brother, 
"almost all my linen, and [he best of it new, so I have not 
any left that is fit to wear." " 

Once more Mrs. I sham's melancholy forebodings were 
falsified. Sue had before long more pleasing tidings to impart 
Sue's en- "My brother Thomas," she wrote in November 
gagcment. 1644, " has wished me to a gentleman which has a 
very good fortune for me, for he has at the least 300/. a year." 
All the Verney sisters were Royalists, and Sue, therefore, was 

I Mrs. Ishan. to Sir R. Verney, Aug. 15, y'rrn;/ MSS. 
» Sue Verney to Sir R. Verney, Ocl. ? /bid. 



^ 
N 

N 

^ 



fia* FINANCIAL DISORDER. CH. XLVt 

careful to add that if the gentleman had not been on the 
King's side, she would ' not think of it.' He was, it appeared, 
a widoH-er without children, so that the match was in every 
nay desirable. Unfortunately he was at the lime 'a prisoner 
for his sovereign.' Before long, however, it came out that, as 
a matter of fact, John Alport, the gentleman in question, was 
confined as a debtor in the Fleet. Being a good-natured, 
weak man, he had become security for a friend, who had 
allowed the burden to rest upon his shoulders rathei than on 
his own.' 

Tom's activity in match-making was doubtless not unre- 
warded, and his next achievement was to find a suitor for Pen, 

a certain Mr, Tliorne, who was also a widower, but 
Pin't en- whosc estate was worth as much as 500/. a year. 
g.gtniMi. Henry Vemey, who also interested himself in the 
affair, wrote to Sir Ralph, who was, of course, expected to find 
portions for the two girls, that Thome is deeply in love with 
Pen, and ' presents her daily both with his purse and person.* ' 
Then ensued the usual wrangle over the settlements, which, in 
time of peace, would probably have ended in a compromise. 
As it was, Thorne stood to his demands. He must have the 
interest of 1,000/. and good security for the capital. Sir Ralph 
offered an allowance of 50/. a year to his sister. Thome 
insisted on an engagement to make over land worth 1,000/. 
within three years of the marriage. Sir Ralph, heavily Indebted 

and harassed by claims on every side, declared this 
net broken to be impossible, and the ardent lover broke off the 

engagement Some years afterwards Pen married 
one of her Denton cousins without any settlement at all. Her 
husband, who was given to drink, had before marriage promised 
to abandon his bad habits if she would accept him, a promise 
which, it need hardly be said, was not strictly observed. 

In Sue's case there were somewhat similar difficulties. She 
was constantly flinging her poverty and her thriftiness in her 
brother's face. On March 6, 1645, she wrote that she had 
' Sue Verney to Sit R. Vemey, Nov. 6. Vernty AfSS. 
' The correspondence on this affair is too voluminous for special 
quotationE. 




i645 SUE VERNE Y'S MARRIAGE. 209 

but one gown, of * very coarse stuff/ which had cost her • but 
forty shillings, tailor's bill and all.' The greater part of her 
Sue's corre- wardrobc, she again complained, had disappeared at 
spondence. jj^^ ^jjjjg ^f YiGt imprisonment. "I was left," she 

declared, " so bare in shifts that I was fain to wear my Aunt 
Isham's, whilst * I could make some very coarse ones, for fine 
I could not buy, and I never ware any so bad in all my life." * 
Then followed long pleadings for money. Sir Ralph did his 
utmost this time, even offering land as security if a loan could 

be raised upon it. His father's half-brother. Sir John 
of racing Leke, wrote in July 1645, just after Naseby had been 
money. fought, and when, therefore, the worst stress of the 
war was at an end, that one of his friends might possibly be 
induced to lend, but his name was not to be disclosed, * so 
jealous are they of discovery, for no man must be known to 
have money.' * 

On his side, Sir Ralph pleaded the difficulty of giving 
security that would be considered satisfactory in the City. 

" It is true," he wrote, " my estate at present lies 
impover. ... in the midst of troubles. I have no remedy 
*^ * ' for that. Were it in my power to remove it, I would 

soon place it in the midst of Cheapside to encourage the 
moneyed citizens to lend upon it." ** In a little less than two 
years he had received but 90/. out of which to meet his own 
family expenses. " Losses, taxes, brothers, sisters, and some 

little interest hath swallowed up the rest, and yet I 
Sue's am railed at beyond measure." * Finally, in August 

"**'^^*^** 1646, Sue was married to John Alport, and spent 
her honeymoon happily in the Fleet prison. 

It was not only on the Verney family that the pressure of 
An offer the timcs fell. " I have lately received your letter," 
refused. wrote another young lady to her suitor, " by which 
I perceive you have received mine, wherein I sent you 

' ue, until. 

* Sue Verney to Sir R. Verney, March 16. Verney MSS^ 
» Sir J. Leke to Sir R. Verney, July 3. Ibid, 

* Sir R. Verney to Sir J. Leke, Au*', 11. Ibid, 

* Sir R. Verney to Dr. Denton, Sept. 3. ibid* 

VOL. III. '^ 



310 FINANCIAf. DISORDER. ch. x 

my full and instant resolution concerning the disposal of I 
myself. I will never do it without the consent of my mother, 
by whom 1 must m duty be advised ; and, though I were 
never so free and at my own disposing. I will in no sort engage 
myself in the way of marriage without her free consent. 
sides, these distracted limes aBVight me from thinking of 
marriage, and the rather because I conceive that all men's 
estates are very desperate, for aught that I can hear ; and 
whereas you desired me to make inquiry of you and your 
estate, I cannot hear of any you have at all ; and I would have 
you know, without an estate I will neither marry you nor no 
man living, and such as my friends will like of. This is my 
resolution, and the reason why I deal so plainly with you is 
this : you have made so great professions of your affections in 
your letters to me, for which I must needs return you many ■ 
thanks." ' 

' These distracted times ' form the burthen of well nigh 
every letter in this vast correspondence. On none did the 
sorrow fall more heavily than Gary, the only one of 
GsniiMr'i Ralph's sisters who was married in her father's life- 
'™™*'' time. Her husband was Thomas Gardiner, the son 
of the Sir Thomas Gardiner of Cuddesdon, who had been 
Recorder of London, and Charles's candidate for the Speaker- 
ship of the Long Parliament. By an arrangement not un- 
common in those days, the young couple were to live in the 
house of the parents of the bridegroom. Between Gary and her 
mother-in-law there was constant bickering, but her husband's 
kindness compensated for the discomfort. When the Civil 
IVar broke out he took service in the King's army, and so , 
distinguished himself at the relief of Newark, that Rupert ( 
chose him to bear to the King the tidings of victory. Charles 
knighted him on his arrival, and everything seemed to mark 
him out for a distinguished career ; but in 1645 he was killed 
in a skirmish, and his young widow, who was in immediate 
expectation of becoming a mother, was thrust without a penny 
upon the house of her father -in law, and thrown for support on 
the slender resources of her brother. 

' Maty Villiers to Col. Busbridge, Aug. 23. Vtrmy JfSS. 




1645 ^ REFUSER OF THE COVENANT. 211 

Sir Ralph was personally in trouble enough. On September 
22, 1645, he was expelled the House for absenting himself 

. from his duties as a member. His sensitive mind 

Sept. M. felt the sentence as a bitter trial. " I received," he 
expelled the wrote to his friend Sir Roger Burgoyne, who had 
******* informed him of his misfortune, "your most sad 
letter . . ^ which I confess brought me tidings of one of the 
greatest and most inexpressible afflictions that ever yet befel 
me, for which my soul shall mourn in secret."* One thing 
alone was clear to him. He could not soil his conscience by 
taking the Covenant, even to avoid beggary itself. He soon 
and learnt that beggary was impending. Though his 

^T.Je!*** only fault was absence from Parliament, and though 
questration. jjg jj^d never even breathed a word in the King's 
favour, the sequestration of his estate was talked of at West- 
minster. It was no mere question of a composition which 
would have compelled him to sell a portion of his estate to 
save the rest. No one was admitted to compound till he had 
nrst taken the Covenant, and the Covenant Sir Ralph would 
not take. Months, however, passed by without news of the 

^g ^ dreaded sentence, and during this long period of 
ciaydon suspense, fear alternated with hope. It was not 
**^"** ' until October 14, 1646, that Ciaydon was actually 
sequestered. 

Though the story of the Verneys is but the story of a single 
The story family, it is a sample of the miseries weighing on 
vemtys many hearts, which combined to produce an ardent 
a sample. longing for peace as the only possible relief. 

> Sir R, Vemey to Sir R. Burgoyne, Oct. 10, Vemey MSS, ; CJ. 
iv. 28« 



\ 1 



514 PRESBYTERIANS AND THE ARAfY. ch. xlt«, ^ 

be less objectionable to the King than the propositions oRered 
to him in the preceding year. They took for the basis of 
iheir scheme the concession of Presbyterian ism for three years 
tvhich Charles himself had suggested in September,' but which 
he had in his private correspondence explained to be a contriv- 
ance by which he hoped to gain the ultimate re-establishment 
of Episcopacy. According to the proposals now made Charles 
was to concede Presbyterian ism for three years and the militia 
for ten, whilst he would no longer be asked to sign the 
Covenant. On his acceptance of these conditions, he was to 
be invited to come to Theobalds, or to some other place in the 
immediate neighbourhood of London. Bellifevre, who had 
been admitted to the consultations in which this plan was 
concocted, engaged to forward it to Henrietta Maria, in order 
that, if she approved of it, she might transmit it to her 
husband.* 

That the Presbyterian leaders should thus have swallowed 
Charles's bait was a matter of capital importance. It was by 
The Pi«- their acceptance of his terms that their coalition with 
^wllw'th* ''■^ Royalists, which almost restored him to the 
*"''• throne in 1648, and which actually restored his son 

in 1660, was rendered possible. In so doing they had fallen 
back on the natural basis of Parliamentary statesmanship, a 
readiness to accept a compromise, and a belief that in the long 
run progress is attainable through the higgling of the political 
market. They calculated that before the three years had 
expired some arrangement would have been come to satisfactory 
both to the King and to themselves. Their greatest error was 
their failure to realise that in Charles they had to do with a 
man who regarded any possible compromise merely as a half- 
way house to the complete realisation of his own ideas, and 
that as long as they left to him the negative voice, he could 
reject any Bills presented to him, and so could by his mere silence 
restore Episcopacy, after the lapse of three years, to the legal 
position which it held in the summer of 1641. 

' See p. 166. 

' Bellii-vie to Maiarin, J"f, R-O. Transcrijils. Memorandum 
to Msiarin, Coinliluliiiiia! Dj, iimtiils, X2&. 



I 



I 

j 



L 



1647 HARSH DEALINGS WITH CHARLES. 915 

There was certainly nothing in ihe language which at this 
time escaped Charles's lips to render it probable that he would 
Feb. 10, yield on any important point. On February 10 a 
unEaaid'd letter from one of the commissioners in attendance 
i»nBU38=. upon him was read in the House of Commons, from 
which it appeared that he had been so indiscreet as to say 
openly that, if he had but patience for six months, things would 
be in such confusion that he would obtain his ends without 
trouble.' A letter was intercepted in which Charles himself 
wrote to an old Cavalier, bidding him to beep himself in readi- 
ness and reminding him that there were still many honest men 
in England. So alarming were these revelations, 
Btiiiiire that when Belli&vre visited the City on the 12th with 
"" the object of urging the acceptance of the Presby- 

terian scheme, with certain modifications contained in a letter 
which he had received from the Queen, he found all doors 
closed E^ainst him. Peace, he wrote to Mazarin, was desired 
by the Royalists above all other things, but it was now the 
general opinion that Charles did not wish for peace." 

Nor were the Presbyterians in Parliament more conciliatory 
than their brethren in the City. On February 9 the Commons 
Feb. 9. ordered that the Communion plate of the Chapel 
cSm-^"^' Royal should be melted down and transformed into 
TiJlo bt ^ dinner service for the King's use.' On March 2 
mtiKd. they declined to provide a household for him, appa- 
Mairh s, rently to indicate that he was not to be treated as a 
ho'idTote King till he had accepted the Parliamentary terms.* 
providtd. Qjj jj^g gjjj (jjg Loj(jg joojj jijg initiative in refusing 
H^'"n«^' '''^ request to be allowed his own chaplains, a request 
yt"^ which Charles had hoped to make palatable by the 
chiipiiiM. specious piea that he needed their advice upon any 
proposals which might be made to him for the alteration of 

' "Qu'U est certain qu'ayani patience six mois loules choses se 
hrouilleront, en soile que sea affaiies se fernnC sans qu'il g'en niesle." 
Eellievro ascribes this letter tg a brolher of Sir Henry Mildmay, but llleie 
WHS no Mildmay amongst (he commissioners. 

' Belliivre to Mazarin, Feb. i^. R.O. TranssripU. 

■ lATiitacre'a Diary, Add. MSS. 31,116, fol. 301, 

• C./. V. 102. 



f ai6 PRESBYTERIANS AND THE ARMY. CH. xLTit 

religion.' "I wish," said Marten audaciously, when the vole 
of the Lords was brought down to the other House, "the 
King may have two chaplains, as I desire to prepare him for 
heaven."* The Commons, taking no notice of this outrageous 
argument, concurred with the Lords. 

Both Houses, in fact, were now controlled by a Presby- 
terian majority ; a considerable number of members who had 
A Pi«bv previously voted with the Independents in order to 
lenim be rid of the Scots, swinging round to the Presby- 

terians as soon as that object had been gained. The 
new majority, however, had no easy task before it. Its leaders, 
ciiTicuHies HoUes, Staplcton and the others, were men of no 
before iL special ability, and were hardly likely to succeed in 
persuading the King to acknowledge the doctrine of Parlia- 
mentary control. The problem with which they were im- 
mediately confronted was scarcely less difficult. The nation 
was crying out for a diminution of taxation, and no diminution 
of taxation was possible without a complete or partial disband- 
nient of the army. 

On February 15 there was a demonstration of popular feel- 
ing serious enough to startle Parliament into immediate financial 
^ action. A man who had purchased an ox at Smith- 
A riffl « field refused to pay the excise. The bystanders took 

™ his part, and in the tumult which ensued the collectors 

were cudgelled, their office burnt down, their books torn, and 80/. 
scattered or carried off. It required the personal intervention 
of the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs to quell the disturbance.' The 
Presbyterians were ready enough to move in the direction in- 

Feh is. dicated by the riot. On the next day they welcomed 
A SuHoik a petition from Suffolk asking for the establishment 
of Presbyterian ism as the national religion, the sup- 
pression of an accursed toleration, and the disbandment of the 
army.* Before long the example of Suffolk was followed by 
most of the other Associated Counties. 

On February 18 the Presbyterian scheme for dealing with 

' L./. iic. 68, 69. 

' Leller of Intelligence, March iS, Clarerulsn AfSS. 2,473. 

• TAt fViei/y Aaount, E. 377, 3. < L.J. it 18. 



(647 



Military arrangements. 



11? 



the army was brought forward in the Commons. It was first 
proposed that 6,6oo hotse and dragoons should be maintained 

j.^^ ^^ in England, and as this motion only involved the 
Scheme reduction of the existing force by 400, ' it was agreed 
reiiuciionof to wilhout 3 division. The first serious conflict 

"""'''■ came on the following day, when the Presbyterians, 
° " '*■ by a majority of only lo,' carried a resolution that, ex- 
cept in garrisons, no infantry should be kept in pay in England.' 
The plan thus adopted was from a constitutional point of 
view not without its merits. The cavalry, the most difficult 
part of an army to train and discipline, was to be 
lasesiifihe preserved almost intact. Cavalry, however, without 
" "'"'■ the co-operation of infantry was helpless in a cam- 
paign, and the only infantry on which such a force could rely 
would be the trained bands, which, composed as they were of 
civilians summoned from their daily occupations for temporary 
service, would be most unlikely to assist in the establishment 
of a military despotism. The whole organisation of the country 
would be of a piece. As in the State Parliament was to act as 
a check upon the Crown, and in the Church the lay elders were 
to act as a check on the ministers, so in the army the civilian 
infantry were to act as a check on the professional cavalry. It 
is undeniable that a certain unity of idea pervaded the whole 
plan of the Presbyterian party. 

The only difficulty remaining was to dispose of the existing 

infantry, and on the aoth a letter from Ormond * offered a 

means of bringing the intended disbandment within 

A iHier"' moderate limits. Ormond, as might have been fore- 

o?mond. seen, had at last found it necessary to make his 

Tan is, choice, between the Papa! Nuncio and the English 
Dublin Parliament." On January i6 the citizens of Dublin 

sumon his refused longer to support the 1,425 men who formed 
the only effective force remaining under his com- 
mand.* For a few days he continued to make head against this 

' There were 7,000 hotse and dragtcns in the New Model. 
' 158 to 14S. ' C.I. V. 90, 91. • C.J. V. 91. » See p. 187. 
• Lambert lo flrmond, Jan. 16 ; Petilion of the Citizens of Dublin, 
Jan, 16, Carte JUSS. fol. 145, 149. 



»tB PRESBYTERIANS AND THE ARMY. CH. SLVII. 

sea of troubles, but on February 6 he abandoned hope, and, 
waiving his former slipulaljon that he should not be required 
p.j>. 6. '° \^s.y^ Dublin till the King's consent had been 
HeaO^n obtained,' he offered to surrender the Lord Lieu- 
nnduhit tenantship to the English Parliament without any 
other conditions than those necessary to secure his 
own personal good treatment.' From the despatch in which 
Orraond announced his resolution, the Houses teamt that the 
Pmpea dt burden of the war in Ireland would henceforth fall 
rOT^iheEog' "" *^^'^ shoulders, and they were thus enabled 
liihuidiin. to offer service in Ireland to those soldiers of the 
New Model who were unwilling to return to civil life. 

Before shaping out a plan for the reduction of Ireland, the 
House completed its scheme for the military establishment in 
English England, It was agreed that, with some stated ex- 
J^"^^™* ceptions, the existing fortifications should be demo- 
nHifohed. lished. Walled towns were to be rendered easily 
accessible, whilst actual fortresses, like Ashby and Donnington, 
were to be so dealt with as to leave no more than picturesque 
ruins for the enjoyment of future generations. The fewer the 
defensible positions left, the less numerous would be the gar- 
risons to be kept in pay, and the more difficult would it be to 
resist the authority of the central government. 

Whatever merits the plan of the Presbyterians may have 
had, their mode of dealing with the army was most inopportune. 
They seem, indeed, to have thought that, with the nation on 
their side, they could alTord to treat the army with contempt- 
March j. On March 4 the Lords, acting as though it were a 
kIUmIo I'Sht thing to rouse the indignation of every man in 
""'i"" the ranks, rejected an Ordinance providing for the 
the Brniy, coutinuancc of the assessment on which the payment 
of the troops depended.' This vote proved to be only the 
March 6. first of a long series of blunders. On the 5th the 
K!^ wi'ih' Lords followed up their mistake by forbidding Fair- 
Fairfai. fax to quarter his troops in the Eastern Association, 
as though they were anxious to reserve a space in which a new 
' See p. 161. * L.J. U. 29. 

' Idtnt, ix, 57. 



J 



REGIMENTS FOR IRELAND. 



ai9 



irce might be brought into existence to hold head against the 
.existing army.' 

In the Commons the conduct of the Presbyterian leaders 

was equally provocative. On the jih they attempted to oust 

March < Fairfax from the command of the horse and dragoons, 

*".^on which were henceforth to constitute the regular 

*i ih= army ; but at this point their followers broke away 

from them and frustrated their plans. On the 6th a 

Aie^rfrom letter reached the House in which Fairfax, with every 

"■ expression of good-will, offered to co-operate with 

Parliament in despatching troops to Ireland. On this the 

NumiKire Commons proceeded to fix the numbers of the new 

^^=d I^'sh army. It was to consist of 8,400 foot, 1,200 

instiaimy. dragoons, and 3,000 horse, making in all a force of 

12,600 men. A further vote decided that this whole body of 

horse and foot should be formed out of the army under Fair- 

lax.' There would thus remain for disbandment about 6,000 

foot' As, however, the ambassadors of France and Spain 

EiTeciof were on the look-out for recruhs, and as it was 

Iili^nl* probable that many of the men desired to return to 

intiiKoo jijeir homes, the number of foot soldiers driven 

I in- army, against their inclinations to relinquish a military 

career could not be large. As far as the horse and dragoons 

were concerned, there were needed for England and Ireland 

together, 10,800 men,' or 3,800 more than Fairfax's army could 

produce. 

! Having thus, as they fondly imagined, provided against 

^^^ any discontent amongst the soldiers, the Presbyterians struck 

^^^L at the higher organisation of the army. On March 8 the House 

^^^H resolved that, with the exception of Fairfax himself, there 

I the 

L' 



' LJ. ix. 66. ' C./. V. id;. 

■ The number of foot originally in the New Model was 14,000. As 
8,400 were wanted for Iieland, there would remain 5,600. As, however, 
the army was now slighlly increased (Whilacre's Diary, Add. MSS. 

116, fol. 306), the number of foot to be disposed of may be reckoned 
U about 5,000. 

' For England 6,600, and for Iieland 4,200; the hoise and diagoons 
, of the New Model being 7.00O, 



930 PRESnVTERIANS AND THE ARMY. CH. XLWt 

should be no officer in the new anny with rank above that 
of a colonel ; that no member of ihe House of Commons 

should hold any command in England, and that no 
Aniiuckoi one who refused to take the Covenant should be an 
""" officer at all. These resolutions, which were obviously 
directed at Cromwell's military position, were all carried with- 
out a division, A farther motion that all officers should 
conform to the government of the Church established by 
Parliament was the first which the Independents ventured to 
challenge, but on this they were beaten by a majority of 136 
to 108.' 

It can hardly be doubted that if all England had been 

polled the result would have been overwhelmingly in favour of 

. . any scheme which would diminish or set aside the 

«ij _ preponderance of the army. Yet a wise -dealing 

with minorities is not the least of the arts of govern- 
ment, and in this art the Presbyterians had yet to prove their 

skill. On March 10, by their appointment, a lorg- 
A Fmi announced fast was held with the object of imploring 

hclUy ud Divine protection against heresy and schism, and, 
" ""^ unless Cromwell was misinfonned, some 200 men 
were raised near Covent Garden to prevent the soldiers 

' from cutting the Presbyterians' throats.' On the 
Apoiiiion iiih the Houses received a petition from EsseK 

warning them against the danger of an approach of 
the army to the neighbourhood of the City, and imploring 
ihera that the petitioners might not ' be eaten up, enslaved, 

and destroyed by an army raised for ' their defence, 
comment A few days later Cromwell, writing to Fairfax, 

quoted this petition as showing that there wanted 
not 'in all places men who have so much malice against 
the army as besots them.' "Never," he added, "were the 
spirits of men more embittered than now. Surely the devil 
haih but a short time ! " * 

I C.J. V. 107. 

' L.J. in. 7a. Cromwell lo Fairfax, Carlyli, Letter Kliii. In the 
original the leUer is undated. Carlyle suggests that it was written on 
Miirch 1 1, bul I incline to put it a few days latci. The soldiers who were 



1647 THE ARMY DISTRUSTED. 22| 

For the present at least the Presbyterians in the House of 
Commons refused to adopt this direct defiance of the army to 
j^^ J ^^ which the Essex petitioners had invited them. By 
the Essex the mouth of the Speaker, the House replied that it 

petiuoners. - , , >. . , /. , .,1.1 

had * no cause of jealousy of the army,' and liberty 
kept aui^ was given to Fairfax to quarter his troops wherever 
from"*^ he saw fit.* Fairfax accordingly forbade his regi- 
London. ments to approach within twenty-five miles of 
London, and with this the House professed itself well satis- 
fied.* It had already voted, in the teeth of the Lords,* that 
the assessment of 60,000/. a month should be continued for 
the support of the armies of England and Ireland.* When on 

March 17 the Presbyterians in the City attempted to 
A City * force the hands of their allies in the House by 
peuuon. presenting a petition requiring that the King should 
take the Covenant and the army be speedily disbanded,* no, 
heed was taken of their hasty counsels, and it seemed possible 
that the Presbyterian majority in the House of Commons 
might prove itself capable of disposing of the military difficulty 
in a manner satisfactory to itself and to the country. 

Of all men living no one was so deeply touched as Crom- 
well by the rout of the Independent Parliamentary party, 

Not only was his policy defeated, but he himself 
Pariiamen- was practically excluded from military service in 
tary e eat. gj^gj^^j^ j|. ^g^g probably on this occasion that 

the bitterness of his soul found expression in a conversation 
with Ludlow. "It is a miserable thing," he is reported to 
have said, "to serve a Parliament, to which let a man be 
never so faithful, if one pragmatical fellow amongst them rise 
and asperse him, he shall never wipe it off, whereas, when one 
serves a general, he may do as much service, and yet be free 
from all blame and envy," * 

to cut the Presbyterians' throats were probably those who were in London 
libsent on leave. 

» C.J. V. 114, » Ibid, V. 115. » See p. 218. 

* C,J, V. 114, » Ibid, V. 115. 

' Ludlow (ed. 175 1 ) i. 160. The conversation b there placed soon 
after the death of Essex ; but Ludlow's chronol^^gy is so loose, that I have. 



1^:™ 



«3i PRESBYTER/ANS AND THE ARMY. ch. xlvu. 

Irritated as Cromwell was, it does not follow that be had 
any thought of resistance. The army had constantly boasted 
HeUiDo '^^' '' '"^^ ^ Parliamentary army, and the belief 
ibL.ughiof that obedience to Parliament was the only safeguard 
against anarchy had settled itself firmly in Cromwell's 
th»iihc mind. "In the presence of Almighty God, before 
B^ihe whom I stand," he had recently declared to the 
HouHa, House, " 1 know the army will disband and lay 
down their arms at your door, whenever you will command 

Hon httle disposed Cromwell was to stir up a military 
revolution is shown by his actions. Towards the end of 
, March he was weighing, in frequent conferences 
with the Elector Palatine, a proposal to transfer 
himself, with as many of the victors of Naseby as he 
-could carry with him, to the battle-fields of Germany. News 
had arrived that the negotiations at Miinster were likely to 
end in a grant of toleration to the Lutherans and its denial to 
the Calvinists ; and Cromwell might well have been prepared, 
if it proved true, to wield his victorious sword in the cause of 
toleration in Germany now that he was compelled to sheath it 
in England.* 

veotuied to transfer it to a date at which the stoiy can be fitted in with 
exiiting conditions. In the autumn of 1646 Cromwell and his frietids had 
a Pailiamenlaiy majority. 

' Walker {Hist, cf IndepeiiUnty, 31) connects these words with the 
passing of an Ordinance for dUbnndmenl. He probably refers to an 
Ordinance for raising money for this purpose which was brought in on 
Match 20, and read a second time on March 22. That some such 
languaige was used by Cromwell at this time is shown by Lilbume's letter 
to Cromwell on Maj-cb 25, in which he says that he had heard ihe day 
before that Cromwell was thwarting a petition from the army ' because 
forsoolh yoD bad engaged to the House they shall lay down their arms 
whensoever Ihey shall command them.' Jonah's Cry eui ef Ihe IVhaU's 
Betty, p. 3. E. 400, 4. 

' This negotiation with the Elector Palatine is only known from 
Bellievte'a despatch of July JJ (R.O. Transcrifh). The ambassador states 
that the Elector bad intended in ask Parliament For troops ■ et qu'il avail 
en ce sujel de grandes conferences avec Cromwell . . . qui se croyoit 
lots necessile de quitter I'Angleterre. ' Here there is no dale given, but 



The project thus entertained by Cromwell was, however, 
speedily abandoned, possibly because the ripening of events 

convinced him that he had still a place in England, 
rtmaim iD The Presbyterian leaders, encouraged by Cromwell's 
"^^'' ' opinion that the army was ready to submit to dis- 
bandment, had obtained from the Committee for Irish Affairs 
Adfpuistion the appointment of a deputation — of which Clot- 
to the army. „of(i^y g^^ Waller werc the most distinguished 
members — to visit Fairfax's headquarters at Saffron VValden 
in order to engage officers and men as volunteers for service 
Match J., in Ireland. On March ii a meeting of forty-three 
*^ffr"n officers, with Fairfax in the chair, received the 
Waiden. deputation in Saffron Walden church. The officers, 
after hearing the message brought to them, all promised to do 
what they could to induce their men to go to Ireland, but not 
one of them would volunteer personally until a satisfactory 

answer had been given to four questions : What 
qacsiiona regiments were to be kept in pay in England ? Who 

was Co command the army in Ireland ? What 
assurance was there for the payment and subsistence of those 
who went to Ireland ? Finally, what satisfaction was to be 
given ' in point of arrears and indemnity, for the past service 
in England?' On the last two demands the meeting was 
unanimous. On the first there were twelve, and on the 

BelliJvrc puts the statement just before he refers to another event which 
took place early in April. We also know that on March 25 the Elector 
acquainted the House of Lords with news which he had received from 
Miioster [i,/. ix. 105). According to The Moderate Intelligencer (E. 
3S3, S), this news related to an attempt of ttie Lutherans to exclude 
Cilvini&ts fiom toleration in the coming peace, and ihts explanation is 
confirmed by a paper presented by the Elector on May 4, relating to a 
proposed conSnnation of the Treaty of Pr^;iie in which Calviniats were 
excluded from toleration. Salvetti, Ion, wrote lo Gondi on April ^^ [Add. 
MSB. 27, 962 L. fol. 341) that the Elector had asked Parliament lo allow 
him to use its aimy in the recovery of his states. Mo doubt the Presby- 
terians would have been delighted thus to get rid of Cromwell and the 
sectarians of the army. I may add that Cromwell's conduct on this 
occasion strengthens my vb^w that he supported the first Self-Denying 
Ordinance with the real intention of abandoning his position in the amiy. 



* 



fm PnESBYTERTANS AND THE ARMY. CH. XLVit 

second seven, dissentients. On the follovring day a second 

meeting was held ; but with a, few exceptions all 
present adhered to their previous resolution, and it 
CMimg. ^^ agreed that a petition should be drawn up to 
give effect to their wishes. 

Amongst the supporters of the petition were some of the 
most notable officers of the New Model ; the two Hammonds, 
Whalley, Robert Lilburne, Okey, Pride, and, above 
DftiK all, Commissary -Genera I Ireton, who wielded the 

mortintni. ^^ ^ ^^u ^ ^^^ sword. Coloncl Rich objected 
to the first question being put, but was immovable on the other 

The members of the deputation took offence at the deter- 
mination of the officers to embody their demands in a petition. 
Vitwofihe They seem to have been of opinion that the officers 
iepmauon. ^^^ ^^ grievances whatever, and that in any case 
they had no right to question the orders of Parliament. They 
Thej appeal accordingly appealed to Fairfax, and Fairfax, giving 
to FairiM. i\i^jQ good words, disclaimed all knowledge of the 
existence of a petition, but assured them that whenever it 
reached him he would take care that nothing was retained in 
it which could give reasonable offence to Parliament." Private 
solicitations with particular officers were more effectual than 
the public appeal to the assembled officers, and by the night 
. of the zjnd twenty-nine of them had consented to 
office™ abandon the demand for information as to the 

regiments selected for service in England, and to 
volunteer for Ireland in confidence that Parliament, without 
urgency on their part, would give satisfaction on the remaining 
wishes of the meeting.^ 

No doubt many of the officers who still supported the four 
demands were actuated by other motives besides those which 
Motives d they ostensibly put forward. They wanted, it may 
l^ap^-"" fairly be argued, to oppose Parliament mainly be- 
jiiiun. cause they hoped to make use of the army to baffle 

the restrictive policy of the Presbyterians. Yet it was only by 
' L./, a. m. tVailer's Vitidkaliim, .59, 5a 
'Id. 51, • L.J. in. 114. 



L^ 



1647 THE CASE OF THE SOLDIERS. 225 

placing the material interests of the soldiers in the foreground 
that they could hope to keep the army united. On all other 
matters it was far from homogeneous. Large num- 
not homo- bers of the soldiers cared little for politics or religion, 
geneous, q^ ^ questiott of the pocket they were ready to 
stand up as one man, and the question of the pocket was, in k 

Long arrears ^^"^^ ^^^ sense, a prcssing one. The pay of the 
owing. foot- soldiers was now eighteen weeks in arrear, and 
Need of an that of the horse and dragoons no less than forty- 
in emniy. ^jj^^g 1 rpjjg need of indemnity for injuries to life 

or property done in time of war was even more important. A 
soldier named Freeman had recently been subjected to an 
action on account of his conduct as a soldier ; -and though the 
House of Commons had promptly interposed on his behalf, 
and had ordered the judges to dismiss all similar actions in 
future,* those who were exposed to danger were well-advised 
in asking that the question might i)e settled in their favour in 
some way more binding on the courts than the order of a 
single House. 

Under these circumstances the attitude of the officers was 
certain to have a powerful effect in the ranks. The soldiers, 
A soidiere' knowing that they had most to lose if the interests 
peution. q£ ^Yit army were neglected, drew up a petition of 
their own, differing in many respect^ from tjie petition of the 
officers, and couched in somewhat violent language, 
down by the It was with somc difficulty that the officers, as soon 
^^ as they became aware of its existence, induced the 
men to tone it down, and to address it, not to Parliament, but 
to Fairfax. 

The soldiers* petition, in its final shape, was not unreason- 
able. Besides a request for indemnity and for the payment of 
arrears, it contained demands that those soldiers 

eman s. ^^^ ^^^ formerly volunteered to serve Parliament 
might be exempted from impressment in any future war;^ 
that the widows and orphans of soldiers killed in service 

* C.J, V. 126. * The Moderate Intelligencer , E. "^d^ 3. 

• This demand would therefore not apply to the pressed men who 
formed a large part of the infantry. 

VOL. Til. Q 



316 PRESBYTERIANS AND THE ARMY. CH. XLVIl 

might receive pensions ; thai such soldiers as had in any wajr 
suffered through their adherence 10 Parliameni might be com- 
pensated for their losses ; and that, finally, the whole army 
might, up to the time of its disbandment, be supplied with 
enough ready money to meet the expenses incurred in the 
quarters of the soldiers.' 

Moderate as these demands were, they provoked a storm 
of indignation at Westminster, where it was held that soldiers 
iniiiiutiaii wc^s bound to unquestioning obedience. It is espe- 
wWoHBiin- cially noteworthy that even Cromwell looked on the 
^^^ petition' with dissatisfaction, as an attempt of 

tjUaibfiid. soldiers to dictate to Parliament with anns in their 
hands.* Vet Cromwell, if he had had his way, would surely 

' Tht Declaration of Ihi Army, E. 390, 26. Waller id hu Vindiea- 
litn, p. S'l says thai the petition wis 'pretended to come from the 
MilJiers, but fntmed and niinLed by some of Ihe principal ofiHcers.' The 
account given in ihe Ptilaralion, that it was dril drawn up by the soldien 
and afterwards put into shape by Ihe ollicers is probably true. 

* The oRiccrs' petition may be defended on ihe ground that Parlia- 
ment by asking Ibem to volunteer for Ireland gave them a right lo slale 
the terms on which they were willing lo do so. The soldiers' pelilion 
WM a request for fair Ircntmenl whether they volunteered or not ; but its 
being addressed to Fairfax ought to have been accepted as bringing it 
within the bounds of mililaty discipline. 

* On ihis poinl the evidence of John Lilbume is conclusive. " O 
dear Cromwell," he wrote lo him, "the Lord open Ihine ej-es and make 
thy heart sensible of those snares that are laid for thee in that vote of the 
Jlouse of Commons of 2,500/. fer aimum {C.J. v. 57). ... As poor 
Mordccai . . . said unto Queen Esther, so say I to thee . . . Thou great 
man, Cromwell 1 Think not with thyself that thou shalt escape in the 
Parliament Honse more than all the rest of the Lamb's poor despised 
redeemed ones, and therefore, O Cromwell, if thou olli^elher holdeal thy 
peace, or stoppesl and uodetminest, ns thou dost out and the army's 
petitioiu at this time, then shall enlargement and deliverance arise tu us 
poor afliicied ones, that have hitherto doted too much on thee, O Crom- 
well, rrom another place than you silken Independents i . . . and there- 
fore, if ihou wilt pluck up thy resolutions, and go on bravely in the fear 
and name cf God, and say with Esther, ' If I perish, t perish ' ; but if 
thou would not, know thai here before God, I arraign thee at his dreadful 
bar, and there 
betraying uc, 



I 



I 



r647 ^ HOSTILE FARLIAAfENT. si? 

have dealt with the offenders in a gentle spirit, and have 
avoided any word or act which might render them desperate 
of obtaining justice. The very contrary course was taken by 

jj^^^ the Presbyterian majority. On the 37th Clotworlhy, 
A report after making a report of the proceedings of the com- 
Commis- missioners, produced a copy of the soldiers' petition, 
which the House abruptly ordered Fairfax to sup- 
piiriiml'oEi press. The whole matter was then referred to a 
lupprcBcd. committee, but beyond a cold acknowledgment 
'that, notwithstanding any information this day given to the 
House, they have a good opinion of the army,' no efTort was 
made to convince the soldiers that the Commons were in any 
way ready to hsten to their complaints.' 

No doubt it was difficult to comply even with the justifiable 
wishes of the army. The arrears of the New Model amounted 
to no less than 331,000/.,' and it would not be easy to raise 

clutches of tlalles and Stapleton, against whom we are sufficiently able 10 
preserve ourselves if it were not for thee, O Cromwell, that art led by the 
nose by two unworthy covetous earth-worms, Vane and St. John^I mean, 
youi^ Sir Henry Vaneand solicitor St. John, whose baseness I safficienlly 
anBtomati-ied unto thee in thy bed atiove a year ago. . . . O Cromwell, I 
am iciformed this day by an officer out of the army and by anolher know- 
ing man yesterday that came a purpoEie to me out of the army, thai you 
and your agents are likely to datb in pieces the hopes of our outward 
preservation — their petition to the House, and will not suffer them to 
petition till Ihey have la'd down their arms whensoever they shall com- 
mand ihem, although I say no credit can be given to the House's oaths 
and engagements to make good what they have promised. And if this 
be true, as I am too much afraid it is, then I say, Accursed be the day that 
ever the House of Commons bribed you with a vote of 2,500/. per annum 
to betray and destroy us. Sir, I am jealous over you with the height of 
godly jealousy." — Lilhutne to Cromwell, March 25, JinaKs Cry out 0/ 
thi Whale's Belly \ E. 400, $■ The ordinary notion that Cromwell said 
one thing in the House and another thing in the army is thus disposed of, 
at least up to March 75. 

' C.J. V. 127. In his VindicatioH Waller says that Irclon denied the 
existence of the petition, and afterwards admitted it on the receipt of a 
letter from Ihe major of Rossiter's regiment. We have not, howerer, 
Itelon's own words before us to enable us to judge how far this charge 
was true. It does not teem likely thai lielon should have told I 
gratuitous lie. ' CJ, v. 1 26. 



i 



«8 PRESBYTERIANS AND THE ARMY. CH. XLVifc^ 

so large a sum. Yet it can hardly have been financiat diffi- 

cuiiies alone which actuated the Presbyterians in 
Amount of handed contempt of the army. Whatever their 
tr»™i. motives may have been, the course which they 
Sufc[d»r adopted was absolutely suicidal. Tlieir one chance 
l,'^^"** of obtaining the quiet disbandment of the army lay 
iniiiu. in a determination to satisfy the demands for arrears 
and indemnity, which were all that the greater number of the 
soldiers really cared for, in order that the religious enthusiasts 
might be left without support. This chance they deliberately 
threw away, thus knitting together in a common bond against 
themselves all the various elements of which the army was 
composed. 

Worse was yet to come. If the Presbyterians had acted 
unwisely on the a7th, at least they had kept their temper. On 
Mirch 19. the 29th two letters were read in the House which 
i^Mi'n'ih" fairly drove them off their balance. In these it was 
Hoiut stated that not only was the petition still in circula- 

tion amongst the soldiers, but that a committee of officers had 
been formed to take it in charge as soon as it had been fully 
signed in the ranks, thus establishing a connection between the 
soldiers and the officers. It was further alleged that Colonel 
Pride had obtained eleven hundred signatures by threatening 
to cashier all who refused to sign ; and that every regiment at 
a distance from head-quarters was, with the single exception of 
Skippon's, on the march towards Saffron Walden.' Instead of 
directing Fairfax to inquire into the truth of these allegations, 
OiSMnMni '^^ House summoned the two Hammonds, Robert 
*°'- Lilbume, and Pride— Ireton being already in his 

place at Wtstminster— to attend at the bar.* Protests were 
even heard against this resolution as too lenient, and it was 
Atmskon asked that the petitioners might be declared traitors, 
Crom«tiL gjjj jhat Cromwell might be arrested. The debate 
was prolonged into the night, and after many of the Inde- 
pendents had left the House under the impression that nothing 
would be done till the following morning, Holies, seizing the 



• i.y-i^. "5. 'C./. « 



1 



i647 THE ARMY CONDEMNED. 229 

opportunity, scribbled a declaration on his knee, and at once 
obtained its acceptance by the House.* 

This Declaration, to which the Lords gave their adherence 
on the following day, was issued as the manifesto of the whole 
March 30. Parliament. "The two Houses of Parliament,*' it 
SfoJ?oahc announced, " having received information of a dan- 
Houses. gerous petition with representations annexed, tending 
to put the army into a distemper and mutiny, to put conditions 
upon the Parliament, and obstruct the relief of Ireland, which 
had been contrived and promoted by some persons in the 
army, they do declare their high dislike of that petition, their 
approbation and esteem of their good service who first dis- 
covered it, and of all such officers and soldiers as have refused 
to join in it, and that for such as have been abused, and, by 
the persuasion of others, drawn to subscribe it, if they shall for 
the future manifest their dislike of what they have done, by 
forbearing to proceed any farther in it, it shall not be looked 
upon as any cause to take away the remembrance and sense 
the Houses have of the good service they have formerly done, 
.... and, on the other side, ...» all those who shall con- 
tinue in their distempered condition, and go on advancing and 
promoting that petition, shall be looked upon and proceeded 
against as enemies of the State and disturbers of the public 
peace," * 

Not only did the Houses refrain from giving in this Decla- 
ration the slightest hint of a desire to meet the complaints of 
J. ^^ the petitioners, but in passing a resolution to borrow 
meet the 2oo,ooo/., the Commons expressly announced that 
ofX:^?- the money was to be used * for the service of England 
tioners. ^^^ Ireland.' Not a penny, it seemed, was to be 
spent in satisfying the arrears of the soldiers' pay. At the 

* Ludlow's story {Memoirs^ ed. 1 751, L 164) evidently fits in here, 
though he jumbles it up with Cromwell's leaving the House, which really 
took place on June 3. Another observation ascribed by Ludlow to 
Cromwell : ** These men will not leave till the army pull them out by 
the ears " — was really spoken under very different circumstances, in the 
following August ; see p. 350. 

-' Declaration, March 30, L.J, ix. 115. 



230 PRESBYTERIANS AND THE ARMY. CH. XLvn. 

same time Skippon was to be summoned from the North to 
resume his duties as major general in Fairfax's army, where, 
Skippon ^ "^^ hoped, the influence of that sturdy and 
summoned, honest soldier would be put forth on the side of 
Parliament The Presbyterian leaders were as lacking in 
imagination as Charles himself They had no conception of 
the effect which their stinging words would produce on an 
already discontented soldiery. 



231 



CHAPTER' XLVIII. 

THE AGITATORS. 

Before the Declaration of the Houses had time to work 
mischief, a letter from Fairfax ^ informed the Commons that 
i6^y. in one respect at least they had been deceived. The 
A^euwSm report of a general rendezvous iit Saffron Walden, 
Fairfax. j^ appeared, was without foundation. On April i, 
the day on which this letter was read, the incriminated officers 
appeared at Westminster fully prepared to justify themselves. 
Pride, who was the first to be called to the bar of the 
Pride clews Housc of Commons, declared that the special charge 
imse . brought against him of having obtained signatures to 
the petition by threats was also without foundation. After this 
The officers there was nothing to be done but to send the officers 
sent back. \)2^ck to their posts, with directions to do everything 
in their power to suppress the obnoxious petition ; * but so hot 
Quarrel ^as the temper of the members that Ireton, having 
ifciies and justified the petition, was bitterly attacked by Holies, 
Ireton. and a challenge passed between the two. Other 
members, however, intervened in time to prevent the duel 
from taking place, and ultimately the House itself ordered the 
disputants to lay aside their quarrel.' 

» Fairfax to Lenthall, March 30, Rushw. vi, 445. 

2 C.J, V. 132 ; Rushw. vi. 444. 

» C.y. V. 133. " Mr. Holies and Major (sic) Ireton going over the 
water to fight, were hindered by Sir William Waller and some others 
who observed Mr. Holies to deride Ireton*s arguments in justification of 
the army's petition, which was the occasion of the quarrel." Letter of 
Intelligence, Clarendon MSS. 2,748. A later news-letter gives a story 
that Holies went out prepared to fight, but that Ireton came without a 



232 THE AGITATORS, CH. xlviil 

At Westminster there was no conception of the gravity of 

the situation created by the refusal of the Commons to listen 

to the complaints of the soldiers. The House lightly 

m^ for turned to the consideration of the future government 

men? o\*™' of Ireland, as if the troops now in England would 

Ireland. without difficulty bc available for the summer cam- 

Lord^LUie P^^S"' ^^ ^^4^ Parliament had appointed Lord 

Lord Lieu- Lislc, the eldcst son of the Earl of Leicester, Lord 

Lieutenant for a single year J Ireland, however, 

offered few attractions, and it was not till the end of January 

^g 1647 that Lisle set forth. He had scarcely landed 

January, at Cork bcforc he gave deep offence to Inchiquin, 

March, the Lord President of Munster, by taking out of 

with^indTi-* his hands the command of the troops in his own 

*^"'"- province.^ 

After this Parliament was not disposed to prolong Lisle's 
term of office. The retirement of Ormond ' had by this time 
given hope of access to Dublin, and the Houses accordingly 
Michael appointed Colonel Michael Jones, who had dis- 
commandin tinguished himsclf at Rowton Heath and in the 
Dublin, and sicsc of Chcstcr,* to take the command in Dublin, 

Inchiquin in •-' 

Munster. though hc could not leave England till Ormond had 
actually surrendered the sword of office. At the same time, 
Lisle's recall restored Inchiquin's supremacy in Munster. 
Parliament was resolved that in future the civil and military 
authority should no longer be combined in one person, and, 
with the intention of entrusting the former to commissioners of 
its own, it appointed Skippon to command the army with the 
title of Field Marshal, and Massey to serve under him as his 

sword, pretending that it was against his conscience to take part in a 
duel, which, according to the writer, confirmed * the general opinion that 
the Independents are deadly cowards,' Id, 2,495. On this, with some 
further embellishment, is built Clarendon's statement that Holies pulled 
Ireton's nose, Clarendon^ x. 104. 

* L.J, viii. 127, 261. 

^ Inchiquin to Manchester, March 10 ; Lisle to Manchester, March 13, 
L,J, ix. 108 ; X. 94. 

« See p. 218. * See vol. ii. 344. 



i647 MEETING AT SAFFRON WALDEN 23.1 

lieutenant-general.^ Both these officers had done good service 
Skippon and J^ the War, but their military careers had not been 
coSSTn^nd* sufficiently distinguished to rouse enthusiasm in the 
foS»^i*n** army, especially as they were both disposed to 
Ireland. support the policy of the Presbyterians. 

The soldiers, indeed, were in no complying mood. Though 
they do not seem as yet to have thought of resistance, they 
Temper of Were Working themselves up into a temper which 
the army. might ultimately lead to it. Why, they asked, when 
all other men were allowed to petition Parliament itself, were 
they forbidden to make their complaints known even to their 
own general ?« 

For such mutterings the Houses had no. ear. In their 
anxiety to hasten the formation of the new army destined for 
. .. Ireland, they despatched to Saffron Walden a new 
pariia- body of commissioners, amongst whom were War- 
cpmmis- wick. Waller, and Massey, to persuade as many as 
Saffron* possible to voluntcer for the service. On April 15, 
Walden. ^QQ^i after their arrival at head-quarters, the commis- 
sioners urged Fairfax to threaten with penal consequences all 
who attempted to obstruct their proceedings. Fairfax briefly 
answered that, as the men were asked to volunteer, it would be 
unreasonable to prohibit freedom of discussion amongst them. 
Fairfax undoubtedly resented the harsh language of the recent 
Declaration, but he was not the man openly to resist the 
authority of Parliament, and he contented himself with refusing 
to co-operate with the commissioners whenever he thought it 
prudent to hold aloof.' 

In the afternoon the commissioners, after an address to a 
meeting of two hundred officers in the church, were at once 
An officers' J^ct with a demand for an answer to the four queries 
meetmg. p^ jq ^^ former deputation.* On their refusal to 
comply with this request, the conversation turned on the names 
of the new commanders. There was a general impression that 
Skippon would refuse to serve in Ireland, and he had in fact 

> Z./. ix. 122 ; C./. V. 131, 133. 

• Letters from Saffron Walden, Rushw, vi. 446. 

• Rushw» vi. 457. * See p. 223. 



134 THE AGITATORS. CH. XLVtii. 

already sent a loiter of excuse to the House of I^rds,' Why, 
called out one of the officers, might they not go under their old 
generals ? This suggestion was at once caught up. Cries of 
" All I All ! Fairfax and Cromwell and wc all go ! " rang round 
the church. The commissioners, finding that no belter answer 
was to be got, hereupon dissolved the meeting, inviting such as 
were inclined to volunteer to give in their names personally. 

With this invitation a few complied. The larger number 
appointed a committee to draw up a representation to Parlia- 
^ _ ment asking for an answer to the four queries, and 
Knwiion to urging that if the old generals were named, ' it would 
to bt pn. conduce much to their encouragement and personal 
'"" engagement,' This proposal was supported by the 

Apni i& signatures of about a hundred infantry officers, and 
most of the cavalry officers added their signatures on the 
following day. 

The commissioners were not slow in taking steps to 

counteract this alarming demonstration. They extracted from 

Fairfax a letter requesting the officers to forward the 

ThTcom- Irish service, though they failed to induce him to 

mJ1^'™w* piit li's request in the form of a command. They 

ind'iiy'u) ^'^^ appealed to the interests of the officers, offering 

^uwMB certificates of arrears to those who volunteered, and 

byihiir dealing out promotions with a lavish hand. These 

overtures were not without effect. A fair number of 

officers as well as of private soldiers expressed their readiness 

to go to Ireland.' Amongst these officers was Kempson, 

Robert Lilburne's lieutenant-colonel. In order to 

fiaris for save him from temptation he was directed to move 

off, with 520 of his men who had volunteered with 

him, in the direction of Chester. 

At this the soldiers who had refused to volunteer took 
umbrage. Every possible effort was made to induce Kemp- 
Apriiji, son's men to change their minds, and a considerable 
?«EuI.. number turned Iiack. On the 21st a cen 
ihs pciiaor. Nichols was caught circulating the soldiers' pelitio 
amongst those who held firm, and urging them to return to 
' L.J. ix. 13S. ' Wallet's Vindualkn, ! 



I 



■ ' Ct>dly 



THE 'GODLY PARTY.' 

their old quarters. On the same day Lilburne intervened in 
Liibiime person. Regarding himself as still the colonel of the 
K^mcwn whole regiment, he ordered Kempson and his fol- 
iaioSi.ffoik. lowers to march into Suffolk. This at least the 
commissioners were able to hinder, but they were unable to 
recover the men who had been enticed away. Fairfax was 

not eager to abet their proceedings, and as he 
[hecom- was really suffering from ill-health, he chose this 

moment to set off for London for medical advice. 
Without him the commissioners were powerless.' 

In all this the Presbyterians saw the hand of the 'Godly 
party,' which had caused anxiety in Baxter's mind two years 

brfore,* when he had accused some of its members 

of being eager to use the army for the enforcement 

of a system of toleration, and others of regarding it 
as a spiritual aristocracy set apart by God Himself to lead an 
enslaved nation through the wilderness into the promised land 

of righteousness and freedom. John Lilburne, who, 
tiii-ume'i though Still a prisoner in the Tower, was in constant 
in uEDgt communication with the hotter spirits in the army, 
and was, if not the writer, at least the inspirerof an anonymous 

pamphlet entitled A newfound Stratagem, in which 
fwd the hopes of the ' Godly party ' were clearly re- 

'" '^""' vealed. It was a reply to an invitation circulated by 
the Essex clergy in which they called on their parishioners 
to join in petitioning Parliament for the disbandment of the 
army. Its main argument was that the resolution of the Com- 
mons to raise 60,000/. a month for the armies in England and 
Ireland ^ showed that the Presbyterians had no real intention 
of lessening taxation, and that as an army was in any case to 
be kept up, it would be better to put up with the old one 
which, except when the Presbyterians stopped its supplies, had 
always paid its way, than to submit to a new one which would 
probably be less well behaved. 

"Whose poultry," asked the anonymous writer, "hath this 

' Waller's VindidUion, 88 \ L.J. ix. isa ; Narrative of the Proceed- 
lugs at Saffron WalJen, Clarke Fa^rs, i. %. 

' Sec vol. ii. 327. ' See p. aji. 



k 



THE AGITATORS. c 

army destroyed ? Whose goods have ihey spoiled, or whose 
sheep or calves have they stolen ? " The way was thus cleared 

for the assertion that the army was needed to protect law and 
hberty, that so, in case ' their just demands be denied contrary 
to duty, oath, and covenant, the poor Commons may have 
a shelter and defence to secure ihem Irom oppression and 
violence ; and his excellency and every soldier under him by 
the duty of his place and virtue of the Protestation ' is bound 
thereunto.'* 

The army, in short, was to be the organ of political pro- 
gress. No wonder that the Presbyterians, with their respect 
The Phs- for Parliamentary procedure, were anxious to be rid 
SsuMt"" °f '^ What is strange is that they did not perceive 
Uk »nny. ^ th^t their unsympathetic handling of the soldiers' 
complaints was welding into one forces which they might easily 
have kept apart, and even throwing power into the hands of 
men whom they most cordially detested. If arrears had been 
paid, and indemnity granted, the 'Godly party' would have 
been isolated. No doubt the country, impatient as it was of 
taxation, would not easily have been induced to supply the 
necessary funds ; but it is hard to believe that the City would 
not have found the money required, if it were once plainly 
understood thai only in this way could the army be broken up. 

The process by which the soldiers who cared only for their 
pay were being thrown into the arms of the political and te- 
Asril IS. ligious enthusiasts is well illustrated by the letter of 
^""ril^ a Suifolk Presbyteriaa He tells us that at a meet- 
"' '!»*'<*■ jng held by Ireton's regiment, which was at that time 
UnMimitj quartered at Ipswich, the men were of one mind in 
•oiditn. crying out "All disband, or none I" The wTiter of 
the letter had not far to seek for the cause of this unanimity. 
" Though the array," he assures his correspondent, " differ in 
religion, ihey all agree in their discontented speeches against the 
Parliament, The soldiers conclude that they who have been 
so badly paid in England shall be wholly neglected if they go 
to Ireland. As for the petition, they now speak it openly that 

• I.e. the Declaration ot Petition of the soldieis. 
' A niw-fouiid Siralasem, E. 3S4, it. 



1647 THE SOLDIERS AND THE KING. 237 

they will send it up with two out of every troop." * If their 
deputies were imprisoned, the whole army would follow and 
Their Starve out its enemies in London. It was thought 

tow*^ that there were many discontented men in the City, 
Parliament, ready to side with the soldiers. In Essex most people 
were dissatisfied because Parliament had not proclaimed an 
immediate reduction of taxation. The levy of 60,000/. a 
month was in everyone's mouth. " The people here grow very 
discontented, and the very report of the continuance of taxes 
doth so gall the country as it makes them too apt to listen to 
the discontented speeches of the soldiers." The growing dis- 
trust of a Parliament unsound on the question of arrears was 
turning the thoughts of the soldiers in an unexpected direction. 
"The soldiers both in Norfolk and Suffolk sing one note, 
namely, that they have fought all this time to bring 
wards the the King to Loudon, and to London they will bring 

"*^' the King — some of the soldiers do not stick to call 

the Parliament men tyrants. Lilbume's books are quoted by 
them as statute law." ^ 

The suggestion of an understanding between the army and 
the King was nothing new. The Independents had been 
pressing for it ever since the surrender of Bristol. They may 
now have thought that Charles would by this time be sick of 
the treatment accorded to him by the Presbyterians, and be at 
last ready to come to terms with themselves. His seclusion at 
Charles at Holmby was not at all to his taste. He was indeed 
Hoimby. permitted to ride about the country with an escort, 
and to play at bowls in the gardens of the neighbouring gentry, 

April 8. but he was not allowed to communicate with anyone 
Ipondince approaching him without the authority of the Houses. 
stopped. ^ gentleman attempting to convey to him a letter 
from the Queen had lately been arrested.' About the middle 
of April, however, fortune favoured Charles better. A certain 
Colonel Bamfield, a Royalist intriguer, contrived to corrupt 
his barber, and by this channel he for the first time heard of 

* This is the first hint of the choice of Agitators. 

3 A letter from Suflfolk, April 20, The Duke of PortlancPs MSS. 

8 L./. ix. 131. 



THE AGITATORS. Ch. IILTIIT. 

e scheme ' which the Presbyterian lords had endeavoured tc 
Htiinn transmit to him through the Queen more than two 
oj >ht months before.' 

i«^ Other news, no doub*, reached Charles in the 

"""°'™' same way. He may have heard how his wife was 
5''w2J^ instructing the Prince of Wales, now a tall youlh in 
cooiunip. [|jg seventeenth year with dark hair and a swarthy 
complenion, in the art of making love. The object of this 
courtship was to a day three years older than the Prince, 
the daughter of the Duke of Orleans, the Great Mademoiselle, 
BS she was called, whose large dowry would mike up for the 
disproportion in years. The lad, who was already the father 
of an illegitimate son,' showed himself an apt pupil enough, 
but the young lady merely flirted with her youthful admirer, 
having set her heart on marrying the emperoi, and Charles's 
perfunctory love-making therefore did not prosper.* 

The Queen's political schemes proved as ineffectual as her 
matrimonial. On March r Mazarin, hoping lo concentrate the 
The French armies for a final attack on the Spanish 

Siii^ Netherlands, had brought the Elector of Bat-aria to 
•thema. sign a truce for a year. To Henrietta Maria it was 
all important that the continental wars of France should be 
brought to a close in order that when once the military drain 
on the resources of the country had been lightened, the French 
Government might he able to turn its attention to the restora- 
tion of the King of England. Accordingly, towards the middle 
of April, backed by a fervid clerical coterie, she urged the 
Queen Mot^le^, Anne of Austria, to restore peace to Christen- 
dom. Ultimately, however, the influence of Mazarin proved 
loo strong for her, but at the time when she wrote the letter 

' Bamficld'E Apology, p. 20. Bamfielil's evidence is to be received 
with caution, but so much as is given above may, I think, be accepted, 
as Bellievre writes about this lime that he was now again able to send 
letlece to the King, and Lady Anne Halketl, in her autobii^aphy, speaks 
of BamReld as actually receiving letters from Charles. ' See p. ZI4. 

' His mother was a lady of good (amily, whose name is unknown. 
lie was bom after Charles's visit to Jersey in 16^6, at the age of sixteen, 
Bocro, htei-ia ihUa crnvtrsietii di . . . Carlo !I. 

' Mlmtirci dt MadimoitelU ^ MonlpensiiT [itA, Cbcniel), L 136, tj8. 




w 



I6J7 A MESSAGE FROM THE ARMY. 339 

which Bamficld conveyed to Charles, the hope of success must 
have filled her mind.' 

Charles, therefore, was once more sanguine. He now 
knew not only that France seemed likely to interfere in his 
charifj favour, but also that influential persons at West- 
hopcfuL. minster had- proposed in February to come to an 
understanding with him on terms not very difTerent from those 
which he had himself offered to accept. While he was medi- 
tating on the favourable prospects thus opening before him, he 
April 31. received a message purporting to be an invitation 
™1^^M from the army to take refuge in its ranks, in order 
fcimii^ '^^* '^ might restore him to his honours, his crown, 
■™y. and his dignity. " We will not," he replied, "en- 

gage our people in another war. Too much blood hath been 
shed already. The Lord be merciful to my distracted king- 
doms when He accounts with them for rebellion and blood ; 
but let the army know that we highly resptct their expressions, 
and when we shall, by the blessing of God, be restored to our 
throne in peace, we shall auspiciously look upon their loyal 
affections towards us." ^ 

As soon as the substance of this invitation to the King was 
^^ published abroad, all knowledge of the matter was 

™^' J stoutly repudiated by officers and soldiers at head- 
>i head- quarters. If conjecture may be hazarded as to the 
''" *"" aulhorshipof ihe proposal, what little evidence there 
I>^S'b!" is seems to point to Ireton. It was in his regiment 
auihor. j|[ Ipswich that the notion of op[>osing the King to 
the Parliament was first heard of,* and this notion spread 

' CWniel, Ulsl. de France pendant la mimirili de LouU XI v. ii. 278, 
The Queen. Mother was Wing urgeil by Henriclta Maria to make peace 
about the end of Lent, E^ler-day according to the new style following 

■ His Majesty's answer, Carle MSS. xx. fol. 630. The petition of 
the army got abroad and was menliontd in several of the newspapers. 
Ormond's informant— for the Carte Papers are in reality, as far as this 
part of them is concerned, Ormond Papers — was concerned only with the 
King's answer. That it is found in this collection is strong evidence of 

genuineness. 

■ The Moderate luteUigenetr, E. 3S6, 2. Sec p. 236. 




THE AGITATORS. 



n other parts of !hc eastern counties. On May 5 it 

was reported at Saffron W'alden that ' some of the 

tiuhinf ^^^^ about Cambridgeshire give out that they will go 

<i«K,og. fyr Holtnby and fetch the K.ing, which gives much 

olTence and scandal.' ' 

Nor was Ireton himself an unlikely man to take the initia- 
tive in such a project Though he was a good and steady 
officer, he had at no lime shown signs of mili- 
tary genius, and his failure to cope with Rupert 
at Naseby had raised a suspicion that his promotion to the 
high post of Commissary-General was due to the fact that he 
i Cromwell's son-in-law. Yet, apart from the domestic 
bond, Ireton was possessed of qualities sufficiently similar and 
iufiiciently dissimilar to those of Cromwell to lay the basis of 
a lifelong friendship. There was in Ireton a deep, and at the 
same time tolerant, religious earnestness which early drew him 
into the ranks of the Independents. Yet, if his convictions 
were as strong as Cromwell's, they were far more definite. 
Spiritually he stood on a lower level. It is most unlikely that 
Ireton ever went through those mental struggles which pre- 
ceded Cromwell's conversion. He was not one to see visions, 
or to dream dreams, or in the midst of active work to poiur 
forth outbursts of religious rapture. Neither had he that all- 
embracing hospitality of soul which made Cromwell so mar- 
vellously tender to fanatics and fools. His strong sense of the 
value of form made him the constitutional authority of his 
party. What he said was always clearly thought out and 
clearly expressed, but it gave no glimpses into the immensity 
of the spiritual horizon such as those which brigliten so many 
of Cromwell's utterances. Hence, whilst Cromwell provoked 
enmities, Ireton provoked quarrels. Men distrusted Cromwell 
p because he was to them incomprehensible. They disliked* 
Ireton because they understood him only too well as the 
author of sayings and actions in direct opposition to those 
' favoured by themselves. 

^Vhen such a man as Ireton shifts his ground, he shifts it 
without much warning. If Ireton made up his mind that he 
' KeUtion fiom WalJen, May 5, Clarke Papers, i. 25. 



»«47 IRETON AND CROMWELL. 241 

could no longer trust Parliament as the central authority in 
the kingdom, he would be likely to leap rapidly to the con- 
ireton elusion that the King must be conciliated, just as, 

shifts his rather more than six months later, upon his discovery 
that the King could no longer be trusted, he leapt 
rapidly to the conclusion that terms could be kept with him 
no longer. To such a nature suspension of judgment is in- 
tolerable. There is, on the other hand, reason to believe that 
Cromwell was now passing through one of those long periods 
Cromweirs ©^ hesitation which with him alwa3rs preceded im- 
hesitation. portant action. He had come to see that good 
results were not likely to be attained by devotion to Parliament ; 
but his belief in the necessity of accepting Parliamentary 
supremacy was too deep-rooted to be hastily shaken, because 
in his case loyalty to Parliament sprang from long habit and 
from the craving of an orderly mind for authority which, once 
shattered, would be difficult to replace. It was observed that 
He absents during the latter part of April both Cromwell and 
fromlthe Vane absented themselves except on rare occasions 
House. from the House ; ' but there is no reason to suppose 
that either of them took any steps to bring its authority into 
contempt. No doubt their dislike of the course which Parlia- 
ment was taking was balanced by a rooted distrust of the 
King.' 

Whilst Cromwell and Vane doubted, that chartered 
libertine Henry Marten was giving full licence to his bitter 

' Letter of Intelligence, April 29, Clarendon MSS, 2,504. 

• Earlier in the month Belli^vre had written of the feeling of the 
Parliamentary Independents about opening negotiations ^ath the King : 
<*Les Independans," he says, *<sont desunis ; la plus part manquent de 
coeur, et ceux d'entre eux qui pourroyent entreprendre quelque chose de 
grand k Tavantage du Roy de la Grande Bretagne en soat retenus par 
Topinion qu'ils ont que Ton ne se peut fier audit Roy, qui ne garde point 
de secret, et qui n'a point eu de Constance dans toutes les resolutions 
importantes qu*il sembloit avoir pris, jusques icy, pr^s des uns et des 
autres." BelliSvre to Mazarin, April ^, R.O, Transcripts, In a despatch 

of ^^^ the ambassador speaks of Charles as being in communication 
with both parties. 

VOL. III. '^ 



!4I 



THE AGITATORS. 



tongue. " I know not," he said, when complaints were made 
Mantn'i "^ ^^^ flocking of multitudes to Holinby House i 
H>Hi.j; bIwui the hope of being cured by Charles's touch of the 
r>u. King's evil, "but the Parliament's great seal might 

April SI. do it if there were an ordinance for it." The majority 
'^^"" of the House of Commons were of a different mind, 
wbcwpu™ ^^ ^P"' 2i it was resolved to send the Newcastle 

Propositions once more to the King. "The man," 
ludicinui declared Marten audaciously, " to whom these pro- 
"^ positions shall be sent ought rather to come to the 

bar himself than to be sent to any more." ' 

Whatever might be Charles's answer— and there could be 

little doubt that it would be an evasive one — ^the Houses had 

Aorfln. n^ors reason to concern themselves with the army 

Mom than with the King. Other soldiers besides those 

for iicOajiii who followed Kempson for a lime had volunteered 

for Ireland, and bad gone some part of the way 
towards a port of embarkation ; but they slipped back in 
batches to their old comrades, many declaring, truiy or falsely, 
that their officers ' had first made them drunk, and had then 
extorted from them a promise to go to Ireland when they 
were in that condition.' Out of 21,480 men only 2,320 were 
Rtiumof available for the Irish service,' Ail efforts to in- 
ihe Lora- crease the number were unsuccessful,* and the 

commissioners, baffled in their task, returned to 
^^^pruaj. Westminster, bringing with them Ensign Nichols as 
"p"^ a prisoner. On April a; they made their report to 
the House of Commons. 

Not to be behindhand, the malcontent officers despatched 
seven of their number to lay before the House of Commons a 
The afficCTi' vindication of their own conduct in supporting the 
vindLcjtion. soldiers' petition. Though this vindication was 
signed by 151 commissioned officers,' the Commons did not 
even allow it to be read in the House. After listening to the 

' Lelter of Inlelligence, April 26, ClaienJon MSS. 2,501. 
■ Letter from Saflron Walden, Apiil 25, Clarke Papers, i. 16. 
1 Idem i. 17. 
' The FelUhn and Viiidkalhn of Ike OJfaeri, E. 385, 19. 



l647 AGITATORS CHOSEN. 243 

report of the commissioners, they committed Nichols* to 
Strong prison, and sent for Robert Lilbume and three 
"*****"**? other officers to give an account of their conduct 
in drawing off soldiers from the Irish service. 

In the meanwhile the Lords, having tardily come to the 

conclusion that some part of the soldiers* arrears ought to be 

, . paid on disbandment, voted that six weeks' pay 

Six weeks 

arrears should bc the amount offered. The Commons, 
though formally protesting against the breach of 
their privileges committed by the Lords in medoling with a 
grant of money, confirmed the vote.* It remained to be seen 
whether so inadequate a concession would satisfy the army. 
There are no signs that any Presbyterian member of either 
April 29. House thought it insufficient. Two days later the 
swppon's confidence in the future which still prevailed in 
readiness to Parliament was increased by the news that Skippon 
Ireland. had bccn prevailed on, though most unwillingly, to 
accept the command in Ireland.* 

The Presbyterians were destined to a rude awakening. 
Early in April there had been a talk in Ireton's regiment of 
sending the soldiers' petition to Westminster in charge of two 
deputies from each troop.* The contempt with which the 
soldiers' grievances were treated now led to^ the adoption of 
this plan in a slightly different form. Eight Off the ten cavalry 
regiments came to an understanding with one another, and 
each chose two representatives, to whom was at first given the 
name of Commissioners, a name which was soon afterwards 
changed into that of Agitators, or Agents of the Army.* 

> See p. 234. * L.J, ix. 152; C./. v. 155. 

« Z./. ix. 158. * Seep. 237. 

* <* Careful investigation," writes Dn Murray in TTie New English 
Dictionary's* v. Agitators, ** satisfies me that Agitator was the actual 
title, and Adjuiator only a bad spelling of soldiers familiar with Adjutants 
and the Adjutors of 1642. Adjutaiorhzs naturally seemed more plausible 
to recent writers unfamiliar with this old sense of * to agitate,' and the 
functions of the Agitators of 1647." The old sense referred to is * To do 
the actual work of (the affairs of) another, to manage, or act as agent.* 

The chronology of the word is as follows : At the first appearance of 
these representatives of the soldiers they call themselves, in si^jvitv^^ 



2li THE ACTTATORS. CH. XLTin. ' 

Instead of carrying the condemned petition to Westminster, 
the sixteen Agitators in the mtne of the regiments 
i^iienio drew up identical letters addressed to the three 
genetas. gg(jg^jj|g^ Fairfax, Cromwell, and Skippon.' 
The composers of these letters for the first time answered 
the attack of their assailants by, a counter-attack. After com- 
plaining of the delay in granting an indemnity, though their 
fellow-soldiers suffered ' at every assize for acts merely relating 
to the war,' they asserted that the proposal to send them to 
Ireland was 'nothing else than a design to ruin and break 
this army in pieces ; . . . otherwise, why are not those who 
have been made instruments in our country's deliverance 
again thought worthy to be employed.' It was therefore 'but 
a mere cloak for some who have lately tasted of sovereignty, 
and being lifted beyond their ordinary sphere of servants, seek 
to become masters and degenerate into tyrants.'* This letter, 
after being read before the regiments and accepted hy them, 
was entrusted to three Agitators, Sexby, Alien, and Shephard, 
to be carried to the generals in London. 

letter dated April 28, Commissioners ; in the Dedaration ef the Army 
(E. 390, 16), ptesenlcd lo Ihe Porliamentaiy Commissi oners on cir about 
May 15, il is slated that Ihey have been chosen ' to agitate for those ends 
in behnir of them all.' and they ace themselves styled ' Agents ' of those 
who chose them. The noun appears in a petition to Fairfait of May 29, 
which is subscribed by ' your Excellency's and the Kingdom's innocent, 
and ftiithful servants . . . being Agitators on behalf of the sereral regi- 
ments.' In the neit page we have 'Adjutalors,' which is thus shown to 
he a mere variation of spelling, though this form appears on the lille-page. 
Tail Letters, E. 391, I. Adjutatar, io short, occurs as soon as Agitator, 
but it has no meaning, whilst Agitator has, as will oppear by the follow- 
ing quotation : "When I wrote last lo you, I had been with Sir John 
Berkeley, one of his Majesty's Agitators, for that is now the word." 
N. Hobarl to J. HobarL, Oct. 15, Cary's Mem. of the Civil War, i, 354. 
The verb also occurs in the sense of ' to act.' " It is our unhappinesi 
that we are so far distant . . . from the eight regiments ... by n 
tthereof timely notice cannot be given us to agitate according to om 
inlentions, which are to add ourselves lo them entirely as 
Letter from Sir R. Pye's regiment, May 13, Clarke Papers, i. . 

' The Agilalore" Letter, April aS, L.J. xx. 164. 

" IbU. 



IC47 AN iNDIGNAhT HOVSE. 245 

On April 30 the vindication of the officers, which had been 
brought into the House of Commons on the 27th,* was at last 
April 30. allowed to be read. Before any step was taken in 
JindkSion connection with it, the letters to the three generals 
/^iuuors* ^^^^ produced, and were also read.^ As might have 
letter in the been expected, the House was beyond measure in- 
dignant at the latter. The Presbyterian majority 
oftheTr^ would indeed have changed its nature if they had 
bytenans. condcscended to ask whether their own refusal of 
bare justice had not had something to do with the readiness 
with which whole regiments applauded a criticism on the 
conduct of their employers. They could see nothing but 
sheer fanaticism at the bottom of the attack made on them. 
The whole army it seemed — to use the words of a report 
which had just been made from Saffron Walden — was * one 
Lilburne throughout, and more likely to give than to receive 
laws.'* 

For the present all that could be done was to call to the 
bar the Agitators who had brought the letters. The three 
men had convenient memories. They were quite 
Agitator* Unable to recall the circumstances under which they 
had been signed. They were then asked to explain 
the paragraph relating to the members who had tasted sove- 
reignty. The letters, they curtly replied, were the work of 
the regiments, and it was for the regiments to explain their 
meaning.* 

The House, in short, had to deal, not with the three men 
The House before it, but with eight regiments —perhaps with the 
sobered. ^hole army — and this knowledge had a sobering 
fiSoiTand c^<£ct. Instead of meting out punishment to offen- 
ce to'lhe'*' ^^^^' ^^ Commons directed its military members, 
army. Skippon, Cromwcll, Ireton, and Fleetwood, to go 

down to their charges in the army, and to employ their 

» See p. 242. 

« L.J, ix. 163 ; C./. V. 158 ; Whitacre*s Diary, Add, MSS, 51, 116, 
fol. 308b. 

■ Letter of Intelligence, April 26, Clarendon MSS, 2,502. 
^ Examination of the Agitators, Clarke Papets^ i. App. B. 



THE AGITATORS. 



CH. XLVItl- 



«ndeavours to quiet all disiemt>ers. They were to inform the 
soldiers that an Ordinance {ea their indemnity would be brought 
in at once ; that a considerable portion of their aneats would 
l>e paid immediately \ and that for the remainder there should 
be signed debentures, payable in cash as soon as the necessities 
of the State would allow.' 

It was a humiliating capjtuiation, but humiliating as it was, 
there was no other course by which disaster could be avoided. 
It was i>erhaps still possible, if Cromwell's influence 
iijiini'_ could l>e secured on the side of Parliamentary 
*" " authority, to stave off the religious and political 

demands of the majority in the army by redressing the 
materia! grievances of the whole force' Al all events it 
cannot be seriously doubted that Cromwell left ^Vestminster 
with the full puqiose of carrying out his instructions honestly. 
Crora-eivi ^"<i that he was still under the influence of those 
ii.Kntioni. feelings which had hitherto led him to distrust the 
inter\'etition of soldiers in politics.* 



mment taking 



' CJ. V. 15S. 

' We have an example 
niGCessrullr the course here si 
at .Spitheod because iheii petilioci for the removal of material grievances 
had lieen rejected, Pill met them by conceding all the reasonable wjshei 
or (he mutineers, and was thus strcni^hened to rernse the slightest coq- 
ccssions 10 the political clemanda of the lailon in the fleat al the Nore. 

' The strongest evidence in such a cose is ihc silence of ■ hostile 
witness thoroughly acquainted with the facts. Such a witness is Major 
Huntington, an oiHcer of Cromwell's oh'd regiinenl, in confiilenliB] com- 
municalion with him, though he afterwards turned against him. In 
August 1648, when Huntington tried to damage Cromwell as much as 
possible, he drew up a narrative in which he vehemently Bs.sBilei) his past 
conduct. In dealing with this employment, however, all that Huntington 
could say against Cromwell was that he had declared, after reaching the 
army, that he and his fellow-cominiEsionets had come in the double 
capacity of commissioners and soldiers, and that he acknowledged that 
■ here had ' lately been much cruelty and injustice in the I'arliamenl.* Of 
any secret encouragement to the soldiers to make eondiiions with Parlia- 
ment in favnui of any political or religious object Huntington has not s 
word to Bay. He states, indeed, that Ireton drew up the Declarntiot) ot 
the Army, which will be shortly mentioned (p. 347), and that he had told 



1647 A DECLARATION OF THE ARMY. u1 

On May 7 a meeting of officers was held once more in 
Saffron Walden church, this time in the presence of the new 
military commissioners, but it soon appeared that \\, 
A meeting would be useless to consult officers alone on ques- 
tions which touched the rank and file so nearly. The 
officers were therefore directed to collect the views of the 
^^^ private soldiers. By this time the whole army was 

election of thoroughly Organised* After the example which had 
gi tors. ^^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^ cavalry, each troc^ or company 

elected representatives. As, however, a body composed of all 
these representatives would be too numerous for efficient 
action, it was now arranged that the combined representatives 
of each regiment should elect two or more to whom alone the 
name of Agitators * was now given. These Agitators, when 
collected, could speak in the name of the whole army, and 
were capable of impressing, in turn, their own views upon their 
military constituency. In troublous times the most decided 
and energetic come to the front ; and, little as it was intended 
at tlie time, nothing was more calculated than the existence of 
this elected body of Agitators to give to the army that distinc- 
tive political and religious character which it ultimately bore. 
On May 15, after long conferences with the Agitators, the 
May 1$. officers had a second interview with the commis- 
me«ing^of sioners, and on the following day they gave in a 
officers. Declaration of the Army^ which bore the signatures 
of 223 commissioned officers. The Declaration opened with 

the Agitators * that it was then lawful and fit to deny disbanding till wo 
had received equal and full satisfaction for our past service.' Even this, 
however, relates only to the material grievances which the commissioners 
were sent to allay, and Huntington, with all his anxiety to make out a 
case against Cromwell, does not attribute any similar language to him. 
Sundry reasons inducing Major Huntington to lay down his Commission^ 

E. 458, 3- 

» In The Declaration of the Army (E. 390, 26) we are told that the 
soldiers chose *a certain number of every regiment or troop or company.* 
This is vague, but there is a clearer statement in A Solemn Engagement 
of the Army^ p. 6 (E. 392, 9) : " The soldiers . . . were forced ... to 
choose out of the several troops and companies, several men, and those 
out of their whole numbers to choose two or more for each regiment." 



«4« THE AGITA TORS. CH. XLYlrf 

a narrattve of the late proceedings of ibe soldiers, with whom 
the officers avowed themselves lo be fully in accord. The 
Uaj it. men, they said, had resolved to send to Parliament 
tiS^/iiT ^'^^ petition which had been so summarily con- 
Ar^j. demned,' but had been dissuaded by the officers 

from doing so, as well as from listening to anyone attempting 
to induce ihem to take i>art in politics.' The practical proposal 
made by the officers was thai the vote for paying ' a consider- 
able part ' of the arrears should be made more definite. It 
was generally understood, as the officers declared, to mean no 
more than the six weeks' pay already offered ;* an offer which 
was ' generally looked upon as very inconsiderable,' most of the 
horse and many of the foot having large arrears due to them 
for service in former armies, in addition to arrears due to them 
for service in the New Model. 

This very reasonable demand iras followed by complaints 
of the imprisonment of Ensign Nichols by the former commis- 
sioners without Fairfax's concurrence ; of the toleration by 
Parliament of calumnies uttered against the soldiers in the 
press and in the pulpit ; and also of the thanks which had been 
f;iven by the Houses to petitioners who had reviled the army. 
Finally the Declaration asked that Parliament should acknow- 
ledge that the soldiers had a right to petition their general on 
military matters ; should lake into consideration their original 
petition, and should allow them to publish a sober vindication 
of their own conduct.* 

With the spirit of this Declaration Cromwell appears to 
have been entirely satisfied. He and his fellow- commissi oners 

re able to announce that the Indemnity Ordinance had 
already passed the Commons, and that the six weeks of arrears 

' See pp. 225, az?. 

* "We perceive there have not wanted some in all quarters, upon 
their riissalisfaction iu those ihings," i.e. iheir pay, &c, " ready to engage 
Ihem in an implication of things of anolher nature, which, though nol 
evil in Ihemselves, yet did not concern Ihem properly as soldiers." The 
authora of the Didaratian, perhaps, had their eye on such papers as A 
Sicend Apology, E. 3S5, 18. 

' By the vole of April 27 ; see p. 243. 

• Vedaialion of lilt Army, E. 39;, 1%. 



i647 CROMWELL AND THE ARMY, 249 

were to be extended to eight* " Truly, gentlemen," said 
Cromwell to the officers, " it will be very fit for you to have a 
j^ very great care in the making the best use and im- 

Cromweii'i provement that you can both of the votes and of this 
"^ ^* that hath been last told you, and of the interest which 

all of you or any of you may have in your several respective 
regiments — namely, to wOrk in them a good opinion of that 
authority that is over both us and them. If that authority falls 
to nothing, nothing can follow but confusion." * 

So far Cromwell had prevailed by his strong sympathy with 
the soldiers, and his equally strong desire to hinder them from 
Lan a of ^""S^"S ^^^ kingdom into anarchy through their 
Cromwell efforts to obtaiu justice for themselves. Ireton, in- 
deed, had in private told the soldiers that till justice 
had been obtained they ought not to disband, but there is no 
reason to believe that Cromwell used any words of the kind.^ 

The work of the commissioners was now accomplished. In 
a joint letter to the Speaker they contented themselves with 
The c m. P^^^ting the situation in general terms. " We must 
mi^sionrrs ackuowlcdge," they wrote, "we found the army under 

give account , ^ «•• i« 

of their a deep sense of some suffenngs, and the common 
^'^^^ *°*^*' soldiers much unsettled." They therefore suggested 
that it would be well for Parliament to recall them in order 
that they might give a verbal report of all that they had learnt.* 
,„.,, , There could be little doubt that Cromwell would 

Will the 

Presby- plead energetically for justice to the soldiers ; but all 
accept the that he could say would be of little avail unless the 
ec aration pj-gsbyterians at Westminster were prepared to meet 
the Declaration in a spirit of conciliation. 

* The Commissioners to Lenlhall, May 17, Gary's Memorials of the 
Civil War, i. 214. 

* Clarke Papers^ i. 72. 
■ See p. 246, note 3. 

* The Commissioners to Lenthall, May 17, Gary's Mem, of the Civil 
War, i. 214. 



CHAPTER XLIX. 

THE ABDUCTION OF THE KINO. 

The action of the commissioners had at least so far cleared the 

situation that it could no longer be doubted that Parliament 
,6,,. must either redress the material grievances of the 
The'ViuI- srmy or be prepared to fight it ; and for some time 
iLuQciMiaL there had been signs that the Presbyterians were 
ready to venture on the latter and more desperate course. In 
March the City had asked that a new Militia Committee of its 
own choosing might be substituted for the existing 
MiiiiL» Committee which had been named by Parliament, 

dsnuiudtd and which contained many Independents.' Though 
*" ' * '"' an Ordinance authorising the City to choose a new 
Committee was passed by the Lords, it had received no sup- 
port from the Commons till the dispute with the army opened 
the eyes of the Presbyterian leaders to the advantage of having 
the military force of the City entirely at the disposal of their 
April >6. ""^ party. The Lords' Ordinance was therefore at 
Or^uHDw last taken in hand, and on April i6 it passed both 
ciiy power Houses.' The Common Council, taking advantage 
"Sliiib' of the permission thus obtained, at once nominated 
ConiniuMe. ^ ^^^ committee, consisting exclusively of Presby- 
terians. On May 4, in Cromwell's absence, another Ordinance 
was passed giving Parliamentary authority to the nominees of 
the City.* 

No immediate objection was raised on any side to intrust- 
Th«Mili[i» 'ng the municipal authority with the control of the 
fJJ'*f^ °/ City trained bands, but the manner in which the new 
dcnii. committee exercised its powers soon gave offence. 

Every officer tainted with Independency was excluded from 
' L.J. ix. 8j. ' Mm, ix. 143. ' /ifr'o, ix. 143. 



i647 STATE OF SCOTLAND. 25! 

the service.' It looked as if the Presbyterians were to have 
A Pariia ^^ army of their own. The London militia, which 
mentary numbered 18,000 men,* was not to be despised as a 
^^' military force, even if its quality was not equal to 

that of the tried warriors who had served under Fairfax and 
Cromwell. 

This remodelling of the City force was certain to rouse an 
angry spirit in the army, and the difficulty of keeping this anger 
lUfcciing in within bounds would be much increased if it once 
the army, came to be known that the Presbyterians were seek- 
ing for military support in Scotland as well as in the City. In 
The Scottish Scotland, too, there was a new-model army formed 
arm^^under ^^ ^f ^^it larger forcc which had returned from 
'-**^*- England in February, and this army, consisting of 
5,000 foot and 1,200 horse, had been placed under David 
Leslie, who was a warm partisan of Argyle and the extreme 
Hunti 's Presbyterians. In the course of the spring David 
strongholds LcsUe had captured all Huntly's strongholds,^ and 
as soon as he had accomplished the not very difficult 
task of crushing Alaster Macdonald in the West, he and the 
force which he commanded would be available for a campaign 
in England* 

For the present there was room for diplomacy, and Argyle, 
Scottish reflecting the sentiments of every Scottish politi- 
tS^^ngibh ^^^"» watched with jealousy the growth of a strong 
»^y- military power in England.* In April, with his ap- 

proval, the Committee of Estates despatched to London four 

* Perfect Occurrences^ E. 390, 7, 

^ List of the London Trained Bands, communicated by the Hon. 
H. A. Dillon, Archceologiay vol. 111. 

3 Patrick Gordon^ 199. 

< Much information on the state of Scottish parties at this time is to 
be derived from the de^'.patches of Montreuil, of which there are copies 
amongst the Carte MSS, (vol. Ixxxiii. ). Montreuil was, after the King*s 
removal from Newcastle, transferred to Edinburgh, and remained there 
till the Scottish invasion of England in 1648. His opinion of Scottish 
statesmen must, however, be received with caution, as he is too prone to 
ascribe to them far-reaching intrigues which probably originated in his own 
lively imagination. 



L 



S53 THE ABDUCTION OF THE KING. CH. XEI*. 

commissiooers, of whom Lauderdale was the ablest Though 

these comniissionere were ostensibly to support the English 

April. Parliament in urging Charles to accept the Proposi- 

iimcHw tionsofNewcastle.Lauderdale brought with him secret 
Engiiiji. instructions to be content if the King would accept 
diJi^t^Kiet ^^ ^""^ P'opositions forwarded to him through 
iiiMructigni. Belli^vre and the Queen at the end of January.' 
Heiiufoni- Lauderdale was accompanied by the Elarl of Dun- 
6^t^ fermtine, who had been won over by Charles at 
'■"■ Newcastle, and had been made a gentleman of the 

bedchamber in order to secure for him the right of approaching 
the King at any moment.* Dunfermline was now selected to 
go with the commissioners, in order that by availing himself 
M.y 15. of this right he might open a communication be- 
b^ir.oM tween Charles and the Scots. On May 13 the 
10 ihe King. English Parliament gave him a somewhat reluctant 
permission to visit the King at Holmby.' 

Charles, who had not been left in ignorance of this move- 
ment in his favour, had already on May 12 sent to the Houses 
„ a letter which was, to all appearance, a reply to the 

cuaria re- Newcastle Propositions, though in reality based on 
^^^i- the lines of the scheme suggested in January.' This 
"'* scheme Charles accepted with some modifications. 

Presbyterianism was to be granted for three years, during which 
there were to be consultations with the Westminster Assembly, 
to which were to be added twenty divines of the King's choosing, 
with the object of arranging a permanent settlement, and the 
militia was to be granted for ten. Documents to which the 
Parliamentary Great Seal had been affixed were to be held 
valid, and satisfaction was to be given about Ireland. Finally, 
Charles asked to be allowed to come to Westminster as ; 
sovereign in order that the Bills needed to give legal force to 
these conditions might receive the Royal assent.' 

' S« p, 214. 

' The dale of his appointment was Jnn. 13. Dunfermline Papers in 
the poisession of Dr. Milne of Fyvie. 

' C.J. V. 170. ' BelliivtB to Mazarin, May ^, K.O. Transcri/^s. 

' The King lo Ihe Speaker of the House of Lords, May la, L.J. ix. 
193. The King to Ba.nfidd, May i6, Bamfield's Aj^hgy, 24. 



1647 



A FRESBYTEIi/AN TNTRTCVE. 



3>3 



L 



On May [8 the King's reply was read at Westminster, and 

IS at OHce accepted not only by the English Presbyterians 

but even by the Scottish commissioners as a fitting 

basis of accommodation, though more clear-sighted 

observers might well have doubled whether Charles's 

" acceptance of a three years' Presbyterianism was 

anything more than a prelude to the restoration of 

Episcopacy. The real importance of the agreement 

t was that it laid (he foundations of an alliance which 

gave birth to a second Civil War in which Scots and 

IS allied themselves with English Cavaliers. 

nediate difficulty of the new coalition lay in the 

necessity of concealing its plans till the army had been dis- 

banded. How unlikely it was that the army would 

conc«iin«' suffer itself to be broken up before its grievances 

were redressed ought to have been made clear to the 

Houses by the letter of their own commissioners, which, written 

on the 17th,' reached Westminster on the rSth, the day on 

which the King's reply was read. The Commons 

at once voted that Fairfax should return to head- 

lors. quarters if his health permitted, that ene or two of 

their commissioners should return to give an account of their 

employment, and that a committee should be appointed to 

consider the time and manner of the disbandment ' of all such 

forces as shall not go for Ireland.' ' 

At these votes the Agitators took alarm. On the 19th, 
only three days after the presentation of the conciliatory 
Dtclaration of the Army to the commissioners,' they issued a 
circular letter to the regiments based partly on a rumour that 
the Houses intended to offer to the privates the whole of their 
arrears and to take vengeance on the officers.' " This is now," 
wrote the .Agitators, " the thing in hand to divide between you 
and them, and that is either propounding or giving you your 
arrears and so take you from your officers, thereby to destroy 
tliem, and then to work about their designs with you also, 
which will make your money to be but little useful to you. 
I See p. 249. ' C.J. V, 176, ■ See p. 147. 

' L«let fo Ihe Agitators, May 18, Clarke Papers, L Sj, 



The Kim'i 



Presbyter 
The i 



Orcukr D 



TITS ABDVCTION OF THE KING. 

As soon as you have il, and you disbanded, you may be 
pressed away for Ireland or hanged in England for prosecuting 
the petition, or refusing to go for Ireland, which we question 
not but many of us shall be found guilty of, some already 
saying if you be but disbanded, if you will not go they will 
draw you along like dogs. Fellow-soldiers, the sum of all is, if 
you do but stand and not accept of anything nor do anything 
without the consent of the whole army, you will do good to 
yourselves, your officers, and the whole kingdom." ' 

All the ground which had been won by Cromwell was no* 
lost. The Agitators were deeply suspicious of the Houses, 
Mutual Hv and the Houses were equally suspicious of the 
picion. Agitators. On the joth, instead of attempting to 

Th"'2oSi smooth away difficulties, the Lords published to the 
gH"^"'' world their good understanding with the King, by 
isndi. voting that he should be invited to Oatlands, in 

close proximity to London.' Though the Commons were too 
prudent to support the Lords in their indiscretion, enough had 
Th,.™y bfen done to lay bare the drift of the Presbyterian 
dc^ii^M. policy- The Independents in the army were stirred 
pcnixi. lo exasperation, and opinions were freely expressed 
that the politicians who were prepared to sacrifice the liberties 
of the country should be called to account for their misdeeds.' 

The Houses were the more anxious to be rid of an army 
which they believed to be pervaded with fanaticism, as they 
^^^^ had been vehemently taken to task by a body of 
ALiUjLimian political fanatics, who may fairly be regarded as the 
iJiBdod. disciples of John Lilburne. In March a petition had 
Ai-i]bumian been drawn up by these men for presentation to the 
peiiiioo. House of Commons, which they addressed as the 
'supreme authority of the nation,' and on the i5ih a copy 
surreptitiously obtained whilst it was in course of sigrmture was 
brought 10 the notice of the House. 

The petition itself was the work of men who committed the 

' Letter from the Agitators, May 19, Clarki Paptrs, L 87. 

• L.J. \r.. 199. 

' Jonchimi to the Stales General, May fj, Add. MSS. 17, 677 S, fcL 



I6,17 



A LILBVRNIAN PETITION. 



*55 



n mistake of persons of strong opinions, in thinking that 
it is merely necessary to propose reforms to obtain their general 
Grievancs acccptancc. They asked the Cimroons to secure 
aliened in ii. themsclves against ' a negative voice in any person or 
persons whomsoever," in other words in the King or the House 
of Lords ; to take off all sentences, fines, and imprisonments 
imposed on Commoners . , . without due course of law ; ' to 
put an end to the administration of interrogatories by which 
accused persons might be forced to inculpate themselves ; to 
' repeal all statutes, oaths and covenants ' by which ' religious, 
peaceable, well-aflected people' were molested 'for noncon- 
formity, or different opinion, or practice in religion ; ' to take 
care ' that no one was punished for preaching or publishing his 
opinion in religion in a peaceable way;' to dissolve mono- 
polising trading companies ; to settle an easy way for deciding 
controversies by 'reducing all laws to the nearest agreement 
with Christianity,' and by ordering pleadings to be conducted 
in English so as to be generally intelligible ; to prescribe the 
duties and limit the fees of magistrates ; to enact that no life 
should be taken without the testimony of two credible wit- 
nesses ; to see that prisoners had 'a speedy trial,' and be 
' neither starved nor their families ruined by long and lingering 
imprisonment, and that imprisonment' might 'be used only 
for safe custody until time of trial, and not as a punishment for 
olTences ;' to abolish tithes and leave all ministers to be ' paid 
only by those who voluntarily choose them and contract with 
them for their labours ; ' to set free insolvent debtors, and, on 
the other hand, to hinder debtors who had wherewithal to pay 
their debts from sheltering themselves in prison against their 
creditors ; to regulate the conduct of the keepers of prisons ; 
to provide some means of keeping the poor from beggary and 
vice ; and to restrain impious persons from reproaching the 
well-affected with the ignominious titles of roundheads, factious, 
seditious, and the like ; and, finally, to exclude no one ' of 
approved fidelity from bearing office of trust in the c 
wealth for nonconformity.' * 



of Lor'is ; & 



ecled against the J 



SS« THE ABDUCTION OF THE ftlNG. CH. itVrL 

The programme was one for three centuries rather than for 
ft single Parliament It menaced the habits and interests of 
y thousands who belonged to the influential classes. 

(Ill pn>. The lawyers, the city traders, and the clergy were all 

affected by it, and all these found support in the 
Parliamentary majority, which was necessarily hostile to sweep- 
ing reforms. There was, moreover, no democratic wave behind 
DMEctofiu 'he petition, and but for the danger of its finding a 
^liu^'up- support in the hotter spirits in the army, the House 
(""- of Commons might safely have treated it with con- 

tempt. The danger of conjunction between the political 
fanatics ol the City and the religious fanatics of the army was 
of sufficient weight with the Commons to induce them to refer 
liii n ''^^ petition to a committee, the usual function of 
rtftrredio* which was to collect evidenre against unlicensed 

preachers. Neither Colonel Leigh, the chairman of 
this committee, nor the other members of it bore any good- 
will to the petitioners.' A certain Lambe being summoned 
to give evidence was attended by a crowd of well-wishers. 
Amongst these was Nicholas Tew, who, finding that the peti- 
tion was being treated as a libel, called on those around him 
to sign a certificate declaring the petition to be seriously 
intended for presentation to Parliament. " If we cannot," said 
ndTa "^^"i "'^^ allowed to pelirion, we must take some 
lid-himpri- other course." The committee at once sent him to 

prison, and a violent altercation between the com- 
mittee and the petitioners was the result. In the end the 
committee ordered the room to be cleared. Finding its orders 

disobeyed, one of its members. Sir Philip Stapleton, 

Appr.-™! of seized Major Tulidah by the throat and dragged him 

"""^ to the door. On March 19 the House approved of 

the commital of Tew, and sent Tulidah to keep him company 

in prison.^ 

On the 2otb the petitioners laid before the House of 
Commons their original petition together with the certificate 

'C^.r. 1.2. 

' C.J. T. llS; Geld Tricdin Ike Fire, pp. 6-10, E. 392, 19. 



1*47 JEW AND TULIDAH, . 257 

which had been proposed by Tew, and a second petition 
March asking that the right of petitioning Parliament might 
A second be rccogniscd as essential to freedom. No. notice 
was taken of this request, but on the 26th Tulidah 
Tuitdah' * was liberated on bail. The offence of Tew was 
liberated. j^^j^ j^ y^^ greater, and he was suffered to remain 

in prison. ^ 

For some weeks the names of Tew and Tulidah are of 
constant occurrence in the various petitions and declarations 
The soldiers of the soldicrs, who appear to have taken, alarm at 
thSSSvcs t^^^ir treatment, as if it were a warning of the fate 
intheaflFair. jij^ely to befall themsclvcs if they were once dis- 
A ti^^* banded. In the middle of May the petitioners drew 
pctiuon. up a third petition, which, perhaps, by way of bravado, 
they placed in the hands of Holies, their chief opponent, for 
presentation to the House. This time they assumed a more 
peremptory tone, demanding the liberation of Tew, whilst they 
asked for inquiry into the conduct of the committee and that 
restrictions might be placed on the power of committal vested 
in committees.^ The House was in no mood to put up with 

May 20. interference which it regarded as unauthorised, and 
Jatiionsto ^^ ^^y 20, the day on which the Lords invited the 
be burnt. King to Oatlands, it ordered, without a division, that 
this third petition should be burnt by the hangman, and, by a 
majority of 94 to 86, that the original petition should also be 
burnt, on the ground that, being addressed to the House of 
Commons as the supreme authority of the nation, it called in 
question the existing constitution.® 

It was on the following day. May 21, that Cromwell stood 
up in the House to read the joint report of the commissioners 

May 21. to the army. That report justified the Declaration 
Jfthrcom- ^^ ^^ Army * as being more moderate than anything 
missioners. which would havc emanated directly from the private 
soldiers. The interference of the officers in drawing it up had 

» Gold Triedin the Fire, p. 6, E. 392, 195 C./; v. 119, 125. 

« Gold Tried in the Fire, p. 9, E. 392, 19. 

' C.J, V. 179. 

* See p. 247. It is styled a Summary in the T^eport. 

VOL. III. S 



■»S» TflE ABDUCT/ON OF THE KING. CH. XtlX. 1 

'hiiherto proitd for Ihe besr,' and might 'ihrough the good- ' 
ness of God, with the wisdom of the Parliament,' be turned ti 
Ccomweil ^ good issuc' Speaking in his own name, Croniweil 
"''""hi declared that the army would 'without doubt dis 
nrinv will band, but ' would not by any means hear of going 

to Ireland. 'The greatest difficulty would be 1 
satisfy the demands of some whom he had persuaded as much 
as he could possibly : but a great part of the army ' would 
'remit themselves entirely to be ordered by Parliament' * 

Cromwell's announcement, so different from what was ex 
pocted at Westmiiisier. could not fail to produce at least i 
KBeeiof temporary effect. The House directed that 'area 
liluil^ '^"<i visible security ' should be given to the soldiers 
BitiiL Cof gj] arrears left unpaid. An Ordinance was passed 

granting indemniiy to soldiers for things done In 
whilst others in favour of apprentices who had joined the 
ranks before working out their time, and for securing all \ 
had voluntarily enlisted from being ' pressed to serve beyond 
OniinsncM l^^e seas' passed rapidly through the Commons, and 
la'S?"'''' were as rapidly accepted by the Lords. Moreover, 
luidioii, j},g pgy tQ [je gjven on disbandment in ready-money 
was according to promise raised from six weeks to eight.' 

Those who negotiated with Charles always laid themselve 
open to unpleasant surprises, and whilst the Commons wer 
listening to Cromwell, the Lords were giving their attention to 

an intsrcepted letter from Ashburnham to the King, 
ctpitd In this letter Ashburnham exhorted his master \ 

hold out. Peace, he asserted, would soon be signed 
between the Spaniards and the Dutch, and after that Prince 
William would start for England tn relieve his father-i 
the head of a foreign force, hoping to find himself supported 

' Rcjiorl of the com missio nets. May 20, Clarit Papers, i. 94-99, 
- Letter or Inlcllieeiice, May 24, Clarendon MSS. 2,520. Ilia 

to have the dale at which these words were spoken, Cromwell's enei 

igiioleEl Ihcm wilhtrat a date, and held them to be an audacious falsehood. 

The question of CromMrell's chunge of opinion abcul the disbandment 

will !« discussei! Inlcr. 

■ C.J. V. iSi ; L.J. iM, 20I, See p. 248. 



I 

I 



1^47 A NEGOTIATION WITH THE SCOTS. ^59 

by another army from Ireland.* Charles, indeed, had not seeii 
this letter, but it showed what kind of news his agents abroad 
believed him to be likely to welcome. 

The minds of the Presbyterian leaders, however, were too 
fully occupied with their distrust of the army either to draw 
ThePres- back from their understanding with Charles, or to 
Wurnorbc carry out the straightforward policy in dealing with 
warned. ^jjg army to which they had betaken themselves 
under the influence of CromwelFs pleadings. It is possible 
indeed that their votes in favour of the soldiers were a mere 
j^^ ^ expedient to gain time. At all events, on the 23rd, 
Their ne- they Opened a discussion with Belli^vre and Lauder- 
wiih the dale in which a scheme for bringing a Scottish army 
into England was fully debated. They had littU^ 
faith in Cromwell's assurances that the army, if fairly treated, 
would readily disband, and believing that the soldiers intended 
to get possession of the King's person, they resolved to be 
beforehand with them, and talked of bringing Charles to 
Northampton or Windsor.* The majority, however, appears 
The King ultimately to have declared in favour of removing 
carded to ^^"^ ^^ Scotland. Colonel Graves, who commanded 
Scotland. the guard at Holmby, was a Presbyterian, and could 
probably be depended on to carry out any directions that 
might be sent to him to this effect' 

> Z./. ix. 203. 

« Joachimi to the States General, f^-^^y Add. MSS, 17, 667, S., fol. 

456. 

• " I have gathered many scraps and looked as far into the clouds as I 
can, and the result I make to myself is this (but I have only several collec- 
tions for my grounds and those not very authentic), that the Scots and a 
Presbyterian party here of some members, not without the counsel of the 
Queen or some French party, had a design of carrying the King into Scot- 
land, and to set him in the head of an army there, and to bring him up to 
London, and so to quell the Independent party ; but if I rightly guess, a 
false Presbyterian father betrayed them to his Independent son, and so the 
army, to prevent them, seized the King. Dunfermline is gone into France, 
and, as is thought, to get the Prince into Scotland, and so to play the 
game the better by that means." Dr. Denton to Sir R. Vemey, June 14, 
Verney AJSS, Denton does not, it is true, express himself positively, but 

s 2 



26o THE ABDUCTION OF THE KING. CH. XLIX. 

Councils are proverbially slow in coming to a decision, and 
none of the Presbyterians had the promptness of resolution 
j^^ without which no plot is ever successful. "Accord- 

driibcra- ing to the inveterate custom of England," wrote 

Belli^vre some time later, " we have been deliberating 
for ten days without coming to a conclusion. We are trying to 
prevent the King of England from falling into, the hands of 
the army. ... Of a dozen propositions — the worst of which 
would have been better than doing nothing — we have been 
unable to engage those members of Parliament who were in 
the design to carry any one into execution." * 

Parliament and army in short were watching one another 
with deep-seated suspicion, as Parliament and King had watched 
Aiutuai one another five years before. Whether it was true 
distrust. Qj. not*— and it is likely enough to have been 
true — that the idea of bringing the King to the army was 
ripening amongst the Agitators, the Presbyterians were the 
first to make a false move. On the 2 1 st they had been all for 
^^^ ^ conciliation. On the 25th, instead of pushing on an 
Thedis- Ordinance giving the promised *real and visible 
10 be pro- security ' for the arrears,^ they resolved to proceed at 

once to the long-threatened disbandment. It was to 
commence on June i with the infantry.^ Each regiment was 
to be taken to a separate rendezvous, in order to hinder con- 
certed action, and the choice between service in Ireland and 
instant disbandment was to be peremptorily offered to every 

he was a physician in good practice, and as such had excellent means of 
ascertaining the truth. What he says about Dunfermline's mission is, as 
will be seen, confirmed by Belli^vre, and the rest of his story fits in very 
well with what we know from the despatches of Joachimi and Bellievre. 
The father and son referred to may be conjectured to have been the two 
Vanes. 

' Bellievre to Mazarin, June ^, R. O. Transcripts, 

* That the plan of carrying off the King to the army had been sug- 
gested some weeks before there can be no doubt. See p. 237, 

* See p. 258. 

* Waller, in his Vindication^ 1 25, writes as if the soldiers ought to hive 
been satisfied, omitting to take into account their distrust of unsecured 
promises of the future payment of arrears after disbandment. 



1647 RESISTANCE THREATENED. 261 

soldier. This scheme, having been accepted by the Commons 
on the 25th, was on the 27th adopted by the Lords. ^ 

As might have been expected the Agitators at once de- 
termined to resist. One of their number, probably Sexby, 
.^^ wrote from London urging them to stir up the 

Agitators soldicrs against all inducements to go to Ireland, 

determine , . , 4. i /v « 

to resist. and to seize on the persons of those officers who 

May 27. were prepared to lead them thither.* On the 27th a 

Jxpre^w letter, probably from Ireton to Cromwell, expressed 

^fisliction ^^ P^^^" words the dissatisfaction of the soldiers at 

o' '*?« the small ness of the sum offered them, and at the 

soldiers. . ■•. 

postponement of any vmdication of the army from 
the charges unjustly brought against them. " Truly, sir," the 
writer proceeds, " I am loath to express what their sense is of 
this ; 'tis in vain to say anything on their behalf. I only dread 
the consequences, and desire that on all sides there may be 
more moderation and temper. I doubt the disobliging of so 
faithful an army will be repented of ; provocation and exaspera- 
tion makes men think of what they never intended. They are 
possessed as far as I can discern with this opinion, that if they 
be thus scornfully dealt with for their faithful services whilst 
the sword is in their hands, what shall their usage be when 
they are dissolved ? I assure you that passionate and violent 
counsel which is given thus to provoke the army will in time 
be apprehended to be destructive, or my observation fails me. 
It shall be my endeavour to keep things as right as I can, but 
how long I shall be able I know not. Unless you proceed 
upon better principles, and more moderate terms than I ob- 
served when I was in London in the bitterness of spirit in some 
Parliament men, citizens, and clergy, and by what I perceive 
in the resolution of the soldiers to defend themselves in just 
things as they pretend, ... I cannot but imagine a storm." * 

» CJ. V. 183 ; LJ, ix. 207. 

» Sexby (?) to the Agitators, May 25 (?), Clatke Papers, L 100. 

• Ireton (?) to Cromwell (?), Clarke Papers, i. loi. In the text the 
letter is dated on the 25th, but Mr. Firth shows that the date was almost 
certainly the 27th. If Ireton was the writer, it may be taken as strong 
evidence that neither he nor Cromwell was engaged in a scheme to stir 



353 



THE ABDVCTIOS OF TllS KING. en. XliK. 



The storm was already gathering. In response to Sexby's 
call,' the Agitators drew up a petition in which they complained 
of the order for disbandment, not merely because 
Agit.iwi' the soldiers' grievances were still unredressed, but 
^ "^ also because the 'intenders, contrivers, and pro- 
moters of the destruction of the army,' had not been called to 
account," 

Little hope of ati understanding now remained. On the 

28th the House vainly offered security for the arrears, and 

Ma is promised redress of grievances after the disband- 

Ti., Hou>« rnenL* On the 29th, a council of war which had 

Mcuriiy. been called by Fairfax recommended that a general 

M»y JO. rendezvous should be held, ostensibly as a means of 

of™ keeping the soldiers under better control/ but in 

. , reality to make it more easy to resist the disband- 

"nil.!.™!! ment, "A committee," wrote someone from Bury 

St. Edmunds, where the head-quarters now were, 

nirniioba IS appomted . . , to come down on Tuesday next 

rM^ited. ^^ disband the general's regiment They may as 

well send them among so many beara to take away their 

whelps." * 

The army was now thoroughly out of hand. On the 31st, 
Tht when the commissioners appointed by Pirliamenl to 

li^Iira'for carry out the di.sbandment arrived at Chelmsford 
w'^i'mh'" *° make a beginning with Fairfax's owr regiment 
lord. of foot, they found everything in confusion. The 

Muiinyln soldiers of one company having broken open their 
legimcdi. heutenant's door, pointed a musket at his breast, and 
'compelled him to surrender their colours. After this exploit 

up the soldiers to mutiny. This lellcr is followed (p. ro3) by one from 
Col. White, ^lembcr for PoBtefract, lo Fairfax, dated May iS, in which 
the writer says that if the army refuses lo disband, there will ' follow ihe 
ruin and desolation of the Commonwealth.' ?le then ac^iies that ' the 
Parliament being disobeyed, and the kinEttom burdened with an army 
voted unnecessary and lo be disbanded, a force must be raised to compel 
obedience, and, rather than fai!, Ihe Scots speedily called in.' Here ii 
confirmation enough of Dr. Denton's story ; sec p. 259, note 3. 

' Seep. a6i. ' Ttw Lillin, K. 391, a. ■ L.J. ii. 222, 

• Idimix, ja6; Claric I'apcts, i, loS. ' Ucm, i. ill. 



i647 A MUTINOUS, ARMY, 263 

they marched oflf towards Newmarket, the place fixed by Fairfax 
for the general rendezvous ; and all the other companies of the 
June X. regiment soon followed in their steps. On June i 
roai^oJs ^^ commissioners, hearing that the mutineers were 
review. likely to halt at Braintree, sent Colonel Jackson to 
address them. The men, after professing their willingness to 
hear what he had to say, greeted him and his companions with 
cries of " Here come our enemies ! " When Jackson pro^ 
ceeded to read the votes of Parliament in their hear- 

Misconduct -%> \ 

of some of mg, a soldicr shouted out the question, " What do 
you bringing your twopenny pamphlets to us?" The 
whole regiment then marched off towards Newmarket. On the 
way, some of the soldiers, unless the commissioners were mis- 
informed, betook themselves to plunder. At Braintree a house 
was broken open, and 50/. carried off. It is true that the 
offenders were placed under arrest, but they were soon liberated 
by their comrades. The commissioners made the discovery, 
which it would have been well for those who sent them to have 
found out two months before, that the whole army was not 
yearning for spiritual liberty alone. ** Many of the soldiers," 
they wrote, " being dealt with profess that money is the only 
thing they insist upon, and that four months' pay would have 
June 2. given satisfaction." * It was evidently useless for 
t^rcim^ the commissioners to attempt to carry out their in- 
sioners. structions farther, and on June 2 the Houses recalled 
them to Westminster.^ 

Amongst the outlying regiments was one which had been 
despatched to Portsmouth with a view to its embarkation for 
Rains- the reduction of Jersey. Its colonel, Thomas Rains- 

and°h^^ borough, was a son of the Rainsborough who, in the 
regiment. rcign of Jamcs I., had been employed against the 
pirates of Sallee.* At one time he served as a sailor, but soon 
after the outbreak of the Civil War had transferred himself to 

' The Commissioners for Disbandment to the Committee for Irish 
Affairs, May 31, Gary's Mem, of the Cizil War^ i. 2x9 ; the same to the 
jame, June I, Tanrur MSS, Iviii. fol. 1 29. 

- L,J, ix. 230. 

* See Hist, of Engl. 1603- 1642, viii. 27a 



264 THE ABDUCTION OF THE KING. CH. xux 

the land service of the Parliament, and had recently been elected 

a member of the House of Commons. On the 28th news 

j^j^^^.^ reached Westminster that his regiment had mutinied 

ofihe in Hampshire and was marching towards Oxford. 

In fact the regiment was acting in accordance with 

orders from the Agitators, who were aware that Parliament wished 

to deprive the army of all military coherence by seizing its train 

of artillery, the greater part of which was stored at Oxford. 

May a8. On the 28th the House, hearing of the mutiny, sent 

May 3<x Raittsborough off to quell it On the 30th he found 

uiroJihat ^^^ ^^^ ^^ Abingdon, and succeeded, though not 

Abingdon, without difficulty, in maintaining his authority and m 

hindering the regiment from pursuing its march to Oxford.' 

On May 31, probably encouraged by their knowledge of 
Rainsborough's arrival at Abingdon, the Committee for Irish 
Affairs gave orders for the transportation of the train 
Order to of artillery to London. It was certain that the Agi- 
artiUe^^at tators would do their utmost to hinder its removal, 
^^^'^^^' and that, unless a strong hand intervened to restore 
discipline, military anarchy would be the result. Fairfax had 
been drawn both ways, on the one hand by his sjmi- 
and pathy with his men who were suffering from un- 

doubted grievances, and on the other hand by his 
reverence for. Parliamentary authority. Up to this time Crom- 
Cromweii w.elj,. ^ctuatcd by the same motives, had refrained 
withmiifuTry ^^^^ action. His appearance at head-quarters as a 
anarchy, cpmixiissioner had been a last attempt to reconcile 
two contradictory policies, and to secure the disbandment of 
the army on fair terms. ^ The vote of May 25 for immediate 

* Clarke Papers^ 105, note e ; Rainsborough to Lenthall, June i. 
Archaoi. xlvi. 22. 

^ Mr. Firth has Called my attention to the following passage in a letter 
written to Cromwell on Dec, 3, 1656 {Thurloe, v. 674). •*Sir Gilbert 
Pickering was pleased in his garden privately to give me to understand 
with how much nnwillingness you were at last drawn to head that violent 
and rash part of jthe army at Triploe Heath, when they would not 
disband. He did tell me you rode it O'lt until the third letter came to 
you from them, wherein they peremptorily told you that, if you would not 
forthwith, nay presently, come and head them, they would go their own 



1647 CROMWELVS ATTITUDE. 265 

disbandment had flung his mediation to the winds, and he 
found himself face to face with military anarchy as the only 
alternative to injustice. 

Whether the course taken by Parliament in dealing with 
the army would alone have been sufficient to change Cromwell's 
attitude it is impossible to say. There is every probability that 
his strongest motive for abandoning his professions of obedi- 
ence to Parliament was to be found in another quarter. Great 
as was Cromwell's dread of military anarchy, he dreaded still 
and with a morc a renewal of the war, especially if it was to 
foreSS"*"^ involve the invasion of England by a Scottish 
invasion. army. Towards the end of May, at the very time 
when the London militia was being reorganised and the anny 
threatened with the loss of its artillery, Cromwell learnt that 
the leading Presbyterians were negotiating with the French 
ambassadors and the Scottish commissioners for a Scottish in- 
tervention in England, and for carrying off the King from 
Holmby.^ There is no need to seek further for motives to 
explain his abandonment of the position which he had main- 
tained for the last three months in spite of all temptation. 

To meet these designs it was not enough to maintain a hold 
on the artillery. The immediate source of danger lay in the 
^ , intention of the Presbyterians to possess themselves 

Danger of •' * 

a Presby. of the person of the King. As far as can be gathered 
seSureof from obscurc hints which are all that have been 
ttoe King. handed down, a counter-move had for some days 
been projected by the Agitators.* There is, in fact, reason to 

way without you. They were resolved to do so, for they did see Presby- 
tery, London, and the Scots go in such ways as would beget a new war 
and very fatal also." 

' See p. 259, note 3. We may be sure that if Vane knew the secret, 
Cromwell knew it too. The betrayal of the p\an for a Scottish invasion is 
corroborated by Joyce's narrative {Rushw. vi. $17), where it is said that 
one Scotch lord had been sent to France, and another to Scotland, * and 
all this to bring another army into England.* 

* In a letter of the 29th {Clarke Papers, i. 112) we are told that 
• Oxford, where our magazine is, we have well secured. I wish things at 
Holmby were as secure.* A passage from another letter, probably from 
Sexby, on the 28th, seems to point to the employment of someone who- 



sti 



THE ABDUCTION OF THE KING. 



believe that a certain Cornet Joyce, who had formerly been a 
tailor, had been directed by them to lead a picked body of 
borse to Oxford, and to take measures for the security of the 
artillery there. Possibly he had also orders to proceed to 
Holniby and to ward off any attempt to carry away the 
King. 

If this plan was discussed amongst the Agitators, it must 
have reached the ears of CromwelL Though he had hitherto 
CKHDnU refused to commit himself to the adoption of their 
»nii ih» projects, he led no isolated life, and he had given 
*' "■ them every reason to treat him with confidence. 
With the knowledge th:it he had recently acquired, he could no 
longer regard the situation as he had hitherto done. To keep 
England out of the hands of the Scots must have seemed to 
him a purely defensive measure. Yet, though it was no longer 
possible or even desirable to suffer the disbandment of the 
army, it was still both possible and desirable that a stop should 
be put to the military disorganisation now setting in, and that 
the irregular activities of the soldiers should be directed to the 
establishment of order on some new basis. 

Accordingly, on May 31, the day on which the order of the 
Presbyterian Commiliee for Irish Affairs for seizing the artillery 
A mming at Oxford left London, a meeting was held at Crom- 
weii't"" well's house in Drury Lane, at which Joyce received 
•«>"«■ instructions from Cromwell to carry out the double 

mission with which, in all probability, he had already been en- 
trusted by the Agitators. The official sanction of the Lieu- 
tenant-General was thus given to what had hitherto been merely 
a disorderly and mutinous suggestion.' Joyce was first to 

was 1(1 be sent at leasl to Oxford if not failhet, ' Let two horsemen go 
pcesenlly to Colonel Rsmsborough to Oxford, ond be very careful yon be 
not ovcrwilted. Now break the neck of Ihts design, and you will do it 
Weil, and you must now do to make a Inlt or a shot, and not to dally, but 
a good party of horse of 1,000, and to have spies with ihem before to bring 
you inlelligence, and to quarter your horse overaiyht, and to match in [he 
night.' Idem 106. 

' Our knowledge of ibese proceedings comes from two wilnes.<ieE : the 
first, John Harris, a printer who subsequently printed painphlels for Iho 
atiiiy Bf Oxford and London, and afterwarda both printed and wtole ])ain- 




i647 JOYCE'S MISSION, 267 

betake himself to Oxford to take measures for the security of 
the milifciry stores, and then, placing himself at the head of a 

phlets in the interests of the levellers. In one of those written hy himself 
under the pseudonym of * Sirrahniho,' issued on Dec. 8, 1647, he attacked 
Cromwell, having had through his communications with the soldiers good 
opportunities of knowing the truth, whilst he had a strong desire to say 
everything to Cromweirs disadvantage. The title of this pamphlet was 
The Grand Design (E. 419, 5), the substance of which is incorporated in 
Holies* s Memoirs^ which cannot therefore be here regarded as an original 
authority. " The army and council therefore," writes Harris, **did agree 
and enter into an engagement ... to endeavour and employ all their force 
to break and prevent that design of raising another army, and to defend, 
and to maintain and vindicate the liberties and native birthrights of all the 
free Commons of England. ... In pursuance whereof it was by some 
persons at L.-Gen. Cromwell's, he himself being present upon Monday at 
night before Whitsunday, 1647," i.e. May 31, " resolved that forasmuch 
as it was probable that the said Holies and his party had a determination 
privately to remove the King to some place of strength, or else to set him 
at the head of another army, that therefore Cornet Joyce should with as 
much speed and secrecy as might be, repair to Oxford, to give instructions 
for the securing the garrison, magazine, and train therein from the said 
party then endeavouring to get the same, and then forthwith to gather such 
a party of horse as he could conveniently get to his assistance, and either 
secure the person of the King from being removed by any other, or, if occa- 
sion were, to remove him to some place of better security for the preven- 
tion of the design of the aforesaid pretended traitorous party, which was 
accordingly done, both with the knowledge and approbation of L.-Gen. 
Cromwell, though he afterwards, like a subtle fox, would not be pleased 
to take notice of it." 

The second witness is Major Huntington, also a witness with intimate 
knowledge of Cromwell's proceedings, and, when his evidence was given, 
bitterly hostile to him. In his Sundry Reasons^ laid before the House of 
Lords on August 2, 1648, he mentions a letter written by Joyce to Fairfax 
shortly after the seizure of the King. ** The General," he proceeds, 
''being troubled thereat, told Commissary General Ireton that he did not 
like it, demanding who gave those orders. He replied that he gave orders 
only for securing the King there, and not for taking him away from thence. 
Lieut. -Gen. Cromwell, coming then from London, said that if this had not 
been done, the King would have been fetched away by order of Parliament, 
or else Col. Graves, by the advice of the Commissioners, would have 
carried him to London, throwing themselves upon the favour of the Parlia- 
ment for that service. The same day Comet Joyce being told that the 
General was displeased with him for bringing the King from Holmby ; he 



368 



THE ABDUCTIOX OF THE X/A'G. ch. XLIX. 




body of soo horse, furnished out of several regiments, he was 
lo ride to Holnihy and to secure the person of the King against 
any attempt to carry him off in order to place him at the head 
either of a new Presbyterian army in England or of a Scottish 
invading force. It is moreover possible that Joyce was also 
instructed by Cromwell to carry Charles to some place of 
greater security in case of any attempt being made to rescue 
him, 

^Vhen, on June i, Joyce reached Oxford, he found the 
disposition of the gnrrison all that could be desired. Not 

June I. only did the soldiers refuse to part with the artillery 
JriS^ entrusted to their care,' but when on the following 

Jane a. ^^V o'"ders arrived from the commiilee for disband- 
5*mi«ot ment that 3,500/. which had been brought down lo 
ii.i gamson. pay iheDi ofT should be sent back to London, they 
resolutely refused to part- with the money. Gathering in the 
High Street, in front of All Souls' College where the 



answered that Lieut.-Gen. CroiDwell gave him onJera in London to do 
whal he had done, both (here and in Oxford." 

The two stories, it wiU be seen, corroborate one another. Harris 
knows only what passed in Drury I.ane, Huntington only what passed at 
Newmarket. Tbeie Is further evidence that the plan did not oiiginale with 
Cromwell. In jt Bad BIovi lo Major HuHlingtDfi, E. 461, 34, Hunting- 
ion is chained wilh being active in promoting the scheme before either 
Cromwell or licton knew of it. " For the King's remove by Cornet Joyce," 
the author tdls us, "those private instructions he," i.e. Huntington, 
" gave to some troopers can witness how far he was engaged in il, tieforn 
they knew it." The only question arising from the extracts given above, is 
whether Cromwell ordered Joyce simply to secure the King, or also to 
carry him off if necessary. I suspect that Harris's account is cjrrect on 
this point ; namely, that Cromwell's main instruction was to secure the 
King from being carried off, but (hat he also said something about remov- 
ing him to a place of greater security if a rescue were attempted with any 
]>robability of success. This would account both for Joyce's persistence in 
alleging that he had only obeyed orders, and for Cromwell's refusal lo 
accept Joyce's action as emanating from himself, on the ground that there 
was no immediate danger of a forcible rescue whilst Joyce was at Holmby. 
On the other hand, Mr. Firth suggests to me that Harris may hnve derived 
bis information from Joyce, and thai it is thus tainted at its source* 

1 Waller's ViiidUalioi', 136, 



I 

I 
I 



ro47 JOYCE AT HOLM BY. 269 

was stored, they beat off a party of dragoons which attempted 
to reclaim it.^ 

By this time Joyce was far on his way to Holmby at the 
, head of some 500 horse, ^ which had joined him from 

Joyce goes >i t j 

on towards various regiments. Towards the evening of the 2nd 
he found Charles in a bowling-green near Holmby, 
and afterwards followed him to Althorp, whither the King, 
betook himself in the company of Dunfermline and Colonel 
Graves, the commander of the garrison of Holmby House, 
and finds the J^ycc, being in advance of his main body, was, how^ 
King. gygj.^ accompanied by too small a party to do more 

than watch the movements of Graves, who, as he knew, was a 
warm adherent of the Presbyterian party. By ten at night, long 
after Charles had ridden off from Althorp, Joyce collected his 
whole force about two miles from Holmby.* 

The little garrison of Holmby consisted at this time of no 
more than fifty or sixty men * who had already been gained 
Flight of over by the Agitators.* Graves, therefore, prudently 
cjraves. fl^^j g^g ^QQ^i as hc Icamt his danger. In the early 
morning Joyce's followers surrounded the house. No re- 
sistance was made, but the back door was thrown 
Joyce effects opcn, and, in an instant, the soldiers on both sides 
an entry, fly^g thcmselvcs into one another's arms. The 
Parliamentary commissioners demanded of Joyce the reason 
and explains of bis intrusion. He had come, he stated quietly, 
ordei^To* *with authority from the soldiers to seize Colonel 
seize Graves, Graves that hc might be tried before a council 
of war,' in order to prevent the execution of a plot * to 
convey the King to London without directions of the Parlia- 
ment* Being asked to put his statement into writing, he 

* Wood's Annals of the University, ii. 508 ; see Clarke Papers, i. 
119. 

* This is the numl)er given by Joyce hiiiself. Idejn, i. 119. 

' A True and Impartial Narrative, Rushiv. vi. 513. This was no 
doubt, as Professor Masson has pointed out, Joyce's own account of the 
affair. See also Montague to Manchester, June 3, LJ, ix. 237. 

* Idem, ix. 235. 

* Clarke Papers, i. 113. 



no 



THE ABDUCTION OF THE KtNG. Ch. XLlJtl 



Joyce's 



handed in a paper in which he reiterated his belief that the 
vho-uin soldiers were 'endeavouring to prevent a second 
inpit wub war discovered by the design of some men privately 
■Doimof* to lake away the King, to the end he might side 

with that intended army to be raised, wliich, if 
effected, would be to the utter undoing of the kingdom.' ' 

During the greater p.irt of the day Joyce kept quiet, 
seemingly content with watching the King and pre^-enting his 
flight. There is, indeed, reason to believe that on the and, 
the day on which Joyce was still on the march, Dunfermline 
Joyce ii«pi had laid before Charles, on behalf of the English 
quiet nil day. Presbyterians, a recommendation that he should ask 
the commissioners to connive at his escape, and that Charles, 
having made the request, had been thwarted by the refusal of 
two of them to give their consent without an express order 
from ParliamenL'' 

1 improbable that any word of this project reached 
ears ; yet, as the day wore on, the suspicions of his 

men were aroused, A few soldiers of the garrison 
of 1^^'i" who had attached themselves to Graves were heard 

'"^ to say that ' ihey would fetch a party,' and as il 
known that some soldiers who had volunteered for Ireland 
were in the neighbourhood, the idea spread that Graves would 
return with them to rescue the King. During the afternoon 
there was much discussion amongst the new-comers, and 
the end they resolved that Charles must be removed to a place 
of greater security. At ten at night they despatched Joyce to 
the commissioners with a request that he might be allowed to 
speak to the King himself. For half an hour the commis 

' True and Impattlal Natralive, Rmh-ai. vi. 513. This langui^e con 
firms ihe accuracy of Dt. Denlon's stoty. 

' The authority for this statement ts a leltci fcom the King, piintcd ii 
Bamfield'a Apology, 25. Bamfield's aulhorily is usually Ihoughl to 1> 
rjUEStionable, and Ihe letter is dated June 4~an impossible date. It has, 
however, all the appearance of being genuine, and if we suppose June 4 
tje a misprint for June 2, there would be everything in favour of its accept- 
ance. Bamfield's narrative seems to place it on the 3rd, which can hardly 
be right, as in that case il would have contained some notice of Joyce 
ariival and the (light of Craves. 



1 



1 647 JOYCE'S COMMISSION, ^71 

sioners held him off; l)ut he was not to be gainsaid, and made 
Joyce forces his way to the room in which Charles was, by that 
the^ng"s'** time, asleep. The attendants attempted to bar his 
chamber, passagc, till Charles, roused by the noise of the dis- 
pute, commanded them to admit him. 

Joyce, once in Charles's presence, was all civility. He 
had come, he said, for the good of his Majesty and the king- 
dom. He then asked Charles to accompany him to some 
other place. After considerable hesitation Charles showed 
signs of giving way. Would Joyce, he asked, promise three 
things — to do no harm to his person, to force him to nothing 
against his conscience, and to allow his servants to accompany 
and obtains bim ? Thcse qucstions having been answered in 
uTLrcom-^* the affirmative, Charles promised to leave Holmby 
pany him. j^ ^^g moming on condition that the soldiers con- 
firmed the assurances of their commander. On this Joyce 
quitted the room, and Charles was left to find what rest he 
could.* Voluntarily or involuntarily — it is impossible to say 
which — Charles had given his word. He did not so love 
either the army or the Presbyterians as to care much in whose 
custody he was, and was always well pleased when anything 
occurred — to use his own language — to set his opponents by 
the ears. 

At six in the moming of the 4th, Charles, according to 
promise, stepped out on the lawn in front of the house, where 
June 4. be found himself face to face with Joyce, behind 
shows his whom were the troopers drawn up in ordered ranks, 
commission, b^^ j^jg demand the men at once shouted their adhe- 
sion to the promises given by their commander. The King 
then turned inquiringly to Joyce. "What commission," he 
asked, " have you to secure my person ? " Joyce tried hard 
to evade the question, but Charles fixed him to the point. 
" Have you nothing,'* he said, " in writing from Sir Thomas 

* True and Impartial Narrative, Rushw, vi. $13 ; compare Herbert's 
Memoirs, 20. AMiere the two authorities differ, I have preferred the 
narrative in Rushworth, which is Joyce's own, to a story told many 
years after the events, especially as Herbert is demonstrably loose about 
facts. 



272 THE ABDUCTION OF THE KING. CH. xux. 

Fairfax, your general, to do what you do?" Again Joyce 
attempted to avoid giving a direct answer, but Charles was not 
to be put off. " I pray you, Mr. Joyce," he again demanded, 
'^ deal ingenuously with me, and tell me what commission you 
have." "Here," replied Joyce, in desperation, "is my com- 
mission." "Where?" said Charles, puzzled for the time. 
Then Joyce turned in his saddle and pointed to the disciplined 
ranks of the soldiers who had fought at Naseby. " It is be- 
hind me," was all the explanation he had to give. Charles 
could no longer misunderstand him. " It is as fair a commis- 
sion," he said — doubtless with a smile — " and as well written 
as I have seen a commission written in my life : a company of 
hardsome, proper gentlemen as I have seen a great while." 

After some further conversation, Charles asked Joyce 
whither he was to accompany him. To Oxford, replied Joyce. 
Charles thought the air of Oxford unhealthy, on 
leaves which Joycc suggested Cambridge. Charles an- 

^ ' swered that he preferred Newmarket, and it was at 
once arranged that to Newmarket he was to go. After a 
formal protest from the Parliamentary commissioners, Charles 
went into the house to prepare for his journey, and, before the 
morning was far advanced, was on his way, under Joyce's 
escort, to the place which he had selected.* 

* True and Impartial Narrative, Rushw. vi. 513. In addition to the 
evidence given at p. 266, note i, to establish the complicity between Crom- 
well and Joyce may be added a story which appears in its most authentic 
form in Whitacre's Diary {Add, MSS. 31, 116, fol. 312b), under the date 
of June 4 : ** Also the House was informed by Mr. Holies of a letter was 
come to his hands written from Holmby by Cornet Joyce, with direction 
that it should be delivered to Lieut. -Gen. Cromwell, or in his absence to 
Sir Arthur Hazlerigg or Colonel Fleetwood, whereby Mr. Holies would 
have inferred that those three gentlemen held correspondence with that 
cornet, and so had intelligence of that party's carrying away the King and 
the commissioners from Holmby. But Sir Arthur Hazlerigg denied any 
knowledge he had thereof, and the names of none of those gentlemen did 
appear upon the superscription of that letter ; so there was no further pro- 
ceeding upon it at that time. " 

There can hardly be any doubt that Mr. Firth is right in supposing 
that the letter in question is the one now printed in the Clarke Papers^ 
i. 118: ** Sir, — We have secured the King. Graves is run away; he 



1647 



THE ARMY'S JUSTIFICATIOTf. 



V3 



The abduction of the King was the answer to the Presby- 
terian attempt to raise a force to overpower the army and to 
RBuiiof break it up in concert with the Scots. That the 
bi'aee^ihi dispute between Parliament and army should have 
Pa?il™nt. '^"'"^ ^° ^'^'^^ ^ pitch was the result of Presbyterian 
bungling in the early stages of the conflict. When 
tb'p^by. the army had been once estranged, mutual distrust 
icriatis. j.^gg gQ ijjgj^ ^j^g^j ji^g supporters of Parliamentary 
authority easily convinced themselves that it was better to 
got out about one o'clock in the morning, and so went his way. It is 
suspECleii he has gone to London ; you may imagine what he will do there. 
\'ou must hasten an answer to us, and let us know what we shall do. We 
are resolved to obey na orders but the General's. We shall follow Ihe 
Commissioners' directions while we ate here if just in our eyes. I humbly 
entreat you to consider what is done, and act accordingly with all Che 
haste you can. We shall not rest night nor day till we hear from you." 
This letter, which is dated June 4, evidently hy mistake for June 3, com- 
pletes the evidence in favour of the view that Ciomwell sent Joyce not to 
remove the King, but merely to secure him from a Presbyterian attempt 
lo carry him off. That Joyce took no steps even to suggest a removal 
during the whole of the 3rd till ten at night is suDidenl proor, and there is 
certainly no hint in the letter of any intention at the time when it was 
written to move the King from Holmby. According to Joyce's own story, 
given above, the removal was the result of suspicion of a rescue entertained 
by the soldiers. Joyce's suggestion of Oxford as the place to which Charles 
was lo be taken looks as if he thought rather of placing him in security 
than of bringing him to the army, and so falls in with Harris's story, that 
Cromwell ordered Joyce either to 'secure the person of the King from 
being removed by any other ; or, if occasion were, lo remove him to some 
place of belter security for the prevention of the design of the aforesaid . . . 
parly' (see p. z65, note 1), It may, I thinli, be gathered from the com- 
plete silence of any contemporary writer that no attempt whatever was 
made to rescue Charles, and Cromwell may very well have found fault 
with Joyce for doing that which he was only conditionally ordered to do, 
and that too when the condition did not exist. The idea of bringing the 
King to the army had emanated from Ihe soldiers (see p. 240}, and Joyce's 
action would appear to Cromwell as having tieen done in obedience lo the 
wishes of the Agitators rather than to his own directions, and he might 
thus have fairly joined in the declaration made by the general officer lo 
the King that ' he was removed from Holmby without their privity, know- 
ledge, or consent,' even if he had suggested Ihe removal conditionally upon 
an event taking place which, in feet, did not occur. Kewslclter, June 7, 
C/arii Papers, i. 125. 



274 THE ABDUCTION OF THE KING. CH. XLIX. 

accept the aid of the Scots than to allow English opinion to be 
crushed even by an English army. " It's now come to this," 
Sir Walter Erie had been heard to say of the soldiers, " that 
they must sink us, or we sink them." ^ The real weakness of 
the Presbyterians was that they had neither a policy which 
would conciliate nor a leader in whom they could repose con- 
fidence. They could not uphold civilian against military 
organisation without replacing the King in at least some part 
of his old authority, and the King was prepared to outwit 
them as soon as he regained power. Charles was an ally who 
never failed to ruin any man or party that trusted in him. 

^ Rushw, vL 515. 



^7S 



CHAPTER L. 

THE MANIFESTOES OF THE ARMY. 

On June 2, the day on which Joyce was riding towards Holmby, 
the framers of the three Lilburnian petitions, the last of which 

^g had been burnt by the Commons,^ laid before the 

June a. House a fourth petition, couched in more violent 
Liibuniian language than was to be found in the other three. 
petition. j^ asked, as the Agitators had asked not long before,* 
that the leaders of the majority might be called to account ; 
that a committee might be appointed to dismiss untrustworthy 
officials ; that the grievances of the soldiers might be heard 
and redressed ; and that the old City Militia Committee* might 
be restored.* 

The Presbyterian majority was by this time somewhat 
cowed. Though nothing was yet known at Westminster of 
An answer Joycc's movcmcnts, it was at least suspected that 
postponed, trouble was impending, and the manifest understand- 
ing between the petitioners and the Agitators was not calcu- 
lated to allay the prevailing sense of danger. Consequently 
the House did not venture to bum the fourth petition as it had 
burnt the third, and only by a majority of 128 to 112 voted 
that its immediate consideration should be postponed.* 

The House was perhaps the more irresolute as old soldiers 

» See pp. 254, 257. « See p. 262. • See p. 2Sa 

* Gola Tried in the Fire^ p. II, E. 392, 19. 
» Cy. V. 195. 



576 



THE MANIFESTOES OF THE ARMY. en. L.'l 



of the armies disbanded when the New Model was formed i 
iii. Sanded '^45 ^od becn crowding into London, to press their 
niiiim. claims. On the morning of the ?nd some of them 
posted up on the door of the House of Commons, a reminder 



L 



"AH gentienien commoners Ihat enter Iheiein 
To do juslice to all men ; who will then bc^ia 
To pay all those Ihat have for you fought : 
ICtoni^ you delay, sure ill will be naughl." 

These lines were followed by a summons to 'all gentlemen | 
soldiers that are justly behind in their arrears ' to meet in the j 
churchyard of Westminster Abbey on the following day.' 

Assailed by these threats, the House awoke to the necessity 
of regaining confidence. On the 3rd it reappointed 
KKoiuiimi a committee which had been instructed to receive 
SrCy, complaints against members or their servants charged 
msldng *'^'' bribery. It also passed resolutions to expe- 
liiTtars. jjjg the taking of soldiers' accounts, and to find a 
security for the eventual payment of arrears. Scarcely 1 
this been done when the House was startled by news that 
Nrwsfrom Joyce's party had arrived in the neighbourhood of 
Hoimby, Holmby on the preceding evening, and that one of 
his men had been heard to say that their design was to carry 
BTid from off the King.* The reception of this news was 
chtimrfbid. lowed by the reading of a letter from the commis- 
sioners for disbandment, announcing their complete failure at 
Chelmsford.' 

Under this pressure the Presbyterian majority took a step 

which three months before might have averted disaster. They 

moved that ' the consideration of money for the 

V, (tie common soldiers be proceeded with in the first 

""'** place,' and this resolution they carried by 154 to 123. 

i'ull arrears, it was agreed, and no beggarly instalment of s 

' MS. E. 390, 14. 

• L.J. ix. 232. The time of the reception of the message is not givi 
in Ihe Couimam /eumal, and is only indicated by the oidei dismissing 
Harris, the bearer of Ihe message. 

' C-J. V. 196. See p. 262. 



1647 NEWS FROM HOLMBY. vjj 

or eight weeks, should be given to every soldier. As a counter- 
Amoitof ^^'■^''^ ^^ Independents asked that the Declaration 
ihcinde- of March 30,' in which those soldiers who held 
firmly by their first petition of grievances were quali- 
fied as ' enemies of the State,' should be expunged from the 

June 4- journals. The Presbyterians resisted, keeping up 
DKiaraiioa "^^ debate till two in the morning of the 4th, when 
.«pungBj. in a House already thinned and weary the Indepen- 
dents carried their point by a majority of 96 to 79.^ 

When after a brief rest the House met again, it was to hear 
Kew? that that Hohnby was actually occupied by Joyce. It 
Qc^jpied" was one more reason for giving tardy satisfaction to 
Hoiidiiy. jjig jjiaterial grievances of the soldiers, and the House 
ofihc"'*"'' resolved to reconsider the Ordinance of Indemnity,* 
Commons, and to render it more complete. On the other hand, 
in order to win over a body of men who might be useful if the 
army still held out, a resolution was adopted for satisfying the 
disbanded soldiers of the old annies who had lately been 

June J. clamouring for their arrears,* On the 5th it was 
ga^.l'^"e" known at Westminster that Charles was actually on 
itmy. hjs vfay to Newmarket, and the Houses, making a 

virtue of necessity, directed Fairfax to appoint for the 9th a 
general rendezvous on Newmarket Heath, when the votes 
which Parliament had recently passed in favour of the soldiers 
might be laid before them.'' In the afternoon Dunfermline 
Dunfem. appeared, bearing a message in which the King 
MeVfrnm" stated that he had left Holmby against his will, and 
ihcKin^. that he expected Parliament to preserve its own 
honour and the established laws of the land.'' Charles was 
evidently anxious to hinder a good understanding between 
Parliament and army by every means in his power. 

■ The Dechmllan I9 in the motion called the DecUialion of Mscch 29. 
It passed the Lords on the ^oih, but the date on which tt p.is<ied the 
Commons was the 29th. See p. lag. 

» C.J. V. 197 i Whitacte'a Diary, Add. MSS. 31, IJ6, fol. Jlll). 

' Seep. 258. ' C.J. V. 198. 

' The Houses to Faitfax, June 5, L.J. ut. 241. 

• L.J. ix. 242. 



178 THE MANIFESTOES OF THE ARMY. CH.t.- ' 

What backing the Scots could give to the English Presby- 
terians was now given. On the 6th, Lauderdale and his fel- 
jums. low -com miss loners presented a strong remonstrance 
TStSco-i against the abduction of the King, and called on 
Parliament to bring Charles up to the neighbour- 
Pmtw^iof hood of London. On this the Lords reminded the 
t -. ouiti. (3q^^qji5 of the vote sent down to them some days 
licfote for bringing the King to Oatlands.' The Commons, 
less rash than the other House, contented themselves with 
writing to Fairfax to send him back to Holmby." 

As far as the Presbyterian leaders were concerned, the 
conciliatory votes of Parliament were a mere blind. On the 
^aT,<:(,. 6'b Massey, on whose military support they were 
iiiep1^-°^ able to count, rode through the City, calling on the 
hntriaoi. citizens to defend themselves against the madmen of 
the army, whose aim was the beheading of the best men in the 
Parliament and the City.^ The Presbyterians in combination 
with the Scottish commissioners had already de- 
ifnttQ spatched Dunfermline across the Channel, When 

"^ he arrived in France he was to urge Henrietta Maria 
to send the Prince of Wales to Scotland in order that he might 
head the projected army of invasion,' and to assure the Queen 
that as soon as her son had crossed the Border every Presby- 
terian in England would join him in arms,* Cromwell's asser- 
tion that the Presbyterians were prepared to plunge England 

' L.J. ix. 143, =44- ' C.J. v. zoi. 

• Leltet of Intelligence, Jane ^, Clarindm MSS. 2,528. 

' Monlreuil, who had been at Edinburgh since the banning of 
February, wrote in May that this pkn had already been adopted. 
Montreuil to Brienne, "^o'" Carte MSS. Ixxxiii. fol 176, 

' According lo Eellievre, Dunfennline was instructed by the English 
Presbyterians and the Scottish Commissioners to dispose the Queen 'k 
Jaire aller le Pcince de Galled en Escosse pour, avec toutes les forces de 
ee Royaume ]k, venir en Ar^leterre se joindre aux Ptesbyt^tietis, que les 
prindpaux asseurcnt se devoir toui declarer pour les interests dudit Roy.' 



I 



prindpaux asseurent se devoir toui declarer pour les interests dudit Roy.' ^H 

Beltievre to Maiatln, June^, /'.O. Tnauiripn. In a Royalist letter of ^H 

Intelligence, of June 10, it is said, with far less probability, that the Prince ^H 

■ was to come lo London, Clavendon MSS. 2,53^ ^^H 

^ I ^H 



1647 CROMWELL'S RIDE TO THE ARMY. rjq 

into a fresh war rather than miss their aim needs no farther 
justification. 

The Presbyterians, on the other hand, believed, without 
any real foundation, that the army leaders had plotted a mutiny 

Junes, ^"^ova the very beginning of the troubles with the 
^riln^ Md^* soldiers. On June 3, when the first news of Joyce's 
Cromwell, march reached Westminster, they instinctively picked 
out Cromwell as the main contriver of the plot. They whis- 
Th Ik f P^^^^ *^ ^"^ another of impeaching and even of 
arresting arresting him ; but there was no promptitude of 

™* action in them, and Cromwell slipped out of the 

House before they were prepared to act. Either on that even- 

june 5. ing, or on the morning of the 4th, he left London, 
NewmSket. reaching Newmarket in the evening.* Earlier in the 
The render- ^^y ^^^ appointed Tcndczvous was held on Kentford 
vouson Heath, about four miles from Newmarket. Loud 

Kentford ' 

Heath. shouts from the assembled soldiers testified their 
welcome to Fairfax as he rode up to take his place amongst 
them. In their name the Agitators placed in the hands of the 
General a Humble Representation of the dissatisfac- 
Kepresenta- ttons of the Amty, criticising the terms formerly 
'^* offered to the soldiers, claiming the right of petition, 

and bitterly attacking the Declaration which had been re- 

* Ludlow {Memoirs^ ed. 1751, i. 164) puts Cromwell's flight in con- 
nection with the events which led to the Declaration of March 30 (see p. 
229), which is obviously absurd. Wildman, in Putney Projects, p. 7 (E. 
421, 19), sajrs that Cromwell was forced to fly to the army the day after 
the first rendezvous, which would be on the 5th. This, however, does 
not fit in with the Parliamentary occurrences of the time, as if Cromwell 
had remained in London till the 5th he could hardly have escaped arrest, 
and, unless it is a mere mistake, it may perhaps be taken to mean that 
Cromwell made his first public appearance at the second rendezvous on 
Kentford Heath, which took place on the 5th. Seria exercitiis series (E. 
419, 6) makes him arrive during the rendezvous without stating whether 
the first or second is meant. Judging by the internal evidence of the 
Solemn Engagement, I feel no doubt that Cromwell had a hand in it ; and 
as that was presented on the 5th, he can hardly have reached Newmarket 
later than the evening of the 4th. As this date fits in with the course of 
events at Westminster, I have felt justified in assuming its correctness, but 
it is a matter of inference, not of evidence. 



h 



Sto THE MANIFESTOES OF THE ARMY. CH. 1. 

scinded at Westminster early on that very morning.' If, it was 
further alleged, the men who cou!d frame such a libel upon 
the army were still in credit, there wjuld be no safety tor indi- 
vidual soldiers after disbandment. There was, as far as words 
went, no actual diclalion to the Houses, but no room was left 
for doubt that the soldiers ws'ied the Presbyterian leaders .to 
be excluded from power. " Having," they said, " in this par- 
ticular expressed both the case and the consequence very 
plainly, we leave it at the Parliament's door until they shall 
be pleased to fix the blame on those particular persons." * 

It is not improbable that this appeal was penned some days 
before it was placed in the hands of Fairfax. Another, named 

Jure J. ■^ Snlemn Engagement of (he Army, which was pro- 
£ii^g'"ni duced and subscribed by the soldiers at a second 
c/i%iArmy. rendezvous held on Kentford Hea'h on the 5th, was 
instinct with the fears and passions of the hour. It charged 
the Presbyterian leaders not merely with hostility to the army, 
as evinced by their public acts, but with a secret determination 
to light the flames of a new war. In the face of this danger 
officers and soldiers agreed that they would not disband before 
they had received satisfaction for their complaints, and also 
security that neither they nor 'other the free born people of 
England ' should be subjected to the injustice from which they 
had suffered in the past. They further demanded that they 
should themselves be secured — by the cessation of the authority 
of the men now in power— from liability to punishment for the 
part which they had taken in resisting disbandment. 

Thus far there was little to distinguish the Solemn Engage- 
ment from the Humble Representation except that it was rather 
Tht latter '"'"'^ outspoltcn. As far as there is any internal 
ponLonwrii- evidence of authorship in its earlier paragraphs : 
Croidwdi'i points to those Agitators who had come under the 

'"™'' influence of Lilburne. The later portion of the 
document) however, contains two practical declarations which 

' See p. 377. 

' A Humble Representation, Rushw. vi. 505. As ippears from n 
letter in Ruihiv. vi. 504, ii was delivered Id Foiifax on the 4lh, though it 
received additional signatures on the 5th, 



I 



THE COUNCIL OF THE ARMY. 

can hardly have been inserted excepting under the influence of 
Cromwell, whose arrival at Newmarket on the evening before 
The Solemn Engagement was finally put into shape converted a 
protest into a declaration of policy. It must have been evident 
to Cromwell that if the army was to refuse obedience to Parlia- 
ment, except under certain conditions, it must not be left to 
the Agitators alone to pronounce what those conditions were 

to be. Accordingly the Solemn Etiga^ment pro- 
ihtArmyio cccdcd to demand the erection of a Council of the 

Army, to be composed in the first place of those 
general officers who had hitherto sided with the soldiers, and 
in the second place of two commissioned officers and two 
private soldiers ' to be chosen for each regiment.' No offer of 
security or satisfaction was to be held adequate till it had been 
Noariackon accepted by this council. Further, there was to be 
i«i^^^' "o attack made on the Presbyterians as Presby- 
tended. terians. "And whereas," continues this remarkable 
State paper, "we find many strange things suggested or sus- 
pected to our great prejudice concerning . . . designs in this 
army, as to the overthrow of magistracy, the suppression or 
hindering of Presbytery, the establishment of Independent 
government, or upholding of a general licentiousness in 
religion under pretence of liberty of conscience, and many 
such things ; we shall very shortly tender to the Parliament a 
vindication of the army from all such scandals." The army, 
in short, would not support any particular party, but rather 
'study to promote such an establishment of common and 
equal right and freedom to the whole, as all might equally 
partake of, but those that do, by denying the same to others or 
otherwise, render themselves incapable thereof.' ' 

To organise the army while weakening the power of the 
Agitators by bringing them into close contact with the officers, 
Cromweirs ^^^ "^ '^^ Same time to obtain from the soldiers 
MrvicM. themselves authority for the pursuance of a policy of 
Hi' change moderation, was a service worthy of Cromwell's in- 
" """■ tervention. His change of front in abandoning his 
itrong objection to any mihtary resistance to the authority of 
' A SQlemQ Engngemenl, Ruslf!i.\ vi. 51a. 



aSi THB MANIFESTOES OP THE ARMY. CH. t. 

Pirtiament was evident to all, thougb it was not likely that 
those who had hitherto relied on his assurances would ascribe 
it to its true cause— his discovery of the intention of his 
opponents to use armed force for the accomplishment of their 

' The widely accepted view that Cromwell had all through been act- 
ing hypocritically finds slrong expression in Waller's VindiiaiiBn (p. 139), 
where il ii said that he stoic away ' after he had publicly in ihe House of 
Commoiu discUimed all intelligence with tbe army as to iheii mutinoua 
proceedings, and invoked the curse of God upon himself and his posterity 
if ever he shoulil join or comtnne with them in any actings or attempts 
coDlraiy to the orders of the House, ' No dale is given for these assevera- 
tions, and WhIIct was doubtless quite unaware of the impiortance of dis- 
tinguishing between words spoken before Cromwell knew of the Presby- 
leiian negoliBtiaD with the Scots, and words spoken after Ihal discovery. 
It is at least curious that Holies, Cromwell's bitter opponent, tells a 
similar story, but places the event in his Menwin, pp. S4-86, before, and 
not after, the mission to Safiion Walden, which was authorised by the 
Commons on April 30. He says that the other officers then disclaimed 
any sympathy with the resistance of the soldiers, 'as Cromwell did openly 
in the House, protesting, for his part, he would stick to Parliament, whilst 
underhand they sent their encourageroenls and directions.' When Crom- 
well returned, according to Holies, 'he who had made those solemn 
protestations with some great imprecations on himself if he failed in his 
petformance, did notwithstanding privily convey thence his goods (which 
many of the Independents likewise did), leaving City and Pailiameat as 
marked out for destruction, and then without leave of the House (after 
some members missing him and fearing him gone ; and having notice of 
il came and showed himself a little in the House), did steal away that 
evening." I believe that neither Waller nor Holies is correct as to dates. 
We can fix on two protestations made by Cromwell, one on March 30 or 
21 (see p. 222, note l)[ the other on May 21 (see p. 258). Cromwell may, 
as Holies says, have also protested shortly before April 30, hut it is more 
likely that Holies was thinking of one or tbe other of the two protesta- 
tions for which there is actual evidence. Waller's story no doubt refers 
to the prolestnlion of May ai, which was made before he heard of the 
Presbyterian plot. That there was no dishonesty in Cromwell's earlier 
protestation we know, from Wildmnn's Putney Prajecis, p. ; (E. 421, ig), 
in which he asserts that Cromwell and Irelon ' were willing at least by 
their creatures to suppress the soldiers' first most innocent and modest 
petition ; and Colonel Rich sent several orders to some of his officers to 
prevent subscriptions to that petition, and the constant importunity and 
sniicitalion of many friends could not prevail with Cromwell to appear 



1647 CROMWELL'S DIFFICULTIES. 283 

It was difficult even for Cromwell to keep under strict 
discipline a soldiery which had been so long out of hand. 

until the danger of imprisonment forced him to fly to the army.' Wild- 
man was in close contact with the most violent Agitators, and is therefore 
a far better witness as to Cromwell's alleged secret communications with 
them than Holies can possibly be. His words may, therefore, be taken 
as conclusive against the theory that Cromwell was pursuing a double 
game, especially as they are corroborated by those of Lilbume (see p. 226, 
note 3). 

There is a story which Burnet {Hist, of his Oztm Time, ed. 1823, i. 
25) states that he heard from Grimston, which was adopted without 
criticism by M. Guizot {Charles L ii. 32). Grimston, according to Bur- 
net, told him that ' when the House of Commons and the army were a 
quarrelling at a meeting of officers, it was proposed to purge the army, 
that they might know better whom to depend on. Cromwell upon that 
said he was sure of the army ; but there was another body that had more 
need of purging, namely, the House of Commons, and he thought the 
army only could do that.' Grimston further said that he heard of this 
from two officers who were present at the meeting, that he produced them 
in the House, where they re^affirmed their statement, and that *when 
they withdrew Cromwell fell down on his knees and made a solemn prayer 
to God, attesting his innocence, and his zeal for the service of the House ; 
he submitted himself to the providence of God, who, it seems, thought fit 
to exercise him with calumny and slander, but he committed his cause to 
Him ; this he did with great vehemence and many tears.' 

In the first place, Grimston told this story * a few weeks before his 
death,* which took place in 1683, or more than thirty-five years after the 
event referred to, nothing of the kind appearing in any of the numerous 
attacks on Cromwell published in 1647. In the second place there is a 
passage in Wildman's Putney Projects, p. 45, which throws some light on 
the subject. Cromwell and Ireton, he writes, < professed themselves to be 
pained to the very hearts, because their way was not clear to purge the 
House from these unworthy men,' but when * seventy or eighty usurped a 
Parliamentary power, and complotted the imbruing the people in blood, 
they rejoiced that God had cleared their way to purge the House,* saying, 
* the Lord hath justified our cause, and hath suffered the enemies of our 
peace and freedom to dig pits of destruction for themselves, they have 
wiitten their wickedness in their foreheads, and made the way plain for 
their own ejection from the House.* 

Purging here means not such action as led to the expulsion of the 
eleven members, but the clearing away of large numbers, as was done in 
December 1648 by Pride's pui^e. Cromwell, as far as we know, first 
talked of purging the House in this sense in the latter partof Augttst 1647, 



an 



THE MANIFESTOES OF THE ARiaY. CH. U 



Before the rendezvous came to an end, some of the regiments 
called out that the officers who had not stood by them in their 
Soinca(n«r! troubles ought to be cashiered, whilst Robert Lil- 
upcikj. bume's men, taking the law into their own hands, 
drove off the heath the objects of their dislike.' 

The army had all but broken with the Houses, hut as yet 
it had not entered into any direct relations with the King. On 

June 4 June 4, the day of the first rendezvous, Fairfax heard 
toB^ihi' °^ '^^ arrival of Joyce at Holmby. He at once 
King. despatched Whalley with his regiment to protect 

jniKj. Charles from insult. On the 5th he ordered the 
oriti^iKai removal of head-quarters to Cambridge, and on his 
^ii^bC* ^'^y thither, having received news that the King had 
ukenback. (jgei, actually carried off by Joyce, sent two more 
regiments as a reinforcement to Whalley, at the same time 
ordering him to halt at Huntingdon, and, on the arrival of 
Joyce's party, to liberate Charles and conduct him hack to 
Holmby, To this Cromwell added instructions to Whalley 
'to use anything but force to cause His Majesty to return.''^ 

It was by Charles himself that Fairfax's orders were frus- 
trated. He took up his quarters at Sir John Cutis' house at 

June 6. Childerley, not far from Cambridge, and absolutely 
S^Mi'io refused to go back to Holmby. On the 7th, Fairfax, 
remm. accompanied by Cromwell and other officers, rode 

over to Childerley, hoping to be able to persuade the King to 
which is about the time al which Wildmsn puts it in his it^feience to the 
•seventy ot eighlj',' that is to say, to Ihc Presbyterians sitting in the 
absence of Ihe SpenWers at the end of July. If we accept Wildman's 
whole sltttemenl, the eailier profession of lieing 'pained in their hearts ' 
would seem to Indicate some language publicly used in the army to that 
effect, snd this may have been the origin of the alleged infonuation of the 
two officers in Grimslon's story. If Cromwell's prolestalions weie made 
Bt all, they may have been directed against a statement that he had 
actually advised the purge, which, according to Wildman, he had not 

' Perpet Diunial, E. Jig, 17. 

' Sir J. Berkeley's Memoirs, 13. Berkeley was on sufficiently friendly 
terms with the oflicers to obtain accurate information on this point ; and 
unless he is mistaken we have an additional reason Tor believing thai 
Cromwell gave no orders to Joyce for the King's removal. 



r647 



CHARLES AT NEWMARKET. 



285 



return to Holmby. Charles, who appeared to be in good 
spirits, rallied Joyce on his liability to be hanged as a traitor, 

/une 7. and begged to be allowed to continue his journey 
vifLk^by to Newmarket. Fairfax consented, though he refused 
Cromwuu!'' ^"^ allow him to pass through Cambridge, lest tht 

Junes members of the university and the townsmen should 
Charles give him too enthusiastic a reception. On the 8th 
Nemnarket. Charles madc his way by country lanes to his own 
house at Newmarket, and was received by the villagers on his 
route with open demonstrations of loyalty. 

After his return from Childerley, Fairfax addressed a letter 
to the Houses, giving an account of what had passed, and 
expressly stating that the army wished to leave the 
AieasrLm settlement of all ecclesiastical questions 'to Ihe 
wisdom of Parliament.' For the present, under pre- 
text of want of time, he kept back both the HumbU Repre- 
seniaiion and the Solemn Engagement^ no doubt because he 
still entertained a feeble hope that Parliament might even now 
be induced of itself to give satisfaction to the soldiers.' 

The Commons were indeed discovering that others besides 
the soldiers of Fairfax's army could importunately demand 

j„n, J. their due. On the 7th their House was beset, not 
b^et^y'Re- ^^ Independents or the friends of Independents, but 
formidues. jjy g iaQ\i of Rcformadoes,'^ who had formerly served 
under Essex, Waller, or Massey. These men clamoured for 
their arrears, and refused to go away till 10,000/. had been 
voted for them. The House knew that it might soon have 
need of the services of the Reformadoes. Not only was no 
farther step taken to conciliate the army, but the majority was 

lunea. setding down into a fixed determination to meet 
Aseiamie forcc by forcc. On the 8th the Commons, hoping 
oniiriered at to form the nuclcus of a Parliamentary army on 

''™"*'^' which they could rely, resolved that those soldiers 
who had volunteered for Ireland should be quartered at VVor- 

' Fairfai to Manchester, June 7 ; Montagu to Manchester, June 7, 
LJ. ix. 248, 349 ; rairfax to Lenlhall, June S, Riisliw. vi. 550 ; A 
Perfect Detlaration, E. Jgz, il. 

' Reformadoes were disbanded soldiers. 



THE MANIFESTOES OF THE ARMY. CH. t. 



cester, and at once voted 10,000/. for their f 



The I 



depender 



; main 

t, however, was on the City. In the 
. . course of the day, the sherifTs presented a petition 
from lie asking that the army might be paid off as soon as 
'■ possible, and the King's person disposed of in such 

a way that the two Parhamenls of England and Scotland might 
have access to him. The authors of this petition, conscious 
that it could only be carried into execution by force, further 
demanded the revival of an old Ordinance which permitted the 
City to raise cavalry in its own defence.^ The proposal was 
excused on the ground that it would enable the City to deal 
more easily with mutinous Reformadoes, but it can hardly be 
doubted that its real object was to enable the City trained 
bands to take the field as a complete army. The Commons 
at once ordered that an Ordinance should be brought in to 
give effect to the desire of the petitioners.' 

As often happens when bodies of men are swayed by their 
impulses towards an irremediable appeal to force, Parliament 
pacificatory for a time abandoned itself in a half-hearted way to 
tendencies, pacificatory tendencies, though the House of Com- 
mons rejected by a bare majority of one a proposal to take 
into consideration the real grievances of the soldiers.^ Both 
Houses concurred in a final effort to persuade the army to 
disband by offering a complete indemnity for acts done in the 
war, the actual repeal of the offensive Declaration of March 30,* 
and an engagement to add 1 0,000/. to the sum already voted 
for the speedy payment of arrears after disbandment. No 
such offers would now be of any avail unless an attempt was 
also made to put an end to the army's deep distrust of those 
who had Parliamentary authority in their hands.* 

On the morning of the loth the army was drawn up on 
Tripioe Heath to receive this communication from Westmin- 



Whitacre'B Diary, Add. MSS. 31, 116, fol. 312. 

C.J. V. 203; L.J. ix. 251. 

C.J. T. 206. ' I'itm, V. 302. 

The H luse of Commons alone had already ordered il to be eipunfed 

itG Jouinals (see p. 97). Now it was repealed by Orilinauce, 

/../■ ix 246, 247 ; C.J. V. 20a. 




■^47 TRTPLOE HEATH. 187 

filer. Before the arrival of the commissioners each regiment 
was warned ' ' to be very silent and civil towards them,' whilst it 
June .0. W3S at the same time suggested 'that a way be fonh- 
on'w?^"" with consulted for the speedy prevention of the Scotch 
Meaih. invasion to disturb the kingdom.' ^ As soon as the 

last votes of Parliament had been read out, Skippon, speaking 
in the name of the commissioners, asked Fairfax's regiment of 
Th= Pariii- '^"''^s whether it was willing to accept the offers now 
mtniary made. By an evidently preconcerted arrangement, 
miuMn one of the officers asked, in the name of the regi- 

ment, that they might be referred to a select body of 
officers and Agitators — in other words, to the newly-erected 
Council of the Army, To a demand whether the whole regi- 
ment agreed to this, the men replied with shouts of "All! 
All ! " and when the commissioners retired discomfited, cries 
of " Justice 1 Justice ! " followed them as they rode away. 
All the other regiments made the same answer.' 

The position of Triploe Heath, seven miles from Cambridge 
in the direction of London, was a significant indication of the 
of '"t^"t''3n of the new Army Council to abandon a 
iheArmy merely passive attitude. As soon as the appeal of 
the commissioners had been made, and made in 
vain, the whole army marched forward to Royston. The 
A leittr 10 request of the City to levy horse gave an excuse for 
the Ciiy. addressing a remonstrance to the City rather than to 
Parliament, and in the evening of the lolh a letter signed by 
Fairfax, Cromwell, Ireton, and ten other officers, was written 
to the City authorities. 

There can be little doubt that this letter was in great part 
the work of Cromwell. Not only is most of it written in his 
style, but it is redolent of his ideas.* It displays Cromwell 

' Probably by its Agilatois, bul this is not slated. 

' The r^menls were also recommended to seiie the Cinque Forts 
in order to prevent treasure going out of the kingdom, a.nd to secure all 
committeemen and excisemen that they might render their accounts. 
Clarkt Papers, i. la;. 

• Ftrftcl Dittmal, E. 515, 19, 

' Carlyle fixed oQ it as Cromwell's production from its style. The 
CTtdence of its ideas ii quite as striking. It ii apparently in reference 



388 THE MANIFESTOES OF THE AKAfV. CH. t. 

as concealing from himself that he was really executing a 
change of front, and tenaciously holding to his old doctrine 

that the intervention of an army in affairs of State 
ih.chiif^ is a grave evil, whilst in reality he was furthering 

a course which he had long condemned. By a 
strange self-delusion he refused to admit that he was giving 
Disiindion ^'^ approval to an enterprise in which soldiers were 
EngSn-tn attempting to bend the course of politics by the 
■ncTKjidief*. employment of their swords. What they required 
to be done was required by them not as soldiers but as 
Englishmen,' and their being soldiers could not strip them 
of their interest in the welfare of theic country. " We desire," 
continued this noteworthy remonstrance, in a passage which 
may possibly have come from another pen than Cromwell's, 

'a settlement of the kingdom, and of the liberties 
Kitkfl.oni of the subject, according to the voles and declara- 
'"^ ■ tions of Parliament which, before we took up arms, 
were by the Parliament used as argumenls and inducements to 
invite us and divers of our dear friends out — some of whom 
have lost their lives in this war, which being by God's blessing 
finished, we think we have as much right to demand and see a 
happy settlement, as we have to our money, or the other 
common interest of soldiers that we have insisted upon." 

The army, it was further declared, had no wish to establish 
a licentious liberty, or to alter the Civil Government "We 
Novio'eot profess, as ever in these things," wrote — this time 
re^'^non surely Cromwell himself, "when the Stale has once 

made a settlement, we have nothing to say but 
submit or suffer. Only we could wish that every good citizen 
and every man that walks peacefully in a blameless conversa- 
tion may have liberties and encouragements, it being according 
to the just policy of all States, even to justice itself." 

to Cromwell's language in proposing this Idler that we are tr>W that 
' O. Cromwell spake as gallam])' and as heroic as if be had been charging 
his enemies in Ihe 6e\d.'—Clarie Papers, i. 134. 

' Compare his language about coming to the army in tlie double 
capacity of commissioner and soldier, see p. 246, note I. See, too, 
Waller*! VimUcaiiani p. 145, from which it appears that the dislinctiiHi 
tietween soldiers and Englishmen originated with CtomwelL 



1647 THE ARMY TO MARCH. m 

The writer of these words would not have been Cromwell 
if he had forborne to draw a practical conclusion. "These 
Theamr things," he continued, "are our desires, and the 
approjch things for which we stand, beyond which we shall 
iheCity. not go, and For the obtaining these things, we are 
drawing near your City, professing sincerely from our hearts 
we intend not evil towards you ; declaring with all confidence 
and assurance that, if you appear not against us in these our 
just desires, to assist that wicked party that would embroil us 
and the kingdom, nor we or our soldiers shall give you the 
least offence." The other alternative, however, must be faced, 
" If, after all this, you, or a considerable number of you, be 
seduced to take up arms in opposition to, or hindrance of, 
these our just undertakings, we hope, by this brotherly pre- 
monition, we have freed ourselves from all that ruin which may 
befall that great and populous City ; having hereby washed our 
hands thereof." ' 

The letter thus drawn up may at least serve as an expla- 
nation of the charge of hypocrisy which was from this time 
The charge persistently brought against Cromwell.^ Instead of 
flgai'i^i™'^ announcing plainly that he had changed his opinion 
CromweU. j^ cousequencc of new circumstances which had 
come to his knowledge, he tried to persuade himself and others 
that he had not changed it at al!. Put into straightforward 
Cromii-rirs language Cromwell's doctrine was sufiicientiy intetli- 
atom"he g'ble. He held, in a somewhat hazy way, that it 
sSi"'^ was in all ordinary matters the duty of Englishmen 
auihoriiy, to submit to the authority of Parliament ; but that 
if Parliament, after refusing to do an act of justice to soldiers, 
roused a portion of the community to take arms against those 
whom it had wronged, and even invited a foreign nation to 
assist it in the work of compulsion, the soldiers were justiAed, 

' Fairfax and others to the Lord Mayor, &c. June lo, L.J. iji. 257. 

' "Here," wiole Holies afterwards, " ihey first take upon them 
openly to intermeddle with the business of the kingdom contrary lo all 
the former declarations and their protestations ; but their words, nor yet 
their vows were never any rule to knew their meaning by." Mevioirt 
{ed. 1699). p. 103. 

vol.. 111. "* 



*90 



THE MANIFESTOES OF THE ARMY, ch- I. 



L 



noi as soldiers, but as Englishmen, in averting so dire a 
calamity. It was not in Cromwell's nature to look far into the 
future, or he might have asked himself how, if once an army, 
under any pretence, interfered in affairs of State, it could be 
induced to draw back again when its first object has been 
Thrnwof attained. In 1647 as in 1642 force had been called 
force. forth to resist misgovernment, and the habit of using 

force would never cease till the sword had been broken in the 
hands of those who wielded it. Those who blame the army 
may well be called on to blame stil! more the blundering 
incapacity of the King at one time, and of the Preshyterian 
. majority at another ; whilst those mho have no words 
piin in lb* loo strong in their condemnation of Cromwell's action, 
may do well to remember that the first signature to 
the letter was that of Fairfax. It is impossible to regard Fairfax 
as a mere satellite of Cromwell, obediently fulfilling the com- 
mands of a masterful subordinate. The most rational interpre- 
tation of his conduct is that he, like Cromwell, had been shaken 
liy the discovery of the Presbyterian intrigue, and that, not 
being resourceful himself, he readily acquiesced in the employ- 
ment of resources offered by others. 

The day on which the letter was written was occupied by 
the House of Commons in angling for the good-wil! of the 
Tiieifmpct City, of which, as the Humble Representation and 
Hmwof ^^ Solemn Engagement had at last reached West- 
CommonB. minstcr, their need had become pressingly evident 
The House offered to abolish the excise on bread and meal, 
O-eriurM '° decree that no member should henceforward de- 
10 th. ciiy. ^jyg profit from any office, grant, or sequestration, or 
receive recompense for his services until the public debt had 
been paid. Moreover, a committee was to be appointed to 
consider the abandonment of that privilege covering the goods 
of a meml>er which had, in 1629, been strenuously upheld 
against the King.' 

On the nth, having received intelligence of the failure of 1 
their commissioners on Triploe Heath, the Houses took up tha. 

' C./. \. 204 ; ^^Tiilaiie's Diary, Add. .USS. 31, 116, 311b. 



1647 DEFENSIVE MEASURES. 291 

challenge there thrown down. They voted that all officers and 

soldiers deserting from the army should have the benefit of 

the late votes, and that 10,000/. should be set aside 

Tune IX. ' ' 

Warlike for the satisfaction of the expected deserters. An 
Ordinance was then rapidly passed empowering the 
Committee for Irish Affairs, on which the Presbyterians were 
strongly represented, to raise horse and foot ; and at the same 
time the Ordinance — voted by the Commons three days be- 
fore * — by which the City was empowered to raise cavalry, was 
issued to the world. To give effect to these measures a new 
A Com. Committee of Safety, composed of members of the 
^ttecof two Houses, was appointed to join the reformed 
City Committee of Militia,^ m taking all necessary 
steps to defend *the Kingdom, Parliament, and City.' An 
army, in short, was to be constftuted in London to oppose the 
army at Royston.' 

It soon appeared that it was more easy to give warlike 
orders than to execute them. Many of the disbanded officers 
Coldness ^nd some private soldiers gave in their names for 
of the City, enlistment, but, on the whole, the result was not 
encouraging. An army hurriedly brought together would 
hardly be able to meet Fairfax's veterans in the open field, and 
though the Presbyterian leaders counted on a Scottish force 
to come to their relief,* the City would, in all probability, be 
starved out long before assistance could reach it from the 
North. 

In the afternoon the arrival of the letter from the officers to 
the City, accompanied by the knowledge that the army had 
Arrival of moved forward to Royston, gave further pause to 
of the"*' ^^^ warlike spirits. The first thought of the Houses 
officers. ^as to forbid Fairfax to approach within forty miles 
of London, On the i2th» howevei, the effect of the letter from 

» See p. 286. • See p. 2Sa 

» Z./. ix. 255 ; Cj/l V* 2D7'» 

* **Lafazione Presbiteriale anche ella parla assai alto, et di volere 
richiamare gli Scozzesi in questo Regno in suo aiuto, piii presto che di 
suffrire V Independente d* havere il suo intento," Salvetli's despatch, 
Jane \\, Add, MSS. 17, 962, L. fol. 385b. 



h 



293 T//E MANIFESTOES OF THE ARMY. CH. I- ' 

the anny was more clearly seen. New commissioners v 
appointed to go to Fairfax's head-quarters to find out 

extent of the demands of the soldiers, and to assure 
AfrMh them that Parliament was 'in away of settling the 
ii«™SiV" peace of the kingdom.' The Common Council, 
Aniwcior too, drew up a temporising answer to the summons 
HnCity. f^Q^ Roy ston, in which ihey repudiated any inten- 
tion of resisting the just demands of the soldiers, and requested 
the army to remain at a distance of at least thirty miles, on the 
ground that, by coming nearer, it would enhance the price of 
provisions in London.' This answer was to be conveyed to 
head-quarters by a deputation of citizens. 

Later in the morning news arrived that the army had left 
Royston and was marching southwards. At once the Preshy- 
Ntwiihai terian Militia Committee ordered the trained bands 
ihesmiyii to tum Dut on pain of death, and the shops to be 
marc ing. ^[qj^^jj^ -pj^^ Westminstcr regiment was the only one 
oiioMi!« which appeared in strength. In the City regiments 
ih=Ciij-. jj^g attendance was exceedingly thin. Some com- 
panies were represented by no more than ten men ; in others 
the officers found themselves alone. Drummers were sent 
round to summon the laggards to their duty, but their call to 
come in on pain of death met with no response except in the 
jeers of the boys in the streets, The personal intervention of 
the Presbyterian Lord Mayor— Sir John Gayer— was required 
to induce the tradesmen round the Exchange and Cornhill to 
close their shops. In every other part of the City men bought 
and sold as usual. After a while it was discovered that an 
army leaving Royston in the morning could hardly reach 
London in a single day. A strong force was kept on the lines 
of the fortification, but the remainder of the trained band were 
suffered to go home and the closed shops to be opened.* 

In the new Committee of Safety, on the other hand, ( 
which the more fiery spirits of the Presbyterian party were 
fully represented, therg was no drawing back. This committee 



' Rushw. vi. 557, J58. 

• Newslettei from London, Jun 



t647 



A POLITICAL PROGRAMME. 



J91 



was now established at Guildliall, and busied in preparing 
lists of disbanded officers willing to serve the Parliament.' 

It is possible that even in the governing circles of 
ihc'com- the City umbrage was taken at the attempt to organise 
Safc^. the City defence under this purely Parliamentary 

committee. At all events, when on the 13th the 
A depuis-' deputation of the citizens, charged with the answer 
ihcCityai to the army, reached St. Albans, where Fairfax had 
'■ ™'' established his head-quarters, its members were soon 
on the best of terms with the soldiers. The Council of the 
Army thus found itself at leisure to reply to the request made 
by the latest Parliamentary commissioners ^ for a statement of 

the whole of the demands of the army. The result 
Thr was a paper styled The Declaration of the Army, 

lion if which was placed in the hands of the commissioners 
ikiArmj. ^^ j^g morning of the isth.' It was the first 
deliberate attempt of the army to set forth a political pro- 
gramme. 

Passing lightly over the military grievances brought forward 
on previous occasions, the Declaration sought to establish the 

right of the army to speak in the name of the Eng- 
noi mtrtly lish people, on the ground that it was not ' a mere 

mercenary army, hired to serve any arbitrary power 
of a State, but called forth and conjured by the several declara- 
tions of Parliament to the defence of their own and the people's 
just rights and liberties.' * These declarations had pointed them 
' to the equitable sense of all laws and constitutions as dis- 
pensing with the very letter of the same and being supreme to 
it, when the safety and preservation of all is concerned, and 
giving assurance that all authority is fundamentally seated in 
the office, and but ministerially in the persons.' In other words, 



' Order of the Committee of Safely, Jur 
* See p. 292. 



.a, LJ. k. 275- 



• The Commfcisioners to Manchesli 

* This does not mean that all the soldiers were volunteers, but that it 
whatever way they had entered the amiy they had been brought into it 
on the ground of certain declarations of rarliameni, and had [oughl foi 
thCEG, and not only for their pay. 



294 THE MANIFESTOES OF THE ARMY. CH. L. 

the army argued that erring members of Parliament should be 
resisted as well as erring kings. To give effect to this 
doctrine the authors of the declaration went on to ask that 
The House the House should be purged of those members who 
to oe purged, y^^ comipt actions or abuse of their powers, or by 
any other delinquency, had made themselves unfit to retain 
their seats, as well as of those who had been unduly elected. 
To this was added a further demand that those who had de- 
famed the army might be incapacitated from doing further 
harm by exclusion from the power which they now possessed. 

So violent an interference with the existing basis of the 
Constitution naturally led to an inquiry into the best method 
c nstit ^^ averting similar catastrophes in the future. The 
tionai Declaration, therefore, proceeded to refer to an argu- 

ment which might possibly be adduced in favour of 
placing authority in the hands of men * approved at least for 
Shall moral righteousness,' and more especially of men 

i!!*^"^"* actuated *by a principle of conscience and reli- 
go\era? gion.' ^ Yet, excellent as such an arrangement 
might appear, the conclusion reached was that there was great 
force in the objection that it was in any case undesirable to 
sanction * absolute and arbitrary power settled for continuance 
in any persons whatsoever.' 

The old way was therefore the best Let Parliaments be 
trusted still, yet without any superstitious belief that Parliaments 
pariia would be always in the right. Even the dissolution 

ments to be of a coHTupt and factious Parliament gave no security 
but not* that the next Parliament would not be still more cor- 
tio^^y.*' nipt and factious. All that could be done was to 
The dura, shortcn ihc duration of Parliaments, so that the peo- 
Paribinents P^^ might bc enabled *if they have made an ill 
to ^>e choice one time to mend it in another.' For the 

first time the modern political doctrine that the 
people themselves are the source of power, and that there is 
no appeal from their decision when expressed through Parlia- 
ments recently chosen, was publicly set forth in England. 

^ This anticipates the ideas of those who summoned the so-called 
Barebones' Parliament. 



i647 IRETON'S AlAfS^ 595 

To give effect to these principles the Soldiers laid down a 
series of definite requirements* The House of Commons was 
asked to fix a date for its own dissolution. A certain period 
was to be fixed for the duration of future Parliaiqents» which 
Proposed were not to be adjourned nor dissolved without their 
measures. ^^^ conscnt. The right of petitioning Parliament 
was to be clearly acknowledged. Offences were to be punished 
by law and not by Parliament. The powers of the county 
committees were to be restricted and the accounts of the nation 
published. After public justice had been satisfied by a few 
examples, and delinquents had been admitted to compound, 
there was to be a general act of oblivion. Finally, after repeat- 
ing their demand for toleration within the limitations set down 
in the Solemn Engagement, the authors of this remarkable 
State paper concluded by asking all men to judge whether the 
army sought anything for itself, or for any party in the nation, 
* to the prejudice of the whole.' " 

As the closing paragraphs of the Solemn Engagement bear 
unmistakably the impress of Cromweirs mind, T/ie Declaration 
of the Army bears no less unmistakably the impress 
principal of Ircton's. Cromwell thought first of safeguarding 
religious liberty with the least possible injury to 
existing institutions. Ireton, while keeping before him the 
object of establishing religious liberty, was mainly inspired by 
a desire to remodel the institutions of the country in order to 
safeguard popular government from royal or Parliamentary 
usurpation. Cromwell cared little for constitutional forms, 
whilst Ireton thoroughly realised their importance. 

It was not speculative thought which brought Ireton to 
anticipate much of the political thought of the closing years of 
Ireton not the nineteenth century. That which weighed with 
an idealist. Yiua was mainly the necessity of providing against 
the arbitrary power of a king whom no one might dethrone. 
His prac- ^Lud the arbitrary power of a Parliament which no 
ticaiaims. ^^^ might dissolvc. There had to be found an 
arbitrator between the two, and no one who, like Ireton, had 

* Rtishw. vi, 564. 



296 THE MANIFESTOES OF THE ARMY. CH. L. 

imbibed the democratic spirit of the Independent congrega- 
tions was likely to select any other than the English people, 
because, though the nation itself might often be mistaken and 
careless, it alone was interested in coming to a right decision. 
Ireton seemed to have provided for everything, but there was 
one thing which he had not foreseen, the absolute refusal of the 
English people, for many a long year, to take up the high posi- 
tion which he had marked out for it 



297 



CHAPTER LI. 

THE ELEVEN MEMBERS. 

There was little chance that the Houses would pay attention 
to a scheme so radical and so humiliating to themselves as 
that which Ireton had sketched out in the army'? 
June 1*4. name. On June 14, whilst that scheme was still 
oi^th^^ under discussion at St. Albans, the Lords asked the 
Houses. Commons to agree to a manifesto setting forth the 
™ffli?' benefits which Parliament had conferred and still 

mentary 

maniesto intended to confer on the kingdom. In order to 

proposed. , . 

indicate that peace was included amongst the latter, 
it was proposed to fix upon a place to which the King should 
be brought with a view to the re-opening of negotiations.* 
The King Staplcton at once urged that Charles should be in- 
the^^^th** vited to come to some place south of the river. As 
xiiimes. every Independent firmly believed that his opponents 

aimed at securing peace by means of a Scottish in- 
invalton* vasion, this proposal to remove Charles from the 
feared. custody of the army was hotly contested. There 
was, wrote one of them, * great talk of a design to bring the 
Scots in again, and that Lauderdale is gone with a letter from 
his Majesty for the Prince, who is to come in at the head of 
June 15. that army.'^ On the 15th, however, both Houses 
TOmeto'° voted that Charles should be removed to Richmond, 
Richmond, where he was to be guarded by a regiment which 
had been raised in Lincolnshire, and which formed no part of 
the New Model army. This regiment was the more fit to carry 

» C/. V. 210. 

* Newsletter from London, June 14, Clarke Papers^ i. 136. 



298 THE ELEVEN MEMBERS. CH. LT. 

out the designs of the Parliament, as its commander, Rossiter, 
was himself a staunch Presbyterian.' 

On the following morning the Houses learnt, even more 
plainly than they had learnt before, that they could place no 
June 16. dependence on the City. The Common Council 
A titude of would not hear of * a new war.* Municipal jealousy 
came to the aid of the tradesmen's love of peace, 
and even the new Presbyterian Committee of the Militia de- 
clared against the levy of soldiers within the limits of the 
The Com- City by the Parliamentary Committee of Safety. 
Safety?!. The Houses were driven to repudiate the action of 
pudiatcd. their own committee,^ and also at the urgent request 
of the City to send a month's pay to Fairfax's army, lest its 
necessities should compel it to advance on London.' 

Later in the course of the same day The Declaration of the 
Army reached Westminster; and it was promptly followed 
The De- ^1 ^ charge made in the name of the army against 
'Pth^'^ eleven members of the House of Commons: Holies, 
^'^oTthe Stapleton, I^wis, Clotworthy, Waller, Maynard, 
House. Massey, Glyn, Long, Harley, and Nichols. The 
Charge clcvcn werc accused of endeavouring to overthrow 
%\^iln the rights and liberties of the subjects ; of delaying 

members. ^^^ obstructing justicc ; of misrepresenting the army 
in order to obtain the authority of Parliament for acts calcu- 
lated to irritate the army and thereby cause the failure of the 
proposed relief of Ireland ; of attempting to raise forces in 
order to throw the kingdom into another war ; and finally of 
encouraging the violence of the Reformadoes at Westminster. 
The army, in conclusion, alleged that in due time it would 
bring forward sufficient proof of these accusations.* 

An army is particularly ill-qualified to serve as a jury of 

» Z./. ix. 267 ; C.J, V. 210. 

* Act of the G)mmon Council, June 15; Order of the Militia Com- 
n ittee, July 16, L,J, ix. 274. • C.J, v. 214. 

* The heads of a charge, Rushw, vi. 570. Speculation had been rife 
as to the number of those to be accused. According to one statement it 
was thought that it would reach twenty-eight, namely ten members of the 
House of Commons, ten citizens, four peers, and four members of the 



presentment, and it might have been expected that a charge 
sutcof brought in such a fashion would have roused con- 
["]J,'^ siderable indignation in the country. So poorly, 

cauniry. howcver, had the Presbyterians played their cards 
that, though four months before they had been generally 
regarded as the party of peace, they were now beginning to 
be regarded even in friendly quarters as the party of war. It 
is indeed undesirable to lay much stress on the petitions 
which now reached Westminster in defence of the proceedings 
of the soldiers. The signatures to them were probably not 
numerous, and it was alleged, probably with truth, that they 
were carefully prepared at head -quarters. The remarkable 
thing is that there was no counter- demonstration on the other 
The Pra- side. At a time when the Presbyterians should have 
wTihoui"" ^'"^ ^ nation behind them, they had nothing hut an 
HippurL intrigue with the King and the Scots. Charles, as 
might be expected, was most friendly in words, taking care to 
let his supporters know how well-disposed he was towards 
them, and to assure them that he passionately desired to be 
The King ^'^^^ ^'^ Parliament. On this the Houses took heart 
ID RiS"' ^^ B^^^y '*"'^ ordered Fairfax to send the King to 
roond. Richmond and to remove his army to a distance of 

forty miles from London. At the same time they gave Lauder- 
dale a pass to travel to Newmarket, doubtless with the intention 
that he should concert operations with Charles.' 

Whatever might be the ultimate decision of the authorities 

in Scotland, their power to intervene in England was greater 

than it had been when they marched out of New- 

a(r:i;rsm castlc. Bcfore the end of March David Leslie, 

having overrun the whole of Huntly's country, left 

MiiKb. Middieton behind him to pursue the fugitive Marquis, 

and then made his way across the mountains to put an end 

to the ravages of Alaster Macdonald in the territory of the 

Campbells. In the middle of May Leslie was joined by Argyle, 

and their united forces bursting into Kintyre fell upon the 

redoubted chief who had accomplished marvels under the 

Aj-cnibly of Divines. Joachimi to the Slates General, June ^% Ailii 

A/ii'. 17, 677, S. fol. 462. ' L./. ix. 271, 273, 276. 



300 



THE ELEVEN MEMBERS. 



r. LI. 



leadership of Montrose. Alone, Alasier Macdonald was unable 
to liold his own, and taking to his boats he sailed for Islay. 
His deserted followers surrendered at discretion. 
'''■ Argyle, however, is said, though on doubtful evi- 
dence, to have urged Leslie to make short work with the 
enemies of the Campbells, and a minister, John Nevoy, who 
accompanied the army, persistently urged Leslie to put the 
Amalekites to the sword. To his pleading Leslie somewhat 
reluctantly yielded, and the whole number of the captives were 
slaughtered almost to a man.' "Now, Mr. John," I^eslie is 
reported to have said to the minister, when the butchery was 
at an end, "have you not once gotten your fil! of blood?"' 
Two forts in Islay held out for a time, but Macdonald ulti- 
mately returned to Ireland, and the war in Scotland was 
practically at an end. 

By the beginning of June, therefore, Scotland had it in 

power to send an invading army into England, and soon after 

.^^ Charles arrived at Newmarket he received from 

A Scoiii^h Argyle and the dominant party * an offer of such an 

fered lo army to be sent to his assistance. This offer, how- 

"" ever, Charles peremptorily declined.* He probably 
considered that a Scottish army coming to his help under the 
influence of Argyle would insist upon a complete surrender to 
the Presbyterians. 

A few days later, on June 19, Charles turned somewhat 
dubiously to the Presbyterians.' On that day Lauderdale had 

I Leslie to the Commissioners, March a? ; April 8, Tliiirloe, i, 
90 ; Sir Jamea Tutaet's Memoirs, 45, 47 ; Monlreuil to Miuarin, June 
Arch. desAf. Etrm^res, Ivi. fol. 145, 163. 

' Gulhiy's Mimeirs, 128. As Sir James Tumer wa^ actually present 
on this occasioD, I have preferred his authnrity to that of Guthry, but the 
saying attributed to Leslie by the latter is probable in itself. 

' Hamilton was at this lime opposed to intervention. See Montreoil's 
despatches to Brienoe tor May and June, Carte MSS. vol. Ixxxiii. 

* Bellitvre to MajEarin, July, R.O. Transcripls. That the aimy 
offered to dissolve Parliament ia also slated on the Queen's authority, in ; 
teller written at Rome on July ^ by Sir K. Digby to the Pope. Xeman 
Tramiripts, J{. 0. 

* It is possible [bat Guules had already heard of lome proposals fraat 



1647 CHARLES AND THE ARMY. 301 

an interview with him at Newmarket, and though Charles's 
, answers appear to have been considered unsatisfac- 

june 19. * * 

Lauder- torv in point of religion, he showed his anxiety to 

dale sinter- ' '^ .ii-r*i . i 

view with be on good terms with the Presbytenans by express- 
ing, on the following day, his readiness to remove to 
Ch"r"es"^ Richmond.^ Charles's decision would have been of 
toRfcK ^° \\^\^t moment unless Fairfax's approbation could be 
mond. secured, but Fairfax, as well as the other officers in 

the army, were at this time anxious to conciliate him as far as 
possible. They had favourably received an application from 
The Kin ^^"^ ^^ ^^ allowed the society of the Duke of Rich- 
have his mond. Sir William Fleetwood, as well as that of two 

c n ft plfti lis* 

of his chaplains, Sheldon and Hammond ; ^ and 
Fairfax now instructed Whalley to attend him to Richmond, 
though he was not to allow him to find his way to London.^ 

To the Housed Fairfax showed himself less compliant 
Not only did he refuse to obey their order to retire beyond the 
June 2a. radius of forty miles firom London, but he had rallied 
News from to his army six companies which had left him for 
' service in Ireland.* Further north, Poyntz's soldiers 
mutiny in Yorkshire, on whose services the majority was 
Poymz's counting, had been giving ear to some Agitators 
soldiers. ^^^^ ^^ them from Fairfax's army, and now showed 
a disposition to mutiny.* 

the army. According to a paper in the Clarendon MSS, 2,532, eight heads 
were presented to the King, June 19. Another, in the Rawlinson MSS. D. 
399, No. 33, gives nine, the additional one being * That his Majesty will be 
pleased to consent to the dissolution of this Parliament, and that by August 
I new writs be issued out for the calling of a new.* These seem to be the 
same as those referred to by the Roman Newswriter. ** E se il R^ havesse 
voluto acconsentire al loro desiderio un mese fa, S. M. sarebbe stata reinte- 
grata nel suo trono." Newsletter, July ^, Roman Transcripts, R.O. 
They were, however, denounced by the army on July I {Rushw. vi. 
602), but they may have been some unauthorised draft which had got 
abi Dad. 

* Montagu to Manchester, Tune 20, L,/, ix. 283. 

^ The King to Fairfax, June 17, Clarke Papers, i. 137. 
' Fairfax to Whalley, June 21 (?), Clarke Papers, i. 138. 

* Nottingham to Manchester, June 21, L,J. ix. 286. 

* Poyntz to Lenthall, undated, Gary's Mem, of the Civil War, i. 233. 



i 



30a r//E ELEVEN MEMBERS. C 

Powerless as it was, the House of Commons had no mind I 
to submit. On the 21st, indeed, it took into consideration I 

luiKiT ^^ Declaration of the Army, and authorised an 
Thi ^"j"- inquiry into the alleged delinquency of some of its 
Armyoja- members. On the 23rd, on the other band, it re- 
fused even to discuss the soldiers' demand that q 
biitlhTcM- dale should be fixed for a dissolution, or that future 
^^■2^ Parliaments should be limited in duration, and pro- 
tcjcited. tested against dissolution without their own consent. 
Its utmost concession was to express a readiness to consider 
the question of the right of petition. The army was then 
required to furnish proofs of the misconduct of the eleven 
members if it wished the promised investigation into their case 
to proceed.' 

In the army the irritation caused by these resolutions was 
intense. It was there firmly believed that the Houses were 
Thfiiray o^'y Seeking to gain time till an opportunity occurred 
irtiiaicd. fp^ using force. It was remarked that the men 
enlisted in the City by the Committee of Safety were still 
under arms, and that attempts had been made — not entirely 
without success — to encourage desertions from the army itself 
by the offer 0/ a full payment of arrears. Whilst the danger 
from the Reformadoes oF the City was still dreaded, there was 
another danger from the side of Worcester, where was collected 
a considerable body of those soldiers who had volunteered for 
Ireland, and were now, as was believed at St. Albans, prepared 
to act against their old comrades. It was possible also that 
Poyntz's army farther north might be won over to the side of 
Parliament by a recent order to send down 10,000/. in payment 
of its arrears.* 

The suspicions of the soldiers did not outrun the facts. 
According to the plan adopted in the councils of the Presby- 

^ terians, the forces at York and Worcester were to 

icriande- combinc with those now gathering in London— which 

were formed, not, as had been the case earlier in the 

month, of mere citizen soldiers, but of men who had known 

the stress of actual war — and were to fall upon Fairfax and 

I C.J. y, 208, Z2I. ' Jtiii. V. 219. 



1647 THE ARMY RESOLUTE. 303 

rescue the King from his grasp. ' Moreover, the negotiation 
for transferring the Prince of Wales to Scotland was still on 
foot2 

The danger was, perhaps, not quite as great as the Inde- 
pendents imagined, as the forces on which the Presbyterians 
The Presby. ^^^^ count wcre far from being in complete agree- 
scauerS'^^ Hient, and were widely scattered ; whereas the army 
was of one mind, and was gathered in one place. Its 
leaders now spoke plainly out. In a new and lengthy remon- 
strance presented to the Parliamentary Commissioners on June 
23, the Army Council declared that it would have been ready 
A new re- to See the impeachment of the eleven members 
f?om tS*** postponed if their continuance in authority did not 
army. incrcasc the risk of a new war. Until they were 

deprived of the means of doing harm that danger would never 
be at an end. It was therefore necessary to insist on the sus- 
pension of the eleven members from sitting in the House, the 
expulsion of the Reformadoes from London, the disbandment 
of the soldiers recently enlisted, and the postponement of the 
King's removal to Richmond.' 

The Lords were the first to yield.* On the 24th they voted 
that the King, who was now with the army at St. Albans, 
should be requested to draw back to Royston or Newmarket, 

' Belli^vre, who was deep in the secrets of the Presbyterians, states 
that if the King is not allowed to go to Richmond, * Tarm^e que com- 
mande au Nord le General Poyntz, assist^ des levfe que Ton tient 
prestes dans les provinces, aussy bien que dans ceste ville, marcheroit 
contre celle de Fairfax.' Belli^vre to Mazarin, -j^^, R,0, Transcripts, 

* "Les Independents qui croyent S9avoir les affaires tiennent pour 
constant que les Presbyteriens ont «n trait^ avec la Ro)me de la Grande 
Bretagne, en suite duquel elle et le Prince de Galles doivent sortir de 

France au premier jour," -^* ^ , Ibid, Though this is merely put as a 

belief of the Independents, Belli^vre does not express any doubt of its 
correctness. As far as the Prince is concerned there is no doubt that 
Dunfermline had gone to invite him to Scotland (see p. 278). Compare 9 
Letter of Intelligence of June 21, in the Clarendon AfSS, 2,534. 
' A Humble Remonstrance, June 23, Rushw. vi. 585. 

* Bellievre complains bitterly of their weakness. Bellievre to Mazarin, 
<;„7^, R 0. Transcripts. 



3^4 THE ELEVEN MEMBERS. ch. li 

and the Commons had nothing for it but to give their assent. 
The Common Council, too, being in a yielding mood, asked 
, leave of the Commons to send a deputation to 

Tiif HousM Fairfax to keep him in good humour with the City, 
'*■ and supporting the demands of the army for the 
expulsion of the Reformadoes, and the disbandment of the 
new levies. Before the House broke up a fresh message 
arrived from St. Albans, reiterating the demand for the sus- 
pension of the eleven members.' , 

To give point to its message, the army on the 2Sth shifted 
its head-quarters to Uxbridge, where, as its posts were 
June IS. scattered over a line reaching from Staines to Wat- 
KmovHW ford,* it was admirably placed for the purpose of 
Uxbridge, cutting off supplies from London. Special care was 
taken lo keep Charles in the power of the army. Rossiter, 
who had been appointed by the Houses to take charge of the 
King's person, was now directed by Fairfax to march together 
with his regiment to head -quarters.' 

For a time the Houses persuaded themselves that it was 
possible to stand firm. On the 25th, whilst the army was still 
The Com- °" '^^ march towards Uxbndge, the Commons de- 
monitefuj* dared 'that it doth not appear that anything hath 
the eleven been said or done within this House by any of the 
""" members in question, touching any matters con- 

tained in the papers sent from the army, for which this House 
june)«. ^^'^ in justice suspend them.'' The next morning 
^'ih'e''^'™n brought from the army letters so menacing in their 
nwmtwra. tonc that the eleven members themselves found their 
position untenable. At their own request they received leave 
of absence and withdrew from the House.^ 

No one at the present day would be inclined to deny that 
military intervention to redress the balance of Parliamentary 

I C.J. V. 32a. Fairfax and ihe Council of Wat lo ihe ComnUMione 
at SL Albans, June 24, Gary's Mem. of Ike Civil War, i. 155. 

' Perfttl Ortttrrentu, E. 515, 24. 

• MsnlaEiJe to Manchester, June 25; NolliDE^i^"' '" Manchester, 
June 25, LJ. ix. 296. 

' C.J. V. 223. ' Idem, V. 225. 



1647 MILITARY INTERVENTION. 305 

parties is an enormous evil. What can be said on behalf of 
the army is that the country was passing through a 

miiiiaiy crisis in which the foundations of government had 
become unsettled ; and that the existing Parliament 

was an oligarchy protected by statute against dissolution. 

The injustice with which the material grievances of the 

soldiers had been met by Parliament was no doubt the main 
cause which banded the army against the Presby- 

cut, not di5- terian leaders, but it is impossible to leave out of 

cnung . ^.^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^^ ^^^ .^ ^^ army were 

convinced that in coming to an understanding with the Scot- 
tish commissioners, and in agreeing to accept from the King 
terms which would have left everything in a condition of un- 
certainty, the Presbyterians were as blind to the true interests 
of the State as they were to the fairness of the original 
demands of the soldiery. It had been Ireton's opinion, 
embodied in the great remonstrance of the army, that if the 
nation deliberately chose a Parliament which worked evii, it 
was the duty of all men to submit in the hope that the nation 
would change its mind at the next election. The power held 
by the Presbyterians was exempt from the chances of an elec- 
tion, and the army, having the sword in its hands, cut the 
knot in a rough and ready way. How, having once employed 
force, the army could step back into the domain of legality was 
a question not easy to answer, and it would become still more 
difficuh as time went on, bringing temptations to solve fresh 
difiiculties in the same way as it had solved its difficulties now. 
Even before the withdrawal of its members, the House of 
Commons had shown its consciousness of weakness by asking 
Aquesiion l^*^ army to signify what were the least concessions 
■oihE arm)'- whlch would be deemed satisfactory.' On the 28th 
Thellr^'i ^^ answer of the army was received. Parliament 
dfmands. must discouragc the desertions which it had before 
invited, must pay the soldiers who were constant to their duty 
as much as had been offered to the deserters, must send the 
Reformadoes out of London, must abandon all warlike pre- 
parations and all invitations to armies from Scotland or the 
■ CJ. V. 224. 

VOL IIL ^ 



3f>6 THE ELEVEN UEMBERS. CH. U.^ 

Continent, must pay the army till a settlement of the king 
was reached, ajid must consent not to bring the King nearer 
London than the place where the quarters of the army might 
be at any given time. If these requests were granted the 
army would retire to Reading. As for the eleven members, the 
proceedings against them might be postponed till the business 
of the kingdom had received its due attention. In other words, 
there was no disposition to bring them to punishment now 
that they had ceased to be dangerous.' 

Whilst the army was engaged in its dispute with the 
Houses, it had taken care to facilitate a future good under- 
The Kin- standing with the King by granting his reasonable 
iiMimtiii. requests. On June 25 he was allowed to receive a 
June .5. visit from the ever-faithftil Duke of Richmond, and 
by'Rich- his chaplains, Sheldon and Hammond, reached him 
hiT^^'''' at the same time.' A letter from Cromwell and 
tains, Hewson instructed VVhalley, who was still in com- 

mand of the guard placed over the King, that, in the event of 
the Parliamentary commissioners directing him to dismiss the 
chaplains, he was to refuse to obey their orders.^ On Sunday, 
June 27, Charles, who had by that time removed to 
-ho officai* Hatfield, for the first time since he left Oxford, more 

" "^ than a year before, joined in divine service conducted 
in accordance with the Prayer Bonk of the English Church.* 

In spite of the whhdrawal of the eleven members, the 
juneaE. Houses were still controlled by a Presbyterian ma- 
ordcrthe™ jority, and, on the aSth, flaming up in indignation, 
KithiMnd 'liGy sent orders to their commissioners to drive 
chnpi^ns Richmond and the two chaplains from the King's 
and 'ii= «- presence.' The next day they voted that Charles 
King. should return to Holmby, hoping in this way t( 

move him from the influence of the army.* These, however, 

' Notlineham and Wharton to Manchester, June 27, L.J. ix. 
Ccctatn Independent articles said lo have been presented by the ar 
Ihe King [,MS. E. 393, 11) were no doubt forged. See Ruihiti. vi. 

' See p. 301. 

■ Cromwell and Hewson to Whalley, June 25, Clarke Papers, i. 

* Letter of Inte'ligcnce, June iB, Ciareiidmi MSS. 2,538. 

* J../, ix. 302. * /fl""", in 3«4- 



I 



1647 THE KING AT WINDSOR. 307 

were but counsels of despair, and on the 30th, the day of the 
monthly fast, the preacher who addressed the Commons gave 
vent somewhat profanely to what was doubtless the 
A preacWs general feeling. " If the wheels turn thus," he said, 
'^'nar . „ J know not whether Jesus Christ or Sir Thomas 
Fairfax be the better driver." ^ 

The Houses were soon brought to a sense of their impo- 
tence. They learnt that Whalley had opposed a passive 
The Houses Tcsistance to their orders for the dismissal of Rich- 
poweriess. mond and the chaplains, and, what was still worse, 
that even the King had given way before the seductions of the 
army. He had made up his mind, he said, when he was told 
of the vote for his return to Holmby, to go to Windsor and to 
July I. Windsor he would go. On this the Commons 
Sh^s^sSS^ summoned Sheldon and Hammond to their bar, 
monedtothe to answcr for having used the Book of Common 

Commons " 

bar. Prayer *with clivers superstitious gestures contrary 

to the Directory as prescribed by ordinance of Parliament.' ^ 
The chaplains, however, as well as the King, were already at 
Windsor, and when the messengers arrived to carry out the 
orders of the House the soldiers took good care that neither 
Sheldon nor Hammond should be found.* 

With all their desire to take Charles's actions in good part, 
the soldiers could hardly feel satisfied with his bearing. He 
Charles at talked as if he could summon both Parliament and 
Windsor. army before him to accept their judgment at his 
hands. " Sir," said Ireton in reply to some such language, 
** you have an intention to be the arbitrator between the Par- 
liament and us ; and we mean to be it between your Majesty 
and the Parliament." * 

On July 3, Parliament having assented to some at least 
of the demands of the army, head-quarters were removed to 
Reading, whilst the King was established at Lord Craven's 

* Newsletter from London, July 3, Clarke Papers^ i. i^p. 
« X./. ix. 305, 307. 

* Id. ix. 313 ; Letter of Intelligence, July 5, Clarendm MSS, 2.547. 

* Sir J. Berkeley's Memoirs , 15. 





TffE ELEVEN MEMBERS. 

house at Caversham on the opposite bank of the Thames. 

.y On the 4th Charles had an interview with Cromwell, 

Ht»d.^ and it was observed that they both appeared well 

<o satisfied with the result. The leading personages 

of the army openly expressed their belief that an 

ciymLm. understanding with the King would be arrived at 

July 4. ''' * fortnight, and with Parliament even sooner, 

Chari='i a body of commissioners having been already ap- 

*iiii pointed to represent the army in discussing with the 

Parliamentary commissioners the terms of a definite 
settlement.' 

Though it is untrue that Fairfax allowed himself to be a 
mere puppet in Cromwell's hands, he undoubtedly allowed 

his energetic Lieutenant- General to take the lead in 
■nd the negotiation which was now opened.* Fairfax, 

like Cromwell, whilst deeply sympathising with his 
soldiers in their grievances, had been anxious to cling as long 
as possible to Parliamentary supremacy as the surest means of 
averting military anarchy or military despotism. Fairfax, like 
Cromwell, had seen in the attempt of the Presbyterian leaders 
to raise ' a new war ' in England, the point at which patience 
must end, and it may fairly be concluded that they both 
hoped to find in the authority of the King that basis of a 
reasonable constitutional settlement which they had failed to 
obtain from Parliament. It is true that Charles had hitherto 
proved impracticable, but those who were now about to 
negotiate with him can hardly be blamed if they believed the 
source of the mischief to be not in Charles's own character, but 
*n the unreasonable demands of their rivals. That their own 

' Lclter of Intelligence, July 4i ClateniUn MSS. 2,544 ; Joachim 
Ihe Stales Gcneial, July ^, Add. MSS. 17,677, S, foL 471; Clartt 
Papers, i. 148. 

' In his irticle on Fairfax in the Did. of Nal. Biography, Mr. Firlh 
has shown thai Fairfan's statement in Tie Short Memorial, that he was 
obliged [o sign papers which he disliked, cannot be literally ti 
State-papers of the army were signed by Rushworth and not by Fairfax. 
Slill weightier evidence of Fairfax's generai concurrence in the proceedingi 
of Ihe army is to be found in Rushwonh's letters printed in the Fairfax 
Correspondence, BeWs Memorials of the Civil War, i, 343-371- 



1647 A ROYALIST PARODY, 309 

demands would appear to him no less unreasonable was hardly 
likely to occur to them. 

The chance of gaining the good-will of the King was not 

to be lightly thrown away. That Charles was still a force in 

the kingdom had been recently shown by the popu- 

Importance , , , , ..... 

of gaining lar wclcomc accordcd to him in his progress to 
*"^' Holmby in February, and in his progress to New- 
market in June. After his removal from Holmby pamphlets 
Royalist undisguiscdly Royalist in tone were, for the first 
pamphlets. ^:^^^ gj^^^^ ^j^^ beginning of the Civil War, openly 

sold in London. A Welsh judge named Jenkins boldly 
Judge asserted that the rule of the law was inseparable 

Jenkins. fj.^^ ^j^g ^^ ^f ^j^^ King, and though Parliament 

cast him into prison, his arguments were greedily devoured. 
The instinctive feeling which causes every community to 
shrink from throwing all its ancient institutions into the 
melting-pot made for the restoration of the monarchy, and 
this feeling was now reinforced by a sentiment of pity for a 
captive King, whose patience under personal hardships made 
more impression on the world than the untrustworthiness of 
his engagements. 

To all this tide of pity swelling into indignation a voice 
was given by a parody of George Herbert's Sacrifice^ which 

Tune 2 struck the keynote of thousands of subsequent in- 
A parody on flammatory appeals to the popular temper. It 
Herbert's audaciously compared the sufferings of Charles with 

acrijice. ^^^ sufferings of Jcsus. Yet, blasphemous as the 
comparison was, few could listen unmoved to such lines as 
these, halting as they were : — 

" I have been trucked and bought and sold, yet I 
Am king (though prisoner) ; pray tell me why 
I am removed now from Holdenby : 

Never was grief like mine. 

** To Newmarket now I am by your army led ; 
They'll sell me better than^our brethren did, 
Else seek to make me shorter by the head : 

Never was grief like mine. 



L 



310 THE ELEVEN Mt-.MBERS 

" Fnr my wronged kingdom's sake, my very giiel 
Doth break my henil. Unlil I find relief 
I'li sue lo heaven meicy from Cod, my chief: 
Never wu grief like mini 

•• Causeless ihey like a bird have chasid me ; 
Behold, O Lord, lixik down from heaven and see. 
Thou that heaiest pr^^ners' prayers, hear me ! 
Never was grief like mini 

The idea of attempting to come to terms with the King 
„ .. had been familiar to Cromwell ever since the fall of 
fjranuiiiier- Bristol, Hc may well have thought that by scrupu- 
wiib tbe lously respecting Charles's conscience, he might I 

'"'■ succeed where the Presbyterians had failed, I 

In pleading, as he would certainly do, for liberty of con- 1 
science, Cromwell would not be without the support of some 
(■ wih f **' Charles's most attached followers. Persecution 
ihcidGiof had called forth amongst his clerical adherents a 
mn-MipiiiM! growing attachment to the principle of toleration, 

"'^ " which had found expression in the recommendations 
of the Oxford clergy at the time of the Treaty of Uxbridge.' 
The principle which was then enunciated in brief and dry 

tune .a propositions was now set forth at length in a sus- 
Wf tained argument by the most eloquent of the 

p'-ifhny- Caroline divines, who on June z3,* a few days , 
"^* before the negotiation between Charles and the 

army was opened, sent forth to the world The Liberty of | 
Prophesying. 

The author of the work, Jeremy Taylor, had been in his 
Tcremy youth in high favour with Laud, and had zealously 
Taylor. adopted his principles. He had recently been 
li'tw^Si™" reduced to poverty by the events of the Civil War, 
ChSi" *"'' ^^^ ^'^ misfortunes had only served to mellow his 
wunh. sweet and harmonious temper. Though Taylor 

distinctly more emotional and less severely logical than the 

' His Majest/s Cemplai*!, E. 393, 38. Thomason's dale of publics 
lion is June 25. ' See vol. ii. 135. 

' This is Thomason's date of the publication of the first ediiion, E 
J9i. 3- 



L 



•THE UBERTY OF PROPHESYING! 311 

author of The Hehgion of Protestants, three-fourths of his 
argument were written under the influence of Chillingworth's 
great work. Taylor condemns intolerance as uncharitable 
rather than as unreasonable, but his leading idea is much the 
same as that of the elder writer, that of a Church in which 
everyone is allowed to profess his own opinion as long as it 
does not affect the bases of religion and morality, though he 
is not without hope that even in minor matters, free and 
charitable discussion will ultimately lead to substantial 

mpossible for Taylor to leave the matter 
here. Since The Religion of Protestants had appeared, the 
Separatist claims had been pushed more fully home, 
coniribotion and arguments which, like those of Chillingwonh, 
li'mcontro- had been originally directed against the Church of 
""*" Rome, and which therefore laid special stress on the 

importance of giving free scope to intellectual divergences, 
could not be expected to satisfy men who claimed full liberty 
of sectarian worship. In face of an attack from a new quarter 
must of necessity come a change in the defence. With 
Milton's belief in the positive advantages of sectarianism 
Taylor had no sympathy whatever. Instead of rejoicing in 
the assistance which it gave in the development of strong 
characters, and in fostering salutary ideas which were in danger 
of neglect, he fixed his eyes on its uglier aspect, its tendency 
to exaggerate differences of opinion, to encourage intellectual 
narrowness, and to extinguish the fire of charity. So much 
the more praiseworthy is it in Taylor that he recognises that 
these evils are not to be combated by force, and 'that matters 
spiritual should not be restrained by punishments corporal.' ' 

Yet even Taylor, advanced as he was, does not, any more 
than Cromwell, uphold that standard of perfectly unlimited 
toleration which had been raised by Roger Williams, 
approvaj of " But then," he argues, " because toleration of opi- 
.oeraion. jjJQjjg jg j,m properly a question of religion, it may 
be a question of policy, and although a man may be a good 
Christian, though he believe an error not fundamental, and not 
' Litttty af Prophesying, % 16, 



jn THE ELEVEN MEMBERS. CH. Li. 

directly or evidenlly impious ; yet his opinion may accidentally 
di!iturb the public peace, through the over-aciiveness of the 
persons and the confidence of their belief, and the appearance 
of their appiendent necessity ; and therefore toleration of differ- 
ing persuasions in these cases is to be considered upon political 
grounds, and is just so to be admitted or denied as the opinions 
or toleration of them may consist with the public and necessary 
ends of government." ' Taylor indeed was careful not to give 
a handle to those who would use his admission to establish a 
right of constant interference. " As," he proceeded, " Christian 
Princes must look to the interests of their government, so 
especially must they consider the interests of Christianity, and 
not call every redargution or modest discovery of an established 
error by the name of disturbance of the peace." Yet for all 
his warnings it was probable that those who had power in their 
hands would fix the limits of State interference in accordance 
wilh their fears. 

Only those governments which have a sense of their own 
security will grant liberty of association as well as liberty of 
Wani of » opinion, and it was the want of this sense of security 
ij^nscofiecu- ^-j,jf.j^ madc complete toleration impossible in the 
chariM dis. crisis through which the nation was passing. Charles, 
^pp^"^"' it is said, expressed his dissatisfaction with Taylor's 
»ig™«nt. argument,' and though his own mind was constitu- 
tionally hostile to the very notion of toleration, some of his 
dislike of the reasoning by which it was supported may fairly 
be attributed to his knowledge that those who had been most 
hostile to his religious belief had also been most hostile to bis 
method of government. 

It was not Charles alone who hesitated to abandon control 
over opinions which might shake the foundations of the Stale. 

, Up to this time, at least, Parliament had shown no 

ff Parib- indication of a desire to tolerate religious opinions 
""""* similar to those which were professed by Taylor. It 

had hunted out from the parishes every clergyman who opposed 
the Puritan teaching, and early in the war it had hunted tiiem 

' Liberty of Prophisymg, % 16. 

* Warwick's; Alemairs (cd. 1702), 301. 



L 



1647 OXFORD AND ITS VISITORS. 313 

out from the University of Cambridge. If England was to he 
kept steady to the Puritan cause, her rehgious teachers must 
be Puritan, and that which had been done in Cambridge must 
be done in Oxford as well. 

Yet for nearly a year after the capitulation of Oxford the 
University had been left to recover itself as best it might from 

1646-1647. 'he distractions of the evil days when the colleges 
^JIt'oVo™' had been crowded with soldiers and courtiers, and 
cT'itifiMionf ^hen the few scholars who remained thought more 
of the drill-sergeant than of their books. The time 
May 1. of Parliament was fully occupied with other matters, 
(□rLi^Juua. and it was not till May i, 1647, that an Ordinance 

'""* was issued appointing twenty-four persons to visit 

and reform the University in which the principles instilled into 
it by I-aud were completely predominant, though a Puritan 
minority was still to be found in the Colfeges.' The chairman 
siiNaih.- of the visiting commissioners was Sir Nathaniel 
niei BrenL Brent, Warden of Merton, who after conducting, as 
laud's Vicar- General, the Archbishop's Metro political Visita- 
tion, had changed his principles with the change of times, 
and now stood forward to destroy what be had once built up, 
and to build up what he had once destroyed. Those of his 
p,a„ji, colleagues who interested themselves personally in 
chej'neii. j.[jg yisitation were mostly Presbyterian clergymen, 
or'Lmi'iTnd ^""^"Kst whom Francis Cheynell, Che fanatical an- 
Commons. tagonfst of ChiiHngworth,^ was perhaps the most 
conspicuous. The Visitors were to act under the direction of 
a large committee of Lords and Commons, of which Francis 
Rous, a Puritan of the Puritans, was the chairnM.n. 

Before long the Visitors gave notice to the University to 
meet them in the Convocation House, between the 
forihcviii. hours of nine and eleven on June 4, probably ex- 
pecting that the Vice- Chancel lor and the Convocation 
would make no difficulty in submitting to their authority, 

' The story of this visitation is told in a spirit hostile to the Visitors 
in Wood's AnHols, and has been retold with admirHble impaitialily by 
Ptofesisor Burrows in his inlrodnclion to The Visilars' He^uler (Camd. 
Soc.}. ■ See vol. i. 282. 



314 THE ELEVEN MEMBERS. CH. tt 

They Utile knew the temper which prevailed at Oxford. A 
Convocation, held on June i, resolved to hold out against 
Juno . ^^ Visitors to the uttermost. A delegacy was ap- 
TJ"j^'™- pointed to guard the interests of the University, and 
to. «ui- a statement of reasons in defi;nce of the course 

adopted was accepted with unanimity. This statement, 
■i«(l7&« afterwards known as The Judgement of the University 
'tfO^S. "f^-^fi''^' had been drawn up by Robert Sanderson, 

and it argumentative ly condemned the Covenant, 
the Negative Oath, and the Ordinances for Church discipline 
and worship. Its importance lay in the firmness with which it 
connected the monarchical system in the State with the eccle- 
siastical system which had, before the late convulsions, pre- 
vailed in the Church of England.' 

Before the day fixed for the meeting of Convocation to 
receive the Puritan intruders, events took place which delayed 
DiKurb- ^*'^" arrival. On the ist Joyce passed through Oxford 
""="!" on his way to Holmby, and on the next day there was 

a fight in the High Street over the treasure which 
had been sent for the soldiers' pay.' Accordingly the Visitors, 
jLne4, fearing to trust themselves amongst a mutinous gar- 
of'iht*' rison, delayed their arrival in Oxford till the moniing 
viiUo™. of the 4th. They proceeded to St. Mary's, where 
one of the number preached at so inordinate a length, that 
before they could reach the Convocation House the last stroke 
of eleven had sounded. The time mentioned in their summons 
having thus elapsed, the Vice-chancellor, Dr. Samuel Fell, 
Dean of Christchurch, dissolved the House in literal obedience 
to their orders. As the throng poured out the two processions 
. met face to face. "Room for Mr. Vice- Chancellor !" 

w-'iiaiioa shoutcd the BedcU, and the Visitors, as was long 

remembered with glee in the University, shrank aside 
to allow those very men whose conduct they had come to 
arraign to pass in triumph. " Good morrow, gentlemen ! " said 
~ ffiih polite sarcasm, as he swept by, "'tis past eleven 
^clock." 

■ Jtidimim Univmilaiis Oxanitnsii. ■ See p. a68. 




In face of a. determined opposition the Visitors were left 
without Parliamentary support. The day on which they were 
jciy-Aqg. baffled by Fell was that on which the King was 
^"''"[^jj^ort removed from Holraby, and for nearly three months 
-iiU.id. nothing was done at Westminster to enable them to 
resist the successful efforts of the University authorities to 
obstruct their proceedings. It is most improbable that the 
neglect of the Houses to supply their Visitors with additional 
powers was purely accidental, and it can hardly be wrong to 
trace the cause of it to the growing influence of the army, and 
to the hope which the miUtary leaders entertained of settUng 
the institutions ol Church and State on some basis which would 
not involve the complete submission of either religious party. 
They knew that the task they had undertaken was difficult, but 
how difficult it was they could not know. They had not merely 
to draw up a constitutional scheme which both King and Par- 
liament could accept, they had to introduce the spirit of com- 
promise into the hearts of King and Parliament alike, and that 
spirit was not likely to be found in men who were still angrily 
battling for their rights. It needed a complete victory on one 
side or the other to give that sense of established strength to 
the conquerors which would alone permit them to concede 
freedom to the vanquished. 



5i6 



CHAPTER LII. 

THE HEADS OF THE PROPOSALS. 

On July 6, when Charles was first settled at Caversham, Bel- 
li^vre, naturally anxious to contribute to his restoration, set out 
x6^7. to learn his intentions and those of the army. On 
B^^h^'l t^^ Sth he had a long conference with Charles. On 
conferences, the 9th he receivcd a visit from Fairfax and Crom- 
well, and saw the King again on the loth. On the nth he 
returned the visits qf the officers, going back to London t)n the 
following day.* It was doubtless on this occasion 

Hisconver- _ " ' , /. *. ^ ,1 

sationwith that Bellievre, apparently after soundmg Cromwell 

Cromwell. . • . v-.* • • 1 ,1 1 i 

as to his ambitious aims, received the memorable 
reply : " No one rises so high as he who knows not whither he 
is going." * In these words Cromwell revealed the secret of 
his life, the refusal to adopt any definitely premeditated plan 
of action, and the resolution to treat each occurrence as it arose 
in the light vouchsafed to him when the need of action was 
felt. 

To Bellievre, Fairfax and Cromwell gave assurances that 
they were not only in favour of a restricted toleration for Pro- 
offersof testants, but were even ready to tolerate the Roman 
toleration. CathoHc worship, no doubt— though our informant 
in writing to Rome does no more than state the bare fact — 

* Newsletter, July ^, Roman Transcripts^ R. O, 

* De Retz [MimoireSy ed. 1859, iii. 242), who heard this from Bellievre, 
characteristically added that he then knew Cromwell to have been a fool. 
No date is given to the story, but this is by far the most likely time for 
the occurrence to have taken place. Belli^vre's despatches only mention 
one other possible meeting with Cromwell. At all events, it cannot have 
taken place earlier than July 9, or later than October in this year when 
Bellievre left England. 



r 



I6J7 



BERKELEY SENT FOR. 



317 



under conditions of privacy such as had been agreed upon in 
former engagements by James and Charles.' 

If Bellifevre was somewhat puzzled as to the sincerity of 
those who showed such unexpected liberality," he was staggered 
Btiiievre'a ^^ ^^ apparent hopelessness of iixing the King to 
judgmeniof any decided policy. In his correspondence with 

'°^' Mazarin, he remarked that Charles might have had 
the English army on his side if he had frankly accepted its 
proposal ; and that he might have had the Scottish army on 
his side if he had only allowed it to act.' No word spoken by 
Charles reveals his inherent incapacity for uiider- 
aboui standing the characters and feehngs of the men with 

whom he was dealing more than his request that 
Bellifevre should convey to Parliament his wish that Ormond 
and Digby should retain their authority in Ireland till he had 
come to terms with the army.* 

Neither Fairfax nor Cromwell bad as yet had experience of 
Charles's peculiar qualities as a negotiator, but they felt their 
Fatf nd "^^"^ °^ ^" intermediary, who had more of the King's 
Cromwell Confidence than they could possibly gain, and their 
Sir John thoughts fell on Sir John Berkeley, who had been 
' '"^' governor of Exeter in the war time, and had honour- 
ably Blood aloof from the misdeeds of the Gorings and the 
Grenvilles by whom the name of Royalist had been disgraced 
in the west. Cromwell no doubt remembered that when 
Exeter surrendered, Berkeley had expressed to Lambert an 
opinion that the Independents were better quahfied than the 
^^^ ,^ Presbyterians to restore ' both King and people to 

already their just and ancient rights.' Singularly enough 

ei™y. jjgf)(g]gj, jjgj already, before Cromwell's communi- 
cation could reach him, been despatched by the Queen to 

' Belli^vre on his return told the writer of the Newsletters sent to 
Rome to assure his Holiness ' che quanto al punto delta nostra religione, 
i cnpi dell' amiata li hanno dalo parola che consentiranno &! libero csscr- 
.0 di quella per tutii li stall.' Newsletter, July ^9, Somaa Tmnsn 



R.O. 



' Ibid, 
a Mazarin, July t|, l|, i|, R. O. Trattscripts. 
' Newsletter, '^^, Ibid. 




THE HEADS OF THE PROPOSALS. CH. Ui. 



the real intentions of the army towards 



England to 
her husband. 

Thus doubly qualified for the part of mediator, Berkeley 
arrived in England. In the second week in July he was at the 
Inly It. head-quarters at Reading, where Cromwell promptly 
8"«l(y •! assured him that the army wished for no more ' than 
to liave leave lo live as subjects ought to do and to 
d™i»«tion preserve their consciences,' and more than this, 'that 
"" '"'^ they thought no man could enjoy their estates quietly 

without the King had his rights,' On the following day Berke- 
idtlirky'i '^Y ^aw Charles, who, much to his surprise, told him 
wi'S""" '^^' ^^ distrusted the whole army, with the single 
iiurio. exception of Major Huntington, an officer who had 
lately been deep in Cromwell's confidence. The reason given 
by Charles for his distrust of all the other officers was that they 
had been backward in asking him for personal favours.' The 
whole secret of the failure of the negotiations on which Crom- 
well was about to enter is written in these words. 

In vain Berkeley urged Charles lo keep on good terras with 
the officers, if only with the object of discovering their 
Berkeley', lions. Charles would have none of his advice, and 
ad»i«. Berkeley, modestly attributing this rebuff 

insufficiency, expressed a hope that Ashbumham, who, as he 
knew, was soon to follow in his footsteps, might succeed better 
than himself 

Meanwhile Berkeley was engaged in probing the reality of 
Cromwell's friendliness. From all that he heard he came to 
Berit-iey the conclusion that both Cromwell and Ircton were 
""hi"'"' genuinely desirous of coming 
J^^i'^jf^ the King, and that even those of the Agitators 
imeniioia. who distrustcd Cromwell professed their willingness 
to support him as long as he was honestly striving to lay the 
foundations of a peaceful settlement.* 

' Berkeley's Mtmoirs, 3-ia These have, as is well known, been in- 
corporaled in Ludlow's Mcnisirs, which aie, therefore, not to be quo 
in these matters as aa origiiul authority. 



I 
I 



^ 



1647 CHARLES MEETS HIS CHILDREN. 319 

Nothing, in fact, which the army could do to create a 
favourable impression in Charles's mind was leil undone. He 
had been already allowed to avail himself of the ministrations 
July IS. of his chaplains, and, on July 15, the Insistency of 
^eiSh^s Fairfax wrung from the reluctant Houses an order 
children. permitting him to receive a visit from those of his 
children who were still in the custody of Parliament, James, 
Elizabeth, and Henry. According to the terms of the permis- 
sion given, Charles was to have the children with him at Caver- 
sham for two days. He rode over to Maidenhead to meet 
Cromwdi 'l*^"" "•" tl'^''' '"'^y- Cromwell, who was himself a 
wiincMDih* father, afterwards recounted to Berkeley, with tears 
' Rowing from his eyes, the particulars of the affecting 
scene of which he had been a witness. His estimate of Charles 
as a politician was, for the time at least, raised by the sight of 
his tenderness as a father. The king, he assured 
highly of Berkeley, 'was the uprightest and most conscientious 

'"^^ man of his three kingdoms.' The Independents, 
added Cromwell, were under infinite obligations lo him for 
having rejected ' the Scots' propositions at Newcastle, which 
his Majesty's interest seemed to invite him to." 

Cromwell had thus singled out the higher side of Charles's 
character, his adherence to his convictions even when they 
Hisjudg- came into collision with his interests. Yet he was 
chSriM'a "*"^ blind to his weakness. He wished, he said, 
characicr. that the King would be 'more frank,' and it was to 
be regretted that he had tied himself 'so strictly to narrow 
„ . maxims,' Cromwell then proceeded lo express a 

ihai itii hope that Ireton, upon whom had fallen the duty of 
Kill soon preparing the terms which were to be offered to the 
*■ King in the name of the army, would be as con- 
ciliatory as possible, and that no time would be lost, lest the 
army should change its mind and let slip the chance of an 
accommodation. ' 

In revealing these conversations Berkeley unconsciously 
givts the key to the charge of hypocrisy which was already 

' Berhciey's Memoirs, 26. 



330 



THE HEADS OF THE PROPOSALS. CH. UL | 



I 



coiling round Cromwell. One of the Agitators assured ' 
Berkeley that ' Cromwell resolved to prosecute his ambitious 
^ f ends through all means whatsoever, and did not only 
hyfw-Ksy dissemble, but renlly change his way to those ends ; 
CrjmuwiL and when he thought the Parliament would make 
Opinion of his fortune, resigned himself totally to them, even 
uti Agiiaior. j^ ^jjg disbanding of the army, before it was paid,' 
When the Presbyterians prevailed, he took the Covenant. 
When he quitted the Parliament, his chief dependence was on 
the army, which he endeavoured by all means to keep in unity, 
and if he could not bring it to his sense, rather than suffer any 
division, went over himself and carried his friends with him 
into that very way the army did choose, and that faster than 

The charge brought against Cromwell by the Presbyterians 
was precisely the same. " Did not Cromwell," asks one of ' 

. them in an appeal to the army, " your great ring- 

presby- ' leader into disobedience, solemnly protest and 
promise upon his life and honour, many times and 
oft in the House of Commons, that the army should disband 
and lay down their arms at their door whenever the House 
demanded them ? Now, whether your papers agree with his 
promise the world will witness. It seems he can take that 
hberly of conscience with the Papists to promote the Catholic 
cause ... by right means or wrong, by truth or falsehood. 
This palpable breach of Cromwell's engagement makes all 
indifferent men believe that this promise of obedience t 
only made that your purpose of disobedience might be the ' 
less suspected, and the practice of it the more easily promoted. 
Is not this bke the practice of Garnet the Jesuit, who . . . did i 
lay his commands on the Papists to obey their king and keep I 
themselves quiet ; and all was that the plot might not be sus- 
pected ? If Cromwell follow Garnet's steps, I would have htm J 
take heed of Garnet's end."' 

' Another piece of incidental evidence against the theory that Crom- ' 
veil had been woikjng underhand with the Agjlatorg in ApiH und May. 
' Berkeley's Mtmeirs, 25. 
' Works of Darkness broughl la Light, V^ 399, 36. Thomason's daic 1 



There is nothing surprising in the readiness of men, on 
the evidence before them, to come to the conclusion that 
CromweH, in the sudden change of front which he had 
undoubtedly made, had been actuated simply by regard to liis 
personal interests. The only way in which he could meet the 
charge was to tell the whole truth, and to explain publicly the 
effect which his discovery of the Presbyterians' intrigue with, 
the Scots had had on his course of action. It was the very 
last thing that Cromwell was likely to do. " If," he said a few 
days later of an ofUcer's complaint that libels had been printed 
against the army, " upon his apprehensions, or any man's else, 
we shall quarrel with every dog in the street that barks at us, 
and suffer the kingdom to be lost with such a fantastical 
thing I" ' It is possible, too, that on this occasion Cromwell's 
silence is to some extent accounted for by a reluctance to 
irritate the Scots and the French by revealing their intrigues. 

It was not merely on the forces which the eleven members 
had attempted to raise in London that Cromwell and his 
Dan r fnm ^^^•^'^'^'ss kept a watchful eye in the first week of 
Poynti. July. They had then strong reason to believe that 
Dciw; Poyntz was prepared Co place the army of the 

wrcmwo Northern Association at the disposal of the Scottish 
'"'^ invaders, and it was certain that he was himself 

strongly hostile to their own proceedings.^ His soldiers, how- 
ever, were still dissatisfied, as, although the Houses had voted 
lo.Doo/. in payment of their arrears,' the money had never 
been sent. Emissaries from Fairfax's army were again busy 
amongst them, and on July 3 Poyntz wrote that liis 
Paynill' mcn were following the example of the main army 
doji,p=int!. i^y choosing Agitators, and were clamouring to be 
incorporated with it, in the hoi>e that they would thereby 
receive their pay more punctually.* On the 5th the soldiers 

of publication is July 83. The writer's capacity as a jiiiSge of Cronnvcll's 
character may be gathered froai the fact that he chafes him with ' las- 
civiousness.' ' Ciarit Paprs, L 20;. 

' Articles against Poynli, ibid. i. 167. • See p. 301 

* Poynti to Lenthall [uly 3, Gary's Meiaerials of tin Civil Wqi\ L 



Pon«f«t 



held a meeting at Ponterract, at which they addressed a mes- 
sage to Fairfax, begging him to mediate with Parliament on 
iniv< ^^^" behalf.' On the 8th the troops quartered at 
' York broke into mutiny, dragged Poyntz out of his 
lodgings without giving him time to put on his boots, 
set him on horseback, and carried him off to Pon- 
"d'^^io tefract.' From Pontefract he was sent to Reading,* 
Rtiding. 2f,(j though Fairfax liberated him almost as soon as 
he arrived,* he had no longer an army at his command, and , 
he therefore ceased to be dangerous. 

The news of Poynlz's capture was the more welcome at 
Reading as the army was still anxious about the course of 
events in London. The eleven meml^ers had 
is^ titvcn objected to allow the charges brought against them 
to be suspended over their heads till a settlement of 
public affairs had been reached,* and had called for an imme- 
jyXft. diate trial. Accordingly on July 6 the accusation 
■g^^ against them was presented to the House of Com- 
ihem. mons. It consisted of twenty-five articles, of which 

the most important alleged that they had constantly met at 
' I^dy Carlisle's lodgings at Whitehall and in other places, 
with divers other persons disaffected to the State, for holding 
correspondence with the Queen . . . with intent to put con- 
ditions on the Parliament, and to bring in the King on their 
own terms.' They had further ' assured the Queen 40,000/. 
fer annum,' as the price of her assistance. Moreover, six 
of them. Holies, Stapleton, Lewis, Clotworthy, ^Valler, and 
Afassey, had 'invited the Scots and other foreign forces to 
come into the kingdom in a hostile manner,' and had also • 
advised the Queen to send her son to Scotland, < to march J 

' JfuiAiv. vi. fiaa. 

' Poynw to Lenthall, July 9 ; Elitabelh Poynlz to Lenthall, July 9, 
Gary's Mtm. of the Civil IVar, i. 198, 3CXI. The lady complained that 
her husband was ' carried away in his slippers, not suffered to expiess anj 
conjugal comfort or courtesy to me his wire, anil what will be the dooni 
Ihcy will pass on him, I cannol le!l.' 

' Poynti arrived at Reading on the I5lh, Pirf. Diurnal, E. 518, 6. 

' Bell's Mtm. eftht Civil iVar, i. 370. 

' See p. 306. 



i647 THE CHANGE AGAINST THE ELEVEN. 3=3 

into this kingdom at the head of an army.' In pursuance of 
this design, all the eleven had listed soldiers in order ' to levy 
and raise a new war in this kingdom,' and had encouraged 
the Reformadoes to raise tumults round the Parliament 
House,' 

The truth of the whole charge was categorically denied by 
those who were most concerned to establish its falsehood, but 

. though it is likely enough that, if an independent 

>ui»untiai investigation had taken place, many inaccuracies 
""" ' would have been detected in it, its substantial truth 

hardly admits of question." Nor can the army be fairly 
accused of ripping up old sores to destroy a fallen enemy. 
Tht danger Truly or falsely, the soldiers believed that ihe 
noipisi. danger of a conjunction between an army from 
Scotland and the levies in the City had not altogether passed 
away. On July 6, the day on which the articles against the 
eleven members were handed in, a member of the 
from House of Commons sent information to Reading 

Lon on. ^^^ there were at least 16,000 men enlisted in and 
about the City, and that there was a talk of sending some of 
them into Kent to receive a Scottish array expected by sea, as 
well as of the apprentices coming to Westminster to declare 
iheir resolution to have the King in London whether the army 
consented or not.' Much of this information was doubtless 
mere gossip, but it was gossip founded on knowledge of exist- 
ing danger, and it can hardly be a matter of surprise that, on 
the receipt of this intelligence, the array forwarded to West- 
minster a peremptory demand for the actual disbandment of 
the Reformadoes.* 

The Houses, as far as lay in their power, complied with 
this demand, which, indeed, they were too weak to resist. 

' C.J. T. 236 } A Particular Chargt, E, 399, 17. 

' A Full VindicalioH and Aimutr, E. 398, 17. The story about ihe 
invitation to the Scots, for instance, was not inventeii, and that Dun. 
fermUne waa sent to open communications willi the Queen ii also liuyoait 

■ Infonnation by Sir F. Pile, July fi, Clarte Fc^rs, I 15a, 
< L.J. ix. 320. 



3'i 



THE HEADS OF THE PRtypOSAtS. "cri. Lii. 



On the 9lh they passed an Ordinance for the expulsion 
jdy». of 'he Reformadoes from London, and on ihe 
Mii«'for ^3th the Commons, in accordance with another re- 
lioVofihs quirement of the army, voted that those of its 
Reforat memhers who had in any way favoured the King's 
cause since the beginning of the war should be 
M!mJ.i^'ni expelled.' 

cfipdiBj. It was more easy to pass an Ordinance against 

the Reformadoes than to carry it into execution. On the 13th 
^.^^ Loiido ^^ London apprentices appeared on the scene. 
hu'"i!r''™ I'l^^y '^^'■s hostile to the Independents, partly 
ihc indc because they resented their interference with the 
^ '" ' municipal control of the militia, partly also because, 
in the heyday of vigorous youth, they regarded the eccen- 
tricities of the tub-preacher as a fair object of derision. Of 
late, too, they were beginning to feel themselves bound to the 
Feb. 9. Preibyterians by the tie of self-interest. In February 
i^n'ro?""' '''^y '^'^ petitioned for the establishment of public 
holidays. holidays for ' lawful .recreations for the needful 
refreshmenls of their spirits, without which hfe itself is un- 
pleasant and an intolerable burden,' in lieu of the festivals of 
the- Church recently abolished." For some time no notice 
AfrLiio, had been taken of their demands, and though, on 
ra"i?c'1o be April 20, the Commons directed the preparation of 
b'oughiin. an Ordinance to give effect to them,^ weeks were 
allowed to pass without anything being done. 

It was not indeed til! the Presbyterians were preparing to 
measure swords with the army that they recognised the danger 
of alienating the apprentices. On July 8 an Ordi- 
Ordiii»neo nance was passed appointing a holiday to be held 
monihiy on the second Tuesday in each month, on which 
'> I' =y- 1 g[] scholars, apprentices, and servants ' were to have 
such time for recreation as their masters could ' conveniently 
spare from their extraordinary and necessary services and occa- 
sions.' In the case of dispute arising out of the vague word- 
ing of this part of the Ordinance, appeal was to he made to the 
' Zi/- i»- 322 i C.J. V. 338, 244. ' L.y. 

• C.J. V. 148. 




A 



1647 A MONTHLY HOLIDAY. 325 

nearest justice of the peace. It is to be supposed that the 

apprentices complained of the requirement to obtain their 

masters' permission before exercising their new rights, as a 

new Ordinance was issued on the nth, in which 

July w, 

A second* it entirely disappeared. The apprentices were still 
liable to be kept at home in cases of urgent neces- 
sity, but the burden of proof that this existed was to be thrown 
on the master, who would no longer be entitled simply to 
refuse leave without giv!n:5 a reason.^ 

The first of these monthly holidays fell on July 13, and the 
lads, grateful for the concession, celebrated it by presenting 
July 13. '^ ^^ Houses a petition calling for the suppression 
hoifda ^^ conventicles, the restoration of the King, the 

maintenance of the Covenant, and the disbandment 
tices'pcti- of the army.^ It is possible that this ill-timed 
support was not altogether welcome to the Pres- 
byterians, and it undoubtedly roused the indignation of the 
Irritation in army, especially as, in spite of the Parliamentary 
the army. Ordinance, the Reformadoes still swarmed in the 
City. At the same time the expectation of a Scottish in- 
vasion took so firm a hold on the minds of the soldiers that 
July 16. on July 16 Fairfax spoke of it to the King.^ 
of'Ts^otti&h Moreover, it was known that Colonel Doyley, 
invasion. ^^q had formerly commanded Fairfax's lifeguard, 
had presented himself at Bristol without any authorisation 
from the commander-in-chief, and had demanded the submis- 
sion of the garrison.* 

The first result of these alarming rumours was that the 
Agitators appeared on the i6th before the Army Council with 
TheAgita- ^ demand for an immediate march on London.* 
m .rdl on '° They found much support amongst the officers, but 
London. j^^gy ^crc strcuuously opposed by Cromwell and 
Ireton. Cromwell, indeed, was ready to admit that obedience to 

> Z./. ix. 248-255 ; Cy. V. 202, 206. 

» L.J, ix. 330 ; C./. V. 243. 

» Letter of Intelligence, July 19, Clarendon MSS, 2,556i 

♦ Fairfax to Lenlhall, July 16, Clarke Papers ^ i. 162. 

» Representation of the Agitators, July 16, id. i. 170. 



L 



Fariiametu had tu limits, bat he argoed sti oc ^ l j that foree ought 
oaij to be employed in tbe bst resort, and ibai the time for 
Q^,^^^ ^niploying it had not yet arrived. There wa^ be 
rftjii.Ji tbougbt, still room for amicable n^otiadon.' Ireton, 
lo iriMXD, together with Lambert, had been cntntUed 
the prepaiatioD of the proposals to be presented to the Kii^* 
as it was hoped, with the good-will of Putiament, was against 
the use of force lest it should hinder a good tmdcrstanding 
with ihe Houses. "Whatsoever we get 1^ a treaty," said 
Cromwell, " it will be firm and durable, it will be coovery^ 
oi-er to posterity as that thai will be the greatest boooor to ns 
that ever poor creatures had, thai we may obtain such things 
as these are thax we are now about : and it will have this in it 
loo, that whatsoever is granted in that way, it will have firm- 
ness in it. We shall avoid that great objection that wiD He 
against us that we have got things of the Parliament by forc^ 
and we Itnow what it is to have that stain lie upon as." * 

"For my own part," said Cromwell, "perhaps I have as 
few extravagant thoughts .... of obtaining great things from 
^ Parliament as most men ; yet it hath been in most 

t-K of our thoughts that this Parliament might be a re- 

formed and purged Parliament, that we might see 
men looking at public and common interests only."' Now 
bai hu 'hat the eleven had left their seats, the friends of the 
""p"' army had been gaining ground, and it would be 

doing them an ill service to bring an armed soldiery to their 
aid- " That which you have by force," he added, later in tbe 
course of the discussion, " I look upon it as nothing, I do not 
know that force is to be used except we cannot get what is 
for the good of the kingdom without force .... I wish we may 
respite our determination till . , . four or five days be over ; 
till we see how things will be " ' At last Cromwell closed the 
AUnii discussion by an argument which admitted no reply, 

org^eni. ,. jf^,. ^g g^j^j^ decidedly, " you be in the right, and I 
in the wrong ; if we be divided, I doubt we shall all be in the 



I 



I 



* lUem, i. laj. 



. 184. 



J 



1647 CROMiVELL PLEADS FOR PATIENCE. 317 

wrong , , . . The question is singly this : whether or no we 
shal! not in a posilive way desire the answer to those things 
before we march towards London, when perhaps we may ha\e 
the same things in the time that we can march. Here is the 
Crorawtii strictness of the question." ' Cromwell, as might be 
has hi] way. expected, had his way, and the demands of the 
soldiers were transmitted to Westminster, unaccompanied by 
any threatening demonstration. 

As Cromwell had judged, enough had been done to secure 
the acceptance of the requirements of the army. On the i6th 
p . and on the following days a considerable number of 

tcntm Presbyterian members asked for leave of absence 

struggle. and abandoned the struggle." On the iglh the 
juiytg. Houses placed under Fairfax's command all the 
S'^Md'sii forces in their pay in England and Wales, and on 
thcforas. the iist they Ordered the disliandment of all deser- 
jjJ^y >i. ters from his army.^ By the final disappearance 
dLibandtd. of these men the army lost those disintegrating 
elements which had prevented its cohesion as a thoroughly 
Independent body. 

The first result of the vote which placed all military 
authority in the hands of Fairfax, was that the eleven 
members, perceiving that their designs were now incapable 

' Clarke Paptrs, L 209. The body in which this discussion took place 
is in this report spoken of as a Council of War, II was, however, properly 
a full army council, u Agitators were present. The phrase council of nar 
was used indiscriminately. " Yesterday," we are lold of this very council, 
"there was a great Council of War called . . . consisting of officers bti- 
sidea Agitators ; who now. in prudence we admit to debate, and it is n<it 
more than necessary they should be, considering the influence they have 
upon the soldiers, and the officers we hope have such an interest in them, 
as if any of more fierce disposition amongst them moderate not their 
reason, the ofBcerF can commanil it ; and I can assure you it is the sir^u- 
iaresl part of wisdotn in the General and the officers so to carry themselves 
considering the present temper of the army." Letter from the army, July 

' C.J. V. 245 ! Letter of InLellijjence, July 31, Clarendoa M6'^', 

• L.J. ix. 338. 342. 



28th, they had 
} the charges against 

ses were in a more 
n. On the i8lh the 
U Reading were in- 
is of accommodation 



3?8 T//E HEADS OF THE PROPOSALS. CH. Ml. 

of accomplishment, asked &nd obtained leave to go beyond 
juif n sea, and also permission to poslpone their defence 
m^tl^ for six months, although, or 
""uo"" ^"' '" ^ ptehminary answer 
■bond. them.' 

In the army the news that the Hr 
conciliatory temper gave lively faiisfacti 
Ssrii'inion Parliamentary coi 
in lb* army, formed that the proposed 
would be completed in a few days. On the 19th the army 
forwarded to the Parliament four requests accompanied with 
an announcement that, if these were granted, nothing more 
would be asked. Prisoners held in captivity with- 
Fuurre- out having been subjected to a lawful trial were to 
1'""^ be set at liberty ; a declaration was to be Issued 

against the invitation of foreign troops ; the army was to be 
constantly paid ; and the old Parliamentary Committee was to 
take the place of the new City Committee in the command 
of the London militia-* So satisfied was Fairfax that all 
July", danger was at an end, that on the 22nd, when he 
h'T'^i^ removed the head-quarters to Bedford, he suffered 
""■ his cavalry to be scattered over a stretch of country 

which reached from Bristol to Newark.' 

Cromwell had done his best, even when violating a con- 
stitution which had been equally disregarded by his opponents, 
CroHiweU'i to preserve at least an outward respect for Parlia- 
■itiiude. mentary forms. Both he and the Presbyterians were 
anxious to substitute government by discussion for government 
by the sword : but the way to that consummation was blocked 
by Charles, with whom government by discussion was im- 
])ossible. Cromwell and his military allies perceived clearly 
that the securities with which the Presbyterians thought to 
bind Charles were utterly inadequate. He was now seeking, 
with scant prospect of success, to devise other securities which 

1 C.J. V. J5I ; Rusbiv. vi. 61S ; A Full VimUcaliun and Anmxr, E. 
398 17. This is Eaiil to hive been drawn up by Prynne. Burgoyne lo 
bir R. Vemey, July 25, V'loty MSS. 

' L.J. ix. 339. ■ ^ Diary, E. 400, aa. 



1647 A CONSTITUTIONAL SCHEME. 329 

might prove more satisfactory. To gain standing ground for 
this he had used force to repel threatened force. Unfortunately 
those who once appeal to force have a tendency to appeal to it 
again, and it comes to be regarded first as a necessary evil and 
ultimately as a salutary remedy for public mischiefs. The 
constitution as it stood in Elizabeth's day had long been 
broken up, and there was no general agreement as to the 
principles on which it was to be reconstructed. Every man 
craved for a peaceful settlement, but, in the midst ot the 
general distraction, they who had the longest swords were 
most able to make their voices heard. 

It was now Ireton's turn to try whether he could in reality 

win the King's assent to some form of real constitutional 

Jul X government. On July 17 his scheme was laid be- 

ireton'scon- fore the Council of the Army, and on the i8th a 

sntUtlOnal . . . rim 1 1 

scheme be- committce consistmg of twelve officers and twelve 
Council of Agitators, with leave for Cromwell to be present 
the Army. , ^hg^ he Can,* was named by Fairfax to put it into 
shape.* Though Parliament had not yet been consulted, the 
King appears to have been allowed to have an inkling of the 
terms about to be offered to him, and a few changes had been 
made — too readily as some of the Agitators thought — in con- 
sequence of his suggestions.^ As the scheme was now pre- 
pared, it did not claim to be the draft of a final agreement 

* Clarke Papers ^ i. 211, 216. 

* According to Putney Projects, p. 14 (E. 421, 19), the first draft 
deprived the King of that negative voice — the right of refusing the royal 
assent to bills — to which he was so much attached ; and had also excluded 
Royalists from office for ten instead of for five years ; whilst it asked Charles 
to pass two Acts, one abolishing Episcopacy, and the other confirming 
the sale of the bishops* lands. Some of these things may have been mere 
suggestions made in the Council of the Army. At all events they had 
disappeared before the draft was submitted to Berkeley to be shown to the 
King, as he represents Charles as objecting only to three points. "The 
first was the exception of seven," so it then stood, *' not named from par- 
don ; the second, the excluding his party being eligible in the next ensuing 
Parliament ; and the third, that, though there was nothing against the 
Church government established, yet there was nothing done to assert it." 
Berkeley's iW<rw(7/W, 31. 



33© 



THE HEADS OF THE PROPOSALS, ch. Lit 



covering all details. The paper which conUined it bore the 
TktHtadi "^"'^ °f ^* Heads of the Proposals, as if to in- 
°f"" o/i ''''^'^'^ *^^' '^ '^^^ ^ mere sketch which was to be 
filled up in detail hereafter. 

The plan laid down in this paper for the settlement of ' 
Church disputes had at least the merit of originality. Tlie 
iTitir existence of Episcopacy was indirectly admitted, but 

ch^reh'' ^^ ^'^^ ""^^ '° ^^ passed to take away from bishops 
gavcrament. and all Other ecclesiastical officers all coercive juris- 
diction extending to any civil penalties, and also to repeal all 
laws by which the civil magistrate was bound to inflict punish- 
ment upon those who lay under ecclesiastical censure. More- 
over, there was to be a repeal of all Acts ' enjoyning the use of 
the Book of Common Prayer, and imposing any penailies for 
neglect thereof,' as well as of all Acts enforcing attendance at 
church, or forbidding the holding of religious meetings else- 
where, some fresh provision being made, in lieu of the Recu- 
sancy Acts, for the discovery of ' Papists and Popish recusants,' 
Jesuits and priests. The Covenant, too, was no longer to be 
enacted. 

The scheme of Ireton was virtually that which was adopted 

in the Toleration Act of 1689. In 1647 it was too far in 

. . advance of the time to be generally acceptable, even 

ad.anceof jf it had Secured the approbation of the King, for 

whose benefit it had been prepared. 

The political concessions demanded were based on prin- 
ciples entirely different from those which pervaded the 
The poiiiicai Propositions of Newcastle. The Presbyterian idea 
Khcme. jjgj^ jjgg^ jQ force the Crown to submit to the exist- 
ing Parliamentary system. The Independent idea was to 
bring Pariiament itself under popular control. Parliament was 
to indicate a date for its own dissolution, after which it was to 
be succeeded by biennial parliaments, elected by a reformed , 
constituency in which the franchise was to be exercised by 
populous towns and districts hitherto unrepresented or under- 
represented, whilst it was to be taken away from the villages- 1 
and hamlets, which had been the main strength of the Crown 
and its Cavalier supporters. These biennial p.irliameots were , 



r 




1647 A CONSTITUTIONAL SCHEME. 

not to be dissolved without their own consent til! the session 
had lasted one hundred and twenty days : on the other hand, 
in no case was the session to continue more than two hundred 
ind forty in the course of the two years of its enistence. 

In this new constitution a prominent place was to be given 
to the Council of State, of which the members were, in the 
A Council first instance, to be named by agreement, and were 
-ifsiaie. jQ continue in office for a term not exceeding seven 
vears. As nothing was said about the way in which their 
successors were to be appointed, it is to be presumed that 
they were to be nominated by the King. However this may 
have been, the Council of State was to occupy a more im- 
portant constitutional position than the old Privy Council, 
from which every member could be dismissed at the King's 
pleasure, and by which no business could be transacted except 
by his permission. The Council of State, of which the idea 
was probably taken from the Committee of Both Kingdoms, 
was to carry on negotiations with foreign Powers, and, subject 
to the approval of Parliament, to conclude peace or declare 
war ; to superintend Ihe militia during ten years with the 
approval of Parliament itself when sitting, or of a Parliamentary 
committee appointed for the purpose in the intervals between 
the sessions. In case of necessity the King might summon 
an extraordinary Parliament after one Parliament had been 
dissolved, and when the obligatory election to another was 
not yet imminent, but he was only to do this with the consent 
of the Council of State. Though the direction of the militia 
was to be for ten years in the hands of the Council 
' of State, its commanders were for the same time to 
be appointed by Parliament. After that time, if Charles were 
still living, he might make the appointments with the approval 
of Parliament or of its committee. The next king was, ap- 
parently, both to superintend the militia and to appoint its 
officers without reference to Parliament, provided that he 
could obtain the consent of the Council of State. 

The domestic government was to be carried on, as it had 
been before the war, by royal officials, but those officials were 
for ten years to be appointed by Parliament and, after that 



333 TftE HEADS OF THE PROPOSALS, cd. LlE 

tiiijc, by the King out of three candidates nominated \ 
lioiDcnt for everj- vacancy. To [wesenre the indqiendt 
fwoiE Parliament, no peer created since May 21, i 
■mnunm. created hereafter, was to sit in Parliament without the 
consent of both Houses, whilst the judicial power of the House 
of Lords was to be limited by requiring the assent of the 
House of Commons to its judgments whenever they affected a 
commoner. Each meml>er of the House of Commons was to 
have the right of protest 

If Charles accepted these proposals, his partisans were to 
be dealt with more leniently than in any of the propositions 
TraimtBi wade by the Houses. Not more than five were to 
ofKoKiiiH*. (jg |gf( (Q jjjg judgment of Parliament, and the 
compositions enacted from the remainder were to be lowered. 
No Royalist, however, was either to hold office during the next 
five years without the consent of Parliament or the Council of 
State, or to sit in either House till the second biennial Parlia- 
ment had come to an end. Other clauses there were, but ol 
less importance, and a list of desirable reforms was added in 
the hope that the existing Parliament might find time to pass 
ihem without prolonging its sittings unreasonably.' 

In their main lines The Heads of the Proposals anticipated 
later constitutional developments. They substituted the in- 
Conitiio- fluence of the Crown for its direct authority, and 
vX'p'ninu *''^y brought the House of Commons more undct 
.nikipsMd. the control of the constituencies than it had been 
hitherto. In other words, they were pervaded with jealousy ol 
the reigning King, and with jealousy of the existing Parliament, 
though it was on the approval of the reigning King and of the 
existing Parliament that those who framed them counted to give 
legal authority to their project. Unless, however, the consent 
they required were willingly given they would have laboured in 
vain. The first requisite of successful government is confidence 
between the ruler and the ruled. Such confidence could never 
be replaced by a series of restrictions which were well enough 
on paper, but which Charles, if be ever consented to be bound 
by them, would seek every opportunity tc explain away, 
' Tlie Ilcatis of llie Propos^als, Coiul. iVw. 233. 



1 



i647 CHARLES UNDER SUSPICION. 333 

That Charles would be hostile to The Heads of the Proposals 
might easily be foreseen. Not only did they impose perma- 

nent restrictions on that authority which he still 
hostile to believed it possible to preserve intact, but there was 

a marked contrast between their elaborate stipula- 
tions and the vague conditions which had been offered to him 
upon his arrival at Newmarket.^ The change, no doubt, 
might be accounted for in part by the necessary contrast 
between terms verbally expressed and terms set down in 
writing ; but it was also owing to the lesson taught by Charles's 
refusal to accept the original proposal. The army now knew 
that it had an opponent to bind down, and not a friend with 
whom it might co-operate. Suspicion, absent in June, had 
entered in July into the minds of the framers of the present 
scheme. Unfortunately Charles sought the cause of this sus- 
picion in others rather than in himself. In combating the 
proposals of the army he had no difficulty in persuading 
himself that they were supported not by the army at large, but 
simply by a few ambitious chiefs. 

* " Pendendo queste negotiationi secretamente 1* armata dava al Re 
propositioni contrarie alia sua autorita, et alia liberie del popolo, pregiudi- 
tialissime a se medesimo et a' suoi successori, le quali S. M. , se bene nelle 
loro mano, non ha mai voluto passare, non le desiderando ancora tutti 
quelli deir armata, ma solamente 11 capi di quella come ancora 11 Capi 

degli IndependentL** Newsletter, ^^1 Roman Transcripts^ R.O. 



CHAPTER LIII. 

THE MILITARY OCCUPATION OF LONMH. 

Charles's usual habit when dissatisfied with one party was to 
turn to another, and on July 21, being not well pleased with 
,5j^. The Htads of the Profioials, he graciously received 
cii"ia"' Lauderdale at Latimers, where he was resting for the 
wi'iULigder "18''* o" ^is way to Wobum. The interview resulted 
d«is- in Charles offering to write a letter which was to be 

carried to Edinburgh by Cheisley, the secretary of the Scottish 
commissioners in London. Consequently, Lauderdale returnpd 
iri good spirits under the impression that this letter would open 
the way lo the long-talked-of invasion of England by a Scottish 
army.' Lauderdale, strongly as from political motives he had 
hitherto sided with the Presbyterian party, had little sympathy 
with the Presbyterian zealots of his own country, and it is 
likely enough that he under- estimated the difficulty of obtain- 
ing the acceptance in Scotland of such half-hearted concessions 
as Charles was likely to make in matters of religion. 

' " par les nouvelles cjue j'eus avant-hyer, du Roy de la GiiDde Bie- 
t^ne, et par celles que j'en ay encores aujdurdhuy reeeues, it commence 
i s'appcicevoii de ce dont nous I'odverlis^ons il y a bien longlemps, que 
les Independanli eslahlissanl leur pouvoir, non aeulement mesprisenl le 
sien, mais sussy u'efTotcent de le ruynei absolument : si pluslosl il eust 
TL'connu ce£te vinli, plus aysement il y auroit pouiveu qu'il ne pouira cy 
apres. Par le tetout du Comle de Laudeidale . . . qui le doibl aujourd- 
buy veoir k Latimer, nous sfaurons dcmain comment il aura receu les 
ollres qu'il a ordre de luyfaire de la part du diet Royauime." Bellievre 
to Maiarin, ''^^, R.O. TramcrifH. 

" Le ComlE de Lauderdale est revenu d'anprei de luy asset salisfail 
ce qu'il lu; u promis dc donner une lei tie de cicance k Cbisley 



aitde ^^k 
pout^H 



1647 



i:ESrLKSSA'ESS OF THE CTTV. 



335 



If, as can hardly be doubted, Lauderdale was acting in 
combination with the eleven members,' who, in spite of leave 
ThtPrcs- of absence asked and obtained, were still lingering 
and'rhe" '" England, it would have been prudent in the Pres- 
^''T' byterian leaders to await the reception of Charles's 

letter in Scotland before raising a fresh agitation in London. 
Either, however, their impatience was too great, or the turbulent 
elements in the City were no longer under their control. On 
juIt h. ^^^ 2'st, the day before Lauderdale's interview with 
En™'™« ^^^ King, a crowd of apprentices, watermen, re- 
ofihiCiiy. formadoes, and others streamed into Skinners' Hall, 
where they signed a Solemn Engagement, in virtue of which 
they were to maintain the Covenant, and to procure the King's 
restoration to power on the basis of the letter of May iz,^ in 
which Charles had abandoned Episcopacy for three years and 
the militia for ten.' 

It was doubtless on the municipal independence of the 
City that the hearts of the supporters of this Engagement were 
mainly set, but after the withdrawal of the eleven 
TfieCom- members, they could no longer count on the sup- 
wkhiho port of the Commons. On the s3nd the proposal 
"'"''' of the army that the control of the City militia 

ms^do ih? should be restored to the old Parliamentary Com- 
'-™'^ mittee was accepted in a thin House by a majority 

>ij' =H^ of 77 to 46, and on the following day this vote was 
E.ig^emcnt Confirmed by the Lords. On the 24th both Houst^s 
joined in denouncing the Solemn Engagement of 
the City. * 

In appearance at least Parliament and army were of one 

allet dire de si part tanl au conseil d'Escosse qu'i I'Assemblee <les 
ministies qui se tiendia & Edimba^ le 15"* de ce mois," i.e. Aug. ^, 
"beaucoup de choses qui donneront aux Fscossais le ptetexte qu'ils chcr- 
chent avec tant d'ardeut d'entret encoie en Anglcterre." Betli^vre to 
Mazarin, ^^, R.O. Tranicrift,. 

' Far his connection with them, see Bamfield's Apehgy, \l, 

• A solemn mgagemenl, L.J. is. 354. 
' C.J. T. 3S4. 256 ; L.J. ix. 346, 354. 



r336 MILITARY OCCUPATION OF LONDON. an.tivC. 

I tnind. On July 13 the anny assured the Commons of i 

I readiness to support them in any measures they might take 

igin 'o provide fitting security for the kingdom. The 

""'■ acceptance of the terms indicated in the King's 

letter of May 12 meant to the soldiers the abandonment of all 

the principles at issue in the great struggle. 

Whether those who organised the inovement in the City 

were supported by any of the eleven members or not. ' it is quite 

certain that they had the municipal authorities at 

ACijy their backs. On the 26lh a petition was presented 

to both Houses by the Common Council, asking for 

the repeal of the Ordinance by which the old Parliamentary 

Committee of Militia had been re-established in the City.* 

Amohii '^^^ deputation bringing it was followed by an ex- 

w=>i- cited crowd of apprentices and others, clamouring 

for a favourable answer. The I-ords— only nine 

peers were in attendance — replied evasively, but being roughly 

. . told that unless they recalled the recent Militia 

ofihf Ordinance and the declaration against the Engage- 

™ *■ ment ' they should never come out,' did as they 

were bidden, and were then allowed, after adjourning to the 

30lh, to depart unhurt. 

The turn of the Commons came next They, too, in vain 
attempted to take refuge in a dilatory answer. The rioters 

' "Whereupon the Enrl? of Manchesler, Holland, Lauderdale— who, 
though not of the Parliament, but one of the Scol^' cotnmissioaers, had 
great credit in the Cily — my Lord Willoughby of Parham, D17 Lord 
Holies" (this title was borne by him when this was wiittea), " Sir Philip 
Stapleton, Sir William Waller, Majoi General Massey, Major General 
Browne, all r.hich, and divers more who had great influence in the 
City, judged it no* the crilieal season to cngnEC it lo pcliiion Parliament 
for (he conliauance of their militia under the establish ment it was.'' 
Bamfield's Apslogy. Bamfield, as perhaps was to be expected in a hook 
written bo long after the event, is loo^e as to dates, and goes on lo include 
in Ihe demands made in the City Petition some which were subsenucntly 
made by the mub. Waller ( Vindication, loi-lo6) admits that he knew 
of the petition, but says that had nothing to do with the tumults, HoUcf 
{Mtnioirs, 153) disclaims knoH-ing anything about either. 

■ L.J. ii. 3i6 i C.I. V. 2J!. 



1647 A MOB AT WESTMINSTER, 337 

poured into the lobby, burst open the doors, and from the 
entrance called upon the members to do as the Lords had 
Attack done. For six hours the House held out in spite 
on the of threats and shouts of " Vote ! Vote ! " from 

the boisterous crowd. Outside, men who were dis- 
covered to be servants of officers of the army were roughly 
handled. Their ears and noses were pulled, and they were 
dragged about amidst mocking cries. Hostile as the City 
was, the House had no means of restoring order without its 
aid. Message after message was accordingly despatched to 
Guildhall, but the Lord Mayor and Aldermen were in no 
hurry to shorten the troubles of the members, and when at 
last one of the sheriffs appeared on the scene he was followed 
by no more than forty halberdiers. Gathering courage from 
the smallness of this force, the mob pushed on over the floor 
of the House itself, telling the members, as they had told the 
peers earlier in the day, that none should stir till the Ordinance 
and declaration had been repealed. It was eight o*clock in 
Forced ^^^ evening when the members, worn out and ex- 
votes, hausted, at last gave way, yielding to pressure which 
they were no longer able to resist. Having passed the re- 
pealing votes, they voted an adjournment, and at last rose to 
leave the House. 

The intruders, however, were still unsatisfied. Thrusting 
Lenthall back into the chair, as Finch had been thrust eighteen 
years before, they insisted he should put to the vote a resolu- 
tion inviting the King to London. The terrorised House 

again obeyed orders, after which some members of 
The House the Common Council tardily arrived. Finding that 
a journe . ^^^ ^^^ \iQQn donc that they desired, they dismissed 

the mob. The next morning the House, taking example from 
the Lords, adjourned to the 30th. ^ 

The independence of a Parliament which had long ceased 
to represent the nation was by this time a thing of the 

* L.f. ix. 356 ; C./. V. 258 ; Whitelocke^ 260 ; Rushworth to Lord 
Fairfax, July 27, Bell's Mem. of the Civil War^ ii. 379 ; LenthalPs De< 

claraiiofiy E. 400, 32; Mabbot (?) to 9 July 26, Clarke Papers, 3,, 

217. 

VOL. III. Z 



338 MILITARY OCCUPATION OF LONDON. CH. Lilt. 

past. Pressure from the army had been succeeded by pres- 

PreMue ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^ "^^^» ^^^ moderate men might be 
ai»d counter- excuscd for thinking that, of the two, the former was 

pressure. , . , 

to be preferred. 
For the present the City stood firm. On the 28th, after 
attending a course of sermons which lasted from ten o'clock 

July 38. in the morning till five in the afternoon, the Common 
d^^™" Council wrote to Fairfax urging him to keep back 
the City. j^jg forccs, and intimating that their own preparation 
for placing the City in a state of defence ' was no just cause to 

Jul provoke the soldier.' On the 29th it was known in 

Fairfax London that Fairfax had on that morning broken 
Bedford. up from Bedford and was marching towards the 
An alarm City. The trained bands were at once sent to man 
in th9 City. ^^ walls, and orders were given for a general levy 

of the whole male population capable of bearing arms.* 
I'oyntz had for some time l)een at liberty,* and it was now 
suggested that either he or Massey should be placed in com- 
mand of the whole of the forces of Tendon and Westminster, 
which were calculated as amounting to no less than 30,000 
foot and 10,000 horse. To give to this armament a basis of 
legality, it was proposed that when the Houses met on the 
30th, the Commons should recall their absent members, in- 
cluding the impeached eleven, and enter upon a negotiation 
with the King.' In Independent circles it was believed that, 
in order to ensure the acceptance of these proposals, a far 
larger mob than that which had broken into the House on the 
26th would appear at Westminster on the 30th.* On the 
other hand, there were rumours abroad amongst the Presby- 
terians, that when the Houses met they would under the 
influence of the Independents adjourn themselves for a 
month,'* in which case it would be impossible to give Parlia- 
mentary sanction to the projected armament. 

' Riishw, vi. 645, 646. * See p. 322. 

' A continttation of certain . . . passages^ E. 400, 25 ; The Perfect 
Weekly Account^ E. 401, I ; \^x, DentDn to Sir R. Vcrney, July 27, Ver- 
ncy MSS, 

* Lenthall's DjiJaraiion, E. 400, 32. » Z./. ix. 377. 



1647 THE FLIGHT OF THE SPEAKERS. 33^ 

The Independents, at least, had no intention of carrying 
out the project attributed to them. When the morning of the 
July 30. 30th arrived it was found that the two Speakers, 
Jfthe*' Manchester and Lenthall, together with eight Inde- 
fnd*tht" pendent peers and fifty-seven Independent mem- 
indepen- bers of the House of Commons, were missing.* 
members. That Manchester, who had strong reasons for 
bearing a grudge against the Independents, should have been 
amongst the absentees was significative of the disgust which 
mob-violence is apt to rouse. For the moment, however, the 
Presbyterians were masters of both Houses. They 

Froreedings . ^ 

at Wesr- chose ncw Speakers, Lord Willoughby of Parham in 
the Lords and Pelham in the Commons, recalled the 
eleven members, and reconstituted the Committee of Safety, 
placing Waller and Massey upon it. They also put themselves 
under the protection of the militia of the City, now once more 
under the authority of the new Presbyterian committee, to 
which they gave power to appoint a commander-in-chief. Finally, 
they sent orders to Fairfax to abstain from coming within thirty 
miles of London. These orders they accompanied with an 
assurance that the City authorities would keep the apprentices 
under restraint, and that, so far as the apprentices themselves 
were concerned, it was not to be doubted * but the sense of so 
great an offence ' as the violation of the privileges of Parliament 
would *at last strike their breasts . . . with a detestation of 
any practices of the like nature for the future.' ^ 

There could be no doubt that the Presbyterians intended 
to fight now, if they had the chance. After most of the eleven 
The Houses mcmbcrs had taken their places at Westminster, 
deSe/^*^ the Militia Committee named Massey commander 
Fairfax at ^^ ^^^ ^^^ forccs raised by the City. Time was, 
Coinbrook. howevcr, running short. On the 30th Fairfax esta- 
tablished his own head quarters at Coinbrook. Some of his 
regiments seized on Tilbury Fort, whilst others crossed the 

* The evidence on the story that Cromwell and Ireton persuaded 
Lenthall to go to the army is collected in a note of Mr. Firth's to p. 219 
of vol. i. of the Clarke Papers, 

' L.f. ix. 358 ; C./. V. 259. 

Z 2 



h 



Jio MIUTARY OCCUPATION OF LONDON. CH. tjn.^ 

Thames above AV'es I minster, and threatened to march on 1 
Gravesend/ and thus to starve out the commerce of I^ondon 
ijy occupiing both banks of the Thames. They actually 
pushed on to Deplford, where they came to blows with the 
deserters, four of the latter being slain. ' The strategy which 
had failed in Charles's hands seemed likely to succeed in 
bands of Fairfax, 

It may well be believed that neither Fairfax nor Cromwell 
desired to enter London as conquerors. They were coming, 
Thtirmy thcy alleged, not as enemies, but as protectors of 
tl'lit'iitd ''^^ '™^ Parhament, expelled by the violence of the 
members. mol). On their side was peace and order ; on the 
side of their opponents was riot in the streets, and a New 
Civil War in the land. Vet it was not merely on a restored 
Parliament that thcy had based their hopes of a restoration of 
Coniinu- o'^^''- During the days in which their eyes appeared 
Mctufihe to be exclusively fixed on Westminster, they had not 
i^ihihe™ neglected to push on their negotiations with the 
'"*■ King, in the hope that they might be able, with no 

long delay, to announce that a general reconciliation bad been 
effected. 

It was on July 23, before troubles had occurred at West- 
minster, that The Heads of the Proposals in their amended 

Jul > shape ^ were placed in Berkeley's hands to be c 
ThiHiadi municated unofficially to the King. It is proba- 
PrafmiU ble that the insistence of the army on binding him 
chnriea, in Constitutional fetters outweighed all gratitude, i 
oinmded indeed he felt any, for their greater tolerance in 
form. matters of religion. If the army, said Charles to 

Berkeley, had had a mind to close with him, they would not 
have insisted on such hard conditions. Berkeley sensibly re- 
plied that he should have had more cause to suspect them if 
they had asked for less. Charles would not listen to such a 
argument. The army, he said, ' could not subsist without 
him.' " I shall see them glad ere long," he added, " to accept 
more equal terma." * 

TbePiifect IVetkfy Aaounl, E. 401, i. ' Hwhw. viL J 

See p. 329- ' Berkeley's Memfin, 30-32. 



1647 CHARLES DISTRUSTS THE ARMY. 34 « 

Berkeley could no longer conceal from himself the failure 
of his mission. With characteristic modesty he expressed a hope 
that Ashburnham, when he arrived/ would be more 
and Ash- successful. Ashbumham, when he arrived, proved 
rn am. jjimself to havc no more insight into the situation 
than the King himself. Charles actually fancied that he was 
furthering his own ends by directing Ashburnham and Berkeley 
An appeal '^ J^^^ ^^ appealing to the cupidity of the heads of 
to the the army. Fairfax and Cromwell, forsooth, were to 

cupidity - 

of the be urged *to fasten their affections to his Majesty's 

genera s. perfect restoration by proffers of advantages to them- 
selves, and by fulfilling their utmost expectations in anything 
relating to their own interest, or that of any of their friends 
whom they would involve in the work of his Majesty's re-esta- 
bhshment.' ^ 

So were the precious hours in which the army had most 
need of Charles's concurrence allowed to slip away. When, on 
Jul 28(?) ^^ about July 28,' The Heads of the Proposals were 
Formal formally presented to him at Woburn by a deputa- 
tton of The tiou from the army, he answered peremptorily that 
o/ttu he would not have one of his followers exempted 

Proposals, {^q^ pardou, and that the Church must not only be 

allowed freedom, but must be positively established by law. 
Charles's The burdcu of his discourse was " You cannot do 
rash talk. without me ! You will fall to ruin if I do not sus- 
tain you." Berkeley, amazed at his master's indiscretion, 
attempted to stop the torrent. "Sir," he whispered into 
Charles's ear, " your Majesty speaks as if you had some secret 
strength and power that I do not know of ; and since your 
Majesty hath concealed it from me, I wish you had concealed 
it from these men also."* The fact was that Charles had 
lately received encouraging messages from Lauderdale, and 
was filled with expectation of a triumphant movement in his 
favour in the City.*^ 

^ See p. 318. * Ashburnham*s Narrative y ii. 90. 

' It was whilst the army was still at Bedford, and therefore before 
July 29. 

* Berkeley's Memoirs^ 33-35. * Bamficld's Afology^ 32. 



L 



34S MILITARY OCCUPATION OF LONDON. CH. urt/^ 

Al Berkeley's hint, Charles moderated his latiguage ; but 
the effect of his inlemperate speech was beyond recall. Rains- 
^j^ borough, the leader of that section of the army which 

' "■""I'u- was most adverse to an understanding with the King, 

hastened from his presence to Bedford, where he 
spread the news of his rash sayings amongst the soldiers. On 
the 29th the army broke up from Bedford, in consequence of 
the serious news from Westminster, and on the following day 
juix JO. ils irritation was further increased by the intelligence 
dSei"' '^'^'1' Lauderdale had arrived at Wohum, and had 
Wobura. brought Cheisley with him. As a matter of fact, 
be had come to receive Charles's last instructions before de- 
spatching Cheisley to Scotland on a mission, the object of 
ivhich was to hasten an invasion of England by the Scots. 
Though the soldiers knew little of Lauderdale's plans, they 
. . _ suspected much, and on the morning of the 31st 
Ijiudri. some of them broke into his lodging, before he had 
ofrvijrihe risen. In order to prevent him from seeing the 

King, they ordered him to leave his bed and to quit 
the place at once itithoul visiting the Abbey. \\\ vain Lauder- 
dale, probably hoping to melt the hearts of his assailants, 
asked for a short delay in which to say his prayers ; but the 
soldiers inexorably hurried him off as soon as he was dressed.' 
The fears of the soldiers were justifiable enough, but as the 
views of Charles and the Committee of Estates at Edinburgh 
were still widely apart, there was little likelihood of an imme- 
diate invasion. In a letter written by the King on the a 7th, 
he forbade Lanark ' to mention — as to England — either Cove- 
nant or Presbyteriai government.' ' 

Whilst Lauderdale was in vain attempting to reach the 
Abbey, Charles was preparing, after long consultations with his 
lawyers and divines, an answer to Tke Heads of the Proposals. 
In the opinion of Berkeley, who had himself a share in 

' CompUiDt of the ScoHiah Commiasionera, Aug. I, L.f. ix. 367 ; 
l,elliJ\ie to Mainrin, '^|^, R.O. Transcripis ; Whalley's Namtive j 
firinled in A Declaration from his Excellency, E. 407, 36. 



I 
I 
I 



1647 ATTITUDE OF CHARLES. 343 

drawing it up, it was absolutely conclusive. "We easily," he 
wrote, " answered the proposals both in law and reason ; but 

Charles ^^ ^^^ ^® ^^ ^^'^ ^^^^ ^^^ Stronger than both." 
prepares The army leaders, on the other hand, being well aware 

an answer 

to Tfu of the general nature of the King's reply, answered it 
o/tfu in advance on August i, by publishing The Heads of 

Proposals. ^^ Proposals themselves, whilst they, at the same 
Thd?%b- time, urged Berkeley, if he could not persuade the 
lication. King to asscnt to their terms, to obtain from him 
*at least a kind letter to the army,' before the submission 
of London, which they knew to be impending, deprived the 
courtesy of all its grace. A letter to Fairfax repudiating the 

enemies of the army and declaring himself in the main 
double satisfied with The Heads of the Proposals was indeed 

^ *"*^* prepared for Charles's signature, but he refused to 
sign it, and before he consented to sign any letter at all, events 
had occurred which robbed it of both * grace and efficacy.' * 
Yet at the very time when he was so sparing of any public 
demonstration of good- will, he was sending private messages to 
Ireton, assuring him of his readiness to confide in the army, 
and to entrust it with the settlement of the kingdom.^ 

By this time the citizens were growing weary of the anarchy 

which they had fostered in their midst. The Reformadoes 

^ were beginning to talk of plundering the City.^ The 

anarchy in Independents, who, after all, constituted a not in- 

"^' considerable minority amongst the Londoners, were 

emboldened by Fairfax's arrival at Colnbrook to appear on 

August 2 at Guildhall with a petition for an accom- 
indepen-* modatiott. They were there attacked by Poyntz 
tinners and his officers, and some of them were wounded 

mortally. The arrival of a deputation from South - 
wark, where there had long been a jealousy of the City's claim 

> Berkeley's Memoirs^ 38, 39. Draft of a letter, Aug. 3, dar, St P, 
u. 371. 

* Major Huntington's Sundry Reasons^ p. 7. E. 458, 3. 

• ** II n*y a pas un soldat qui veuille sortir d*icy maintenant : ils 
croyent tour avoir bonne part dans le butin de ce&te ville qu*ils imaginent 
pouvoir piller." BelUevre to Mazarin, ^^"^*J^, R.O, Transcripts. 



b 



311 MILITARY OCCUPATION OF LONDON. CH. LIII. J 

lo command the militia of the suburbs, was even more ominoua 1 
of danger, Southwark required from the Common Council \ 

that an agreement should be made with the army, 
from and that the disposal of its militia should be con- 

ceded to it.' Even in the seventeenth century the ] 
City was weakened by the growth of a greater London beyond j 
the limits of its jurisdiction. 

Before nightfall on the and, the Common Council made up 

its mind to yield ; and the next morning despatched a letter i 

^^ to Fairfax, disclaiming any wish to enter upon a new \ 

Adcpuui- war. The deputation which carried the letter found i 

itieCiiyio the army drawn up on Hounslow Heath, 20,000 

"■ strong, and, for a reply, had to be content with a 
tJon'bi?"** long declaration, drawn up on the preceding day, in 
ihearaiy, which was set forth the intention of the army to 
march on London, as well as its expectation that the eleven 
members woidd be either delivered up, or kept in custody till 
they could be tried according to law. Then followed a scene 
which had no doubt been carefully pre-arranged. The fugitive 
Reception members of the two Houses headed by their 
fL'ii^ve Speakers, and accompanied by Fairfax himself, rode 
luei.ibcn. along the front of the regiments. Tiieir reception 
could not have been more enthusiastic. The soldiers threw 
iheir hats into the air with cries of " Lords and Commons and 
a free Parliament." The Elector Palatine, who always took 
care to attach himself to the stronger jxirty, then rode up and 
received a greeting equally warm.^ If the soldiers shouted for 
Lords and Commons, they shouted for themselves as well. 
'I'here could be few amongst them who were not glad to dis- 
cover that their purposed intervention was strictly constitu- 
tional. 

Fairfax was by this time assured of success. A message 
had come from Southwark imploring his aid. Four regiments 
^ were rapidly pushed forward on the south side of the 

lends lot Thames, and at two in the morning they entered 
'"^ Southwark through a gale opened to them by thei 

friends inside. Even before this the City had surrendered at dis- 

' Kuihm. vii. 741. ' Jdem, vii. 743-75I. 



i647 THE ARMY IN THE CITY, 345 

cretioii. The letter announcing its resolution to submit, written 
on the afternoon of the 3rd, reached Fairfax at Hammersmith on 
Surrender ^^^ moming of the 4th. Later in the day another letter 
of the City, arrived from Charles, who now briefly disclaimed all 
Aug. 4, intention of making war against Parliament, without 
from the cvcn attempting to meet the charge, to which he was 
^"^* really open, of having sympathised with the attempt 

of the Presbyterians to make war against the army.^ 

On August 6 the army, escorting the returning members, 
tramped along the road to Westminster. The march resembled 
Aug. 6. a triumphal procession rather than the occupation of 
Jrltere*^™^ a hostile city. Every soldier had placed a leaf of 
London. laurcl in his hat. When Hyde Park was reached 
the Lord Mayor and Aldermen welcomed the General, and the 
distasteful ceremony was repeated by the Common Council at 
Charing Cross. ^ 

In Parliament opposition, for the moment, died away. 
Manchester and Lenthall returned to their chairs, and the 
RestoraMon fugitivc members were once more seen in their 
of the mem- j-ggpective Houscs. Fairfax having been duly 
Fairfax thanked by Lords and Commons, received the 
ofThT^^* appointment of Constable of the Tower, which was 
Tower. no longcr to be entrusted to the citizens. The 
Reformadoes were at last to be actually ejected from London, 
and a Committee consisting of members of both Houses was 
appointed to inquire into the violence recently offered to 
Parliament.^ 

On the following day a display of force was made of which 

the citizens could hardly fail to appreciate the significance. 

^^ The bulk of the army, some 18,000 strong, marched 

The army through the strects of the City, and passed over 

through London Bridge on the way to Croydon. Cromwell 

"^* rode at the head of the Cavalry, but Fairfax, whose 
health was not yet completely restored, was seated in a carriage 
with Cromwell's wife and his own. A Royalist spectator, 

* The King to Fairfax, Aug. 4, Rushw, vii. 753. 

* Rushw. vii. 756. 

* L,J. ix. 374 ; Cy. V. 268. 



346 MILITARY OCCUPATION OF LONDON. cH. Liil. 

indeed, declared that the troops were ' neither well-horsed nor 
well-armed/ but their martial vigour and their orderly discipline 
were beyond dispute.^ A sufficient force remained behind at 
A\'estminster and the Tower to guard the Houses against a 
fresh incursion of the City mob. In the eyes of Fairfax this 
military occupation of I^ndon was but a necessary prelimin- 
Thearm ^^ ^° ^^ Understanding with the King, and there 
1 opes for an is evcry rcason to believe that the majority of the 

iinoersiand- rf t t * > % % % • . 

ingwith otncers and men under his command shared his 
*"*' hopes. With their full knowledge, the General had 
declared, in a letter recently addressed to the City, that the 
army had * no other design but the quiet and happy settlement 
of a firm and lasting peace.' ^ When, upon his entry into the 

Fairfax and '^^^^'*» *^^ records of the kingdom were shown to 
the Great him, he Called for the Great Charter. " This is that," 
he said, " which we have fought for, and by God's 
help we must maintain." * 

To maintain the principles of the Great Charter under the 
changed conditions of the seventeenth century was indeed the 
^ , work in hand. Neither Fairfax nor anyone then 

Comparison ^ 

between the living was likely to remember that it was only after 

limes of - ^^ , _ . 1 1 1 \» , 

John and of the Struggles of two generations that the benefits of 
^^^ the Great Charter had been more than nominally 
secured. 

The first difficulty of the army after its day of triumph was, 
however, not with Charles but with Parliament. The House 
Independent of Lords, indeed, gave little trouble. With the 
the^HoJJe exception of Pembroke, who always sided with the 
of Lords. party which happened for the moment to be upper- 
most, none of the Lords who had voted Willoughby of Parham 
into the chair reappeared after the restoration of Manchester. 
The attendance of a little knot of twelve or thirteen peers, who 

* Letter of Intelligence, Aug. 9, Ciaremion MSS, 2,572 ; Newsletter, 
^'^Z' ft» -^"S* M» I^oman Transcripts^ R, O, The latter writes that the 
soldiers * passerent sy modestement, et en sy bon ordre, que je ne crois pas 
que Ton puisse voir une arm^e mieux disciplin^e." 

-' Fairfax to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, Aug. 5, Rus/m>, vii. 756. 

• SsLndcr9on*9 Lt/e of UTtng- C/tarUs, 1,002. 



1647 THE INDEPENDENTS CHECKED, 347 

occupied a corner of the empty chamber, now converted the 
House of Lords into an Independent stronghold. 

It was far otherwise with the House of Commons. On 
August 9 a large number of those members who had prudently 
Aug. 9. asked leave of absence during the recent troubles 
th^House* returned to the House, where their presence seriously 
ofCommons. imperilled the mastery of the Independent party. 
Both Presbyterians and Independents, indeed, were now ready 
to protest against the violence of the mob, but whilst the Inde- 
pendents urged the House to affirm that all votes passed in 
the absence of the legitimate Speakers were null and void, the 
Presbyterians merely wished to expunge them from the journals, 
on the ground that if they were once admitted to have been 
without force from the beginning, the members who had 
assented to them might be called in question for having taken 
part in an unconstitutional action.* 

When at the close of the debate the question was put for 
declaring the votes to have been null and void, the Ayes rang 
A bare loudly out, whilst the Noes of the Presbyterians 
the'indep^n. ^crc few and feeble. In the insolence of victory an 
dents. Independent member called for a division, for no 

other reason, it would seem, than to reveal the weakness of the 
other party. If the Presbyterians were too depressed to shout, 
they were not too depressed to vote, and to the astonishment 
of all present the division gave to the Independents a bare 
majority of one, the votes being 95 to 94. A worse disappoint- 
ment was in store for the Independents. Three members who 
had retired into a committee-room to avoid voting with either 
side were discovered and brought into the House. As they 
had been present when the question was put, they were ordered 
to vote, and all three gave their voices for the rejection of the 
Independent resolution, which was therefore lost by a majority 
of two.^ On the following day the Presbyterians rejected, by 
a largely increased majority of 34, another resolution which 
implied approbation of the recent proceedings of the army.^ 

» A Perfect Summary^ E. 518, 19. 

- CJ. V. 270 ; Dr. Denton to Sir R. Vemey, Aug. 12, Verney JIJSS, 

* CJ, V. 271. 






>18 MIUTARY OCCUPATION OF LONDON. CH. liii. 

In less than a week after the entry of the army into London, 
the instrument which it chose to call a free Parliament had 

, broken in its hands. The last vote left officers and 

soldiers exposed to the penalties of the law, and it 
Wus therefore followed by a cry for a fresh and more 
^"^" stringent application of force. " If things are current 

•[.pi^ip thus," said an Independent member, "it is high 
'of«£^ time for us to betake ourselves to the strongest 
power and the longest sword."' A party in the 
army was ready to resort to extreme measures. A few days 
Rains- before Berkeley had asked Ratnsborough what would 

^™"5'ihe happen if The Heads of the Proposals were accepted 
liiutiiton. by the King and rejected by the Houses. " If they 
will not agree," answered Rainsborough, " we will make them," 
and of this all the officers present at the time signiiied their 
approval,* 

It soon appeared that the Commons had no intention of 
abandoning their hostile attitude. On the 13th a resolution 
Aug. 13. sent down from the Lords, for making the Presby- 
SmmoM terian Militia Committee answerable for its recent 
per.Ui. action, was rejected by a majority of 25, on the 
ground that it had no legal existence after its re -establishment 
by the mutilated Parliament, whilst on the same day they 
passed, by a still larger majority of 40, an Ordinance for repeal- 
ing, not annulling, the votes of the Houses in the absence of 
the Speakers.^ 

On the following day, to counteract the eiTect of these pro- 
ceedings, the Agitators presented a petition to Fairfax, The 
attempt of the army, they asserted, ' to secure to the honour- 
able members of Parliament that discharged their trust ' the 
ility of sitting as ' a free and legal Parliament ' had failed 
Ann- 14. ' through the unexpected intrusion of those usurpers ' 
tntonSji ^'"^ '"^'^ formerly taken part in the mischievous 
for a purge, procccdings of a pretended Parliament. As a remedy 
they proposed 'that all and every person that have sat in 
Dr. Denton ta Sir R. Vemey. Aug. 12, Vtm^ MSS. 
Befkeky'i Memoirs, 36, 
C.J. V. 173- 



I 




1647 FLIGHT OF SIX MEMBERS. 349 

that pretended Parliament, or adhered to them or their votes 
when the free legal Parliament was by violence suspended, 
might immediately be declared against as persons incapable of 
sitting or voting in this Parliament.' * The House, in short, 
to employ a phrase at this time coming into vogue, was to be 
purged of those members who hindered the views of the army 
from prevailing. 

The petition of the Agitators had, at least, the effect of 
finally convincing most of the eleven members of the hope- 

Aug. 16. lessness of their position. On August 16 five of 
S}'S;;^fe,^i;; them— Stapleton, Lewis, Waller, Clotworthy, and 
members. Long —availed themselves of passports given them 
by the Speaker to take shipping for France. They were, how- 
ever, stopped by a frigate, and brought before Batten, who, as 
Vice Admiral, commanded the fleet in the Downs. Batten, 
who was notoriously friendly to the Presbyterians, readily left 
them at liberty to go where they would. They therefore pur 
sued their voyage to Calais, where Stapleton died, as some 
thought, of the plague. A few days later Holies made his way 
safely to St. Malo.^ Of the other five, Nichols was under 
arrest ; Glyn, Harley, and Sir John Maynard preferred to face 
the worst in England ; whilst Massey, who was specially in- 
culpated as having been concerned in raising and disciplining 
the City forces, had escaped with Poyntz to Holland as soon 
as he discovered that resistance was hopeless.* 

In the House of Commons itself, the threats of the Agita- 

Aug. 17. tors produced an irritation which stiffened the resist- 
Commons ^nce of the Presbyterian majority. On the 17th, a 
of gTvinl"^ proposal of the Independents to declare that the 
way, but House had been under coercion from July 26 to 

continue to ... J J 

resist. August 6 was rejected, though it is true that it was only 

rejected by a majority of three. During the next day or two the 

* The humble address of the Agitators^ Aug. 14, E. 402, 8. 

"^ ,A Perfect Diurnal, E. 518, 21; Perfect Occurrences, E. 518, 23. 
See, however, A true relation of Captain Batten ^ E. 404, 38 ; A short and 
true Narrative, E. 409, 3. 

^ He and Poyntz left behind them a Declaration (E. 401, 12), pub- 
lished on Aug. 9. 



350 AflLlTARY OCCUPATION OF LONDON. CH. uit 

majorities fluctuated in a surprising manner.' By this time 
the impatience of the army was growing beyond restraint. On 
impati'nce the 1 8th the Army Council met at Kingston, where 
of the army, ^j^^y ^^^ yp a declaration fully supporting the peti- 

Th^Anny ^^^" ^^ ^^^ Agitators,* and even gave orders for a 
( oun^ii forward movement of the army towards Westminster 

Mipporti the , i. . 

Afiiiwoni, to support the demand for the purging of the 
c:roinweii House. Those who cried loudest for immediate 
p'?Je the action found a warm supporter in Cromwell,* who 
House. j^3^ \ytti\ driven out of all regard for constitutional 
propriety by the recent proceedings of the Presbyterians in the 
House. "These men," he said, "will never leave till the 
army pull them out by the ears," * and on another occasion, 
after complaining bitterly of the sway borne by Holies and 
Stapleton in the affairs of the kingdom, he added words which 

' C.J. V. 275. 277-279. 

■ Declaration of the Council of the Army, Aug. 18, L,J, ix. 391. 

* •* The army,** wrote b'airfax in Short Memorials (Somers*s Treuts^ 
V. 393), " marched nearer London ; and at Wihdsor after two days* debate in 
a council of war, it was resolved to remove all of the house whom they 
conceived did obstruct (as they called it) the public settlement. 

* * I was pressed to use all expedition in this march, but here I resolved 
to use a restrictive power, when I had not a persuasive ; and when the 
Lieutcnant-General and others did urge me to sign orders for marching, I 
still delayed it, as ever dreading the consequences of breaking Parliaments, 
and at a time when the kingdom was falling into a new war, which was so 
near that my delaying three or four days giving out orders, diverted this 
humour of the army from being statesmen to their more proper duty as 
soldiers. . . . This I write to show how by providence a few days of delay 
secured the Parliament above a year from the violence which soon after 
was offered them." 

If this took place more than a year before Pride*s purge, it must have 
happened before Dec. 6, 1647. If it took place at ""Vindsor it must have 
happened after Nov. 19. Between these two dates, however, no pro- 
posal to purge the House was made. Fairfax is, however, very loose 
about details, and the story may safely b^ placed here, when a proposal to 
purge was actually made. 

^ This story is told by Ludlow, who assigns it to a much earlier date ; 
but his regardlessners for chronology is well known, and the observation 
is not only far more likely to have been made at a time when Cromwell 
really advocated a purge, but the placing it at this date is strongly coun- 
tenanced by a passage in Huntington's Sunday Reasotts^ p. 8, E. 548, 3. 



i647 FAIRFAX AND CROMWELL. 351 

gave bitter offence to his detractors. " I know nothing to the 
contrary," he said, " but that I am as well able to govern the 
kingdom as either of them." ' 

Cromwell's main obstacle lay with Fairfax, who refused to 
participate in his design of purging the House, and who post- 
Fairfax poned from day to day the order for the march 
resists. Qjj which the Army Council had decided. Crom- 

Cromweii ^gll determined to take the matter into his own 

prepares to 

act. hands. On the 20th, when the Ordinance for de- 

claring the proceedings of Parliament in the absence of the 
Speakers null and void was again brought forward, he 
ordered a regiment of cavalry to take up a position in Hyde 
Park, so as to convey the impression that he intended to 
use it, if necessary, against the House of Commons. He 
then, leaving outside a party of soldiers who followed him 
up to the door, entered the House accompanied by those 
officers who were also members of Parliament,^ and with 

* Sundry Reasons^ p. 8, E. 548, 3. This was said at Kingston ; 
therefore between Aug. 1 1 and 27. 

* ** Nel medesimo tempo che stavano sopra il punto della deliberatione 
e per df cidere il ncgotio, ecco che la cavalleria di Fairfax marcia verso il 
luogo dell' Assemblea, e che il Luc^otenente Cramver {stc\ si presenta 
sulla porta della Camera in compagnia di molti Colonelli e Capitani, 
facendo istanza a tutti insieme che tutti gPordini fossero annullati, e di piii, 
che tutti quelli, i quali havevano date il lor voto per tali ordini, fossero 
castigati. La piii parte di quelli della camera e particolarmente li Presbi- 
teriani che havevano travagliato intorno a tali ordini, uscirono bel bello 
dal Parlamento : alcuni si fuggirono dalla cittk ; altri hanno passato il 
mare, prevedendo qualche vicina tempest, e quelli i quali continovorono 
nella radunanza, parte per amore, e parte per pavura votorono in favore dell' 

Armata, dichiarando tali ordini esser nulli." Newsletter, ^gi-J, Roman 
Transcripts f R,On The statement about the cavalry is confirmed by 
Huntington's story of a review in Hyde Park {Sundry Reasons, p. 8, E. 
458» 3)» That the retreat of the Presbyterians took place after and not 
before the vote is shown by the fact that the Presbyterian vote was nearly 
as large as it had been on the preceding day The Independent vote 
was higher by twenty, being no doubt increased by tie presence of the 
military members. Holies {Memoirs^ 172) says that there were i,cxx) 
horse drawn up in Hyde Park, * and guards out of the army besetting the 
doors and avenues.' 



3S2 MILITARY OCCUPATION OF LONDON. CH. liil 

the aid of their votes the Ordinance was carried.* It did 
not contain any direct provision for the punishment of those 
He obtain* ^^^ ^^^ taken part in coercing Parhament, but it 
•i»i>rdi. excepted from indemnity all who had been ore- 

na;ti:c an- i /• i • * i 

imiiinK tite scnt wheu force was used, or had been cognisant 
iindVr*^''*" beforehand of its employment, or had afterwards 
coercion. actcd ufwn the votes obtained by force, or had 
shared in the engagement to bring the King into the City. 
Retreat of ^^^ cxccptions wcrc somcwhat sweeping, and it is, 
pte^ny. thcrcforc, no wonder that the passing of the Ordi- 
nance was followed by the speedy retreat of the 
penden*' most promincHt Presbyterians, who by their ab- 
majority. gencc handed over the House to what was now an 
Independent majority. 

Tairfax was able to pride himselt on having hindered the 
purging of the House. Yet, if he had so far gained his end, 
it was only because Cromwell had accomplished his design 
by the display of force without actually making use of it The 
mastery of the army, thinly veiled, had made itself felt, and 
one more stage had been passed on the road which was to 
end in the enslavement of Parliament 

* The division was taken on a minor point, but the main question was 
evidently settled by it. CJ, v. 220. 



tKl- 



CHAPTER LIV. 

CROMWELL AND THE KIKG. 

Ir was possible for Cromwell to fling aside his respect for 
Parliamentary authority, because he still hoped to find in the 
,«„. King a foundation on which to build up the civil 
^iHhuUds institutions of the country in an amended form. 
oifriiT* Unfortunately it was not in Charles either to accept 
King. a compromise or to understand that Cromwell 

really cared for anything but his own personal advancement. 
On August 1 2, when he moved to OatJands, he was 
observed to be ' very merry,' taking especial pleasure 
unyuMQing. jn the thought that, though he was himself a cap- 
tive, his son was out of the rebels' reach,' and, therefore, 
it may be presumed, would refuse to be bound by any engage- 
ments which he might himself make under duress. In such 
thoughts there was no sign of yielding.^ In spite of the 

' 1*1 let of Intelligence, Ciarmdaii AfSS. 2,573. 

" " Let me inform you that his Majesty never trusted Ciomwell, liiit 
desired that, through the differences between the Parliament and the army, 
and between the inferior and superior officers of the army, Cromwell shouUt 
have been forced to have trusted his Majesty. It is true that Cron]wel] 
professed great matters in general, and specified those generals In the pro- 
posals beyond which he said he could not pass lest he should confirm 
the jealou^es that had lieen fomented by the ?resbytetians and d'saffected 
in the army ; viz. that he had deserted his party totally, and made a pri- 
vate agreement with the King. That these professions of his were sincere 
no man that I know did ever affirm -, but it was most certain thai if the 
King had consented to the proposals, he had either made an ajrrei.'menl 
with the army or discovered their villainy by their not performing what 
ihey undertook in case of his consent." Kerkeley to Hyde, May 7, 1650, 
Car. St. P. ii. 540. 



«* 



CROXfWELt AXD THE KING. 






KS; 



pleadings of his most attached servants ' he persisted in re- 
jccling Tkd I/ttids of the Proposals. 

On llie side of the army there was still every wish to be can- 

liatory, and during the next weclc, the week in which differences 
ModiBa- between the Parliament and the soldiers were being 
brought to an issue, negotiations were opened in 
/v^ the hope that some reasonable compromise might 
>>m/i. be discovered. Charles, however, at this time stood 

out on two points. He asked for an amnesty for all his fol- 
lowers, and that [here might be no diminution in the revenues 
of the bisho])s and clergy. The army, on the other hand, 
asked that a part of these revenues might be devoted to the 
jiayment of debts incurred in the war. Both King and army 
were agreed that the general toleration should include such 
Catholics as would take an oath of allegiance in a modified 
form. The scheme was approved in principle by an assembly 
of English Roman Catholic divines, and was then remitted to 
Rome for the approval of the Pope.* 

Our information on this negotiation is fragmentary, but, 
as a week later the discussion had passed to other points, 
Aiii?. .o-si. it is to be presumed that the settlement of these 
iiic'^ir^wia- questions was postponed.' By that time Charles 
Hon. ^as vigorously resisting the removal of the militia 

from under his authority, and still more the suggestion that 
peace and war should be subjected to the competency of 
I'arliament. Nor was he more satisfied with a stipulation 
that the money to be lei led for the army should be out of 
his own control.* 

Still the army leaders did not despair. On August 24 

AiiR. 94. Charles was removed to Hampton Court, and 
■i^H^pion '"^ '^y^ ''"^'" head-quarters were established at 
Conn. Putney, half-way between Hampton Court and 

Westminster. 



' Belllt-vrc lo Maiarin, Aug. 
' Ncwslcller, Aiig. jg, Koiiu. 
' The army cannat have yielded 
in ibtse puinlB later on. 

Je«'s!=.t«, ^-« Ro^nan T,; 



ill. H. ^-^^ Transcripts. 



Tra, 



-..,-s, R.O. 

:t hear of ihe King's holOing 



1647 AN OLD SCHEME TiEVlVED. 355 

Charles was battling as one to whom every position was 
of importance. With him it was no mete struggle for 
A.s. ,fi. personal ends, as he at least believed from the 
"intra at bottom of his heart that the democratic innovations 
Puinty. ^-ith which The Heads of the Proposals absolutely 
bristled would be disastrous to the well-being of the country. 
He knew well that those innovations had no hold on the 
popular mind, and he knew also that the feeling that it 
was impossible to make an enduring settlement from which he 
was himself escliided was not confined to Cromwell and the 
officers. 

In this conflict of opinion the Scottish commissioners 
again made their voice heard with effect. They remonstrated 
iiiirrvcn. strongly on the subject of the insult to I^uderdale, 
Scuulh" ^"^ ^^° "" ^^ subject of the stoppage of his 
cominia- mcsscnger Cheisley by the Governor of Newcastle.' 
On the 26lh, to give them satisfaction, the House 
Tht" New- of Commons re-introduced the strongly Presbyterian 
pwi'li-n'i"' Propositions of Newcastle,' which were adopted on 
rovivtd, jj^g jj([j (^.j^ij jj fg^^, sl'ght amendments. The 
Aug- "7- rapidity with which the matter was hurried on 
id^pied. strengthens the belief entertained by contemporaries 
The inde- that the Independents at least were not in earnest, 
H^t in" ' their object being to convince Charles that if 
^[IJ^'riing 1"2 persisted in refusing his consent to The Heads 
thtm. g^ f^g Proposals, a worse thing might befall him. 

Their motives indeed were so little of a secret, that Irelon 
sent Charles a message telling him not to be troubled at what 
was passing at Westminster, as the Independents 'intended 
it to no other end but to make good some promises of 
the Parliament which the nation of Scotland expected the 
performance of, and that it was not expected nor desired 
his Majesty should either sign or treat of them,' Parliament, 
said Cromwell to Charles after the vote had passed, ' intended 
nothing else but to satisfy the Scot.' ^ 

' Z./. .. 387- 

* Smith to Leveson, Aug. 31, Ilisi. MSS. Cam. Kef: v. 171. 

I Hunlinglon's Suttdry Rcamiis, p. 8, E. 45S, 3, 



30 CKOifWELt ASD THE KtNG. CH. trf:" 

Jf ihia was the Inilh, it may fairly be conjectured that it 
was not the whole truth. The Independent leaders knew that, 
1 ^t lode- unless they could win Charles over to their side, it 
Kil^" would be impossible for them permanently to secure 
K-niud Parliamentary support. So strong was the universal 
"•"I- craving for peace, that even the victorious army J 

which was at their command could not enforce order by the I 
sword alone. If Charles did not heartily rally to their cause, " 
they would have to fall back on Parliament. The acceptance 
by the Commons of the Newcastle Propositions had indeed at 
first the effect of driving Charles to yield something to the 
importunity of the army, and though he continued to stand 
firm on the amnesty for his friends and the preservation of the 
Church lands, he gave way about the militia, and agreed that 
Parliament should name the great officers of Slate.' Yet the 
army leaders can hardly have failed to have had before their 
eyes the risk which they would run if Charles, having been 
restored to the throne after accepting their conditions, should 
declare that he was not bound by promises made under c 
pulsion, and should fling them to the wild vengeance of popular! 
indignation.' 

' Newsletter, Sept. ^, Reman Transcn'fU. R.O. 

' The currespooJenl of Rome in England may nnl be a fa 
of the generat lielief of Englishmen, but ht; no doubl only retailed what 
ho heard when, in the teller just qnoled, he says ihat the anny was 
nearer its min, 'essendo al presenle un mese e piii che U Capidelt'Ai 
eon il loro coosiglio di guena non studinno allro, giomo e notte, i 
ritrnvaiE i modi per a.sslcurare non aolamente il loro slato ma bqcc 
loro persone. e nienle di mend non lo sannn arrivare. perch^ il papolt 
imiversalmcnte desidera, dimanda, e grida che il \f.k ritorni in Londn, e, 
nel governo dello Slato, e di fare altrimente no ai puo senia csporai a u 
solevalione universale contro a quelli, e tale che non sareDbooo capaci 
reiisterc lungamcnte. Dall' altra banda, se rimelUno il Ri in Lond™, e 
nel suo Parlamento, prevegga che saii in potere di S. M. di rarconcludere 
lullo quello che vorri, perch^ ne I'Armala, ne il Parlanienlo non havcT- 
anno di che resistere alia devofione del popoln che ha pnrlicolannenle 
a;>peTto gl' ocrhi di maniera che [nun] resta a ^1' Independent! allm straila 
pec assicurarii che di convenire con il Kt, e Tormare luUi le propcailioni 
prima che las{ci]arlu venire a Londra ; ma questo assicuramenlo li sari 
inutile priintiamcntc perch^ il Re nun vuol sij^nir niente, se non e unilo 



L^ 



I 

1 



Sep.. 7- 



I6j7 A VIOLENT SUB- COMMITTEE. 357 

On September 7, after some delay caused by the hesitation 
of the Scottish commissioners to accept amendments however 
slight without authority from their own Committee 
of Estates, the Parhamentary propositions were laid 
propwi- before the King, Lauderdale himself joining the 
«hicS. English commissioners in presenting them, Charles 

was asked to give his answer within six days.' 

For some time the Independents, having now a slight 
majority in the House of Commons through the absence of 
An indi- many of their Presbyterian opponents, had been em- 
pciidcni ployed in strengthening their position at Westminster, 
cummkin. On August 13 the two Houses, finding ihe proceed- 
ings of the committee appointed to examine into the violence 
offered to the Houses ^ hampered by the action of its Presby- 
terian members, took the unusual course of naming by Ordi- 
nance a sub-committee to do the work of the committee itself.^ 
This Independent sub-committee, if those who suffered from 
its proceedings are to be trusted,* showed itself as arbitrary as 
poUtical partisans entrusted with magisterial functions usually 
Givn and ^'^- ^^ ^^ report of this sub committee the House 
Movjjsrf of Commons expelled and imprisoned Glyn and Sir 
and ira- John Maynard, two of the eleven members who had 
remained to face the storm, and then proceeded to 
ini[i!ScV impeach seven peers who had continued to sit after 
^ven" tbe departure of the Speakers — Suffolk, Willoughby 

*"'"■ of Parham, Hunsdon, Maynard, Lincoln, Berkeley, 

and Middlesex — on the elastic chaise of treason, ' for levying 
war against the King, Parliament, and kingdom.' ' 

COD 1i suoi membri del Parlamenlo : !□ secondo liiogo quando hnveiebbc 
segnato di sun propria mano, e il Parlamenlo appresso havesse passato le 
proposilioni, il Ri venendo a Londra e nel suo Parlamcrlo poiri giusla- 
mcnie dichiarate, e la sua dichiaralione saji riccvula, che ha Bignalo per 
forza, essendo nelle loro mani, e non essendo nel sua Parlamenlo. Di piii 
ancora, che se il R£ per Don mancar di parota non facesse una lal dichiara- 
lione, queslo sar^ in potere d' un allro Parlamenlo, che non li »ri toro 
favorevole, di cassare (utti quest! ordini e a^ilare contro li autoii di qiielli 
lomo traditori e peiturbatori dcUo Slalo.' 

■ L.J. ix. 428. ' See p. 345. ■ C.J. v. i73- 

* Walker's Hist, of Independency, I 51. ' C.J. v. 395, 896. 



CROMIVELL AND THE KING. 

In all ihis work of party vengeance Cromwell and Ireton \ 
took no immediate part. They were at Putney sending con- 
CmrownU stant messages to Charles, urging him to refuse his 
wli^nrei 35sent to the Propositions. Charles replied by the 
'" "* """s- very pertinent question, which he conveyed to them 
through Major Huntington, why, if they disliked the Proposi- 
tions so much, they had not opposed them in the House of 
Commons ? ' Their reply was that ' they only concurred with 
the rest of the House that their unreasonableness might the 
better appear to the kingdom.' Cromwell next begged 
Huntington to ' assure the King that, if the army remained an 
army, his Majesty should trust the proposals with what was 
promised ' to be the worst of his condition which should be 
madeforhim.'* Of this, added Cromwell, ' striking his hand on 
his heart,' the King ' might rest confident and assured.' Ireton 
imm "ot farther sliU. The army, he told Huntington, 

pli'-aing ' '''ould purge, and purge, and purge, and never leave 
UicliguM. purging the Houses, till they had made them of such 
a temper as to do his Majesty's business ; and rather than 
they would fall short of what was promised, he would join with 
French, Spaniard, Cavalier, or any that would join with him 
to force them to it.' * 

Neither Cromwell's nor Ireton's phrases may have been re- 
ported with complete accuracy, but in its general tenour Hm 

tington's narrative is very much what might have 
Cromwell been expected. The constitutional scheme of The 
*" ' Heads of the Proposals was Ireton's own, and Ireton 

was more ready than Cromwell to use force to carry his views 
into practice. After all, could Charles have been trusted to 

■ There had been no vole laken, so that Cromwell's fault, if fault it 
was, lay merely in not dividing the House against the Propositi 

■ ».*. the auggestiotis for legislation appended. See Cumt. Documents, 
239- 

' Ashburnhnni'a slalement [Narralivi, iL 96} thai Cromwell often 
repealed ' ihal if the army conlinued an army, they would restore the 
King,' seems 10 be a reminiscence of this conversatinn. Ifs 
example of the tendency of reporters lo mislead by dropping ^ualifi- 

' Huntington's Swivlry Rtasmts, E. 458, 3. 



1647 



AJJGVLE AND THE ffAMILTONS. 



351 






act in harnion)' with a reformed Parliament, a 
tional dissolution of a Parliament protected against dissolution 
by an unconstitutional statute might have been the best, as it 
certainly was the shortest, path out of the maze in which the 
nation had lost its way. 

It is no matter of blame that Charles was as disinclined to 
listen to Tke Heads of the Proposals as he was lo listen to the 
Charles') Ncwcastlc Propositious. His fault was that he neither 
tio-iiiun. gg^g ^ direct negative to them nor formulated a 
Hiihopci counter-scheme of his own. He had lately received 
Scot'and, letters from Scotland which led him to believe that, 
by spinning out the time, he might have the support of the 
Tiicsii Scots on his own terms. Argyle's eagerness to send 

an army into England ' had soon abated. On 
August 9 he protested in the Committee of Estates 
against any action which might lead to a rupture 
liiinc ^,jjj^ England ; and, a few days later, he told Mon- 

treuil that Scotland would do wrong to help Charles unless he 
would accept Presbyterianism and the Covenant. If he could 
not do this let him send his eldest son to Scotland, and if thi: 
Prince, on his arrival, would give satisfaction on religion, he 
should at once be put at the head of an army of i6,ooo men. 

As Argyle grew cool on the subject of an invasion of Eng- 
land, the Hamiltons began to take the King's cause up in 
_. earnest. They procured from the Committee of 

Hsniiiiooi Estates an order for sending Lanark and Loudoun to 
iiif Kina'i England, and, on August 13, sent Robin Leslie in 
^^'^^ advance lo prepare the way for the new commis- 

sioners.* By the instructions carried by Leslie it appeared 
that the Hamiltons wished all military movements to be post- 
poned till the following year.^ By that time there would be a 
new Parliament, and they doubtless hoped to secure the upper 
hand in the elections. The Hamiltons, at least, had no wish lo 
push Charles too hard on the score of religion. Lanark wrote 

' See p. 300. 

' Moatreuil to Brienne, Aug. ij, Carle MSS. Ixixiii. 196 1 Monlreuil 
lo Mazaiin, Aug. |^, Anh. dts Aff, &lrangk-es, Ivii. fol. 301, 
o R. Leslie, Burmt, v. 113. 



36o 

to hin 



CROSnVELL AND THE KTNC. 



the 23rd, excusing the delay on the ground that if 
lielp had been sent at once it could only have been given 
the old rate of satisfaction in religion and the Covenant" 
Even as things were, however, ihe Hamiltons gained ground, 

stpi. u 3"d on Septeml)er4 the Committee of Estates ordered \ 
c^mmimi!" their commissioners in London to delay the presenta' 
ofEj«i«. (ion of ,he revised Newcastle Propositions till the I 
arrival of Loudoun, and also to press the English Parliament | 
to allow Charles to come to London in order that, after con- 
firming his message of May 12— that is to say, his promise to 
grant Presbytery for three years— he might proceed to treat 
upon the remaining Propositions.* 

These last orders arrived loo late to be of ser\-ice, as the 
Propositions were actually presented on the 7th. Lauderdale, 
however, had not been inactive on the King's behalf. 
Batten had made him an offer to bring the twenty- 
two ships under his command to declare for the 1 
Scots and the English Presbyterians, on condition 
that he was allowed to revictual his ships elsewhere than i 
England. Though Batten was aware that the Scottish 
authorities would object to show their hands by admitting him , 
into one of their harbours, he fancied that, at their request, he 
might be allowed to seek in France the provisions of which 
he stood in need.^ So conscious was Cromwell of the imminence 
of danger from Scotland that he assured Lauderdale of his 
readiness to comply with the wishes of the Scots— granting all 
that they could reasonably demand, if only they would 
abandon their intention of sending an army to the help of the j 



KiTiiSirfi 



K 



ng.' 



Mont- 



' Lanark to the King. Aug. 23, Jltiniel, v. 114. 

' Lanark lo the KiiiEi Sept. 4, idiii. v. 1 18. 

• Montreuil lo Biienne, ^^, Cartt MSS. iKxxiii. fol. zoob. 
reiiil derived his informalion from a. leltct writlen by Lauderdale. 

' Lauderdale, writes Montreuil in the despatch ciled in the last ni 
had given in'', imation ' que les Independants se veulent accommoder | 
avec les Escossais, qu'El Iraite avec un des plus considerables de I'an 
(I'Anglelerre ' — this can hardly be a.nyone but Cromwell^' pour cet eH 

I'osseure que pourveu que I'Escosse s'accorde avec les Indepeodsats ' 



1647 CHARLES' DUPLTCITY. 361 

Charles, as was too often the case, was playing a double 
game. On the one hand he assured Lauderdale that, if only 
ctiarit) the Scots would declare in his favour, they should 
doXie ha.vG nothing to complain of with respect to his 

game. dealings with the Independents, though he was 

ominously silent as to the concessions which he was prepared 
to make to his deliverers.' On the other hand, he 
^olh^?',t sent to Cromwell and Ireton a draft of the answer 
poiiuons. „iij(-h he proposed to send to the Houses, to the 
effect that he preferred Tke Heads of the Proposals to the New- 
castle Propositions, and that he therefore wished that Parliament 
would take the former into consideration and afterwards enter 
Ht ask! '•^fci a personal treaty with himself with a view to the 
[imonai modification of the articles to which he took objec- 
ireaiy. tion.' Both Cromwcll and Ireton saw in this 

answer far more than it really conveyed, and they engaged to 
support the King's demand for a personal treaty. On this the 
answer, which in reality bound Charles to nothing, was, on 
September 9, despatched by him to Westminster.' 

It is hardly to be wondered at that the excessive eagerness 
of Cromwell and Ireton to accept Charles's tinsel promises as 
Cromwell P"'^'' So'd should be received with some suspicion 
and ireioD in the army. The soldiers, indeed, were at the time 
iS^S™i in no good humour, as their pay was considerably 
cumpiance. j^ arrear on account of the difficulty of levying 
the assessment in the city. Under such circumstances the 
men were ready to give ear to violent counsels which might 

dans ce seul point d'abaidunnei leui Roy, ils demeureront aisement 
d'accord les uns el lea autres de loul le resle.' This is vague, but I think 
it means whnt 1 have stated in the text. 

' According to the same despatch, Lauderdale wrote, 'que Eenfeld,' 
i.e. Bamficid, 'qui connoit M. Germain, n'avoit pu faire proniettre au 
Roy d'Angleleire qu'il contenleroil les Escossois, mais seuUment que s'ils 
commen9oient k se dechirei poui luy, il ne seroiC k leur prejudice avec les 
Inilependants.' 

' Berkeley's Afemoirs, 43 ; The King to the Speaker of the House 
of Lords, Sept. 9, L./, ii. 434. 

• Huntington to Fairfai, Sept. g, Clarke Pafen, i. 225. 




CROMWELL AND THE KING. cii. l 

possibly lead to their entrance into the City, and to the 
exaction of payment by force. Fairfax, indeed, made 
ibc wUkh. an imi>erative demand upon the citizens for the ira- 
Sept. 7. mediate payment of 50,000/.,' but the citizens had 
upcDiha treated many imperative demands of a similar nature 
'^"*'" with silent contempt, and were not likely to give 

way now. 

If the soldiers needed a theory wherewith to justify their 
actions, Lilburne was always ready to supply it. He had for 
Litbumt'i some lime been leaching that Parliament had no 
iiil"k™ i?ij '^S"'' ^"'^'^"^^ •'" '^ ^^^ 'tx&n purged of the mem- 
Qf PiTii*- bers who sat in the absence of ihe Speakers, and his 
disciples repeated his arguments at head-quarters. 
M-jm'*" On September 9 Major White was expelled from 
Jilli'Mid tbe Council of the Army for maintaining that there 
J^ "* was ' now no visible authority in the kingdom but 
Coum'J. the power and force of the sword ; ' Cromwell, as 
might easily be imagined, taking a leading part in the con- 
demnation of a doctrine so subversive of civil order." On the 
other hand, the principal officers did everything in their power 
to obtain satisfaction for the reasonable demands of the 
soldiers. On the 14th Fairfax forwarded to West- 






minster a petition in which the Agitators asked for 



KBinit ihe the release of prisoners condemned by the judges for 
cituKd. speaking words against the King, Amongst them was 
a certain Robert White, who had said that if he met the King 
at the head of his army ' he would have as soon killed him as 
any other man.' ^ 

It was well that at the end of a civil war rash words should 
not be loo readily taken into account, but it was also welt 
that no attempt to obtain a reasonaljle settlement should be 

' A Pirfect Diurnal, E. 518, 31. 

' Tht Humble Propoutli, E. 406, a 1 ; Tht Copy of a Leilir . . . ij, 
Franih While, E. 413, 17. 

' Perfect OicHi-nnets, E. S18, 33; •*" Humi/e Pemm^trance, E. 
407, 15. This saying has been ascribed to Cromwell od the failh of an 
anonymcniB slatement, apecifyinE no place ot date, prBseivKi by Noble, 
atem. oftkeFrol. Home of Cn,m'.uen, iL 271. 



i647 CROAfWELL AND LILBURNE. 363 

neglected. Cromwell, in his efforts in this direction, was sup- 
ported by a majority of the Council of the Army. On the 
9th there was a long discussion at Putney on the best 
A di-jiussEun way to establish a firm peace on the basis of the 
«Puffiey. YMvi% restoration. In the course of this discus- 
sion, Cromwell reiterated his assertion that he had no wish 
' to cast down the foundation of Presbytery and set up Inde- 
pendency.' ' Freedom for his own party to worship in their 
own way was all that he required, not its establishment in 
power, or a share in the material emoluments of the Church. 

Cromwell, having girt himself to the difficult task of win- 
ning Charles, had been sanguine enough to imagine that he 
Sept. 6. could also win Lilbume to his side. The fall of the 
Cmmivdi Presbyterians in Parliament had given Liiburne 
Lilbume. ffesh hopcs of regaining his liberty, and it was now 
expected that Marten, who was the chairman of the Committee 
of the Commons in which the legality of his imprisonment had 
been discussed, would be allowed to make the report, the 
obstacles hitherto thrown in his way being now removed. 
Liiburne had long held Cromwell to be his bitterest enemy, 
but when the important day approached, he pleaded with him 
for a personal interview. Cromwell was never vindictive, and 
on September 6 he visited Liiburne in his cell in the Tower. 
Here Liiburne discovered that Cromwell feared lest if he were 
once at hberty he would spend his leisure in stirring up a 
mutinous spirit in the army, and, with the generosity which 
i.iibunM often accompanies fanaticism, he at once offered 
relt?"" '" leave England if only a reasonable amount of 
Ecigiind. justice were done to him. That, he added, which 
touched him raost nearly was the interest of the public. If 
only the House of Commons would deny that the Lords pos- 
sessed original jurisdiction over a commoner, he would waive 
all claim to compensation for his ill- treatment, at least during 
the present Parliament.* 

Croroweil spoke kindly to Liiburne, but he had to do with 
a man singularly incapable of taking a broad view of political 

' TvMi Declaraiions, E. 407, i. 
• An Additional rUa, E. 413, II, 



364 



CROMWELL AND THE KING, 



necessities, and when, on September 14, some days after 
Maiten's report had been made, Cromwell supported a motion 

for directing the committee from which the report 
c™n•ei^ proceeded to search for precedents on the jurisdic- 
mfi'iwntJi t'on of the Lords, he was once more in Lilbume's 
J^^I^J^ eyes the perfidious hypocrite whom no promises 
LiibuniB could bind. Lilhume now proposed to appeal to 
denouncH (he common soldiers and the labourers against the 

iniquity of their superiors. He informed Marten 
that he would call on ' the private soldiers of his Excellency's 
army ' lo see what ' the hobnails and clouted shoes ' would do 
for his cause.' A more practical reasoner might have dis- 
cerned that it was undesirable in the interests of public policy 
that the Commons should fulminate violent threats against 
the House of Lords without, at least, making sure of the 
ground on which the attack was to be conducted. 

Cromwell was, no doubt, specially anxious to avert a con- 
flict between the Houses, as the time was now approaching 
CrornMii wheu the concurrence of all men of good will would 
sniioui 10 be needed if there was to be a settlement at all. 
flici iRi»«n Charles's announcement of his preference for The 

Heads of the Proposals ha.A stirred up the anger of 
the Parliamentary Presbyterians," and had left them power- 
less to resist the demand made by the Independents for 
Dtiay in delay in considering the King's answer, in order 10 
iht'King'? ^^^^ '^'"'^ *° ascertain the wishes of the army as 
nnswer. ^ell as to make up their own minds. For some 
days negotiations were vigorously carried on between the 
King's agents on the one side and the leading members of 

Parliament and the chiefs of the army on the other, 
«r.Td?i>g' with the result that the explanations given on the 
^'° '' King's behalf were considered entirely satisfactory.' 
Upon this the Council of the Army met at Putney on the 

' Tme Leilits -writ by . . . John Lilbumc, E. 401, 41. C.J. v, 301. 

• Newsletter, Sept. i^, Roman Transcripts, X.O. 

' " II m era contento, e ciascheciuno se ne stava sodisfatlo drlla 
negotiatiooe. To sono stato preseale k lutta istoria." Newslellet, 
^", Raman Transcripts, R.O. 




i6th, and resolved that it was expedient to proceed by step;^, 
and that they would begin by asking Parliament to draw uj) 

3 ,5 E'"^ 'o secure the liberties of the subject and the 
Propo-iak of privileges of Parliament, as also to settle the militia, 
of the on the under ending that, as soon as these had 

""^^ received the royal assent, they should be followed 

by others securing the rights of the King,' 

Though Cromwell was still able to carry the Army 
Council with him, he exposed himself to a fierce attack from 
Cromwrii a vigorous minority which had come to the conclu- 
K^l"' ^^ ^''"' ^^^^ '^ "'^ useless to negotiate further with 
borough. Charles. In the course of the discussion Rains- 
borough, by whom this minority was led, so far lost his temper 
as to tell Cromwell that 'one of them must not live.' On the 
Amiditra' other hand the soldiers, hke the officers, were 
fi^llaifof"' divided into parties, and no less than 4,000 of them 
iijc King, subscribed iheir names to a petition asking for a 
reconciliation with the King.' 

It was not only at Putney that Cromwell and his sup- 
porters were attacked. In London the Royalist and Presby- 
terian newspapers teemed with virulent charges 
(he London against the motives and characters of the men 
.ie»-pjptri. ^j^^ ^.^j.^ doing their best to reconcile the Kin\f 
and Parliament on principles of which they themselves dis- 
approved. It is not likely that Cromwell was more ready 
than on other occasions to resent personal insuhs, but 

Sept. 10. on the 20th Fairfax conveyed the general sense of 
"•i^hJ"'^ the Council in a letter asking Parliament to put a 
gagiicd. stop to the libels.* Though an Ordinance intended 
to carry out Fairfajf's wish passed through Parliament,* prac- 
tically the press remained as free as before, and Royalist 
scribblers continued to call attention to Cromwell's flaming 
nose, or even to charge him with gross licentiousness of life. 



k 



' Tie Intmtiims of the Armyt E. 408, 16. 

' Ford to Hopttin, Sept. 2q, Clartndon MSS. 3,597. 

• Fairfax to Manchester, Sept. 10, L.J. x. «!. 



CHOMWELL AND THE KING. cir. UV. 

On the srst the King's reply, expressing a preference for 

JTu Headi of the Propoiahxo the Parliamentary Propositions, 

g^ I ^_ and asking for a personal treaty, was at last for- 

TheKiog'i mally brought before the Houses. Both Lords and 

wrarA a Commons voted that it was a denial of the Propo- 

■hrpiaps. sitions,' Whether this vote was to be merely a 

"'"**" clearing of the Presbyterian scheme out of the way, or 

whether it was to be followed by an absolute renunciation of 

the King's title, depended on the course which would be 

^^ taken on the following day. On the morning of the 

The King'i 22nd the members crowded into the House before 

ml™ °"' the arrival of the Speaker, and amidst a buzz of 

conversation voices were heard asking that the King 

should be imprisoned in Warwick or Windsor Castle.* 

After the arrival of the Speaker, a proposal was made that 
the House should go into Committee to consider its relatioris 
Divisloni w'ith the King. The Independent party at once 
dl^nd"nt sp''' '"'° ^**° fractions, the one under its old 
p""y- leaders still desirous of an understanding with the 

King ; the other, which may fairly be styled Republican, 
aiming under the guidance of Marten and Rainsborough at 
Martin pre- t^c abolition of monarchy. Marten now asked that 
Srll^ld™" ^^ House instead of going into Committee should 
dfosM; vote that no further addresses should be made to 
Charles, who, according to one of Marten's followers, was the 
Achan in Israel and the Jonah in the ship.' 

Against this view of the case Cromwell and Ireton, followed 
by the old Independent leaders. Vane, St. John, and Fiennes, 
loudly protested, demanding that the King's request for a per- 
sonal treaty should be granted.' In supporting his aigument 

' i./. ».44o: C./. V. 311. 

• Newsletler. ^f;", Raman Trmucrifls, K.O. 

W. LanElej- to j. Langley, Sepl. j8. Hist. MSS. Can. Ftp. t. 179^ 

Foid to Hopton, Sept. 18, Cl-u-eHJuH MSS. 2,604, Berkeley, loo, 

■trongly as to the vigour with which Cromwell and hk friends 

ik up Ihe King's cause. After saying that Charles's answer lo the 

p. 361] had been shown lo 'our friends in the anny' 

to Weslminsler, he adds that they, > seeming inftoitclj 




1647 VOTE. OF NO ADDRESSES REJECTED. 367 

in favour of an agreement with the King, Croni»-ell urged that 
it was worthy of consideration ' how that there was a party in 
hui ;> ^^ army labouring for the King, and that a great 

^««i hy one ; how the City was endeavouring to get another 
and .he party in the army ; and that there was a third 
»nd"nr party . . . httle dreamt of, that were endeavouring 
ea '"■ to have no other power to rule but the sword.' ' The 
same motive, the fear of military anarchy, which in the spring 
had driven him to uphold the authority of Parliament, now 
drove him in the autumn to uphold the authority of the King. 

Marten's proposed vote of no addresses was rejected, 
Cromwell himself acting as teller against it, by eighty-four 
The vole votes to thirty-four.* The majority was evidently 
add?t55« composed of a composite body of Presbyterians and 
icjHicd. Independents. Such a majority was not likely to 
be coherent, and the House, as soon as it had gone into com- 
StiKiiom mittee, decided without a division that selections 
fremihe''' niade from the last Parliamentary Propositions 
Pa.iiMien. should be sent to the King for his acceptance or 
posniona, refusal. The committee would not hear of Crom- 
well's idea of a personal treaty. There can be little doubt that 
if a report of the proceedings of the committee were brought 
to light, it would show that the combination between the 
Presbyterians who wished only for a settlement on their own 
terms, and the Republicans who wished to have a settlement 
The without the King, was so strong that Cromwell 

miiitiB pro- thought it imprudent to take a division. Before the 
«i«;«i. end of the sitting it was agreed that the proposition 
on the militia should be the first selected. 

On the 23rd the discussion continued in the absence of 

sa:isiieil ' wllh it, ' promised to use Iheit utmost endeavours lo procure a 
persoDal Ileal;, and, to m; ucdentanding, perlonned it ; for both Cioni- 
nell and Ireton, with Vane and all Iheir friends, seconded with great 
le^ilution this desire of his Majesty.' Berkeley's <V«Kfli'rJ, 43. 

' Ford lo Hoplon, Sept. 28, Clar. St. P. a. App, xxxix. Cromwell 
was afterwards accused of s^ijing that his own opinion was the sense of (he 
«rmy, which he disavowed. See Clarke Paftrs, i. 819-232. 

' C.J. V. 312 ; Newsletter, ^^^, Rotmat Tramcrifts, R.O. 





CROAfWELL AND THE KING. CB. Liv. 

Cromwell, who had duties to attend to at head-quarters. 
Instead of confining its selection to merely political demands 
as had been suggested by the Army Council a week before,' 
g^^^ the House fixed on the propositions relating to the 
Oiiiir abolition of episcopacy and the sale of bishops' 

lands in satisfaction of the debts of the army — 
everything, in short, which would he most obnoxious to 
Oniyom Charles, and then decided that application should 
SiSifM ^ 'once again made to the King,' implying that if 
mSk 10 ^^ refused to accept the terms thus offered, his 
■he Kim. fusal was to be final, and that no attempt to negotiate 
further would be made. Marten, who thought one application 
too much, succeeded in obtaining twenty-three votes against 
seventy. It is evident that the Presbyterians voted in the 
majority, who, it must be supposed, were sufficiently infatuated 
to imagine that, if only they were firm enough, they would 
succeed in bringing Charles on his knees.* 

When, therefore, Cromwell returned to Weslminsler,' too 
late to take part in this debate, he found that all his efforts in 
Cronii-eU the King's behalf had been thrown away. Nor was 
Jotrrdtr Charles at all ready to give him that countenance 
tn.riB. without which all, that he could do would be done in 
vain. Charles, indeed, had excellent information on all that 
was passing. Lady Fairfax herself betraying to him the secrets 
oF the Army Council which she doubtless learnt from her com- 
plaisant husband.' What he learnt, however, encouraged him 
to exaggerate the importance of the divisions amongst his 
adversaries, and to turn a deaf ear to all offers of compromise, 
in the vain hope that he would be borne back to power on the 
crest of the popular wave. Before the end of September a 
Royahst who had excellent means of acquiring information 
wrote that the negotiation between the King and the chiefs of 

' Sec p. 365. 

• C.J. V. 3'4- 

' Claiii Paptrs, i. 23T, 33a. 

' " La moglie di Farfas Generale appnssionata per il RJ awisa 
qnnnlo A pjssa ael Consiglio secrelo," Newsletter, qX.i • ^^'"^'' ■'™ 
s,rifit!, R.O. 



j 



i. 



1647 7UE KING RESOLUTE. 369 

the armj' was still kept up. " But it comes to no issue nor any 
likelyhood of one. The King is very resolute." ' 

Bafflud by the House of Commons and unsupported by 
Charles, Cromwell's mediatory position was rapiiily becoming 
Aimrioon untenable. The split in the Independent party 
Cromwell, irhich wrecked his scheme in Parliament was not 
confined to the House of Commons. In the army itself 
Cromwell was denounced as a mere time-server, bent upon 
currying favour with Cliarles in the pursuit of his own private 
interests. Even the faithful Hugh Peters attacked him and the 
Scut, >«. officers who siipported him as too great courtiera." 
oiThi!'"^ Cromwell could but plead his good intentions, 
iitftiKe. "Though it may be for the present," he wrote, on 
the day after his Parliamentary defeat, " a cloud may lie over 
our actions to those who are not acquainted with the grounds 
of them, yet we doubt not but God will clear our integrity and 
innocence from any other ends. we aim at but His glory and 
the public good."^ 

Cromwell, indeed, was not easily rebuffed, and the Royalist 
negotiators, far more eager for an arrangement than their 
Cmmwdi master, were already reporting that Ireton had given 
p°«u"n° them assurances that the Parliamentary vote would 
"P""^ not be accepted at head-quarters as decisive again.st 
King. the continuance of the efforts of the army to achieve 

a more reasonable settlement,' On the 24tii, obviously as 
liepubiida. an appeal to popular opinion. The Heads of tlie 
^Tki°Hiadi Proposals were republislied, together witli certain 
j^fciaii. explanations which had been made by the Council 
s.pi. IS. °f ^^ Army on the i6th. On the 25th the House 
Movwaod ^^ Commons, where the majority was still Inde- 
fi™ pendent except when an agreement with the King 

inipsatiird, was proposed, impeached the Lord Mayor, Sir 
John Gayer, and five aldermen as having been concerned 

' Ford to Hopton, Sepl. 30, Clarendon MSS. 3,605, f<"^ ™"!* If«- 
ton's brolher-in-lnw. 

' Upton to Edwards, Sept. 15, ClarendoH AfSS. 2,605, 

■ Croinwel! to Michael Jonea, Sept. ?4, Carlylt I.eUer, (IvJ. 

' NewslEller, ^^", Reman Tranicrijits, H.O, 

voi_ 111. r D 



37© CROMWELL AND THE KING. CH 

in raising forces in the City against the anny.' On the^ 

sipi. >;. 17th the House ordered the preparation of an 
n'mun^"" Ordinance excluding delinquents from all municipal 
cipaiii>«. offices, or from voting at municipal elections,* On 
An indc' ' the 28th Alderman Warner, a determined Inde- 1 
f^JJ^"' pendent, was chosen Lord Mayor, the approaches t(>J 
«»)™- the Guildhall being guarded at the time of his elecfl 
OtSm™ ''"" ^y * strong body of soldiers.* The great City I 
uuiijc[pij °^ London was thus cowed into submission. On 
tjcakini. October 6 the Ordinance regulating municipal elec- 
tions was ftnally issued with the approval of both Houses.' 

The fleet was, through jealousy of the army, almost as Pres- 
byterian as the City, and, to secure a hold on it, the Houses 
Oct. B- voted on the 8th that Rainsborough, who had been 
Common 3 sailor before he was a soldier, should command it 
lu™. *s Vice-Adrairal in the place of the Presbyterian 

^"sh Batten,' Possibly those who concurred in the vote 
Admiral. were partly actuated by a desire to separate from the 
army one whom they were beginning to regard as a ringleader 
of sedition. The party amongst the soldiers whom Cromwell 
had indicated as wishing ' to have no other power to rule but 
the sword ' * was rapidly gaining strength, and that party re- 
garded Rainsborough as its principal spokesman amongst the 
Oct 3, officers. There was, it was said, a spirit of parity 
^^ty{^ walking in the army. Many of the soldiers were 1 
iheariny. asking thai no Duke, Marquis, or Earl should have* 
more than 2,000/. a year, and that the income of other classes 1 
should be proportionately restricted. Those in both House* I 
who had property began to show an unwonted desire to come'l 
to terms with the King,' 

This feeling in favour of an accommodation could not bu|3 



Jj, Reman Transiriftt, R.O, 



' CJ. T. 

» Ttid. y. 

» Newsletter, Oct. , 

'f../.h 

' Hid. ix. 476 i C./. V. 328. 

• See p. 367. 

• Lcltei- of InteHiEfnce, Ocl. 5, C/anmicn MSS. a 



r647 PROSPECTS OF A SETTLEMENT. 371 

strengthen the hands of those members of the Army Council 
who had been dissatisfied with the attitude of the House of 
Q^ g Commons. On October 6 they resolved that a fresh 
The army attem])t should be made to negotiate with Charles on 
dccitic conditions more satisfactory to him than those which 

i.c^hocgo- Parliament was forcing upon him.' In order that 
i^t'lulu these conditions might be fully weighed, the Army 
"'"*' Council was summoned to meet on the i4lh, with a 

cCuSS''' "^" ^'^ ^ ^"" discussion. In the meanwhile, attempts 
sumniuncd. wcrc made to come to a preliminary understanding 
Good with Berkeley and Ashburnham, who were acting on 

a'^iik- the King's behalf Berkeley and Ashburnham were 
"'"■■ in the highest spirits, not hesitating lo express their 

belief that everything would be settled in a week. The army 
chiefs, as an evidence of their sincerity, allowed the friends 
from whom Charles had long been severed to gather round him 

at Hampton Court, and, on the 7th, the King held 
A Royjiist a council, attended by Richmond, Hertford, Ormond, 
counci. Dorset, Southampton, and Seymour, No doubt 
the newly-suggested compromise formed the main subject of 
discussion.' 

Charles, unfortunately, was not prepared to meet the array 
leaders haif-way. " The secret disposition," wrote one of his 

partisans, " is that there is no manner of agreement 
i.mnc™- between the King and the army; all this n^otia- 
c ""ory. ^j^^ having produced no other effect but to incline 
some of the chief officers not to consent to his destruction, 
which I believe they will not, unless they be overswayed ; but 
cannot observe^ that they are so truly the King's as that they 
will pass the Rubicon for him, which if they would do, con- 

' " Dopo tie giomi in qui ta risolutione e stata presa per i Capi <l[ 
ritomue in trattalo con il Rf, e di piopotglt conditiooi honoraluLi e piii 
idequale. A queslo fine per risolvere tulte diviaioni e conlroversie cho 
sono Tra di loro . . . hanno assegnato un luogo e ~ ' 

che sari li 14," i.e. JJ, " del correale, 
lire concordemente e di coromun consenso ct 
R6." Newsletter, Oct. y",, Roman TraiiscHfi 

' Ibid. ; A Pii/icl Dhima', E. 518, 13. 



k^ 



J7» CmOUWElI. AJVD THE KING. ciLUT.l 

wkfing the i nd i iat ion rf the common sokliera, and geoenilj I 
»rf iW people, dKjr nigfat do what the?- would ; bat the) at 1 
cold, sod tbcte ti aootim bctioa of desperaie feOon as tul | 

ufire."' I 

CnxDvea, in shoR, was expected to aid in x purdf I 
RoTafatt reac t ion. UancD and his friends had made up iheif 1 
X^am^ raind* that be had already bargained for his rewsid. I 
-fc™» He bad, it was said, ubtained frtun the King lh« 
promise of the Earidom of Essex and tfae gana. 
If this were Udc, said ^larten, and he at least had no dook 
about its accuracy, he himself would be another Felton.' So i 
excited were the Repubhcaas against Cromwell, that he bad 
from dme to time to change fats quarters through leai of 
oisassi nation.* 

The feeling amongst the soldiery that led to this exaspera- 
tion against Cromwell, led also to exasperation against the 
Oct 11. ^'"S- Cries were raised in the amiy for the dis- 
Ts= missal of the Royalist noblemen who had been 

admitted to Charles's presence.* Cfiarles on his 
part was willing, for reasons of his own, to part wiih 
his new counsellors. He had come to the conclusion that tlie 
army leaders had allowed them to come to him merely be- 
cause they were frightened at the strength of popular opinion 
in his favour, and that by sending the noblemen away he 
would give practical evidence of his refusal to accept any terms 
from Cromwell and Ireton. On the nth, accordingly, the 
noblemen returned to London with Charles's full consent, il 
not by his express orders.' 

' Leller of Inlellij^ence, Oct. 7, Clarenitim MSS. 2j6l6. 

» Wilciman's Trulh s Triumph, p. 7, E, 520, 33. Marten Is plainly ! 
indicated, tliough his name is nol jjiven. The story may be approximately J 
dated by connecting it with Berkeley's statement ihal Ctomwell believed 1 
him to have told Lady Carlisle that Cromwell was to be Earl of Essex. 
Rcrkelsy declared, bowcvei, the supposition to have been without foonda. 
'ion. This was after the establishment of hcad-quatters at PuLaey. Thai 
(he earldom was ofTeied to Cromwell is likely enough. 

' Biirkeley's Mtmoirs, 44. 

* A I'erfecl Diurnal, E. 518. 43. 

' "■ 11 Ri . . . fu avvisatu die il tulto nun eia che una apparenia pel 



1647 FAILURE OF THE NEGOTIATION. 373 

Tiie fact was that the approach of the two new Scottish 
commissioners, Loudoun and Ijinark, who joined I-auderrtale 
Am™iof in London on the nth, had inspired the King wilh 
cMfflS ^f^^ hopes, and the army leaders with fresh fears 
■loiiere. I'l^g belief gained ground that they brought willi 
them the menace of a Scottish invasion, and it was evident 
that, if the army were to march northwards to oppose that 
invasion, it would be in the highest degree improvident 10 
leave Charles in his present temper in the neigh Ijourhood of a 
p . iiQ ^''^ which was filled with his partisans. It had 
rh"7' therefore been proposed by some of the officers, 
)iainpion possibly by Cromwell himself, that if the army 

marched to the borders, the King should be com- 
pelled to accompany it. To this Charles, who was soon made 
aware of all that passed amongst the officers, opposed a most 
strenuous resistance, declaring that nothing but force would 
induce him to leave his present quarters. 

Obviously the attempt of Cromwell and Ireton to come 
to terms with Charles had broken down ; and, as might have 

been expected, each party to the negotiations threw 
iii°e n'^ulia- the blame on the other. Charles held that the 

army had only offered him terms in order to sow 
division between himself and his subiects. The officers held 
that Charles only talked of conciliating them in order to 
divert their attention from the general attack upon them 
which he was preparing.' When the Army Council met, as 

qu[etire i1 popolo, e ingannare .S.M., visto che nel niede;imo tempo, pet 
ordine dell' Armata, il ParlamenCo facets d' altre proposiljom ripugnanii 
■ir dttDrilA Kegio., c medesinismente alia Sua liberie ; onde Ao\ giocni 
appresso, il R£ di sua moto ptoprio licentib quesli Signnii per disingannare 
i] popolo, e fece Eapeie nel medesimo tempo e at Farlamento e ai Cap! 
dell' Armata che, se havessino intrapieso d' allonUuiare la sua Persona 
da Londra C di trasportarla altrove, come mollo bene sapeva essere il lori> 
dissegno, pensassino per queslo mezzo d' allontanarlo anche dal cuoie, e 
dair affeltionE del popolo, che non lo farebbono che con violenia c fona 
contra la sua persona, cosa bastanle per cagionare una commutione uni- 
Tersale per tullo il regno." Newsletter, Oct. ^, Roman Traitscrifis, 
H.O. 

• Newsletter, Oct. J3, Scman Traiis^ri/H, K.O. 



CSOMK-ELL AND THE Kmc. 



374 

Md been announced, on the i4;h. nothin, _ j . ' 

»ego,ia„on .i,h the King. ThidL'n! ""'''»"' "' ' 

„o,.,,. hand, turned on *,he necesS™/'?"' -^ "" "»" 

■ie=Uron»rved"Tn n, *' -"""■■ '^""" "J 
..».on, or the S=t\rLT"roSHV^ "aSe:" " 
f Ulti .tImomg»t,, Oc. ,4, c,,„„j.„, ^,^^ ^^^ 




CHAPTER LV, 

IHE AGREEMENT OF THE PEOPLB. 



At the time when the last overtures of the army were rejected 
by Charles, there were rumours that a difference of opinion 
,g„. had arisen between Cromwell and Ireton, a differ- 
Sff™^ ence which was said to be caused by Ireton's dis- 
crl^^ii satisfaction with Cromwell's desertion of the King's 
»nd irtton. interests.' Though no more than this is known, 
the most probable explanation is that Cromwell, though not 
as yet prepared for a breach with the King, perceived that it 
would be necessary, if he was to he brought to terms, to put 
stronger pressure on him than could he put by the 
srtina com- aiTOy slooe. At all events, it is at this time that 
[h^Presby- Cromwell is found aiming at a compromise with the 
itrauu, Pariiamentary Presbyterians, a compromise which 
was embodied in a scheme accepted by the Lords on Octo- 
ber 13, and brought on for discussion in the Commons on the 
same day. 

According to this scheme, Presbyterian government was to 
be established in the Church for three years — the very period 
^ for which the King's assent was secured ; * whilst. 
The Lorfi' with certain exceptions, those who were desirous of 
rMiil™°eni worshipping in any other way were to be at liberty 
ofteiiiioD. j^ j^ ^^^ provided that they did nothing in dis- 
turbance of the peace of the kingdom. The exceptions were 
' "There halh been of late some difference between Cromwell and 
Commissary Ireton ; and I am induced to think it to be the Tailing off of 
Cromwell from the King, because Ihat Ireton, like an honest man, standi 
to make good what he hath promi^, and lately, in di-,conlent, otfered lu 
(juit his command in the army," Letter of lnletlij;ence, Oct. II, C/aien- 
M MSS. a,6a*. ' See p. asa. 



J7* THE AGREEMENT OF THE PEOPLE. Cut* 
(liosc who piofcised ' the Popish religion, 
(ieiiaited from the Chrislian religion as set forth in tbt 
A]M>5tles' Creed, or held such doctrines as would render them 
liable, accurding to the recent Ordinance, to suspension fram 
communion. Further, no one was to be freed from the penalty 
attached to those who did not attend divine service on the 
1-ord's day unless he Could show either a reasonable cause ot 
alisence, ' or that he was present to hear the Word of God 
jireached or expounded unto him elsewhere' ' 

On the morning of the 13th, the day on which the Lords' 
proposal was to be discussed in the House of Couiinons, 
A crowd- ^Vestminsler Hall was filled by a motley crowd o( 
Uuimiiiuer Roman Catholics, of seekers who professed that 
they were still in search of a religion, and of 
rationalists who declared themselves ready to conform to the 
p^by. dictates of reason only." To these Cromwell had 
ir™iiil^i*d "o help to give. Aiming at objects within the scope 
of'ihe ™i "^ practical achievement, he contented himself with 
5««io[i. supporting the scheme already adopted by the 
l^rds. Though he acted as teller in a division in favour of 
the three years' limit for the Presbyterian establishment, he 
was beaten by 38 to 35 ; and was again beaten by 41 to 7,^ on 
an amended proposal to fix the limit to seven years. The 
House then adopted without a division a resolution that the 
Presbyterian discipline should remain in force till after the 
nevt session of Parliament, whenever that might be.^ 

The remaining clauses relating to toleration and its limits 
were then run through without any further division, Sclden.* 
Queiipnof indeed, pleaded hard for the Catholics as believere 
fDr'itt"" '" Jesus Christ, and was supported by Marten, who 
CaOwLicj. boldly asked why Presbyterians were to be tolerated 
if Catholics were excluded. The commonplace answers 

' TTie Moderate TitttUigencer, E. 410, i% ; L.J. ix. 4S2. 
» Newsletter, |^, Roman Transcripts, R.O. 
' C.J. V. 33!. 

' "Seldenus Independenle, « tutlo inierftuiente EccIesi:isiico tine 
ecclesia,- Newsletter, ^~%, Keman Transcripts, R.O. 




1647 



TOLERATION DISCUSSED. 






were promptly forthcoming. Selden was told that the 
Scidcn und Catholics were idolaters, and Marten was answered 
pindTor *■(•» ^he argument that the Catholics unlike the 
iiiiin. Presbyterians had a foreign prince at their head. 

On the following day Selden and Marten replied at length. 
Selden drew the well-known distinction between idolatry and 
prayers for the intercession of the saints ; whilst 
'*" Marten, with his accustomed license of speech, 
carried the attack into the quarters of the Presbyterians. It 
was better, he said, to have one tyrant abroad than a tyrant in 
every parish, and even added ' that the Protestant clergy 
detested the Catholic priests simply on account of their 
superior chastity.' Marten's words were not likely to carry 
much weight on a question of moral purity, and the House 
without a division persisted in refusing toleration to the 
Catholics. The victims of the Recusancy laws had 
indeed prepared a petition, in which they renounced 
*" ' °°' the opinion that it was lawful to murder or resist 
excommunicated kings. ^ It was all to no purpose. Even 
those Independents who had hitherto supported their claims 
could do nothing for them, and their petition was not even 
presented to the House.^ It was one thing to grant Catholics 
toleration in accord with a restored King. It was another 
thing to wring its concession from a hostile public opinion. 

Even on a point on which public opinion was far less 
decided Cromwell was unable to reduce his new Presbyterian 
Toieraiion allies to reason. The House having refused to de- 
loAoKwho crease the exceptions from toleration, proceeded to 
^"1= include amongst them all who used the Book ot 
Book. Common Prayer.' Thus amended, the Parlia- 

mentary Propositions became a direct defiance flung in 
Charles's face. As Cromwell did not even take a division on 

' "Non e semetipao, sedaSpiriluSancto." Newsletter, ^-7^^''''"'" 
Traiucnpts, R. 0. ' Hid. 

• Salvetti'B Newsletter, JiV?' •*''''■ ^^^- *7'56z, L, foL 457. 
' Newsletter, g^, Rom<m Transcri^n, K. O, 

• C.J. v. 3J3- 




378 THE AGREEMENT OF THE PEOPLE. CH. L-T 

this proposal, it may reasonably be supposed 
opposition to be hopeless. On the i6th he acted with Marten 
Oct. .(. as a teller in favour of a proposal for immediately 
SdTir^'.n taking into consideration ' the manner of the address 
orgtiux^ to be made to the King.' ' They were beaten by 
a conjunction of Independents and Presbyterians, but it is 
easy to understand that Cromwell desired to hasten the pre- 
sentation of this impracticable scheme in order to get rid of it 
by the King's inevitable rejection, and thus to prepare the way 
for a reasonable settlement if such a settlement was to be had. 
Marten, on the other hand, was eager for haste because he 
desired no settlement in which the King should take a part. 

Every day that passed in uncertainty was increasing the 
difficulties of Cromwell's position. In the army the anti- 
monarchical party was gathering strength. King 
divisisniin and Parliament, it seemed, had tried their hands at 
I o»nny. bringing about a settlement, and had tried their 
hands in vain. Nor had Cromwell's effort to mediate failed 
less signally. The obvious inference was that King and Par- 
hament were seeking nothing but their own ends, and that 
Cromwell was a base intriguer, as self-seeking as the rest, 
was even reported that the Republicans in the army and in 
Parliament were preparing to impeach him. 

The dissatisfaction felt in the army with the policy of their 
FivirejL- commanders was especially strong in five regiments. 
^™|^ iheir These regiments, after cashiering their Agitators, 
Agiiumt elected new ones, who set themselves, under the 
rB'c'iaief influence of Lilhurne and his disciples, to prepare 
liiArmy, ^ manifesto bearing the title of T/ie Case of the 
uid before ■^''"'y f>'uly staled. This manifesto was completed 
piirfiii. Qf, October 9, and on the iSth was formally laid 
before Fairfax.* 

' C.J. V. 335. 

' Letter of Intelligence, Oct. 

* Tht Case 0/ the Army, E. 411, 
Agitatoii only repiesenled a minority e 
tanguine opponent reckoned the whole 
Pspiiiftem lilt Ai-my, E. 411, ig. 



I 



8, Clarendon MSS. 2,627. 
411, 9. It was said that the 1 
e five regiments, and 01 
if their supporteia u 



1647 THE NEW AGITATORS. 379 

In this manifesto the new Agitators, speaking in the name 
of the five regiments, complained that no serious step had 
It! com- ^^^^ taken to redress those grievances of which 
pUdnis. complaint had been made in the Declarations set 
Remedia forth by the army in June. The remedies which 
pmposo ^^^^ ^^^ proposed included a dissolution of Par- 
liament in less than a year, and an immediate purging 
of the existing House by the exclusion of those who had 
continued to sit in the absence of the Speakers, the purged 
House being expected to give public approval to the action 
of the army in marching upon Westminster in August, As 
for the future, the views put forward had all the charm of 
novelty. There was to be a 'law paramount,' unalterable by 
future Parliaments, establishing biennial Parliaments, which 
were to be elected by manhood suffrage, except that delin- 
quents were to be deprived of their electoral rights. These 
Parliaments were to have the supreme right of legislation 
and of calling public officials to account, the authority of the 
King and House of Lords being thus by implication abrogated. 
This startling innovation was justified on the ground that ' all 
power is originally and essentially in the whole body of the 
people of this nation, and ' that ' their free choice or consent 
by their representators is the only original foundation of all 
just government.' 

The modern reader of this document feels himself in the 
midst of ideas with which he is perfectly familiar. The 
Modem 'paramount law' reminds him of the constitution 
Sn^«™ of the United Stales, and the attribution of all 
1™!™"''- power to 'the whole body of the people' reminds 
him of Rousseau's Social Contract. Yet, modern as was the 
character of these proposals, they had their roots in the past. 
Roman jurists had derived Imperial despotism from the 
sovereignty of the people, and this explanation had been used 
by Hooker to defend the control exercised by Elizabeth over 
the Church. Though the idea of a 'paramount law,' familiar 
to us from the history of our own commonwealth and of the 
American Republic, was indeed for the first ti 
■ in set terms, yet there had been a preparation for i 



jSo THE AGREEMENT OF THE PEOPLE. CH. lK 

tion in the notion of the existence of those fundamental a 
unchangeable laws to which both King and Parliament h 
of late been in the habit of appealing. 

The immediate origin of this remarkable manifesto, how- I 
ever, is to be traced not to the study of the past, but to the 
needs of the moment. When King, Parliament, and Army 
Council had all failed, separately and conjointly, to give to the 
nation tlie peace and order for which it longed, it was only 
natural that there should be found some who imagined that their J 
ends could be secured by sweeping away the fabric raised with- I 
out design in the course of centuries, and by substituting for it 1 
a new one of their own building based on abstract principles. 

To the doctrines of these men— now beginning to be 
known as Levellers '—no one could be more hostile than 
Cromwell Cromwell, Yet it was bard to say how he could 
L^tcnLj. ^^^^ ^'^ ground against them. The House of 

Commons and the King were alike impr.ict (cable. 
T|,. King On the i6tb Charles told Belli&vre, who had come 
*'a"°ni-°" to take leave of him on his return to France, that ■ 
'™'"'* he now counted on divisions in the army which j 
would compel one or other party to place itself on his side.' 
Prudent Royalists might deplore the King's resolution to accept 
no compromise, but they were powerless to change it. There 

are, wrote one of them on the iSlh, 'many moderate 
RoyJiii men, even amongst the Independents, who desire 
ore ings. [j]Q[,archy, and are oot Ul-affectcd 10 the King'spcrson ; 
but do fear the King's design is, if he prevail, to root out the 
Puritan party, under which name both the Presbyterian and , 
Independent are involved.' " His Majesty," wrote the same ■ 

correspondent two days later, " holds firm to his first 1 

"" principles, not to do anything to the prejudice of his 1 

posterity, of the Church, nor of his friends ; in every one I 

of which points, the generality of the Houses do desire to I 

give him some satisfaction ; for I believe all men of estates do i 

' The name first appi^ars in a letter of Nov. I {C!arttti!en MSS-ifi^jS^A 
but it must obviously iiave been in exisleoce before. Like mo* 
parly names, it began as a nickname. 

• r.iignon lo Brienne, Ocl. «, R.O, Transcripts. 



1647 CROMWELL'S DEFENCE OF MONARCHY. 381 

fuaranewwar ; and no less iest the popular partj in the Housei 
and the army should prevail." ' 

Amongst those who desired Co give satisraction to the 
King, Cromwell is undoubtedly to be reckoned. On the aoth 
tvomweii'i he appeared in the House of Commons, and took 
iSaifof' occasion, by a motion for limiting to seven the 
iiLonaidiy. number of Royalists excluded from pardon, to plead 
the cause of monarchy. For three hours he held the attention 
of the House, urging it to re-establish the throne with the 
least possible delay, giving at the same lime the strongest 
assurances that neither himself nor Fairfax, nor any of the 
chief officers, had any hand in the proposals of the five regi- 
ments, and asserting positively that his aim during the whole 
war had been to strengthen and not to destroy monarchy.' 

If more of this remarkable speech had been preserved, it 
would probably be seen how far Cromwell's conception of 
monarchy differed from that of Charles. Little as 
ri.insofmon- Cromwell cared for the details of constitutional 
"^ ''■ forms, he was not the man to assent to the re- 

establishment of the throne without some permanent coniti- 
tutional checks which should render the recurrence of past 
abuses impossible. Yet it was precisely to this that Charles 
refused to agree : and when he declared that he would do 
nothing against his friends, his Church, and his posterity, he 
meant precisely what the Levellers meant by their ' paramount 
law,' that there was a political and ecclesiastical order which 
no stress of difSculty, no manifestation of the national will, 

' Letters of Intelligence, Oct. iS, ao, Clarendon MSS. 2,627. 

' "Fa tre giorni, che a questo efTelto Cramver ... si usutpi una 
udienza di tie here, nella quale si sforz6 cOD tania d' eloqueiua come 
d' ipochrisia e di dissimulalione ... a persuadere al reslo del corpo 
parlamentaiio, che lui e i1 General Faiifax, e tutti li Capi deli' Aimala 
non havevaDo in nessuna maniera parte uelli disscgni di quali reggimenli 
che si erano divisi, ma che il loi line e la loro volunti dal principio c^ella 
guerra non era slata altra che di eervire al Ri, e di slabilire la monarchia 
nel suo potere. Parl6 cgli in tutto il tempo della sua airing molto nv::n- 
laggiosamente per Jl R£, cancludendo che bisognava reslahiliilo piii pitslo 
the si poleva." Newsleller, j^^, Roman Tranuri^i, X.O. 



381 



THE AGREEMENT OF THE PEOPLE. CH. tv.^ 



was of any avail to change or to overthrow. Cromwell, who I 
knew nothing of such abstract rights, was forsooth to be 
counted as a self-seeking hypocrite because he lent a favour- 
able ear to the proposals of all parties alike, whilst refusing to 
worship at the shrine of any one of them. 

As Cromwell had stood forth as a reconciler between King 
and Parliament, be stood forth as a reconciler between the 
jj^ ^^ parties into which the army was divided. On the 
Ananny jgth 3 meeting of the Army Council was held in 
puiiKv Putney Church, to which Wildman and other pro- 
minent Levellers ' were admitted, as well as the 
Agitators recently elected by the five regiments. At this 
meeting, the object of which was to find some terras of agree- 
ment between the supporters and opponents of The Case of lh§ 
Army, Cromwell took ihe chair, Fairfax being absent on the 
ground of ill-health. Sexby was the first to set fotth 
.itHofib* the case of the new Agitators,' "We sought," he 
said, " to satisfy all men, and it was well ; but in 
going to do it, we have dissatisfied all men. We have laboured 
lo please the King; and I think, evcept we go about to cut all 
our tliroats we shall not please him; and we have gone to 
support a House which will prove rotten studs : ^ I mean the 
Parliament, which consists of a company of rotten members." 
Cromwell and Ireton, he added, had attempted to settle the 
kingdom on the foundations of the King and the Parliament; 
but he hoped that they would do no more in that direction, 
and that henceforth they would rely upon the army. 

Sexby's last words drew forth from Cromwell and Ireton 
an explanation of their conduct. " I shall declare it again," 
Cromwfi] said Ireton, " that I do not seek, and would not seek 
m''ih^'™ ^""^ destruction either of Parliament or King ; neither 
defentf, will I . . . concur with them who will not attempt 
all the ways that are possible to preserve both, and to make 

I A Ferftcl Diur. 
* The whole of tl 



I 



Ctarkt Pajxrs, I 228, t 



Ihe 28th is from the Clarkt Pafm, L 
nprights supporling a lath and plaster wall. S« 



1647 ^ PRACTICAL STATESMAN. 383 

good use, and the best use that can be of both for the 

After this personal explanation the meeting proceeded to 
consider T/ie Agreement of the People, which had been drawn 
Cromwdi OD "P by the new Agitators in order that the views 
^^S^tki expressed by them in The Case of the Army ' might 
Ptsfh. receive the definite shape of a new constitution, 
which would derive its authority from the direct acceptance of 
the people. Cromwell at once acknowledged that it 
uhie ihingi contained many things that were plausihle. The 
"" "' question was whether it was possible to reduce them 

to practice. "If," he characteristically said, "we could leap 
out of one condition into another that had so specious things 
.in it as this hath, I suppose there would not be much dispute ; 
though perhaps some of these things may he very well disputed ; 

. , and, how do we know if, whilst we are disputing 
eaingtneraj thcsc thing-s, another company of men shall gather 
»ctep ce. (Qgg((,gf.^ gjjj (f[gy sijall put out a paper as plausible 
as this? I do not know why it may not be done by that time 
you have agreed upon this, or got hands to it, if that be the 
way ; and not only another and another, but many of this 
kind; and if so, what do you think the consequence of that 
iiwiuad would be? Would it not be confusion? Would it 
10 cunfuiion. ^jq^ make England like the Switzerland country, one 
canton against another, and one county against another? I 
ask you whether it be not fit for every honest man seriously to 
lay that upon his heart, and, if so, what would that produce 
but an absolute desolation to the nation ; and we, in the 
meantime, teil the nation ' It is for your liberty I 'Tis for your 
privilege ! ' Pray God it prove so, whatever course we run. 

" But, truly, 1 think we are not only to consider what the 
consequences are . . . but we are to consider the probability 
Difiimiiio of the ways and means to accomplish [it]," that is to 
inthewiy. ^^^ ^^^^ accordlng to reason and judgment, the 
spirits and temper of this nation are prepared to receive and 
go along with it, and [that] those great difficulties [which] lie 
' See Clarke Faptrs, i. 237, nole I, 
' The words in brackets are inserted to eke out the sense. 




THE AGHEBMENT OF THE PEOPLE. CH. LV.f 
in our way [^re] in a likelyhood to be either overcome at 
lenioved. Truly to anything that's good, there's no doubt on 
it, objections may be made and framed, but let every honest 
man consider whether or no there be not very real objections 
lu fjiih «- in point of difficulty ; and I know a man may answer 
all difficulties with faith, and faith will answer all 
difficulties really where it is, and we are very apt all of us 
call that faith that perhaps may be but carnal imagination, and 
carnal reasoning.' 

" Give me leave to say this : — there will be very great 
mountains in the way of this. ... It is not enough to propose 
ii [> n««. things that are good in the end ; but it is our duty 
"2,"^' as Christians and men to consider consequences. 
•cqiicDco. _ _ _ 3ut suppose this model were an excellent' 
model and (it for England and the kingdom to receive; but 
really 1 shall speak to nothing but that that, as before the 
Ixjrd, I am persuaded in my heart tends to uniting 
.«rrt amOTg of us in one to that that God will manifest in us to 
thtBM v=, j^ ^^ rUp^n^ that he would have us prosecute ; and 
he that meets not here with that heart, and dares not say he 
will stand to that, I think he is a deceiver." 

Cromwell ended with a practical suggestion. Let the 
Council of the Army review those engagements lo the neglect 
of which attention had been called, after which it 
iiifirtngmje- would he possible to reply to the complaints of the 
new Agitators. When the existing engagements of 
the army, entered upon at Newmarket and Triploe Heath, 
were fully known, it would be open to anyone who so wished 
' lo tender anything for the good of the public' 

This indefinite postponement of the constitutional debats 
was not to the taste of the Levellers. Wildman, who followed, 
wiidman-i ^'*sA On Cromwell's proposal as merely dilatory, 
"f'y- Abandoning the ground taken by the new Agitators, 

he declared that no man was bound by engagements which he 
himself considered unjust As the debate threatened to take 

' The usual notion ihal Cromwell was accustomed to make 



I 
I 



L^ 



CROMWELL AND COFFE. 

an angry turn, Cromwell proposed the appointment of a com- 
mittee to take into consideration all questions at issue, and 
„ ,. more especially the binding force of the engagements 
PTOPosesi of the army. He hoped, he said, that in this way 
God would unite ihem in one heart and mind. He 
would rather resign his commission than that the kingdom 
CofffMks should break in pieces. Here Colonel GofTe, whose 
for a pray-cr mind WHS stccped in religious enthusiasm, broke in 
with the suggestion of a prayer meeting, at which 
God might be implored to give them the spirit of unity. 
Cromwell at once assented, on condition that there should be 
no delay. At his instance it was settled chat the prayer meet- 
ing should be held on the following morning, and that the 
committee should meet in the afternoon of the same day.' 

Once more Cromwell urged all present not to ' meet as two 
contrary parties,' but as men desirous of giving satisfaction to 
CromnftU one another. " I had rather," he declared, " we 
Igainstpsny should devolve our strength to you than that the 
ipint. kingdom, for our division, should suffer loss ; for 

that's in all our hearts to profess, above anything that's worldly, 
the public good of the [wople ; and if that be in our hearts 
truly and nakedly, I am confident it is a principle that will 
stand. Perhaps God may unite us and carry us both one 
way." 

Few of those to whom Cromwell now addressed himself 
were in a temper to profit by his exhortation. Wildman re- 
commended haste in coming to a decision on the 
oiinaiunu ground that Parliament might anticipate the army 
by patching up some arrangement with the King to 
the detriment of the natural rights of the people ; whereupon 
he was vehemently attacked by Ireton, whose constitutional 
opinions were more definite than those of his father-in-law. 
Property, said Ireton, depended on contract, not on natural 
right. Wildman's assertion to the contrary contained 'venom 
and poison.' Captain Audley attempted to draw aside aiten- 
' '• Cromwell when in difficuUiea," utiles Mr. Fitlh in hil prefece to 
vol. i. of the Clarke Papers, "generally moved for ■ committee ; Goffe 
ioviriably proposed a prayet-nieeling." 

VOL. III. C C 



■ 
I 
I 
I 



7HE AGREEMENT OF THE PEOPLE. CB. V*. 

tion from this unseemly chaige by supporting Wildman's <x>n- 
tention that time was precious. "If we tarry long," he said, 
"the King will come and say who will be hanged first." 
Neither Ireion nor AViidman were, however, to be recalled to 
such practical considerations, and a long wrangle followed 
between them, Cromwell occasionally intervening with a plea 
for a more conciliatory temper. 

This painful scene had at least one satisfactory result. It 
taught Cromwell that it was not enough lo criticise the opinions 
rromwcii °^ *''^ I-*vellers without the enunciation of any po- 
dttiBiahu litical faith of his own. Though the Council of the 
piinapo. Army, he now said, was not 'wedded and glued to 
formsofgovcmment.'it acknowledged 'that the foundation and 
the supremacy is in the people — radically in them— and to be 
set down by them in iheir representations."' It is probable 
ihat Cromwell failed to realise that by enunciating the doctrine 
of popular sovereignty he had broken with the King for ever. 
Oomwell would have had Charles to be king as William III. 
was afterwards a king. It was a condition to which Charles 
.would never stoop. To do so would be to betray the inalien- 
able rights of his posterity. 

On the 29ih,* when the prayer meeting had come to an 
end,' it was resolved after a long discussion to lay 
lide the consideration of the engagements by a 
iffi^il committee, and to examine the Agreement of the 

The constitutional scheme of the Levellers was probably 
the shortest ever committed to paper, as it consisted of four 
,„ articles only. The first required that the consti- 

tltnnbif'* tuencies should be ' more indifferently proportioned 
Pariiameiiiv according to the number of the inhabitants;' by the 
second, the existing Parliament was to be dissolved on Sep- 
tember 30, 1648; by the third, future Parliaments were to be 
biennial, sitting every oiher year from the first Thursday in 

' i.e. by means of their repiewntalii'i's, 
' This day's debate is in the Clarie Papiri, i. 280-363. 
■ Tht^re is no trace in the repiurE in the Clarke. Fafcrs of CiomweH'E 
Inking any part in iW priyeii. 



rhd A^-^- 



1647 A DEMOCRATIC CONSTITUTION, '387 

April to the last day of September, and no longer. Thus far 
the Agreement of the People was drawn on the same lines as 
The Heads of the Proposals^ except so far as the demand made 
in the first article of the Agreement that representatives might 
be elected in proportion to the population, differed from the 
demand made in The Heads of the Proposals that they should 
be elected in proportion to the rates. The fourth article, widely 
departing from that model, was an expansion of the doctrine of 
a * paramount law ' set forth in The Case of the Army, For 
Authority of niost purposes the biennial Parliament — consisting 
Parhaments jjy implication of a single elected House — was to be 
supreme, supreme. It might make, amend, and repeal laws ; 
erect and abolish offices and courts ; call officials to account ; 
conduct negotiations with foreign Powers ; make peace and 
declare war, or do an}thing else which was not * expressly or 
imply edly reserved by the represented to themselves.' 

These reservations were five in number. It was not to 
interfere with the most absolute religious liberty ; it was not to 
press men * to serve in the wars ; * it was not to call 
reserved any man in question for the part taken by him in the 
'^***** late struggle, except in carrying out sentences pro- 

nounced by the existing Parliament ; it must not exempt 
anyone * from the ordinary course of legal proceedings ; * and 
finally, * as the laws ought to be equal, so they must be good, 
and not evidently destructive to the safety and well-being of 
the people.' * 

The Agreement of the People was the first example of that 
system which now universally prevails in the State Govern- 
^ , ments of the American Republic.^ In both coun- 

The Agree' *^ 

mentofthe trics the idea of restraining the authority of the 
pi^ wUh legislative body by reserving certain matters to be 
stTre"con- dealt with by the people themselves, arose from the 
ftitutions. same cause — ^jealousy of the representative body. 
Yet the difference between the Agreement of the People and an 
American State constitution is enormous. In America, at the 

> An Agreement of the People ^ E. 412, 21, is printed in the Appen(i|)' 
to this volume. 

* See Bryce*s American Commowivealth^ part iL 

cca 



present day, the intervention of the people is an active, living 
force. The people make and unniake constitutions wtth de- 
cisive rapidity. 'tb,K Agnemenf of lie PgopU was but the dream 
of a few visionaries. Its authors prescribed no way in wliich 
the people should be asked to adopt it, though they probably 
intended to circulate it for public subscription ; and tbey 
breathed no word of the po-ssihility that the people, even if 
they once adopted it, might be inclined to change it. Their 
omission was by no means accidental. It arose from the stem 
fact, to which they wilfully closed their eyes, that the Engli^ 
I>eople were irreconcilably hostile to ihem and to their 
leaching. 

It was the unreality of the popular support appealed to in 
the Agreement of the People which gave strength to Cromwell 
Dppouiiun and Ireton in their contention with the Levellers. 
'""■ As is often the case, when men are divided on ques- 

tions of principle, it was on a side issue that the conflict b^an. 
A dciau When the first article of the Agreement had been 
on^n- xt;\A, Ireton asked whether the declaration that the 
ii.fr-age. constituencies were to be 'proportioned according 
to the number of the inhabitants ' implied that there was to be 
manhood suffrage, or that the old suffrage instituted ' by that 
constitution which was before the Conquest, that hath been 
beyond memory,' was still to be retained. Rainsborough at 
Dncius™ oncz declared in favour of manhood suffrage, " I 
h=iwcfD think," he said, "that the poorest He that is in Eng- 
b^rough land hath a life to live as well as the greatest He ; 
and, therefore, truly, sir, I think it clear that every 
man that is to live under a government ought, first, by his own 
consent, to put himself under that government." Ireton retorted 
that this argument relied on ' an absolute natural right,' and 
denied 'all civil right.' No one, he contended, in word^ which 
came to have a familiar sound in the early part of the nineteenth 
century, ought to have a vote who had ' not a permanent fixed 
interest in the kingdom.' Those whose duty it was to choose 
the legislature were ' the persons who, taken together, do com- 
prehend the local interest of this kingdom, that is, the persor\s 
in whom ail land lies, and those in corporations in whom. 



A HOT DEBATE. 

trading lies.' If this fundamental rule were set aside, property 
would be set aside as well. In reply, Rainsborough drew 
attention to the evil results of the existing system. " A gentle- 
man," he urged, " lives in a country, and hath three or four 
lordships as some men have— God knows how they got them — 
and when a Parliament is called, he must be a Parliament man ; 
and it may be sees some poor men— they live near this man^ 
he can crush them." 

The debate grew hot, and at last Rich came to Ireton's 
help. Five men out of six, he said, had no permanent interest 
Thedfbaw '1 the kingdom. If votes were given to the five, 
*"""'""■ they would only sell them, as had been done at 
Rome, 'and thence it came that he that was the richest man, 
and of some considerable power among the soldiers, made 
himself a perpetual dictator ; and If we strain too far to avoid 
monarchy in kings, [let us take heed] that we do not call for 
emperors to deliver us from mote than one tyrant' Arguments 
of this kind were bandied to and fro, till agreement seemed 
well nigh hopeless. After a while Sexby struck in, carrying the 
debate outside the region of argument. There were, he said, 
thousands of soldiers as poor as himself, who had ventured 
their lives for their ' birthright and privileges as Englishmen.' 
Why were they to be told that unless they had a fixed estate 
they had no birthright ? He, for one, would surrender his 
birthright to no man, " Rather," replied Ireton, " than make 
a disturbance to a good constitution of a kingdom wherein I 
may live in godliness, and honesty, and peace, I will part with 
a great deal of my birthright." 

After a while, Cromwell thought it time to intervene, ex- 
pressing dissatisfaction with Sexby's language, ' because it did 
Ck^^jII savour so much of will.' Why could not the meeting 
in.maiu. avoid abstract considerations, and content itself with 
discussing the question how far the existing franchise could 
safely be enlarged? Might not, for instance, copyholders be 
admitted to vole as well as freeholders ? Sir Hardress Waller 
was even more practical. Would the burden of the people, he 
asked, be lightened by papers ? " If the four evangelists were 
here and lay free quarter on them, they will not believe yo 



590 THE AGREEMENT OF THlS PEOPLE. CH. lV, 

Doubtless Rainsborough perceived, as he glanced around, 
that his supporters, amongst those present, were but few, and 
Rain». he therefore asked that the question at issue might 
pr^JISL** be referred to the whole army at a general rendez- 
Ihe*!^*** vo^s. The proposal found no support, and the 
at large. meeting, as far as any evidence before us goes, broke 
up without coming to a decision. 

Accordingly, on the morning of the 30th,' the committee 
proposed by Cromwell two days before met to consider the 
Oct. 30. manifestoes put forward by the army in June, as well 
of *he"* ^ ^^e ^^^^ recent Agreement of the People^ and also 
commiiiee. i^Q collcct and prepare somewhat to be insisted upon 
and adhered unto for settling the kingdom, and to clear our 
proceedings hitherto/ The deliberations of the committee 
worked far more smoothly than those of the general meeting. 
It pr pares Avoidiug all points of controversy, it set down the 
* rtuTioi?^' ^eads of yet another constitutional scheme. Wisely 
scheme. beginning with the points least in dispute, it agreed 
to articles fixing the dissolution of the existing House of Com- 
mons on September i, 1648, and establishing biennial Parlia- 
ments. It then adopted from The Heads of the Proposals a 
scheme for erecting a Council of State, taking care in so doing 
to introduce the King's name, which, in the Agreement of the 
People^ had been passed over in silence. When the thorny 
question of the suffrage was at length reached, the committee 
contented itself with a resolution that there should be a redis- 
tribution of seats, in order to bring the representation into due 
proportion to the population, whilst the question of the fran- 
chise itself was left to be settled by the existing Parliament. 
The utmost concession which the committee made to the 
Levellers on this head was to couple their reference of the 
franchise to the Houses with the expression of a desire that the 
right of voting might be conferred on all who had served the 
Parliament during the late war, or had voluntarily assisted it 
with money, plate, horses, or arms; and that, on the other 
hand, no delinquent might be allowed to vote. Moreover, no 

> Clarke Papers^ i. 363-367. 



rj 1647 A COMMITTEE'S PROPOSALS. 391 

. Peer created since May 21, 1642, was to have a seat in the 
^ House of Lords without the consent of both Houses. 

In the main, therefore, in spite of amendments in a popular 
direction, the committee, of which Sexby and Rainsborough, 
General ^s wcU as CromwcU and Ireton, were members — 
character upheld the general principles of TAe Heads of the 
scheme. Proposals, The new constitution was to be brought 
into existence by an understandmg with the King and the 
House of Lords, not to be a direct emanation from the people, 
sweeping both King and Lords away. No better illustration 
of Cromwell's pertinacity in clinging to the old institutions of 
the realm can well be found. 



APPENDIX. 



Tki Agreement of the People^ as presented to the 
Council of the Army^ October 28, 1647.* 

An Agreement of the People for a firm and present peace upon 
grounds of common right 

Having by our late labours and hazards made it appear to the 
world at how high a rate we value our just freedom, and God 
having so far owned our cause as to deliver the enemies thereof 
into our hands, we do now hold ourselves bound in mutual duty to 
each other to take the best care we can for the future to avoid both 
the danger of returning into a slavish condition and the chargeable 
remedy of another war ; for, as it cannot be imagined that so many 
of our countrymen would have opposed us in this quarrel if they 
had understood their own good, so may we safely promise to our- 
selves that, when our common rights and liberties shall be cleared, 
their endeavours will be disappointed that seek to make themselves 
our masters. Since, therefore, our former oppressions and scarce- 
yet-ended troubles have been occasioned, either by want of frequent 
national meetings in Council, or by rendering those meetings in- 
effectual, we are fully agreed and resolved to provide that hereafter 
our representatives be neither left to an uncertainty for the time 
nor made useless to the ends for which they are intended. In 
order whereunto we declare : — 

I. 

That the people of England, being at this day very unequally 
distributed by Counties, Cities, and Boroughs for the election of 
their deputies in Parliament, ought to be more indifferently pro- 

* An Agreement of the People for a firm and present peace, &c., E. 
412, 21. 



APPENDIX. 393 

portioned according to the number of the Inhabitants ; the circum- 
stances whereof for number, place, and manner are to be set do>Yn 
before the end of this present Parliament. 

II. 

That, to prevent the many inconveniences apparently arising^ 
from the long continuance of the same persons in authority, this 
present Parliament be dissolved upon the last day of September 
which shall be in the year of our Lord 1648. 

III. 

That the people do, of course, choose themselves a Parliament 
once in two years, viz. upon the first Thursday in every 2d March,* 
after the manner as shall be prescribed before the end of this 
Parliament, to begin to sit upon the first Thursday in April follow- 
ing, at Westminster or such other place as shall be appointed from 
time to time by the preceding Representatives, and to continue till 
the last day of September then next ensuing, and no longer. 

IV. 

That the power of this, and all future Representatives of this 
Nation, is inferior only to theirs who choose them, and doth extend, 
without the consent or concurrence of any other person or persons, 
to the erecting and abolishing of offices and courts, to the appoint- 
ing, removing, and calling to account magistrates and officers of 
all degrees, to the making war and peace, to the treating with 
foreign States, and, generally, to whatsoever is not expressly or 
impliedly reserved by the represented to themselves : 

Which are as followeth, 

1. That matters of religion and the ways of God's worship are 
not at all entrusted by us to any human power, because therein we 
cannot remit or exceed a tittle of what our consciences dictate to 
be the mind of God without wilful sin : neveitheless the public way 
of instructing the nation (so it be not compulsive) is referred to 
their discretion. 

2 . That the matter of impresting and constraining any of us to 
serve in the wars is against our freedom ; and therefore we do not 
allow it in our Representatives ; the rathei, because money (the 
sinews of war), being always at that disposal, they can never want 
numbers of men apt enough to engage in any just cause. 

* f./. in March in every other year. 



394 APPENDIX. 

3. That after the dissolution of this present Parliament, n) 
person be at any time questioned for anything said or done in 
reference to the late public differences, otherwise than in execution 
of the judgments of the present Representatives or House of 
Commons. 

4. That in all laws made or to be made every person may be 
bound alike, and that no tenure, estate, charter, degree, birth, or 
place do confer any exemption from the ordinary course of legal 
proceedings whereunto others are subjected, 

5. That as the laws ought to be equal, so they must be good, 
and not evidently destructive to the safety and well-being of the 
people. 

These things we declare to be our native rights^ and there/ore 
are agreed and resolved to maintain them with our utmost possi- 
bilities against all opposition whatsoever ; being compelled there- 
unto not only by the examples of our ancestors^ whose blood was 
often spent in vain for the recovery of their freedoms^ suffering 
themselves through fraudulent accommodations to be still deluded 
of. the fruit of their victories^ but also by our own woeful experience^ 
who^ having long expected and dearly earned the establishment of 
these certain rules of government, are yet made to depend for the 
settlement of our peace and freedom upon him that intended out 
bondage and brought a cruel war upon us. 



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