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HISTORY
GREAT CIVIL WAR
VOL. IL
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE.
HISTORY of ENGLAND, from the ACCESSION of
JAMES I. to the DISGRACE of CHIEF-JUSTICE COKK,
1603- z6x6. a vols. 8vo. 1863.
PRINCE CHARLES and the SPANISH MARRIAGE,
Z6T7-X633. a vols. Svo. 1869.
HISTORY of ENGLAND under the DUKE of
BUCKINGHAM and CHARLES I. z624-i6a8. a vols. Svo.
187s.
The PERSONAL GOVERNMENT of CHARLES I.
from the DEATH of BUCKINGHAM to the DECLARA-
TION of the JUDGES in FAVOUR of SHIP-MONEY.
1638-1637. a vols. 8vo. 1877.
The FALL of the MONARCHY of CHARLES I.
1637-1642. 2 vols. 8vo. 1881.
These Volumes have been revised and re-issued in a cheaper
form, under the title of ' A History of England, from the Accession
of James I. to the Outbreak of the Civil War, 1603-1643.'
zo vols. Crown Svo. Z883-4.
HISTORY of the GREAT CIVIL WAR. 1642-1649.
Vol. -I. Z643-Z644. 8vo. z886.
Vol. II. 1644-1647. 8vo. 1889.
Vol. III. Z647-Z649. Svo. Z891.
These Volumes have been revised and re-issued in a cheaper
form, in 4 vols, crown Svo. uniform with the * History of England,
Z603-Z643.' 1893.
HISTORY of the COMMONWEALTH and PRO-
TECTORATE. 1649-1660.
Vol I. 1649-Z651. Svo. Z894.
Vol. II. X651-Z654. Svo. Z897.
Vol. III. Z6S4-1656. Svo. 1901.
HISTORY
OF THE
GREAT CIVIL WAR
1642- 1649
BY
SAMUEL R. GARDINER, D.CL., LL.D.
FBLLOW OP MERTON COLLBGB, OXFORD
ETC.
IN FOUR VOLUMES
Volume II. — 1644-1645
NEW IMPRESSION
LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.
39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON
NEW YORK AND BOMBAY
1901
All rights reserved
BIBLICX5RAPHICAL NOTE
to New and Cheaper Edition. 4 vols. Crown 8vo.
Vol. IT, first printed June 1893; reprinted
May 1894; February 1898; August 1901,
CONTENTS
OF
THE SECOND VOLUME.
i«o^
CHAPTER XIX.
THE SURRENDER AT LOSTWITHIEU
1644 Cromwell and David Les-
lie .. .
July 5. — Cromwell's letter
to Valentine Walton
July 18. — ^The three gene-
rals declare for Pk^by-
terianism • •
July 3a — The three gene-
rals agree to separate .
July I. — Charles's move-
ments after Cropredy
Bridge .
First suggestion of the
New Model
July 8.— State of Waller's
army • • .
July 7. — ^Charles resolves
to pursue Essex
Jime 16. — Birth of the
Princess Henrietta
July 14. — The Queen sails
for France .
July 12. — Charles pursues
Essex. • •
PAGB
8
8
July 26. — Essex resolves
to march into Cornwall
August 3. — Essex at Lost-
withiel
Dissensions amongst the
King's officers . •
August 8. —Arrest of Wil-
mot . . • •
Essex outmanoeuvred
August 16. — Essex com-
plains of the condition
of his army .
September 2. — Wsdler*s
distress .
August 30. — Essex pre-
pares to retreat . «
August 31. — ^The Parlia-
mentary cavalry breaks
through the enemy
September 1. — Essex es-
capes by sea
September 2. — Surrender
of the ParUamentary
infantry . . •
Results of the surrender •
»AG«
ic
10
II
12
14
IS
16
16
»7
x8
>9
CHAPTER XX.
THE ARMY OF THE EASTERN ASSOCIATION.
1644 August — Cromwell and
Manchester
State of Manchester's
army • . .
20
Cromwell's hostility to the
Scots . . • ^3
Cromwell's attack on the
nobility . . . 24
VI
CONTENTS OF
Manchester's dilatoriness .
September 4. — Manches-
ter marches southwards
September 12. — Manches-
ter and Cromwell at
Westminster
August 30, — The Elector
Palatine in England
September 7. — Divided
opinions on the surren-
der in Cornwall
September 13. — ^The Ac-
commodation Order
Cromwell receives the
thanks of the House
September 21. — Essex at
Portsmouth
September 5. — ^The King
at Tavistock • •
PAGB
36
a7
27
38
30
30
3«
3«
September 23.— Charles
arrives at Chard
Waller at Shaftesbiuy
Manchester advances
slowly .
September 29. — Manches-
ter halts at Reading
Pardon sold to Edmund
Waller .
September 30. — ^Advance
of the King
State of Charles's negotia-
tions with France and
the Prince of Orange .
Movements of the Parlia-
mentary generals .
Manchester's continued
hesitation • •
PAGE
3a
34
35
35
37
37
38
39
40
CHAPTER XXI.
THE SECOND BATTLE OF NEWBURY, AND THE RELIEF
OF DONNINGTON CASTLE.
1644 October 14. — ^The com-
mand of the Parliamen-
tary army to be put in
commission. . . 42
October 8.— Waller falls
back . . •42
October 19. — ^Junction of
Waller and Manchester 43
October 21. — ^Junction of
Essex and Manchester . 44
The Parliamentary gene-
rals resolve to fight . 44
October 19. — Capture of
Newcastle . . . 44
October 26. — Position of
the armies near New-
bury . . -45
A flank march . . 47
October 27. — The second
battle of Newbury . 48
Retreat of the King's
army . . . 52
October 29. — ^A fruitless
pursuit . . •53
Altercation in the council
of war • . . 53 I
November 2. — ^Manchester
marches northwards . 54
November 6. — Manchester
returns to Newbury . 55
November 9. — The King
relieves Donnington
Castle . . •56
November la — ^The King
is allowed to retreat
without fighting . . 57
Dispute between Man-
cjfiester and Cromwell . 58
November 15. — Condition
of the Parliamentary
army . . . 60
November 17. — ^The army
leaves Newbury. . 61
November 23. — ^The King
enters Oxford . . 62
The strategy of three cam-
paigns . . '63
Brentford's place as a
commander. . . 63
Rupert's want of temper . 64
Quality of the Parliamen-
tary array . . . 65
THE SECOND VOLUME.
vu
CHAPTER XXII.
PRYNNE, MILTON, AND CROMWELU
1644 Contrast between English
and Scottish Presby-
terianism
Political aspect of the
Presbyterian party .
Prynne's Presbyterianism
and intolerance .
1643 June. — Milton's marriage.
August I. — The doctrine
and discipline of divorce
1644 July 15. — The judgment of
Martin Bucer
November 34. — Aratpa-
giiica ,
PAGE
66
67
68
69
70
71
73
The Long Parliament and
the press
Presbyterianism of the
House of Commons
November 15. — Lay
preaching forbidden
November 2a — Peace pro-
positions sent to Oxford
Necessity of military reor-
ganisation
November 23. — A New
Model to be considered
Cromwell as a statesman .
PAGE
74
71
76
76
78
79
80
CHAPTER XXIII.
THE FIRST SELF-DENYING ORDINANCE.
1644 Cromwell proposes to
attack the Earl of Man-
chester . . . 82
November 2c — State-
ments by Waller and
Cromwell . . 83
December 2. — Manches-
ter's defence communi-
cated to the Commons . 83
November 23. — The Peace
Commissioners at Ox-
ford . . '85
November 27. — The
King's reception of the
Commis>ioners . . 85
December 3. — ^The Scots
attempt to overthrow
Cromwell . . 86
December 4. — Cromwell's
reply to the report made
by Holies . . . 88
December 9. — Report of
Tate's Committee . 89
A Self-Denying Ordinance
proposed by Tate . 90
Progress of the Self-Deny-
ing Ordinance . . 92
The military situation . 93
October 24. — Ordinance
against the Irish . 94
November 6. — Waller or-
dered to relieve Taunton 94
1643 Sir Anthony Ashley
Cooper's temporary
roysdism . . . 94
1644 January. — He goes over
to the Parliament . 94
August 3. — He receives a
command in Dorset . 96
December 14. — The relief
of Taunton . . 98
CHAPTER XXIV.
THE EXECUTION OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD.
1644 December 20. — Negotia-
tions to be opened with
the King . . 99
May i2-July 29. — Laud's
trial. . • • 99
His case compared with
that of Strafford . 100
October 1 1. — Laud's coun-
sel heard on points of law 102
October 31. — ^An Ordi-
V111
CONTENTS OF
PAGB
nance of Attainder
brought in . . loa
December 23. — Execution
of Sir Alexander Carew 103
December 7. — Condemna-
tion of Sir John Hotham 104
December 24. — Condemn-
ation of Captain Hotham 104
1645 January 2-3. — Execution
of the two Hothams . 105
Plan for uniting the two
Houses . , . 106
January 4. — Ordinance for
laud's attainder passed 106
January 10. — Laud's exe-
cution . . . 107
Fruit of Laud's teaching . 108
January 4. — ^The Directory
to be established . 108
»AG<
Parochial and congrega-
tional Presbyterianism . zoo
January 2. — Prynne's
Truth Triumphing . 109
Lilbume and P^nne . no
Lilbume's Letter to Prynnt x 10
Importance of Lilbume's
views
January i. — L'Estrange's
reprieve .
January 10. — ^The Royal-
ists repulsed at Abing-
don . . . . Z13
January 9.— <joring at
Famham . . 113
January 11. — ^Arrest of
three peers at Oxford . Z14
January 9. — Strafford's
blood appeased • • Z15
112
113
CHAPTER XXV.
THE NEW MODEL ORDINANCE AND THE TREATY OF
UXBRIDGE.
1645 January 4. — Conflict be-
tween the Houses on
military organisation . 116
Resolution of the Com-
mittee of Both King-
doms on the New Model 117
January 7. — Objections of
the Lords to the Self-
Denying Ordinance . 117
January 11. — The New
Model Ordinance ac-
cepted by the House of
Commons . •117
January 13. — ^The Lords
throw out the Self-Deny-
ing Ordinance . . 118
January 21. — Fairfax to
command the New
Model Army . .119
January 28. — ^The New
Model Ordinance sent
up to the Lords . 120
January 30. — Cromwell
supports the advance of
the Scots . . . 120
January 29. — ^Arrival of the
Commissioners at Ux-
bridge . . . lai
Aims of the Scottish Com-
missioners . . , Z2I
Conditions of the Treaty • 123
The Three Propositions of
Uxbridge . •124
January 31. — ^The religious
difficulty . . . 124
February 10. — ^Toleration
scheme of the Oxford
clergy . . .125
A Presbyterian settlement
urged . . . 127
Discussions on the militia
and Ireland . •127
February 4. — The New
Model Ordinance passed
with provisoes by the
Lords . . . 128
February 7, 8. — ^The pro-
visoes modified by the
Commons . .128
February 12. — News of
military disasters . .128
February 15. — The New
Model Ordinance passed 129
February 20. — The King
proposes to go to West-
minster . . .129
Februaiy 22. — ^A National
Synod proposed . . 130
End of the Treaty of Ux-
bridge . , .130
THE SECOND VOLUME.
ijt
CHAPTER XXVI.
TIPPERMUIIt, ABERDEEN, AND INVERLOCHY.
T644 Montrose's idealism .
July 3. — He asks Rupert
for help .
August 18. — He sets out
for Scotland
June. — Alaster Macdonald
in the West Highlands .
The Mackenzies and the
Macdonalds
The Highland clans .
August. — Montrose sum-
mons Macdonald to
Blair Athol
He is accepted as a leader
His march to Perth .
September i.— The battle
of Tippermuir . .
The surrender of Perth .
September 7. — Murder of
Lord Kilpont
September 12. — A price
set on Montrose's' head.
PAGE
134
134
13s
136
137
138
139
139
140
Z43
14a
H3
Montrose and the Gordons
September 13. — Montrose
before Abeardeen
Montrose's drummer killed
The battle of Aberdeen .
Massacre in the town
Montrose evades Argyle
in the Highlands .
October. — ^The defence of
Fyvie Castle
A council of war
December. — Montrose in
Argyle .
1645 January. — ^Ax^^leat Inver-
lothy
Montrose's march
February 2.— The battle
of Inverlochy
February 3. — Montrose in-
vites the King to Scot-
land • • •
PACB
143
145
146
M7
148
149
150
15a
153
153
154
15s
CHAPTER XXVIL
THE PROJECTS OP THE EARL OF GLAMORGAN.
1644 November 22. — Execution
of Hugh Macmahon . 156
1645 February 10. — L>ord Ma-
guire's trial . . . 157
FelMTiary aa — His execu-
tion . . '157
Z644 March (?) — Lord Herbert
becomes Earl of Gla-
morgan . - . . 158
April I. — Glamorgan's
commission . -159
May 4. — Glamorgan to be
Duke of Somerset . . 160
May 13. — Monro seizes
Belfiast . • . z6z
The Supreme Council
offers its army to Or-
mond . . i6z
July 26. — Ormond em-
powered to resume ne-
gotiations with the Su-
preme Council . . 169
September 6. — Peace con-
fierences at Dublin . . 163
December 15. — Mus^
kerry's proposal ac-
cepted by Charles . 163
November 14- — Ormond
offers his resignation . 164
December 27. — Glamor-
gan commended to Or-
mond . 164
Purpose of Glamorgan's
mission . . . 164
1645 January 2. — Glamorgan's
instructions . 166
February 2. — ^A dukedom
offered to the Marquis of
Worcester . . . 167
January 12. — ^The King
promises to confirm Gla-
morgan's actions . 167
January 6. — Commission
to Glamorgan to levy
troops in Ireland and on
the Continent . . 168
1644 November. — The Queen in
Paris • • • 169
CONTENTS OF
French campaign on the
Rhine
July.— Battles of Frei-
burg
November 24. — The
Queen supports O'Har-
tegan
September. — ^A joint com-
mittee of English and
Irish Catholics .
November 23. — ^The Duke
of Lorraine to be
gained
Gofife's mission to the
Hague .
1645 January 16.— The Queen
hears that the Duke of
PAGE
169
169
170
170
171
171
PAGB
Lorraine is ready to
assist Charles . .17a
January 22. — Charles
urges Ormond to con-
clude peace . . 173
February 27. — He offers
to repeal the penal laws
in Ireland . . . 173
March 5. — He offers to
extend the repeal to
England . • 174
March 12 — Charles gives
Glamorgan a commis-
sion to treat . '175
March 28. — Glamorgan
wrecked on the coast of
Lancashire • • 176
CHAPTER XXVIII.
THE SECOND SELF-DENYING ORDINANCE, AND THE
NEW MODEL ARMY.
(645 February. — English dis-
satisfaction with
Charles's policy
Military disorders .
Parliamentary successes .
Charles's plan of cam-
paign
Mar(£ $. — The Prince of
Wales despatched to the
West
March 10. — ^The Oxford
Parliament adjourned .
March 6. — The Prince of
Wales at Bristol .
Goring in the West •
Waller falls back .
Financial distress on both
sides
March 18. — Arising in
Herefordshire
April I. — Byron looks to
Ireland for help .
February 25. — A new Self-
Denying Ordinance to be
prepared
March 3. — A list of oflScers
sent to the Lords
March 24. — ^The second
177
177
179
179
181
181
182
182
183
184
18s
z86
186
187
Self-Denying Ordinance
brought in . . .
March 25. — ^The Commons
express confidence in
the Lords
April I. — ^The Lords agree
to Fairfax's commis-
sion. .
April 3. — The second Self-
Denying Ordinance
passed .
A batch of resignations .
April 5. — Essex's army re-
duced
April 17. — End of Wal-
ler's command .
April 26. — Laymen for-
bidden to preach
The soldiers and officers of
the New Model
Lilbume refuses to take
the Covenant .
March 31. — ^The pay of the
army secured on county
taxation
Character of the New
Model Army .
188
189
190
190
190
191
192
193
193
195
19s
196
THE SECOND VOLUME.
rx
CHAPTER XXIX.
THE NEW MODEL ARMY IN THE FIELD.
PAGB
1645 April 23. — Proposed sale
of pictures . . . 197
April II. — Goring refuses
obedience to the Prince
of Wales . . 198
Rupert recruits his army . aoo
April 23. — Cromwell's raid
round Oxford . . 900
Failure of Charles's diplo-
macy . . . 902
Charles's want of national
feeling . . . 203
March. — Charles's pro-
mises to Montrose . 203
April 25. — Charles is un-
able to join Montrose . 204
April 3a — Goring starts
for Oxford . . 205
The second siege of
Taunton • • . 206
April 30. — Fairfax sets out
to relieve Taunton
May 3. — Fairfax ordered
to halt
Ma^ I. — End of the second
siege of Taunton
May 7. — ^The King leaves
Oxford
May 8. — Goring sent back
to the West
May 9. — The King
marches towards the
North
May 10. — ^The plan of
campaign of the Com-
mittee of Both King-
doms
Lord Savile's intrigues .
May 22. — ^The first siege
of Oxford .
Movements of the armies
PAGB
206
207
208
208
210
210
211
212
213
213
CHAPTER XXX.
DUNDEE, AULDEARN, AND LEICESTER.
1645 February. — Montrose
joined by Lord Gordon 215
Montrose exconmiuni-
cated . . . 216
Montrose opposed by
Baillie and Hurry . . 216
March. — Montrose on the
Isla . . . 217
April 4. — Dundee taken . 219
Montrose's retreat . . 219
Charles's plan revealed . 221
Montrose joined by
Aboyne . . . 221
May. — Montrose and
Hiury in the North . 222
May 9. — Hurry attempts
to siuprise Montrose . 222
Montrose prepares for
battle . • . 224
The battle of Auldearn . 225
Effect of the battle on
Leven's movements . 227
May 17. — Goring on
Sedgemoor . . 228
May 25. — Massey sent to
the West . . . 229
May 26. — Evesham
stormed by Massey . 229
May 22. — The King turns
eastward . . 230
May 26. — Cromwell sent
to Ely . . . 231
Oxford in straits . .231
Goring summoned by the
King . . . 232
May 31. — Leicester
. stormed by the Royal-
ists . . . 233
XII
CONTENTS OF
CHAPTER XXXI.
NASEBY.
PACK
1645 May 31. — Prospects of the
King . . .234
June 5. — Mutiny of the
Yorkshire Horre . . 235
June 7. — Charles hears
that Oxford has been
relieved . . . 335
June 2. — Fairfax ordered
to abandon the siege of
Oxford . . 336
June ^. — Fairfax marches
against the King . 236
June 9. — Cromwell rouses
the Eastern Association 338
June la — ^The Commons
agree to the appoint-
ment of Cromwell as
Lieutenant-General . 238
Charles's Privy Council
recommends an attack
rxcB
on the Eastern Associa<
tion . . . . 239
June 12. — Rupert over-
confident . . 240
Fairfax as a disciplinarian C41
June i3.^i;romwell joins
Fairfax . . . 242
Fairfax in pursuit . . 242
June 14. — ^A council of war
at Harborough . . 244
First positions of the two
armies . . . 244
Movements of the armies . 245
Final positions of the
armies . • . 246
The battle of Naseby . 247
Result of the battle . 251
Cromwell pleads for liberty 252
His letter mutilated by the
Commons • • • 252
CHAPTER XXXIL
LANGPORT AND BRIDGWATER
1645 June 16. — Cromwell's
Lieutenant - Generalshi p
confirmed by the Lords 354
June 18. — Surrender of
Leicester . . 354
The Scottish army ad-
vances southwards . . 354
June 19. — The City ban-
quet to the two Houses 356
June 21. — The Naseby
prisoners in London . 256
The King's cabinet opened 258
June 19. — ^The King at
Hereford . . 259
June 18. — His appeal to
Ormond . . . 359
Colonel Fitzwilliam's mis-
sion to Ireland . . 260
June 23. — ^The King's in-
structions to his son .. 261
June 21. — Proposal to sub-
ordinate Fairfax to the
Committee of Both
Kingdoms .
June 25. — Abandonment
of the proposal .
June 28. — Surrender of
Carlisle
The Clubmen
July 3. — Fairfax in Dorset 265
Faurfax's reply to the Club-
men . . *
State of the King's army
in the West
Final raising of the siege
of Taunton .
Goring outmanoeuvred on
line of the Yeo and
Parret .
July 9. — He is smprised
by Massey .
July 10. — His position at
Pisbiuy Bottom . 270
The battle of Langport . 271
261
262
263
264
265
266
267
269
270
THE SECOND VOLUME.
xni
PAGB
July x6. — The siege of
Bridgwater . . . 273
July 23. — Surrender of
Bridgwater • . 274
Charles's movements • • 274
PAGB
July 22. — His conference
with Rupert . . 276
July 24. — He abandons his
intention of going into
the West . . . 276
CHAPTER XXXIII.
ALFORD AND KILSYTH.
1645 July. — Charles hopes to
open communication
with Montrose .
May. — Montrose eludes
Baillie
Desertion of the Gordons .
June. — Separation of
Baillie and Lindsay
July I. — Montrose at Al-
ford . . .
July 2. — Montrose takes
up his position
The batUe of Alford
July 28. — Reception of the
news by Charles .
July 21. — Surrender of
Pontefract
July 25. — Surrender of
Scarborough Castle
July 3a — Charles in South
Wales .
July 31. — He sends to Or-
mond for aid
July 21. — Overtures from
Scottish Lords to the
King
July 28. — Rupert urges
Charles to make peace . 287
August 3. — Charles rejects
the proposal . , 287
277
277
279
280
280
280
283
283
284
284
284
285
285
He prepares for martjrr-
dom • .
August 5. — Laughame
storms the Castle of
Haverfordwest
Astley succeeds Gerard in
South Wales .
Charles sets off to join
Montrose .
August 2a — He turns back
from Doncaster.
July 8.— The Scottish Par-
liament meets at Stirling
July 24. — ^The Parliament
at Perth
Montrose manoeuvres
round Perth
August 5. — Baillie forced
to retain the command
of the Covenanters
August 14. — Montrose at
Kilsyth
August i^. — Montrose pre-
pares for battle .
The blunder of the Cove-
nanting committee .
The battle of Kilsyth
The escape of the Cove-
nanting noblemen
288
289
289
290
290
291
29a
292
294
294
295
297
298
300
CHAPTER XXXIV.
SHERBORNE, HEREFORD, AND BRISTOU
1645 August 24. — Chailes de-
clares his resolution to
support the Church . 301
Royalist plunderings . 302
French successes on the
Continent . . . 30a
General despondency dl
the Royalists . . 303
August 28.— Charles ar-
rives at Oxford . . 304
August 2. — Fairfax be-
sieges Sherborne Castle
The Dorset Clubmen
The Clubmen on Hamble-
donHUl . . .
August 5. — Sherborne
Castle taken
August 23. — Opening of
the siege of Bristol .
Leven's siege of Hereford
305
305
306
307
308
XIV
CONTENTS OF
Herefordshire plundered
by the Scots
September i.— The siege
of Hereford raised .
Digby continues hopeful .
Despondency at Oxford .
September 9. — Digby ex-
pects that Fairfax will
fail at Bristol .
September 4. — Fairfax
summons Rupert .
PAGB
309
310
310
3"
312
313
Difficulties of Rupert's
position .
Weakness of the garrison
of Bristol .
September la — Bristol
stormed . .
September 14. — Effect of
the surrender on Charles
Rupert dismissed • .
PAGB
314
314
315
317
317
CHAPTER XXXV.
CURRENTS OF OPINION.
1645 September 14. — Crom-
well's despatch announc-
ing the capture of Bristol
September 17. — It is muti-
lated by the Commons .
Cromwell and the New
Model Army
Hugh Peters .
His early life
His career in New Eng-
land
His views on liberty of
conscience
His character as an army
chaplain
Baxter at Coventry
His visit to the army .
Liberty of conscience
the army
The military view
Royalty and Nobility
m
of
319
3«>
321
321
323
324
32s
326
327
327
328
329
Cromwell's moderating in-
fluence . . ,
May 10. — ^Arrest ol Lil-
bume
June 18. — Lilbume's
second arrest
June ao. — Savile com-
mitted to the Tower
Lilbume's charges against
Holies and L^nthall
July 19. — He is again in
custody ,
His constitutional position
October 14. — He is hbe-
rated by the Commons .
August 18. — Bills ordered
to be prepared to be sub-
mitted to the King
August 21. — New writs to
be issued .
Restrictions on the elec-
tions . • •
330
330
331
332
332
332
334
334
335
335
336
CHAPTER XXXVI.
ROWTON HEATH AND PHILIPHAUGH.
1645 August. — Goring after
Langport . • • 337
September 17. — Letter of
the Prince of Waits to
Fairfax . . . 338
Mazarin's relations with
England . . . 338
August. — Montreuil's n^o-
tiation with the Scots . 339
September 13. — ^The Scots
ask for English aid
against Montrose . . 340
French intervention ac-
cepted by the Presby-
terians .
September 18. — Cul-
pepper's plan of cam-
paign
Temper of the Welsh
September 18. — Charles
marches to the North .
September 22. — He reaches
Chester . ,
340
341
343
343
344
THE SECOND VOLUME,
AV
PAGB
September 24.— Battle of
Rowton Heath . . 344
September 25. — Charles at
Denbigh . . 346
Charles's plan of action . 347
August 15. — Montrose's
difiSculties after his vic-
tory at Kilsyth . . 347
August 16. — Montrose at
Glasgow . . 348
August 18. — He goes to
Bothwell . . . 348
Desertion of the High-
landers and the Mac-
donalds . • . 349
PAGB
The Gordons return home 350
Comparison between
Montrose and Cromwell 351
Character of Montrose's
followers . . . 351
Montrose's new supporters 353
September 9. — Imprison-
ment of Home and Rox-
burgh . . .353
David Leslie's march . . 354
September 13. — Overthrow
of Montrose at Philip-
haugh . . . 355
Butchery of Irish women . 355
CHAPTER XXXVII.
BASING HOUSE AND SHERBURN.
1645 September a8. — Effect on
Charles of the news
from Philiphaugh . . 357
September 23-26. — Sur-
render of Devizes, Lay-
cock House, and Berke-
ley Castle . . 359
October 4. — Charles at
Newark . . . 359
September 28. — Separa-
tion of Fairfax and
Cromwell . . 360
October 19. — Tiverton
Castle taken . . 361
October 20. — Fairfax goes
into quarters round Exe-
ter . . . 361
October 5. — Surrender of
Winchester Castle . . 36a
October 8. — Cromwell be-
fore Basing House . . 362
October 14. — Basing
House stormed and
sacked . . . 363
Meeting of the Marquis of
Winchester and Hugh
Peters . . . 365
Cromwell's advice to the
House of Commons . 365
October 14.— Condition of
the gaiTison of Newark 366
Willis's plan of campaign 366
October 12. — Charles
marches northwards to
join Montrose . . 367
October. — Montrose again
deserted by the Gordons 368
October 14. — Charles's
advance stopped . 369
October 15. — Digby de-
feats Poyntz's infantry
at Sherbum . . 369
Cavalry fight at Sherbum 370
October 34. — Digby es-
capes to the Isle of Man 371
October 16. — Rupert's re-
ception at Newark . 372
October 21. — Rupert ab-
solved by a council of
war . . .373
October 26. — A noisy
scene , . . 374
October 27. — Rupert
leaves the King . . 375
November 5. — llie King's
return to Oxford . . 376
November i. — Sir W.
Vaughan defeated in
South Wales . . 377
November 5. — Desire for
peace at Oxford • . 377
jcvi CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME.
NOTES.
WAGM
Note >a the strength and preliminary movements of the annies at
Naseby y^
Additional note on the same subject by Lieutenant-Colond Ross . . 386
MAPS.
England and Wales, showing the districts occupied by the
Royalists and Parliamentarians on November 23, 1644 • To face 62
The Highlands of Scotland, showing the sides taken by the
dans on February a, 1645 • • . . . „ 154
England and Wales, showing the districts occupied by the
Royalists and Parliamentarians on July 23, 1645 • • — 274
England and Wales, showing the districts occupied by the
Royalists and P^liamentarians on November 5, 1645 • •• 376
The Western campaign ••••••• 9
The operations round Lostwithiel • • . . • • 13
The campaign of Newbury ....... 33
The operations before and after the second battle of Newbury • • 46
The campaign of Tippermuir and Aberdeen • . • . 141
The battle of Aberdeen . ...•••, 144
The campaign of Inverlochy . . • • « •151
The first operations of the New Model army • • • » , 199
The campaign of Naseby ..••••, 309
The campaign of Dundee and Auldearn • • • • . 217
The battle of Auldearn ••••••• 223
The battle of Naseby ...••••• 243
The campaign of Langport and Bristol • • • • . 255
The operations round Langport • • • • • • 268
The campaign of Alford • • • • • • •278
The battle of Alford • • • • • • • • 281
The campaign of Kils3rth ••••••• 293
The battle of Kilsyth • • • • • • • • 296
The siege of Bristol . ..••!•• 315
The campaign of Rowton Heath . • • • • . 34a
The operations after the storming of Bristol • . • • 358
THE GREAT CIVIL WAR.
CHAPTER XIX.
THE SURRENDER AT LOSTWITHIEL,
In the defeated army personal jealousies had led to a grave
military disaster. In the victorious army grave political differ-
ences led to personal jealousies. For the moment, indeed,
j^l^- Cromwell's splendid services bore down all opposi-
RupcrA tion. Rupert, with soldierlike instinct, gave to him
Somwcii. the name of 'Ironside,' by which his Puritan fol-
lowers soon learned to distinguish him.* When the army of
Cromwell ^^^ Eastem Association first joined the Scots, Crom-
and David well had Urged that David Leslie should take the
Leslie
command of the united cavalry. Leslie had turned
a deaf ear to the proposal, and had preferred to serve under
Cromwell.2 Nothing had since occurred to change the gallant
Scotsman's appreciation of him who was from this time to be
his rival. " Europe," he generously said of the horse and foot
of Manchester's army, " hath no better soldiers." ^
With less generosity Cromwell threw a veil over the hearty
Cromwell's co-opefation of Leslie. "Truly," he wrote to his
^entSic brother-in-law, Valentine Walton, whose son had been
Walton. killed early in the fight, " England and the Church
of God hath, had a great favour from the Lord in this great
* *< Monday we had intelligence that Lieut -General Cromwell, alias
Ironside, for that title was given him by Prince Rupert after his defeat
near York," &C. Merc, Civ, Sept. 16-26. E. 10, 11.
« The Pari, Sc<na, E. 50, 16. ■ Watson's Relation. E. 2, 14.
VOL. II. B
^ I.
s THE SURRENDER AT LOSTWITHIEJL CH. xix.
victory given unto us, such as the like never was since this war
began. It had all the evidences of an absolute victory obtained
by the Lord's blessing upon the godly party principally. We
never charged but we routed the enemy. The left wing, which
I commanded, being our own horse, saving a few Scots in our
rear,* beat all the Prince's horse. God made them as stubble to
our swords. We charged their regiments of foot with our horse,
and routed all we charged. . . . Give glory — all the glory — to
God." Then, turning to the subject which would be next to the
father's heart, after glancing at his ' own trials this way,' in the
loss of that son who had died in the spring at Newport Pagnell,
Cromwell proceeded to tell of young Walton's death. " He
was a gallant young man, exceedingly gracious. God give you
His comfort. Before his death he was so full of comfort that
to Frank Russell and myself he could not express it. * It was
so great above his pain.' This he said to us. Indeed it was
admirable. A little after he said, * One thing lay upon his
spirit.' I asked him what it was. He told me it was * That
God had not suffered him to be any more the executioner of
His enemies.' " ^
The thought that the godly were the executioners of God's
vengeance upon His enemies was ever uppermost in the mind
Cromwell in o^ Cromwcll. It led him at one time, in opposition
?o th^'"°" to Crawford, to fling open the doors of promotion to
Scots. all who, with a single mind, would devote themselves
to the task. It led him at another time to exclude from all
charitable construction the deeds of those who aimed at making
peace with the enemy instead of executing vengeance upon
him. Since Vane's controversy with the three Generals we
may well believe that Cromwell had lost all patience with the
Scots and with those who sympathised with the Scots in re-
fusing to strike directly at the King. It was no part of Crom-
well's character to make allowances for men who were, as he
understood the matter, not merely his enemies, but the enemies
* Leslie had three regiments, that is to say, about twenty-two troops
out of the seventy troops of which the whole cavalry under Cromwell
was composed.
' Cromwell to Walton, July 5, Carlyle, Letter xxL
1644 MANIFESTO OF THE GENERALS. 3
of God. In his mind the seeds of tolerance and intolerance
were planted very closely together.
Cromweirs ill-will towards the Scots could not but embrace
his own General, the Earl of Manchester. In the Scots the
desire to make peace was combined with a desire to
and Man- enforcc the Presbyterian discipline in the teeth of the
men whom Cromwell regarded as the most zealous
executioners of the enemies of God. Hitherto Manchester
had not taken much interest in the dispute between Presby-
terians and Independents, and he had listened to Cromwell as
to a trusted favourite. His affable and irresolute nature had
been startled by Vane's proposals. To strike at the King, he
juivis. thought, was to strike at the nobility. On the i8th,
GeSeraJs* *^^ ^^X^ ^^^^^ *^^ Surrender of York, he joined
p^wc^' Leven and Fairfax in addressing a letter to the Com-
rianism, mittce of Both Kingdoms, in which the three Gene-
rals, after declaring their resolution to decline no danger in
defence of their solemn covenant, expressed a hope that the
Houses would take * the building of the House of God and
settlement of church-government into their chiefest
peace, if thoughts.* They added a recommendation that atten-
posa e. ^.^^ should bc givcn to the making of peace, though
they acknowledged that it was no time to lessen their efforts to
carry on the war, * that being the best way to procure peace.* ^
To establish a Presbyterian government and to make peace
with the King was the incoherent advice of the three Generals
. , commanding the one victorious army in England.
Incoherence -^ ,, , , , , , , i . ,
of iheir pro- If all the commanders of that army had been united
****^*^' in opinion, they could hardly have failed to give the
law to the nation, at least till their scheme had time to break
down from its own inherent rottenness. Notoriously, however,
the army was not unanimous. The letter of the three Generals
was practically a declaration of war against Lieutenant-General
Cromwell.
After this it was perhaps as well that Cromwell and the
Scottish army should not remain together. Nor did the work
> Leven, Manchester, and Fairfax to the Com. of B. K., July i8.
Com, Letter Booh,
3a
JL THE SURRENDER AT LOSTWITHIEL. CH. XIX.
in the North any longer call for a combination of the three
armies. Clavering, who had been joined by some of the fugi-
Royaiut tives from Marston Moor, was at the head of a
movcmcnia. Royalist force of about 3,000 men in Cumberland and
Westmoreland, and Rupert with about 5,000, most of them
cavalry, had made his way into Lancashire. Rupert, however,
was in need of ammunition, and was not likely to take the
field soon unless supplies reached him from Ireland. Accord-
jui ^"gly> when, on July 30, the three Parliamentary
The three Gcncrals met at Ferrybridge to discuss their plans
•greeto for the future, they resolved to act apart Leven,
■eparate. ^.^j^ ^^^ Scots, was to take in hand the siege of New-
castle. The Fairfaxes, with the Yorkshire levies, were to devote
themselves to the reduction of Scarborough, of Pontefract and
Helmsley, and of the other fortified posts of less importance
which held out for the King in their own county. Manchester
and Cromwell were to return to Lincolnshire, to devote them-
selves to the service of the Eastern Association. As yet there
was little ground for supposing that their services would be re-
quired in the South to repair the consequences of a disaster
beside which the check inflicted on Waller would appear to be
of little moment.
So far from decisive had the affair at Cropredy Bridge
appeared to Charles himself, that on July i he thought it best,
July 1. OJ^ hearing that Waller was about to effect a junction
movements ^^^^ Brownc, to sHp back to his old quarters at
after Cro- Evcsham. Yct the very speed with which Charles
predy ' *
Bridge. was able to carry out his purpose told Waller where
the superiority of the Royalists really lay. Charles's army, in
fact, was more easily handled than that of the Parlia-
Composition ' , , ,
oftiietwo mentary commander, partly because it was better
armies. horscd, but Still morc because the infantry regiments
were composed of men who had, from poverty or other causes,
taken service with the intention of devoting themselves to a
soldier's life, whilst the bulk of Waller's force consisted of
trained bands or local levies, sent out for the most part without
any great heart in the matter. "I am of opinion," wrote
Waller, as the difficulties of his position rose before him,
i644 A WISE SUGGESTION. 5
" before this business be done we shall be the longest-winded
army in England. I hope we shall never be weary of well-
doing, let the way be never so long and rugged, God sustaining
us, in whom alone is our trust." *
Waller was soon to learn that he had to command men
who were weary of well-doing. Ix)ndon trained bands, as he
The City ought to havc known by this time, were not to be
Brigade. relied on for permanent service. "In these two
days* march," he had already been compelled to write, " I was
extreme plagued with the mutinies of the City Brigade, who
are grown to that height of disorder that I have no hope to
retain them, being come to their old song of * Home ! Home ! * "
Browne's little army was in the same confusion. The men
from Essex were already talking of leaving him. The Hertford-
shire soldiers murmured at *a night or two's ill quartering.'
Waller re- " My Lords," concluded Waller, " I write these par-
r^mSito^* ticulars to let you know that an army compounded
change. of these men will never go through with your ser-
vice, and till you have an army merely your own, that you
may command, it is in a manner impossible to do anything
of importance." ^
It was from Waller, not from Cromwell, that this first sug-
gestion of the New Model came. Waller knew that citizen
First sug. soldiers, whose hearts were in their shops or their
fS'iSS^ cornfields, could not make an efficient army ; but he
ModcL knew, too, that the root of the mischief lay deeper, in
the inefficiency of local committees, always certain to slacken
in their efforts as soon as danger was removed from their own
borders. A standing army would bring with it many dangers,
hut the King was already less dependent on local organisations
than the Parliament was, and unless Parliament could secure
its mastery over the local associations, it must be content to
succumb in the struggle which it had invited.
Yet though Waller had suggested a true remedy for the
disease, he had not suggested a complete one. The improve-
ment of a faulty organisation counts for much, but it does not
> Waller to the Com. of B. K., July 3. Com. Letter Book.
• Ibid»^ July 2. Com. LttUr Book.
6 THE SURRENDER AT LOSTWITHIEL. CH. XIX.
count for everything. From the beginning Parliament had
mainly relied on Puritan enthusiasm, and the coolness of the
Decline of Essex regiment was a sure token that, even in the
enthusiasm, j^^^gj Puritan counties, Puritan enthusiasm was
limited in quantity. It looked as if, in their extreme need of
soldiers, the Parliamentary leaders had been driven to seek
support in strata of society in which little zeal for religion
was to be found.
Whatever might be the cause of the mischief, Waller was at
his wits* end. His junction with Browne, so far from strength-
juiy 8. ening his army, had gone far to ruin it. " My Lon-
lUrther' ^^^ regiments," he wrote on July 8, "immediately
complaints, looked on his forces as sent to relieve them, and,
without expectation of further orders, are most of them gone
away. Yesterday no less than 400 out of one regiment
quitted their colours. On the other side, Major-General
Browne's men, being most of them trained-band men of Essex
and Hertfordshire, are so mutinous and uncommandable that
there is no hope of their stay. They are likewise upon their
march home again. Yesterday they were like to have killed
their Major-General, and they have hurt him in the face. Such
men are only fit for a gallows here and a hell hereafter. ... I
am confident that above 2,000 Londoners ran away from their
colours." ^
The Houses could not fail to be impressed by Waller's
counsel when it was accompanied by such news as this. On
July 12 an ordinance was passed, directing the for-
A new ai-my mation of a ncw force of 10,000 foot and 3,050 horse,
^ * to be levied in the eastern and southern counties for
permanent service, in place of the trained bands which had
proved so untrustworthy. This auxiliary army was to be ready
to march on July 20.^
It was evidently impossible that within the short space of
eight days the expectations of Parliament could be fulfilled.
In the meanwhile it was only to the absence of the King
that Waller owed his safety. On the 12th, indeed, Browne
> Waller to the Com. of B. K., July 8. Com, Letter Book,
• Z./. vi. 629.
Ifi44
A COUNCIL OF WAR.
succeeded in reducing Greenland House, near Henley, where
a Royalist garrison had for some time been of the greatest
July II. annoyance to the country round. Its capture was,
(;r^en[and however, likely to be the lir.iit of his success. On
'*'"™' the following day he was compelled to dismiss the
ErD*nc« Essex men, and was obliged to content himself
Kciding. with occupying Reading with his remaining force,
where he laboured at ihe restoration of the fortifications which
had been destroyed by the Royalists when they abandoned the
^ place. On the 20th Waller threw himself into Abing-
waiifrBi don, having with him a bare 2,500 horse and 1,500
""* ''°' foot. Most of them were, moreover, only anxious
to letve him, and the Londoners especially refused to stir ' one
foot further, except it be home.' '
The march of Essex towards the West, always hazardous,
had thus, by the collapse of Waller's army, degenerated into a
J . foolhardy adventure. On the 7th a council of war,
chariMio- assembled at Evesham, recommended Charles to
seize the opportunity of crushing Essex before help
could reach him. It was characteristic of Charles
that he finally decided upon accepting the advice, not because
it was strategically the best, but because it would bring him
into the neighbourhood of the Queen,'
At that moment Henrietta Maria was still at Exeter. On
June i6she had given birth to her youngest child, the Princess
June .6. Henrietta, the future negotiator of the treaty of
prili^ctt"" Dover, Suffering before, the Queen suffered still
Htnrittffl. more after her delivery, and she pleaded with Essex
for a safe-conduct, which would allow her to benefit by the
e™. «. healing waters of Bath. To Essex Henrietta Mariawas
mndu«'ia'" merely a mischievous pohtician, endowed with un-
tie Queen, usual capacity of doing harm, and he bluntly answered
that she should have no safe-conduct from him. If she would
go to London he would himself conduct her there, where the
best medical advice was to be had. As her impeachment had
■ Com. of B. K. tp Eiisex, July 16. Waller to the Com. ofB, K.,
July W>, Caw. Letter Beak.
' Walker's Hist. Discmirus, 37.
5-™
8 THE SURRENDER AT LOSTWITHIEL, CH. XIX.
been voted, and as there were prisons in London as well as
physicians, she naturally declined the offer.
Sick and wretched as she was, Henrietta Maria preferred
to trust herself to rough roads and the perils of the sea rather
than to the mercy of the Puritans. Making her way, in pain
juiv X4. and weakness, to Falmouth, she embarked on July 14
Sisfaif**" for France. A Parliamentary commander pursued
France, j^gj^ ^^^ ^^^ ^x the vcssel in which she was.
•niundfat ^scaping Unharmed, she landed at Brest on July 16.
Brest. She at once betook herself to the baths of Bourbon,
to seek that help from the mineral waters of France which had
been denied her in England.^
Two days before the Queen left England Charles set out
from Evesham. As he passed through Somerset he made an
July 13. ineffectual attempt to enlist the population in his
purTues favour. The country people crowded to gaze at the
E««x- unwonted spectacle, but not a man, with the excep-
tion of a few who had previously offered their services, could
Want f ^^ persuaded to join the army. Popular enthusiasm
popular en. could no morc be aroused by Charles in the West
usiasm. ^^^ .^ j^^^ \i^^xi aroused by Waller in the East. A
settled indifference to both parties was manifesting itself in
every quarter.^
On July 26 Charles reached Exeter. On the 27th he rode
out to Crediton to review the army of Prince Maurice, a rein-
jniyafi. forcemcnt 4,600 strong.' Essex was not ignorant
Exetln ^ of the danger with which he was threatened. On
Essex at ^^^ 26th, the day on which Charles entered Exeter,
Tavistock, the Parliamentary General took up his quarters at
Tavistock. Thence he despatched Stapleton to represent the
condition of his troops to the Houses. Hitherto,
Stapieton's Said StaplctOH, when he reached Westminster, the
"****"' march of the Lord General had been a triumphal
progress. Plymouth was no longer threatened.* Yet a great
* Rush7v, V. 684. Letters of Henrietta Maria^ 250.
' Walker's Hist, Discourses^ 45. • lb, 42, 48.
* Whiiacre's Diary. Aud. AISS, 31,116, fol. 135.
i644 THE WESTERN CAMPAIGN.
1
!
\
lo THE SURRENDER AT LOSTWITHIEL. CH. xix.
danger had now arisen in his rear, and unless men and money
were promptly sent he would be cut off from all support.
It seems incredible that Essex should have chosen the day
on which he despatched Stapleton with such a message to
. , . announce his determination to throw himself into an
July 90.
Essex re- advcnture more hazardous than any that he had as
march into yet Undertaken. He had been advised, he wrote,
orawa . ,^^ march yet further westward into Cornwall, to
clear that county and to settle the same in peace.' ^ It was
true that by so doing he would forsake the neighbourhood of
the friendly defences of Plymouth, where he might safely await
the coming of the necessary reinforcements. It was true that
in Cornwall the Parliamentary cause had scarcely a single
friend. Lord Robartes, however, and some of Lord Robartes's
officers had estates in Cornwall, and were naturally anxious to
recover them. Essex, firm as a rock against all temptations
to dishonour, was like wax in the hands of his own comrades
when they attempted merely to influence his movements.
On July 27 Essex, driving Sir Richard Grenvile before
him, crossed the Tamar. When he reached Bodmin bitter
disappointment awaited him. The assurances of the
Essex ent'ers 'Wcstem men ' that he 'should want no victuals ' in
Cornwall, and that a great part of the country stood
well affected, proved to be an utter delusion. The county
had almost unanimously risen for the King. Charles was
already in pursuit, and had entered Liskeard on
The King at August 2. Orders had been sent to Grenvile to
occupy Grampound, that the Parliamentary army
might be cut off between the two forces from all chance of
living upon the country. Essex, fearmg to be assailed at a
distance from the sea, marched from Bodmin to
Essex at ' Lostwithiel, where he called lustily upon Parliament
L^&twithieL ^ .. ^i*i it* 11 «<■
for provisions for his hungry soldiers, and above all
insisted that Waller should be despatched to effect a diversion
in his favour by attacking the King's army in the rear.^
* Essex to the Com. of B. K., July 26. Com, Letter Book,
» The Kingdom's Weekly Intelligencer, E. 4, 20. Essex to the Com,
of B. K., Aug. 4. Com, Letter Book, Walker's Hist, Discourses^ 51.
I
A ROYALIST PEACE-PARTY. • II
How little Waller was in a position to succour Essex was
well known in the Royalist army. Charles thought the occa-
fitting to make an overture to Essex, i
to join him in the enforcement of a reasonable
*^™"'- peace, in order to prevent the conquest of the king-
dom by the Scots. As usual, Charles, anxious as he was for
peace, had failed to understand the character of the man with
whom he was dealing. Essex relumed the reply which he had
always given, that without the authority of Parliament he
would enter upon no negotialionsi.'
The overture thus made was probably not entirely owing to
Charles's ignorant goodwill. In his own camp there were loud
Desircfor murmurs at the interminable war. The gentlemen
£iSe?i '^'"^ served him so well in the field were all but
""'!'■ ruined by their exertions, and were as anxious as
the trained bands of Essex and Hertfordshire to be back
amongst their cornfields and their woods. To Rupert and the
military chieftains they were bitterly hostile.
Of this ill-will Wilmot, the Lieuterunt-Genera! of the horse,
gay and dissolute as he was, had made himself the spokesman,
wumot's He, too, unless the King was grievously misinformed,
Iniriguo. j^j^^ jjggj, talking, probably in his cups, of deposing
Charles and of setting up in his stead the Prince of Wales, as
having had no share in the divisions of his country. When
Charles's message was sent to Essex, Wilmot accompanied it
with a private message of his own, which, perhaps with no very
good reason, was thought by Charles to be the cause of Essex's
refusal to accept the hand held out by himself.*
Charles was desirous of peace, but it must be a peace of
his own making. In his distress he had thought of raising
Rupert to the supreme command in the place of
Brentford. That Brentford was a good soldier and
knew his business in the field was allowed even by
his enemies. But he was old and deaf, a hard drinker, and
(low of speech at the council table. It was not possible for
' The King to Essen, Aug. 6. Instructions to Harding. Walker"!
ffist. Discourst!, 53.
given iy his Majtsiy. E. 7, 37.
Brcnlford.
12 THE SURRENDER AT LOSTWITHIEL. CH. xix.
an old Scottish veteran to wield such authority over the English
gentlemen of Charles's army as had been wielded by Leven
over the Scottish nobility at Dunse Law.
As yet Rupert was unable to leave the North, but he sent
to Charles's help the man who, of all others, was least fitted to
^ restore order in a mutinous army. On August 7
Goring'f Goring, who had thrown away his chance of victory
at Marston Moor, arrived at Liskeard. A double
traitor, he was as drunken and dissolute as Wilmot, and he was
less ready than Wilmot to subordinate his indulgences to his
duty as a soldier. On the day after his arrival Charles stripped
Aug. 8 Wilmot of his command of the cavalry and appointed
He is placed Goring in his place. Wilmot was put under arrest,
in command i
of the horse, and Subsequently Sent mto confinement at Exeter,
wiimot's He was ultimately allowed to leave the country, and
^'^^^^ retired to France. At the same time Lord Percy, his
friend and ally, having been permitted to resign his post as
Master of the Ordnance, also retired to the Continent.
Not merely was Goring's appointment obnoxious to men
who, like Hyde and Culpepper, had no share in Wiimot's
intrigues, but it was resented by the officers of the
ceeded by cavalry, many of whom had sympathised, if not with
°P ®"* Wilmot, at least with his aims. It was perhaps to
soothe their jealousy that Hopton, who was as desirous of
peace as any of themselves, was appointed Percy's successor.
Yet it was not easy to satisfy them. They had called on
Charles to lay before them his reasons for dismissing Wilmot,
and had prepared a petition, in which they suggested that
Brentford and Essex might meet, each attended by six other
persons, to * consider of all means possible to reconcile the
unhappy difference and misunderstandings that have so long
afflicted the kingdom.' Charles let them send their proposal
to Essex, and received from him in return the same answer as
before, that he had no power to treat without the consent
of Parliament*
* Clarendon^ viii. 404. Walker^ 59. Digby to Rupert, Aug. 15.
Goring to Rupert, Aug. 15 (Warburton^ iii. 9, 16), where the date of
Goring's letter is omitted.
I
These futile negotiations were utterly without influence
upon the progress of the war. Their importance hes in the
fact that men on both sides — men as distant from ore another
in intellect and character as Vane and WilmOt — were beginning
more or less vaguely to recognise that Charles's personality wai
the main obstacle to peace.
AU tliat could be done to render Essex's position at Lost-
ithiel untenable was done by Charles, or more probably by
Brentford. Skilfully the toils were drawn around
in- that inactive commander. Charles had now some
16,000 horse and foot, whilst Essex could not count
1 much more than 10,000. Oa the 4th Boconnock, Lord
Mohun's house, to the east of Essex's headquarters, was seized
by a Royalist detachment. On the 12th Grenvile, finding
Respryn Bridge, over the Fowey river, unoccupied, seized it,
together with Lord Robartes's house at Lanhydrock. There
was now free communication for the Royalists across the
14 THE SURRENDER AT LOSTWITHIEL. CH. XIX.
Fowey river from east to west. Having thus blocked Essex up
on the land side, the Royalist commanders resolved to cut
him off from the sea. Essex indeed had taken care to possess
himself of Fowey, on the western side of the entrance to the
harbour, but he had neglected to secure any single point on
the eastern shore, and on the 14th Sir Jacob Astley secured for
the King the posts which the Parliamentary commander had
supinely left without a guard.
HalV Lord Mohun's house on the top of the steep hill
which rises on the eastern side of Bodinnock Ferry, was the
first to be occupied, and from that point the Royalists were
able to make tnemselves masters of Polruan Fort, opposite
Fowey, at the very mouth of the harbour, so as to make it
difficult, if not impossible, for vessels with supplies to enter.
Essex was therefore obliged to content himself with such pro-
visions for his men as had been already landed, and to support
his horses for a time on the scanty forage which was still to be
found in the fields round the head of Tywardreath Bay, with
the addition of a few boatloads of necessaries which might be
landed on the open beach.
No wonder Essex showed signs of distress. " Braver men
than are here," he wrote to the Committee two days after his
Au 16. ^^^' mishap, "I never knew, this army being en-
Essex gives vironed by four armies,^ in great want of victuals."
of his con- "If any forces," he complained a few days later,
» »on, „ j^^^ followed the King, as we expected when we
came into these parts, by human reason this war would have
had a quick end, but since we are left to the providence of
God, I cannot despair of His mercy, having found so much
of it in our greatest straits."
Since the days of Nicias no general at the same time so
devoted, so incompetent, and so self-satisfied, had been placed
at the head of an army. In the eyes of Essex everything that
- ** Sir Jacob Astley and General Goring,** says Walker (p. 63), "went
to view Hall." Clarendon, being ignorant of the locality, imagined * view*
to be a proper name, and calls the place * View Hall * (viii. 109). Hall is
now known as Hall Farm.
* I,€, the King's, Maurice*s, Hopton*s, and Grenvile's,
1644 ESSEX IN STRAITS. 1 5
went wrong was solely the fault of others. " I marched into
^^ ^ these parts," he wrote again on the 23rd, " by the
and calls for advice and at the desire of some in this army that
aid*
are of this country, and also of Plymouth, and for
no ends of my own ; and had there been forces awaiting on
the King, I should not have doubted of giving a good account
of the war, had they been but 4,000 horse and dragoons." *
To find a body of 4,000 men was beyond the power of the
Committee of Both Kingdoms. Middleton, indeed, with a
j^ ._ party of 2,000 of Waller's horse and dragoons, was
biiity of hurried off into Dorset and Somerset to hang about
the King's rear and to hinder supplies from reaching
him, but what could so small a force avail in the emergency ?
The new army which was to have taken the field on July 20
Browne's was not yet in existence. Browne, who was now at
men unpaid. Abingdon with an unpaid and mutinous force, threw
the blame upon Waller, and Waller, who had fallen back on
Famham, retaliated upon Browne. Waller cried aloud for
soldiers, but except with the aid of the local committees no
g^ ^ ^ soldiers were to bp had. Kent did its duty, but
Waller's Sussex held back. On September 2 Waller wrote
that he had but 1,400 men with him, and that
though they had * brought their mouths with them,' he had
but three weeks' pay to enable him to supply them. On the
6th he reiterated his complaints. All things possible
*^ * he was ready to do, but he hoped that no more than
was possible would be required of him.^
To relieve Essex was, when these words were written, no
longer possible. On August 26 St. Blazey was occupied by
Aug. 26. Goring, and from henceforth Essex's horse would
pi« sl***^' ^^^^ ^^ depend for their forage on a little patch of
Blazey. j^nd three miles in width, which was already almost
exhausted by the calls made upon it. The biscuit and cheese
which had been tardily despatched from London by sea had
* Essex to the Com. of B. K., Aug. 16, 23. Com, Letter Book,
• See the letters of the months of August and September in the Cent.
Letter Book, No traces are to be found of Waller's reluctance to support
Essex.
f6 THE SURRENDER AT LOSTWITHIEL. CH. xix.
not yet arrived, and Essex, outnumbered and outgeneralled,
Aug. yx was in no condition to hold out long. On the even-
pa^tS**" ^"g ^^ ^^^ 3^*^ ^^^ deserters brought to Charles the
wiihdmw. ne^s that the Parliamentary cavalry meant to break
through on that night, whilst the infantry was to fall back on
Fowey, to await the arrival of the expected transports.
Charles at once despatched orders to his troops to stand to
arms during the night to keep the cavalry from escaping.'
Charles's Yet, Strangely enough, he took no special precaution
dUpositions. ^Q guard in force the road from Lostwithiel to Ply-
mouth, by which an escape would be most easily effected,
contenting himself with throwing fifty musketeers into a cottage
by the roadside, and directing the Earl of Cleveland to watch
the passage with the horse at his disposal.
The King's army was not only scattered over a wide cir-
cuit, but the greater part of it was dispersed in search of
provisions, which were by this time hard to be found. Cleve-
land, for instance, could rally round no more than 250 men to
carry out the orders he had received.* When, therefore, about
^^ ^ three in the morning of the 31st, the enemy's horse
Thees^pc (about 2,ooo stroHg) brokc out from Lostwithiel
liamentary undcr the Command of Sir William Balfour, no
^*^ ^' serious attempt was made to stop them. The men
in the cottage did not fire a shot, and Cleveland with his
handful of men did not venture to charge. Balfour rode
through the Royalist lines unmolested, and though Cleveland,
whose numbers were later in the day augmented to 500, fol-
lowed him closely and took some prisoners, the fugitives made
their way without serious loss to Plymouth.'
* Walker's Hist Discourses, 70.
• This is the number given in Cleveland's own report in Walker
(p. 71). Symonds in his Diary (p. 62) says there were only 100.
■ According to Walker (p. 75), Goring was sent to follow Balfour
when he arrived at 4 P.M. on the 31st. According to Synumds (p. 65),
he was not sent till the morning of the 1st. In any case, he found that
Balfour had gone too far to be caught. In Bulstrode's Memoirs (p. X09),
is a letter purporting to be from the King to Goring ordering him to follow.
It cannot be genuine, as it speaks of Balfour's horse as having nearly sur-
prised Sir Edward Waldegrave's brigade in their passage, whereas Walde-
ESCAPE OF ESSE)^.
With the deserted foot soldiers it fared far otherwise. Tlie
it was wet and stormy, and the army on its retreat to Fowey
^_^i was forced Co abandon four guns which had hope-
1= infan- lessly sunk in the deep mud. The country was,
however, intersected by thick hedges, which threw
obstacles in the way of the Royalist horse now gathering round
the King. Fighting bravely, the Parliamentary army gave way
step by step. It was not till four in the afternoon that Goring,
who had been summoned to join the King when the flight of
the Parliamentary horse was known, but had not received the
despatch till ten in the morning, appeared upon the scene.
By this time Essex had drawn up his train with his baggage
L and his remaining guns within the earthworks of an old British
Icamp, locally known as Castle Dor, which lay on the high
1 ground on the western side of the river, and had thrown out
I two regiments lo his right to guard the passage between Castle
1 Dor and the river. Just before nightfall one of these two
^ regiments broke and fled in disorder, and the other, left with-
iupporl, fell back on the main body. The Royalists
poured in through the gap, and, swinging round to their right,
so threatened the road to Fowey — which place was still two
miles and a half distant — as to render it impracticable to a
L retreating army.
To Essex the night which followed must have been one of
pbitter looking forward to an uncertain future. He could no
^d,,. longer conceal from himself that there was little
™^- prospect that a surrender could be averted. Death
fin the battle-field he was now, as always, ready to face ; but
i of Charles's courtiers were more than he
could bear to think of. When morning arrived Skippon
Sept. I. brought him word that the demoralised soldiers
^^ Hi^e«ape. couij not be trusted to move from the spot which
^L'they occupied without taking to flight. Upon this Essex took
^Htiis course. Leaving orders to Skippon to make the best terms
K
I
a
i
I'
o
P
sc
■'"
■e, as we learn fram Walker, and by implication from Cleveland's report,
with his regiment at Sallash, whicli was not reached by Balfour till
in the dny. Mi. Firlh, in his life of Goring in the Dicliimary of
.Jfalhnal Bio^afhy. has disposed of Clarendon') story that Goiing wu
■delayed by being diunk.
VOL. II. C
i8 THE SURRENDER AT LOSTWITHIEL. CH. xix
possible with the King, he slipped away in company with Lord
Robartes and Sir John Meyrick to the river-side, and, putting
off in a small vessel, escaped to Plymouth ; * it being,' as he
wrote, * a greater terror to me to be a slave to their contempts
than a thousand deaths,' *
No doubt the lot which would befall Essex as a prisoner in
the Royalist camp might well appal even a heart as stout as
his. Yet there have been men who, having led their soldiers
into so evil a plight, would drain the cup of humiliation to the
dregs rather than separate their lot from that of those unfor-
tunates. For once the Court newspaper, the Mercurius Aulicus^
enlivened its career of dull jocularity with a flash of wit when
it asked * why the rebels voted to live and die with the Earl of
Essex, since the Earl of Essex hath declared that he will not
live and die with them.' *
Skippon had no course left but to obtain the best terms he
could. Those which were offered him were far better than he
had any reason to expect. On the morning of the
Skippon's 2nd the Parliamentary infantry laid down its arms,
surren er. ^^ ^j^^ Understanding that the men should not fight
against the King till they had reached Southampton or Ports-
mouth. Charles, on his part, was to supply them with a guard
to conduct them safely through the Western counties. It was
not in his power to protect them at the outset of their march.
The men and women of Lostwithiel, where many a grudge
had been stored up against them during their occupation of
the town, seeing, or pretending to see, that some of the soldiers
were carrying away their arms contrary to the agreement, fell
upon them, and subjected them to much contumely and ill-
treatment. As soon, however, as the train was clear of the
neighbourhood of Lostwithiel all went well. The guard
assigned to them protected them from all further harm, and
did not leave them till they were safe under the care of
Middleton's Horse, which had by this time advanced into
Somerset.^
* Essex to Stapleton, Sept. 3. Rushw, v. 701. Walker's Hist, Dit*
iffursgSf 70. Clarendon^ viii. 1 15.
» Merc, Aulktis, E. 10, 19. • fVa/ker, 79.
1644 MISPLACED LENIENCY. 19
That Charles did not insist upon the complete surrender of
his enemies as prisoners of war has always been a matter of
chari • surprise. His explanation was that his own army
motives for could not long have held out, apparently in conse-
niency. q^gj^^e of the scantiness of his stock of provisions. ^
Yet it is hard to believe that he was so ill supplied as to be
unable to block up a dispirited force of less than half his own
numbers for twenty-four hours, and it can scarcely be doubted
that Skippon would have been compelled to surrender at dis-
cretion before twenty-four hours were over.
In London attempts were made to minimise the defeat,
and to dwell rather on the preservation of the soldiers than
Resuitsofthe upon the loss of the munitions of war and the
surrender. failure of the Campaign. " By that miscarriage,"
wrote one of the newspapers, more candid than most of its
contemporaries, "we are brought a whole summer's travel
back." It was not, in truth, merely the loss of a certain num-
ber of muskets and of a certain number of barrels of powder
which had to be set off against the victory of Marston Moor.
Whatever might be the immediate cause of the failure of Essex,
the really serious side of the disaster was the discord between
the commanders and the entire failure of Parliament to rein-
force or support the army in Cornwall. The whole organisation
of Southern England had broken down. Would the forces of
the North and the East be able to redress the balance ?
* ** God*s protection of a just cause was never more apparent than at
this time, for had our success been either deferred, or of another kind,
nothing but a direct miracle could have saved us." The King to Rupert,
Sept. \ Fortescuc Papers ^ 21&
C2
CHAPTER XX.
THE ARMY OF THE EASTERN ASSOCIATIOIT.
The effect of the success of Charles in Cornwall was the
greater because it was now known that even the army of the
Elastem Association — the one English army capable
AuE. of forming a nucleus round which the scattered forces
Maiiche*. of Esscx and Waller might rally — was torn asunder
army. ^^^ internal distractions. Of that army Cromwell was
fJiI^T^'* ^^^ soul. Gathering round him men like-minded
af.d aim*. ^^^^j^ himsclf, such as Ireton and Desborougfa, Fleet-
wrxxl and Pickering, his one thought was to carry on the war
relentlessly till the King had been crushed beyond possibility
of recovery. With this object he had filled every office under
his control with men who would make no terms with Charles's
politics or Charles's religion, hut who for that very reason were
abundantly tolerant of the most extreme diversity of opinion
within the bounds of Puritanism.
Between Cromwell and Manchester there was little in
common. Especially since the day on which Vane, backed
doubtless by Cromwell, had advocated the actual oi
distrusts virtual dethronement of the King,* the General of
the army of the Association regarded his Lieutenant-
General with grave suspicion. Whilst Cromwell, with his firm
grasp upon existing facts, looked upon peace as only attainable
by victory, Manchester hoped for it as the result of mutual
concessions. He rightly judged that no solid political edifice
could be raised on a merely military foundation, esi)ecially if
the army was to be composed of enthusiasts alone. Yet his
* See vol. L p. 368.
1644 THB EARL OF MANCHESTER. 21
view of the situation was merely instinctive without intellectual
clearness, and was deeply tinged by his dislike of men who
Manches- endangered the position of the peerage in the
ter s views. English world. He could indeed blame some isolated
actions of the Parliament— its reiterated demand, for instance,
that the King's supporters should be excepted from the general
pardon, or its sweeping confiscation of the lands of the Irish
rebels^ — but he could not go to the root of the matter by pro-
posing a religious settlement capable of satisfying reasonable
men on both sides. "I could contentedly," he said to his
chaplain, " part with half my estate upon condition the disci-
pline of Christ was established and a good ministry settled in
every congregation of the kingdom ; yea, with those conditions,
how gladly would I betake myself unto a country life, and
leave all other contentments in the world ! " *
Peace, in short, and a Puritan establishment under Charles
was the object at which Manchester aimed. Never able to
understand why this apparently simple object was unattainable,
he was like a ship without a helm upon the sea of politics. He
could not urge peace as matters stood, because to urge peace
would be to secure the triumph of the enemies of Puritanism.
He could not conduct war with vigour, because to conduct war
with vigour would be to secure the triumph of the enemies of
peace. Amiable and garrulous, he chattered to all who would
listen to him about the blunders of the fanatics, and fell easily
into the temper which sees a mountain in every molehill, and
which prefers to do nothing rather than to risk defeat.
On the way from York to Lincoln Manchester reduced the
Marquis of Newcastle's house at Welbeck, whilst Crawford
mastered the resistance of Sheffield. Yet his reluctance to
undertake any more hazardous operation was extreme. He
* Watson's deposition. .S". P, Dom, diii. 56, xiv. The series of de-
positions to which this one belongs were added to the collection of State
Papers after the publication of the Quarrel of Alanchester and Cronnvell^
edited by Prof. Masson for the Camden Society. They are invaluable for
a true appreciation of the events before and after the second battle of
Newbury.
» Ash*s Trtu Relation, E. 22, 10.
22 ARMY OF THE EASTERN ASSOCIATION, CH. XX.
forbade Lilburne, who was now a colonel in his army, to send
a summons to Tickhill Castle, and when Lilburne, impatient
Manches. o^ restraint, not only summoned the castle but took
Incl"'"*^* it, threatened to hang him for disobeying orders.*
engage ia Many of his officers urged him to block up Newark,
operations, the chief Royalist fortress in the Eastern Midlands,
and so to give protection to Lmcolnshire from the rapine to
which it was subjected without other possibility of relief.
Their urgent entreaties were received coldly, and when Man-
chester at last reached Lincoln he remained there without
doing anything, and apparently without the intention of doing
anything.^
No doubt there were difficulties in Manchester's way,
difficulties far greater than Cromwell was willing to acknow-
., . ledge. Victorious as the army had been, it had
MancheS- ° y ^ , c y • .11
tersdiffi. bccn wom away by the fatigues of the campaign till
*^" *^ its numbers were reduced to 6,000, and of these
many were, for the present, disabled by sickness. Reinforce-
ments were sadly needed , and, even in the Eastern Association,
committees were not very much more vigorous than committees
elsewhere, and of the money due to the army for the year
ending on the last Lady Day no less than 30,000/. was in
arrear, whilst of that which was due for the succeeding four
months not a single penny had been paid.^ As for sending
recruits, the Committee declared it to be absolutely impossible
as long as they were expected to furnish men for the new army
which had been ordered by Parliament.* Fortunately for
Manchester, the Committee of Both Kingdoms came to his
help in the matter of recruits, by ordering that 1,800 men who
were to have been sent to the new army were to be despatched
to him.* Yet the temper which had been shown by the
Association did not bode well for the success of an attempt
* Lilburne's deposition. .S". P, Dom. diii. 56, iv.
* Cromwell's narrative. Quarrel of Mattchester and Cromwell^ 78.
■ Manchester to the Com. of B. K., Aug. I. Quarrel of Matukester
and Cromwell^ 4. * See p. 6.
* Manchester to the Com. of R K., Aug. i, 10. The Com. of B. K.
to Manchester, Aug. 7. Quarrel of Manchester and Cromwell, 2, 7, 8.
1 644 MANCHESTER AND CROMWELL. 23
to make it do duty for a general organisation. Waller's cry
for a national army * had as yet produced no results. The
new troops either did not come into existence at all, or were
drafted -into various local regiments to fill up gaps caused by
the stress of war. The difficulty of carrying on a campaign
without a national army was quite as great as the difficulty of
overthrowing the Royalists with Manchester in command.
Cromwell was doubtless in the right in thinking that the
best way to get support from the Eastern counties was to
besiege Newark, and thereby to show to the popu-
hostiUtyto lations of those districts that the army was worth
supporting. He was as openly and bitterly hostile
to the Scots on account of their refusal of toleration to the
sects as he was to Manchester on account of his inefficiency.
" In the way they now carry themselves," he said on one
occasion to the Earl, " pressing for their discipline, I could as
soon draw my sword against them as against any in the King's
army." " I will not deny," he said at another time, " but that
I desire to have none in my army but such as are of the
Independent judgment." Manchester asked his reason for so
divisive a resolution. "That in case," replied Cromwell,
*• there should be propositions for peace, or any other con-
clusion of a peace, such as might not stand with the ends
that honest men should aim at, this army might prevent
such a mischief." Cromwell was not content with master-
ful words. He had weeded out from the regiments under
his influence all who were opposed to the liberty of the sects
or who hoped to end the war by negotiation rather than by
victory.^
It was not only amongst the Scots that this language,
Audacious in its outspokenness, raised enemies. The sects
Opposition Were not popular with average Puritans, and there
to Cromwell. ^^^.^ ^^^ ^ ^^^ amongst the well-born officers of
Manchester's army who jeered openly at the * godly, precious
men,* who *had filled dung-carts before they were captains
and since,' and who had now turned the Isle of Ely into • a
* See p. 5.
' Manchester to the House of L>ords. Camd, Misc, viii.
34 AJ^MV OF THE EAS TERN ASSOCIA TION. CH. XX.
mere Amsterdam,* in which they troubled the churches with
their ravings, whilst the clergy, thrust from their pulpits, were
compelled to sit as silent auditors of such scandalous profanity.
Military saints, too, it seems, were not wanting, who {Kofessed
* to have seen visions and revelations.' *
With the contempt of the ordinary man for fanatical zeal
was blended the contempt of the man of social position for
the tradesman and the farmer. Men with whom
utiiiik on distinctions of birth counted for much felt instinc-
I ic no a I y. ^j^^|y ^j^^^ Cromwcll was their bitterest enemy. He
refused to recognise any distinctions save those arising from
services rendered to the common cause. He was fully aware
that the notion of coming to an understanding with the King
rather than with the sects found accei)tance mainly with the
Puritan peers and with the wealthiest Puritan gentlemen. It
was a matter of common observation that the rental of the
Peace- party in the House of Commons had been enormously
in excess of that of the War-party, in the days when rents had
been actually received in full by those who claimed them.'^
When Vane's proposal to deprive the King of authority had
been laid before the Generals at York, the ready answer had
been that the nobility would not endure it,' and it is therefore
no matter of surprise that Cromwell, though his aims were
directed towards a religious rather than a social revolution,
retorted that he hoped to Mive to see never a nobleman in
England,' or that he spoke of himself as loving certain persons
* better than others because they did not love lords.'* It
would not be well, he is even reported to have added in a
moment of rude familiarity to Manchester, till he was himself
* but Mr. Montague.' *
No wonder that before this boisterous energy the well-bred
* Statement by an opponent of Cromwell. Quarrel of Manchester
and Cromwell i 71.
* The extreme difficulty in getting rents in is shown by the evidence
of D'Ewes*s Diary and the Vemey MSS,
* See p. 369, note,
* Manchester to the House of Lords. Camd, Alisc, viiu
* Holies, Mem, 14.
1 1644
MANCfiESTER HANGS BACK.
gentleman, ihe 'sweet meek man,' as Eaillie styles him, shrank
back as from a fiery lava stream. Failure, ultimate failure, no
doubt there was in Cromwell's efforts to break through not
merely the proprieties of ceremonial order, but to push aside
the culture of the day with the help of men whose fanaticism
was in his eyes more than compensated by their sincerity.
For the immediate work of the day no other instruments could
compare with these. There was in Cromwell a massive com-
mon-sense and a grasp on the realities of the present which
raised him to a pre-eminence soon to be uncontested in the
midst of a generation of dreamers.
In an army thus divided in mood fresh causes of dispute
were certain to arise. The Committee of Both Kingdoms,
Aug 6. disquieted at Rupert's energetic preparations at
Wancheiier Chester, urged Manchester to march against him
against with all his available force. Manchester replied by
"**"■ sending the advice given by his principal officers to
M^l^HKr ^^^ effect that it was too late in the year to besiege
refuMiogo. Chester, and that it would be impossible to keep the
army supplied at such a distance, especially as the provision
carts would have to pass within easy distance of the hostile
garrisons of Newark and Belvoir. Moreover, the Association
would refuse any longer to support an army which left the
Eastern counties at the mercy of the enemy.'
There is nothing to show that Cromwell disapproved of
this advice as matters stood.' What he did disapprove of was
NmhinK t^c rejection of every possible plan of action. After
HHoisdaH. jj while a council of war was summoned, and a
A^S'y'of resolution for an attack upon Newark was taken,
d^i'chtd Then came a fresh despatch from the Committee
lotbohitt. of Both Kingdoms urging Manchester to send at
least a small party of horse to assist Brereton in Cheshire ;
yet, though Manchester appeared to be busy with his pre-
' The Com. of B. K. 1
Quarrel of Manehesler and Ct
' He tasf not have been t
only council of war held wai i
Aug. 6. Considers tiuns.
1 Manchester
rmvell, g, 9.
insulted. In his narrative he
ae on the subject of Newark.
26 ARM Y OF THE EASTERN ASSOCIA TION. CH. XX.
parations, he remained inactive at Lincoln whilst August
slipped away.^
On September i the body of cavalry told off for the succour
of Brereton was at last on the move. On the following day it
Sept. X. was recalled, partly because news arrived that Prince
Sis to go Rupert, carrying with him the Royalist horse which
to Cheshire had comc in from Lancashire and Westmorland,
Sept. a. hiad turned southwards with the bulk of his forces,
JJceW^'*' and partly because, though nothing as yet had been
ordcre to heard of the surrender at Lostwithiel, it was known
march south- '
uards. that the army of Essex was in a critical position, and
that it was now of greater importance to maintain the balance
in Southern England than to defend Lincolnshire against the
garrison of Newark.^
On September 4 Manchester set out from Lincoln.' At
Huntingdon, on the 8th, he heard of the surrender of Essex.
Sept. 4. His business now would be not merely to check
wS^out?**' Rupert, but to restore a falling cause. Manchester
Se t 8 ^^ ^"^^ expressed his readiness to do his utmost:
Learns thkt "The Lord's arm," he wrote to the Committee of
surrendered. Both Kingdoms, " is not shortened, though we be
OflFersto much Weakened. I trust He will give us a happy
tS^ake"up recovery. I shall, with all the speed I can, march
disputes. 'y^ observance of your former orders. Concerning
those differences which your Lordships take notice to be
amongst some of this army, I hope your Lordships shall find
that I shall take such care as, by the blessing of God, nothing
of the public service shall be retarded." *
Manchester's zeal, perhaps real enough at first, soon cooled
down. He lingered at Huntingdon instead of hastening to
the rescue of the distressed Parliamentary armies. He would
* The Com. of B. K. to Manchester, Aug. 14. Manchester to the
Com. of B. K., Aug. 21. Cromweirs narrative. Quarrel of Manchester
and Cromwelly 14, 16, 81.
* Com. of B. K. to Manchester, Aug. 28, Sept. I. Manchester to the
Com. of B. K., Sept. 2. find. 20, 22, 23.
' Manchester to the Com. of B. K., Sept. 4, 5. Ibid. 24.
* Manchester to the Com. of B. K., Sept. 8. Ibid. 25.
1644 VISIT OF THE ELECTOR PALATINE. ri
hang any one, he said, who advised him to march to the
West* Cromwell appears to have attributed his General's
Manchester Vacillation to the influence of Crawford, and to
down!**** * have threatened that his colonels would resign in a
Threatened hody unless Crawford were removed from his com-
5*tK*'"*° mand. Manchester strove in vain to effect a re-
coioneia. conciliation, and, failing in this, betook himself to
Sept. la. Westminster, accompanied by the two antagonists,
ur*r^to ^^ ^^ ^^P^ ^^^ ^^ Committee of Both Kingdoms
London. would mediate between them better than he had
been able to do.*
A few hours in London must have convinced Cromwell of
the difficulties of carrying the extreme measure on which he
,, , was bent. Not only were the minds of all men
State of feeU ^.
ingatWest- aversc to a course which seemed like a mere satis-
faction of personal jealousy,* but the danger incurred
by Essex's disaster had produced a strong feeling that it would
be unwise to do anything to alienate auxiliaries so powerful as
the Scots. A circumstance had lately occurred which went
far to show that Vane and his allies had need to walk warily.
Aug. 30. The Elector Palatine landed at Greenwich,* ostensi-
Siltiilein' ^^ ^^ ^^® errand of urging his claims to the restitu-
Engiand. ^Jon of the Palatinate. Little as was his share of
wisdom, it is difficult to imagine that he could have considered
it appropriate at this crisis of the Civil War to press in person
his demands for men and money, or even for diplomatic
assistance. On the other hand, though no evidence to that
effect exists,* it is likely enough that when Vane suggested at
* Depositions of Cromwell and Hammond. S. P, Dom, diii. 56,
vii. XV.
* Manchester's statement to the House of Lords, Dec. Camd. Afisc,
viii. Baillie^ ii. 229.
* See the letter of the Com. of B. K. to the Commanders, Sept. 10.
Pushw. V. 719.
* D'Ewes*s Diary, ffarl, MSS, 166, fol. I lib.
* I can hardly count as evidence the statements which occur in
Agostini's despatches, to the effect that the Prince, after his arrival, was
neglected by those who had encouraged him ; but they undoubtedly point
in the direction of my suggestion.
2S ARMY OF THE EASTERN ASSOCIA TION. CH. xx.
York in June that Charles should be deprived of the royal
Authority, he had taken some steps to ascertain whether the
Elector would be willing to occupy his uncle's place, as
What were William of Orange afterwards, under somewhat simi-
of^STou^ lar circumstances, occupied the place of his uncle
n«y' James. It was likely enough, too, if such overtures
had been made, that the young man, restless and impatient
with the dreary lot of an exile, should have thought fit to come
in person to see what would be the result of the proposal.
At all events, if this was the real course of events, it renders
explicable what otherwise is inexplicable, the fierce indigna-
tion with which Vane and St. John met the apparently harm-
less act of folly of which the Prince had been guilty. Naturally
they would wish him at a safe distance, where he could tell no
compromising tales, and they knew well that, much as they
might wish to give him their support, it was, for the moment at
least, utterly beyond their power to give effect to their wishes.
It was therefore the party of Vane and St. John which
carried through the House of Commons a message to the
Sept. 2. Elector, in which he was told that the shorter his
Sck^tTby stay in England was the better it would be for his
Vane'sparty. interests, and though these words were softened
takes^tbe*°' down by the Lords, no material alteration was made
Covenant, in their purport. The Elector, however, persisted in
remaining in spite of the rebuff, and ostentatiously took the
Covenant as an outward mark of his sympathy with the
Parliamentary party. He was lodged at Whitehall, where
he received all outward demonstrations of courtesy, but he
was made to understand that he had visited England to no
purpose. *
Vane, in truth, could not afford to weaken his position by
open talk about the dethronement of the King. Even when,
Sept. 7. on September 7, the news of Essex's surrender
m^Lsu^ arrived, it was clearly shown that Essex still had a
port Essex. ^qJ^ q^ ^j^g majority of the members. A letter was
drawn up thanking the defeated commander for his conduct,
and assuring him that Manchester and Waller had been
* C.J, iii. 614, 615. L.J» vi. 695.
'RO.\fWELL IN PARLIAMENT.
k
ordered to march to Dorchester,' in order to hold the ground
till his own troops could be re-equipped. In the House blame
was thrown, not on Essex, but on Middleton, who had failed
to carry succour to him in time, Hazlerigg gave general
offence by an inappropriate burst of laughter when the letter
was read in the House.^ Amongst Cromwell's troopers he
would have found many to share his opmion. When the
report of the disaster of Essex reached Huntingdon,
tatcnbihe not a fcw of the Independents in the army showed
' themselves so joyful as though it had been a victory
new gained to themselves.'*
In the battle-field it was Cromwell's special characteristic
that, impetuous as he was in a charge, he never failed to pull
up to look around him as soon as the purpose of the charge
had beeji effected. It now appeared that his behaviour in the
arena of politics was to be precisely the same as his behaviour
in the field of war. He had not been long at Westminster
before he had taken the measure of the situation. Abandoning
as impracticable his demand for Crawford's dismissal, he con-
s=p.. i=. tented himself with drawing from Manchester a
S^dd^'hiE declaration of his resolution to push on with all
cwffid"/ speed against the enemy.' As a member of the
dUdiiisai. House of Commons he had an opportunity of gain-
ing a step in the direction in which he wanted to go. On
September 13 there was a debate on a form of ordi-
Dttawon' nation which had been presented by the Assembly
for the approval of the House. Something in its
wording gave offence even to members who had little in
common with Vane and Cromwell. Not only did Selden play
his accustomed part by asking how far the clergy
land might claim to rule over the souls of the people, but
es. j)']H;^yes^ who held the sects in utter abomination,
expressed a hope that ' the clergy intended only the power
' L.J. vi. 699. ' D'Ewes'a Diary. Harl. MSS. 166, fol. Iizb.
• SlalemeDt by in opponent of Cromwell. Quarrtt of Mamheslcr and
Cnmwtll, 76.
• Manchealer's stalement to the Lords. Ca'«J, Mi$c. viii. Day Book
\ §fthe Com. efB. K. Jiaillie. ii. no.
30 ARMY OF THE EASTERN ASSOCIA TTON. CH. ]
and purity of the ordinances, and not to introduce such ■"
tyrannical power as the bishops had.' '
Cromwell saw his opportunity. At his prompting St. John,
framing the wording of the motion which he was about to lay
„, ,^ before the House in such a way as to give as little
modatioii offence as possible, asked the Commons to vote
' that the Committee of Lords and Commons
appointed to treat with the Commissioners of Scotland and
the Committee of the Assembly do take into consideration ihe
differences in opinion of the members of the Assembly in
point of church- government, and to endeavour a union, if it
be possible ; and, in case that cannot be done, lo endeavour
the finding out some way, how far tender consciences, who
cannot in all things submit to the common rule which shall be
established, may be borne with according to the Word, and as
may stand with the public peace, that so the proceedings of the
Assembly may not be so much retarded.'
The phraseology of the clause which demanded considera-
tion for ' tender consciences ' was curiously like that which was
Thcordtr to be found in those frequent proclamations on the
accipiid. subject which had been from time to time issued by
Charles, but to which he had done so little to give effect.
Whether Cromwell would be able to give effect to his policy in
the face of the opposition which it would arouse remained to
he seen, but at least it would not be his own fault if it failed,
For the moment it was at least tacitly accepted by the whole
House. It may be that, in that hour of peril, even those to
whom toleration was a word of fear dimly perceived that it was
a reconciling and not a dividing policy. At all events the
Accommodation order, as it was afterwards called, was accepted
without a division. There was something singularly appropriate
in the scene which followed. Before the close of the sitting the
Cramwfii Speaker, ' by command of the House,' gave ' thanks
to Lieu tenant-General Cromwell for his fidelity in
the cause in hand, and in particular for the faithful
service performed by him in the late battle near Vork, whero
' D'Ewes's Diary. Harl. MSS. l66, fd. 113b.
i644 ADVANCE OF THE KING. 3t
God made him a special instrument in obtaining that great
victory/ ^
Cromweirs efforts for accommodation were not likely to
remain long unchallenged. Baillie gave expression to the irri-
_ . . - tation of the Scots. " The great shot of Cromwell
Dissatisfac« °
tion of the and Vane," he wrote, " is to have a liberty for all
religions without any exceptions. Many a time we
are put to great trouble of mind ; we must make the best of an
ill game as we can. . . . God help us ! If God be pleased to
settle Scotland and give us Newcastle all will go well." Scottish
victories in the North, it seemed, would relieve the Scots in
London from the pressure brought to bear upon them by the
* very wise and active ' head upon Cromwell's shoulders.*
The party of toleration, however, was not without hope that
an English victory in the South might redress the balance in its
Manchester favour. There can be little doubt that Vane and
vanc^d^ Cromwell had accepted Manchester's promises of
Cromwell, eucrgetic action as satisfactory, and it is certain that
at this juncture they were disposed to rely on him rather than
on Essex. On the 21st a querulous letter from
S^Dt. 2X
A ictier * Essex was read in the House, which to some extent
rem ex. j^g^j^^^ ^^ feeling against him. Writing from
Portsmouth, where he was awaiting his defeated army, he
declared it to be impossible for his cavalry to serve under
Middleton, whose delay in relieving the army in Cornwall was
Manchester the cause of their miseries. On this the House
tofo^*^^*' voted that Manchester and Waller should join forces
forces. against the King. Holies urged that Essex should
be included in the combination, but he was unable to gain
acceptance for his plea.^
It was the more necessary to have an army ready to take
the field as the King was moving eastwards. On September 5
he reached Tavistock. To push on hastily before
The King at the cnemy's forces could be reorganised was the
avibtoc . ^Qjjjg^ most clearly to his advantage, but it was
either out of his power to do so, or at least he fancied it to be
» C.J. Ui. 626. ' Baillie, u. 23a
• D'Ewes's Diary. HarhMSS. 166, fol. 123b.
I
i
33 AJIMYOF THE EASTERN ASSOCIATION. CH. XX.
out of his power. The Cornish levies of Maurice's army had
gone home to celebrate their victor)', and the experience of the
last year's campaign had sliown how hard it was to secure their
Se 1 I. services in the East as long as Plymouth was hostile
Aiiisfoc in the West. Having therefore sent after Essex one
more demand for peace, Charles made a futile at-
M'aJiMan tempt to capture Plymouth, and then, leaving Sir
pi™uuii° Richard Grenvile behind to block up tlie place so as
Sept .3. '"^ tender it innocuous, began his eastward march. On
Ajri^M the 23rd he established himself at Chard. On his
way he learnt that his forces had gained possession
of Barnstaple and llfracombe, the former town having revolted
to Parliament shortly before the battle of Cropredy Bridge.
The King's army, in spite of its success at I^stwithiel, was
not in much better condition than Manchester's army had been
after Marston Moor. It had already been weakened by the
loss of the detachment left behind with Grenvile to block up
Plymouth, and its numbers were now still further reduced by
the necessity of sending detachments to block up Lyme and
Taunton. Charles had to remain at Chard for a week, till
fresh supplies could be drawn from Devonshire, however
impatient he may have been.'
Charles's plan of campaign was clearly marked out before-
hand. Two of the fortresses by which the central strength of
Chitics'i Oxford was girdled round — Banbury and Basing
piflDj. House^were hard pressed by the enemy. It would
therefore be his first duty to relieve their garrisons, and he had
no expectation of being able to do this without a battle. With
this object in view he had ordered Rupert to join him as he
marched forward, and to bring with him some troops with
which Sir Charles Gerard had been unsuccessfully defending
South Wales. As soon as a victory was won — and in the dis-
tracted condition of the enemy Charles counted on nothing
less— he would press on against the Eastern Association. In
the Royalist camp it was fully believed Chat the King would
winter in Norfolk. Such a conclusion of the campaign of 1644
would make the work of the following year comparatively easy.'
1 ;i'fl/ii(J-,So-SS. 'TtevarloOrinond, Oct. 13. Carle's 0™BMi/, vi. 205.
51 ARMY OF THE EASTERN ASSOC/A TION, CH. xx.
Tempting as the prospect was, there were not a few who
doubted whether it was more than a dream. The royal ex-
chequer was almost exhausted, and hundreds of loyal gentlemen
Poverty of ^^^ found the strain greater than they could bear.
ihe King. cc 'pj^g povcrty of our nobles, gentry, and those shires
which we possess," wrote one of Ormondes correspondents,
"is * so insufferable, that I fear we shall not hold out many
months without yielding. Already three thousand gentlemen
have compounded, and daily more go." ^ Wherever Charles
was not in person things were going badly. Whilst the Royal
army was engaged at Lostwithiel, Wareham had been
Wareham rccaptured by the Parliamentary levies in Dorset-
shire. It was ominous of approaching disaster that
Hurry, the betrayer of Hampden, once more changed sides
and went over to the Parliament, If anyone could be trusted
to make a shrewd calculation of his own interests, Hurry was
the man.
To keep the King in check till the other armies could
arrive. Waller, with the strong body of horse which had
Waller at t)een undcr the command of his Lieutehant-General,
Shaftesbury. Middlcton, was Stationed at Shaftesbury. Money,
he warned the Committee of Both Kingdoms, must be had if
his men were to keep together. One of his majors, he said,
had been * fain to borrow sixpence to pay for the shoeing
of his horse.' What was almost as bad. Waller had no in-
fantry, all the foot which remained to him having been disposed
in garrisons in the coast towns. " We are," he wrote, " a
gallant forlorn hope." If Manchester and Essex arrived
speedily all might yet be well.^
It was no mere calculation of the number of square miles
which might be saved for the Parliament by fighting at Shaftes-
bury which made Waller anxious that the expected battle
should be fought so far to the west. His aim was to cut off
Charles from the garrisons round Oxford, where his possession
* * Are ' in the text.
' D. O'Neill to Ormond, Oct. 3. Carte's Ormonde vi. 203.
■ Waller and Hazlerigg to the Com. of B. K., Sept. 24, 25, 30. Com.
Letter Book
r644 MANCHESTER HANGS BACK. 35
of the fortresses would enable him to fight at advantage. It
was not, however, an easy task to comply with Waller's wishes.
w „ Essex's horse indeed was available in case of neces-
Wallcr urges
that Essex sity, but such of Essex's foot as had straggled to
and Man*
Chester may Portsmouth Were Still Unarmed. Though there was
"^ now a revulsion of feeling in favour of Essex in
ar*IS^^obc the House, and orders were given to provide for
equipped, j^jg nccessities, * some time must elapse before
those orders could be put in force, and if Waller was to have
speedy aid everything depended on the energy with which
Manchester carried out the resolution announced by him when
he was last at Westminster.
On September 22 Manchester was at Watford. On the
25th he reached Harefield, only four miles farther on. He
g^ ^^ was ready to obey orders, he declared, but the bridge
Manches- ' at Maidenhead was broken, and he could not cross
ments. the Thames till it had been mended. Moreover, he
ept. as. ^^g g^jij ^^ ^1^^ opinion which he had expressed in
the late discussions. " If the King be upon his march," he
wrote, " in that condition that I see those armies in,
you do expose us to scorn, if not to ruin." The
reply of the Committee was that orders had been sent to
Waller either to stay at Shaftesbury or to move to Marlborougli
if the King marched that way, and that in any case Manchester
was to join him with all possible speed. ^ On the 29th Man-
Sept. 29. Chester wrote that he had arrived at Reading, but
J?:u°ji to^ that he had heard that Waller had no infantry with
advance. \{va\. It would therefore be unsafe for him to ad-
vance further * with so inconsiderable a strength.' Manchester's
resolution was probably not altogether due to his distrust of
his own powers. He had recently learnt that the Newark
Royalists had taken advantage of his absence and
^^^ were ravaging Lincolnshire, and he was now in-
undated with letters from the counties of the Association
* expressing their great trouble that their forces are drawn from
> C./. iii. 639.
« Manchester to the Com. of B. K., Sept. 22, 25. The Com. of B. K.
to Manchester, Sept. 28. Quarrel of Manchester and Cromwell^ 27-31.
D 2
36 ARM Y OF THE EASTERN ASSOCIA TION. ch. xx.
them.' He could think of no better course than to lay the
whole difficulty before the Committee of Both Kingdoms.*
As might be expected, the Earl was more outspoken in
conversation than he was in his despatches. " My army," he
„ ^ said, "was raised by the Association, and was for
MancneS' '
lers con- the guard of the Association. It cannot be com-
manded by a Parliament without their consents." *
" It is a pity," he said on another occasion, " we should leave
those counties who have paid us and parted with their money
so willingly to us all this while, now by our absence to be
exposed ^ to the incursions of an enemy." The weather was
adverse and the time of year unseasonable for operations in
the field. The best thing to do would be for the armies of
Essex and Waller to take up a defensive position about Read-
ing and Basing House whilst his own army was quartered at
St. Albans. The orders of the Committee to march westwards
he treated as a mere concession to the importunity of inte-
rested persons whose estates lay in the districts threatened by
the King. He never liked the war, he added, but was against
it from the beginning. It was easy to begin a war, but no
man knew when it would end.'*
It is evident that this amiable nobleman was out of place at
the head of an army. In a somewhat similar conjuncture in
the preceding year, Cromwell, crying " It's out instantly all you
can," * had sought for safety by dashing at the enemy. Man-
chester had no leadership in him either for politics or war.
No wonder that Waller grew hopeless, and that Cromwell and
his godly colonels settled down into grim despair of accom-
plishing aught as long as this man had the army at his com-
mand.
Manchester had appealed to the Committee of Both King-
* Manchester to the Com. of B. K., Sept. 30. Quarrel of Manchester
and Cromwell^ 32.
'^ Watson's deposition. 5. P. Dom, diii. 56, xiv,
* * And now by our absence be exposed ' in MS. Pickering's deposi
tion, Dec. 12. Ibid,
* Rich's deposition, Dec. 26. S, P, Dom, diii. 56, xviiL
* See vol. i. p. 191.
MtUTARY DIFFICULTIES.
an
I
doms, and Ehe Committee was doing what it could. It pushed
on the equipment of Essex's forlorn infantry, of
whom some 4,000 had gathered round him at Ports-
It applied to the City for a fresh loan of
trained bands, and the City offered five regiments on
I that there should be no uncertainty about their pay.
The Houses hardly knew where to turn for money. In their
they remembered that Edmund Waller had
til EdmLiid been in prison for more than a year, and was exceed-
ingly anxious to escape from the trial which was
impending. They therefore offered to pardon him on his en-
gagement to leave the country and to pay io,oqo/. Waller
caught at the bargain, and his money was reserved for a first
instalment of the pay about to fall due to the City forces.'
When the City regiments were ready it was to Manchester's
army that they were to be added. On October i the Commons,
Oct. 1. ^ rescinding their former decision, resolved that Essex's
Ma^chraief" army should join Manchester's and Waller's.' If
■ndWaier. jjjg three Generals were to combine it would be
•bmTi'he more than ever necessary to come to some resolution
command, about the Command. Waller at least was not likely
to stand in the way of harmonious co-operation. He had no
wish to urge his pretensions against Manchester. " I am so
heartily weary of this war," he wrote, " that I shall submit
to anything that may conduce to the despatch of it." ' It
was useless to expect Essex to obey Manchester or Manchester
to obey Essex. The Houses therefore left it to the Comnaittee
to take the matter in hand."
Before the Committee succeeded in untying this tangled
Stp,. 30, knot Charles had again entered upon his fonvard
Svi" march. On September 30, sendingbefore him a pro-
chaid. claroation in which he called on his subjects to join
him in settling the terms of peace in a full and free Parliament,*
' The Dutch ambassadors to the Slates- General, Add. MSS. 17, 677
I R. fol, ^4a
' C.J. iii. 639. ' C.J. !ii. 648.
* Waller lo Ihe Com. ofB. li., Sept. 25. Com. Leilcr Book.
' L.J. vii. 6. • flushw. v, 71J.
33 ARSf Y OF THE EAS TERN ASSOCIA TION. CH. xx
he set out from Chard. At South Perrot he was joined by Ruf)ert,
whose debaucheries at Bristol had excited the indic-
His inter* . _ _ •»-» i* i i i
view with nation of decent Royahsts/ but who was always
"^^^^ ready to fling himself into the saddle as soon as an
opportunity of fighting occurred. The result of the Prince's con-
versation with his uncle was that he undertook to return to
Bristol in order to bring up a reinforcement of 4,000 men to join
Oct. 2. the Royal army at Sherborne.' Whilst Charles was
Sherb^e'. Waiting for this increase to his army he received a
State of his visit from the French minister, Sabran. Neither the
wtfh FranS negotiation with France nor that with the Prince of
PrinceV Orange had advanced far since the rejection of
Oiange. Charles's insane suggestion in June that Frederick
Henry should come to an understanding with Spain.' The Queen
had been too ill since her arrival in France to give any personal
assistance to her husband, but early in August she had de-
Aug. 6. spatched Jermyn to Paris to beg Mazarin to accord
iriSsto ^^^^ armed succour which was to form part of the
the Prince, arrangements of the suggested marriage of the Prince
of Wales with the daughter of the Prince of Orange. Mazarin
was courtesy itself, but though Gravelines had surrendered he
did not think it possible to find either the men or the money
till the issue of the campaign on the Rhine was decided. The
g^ ^ Prince of Orange was still more cool. On September
The Prince's 4 he iufonncd Jermyn that the best course which the
King of England could pursue would be to make
peace with his subjects at any price.*
In his conversation with Sabran Charles lowered his de-
mands. Of foreign soldiers, he said, he did not stand greatly
Oct. in need, and the arms which he had lately received
ff nversauon ^^^m Fraucc wcre so bad that he preferred to have
with Sabran. fr^gh ones made at Bristol ; but he was in the
greatest straits for money. To Sabran*s reply that France
* Trevor to Ormond, Oct. 13. Carte's Omiond^ vi. 205.
« Walker, 98. Digby to Rupert, Oct. 20. Add, MSS. 18, 781,
fol. 297. » See vol. L p. 191.
< Jermyn to the Prince of Orange, Aug. ^. The Prince of Orange to
Jermyn, Sept. ^. Ctoen van PrinsUrer, Ser. a, iv. 107, 117.
I644 FRENCH NEUTRALITY. 39
wanted money as much as he did, Charles had nothing to say ;
but he urged the ambassador to make it known that France
would take his part if the Parliament refused to come to terms.
This, he said, was the only way in which the war could be
brought to an end. Sabran had no instructions to do any-
thing of the kind, and Charles, in writing to the Queen, did not
conceal his annoyance at the ambassador's profession of abso-
lute neutrality.*
Charles's mysteries were seldom kept secret long. " The
Queen," wrote Baillie on September 16, "is very like to get
Charles's ^^ army from France." * 111 would it fare with an
diplomacy English Sovereign who sought to strengthen his
Hot secret
throne with the help of a French invasion.
Whilst Charles remained at Sherborne Waller reiterated his
cry for help. He pleaded that no local jealousy might stand
in the way of Manchester's advance. It was better^
Waller calls he Urged, to hazard worse loss in a particular coun-
* ^' try than not to break the King's army. " Destroy
but this," he added, " and the work is ended. Were this land
but fit for mercy, there is means enough to do it." *
Waller's entreaties were seconded by the authorities at
Westminster. The Committee of Both Kingdoms unremit-
Oct. 5. tingly urged both Essex and Manchester to push on.
5)Te*to"°* ^^ ^^ 5^^ Essex replied that he was prepared to
°»*«=^ disregard *all particular spleens or provocations of
those who were under his command ' — he evidently considered
Oct. 7. \^o^ Manchester and Waller as his subordinates —
oJde^JjtcT' ^^^ *^^^ without money and arms he could not stir.*
advance. Qn the 7th the Committee wrote to Manchester to
send forward all his horse to the West, and on the following
> Sabran to Brienne, J^^;^. Add, MSS, 5,460, fol. 325b. The King
to the Queen, Oct. 20. S, P. Dom. *diii. 24. Charles's letter is undated,
but its date is fixed by a comparison of Sabran's despatch and the Queen's
reply of Nov. ^. Letters of Henrietta Maria, 263.
* Baillie, ii. 230.
» Waller and Hazlerigg to the Com. of B. K., Oct. 4. Com, Letter
Book,
* Essex to the Cora, of B. K., Oct. 5. Com, Letter Book.
49 ARAfV OF T/iE EASTERN ASSOCIATION. CH. XX.
day they enclosed an order to him from the House of Commons
to march 'forthwith westward with all' his 'forces.' Manchester
Oct. B, had made up his mind to have nothing to do with
so distant an advance. He replied, with scant re-
Hc refu-,a spect to thc Commons, that he had frequently re-
\vfi°t°i ceived orders from them to march westward, but
'" ''■ that they had never designated any place to which
he was to march. He had often been ordered by the Com-
mittee to go with his infantry to Newbury. They were ready
to set off at a moment's notice, on the understanding that they
were there to meet the army of Essex and the City trained
hands. He had ordered some of his horse, which was lying at
Hungerford, to proceed to Sahsbury to support Waller.' This
was hardly the obedience which the Committee required. Yet
Manchester's officers, who witnessed his petulant outbursts of
temper, may well have doubted whether even this modified
Manchei- obediencc would be rendered. " I would venture
ler'iHik. cashiering rather," he had said when he reported in
the dining-room the orders which he had received to march lo
the West ; " still, they would have me march Westward and
Westward Ho, but they specify no place. It may be to the
West Indies or to St. Michael's Mount." Colonel Rich, who
was present, enquired whether they were to take up their
winter quaiters at Newbury, " No," rephed Manchester, with
dull jocularity, " if we do, I will give them leave to new bury
No doub', in refusing to advance to the aid of Waller, and
in resolving to make a junction with Essex his first considera-
Hnw fat tion, Manchester may have been arguing justly. His
wiiaiion army was weak in foot, and there would probably
jusiiiifdi have been some risk in his pushing on unaided. It
was his entire refusal to take into consideration the interests at
' The Com. of B. K. lo Manchester, Oct. 7, 8. ManchcKler to ihe
Com. of B. K., Oct. 9. Quarrel ef Mamhesler end Crmmtll, 39,
<o, 41.
' llninmond'a deposition. Kich's deposilioa. S. P. Deta. diil 56^
i644 MANCHESTER AND HIS OFFICERS. 4T
stake, or to think of the mischief which would ensue if Charles
were allowed to regain his circle of fortresses round Oxford,
which stamped him as the incapable commander that he was.
No wonder his officers, eager for the fight, were convinced that
he was in reality a traitor to the cause which they at least, with
all their hearts had espoused
42
CHAPTER XXL
THE SECOND BATTLE OF NEWBURY AND THE RELIEF OF
DONNINGTON CASTLE.
The approaching junction of Essex and Manchester seemed
to make it imperative upon the Committee of Both Kingdoms
1644. to appoint a commander of the united armies. Yet
Th?TOm^ ^^ October 14 they resolved to evade the diflficulty.
mand to be The Command was as it were to be placed in com-
put in com- . . *
mission. missiou. There was to be a council composed of
Essex, Manchester, Waller, and several of the principal officers,
together with two civilian members of the Committee — John-
ston of Warriston and Crew — who were to accompany the army
in the field. No military operation was to be undertaken ex-
cept by the vote of the majority of the Council, and no such
vote was to be valid unless the two civilians were present.
When a decision had been thus arrived at Essex was to have
the credit of announcing it to the army.^
Waller's retreat from his exposed position at Shaftesbury
had by this time become inevitable. On the 8th, when Charles,
Oct 8 urged by Goring to strike a blow whilst his enemies
Waller faiu were Still divided, had broken up from Sherborne,
the King's Waller fell back before him, and on the 15th, when
a vancc ^^^ King entered Salisbury, took up his quarters at
Th^king at Audovcr.^ Hopc of support from Manchester there
Salisbury, ^^g ^Qnc, as Mauchcstcr was preparing to move in
the direction of Basingstoke, where he had arranged to meet
* Instructions for the Lord GeneraPs army, Oct. 14. Com, of B, A".
Pay Book,
« Walker, 165. Waller and Hazlerigg to the Com. of B. K. Com.
Letter Book,
1644 JUNCTION OF THE ARMIES. 43
Essex, who expected to be able to leave Portsmouth on the
Oct. 17. 1 6th. Manchester, in fact, reached Basingstoke on
^B^bS^ the 17th, and was quickly followed by four out of
stoke. the five City regiments under the command of Sir
James Harrington.*
In the meantime Charles was preparing to strike a blow at
Waller. Through the mismanagement of Prince Maurice the
Q^ ^^ design failed, and Waller, having succeeded, on the
The King jgth, in making his escape from Andover, joined
surprise Manchester on the following day.^ Not only had
Manchester, by refusing to advance, allowed Charles
Waller joins to take Up a stronger position than he would have
Bianchester. ^^^^ ^y^ ^^ ^^ farther wcstwards, but he had made
it well-nigh impossible to carry to a successful end at least two
of the three sieges which had been undertaken by the Parlia-
mentary forces. Basing House indeed was still covered, but
the sieges of Banbury and Donnington Castle could hardly be
continued if Charles was master of the field in Oxfordshire.
One indeed of Charles's objects was already attained. Don-
Q^ ^^ nington Castle had been closely begirt for nearly
The siege of three wccks. The means of resistance at the dis-
iMtie5)an. posal of the Governor, Colonel Boys, were slight,,
but he had made up for all defects by his vigour and
resource, and on the i8th the besiegers were frightened away
Need of Ba. by the King's presence at Salisbury.^ The con-
sing House, ^jition of Basing House cried aloud for succour. A
Cb^is^i small supply had been thrown into it by Colonel
Whitchurch. Gage from Oxford on September 9, but it was now
again in distress. On the 20th, therefore, Charles arrived at
Whitchurch, hoping to break up the siege. He was too
late. On the morning of the 21st Essex and Manchester
* Manchester to the Com. of B. K., Oct. 19. Quarrel of Manchester
and Cromwell, 47.
* Waller and Hazlerig^ to the Com. of B. K., Oct. 19. Com, Letter
Book,
' Walker, 107. I suspect that Walker is mistaken in thinking that
Manchester was before Donnington in person on Oct. 9. He wrote a
letter on that day from Reading, in wjiich he says nothing about going.
44 THE SECOND BATTLE OF NEWBURY. CH. XXI
effected iheir junction at Basing.' Together with Waller's
Oct. 11. force and the City regiments, the united army was
JiMMMd* abo"* 19,000 strong," whilst the King, at the out-
Mjuichanr. sj(je^ could nol number more than 10,000.
Finding the relief of Basing House for the present imprac-
ticable, the King drew off to Newbury, sending Northampton
Q^ ^ to drive off the besiegers from Banbury with the
chariisi'i help of Gage and a party from Oxford— a commis-
"* ^"''' sion which was successfully executed on the ^sth.
Charles himself entered Newbury with the intention
of keeping on the defensive, and wearing out his
enemies by exposure to the miseries of a winter campaign if
they ventured to attack him ; but the Parliamentary army did
not therefore come under Manchester's control.
Essex fell ill, and was of necessity left behind at Reading.^
The Council of War, into whose hands authority had been
placed, resolved to fight the King wherever he was
E^" to be found. As the troops marched westwards
The Pftrii*- along the valley of the Keiinet, they were gladdened
m^maiidcrs ^X favourable news from other scenes of warfare.
rtSjoivB 10 Tijg ravages of the Newark garrison had been
checked in Lincolnshire, and Crowland, which had
ijncobi- again been seized by a party of Royalists, was now
blocked up.* There was therefore no longer any-
thing to make Manchester anxious to fly to the succour of his
Association. On the isth, as the regiments were tramping
Oci. 10. across Bucklebury Heath they were overtaken by a
uicn, horseman, who brought news that on the 19th New-
castle had surrendered to the Scots. In an instant large
I Waller lo the Com. of B, K., Oct. io. Johnston and Crew lo ihe
Coin, of R K., Oct. ao, 11. C011. Litler Book.
' I take this nuuibet from Ciomwell's narratJTe. Quarrel of Man-
chester and Cropauetl, 85. Tht True IiifoToier gives 18,000 or 19,000 for
the ParlinmcnlaiiBOa. This is borne out liy Hammond's deposition {S. P.
Dem. diiL 56, xv. ), who counts Manchester and Waller, apporenlly befon:
the junction with Essex, at 14,000.
■ Johnston and Ciew to the Com. of B. K., Oct. 25, Com. Letter
W44
THE KING'S POSITION.
Ktbx.Mitiur
on
IB. nit
■ndo
j alter
mtiers of the soldiers fell upon their knees to give thanks
God for the happy tidings.' Soon after Thatchara was
npassed, they began to meet with resistance from the enemy,
but no serious opposition was offered, and on the
morning of the 26th the Parliamentary army esta-
blished itself on Clay Hill, to the north of the
Kennet, from which a full view of the Royalist posi-
tion was to be obtained.
That position was a formidable one. A considerable force
was massed on the north side of the Kennet, between that
The Rojai- river and the stream of the Lamborne, which flowed
isi poiiiiun. f^Qi^ jjjg north-west and joined the Kennet a litde
to the eastward of the King's lines, oflering a considerable
olistacle in the way of an attack from the north or east.
Beyond the Lamborne, on the north bank, was a mansion
known as Shaw House, and this, together with an entrenched
building and some cottages hard by, was occupied as an ad-
vanced post in front of the Hne. About a mile to the rear of
the Royalist left, but on high ground in a commanding position
on the north bank of the Lamborne, rose the towers of Don-
Inington Gastle. From that spot the ground sloped steeply
rilown to two open fields, known as Shaw Field and Newbury
'ield, in which, to the north of Newbury itself, was quartered
le King's life-guard together with a strong body of horse,
under Sir Humphrey Bennet, behind the King's chief line of
defence. Further in the rear, at Speen, was Prince Maurice, a
detachment of whose force was established on the hill which
rose behind the village.^
As the Parliamentary commanders reconnoitred this posi-
tion they rapidly came to the conclusion that it was useless to
attempt it in front. It was soon resolved to detach a portion
Johnston and Crew la the Com. of B. K., Oct. 26. Com. LilUr
This castle at Newcastle did not flutiendet tilt the aisl. A'usAu:
V. 65a
* The topt^raphica] details have been well given in Money's Twa
Batlles af Ntvjbury, 151 ; but, relying on evidence which he has not aeen,
I liave drawn the line of the fiank march as reacbing '^'ickham Heath
before turning eastwards.
46 THE SECOND BATTLE OF NEWBUf!Y. ch. xxi.
of the army, under Balfour and Skippon,' to whom wore at-
tached Waller and Cromwell — the most adventurous of the
Biiirour anJ Skippnn aie named in [he deposilion? as the coni-
minder'^ ; I suppose because they iiipreseiited ibe army of ihe absent
Lord GenetaL
J
i644 PREPARATIONS FOR BATTLE, 47
leaders — to pass round Donnington Castle, and to fall on the
A flank ^car of Prince Maurice at Speen. As soon as their
"*'^- guns were heard Manchester was to attack Shaw
House, hoping that the distraction of the enemy would render
his task the easier.
The troops told off for the flank march bivouacked on the
night of the 26th at North Heath, out of the reach of the guns
Oct. 97. of the castle. Early in the morning of the 27th
attock^by Manchester delivered a false attack, to divert the
Manchester, attention of the Royalists. The officer in charge of
the assailing column, however, pushed on further than had
been intended, and was roughly handled before he got clear. *
In the King's quarters the tactics of the enemy were
thoroughly understood. Maurice was directed to face west-
wards at Speen, and to prepare to meet an attack
rf the from that side. In a letter to Rupert, who had en
oya sts. gaged to Set out from Bristol on the 29th, and to
bring with him some 3,000 men,^ Digby, writing after the
repulse of Manchester's attack, was full of confidence that if
Waller and Skippon attempted to storm the King's position
they would fail no less completely. If, on the other hand,
their intention was to blockade the King, their provisions
would fail them, and their men, lying unsheltered in the fields
so late in the year,^ would be exposed to every hardship. "If
they remove," he continued, "we shall be able to move to-
wards Oxford or Wallingford, which, if we can once gain, we
are then sure to join with you without impediment, and to get
very much the start of them through Buckinghamshire, to-
wards the further object * which you propose in the Associated
Counties." *
* Walker^ III.
« Rupert to Digby, Oct. 24. Add, MSS. 18,981, fol. 316. The date
is taken from Digby*s answer.
* Oct. 27 is Nov. 6 according to the proper reckoning.
* The word * object ' is inserted by conjecture.
» t)igby to Rupert, Oct. 27. Add, MSS, 18,981, fol. 312. The
ciphered part of the letter is omitted as unintelligible in Warburton's
. Kitpert^ but it is easily read with the help of other deciphered letters in
the same volume.
48 THE SECOND BATTLE OF NEWBURY. CH.XXI.
If only Maurice could succeed in holding the high ground
above Speen, the year might end with something like a triumph
Dtfea.*ivB for Charles. All that morning Maurice was hard at
ihra'^-nup '^o\\i throwing up entrenchments on Speen Hill and
ji!~vtSpcen. placing behind them five guns, with which he hoped
to master any attack that could be made on him.
Maurice's preparations were not entirely finished when,
about two in the afternoon, Balfour and Skippon arrived on
The opening Wickham Heath, at a point about half a mile from
ofihtbaiiit. (jjg Royalist position on Speen Hill. After leaving
the heath they had for the next quaiter of a mile to pick their
way carefully through lanes and across hedges. WTien, at last,
they came in sight of the enemy, the strength of his position
I)ecame evident The road towards it lay through a long narrow
strip of open ground commanded by Maurice's guns, on either
side of which the country was so cut up by hedges as to render
it very difficult for the cavalry, in which arm the Parliamentary
army was especially strong, to operate with any prospect of
success. In spite of all obstacles, however, the assailants
pushed steadily on. About a quarter-past three there was a
forward rush.' After a sharp fight the breastwork was carried,
' Waller in his letter in D'Ewcs's Diaty {Harl. MSS. i56, fol. 139)
says that " after arriving on the heath, about a mile and a half from New-
bury, at two, we fell into lanes and heitges, and marched not above one
quatter of a mile before we came in sight of the enemy. . . . Upon our
approach their cannon played hard upon ns. The place being a narrow
heath gave not leave to bring up our body. The hedges hindered our
horse very much. Their cannon made our ground very hot. There was
no way left but to fall on with hoise and foot, and that without delay,
which put in eiecution^the sun not being an hour high— his Excellency's
fool . . . went on undauntedly." Oct. 27, the day of the battle, was
equi\'alent to Nov. G in our calendar, when the sun sets at 4.23, so that
'Waller gives the lime of this final attack at about 3.23. The dL'positions
varj' in their account of the lime of attack from Hooper's statement that it
was about two hours tiefore sunset — i.e. 2.23 — to Weaver's and Rawlins's,
that it was about one hour, or 3.23. In the Itrst place, liming an
occurrence by the numlier of hours before sunset is necessarily vague, and,
in the second place, it is probable that Ihe various witnesses were not
spealting of the same occurrence. Hooper, who seems lo have been with
Balfour and Skippon, may bave meant that at 2.23 they came in sight-
MANCHESTER AT NEWBURY. 49
nnd Essex's old soldiers, recognising the guns which they had
" 1 Cornwall, ' clapped their hats on the touchholes on
them to claim them as their own." ' To the Cornish soldiers
who guarded them, rememhering their own i!l-treai-
ment after the surrender at Lostwithie!, they showed
scant mercy as they dashed down the hill, and drove
^ the enemy out of Speen village, where four more
f guns fell into the hands of the victors. By the time the task
was accomplished it was near upon four o'clock, and in another
quartet of an hour the sun would be sinking below the horizon.^
All this while Manchester had made no sign, and BaUour
and Skippon had been left to carry Speim Hill and Speen itself
Wanchrun UHaidcd. It IS not likely that the Earl deliberately
"""'"■ intended to betray his comrades, but he had no heart
in the battle, and with timid indecision he feared to run a risk
which might prove disastrous. As he often acknowledged, he
was a civilian, not a soldier, and he was not, as Cromwell had
been two years before, a civilian with the making of a soldier
In vain his own officers urged him to attack. Craw-
ford was no friend of Cromwell's, but he was too good a soldier
o fret under the delay, and he too pressed Manchester in
ain for permission to execute the movement which he bad
n told off to perform.*
Pof the eoerny and were first under fire, which wonid pretty well agiee
with Waller's stalement ; whilst Weaver and Rawlins, who Were on
Manchester's side, would refer 10 (he actual storming of the works, in
which ri:spect they agree wilh Waller as t« the momenl being an hour be-
fore lonset, or 3.23. Walson speaks of the attack es having been al an hour
and a half before sunset, or 2. 53 ; and Norton, who, as well as WalEon,
wax with the eastern division of the army, saw great guns tiring about 3.
Such a diflerence is easily explicable as referring to a different slage of the
proceedings. Symonds {Diary, 145) says that the Parliamentaiy troops
^■Approached about 3.
^H ' Ludlaui, i. 13a
^V ' Symands in his Diary (p. 14;) says that at four the Pa[lininenta.iiani
^Bwete ■ at the bottom of the hill near ihe church called ' The edikr
^Hflls (he blank with ' Shaw,' but obviously Speen is uieanl.
^^b > Ciomwell's slatement about Manchester's delay ' till almost half an
^^Bonr after sunset ' {Quarrel ef Maiuhatei and Crontntll, E6) has hiiherlo
^^neen treated wilh contempt. I1 is strongly Etipporl<.-d by ihe de^u<>iilin^.
■>^
50 THE SECOND BATTLE OF NEWBURY, cii. xxi.
The troops which had carried Speen were thus left for the
time unsupported. About a quarter of a mile of hedgerows
still separated them from the open Newbury Field
for Newbury whcrc the King's cavalry was posted, and if only
their own horse could reach this point they might
hope even yet to win the day, in spite of the sluggishness of
their comrades. On the right Balfour, pushing on by the side
of the marshy ground along the Kennet, almost reached the
object of his desires, but just as he was at the last hedge an
opportune charge delivered by Sir John Cansfield and Sir
Humphrey Bennet drove him back in disorder. On the left
Cromwell was even less successful' On that side of the
Captain Rawlins, who was with Manchester, says that < he heard Major-
General Crawford and the Scoutmaster General ' — i.e, Watson—* earnestly
to presis the Earl of Manchester that, as those forces were now engaged
in fight with the enemy on Speen side, so that his Lordship would fall on
this side likewise; and with that Major [General] Crawford did after-
wwr^fi come again to persuade the Earl of Manchester to give him leave
to fim Qi\ ; and the same day, about a little after sunset* — ue, after 4.23,
being not far from the time given by Cromwell — • Major-General Craw-
ford being ready to engage with the enemy, the Earl of Manchester sent
this ^xaminate unto him to countermand his falling on the enemy. '
Watson says that Manchester fell on about a quarter of an hour after
sunset - ue, 4.38. Watson had urged him to advance earlier, but he had
leptied * that it would be time enough,' and had done nothing till the Speen
forces had beaten the enemy. Further, the same witness * saith that as the
soldiers of the Earl of Manchester were drawn out, and ready to fall on
upon the enemy, being then when the enemy was routed near Speen, and
a little after sunset the Earl sent this examinate to Major-General Craw-
ford to charge him that the Major-General should not fall on or now
engage the regiments.' Crawford, a most unwilling witness against Man-
chester, practically corroborates this evidence. "So," he says, "that
time the Earl of Manchester did continue in his very great toiling to
prepare the falling upon the enemy in and near Dolman's House" — i.e.
Shaw House — " and about 500 commanded musketeers, commanded for
the falling oh, first as forlorn hope, which, to the amazement of the enemy,
were several times drawn on and off, and at last they fell on, seconded by
the several brigades of foot." Quarrei of Manches4et and Cromwell^ 65.
* The assertions of Manchester and Ash that Cromwell did nothing
of imp >rtance is borne out by Waller's siLnce, and is sufficiently accounted
for by the position in which he was. No doubt he did his best in the
1644 THE ATTACK ON SHAW HOUSE. 51
battle the Royalist Earl of Cleveland, mindful of the reno^^n
which he had gained at Cropredy Bridge, dashed forward into
the very thick of the hostile ranks, and was led off the field as
a prisoner. Such a success, however, could not enable Crom-
well to renew the glories of Marston Moor amidst hedges lined
with musketeers, especially as the part of the field in which he
fought was commanded by the guns of Donnington Castle.
It was for Skippon's foot to make their way across the obstacles
before them. Slowly but resolutely they were accomplishing
their task, yet when the sun had set the last hedge was still
before them. An attempt was made to prolong the stiuggle
by the faint beams of a moon still in its first quarter,' but the
uncertainty of the light favoured the defence, and no further
ground was gained from the Royalists.
Only during the last moments of the struggle did Man-
chester overcome his irresolution and give orders for the
Manches. attack. The assault was carried out with intre-
ters attack, piciity,^ but Shaw Housc was too well fortified and
too well defended to be carried by storm after sunset. Man-
chester's attempt was hopelessly repulsed. It may be, as some
thought, that at this crisis of the battle it was a mistake to
attack Shaw House at all. An hour before, when Skippon*s
original attack, and is mentioned by Johnston and Crew amongst a
number of others who 'did very good service.' Johnston and Crew to
the Com. of B. K., Oct. 28. Quarrel of Afanchester ami Cromwell^ 5a
^ Mr. Hind informs a friend through whom I consulted him that on
the day of the battle * the moon was on the meridian at Newbury at
5h. 19m. P.M. at an altitude of 22°, and set at loh. im., Newbury mean
time.* We have to reconcile with this (i) the evidence that fighting con-
tinued by moonlight after the sun had set, and (2) the general consensus
of authorities that the fighting was stopped by darkness long before 10 p.m.
The moon had not quite completed its first quarter, so that in any case its
light cannot have been very great, but the safest explanation of the dark-
ness seems to be the coming up of clouds.
' Waller, who was not prejudiced in Manchester's favour, says that
* the Earl of Manchester fell on for the gaining of his passage, but it
proved (answerable to our thoughts) very difficult. We hear great com-
mendations of the gallantry of his foot. The enemy's works were well
fortified, and Mr. Dolman's house,' ue, Shaw House, * was to him instead
of a castle.'
52 THE SECOND BATTLE OF NEWBURY. CH. xxi.
men were crowning Speen Hill, an assault upon so vital a
point might have served, according to the original design, to
distract the attention of the enemy. Now that the enemy was
"being pushed back, the true course would perhaps have been
to leave Shaw House alone, and to have poured in through
the gap between that building and the village of Donnington,
so as to fall on the rear of the King's defeated army.' Incap-
able as Manchester had been even of fulfilling the engagement
which he had deliberately undertaken, it was hopeless to look
to him for one of those sudden strokes of genius which mark a
great commander.^
In spite of Manchester's incapacity Charles's position would
indeed have been perilous if he had remained to tempt a
^^ „. , renewal of the conflict when morning dawned.
The King s ^-r •! • • t • i t t j •
army wiui. Hastily giving orders to withdraw the army during
the night, he set ofif with three hundred horse
for Bath to hasten Rupert's reinforcements. His stores, his
ammunition, and his heavy guns he left at Donnington Castle.
As soon as the moon had sunk below the horizon the whole
army marched silently off in the direction of Wallingford, and
when morning dawned it was beyond the reach of serious
pursuit.
With the dawn the Parliamentary commanders discovered
that they were no longer in presence of the enemy. The
greater part of the blame for permitting the King's escape
justly fell upon Manchester, as it was far easier for him to
ascertain even in the dark that a whole army was defiling past
his position, than for Skippon and Balfour to discover that the
same army was marching away from the front of theirs.' Yet,
after all, the fault lay more with the Committee of Both King-
dom's than with any of the Generals. No one feels respon-
sibility like a commander-in-chief, and the Committee had
' This was Captain Hooper's opinion, as given in his deposition
i^S.P, Doni, diii. 56, v.), and it is hinted at by other witnesses.
'^ For the Royalist account of the battle see Merrurius Aulscus. £.
18, II.
-' At Lansdown, for instance, Waller got away from llopton without
bcin^; detected.
I
I
A FUTILE PURShIT
taken good care that there should be no commander-
at Newbury.'
When at last the escape of the enemy was known, Waller,
with the greater part of the cavaSry, hurried in pursuit. Twice
^ during his march he received messages from Man-
PuBoiiot Chester urging him to return to take part in the
council of war, but it was not till he and his fellow-
commanders had reached Blewbury — a village lying at the foot
of the northern slope of the downs which separate the valleys
Tht hsii St of the Thames and the Kennet— that they consented
Biewbuiy. [^ j^g^^ ^^vn.. The Royal army, they there learni,
had passed the river in front of them at Wallingford, and,
desirous as they were of advancing by way of Abingdon in
pursuit, they could hardly expect to push on amongst the lanes
and hedges on that route without the support of infantry.
Waller and Cromwell, therefore, leaving their men behind,
rode back to Newbury to urge Manchester to join them with
all his foot in the pursuit of the Hying enemy, or at least lo
allow a select body of 3,000 men to cross the Thames together
with the horse, in order that, by establishing themselves round
Burford and Woodstock, they might hinder Rupert from effect-
AcouiKiiof '"S ^ junction with the army at Oxford. In the
"■"■ Council of War which was held to debate this pro-
posal. Waller declared for a still bolder step. Let them follow
the King and (ight him after his junction with Rupert in the
neighbourhood of Bath, or occupy the fertile ground of the
valley of the Avon if he refused to fight, Manchester, perhaps
not unnaturally, shrank from so hazardous an enterprise, and
the majority of the officers present took his side. A convoy of
provisions which was necessary for the army had not ytt
arrived. There" had already been frequent desertions, and, if
the soldiers were to be exposed to the hardships of a winter
camjjaign, there would certainly be many more. The com-
manders who voted with Manchester probably thought that
• Afih'B True relation. E. 21, 10.
MaiKiesUrand Cro«nt'i!I,^7. Wadet
OcL 30. Cam. Ictler Biat. Depo5i
Dtm. Am. 56, xix. xi.
lud Hail, ligg to ihe Com. t
ons of Hailerigg and Waller. S.F.
"/
54 THE SECOND BATTLE OF NEWBURY. CH. xxf.
the military reasons were sufficient for delay, but Manchester
himself was one of those who wear their heart upon their
sleeve, and he roused suspicion by his reply to some words
which dropped from Hazlerigg. " Thou art a bloody fellow,"
he said. ** God send us peace, for God does never prosper us
in our victories to make them clear victories." It must have
been impossible for some of those who heard the words to
avoid asking themselves whether Manchester himself might
not have been to some extent the cause of the failures which
he thus piously ascribed to Divine Providence.*
On both sides there was a feeling that a long continuation
of the war would be intolerable. Manchester could not bear
to risk its prolongation by decisive action. The commanders
who opposed him were as anxious to secure an early peace as he
was, though they differed from him as to the means by which
it was to be obtained. " We feel the season of the year," wrote
Waller ; " we see the soldiers' wants and sufferings; yet our sen-
sibleness of the desolation and utter ruin which falls upon all
sorts of people where armies come makes us more earnestly
desire to end the war than to enjoy our own ease."^
It seemed safer to Manchester to summon Donnington
Castle than to pursue the King. The Governor, now Sir John
Oct. 31. Boys, was told that if he did not give up the fortress
cS"?m? t^^ besiegers would so destroy it as not to leave one
nioned. stonc on another. " If you do," was the sturdy
answer, " I am not bound to repair it." A weak attempt to
storm the place was repulsed, and Manchester, all too late,
came round to the opinion of Cromwell and Waller. On
Nov. a. November 2 he marched to Blewbury with the in-
ittw^^New- mention of making his way to Woodstock. As usual
•uuiy. he ^as in no hurry. It took him two days to cover
eleven miles. On the evening of the 3rd the inevitable council
^ A^^s True relation. E. 22, 10. Cromwell's narrative. Quarrel of
Afafichester and Croinxuelly 87. Waller and Hazlerigg to the Com. of
B. K., Oct. 30. Com, Lettef Book. Depositions of Hazlerigg, Waller,
Harrington, and Jones. .S". P, Dom. diii. 56, ix. xix. xx. xxiv. xxv.
-^ Waller and Hazlerigg to the Com. of B. K., Oct. 30. Com. Litter
Book.
i644 RETREAT TO NEWBURY. 55
of war was held at Harwell, not far from Blewbury. Though
there were some who wished the greater part of the army
., to push on and to occupy the Thames valley in order
A council ^ '^' '
of war at to cover the siege of Donnington Castle by troops
left behind for the purpose, more hesitating councils
prevailed, and it was perhaps in consequence of a threat from
Manchester to return to the Eastern Association that even
Cromwell agreed to a proposal to keep the army together in a
retreat upon Newbury. Possibly Cromwell approved of this
course as the lesser of two evils, unless, indeed, he did no more
than express his formal concurrence with the vote of the
majority.* At all events it was resolved that the army should
remain in its position till Johnston and Crew had visited West-
minster to lay the state of affairs before the Committee of
which they were members. When, however, on November 6,
orders arrived for the army to return to Newbury in pursuance
of the vote of the council of war, the hardier project of inter-
posing between the two divisions of the Royal army was no
longer practicable, and the retreat was at once commenced.
' There is no doubt a discrepancy between Cromwell's statement
{Quarrel of Manchester and Cronnvell^ 89) that *all were against drawing
back to Newbury save his Lordship only,' and a letter to the commanders
{ibid, 52) in which the Committee of Both Kingdoms write that they
understood * by my Lord Warriston and Mr. Crew that it was the unani-
mous opinion of a council of war that the carriages necessary for the
army cannot pass to Abingdon, and that the forces should continue united
at Newbury and thereabouts till the King's army went into winter
quarters.' This, it will be seen, lays stress on the armies continuing
united, and Watson, in his deposition, says that about this time Man-
chester declared that 'if the Committee of the Association at London
M-ouId call him back he would return, although he should receive a
command to the contrary from the Committee of Both Kingdoms.' On
the other hand, some members of the deciding body may, as I have sug-
gested above, have been influenced by motives other than purely strate-
gical ones, and have voted against their private opinions in order to secure
Manchester's co-operation. It was not a General's council of war, but a
council of Generals, and it may have been understood — as was the case,
for instance, in the Privy Council — that the opinion of the majority should
^be regarded as unanimously adopted. For Manchester's case see Ash's
Trtu relation^ £. 22, la
56 THE RELIEF OF DONNING TON CASTLE. CH. xxl.
Charles, it was now known, had reached Oxford on the ist, and
Rupert, accompanied by Sir Charles Gerard and Sir Manna-
duke Langdale, had brought with him from the West upwards
of 5,000 men to swell the numbers of his uncle's main army.*
On November 6, the day of Manchester's retreat, Charles
declared his nephew, at a general rendezvous on Bullingdon
Nov. 6. Green, General of all the Royal forces.* The old
dJSSLi Lord Brentford, scouted by all, was no longer to
cenerai. employ his skill and experience in the service of the
master whom, if results prove anything, he had saved from
many a danger. For the time the new General seemed re-
solved to prove that he was not liable to the charge of rash-
ness.
On the 7 th Charles and Rupert set out to relieve Donning-
ton Castle. Manchester, who had foreseen nothing and provided
for nothing when it was in his power to do so^ now
The King's Ordered Cromwell to advance with his horse to
check the enemy's march. Cromwell, who would
gladly have descended with the whole army into the valley of
the Thames three days before, recoiled from a plan which it
was now impossible to execute. " My Lord," he said bitterly,
** your horse are so spent, so harassed out by hard duty, that
they will fall down under their riders if you thus command
them ; you may have their skins, but you can have no
service." '
Everything was now making for Charles. Marching at the
head of 11,000 men, he reached Donnington Castle on the
•^^ morning of the 9th. Whilst provisions were being
Donnington throwu into the fortress and the artillery, which had
lieved. been left behind after the battle, was being removed,
The King'* the King drew up his army on that very Newbury
NTwblliiy Field over which Cansfield and Bennet had charged
^»«*<i- at the crisis of the action. This time, a party of
infantry havmg been left to guard Newbury, the bulk of the
» Walker, 116.
» Diary of Rupert*s marches. Clarendon MSS, 2,254.
* Ash, who reports this (Trtu relation^ £. 22, 10), heard the words
spoken.
I
Ji ;tet
I644 A BATTLE REFUSED.
Parliamentary foot was drawn up behind a hedge to the west
of Shaw House, facing westwards. Cromwell, with the greater
part of the horse, was on Newbury Wash, on the south side of
the Kennet and the town, waiting for the decision of the c
mandera whether the oflered Uattle should be accepted or not.
The decision was perhaps necessarily adverse. The field
chosen by the King was even more directly under the fire of
The puriiii. ^^ castle than the position which had been occupied
mraiarv by him in the previous battle. What decided the
■DivEDutia question with most who were present was the fear
"■ lest, if their whole army were drawn out to the north
of the Kennet, the King might slip past them and possess himself
of Newbury. The horse, too, had been scattered for the sake
of forage, and it was only late in the day that Cromwell was
able to bring it across the Kennet.' Vet, though a resolution
was taken not lo tight on that day, it was thought that an
opportunity for a battle would offe r itself when the King moved
off on the following morning.^
The 9th, therefore, passed away without any further incident,
except the repulse of a rash attempt to carry the Parliamentary
position by a charge of cavalry. When in the morn-
ThiKing'. ing the King's retreat began there was the usual
" ' indecision at the Parliamentiry headquarters. At
last, about eleven o'clock, news arrived that Charles had halted
on Winterbourn Heath, about two miles beyond Donnington
A council of Castle. Once more a council of war was held in a
Fil'id" " small house on Shaw Field. Not only was the risk
HazttiTEi °^ allowing the King to possess himself of Newbury
d«iBr« still present to the commanders, but the low physical
Behtiog. condition of the soldiers and their rapid diminution
in numbers was a matter of common notoriety. Hazlerigg,
who had attached hiuiself to the party of action, now made
• This was made an object of accusation against Cromwell, but the
cause of bis delay is explained in Skippon's letter to Essex of Nov. 10.
Kushw. V. 730.
» Manchester, Waller, and Balfour to the Cora, of B. K., Nov. 9.
Quarrel ef JUanekeiler aiid Cromwell, 55. Deposilioni of Hailerigg and
JietoiL S, P. Dem. diii. 56, xix. xiii.
58 THE RELIEF OF DONNINGTON CASTLE. CH. xxi.
himself the spokesman of those who were on the side of
caution. The ParHamentary horse, he said, was weak -no
more than 4,500 strong now.^ The King's army was evidently
better than theirs. If they beat the King he would still be
king, and they would be unable to overpower his garrisons.
If the King beat them he would overrun the whole country up
to the gates of London, and there would be nothing to stand
against him south of Leven's army at Newcastle. It would
therefore be best to draw back into Newbury to wait for better
times.*
Hazlerigg was succeeded by Cromwell. No one knew
better than Manchester's Lieutenant-General the deplorable
Cromwell's condition to which the Parliamentary army had been
speech. reduccd in a single month, and it may be that in the
course of his speech he acknowledged the difficulties of the
task which the army was now called upon to accomplish with
very insufficient means. Yet in the end he seems to have
spoken strongly on the importance of fighting at all hazards.
Rumours were abroad that a French army was to land in the
Altercation ^P^^^S '^ ^S^^ °^ Charles's sidc, and Cromwell
between argued that to beat the King now would be the
Manchester ° ruj- -ci.- - % i.m
and Crom- surest way of hindenng a French mvasion.' Man-
chester, who was better informed on the state of
Charles's French negotiations, replied that the danger did not
* That is to say that 3) 500 had disappeared since the army started
from Basing. Skippon says that in the force of the Lord General there
was now only 800 horse and i,2CX) foot, showing a loss of 1,000 or 2,000,
according as Essex's force is taken at 3,000 or 4,000 at Basing. Skippon
to E^ssex, Nov. 12. Rushw, v. 733.
* Crawford's assignment of this speech to Hazlerigg {Quarrel of Matt'
Chester and Cromwell, 68) is corroborated by Manchester. Rushw. v.
735. Crawford might retail gossip, but, in the face of an impending
Parliamentary inquiry, it is unlikely that he and Manchester would have
made Hazlerigg talk in this fashion if he had not done so.
* The last argument is given by Cromwell himself (Money's Battles 0]
Newbury y 191), and confirmed by other depositions. Yet Crawford says
that * Cromwell, presently speaking, did in these very words* — i.e, in
those of Hazlerigg — * make a speech very near a quarter of an hour long ;
so that, all joining, did presently order the foot to Newbury.' Manchester
s;iys {Rushw, v. 735) that ' there was not one present that aehvered his
CROMWELL AND MANCHESTER.
51
I
I
exist' Cromwell having expressed surprise at the denial,
Manchester took higher ground. Catching at the argument
which Hazlerigg had already used, he expressed his opinion
that a prolongation of the war was useless. " If we beat the
King ninety and nine times," he said, "yet he is king still,
and so will his posterity be after him ; but if the King beat us
once we shall be all hanged, and our posterity made slaves." '
" My Lord," replied Cromwell, " if this he so, why did we
take up arms at first? This is against fighting ever hereafter.
If so, let us make peace, be it never so base."*
For the first time, e-tcept in pri vate talk, that feeling against
the war in general which underlay all Manchester's military
hesitations flashed into light. Hitherto he had persuaded him-
self that, in spite of his dislike of the war, he had but argued on
purely military grounds against each particular action as it
arose ; and that, at all events, he had resolutely determined to
conform to the decision of the council of war, whatever it
might be.*
Vexed as Cromwell was, he was not berefl of his usual
■power of rec<^niBing the whole of the actual situation. The
opinion for lighling with the King at tbal time.' The su^estion above
that Croniwell reci^nised (lie difficulty of fighting would account for ihe
divergent accounts of bis speech.
' There were two ways in which Manchester may have known this.
When he was near Basing House he had a long conversation with Sabran
(Sabran to Brienne, ^'^i Harl. MSS. 5,460, fol. 325b). Again, the
letter in which Charles informed his wife of his disappointment (see p. 39)
wai intercepted. It is now in the Record Office {S. P. Dam. diii. 29),
and is indorsed with a stalement that it was read on Nov. i. This prob-
ably means that it was read in the Com. of B. K. , and if so its purpoil
may have been communicated to Manchester by a feUow-raember of the
Committee.
• "These are the very words, ns this examinale remctuberelh.'"
Hailerige's deposition. J. F. Dom. diii. 56, ix.
• Ibid.
*" In all precedent councils," said Ireton (Deposition, 5. P. Dom.
Diii. 56, xxii.), " where the eiaminate was present, his Lordship did never,
to the examinate's remembrance, make the question in general whether wc
d Sfihl if we might ; but that being always supposed, as he under-
6o THE REUEF OF DONNINGTON CASTLE, CH. xxi.
Committee of Both Kingdoms had been listening to the
rumours in London, which assigned the late disasters to
Nov. la. Manchester's wilfulness and neglect of advice. They
ul^foJ^ therefore, in ignorance of the support which he had
totheaivice received from the other commanders, reiterated their
o* tne coun- '
ciiofwar. instructions that nothing should be done except
' by common advice of a council of war.* * Manchester was
naturally annoyed.* " My Lord," Cromwell was afterwards re-
^^^ ^ ported to have said, " I hold him for a villain and a
CromweU's knave that would do any man ill offices, but there
was nothing done but what «was justifiable, and by
the joint consent of a council of war." *
At this time, indeed, so far as can be gathered from evidence
which is both imperfect and conflicting,' Cromwell was weighed
Nov. z5. down by a sense of the hopeless disorganisation ot
^tcA*of the '^® army, even more than he was by his distrust of its
Generals. principal commandcr. In a despatch signed by Man-
chester, Waller, and Balfour, and said to have been drawn up
f tood, by all, his Lordship at former debates . . . did otherwise put off
what tended to our engagement with other pretexts and remote expect-
ances of one opportunity after another.*'
That the refusal to fight was approved of by the majority of the officers
is evident, not only from the despatch of Nov. lo, signed by Manchester,
Waller, and Balfour {Quarrel of Manchester and Cromwell^ 55), but from
Waller's words in a despatch signed by himself alone. **The relation of
that business from my Lord of Manchester, Sir William Balfour, and
myself," he writes, *<will, in all likelihood, come to your hands, and I
hope give your Lordships satisfaction that we could do no more than we
did without a rash and precipitate engagement. . . . The continual duty
and service we have been upon hath extremely weakened my troops ; . • .
1>esides, my Lords, we are in such wants as there is a necessity of an
instant supply." Waller to the Com. of B. K., Nov. 12. Com. Letter
Book. On Manchester's desire to take advice, see his defence. Rushw.
V. 735-
* The Com. of B. K. to the Commanders, Nov. 12. Quirrel of Man-
chester and Cromwelly 57.
* Crawford's narrative. Ibid.tg, If the word 'justifiable' be taken as
meaning * arguable,' there is nothing here that Cromwell may not have said.
' Soon after the King's retreat on the loth the information of Deposi-
tions comes to an end.
i644 A DISORGAyiSED ARMY. 6l
by Cromwell/ the miserable plight of the troops is strongly
insisted on. " The army," say the three Generals, " is much
suteofthe weakened both in horse and foot. The horse are
•™»y' very unable for marching or watching, having now
for so long time been tired out with hard duty in such extremity
of weather as hath been seldom seen ; so that if much more be
required at their hands you will quickly see your cavalry ruined
without fighting. The foot are not in better case, besides the
lessening of their numbers through cold and so hard ^ duty.
We find sickness to increase so much upon them that we
cannot in duty conceal it from you, nor indeed with that
Christian consideration which we owe to them, whose extreme
sufferings we daily look upon not with a little sorrow, the
places we are in not affording firing, food, or covering for
them ; nor is the condition of the people less to be pitied, who
both in our horse and foot quarters are so exhaust that they
have so little left for themselves that we may justly fear sir
famine will fall upon them." '
With this misery hourly impressing itself upon him, it is
likely enough that Cromwell was, at this time, far less set upon
warlike enterprise than he afterwards imagined himself to have
been. Five days after this despatch was written it was known
that the King was on the move from Marlborough, and it was
believed that his object was the relief of Basing House,
Nov. 17. which was again in distress. The Parliamentary
Sv«^Jw. army marched out of Newbury to Kingsclere, in-
bury. tending to meet him there. Manchester, however,
deflected the course of his troops in the direction of Alder-
Nov. x8. maston, from which he marched on the i8th to
Mort^fr Mortimer's Heath, with the intention, as he gave
Heath. q^j^^ of making his way to Basing. Basing, however,
he never reached. His men were starving, and they ran away
* This is stated by Crawford, and the sentence about the horse looks
very much like an official redaction of Cromwell's statement about having
the skins of the horses.
2 The word ' hard ' is not in the MS,
* Manchester, Waller, and Balfour to the Com. of B. K., Nov. 15.
Com, Letter Book,
62 THE REUEF OF DONNINGTON CASTLE, ch. xxi.
by scores to Reading, where provisions were to be found in
plenty J Reluctantly or otherwise, a council of war came to
the conclusion that it was impossible under such circumstances
to protect the besiegers of Basing House. The whole army
made the best of its way to Reading, and orders were given to
abandon the siege. When Sir Henry Gage, who had been
recently knighted, was sent by the King to relieve the steadfast
garrison of that eastern outpost of his power, he found, on
arriving on the ground, that no enemy remained to be over-
powered or outmanoeuvred.
On November 23 Charles entered Oxford in triumph, safe
behind the girdle of fortresses which the efficiency of his army
^ ^ ^ and the bad generalship and the bad management of
The king his opponcnts had enabled him to retain intact, save
where the indomitable Browne still guarded Abing-
don. In the North of England indeed the tide of fortune was
Affairs in Still Setting against him. Liverpool had surrendered
the North. ^^ Mcldrum on November i ; Helmsley had given
itself up on the 14th to Fairfax ; whilst Carlisle was so closely
besieged by David Leslie, that there was little hope that its
resistance would be prolonged for many weeks. Yet C^harles
may well have thought the recoil of the great army which had
Hopefulness sct forth against him with high hope, less than two
of the King, months bcforc, was a sure token that the success for
which he had waited so patiently was at last coming within
his grasp.
What was, in fact, really wonderful was not that Charles
had accomplished so much, but that he had not accomplished
more. During the three campaigns over which the war had
* That there was a great store of provisions in Reading is mentioned
in the clauses added on the i8th to a duplicate of the despatch of the
Committee of Both Kingdoms to Manchester and the other commanders
of the 1 8th. Its attraction would explain the discrepancy between the
statements of Cromwell and his opponents alx)ut this march. As a
military movement, considered without regard to the fact that soldiers
have mouths, it was as absurd as Cromwell said it was ; whilst Cromwell's
disinclination at the time to go to the relief of Basing is too strongly testi-
fud by Manchester, Crawford, and Ash to be passed over, and is just wh.nt
might have been expected after the despatch of the 15th.
CHARLES'S STRATEGY.
6J
lasted strategical superiority had "been entirely on the King's
lide. Not only had the movements of the Royalist forces
Thciiraie ^^" directed in accordance with a well -conceived
ofiiiicic»iD- plan, but the plan had been varied from time to time
'™*°'' as circumsiances required. In the first short cam
paign which ended at Tumham Green, the object of the person,
whoever it may have been, who directed the Royal armies was
to drive right at the heart of the enemy, and to deal him a
mortal wound. When this proved impmcticable, recourse was
had in that second campaign which opened with the siege of
Reading and closed with the battle of Cheriton, to a scheme in
accordance with which combat was to be refused in the centre,
whilst the two wings in Yorkshire and Cornwall pushed on to
smother the weaker enemy between them. After this scheme,
too, had been tried in vain, and when the balance of numbers
had turned against Charles, the very opposite plan was tried.
Abandoning the attempt to act from the circumference upon the
centre, Charles resolved to act from the centre upon the circnm-
ference. Adopting the principle which was afterwards to be
stamped with the mint-mark of Napoleon, he was to fling his
forces first upon the Scots and thei r allies in Yorkshire, and then
alternately upon the divided armies of the southern Generals in
Oxfordshire and in Cornwall. When this was done he was to
regain his position of vantage at Oxford, to wait safely there till
the divisions of his adversaries gave him another opportunity.
To ascribe warfare so skilful as this to Charles is to suppose
that he possessed a flexibihty of mindand a readiness to adjust
his actions to circumstances which, was altogether foreign to his
character. To ascribe it to the fluctuating majority of a
council of war is equally impossible, and the silence of con-
temporaries seems to make it equally impossible to suppo;se
that the Royalist plans were the suggestion of the old General
who was honourably dismissed after the retreat from Newbury.
, The most probable explanation is that the operations
i^bizeua which ended at Cheriton were either originally sug- '
gested by Rupert or derived by him from a plan
sketched out by the Prince of Orange. As has been seen, the
new and brilliant strategy of the campaign ot 1644 had beer
64 THE RELIEF OF DONNINGTON CASTLE. CH. 3txi
originally suggested by Rupert,^ and Brentford, at the most
deserved the credit of having modified it according to circum-
stances as they arose, and of carrying it out with the same
ability which had marked his conduct of the operations after
the relief of Gloucester in the preceding year,* and his supe-
riority in the manoeuvres which preceded the battle of
Cheriton.*
Yet even the amount of skill shown by the old Scottish
(rcneral — considerable as it was — was not likely to make him
popular with his English subordinates. Apart from the pre-
judices of nationality, what they looked for was success, and
undoubtedly Brentford had not been successful. It is useless
for a General to direct a campaign unless he can fight a battle,
and Brentford had none of the fire of battle in him. There
was with him no prompt seizing of opportunities, no instan-
taneous detection of the weak points in the enemy. The dash-
ing officers who served under him came to regard him as one
who had no sympathy with a gallant exploit They chafed under
his control, and flung themselves into adventures in disobedi-
^^ , ence of his orders.* In Rupert they found the man
want of after their own heart Yet already Rupert had given
temper. ^.^^ ^^ ^ temper which would be likely to disqualify
him for the high post to which he had been raised. He had
scarcely occupied it a week when he flung up the commission
which he had coveted, because Charles, who had made him
General Of his army, would not also make him captain of his
guard. It is true that his resignation was promptly withdrawn,
but a commander-in-chief whose temper was so uncertain could
hardly be trusted at a critical moment^
It was, however, no mere tactical inferiority which had de-
prived Charles of the benefit of Brentford's generalship. In
^ See vol. i. p. 351. If this strategy was originally suggested by Rupert
to Charles and subsequently accepted by Brentford, it would illustrate
Clarendon's statement that Brentford always adopted the King's views.
' See vol. i. pp. 206, 207.
■ See voL L p. 321.
* His extreme caution at Cheriton is a case in point
This occurred at Marlborough on Nov. 15. Symond*s Diary ^ 152.
I644
NEED OF ORGANISATION.
6>
Quaii:tTof
1 the Puritan armies, together with much unpromising material
I there were men who were better soldiers than any who fjught
I on the Royalist side. The horsemen of the sects who followed
Cromwell at MarstonMoor, the London trained bands,
whom the most splendid chivalry of Charles's
army dashed in vain on Enbome Heath, the infantry
of the old army of Essex who swarmed over Maurice's entrench-
ments on Speen Hill, could hardly be matched in the ranks of
their opponents. Hitherto all their martial qualities had been
neutralised by defective oi^nisation. Unless military and
financial centralisation could reduce the existing chaos to order,
it was hardly likely that even Cromwell, splendid tactician ;u
he was, could convert disaster into si
66
CHAPTER XXII.
PRVNNE, MILTON, AND CROMWELU
The strife which had 'broken out in the army on the question
01 military efficiency was inseparably connected with a conflict
1644. of opinion which had long cleft Puritan society
^d"h^^'^ asunder. Manchester was the representative not
byterians. merely of an unadventurous school of commanders,
but of an unadventurous school of politicians. In Parliament
and Assembly Presbyterianism maintained its ascendency. Yet
English and bctwecn the Presbyterianism of England and the
Scottish Presbyterianism of Scotland there was a great gulf,
teriamsm. jt is indeed possible to transfer the external institu-
tions of a political or religious system from one nation to
another, but it is not possible to transfer the spirit by which
that system is animated. England might, if she chose, adopt
from Scotland the parity of ministers and the lay elderships,
but she would of necessity colour those institutions as soon as
they were established with her own national traditions and
modes of thought. The historical development of the Scottish
nation favoured the predominance of the clergy, whereas the
historical development of the English nation favoured the
predominance of the laity.
It was therefore from no zeal for Presbyterianism as a
divine institution that its English supporters rallied round it.
It was to them chiefly an ecclesiastical form of Parliamentarism,
in which the Assembly w^as to work under the control of the
Houses, and the parochial clergy were to work under the
control of the lay elders.
The name ' Presbyterian,' in short, by fixing attention ex-
1644 THE PRESBYTERIAN PARTY. 67
clusively upon the ecclesiastical aims of the party which bore
it, has been the source of much unintentional misunderstand-
The En lish ^'^^^ ^^ ^^ bcyond disputc that the Presbyterian party
Presbyterian failed in establishing the Church polity which they
defended, and it is therefore easy to forget that they
succeeded in inspiring both Church and State with the spirit
which had impelled them temporarily to become the champions
of that polity. When at last the Restoration arrived, it was
parliamentary rather than monarchical, and though the bishops
returned to the sees from which they had been expelled, they
returned practically stripped of that uncontrolled jurisdiction
which had aroused opposition in the days of I^ud. To make
King and Church responsible to Parliament was the real aim
of the Presbyterian party, and every year which passed after the
Restoration made it more evident that, for the time at least,
the most substantial gains of the long conflict had fallen to those
who had concentrated their efforts on this object.
It was inevitable that a party thus constituted should be
intensely conservative, for the very reason that up to a certain
Its conserva- poiut it had been driven to l)e revolutionary. A task
tisin. which can only be accomplished by the energy of a
whole generation unconsciously calls up in those who devote
themselves to it a sullen indifference to changes which seem to
have no relation to the change which they themselves advocate,
even if they do not dread new proposals of reform as distract-
ing attention from the work which appears to them to be the
one thing needful. Of conservatism of this kind Prynne was,
if not the most convincing, at least the most self-sufficient and
1643-44. voluminous champion. During the progress of the
Ht7ra?5* ^*^^^ ^\x\i^ the stream of his vituperation had never
activity. flagged. In 1643 ^^ ^^ proved, at inordinate
length, that Nathaniel Fiennes was a coward and a traitor;
that Charles had illegally scattered favours amongst disloyal
Papists, and that sovereign power resided in Parliaments.^
In the spring and summer of 1644 he was engaged in hunting
' The doom of caivardice and treachery ^ E. 251, 6 ; The Popish Royal
Favoun'te, 287, g, 20 ; The soiercign fower 0/ Parliaments and Kingdoms ^
2S7, g, 19.
68 PRYNNE, MILTON, AND CROMWELV Ch. xxil.
down his formci oppressor. Archbishop Laud, but in the
autumn, sniffing a fresh quarry, he flung himself with all his
might into the dispute between the Presbyterians and the
His Pmby- Independents. The support which he gave to the
icrianisni. fonner party would indeed have given dire offence
to all true disciples of Calvin, Not only did he refuse to allow
that any ecclesiastical institutions were of divine origin, but he
argued that every nation acting through its I'athament and
Assembly was at liberty to erect, within certain narrow though
not clearly defined limits, whatever kind of Church it pleased.
To this Church all persons were obliged 'in point of conscience
and Christianity to submit.' Its discipline would no doubt be
exercised, as in Scotland, by Church Courts and Assemblies,
but it would be exercised under the supremacy of the State,
and with safeguards imposed by Parliament against clerical
self-wilL The doctrine that all ecclesiastical jurisdiction must
proceed from the lay State was as firmly grasped by Prynne as
it had been by Henry VIII., or by the framersof the Root and
Branch Bill of 1641.'
Against Independents and Sectaries of every kind the
censures of the Church were, according to Prynne, to be freely
Its inioitr. employed. The congregational system, he held, was
^"'■''- not merely irrational, but would logically result in
that toleration of all heresies which had been proposed by the
author of The Bloody Tenenl. He was not, however, content
with denouncing the results of Independency, He attacked it
in its substance when he asked triumphantly whether its root
were not ' a pharisaical spiritual pride, vainglorious singularity,
or self-conceitedness of man's own superlative holiness, as they
deem it, which makes them to deem themselves so transcen-
dentiy holy, sanctified and religious above others, that they
esteem them altogether unworthy of — yea wholly exclude them
from their communion and church society.' '
Spiritually, Prynne stood at a far lower level than Roger
Williams. The claim to think and to feel, not after the feshion
' Hist ef Engl. 1603-164Z, ix, 407.
' Twelve coruiiierailt serious quisliens tauchiHg Ckunh Gevtrnment,
E. 257, 1, P 7-
'644
PRYNNE AND MILTON.
I
of the world, but as each man's brain and heart might dic-
tate lo him, was not merely ignored by Prynne — it was
CiiKcaf treated with contemptuous scorn. For that very
Pn'nne'. rcason his doctrine was a great power in the land. It
was Prynne's Presbyterian ism which was welcome to a
world which fancied itself necessarily intelligent because it was
educated. It enlisted on the side of the average intellect of the
day, which on the one hand dreaded the intolerance which is
always latent in fanaticism, and, on the other hand, looked
with suspicion on ideas not yet stamped with the mint-mark of
custom, the feeling, which unconsciously exists in the majority
of mankind, of repugnance against all who aim at higher
thinking or purer living than is deemed sufficient by their con-
temporaries, and who usually, in the opinion of their contem-
poraries, contrive to miss their aim.
Prynne found controversialists e
challenge. The only reply which i
Prynntand IS One ncvcr intended by Its
Miiion. Prynne's arguments at all,
the war between the rival forms of church government, but
strange domestic experiences of his own, led the poet of Cotmis
to stand forward in defence of intellectual liberty.
In May 1643 Milton visited the home of the Powells, a
Royalist family living at Forest Hill, near Oxford, and after a
month's stay brought back with him as his bride
Miiion'.' Mary Powell, a girl of seventeen, his own years
'™"'^°' numbering thirty-four. The month of courtship was
followed by a month of marriage, waxing ever gloomier as the
days passed by. The young wife soon discovered that her
elderly husband devoted himself during the livelong day to his
books and his studies ; and that his conversation, when she
was admitted to share in it, turned upon subj tswh hw to
her scarcely intelligible. One tiling alone w 1 a to h
that her life's companion held opinions wh h o f he
could understand them, resembled thos wh h h h d
learnt to regard as detestable and profane. Th h b d
the other hand, found that the child whom h h.d Id d h d
no sympathy with him in his pursuits, no po of o
igh ready to take up his
the modern reader
author to be a reply 10
ly deep interest ii
70 PRVNNE, MILTON, AND CROMWELL, CH. xxtt.
or cheering nim in his appointed task. To both alike the yoke
of matrimony was an intolerable burden. At the end of a
month the young wife asked leave to visit her parents,
Tulv
and, finding herself once more happy, refused to
return to her tormentor. The husband, even before he was
deserted,* had sat down to write a tract on The doctrine and
Aug. I. disciplint of Divorce, in which a noble argument on
^frhTd^' behalf of true marriage as an association of soul and
^Ji^.f/^ , intellect was made to lead up to the conclusion that
aucipitne of *
Dtvorce. it was the just prerogative of every husband to dis-
miss the wife who failed to answer his craving for mental and
spiritual companionship, though he refused to make any pro-
vision for the case of a woman burdened with a boorish or
unsympathising husband.
Those who have conjectured — for nothing but conjecture
is possible — the motive of the poet in making so untoward a
w M'l selection, have usually been of opinion that he was
true to him- thrown off his balance by the bright eyes and grace-
ful figure of the cavalier maiden, and that he thus
became false to that ideal of an inward beauty of soul em-
bodying itself in the outward form which had given inspira-
tion to Comus. It may have been so ; but, though Mil-
ton's silence is far from being conclusive, there is at least no
hint in all his voluminous writings on the subject of divorce
that he had been ensnared by beauty, or that he considered that
a sober and sedate man was in any danger of being fascinated
by the outward appearance. Even if, as is by no means un-
likely, physical beauty revenged itself on its scorner more than
he cared to acknowledge, is it not probable that, in this instance
as in all others, Milton was in the main true to his nature ?
May he not have dreamed, as many another sensitive idealist
has dreamed, that it would be well for him to choose some
rustic, uncultured maiden to educate for worthy companion-
ship ? Something of this is perhaps implied in the only phrase
in which he ever referred to his own courtship, when he com-
plained that * the bashful muteness of a Virgin may ofttimes
* The evidence has been collected and judicially weighed by Prof.
Mdssonin his Life of Milton, iL 502 ; iiu 42.
' «643
MILTON'S DIVORCE-TRACTS.
71
hide all the unliveliness and natural slolh which is really
unfit for conversation.' As in s» much else Milton tiad set
his ideal loo high for realisation ; too high, in the first place,
because in his day women were never educated to be the
intellectual companions of men of independent thought ;
loo high, in the second place, because he had not learnt to
pay due honour to womanhood, or to understand that true
companionship can never be had from one who is treated as
an inferior, to l)e moulded and fashioned at tlie pleasure of a
It may be that Milton was not yet prepared to write, as he
after^vards wrote upon bitter and diversified experience, the
harsh sentence that
"God's universal law
Gave to the man despotic power
Over his fenia.Ie in due awe,
Nor from thnt righl Xa pari an hour ; "
but, in some modified form, the feeling \
beginning. He had too little dramatic
ith him from the
heart, and too great contempt for all
that was unlike himself to be happy in his marriage. His
noble conception of wifely virtue was unaccompanied by any
equally noble conception of manly self- surrender.
That Milton's tract should arouse opposition was unavoid-
able. Even in an age in which almost every received doctrine
was subjected to question, an attack on the received
doctrine on marriage was regarded with unqualified
detestation. Milton met the storm which his tract had raised
by defiantly re-asserting his opinion. On February 2,
1644, he issued a new and enlarged edition of his
pamphlet, and in July he appealed in a new work to
the authority of Bucer as justifying the position he
had taken up. He had already in the previous
month put forth a tract on education, in which
there is not the slightest allusion to the education
equally n'
tThat
able. £1
OppKilioO
detestatio
Jul. IS.
^
of girls. It \\
It given t
I, however high-
minded and far-sighted, to foresee the whole Eolution which
72 PRYNNE, MILTON, AND CROMfVELL. CH. XJtlT.
a future age may apply to a complex difficulty, and if Milton's
answer to the eternal problem of the relation between the
sexes was a blundering one — ^lnly, in truth, less blundering
than the answer given by the Cluniac monks of the eleventh
century — it was because he had failed to understand the con-
ditions under which his high ideal of marriage as ' the soul's
union and commixture of intellectual delights ' could be ren-
dered attainable. So far as Milton was not personally at fault,
the root of his error, like the root of the error of Hildebrand,
lay in the complacency with which he regarded the existing
low standard of female education. The women of the seven-
teenth century were well skilled in all housewifely arts, and
were as capable as women of other centuries of patient and
self- forgetful heroism ; but, except on the ground of religious
consolation, they had very little intellectual companionship to
give. In households in which the sons of the family were sub-
jected to severe mental discipline it was usually thought a
waste of time to allow a girl to learn more than to scrawl an
almost illegible letter, in which the spelling, even in those days
of vague and uncertain orthography, might fairly be charac-
terised as abominable.'
Milton's consciousness that his main position was sound led
him to embark on a yet higher argument His persistence in
the publication of his opinions naturally brought upon
AtiacfcsoD him a storm of obloquy daily increasing in volume
' °^ and in force. Prynne tersely characterised his doc-
trine as 'divorce at pleasure.' Preachers and pamphleteers
assailed him as the advocate of al! license and depravity. By
issuing his tract without the permission required by the licens-
ing ordinance of 1643 * he had contravened the Parliamentary
law, and at one time it seemed likely that he would be called
to account for the offence.'
Dropping for a time the subject of marriage and divorce,
;i)nespondence of the
' This is dislinclly 10 be rec-jgnij
Fed ia the
Vernej fan.ily.
' See vol. i. p. 149.
■ The paiticulan, in far greater del
lil ihan I 1
be traced in Masson's Lift ej Milivn, ii
J. 261-175.
1644
ltbehty of the press.
11
I of each man's right to assert
timber 14 he issued, under the
a defence of 'the liberty of
Less concerned with practical
I
Milton turned to the vindicalio
unpopular opinions. On Nov
jj^ title of Areopagilica,
Arriba- unlicensed printing.'
'"'"■ pohtics than the author oi Ubtrly of Consdence,^ and
less careful of sectarian religiosity than Roger Williams, Mii-
ton's spirit soars aloft in a purer air. The one lasting convic-
tion of his life, that the free development of the individual — or
at least of male individuals — was the indispensable condition of
a healthy commonwealth, found its noblest expression here.
Milton perceived that the liberty which all professed to be ready
to accord to good books could only be secured if it was also
accorded to books which were reputed to be evil, Not only
was it impossible to prevent the circulation of bad books,* but
it would be actually injurious to attempt to do so. The pre-
.^^ , sence of evil, thought Milton, tests and hardens the
ocjeof resistance offered to it by the good. He could not
'praise a fugitive and cloistered virtue unexercised
and unbreathed, that never sallies out and sees her adveraary,
but slinks out of the race, where that immortal garland is to be
run for, not without dust and heat.'
Holding such views, Milton was not likely to be well satis-
fied with the conduct of the Assembly of Divines or of the
M«.»i laymen who had fallen under its influence. "There
be," he writes, "who perpetually complain of
schisms and sects, and make it such a calamity that
any man dissents from their maxims." To him every sign of
mental activity was welcome. " Now, once again, by all con-
currence of signs," he vehemently declared, " and by the general
instinct of holy and devout men, as they daily and solemnly
eitpress their thoughts, God is decreeing to begin some new
and great period in His Church, even to the reforming of refor-
mation itself. What does He then but reveal Himself to His
subjects, and as His manner is, first to His Englishmen? . . .
Behold now this vast city, a city of refuge, the mansion-house
Engluid.
is teadcr£ ihat Mtrcwiu! Auitcm was in eveiyone's
n PRYNNE, MILTON, AND CROMWELL, CH. XXII.
of liberty, encompassed and surrounded with His protection ;
the shop of war hath not there more anvils and hammers waking
to fashion out the plates and instruments of armed justice in
defence of beleaguered truth than there be pens and heads there,
sitting by their studious lamps, musing, searching, revolving
new notions and ideas wherewith to present, as with their
homage and their fealty, the approaching reformation : others
as fast reading, trying all things, assenting to the force of
reason and convincement. • . . Under these fantastic terrors
of sect and schism, we wrong the earnest and zealous thirst
after knowledge and understanding which God hath stirred up
in this city. What some lament of, we rather should rejoice at,
should rather praise this pious forwardness among men, to re-
assume the ill-deputed care of their religion into their own
^. hands again. A little generous prudence, a little for-
tion through bcarancc of one another, and some grain of charity
"^* might win all those diligences to join and unite in
one general and brotherly search after truth, could we but
forego this prelatical tradition of crowding free consciences and
Christian liberties into canons and precepts of men."
The buoyancy of heart with which these words were written
was characteristic of Milton in those days. Like the French
revolutionists, he was slow to measure the difficulties in the
way of the realisation of his ideal, and as they fancied that
organisation through law was readily attainable, so did he
fancy that organisation through liberty was within easy reach.
The idealist, usually in the right as to the thing which he
desires, is always wrong as to the time within which the ob-
stacles in his path can be swept away, and in thinking it
possible in an instant to create a home of liberty out of the
England of Laud and Prynne, Milton did but exhibit his own
ignorance of the actual ways of men.
No doubt the yoke of the Long Parliament upon the press
was less grievous than the yoke of the Star Chamber had been.
The Long Miltou, suiting the action to the word, had published
Tnd thT*°' Areopagitica without a licence, and no attempt had
press. h^jtn made to punish him for his audacity. Men of
note, like John Goodwin or Henry Burton, had no difficulty in
1644 PROSPECTS OF PRESBYTERIANlSAf. ?^
obtaining a licence for their arguments on behalf of toleration,*
but less respected authors were not so fortunate. " The truth
is," wrote one to whose pamphlet a licence had been refused,
" if the book bear Independent upon its front, and be thought
to speak for that way ... it is silenced before it speaks." *
In fact, it was only by connecting itself with some more
widely-spread desire that this struggle for intellectual liberty
could be crowned with even temporary success for many a
^ year to come. In both Houses the current of
Feeling in feeling ran strongly in favour of Presbyterian re-
the Houses. . -kt • i i • rr
stramt. No smgle step was taken to give effect to
that Accommodation Order which Cromwell had wrung from
g^ ^ the Commons.' On September i8 the thanks of
A City the House were given to a body of petitioners from
amongst the City clergy, who had asked that * erro-
neous opinions, ruinating schisms, and damnable heresies'
might be suppressed.* On October 23 the Lords
Requirt^if Urged the Assembly to 'hasten the settling of the
the Lords, government of the Church,' and on the next day the
tS^Oot*. Commons requested the divines to apply themselves
aSu^^^^' to the preparation of a Directory which might take
the place of the Book of Common Prayer.* On
A Scottish November i, a few days after the capture of New-
*^"**^ castle was known in London, a letter was received
from the Committee of the Estates of Scotland with the
northern army, imploring the English Parliament so to settle
the government of the Church as to remove * those great pre*
judices raised against our cause by the abundance of variety
of sectaries, separatists, and schismatics.* This time the
Commons took the lead in the work of repression, asking the
* Goodwin, eco/iax^a, E. 12, 1 ; Goodwin, Innocences Triumph,
E. 4, 10 ; Burton, Vindication of Churches commonly called Independent ^
E. 17, 5.
* Inquiries into the causes of our miseries ^ E. 22, I. In the third sec-
tion (E. 24, 3, p. 22) the author states that the impression of the second
section had been seized.
» See p. 30.
* Rushw* V. 78a
* Z./. vii. 31 ; C./. iii. 67^
76 PRYNNE, MILTON, AND CROMWELL, ch. xxil.
Lords to join in recommending this letter to the consideration
of the Assembly.'
The Assembl)- was not slow to take the hint On ihe 8th
it presented to the Houses a recommendation in favour of
Presbyterian ism as the only fitting government for
AdvSof the Church.'' On the 15th the Commons passed a
ih.AM™- resolution— which was indeed easier to announce
Nov. .5. ^^^^ '" enforce — ' that no person be permitted
^^*J*'° to preach who is not ordained as a minister,'*
»n«or- and though consideration of the further question of
the establishment of Presbyterian ism was postponed
till the objections of the dissenting brethren, now seven in
number, had been heard, enough had l>een done to show that
there was no intention of tolerating the preaching of a layman.^
In most questions relating to church government the
Houses were ready to follow the lead of the Scots. On the
still more pressing subject of opening negotiations with the
King, the influence of the Scots was no less dis-
Peara'liri cernible. On November 8 propositions for peace
l^puX, which had been drawn up under Scottish influence
Nov ». "ere, with some slight alteration, unanimously
gKiMniio adopted, and on the aoth were despatched to
Oxford.
With respect to the Church, the demand made by the
Houses was, that 'the reformation of religion according to the
Covenant be settled by Act of Parliament in sucli
giouipro- manner as both Houses shall agree upon after con-
'™' '""^ sultation had with the Assembly of Divines,' and
this demand was accompanied by a recitation of the clause of
the Covenant in which both kingdoms had bound themselves
'to endeavour the nearest conjunction and uniformity in
' Sinclair and others lo the Coin, of B. K,, Oel. 23. L.J. vii. 44 |
C./. iii. 684.
' L./. vii. 61 ; C.J. iii. 691. • C./. iii. 697.
' In Ihe course of some debate some inquiry seems to have been made
as to the effect of the words ' No person ' in excluding wunien. " Acriter
Jispuiaium if the word ' Person' were 'Man'— No person in holy orders,
ul prsTienirenl mulicres." D'Ewes's Diary, Hart. MSS. 166, fol. 161.
i6«
NEW PEACE-PROPOSALS.
I
matters of religion.' That this demand was framed in an
exclusively Presbyterian sense hardly admits of doubt ; but
p in giving at least a tacit approval to it. Vane and
byihiin- his allies might comfort themselves with (he know-
"*"" ™ *" ledge that nothing definite had as yet been I
latively settled, and that, even within the lines now laid down,
some expansion was still possible. Yet, though no evidence
e\ists on the point, it is most probable that the absence of any
resistance on the part of the Independents was mainly due to
the conviction that Charles would save them the trouble of a
fruitless opposition by peremptorily rejecting the proposal.
To Charles, indeed, the political propositions would be as
offensive as the ecclesiastical. Not only were all Papists who
lire pDi[ticai liad taken up arms against the Parliament, and all
ptoposmons. persons who had had a hand in the Irish rebellion,
to be excluded from pardon, but the names of fifty-seven of
the King's most trusted supporters, including those of his two
nephews, Rupert and Maurice, were placed on the list of pro-
scription, whilst an immense number of his less important
supporters were to be excluded from office. The whole of the
estates of those to whom pardon was refused was to be applied
to the payment of the expenses of the war, whilst Ihe forfeiture
of a third part was to suffice as a penalty on those whose
names appeared in the second category. Besides this, a crowd
of unnamed delinquents were to be called upon to sacrifice a
tenth of their property. Not even a semblance of royal powei
was to be left to Charles. The militia and the navy were to
be placed permanently under commissioners to be named by
the Houses, and the nomination to all posts of importance
was to be transferred to the Houses themselves, or to commis-
sioners acting in their name.
The transference of power thus sketched out was certainly
not to be eftected in favour of liberty. The propositions \^-
Libeiiy dis. lating to the Church were of the most stringent and
rfgarded. intolerant kind. Not only was an oath to the Cove-
nant to be exacted from every subject in the three kingdoms,
but, at the express desire of the Scots, the King himself was to
be required to swear to it. It was almost certain tliat the
y3 PRYNNE, MILTON, AND CROMWELL, ch. xxii.
system proposed to be substituted for Episcopacy would, as
far as ecclesiastical institutions were concerned, be Presby-
Aimofthe terianisHi of the most rigid kind. In short, the aim
Peace-party, q^ ^^ great Peace-party, so commanding in Parlia-
mentary authority, but so fatally deficient in intelligence, was
to treat Charles much as Milton had treated Mary Powell.
They asked him for his hearty co-operation in a course ol
action which he regarded with loathing.^
As a matter of Parliamentary tactics, those who believed
that the Peace-party needed only to be left to itself to work its
MiUtary re- own dcstruction wcre doubtless in the right. Other
organisatioQ. considerations than those of Parliamentary tactics
concurred in suggesting to the leaders of the War-party the
wisdom of allowing the negotiation to take its course. Believ-
ing as they did that a slackening of military effort would enable
the King to dictate his own terms, they preferred to work with
their Parliamentary opponents rather than against them. The
recent events at Newbury had brought about a remarkable
consensus of opinion that, if the war was to be carried on,
the army must be reorganised, and both Cromwell and Vane
were sufficiently shrewd to be aware that the sooner a practical
attempt was made to procure Charles's acceptance of the
Presbyterian terms, the sooner Manchester and Holies would
discover the truth which they had been so slow to learn, that
the war could only be brought to an end by victory. Even
now it was generally understood that the present military
anarchy must be dealt with at once, as it would be too late
to reduce the army to discipline when the time arrived for
taking the field.
The stone was set rolling on November 19 by the presenta-
tion of a petition in which the Eastern Association complained
Financial that they wcre no longer able to bear the charge of
]S°tem ^ maintaining their troops, and called on Parliament to
sociation. provide a remedy.* The system of maintaining an
army for general purposes by local contributions had broken
down where it was strongest, and the Commons, in referring
* L.J, vii. 54 ; Acts of the Pari, ofScotiand, vi. 129.
« C/. iii. 699 J Per/. Diurnal^ E. 256, 4a
l644 A NEW MODEL PROPOSED. 74
the petition to the Committee of Both Kingdoms, not only
in&tructed it to take into consideration the whole state of the
Nov. aj. Parliamentary armies, but, on the 23rd, reinforced
Modeftobe ^^^*^ Order with directions to the Committee to *con-
considered. gj^er of a frame or model of the whole militia.' * An
effort, it seemed, was at last to be made to give practical effect
to Waller's suggestion of an army wholly at the disposal of
Parliament*
It is possible that the promptness with which these orders
were given was in some degree owing to the return of Cromwell
to his place in Parliament The 23rd had been fixed
Westmin- as the day on which he and Waller were to make
their statements on the proceedings at Newbury, the
House not having been satisfied with an official defence which
had been offered by Hazlerigg on the i4th.^ Some members,
however, were of opinion that further inquiry would only lead
to useless recrimination, and the report of the two generals was
therefore postponed to the 25th, perhaps in the hope that it
might be altogether dispensed with as injurious to the mainten-
ance of military discipline.*
If such was the expectation of those who had urged delay,
it was likely now to be disappointed. Cromwell was already
Cromwell beginning to show himself a leader of men as well as
as a states- a commander of armies. Political assemblies are
always impatient of far-reaching schemes which em-
brace the future as well as the present, and there can be little
doubt that if Areopagitica had been delivered as an actual
speech in Parliament, it would have been received with icy
coldness. Then, as now, the House of Commons liked to be
led on step by step, and took a peculiar pleasure in imagining
that each move in advance was absolutely final. Cromwell,
alike by temperament and calculated prudence, was the very
> CJ, iii..703. « Seep. 5.
■ Perf, Diurttalj Nov. 14. E. 256, 36.
* CJ. iil 703 ; Whitacre's Diary, Add, MSS, 31,116, fol. 175b. Ac-
cording to Whitacre the report was postponed * because it was feared by
many that the relating of it might tend to the increasing divisions in the
^rmy, which were now Well quieted and appeased.*
8o PRYNNE, MILTON, AND CROMWELL, ch. xxil.
wan to afTurd the guidance which the House required. Widely
as his sympathies extended, he knew how to single out amongst
many objects the one which was supremely important because
most easily attainable at the moment, and whilst throwing him-
self with all the energy of his character upon the achievement
of his immediate purpose, to maintain a complete silence on
subjects which would have divided him from those whose help
he needed.
The combination of the power of enthusiasm with the power
of reticence was the distinguishing note of Cromwell's character
ci^mweii'i as a statesman — a note which, under malignant in-
reiiHDw. terprelation, led easily to charges of hypocrisy. Such
charges appeared to have the better foundation in the un-
certainty with which he felt his way to a great decision. Alike
as a commander, as a speaker, and as a politician, Cromwell
stands apart from those whose life-work has been moulded by
self- sustained effort in pursuit of a regularly formed plan. The
inward doubts and wrestlings, the instant urgency with which
he sought God in prayer for a Divine light which should
determine his course amidst the darkness atoond him, were
the truest expressions of the hesitation with which he ap-
proached each turning-point in the path of duty. The involved
sentences of his oratory— if, indeed, oratory it can be called —
and the absence of any strategical plan in bis warfare are closely
akin to the open-mi ndedness with which he gauged each
pohtical difficulty as it arose. There were so many evils which
needed remedy, so many healing measures to be applied, that
it was hard to choose a course. When the moment of decision
came at last, all previous hesitation vanished. Cromwell needed
the impact of hard fact to clear his mind, but when once it had
been cleared he saw his way with pitiless decision of purpose.
Old friends who crossed his path were thrown aside, and hopes
which he had once held out to them were withdrawn. The
need of the moment was all in all to him, and what that need
was he saw with unrivalled accuracy of vision.
On his return to Parliament Cromwell instinctively per-
ceived that the reorganisation of the army was the one thing
needful. It was no time to be wrangling over the discipline
rfi44
CROMWELL AS A STATESMAN,
of the Puritan Church when the very existence of Puritanism I
was at stake, or to criticise the terms offered to the King |
CMiDweii'* when the opening of a negotiation could be avoided \
^™- by no art of his. On these points Cromwell pre-
served for many months a resolute silence. The lime would
come when it might be useful to speak of Ihem, but the time
had not come yet. When the King had been beaten in the
field other objects would be easier of attainment, and, like alt
true leaders, Cromwell fixed upon an aim which would unite
rather than upon one which would distract.
Cromwell's superb presence of mind boded no gOod to the
ascendency of the Presbyterian leaders. They might safely
have contemned the idealism of Milton, but their inabiUly to
make war or to conclude peace would before long deliver them
over to the man whose capacity for practical action was un-
ri vailed in his generation.
8a
CHAPTER XXIII.
THE FIRST SELF-DENYING ORDINANCE.
If it was in Cromweirs nature to avoid flying at abuses in
general, whilst he singled out some particular abuse which it
was in his power to remedy, it was also in his nature
Cromv/eii to connect that abuse with some particular person,
attack Man- As a soldier, deserted by his comrades in the stress
' ^^^^^' of battle, and surrounded by a ring of foemen,
chooses instinctively some one hostile face at which to dash
for dear life's sake, so Cromwell dashed at Manchester. What-
ever might be pleaded on the part of that general— the diffi-
culties arising from the deficiency of the commissariat, the
inclemency of the weather, or the unwavering support of the
majority of his fellow-commanders — was all forgotten now.
Yet if Cromwell swayed the details of the past to his own side,
the charge which he was about to bring was true in its applica-
tion to the central fact of Manchester's conduct. Manchester,
he rightly held, had erred not from mere inertness or incapacity,
but from unwillingness to win such a victory as would stand
in the way of a reconciliation with the King— a reconciliation
which, to Cromwell's mind, would involve the abandonment of
everything worth fighting for at all.
When on November 25 Cromwell took his seat in the
House, prepared to mxke the statement which had been fixed
j^, for that day,^ he had first to listen to the adoption of
The Scottish a motion for a request to the Lords * to consider of
to move bringing up the Scottish army southwards.' * A
*^" ** Scottish army, to form a nucleus round which the
scattered fragments of the English forces might gather, would
* See p. 79. * C./. iii. 704 ; L./. vii. 7^.
1644 A MILITARY DISPUTE. 83
be fatal to the realisation of Cromweirs aim. AVhat he wanted
was that the English army might be strong enough to act inde-
pendently of the Scots. There was, therefore, all the more
reason for proceeding with the attack on Manchester, because
it was only after the removal of Manchester that it would be
possible to send into the field an English force such as Crom-
well desired to see.
When at last the two generals were called on to declare
their knowledge of the causes of the late miscarriages, Waller
Statements was the first to spcak. No record of his words has
•ndCrom- reached us, but there is some reason to suppose that
*'*"• he confined himself to a complaint of Manchester's
failing to come to his assistance at Shaftesbury.^ Cromwell
followed with a far more sweeping attack. With every sign of
bitter irritation he ascril>ed every mistake that had been com-
mitted to the personal wrong- headedness of Manchester.* The
affair was referred to a committee of which Zouch Tate was the
chairman.*
As might have been expected, Manchester took fire. On
the 26th he asked leave of the Peers to defend himself in
Nov. 36. the House of which he was a member. On the
^k?to*de!' 28th, having obtained the required permission, he
fend himself, assailcd Cromwell in return. On December 2 the
HbTfence, ^arl, by the direction of the Peers, produced his
D->c. a. counter-statement in writing, and the Lords, adopt-
«tSd to the ^"S ^*s cause as their own, not only sent his narrative
Commons, jq the Commons, but named seven peers to examine
the affair, and asked the Commons to appoint some members
of their House to join them in the committee which was to
take part in the inquiry.*
The narrative thus laid before the Commons consisted of
two sections. In the first, which related entirely to the military
> This, at least, is the burden of his first subsequent deposition. S,P.
D9m. diii. 56, viL
' Cromwell's nanative, Quarrel pf Manchester and- Cromwell , 78.
» C.J. ul 704.
* L./. vu. 73, 76, 79, 8a
G 2
84 FIRST SELF-DENYING ORDINANCE. CH. xxill.
side of the dispute, Manchester passed lightly over his own
part in the recent failure, painted Cromwell as a factious and
somewhat inert officer, and laid stress upon his own
ter'snarm. habit of Conforming himself to the resolutions of
the Council of War, and upon Cromwell's acknow-
ledgment that this had been the case. As a personal reply
this section of the narrative was to a certain extent effective,
but it offered no serious defence of those errors which had
ruined the last campaign. In the second section Manchester .
attacked his accuser on the political side. After urging that
CromwelFs own position in the army was sufficient evidence
that no attempt had been made in it to depress Independents,
he held him up to scorn as the despiser of the nobility and the
contemptuous assailant of the Assembly of Divines. Cromwell,
it seemed, had actually spoken of those reverend gentlemen as
persecutors. What was still worse, he had expressed a desire
to have an exclusively Independent army, with the help of
which he might be enabled to make war on the Scots if they
attempted to impose a dishonourable peace on honest men.*
On both sides the larger political dispute threatened to
swallow up the question of military action. The Scots were
Anger of the especially irritated by CromwelFs attack upon them-
^^^ selves, now for the first time revealed to them. "This
fire," wrote Baillie, " was long under the embers ; now it's
broken out, we trust, in a good time. It's like, for the interest
of our nation, we must crave reason of that darling of the
sectaries, and, in obtaining his removal from the army, which
himself by his over- rashness has procured, to break the power
pf that potent faction. This is our present difficile exercise : —
we had need of your prayers." ^
To break the power of Cromwell it was necessary to have a
policy at least as practical as his. The success of the peace;
negotiation, which was especially the work of the Scots, was
' The first part of the narrative has long been accessible in Rushw,
V. 733 ; the second is printed in vol. viii. of the Camden Miscellany, from
a copy amongst the Tanner MSS.' See also a note by Major Ross in the
Etfgl. Hist. Review, for July, 1 888.
* Baillte^ ii. 245. .:
1644 A NEGOTIATION OPENED. 85
already becoming doubtful. The commissioners sent in charge
of the propositions entered Oxford on November 23 amidst
^ ^ ^ the execrations of the crowd, and were personally in-
The i>eace sultcd by a party of officers after they reached their
commis- 1/ * • J
sioners at quartcrs. On the 24th, the King, who had returned
on the previous day from the relief of Donning -
ton Castle, listened with dignity to the long list of demands,
each one of which insisted on a surrender of some point which
he was absolutely pledged to make good. The names of
Rupert and Maurice on the list of proscription were received
by the courtiers with contemptuous laughter. When at last
the reading was finished, Charles briefly asked the commis-
sioners whether they had power to treat. They replied that
they had only authority to receive his answer. That answer,
they were told, they should have, with all convenient speed.
The short interval which had thus been gained was used by
Charles to sow division amongst his antagonists. In the even-
Charies tries JJ^'g? taking Rupcrt with him, he dropped in at the
Ho*?^ al!»d' lodging occupied by Holies and Whitelocke, conipli-
whiteiocke. mentcd them on their pacific dispositions, and flat-
tered them by asking their advice on the best means of ending
the war. After some fencing, the two commissioners retired
into another room, and, committing their opinion to paper,
left it on the table. Whitelocke also took the precaution of
disguising his hand.^
Whatever may have been the contents of the paper itself,
the mere fact that two of the commissioners were ready to
enter into a private negotiation with the King was enough to
show him that some of them at least did not entirely approve
of the harsh demands which they had been sent to lay before
^^ him. On the 27th he offered a sealed packet to the
The King's commissioncrs. As it bore no address, they at first
th?TOmmS. objected to receive it. " You must take it," said
sioners. ^^ King sharply, "were it a ballad or a song of
Robin Hood." "You told me twice," he continued, on their
repeating their objection, " you had no power to treat. My
» Whitelocke t 1 13; L./,yi\, 82.
«6 FIRST SELF-DENYING ORDINANCE. CH. xxiii.
memory is as good as yours. You were only to deliver the
propositions. A postillion might have done as much as you.''*
Nov. 30. On this the commissioners gave way, and when, on
offere^iscnd November 30, the packet which they carried was
his answer, opened by the Houses, it was found to contain a
request that a safe-conduct might be sent for Richmond and
Southampton to bring the King's formal answer to Westmin-
ster. On December 3 both Houses concurred in assenting to
the King's demand.^
Although the resolution thus adopted did not bind the
Houses to anything, it undoubtedly pointed in the direction of
further concession. "There are three things,'' Charles
of the step had Said, in taking leave of the commissioners, " I
will not part with— the Church, my crown, and my
friends ; and you will have much ado to get them from me."^
Although these words were not included in the official report
of the deputation, it can hardly be doubted that they were
privately circulated, and the resolution to allow the negotiation
to proceed was therefore taken with a full knowledge that there
was no chance of obtaining the King's consent to anything
^hich, in the most distant way, resembled the propositions
offered to him for acceptance.
Whatever might be the ultimate result of the vote taken
on the 3rd for carrying on the negotiation, it could not fail to
Anxiety of t)e rcccivcd by the Scots as an indication that the
ovenhroir'** influence of the War-party was declining. Following,
CromweU. as it did, closely upon the charges delivered by Man-
chester against his Lieutenant-General on the 2nd, it stirred
the hopes of all whose minds were set upon the destruction of
the influence exercised by Cromwell in Parliament and the
army.
To prepare the way for the intended onslaught, a conference
was held at Essex House on the night of the 3rd.* In this
* Holles's narrative, Tanner MSS, Ixi. fol. 203 ; C,J, iii. 71a
« C,/, iii. 710, 712.
■ Holles's narrative, Tanner MSS. Ixi. fol. 203.
* Th? account of this conference given by Whitelocke (116) has no
date, but the position which he gives to it seems to fix it to the 3rd. It
i644 CROMWELL AND THE SCOTS. 87
conference Essex himself, with Holies, Stapleton, and other
leaders of the English Peace- party, met the Scottish commis-
i>ec 3. sioners, with Loudoun at their head, whilst White-
at Eawc*'"^ locke and Maynard, who always voted steadily for
House. peace, were present to give advice upon any legal
questions that might arise. Already Essex and Holies had been
DOBii ^^^ ^^^^ ^y ^^ Scots to look favourably on a plan for
a cuse accusing Cromwell as an incendiary between the two
nations, under the clause of the Covenant which
provided for the bringing to justice of those who divided ' the
King from his people, or one of the kingdoms from one
another.'
To Scotchmen accustomed to see their courts of justice
used for political ends there was nothing repulsive in this pro-
The English posal. In his broadcst Scotch Loudoun denounced
qJ2SSied Cromwell as an obstacle to * the gude design,' and
by Loudoun, as One who, if he was permitted to go on as he had
begun, might endanger the cause on which they had embarked.
By the law of Scotland such a one was an incendiary who
kindled coals of contention to the damage of the public. I'he
question which Loudoun had to ask of the English lawyers was
whether he was also an incendiary by the law of England, and,
if so, in what manner was he to be brought to trial ?
Loudoun and his supporters had probably counted on the
attachment of Whitelocke and Maynard to their political party.
Reply of They had forgotten to take into account the irre-
Md*M^^* sistible bias of English lawyers to subordinate politi-
»*«*• cal to legal considerations. The cautious Whitelocke
follows the order about the safe-conduct, which was made on the morning
of the 3rd. Other notices, it b true, intervene, but in Lord Bute's MS.
this is not the case. In itself this argument is very far from being con-
clusive, but it is reinforced by the appropriateness of the time. Holies
had to make, in the House of Commons, his report of Manchester's charges,
and the Scots would naturally wish that arrangements might be made to
follow it up by an accusation of Cromwell, if such was to be brought.
On the other hand, a later date is impossible. At the conference at Essex
House Maynard and Whitelocke disclaimed all knowledge of the positive
facts charged against Cromwell, which they could not have done after the
report made on the 4th.
$i FIRST SELF-DENYING ORDINANCE. CH. xxilt.
replied that, though he was of one mind with Loudoun in his
definition of the word incendiary, he should like to see the
evidence against Cromwell before pronouncing him to be one.
If that evidence was sufficient to warrant an accusation, the
accusation could only be brought in Parliament. To this
opinion Maynard adhered, but he added words which must
have opened the eyes of those who heard him to the risk they
were incurring. " Lieutenant-General Cromwell," he said, " is
a person of great favour and interest with the House of Com-
mons, and with some of the Peers likewise, and therefore there
must be proofs, and the most clear and evident against him,
to prevail with the Parliament to adjudge him to be an
incendiary." ^
No impeachment of Cromwell on vague and uncertain
charges was possible after this. When the Commons met on
the morning of the 4th, Holies contented himself
Hoiies's with making a bare report of the charges which had
report. been brought by Manchester in the House of Lords ;
and Cromwell, who had heard from someone — probably from
Whitelocke himself^ — of the danger which he had escaped,
Cromwell's replied by a fierce attack on the military inefficiency
reply. Qf ^j^g Presbyterian general. In a long speech, of
which all that is known is that it contained an absolute denial
of the accusations brought against himself,^ he criticised Man-
chester's narrative with excessive severity. He had on his side
the strong feeling which the Commons always exhibited when-
ever a member of their House was attacked by a Peer, and
the conviction which must have spread amongst the ranks of
the Peace-party itself, that Manchester was undeniably an
unsatisfactory commander. The Commons not only refused
to set aside their order for referring to Tate's Committee
the original narratives of Waller and Cromwell ; but, entirely
passing over the proposal of the Lords that a joint committee
' Whitelocke^ 116.
' Whitelocke states that Cromwell received information, but does not
give the name of the informer.
^ ^*Ipse omnia capita absolute negabat.** D'Ewes*s Diary, Harh
MSS. 483, fol. 120.
1644
ZOUCn TATE'S REPORT.
The Com-
I
I
should be appointed to consider the charges against Crom-
;ll, they directed the formation of a committee of
eir own House to consider whether their privileges
iiw Lords' had not been infringed upon by the support which
procee ings. ^^^ j^prds had given to an attack upon a member of
of'ustc™ ttie House of Commons. At its first meeting the
Commitice. J,g^^ committee placed John Lisle in the chair.'
Successful as Cromwell had been, it may well be that his
very success made him uneasy. He was hardly likely to pro-
Cromweii't motc militarj* efficiency by bringing about a rupture
hesiiaiioB. between the Lords and the Commons, between the
English and the Scots, between the Presbyterians and the
Independents. If he really felt anxiety, it was not long before
an opportunity was given him of retracing his steps and of
realising his aim in a more promising manner.
On December 9 Zouch Tate made the report from the
committee of which he was the chairman ^ to a House of 200
Dec 9. members,' who had come in unwonted numbers to
listen to his statement. Instead of entering at
length into the truth or falsehood of the accusations
against Manchester, he contented himself with asserting in
conclusion 'that the chief causes of our division are pride and
covetousneBs.' '
As soon as Tate had sat down Cromwell rose. Though
the suggestion that the commanders had ruined the army by
their covetousness and jealousy was not likely to proceed from
himself, he could not but know that the belief that this
explanation was the true one was widely entertained. Unless
Cromwrii'i the war was speedily brought to an end, he declared,
^""^ the kingdom would become weary of Parliament.
" For what," he continued, " do the enemy say ? Naj-, what
do many say that were friends at the beginning of the Parlia-
ment? Even this, that the members of both Houses have got
great places and commands, and the sword into their hands ;
s Diary, AJd. 3fSS. 31,116, fol. I78.
' C.J. iiL 714; Whitae
• See p. 83.
• Whitacre's Diary, Add. MSS. 31,116, fol. 178.
90 FIRST self-denying ORDINANCE. CH. xxiiL
and, what by interest of Parliament, and what by power in the
army, will perpetually continue themselves in grandeur, and
not permit the war speedily to end lest their own power should
determine with it. This I speak here to our faces is but what
others do utter abroad behind our backs." He would not, he
added, reflect upon any, but, unless the war could be more
vigorously prosecuted, the people would endure it no longer
and would force Parliament to conclude a dishonourable peace.
It would be imprudent to insist on the oversight of any par-
ticular commander. He himself, like all military men, had
been guilty of oversights. "I hope," he ended by saying,
"we have such true English hearts and zealous affections
Proposes towards the general weal of our mother-country, as
Ihaiideny" "^^ mcmbcrs of either House will scruple to deny
themselves, themsclves and their own private interests for the
public good ; nor account it to be a dishonour done to them
whatever the Parliament shdU resolve upon in this weighty
matter." ^
The debate rolled on, and at last Tate rose again to move
in the sense indicated by Cromwell, " That during the time of
Taie moves ^^^ War no member of either House shall have or
d^n^ng execute any office or command, military or civil,
Ordmance. granted or conferred by both or either of the Houses
of Parliament, or any authority derived from both or either of
the Houses." * The motion was seconded by Vane, and was
warmly commended by many who usually acted in opposition
to Vane. Those who wished to be rid of Cromwell were
as ready to support it as those who wished to be rid of
Manchester.*
Conjecture has busied itself with the question whether
* Rushw. vi. 4. • C.J,, iii. 718.
' Baillie, it may be remarked, was pleased with the suggestion. At
some time in the course of the debate Cromwell made a second speech
{^Perfect Occurrences ^ E. 258, i), expressing his assurance that the change
would not affect the fidelity of the army. In The Perfect Diurnal \& what
appeals to be an abstract of the opinions expressed in the debate. They
are noi of a high order, being in consonance with the language cf Tate's
report, rather than with that of Cromwell's speeches.
'"544
WHAT WAS CROMWELVS AIMT
9<
%
Tate was rrom the beginning in collusion with Cromwell.
Though certainty on this point is unattainable, it is very un-
pidhiBct likely that hu was. Himself a Presbyterian of the
^iihC^ narrowest type,' he was hardly the man to play into
""' Cromwell's hands. It is more probable that he did
but repeat the platitudes about the selfishness of the generals
which had of late been heard out of doors with increasing
frequency, and that Cromweli, by a happy inspiration,' utilised
the prevalent feeling for his own purpose. However this may
have been, it is in the highest degree unlikely that Cromwell
craftily expected to retain his own command whilst Essex and
Manchester descended to a private station. As circumstances
stood at the moment when Tat«'s final proposal was mude,
Cromwell would have been more than a sagacious statesman —
he would have been an inspired prophet— if he had foreseen
the course which events ultimately took. He had against him
the Scots, the House of Lords, and a considerable minority of
the House of Commons. If he wished personally to retain his
command whilst expelling Manchester, he would surely have
continued the prosecution of his adversary in the face of all
obstacles, sooner than have sought to force his way back into
' Me wa3 Bfterwards one of two members who brought in ihe bill
against blasphemy and heresy which is Ihe high-water maik of Piesby-
' Clarendon's account (viii. igl) of an intrigue conducted by Vane lo
influence the decLsion of Ihe House in favour of the Self- Denying Ordi-
nance by stirring up the preacheis un the day before lo urge it is plainly
inaccurate. lie says that this took place on a fast-day instituted by the
Houses. In the first place, no institution of a fast is to be found in Ihe
journals, and, in the second place, the day named was a Sunday, on which
no fast was ever appointed, ll is likely enough that political sermons
were preached on it, but some other evidence than Garendon's blunder-
ing accounf. is needed to show that they anticipaled Cromwell's speech
rather than Tale's. Unless tliey did there would be nothing lo show
premeditation on Cromwell's part. Clarendon was, as fai as London was
concerned, at the mercy of Oxford gossip. It may be noted that Rush-
worth (vi. 3) says that the House ' took into consideralion the sad coa-
ditioQ of the kingdom,' after which it went into couimiltee. Neither the
jnamals nor any other authority gives sanction to this statement, whicb
Vas probahly found by Ru^worth iu wjme ill-informed pamphleL
gi FIRST SELF-DENYTNG ORDINANCE. CH. itxtiL
military office in the teeth of the opposition he would have to
encounter, after the doors had betn closed against him as
much as against Manchester by positive legislation. It is hard
to avoid the conclusion that he was prepared to sacrifice not
only his attack upon the commander whom he despised, but
even his own unique position in the army.'
The Self- Denying Ordinance— it is convenient to use the
name by which it was ultimately known — was passed rapidly
piogre»of through the preliminary stages. On December i8 it
ij^n^ng "^ proposed in committee to except Essex from
Ordinance, j^^ operation ; and, though the motion was rejected,
p^^ '*■ it was only lost by a majority of seven. A similar
r°°"S£"^ fate attended a proposal that no one should be em-
OnJinance. ployed who refused to take the Covenant or to
promise submission 'to such government and discipline in the
P^ Church as shall be settled by both Houses of Parlia-
TheCove- meut upOH advice with the Assembly of Divines.'
u required Military proficieocy was to take precedence of eccle-
siastical propriety. On December 19 the Ordinance
without further alteration was sent up to the Lords.'
On the question of military organisation Cromwell had
thus gained a commanding position in the House of Commons.
Il was purchased by the abandonment of all criticism upon
the conduct of the negotiations with the King, and upon the
neglect which had befallen the order adopted at his motion in
September for the accommodation of the differences between
the Presbyterian and the Independent divines.
No skill or self-sacrifice of Cromwell's could win the House
ThtSeif- of Lords to his side. The Peers justly regarded the
oS'i^^-c proposed ordinance as directed against themselves,
b-^ih!^"'' ^"'^ ^°' some time they quietly laid it aside as
i.ftdi. threatening the rights and privileges of their order.
They might have known that a policy of mere resistance would
' Those who hold the conliary opinion hove, I Ihinlt, been
Eciously influenced by a confusion between Ihe tcrros of the fii
Becond Self-Denying Ordinances. Here, as in everything
notbiag which dears up difhculties so much as a strict
chronology. ' C.J. iii. 726.
1044
THE MILITARY SITUATION.
91
avail them little, and that their position in tlie Sla.te was
threatened, not so much because iheir authority was questioned,
as because they had shown themselves incompetent guides
alike in the council and in the field.
It is possible that the Lords were encouraged in their
resistance by the knowledge that, in spite of the failures at
Theniiiiiary Lostwiihic! and Newbury, the military situation was
iituation. i^y ^Q means desperate. In September Lord Herbert
of Cherbury, whose philosophic religion would have been
Sept equally denounced by the divines of Oxford and by
M™eiV '^^ divines of Westminster, and in whom the vain-
™'dre'drD gloriousness of youth had passed insensibly into the
Pariiuntnt. valetudinarian timidity of age, surrendered Mont-
gomery Castle to the Parliamentary commander, Sir Thomas
Sept. iB. Middleton. On September i8 an attempt made by
io'VeiS?! I^ord Byron and Sir Michael Emely to regain the
feiii. fortress was signally defeated by a combination of
Parliamentary forces under the command of Sir John Meldtuni,
The gate of the upper valley of the Severn thus remained in
Parliamentary keeping, and the brilliant and versatile owner
spent the remainder of his days as a pensioner of that Parlia-
ment with which he was in little sympathy, but which at least
appeared to be stronger than its opponents.
Middleton was left behind to secure the fruits of victory.
Meldrum had other work on hand. For some time previously
The siege of ^^ had been engaged in the siege of Liverpool,
ijverpooi, whither he hurried back in order to be on the spot
Ti%^u'' '' toreceive the surrender of the town. On November],
iwuiei. when the place was no longer capable of resistance,
the English soldiers of the garrison deserted in a body to Mel-
drum, while the Irish who were left behind, fearing that they
would receive no quarter, seized their officers, and, offering them
as prisoners to the Parliamentary commander, completed the
surrender.'
The Irish soldiers were only just in time in bai^aining for
' Rushw. 747. The later part of the life of Lord Herbert of
Chsrbury has been carefully traced 1^ Mr. S. L. Lee, in his edilion of
L'lrd Hetbeit'a Autobiography.
94 FIRST SELFDENYIJ^G ORDINANCE. CH, xxiii.
their lives. There was one point on which English parties were
uiiajiimous, and on October 24 an ordinance had been
Oci. M. passed directing that every Irishman taken either at
°'^™^ sea or on land in England or Wales should be put to
ir[sh. death without mercy.' Meldrum, however, had con-
sented to spare the lives of the Irish soldiers at Liverpool
before this murderous command had been notified to him.
Important as was ihe capture of Montgomery' and Liverpool,
the maintenance of Taunton was of even greater importance.
When the King's army, after its success at Lostwithiel,
Thoicgeof swept in triumph over the West, Taunton aJone
amongst the inland towns refused to acknowledge
defeat. There was a stout Puritan spirit within its walls, and
its governor was the lion-hearted Blake, who had contributed
so powerfully to the defence of Lyme. After the weakness of
the Parliamentary armies had been demonstrated by the opera-
tions round Newbury, grave anxiety was felt at Westminster
for the safety of this isolated post, the more so as its continued
resistance would give employment to royalist forces which
might otherwise be available for Charles's next campaign iii
jj^^ ^ central England- Waller was therefore ordered
w»]iir early in November to send a detachment to its relief.'
iciieve Waller, however, was too fully employed to allow
him to carry out these orders, and the promised help
was long delayed. It was not till December that Major-
General Holbom was directed to push westwards through
Dorset towards Taunton.
In accomplishing this task Holborn had the assistance of a
man who, whatever he chose to do, did it with all his might.
Si.AnihoDy Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, a young man of wealth
c.^Sf. ^'^^ position in the county of Dorset, had just come
.6 3-ii. '^^ ^B^ when the Civil War broke out. He was, if
He leinaini ^^y jj,an ever was, a born party leader. As a lad at
ihe bcEin- Oxford he had headed a revolt of the freshmen of
w»r. Exeter College against the custom which prescribed
submission to the indignity of having their chins skinned by the
' /../. V
J K. to Wallet, Nov. 6
1643 ASHLEY COOPER. 95
older undergraduates, and of swallowing a compulsory draught
of a nauseous compound of salt and water. He had subse-
quently headed another revolt against an attempt made by the
College authorities to weaken the undergraduates' beer.* Such
a youth, it might be thought, would have been amongst the
first to take arms on one side or the other when the war broke
out, especially as he happened to be accidentally present at
Nottingham on the day on which the King's standard was
raised. Yet he returned unmoved to his own county, and
during the first months of the war remained quietly at
home.
If Cooper's neutrality is to be judged in the light of his
later career, it may be thought probable that his vehement
Hisprobabic Spirit was held in check by his want of sympathy
motives. ^jjjj ^j^g enthusiasms of either party. Pugnacious as
he was, he could not find either in Puritanism or in its opposite
a fitting cause for taking up arms. His was the zeal for an
ordered secular freedom, which counted as impertinence the
claims of presbyter or bishop to interfere in temporal affairs,
and it is, therefore, little wonder that he should have felt dis-
inclined to side with either.
It was impossible for any man of Cooper's position to
maintain neutrality long. The invasion of his county by
J643. the Royalists after the battle of Roundway Down
^rai^Roy. compelled him to take a side. The example of his
»**='°*- neighbours, and perhaps the fact that the Parliamen-
tary party was the more distinctly religious of the two, decided
his course for him. He raised a regiment for the King, and
X644. was appointed Governor of Weymouth and Portland,
mr^tothe Yet he remained a Royalist for little more than six
Parliament, months. In January 1644, abandoning all his
earthly possessions, he presented himself at Westminster as a
convert to the Parliamentary faith.
It may fairly be believed that, in making this change,
His motives Coopcr was in the main actuated by conscientious
discussed, motives. Much as he distrusted presbyters and
bishops, he distrusted the Pope still more; and Charles's attempts
» Oxrvii\e% Life of Shaftcslmry, i. 17.
96 FIRST SELF-DENYING ORDINANCE. CH. XXin.
to strengthen himself with the aid of the French Cathohcs had
disquieted others besides the young baronet In his own words,
he had become fully satisfied ' that there was no intention of
that side for the promoting or preser>-ing of the Protestant
religion and the liberties of the kingdom,' Yet it does not
follow that a sense of personal slight did not mingle ivith more
public sentiments in his breast In the preceding August
Charles had written to Hertford signifying his intention of con-
ferring on Cooper the governorship of Weymouth, and, after
speaking of him in slighting terms as a youth without experi-
ence in war, had suggested that he should be induced to
resign the post after a brief tenure.' If, as there is strong
reason to believe, Cooper's resignation was already demanded
before the end of the year, he would be likely to take deep
offence even though the stately glories of the peerage might be
offered as a sop to his wounded vanity. He imagined himself
capable of rising to distinction in active life, and he can hardly
have been well pleased with the prospect of hanging about
Oxford as the useless ornament of a discredited court, ^
Whatever Cooper's motives may have been, he threw him-
^ self with all possible energy on the side which he had
He^HKn- now adopted. On August 3 he was appointed to the
biiRide aL command of a brigade, and took an active part in the
' reduction of Wareham. He was then placed on the
committee by which Dorset was governed, and in September was
' The King to Hertford, Aug. la Chrislit, i. 45.
" The whole subject has been discussed by Mr. Christie (i. 40-SJ) in a
sense favourable to Cooper. The feeling about the grant of a peerage as
no consolation for the loss of military position, which I have supposed to
he Ihal of Cooper, was undoubtedly that of Gerard under similar circum-
slances in the following autumn. Of one piece of evidence showing that
Cooper was actually dismissed Mr. Christie was not aware. There is a
letter from Cooper to Hyde, written from Weymouth on Dec. 29, 1643
{Clartndim AfSS, 1,734), in which he asks permission to leave the county.
If he had still been Governor of Weymouth he would either not have
requesled leave of absence or would have added reasons for so doing. The
rest of the letter is lilled with complaints of the low state of the King's
afiairs in Dorset, from which it may be gathered that he considered
Ch.^rles'3 cause in the county to be almost hopeless.
I
f5644 THE STORMING OF ABBOTSBVRY. 97
appointed to the chief command of the forces of the country.
During the remainder of the autumn he took an active part
Stpt. in the local operations. His most distinguished
■ifhcESIii success was the storming of Sir John Strangways'
iJo'^wh* fortified house at Ahbotsbury. Vet it was owing to
forcts. no merit of his own that the blackened walls of
Abbotsbury did not stand up as the monument of his shame.
It is the glory of our Civil War that the stern laws of war
which allowed the conqueror to put to the sword a garrison
which had once rejected a summons were rarely put in practice.
Hii[n- If exceptions to the merciful custom of England uri-
"ratfiTui doubtedly existed. Cooper stands out as the one
Abhoisbury. commander who boastfully recorded that, with no
plea of necessity to urge, he had commanded that, after the
house which he attacked was ablaze, quarter should be re-
fused, and the gallant soldiers, whose only crime was that
they bad manfully performed their duty, should be thrust back
into the flames to perish by a death of torture. Fortunately,
his subordinates were too inured to the chances of military
life to be carried away, like their young commander, by the
excitement of the strife, and Colonel Sydenham, riding hurriedly
round to the back-door, admitted the garrison to quarter.'
When Holborn moved through Dorset on his way to
Accom- Taunton, Cooper was put in charge of the contin-
holborn. gdt drawn from the garrisons on the Dorsetshire
coast to accompany the expedition.' On December 14 the
' Cooper to the Commiltee of Dorset. ChHslie, L 6z.
* Mr. Christie (i. ^^\ makes him commander-in-chief of the whole force
on the gjround of Cooper's distinct statement ' in his thoroughly reliable
autobiographies] sketch.' Certainly Cooper's sfatement isdislincl enough.
He aaya that he ' received orders to allempt the relief of Taunton, and a
commis^oa from . . . the Earl of Essex to command in chief for that
design, which, ha,ving received the addition of some forces, under the com-
mand of Major-General Holljurn . . . was . . . happily eifecled ' [Christie,
ti. App. Mxi. ). That this asserlion is n ot ' thoroughly reliable ' appears
from Essex's commission {Sia/lei/mry Paptn, K. O. ii. 46), which appoints
him commander-in-chief, but only over the troops drawn from the garri-
■ons of Weynioath, Wareham, and Pool-e. Essex adds that Cooper is to
obey orders ' from myself, both Houses of Parliament, or the Serjeant
vol- II. H
I
4
i
98 FliiST SELF-DENYING ORDINANCE. Ch. XXili.
relieving force reached Taunlon, and, having scattered the be-
siegers before them, threw in the necessary supplies. Cooper's
P^ ^^ fertility of resource and his hold upon the men
retiivS! °^ Dorset must have been of the utmost use to
Holborn. So completely indeed does he seem to
part in the havc taken the upper hand, that it was by him and
not by Holborn that the despatch announcing the
success of the enterprise was penned.' In a diary written
about two years afterwards — apparently, it is true, without any
thought of publication— he audaciously claimed for himself the
litleof commander-in-chief of the expedition.
Whatever may have been the res[>ective merits of the com-
manders, the imiwrtance of the work performed by ihem was
beyond dispute. It was not merely that they had
ofihtr-iier given fresh vigour to Blake and his gallant crew. It
""' ™' might well be that Taunton would play the part in
the operations of 1645 which had been played by Hull in the
operations of 1643. Local feeling was as strong in Somerset
as it had been in Yorkshire, and if Taunton could hold out,
its resistance could hardly fail to detain for local purposes
those western levies on which the King was counting. Charles
must have been the more provoked as the place was not one
before which failure was to be expected. It had no regular
fortifications, and it was from behind wooden palings and
earthworks thrown up on the emei^ency ihat Blake had bidden
defiance to his assailants.'
Major General of the Western Counties,' i.i.. Waller, whose letter of
Nov. 1 1 states that Holborn is ' ta command all in chief. ' See Hist. Rai.
July, iSBg, p, 521.
' Cooper to Esses, Dec 15. ChrislU, L 72. The date of the relief
of Taunton is supplied from D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. l65, fol. 169b,
Compare Ptrfect Fanagei. E. 22, 7.
' " It is almost a miracle," wrote Cooper in the letter just quoted,
"that they should adventure to keep the town, their works being for the
nuxt part but pales and hedges, and no line about the town."
J
99
CHAPTER XXIV.
THE EXECUTION OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD.
Amidst the strife of armies and of parties the negotiation with
the King dragged slowly on. On December 17, two days be-
^g fore the Self- Denying Ordinance passed through the
Dec 17. Commons, Richmond and Southampton appeared at
tiationwith Westminster as the bearers of a letter in which
ing. Qiarles requested the Houses to appoint commis-
from"*' sioners to agree upon reasonable terms of peace with
Charles. others named by himself.* The proposal was ac-
Nl^otia-*** cepted on the 20th, but an excuse was found for
tioi^tobe sending the two peers back to Oxford, to hinder
them from placing themselves in communication with
the London Royalists.* In spite of the opposition of the Lords,
who wished that the instructions to be given to the Parlia-
Dec. 28. mentary commissioners should be referred to a joint
toWraw"n committee of the two Houses, the Commons sue-
up- ceeded in referring them to the Committee of Both
Kingdoms, which was not likely to frame them in any more
conciliatory spirit than had been shown in the propositions
recently despatched to Oxford.'
It was, in truth, of very little importance whether the little
knot of twelve or thirteen peers which now made up the House
Mar h x2- ^^ Lords succcedcd in softening the terms which
July 29. were to be offered to the King. They were them-
the Arch- sclves engaged upon a work which made reconciliation
" ^^' with him almost absolutely hopeless. Week after
week during the spring and early summer of the year which
* Z./. vii. 103 ; C,/, iii. 726.
« Z./. vii. 113, 116; C./. iii. 731; Whitacre's Diary, ^dd, AfSS.
31,116, foL 181b. • See pjx 76, 85.
HI
loo EXECUTION OF ARCHBISHOP LA UD. CH. xxiv.
was now passing away, Archbishop Laud had stood at their
bar to listen to the voluminous evidence of treason which had
been elaborated by Prynne, and which was now adduced
against him by a committee of the House of Commons. Re-
iterated attempts were made to show that the old man had
deliberately attempted to change the religion established by
law, and even to subvert the law itself. It is unnecessary once
more to argue here that, in one sense, the charge was histori-
cally true, and that, in another sense, it was historically false.
Nor is it needful to inquire whether, even if the worst construc-
tion of Laud's conduct be made, his case was a fitting one to
submit to a judicial tribunal. The Lords who formed that
tribunal neglected to preserve even the semblance of judicial
impartiality. They strolled in and out of the House as fancy
took them, and it was seldom that, with the exception of the
Speaker, Lord Grey of Wark, any single peer who had listened
to the accusation in the morning thought it worth while to
remain in his place to hear the answer given in the afternoon.*
Under such circumstances, it is no wonder that modern
opinion, unfavourable as it has been to the Archbishop, should
, have been still more unfavourable to his accusers.
The case of
laud com. Why, it is said, should they not have allowed an old
fhit ©r* man who, if not innocent, was at least harmless, to
^' °' descend into the grave in peace? Between the cases
of Laud and Strafford, it has been urged, there was no
similarity. Strafford had been put to death, not so much
because he had been criminal as because he had been danger-
ous. No one could say that Laud was personally dangerous.
His death would not check by one hair's-breadth the onward
march of the royal army. Yet if the object of the Commons
had been to mark with a sentence of infamy for example's sake
the root of the evils under which they had suffered, it is hard
to say that they were in the wrong in singling out Laud as theii
victim. Strafford had offered his brain and arm to establish a
system which would have been the negation of political liberty.
-Laud had sought to train up a generation in habits of thought
* History of the troubles and trial, LaucPs JVotks^ iv. 49.
I
I
THE CHARGE AGAINST LAUD.
which would have extinguished all desire for political liberty.
Strafford's power was like a passing storm ; Laud's like a stormy
torrent from the mountain flank on which no verdure can grow.
To give every man his due, it must be remembered that
whilst the Independents probably shared the modem feeling
Laud'* In. tbat Laud was intolerant, the charge of intolerance
no'iqM^ counted hut little against him in the eyes {ii the
ih"'p' ^\ Presbyterians. It is true that, if Laud had been
Mrians. intolerant, the majority in the two Houses were no
less intolerant. If he had striven to suppress religious Uberty,
so did they. If he had attempted to force the whole of the
English Church into an Episcopalian mould, they were attempt-
ing to force it into a Presbyterian mould. In truth, the charge
which was brought against him was not that he was intolerant,
but that he was an innovator. Yet here, too, his accusers
».!.!___ appear to have been no less guilty than himself.
What innovation can have been greater than the
overthrow of episcopacy, and the substitution of
extempore devotions for the Book of Common Prayer ? Vet
it is certain that the Presbyterians in Parliament and Assembly
would have been the last to admit the charge which, in our
eyes, is fatal to their claim to sit in judgment upon Laud.
They held that, whilst Laud's changes had been in contradic-
ThePrn. ''°" "'""^ "^^ spirit of the English Church, theirs
bjitrii.ii were no more than the development of its truest life.
ih*j»ieno Nothing was further from their minds than to esta-
nnovBum. yj^j^ ^ j,g^ church in the place of an old one. They
were, as they firmly believed, but dealing with the historic Church
of England as their fathers had dealt with it a century before.
As one generation had rid itself of the Papacy and the Mass,
another generationwasridding itself of episcopacy and the Prayer-
Book. In their eyes, Laud's crime was that he had gone back-
wards, and their own virtue that they were willing to go forwards.
With no feeling of injustice, therefore, in their hearts, the
Commons pushed the charges home. On October ii, the
evidence on matters of fact having b^en exhausted, Laud's
counsel was heard on points of law. As in Strafford's case,
the obvious argument was urged that, whatever the Arch-
Btiacked.
XXECUTKUr Of AltCBB^Bf» LAVD. CR. xXiT.
% he bad aot coanmOed treason under
\ IXL' It « BOt onlikdj that the argu-
" IT treason, and
e whoirereunwill-
e ifce BjHg at a time when it was
B «f the Lords, that the Arch-
Mtep\ «■■■■• HHlMd at hoc » AicMen a renewal of tbat
^^ ^^ YHf^K fBBBHe whKfc kad proved so effective in
4^k ^tai^liri CB^ wA «i OcaobcT >S a petition for
•* lic«naMiM«ft«idaadWia^bHH^ been largely
^ ati t te kdiafei^ Vis iMSC^ei l» the Ommoos. On the
iNk «, 3Mt (dhtOMBiHa^ •oamB t^^v nnpeachment, re-
^^ Mlwft » | Mii<» Ifcty fcaddo ne in Strafford's
<WKittft^Wt«yt»liw-tM*na M w m> i n at- On the 28th,
w.«fc tbtn^fkiMy^i^A^kBrfctafBed, dK Commons lost
Jf^^X fiiW M ^ mk ha* Ifce l^ris okcuc justice on a
^^ li^ttliwai \% aiiMaiili "TW eyes of the country
^t::;^ a»lCayi-«rtS*afc»fcih»ihe«essaeei "being
•.^Grak «yu« -Mil Viiffcin. -r^- ~x~'^ r :. _T. pr^ent
|»u» dktHMMlMKaC |kIK* fey Hribbides.** *Is this," asked
^VBjXrtlJliyiaBtilk^^fcalfewllBtiABgFBmsed to maintain
VtlJk WW Mw4> SMI nwjil| ay that id save tbem from ^^
\tb» >\>)li» ot' tbw King w*haii«rbte4 Aim oader ifae ytAeo^^^H
ttw V«^t>«*l»>.'<>''* Ttw Hmw ksdf MMned a AgniSed m-^^H
««%V iM \Mi:«u««f il» was ftMitfMtiaKe: but it had 00 stroi^ ^^fj
Ki<>MMil v' Kw«wi «tt obtcfc l» &■ feacfc on Oe saain qtiestion I
«t iwuv- 11m» l^wkk A t wfc wy CpaM bol ntapose a bdef
(M't^ . i^tt 1 VvoiWr IT ^ta/f vMed tfcM the otdinance might
1 .. tnwiMautKrof&ct,* Aaiislosay, thatl
.'., iv, jsi
I Afkuioi t» ^ lV<«y, Dm. j^ »«<«> TiMkr^fft, JT.a
» «/ v.. y^
■IWl ^"•'■hit vL 41ft) ttyt thu thiia(h Ihoc me iw
\^
1644
HESITA TION OF THE PEERS.
P
had really endeavoured to subvert the fundamental laws, to
alter religion as by law established, and to subvert the righti
Dec. IT. of Parliaments, Of the arguments used on both
^"itJ^ihc sides little is known, but it is said that Pembroke sup-
mii"''ii° '" POft^*^ Ii's denunciation of I^ud with reasoning which,
t»ti. if it meant anything at all, implied something not
far short of Papal infallibility in the House of Commons.
" What," he said, " shall we think the House of Commons had
no conscience in passing this ordinance ? Yes, they knew well
enough what they did." ' No one, indeed, expected wisdom
to flow from the lips of Pembroke.
It might be thought that, with the decision of their own
House in Strafford's case before ihem, the Lords, having once
The Lords sctticd the qucstlon of fact, would have siieedily
prolong the proceeded to settle the question of law by qualifying
thsqucsiion Laud's action as treasonable. With them, however,
"* '^"^ resistance was an affair of feeling and passion rather
than of argument. On December 19, only two days after their
first vote on the Ordinance of Attainder had been taken, the
Self-Denying Ordinance was brought up from the House of
Commons, and its appearance was sure to increase the irritation
of the Peers.
With the two Houses in such a temper, questions which at
other times might have been disposed of without difficulty were
certain to lead to a confiict between them. Occasion
hy the Court for ill-will was HOW fumished by a series of condem-
" ■ nations pronounced by the Court Martial out of the
hands by which the comrades of Edmund Waller had been sent
D=c !.3. to execution." No one, indeed, was found to take up
ff'^r^A."" ^^ '~^^^ "'^ ^''^ Alexander Carew, who was executed
C""- on December 23 for his attempt to betray Plymouth
to the enemy.* It was otherwise with Sir John Hotham, who
present on the day before, only sixteen took part in the vole on the I7lh.
The journals give twenly-two and twenty respectively, but Eome may have
left the House before the end of the siuinc-
' Lauits Warts, vi. 416,
' See vol. i. p. 157.
■ See ToL L p. 307.
104 EXECUTION OF ARCHBISHOP LA UD. CH. xxiv.
had been sentenced to death on December 7. On the 24th his
son. Captain Hotham, was sentenced to the same fate, though
jj^ he had done his best to throw the blame of his own
Si' J- misconduct upon his father's orders.* There was
sentenced, a general belief that the Houses would be content
Dec 24. with a single victim, and the friends of Sir John,
Srrji who were numerous among the Presbyterians." were
sentenced, anxious that he should not be that victim.' It was
father and at their instance that the trial of the son had been
***"' hurried on, and it was again at their instance that on
December 24, as soon as the sentence on the younger Hotham
was known, the Lords requested the Commons to grant a
reprieve to the father till January 6, in the hope that before
the time of the reprieve had expired the son, whose execution
was fixed for January 2, might be no longer alive. The Com-
mons indeed granted the reprieve, but they absolutely refused
Dec. 31. to extend their favour beyond December 31. When
Sten^tibe ^^* ^X arrived the Lords, without consulting the
reprieve. other House, ordered execution to be respited for
four days more, and on the morning of January i, when Sir
John was led out to die, the order of the Peers for his reprieve
» Rushxv, V. 798-802.
* Cromwell acted as teller in two divisions (on Dec. 24 and 30) against
reprieving Sir John. C,J, iii. 734 ; iv. 4.
' In the long account of the affair of the Hothams in the Clarendon
State Papers^ ii. 181, the whole of the manoeuvre to save Sir John at the
expense of his son is attributed to the friends of the elder prisoner, and
the name of Hugh Peters is not even mentioned. Clarendon, who had
this paper before him, throws the blame on Hugh Peters, who, being sent
as chaplain to prepare them for death, told them *■ that there was no pur-
pose to take away both their lives, but that the death of one of them
would suffice, which put either of them to use all the inventions and
devices he could to save himself ; and so the father aggravated the faults
of the son, and the son as carefully inveighed against the father.' This
may be a mere piece of Oxford gossip ; but, even if it is true, it does not
tell against Hugh Peters. He may very well have known, what seems to
have been a matter of common talk, that both were not to die, and it was
no fault of his if, by conveying the information, he set them on mutual
accusations.
1645 EXECUTION OF THE HOTHAMS, 105
was handed to Alderman Pennington, who now acted as Lieu-
jan. X. tenant of the Tower. The unfortunate man was
mulnedto ^stored to his prison, being not without difficulty
the Tower, snatched from the hands of the infuriated multitude
who had come to witness his execution.
At this proceeding of the Peers the Commons naturally
took umbrage. If the younger Hotham had ever any chance
of escape— and he had freely offered 10,000/. as the price of
his life, as Waller had done before him —all hope was now at
Jan. a. ^^ c"^* ^^ ^^ 2nd he was beheaded on Tower
SxapuSn ^^' In order to secure obedience in future to the
Hotham. sentences of the Court Martial, the Commons issued
instructions to all ministers of justice warning them against
paying attention to reprieves issued by a single House. On
the 3rd Sir John was once more taken to execution.
Execution After he had mounted the scaffold it was observed
that he spent an unusually long time in prayer, and
it was maliciously suggested that the prolongation of his devo-
tions was owing to a lingering hope that the Peers might again
intervene in his favour. The Lords, however, did not venture
to repeat their audacious step, and Sir John followed his son
to a blood-stained grave, unpitied alike by either party.* The
The Lords Lofds asscrtcd their independence in the only w^
reS^ the ^P^'^ ^^ them. The ordinance establishing a court
fo^mardS martial law expired on January 2, and on the
law. following day they rejected the request of the Com-
mons to revive it.^
During the ensuing year ordinances were passed from time
to time giving the power to execute martial law to the com-
manders of armies under special circumstances ; but it was not
till the spring of 1646 that a court with authority to judge by
martial law was re-established in London.'
> L.J, vii. 118 ; C./. iii. 734, iv. 4-7. Whitacre's Diary, Add, MSB,
31,116, fol. 183 ; Merc, Civ,^ E. 24, 9 ; Pari, Scout ^ E. 24, 10. When
Pontefract Castle was taken in the following summer, fresh evidence
against the Hothams was discovered^ A new discovery of hidden secrets,
E. 267, 2.
« Z./. vii. 121. » L,J, viii. 252.
io6 EXECUTION OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. CR.XXIV.
In refusing to renew the ordinance for martial law the
Peers had exhausted iheir power of resistance. Constitutional
scruples were not likely to stand in the way of those who now
led the Commons, should the Peers persist in their attempt to
pisn far ^^^ Laud from the scaffold. For some days a plan
umiinsthe had been freely discussed for rendering them in-
nocuous by uniting the Houses in one body after
the fashion of a Scottish parliament.' One more appeal, how-
ever, was first made to their reason or their fears.
On the 2nd a conference was held on the subject of
Laud's attainder. The Commons boldly urged that there
j^ were treasons by the common law which were not
The Com- treasons by statute ; and that, even if this rule did
oifomgainBi not apply to the case in question, Parliament had
the right of declaring any crimes it pleased to be
The™U[- treasonable. On January 4 the resistance of the
Atafadlr Lords was at last brought to an end, and their
p»™^ assent to the Ordinance of Attainder was given in
due form.*
Before the sentence could be carried out Laud made an
effort, which he could hardly have expected to be successful,
j^ to save his life. He tendered a pardon from the
Ai»'^ King, sealed as long ago as in April 1643. Upon
■nd te- its rejection, he asked that the usual penalty of the
gallows, with its accompanying butchery, might be
^"sl tii« commuted for the more merciful axe. Though his
bfii'iJsd° request was backed by the Lords, the Commons not
tefised, only rejected it, hut rejected it without a division.
j»n..B. Presbyterians and Independents were of one mind
nutFty in the bitterness of their haired to Laud. Yet even
'"'" in this case night brought counsel, and on the 8th
the easy concession to humanity was made. I^ud had already
' Letter from Lpndon, Jan. ^, Arck. des Affaires Etr. li. foL 223 ;
Salvetti Id Condi, Jan. ^, A,,d. MSS. 27,962 K, foL 39!b ; Agostini to
the Doge, Jon. ^, Venetian Tranrcripts, R. O.
' The eitracts from the journals relating to the proceedings against
Laud are conveniently collected in the notes to his History of the troubles
■nd trial, Laud's tVarts, iv. 3S4-4.15.
•
I
i
LAUD ON THE SCAFFOLD. lo?
asked that three divines of his own selection might accom-
pany him at the last scene. The Cunimoiis struck out two of
the names, substituting for them those of two Puritan ministers
in whose pious exhorUations they could confide.'
On the morning of the loth the old man who had once
seemed to hold the destinies of the Church of England in his
hand prepared for his death. "I was born and
tsud's baptized in the bosom of the Church of England,"
he asserted once more on the scaffold : " in that
profession I have ever since hved, and in that I come now to
die. This is no time to dissemble with God, least of all in
matters of rehgion ; and therefore I desire it may be remem-
bered I have always lived in the Protestant rehgion established
in England, and in that I come now to die. What clamours
and slanders I have endured for the labouring to keep an
uniformity in the external service of (jod according to the
doctrine and discipline of the Church all men know, and I
have abundantly felt." Then, in praying for himself, he prayed
ijiud'siait for the land of his birth as well. "O Lord," he
prayer. cried, " I beseech thee give grace of repentance to
all bloodthirsty people ; but if they will not repent, O Lord,
confound their devices , . . contrary to the glory of Thy great
name, the truth and sincerity of religion, the establishment of
the King and his posterity after him in their just rights and
privileges, the honour and conservation of Parliaments in
their just power, the preservation of this poor Church in
her truth, peace, and patrimony, and the settlement of this
distracted people under their ancient laws, and in their native
liberty." Troublesome questioners attempted to interrupt
the last moments of the dying man with inquiries into the
basis of his religion, but, after vain endeavours to satisfy
their importunity, he laid his head on the block. " Lord, re-
ceive my soul," he cried. The words were preconcerted with
the executioner as the sign that he was to do his duty. The
axe fell and all was over.''
' LJ. vU. ia7, 138; C.J. iv. 12, 13.
" Heylyn, Cyprianus Anglian. 527.
ro8 EXECUTION OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. ch. xxiv.
Little as those who sent Laud to the block imagined it,
Ihere was a fruitful seed in his teaching which was not to be
. smothered in blood. If the Church of England was
Laud;s never again to assume a position of authority inde-
"'' *' pendent of Parliament, and if the immediate object
for which l-aud had striven— uniformity of worship for all
subjects of the Crown — could never be permanently realised,
his nobler aims were too much in accordance with the needs
of his age to be altogether baffled. It is little that every parish
church in the land still— two centuries and a half after the
years in which he was at the height of power— presents a spec-
tacle which realises his hopes. It is far more that his refusal
to submit his mind to the dogmatism of Puritanism, and his
appeal to the cultivated intelligence for the solution of religious
problems, has received an ever -increasing response, even in
regions in which his memory is devoted to contemptuous
obloquy.
For the moment those who had been most bitter against
Laud were the heirs of his errors. Whilst the Archbishop
was preparing for death, Parliament was giving its assent to a
scheme forerectingauniformity as absolute as that which it had
censured when proceeding from him. On January 4
the Lords finally accepted the Commons' amend-
uubhihcd. inents to the ordinance which was to declare the
Book of Common Prayer abolished for ever, and to set up in
its place a Directory of Worship after the most approved type
of Puritanism.' Parliament and Assembly were now face to
face with the grave question of the enforcement of uniformity.
The Dissenting Brethren, indeed, with whom the championship
of liberty rested in the Assembly, had already thrown away
what chance they ever had of convincing those to whom they
,(„ appealed. On December 23 their arguments against
Ar^J^cVii ^^ establishment of Presbyterianism were produced
g."= . before the House of Commons ; but they proved to
Bn^ibrm. be so voluminous that the House sarcastically ordered
that no more than three hundred of their reasons should be
The Dire
' L.J. Ti. I
, 135 ; Ruskw. V
I
' i64S CHURCH ORGANISATION. 109
printed. On the main question the House was decidedly
against them. The basis on which ordinary Presbyterian ism
p h!ai '■ested was parochial. Every person living within
•"4 "■!="■ certain geographical limits was to take his place in the
Fcnby- parochial organisation, and to submit to the parochial
(eruuusdi authorities. Each parish was to take part in the
choice of representatives to sit in the superior assemblies of the
Presbytery or of the national Church, and no ecclesiastical
community except that of the parish was to be allowed to exist.
It was now urged on behalf of the Dissenting Brethren that the
basis of the Presbyterian ism to be established should be con-
gregational ; that is to say, that, in addition to the parochial
churches, there should be a toleration of congregations volun-
tarily formed by persons living in different parishes, and that
such congregations should be exempted from parochial jurisdic-
tion, but should be subordinated to presbytery and assembly,
to which larger gatherings they were to send their representa-
tives.'
The scheme thus proposed was one which, at least for a
time, might have bridged over the gulf which separated the two
Puritan parties. Neither of them, however, would have any-
thing to say to it. It was too lax for the Presbyterians, too
. , strict for the more pronounced Independents. On
AdopiionoT January 6 its acceptance was negatived without a
l>re=by. division. On the I3lh the House gave its assent to
"""^ to the ordinary Presbyterian system by a resolution
that parochial congregations should be combined in groups
under presbyteries, though as yet it did not proceed to embody
its resolution in an ordinance.* Outside the House
Prynne was clamouring in a pamphlet which bore
rw™/*- the name of Truth Triumphing for the complete
establishment of the ecclesiastical discipline fore-
shadowed in this vote, and for the absolute suppression of all
heresies and schisms whatsoever.
' CJ. iii. 733 : Whi"
* CJ. iii. 733. iv. 13
tSiK 186b.
«
HO EXECUTION OF ARCHBTSHOP LAUD. CH. XXIV.
Though ihe motives of the Independent members for failing
to offer opposition in the House to a vote which seemed to
The p>«- thrush their hopes can only be matter of conjecture,
byic.iM, it is probable that they preferred to take their stand
tion not on a wider and more complete toleration than would
t^"". ^ have satisfied the Dissenting Brethren, and that they
^^dcnu thought it wiser to allow the establishment of the
House. Presbyterian organisation to take its course whilst
reserving to themselves the right to plead at some future day
the cause of such as sought to worship entirely outside it. As
the Parliamentarylndependentswere far in advance of the Inde-
pendent members of the Assembly, they were in turn out-
stripped by men who in the army or elsewhere pushed the
doctrine of Individual liberty to the extreme. Of these
.|^^ men the mouthpiece was John Lilburne, who had
and been a fellow -sufferer with Prynne in the days of
'^""^ Laud's supremacy, and who, with all Pry nne's dogged-
ness, possessed the power, which Prynne never had, of present-
ing his arguments in such a way as to impress themselves upon
the vulgar understanding.
The two men were in fact opposed to one another by
their whole habits of thought. Prjnne was the narrowest of
conservatives, Lilburne the most extreme of revolutionists ;
more dangerous, it might seem, than Milton, because he
dwelt in the world of action rather than in the world of
thought. To Prynne the very notion of individual hberty
was hateful. Lilburne was so enamoured of it that he advo-
cated something like the negation of law. Prynne regarded
the ancestral rights of Englishmen as fully safeguarded if im-
proper opinions were suppressed by Parliament instead of being
suppressed by the Star Chamber and the Hi^'h Commission,
Lilburne had come with no less vehemence to the conclusion
that it was the birthright of every Englishman to refuse obe-
dience to the law whenever it commanded him to do anything
Jan. 7. to which he had a conscientious objection. In his
i'r/,:J^w' reply to Prynne's Truth Triumphing, he explained
p,ynnt. that it had been his original intention merely to
inform him that he 'did err, not knowing the Scriptures.'
i64S PRYNNE AND ULBURNE. in
now found it necessary to be more explicit "Being,"* he
continued, " that you and the Black-coats in the synod have
not dealt fairly with your antagonists in stopping the press
against us while things are in debate, yea, robbing us of our
liberty ... in time of freedom, when the Parliament is sitting,
who are sufficiently able to punish that man, whatsoever he be,
that shall abuse his pen,* so that while we are with the hazard
of our dearest lives, fighting for the subjects' liberty, we are
brought into Egyptian bonds . . . by the Black-coats . * . and,
truly, it argues no manhood nor valour in you nor the Black-
coats by force to throw us down and tie our hands, and then to
fall upon us and buffet us j ' for, if you had not been willing to
have fought with us upon equal terms, namely, that the press
might be open for us as for you, and as it was at the beginning
of this Parliament, which I conclude the Parliament did on
purpose that so the free-born English subjects might enjoy their
liberty and privilege." This lengthy sentence never came
clearly to an end, but Lilbume finally announced his readiness
to argue that no Parliament or any earthly authority had any
jurisdiction over the kingdom of God, and that persecution
for conscience* sake is of the devil. He would concede
to Parliament the right to establish a State church if it
pleased, but he refused to allow that he could be compelled
to pay tithes in its support. Such payment, he affirmed,
would * be a greater snare than the Common Prayer to many
of the precious consciences of God's people, whose duty is, in
* * Being * is a word frequently used in the seventeenth century where
we should use * seeing.*
* The anonymous author of Inquiries into the causes of our miseries
(see p. 75) was ready to impose some limitations on the liberty of print-
ing. ** Truly," he writes, after saying that truth and reason were the old
licensers, **my spirit could never go forth with any other way of licensing,
or midwifing such births as are books into the world, . . . and, if so be our
conceptions and births want either one or both, let the parent smart for
his lie, and be fast locked in Bedlam till he recover his wits again : and if
he be libellous, as too many are, let his own place, the pillory, instruct him
to better manners, but if he hath blasphemed God ... let him die."
* This is almost a reproduction of Bastwick's language in the Star
Chamber,
in EXECUTION OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. CH. xxiv.
my judgment, to die in a prison before they act or stoop unto so
dishonourable a thing as this is to their Lord and Master, as to
maintain the Black-coats with tithes, whom they look upon as
the professed enemies of their annointed Christ.' ^
Some sympathy may be due even to the * Black-coats * if
they were afraid of the consequences of Lilburne's doctrine
that his conscience was to be the measure of his
Importance
of Liibume's obcdiencc to the law. * Freeborn John,* as he was
nicknamed— from his persistent appeal to the rights
of the *freebom Englishman,' whom he supposed to have
derived from the medieval law a claim to almost unfettered
liberty, may fairly be regarded as a rough unpolished successor
of Eliot in the ranks of those who have shown that, alongside
of those precursors of human progress who think imaginatively,
there is a place for those who dare to suffer rather than bend
before injustice. Lilbume in the course of his career was,
indeed, in prisons oft, and it is easy to condemn him as a
fanatic who suffered on behalf of opinions which, even when
they were true, were exaggerated by him out of all proportion
to their value. The fact of his readiness to suffer was — irre-
spective of the causes of his suffering — the offering which he
had to make to a generation which was striving to break the
bonds which law and custom had imposed on the energies of
the individual.
At the time Liibume's utterances were regarded with special
apprehension. He was not merely a private enthusiast He
Liiburne as was Lieutenant- Coloncl Lilbume in the army of the
JriVate* Eastcm Association, and there was a strong proba-
person. bility that men who shared his views would have
even more influence over the soldiery than they had hitherto
possessed.
Upon these conflicts, political and religious, Charles founded
his hopes. Having failed to capture the fortresses of the enemy
Nov. 28. by open attack, he had lately been attempting to use
t?reduce°'* trcachcry with equal ill-success. On November 28
Lynn. he issucd a commission to young Roger L'Estrange
to reduce the town of Lynn with the co-operation of the in-
» Copy of a Letter, E. 24, 22.
1644 AN ATTACK ON ABINGDON, 113
habitants. L'Estrange, who offered money and rewards freely,
Dec 28. was detected in the conspiracy, and was sentenced
•entencSE* to death as a spy. The Royalists strongly protested
1645. '^^^ ^® ^^ ^^^ engaged in an act of war, and
on/*"- ** Parliament, perhaps from fear of reprisals, spared
s pheved. his life.* He remained long in prison, and lived to
acquire more notoriety with his pen than he had succeeded in
acquiring with his sword.
The attempt on Lynn was paralleled by an attempt on
Abingdon. Major-General Browne, who was in command of
1644. the place, was known to be discontented in conse-
i^gby"s quence of the neglect of Parliament to furnish him
w1th^'*°° with supplies, and Digby, always awake to the possi-
Browne. bilities of an intrigue, opened a secret negotiation
with him in the hope of persuading him to deliver up Abing-
don to the King. Browne met craft with craft, professed to be
inclined to betray his trust, and so gained time for
^ *^ strengthening his fortifications. As soon as his new
works were completed he defied Digby to do his worst.^
On January 10 Charles, finding that he had been mocked,
1645. despatched troops to surprise the place. Browne was
T^r** '*** quite ready to receive them, and the Royalists were
re^'iTifdat ^"^^^ \i2s^i with heavy loss. Amongst the slain was
Abingdon. Sir Henry Gage, the energetic Governor of Oxford.*
The failure at Abingdon was not the only evidence of
Charles's military weakness. During the first days of January
Goring, now Lord Goring through his father's
Goring at Creation as Earl of Norwich, at the head of a con-
*^° "• siderable body of horse, swept over Hampshire, and
on the 9th he even entered Surrey, and occupied Farnham.
It was, however, easier for him to seize upon a post so far in
advance of the main Royalist lines than to maintain himself
in it, and he was soon 'va full retreat, not in consequence of the
superiority of the enemy, but because his men were exhausted
and he was left without means to pay them/
» Rnshw, V. 804. • Ibid. v. 808.
■ Browne to the Com. of B. K. Jan. 1 1. Com. Letter Book,
* Goring to the King, Jan. 9. WarhurtoJi, iii. 46.
VOL. II, I
114 EXECUTION OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. CH. XXff.
The poveny of ihe King was no greater than the poverty ot
the gentlemen and noblemen who surrounded him in Oxford.
po™iy»i VVh ether their estates lay in the enemy's country or
oji.orii. ^Qi^ iheir rents remained unpaid, and the distress
amongst this loyal class was marked by the increasing numbci
of those who made their way to Westminster, took the Cove-
nant, and compounded for their own property by the payment
of a heavy fine. Amongst those who remained staunch at
Oxford distress had almost led to a mutiny. The Oxford
Parliament was in session, and its members called loudly for
peace. Charles could bear the opposition no longer. On the
_ nth he ordered the arrest of three peers, of Percy,
Amsiof of Andover, and of the Lord Savile who, in 1640,
r=ep«rs. ^^^ forged the letter of invitation to the Scots, and
had recently been created Earl of Sussex, The grounds as-
signed for their imprisonment were that they had held intelli-
gence with the rebels and had spoken disrespectfully of the
King,' but it is probable thai the original cause of Charles's
displeasure was the persistency with which Percy and the other
lords had urged him not merely to open negotiations with the
Pariiament, but to treat in person in London.*
\Vith his usual sanguine assurance Charles was quick-
sighted to perceive every sign of weakness in the enemy and
cuatictniii blind to every indication of his own. "Likewise,"
""*"""■ he had not long ago written to his wife, " I am put
in very good hope — some hold it a certainty— that, if I could
come to a fair treaty, the ringleading rebels could not hinder
me from a good peace; first, because their own party are most
weary of the war ; and likewise for the great distractions which
at this time most assuredly are amongst themselves,
*■ as Presbyterians against Independents in religion,
and general against general in point of command."' His
' Dupiale's Diary ; The King's answer, Clar. MSS. 1,8(4 1 Reply of
tlie Earl of Sussex, Camden Miscellany, viii. Compare for rumours in
London, TAe Lomion Foil, E. 25, 13; Ptrftil Paisages, E. ^5, l^■
' The King to the Queen, Feb. IS. King's Cabinet Opened, p. 7. E.
■ The King to the Queen, Dec Ibid- p. 11. E, 292, 27.
1645 CHARLES'S CONFIDENCE. 115
expectations were indeed of the highest. "The settling of
religion and the militia,'' he again wrote, "are the first to be
treated on ; and be confident that I will neither quit episcopacy
nor that sword which God hath given into my hands." '
Yet above all these reasonings Charles found his principal
encouragement in the execution of the wronged Archbishop.
Jan. 14. "Nothing," he assured the Queen, "can be more
w^°"** evident than that Strafford's innocent blood hath
appeasci. jj^^n one of the great causes of God's just judgment
upon this nation by a furious civil war, both sides hitherto
being almost equally guilty, but now this last crying blood
being totally theirs, I believe it is no presumption hereafter to
hope that the hand of justice must be heavier upon them and
lighter upon us, looking now upon our cause, having passed
through our faults." *
■ The King to the Queen, Jan. 9. The King^s Cabinet Oj^ened, p. !•
* The King to the Queen, Jan. 14. Ibid, p. 3^
II6
CHAPTER XXV,
THE NEW MODEL ORDINANCE AND THE TREATY OF
UXBRIDGE.
When, on January 4, the conflict between the Houses on
the subject of the punishment of the Archbishop was brought
^g to a close by the passage of the Attainder Ordi-
jan. 4. nance through the Upper House, the conflict on
The conflict , . - ... . . . ,
between the the subjcct of miutary organisation seemed to be
in?u^o?. no nearer to a settlement. Three times during the
ganisation. preceding week ^ the Commons had called for the
report of their committee on the charges brought against
Manchester. Nothing, however, was done, and the proposal
was probably only intended as a strong hint to the Lords that
if they did not wish an impeachment brought against the Earl,
they must take the Self- Denying Ordinance into speedy con-
sideration. Cromwell, indeed, seems already to have aban-
doned any serious thought of pursuing the attack upon which
he had entered. In the senate as in the field, he was always
ready to draw up when his charge was at the fiercest, and to
vary his methods in accordance with the necessities of the
moment. He knew far better than to become a mere * Rupert
of debate,' and a prospect of gaining all that he wanted, with-
out the friction which would have attended an impeachment
of Manchester, now opened itself before him.
For some weeks the Committee of Both Kingdoms had
been employed discussing the scheme for the remodelling the
army which had been referred to it in November.* It was
» On Dec. 26, Dec. 30, and Jan. I. CJ. iv. 2, 4, 6.
• See p. 79.
l«4j THE NEW MODEL DISCUSSED. U?
universally acknowledged to be necessary, not merely because
Essex was sluggish or Cromwell factious, but because the
arrangements for paying the troops had entirely broken down.
The New At last, on January 6, the committee came to the
JJ^f^e conclusion, that, irrespectively of local forces, the
©f'IKth"** army ought to consist of 21,000 men, and that its
Kingdoms, pay, which was the all-important matter, should be
Jan. 6. dependent on the monthly payment of taxes regularly
ofAe"'*°° imposed, and not on the fluctuating attention of
Comnuttce. ^ political assembly, or the still more fluctuating
goodwill of county committees. These taxes were to be as-
sessed on the counties least exposed to the stress of war, whilst
those in which the conflict was raging might be left to support
the local garrisons and any special force which they might think
good to employ in their own defence.^
The plan thus sketched out furnished the Lords with a
fresh motive for opposing themselves to the Self-Denying
. Ordinance. On January 7, abandoning the calcu-
The Lords lated sileucc which they had hitherto observed, they
objections informed the other House of their objections. After
Denying " aD exprcssion of dissatisfaction at the proposal to
Ordinance, incapacitate the Peers — whose part in war had al-
ways been the foremost — from military service, they took the
practical ground that it would be unwise to throw the army
but of gear till the New Model had actually come into exist-
ence, especially as its creation would evidently be a work of
time.^ The obvious answer to this final argument was to make
, the greater speed, and the New Model, which was
The New sent by the Committee of Both Kingdoms to the
House of House of Commous on the 9th, was adopted with-
mmons. ^^^ ^ divisiou ou the iith.^ Already signs were
itw^"' visible that there were other than Parliamentary
adopted. reasons for dealing swiftly with the army. The divi-
sions of the senate had spread to the camp, and on the loth
Cromwell informed the House that no less than forty of
1 Com. of 6. K. Day- Book, Jan. 6.
« Z./. vii. 129, « C./ iv. IS, 16.
Ii8 THE NEW MODEL ORDINANCE. CH. XXT.
Manchester's officers had subscribed a petition asking Parlia-
Jan. TO. ment to continue him in his command, and that at
dirtJi^ons Henley a colonel, to whom orders had been sent to
Parutmen. ^^^^^8^ ^'^ quarters, had refused to obey till he had
uryarmy. heard what answer had been given to this demand.'
The Lords resolved at last to stand firm. On the 13th,
with only four dissentient votes — those of Kent, Nottingham,
Jan. II. Northumberland, and Say— they threw out the Self-
tSoiUut Denying Ordinance.* If there was to be a New
the Self- Model they wished their own members to be at the
Denying '
Ordinance, head of it. Their motives were intelligible enough.
Their prudence was less discernible.
The first thought of the chiefs of the Independents, in
whose hands the leadership of the Commons now was, seems
to have been to fall back on the old attack upon
Jan. 15. *
Report Manchester. On the 15th the two committees
the dispute charged with the investigation of the points raised
MLnchester in the course of the dispute ' were ordered to make
and crom- ^^^ rcport On the 20th Lisle, speaking, as it
Jan. ao. would secm, on behalf of both committees, reported
Ji'^'oi^ that the Lords, in nominating peers to take part in
the examination of a member of the House of Com-
mons * without previously obtaining leave from the House to
which he belonged, had been guilty of a breach of privilege.
At the same time he recommended that the charges brought
on both sides should be thoroughly investigated, Manchester
being allowed every opportunity of conducting his defence.*
It needs no evidence to show that the revival of the attack
on Manchester was bitterly resented by the Peers. Yet one
Incidental picce of cvidcncc there is which paints their exas-
SfThe""^ peration to the life. On the day of Lisle's report,
ComnMttee perhaps in consequence of the prolonged sitting of
Kingdoms, the House of Commons, no member of that House
was present at the Committee of Both Kingdoms. The
six peers who were in their places — Northumberland, Essex,
> Whitacre*s Diary, Add, AfSS. 31,116, fol. 185b.
« Z.y. vii. 13d. 'See pp. 83, 89.
« Sec p. 83. » C./. iv. 35.
CROMWELl. AND THE PEERS.
AV'arwick, Manchester, Say, and Wharton— passed a resolution
'that the business of the opinion of some in I.ieutenant-
General Cromwell's regiment against fighting in any cause
whatsoever, be taken into consideration to-morrow in the after-
noon.' ' When, on the following afternoon, the
Commoners mustered in strength, no more was
heard of this strange propfisal, which was douljtless never
intended to be more than an elaborate joke.
On the other hand, the blow of the Commons was well-
timed. They did not bind themselves to proceed with the
init i' inquiry into Manchester's conduct, but they would
ofiheCiim- be ready to do so if the Lords rejected the New
Model as they had rejected the Self- Denying Ordi-
nance. In that case what was now but a reconnaissance in
force might be converted into a real attack.
For the present the New Model Ordinance was to be
pushed on. On the 21st, by a vote of 101 to 6g, Cromwell
Fairiju tB 3nd the younger Vane acting as tellers for the
"t'S™'' majority, the House resolved that the commander-
ModeL in-chief of the new army should be Sir Thomas
^i^xnto Fairfax. Skippon was then named as Major-
GeoETBi. General The post of Lieu tenant -General, carrying
Tht Lim. with it the command of the cavalry, was significantly
G™rai- '^ft unfilled. By rejecting the Self-Denying Ordi-
ihipvaeani. nancc the Lords had torn down the barrier which
the best cavalry officer in England had erected in the way of
his own employment
Yet, on the other hand, there were grave reasons against
according the highest military position to one who had taken
Cromwell so prominent a part in political strife. No such
ud Faidai. [-eason could be assigned against the promotion of
Fairfax, who had no seat in the House. He had already
shown himself patient in disaster and full of vigour to turn
disaster into victory. His rapid blows deUvered in the fight
for the Yorkshire clothing towns at the opening of the war,
and repeated on a larger scale when he threw himself upon the
Royalists at Nantwich, marked him out as a general who would
' Cem. of 3. K. £>ay Book, Jan. ao.
1 2a THE NEW MODEL ORDINANCE. CH. xxv.
never wander aimlessly like Essex into Cornwall, or loiter, like
Manchester at Newbury, on a stricken field. If he had a fault
as a soldier, it lay in his habit of plunging unthinkingly into
the thick of the fight, regardless of his duties as a commander.
What was specially to the purpose was that he possessed to the
full the civic virtue of obedience to the State, and that he
had stood entirely aloof from the recent disputes. Most likely
no one in England — probably not Fairfax himself — knew
whether he was a Presbyterian or an Independent.
On the 28th the New Model Ordinance was despatched to
the Lords. The Lords were well aware that the charges
Jan. 28. against Manchester were held in reserve, to be
iMu^df*^ proceeded in or dropped as circumstances might
Ordinance demand. If, however, Cromwell, in his controversy
Lords. with the Peers, held the sword in one hand, he ex-
tended the olive branch with the other. Between him and
the Scots there had long been bitter antagonism. Yet it was
Cromwell who on the 30th appeared in the House
Jan. 30-^,^ , ri^
CromweU of Commons as the spokesman of the Committee of
thJSvLice' Both Kingdoms to urge the necessity of bringing the
of the Scots. g^Q^is^^ army southwards,* If, as must surely be
the case, this implies that he was favourable to the proposal, it
looks as if he wished to reassure the Lords by giving them
security that the New Model would not occupy the whole
field. If the New Model would be in a special sense the army
of the House of Commons, the Scottish force would be in a
special sense the army of the House of Lords. When once
the negotiations at Uxbridge were at an end— and it did not
need a tithe of Cromwell's shrewdness to give certainty that
they would not produce a peace — the Scots would bear their
part in the war as readily as the newly organised English army.
Everything which Cromwell had done, as well as everything
which he had deliberately omitted to do, would thus conduce
to his primary object of defeating the King. When that was
accomplished it would be time to think of that which was to
follow.
There can be little doubt that, to Cromwell and the Inde-
» C.J. iv. 37.
"r64S MEETING OE THE NEGOTIATORS. tit
pendents, the negotiation which was now opening at Uxbridge
was but one more step towards victory over the King.
the inde. They were far more likely to be able to prolong
S^t"Se ^^^ "^^^ i^ they allowed the Scots to try their hands at
UxbSglto ^^^^^% peace. As a record of futile proposals and
feii. abhipt rejections of those proposals the Treaty of
Uxbridge deserves but scanty recognition. Its importance in
the history of the war lies in this, that it brought the Scots into
line with the English War-party in the decisive campaign which
The treaty was about to Open. To all intents and purposes the
S^^oui^^ Treaty of Uxbridge was a Scottish negotiation. The
negotiation, propositions offered to the King had originally been
drawn up under Scottish influence. It was Henderson and no
English divine who was appointed as the chief clerical assistant
to furnish the needful theological arguments in favour of Pres-
byterianism, whilst Loudoun and Maitland— who now bore the
title of Earl of Lauderdale in consequence of the recent death
of his father — were foremost amongst the lay Parliamentary
commissioners in supporting the pleadings of Henderson.
As far as our knowledge reaches, Vane and St. John, who
represented the Independents at Uxbridge, if they were not
absolutely silent, took as little part in the debates as possible,
and it is doing them no injustice to suppose that, like Crom-
well at Westminster, they were keeping themselves in reserve
till the Scots had played their game and lost it.
The commissioners from both sides arrived at Uxbridge on
January 29. Amongst those sent by the King were some, such
Jan. 29. as Hertford and Southampton, who were sincerely
thlTcom^^ desirous of peace; but they were bound by their
missioners. instructions, and they could only toil in vain round
the impossible task of reconciling the King's unbending devo-
tion to Episcopacy with the equally unbending Presbyterianism
of the Scots.
To do Loudoun and Lauderdale justice, it was not by
Motives of Presbyterian fanaticism that they were impelled,
iommlt"**^ They did not feel towards bishops as Prynne or
sioners. Hcnderson felt towards them. The Scottish revo-
lution had been political as well as ecclesiastical, and though
123 THE TREATY OF UXBRTDGE. CH. XXT.
the nobles who had put themselves at its head had, with more
or less conscientiousness, appropriated the ideas of the eccle-
siastical wing of iheir party, they were principally concerned in
maintaining the dominant position which their share in the
revolution had given them. There are no signs that they were
animated by the crusading spirit, or that they were conscious
of a Divine mission to eWerniinate Episcopacy in the British
Isles, They knew, however, that Scotland was a poorer and
weaker country than England, and they believed that Scotland,
or, to speak more plainly, their own authority in Scotland,
would be secure only when a government was established in
England which was homogeneous with that which they them-
selves wielded in Scotland. An Episcopalian and monarchical
England or an Independent and republican England would be
constantly tempted to interfere with that peculiar compound of
ecclesiastical democracy and political aristocracy which was
the temporary outcome of the historical development of their
own country.
Such motives naturally led the Scottish commissioners to
strive after the impossible. They knew that a restored monarchy
. . in England, surrounded by Presbyterian institutions,
.cfcnow. would be a weak monarchy as far as Scotland was
the^Frtn'ch concemcd, and they knew too little and cared too
iunb»B»dor. jj^^j^ about the wants of England or the mental
characteristics of Charles to ask whether the object of their
desire was practicable. They were not likely to reveal their
whole secret to men of their own speech. In the presence of
Sabran they felt no hesitation. Before setting out from West-
minster they told him plainly that, though it was unnecessary
to destroy Episcopacy in England on religious grounds, its
overthrow was an indispensable condition of the union and
peace of the two kingdoms. If Charles would give way on
this point, they would throw their weight into his scale on all
other matters.'
' "Touiies leura responces oat concouni que S, M. de la Grandr.
Bietagne ayant conseQty en Escosse U forme de Religion, pat I'eschange
des Evesqiies sn Presbileibl, laquelle n'eslant point essenlielle pour la
fay Testoit pour I'union et respos des deux Rojaumes, 5. M. dc laCicande
J
<ae pouvaient
^arer que le
propositions se
oicm bieciiort
Brieooe, J"-"
Ad-i. AfSS.
164s PARLTAMnNTARY INSTRUCTTONS. I^ '
This attitude of the Scots, so far as it was known, could not '
fail to excite dissatisfaction in the War-party. It was the wish
Dissstisfac- ^^ ^^ Scots and of the majority of the Peers that
lEonorihe the question of religion should be settled first,' but
ar-pany. ^^ ^^.^ ^^ Lowcr House, HOW Under the leadership
of the Independents, opposed an unshaken resolution. It was
j^^^.. . finally decided that the three jwints of religion, of the
ofiiw militia, and of Ireland should be discussed in rotation,
three days being assig-ned to each subject. If, after
nine days, no conclusion had been reached, three days more
were to be devoted to religion, and so on with the other points.
If at the end of twenty working days the two sides were still
unable to agree, the negotiation was to be at an end."
Bretagne ne la pouvant rcfiuser, et qu'i
Roy d'Ang'* y consenlant lomies sorles
mcconimodees au gti de S. M."-Sabran
5,461, fol. 65b.
' " J'ay Sfcu que les Escossois et la Chambre des Communes, ou plus-
tost les Independanis qui en sont, ont deballu lonKuement entie eut
k[ Ton commenccroienl ou linetoit par [a Religion, les Escossois onl desirj
de eominencer par 1^ ou est leur principal inleresl et allachement i leur
Coni-ecanl, pour, s'ils obtienoent leur fin, se irouver puis atbittes du
ilinerent par le poid^ <ju'ils donneioot du coslf ou ils voudioni puncher,
qui sera des lois celuy du Roy, el des Pairs, pour ne tomber dans un
changemenl de forme de goavernement qui leur prejudicierolt. l*s
Iautres voulloienl finir par li, et voir tous les auties articles vuidcz aupara-
vanl ou ils s'interesseni plus ((u'en celuy de la Religion, et ceux de la
Chamtire Haute (qui ne parlent qu'apres leu Escossois, et qui ne trouvent
plus de salul a leur prerogatives iju'eit I'espoir que les Escossois disputants
pout I'aulhorilf du Roy, ils le feront aussy pour leur dignitd parliculiere
et de tous) s'attachent entierement auxdits Escossois, et s'opiniaslreQt
pout Tamour d'eu« au poinct de k Religion, affin que ce contentement le
Bcquiete au Roy et i eux. En sorle que j'en tite cette consequence que li
S. M.de la Grande Brelagne se telasche dela Religion, les E^»»issoi5 n'ayanls
plus d'inleresl qu'en une paix qui asseure ce qui leur est deub, et leai
pays, auront grand desmeli avec la Chambre des Communes et Londtes ;
ct si 1b Roy d'Angleterre s'obsline i sa Religion el de ne la vouloir con-
lesler que tous niticles ne soyent consenlys, la dite Chambre des Communes
cat pout en eslre d'accord, et s'opposer Ml desir des Escossim*." — Sabian
lo Brienne, Feb. ft. Ibid. fol. 76.
I
1
124 THE TREATY OF UX BRIDGE. CH. XxV.
That any one should have expected a favourable result
from this negotiation is indeed marvellous. The Three Pro-
Thc Three positions of Uxbridge, as the terms which the Parlia-
din^^f" mentary commissioners were empowered to offer on
Uxbridge. these three heads were afterwards called, showed
that the incapacity of the leaders of the Peace-party to under-
stand the excellence of compromise equalled if it did not sur-
pass that of Charles himself. In the first, they asked that the
King should take the Covenant, should assent to the abolition
of Episcopacy and the Prayer-book, to the establishment of
Presbyterianism and the Directory. In the second, they de-
manded that the militia and the navy should be permanently
controlled by commissioners named by Parliament, joined by a
body of Scottish commissioners not exceeding in number a
third part of those of England, whilst the Scottish militia was
to be at the orders of commissioners named by the Scottish
Parliament, joined by English commissioners, not exceeding a
third part of their own body. In the third, they insisted on
the passing of an Act to make void the Irish Cessation, and
on Charles's permitting the war in Ireland to be prosecuted by
the English Parliament without hindrance from himself.^
After a few preliminary arrangements had been made, the
main proceedings were opened at Uxbridge on January 31.
Jan. 31. ^ rhetorical discussion between Henderson and a
H^oi^" doctor from Oxford, on the respective claims of
difficulty. Presb)^erianism and Episcopacy to Divine authority,
called forth from Hertford the blunt remark that he believed
neither the one nor the other to be of Divine right. The
laymen then proceeded to business. Little was gained by the
change. The Parliamentary commissioners had been instructed
to insist that the King should take the Covenant and consent
The aboii- to the abolition of Episcopacy. On the other side,
Ep?s?opacy Hyde, knowing that there were differences of opinion
demanded, amongst his Opponents, did his best to stir up strife
in their ranks by asking subtle questions on the nature of the
Presbyterian system. It was not diplomacy of a high order,
but, perhaps, nothing better was possible, unless Charles was
» Rushw, V. 865, 879, 897.
I64y A TOLERATION SCHEME. 125
honestly prepared to meet the adverse proposal with something
more than a blank negative.^
Charles's intellect was not flexible, and he had recently
shown how little he was able to enter into the feelings of
A form of the nobler spirits among his antagonists. He had
SncSoned authoHsed the use of a form of prayer in which the
by the King. Divine assistance in bringing the war to an end was
to be implored by all loyal subjects, and in which God was to
be asked to * let the truth clearly appear who those men are
which under pretence of the public good do pursue their
private ends.' ^ In a letter which he despatched to Nicholas,
who was one of his commissioners at Oxford, he clothed the
Feb. 6. same idea in freer language. " I should think," he
spSken wrote, " if in your private discourses . . . with the
letter. London commissioners you would put them in mind
that they were arrant rebels, and that their end must be damna-
tion, ruin, and infamy except they repented and found some
way to free themselves from the damnable way they are in , . •
it might do good." ^
Untoward as Charles's language was, there were influences
around him in favour of peace which it was almost impossible
Feb xo. ^"^^ ^^"^ directly to resist. The clergy at Oxford were
Toleration consulted as to the limits of possible concession, and
the Oxford the rcsult was a joint declaration, which has the
*'^^^* merit of containing the first scheme of toleration on
a national basis assented to in England by any public body.* A
Feb. 13. plan of Church reform was, in consequence, brought
of Church forward on the 13th by the King's commissioners at
reform. Uxbridge. At least, it compared favourably with
anything produced on the other side. Episcopacy was to be
maintained, but the bishops were not to exercise coercive juris-
diction without the consent of presbyters chosen by the clergy
* Ruskw, V. 861 ; Whitelocke^ 128 ; Clatendotty viii. 221.
* A form of Common Prayer^ p. II. £. 27, 4.
' The King to Nicholas. EvelyrCs Diary (ed. 1879), iv. 149.
* The clergy's paper tendered concerning religion, Feb. la Claftndon
MSSn 1824. Printed in Tkc English Historical Review for April 1887,
p. 341.
126 THE TREATY OF UX BRIDGE. CH. xxvi
of the diocese. Abuses were to be remedied by Act of Parlia-
ment. Tlie Book of Common Prayer was to be retained sub-
ject to such alterations as might be agreed on, and - far more
important than all this — freedom was to * be left to all persons
of what opinions soever in matters of ceremony, and ... all
the penalties of the laws and customs which enjoin those cere-
monies ' to * be suspended.' ^
The Oxford clergy had, at least, made their intention clear.
" We think it lawful," they had declared, " that a toleration be
What was givcn — by suspending the penalties of all laws — both
ing onhMo ^^ ^^^ Presbyterians and Independents." There is
uords? evidently here the germ, or more than the germ, of
the great policy of 1689. In passing through Charles's mind
the phrase had become more hazy, as it does not appear
whether he meant to permit the clergy to vary the ceremonies
in the one Church, or to allow the existence of congregations
outside the Church, provided that, however much they might
differ from it in ceremony, they agree with it in doctrine. Yet
for all that, it is to him, and not to his antagonists, that the
honour belongs of being the first to propound the terms of
peace which ultimately closed the strife. The bid was one for
the support of the Independents against the Presbyterians, and
was perhaps the easier for him to make if, as may have been
the case, he had no expectation that it would ever be accepted,
and had only consented to the step in order to gratify his
importunate supporters.
It is not a matter for surprise that the Independents made
no sign of accepting the proposed terms. Of Charles, and of
The offer 3.11 that camc from Charles, they were profoundly
thi*i'rSli.^^ suspicious. Nor is it likely that even if their distrust
pendents. j^^d been removed they would have closed with the
present offer. Tolerationists as they were, they were not yet
prepared to admit that the ceremonies of the Church of Eng-
land were within the pale of toleration. They had suffered too
much from Episcopal authority to regard its retention in any
form as part of a possible solution of the difficulties of the
country,
• Rushw, V. 872, 873.
l64S
QUESTIONS AT ISSUE.
B7
I
If the Independents were not to be won, Charles's proposal
was doomed. The Scots, and the supporters of the Scots, still
A Presby- fancied that it was possible for them to drive the
Kiikmeui King to osscnt to the establishment of the Presby-
■"B^^- terian system. Pembroke, who was always blurting
out what other men were ashamed to say, and who was entirely
indifferent to forms of church government, reminded one of
the Royal commissioners that tf Charles would give way nowi
it would be easy for him to recover his power hereafter.'
boije. Such counsels of treachery were addressed in vain
*«"*'■ to Charles. He was an intriguer, but he was not a
hypocrite. He was ready to bribe his opponents by offering to
deserters offices, 'so that they be not of great trust' ;'' but he
refused to abandon that Episcopacy which was in his eyes both
a Divine institution and one of the strongest buttresses of his
own authority.
On the question of the militia a difference of opinion had
manifested itself as distinctly as on the question of religion.
1^ The Parliamentary commissioners asked that it should
uUiiu. jjg commanded in perpetuity by persons named by
the Houses, whilst Charles was only ready to place it tem-
porarily under a body, one half of which was to be named by
Parliament and the other half by himself. At the end of three
years this compromise was to be aliandoned, and the entire
authority over the militia was to revert to himself. As for
Ireland, the discussion soon degenerated into a
wrangle on the question whether the Cessation had
been accepted to save the Protestants or to encourage the
Papists ; and for those who took the latter view, it was an easy
step to argue that Charles's proposed religious compromise was
only intended to secure toleration for Papists.*
The growing divergence of opinion at Uxbridge could not
fail in producing its effect at Westminster, As early as Feb
ruary 4, when it was known that difficulties had been thrown
' Clarendon, viii. 343.
■ Mcmorialfor Mcliolas, Feb. 17. EvtlyiC s Diary {pi. 1879), iv.
• J'erfect J'jsnt^, E, aGg, 5 ; E, 270, 23.
128 THE TREATY OF UX BRIDGE. CH. XXY.
in the way of the abolition of Episcopacy, the Peers offered
to pass the New Model Ordinance with the addition of certain
Feb. 4. provisoes ^ which would, as they hoped, render it in^
SSSiT' "NOCUOUS. They asked, first, that all officers above
New Model the rank of lieutenant might be nominated by both
Ord nance - _ , • t 1
*ith pro- Mouses, thus securing to themselves a veto upon every
appointment ; and, secondly, that both officers and
soldiers should not only take the Covenant, but should submit
* to the form of Church Government that is already voted by
both Houses of Parliament.*
To the first proviso Cromwell offered a steadfast opposition.
He asked that the appointment of the officers should rest with
Feb. 7. the commander-in-chief alone. The Parliamentary
y\^S^ spirit was, however, too strong for him, and the
bi' the Commons, adopting a compromise, resolved by a vote
Commons, ^f 32 jq 5^ (hat, though the appointment of officers
should be made by the commander-in-chief, the approval of
the Houses should in all cases be necessary ; an approval
which, unless in very exceptional cases, it would be difficult to
refuse. With respect to the second proviso, the
Commons agreed that officers and soldiers should
take the Covenant, but they absolutely refused to enforce sub-
mission to the form of Church Government voted by both
Houses, on the plea that if the Covenant were taken such a
submission would be unnecessary, and that the votes of the
Houses on the subject were not yet complete.*
On the 1 2th the Commons argued before the Lords in
favour of their amendments. On the same day news reached
Feb xa. Westminster that a party of Royalists under Sir
Bad news Lcwis Dyves had seized one of the forts which
mouth. *^ guarded Weymouth.^ Waller was at once ordered to
relieve the town, but though he would gladly have
Miitinjr of obeyed, his cavalry, which had formerly served under
cavait^. Essex, broke out into mutiny at Leatherhead. "We
will rather go," they said, "under any the Lord General
' /../. vii. 175.
» C.J. iv. 43, 44; LJ. vii. 191.
• CJ. iv. 46 ; The True Informer^ E. 269, ai.
1645 CONTINUED DISCUSSIONS. 129
should appoint than with Sir William Waller, with all the money
in England." »
When this mishap was known in Westminster, it was also
known that the King's commissioners at Uxbridge had pre-
sented a scheme of Church reform, which, in spite of its
intrinsic merits, was hateful alike to the Presbyteriains of both
nations. That scheme fused for a time the Peace-party and
the War-party into one. Both alike declared for war, which,
j.^^ ^ as the mutiny at Leatherhead gave evidence, it
Passing of would be impossible to carry on with a disorgan-
Modei Ordi- " iscd army. The Lords gave way at once, and on
°*°^*' the 15th they passed the New Model Ordinance
as it had last come from the Commons without any further
difficulty.^
Formally at least the negotiations at Uxbridge still dragged
on. An attempt which led to nothing was made to discbver
Continued ^^^^ Compromise on the question of the command
discussions of the militia. Time was running short' when
a X n ge. Qj^2^j.|gg>g commissioners made an unexpected pro-
posal. Let the armies on both sides be disbanded, and His
P^^ Majesty would then repair in person to Westminster.^
Charles To this fresh suggestiou the Parliamentary commis-
proposes to
go to v/est- sioners returned a deaf ear. They were certainly in
mins er. ^^ right. " As for trusting the rebels," Charles had
only- the day before written to his wife, " either by going to
London or disbanding my army before a peace, do no ways
fear my hazarding so cheaply or foolishly ; for I esteem the
interest thou hast in me at a far dearer rate, and pretend to
have a little more wit — at least by the sympathy that is betwixt
us — than to put myself in the reverence of perfidious rebels." *
Charles now, it seems, imagined that after a complete dis-
bandment on both sides he would be able to secure the restora-
tion of the excluded members to their places at- Westminster,
> Com, of B, K, Day Book^ Feb. 15.
« LJ, vii. 195.
• Ruskw, V. 920.
* The King to the Queen, Feb. 19. The King*$ Cabinet Opened^ p. 6.
£. 292, 27.
VOL. II. ^
I30 THE TREATY OF UXBRIDGE, CH. xxv.
and would thus be able to impose his own conditions on the
reunited Parliament*
On February 22, as the days fixed for the negotiation were
running to an end, the royal commissioners made a final
Feb. 92. attempt to reopen the religious question. The King,
Sj^^S*** they said, was ready to discuss the future settlement
propoved. Qf ^^ Church With Parliament and a National Synod
summoned for the purpose. Neither this nor a repetition of
the proposal to disband the armies met with any favourable
response from the representatives of the Houses.^
The negotiation, or, as it was commonly called, the Treaty
of Uxbridge, was thus brought to an end. No one except
Cromwell and his adherents had gained anything by
Treaty of it. The activc support of the Scots in the war
*** against the King was secured now that they had
made the discovery that Charles was unwilling to become a
Presbyterian. The modern reader, indeed, is apt to brush
aside the long argument on which the thoughts of contempo-
raries were fixed, and to concentrate his attention on the scheme
of Church reform proposed by the Oxford clergy as the one
object of interest in the whole dreary futility. Charles was
himself the first to show how little he cared for it, by throwing
it over in favour of another scheme for calling a National
Synod. Yet if ever there was an idea which an earnest man
would have cherished, it was that of toleration. To preach it
in season and out of season, to render it palatable where it was
unpalatable, to meet objections and suggest modifications,
would have been a task for the highest statesmanship and the
firmest courage. Even if Charles had possessed the necessary
qualifications. for the task, there was a fatal bar to its accom-
^ <* Le Roy de la Grande Bretagne desire venant id, que toutes per-
sonnes Parlementaires soient admises ez chambres, ce que ie Parlement n'a
garde de permettre, parce que le parti de S. M. seroit le plus puissant ^
cause des divisions et de I'afTection que plusieurs y ont pour le Roi de la
Grande Bretagne."— Sabran to Brienne, ^^\. Add, AfSS, 5,461, foL
124b.
* Rushw, V. 92a.
i64S CHARLES AND TOLERATION. 131
plishment by him. The convictions to which he clung with all
the tenacity of his nature were opposed to the scheme which he
had allowed to be put forward in his name. Not much more
than two years was to pass when the same scheme was to be
offered to him by some of the very men who now rejected "it,
to be rejected in turn by himself.
Yw X
»3«
CHAPTER XXVI.
TIPPERMUIR, ABERDEEN, AND INVERLOCHY.
On February 19, when the negotiations at Uxbridge were
drawing to a close, Charles received news * which, though
g without influence upon the resolution which he had
Feb. 19. already formed to reject the Parliamentary offers, un-
the High- doubtedly inspired him with a fresh hope of gaining
the mastery in the campaign about to open. In the
Scottish Highlands a soldier of genius was carrying all before
him in the name of the King.
Though Montrose was an idealist capable of believing in
his heart of hearts that Charles was indeed * great, good, and
just,* it was not for the restoration of a dead past
Montrose's that he drcw his sword. He stood up for that
**"** which was, in some sort, the hope of the future.
He detested the bigotry of the Presbyterian clergy ; and he
detested still more the despotic sway of the great nobles who
had banded themselves with Argyle, and had risen to power
by flattering the prejudices of the clergy. Though there can
indeed be little doubt that his own buoyancy of self-reliance,
with its accompanying love of pre-eminence, urged him forward
in the path which he had chosen, yet his ambition
IS aims. ^^^ closely intertwined with a nobler sentiment. To
him the King whom he served was not the actual Charles, but
an imaginary being who was eager to free Scotland from a
stern and relentless tyranny, and to make possible again the
Iree and joyous life of old. A clergy restraining themselves to
their spiritual functions, and a nobility devoting themselves to
> The King to the Queen, Feb. 19. The King's Cabinet 0/^ened, p. 5.
%. 292, ^7.
PJ644
IDEAUSM OF MONTROSE.
I3J
I
their country without self-seeking, filled in the picture of the
future as it was reflected in Montrose's mind, and it was to be
realised, not by raising the king to absolute power, but by the
support which he would derive from the gentry and the nobility
of secondary position. Montrose, in short, was the champion,
so to speak, of a diffused aristocracy, rather than of thai
monarchy the name of which was so frequently on his lips.'
Unhappily for Montrose, the means of realising such aims
were not to be found on Scottish soil. Argyle's Presbyterian
ObsaaciM supporters left much to be desired, but at least they
lnhiswiy. jjg^ given to Scotland that discipUne which had
enabled the laborious middle class to assert itself in the face of
what had but a short time ago been an anarchical nobility. The
well-founded belief that the restoration to power of a nobility
hostile to the ecclesiastical organisation of the middle class
boded no good either to order or to liberty rendered Montrose's
cause practically hopeless.
Of all this Montrose saw nothing. He did not, like Crom-
well, estimate at their true value the means with which he pro-
KUmalt- posed to gain his ends. He dashed at his high aim
''™- like a Paladin of romance, conscious of the purity of
his intentions, and trusting to his own genius to mould to use-
ful purposes the intractable forces -which chance might throw in
his way. Self-confidence, indeed, he had to the full, but it was
a self-confidence of which only noble spirits are capable, because
it was founded on the belief that in the presence of a great effort
base spirits would change their natures, and join with one heart
in establishing the reign of truth and justice. His dream was
more of a ' devout imagination ' than any that had ever entered
into the mind of the most fanatical CaivinisC.
Montrose's failure in his attempt upon the Lowlands in the
spring of 1644 ' seemed at first to render hopeless the realisa-
I ' In this respect he occupies much Che same position in Scotlish his-
tor]' as the authors of the petilion of the Knij^hts Dnchelois to Edward,
after the Provisians of Oxford, occupy in English history. In both casei
the Crown was to be strengthened against the hijjhei nobility, with no
Intention of restoring Ibe old absoluEisni,
' See vol. i. p, 33I).
134 TIPPERMUIR, ABERDEEN, INVERLOCHY, CH. xxvi.
tion of his projects. When Rupert burst into the North,
Montrose rode off to him to beg for troops. He found him
July 3. at York, the day after his ruinous defeat at Marston
RupSt for Moor. Rupert carelessly offered a thousand horse,
»»e'p- but night brought counsel, and on the following
morning he declared that he could not spare a single man.
Montrose now knew that he must depend on himself alone.
He was aware that Antrim had been commissioned to bring
over to the Highlands 2,000 Irishmen, but for some
and An- time he had heard nothing of him. He therefore
"^ despatched young Lord Ogilvy, the heir of the Earl
of Airlie, and Captain RoUock to Scotland to spy out the
country in disguise. In a fortnight his messengers returned
with tidings that the Presbyterian Government was supreme,
and that no man dared to move a hand against it Yet Mon-
trose, in spite of the adverse report of his own spies, could not
throw off the belief that at least in the Lowlands beyond the
Tay he might find support ; and in the spirit of his own lines —
** He eiiher fears his fate too much,
Or his deserts are small,
Who dares not put it to the touch,
And win or lose it all,"
he resolved to try what might be effected in those quarters by
Aug. 18. the magic of his presence. On August 18, sending
MtTouTfor ^^*y ^ o^ ^is remaining adherents except RoUock
Scotland. 2XiA 2Xi officer named Sibbald, he set out from Car-
lisle disguised as a groom in attendance upon his companions.
On the 22 nd he reached TuUybelton, a house near Perth, which
belonged to Patrick Graham, a kinsman of his own. His first
eager inquiries were directed to the condition of the loyal
gentry of the North. The news which he received was as dis-
couraging as that which had been brought him by Ogilvy and
Rollock. Huntly had given up all hopes of resisting the pre-
dominant party, and had fled to the hills, leaving the Gordons
without a leader.'
■ IVishart^ ch. iv. Sec vol. L p. 336^
2644 MONTROSE'S CHANCE, 135
Montrose's intention, there can be little doubt, had been to
rouse to action the Gordons together with the gentry of Angus
Montr ^^^ ^^^ Mearns.' It is true that the past history of
changes his Scotland did not give much reason to think it pos-
sible to overcome with their help the sober population
of Fife and the Lothians, which was the real centre of the
political life of Scotland. Montrose, however, had come tem-
porarily to reverse the stream of history, and was not likely to
be turned back by such considerations. It was more ominous
that the gentry of the North gave no signs of being prepared
to accept him as a leader. Everything around him boded
failure, when a letter fell accidently into his hands which
changed the whole current of his enterprise. If the gentry of
the northern Lowlands refused to stir, he could appeal to the
Highlands.
Antrim, it seemed, had not been unmindful of his promise.
Before the end of June he had overcome the scruples of the
Tune. Supreme Council, and had shipped off some 1,600
Antrim men to the Western Highlands.^ This force was
"to the probably composed of his own Macdonalds, who
*^ ' had served in the Irish war, intermingled with a
sprinkling of the northern Irish. Its leader was Alaster
Aiaster MacdoncU or Macdonald, whose father, known as
Macdonaid. (^q^ Kcitachc, the man who fought with either
hand — in Lowland corruption, Colkitto * — had been the stoutest
champion of his race, the Macdonalds of Islay and Kintyre,
' See vol. i. p. 298, note. It may also be remarked that the news
brought to Montrose at Tullybelton turned on the condition of Huntly
and the Gordons, not on the condition of the Highlands.
2 Ormond put the number at 2,500 (Ormond to Nicholas, July 22,
Carte's Ormond^ vi. 178), but it appears from Antrim's own letter to
Ormond of June 27 {Carte MSS. xi. fol. 301) that only 1,600 actually
sailed.
* This appellation has popularly been given to the son, the meaning
of Mac Coll Keitache being overlooked. It seems, on the whole, to be
better in speaking of him and his men to call them Macdonald, than
Macdonell or Macdonnell. Otherwise the unity of the clans of the name
and the connection between them and their kinsmen in Ireland is apt to
drop out of sight.
ij6 TIPPERMUTR, ABERDEEN, WVERLOCHY. CH.xxvt.
against the territorial aggrandisement of the Campbells. His
stalwart son, an impetuous warrior but a bad general, had
inherited the passions of the fierce old clansman.
Early in July Atasler Macdonald landed in Ardnamurchan,
He came to bring Highland vengeance upon a Highland foe.
Hii The Campbell tenants dwelt on the soil which had
'X^wMf o"*^^ htn'a counted as the inheritance of the Mac-
chun. donalds, and for forty miles their land was now
wasted with fire and sword. In order to keep open a way of
retreat, Macdonald seized upon the castles of Mingary and
Loch Alyne on the coast. Continuing his devastations, he
called on his kinsmen, the Macdonalds, to join him, but the
Macdonalds dared not stir against the overwhelming power of
Argyle. Of Montrose he had no tidings, and he therefore
, . resolved to content himself with the desolation which
loieiumio he had spread around him, and to carry his men
back to Ireland. When he reached the place of
Hii iTirUt embarkation he found that his retrtai was cut off, as
'"' '^- his ships had been burnt or captured by the Camp-
bells. Nothing daunted, he made his way across glen and
mountain to Lochaber, the westernmost of the districts which
Hij acknowledged the authority of Huntly. Like Mont-
•Mdenngi j-Qsg^ jjg placed his chief hope in the support of the
Highianiit. Gordons, and, like Montrose, he now iearnt that the
Gordons had made their submission to the covenanting
GovemmenL Headed back in his march to the east, he turned
in a north-westerly direction towards the lands of the Mac-
kenzies of Kintail on the shores of Loch Alsh and Loch Duich.
The M»c- Little more than forty years ago the Mackenzies had
\™f\\^^ been at deadly feud with the Macdonalds of Glen-
domiids. garry. In 1603, in revenge for the slaughter of their
chieftain's son, the Macdonalds set fire to a church which was
crowded with a congregation of Mackeniies. Men, women,
and children perished in the fl-ames, whilst the Glengarry piper
stirred the hearts of his clansmen to their deed of vengeance.
Pitilessly the Macdonalds barred the doors with their claymores
and thrust back their shrieking foes into the fire. In vain
agonised mothers threw their children out of the windows in
r«44
THE HIGHLAND CLANS.
Ifl
P the vain hope that these innocent ones at least might he spared.
The Macdonalds knew no mercy, and the sword destroyed the
infant lives which had escaped the flames.' Since that day of
horror peace had been made between the Mackenzies and the
Macdonalds, but the Macken^-ies were hardly likely to welcome
SeifonJi one who bore the Macdonald name. Their chief-
I^"!^" '^'"i '^''^ ^3x\ of SeafoTtli, who was a man of uncer-
MacdDDaid. tain politics, apt to throw himself on the strongest
side, steadily refused to ally himself with the roving strangers,
It was only on compulsion that he allowed them to pass
through his territory. Macdonald, finding himself rejected of
all, made for Badenoch on the upper Spey, which,
like Lochaber, owed allegiance to Huntly, and took
upon himself to call on Che chieftains there to rise in
the name of Huntly and the King. In this way he secured
1 about five hundred recruits. It was in vain, however, that he
I attempted to push his way down the Spey to the immediate
territory of the Gordons. The way was barred
against him by the Grants and the Lowland gentry
of Moray, who lived too near the Gordons to be
L other than good Covenanters, and who were on this occasion
supported by a thousand of Seaforth's Mackenzies.^
Highlanders might indeed be counted as Royalists, but they
\ were clansmen first and Royalists afterwards. The necessities
The High- of local warfare had early enforced the lesson of dis-
Luidciaos. cipline in its only possible shape, that of absolute
submission to the chieftain's will. To the chieftain each clan
owed the military compactness which alone could give safety
to those who were girt about by foes. The worst penalty in
his power to inflict was to expel them from his obedience, that
they might go forth as ' broken men,' wanderers over the face
of the earth, with their hand against every man, and every man's
hand against them. In return for the salutary despotism of the
chieftain, the clansmen owed to him the most absolute obe-
dience and the most absolute devotion. Between neighbouring
I clans there was ofttn a bitter feud, and the hatred handed
> lian's.enrie'f. Histpyy a/ Ihe Macketiziei, 157.
' Patrick Gordon, A ihart abridsnieat b/ Britain' j dislem^r, 65-69.
138 TIPPERMUIRy ABERDEEN, INVERLOCHY, CH. XXVL
down from father to son not rarely showed itself in deeds of
inhuman cruelty. The instincts of savage life in which strangers
are counted as enemies were still strong within the Highlander,
though in the seven teeth century there had been some progress,
especially amongst the clans dwelling on the edge of the High-
land line. In that region the chieftains mingled more readily
with the nobles and gentry of the Lowlands, and their depen-
dants were settling down into a position not unlike that of the
tenants of the Lowland nobility. Yet even here the poverty
of the soil made it difficult to find sustenance for all the
dwellers upon it, and any excuse to enrich themselves at the
expense of their Lowland neighbours was always gladly wel-
comed. •
To bind the clans together for a political object was an
impossible task. Neither any one chief nor any one clan would
n-ff • agree to serve under a neighbouring chief.* It was
of uniting on this rock that Macdonald's enterprise had split.
He had summoned the clans in the name of Huntly
and the King, but whatever he might say, he had failed to
induce them to serve under a Macdonald.
But for Montrose Macdonald's position would have been
hopeless. Montrose, however, was as prompt as Cromwell to
., , seize the chances of the hour, and he no sooner
Montrose '
summons heard of Macdonald's arrival in Badenoch than he
to Blair summoned him to join him at Blair Athol. On his
** ' way to the plare of meeting Montrose met a High-
lander speeding forward with the fiery cross which was to rouse
the whole country to oppose the irruption of the strangers. He
hurried forward, and it was well for him that he was
and saves
him from not too late. He found the Stuarts and the Robert-
sons gathered from the valleys of the Garry and the
Tummel, and prepared to draw thei*- swords against Mac-
donald's Irish.^ At the voice of Montrose all jealousies were
' I need not refer to Lord Macaulay's elucidation of this simple
thesis.
* It is perhaps necessary to designate them by this name. Yet though
the word * Irish,* was often employed in Scotland to designate a Celt
1644 AN IMPENDING BATTLE. 139
hushed, and the Highlanders as well as the new-comers from
Antrim placed themselves at the disposal of the Lieutenant
of the King.*
Macdonald was snatched from the jaws of death. Some-
thing of the sudden change was no doubt owing to the per-
sonal glamour of Montrose's presence, but it was in
juxepted as the main the result of his appearance as a visitor
from another world than that of the Highland glens.
It was probably fortunate for his cause that he made the first
experiment so near the border of the Lowlands. The Athol
chiefs shared to a great extent the feelings of the gentry farther
south. The component factors in Scottish royalism were
hatred of Argyle and hatred of the equalising pressure of the
Kirk, and Argyle and the Kirk found little favour amongst the
gentry on either side of the Highland line.
There could be no doubt that Montrose had fighting before
him. The apparition of Macdonald in the Highlands had
,^^ stirred the apprehension of all whose property was
Covenanting cxposed to plunder, and already three armies had
been gathered by the national Government to make
his escape impossible. Argyle was on his march from the
West, on the track of his hereditary foe. A second force was
gathering at Aberdeen to stop Deeside against him, whilst Lord
Elcho collected a third from the men of Fife and of the lower
lands of Perthshire, to keep him in check if he attempted to
break out along the valley of the Tay.
Montrose had to choose his enemy, and he chose the
nearest, the army under Elcho at Perth. On his way thither
he came upon a body of some five hundred men
Montrose 8 * ,t7-.i ir^-r -r^
march to marchmg under Lord Kilpont and Sir James Drum-
mond to join Elcho against the proscribed Mac-
donald. When the two commanders learnt that they had to
do with Montrose, they followed their instincts and rallied to
the royal standard.
Even after this reinforcement Montrose had scarcely more
generally, its present use tends to obscure the fact that many, if not most,
ctf Macdoi^d*s followers were of Scottish descent.
> WUhart^ ch. v. ; Pairick Gordon^ 72.
MO TIPPERMUIR, ABERDEEN, TNVERLOCHY. CH. xx«
than 3,000 men on foot.' Cavalry he had none, save the tl
worn-out horses which had borne himself and his two com-
panions from England. On ihe other side Elcho's army fell
Com ■«Hi ''"'^ short of 7,000, including at least 700 horse,^
b«w«n ihe and accompanied by a park of artillery. Inferior in
numbers and equipment, Montrose was vastly superior
in the quality of his men. Every one of them was a man of his
hands, inured from boyhood to war and to the iiardy exercises
which are the school of war. On the other side were townsmen
and peasants who had gone through no such training, and
who had never been carried on, like their countrym. i who
fought at Marston Moor, to the higher discipline of ci\.lised
ScpL I. warfare. On the afternoon of Sunday, September i,
JfTipper-' they were drawnup in the open valley about three miles
""''■■ west of Perth to oppose themselves to the approach
of Montrose. AH that could be done to stir up enthusiasm
in their ranks was attempted, and one of their preachers even
took upon himself to prophesy assured success. "If ever God,"
he declared, " spake word of truth by my mouth, I promise you
in His name certain victory this day."
Montrose knew his adversary. Well aware that appearance
goes far to inrimidate an untried enemy, he stretched out his
own line as far as possible, drawing them up only three deep,
so as to present a front as long as that which was opposed to
him. He had but little powder to spare, and his orders were
that his men should march up close to the enemy before those
who were provided with muskets fired a shot. Those who had
no muskets must content themselves with pelting the Cove-
nanters with stones. As soon as the enemy had been thrown
into confusion they must all do their best with their swords.
A battle fought under these instructions was rot likely to last
long, Elcho's raw soldiers took alarm at the first volley.
Then there was a yell and a rush from behind the smoke, and
' Tatrick Gordon makes them 3,200, hut this can only be done by
giving 1,500 to Macdonald, He must have lost more than 100 since his
' Gordon makes the horse i,ooD and Ihe foot 6,ooa Wishart agiecf
HiLh him as 10 the fool, hul makes the hoise only 70a
i644 THE FIRST VICTORY. Ht
in an instant the Covenanting infantry was converted into a
flying mob. The horses of the cavalry, terrified by the shower
U2 TIPPERMUIR, ABERDEEN JNVERLOCHY. CH.xxvt
headlong panic. The pursuit was hot, and two thousand of
the fugitives were cut down before they reached a place of
safety. Nine or ten died un wounded from the effects of the
unwonted exercise. Before nightfall Montrose was master of
Perth.*
As yet Montrose had his men under control. They plun-
dered the slain, and stripped the suburbs of every thing that
Montrose at they could Carry off; but neither cruelty nor robbery
Perth. ^j^g permitted within the walls.^ Montrose had two
other armies to meet, and on the 4th he started for Aberdeen.
Sept. 7. On the way Lord Kilpont was murdered, and the
JJjJf^jJjjf assassin, James Stewart of Ardvoirlich, fled to
pont. Argyle. The belief in the camp, in all probability
erroneous,' was that Kilpont was put to death because he
refused to join in murdering Montrose. The favourable recep-
tion given by Argyle to the supposed murderer was a sign that
all who joined in a Highland rising might be assassinated with
impunity^ as far as the Covenanting authorities were con-
cerned.* It is seldom indeed that a civilised community
metes out to a less civilised one the measure by which it
judges itself. When Argyle desolated the Highland glens with
fire and sword, he was but inflicting due punishment on bar-
* Wiskart^ ch. iv. v. ; Spalding ^ ii 385, 402 ; Patrick Gordon^ 65.
* Depositions in Napier's Memorials of Montrose^ ii. 149.
* See the letter in the postscript to Sir W. Scott's introduction to the
Legend of Montrose, It is from a descendant of Stewart and looks as if it
preserved a true family tradition. It is there stated that Stewart chal-
lenged Alaster Macdonald, and that Montrose, at Kilpont's advice,
arrested them both and enforced a reconciliation. A quarrel between
Stewart and Kilpont arising out of the part taken by the latter in the
arrest, sprang up in the midst of a drinking bout, and ended in the assas-
sination. Some details of the story, however, are plainly incorrect,
especially the statement that Stewart's quarrel with Macdonaid arose
from the plundering by the latter of the lards of Ardvoirlich, and that
these lay on his line of march before he joined Montrose. This is certainly
wrong, as Ardvoirlich lies on the south of Loch Earn, and the plundering:,
if effected at all, must have been carried out by some straggling parties of
Micdonald's men on the way between Blair Athol and Perth, as Mont-
rose's own line of advance did not approach iL
* Acts of Pari of Scot L vi 359.
1644 MONTROSE AND THE GORDONS. 143
barians. When Montrose gathered the Highlanders to the
slaughter of the burghers and the farmers of the Lowlands, he
Sept. 12. placed himself outside the pale of civilised warfare.
on^Mont** On September 12 the Government of Edinburgh set
rose's head. ^ price On his head. He was to be brought in dead
or alive on the ground that he had 'joined with a band of
Irish rebels and mass-priests, who had, this two years bygone,
bathed themselves in the blood of God's people in Ireland,
and in a traitorous and perfidious manner has invaded this
kingdom, taken possession of some of the royal burghs thereof,
apprehended, killed, and cruelly murdered divers of His
Majesty's subjects.' *
It was easier to denounce Montrose than to lay hands
on him. As he marched on rapidly towards Aberdeen the
• character of his army changed. The greater part of
Montrose's his Highlanders returned home, as their manner
*™^' was, to deposit their booty in their own glens. The
Irishmen were always with him, and he was now also joined
by the old Earl of Airlie with some of the gentry of Angus and
the Mearns, who brought with them, in addition to a body of
foot, a small party of forty-four horse. Montrose
Montrose , •• ■• ,■• • i , » ^ i
and the would gladly have welcomed the great Gordon fol-
lowing, but Huntly was far away; and two, at least, / Vi^ .
of his sons, Lord Gordon, the eldest, and Lord Lewis, the ^.■,
youngest, were stiU bound to the Covenanters as the nephews *. .
of their mother's brother, Argyle. Aboyne was in England,
doing his duty on the King's side in the garrison of Carlisle.
It was not merely their connection with Argyle which made
it difficult for the Gordons to rally to Montrose's standard.
Montrose was longing to gather the feudal aristocracy around
him, and he had to discover that in a feudal aristocracy it was
the possession of broad acres and a numerous following of
vassals which gave repute, not military genius or the authority
Lord of the King. Huntly was in his own district a king
Gordon. jj^ ^W but the name, and he scorned to take orders
from one whose estates were insignificant when compared to
* Declaration by the Committee of Estates, Sept. 12. Napier's il/i;w(7*
fials ot Mont rose f ii. 163,
I
44 TIPPERMUIR ABERDEEN, TNVERLOCHV CH xxvi
hi3 own Hi. hid rccei\td loj from the king the Lieu
''16m a Sm/.lfONS TO ABERDEEN (45
Vet it was hard for him or his sons to desert the King's cause.
sir neighbours, the Frazers, the Forbeses, the Crichtons,
and the rest had adhered to the Covenant as a protection
against Huntly's power, and when Lord Gordon called on
them to follow him against Montrose, they with one voice
refused to place themselves under the command of their
hereditary enemy.' Some eighteen or twenty horse, under the
Lon! Lewis Orders of Lord Lewis, a youth gallant indeed and
Cordon. (jaring, but without steadiness of character, formed
the only contingent furnished by the Gordons to the Covenanting
Nait.Bniei army at Aberdeen. On the other hand Montrose was
Gordon, joined by a small force under Nathaniel Gordon, a
tried and hardy warrior who had supported Huntly's abortive
rising, and had refused to share in his submission.
Thus it was that when on the morning of September 13
Montrose approached Aberdeen from the west, he found
Sepi. .3. himself at the head of an army very dilTerent from
tefi!^™" that which had followed him at Tippermuir, inas-
Abetdeeq. much as it was more suited to the exigencies of the
regular warfare of the day. The Highlanders were fewer and
the trained men more numerous. On the other hand the
enemy was strongly posted on the side of a hill in advance of
the town,^ having not only the advantage of the slope and of
the possession of superior artillery, but the possession of a few
scattered houses and gardens abutting on the lane which led
to the centre of their position. Numbers too were on their
side. They had 2,000 foot and 500 horse, whilst 1,500 foot
Lnd 44 horse made up the army of Montrose.
Prudence as well as dislike to cause unnecessary slaughter
led Montrose to try the effect of negotiation. He summoned
the magistrates to surrender, adjuring them at least
Tioni to send their women and children to a place of
™^ safety. The magistrates, though they governed a
town which had very little of the Covenanting spirit, had been
> Patrick Gordon, 79.
' The town then ended aX the Den Bum, which .ran in the boltorn of
the valley now occupied by the line of railway and the Central Slatiun.
146 TIPPERMUm, ABERDEEN, INVERLOCHY, CH. xxvi.
chosen through the influence of the Covenanting party, and
they decisively rejected the offer. ^ A horseman in their ranks
His drum- wantonly slew a drummer-boy who had accompanied
racr killed. J^jontrosc's messengcr.* Montrose was wild with
fury on hearing of the poor lad's fate, and he promised to
his followers the plunder of the town. Yet he did not omit
the precautions of the coolest tactician. He placed his scanty
Montrose's bpdy of forty-four horse on the wings, according to
dispositions. ^^ practice of the day, but he knew that such a
handful would be incapable of charging the overwhelming
numbers of the enemy without disaster themselves. At the
very time when Rupert and Cromwell were making the cavalry
charge the chief factor in battle,^ Montrose, with the instinct
of genius, suiting his tactics to his conditions, adopting an
older practice known to. commanders in the Thirty Years* War,
guarded his insignificant cavalry with musketeers interspersed
amongst them, so as to reserve it for use at a later period of
the fight Such adaptation of means to ends would have been
of little avail if he had not possessed in Macdonald's men a
highly disciplined force which was armed with muskets and
could be counted on to fight in a very different manner from
the wielders of the Highland broadsword.
• Facsimiles of the letters are given in Spalding, ii. 406. The gap in
the sixth and seventh lines in Montrose's letter is caused by a drop of
rain falling on the paper as he was writing, as appears on inspection of
the original in the possession of the Town Council of Aberdeen.
• Spalding, ii. 407, note I.
• The invention of the replacement of the old cavalry tactics, according
to which a charge was preceded by the firing of pistols and carbines, by
the shock of horse and man, is attributed by Captain Fritz Hoenig in his
Oliver Cromwell to Cromwell. Colonel Ross, however, has pointed out
fo me a passage in Bulstrode*s Memoirs (81) which assigns it to Rupert
at Edgehill. "Just before we began our march, Prince Rupert passed
from one wing to the other, giving positive orders to the horse to march
as close as possible, keeping their ranks with sword in hand to receive
the enemy's shot, without firing either carbine or pistol till we broke in
amongst the enemy and then to make use of our fire-arms as need shou'd
require, which order was punctually observed.'-' Here, therefore, if Bul-
strode is to be believed, Cromwell, as in other matters, appears as an
adapter and improver rather than an inventor.
1644 BATTLE OF ABERDEEN. 147
Yet even Montrose's skill would hardly have availed him if
there had not been an entire absence of command on the other
side. Lord Balfour of Burleigh, who bore the name of general,
knew nothing of war, and each of his subordinates, knowing
equally little, did as he thought right in his own eyes.
Montrose began the attack by driving the enemy out of the
houses and gardens occupied by ihem. After a while Lord
The Battle Lewis Gordon charged with the small party of
of Aberdeen, eighteen horscmcn at his. disposal on the right wing
of the Royalists ; but the boy knew of no tactics other than
those which had long been abandoned in England. His ];nen
advanced, fired their pistols, and retreated to load again, instead
of sweeping down on the entmy with all the weight of man
and horse. When Lord Lewis had retired. Lord Frazer and
Lord Crichton attempted a fresh charge on the same wing,
but being ill-seconded they failed to make any irnpression on
the Royalists. The remainder of the cavalry on the left wing
of the Covenanters, partly from their own ignorance of war,
and partly because their general sent them no orders, remained
fixed in the position in which they had originally beea drawn up.
On his left wing, however, Montrose was near to* a grave
disaster. The Covenanters had sent a party of a hundred
horse and four hundred foot to sweep round to their own right
by a mill road out of sight, by which they reached a position
in the rear of Moctrose's left flank. Had they made up their
minds to attack at once they could hardly have failed to roll up
the whole of the enemy's line. But they hesitated and held
back, though Nathaniel Gordon, who was on that side, had but
thirty horse and a hundred musketeers to oppose to them.
Montrose had thus time to bring over Rollock with his twent) -
four horse from the right wing to Gordon's succour, and to
push forward a fresh party of a hundred musketeers in support.
The opportunity of the Covenanters was thus lost. Gordon
took the offensivcj and, falli-ng upon them on the hillside, put
their horse to flight and cut their foot to pieces.
On the other side of the battle, however,. Sir William
Forbes of Craigevar, taking advantage^ it would seem, of
Rollock's absence, charged right upon the enemy. Horsemen
L 2
I4« TIPPERMUIR, ABERDEEN, INVERLOCHY, CH. xxvi.
there were none to resist him, the storm therefore fell upon
Macdonald's musketeers. With cool discipline the trained
men opened their ranks, and Forbes^s horse swept through
Massacre in ^'^ midst of them doing no damage as they passed.
the town. Macdonald faced round and pursued the flying rout
with a fire which emptied many a saddle. RoUock was now
able to return to his original post.
The Covenanting horse on both wings being thus disposed
of, the battle was continued on more equal terms. The force
of superior discipline prevailed, and the main battle of the
Covenanters broke and fled.* In the chase which followed
the victors burst into the open town with the flying rout.
Then followed a scene of horror, the like of which had never
been witnessed in the English war. Montrose, angered by the
murder of his drummer, had promised his followers the plunder
of the town. The wilder elements of barbarism were all let
loose. Unarmed men were cut down in the streets ; and, by
a refinement of cruelty, those who were somewhat better clothed
than others were stripped before they were slain, lest the
coveted garments should be soiled with their blood. Women
who ventured to bewail the slaughter of a husband or a father
were killed on the spot or dragged off for outrage worse than
death.2
It was not amidst a Covenanting population that this
wickedness was wrought. Again and again, during the first
years of the troubles, the townsmen of Aberdeen had shown
that they were no meek disciples of the Kirk, as none knew
better than Montrose himself.^ It is true that through the
' Wishart's account of the battle is miserably poor as compared with
Patrick Gordon's. The latter, too, stands the test of an acquaintance
with the locality. Wishart places Rollock on the left wing, and
Nathaniel Gordon on the right, which is plainly wrong. But he can
hardly be wrong in bringing Rollock from one side to the other, and the
view that Rollock was really moved from the right to the left is borne
out by the fact that when Forbes charged nothing is said of horse resist-
ing him. On this account I have placed this charge after the flank march
on the other side.
* Patrick GordoHy 8o ; Spalding^ iL 406^
' Spalding (ii. 411) gives a list of 118 men killed in the battle, and
rt64'l
A CHASE IN THE HIGHLANDS.
149
I
remainder of his career he showed himself merciful and
generous to all who came personally in contact with him, and
sparing of the bloodshed of unarmed populations whenever it
was in his power to check the violence of his followers. Vet
on this occasion he does not seem to have had any desire to
avert the consequences of a rash promise made in a moment
of exasperation.
The savagery of the captors of Aberdeen heightened, as
might well be, the violent hatred with which Montrose was
Bollock regarded in the Lowlands. RoUock, having been
"u'df" despatched to carry the news of the victory to the
Moniiose. King, was captured on the way and condemned to
death. Life was offered him on condition that he would
engage to murder his commander. Rollock gave the required
promise, and then hastened back to Montrose. On his arrival
he told of the shameless engagement which had been extorted
from him, and which he thought it no shame to break '
Startling as was the intelligence from Tippemiuir and
Aberdeen, it did not create any immediate sense of danger
at Edinburgh or in England. Not a man was withdrawn from
the Scottish army which was then lying before Newcastle. It
was known that Argyle was in pursuit of Montrose, and it was
firmly believed that Argyle would succeed where the untrained
levies of peasants and shopkeepers had failed.
Once more Montrose appealed to the Gordons ; but the
Gordons refused to move against the positive ordeisof Huntiy,
and no course was open to Montrose but to take to
the hills. Darting hither and thither with his lightly
equipped force, he was soon beyond the reach of
.Argyle, who was no soldier, and who carried with him the
impediments of Lowland warfare.
marched westwards to Rothiemurchus, where he
buried the cannon which he had taken at Aberdeen, and then
made his way to Blair Athol, whence he had set out on his
career of victory. He did not linger here. With Argyle lumbering
f-»ays Ihat ninety-eight of them were 'no Covenanleris, but harllil out sore
La^inst iheir willis to fight against the Kin^i^ livelennsnt.'
■ ' Whharl. ch. iviii.
I Highlands.
ISO TIPPERMUIR, ABERDEEN, INVERLOCHY, CH. xxvr.
behind him, he started once more eastwards, then northwards
across the Dee and the Don, and at last stood at bay at Fyvie
Castle. Argyle fancied he had now a fair opportunity
of crushing his deft antagonist, as Macdonald, with
the bulk of his followers, was far away by the western sea,
whither he had gone to secure from attack the two castles which
_, , - he had seized on his landing. Montrose now showed
1 he defeuce ^
of Fpic himself as skilful in defence as he had shown him-
Castle
self at Aberdeen to be skilful in attack. Fyvie
Castle, in itself incapable of holding out long against a formal
siege, was surrounded to the north, the west, and the south by
bogs through which only a narrow strip of hard ground allowed
approach to an enemy. Argyle therefore proposed to attack
the eastern side, where there were no such obstacles. On this
side, however, a long but not very high bank interposed a
natural barrier, on which Montrose drew up his men. The
pewter utensils of the castle were melted into bullets ; the
powder had for the most part to be obtained from the pouches
of slain enemies. Young O'Cahan, an Irish officer, left by
Macdonald in command of such of his followers as remained
with Montrose, animated the defenders by his high spirits and
his courage. Argyle was warmly received, and after a prolonged
struggle driven back. Before the Covenanters could again
come within striking distance Montrose had slipped away ;
Argyle following heavily from east to west till he had tracked
Montrose to Blair Athol and back again from west to east,
losing men in every march, amidst the autumn rains. He
failed to come up with his active foe ; perhaps, indeed, he
thought it better not to be too near him. At last, weary of his
task, he turned his face to Edinburgh, and delivered up his
commission to the Committee of Estates.'
December had now arrived, and with it all expectation of
war came to an end. Even Montrose doubted whether cam-
paigning was possible in the Highlands, when the
A council snow gleamed white on the mountain tops and
choked the mountain passes. His heart was set on
the conquest and organisation of Southern Scotland, and, sum-
* Wishart, ch. vii.
1 644 ^ GATHERING OF THE CLANS. 151
moning a council of war he suggested a descent into the
Lowlands. The ch eftains would not hear of it Macdonald
had now returned br ng ng with him five hundred H ghlanders
I
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of the Macdonald name and blood. To Montrose flocked
Camerons from Lochaber, Macdonalds of Clanranald, Mac-
donaids from Keppoch, Glengarry, and Glencoe. Every man
of them hated Argjle wiih a biiter hatred, and they told
151 TIPPERMUIR, ABERDEEN, rNVERLOCHY. CHj XSVT.
Montrose that the time was come to track the Campbell to his
lair in the valleys round Inverary. Those valleys, they said,
were rich in herds of catlie, and within the memory of man had
never known the presence of the spoiler. It had long been
held by every Campbell as an in controvertible truth that the
mountain ranges which guarded their homes were even in sum-
mer impassable by a hostile force. " I would rather," Argyle
had been heard to say, " lose a hundred thousand crowns than
that any mortal man should know the way by which an anny
can enter into my country."
Montrose, after some resistance, accepted the proposal. A
few horsemen from Angus under Sir Thomas Ogilvy were with
him, as well as a certain number of Gordons who had been
roused to join him by Argyle's ill-advised plunderings in the
Gordon lands ; but the bulk of his force consisted of Mac-
donalds from whichever side of the Irish Sea they came. For
them there was but one object of the war, the destruction of
the Campbells, whose march through their glen had been ever
marked in fire and blood. Before these hardy warriors every
natural obstacle gave way. Clambering over rocks
Monitor and wading through snowdrifts, the Highland host
'^^ ' poured down upon the Campbell valleys. Argyle,
leaving bis clansmen to their fate, sought refuge in his fastness
at Inverary. The vengeance of many generations was accom-
plished. Every head of cattle was destroyed, every homestead
burnt to the ground. It was but dealing to the Campbells the
measure which they had dealt to others, nor was the wrath of
the Macdonalds to be satiated with the destruction of property.
No quarter was given,' and every Campbell of age to bear arms
who was unlucky enough to fall into their hands was butchered
without mercy.
On December 13 Montrose had burst into Argyle. January
had almost closed when, leaving a desert behind him, he
marched leisurely northwards, spoiling as he went. His track
' ' Although out of a generous disposition, he,' i.e. Monlrose, ' would
have spared the people, yet the Clan Donald, wheresoever they found any
Ihal was able to carry arms, did without mercy despatch Ihem.' — Palrick
J
^»64S
MONTROSE AT TNVERLOCHY.
153
lay through the valley of the great lakes. When he reached
Loch Ness he leacnt that his way was barred by Seaforth at
Jan. the head of some 5,000 men gathered from the
l«v"<!s°" northern shires. Seaforth had long professed himself
ArgyiE. a Royalist, but his policy was always dictated by
the personal interests and feelings of the moment.
If Montrose had Seaforth before him, he had Argyle in his
' rear. Argyle had summoned two hastily formed Lowland regi-
ArRyicM nients to his assistance, and with these and such of
lovcriothy. jjjg Q^p clansmen as had escaped he took up his
post with 3,000 men at Inverlochy, where the great glen reaches
the salt waters of Loch Eil. Montrose, it might seem, was
caught in a trap. His Highlanders were for the most part far
away storing up their plunder in their mountain homes. But
for Macdonald's regiments his force would have been scanty
indeed. As it was, he had no more than 1,500 around him.
Weak as he was in numbers, Montrose flew at Argyle.
His chief fear was that Argyle -would shun the fight. He
ise'i therefore avoided the easy route down the valley,
lest the knowledge of his approach might drive the
I Campbells to retreat Turning to the left, he climbed the
rugged pass of Corryarrick. Onward the Highland host made
its way through clefts in which a hundred men could easily
, have stopped the progress of an army. At last, after nightfall
on February i, as they pressed on in the bright light
of the moon under the shoulder of Ben Nevis, they
I caught sight of the Canipbells in front of them between the
ountain and the shore.
For the Campbells there was no escape from the next day's
I battle ; but Ai^yle was persuaded, too easily for his honour, to
take refuge in a vessel lying in the loch. He had
Ln» recently dislocated his shoulder in consequence of a
fall from his horse,' and even if he had been more
['of a warrior than he was he could have taken but little
I personal share in the actual coinbat. Yet there have been
men who, even in such a case, would have thought it shame to
' Balfour's Annnls, Hist. Warki, iii. 256, 1 do aot see ;.ny reason
t foi disbelieving ihe fact.
154 TIPPERMUIR, ABERDEEN JNVERLOCHV. CH. xxvi.
look on from a position of security whilst their followers were
exposed to wounds and death.
It is possible that Argyle expected not disaster but victory.
His men were numerous and well equipped. Montrose's were
few and fasting. "The most part of them had not tasted
bread these two days." The next morning Montrose himself,
with the Earl of Airlie, *had no more to break their fast
before they went to battle but a little meal mixed with cold
water, which out of a hollow dish they did pick up with their
knives for want of spoons.'
The command of Argyle's army had been given to Sir
Duncan Campbell of Auchinbreck, a tried soldier from the
Feb. 2. Irish war. The Campbell Highlanders he placed in
^fnver"** the Centre with a newly-levied Lowland regiment on
lochy. either wing. Such an army had too little coherence
to be really formidable, and Sir Duncan was, it would seem,*
compelled to hold back his Highlanders, lest, if they were
allowed to charge, they might disorder the ranks of their un-
trained and unwarlike comrades. Montrose had therefore the
advantage of the attack. Nor was that all. He had contrived to
bring a small body of horse under Sir Thomas Ogilvy over the
mountain passes, and he knew that the fear of a cavalry charge
would work wonders amongst infantry who were without cavalry
to guard their flanks. His first order, therefore, was to Ogilvy's
trumpeter to sound the charge. A peal long and loud carried
dismay into the enemy's ranks. Then he let loose his whole
force. Alaster Macdonald on the right and O'Cahan on the
left wing dashed at the Lowland regiments, and the Lowland
regiments, not knowing how soon the horsemen might be
trampling them down, broke and took to flight. The whole
weight of Montrose's army bore upon the Campbells in the
centre. For some time they resisted stoutly, but at last they
wavered and fled. For the Lowland runaways there was
mercy, but there was none for any man who bore the name
of Campbell. Out of 3,000 of which the army was composed
when the battle began, no less than 1,700 perished under the
' This is not directly stated, but it may be gathered from the position
of lefence taken up by the Campbells.
'645
A TmmfPNANT DESPATCH.
iSS '
very eyes of Argyle, and of the^e, by far the greater part were
his own clansmen. For a time the Campbells ceased to be a
power in the western Highlands.'
No wonder that after such an exploit Montrose overrated
the possible results of his achievement, and fancied that be-
ModtioM'i cause the Macdonalds had combined enthusiastically
ho, (5. ju crush the Campbells they would be ready to com-
bine with equal enthusiasm to reconstitute the King's govern-
ment in the Lowlands. In announcing his success to Charles
he adjured him to abandon that negotiation with his rebellious
English subjects which he was then opening at Uxbridge.
Feb " ^^^^ ""^ leave," he urged, " with all humility to
MomrtBc'i assure your Majesty that through God's blessing I
''''* " ' am in the fairest hopes of reducing this kingdom to
your Majesty's obedience, and, if the measures I have con-
certed with your other loyal subjects fail me not — which they
hardly can— I doubt not before the end of this summer I shall
be able to come to your Majesty's assistance with a brave
army, which, backed with the justice of your Majesty's cause,
will make the rebels in England as well as in Scotland feel the
just rewards of rebellion. Only give me leave, after I have
reduced this country to your Majesty's obedience, and con-
quered from Dan to Beersheba, to say to your Majesty then,
as David's general did to his master, ' Come thou thyself, lest
this country be called by my name.' " *
' IViskari, ch. vii., viii. ; Patrick Cordon, 85-102. Compare Napier's
Memoirs of Montrose, iL 460-488.
= Montrose to the King, Feb. 3. Napier's Memoirs of MoHtrose, n.
4S4. On the genuineness of this letter, see Mr. Napier's note at p. 4SS.
15^
CHAPTER XXVIL
THE PROJECTS OF THE EARL OF GLAMORGAN.
In Scotland the Saxon distrust and abhorrence of the Celt
had been quickened into new life by the cruelties of Mont-
,6^5 rose's followers at Aberdeen and in Argyle. In
^ildS*°° England they had, three years before, received a
^^^- fresh impulse from the tale of the Ulster massacre.
In London at least, just as the news from Inverlochy arrived,
that tale was once more in all mouths. Two of the leaders of
the Irish rebellion. Lord Maguire and Hugh Mac-
AuR. 17. mahon, had been transferred to England soon after
and^M^c- their arrest in 1641,* and had been lodged in the
Sca^from Towcr, whcrc they long remained forgotten. Un-
thc Tower, juckily for them, in the summer of 1644 they drew
attention to their existence by effecting their escape. For
more than a month they concealed themselves in the house of
a Catholic in Drury Lane. Their impunity made them care-
less, and one of the pair, being attracted by the cry
and are rel of an oystcr-woman, looked out of window to call
capture . ^^^ ^^^^ warcs. His face was recognised, and to-
gether with his companion he was carried back to prison.
On November 17 Macmahon was indicted as a
Nov. 17. '
Macmahon traitor, and being found guilty, was executed on the
22nd. Maguire pleaded that as an Irish peer he
and «.*** could Only be tried by his peers in his own country,
ecuted. j^^ obtained nothing more than a short delay. His
plea was overruled, and on February 10, 1645, he was brought
to the bar before an English jury.
» Hist, of Engl. 1 603- 1 642, X. 52.
1645
ENGLAND AND IRELAND.
157
A trial thus conducted could have but one end. What
was patriotism in Ireland was treason in England, and (he
j.^1^ _ admission of the prisoner that he had plotted to
Maggire'i seize Dublin Castle as a pledge for the redress of
certain grievances, amongst which the denial of tole-
ration to the Catholics occupied the first place, was quite
enough to secure his conviction. It would, however, have
been little in accordance with the passions of the hour if the
prosecution had contented itself with adducing the technical
evidence of treason. The whole tale of the Ulster massacres,
adorned with all those exaggerations which had become an
essential part of the accredited story, was once more unrolled
in the hearing of Londoners, though the proof which connected
Maguire with those massacres was of the slightest, as he was
himself in prison when the mischief was done. The jury
naturally took the view that to set going the movement which
had culminated in the unhallowed work of slaughter rendered
Maguire responsible for all that followed, whilst the prisoner
no less naturally saw in his own scheme for a national uprising
a legitimate act of warfare against an alien domination.
The inevitable sentence was passed, and on February 70
Maguire was drawn on a sledge, as so many had been drawn
before him, to taste the bitterness of a death at
Majuir^a. Tybum. Sheriff Gibbs, whose duty it was to see to
"^ """■ the execution of the sentence of the law, considered
it to be his duty to weary the unfortunate man with questions
intended to draw from him an acknowledgment in the first
place that the Irish were murderers, and in the second place
that these murders had been committed with the complicity of
the King. Maguire pleaded in vain for a few moments of
peace that he might prepare himself for death. Gibbs pursued
him with his questionings to the very end.
"Had you not engaged yourself by oath to the King?"
Thepopu- ^^ 'he one amongst the Sheriffs demands which
"bo^i'h? revealed in the clearest light the belief which had
Kin?'' ™>?- sunk deeply into the popular mind. At the very time
thsiri.h. of Maguire's death, Charles wasdoingall inhis power
to strengthen that belief. Foe nearly a twelvemonth he had
1^8 GLAMORGAN'S PROJECTS. ch. xxviL
entertained hopes of forming a vast combination in which the
Irish Celts would play a leading part. In March 1644, when
the Agents of the Supreme Council arrived at Oxford,
* ^ he was already in close communication with the
Catholic son of the Marquis of Worcester, Lord Herbert of
Raglan. It was impossible for Charles to forget how, in the
early days of the war, Herbert and his father had poured their
wealth into his empty treasury ; and he had recently acknow-
ledged to them a debt of no less than 250,000/.* Although
Herbert had hitherto proved unsuccessful as a commander,'^
Charles listened eagerly to his sanguine anticipation of future
March (?) achievements, and conferred on him the title of Earl
S^eS^o? ^^ Glamorgan by warrant. Apparently in order to
Glamorgan, avoid drawing attention, to the service on which
Charles contemplated employing him, the warrant, though
presented at the Signet Office, was allowed to stay there, no
further steps being taken to procure the patent which alone
would confer validity on the new title.
Glamorgan's plans were indeed such as it would be prudent
to veil in profound secrecy. His royalism, genuine as it was,
Glamor- was very different from that of Hyde, or of any
gan's aims. English Statesman. He hved and moved in the idea
of vindicating his own Church from the bondage of the law,
and he knew well tliat it was impossible to effect that object
without also vindicating the authority of the King from the
bondage of Parliaments. His fantastic imagination took no
account of the social and political forces which made against
the realisation of this complex project, whilst his chivalrous
* I have, in an article in The English Historical Review for Oct.
1887, not only given the references to the evidence on which I rely for
my account of Glamorgan's relations with the King, but have argued at
length on the credence to be given to the various documents quoted.
Last time I was at the Museum I began an examination of Mr. Round's
criticism of my arguments contained in his Studies in Peerage and
Family History^ but I had then not time to complete my investigation,
and am now too ill to enter into any discussion on the questions raised
by him.
' See vol, i. p. 104.
1644 GLAMORGAN'S COMMISSION. 159
rievotion to Charles's person was blended in his rnind with his
no less chivalrous devotion to his Church.
It was nothing to Charles that Glamorgan was as incapable
of executing a commission with discretion as he was of con-
ceiving a plan which had any serious chances of success.
Flighty and sanguine, the new Earl had no difficulty in per»
suading Charles that any one thing was possible, because he
believed in his heart that all things were possible. Under his
influence, the plan for bringing over an Irish army grew into a
plan for rousing half Europe to take arras on behalf of Charles
?ind the Catholic cause. Naturally in such a scheme Glamor-
gan was to play the leading part. Scarcely had the Irish
^ ^ ^ Agents arrived in the spring of 1644, when, on
His com- April I, a commission was drawn up authorising
him to take the command of the 10,000 Irish
3oldiers whose appearance in England was expected to be the
result of the negotiation at Oxford. Moreover, if, as every
indication leads us to believe, we may refer a later statement,
by Glamorgan, to this date, Sir Henry Gage, then a Catholic
officer in the Spanish army in Flanders, who was afterwards
killed at Abingdon,^ was to command a force which was to be
raised in South Wales, where the Herbert influence was power-
ful; whilst another army of 6,000 men composed of levies
from Lorraine and Liege— and of such recruits of all nations
as could be swept up in the Low Countries— were to be
brought over to Lynn, where the officer in command for the
Parliament was ready to betray his trust. ^ The whole of these
armaments were to be placed under Glamorgan as coramander-
in chief.
Charles had no funds at his disposal wherewith to meet the
expenses' of so huge an undertaking. To some extent the
Money to be difficulty was to be met by a grant to Glamorgan of
raised. authority to raise money by the sale of wardships,
customs, and other property of the Crown, as well as by a
lavish distribution of peerages and baronetcies. Glamorgan's
chief reliance, however, was on the Pope and other Catholic
' Seep. 113.
* L'Estrange's subsequent attempt on Lynn gives probability U) this.
Sec n. 112.
,6o GLAMORGA/f'S PROJECTS. CH. xxvil
princes, who were expected to contribute largely to an enter-
prise from which their Church was to reap such extensive
benefits.
If it had been necessary to veil m secrecy the grant of an
earldom to Charles's new champion, it was still more necessary
to conceal the commission which placed him in command of
armies not yet in existence. Not only were the usual official
conditions preliminary on a grant under the great seal not
fulfilled, but the Lord Keeper himself had to be kept in ignor-
ance of the whole proceeding. We know that in the case of
another patent a seal was imposed by Glamorgan himself and
Endymion Porter, probably either cut off or imitated from
some genuine patent, and it seems likely that the same course
was now adopted. A document of this kind could never
indeed be received as genuine in any court of law, but the
stake for which Glamorgan was playing was a victory which
would have reduced all courts of law to impotence. The
parchment he now possessed was good ejiough to exhibit
to Irish Confederates and to foreign courts.
In return for the services which he expected, Charles was
prepared to confer signal honours, and even to confer them by
Mayv anticipation. He offered the hand of the Princess
w't™ Duke Elizabeth to Glamorgan's eldest son, and on May 4
of SoaH^net. hg conferred on Glamorgan himself the dukedom of
Somerset. This patent, unlike the commission, was sealed in
the usual way with the attestation of the proper officer of the
Court of Chancery. As, however, it was not to be immediately
produced, and as it was desir,ible to avoid drawing attention to
its existence, the usual preliminaries had been again avoided,
so that there might be some difficulty in substantiating its
\-alidity, if at any future time it were called in question. In
short, the procedure in conferring the earldom was exactly re-
versed. In the one case the first step had never been followed
up ; in the other cases, — in conferring the commandership-in-
chief and the dukedom,— the final step was taken with nothing
to lead up to it.
The dukedom had not been granted many days when Gla-
morgan's elaborate plan practically broke down. Its backbone
(«44 OSMOND'S DIFFICULTIES. xit
was the project of bringing over the Irish army, and when,
towards the end of May, the Irish Agents were dismissed from
, Oxford, and the negotiation was placed by Charles
rirafrlii."* in Ormond's hands,' all present hope of obtaining
'"" the services of that army was extinguished. Of all
fi^clmr"' "^^ living Ormond was perhaps the least fitted to
on ihtntgo- conduct that negotiation even to the temporary suc-
cess of which it was alone capable. His virtues and
his defects alike stood in his way. He was too loyal to throw
off his shoulders the load which Charles had placed upon
them, but he was at the same time so completely wanting in
initiative power that he never thought — as Strafford under
similar circumstances would assuredly have thought — of sug-
gesting a policy of his own, or even of criticising adversely the
one imposed on him by his master.
Yet it ought to have been evident to Ormond that an Irish
army was not to be gained by haggling over the privileges to
be accorded to the true Irish Parliament and the true Irish
Church. Even if the 10,000 men had really been forthcoming,
they would have been of little avail unless the hearts of the
Irishmen who composed it were engaged in Charles's cause ;
and already before the breach of the Oxford negotiations an
event had occurred which put Charles's power of winning the
y^ ^ hearts of Irishmen to the test. On May 13 Monro,
Monro MiKS who had been appointed by the English Parliament
" ■ to the command of the English as well as the Scot-
tish forces in Ireland, proceeded to vindicate his authority by
treacherously seizing Belfast and turning out Ormond's garrison.
iTn The Supreme Council immediately -offered to place
^u™* '^* whole army under Ormond's command if he
rffemhi would only engage to lead it against Monro." Or-
Ormoad. Hiond was too scrupulous to accept the overture
unless he received positive orders from Charles, and those
orders Charles never gave.
No doubt there were good reasons why Charles should turn
See vol. i. p. 347.
% Ormond, iii. llS. The nurneroiis documents on whicli th«
founded arc amongst ihe Caite MHS.
VOL. II. H
I
I
INoi
' See
' Car
VO
i
165 GLAMORGAN'S PROJECTS. ch. xxvil.
his back on the proposal, as acceptance of it would probably
have cost him the service of nine-tenths of his army in Eng-
land. What is, however, to be thought of a policy which based
itself on the co-operation of an Irish army in England, when
it was impossible to grant to the Irish the co-operation of an
English army in Ireland ?
Accordingly, the old path which led to nothing had once
more to be trodden by the weary Lord Lieutenant. On
Jul a6 J^^y ^^ Ormond received information that a com-
Ormond mission had been sent to him, empowering him
again takes , * o
vpthe to recommence that negotiation with the Supreme
negotiation. (^Q^J^^J^ which had utterly broken down at Oxford.
" I have little ground of hope," he wrote despairingly to Digby,
" that the commission will effect that for which it
July 3a . , , ,. /.
He has was Sent ; to wit, the concluding of a peace as may
ope. ^ ^^^ y^ Majesty's honour, or for the just and
reasonable satisfaction of his Protestant subjects." *
The cost of that summer's war was such as to bring home
conviction to every Irishman that he had but little cause for
Campaign gratitude to Charles. In the north there was a long
in uuter. dcsultory Warfare between Monro and the Confede-
rates, in which Ormond's garrisons maintained a strict neu-
trality. In the south, Inchiquin, angry because Charles had
inchiquin refused to him the presidency of Munster,^ had
m Munster. declared for the English Parliament, and was leading
an attack on the Confederates which threatened to be more
serious than any to which they had hitherto been exposed in
that part of Ireland.*
On September 6 the peace conferences were reopened at
Dublin. It soon appeared that even if the political difficulties
Sept. 6. could be removed, the ecclesiastical difficulties were
fc?ence"at well-nigh insuperaWe. The Irish demanded the
Pubiin. repeal not only of all statutes impeding the freedom
of their worship, but of others, such as that of Appeals and of
a portion of the Act of Praemunire quoted in that statute,
which restricted the exercise of the Papal jurisdiction. The
' Ormond to Digby, July 30. drte's Onnond, vi. 185.
• See vol. i. p. 333. • Carte's Ormond^ iii. Ii8.
■■1644
TRTSir PARTIES.
163
King, on the other hand, though he was willing to engage that
the laws against freedom of worship should not l>e put in
Ohsucieiiin execution, was not prepared to consent to their
w^dci^*^ repeal, and, for the present at least, he was abso-
nuDding. lutely determined to leave untouched the Acts of
Appeals and Praemunire.'
For the time, however, it appeared as if Charles would be
allowed to have his way. Differences of opinion were already
Futira making themselves manifest amongst the Confede-
C^nfcdc-"" rates, and the lay peers were drifting apart from the
™"=*- ecclesiastics, A party, of which Lord Muskerry.was
the chief, declared in private to Ormond that they were ready
to accept the King's terms, if only ample security
Muskcny'a were given that the lives and property of Irishmen
.'""'^ ' would be safe. They would not press for the im-
mediate repeal of laws which they expected would fall of them-
selves whenever Charles was in a position to carry out his real
intenti6ns. On the question of the repeal of the statutes
affecting the King's jurisdiction they were eniirely silent, a
silence which probably implied an undertaking that Charles
should not be troubled further in the matter."
With this proposal Charles was highly pleased. He, too,
now moved a step in advance, and commanded Ormond to
promise that the penal laws should be suspended as
soon as peace was made, and that whenever he was
the King, restored to his rights with Irish help they should
be absolutely repealed ; ' but all those,' he added, ' against
appeals to Rome and Prsmunire must stand.' ^
The transmission of Muskerry's proposals had been accom-
panied by a private message from Ormond, in which the Lord
Lieutenant offered his resignation. In the first place he pleaded
^L the straits to which he was reduced by poverty ; but his
^1 lecond reason doubtless had greater weight If an English-
es date
t
I
' Gilbert, Hist, e/lhe Irish Confederation, ili. Z89.
note, in Carte's Ormond, v. 10.
• The King to Ormond, Dec 15. Printed fromadnplicate with alatel
I date in Caite'E Ormend, v. 9. Compare Digby to Ormond, Dec> 16. Jf:
t vi. 319.
i64 GLAMORGAN'S PROJECTS. CH. xxvtf.
man, he said, were to do what he was required to do in the
Nov. 14. King's service, he would be subject to less miscon-
tffJrs hts struction than an Irishman like himself in the same
Uojf"*" position. In other words, Ormond felt uncom-
Dec. I^ Portable at the prospect of having to connive at the
Charles^ constant breach of unrepealed laws.* Charles gaily
accept it. replied that the Irish peace would remedy all com-
plaints, and must be despatched out of hand.*
Yet though Charles did not think fit to displace Ormond,
he resolved to find him an assistant. His thoughts naturally
reverted to Glamorgan, who might now, if the peace was at last
procured, carry out those wider plans which had been laid
aside in the spring. Glamorgan's wife was a daughter of the
Earl of Thomond, and it was easy to discover a reason why he
should wish to visit Ireland at this conjuncture of affairs. On
TV December 27 Charles informed Ormond of Glamor-
Dec. 27. '
Glamorgan gan's intended journey on private business, and
n.ended to assured him that the E^rl would be read/ to do
rnaon . everything in his power to promote the cause of
peace. " His honesty or affection to my service," the King
added in a postscript, " will not deceive you, but I will not
answer for his judgment." *
Charles was too often in the habit of employing those for
whose judgment he could not answer. Yet even Charles was
Purpose of hardly likely to send a man whose judgment he dis-
gin^*^' trusted to conclude secretly a peace on terms which
mission. j^g ^^d positively forbidden Ormond to listen to.
The best explanation of an intricate mass of evidence is always
that which raises the least difficulty, and for those who know
the circumstances under which Ormond's resignation was
offered the explanation lies on the surface. Charles was now
bent on procuring an understanding with the Confederate
* Instructions for Barry, Carte MSS. xiii. fol. 162. They are undated,
but there is a later copy in the same collection, xvi. fol. 211, dated Nov.
14, 1645. '^lic year is plainly wrong, as we know from other sources that
Barry was sent towards the end of 1644.
^ The King to Ormond, Dec. 15. Carte's Ormond^ v. 9.
• The King to Ormond, Dec. 27. Carte's Ormond^ v. 7.
1644
GLAMORGAN'S MISSION.
16S
I
Catholics upon the terms offered by Muskerry. It was with a
full knowledge of these terms that Ormond had wished to shift
the burden of complying with them from his own shoulders to
those of an Englishman, Charles refused to supersede him,
but he sent an Englishman to do' the work, to use his power of
persuasion with those amongst the Confederates who were not
in Muskerry's councils, and to give assurance that the laws
would not be put in force against them, even though they re-
mained unrepealed. ^Vhat was needed was energy and sin;
cerity of purpose rather than judgment, and if, as there is every
reason to believe, Charles instructed his agent to conform in
everything to the advice of Ormond,' his lack of judgment
might not under Ormond's supervision be of much consequence
Yet so bent was Charles on driving on the peace that he
actually gave to the feather-brained Glamorgan a commission
to succeed Ormond as Lord Lieutenant in the event of the
death or misconduct of the latter ; in other words, in the event
of his persisting in his refusal to carry out the negotiation on
the lines indicated by his last instructions.'
With Charles eagerness to give peace to Ireland was alto-
gether subordinated to his eagerness to obtain for the coming
campaign in England those military succours which he had
once hoped to obtain through Glamorgan for the campaign of
J644. It was this which had led him to entertain the idea of
placing Glamorgan in Ormond's seat. Yet it is evident from
■ "If you had adviEed with my Lord Lieutenant (as you promised
me) all this had been helped." The King to Glamorgan, Feb. 3, 1646.
Diicks, Life of the second Marquis of Worcester, 134.
' " For lo endear myself to some, the better to do his Majesty service,
'lis true I did declare a promise liom [he King of his assent that aflec
yout Excellency's time he would make me Lord Lieutenant ; but 'tis no
meaning of mine but to keep your Excellency in during your life, and not
really to pretend unto it, or anything in diminution of your Excellency's
honour or profit, or dert^ating from the true amity and teal service
which I have professed and will ever make good towards your Excellency,
And my intention was ever to acqusJnt your honour herewith ; and I
once intended to do it before my going to Kilkenny, but never to conceal
it totally from you." Glamorgan to Ormond, Sept. 29, 1645.
MiS. xvi. fol. 396. But compare Kinuccini to Panfilio, Sept 39,
Qd I ^^
1(56 X^LAMORGAISrS PROJECTS. CH. xxva
the instructions which he gave to the Earl that he only con-
templated the necessity of change as a remote posability, and
that he much preferred that his two representatives should act
^^ in hearty co-operation. "You may engage youf
Jan. a, estatc, interest, and credit,** he wrote in the instruc-
gansin. tions which On January 2 he gave to Glamorgan,
strucuons. ^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^j most readily and punctually perform
any our promises to the Irish, and as it is necessary to conchide
a peace suddenly,* whatsoever shall be consented unto by our
Lieutenant the Marquis of Ormond, we will die a thousand
deaths rather than disannul or break it ; and if upon neces-
sity anything be to be condescended unto, and yet the Lord
Marquis not willing to be seen therein, or not fit for us at
the present publicly to own, do you endeavour to supply the
same."
Read apart from the correspondence between Charles and
Ormond, this clause might possibly be subject to a variety of
Their interpretations. Read in its proper chronological
meaning. scqucuce, it Can bear but one meaning. Glamorgan
was to act in strict subordination to the Lord Lieutenant, and
to assure the Irish that the penal laws would be suspended
after the signature of a treaty of peace, and repealed as soon as
victory made it safe for Charles to take that course. It was
the prospect of having to complete the negotiation on these
terms which had driven Ormond to send in his resignation.
More than this Charles was for the moment determined to
refuse. The remainder of the instructions were taken up with
directions for the management of the army, which was soon to
be under Glamorgan's command,* couched in terms which
imply that, as far as Ireland was concerned, the commission of
the preceding April was still in force.^ The informal patent
conferring a dukedom on Glamorgan was allowed to fall asleep.
There is reason to believe that his father was displeased that
his son should be a duke whilst he himself remained a marqui^
* ue. soon.
^ Instructions to Glamorgan, Jan. a. DirckSi Life of the Marpit's of
Worcester, 72.
» See p. 159.
"645
EXTENSIVE POWERS.
167
I
and tliough the steps of the process cannot be distinctly traced,
it is plain that the intention was already formed of making the
Feb. ij. old nian a duke instead of his son. In February a
Woi««er warrant to that effect was actually sent to Worcester ;
dukt but, as in the case of his son's earldom, complete
secrecy was both enjoined and observed, no attempt being
made to carry the grant beyond the initial stage.
On January 12 the King's confidence in Glamorgan received
a fresh attestation. "So great," he wrote, " is the confidence
Jan. ij. we repose in you, as that whatsoever you shall per-
Jro'nti"*a form, as warranted under our signature, pocket signet,
CO fimi ^ Qx private mark, or even by word of mouth, without
uiians. further ceremony, we do, on the word of a king and
a Christian, promise to make good to all intents and purposes,
as effectually as if your authority from us had been under the
great seal of England, with this advantage, that we shall esteem
ourself the more obliged to you for your gallantry in not stand-
ing upon such nice terms to do us service, which we shall,
God willing, reward. And although you exceed what law can
warrant, or any powers of ours reach unto, as not knowing
what you have need of, yet it being for our service, we oblige
ourself, not only to give you our pardon, but to maintain the
same with all our might and power; and though either by
accident, or by any other occasion, you shall deem it necessary
to deposit any of our warrants, and so want them at your
return, we faithfully promise to make them good at your re-
turn, and to supply anything wherein they shall be found
defective, it not being convenient for us at this time to dispute ,
upon them ; for of what we have here set down you may rest
confident, if there be faith and trust in men. Proceed, there-
fore, cheerfully, speedily, and boldly, and for your so doing
this shall be your sufficient warrant." '
Perilously wide as these words were, it is not likely that
they referred to the conclusion of the Irish peace,
ofihtse They are more appropriate to the other negotiation
*""""■ with which Glamorgan was entrusted, the negotiation
with the Pope and the Catholic powers for money to pay the
GLAMORGAN'S PROJECTS. Ch. xxviv
support
armies which were to be brought from the Continent ii
ot the troops from Ireland.
"The maintenance of this army of foreigners," wrote
Glamorgan in explanation many years afterwards, "was to
, have come from the Pope and such Catholic princes
■ as be should draw into it, having engaged ' to afford
and procure 30,000/. a month, out of which the foreign army
was first to be provided for, and the remainder lo be divided
among other armies. And for this purpose had I power to
treat with the Pope and Catholic princes, with particular
advantages promised lo Catholics for the quiet enjoying of
their religion, without the penalties which the statutes in force
had power to inflict upon them. And my instructions for this
purpose, and my powers to treat and conclude thereupon, vtrs
signed by the King under his pocket signet, with blanks for mc
to put in the names of the Pope or princes, to the end the
King might have a starting hole to deny the having given me
such commissions, if excepted against by his own subjects ;
leaving me as it were at stake, who for his Majesty's sake was
wiUing to undergo it, trusting to his word alone." In ail pro-
bability the powers referred to in this explanation are the
warrants mentioned by Charles as those which he was ready to
make good, the names comprised in which would have to be
filled in by Glamorgan in accordance with the instructions
which had been given him by word of mouth.
This interpretation of the meaning of Charles's warrant of
.^ ^ the ijth is the more probable as that warrant fol-
coi.imis. lowed closely on a commission granted on the 6th
Giainorgaa uodct the great seal — though without the customary
imoVs'in formalities of sign-manual and privy-seal — by which
o"iht' *"'' Glamorgan was empowered to levy troops not only
Coniineoi. jf, Ireland but on the Continent as well.*
Much as Charles trusted Glamorgan, he had another agent
abroad even more devoted to his service and bound to him
' i,e. I having engnged.
' CoRimUsion to GUmo^an, Jan. 6. Lord l.eitisier's MS. fol. 713.
The levies weie lo be mude 'vel !□ noilro IbeiuiiG regno aut aliis qut-
busvis pulibus U
1644
fRENCH VICTORIES,
I
by nearer ties. When, early in November 1644, Hem
Maria arrived in Paris she was still weakly, but sufficiently
T644. covered from her long illness to apply herself ini
Thc^°il^n iTiiltently to business. Mazarin, for the time, kept her
•tPsris. at a distance, but the Queen Regent welcomed her
with all the effusiveness of her nature. Kindly words, how-
ever, were not closely followed by helpful deeds. Anne, it is
true, presented her distressed sister-in-law with a small quantity
of arms, which Henrietta Maria at once converted into money ;
but she frankly explained that she could do no more. The
only comforting word which the Queen of England could send
to her husband was that so soon as a cargo of Cornish tin,
which was believed to be on its way, arrived at a French port,
she would be able without difficulty to sell it, and would
forward the purchase money to England.'
France, in fact, was in no position to expend money from 3
sentimental interest in the fortunes of Charles. She was en-
Thefam 6^0^*^ '" * Struggle which taxed her resources to the
paignon Uttermost, In the early summer of 1644, when the
siege of Gravelines was drawing to an end,' Mazarin
launched Enghien to the succour of Turenne, who was out-
July j*-3o, numbered by the Imperialist general, Mercy, on
B*"il???" '''^ Upper Rhine. After a week of battles round
Freiburg. Freiburg in the Breisgau, Mercy drew off the shattered
The'upVer remains of his defeated army. Before the end of
"-'''"""cd b October the Rhine valley from Basel to Bacharach
ihe French, was in the hands of the French. The design of
Richelieu was at last accomplished.
No slight exertions would be needed to maintain so vast
an achievement, and, for some time to come, Mazarin was
unlikely to have the power, even if he had the will, to do much
for the English Queen. His policy with regard to England
was to perpetuate its distractions, and to render it too weak to
be an obstacle to the designs of France on the Continent,
' The Queen to the King, Nov. IJ, LclUrs nf Henrietta Maria, 266,
' See voL i. p. 349.
169 ^^H
cntly re- ^^^H
lyo GLAMORGAN'S PROJECTS. ch. xxvir.
especially if he could attain his object without much trouble
or expense to himself.*
Under these circumstances Mazarin was therefore quite
willing to listen favourably to the proposals which were at this
OHartegan time made to him by Father O'Hartegan, a Jesuit
at Paris. ^jjQ represented at Paris the Confederate Catholics
of Ireland, and who was anxious that the protection of France
should be extended to his native country.^ Neither Mazarin
nor O'Hartegan wished too openly to avow the support given
by France to a policy which, if successful, would practically
result in Irish independence. What was to be done must be
done in the name of Charles, and with the full approbation of
Nov. 84. the Queen. That approbation they had no difficulty
2^p*p2te *" ^" securing. On November 24 O'Hartegan was able
o Hartegan. ^q report that the Queen had thrown herself vehe-
mently on his side, and that Mazarin had promised him a
considerable sum in money.
Henrietta Maria, in listening to O'Hartegan's proposals,
was true to the only objects for which she really cared — the
restitution of her husband's authority and the concomitant
liberation of her Church. At Paris she found herself in the
midst of influences which carried her on insensibly in the path
which she was willing to tread. A joint committee of English
Sept. ^^^ Irish Catholics had been formed in that city in
wSttec September, and had ever since been busily engaged
•' Em^ in formulating its designs. The first resolution of
CathoUcs. this committee had been that, though the cause of
the Catholics of both countries should be treated as indivisible,
its first efforts should be directed to the establishment of the
Catholic Church in Ireland, as a preliminary to the commence-
ment of operations in England. Sir Kenelm Digby was to be
despatched to Rome to lay the state of affairs before the Pope.
If O'Hartegan is to be trusted— and he had doubtless reason
to exagge;rate the amount of support he was likely to receive —
money would not be wanting when the time for the great
* I d^ve my view of Mazarin's policy from, his correspondence with
Montreuil, at a somewhat later date.
2 letter from Paris, Dec. ^, 1645. ^^^^^ MS,S^,xri, fol. 292.
f^5 THE QUEEN'S SCHEMES. ijl
enterprise arrived. Lady Banbury promised i<vooo/. ; Ijord
Montague and others had offered largely. The Nuncio,
Cardinal Bagni, offered to pledge all that he was worth.
Father Wadding wrote from Rome that he had 'the Pope's
word for a considerable sum.' In giving hopes to the Supreme
Council of powerful succour, (XHartegan recommended that
after the enemy had been expelled from Ireland, and the
greater part (^ Uie strongholds of the land had been placed in
Catholic hands, the loi^-talked-of Irish army might be sent
across the sea to replace Charles on the English throne.^
Practically there was to be an Iiish conquest of England.
O'Hart^an's scheme was not the only one to which
Henrietta Maria lent her ear. Amongst the enemies of
Nov. 23. France was Charles, Duke of Lorraine. He had
o?LcS!^e ^^^^^ expelled from his duchy by Richelieu, and the
to be gained, exilc, as a Catholic prince of the Empire, had placed
his sword at the disposal of the Emperor. Having no terri-
torial army at his command, he fought — like Mansfeld at an
earlier stage of the war — ^at the head of a band of adventurers
who subsisted on plunder alone. Rapacious as his followers
were, they bore themselves well in the day of battle, and at
Freiburg they had contributed much to the tenacity of Mercy's
resistance. Mazarin was therefore anxious to divert their
energy to other fields, and he now informed Henrietta Maria
that if she could induce the Duke to transfer his services to
England, there would be no difficulty in finding the money
necessary to enable him to carry on the operation.^
Little recked the French-bom Queen of England of the
cruelty of letting loose such a pack of wolves upon the soil
. of that England which she regarded as the inherit-
jan. 3. ance of her husband and her children. She at once
mission to closcd with the proposal, and on January 2, before
the Hague, ^j^^ Duke's answer could be received, she instructed
Dr. Goffe, her agent at the Hague, to urge the Prince of Orange
* 0'Hart^[an to the Supreme Council, ^^^. Carte's Ormonde vL
216. Bagni to Barberini, Sept. if. Roman Transcripts^ R, O,
* The Queen to the King, ^^ Letters of Henrietta Mana, 268.
172 GLAMORGAN'S PROJECTS. CH. xxvil
to take 1 forward step in the marriage treaty which had been
the object of negotiation in the preceding summer.* Frederick
Henry was to pay dearly for the honour of having the Prince
of Wales as a son-in-law. The States General and France —
the Queen acted as though the consent of Anne of Austria
and Mazarin had been already secured — were to send a joint
embassy to London to inform Parliament that armed
assistance assistance would be given to Charles unless he were
restored to his rights. The Prince was also to be
asked to make compensation for the massacre of Amboyna, to
state the amount of the portion which he intended to give with
his daughter, to lend 3,000 soldiers for service in England, and
to supply vessels in sufficient numbers, not only to transport
this contingent, but also to carry across the sea such forces as
might be obtained from France or Ireland.'
In less than a fortnight after these requests had been for-
warded to the Hague the answer of the Duke of Lorraine
Jan. x6. reached Paris. To the Queen's great joy, it was
Lo^dM**^ entirely favourable. The Duke engaged to enter
promises to Charles's service with 10,000 men.' Goffe was
come. '
therefore bidden to urge the Prince of Orange to
The*Prince find Shipping to transport this army as well as the
askeSo?eip Other forces, and to commute the suggested loan of
tramporta- 3iOoo soldiers for that of a fleet of warships to be
^Joo* employed in an attack upon the Parliamentary navy
in the Downs or in the Medway. The help of the Dutch
transports would be; especially needed in another quarter, as
the Queen had been assured by private persons in France that
an army of 5,000 men would be placed at her disposal.^
It is now possible to understand why powers had been
> See vol. L p. 348.
* Note by Jermyn, JJJ^ ; Jermyn to the Prince of Orange, Jan. ^ ;
instructions for Gofie, Jan. ; Note on the negotiation, Jan. ; Groen van
Prinsterer^ Ser. 2, iv. 118.
» The Queen to the King, Jan. J|. The King's Cabinet Opened^
p. 31. E. 292, 27,
* This we learn from a note by Goffe, Feb. ? Qroen van Pr insurer^
Ser. 2, iv. 125.
i64S ^^ ENLARGED OFFER. 173
given to Glamorgan to raise troops on the Continent as well
as in Ireland. Charles indeed discovered before long that
O'Harte- 0*Hartegan's projects had not sprung merely from a
dS^^tch ^^y^^ devotion to the throne. The Irishman's despatch
intercepted. \^ which he artlessly expressed his real hopes was
intercepted by a Parliamentary cruiser, and was for obvious
reasons forwarded by the captors to Ormond.* Charles accord-
P^^ ^ ingly warned the Queen that O'Hartegan was a knave,
Charles but he does not seem to have drawn the general
Queen ^ inference that the Dutchmen, Frenchmen, and Irish-
***^' ^ men who professed themselves willing to assist him
were more likely to provide for their own interest than for his.
He recorded with satisfaction a message which he had recently
jj^ j^ received from Goffe, to the effect that the Prince of
that the Orange had consented to furnish shipping for the
o!rSSe^^^ transport of the Lorrainers,* and his correspondence
«** ^^' with Ormond shows that he had no intention of
dropping his negotiation with the Supreme Council at Kilkenny
because their agent at Paris had written unadvisedly.
On January 22 Charles once more urged on Ormond the
necessity of concluding a peace. If nothing less would serve,
Poynings' Act might be suspended. As to the penal
Charles ' statutes, he would not go a step further than he had
teniS to " gone already, that is to say, than the promise of their
suspension when the treaty was concluded, and of
their repeal when victory had been secured with the help of an
Feb. 97. Irish army.' On February 27, however, when the
2**3 to^* Treaty of Uxbridge was fairly at an end, he did go a
heTbe*^ ^ ^^^P further. ** If," he wrote to the Lord Lieutenant,
given, « the suspension of Poynings' Act for such bills as
shall be agreed on between you there, and the present taking
away of the penal laws against Papists by a law will do it, I
shall not think it a hard bargain, so that freely and vigorously
* Ormond to Clanricarde, Feb. 3. Carte's Ormond^ vi. 241.
' The Queen to the King, Feb. Jf , Letters of Henrietta Maria, 290 ;
the King to the Queen, Feb. 19, 7'he King^s Cabinet Opened, p. 5, E.
292, 27.
• The King to Urmcnd, Jan. 22. Carte's Ormond, vi. 233.
174 GLAMORGAN'S PROJECTS. CH. xxvif.
they engage themselves in my assistance against my rebels of
England and Scotland." Yet the concession was not to be
frankly made. Ormond was to conceal the fact that these new
powers had been sent to him, and was to make the best bar-
gain he could.* The attempt to hold back what he was ready
to give was likely to be the more injurious to the course of
Ormond's negotiation, as it would convey to the Irish the idea
that he was not in earnest in the matter.
Charles, however, was by this time reconciled to the idea of
a repeal of the penal laws as soon as he was strong enough to
March c^^^T it out with impunity. On March 5 he autho-
and the fiscd the Queen to consent in his name to the repeal
extended to of the laws against the Catholics in England as well as
England. j^ Ireland, * so as, by their means, or in their favours,
I may have so powerful assistance as may deserve so great a
favour and enable me to do it.' '
It was now time for the despatch of Glamorgan to Ireland.
Primarily the object of his mission was to take the command
of that Irish army which Charles now counted on obtaining,
and to organise the forces which were to be raised by the
Queen's supporters in France. He would also be useful in
smoothing the way of Ormond's negotiation. That he had
any secret instructions to abandon the Acts of Appeal and
Praemunire is an idea which may be rejected as incredible.
Charles in his last letter to Ormond had alluded to their aban-
donment as prejudicial to the royal authority, and when once a
notion of that kind had fixed irself in his head it was hopeless
to expect him to change his mind. For all that, there would be
need of an adroit negotiator in Ireland. Ormond's diplomacy
was carried on with the help of councillors of State, who did
not regard Charles's concessions with a favourable eye. It was
to be feared that he might not make the promise about the
repeal of the penal laws at the right moment — might not, it
was possible, even care to make it at all. Glamorgan must
therefore have powers not merely to command but to treat,
> The King to Ormond, Feb. 27. Ibid, vi. 257.
* The King to the Queen, March 5. Kittys Cabinet Opened, p. 7.
E. 292, 27.
1645 GLAMORGAN'S COMMISSION. 1^5
not indeed without Onnond's knowledge, but in substitunon
for him if it proved to be necessary.
"We," wrote Charles in the commission which he issued
on March 12 under his private signet, '^ ... do by these as
Matdi 13. finnly as under our great seal, to all intents and pur>
^Jj^^g^'* poses authorise and give you power to treat and con-
to treat. clude with the confederate Roman Catholics in our
kingdom of Ireland, if upon necessity any be to be conde-
scended unto wherein our Lieutenant cannot so well be seen
in, as not fit for us at present publicly to own. Therefore we
charge you to proceed according to this our warrant with all
possible secrecy, and for whatsoever you shall engage yourself
upon such valuable considerations as you in your judgment shall
deem fit, we promise on the word of a king and a Christian to
ratify and perform the same that shall be granted by you and
under your hand and seal, the said confederate Catholics
having by their supplies testified their zeal to our service." ^
If there were still any doubt whether Glamorgan ¥ras in-
tended to act independently of Ormond, it would be removed
by the explanations which accompanied this com-
An accom*
panving missiou. " On the word of a king," wrote Charles, after
**** '"* begging Glamorgan to deal with Ormond * with all
freedom and ingenuity,' " I will make good anything which
our Lieutenant shall be induced unto upon your persuasion ;
and if you find it fitting, you may privately show him these,
which I intend not as obligatory to him, but to myself; and for
both your encouragements and hopes, not having in all my
kingdoms two such subjects ; whose endeavours joining, I am
confident to be soon drawn out of the mire I am now enforced
to wallow in."^ If this be not enough, it must be remembered
that Glamorgan was still bound by the instructions of January
2,^ which contemplated no independent action on his part,
and which had never been superseded or changed.
It was mainly on military action that Glamorgan's heart
was set. On the 21st, after making preparations in South
* Commission, March 12. DirckSy 8a
* The King to Glamorgan, March 2. D treks ^ 75.
* See p. x66.
t7^ GLAMORGAN'S PROJECTS. CH. xxviL
Wales for raising a force to join his levies from beyond the
sea, he despatched a messenger to assure Charles ' that, God
March ax. willing, by the end of May or beginning of June,
S^^9?to' ^e will land with 6,000 Irish.' » On the 2Sth he
the King, sailed from Carnarvon on this hopeful enterprise. A
March as. ^^^"^ drovc him northward, and on the 28th he was
He is wrecked on the Lancashire coast, whence, slipping
past the Parliamentary forces in the neighbourhood,
he made his way to the safe refuge of Skipton Castle.' The
burden of Ireland remained, where it had been before, on the
shoulders of Ormond.
* Glamorgan's instructions to Bosdon, March 31. Kin^s Cabinet
Opened, P* I9* £^ 292, 27.
2 J. Bythell to his father, April 6. Dircks^ 88. Dircks*s notion that
Glamorgan was lodged in Lancaster gaol arose from his mistaking a note
by an ignorant scribe for part of the original document. See Add. AfSS,
ti,Z3h fol. 596.
177
CHAPTER XXVIII.
THE SECOND SELF-DENYING ORDINANCE AND THE NEW
MODEL ARMY.
Montrose and Glamorgan were subjects after Charles's own
heart, but, for all that, he had no worse enemies. Montrose's
1645. successes gave point to the feeling of exasperation
Montrote's which was Uniting the Scottish Lowlander with his
victories and EngHsh kinsman against the King who was striving
schemes. to rccovcr his crown with Celtic aid, whilst Glamor-
gan's wild projects, if ever they came to be fully disclosed,
would go far to merge the struggle between King and Parlia-
ment in a struggle between Englishmen and aliens. "We
have no reason to lay down arms," declared a Lx)ndon news-
writer, in reference to the proposal for a mutual disarmament
which had recently been made by Charles,^ "till the King
yield to peace ; for so indeed the French and Irish may sui-
prise us when they please."*^ The national spirit,
The national always potcnt whcn it is stirred, was roused by
rotscd in Charlcs's bargainings with foreigners, and with races
'-ng an . -yvhich the English looked down upon as inferior to
their own. The proposed New Model army was no longer
regarded as the instrument of the Independents. It was a
national body raised for national ends.
There was no longer any question that a new and highly
disciplined force was necessary. The existing array
Mutiny at was falling to pieces from sheer disorganisation. On
eney. February 20 a mutiny broke out at Henley.^ In
* See p. 129. ' Perfect Passages. E. 270, 23.
' Grymes to Montague, Feb. 2a S, P. Dom. The valuable series of
letters received by the Committee of Both Kingdoms unfortunately comes
to an end on Feb. 17.
VOL. II. N
178 SECOND SELF-DEiXYLXG ORDINANCE, CH. xxviii.
Buckinghamshire Crawford's men were stinging the county
into angry protest by living at free quarters.* The cavalry,
andofWai- which had recently been transferred from Essex to
ler's cavalry. Waller, Continued to cry out for Essex, ^ and refused
obedience to their new general. They deserted their posts and
moved off northwards, finally quartering themselves
at Beaconsfield. A fortnight's pay was sent down
to quiet them, but they refused to return to their duty unless
they were paid for another month as well.'
At such a crisis men's thoughts turned instinctively to the
tried warriors of the Eastern Association. "For Colonel
Good Cromwell's soldiers," boasted a London newswriter,
Cr^wefi's^ " *^ ^^ informed that in what posture so ever they
soldiers. were, tliat were it at midnight, they were always ready
to obey any ordinance of Parliament, and that there was none of
them known to do the least wrong by plunder or any abuse to
any country people where they came, but were ready to advance
with Sir William Waller."* Yet even upon these trusted
soldiers the general disorganisation produced its effect. The
Eastern Association, seeing that the troops which it
n»ey refuse had raiscd for its own defence were quartered in
Surrey or Hampshire, grew unwilling to bear the
expense of supplying them. The men were left penniless, and an
order to be ready to march with four days' provision was received
with sullen murmurs. They declared that they must have
money, pistols, and recruits before they could take the field.*
March 3. ^^ was fclt at Westminster that Cromwell was the
tojo?^*" only man capable of allaying the storm, and the
Waller. rejection by the Lords of the Self- Denying Ordinance
had made Cromwell's services once more available. The
necessary money and arms were quickly found, and Cromwell
was ordered to place himself at the head of the cavalry which
had formerly been his own, and with them to attach himself to
* Com. of B. K, to Crawford, Feb. 21. Com. Letter Book.
* See p. 128.
» Whitacre*8 Diary, Add. MSS. 31,116, fol. X96K
* Perfect Passages. E. 270, 5.
f Whitacre'fi Diary Add. AISS. 31,116, fol. 195.
i645 MILITARY INSUBORDINATION. 179
Waller's army.' Difficulties were smoothed away on his arrival,
and in a short time Waller was pLaced in a condition to set out
for that Western campaign for which he was designed.
. If the Parliamentary troops round London were in a state
of distraction, the local forces at a greater distance had
Feb, M. acquitted themselves well. In the early morning of
wj*^ February zj Colonel Mitton surprised the Royalist
surprised. garrisoH of Shrewsbury. An invaluable position on
the Severn was thus acquired for the Parliament. Unfor*
tunately the victory was stained by the execution of a dozen
Irish prisoners, in accordance with the recent ordinance^— a
barbarity for which Rupert retaliated by hanging an equal
number of his Parliamentary prisoners.^ Almost at the same
Scar- time the town of Scarborough fell into the hands o(
iSI^f Meldrum, though the castle held out for some weeks
Thesui- longer. In the South, on the other hand, Wey-
t^ov""'or ''^^"th was surprised by a party of Royalists under
wrymouth. Sir Lcwis Dyves. They did not, however, king
enjoy their success. Melcombe Regis, the adjoining town,
was still held by a Parliamentary garrison, which, having been
reinforced by a party from Portland under Captain Batten
assumed the offensive and stormed one of the cap-
tured forts of Weymouth. By February z8 the
Royalist intruders had been completely expelled from the
whole place.*
Whatever might be Charles's hopes from Celtic Scotland
and Celtic Ireland, from France, or the Netherlands, it was
, plain that before help could reach him from afar he
plan of would have once more to fight for his crown with
[ompaign. j(j(.jj fQj-ces as England could supply. His principal
army, now under Rupert's command, had served him well in
the last campaign, and he resolved to pursue once more tlie
strategy which had already .stood him in good stead in the past
' Com. ofB. K. Day Book, Feb. 27; the Com, ofB. K. lo Cromwdl,
March 3, Com. Letter Book.
' See p. 54-
' Shrewsbury taken, E. 270, 26 ; LJ. vii. 329.
' Sydenhaoi to E^ssex, March i. L..J. vil. 261.
I So SECOND SELF-DENYING ORDINANCE. CH.XXVIIL
summer. Once more Oxford was to be the basis of operations
IVoni which Rupert might dash out from time to time to re-
lieve beleaguered garrisons, and to swoop down upon any weak
point in the enemy's defences. Excellent as the plan would •
have been if Oxford had been sufficiently supplied with pro-
visions and warlike stores to be a true basis of operations for
an army on the march, it might easily break down if this cen-
tral fortress should prove a source of weakness rather than of
Weakness Strength. How weak it was no one knew better than
of Oxford. Charles. Far from the sea, and, unlike London,
having no trade or commerce of its own, it depended for sup-
plies upon the district, ever growing narrower, in which the
Royalist commanders of garrisons were still able to enforce the
payment of contributions and the levy of supplies.
Hence it was that the eyes of Charles and his counsellors
turned wistfully towards the West. South Wales had for some
time been the chief recruiting ground of the Royalist
wcNtem infantry, and it was now thought possible to estab-
lish a fresh basis of operations to the south of the
Bristol Channel. During the winter there had been much talk
of the formation of a Royalist Western Association, which was
to comprise the counties of Cornwall, Devon, Somerset, and
Dorset, to counterbalance the Eastern Association on the
Parliamentary side.
From the first the scheme was not a hopeful one. Not
only had nature interposed difficulties of communication
between the western peninsula and the other Royalist districts
further north, but experience has shown that local forces were not
to be trusted to advance beyond their own borders, unless their
homes were freed from all danger of an attack in their absence
from the enemy's garrisons. It would therefore be necessary,
1 )efore the troops of the new association could be utilised for
general purposes, to render Plymouth, Lyme, and Taunton
innocuous. Plymouth and Lyme could only be blockaded,
but hopes were entertained amongst the Royalists that Taunton
might even yet be reduced.
To give encouragement to the new association, as well as to
avert the danger of his falling into the hands of the enemy at
i645 THE PRINCE OF WALES. i8i
the same time as his father, the young Prince of Wales, who
had nearly completed his fifteenth year, and who, as Duke of
March Cornwall, was closely connected with one of its coun-
The Prince tics, was despatched to hold his court at Bristol.*
to go to The boy was accompanied by a body of councillors,
the West. j. ^ y
amongst whom Hyde, Capel, Hopton, and Cul-
pepper were the most eminent. It is possible that their services
at Oxford were the more easily dispensed with as they were
notoriously opposed to Charles's Irish schemes.
Five days after the departure of the Prince, Charles
adjourned the Oxford Parliament till October lo.^ Before
^ and during the Treaty of Uxbridge its members had
Adjourn- Subjected him to considerable pressure by their
the Oxford urgent entreaties that he should come to terms with
ar lamcn ^^ Parliament at Westminster,^ and he now resolved
to be cumbered with them no longer. In the next letter which
he wrote to the Queen he congratulated himself on being * freed
from the place of base and mutinous motions — that is to say,
our mongrel Parliament here.' ** He had already rid himself
of some of those who had been the loudest in their cry for peace.
Lord Percy and the Earl of Sussex were now set free
Percy and *
Sussex on an engagement to transport themselves at once to
France, as Wilmot had done before.* Percy com-
plied with the condition affixed to his liberation, but Sussex
made his way to Westminster and professed himself a convert
to the true Parliamentary faith. As his new associates refused
to acknowledge the earldom recently conferred on him, he
sank once more into the Lord Savile of earlier days. After
his frequent changes he found himself as much distrusted at
Westminster as he had been at Oxford.
* Clareftdoftj ix. 6, 7. See also the suppressed passage in a note*
* Dugdale^s Diary ^ March 10,
* See p. 1 14.
* The King to the Queen, March 13. Kin^s Cabinet Opened^ p. 12,
E. 292, 27. The records of this Parliament were burnt before the sur-
render to Fairfax in 1646, and we have therefore no knowledge of its
proceedings, and scarcely any notice of it after its first session ; but there
are occasional indications which show that it met from time to time.
* See p. 12.
182 SECOND SELF-DENYING ORDINANCE. CH. XXVIII
When the Prince arrived at Bristol he found everything in
confusion. The Western Association, of which so much had
March 6. ''^" expected, was still to be formed. The Com-
The Prince mittec of Somersct had promised much, but had
performed nothing. The Prince could only obtain
bread by borrowing it of Hopton, who was in command of the
g.irrison of Briitol. Not a horse nor a man had been levied,
and the gentry of the county were occupied in quarreUing
p^j^ amongst themselves. Goring, self-sufficient and
CornKin licentious, though he had no authority from the
IheVrtH. ,,. . 1 ■ I ,ir
Kmg to exercise command m the West, was practi-
cally master of the country. After his retreat from Famham
in January,' he had settled down at Salisbury, 'where his horse
committed such horrid outrages and barbarities as they had
done in Hampshire,' It was to his negligence that the Royal-
ists ascribed the capture of Weymouth As soon as the
quarters round Salisbury were exhausted he moved westward,
ravaging the country as he went. Early in March he
was at Exeter, where he and his principal officers
'stayed three or four days in most scandalous disorder, a great
part of his horse living upon free quarter, and plundering to
the gates of Exeter.' '
To the local commanders Goring gave personal offence
which they resented almost as much as the tillers of the soil
. resented the exactions of his troopers. Having
lobcsitge made up his mind to lay siege to Taunton, he
wanted infantry for the purpose, and therefore sum-
mcninf marily called on Sir John Berkeley, the governor of
and cSn- Exetcr, to send him as many men as he could spare.
'''*■ He also gave orders to Sir Richard Grenvile, the
most insubordinate of generals, to come in person with the
bulk of the forces with which he was then besieging Plymouth,
leaving only sufficient men before the town to block it up. The
orders may have been good in themselves, but Goring had no
empowering him to give them, and he had no
idea of condescending to entreat a favour where he had
no right to command. Bi'rkeley, an honourable and loyal
Seep. 113. ' Clarendon, Ix. 7-9.
I64S GORING, WALLER, AND CROMXVELL. iSj 1
soldier, did as he was bidden ; but Grenvile, at least for a
time, hung back.'
On March it Goring appeared before Taunton, where |
Blake had made every preparation to stand a second siege.
March 11. As his supplies were inadequate for the maintenance
Wor'^Tsun- of ^ '^^S^ garrisoH, he dismissed Holborn and the
■""■ force which had relieved him in December. Hoi-
bom contrived to make his way safely through the open
country, and finally succeeded in joining Cromwell, who was
now serving under Waller, and was watching for an opportunity
to succour Taunton.'
The news of Holborn's safety was not the only disquieting
intelligence which reached Goring. On the nth a Wiltshire
party on its way to join him was surprised by Waller
m™ia«i and Cromwell near Devizes. " Of 400 horse," wrote
•■""■ Waller, "there escaped not thirty."* In spite of
this success, however, want of supplies forced the small Parlia-
Waller Ml mentary army to fall back through Dorset. There
'"'^'^ was constant manceuvring on both sides and occa-
sional skirmishes. Whenever Goring suffered loss he discreetly
avoided mentioning it in his despatches. Whenever he gained 1
a success he magnified it into an important victory.
(lorinK'i ' " For pursuing Waller, " he characteristically boasted,
" if he go as fast as Cromwell, I cannot overtake '
him,"' Waller indeed had brought off Holborn safely, hut
it was impossible to deny that he had abandoned not only
,^ Somerset, but Dorset as well. On the 27th he
w» i.r> ' wrote from Ringwood to Lenlhall. " I cannot but
advertise you," he complained, "that, since mycon
hither, I have observed a great smoke of discontent rising j
' Digby tQ Berkeley, March II ; Goring to ihe Prince of Wales,
Match 12 i Berkeley to Digby, Mateh 23 ; CiamtJoii MSS. 1S33, 1834, ,
184*
' The Moderate InleUisencer. E. 277, 14. Clarendon (ix. 9) speakj
of these men a< beitij; under the command of Vandtuske, but Vandruske I
seems lo have been Holborn's subordinate.
' Wallet to Lenihall, Match 13, Sanford, Studies aj Ihe RebeUie
ei6.
irg lo Culpepper, March aa-ja Claicndiii JI/SS. 1S41, 1856.
i84 SECOND SELF-DENYING ORDINANCE, CH. xxviil.
among the officers. I pray God no flame break out. The
ground of all is the extremity of want that is among them,
indeed, in an insupportable measure." *
The failure of the Parliamentary army of the West arose
from financial disorganisation at Westminster. The failure of
Causes of the Royalists arose from the defects of the character
i^hTidM. of their commander. " Dear general," wrote Digby
March ag. ^^^m Oxford to Goring, " I have nothing to add but
Digby's to conjure you to beware of debauches : there fly
warning to '^ ^ ' -'
(ioring. hither reports of the liberty you give yourself, much
to your disadvantage." '
If Charles's main army was relieved from the burden of a
Goring in command, the pressure of financial need was felt
Kn 's ^^^^^ ^^ strongly as it was by Waller. The best
main army, planned schcmes had to be abandoned because the
Financial money needed for the purchase of arms and ammu-
distre:^. nition was not forthcoming. Even when arms and
ammunition could be had, there was irregularity of pay, fol-
lowed by its inevitable consequence, irregularity of discipline.
Detached parties were especially liable to be left to their own
resources, and consequently to become a scourge to the
country. Early in March Sir Marmaduke Langdale success-
fully relieved Pontefract,^ but the outrages committed by his
followers, especially upon the women who were so unfortunate
as to live on his line of march, must have effectually quenched
any spark of loyalty which remained in the districts through
which he passed.* Prince Maurice had been sent to hold out
, , . a hand to the beleaguered Royalists in Cheshire, but
Maurices "^ i , i i • , •
plunder^ he too was reported to be * plundenng and im-
*"**' poverishing the country extremely.' ^
On March 1 1 Rupert was at I.udlow, hoping to join his
* Waller to Lenthall, March 27. Sanford, Studies of the Rebellion^
618. f
* Digby to Goring, March 29. Ibid, 620.
* On the military history of Pontefract in the Civil War, see Holmes,
The Sieges of Pontefract,
* Merc, Civicus, E. 273, 5; Whitacre*s Diary, Add. MSS, 31,116,
fol. 198 ; Luke to Ma$sey, March ao, Egerton MSS, 785, fol. 59b,
* Maurice's Diary, Arch. Cambrensis, L 3^
i64S ^ HEREFORDSHIRE RISING. 185
brother and raise the siege of Beeston Castle. Brereton, who
commanded the besiegers, called on the Committee of Both
March XX. Kingdoms for assistance. The Committee, know-
ifo^^'lo ^"^ ^^^ importance of barring Rupert's way into
)oin him. that Lancashire recruiting ground which had served
Preparations him SO wcll in the Campaign of Marston Moor, hur-
o resist im. ^j^^ ^^ troops from all quarters, whilst Leven de-
spatched David Leslie from Yorkshire with a strong party of
Scots to assist in stopping the career of the formidable Prince.^
Important as these succours were, they did not reach
Brereton in time to prevent the breaking up of the siege of
Beeston Bccston Castlc. Morc than that Rupert was unable
re^Jild. ^^ accomplish. Yet it was not fear of the enemy by
Rupcrt'f which his forward march was checked. The country
retreat. in his Tcar was in flames, and he was compelled to
hurry back to stamp out the conflagration.^
The grievous exactions of the Royalist garrisons in Here-
fordshire and in the neighbouring districts of Worcestershire
March x8. Were the origin of the mischief. On March 18 some
H^fofd" 15*000 countrymen gathered outside the gates of
shh«. Hereford. They fired upon the soldiers, and called
upon the citizens to admit them into the town. On the fol-
Mar h lowing day Massey appeared on the scene, pleading
Massey with the insurgcnts to join their cause with his, and
to win the Warning them, truly enough, that there was no room
insurgents. ^^^ ^ third party in England. The men of Here-
fordshire were, however, no Puritans, and they could ill brook
the domination of a Puritan Parliament. They turned a deaf
ear to Massey's exhortations, and, contenting themselves with
promises of better treatment from the Governor of Hereford,
most of them withdrew to their homes, whilst those who
remained were dispersed by Rupert's returning squadrons.*
Byron, the Governor of Chester, had hoped much from
* Com, Letter Book, March 1 1-25.
* Williams to Ormond, March 25. Carte's Omioftd, vi. 270.
' Declaration of Scudamore, March 19 ; Massey to Luke, March 22 ;
Webb, Civil War in Herefordshire, it. 154, 369 ; The Kingdom* s Weekly
Intelligencer y E. 276, 3 ; The Moderate Intelligencer^ E. 277, 8.
I86 SECOiVD SELFDEXVrXG ORDINANCE, ch. xxviir.
Rupert's coining; the retreat of the Prince filled him with
April 1. dismay. Once more he turned his eyes wistfully
J^'i'™^^'" across the Irish Sea. " If," he wrote, "considerable
for help. forces come forth of Ireland in any reasonable time,
I doubt not but with God's blessing they may quickly clear
these parts." '
It may be doubted whether the Irish troops for which
Byron called would really have carried all before them in a
Li-uon ot country where their presence would have been
foTdSiiJr etiually detested by both parties. The spirit which
"^«- had brought the Herefordshire peasants into the
field might easily in that case have thrown them entirely on
the side of the Parliamentary commanders. As it was, the
weariness of the prolonged struggle, which had taken a
special form in Herefordshire, was everywhere to be traced,
and though it showed itself at the moment in a rooted
distrust of both parties, it might be counted as certain ulti-
mately to throw its weight into the balance in favour of that
party which was most capable of maintaining discipline and
ensuring order.
Of the two sides, there could be little doubt which would
be the first to meet the exigencies of the situation. ^VTiat the
Feb. King was unable to do the Parliament could do if it
feeding It would. For some time the temper of all parties at
Mi'Vwr Westminster had been as warlike as Charles's own.
F=b. a*. On February 24 the Dutch ambassadors appeared
■ iibas^'-" before the Houses to urge them to accept Charles's
'ihtv.'oasia proposals for the settlement of ecclesiastical diffi-
ihi*K^'» cukies.' The only result of such interference was
MriM. that the mindi of Englishmen were knitted together
in resenting it. The opposition of the Scots to a prolongation
Ftb. jj, of the war had come to an end since the breaking
iii!^^i: ' "^P °f "^^ conferences at Uxbridge, and the Scots
Ordimuici necessarily drew the English Presbyterians in their
prciored. train. On February 25 the Commons appointed a
committee to draw up a fresh Self-Denying Ordinance.
' Byton to Ormond, April I. CarU MSS. liv. fol. 34a.
' /-./. vii. 140.
I64S
THE NEW MODEL ORDINANCE.
It was only natural that the proposal should irritate those
amongst the Lords who were for peace at any price, but they
Mirch ^^^ "° longer the Presbyterian feeling at their service.
A demand When, on March 4, the City was asked to lend
'"'''■ 80,000/. to cover the initiatory expenses of the New
Model till the taxation out of which the advance could be
repaid had been gathered in, Loudoun was no less urgent in
supporting the demand than Northumberland or Vane himself.'
In the meanwhile the organisation of the New Model was
steadily making way. On March 3 Fairfax's list of officers
Match 3. was sent up to the Lords for their approbation.
JscilfMni The list was little to their taste. They knew that •
10 theLordt. (j,gy ]jad before them a. final struggle against military
i,^J^ "^ Independency, and they struck out the names of
iiniEitout. („Q colonels, Pickering and Montague, as well as
those of more than forty captains.^ Though for some days
the Peers maintained their ground, there was no longer any
March decisive majority even in their own House. When
Adoae on the 17th a division was taken, the numbers were
equal. On this Say tendered the proxy of the absent
Mulgrave, to be used in favour of the restoration of the names
struck out. Essex, on the other side, produced the proxy of
his brother-in-law Clanricarde.* Clanricarde, it was now urged,
was a Catholic, and his vote was therefore worthless. An
attempt was then made to dispute the validity of Mulgrave's
Match iB. P''"''!'' '^"* '* *'^^ found impossible to maintain the
Thr natnea objection, and on the 1 8th, Clanricarde's proxy
having been ruled to be of no avail, the names of
the Independent officers were restored by a single vote.*
So well were the Commons satisfied with their victory that
Lords ^^^ appointed a committee to draw up a declaration
lobe expressive of their gratitude to the Lords, and of
their own wish to preserve the liberty and indepen-
' Three Speeches. E. 273, 3.
• L.J. vii. 268; Whilacre's Diary, Add. MSS. 31,116, fol. 19S, 198b.
' He was Earl of St. Albans in the English peerage,
' L.J. vii. 268, tJ2-^TJ ; Sabran to Brienne, "^,[^, Harl. MSS. 546,
foL tSlb; D'Ewcs's Diary, Harl. MSS. 165, fol, 19J.
1 88 SECOND SELF-DENYING ORDINANCE, CH. xxviiu
dence of the Peers.* Now that the Peers were ready to comply
with the wishes of the Commons, the Commons had no longer
any object to gain by reducing the two Houses to a single
assembly.^
On March 24 the new Self- Denying Ordinance was brought
into the House of Commons by the committee appointed to
March ^^aw it up. Its form had probably been affected by
The second the termination of the conflict between the Houses.
Self-
Denying The question whether Essex and Manchester should
inancc. ^^^^^ \}[i€\x commands had virtually been settled by
the appointment of Fairfax and Skippon. Whatever might be
. the military titles of the two peers, they would no longer have
armies to follow them to the field.^ Such a position would be
not only irksome to themselves, but it might under unforeseen
circumstances be troublesome to the community. It was
therefore desirable that the two lords should be removed from
their nominal commands, and if members of the Upper House
were displaced members of the House of Commons could
hardly expect to remain in office. Yet if the new Ordinance
was to be drawn up on the lines of the old one, it must avoid
the objection which the Lords had taken to the terms in which
the original Ordinance had been couched. Members of either
House were no longer to be disqualified from office ; they were
simply to be required, within forty days after the passing of the
Ordinance, to resign any post conferred by the existing Parlia-
ment. Not a word was said to prevent their re- employment,
and recent experience had shown that, whenever the Commons
were in earnest about a matter, it was not hard for them to
force the hand of the Peers.*
» C.J. iv. 83. • See p. 106.
* Especially as, on March 1 1, the Lords had consented to an ordinance
empowering Fairfax to take what officers or soldiers he pleased out of the
armies of Essex, Manchester, or Waller. Fairfax had it, therefore, in his
power to leave all the three without a single soldier. L.J. vii. 269.
* L.J, vii. 302. The '•name, Self -Denying Ordinance^ was never
applied by contemporaries to the first Ordinance. The first notice I
have found of it as applied to the second is in The Scottish Dove of April
4. E. 276, 15. "The Self-Denying Ordinance— for so I may call it —
is passed."
1645 OBJECTIONS OF THE LORDS. 189
Before the new Ordinance was ready to be despatched to
the Lords, the declaration which was to smooth away all
March as. aspcrities was transmitted to them. The Peers
SMle'*****" were told that the Commons detested the very idea
Commons, of Overthrowing their order, and that they held
themselves as much bound to uphold their liberties as to
An ordi- prcservc their own. Unluckily this declaration was
nance for accomoanicd by an ordinance for granting to Fairfax
gi anting a . o o
commisson a commission authorising him to carry on war. A
**' close scrutiny revealed the omission of the directions
which had been given to Essex in his original commission to
wage war for the preservation of the King's person. To this
Objection of omission the Lords objected. Parties were, however,
the Lords, ^qq equally balanced in their House to enable them
to maintain the objection. According to the rumours of the
day, personal as well as political rivalries were engaged in the
March 18. Struggle. Northumberland, who took the side of
u?£nd"* ^^^ Commons,* had recently been appointed to the
fhe Kin"'?*^ guardianship of the King's two youngest children,
children. who wcre in the custody of Parliament, a post which
was before long rewarded with a salary of 3,000/. a year.^ At
Rumour of the Same time a report gained credit that, in case
todelxSe*^" of the King's protracted refusal to come to terms,
the King. ^h^ Parliamentary leaders would place the crown on
the head of the Duke of Gloucester, and would confer on
Northumberland the office of Ix)rd Protector.^
* Those who shared the views of the Commons sufficiently to re-
cord their protests were Northumberland, Kent, Pembroke, Nottingham,
Salisbury, Say, Wharton, North, and Howard. That Pembroke's name
should appear on this list is the strongest evidence of his want of prin-
ciple.
« L.J. vii. 279, 327.
• "Veramente se si considera bene il procedere del Parlamento, si
concluder^ che habbino volont4 a poco a poco di sma^'cherarsi con cambiar
il Re nella persona di questo Duca," i.e. the Duke of Gloucester, **et fare
durante la sua minoritli il Conte di Northumberland, hora suo nuovo
Govematore, protettore del popolo et di quelli che aderiscono al cambia-
mento del govemo." Salvetti to Gondi, March ^. Add. A/SS, 27,062.
K, fol. 417.
190 SECOND SELF-DENYTNG ORDINANCE, ch. xxvu&l
Ou April I the transference of a single vote, that of the"
Earl of Bolingbroke, brought with it the submission of the
Lords on the question of Fairfax's commission.'
TbcLonii The Self-Denying Ordinance, which had been
Bi»t w»:k- brougiit up the day before, passed rapidly through
all its stages, and was finally accepted on the 3rd.* On the
^ ^, and, even before it passed, Essex, whose example
ThcStU^ was followed by Manchester and Denbigh, antici-
OniuiMM pated its effect by laying down the generalship which
^"" ' was siili formally his. In a few well-chosen and
EmS Miin- dignified words he vindicated his honesty of purpose,
nSblg'h'™' """^ commended his officers, whose pay had fallen
r»«nih«r much jnto arrears, to the favourable consideration of
the Houses. On the 9th Warwick, who had been
for some time absent from the House, gave in his resignation
April 9. of the office of Lord High Admiral,' and on the
■Sgiiai™. 19th a commission of six lords and twelve members
April 19. o^ '^^ House of Commons was appointed to fulfil
■Hw Adini- the duties of the post.* The two Houses found it
cDininiaLD. more difficult to arrive at an understanding as to the
actual command of the fleet. The Commons not very wisely
wished it to be undertaken by a commiitee of three persons.
Mnyr. The Lords replied that it would be better to entrust
J|J5,^he^' it to a single person, and added a recommendation
J^addcd '^' ^^ single person should be one of themselves,"
by a peer, being thus the first of the two Houses to call atten-
tion to the fact that the second Self-Denying Ordinance did
not, like the first, permanently exclude from office. The
May IS. Commons in reply directed the new Admiralty Com-
^'i^Dd mission to appoint Captain Batten to command as
tiM a««. Vice-Admiral. They took this step without consult-
ing the Upper House. As L.ere were twelve commoners to
six peers on the commission, they were able to count on their
orders being obeyed.*
■ L.J. viL 289-29S I Salvetli's Newsletteia, April /j. Add. MSS.
27,962, K. fol. 4asb; D'Ewes's Diajy, Harl. MSS. 166, fol. 197.
' L.J. viL 302. • Ibid. viL 311 * Ibid. 327,
* Aid. 3S;. • C.J. iv. 144.
1*45 SUBMISSION OF THE LORDS. i;i
Tlius closed the long struggle which had at one time
threatened to rend the Parliamentary party in twain, and to
N.mreof 'ay it dishonoured and degraded at the feet of the
.ht.miggi'^ King.1 If the authors of the Self-DenyiJig Ordi-
nance and of the New Model had gained the upper hand, it
was because from first to last they had an intelligent conception
of the conditions of action. The stern logic of facts hod driven
the Presbyterians to follow in the track marked out beforehand
by the Independents.
There was no delay in using the powers which had at last
been fully given to Fairfax, The first attempt to embody the
April s. old soldiers in the new army was made at Reading,
S^y"i. where Essex's five regiments were quartered together
ductd. with a few companies which had formerly served
under Robanes. The men had of late been giving signs of a
mutinous disposition, and it was not without apprehension that,
on April 5, Skippon, to whom the work of reorganisation had
been entrusted, summoned them before him. His declaration
that justice should be done to all claims produced a favourable
effect. The whole of the rank and file consented willingly to
the terms of the new service, and even some of the sergeants
jnd corporals agreed to enlist as privates. In his report to
Parliament Skippon attributed the bad spirit which had hitherto
prevailed to the necessitous condition of the officers, and to
the evil effect of their discontent upon the men.'
' There is an enfiy in Ihe Command Journati (iv. 96), under the dote
of April %, lo the effect that ihe Earl of Manchester's answer to the
chaise relaling lo Newbury and Donnlnglon should be reported. It might
Ik inferred from ihis that some of Manchester's opponents still intended to
prolong the personal attack upon him. The true explanation is given
by D'Ewes (A'oj-/. MSS. 166, fol. T17)- Compensntion for their losses
consequence of the war had been voted lo Essex and Denbigh, but w.
proposal to compensnte Manchester was resisted on the ground that his
estates had not been ravaged \yj the enemy. It was Manchester's ally.
Sir William Let, is, whs moved that the report on Manchester's answer
should be read, evidently with the inlenlion ol giving him the opportunity
of attacking the Independents in relum. The matter, however, proceeded
' Several Letters. E. 277, 8.
192 THE NEW MODEL ARMY. CH. xxviii.
There could be little doubt that the change from destitution
to regular pay would be as welcome to the regiments of the
. .. other commanders as it was to those of Essex. On
Apnl lo.
Waller's April i6 a Icttcr from Waller was read in the House
comp ain ^^ Commous. He piteously complained of his un-
happy condition. His soldiers, for want of pay, were deserting
in large numbers, and those who remained refused obedience
to his orders. His wretched plight, he added, *made him
desirous rather to give his Yea and No in the House of Com-
mons than to remain amongst his troops so slighted and
disesteemed by them.' *
Waller had his wish. His men were either sent to garrison
the fortresses of the southern coast or enrolled in the new
^ .. army.* In obedience to the Self- Denying Ordinance
End of ' he quietly took his place on the benches of the
Waller's n / r
command, House of Commous. If he had not the highest
Waller as a qualities of a commander, he came short of them as
commander, ^y^^ through waut of forcc of character as through
defect of military skill. As a master of defensive tactics he
was probably unequalled on either side, and if he had not
Cromwell's gift of compelling attention to his wants, and of
forcing the necessary supplies out of the hands of negligent
officials, he was the first to discern the real cause of the weakness
of the Parliamentary armies, and to propose the remedy which
ultimately proved efficient. Of his steadfastness in action and
his patience in adversity there can be no question. The
ferocity of all-controlling genius was lacking to him.
Of the readiness of Manchester's soldiers, the veterans of
the Eastern Association, to take arms under the new condi-
tions there could be little doubt. Yet the old sol-
chSter's dicrs cvcu of Manchester's army were not all
soldiers. sectaries or Independents. On April 20 Colonel
Re^ta!>^ Pickering, a zealous Independent, arrived at Abing-
in ^colwid ^^^ ^^ commaud one of the newly-formed regiments.
The men had no objection to take military orders
» Whitacre's Diary, Add. MSS, 31,116, fol. 205. A petition from
Waller's officers stated that during a service of two years they had received
but six weeks* pay. Perfect Passages. E. 260, 20,
- The Com. of B. K. to Waller, April 17. Com. Letter Book.
i645 A PREACHING COLONEL. 193
from him, but when their new colonel proceeded to preach a
sermon to them they broke into mutiny.*
At Westminster the general feeling was startled by the pro-
ceedings at Abingdon. Both Houses concurred in passing
rapidly an ordinance which prohibited laymen from
Laymen preaching, and these injunctions were forwarded to
^m " Fairfax with strict orders to see that they were ob-
preaching. ggrved in the army.* He was told that he was
expected to enforce obedience * now that the State hath been
so careful to provide constant pay.' *
* Constant pay ' might indeed be expected to work wonders.
Without it all hope of maintaining discipline must be aban-
Constant doncd. If the old soldiers were not all under the
^y* influence of Puritan zeal, what was to be said of
the new recruits? As many as 8,460 were needed to fill
the ranks, and no attempt was made to obtain them by
voluntary enlistment The Committee of Both Kingdoms
March! O'^d^^'cd ^^ county committees to impress the re-
Recruits quired number, taking special care that the recruits
were * of able bodies, and of years meet for their
employment, and well clothed ' * in those scarlet coats which
from henceforth became the uniform of the English soldier.'^
Of their spiritual condition not a word was said. In London,
at least if the statements of the French ambassador are to be
trusted, young men were seized in the streets and carried off
forcibly to serve against the King.®
It would take much to reduce such elements to order. The
Kentish recruits rose upon their conductors, seized on a gentle-
April 10. man's house near Wrotham, and bade defiance to all
in Kent. comcrs. It was only after they had been attacked
* Whitacre*s Diary, Add, MSS, 31,116, fol. 207 ; D'Ewes'S Diary,
Harl, JkfSS. 166, fol. 204b.
* €,/. iv. 123 ; L,/, vii. 337. « C./. iv. 126.
* The Com. of B. K. to the Deputy Lieutenants and Committee of
Essex, &c., March 19. Com, iMter Book.
* Perfect Passages, E. 260, 32. The fact was first pointed out by the
Hon. J. W. Fortescue in Macmilian's Magazine, Sept. 1893.
' Sabran to Brienne, April ^. Add, MSS, 5,461, fol. 174.
VOL. II. O
194 THE NEW MODEL ARMY, CH. xxvill.
in form by a military force that they submitted to their fate.*
Parties of Hertfordshire men roamed about the county, corn-
April «8. mitting outrages wherever they came. A dozen of
HeltfSS."* ^^ offenders were brought before the justices at
»*»»«'«• St. Albans, and two of the number were condemned
to death. By the direction of the House of Commons the
sentence was put in execution.*
In spite of facts such as these, the popular belief that the
New Model was not merely a Puritan but an Independent
_. ^ army is not without foundation. An army is to a
of the New great extent moulded by its officers, and the officers
of this army were men of a pronounced, and espe-
cially of a tolerant, Puritanism. The officers too had on their
side, if not the whole of the old soldiers, at least those who
were most energetic and most amenable to discipline, more
particularly the sturdier Puritans of the Eastern Association who
were especially numerous in the ranks of the cavalry. It was
by such as these that the whole lump was ultimately leavened.
No attempt was made even to exact the taking of the Cove-
nant from the common soldiers. A clause in the New Model
-. -. Ordinance, it is true, had directed that the Covenant
The omcers ' '
only re- should be tendered to them in accordance with in-
take the structions to be hereafter issued by the Houses. No
^*"*" such instructions were ever issued, possibly because
.to refuse entrance to the ranks to those who were unwilling to
take the Covenant would have opened an easy door of escape
to the pressed men who were driven unwillingly into the army.
As far as the officers were concerned, the Covenant was almost
entirely useless as a test of Presbyterianism. It was capable
of various interpretations, and the conscience of a Puritan
must have been scrupulous indeed had he found any difficulty
in placing his own construction upon it Only one member of
the House of Commons amongst those who remained at their
posts at Westminster after the first months of the Civil War,
Sir Ralph Vemey, refused the Covenant at the end of 1643,
preferring the miseries of exile to the soiling of his conscience.
» The Kingdom's Weekly Inteliigetuer. E. 278, 8.
• C./. iv. 119.
'64S
THE SOLDIER'S PA Y.
'95
I
Only one of those chosen by Fairfax to take a command m
the new army rejected, in 1645, the condition of taking the
uibumi Covenant, which Parliament had imposed upon the
ukethe"' officers. It is hardly necessary to say that the one
CQvtnant. ,,,jjo gave no heed to the convenient interpretations
with which others quieted their consciences was John Lilburne.
Cromwell liked the man, and pleaded hard with him to recon-
sider his determination ; but Cromwell pleaded in vain, and
Lilburne was necessarily excluded from all share in the warfare
of the New Model.'
That the New Model would, under the guidance of Inde-
pendent ofHcers, become ultimately a support to the Inde-
PayafdH pendent party was probable enough. For the present,
"")'■ the matter of supreme importance was that it should
be paid regularly. Paid highly, indeed, it never was. The
foot-soldier received but eightpence a day — a sum which was^
at that time only a penny more than the daily remuneration ol
the agricultural labourer, and which was no more than had been
paid by Elizabeth to her soldiers at the end of her reign, and
by Charles in his expeditions against the Scots." That eight-
pence, however, was no longer to be at the mercy of ttie
spasmodic elTorts of reluctant committee-men, or of scarcely
March 31. less spasmodic efforts of a popular assembly. It was
Kcured oo '" ^c Secured on a fixed taxation, for the full amount
"■atjon ^^ which the counties were to be responsible, and,
S? °°e b '^^* there should be any difficulty in the first starting
ihe cty. of the new financial machinery, the City had agreed
to advance no leas a sum than 8o,ooo/,' In a time of scarcity
and distress, when employment was hard to find, the punctual
payment of even agricultural wages was not to be despised. In
the case of the cavalry, each horseman received two shillings a
day, with the obligation of providing for his horse, One-quarfer
of this sum was, however, retained to be paid at some future
' Innocency and Truth juslifitd, p. 46. E. 314, 21
' Otoec, msiaty Antiguiliis, i. 191, 296 ; Rnger'
Wnrk and W^s, 42; [ Com. 9/ B. K. Day Book, Jan
• L.J. vii. 193.
196 THE NEW MODEL ARMY. ch. xxviiL
date, and the gradual accumulation of arrears served as an
additional security against desertion.
It was not only through the religion of its officers that the
New Model bade fair to be Independent in its character.
Nodisiinc- Independency was something more than the procla-
lan"k*fn the ^ation of a religious principle. It implied a con-
Wew Model, tempt for distinctions of rank unaccompanied by
merit or public service. " I had rather," Cromwell had once
said, " have a plain russet-ccated captain that knows what he
fights for, and loves what he knows, than that which you call a
gentleman, and is nothing else. I honour a gentleman that
is so indeed." ^ Cromwell's principle was carried out in the
selection of officers for the New Model. No distinction of
rank was recognised, as there was no minute inquiry into diver-
sities of creed. Amongst the new military leaders were Hewson
the cobbler and Pride the drayman ; but the gentry of England
were largely represented in the list of officers. It lias been
calculated that *out of thirty-seven generals and colonels'
who took part in the first great battle, * twenty-one were com-
moners of good families, nine were members of noble fisunilies,
and only seven were not gentlemen by birth.' ^
Such was the army sent forth in the hope of wresting victory
from the King. If there was in it a danger to political liberty,
it was a danger which no one suspected at the time,
danger nofc and which, SO far as it is inherent in all military
t oug t o . Qi-ganisation, dated from 1642 rather than from
1645.
It is well for those who are opening the floodgates of civil
war to ask themselves whether the attainment of the objects at
which they aim is worth the risk of military intervention in
affairs of State. It can never be worth while, when war has
once been commenced, for either side to keep its army weak
and disorganised merely to avoid the danger of its throwing its
Bword into the balance of political parties.
* Cromwftll to Spring and Barrow, Sept. 1643. Carlyle^ Letter XVL
« Markham, The Great Lord Fairfax^ 199.
I
I
CHAPTER XXIX.
THE NEW MODEL ARMY IN THE FIELI>.
Improved as was the financial outlook at Westminster, there
was still much to be done to meet the ever growing expenses of
April. the war. Local forces and garrisons had to be pro-
fi.Mciai vided for, and the engagement of the Houses for the
po^iuon. payment of the Scottish armies in England and
Ireland had, if possible, to be met. Every source of revenue
was largely anticipated, and no fresh means of raising moiiey
April .3. came amiss. On April 23 the Committee of Both
^fttMd Kingdoms reported to the Commons that there were
pictuiM. pictures at York House which had been collected by
the late Duke of Buckingham, and which were now valued at
1 2,000/. If half of these were sold, 6,000/. would be available
for the forces in Ireland. A squeamish member, indeed, ob-
jected that 'most of those pictures were either superstitious or
lascivious, and that it was not fit to make benefit of the super-
stitious ones, but rather to have them burnt,' Possibly, but
for an unexpected obstacle, the House might have decided to
sell the pictures which were merely lascivious — especially as
even the objecting member does not appear to have thought
of asking that these should be committed to the flames.
Nonhuoi. Northumberland, who was the tenant of York
^^^ House, and whose vote, in the balanced state of
"^- parties in the House of Lords, was too precious to
be lost, stopped the proposed sale oF the Titians and Rubenses
which had been acquired by Buckingham in the days of his
splendour, by declaring that without them the rooms occujiied
by himself would be unfit for habitation, and that, if he had ig
198 NEW MODEL ARMY IN THE FIELD, CH. XXIX.
remove to another house, he should expect the House of
Commons to pay his rent.*
Low as was the Parliamentary treasury, its contents were
wealth itself when compared with the deplorable destitution of
^^ the King. In the early part of the war some ad-
Royaiist vantage had been procured to the royal cause by the
raising systcm undcr which local contributions had been
i»upp »es. p^.^ over, not to county committees, but to the local
military commanders, who were most deeply interested in
enforcing payment in full. As the exhaustion of the country
increased this system recoiled on those who employed it
When money was not forthcoming, houses were sacked and
their inmates exposed to every species of indignity. In the
West Grenvile and Goring were earning for themselves a
specially evil name by their cruelty and extortion.
To authority of every kind Goring was essentially un-
amenable. On April ii Rupert appeared at Bristol to take
April XI. counsel with the Prince. As a result of the con-
SdereVo*** sultation, a letter was written to Goring in the
Goring. Prince's name, proposing that he should place his
infantry and artillery at the disposal of Grenvile, who was now
in the neighbourhood of Taunton, and was preparing to besiege
the place. Goring himself at the head of his cavalry was to
sweep over the Wiltshire downs, thus covering the siege opera-
tions against a possible advance of the enemy.^ GoriTig replied
in a long sulky letter,^ objectinfi; to the whole scheme.
Goring ^^ , . , . . - «...
refuses He then, without waitmg for an answer, sent off his
lencc. ^^^^ towards Taunton, and rode off to Bath to
recruit his health, there being, as he said, nothing else left for
him to do. His conduct was the more extraordinary as he
had himself previously signified his approbation of the very
proposal which he now refused to execute. "Well," was
Hyde's reply, " you generals are a strange kind of people. .
• •
> C.y. iv. 121 ; Whitacre*s Diary, Add, MSS. 31,116, fol. 206b.
* The Prince's letter has not been preserved, but its purport may be
gathered from the ensuing correspondence, and from Clarendon, ix. 13.
• Goring to Culpepper, April 1 1. Ciar. MSS, l866« Clarendon in*
accurateiv calls it a * short sullen letter.*
I64S GO/fWG AND HYDE. 1«
For God's sake, let us not fall mto ill humours which may
us dear. Get good thoughts aljout you, and let us hear
199 ^^H
ear ^H
speedily from you to a better tune." ' The probable explana-
tion of Goring's fit of ill-temper is that he was aware that
' Hyde tu Goiing, Apdl 12. Ciar. MSS. 1868,
200 NEW MODEL ARMY IN THE FIELD. CH. xxix.
Rupert had been consulted by the Prince, and that he was
jealous of any military authority higher than his own.
At this crisis of the western campaign, when one military
system on the Parliamentary side had broken down and that
which was to replace it was being slowly brought into existence,
the leaders at Westminster were well served by Goring's insub-
ordination. They could not hope that Rupert would give
them as much assistance. Since his return from
recruits his Bristol he had been hanging about Gloucester and
army. Hereford, pressing soldiers and preparing for vigorous
action. It was known that Charles was making ready at
Oxford to join his nephew, and there was no slight alarm at
Westminster lest the enemy might be ready to take the field
before the New Model was in a position to stir.
Naturally the thoughts of all who dreaded this result
turned to the only soldier who had beaten Rupert in the field.
It can hardly be doubted that some at least had
Cromwell to , , ^ j t • • r • - ^ ii<
be opposed already formed the mtention of retammg Cromwell s
services in that lieutenant-generalship of the New
Model for which he was so eminently qualified. For the pre-
sent it was possible for Parliament to avail itself of his skill as
a cavalry officer without in any way infringing upon the Self-
Denying Ordinance, as the forty days over which his command
was extended after the passing of that measure had not yet
expired.
On April 20, therefore, Cromwell received orders to throw
himself to the west of Oxford, stationing himself so
Cromwell's as to interrupt the passage of the King's train of
artillery which Maurice was about to convoy from
Oxford to his brother at Hereford.*
In carrying out these instructions Cromwell was certain to
do all possible damage to the enemy on the way. On the
. 23rd he was at Watlington at the head of 1,500
Ciomweii at horse, whcncc pushing forwards in a north-westerly
Watlington. ,. ^. , , . ^ ^ ,
direction, he eagerly interrogated every passenger
whom he met. He soon learnt that Maurice had not yet
arrived at Oxford to take charge of the artillery, but that
' The Com. of B. K. to Cromwell, April 20. Com, Letter Book.
'645
A PROSPEROUS RAID.
Northampton was quartered at Islip with a strong body of
horse. He at once made for Islip, only to find that Northamp-
ton had been warned in lime and had ridden off lo a place of
safety. The nest morning, however, Northampton
returned with reinforcements, but only lo be routed
with heavy loss. A party of the defeated Royalists
took refuge in Blechington House. The place was strongly
fortified, and Cromwell, though he sent in a peremptory sum-
mons, was fully aware that, being without either foot or artil-
lery, he was powerless to enforce the acceptance of his demand
for surrender. The governor, young Windebank, a son of
wrren- Charles's former Secretary of State, shaken, it is said,
of^BiKh- jjy (jjg terrors of his young wife, and of a parly oi
Boj«. ladies from Oxford whom he was entertaining, !ost
heart and surrendered the fortress entrusted to his care. On
*nrii 35. his arrival at Oxford he was hurried before a council
r'lntd" °^ ™^^ ^"'^ condemned lo death. This time Charles,
often so merciful, was obdurate, and on May 3 Che
cj JxM.' young officer was shot in the Castle garden.'
After this exploit Cromwell swept round Oxford, defeating
Sir William Vaughan at Bampton, and attempting by sheer
force of audacity to drive Faringdon Castle to sur-
nweii' render. The commander of the castle, unlike young
iviuiam Windebank, kept his head cool, and Cromwel! not
8'"^ having the means at hand to suit the action to the
word, was compelled to lea,ve the achievement unaccomplished.
Yet, in spite of this rebuff, his raid had been completely suc-
cessful. By sweeping off all the ciraught horses in the country
through which he passed, he had rendered it impossible for
Maurice to remove the heavy guns from Oxford for
some days to come. Charles's plan for an early
*'""*"" opening of the campaign was entirely disarranged,
and Cromwell, knowing that it was no longer necessary for
him to expose himself to Rupert's attack by remaining between
Oxford and Hereford, rode off towards Fairfax's army, pre-
' Cromwell to the Com. of B. K. April 25 1 Cromwell to Fairbx,
April a* ; Ca-.-lylt, Letter XXV. and App. No. s ; Dugdalis Diary.
2CXI AEjy MODEL ARMY IN THE FIELD. CH. xxix.
pared to hand over the command of the cavalry to his successor
as soon as his own term of office was at an end.^
It was not Charles's military projects alone which were
baffled. The fine web of diplomacy in which he took delight
FaUureofhu was giving way in all directions. The Prince of
diplomacy. Qrangc, indeed, still professed his readiness to serve
him, but Frederick Henry was but the first magistrate of a
republic The Dutch statesmen set ttiemselves strongly against
The army of ^ proposal which Charles's agent, Goffe, had been
Lorrainers instructed to make, that the Duke of Lorraine's army
throughthe should pass through Dutch territory, and be trans-
^ ported to England in Dutch shipping.^ Goffe was
accordingly bidden to ask Mazarin to allow the Duke to em-
bark at Dieppe ; but there was not much probability that
Mazarin would agree to a scheme which would compromise
him with the English Parliament* Nor was much more to be
expected from the Queen's machinations at Paris. Henrietta
Maria was driven to acknowledge that her husband was in the
right when he described O'Hartegan as a knave. The Royal-
Despond- ists of her court were far more despondent than she
RoyaTuu Si ^^ herself. " I cannot see," wrote one of them to
Paris. a friend in England, " that you can expect any con-
siderable help from abroad." The French clergy, indeed, had
promised large contributions ; but it was more than doubtful
whether they would fulfil their engagements. " The Irish," he
continued, " promise great matters. They are false, and your
condition there will be little better than in England." *
Irish, French, Dutch, or Ix)rrainers were all one to Charles
if only they would help him to regain his crown. Bom of a
' Perfect Occurrences^ E. 260, 27 ; Cromwell to Burgess, April 29 ;
Cariyie, Letters XXVI. and XXVII. ; Digby to Rupert, April 29, Add.
MSS. 18,982, fol. 46.
* See p. 172.
• Jermyn to Digby, ^J^f; Goffe to Jennyn, April &, ^ J|, S.P.
Dom,
« The Queen to the King, ^^^ft Letters of Henrietta Marta^ 299;
Wood to Webb, ^^-f , S.P. Dom. dvL 83.
|64S CHARLES AND MONTROSE. aoj
Scottish father and a Danish mother, with a grandmother who
was half French by birth and altogether French by breeding,
Charles's ^ith a Frcnch wife, with German nephews and a
fw^o^ Dutch son-in-law, Charles had nothing in him in
feeling. touch with that English national feeling which is too
often the mother of much narrowness of view and of much
cruelty and injustice to alien races, but which no ruler of
England can afford to despise.
Of all the hopes which Charles set upon distant aid, his
expectation of assistance from Montrose was the one upon
which he counted the most Scarcely had he re-
from ceived the despatch which announced the defeat of
Argyle at Inverlochy before he sent off a letter to
Charles the victor. The bearer was a Scottish gentleman
m^^ageto named Small, who made his way safely through
Montrose. England and the Lx>thians in the disguise of a Ijcg-
gar. The letter has not been preserved, but so far as its pur-
port can be discovered, it seems to have held out ho{)es that
Charles would make his way northward at the head of hif
army, and that he expected Montrose to join him in the Ixm*
lands.^ A body of 500 horse under Sir Philip Musgrave waw
to be despatched to strengthen Montrose in the arm in which
he was most deficient*
Whether Montrose were successful or not in breakinff
through into the Lx>wlands, he had already affected the coufMe
of the English war. Neither Tippermuir nor Alnrrdecn had no
* "By these letters" — ue, by Montrose's reply which w«s intrrcrplrd
— <*the Committee came to know, what they never hafl thfni|{h( uw^ vl««
how (the King's business being so forlorn in England thot he ctnild not
make head against his enemies there) his Majesty designed to cotiie with
his army to Scotland, and to join Montrcnte ! that so this cmini ry \\p\x\^
made the seat of war, his enemies might be forced t<» an occotnmodtiilotii
to free their land from a burden which it could not stand uttd«ri"
Gutkrys Memoirs f 147.
* "Had I but for one month," Montrose wrote sulm«(|Mfnfly ti>
Charles, "the use of those 500 horse, I could have seen you lit^fo^i* (li«
time that this could come to your hands with 20,000 of th^ Ijest this king'
dom can afford." Montrose to the King, Apiil S0« Miftt Aulkm*
£. 286, 17.
•04 ATEW^ MODEL ARMY IN THE FIELD. CH. xxix.
alarmed the Scottish Government as to induce them to with-
draw troops from England. Inverlochy was a defeat of far
greater proportions. Leven was accordingly directed to de-
BaUiie and ^P^^^^ P^^ ^^ ^^s forcc undcr Baillic and the double
Hurry de- rcncgadc Hurry to deal with Montrose as only dis-
to oppose ciplined soldiers could deal with him. Leven's army
onroie. .^ England was thereby weakened and an oppor-
tunity was afforded to Charles of striking a blow in the North
of England at the diminished forces of the Scots before
Fairfax was ready to stir.
It was this hopeful plan which had been frustrated by
Cromwell. On April 24 Rupert adjured his uncle to join him
^j at once, in order that the combined armies might
Rupert march to deliver Chester and Pontefract, as well as
cSdesto the other garrisons of the North. To defeat Leven's
'***" army was an almost necessary preliminary to the
accomplishment of this task. Whether Rupert intended to
follow up this enterprise with a march into Scotland or with an
attack upon the isolated New Model army in England must
remain unceitain, though as far as can be judged from his sub-
sequent conduct, the latter plan would have had his personal
preference.^
However this may have been, an immediate start from
Oxford was out of the question. Charles mournfully answered
that the draught horses on which he had relied to
The Kin^' drag his artillery had all been carried off, and that
**""° * ' more than four hundred were needed for his heavy
guns and waggons. Rupert must therefore hasten to Oxford
collecting the necessary horses on the way. As even Rupert's
cavalry would be insufficient to protect the King's march when
at last it was undertaken. Goring must be directed to abandon
the operations round Taunton, and to come to the support of
the royal army.*
> Rupert's letter is only known through Digby's answer.- Digby to
Rupert, April 29. Add, MSS, 18,982, fol. 46.
* •* The late ill accidents here hy Cromwell . . . have for the present
totally disabled the King to move towards your Highness, both l^ want
of a strength to convoy him and the train safe [to ?] you and* by making
i64S THE DEFENCE OF THE WEST. 205
When the King's orders reached Goring Jhey found him
once more at his duty. The prospect of relieving the King in
April 30. his difficulties may have tickled his vanity, and he
Gormg sets probably counted on the favour likely to accrue to
Oxford. iiini in case of success to bring him within easy
reach of the chief object of his ambition, the supreme com-
mand in the West. On the 30th he announced that in two
days he would be between Faringdon and Oxford with 2,000
horse. ^ It is by no means unlikely that Goring's alacrity was
quickened by his knowledge that steps were being taken to
levy an army in the West under influences other than his own.
A rii 2 ^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^ Prince of Wales arrived at Bridg-
The Prince water, whcrc he was met by the commissioners of
of Wales at , . . ^ , . .
Bridgwater, the four wcstcm countics. On the next morning the
April 24. commissioners declared their readiness to raise an
Ut^SdS army of 8,000 men in addition to the guard which
the West, ^g^g jq accompany the Prince and to the forces in
the garrison towns.^ Even if this army never came into
it impossible to get draught horses in these parts ... we wanting as yet,
though all diligence hath been used, four hundred, though we should
leave the four field pieces behind us. The first difficulty of convoying
the King and train safe, I hope, may be removed by Goring*s advance
with his horse, who is sent for ; but how to be supplied with teams unless
you furnish them out of those parts, I cannot imagine. Upon the whole
matter, Sir, I do not think it possible for the King to move towards you,
unless you can advance such a body this way as may make us masters ot
the field, and sweep before you these necessary draught horses through
the countries which you pass, or that you can find means for raising and
convoying them safe to Oxford with a less force, whilst Goring, coming
up to us, shall entertain this field power of the rebels, in either of which
cases we shall be ready at a day's warning to move which way soever you
shall judge advantageous ; whereas otherwise the reputation of CromwelPs
successes is already likely to draw such swarms out of London upon us,
and the King will be in hazard of being suddenly besieged in this place."
Digby to Rupert, April 29. Add. MSS, 18,982, fol. 46. The greater
part of this quotation is in cipher. Compare Digby to Rupert, April 27 ;
Warburton^ iiL 77 ; and Nicholas to Rupert, April 29, Add. MSS.
18,982, fol. 48.
* Goring to Berkshire, April 3a Clarendon MSS. 187a
* Minute of the commissioners* declaratioD, April 24. Warburton^
til 8a
2o6 NEW MODEL ARAfY IN THE FIELD, CH. xxix.
existence, there were forces in Somerset over which Goring
SirR. found it difficult to exercise control. Sir Richard
wSSdJd. Grenvile had at last arrived to besiege Taunton,
Sir I. Berice- ^^^ though he was scriously wounded in an attack
Taunuin^r ^^ Wellington House and forced to leave the field,
second time, the Princc's council disappointed Goring by confer-
ring upon Sir John Berkeley the command over the besieging
force.*
The opening of a second siege of Taunton was too serious
a matter to be passed over lightly at Westminster. Fairfax was
April 30. at once ordered to relieve the town with as many
Sl'^out to regiments of the New Model as he was able to mus-
reiieveit. ^^^ On April 30 the * rcbcls' ncw brutish general,'
as Charles contemptuously styled him,^ set out from Windsor
Maya, ^t the head of ii,ooo men. On the evening of
F-lrfiS^^aSd ^ay 2 ^^ "^^' Cromwell at Newbury.* On the
Cromwell, same night a party of Cromwell's horse was sur-
rounded in the dark by Goring's advancing troopers, and a
loss inflicted on them which was magnified at Ox
Goring at ford into a considerable disaster.* Whilst Goring
halted at Faringdon, Rupert and Maurice with 2,000
RutJrtat horse and foot made their appearance at Burford.
Oxford. Q^ ^j^g following morning the two princes rode into
Oxford to confer with the King.-^
The movements of Goring and Rupert had changed the
whole military situation. For some weeks Charles had been
strong in Somerset and on the Welsh border, and
the military weak at Oxford. He was now strong at Oxford and
wtuation. ^g^j^ jji Somerset and on the Welsh border. A
general worthy of the name holding an independent command
over the Parliamentary army would not only have seen at a
glance that the alteration of the enemy's dispositions necessi-
* Clarendon, ix. 15.
» The King to the Queen, May 4. ICtng*s Cabinet Opened, p. 3. E.
J92, 27.
" Yonge*8 Diary, Add, MSS, i8,7?o, fol. 15.
* Sprigg's AngHa Rediviva, 18 ; Clarendon, ix. 28k
* Dugdale^s Diary,
1^43
FAIRFAX UNDER CONTPOL.
I
I
lated an alteration of his own, but would at once have acted
, upon his knowledge. Yet Fairfax plodded on with
cotiiinuia. his whole force to the relief of Taunton as if it still
■ needed the presence of ii.ooo men to set free
i^d ^mJ^ the beleaguered town. On May 7 he arrived at
"'''"""■'"^■Elandford.'
It was not, however, the fault of Fairfax that so great a folly
was committed. He had no real control over 1
Fairf« hm °^ ^^^ army. The Committee of both Kingdoms,
noconiroi indeed, had not repeated its blunder of the preced-
movtmeais ing year by placing the actual command in commis-
iinnny. ^j^^ ^^^ .J j^^ retained the management of the
campaign in its own hands. With Essex and Manchester as
Htisjub- "lenibers of their body they were hardly hkely to err
i^mmmi!" '" ""^ direction of rashness ; but even if their gene-
ralship had been all that was to be desired, it was
impossible for a body fixed at Westminster to keep
touch of the enemy or to provide for those sudden changes
which task the alertness even of a general in the field. Al-
Mayj. though it was known to the Committee on April 29
Fafrf^'w that Goring was setting out for Oxford,' they did not
*"" take alarm till May 3, when they prepared orders
for Fairfax to halt. Even then the official delays in communi-
cating their decision to the Houses were such that it was not
Msy s. till the 5th that positive directions were transmitted
»™m'Kni '° ^'"^ ^° hasten back eastwards, sending forward a
to him. mere detachment for the relief of Taunton.^ In the
meanwhile the King was left at Oxford unembarrassed by the
presence of any enemy whom he dared not face.
From Blandford a body of five or six thousand men under
Colonels Weldon and Graves were despatched to Taunton.
There was no time to be lost. On the 8th the besiegers
' Sf"gS< 33*-
' The Com. of B. K. to Cromwell, April 29. Com. Utter Boci. The
Committee roust have had secret inl el licence from Oxfoid to have known
il so eaily,' or Goring must have been cm the move before he wrote from
Wells on the joih.
' Com. of B. K. to Fairfai, May 3, 5. Cbbi. letter Booi.
2o8 NEW AfODEL ARMY IN THE FIELD. CH. XXIX
delivered a general assault and scaled the wall Blake bad
Mav7 already prepared for the misfortune, and the assail-
A relieving ants found themselves confronted by an inner line
force sent r ■% r -ttii ii«
to Taunton, of defence. Unable to pass over the obstacles in
May 8. their way, they contrived to set fire to some houses ;
repu^*' but the wind blew the flames into their faces and
compelled them lo withdraw. On the following
Partial moming a fresh attempt was more successful, and a
success. lYixxd part of the town perished in the flames. Yet,
in desperate case as he was, the indomitable Blake continued
his resistance. Whether he knew or not that relief was at hand,
the besiegers knew it, and even exaggerated the numbers of the
May II. approaching force. On the nth, just as Blake had
Scond s!e'e cxhaustcd his ammunition, the Royalists, for the
H\ Taunton, sccond time, broke up the siege and moved hastily
iway.
Outside the walls the relieving force was saddened by the
spectacle of devastated fields and deserted villages. Inside
was the heroic garrison under its trusty leader.* Blake's
achievement had been no useless display of chivalry. To pre-
serve Taunton was to paralyse the royal forces in the West,
and to paralyse those forces was to deprive Charles of that help
without which he could hardly hope to preserve himself from
desperate failure.
Charles was now able to march whither he would. On
May 7, three days before the fate of Taunton was decided, he
May 7. Tode out of Oxford with Rupert and Goring. A
Sves * courtly astrologer predicted a splendid victory for
Oxford. him, and announced the desolation which was about
to fall on the rebellious city of London.* Yet even after the
accession of the forces under Rupert and Goring, the King could
count in his army no more than ii,ooo men, and it was only by
the ablest generalship that such an army could be made avail-
able against the far superior forces amidst which it was placed.
* Weldon to Fairfax, May 1 1, Two Letters ^ E. 284, 9; A great
vtctoiyy E. 284, 1 1 ; Culpepper to the King, May 1 1 ; Sir J. Digby to
Digby, May 18, S.P, Dom, dvil 7a
'^ Wharton, An AsirologietU judgment, E. 286, 31.
1645
A DIVIDED COUNCIL.
209 1
I
I
How little authority Charles possessed to control the dis-
cordant purposes of his generals was seen at the first council
g of war, held at that same Stow- on -the -Wold where
The councU Esscx and Waller had agreed to part nearly a year .
smw-oii- before.' He was now urged to postpone his northern
' °' ' march, and to throw himself with his whole force
upon Fairfax, who was still believed to be marching upou
' 1 j^/SxT.
""HAsisy
CAM PAIGN
NASEBY
IJj v'^~*jy5^
,^mi^\
"V'i^w
K_^^^
Taunton. The advice may have been good, and the hope that
it might be with Fairfax as it had been with Essex weighed
with the greater part of the commanders to press for its adop-
tion, Rupert, who had conceived the other plan, and Sir
Marmaduke Langdale with the officers of his northern horsey '
210 NEIV MODEL ARMY IN THE FIELD, CH. xxix.
who longed to free their own homes from the enemy, were
eager for a northward march. The old local spirit which had
been exorcised from the Parliamentary ranks was still as strong
in the Royalist armies as when in 1643 it held back Newcastle
from advancing southwards after his victory at Adwalton Moor,
or when it fixed the King before the walls of Gloucester.
Charles, finding no concurrent eagerness in favour of either
scheme, weakly consented to try both. He and Rupert would
turn to the North, whilst Goring was despatched to prove his
fortune in the West, with directions to return to the main army
as soon as he had achieved the victory which he was ready to
claim by anticipation.
Fatal as the division of forces was, it was made more fatal
by the personal jealousies of the commanders. Goring, unless
Rupert and the evidencc of those who knew him well is to be
Goring. distrusted, was far more anxious to obtain an inde-
pendent command than to advance the King's service, whilst
Rupert supported him in gaining his object because he feared
the presence with the King of so glib-tongued a rival. How-
.^ ^ ever this may have been. Goring returned to the West
have with authority \'irtually to exercise the supreme com-
coSISSnd mand. The Prince's councillors were now to be
in t e est. j^j^ humble servants, unable to withstand his plea-
sure. Charles's knowledge of mankind must indeed have been
scanty if he thought that good would result from such an
arrangement*
As Charles marched northwards with diminished numbers,
it became necessary for him to gather reinforcements from
j^ every available quarter. He drew off the garrison
T>ie King's from Campdcn House as he passed, and the stately
mansion, built at an expense of 30,000/. by King
Hou^*° James's silk mercer, the first Lord Campden, was
burnt. burnt by Rupert's orders, lest it should afford a
Th!2lJing at shelter to the enemy.'* On the eleventh the King
Droitwich. arrived at Droitwich. Those who were about him
felt, or affected to feel, the strongest confidence. " We have
» Walker^ 12$ ; Clarendon, ix. 31. • Walker, 126.
great unanimity amongst ourselves," wrote Digby, "and the
rebels great distraction." Charles was more despondent. On
the day on which Digby wrote these words he despatched
Hay I, ^f" Ormond an order once more commanding him,
Digby'9 in niore positive terms than before,' to consent to
the repeal of the penal laws rather than frustrate his
penaiiawsio hope of an Irish peace. "The Irish peace," he
E repfaied. aj^gj^ jj, ^ private letter accompanying this despatch,
" is of so absolute necessity that no compliments nor particular
respects whatsoever must hinder it." *
If there was not — in spite of Digby's assertion — great
unanimity amongst the Royalists and great distraction amongst
Condition of their adversaries, there was at least a failure in ade-
mtnSy^' quately conceiving the military position on the part '
>rm]ei. of the Cotnmittee by which the movements of the
Parliamentary armies were controlled. If there was one lesson
. more than another taught by the past history of the
defeaiing War, it was the uselessness of undertaking sieges
'"^^ whilst the enemy's main army was unbeaten in i
field. It was the victory at Marston Moor which had delivered
almost every northern fortress into the hands of the Parliamen-
tary generals, whilst the want of any similarly decisive victory .
in the South had rendered the sieges of Donnirigton Castle,
j^^ ^^ of Basing House, and of Banbury of no avail. Vet
O'ford la the Committee of Both Kingdoms now proposed to
% Fairfax, cmploy Fairfax and the New Model army in the
Way ... siege of Oxford, leaving to Leven and the Scots the
"lamsr"^ ni^'n burden of marching souihwards to meet the
louihwards. King in the field. It is true that orders were given
to reinforce Leven by a combination of detachments from
various counties— a combination which it might be somewhat
difficult to effect— and by a force of 2,500 soldiers of Fairfax's
army to be sent under the command of Colonel Vermuyden
It was expected that Vermuyden would meet the Scots on
their advance southwards, somewhere in the neighbourhood of
' He had already E'^'^i permission on Feb. 37. Carle's Ormeiu/, v
' The King lo Ormond, Moy 13. Clai-indou MSS. 1875, 1S76.
'3-
212 NEW MODEL ARMY IN THE FIELD. CH. xxix.
Nottingham. Cromwell and Browne were to join Fairfax in
the projected investment of Oxford.*
A plan depending for its success upon the rapid concentra-
tion of forces of two different nationalities and of local levies
Weakness of which had never yet worked together, whilst the
the plan. xozm English army was fixed immovably round Ox-
ford, needs only to be stated to be condemned. Yet, strange
It is Slip. as it may appear, the plan was supported in the teeth
f^de^ndSt o^ ^^^ opposition of the Scottish commissioners ^ by
leaders. those very Independent leaders who had shown
themselves most anxious to bring the war to a close by a
victory in the field.
The fact was that the extraordinary directions given by the
Committee were the result of the not uncommon tendency of
politicians to subordinate military action to political
saviie's intrigue. That old schemer Savile had been at his
intrigues, accustomed work. It is unnecessary to deny that
Savile had a genuine desire for peace, but it is no less certain
that he sought it in the dark and underhand ways which befit
a conspirator. No sooner had he arrived at Westminster, a
fugitive from Oxford, than he sought to come to an under-
standing with the Scots. Finding himself coldly received by
them, he turned to the Independents. His chief correspon-
Newport's ^cnt at Oxford was Lord Newport, and Newport was
information, g^gcr to throw himsclf upon the winning side. He
now informed Savile — if at least Savile is to be believed— that,
could he be assured that the monarchy would be preserved,
there would be no difficulty in bringing about such a military
defection in the King's ranks as would bring the war to a
speedy end. Goring would transfer his services and
bHityofits thosc of the cavalry which he commanded to the
Parliament, and Legge, who had recently been ap-
pointed Governor of Oxford, would open the gates of the city
to a besieging army.
* Com. of B. K. to Fairfax, May lo; Com. of B. K. to Leven, May
13; Com. of B. K. to Cromwell and Browne, May 13; Com. of B. K.
to Vermuyden, May 13. Com, Letter Book,
^ The remonstrance of the Scottish commissioners. L.J, vii. 39a
1645 AN OBEDIENT ARMY. 213
What truth there may have been in Newport's tale about
Goring it is impossible to say. That Legge ever thought of
betraying the trust reposed in him is in the highest degree im-
probable. Yet in spite of the improbability of Savile's infor-
mation, Say, who was an influential member of the Committee
of Both Kingdoms, obtained the appointment of a sub-com-
mittee to receive propositions for the surrender of the King's
fortresses. Though this sub-committee never met for business,
Say, speaking in its name, encouraged Savile in his treachery.
It was also, according to all appearance, on the ground of
hopes founded on that treachery that Say carried with him his
colleagues of the Committee itself in sending Fairfax to besiege
Oxford.^
Whatever risk the Parliamentary authorities might be run-
ning from a defective plan of campaign, they had no longer any
Discipline to fcar from the indiscipline of their army. De-
in the army, gertcrs, mutineers, and plunderers were freely hanged.
A blasphemer had his tongue bored through with a hot iron.
The commander was as prompt to obey as he was to exact
Fairfax obcdiencc. Uncongenial as his task was, Fairfax
obeys orders, submissivcly Carried out his instructions. On May
May 22. 22 he joined Cromwell and Browne at Marston.
Oxford •' . t -r* 1.
Usieged. The preparations for surroundmg the Royalist
stronghold were promptly made. During the following days
shots were exchanged, but it was impossible to commence the
attack in earnest till the necessary siege artillery arrived from
London.^
On the 14th, long before Fairfax arrived before Oxford, the
King moved forward from Droitwich. Good news greeted
him on either hand. In Wales Sir Charles Gerard
The King's had Toutcd Laughamc, had gained Haverfordwest,
movements. . . .« /. «• «• %r . c
and was in good hope of making himself master 01
Milford Haven itself. At Scarborough, Cholmley had sallied
out of the castle. In the fight which ensued Sir John Meldrum,
* Compare Savile's examination, Add, AISS. 32,093, fol. 211, with
the documents printed in Bailliey ii. 487.
* ^P^Sgi ^7» 21 ; A copy of a letter, May 24, E. 285, 17. T7i4
Weekly Account, E. 285, 19 ; A Diary, E. 286, 10.
214 NEW MODEL ARMY IN THE FIELD. CH. xxix.
who, after the reduction of Liverpool, had been sent to com-
Koyai mand the besiegers, received « wound of which he
wl'iSf"* ultimately died.* Charles's own inarch impressed
Sir J. with dismay the Parliamentarians in Cheshire. On
ioi^dS ^^^ ^^^^ Brereton hurriedly raised the sieges of
May 18. Chester and Hawarden Castle. This important
chcstl?***^ news reached Charles on the 22nd just as he was
raised. leaving Drayton.' The first part of his scheme was
thus successfully accomplished.
Whilst Charles was reaping the fruits of his own energetic
action, the plan of the Committee of Both Kingdoms was
Failure of ignominiously breaking down. No sign of treachery
4hc c^°^ ^^ manifested itself at Oxford, whilst the Scots in
g»"e«o/ the North had shown no eagerness to measure
doms. swords with Charles. For some days Lord Fairfax,
I'p^au^to" ^^° ^^ ^^ command of the Parliamentary forces in
Leven. Yorkshire, had been appealing to Leven to hurry to
Manchester in support of Brereton.' On May 21 Leven re-
Ma ai pl^^^ that he intended to take a circuitous route by
Leven way of Wcstmoreland. By no other road could he
resolves to , . . i i .n rrt« »^. •
inarch by drag his caHHon across the hills. The King, he
Wtetmore. Said, probably intended to invade Scotland, and
land. when once the Scottish army was in Westmoreland,
it might support Brereton and cover Scotland as well. What-
ever ground was lost by his present course might be sub-
May 22. sequently recovered. By marching in any other
fnln^ion^ ^^y» ^^ added, in a letter written on the following
of Scotland. (Jay, * we should have left our country altogether
naked.*'* Leven's anxiety, strange as it appeared to Fairfax,
was not merely assumed. Tidings had reached him from
Scotland which were of such a nature as to impose caution
upon the most adventurous commander.
> WTiitacre's B'mry, Add. MSS, 31,116, fol. 2U ; D'Ewes's Diary,
ffarl, MSS, 166, fol. 211.
* Resolutions of the council of war, May 17 ; Brereton to King, May
20, Add, MSS, 11,331, fol. 119b, 138; Walker t 127; Digby to Nicholas,
May 25, S.P, Dom, Walker's statement that the King heard the news
at Stone on the 23rd is plainly wrong.
' Lord Fairfax and the Committee at York to Leven, May 20. S, P.
Dom* dvii. 72. * Leven to Lord Fairfax, May 21. Ibid, dvii, 75.
CHAPTER XXX,
DUNDEE, AULDEARN, AND LEICESTER.
Though the proud boast with which Montrose had closed his
despatch from Inveriochy ' was not yet fulfilled, he had not
loitered over his task. Scarcely was the battle
Frb. won, when he turned sharply back upon Seaforth
Bf.er iQVH- and the northern clans who had blocked his way at
^' the north-eastern end of the great lakes. Not a
armydLi- man of them ventured to await the coming of the
warriors who had smitten down the Campbells
in their pride.
When Montrose reached Elgin he was rejoiced at the
arrival of Huntly's eldest son, Lord Gordon, and also of
j>nj Lord Lewis Gordon, who had fought so ineffectively
Mi^"" at Aberdeen.* If Huntly still kept aloof, his absence
SionuM*. „ag more than compensated for by the presence of
his heir. Lord Gordon had attempted to lead the Covenanters,
and had found that they would have none of him.^ He now
threw himself heart and soul on the side of Montrose, and
became one of his warmest personal admirers. His coming,
however, was more than the gain of a gallant comrade. The
gentry of the name and following of Gordon supplied Mont-
rose with a small but efficient body of cavalry. To Montrose
this was everything now. However eager he might
Hnrryoo be to press forward into the South, and to come to
I " "ay- jj^g jjgjp q£ Charles, he was incapacitated from play-
ing a serious part in Lowland warfare with infantry alone,
especially as a disciplined force, far different from the raw
' See p, iSS.
' See p. 147.
• Seep. 145.
2i6 DUNDEE, AULDEARN, LEICESTER. CH. xxx.
levies which he had crushed at Tippermuir and Aberdeen,
was on the way against him under Baillie and Hurry.
The submission of Lord Gordon was an example not lost
upon waverers. Seaforth and Sir James Grant followed Mont-
Submission ^'ose to Elgin as supplicants for pardon, and did not
a^d gI^ sue in vain. At least they saved their estates from
Plunder of pl^^^^^r. Montrose, as he passed into the South,
the North, had no pay to give his followers, and let them loose
upon the lands of the Covenanters of the North. .From Inver-
ness to Kintore their farms and houses were given over to the
spoiler.*
Montrose's, like Argyle's before him, was a calculated
cruelty. In the Lowlands, however, Argyle's wasting of High-
land glens and burning of the houses of Royalist
and noblemen aroused no resentment, whilst the suffer-
ings of the farmers and burghers of the northern
counties excited fear and indignation in the same classes in the
South. Of their anger the Kirk was the mouthpiece. On the
Montrose ^^^^ Ti'^'^^ from Invcrlochy it hurled its excommu-
excommuni. nication at Montrose's head. On February ii the
declared a Scottish Parliament declared both him and his chief
traitor. supportcrs to be guilty of treason. From that time
Montrose was styled at Edinburgh *that excommunicated
traitor, James Graham.' In the eyes of the clergy and of the
Parliament he was not merely the assailant of the ecclesiastical
and political institutions of the realm. He was also the man
who threatened, with the help of Celtic barbarism, to blot out
the long results of patient toil.
It was, in all probability, at some point in his southward
march that Montrose received the message in which Charles
Montrose promised him the aid of 500 horse under Musgrave,
Charles's and conjurcd him to hasten his march to the
hTuo^ Lothians.' Day after day, however, passed away
posed by without further intelligence of Musgrave's coming,
Hurry. and when Montrose reached Forfarshire he found
his way to the South blocked by Baillie and Hurry. Many
' Wisharty ch. ix, ; Spalding^ ii. 446 ; Patrick Gordon^ 105.
• Sec p. 203.
i
i6i5
MONTROSE AND BAILLIE.
days were spent in manceuvring. Hurry's cavalry was on one
occasion driven in headlong flight, but it was a more diffi-
cult matter to overpower Baillie, a methodical soldier, who
avoided an engagement, and sought to wear his oppgnent out
by forcing him to keep on the defensive. One day when the
two armies were posted near Cupar Angus on opposite banks
A cimiirnBo of the Isla, MotitrosE, in the chivalric fashion of the
loBaiinc antique world, sent Baillie a cha'lenge. He would
allow his antagonist to cross the river unassailed if he wished
2x8 DUNDEE, AULDEARN, LEICESTER, CH. xxx.
to take the offensive, or he would himself cross the stream on
the same conditions. Baillie replied that he would fight when
he thought fit, not when it pleased the enemy.'
In the end Baillie marched away in fiill retreat for Fife.
Instead of following him across the Isla, Montrose turned aside
Montrose at to Dunkcld. By crossing the Tay there he would
Dunkeid. j^^^g ^ Straight course southwards. If he were once
over this obstacle, the Forth would hardly keep him back.
Already in imagination he saw thousands of Lowlanders weary
of the yoke of the Kirk fiocking to his standard as it streamed
across the Border.*
Montrose was too sanguine. His antagonist had almost
gained his object without firing a gun. The Highlanders under-
stood a warfare which consisted in a fierce charge and a hasty
pursuit followed by a speedy return with their plunder to their
native glens. They did not understand a war of manoeuvre,
of the weary occupation of posts, and of patient endurance of
Montrose's Suffering. At Dunkeid Montrose's host melted away
JJJ^y ™^^** almost as rapidly as a Highland host was wont to do
Dunkeid. after the winning of a signal victory. Even the Gor-
dons were discontented, and not a few of them deserted a
leader who had led them so far from home and who had not
as yet repeated the marvels of Inverlochy.'
Before long Montrose had with him no more than 200 horse
and 600 foot upon whom he could count The march into
the Lowlands must be for the present abandoned. His little
force must not be left longer without that booty which was its
* Wishart, ch. ix.
^ <<Taum versus tendit : Fortham etiam, si qua fieri posset, trans-
gressurus, unde auxilia Regi non defutura sperabat." Wishart^ ch. ix.
■ Patrick Gordon (115) denies that Lord Lewis caused the movement
by his own desertion, as is asserted by Wishart, buF he acknowledges that
he wanted to leave the army temporarily on private business, though he
stayed for a time and was present at the retreat from Dundee. W. Gor-
don, in his History of the illustrious Family of Gordon^ ii. 453, asserts,
on the authority of one who was present, that Lord Lewis fought well in
the retreat from Dundee. Wishart cannot be considered accurate, and I
suspect that Lord Lewis left after Montrose had taken and abandoned
Dundee.
' l64S
MONTROSE AT DUNDEE.
219
I
best reward. News — false, as it afterwards appeared —that the
enemy had crossed to the western side of the Tay, led him to
suppose that all to the east of the river was at his mercy.
Taking with him a picked force of 600 musketeers
He iMves' and 150 horse, he started from Dmikeld before dawn
on the morning of April 3. Crossing the Isla, he
marched through Cupar Angus on Dundee, On the 4th he
was outside the walls. The citizens, being surprised,
DundM opposed but a feeble resistance. Houses were fired,
the market-place was occupied, and the sack begun.
In the midst of the tumult a messenger brought tidings ihat
Baillie and Hurry with their whole army were hastening to the
relief of the town. To fight them was madness, but those ad-
visers who urged Montrose to consult his own safety by flight
little knew the man to whom they addressed such unworthy
counsels. Cutting off the spoilers from the prey on which they
had flung themselves — a feat beyond the power of any other
Atiany commander in Europe^ he marched out of the
"""'■ eastern gate almost as Baillie was entering the west-
em. Keeping his 150 cavalry as a rearguard, he placed 200 of
the best appointed musketeers in the last ranks of the foot,
with orders to face about in support of the horse in case of an
attack.'
Night was drawing on, but before its shadows fell Baillie,
who had continued his pursuit through the town, ventured a
charge. His charge was repelled, and he deemed it the better
part to outmanceuvre an enemy so hard to defeat. Whilst
Montrose's 750 were hurrying onwards in the dark in the
Bfliiiic's direction of Arbroath, Baillie was pushing forward
manceuvTi!. (Q jjjg ]gfj jjf their line of march, anxious to cut
them off from the hills to the north-east, and to pin them
against the sea when they reached Arbroath. With many
' Napier turns Montrose's wpnderibl perfarmance into a mitacle by
laying that these men in front were dnink. All that Wistiart aiys is that
the solclieis aftec the taking of Dundee were ' vino paululum incale-
*cenleE,' Afterwards he speaks of them as ' vino pradfique graves.' At
all evcDts diunken men cannot tnarcb as these did.
220 DUNDEE, AULDEARN, LEICESTER. CH. xxx.
antagonists Baillie's plan would have been successful, but it
did not succeed with Montrose. Divining his ad-
coanter- versary's strategy, he halted his men before Arbroath
°^*°®"^^^ was reached, and bade them retrace their steps.
After a while he wheeled to the right, slipping past Baillie,
who was now well in advance still heading towards
^ ^ the east Montrose reached Careston Castle on the
South £sk as the sun was rising.
At last Baillie discovered his error, and started in pursuit
with his cavalry on the right track. When he caught sight of
the enemy, only three miles separated Montrose
escapes to from the shelter of the hills, but it seemed for a
moment as if those three miles would be enough to
destroy him. His men had been marching, fighting, and
plundering for three whole days and the two intervening
nights. They had fallen on the ground in a sleep so dead,
that when Baillie's horse approached, the officers could not
rouse more than a very few of them. Yet those few were
sufficient to show a front to the enemy. The hostile cavalry
drew off, and as soon as the sleepers could be awakened, they
were speedily led to a place of safety. Horsemen were not
likely to follow them amongst the hills.
Never had Montrose's skill as a commander been more
clearly manifested. In the camps of Germany and France,
His skilful when his name was mentioned, soldiers of no mean
generalship, authority wcre heard to extol his retreat from
Dundee above all his victories.*
Though Montrose's last achievements might bring glory to
himself, they augured ill for the help which he had counted on
being able to afford to Charles. His Highlanders, perhaps
even the Gordons, could not be trusted for the purposes of
warfare in the South, and now, if not earlier. Lord Lewis
Gordon rode home with a considerable following. With his
reduced numbers, Montrose, in spite of his masterly generalship,
could not hope, till fresh reinforcements had joined him, to
effect anything considerable in Scotland.^
* Wishart^ ch. ix.
• Montrose to ? April 20. Merc, AuHcus, E. 286, 16.
1645 ^N INTERCEPTED DESPATCH. 22t
At Oxford little was for some time known of these achieve-
ments of Montrose. It was difficult to open up communica-
Charies's tions between the two armies. Though Small, who
S^ptign ^^ borne the tidings of the victory of Inverlochy,
revealed. had reached Charles in safety, he had been captured
by the Covenanters on his return. The letters seized upon
his person revealed the King's plan of campaign to his enemies.
On May i the unfortunate messenger was hanged at Edin-
burgh as a traitor and a spy.*
For some days Montrose had little that was hopeful to
impart The old weary work of collecting forces had to be
AM? begun afresh, and Lord Gordon was despatched
A letter from homc to undo the mischief caused by his brother's
ontrose. (jescrtion. Montrose himself, wandjering about
Perthshire, wrote again to the King, and, by whatever channel
it passed, this letter reached Oxford uninjured. In it he ex-
pressed his regret that he had heard nothing of the promised
succour of cavalry, and contented himself with holding out
hopes of being able to neutralise such of the enemy's forces as
were in Scotland. He no longer spoke of marching to join
the King in England.^
At Balquhidder Montrose's spirits were cheered by the
arrival of Aboyne, who had cut his way out of Carlisle through
the besiegers' lines. Scarcely less acceptable was
He jTjomed the ncws which reached him on the shores of Loch
y oyne j^^j^j^g ^ ^j^y q,. ^^q \rjXtXy that the cncmy had
divided his forces. Whilst Baillie was watching the Highlands
from Perth, Hurry had gone north to collect the Covenanting
forces for an attack upon the Gordons. For Baillie Montrose
with his scanty following was no match, though if he could
effect a junction with Lord Gordon he would be again in a
condition to fight a battle. Swiftly, as his manner was, he
* Guthtys MemoirSy 147.
* The letter was published in Merc, Aulicus, E. 286, 17. It arrived
in Oxford on May 10, and is dated April 20, On this day, however,
according to Wishart, Montrose was at Balquhidder receiving Aboyne.
Wishart may be wrong, but it is, on the whole, more probable that the
date on the newspaper is a misprint, perhaps for the loth.
222 DUNDEE, AULDEARN, LEICESTER. CH. xxx.
sped northwards, slipping past Baillie on the way. Macdonald
rejoined him on the march, and on the banks of the upper
Dee he found Lord Gordon at the head of a body
Montrose _ , . , , #. . ^ ,
inarches of horse, raised amongst the gentry of the Gordon
** name. He was now between the two hostile
tJltuSJ"^ armies, and could choose his antagonist. To save
Hurry. ^^ Gordon lands from plunder, he singled out Hurry
as his victim.
Hurry, though he had retired to Inverness to gather his
forces round him, imagined himself to stand in no need of
Hurry's BailUe's help. Seaforth had once more changed
forces. sides, and was ready to bring up his Mackenzies,
whilst Sutherland had marched with his followers from the
extreme North. The Frazers, too, and others of the Cove-
nanting gentlemen of Moray, were on Hurry's side, in addition
to Hurry's own trained soldiers from the army in England.
The numbers in both armies are variously given, but there can
be no doubt that Hurry far outnumbered Montrose. Few
as Montrose's horse were, it was the first time that he had
horsemen enough to use as a cavalry force should be used in
battle.
As soon as Hurry heard that Montrose was descending the
valley of the Spey, he formed a plan which was at least worthy
Hurry's ^^ ^ commandcr trained in a better school of warfare
P"*"- than that of the Elchos and the Balfours. With the
object of luring Montrose into a hostile country, the Covenant-
ing general advanced to meet him near Elgin, and upon his
approach conducted his retreat so skilfully that Montrose,
though following hard, was never able to do him any serious
damage. On the evening of May 8 Montrose reached the
village of Auldearn, expecting to follow Hurry on the fol-
lowing morning through Nairn to Inverness. In the mean-
while he sent out sentinels to guard against surprise. He
was, as Hurry intended him to be, in the midst of a hostile
population, from which not a word of intelligence was to be
had.
Before dawn on the morning of the 9th, Hurry had fronted
round, hoping by a night march to surprise the Royalists. He
5 MONTROSE AT ABERDEEN. a
almost effected his object. The night was wet and gusty, and
Montrose's sentinels did not care to go far afield, Fortu-
Mayg. nately for Montrose the rain which drove them in
fltitiDpttd wetted the po vde n he mu kets of Hu j s sold e s
surprise. some of whom — he> can ha dly h ve been found n
his own disciplined r giments — fired a volley to clear the
irf DUNDEE, AULDEARN, LEICESTER, CH. xxx.
barrels. They were still four or five miles from the enemy,
and they fancied that the noise of the discharge would not be
heard.
As it happened, some of Macdonald's sentinels caught the
sound. Montrose had scarcely time before the enemy arrived
Montrose* ^^ ^^^ "P ^'^ ^\\\^^ force in battle array. No long
arr-nge- study of the ground could have served him better
™*° than his swift glance in the early morning. The line
of cottages in the village of Auldearn lay north and south along
a ridge at right angles to the road by which Hurry was ap-
proaching.^ Below these cottages, towards the west, the gar-
dens and inclosures of the villagers fenced by low stone walls
afforded a natural fortress, beyond which was a tolerably level
stretch of ground, at first rough and covered with bushes, and
then sinking gradually into a marsh caused by a brook away at
some distance from the slope. The northern part of the rough
ground behind the bog he entrusted to the guardianship of
Macdonald and the Irish, giving them the royal standard, in
order that the enemy might imagine that the King's Lieutenant
was there in person, and might direct the bulk of his forces
against so defensible a position. The remainder of his infantry
and the whole of his cavalry he kept aloof out of sight to the
south of the village behind the crest of the ridge. Centre he
had none, but he posted a few men in front of the cottages in
order to lead the enemy to believe that they were held in force.
If only Hurry could be induced to make his chief attack on
Macdonald, Montrose, by sweeping down upon the right wing
of the assailants, might easily decide the fortune of the day,
especially as the Royalist horse would have firm ground before
them, and would not be troubled with the enclosures in front
of the village, which would have made a charge impossible
if Montrose's own force had kept nearer to his subordinate.*
' Shaw, Hist, of the Province of Moray (ed. 1882), ii. 260. The line
of the present village lies more east and west, old houses having been
pulled down, and new ones built along the modem high road.
* We have the two accounts of this battle from Wishart and Patrick
Gordon. Patrick Gordon s account of the ground in front of Macdonald
b elaborate and may be taken as accurate. Wishart says of Auldearn that
j645 MACDONALD HARD-PRESSED. 225
Admirable as were Montrose's arrangements, they were
nearly foiled through the smallness of Macdonald's force-
The Battle Macdonald, himself outnumbered by the enemy,
of Auldearn, ^^g^ '^^ gpjjg q£ j^jg yigorous charges, driven back
amongst the walled gardens in his rear. In vain he dashed out
'oppidulum eminentiori loco situm convallem vicinam operiebat. Et
colliculi a tergo supereminentes oculorum aspectum adimebant nisi quam
propissini^ astantium. In istam convallem copias suas educit, hostibus
miniffie spectandas.' This is not very intelligible, and there is no valley
answering to the description, but it may perhaps be taken as a way of
putting the fact that, by placing his men behind the crest, Montrose would
have them out of sight of an enemy approaching from Nairn. It is evi-
dent, however, that Wishart, who was not present, had no knowledge of
the formation of the ground.
When we reach the descriptions of the battle itself, both writers are
agreed about Macdonald's proceedings, but Gordon is vague where Wish-
art gives details. Gordon has the Royalists drawn up in the ordinary
fashion with horse on both sides, the right wing under Lord Gordon and
the left under Aboyne. The narrative which follows is too completely
wanting in detail, as far as the fighting is concerned, to inspire confidence,
though one or two anecdotes were evidently derived from some who were
present. Wishart's narrative is much more in agreement with the pro*
babilities of the case, and is in much greater detail. He does not mention
Aboyne at all, and only speaks of the Gordon horse as a body on Mont-
rose's left. It seems exceedingly improbable that Montrose should have
put any horse on the right side. The hill is very steep there — too steep,
I should imagine, for a charge down— and the rocky and boggy ground
below was unfitted for cavalry. Again, the skeletons which are now
under the modem plantation called Dead man's Wood were described to
me as all brought together from the ground in front of Montrose's own
position. Those killed in Macdonald's fight would lie in or about the en-
closures, and would naturally be taken up after the fight by the villagers
and buried probably in the churchyard, whilst, if there had been any
killed in that part of the field after a successful cavalry charge, they would
have been found much farther off from the village, and have been buried
where they fell, like their comrades on Hurry's right. Though I have no
other evidence than Wishart's bungling statement for placing the left
wing of the Royalists behind the crest, my view is supported by the fact
that Montrose was able to conceal Macdonald's defeat from Lord Gordon,
as the place where Macdonald was figb>ing is visible from the western
slope, and it may, therefore, be fairly argued that Montrose's men could
not have been deceived if ihey had been on it. The thing loo was so easy
to do, and so advantageous, that Montrose can hardly have failed to do it.;
VOL. II. Q
126 DUNDEE, AULDEARN, LEICESTER, ch. xxx.
again, only to be again pressed back. Performing prodigies of
valour, the last man to retreat, he sliced off the heads of the
pikes which were thrust into his target, keeping off the foemen
with the swing of his broadsw^ord. Yet, in spite of all his
valour, he and his would have been doomed to slaughter if help
bad not been at hand. No sooner had Montrose heard of the
recoil of his right wing than he turned to Lord Gordon,
**Why," he cried, "are we lingering here? Macdonald is
driving all before him. Is he to have all the glory of the
day ? " * The command was given, and the Gordon horse were
launched over the crest and down the slope against the enemy.
The Gordons were in no placable mood. James Gordon of
Rynie had been left wounded in a cottage, and had been
butchered by a party of Hurry's men. Not long before
Donald Farquharson, one of Montrose's colonels, had been
slaughtered at Aberdeen. With the words " Remember Donald
Farquharson and James of Rynie," the Gordons dashed down
the hill. They had skill as well as vengeance to direct them.
For the first time in Scottish warfare the old practice of pre-
luding a cavalry charge by the firing of pistols was abandoned,
and Rupert's plan of rushing at the enemy with sword and
horse was adopted.* Anything more different from the wait-
ing tactics by which he had kept in hand the poor handful of
mingled horse and foot at Aberdeen it is impossible to con-
ceive. Montrose had at last got a sufficient force of cavalry,
and he knew how to use it. The Gordon horse, finding
Hurry's cavalry with their minds preoccupied with the fighting
on their left, broke them and drove them off the fie'd. Whilst
some were following the pursuit, Aboyne remained behind to
charge the now exposed flank,^ Hurry's right wing of infantry,
* This is abbreviated from Wishart.
* ** My Lord Gordon by this time charges the left wing, and that with
a new form of fight, for he discharges all shooting of pistols and carbines
only with their swords to charge quite through their enemies." Did
Gordon think of this, or did Montrose, who had talked to Rupert's beaten
men after Marston Moor, suggest it to him ?
" This is not distinctly slattd, but may be gathered from Patrick
Gordon's ascription of all the success on this side to AlK>yne.
1645 MONTROSES GENERALSHIP. 227
already thrown into disorder by the flight of his horse.' Mont-
rose himself led a body of foot against it, and after a short
struggle drove it off the ground. The flight of the right wing
of the Covenanting army determined the fate of the battle.
Montrose turned fiercely on the centre and left wing of the
enemy, which was entangled in the rough ground in front of
Macdonald's position. Macdonald, feeling the weakening of
the attack, again pressed forward. Hurry, at the head of the
horse which remained to him, took to flight, whilst the greater
part of his veteran infantry stood their ground and were
slaughtered on the field.^
Montrose had shown himself master of cavalry tactics, as
he had shown himself elsewhere to be a master of the tactics
Montrose's o^ Highland war. In whatever form the enemy
versatility, attacked him, whatever might be the varying com-
ponents of his own army, he was always ready to take advan-
tage of the weakness of the one and of the strength of the
other. Yet, splendid as the victory was, it was not decisive.
May 3. On May 3, when Montrose was on the Spey, Baillie
ra^va^les ^^^ buFst into Athol, and had since been ravaging
Athol it by fire and sword.^ If the men of Athol were
to be available for Lowland warfare, Montrose must show that
he had the power to give them security at home.
Though the day when Montrose could descend into the
Lowlands had not yet arrived, it is no wonder that
Auldearn the ncws from Auldearn startled Leven in York-
Leven's shirc, and drove him to that retreat into Westmore-
movements. j^^^ ^j^-^j^ ^^^ alarmed the English leaders.* To
* The officer who commanded the horse which did the mischief was after-
wards shot as a traitor at Inverness. {Spalding^ ii. 473. ) There is a long
story printed in Mackenzie's Hist, of the Mackenzies (p. 187), taken from
a document which the author calls the *Ardintoul MS.,' according to
which Hurry was himself a traitor, and shot the officer to prevent his tell-
ing tales. The story has no appearance of credibility in it. Hurry, it is
said, wishing to spare Seaforth, placed him opposite to the weak centre o
Montrose's position ; as if Hurry could have known at the time that
Montrose had not men behind the houses.
^ Wishart^ ch. x. ; Patrick Gordon, 123.
» Spalding, ii. 471. * See p. 214.
Q2
228 DUNDEE, AULDEARN, LEICESTER, CH. xxxi
Leven the plain path of duty was to throw himself in the way
of any possible junction between Charles and his lieutenant.
Other reasons doubtless there were to make him sore at the
proceedings of the Government at Westminster. Whilst that
Unfair Government had thrown upon him the burden of
o7u"Jtn-$ th^ conflict with the King's army, it had kept its
army. q^^ forces out of harm*s way, * tied by the leg ' round
Oxford.* Though the hard work thus devolved upon the
Scots, nothing had been done to pay or to supply them. An
assessment, indeed, had been made upon certain English
counties for the support of their army, but not a penny had
been raised, whilst Fairfax's troops received their pay fort-
nightly with the utmost regularity. Left to their own devices,
the Scottish soldiers had pressed hardly upon the districts in
which they were quartered, to the detriment of their own disci-
pline as well as to the exasperation of the sufferers.
Accordingly, two days after the news of Leven's retreat
reached Westminster, the Scottish commissioners presented a
May 24. serious remonstrance to the English Parliament.
5ran?e of ^^^ ^"^^ ^^^ ^^^7 complain bitterly of Leven's
*?sh com- treatment, but they raised their voices clearly against
missioners. the plan of Campaign adopted by the Committee of
Both Kingdoms. The one thing needful, they rightly said,
was that Fairfax should be set free from control. Then the
two armies might crush the King between them, and the war
would be brought to an end.^
The efforts of the allied armies, if they could be brought
to co-operate with one another, would be the more formidable
as the King's chance of receiving help from Goring was grow-
ing less every day. On May 1 7 that boastful com*
Goring on mander mustered t 1,000 men on Sedgemoor. With
e gemoor. ^^^^ j^^ hoped to prevent the troops which, under
Graves and Weldon, had relieved Taunton from leaving the
town, in the hope that, if the numbers within its w^alls were not
suffered to be diminished, a surrender would be inevitable in
* The Moderate Intelligencer, E. 286, 9.
^ Remonstrance of the Scottish commissioners, May 24. L»J. vii.
390.
x645 GORING IN THE WEST. 229
the case of a fresh blockade. On the other hand, he felt no
doubt that, if the Parliamentary commanders succeeded in
making their escape, he would be able, with his superior num-
bers, to crush them in the open country.* As soon as he was
master of the field, he would— so at least he said — hasten to
the succour of the King. " I am very fearful," he wrote on
May 19. the 19th to Rupert, " lest Fairfax and Cromwell may
tionsT'^"' disturb your Highness before we can despatch these
May 90. people to attend them." * On the very next day he
dif^ \he* ^^^ ^^ acknowledge that he had failed completely
enemy. either to keep Graves and Weldon at Taunton or to
destroy them in the open country. " I shall beseech you," he
characteristically wrote to Culpepper, " to inform the Prince
that I am kept from destroying the greatest part of the rebels'
army by the most fantastical accident hath happened since the
war began. * It is hardly necessary to repeat Goring's story,
as it was flatly contradicted by a narrative which reached Cul-
pepper from another source, and as in such a case it is safe to
conclude that truth did not lie on the side of Goring. ^
Great as had been the error of the Committee of Both
Kingdoms in persisting in the siege of Oxford, they were fully
alive to the necessity of keeping Goring employed in the West.
May 25. On the 25 th they appointed Massey to lead a force
t^^mmand ^gainst him which would place Taunton beyond the
in the West, reach of further accidents. Before he left the dis-
trict in which he had accomplished so much, Massey rendered
one last service to the Parliamentary cause in Gloucestershire
and its neighbourhood. On the 26th he stormed
Evesham Evcsham, thus interposing a barrier between Oxford
"*^"" and Worcester, and dislocating the King's line of
defence in a region in which the Royalists had hitherto been
supreme.*
» Sir John Digby to Digby, May 18. 5". P. Dom, dvii. 7a
* ue, * Send on my soldiers to follow them up.* Goring to Rupert,
May 19. Add, MSS. 18,982, fol. 61.
' Goring to Culpepper, May 20; Culpepper to Digby, May 22. S^P*
Dom. dvii. 79.
* LJ. vii. 393 ; D'Ewes's Diary, Ilarl, MSS. 166, fol. 213b,
230 DUNDEE, AULDEARN, LEICESTER, CH. XXX.
A\^eakened as he was in territory, and in the strength which
territory brings, Charles was nevertheless in a position to march
whither he would in the Midlands. On the 22nd he
The King heard, just after leaving Drayton, that Brereton had
rayton. ^j^^j^^j^ ^p {^^^^ before Chester, and he had now
to decide upon his next step. Though he could not as yet
know that Leven had thrown himself in the way of a march
through Lancashire in search of Montrose, he re-
He resolves
to march solvcd to avoid the rough and hilly roads by the
western coast, and to aim at reaching Scotland by
the easy route through the Vale of York.* He was the more
readily induced to take this course as he did not feel confident
in the power of Oxford to hold out, and the few marches to
the east, which would place him on the track to the north
which he had now selected would also enable him to defer
turning his back on Oxford for some days longer. If, on the
other hand, it appeared desirable to pursue his way towards
Scotland, he would have no difficulty in obtaining considerable
reinforcements as he passed through Yorkshire, where the
population was deeply exasperated against Leven and his
Scottish soldiers.
Charles was now at the head of a force of at least 11,000
men, and he calculated that before long he would be followed
„ _^ by an army of overwhelming strength. He had
to be joined summoncd Goring from the West, and Gerard from
^ ""** South Wales. The appointed rendezvous was in
Leicestershire. Should he resolve in the end to turn north-
wards, he might find time before he recommenced his march
to do enormous damage in that region.^
When the news that the King was marching through
-, . Staffordshire reached Westminster, the interpretation
Excitement . . » i . , ,
at West- put upon his movement was that he intended to
throw himself upon the Eastern Association. On
the 26th Cromwell, although his term of command had now
' See the map at p. 209.
» Walker^ 127 ; The King to the Queen, May 23, Hist, MS, Cam.
Reports^ i. 9 ; Digby to Nicholas, May 26IJ S.F. Dom, dvii. 79 ; Symonda-
Diary, 166, 182,
1645 I^HE KING'S MARCH CHECKED. 231
expired, was sent to fortify the approaches to the Isle of Ely,
and on the 31st, as no money was available for Leven's army,
j^^ ^g orders were despatched to the northern counties
Cromwell to supply his soldicrs with provisions as soon as
they had completed their circuitous march through
SuppiTelfor Westmoreland, and had started in pursuit of the
Leven. King. Yct pf what avail was such tardy strategy
if Charles was allowed to roam freely through England, choos-
ing when and where his blows should fall ?
Three or four days after Charles left Drayton he learned
that he was no longer master of hts own movements. A
serious despatch from Nicholas warned him that
Oxford in* Oxford was so short of provisions that it could not
hold out long.^ Whatever he had gained by the
strategical superiority of his own commanders or by the
blunders of his opponents was rendered useless by the want
of material supplies, which made it impossible for him to rely
on the continued resistance of Oxford during a few weeks'
campaign.
With his usual versatility Digby threw himself into the
situation thus created. He could not believe that in face of
May 36. the actual situation the Parliamentary army could
app^ifor remain fixed round Oxford. "If Cromwell and
time. Fairfax advance," he wrote to Nicholas from Tutbury
on the 22nd, "we shall endeavour to fight with them. I
believe it will be about Leicester. I hope by this time Goring
is about Oxford with his horse. If we can be so happy as
that he comes in time, we shall infallibly crush them between
us. For God's sake quicken his march all that's possible."
Late at night a second letter, written by the orders of the
King and Rupert, assured Nicholas that in case of necessity
Oxford should be relieved, but at the same time urged him not
to represent the wants of the garrison as more pressing than
they were. If only it could hold out for a month or six weeks,
or if Goring could relieve it without help from the King, all
would yet be well. " I say," continued Digby, " if either of
these can be, we never had more cause to thank God since
* Nicholas to the Kine, May 22. Hut, MSS, Com. Reports^ i. 8.
232 DUNDEE, AULDEARN, LEICESTER. CH. XXX.
this war began, than for putting it into their hearts to engage
in that stop, there being nothing more probable than that
within the time mentioned, the King having such an army as
he hath, we shall be able to put His Majesty's afi^irs into such
a condition as that the relieving of you then shall do both all
and the whole work at once. For God's sake lay this to heart
and give us all the time you can." * In three days, he ended
by saying, the army would be close to Leicester.
On the day on which this letter was written, fresh orders
were despatched to Goring. He was to march, not, as had
Fresh orders ^^cn prcviously arranged, to Harborough, but to
to Gonng. Ncwbury, from which point he was either to relieve
Oxford, or, if that proved impracticable, so to embarrass the
besiegers as to impede their operations. The King, Goring
was informed, expected to be joined by Gerard in the neigh-
bourhood of Leicester. After that his course would depend
Di?by's on information from Oxford. " If the Governor of
hopes. Oxford," wrote Digby, "assure us that he is pro-
vided for six weeks or two months, we shall then, I make no
question, relieve our northern garrisons, beat the Scots, or
make them retreat, and march southwards with a gallant army
indeed. Pontefract once succoured, we are assured of great
things from Yorkshire." If, on the other hand, it appeared
that Oxford was unable to hold out, the King would march
southwards at once, join Goring between London and Oxford,
and thus not only save the besieged city, but cut off the
besiegers from their own basis of operations.^
If some days must pass before an answer could be received,
they could be utilised by a sudden blow at Leicester. Such an
Leicester to Undertaking was fully after Rupert's heart. Im-
be attacked, portant as the place was, its fortifications were in-
complete and its garrison small. Between the soldiers and
* Digby to Nicholas, May 26. S,P, Z?^w. dvii. 92. The greater part
of this letter is in cipher, but it is easy to read it with the help of the
deciphered letters in Add. MSS, 18,982.
* Digby to Goring, May 26. Clar, MSS, 1889. The paper is torn
at the word * Pontefract,* only the initial remaining, but I have filled the
blank without hesitation.
I6JS
THE SACK OF LEICESTER.
233
fight,
the committee which represented the civilian population there
Mayis. was no good understanding. On the aSth the first
ihE^JSi^'i''' pi^rt'ss of the King's armies approached the place
*"°-y- and for three days citizens and soldiers were kept in
Pi^Mraifms constant alarm. On the evening of the 3olh Rupert's
foraaiorai. batteries played upon the walls and a hreach was
effected. Shortly before midnight the storming parties rushed
forward to the assault. Before two in the morning
Leicesier of the 31st all resistance was at an end. About a
hundred of the defenders were slain either in fair
1 the heat of victory, and some women and children
e found amongst the dead. There was, however, no general
As a matter of course, the town was given over to
plunder. The shops were stripped of their wares, and the
hovels of the poorest fared no better than the dwellings of the
richer townsmen. In the course of the day a hundred and
forty carts laden with the spoil of Leicester rolled off to
Newark.'
' Aferc. Aulkits, E. 288, 48 ; A perfect relation 0/ the taking of
Leittster, E. 288, 4 ; A narralivs of the siegt, E. z88, 6 ; Ati examina-
tiott of a printed paniph let, E. 261, 18. It Ls a Parliamenlary nfiwspaper
{The Moderatt Intelligenitr, E. 261, 18) from which we learn that 'some
womeo also were seen dead, which was casual rather than on purpose.'
Foi s refutation of the supposition that Bunyan was in the Royal aimy,
lee Brown's Lift of Banyan, 50,
«34
CHAPTER XXXL
NASEBY.
Never to all outward appearance had Charles's prospects been
brighter than when he was nearing his sudden and irreparable
May 31. overthrow. A concurrence of circumstances — the
apparent holding back of Leven's army by Montrose's victory
prosperity, at Auldcam, and the ill-judged retention of Fairfax
and the New Model at the siege of Oxford — had given him for
the moment a free hand, and the storm and sack of Leicester
had been the result Yet the very fact that Charles
Real weak« ^ . .. /• 1 1 •
nessofhis was at Lciccstcr at all was fatal to his prospects.
situation. jj.g jjj^^jj thither had been a compromise between
Rupert's plan of rallying the Yorkshiremen for an attack on
Leven and Digby's plan of rallying Goring and Gerard for an
attack on Fairfax. The capture of Leicester was followed by
a fierce conflict between the advocates of the rival schemes.
It may reasonably be doubted whether either of the schemes
was really feasible. Each of them left out of account one or
other of the cardinal facts of the situation. Rupert's plan
must have been ruined, if Oxford could not hold out for
six weeks, whilst Digby's plan would just as certainly be
ruined, if Gerard could not and Goring would not come to
Charles's aid. The rashness with which the Committee of
Both Kingdoms had pinned their best army round Oxford on
the faith of such old intriguers as Savile and Newport, had
been surpassed by the still greater rashness with which Charles
and Rupert had undertaken a distant enterprise without pre-
viously ascertaining whether the city which was their base of
operations was sufficiently provisioned to stand a siege. ^
* The words of Nicholas, in the letter cited at p. 231, seem to esta-
blish the point that Oxford was poorly supplied, though it is true that
i64S OXFORD REUEVED. 335
As usual the vacillation of the commander produced divi-
sions in the army. The Yorkshire horse under Langdale were
touched by the same spirit of local patriotism which
shire horse had provcd fatal to Newcastle's success in 1643.
i^satis . rpj^gy petitioned the King, probably whilst he was
still at Leicester, for leave to betake themselves to the North,
* so far forth as ' his * occasions in these parts will give leave.' *
On Tune 4 they received orders in common with the
June 4« .r • ^
They rcst of the army to march in the direction of Oxford,
mutiny, xhey positively refused to stir, though Charles per-
sonally gave them his word that as soon as Oxford was relieved
he would lead them into their own country. It is
but return to true that on the following day they consented to
uty. j.gj^j^ jQ ^^y^ duty, but the temper which they had
manifested might have dangerous consequences yet.*
On June 7 the Royal army entered Daventry, where the
news reached Charles that his immediate purpose was accom-
June;. pHshed, and that the besiegers had of their own
^J!|^JJ^* accord abandoned the siege of Oxford. Yet in spite
Oxford ^^ ^^ good news some time must elapse before
relieved. Charles could again set forward on his northern
march. Oxford must not only be relieved from immediate
danger, but it must be so supplied as to make it unnecessary
to relieve it again for some time to come. Droves of sheep
must be collected and despatched to feed the garrison. Some
days must pass before the work could be accomplished, and
the advantage of freedom of action which had hitherto been
on the side of Charles would pass over to the side of the
enemy. Charles was now pinned at Daventry, as Fairfax had
formerly been pinned round Oxford.
If Charles did not realise the change which had come over
his prospects, it was because neither he nor any of his followers
had any conception of the strength of the New Model army.
It was the fashion at Oxford to ridicule it in every way. " I
neither Southampton nor Dorset concurred with him. The King t6
Kicholas, June 9. Evelyn^s Memoirs^ ed. Bohn, iv. 149.
* Petition, undated. Warburton^ iii. 71.
* Symonds, Diary ^ 186 ; Slingsby, Diary ^ 149
^36 NASEBY. ch. XXXL
believe," wrote Charles to \\& wife, " they are weaker than they
Tunc 8. are thought to be, whether by their distractions,
d«pi^s"S»e which are very great — Fairfax and Browne having
Ntw Model, been at cudgels, and his men and CromwelFs like-
wise at blows together where a captain was slain — or wasting
their men, I cannot say * ^
At Westminster the real qualities of the New Model were
j[une a. perhaps hardly better known. Yet on June 2, after
leave the the sad newi from I^eicester, the Committee of Both
o!loi3^ Kingdoms, abandoning its blundering policy, had
, , advised th^e Houses to direct Fairfax to take the
June 3.
aijdtodefcnd field at Once. On the following day, under the
the Eastern . . , i t^ a • . .
Association. impressK^ that the Eastern Association was threat-
ened, orders were sent to him to march to its defence.*
Outside the walls of Parliament even stronger measures
were demanded. On the 4th the Common Council forwarded
a petition to the House of Commons, requesting
Petition among other things that a committee might accom-
Commpn pany Fairfax to give him encouragement on the
Couna. gp^^^ 'without attending commands and directions
from remote councils,' and asking that Cromwell might be
placed, at least for a time, at the head of new forces to be
raised in the Eastern Association, though forty days had
elapsed since the passing of the Self- Denying Ordinance. No
wonder there was a hot and long debate for nearly three hours,
when the daring request was thus lightly made.' Yet the
crisis was too imminent to allow any who were not wilfully
blind, to ignore the absolute necessity of postponing political
to military considerations. For the present the deputies of the
Common Council were thanked by the House. It would not
be long before their petition would be answered in the spirit in
which it was conceived.
On the 5th Fairfax broke up from Oxford. After an un-
* The King to the Queen, June 8. The Kin^s Cabinet Opened^ p. 14,
TL 292, 27.
' L,J, vii. 403, 404.
• C./. iv. 163 ; L./. vii. 411 ; D'Ewes's Diary, HarL MSS. 166, fol
216.
1643 ^ CALL FOR CROMWELL. ^37
successful attack on Boarstall House, he marched in a north-
June 5. easterly direction, in order to meet Vermuyden,
Fairfax who had been despatched to reinforce Leven, and
marcbes . _
towards the had now returned from his ineffectual mission,
nort -east, q^ ^^ ^^ Vcrmuydcn joined the main army at
Is jwne/by Sherington, in the close vicinity of Newport PagnelL
Vermuyden. ^hc Combined forces numbered about 13,000 men.*
On the 8th Fairfax learnt that the King was still at Daven-
try. A council of war was called, and declared for the simple
Junes, plan of seeking out the enemy and fighting him
pi'^^s wherever he could be found. Skippon was directed
to fight. to draw up a plan of battle so that each regiment
might know the post to which it was assigned. Urgent letters
were addressed to the commanders of all the scattered forces,
within call, to hasten to aid in the great struggle which was
impending.
At such a moment the name of the man whose courage
and conduct had scattered the army of Rupert and Newcastle
Cromwell's ^^ Marston Moor could not fail to be on every lip.
appointment The London petition for Cromweirs employment
General* must by this time have been known in the army, and
^ ^ °'' the officers present at the council of war now unani-
mously signed a letter to the Houses asking that the first
cavalry officer in England might be appointed, not to the com-
mand of the Eastern Association, but to the vacant Lieutenant-
Generalship of their own army, an office which by prescription
amongst the Parliamentary forces carried with it the command
of the cavalrv.^
^ When Colonel Hammond, who was the bearer of the letter,
arrived at Westminster, he found the opinion of the Commons
more favourable to any step recommended on purely military
considerations than it had been a few days before. On the
» The Scottish Dove^ E. 288, ii ; Sprigg^ 31. The next day Ver-
muyden resigned his command and went to the Netherlands.
2 L.J, vii. 420; Sprigg^ 32. Wogan in his narrative (Carte, Grig,
Letters, i. 127) says that Cromwell had himself ridden over to take leave
of the army ; but Wogan 's story was written long afterwards, and there
is no hint of such a thing in any contemporary pamphlet or in Sprigg.
238 NASEBY. CH. XXXL
9th all former restrictions were taken off Fairfax's authority,
, and he was directed to march whither he would, so
June p. '
All restnc- long as he had the advice, not of a committee of
off Fairfax s politicians, but of his own council of war. Military
onty- questions were at last to be decided by military
men.*
Having taken such a resolution, it was hardly possible to
pass over the request of the council of war. During the last
June 4. few days Cromwell had shown what marvels could
SdThe ^ effected by his presence. Since his arrival in
Association. Cambridgeshire he had put the Isle of Ely in a state
of defence, and had roused the committee of the Association
to bestir itself to raise the necessary troops. He was soon
able to announce that 3,000 foot and 1,000 horse would before
long be available in support of Fairfax. Volunteers came
pouring in, * threescore men out of one poor petty village in
Cambridgeshire, in which, to see it, none would have thought
that there had been fifty fighting men in it.' ^
The man who had done these things was, in reality, indis-
pensable. The Commons at once agreed to appoint him
- Lieutenant- General as long as circumstances might
June xo. '-' t^
The Com- require his presence in the army. It was true that
to appoint there was nothing in the Self-Denying Ordinance to
LJ^mciTant Stand in the way of Cromwell's reappointment, as he
General. j^^^ fulfilled its Only Condition by abandoning his
post at the end of forty days after the passing of the Ordinance.
For a formal reappointment, however, the consent of the Lords
was necessary, and the Lords, though they did not positively
reject the proposal, postponed the consideration of so unwel-
come a subject to a more convenient season. Both Fairfax
and Cromwell considered that, for all practical purposes, the
vote of the Commons was sufficient.^
Among the Parliamentary officers the utmost harmony
prevailed. It was far otherwise in the King's councils at
* Com. of B. K. to Fairfax, June 9. Com. Letter Book,
« The Exchange Intelligencer y E. 288, 3 ; A Diary, E. 288, 5 ; Perfect
Occurrences, E. 288, 7.
• C.J. iv. 169.
1645 RUPERT AND DIGBY. 139
Daventry. Rupert, urged on by the Yorkshire officers, and
fretting at every hour's delay, pleaded for the resumption of the
^. . . . old plan of marching to the North with the least
Divisions in ^
the Royal possible delay. Digby and the civilians did their
QounciL , ., ' y c^ \ 1
best to retam the army m the South, and to prepare
for a raid upon the Eastern Association, with a just appreciation
of the advantages which would follow on the ruin of these
hitherto undevastated lands, but with a rash contempt for the
Parliamentary forces which might be brought to their defence.
To carry his point, Digby even proposed that Charles should
visit Oxford, where he would be in personal communication
with the councillors who, having been left behind in that city,
were naturally desirous of keeping in their own immediate
neighbourhood the army on which they relied for their de-
fence,* It was thus that Charles was becoming more subject
than he had been before to other than military considerations,
just at the moment when the interference of civilians with the
movements of the Parliamentary army was being discredited at
Westminster.
Though Charles refused to stir from Daventr}', his council-
lors met at Oxford on the loth. It is needless to say that they
arrived at a conclusion in which Rupert's plan of
June xo. *^ *
The Council campaign was utterly condemned, and the opposite
recommends proposal of an attack on the Association was warmly
SSth^^ supported. Their letter to the King was supple-
Assoaation. minted by a private communication from Nicholas
to Rupert, in which the Prince was adjured, if he hoped for
future advancement in England, to take care how he set him-
self against the unanimous opinion of the Privy Council.^
Rupert does not seem to have had much difficulty in rousing
(he King's displeasure against his officious advisers at Oxford.
" You know," replied Charles to Nicholas, " that the
June ". — ., , ,
A sharp Council was ncvcr wont to debate upon any matter
^^ ^* not propounded to them by me, and certainly it were
a strange thing if my marching army— especially I being at the
head of them — should be governed by my sitting Council at
* Rupert to Legge, June 8. Warburion^ iii. loa
* Nicholas to Rupert, June 10. Add. MSS. 18,982^ fol. 64.
X4b NASEBY, CH. X3Ul
Oxford, when it is scarce fit for myself at such a distance * to
give any positive order. ... 1 desire you to take the best care
you may that the like of this be not done hereafter." ^
It was to little purpose to maintain the supremacy of the
military element over the civilian in matters of war if the com-
june T2. manders of the army neglected even those ordinary
denceof ^" prccautions which in similar circumstances would be
Rupert. taken by a civilian of average common sense. That
the King should be hunting in Fawsley Park on the evening of
the 1 2th is a fact hardly worthy of the condemnation which it
has received. It was not on his shoulders that the weight of
ordering the movements of the army rested. It was Rupert,
who, if he had not underestimated his opponents, would have
acknowledged it to be his duty to seek information on every
side as to the position and numbers of the enemy. So great,
however, was his contempt for the New Model army, that he
knew no more of Fairfax's movements than if he had been in
another island. In fact, on the morning of the 12th Fairfax
Fairfax at bad established himself at Kislingbury, a village
Kisiingbury. ^bout eight milcs * from Daventry, on the North-
ampton road. In the evening the appearance of a party of
Parliamentary horse gave the alarm. The King was summoned
from the chase, and the scattered regiments recalled to their
central post on Borough Hill, an eminence which in the days
of old had been guarded by the Briton and the Roman. In
the minds of the King's soldiers this sudden and unexpected
danger could have but one explanation. Ironside, they said
to one another, was now in the Parliamentary army.*
* ue, * if I were at such a distance.'
* The King to Nicholas, June 1 1. Evelyn's Memoirs ^ ed. Bohn, iv,
150-
■ Sprigg incorrectly speaks of it as being five miles from Borough HiU,
instead of seven. His geography, too, is in fault amongst the Northamp-
tonshire villages. He calls Kislingbury, Gilsborough, and Guilsborough,
Gilling.
* A more exact and perfect relation of the great victory, E. 288, 28.
The word is Ironsides in the pamphlet, but I have kept the original
form (see p. i). It will be observed that the nickname is still used by
Royalists only.
1645 FAIRFAX IN COMMAND. 24 »
Niatural as it was to imagine that every vigorous efifort was
a token of Cromwell's presence, the thought did less than
Fairf • justice to Fairfax. If he had not Cromwell's eye
merits as a for the chauces of a battle, he was not without
*'* considerable strategical ability, and he had tlie
homely sense of duty which, combined with dashing courage
and a practical acquaintance with the military art, goes far,
except in the direst emergencies, to supply the place of genius.
On his return to Newbury, after he had despatched Graves
and Weldon to the relief of Taunton, he had given orders that
the arduous work of forming a rearguard should be taken by
each regiment in turn. When his own regiment was called on
to fulfil the task it refused to obey orders, on the plea of its
connection with the General. Other commanders might have
picked out the ringleaders of the mutiny for punishment.
Fairfax sprang from the saddle, placed himself at the head
of the recalcitrant regiment, and marched with them through
the mud in the rear. After this there was no further resist-
ance. How well his men were inured to discipline was shown
at Kislingbury. Riding out to view the outposts in the depth
of the night, a sentry stopped him and demanded the word.
Fairfax had forgotten it, and the soldier refused to allow him
to pass till he had himself obtained the permission of his
commanding officer. The commander-in-chief, well pleased
under such conditions to be kept standing in the rain, re-
warded the sentry for his obedience.^
Before Fairfax returned on the morning of the 13th from
his midnight ride there were signs of movement on the top of
Tunc 13. Borough Hill. The huts were fired, and when the
^^^^*^ morning dawned the Royal army descended the hill,
away. making its way westwards in the direction of War-
wick. Soon, however, it swung round to the right, and by the
evening had taken up its quarters in the villages about Har-
borough, the King himself sleeping at Lubenham.* The
northern march, it seemed, was to be persisted in Yet before
leaving Daventry it was unanimously acknowledged by all
> Sp^ngg, 22, 34.
* ^P^SSi 35 5 ^ ^^'^ relation^ E. 2b8, 22.
VOL. II. R
242 NASEBY, CH. XXXI.
present at a council of war held there that, if Fairfax followed
hard, a battle was unavoidable.^
That Fairfax would follow hard was beyond doubt, espe-
cially as he had on that morning received a reinforcement of
^^ unspeakable value. Not tarrying, when a battle was
joins Fair- impending, for the 4,000 men whom he had hoped
to bring with him,^ Cromwell hastened to Kisling-
bury at the head of only 600 horse.' Fairfax's troopers
welcomed him with *a mighty shout.' * They knew now that,
they would not want guidance in the day of battle. For that
day they were longing earnestly. All who had a heart to feel
were bitterly indignant at the spoils and outrages committed
by Charles's soldiers as they swept over the country, gathering
in the sheep and oxen which they needed for the support of
the Oxford garrison. Baser souls — and such were not al-
together wanting in the New Model army — were encouraged
by the prospect of recovering some part at least of the spoil.
It was said that scarcely a prisoner was brought in who had
less than forty or fifty shillings in his pocket.^
The battle could not be much longer delayed. Harrison,
eager to smite the enemies of the Lord, was sent towards
Daventry to gather intelligence, and Ireton, thought-
'*™'*" ful as he was brave, was bidden to ride in advance,
to outmarch the enemy if possible, and to fall on his flank if it
seemed advisable. The bulk of the army pushed more slowly
F irfaxat northwards. On the evening of the 13th Fairfax's
Giiiis- headquarters were at Guilsborough. Ireton was three
^ ' miles in advance. Dashing into Naseby, he made
SctI^ by prisoners of some twenty of Rupert's horsemen who
ireion. ^^j.^ playing quoits at their ease, as well as of
another party which was sitting at supper in a neighbouring
house. Before the night was over Fairfax learnt that he was
freed from one danger which had of late been imminent.
•' Digby to L^[ge, June 30. Warburton, iii. 12$.
• See p. 238.
♦ A more exact and perfect relation, E. 288, 28.
» Perfect Diurnal, E. 262, 8.
i64S
AN IMPENDING BATTLE.
=43
Scoutmaster Watson brought in an intercepted letter whidi
, . proved to be a despatch from Goring to the King
fromoonng aJinouncmg the impossibility of his kavingthe West,
" ""' and begging Charles to postpone a battle till he was
ible to join him '
Whilst all men's thoughts in the Parliamentary army weri
bent to the coming battle, Charles had once more fallen ;
prey to his accustomed vacillation, " I assure you," he wrote
' God's Doing! and Man's Duly, by Hngh Pelen, p. 19A, 1 14, e,
Gcitine's Itiler is in Perfcet Octurraicei. E. 262, lo.
244 NASEBY. CH. xxxi.
to Nicholas, after announcing his intention of pushing on to
Belvoir, " that I shaU look before I leap farther north." » In
rhe King the depth of the night he was roused from his sleep
fjjJU^J^ &t Lubenham to learn that the advanced guard of the
coone. Parliamentary army was too near to allow him even to
make for Belvoir. Rising early, he rode to Harborough, where,
Jane 14. at a hasty council, it was resolved to await the
Aooundi enemy's attack on a long hill which rises about two
^<«»8*»- miles south of the little town.* It was here that
Astley, who commanded the foot, intended the battle to be
fought If Fairfax chose to take the offensive, he would have
Ftnt po«. to mount the hill in the face of an enemy strongly
kS^'*** posted on the top. There was the more reason for
*"»y- leaving the attack to the Parliamentarians, as the
King's army was decidedly outnumbered The Parliamen-
tarians, now that they had been joined by Cromwell, numbered
^bout 13,600 men, whilst on the highest calculation the King's
troops can hardly have exceeded 7,500.
The King's army was early drawn up in array, and, as the
morning hours sped by without any appearance of .the enemy,
^ Rupert grew thoroughly tired of inaction. At eight
grows im. he Sent forward Ruce, the scout-master, to discover
*****"'* the position of the enemy, Ruce lazily returned
with a tale that Fairfax was nowhere to be found. Rupert
determined to seek for the enemy himself, and, taking a party
and rides of horse and musketeers with him, rode forwards
^^"^^"^ over the rolling ground on the road to Naseby, till,
after passing through the village of Clipston, he mounted a
rising ground from which he descried the Parliamentary army,
The Par- ^s he fancied, in full retreat As a matter of fact,
Hamentary Fairfax had ordered his army to rendezvous early in
^'<w»^ the morning on the brow of the hill north-east of
Naseby at a spot on the road to Clipston and Harborough.
From this point he had an excellent view of the enemy gather-
* The King to Nicholas, Jane 13. Evelyti^s Memoirs y ed. Bohn, iv.
151.
'^ Walker says it was one mile only, but the hill stretching from East
Farndon to Oxenden is evidently meant.
r
I
f64S PRELIMINARY MOVEMENTS.
ing on the opposite ridge at some three miles distance, and he
came to the conclusion that Charles had abandoned all
notion of further retreat. In the meanwhile the Parliamentary
regiments, with the instincts of pursuit strong upon them, had
pushed on down the hill, and as soon as it was known thai a
battle was imminent, preparations were made to draw up the
army in battle array on one of the lower ridges in advance of
the line of the Naseby plateau. The chosen position may
have been a strong one, but Cronnwell saw at a glance that the
plateau itself would afford one stronger still. The hill-top was
higher there, and the hillside up which the enemy's horse would
tnmwtii be forced to charge was steeper. He therefore begged
KidlSio Fairfax to draw back. Fairfax acknowledged the
iinw back, wisdom of his Lieutenant's advice, and directed that
the army should retire to the higher ground.
Such was the true explanation of the movement in retreat
which lured Rupert forwards. When, however, he arrived
opposite the Parliamentary army, even Rupert could not but
acknowledge the skill with which his adversaries had chosen
their position. Not only if he persisted in attacking was he
condemned to an uphill charge, but the valley which separated
him from the Parliamentary army was wet and unsuitable for
a charge of cavalry. Rupert therefore edged away to the right
Rupert QQ towards an eminence known as Dust Hill, and sent
Dull Hill. jj3j.jj orders to the whole army to advance with all
speed to that position.
On the appearance of the Royalists on the crest of Dust
Hill, Fairfax, fearing to be outflanked, had no choice but to
Tht PmIu. """^ '° ''^^ '^'^ '" ^ ^'"^ parallel with the enemy's
mtniary movement, especially as the wind blew from the west
moves la and would consequently be in favour of soldiers
iheitft. attacking from that qiiarter. Here Skippon, whose
duty it was as Major-General to draw up the foot, began to
place them in array on the northern slope of the hill in a fallow
field, by the side of which a hedge, known as Sulby hedge,
running at right angles to his front, offered protection to his
left flank, whilst fur^e bushes and rough ground on the other
side constituted a sufScient defence to the other wing. The
<
246 NASEBY. CH. XXXI.
IK>3ition was a strong one, as the ground fell steeply away to
Broadmoor at the bottom of the valley in front Fairfax, how-
ever, we know not whether by Cromwell's advice or not, thought
that it could be yet more improved. It is possible that he
wished to conceal his superior numbers from the enemy, or
that he feared that some confusion amongst the young soldiers
in his own ranks might give encouragement to Rupert The
Parliamentary troops, therefore, much to the disgust of Skippon,
who probably thought the movement risky when the
A retro*
grade enemy was so near, were drawn back and posted
movemen (j^jjind the brow of the hill, where their numbers
and position would be unnoticed by the enemy. The mar-
shalling of the foot was left to Skippon, whilst to
shidUng of Cromwell was assigned the marshalling of the horse.
Skippon was himself to take charge of the foot ;
Cromwell, as Lieutenant-General, commanded the horse on
the right. Ireton had, at Cromwell's request, been appointed
Commissary-General on that very morning, an office which
carried with it the command of the horse on the left wing.
Okey, with a thousand dragoons, all of them picked men, was
stationed behind Sulby hedge. It would serve admirably as a
cover from behind which a galling fire could be directed on
the flank of a body of cavalry charging across its front.
The King's army was arranged in much the same fashion
as that of his adversaries. The main body of infantry was in
the centre under Astley, the King himself taking up
the Ring's his position at a little distance in the rear at the head
army. ^^ ^ reserve composed of horse and foot. The bulk
of the cavalry was on the wings, Rupert and Maurice com-
manding on the right. Sir Marmaduke Langdale with the horse
from Newark and the discontented Yorkshire horse on the
left.
Amongst the fierce Puritans of the Parliamentary cavalry
there was stem joy at the arrival of the long-wished-for time
,. ,. , when through their arms the cause of God was to
i eeling of , ° ..,,,,■, i • *•
the Puritan be put to the test of battle. " I can say this of
'^ **^ Naseby," wrote Cromwell afterwards, " that when I
saw the enemy draw up and march in gallant order towards us,
T545
RUPERTS attack:.
and we 3 company of poor ignorant men to seek how to order
our battle, the General having commanded nne to order all the
horse, I could not — riding alone about my business — but smile
out to God in praises in assurance of victory, because God
would, by things that are not, bring to naught things that are,
of which I had great assurance — and God did it." '
The company of poor ignorant men, amongst whom the
veterans of Marslon Moor and Newbury were to fight side by
The opening Side with recruits who had never seen a battle, and
ofiheiaiiie. ^y|jQ i,a(]_ fyr weeks past, been ridiculed by the
Cavaliers and only half trusted at Westminster, stepped for-
ward as soon as their ranks were in order to the brow of the
liill. At the very opening of the battle, Rossiter, who had been
summoned from Lincolnshire, rode up to join Cromwell on the
right, and thus raised the Parliamentary army to a force num-
bering iitde short of 14,000 men, almost twice as many as the
7,500 who fought for Charles. Recollecting how little execu-
tion had been done by the large guns at Marston Moor, Fairfax
contented himself with giving but two or three cannon shots lo
check the advance of the Royalists. On came the enemy,
horse and foot, pouring down into Broad Moor, at the bottom
of the valley which separated the two armies, and pushing up
the opposite height. A little below the top the armies crashed
together almost at the same time, though Rupert's wing, galled
as it was by Okey's fire from the hedge, struck first upon the
Parliamentary left. Either from something in the nature of the
ground or because Ireton was new to the command, there was
B want of cohesion in this wing of Fairfax's army which neu-
tralised its superiority in numbers. Some of the regiments
dashed forward to meet Rupert as he approached. Others
hung back irresolutely to receive his charge. Ireton, who with
the troops immediately around him drove back the enemy, was
distracted from his proper work by seeing the infantry on hi
right hand pressed by the Royalist foot, which was by thi
time hotly engaged. Turning sharply to the right, he fell upon
the enemy's infantry. The attempt was premature, and Ireton
' Cromwell lo -
-, July. Good m
If of the West. E, 293, iS.
i
24« NASEBY. CH. XXXI
himself was struck down with wounds in hb thigh and (ace,
and fell for a time into the hands of the enemy. Rupert, good
Royalist vk- horseman as he was, took instant advantage of the
p^u^ distraction in the opposite ranks, and pushing the
ury left, charge home, drove the Parliamentary horse in wild
confusion before him.
Unfortunately for Charles, it was not in Rupert's nature to
draw rein to see how the battle went in other parts of the field.
Rupert Galloping on, he came upon the baggage train at the
K^IwSs too outskirts of Naseby village. On his summoning the
^''- guard to surrender, he was answered by a stem re-
fusal and a volley from the defenders. Yet musket shots were
no permanent defence against cavalry, and if the defenders of
the baggage escaped destruction, they may have owed their
safety to unwonted caution on the part of Rupert He must
have perceived, if he looked round at all, that there were no
signs of a Royalist victory in any other part of the field. It
is, at least, certain that he abandoned the prey before him, and
hastened back to take his part in the battle raging before him.
Like the cavalry on the left, the Parliamentary infantry in
the centre soon lost the services of its commander. Early in
I he fight in the day Skippon was struck down, and though he
the centre, refused to leave the field, he was helpless to exercise
authority. In spite of their numerical superiority, having
7.000 foot to oppose to 4,000 of the enemy, the Parliamentary
infantry were discouraged by their loss, and their left flank
being exposed since the flight of Ireton's cavalry, the front
ranks fell back in disorder, whilst the officers of the broken
regiments, finding it impossible to induce them to make a
stand, threw themselves into the squares of the second line.
It was no light issue that was at stake. Whichever leader could
bring a preponderant force of horse to bear upon the confused
struggle of footmen in the centre would have England at his
feet.
While Rupert was wasting time in his pursuit of the Parlia-
mentary left and in his attack on the guardians of the baggage,
Cromwell was winning the victory. Even before Rossiter's
appearance, he had outnumbered the cavaliy opposed to
CROMWELL'S ATTACK.
Langdalfl.
him, and it was now at the head of 3,600 sabres that he
watched the 2,000 horsemen of the enemy toiling up the slope.
c wa.\ Then with all the advantage of numbers and the
ihi light ground on his side, he gave the order to charge.
""'*■ Though his extreme right was checked by furze
bushes and a rabbit warren, the enemy took no advantage, as
Kupert had taken advantage on the other side of the field, of
the consequent dislocation of the Parliamentary h*ne. Whalley,
who had smooth ground before him, charged Lang-
dale's own regiment and routed it after a sharp
engagement. The Northern horse had long been
sullen and discontented, and it may be that their arms t
the weaker for the burden on their hearts. Thrown back upon
their reserves, they left the flank of their infantry exposed.
With prompt decisio'i Cromwell held back part of his force
to employ it in mastering the Royalist foot Three regiments
_, he could well spare out of his overwhelming num
seainaiho bcfs for another task, and he pushed them on in
pursuit of the beaten enemy. Charles, it is true, did
not quail before the rush of the horsemen bearing down upon
him, and he bade the regiments which remained intact to
charge and to retrieve the fortunes of the day. Though he
had the strength of will to give this command, he had not the
strength of will to meet friendly but positive resistance. As
he rode forward to share in the peril, the Earl of Camwath
snatched at his bridle, crying out, " Will you go upon your
chariH death ?" Charles hesitated, and almost at the same
hesiiKiM. moment some one, perhaps gathering a hint from the
King's movements, gave the order " March to the right." The
R«r«iiof whole of the cavalry of the reserve wheeled about at
ih= reserve. j]jg word, carr)'ing the King with them, and rode
hurriedly to the rear. After a flight of about a quarter of a
mile with broken ranks and dispirited hearts, they halted to
see what further lot might be in store for them.
The stress of battle did not as yet fall upon this panic-
stricken rout, Cromwell, with the main body of his horse,
amongst whom Fairfax had now thrown himself, fiew at
the doomed infantry which was still struggling heroically for
2$c NASEB V. CH. XXXI.
victory in the centre. Rupert had not yet returned from his
ill timed pursuit, and Okey, finding the field in front of him
General empty, Ordering Ws dragoons to mount, launched
Ro*>Slii2*'*** them against the rear and flank of the Royalist
foot. foQ^^ Some too of the broken regiments of Ireton's
wing had by this time rallied and joined in the attack. Before
such a mass of horsemen sweeping down upon them no infantry
could in those days make a stand, and least of all a force which
had not yet succeeded in overpowering the resistance of the
enemy's foot in front. The King's foot — Welshmen for the
most part — were in no case to repeat, with such odds against
them, the marvels of the London trained bands at Newbury.^
Regiment after regiment flung down its arms and was admitted
to quarter. One regiment alone held out beyond expectation.
Complete Fairfisuc, whose helmet had been struck off in the
Resist ^ fight, but who continued to expose himself bare-
centre, headed to the chance of war, bade the colonel of
his guard to attack it in front whilst he himself fell upon it in
the rear. The double assault broke up the last resistance, and
with the overthrow of this gallant regiment Charles's infantry
ceased to exist. Fairfax had borne himself all through the
fight with the bravery which he shared in common with many
of his troopers. There is no sign that he in any way impressed
his mind upon the coiirse of the battle as Rupert and Crom-
well did after their respective fashion ; but his modesty was all
his own. After he had slain with his own hand the ensign of
the last regiment which resisted, he left the colours on the
Modesty of gTOund, A soldier who picked them up boasted
Tairfax. ^j^^^ j^^ j^^ ^q,j ^j^^jjj )jy tiding the officer in
charge. " I have honour enough," said Fairfax when he heard
of the braggart's lying tale; "let him take that honour to
himself."
The whole battle was practically at an end when Rupert
came back from his too precipitate charge. Not venturing to
attack the victors, he rode off to rejoin his sovereign in the rear.
There were those in the Parliamentary ranks who wished to
> See voL i. 2x4.
i645
A CRUSHING VICTORY.
I
I
I
Flighl of
direct a. cavalry charge on his disorganised horsemen as they
passed across the field, but Fairfax refused to run [he risk.
He halted his cavalry till his foot had reformed, and
.^omKiMck then advanced to the line of hill from which the
™ ^ °' King's army had descended before the fight. Here
he drew up his whole force in battle array. To attack a com-
plete army with his scanty force, and that composed of cavalry
alone, was a rashness from which even Rupert recoiled. Both
he and Charles knew that the day was lost, and,
wheeling round, the Royalist horse sought safety in
"™"^' retreat. The retreat soon quickened into flight, and
for fourteen miles, till the walls of Leicester were reached,
Fairfax's troopers, slaughtering as they rode, swept after them
in pursuit.
The victorious foot meanwhile remained behind to guard
Resuiiof Uk the captives, and to strip them of the plunder which
bauie. []^gj, had gathered since they had broken up from
Leicester.
From a military point of view the blow had been decisive.
The King's infantry was almost to a man destroyed or cap-
tured. Five thousand prisoners of both arms were in the
hands of the victors. What was more disastrous still was that
of this number nearly 500 were officers. Even if Charles suc-
ceeded in raising fresh regiments of infantry, he could hardly
hope to find officers competent to train and command them.
Further, his whole train of artillery, forty barrels of powder,
and arms for 8,000 men passed into the enemy's hands. To
win such a victory almost every element of success had com-
bined. On the Parliamentary side was a better cavalry officer
and a far more numerous army. Part, at least, of Fairfax's
horse had been superior to anything which could be produced
on the other side. Yet, after all, a victory in which 14,000
men defeated 7,500, and that too not without difficulty, cannot
be reckoned amongst the great examples of military efficiency,
rhe truth is that a great part of the Parliamentary army was
composed of raw soldiers hardly as yet inured to discipline, or
to the sight of an enemy in the field.
The slain were few in proportion to the prisoners, about
252 NASEBY, CH. XXXI.
700 having been killed in the battle and 300 in the pursuit
The worst fate was reserved for the unhappy women who fol-
lowed the camp. About a hundred, being of Irish birth, ' with
cruel countenances,' were knocked on the head without mercy.
The faces of the English harlots were gashed in order to render
them for ever hideous, and it is not improbable that some
officers' and soldiers' wives shared the fete of their frailer
sisters. Puritanism was intolerant of vice, and it had no
pity for the sex on which its hideous burden falls most
heavily.*
Whatever else may have been the result of the victory at
Naseby, it loosed Cromwell's tongue. Ever since the day
when he had discovered that the aid of the Scots was
pleads for a necessity if the King was to be defeated he had
^' kept silence on that subject of liberty of conscience
which was so near to his heart. " Honest men," he now wrote
to Lenthall before he sought rest after returning from the
pursuit, "served you faithfully in this action. Sir, they arc
trusty ; I beseech you, in the name of God, not to discourage
them. . . . He that ventures his life for the liberty of his
country, I wish he trust God for the liberty of his conscience,
and you for the liberty he fights for." *
So little did the House of Commons share Cromwell's
sentiments on this matter, that in sending his letter to the
His letter prcss they omitted this paragraph. It was to no
blTthe'**^ purpose that they exercised their censorship. The
Commons. House of Lords, probably in mere thoughtlessness,
» Walker, 130; Slingshy's Diary, 151 ; SpHgg, 37 ; WhUelocke, 151 ;
Perfect Occurrences, E. 262, 10 ; A glorious victory, E. 288, 7.\\ A true
relation, E. 288, 22 ; Tliru Letters, E. 288, 27 ; A more exact and perfect
relation, E. 288, 28 ; TTu weekly account, E. 288, 33 ; A more particular
and exact relation, E. 288, 38. The letter attached to An Ordinance, E.
288, 26, from a gentleman of public employment, is ascribed to Rushworth,
in a note in Thomason*s hand. For a discussion on the movements pre-
liminary to the battle, and for an acknowledgment of my obligations to
Colonel Ross, see the note at the end of this volume.
« CarlyU, Letter XXIX.
1645 A MUTILATED DESPATCH. 253
simultaneously ordered a complete copy of the letter to be sent
forth to the world. Yet there were not wanting some, even
amongst usually well-informed persons, who maintained that
the mutilated copy was alone genuine.^
' The two forms are both amongst the Thomason Tracts (£. 288, 26 ;
E. 288, 27). Thomason notes that the copy without the paragraph was
as Cromwell wrote it, imagining the most characteristic portion of the
letter to have been forged.-
»54
CHAPTER XXXII.
LANGPORT AND BRIDGWATER.
If Cromwell's political advice was disregarded at Westminster,
it was more than ever impossible to dispense with his services
as a military commander. On June 16 the Lords
June 16. agreed to confirm his Lieutenant-Generalship for
continued three months,^ and as the command was again con-
Si'ant- **"' firmed from time to time as its term expired, it
Generalship, piratically bccamc permanent. The same favour
was accorded to Sir William Brereton and Sir Thomas
Similar Middlcton, who respectively commanded the Parlia-
fovours to mentary forces in Cheshire and in so much of North
and Mid- Wales as was not under the dominion of the King.^
In none of these cases was there, properly speaking,
an exemption from the operation of the Self-Denying Ordi-
nance. That Ordinance did not take away from the Houses
the power of appointing their members to offices after the
expiration of the term fixed for their resignation.
Amongst the friends of the Parliament hope was at last
high of bringing the long weary war to a close. On June 18
Leicester surrendered,' and Fairfax was set at liberty
Surrender to pursuc the beaten King. Every effort was made
ices er. ^^ p^ess men to enable him to follow up his victory
Yet, from both military and political reasons, there was in
some quarters a strong disposition to bring the Scottish army
The Scots southwards, either to supplement or to counter-
to advance, balance the success of the New Model Soldiers
might remember that Fairfax could not at the same time
> Z./. viL 433. * /did. vii. 367, 599.
' A copy of a letter, E. 289, 42.
S A PRESBYTERIAN COMMENT. 25s
follow the King and besiege his fortresses. The Presbyterians,
on the other hand, had already begun to depreciate Naseby.
" We hope," wrote Baillie, "the back of the malignant parly
156 LANGPORT AND BRIDGWATER, CH. xxxii.
is broken. Some fear the insolence of others, to whom alone
the Lord has given the victory of that day. It was never more
necessary to haste up all possible recruits to our army.'* * The
same sentiment was in the minds of Baillie's English friends.
The Scottish army was by this time available for service
in England. The King's march eastwards from Dra3rton had
Leven't rcmovcd all apprehension of an attack upon Scot-
movements. j^^^ jjy y^,^y ^f Lancashire, and, whilst the King had
been marching upon Leicester and Naseby, Leven had care-
fully retraced his steps through Westmoreland into Yorkshire.
Having required and received assurances that his army would
no longer be neglected by the Houses, he continued his march
southwards, and on Tune 20 he was able to announce
He arrives at his arHval at Mansfield.' When the news arrived,
a month's pay of 31,000/. had already been voted
for the Scots, and the City at once agreed to supply the money
\n advance.*
The City was for the moment in an excellent humour.
The free hand which had been given to Fairfax had been given
The City in *^ ^^ bidding, and it might reasonably attribute to
a liberal itsclf somc part of the glory of Naseby.* The
citizens felt no inclination to close their purses now
that they saw a chance of the speedy termination of the war.
Tttnex ^^ ^^ '9^^' ^^^ ^y appointed as a thanksgiving
The City day for the great victory, the City entertained the
****** two Houses at a sumptuous banquet Two dsLjs
later the scene of interest was transferred to the streets. On
the 2ist the prisoners from Naseby were to enter
Entry of the London. The Royalists predicted that the show
prisoners, ^q^j^ |^ ^y^ ^ ^qj Qjjg Though prisoncrs had
been collected from all quarters it would be difficult to bring
as many as seven hundred together.* When the day arrived
no less than three thousand were led through the streets
thronged with a triumphant multitude.^
» Bailiu, U. 287. « Z./. vii. 449. • /Aid. vii. 441.
* Sabran to Brienne, June 19. AM AfSS, 5,461, foL 269.
* Nicholas to Rupert, June 23. Add, MSS, 18,982, fol. 65.
* Tkg manner haw the prisoners are to be brought into London, E.
i645 TREATMENT OF THE PRISONERS. 257
Most of these unfortunate men were of Welsh origin.
The Houses were by no means anxious to be burdened with
Their their maintenance, and after an effort to bring home
treatment. ^^ them the misery of their condition, by forcing
them to pass some nights in the open air in Tothill Fields,
Welsh they sent Dr. Cradock, a Welsh clergyman, to preach
sermons. ^^ them two sermons in their own language, after
which they were invited to "take the Covenant in order to
qualify themselves for employment in Ireland. About five
_. , hundred only accepted the offer at once, and two or
Disposal • *
of the three hundred more followed their example after the
prisoners interval of a few months. The Spanish ambassador
picked up some recruits for his master's service in the Nether-
lands, but the greater part remained in custody till the end of
the war brought with it a general release of prisoners.*
That the war must be carried on with unflagging energy
was now on the lips of all who were not Royalists. Yet the
The war to very greatness of the success could not fail to en-
ousTy^prosc- couragc in some minds the hope that the King
cuted. would be at last sufficiently conscious of weakness to
accept the proposals which he had rejected at Uxbridge.
On the 20th the I^ords took fresh propositions of
June 20. * *
The Lords peacc into consideration, and on the following day
fre^rnego- they rcccivcd the support of the Scottish commis-
nation. sioners, who added a request that the war might
be vigorously prosecuted during the negotiations, and tliat
there might be a * speedy settling of religion and the House of
God.' The rift between Presbyterians and Independents was
still open. 2
288, 48. 4,000 had been taken, but some of the prisoners had escaped on
the road, and others were for various reasons kept back, It is not easy
to say what became of Irish prisoners. An order *was given by Parlia-
ment that they should be put to death without mercy, and that too at
Fairfax's special request. L./, vii. 433 ; C./, iv. 182 ; Nicholas to
Rupert, July 11, Add. MSS. 18,982, fol. 68. On the other hand, there
is a later order that the mere Irish were to be committed to prison. C./.
iv. 21.
• 77ie Moderate Intelligencer^ E. 292, 3 ; Sabran to Brienne, July ~,
Sept. y\. Add. MSS. 5,461 fol. 284, 368b. « L.J. vii. 441, 442.
VOL. II. S
258 LANGPORT AND BRIDGWATER. CH. xxxil
However anxious the Lords might be for the resumption of
negotiations, it was impossible for them to proceed further in
the teeth of the excitement caused by the revelation of the
TheKingt King's most secret intrigues. The King's cabinet
cabinet. ^^^ h^^ii capturcd at Naseby, and had been sent up
to Westminster by Fairfax. The greater part of the letters
contained in it were drafts or copies of those written by Charles
Revelations to his wife. From these and from other papers in
thTktt^*" the same collection it appeared beyond a shadow of
found in it. doubt that Charles, whatever had been declared in
his name at Uxbridge, had never really acknowledged the
Houses at Westminster as a lawful Parliament. Worse still, in
the eyes of contemporaries, was the King's negotiation for the
landing of an Irish army in England, and his readiness to
abolish the laws against the English Catholics. Nor was it
easy to forgive his attempt to introduce upon English soil the
wild soldiery of the Duke of Lorraine.*
The papers justifying these grave accusations were for the
most part read first in the two Houses and then at a Common
July. Hall in the City. Shortly afterwards they were
Publication printed for the reading of all men. That no doubt
letter*. of their genuineness might be entertained, any per-
sons who wished to put it to the test were invited to examine
the originals. The effect of their publication was enormous.^
It seemed hopeless to treat with a King who was at heart so
little of an Englishman, and whose professions were
render a SO little in accordance with his practice. "The key
nS?tiation of the King's cabinet," wrote a London pamphleteer,
impossible. „ ^ j^ \i2^ki unlockcd the mystery of former treaties,
so I hope it will lock up our minds from thoughts of future." ^
It was no mere record of a dead past which had been sud-
denly unveiled. One of the captured letters had been written
as late as June 8. There was no reason to suppose that
Charles's conduct in July would differ from his conduct in
June.
The King's Cabinet Opened, E. 292, 27.
Z.y. vii. 465; C,J, iv. 190. Thomason*s date of publication is
July 14. » The City Alarum, E. 292, 12.
1645 CHARLES STILL HOPEFUL, 159
Charles, in fxct, was far from being discouraged by his
overthrow at Naseby. His cavalry, though defeated, was almost
intact, and he could not believe that there would be much
difficulty in levying foot amongst those rugged Welsh hills which
jun-sxQ. ^ad supplied him so well before. On June 19 he
at^^Hwi"' reached Hereford. The news which met him there
ford. ^as disquieting. A large party of his supporters had
been defeated at Stokesay on the 8th, and Sir William Crofts,
the ablest of the Herefordshire Royalists, had been slain in the
action.^ Yet the county professed its willingness to support
the King in his misfortune. Gerard too at last arrived with
2,000 men from Wales. Charles was thus able, with reinforce-
ments which he had picked up on the way, to muster 3,000
foot and 4,000 horse, and might therefore hope soon
repair hS ^ to find himself at the head of a force not inferior,
numerically at least, to that with which he had fought
at Naseby. In the West, Goring could dispose of a consider-
able army, and if the siege of Taunton could be brought sue
cessfully to an end he would be able to advance— so at least it
was fondly hoped at Hereford — with a force of 8,000 foot and
6,000 horse. ^ If the two armies could only be brought
together, Charles would be far stronger in numbers than he
had been at the beginning of the campaign.
It would not have been characteristic of Charles to depend
on English troops alone. " The late misfortune," he wrote to
Ormond the day before his arrival at Hereford,
Tunc 18. , , -r . 1 . 1
HeappeaU " makes the Irish assistance more necessary than
to Ormond. ^^gf^j.^ ^Qx if within thcse two months you could
send me a considerable assistance, I am confident that both
my last loss would be soon forgotten, and likewise it may, by
the grace of God, put such a turn to my affairs as to make me
in a far better condition before winter than I have been at any
time since this rebellion began." ^
Charles, in fact, had persuaded himself that his last con-
* Intelligence from Shropshire. E. 290, 1 1. For the date of the
iction, see Webb's Civil War in Herefordshire ^ ii. 193-196.
'^ Digby to Ormond, June 19. Carte's Ormond^ vi. 301.
' The King to Ormond, June 18. Ihid, v. 14.
S2
25o LANGPORT ASD BRIDGWATER, CH. xxxil.
cessions to the Irish must by this time have brought about a
He feeu conclusioQ of the long- desired peace. " We all,**
v;reit.at wrote Digby, "take it for granted that the peace of
co.uiudcd. Ireland is concluded." ' Glamorgan had now finally
(.lamorgan Set out for DubHn to smooth away all remaining
»oi»out. difficulties.* Lest Glamorgan's intervention might
prove insufficient, another emissary, Colonel Fitzwilliam, was
Mission of almost at the same time despatched to Ireland. L!ike
Colonel Glamorgan, he was ready to take the command of
William. 10,000 Irish soldiers, and to transport them into
England. He had recently arrived from France with a letter
of recommendation from the Queen. His only stipulation
was that the Irish were to have * free use of their religion, a
free Parliament, and the penal laws to be taken off.* Charles,
who had already expressed his readiness to grant all these
things, raised no objection.* In expectation of a successful
June a6. result, Langdale was appointed Governor of North
J^t*J^* Wales, to be ready to receive the Irish when
w^ t^^y landed, and was directed in the meanwhile to
, cross the sea to confer with Ormond on the most
J line 37.
2^1**^!. suitable way of shipping them. Almost at the same
O Neill sent . •' *^*^ *='
to ComwaiL time Daniel O'Neill received instructions to repair
to Cornwall to get transports ready for the purpose.*
* Digby to Ormond, June 19. Carte's Ormond^ vi 301.
2 The King to Glamorgan, June 23. HarL MSS. 6,988, fol. 114. I
gather from this letter that Glamorgan started without any fresh direc-
tions, as the King merely writes, ** I am glad to hear that you are gone
to Ireland." The language of Byron supports this view. ** Upon these
considerations," he writes— ^^. upon the necessity of obtaining aid after
Naseby — **my Lord of Glamorgan hath thought fit to hasten his journey
into Ireland." Digby to Orm<md. Carte MSS, xv. fol. 99.
* Propositions offered by Fitzwilliam, May J|, The Kin^s Cabinet
Opened^ p. 21, E, 292, 27 ; Fitzwilliam to Digby, July 16, S,P, Dom. ;
the King to Ormond, June 18, Digby to Ormond, June 19, Carte's
Onnondt v. 1 4, vi. 304.
* Digby to Ormond, June 26, Ibid, vL 302 ; Instructions to O'Neill,
J unt 27 f Ltid/(fw*s Memoirs (ed. 1751), iii. 305. The King was at this
time confident that Ormond would do his best to send the Irish over.
**As for my letter to Ormond," he had written to the Queen about a
month t>efore Naseby, **he understands it clearly enough, but he is some-
"645
A GLOOMY OUTLOOK.
Sanguine as Charles was, he could not but have
of despondency. In a letter written to his son on June 23, he
June 13. faced the possibility of his own capture. In such a
ILir^!^ case the Prince was never to yield to any con-
10 his MIL ditions that were dishonourable, unsafe for his own
person, or derogatory to regal authority, even to save his
father's life.'
The outlook on Charles's side was indeed more gloomy
than Charles, even in his most despondent moments, could
F.ffKtofibe possibly imagine. His persistent efforts to master
J his, rebellious subjects by Irish and foreign aid were
converting the New Model into a national arrny.
It was all very well for mere soldiers like Byron and Langdale'
to applaud any means which would bring recruits to their
diminishing forces. To them an Irish soldier was as good as
one of English birth, if only he knew how to handle a musket
or a pike. To civilians who were Englishmen iirst and
Royalists afterwards the difference was immense. Even in
Royalist districts the hearty co-operation of the mass of the
people was hardly to be expected after the revelation of
Charles's secrets in the letters captured at Naseby.
In the meanwhile Fairfax was pressing on towards the
Tiin=>i West. On June zi one more attempt was made in
Pr^™?' " ^^^ House of Commons to subject him to civilian
Fairfan lo authority. 1'he members who sat for eastern and
lecofBuih southern constituencies wished to confer upon the
Kingdomi. Committee of Both Kingdoms authority to recall
him, if it thought fit to do so. Their proposal was couched
what fearful to tnkc (hat burden upon him without the Council Ihfie ;
but I have now so cleared that doubt likewise to him that nothing but hit
disobedience —which I cannot expect — can hinder spefdily the peace of
Ireland," The King to the Queen, May 12. Lelten of HenrUlta Maria,
303.
' Clarendon, x, 4.
' "It is in your power," wrote Lanedale lo Orroond, "to make your-
self famous to all ages for your loyally lo His Majesty, and for tho
deliverance of the English nation from t he greatest rebellion and anarchical
government that ever yet threatened the ruin thereof." Langdale ta
. Ormond, July 3. Carie MSS. xv. fol, 190.
4
262 LANGPORT AXD BRIDGWATER, CH. xxxil.
in the interests of their own districts, though the form in
which it was made gave it the appearance of being inspired
by a wider patriotism. Their motion was rejected, but the
June 25. Committee was instructed * to take care for the
w^fhV*''**' safety of the West, and with regard to the whole
thinks best, kingdom.' The Committee, wiser than the House,
simply directed Fairfax to act according to his own judgment.'
Fairfax had not altogether an easy task before him. On
the 26th he reached Lechlade on his way to Marlborough.
June a6. ^is army was in much distress. Horses and arms
difficSuils. ^^^^ wanting, and desertions had been frequent.
. . J. The associated counties, having been called on to
his army. supply the full tale of men which they were bound
by the New Model Ordinance to furnish, were slack in com-
plying with the demand, and when at last they pressed the
recruits and sent them off, they took no pains to stop desertion,
or to seize the runaways after their return to their homes.
Fairfax now appealed to the Houses to remedy this mischief,
and the Houses at once complied with his request as far as it
was in their power to do so.
Even after the efficiency of the Parliamentary army had
been restored, the difficulties of the military position which
The military Fairfax was called on to face were by no means
position. slight. He had only one army to dispose of, whilst
the enemy had two. He could not afford to divide his own
force, and whether he turned upon Charles or Goring, he
would leave the way open for plundering raids upon the
Parliamentary districts by whichever army he left unopposed.
He now announced to both Houses that he had made his
choice. Of the two hostile armies he considered Goring's to
be the more dangerous. Taunton was for the third time
straitened, and Massey's force, previously ordered to keep the
country open around the town,^ had, since Goring^s return to
the West, been found quite inadequate to the task. Fairfax
therefore resolved to make the relief of Taunton and the
' C./. iv. 182 ; D'Ewes*s Diary, HarU MSS, 166, fol. 220b ; the
Com. of B. K. to Fairfax, June 25, Com, Letter Book,
* See p. 229.
i64S ADVANCE OF THE SCOTS, 263
defeat of Goring his immediate care. It was for the Houses
to devise a mode of keeping the King in check.*
Fortunately for the Houses, they had now the Scottish
army to fall back upon. As long as Carlisle held out there
would be difficulty in inducing Leven to move
Surrender of farther south. The governor, Sir Thomas Glemham,
made a desperate resistance, and for some time the
garrison had been reduced to the scantiest and most loathsome
food. At last, on June 28, its power of defying starvation was
at an end, and Glemham capitulated to David Leslie.'-* In
spite of the objections of his English auxiliaries, Leslie placed
Carlisle in the charge of a Scottish garrison. At Westminster
this addition to the material pledges in the hands of the Scots
was viewed with grave dissatisfaction, but it was not a moment
when the Houses could afford to quarrel with their allies.
They invited Leven to march forward and to lay siege to
„. ^ Hereford, thus performing the double task of assail-
The Scots to . ... • J r • a>u i
besiege mg an important garrison and of opposing Charles
in a district in which his influence was still great.
Leven rested at Nottingham till he had ascertained that money
was really being provided for the pay of his men. He then
pushed forward, and on July 8 he established him-
Leven at' sclf at Alccster. He had been joined by an English
force under Sir John Gell, and after this reinforce-
ment his army numbered somewhat more than 7,000 men.' It
was hardly capable of rapidly manoeuvring, if it is true that it
w^as followed by no less than 4,000 women and children. Till
the promised money arrived the army was compelled to live
at free quarters, a system which was always accompanied by
wastefulness and oppression out of all proportion to the gain of
the soldiers.*
» Fairfax to the Houses of Parliament, June 26. L,/. viL 463.
* Rushw, vi. 118.
* C.J, iv. 205.
* **They plunder notably in the country," writes Nicholas of the
Scottish women, ** nothing inferior to the Irish women slain at Naseby.
I hear that the Earl of Leven is troubled that the rebels gave no quarter
to the Irish at Naseby, and saith that he will not engage his Scots but at
264 LANGPORT AXD BRIDGWATER. CH. xxxil.
Fairfax was already far advanced towards the West. On
July I, when not far from Salisbury, he found himself con-
juiy I. fronted by an unexpected obstacle. The burdens
SaiTJbur^.**' o^ the war lay most heavily on the agricultural
Mayas, population. On May 25, 4,000 farmers and yeomen
The Club- from the counties of Wilts and Dorset had met to
men in Wells
and Dorset, appoint an organised body of watchmen to seize
plunderers, and to carry them for punishment to the nearest
garrison of the party to which the offenders belonged.^ On
June 2 a similar body in Somerset presented to the
and in ' Princc of Wales a petition asking for redress of
omerse . grievances.^ Further experience showed that it was
useless to expect the officers of the garrisons to do justice on
their own men. On June 30 they resolved not only
Further ' to inflict the punishment themselves, but to offer
proce mgs. p^^^g^jj^j^ ^q presscd mcn who had deserted the
service into which they had been driven.^ The men of Wilts
and Dorset took a still more daring step. They resolved to
send messengers both to King and Parliament to request them
to make peace, and they gave a testimony of their earnestness
by subscribing a sum of money to enable the neighbouring
garrisons to subsist without plunder till an answer had been
received. The movement set on foot in three counties by the
Clubmen — as the countrymen were called from their appear-
ance without pikes or firearms at the county musters— had
June 29. already assumed a distinctly political aspect. On
with M!«. Ju"C 29 a quanel broke out between some of them
sey's troops, ^nd a party of Massey's men at Sturminster Newton,
and lives were lost on both sides.
good advantage, for he finds the country not well satisfied with their
coming southward, and if the King's generals should give private order
that no quarter be given to his Scots soldiers . . . which he confesses
were but equal, the small number which he hath would be soon destroyed,
and he should speedily be at the mercy of the English.** Nicholas to
Rupert, July ii. Add, MSS, 18,932, fol. 68.
' The desires and resolutions of the Clubmen, E. 292, 24.
2 Answer of the Prince of Wales. Clar, MSS, 1,894.
• Perfect Occurrences, E. 262, 20.
1645 ^^^ CLUBMEN. 265
No man living was better qualified than Fairfax to deal with
such a movement. On July 2, when he was on his way to
Blandford, he showed his determination to meet with
A soldier' faimess the only demand of the Clubmen of which
exccu c .^ ^^^ possible to take account, by executing a sol-
dier who was caught plundering. On the 3rd, when he reached
Dorchester, he received a deputation from the Club-
A deputation men of Dorsct. Their leader, Holies,* demanded a
passport to enable him to present a petition to King
and Parliament. In this petition the Clubmen asked that
there should be a cessation of hostilities, that all soldiers who
wished to return to their homes might be allowed to do so, and
that they might themselves have the custody of all places in
the county garrisoned by either party. In making these re-
quests Holies spoke in a tone of menace. If they were rejected,
he said, the Clubmen were strong enough to enforce obedience.
Fairfax would soon be engaged with Goring. If he got the
worst, every fugitive would be knocked on the head without
mercy.
Fairfax answered with admirable temper. He desired peace,
he said, as much as they did themselves. It appeared, however,
from the King's letters taken at Naseby * that con-
Fairfax tracts are already made for the bringing in of 10,000
rep les. Frcnch and 6,000 Irish.' ^ How could they ask him
to agree to a cessation and to loose his hold on the port-towns
at a time when a foreign invasion was expected ? Good disci-
pline was all that he could promise them, and with that they
A bod f ^^st be content. Fairfax's argument was enforced
Clubmen by the arrival of news that a body of Clubmen had
"'^ * * been routed with some loss by the Governor of
Lyme, and the Parliamentary army was allowed to continue its
march without hindrance.^
The danger which Fairfax had apprehended from the
western Royalists seemed less formidable as it was approached.
- He was a brother of Thomas Holies, of Salisbury, who led the
Wiltshire Clubmen.
*'' The numbers appear to be inverted.
* S^rig^^ 61-66.
«66 LANGPORT AND BRIDGWATER. CH. xxxii.
Their forces were without the coherence which discipline
alone can give. The rapacity of the generals had alienated all
State of the ^"^ ^^ King's most devoted partisans. In Devon-
iii*t§e wSu ^^^^^ ^^ greedy and unscrupulous Grenvile, now
recovered from his wound,* was placed in command
Sir Richard of the troops blockading Plymouth. He used his
'*"^*** authority to bring into his own hands the seques-
tered estates of the few Parliamentarian gentlemen of the
county. The tenants soon learnt to regret the change. As a
landlord he rack-rented them. As the King's officer he forced
them to pay out of their own pockets every penny of the con-
tribution to military purposes which had been laid on the
estate. He insisted on keeping in his own hands the whole of
the contribution of the county, though some of it might fairiy
have been spent in providing for the soldiers engaged in the
siege of Taunton. Inoffensive Royalists who were rich enough
to be fit subjects for his extortions were flung into gaol at Lid-
ford, and one unlucky lawyer, whose only offence was that he
had many years before taken part in a suit against the resentful
tyrant, was hanged without mercy as a spy.
At last, to the great joy of the whole neighbourhood,
Grenvile was induced to leave the task of keeping watch over
Plymouth to Sir John Berkeley, whose sterling qualities were
in glaring contrast with the vices of the man whom he super-
seded. To Grenvile was assigned a post under Goring, which,
however, gave him what was practically an independent com-
mand in East Devon. Yet it was impossible to satisfy him.
Finding that his troops were less numerous than he
^^ wished them to be, he wrote to the Prince's secretary,
demanding a court-martial on his conduct, or, as an alternative,
permission to leave the country.^
Gk)ring's misconduct was no less glaring than Grenvile's.
When he was not drinking or gambling, he spent his time in
disputes with the Prince's council and with the commanders
' See p. 206.
• Clarendon^ ix. 52, 59; Grenvile to Fanshaw, June 29; Grenvile
to the Prince's council, July 3, Clar, MSS, 1,910, 1,911 ; Grenvile's
Narrative, Carte's Orig, Letters^ i. 94.
1645 END OF THE SIEGE OF TAUNTON, 267
of the neighbouring garrisons. If he had any policy at all it
was that of conciliating the Clubmen in order to induce them
and of to enrol themselves under him. He promised
Goring. solemnly that if the contributions were duly paid he
would allow no plundering, and in order to take hold of the
popular imagination he requested that prayers might be offered
in all the churches for the success of his undertakings. The
simple peasants flocked to him with their contributions, only
to find themselves plundered more cruelly than before. Yet
he could not understand that he had alienated them past re-
call. Abominably as he had behaved to the Clubmen, he
again spoke fairly to them, and reproached Sir Francis Mack-
worth, the Governor of Langport — who happened, it is true,
to be one of his numerous personal enemies — with venturing
to defend himself against their attack. At the same time he
kept the garrison at Langport so straitened for provisions that
it could only subsist by plunder, and was, even then, incapable
of offering a prolonged resistance to the enemy.*
June 29. For some time, as his manner was. Goring had
SmfaUhopc ^^^" boastfully confident of reducing Taunton. On
Taumon J"^^ 29 he anuounced that, in consequence of the
approach of the enemy, it would be necessary to
Fairfax ' retreat.^ On July 4, on his arrival at Beaminster,
theSege is Fairfax learned that the siege had, for the third and
^^^^ last time, been raised.^
Fairfax's march, like that of all the Parliamentary com-
manders, had been deflected more to the south than any route
His line of which a modcm traveller would be likely to take,
march. possibly in order to keep up his communications
July 5. ^ith the seaports of Weymouth and Lyme. He
He comes
up with the thus turned the defences on the line of the Yeo
G^oring's and Parret, the bridges over which rivers were entirely
position. .^ Goring*s hands. On the 5th, as he was pushing
through Crewkerne, he first came in contact with the enemy,
* Clarendon, ix. 46.
' Goring to Culpepper, June 29. Ciar, MSS. 1,909.
* Sprigg, 67. Sprigg calls this the raising of the siege for the second
time, not counting the relief by Holborne.
1645 FAIRFAX AND GORING. 269
and learnt that his opponent had taken up his position on the
north bank of the two rivers. Goring would thus be in com-
munication with the King, if Charles should by any possibility
be able to advance to his succour ; whilst if he were com-
pelled to retire by the road down the valley, guarded as it was
by the fortifications of Langport and by a less important fort
at Borough Bridge, he would have an ea§y way of retreat to the
strongly guarded fortress of Bridgwater.
In the meanwhile the Royalist position was easily guarded
against an attack from the south. The Yeo runs, during the
v 11 f h &^^^^^ P^^ ^^ ^^s course, in a channel cut through
Yeo and the the peat, which can only be crossed by bridges
erected at the points where higher land projects
towards the stream from either side. Such biidges were to be
found at Ilchester and at Long Sutton, the one leading from
the latter village being known as Load Bridge, while there was
a third over the Parret at Langport below its junction with the
Yeo. All three were held by Goring, the whole line from
Ilchester to Langport being about seven miles in length.
Fairfax was hardly likely to succeed by a direct attack on
an army nearly equal in numbers to his own, and so strongly
- posted. He resolved to outmanoeuvre Goring rather
Goring out- than to storm his position. On the morning of the
7th, leaving a strong force near Ilchester and Load
Bridge, as if he intended to force his way across the stream at
one or other of these points, he despatched a strong body of
foot to seize Yeovil, higher up the stream, where the enemy
had contented himself with breaking down the bridge without
occupying the town. In Goring there was no resourcefulness
His line in danger, no grasp of a complicated situation as a
forced. connected whole. Making no attempt to throw
himself upon any part of Fairfax's divided force, he at once
gave up all hope of maintaining the line of the river. In the
night of the 7th, as soon as he heard that Yeovil bridge had
been repaired, he evacuated Long Sutton and Ilchester, thus
leaving two more bridges over the Yeo free to Fairfax to cross
at his pleasure. Yet he could not resolve upon the only prac-
ticable alternative policy of throwing himself into Bridgwater
270 LANGPORT AND BRIDGWATER, CH. xxxil.
to await relief. Leaving a considerable part of his force at
Julys. Langport, he galloped off on the morning of the
loVT^tS?^ 8th with a large body of cavalry towards Taunton,
Taunton, in the mere hope that he might be able to surprise
the town, now that its garrison was thrown off its guard by the
withdrawal of the besiegers. Fairfax was too quick for him,
July 9. a^^ despatched Massey in pursuit. Massey overtook
pris^ by' ^^"^ ^^ ^^^^ morning by the side of a stream near
Massey. Uminster where his men were bathing and disporting
themselves, as if they had been out of the enemy's reach.
They were soon scattered with heavy loss, and Goring, who
had himself been wounded in the affair, fled back to Langport
with such of his men as he could collect around him.
In the meanwhile Fairfax, having nothing now to gain by
crossing the bridge at Yeovil, retraced his steps to Ilchester.
Crossing the Yeo there, he pushed on to Long
cr^^the Sutton, on the north bank of the river, and found
^^' that Goring, who had by this time returned from his
misadventure, had drawn up his army about a mile in advance
of Langport, on a hill sloping down to Pisbury Bottom, a small
marshy valley through which a little stream runs into the Yeo.
There was some skirmishing in the evening, but it was not till
the morning of the loth that Fairfax advanced with his army
to force the position.
The posrtion was not ill chosen. The lane along which
Fairfax's horse would have to pass, to avoid the marshy ground
July xo. o" either side, led across the little stream by a deep
The^sition j^^^ narrow ford, while the hedges on the slope of
Bottom. the hill beyond were lined by Goring's musketeers.
Yet, strong as the ground was,^ Fairfax had hardly any choice
* In the summer of 1887 I examined the ground in the company of the
late Mr. F. H. Dickinson, of King Weston. At present there are two bridges
across the stream, one at the hamlet of Wagg, the other opposite Pluish
Episcopi lower down. The slope of the hill is so slight at the latter place
as to put out of the question the view that it was the scene of the battle,
which I had adopted before examining the locality, having been misled
by the dark shading of the Ordnance map. The site of Wagg Bridge, to
which Mr. Dickinson called my attention, answers every requirement.
All the authorities except Baxter {Reliquia Baxteriana^ 54) describe a
i64S BATTLE OF LANGPORT, rj\
but to fight. He did not know that the conditions were more
favourable to him than they appeared to be. Goring had
already sent off to Bridgwater his baggage and the whole of his
artillery except two guns, and the Royalists would, therefore,
enter upon the combat depressed by the knowledge that their
commander had already determined upon a retreat, and that
he now called on them to shed their blood for no visible
object. His purpose could hardly have been merely to
secure the passage of his stores, as, in that case, his obvious
course would have been to send them with his whole force
across the bridge at Langport, breaking it down after he had
passed.
Whatever Goring might have done, Fairfax could not afford
to decline the challenge. The battle commenced by a brisk
Th Ba ^^^ iroici the Parliamentary artillery, posted on the
of Lang. crest of the slope on the eastern side of the stream.
Goring's two guns were soon silenced, and musketeers
were then sent down to clear the hedges on either side of the
ford. As soon as this had been accomplished it was possible
for cavalry to charge. Yet even then a charge could only be
executed at every possible disadvantage. The ford was deep
and narrow, and the lane up the hill was scarcely less narrow.
On the open ground at the top Goring's cavalry were collected
in seemingly overwhelming numbers, ready to fall upon the
thin stream of horsemen as they struggled up the lane before
they had time to form.
Desperate as the enterprise appeared, the officers of the
New Model army were never wanting in audacity. Major
ford and not a bridge, and as Baxter did not write till after the Restora-
tion, his evidence on a point of this kind need not be taken into account.
Whether there was a ford at Huish I have not been able to ascertain.
Local tradition does not go very far back. It asserts, however, that the
ground about the stream was once more boggy than it is now. The
weather at the time of the battle had been hot and dry for some time,
and the notion that the stream was swollen by rain is therefore a modern
invention. The ford was probably across a deep hole with a natural or
artificial hard bottom. The stream is now a very small one, and, as its
course is short and it comes from comparatively high ground, it can
hardly have had much more water in it in 1645 than it has at present.
272 LANGPORT AND BRIDGWATER, CH. xxxii.
Bethel, whose name stood high amongst the military saints,
was ordered to make the perilous attempt at the head of a
small force of 350 men, and Desborough, with another small
force, was told off to second him.* Through the ford and up
the narrow lane this handful of heroes charged. If an army
equal in spirit and discipline to their own had been ranged on
the heights, they could hardly have escaped destruction. As
it was, they had to do with an enemy irresolute and fonder of
plundering than of fighting. Bethel, when he arrived at the
end of the lane, flew at a body of horse more than three times
his number. He was checked at first, but Desborough soon
arrived to his succour. Together they broke the regiments
opposed to them, whilst at the same time the Parliamentary
musketeers, stealing up amongst the hedges, poured a galling
fire upon the enemy. The Royalists, horse and foot alike,
turned and fled. A few troops of horse and a small force of
musketeers had beaten the whole of Goring's army. No
wonder that Cromwell, as from the opposite height he watched
the dust- clouds rolling away, gave glory to God for this
marvellous overthrow of His enemies, or that Harrison,
the most enthusiastic of enthusiasts, broke * forth into the
praises of God with fluent expressions, as if he had been in a
rapture.'
Then came the pursuit. Of the enemy's horse, some fled
through Langport, setting fire to the town as they passed to
cover their retreat. Cromwell was not to be stopped
e pursmt. ^^ g^sily. Charging through the burning street, he
fell on them as they hurried across the bridge, where most of
the fugitives were slain or captured. The larger part of the
Royalists retreated by the northern bank of the Parret.
Though they made a stand near Aller, they dared not await an
attack from their pursuers. Goring's foot, entangled in the
ditches of the moor, surrendered as the King's foot had sur-
* Baxter complains that Bethel got the credit of the achievement
because he was a sectary, and Evanson got no credit because he was not.
But by Baxter's own showing Bethel was a major, and Evanson only a
captain. G>mmanding officers usually, though sometimes unfairly, get
more credit than th^ir subordinates.
1645 FAIRFAX AT BRIDGWATER, 273
rendered at Naseby. His army, as an army capable of waging
July H. war, ceased to exist. On the i ith, scantily attended^
re?"rnf to ^^ retired to Barnstaple, leaving Bridgwater, as he
Barnstaple, hoped, in all points prepared to stand a siege. ^
Unless Bridgwater could be taken the Battle of Langport
had been fought in vain. The line of the Yeo and Parret
Strength of could not be held without its possession. Yet the
Bridgwater, place was Strong both by nature and art, and, as it
might seem, beyond the reach even of Fairfax's victorious army.
The first step to its capture was, however, taken on the nth,
^ ^. ^ when Fairfax won over the Clubmen to his side by
The Club- . ^ , ^ . , ,. , ,
men satis, promiscs of that fair dealmg and punctual payment
which they could no longer expect from any Royalist
commander. On the 13th the small fortress at Borough Bridge
July 16. surrendered to Okey, and on the i6th, every other
lrij|^atcr. suggestion having been rejected as impracticable, it
July ax. ^^^ resolved to storm the fortifications. In the early
Thc«astem moming of the 2 1 St the attack was made on the
taken quarter of the town lying on the east of the Parret.
The ditch was speedily crossed on portable bridges, and the
wall scaled in the teeth of a stout resistance. The assailants
rushed for the drawbridge and let it down. The Parliamentary
horse poured in, and the conquest of the eastern suburb was
accomplished.
The defenders of the western and more important part of
the town, on the other side of the Parret, still held out vigor-
ously. They were resolved that, although Fairfax had gained
the suburb, he should hold no more than its fortifica-
and btunt '
by the tions. Grenades and red-hot shot poured upon the
Rova lists*
houses. By the moming of the 22nd the place was,
"^*** with the exception of three or four houses, reduced
to ashes. Always averse to bloodshed, Fairfax summoned the
western town to surrender, and on the rejection of his offer
* Sp^iggt 71 ; An exact and perfect relation of the proceedings of the
army, E. 292, 28 ; A true relation of a victory^ E, 292, 30 ; A more full
relation of the great battle ^ E. 293, 3 ; Cromwell to ? Carlyle's Crom-
well (ed. 1866), iii. App. No. 8 ; The Parliament $ Post ^ E. 293, 2 ; Fair*-
fax to the Speaker of the House of Lords, July 12, Z.y. vii. 496.
VOL. II. X
»74 LAHGPORT AND BRIDGWATER, CH. xxxiL
by the governor, Sir Hugh \Vyndham, he suspended his attack
till the women and children had been sent out beyond reach of
Til. waiim tl^ngsr- Then at length Fairfax's cannon began
'""" Ml '"^ P''^^ upon the town with grenades and hot shot,
•nd ' as the Royalists' artillery had played on the eastern
suburb two days before. The frightened citizens
allowed the governor no peace till he gave up a contest
of which their property was to bear the burden, and on
the morning of the a3rd Fairfax was in possession of
ii..i«. a fortress which the Royalists had believed capable
of prolonged resistance,' and to which they had
looked to keep in check the New Model in the West lill Charles
had gathered sufficient strength to enable him to take the field
once more in the Midlands with effect.
The material acquisitions of the victorious army were very
great. Large stores of ordnance and ammunition, together
.siin=! with considerable stores of provisions, were captured
"ndgMii". '" the town. It was of even greater importance that
ch»in of Fairfax was now in possession of a chain of fortresses
L'idT'" ''""" 1-y™^ through Langport to Bridgwater, which,
Fiirtut with the advanced post at Taunton, would enable
him to hold in check the Royalist troops still in the field in
the western [leninsula. He would thus be free to devote him-
self to service elsewhere, and to make it impossible for the
King again to hold up his head in England. He was not
likely to repeat the blunder of Essex, and to march into Corn-
wall with an enemy unconquered in his rear.
The capture of Bridgwater had indeed been a heavy blow
to Charles. Whilst Fairfax had been fighting in Somerset, the
King had been attempting to raise an army in South Wales
July I. which would redress the balance of the war on the
Bi'Tb^- Parret On July i he reached Abergavenny. He
eo%cnny, had already received promises from the gentry of
Herefordshire to levy troops for the new campaign, and the
' Sprigg, l6 -, Sir T. Fairfax tnlering Bridgwater, E. 893, ^^ \ Thrt«
gnat Vietariet, E. 293, 31 ; The cotUinuaikn of the froceeJirgs of ike
mrmy, E. 293. 33 ; J* fuller relotica from BTiils,'watcr, E. 293, 34 j Goring
lo Digby, July is, WatiurteH, Ui. 137,
T64S
CHARLES HEARS BAD NFAVS.
375
gentry of South Wales now flocked in with similar promises.'
On the 3rd he betook himself to Raglan Castle to
He movM await the result In that magnificent pa lace -fortress
of the Herberts he was received with stately courtesy
by the old Marquis of Worcester, whose son Glamorgan had
constituted himself Charles's knight- errant, and was already on
the way to do his bidding in Ireland. To those who judged
by the outward appearance, Charles's stay at Raglan was but a
waste of precious time. In reality his days were spent in
I xctive negotiation with the Welsh, and in eager preparation for
' tiie days of activity to which he looked. He could not under-
stand how hard it is to rally men round a defeated cause, and
Hehars when the bad news from I^ngport surprised him
^newj whilst the Welsh levies were still hanging back, he
Langpon. had to learn with difficulty that each additional
disaster makes recovery harder than before. At a council of
war held on the 13th it was resolved still to struggle on.
Goring was to be encouraged to hold out in Devonshire. As
1 long as Bristol and Bridgwater were held for the King, it
I would always be possible for Charles's army, when it was at
' last complete, to move to the succour of the West.*
Whilst Charles continued at Raglan disappointment followed
disappointmenL In Herefordshire, -where an attempt had been
^_^. made to press men for his service, the new levies
ofCharia'i dcscrted almost as soon as they were raised. In
L Wales things were little better. The gentry promised
I &Jriy, but ordinary Welshmen had little enthusiasm for a fall-
r ing cause. Few offered themselves willingly, and though
compulsion was not without effect, the pressed men took every
opportunity of running away.' As time passed, Charles, rather
than continue in inaction, was inclined to cross the Severn
with what forces he was able to muster, and to attach himself
to Goring.
Before taking a final resolution, Charles thought it well to
k
Claren'ion, ji. 67.
Digby to Rupert, July 13.
Ciarendon, in. 67 ; Digby I
WarbttTtoH, tii. t^
) Ormond, Aug. 2
276 LANGPORT AND BRIDGWATER. CH. XXXIL
confer with Rupert The meeting took place at Blackrock,
at the northern end of the New Passage. On the whole,
July M. Rupert approved of the design, though he refused
^i^wtdT"* ^o be answerable for its success.* In fact, Charles's
Rupert. position at Raglan, if the new levies failed him,
would soon be untenable. Leven's army was now in the
neighbourhood of Worcester, and it would shortly be rein-
forced by a body of 1,200 horse under David Leslie, which
had been set free from service in the North by the surrender
of Carlisle.' It is probable that Rupert's military judgment
had already convinced him that victory was no longer attain-
able, and that in faintly recommending Charles to try what he
could do in Somerset, he meant little more than to indicate
his opinion that the final defeat might as well take place in one
part of England as in another.
It was therefore arranged that Charles should in a few days
betake himself to Bristol, and that from Bristol he should
The King make his way to Bridgwater. On the 24th he re-
to go to the turned to Blackrock to cross the ferry. The Welsh
y* est. '
gentry, however, gathered round him, and urged him
He changes to rely on their help. His vacillating mind was
andT«!I« already giving way, when tidings that Bridgwater had
watefu***^ fallen the day before arrived to strengthen their
token. arguments. On the edge of the water a council was
held, and Charles, drawing back from what had now become
an evidently hopeless enterprise, rode off to discover whether
Welsh promises could be better trusted than before.' In a
few days he would have to defend himself against Fairfax as
well as against Leven.
* Clarendon^ ix. 68 ; Symonds, 210.
» The KingdonCs Weekly Intelligencer. E. 293, I.
9 Clarendout ix. 68 ; Symonds^ 21 1.
CHAPTER XXXIII.
ALFORD AND KILSVTH.
I
Each successive failure only made Charles luni with fresh
confidence to some new scheme as hopeless as the last. He
now thought of taking up again the plan which
July. had miscarried in May, The gentlemen of the
lion fmin North had long been pressing for aid. Ponte-
fract and Scarhorough — so at least it was believed
in the King's quarters— occupied the forces of the enemy.
Charles had cavalry enough to spare, and the gentry of
Yorkshire assured him that, if only he would bring cavalry
to give consistency to their levies, they would soon
urny in his service.' Means would thus be found
of opening communications with Montrose and of
forcing a way into Scotland. At the time when
Charles was bent upon a combination with Goring,
'".fn°b ^^ ^^"^ directed I^ngdale to carry out this suggcs-
person. tion.^ Now, when this project was abandoned, he
inclined to go in person. On the 28th the encouraging news
reached him that Montrose had won yet another victory.
Even after his success at Auldearn, Montrose had to con-
tend against forces numerically superior to his own The
May. cautious Baillie, leaving the plunder of Blair Athol,
Ji'ud™ crossed the Dee with some 2,000 men, and was
Baiiiii, joined near Strathbogie by Hurry with a hundred
horse, the poor remains of the host defeated at Auldearn,
s OrmMd,
with hin
raise an
L^ngdale,
' Digby to Ormond, Aug.
Lennoi, July 28. iVarliurlan,
' Note of ihe King's letter
4dJ- MSS. 18,780, foL 148.
I Langdale, July i
. 306 ; Rupert lo ^_
in Yonge's DIarj', ^^^H
B Mom
ALFORD AKD KILSYTH.
I
CH. xxxnL
Montrote's otm llotce was, as nsml after soocess, adlf dimin-
isbed br the dexniaa of the H^iilanders. He was tbefefbce
in little case to fight, opeciaEly as be knev that Lindsaj, wbc^
in oxacqucnce of the FuliaiDentary focfeitare of his kinsman's
earldom of Crawfbtd, oow bore dtat title in addhiaa to his
own, was adnndng from the soutbern LowLmds with a newly-
nised farce. He tfaetefote (ktefmiiKd to shift his quarters.
CAMPAIGN
ALFORO
Outmarching and outmanceuvring Baillie, he mounted the
valley of the Spey and took up a position so strong that Baillie
did not venture to attack him. Before long the Covenanting
genera) was driven by scarcity of food to betake himself first
to Inverness and then to the country to the east of the Spey,
where Hurry left him under the pretext of indisposition.
Having thus shaken himself tree of Baillie, Montrose
I64S
MONTROSE AND THE GORDONS.
279
dashed at Lindsay,' who was gatliering another army in
Forfarshire. Lindsay, whose troops were still undisciplined,
huida^hM had no mind to pit tbem against Montrose's vete-
" Lmdiay. j^^^^ gjjj ^^ therefore drew back to Newtyle.
Montrose was eager for the fray, but was unexpectedly
Desertidn of deserted hy the greater part of the Gordons.
ihcttordaiK. Huntly, it was said, had taken this way of showing
his jealousy of Montrose. It ts more probable that he was
alarmed at Baillie's approach. However this may have beer,
Huntly's feelings were not shared by his heir. To the young
Lord Gordon Montrose was an ideal hero, whose every word
and glance he treasured and whose every command he obeyed
' m. But for Montrose, Lord Gordon
nmary vengeance on the deserters,
i better to endure all things rather
lintencional rivalry with the head of
a a death-feud with those who bore that name,
jne source or another Montrose must have.
with unquestioning devo
would have dealt out s
Montrose knew that it v
than to convert his own
the Gordons ir
Men from
He sent Alaster Macdonald to the Highland glens to gather
together the runaways and to collect new levies.
Frrsh foreis Coloncl Nathaniel Gordon was despatched to
°" Huntly's country on the same errand, and Lord
Gordon, as soon as his blood had cooled, was allowed to
follow him. Montrose, planting himself with his scanty force
in a secluded spot where the ruins of Corgarff Castle looked
upon the head waters of the Don, and where the mountains
offered a shelter near at hand, quietly awaited the reinforce- '
Few as were Montrose's followers for the time, he was at
least master in his own camp. The like could not be said of
_ .... ,. Baillie. The Committee of Estates, of which Argyle
truaitd by was thc leading spirit, distrusted his slow and
methodical method of warfare, and they were per-
haps reasonably alarmed at Lindsay's inability to take the
field. They ordered Baillie to surrender more than i
' As the new title was not acknowledged by the King, it is better to
keep to the old style, especially as it is necessuy to distinguish bini frmn
hit telalive the Koyalist Earl of Ciawfoid.
28o ALFORD AND KILSYTH. CH. xxxiiL
veterans to Lindsay, receiving merely 400 recruits from hjm in
exchange.' If Lindsay, with his ranks thus stiffened, had co-
operated with BaiUie against Montrose, there would have been
Srjiaratioo Something to say for the proceeding. Lindsay,
2^^'"** however, retreated southward and threw himself
Lind«*y. upon Athol, where he wasted and destroyed what-
ever had escaped Baillie's torches a month before.* Baillie
was ordered to remain in the North to ravage Huntly's lands
and, if possible, to reduce his castles.'
Montrose had by this time been rejoined by Lord Gordon,
bringing back the deserters to their duty. With a weakened
enemy before him, Montrose felt himself sure of
oaert battle victory, and though Macdonald was still absent, he
"**' * marched in search of Baillie. Finding him strongly
posted at Keith, he did his best to allure him out of his fast-
ness by bidding him to come down to fight on the level
ground. "I will not fight," was the reply, "to please the
enemy." If Baillie could not be taunted into fighting, he
could be manoeuvred into it. Marching deliberately
MomroMAt southwards, Montrose crossed the Don and esta-
^^'^"'^- Wished himself at Alford. Baillie could not but fol-
low unless he wished to leave the road to the Lowlands open.
On the morning of July 2 Montrose drew up his army for
battle. Wishing to lure Baillie on, he placed the greater part
of his men, as he had himself done at Auldearn,
Tulv 3«
PinpoKition and as Fairfax had done at Naseby, behind the
of the force ^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ j^j^^ There was the more reason for
the concealment now, as the river Don flowed between him
and Baillie. If Baillie could be induced to cross it by the
only practicable ford» he would be compelled to pass first over
some rough ground, and then over a piece of boggy land,*
* According to Wishart l,cxx> were given on each side, but Baillie
says he had to give up three regiments, one of which was 1,200, and four
or five companies besides loo horse, and only received 400 foot in ex-
change. * See p. 227,
* Wishariy ch. x|. ; Baillie's Narrative, Baillie ^ ii. 419.
* **A tergo" {i,e, in Montrose's rear), writes "Wishart, "erat locus
paluitrii, fossis stagnisque imp^ditus, ne «b equitatu circumveniretur,'*
i64S AfONTROSE AT ALFORD. aSr
before he could reach the dry slope which led up to Mont*
rose's position. After surmounting these difficulties, he would
:-x%ss
ij "i»'i|;
\U^
-^
BATTIE OFALFDRD
-^
|l ' ■ ^ "' ^.^
have to charge up hill, and, m the event of a defeat, his army,
Nothing of the kind exists ot b likely to have existed. Mr. Farquhirson,
who conducted me over the battle.field, told me that the ground had been
marshy at some distance to the south-east of Montrose's position, but this
spot is loo far off to have had the effect which Wishatt ascribes to il. The
real bog, which is even still wet in rainy weather and across which the olct
causeway is still discernible, is not mentioned by any authority.
i!i ALFORD AND KILSYTH. CH. XXXIII.
with a bog and a river behind, could hardly escape annihila-
tion.' It is impossible to apeak of the numbers engaged on
either side with even an approach to accuracy ; but it is on
the whole proliable Ihai the foot of the two armies were nearly
. e<)Ual, whilst the superiority in horse was on the side of the
Covenanters.
It has been said that Baillie, conscious of danger, hesitated
to cross the river, but that Balcarres, coniident in the supe-
riority of the cavalry which was under his own command,*
insisted on pushing forward. Montrose, being informed by a
party which he had sent in advance of the enemy's approach
and arrangements, drew up his infantry in the centre, and
giving the horse on the left to Aboyne, placed Lord Gordon
on the right. This time he repeated the tactics of Aberdeen,
assigning to the horse on either wing an infantry force to
support them if they found themselves in difficulties.* One
part of the Irish infantry, under O'Cahan and Colonel Mac-
donald — Alaster being absent —was assigned to Aboyne ; whilst
the other pan, under Nathaniel Gordon, was directed to
support Lord Gordon. The infantry in the centre was com-
posed partly of Huntly's tenants from the Lowlands, partly
' " The Don ... is focdable almost everywhere in its course when
the river is in ils oidinaiy state." Alexander Smith, flii/. of Akerdeeii-
ikire, i. 312. Mr. Farquharson, however, assured me that this U not the
cane, and thai it was even less Irue in fonner times than it is now.
■ These Rre Wishart's figures : 3,000 fool on both sides, with 600 hoise
jnder Baillie, and zjo under Montrose. Baillie, however, says that the
Royalists 'were a little above our strength in hoisemen, and twice as
ilrong in foot.' This is, however, probably the eia^eralion of a beaten
man. He aays that when he parked from Lindsay he was leA with > be-
twiit twelve and thirteen hundred foot and about two hundred and siily
horsemen," Ii seems unlikely that after he marched further north he
ihould not have been joined by the Covenanting gentry, who, after the
devastation of their lands, were bitterly hostile to Montrose. Patrick
Gordon makes Montrose's horse 200, and gives to Balcarres on the Royalist
left 300, and an undescribed numl^i on the other wing. Guthry speaks
of the numbers being ' very unequal,' implying that they were greatest on
Baillie'* side.
■ That Montrose should have done this it some evidence of his in-
(crloiity in cavalry.
164S
BATTLE OF ALFORD.
=83
I
of Farquharsons and of the Highlanders from Badenoch who
acknowledged Huntly's sway.
For some time the battle raged with little apparent success
on either side. Lord Gordon succeeded in breaking the
Tn.'. Baiiio encHiy's horse at the first charge, but they were
ofAirord. quickly rallied by Bafcarres, who was personally in
command of the horse on Baillie's left wing. At last Nathaniel
Gordon called on his musketeers to throw down their guns, to
draw their swords, and to slab or hough the enemy's horses.
The movement was decisive, Balcarres' horse quailed and
gave way, whilst the Covenanting horse on the other wing
joined their comrades in flight. Baillie's foot, taken in flank
by the victorious cavalry like the King's infantry at Naseby,
were slaughtered as they stood. No quarter was given by the
followers of O'Cahan and Macdonald. After the last charge
the gallant heir of the Gordons was struck down mortally
wounded by a shot from behind him. The joy of the victors
was changed into mourning. His youth, his constancy of
purpose, and his winning courtesy had endeared him to the
whole army, and most of all to Montrose.'
The good news from Alford made no slight impression in
Charles's quarters. "It is certain," wrote Digby, "that the
jgiysB. K-ing's encmies have not any man in the field now
^™p^'°?^°f in Scotland." ' As Charles's prospects grew darker
iiieKiiig'i Digby's influence increased. His adventurous ac-
tivity dragged along with it Charles's passive reso-
lution. With Digby every gleam of hope was as the
churics. rising of the day-star, every fresh disaster a mere
unfortunate accident to be banished from the memory. He
shared with Charles that trust in the success of incongruous
projects which contributed so much to the destruction of the
Royal cause.
Sanguine as Charles and Digby were, they had need of
all their courage in the face of misfortunes for which the
' ffijiart, ch, is.; Pairick Gordan, 128-135; Baillie's Narrative io
Saillie's Letters and Jouraals, ii, 409,
' Digby to Rupert, July 38. Add. MSS. iS.gSj, fol. 74.
284 ALFORD AND KILSYTH. CH. xxxiiL
distant success of Alford could hardly compensate. On the
July ax. 2 1 St Pontefract surrendered, and on the 25th Scar-
Poot?nS,° borough Castle was handed over to its besiegers.*
July as. On the 30th Leven's army, passing round Worcester,
boroSgh ' sat down before Hereford, with every prospect of
^^•*^*' being able to reduce the city.^ What was still worse
si5?of^ was that the hopes raised by the Welsh gentry at
Hereford. Blackrock had proved illusive. On the 25 th, indeed,
July as. the gentlemen of Monmouthshire* met Charles at
M<^i!^th. Usk, and offered the whole adult male population of
*****^ the county for local defence and a select number of
AppirauLi 9^° ^"^^ general service.* When, however, Charles,
of GuS»^ pleased with his success at Usk, moved on to Cardiff
san. and applied to the gentry of Glamorgan for 2,000
men, the answer which he received was less satisfactory than
he had expected. The gentlemen appeared with a following
of some three or four thousand countrymen, in whose name
^ they replied that they were ready *to defend the
The ftnswer
of the men of Protcstant religion, the law of the land, his Majesty's
morgan, j^^^ prerogative, the privilege of Parliament, and
property of the subject,' but that if they took arms it must be
under officers of their own county, who would defend them
against plunderers. Further, in the assessment of their con-
tribution, regard must be had to their poverty, the payment of
arrears must not be demanded, and the obligation to entertain
soldiers at free quarter must be limited to a single night. The
King might protest as much as he pleased against a resolution
which gave him little money and a force which was hardly
more than a local militia, but he could not obtain its modi-
fication.*
Depressing as was the discovery of the lukewarmness of
Wales, the absence of any satisfactory intelligence from Ireland
* Rushw, vi. 118.
* Jbid, vi. 122.
' Practically Monmouthshire may be counted as Welsh.
* The King's propositions, July 25. HarL MSS. 6,852, fol. 302.
* The King's demands with the answer of the inhabitants, July 3a
ffarl. MSS, 6,852, fol. 305-309. fVaiJker, 117.
i64S
THE SCOTS AND THE KING.
Il
was no less depressing. Ormond had nothing to tell of any
near chance of concluding peace, and Glamorgan, if he really
NogDod started for Dublin in June, had been delayed for
iraTand^ somc cause now unknown, and only reached his
juiyji. destination in August. On July 31, Charles, having
MotTiftit apparently abandoned the hope of obtaining an
Ormond. \jv^ amiy, wrote to Ormond directing him to come
in person to England, bringing with him whatever troops he
could muster, and to leave Ireland to its fate.'
Not long before, Charles had received an overture from an
unexpected quarter. Between the English Parliament and the
Scottish army there was an increasing feeling of
b=t»«ii mutual dissatisfaction. The Parliament compiained
andihiScoi. that the army had accomplished little or nothing
iishanny. gj^ce thc rcductjon of Newcastle, and that the in-
habitants of the districts in which it happened to be present
suffered grievously from its exactions. The Scots complained
that Parliament had broken its engagements, and that, whilst
money could easily be found for Fairfax, it could scarcely ever
be found for Leven. The aggrieved Scots were strengthened
in their wish to come to terms with the King ; whilst the
fanaticism of those of them who were convinced Presbyterians,
and the worldliness of those who had adopted the defence of
the Covenant from merely political motives, combined to
hinder any true perception of the real obstacle in the way of
an understanding with Charles, his unbending and conscien-
, tious devotion to episcopacy. On July zi certain
Ovcnurei Scottish lords in Leven's army, Callander, Sinclair,
lish lords 10 Montgomery, and Lothian, attempted to open a
° '"^ communication with the King through Callander's
nephew, Sir William Fleming, who was at that time with
Charles at Raglan. An attempt made by them to obtain from
Leven permission for Fleming to visit the Scottish camp failed,
probably in consequence of the general's reluctance to com-
promise himself. The lords nevertheless contrived on August 5
to hold a secret meeting with Fleming beyond the reach c/
Leven.
' The King lo Otmond, July 31. Carte's Ormimd, vi. 305.
s86
ALFORU AND KILSYTH.
As far as general promises were conremed, Fleming's words
were all that could be desired. Charles, he told them, was
anxious "to bring the matter to an honourable treaty
Filming, with the Scots.' His instructions, however, were to
hlTto^iB promise nothing definite,' and even if the nobles
""■'" could have been won over by an engagement so
vague, Levcn was not to be gained. When at a later time
Digby wrote to urge him to come to terms with the King, he
forwarded the letter to the English Parliament.'
In fact, the real obstacle to an understanding came from
ihe King. The Scots insisted on the establishment of Presby-
Y)- ^, ^ „ terian government in England. Digby had tried
ihe King w hard to induce Charles— not indeed to abandon
*i™i i^JS- episcopacy — but to make the Scots believe that he
bytiniinuin. ^^^ ready to discuss its abandonment "Thus
much," he wrote to Jermyn, " 1 must necessarily tell you that,
unless we allow the Scots, without engagement, to hope that
the King may possibly be brought in time to harken unto such
a change of government at, least by referring it to a synod,
there is no hope that ever they will he brought so much as to
a parley with us, wherein if once skilfully engaged by letting
them promise themselves what the King will never promise
them, we shall find means so to entangle them as that it shall
be impossible for them ever to gel off again." Unhappily, he
continued, the King's constancy to his religion was such 'as
none can possibly prevail with him so much as to act his part
in letting them swallow any hopes, though he give them not."
It was not likely that Charles would yield to Digby's
temptation, at all events for the present. His whole mind is
disclosed in a correspondence which he was carrying on with
I The documents reUling to this affair are printed in L.f. vii 513.
In Yonge's Diaty (^rfj^ AfSS. 18,780, foL 157) there are noles of a lelier
wriUen on Jul; 19 by the Scottish Lords 10 Fleming, and also of one from
rigtiy to Fleming on Aug. 5, from which latter the wordii ijuoled above
•re taken. We also learn from Ihis somite that Fleming's instruclioot
were lo win over the Scots, but to promise nothing definite.
' U/. vii. 638.
• IMgb)' lo Jermyn, Aug. 5. fianJiis AfSS.
i64S
CHARLES AND RUPERT.
287
I
L
Rupert contemporaneously with this abortive negotiation. On
Juiy 28 Rupert vrrote to Richmond begging him to dissuade
Juiyj*. the King from his project of marching to the North.
uiI^k" ^f ^^ "'^'■^ asked, he continued, what better pro-
i.>iari«io posal he had to make, his only advice would be
p«»cc. to conclude peace, " His Majesty," he ui^ed, " hath
now no way left to preserve his posterity, kingdom, and
nobility hut by treaty. I believe it a more prudent way to re-
tain something than to lose alL" At all events let all further
negotiation with the Irish be abandoned, now that they had
shown themselves to be unreasonable.'
Richmond, as Rupert expected, showed the letter to Charles,
and Charles replied directly to his nephew. " As for your
Anj. J. opinion of my business," he wrote, " and your coun-
S.^iTdh ^'^' thereupon, if I had any other quarrel but the
proposaL defence of my religion, crown and friends, you had
full reason for your advice ; for I confess that, speaking as a
mere soldier or statesman, I must say there is no probability
but of my ruin : yet, as a Christian, 1 must tell you that God
will not suffer rebels and traitors to prosper, nor this cause to
be overthrown ; and whatever personal punishment it shall
please Him to inflict upon me, must not make me repine,
much less give over this quarrel ; and there is as btlle question
that a composition with them at this time is nothing else but a
submission, which, by the grace of God, I am resolved against,
whatever it cost me ; for I know my obligation to be both in
conscience and honour, neither to abandon God's cause, injure
my successors, nor forsake my friends. Indeed I cannot
flatter myself with expectation of good success more than this,
to end my days with honour and a good conscience ; which
obliges me to continue my endeavours, as not despairing that
God may yet in due time avenge His own cause ; though I
aver to all my friends th.it he that will stay with me at
time, must expect and resolve either to die for a good
i, or— which is worse— to live as miserable in maintaining
it as the violence of insulting rebels can make him." Low as
he was, continued Charles, he would never go beyond the
Rupert lo Richmond, JiJy aS. Ifarhurlon. iii. 143
288 ALFORD AND KILSYTH. CH. xxxiil,
terms offered by him at Uxbridge. ** As for the Irish," he
added, " I assure you they shall not cheat me ; but it is pos-
sible they may cozen themselves : for, be assured, what I have
refused to the English I will not grant to the Irish rebels, never
trusting to that kind of people— of what nation soever — more
than I see by their actions ; and I am sending to Ormond
such a despatch as I am sure wiU please you and all honest
men.*"
These words were the highest of which Charles was capable
until he came to translate word into action on the scaffold.
He saw his own resolution in the light of a Divine
prepares for will Strengthening and comprehending it His fixed
martyr om. ^gjg^mination to suffer all and to allow, as far as in
him lay, the whole English world to &11 into ruin rather than
abandon his witness for God's cause would in the end be
stronger than Rui3ert*s military perception of the hopelessness
of resistance. The Church, in spite of all that had happened,
was more large-minded and more suited to the religious needs
of a sober, unenthusiastic people than either the Presbyterian
or the Independent system could possibly be. As long as
Charles lived, its leaders, estimable and conscientious as they
might be, could never hope to recover their lost ground. A
nation after the storm of a civil war craves for something which
has at least the appearance of stability, and Charles with his
incapacity to understand the needs of his times, his fondness
for intrigue, and his habit of explaining away his engagements,
could offer no stability in Church or State. One service alone,
a service beyond price, could Charles offer to the Church, and
that was to die for it. The Church needed a martyr to replace
the memories of Laud, and to appeal to that vein of enthusiasm
which exists even in the most realistic natures. Nothing short
of death would suffice. Captivity and suffering would leave
Charles what he had been before. The impression which he
would make on his contemporaries would be that of a prisoner
who was always trying to outwit his gaolers, and always trying
* The King to Rupert, Aug. 3. Rushw, vL 132. I have adopted
one correction from the copy printed in Clarendon^ ix. 70 ; but that given
by Rushworth seems from internal evidence the more accurate of the two.
164S
A CAMPAIGN IN WALES.
aE9
in vain. As long as he lived it was impossible to fix greatness
upon him. I/, in an evil hour for their own cause, those who
held him down should deprive him of life, all these petty details
of his vexed existence would be forgotten, and the one fact of
his persistent refusal to buy bact his crown and his life at the
price of a surrender of his Churchwould alone be remembered.
Whatever the future might bring with it, South Wales no
longer afforded a place of refuge to Charles. At the end of
July the Parliamentary commander Laughame in-
flicted a crushing defeat upon Sir Edward Stradling
stn.diini. ^^^ ^jjg Royalists of Pembrokeshire. On the 5th hi;
iin^"ior™ Stormed the castle of Haverfordwest' The blow
'heCasiie fell the heavier as all the country between Pembroke*
(ordwBt. shire and Raglan was honeycombed with disaffec-
tion. Sir Charles Gerard, who had been in command for the
King, had made himself detested by the harshness of his con-
duct, and the men of Glamoi^an followed up their
npinsi refusal to give Charles the troops which he needed
by thrusting themselves into his presence and com-
pelling him to listen to a long tirade against his ofScer. Gerard
replied by bitter taunts against the Welshmen, and Charles,
whose interests were lost sight of in the quarrel, could but sit
Cenird ^J" '" s'lc^*^^- ^" ''1^ ^^^ Gerard was removed from
dteiiiiaed the Command, and an attempt was made to console
ID .he him by the grant of a peerage. A peerage, however,
'*"'*'■ in the distressed condition of the monarchy, was but
little consolation for the loss of active employment, and the
new Lord Gerard continued to bear a grudge against the King
He is sue- '"^^ ^^^ displaced him from his post. His successor
mdedby was Astlcy, who had been created I.ord Astleyat the
end of the preceding year. The new commander
was likely to do his best to organise the country without giving
offence to anyone ; but he could not undo the past, and he
soon discovered that it was impossible again to raise the South
Welsh to any enthusiasm for the King,'
' A true relation tf tht late «
E. 29S, 6.
a9o ALFORD AND KILSYTH. CH. xxxilL
By this time Charles had made up his mind to march
northwards in search of tidings from Montrose. On August 5
Ai«. s. he set out from Cardiff. On the road he sent an
£Jj^ order to the Prince of Wales to convey himself to
^^•''*»* France if in no other way he could avoid capture.'
Taking a route amongst the Welsh mountains, he escaped ob-
servation, and turning to the right as soon as he was out of
reach of the Psurliamentary forces, at last reached Welbeck on
Aw. IS. the 15 th. Welbeck had lately been retaken by the
]|^5!^ Royalists, and alter resting there and holding a con-
***** ference with Sir Richard Willis, the governor of
Newark, Charles continued his march, arrivii^ on the i8th at
^ Doncaster. He had brought with him 2,200 horse
H« readMs and 400 foot' His hx3^e& were once more raised.
The Yorkshire gentlemen flocked in to offer their ser-
vices. He might expect soon to be again at the head of an
army. His condition, he wrote to Nicholas, considering what
it had been at the beginning of the month, was ' miraculously
good,**
Two days later all this hopefulness had passed away. Major
General Poyntt, who had just reduced Scarborough Castle, had
A«K. ao^ gathered the Parliamendury forces of the county to
Ha«««r««i. op^pose the Kings advance, and David LesUe had
been despatdied from Herdbrd with 4,000 horsey the whole of
l^ven's cavalry, with orders to follow his steps. Leslie had
now reached Rotherham, and if Charles remained at Doncas-
ti^ much longer he would be taken between die two forces.
To await the gathering of the Royalist levies would therefore
be to court desiruction» and with a heavy heart he g^ve the
iuiivNT to retreat.^
In his desperation, Charles resolved to make a dash at the
A^isocated Counties He marched hurriedly forward, fearing
^ The Kii^ to llkt IViiic^^ Ancs 5^ C to i w i ^ » ix. 74.
« /M' tV Wy^t I .^(VMMM^ at5^ S«e wap «l pk 25$.
« 11^ Kl«« l^> NkM*^ Ai«S 1«. iTWijmV Jtf ii n ii i («d. Balm), ir.
H^ Ks 1^ L«vt^ A«^ l$k i>Kik U0 ft r JWIk
1 645
MOVEMENTS IN SCOTLAND.
291
::p.;'-
lo be overtaken by David Leslie, whom he believed to be
hastening after hirei. When he reached Huntingdon on the
Ht mak Z4th, surprise was expressed in his court that nothing
1™^ had been heard of Leshe. Before long it was known
Couniia. that the Scotchman had a more dangerous enemy
to cope with. Montrose had won a victory by the
side of which the glories of Auldearn and Alford
Monirosc paled, and which to all appearance had finally decided
the fate of Scotland.'
On July 8, six days after the Battle of Alford, the Scottish
Parliament met at Stirling. With the exception of Lindsay's
July 8. small army, there was no longer any force to oppose
^'linJ^n'i'' '*^ '^^ victorious Montrose, the appearance of whose
aistitiinB. host in the South would be the irruption of a horde
of plunderers without pay, without a commissariat, and without
even the lax system of military taxation by which the Royalist
A new army armies in England wcrc Supported. The Parliament
10 bt itvitd. therefore resolved to levy a force of S,8oo foot and
485 horse from the counties souih of the Tay, and called upon
the noblemen and gentry of those counties to place themselves
at its head. Baillie, who had had some experience of the self-
BiiiUe-. will of the Scottish nobility and gentry, tendered bis
j«ign»iion resignation. Parliament, after voting a formal ap-
■ceepied. proval of his past services, ordered him temporarily
to retain his command. The new army, raw and untrained,
was to rendezvous at Perth on July 24.* Its only chance of
safety lay in strict subordination to military command, whether
that command was left to Baillie or was given to some abler
general. If, as seemed but too probable, Baillie was to be
accompanied by a crowd of noblemen, each of them proud of
his military skill in proportion to his ignorance, the disaster of
- Aberdeen would be repeated on a larger scale.
Some respite the Covenanting levies were to be allowed.
Munirow Montrose's Highlanders had hurried back to their
J with the plunder of Alford. Macdonald ha4
it yet returned from his recruiting expedition, and Aboyne^
' Digby to Jermyn, .Scpl. 4. S.P. Dom. a*. 90.
• Ads of the Pari, of ScelL vi. 429-437.
j
292 ALFORD AND KILSYTH. CH. xxxiii.
now heir to the marquisate of Huntly, had been sent to his
father's estates to gather fresh recruits. When Aboyne joined
A tcanty re- ^ontrose he brought with him a band so scanty that
llifi^"^*.'"*"' ^c ^^ sent back to increase his numbers. It is
probable, though there is no evidence to adduce,
that the Gordons shrank from advancing into the South of
Scotland, as they had shrunk at the time of the capture of
Ehindee. It was not only amongst the Highlanders that the
local spirit prevailed.
On the other hand, the more untamed elements of Mont-
rose's army received support by the coming in of Macdonald
/v large with i,4oo Highlanders. A few of these were from
H^S**"' Badenoch and Braemar, but the greater part were
^•^'"^ from the wilder tribes of the West, the Macdonalds
of Glengarry and Clanranald, the Macleans, the Macgregors,
and the Macnabs. At the same time Patrick Graham brought
in the men of Athol. Montrose, who had for some time awaited
these reinforcements at Fordoun, was ready to start southwards
before the end of July.
Already on July 24 the Parliament had transferred itself to
Perth to watch over the arrival of the new levies. Montrose's
July 24. object was to disturb them as far as it was possible
^St aT^**" to do so. Having but eighty of the Gordon horse
Perth. with him, he mounted a body of infantry on his own
ni^uJrei baggage horses and on the cart-horses of the neigh-
round Perth, bourhood, so as to create the impression that he had
a considerable cavalry force at his disposal. Though the
stratagem might serve as long as the armies were at some dis-
tance from one another, it would not avail in the stress of battle,
and Montrose was therefore obliged to content himself with
manoeuvring round Perth without making any attempt to bring
on a general engagement In the skirmishes which followed
the advantage was always on his side, and when at last he re-
treated the soldiers of the Covenant consoled themselves by
butchering a bevy of women, wives or followers of Montrose's
men, whom they lit upon in Methven Wood, not far from
Perth. As at Naseby, the notion of avenging injured morality
1645 CAMPAIGN OF KILSYTH. 233
294 ALFORD AND KILSYTH. CH. xxxiii.
probably covered from the eyes of the murderers the inherent
brutality of their act.*
The ill-starred Baillie would gladly have thrown off the
responsibility of coming failure. Not only were his troops for
Baiiiie's the most part mere raw levies, ill suited to cope
forebodings, ^j^j^ ^^ hardy clansmen of Montrose, but he was
himself subjected to a committee which hampered him at
every turn, and the members of which frequently quarrelled
^ with one another. On August 5 he again offered
»»»•'>« his resignation, and again reluctantly gave way on
to remain the assurance that the committee would content
** **" itself with the general direction of the war, and that
he should be left to his own judgment in carrying out the
orders which he received.*
Montrose was not long in reappearing. Aboyne had joined
him at Dunkeld with a strong body of horse and foot,' and at
the same time the old Earl of Airlie rode in with
Aboyne
joins eighty horsemen, for the most part of the name and
race of Ogilvy. Montrose knew that Lanark was
raising against him the Hamilton tenants in Clydesdale, and
Montrofe's ^^^ rcsolvcd to fight Baillie before so powerful a
p^*^ reinforcement reached him. Yet it did not suit
him to give battle anywhere near Perth. He wished to drag
the Fifeshire levies away from their homes, being well aware
that they would either march with little heart or would refuse
to march at all. Throwing himself upon Kinross, as if he
were about to plunder Fife, he then turned sharply westwards,
crossing the Forth above Stirling, and reached Kil-
Montrise syth, half way to Glasgow, by the evening of August
atKiisyih. ^^ BailHc, unlcss he were prepared to give up
Lanark to destruction, had no choice but to follow.
The Covenanting commander was, however, naturally
anxious to avoid a battle, at least till he could effect a
junction with Lanark. The Fifeshire levies proved as diffi-
» Wishart, ch. xii. ; Patrick Gordon^ 136.
* Acts of Pari, of ScotL vi. 447, 448.
* Wishart reckons them at 200 horse and 120 musketeeis; Patrick
Gordon asserts that there were 800 foot and 400 horse
1 645 MONTROSE AT KILSYTH, 295
cult to manage as Montrose had foreseen, and the noblemen
of the committee were even more troublesome than the men
Condiiion of Fife. The spirit of the committee descended
cC'v^nt. upon the infenor officers, and Baillie, finding his
ingaiuii'. orders slighted, discliiimed all further responsibility,
though he still professed his readiness to carry out such orders
as the committee might be pleased to give.
On the morning of the 15th the committee, thus strangely
entrusted with the command, broke up from HoUinbush, a
Aug. t;. hamlet on the road from Stirling about two and
Jit^Ms"" ^ ^^"^ miles from the spot where Montrose had
'^"■'"'^ bivouacked. Contrary to Baillie's advice, they left
the road and made straight for the enemy across the hills.
The ground at last became so rough that progress in orderly
ranks was impossible, and Baillie, assuming the authority
which he had quitted, gave orders to halt in a position which
he considered to be unassailable.
Whilst the Covenanters were toiling over the rugged ground,
Montrose was preparing to receive them. He knew now that
Lanaik with 1,000 foot and 500 horse from Clydes
wESe-
dale was but twelve miles distant, and would be
ready in a few hours to fall on his rear. The spot
on which he had halted was a large open meadow surrounded
by hills. To draw up an army in such a position, with an
enemy posted anywhere on the heights, would have been ta
court destruction, had the enemy been supplied with modern j
weapons. As it was, with muskets which could only da I
execution at close quarters, the danger was of the slightest.
Moreover the slope was not a gentle declivity like the slope
above Marston Moor, down which an army could charge with
advantage. If the Covenanters chose to march down the hill-
side towards the level where Montrose was posted, they would
arrive with their infantry in disorder, and with their cavalry in
still greater disorder, through the steepness and ruggedness of
the descent If, on the other hand, they awaited the attack,
they must do so on ground on which a single Highlander was
worth at least three of the peasants from Fife or the Loihians.
In numbers alone was the superiority on the side of the
»96
ALFORD AMD KILSYTH.
Covenanters. They had 6,000 foot and 800 horse, whilst
Montrose disposed of only 4,400 fool and 500 horse. To
(aise the spirits of his men, the Royalist commander put the
question to them whether they would fight or retreat- The
answer could not be doubtful for an instant, and as soon as
the cry for battle was beard, he bade his horsemen to throw
their shirts over their clothes lo distinguish them from the
enemy, whilst the Highlanders knotted between their legs
iheir kilts, at that time worn longer than at present. The
day was likely to be hot, and it was important that the foot-
men at least, who would have to charge up a hillside, should
be as unencumbered as possible.'
' There is a discrepancy between Wisharl and the author of the Clan-
lanald M S. According to the former, Montrose, ' suis inanper omniijus,
equiti juxta ac pediti, imperal, ut positis molestioribus vesiibus, et solis
indusiis Btipeme amicti, et in albis cmicanlibus, hostibus insultarent." The
laltci says that ' the Royal army were .... baiefooted, with Iheii shin-
i6jS
A dlunderinG committee.
297
It can hardly be doubted that Montrose was prqsaring for
a struggle amongst the hills. He cannot possibly have
The blunder expected that the enemy would commit a blunder
Mmine""' ^° enormous as that of which they were guilty at the
coDiauiiee. moment when he was drawing up his men. The
sapient leaders of the committee, Argyle, Elcho, and Balfour
of Burleigh, the captains who had respectively been crushed
by Montrose at Inverlochy, at Tippermuir, and at Aberdeen,
tf^ether with the Earls of Lindsay and Tullibardine, had
made up their minds that the one thing to be guarded against
was Montrose's Hight. and they imagined that they saw a way
of making his flight impossible. At right angles with their
own position, and separated from it by a brook running
through a glen, was a long hill, smoother and more fitted for
military operations, which sloped down upon Montrose's left
flank. They thought that if only their army could reach that
hill, it would be as far west as he was, and would be able to
hinder his escape. In vain Baillie protested. The loss of
the day, he said, would be the loss of the kingdom. In the
whole committee Balcarres alone, who had led the cavalry at
Alford, took his part The unfortunate soldier who bore the
tails tied between their tegs; the cavaliy had while shirts above their
gaimenls.' The baid of the Macdon^lds of Clanianald wns present, and
must have known what the Hi};hlanders looked like. The iale Mr.
Burnett, Lion King- al -arms, pointed out to me the supporters granted in
l5aSfo Macpherson of Cluoy, of which a copy is preserved in theRepstet
House at Edinburgh. They are two Highlanders prepared for battle.
The upper part of the body is clothed in a tartan jerkin. Below is a
white kilt, longer than that at present in use, tied in a knot at the bottom,
so as to leave the whole of the legs bare. This answers to the description
of the bard of Clanranald, especially if this kilt was the lower part of a
iihirt, the upper part being covered b-y the jerkin. Its whiteness is prob-
ably accounted for by the Highlatideis represented being supposed to be
of superior rank. Mr. Skene (Tht Highlanders of Scotland, L 233) comes
to the conclusion that, ' among the common people the plaid was certainly
was of tart
clothes,' bu
the CBvalrj.
I, but generally brown in colour, while the shirt worn by them
in. Patrick Gordon says that Montrose ordered tliat ' for
:ance every man should put on ane white shirt above his
the evidence of the bard seems to show that this only affected
298 ALFORD AND KILSYTH. CH. xxxiii.
name of commander-in-chief was compelled much against his
will to carry out the injunctions of his masters.
To move an army across the front of an enemy within
striking distance is one of the most hazardous operations of
A flank ^^- BailHe's only chance of escape from destruction
"**"**• lay in his being able to conceal his movements by
keeping behind the brow of the hilL That chance was lost
The Battle to him by the indiscipline of his men. A party of
of Kilsyth, soldiers stole down into the meadow and attadced
some cottages in which Montrose's advanced guard under
Macdonald was posted. They were easily repulsed, but
Macdonald could not endure to see an enemy retreat un-
punished. Without orders from Montrose he pushed forward
his own special followers in pursuit, together with the Mac-
leans and the Macdonalds of Clanranald. Between these two
clans there was fierce jealousy, and the bard of Clanranald
recounted with triumph that though his clansmen were in the
rear when they started, they were first at the place of slaughter.'
No generalship could, as it happened, have directed the course
of the assailants with better aim, as with targe and claymore
the Highland warriors pushed up the hillside amongst the
bushes of the glen which cut right across the enemy's line of
march. If the charge thus undertaken at random proved
successful the hostile army would be cut in two.
In the meanwhile Montrose, who had learned what was
passing, despatched Adjutant Gordon with a body of foot to
mount the hill on his left, and thus to anticipate the attempt
of the Covenanters to seize upon the high ground.* At first
> Clanranald MS. in Nimmo's Hist, of Stirlingshire, i. 226.
' The topography of the battle rests on the determination of the
locality of the hill to which the Covenanters were marching. For all
geographical purposes Wishart may be thrown aside. His battle is a
mere vague story told on the recollections of other people. Baillie and
Patrick Gordon, though sadly wanting in precision, yet tell the story
from opposite sides in such a way that it is possible to form a general
impression of what went on. That the hill was the one on Montrose's left
appears (i) from the name of < Slaughter Howe ' borhe by a spot on it ;
(a) by Baillie*! statement that after hit advanced regiments had been
routed he rode back to find the reierve, and that he found certain officers
1645
A FAMOUS VICTORY.
Gordon was successful, but numbers were against him, and he
was in danger of destruction. Aboyne, who had been placed
by Montrose in the rear with a guard of twelve horsemen lest
he should share the fate of his brother at Alford, unable to
endure the sight, dashed to his kinsman's rescue. When he
too was ingulfed in the tide of war, Montrose sent up Airlie ,
and his Ogilvys, and commanded Nathaniel Gordon to second
hira with the whole remainder of the cavalry. By this time
the battle was practically won. The Highlanders, with their
heads down behind their targets, had taken in flank the thin
line of the Covenanting advance in its very centre, whilst the
Gordons, horse and foot, were wrecking the head of the
column.
All thought of discipline or of any general plan of resist-
ance was lost. Each colonel dtew up his men as fancy or
the immediate danger of the moment bade him. There was
no longer the cohesion of an army, and in a few minutes
there was no longer the cohesion of any single regiment.
Baillie hurried back across the glen to bring up his reserves
of the Fifeshire men. The Fifeshire men had already taken to
flight.
Flight brought no safety to that doomed host. High-
landers were not accustomed to give quarter after battle, and
the soldiers whose wives had been slaughtered in
c puBui . ^jgjijygj. Wood were not likely to spare the mur-
derers. Of the 6,000 footmen who reached the field of battle
in the morning, scarcely more than one hundred escaped.
The horsemen were in better case for flight ; yet even of them
there were some who fell beneath the swords of the pursuers,
[Saillii, ii. 422t) '^t ths btook that not long liefore we had crossed,' and
it seems impossible to suppose that this brook can be other than that
which flowed through the glen ; (3) by Patrick Gordon's statement that
Adjutant Gordon was sent lo gain the high ground to which Ihe Cove-
nanters were advanc^ing, and that when he reached it the Highlanders
(who, as we know, had gone up the glen) 'stood at so large a distance
as ihey could g^ve do aid, to the adjutant thus engaged.' If the Cove-
nanting army had simply pushed on towards the glen without crossing it,
Gordon's attack on their van would huve brought hita dose to the High-
landers' attack up Ihe glen.
300 ALFORD AND KILSYTH. ch. xxxin.
whilst others were swallowed up in an attempt to cross the bog
of Dullatur.*
The noblemen who had been the principal cause of the
disaster were better horsed than their followers, and had
therefore less difficulty in escaping. Some of them
of ihr**** made their way to Stirling ; others, with Argyle
^^ amongst them, took refuge on board the shipping
in the Firth of Forth, and did not hold themselves safe till
they were under the protection of the Scottish garrison at
Berwick. Others again fied to Carlisle, or even to Ireland.
Montrose was now, what he had believed himself to be after
Inverlochy, the master of all Scotland.
• Wishart^ ch. xiii ; Patrick Gordon^ 139; Baillie, 42a
301
CHAPTER XXXIV.
SHERBORNE, HEREFORD, AND BRISTOL,
The news from Kilsyth reached Charles on August 24, shortly
after his arrival at Huntingdon.^ Yet in spite of the brilliant
Aug. 24. prospect opened to him in Scotland, his own position
h^re^lrom ^^ England was so desperate, that Montrose's success
KUsyth. afforded him but little pleasure. A letter which he
addressed to Nicholas on the day after he received the intelli-
gence showed no signs of his usual hopefulness.
He deiiares "Let my coudition,"' he wrote, " be never so low, my
tion'^to successes never so ill, I resolve, by the grace of God,
ch2rch and nevcr to yield up this Church to the government of
the Crown, papists, Presbytcriaus, or Independents, nor to injure
my successors by lessening the Crown of that military power
which my predecessors left me, nor forsake my friends ; much
less to let them suffer, when I do not, for their faithfulness to
me ; resolving sooner to live as miserable as the violent insult-
ing rebels can make me — which I esteem far worse than death
— rather than not to be exactly constant to these grounds; from
which whosoever, upon whatsoever occasion, shall persuade me
to recede in the least tittle, I shall esteem him either a fool or
a knave." ^
After such a declaration there was nothing for Charles to do
but to possess his soul in patience, leaving the floods of the
world to go over his head without resistance. It was the one
thing which, without compulsion, he was unable to do. He
* See p. 291.
« The King to Nicholas, Aug. 25. Evelyn's Diary (ed. 1852), iv.
159.
302 SHERBORNE, HEREFORD, BRISTOL. CH. xxxnr.
must fight on, even if defeat were certain. Yet, whatever
plans he might entertain for the future, he could not now tarry
chari«' at Huntingdon.* Poyntz was on his track with a
un*bie to superior force, which had indeed been mutinous in
remain at ^ . i i • i^
Hunting- conscquence of want of pay, but which was now ex-
^* pecting treasure from London, and would fight well
enough when it arrived. The King's soldiers had no treasure
Royalist to expect. They plundered Huntingdon, and when
piunderings. charles, who was cut off from the North by Poyntz,
set out on his rettfm to Oxford, roving parties of his cavalry
stripped the country round of everything valuable on which
they could lay their hands. It was all one to them whether the
men whom they despoiled were Royalists or Parliamentarians.
" To say the truth," confessed one of the King's warmest sup-
porters, "our horse made all men delinquents where they
quartered thereabouts.** * Charles probably could not stop the
mischief if he would, but it is characteristic of him
Aug. 37.
A «oidicr that the only case in which he exercised severity was
"' that of a soldier who had stolen a chalice from a
church. He ordered the man to be hanged on the nearest
signpost.*
Even when Charles's sanguine disposition gave way in the
flood of calamity which had come upon him, Digby was still
Digby't ready to encourage him with hopes of assistance from
hopefulness, ^^it most distant quarters. In addition to the one
solid fact of Montrose's victory at Kilsyth, there were shadowy
expectations enough, which Digby was almost able to persuade
himself to regard as foundations upon which a solid policy
could be built up. With him the Irish auxiliaries were
French sue ^^^^X^ J^^' about to Start, and there was always cause
c-Kes on the for fresh hope in the ever-increasing preponderance
inent. ^^ ^^^ French arms on the Continent. Though the
fortunes of the campaign of 1645 were more chequered than
those of the campaign of 1644, the French had on the whole
been gaining ground. On their southern frontier they had
• Sec map at p. 255. t ifTaiktr, 135.
' Slingsby's Dtary, 161.
I64S STATE OF THE CONTINENT. 30.1
defeated the Spaniards in Catalonia. In Gennany the skill
. I of Turenne and the valour of Enghien had won an-
AugTj! other blood-stained victory at Nordlingen. In the
No^iSgm. meanwhile the diplomacy of Mazarin had not been
idle. Ever since the spring of 1644 a congress sitting
grtssof at Miinster had been languidly attempting to restore
'"' peace to Europe. Mazarin was mote anxious that
the peace when it came should be favourable to France than
that it should be soon concluded, and he had thrown his enei^
into the work of reconciling Denmark and Sweden, in order
J that Denmark might be useful to France, By the
Theprar'eof ^fcaty of Brorasebro, the war between the northern
Bromstiiro. Powcrs was trouglit to an end — a treaty of which
the chief effect in England was to afford Digby a gleam of hope
Digbyci. that Charles might yet receive assistance from his
S^e"ii'i ''''' uncle, the King of Denmark, The Queen too, he
witiier. thought, would be able to collect money in France.
Desperate as the King's prospects appeared, if only he could
hold out to the winter— and of that Digby entertained little
doubt^all might he well when the spring arrived.
Even Digby, full of trust in the future as he was, could not
deny that his hopes were shared by few. "Alas, my lord," he
Central de- complained to Jermyn, " there is such an universal
spondency. wearincss of the war, despair of a possibility for the
King to recover, and so much of private interest grown from
these upon everybody, that 1 protest to God I do not know
four persons living besides myself and you that have not al-
ready given clear demonstrations that ihey will purchase their
own and — as they flatter themselves— the kingdom's quiet at
any price to the King, to the Church, to the faithfullest of his
party ; and to deal freely with you, I do not think it will be in
the King's power to hinder himself from being forced to accept
such conditions as the rebels will give him." Digby then pro-
ceeded to name three persons as the leaders of the party which
intended to force the King to make peace. Though their
names are carefully blotted out, it is still possible to read two
of them. They are the names of Rupert and Legge.'
' Digby lo Jermyn, Aug. 17. H'ariurlan, in. 157. In ihe copy
304 SHERBORNE, HEREFORD, BRISTOL. CH. xxxir.
The mass of the Royalists, in short, were not inclined either
to ruin themselves with Charles for the sake of an unattainable
Aug. 98. ideal, or to trust to Digb/s foreign combinations to
Swirat revive the cause for which their own swords had
Oxford, \^^xi drawn in vain, Charles reached Oxford on
•nd"£JSes August 28. He left it again on the 30th. The faith-
to the We«L fyi Richmond and a large number of noblemen and
gentlemen who had hitherto clung to his fortunes remained
behind, and refused to accompany him farther in pursuit of
adventures.^ He directed his course towards the West, where,
during his absence in the North, events had been occurring
which threatened to deprive him of his hold on all that still
remained to him in England
After the capture of Bridgwater in July Fairfax had turned
back eastwards,^ to make himself thoroughly master of the
country in his rear before attempting the reduction
turns of the districts west of the Parret He directed his
*** march upon Sherborne, where the castle was held
by a strong garrison under Sir Lewis Dyves, the stepson of its
owner, the Earl of Bristol. Bristol himself, in order to avoid
»«- 17. 1 1. the obloquy which had marked him out as the
The Earl of ^ ^ - ,, - . ,
Bristol at fiercest opponent of all peaceful measures, had
" ^' retired from Oxford to Exeter in the spring of 1644,
and had thus withdrawn from consultations in which he had
had, in reality, but little influence.*
On his way to Sherborne Fairfax heard that the garrison
of Bath was weak and in disaccord with the citizens. Taking
with him a mere detachment of cavalry he secured its sur-
render, and then continued his march.* On August 2 he
from which Warburton printed the names are omitted. They occur in
the way described in the text in a copy which was kept by Digby, and
having been afterwards captured at Sherburn, in Yorkshire, is now amongst
the Domestic State Papers. I am rather inclined to read the third name
as Culpepper^s. .
' Iter Carolinum ; Walker ^ 13d.
' See map at p. 255.
• Bristol to Grey of Wark, May 22, 1646. JLJ, viiL 342.
* A full relation of the taking of Bath, E. 294, 21 ; A fuller relation
pftke taking of Bath, £. 294, 3a
1645 CROMWELL AND THE CLUBMEN. 305 '
opened the siege of Sherborne Castle. Difficult as was the
task of mastering its strong defences, Fairfax found it no less
Juiyio. difficult to keep open his communications. In
BatL Somerset he had easily won over the Clubmen to
Aug. I. his side, because it was impossible for the most
Ca^Jie" "" ignorant peasant to imagine that he could attain to
besieged. pgacc and order by giving his support to Goring.
The Club. In Dorset there was no Royahst army to plunder
i>ors=t. the homesteads of the people, and the garrisons,
being commanded by the gentry of the county or by persons
acting in their name, were not likely to commit outrages as
long as the contributions for their support were duly paid.
The Clubmen consequently here fell under the influence of
the Royalist gentry and clergy, and looked upon a Parlia-
mentarian invasion as the only source of trouble. As soon as
Fairfax crossed the border of the county the Clubmen swarmed
around him, cutting off his supplies and threatening to starve
him out.
It was impossible for any commander to tolerate proceed-
ings of this kind. On August 3 Fleetwood, who had been
^ despatched by Fairfax to stamp out the fire, seized
li'eT".]'''^ about forty of their leaders at Shaftesbury. The
ai Shaftes- word was passed through the district to rise in force
to rescue the prisoners. On the 4th Cromwell him-
self was sent to put a stop to the agitation. On his way to
Shaftesbury he fell in with a large party of the Clubmen, but
these he persuaded to disperse peaceably, partly by a display
of force, but still more by giving assurances that any of his
soldiers found plundering would be severely punished. A
The Club- more formidable body, some 2,000 strong, was
HamWcdon posted within the earthworks on the top of Hanible-
"'"■ don Hill, whither, in all probability before even the
Celt had set foot on the soil of Britain, the inhabitants of the
rich valley of the Stour had been accustomed to climb for
refuge, Cromwell's soldiers were, indeed, armed in a very
different fashion from the foes of those ancient tribes, but tiie
hillside was as steep as it had been in prehistoric times, and it
was still crowned with fold upon fold of mound and ti
VOL. II.
3o6 SHERBORNE, HEREFORD, BRISTOL. CH. xxxiv.
Cromwell, it is true, had other than military reasons for
wishing to be spared the necessity of an assault He had
pity for the peasants who took him for an enemy, when he
came as a friend. Three times he sent messages of peace up
the hill, and three times the messengers were repulsed. There
were clergymen amongst the defenders, animating them to
resistance. At last Cromwell ordered an attack ; but the only
opening in the earthworks was narrow and strongly guarded,
Ca tu f ^"^ ^^ ^^ ^^^ ^ Desborough, who had climbed
Hambiedoo the hill with a body of horse on the other side,
charged the peasants in the rear, and about a dozen
of them had been slain, that they threw down their arms and
either submitted or fled. Three hundred prisoners were taken,
most of whom, as Cromwell informed Fairfax, were ' poor silly
creatures, whom if you please to let me send home, they
promise to be very dutiful for time to come, and will be hanged
before they come out again.'
With as little expense of life as possible a dangerous move-
ment had been arrested. The Clubmen of Dorset,
Suppression
of the indeed, professed to come out merely in defence of
" °**°* their properties. The doggerel upon one of their
flags which was captured —
'< If you offer to plunder or take our cattle,
Be assured we will give you battle,"
did not indicate any political feeling whatever. Yet, for all
that, they were virtually Royalists. Some of them
practically had becn heard to boast that Hopton was on his way
oy ists. i^Q^^ ^^ West to command them ; that multitudes
were about to join them from Wiltshire ; and that, with their
combined forces, they would raise the siege of Sherborne.
There was no room for a third party in England, and even
the Clubmen had ceased to claim to be anything of the sort.*
Whilst Fleetwood and Cromwell were clearing the line of
communication, Fairfax was vigorously pushing on the attack
> Sprigg^ 86; Carlyle, Letter XXX. ; Two great Victories^ E. 296,6;
Two Letters^ £. 296, 7 ; The proceedings of the army, £. 296, 14.
I64S
SHERBORNE CASTLE.
3D7
upon Sherborne Castle. On the nth money arrived to pay
his soldiers, and a train of siege-guns to batter the walls. On
iwg.ix. ^^^ 14th a serious breach was effected and a mine
^j^J^" was ready for explosion. Early on the following
ai ah«- morning, before the mine was fired, the soldiers drove
the defenders from their works, leaping over the
The^^ife walls and rendering further resistance hopeless,
taken. Dyves hung out the white flag, too late to save the
castle from plunder, though quarter was given to all within.
Evidence was discovered which placed it beyond doubt that
the Royalists had used the Clubmen for their own purposes.^
The capture of Sherborne Castle gave to Fairfax the
command of a shorter road to the West than that through
A council of Blandford and Dorchester. A council of war was
to^ii^'^" at once assembled to decide on the next step to be
Brisioi. taken. There were sonne who urged the importance
of returning to the West before Goring could recover strength,
but the majority were of opinion that Bristol must first be
taken. The position of Bristol, near the head of the channel
which divides the western counties from Wales and the
English borderlands of Wales, was of the very greatesl
importance, and, guarded as it was by more than 2,000 men
with Rupert at their head, it might easily, if the King saw (it
to join his troops to those of his nephew, become a basis of
operations which would be very dangerous to an army ad-
vancing into Devon and Cornwall. It was true that the
defences of the city were understood to be formidable, and
that, as the plague was raging within it, the danger to the
army even in the case of success "would be to the full as great
as whilst it was still exposed to the fire of the artillery of the
Igarrison. All these objections were, however, overruled.
" Seeing," said Fairfax, as soon as the vote had been taken,
" our judgments lead us to make Bristol our next design, as
the greatest service we can do for the public ; as for the sick-
ness, let us trust God with the army, who will be as ready to
protect us in the siege from infection as in the field from the
bullet," There was a simplicity of piety in Fairfax which
' Sfni:g, 90-96.
3o8 SHERBORNE, HEREFORD, BRISTOL. CH. XXXIY.
l>ound the soldiers to him as much as his conspicuous bravery
,8. ^" action. On August i8, the day on which the
The army King tuHied baclc from Doncaster, the Parliamentary
Sherborne, army sct out on its march to Bristol* On the 23rd
Au^. 33. Fairfax fixed his headquarters at Stapleton, and the
Uritio?^*^ investment of the city was completed. The cap-
opened. ^^^^ ^f ^ f^^ ^^ PorUshcad on the 28th closed the
mouth of the Avon against all relief by sea. It was of quite
as much importance that Fairfax's habit of paying in ready
money for all that his army consumed won over the population,
not only to supply the besiegers with provisions, but even to
Danger lest render armed assistance.^ Fairfax was the more
^y*tihevc anxious to reduce Bristol as speedily as possible, as
*'• Hereford was as yet untaken, and if Leven were
detained before it, the King might easily slip past him and
bring his available forces to the assistance of his nephew.
The siege of Hereford had, indeed, lasted longer than had
been expected at Westminster. The governor. Sir Barnabas
The siege of Scudamorc, defended himself with vigour and ability,
Hereford, j^^ ^^ Scottish attack was proportionately weak.
Leven complained with justice that, although everything was
Leven's donc to supply the wants of the English army, the
complaints. ^^^ ^j which had been solemnly promised to the
Scottish soldiers had been kept back, and that he was there-
fore reduced to provide himself by force with provisions — a
course which both exhausted his own soldiers and exasperated
their victims. The departure of David Leslie with the whole
of the cavalry in pursuit of (be King brought matters to a
crisis, it being impossible that Leven's infantry could take their
part effectively in the siege and scour the country for supplies
at the same time. As no payment was to be expected, the
peasants of the neighbourhood refused to bring in their provi-
sions to his camp, and those of his soldiers who were kept to
serve the batteries were therefore compelled to keep themselves
alive by eating the apples, the peas, and the wheat which were
still growing in the fields round the city.* Parliament, when
' •5r/n;§y, 97. « Ibid. 98-103.
• Z./. vii. 538 ; The KingdonCs Wukly Intelligencer , E. 297, 2.
1645 THE SCOTTISH ARMY, 309
these facts were brought to its notice, might regret that its
engagements were unfulfilled, but having no power to provide
constant pay for more than one army, it gave Leven good
words, but nothing more.^
The result of the continued detention of the soldiers* pay
was quickly seen. Herefordshire was systematically plundaed
by roving bands. Against the Scottish soldier, in-
shire dccd, no attacks upon life or upon female honour
** "° **^ are recorded, but the soberest men quickly learn to
rob rather than to starve. The cattle and horses of the farmer,
and the loaves out of the oven of the housewife, were merci-
lessly swept into the Scottish camp, and as a natural con-
sequence the men of Herefordshire, never friendly to Puritanism,
now became bitterly hostile to its supporters from the North. ^
The necessity of subsisting upon plunder rapidly deterio-
rates an army, and in this instance bad weather came to render
The siege- Kiore desperate an already difficult situation, the
flSJdcd. siege-works being flooded by heavy rains.^ Yet, in
^ spite of all obstacles, Leven did not lose heart, and
tions for an he made preparations for a storm. On September i,
however, news arrived that the King, who was on
the^t'ingat bis way from Oxford* to raise the siege, had reached
Worcesttf. Worcester with 3,000 horse. Since David Leslie's
departure Leven had had scarcely a single horseman left, nor
David ^^^ ^^ ^^^ hope of making good his loss. David
Leslie Lcslie had recently written from Nottingham, telling
goto him that, on receiving the bad news from Kilsyth,
°'"* he had resolved to march with only half his force
into Scotland. He had, however, found it impossible to carry
out his intention. Now that Scotland was in peril, not a
single man under his orders would remain behind in England,
and he had therefore been compelled to take them all.^
To await a strong cavalry force with infantry embanassed
> The Parliament Posi^ E. 300, 9.
» Webb's Civil War in Herefordshire ^ il. 39 1.
* The Parliament Post, E. 3CX>, 9.
* See p. 304.
* David Leslie to Leven, Aug. 26. A Declaration, E. 301, 8.
310 SHERBORNE, HEREFORD, BRISTOL. CH. xxxnr.
by the investment of Hereford would be simple madness,
Sept. I. and Leven had no choice but to abandon his enter-
??,c sic^/Jf prise. On September i he directed the raising of
Hcreord. ^he siege, and on the following morning his whole
army was on the march for Gloucester. His Majesty, as the
Governor of Hereford expressed himself, drawing near Mike
the sun to the meridian, this Scottish mist began to disperse,
and the next morning vanished out of sight'* In sober
earnest, Leven's failure at Hereford was but a distant result
of Montrose's achievement at Kilsyth.
On the 4th Charles entered the city amidst the joyful
acclamations of a delivered people. He had indeed accom-
scpt. 4. plished something, but his task was less than half
L^'icK thf ^o"^ unless Bristol could be rescued as well as
*^">- Hereford. For that purpose his force was miserably
inadequate. The horse which he had brought with him was
exhausted by long marches, and even if it had been in the best
condition it could not have ventured to cope with the more
numerous and better disciplined horse of Fairfax's army, the
movements of which were directed by Cromwell himself.
With Digby, indeed, the difficulties in the way counted for
little. The Scots, he wrote on the 4th, were in full retreat
Sept. 4. for their own country, where Montrose would com-
hopeL of P^^^^ God's judgment on them. Fairfax's whole army
the future, ^^s Hkcly to be ruined before Bristol.^ Even more
triumphant was the tone of a letter which Digby despatched
on the 7th to the Prince of Wales. " These things,
Sept. 7. gj^ » jjg wrote in ecstasy, after recounting Montrose's
successes, " are things rather like dreams than truths, but all
most certain. God is pleased to point out the way by which
He will bring upon the rebellion of both kingdoms the judg-
ments that are due upon it, having already brought so heavy a
vengeance upon that which hath been the original of all our
misery. You see from what a low condition it hath pleased
God to bring his Majesty's affairs into so hopeful a one again,
as that if, while Fairfax's army is entertained before Bristol,
» Scudamore to Digby. Webb, ii. 385.
" Digby to Jermyn, Sept 4. S,P. Dom. dx. 90,
I64S DESPONDING JiOVAUSTS. 311
your Highness can but frame a considerable body, such as
may give his Majesty leave, with the forces he hath together,
to play the fairest of his game in these countries, and north-
ward for the assistance of Montrose with horse, or, at least,
for the withholding Leslie's ' army of foot from him, I see no
cause to doubt but that, upon the whole matter, his Majesty
may conclude the campagna more prosperously than any, and
with fairer foundations for a mastering power the next year
than ever," ^
The very day after these exulting lines were penned Charles
learnt that his old recruiting ground in South Wales was closed
g . against him. Astley had, indeed, succeeded in keep-
charics ing the Welshmen from openly siding with the
tieniithii enemy, but they hung back from making further
s^Si"" exertions on the King's behalf^ In order to con-
"^"^ vert disaster into success, it was necessary to inspire
others besides Digby with the belief that success was attainable.
In Oxford incredulity as to the possibility of converting
defeat into victory was as strong in Charles's absence as it had
Eagerness bccn in his presence. Hitherto no one had been
foriKate. more cheery than Nicholas, or more inclined to
exaggerate the weaknesses of the Parliamentary army. _ On
tills- V- August 31 he told his master plainly that he was
gtows'S- '"^^^i unless he could induce his Continental allies to
_ spondeni. declare in his favour and to bring the rebels to reason
H by placing an embargo on their shipping. Actually to invite
H foreign forces into England, he added, would be hazardous.
H SepL 4. On September 4 the trusty Secretary had a still more
H fJa^i" ominous communication to make. A lawyer had
H pramoiion. actually refused to take promotion from the King.
^M Lord Keeper Lyttelton had lately died, and Charles, when
H he last visited Oxford, had appointed the Chief Baron, Sir
I Richard Lane, to the office thus vacated. Lane's post was
H now offered to Sir Edward Herbert, the Attorney- Gen era!.
L
' Digby to the Prince of Wales, Sept, 7. S.F. Dom. ds. 99.
' Defies of [be gentlemea of CaEmarthenshire, Sept. S. 2!>iJ. ds.
312 SHERBORNE, HEREFORD. Bf^JSTOJL CH. xxxiv.
Herbert, however, explained to Nicholas that he was dis-
qualified for a place on the bench by a vote of the Paiiiament
at Westminster, and that, as matters stood, he was not pre-
pared to face the consequences of insulting even a rebe!
^ Parliament It was no less significant, in another
noitak*^ way, of the decline of Charles's fortunes that the
^^ Earldom of Lichfield having been conferred on the
brother of the Duke of Richmond, Lord Bernard Stuart, that
gallant soldier was unable to take advantage of the honour,
because he had not sufficient money to pay the necessary fees.'
Digb/s sanguine expectations were, however, not to be
measured by the standard of other men. On the 9th he was
Sept 9. to the fuU as elated as he had been on the 4th. " I
^iwues TCiMsi confess," he wrote with a fervour which would
sanguine, almost have gained him acceptance amongst the
zealots at Weslminster^ *'that these miracles, besides the
worldly joy, have made me a better Christian, by begetting
in me a stronger feith and reliance upon God Almighty than
before, having manifested that it is wholly His work, and that
He will bring about His intended blessing upon this just cause,
by ways the most impossible to human understanding, and
consequently teach us to cast o£f all reliance upon our own
strength." Gerard, added Digby, was collecting troops in
Shropshire, and the Welsh difficulty would soon be settled.
Goring too was reported to be advancing to the relief of
Bristol with a considerable force. Rupert was wearing Fairfax
out with frequent sallies, and Poyntz and Rossiter, who had
arrived at Tewkesbury in pursuit of the King, would, in
consequence of the distress to which the besieging array was
reduced, be compelled to turn aside towards Bristol to supply
its deficiencies.^
At the very moment at which Digby was writing, this house
of cards was falling to the ground. On August 31 Fairfax
had intercepted a letter from Goring, from which he learned
that three weeks would elapse before the western Royalist
army could arrive to raise the siege. As it was known that
» Nicholas to the King, Aug, 31, Sept 4. S,P. Dom. dx. 79,. 89.
f Digby to Byron, Sept. 9. Id. dx. 102.
I
164 S BRISTOL SUMMONED.
the King had already left Oxford, and would therefore, after
Aug. ji. liberating Hereford, be ready to co-operate with
i^H^pH Goring when he at last appeared, it was resolved
B^HKt not to trust to the slow effects of a blockade, but to
Goiiog, storm the works whilst yet there was no enemy to
take the besiegers in the rear.
On September 4, as a preparatory step, Fairfax summoned
Rupert to surrender his trust. The wording of the missive
Sepi, 4. was unusual. The Parliamentary general had eagerly
mmmoM seized the opportunity of urging the soundness of
Rupert. the principles on which he had taken up arms,
"Sir," be declared, "the crown of England is, and will be,
where it ought to be. We fight to maintain it there;
hisprin. but the King, misled by evil counsellors, or through
^''' "' a seduced heart, hath left his Parliament, under God
the best assurance of his crown and family. The maintaining
of this schism is the ground of this unhappy war on your part;
and what sad effects it hath produced in the three kingdoms is
visible to all men. To maintain the tights of the crown and
kingdom jointly, a principal part whereof is that the King in
supreme acts is not to be advised by men of whom the law
takes no notice, but by his Parliament, the Great Council of
the Kingdom, in whom — as much as man is capable of — he
hears all his people, as it were, at once advising him, and in
which multitude of counsellors is his safety and his people's
interest ; and to see him right in this, hath been the constant
and faithful endeavour of the Parliament, and to bring these
wicked instruments to justice that have misled him is a
principal ground of our fighting,"
Fairfax ended with a personal appeal to Rupert himself,
inia Mjii "^^"^ ^" England judge," he wrote, "whether the
toihc burning of its towns, ruining its cities, and destroying
its people, be a good requital from a person of your
family, which had the prayers, tears, purses, and blood of its
The donni Parliament and people," On the day on which this
pe..pie.up- appeal was despatched, two thousand countrymen
flocked in to the Parliamentary camp, offering to
share with the soldiers the dangers of the siege. Their presence
314 SHERBORNE, HEREFORD, BRISTOL. CH. XXXIV.
must have served to justify to Fairfax his assertion that the
heart of the country was with him and not with Rupert.*
Men of action rarely succeed in grasping the whole of the
issues of the conflict in which they are engaged, and Fairfax
imperfec- was no exccption to the rule. It is not likely, how-
Fa?rftfx'f ^^^^i ^^^ ^^ ^"s argument had been more perfect
reasoning, ^^an it was, it would havc made any impression upon
one who, like Rupert, had little comprehension of English
political or religious controversies. Yet if Rupert cared little
for the argument, he was in a mood to take into consideration
^.^ , . the practical conclusion to which it led. His own
Difficulties *
of Rupert's position was one of exceeding difficulty. Bristol lay
position. .^ ^ hollow, and Fiennes, by whom the greater p)art
of the existing fortifications on the north of the Avon had been
raised, had, in order to take advantage of the high ground to
the west, placed them at a considerable distance from the city.
The whole circuit of the fortress thus created was about four
miles, and though attempts had been made to strengthen the
works, they were in many places slight and defective. For the
defence of such a place Rupert's forces were entirely inade-
quate. He had reckoned on having 2,300 men under his
orders, but only 1,500 appeared to man the walls at the begin-
ning of the siege, and every day this force, insufficient as it
was, was thinned by desertion.
Material weakness was accompanied by moral discourage-
ment. In the immediate future all was dark. There were no
Wraknessof tidings from Charles, or promise of relief from any
the garrison, quarter whatever. A considerable number of the
citizens were disaffected. The superior officers were as de-
spondent as the soldiers, and at a council of war gave their
opinion that, though they might resist a first assault, they must
inevitably succumb to a second.
That Rupert shared in the belief of his officers there can
Sept. 5. be no reasonable doubt. Even if it had not been so,
i^aveto^nd ^^ ^^^ hardly the man, dashing cavalry officer as he
to the King, ^as, to conduct a stubborn defence in a cause which
he knew to be lost. On the 5th he replied to Fairfax by a
> Sprigg, 108.
ie4s
STOHM of BRISTOL.
31 S
\
I
request for permission to communicate with the Kmg V\ hen
this request was necessarily refused he opened negotiations for
A negotia- * surTendef, spinning out the lime by haggling for the
nonopen«i. ^q^i lavourablc terms, in the hope Ihit before anj
Brisioi' "^ thing was concluded he m%ht hear of approach
smrmtd. jjjg relief At last Fairfit lost patience. In the
dark hours of the morning of September lo the besieging
SIEGE or BRISTOL
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3/8 SHERBORNE, HEREFORD, BRISTOL, CH. xxxiv
possessed that Legge lay under suspicion of having earlier in
the year intrigued with Savile for the delivery of Oxford,*
though at the time he had treated the suspicion lightly. His
own heart was very sore, " Tell my son,"* he added in a post-
script to these instructions, " that I shall less grieve to hear
that he is knocked on ' the head than that he should do so
mean an action as is the rendering of Bristol castle and fort
upon the terms it was." ^
* See p. 212.
* i,e, Uie Duke of York.
* « in the head " as printed.
* The King to Nicholas, Sept. 14, Evefyn's Diary (ed. 1859), W.
1G>
319
CHAPTER XXXV.
CURRENTS OF OPINION.
On the day on which Charles agnified his displeasure to
Rupert, Cromwell, by Fairfax's orders, was giving to Lenthall
1645. a long account of the siege of Bristol. To him the
Cromweif's success achieved was but a step to the higher object
despatch. which he had continually before him. If there was
nothing in his letter of the conciliatory feeling which had led
Fairfax, in summoning the garrison of Bristol, to dream of
Rupert, and even of Charles himself, as rallying to the great
principle of Parliamentary counsel and control, Cromwell
grasped more fully than Fairfax had done the higher spiritual
issues of the war. " All this," he wrote, as Fairfax might have
written, " is none other than the work of God : he must be 9.
very atheist that doth not acknowledge it." The remainder
was all his own. " It may be thought," he continued, " that
some praises are due to those gallant men, of whose valour so
much mention is made: — their humble suit to you and all
that have an interest in this blessing is that in the remem-
brance of God's praises they may' be forgotten. It's their
joy that they are instruments of God's glory and their country's
good. It's their honour that God vouchsafes to use them
Our desires are that God may be glorified by the same spirit
of faith by which we ask all our sufficiency, and have received
it. It is meet that He have all the praise. Presbyterians,
Independents, all had here the same spirit of faith and prayer;
the same presence and answer; they agree here, know no
names of difference; pity it is it should be otherwise any*
' This word is omitted by Carlylc,
320 CURRENTS OF OPINION ch. xxxv.
where ! AU that believe have the real unity, which is most
glorious because inward and spiritual, in the Body and to the
Head. As for being united in forms, commonly called uni-
formity, every Christian will, for peace' sake, study and do as
far as conscience will permit. And from brethren, in things
of the mind we look for no compulsion but that of light and
reason. In other things^ God hath put the sword in the
Parliament's hands, for the terror of evildoers and the praise
of them that do well, If ^ny plead exemption from that, he
knows not the Gospel ; if any would wring that out of your
hands, or steal it from you, under what pretence soever, I
hope they shall do it without efiect" *
Of Crom well's warnings the Commons took little heed.
They indeed ordered that his despatch should be printed, but
Sept 17. they took care to mutilate it as they had mutilated
des^i^uh" * ^is despatch frqm Naseby,* No word of his referring
muuiated. ^q ^^g difference between Presbyterians and Inde-
pendents was for the time suffered to meet the public eye.'
Out of the heart of the present, Cromwell had already
grasped ^e promise of the future, not indeed in all its breadth
ContTMt ^n<i fulness, bift as far as it was given to a human
Crom*"^!! ^^^ ^o grasp it Fairfax had spoken in his message
and Fairfax, ^q Rupert of a Parliamentary foundation for a con-
stitutional monarchy. Cromwell traced the limits outside
which Parliamentary control is merely noxious. For a while
the two men could heartily co-operate with one another. Yet
in one is already to be discerned the future Lord Protector ;
in the other the man who more than ^y single person, except
Monk, brought about the Restoration.
That Cromwell could work sq long, not only under Fairfax,
but under the Parliament} is in no way wonderful. He loved
■ Cromwell to Lenthall, Sept. 14. CarfyU, Letter XXXI. The text
has been corrected from the original letter in the Portland MSS. Hist,
MSS, Com, Rep, xiii. part i, 271.
' See p. 252.
* Lieut.'Generai CroniwelPs Letter, E. 301,18. The omitted para«
graph was afterwards printed in a pamphlet entitled Strong Motives, EX
304, 15. Thomason*s date of the publication of this later tract is Oct. &
l645 A PARLIAMENTAR Y ARMY. 32 x
to be, as he said when he strode into Ely Cathedral, a man
under authority. He had used no empty phraseology when
he declared his belief that God had put the sword
man under in the Parliament's hands. These words represented
aut onty. ^^ ^^^ ^.^^ j^.^ coHstaut and unfeigned conviction.
As in the long years of unparliamentary government he had
waited silent and reserved, without taking part in such resist-
ance against the King as was then possible, till the moment of
crisis brought it home to his mind that God's ordinance was
not in the King, so it would be now. Duty retained him in
fidelity to Parliament till the moment came when duty bade, or
appeared to bid, otherwise, and he would then be convinced,
as by a flash of divine inspiration, that God's ordinance was
not in the Parliament. For the present he would fight on,
and watch for the time when Parliament might clear away the
mist which obscured its vision,
Cromwell's temper of obedience to authority was the temper
of the New Model army. From Fairfax to the meanest pike-
The New i^^m there was no thought of resistance to the will
p^Uamen- ^^ Parliament, no breath of that contempt for the
tary army, interference of civilians which is so rarely altogether
absent where soldiers meet The New Model was in very
truth a Parliamentary army, as the armies of Essex and
Manchester had never been.
Yet if the New Model was Cromwellian in its reverence
for authority, it was Cromwellian also in its large hearted*
ness. "Presbyterians, Independents, all," as Cromwell said,
"... agree here, know no names of difference." Even
those — and they were not a few — who had no special religious
bent were accepted without contempt as fellow soldiers.
A man after Cromwell's own heart was Hugh Peters,* the
' The reputation of Hugh Peters has perhaps suffered more than that
of any other man from the neglect of Mr. Spedding's dictum that, if you
wish to know whether a statement is true, you should ask who said it
first, and what opportunity the sayer had of knowing the truth. The
personal charges brought against him accused him of being a mountebank
and a loose liver. With respect to the former charge, there can be no
doubt that he was fond of jesting, though it may be seen by the MS.
notes appended to an edition of his tales and jests in the British Museum
VOL. II. Y
315 CURRENTS OF OPINION. ch. xtxv.
chaplain to the train — that is to say, to the regiments in charge
Hu^h of the liaggage-waggons and the artillery. Hugh
I'etrr*. Peters, who was bom at Fowey in 1598, was de-
tccnded from a family which had emigrated from the Nether-
(12,316, {). 5) that many of those ascribed to him were certainly, and
ni.^ny more pmlxibly, in circulation before he was lx>rn. The other charge
i> more M'rious. A^aina the tales told after the Restoration we have to
fiot his own statement made to his daughter just before his death : "By
my zeal, it seems, I have exposed myself to all manner of reproach ; bat
wish you to know that -besides your mother — I have had no fellowship
-- that way with any woman since first I knew her, having a godly wife
Ixrfurc alM», I bless (iod " {A dying Father's last legacy^ 106). The denial
is not explicit concerning the writer's earlier years, but on the other hand
it may l)c merely awkwardly expressed, Peters intending to refer to his
first marriaj;e, or it may be held to imply the acknowledgment of sins
of his youth committed before conversion. Even if we take them in their
l)est sense, there still remains the question whether Peters was speaking
the truth. It is certain that the scribblers of the Restoration had no
means of knowing whether Peters was guilty of committing adultery about
thirty or forty years before they wrote, unless indeed it had become matter
of public fame. Dr. Yonge indeed only insinuates instead of directly
stating this (Engiatufs Shame^ 19), but he puts himself out of court by
the assertion that Peters continued a lecturer at St. Sepulchre's for near
twenty years, i.e. from some date not much later than 1620 to nearly 1640
— a statement notoriously untrue. On the other hand it may safely be
said that a man who was treated as a friend by Thomas Hooker, Ames,
Winthrop, and Cromwell cannot have been known as an evil liver. Even
those who believe Cromwell to have been a hypocrite have never suggested
that he was a fool, and what could be more foolish than for him to risk
his reputation by giving his confidence to Peters if his character had been
no better than the Royalist pamphleteers afterwards represented it ?
If the evidence of Noscitur a sociis is favourable to Peters, another
line of evidence is also in his favour. A man may give a false account of
his own life, but he cannot lie in those unconscious revelations of himself
which spring to the surface when he is neither writing nor talking of him-
self. For this indirect knowledge of Peters's character there are three
sources : (i; a series of letters written in America and published in the
collections of The Massachusetts Historical Society^ series iv. vol. vi. p.
91 ; (2) a sermon entitled GocTs doings and Man^s duty^ preached on
April 2, 1646 (E. 330, II); and (3) Mr, Peters^ Last Report of the
English Wars (E. 351, 12). Unless I am mistaken, any candid reader
of these will find that there is little difficulty in understanding the cha-
racter of the writer, especially as the character here unconsciously drawn
1645 HUGH PETERS, 323
lands in consequence of religious persecution.^ He entered
His early Trinity College, Cambridge, in 16 13, at the age of
^^^^' fifteen. 2 About 1620 he visited London, and was
there convinced of sin by a sermon which he heard at St.
PauFs. Retiring to Essexj he fell under the influence of
Thomas Hooker, and -it was there that he married a widow,
whose daughter by her first husband was afterwards the wife
of the younger Winthrop. Upon his return to London he
entered the ministry, and was licensed to preach by Bishop
Montaigne. He became a lecturer at St. Sepulchre's, where
according to his own statement he preached to an overflowing
congregation, and where * above an hundred every week were
persuaded from sin to Christ.'
The days of Laud's influence were approaching, and shortly
after Laud's translation to the see of London Peters found it
Peters in expedient to remove to Rotterdam, where he became
Holland. ^j^g minister of a Separatist congregation, and was
not long in showing how little bigotry was in him. Both
is just the one to give rise to the libellous attacks which have been made
upon it. It is on these self-revelations that I have based my account of
the man. In spelling the name I have adhered to the form Peters, which
was usually adopted at the time, though in his own signature his name
appears as Peter. The omission of the final * s ' seems to have been a
mere matter of habit, as in the cases of Bate for Bates, and V^jv^ for
Dyves. I may add that Peters*s last production, A dying Father's last
legacy i appears to me a pious, sensible, and veracious work.
* He was baptized June II, 1598. His father's name was Thomas
Dyckwood, alias Peters. Parochial Hist, of Cornwall^ ii. 31.
'^ He took his degree of B.A. from Trinity in 1617-18, and his M.A.
in 1622. (Felt's J/<?wtf2r and information supplied by Professor Mayor.)
The date of his birih contradicts the assertion of the Royalist pam-
phleteers, that he was a Fool in Shakspere's company. His entry at
Trinity is not given in the college registers, which do not notice the entry
of pensioners so early, but his graduation from that college may be set
against the statement of Dr. Yonge in England* s Shame that he was ' sent
from school to the University of Cambridge, and there was admitted into
Jesus College,* and that being 'obdurate and irrefragable to the civil
government of that collegiate society* he was *expulsc'd tlie University.*
If writers blunder about matters concerning which the truth was ascer-
tainable without difficulty, no credit is due to them when they tell us what
passed in the bedroom of the first Mrs. Peters before her marriage.
Y 2
324 CURRENTS OF OPINION. CH. xxxr.
Ames, the English Separatist, and John Forbes, the Scottish
Presbyterian, found in him a friend with whom they could
converse on things which stand above the divisions of the
churches.* Laud's arm was, however, long enough to reach
Peters even in Rotterdam, and in 1 635 the same ship which
bore the younger Vane carried Peters to New England.
With Peters, who was soon engaged as a preacher at Salem,
there was no impassable gulf between divine things and the
,63^. ordinary ways of human life. Never had any
Newlng. minister less of the professional clergyman than
i*nd. Peters. His letters show him as he really was-^
fond of a jest, much concerned in the price of com and butter,
and taking the opportunity of a sermon to recommend the
settlers to raise a stock for fishing,' but anxious withal for the
righteousness as well as for the material prospenty of the colony.
This idea of righteousness was not, indeed, altogether in
advance of his age. There had been a war with the Pequod
Indians, and Peters had learned that captives had been taken.
" We have heard," he wrote to Winthrop, " of a dividence of
women and children in the Bay, and would be glad of a share,
viz. a young woman or girl and a boy if you think good."
Probably the children, if, as was very likely the case, their
parents had been slain, would be better off in Peters's family
than if they had been left to the chances of the woods. On
another point at least he was altogether for self-sacrifice.
"We are bold," he continued, "to impart our thoughts about
the corn at Pequoit,. which we wish were all cut down or left
for the Naragansicks rather than for us to take it j for we fear
it will prove a snare thus to hunt after their goods whilst we
come forth pretending only the doing of justice, and we believe
it would strike more terror into the Indians so to do. It will
* *< I lived about six years near that famous Scotchman, Mr. John
Forbes, with whom I travelled into Germany, and enjoyed him in much
love and sweetness constantly, from whom I never had but encouragement
though we differed in the way of our churches. Learned Amesius breathed
his last breath in my bosom." Mr. Peters' Last Re^rt of the English
fVars, E. 351, 12,
I Winthiop's Life of mnthrop, iL I33,
I64S HUGH PETERS. 325
never quit cost for us to keep it." ^ It is characteristic of the
man that, although he was at one with Vane on the great
question of religious liberty, he was shocked by the intolerant
spirit of the party of toleration to which the young Governor
had attached himself.* He told Vane plainly that * before he
came the churches were at peace.' ^
Peters's love of liberty was not a high intellectual persuasioil
like that of Vane or Milton, nor did it arise, like that of Roger
Peters's Williams, from Biblical study undertaken under the
uS^y°Sf stress of persecution. It sprang from the kindliness
conscience of a man of genial temper to whom minute theolo-
gical study was repulsive, and who, without disguising his own
opinions, preferred goodness of heart to rigidity of doctrine.
Peters could not handle a religious subject without attempting
to apply it in some way to the benefit of men in the world.
Three things, he declared in his last apology for his life, he had
ever sought after : * First, that goodness, which is really so,
and such religion might be highly advanced ; secondly, that
good learning might have all countenance j thirdly, that there
may not be a beggar in Israel — in England.' * With Peters
the difficulty was not to avoid quarrels, but to understand why
men should quarrel. " Truly it wounds my soul," he wrote at
a time when, though the civil war was at an end, ecclesiastical
bitterness was at its height, "when I think Ireland would
perish and England continue her misery through the disagree-
ment of ten or twenty learned men. . . . Could we but con*
quer each other's spirit, we should soon befool the devil and
his instruments ; to which end I could wish we that are
ministers might pray together, eat and drink together, because,
if I mistake not, estrangement hath boiled us up to jealousy
and hatred." * There must have been an absolute hostili::y to
cant in a Puritan divine of the seventeenth century who could
recommend dining together as a remedy for the disputatious^
* Peters to Winthrop. Mass, Soc, Hist, Collections^ series iv. C p. 95.
* See Hist, of Engl, 1 603- 1642, viii. 175.
• Winthrop*s Hist, of New England^ 209.
♦ A dying Father's last legacy^ 112.
» Mr, Peters' Last Report. E. 351, 12.
K It ±e iierz-^. Els own eiiijent inuiiiMt of a eood
dinner v^ien. x ::iine jl 'im wsy jsd^ ox c^ ■^''"^il caoonc of
t::ru£a. x ::ie -narzr^ -arni^. vexe brain|&t ^?"— ^ bnai hf his
^tiiin. wss zie min viic jc ±e *<r*wii^ of the civii tvoablcs^
nszTznd aI fcrgranil and ofber aa qipedtcaoa id the Irish coast
in ±e ccmpoxiT of Lctd Focbev* sFrmatrlT bailed imo the
IH^ pMSDoii of aa znny rftapiam io the Nov ModdL It
l^"^!^ was a pest ijT w^tbdk he v» coBnentlj fitted. Itis
'cui9iain. ^^ST CO ffinagmr hov he oociki chat and jest w^ the
Kidien,arui jet oouLd siexie an opportssniij to dp in a word
ca higher maoeis^ His mtfafnre most havr been soch as
CromweH loved — ^an mtfnfnrr which in cverj wovd and action
msuie for concord. The wildest ¥^aries» the most rigid ortho-
doxj, were eqnaDj secme of a mikl and toleiant judgment
Irom Peters. On the other hand Peters was not the man to
slacken the arms of the soldieiSw For Royalism and the re-
ligion of Rojralism he had a hearty detestation, and whenever
there was a battle to be foi^t or a fortress to be stormed,
he was always ready with a roosing appeal to the warriors
of God's army to quit themsdves like men in the struggle
against wickedness in high places. It was one of the
saddest results of Laud's despotism that it had taught one
who seemed bom for the widest practical sympathy to regard
the piety of the Church of England as absolutely outside the
bounds of chanty.
Whatever judgment may be passed on Peters, there can
be no doubt that he was in high favour with both Fairfax
p and Cromwell It was Peters who bad been
rmpi/yycd Selected to unfold at Westminster the tale of the
fax And ' surrender of Bridgwater ; and he was now again
Cromw* . employed to explain to Parliament, as an eye-witness
only could explain, the full details of the surrender of Bristol.
Hugh Peters was in his place as a chaplain of the New
* 8go a lAtlro entitled Hosanna, £. 559, 11.
* Under the date of 1649 Whitelocke states that letters from Ireland
Aftlrmcd of Peters that at the beginning of the troubles in Ireland he led
% brtgrtdo agalnit th« rebelsi and came off wiih honour and victory. The
i64S
RICHARD BAXTER.
•hvr
\
Model. Richard Baxter would have been in his place as the
minister of a large town congregation. Some little time after
the war broke out he had been compelled to retire from Kid-
Bayitrai demunster by the attack of a Royalist mob, and had
Coventry, shortly afterwatds removed to Coventry, where he
preached to the townsmen and the soldiers of the garrison.
His strong sense of the reality of the spiritual world and his
tenderness in deahng with individual cases endeared him to
His mental ^is Congregation. Vet Baxter was above all things a
po5iLion, controversialist, one who loved to set forth the gospel
as addressed indeed to the hearts of men, but as guarded by
all the minute distinctions of Puritan theology. For forms
of church government he did not care much. He did not
altogether approve of the system which Parliament and Assem-
bly were attempting to set up. and he would probably at any
time of his life have been content with a compromise, if such
could be found, between Presbyterianism and Episcopacy.
His mind, in fact, was essentially unpolitical. He could com-
prehend ideas, but he could not comprehend men, and even in
1645 the common-place about fighting for King and Parlia-
ment was still for him a stern reality, which every man in
England was bound to do his best to carry into effect.
A visit to some old friends in the army two days after the
fight at Naseby opened Baxter's eyes to the temper which pre-
Eaxier vailed thcrc. All manner of opinions made them-
vi.iis ihe selves heard amongst the soldiers. Arminians and
""''■ Anabaptists, Independents and Antinomians dis-
coursed freely in favour of their special views. It was perhaps
against these men less as sectarians than as heretics that
Baxter was disposed to wage war. He regarded them, doubt-
less not without reason, as men who, being uneducated in
theological lore, threw themselves into the exposition of the
most dehcate mysteries without adequate preparation, and who
added to their rash ignorance a no less rash contempt for the
authorised clerical exponents of truth. Rough military jokes
evidence is not very good, but ihe thing is likely enough if it means Ihat
he suddenly urged on a brigade to fighL Hehad cetlaioly lieen in Ireland
with Lord Forbes.
4
4
3^.8 CURRENTS OF OPINION, CH. XXXV.
about the Priest-biters, the Dry-vines, and the Dissembly men
filled him with horror. He resolved to be the St. George who
should slay this dragon with the sword of the Spirit, and he
fancied his work would be the easier because he discovered that
there were plenty of orthodox Christians in the army, and still
more who were, in his sense, hardly Christians at all. The sec-
taries, he thought, were not one in twenty in each regiment'
Without difficulty Baxter obtained an appointment as
chaplain to Whalley's regiment, and for some months he
Baxter as accompanied the army on its marches. His whole
whSiky'i** ti'^^ w^s spent in fruitless disputations with men
regiment, ^[^q Were as resolute as they appeared to him to be
unintelligent. Each one had his own petty theory of the rela-
tions between God and man to maintain, and what was worse
was that * their most frequent and vehement disputes were for
Libert of ^^^^^^7 ^^ conscience, as they called it ; that is, that
conscience the civil magistrate had nothing to do to determine
c army. ^^ anything in matters of religion, by constraint or
restraint, but every man might not only hold but preach and
do in matters of religion what he pleased ; that the civil magis-
trate hath nothing to do with but civil things, to keep the
peace and protect the Church's liberties, &c.'
No wonder that Cromwell, as Baxter, much to his astonish-
ment, discovered, looked askance on a man who controverted
Cromwell the doctrine which alone enabled the army to hold
t^^ds together. Already, when Baxter had announced at
Baxter. Coventry his intention of setting forth to reform the
army. Colonel Purefoy had warned him to abstain from the
rash enterprise : " Let me hear no more of that," he said*
" If Noll Cromwell should hear any soldier speak but such a
word, he would cleave his crown. You do them wrong : it is
not so." As often happens, the subordinate had exaggerated
* **For the greatest part of the common soldiers, especially of the
foot, were ignorant men of little religion, abundance of them such as had
been taken prisoners, or turned out of garrisons under the King, and had
been soldiers in his army ; and these would do anything to please their
officers." Rel, Baxteriana^ 53. This passage ought to have been suffi*
cient to put an end to the popular notion about the New Model.
I64J REUGION OF THE ARMY. 329
the intentions of his superior, and Cromwell contented himself
with leaving the new chaplain without the notice which Baxter
conceived to be his due.
Nor was it only the religious opinions of the soldiers which
struck Baxter with horror. Those who had strange views
The about religion had also strange views about the State,
view^ " ^ perceived/' declares Baxter, " they took the King
Royalty, for a tyrant and an enemy, and really intended to
master him or to ruin him, and they thought if they might fight
against him they might kill or conquer him, and if they might
conquer, they were never more to trust him further than he
was in their power ; and that they thought it folly to irritate
him either by wars or contradictions in Parliament, if so be
they must needs take him for their King, and trust him with
their lives when they had thus displeased him." These auda-
andof cious rcasoncrs, too, had more to say on another
Nobility. jjg^^ "What," they argued, "were the Lords of
England but William the Conqueror's Colonels, or the Barons
but his Majors, or the Knights but his Captains ? " " They
plainly showed me," continued the bewildered chaplain, " that
they thought God's providence would cast the trust of reli-
gion and the kingdom upon them as conquerors ; they made
nothing of all the most wise and godly in the armies and gar-
risons that were not of their way. Per fas aut nefas, by law or
without it, they were resolved to take down, not only bishops,
and liturgy, and ceremonies, but all that did withstand
for the their way. They . . . most honoured the Separa-
^ ^^^ ' tists. Anabaptists, and Antinomians; but Cromwell
and his council took on them to join themselves to no party,
but to be for the liberty of all." ^
To be for the liberty of all was so truly the highest wisdom
that there is some difficulty in turning the attention to the
Danger of wcakncss which underlay the aspirations of these
tfoni?^ military sectaries. There was in them much vigour
changes. ^nd moral earnestness, but there was also much
ignorance and fanaticism. It was not merely that they could
not satisfy the theological niceties of Baxter. They were too
* ReL Saxteriana, 51^ .
555 cvjLji£:rrs zf ??:y::yc.
^j^T-jTs rzfxi^ fj crxsrrxziZ iiie3'tii:*s i: x stdio rr#w^i^ with
r,'-.,l.,ir*rxje- T^ l-j«rr ±i*t had x ■riirni., bat tSaci
^ia.rj^ v> rijt^ Vet k vas cpoo n'r^z i=^£ cor hccts
let. TlKrT w22r»i to cat acrws ti:e oui caes of praoress vith*
oat t!ut ^.^cr of tsobiasmsM^ bcv odcsl TiieT visbed to cast
domn kin^ and nobCinr. vah no mc^xi iiKfiired bj the spirit
of dftaocncf bduod thcr bocks. It cosid hudl^ be odier*
wise, hot the £K:t thir k was so goes im- to i**pfa»n
«»n«r>«.«« fh^ lng>g pariitiri^ with which C^tmnm^ Y^t^a^^f^ lyith
'^ PaiiiaiDcnt to ST^ant lfl>ertT of conscience^ but to
keep the control of the army m ks ovn hinds.^
It ts possible that die House of Commons «as die more
ontrflling to complj wkh Cromweirs request because k had
recently been irrkated bj Lflbome, who had forfeited his
y^ttkjn m the armj tfaroc^ his refitsal to take die Covenant,
Tm nt^ t^tt who, nevertheless, embodied more than anyone
9^k7tim ^^ ^^ revolutionary ^xrit by which the army was
*'<**^' pervaded. Prynne had not forgotten Ulbome's
attack upon him in the winter, and Prynne, like Laud, was
by no means indisposed to call in the arm of the fledi to rid
him of his adversaries. On May i6 Lilbame was
iAUMtm anexted and carried before the Committee of Ex-
'^ aminations to give account of the letter in which he
had declared against the payment of tithes.' His r^ly was a
scathing denunciation of the treatment to which
fU i'Miim good Christians and sturdy defenders of the Parlia-
*'"***^' mentary cause were frequently subjected, if they
refused to comply with the prevailing system of religion.
S^;me bad l>een thrust into prison, others set in the stocks, or
driven from their homes, by order of magistrates or of military
commanders. Private violence was sometimes as dangerous
as the abuse of authority. A man with a crossbow had lately
shot bullets at the noted leader of the Baptists, Hanserd
Knollys, though in this case Lilbume honestly acknowledged
that the offender had been apprehended.^ Upon this the
• Seep. 319. • Seep. iii.
' 7^ reasffnt ^ • • « • LUbum^s sending his letter to Mr, Prynne.
E. 288, \2.
rT64S
LILBURNE AND CnOMWELL.
331
\
committee declared that the arrest of Lilburne had been a
mistake, and declined to trouble him further.
the matter might have ended if Lilbume had been
f content with a merely dialectical victory. Lilbume was, how-
^uneij. ever, inspired with all Cromwell's devotion to the
^u hfs service of the public, without Cromwell's reticenca
"*™°^ or sense of the limit which divides the practicable
from the impracticable. Silence was impossible for him as
long as there were grievances to be redressed and oppression
to be assailed. On June 13, when all London was in sus-
pense on the eve of Naseby fight, he printed, without sub-
mitting his pamphlet to the licenser, the arguments in favour
of the oppressed which he had urged before the committee.
In so doing he had committed an offence in comparison of
which the unlicensed publication of Milton's Areopagitica was
as nothing. His was no philosophical argument in behalf of
liberty of speech and writing. He had used the unlicensed
press to stir up public feeling in favour of men whom he
alleged to be ill-treated, instead of contenting himself with
appealing to Parliament as a court of fina) resort.
Accordingly, on June 18, Lilbume was again arrested and
brought before the committee, though even on this occasion
,g there was no attempt to press the charge home, and
He is aeain his imprisonment does not seem to have lasted more
than a single night. Besides public grievances
ibii^oV Lilbume had a private grievance of his own. The
PsTiiameiit ^jQ^gy ^hich had been voted to him by Parliament
in compensation for his sufferings at the hands of the Star
Chamber had never been paid, and his arrears of pay as an
officer were stiil unsatisfied. He accordingly rode down to
the Western army to obtain a good word from Cromwell. On
juiyij. July 14 l>e witnessed the Battle of I.,angport, and
»SI»tu brought back the news of the victory to Westminster,
'"'^ as well as a letter from Cromwell urging the House
of Commons to take up the cause of a brave and honest man
who was asking no more than his due.'
Almost as soon as Lilburne was back in London, he was
' Jnnocency and tntik justified. E. 314, 21,
33* CURRENTS OF OPINION. ch. xxxvl
again in trouble. Before Naseby had been fought, whilst
anxiety as to the issue of the strife prevailed at
p»riiamen- Westminster, there was enough combustible matter
**^ ** ** in Parliament to produce a conflagration. The
Independents threw the blame for all that went wrong upon
the Presbyterians, whilst the Presbyterians cast it back upon
the Independents. After the great victory the wrath of the
rival parties cooled down, and there was, for the time, a com-
Saviie't mon desire to extinguish the embers of strife. Of
^[J* this change of feeling Savile was the first victim.
Holies. jjg charged Holies with having been in correspond-
ence with Digby, but the only evidence which it was in his
power to adduce was that of a correspondent at Oxford, whose
name he declined, from motives of honour, to betray. Many
months later he alleged that his correspondent was the Duchess
of Buckingham, and, though Savile's character for truthfiilneBS
juneaa did not Stand high, it is likely enough that the
toSe ***^ charge was well founded. At all events, Savile had
Tower. ^0 friends at Westminster, and the Lords sent him
to the Tower for refusing to name his informant*
The imprisonment of Savile could not stop men's mouths,
and when Lilburne returned from Langport he not only found
LUbume that HoUcs's alleged negotiation with Digby was the
J^^ subject of common talk, but that it was also noised
?f^S^ abroad that the Speaker and his brother, Sir John
LenthaiL Lenthall, in the dark days of the plots at the open-
ing of 1644, had had a hand in forwarding 60,000/. from Sir
Basil Brooke in London to the King at Oxford. Though
juiyxo. there was nothing intrinsically improbable in the
Lilburne charge,^ Lilburne had no means of testing its truth.
again taken ^'* & » «
into custody. Nevertheless he blurted out the story without com*
punction. The Speaker of the House of Commons was a
* L,J, vii. 440 ; viii 302. There was also a charge brought by Savile
against Holies and Whitelocke.
' We know from the Verney MSS. that in 1647 Sir John's wife took a
bribe of 50/. from Lady Verney for favouring her case before a committee,
- which she could hardly do except by using the influence of her brother-in*
law.
I64S LILBURNE REMONSTRATES. 333
dangerous man to provoke, and Lilbume was at once taken
into custody by order of the House.*
Once more from his captivity Lilbume appealed to the
people through the press. In a Letter to a Friend he justified
His his conduct in every respect. In his advocacy for
FHtZt^ liberty of speech in its extremest form, Lilburne
His view on rejected the despotism of Parliament as he had
S p'arUa."'^ rejected the despotism of the King. " For my part,"
ments, he wrotc, " I look upon the House of Commons as
the supreme power of England, who have residing in them
that power that is inherent in the people — who yet are not to
act according to their own wills and pleasure, but according
to the fundamental constitutions and customs of the land,
which, I conceive, provide for the safety and preservation of
the people — unto whom I judge I am bound in conscience
io yield either active or passive obedience; that is to say,
either to do what they command, or to submit my body to
their pleasure for not yielding active- obedience to what I
conceive is unjust. And truly I should much desire to know
and on the oi you what you conccivc of the Committee of
of°ESl^S»- Examinations : for either it is a court of justice or
tions. no court of justice, and either it is tied unto rules
or not tied ; but if it be a court of justice and tied unto
rules when it sits upon criminal causes betwixt man and man
concerning life, liberty, or estate .... methinks they should
observe the method of other courts of justice, and that which
they themselves did in all or most of their committees at the
beginning of this Parliament, that the doors might be open to
all the free people of England that have a desire to be present
to see what they say or do, not kept close to keep out men's
friends and suffer their enemies to be in ; and that men should
have the liberty of Magna Carta and the Petition of Right —
for which I have fought* all this while— and not to be exam-
ined upon interrogatories concerning themselves as we used to
be in the Star Chamber and High Commission, and for refusing
to answer to be committed." *
» CJ. iv. 213. « Printed 'fought for.'
» The Copy of a Letttr to a friend^ p. 41. E, 296, 5.
334 CURRENTS OF OPINION. ch. xxxv.
New Parliament, in short, was but old King writ large.
Revolutions raise fresh questions every day, and Lilbume was
i.iiburn«'s but the first to ask what would soon be in many
tSIiir'*' mouths. Yet it was a question which could receive
poftitioo. no adequate answer as yet In 1645 Lilbume's was
a cry raised out of due time. As Cromwell well knew, so long
as there was war in the land, no responsible politician could
venture to narrow the sphere within which Parliamentary
authority was exercised. For all that, a later generation, to
whom Lilbume's dreams have become self-evident truths,
does well in honouring the man who, wrong-headed and
impracticable as he was, took his stand in advance with the
framers of the Kentish Petition in the days of Anne, with the
supporters of Wilkes's election and of the publicity of Parlia-
mentary debate in the days of George III.
The remainder of the story of Lilbume's present struggle
is soon told. Suiting his action to his words, he refused to
. answer before the Committee of Examinations
Aug. 9.
Liiburne unlcss the cause of his committal were shown, in
refuses to
answer. accordance with the Petition of Right. The House
Aug. 11. of Commons at once ordered his prosecution at
cutlon"***" quarter sessions on the ground of notorious scandals
ordered. contained in his Letter to a Friend, but it either
soon forgot its indignation in the multiplicity of its affairs, or
discovered the folly of making a martyr of its critic. When
and ^^ sessions were opened no charge was preferred
dropped. against Liiburne, and the prisoner at once asked to
.Oct. 14. be liberated on the ground of the silence of his
liberation, accuscrs. Though the magistrates refused to inter-
fere, the House of Commons itself on October 14 directed his
discharge.*
Lilburne's case was not the only one which, though
threatening at one time to breed a political storm, was allowed
quietly to sink into oblivion. The circumstances under which
» C./. iv. 235, 236, 239, 253, 307 ; A just defence of /. Bashvick,
£. 265, 2; The Liar Confounded^ by Prynne, E. 267, I. Bast wick's
pamphlet is as amusing as one of Lilburne's. He explains how he had
taken the trouble to teach Lilbume manners in his youth.
l64S NEW ELECTIONS. 335
the Independent leaders had attempted to negotiate for the
surrender of Oxford * had been such as easily to give fail
Jul I ground for a suspicion that they had betrayed their
Cranford trust. In Tulv a Scotch minister named Cranford,
committed i.i, i. . ir^ ii«
to the havmg been detected m assertmg that Say and his
friends had carried on unauthorised negotiations
with persons at Oxford, was promptly sent to the Tower. It
soon, however, appeared that Cranford was a harmless retailer
of gossip, and without any long delay he recovered his liberty.*
It was plain that the Commons had no wish to proceed to
extremity against offenders on either side.
No such conciliatory feeling manifested itself in Parliament
so far as the King was concerned. Before the end of July,
indeed, the Scottish commissioners had again urged
The Scots the importance of reopening negotiations for peace.
negot^iations It was difficult for the Houses to refuse the request
Opened. abruptly, but on August i8 they resolved that the
Au x8 negotiation should take the form of definite propo-
Bi'istobe sitions Contained in Bills to which Charles should
prepared for
presentation bc requested to signify his assent without discussion,
mg. ^^^ however, the preparation of these Bills would of
necessity occupy considerable time, the proposed negotiation
would have to stand aside for the present.* The mistake was
perhaps made of thinking that a few more victories might
induce Charles to accept Bills which he would at present be
certain to reject.
There was one way in which the House of Commons
might strengthen its position in dealing with the King on the
one hand and with the Scots on the other. It had long been
reproached with being no more than a mere fragment of the
national representation. On August 21 it was re-
New writi solved, though only by the narrow majority of three,
to issu . ^j^^^ ^ ^^^ ^^1^ should be issued for the borough of
Southwark. During the following week a large number of
constituencies received favourable answers to their petitions
for permission to hold fresh elections. It is noticeable that,
* See p. 212. * C/. iv. 212, 213; BailHe, ii. 311.
» Z./. vii. 515, 530; C./. iv. 232, 245.
336 CURRENTS OF OPINION, CH. xxxtr.
in the course of debate, the issue of the new writs was opposed
by the Peace-party and supported by the War-party. The
discussion turned on points too technical to bring to light the
real motives of the speakers. It can, however, hardly be
doubted that those who wished to See the benches filled with
new members were actuated by the belief that in the existing
state of affairs the constituencies would send to Parliament
members favourable to a vigorous prosecution of the war as
the shortest road to peace, whilst their opponents feared lest
members elected in the temper engendered by the recent
victories would re-echo the revolutionary feelings prevailing iQ
the army.
Significant as was the step thus taken, it must not be
imagined that the House of Commons had adopted the
Safeguard modcm doctriue of the supremacy of the majority
Roy^bt ^^ ^^® constituencies, on whichever side its vote
elections. might be thrown. Special care was taken to exclude
the Royalist element. Not only was a resolution passed that
none who had borne arms for the King should have a seat,
but a writ was refused to Beverley, where the Yorkshire
Royalists seemed likely to influence the election.* The busi-
ness of Parliament was still to carry on war, and so long as war
was waged there must be no admission of enemies into the
camp.
* C./. iv. 249; Whitacre's Diary, Add, AfSS. 31,116, foL 227.
Yonge's Diary, Add, MSS, 18,780, foL 104.
337
CHAPTER XXXVI.
ROWTON HEATH AND PHILIPHAUGH.
The confidence with which the House of Commons was
appealing to the constituencies was in marked contrast with
^g the increasing despondency of the other side. The
August, great majority of the Royalists were evidently anxious
ist> anxiwus to submit to neccssity. In the West especially the
or peace, opprcssions of the King's army were intolerable.
Early in August Goring boasted of the victories he was to win
as loudly as if he had never been beaten at Langport. Before
Goring ^fter many days he was throwing all the blame of his
langport. inaction upon his fellow-officers, and declaring that
nothing would be done unless he were appointed Lieutenant-
General to the Prince, with full power over the whole of the
Western armies. If Goring had been fit to command even a
regiment his request would have been reasonable. As it was,
it is difficult to decide whether the King's service would have
suffered most by complying with his wishes or by disappointing
them. He remained at Exeter for some weeks carousing at
his ease, and replying with flippant jests to all who complained
of the outrages committed by his soldiers.* It is not unlikely
that he considered the King's cause to be lost, and that he had
no other object in view except to enjoy himself, in his own
peculiar fashion, as long as possible.
The Prince's councillors who, with their young master, had
retreated to Launceston after the Battle of T^ngport, but who,
^ so long as Bristol held out, imagined that there were
The Prince Still some chanccs in their favour, were almost
xeter. ^j^Qugi^i; ^q dcspair by Goring's misconduct. As a
last resource they recommended young Charles to go in person
* CtarenJattf ix. 76.
VOL. II. Z
338 ROWTON HEATH AND PHIUPHAUGH. CH. XXXVi.
to Exeter to bring his authority to bear on the unruly general.
His exhortations had little effect on Goring,* but his appear-
ance at Exeter brought him face to face with an unexpected
difficulty. The secret of a letter in which his father had com-
manded him to leave the country if he was exposed to danger *
had oozed out, and was taken by all who heard of it as
implying a confession that further resistance was hopeless.
The gentry The gentry assembled at Exeter openly talked of
ojen m2. asking the Prince to make overtures to Parliament
u«ii«Mfor without consulting his father. To avert the neces-
Sept X5. ^^^ ^^ engaging himself in so unseemly a course, he
The Princ« was recommended, as soon as the loss of Bristol was
WnteStO 1 -r- • /■ «• . . I >r-r
Fairfax. known, to ask Fairfax for permission to send Hopton
and Culpepper to the King to urge him to entertain proposals
for peace. Fairfax replied with courtesy, and forwarded the
letter to Westminster, where, as might be expected, no action
was taken upon it. At Exeter its sole object had been
obtained in quieting for a time the minds of the gentry of
Devon.*
To Englishmen the best course open to Charles seemed to
be that he should come to terms with Parliament, and should
Mazarin* ^^^s restorc the national unity on the most advan-
wUh EnV tageoUs terms procurable. The able minister who
land. was himsclf the Government of France took a very,
different view. Mazarin had no wish to see a monarchy, such
as he was accustomed to deal with, succeeded in England by a
vigorous and military republic, and as the embodiment of the
authority of the Crown of France he had doubtless some
sympathy with the sorrows of a Court His main object, how-
ever, in his relations with England was undoubtedly to keep
England weak and divided, in order that it might be unable to
interfere in Continental affairs to the detriment of France. To
strengthen the power of the Scots, with whom France had, for
more than three centuries, been on excellent terms, and to
induce the King to throw himself upon their support and upon
* Clarendon^ ix. 8l. ' Ibid, ix. 74.
• Z./. vii. 600 ; Fairfax to the Prince, Sept. 19, Clar, St. F. ii. 192 ;
Clarendon, ix. 82.
i64S
MONTREUIL IN ENGLAND.
339
L
that of their Presbyterian allies, seemed to him the shortest
road to the end at which he aimed. It would at least serve to
keep in check the New Model array and its supporters in
Parliament. Reasonably distrusting the qualifications of the
resident ambassador, Sabran, for so delicate a task, he de-
spatched, at the end of July, a young diplomatist, Montreuil, to
England, nominally as an agent to the Scottish Government
and its commissioners in London, but in reality to negotiate a
settlement of the English troubles which might be satisfactory
to France.
Whether an alliance between the King and the Scots was
reached by Charles's abandoning Episcopacy, or by the Scots'
^^ ceasing to insist upon imposing Presbyterian ism
Moniteuii upon England, was a matter of absolute indifference
to Montreuil or his employer. The new diplomatist
first tried his powers upon the Scots. Finding that they were
Hisnego- inipervious to his arguments, he hoped to find
»^iiiTh« Charles more yielding. " The King," he wrote,
Scou. !■ ought to prefer the preservation of his crown to
that of all the mitres in the country," In this anticipation he
was supported by the Earl of Holland, who, vexed at his long
seclusion from political power and its material advantages, was
glad enough to renew his old friendly relations with the French
embassy.'
In the middle of September the time seemed to have
arrived when a forward step might be taken. The Scottish
Sept. commissioners supposed that, after the surrender of
^j,';oa™foi Bristol, the King would be ready to concede what he
peace, had refused before, whilst the knowledge that their
own country had fallen under the sway of Montrose made
them desirous of obtaining such a position in England as
would enable them to turn their attention to their struggle with
the victor of Kils-yth. At the same time the ill-feeling between
themselves and the English Parliament was on the increase.
On September 13 Loudoun not only informed the Houses
Montreuil to Ma?aiin, Aug. ij, |^, Areh. des Aff Etran^ires, ii, ft
539. 546 ; Momieua to Biienne, Aug. |i, Carit MS'S. kmiiL fol. 94-
340 ROWTON HEATH AND PHILIPHAUGH. ch. xxxvi.
that Leven must follow David T^slie across the Tweed, but
summoned them to send assistance to Scotland in virtue of
Sept. X3. *^^^^ obligations under the Covenant, as Scotland
The^ask^^ had formerly assisted England. The House of Com-
to aid them mons was in no hurry to comply with the demands
SfoilJ^ of their brethren in the North. It retaliated by
A counter, asking whether the whole of the Scottish army was
demand. ^^ ig^ve England, and whether in that case the
Scots intended to withdraw their garrisons from Newcastle,
Berwick, and Carlisle, and to make over those strongholds to
English troops.^
As might have been expected, in his conversation with
Montreuil Loudoun launched forth into unmeasured denun-
ciation of the English leaders. The Scots, he said,
comp'ainsto wcrc anxious for peace, and he believed that all
parties in England were of the same mind. Under
these circumstances Holland offered himself as an intermedial y
The inter, ^twccn the commissioncrs and the Presbyterian
pntion of party in the English Parliament, and it was finally
offered and agreed that terms should be drawn up to be de-
^"^^^^ spatched to Henrietta Maria. If she agreed to them,
and was also able to obtain for them her husband's approval,
France would compel their acceptance by the English Parlia-
ment. Balmerino, who was one of the Scottish commissioners,
reminded Montreuil that it was to the interest of Mazarin to
support Scotland in order to be sure of her assistance if ever
the time came when he needed aid against England.^
Such was the project on which, with blinded eyes, men
like Holies and Stapleton were ready to embark. Though
able to command a majority in the Commons whenever there
was any question of imposing fetters on sectarian preaching,
they were so hopelessly in a minority whenever they wished to
impede the energetic prosecution of the war, that they did not
* Paper of the Scottish commissioners, in Divers papers presented^
p. II, E. 307, 4 ; Whitacre's Diary, Add, MSS, 31,116, foL 232 ; C./. iv.
273.
* Montreuil to Hazarin, Sept. JJ, ArcK des Aff, Etrangtres^ ii.
fol. 56^ ; Montreuil to Biienne, Sept. y, Carte MSS, Ixxxiii. fol. 100.
-1645 ^^^ SCHEMES 341
at this time venture to divide the House in favour of any open
overture to the King.^ They preferred to take refuge in a
secret intrigue with the Scots and the French. They did not
perceive what strength they were adding to their opponents,
the Independents, by enabling them to stand forth more
evidently than before as the guardians of the national interest
and the national honour.
For the present, however, in spite of the loss of Bristol,
Charles was not brought so low as to despair of success.
The King's Undcf the guidance of the restless Digby, he was
projects. aiming for the third time at a junction with the
victorious Montrose. In a letter written on September 18
from Barnstaple, Culpepper, who had lately visited
Culpepper's Digby at Cardiff, and had drunk in with pleasure
"* some of the notions of that sanguine schemer, laid
down a complete plan of action. If Bristol had been lost^
why should they not endeavour to get London instead of it ?
Goring undoubtedly could not long hold out where he was.
Let him, therefore, join the King at Oxford or Newark. Let
Montrose come south and add his strength to the united
armies. One battle gained would place London in the King's
hands. French or Irish soldiers might; be brought in to occupy
the West after Goring had deserted it. One piece of advice
Culpepper added. "The next ingredient," he wrote, "must
be a severe and most strict reformation in the discipline and
the manners of the army. Our courage is . . . enerved by
lazy licentiousness, and good men are so scandalised at the
horrid impiety of our armies that they will not believe that
God can bless any cause in such hands."* Whatever may
have been the value of Culpepper's strategical disquisitions, a
plan requiring the endowment of Goring and Grenvile with all
* At first sight the reader is puzzled to find Montreuil writing as if
the Independents were in a constant majority in the House, till he re-
members that a Frenchman cared nothing for their attitude towards the
sects, and a great deal for their attitude towards the war. There was a
cross division of parties, as there had been in the earlier days of the
Parliament.
2 Culpepper to Digby, Sept. 18. Clarendon Si. P, u. 188.
He h.Til wriifn to ihc Prince's Council in the West directing
Ihum to send Goring lo join the King with a picked body of
I54S
THE KING'S MOVEMENTS.
343
T^mp=rol
horse. On the igth Goring was directed to carry out these
orders.' But it was one thing to give instructions to that self-
Seot I '*''l^d officer and anotlier thing to induce him to
ijMing execute them. Whilst Bristol was besieged he had
^in loe spent weeks in haggling with the Council over the
'"*■ terms on which he was to march to its relief, and in
this supreme hour of the King's necessity he could think of
nothing except his own position in the army.*
Charles's position at Raglan, whither he had retired after
Ihe relief of Hereford, was rapidly becoming untenable. To
chiriMBi the east was Poyntz; to the west were the Welsh
Ragbn. levies, which, since the loss of Bristol, threatened at
any moment to exchange their smouldering discontent for
open hostility.* There was nothing for it but to
set out once more in search of Montrose. It was
probably before the King started that Digby made an appeal
to Leven and the other Scottish commanders to join their
forces with his own and with those of Montrose, on the un-
derstanding that, whatever might be done in England, the
Scottish Church and State should be unassailed.* It seems
that the letter never reached Leven,' and, though we have no
information on the subject, it is possible that it was delivered
to the friendly Callander," and was suppressed by him as likely
to render the prospects of accommodation more hopeless than
they were already.
On September i8, after some days of hesitating move-
Sopt. is. raents, Charles set out once more on his quest in
^jreha lo '^^ North. Eluding Poyntz, he reached Presteign
iht North, that evening, and after Long and weary marches over
.i^'idia tl>e Welsh hills, rested at Chirk Castie on the night
Chirkc»«i«. ofthe22nd.^
I Berkshire lo Goring, SepL 19, Clar. MSS. 1,965,
' Goiing to Culpepper, Sepl. 23, Ibid. 1,974,
239-
Digby lo Leven, Callander, &c, in Clarendon St. P. a. 189.
Leven lo the commanderof the King's forces, Oct. 9. /../. vii. 63S.
See p. 285.
Uigby was as usual buoyant with hopefulness. " The Scots amiy
England," he wrote on the Jist, " is drawn into the North, liut
544 Rr-VTCy HEATH AXD PHIUPHAUGH. CH. XXXVL
A: Chirk Cj:>tle Charles Icamt that his presence was sadly
cecfvieU at Chester. Thoogh the dty had not been completely
sca:« .*f invested^ a kxal besieging force under Colonel
«..:<>««•. Michael Jones had carried the eastern suburbs on
the ^ch, but hiad been repulsed in an attempt to storm the
ci:y itself on the night of the 22nd. The approach of the King
,^^^ ^^ nlled the garrison with fresh hopes. On the 23rd
pia.T w tiM Charies with his life-guard, some 340 strong, rode
ut ;h« into the city, whilst Sir Marmaduke Langdale with
^*^*^ a party of horse was despatched over H<rft Bridge to
take up a position on Rowton Heath, about two mUes from
the south-eastern side of the fortifications. In this way it was
hoped that Jones would be caught and ruined by simultaneous
Mows from langdale and the reinforced garrisoa
^^'ell laid as the King's scheme was, he had omitted Poyntz
from his calculations. That active commander had started
poyntx's in pursuit as soon as he leamt that Charles had
movements, gj^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^ y^^ rcachcd Whitchufch on
the 23rd, the day on which the King entered Chester. Here
he was met by a messenger from Jones, and, on hearing from
^ ^. ^^ him of Charles's arrival, he pushed on all night, arri-
march. viHg ou the mcMning of the 24th at an open space
Sept. 34. known as Hatton Heath. Langdale had already
RowtOT posted himself on Rowton Heath, about two miles
"*****• nearer Chester,* and being already warned of his
danger, had faced round to meet the advancing enemy.
Both the opposing forces were almost entirely composed of
doubtless dares not look into Scotland unless to submit to Montrose. • . .
My dear Lord, are not these miracles of Providence able to make an
atheist superstitious ? For my part I profess to you I never did look
wpvm i>UT business with that assurance that I do now, of God's carrying
us through with His own immeiliate hand, ibr all this work of Montrose
is «U>ve what can be attributed to mankind.'* Digby to Jermyn, SepL 21.
B^nhs MSS.
^ The siHith-east end of Rowton Heath, whidi is the one towards
l^^yl\t•^l advance; was knv>wn as Miller^s Heath, and is so called in some
ot the nAtvati\^e« v^ the K\tlle» but the whole was aUo known as Rowton
H^\tK« anxl \ have thtreiore^ fiir con^renicace sake, drojpfted the name of
M^^ixt^ H«4ik
1645 A PARLIAMENTARY VICTORY. 345
cavalry, and Poyntz would therefore gladly have remained on the
defensive, as a narrow lane with hedges on either side separated
him from Langdale. As, however, the Royalists, having no
mind to place themselves at a disadvantage, refrained from
making an attack, Poyntz at last gave the word to advance.
With one vigorous charge he drove the enemy before him, but
Langdale soon rallied his men, and after repeated efforts
Poyntz was compelled to draw back. Repulsed as he was, the
Parliamentary commander did not abandon hope. Keeping
the enemy in constant alarm by a series of feints, he despatched
a courier to Jones to beg for assistance. Jones sent him a few
horsemen and, what was far more welcome, a small body of
musketeers. Poyntz had now the advantage of the enemy.
His musketeers occupied the defensible ground on either side
of the road, stealing forward from hedge to hedge. Having
thus secured command over the passage between the two
heaths, he ordered the horse to make one more attempt to
charge down the road. As the horsemen emerged on Rowton
Heath, they again engaged in a desperate struggle, but this
time they were supported by foot, and a well-directed volley of
musketry from behind the hedges scattered Langdale*s reserve
and decided the fortune of the day. The Northern horse, whose
misconduct at Naseby had brought disaster upon their master's
cause, turned round and fled, and the remainder of the cavalry
imitated their example, with Poyntz's victorious troopers in hot
pursuit behind. Whilst Langdale had still been holding his
own on Rowton Heath, Lord Lichfield, the gallant soldier who
Sally from had fouud it impossiblc to pay the fees of his new
Chester. peerage, headed a sally from the city.^ For a time
he was successful, but in the end his men were driven back
and he himself was slain. A tablet in the city wall still marks
the spot from which Charles looked down to watch the attack
upon the besiegers.^
The blow was a crushing one. Not only was Chester, the
* See p. 312.
' Walker, 139 ; The Kinfs forces totally routed, E. 303, \%% A letter
from PoyntZy E. 303, 24; Digby to Ormond, Sept. 26, Carte's Orig^
Letters, i. 90 ; SUngsbys Diary, 169 ; Iter Carolinum,
346 ROWTON HEATH AND PHIUPHAUGH. CH. XXXVL
one p)ort of importance through which supplies could arrive
from Ireland, endangered, but, girt about with enemies as he
Rcsui f ^^^' Charles could no longer entertain the hope
Charles's of teaching Scotland by a march through Lan-
**^' cashire. It was not without surprise that his be-
wildered followers scrutinised the cold unimpassioned features
which showed no signs of grief or depression. It was difficult
for them to realise the thoughts which moved in a sphere un*
troubled by the reverses or the successes which counted for so
much with other men.* Yet even Charles did not live wholly
in the spiritual world. In the worst of times he never lost
confidence in mundane resources, and as long as he had Digby
at his side he was never likely to give himself cooipletely up to
blank despair. On the 25th he rode out of Chester,
Charles at and, with the 2,400 horse which remained to him,
*" ** established himself" at Denbigh.
Digby, at least, was in high spirits. In writing to Ormend
on the 26th, he almost succeeded in representing the conflict
Sept. 26. on Rowton Heath as a victory. Five hundred
Mifgrn^e Welshmen, he informed his correspondent, had now
reports. \j^^n added to the garrison of Chester, and with the
fortified ports on the western side of the Dee in their hands, it
would be easy for the Royalists to hinder the enemy from
blocking up the city. Nor was there any reason to despair of
success elsewhere. According to report, Montrose had sent a
large force under the Earl of Crawford and Lord Ogilvy into
Westmorland, and David Leslie, who had met them there, had
been deserted by his own soldiers and miserably routed.
Whatever might be the truth of this rumour, it was essential
that Charles should join Montrose. " If," wrote the enthu-
siastic Secretary, " his Majesty can once see his person secure
from being thus daily hazarded and chased about, I see no
reason why we should be at all dismayed with our many late
misfortunes here, since no man can think England divided —
though the major part against the King— able to resist Scotland
and Ireland entire for him with any considerable party here.*'
All this was followed by a postscript containing the latest news.
* SlingskyiDiftry^ 169. .
I
i64S UNREAL HOPES. 347 '
It was quite true, according to Digby, ' that the rebels were
much more broken ' than the King's troops. They had ' re-
treated northwards.' Crawford had ' advanced as far as Kendal
„, , , with a brave army.' ' On the same day, in writing to
plan of Nicholas, Digby revealed Charles's plan of action.
Reports were being spread abroad that he was about
to take refuge in Anglesea or to take ship for some port in
Scotland. His real intention was ' to steal or break through
to Newark, from whence, by God's blessing,' they would with-
out doubt be able to join Montrose.' The project which had
failed in August^ was to be again attempted in September.
On the very next day the edifice of fancy so lightly reared
was roughly shattered. A letter from Byron, the governor of
Chester, informed l>igby that Poyntz was preparing
ch=ittrm' to follow the King across the Dee, and that, unless
'"^"' Charles were able to cut off the enemy's supplies, the
Parliamentarian army would have little difficulty in establishing
a complete blockade of the city. If this were accomplished a
speedy surrender was inevitable. To this doleful intimation
Byron added intelligence still more doleful, A deserter who
had come in had told him that there had been great rejoicings
in Poyntz's army for a victory over Montrose,* The news, as
Digby subsequently learnt, was true, whilst his own news of
Crawford's victory over David Leslie was a pure fabrication.
In point of fact, never had Montrose's difficulties been
greater than when the victory of Kilsyth appeared to have
^^ ^ placed him at the height of power. He was well
Wunio-se's aware that with his loosely compacted following he
could not even hold the Lowlands, much less recon-
quer England for the King. Before his sanguine mind indeed
' Digby to Ormond, Sept. 26. -Carte's Orig. LeUtrs, L 90;
' Digby to Nichoiai, Sept. 26. S.P. Dam. dx. 153. This copy so
dated was the one preserved by the writer. In Tkt Nichoha Papers,
p. 66, the letter U piinled with the date of Sept. 28. In the original {S^er-
Imi MSS. 2,533, fol. 4°') '^"^ *^ '^ altered to 28. I suppose iherefote
that the letter was written on the 26lh, before the tiews from Philiphaugb
bad arrived, but not sent off. A postscript is dated Sept, 29.
' EyrotJ to Digby, Sept. 37. S.P. Dom. dx. 157.
J
348 RO WTON HE A TH AND PHIUPHA UGH. CH. xxxvt.
there arose the vision of a mighty host of Lowlanders weary of
the tyranny of Argyle and the Kirk, hastening to take service
under the King's Lieutenant. Yet it was hard to see how any
hearty co-operation was to be expected between the hard-work-
ing peasants and farmers of the South and the untamed clans-
men of the North, who boasted that in the course of twelve
months no less than 15,000 Lowland Scots had fallen beneath
their swords.
Montrose's first difficulty was with his Highlanders. At
some time — it would seem before the Battle of Kilsyth had
^^ ^g been fought * — he had promised them the plunder of
Montrose 'at Glasgow in the belief that the town was unalterably
devoted to the interests of his enemies. As he ap-
proached the town he was met by a deputation of citizens, who
assured him of their submission, and offered him a sum
equivalent to 500/. of English money to be divided amongst
He finds it his followers.^ Though Montrose in return offered
waimlin^ them his protection, he found, when he entered
discipline, Glasgow, that he had enough to do to maintain
discipline. The untold wealth, as it appeared to the simple
mountaineers, which was displayed in the stalls and in the
streets was too tempting to be forgone. Yet, unless the good-
will, not only of Glasgow, but of every town in the Lowlands,
was to be forfeited, plundering must be suppressed with a heavy
hand. Montrose did what he could, and some of the worst
Aug x8. offenders he hanged upon the spot. After two days,
SSt uT* however, finding it impossible to maintain order as
Bothwciu long as his rude soldiery remained in the town, he
led them out to Bothwell, where they would be out of the
reach of temptation.
For a few days all seemed to go well Alaster Macdonald
> See his letter to the town of Glasgow, in which he promises pro-
tection, written just after the battle. Napier's Memorials of Montrose^ ii.
222.
^ "A thousand double pieces." Patrick Gordon^ i^Z* Mr. Oman, of
All Souls College, informs me that the double piece was probably the
* double crown * of James VI. and the *half.unit ' of Charles L, and was a
gold piece value 6/. Scots, i,e. ten shillings in the English coinage.
i645 MONTROSE DESERTED. 349
scattered some bands which Cassilis and Eglinton had raised
Aug. 20. in the West^ On the 20th Montrose summoned a
I2mm'?ns a Parliament to meet at Glasgow in October. Within
Parliament. ^ fcw days Edinburgh and all the South had acknowr
ledged the authority of the King's Lieutenant. Edinburgh was
grievously visited by the plague, and could not, therefore, in-
Liberation vite him within her walls, but the prison-gates were
of prisoners, thrown Open, and Lord Napier, Lord Crawford, Lord
Ogilvy, Stirling of Keir, with many more of Montrose's friends,
stepped forth into liberty. Montrose despatched a messenger
to the King to assure him that he would soon cross the Border
at the head of 20,000 men^^
The determination to summon a Parliament brought mat-
ters to a crisis. To gain the support of a Parliament it was
Montrose Hecessary for Montrose to have the good-will of the
fhe^ffigh-'* towns and of the middle class in the country, and
landers. xhxs was uot easily to be had on terms which would
satisfy the Highlanders. The Glasgow citizens reminded him
that the holding of a Parliament within their walls would com-
pel them to incur a considerable expenditure, and begged for
the remission of the 500/. which they had promised to raise.
Montrose could not but comply with their request, and, as-
sembling the Highlanders, begged them to forgo the money
for the present, assuring them that before long they should be
even better rewarded for their toils.
Montrose's address was received with murmurs of discon-
tent. Each Highland clan discovered pressing reasons which
Their necessitated its return to the mountains. The Mac-
desertion. leans had to rebuild their ruined habitations. The
Macdonalds, with the redoubtable Alaster at their head, had yet
to fill up the measure of vengeance due to the tyrannical Camp-
bells. The necessity of storing up the plunder which they had
acquired in a place of safety could always be pleaded as soon
as there was no hope of acquiring more ; and after three or
four days not a Highlander was to be seen in Montrose's camp.
It is true that all, or most of them, loudly professed their in-
tention to return, and that on former occasions professions of
* Digby to Jermyn, Sept. 21. Bankes MSS,
3SO RO WTON HE A TH AND PHIUPHA UGH, CH. xxxvL
this kind had been fulfilled. Never before, however, had the
deserters taken offence at their leader, and a Highlander who
had taken offence was not likely to be lured back, especially if
he had reason to believe that the service of the commander at
whose conduct he had taken umbrage would be profitable no
longer.
Aboyne was as capricious as the Highlanders. In response
to Montrose's call the lords and gentlemen of the Lowlands
^^ who were dissatisfied with Argyle's government
Gordons flockcd in to Bothwell. Aboyne complained that
'^ "™ ** neither the new-comers nor Montrose himself treated
him with sufficient respect The Earl of Crawford, just re-
leased from prison, was to command the cavalry, a post which
Aboyne regarded as due to himself. Sir William Rollock had
written a narrative of Montrose's campaigns, in which the
exploits of the Gordons were passed over with insufficient
mention, and Montrose, when appealed to on the subject, had
refused to recall the book. Aboyne, therefore, rode off at the
head of 400 horse and a not inconsiderable number of foot.
Of the whole army which had fought at Kilsyth there remained
but three or four score horsemen, under the old Earl of Airlie,
and about 500 foot, the remains of the 1,600 who had crossed
from Ireland twelve months before, and who still clung to
Montrose, though their own leader had deserted him.^
It was no accidental mishap that had befallen Montros^.
With the means at his disposal no genius short of his own
could have gained victory in the field. It was im-
Mcntrose's possible for any man to use them effectively in the
** ""* organisation of a government Montrose, therefore,
had to change the basis of his operations in more than a mili-
tary sense. He had to appear as a liberator and a statesman
where he had hitherto been known only as a destroyer.
The principles on which Montrose wished to act were set
down in a Remonstrance, which he probably intended to lay
before the new Parliament at its meeting, but which did not
see the light till after the lapse of two centuries. In this
* IVisharty ch. xiv. ; Patrick Cordon^ 153; ^ more perfect. . . , «•
lotion, £. 303, 4.
I
1645 MONTROSE AS A STATESMAN. 351
Remonstrance he announced himself as a foe to Episcopacy
Monir ■ ^^^ ^ '^"^ Presbyterian, but at the same time de-
Remon- dared himself as being still the resolute champion
of the royal authority against usurping churchmen
as much as against their aUies, tbe usurping nobles.'
Such a remonstrance was the work of an idealist, not of a
statesman. On the battle-field Montrose had all Cromwell's
. promptness of seizing the chances of the strife, to-
»nd getber with a versatihly in varying his tactics accord-
ing to the rarying resources of the enemy, to which
Cromwell could lay no claim, whilst his skiil as a strategist was
certainly superior to that of his English contemporary. His
mind, however, in its intellectual working, was the very anti-
thesis to that of Cromwell. ^Vhilst Cromwell always based his
action upon existing facts, and contented himself with striving
to change them for the better with due regard for the possibili-
ties of the case, Montrose fixed his eye upon an organisation
in Church and State which had not only no real existence, but
which was very far removed from anything that, in his day at
least, could possibly come into existence. There was, as he
fancied, to be a king in Scotland — and that king Charles— who
would rule in righteousness and support an unpolitical Presby-
tery. There was to be a clergy content with the fulfilment of
its spiritual duties, and a nobility forgetful of its own interests
and eager only to support the authority of the king, All loyal
Scotsmen were to be as generous, as unselfish as himself.
The absence of all grasp on the concrete facts of politics is
the more astonishing because it was coincident in
MoiituHc's Montrose with the most intense realisation of the
""^ concrete facts of war. He seems, indeed, to have
had no conception of the temper in which Scotland, after the
' Mantrose's Remonslrance. Napier, Mtmoirs a/ Mentrea, i, App.
xliv. It is there prinled from the original in Lord Napier's hand. There
is, as has often ijeen said, no External evidence that Montrose ever saw il,
but there is a Monlrosian ring about it, and I accept it as his, though
possibly wilh some element of Napier in it. Those who object to the
difference of the view here taken of Prc^bfterianism and that taken in
Montrose's advice to Charles II. in 1649, forget that different circum-
(UuQceii beget ditlereut sliadcs uf opinion.
35« ROWTON HEATH AND PHILIPHAUGH, CH. xxxvi.
slaughter of her sons in the battles in the North, regarded the
leader of those who had done them to death. It was no Puri-
tan or Covenanter who passed the strongest condemnation
upon the licence of Montrose's followers. "This, indeed,''
wrote Patrick Gordon, it may be hoped with considerable exag-
geration, after ascribing Montrose's victories to the miraculous
intervention of God, " from mortal men to the immortal God
deserveth a great deal of thankfulness . . . which, it seems,
they were not careful enough to perform, ascribing too much
to their own merits, as if a man were able to lift up his arm
against an enemy if God work not with him. This also could
not but offend the Holy of Holies that, when God had given
their enemies into their hands, the Irishes in particular were
too cruel ; for it was everywhere observed they did ordinarily
kill all they could be master of, without any motion of pity or
any consideration of humanity ; nay, it seemed to them there
was no distinction between a man and a beast ; for they killed
men ordinarily with no more feeling of compassion and with
the same careless neglect that they kill a hen or capon for their
supper ; and they were also without all shame, most brutishly
given to uncleanness and filthy lust As for excessive drinking,
when they came where it might be had, there was no limits to
their beastly appetites. As for godless avarice and merciless
oppression and plundering the poor labourer, of these two
crying sins * the Scots were also guilty as they."
' In the records of the Presbytery of Turriff, shown me by Dr. Milne
of Fyvie, is an entry which shows how Montrose's presence interfered
with clerical work. With the exception of a single entry about the death
of a minister, there is nothing in the book from August 14, 1644^ to
May 13, 1646. At its recommencement the record begins as follows:
**The next day convened the brethren of the Presbytery of Turriff, and
praised God from their hearts for granting them liberty in health and
peace to meet for promoving of the Lord's work ; from the which benefit
they have been restrained by reason of the enemy lying and tyrannising
within the precincts [?] of the Presbytery for the space almost of ane year
and ane half, except some three or four diets they had met together in
great fear and hazard, both of their lives and . fortunes. The rolls of
which meetings was left with Mr. Thomas Mitchell, and rent and de-
stroyed l^y the enemy when his books, papers, and goods were plundered
and destroyed."
16^!
MONTROSE TN PERIL.
3«3
If Monlrose knew little of the loathing with which his
connection with these men was regarded, he knew as little of
Mtntrose *^^ ^'^'*^ which the Kirk had gained upon the
End ihe Southcm population by its popular organisation and
its services in the cause of national independence.
The only strong feeling to which he could possibly appeal was
the jealousy entertained by many of the gentry and nobility of
Montrost's clerical interference with the freedom of their lives,
otw iup. and it was this jealousy which had in all probability
brought so large a number trooping into Bothwel).
Vet so many of the more powerful nobles had found that their
interest was better served by leading the Kirk than by opposing
it, that, even as an aristocratic party, Montrose's new supporters
were singularly weak, and even those who willingly proffered
loya! service to him joined him in a half-hearted fashion as
men well aware of the real strength of the government which
to all outward appearance he had utterly destroyed.
Conspicuous in their offers of assistance were the Border
lords, the Earls of Roxburgh, Home, and Traquair. Their
Th* Border past history was sufficient testimony that they
lords. would have preferred a government by the King to
a government by Argyle and the Kirk. Though they were
hardly the men to expose themselves to ruin for the sake of
any cause, they now ui^ed Montrose to come amongst them to
give his countenance to the levies which they were making.
Home and Roxburgh played a double game from the first.
Whilst Montrose believed them to be raising levies for himself,
his opponents imagined that they were raising them for the
5 6 Covenant. David Leslie, however, by September 6
P»'idL^i= had crossed the Border, and Middleton, who was
despatched by him in advance, came, as he gave
, upon evidence of their treason. He arrested
Bnm^nd them both, and on the 9th they were lodged as
Koxburgh, prisoners in Berwick. Amongst Montrose's suppor-
ters it was afterwards believed that they had themselves asked
Leslie to take them prisoners,'
' Wiskarl, ch. iv, Wharlon in his letter ot Sept. lO (£./ vii. 581)
limply menlions that Ihey were brought prisoneis ' upon suspicion, o(
VOL. II. A A
Stpi. 9.
354 ROWTON HEATH AND PHILIPHAUGH, CH. xxxvl
Traquair, for the present at least, maintained an apparent
fidelity, and directed his son. Lord Linton, to join Montrose.
The Marquis of Douglas, who, without any afterthought, had
declared for Montrose, had actually levied the force which
he had promised to raise; but great as was still the
and influence of a Scottish lord over his tenants, he
"* *** was unable to keep them from deserting in masses
a cause which they detested. When, shortly after the arrest of
the two earls, Montrose appeared at Kelso, he found himself
at the head of his 500 Irish foot and of a body of cavalry
1,200 strong, which was entirely composed of noble-
Montrosc's men and gentlemen.* Not a man of the lower or
^^^' middle classes would serve under him. No wonder
that Traquair saw that Montrose's cause was lost He recalled
his son from the Royalist army, and, unless common fame is
to be distrusted, sought to purchase immunity by betraying
Montrose's weakness to the enemy. Ignorant though the
Royalist commander was of Ttaquair's treachery, he found so
little encouragement in the Eastern Borders that he resolved
to transfer himself to the West in hope that he might there
meet with better success.
David Leslie had almost missed his prey. Having been
reinforced as he passed through Newcastle, he was now at the
head of some infantry in addition to the 4,000 horse
Leslie's which he had brought with him from Hereford.
"^'^ * Marching along the sea coast towards Midlothian,
where Montrose had been a few days before, he determined,
after due consultation with his officers, to pursue his course
up the Forth, and to lie in wait for Montrose's inevitable
retreat to the Highlands. The letter from Traquair, if
Traquair was indeed the sender of it, changed his purpose,
and marching rapidly southwards along the course of the
Gala Water, he reached the little village of Sunderland on the
some discovery of their holding intelligence with Montrose.* A fuller
Dceount is given out of a letter from Scotland in The Weekly Account^
£. 301, 17. It is here that Middleton's part in the matter is stated.
* IVtshartj ch. xv. ; Patrick Gordon states that Montrose had at
Philiphaugh 1,200 horse, 'all gentlemen, barons, and noblemen.'
.645
MONTROSE DEFEATED
355
night of September is. Montrose with his scanty force was at
Selkirk, not four miles distant,
Montrose had ordered his army to rendezvous the next
morning on the long level meadow which lies along the
Ettrick Water below the hillside on which Selkirk stands,
Sep.. ,j. and which bears the name of Philiphaugh, His
Philip ™^" ^'Sfs still in disorder when David Leslie burst
haugh. upon them with 4,000 horse out of the mist which
lay heavily on the flat.
The 500 veterans who had once followed Alaster Mac-
donald were faithful to the last. For them in a foreign land
there was no safety but in the grave. Of the 1,200 mounted
gentry who should have given ihem the support of cavalry,
only 1 50 under the old Earl of Airlie and Nathaniel Gordon
rallied round their leader. The others, bewildered and con-
fused, without confidence in themselves or in their cause,
gathered in knots far in the rear without making an attempt
to take part in what, to them at least, seemed to be a hopeless
struggle. In spite of their defection, Montrose, with Crawford
and Ogilvy at his side, did his- best to guide the unequal
battle. Twice he drove back with his scanty numbers the
rush of Leslie's horsemen, but at a terrible cost. Soon, out of
the 150 who followed him in the first charge but forty or fifty
were left. Further resistance was useless, and the hitherto
unvanquished captain fled for his life. Crawford and Airlie
also escaped, as well as the Marquis of Douglas, the only one
of the Sonthetn nobility who drew sword on that field of
destruction. The remainder of the combatants were slain or
taken. Those who had stood aloof at the beginning of the
engagement had already dispersed, and were in full flight to-
wards their homes.
The victors, having thus disposed of Montrose's scanty
cavalry, turned upon his foot. Three hundred were still
standing in the ranks. After 250 of them had been slain,
Stuart, the adjutant, asked for quarter, and quarter was granted
to the remaining fifty.'
' miAart.vi.; PalrUM Gordon, 156.
356 ROWTON HEATH AND PHIUPHAUGH. CH. xxxvi.
Then ensued a butchery more horrible than any that had
followed upon any of Montrose's victories. The wild clans-
_ ^ , men of the North had contented themselves with
Butchery of r»,i . , ,
iri^h taking vengeance upon men. The tramed and
women. disciplined soldiers of the Covenant slaughtered
with hideous barbarity not only the male camp followers but
300 Irish women, the wives of their slain or captured enemies,
together with their infant children.* To the Scotchman every
Irish man or woman was but a noxious beast. It soon re-
pented the conquerors that they had spared the lives of fifty
soldiers. The churchmen and the noblemen of the Covenant
remonstrated warmly against the act of clemency. Quarter, it
was said, by a vile equivocation, had been granted to Stuart
alone, not to his men. As the triumphant army passed through
Linlithgow, Leslie weakly gave way, and stained his honour by
abandoning his prisoners. The soldiers were bidden to fall on,
and they did as they were bidden.*
According to a later tradition, fourscore women and
children, who had perhaps escaped from the general massacre,
were thrown from a bridge near Linlithgow, to be drowned as
English Protestants had been drowned at Portadown.'
' *< Three hundred women that, being natives of Ireland, were the
married wives of the Irishes." Patrick Gordon^ 160. The quotation at
p. 352 shows that Gordon was not likely to be too lenient in his judgment
of the Irish.
* Guthry, Memoirs^ 162 ; Patrick Gordon^ 160.
• Wishart (ch. xvii.) states the fact, but does not give the place.
According to a statement quoted by Napier (ii. 587) from a speech of Sir
G. Mackenzie, the place was Linlithgow.
3b7
CHAPTER XXXVII.
BASING HOUSE AND SHERBURN.
The news from Philiphaugh foiled to convince Charles and
Digby of the hopelessness of further resistance. Their idea of
jg^g making their way to Newark was not abandoned,
Effw of Ac though, as far as their plan for reaching Scotland
news from was concemcd, there was no longer any reason why
Scotland , , , , i ^^ , , i i
upon they should be at Newark rather than anywhere
**' else. The march, however, it was thought, mighr
Sffling*^ be converted into a means of saving Chestei
fav^ng *"*^ Charles calculated that Poyntz would be sure t6
Chester. foUow him with the bulk of his cavalry, and would
leave the forces engaged in the siege weakened by his absence.
If, therefore, as soon as the King was safe in Newark, Sir
William Vaughan were sent back towards Chester with a
strong detachment he would be able to make short
brin^* rein- work of the bcsiegcrs.* Charles felt the more hope-
forocmcnts. ^^j ^j^^^ ^^ September 28 Prince Maurice brought
him a reinforcement from Worcester of six or seven hundred
horse.^
Charles, however, if he resembled Digby in hoping for the
best, differed from him in being also prepared for the worst.
Sept. 29. On the 29th he wrote to Culpepper peremptorily
SSre to ordering him to send the Prince of Wales to France,
Culpepper, and to dcspatch Goring with his horse to join the
Royal army at Newark or wherever else it might be.'
• Digby to Byron, Oct. 5. S,P, Dom, dxi. 2.
■ Symondsy 244.
• Xhe King to Culpepper, Sept. 29. Clarendon, ix. 96.
i
1645 TffE KIA'aS MAnCHES 3S9
To abandon the West and to concentrate all the remaining
forces at his disposal for a final blow was thus the course
The King's decided on by Charles. At Bridgnorth on October
P"""' I ' he received news which ought to have convinced
him that the obstacles in the way of the realisation of his
scheme were well-nigh insuperable. Fairfax had
Surrc.df?' occupied his time since the surrender of Bristol in
o evizes, dealing the country round of the enemy's garrisons.
ofl^^^ On September 2.^ the strong castle of Devizes stir-
House, rendered to Cromwell after a faint shadow of resist-
Sept. a6. ance. On the following day Laycock House made
Etrkiiey its submission, and on the 26th Sir Charles Lucas
abandoned all further attempt to prolong the defence
of Berkeley Castle.''
In the face of such neivs, Charles had much ado to drag
his little army after him in pursuit of further adventures. To
Oct. I. still the murmurs in his camp he issued a declara-
decira that tion that he had formally abandoned his intention
go 7o" "'" °*^ marching in search of Montrose.^ He now looked
Sioairon. to his projected combination with Goring as his
Ht eipscit anchor of safety ; forgetting that, as Fairfax's army
Gorina;. had been set at liberty by the successful termination
of the siege of Bristol, it would be almost impossible for the
western Royalists, even if they had been better disciplined and
better coromanded than they were, to make their way through
a country occupied by their victorious enemies.
On October 4 Charles reached Newark. In a tetter
written to Nicholas on the day of his arrival, he took it for
granted that Goring would soon pass through Oxford
HereKh« on his march towards the Midlands, and directed
the Secretary to take advantage of the convoy to
send him the young Duke of York. "Since," he added
bitterly, " it is the fashion to yield towns basely, none can
blame me to venture my children in an army, rather than to
be besieged." *
> Symonds, 244. ' Sfriss, 132-
• Walitr, 143 (niLspiinled 135).
' The King lo Nicholw, Oct. I. Mvt^yn's Diary (ed. 1859),
I
36o BASING HOUSE AND SHERBURN CH. xxxvii.
Even if Fairfax had been less formidable than he was, it
was unlikely either that Goring would sacrifice the glory of his
independent command, or that the men of Devon
miacaicuu. and Comwall would subordinate their own welfare
"'^' to the common interests of the nation. For the
present, however, Charles was not ready to despair. On the
Oct. 5. day after the King's arrival at Newark Digby assured
SSkJtiuit ^yo*^ ^^^ ^ w^ "^^ " I hacft, received now," he
all u well, wrote, " an express from Montrose, who was betrayed,
and lost two or three hundred men at most ; and since that he
hath given David Leslie a great blow. General Goring hath
had a victory against Massey, and Fairfax is marched back
into the West in great haste to encounter him." *
Except that Fairfax had marched into the West, every word
of these exultant sentences was without foundation.' Fairfax
g^^^ ^g indeed had thought so little of serious danger from
Serration GoHng's disorgauised troopers, that he felt himself
and crom- Strong euough to despatch Cromwell to reduce the
Royalist garrisons in Hampshire, whilst he conducted
the remainder of his army to complete the work which he had
left unfinished after the surrender of Bridgwater. There was
no longer any danger of an interruption of his communications
whilst he was engaged in the western peninsula.
Fairfax's progress was indeed delayed from an unexpected
cause. The taxes levied for the support of his soldiers had
The army come in but slowly, and for some time there had
without pay. \y^^xi TiO mouey to Send into the West The disci-
pline of the army depended on constant pay, and on the first
day's march many of the men were seen to look over their
^ Digby to Byron, Oct. 5. S*P. Dom, dxL a.
* The 'express from Montrose* may have been some fugitive who
picked up reports on the way. It is not to be imagined that any despatch
of Montrose can have contained such falsehoods. It is just possible that,
when he wrote of Goring's victory over Massey, Digby may have heard
of an attack on Bampton and Minehead by some of Ooring's men, in
consequence of which, after the defeat of the half-armed inhabitants of
those places, the houses were plundered. The affair made some noise in
the newspapers. See Merc* Civicus^ £. 304, 8.
1645 FAIRFAX IN THE WEST, 361
shoulders to espy the treasure carts from London. A few
days later they were ready to mutiny. If the money,
mmwy.° * they Said, did not arrive soon, they would go back
^^ ^^ to London to fetch it On October 6, when they
Arrivsdof reached Chard, it was found necessary to halt. It
the money. .,11 1 < 1 1 1
was not till the nth that the long-expected convoy
arrived. At that time the army had been without pay for
nearly a month. ^
On the 14th Fairfax, having paid his soldiers, was ready to
advance. Goring, who of late had been boasting of his own
Oct. X4. readiness to fight,^ made no serious attempt to
Advance of impede his progress. The Parliamentary army
made for Tiverton, and on the 19th the siege of the
Tivertol?* castle was opened. In the course of the afternoon
Castle taken. ^^ chain of the drawbridge was cut in two by a
shot. The bridge fell down, and a party of the besiegers
rushed across it, and carried the place without difficulty.
Goring, abandoning all thought of meeting Fairfax in the field,
hurriedly retreated westwards. If he had ever entertained the
thought of breaking through the enemy to join the King, that
thought was now definitely abandoned.
On the 20th Fairfax summoned a council of war at Silver-
ton. Winter was approaching,' and it was the general opinion
^^ that it would be unwise to engage the army in the
Fairfax dccp and miry Devonshire lanes in bad weather,
remain near The soldiers wcrc, therefore, directed to take up
xeter. ^j^^.^ quarters in the villages round Exeter, where
they would be usefully employed in straitening the garrison of
the capital of the West till a siege could be undertaken with
some prospect of success.*
In the meanwhile Cromwell had been accomplishing the
task assigned to him in Hampshire. As usual he did not tarry.
On the morning of the 28th of September, two days after
* Sprigg^ 145 ; The Moderate Intelligencer^ E. 304, 1 1.
* Goring to Culpepper, Oct. 13. Clarendon MSS. 1,990.
' It must be remembered that the day was Oct. 30 according to the
rectified calendar.
* Sfr/gg, 145, 157 ; Clarendon, ix. 102, 105.
362 BASING HOUSE AND S HERB URN CH. xxxvil.
parting from Fairfax at Devizes, he entered Winchester with-
out opposition. Almost his first act was to offer to Bishop
Sept. 28. Curl a convoy to conduct him to a place of safety.
wSciw! '^^^ Bishop, however, preferred to take refuge in
the Castle.* He was not likely long to remain in
The Castle peace. By October 5 Cromwell's batteries opened
•ixrren ^^^^ ^^^ ^ practicable breach being soon effected,
the governor gave up hope and surrendered. " You see,*' wrote
Cromwell to the Speaker, "God is not weary of doing you
good. I confess, sir. His favour to you is as visible when He
comes by His power upon the hearts of His enemies, making
them quit places of strength to you, as when he gives courage
to your soldiers to attempt hard things." * In the cause of the
doomed King all but the very staunchest slackened their effort,
whilst the least vigorous of his enemies knew now that failure
was impossible.
Cromwell was as prompt in the execution of discipline as
he was in the attack upon a fortress. Six of his men were
Oct. 6. caught plundering the disarmed soldiers of the gar-
of"pfun^°* rison as they marched out. He hanged one of them
derers. qu the spot, and sent the others to Oxford, that the
new governor. Sir Thomas Glemham, might deal with them as
he pleased. Glemham, however, thanking Cromwell for his
courtesy, set the rogues at liberty.'
From Winchester Cromwell marched to Basing House, to
which Dulbier — an old German officer who had served under
Q g Buckingham, and had been equally ready to drill
Cromweii the Parliamentary troops — had for some weeks been
Basing laying siege. Cromwell arrived on the 8th,^ bring-
Housc. .^g ^.^j^ j^j^ ^ complete train of artillery. It was
through the possession of siege-guns that he hoped to win his
way where so many of his predecessors in command had failed.
» A Diary. E. 304, 13.
« Cromwell to Lenthall, Oct. 6. CarlyU, Letter XXXII. Carlyle
follows Rushworth in calling this a letter to Fairfax ; but see C.f. iv. 249 ;
and Perject Diurnal^ £. 264, 26.
* Spriggy 144.
* The Weekly Account. E. 304, VI,
1645
A MERCTLESS ASSAULT.
3«3
I.
On the iith, when he was readj- to open fire, he summoned
the garrison to surrender. The defenders of the noble mansion
Occ. 11. "f the Catholic Marquis of Winchester — Loyalty
to^sum?" House, as its owner loved to call it — were not
mons. (]ig professional soldiers to whom Cromwell was
always ready to give honourable quarter. They had, so at
least ran his accusation, been evil neighbours to the country
people. Their house was 'a nest of Romanists,' who, of all
men, could least make good their claim to wage war against
the Parliament, If they refused quarter now it would not be
offered to them again.'
There were no signs of yielding on the side of the garrison,
but those who treated Cromwell's summons thus lightly had
Oct. ij. miscalculated the power of his heavy guns. By the
rffocitd? evening of the 13th two wide breaches had been
Oct. 14- effected, and at two in the morning it was resolved
uKMii^"' *° storm the place at six, when the sky would he
lioiuL growing clear before the rising of the sun. The
weary soldiers were directed to snatch a brief rest, but Crom-
well spent part at least of the remainder of the night in medi-
tation and prayer. He was verily persuaded that he was God's
champion in the war against the strongholds of darkness, and
as he figured to himself the idolaters and the idols behind the
broken wall in front of him, the words, " They that make them
are like unto them, so is every one that trusteth in them," rose
instinctively to his lips.
At the appointed hour the storming parties were let loose
upon the doomed house, rising for the last time in its splendour
over field and meadow. It had been said that the
h"q"c old house and the new were alike fit to make 'an
""°' ■ emperor's court." The defenders were pU too few
to make head against the surging tide of war. Quarter was
neither asked nor given till the whole of the buildings were in
the hands of the assailants. Women, as they saw their hus-
bands, their fathers, or their brothers slaughtered before their
faces, rushed forward with the intrepidity of their sex to cling
to the arms and bodies of the slayers. One, a maiden of no
' The Moderate InlcUigeiicir. E, 305, 3,
I
364 BASING HOUSE AND SHERBURN. CH. xxxva
ordinary beauty, a daughter of Dr. Griffiths, an expelled City
clergyman, hearing her father abused and maltreated, gave
back angry words to his reviler. The incensed soldier, mad-
dened with the excitement of the hour, struck her on the head,
and laid her dead at her father's feet Six of the ten priests in
the house were slain, and the four others reserved for the
gallows and the knife. After a while the rage of the
soldiers turned to thoughts of booty. Plate and
jewels, stored gold and cunningly wrought tapestry, fell a prey
to the victors. The men who were spared were stripped of
their outer garments, and old Inigo Jones was carried out of
the house wrapped in a blanket, because the spoilers had 4eft
him absolutely naked. One hundred rich petticoats and
gowns which were discovered in the wardrobes were swept
away amongst the common plunder, whilst the dresses were
stripped from the backs of the ladies. On the whole, however,
the women were, as a contemporary narrative expressed it,
* coarsely but not uncivilly used.' No one of them in the very
heat of the soldiers' fury had to fear those worst outrages to
which their sisters have too often been subjected when for-
tresses have been stormed by armies in every military sense
as disciplined as that which was under the command of
CromwelL
It is impossible to count with accuracy the number of the
siiiferers. The most probable estimate asserts that loo were
Destruction slaiu and 300 taken prisoners. In the midst of the
of the house. ^^^ ^^ house was discovered to be on fire. The
flames spread rapidly, and of the stately pile there soon
remained no more than the gaunt and blackened walls. Before
it was too late the booty had been dragged out upon the sward,
and the country people flocked in crowds to buy the cheese,
the bacon, and the wheat which had been stored within.
Prizes of greater value were reserved for more appreciative
chapmen.*
' CromwelPs letter and Peters's relation are printed in Sprigg^ 149 ;
Peters's relation is more fully given in The full and last relation^ E.
305, 8. See also The Moderate Intelligencer^ £. 305, 3 ; The Sccttish
Dove, £. 305, 6 ; Merc. Veridicus, £. 305, 10.
I64S
LOVALTy MOUSE.
365
The Marquis himself owed his life lo the courtesy with
tthich he had formeity treated Colonel Hammond, who had
ThcM a been his prisoner for a few days. Hammond now in
and HuEh turn protected his former captor, though he could
not prevent the soldiers from stripping the old man
of his costly attire. After this the lord of the devastated
mansion was safe from all but one form of insult. Considera-
tion for fallen greatness never entered into the thoughts of a
Puritan controversialist, even when that controversialist was of
as kindly a disposition as was Hugh Peters. A Catholic, too,
was beyond all bounds of religious courtesy, and Peters thought
it well, as Cheynell had thought it well in the presence of the
dying Chilling worth, to enter into argument with the fallen
Marquis. Did he not now see, he asked him, the hopelessness
of the cause which he had maintained? "If the King," was
the proud reply, " had no more ground in England but Basing
House, 1 would adventure as I did, and so maintain it to the
uttermost. Basing House is called Loyalty." On the larger
merits of the Royal cause he refused to enter. " I hope," he
simply said, " that the King may have a day again." '
" I thank God," wrote Cromwell to the Commons, " I can
give you a good account of Basing." For slaughter after a
Cromweifs summons had been rejected he did not, as the laws
»dnct. Qf ^g^ jjjgjj stood, consider himself hound to give
account at all. He went on to recommend that what remained
of the fortifications should he destroyed, and that a garrison
should he established at Newbury to keep Donnington Castle
in check,* Having given this advice he moved rapidly west-
' A full and last nlatim. E. 305, 8,
« Cromwell to Lenthall, Oct. 14. Carlylt, Letter XXXIIL The
feeling of the day abont the slaughter is well brought out in a contem-
porary newspaper, "The enemy, fot aught I can learn, desired no
ijuarler, and I believe that they had but little offered them, Vou must
remember what they were ; they were most of them Papists ; there-
fore our muskets and our swords did show but little compassion, and
this house being nt length suMued, did satisfy for her treason and
tcbtUion by the blood of the offenders," Tlu I^ingdeiii's iVcctly Poll.
E. 304, aS.
366 BASING HOUSE AND SHERBURN. CH. xxxviL
wards to rejoin Fairfax. On the 17th Langford House sur-
Oct. XT. rendered without the formality of a siege.* On the
hSj^ ^4^^ ^^ reached Crediton, where Fairfax was for the
•urrenders. present quartered.*
Whilst Cromwell and Fairfax were beating down resistance
in the South, Charles had a little breathing-time allowed him
in the refuge which he had sought at Newark. Yet.
Condition evcu here he was driven almost to despair by the
earrison of demoralisation which always follows in the train of
^^"^ hopeless disaster. Commissioners had been ap-
pointed to bring in the contributions of the surrounding
districts and to pay them over to the officers of the garrison
for the support of their men, and these commissioners now
complained that the officers detained the money for their own
use, and that the soldiers had consequently been forced to
supply their wants by plundering the neighbourhood. It was
with the greatest difficulty that Charles succeeded in bringing
this system of rapine to an end.*
To pacify the farmers of Nottinghamshire was, however, of
little avail, unless some means could l)e discovered of defeating
wiiib's ^^^ apparentiy invincible enemy. In this crisis of
plan of Charles's fortunes Sir Richard Willis, the governor
campaign. ^^ Newark, proposed a scheme which, desperate as
it was, had at least the merit of soldierly directness. Let the
King, he urged, destroy every fortification which he possessed
in the Midlands — Newark, Ashby, Tutbury, Lichfield, Belvoir
Castle, Weston, Bridgnorth, and Denbigh. Let him collect
together the whole strength of their garrisons, and thus re-
inforced let him march into the West to join Goring. His
own and Goring's forces combined ought then to be able to
dispose of Fairfax.
Charles at first accepted the plan thus indicated. Even
Objections Digby professed to like it. Then came the usual
'******• delaysand questionings. The gentry of the neighbour-
hood who acted as commissioners were naturally dissatisfied
> The Weekly Account* E. 305, 19.
• Sprigg, 159.
• Walker y 143 (misprinted 135).
I64S MONTROSE'S HOPES 367
with a scheme which by depriving them of armed support would
Di b still ^"pose them to the vengeance of the enemy.' Digby
hankers after too Still hankered after his old plan of a junction
wiih Moot- with Montrose. One more rumour of a victory of
™°' the Scottish Royalists had lately reached Newark,
and it was even added that Montrose had reached the Borders
Oct. II. with a victorious army. On October iz, Charles,
mSJciiM listening to Digby rather than to Willis, turned his
nortimard!. gteps northwHrds with no fixed intentions, but in the
hope of falling in with a courier who might bring him confirma-
tion of the favourable news. It was believed by some that
Digby's eagerness to leave Newark was caused by his un-
willingness to meet Rupert, who having been at last relieved
from arrest was on his way from Oxford to lay his case in
person before the King,'
However this may have been, it is certain that the rumour
of Montrose's victory was absolutely without foundation.
5 After his defeat at Philiphaugh he had swiftly made
Montroie'i his way back to Athol, hoping to be able to rouse
aitcrhis the Highlanders to renewed efforts. Then, turning
at Philip. north, he summoned Ahoyne to forget his imaginary
* wrongs and to bring with him the Gordon chivalry.
Aboyne answered the summons, and joined him with 1,500
foot and 300 horse. Aboyne's brother, Lord Lewis, who was
even more fickle than himself, followed with additional re-
Favourabie inforceiTients. For a moment Montrose bad every
prospects, prospcct of Seeing himself again at the head of an
army as numerous as that with which he had held the field at
Kilsyth, and of being able once more to press southwards to
the succour of the King.
This hopeful enterprise was brought to nought by the
' Sym6nds, 270. Symonds seems to have had his information ftum
■Willis in 1659. It is true that Willis is made to apeak of Bristol as still
untaken, but this may be faiily set down as a slip of memory. It is
passible also that he Ihtew more blame than necessary on the com-
I
k
' The King to Nicholas, Oct. 10, Evelyn's Memoin (ed, 1859),
167; Walktr, 143 (miapiinled 135).
368 BASING HOUSE AND S HERB URN CH. xxxviL
desertion of the Gordons. Huntly bade his followers to
^^^^^^ return, and they obeyed the orders of their chief.
The By Montrose's champions Huntly has been described
of the as actuated by no other motive than jealousy of a
Gordons. ^^^ greater than himself. Yet it must not be for-
gotten that the local feeling, powerful even in England, was far
^ more powerful in Scotland. Huntly's own districts
view of the were in grave periL David Leslie had despatched
***** Middleton with 800 horse to attack the country of
the Gordons, and Middleton was now at Turriff. To Huntly
it must have seemed all-important to dissipate this threatening
cloud before a forward movement was attempted. His draw-
ing back was probably neither more nor less traitorous than
Newcastle's drawing back in 1643 5 but whatever the motives
of either leader may have been, they were attended with the
same disastrous results.
To Montrose, on the other hand, local interests were as
nothing. He could not bear to be delayed an instant in
Montro-e« Carrying out his great undertaking, and he believed
view of the that the decisive blow must be struck at Glasgow
and not at Turriff. Other motives urged him in the
same direction too ; pity for the brave and unfortunate youths
who had been captured at Philiphaugh, and who were now
awaiting trial and execution, summoned him to Glasgow.
Montrose's Yet, Strong as the inducement was, Montrose had
mistake. everything to gain by turning upon Middleton and
winning Huntly to his cause. A few days would have disposed
of a petty force cooped up in a remote angle of the North.
On the other hand, Montrose was powerless without the
Gordons, and though, in spite of their desertion, he pushed
on towards the south, his following was too scanty to give hope
of any satisfactory achievement'
It was to meet this phantom host that Charles had set out
Oct. 13. from Newark. On October 13, at the end of his
t^M^^ ^ second day's march, a council of war was held at
Weibeck. Wclbcck. Alonc amongst the councillors, Digby and
Langdale urged that there should be no drawing back, and
* IVishart, ch. xvii. ; Patrick Cordon^ 162.
1645 DIGBY'S MARCH. 369
their advice was warmly supported by the King. Charles,
finding himself outvoted, declared that he had not asked the
opinion of the council whether he was to go or not, but by what
route he was to proceed. In the extremity in which he was, he
must either make the adventure or be * brought to a worse
condition.' All mouths were stopped by this declaration, and
the proposal to advance was reluctantly accepted.
The next morning — the morning on which Basing House
was stormed— all was changed. News arrived that Montrose
Oct. 14. was still in the Highlands, whilst David Leslie was
aJvaiS^e'^ * Still in the Lothians, and Leven was quartered with
stopped. the bulk of the Scottish army on the Tees. The
King's northward march was of necessity abandoned. Yet, at
the risk of diminishing still more his already weakened force,
^. , , he resolved to despatch Langdale with the Northern
Digby and
Lai gdaie horsc to make his way if possible to Montrose, un-
ogono . ^jyj.(jgj^g(j ^jj.j^ tj^g responsibility of watching over
the King's person. Langdale, who had never been at his ease
south of the Humber, cheerfully consented, but he asked
that Digby might have the chief command. His request was
at once complied with, and the energetic but unwise Secre-
tary of State found himself suddenly in command of 1,500
horse, bound on a service of perilous adventure. Charles
returned to Newark with one rash counsellor the less by his
side.^
On the morning after he left the King Digby learnt that the
indefatigable Poyntz was marching across his line of advance
Oct. 15. to block his way to the north. Poyntz, however,
defeats was in complete ignorance that any enemy was in
fnflnt^sLt ^^^ neighbourhood, and did not keep his force well
sherburn. together. He posted his foot on the northern road
at Sherburn, while his horse was still some distance in the
rear. Digby knew well that on open ground mere infantry
could not withstand an attack of cavalry. In the morning of
the 15th he surprised Poyntz's isolated foot in a field outside
Sherburn, and succeeded in capturing the whole of it.
After this feat Digby found himself in advance of the
* fVa/^er, 143 (misprinted 135).
VOL. II. B B
3;o BASIXG HOUSE AXD SHE R BURN. CH. xxxviL
enemy's horse, which would before long appear from the south.
He at once made his preparations to surprise them as they
passed through Sherbujm. Placing his own men out of sight
beyond the town at its northern end, he hoped to
surprtoe for bc able to fall upon them as they came out of the
narrow street, before they had time to draw up in array
of battle. In the meanwhile he despatched Langdale to the
southern end of the place with a small force to gain intelligence
of the enera/s approach. Langdale sent out scouts, but, un-
luckily for him, his scouts were deceived by the irregularities
of the ground, and reported that the advancing force, which
was in reality composed of 2,000 horse under Colonel Cop-
ley, was a small party numbering only a quarter of that
number.
Digb/s skilful plan was at once thrown to the winds.
Langdale, instead of falling back through the town, ordered
up a strong party of his own men, and dashed at
fiqht at the enemy. The vigour of the assault, unexpected
" ""' as it must have been, told upon the Parliamentarians,
and one body of horse after another took to flight before it
For a time it seemed as if I-angdale's troopers were about to
wipe out the sad memories of Naseby and Rowton Heath.
Victory was, however, snatched out of their hands almost by
accident A group of the enemy's horsemen, after it had been
routed, fled northwards into the town, instead of following
their comrades in a southerly direction, and dashed headlong
through the street with Langdale's men after them in hard
pursuit Strange to say, the flight of these beaten horsemen
changed the whole current of fortune. Digby's cavalry posted
in the flelds beyond the northern end of the street, never
dreaming that Parliamentarians would fly in that direction,
imagined the fugitives to be Langdale's troopers, and, seeing
every sign of defeat, turned round and galloped off" the field.
The flying Parliamentarians were not slow in availing them-
selves of so unexpected a stroke of fortune. They became
pursuers instead of fugitives, and gathered prisoners at every
stride. Their companions at the other end of the town
quickly rallied. Langdale, deserted by Digby, could no longer
i645 DIGBTS ESCAPE, 37 1
hold his own. The Royalist horse, did not draw rein, till it
reached the friendly defences of Skipton Castle.^
Digby was incapable of despair. Gathering his beaten
horsemen round him, and obtaining a small reinforcement
Oct. 21. from the Skipton garrison, he made for Scotland.
Sikesfor Still, as he marched, the country was full of rumours
Sco land. xhsX Montrose had defeated Leslie somewhere in the
Highlands, and had advanced to Glasgow. As he passed
round Carlisle, which was now in the hands of a Scottisli
garrison, though the horse which had followed him from Skip-
ton was routed by Sir John Brown, the Scottish ofificer in
He reaches command, Digby himself pushed on for Dumfries.
Dumfries, 'pj^g Scottish pcasants seemed unable to think of
Montrose in any other character than in that of a conqueror,
and they now averred that he had defeated not Leslie, but
Middleton, and that all the forces of Scotland were drawn up
to offer him battle as he issued from the hills. Even if the
rumoured victory had had any basis in fact, it would be hope-
less for a small and discouraged party of horsemen to dash
itself against this intervening army. Retreat itself seemed
now impossible for Digby. As he drew back into England
the levies of the northern counties closed around him. His
Oct. 24. •men deserted and sought refuge in the hills of Cum-
Spe^uTthe berland. He and his officers found a ver^sel at
Isle of Man. Ravcnglass, whcncc they shipped themselves for the
Isle of Man. On the 27th he assured Charles that he intended
to cross to Ireland, where he expected to be able to organise
such troops as were ready to come to England to serve his
Majesty.^
Would Charles be much longer in a condition to accept
» Digby to the King, Oct. 17 5 Clarettdon MSS, J, 992, Digby's
account of Langdale's success may have been overdrawn, but it is in the
main corroborated by the silence of Poyntz on the details of the fight. See
A Great Victory, E. 305, 14. Slingsby {Diary, 171) says that the
Royalist cavalry * at the first charge beats Copley, but being received by
Col. Lilburne and not seconded by ours, they were put to the worst, and
so quite routed.*
2 Digby to the King, Oct. 27. Clarendon MSS, 2,003.
B B 2
3?l ItAS/A'G HOUSE AND SHERBURN. CH. xsxm
such help? On October 13 lie turned back from Welbecl
o^, 1^ and OD the 15th, the day after his axrival at NewarL
m^i'ud. ^*^ '^•'"^' '^"^^ Rupert, who had now become if*
w.Tt«k. "llying-point of all who longed for peace, had cm
his way through the stjuadrons of the enemy, ani
H.^,''« bringing his brother Maurice with him, had reachd
Ril^""".!^ Belvoir with the intention of pleading his o»-n cau^
ikivoir. before his uncle. Charles at once wrote to warn
J'^^;;^^>ni„ him against coming further until he had staiti
riraiij. whether he intended to justify his surrender ul
Bristol or to beg for merciful consideration. "Leas!
of all," added the King, in allusion to his nephew's declaraiion
in favour of peace, "1 cannot forget what opinion you were of
when I was at Cardiff, and therefore must remember you ui
the letter I wrote to you from thence in the Duke of Ric^i-
mond's cipher,' warning you that if you be not resolved lu
carry yourself according to my resolution therein mentioned,
you are no fit company for me." *
Braving Charles's resentment, Rupert on the i6th rode on
towards Newark. By the military party there his arrival wij
Oct, ,6. awaited with impatience. Willis and Gerard were
^"i^'iD^nat so''^ ^* ^^ attention which had been paid by tlw
Newark. King to the complaints of the civilian comnivi-
sioners, and stilt more sore at his preference of Digby's advice
to their own, even in matters relating to the conduct of the
war. They now determined to welcome the Prince wnih
unusual demonstrations of respect. Charles himself, on his
arrival, two dnys before, had been received by Willis, the
governor, at the gate of the fortress. The same Willis novf
rode out two miles with an escort of a hundred horse to do
honour to Rupert.
Almost immediately after entering Newark, Rupert sought
' See p. 287,
' The King to Rupert, Oct. 15. Add. MSS. 31,022, fol. 68. The
letter is wtiilen in lemon juice, and is in parts almost illeEible. Afler
1 had fjuled to ni.ike it out, I submitled it to the piaclised eyes of Mr.
E. JI. Thompson, with the result as giveu above. The modem copy
appended is not to be relied on.
i645 RUPERT ACQUITTED, 373
out the King and demanded to be judged by a council of war.
Q^^ ^g His request was granted, and on the 21st Charles,
A council of after hearing the evidence, announced himself satis-
fied that the Prince was * not guilty of any the least
absolves ' Want of courage or fidelity in the surrender of
upert. Bristol,' and the council, as might have been ex-
pected, came to the same conclusion.^
If the charge against Rupert had been withdrawn, the
deeper causes of ill-feeling between the uncle and the nephew
Conrinued ^^^^ bcyond rcmoval. The disaster which had
ill feeing befallen Digby at Sherburn must have gone far to
Charles and confirm Rupcrt in his contempt for the infatuation
^^^^ ' which had placed an army under the control of a
civilian. The resentment thus fostered was soon brought to
Movements ^ head. Poyntz, leaving Digby to his fate, had
of Poyniz turned south to watch the movements of the King,
Rossiter. ^nd had now reached Nottingham, and together
with Rossiter, who was stationed at Grantham, threatened to
Oct. 26. cut off Charles's retreat from Newark towards the
i^ave^^ '° south. It was therefore resolved that Charles should
Newark. make his escape to Oxford while yet there was time,
and the night of the 26th was fixed for the attempt.^
It would have been plainly unwise to leave Willis in com-
mand at Newark in hostile relations with the commissioners,
and Charles, with strained courtesy of language,
accompany announccd to him that he was to change posts with
""' Lord Bellasys, who had commanded the horse-
guards since Lichfield's death before Chester. To Willis the
promotion, if promotion it was, was most distasteful, and there
were not wanting those who did their best to aggravate the
wrong which he believed to have been done to him. Rupert
and Gerard saw in his removal a fresh concession to the absent
Digby.
As the King was finishing his dinner on the day which had
been named for his journey, Rupert, followed by Willis and
* Proceedings of the council of war, Oct. 21. Warburton^ iii. 201.
2 WaU'ery 146. Clarendon follows Walker in naming the 20ih, but
see Syvionds^ 268.
374 BASING HOUSE AND S HERB URN CH. xxxviL
(}crard, walked sullenly up to the table at which he was seated.*
The King, seeing in what mood his nephew was, rose and
A n .isy drew him into a corner of the room. Willis began
scene. y^y respectfully asking to know his accusers, and
to be dismissed only upon trial. Here Rupert broke in.
** By God," he said, " this is done in malice to me because
Sir Richard liath been always my faithful friend." The dis-
cussion threatened to grow warm, but Willis again brought it
back within the limits of loyalty and reverence. Gerard had
no such self-restraint. Beginning with a defence of Willis, he
was soon hurried away by passion into an unseemly altercation
with the King on the subject of his own dismissal from his
Welsh command. Once more Rupert intervened. " By God,"
he said plainly, " the cause of all this is Digby." Hot words
were launched backwards and forwards. " Why do not you
obey," pleaded Charles, " but come to expostulate with me ? "
" Because," said Gerard, " your Majesty is ill informed."
Gerard had struck home. It was but what the Westminster
Parliament had been saying for so many years. " Pardon
me," answered Charles with plaintive indignation. " I am but
a child ; Digby can lead me where he list What can the
' This scene has hitherto only been known from the mutilated copy in
Symotids^s Diary^ p. 268. Symonds tore part of the pages out of his
book. ** Such stuff was printed," he says, ** as I have torn out, for, being
many times since in Sir Richard Willis's company, 'tis all a feigned formed
lie, for he said not one word to the King all that while, and Lord Gerard
said most, and that was concerning Lord Digby. This Sir Richard told
me Oct. 28, 1659." This word 'formed,* from the original HarL MSS,
944, fol. 66, is omitted in the printed book, but was read for me by
Mr. Kensington, of the British Museum Library. The stuff which * was
printed ' was copied by Symonds from The Bloody Treaty. E. 211, 27.
We are therefore now able to read the whole report unmutilated. Is it,
however, all * a feigned formed lie ' ? On Oct. 28, 1659, Willis, who
had been acting as a spy for Cromwell, had every reason to clear himself
from any part in a scene in which the King was treated with disrespect,
and his denial must not therefore be held to be of nmch weight. It is not
to be supposed that the report was taken down in the room, but it is
so characteristic of the speakers that it may fairly be held to be sub-
stuntially accurate. The pamphleteer at least was too dull a man to
invent it.
i64S A STORMY SCENE. 375
most desperate rebels say more ? " Fresh attempts to change
his resolution proved fruitless. " I beseech your Majesty,"
said Rupert at last, " to grant me your gracious leave and pass
to go beyond seas." " Oh, nephew," replied Charles, " it is of
great concernment, and requires consideration." Something
was then said by Rupert about Bristol. " Oh, nephew "
Charles began. He could not finish the sentence. Rupert
had no such hesitation. " Digby," he reiterated, " is the man
that hath caused all this distraction betwixt us." Charles was
nettled. " They are all rogues and rascals that say so," he
sternly replied, " and in effect traitors that seek to dishonour
my best subjects." After this there was no more to be said.
Gerard bowed and left the room. Rupert departed without
any sign of reverence. Willis remained to utter a con-
temptuous remark on the Newark commissioners, the only in-
temperate remark to which he had given utterance during the
whole of the proceedings.
In the evening a petition signed by the two princes,
Rupert and Maurice, and twenty other officers, was handed in
A petition to to the King, asking that no commission might be
the King. taken from anyone who had not been heard in his
own defence by a council of war, or that, if this were refused,
passes to leave Newark might be granted to the petitioners.
After this there was no setting out to be thought of for
Charles on that night. He would not, he replied to the
Charles's petitioners, make a council of war the judge of his
^sT^nS. actions. On the following day Rupert followed by
^ ^ 200 horsemen rode off in the direction of Belvoir
uct. 27.
Rupert Castle, whence he sent Colonel Osborne to West-
leaves the . » /. i i t i «
King, mmster to ask for passports to enable the whole
qSesS company to leave the country.*
uTaii^*"* If the meeting at Newark reflected no credit on
k^i*the ^^y ^^ those who took part in it, this was but the
country. natural outcome of Charles's incapacity for the direc-
tion of armies. Unable to form any consistent scheme of
* Symonds, 270 ; Walker, 147 ; Rupert to the Houses of Parliament,
Oct. 29, WarburiOHy iii. 207.
376 DASLXG HOUSE AXD SHERBURI^. CH. xxxvii.
()[)erations, he had thrown himself into the hands of an adviser
who was not only no soldier, but who, with some of Bucking-
ham's brilliancy, reproduced only too faithfully Buckingham's
extravagances. The revolt of the officers was the result of the
natural dislike of military men to be subjected to the control
of an incompetent civilian. Yet, true as this explanation is, it
is not the whole truth. If Charles found himself isolated, it
was not merely because soldiers looked askance upon him. It
mattered indeed but little except to the officers concerned
whether Gerard or Willis retained their commands or not, but
it mattered a great deal to all Charles's followers whether a
hopeless war was to be any longer persisted in. In opposing
Digby as the fountain of promotion Rupert spoke on behalf of
the officers. In opposing him as the advocate of the prolonga-
tion of the war, he spoke on behalf of well-nigh the whole of the
Royalist party. Soldier and civilian were of one mind in
demanding peace.
It was not long before Charles was made to feel how truly
he was alone. At last, on the night of November 3, he left
Nov. 3. Newark, leaving Bellasys behind him as governor of
Sv^^^ the fortress. With some difficulty he made his way
Newark, across a country infested by the enemy, and entered
Nov. 5, Oxford on the sth. It was almost a year since he
and enters *' ^
Oxtord. had returned to that city after the modified success
of the campaign of Lostwithiel and Newbury, when he had
been able to persuade himself, not without some show of
reason, that he had the promise of victory in his hands. He
was under no such delusion now. Fresh disasters were of
weekly, almost of daily, occurrence. Before the end of October
Morgan, Massey*s successor as governor of Glouces-
*waiesi<»t ter, had captured Chepstow and Monmouth, and
ing. Layg|^jj,.^g^ having entered Carmarthen, had per-
suaded not only Carmarthenshire, but Cardigan, Glamorgan,
and Brecknock, to submit to the obedience of Parliament. In
all South Wales and Monmouthshire — the country from which
Charles had drawn the infantry which had surrendered at
Naseby — Raglan Castle alone preserved its allegiance to the
i645 DESIRE FOR PEACE, 377
King.i Sandal Castle and Bolton Castle in Yorkshire had
Nov. I. also fallen. On November i Sir William Vaughan,
defelt.^° ' having been despatched to the relief of Chester, had
Nov. 3. been defeated near Denbigh. ^ On the 3rd, the very
Ho^use"^"^ day on which the King left Newark, Shelford House,
stormed. an outlying garrison between Newark and Nottingham,
was stormed, and of the 200 m^n who composed its garrison,
all except forty were put to the sword. ^
Yet, when Charles arrived at Oxford, his soul was wrung by
sorrows even more bitter than those which were aroused by
Nov. s. the crash of his military strength. He could well
reception dctcct the Hp-servicc of those who bowed before him
in Oxford, j^ outward sign of welcome, but whose hearts in
their longing for peace were turned against him. To Dorset,
His reply who Congratulated him with effusion, ^ he replied
to Dorset, sharply, " Your voice is the voice of Jacob, but your
hands are the hands of Esau." * He knew full well what was
Desire f P^ssing in Dorset's mind. There was scarcely a
peace at Royalist in Oxford who did not wish overtures for
peace to be openly made, and, as far as can be
judged from existing indications, they would rather have made
overtures to the Independents and the army than to the Pres-
byterians and the Scots.
Another policy there was, far more attractive to Charles.
" Sir,* Glemham is reported to have said to him about a month
Giemhatn's bcforc, as he was leaving him to take up his com-
suggestion. niaud at Oxford, " although you be too weak for your
enemies, yet they are strong enough to fight one with another,
the Independents against the Presbyterians, and doubt not but
* Two letters from Col, Morgan^ Oct. 23, 24, E. 307, 14 ; Laugharne's
letter y Oct. 12, E. 307, 15 ; The Kingdom's Weekly Intelligencer ^ E. 307,
16; CJ, iv. 320; Whitacre's Diary, Add, MSS, 31,116, fol. 239.
* Whitacre's Diary, Add, MSS, 31,116, fol. 240b; Symonds^s Diary,
258.
■ L,J, vii. 678 ; Hutchinson's Memoirs (ed. Firth), ii. 81. It is here
stated that 140 prisoners were taken ; Poyntz, writing at the time, gives
only forty, which is far more likely to be accurate.
* Montreuil to Brienne, Nov. i^. Carle MSS, Ixxiii. fol. 109b.
378 BASING HOUSE AND SHERBURN. CH. xxxvii.
that will be a means for your recovery." * Charles had neither
the freedom from scruples of conscience nor the flexibility of
intellect requisite to enable him to play the game thus indicated
by Glemham.
* Letter printed in Merc, Civicus. E. 305, 5. **This discourse,**
lays the writer, ** I had from one that heard it.**
379
NOTE.
ON THE STRENGTH AND PRELIMINARY MOVEMENTS
OF THE ARMIES AT NASEBY.
My account of the Battle of Naseby was already in proof before
I saw Colonel Ross's calculation of the numbers on both sides
contained in an article in The English Historical Review for Octo-
ber 1888, p. 668. He estimates the Parliamentarians at 13,600
after Cromwell's arrival on June 13, and the Royalists at * no more
than 8,000 men in horse and foot,' and probably, * as stated by the
Royalist authorities,' as * actually only 7,500 in all.*
As far as the Parliamentary army is concerned, I have had little
to change, as I originally gave it as about 13,000 men. On review-
ing this opinion I am inclined to take the calculation of The Scottish
Dove as a basis, and to accept 13,000 as the number after Fairfax's
junction with Vermuyden. In that case the subsequent arrival of
Cromwell and Rossiter would bring up the whole force to at least
14,000.
June 5, Fairfax and Vermuyden • • • • 13,000
June 13, Cromwell, at least . • • • • 600
June 14, Rossiter, at least . • • • • 400
14,000
With respect to the King's army I had written in a note that
* the King had only 7,500 with him when he left Leicester, of which
3,500 were horse,' basing this on a letter of June 4 from the King
to Nicholas, printed in Evelytis Memoirs^ iv. 146. This letter
escaped Colonel Ross's notice, and it is so far satisfactory to find
an independent corroboration of the evidence which led him to
think it most probable that the King had 4,000 horse and 3,500
foot.
Having got so far, I am sorry to say that I ran away from my
guns. The consensus of contemporary authorities was so strong
in favour of the virtual equality of the two armies in numbers,
that I fancied myself driven at least to approximate to their state-
38o NOTE OS THE ARMIES AT NASEBY.
nicnt, and on the ground that stragglers and reinforcements may
have come in during the ten days which elapsed after the writing
of the King's letter of the 4th, I allowed myself to put in the text
that * on the highest calculation the King's troops did not exceed
ten or eleven thousand.' Having read the authorities carefully
again, I can find no trace of any such reinforcements or of any
augmentation of the army, and I am convinced that Colonel Ross's
calculations are beyond dispute. My own attempt to find a middle
course was as useless as it was baseless. The difference between
the numbers as I conceived them was not great enough to enable
me to draw any practical conclusion, whereas the knowledge that
there was a difference between 7,500, or even 8,000, on the one side
and 13,500 or 14,000 on the other, changes our whole conception
of the battle. Wherever, therefore, in my account of the fighting,
attention is dra\vn to the result of the inequality of numbers, it will
be understood that the passages in which this occurs are entirely
due to Colonel Ross, and not in any way to myself.
I now come to examine the movements of the armies on the
morning of the 14th, before they stood opposite to one another on
their respective sides of Broadmoor. I have here had the advantage
of a long and friendly correspondence with Colonel Ross. The sub-
ject is not one on which conclusion can be drawn with absolute con-
fidence, but, after rejecting in consequence of his arguments several
ideas which I had previously formed, and after a personal exami-
nation of the road along which the Royal army advanced, the
proceedings on both sides can, I think, be made out with more
than mere probability.
The first movements of the Royal army are beyond doubt. It
marched out early in the morning to what Slingsby calls a * hill
whereon a chapel stood,' evidently the ridge between East Famdon
and Oxendon, the chapel being East Famdon Church, the tower
of which is a conspicuous object to anyone approaching from the
Harborough side. Here it was drawn up in expectation of being
attacked, and there it remained without further action on the part
of its commander till 8 A.M. {Walker , 129). Slingsby {Diary ^ 150)
tells us that on their first arrival — that is to say, some time earlier
in the morning — * we could discern the enemy's horse upon another
hill about a mile or two before us, which was the same on which
Naseby stood.* The two parts of his description are irreconcilable,
the ridge on which Naseby is being about three miles distant. To
anyone standing on the hill at a spot a little south of East Farndon
there can be no difficulty in deciding which part of the statement
THE PRELIMINARY MANCEUVRES. 381
is accurate. Between him and the Naseby ridge is a large extent
of undulating ground with nothing so conspicuous as to deserve
the name of * the hill,' whereas the Naseby ridge stands out like a
wall behind, catching the eye at once and dominating the whole
landscape. In point of fact, whilst the Farndon-Oxendon ridge
rises at its highest (as appears from the six-inch ordnance map) to
5 19 feet, the Naseby ridge ridge reaches 603 feet at Mill Hill, where
the Parliamentary army was ultimately drawn up, and rises to 648
feet in front of the obelisk, from which point it slopes gradually
away to 581 feet about a mile from Naseby, where the ground falls
sharply away towards the north. For purposes of defending a
position or getting a view of an enemy advancing from the north,
it is this point of 581 feet which would be selected, or at least one
not very far behind it. The highest point of the ground between
this and the Farndon Hill reaches 477 feet.
Taking Slingsby, therefore, to mean that the Parliamentary
forces were to be seen at some time in the early morning on the
Naseby ridge, let us ask at what part of the ridge they appeared.
In the first place, the likely place to look for them is on the road to
Clipston and Market Harborough. Fairfax had passed the night
at Guilsborough, and his advanced guard had entered Naseby late
in the previous evening. He would, therefore, naturally push on
along the road leading to Harborough, where the Royal army was,
and would halt on the brow of the hill in front of the spot on which
the obelisk now stands, in order to look over the lower ground for
signs of the enemy.
This is just what we should gather from Sprigg and Okey.
" By five in the morning," writes Sprigg (p. 37), the army was at a
rendezvous near Naseby, where his Excellency received intelligence
by our spies that the enemy was at Harborough ; with this further,
that it was still doubtful whether he meant to march away or to
stand us, but immediately the doubt was resolved ; great bodies of
the enemy's horse were discerned on the top of the hill on this side
Harborough, which, increasing more and more in our view, begat a
confidence in the general and the residue of the officers that he
meant not to drav/ away, as some imagined, but that he was putting
his army in order, either then to receive us, or to come to us to
engage us upon the ground we stood." This must have happened
before 8 A.M., and probably a good deal earlier, and is in favour of
assigning the position of the rendezvous to that marked A in my
map at p. 207, as no good view could be obtained of the Farndon
ridge from any lower post farther north.
381 NOTE ON THE ARMIES AT NASEBY.
This view is, on the whole, corroborated by Okey. After stating
that he had had the ' forlorn guard every night,' he adds that ' we
drew near Naseby unto Clypsome {t,e. Clipston) Field, a mile and
a half from our quarters where we had the guard the night before.'
If, as I suppose there can be little doubt, the advance guard ^nth
Okey was quartered at Naseby, then a mile and a half beyond that
place on the Harborough road brings us about half a mile beyond
the spot marked A on the top of the hill, and to a point well within
the boundary of Clipston parish.
The only difficulty in Okey*s story arises from the fact that both
his mileage and the mention of Clipston Field place him beyond
the ridge, the Harborough road cutting the boundary a very short
distance farther on at the foot of the steep fall to the lower ground.*
It is, of course, possible that Okey, who was not likely to be
familiar with the parish boundaries, merely talked of the spot as
being open ground near Clipston, but another solution may per-
haps be accepted. An army of 13,000 men cannot stand on the
point of pin, and must spread out in one direction or another.
This army came with the expectation of pushing on in pursuit, and
it therefore was more than probable that some of the regiments
would forge ahead in the direction of Clipston, and thus 6nd them-
selves, probably with Oke/s dragoons in advance, in the real
Clipston Field.
At 8 A.M., therefore, we have the two armies facing one another
on two ridges about three miles apart. Then Rupert {Walker^
130) sends out Ruce, the scoutmaster, to see what was going on,
* who in a short time returned with a lie in his mouth, that he had
been two or three miles forward, and could neither discover or
hear of the rebels.' Ruce probably advanced to Clipston, or a
little beyond, and, if he could hear nothing of the enemy in the
village, he was not likely to see anything of them if he rode
forward, as the view on the road in front is extremely circum-
scribed, and he may herefore have felt justified in riding back to
say that the rebels were not in pursuit, which was what Rupert
really wanted to know. Upon his return Rupert gre»v impatient
and rode off, followed by horse and musketeers, to see for himself.
* But he had not marched above a mile before he had certain intel-
ligence of their advance, and saw their van.' Slingsby says that
Rupert advanced towards the enemy, * where he sees their horse
* From iaformation supplied by the Rev. C F. Blyth, late rector of
Clipston.
THE PRELIMINARY MANCEUVRES, 383
marching up on the side of the hill to that place whereafter they
embattled their whole army. It is impossible to draw any absolute
conclusion from this, but it looks as if the Parliamentarians had in
the interval between Ruce's and Rupert's reconnaissances pushed
on somewhat in advance, and that they afterwards drew back. If
this were so, we can fit in here a story which reaches us from a
certain W. G., in .^ just apology for an abused army (1647), p. 5,
E. 372, 22.
" I must never forget," he writes, " the behaviour of Lieutenant-
General Cromwell, who, as though he had received direction from
God Himself where to pitch his battle, did advise that the battalion
might stand upon such a ground, though it was begun to be drawn
up upon another place, saying, * Let us, I "beseech you, draw back
to yonder hill, which will encourage the enemy to charge us, which
they cannot do in that place without absolute ruin.' This he spake
with so much cheerful resolution and confidence, as though he had
foreseen the victory, and was therefore condescended unto, and
within an hour and a half after the effect fell out accordingly.
This action of his ... I was an eye and ear witness of"
What took place, I suspect, was this. Somewhere about half-
past eight — an hour and a half before the battle began — the
Parliamentary army had got some little way off the main ridge in
advance, and Fairfax directed it to be drawn up for battle on a
smaller parallel ridge in the direction of Clipston. Sucn a ridge
would be defensible, though not as strong a position as he main
ridge behind. Then Cromwell advised that it should be drawn
further back to the height on which the rendezvous had been in
the morning. I do not think that the army can have got anywhere
near Clipston, though, of course, a body of horse may have pushed
on in advance. Ruce would have found the enemy out if they had
gone far, and Cromwell's words, * yonder hill,' indicate a hill in
sight. The main hill, however, is soon hidden by intervening
lesser heights as one advances towards Clipston.
It does not, however, follow that Cromwell's chosen ground was
exactly on the scene of the rendezvous of the morning. It would
be enough for him to cover the road with the horse of the right
wing whilst the bulk of the army was drawn up to the left, its
extreme left being thus at some distance to the west of the Har-
borough road, and not far from the point afterwards occupied by
its right in the actual battle. This would account for the omission
of most of the authorities to speak of two positions after the army
was actually placed in order of battle. The subsequent drawing
3S4 NOTE ON THE ARMIES AT NASEBY.
off to the left was in their eyes not a removal from one position to
another, but a mere manoeuvring to gain the advantage of the hill
and the wind. How this took place we learn from Slingsby and
Sprigg. Rupert, when he arrived opposite Fairfax, found Crom-
well's position too hard to be attacked. " Being hindered," writes
Slingsby (p. 151), "of any near approach, by reason the place
between us and them was full of hurts ^ (? bushes) and water, we
wheeled about, and by our glides were brought upon a fair piece
of ground, partly com and partly heath, under Naseby, about half
a mile distant from the place."
Sprigg's account agrees pretty well with this. "And while
these things " — i.e, the drawing up of the army — " were in consul-
tation and in action, the enemy's army, which before was the
greatest part of it out of view, by reason of the hill that interposed,
we saw plainly advancing in order towards us; and the wind
blowing somewhat westwardly, by the enemy's advance so much
on their right hand, it was evident that he designed to get the
wind of us, which occasioned the general to draw down into a
large fallow field on the north-west side of Naseby." What
Slingsby calls wheeling, in consequence of the nature of the
ground over which the Royalists would have to attack, Sprigg
speaks of as a deliberate movement to gain the wind, followed by
an equally deliberate movement to the fallow field marked B on
the map.
The Parliamentary army, however, was not allowed to rest
here. " Considering," says Sprigg, " it might be of advantage to
us to draw up our army out of sight of the enemy ... we
retreated about a hundred paces from the ledge of the hill, that
so the enemy might not perceive in what form our battle was
drawn, nor see any confusion therein, and yet we to see the form
of their battle."
It is plainly this last movement which is referred to in the
passage from Orrer/s Art of War (p. 154), quoted by Colonel
Ross in The English Historical Review : " I had often been told,
but could scarcely credit it, that at the fatal battle of Naseby, after
my Lord Fairfax's army was drawn up in view of his Majesty's, it
having been judged that the ground a little behind was better than
that they stood upon, they removed thither. I had the opportunity
* Mr. Henry Bradley informs me that this word was rejected from
the New English Dictionary^ as not being found anywhere else. He
thought that it had the ring of a local word, but that on the other hand
it might be a mere blunder of the copyist or printer.
THE PRELIMINARY MANCEUVRES. 385
lome time after to discourse on the subject with Major-General
Skippon (who had the chief ordering of the Lord Fairfax his army
that day), and having asked him if this were true, he could not
deny it ; but he obeyed the orders for doing it only because he
could not get them altered."
At first I ascribed W. G.'s story to this movement, but gave
way before Colonel Ross's arguments. The movement was too
slight to give rise to Cromwell's entreaty to ' draw back to yonder
hill,' espteially as the fallow field in which Skippon had already
drawn up his men was on the slope of the hill and therefore there
can have been no talk of drawing back to it Moreover, the
retreat here was only a temporary one, made not for the purpose
of fighting on a new position, but merely to conceal the army for a
time till it was ready to step forward to the brow of the hill
One word I should like to say on behalf of the raisers of that
<;^ unfortunate obelisk which has been mocked at by successive
^ ^ visitors and writers as commemorating the battle on a spot on
which the battle was not fought What they did in their ignorance
was not, after all, done so very much amiss. The obelisk stands
where the Parliamentarian soldiers first learnt that the enemy
meant to fight and not to retreat, and it rises on the ' yonder hill'
to which Cromwell pointed as the true place of battle. If it has
nothing round it to remind us of the conflict itself, it may serve as
a monument to the genius of the man by whom the victory was
decided.
Wishing to submit these conclusions to the judgment of a
qualified military critic, I have asked Colonel Ross to express an
opinion on them, and I am happy to be able to append his reply
to my request
VOL. H. C C
S«6
ADDITIONAL NOTE BY LIEUTENANT^COLONEL ROSS.
Mr. Gardiner, with whom I h^ve had a correspondence, to me
instructive as well as interesting, regarding the events which im-
mediately preceded the Battle of Naseby, has honoured me by
requiring from me an expression of opinion on the matters dis*
cussed in his supplementary note on that action. I have carefully
studied that note, with the result that I believe the theories therein
advanced, based, as they evidently are, on a very exhaustive analy-
sis of all the contemporary evidence at present available, are, if
not indisputable, at least probable in the highest degree.
To state my reasons for this belief would merely amount to a
repetition of the arguments advanced by Mr. Gardiner. As it may^
hoirever, be some satisfaction to Mr. Gardiner, that I, as a soldier,
should be found to be of the same opinion as himself on matters
which are essentially military, and to some extent technical, in
character, I gladly not only record my general acceptance of his
conclusions, but even venture to illustrate one or two of them by
offering a few additional remarks.
Although the successive stages of the action taken by both armies
on the morning of the 14th of June, as mentioned by Mr. Gardiner^
appear to me to be highly probable, there is among them one to
w hich exception might be taken, as being not so near a certainty
as are the rest I allude to the circumstance of what may be called
the first position of the Parliamentary army, after their rendezvous
somewhat to the north-east of Naseby on the long ridge, the
western half of which is called by Sprigg and Rush worth Mill
Hill.
There is little room to doubt that before 8 A.M. — probably
considerably earlier— the two armies stood opposite to each other,
the Royalists on the Famdon-Oxendon ridge, and the army of
the Parliament on the Naseby ridge. The former appear, by the
accounts of their own party, to have been at this hour in battle
formation, and in expectation of being attacked ; while the latter.
I
NOTE BY LIEVTENANT-COLONEL ROSS. jS?
certainly in some formation, would probably not be as yet in the
baitie order which, Sprigg tells us, had been definitely settled some
days previously, but would, it is more likely, be ranged in a march-
ing' order suitable for an early advance in pursuit of the retiring
enemy. Both armies, as Mr. Gardiner supposes, would almost
certainly be placed across the Naseby-Harbo rough road. Even in
msdem times such a line of communication would be important,
if not actually necessary, for the transport of the artillery ; and in
the seventeenth century, when the mobility of this arm left much to
be desired, the advantages of such a. highway, however bad a toad
it may then have been, could not be ignored by either army.
The Royalist army in battle line would, consequently, occupy a
position, the frontal extent of which, in comparison with the depth,
would be considerable, and its cavalry would be placed, we may
naturally suppose, in line with and on the flanks of its infantry.
With the other army it would be otherwise. The whole fomna-
lion would be more closely massed, and the deplh of it probably
greater than its frontal extension ; at least one half of the cavalry
of the army, as being about to cover an advance, would be found
in the van, towards Clipston, and therefore on the northern spurs
of the Naseby ridge, on the summit of which probably the rendei-
vous of the infantry would be fixed.
To put these suppositions in military phraseology; By 8 A.u.
the Royalists were in line of battle, the Parliamentarians in column
of route, both armies astride the Harbo rough -Naseby road, and
some three miles apart ; the former expecting and hoping to be
attacked in a chosen position, and the latter in a marching forma-
tion, as yet uncertain whether to attack or to await the attack of
the enemy, but both armies equally resolved to bring on a general
engagement.
If the probability of these suppositions be admitted, many of
the minor difficulties which arise in the interpretation of the state-
ments of our various authorities disappear. For example, the state-
ment of the Royal scoutmaster, that during his reconnaissance he
saw no signs of the enemy, might be explained by the suggestion
that the accidents of the ground between Naseby and Clipston may
have concealed the more advanced bodi<s of Fairfax's army; that,
assuming him to have reached Clipston, he saw on his way no
vedettes or patrols of the enemy — a sufficiently curious circum-
stance — may be further explained by the probable fact, that ia
anticipation of a general rendezvous, those scouts— or "spies," as
Sprigg calls them— which had been pushed forward during 111*
J
3W NOTE ON THE ARMIES AT NASEBY.
night bad been recalled, and tbat otbers, pending tbe decision as
to tbe iurtber movements of tbe anny, bad not as yet been tbrown
out Oke/s " Clipston Field " nrigbt also very well be an accurate
description of tbe site of tbe rendezvous, considered as a general
term for tbe position of tbe army, and certainly of tbe special
point at wbicb be and bis dragoons, or part of tbem, were likely to
have been placed. Again, tbe idea wbicb appears to have possessed
Rupert, tbat bis enemy was retreating — an idea which was of the
most fatal consequence to tbe Royalist army, not only as leading
to an ill-judged and hasty advance, but also as ultimately deter-
mining Rupert to deliver an ill-prepared and premature attack on
Broadmoor itself— may very well have arisen from the frurt tbat he
also saw, during his reconnaissance towards Clipston, no signs of
the enemy, and found, when he first sighted bis advanced horsemen,
that they were falling back, and apparently in full retreat, although
they were really doing nothing of tbe kind, but merely taking up
their allotted positions in a line of battle wbicb, just as he arrived
in sight, was being discussed, and possibly being actually formed.
Finding the ground unfavourable for the delivery of an immediate
attack upon what he imagined to be a retreating foe, he began to
edge oflf to tbe westward in search of a better line of advance, and
meanwhile sent back for and hurried up tbe whole of his army,
with the result that the men must have come up blown and dis-
organised, and the guns, already at the first or Famdon position
distributed over an extended front, for the most part must have
been left behind or brought up too late to be of service in the
fight.
Meanwhile, at the rendezvous on the Naseby ridge, when it
first became evident that the retiring enemy had turned to bay and
intended to fight, it would be necessary for Fairfax to reconsider
his plans, and to decide whether be should attack tbe Royalists in
their position on the Famdon ridge, or should take measures to
receive their onset in a position selected by himself. It is at this
point that it becomes difficult to account with certainty for the
tactical disposal of the Parliamentary army, and that two possible
lines of action suggest themselves, either of which may have been
adopted by Fairfax.
\cC) One is tbat presented by Mr. Gardiner, which I am inclined
to support It is that Fairfax, as soon as he had decided to await
the attack of the enemy, proceeded to commence drawing up hi^
own forces in battle order across the Naseby-Harborough road,
not, perhaps, on the actual summit of the Naseby ridge, but more
L
NOTE BY LIEUTENANT-COLONEL ROSS. 389
hi advance towards Clipston, and on the northera spurs of that
ridge. In addition to the indications afforded by the statements of
Sprigg and W. G. that some such position was possibly, at least
partially, taken up, may be added certain tactical considerations
which might be supposed to have influence with Fairfax in deter-
mining this position for his line of battle. Such an advanced
position, as compared with one on iTie Naseby ridge, would have
the advantage of the closer protection of the watercourse and
broken ground which exists between Clipston and the Naseby
ridge, and at the same titne this obstacle to the advance of the
enemy— an obstacle which was sufficient to deter, a little later on
in the morning, the impetuous Rupert from attacking what he be-
lieved to be a retreating enemy — would be within better striking
distance, for the delivery of a favourable counter-attack, should the
enemy attempt its passage. Assuming that Fairfax resolved to
take up such a position, the time at which the necessary evolutions
for its occupation were being carried out by the Parliamentary
army would be, I think, at some period between 8 and 8.30 A.M.,
and would, therefore, probably correspond with the internal of lime
which must have elapsed between the reconnaissances of Ruce and
Rupert. The manceuvres may, indeed, have been going on while
Ruee was at Clipston, or thereabouts, making inquiries from indi-
viduals who were possibly hostile to the King's party, and there-
fore not inclined to give him any information ; and they might
also not have been evident to him personally owing, as before
said, to the nature of the intervening ground. By the time Rupert
appeared on the scene, possibly the intention to occupy this posi-
tion may have been reconsidered by Fairfax, after consultatioti
with his chief officers, and the move to the westward towards the
ultimate fighting position above Broadmoor already commenced.
Such a supposition would explain how it was that Rupert came to
entertain the idea that Fairfax was retiring. Or, again, it may be
suggested that the movement of troops which deceived Rupert was
only part of the manceuvres necessary for the occupation of the
ground first selected in proper line of battle, the cavalry in advance
of or at the head of the column of route, having necessarily to fall
back to take up their positions on the wings or flanks of the in-
fantry. In either case Fairfax's army would be, when Rupert
arrived at Clipston, still too close to the watercourse and broken
ground between the supposed position and Clipston for the lailer
to hazard an attack with the view of delaying the supposed retire-
of his enemy, and so he proceeded, according lo Slingsby, to
390 NOTE ON THE ARMIES AT NASEBY.
look for a better line of advance by executing a flank movement to
the westward. His doing so would naturally induce Fairfiuc to
suppose that a turning movement was about to be attempted by
the Royalists. Hastily calling a council of war, he resolved, on
the suggestion of Cromwell, as recorded by W. G., to remove also
his ou-n force westwards, and somewhat backwards, to that western
part of the Naseby ridge which is called Mill Hill, and there to<^
up the ultimate Broadmoor position in a large fiUk>w field below
the crest of and to the north of Mill HilL
The only objection that can be raised, it appears to me, ai^ainst
this theory of a first position of Fair&x's army is that which has
been noticed by Mr. Gardiner, to the effect that none of the con*
temporary Parliamentary authorities take notice of the circumstance
that such a position was actually taken op. But that objection
may, I think, be foirly met by the plea that the statements of
W. G. and Sprigg appear to indicate that something was done
towards the formation of a line of battle before the army was ulti«
mately drawn up on Broadmoor ; but since this preliminary line
was never completely formed, the partial occupation of ground
which was contiguous to that on which the ultimate fighting posi«
tion was formed was probably by them considered as not being
really different and separable from the ultimate formadon above
Broadmoor.
ip) If this supposition be considered by some to be insufficient
to nullify the objection, there remains the second theory on which
we may foil back, and which is as follows. From the rendezvous
Fairfax's army extended in a colunm of route placed along the
Naseby-Clipston-Harborough road, and occupying perhaps nearly
a mile in length of that road, with the crest of the Naseby ridge as
its central point; it may have thence removed itself bodily, by
means of a flank movement westwards, to the fighting position on
Broadmoor without adopting any intermediate battle formation.
And this movement may be supposed to have been ordered at the
time when Fairfax and his principal officers began to imagine that
Rupert contemplated a turning movement towards their left flank.
But how, if this be supposed, can Cromwell's suggestion to nK>ve
* back 'to < yonder hill' be considered applicable to a movement
which, regarded as having taken place from the crest of the
Naseby ridge, is rather forward and on to ground of a generally
lower level ? To this objection it may be replied that Cromwell's
words recorded by W. G., on the assumption of the distribution of
the army in the column of route formation, would almost certainly
NOTE BY LIEUTENAN-T-COLONEL ROSS. y)i
have been ullered at some point towards the head of the column
where he, a.s commanding the vanguard of horse, would certainly
be, and where Fairfax himself would also be found when ihe
column, in anticipation of an immediate advance, was being fonned
along the road leading from Naseby to Harborough. From the
head of the column, extending, as has been explained, for perhaps
nearly a mile along the road, Cromwell's 'back' and 'yonder hill'
would be perfectly appropriate expressions for a movement to be
undertaken to the westward by the whole army ; for the speaker
would naturally allude to the proposed movement in terms adapted
to the inter-relation that would exist between the selected position
and the spot on which he himself stood. In carrying out the
movement itself, the main body of infantry and train, which pro-
bably, in the column of route, occupied the crest of the Naseby
ridge, would march along the ridge itself, the ' yMider hill,' till it
was in a suitable position to be drawn 'down' into the 'fallow
field ' above Broadmoor ; the cavalry of the vanguard, W. G. being
amongst tlicm, would march westwards along the lower northern
spurs ot the Naseby ridge in sight of Rupert and Slingsby,
" marching up," says the latter, " on the side of the hill to that
place where after they imbaltled their whole army " ; the rearguard
horse, during the rendezvous drawn up probably between Naseby
' town ' and Naseby ridge, would march by the fields between
Naseby and Mill Hiil proper— across those fields in one of which
Okey tells us he was engaged in issuing ammunition to his
dragoons, a meadow " halfe a mile behinde" (the main body of
infantry), when Cromwell rode up to him " presently and caused
me with all speed to mount my men and flanck our left wing" — to
their allotted position on the left of the battle line; and the whole
army, about 9.30, would be in position above Broadmoor ready to
receive the attack of the enemy, and about to justify the wisdom of
Cromwell's selection of the ground on which the combat was to
take place.
Although, as I have said, of the two theories I am inclined to
favour the first that has been here discussed, I am willing to admit
that there is something to be said in favour of the second, while
neither is contrary to such indications as may be gathered from
a close study of the statements of eyewitnesses. The choice be-
tween the two must be left to the individual Judgment of eacli
student of the circumstances immediately preceding the Battle of
Naseby.
Mr. Gardiner's suggestion that the Naseby obelisk^misplaced,
59J SOTE ON THE ARMIES AT NASEBY.
unfortunately, if its intentioii was to point oat the battlefield-^
should serve to remind us of the great part played by Cromweil,
not only in suggesting the true place for the engagement, bat
towards obtaining a victory so important and weU-timed, will
commend itself to all who admire the military abilities of that
great leader.
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