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14,02 '^fc 


VOL. I. 







VOL. I. 





*Ay^piliy fiputwy Oeioy yivos, ol KoXioyrai 
'HfUOeoi wpoTcpy yeyi^. — Hesiod. 


II<$Xcfs fiepoTtay aydpunnar, — HoMER. 



1 HE first idea of this History was conceived many 
years ago, at a time when ancient Hellas was 
known to the English public chiefly through the 
pages of Mitford ; and my purpose in writing it 
was to rectify the erroneous statements as to mat- 
ter of factVhich that history contained, as well as 
to present the general phsenomena of the Grecian 
world under what I thought a juster and more com- 
prehensive point of view. My leisure however was 
not at that time equal to the execution of any large 
literary undertaking ; nor is it until within the last 
three or four years that I have been able to devote 
to the work that continuous and exclusive labour, 
without which, though much may be done to illus- 
trate detached points, no entire or complicated 
subject can ever be set forth in a manner worthy 
to meet the public eye. 

Meanwhile the state of the English literary world, 
in reference to ancient Hellas, has been materially 


changed in more ways than one. If my early friend 
Dr. Thirlwairs History of Greece had appeared a 
few years sooner, I should probably never have 
conceived the design of the present work at all ; 
I should certainly not have been prompted to the 
task by any deficiencies, such as those which I felt 
and regretted in Mitford. The comparison of the 
two authors affords indeed a striking proof of the 
progress of sound and enlarged views respecting 
the ancient world during the present generation. 
Having studied of course ' the same evidences as 
Dr. Thirlwall, I am better enabled than others to 
bear testimony to the learning, the sagacity and 
the candour which pervade his excellent work : and 
it is the more incumbent on me to give expression 
to this sentiment, since the particular * points on 
which I shall have occasion to advert to it will un^ 
avoidably be points of dissent oftener than of coin- 

The liberal spirit of criticism, in which Dr. Thirl- 
wall stands so much distinguished from Mitford, is 
his own: there are other features of superiority 
which belong to him conjointly with his age. For 
during the generation since Mitford's work, philo- 
logical studies have been prosecuted in Grermany 
with remarkable success : the stock of facts and 
documents, comparatively scanty, handed dqwH 
from the ancient world, has been combined, and 
illustrated in a thousand difierent ways : and if our 


witnesses cannot be multi{died, we at least have 
numerous interpreters to catch, repeat, amplify and 
explain their broken and half-inaudible depositions. 
Some of the best writers in this department — 
Boedch, Niebuhr, O. Miiller-r-have been translated 
into our language ; so that the English public has 
been enabled to form some idea of the new lights 
thrown upon many subjects of antiquity by the in- 
estimable aid of German erudition. The poets, 
historians, orators and philosophers of Qreeoe^ 
have thus been all rendered both more intelligible 
and more instructive than they were to a student 
in the last century ; and the general picture of the 
Grecian world may now be conceived with a de- 
gree of fidelity, which, considering our imperfect 
materials, it is curious to contemplate. 

It is that general picture which an historian of 
Greece is required first to embody in his own mind, 
and next to lay out before his readers ; — a picture 
not merely such as to delight the imagination by 
brilliancy of colouring and depth of sentinient, but 
also suggestive and improving ta the reason. Not 
omitting the points of resemblance as well as of 
contrast with the better-known forms of modem 
society, he will especially study to exhibit the spon- 
taneous movement of Grecian intellect, sometimes 
aided but never borrowed from without, and light- 
ing, up a small portion of a world otherwise cleuded 
and stationary. He will develope the action of that 


social system, which, while ensuring to the mass of 
freemen a degree of protection elsewhere unknown, 
acted as a stimulus to the creative impulses of 
genius, and left the superior minds sufficiently un- 
shackled to soar ahove religious and political rout- 
ine, to overshoot their own age, and to become the 
teachers of posterity. 

To set forth the history of a people by whom the 
first spark was set to the dormant intellectual capa- 
cities of our nature — Hellenic phaenomena as illus- 
trative of the Hellenic mind and character — is the 
task which I propose to myself in the present work ; 
not without a painful consciousness how much the 
deed falls short of the will, and a yet more pain- 
ful conviction, that full success is rendered im- 
possible by an obstacle which no human ability 
can now remedy — the insufficiency of original evi- 
dence. For in spite of the valuable expositions of 
so many able commentators, our stock of informa- 
tion respecting the ancient world still remains la- 
mentably inadequate to the demands of an enlight- 
ened curiosity. We possess only what has drifted 
ashore from the wreck of a stranded vessel ; and 
though this includes some of the most precious arti- 
cles amongst its once-abundant cargo, yet if any 
man will cast his eyes over the citations in Dio- 
genes LaSrtius, Athenaeus or Plutarch, or the list 
of nanies in Vossius de Historicis Graecis, he will 
see with grief and surprise how much larger is the 


proportion whicb, through the enslavement of the 
Greeks themselves, the decline of the Roman Em- 
pire, the change of religion, and the irruption of 
barbarian conquerors, has been irrecoverably sub- 
merged. We are thus reduced to judge of the whole 
Hellenic world, eminently multiform as it was, from 
a few compositions ; excellent indeed in themselves, 
but bearing too exclusively the stamp of Athens. Of 
Thucydides and Aristotle indeed, both as inquirers 
into matter of fact and as free from narrow local 
feeling, it is impossible to speak too highly; but 
unfortunately that work of the latter which would 
have given us the most copious information regard- 
ing Grecian political life — his collection and com- 
parison of 150 distinct town-constitutions — has 
not been preserved : and the brevity of Thucydides 
often gives us but a single word where a sentence 
would not have been too much, and sentences 
which we should be glad to see expanded into 

Such insufficiency of original and trustworthy 
materials, as compared with those resources which 
are thought hardly sufficient for the historian of any 
modern kingdom, is neither to be concealed nor 
extenuated, however much we may lament it. I 
advert to the point here on more grounds than 
one. For it not only limits the amount of informa- 
tion which an historian of Greece can give to his 
readers — compelling him to leave much of his pic- 


ture an absolute blank, — ^but it also greatly spoils 
the execution of the remainder. The question of 
credibility is perpetually obtruding itself, and re- 
quiring a decision, which, whether favourable or 
unfavourable, always introduces more or less of 
controversy ; and gives to those outlines, which the 
interest of the picture requires to be straight and 
vigorous, a faint and faltering character. Ex- 
pressions of qualilSed and hesitating affirmation are 
repeated until the reader is sickened ; while the 
writer himself, to whom this restraint is more pain- 
ful still, is frequently tempted to break loose from 
the unseen spell by which a conscientious criticism 
binds him down — to screw up the possible and pro- 
bable into certainty, to suppress counterbalancing 
considerations, and to substitute a pleasing romance 
in place of half-known and perplexing realities. 
Desiring in the present work to set forth all which 
can be ascertained, together with such conjectures 
and inferences as can be reasonably deduced from it, 
but nothing more — I notice at the outset that faulty 
state of the original evidence which renders dis- 
cussions of credibility, and hesitation in the lan- 
guage of the judge, unavoidable. Such discus- 
sions, though the reader may be assured that they 
will become iess frequent as we advance into times 
better known, are tiresome enough even with the 
comparatively late period which I adopt as the 
historical beginniDg ; much more intolerable would 


they have proved had I thought it my duty to start 
from the primitive termiaus of Deukalion or Ina* 
chus, or from the unburied Pelasgi and Leleges, and 
to subject the heroic ages to a similar scrutiny. I 
really know nothing so disheartening or unrequited 
as the elaborate balancing of what is called evi« 
dence — the comparison of infinitesimal probabilities 
and conjectures all uncertified — in regard to these 
shadowy times and persoas. 

The law respecting sufficiency of evidence ought 
to be the same for ancient times as for modern; 
and the reader wUl find in this history an appUca. 
tion to the former, of criteria analogous to those 
which have been long recognised in the latter. 
Approaching, though with a certain measure of in- 
dulgence, to this standard, I begin the real history 
of Greece with the first recorded Olympiad, or 776 
B.C. To such as are accustomed to the habits once 
universal, and still not uncommon, in investigating 
the ancient world, I may appear to be striking off 
one thousand years from the scroll of history ; but 
to those whose canon of evidence is derived from 
Mr. Hallam, M. Sismondi, or any other eminent 
historian of modern events, I am well-assured that I 
shall appear lax and credulous rather than exigent 
or sceptical. For the truth is, that historical re- 
cords, properly so called, do not begin until long 
after this date: nor will any man, who candidly 
considers the extreme paucity of attested facts for 


two centuries after 776 b.c.i be astonished to learn 
that the state of Greece in 900, 1000, 1100, 1200, 
1300, 1400 B.C., &c. — or any earlier century which 
it may please chronologists to include in their com- 
puted genealogies — cannot be described to him upon 
anything like decent evidence. I shall hope, when 
I come to the lives of Socrates and Plato, to illus- 
trate one of the most valuable of their principles — 
that conscious and confessed ignorance is a better 
state of mind, than the fancy, without the reality, 
of knowledge. Meanwhile I begin by making that 
confession, in reference to the real world of Greece 
anterior to the Olympiads ; meaning the disclaimer 
to apply to anything like a general history, — not 
to exclude rigorously every individual event. 

The times which I thus set apart from the region 
of history are discernible only through a different 
atmosphere — that of epic poetry and legend. To 
confound together these disparate matters is, in my 
judgement, essentially unphilosophical. I describe 
the earlier times by themselves, as conceived by 
the faith and feeling of the iSrst Greeks, and known 
only through their legends — without presuming to 
measure how much or how little of historical mat- 
ter these legends may contain. If the reader 
blame me for not assisting him to determine this — 
if he ask me why I do not undraw the curtain 
and disclose the picture — I reply in the words of 
the painter Zeuxis, when the same question was 

PREFACE. xiii 

addressed to him on exhibiting bis master-piece of 
imitative art — " The curtain is the picture." What 
we now read as poetry and legend was once ac- 
credited history, and the only genuine history 
which the first Greeks could conceive or relish of 
thdr past time : the curtain conceals nothing be* 
hind, and cannot by any ingenuity be withdrawn. 
I undertake only to show it as it stands — not to 
efface, still less to re-paint it. 

Three -fourths of the two volumes now presented 
to the public are destined to elucidate this age of 
historical faith, as distinguished from the later age 
of historical reason : to exhibit its basis in the hu* 
man mind — an omnipresent religious and personal 
interpretation of nature ; to illustrate it by compa* 
rison with the Uke mental habit in early modern 
Europe ; to show its immense abundance and va- 
riety of narrative matter, with Uttle care for consist- 
ency between one story and another ; lastly, to set 
forth the causes which overgrew and partially sup- 
planted the old epical sentiment, and introduced, 
in the room of literal faith, a variety of compro- 
mises and interpretations. 

The legendary age of the Greeks receives its 
principal charm and dignity from the Homeric 
poems : to these, therefore, and to the other poems 
included in the ancient epic, an entire chapter is de- 
voted, the length of which must be justified by the 
names of the Iliad and Odyssey. I have thought 


it my duty to take some notice of the Wolfian con- 
troversy as it now stands in Germany, and have 
even hazarded some . speculations respecting the 
structure of the Iliad. The society and manners 
of the heroic age, considered as known in a gene- 
ral way from Homer's descriptions and allusions, 
are also described and criticised. 

I next pass to the historical age, beginning at 
776 B.C. ; prefixing some remarks upon the geo- 
graphical features of Greece. I try to make out, 
amidst obscure and scanty indications, what the 
state of Greece was at this period ; and I indulge 
some cautious conjectures, founded upon the earliest 
verifiable facts, respecting the steps immediately 
antecedent by which that condition was brought 
about. In the present volumes I have only been 
able to include the history of Sparta and the Pelo- 
ponnesian Dorians, down to the age of Peisistra- 
tus and Croesus. I had hoped to have comprised 
in them the entire history of Greece down to this 
last-mentioned period, but I find the space insuf- 

The history of Greece falls most naturally into 
six compartments, of which the first may be looked 
at as a period of preparation for the five following, 
which exhaust the free life of collective Hellas. 

I. Period from 776 b.c. to 560 b.c, the acces- 
sion of Peisistratus at Athens and of Croesus in 


11. From the accession of Peisistratus and Croe- 
sus to the repulse of Xerxes from Greece. 

IIL From the repulse of Xerxes to the close of 
the Peloponnesian war and overthrow of Athens. 

rV. From the close of the Peloponnesian war to 
the battle of Leuktra . 

V. From the battle of Leuktra to that of Chae- 

VI. From the battle of Chaeroneia to the end of 
the generation of Alexander. 

The five periods from Peisistratus down to the 
death of Alexander and of his generation, present 
the acts of an historical drama capable of being 
recounted in perspicuous anccession, and connected 
by a sensible thread of unity. I shall interweave 
in their proper places the important but outlying 
adventures of the Sicilian and Italian Greeks — in- 
troducing such occasional notices of Grecian po- 
litical constitutions, philosophy, poetry and ora- 
tory, as are requisite to exhibit the many-sided 
activity of this people during their short but bril- 
liant career. 

After the generation of Alexander, the political 
action of Greece becomes cramped and degraded — 
no longer interesting to the reader, or operative on 
the destinies of the future world. We may indeed 
name one or two incidents^ especially the revolu- 
tions of Agis and KleomenSs at Sparta, which are 
both instructive and affecting ; but as a whole, the 



period, between 300 b.c. and the absorption of 
Greece by the Romans, is of no interest in itself, 
and is only so far of value as it helps us to under- 
stand the preceding centuries. The dignity and 
value of the Greeks from that time forward belong 
to them only as individual philosophers, preceptors, 
astronomers and mathematicians, literary men and 
critics, medical practitioners, &c. In all these re- 
spective capacities, especially in the great schools 
of philosophical speculation, they still constitute 
the light of the Roman world ; though as com- 
munities, they have lost tHeir own orbit, and have 
become satellites of more powerful neighbours. 

I propose to bring down the history of the Gre- 
cian communities to the year 300 b.c, or the close 
of the generation which takes its name from Alex- 
ander the Great, and I hope to accomplish this in 
eight volumes altogether. For the next two or 
three volumes I have already large preparations 
made, and I shall publish my third (perhaps my 
fourth) in the course of the ensuing winter. 

There are great disadvantages in the publication 
of one portion of a history apart from the remain- 
der ; for neither the earlier nor the later phaenomena 
can be fully comprehended without the light which 
each mutually casts upon the other. But the prac- 
tice has become habitual, and is indeed more than 
justified by the well-known inadmissibility of*' long 
hopes ** into the short span of human life. Yet I can- 


not but fear that my first two volumes will suffer in 
the estimation of many readers by coming out alone 
— and that men who value the Greeks for their phi- 
losophy, their politics, and their oratory, may treat 
the early legends as not worth attention. And it 
must be confessed that the sentimental attributes 
of the Greek mind — its religious and poetical vein — 
here appear in disproportionate relief, as compared 
with its more vigorous and masculine capacities — 
with those powers of acting, organising, judging, 
and speculating, which will be revealed in the 
forthcoming volumes. I venture however to fore- 
warn the reader that there will occur numerous cir- 
cumstances in the after political life of the Greeks 
which he will not comprehend unless he be initiated 
into the course of their legendary associations. He 
will not understand the frantic terror of the Athe- 
niaa public during the Peloponnesian war, on the 
occasion of the mutilation of the statues called 
Hermae, unless he enters into the way in which 
they connected their stability and security with the 
domiciliation of the gods in the soil : nor will he 
adequately appreciate the habit of the Spartan king 
on military expeditions, — when he offered his daily 
public sacrifices on behalf of his army and his 
country, — ** always to perform this morning ser- 
vice immediately before sunrise, in order that he 
might be beforehand in obtaining the favour of the 

VOL. I. b 


godsS" if he be not familiar with the Homeric con^ 
ception of Zeus going to reet at night and awaking 
to rise at early dawn from the side of the ^' white* 
armed H£rd." The occasion will indeed often oc* 
cur for remarking how these legends illustrate and 
vivify the political ph8enomena of the succeeding 
times, and I have only now to urge the necessity of 
considering them as the beginning of a series, — not 
as an entire work. 

1 Xenophon, Eepub. Lacedaemon. cap. xiii. 3. 'Act dc, Srav BvrjTOh 
rffv Tov Bmov €iivoiav. 

London, March 5, 1846. 




In prepanng a Second Edition of the two First 
Volamefi of my History, I have profited by the re- 
marks and corrections of various critics, contained 
in Reviews both English and Foreign. I have 
suppressed, or rectified, some positions which had 
been pointed out as erroneous, or as advanced upon 
inadequate evidence. I have strengthened my ar-* 
gument in some cases where it appeared to have 
been imperfectly understood — adding some new 
notesi partly for the purpose of enlarged illustra- 
tion, partly to defend certain opinions which had 
been called in question. The greater number of these 
alterations have been made in Chapters XVI. and 
XXI. of Part I.— and in Chapter VL of Part 11. 

I trust that these three Chapters, more full of 
speculation, and therefore more open to criticism 
than any of the others, will thus appear in a more 
complete and satisfactory form. But I must at the 

same time add that they remain for the most part 



unchanged in substance, and that I have seen no 
sufficient reason to modify my main conclusions 
even respecting the structure of the Iliad, contro- 
verted though they have been by some of my most 
esteemed critics. 

In regard to the character and peculiarity of 
Grecian legend, as broadly distinguished through- 
out these volumes from Grecian history, I desire 
to notice two valuable publications with which I 
have only become acquainted since the date of my 
first edition. One of these is, a short Essay on 
Primaeval History, by John Kenrick, M.A. (Lon- 
don 1846, published just at the same time as 
these volumes), which illustrates with much acute 
reflection the general features of legend, not only 
in Greece but throughout the ancient world — see 
especially pages 65, 84, 92, e^ seq. The other work 
is. Rambles and Recollections of an Indian Official, 
by Colonel Sieeman — ^first madeknown tome through 
an excellent notice of my History in the Edinburgh 
Review for October 1846. The description given 
by Colonel Sieeman, of the state of mind now actu- 
ally prevalent among the native population of Hin- 
dostan, presents a vivid comparison, helping the 
modern reader to understand and appreciate the 
legendary aera of Greece. I have embodied in the 
notes of this Second Edition two or three passages 
from Colonel Sleeman's instructive work : but the 
whole of it richly deserves perusal. 


Having now finished six volumes of this History, 
without attaining a lower point than the peace of 
Nikias in the tenth year of the Peloponnesian war 
—I find myself compelled to retract the expectation 
held out in the preface to my First Edition, that the 
entire work might be completed in eight volumes. 
Experience proves to me how impossible it is to 
measure beforehand the space which historical sub- 
jects will require. All I can now promise is, that 
the remainder of the work shall be executed with 
as much regard to brevity as is consistent with 
the paramount duty of rendering it fit for public 

G. G. 

London, April 3, 1849. 



FoJUJLOwiNO the example of Dr, Thirlwall and other ex- 
cellent scholars^ I call the Greek deities by their real Greek 
names, and not by the Iiatin equivalents used among the 
Romans. For the assistance of those readers to whom the 
Ghreel^ names may be less familiar, I here annex a table of 
the one and the other. 







































A few words are here necessary respecting the ortho- 
graphy of Greek names adopted in the above table and 
generally throughout this history. I have approximated 


as nearly as I dared to the Greek letters in preference to 
the Latin ; and on this point I venture upon an innova- 
tion which I should have little doubt of vindicating before 
the reason of any candid English student. For the ordi- 
nary practice of substituting, in a Greek name, the En- 
glish C in place of the Greek K is indeed so obviously in- 
correct, that it admits of no rational justification. Our 
own K precisely and in every point coincides with the 


Greek K : we have thus the means of reproducing the 
Greek name to the eye as well as to the ear, yet we gra- 
tuitously take the wrong letter in preference to the right. 
And the precedent of the Latins is here against us rather 
than in our favour, for their C really coincided in sound 
with the Greek K, whereas our C entirely departs from it, 
and becomes an S, before e, t, <r, o?, and y. Though our C 
has so far deviated in sound from the Latin C, yet there 
is some warrant for our continuing to use it in writing 
Latin names — because we thus reproduce the name to the 
eye, though not to the ear. But this is not the case when 
we employ our C to designate the Greek K, for we depart 
here not less from the visible than from the audible ori- 
ginal ; while we mar the unrivalled euphony of the Greek 
language by that multiplied sibilation which constitutes 
the least inviting feature in our own. Among Grerman 
philologists the K is now universally employed in writing 
Greek names, and I have adopted it pretty largely in this 
work, making exception for such names as the English 
reader has been so accustomed to hear with the C, that 
they may be considered as being almost Anglicised. I 
have farther marked the long e and the long o (17, q>) by a 
circumflex (HSre) when they occur in the last syllabic or 
in the penultimate of a name. 




VOL. I. 



Legends respecting the Gods. 


Op^iiog of the mythical world 1 

How the my thes are to be told 2 

Allegory rarely admissible ib, 

Zeus — ^foremost in Grecian conception 3 

The goda — ^how conceived : human type enlarged 4 

Past history of the gods fitted on to present conceptions 5 

G«eaand Uranos 6 

Uraaos disabled 7 

Kronoa and the Titans ib. 

Kronoa overreached. Birth and safety of Zeus and his brethren... 8 

Other deities 9 

Ambitious schemes of Zeus 10 

Victory of Zeus and his brethren over Kronos and the Titans 11 

Typh6eus 12 

Dynasty of Zeus ib. 

His ofispring 13 

General distribution of the divine race 14 

Hesiodic theogony — its authority 15 

Pomts of difference between Homer and Hesiod 16 

Homeric Zeus 17 

Amj^fied thbogony of Zeus 18 

Hesiodic mythes traceable to Krdte and Delphi .....* 21 

Orphic theogony ».< • • 22 



Zetis and Phan^ , 24 

Zagreiu 25 

Comparison of Hesiod and Orpheus 27 

Influence of foreign religions upon Greece 30 

Especially in regard to the worship of DemStSr and Dionysos...... 31 

Purification for homicide unknown to Homer 33 

New and peculiar religious rites 34 

Circulated by voluntary teachers and promising special blessings... 36 

Epimenid^, Sibylla, Bakis 37 

Principal mysteries of Greece 38 

Ecstatic rites introduced from Asia 700-500 b.c 39 

Connected with the worship of Diomysos 40 

Thracian and Egjrptian influence upon Greece 42 

Encouragement to mystic legends 43 

Melampus the earliest name as teacher of the Dionysiac rites ib. 

Orphic sect, a variety of the Dionysiac mystics ....• •• 45 

Contrast of the mysteries with the Homeric Hjonns ib, 

H3nnn to Dionysos 46 

Alteration of the primitive Grecian idea of Dionysos 47 

Asiatic frenzy grafted on the joviality of the Grecian Dion3rsia 48 

Eleusinian mysteries 50 

Homeric Hymn to D^mSt^r 51 

Temple of Eleusis, built by order of DSmdt^r for her residence ... 53 

Ddmit^r prescribes the mystic ritual of Eleusis 55 

Homeric Hymn a sacred Eleusinian record... #* • 56 

Explanatory of the details of divine service • i^. 

Importance of the mysteries to the town of Eleusis 58 

Strong hold of the legend upon Eleusinian feelings « ib, 

Difierent legends respecting Dto6t^ elsewhere.. t 59 

Expansion of the legends »#..» ib. 

Hellenic importance of DSmit^ «.... 60 

Legends of Apollo 61 

Delian Apollo ib. 

Pythian Apollo , 63 

Foundation legends of the Delphian oracle • ».... 65 

Th3y served the purpose of historical explanation 66 

Extended worship of Apollo t** 67 

Multifarious local legends respecting Apollo 69 

Festivals and Agones • 70 

State of mind and circumstances out of which Greciaii mythes 

arose 71 

Discrepancies in the legends little noticed , 72 

Aphrodite •• 73 

Ath^n^ 74 

C0NTBNT8. utu 


Artemis „• 75 

Poieiddn * 76 

Stones of temponury semtude imposed OB gods 78 

HM ib. 

H^hsftos.M 79 

Hestia , , 80 

Henn^ t t «• ib, 

Herm^ inventor of the lyre 81 

Bargain between Herm^ and Apollo ib. 

Expository value of the Hymn , 82 

Zeus 83 

Mythes arising oat of the religious ceremonies 85 

Small part of the animal sacrificed ..., ib, 

PromHhens had outwitted Zeus # 86 

Gods, Heroes, and men, appear together in the mythes 87 



L^ends relating to Heroes and Men. 

Races of men as they ^pear in the Hesiodic " Works and Days " 88 

The Golden ^ ib. 

The Sihr« ; 89 

The Brazen .« ib, 

llie Heioie ib. 

The Iron .....,..,.., 90 

Different both from the Theogony and from Homer » 91 

iTplanation of this difference ib. 

Ethical vein of sentiment • ,. 92 

Intersected by the mythical , 93 

Th% *' Works and Days" earliest didactic poem 95 

Vint introdnetion of dsnnons t^ 

Ghanges in the idea of diemons • „...*....., .i*..,... 96 

l^ployed in attacks on the pagan faith ,,,„ ib. 

Functions of the Hesiodic daemons ,„„, 97 

Forsonalfeeli&g which pervades the ''Work and Days" 98 

Ptobable age of the poem 99 


Legend of the lapetids. 

lapetids in Hesiod..... r 101 

Prometheus and Epimltheus 102 

Goanter-manoBuynng of Prom^heus wad Zeus 103 

Psnddra 103 




Paiid6ra in the Theogony * 104 

General feeling of the poet • 105 

Man wretched, but Zeus not to hlame • 106 

Mischiefs arising from women • ib^ 

Punishment of Prometheus • 107 

The Promltheus of ^schylus ib. 

Locality in which Prometheus was confined 109 


Heroic Legends. — Genealogy of Aigos. 

Structure and purposes of Ghrecian genealogies • 110 

To connect the Grecian community with their common god Ill 

Lower members of the genealogy historical— higher members non- 

historical ib» 

The non-historical portion equally believed, and most valued, by 

the Greeks ib. 

Number of such genealogies — pervading eveiy fraction of Greeks 112 

Argeian genealogy — Inachus c * 113 

Phor6neus ib. 

Argos Panoptds 115 

16 ib, 

Romance of 16 historicised by Persians and Phcenicians 117 

Legendary abductions of heroines adapted to the feelings prevalent 

during the Persian war J..... 119 

Danaos and the Danaides 120 

Aknsios and Proetos 121 

The PrcBtidea cured of frenzy by Melampus 122 

Akrisios, Danad and Zeus 123 

Perseus and the Gorgons 124 

Foundation of Mykenae— commencement of Perseid dynasty 125 

Amphitry6n, Alkm^ne, Sthenelos 126 

Zeus and AlkmSnl 127 

Birth of Hfirakies ib, 

Homeric legend of his birth : its expository value 128 

The H6rakleid8 expelled 129 

Their recovery of Peloponnesus, and establishment in Argos, 

Sparta, and Messenia 131 


Deukali6n, Hell^n, and Sons of Hellen. 

Deukali6n, son of Prometheus 132 

Phthidtis: his permanent seat 133 



Genoa! deluge. — Salyatkmof Deukalidn and P}./ha 134 

Belief in this deluge Uuonghout Greece 135 

Hellte and Amphiktydn 136 

SonsofHeU^: D6ru8, Xuihug, iBolus 137 

Amphiktyonic assembly. — Common solemnities and games ib. 

Dirision of Hellas : JSolians, Ddrians, Idnians 138 

Large extent of D6ris implied in this genealogy 140 

This fonn of the legend harmonises with the great establishments 

of the hiatcxical D6rians 141 

Aclueos — ^purpose which his name serves in the legend 143 

Genealogical diversities 144 

The iBolidSy or Sons and Daughters of iBolus. 

Legends of Greece, originally isolated, afterwards thrown into 

series ...• 145 

.fiolus 147 

His seven sons and five daughters ib, 

Fini JEolid 2tne— Salmdneus, Tyr6 ih. 

Pelias and Nfileus 149 

Vttb, Bias, and Melampus 151 

Periklymenos 152 

Nestdr and his exploits 153 

Nlleids down to Rodrus 154 

Secofu^ ^o/»i /tfie^KrStheus 155 

Adm€tus and AlkMs 156 

Plleus and the wife of Akastus ...>• 157 

Pehas and Jasdn 158 

Jas6n and Mddea ib. 

MMeaatCwinth 161 

ThiTd JSolid line—Sisy^hm 163 

Corinthian genealogy of £um41us 165 

Coalescence of different legends about MSdea and Sisyphus 1 66 

Belleroph6n 167 

Fow^A ^o/u2 /ffie— Athamas , 168 

Phiyxus and HeU6 169 

In6 and Palaemdn. — Isthmian games 170 

Local root of the legend of Athamas 171 

Traces of ancient human sacrifices 174 

Athamas in the district near Orchomenos ib» 

Eteoklds— festival of the Charitdsia 175 

Foundation and greatness of Orchomenos 176 



Overthrown by Hdrmklte and the Thdb«nt 176 

Troph6niu8 and Agam^dSs ••• 177 

Atkali^hos and lalmenot 179 

Discrepancies in the Orchomenian genealogy • <*• *^« 

Probable inferences as to the ante-historioal OrohomenoB 179 

Its early wealth and industry • .....#.«.* 181 

Emissaries of the lake K6pais • •• l^^ 

Old Amphiktyony at Kalauria 1B3 

Orchomenos andThlbes 1^ 

Alcyone and KSyx 1B5 

Canacfi— the A16ids 186 

Calyc^ — Elis and ^t61ia — Eleian genealogy 188 

Augeas 189 

The MoUonid brothers 190 

Variations in the Eleian genealogy 193 

iEt6han genealogy <^* 

CEneus, Meleager, Tydeus 194 

Legend of Meleager in Homer 195 

How altered by poets after Homer 197 

Alths&a and the burning brand 198 

Grand Ralydonian boar-hunt — Atalanta 199 

Relics of the boar long preserved at Tegea 201 

Atalanta vanquished in the race by stratagem 203 

Deianeira 205 

Death of HSraklds 206 

T>deus— Old age of (Eneus 207 

Discrepant genealogies 208 


The Pelopids. 

Misfortunes and celebrity of the Pelopids 210 

Pelops— eponym of Peloponnesus ^* 

Deduction of the sceptre of Pelops •• ••••• • 212 

Kingly attributes of the family * ••• 213 

Homeric Pelops 214 

Lydia, Pisa, &c., post-Homeric additions ...• ib. 

Tantalus 215 

Niob6 216 

Pelops and (Enomaus, king of Pisa • 217 

Chariot victory of Pelops— his principality at Pisa 218 

Atreus, Thyest^s, Chrysippus 219 

Family horrors among the Pelopids 220 



Agamemndn and MeneUus • 221 

OretUt 223 

The godden H^ and Mykdnas 226 

L^ndary importance of Myk^nae 227 

Its decline coincident with the rise of Argos and Sparta 228 

Agamemndn and Orest^ transferred to Sparta 229 


Laconian and Messenian Gknealogies. 

Letex — antodithonoiis in Lac6iiia 230 

Tyndarens and L6da ib, 

Offiqnring of LMa— 1. ELast^r, Timandra, Klytsemnlstra. 2. Pol- 
lux, Helen 231 

Kaat6r and PoUux 232 

Legend of the Attic Dekeleia ib, 

Idaa and Lynkeua 233 

Great functions and power of the Dioskuri 235 

Meaadnian genealogy ib. 

Peri^r^s^Idas and Marp^saa 236 


Arcadian Genealogy. 

Pela^:as 238 

Lyka6n and his fifty sons ib, 

L^end of Lykadn— ferocity punished hy the Gods ib. 

Deep rehgious faith of Pausanias 239 

His view of past and present world • 240 

Kallist6 and Arkas 241 

Azan, Apheidas, Elatus 242 

Aleus, Aug^, T^lephus ib, 

Ank»u8 — Echemus •• 244 

Echemus kills HyUus — H^rakleids repelled from Peloponn^s ... 245 

Kordnis and Askl^pius • ib. 

Extended worship of Aakl^pius — ^numerous legends 247 

Madiadn and Podaleirius 248 

Nomeroua Askl^iads> or descendants from Askl^pius ib. 

Temples of Askl^ius — sick persons healed there 250 

xxxii CONTENTS. 


.£akns and his Descendants. — iEgina, Salamis and Fhthia. 


.£aku8 — son of Zeus and i£gina 252 

Offspring of .£akus—Peleu8, Telam6n, Ph6ku8 253 

Prayers of u£akus — procure relief for Greece 254 

Ph6kus killed by P^leus and Telam6n ib, 

Telam6n, banished, goes to Salamis 255 

P^leus — goes to Phthia — his marriage wiUi Thetis 256 

Neoptolemus 258 

Ajax — his son Philaeus the eponymous hero of a d^me in Attica... 259 

Tcukrus banished, settles in Cyprus * ib 

Diffusion of the .£akid genealogy 260 


Attic Legends and Genealogies. 

Erechthens — autochthonous 262 

Attic legends— originally from different roots — each d^me had its 

own 264 

Little noticed by the old epic poets 265 

Kekrops 266 

Kranaus— Pandi6n 269 

Daughters of Pandi6n — Prokn^, Philomela. Legend of T^reus... ib. 

Daughters of Erechtheus — Prokns 271 

Kreiisa. — Oreithyia, the wife of Boreas 272 

Prayers of the Athenians to Boreas — his gracious help in their 

danger 2/4 

Erechtheus and Eumolpus 275 

Voluntary self-sacrifice of the three daughters of Erechtheus 278 

Kreiisa and I6n 280 

Sons of Pandi6n — .£geus, &c 281 

Thiseus 282 

His legendary character refined 283 

Plutarch — ^his way of handling the matter of legend 284 

Legend of the Amazons 286 

Its antiquity and preralence 287 

Glorious achievements of the Amazons ••• 288 

Their ubiquity 291 

Universally received as a portion of the Greek past 293 

Amazons produced as present by the historians of Alexander ib. 

Conflict of faith and reason in the historical cridcs 295 

CONTENTS. xxxui 


Kretan Legends. — Minds and his Family. 


Min6t and Rhadamimthus, Bons of Zicun 299 

Enrop^ 300 

Puipha^ and the Min6taur 301 

Scyilaand Ni»u« 302 

Death of Androgeos, and anger of Minds against Athens ib, 

Athenian victims for the Min6taur 303 

Self-deyotion of Th^us — he kills the Min6taur. Ariadn^ ib, 

Athenian commemorative ceremonies 304 

Family of Minds 306 

Minds and Dsdalns— flight of the latter to Sicily 307 

Minds goea to retake him, but is killed 308 

Semi'Kr^tan settlements elsewhere— connected with this voyage 

of Minds • ib. 

Sufferings of the Kr6tans afterwards from the wrath of Minds 309 

Portrait of Minds — how varied ib. 

Affinity between Krite and Asia Minor 315 


Argonautic Expedition. 

Ship Argd in the Odyssey 316 

In Hesiod and Eum^lus 317 

Jasdn and his heroic companions • ib, 

Ltomos « 319 

Adventures at Kyzikus, in Bithynia, &c. H&rakl^ and Hylas. 

Phinens 320 

Dangers of the Sympl^gades ...• 322 

Anival at Kolchis 323 

Conditions imposed by MH^ as the price of ths golden fleece ... ib. 
Perfidy of JSitSs— flight of the Argonauts and MMeia with the 

fleece 324 

Pursuit of JBStSs — the Argonauts saved by M^eia 325 

Return of the Argonauts — circuitous and perilous 326 

Numerous and wide-spread monuments referring to the voyage ... 329 

Argonautic legend generally 332 

Fabulous geography — gradually modified as real geographical 

knowledge increased 334 

Transposition of epical locahties ...»..•• 338 

How and when the Argonautic voyage became attached to Kol- 
chis , 340 

VOL. I. C 




JEAt^ and Circ6 342 

Return of the Argonauts — different versions 344 

Continued £edth in the voyage — basis of truth determined by 
Strabo 347 


Legends of Thebes. 

Abundant legends of Thdbes 349 

Amphidn and Zethus Homeric founders of Kadmus and Boedtus 

— ^both distinct legends. Thdbes 350 

How Th6bes was founded by Kadmus 352 

Five primitive families s^t Thebes called Sparti 353 

The four daughters of Kadmus-^1. Ind ib. 

2. Semelfi «A. 

3. Autonod and her son Akteedn 354 

4. Agav6 and her son Pentheus 355 

He resists the god Dionysus — his miserable end 356 

Labdakus, Antiopd, Amphi6n and Zethus • 357 

Laius — (Edipus — Legendary celebrity of (Edipus and his family... 361 

The Sphinx 362 

Eteoklds and Polynikds 364 

Old epic poems on the sieges of Thebes 365 

Si^s of Thebes. 


Curse pronounced by the devoted (Edipus upon his ions 366 

Novelties introduced by Sc^hoklds 368 

Death of CEdipua— quarrel of Eteokl^ and Polynik^ for the 

iceptre ib. 

Polynikds retires to Aigos — aid given to him by Adiastus 369 

Amphiarana and£riphyl6 ib. 

Seven chiefa of the army against Thebes 370 

Defeat of the Th^bans in the field— heroic devotion of Menoekeus 372 
Smgle combat of Eteokl^ and Pol3mik^ in which both perish ... 373 
Repulse and destruction of the Argesan chieft — all except Adraa- 

tus. Amphiarana is swallowed up in the earth ib, 

Kre6n, kin^ of Thebes, forbids the burial of Polynik^s and the 

other fidlen Argeian chie£i 375 

Devotion and death of Antigond 376 

The Athenians interfere to procure the interment of the fallen 

chie£i...- « ib. 

Second siege of Thebes by.Adrastua with the Epigoni^ or sons of 

those shiin in the first 378 




Vktoiy of the Epigoni— capture of Thdbes 379 

Worship of Adrai t ui at Sikydn— how ahrogited hy Kleisthen^... ib. 

Alkmaedn — ^his matricide and punishment 382 

Fatal neckkce of £rq)hyld 384 


Legeod of Troy. 

Gieateztent and variety of the tale of Troy 386 

Dardanua, son of Zeus 387 

Dns, founder of Ilium 388 

Walls of Uium huilt by Po8eid6n ib. 

Capture of Ilium by H6rakl^ 389 

Priam and his ofiapring ••• ib, 

Paris — ^his judgement on the three goddesses 390 

Carries off Helen from Sparta 391 

Expedition of the Greeks to recover her 393 

Heroes from all parts of Greece combined under Agamemn6n ib, 

Achilles and Odysseus 395 

The Grecian host mistakes Teuthrania for Troy — ^Telephus 397 

Detention of the Greeks at Auhs — ^Agamemn6n and Iphigeneia... 398 
First success of the Greeks on landing near Troy. Bris^is awarded 

to A<:hillee ib, 

PalamMes — ^his genius and treacherous death 400 

Epic chronology — ^historidsed 402 

Period of the Homeric Uiad. Hect6r killed by Achilles 403 

NewalUes of Troy — Penthesileia 404 

Memn6n — ^killed by Achilles ^ 405 

DcaA of Achilles 406 

Funeral games celebrated in honour of him — Quarrel about his 

panoply — Odysseus prevails and Ajax kills himself 407 

Philokta^ and Neoptolemus 408 

Capture of the Palladium. — ^The wooden horae 410 

Destruction of Troy 412 

Distribution of the captives among the victors 413 

Helen restored to Menelaus — ^Uves in dignity at Sparta — ^passes to 

a happy immortality 414 

Blindness and cure of the poet Stesichorus — alteration of the le- 
gend about Helen 416 

Egyptian tale about Helen— tendency to historidse 418 

Return of the Greeks from Troy ib. 

llieir sufferings — aager of the gods 420 

Wanderings of the heroes in all directions 421 


xxxvi CONTENTS. 


Memorials of them throughout the Ghrecian world 424 

Odysseus — ^his final adventures and death 425 

.£neas and his descendants « 427 

Different stories about JBneas. — ^meadie atSkdpsis 428 

Ubiquity of i£nea8 430 

Anten6r 431 

Tale of Troy — its magnitude and discrepandes • 432 

Trojan war— essentially legendary — ^its importance as an item in 

Grecian national £uth 433 

Basis of history for it — possible, and nothing more 434 

Historicising innovations— Dio Chrysostom 435 

Historical Ilium 436 

Generally received and visited as the town of Priam 438 

Respect shown to it by Alexander 440 

Successors of Alexander — foundation of Alexandreia Tr6as 441 

The Romans treat Ilium with marked respect 442 

Mythical legitimacy of Ilium — first called in question by Dlm6- 

trius of SkSpsis and Hestifl&a 444 

Supposed Old Ilium, or real Troy, distinguished from New Ilium 445 
Strabo alone believes in Old Dium as the real Troy— other authors 

continue in the old faith — the modems follow Strabo 446 

The mythical faith not shaken by topographical impossibilities ... 448 

Historical Tr6as and the Teukrians • 451 

.^k>lic Greeks in the Tr6ad — the whole territory gradually jEolised 453 
Old date, and long prevalence of the worship of Apollo Sminthius 455 

Asiatic customs and religion — blended with Hellenic 456 

Sibylline prophecies • 457 

Settlements firom Miletus, MityldnS and Athens 458 


Grecian Mythes, as understood^ felt and interpreted by the 

Greeks themselves. 

The mythes formed the entire mental stock of the early Greeks... 460 

State of mind out of which they arose 461 

Tendency to universal personification 462 

Absence of positive knowledge — supplied by personifying faith ... ib. 

Multitude and variety of quasi-human personages 465 

What we read as poetical fancies, were to the Greeks serious 

realities 467 

The gods and heroes — ^their chief agency cast back into the past 

and embodied in the mythes 4^ 

Marked and manifold types of the Homeric gods 471 

CONTENTS. xxxvu 


SdmuhiB whkh they afforded to the mythopoeic faculty 473 

Easy fedth in popuhur and plamihle stories 478 

Poets-Hrecehre their matter from the divine inspiration of the 

Muse 479 

Meaning of the word mjfthe — original-— altered 480 

Matter of actualhistory — ^uninteresting to early Greeks 481 

Mythical £aith and religions point of view — ^paramount in the Ho- 
meric age • 483 

Gradual dcTelopment of the scientific point of view — ^its opposition 

to the religious 484 

Mythopoeic age — anterior to this dissent 487 

Expansive force of Grecian intellect ib. 

Transition towards positive and present hct 488 

The poet hecomes the organ of present time instead of past 489 

Iambic, elegiac, and lyric poets 490 

Influence of the opening of Egypt to Grecian commerce, B.C. 660 492 
Progress — ^historiod, geographical, social — from that period to 

BX. 500 ib. 

Altered standard of judgement, ethical and intellectual...* 494 

Commencement of physical science — ^Thal^, Xenophan^, Pytha- 
goras 495 

Impersonal nature conceivedas an object of study 496 

Opposition between scientific method and the religious feeling of 

the multitude 499 

How dealt with by different philosophers ib. 

Sokrat^ ib. 

Hippokrat^ 600 

Anaxagoras ^ 501 

Contrasted with Grecian religious beUef. 503 

Treatment of Sokratis by the Athenians 504 

Scission between the superior men and the multitude — important 

in reference to the mythes 506 

The mythes accommodated to a new tone of feeling and judge- 
ment 508 

The poets and logographers 509 

Pindar ib. 

Tragic poets • 511 

JSschylus and Sophokl^ 512 

Tendencies of .^schylus in regard to the old legends 514 

He maintains undiminished the grandeur of the mythical world ... 518 

Sophokl^ ,.... 519 

Euripides — accused of vulgarising the mj-thical heroes — and of in- 
troducing exaggerated pathos, refinement and rhetoric .••• 520 

The logographers — Pherekydes, &c 524 



Hekataeut — the mythei ratioiialiBed 525 

The historians — Herodotus 527 

Earnest piety of Herodotus — his mystic reserve 528 

His views of the mythical world ..• 529 

His deference for Egypt and Egyptian statements 530 

His general faith in the mythical heroes and epon3rms, — yet com- 
bined with scepticism as to matters of fact 532 

His remarks upon the miraculous foundation of the oracle at 

D6d6na 533 

His remarks upon Melampus and his prophetic powers 535 

His remarks upon the Thessalian legend of TempS • 537 

Upon the legend of Troy 539 

Allegorical interpretation of the mythes — ^more and more esteemed 

and applied 564 

Divine legends allegorised. Heroic legends historicised 568 

Limits to this interpreting process 569 

Distinction between gods and daemons — altered and widened by 

Empedokl^ 570 

Admission of dsemons as partially evil beings — effect of such ad- 
mission 572 

Semi-historical interpretation 574 

Some positive certificate indispensable as a constituent of histori- 
cal proof — mere popular £uth insufficient 576 

Mistake of ascribing to an unrecording age the historical sense of 

modem times • 579 

Matter of tradition uncertified from the beginning 580 

Fictitious matter of tradition does not imply fraud or imposture... 581 
Plausible fiction often generated and accredited by the mere force 

of strong and common sentiment, even in times of instruction... 583 
Allegorical theory of the mythes — traced by some up to an ancient 

priestly caste 584 

Real import of the mythes supposed to be preserved in the religious 

mysteries 585 

Supposed ancient meaning is really a modem interpretation 588 

Triple theology of the pagan world ib. 

Treatment and use of the mythes according to Plato, 592 

His views as to the necessity and use of fiction 593 

He deals with the mythes as expressions of feeling and imagina- 
tion — sustained by religious faith, and not by any positive basis . 595 

Grecian antiquity essentially a religious conception 597 

AppUcation of chronological calculation divests it of this cha- 
racter ib. 

Mythical genealogies all of one class, and all on a level in respect 
to evidence •• • 598 

CONTENTS. xxxix 


Gredin and Egyptian genealogies 600 

Value of each purely subjective, in reference to the fidth of the 

people 601 

Gods and men undistinguishable in Grecian antiquity ib. 

General recapitulation 603 

General public of Greece — familiar with their local mythes, care- 
less of recent history 609 

Religious festivals — their commemorative influence 611 

Vanety and universality of mythical relics 613 

The mydies in Uieir bearing on Grecian art 614 

Tendency of works of art to intensify the mythical fidth 615 


The Grecian Mythical Vein compared with that of Modem 


Mv6os — Sage — an universal manifestation of the human mind 618 

Analogy of the Germans and Celts with the Greeks 619 

Differences between them — Grecian poetry matchless — Grecian 

jnrogress self-operated 620 

German progress brought about by violent influences from with- 
out '. 621 

Operation of the Roman civilization and of Christianity upon the 

primitive Grerman mythes 622 

Alteration in the mythical genealogies — Odin and the other gods 

degraded into men ...» 624 

Grecian paganism — ^what would have been the case, if it had been 

suppluited by Christianity in 500 B.C. 626 

Saxo Grammaticus and Snwro Sturlescm contrasted with Phere- 

kydls and Hellanikus 627 

Mythopoeic tendencies in modem Europe still subsisting, but 
forced into a new channel. I. Saintiy ideal; 2. Chivalrous 

ideal 628 

Legends of the Saints 629 

Their analogy with the Homeric theology 631 

Chivalrous ideal — Romances of Charlemagne and Arthur 635 

Accepted as realities of the foretime 639 

Teutonic and Scandinavian epic — ^its analogy with the Grecian ... 640 

Heroic character and self-expanding subject common to both 643 

Points of distinction between the two— epic of the middle ages 
neither stood so completely alone, nor was so closely interwoven 
with religion, as the Grecian ••... ib. 



History of England — how conceived down to the terenteenth cen- 
tury — began with Brute the Trojan 644 

Earnest and tenacious faith manifested in the defence of this 
early history 646 

Judgement of Milton ib. 

Standard of historical evidence — ^raised in regard to England — not 
raised in regard to Greece 648 

Milton's way of dealing with the British fabulous history objec- 
tionable 650 

Two ways open of dealing with the Ghrecian mythes: 1. to omit 

' them ; or 2. to recount them as mythes. Reasons for preferring 
the latter 661 

Triple partition of past time by Varro 653 


At the end of Vol. I. place 
The Map of Northern Greece. 

At the end of Vol. II. place 

1. The Map of Peloponnesus. 

2. The Map of Boeotia, with special reference to the Lake K6pais. 






The mythical world of the Greeks opens with Opcningof 
the gods, antenor as well as superior to man: it caiworid. 
gradually descends, first to heroes, and next to 
the human race. Along with the gods are found 
various monstrous natures, ultra-human and extra- 
human, who cannot with propriety he called gods, 
hut who partake with gods and men in the attri- 
butes of volition, conscious agency, and suscepti- 
bility of pleasure and pain, — such as the Harpies, 
the Gorgons, the Grsese, the Sirens, Scylla and 
Charybdis, Echidna, Sphinx, Chimaera, Chrysaor, 
Pegasus, the Cycldpes, the Centaurs, &c. The 
first acts of what may be termed the great mythi- 
cal cycle describe the proceedings of these gigantic 
agents — ^the crash and collision of certain terrific 
and overboiling forces, which are ultimately re- 
duced to obedience, or chained up, or extinguished, 

VOL. I. B 


under the more orderly government of Zeus, who 
supplants his less capable predecessors, and ac- 
quires presidence and supremacy over gods and 
men — subject however to certain social restraints 
from the chief gods and goddesses around him^ as 
well as to the custom of occasionally convoking 
and consulting the divine agora. 
How the I recount these events briefly, but literally, treat- 
to^ toiSr ^^S them simply as mythes springing firom the 
same creative imagination, addressing themselves 
to analogous tastes and feelings^ and depending 
upon the same authority, as the legends of Thebes 
and Troy. It is the inspired voice of the Muse 
which reveals and authenticates both, and from 
which Homer and Hesiod alike derive their know- 
ledge — ^the one, of the heroic, the other, of the 
divine, foretime. I maintain, moreover, fully, the 
character of these great divine agents as Persons, 
which is the light in which they presented them- 
selves to the Homeric or Hesiodic audience. Ura- 
nos, Nyx, Hypnos and Oneiros (Heaven, Night, 
Sleep and Dream), are Persons, just as much as 
^>2|ov7 Zeus and Apollo. To resolve them into mere aUe- 
miMibte. gorics, is uusafe and unprofitable : we then depart 
from the point of view of the original hearers, 
without acquiring any consistent or philosophical 
point of view of our own\ For although some of 
the attributes and actions ascribed to these persons 
are often explicable by allegory, the whole series 
and system of them never are so : the theorist who 
adopts this course of explanation finds that, after 

> It ii sofficieiit, here, to state this positkm briefly ; more will be said 
retpeetiiig the allegorixiiig interiNpetatkm in a fdtore diapter. 


one or two simple and obvious steps, the path is 
no longer open, and he is forced to clear a way for 
himself by gratuitous refinements and conjectures. 
The allegorical persons and attributes are always 
found mingled with other persons and attributes 
not all^orical ; but the two classes cannot be se- 
vered without breaking up the whole march of the 
mythical events, nor can any explanation which 
drives us to Such a necessity be considered as ad- 
missible. To suppose indeed that these legends 
could be all tl*aced by means of allegory into a co- 
herent body of physical doctrine, would be incon- 
sistent with all reasonable presumptions respecting 
the age or society in which they arose. Where the 
allegorical mark is clearly set upon any particular 
character, or attribute, or event, to that extent we 
may recognise it; but we can rarely venture to 
divine further, still less to alter the legends them- 
selves on the faith of any such surmises. The the* 
ogony of the Greeks contains some cosmogonic 
ideas ; but it cannot be considered as a system of 
cosmogony, or translated into a string of element- 
ary, planetary, or physical changes. 

In the order of legendary chronology, Zeus comes zcu8--fore- 
after Kronos and Uranos ; but in the order of Gre- Grecian 
dan conception, Zeus is the prominent person, and ^^"^^p***'"' 
Kronos and Uranos are inferior and introductory 
precursors, set up in order to be overthrown and 
to serve as mementos of the prowess of their con- 
queror. To Homer and Hesiod, as well as to the 
Greeks universally, Zeus is the great and predomi- 
nant god, ''the father of gods and men," whose 
power none of the other gods can hope to resist, 



or even deliberately think of questioniDg. All the 
, other gods have their specific potency and peculiar 
sphere of action and duty, with which Zeus does 
not usually interfere ; but it is he who maintains 
the lineaments of a providential superintendence, 
as well over the phaenomena of Olympus as over 
those of earth. Zeus and his brothers Po8eid6n 
and Hadds have made a division of power : he has 
reserved the aether and the atmosphere to himself — 
Poseiddn has obtained the sea — and Hadds the un- 
der-world or infernal regions ; while earth, and the 
events which pass upon earth, are common to all of 
them, together with free access to Olympus ^ 
The gods Zcus, then, with his brethren and colleagues, con- 
nived :hu' stitute the present gods, whom Homer and Hesiod 
mSm^ recognise as in full dignity^ and efficiency. The 
inmates of this divine world are conceived upon 
the model, but not upon the scale, of the human. 
They are actuated by the full play and variety of 
those appetites, sympathies, passions and affisctions, 
which divide the soul of man ; invested with a 
far larger and indeterminate measure of power, and 
an exemption as well from death as (with some rare 
exceptions) from suftering and infirmity. The rich 
and diverse types thus conceived, full of energetic 
movement and contrast, each in his own province, 
and soaring confessedly above the limits of experi- 
ence, were of all themes the most suitable for ad- 

> See Iliad, viii. 405, 463; xv. 20, 130, 186. Hesiod, Thcog. 885. 

This unquestioned supremacy is the general representation of Zeus : 
at the same time the conspiracy of B,M, Poseiddn, and Ath^nd against 
him, suppressed by the unexpected apparition of Briareus as his ally, 
is among the exceptions. (Iliad, i. 400.) Zeus is at one time vanquished 
by Titan, but rescued by Herm^. (Apollod6r. i. 6, 3.) 


venture and narrative, and operated with irresisti- 
ble force upon the Grecian fancy. All nature was 
then conceived as moving and working through a 
number of personal agents, amongst whom the gods 
of Olympus were the most conspicuous ; the re- 
verential belief in Zeus and Apollo being only one 
branch of this omnipresent personifying faith. The 
attributes of all these agents had a tendency to 
expand themselves into illustrative legends — espe- 
cially those of the gods, who were constantly 
invoked in the public worship. Out of this same 
mental source sprang both the divine and heroic 
mythes — the former being often the more extrava- 
gant and abnormous in their incidents, in propor- 
tibn as the general type of the gods was more vast 
and awful than that of the heroes. 

As the gods have houses and wives like men, so Past bu 
the present dynasty of gods must have a past to ^fitt^^ 
repose upon^ ; and the curious and imaginative ZT<S^: 
Greek, whenever he does not find a recorded past captions. 
ready to his hand, is uneasy until he has created 
one. Thus the Hesiodic theogony explains, with 
a certain degree of system and coherence, first the 
antecedent circumstances under which Zeus ac- 
quired the divine empire, next the number of his 
colleagues and descendants. 

First in order of time (we are told by Hesiod) 
came Chaos ; next Gaea, the broad, firm, and flat 
Earth, with deep and dark Tartarus at her base. 
£r6s (LfOve), the subduer of gods as well as men, 
came immediately afterwards'. 

^ Arist. Polit. i. 1. &(r7r€p dc Koirh eldrj iavrois d^o/MioOa'iy opSponroi, 
ovrȣ fcal Tovt Piovs, r&v Otvp, 

' Hesiod, Theog. 116. Apollod6rus begins with Uranos and Ga;a 
(i. 1) ; he does not recognise £rds> Nyx, or Erebos. 


From Chaos sprung Erebos and Nyx ; from these 
latter ^thdr and H^mera. Gaea also gave birth 
to Uranos, equal in breadth to herself, in order 
to serve both as an overarching vault to her, 
and as a residence for the immortal gods ; she 
further produced the mountains, habitations of 
the divine nymphs, and Pontus, the barren and 
billowy sea. 
GaMand Then Grsea intermarried with Uranos, and from 
^' this union came a numerous offspring — twelve 
Titans and Titanides, three Cycl6pes, and three 
Hekatoncheires or beings with a hundred hands 
each. The Titans were Oceanus, Kobos, Krios, Hy- 
peri6n, lapetos, and Kronos : the Titanides, Theia, 
Rhea, Themis, Mn6mosyn6, Phoeb6, and TSthys. 
The Cycl6pe8 were Brontes, Steropfis, and Arg6s, 
— formidable persons, equally distinguished for 
strength and for manual craft, so that they made 
the thunder which afterwards formed the irresist- 
ible artillery of Zeus^ The Hekatoncheires were 
Kottos, Briareus, and GygSs, of prodigious bodily 

Uranos contemplated this powerful brood with 
fear and horror ; as fast as any of them were born, 
he concealed them in cavities of the earth, and 
would not permit them to come out. Gsea could 
find no room for them, and groaned under the 
pressure : she produced iron, made a sickle, and 
implored her sons to avenge both her and them- 
selves against the oppressive treatment of their 
father. But none of them, except Kronos, had 
courage to undertake the deed: he, the youngest 
and the most daring, was armed with the sickle and 

* Hesiod, Theog. 140, 156. Apollod. n^ sup. 


placed in suitable ambush by the contrivance of 
GdML. Presently night arrived, and Uranos de- 
scended to the embraces of Gaea : Kronos then 
emerged from his concealment, cut off the genitals 
of his father, and cast the bleeding member behind 
him far away into the sea^ Much of the 'blood 
was spUt upon the earth, and Gaea in consequence 
gave birth to the irresistible Erinnys, the vast and 
muscular Gigantes, and the Melian nymphs. Out Unnoi du- 
of the genitals themselves, as they swam and foamed 
upon the sea, emerged the goddess Aphrodite, de- 
riving her name from the foam out of which she 
had sprung. She first landed at Kythdra, and then 
went to Cyprus : the island felt her benign influ- 
ence, and the green herb started up under her soft 
and delicate tread. £r6s immediately joined her, 
and partook with her the function of suggesting 
and directing the amorous impulses both of gods 
and men*. 

Uranos being thus dethroned and disabled, Kronos 
and the Titans acquired their liberty and became 
predominant : the Cycldpes and the Hekaton- 
cheires had been cast by Uranos into Tartarus, and 
were still allowed to remain there. 

Each of the Titans bad a numerous ofispring : ktohm and 
Oceanus, especially, marrying his sister Tdthys, be- ^^ 
gat three thousand daughters, the Oceanic nymphs, 

> Henod, Theog. 160, 182. Apollod. L 1, 4. 

* Hesiod, Theog. 192. This legend respecting the birth of Aphrodite 
seems to hare been derived partly from her name (d<f>p6s,foam), partly 
from the cumame Urania, 'A^pod^n; Oifpasda, under which she was so 
▼eiy extensively worshiped, especially both in Cyprus and Kyth^ra, 
seemingly originated in both islands by the Phoenicians. Herodot. i. 105. 
Compare the instructive section in Boeckh's Metrologie, c. iv. § 4. 


and as many sods: the rivers and springs passed 
for his offspring. Hyperi6n and his sister Theia 
had for their children Hdlios, Seldnd, and Eds ; Koeos 
with Phoebd begat lAtb and Asteria ; the chil- 
dren of Krios were Astrseos, Pallas, and Pers6s, — 
from Astraeos and £6s sprang the winds Zephyrus, 
Boreas, and Notus. Japetos marrying the Ocea- 
nic nymph Klymend, counted as his progeny the 
celebrated Prometheus, EpimStheus, Menoetius, and 
Atlas. But the offspring of Kronos were the most 
powerful and transcendent of all. He married his 
sister Rhea, and had by her three daughters — He- 
stia, Dlmlt^r, and H6r6 — and three sons, Hadds, 
Poseiddn, and Zeus, the latter at once the youngest 
and the greatest. 
Kronos But Krouos foreboded to himself destruction from 

reached, ouc of his owu children, and accordingly, as soon 
2d^^^ as any of them were born, he immediately swal- 
zeusand lowed them and retained them in his own belly. 
brethren, j^ this manner had the five first been treated, and 
Rhea was on the point of being delivered of Zeus. 
Grieved and indignant at the loss of her children, 
she applied for counsel to her father and mother, 
Uranos and Gsea, who aided her to conceal the 
birth of Zeus. They conveyed her by night to 
Lyktus in Cr6te, hid the new-born child in a woody 
cavern on Mount Ida, and gave to Kronos, in place 
of it, a stone wrapped in swaddling clothes, which 
he greedily swallowed, beheving it to be his child. 
Thus was the safety of Zeus ensured*. As he grew 
up his vast powers fully developed themselves : at 
the suggestion of Gaea, he induced Kronos by stra- 

^ Hcsiod, Thcog. 152, 48?. Apollod. i. 1, 6. 


tagem to vomit up, fifst the stone which had been 
given to him,— next, the five children whom he had 
previously devoured. Hestia, DSmdt^r, H6r6, Po- 
seid6a and HadSs, were thus allowed to grow up 
along with Zeus ; and the stone to which the latter 
owed his preservation was placed near the temple 
of Delphi, where it ever afterwards stood, as a con- 
spicuous and venerable memorial to the religious 
Greek 1. 

We have not yet exhausted the catalogue of other del- 
l)eings generated during this early period, anterior '"' 
to the birth of Zeus. Nyx, alone and without any 
partner, gave birth to a numerous progeny: Tha- 
natos, Hypnos and Oneiros; Mdmus and Oizys 
(Grief) ; Kl&th6, Lachesis and Atropos, the three 
Fates ; the retributive and equalising Nemesis ; 
Apat6 and Pbilot6s (Deceit and amorous Pro- 
pensity), G6ras (Old Age) and Eris (Contention). 
From £ris proceeded an abundant offspring, all 
mischievous and maleficent : Ponos (Suffering), 
L^thS, limos (Famine), Phonos and Machd 
(Slaughter and Battle), Dysnomia and AtS (Law- 
lessness and reckless Impulse), and Horkos, the 
ever-watchful sanctioner of oaths, as well as the 
inexorable punisher of voluntary perjury*. 

Gaja, too, intermarrying with Pontus, gave birth 
to Nereus, the just and righteous old man of the 
sea ; to Thaumas, Phorkys and K6t6. From Ne- 

> Heiiod, Theog. 498w— 

T^v fiev Zevs or^pifc Korh x^ov6s evpvodcii/r 
* UvBoi iv ffyaSejf, yvdkois \m6 HapinjcfHO, 

^rjfi tfLfv cf OTTtVo), BavyLa BvrjToim ppoTol(ri. 
« He«iod, Theog. 212-232. 


reus, and Doris daughter of Oceanus, proceeded 
the fifty Nereids or Sea-nymphs. Thaumas also 
married Elektra daugther of Oceanus, and had by 
her Iris and the two Harpies, AeU6 and Ok3rpetd, 
— ^winged and swift as the winds. From Phorkys 
and K6t6 sprung the Dragon of the Hesperides, 
and the monstrous Grsese and Gorgons : the blood 
of Medusa, one of the Gorgons, when killed by 
Perseus, produced Chrysaor and the horse Pega- 
sus ; Chrysaor and KallirrhoS gave birth to Gery6n 
as well as to Echidna, — a creature half-nymph 
and half- serpent, unlike both to gods and to men. 
Other monsters arose from ' the union of Echidna 
with Typha6n, — Orthros, the two-headed dog of 
Gery6n ; Cerberus, the dog of Hades, with fifty 
heads, and the Lernaean Hydra. From the latter 
proceeded the Cbimaera, the Sphinx of ThSbes, 
and the Nemean lion^ 

A powerful and important progeny, also, was 
that of Styx, daughter of Oceanus, by Pallas ; she 
had Z^Ios and NikS (Imperiousness and Victory) , 
and Kratos and Bia (Strength and Force). The 
hearty and early co-operation of Styx and her four 
sons with Zeus was one of the main causes which 
enabled him to achieve his victory over the Ti- 
Ambitious Zeus had grown up not less distinguished for 

schemes of or o ^ 

Zeus. mental capacity than for bodily force. He and his 
brothers now determined to wrest the power from 
the hands of Kronos and the Titans, and a long 
and desperate struggle commenced, in which all 
the gods and all the goddesses took part. Zeus 

> Hesiod, Theog. 240-320. Apollod6r. i. 2, 6, 7. 

• I.] ^ THB TITANS. 11 

convoked them to Olympus, and promised to all 
who would aid him against Kronos, that their func- 
tions and privileges should remain undisturbed^ 
The first who responded to the call, came with her 
four sons, and embraced hi^ cause, was St]rx* 
Zeus took them all four as his constant attendants, 
and conferred upon Styx the majestic distinction 
of being the Horkos, or oath-sanctioner of the 
Gods, — ^what Horkos was to men, Styx was to the 

Still further to strengthen himself, Zeus released victory of 
the other Uranids who had been imprisoned in brethren 
Tartarus by their father, — ^the Cycl6pes and the ^t^^ 
Centimanes, — and prevailed upon them to take ^**^ 
part with him against the Titans. The former 
supplied him with thunder and lightning, and 
the latter brought into the fight their boundless 
muscular strength^. Ten full years did the com- 
bat continue; Zeus and the Kronids occupying 
Olympus, and the Titans being established on the 
more southerly mountain-chain of Othrys. All 
nature was convulsed, and the distant Oceanus, 
though he took no part in the struggle, felt the 
boiling, the noise, and the shock, not less than 
Gsa and Pontus. The thunder of Zeus, combined 
with the crags and mountains torn up and hurled 
by the Centimanes, at length prevailed, and the 
Titans were defeated and thrust down into Tartarus, 
lapetos, Kronos, and the remaining Titans (Oce- 
anus excepted) were imprisoned, perpetually and 
irrevocably, in that subterranean dungeon, a wall 

> Hetiod, Theog. 385-403. 

« Hesiod, Theog. 140, 624, 657. Apollod6r. i. 2, 4. 


of brass being built around them by Poseid6n, 
and the three Centimanes being planted as guards. 
Of the two sons of lapetos, Menoetius was made 
to share this prison, while Atlas was condenmed to 
stand for ever at the extreme west, and to bear 
upon his shoulders the solid vault of heaven ^ 

TyphdeiM. Thus Were the Titans subdued, and the Kronids 
with Zeus at their head placed in possession of 
power. They were not, however, yet quite se- 
cure ; for Gaea, intermarrying with Tartarus, gave 
birth to a new and still more formidable monster 
called Typhdeus, of such tremendous properties 
and promise, that, had he been allowed to grow 
into full development, nothing could have pre- 
vented him from vanquishing all rivals and be- 
coming supreme. But Zeus foresaw the danger, 
smote him at once with a thunderbolt from Olym- 
pus, and burnt him up : he was cast along with the 
rest into Tartarus, and no further enemy remained 
to question the sovereignty of the Kronids*. 

Dynasty of With Zeus begins a new dynasty and a different 
order of beings. Zens, Poseid6n, and Hadds agree 
upon the distribution before noticed, of functions 
and localities: Zeus retaining the ^thSr and the 
atmosphere, together with the general presiding 

* The battle with the Titans, Hesiod, Theog. 627-735. Hesiod men- 
tions nothing about the Gigantes and the Gigantomachia : ApoUoddrus, 
on the other hand, gives this latter in some detail, but despatches the 
Titans in a few words (i. 2, 4 ; i. 6, 1). The Gigantes seem to be only 
a second editi6n of the Titans, — a sort of duplication to which the 
legendary poets were often inclined. 

3 Hesiod, Theog. 820-869. Apollod. i. 6, 3. He makes Typh6n 
very nearly victorious over Zeus. Typh6eus, according to Hesiod, is 
father of the irregular, violent, and mischievous winds : Notus, Boreas, 
Argest^s and Zephyrus, are of divine origin (870). 


Crjlp.I.] ZBUl-POSSmON.— hades. 13 

fonction ; Poseiddn obtaining the sea, and admini* 
stering subterranean forces generally; and Hadte 
ruling the under- world, or region in which the half- 
animated shadows of departed men reside. 

It has been already stated, that in Zeus, his bro- 
thers and his sisters, and his and their divine pro- 
geny, we find the present Gods ; that is, those, for 
the most part, whom the Homeric and Hesiodic 
Greeks recognised and worshiped. The wives of 
Zeus were numerous as well as his offspring. First His off. 
he married Mdtis, the wisest and most sagacious ^^^' 
of the goddesses ; but Gaea and Uranos forewarned 
him that if he permitted himself to have children 
by her, they would be stronger than himself and 
dethrone him« Accordingly when M^tis was on the 
point of being delivered of AthSnd, he swallowed 
her up, and her wisdom and sagacity thus became 
permanently identified with his own beings His 
head was subsequently cut open, in order to make 
way for the exit and birth of the goddess Ath6n6*. 
By Themis, Zeus begat the H6rae ; by EurynomS, 
the three Charites or Graces ; by MndmosynS, the 
Muses; by Ldtd (Latona), Apollo and Artemis; 
and by DSm^tdr, PersephonS. Last of all he took 
for his wife HSr^, who maintained permanently the 
dignity of queen of the Gods ; by her he had Hfibe, 
ArSs, and Eileithyia. Hermds also was born to 
him by Maia, the daughter of Atlas : Hdphsestos 
was born to HSrS, according to some accounts, by 
Zeus; according to others, by her own unaided 
generative force*. He was born lame, and H6r6 


» Heaiod, Theog. 885-900. » ApoUod. i. 3, 6. 

3 Hesiod, Theog. 900-944. 

Tine race. 


was ashamed of him ; she wished to secrete him 
away^ but he made his escape into the sea, and 
found shelter under the maternal care of the Ne- 
reids Thetis and Eurynomd ^ 

Our enumeration of the divine race> under the 

presidency of Zeus, will thus give us^» — 

ara^nddi*. i^ The twelve great gods and goddesses of 

SfA**!^" Olyoapvis, — ZeuS} PoseidAn, Apollo, Ar6s, Hdphae- 

stos, Hermds> HSr£, AthSnS, Artemis, Aphrodite, 

Hestia, DSmdtSr. 

2. An indefinite number of other deities, not 
included among the Olympic, seemingly because 
the number twelve was complete without them, but 
some of them not inferior in power and dignity to 
many of the twelve : — Hadds, Hdlios, Hekatd, Dio- 
nysos, Ldt6, Di6nd, Persephond, Seldnd, Themis, 
Eds, Harmonla, the Charites, the Muses, the Eilei- 
thyiae, the Moerae, the Oceanids and the Nereids, 
PrAteus, Eidothea, the Nymphs, Leukothea, Phor- 
kys, .^Solus, Nemesis, &c. 

3. Deities who perform special services to the 
greater gods : — ^Iris, H6b6, the Horse, &c. 

4. Deities whose personality is more faintly and 
unsteadily conceived : — Atd, the Litse, Ens, Thana- 
tos, Hypnos, Kratos, Bia, Ossa, &c.^ The same name 
is here employed sometimes to designate the person, 
sometimes the attribute or event not personified, — 
an unconscious transition of ideas, which, when con- 
sciously performed, is called Allegory. 

5. Monsters, offspring of the Gods : — the Har-^ 
pies, the Gorgons, the Graeae, Pegasus, Chrysaor, 

^ Homer, Diad, xviii. 397. 

' See Burekhardt, Homer, mid Heaod. Mythologie, sect. IQ2. (Leipi. 
1844.) ' Aifi^f — Hunger^'u a person, in Hesiod, 0pp. Di. 299. 


Echidna^ Chimaera^ the Dragon of the Hesperides^ 
Cerberus, Orthros^ 6ery6n, the Lemaean Hydra, 
the Nemean lion, Scylla and Charybdis, the Cen- 
taurs, the Sphinx, Xanthos and Balios the immortal 
horses, &c. 

From the gods we slide down insensibly, first to 
heroes, and then to men ; but before we proceed to 
this new mixture, it is necessary to say a few words 
on the iheogony generally. I have given it briefly 
as it stands in Hie Hesiodic Theogonia, because Hesiodic 
that poem — ^in spite of great incoherence and con- l^^l 
fusion, arising seemingly from diversity of author- ***^'^' 
ship as well as diversity of age — ^presents an ancient 
and genuine attempt to cast the divine foretime into 
a systematic sequence. Homer and Hesiod were 
the grand authorities in the Pagan world respecting 
theogony ; but in the Iliad and Odyssey nothing is 
found except passing allusions and implications » 
and even in the Hymns (which were commonly be- 
lieved in antiquity to be the productions of the same 
author as the Iliad and the Odyssey) there are only 
isolated, unconnected narratives. Accordingly men 
habitually took their information respecting their 
theogonic antiquities from the Hesiodic poem, where 
it was ready laid out before them ; and the legends 
consecrated in that work acquired both an extent 
of circulation and a firm hold on the national faith, 
such as independent legends could seldom t)r never 
rivaL Moreover the scrupulous and sceptical Pa- 
gans, as well as the open assailants of Paganism in ' 
later times, derived their subjects of attack from 
the same source; so that it has been absolutely 
necessary to recount in their naked simplicity the 



[Pa»t I. 

Points of 
Homer and 

Hesiodic stories, in order to know what it was that 
Plato deprecated and XenophanSs denounced. The 
strange proceedings ascribed to Uranos, Kronos and 
ZeuSy have been more frequently alluded to, in the 
way of ridicule or condemnation, than any other 
portion of the mythical world. 

But though the Hesiodic theogony passed as 
orthodox among the later Pagans S because it stood 
before them as the only system anciently set forth 
and easily accessible, it was evidently not the only 
system received at the date of the poem itself. 
Homer knows nothing of Uranos, in the sense of 
an arch-God anterior to Kronos. Uranos and 
Gsea, like Oceanus, Tdthys and Nyx, are with him 
great and venerable Gods, but neither the one nor 
the other present the character of predecessors of 
Kronos and Zeus^ The Cycldpes, whom Hesiod 
ranks as sons of Uranos and fabricators of thunder, 
are in Homer neither one nor the other : they are 
not noticed in the Iliad at all, and in the Odyssey 
they are gross gigantic shepherds and cannibals, 
having nothing in common with the Hesiodic 
Cycl6ps except the one round central eye^. Of 
the three Centimanes enumerated by Hesiod, Bri- 
areus only is mentioned in Homer, and to all ap- 
pearance, not as the son of Uranos, but as the son 
of Poseid6n; not as aiding Zeus in his combat 
against the Titans, but as rescuing him at a critical 

> See Gottling, Prae&t. ad Hesiod. p. 23. 

' Diad. ziT. 249 ; zk. 259. Odyts. v. 184. Oceanus and T^ys 
seem to be presented in the Iliad as the primitive Father and Mother 
of the Gods: — 

*QKtai^ re $€&¥ ytPfo-tv, Ka\ fUfiripa TrfBvp, (xiv. 201.) 

» Odyss. ix. 87. 


moment from a conspiracy formed against him by 
UM, Poseiddn and Ath6n6^ Not only is the 
Hesiodic Uranos (with the Uranids) omitted in 
Homer, but the relations between Zeus and Kronos 
are also presented in a very different light. No 
mention is made of Kronos swallowing his young 
children : on the contrary, Zeus is the eldest of 
the three brothers instead of the youngest, and the 
children of Kronos live with him and Rhea : there 
the stolen intercourse between Zeus and Hdrd first 
takes place without the knowledge of their pa- 
rents*. When Zeus puts Kronos down into Tar- 
tarus, Rhea consigns her daughter H6r6 to the care 
of Oceanus : no notice do we find of any terrific 
battle with the Titans as accompanying that event. 
Kronos, lapetos, and the remaining Titans are 
down in Tartarus, in the lowest depths under the 
earth, far removed from the genial rays of Hdlios ; 
but they are still powerful and venerable, and 
Hypnos makes HSrS swear an oath in their name, 
as the most inviolable that he can think of ^ 

In Homer, then, we find nothing beyond the Homeric 
simple fact that Zeus thrust his father Kronos toge- ^™' 
ther with the remaining Titans into Tartarus ; an 
event to which he affords us a tolerable parallel 
in certain occurrences even under the presidency 
of Zeus himself. For the other gods make more 
than one rebellious attempt against Zeus, and are 
only put down, partly by his unparalleled strength, 

» Diad, i. 401. * Iliad, xiv. 203-295 ; xv. 204. 

' Iliad, viii. 482; xiv. 274-279. In the Hesiodic 0pp. et Di., Krow 
DOS is represented as ruling in the Islands of the Blest in the neigh* 
bourhood of Oceanus (v. 168). 

VOL. I. C 

18 mSTOUY OF GREECE. [Part I. 


partly by the presence of his ally the Centimane 
Briareus. Kronos, like Laertes or PSleus, has 
become old, and has been supplanted by a force 
vastly superior to his own. The Homeric epic 
treats Zeus as present, and, like all the interesting 
heroic characters, a father must be assigned to 
him : that father has once been the chief of the 
Titans, but has been superseded and put down into 
Tartarus along with the latter, so soon as Zeus and 
the superior breed of the Olympic gods acquired 
their full development. 
Amplified That antithesis between Zeus and Kronos — ^be- 


ofZcut. tween the Olympic gods and the Titans — which 
Homer has thus briefly brought to view, Hesiod has 
amplifled into a tbeogony, with many things new, 
and some things contradictory to his predecessor ; 
while EumSlus or Arktinus in the poem called 
Titanomachia (now lost) also adopted it as their 
special subjects As Stasinus, Arktinus, Lesch^, 
and others, enlarged the Legend of Troy by compo* 
sing poems relating to a supposed time anterior to 
the commencement, or subsequent to the termi- 
nation of the Iliad, — as other poets recounted ad- 
ventures of Odysseus subsequent to his landing in 

' See the few fragments of the Titanomachia, in Diintzer, Epic. 
Gnec. Fragm. p. 2; and Heyne, ad ApoUodor. I. 2. Perhaps there 
was more than one poem on the subject, though it seems that Athe- 
nseus had only read one (viii. p. 277)* 

In the JTitanomachia, the generations anterior to Zeus were still fur- 
ther lengthened by making Uranos the son of Mthh (Fr. 4. Diintzer). 
^gseon was also represented as son of Pontos and Gsea, and as having 
fought in the ranks of the Titans : in the Iliad he (the same who is 
called Briareus) is the fast ally of Zeus. 

A Titanographia was ascribed to Musseus (Schol. Apollon. Rhod. 
iii. 1178; compare Lactant. de Fals. Rel. i. 21). 

Chaf.L] homer and HKSIOD. 19 

Ithaka, — so Hesiod enlarged and systematised, at 
the same time that he corrupted, the skeleton 
tbeogony which we find briefly indicated in Homer. 
There is violence and rudeness in the Homeric 
gods, but the great genius of Grecian epic is no 
way accountable for the stories of Uranos and 
Kronos, — ^the standing reproach against Pagan le- 
gendary narrative. 

How far these stories are the invention of Hesiod 
himself is impossible to determined They bring 

* That the Hesiodic Theogony is referable to an age considerably 
later than the Homeric poems, appears now to be the generally 
admitted opinion ; md the reasons for believing so are, in my opinion, 
satis&ctoiy. Whether the Theogony is composed by the same author 
as the Works and Days is a disputed point. The Boeotian titerati in the 
di^ of Pauaanias decidedly denied the identity, and ascribed to their 
Heaod only the Works and Days: Pansanias himsdf concurs with 
them (ix. 31. 4; ix. 35. 1), and Volcker (Mytiiologie des Japetisoh. 
Gesdiledita, p. 14) maintains the same opinion, as well as Gottling 
(Praf. ad Hesiod. xxi.) : K. O. Miill^ (Histoiy of Ghredan literature, 
du S. f 4) thinks that there is not sufficient evidence to form a dedsive 

Under the name of Hesiod (in that vague language which is usual 
in antiquity respec^g authorship, but which modem critics have not 
much mended by speaking of the Hesiodic school, sect, or family) passed 
many different poems, belonging to three classes quite distinct from 
each other, but aU disparate from the Homeric epic : — 1. The poems 
of legend cast into historical and genealogical smes, such as the Eoiai, 
the Catalogue of Women, &c. 2. The poems of a didactic or ethical 
teadency, such as the Works and Di^, the Precepts of Cheirdn, the 
Art of Augural Prophecy, &c. 3. Separate and short mythical com- 
pontions, such as the Shield of Hdraklds, the Marriage of Keyx (which, 
however, was of disputed authentieity, Athenn. ii. p. 49), the Epithala- 
minm of Pdkna and Thetis, &c. (See Marktsoheffel, Pnefiit. ad Frag- 
ment. Hesiod. p. 89.) 

The Theogony belongs chiefly to the first of these classes, but it has 
also a dash of the second in the legend of Prom^eus, &c. : moreover 
in the portion which respects Hekatd, it has both a mystic character and 
a distinct bearing upon present life and customs, which we may also 
trace in the allusions to Kr6te and Delphi. There seedis reason to 
place it in the same age with the Works and Days, perhaps in the half 



US down to a cast of fancy more coarse and inde- 
licate than the Homeric, and more nearly resem- 
bling some of the Holy Chapters (lepol Xoyw) of 
the more recent mysteries, such (for example) as 
the tale of Dionysos Zagreus. There is evidence 
in the Theogony itself that the author was ac- 
quainted with local legends current both at KrSte 
and at Delphi ; for he mentions both the moun- 
tain-cave in Kr6te wherein the new-born Zeus was 
hidden, and the stone near the Delphian temple — 
the identical stone which Kronos had swallowed — 

century preceding 700 B.C., and little, if at all, anterior to Arcbilochus. 
The poem is evidently conceived upon one scheme, yet the parts are so 
disorderly and incoherent, that it is difficult to say how much is inter- 
polation. Hermann has well dissected the ezocdium ; see the prefiEU^ 
to Gaisford's Hesiod (Poete Minor, p. 63). 

K. O. MiiUer tells us {ut sup, p. 90), " The Titans, according to the 
notions of Hesiod, represent a system of things in which elementary 
beings, natural powers, and notions of order and regularity are united 
to form a whole. The Cycl6pes denote the transient disturbances of 
this order of nature by storms, and the Hecatoncheires, or hundred- 
handed Giants, signify the fearful power of the greater revolutions of 
nature." The poem affords little presumption that any such ideas 
were present to the mind of its author, as, I think, will be seen if we 
read 140-165, 630-746. 

The Titans, the Cycldpes, and ^e Hekatoncheires, can no more be 
construed into physical phenomena than Chrysaor, Pegasus, Echidna, 
the Grsese, or the Gorgons. Zeus, like H^raklSs, or Jas6n, or Perseus, 
if his adventures are to be described, must have enemies, worthy of him- 
self and his vast type, whom it is some credit for him to overthrow. 
Those who contend with him or assist him must be conceived on a scale 
fit to be drawn on the same imposing canvas : the dwarfish proporticms of 
man will not satisfy the sentiment of the poet or his audience respecting 
the grandeur and glory of the gods. To obtain creations of adequate 
sublimity for such an object, the poet may occasionally borrow analo- 
gies from the striking accidents of physical nature, and when such an 
allusion manifests itself clearly, the critic does well to point it out. 
But it seems to me a mistake to treat these approximations to physical 
phsenomena as forming the mam scheme of the poet, — to look for them 
everywhere, and to presume them where there is little or no indication. 


'' placed by Zeus himself as a sign and wonder to 
mortal men/* Both these two monuments, which Hesjodic 
the poet expressly refers to, and had probably traceable 
seen, imply a whole train of accessory and expla- andDeipu. 
natory local legends — current probably among the 
priests of Kr6te and Delphi, between which places, 
in ancient times, there was an intimate religious 
connection. And we may trace further in the 
poem, — that which would be the natural feeling 
of KrStan worshipers of Zeus, — an effort to make 
out that Zeus was justified in his aggression on 
Kronos, by the conduct of Kronos himself both 
towards his father and towards his children : the 
treatment of Kronos by Zeus appears in Hesiod as 
the retribution foretold and threatened by the mu- 
tilated Uranos against the son who had outraged 
him. In fact the relations of Uranos and Gaea 
are in almost all their particulars a mere copy and 
duplication of those between Kronos and Rhea, 
differing only in the mode whereby the final cata- 
strophe is brought about. Now castration was a 
practice thoroughly abhorrent both to the feelings 
and to the customs of Greece^; but it was seen 
with melancholy frequency in the domestic life as 

> The strongest evidences of this feeling are exhibited in Herodotus, 
iii. 48 ; viii. 105. See an example of this mutilation inflicted upon a youth 
named Adamas by the Thradan king Kotys, in Aristot. Poht. v. 8, 12, 
and the tale about the Corinthian Periander, Herod, iii. 48. 

It is an instance of the habit, so frequent among the Attic tragedians, 
of ascribing Asiatic or Phiygian manners to the Trojans, when Sopho- 
kl^ in his lost play Troilus (ap. Jul. Poll. x. 165) introduced one of 
the characters of his drama as having been castrated by order of Hecuba, 
2iuikfAJ yap lifixtis PaaikU €KT€fivovir ^fiovs, — ^probably the n<udayo9y6s, 
or guardian and companion of the youthful Troilus. See Welcker, 
Griechisch. Tragod. vol. i. p. 125. 


well as in the religious worship of Phrygia and 
other parts of Asia, and it even became the special 
qualification of a priest of the Great Mother Cy- 
beld\ as well as of the Ephesian Artemis. The 
employment of the sickle ascribed to Kronos seems 
to be the product of an imagination familiar with 
the Asiatic worship and legends, which were con- 
nected with and partially resembled the Krdtan^. 
And this deduction becomes the more probable 
when we connect it with the first genesis of iron, 
which Heeiod mentions to have been produced for 
the express purpose of fabricating the fatal sickle ; 
for metallurgy finds a place in the early legends 
both of the Trojan and of the KrStan Ida, and the 
three Idsean Dactyls, the legendary inventors of it, 
are assigned sometimes to one and sometimes to 
the other®. 
Orphic As Hesiod had extended the Homeric series of 

^^^^^' gods by prefixing the dynasty of Uranos to that of 
Kronos, so the Orphic theogony lengthened it still 

> Herodot. ?iii. 105> c^vovxot. Ludan, De DdL Syrift, c. 50. Strabo^ 
XIV. pp. 640-641. 

' Diodor. v. 64. Strabo, x. p. 469. Hoeekh, in his learned work 
Kr^ta (toI. i. hooks 1 and 2), has collected all the information attainable 
respecting the early influences of Phrygia and Asia Minor upon Kr^ : 
nothing seems ascertainable except the general fact ; all the particular 
evidences are lamentably vague. 

. The worship of the Diktiean Zeus seems to have originally belonged 
to the Eteokr^tes, who were not Heliens, and were more akin to the 
Asiatic population than to the Hellenic. Strain), x. p. 478. Hoeckh, 
KrSta, vol. i. p. 139. 
- ' Hesiod^ Tbeogon. 161, 

Ar^ dc woufaaa-a yhfos iroXiov ddafuarros, 
Ttv$€ luya ^pfwa^ov, &c. 

See the extract from the old poem Phordnis ap. Schol« Apoll. Rbod. 
1129; and Strabo, x. p. 472. 


further*. First came Chronos, or Time, as a person, 
after him ^thdr and Chaos, out of whom Chronos 
produced the vast mundane egg. Hence emerged 
in process of time the first-born god Phands, or 
Mdtis, or HSrikapseos, a person of double sex, who 
first generated the Kosmos, or mundane system, 
and who carried within him the seed of the gods. 
He gave birth to Nyx, by whom he begat Uranos 
and Gaea ; as well as to Hdlios and SeldnS*. 

From Uranos and Gaea sprang the three Moerse, 
or Fates, the three Centimanes and the three 
Cycldpes : these latter were cast by Uranos into 
Tartarus, under the foreboding that they would 
rob him of his dominion. In revenge for this mal- 
treatment of her sons, Gaea produced of herself 
the fourteen Titans, seven male and seven female : 
the former were Koeos, Krios, Phorkys, Kronos, 
Oceanus, Hyperi6n and lapetos ; the latter were 
Themis, T6thys, Mnfimosynd, Theia, Di6n6, PhcBbd 
and Rhea^ They received the name of Titans 
because they avenged upon Uranos the expulsion 

' See the scanty fragments of the Orphic theogony in Hermann's edi- 
tion of the Orphiea, pp. 448, 504, which it is difficult to understand 
and pieee together, even with the aid of Lobeck's ebtborate examination 
(A^aophamus, p. 470, &c.). The passages are chiefly preserved by 
Piochn and the kter Phitonists, who seem to entangle them afanost 
inextricably with their own philosophical ideas. 

The first few lines of the Orphic Argonautica contain a brief summaiy 
of the chief points of the theogony. 

* See Lobeck, Aglaoph. p. 472-476, 490-600, M^rtv (nripim f^tpovra 
$€99 KkvT6u *HpiK€iralov ; again, O^Xvp Koi yfvtnap icpaT(p6s $(6s *Hp(jcc- 
watog. Compare Lactant. iv. 8, 4 : Suidas, ▼. ^Snif : Athenagoras,*' 
XX. 296 ; I>iod6r. i. 27. 

This egg figures, as might be expected, in the cosmogony sA forth by 
the Birds, Aristophan. Ay. 695. Nyx gives birth to an egg, out of which 
steps the golden Erds ; from Erds and Chaos spring the race of birds. 

* Lobeck, Ag, p. 604. Athenagor. xv. p. 64. 


of their elder brothers. Six of the Titans, headed 
by KroQos the most powerful of them all, conspi- 
ring against Uranos, castrated and dethroned him: 
Oceanus alone stood aloof and took no part in 
the aggression. Kronos assumed the government 
and fixed his seat on Olympos ; while Oceanus 
remained apart, master of his own divine stream ^ 
The reign of Kronos was a period of tranquillity 
and happiness, as well as of extraordinary longevity 
and vigour. 

Kronos and Rhea gave birth to Zeus and his 
brothers and sisters. The concealment and escape 
of the infant Zeus, and the swallowing of the stone 
by Kronos, are given in the Orphic Theogony sub- 
stantially in the same manner as by Hesiod, only 
Phlini!^^ in a style less simple and more mysticised. Zeus 
is concealed in the cave of Nvx, the seat of Phanis 
himself, along with EidS and Adrasteia, who nurse 
and preserve him, while the armed dance and sono- 
rous instruments of the KurStes prevent his infant 
cries from reaching the ears of Kronos. When 
grown up, he lays a snare for his father, intoxi- 
cates him with honey, and having surprised him in 
the depth of sleep, enchains and castrates him'. 

' Lobeck, Ag. p. 507. Plato, Timieus, p. 41. In the Aiovvaov Tp6^t 
of ^8chylu8> the old attendants of the god Dionysos were said to have 
been cut up and boiled in a caldron, and rendered again young, by 
Medeia. Pherekyd^ and Simonid^ said that Ja86n himself had been 
so dealt with. Schol. Aristoph. Equit. 1321. 

' Lobeck, p. 514. Porphyry, de Antro Nympharum, c. 16. ^<rt 
yap irap *Op<f)€i ^ Nuf , r^ Ait viroTiOffittnfj tAv dia toO /uXiros d6Kov, 
ESt iUf drj pxv idiTat virh dpvo'iy v^ix6poi,a'i 
"Epyoiauf fitOvovra fttXiaamdv €pifi6fifio)v, 
Aih'iKd fuv irjaov. 
*0 Koi nda-xti <5 Kpovos Koi dc^fW trnfivtrai, ms Ovpavos, 
Compare Timaeus ap. Schol. ApoU. Rhod. iv. 983. 

Cbap. 1.] ZEUS AND ZAGREUS. 25 

Thus exalted to the supreme mastery, he swallowed 
and absorbed into himself MStis, or Phands, with 
aU the pre-existing elements of things, and then 
generated all things anew out of his own being and 
conformably to his own divine ideas'. So scanty 
are the remains of this system, that we find it diffi- 
cult to trace individually the gods and goddesses 
sprung from Zeus beyond Apollo, Dionysos, and 
Persephonfi, — the latter being confounded with 
Artemis and Hekatd. 

But there is one new personage, begotten by 
Zeus, who stands pre-eminently marked in the 
Orphic Theogony, and whose adventures constitute 
one of its peculiar features. Zagreus, '^ the homed Zagreus. 
child," is the son of Zeus by his own daughter Per- 
sephonS : he is the favourite of his father, a child 
of magnificent promise, and predestined, if he grow 
up, to succeed to supreme dominion as well as to 
the handling of the thunderbolt. He is seated, 
whilst an infant, on the throne beside Zeus, guarded 
by Apollo and the Kurdtes. But the jealous HSrS 
intercepts his career and incites the Titans against 
him, who, having first smeared their faces with 
plaster, approach him on the throne, tempt his 

' The Cataposis of Phanls by Zeus is one of the most memorable 
points of the Orphic Theogony. Lobeck, p. 519 ; also Fragm. vi. p. 456 
of Hermann's Orphica. 

From this absorption and subsequent reproduction of all things by 
Zeus, flowed the magnificent string of Orphic predicates about him, — 

an allusion to which is traceable even in Plato, de Legg. iv. p. 715. 
Plutarch, de Defectu Oracul. T. ix. p. 379. c. 48. Dioddrus (i. 11) is 
the most ancient writer remaining to us who mentions the name of 
Phan^, in a hne cited as proceeding from Orpheus ; wherein, however, 
Phan^ is identified with Dionysos. Compare Macrobius, Satumal. i. 18. 


childish fancy with playthings, and kill him with 
a sword while he is contemplating his face in a 
mirror. They then cut up his body and boil it in 
a caldron, leaving only the heart, which is picked 
up by AthdnS and carried to Zeus, who in his wrath 
strikes down the Titans with thunder into Tarta- 
rus ; whilst Apollo is directed to collect the remains 
of Zagreus and bui^ them at the foot of Mount 
Parnassus. The heart is given to Semeld, and 
Zagreus is bom again from her under tiie form of 

' About the tale of Zagreus^ see Lobeck, p. 552, sqq, Nonnus in fait 
Dionysiaca has given many details about it :— 

Zayp€a ytipofitprj Kfpo€P fip4<f>oiy &0. (vi. 264.) 
Clemens Alexandrin. Admonit. ad Gent. p. II, 12, Sylb. The stoiy 
was treated both by Callimachns and by £uphori6n, Etymolog. Magn. 
V. Zayp€vs, Schol. Lycophr. 20S. In the old epic poem Alkmeednii 
or Epigoni, Zagreus is a surname of Had6s. See Fragm. 4, p. 7> ed. 
Diintzer. Respecting the Orphic Theogony generally, Brandis (Hand- 
buch der Geschichte der Griechisch-Romisch. Philosophic, c.xvii. xviii.), 
K. O. MiUler (Prolegg. MythoL pp. 379-^96), and Zoega (Abfaandlun- 
gen, y. pp. 211-263) may be consulted with much advantage. Brandis 
regards this Theogony as considerably older than the first Ionic philo- 
sophy, whieh is a higher antiquity than appears probable : some of die 
ideas which it contains, such, for example, as that of the Orphic egg, 
indicate a departure from the string of purdy personal generations which 
both Homer and Hesiod exclusively recount, and a resort to something 
like physical analogies. On the whole, we cannot reasonably daim for 
it more than half a centuiy above the age of Onomakritus. The Theo- 
gony of Pherekyd^ of Syros seems to have borne some analogy to the 
Orphic. See Diogen. La^. i. 119, Sturz. Fragment. Pherekyd. § 5-6, 
Brandis, Handbuch, ut sup. c. xxii. Pherekydls partially deviated from 
the mythical track or personal successions set forth by Hesiod. cn-cl ot 
y€ fi€fiiyfi€voi avT&v Koi r^ fi^ fivBiKSiS dnavra Xrycti^, olov ^epeicv^rjs 
Ku\ Irfpol rtv€s, &c. (Aristot. Metaphys. N. p. 301, ed. Brandis.) Por- 
phjnius, de Antro Nymphar. c. 31, koi tov 2vplov ^€p€«n)dov fivxovs koi 
^Bpovs #eat SiVTpa kol Bvpas Koi irvKas Xryomor, Koi dt^ ravrtav alvtrro^ 
fuvov rhi rmv ^x^^ ycvccrf « kcu hroya4cr(i5, &c. Eudlmus the Peri- 
patetic, pupil of Aristotle, had drawn up an account of the Orphic 
Theogony as weU as of the doctrines of Pherekydls, Akualaus and 
others, which was still in the hands of the Platonists of the fourth 

Chap. L] H£SI0D AND ORPHEUS. 27 

Such is the tissue of violent fancies compre- 
hended under the title of the Orphic Theogony, 
and read as such, it appears, by Plato, IsokratSs 
and Ariatotle. It will be seen that it is based upon 
the Uesiodic Theogony, but according to the gene- 
ral expansive tendency of Grecian legend, much 
new matter is added : Zeus has in Homer one pre- 
decessor, in Hesiod two, and in Orpheus four. 

The Hesiodic Theogony, though later in date 
than the Iliad and Odyssey, was coeval with the 
earliest period of what may be called Grecian hi- 
story, and certainly of an age earlier than 700 b.c. 
It appears to have been widely circulated in Comptri. 
Greece, and being at once ancient and short, the Hesiod and 
general public consulted it as their principal source ^ **"* 
of information respecting divine antiquity. The 
Orphic Theogony belongs to a later date, and con- 
tains the Hesiodic ideas and persons, enlarged and 
mystically disguised: its vein of invention was less 
popular, adapted more to the contemplation of a 
sect specially prepared than to the taste of a casual 
audience, and it appears accordingly to have obtain- 
ed currency chiefly among purely speculative men'. 

century, though it is now lost. The extracts which we find seem all 
to coimtenanoe Ihe heHef that the Hesiodic Theogony formed the hasis 
tqxm which they worked. See about Akusilaus, Plato, Sympos. p. 178. 
Clem. Alex. Strom, p. 629. 

^ The Orphic Theogony is never etted in the ample Scholia on Homer, 
though Hesiod is often alluded to. (See Lobeck, Aglaoph. p. 540.) 
Nor can it have been present to the minds of Xenophanis and Hera- 
Ueitus, as representing any widely diffused Grecian belief: the former, 
who so severely condemned Homer and Hesiod, would have found Or- 
pheus much more deserving of his censure : and the latter could hardly 
' have omitted Orpheus from his memorable denunciation : — noXvfio^ti; 
w6a¥ ov dtdcHTieci* ^Htriodop ydp fbf idida$€ icai nv^ay6prjp, adris d€ StPO' 
^ibva Tf ical 'EKonuop, Diog. Laer. ix. 1. Isokratis treats Orpheus 


Among the majority of these latter, however, it ac- 
quired greater veneration, and above all was supposed 
to be of greater antiquity, than the Hesiodic. The 
belief in its superior antiquity (disallowed by Hero- 
dotus, and seeminglyalso by Aristotle'), aswell as the 
respect for its contents, increased during the Alex- 
andrine age and through the declining centuries of 
Paganism, reaching its maximum among the New- 
Platonists of the third and fourth century after 
Christ : both the Christian assailants, as well as the 
defenders, of paganism, treated it as the most an- 
cient and venerable summary of the Grecian faith. 
Orpheus is celebrated by Pindar as the harper and 
companion of the Argonautic maritime heroes : Or- 
pheus and Musaeus, as well as Pamphds and Oldn, 
the great supposed authors of theogonic, mystical, 
oracular, and prophetic verses and hymns, were ge- 
nerally considered by literary Greeks as older than 
either Hesiod or Homer^ : and such w&s also the 

as the most censurable of all the poets. See Busiris, p. 229 ; ii. p. 309, 
Bekk. The Theogony of Orpheus, as conceived by Apollonius Rhodius 
(L504) in the third century B.C., and by Nigidius in the first century B.C., 
(Servius ad Virgil. Eclog. iv. 10) seems to have been on a more contracted 
scale than that which is given in the text. But neither of them notice 
the tale of Zagreus, virhich we know to be as old as Onomakritus. 

1 This opinion of Herodotus is implied in the remarkable passage 
about Homer and Hesiod, ii. 53, though he never once names Orpheus 
^-only alluding once to " Orphic ceremonies," ii. 81. He speaks more 
than once of the prophecies of Museeus. Aristotle denied the past ex- 
istence and reahty of Orpheus. See Cicero de Nat. Deor. i. 38. 

' Pindar, Pyth. iv. 177* Plato seems to consider Orpheus as more 
ancient than Homer. Compare ThesetSt. p. 179 ; Kratylus, p. 402; De 
Republ. ii. p. 364. The order in which Aristophanls (and Hippias of 
£lis, ap. Clem. Alex. Str. vi. p. 624) mentions them indicates the 
same view, Ranse, 1030. It is unnecessary to cite the later chrono- 
l(^rs, among whom the belief in the antiquity of Orpheus was univer- 
sal ; he was commonly described as son of the Muse Ralliop^. An- 


common opinion of modern scholars until a period 
comparatively recent. It has now been shown, 
on sufficient ground, that the compositions which 
passed under these names emanate for the most 
part from poets of the Alexandrine age, and sub- 
sequent to the Christian sera ; and that even the 
earliest among them, which served as the stock on 
which the later additions were engrafted, belong to 
a period far more recent than Hesiod ; probably to 
the century preceding Onomakritus (b.c. 610-510). 
It seems, however, certain, that both Orpheus and 
Musseus were names of established reputation at 
the time when Onomakritus flourished ; and it is 
distinctly stated by Pausanias that the latter was 
himself the author of the most remarkable and 
characteristic mythe of the Orphic Theogony — 
the discerption of Zagreus by the Titans, and his 
resurrection as Dionysos^ 

The names of Orpheus and Musaeus (as well as 
that of Pythagoras^, looking at one side of his 

droti6n seems to have denied that he was a Thracian, regarding the 
Thracians as incurahly stupid and illiterate. Androtidn, Fragm. 36^ ed. 
Didot. Ephorus treated him as having been a pupil of the Idiean Dac- 
tyls of Phi^gia (see Diod6r. t. 64), and as having learnt from them his 
TtXems and fAvarripia, which he was the first to introduce into Greece. 
The earliest mention which we find of Orpheus, is that of the poet 
Ibykus (about B.C. 530), oi^fuxieXvroy 'Op^y. Ibyci Fragm. 9, p. 341, 
ed. Schneidewin. 

* Pausan. viii. 37> 3. Tiravas dt irpwrov h irolrfciv i<nfyay€v "Ofirjpos, 
Bfoift tTpojL vifias vir6 r^ KciKQvyJviA Taprapt^' Koi 4<mv eV 'Hpar ^pK<^ rh 
thnj' iraph dc 'Opripcv ^OvofiwcpiTOS, napakapt^v tS>v Ttroj/cay rh Spofia, 
^tovwrtf r€ avv€Brjic€P Spyui, koi €1p<u tox/s Ttrovar r^ Aiovva<^ tS>p na- 
Biiparav €7roiff<r€v airrovpyovs. Both the date, the character, and the 
function of Onomakritus are distinctly marked by Herodotus, vii. 6. 

' Herodotus believed in the derivation both of the Orphic and Py- 
thagorean regulations from Eg3rpt — 6pokoyiowTi dc ravra roia-i *0/K^i- 
<toio"4 Ka\€Ofi€voi<ri KOI UaKxtKoiai, €OV(ri 3« Alyv7rTioi<ri (ii. 81). He 


Influence character) represent facts of importance in the 
reiigioir history of the Grecian mind — ^the gradual influx of 
WZ^, Thracian, Phrygian, and Egyptian, religious cere- 
monies and feelings, and the increasing difi^usion 
of special mysteries ' , schemes for religious purifica- 
tion, and orgies (I venture to anglicise the Greek 
word, which contains in its original meaning no im« 
plication of the ideas of excess to which it was af- 
terwards diverted) in honour of some particular 
god — distinct both from the public solemnities and 
from the gentile solemnities of primitive Greece, — 
celebrated apart from the citizens generally, and 
approachable only through a certain xMJurse of pre- 
paration and initiation — sometimes even forbidden 
to be talked of in the presence of the uninitiated, 
under the severest threats of divine judgement. 
Occasionally such voluntary combinations assumed 
the form of permanent brotherhoods, bound toge- 
ther by periodical solemnities, as well as by vows of 

knows the names of those Greeks who have horrowed from Egypt the 
doctrine of the metempsychosis, but he will not mention them (ii. 123) : 
he can hardly allude to any one but the Pythagoreans, many of whom 
he probably knew in Italy. See the curious extract from Xenophan^ 
respecting the doctrine of Pythagoras, Diogen. Laert. viii. 37 ; and the 
quotation from the Silli of Tim6n, 'nv6ay6pav de yo^ror atroKklvtufr tjrl 
S6(ap, &c. Compare Porphjrr. in Vit. Pythag. c. 41. 
* Aristophan. Ran. 1030. — 

*Op(fxifS fup yap rtXerds & ^fUP Karcdctf f, <l>6va>v r (lYrcp^eo^ot* 
Movaaios r, e£aicecrecff re vdacov Koi xpv^f">ys' 'Ho-todor di, 
rrjs iptyaaiaif KOfmSiP &pas, ap&rovs* 6 dc Beios^Ofiripos 
*Air6 Tov rLp;riP ical iCKios tdrxtv, irkrfP rovff, on XPV^ €di^<rK€P, 
'Aprriy, rd^eis, 67r\ia-€is dpdp&p; &c. 

The same general contrast is to be found in Pkto, Protagoras, p. 316 ; 
the opinion of Pausanias, ix, 30, 4. The poems of Musaeus seem to 
have borne considerable analogy to the Melampodia ascribed to Hesiod 
(see Clemen. Alex. Str. vi. p. 623) ; and healing charms are ascribed to 
Orpheus as well as to Musaeus. See Eurip. Alcestis, 986. 


an ascetic character : thus the Orphic life (as it was 
called) or regulation of the Orphic brotherhood, 
among other injunctioos partly arbitrary and partly 
abstinent^ forbade animal food universally, and on 
certain occasions, the use of woollen clothing*. The 
great religious and political fraternity of the Pytha-* 
goreans, which acted so powerfully on the condition 
of the Italian cities, was one of the many manifesta- 
tions of this general tendency, which stands in stri- 
king contrast with the simple, open-hearted, and 
demonstrative worship of the Homeric Greeks. 

Festivals at seed-time and harvest — at the vin- 
tage and at the opening of the new wine — ^were 
doubtless coeval with the earliest habits of the 
Greeks ; the latter being a period of unusual jovi- 
ahty. Yet in the Homeric poems, Dionysos and Especially 
DdmdtSr, the patrons of the vineyard and the corn- thJXnhip 
field, are seldom mentioned, and decidedly occupy andiMo^^. 
little place in the imagination of the poet as com- '^'' 
pared with the other gods : nor are they of any 
conspicuous importance even in the Hesiodic The- 
ogony. But during the interval between Hesiod 
and Onomakritus, the revolution in the religious 
mind of Greece was such as to place both these 
deities in the front rank. According to the Orphic 
doctrine, Zagreus, son of Persephonfi, is destined 
to be the successor of Zeus, and although the vio- 
lence of the Titans intercepts this lot, yet even 
when he rises again from his discerption under the 
name of Dionysos, he is the colleague and co-equal 
of his divine father. 

1 Harod. ii. 81 ; Euripid. Hippol. 957> and the curious fragment of 
the lost Kp^cs of Euripides. *Op(fnKoi fiiot, Plato, Legg. vii. 782. 

32 HIST0R7 OF GREECE. [Paet I. 

This remarkable change, occurring as it did 
during the sixth and a part of the seventh century 
before the Christian aera, may be traced to the in- 
fluence of communication with Egypt (which only 
became fully open to the Greeks about b.c. 660), 
as well as with Thrace, Phrygia, and Lydia. From 
hence new religious ideas and feelings were in- 
troduced, which chiefly attached themselves to the 
characters of Dionysos and D6m6t6r. The Greeks 
identifled these two deities with the great Egyptian 
Osiris and Isis, so that what was borrowed from 
the Egjrptian worship of the two latter naturally 
fell to their equivalents in the Grecian system '• 
Moreover the worship of Dionysos (under what 
name cannot be certainly made out) was indige- 
nous in Thrace*, as that of the Great Mother was in 
Phrygia, and in Lydia — together with those violent 
ecstasies and manifestations of temporary frenzy, 
and that clashing of noisy instruments, which we 
find afterwards characterizing it in Greece. The 
great masters of the pipe — as well as the dithy- 
ramb*, and indeed the whole musical system appro- 

> Herodot. ii. 42, 69,. 144. 

* Herodot. v. 7, vii. Ill ; Euripid. Hecub. 1249, and Rh^sug, 969. and 
the Prologue to the Bacchae ; Strabo, z. p. 470 ; Sehol. ad Aristophan. 
Ayes, 874; Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 1069; Harpocrat. v. Sci/3ot; 
Photius, Euo4 lafioi. The " Lydiaca " of Th. Menke (Berlin, 1843) 
traces the early connection between the religion of Dionysos and that 
of Cybel6, c. 6, 7. Hoeckh's Kr^ (vol. i. p. 128-134) is instructive 
respecting the Phrygian religion. 

• Aristotle, Poht. viii. 7» 9. Uaaa yap BaKX€ta Koi irami ij rotavnj 
Kivrjais frnKurra r&v ofrydvcDP cWcy €V rot; avXciis' rav ^ Apiioviai^ cV 
roiff ^pvyurri fiAco-c \afi^dv€i ravra r6 irptirov, olov 6 btOvpafi^s doKti 
6fxciKoyovfi€iws tivm ^pvytov. Eunp. Bacch. 58. — 

Atpta'B€ TCLinx.^pC iv rrdXcc ^pvySv 
Tvfiiratfa, *P«'af rt firjrpos ipa ff rvprjfjLara, &c. 



priated to the worship of Dionysos, which contrasted 
so pointedly with the quiet solemnity of the Paean 
addressed to Apollo — were all originally Phrygian. 

From all these various countries, novelties, un^ 
known to the Homeric men, found their way into 
the Grecian worship: and there is one amongst 
them which deserves to be specially noticed, be- 
cause it marks the generation of the new class of 
ideas in their theology. Homer mentions many 
persons guilty of private or involuntary homicide, 
and compelled either to go into exile or to make 
pecuniary satisfaction ; but he never once describes Purificatioir 
any of them to have either received or required cideun- 
purification for the crimed Now in the times sub- HomS. 
sequent to Homer, purification for homicide comes 
to be considered as indispensable : the guilty per- 
son is regarded as unfit for the society of man or 
the worship of the gods until he has received it, 
and special ceremonies are prescribed whereby it is 
to be administered. Herodotus tells us that the 
ceremony of purification was the same among the 

Plutarch, Ei. in Delph. c. 9 ; Philochor. Fr. 21, ed. Didot, p. 389. The 
complete and intimate manner in which Euripides identifies the Bacchic 
rites of Dionysos with the Phrygian ceremonies in honour of the Great 
Mother, is very remarkable. The fine description given by Lucretius 
(ii. 600-640) of the Phrygian worship is much enfeebled by his unsatis- 
factory allegorizing. 

* Schol. ad Ihad. xi. [690 — ov duk ra KoBdpa-ia 'I^irov vopBtirat fj 
nvXor, arti TOi *Oiva'<T€vs fjutl(,<iiv NcVropor, Koi Trap *Ofi^p^ ovk otdafifp 
i^oina KaB(up6fuvov^ aXX' dvririvovra fj <l)vyad€v6fifvov. The examples 
are numerous, and are found both in the Iliad and the Odyssey. Iliad, 
ii. 665 (Tl^lemos) ; xiii. 697 (Meddn); xiii. 574 (Epeigeus); xxiii. 89 
{Pairokhs); Odyss. zv. 224 (Theoklymenos) ; xiv. 380 (an jEtolian). 
Nor does the interesting mythe respecting the functions of Atd and the 
IMm harmonise with the subsequent doctrine about the necessity of 
purification. (Iliad, ix. 498.) 

VOL. I. D 


Lydians and among the Greeks ^' we know that it 
formed no part of the early religion of the latter, 
and we may perhaps reasonably suspect that they 
borrowed it from the former. The oldest instance 
known to us of expiation for homicide was con- 
tained in the epic poem of the Milesian Arktinus*, 
wherein Achilla is purified by Odysseus for the 
murder of Thersitds : several others occurred in 
the later or Hesiodic epic — HSraklSs, PSleus, Belle- 
rophdn, Alkm8e6n, Amphiktydn, Pcsmander, Trio- 
paS) — ^from whence they probably passed through 
the hands of the logographers to Apollod6rus» 
Dioddrus, and others ^ The purification of the 
murderer was originally operated, not by the hands 
of any priest or specially sanctified man, but by 
those of a chief or king, who goes through the ap* 
propriate ceremonies in the manner recounted by 
Herodotus in his pathetic narrative respecting 
Croesus and Adrastus. 

JSSi£''*ie- ^® ^^^^ ^^ ^ special taint of crime, and of the 
ligioui necessity as well as the sufficiency of prescribed 

* Herodot. i. 35— JforA dc irapairXi7<ruy 4 >oa$ap<ni roicn Avdom jca« 
nuo-t ^'EXXi^iri. One remarkable proof, amongst many, of the deep bold 
which thia idea took of the greatest minds in Greece, that serious mis- 
chief would fall upon the community if fiunily quarrels or homicide re* 
mained without religious expiation, is to be found in the objections 
which Aristotle urges against the community of women proposed in the 
Platonic Republic. It could not be known what individuals stood in the 
relation of &ther, son or broiher : if, therefore, wrong or murder of kin- 
dred should take place, the appropriate religious atonements (at m^^ 
ficMu Xvoiri p) could not be applied, and the crime would go unexpiated. 
(Aristot. Polit. ii. I, 14. Compare Thncyd. i. 125-128.) 

' See the Fragm. of the j£thio[ns of Arktinus, m Duntzer's Collec- 
tion, p. 16. 

' The references for this are collected in Lobedc's Agkophamoa. 
Epimetr. ii. ad Orphica, p. 968. 


religioas ceremonies as a means of removing it, ap- 
pears thus to have got footing in Grecian practice 
subsequent to the time of Homer. The peculiar 
rites or orgies, composed or put together by Ono- 
makritus, MetbapusS stnd other men of more than 
the ordinary piety, were founded upon a similar 
mode of thinking and adapted to the same mental 
exigencies. They were voluntary religioas mani* 
festations, superinduced upon the old public sacri* 
fices of the king or chiefs on behalf of the whole 
society* and of the father on his own family hearth. 
They marked out the details of divine service 
proper to appease or gratify the god to whom they 
were addressed, and to procure for the believers 
who went through them his blessings and protec- 
tion here or hereafter — the exact performance of 
the divine service in all its specialty was held ne- 
cessary, and thus the priests or Hierophants, 
who alone were familiar with the ritual, acquired 
a commanding position ^ Generally speaking, 
these peculiar orgies obtained their admission and 

' Pausanias (iv. 1, 5) — utTtKoayafa-t yhp koX MeBavos Ttjs t€\(ttjs (the 
Eleoamiiin Orgies, carried by Kaukon from Eleusis into MessSnia), tarip 
L ^O di Mc^tofrof ym>f fih ^v 'A^roibf, nktrijt tt Ka\ dpyittP irap* 
roimp wpBiriis. Again, viii. 37> 3, Onomakritiis Aiovv<r^ avviBri" 
K€p tpyuij &c. This is another expression designating the same idea 
as the Rhesus of Enripidds, 944.— 

Mvcm^MKv re rwy tarop^^»p <()€umf * 

"Edti^p 'Op^fVff. 

' T^linls, the ancestor of the Syracusan despot Gel6, acquired great 
pdKtieal power as possessing rii lpiirvpxBopU§pBt£p (Heroddt. rik. 153) ; 
he and his fiyomly became hereditary Hierophants of these oetemomes. 
How TdHnls acquired the Ipii, Herodotus cannot say — SBtp d^ aM 
IXoAr, 9 abris ^ler^o-oro, roOro oIk t^a thtai. Probably there was a 
tnditionfll legend, not inferior in sanctity to that of Elessis, tnebif 
them to the gift of D6mMr herself. 



their influence at periods of distress, disease, pub- 
lic calamity and danger, or religious terror and 
despondency, which appear to have been but too 
frequent in their occurrence- 
circnuted The miuds of men were prone to the belief that 

by Tolui- - - /*% • i. 1 I* 1 

tary wfaat they were suffenng arose from the displeasure 

tndpromi- of some of the gods, and as they found that the 
bi^S^*' ordinary sacrifices and worship were insufficient for 
their protection, so they grasped at new sugges* 
tions proposed to them with the view of regaining 
the divine favour ^ Such suggestions were more 
usually copied, either in whole or in part» from the 
religious rites of some foreign locality, or from 
some other portion of the Hellenic world ; and in 
this manner many new sects or voluntary religious 
fraternities, promising to relieve the troubled con- 
science and to reconcile the sick or suflfering with 
the offended gods, acquired permanent establish- 
ment as well as considerable influence. They were 
generally under the superintendence of hereditary 
families of priests, who imparted the rites of con- 
firmation and purification to communicants gene- 
rally ; no one who went through the prescribed 
ceremonies being excluded. In many cases, such 
ceremonies fell into the hands of jugglers, who 
volunteered their services to wealthv men, and 
degraded their profession as well by obtrusive 
venality as by extravagant promises^: sometimes the 

* See Jo8ephu8 cont. Api6n. ii. c. 35 ; Hesych. 6<oi (cViot ; Strabo, x, 
p. 471 ; Plutarch, Ilepl Atiaiiamop, c. iii. p. 166; c. vii. p. 16/. 

' Plato, Republ. ii. p. 364 ; Demosthen. de Coroii4» c. 79, p. 313. 
The t€wtdalfAtiv of Theophrastus cannot be comfortable without recei- 
ving the Orphic communion monthly from the Orpheotelestee (Theophr. 
Char. xri.). Compare Plutarch, Utpi tqv firf xp^v tfiyLrrpa^ &c., c. 25, 


price was lowered to bring them within reach of 
the poor and even of slaves. But the wide diffu- 
sion, and the number of voluntary communicants 
of these solemnities, proves how much they feU in 
with the feeling of the time and how much respect 
they enjoyed — a respect, which the more conspi- 
cuous establishments, such as Eleusis and Samo- 
thrace, maintained for several centuries. And the 
visit of the Kretan EpimenidSs to Athens — in the Epimeni. 
time of Soldn, and at a season of the most serious bms. ^ *' 
disquietude and dread of having offended the gods 
— illustrates the tranquillizing effect of new orgies* 
and rites of absolution, when enjoined by a man 
standing high in the favour of the gods and re- 
puted to be the son of a nymph. The supposed 
Erythraean Sibyl, and the earliest collection of Si* 
by nine prophecies^, afterwards so much multiplied 

p. 400. The comic writer Phrynichtis indicates the existence of these 
rites of religious excitement, at Athens, during the Peloponnesian war. 
See the short fragment of his Kp6vos, ap. Schol. Aristoph. Aves^ 989 — 
'Aj^P xopwtiy Koi rti roO 6f9v koKS^' 
BovXct £uotr(l$ri /jLtraipdfjM Kal TVfxrFom ; 
I>io|)eith£s was a ^^nitrfjiSKoyot, or collector and deliverer of prophe- 
cies, which he sung (or rather, perhaps, recited) with solemnity and 
emphasis, in public. Shtt^ irou>vvT€t xp^^y^^ avroi AiJb6a<r ^dciy Aco- 
irct^ff T^ irapafiaipon€P<f. (Ameipsias ap. Schol. Aristophan. ut sup., 
which illustrates Thucyd. ii. 21.) 

^ Plutarch, Sol6n, c. 12; Diogen. Laert. i. 110. 

' See Klausen, '* .£neas und die Penaten" : his chapter on the connec- 
tion between the Grecian and Roman Sibylline collections is among the 
most ingeniouB of his learned book. Book ii. pp. 210-240 : see Steph. 
Byx. ▼. Tipyis. 

To the same age belong the xpffiritm and KoSapfun of Abaris and hie 
marvellous journey through the air upon an arrow (Herodot. iv. 36). 

Epimenid^ also composed KoOapftol in epic verse ; his Kov/D^ooy and 
Kopvfidin-<ov yaf€<rtf, and his four thousand verses respecting Minds 
and Rhadamanthys, if they had been preserved, would let us ^ly into 
the ideas of a religious mystic of that age respecting the antiquities of 


and interpolated, and referred (according to Gre- 
cian custom) to an age even earlier than Homer, 
appear to belong to a date not long posterior to 
£pimenid6d. Other oracular verses, such as those 
of Bakis, were treasured up in Athens and other 
cities: the sixth century before the Christian sera was 
fertile in these kinds of religious manifestations. 
niys^^ Amongst the special rites and orgies of the 
of Greece, character just described, those which enjoyed the 
greatest Pan-Hellenic reputation were attached to 
the Idsean Zeus in Kr^te, to Ddmdtdr at Eleusis, 
to the Kabeiri in Samothrace, and to Dionysos 
at Delphi and Thebes ^ That they were all to a 
great degree analogous, is shown by the way in 
which they unconsciously run together and be- 
come confused in the minds of various authors : 
the ancient inquirers themselves were unable to 
distinguish one from the other, and we must be 
content to submit to the like ignorance. But we 
see enough to satisfy us of the general fact, that 
during the century and a half which elapsed be- 
tween the opening of Egypt to the Greeks and the 
commencement of their struggle with the Persian 
kings, the old religion was largely adulterated by 
importations from Egypt, Asia Minor^, and Tbrace. 

Greece. (Strabo, x. p. 474 ; Diogen. Lfteit. i. 10.) Among the poems 
ascribed to Hesiod were comprised not only the Melampodia, but slso 
ifinj fiainiK^. and t^y^a-tis M ripairw, Pausan. ix. 31, 4. 

' Among other iUustmtions of this general resembknoe, may be 
counted an epitaph of KalUmadius upon an aged priestess, who passed 
from the service of D^n^t^ to that of the Kabeiri, then to that of Cy- 
beld, having the superint^idence of many 3roiuig women. Kallima- 
chns, Epigram. 42. p. 306, ed. Ernest. 

' Phitarch (Defect. Oracul. c. 10, p. 415) treats these countries as the 


The rites grew to be more furioas and ecstatic, ex- 
hibiting ihe utmost excitement, bodily as well as 
mental : the legends became at once more coarse, 
more tragical, and less pathetic. The manifes- EcstiUc 
tations of thb frenzy were strongest among the dnced^from 
women, whose religious susceptibilities were often ^^^ 
found extremely unmanageableS and who had 
everywhere congregative occasional ceremonies of 
their own, apart from the men — indeed, in the case 
of the colonists, especially of the Asiatic colonists, 
the women had been originally women of the coun- 
try, and as such retained to a great degree their 
non-Hellenic manners and feelings^. The god Dio- 

original seat of the worship of Dsmons (wholly or partially bad» and 
tntermediale between gods and men), and their religions ceremonies as 
of a eonespcmdi&g.diaracter: the Greeks were borrowers from themt 
according to him, both of the doctrine and of the ceremonies. 

' Strabo, vii. p. 297. 'Asravrcr yhp jr^s i€ia'tlfiaifiovias dpx^fyovt tAovrai 
Toc yvmuKos' o&raX ^ mi mift Ihrhpat vpoKakovwrtu h rhg M. irXcov 
6€pamias rSof B^&p, Kal iopras, Kal worvio^fAovg, Plato (De Legg. z. 
pp. 909, 910) takes great pains to restrain this tendency on the part of 
sick or snffering persons, espectally women, to introduce new sacred 
rites into his city. 

* Herodot i. 146. The wires of the lonie original settlers at Miletos 
were Knian women, whose husbands they slew. 

The Tiolences of the Kariaa worship are attested by what Herodotus 
says of the Karian residents in Egypt, at the festiral of Isis at Busiris. 
The Egyptians at this festival manifested their feeling by beating them- 
selves, the Karians by cutting their fiioes with knives (ii. 61). The 
Kaf}u4 iMowrm became proverbial for funeral wailings (Plato, L^g. vii. 
p. 800) : the unmeasured effusions and demonstrations of sorrow for the 
departed, sometimes accompanied with cutting and mutilation self-in- 
flicted by the mourner, was a distinguishing feature in Asiatics and 
Egyptians as compared with Greeks. Plutarch, Consolat. ad ApoUon. 
c 22. p. 123. Mournful feeling was, in het, a sort of desecration of 
the genuine and primitive Oreeian festival, which was a season of cheer- 
ful harmony and social enjoyment, wherein the god was believed to 
sympathise (tv^poavwfi). See Xenq>lian^ ap. Aristot. Rhetor, ii. 25; 
Xenoi^ian. Fragro. 1. ed. Schneidewin; Theognis, 776; Plutarch, De 
Superstit. p. 169. The unfavourable comments of Dionysius of HaUkar- 




with the 
worship of 

nysosS whom the legends described as clothed in 
feminine attire, and leading a troop of frenzied wo- 
men, inspired a temporary ecstasy, and those who 
resisted the inspiration, being supposed to disobey 
his will, were punished either by particular judge- 
ments or by mental terrors ; while those who gave 
full loose to the feeling, in the appropriate season 
and with the received solemnities, satisfied his exi- 
gencies, and believed themselves to have procured 
immunity from such disquietudes for the future*. 
Crowds of women, clothed with fawn-skins and 
bearing the sanctified thyrsus, flocked to the so- 
litudes of Parnassus, or Kithaerdn, or Taygetus, 
during the consecrated triennial period, passed the 
night there with torches, and abandoned themselves 
to demonstrations of frantic excitement, with dan- 
cing and clamorous invocation of the god: they 
were said to tear animals limb from limb, to devour 
the raw flesh, and to cut themselves without feel- 

nassus, in so far as they refer to the festivals of Greece, apply to the 
foreign corruptions, not to the native character, of Grecian worship. 

> The Lydian Il^rakl^ was conceived and worshiped as a man in 
female attire : this idea occurs often in the Asiatic religions. Mencke, 
Lydiaca, c. 8, p. 22. At6inHros ^^'^ 'coi $fj\vf. Aristid. Or. iv. p. 28 ; 
iEschyl. Fragm. Edoni, ap. Aristoph. Thesmoph. 135. Uodavht 6 yvvwi% ; 
rU narpa ; ris ^ oroX^ ; 

' Melampos cures the women (whom Dionysos has struck mad for 
their resistance to his rites), wapakaPiup ravs ^ wa nnxtrovs r&v v^awl^v 
fA€T oXoXoy/ioi) Kai rtvos ivBtov xop^ias. Apolloddr. ii. 2, 7. Comjiare 
Eurip. Bacch. 861. 

Plato (l*egg. vii. p. 790) gives a similar theory of the healing eflTect of 
the Kor>bantic rites, which cured vague and inexplicable terrors of the 
mind by means of dancing and music conjoined with religious cere* 
monies — al ra t«v Kopv^am-^p lafurra rtkovam (the practitioners were 
women), al t«p €K(f}p6v<i>v BoKx^ioiP ldo'€is^-ff rS>v il^Otp k/mttci Kitnjais 
npo<T<t>*popJvri T^i/ cWds <f}o^€pa» ovaay Kai fiaviicffv Kitrrfa-iP — opx^vfUpov^ 
^ Koi avXovpfvovs firra BfS>p, oU hv icuXXicpr/crain-fr tKaaroi Bv»inp, jca- 
r9ipya(TaT0 avri ^laviK^v fffilv hiaBiattop f^tis ^ffufypopas ^X*"** 


jng the wound'. The men yielded to a similar im* 
pulse by noisy revels in the streets, sounding the 
cymbals and tambourine, and carrying the image 
of the god in procession*. It deserves to be re- 
marked that the Athenian women never practised 
these periodical mountain excursions, so common 
among the rest of the Greeks : they had their femi- 
nine solemnities of the Thesmophoria^, mournful 
in their character and accompanied with fasting, 
and their separate congregations at the temples of 
Aphrodite, but without any extreme or unseemly 
demonstrations. The state festival of the Dionysia, 
in the city of Athens, was celebrated with dramatic 
entertainments, and the once rich harvest of Athe- 
nian tragedy and comedy was thrown up under its 
auspices. The ceremonies of the Kur^tes in Krfite, 
originally armed dances in honour of the Idaean 
Zeus, seem also to have borrowed from Asia so 
much of fury, of self-infliction, and of mysticism, 
that they became at last inextricably confounded 
with the Phrygian Korybantes or worshipers of the 
Great Mother ; though it appears that Grecian 

> Described in the Bacch» of Euripidls ( 140, 735, 1 1 35, &c.). Ovid, 
Trist. iy. i. 41. '' Utque suum Bacchis non sentit saucia vulnus. 
Com fiirit Edonis exulidata jugis." In a fragment of the poet Alkman, 
a Lydian by birth, the Bacchanal nymphs are represented as milking 
the lioness, and making cheese of the milk, during their mountain ex- 
cursions and festivals. (Alkman. Fragm. 14. Schn. Compare Aristid. 
Orat. iv. p. 29.) Clemens Alexand. Admonit. ad Gent. p. 9, Sylb. ; 
Lucian, Dionysos, c. 3, T. iii. p. 77, Hemsterh. 

^ See the tale of Skyl^ in llerod. iv. 79, and Athena^us, x. p. 445. 
Herodotus mentions that the Scythians abhorred the Bacchic ceremo- 
nies, accounting the frenzy which belonged to them to be disgraceful 
and monstrous. 

' Plutarch, De Isid. ct Osir. c. 69, p. 37S ; Schol. ad Aristo^ih. 
Tliesmoph. There were however Bacchic ceremonies practised to a 
certain extent by the Athenian women. (Ari toph. Lysist. 388.) 




and Egyp« 
tian influ- 
ence upon 

reserve always stopped short of the irreparable self- 
mutilation of Atys. 

The influence of the Thracian religion upon that 
of the Greeks cannot be traced in detail, but the 
ceremonies contained in it were of a violent and 
fierce character, like the Phrygian, and acted upon 
Hellas in the same general direction as the latter. 
And the like may be said of the Egyptian reli- 
gion, which was in this case the more operative, 
inasmuch as all the intellectual Greeks were natu- 
rally attracted to go and visit the wonders on the 
banks of the Nile ; the powerful effect produced 
upon them is attested by many evidences, but espe- 
cially by the interesting narrative of Herodotus. 
Now the Egyptian ceremonies were at once more 
licentious, and more profuse in the outpouring 
both of joy and sorrow, than the Greek * : but a 
still greater difference sprang from the extraor- 
dinary power, separate mode of life, minute ob- 
servances, and elaborate organisation, of thepriest* 
hood. The ceremonies of Egypt were multitudi- 
nous, but the legends concerning them were framed 
by the priests, and as a general rule, seemingly, 
known to the priests alone : at least they were not 
intended to be publicly talked of, even by pious 
men. They were '* holy stories," which it was 
sacrilege publicly to mention, and which from this 
very prohibition only took firmer hold of the minds 
of the Greek visitors who heard them. And thus 
the element of secrecy and mystic silence — foreign 

I **Mgyp\suctL numina fere plangoribui gaudent^ Gneca plerumqiie 
choreis, barbara autem strepitu cvmbalistarum et t}7npaiii8tanim et 
cboraularom.'* (Apulcius, De Genio Socratis, v. ii. p. 149, Oudend.) 


to Hcuner, and only faintly glanced at in Hesiod — 
if it was not originally derived from Egypt, at least Encourage- 
received from thence its greatest stimulus and dif- mystic 
fusion. The character of the legends themselves *^° 
was naturally affected by this change from publicity 
to secrecy: the secrets when revealed would be 
such as to justify by their own tenor the interdict 
on public divulgation: instead of being adapted, 
like the Homeric my the, to the universal sympa- 
thies and hearty interest of a crowd of hearers, they 
would derive their impressiveness from the tragical, 
mournful, extravagant, or terror-striking character 
of the incidents ^ Such a tendency, which appears 
explicable and probable even on general grounds, 
was in this particular case rendered still more cer* 
tain by the coarse taste of the Egyptian priests. 
That any recondite doctrine, religious or philoso- 
phical, was attached to the mysteries or contained 
in the holy stories, has never been shown, and is to 
the last degree improbable, though the affirmative 
has been asserted by many learned men. 

Herodotus seems to have believed that the wor- Meiampos 
ship and ceremonies of Diouysos generally were nam^'*** 
derived by the Greeks from Egypt, brought over J^obny- 
by Kadmus and taught by him to Melampus : and *^ "^• 
the latter appears in the Hesiodic Catalogue as 

> The l^end of Dionysos and Prosjmnos, ma it atanda m Clemens, 
ccmU nerer have found place in an epic poem (Admonit. ad Gent. p. 
22, Sjlb.). Compare page 11 of the same work, where however he ao 
confoonda together Phrygian, Bacchic, and Elcusinian myatenea, that 
one cannot diatinguiah them a)mrt. 

The author called Demetrius Phaldreua aays about the legends belong- 
ing to these ceremoniea — Ac^ koL rii fivarffpia Xcycttu ip akXtfyopicus 
wp6t tfKw\fi(tp'Ka\ ^plKYiv^ &<nrtp fv a-KSrt^ koi pvktL (De Interpre- 
tatione, c. 101.) 


having cured the daughters of Proetus of the mental 
distemper, with which they had been smitten by 
Dionysos for rejecting his ritual. He cured them 
by introducing the Bacchic dance and fanatical 
excitement: this mythical incident is the most 
ancient mention of the Dionysiac solemnities pre- 
sented in the same character as they bear in Euri- 
pides. It is the general tendency of Herodotus to 
apply the theory of derivation from Egypt far too 
extensively to Grecian institutions : the orgies of 
Dionysos were not originally borrowed from thence, 
though they may have been much modified by 
connection with Egypt as well as with Asia. The 
remarkable mythe composed by Onomakritus re- 
specting the dismemberment of Zagreus was 
founded upon an Egyptian tale very similar re- 
specting the body of Osiris, who was supposed to 
be identical with Dionysos^ nor was it unsuitable 
to the reckless fury of the Bacchanals during their 
state of temporary excitement, which found a still 
more awful expression in the mythe of Pentheus, 
— torn in pieces by his own mother Agav6 at the 
head of her companions in the ceremony ,> as an 
intruder upon the feminine rites as well as a scoffer 
at the god^ A passage in the Iliad (the authenticity 

* See the curious treatise of Plutarch, De Isid. et Osirid. c. 1 1-14, 
p. 356, and his elaborate attempt to allegorise the legend. He seems 
to have conceiyed that the Thracian Orpheus had first introduced 
into Greece the mysteries both of DSm^t^r and Dionysos, copying 
them from those of Isis and Osiris in Egypt. See Fragm. 84, from 
one of his lost works, torn. v. p. 8!U. etl. Wyttenb. 

* Ji^schylus had dramatised the stor}' of Pentheus as well as that of 
Lykurgus : one of his tetralogies was the Lykurgeia (Dindorf, Msch, 
Fragm. 115). A short allusion to the story of Pentheus appears in 
Eumenid. 25. Compare Sophokl. Antigon. US3, and the Scholia. 


of which hasheen contested, but even as an interpo- 
lation it must be old) * also recounts how Lykurgus 
was struck blind by Zeus for having chased away 
with a whip ** the nurses of the mad Dionysos," 
and frightened the god himself into the sea to take 
refuge in the arms of Thetis : while the fact, that 
Dionysos is so frequently represented in his mythes 
as encountering opposition and punishing the re* Orphjcsect, 
fractory, seems to indicate that his worship under thTDifl^y- 
its ecstatic form was a late phaenomenon and intro- JJJ^"^* 
dnced not without diflSculty. The mythical Thra- 
cian Orpheus was attached as Eponymos to a new 
sect, who seem to have celebrated the ceremonies 
of Dionysos with peculiar care, minuteness and 
fervour, besides observing various rules in respect 
to food and clothing. It was the opinion of Hero- 
dotus, that these rules, as well as the Pythagorean, 
were borrowed from Egypt. But whether this be 
the fact or not, the Orphic brotherhood is itself 
both an evidence, and a cause, of the increased 
importance of the worship of Dionysos, which 
indeed is attested by the great dramatic poets of 

The Homeric Hymns present to us, however, Contmtof 
the religious ideas and legends of the Greeks at an riM^h^" 
earlier period, when the enthusiastic and mystic ric^HyTnV. 
tendencies had not yet acquired their full develop- 
ment. Though not referable to the same age or to 
the same author as either the Iliad or the Odyssey, 
they do to a certain extent continue the same stream 
of feeling, and the same mythical tone and colour^ 
ing, as these poems — manifesting but little evU 

' niad, vi. 130. See the remarks of Mr. Payne Knight ad loc. 



deoce of Egyptian, Asiatic, or Thracian adultera- 
tions. The difference is striking between the god 
Dion3r808 as he appears in the Homeric hymn and 
in the Baochse of Euripid^. The hymnographer 
describee him as standing on the sea-shore, in the 
guise of a beautiful and richly-clothed youth, when 
Tyrrhenian pirates suddenly approach : they seize 
and bind him and drag him on board their vessel. 
But the bonds which they employ burst spontane- 
ously, and leave the god free. The steersman, per- 
ceiving this with affiight, points out to his compa- 
nions that they have unwittingly laid hands on a 
Hymn to god, — ^pcrhaps Zeus himself, or Apollo, or Poseiddn. 
He conjures them to desist, and to replace Diony- 
SOS respectfully on the shore, lest in his wrath 
he should visit the ship with wind and hurricane: 
but the crew deride his scruples, and Dionysos 
is carried prisoner out to sea with the ship under 
full sail. Miraculous circumstances soon attest 
both his presence and his power. Sweet-scented 
wine is seen to flow spontaneously about the ship, 
the sail and mast appear adorned with vine- and 
ivy-leaves, and the oar-pegs with garlands. The 
terrified crew now too late entreat the helmsman 
to steer his course for the shore, and crowd round 
him for protection on the poop. But their destruc- 
tion is at hand : Dionvsos assumes the form of a 
lion — a bear is seen standing near him — this bear 
rushes with a loud roar upon the captain, while 
the crew leap overboard in their agony of fright, 
and are changed into dolphins. There remains 
none but the discreet and pious steersman, to whom 
Dionysos addresses words of affectionate encou- 


ragement, revealing his namei parentage, and dig- 

This hymn, perhaps produced at the Naxian festi- Alteration 
val of Dionysos, and earlier than the time when the mitiTe gk. 
dithyrambic choms became the established mode of Di^nytot.^ 
singing the praise and glory of that god, is conceived 
in a spirit totally different from that of the Bacchic 
Teletse, or special rites which the Bacchae of Euri- 
pidds 80 abundantly extol, — rites introduced from 
Asia by Dionysos himself at the head of a thiasus or 
troop of enthusiastic women, — inflaming with tem- 
porary frenzy the minds of the women of Thebes, 
— not communicable except to those who approach 
as pious communicants, — and followed by the 
most tragical results to all those who flght against 
the god^. The Bacchic Teletae, and the Bacchic 
feminine frenzy, were importations from abroad, 
as Euripides represents them, engrafted upon the 
joviality of the primitive Greek Dionysia ; they 

* See Homer, Hymn 5, Ak^wo-os ^ Agorae. — The satirical drama of 
Eiuiptd^ the Cycl6p8, extends and alters this old legend. Diony- 
sos is carried away hy the Tyrrhenian pirates, and Sil^us at the head 
of the Bacchanals goes everywhere in search of him (Ear. Cyc. 112). 
The pirates are instigated against him hy the hatred of HM, which ap- 
pears frequently as a canse of mischief to Dionysos (Bacchse, 286). 
HM in her anger had driven him mad when a chUd, and he had wan- 
dered in this state over Egjrpt and S3rria ; at length he came to Cyhela 
in Phrygia, was purified {KoBapBu^) hy Rhea, and received from her 
female attire (ApoHodAr. iii. 5, 1, with Heyne's note). This seems to 
have been the legend adopted to explain the old verse of the Diad, as 
well as the maddening attributes of the god generally. 

There was a standing antipathy between the priestesses and the reK- 
gious establishments of HM and Dionysos (Plutarch, Ilfpl rw h nXa- 
raioug LaMkwfy c. 2, torn. v. p. 755, ed. Wytt.). Plutarch ridicules the 
legendary reason commonly assigned for this, and provides a symbolical 
explanation which he thinks veiy satisfactory. 

* Enrip. Baceh. 325, 464, &e. 


were borrowed, in all probability, from more than 
one source and introduced through more than one 
channel, the Orphic life or brotherhood being one 
of the varieties. Strabo ascribes to this latter a 
Thracian original, considering Orpheus, Musaeus, 
and Eumolpus as having been all Thracians'. It 
is curious to observe how, in the Bacchae of Euri- 
pides, the two distinct and even conflicting ideas 
of Dionysos come alternately forward ; sometimes 
the old Grecian idea of the jolly and exhilarating 
god of wine — but more frequently the recent and 
imported idea of the terrific and irresistible god who 
unseats the reason, and whose cestrus can only be 
appeased by a willing, though temporary obedience. 
Asiatic In the fanatical impulse which inspired the votaries 

frenzy , * * ^ 

grafted on of the Asiatic Rhea or Cybel6, or of the Thracian 
ofVheGreJ Kotys, there was nothing of spontaneous joy ; it was 
nySiu^**^" a sacred madness, during which the soul appeared 
to be siirrendered to a stimulus from without, and 
accompanied by preternatural strength and tempo- 
rary sense of power^, — altogether distinct from the 

^ Strabo, x. p. 4/1. Compare Aristid. Or. iv. p. 28. 
' In the lost Xantrue of iBschylus, in which seems to have been in- 
cluded the tale of Pentheus, the goddess Ava-<ra was introduced, stimu- 
lating the Bacchee, and creating in them spasmodic excitement from 
head to foot : ^k noBav S* &v<a 'Yntpx^rai trwapayiiht (Is cixpov Kapa, &c. 
(Fragm. 155, Dindorf.) His tragedy called Edoni also gave a terrific 
representation of the Bacchanals and their fury, exaggerated by the mad- 
dening music : nifiirXTja-t fifKos, Mapias €irayayy6v SfioKkdv (Fr. 54). 

Such also is the reigning sentiment throughout the greater part of the 
Bacchae of Euripid^ ; it is brought out still more impressively in the 
mournful Atys of Catullus :— 

** Dea magna, Dea Cybele, Dindymi Dea, Domina, 
Procul a mek tuus sit furor omnis, hera, domo : 
Alios age incitatos : alios age rabidos ! " 

We have only to compare this fearful influence with the description 


unrestrained hilarity of the original Dionysia, as 
we see them in the rural demes of Attica, or in the 
gay city of Tarentum. There was indeed a side on 
which the two bore some analogy, inasmuch as, 
according to the religious point of view of the 
Greeks, even the spontaneous joy of the vintage- 
feast was conferred by the favour and enlivened by 
the companionship of Dionysos. It was upon this 
analogy that the framers of the Bacchic orgies pro- 
ceeded ; but they did not the less disfigure the ge- 
nuine character of the old Grecian Dionysia. 

Dionysos is in the conception of Pindar the 
Paredros or companion in worship of D6[n6t£r^ 
The worship and religious estimate of the latter has 
by that time undergone as great a change as that 
of the former, if we take our comparison with the 
brief description of Homer and Hesiod : she has 

of Dilueopolis and his exuberant joviality in the festival of the rural 
Dioaysia (Arittoph. Acham. 1051 seq, ; see also Plato, Legg. i. p. 639), 
to tee how completely the foreign innovations recoloured the old Grecian 
Dionysos, — litSm/aos froKvyrjSffs, — who appears also in the scene of Dio- 
nysos and Ariadnd in ^e Symposion of Xenophdn, c. 9. The simpUcity 
<k the ancient Dionysiac processions is dwelt upon by Plutarch, De 
Cupidine Divitiarum, p. 527 ; and the original dithyramb addressed by 
ArdiQochus to Dionysos is an effusion of drunken hilarity (Archiloch. 
Frag. 69, Schneid.). 

* Pindar, Isthm. vi. 3. xakicoKp^Tov Trdptdpw ArjfAriTipos, — the epithet 
marks the approximation of Ddm^tdr to the Mother of the Gods. 
j KpoToXttv Ttm-oMov T lox^f, ovv Tt pp6fios uvXcDv Eilfodf f ( Homcr . Hymn. 
3diL), — ^the Mother of the Gods was worshiped by Pindar himself 
along with Pan; she had in his time her temple and ceremonies at 
Thebes (Pyth. iii. 78 ; Fragm. Dithyr. 5, and the Scholia ad L) as well 
as, probably, at Athens (Pausan. i. 3, 3). 

DioBjTSOs and D^mMt are also brought together in the chorus of 
Sophoklds, Antigond, 1072. fUd€is dc nayKoipois *^«vatylas Ai/ovr Jy 
icdXiroif ; and in Kallimachus, Hynm. Cerer. 70. Bacchus or Dionysos 
are in. the Attic tragedians constantly confounded with the Ddmdtxian 
laochos, originally so different, — a personification of the mystic word 
shouted by the £leusinian commimicants. See Strabo, x. p. 468. 

VOL. I. E 


acquired^ much of the awful and soul-disturhing 
attributes of the Phrygian Cybeld. In Homer DS- 
m^t^r is the goddess of the corn-field, who becomes 
attached to the mortal man Jasi6n; an unhappy 
passion, since Zeus, jealous of the connection be- 
tween goddesses and men, puts him to death. In 
the Hesiodic Theogony, Ddm^tSr is the mother of 
Persephon^ by Zeus, who permits Hadds to carry 
off the latter as his wife : moreover Ddm^tdr has, 
besides, by Jasi6n a son called Plutos, born in Krdte. 
Even from Homer to Hesiod, the legend of DSmStSr 
has been expanded and her dignity exalted ; accord- 
ing to the usual tendency of Greek legend, the ex- 
pansion goes on still further. Through Jasi6n, 
DSmdt^r becomes connected with the mysteries of 
Samothrace; through Persephonfi, with those of 
Eleusis. The former connection it is difficult to 
follow out in detail, but the latter is explained and 
traced to its origin in the Homeric Hymn to D6« 
S^^S**" Though we find different statements respecting 
the date as well as the origin of the Eleusinian 
mysteries, yet the popular belief of the Athenians, 
and the story which found favour at Eleusis, 
ascribed them to the presence and dictation of the 
goddess DdmStSr herself; just as the Bacchic rites 
are, according to the Bacchae of Euripides, first 
communicated and enforced on the Greeks by the 
personal visit of Dionysos to Thebes, the metropo- 
lis of the Bacchic ceremonies^. In the Eleusinian 

' fiuripid^ in his Chonu in the Helena (1320 seq,) assigns to D^ 
mdtir all the attributes of Rhea, and blends the two completely into 

' Sophokl. Antigon. Bokxov yofTponoKiv O^jSav. 


legend, preserved by the author of the Homeric Homme 
Hymn, she comes voluntarily and identities herself D^matar. 
with Eleusis ; her past abode in Kr^te being briefly 
indicated ^ Her visit to Eleusis is connected with 
the deep sorrow caused by the loss of her daughter 
PersephonS, who had been seized by Hadds, while 
gathering flowers in a meadow along with the 
Oceanic Nymphs, and carried ofi* to become his 
wife in the under-world. In vain did the reluctant 
PersephonS shriek and invoke the aid of her father 
Zeus : he had consented to give her to HadSs, and 
her cries were heard only by HekatS and Hdlios. 
DSmStdr was inconsolable at the disappearance of 
her daughter, but knew not where to look for her : 
she wandered for nine days and nights with torches 
in search of the lost maiden without success. At 
length Helios, the **spy of Gods and men," re- 
vealed to her, in reply to her urgent prayer, the 
rape of PersephonS, and the permission given to 
HadSs by Zeus. Ddm^tdr was smitten with anger 
and despair : she renounced Zeus and the society 
of Olympus, abstained from nectar and ambrosia, 
and wandered on earth in grief and fasting until 
her form could no longer be known. In this con- 
dition she came to Eleusis, then governed by the 
priilce Keleos. Sitting down by a well at the way- 
side in the guise of an old woman, she was found 
by the daughters of Keleos, who came thither 
with their pails of brass for water. In reply to 
their questions, she told them that she had been 

' Homer, Hymn. Cerer. 123. The Hymn to D^mMr has been 
translated, aooompanied with valuable iflustratiTe notes, by J. H. Voss 
(Heidelb. 1826). 



brought by pirates from Kr6te to Thorikos, and 
had made her escape ; she then solicited from them 
succour and employment as a servant or as a 
nurse. The damsels prevailed upon their mother 
Metaneira to receive her, and to entrust her with 
the nursing of the young D6mopho6n, their late- 
born brother, the only son of Keleos. D6m6t6r 
was received into the house of Metaneira, her dig- 
nified form still borne down by grief: she sat long 
silent and could not be induced either to smile or 
to taste food, until the maid-servant lambfi, by jests 
and playfulness, succeeded in amusing and render- 
ing her cheerful. She would not taste wine, but 
requested a peculiar mixture of barley-meal with 
water and the herb mint\ 

The child D6mopho6n, nursed by D6m6t6r, throve 
and grew up like a god, to the delight and asto- 
nishment of his parents: she gave him no food, 
but anointed him daily with ambrosia, and plunged 
him at night in the fire like a torch, where he re- 
mained unbumt. She would have rendered him 
immortal had she not been prevented by the indis- 
creet curiosity and alarm of Metaneira, who secretly 
looked in at night, and shrieked with horror at 
the sight of her child in the fire^. The indignant 
goddess, setting the infant on the ground, now re- 
vealed her true character to Metaneira : her wan 
and aged look disappeared, and she stood confest 
in the genuine majesty of her divine shape, diffusing 
a dazzling brightness which illuminated the whole 

> Homer, Hymn. Cerer. 202-210. 

' Thii ttoiy was also told with reference to the Egyptian goddess Isis 
in her wanderings. See Plutarch, De Isid. et Osirid. c. 16, p. 367. 


house. " Foolish mother," she said, " thy want of 
faith has robbed thy son of immortal life. I am 
the exalted DSm^tdr, the charm and comfort both 
of gods and men: I was preparing for thy son 
exemption from death and old age ; now it cannot 
be but he must taste of both. Yet shall he be ever 
honoured, since he has sat upon my knee, and slept 
in my arms. Let the people of Eleusis erect for 
me a temple and altar on yonder hill above the 
fountain : I will myself prescribe to them the orgies 
which they must religiously perform in order to 
propitiate my favour'." 

The terrified Metaneira was incapable even of 
lifting up her child from the ground : her daughters 
entered at her cries, and began to embrace and tend 
their infant brother, but he sorrowed and could not 
be pacified for the loss of his divine nurse. All 
night they strove to appease the goddess^. 

Strictly executing the injunctions of D6m6t6r, Tempi© of 
Keleos convoked the people of Eleusis and erected bum br 
the temple on the spot which she had pointed out. D^mS^ 
It was speedily completed, and D6m^t6r took up ^J^ce. 
her abode in it, — apart from the remaining gods, 
still pining with grief for the loss of her daughter, 
and withholding her beneficent aid from mortals. 

' Homer, Hymn. Cerer. 274. — 

"Opyia y aM^ eyc^p vno^riaofuu, &S hv t'n€ira 
"Evaytas tptovrts iyuiiv v6ov IKdtTKria'Bf, 

The same story is told in regard to the infant Achilles. His mother 
Thetis was taking similar measures to render him immortal, when his 
father Peleus interfered and prevented the consummation. Thetis im- 
mediately left him in great wrath (Apollon. Rhod. iv. ?>^^), 
» Homer, Hymn. 290. — 

rov d* ov iifiKlfTO'fTO Bvfws, 
Xctporcpat yap drj fitv t^ov Tp6<f>oi ^8e T^OTjyat. 


And thus she remained a whole year, — a desperate 
and terrible year* : in vain did the oxen draw the 
plough, and in vain was the barley-seed cast into 
the furrow, — D^mfit^r suffered it not to emerge 
from the earth. The human race would have been 
starved and the gods would have been deprived of 
their honours and sacrifice, had not Zeus found 
means to conciliate her. But this was a hard task ; 
for DdmdtSr resisted the entreaties of Iris and of all 
the other goddesses and gods whom Zeus success* 
ively sent to her. She would be satisfied with nothing 
less than the recovery of her daughter. At length 
Zeus sent Hermfis to Hadds, to bring Persephonfi 
away : Persephonfi joyfully obeyed, but HadSs pre- 
vailed upon her before she departed to swallow a 
grain of pomegranate, which rendered it impossible 
for her to remain the whole year away from him*. 

With transport did D^mfit^r receive back her 
lost daughter, and the faithful Hekatd sympa- 
thised in the delight felt by both at the reunion^. 
It was now an easier undertaking to reconcile 
her with the gods. Her mother Rhea, sent down 
expressly by Zeus, descended from Olympus on 
the fertile Rharian plain, then smitten with barren- 
ness like the rest of the earth : she succeeded in 
appeasing the indignation of D6m6t6r, who con- 
sented again to put forth her relieving hand. The 
buried seed came up in abundance, and the earth 
was covered with fruit and flowers. She would have 
wished to retain Persephon^ constantly with her, but 

' Homer, H. Cer. 306.— 

Alv6TaT0P d* t¥iavT6v M, ;(^<$ya irov\vfi^€ipav 

Holrjtr avBpomois, l^ Kvrrtxrop, 
' Hymn, v. 376. » H>Tnn, r. 443. 


this was impossible ; and she was obliged to consent 
that her daughter should go down for one-third of 
each year to the house of Had^s, departing from 
her every spring at the time when the seed is sown. 
She then revisited Olympus, again to dwell with the 
gods ; but before her departure, she communicated 
to the daughters of Keleos, and to Keleos himself, 
together with Triptolemus, Dioklds and Eumolpus, 
the divine service and the solemnities which she 
required to be observed in her honour^ And thus B^mdOr 
began the venerable mysteries of Eleusis, at her the mystic 
special command : the lesser mysteries, celebrated EiensU. 
in February, in honour of Persephon^ ; the greater, 
in August, to the honour of DSm^tSr herself. 
Both are jointly patronesses of the .holy city and 

Such is a brief sketch of the temple legend of 
Eleusis, set forth at length in the Homeric Hymn 
to D^m^t^r. It is interesting not less as a picture 
of the Mategr Dolorosa (in the mouth of an Athe- 
nian, D^m^t^r and Persephond were always The 
Mother and Daughter, by excellence) , first an ago- 
nised sufferer, and then finally glorified,— the w«al 
and woe of man being dependent upon her kindly 
feeling, — than as an illustration oi the nature 
and growth of Grecian legend generally. Though 
we now read this Hjrmn as pleasing poetry, to 
the Eleusinians, for whom it was composed, it was 

* H3nim, v. 475.— 

*H dc jciovcra StfuaroirSKoig fiwnXtvo't 
A€t(€P, TpiirroK4fi^ t€, AioieXcc re nkri^bnnjf, 
Evpt6kiFov rf Pijf, KfXry ff ^yvfTopt \a&y, 
AptfafJUHrvvrip Up&V koX cW<^padrv 6pyia naifrip 



[Paet I. 

Hymn a 

tory of the 
details of 
divine ser- 


genuiae and sacred history. They believed in the 
visit of DdmStSr to Eleusis, and in the Mysteries 
as a revelation from her, as implicitly as they be- 
lieved in her existence and power as a goddess. 
The Eleusinian psalmist shares this belief in com- 
mon with his countrymen, and embodies it in a 
continuous narrative, in which the great goddesses 
of the place, as well as the great heroic famities, 
figure in inseparable conjunction. Keleos is the 
son of the Eponymous hero Eleusis, and his daugh- 
ters, with the old epic simplicity, carry their basons 
to the well for water. Eumolpus, Triptolemus, 
Dioklds, heroic ancestors of the privileged families 
who continued throughout the historical times of 
Athens to fulfil their special hereditary functions 
in the Eleusinian solemnities, are among the im- 
mediate recipients of inspiration from the goddess : 
but chiefly does she favour Metaneira and her in- 
fant son DSmopho6n, for the latter of whom her 
greatest boon is destined, and intercepted only by 
the weak faith of the mother. . Moreover every inci- 
dent in the Hymn has a local colouring and a special 
reference. The well overshadowed by an olive-tree 
near which DSmStdr had rested, the stream Kalli- 
choros and the temple-hill, were familiar and in- 
teresting places in the eyes of every Eleusinian ; the 
peculiar posset prepared from barley-meal with mint 
was always tasted by the Mysts (or communicants) 
after a prescribed fast, as an article in the cere- 
mony, — while it was also the custom, at a parti- 
cular spot in the processional march, to permit the 
free interchange of personal jokes and taunts upon 
individuals for the general amusement. And these 


two customs are connected in the Hymn with the 
incidents, that DSmStSr herself had chosen the 
posset as the first interruption of her long and 
melancholy fast, and that her sorrowful thoughts 
had been partially diverted by the coarse playful- 
ness of the servant-maid Iamb6. In the enlarged 
representation of the Eleusinian ceremonies, which* 
became established after the incorporation of Eleusis 
with Athens, the part of lambd herself was enacted 
by a woman, or man in woman's attire, of suitable 
wit and imagination, who was posted on the bridge 
over the Kephissos, and addressed to the passers- 
by in the procession >, especially the great men of 
Athens, saucy jeers probably not less piercing than 
those of Aristophanes on the stage. The torch- 
bearing Hekatd received a portion of the worship 
in the nocturnal ceremonies of the Eleusinia : this 
too is traced, in the Hymn, to her kind and affec- 
tionate sympathy with the great goddesses. 

Though all these incidents were sincerely be- 
lieved by the Eleusinians as a true history of the 
past, and as having been the real initiatory cause 
of their own solemnities, it is not the less certain 
that they are simply mythes or legends, and not to 
be treated as history, either actual or exaggerated. 
They do not take their start from realities of the past, 
but from realities of the present, combined with re- 
trospective feeling and fancy, which fills up the blank 
of the aforetime in a manner at once plausible and 

> Aristophanit, Vesp. 1363. Hesych. t. Tf<fwpi£, Suidas, v. Fc^v- 
piC^v. Compare about the details of the ceremony, Clemens Alexandr. 
Adm(m. ad Gent. p. 13. A similar licenoe of unrestrained jocidarity ap- 
pears in the rites of D^m^r in Sicily (Diodor. v. 4 ; see also Pausan. vii. 27, 
4), and in the worship of Damia and Auxesia at iEgina (Herodot. v. 83). 


impressive. What proportion of fact there may be 
in the legend, or whether there be any at all, it is 
impossible to ascertain and useless to inquire ; for 
the story did not acquire belief from its approxima- 
tion to real fact, but from its perfect harmony with 
Eleusinian faith and feeling, and from the absence 
of any standard of historical credibility. The little 
importtnoe towu of Elcusis derived all its importance from the 
tteriM to^' solemnity of the Ddm^ia, and the Hymn which 
BieiJSr* °' ^^ haye been considering (probably at least as old as 
600 B.C.) represents the town as it stood before its 
absorption into the largier unity of Athens, which 
seems to have produced an alteration of its legends 
and an increase of dignity in its great festival. In 
the faith of an Eleusinian, the religious as well as 
the patriotic antiquities of his native town were 
connected with this capital solemnity. The divine 
legend of the sufferings of D^mdtdr and her visit 
to Eleusis was to him that which the heroic legend 
Stronghold of Adrastus and the Siege of Thebes was to a Si- 
gendupon kyouiau, or that of Erechtheus and AthSnd to an 
fedS^*" Athenian — ^grouping together in the same scene and 
story the goddess and the heroic fathers of the 
town. If our information were fuller, we should 
probably find abundance of other legends respecting 
the Dfimdtria : the Gephyrsei of Athens, to whom 
belonged the celebrated Harmodios and Aristo- 
geit6n, and who possessed special Orgies of D&- 
m^tSr the Sorrowful, to which no man foreign to 
their Gens was ever admitted ^ would doubtless 
have told stories not only different but contradic- 
tory ; and even in other Eleusinian mythes we 

* Herodot. v, 61. 


discover Eomolpus as king of Eleusis, son of Po- 
seiddn, and a Tbracian, completely different from Different 
the character which he bears in the Hymn before l^^IJ^ting 
us\ Neither discrepancies nor want of evidence, in 2^h^. 
reference to alleged antiquities, shocked the faith of 
a non-historical public. What they wanted was a 
picture of the past, impressive to their feelings and 
plausible to their imagination : and it is important 
to the reader to remember, while he reads either the 
divine legends which we are now illustrating or the 
heroic legends to which we shall soon approach, that 
he is dealing with a past which never was present, — 
a region essentially mythical, neither approachable 
by the critic nor mensurable by the chronologer. 

The tale respecting the visit of D6m6t6r, which 
was told by the ancient Gens, called the Phytalids«, 
in reference to another temple of D6m6t6r between 
Athens and Eleusis, and also by the Megarians in 
reference to a DSmStrion near their city, acquired 
under the auspices of Athens still further extension. 
The goddess was reported to have first communi- Eipansioii 
cated to Triptolemus at Eleusis the art of sowing legends. 
com, which by his intervention was disseminated all 
over the earth. And thus the Athenians took credit 
to themselves for having been the medium of com- 
munication from the gods to man of all the inesti- 

^ Pausan. i. 38, 3 ; Apollod^r. iii. 15, 4. Heyne in his Note admits 
several persons named Eumolpus. Compare Isokratds, Panegyr. p. 55. 
Philochoms the Attic antiquary conld not have received the legend of 
the Eleusinian Hymn, from the different account which he gave respect- 
mg the rape of Persephond (Philoch. Fragm. 46, ed. Didot), and also 
respecting Keleos (Fr. 28, ibid.). 

* Phytalus, the Eponym or godiSsther of this gens, had received D^- 
mMr as a guest in his house, when she first presented mankind with 
the fruit of the fig-tree. (Pausan. i. 37, 2.) 


mable blessings of agriculture wbicii they affirmed to 
have been first exhibited on the fertile Rharian plain 
near Eleusis. Such pretensions are not to be found 
in the old Homeric hymn. The festival of the Thes- 
mophoria, celebrated in honour of DdmdtSr Thesmo- 
phoros at Athens, was altogether different from the 
Eieusinia, in this material respect, as well as others, 
that all males were excluded, and women only were 
allowed to partake in it : the surname Thesmophoros 
gave occasion to new legends in which the goddess 
was glorified as the first authoress of laws and legal 
sanctions to mankinds This festival for women 
apart and alone, was also celebrated at Thebes, at 
Paros, at Ephesus, and in many other parts of 
Greece «. 

Altogether, Ddmdtdr and Dionysos,.as the Gre- 
cian counterparts of the Egyptian Isis and Osiris, 
seem to have been the great recipients of the new 
sacred rites bonrowed from Egypt, before the wor- 
ship of Isis in her own name was introduced into 
Greece : their solemnities became more frequently 
recluse and mysterious than those of the other 
HeUenic dcitics. The importance of Ddmdtdr to the coUect- 
crflSm^. iv^ nationality of Greece may be gathered from the 
fact that her temple was erected at Thermopylae, 
the spot where the Amphiktyonic assemblies were 
held, close by the temple of the Eponymous hero 
Amphikty6n himself, and under the surname of the 
Amphiktyonic D^m6t6r^. 

' Kallimach. Hjrmn. Cerer. 19. ' Sopfaokl^s, Triptolemos, Frag. 1. 
Cicero, Legg. ii. 14, and the note of Servius ad Virgil, ^n. iv. 5S. 

^ Xenophon^Hellen. V. 2, 29. Herodot. vi. 16, 134. tpKos e€(rfio(f>6pov 
/i^fffiTiTpos — Ta €S tp(Ttva y6vov 3ppijTa itpd. 

^ Ilerodot. vii. 200. 


We now pass to another and not less important 
celestial personage — ^Apollo. 

The legends of DSlos and Delphi, embodied in ^JJ^^ 
the Homeric Hymn to Apollo, indicate, if not a 
greater dignity, at least a more widely diffused 
worship, of that god than even of D6m6t6r. The 
Hymn is, in point of fact, an aggregate of two sepa- 
rate compositions, one emanating from an Ionic 
bard at DSlos, the other from Delphi. The first 
details the birth, the second the mature divine effi- 
ciency, of Apollo ; but both alike present the un- 
affected charm as well as the characteristic pecu- 
liarities of Grecian mythical narrative. The hym- 
nographer sings, and his hearers accept in perfect 
good faith, a history of the past ; but it is a past, 
imagined partly as an introductory explanation to 
the present, partly as a means of glorifying the 
god. The island of DSlos was the accredited birth- 
place of Apollo, and is also the place in which he 
chiefly delights, where the great and brilliant Ionic 
festival is periodically convened in his honour. 
Yet it is a rock narrow, barren and uninviting: 
how came so glorious a privilege to be awarded to 
it ? This the poet takes upon himself to explain. 
L6t6, pregnant with Apollo and persecuted by the Deium 
jealous H6r6, could find no spot wherein to give ^ 
birth to her offspring. In vain did she address 
herself to numerous places in Greece, the Asiatic 
coast and the intermediate islands ; all were terri- 
fied at the wrath of Hdrd, and refused to harbour 
her. As a last resort, she approached the rejected 
and repulsive island of Ddlos, aud promised that if 
shelter were granted to her in her forlorn condi- 


tion, the island should become the chosen resort of 
Apollo as well as the site of his temple with its rich 
accompanying solemnities \ Ddlos joyfully con- 
sented) but not without many apprehensions that 
the potent Apollo would despise her unworthiness, 
and not without exacting a formal oath from Ldt6, 
— who was then admitted to the desired protection, 
and duly accomplished her long and painful labour. 
Though Di6nd, Rhea, Themis and AmpliitritS came 
to soothe and succour her, yet H6r6 kept away the 
goddess presiding over childbirth, Eileithyia, and 
thus cruelly prolonged her pangs. At length Ei- 
leithyia came, and Apollo was born. Hardly had 
Apollo tasted, from the hands of Themis, the im- 
mortal food, nectar and ambrosia, when he hurst 
at once his infant bands, and displayed himself in 
full divine form and strength, claiming his charac- 
teristic attributes of the bow and the harp, and his 
privileged function of announcing beforehand to 
mankind the designs of Zeus. The promise made 
by Ldtd to DSlos was faithfully performed : amidst 
the numberless other temples and groves which men 
provided for him, he ever preferred that island as 
his permanent residence, and there the lonians with 
their wives and children, and all their " bravery,'* 
congregated periodically from their different cities 
to glorify him. Dance and song and athletic con- 
tests adorned the solenmity, while the countless 

1 According to another legend, lAt6 was said to have been conveyed 
from the Hyperboreans to D^los in twelve days, in the form of a die« 
wolf, to escape the jeabus ^e of ILM. In connection with this 
legend, it was affirmed that the she-wolves always brought forth their 
yomig only during these twelve days in the year (Aristot. Hist. Animal, 
vii. 35). 


ships, wealth, and grace of the multitudinous 
lonians had the air of an assembly of gods. The 
Delian maidens, servants of Apollo, sang hymns 
to the glory of the god, as well as of Artemis and 
L6t6, intermingled with adventures of foregone men 
and women, to the delight of the listening crowd. 
The blind itinerant bard of Chios, (composer of this 
the Homeric hymn, and confounded in antiquity 
with the author of the Iliad) having found honour 
and acceptance at this festival, commends himself, 
in a touching farewell strain, to the remembrance 
and sympathy of the Delian maidens ^ 

But D6I0S was not an oracular spot : Apollo did Pythim 
not manifest himself there as revealer of the futu- 
rities of Zeus. A place must be found where this 
beneficent function, without which mankind would 
perish under the innumerable doubts and perplexi- 
ties of life, may be exercised and rendered avail- 
able. Apollo himself descends from Olympus to 
make choice of a suitable site : the hymnographer 
knows a thousand other adventures of the god 
which he might sing, but he prefers this memora- 
ble incident, the charter and patent of consecration 
for the Delphian temple. Many different places 
did. Apollo inspect: he surveyed the country of 
the Magnates and the Perrhsebians, came to 161- 
kos, and passed over from thence to Euboea and 
the plain of Lelanton. But even this' fertile spot 
did not please him: he crossed the Euripus to 
Boeotia, passed by Teumdssus and Mykaltesus, 
and the then inaccessible and unoccupied forest 
on which the city of Thebes afterwards stood. He 

* Horn. Hymn. Apoll. i. 179. 


next proceeded to Onchfistos, but the grove of 
Poseiddn was already established there ; next across 
the KSphissus to Okalea, Haliartus, and the agree- 
able plain and much-frequented fountain of Del- 
phusa, or Tilphusa. Pleased with the place, Apollo 
prepared to establish his oracle there, but Tilphusa 
was proud of the beauty of her own site, and did 
not choose that her glory should be eclipsed by 
that of the god^ She alarmed him with the ap- 
prehension that the chariots which contended in 
her plain, and the horses and mules which watered 
at her fountain would disturb the solemnity of his 
oracle ; and she thus induced him to proceed on- 
ward to the southern side of Parnassus, overhang- 
ing the harbour of Krissa. Here he established his 
oracle, in the mountainous site not frequented by 
chariots and horses, and near to a fountain, which 
however was guarded by a vast and terrific serpent, 
once the nurse of the monster l^yP^^^^' This 
serpent Apollo slew with an arrow, and suflfered its 
body to rot in the sun : hence the name of the 
place, Pyth6*, and the surname of the Pythian 
Apollo. The plan of his temple being marked out, 
it was built by Trophdnios and AgamddSs, aided by 
a crowd of forward auxiliaries from the neighbour- 
hood. He now discovered with indignation, how- 
ever, that Tilphusa had cheated him, and went 
back with swift step to resent it '*Thou shalt 
not thus," he said, '* succeed in thy fraud and re- 
tain thy beautiful water: the glory of the place 
shall be mine, and not thine alone.'* Thus say- 
ing, he tumbled down a crag upon the fountain, 

* Horn. Hymn. Apoll.262. ' Horn. Hymn. 363 — iFvd€<rdai, to rot. 


and obstructed her limpid current ; establishing 
an altar for himself in a grove hard by near an- 
other spring, where men stilt worship him as Apollo 
Tilphusios, because of his severe vengeance upon 
the once beautiful Tilphusa^ 
Apollo next stood in need of chosen ministers to Fonndition 


take care of his temple and sacrifice, and to pro- the Dei. 
nounce his responses at Pyth6. Descrying a ship, Sracie. 
'* containing many and good men,*' bound on traffic 
from the Minoian Knossus in KrSte, to Pylus in 
Peloponnesus, he resolved to make use of the ship 
and her crew for his purpose. Assuming the shape 
of a vast dolphin, he splashed about and shook the 
vessel so as to strike the mariners with terror, while 
he sent a strong wind, which impelled her along 
the coast of Peloponnesus into the Corinthian Gulf, 
and finally to the harbour of Krissa, where she ran 
aground. The affrighted crew did not dare to dis- 
embark : but Apollo was seen standing on the shore 
in the guise of a vigorous youth, and inquired who 
they were and what was their business. The leader 
of the KrStans recounted in reply their miraculous 
and compulsory voyage, when Apollo revealed him- 
self as the author and contriver of it, announcing 
to them the honourable function and the dignified 
post to which he destined them*. They followed 
him by his orders to the rocky Pytho on Parnassus, 
singing the solemn lo-Paian such as it is sung in 
KrSte, while the god himself marched at their head, 
with his fine form and lofty step, playing on the 
harp. He showed them the temple and site of the 
oracle^ and directed them to worship him as Apollo 

^ Horn. Hymn. Apoll. 381, ' Horn. Hymn. Apoll. 47^ sqq, 

VOL. I. F 


Delphinios, because they had first seen him in 
the shape of a dolphin. *^ Bat how/' they inquired, 
^^ are we to live in a spot where there is neither 
corn, nor vine, nor pasturage?" ** Ye silly mor- 
tals," answered the god, *^ who look only for toil 
and privation, know that an eauer lot is yours. 
Ye shall live by the cattle whom crowds of pious 
visitors will bring to the temple: ye shall need 
only the knife to be constantly ready for sacrificed 
Your duty will be to guard my temple, and to offi- 
ciate as ministers at my feasts : but if ye be guilty 
of wrong or insolence, either by word or deed, ye 
shall become the slaves of other men, and shall 
remain so for ever. Take heed of the word and 
the warning." 
^^ ^^^ Such are the legends of Ddlos and Delphi, ac- 
purposeof cordiug to the Homeric Hymn to Apollo. The 
expiana- specific functious of the god, and the chief localities 
of his worship, together with the surnames attached 
to them, are thus historically explained, being con- 
nected with his past acts and adventures. Though 
these are to us only interesting poetry, yet to those 
who heard them sung they possessed all the requi- 
sites of history, and were folly believed as such ; 
not because they were partially founded in reality, 
but because they ran' in complete harmony with 
the feelings ; and, so long as that condition was ful- 
filled, it was not the fashion of the time to canvass 
truth or falsehood. The narrative is purely per- 
sonal, without any discernible sjrmbolised doctrine 

I Homer. Hymn. Apo^L 636. — 

'Oaaa iyuoLy dydy<A<ri irtpiKkxira ^OX* dp$p^9»u. 



or allegoryi to serve as a supposed ulterior purpose : 
the particular deeds ^U9cribed to Apollo grow out of 
the general preconceptions as to his attributes » com- 
bined with the present realities of his worship. It 
is neither history nor allegory, but simple mythe or 

The worship of Apollo is among the most an- Bxtended 
cienti capital, and strongly marked facts of the Gre- IpoUo^ 
cian world, and widely diffused over every branch 
of the race. It is older than the Iliad or Odyssey, 
in the latter of which both Pytho and Ddlos are 
noted, though DSlos is not named in the former. 
But the ancient Apollo is different in more respects 
than one from the Apollo of later times. He is in an 
especial manner the god of the Trojans, unfriendly 
to the Greeks, and especially to Achilles ; he has, 
moreover, only two primary attributes, his bow and 
his prophetic powers, without any distin(it connec- 
tion either with the harp, or with medicine, or with 
the sun, all which in later times he came to com- 
prehend. He is not only, as Apollo Kameius, the 
chief god of the Doric race, but also (under the 
surname of Patr6us) the great protecting divinity 
of the gentile tie among the lonians ^ : he is more- 
over the guide and stimulus to Grecian colonic 
zation, scarcely any colony being ever sent out 
without encouragement and direction from the 
oracle at Delphi : Apollo ArchSget^ is one of his 
great surnames'. His temple lends sanctity to the 

* Harpokration» y. *A9n$XXc»y irarp&os and *Epxf iOff Ztvt. Apollo Del- 
phiiiios also belongs to the Ionic Greeks gcnenXij, Strabo, iv. 179. 
' Thucydid. vi. 3 ; Kallimach. Hymn. Apoll. 56.— 

^oifios yhp at\ froXic<r<ri ^CKffiti 



meetings of the Amphiktyonic assembly, and he is 
always in filial subordination and harmony with his 
father Zeus : Delphi and Olympia are never found 
in conflict. In the Iliad, the warm and earnest 
patrons of the Greeks are H6r6, Ath6n6, and Po- 
seid6n: here too Zeus and Apollo are seen in 
harmony, for Zeus is decidedly well-inclined to the 
Trojans, and reluctantly sacrifices them to the im- 
portunity of the two great goddesses*. The wor- 
ship of the Sminthian Apollo, in various parts of 
the Troad and the neighbouring territory, dates 
before the earliest periods of iBolic colonization' : 
hence the zealous patronage of Troy ascribed to 
him in the Iliad. Altogether, however, the distribu* 
tion and partialities of the gods in that poem are 
different from what they become in later times,— a 
difference which our means of information do not 
enable u^ satisfactorily to explain. Besides the 
Delphian temple, Apollo had numerous temples 
throughout Greece, and oracles at Abae in Ph6kis, 
on the Mount Ptdon, and at Tegyra in Boeotia, 
where he was said to have been bom^, at Bran- 
chidae near Miletus, at Klarus in Asia Minor, and 
at Patara in Lykia. He was not the only oracu- 
lar god: Zeus at Dodona and at Olympia gave 
responses also: the gods or heroes Troph6nius, 

» Diad, iv. 3(M6. 

* niad, i. 38, 451 ; Stephan. Byt^tKiow, Tcvcdor. See also Klauten, 
MaesM und die Penaten, b. i. p. 69. The worship of ApoUo Sminthios 
and the festival of the Sminthia at Alexandria Troas lasted down to 
the time of Menander the rhetor, at the dose of the third century after • 

' Plutarch, Defect. Oracul. c. 5, p. 412; c. 8, p. 414; Steph. Byi. 
V. Tryv/M. The temple of the Pt6an Apollo had acquired celebrity be- 
fore the days of the poet Asius. Pausan. ix. 23, 3. 


Amphiaraus, Amphilochus, Mopsus, &c., each at 
his own sanctuary and in his own prescribed man- 
ner, rendered the same service. 

The two legends of Delphi and Ddlos, above no- ^"\*!^" 
ticed, form of course a very insignificant fraction of legcncu re 
the narratives which once existed respecting the x^i^ 
great and venerated Apollo. They serve only as 
specimens, and as very early specimens S to illus- 
trate what these divine mythes were, and what was 
the turn of Grecian faith and imagination. The 
constantly recurring festivals of the gods caused an 
incessant demand for new mythes respecting them, 
or at least for varieties and reproductions of the 
old mythes. Even during the third century of the 
Christian sera, in the time of the rhStdr Menander, 
when the old forms of Paganism were waning and 
when the stock of mythes in existence was extremely 
abundant, we see this demand in great force ; but 
it was incomparably mor^ operative in those earlier 
times when the creative vein of the Grecian mind 
yet retained its pristine and unfaded richness. 
Each god had many different surnames, temples, 
groves, and solemnities ; with each of which was 
connected more or less of mythical narrative, origi- 
nally hatched in the prolific and spontaneous fancy 
of a believing neighbourhood , to be afterwards ex- 
panded, adorned and diffused by the song of the 

^ The legend which Ephorus followed about the establishment of the 
Delphian temple was something radically different from the Homeric 
Hymn (Ephori Fragm. 70, ed. Didot) : his narrative went far to po- 
litidse and rationalise the story. The progeny of Apollo was very nu- 9 

merous, and of the most diverse attributes ; be was &ther of the Kory- 
bantes (Pherekyd^, Fragm. 6, ed. Didot), as well as of Askl^ios and 
Aristttus (SchoL Apollon. Rhod. ii. 500 ; ApoUoddr. iii. 10, 3). 



poet. The earliest subject of competition^ at the 
great Pythian festival was the singing of a hymn in 
Fe«tivaii honour of Apollo : other agones were subsequently 
added) but the ode or hymn constituted the funda- 
mental attribute of the solemnity : the Pythia at 
Sikyon and elsewhere were probably framed on a 
similar footing. So too at the ancient and cele- 
brated Charit6sia, or festival of the Charites, at Or- 
chomenos, the rivalry of the poets in their various 
modes of composition both began and continued as 
the predominant feature^ : and the inestimable trea- 
sures yet remaining to us of Attic tragedy and 
comedy, are gleanings from the once numerous 
dramas exhibited at the solemnity of the Dionysia. 
TheEphesians gave considerable rewards for the best 
hymns in honour of Artemis, to be sung at her tem- 
ple*. And the early lyric poets of Greece, though 
their works have not descended to us, devoted their 
genius largely to similar productions, as may be 
seen by the titles and fragments yet remaining. 

Both the Christian and the Mabomedan religions 
have begun during the historical age, have been 

' Strabo, ix. p. 421. Menander the Rhetor (Ap. Walz. Coll. Rhett. 
t. ix. p. 136) gives an elaborate classifieation of hymns to the gods, 
distinguishing them into nine classes, — jcXttixoI, ammffiirriKoi, (fwaiKol, 
liv$iKoi, ycvcoXoyixol, nenXaiTfuvoi, (vktucoi, airtvKTUcoi, fwcroi : — the se- 
cond class had reference to the temporary absences or departm« of a 
god to some distant place, which were often admitted in the ancient 
religion. Sappho and Alkman in their kletic bymns invoked the gods 
from many different places, — rffv fup yap''Afyrffiip cV fivplap fwr Upt^p, 
fivpU»if d€ YTc^Xctty, thi bi vorofuav, dyoxoXcc, — also Aphrodite and Apollo, 
&c. All these songs were full of adventures and details respecting the 
go<ls, — in other words, of legendary matter. 

^ Pindar, Olymp. xiv. ; Boeckh, Staatshaushaltung der Athener, Ap- 
pendix, § XX. p. 357. 

* Alexander ^tolus, apud Macrobium, Saturn, v. 22. 



propagated from one common centre, and have 
been erected upon the ruins of a different pre-exist- 
ing faith. With none of these particulars did Gre- 
cian Paganism correspond. It* took rise in an age state of 
of imagination and feeling simply without the re- drcum. 
straints, as well as without the aid, of writing or o^w^h'** 
records, of history or philosophy : it was, as a ge- ^^^ 
neral rule, the spontaneous product of many sepa- •rost- 
rate tribes and localities, imitation and propagation 
operating as subordinate causes ; it was moreover 
a primordial faith as far as our means of informa- 
tion enable us to discover. These considerations 
explain to us two facts in the history of the early 
Pagan mind : first, the divine mythes, the matter 
of their religion, constituted also the matter of their 
earliest history; next, these mythes harmonised 
with each other only in their general types, but dif- 
fered incurably in respect of particular incidents. 
The poet who sang a new adventure of Apollo, the 
trace of which he might have heard in some remote 
locality, would take care that it should be agree- 
able to the general conceptions which his hearers 
entertained respecting the god. He wodld not 
ascribe the cestus or amorous influences to Athdnd, 
nor armed interference and the segis to Aphrodite ; 
but, provided he maintained this general keeping, 
he might indulge his fancy without restraint in the 
particular events of the story*. The feelings and 
faith of his hearers went along with him, and there 

' The birUi of Apollo and Artemis from Zeui and L^ is among the 
oldest and most generally admitted fiacts in the Grecian divine legends. 
Yet JEmihyhM did not scruple to describe Artemis publicly as daughter 
of WmHtt (Herodot, ii. 156 ; Pausan. viii. 37) 3). Herodotus thinks 


were no critical scruples to hold them back: to 
scrutinize the alleged proceedings of the Gods was 
repulsive, and to disbelieve them impious. And thus 
these divine myth«B, though they had their root 
simply in religious feelings, and though they pre- 
sented great discrepancies of fact, served neverthe- 
less as primitive matter of history to an early Greek : 
they were the only narratives, at once publicly ac- 
credited and interesting, which he possessed. To 
them were aggregated the heroic mythes (to which 
we shall proceed presently), — indeed the two are 
inseparably blended, gods, heroes and men almost 
always appearing in the same picture, — analogous 
both in their structure and their genesis, and differ- 
ing chiefly in the circumstance that they sprang from 
the type of a hero instead of from that of a god. 
Discrcptn- We are not to be astonished if we find Aphrodite, 
legends Ht. in the Iliad, born from Zeus and Dion6, — and in 
tic noticed. ^^^ Thcogony of Hesiod, generated from the foam 

on the sea after the mutilation of Uranos ; nor if 
in the Odyssey she appears as the wife of Hfiphae- 
stos, while in the Theogony the latter is married 
to Aglrfia, and Aphroditfi is described as mother 
of three children by Ar^s ^ The Homeric hymn 
to Aphrodite details the legend of Aphroditd and 

that he copied this innovation from the Egyptians, who affirmed that 
Apollo and Artemis were the sons of Dionysos and Isis. 

The number and discrepancies of the mythes respecting each god are 
attested by the fruitless attempts of learned Greeks to escape the ne- 
cessity of rejecting any of them by multiplying homonymous personages, 
— three persons named Zeus ; five named Ath^ii6 ; six named Apollo, 
&c. (Cicero, de Natur. Deor. iii. 21 ; Clemen. Alcxand. Admon. ad 

Gent. p. 17.) 

» Hesiod, Theogon. 188, 934, 945; Ilomer, Iliad, v. 371; Odyss. 
viu. 2(yS, 

Chap. I.] APHRODITE. 73 

AnchisSs, which is presupposed in the Iliad as 
the parentage of iEneas: but the author of the 
hymn, probably sung at one of the festivals of 
AphroditS in Cyprus, represents the goddess as 
ashamed of her passion for a mortal, and as enjoin- 
ing AnchisSs under severe menaces not to reveal 
who the mother of jEneas was^; while in the Iliad Aphrodite, 
she has no scruple in publicly owning him, and 
he passes everywhere as her acknowledged son. 
Aphroditd is described in the hymn as herself cold 
and unimpressible, but ever active and irresistible 
in inspiring amorous feelings to gods, to men, and 
to animals. Three goddesses are recorded as memo- 
rable exceptions to her universal empire, — Athfinfi, 
Artemis, and Hestia or Vesta. Aphrodite was one 
of the most important of all the goddesses in the 
mythical world ; for the number of interesting, pa- 
thetic and tragical adventures deducible from mis- 
placed or unhappy passion was of course very great ; 
and in most of these cases the intervention of 
Aphrodite was usually prefixed, with some legend 
to explain why she manifested herself. Her range 
of action grows wider in the later epic and lyric 
and tragic poets than in Homer*. 

> Homer, Hymn. Vener. 248, 286 ; Homer, Iliad, v. 320, 386. 

' A large proportion of the Hesiodic epic related to the exploits and 
adventures of the heroic women, — the Catalogue of Women and the Eoiai 
embodied a string of such narratives. Hesiod and Stesichorus explained 
the conduct of Helen and Kly tacmnestra by the anger of Aphroditd, caused * 

by the neglect of their father Tyndareus to sacrifice to her (Hesiod, Fragm. 
59, ed. Duntzer ; Stesichor. Fragm. 9, ed. Schneidewin) : the irresisti- 
ble ascendency of Aphrodite is set forth in the Hippolytus of Euripides 
not less forcibly than that of Dionysos in the Bacchee.. The character 
of Dq>hnis the herdsman, well-known from the first Idyll of Theocritus, 
and illustrating the destroying force of Aphroditd, appears to have been 
first introduced into Greek poetry by Stesichorus (see Klausen, iEneas 


Athena. Ath6n6, the man- goddess ^ bom from the head 

of Zeus, without a mother and without feminine 
sympathies, is the antithesis partly of Aphrodite, 
partly of the effeminate or womanised god Diony- 
sos — the latter is an importation from Asia, but 
AthSnd is a Greek conception — the type of com- 
posed, majestic and unrelenting force. It appears 
however as if this goddess had been conceived in a 
different manner in different parts of Greece. For 
we find ascribed to her, in some of the legends, 
attributes of industry and home-keeping ; she is 
represented as the companion of HSphaestos^ pa- 
tronising handicraft, and expert at the loom and the 
spindle : the Athenian potters worshiped her along 
with Prometheus. Such traits of character do not 
square with the formidable segis and the massive 
and crushing spear which Homer dnd most of the 
mythes assign to her. There probably were at first 
at least two different types of AthiSn6, and their 
coalescence has partially obliterated the less marked 
of the two^. AthSnS is the constant and watchful 

und die Penaten, vol. i. pp. 526-529). Compare a striking piece among 
' the Fragmenta Incerta of Sophokl^s (Fr. 63, Brunck) and Euripid. Troad. 
946, 995, 1048. Even in the 0pp. et Di. of Hemod, Aphrodite is con- 
ceived rather as a disturbing and injurious influence (v. 65). 

Adonis owes his renown to the Alexandrine poets and their contem- 
porary sovereigns (see Bion's Idyll and the Aidoniazusfe of Theocritus). 
The favourites of Aphrodite, even as counted up by the diligence of 
Clemens Alexandrinus, are however very few in number. (Admonitio 
ad Gent. p. 12, Sylb.) 

^ *Avdpo3(tf dwpov ^\9avq, Simmias Rhodius ; nAe/o/r, ap. He- 

phsestion. c. 9. p. 54, Gbdsfbrd. 

* ApoUoddr. ap. Schol. ad Sophokl. (Edip. vol. 67 ; Pausan. i. 24, 3 ; 
ix. 26, 3 ; Diod6r. v. 73 ; Plato, Legg. xi. p, 920. In the 0pp. et Di. 
of Hesiod, the carpenter is the servant of Ath^nS (429) : see also Phe- 
reklos the Wrrwv i<i>he Iliad, v. 61 : compare viii. 385 ; Odyss. viii. 493; 
and the Homeric Hymn to Aphiodit^, v. 12. The learned article of 


protectress of H^raklSs : she is also locally identi- 
fied with the soil and people of Athens, even in the 
Iliad : Erechtheus, the Athenian, is bom of the 
earth, but AthSnS brings him up, nourishes him, 
and lodges him in her own temple, where the 
Athenians annually worship him with sacrifice and 
solemnities'. It was altogether impossible to make 
Erechtheus son of AthSnS, — the type of the goddess 
forbade it ; but the Athenian mythe-creators, though 
they found this barrier impassable, strove to ap- 
proach to it as near as they could, and the descrip- 
tion which they give of the birth of Erichthonios^ 
at once un-Homeric and unseemly, presents some- 
thing like the phantom of maternity*. 

The huntress Artemis, in Arcadia and in Greece Artemu. 
proper generally, exhibits a well-defined type with 


which the legends respecting her are tolerably 
consistent. But the Ephesifm as well as the Tauric 
Artemis partakes more of the Asiatic character, 
and has borrowed the attributes of the Lydian 
Great Mother as well as of an indigenous Tauric 
Virgin^: this Ephesian Artemis passed to the colo- 

O. Miiller (in the Encyclopsedia of Ersch and Gruber, since republished 
among his Rleine Deutsche Schriften, p. 134 seq,), Pallas AthSni, brings 
together all that can be known about this goddess. 

> Diad, ii. 546 ; yiii. 362. 

s Apolk>d6r. iii. 4, 6. Compare the vagne hmgutlge of Plato, Kritias, 
c. W., and Ovid, Metamorph. ii. 757* 

' Herodot. iv. 103; Strabo, xii. p. 534; xiii. p. 650. About the 
Ephesian Artemis, see Guhl, Ephesiaca (Berlin, 1843), p. 79 sqq.; 
Aristoph. Nubf 590 ; Autokrat^ in Tympanistis apud .£lian. Hist. 
Animal, xii. 9 ; and Spanheim ad Kallimach. Hymn. Dian. 36. The 
dances in honour of Artemis sometimes appear to have apprdached 
to the frenzied style of Bacchanal movement. See the word^. of 
Timothens ap. Plutarch, de Audiend. Poet. p. 22, c. 4, and'ircpl 
Afurid. c. 10, p. 170, also Aristoph. Lysist. 1314. They seem to have 
been often celebrated in the solitudes of the mountains, which were the 


Dies of Phoksea and Miletus ^ The Homeric Ar- 
temis shares with her brother Apollo in the dex- 
terous use of the far-striking bow, and sudden 
death is described by the poet as inflicted by her 
gentle arrow. The jealousy of the gods at the 
withholding of honours and sacrifices, or at the 
presumption of mortals in contending with them, — 
a point of character so frequently recurring in the 
types of the Grecian gods, — manifests itself in the 
legends of Artemis; the memorable Kalyd6nian 
boar is sent by her as a visitation upon CEneus, be- 
cause he had omitted to sacrifice to her, while he 
did honour to other gods^. The Arcadian heroine 
Atalantais however a reproduction of Artemis, with 
little or no difference, and the goddess is sometimes 
confounded even with her attendant nymphs. 
PoMiddn. The mighty Poseid6n, the earth-shaker and the 
ruler of the sea, is second only to Zeus in power, 
but has no share in those imperial and superin- 
tending capacities which the Father of Gods and 
men exhibits. He numbers a numerous heroic 
progeny, usually men of great corporeal strength, 
and many of them belonging to the iEolic race : 
the great Neleid family of Pylus trace their origin 
up to him ; and he is also the father of Polyphe- 
mus the Cycl6ps, whose well-earned suffering he 
cruelly revenges upon Odysseus. The island of 
Kalaureia is his Del6s^, and there was held in it 

favourite resort of Artemia (Kallimach. Hymn. Dian. 19), and these 
opiifida-iai were always causes predisposing to fimatical excitement. 

» Strabo, iv. p. 179. « Iliad, ix. 529. 

' Strabo, viii. p. 374. According to the old poem called Eumolpia, 
ascribed to Musacus, the oracle of Delphi originally belonged to Posei- 
d6n and Ga;a, jointly : from G»a it passed to Themis, and from her to 

Cbaf. I.] POSEIDON. 77 

an old local Amphiktyony, for the purpose of ren- 
dering to him joint honour and sacrifice : the. isth- 
mus of Corinth, HelikS in Achaia, and OnchSstos 
in Boeotia, are also residences which he much af- 
fects, and where he is solemnly worshiped. But 
the abode which he originally and specially selected 
for himself was the Acropolis of Athens, where by 
a blow of his trident he produced a well of water in 
the rock: Athdnd came afterwards and claimed the 
spot for herself, planting in token of possession the 
olive-tree which stood in the sacred grove of Pan- 
drosos : and the decision either of the autochtho- 
nous Cecrops, or of Erechtheus, awarded to her 
the preference, much to the displeasure of Posei- 
ddn. Either on this account, or on account of the 
death of his son Eumolpus, slain in assisting the 
Eleusinians against Erechtheus, the Attic mythes 
ascribed to Poseiddn great enmity against the Erech- 
theid family, which he is asserted to have ulti- 
mately overthrown : Theseus, whose glorious reign 
and deeds succeeded to that family, is said to have 
been really his son'. In several other places, — in 
iBgina, Argos and Naxos, — Poseiddn had disputed 
the privileges of patron-god with Zeus, H6r6 and 
Dionysos: he was worsted in all, .but bore his de- 
feat patiently*. Poseid6n endured a long slavery, 
in common with Apollo, gods as they were*, under 
Laomed6n, king of Troy, at the command and con- 

Apollo, to whom Poseidon also made over his share as a compensation 
for the sonrender of KaLiureia to him. (Pausan. x. 6, 3.) 

> Apollod6r. ili. 14, \; iii. 15, 3, 5. 

s Plntarch, Sympos. viii. 6, p. 741. 

' niad> ii. 716, 766; Euripid. Alkestis, 2. See Pan3ra8i8, Fra^. 12, 
p. 24, ed. Diintzer. 

Stories of 


demnatioQ of Zeus : the two gods rebuilt the walls 
of the city, which had been destroyed by Hdraklds. 
When their time was expired, the insolent Laome- 
d6n withheld from them the stipulated reward, and 
even accompanied its refusal with appalling threats; 
and the subsequent animosity of the god against Troy 
was greatly determined by the sentiment of this in- 
justice *. Such periods of servitude, inflicted upon 
servitude' individual gods, are among the most remarkable 

imposed on /.n, ..* . , 

gods. of all the mcidents m the divine legends. We find 
Apollo on another occasion condemned to serve 
AdmStus, king of Pherae, as a punishment for 
having killed the Cycl6pes, and HSraklSs also is 
sold as a slave to OmphalS. Even the fierce ArSs, 
overpowered and imprisoned for a long time by 
the two A16ids^, is ultimately liberated only by ex- 
traneous aid. Such narratives attest the discursive 
range of Grecian fancy in reference to the gods, as 
well as the perfect commingling of things and per- 
sons, divine and human, in their conceptions of th^ 
past. The god who serves is for the time degraded : 
but the supreme god who commands the servitude 
is in the like proportion exalted, whilst the idea of 
some sort of order and government among these 
superhuman beings was never lost sight of. Never- 
theless the mythes respecting the servitude of the 
gods became obnoxious afterwards, along with many 
others, to severe criticism on the part of philoso- 

mre. The proud, jealous, and bitter H6r6, — ^the god- 

dess of the once-wealthy Myk^nae, the fax et focus 
of the Trojan war, and the ever-present protectress 

" niad, vii. 462 ; xxi. 469. « Diad, v. 386. 

Chap. I.] HERE.— HBPDiESTOS. T9 

of Jasdn in the Argonautic expeditions — occupies 
an indispensable station in the mythical world < As 
the daughter of Kronos and wife of Zeus, she fills 
a throne from whence he cannot dislodge her, and 
which gives her a right perpetually to grumble and 
to thwart him>. Her unmeasured jealousy of the 
female favourites of Zeus, and her anti^thy against 
his sons, especially against Hdrakl^s, has been the 
suggesting cause of innumerable mythes : the ge- 
neral type of her character stands here clearly 
marked, as furnishing both stimulus and guide to 
the mythopoeic fancy. The "Sacred Wedding," 
or marriage of Zeus and H6r£, was familiar to epi- 
thalamic poets long before it became a theme for 
the spiritualizing ingenuity of critics. 

HSphsestos is the son of HSr6 without a father, Hephacttos. 
and stands to her in the same relation as AthSnd to 
Zeus : her pride and want of sympathy are mani- 
fested by her casting him out at once in consequence 
of his deformity®. He is the god of fire — espe- 
cially of fire in its practical applications to han- 
dicraft — and is indispensable as the right-hand and 
instrument of the gods. His skill and his deformity 
appear alternately as the source of mythical stories : 
wherever exquisite and effective fabrication is in- 
tended to be designated, HSphsestos is announced as 
the maker, although in this function the type of his 
character is reproduced in Dsedalos. In the Attic 
legends he appears intimately united both with 
PromStheus and with AthSnd, in conjunction with 
whom he was worshiped at Kol6nus near Athens. 

> Uiad, iv. 51 ; Odyss. xii. 72. 

« niad, i. 644 ; iv. 29-38; viii. 400. » Diad, xviii. 306. . 


Ldmnos was the favourite residence of HSphaestos ; 
and if we possessed more knowledge of this island 
and its town H^phsestias, we should doubtless find 
abundant legends detailing his adventures and in- 

Hcitia. xhe chaste, still, and home-keeping Hestia, god- 

dess of the family hearth, is far less fruitful in 
mythical narratives, in spite of her very superior 
dignity, than the knavish, smooth-tongued, keen, 

Hermes, and acquisitivc Hermes. His function of messenger 
of the gods brings him perpetually on the stage, 
and affords ample scope for portraying the features 
of his character. The Homeric hymn to Hermds 
describes the scene and circumstances of his birth, 
and the almost instantaneous manifestation, even 
in infancy, of his peculiar attributes. It explains the 
friendly footing on which he stood with Apollo, — 
the interchange of gifts and functions between them, 
— and lastly, the inviolate security of all the wealth 
and offerings in the Delphian temple, exposed as 
they were to thieves without any visible protection. 
Such was the innate cleverness and talent of Her- 
mes, that on the day he was born he invented the 
lyre, stringing the seven chords on the shell of a 
tortoise' — and also stole the cattle of Apollo in 
Pieria, dragging them backwards to his cave in 
Arcadia, so that their track could not be detected. 
To the remonstrances of his mother Maia, who 
points out to him the danger of offending Apollo, 
Hermes replies, that he aspires to rival the dignity 

' Homer, Hymn. Mercur. 18. — 

*H^Of yryoi/a)9, /aco^ rffiari iyKiOapiCtP, 


and functions of Apollo among the immortals, and 
that if his father Zeus refuses to grant them to him, 
he will employ his powers of thieving in breaking 
open the sanctuary at Delphi, and in carrying away 
the gold and the vestments, the precious tripods 
and vessels^ Presently Apollo discovers the loss Hermit in- 
of his cattle, and after some trouble finds his way the lyre. 
to the Kyll^nian cavern, where he sees HermSs 
asleep in his cradle. The child denies the theft 
with effrontery, and even treats the surmise as a 
ridiculous impossibility : he persists in such denial 
even before Zeus, who however detects him at 
once, and compels him to reveal the place where 
the cattle are concealed. But the lyre was as yet 
unknown to Apollo, who has heard nothing except 
the voice of the Muses and the sound of the pipe. 
So powerfully is he fascinated by hearing the tones 
of the lyre from Hermes, and so eager to become 
possessed of it, that he is willing at once to pardon 
the past theft, and even to conciliate besides the 
friendship of Hermfis*. Accordingly a bargain is Bargain be- 
struck between the two gods and sanctioned by Hemda 
Zeus. Hermes surrenders to Apollo the lyre, in- *" ^ * 
venting for his own use the syrinx or panspipe, and 
receiving from Apollo in exchange the golden rod 
of wealth, with empire over flocks and herds as 
well as over horses and oxen and the wild animals 
of the woods. He presses to obtain the gift of 
prophecy, but Apollo is under a special vow not to 

' Homer, Hymn. Merc. 177' — 

Elfii yiLp €s HvSovOy fuya» toyMv avrtroptivtnf, 
"EvOtif Ski£ Tpiirodaf ir€piKjokXias, ffii Xcj97raf 
IlopOfjom K€u xpv<r6v, &c. 

* Homer, Hymn. Merc. 442-454. 
VOL. I. G . 


impart that privilege to any god whatever. He in- 
structs Hermds however how to draw information, 
to a certain extent, from the Moerae or Fates them- 
selves; and assigns to him, over and above, the 
function of messenger of the gods to Had^. 

Although Apollo has acquired the lyre, the parti- 
cular object of his wishes, he is still under apprehen- 
sion that Hermes will steal it away from him again, 
together with his bow, and he exacts a formal oath 
by Styx as security. Hermes promises solemnly 
that he will steal none of the acquisitions, nor ever 
invade the sanctuary of Apollo ; while the latter on 
his part pledges himself to recognise Herm6s as 
his ohosen friend and companion, amongst all the 
other sons of Zeus, human or divine ^ 

So came to pass, under the sanction of Zeus, the 
marked favour shown by Apollo to Hermes. But 
Hermes (concludes the hymnographer, with frank- 
ness unusual in speaking of a god) *' does very little 
good : he avails himself of the darkness of night to 
cheat without measure the tribes of mortal men^" 
Exporitory Here the general types of Herm6s and Apollo, 
Hymn. couplcd with the present fact &at no thief ever 

' Homer, Hymn. Merc. 604-620, — 

Kat t6 fiiv 'Epfirjs 
hrfTotbfiv i<l)tkf)a'€ dtdftircpeff, en h-t Koi vvp, &c. 
« ♦ * * ♦ 

Kal t6t€ Malagas ifi^s vnoiTx6fX€voi Kariv€v<T€ 
M^ WOT* dnoKkfylrtip, Sa *Eic^/3oXof €KT€anaTai, 
Mrfdf iroT €fxir€\d<r€Uf irvKiPtf d6fjui^' airap 'AtrAXoM 
ArfTotBrfs Kar€V€V(T€v tn dpOfi^ Kal <f>i\6Ti]Ti 
Mff run <f>iKT€pov SKKov Iv dBavarounv iftrfO'dai 
M^€ Oi^y, fifiT tlvdpa At^s y6vov, &c. 

' Homer, Hymn. Merc. 674. — 

Jlavpa ft€V ovv dpivrfo'if t6 d' &KpiTOv ^€po7r€V€t 
Nvjcra 5t' 6p(f>vairjv <f>v\a BvrfT&v dvOpwirtav, 


approached the rich and seemingly accessible trea- 
sures of Delphi, engender a string of expository 
incidents ; cast into a quasi- historical form, and de- 
tailing how it happened that HermSs had bound 
himself by especial convention to respect the Del- 
phian temple. The t3rpes of Apollo seem to have 
been different in different times and parts of Greece : 
in some places he was worshiped as Apollo No- 
miosS or the patron of pasture and cattle ; and this 
attribute, which elsewhere passed over to his son 
Aristaeus, is by our hymnographer voluntarily sur- 
rendered to HermSs, combined with the golden rod 
of fruitfuluess. On the other hand, the lyre did not 
originally belong to the Far-striking King, nor is 
he at all an inventor : the hymn explains both its 
first invention and how it came into his posses- 
sion. And the value of the incidents is thus partly 
expository, partly illustrative, as expanding in de- 
tail the general preconceived character of the Kyl- 
ISnian god. 

To Zeus more amours are ascribed than to any zeus. 
of the other gods, — probably because the Grecian 
kings and chieftains were especially anxious to trace 
their lineage to the highest and most glorious of all, 
— each of these amours having its representative 
progeny on earth*. Such subjects were among the 
most promising and agreeable for the interest of 
mythical narrative, and Zeus as a lover thus be- 
came the father of a great many legends, branching 
out into innumerable interferences, for which his 
sons, all of them distinguished individuals, and 

* Kallimach. Hymn. ApolL 47 « 

' Kallimach. Hymn. Jov. 7^. *£«( dc ^i6s paaiKrjfs, &c. 



many of them persecuted by H6r6, furnished the 
occasion. But besides this, the commanding fun(^ 
tions of the Supreme God, judicial and adminis* 
trative, extending both over gods and men, was a 
potent stimulus to the mythopceic activity. Zeus 
has to watch over his own dignity, — the first of all 
considerations with a god : moreover as Horkios, 
Xenios, Ktdsios, Meilichios, (a small proportion of 
his thousand surnames,) he guaranteed oaths and 
punished perjurers, he enforced the observance of 
hospitality, he guarded the family hoard and the 
crop realized for the year, and he granted expiation 
to the repentant criminal ^ All these different func- 
tions created a demand for my thes, as the means of 
translating a dim, but serious, presentiment into di- 
stinct form, both self-explaining and communicable 
to others. In enforcing the sanctity of the oath or 
of the tie of hospitality, the most powerful of all 
arguments would be a collection of legends respect- 
ing the judgements of Zeus Horkios or Xenios ; the 
more impressive and terrific such legends were, the 
greater would be their interest, and the less would 
any one dare to disbelieve them. They constituted 
the natural outpourings of a strong and common 
sentiment, probably without any deliberate ethical 
intention : the preconceptions of the divine agency, 
expanded into legend, form a product analogous to 
the idea of the divine features and symmetry embo- 
died in the bronze or the marble statue. 

But it was not alone the general type and attri- 
butes of the gods which contributed to put in action 

^ See Herodot. i. 44. Xenoph. Anabas. vii. 8, 4. Plutarch, ThI- 
■euB, c. 12. ; 


the mythopoeic propensities. The rites and solem- Mythes tn- 
nities forming the worship of each god, as well as thereu. 
the details of his temple and its locality, were a SoSwf" 
fertile source of mythes, respecting his exploits and 
sufferings, which to the people who heard them 
served the purpose of past history. The exegetes, 
or local guide and interpreter, belonging to each 
temple, preserved and recounted to curious strangers 
these traditional narratives, which lent a certain 
dignity even to the minutiae of divine service. Out 
of a stock of materials thus ample, the poets ex- 
tracted individual collections, such as the '' Causes'' 
(Alria) of Kallimachus, now lost, and such as the 
Fasti of Ovid are for the Roman religious antiqui- 

It was the practice to offer to the gods in sacri- Smtn part 
fice the bones of the victim only, enclosed in fat : mai men- 
how did this pjactice arise ? The author of the ^^^^ 
Hesiodic Theogony has a story which explains 
it: Promdtheus tricked Zeus into an imprudent 
choice, at the period when the gods and mortal 
men first came to an arrangement about privileges 
and duties (in Mek6n6}. Prometheus, the tutelary 
representative of man, divided a large steer into two 
portions : on the one side he placed the fiesh and 
guts, folded up in the omentum and covered over 

' Ovid, Fasti, iv. 21 1, about the festivals of Apollo :— * 

" Priscique imitamina £acti 
Mn DesB comites nuicaque terga movent." . 

And Lactantinsy v. 19, 15. ** Ipsos ritus ex rebus gestis (deorum) vel ex 
casibus vel etiam ex mortibus, natos :" to the same purpose Augustin. 
De Civ. D. vii. 18; Diod6r. iii. 56, Plutarch's Quiestiones GrsecflB et 
Romaicie are full of similar tales, professing to acooimt for existing 
customs, many of them religious and litiu^. See Lobeck, Orphica, 
p. 675. 


with the skin ; on the other, he put the bones en- 
veloped in fat. He then invited Zeus to determine 
which of the two portions the gods would prefer to 
receive from mankind. Zeus " with both hands " 
decided for and took the white fat, but was highly 
incensed on finding that he had got nothing at the 
hintu^"* bottom except the bones*. Nevertheless the choice 
wittcdzeus. of the gods was now irrevocably made : they were 
not entitled to any portion of the sacrificed animal 
beyond the bones and the white fat ; and the stand- 
ing practice is thus plausibly explained^. I select 
this as one amongst a thousand instances to illus- 
trate the genesis of legend out of religious practices. 
In the belief of the people, the event narrated in the 
legend was the real producing cause of the prac- 
tice : but when we come to apply a sound criticism, 
we are compelled to treat the event as existing only 
in its narrative legend, and the legend itself as 
having been, in the greater number of cases, engen- 

1 Ilesiod, Theog. 550.— 

^fj pa 8o\o4>pov€Civ' Z€vs ^ ^<f>OiTa firi^a €id«>£ 
rp» p ovd* Tyvotijo'c bo\ov' Kcucii ^ 6(r<rtT0 Bvfif 
OvrjTois atfOpwrourif ra Kai T€\€€a$tu tfUKktp, 
X€p<r\ y Sy dfixl>cr€pfjiriv oyc/Xcro XtvKhif cfXn^op. 
X»<raro dc <f>p€vat, i/ifl>\ x^^^ ^ f^ occro $vfL^, 
*Qs idcv &aT€a Xcviea /3o6s doXii; cVl rexyo* 
In the second line of this citation, the poet tells us that Zeus saw 
through the trick, and wHs imposed upon hy his own consent, fore- 
knowing that after all the mischievous consequences of the proceeding 
would be visited on man. But the last lines, and indeed the whole 
drift of the legend, imply the contrary of this : Zeus was really taken 
in, and was in consequence veiy angry. It is curious to observe how 
the religious feelings of the poet drive him to save in words the presci- 
ence of Zeus, though in doing so he contradicts and nullifies the whole 
point of the story. 
« Hesiod, Theog. 557.— 

'£« Tov d* dBavoTouriP ctri x^^*^ <^vX' apOpwrmv 
Kaiova 6<rT€a XtvKh ^vr)€pf^v cVl fiap&v. 


dered by the practice, — thus reversing the supposed 
order of production. 

In dealing with Grecian mythes generally, it is Godi, He- 
convenient to distribute them into such as belong menUppeu 
to the Gods and such as belong to the Heroes, ac* tSl^s^a. 
cording as the one or the other are the prominent 
personages. The former class manifest, more pal- 
pably than the latter, their real origin, as growing 
out of the faith and the feelings^ without any ne- 
cessary basis, either of matter of fact or allegory : 
moreover, they elucidate more directly the religion 
of the Greeks, so important an item in their cha- 
racter as a people. But in point of fact, most of 
the mythes present to us Gods, Heroes and Men, in 
juxtaposition one with the other, and the richness 
of Grecian mythical literature arises from the infi- 
nite diversity of combinations thus opened out ; 
first by the three class-t3rpes, God, Hero, and Man ; 
next by the strict keeping with which each separate 
class and character is handled. We shall now fol- 
low downward the stream of mythical time, which 
begins with the Gods, to the Heroic legends, or 
those which principally concern the Heroes and 
Heroines ; for the latter were to the full as import* 
ant in legend as the former. 




The Hesiodic theogony gives no account of any* 
thing like a creation of man, nor does it seem 
that such an idea was much entertained in the le- 
gendary vein of Grecian imagination ; which com- 
monly carried back the present men by successive 
generations to some primitive ancestor, himself 
S^8*they sprung from the soil, or from a neighbouring river 
thrHwiildic ^^ niountain, or from a god, a nymph, &c. But the 
dD*" " P^^^ ^^ theHesiodic "Works and Days " has given 
us a narrative conceived in a very different spirit 
respecting the origin of the human race, more in 
harmony with the sober and melancholy ethical 
tone which reigns through that poem ^ 

First (he tells us) the Olympic gods made the 
golden race, — good, perfect, and happy men, who 
lived from the spontaneous abundance of the earth, 
in ease and tranquillity like the gods themselves : 
TbeGoiden. t^ey Suffered neither disease nor old-age, and their 
death was like a gentle sleep. After death they 
became, by the award of Zeus, guardian terrestrial 
daemons, who watch unseen over the proceedings 
of mankind — with the regal privilege of dispensing 

^ Hesiod, as cited in the Etjrmologicon Magnum (probably the 
^ Hesiodic Catalogue of Women, as Marktscbeffel considers it, placing it 
Fragm. 133), gives the parentage of a certain Brotos, who must pro- 
bably be intended as the first of men : Bp&ros, »s fUp Ewifuposji Mcir- 
arfviot, cM Bp6rov rufos avrdx^ovos' 6 dc 'Hcriodor, dir6 Bp6mv rov A?- 
0tpof Koi 'HfAMpas. 


to them wealth, and taking account of good and 
had deeds*. 

Next, the gods made the silver race, — unlike Thcsuw. 
and greatly inferior, both in mind and body, to the 
golden. The men of this race were reckless and 
mischievous towards each other, and disdainful of 
the immortal gods^ to whom they refused to offer 
either worship or sacrifice. Zeus in his wrath 
buried them in the earth : but there they still enjoy 
a secondary honour, as the Blest of the under- 

Thirdly, Zeus made the brazen race, quite dif- TheBrazen. 
ferent from the silver. They were made of hard 
ash- wood, pugnacious and terrible : they were of 
immense strength and adamantine soul, neither 
raising nor touching bread. Their arms, their 
houses, and their implements were all of brass: 
there was then no iron. This race, eternally fight* 
iDg, perished by each other's hands, died out, and 
descended without name or privilege to Hadds^. 
; Next, Zeus made a fourth race, far juster and The Heroic 

> 0pp. Di. 120.— 

Avr^ eTTCtd^ tovto yivos Kara yaia KoKv^rfP, 
To\ yAv baiiuiw€i tlfn Ai6g fieyakcv dick fiovkiit 
^Eaffkol, tTTix^Svioi, (fntXiuctt Binjfr^v avBpimwf' 
Oc pa ffivKdao'ova'lv re dUas koi (r^^erXia tpya, 
^fiipa itro'dfitvoi, ircamj <f>oiTSpT€s iir aJtav 
nXovrddoroi* xol rovro yc/xif p€urtKfitov Utrxow. 

» Opp. Di. 140.— 

AvTop cVcl Koi TOVTO ftvos Korh yaia koKv^, 
Tol fuv V7roxB6vuH yyoKopti BvrjTol JcoXeoinrai 
Acvrcpoi, aXX' tfiwjs Tifuj koi Toltrw ^m/dci. 

* The ash was the wood out of which spear-handles were made 
(Uiad, xri. 142) : the Nv/i^oi M/Xuu are bom along with the Oigantes 
and the Erinnyes (Theogon. 187)t — ''gensque yiriim tnincis et dnro 
robore nata" (Virgil, i£ncid, viii. 315), — hewrti of oak. 


better than the last preceding. These were the He- 
roes or demigods, who fought at the sieges of Troy 
and Thebes. But this splendid stock also became 
extinct : some perished in war, others were removed 
by Zeus to a happier state in the islands of the Blest. 
There they dwell in peace and comfort, under the 
government of Kronos, reaping thrice in the year 
the spontaneous produce of the earths 
The Iron. The fifth racc, which succeeds to the Heroes, is 
of iron : it is the race to which the poet himself be* 
longs, and bitterly does he regret it. He finds his 
contemporaries mischievous, dishonest, unjust, un- 
grateful, given to perjury, careless both of the ties 
of consanguinity and of the behests of the gods : 
Nemesis and Mdts (Ethical Self-reproach) have left 
earth and gone back to Olympus. How keenly does 
he wish that his lot had been cast either earlier 
or later ^ 1 This iron race is doomed to continual 
guilt, care, and suffering, with a small infusion of 
good ; but the time will come when Zeus will put 
an end to it. The poet does not venture to predict 
what sort of race will succeed. 

Such is the series of distinct races of men, which 
Hesiod, or the author of the " Works and Days," 
enumerates as having existed down to his own time. 
I give it as it stands, without placing much confi- 
dence in the various explanations which critics have 

> Opp. Di. 157.— 

*Aydp«v *Hpw»v Bflop y€vos, ol lutkfoprcu 
'HfuBfoi npotipjf y€V€fj kqt antipova yaiav. 

2 Opp. Di. 173.— 

M^icrr* Zntvr aififikov (yia nifinroifn fitrftvcu 
*hphpa<nv, nXX* § ifp6a-$€ Bavtlv^ § firtira y9vi<rBai. 
NOv yap bi^ yivoi iari cribffp€ov 


offered. It stands out in mote than one respect ' 

from the general tone and sentiment of Grecian 
legend : moreover the sequence of races is neither 
natural nor homogeneous, — ^the heroic race not 
having any metallic denomination, and not occu- 
pying any legitimate place in immediate isuccession 
to the brazen. Nor is the conception of the dae- pMRwcnt 
moDs in harmony either with Homer or with the t^^J 
Hesiodic theogony. In Homer, there is scarcely ^mHo- 
any distinction between gods and daemons, while ^^' 
the gods are stated to go about and visit the cities 
of men in various disguises for the purpose of in« 
specting good and evil proceedings ^ But in the 
poem now before us, the distinction between gods 
and daemons is generic. The latter are invisible 
tenants of earth, remnants of the once happy golden 
race whom the Olympic gods first made : the rem^- 
nants of the second or silver race are not daemons, 
nor are they tenants of earth, but they still enjoy an 
honourable posthumous existence as the Blest of the 
under-world. Nevertheless the Hesiodic daemons are 
in no way authors or abettors of evil: on the contrary , 
they form the unseen police of the gods, for the pur- 
pose of repressing wicked behaviour in the world. 

We may trace, I think, in this quintuple succes- Expiana- 
sion of earthly races, set forth by the author of the d^enc^ 
" Works and Days," the confluence of two veins of 
sentiment, not consistent one with the other, yet 
both co-existing in the author's mind. The drift of 
his poem is thoroughly didactic and ethical : though 
deeply penetrated with the injustice and suffering 
which darken the face of human life, he neverthe- 

» Odyss. xvii. 486. 


less strives to maintain, both in himself and in 
others, a conviction that on the whole the just and 
laborious man will come off welP, and he enforces 
in considerable detail the lessons of practical pru- 
dence and virtue. This ethical sentiment, which 
dictates his appreciation of the present, also guides 
his imagination as to the past. It is pleasing to 
him to bridge over the chasm between the gods 
and degenerate man, by the supposition of previous 
Ethictivcin raccs, — ^thc first altogether pure, the second worse 
mcnt!^' than the first, and the third still worse than the 
second ; and to show further how the first race 
passed by gentle death-sleep into glorious immor- 
tality ; how the second race was sufficiently wicked 
to drive Zeus to bury them in the under-world, yet 
still leaving them a certain measure of honour; 
while the third was so desperately violent as to 
perish by its own animosities, without either name 
or honour of any kind. The conception of the 
golden race passing after death into good guardian 
daemons, which some suppose to have been derived 
from a comparison with oriental angels, presents 
itself to the poet partly as approximating this race 

* There are some lines, in which he appears to belieye that, under 
the present wicked and treacherous rulers, it is not the interest of any 
man to be just (0pp. Di. 270) : — 

NOv d^ /yc^ fiffi^ avr6£ €P avBpimouri dueaios 
Etrjv, fifjT ^fx6s vlog' cVcl Koxdp tori dticaiov 
"Efififpai, tl fi^iC^ y€ iliofu ddiK»r€pos «frt' 
*AXXA r(^ o(hr» tokwa rcXcIy Ala rrpiruccpcn/yoy. 

On the whole, however, his conyiction is to the contrary. 

Plutarch rejects the above four lines, seemingly on no other ground 
than because he thought them unmoral and unworthy of Hesiod (see 
Produs ad loc). But they &11 in perfectly with the temper of the 
poem: and the rule of Plutarch is inadmissible, in determining the 
critical question of what is genuine or spurious. 

Cbaf.1I.] race of HEROBS. 93 

to the gods, partly as a means of constituting Ja 
triple gradation of post-obituary existence, propor- 
tioned to the character of each race whilst alive. 
The denominations of gold and silver, given to the 
two first races, justify themselves, like those given 
by Simonidds of Amorgos and by Phokylid^s to 
the different characters of ^omen, derived from the 
dog, the bee, the mare^ the ass, and other animals ; 
and the epithet of brazen is specially explained by 
reference to the material which the pugnacious 
third xace so plentifully employed for their arms 
and other implements. 

So far we trace intelligibly enough the moralising intenected 
vein: we find the revolutions of the past so ar- m^jthicai. 
ranged as to serve partly as an ethical lesson, partly 
as a suitable preface to the presents But fourth 
in the list comes ''the divine race of Heroes'': 
and here a new vein of thought is opened by the 
poet. The symmetry of his ethical past is broken 
up, in order to make way for these cherished beings 
of the national faith. For though the author of the 
" Works and Days " was himself of a didactic cast 
of thought, like Phokylid^s, or Sol6n, or Theognis, 
yet he had present to his feelings, in common with 

1 Aratus (Phsnomen. 107) gives only three successive races, — ^the 
golden, silver, and brazen; Ovid superadds to these the iron race 
(Metamorph. i. 89-144) : neither of them notice the heroic race. 

The observations both of Buttmann (Mythos der iQtesten Menschen- 
getehlediter, t. ii. p. 12 of the Mythologus) and of Volcker (Mytho- 
logie des Japetischen Geschlechts, § 6, pp. 250-279) on this series of 
distinct races, are ingenious, and may be read with profit. Both recog- 
nise the disparate character of the fourth link in the series, and each 
aceonnts for it in a different manner. My own view comes nearer to 
that of Yolcker, with some considerable differences; amongst whi^h 
one is, that he rejects the verses respecting the dsemons, which seem to 
me capital parts of the whole scheme. 


hi8 countrymen, the picture of Grecian foretime, 
as it was set forth in the current roythes, and 
still more in Homer and those other epical pro- 
ductions which were then the only existing lite- 
rature and history. It was impossible for him 
to exclude, from his sketch of the past, either 
the great persons or (he glorious exploits which 
these poems ennobled; and even if he himself 
could have consented to such an exclusion, the 
sketch would have become repulsive to his hearers. 
But the chiefs who figured before Thebes and Troy 
could not be well identified either with the golden, 
the silver, or the brazen race: moreover it was 
essential that they should be placed in immediate 
contiguity with the present race, because their de- 
scendants, real or supposed, were the most promi- 
nent and conspicuous of existing men. Hence the 
poet is obliged to assign to them the fourth place 
in the series, and to interrupt the descending ethical 
movement in order to interpolate them between the 
brazen and the iron race, with neither of which 
they present any analogy. The iron race, to which 
the poet himself unhappily belongs, is the legitimate 
successor, not of the heroic, but of the brazen. 
Instead of the fierce and self- annihilating pugnacity 
which characterizes the latter, the iron race mani- 
fests an aggregate of smaller and meaner vices and 
mischiefs. It will not perish by suicidal extinction — 
but it is growing worse and worse, and is gradually 
losing its vigour, so that Zeus will not vouchsafe to 
preserve much longer such a race upon the earth. 
' We thus see that the series of races imagined by 
the poet of the ^' Works and Days" is the product of 



two distinct and incongruous veins of imagination, 
— the didactic or ethical blending with the primi- 
tive mythical or epical. His poem is remarkable 
as the most ancient didactic production of the The 

" Works 

Greeks, and as one of the first symptoms of a new ud Days " 
tone of sentiment finding its way into their lite- SSk**^ 
rature, never afterwards to become extinct. The p^**^* 
tendency of the " Works and Days " is anti-heroic : 
far from seeking to inspire admiration for adven- 
turous enterprise, the author inculcates the strictest 
justice, the most unremitting labour and frugality, 
and a sober, not to say anxious, estimate of all 
the minute specialties of the future. Prudence and 
probity are his means, — ^practical comfort and hap- 
piness his end. But he deeply feels, and keen- 
ly exposes, the manifold wickedness and short- 
comings of his contemporaries, in reference to this 
capital standard. He turns with displeasure from 
the present men, not because they are too feeble 
to hurl either the spear of Achilles or some vast 
boundary-stone, but because they are rapacious, 
knavish, and unprincipled. 

The daemons first introduced into the religious First intro- 
atmosphere of the Grecian world by the author of dwmons!*^ 
the "Works and Days," as generically different from 
the gods, but as essentially good, and as forming 
the intermediate agents and police between gods 
and men, — are deserving of attention as the seed 
of a doctrine which afterwards underwent many 
changes, and became of great importance, first as 
one of the constituent elements of pagan faith, 
then as one of the helps to its subversion. It will 
be recollected that the buried remnants of the half- 



tPAftT L 

the idea of 

wicked silver race, though they are not recognized 
as dsemonSy are still considered as having a sub- 
stantive existence, a name, and dignity, in the 
under- world. The step was easy, to treat them as 
daemons also, but as daemons of a defective and 
malignant character: this step was made by Em- 
pedoclds and Xenocrat^, and to a certain extent 
countenanced by Plato ^ There came thus to be 
admitted among the pagan philosophers daemons 
both good and bad, in every degree: and these 
daemons were found available as a means of ex- 
plaining many phaenomena for which it was not 
convenient to admit the agency of the gods. They 
served to relieve the gods from the odium of phy- 
sical and moral evils, as well as from the necessity 
of constantly meddling in small affairs ; and the 
objectionable ceremonies of the pagan world were 
defended upon the ground that in no other way 
could the exigencies of such malignant beings be 
appeased. ITiey^were most frequently noticed as 
causes of evil, and thus the name {damon) came 
insensibly to convey with it a bad sense, — the idea 
of an evil being as contrasted with the goodness of 
a god. So it was found by the Christian writers 
when they commenced their controversy with pa* 
ganism. One branch of their argument led them 
to identify the pagan gods with daemons in the evil 
sense, and the insensible change in the received 
Employed meaning of the word lent them a specious assist- 
^the ance. For they could easily show that not only 
p««^/"*^ in Homer, but in the general language of early 
pagans, all the gods generally were spoken of as 

' See this subject further mentioned — if{fra, chap. xvi. 


dsemoQS — and therefore, verbally speaking, Cle- 
mens and Tatian seemed to affirm nothing more 
against Zeus or Apollo than was involved in the 
language of paganism itself. Yet the audience of 
Homer or Sophokl^ would have strenuously repu- 
diated the propositioQi if it had been put to them in 
the sense which the word dmman bore in the age 
and among the circle of these Christian writers. 

In the imagination of the author of the '' Works Fanctions 
and Xteys/' the daemons occupy an important place, Hesioac 
and are regarded as being of serious practical effi- ™^'"' 
ciency. When he is remonstrating with the rulers 
around him upon their gross injustice and corrupt 
tioii^ he reminds them of the vast number of these 
immortal servants of Zeus who are {^rpetually on 
guard amidst mankind » and through whom the 
viaitations of the gods will descend even upon the 
most potent evildoers ^ His supposition that the 
daemons were not gods, but departed men of the 
gjt^en race, allowed him to multiply their number 
indefinitelyi without too much cheapening the di* 
vine dignity. 

As this poet has beeu so much enslaved by the 
current legends as to intiioduce the Heroic' race 
into a series to wbiqh it does not legitimately be- 
long, so he has under the same influence inserted 
in another part <^ his poem the mythe of Pandora 
and Prom^theus^, as a means of explaining the 
primary diffusion, and actual abundance, ^' evil 
among mankind. Yet this mythe can in no 

* Opp. Di. 252. Tp\s yitp fivptoi c?<riv M xBov\ frovkvfiortlpp, &c. 
« Opp, Di. 50-106. 

VOL. I. a 


way consist with his quintuple scale of distinct 
races, and is in fact a totally distinct theory to 
explain the same problem, — the transition of man- 
kind from a supposed state of antecedent happi- 
ness to one of present toil and suffering. Such an 
inconsistency is not a sufficient reason for ques- 
tioning the genuineness of either passage ; for the 
two stories, though one contradicts the other, both 
harmonise with that central purpose which governs 
J«55?*'^ the author's mind, — a querulous and didactic ap- 
which per. prcciatiou of the present. That such was his pur- 
•< Works pose appears not only from the whole tenor of his 
•ndDayi. p^^m^ |j^t ^Iso from the remarkable fact that his 

own personality, his own adventures and kindred, 
and his own sufferings, figure in it conspicuously. 
And this introduction of self imparts to it a pecu- 
liar interest. The father of Hesiod came over from 
the ^olic Kym6, with the view of bettering his 
condition, and settled at Askra in Boeotia, at the 
foot of Mount Helicon. After his death his two 
sons divided the family inheritance : but Hesiod 
bitterly complains that his brother Persds cheated 
and went to law with him, and obtained through 
corrupt judges an unjust decision. He farther 
reproaches his brother with a preference for the 
suits and unprofitable bustle of the agora, at a time 
when he ought to be labouring for his subsistence 
in the field. Askra indeed was a miserable place, 
repulsive both in summer and winter. Hesiod had 
never crossed the sea, except once from Aulis to 
Euboea, whither he went to attend the funeral- 
games of Amphidamas, the chief of Chalkis : he 


sung a hynm, and gained as prize a tripod, which 
he consecrated to the muses in Helicon \ 

These particulars, scanty as they are, possess 
a peculiar value, as the earliest authentic memo- 
randum respecting the doing or suffering of any 
actual Greek person. There is no external testi- 
mony at all worthy of trust respecting the age of 
the "Works and Days": Herodotus treats He- 
siod and Homer as belonging to the same age, 
four hundred years before his own time ; and there Probable 
are other statements besides, some placing Hesiod ^i^ 
at an earlier date than Homer, some at a later. 
Looking at the internal evidences, we may observe 
that the pervading sentiment, tone and purpose of 
the poem is widely different from that of the Iliad 
and Odyssey, and analogous to what we read re- 
specting the compositions of Archilochus and the 
Amorgian Simonid6s. The author of the " Works 
and Days " is indeed a preacher and not a satirist : 
but with this distinction, we find in him the same 
predominance of the present and the positive, the 
same disposition to turn the muse into an expo- 
nent of his own personal wrongs, the same em- 
ployment of iSsopic fable by way of illustration, 
and the same unfavourable estimate of the female 
sex^, all of which may be traced in the two poets 

' 0pp. Di. 630-660, 27-46. 

' Compare the &ble (ahos) in the '' Works and Days/' v. 200, with 
those in Archilochus, Fr. xxxviii. and xxxix., Gaisford, respecting the 
fox and the spe ; and the l^^nd of Pand6ra (v. 96 and v. 706) with 
the fragment of Simonidds of Amorgos respecting women (Fr. viii. ed. 
Welcker, v. 96-116); also PhokyUd^ ap. Stohseum Florileg. Ixzi. 

Isokratte assimilates the character of the ''Works and Days" ta 
that of Theognis and Phokylidds (ad Nikokl. Or. ii. p. 23). 

'H 2 


above-mentioned, plaoing both of them in contrast 
with the Homeric epic. Such an internal analogy, 
in the absence of good testimony, is the best guide 
which we can follow in determining the date of the 
** Works and Days," which we should accordingly 
place shortly after the year 700 b.c« The style of 
the poem might indeed afford a proof that the an* 
cif^t and uniform hexameter, though well-adapted 
to continuous legendary narrative or to solemn 
hymns, was somewhat monotonous when called 
upon either to serve ^ polemical purpose or to im- 
press a striking moral lesson. When poets, then 
the only existing composers, first began to apply 
their thoughts to the cut and thrust of actual life, 
aggressive or didactic, the verse would be seen to 
require a new, livelier and smarter metre ; and out 
of this want grew the elegiac and the iambic verse, 
both seemingly contemporaneous, and both in- 
tended to supplant the primitive hexameter for the 
Khort effusions th^n coming into vogue. 




Tbb gon8 of the Ht&ti g6d lapetus, as described in 
the Hesiodic theogony, are Atlas, MencBtius, Pro- 
metheus and Epim^theus'. Of these, Atlas alone is 
mentioned by Homer in the Odyssey, and even he 
not as the son of lapetus : the latter himself is named 
in the Iliad as existing in Tartarus along with Kro- 
nos. The Homeric Atlas *' knows the depths of the 
whole sea, and keeps by himself those tall pillars 
which hold the heaven apart from the earth*/' 

As the Homeric theogony generally appears lapetidtin 
much expanded in Hesiod, so also does the family ^ 
of lapetus, with their varied adventures. Atlas is 
here described, not as the keeper of the interme- 
diate pillars between heaven and earth, but as 
himself condemned by Zeus to support the heaven 
on his head and hands^ ; while the fierce Menoetius 
is thrust down to Erebus as a punishment for his 
ungovernable insolence. But the remaining two 
brothers, Prometheus and Epimdtheus, are among 
the most interesting creations of Grecian legend, 

> Heaod, Theog. 510. 
» Ham. Odyw. i. 120.— 

'ArXcrroc Bvyttr^p ^o6<f>popos9 ^^^ ^tLkdtrmi^ 

Oavip fiMta o2dc, Ix** ^ ^' iciopag aiMs 

MoKphs, ai yaiatf re ical ovpaw6» dftt^lv lfx9V<riv* 
' Heiiod» Tbeog. S\&.^ 

*hrkat y mtpawhtf tvpvv tj^u KpoT^pfjg vn^ opdyitfit 

*E^n^» luipakji Tt Koi Meoft^rroiai x^p<^0'*. 
Hetiod stretches far beyond the simplicity of the Homeric conceptton^ 


and distinguished in more than one respect from 
all the remainder. 
Promg. First, the main battle between Zeus and the 

Epime- Titan gods is a contest of force purely and simply 
thcus. — ^mountains are hurled and thunder is launched, 
and the victory remains to the strongest. But the 
competition between Zeus and Prometheus is one 
of craft and stratagem: the victory does indeed 
remain to the former, but the honours of the fight 
belong to the latter. Secondly, Prometheus and 
EpimStheus (the fore-thinker and the after-thinker 
are characters stamped at the same mint and by 
the same effort, the express contrast and antithesis 
of each other. Thirdly, mankind are here expressly 
brought forward, not indeed as active partners in 
the struggle, but as the grand and capital subjects 
interested, — as gainers or sufferers by the result. 
Prometheus appears in the exalted character of 
champion of the human race, even against the for- 
midable superiority of Zeus. 

In the primitive or Hesiodic legend, Prometheus 

is not the creator or moulder of man ; it is only 

the later additions which invest him with this cha- 

w racter^ The race are supposed as existing, and 

Prometheus, a member of the dispossessed body of 

' Pindar extends the family of Epim^eni and gives him a daughter, 
H/xk^Murtr (Pyth. v. 25), Excuse, the offspring of After-thought. 

' Apollod6r. i. 7« I* Nor is he such either in ^schylus, or in the 
Platonic fable (Protag. c. 30), though this version became at last the 
most popular. Some hardened lumps of day, remnants of that which 
had been employed by Prom^heus in moulding man, were shown to 
Pausanias at Panopeus in Phokis (Pans. x. 4, 3). 

The first Epigram of Erinna (Anthol. i. p. 58, ed. Brunck) seems to 
allude to Promltheus as moulder of man. The expression of Aristo- 
phanes (Aves, 689) — nXda-fiaTa nrfkov — does not necessarily refer to 


Titan gods, comes forward as their representative 
tuid defender. The advantageous bargain which he 
made with Zeus on their behaUfi in respect to the 
partition of the sacrificial animals, has been re- 
counted in the preceding chapter. Zeus felt that countcr- 
be had been outwitted, and was exceeding wroth, vnngof 
In his displeasure he withheld from mankind the tMZeJ^ 
inestimable comfort of fire, so that the race would 
have perished, had not Prometheus stolen fire, in 
defiance of the command of the Supreme Ruler, and 
brought it to men in the hollow of a feruled 

Zeus was now doubly indignant, and determined 
to play ofiT a still more ruinous stratagem. Hd- 
phaestos, by his direction, moulded the form of a 
beautiful virgin; Ath^nS dressed her, Aphroditd 
and the Charites bestowed upon her both orna- 
ment and fascination, while Hermds infused into her 
the mind of a dog, a deceitful spirit, und treache- 
rous words ^. The messenger of the gods conducted 
this *' fascinating mischief" to mankind,- at a time 
when Prometheus was not present. Now Epim6- • 
theus had received from his brother peremptory in- 
junctions not to accept from the hands of Zeus any 
present whatever ; but the beauty of Pand6ra (so Panddr«. . 
the newly-formed female was called) was not to be 
resisted. She was received and admitted among 
men, and from that moment their comfort and 
tranquillity was exchanged for suffering of every 
kind*. The evils to which mankind are liable had 
been before enclosed in a cask in their own keeping : 
Pand6ra in her malice removed the lid of the cask, 

» Hesiod, Theog. 566 ; 0pp. Di. 52. ' Theog. 580 ; 0pp. Di. 50-85, 
• Opp. Di. 81-90. 


and oat flew these thousand evils and calamities, 
to exercise for ever their destroying force. Hope 
alone remained imprisoned, and therefore without 
efficacy, as before — ^the inviolable lid being re* 
placed before she could escape. Before this inci^ 
dent (says the legend) men had lived without dis- 
ease or suffering ; but now both earth and sea are 
full of mischiefs, while maladies of every description 
stalk abroad by day as well as by night \ without 
any hope for man of relief to come. 
Pandora in The Tfaeogouy givcs the legend here recounted, 
gony. with some variations — leaving out the part of 
Epimdtheus altogether, as well as the cask of evils. 
Panddra is the ruin of man, simply as the mother 
and representative of the female sex*. And the 
variations are thus useful, as they enable us to 

> 0pp. Di. 93. Panddra does not ^'a^ with her the cask, as the 
common Tersion of this story would have us suppose ; the cask exists 
fast closed in the custody of Epim^theus, or of man himself, and Pan- 
ddra commits the fatal treachery of removing the hd. The case is 
analogous to that of the closed bag of uufavourable winds which JEiolus 
gives into the hands of Odysseus, and which the guilty companions of 
the latter force open, to the entire ruin of his hopes (Odyss. x. 19-60). 
The idea of the two casks on the threshold of Zeus, lying ready for dis- 
pensation — one full of evils, the other of benefits — is Homeric (Ilia4f 
xxiv. 527) *. — 

Aoi'oi yap re niBoi icaraicrmrat cV Ai6s oufif i, &c. 

Plutarch assimiUtes to this the niBos opened by Panddra, Ck>nsohit. 
ad ApoUon. o. 7- p- 105. The explanation he^e given of the Hesiodic 
passage relating to Hope, is drawn from an able article in the Wiener 
Jahrbuchcr, vol. 109 (1845), p. 220, by Ritter ; a review of Schdmann*a 
translation of the Prometheus of j£sohylus. The diseases and evils are iu- 
operative so long as they remain shut up in the cask : the same mischief- 
muking iufluence which lets them out to their calamitous work, takes 
care that Hope shall still continue a powerless prisoner in the inside. 
' Theog. 590.— 

*Ek Ttjs yap ytyos cVri yvvaiKo^v BrjKvrtpd<ov, 
'r»}s yap 6\iOi6v tVrt ytvos' Ka\ <f)v\a yvvaiKmv 
Urjita p*y<i Oi'rjrnicri p,tr dp^pdo'i rntcraovcrt, &c. 


distinguish the essential from the accessory cir- 
cumstances of the story. 

'' Thus (says the poet, at the conclusion of his 
narrative) it is not possible to escape from the 
purposes of Zeus\'' His my the, connecting the 
calamitous condition of man with the malevolence 
of the supreme god, shows, lirst, by what cause 
such an unfriendly feeling was raised ; next, by 
what instrumentality its deadly results were brought 
about. The human race are not indeed the creation, 
but the protected flock of Prometheus, one of the 
elder or dispossessed Titan gods : when Zeus ac- 
quires supremacy, mankind along with the rest 
become subject to him, and are to make the best 
bargain they can, respecting worship and service 
to be yielded. By the stratagem of their advocate 
Promdtheus, Zeus is cheated into such a partition 
of the victims as is eminently unprofitable to 
him ; whereby his wrath is so provoked, that oenerai 
be tries to subtract from man the use of fire, the poet. 
Here however his scheme is frustrated by the theft 
of Prometheus: but his second attempt is more 
successful, and he in his turn cheats the unthink- 
ing Epim^lheus into the acceptance of a present 
(in spite of the peremptory interdict of Prome- 
theus) by which the whole of man's happiness is 
wrecked. This legend grows out of two feelings ; 
partly as to the relations of the gods with man, 
partly as to the relation of the female sex with the 
male. The present gods are unkind towards man, 
but the old gods, with whom man's lot was ori« 

' 0pp. Di. 106.— 

Ovroir ofjTi trrj cVri ^c^r voov i^akiturBai. 


ginally cast, were much kinder — and the ablest 
among them stands forward as the indefatigable 
protector of the race. Nevertheless, the mere ex- 
cess of his craft proves the ultimate ruin of the 
cause which he espouses. He cheats Zeus out of a 
fair share of the sacrificial victim, so as both to 
provoke and justify a retaliation which he cannot 
be always at hand to ward off : the retaliation is, 
in his absence, consummated by a snare laid for 
£pim6theus and voluntarily accepted. And thus, 
M»n , , though Hesiod ascribes the calamitous condition of 


but Zeus' man to the malevolence of Zeus, his piety suggests 
bumc. two exculpatory pleas for the latter : mankind have 
been the first to defraud Zeus of his legitimate 
share of the sacrifice — and they have moreover 
been consenting parties to their own ruin. Such 
are the feelings, as to the relation between the 
gods and man, which have been one of the gene- 
rating elements of this legend. The other element, 
Mischiefs a conviction of the vast mischief arising to man 
frraTwo- f^om women, whom yet they cannot dispense with, 
men. jg frequently and strongly set forth in several of 

the Greek poets — by Simonidfis of Amorgos and 
Phokylidds, not less than by the notorious miso- 
gynist Euripid6s. 

But the miseries arising from woman, however 
great they might be, did not reach Prometheus 
himself. For him, the rash champion who had 
ventured *' to compete in sagacity^" with Zeus, a 
different punishment was in store. Bound by heavy 
chains to a pillar, he remained fast imprisoned for 
several generations : every day did an eagle prey 

* Theog. 534. OvtftK cptfrro ^ovXa^ WT€pftfi/€4 Kpopioivt. 


upon his liver, and every night did the liver grow Puniah- 
afresh for the next day's suffering. At length promS- 
Zeus, eager to enhance the glory of his favourite **'*^* 
son HSraklSs, permitted the latter to kiW the eagle 
and rescue the captive'. 

Such is the Promethean mythe as it stands in 
the Hesiodic poems ; its earliest form, as far as we 
can trace. Upon it wqs founded the sublime tra- 
gedy of -^schylus, ** The Enchained Prometheus," 
together with at least one more tragedy, now lost, 
by the same author^ iEschylus has made several 
important alterations ; describing the human race, 
not as having once enjoyed and subsequently lost 
a state of tranquillity and enjoyment, but as origi- 
nally feeble and wretched. He suppresses both the 
first trick played off by Prometheus upon Zeus 
respecting the partition of the victim — and the final 
formation and sending of Pand6ra — which are the 
two most marked portions of the Hesiodic story ; The Pro- 
while on the other hand he brings out prominently ^Lchyius! 
and enlarges upon the theft of fire^, which in Hesiod 
is but slightly touched. If he has thus relinquished 
the antique simplicity of the story, he has rendered 
more than ample compensation by imparting to it 
a grandeur of id^al, a large reach of thought com- 
bined with appeals to our earnest and admiring 
sympathy, and a pregnancy of suggestion in re- 

» Theog. 621-632. 

* Of the tragedy called npofiTj0fvs Av6fi€vos some few fragmeDts yet 
remain : UpofUfBfvs nvp<l>opos was a satyric drama, according to IHn- 
dorf ; Welcker recognises a third tragedy, UpofiriB€vs nvp<l>opo9, and a 
satyric drama, llpofur)0fvs UvpKoitvi (Die Griechisch. Tragodien, yol. i. 
p. 30). The story of Prometheus had also been handled by Sappho in 
one of her lost songs (Servias ad Virgil. Eclog. vi. 42). 

' Apollod6rus too mentions only the theft of fire (i. 7* !)• 


gard to the relations between the gods and man, 
which soar far above the Hesiodic level — and which 
render his tragedy the most impressive, though 
not the most artistically composed, of all Grecian 
dramatic productions. Promdtheus there appears 
not only as the heroic champion and sufferer in 
the cause and for the protection of the human race, 
but also as the gifted teacher of all the arts, helps, 
and ornaments of life, amongst which fire is only 
one^ : all this against the will and in defiance of 
the purpose of Zeus, who, on acquiring his empire, 
wished to destroy the human race and to beget 
some new breed*. Moreover, new relations between * 
Prometheus and Zeus are superadded by iEschy- 
lus. At the commencement of the struggle between 
Zeus and the Titan gods, Prometheus had vainly 
attempted to prevail upon the latter to conduct it 
with prudence ; but when he found that they obsti* 
nately declined all wise counsel, and that their ruin 
was inevitable, he abandoned their cause and joined 
Zeus. To him and to his advice Zeus owed the 
victory : yet the monstrous ingratitude and tyranny 
of the latter is now manifested by nailing him to a 
rock, for no other crime than because he frustrated 
the purpose of extinguishing the human race, and 
furnished to them the means of living with toleraUe 
comfort^. The new ruler Zeus, insolent with his 

» iEsch. Prom. 442-606.— 

« .Eich. Prom. 231.— 

fipuri>v bk r»y raXaiYra»po»v X&yov 
OvK tiTXtv oiibipj aXX* didT<&<raf ycvor 

' iEsch. Prom. 198-222. 123.— 


victory over the old gods> tramples down all right, 
and sets at naught sympathy and obligation, as well 
towards gods as towards man. Yet the prophetic 
Prometheus, in the midst of intense suffering, is con- 
soled by the foreknowledge that the time will come 
when Zeu9 must again send for him, release him, 
and invoke his aid, as the sole means of averting 
from himself dangers otherwise insurmountable. 
The security and means of continuance for man- 
kind have now been placed beyond the reach of Zeus 
— whom Prometheus proudly defies, glorying in his 
generous and successful championship \ despite the 
tctrnble price which he is doomed to pay for it. 

Aa tibte ^schylean Prometheus, though retaining Loeautr in 
the old lineaments, has acquired a new colouring, mstheas^ 
soul and character, so he has also become identified J^^^^' 
with a special locality. In Hesiod there is no indi- 
cation of the place in which he is imprisoned ; but 
^schylus places it in Scythia^, and the general 
belief of the Greeks supposed it to be on Mount 
Caucasus. So long aad so firmly did this beUef 
continue, that the Roman general Pompey, when 
in cQinmand of vm army in Kolchis, made with his 
coiapaiiioa, the literary Greek Theophan^s, a spe- 
cial march to view the spot in Caucasus where 
Prometheus had been transfixed ^. 

1 Jiteh. Prom. 169-770. 

' Ptometh. 2. See aho the Fragmentt of the FVomdtheus SolatuB* 
177-179, ed. Dindorf, where Caucasus is spedally named; but v. 719 
of the iSromdtheus Vinctus seems to imply that Mount Caucasus is a 
pkiee dif^BfOit ftom ^t to which the suffering prisoner is chained. 

* Appian, Bell. Mithridat. c. 103. 




Having briefly enumerated the gods of Greece, 
with their chief attributes as described in legend, 
we come to those genealogies which connected 
them with historical men. 
stnicturc In t^e retrospective faith of a Greek, the ideas of 

and pur- ^ * ' 

poses of worship and ancestry coalesced. Every association 
neabgTesf^* of men, large or small, in whom there existed a 
feeling of present union, traced back that union to 
some common initial progenitor; that progenitor 
being either the common god whom they worshiped, 
or some semi-divine person closely allied to him. 
What the feelings of the community require is, a 
continuous pedigree to connect them with this re- 
spected source of existence, beyond which they do 
not think of looking back. A series of names, 
placed in filiation or fraternity, together with a 
certain number of family or personal adventures 
ascribed to some of the individuals among them, 
constitute the ante-historical past through which 
the Greek looks back to his gods. The names of 
this genealogy are, to a great degree, gentile or 
local names familiar to the people, — rivers, moun- 
tains, springs, lakes, villages, demes, &c., — embo- 
died as persons, and introduced as acting or suffer- 
ing. They are moreover called kings or chiefs, but 
the existence of a body of subjects surrounding 


them is tacitly implied rather than distinctly set 
forth ; for their own personal exploits or family 
proceedings constitute for the most part the whole 
matter of narrative. And thus the genealogy was To connect 
made to satisfy at once the appetite of the Greeks commnnity 
for romantic adventure, and their demand for an ^iJi^^ 
unbroken line of filiation between themselves and ^ 
the gods. The eponymous personage> from whom 
the community derive their name, is sometimes the 
begotten son of the local god, sometimes an indi- 
genous man sprung from the earth, which is indeed 
itself divinized. 

It will be seen from the mere description of these 
genealogies that they included elements human 
and historical, as well as elements divine and ex- 
tra-historical. And if we could determine the time 
at which any genealogy was first framed, we should 
be able to assure ourselves that the men then re- 
presented as present, together with their fathers 
and grandfathers, were real persons of flesh and 
blood. But this is a point which can seldom be Lower 

, » t •/••x 111 members of 

ascertained ; moreover, even if it could be ascer* the genea. 
tained, we must at once set it aside, if we wish JJS— **^ 
to look at the genealogy in the point of view of ^^^^ 
the Greeks. For to them, not only all the mem- non-hiiton- 


hers were alike real, but the gods and heroes at 
the commencement were in a certain sense the 
most real ; at least, they were the most esteemed 
and indispensable of all. The value of the gene- The non. 
alogy consisted, not in its length, but in its con- pJInlon 
tinuity ; not (according to the feeling of modern JJJljS^ind 
aristocracy) in the power of .setting out a pro- {"^^T*", 
longed series of human fathers and grandfathers, Greeks. 



[Paet I. 

Number of 
•uch genea- 
every frac- 
tion of 

but in the sense of ancestral union with the pri- 
mitive god. And the length of the series is trace- 
able rather to humility, inasmuch as the same per- 
son who was gratified with the belief that he was 
descended from a god in the fifteenth generation, 
would have accounted it criminal insolence to af- 
firm that a god was his father or grandfather. In 
presenting to the reader those genealogies which 
constitute the supposed primitive history of Hellas, 
I make no pretence to distinguish names real and 
historical from fictitious creations ; partly because 
I have no evidence upon which to draw the line, and 
partly because by attempting it I should altogether 
depart from the genuine Grecian point of view. 

Nor is it possible to do more than exhibit a 
certain selection of such as were most current and 
interesting ; for the total number of them which 
found place in Grecian faith exceeds computation. 
As a general rule, every deme, every gena> every 
aggregate of men accustomed to combined action, 
religious or political, had its own. The small and 
unimportant demes into which Attica was divided 
had each its ancestral god and heroes, just as 
much as the great Athens herself. Even among 
the villages of Phokis, which Pausanias will hardly 
permit himself to call towns, deductions of legen- 
dary antiquity were not wanting. And it is im- 
portant to bear in mind, when we are reading the 
legendary genealogies of Argos, or Sparta, or 
Thebes, that these are merely samples amidst an 
extensive class, all perfectly analogous, and all 
exhibiting the religious and patriotic retrospect of 
some fractipn of the Hellenic world. - They are no 


more matter of historical tradition than any of the 
thousand other legendary genealogies which men 
delighted to recall to memory at the periodical 
festivals of their gens, their deme, or their village. 

With these few prefatory remarks, I proceed to 
Qotice the most conspicuous of the Grecian heroic 
pedigrees, and first, that of Argos. 

The earliest name in Argeian antiquity is that Argeiange 
of Inachus, the son of Oceanus and T^thys, who foachu^r 
gave his name to the river flowing under the 
walls of the town. According to the chronological 
computations of those who regarded the mythical 
genealogies as substantive history, and who al- 
lotted a given number of years to each generation, 
the reign of luachus was placed 1986 b.c, or 
about 1100 years prior to the commencement of 
the recorded Olympiads ^ 

The sons of Inachus were Phordneus and ^Egia- 
leus ; both of whom however were sometimes re- 
presented as autochthonous or indigenous men, 
the one in the territory of Argos, the other in that 
of Siky6n. ^gialeus gave his name to the north- 
western region of the Peloponnesus, on the southern 
coast of the Corinthian Gulf*. The name of Pho- Phordneut. 
r6neus was of great celebrity in the Argeian mythical 
genealogies, and furnished both the title and the 
subject of the ancient poem called Phor6nis, in 
which he is styled *' the father of mortal men^." 

^ ApolIod6r. ii. 1. Mr. Fynes Clinton does not admit the huBtorical 
reslity of Inachus ; but he places PhorOneus seventeen generations, or 
570 years prior to the Trojan war, 978 years earlier than the first re- 
corded OlympiiuL See Fasti Hellenici, vol. iii« c. 1. p. 19. 

' Pansan. ii. 5, 4. 

' See Diintzer, Fragm. Epic. Grstc. p. 67* The Argeian author 

VOL. I. I 


He is said to have imparted to mankind, who had 
hefore him lived altogether isolated, the first no- 
tion and hahits of social existence, and even the 
first knowledge of fire : his dominion extended over 
the whole Peloponnesus. His tomb at Argos, and 
seemingly also the place, called the Phor6nic city, 
in which he formed the first settlement of mankind, 
were still shown in the days of Pausanias^ The 
offspring of Phor6neus, by the nymph Teledik6, 
were Apis and Niobfi. Apis, a harsh ruler, was 
put to death by Thelxi6n and Telchin, having 
given to Peloponnesus the name of Apia^ : he was 
succeeded by Argos, the son of his sister NiobA 
• by the god Zeus. From this sovereign Pelopon- 

Akusilaus, treated Phor6neus as the first of men^ Fragm. 14. Didot 
ftp. Clem. Alex. Stromat. i. p. 321 . ^opmffJ€s, a synonym for Argeiaas ; 
Theocrit. Idyll, xxv. 200. 

» Apolloddr. ii. 1, 1 : Pausan. ii. 15, 5; 19, 5; 20, 3. 

* Apis in ^schylus is totally different: an laTp6fmvris or medical 
diarmer, son of Apollo, who comes across the gulf from Nanpaktos, 
purifies the territory of Argos from noxious monsters, and gives to it 
the name of Apia (-^schyl. Suppl. 265). Compare Steph. Byz. v. 
*Air/i7 ; Soph. CEdip. Colon. 1303. The name *Afrca for Peloponnesus 
remains still a mystery, even after the attempt of Buttmann (Lexilogus» 
s. 19) to throw light upon it. 

Eusebius asserts that Niob^ was the wife of Inachus and mother of 
Phor6neus, and pointedly contradicts those who call her daughter of 
Phor6neus — <^aa-t d< TtP€S "SlS^tiv ^pmvi<as ilyai Bxryarcpa, oirtp ovk 
okxfBts (Chronic, p. 23, ed. Scalig.) : his positive tone is curious, upon 
such a matter. 

Hellanikus in his Argohca stated that Phor6neus had three sons, 
Pelasgus, lasus and Agendr, who at the death of their &ther divided 
his possessions by lot. Pelasgus acquired the country near the river 
Erasinus, and built the citadel of Larissa : lasus obtained the portion 
near to Elis. After their decease, the younger brother Agdn6r invaded 
and conquered the country, at the head of a large body of horse. It 
was from these three persons that Argos derived three epithets which 
are attached to it in the Homeric poems— ''A/>yof ncXacryiic^y, "laa-op, 
'ln7r6poTov (Hellanik. Fr. 38, ed. Didot; Phavorin. v. "Apyos), This is 
a specimen of the way in which legendary persons as well as legendary 

Chap. IV.] 10.— HERE.— THE HBRiEON. 115 

n^sus was denominated Argos. By his wife EvadnS, 
daughter of Strym6n\ he had four sons, Ekbasus, 
Peiras, Epidaurus, and Kriasus. Ekbasuswas suc- 
ceeded by his son Ag6n6r, and he again by his son 
Argos PanoptSs, — a very powerful prince, who is ^^^^' 
said to have had eyes distributed over all his body, 
and to have liberated Peloponnesus from several 
monsters and wild animals which infested it*: 
Akusilaus and ^schylus make this Argos an earth- 
born person, while Pherekyd6s reports him as son 
of Arestfir. lasus was the son of Argos PanoptSs 
by Ismdnd, daughter of As6pus. According to the 
authors whom ApoUoddrus and Pausanias prefer, 
the celebrated 16 was his daughter : but the He- ^*- 
siodic epic (as well as Akusilaus) represented ber as 
daughter of Peiras, while iEschylus and Kastor the 
chronologist affirmed the primitive king Inachus 
to have been her father^. A favourite theme, as 
well for the ancient genealogical poets as for the 
Attic tragedians, were the- adventures of 16 ; of 
whom, while priestess of HdrS, at the ancient and 
renowned H^raeon between Mykdnae and Argos, 

events were got up to furnish an explanation of Ilomeric epithets : we 
may remark as singular^ that Hellanikus seems to apply UtXaoyiKhw 
"Apyot to a portion of Peloponn^us, while the Homeric Catalogue ap« 
plies it to Thessaly. 

* ApoUod. 1. c. The mention of Strym6n seems connected with 
JBschylus, Suppl. 255. 

' Akusil. Fragm. 17, ed. Didot; JBsch. Prometh. 568; Pherekyd. 
Fragm. 22, ed. Didot ; Hesiod. JBgimius, Fr. 2, p. 56, ed. Diintzer : 
among the varieties of the story, one was that Argos was changed into 
a peacock (Schol. Anstoph. Aves, 102). Macrohius (i. 19) considers 
Argos as an allegorical expression of the starry heaven ; an idea which 
Pano^ska also upholds in one of the recent Abhandlungen of the Berlin 
Academy, 1837, p. 121 seq, 
' Apellod. ii- 1, 1 ; Pausan. ii. 16^ 1 ; JSsch. Prom. v. 590-663. 



Zeus became amorous. When HSrS discovered 
the intrigue and taxed him with it, he denied the 
charge, and metamorphosed 16 into a white cow. 
HSrd, requiring that the cow should be surrendered 
to her, placed her under the keeping of Argos 
Panoptds ; but this guardian was slain by Herm6s, 
at the command of Zeus : and Hdrd then drove the 
cow 16 away from her native land by means of the 
incessant stinging of a gad-fly, which compelled 
her to wander without repose or sustenance over 
an immeasurable extent of foreign regions. The 
wandering 16 gave her name to the Ionian Gulf, 
traversed Epirus and lUyria, passed the chain of 
Mount Ha^mus and the lofty summits of Caucasus, 
and swam across the Thracian or Cimmerian Bos- 
porus (which also from her derived its appella- 
tion) into Asia. She then went through Scythia, 
Cimmeria, and many Asiatic regions, until she ar-. 
rived in Egj^pt, where Zeus at length bestowed 
upon her rest, restored her to her original form, 
and enabled her to give birth to his black son 

> JEschyl. Prom. v. 790-850; Apollod. ii. 1. JEschylus in the Sup- 
plices givei a different yersion of the wanderings of 16 from that which 
appears in the Prometheus : in the former drama he carries her through 
Phrygia, Mysia, Lydia» Pamphylia and Kilikia into Egypt (Supplic. 
544-566): nothing is there said ahout Prometheus, or Caucasus or 
Scythia, &c. 

The track set forth in the Supplices is thus geographically intelligi- 
ble : that in the Prometheus (though the most noticed of the two) ^- 
fies all comprehension, even as a consistent fiction ; nor has the eru- 
dition of the commentators been successful in clearing it up. See 
Schutz, Excurs. iv. ad Prometh. Vinct. pp. 144-149; Welckcr, ifischy- 
lische Trilogie, pp. 127-146, and especially Volcker, Mythische Geo- 
graphie der Griech. und Homer, part i. pp. 3-13. 

The Greek inhabitants at Tarsus in Kilikia traced their origm to 

Chap. IV.] WANDBRINGS OF 10. 117 

Such is a general sketch of the adventures which 
the ancient poets^ epic^ lyric, and tragic, and the 
logographers after them, connect with the name 
of the Argeian 16 — one of the numerous tales 
which the fancy of the Greeks deduced from the 
amorous dispositions of Zeus and the jealousy of 
HM. That the scene should be laid in the Argeian 
territory appears natural, when we recollect that 
both Argos and MykSnae were under the special 
guardianship of H6rd, and that the HSrseon between 
the two was one of the oldest and most celebrated 
temples in which she was worshiped. It is useful 
to compare this amusing fiction with the represen- 
tation reported to us by Herodotus, and derived 
by him as well from Phoenician as from Persian 
antiquarians, of the circumstances which occasioned 
the transit of 16 from Argos to Egypt, — an event Romance of 
recognised by all of them as historical matter of J^tJ"' 
fact According to the Persians, a Phoenician ves- ^Jj^^i- 
sel had arrived at the port near Argos, freighted mciant. 
with goods intended for sale to the inhabitants of 
the country. After the vessel had remained a few 
days, and disposed of most of her cargo, several 
Argeian women, and among them 16 the king's 

Ai^ot : their ctofy wtm, that Triptolemua had been sent fprth firom that 
town in cpiett of the wandering 16, that he had followed her to lyre^ 
and then renounced the search in despair. He and hia companions then 
settled partly at Tarsus, partly at Antioch (Straho, ziv. 673 ; zv. 750). 
Ihis is the story of Kadmos and £ur6p6 inyerted, as happens so oflen 
with the Grecian mythes. 

Houer calls Hermds ^Apyn<t>&ifTfis; but this epithet hardly affords 
sufficient proof that he was acqiudnted with the mytbe of 16, as Volckcr 
snppoaes : it cannot be traced higher than Hesiod. According to some 
aiders, whom Cicero copies, it was on account of the mvrder of Aigos 
that Herm6s was obliged to leanre Greece and go into Egypt : then it was 
that he taught the Egyptians laws and letters (De Nattnr. Dcor. iii. 22). 


daughter, coming on board to purchase, were seized 
and carried off by the crew, who sold 16 in Egypt ^ 
The Phoenician antiquarians, however, while they 
admitted the circumstance that 16 had left her own 
country in one of their vessels, gave a different 
colour to the whole by affirming that she emigrated 
voluntarily, having been engaged in an amour with 
the captain of the vessel, and fearing that her parents 
might come to the knowledge of her pregnancy. 
Both Persians and Phoenicians described the abduc- 
tion of 16 as the first of a series of similar acts 
between Greeks and Asiatics, committed each in 
revenge for the preceding. First came the rape of 
Eur6p6 from Phoenicia by Grecian adventurers, — 
perhaps, as Herodotus supposed, by Kretans : next, 
the abduction of Mddeia from Kolchis by Jas6n, 
which occasioned the retaliatory act of Paris, when 
he stole away Helena from Menelaos. Up to this 
point the seizures of women by Greeks from Asia- 
tics, and by Asiatics from Greeks, had been equi* 
valents both in number and in wrong. But the 
Greeks now thought fit to equip a vast conjoint 
expedition to recover Helen, in the course of which 
they took and sacked Troy. The invasions of 
Greece by Darius and Xerxes were intended, ac- 
cording to the Persian antiquarians, as a long- 
delayed retfibution for the injury inflicted on the 
Asiatics by Agamemn6n and his followers^. 

^ The story in Parth^iiie (Nanrat 1) is built upon this veniofn of 
I6'8 adventures. 

* Herodot. i. 1-6. Pausanias (ii. 15, 1) will not undertake to deter- 
mine whether the account given by Herodotus, or that of the old legend, 
respecting tbe cause which carried 16 from Argos to Egypt, is the true 
one : Ephorus (ap. Schol. ApoU. Rhod. ii. 168) repeats the abduction 


The account thus given of the adventures of 16, 
when contrasted with the genuine legend, is inter- 
esting, as it tends to illustrate the phaenomenon 
which early Grecian history is constantly presenting 
to us, — the way in which the epical furniture of an 
unknown past is recast and newly coloured so as 
to meet those changes which take place in the 
retrospective feelings of the present. The religious i^eKendar^ 

,.,, /•■Ill 11* abdoctioni 

and poetical character of the old legend disappears : of heroinei 
nothing remains except the names of persons and the^feeUngi 
places, and the voyage from Argos to Egypt : we SSriiJ^^Se 
have in exchange a sober, quasi-historical narrative, ^JJ*^ 
the value of which consists in its bearing on the 
grand contemporary conflicts between Persia and 
Greece, which filled the imagination of Herodotus 
and his readers. 

To proceed with the genealogy of the kings of ♦ 
Argos, lasus was succeeded by Krot6pus, son of 
his brother Agdndr; Krotdpus by Sthenelas, and 
he again by G«lan6r*. In the reign of the latter, 

of 16 to Egypt by the Phoenicians, subjoining r strange account of the 
etymology of the name Bosporus. The remarks of Plutarch on the nar- 
nitive of Herodotus are cnrious : he adduces as one proof of the koko^ 
$€ia (bad feeling) of Herodotusy that the latter inserts so discreditable 
a narrative respecting 16, daughter of Inachus, " whom all Greeks be- 
lieve to have been divinized by foreigners, to have given name to seas and 
•traits, and to be the source of the most illustrious regal families." He 
also blames Herodotus for rejecting Epaphus, 16, lasus and Argos, as 
highest members of the Perseid genealogy. He calls Herodotus ^cXo- 
pdppapos (Plutarch, De Malign. Herodoti, c. xi. xii. xiv. pp. 856, 857). 

1 It would be an unprofitable fatigue to enumerate the multiplied and 
irreconcileable discrepancies in regard to every step of this old Argeian 
genealogy. Whoever desires to see them brought together, may con- 
sult Schubart, Qusestiones in Antiquitatem Heroicam, Marpurg, 1832, 
capp. 1 and 2. 

The remarks which Schubart makes (p. 35) upon Petit-Radel's Chro- 
nological Tables will be assented to by those who follow the unceasing 


DaDaos came with his fifty daughters from Egypt 
to Argos ; and here we find another of those ro- 
mantic adventures which so agreeably decorate the 
Danaosand barreuness of the mythical genealogies. Danaos 
luudei. and iBgyptos were two brothers descending from 
Epaphos, son of 16 : ^gyptos had fifty sons, who 
were eager to marry the fifty daughters of Danaos, 
in spite of the strongest repugnance of the latter. 
To escape such a necessity, Danaos placed his fifty 
daughters on board of a penteconter (or vessel with 
fifty oars) and sought refuge at Argos ; touching in 
his voyage at the island of Rhodes, where he erected 
a statue of AthSnS at Lindos, which was long exhi- 
bited as a memorial of his passage. iBgyptos and 
his sons followed them to Argos and still pressed 
their suit, to which Danaos found himself com- 
^ pelled to assent ; but on the wedding night he 

furnished each of his daughters with a dagger, and 
enjoined them to murder their husbands during the 
hour of sleep. His orders were obeyed by all, with 
the single exception of Hypermnfistra, who pre- 
served her husband Lynkeus, incurring displeasure 
and punishment from her father. He afterwards, 
however, pardoned her ; and when, by the volun- 
tary abdication of Gelan6r, he became king of 
Argos, Lynkeus was recognised as his son-in-law 

string of contradictions, without any sufficient reason to believe that 
any one of them, is more worthy of trust than the remainder, which he 
has cited: — ''Videant alii, quomodo genealogias heroicas, et chrono- 
logise rationes, in concordiam redigant. Ipse abstineo, probe persuasus, 
stemmata vera, historise fide comprobata, in systema chronologiie redigi 
posse : at ore per ssecuU tradita, a poetis reficta, ssepe mutata, prout 
fabtila postulare videbatur, ab historiarum deinde conditoribus restituta, 
scilicet, brevi, qualia prostant stemmata — chronologise secundum annos 
■distributee vincula semper recusatura esse." 


and ultimately succeeded him. The remaining 
daughters, having been purified by AtbSnd and 
Hermes, were given in marriage to the victors in a 
gymnic contest publicly proclaimed. From Danaos 
was derived the name of Danai, applied to the in- 
habitants of the Argeian territory ^ and to the Ho- 
meric Greeks generally. 

From the legend of the Dana'ides we pass to two 
barren names of kings, Lynkeus and his son Abas. 
The two sons of Abas were Akrisios and Prcetos, Akruios 
who, after much dissension, divided between them •**^**'**^- 
the Argeian territory ; Akrisios ruling at Argos, 
and Proetos at Tiryns. The families of both formed 
the theme of rom&ntic stories. To pass over for 
the present the legend of Belleroph6n, and the un- 
requited passion which the wife of Proetos conceived 
for him, we are told that the daughters of Proetos, 
beautiful, and solicited in marriage by suitors from 
all Greece, were smitten with leprosy and driven 
mad, wandering in unseemly guise throughout Pe- 
loponnesus. The visitation had overtaken them, 
according to Hesiod, because they refused to take 
part in the Bacchic rites ; according to Pherekydds 
and the Argeian Akusilaus^, because they ha4 

' Apollod. ii. 1. The Supplices of uEschylus is tbe commencing 
tbama of a txilogy on thb subject of the Danaides, — ^'Iicmdcr^ Alyvimoi, 
Aavatdts. Welcker, Giiechisch. Tragodien, vol. i. p. 48 : the two latter 
are lost. The old epic poem called Danais or Danai'des, which is men- 
tioned in the Tabula Biaca as containing 5000 verses, has perished^ and 
is unfortunately very little alluded to : see Diintzer, Epic. Grsec. Fragm. 
p. 3 ; Welcker, Der Episch. Kyklus, p. 35. 

* Apollod. 1. c. ; Pherekyd. ap. Schol. Hom. Odyss. xv. 225 ; Hesiod, 
Fragm. Marktseh. Fr. 36, 37, 38. These Fragments belong to the 
Jlesiodic Catalogue of Women: Apollod6rus seems to refer to some 
other of the numerous Hcsiodic poems. DiodOrus (iv. 6S) assigns the 
anger of Dionysos as the cause. 


treated scornfully the wooden statue and simple 
equipments of H6r6 : the religious character of the 
old legend here displays itself in a remarkable 
manner. Unable to cure his daughters, Proetos 
invoked the aid of the renowned Pylian prophet 
and leech, Melampus son of Aniytha6n, who under- 
took to remove the malady on condition of being 
rewarded with the third part of the kingdom. 
TheProe- Prcetos indignantly refused these conditions: but 

tides cured . 

of frenzy by the State of his daughters becoming aggravated and 
^"'' intolerable, he was compelled again to apply to 
Melampus ; who, on the second request, raised his 
demands still higher, and required another third of 
the kingdom for his brother Bias. These terms 
being acceded to, he performed his part of the co- 
venant. He appeased the wrath of H6r6 by prayer 
and sacrifice ; or, according to another account, he 
approached the deranged women at the head of a 
troop of young men, with shouting and ecstatic 
dance, — the ceremonies appropriate to the Bacchic 
worship of Dionysos, — and in this manner efiected 
their cure. Melampus, a name celebrated in many 
different Grecian mythes, is the legendary founder 
and progenitor of a great and long-continued family 
of prophets. He and his brother Bias became kings 
of separate portions of the Argeian territory : he is 
recognised as ruler there even in the Odyssey, and 
the prophet Theoklymenos, his grandson, is pro- 
tected and carried to Ithaka by Telemachus^ He- 
rodotus also alludes to the cure of the women, and 
to the double kingdom of Melampus and Bias in 
the Argeian land : be recognises Melampus as the 

> Odyss. XV. 240-266. 


first person who introduced to the knowledge of 
the Greeks the name and worship of Dionysos, 
with its appropriate sacrifices and phallic proces- 
sions. Here again he historicises various features 
of the old legend in a manner not unworthy of 

But Danad, the daughter of Akrisios, with her 
son Perseus, acquired still greater celebrity than 
her cousins the Proetides. An oracle had apprised AkrisKw, 
Akrisios that his daughter would give birth to zetu. 
a son by whose hand he would himself be slain. 
To guard against this danger, he imprisoned 
Danad in a chamber of brass under ground. But 
the god Zeus had become amorous of her, and 
found means to descend through the roof in the 
form of a shower of gold : the consequence of his 
visits was the birth of Perseus. When Akrisios 
discovered that his daughter had given existence 
to a son, he enclosed both the mother and the 
child in a cofifer, which he cast into the sea^. The 
cofiTer was carried to the isle of Seriphos, where 
Diktys, brother of the king Polydektfis, fished it 
up, and rescued both Dana£ and Perseus. The 
exploits of Perseus, when he grew up, against the 
three Phorkides or daughters of Phorkys, and the 

' Herod, ix. 34; ii. 49 : compare Pausan. ii. 18, 4. Instead of the 
Proetidea, or daughters of Prcetos, it is the Argeian women generally 
whom he represents Melampus as haying cured, and the Argeians gene- 
rally who send to Pylus to invoke his aid : the heroic personality which 
pervades the primitive story has disappeared. 

Kallimachus notices the Proetid virgins as the parties suffering from 
madness, but he treats Artemis as the healing influence (Hymn, ad 
Dianam, 235). 

' The beautiful fragment of SimonidSs (Fragm. vii, ed. Gaisford, Poet. 
Min.), describing Danal and the child thus exposed, is famUiar to every 
classical reader. 


three Gorgons, are atnong the most marvellous 
and imaginative in all Grecian legend : they bear 
a stamp almost Oriental. I shall not here repeat 
the details of those unparalleled hazards which the 
special favour of AthSn^ enabled him to overcome, 
and which ended in his bringing back from Libya 
the terrific head of the Gorgon Medusa, endued 
with the property of turning every one who looked 
Peneus upou it iuto stouc. In his return^ he rescued An- 
Gorgo^. dromeda, daughter of KSpheus, who had been 
exposed to be devoured by a sea-monster, and 
brought her back as his wife. Akrisios trembled to 
see him after this victorious expedition, and retired 
into Thessaly to avoid him ; but Perseus followed 
him thither, and having succeeded in calming his 
apprehensions, became competitor in a gymnic con«> 
test where his grandfather was among the spectators. 
By an incautious swing of his quoit, he uninten- 
tionally struck Akrisios, and caused his death : the 
predictions of the oracle Vere thus at last fulfilled. 
Stung with remorse at the catastrophe, and un- 
willing to return to Argos, which had been the 
principality of Akrisios^ Perseus made an exchange 
with Megapenth^s, son of Prcetos king of Tiryns. 
Megapenthds became king of Argos, and Perseus 
of Tiryns : moreover, the latter founded, within 
ten mile^s of Argos, the far-famed city of Mykdnae. 
The massive walls of this city, like those of Tiryns, 
of which remains are yet to be seen, were built for 
him by the Lykian Cycl6pes^ 

We here reach the commencement of the Per- 

> Paus. ii. 15, 4; ii. 16, 5. ApoUod. ii. 2. Pberekyd. Fragm. 26, 


seid dynasty of Myk^nae. It should be noticed, ^^??*^'^" 

however, that there were among the ancient le com- 

gends contradictory accounts of the foundation of of Peneid 
this city. Both the Odyssey and the Great Eoiai ^^''^' 
enumerated, among the heroines, MykSnS, the 
Eponyma of the city ; the former poem classifying 
her with Tyr6 and Alkmdnd, the latter describing 
her as the daughter of Inachus and wife of Arest6r. 
And Akusilaus mentioned an Eponymus Myk^neus, 
the son of Spart6n and grandson of Phor6neus^ 

The prophetic family of Melampus maintained 
itself in one of the three parts of the divided Ar- 
geian kingdom for five generations, down to Am- 
phiaraos and his sons Alkmsedn and Amphilochos. 
The dynasty of his brother Bias, and that of Me- 
gapenthds, son of Proetos, continued each for four 
generations: a list of barren names fills up the 
interval*. The Perseids of Mykfinae boasted a de- 
scent long and glorious, heroic as well as historical, 
continuing down to the last kings of Sparta'. 
The issue of Perseus waff numerous : his son Al- 
kseos was father of Amphitry6n ; another of his 
sons, Elektry6n, was father of Alkm6n6*; a third,^ 
Sthenelos, father of Eurystheus. 

After the death of Perseus, Alkseos and Amphi- 

^ Odyss. ii. 120. Henod. Fragment. 154. Marktscheff. — Akusil« 
Fragm. 1 6. Pausan. ii. 16, 4. Hekatsens derived the name of the town 
from the fivKrjs of the sword of Perseus (Fragm. 360, Dind.). The Schol. 
ad Enrip. Orest. 1247, mentions Mykdneus as son of Spart6n, hut 
grandson of PhSgeus the hrother c^ Phordneus. 

* Pausan. ii. 18, 4. * Herodot. vi. 63. 

* In the Hesiodic Shield of H^kl^, AlkmdnS is distinctly men- 
tioned as daughter of Elektrydn ; the genealogical poet, Asios, called 
her the daughter of Amphiaraos and Eriphyle (Asii Fragm. 4, ed. 
Markt. p. 412). The date of Aaios cannot be precisely fixed ; but he 


Amphi- trydn dwelt at Tiryns. The latter became engaged 
menal ' io a quarrel with Elektrydn respecting cattle, and 
^ ^ in a fit of passion killed him*: moreover the pi- 
ratical Taphians from the west coast of Akarnania 
invaded the country, and slew the sons of Elek- 
try6n, so that Alkm^nS alone was left of that 
family. She was engaged to wed Amphitry6n ; but 
she bound him by oath not to consummate the mar- 
riage until he had avenged upon the TSleboae the 
death of her brothers. Amphitry6n, compelled to 
flee the country as the murderer of his uncle, took 
refuge in Thebes, whither AlkmSnS accompanied 
him : Sthenelos was left in possession of Tiryns. 
The Kadmeians of Thebes, together with the Lo- 
krians and Phokians, supplied Amphitry6n with 
troops, which he conducted against the TSleboae 
and the Taphians^: yet he could not have sub- 
dued them without the aid of Komaethd, daughter 
of the Taphian king Pterelaus, who conceived a 
passion for him, and cut off from her father's head 
the golden lock to which Poseid6n had attached 
the gift of immortality*. Having conquered and 

may be probably assigned to an epoch between the dOth and 40th 

Asios must have adopted a totally different legend respecting the 
birth of HIraklls and the circumstances preceding it, among which the 
deaths of her father and brothers are highly influential. Nor could he 
have accepted the received chronology of the sieges of Thebes and Troy. 

> So runs the old legend in the Hesiodic Shield of U^kl^ (12-82). 
Apollod6rus (or Pherekyd^^ whom he follows) softens it down, and 
represents the death of £lektry6n as accidentally caused by Amphitrydn. 
(Apollod. ii. 4, 6. Pherekyd^, Fragm. 27, Dind.) 

' Uesiod, Scut. Here. 24. Theocrit. Idyll, xxiv. 4. Teleboas, the 
£ponym of these marauding people, was son of Poseid6n ( Anaximander 
ap. Athense. xi. p. 498). 

' Apollod. ii. 4, 7> Compare the fable of Nisus at Megara, infra, 
chap. zii. 


expelled his enemies, Ampbitry6n returned to 
Tb^bes, impatient to consummate his marriage : 
but Zeus on the wedding-night assumed his form ^ejsand 
and visited Alkmdnd before him: he had deter- 
mined to produce from her a son superior to all 
his prior offspring, — " a specimen of invincible 
force both to gods and men'/* At the proper 
time, AlkmdnS was delivered of twin sons: H6- 
raklds, the offspring of Zeus, — the inferior and 
unhonoured Iphikl^s, offspring of Amphitry6n*. 

When Alkmfinfi was on the point of being deli- Birth of 
vered at Thfibes, Zeus publicly boasted a mong the 
assembled gods, at the instigation of the mischief- 
making AtS, that there was on that day about to 
be born on earth, from his breed, a son who should 
rule over all his neighbours. H6r6 treated this as 
an empty boast, calling upon him to bind himself 
by an irremissible oath that the prediction should 
be realized. Zeus incautiously pledged his solemn 
word ; upon which H6r6 darted swiftly down from 
Olympus to the Achaic Argos, where the wife of 
Sthenelos (son of Perseus, and therefore grandson 
of Zeus) was already seven months gone with child. 
By the aid of the Eileithyiae, the special goddesses 
of parturition, she caused Eurystheus, the son of 
Sthenelos, to be born before his time on that very 
day, while she retarded the delivery of Alkmdnfi. 
Then returning to Olympus, she announced the 
fact to Zeus : '' The good man Eurystheus, son of 
the Perseid Sthenelos, is this day bom of thy loins : 

' Hesiodj Scut. Here. 29. S<f>pa Btota-uf *Ay^pd(ri r* dk<l>rjarj(ruf dprjs 
iKimjpa <l>VT€V0^, 
» Hesiod, Sc. H. 50-66. 



[Part I. 

legend of 
his birth: 
ita exposi- 
tory value. 

the sceptre of the Argeians worthily belongs to 
him.^' Zeus was thunderstruck at the consumma- 
tion which he had improvidently bound himself to 
accomplish. He seized AtS his evil counsellor by 
the hair, and hurled her for ever away from Olym- 
pus: but he had no power to avert the ascendency 
of Eurvstheus and the servitude of HSrakt^s. 
''Many a pang did he suffer, when he saw his 
favourite son going through his degrading toil in 
the tasks imposed upon him by Eurystheus*." 

The legend, of unquestionable antiquity, here 
transcribed from the Iliad, is one of the most preg- 
nant and characteristic in the Grecian mythology. 
It explains, according to the religious ideas familiar 
to the old epic poets, both the distinguishing attri- 
butes and the endless toil and endurances of HSra- 
klds, — the most renowned and most ubiquitous of 
all the semi-divine personages worshiped by the 
Hellenes, — a being of irresistible force, and espe- 
cially beloved by Zeus, yet condemned constantly 
to labour for others and to obey the commands of 
a worthless and cowardly persecutor. His recom- 
pense is reserved to the close of his career, when 
his afflicting trials are brought to a close : he is 
then admitted to the godhead and receives in mar- 
riage H6b6'. The twelve labours, as they are 
called, too notorious to be here detailed, form a 
very small fraction of the exploits of this mighty 

' Homer, Hiad, xix. 90-133; also viii. 361. — 

T^v al€i <rr9i'ax€a'x > ^ *^^ (f^Ckov vi6v op^o 
"Efyyop d€iK€s txavra, vn EvpvaBrjos a(0\<i>p, 
' Uesiod, Tbeogon. 951, rcXion^ (rrov6€VTas tUffkovt, Horn, Odyss. 
xi. 620; HeUiodj Ecese, Fragm. 24, Diintzer, p. 36, noprff}6TaTOP koX 


being, which filled the HSrakleiao epics of the 
ancieot poets. He is found not only in most parts 
of Hellas, but throughout all the other regions then 
known to the Greeks, from Gadds to the river 
Thermdddn in the Euxine and to Scylhia, over- 
coming all difficulties and vanquishing all oppo- 
nents. Distinguished families are evei^where to 
be traced who bear his patronymic, and glory in 
the belief that they are his descendants. Among 
Achaeans, Kadmeians, and D6rian8, HdraklSs is 
venerated : the latter especially treat him as their 
principal hero, — the Patron Hero-God of the race : 
the H6rakleids form among all D6rians a privileged 
gens, in which at Sparta the special lineage of the 
two kings was included. 

His character lends itself to mythes countless in 
number as well as disparate in their character. The 
irresistible force remains constant, but it is some- 
times applied with reckless violence against friends 
as well as enemies, sometimes devoted to the relief 
of the oppressed. The comic writers often brought 
him out as a coarse and stupid glutton, while the 
Athenian philosopher Prodikos, without at all dis- 
torting the type, extracted from it the simple, im- 
pressive, and imperishable apologue still known as 
the Choice of Hercules. 

After the death and apotheosis of HSraklSs, his The H6ra. 
son Hyllos and his other children were expelled p^uecL*^' 
and persecuted by Eurystheus ; the fear of whose 
vengeance deterred both the Trachinian king 
KSyx and the Thebans from harbouring them. 
The Athenians alone were generous enough to 
brave the risk of offering them shelter. Eurystheus 

VOL. I. K 


invaded Attica, but perished in the attempt by the 
hand of Hyllos, or by that of lolaos, the old compa- 
nion and nephew of HSraklds^ The chivahrous 
courage which the Athenians had on this occasion 
displayed in behalf of oppressed innocence, was a 
favourite theme for subsequent eulogy by Attic 
poets and -orators. 

All the sons of Eurystheus lost their lives in the 
battle along with him, so that th^ Perseid family 
was now represented only by the H^kleids, who 
collected an army and endeavoured to recover the 
possessions from which they had been expelled. 
The united forces of I6nians, Achieans, and Arca- 
dians, then inhabiting Peloponnesus, met the in- 
vaders at the isthmus, when Hyilos, the eldest of the 
sons of Hdraklds, proposed that the contest should 
be determined by a single combat between hioiself 
and any champion of the opposing army. It was 
agreed, that if Hyilos were victorious, the Hdra- 
kleids should be restored to their possessions — if 
he were vanquished, that they should forgo all 
claim for the space of a hundred years, or fifty 
years, or three generations, — for in the spedfica^ 
tion of the time, accounts differ. Ecfaemos, the hero 
of Tegea in Arcadia, accepted the challenge, and 
Hyilos was slain in the encounter ; in consequence 
of which the HSrakleids retired, and resided along 
with the Ddrians under the protection of ^gimios, 
son of D6rus^. Ab soon as the stipulated period 
of truce had expired, they renewed their attempt 
upon Peloponnesus conjointly with the Ddrians, 

* Apollod. ii. 8, 1 ; Hecate, ap. Longin. c. 27 ; Diod6r. iv. 57. 
< Herodot. ix. 26 ; Diod6r. iv. 68. 


and with complete success : the great Ddrian esta- 
hlishments of Argos, Sparta, and Mess^nia were 
the result. The details of this victorious invasion 
will be hereafter recounted. 

Siky6n, PhUos, Epidauros, and Troezen' all ^^flt 
boasted of respected eponyms and a genealogy of J^^*^^***' 
dignified length » not exempt from the umal discre- bushment 
pamues — but all just as much entitled to a place on ^N^ta, vid 
the tablet of history as the more renowned iEolids 
or Hdrakleids. I omit them here because I wish 
to impress upon the reader's mind the salient fea- 
tures and character of the legendary world, — not 
to load his memory with a full list of legendary 

1 Paman. ii. 6, 5 ; 12^ 5 ; 26, 3. His itatements indicate how much 
the predonunance of a powerful neighbour like Argos tended to alter 
the genealogies <^ these inferior towns. 





In the Hesiodic Theogony , as well as in the " Works 
and Days," the legend of Prometheus and EpimA- 
theus presents an import religious, ethical, and 
social, and in this sense it is carried forward by 
^schylus ; but to neither of the characters is any 
genealogical function assigned. The Hesiodic Ca- 
talogue of Women brought both of them into the 
stream of Grecian legendary lineage, representing 
Deukali6n as the son of Promdtheus and Pand6ra, 
and seemingly his wife Pyrrha as daughter of Epi- 
DenktUdD, Deukali6n is important in Grecian mythical nar- 
rndtheos. ' rative under two points of view. First, he is the 
person specially saved at the time of the general 
deluge : next, he is the father of Hell^n, the great 
eponym of the Hellenic race ; at least this was the 
more current story, though there were other state- 
ments which made HellSn the son of Zeus. 

The name of Deukali6n is originally connected 
with the Lokrian towns of Kynos and Opus, and 
with the race of the Leleges, but he appears finally 
as settled in Thessaly, and ruling in the portion of 

' Schol. ad Apo116n. Rhod. Mi. 1085. Other accounts of the genea- 
logy of Deukalidn are given in the Schol. ad Homer. Odyss. x. 2, on 
the authority both of Hesiod and Akusilaui. 


that country called Phthi6tis\ According to what 
seems to have been the old legendary account, it 
is the deluge which transferred him from the one 
to the other ; but according to another statement, 
framed in more historicising times, he conducted 
a body of KurStes and Leleges into Thessaly, and 
expelled the prior Pelasgian occupants^. 

The enormous iniquity with which earth was con- Phthidtu -. 
taminated — asApollod6rus says, by the then existing nent'^ 
brazen race, or as others say, by the fifty monstrous 
sons of Lyka6n — provoked Zeus to send a general 
deluge^. An unremitting and terrible rain laid the 
whole of Greece unden water, except the highest 

' Hesiodic Catalog. Fragm. xi. ; Gaisf. Izx. Diintzer — 
"Hroi yhip AoKpbs AeXcyooi^ ijy^oxrro Xa&v, 
Tovs pd voTt KpovUhis Z€Xfs, a<f>diTa firfita tlb^s, 
AtKTOvs ex yairjf Xdas ir6p€ AeiMcoXiom. 

The reputed lineage of Deukali6ii continued in Phthia down to the 
time of Dikiearcfau8y if we may judge from the old Phthiot PherekratSs, 
whom he introduced in one of his dialogues as a disputant, and whom 
he expressly announced as a descendant of Deukalidn (Cicero, Tuscul. 
Disp. L 10). 

' The latter account is given hy Dionys. Halic. i. 1^^ ; the former 
seems to have heen given by Hellanikus, who affirmed that the ark after 
the deluge stopped upon Mount Othrys, and not upon Mount Parnassus 
(Schol. Pind. ut sup.), the former being suitable for a settlement in 

Pyrriia is the eponymous heroine of Pyrrhsea or Pyrrha, the ancient 
name of a portion of Thessaly (Rhianus, Fragm. 18. p. 71> ed. Diintz^). 

Hellanikus had written a work^ now lost, entitled A€VKdki^v€ui : all 
the fragments of it which are cited have reference to places in Thessaly, 
Lokris and Phokis. See Prelier, ad Hellanicum, p. 12 (Dorpt. 1840). 
Probably Hellanikus is the main source of the important position occu- 
pied by Deukalidn in Grecian legend. Thrasybulus and Akestoddms 
represented Deukali6n as having founded the oracle of Ddddna, imme- 
diately after the deluge (Etym. Mag. v. At^drnvaios), 

' Apollod6rus connects this deluge with the wickedness of the brazen 
race in Hesiod, according to the practice general with the logographers 
of stringing together, a sequence out of legends totally unconnected with 
each other (i. 7, 2). 


mauntain-tops, wbereon a few stragglers found 
refuge. DeukaUdn was saved in a chest or ark, 
which he had heen forewarned by his father Pro- 
metheus to construct. After floating for nine days 
on the water, he at length landed on the summit 
of Mount Parnassus: Zeus having sent Hermes 
to him, promising to grant whatever he asked, he 
prayed that men and cojnpanions might be sent to 
him in his solitude: accordingly Zeus directed both 
him and Pyrrha to cast stones over their heads : 
those cast by Pyrrha became women, those by Deu- 
Gencrri kalidn men. And thus the " stony race of men " (if 
Salvation of we maybe allowed to translate an etymology which 
ai^ Pyrrha. the Greek language presents exactly, and which 
has not been disdained by Hesiod, by Pindar, by 
Epicharmus, and by Virgil,) came to tenant the soil 
of Greece ^ Deukali6n on landing from the ark 
sacrificed a grateful offering to Zeus Phjrxios, or the 
God of escape ; he also erected altars in Thessaly to 
the twelve great gods of Olympus*. 

The reality of this deluge was firmly believed 
throughout the historical ages of Greece : the chro- 

' Hesiody Fragm. 135. ed. Markts. ap. Strabo. vii. p. 322, where 
the wwd Xaas, proposed by Heyne as the reading of the unintelligible 
text, appears to me preferable to any of the other suggestions. Pindar, 
(Hymp. 'vL. 47* ^Arcp d* Evvas AfMoftw KiJiirdaBav XiBiPop y6poP' Aaol 
^ »v6fia(F6€v, Virgil, Georgic i. 63. ''Unde homines nati, dorum 
genus." Epicharmus ap. Schol. Pindar. Olymp. ix. 66. Hygin. f. 153. 
Philochorus retained the etymology, though he gaye a totally different 
fable, nowise connected with Deid(ali6n, to account for it; a curious 
proof how pleasing it was to the fancy of the Greeks (see Schol. ad 
Pind. 1. c. 68). 

* Apollod. i. 7$ 2. Hellanic. Fragm. 15. Didot. Hellanikus a£Brmed 
that the ark rested on Mount Othrys, not on Mount Parnassus (Fragm. 
16. Didot). Servius (ad Virgil. Edog. vi. 41) placed it on Mount 
Ath6s — Hyginus (f. 153) on Mount i£tna. 


Dologers, reckoning up by genealogies, assigned the 
exact date of it, and placed it at the same time as 
the conflagration of the world by the rashness of 
Phaet6n, during the reign of Krot6pas, king of 
Argos, the seventh from Inachus^ The meteoro- 
logical work of Aristotle admits and reasons upon 
this deluge as an unquestionable fact, though he 
alters the locality by placing it west of Mount Piur 
dus, near D6d6na and the river Achel6u8'. He at 
the same time treats it as a physical phaenomenon, 
the result of periodical cycles in the atmosphere, — 
thus departing from the religious character of the 
did legend, which described it as a judgement in- 
flicted by 2ieus upon a wicked race. Statements 
founded upon this event were in circulation through* 
out Greece even to a very late date. The Mega- BeUef in 
nans afiirmed that Megaros, their hero, son of t^l'gt^l 
Zeus by a local nymph, had found safety from the ^^**^ 
waters on the lofty summit of their mountain Ge- 
raneia, which had not been completely submerged. 
And in the magnificent temple of the Olympian 
Zeus at Athens, a cavity in the earth was showUi 
through which it was affirmed that the waters of 
the deluge had retired. . Even in the time of Pau- 

> Tatian adv. Gnec. c. 60, adopted both by Clemena and Euaebhu. 
The Paiian marble placed this deluge in the leign of Kranaos at Atiiena, 
752 yean before the first recorded Olympiad, and 1528 yefurs before the 
Christian »ra ; Apolloddrus also places it in the reign of Kranaos, and 
in that of Nycttmus in Arcadia (iii. 8, 2 ; 14, 5). 

The deluge and the ekpyrosis or conflagration are connected together 
also in Servius ad Virgil. Bucol. vi. 41 : he refines both of them into a 
" mutationem temporum." 

' Aristot. Meteorol. i. 14. Justin rationalises the £able by telling us 
that Deukalidn was king of Thessaly, who provided shelter and protec- 
tion to the fugitives from the deluge (ii. 6, 11). 


sanias, the priests poured into this cavity holy 
offerings of meal and honey ^ In this, as in other 
parts of Greece, the idea of the Deukalionian de- 
luge was blended with the religious impressions of 
the people, and commemorated by their sacred 
A^u-*"^ The offspring of Deukalidn and Pyrrha were two 
ktydn. sons, HellSu and Amphikty6n, and a daughter, 
Prdtogeneia, whose son by Zeus was A^thlius : it 
was however maintained by many, that HellSn was 
the son of Zeus and not of Deukali6n. HellSn 
had by a nymph three sons, D6rus, Xuthus, and 
^olus. He gave to those who had been before 
called Greeks', the name of Hellenes, and par- 
titioned his territory among his three children, 
^olus reigned in Thessaly ; Xuthus received Pelo- 
ponnesus, and had by Kreiisa as his sons, Achaeus 
and I6n ; while D6rus occupied the country lying 
opposite to the Peloponnesus, on the northern side 
of the Corinthian Gulf. These three gave to the 
inhabitants of their respective countries the names 
of iBolians, Achaeans and I6nians, and Ddrians^ 

* Pansan. i. 18, 7; 40, 1. According to the Parian marble (i. 5), 
Deakalidn had come to Athens after the deluge, and had there himself 
founded the temple of the Olympian Zeus. The etymology and all^o- 
rization of the names of Deukalidn and Pyrrha, given by Volcker in his 
ingenious Mythologie des lapetischen Geschlechts(GHes8en, 1824), p. 343, 
appears to me not at all convincing. 

' Such is the statement of Apollod6rus (i. 7f 3) ; but I cannot bring 
myself to believe that the name (TpiUKoi) Greeks is at all old in the 
legend, or that the passage of Hesiod, in which Grsecus and Latinus 
purport to be mentioned, is genuine. 

See Hesiod, Theogon. 1013. and Catalog. Fragm. xxix. ed. Gottling, 
with the note of Gottling; also Wachsmuth, Hellen. Aherth. i. 1. 
p. 311, and Bemhardy, Griech. Literat. vol. i. p. 167. 

' Apollod. i. 7» 4, 


Such is the genealogy as we find it in ApoUo- Som ^ 
ddrus. In so far as the names and filiation are Ddnu, 
concerned, many points in it are given differently, iEoius. 
or implicitly contradicted, by Euripidfis and other 
writers. Though as literal and personal history 
it deserves no notice, its import is both intelligible 
and comprehensive. It expounds and symbolises 
the first fraternal aggregation of Hellenic men, 
together with their territorial distribution and the 
institutions which they collectively venerated. 

There were two great holding-points in common Amphikty- 
for every section of Greeks. One was the Am- b^?-!lc^I 
phiktyonic assembly, which met half-yearly, alter- StiVwT" 
nately at Delphi and at Thermopylae; originally 8*°*^- 
and chiefly for common religious purposes, but in- 
directly and occasionally embracing political and 
social objects along with them. The other was, 
the public festivals or games, of which the Olym- 
pic came first in importance ; next, the Pythian, 
Nemean and Isthmian, — institutions which com- 
bined religious solemnities with recreative effusion 
and hearty sympathies, in a manner so imposing 
and so unparalleled. Amphikty6n represents the 
first of these institutions, and Aethlius the second. 
As the Amphiktyonic assembly was always espe- 
cially connected with Thermopylae and Thessaly, 
Amphikty6n is made the son of the Thessalian 
Deukalidn ; but as the Olympic festival was nowise 
locally connected with Deukali6n, Aethlius is re- 
presented as having Zeus for his father, and as 
touching Deukali6n only through the maternal 
line. It will be seen presently, that the only mat- 
ter predicated respecting Aethlius is, that he set- 


tied in the territory of Elis, and begat Endymidn : 
this brings him into local contact with the Olympic 
games, and his function is then ended. 
hcUm ^ ®^ Having thus got Hellas as an aggregate with its 
^lians, main cementing forces, we march on to its sub- 
id^ians!' division into parts, through ^olus, D6rus and 
Xuthus, the three sons of Helldn ^ ; a distribution 
which is far from being exhaustive : nevertheless, 
the genealogists whom Apolloddrus follows recog- 
nise no more than three sons. 

The genealogy is essentially post-Homeric ; for 
Homer knows Hellas and the Hellenes only in 
connexion with a portion of Achaia Phthi6tis. 
But as it is recognised in the Hesiodic Catalogue^ 
— composed probably within the first century after 
the commencement of recorded Olympiads, or be- 
fore 676 B.C. — the peculiarities of it, dating from 
so early a period, deserve much attention. We 
may remark, first, that it seems to exhibit to us 
D6rus and ^olus as the only pure and genuine 
ofiBpring of HellSn. For their brother Xuthus is 
not enrolled as an eponymus; he neither founds 

> How literally and implicitly even the ablest Greeks believed in 
eponymous persons, such as Hellln and I6n, as the real progenitors of 
the races called after him, may be seen by this, that Aristotle gives this 
common descent as the definition of ycW (Metaphysic. iv. p. 118, 
Brandis) : — 

Tfvos 'Ktyertu, t6 fiiv t6 di, d<fi* od hv inn irpvyrov Kivrfcayros €is 

t6 tivai, OiJt« yhp Xiyorrai ol fup, "EXXijvef t6 yhm, ol df,*l<»p€s' t^ 
ol fJL€V an6 "EXKtjvos, ol de dir6 ''itavos, tlvai npcn-ov ytwria-avroi. 
3 Hesiod, Fragm. 8. p. 278, ed. Marktsch.— 

"EXXiywf d* €y€vovro Befuar&rroKoi ficurikrjef 
AS>p6s T€, Xov66s re, Koi Ktokos hmtoxdpfuis, 
AloXidai d* (yivovTo BefjLun^oKoi /SacriX^f 
KpriBtvs Tjtf *A6afJias Koi 2iav<l>os atoXofi^rtjs 
2aA/jia>vf vf r Sbucos kcu vntpBvfws Ufpirfprj^, 


nor names taty people ; it is only his ^ms Achseos 
and I6n, after his blood has been mingled with 
that of the Erechtheid Kreiisa^ who become qpo- 
nyms and founders, each dl his own separate 
people. Next, as to the territorial distribution, 
Xuthns receives Peloponn^us from his father, 
and unites himself with Attica (which the author 
of this genealogy seems to have conceived as ori- 
ginally unconnected with Helldn) by his marriage 
with the daughter of the indigenous hero, Erech* 
theus. The issue of this marriage, Achseus and 
I6n, present to us the population of Peloponnesus 
and Attica conjointly as related among themsdves 
by the tie of brotherhood, but as one degree more 
distant both from D6rians and j£olians. .^Solus 
reigns over the regions about Thessaly, and calls 
the people in those parts .^olians; while D6rus 
occupies *^ the country over against Peloponndsus 
on the opposite side of the Corinthian Gulf," and 
calls the inhabitants after himself, D6rians^ It is 
at once evident that this designation is in no way 
applicable to the confined district between Par- 
nassus and CEta, which alone is known by the 
name of D6ris, and its inhabitants by that of D6- 

* ApoUod. i. 7, 3. 'EXXijvof dc xal NvfKJnjt 'Op<nfiJbos (?), A«/joy, 
ZcivOoSy hloKos. kvrhs ft€P oZv a<^' avrov rcfls KtikovfUpevs VpaiKovs 
frpo<niy6f}€v<r€P "E^XXrjvas, rots dc vdi<nv ifxipurf r^v \iipcar, Kai Xov6os 
liip Xafi^v rfjv n.€\oir6pinja'ov, iK Kp€ova7jv Trjg *Epcp(^€<of *Axai6v ^4v» 
wii<r€ teal "lava, co^ &y 'A^oio^ kolL ^I<ovff KaKovvrai, A&pot dc, rfjif 
nipap x^P^"^ TltXoitopprnTov Xafi^p, rovt KaroiKovs a^* iavrov 
^»pi€if c/eaXccrcy. AloKos di, ^acriXcvtty t&p iftpX Orrraklap r6niOP, 
Tovs Ipoucwprat AioXcZf irpo<njy6p€va'€, 

Strabo (loii. p. 383} and Con6n (Narr. 27), who evidently copy from 
the fame lource, represent D6ru8 as going to settle in the territory 
properly known as I)6ris. 


Lwgeex- rians, in the historical ages. In the view of the 
ris^impiied authoF of this genealogy, the D6rians are the ori- 
n"ei^!*" gii^al occupants of the large range of territory 
north of the Corinthian Gulf, comprising iBtdlia, 
Ph6kis, and the territory of the Ozolian Lokrians. 
And this farther harmonises with the other legend 
noticed by Apollod6rus, when he states that iEt6- 
lus, son of Endymi6n, having been forced to expa- 
triate from Peloponnesus, crossed into the Kur6tid 
territory ^ and was there hospitably received by 
D6ru8, Laodokus and Polypoet^^ sons of Apollo 
and Phthia. He slew his hosts, acquired the ter- 
ritory, and gave to it the name of ^t61ia : his son 
Pleur6n married Xanthippe, daughter of D6rus; 
while his other son, Kalyd6n, marries ^olia, 
daughter of Amytha6n. Here again we have the 
name of D6rus, or the D6rians, connected with the 
tract subsequently termed iEt61ia. That D6rus 
should in one place be called the son of Apollo 
and Phthia, and in another place the son of Hell^n 
by a nymph, will surprise no one accustomed to 
the fluctuating personal nomenclature of these old 
legends : moreover the name of Phthia is easy to 
reconcile with that of Hellen, as both are identified 
with the same portion of Thessaly, even from the 
days of the Iliad. 

This story, that the Ddrians were at one time 
the occupants, or the chief occupants, of the range 

* ApoUod. i. Tf 6. AlruiKhs <l>vy»p cis rfjv Kovptiri^ X^P*^* 

KTtipos rovg VTTodf^ofupovs ^6ias tcai *A9r($XXa>yoff vlmn, A&pop Koi Aai(- 
dcMCov Koi noXvfroinyy, a(f>* iavrov rrfP ;(tt/Miy AlrttKiop cjc(SXr(rc. Again, 
i. 8, 1. nXcvptfp (son of ^t61us) yrifias Scuf$iinniv lijp A»p€v, wtuda 


of territory between the river Acheldus and the 
northern shore of the Corinthian Gulf;» is at least 
more suitable to the facts attested by historical 
evidence than the legends given in Herodotus, 
who represents the Ddrians as originally in the 
Phthi6tid ; then as passing under D6ruS| the son 
of Helldn, into the Histisedtid, under the moun- 
tains of Ossa and Olympus; next, as driven by 
the Kadmeians into the regions of Pindus ; from 
thence passing into the Dryopid territory, on Mount 
CEta ; lastly, from thence into Peloponnesus ^ The 
received story was, that the great D6rian establish- 
ments in Peloponnesus were formed by invasion 
from the north, and that the invaders crossed the 
gulf from Naupaktus, — a statement which, how- 
ever disputable with respect to Argos, seems highly 
probable in regard both to Sparta and MessSnia. 
That the name of Ddrians comprehended far more 
than the inhabitants of the insignificant tetrapolis 
of D6ris Proper, must be assumed, if we believe 
that they conquered Sparta and MessSnia : both the 
magnitude of the conquest itself, and the passage 
of a large portion of them from Naupaktus, har- 
monise with the legend as given by Apolloddrus, 
in which the D6rians are represented as the prin- Thii fom 
cipal inhabitants of the northern shore of the gulf, ^nd^i^- 
The statements which we find in Herodotus, re- ^^^e 
specting the early migrations of the D6rians, have g^,^^ 
been considered as possessing greater historical of the hi- 
value than those of the fabulist ApoUoddrus. But rians. 
both are equally matter of legend, while the brief 
indications of the latter seem to be most in har- 

' Herod, i. 56. 


mony with the facts which w« afterwards find at^ 
tested by history. 

It has already been mentioned that the genea- 
logy which makes ^olus, Xuthus and D6rus sons 
of Hell^n, is as cdd as the Hesiodic Catalogue ; 
probably also that which makes Hell^n son of 
Deukali6n. A^lius also is an Hesiodic person- 
age : whether Amphikty6n he so or not, we have 
no proofs They could not have been introduced 
into the legendary genealogy until after the Olym- 
pic games and the Amphiktyonic council had 
acquired an established and extensiye reverence 
throughout Greece. 

Respecting D6rus the son of Helldn, we find 
neither legends nor legendary genealogy ; respect- 
ing Xuthus, very little beyond the tale of Kreiasa 
and I6n, which has its place more naturally among 
the Attic fables. Achseus however, who is here 
represented as the son of Xuthus, appears in other 
stories with very different parentage and accom- 
paniments. According to the statement which 

1 Schol. ApoUon. Rhod. iv. 57. T6p di *Epdvfilt»va 'U<rlodog fjJv 

*AM$kl€V Tov Ai^ mi) Kakvofsinuda Xcyci... KaX UMitreaf^pix ^rA 

ovTo ^f^ri, Koi *AK€wrlKaos, Koi ^p€Kv^, ital liiKaffipos tp dtvrip^ 
AlntktK&¥, tad 8€<(fro/Mrof cV 'EYrofrouoif. 

Respecting the parentage of Hellto, the references to Hesiod are veiy 
confoaed. Compare Schol. Homer. Odyss. z. 2, and Schol. ApoUon. 
Rhod. iii. 1086. See also Hellanic. Frag. 10. Didot. 

ApoUoddrus, and Pherekyd^ before him (Frag. 51. Didot), called 
Pr6togeneia daughter of Deukalidn ; Pindar (Olymp. ix. 64) designated 
her as daughter of Opus. One of the stratagems mentioned by the 
Scholiast to get rid of this genealogical discrepancy was, the supposi- 
tion that Deukalidn had two names (Bwpvfios) ; that he was also named 
Opus. (SchoL Find. Olymp. iz. 85.) 

That the Deukalidse or posterity of Deukalidn reigned in Thessaly, 
was mentioned both by Hesiod and Hekat«us, ap. Schol. Apollon. 
Rhod. iv. 265. 


Cbaf. v.] ACHiEUS AS AN EPONYM. 143 

we find ia Dionysius of Halikamassus, Acfaseus, 
Phthhis aad Pelasgus are Mns of Poseiddn and 
Lartflsa. They migrate from Peloponnesus into 
Theasaly, and distribute the Thessalian territory 
between them, giving their names to its ^nctpal 
divisions: tbek 'deooendiM&ts in the siicth genera- 
tion were driven out of that country by the inva- 
sion of Deukali6n at the head of the KurMes and 
the Lelege8^ This was the story of those who 
wanted to provide an eponymus for the Achsans Achms— 
in the southern districts of Thessaly : Pausanias w^^^b^ 
accomplishes the same object by different means, Sf^e^ 
representing Achaeus the son of Xuthus as having s^^ 
gone bade to Th^saly and occupied the portion of 
it to which his father was entitled. Then, by way 
of explaining how it was that there were Achaeans 
at fiparta and at Argos, he tells us that Archander 
and Architelds, the sons of Aohseus, came back 
from Thessaly to Peloponnesus, and married two 
daughters of Danaus : they acquired great influ- 
ence at Argos and Sparta, and gave to the people 
the name of Achaaans after their father Achaeus^ 

* Dionys. H. A. R. i. 17. 

* Paiuan. vii. 1, 1-3. Herodotus also mentions (ii. 97) Archander, 
son of Phthius and grandson of Achseus, who married the daughter of 
Danaus. Larcher (Essai sur la Chronologie d'H^rodote, ch. z. p. 321) 
tells us that this cannot be the Danaus who came from Egypt, the 
father of the fifty daughters, who must have lived two centuries eariier, 
as may be proved by chronological arguments : this must be another 
Danaus, according to him. 

Strabo seems to give a different story respecting the Achseans in 
Pdoponn^sus i he says that they were the original population of the 
peninsula, that they came in from Phthia with Pelops, and inhabited 
Laconia, which was from them called Argos Achaicum, and that on 
the conquest of the Ddrians, they moved into Achaia properly so called, 
expelling the I6nians therefrom (Strabo, viii. p. 365). This narrative is, 
I presume, borrowed from Ephorus. 


Euripidds also deviates very materially from the 
Hesiodic genealogy in respect to these eponymous 
persons. In the drama called I6n, he describes 
I6n as son of KreQsa by Apollo, but adopted by 
Xuthus : according to him, the real sons of Xuthus 
and Kre&sa are D6rus and Achaeus S— eponjrms of 
the D6rians and Achseans in the interior of Pelo- 
ponnesus. And it is a still more capital point of 

^ a!i"^(nS' ^^^^^^^^^f t^^t ^^ omits Helldn altogether — ^making 
ties. Xuthus an Achaean by race, the son of i£olus, who 

is the son of Zeus^ This is the more remarkable, 
as in the fragments of two other dramas of Euripi- 
des, the Melanippd and the ^olus, we find Hell^n 
mentioned both as father of ^olus and son of 
Zeus®. To the general public even of the most 
instructed city of Greece, fluctuations and discre- 
pancies in these mythical genealogies seem to have 
been* neither surprising nor ofiensive. 

^ Eurip. Ion, 1590. ' Eurip. Ion, 64. 

s See the Fragments of these two plays in Matthiae's edition ; compare 
Welcker, Griechisch. Tragod. t. ii. p. 842. If we may judge from the 
Fragments of the Latin Melanippd of Ennius (see Fragm. 2» ed. Bothe)» 
» Helldn was introduced as one ai the characters of the piece. 



thrown into 



If two of the sons of HellSn, D6ru8 and Xathus» 
present to us families comparatively unnoticed in 
mythical narrative^ the third son» iEolus, richly 
makes up for the deficiency. From him we pass to ^ 

his seven sons and five daughters, amidst a great 
abundance of heroic and poetical incident. 

In dealing however with these extensive mythi- Legends of 
cal families, it is necessary to observe, that the ginaiiyW 
legendary world of Greece, in the manner in which wu^ 
it is presented to us, appears invested with a de- 
gree of symmetry and coherence which did not 
originally belong to it. For the old ballads and 
stories which were sung or recounted at the multi- 
plied festivals of Greece, each on its own special 
theme, have been lost: the religious narratives, 
which the Exeg^tfis of every temple had present 
to his memory, explanatory of the peculiar re- 
Hgtous ceremonies and local customs in his own 
town or Ddme, have passed away: all these pri* 
mitive elements, originally distinct and uncon- 
nected, are removed out of our sij^ht, and we pos- 
sess only an aggri^gate result, formed by many con- 
fluent streams of fable, and connected together by 
the agency of subsequent poets and logographers. 
Even the earliest agents in this work of connecting 
and systematising — ^the Hesiodic poets — have been 

VOL. I. L 


hardly at all preserved. Our information respect- 
ing Grecian mythology is derived chiefly from the 
prose logographers who followed them, and in 
whose works, since a continuous narrative was 
above all things essential to them, the fabulous per- 
sonages are woven into still more comprehensive 
pedigrees, and the original isolation of the legends 
still better disguised. Hekataeus, PherekydSs, Hel- 
lanikus, and Akusilaus lived at a time when the 
idea of Hellas as one great whole, composed of fra- 
ternal sections, was deeply rooted in the mind of 
every Greek ; and when the fancy of one or a few 
great families, branching out widely from one com- 
mon stem, was more popular and acceptable than 
that of a distinct indigenous origin in each of the 
separate districts. These logographers, indeed, 
have themselves been lost ; but Apollod6rus and 
the various scholiasts, our great immediate sources 
of information respecting Grecian mythology, chiefly 
borrowed from them : so that the legendary world 
of Greece is in fact known to us through them, 
combined with the dramatic and Alexandrine poets, 
their Latin imitators, and the still later class of 
scholiasts — except indeed such occasional glimpses 
as we obtain from the Iliad and the Odyssey, 
and the remaining Hesiodic fragments, which 
exhibit but too frequently a hopeless diversity 
when confronted with the narratives of the logo- 

Though JSolus (as has been already stated) is 
himself called the son of Helldn along with Ddrus 
and Xuthus, yet the legends concerning the -So- 
lids, far from being dependent upon this genealogy. 


are not all even coherent with it : moreover the 
name of iBolus in the legend is older than that of 
HellSn, inasmuch as it occurs both in the Iliad JEoim. 
and Odyssey ^ Odysseus sees in the under- world 
the beautiful Tyr6, daughter of Salm6neus, and 
wife of Krdtheus, son of i£olus. 

^olus is represented as having reigned in Thes- hu teTen 
saly : his seven sons were Krdtheus^ Sisyphus, fiTedaogh. 
Athamas, Salm6neus, Dei6n, Magnfis and Perifirfis : **"' 
bis five daughters, Canacfi, Alcyon^, Peisidikfi, 
Calyc6 and Perimfid^. The fables of this race seem 
to be distinguished by a constant introduction of 
the god Poseiddn, as well as by an unusual pre- 
valence of haughty and presumptuous attributes 
among the iBolid heroes, leading them to affront 
the gods by pretences of equality, and sometimes 
even by defiance. The worship of Poseid6n must 
probably have been diffused and pre-eminent among 
a people with whom these legends originated. 



Salmdneus is not described in the Odyssey as ^ r»"* 
son of ^olus, but he is so denominated both in — Saimd. 
the Hesiodic Catalogue, and by the subsequent **^"'* ^ 
logographers. His daughter Tyr6 became ena- 
moured of the river Enipeus, the most beautiful of 
all streams that traverse the earth : she frequented 

' Iliad, vi. 154. 2i<rv<l>os AloKiBrjSf &c. 
Again, Odyss. xi. 234. — 

"^pff iJToi iroiyniv Tvpoi Viov cvirarepciav, 

'H <l>dTO ^aXfuovrjos ofLVfiOVot liicyovos cZvoi, 

^ dc Kpr)$jjos yvyfj ^fifi€vai AtoXidao, 



the banks assiduousdy, and there the god Poseiddn 
found means to indulge his passion for her, as- 
suming the character of the river-god himself. 
The fruit of this alliance were the twin brothers, 
Pelias and N^leus : Tyrd afterwards was given in 
marriage to her uncle KrStheus^ another son of 
iBolus, by whom she had iBs6n, Pher^s and Amy* 
tha6n — all names of celebrity in the heroic le- 
gends >• The adventures of Tyr6 formed the sub- 
ject of an affecting drama of Sophokl^, now lost. 
Her father had married a second wife, named Si- 
d6r6, whose cruel counsels induced him to punish 
and torture his daughter on account of her inter- 
course with Poseid6n. She was shorn of her mag- 
nificent hair, beaten and ill-used in various ways, 
and confined in a loathsome dungeon. Unable to 
take care of her two children, she had been com- 
pelled to expose them immediately on their birth 
in a little boat on the river Enipeus ; they were 
preserved by the kindness of a herdsman, and 
when grown up to manhood, rescued their mother, 
and revenged her wrongs by putting to death the 
iron-hearted Siddr6*. This pathetic tale respecting 
the long imprisonment of Tyrd is substituted by 
Sophokl^ in place of the Homeric legend, which 

> Homer, Odygs. xi. 234-257; xt. 226. 

* Diod^kns, !▼. 68. Sophokl^. Fragm. 1 . Tvpa. la<f>&t 2i^tfpik ml 
^powra ToSvofia. The genius of Sophokl^ is occasionally seduced by 
this play upon the etjrmology of a name, even in the most impressive 
scenes of his tragedies. See Ajax, 425. Compare HeUanik. Fragm. 
p. 9, ed. Preller. There was a first and second edition of the Tyrd — 
rTjg dfvrtpas Tvpcvs. Schol. ad Aristoph. Av. 276. See the fevr frag- 
ments of the lost drama in DindorTs Collection, p. 53. The plot was 
in many respects analogous to the AntiopS of Euripid^. 

Chap. VI.] TYRO.— SALMONEUS. 149 

represented her to have become the wife of Kr6- 
theus and mother of a numerous offspring ^ 

Her father, the unjust Salm6neus, exhibited in 
his conduct the most insolent impiety towards the 
gods. He assumed the name and title even of 
Zeus, and caused to be offered to himself the sacri- 
fices destined for that god : he also imitated the 
thunder and lightning, by driving about with 
brazen caldrons attached to his chariot and cast- 
ing lighted torches towards heaven. Such wicked- 
ness finally drew upon him the wrath of Zeus, 
who smote him with a thunderbolt, and effaced 
from the earth the city which he had founded, with 
aH its inhabitants ^ 

Pelias and Nfeleus, ** both stout vassals of the Pdiwand 
great Zeus,** became engaged in dissension re- 
specting the kingdom of Idlkos in Thessaly. Pe- 
lias got possession of it, and dwelt there in plenty 

* A third story, different botli from Homer and from 6o[^okl^« re- 
specting Tyrd, is found in Hyginus (Fab. Ix.) : it is of a tragieal cast, 
and borrowed, like so many other tales in that collection, from one of 
the lost Greek dramas. 

* ApoUod. i. 9, 7* SoXfMovfVf r SdiKot Km xnnfiBv/we TLtpiiifniu 
Henod, Fragm. Catal. 8. MarktscheffeL 

Where the city of Salm6neus was situated, the aneient investigators 
were not agreed; whether in the Pisatid, or in Elis, or in Thessaly 
(see Strabo, yiii. p. 356). Euripid^ in his .£olus placed him on the 
banks <d the Al|^eius (Eurip. Fragm. .£ol. 1). A village and fountain 
in the Pisatid bore the name of Salm^nd ; but the mention of the river 
Enipeus seems to mark Thessaly as the original seat of the legend. 
But the nmveti of the tale preserved by ApoUoddrus (Virgil in the 
iEneid, vL 586, has retouched it) marks its ancient ctate: the final 
drcumstance of that tale was, that the city and its inhabitants were 

Ephorus makes Salm6neuB king of the Epeians and of the Pisatie 
(Fragm. 15, ed. Didot). 

The lost drama of Sophoklls; called SaXfKovcvf, was a hpofia trarvpi- 
ttou. See Dindorf's Fragm. 483. 


and prosperity ; but he bad offended the goddess 
HSrd by killing SidSrd upon her altar, and the 
effects of her wrath were manifested in his rela- 
tions with his nephew Jasdn\ 
.. Nfileus quitted Thessaly, went into Peloponne- 
sus, and there founded the kingdom of Pylos. He 
purchased, by immense marriage presents, the pri- 
vilege of wedding the beautiful Chldris, daughter 
of Amphidn, king of Orchomenos, by whom he 
had twelve sons and but one daughter^ — the fair 
and captivating P^rd, whom suitors from all the 
neighbourhood courted in marriage. But Ndleus, 
** the haughtiest of living men^" refused to enter- 
tain the pretensions of any of them : he would 
grant his daughter only to that man who should 
bring to him the oxen of Iphiklos, from Phylakd in 
Thessaly. These precious animals were carefully 
guarded, as well by herdsmen as by a dog whom 
neither man nor animal could approach. Never- 
theless, Bias, the son of Amythadn, nephew of 
N^leus, being desperately enamoured of P6r6, pre- 
vailed upon his brother Melampus to undertake 
for his sake the perilous adventure, in spite of the 
prophetic knowledge of the latter, which fore- 
warned him that though he would ultimately suc- 
ceed, the prize must be purchased by severe cap- 
tivity and suffering. Melampus, in attempting to 
steal the oxen, was seized and put in prison ; from 
whence nothing but his prophetic powers rescued 
him. Being acquainted with the language of 

^ Horn. Od. xi. 280. ApoUod. i. 9, 9. KpaT€p» Btpair6vrt Ai^r, &c. 

' Diod6i-. iv. 68. 

• Ni^X/a re fi§ya$vfjLov, ayawfrarov [^vrtiv (Horn. Od3rss. XT. 228). 

Chap. VI.] NELE US.— MELAM PUS. 151 

worms, he heard theise animals communicating to 
each other, in the roof over his head, that the 
beams were nearly eaten through and about to 
fall in. He communicated this intelligence to his 
guards, and demanded to be conveyed to another 
place of confinement, announcing that the roof 
would presently fall in and bury them. The pre- 
diction was fulfilled, and Phylakos, father of Iphi- 
klos, full of wonder at this specimen of prophetic 
power, immediately caused him to be released, p^rft. Bias, 
He further consulted him respecting the condition p"^^^**""" 
of his son Iphiklos, who was childless ; and pro- 
mised him the possession of the oxen on condition 
of his suggesting the means whereby offspring 
might be ensured. A vulture having communicated 
to Melampus the requisite information, Podarkds, 
the son of Iphiklos, was born shortly afterwards. 
In this manner Melampus obtained possession of 
the oxen, and conveyed them to Pylos, ensuring 
to his brother Bias the hand of Pdrd\ How this 
great legendary character, by miraculously healing 
the deranged daughters of Proetos, procured both 
for himself imd for fiia^ dominion in Argos, has 
been recounted in a preceding chapter. 

Of the twelve sons of Nfileus, one at least, Peri- 
klymenos, — besides the ever- memorable Nest6r, — 
was distinguished for his exploits as well as for his 

> Horn. Od. xi. 2/8 ; xv. 234. Apollod. i. 9, 12. The basis of this 
curious romance is in the Odyssey, ampliiied by subsequent poets. 
There are points however in the old Homeric legend, as it is briefly 
sketched in the fifteenth book of the Odyssey, which seem to have been 
subsequently left out or varied. NSleus seizes the property of Melam- 
pus during bis absence ; the latter, returning with the oxen from Phy- 
lakd, revenges himself upon Keleus for the injury. Od^-ss. xv. 233. 


Peiikiy- miraculous gifts. Poseiddn, the divine father of 
the race, had bestowed upon hun the privilege of 
changing his form at pleasure into that of any bird, 
beast, reptile, or insects He had occasion for all 
these resources, and he employed them for a time 
with success in defending his family against the 
terrible indignation of HSraklds, who, provoked by 
the refusal of NSleus to perform for him the cere- 
mony of purification after his murder of Iphitus, 
attacked the Nfileids at Pylos. Periklymeuos by 
his extraordinary powers prolonged the resistance, 
but the^ hour of his fate was at length brought upon 
him by the intervention of Athdnd, who pointed 
him out to HSraklSs while he was perched as a bee 
upon the hero's chariot. He was killed, and Hd- 
raklSs became completely victorious, overpowering 
Poseiddn, HSrd, ArSs, and Hadds, and even wound- 
ing the three latter, who assisted in the defence. 
Eleven of the sons of Ndleus perished by his hand, 
while Nest6r, then a youth, was preserved only by 
his accidental absence at GerSna, away from his 
father's residence^. 

^ Hesiod, Catalog, ap. Schol. ApolAn. Rhod. i. 156 ^ Ovid, Metam. 
xii. p. 556 ; Eustath. ad Odyss. xi. p. 284. Poseiddn carefully protects 
AjUti{Ux:hus, son of Nestdr, in the Iliad, xiii. 554-563. 

^ Hesiod, Catalog, ap. Schol. Ven. ad Iliad, ii. 336 ; and Steph. Byx. 
V. r€pTf¥ui ; Ilomer, U. v. 3.92 ; xi. 693 ; Apollod6r. ii. 7i ^ i Hegiad, 
Sent. Here. 360 ; Pindar, 01. ix. 32. 

' According to the Homeric legend, Nlleus himself was not killed by 
H^rakl^s : subsequent poets or logographers, whom Apolloddrus follows, 
seem to have thought it an injustice, that the offence given by NSleus 
himself should have been avenged upon his sons and not upon himself; 
they therefore altered the legend ui>on this point, and rejected the 
passage in the Iliad as spurious (see Schol. Ven. ad Iliad, xi. 682). 

The refusal of piuification by N^eus to H^rakl^ is a genuine le- 
gendary cause: the commentators, who were disposed to spread a 
coating of history over these transactions, introduced another cause, — 


The proud house of the N^leids was now reduced Neater wd 

his exploits 

to Nestdr ; but Nestftr singly sufficed to sustain its 
eminence. He appears not only as the defender 

I and avenger of Pylos against the insolence and ra- 

pacity of his Epeian neighbours in Elis, but also as 
aiding the Lapithse in their terrible combat against 
the Centaurs, and as companion of Thteeus, Peiri- 
thous, and the other great legendary heroes who 
preceded the Trojan war. In extreme old age his 
once marvellous power of handling his weapons 
has indeed passed away, but his activity remains 
unimpaired, and his sagacity as well as his influence 
in counsel is greater than ever. He not only as- 
sembles the various Grecian chiefs for the arma- 
ment against Troy, perambulating the districts of 
Hellas along with Odysseus, but takes a vigorous 
part in the siege itself, and is of pre-eminent service 
to Agamemndn. And after the conclusion of the 
siege, he is one of the few Grecian princes who 
returns to his original dominions, and is found, in 
a strenuous and honoured old age, in the midst of 

^ his children and subjects, — sitting with the sceptre 

of authority on the stone bench before his house at 
Pylos,— oflFering sacrifice to Poseid6n, as his father 
NSleus had done before him, — and mourning only 
over the death of his favourite son Antilochus, who 
had fallen, along with so many brave companions 
in arms, in the Trojan war\ 

Nllais, as king of Pylos, bad aided the Orchomenians in their war 
against H^raldds and the Th^bans (see Sch. Ven. ad Iliad, xi. 689). 

The neighbourhood of Pylos was distinguished for its ancient worship 
both of Po8eid6n and of Hadls : there were abundant local legends re- 
specting them (see Strabo, viii. pp. 344, 345). 

I About Nestdr, Iliad, i. 260-275; ii. 370; xi. 6/0-770; Odyss. 
iii. 5, 110,409. 


After Nestdr the line of the Ndleids numbers 
undistinguished names, — Bdrus, Penthilus, and An- 
dropompus, — three successive generations down to 
MelanthuR, who on the invasion of Peloponnesus 
by the Herakleids, quitted Pylos and retired to 
Athens, where he became king, in a manner which 
mieidi I gjjgu hereafter recount. His son Kodrus was the 

down to 

Kodnit. last Athenian king ; and Ndleus, one of the sons 
of Kodrus, is mentioned as the principal conductor 
of what is called the Ionic emigration from Athens 
to Asia Minora It is certain that during the 
historical age, not merely the princely family of 
the Kodrids in Miletus, Ephesus, and other Ionic 
cities, but some of the greatest families even in 
Athens itself, traced their heroic lineage through 
the N^leids up to Poseiddn : and the legends re- 
specting Nest6r and Periklymenos would find espe- 
cial favour amidst Greeks with such feelings and 
belief. The Kodrids at Ephesus, and probably 
some other Ionic towns, long retained the title and 
honorary precedence of kings, even after they had 
lost the substantial power belonging to the office. 
They stood in the same relation, embodying both 
religious worship and supposed ancestry, to the 
N^leids and Poseid6n, as the chiefs of the iEolic 
colonies to Agamemn6n and Orestes. The Athe- 
nian despot Peisistratus was named after the son 
of Nest6r in the Odyssey ; and we may safely 
presume that the heroic worship of the Ndleids 

' Hellanik. Fragm. 10, ed. Didot; Pausan. vii. 2, 3; Herodot. 
V. 65 ; Strabo, xiv. p. 633. Hellanikus, in giving the genealogy from 
N61eu8 to Melanthus, traces it through Periklymenos and not through 
Nest6r: the words of Herodotus imply that he must have included 


was as carefully cherished at the Ionic Miletus as 
at the Italian Metapontum'. 

Having pursued the line of Salmdneus and Nd- Second 
leus to the end of its legendary career, we may line— 
now turn back to that of another son of iEolus, KrA- ^^*'^^*"*' 
theuSy — a line hardly less celebrated in respect of 
the heroic names which it presents. AlkSstis, the 
most beautiful of the daughters of Pelias^, was 
promised by her father in marriage to the man who 
could bring him a lion and a boar tamed to the 
yoke and drawing together. Adm^tus, son of 
Pherds, the eponymus of Pherse in Thessaly, and 
thus grandson of Ki*£theus, was enabled by the aid 
of Apollo to fulfil this cx)ndition, and to win her^; 
for Apollo happened at that time to be in his 
service as a slave (condemned to this penalty by 
Zeus for having put to death the Cycl6pes), in 
which capacity he tended the herds and horses 
with such success, as to equip Eumdlus (the son 
of Admfitus) to the Trojan war with the finest 
horses in the Grecian army. Though menial duties 
were imposed upon him, even to the drudgery of 
grinding in the mill*, he yet carried away with him 
a grateful and friendly sentiment towards his mortal 
master, whom he interfered to rescue from the 
wrath of the goddess Artemis, when she was indig- 

' Herodot. v. 67; Strabo, vi. p. 264; Mimnermus, Fragm. 9, 

• Uiad, ii. 715. 

' Apollod6r. i. 9, 15; Eustath. ad Iliad, ii. 711* 

* Euripid. Alklst. init. Welcker; Griechisch. Tragod. (p. 344) on 
the lost play of SophoklSs called Adm^us or Alklstis; Horn. Diad. 
ii. 766; Hygin. Fab. 50-51 (Sophoklfis, Fr. Inc. 730; Dind. ap. Plu- 
tarch. Defect. Orac. p. 417). This tale of the temporary servitude of 
particular gods, by order of Zeus as a pnui^hment for misbehayiour, 


nant at the omission of her name in his wedding 
Adm^iit sacrifices. Admdtus was about to perish by a pre- 
kdstu.* mature death, when Apollo, by earnest solicitation 
to the Fates, obtained for him the privilege that 
his life should be prolonged, if he could find any 
person to die a voluntary death in his place. 
His father and his mother both refused to make 
this sacrifice for him, but the devoted attachment 
of his wife Alk^stis disposed her to embrace with 
cheerfulness the condition of dying to preserve her 
husband. Sbe had already perished, when Hdra- 
klds, the ancient guest and friend of Admdtus, ar- 
rived during the first hour of lamentation; his 
strength and daring enabled him to rescue the 
deceased Alk^stis even from the grasp of Thanatos 
(Death), and to restore her alive to her disconsolate 
The son of Pelias, Akastus, had received and 

recurs not unfrequently among the incidents of the mythical world. 
The poet Panyasis (ap. Clem. Alexand. Adm. ad Gent. p. 23) — 

*tkfj fUy Aff/iTfTfip, rkfj dc KKvr6s 'A/M^Myv^t^, 
tkfj dc HtMnMap, rXtj If dpyvp6To^g ^Anvkki^p 
'Ajr^pl wapa OvrfT^ Orirtva-tfitv tls tvuivrdv' 
tkfj dc ical oppifwBvfAos "Apfjs vir6 iraTp6t dvcryjo^f . 

The old legend followed out the fundamental idea with remarkable con- 
sistency : La6med6n» as the temporary master of Poseid6n and ApoUo, 
threatens to bind them hand and foot, to sell them in the distant islands, 
and to cut off the ears of both, when they come to ask for their stq>u- 
lated wages (Uiad, xzL 455). It was a new turn given to the HUxj by 
the Alexandrine poets, when they introduced the motive of love, and 
made the servitude voluntary on the part of Apollo (Kallimachus, Hymn. 
Apoll. 49; TibuUus, Eleg. ii. 3, 11-30). 

* Eurip. Alk^stis, Arg. ; ApoUod. i. 9, 15. To bring this beautiful 
legend more into the colour of history, a new version of it was subse- 
quently framed : HSrakl^ was eminently skilled in medicine, and saved 
tiie life of Alk^stis when she was about to perish from a desperate malady 
(Plutarch, Amator. c- 1/. vol. iv. p. 53, Wytt.). 


sheltered P^leus when obliged to fly his country in 
consequence of the involuntary murder of Eury- 
ti6n. Kr^thSis, the wife of Akastus, becoming ^^^?^^^ 
enamoured of P61eus, made to him advances which Akastus. 
he repudiated. Exasperated at his refusal, and de- 
termined to procure his destruction, she persuaded 
her husband that P^leus had attempted her chastity: 
upon which Akastus conducted Pdleus out upon a 
hunting excursion among the woody regions of 
Mount PSlion, contrived to steal from him the sword 
fabricated and given by Hdphaestos, and then left 
him, alone and unarmed, to perish by the hands of 
the Centaurs or by the wild beasts. By the friendly 
aid of the Centaur Cheir6n, however, P61eus was 
preserved, and his sword restored to him : return- 
ing to the city, he avenged himself by putting to 
death both Akastus and his perfidious wife*. 

But amongst all the legends with which the 
name of Pelias is connected, by far the most me- 
morable is that of Jasdn and the Argonautic expe- 
dition. Jasdn was son of i£s6n, grandson of Krd- 
theus, and thus great-grandson of iEolus. Pelias, 
having consulted the oracle respecting the security 
of his dominion at Idlkos, had received in answer 
a warning to beware of the man who should ap- 
pear before him with only one sandal. He was cele- 
brating a festival in honour of Poseiddn, when it so 
happened that Jasdn appeared before him with one 
of his feet unsandaled : he had lost one sandal in 
wading through the swollen current of the river 

^ The legend of Akastus and PSleus was given in great detail in the 
Cktalogae of Hesiod (Catalog. Fragm. 20-21, Marktscheff.) ; Schol. 
Pindar. Nem. ir. 95 ; Schol. ApoU. Rhod. i. 224; ApoUod. iii. 13, 2. 



Anauros. Pelias immediately understood that this 
was the enemy against whom the oracle had fore- 
warned him. As a means of averting the danger, 
he imposed upon Jasdn the desperate task of bring- 
Peiits and iug back to I61ko8 the Grolden Fleece, — the fleece of 
" "' that ram which had carried Phryxos from Achaia 
to Kolchis, and which Phryxos had dedicated in the 
latter country as an offering to the god ArSs. The 
result of this injunction was the memorable expe- 
dition — of the ship Arg6 and her crew called the 
Argonauts, composed of the bravest and noblest 
youths of Greece — which cannot be conveniently 
included among the legends of the i£olids, and is 
reserved for a separate chapter. 
Jasdn and The voyage of the Argd was long protracted, 
and Pelias, persuaded that neither the ship nor her 
crew would ever return, put to death both the 
father and mother of Jasdn, together with their 
infant son. iEs6n, the father, being permitted to 
choose the manner of his own death, drank bull's 
blood while performing a sacrifice to the gods. 
At length, however, Jasdn did return, bringing with 
him not only the golden fleece, but also MMea, 
daughter of M&t^, king of Kolchis, as his wife, 
— a woman distinguished for magical skill and cun- 
ning, by whose assistance alone the Argonauts had 
succeeded in their project. Though determined to 
avenge himself upon Pelias, Jasdn knew he could 
only succeed by stratagem : he remained with his 
companions at a short distance from Idlkos, while 
Mddea, feigning herself a fugitive from bis ill- 
usage, entered the town alone, and procured access 
to the daughters of Pelias* By exhibitions of 


her magical powers she soon obtained unqualified 
ascendency over their minds. For example, she 
selected from the flocks of Pelias a ram in the 
extremity of old age» cut him up and boiled him 
in a caldron, with herbs, and brought him out in 
the shape of a young and vigorous lamb': the 
daughters of Pelias were made to believe that their 
old father could in like manner be restored to 
youth. In thia persuasion they cut him up with 
their own hands and cast his limbs into the cal- 
dron, trusting that MSdea would produce upon him 
the same magical effect. MSdea pretended that an 
invocation to the moon was a necessary part of the 
ceremony : she went up to the top of the house as 
if to pronounce it, and there lighting the fire- 
signal concerted with the Argonauts, Jasdn and his 
companions burst in and possessed themselves of 
the town. Satisfied with having thus revenged 
himself, Jasdn yielded the principality of Idlkos 
to Akastus, son of Pelias, and retired with MSdea 
to Corinth. Thus did the goddess Hdrd gratify 
her ancient wrath against Pelias : she had con- 
stantly watched over Jasdn, and had carried the 
" all notorious'' Arg6 through its innumerable pe- 
rils, in order that Jasdn might bring home MSdea 
to accomplish the ruin of his uncle^. The mis- 

' This incideiit was contained in one of the earliest dramas of Euri- 
pides, the ncXiodcs, now lost. Moses of Chor^nd (Progymnasm. ap. 
Blaii ad Euseb. p. 43), who gives an extract from the argument, says 
that the poet " extremos mentiendi fines attingit." 

The 'Ptfd^fUK of SophoklSs seems also to have turned upon the same 
catastrophe (see Fragm. 479, Dindorf ). 

' The kindness of B.M towards Ja86n seems to be older in the legend 


guided daughters of Pelias departed as voluntary 
exiles to Arcadia : Akastus his son celebrated 
splendid funeral games in honour of his deceased 
father \ 

than ber ditpleasiure agaiBtt Pelias ; at least it is specially noticed in 
the Odyssej, as the great cause of the escape of the ship Arg6 : 'AXX' 
*Hf»7 irap€frffft^ffy» iwtl ^£W ^ *I^«»y (zii. 70). In the Hesiodic Theo- 
gony Pelias stands to Jas6n in the same relation as Eurystheus to Hd- 
raklls, — a severe taskmaster as well as a wicked and insolent man, — 
vfipurrijs IIcXiV ical dritrBttkos, 6$pifi6tpyot (Theog. 995). Apon^nius 
Rhodius keeps the wrath of RM against Pelias in the foregrotmdf i. 14 ; 
iiL 1134 ; iv. 242; see also Hygin. f. 13. 

There is great diversity in the stories given of the proximate circum- 
stances connected with the death of Pelias : Eurip. MM. 491 ; Apol- 
lod6r. i. 9, 27 ; Diod^. iv. 50-52; Ovid, Metam. viL 162, 203, 297, 
347; Pausan. viii. 11, 2; Schol. ad Lycoph. 175. 

In the legend of Akastus and Pdleus, as recounted above, Akastus 
vras made to perish by the hand of PMeus. I do not take upon me to 
reconcile these contradictions. 

Pausanias mentions that he could not find in any of the poets, so far 
as he had read, the names of the ^daughters of Pelias, and that the 
painter Mik6n had given to them names (oM$/tani ^ alnus iroairijt luv 
^^€70 ovdcW, Zira y iirtXt^dfitBa ^fuis, &c, Pausan. viii. 11, 1). Yet 
their names are given in the antliors whom Dioddrus copied ; and Al- 
k^stis, at any rate, was most memorable. Mik(yn gave the names Aste- 
ropeia and Antinod, altogether different from those in Dioddrus. Both 
I>iod6rus and Hyginus exonerate Alkdstis from all share in the death of 
her father (Hygbi. f. 24). 

The old poem called the Nd<rrot (see Argum. ad Eurip. Mdd., and 
Schol. Aristophan. Equit. 1321) recounted, that M^dea had boiled in a 
caldron the old iBs6n, father of Jasdn, with herbs and incantations, 
and that she had brought him out young and strong. Ovid copies this 
(Metam. vii. 162-203). It is singidar that Pherekyd&i andSimonidds 
said that she had performed this process upon Jas6n himself (SchoL 
Aristoph. /. c). Diogenes (ap. Stobse. Florileg. t. xxix. 92) ration- 
alizes the story, and converts MMea frt>m an enchantress into an im- 
proving and regenerating preceptress. The death of .£sdn, as described 
in the text, is given from Dioddrus and Apollod6rus. MIdea seems to 
have been worshiped as a goddess in other places besides Corinth (see 
Athenagor. Le^. pro Christ. 12 ; Macrobius, i. 12, p. 247, Gronov.)* 

' These funml games in honour of Pelias were among the most re- 
nowned of the mythical incidents : they were celebrated in a special poem 


Jas6n and M^dea retired fix)m I&lkos to Corinth, MSdea at 
where they resided ten years : their children were 
— ^Medeius, whom the Centaur Cheirdn educated 
in the regions of Mount P6Uon*, — and Mermerus 
and Pher6s, born at Corinth. After they had re- 
sided there ten years in prosperity, Jasdn set his 
affections on Glaukd, daughter of Kredn^ king of 
Corinth ; and as her father was willing to give her 
to him in marriage, he determined to repudiate 
MSdea, who received orders forthwith to leave . 
Corinth. Stung with this insult and bent upon 
revenge, Mfidea prepared a poisoned robe, and 
sent it as a marriage present to Glaukd : it was 
unthinkingly accepted and put on, and the body 
of the unfortunate bride was burnt up and con- 
sumed. Kre6n, her father, who tried to tear from 
her the burning garment, shared her fate and 
perished. The exulting Mddea escaped by means 
of a chariot with winged serpents furnished to her 
by her grandfather Hfilios : she placed herself under 
the protection of ^gfius at Athens, by whom she 
had a son named MSdus. She left her young 
children in the sacred enclosure of the Akraean 
H6r6, relying on the protection of the altar to 

by Stesichonis, and represented on the chest of Kypselus at Olympia. 
Rft8t6r, Meleager, Amphiaraos, Jas6n, PSleus, Mopsos, &c. contended 
in them (Pausan. v. 17* 4; Stesichori Fragm. 1. p. 54, ed. Klewe; 
. Ath^. iv. 172). How familiar the details of them were to the mind 
of a literary Greek is indirectly attested by Plutarch, Sympos. v. 2, 
vol. iii. p. 762, Wytt. 
1 Hesiod, Theogon. 998. 

* According to the Schol. ad Eurip. MSd. 20, Jas6n marries the 
daughter of HippotSs the son of Rre6n, who is the son of Lykaethos. 
LykaethoB, after the depfurture of Belleroph6n from Corinth, reigned 
twenty-seven years ; then Rre6n reigned thirt^'-five years ; then came 

VOL. I. M 


ensure their safety ; but the Corinthians were so 
exasperated against her for the murder of Kredn 
and GlaukSy that they dragged the children away 
from the altar and put them to death. The mise- 
rable Jasdn perished by a fragment of his own ship 
Argd, which fell upon him while he was asleep 
under it\ being hauled on shore, according to the 
habitual practice of the ancients. 
The first establishment at Ephyrfi, or Corinth, 

* 1 ApollodAr. i. 9, 27 ; Diod6r. iy. 54. The MMea of Euripidls, 
which haa fortunately been preserved to us, U too well known to need 
express reference. He makes MSdea the destroyer of her own children^ 
and borrows from this circumstance the most pathetic touches of his 
exquisite drama. Parmeniskos accused him of having been bribed by 
the Corinthians to give this turn to the legend; and we may regard the 
accusation as a proof that the older and more current tale imputed the 
murder of the children to the Corinthians (Schol. Eurip. Med. 275, 
where Didymos gives the stoiy out of the old poem of Kreophylos). 
See also ^lian, V. H. v. 21 ; Pausan. ii. 3, 6. 

The most aignificant fact in respect to the fable is, that the Corin- 
thians celebrated periodically a propitiatory sacrifice to H6r6 Akraea and 
to Mermerus and PherSs, as an atonement for the sin of having violated 
the sanctuary of the altar. The legend grew out of this religious cere- 
mony, and was so arranged as to explain and account for it (see Eurip. 
Mid. 1376, with the Schol. Diod6r. iv. 55). 

Mermerus and Pher^ were the names given to the children of MMea 
and Jas6n in the old Naupaktian Verses ; in which, however, the legend 
must have been recounted quite differently, since they said that Jasdn 
and Mddea had gone from I61kos, not to Corinth, but to Corcyra; and 
that Mermerus had perished in himting on the opposite continent of 
Epirus. Rineth6n again, another ancient genealogical poet, called the 
children of M^ea and Jas6n Eridpis and M^os (Pausan. ii. 3, 7)- 
Dioddrus gives them different names (iv. 34). Uesiod in the Theogony 
speaks only of Medeius as the son of Jas6n. 

MIdea does not appear either in the Hiad or Odyssey : in the former 
we find AgamSdS, daughter of Augeas, *' who knows all the poisons (or 
medicines) which the earth nourishes '* (Diad, xi. 740) ; in the latter 
we have Cird, sister of i£et^ father of Mddea, and living in the 
iBtean island (Odyss. x. 70). Cird is daughter of the god Helios, as 
MIdea is his grand-daughter, — she is herself a goddess. She is in 
many points the parallel of MMea : she forewarns and preserves Odys- 
aeus throughout his dangers, as MMea aids Jas6n : according to the 



had been founded by Sisyphus, another of the sons TWri 
of i£olus, brother of Salmdneus and KrStheus^ —sisyphus. 
The .£k>lid Sisyphus was distinguished as an un- 
exampled master of cunning and deceit. He 
blocked up the road along the isthmus, and killed 
the strangers who came along it by rolling down 
upon them great stones from the mountains above. 
He was more than a match even for the arch thief 
Autolykus, the son of Hermfis, who derived from 
his father the gift of changing the colour and shape 
of stolen goods, so that they could no longer be 
recognised : Sisyphus, by marking his sheep under 
the foot, detected Autolykus when he stole them, 
and obliged him to restore the plunder. His pene- 
tration discovered the amour of Zeus with the 
nymph -^gina, daughter of the river-god As6pus. 
Zeus had carried her off to the island of QBn6nd 
(which subsequently bore the name of iEgina) ; 
upon which As6pus, eager to recover her, inquired 
of Sisyphus whither she was gone; the latter told 
him what had happened, on condition that he 
should provide a spring of water on the summit of 
the Acro-Corinthus. Zeus, indignant with Sisyphus 
for this revelation, inflicted upon him in HadSs the 
punishment of perpetually heaving up a hill a great 
and heavy stone, which, so soon as it attained the 

Hesiodic story she has two children by Od^'sseus, A^rius and Latinus 
(Theogon. 1001). 

Odysseus goes to Ephyrd to Hos the son of Mermerus, to proepre 
poison for his arrows : Eustathius treats this Mermerus as the son of 
MMea (see Odyss. i. 270, and Eust.). As Ephyrfi is the legendary 
name of Corinth, we inay presume this to be a thread of the same 
mythical tissue. 

' Sec Euripid. ^ol. — Fragm. 1, Dindorf ^ Diluearch. Vit. Grace, p. 22, 



summit, rolled back again in spite of all his efforts 
with irresistible force into the plaint 

In the application of the iEolid genealogy to 
Corinth, Sisyphus, the son of i£olus, appears as 
the first name: but the old Corinthian poet Eu- 
mdlus either found or framed an heroic genealogy 
for his native city independent both of iEolus and 
Sisyphus. According to this genealogy, Ephyrfi, 
daughter of Oceanus and TIthys, was the primitive 
tenant of the Corinthian territory, Asdpus of the 
Siky6nian : both were assigned to the god HSlios, 
in adjusting a dispute between him and Poseiddn, 
by Briareus. Helios divided the territory between 
his two sons iEStSs and A16eus : to the former he 
assigned Corinth, to the latter Sikydn. ^dtSs, 
obeying the admonition of an oracle, emigrated to 
Kolchis, leaving his territory under the rule of 
Bunos, the son of Hermds, with the stipulation 
that it should be restored whenever either he or 

' Respecting Sisyphus^ see Apollod6r. i. 9, 3 ; iii. 12, 6. Pausan. ii. 
5, 1. Schol. ad Iliad, i. 180. Another legend about the amour of Sisy- 
phus with Tyrd, is in Hygin. fab. 60, and about the manner in which 
he overreached even Had^ (Pherekydds ap. Schol. Uiad. vi. 163). The 
stone rolled by Sisyphus in the under-world appears in Odyss. xi. 692. 
The name of Sisyphus was given during the historical age to men of 
craft and stratagem, such as Derkyllid^ (Xenoph. HeUeoie. iii. 1, 8). 
He passed for the real &ther of Odysseus, though Heyne (ad Apollod6r. 
i. 9, 3) treats this as another Sisyphus, whereby he destroys the suit- 
ableness of the predicate as regards Odysseus. The duplication and 
triplication of synonymous personages is an ordinary resource for the 
purpose of reducing the legends into a seeming chronological sequence. 

Even in the days of Eum^lus a religious mystery was observed re- 
specting the tombs of Sisyphus and Nlleus, — the latter had also died at 
Corinth, — no one could say where they were buried (Pausan. ii. 2, 2). 

Sisyphus even overreached Persephond, and made his escape from 
the under-world (Theognis, 702). 


any of his descendants returned. After the death 
of Bunos, hoth Corinth and Sikydn were possessed 
by £p6peus, son of A16eus, a wicked man. His 
son Marathdn left him in disgust and retired into 
Attica, but returned after his death and succeeded 
to his territory, which he in turn divided between 
his two sons Corinthos and Siky6n, from whom the 
names of the two districts were first derived. Co- 
rinthos died without issue, and the Corinthians 
then invited MSdea from I61kos as the representa- 
tive of M^t&s : she with her husband Jas6n thus 
obtained the sovereignty of Corinth ^ This legend Corinthian 
of EumSlus, one of the earliest of the genealogical ofEomeiot. 
poets, so different from the story adopted by Neo- 
phr6n or Euripides, was followed certainly by Si- 
monidte fmd seemingly by Theopompus^ The 
incidents in it are imagined and arranged with a 
view to the supremacy of M6dea; the emigration 
of M^t^s and the conditions under which he trans- 
ferred his sceptre, being so laid out as to confer 
upon M6dea an hereditary title to the throne. The 
Corinthians paid to M^ea and to her children 
solemn worship, either divine or heroic, in con- 
junction with HSr6 Akraea^, and this was sufficient 

' Pausan. ii. 1, 1 ; 3, 10. Schol. ad Pindar. Ol3nnp. xiiL 74. Schol. 
Lycoph. 174-1024. Schol. ApoU. Rhod. iv. 1212. 

' Simonid. ap. SchoL ad Eurip. Mdd. 10-20 ; Theopompus, Fragm. 
340, Didot ; though Welcker (Der Episch. Cyd. p. 29) thinks that this 
does not belong to the historian Theopompus. Epimenidds also fol- 
lowed the story of Eum^lns in making Mtt&s a Corinthian (Schol. ad 
Apoll. Rhod. iii. 242). 

' Jl€p\ di TTJs €lg K6pw6w fMToiic^ctfSy "imnfs ixrlBtTai Kal '£XX<i« 
viKOt' Sn de Pifiatr^KtVKt lifs KoplvOov ^ M^dcuz, EHfirjkos l<rrop€i koX 
2cfM»Wdi7ff* "Oti di Koi dBapoTOg fjp ^ M^io, Movo-aib; iv rf vwpX 
*ltr6filmv Urrop€i, Upa Koi ntpl r&v rift *Aicpaias "Hptu ioprm iicnBtls 
(SchoL Eurip. M^d. 10). Compare also t. 1376 of the play itself^ with 

166 inSTORT OF GREECE. [Part t 

to give to M^dea a prominent place in the genea* 
logy composed by a Corinthian poet, accustomed 
to blend together gods, heroes and men in the 
antiquities of his native city. According to the 
legend of Eumdius, Jas6n became (through MSdea) 
king of Corinth ; but she concealed the children c^ 
their marriage in the temple of HSrd, trusting that 
the goddess would render them immortal. Jas6n, 
discovering her proceedingSi left her and retired in 
disgust to I6lkos ; Mddea also, being disappointed 
in her scheme, quitted the place, leaving the throne 
in the hands of Sisyphus, to whom, according to the 
story of Theopompus, she had become attached \ 
Other legends recounted, that Zeus had contracted 
a passion for MSdea, but that she had rejected his 
suit from fear of the displeasure of Hdrd ; who, as 
a recompense for such fidelity, rendered her children 
immortal^ : moreover MSdea had erected, by special 
command of H^rS, the celebrated temple of Aphro- 
dite at Corinth. The tenor of these fables manifests 
coaies. their connection with the temple of H6r6 : and we 
different le- may considcr the legend of MSdea as having been 
Mldet*ind* originally quite independent of that of Sisyphus, 
swyphus. i^^j. fijt^^ Qn iq it, in seeming chronological se- 
quence, so as to satisfy the feelings of those iEolids 
of Corinth who passed for his descendants. 

Sisyphus had for his sons Glaukos and Omyti6n. 
From Glaukos sprang Bellerophon, whose romantic 

the Scholia and Pausan. ii. 3, 6. Both Alkman and Hesiod represented 
Mddea as a goddess (Athenagoras, Legatio pro Chriitianis, p. 54, ed. 

* Pausan. ii. 3, 10 ; Schol. Pindar. Olymp. xiii. 74. 
' Schol. Pindar. Olymp. xiii. 32-74 ; Plutarch, De Herodot. Malign. 

Cmap. VI.] BBLLBROPHON. 167 

adventures commence with the Iliad, and are farther 
expanded by subsequent poets : according to some 
accounts he was really the son of Poseiddn, the 
prominent deity of the iEoUd family'. The youth 
and beauty of Belleroph6n rendered him the object 
of a strong passion on the part of Anteia, wife of 
Proetos king of Argos. Finding her advances re- 
jected, she contracted a violent hatred towards him, 
and endeavoured by false accusations to prevail 
upon her husband to kill him. Proetos refused to Beiiero 
commit the deed under his own roof, but despatched 
him to his son-in-law the king of Lykia in Asia 
Minor, putting into his hands a folded tablet full of 
destructive symbols. Conformably to these sug- 
gestions, the most perilous undertakings were im- 
posed upon Belleroph6n. He was directed to attack 
the monster Cbimsera and to conquer the warlike 
Solymi as well as the Amazons: as he returned 
victorious from these enterprises, an ambuscade 
was laid for him by the bravest Lykian warriors, 
all of whom he slew. At length the Lykian king 
recognised him '* as the genuine son of a god," and 
gave him his daughter ii^ marriage together with 
half of his kingdom. The grandchildren of Bellero- 

' Pindar, Olymp. xiii. 98, and Schol. ad 1 . ; Schol. ad Uiad. vi. 155 ; 
this seems to be the sense of Iliad, Ti. 191. 

The lost drama called lohatfy of SophoklSs, and the two by Euripid^ 
called Sthenebaa and Belleroph^, handled the adventures of this hero. 
See the collection of the few fragments remaining in Dindorf, Fragm. 
Sophok. 280 ; Fragm. Eurip. p. 87-108 ; and Hygin. fab. 67. 

Wdcker (Griechische Tragod. ii. p. 777-800) has ingeniously put 
together all that can be divined respecting the two plays of Euripid^. 

Volcker seeks to make out that Bellerophon is identical with Poseiddn 
Hippios, — a separate personification of one of the attributes of the god 
Poseiddn. For this conjecture he gives some plausible grounds (My^ 
thologie des Japetisch. Geschlechts, p. 129 seq.). 

168 HISTORY 07 GREECE. [Pakt I. 

ph6n, Glauk68 and Sarp^6n, — ^the latter a son of 
his daughter Laodameia by Zeus,--coinbat as allies 
of Troy agaiost the host of AgamemIl6Q^ Respect- 
ing the winged Pegasus, Homer says nothing ; but 
later poets assigned to Be1ieroph6n this miraculous 
steed, whose parentage is given in the Hesiodic The- 
ogony, as the instrument both of his voyage and of 
his success K Heroic worship was paid at Corinth 
to Bellerophon, and he seems to have been a favour- 
ite theme of recollection not only among the Corin- 
thians themselves, but also among the numerous 
colonists whom they sent out to other regions^. 

From Ornyti6n, the son of Sisyphus, we are 
conducted through a series of three undistinguished 
family names, — ^Thoas, Damoph6n, and the bro- 
thers Propodas and Hyanthidas, — to the time of 
the Ddrian occupation of Corinth^, which will be 
hereafter recounted. 

^'i^^ ^^ ^^^ P*'^®^ ^^^^ Sisyphw and the Corinthian 

— Atbamas. fablcs to another son of ^olud, Athamas, whose 
family history is not less replete with mournful and 
tragical incidents, abundantly diversified by the 
poets. Athamas, we ar^ told, was king of Orcho- 
menos; his wife NephelS was a goddess, and he 
had by her two children, Phryxus and HellS. After 
a certain time he neglected NephelS, and took to 


> niad, vi. 155-210. ' Hesiod, Theogon. 283. 

' Pausan. ii. % 4. See Pindar, Ol3nnp. xiii. 90, addressed to Xeno* 
phds the Cormtbian, and the Adoniazusae of the Syracusan Theocritas, 
a poem in which common Sjracusan life and fSeeling are to graphicaUy 
depicted. Idyll, xt. 91. — 

'Qs d* €idijs Koi roOro, KopivBuu tifjttt SamBtv 
Qs Kcii 6 Be\ktp6<f>»p* ntXowowainarl XaKevfifs* 
* Pausan. ii. 4, 3. 

Chaf.YI.] ATHAMAS and PHRTXUS. 169 

himself as a new wife In6, the daughter of Kadmus, 
by whom he had two sons, Learchus and Meli- 
kertds. Indy looking upon Phr3rxu8 with the hatred 
of a step-mot her » laid a snare for his life. She 
persuaded the women to roast the seed-wheat, 
which y when sown in this condition, yielded no 
crop, so that famine overspread the land. Athamas 
sent to Delphi to implore counsel and a remedy : 
he received for answer, through the machinations 
of In6 with the oracle, that the barrenness of the 
fields could not be alleviated except by offering 
Phryxus as a sacrifice to Zeus. The distress of 
the people compelled him to execute this injunc- 
tion, and Phryxus was led as a victim to the altar. 
But the power of his mother Nephel6 snatched him 
from destruction, and procured for him from Her* 
mds a ram with a fleece of gold, upon which he 
and his sister HellS mounted and were carried 
across the sea. The -ram took the direction of the Phryxus 
Euxine sea and Kolchis : when they were crossing 
the Hellespont, Helld fell off into the narrow strait, 
which took its name from that incident. Upon 
this, the ram, who was endued with speech, con- 
soled the terrified Phryxus, and ultimately carried 
him safe to Kolchis : JSStSs, king of Kolchis son 
of the god HSlios and brother of Circ6, received 
Phryxus kindly, and gave him his daughter Chal- 
kiopd in marriage. Phryxus sacrificed the ram to 
Zeus Phyxios, suspending the golden fleece in the 
sacred grove of Arfis. 

- Athamas — according to some bc^ Athamas and 
In6— were afterwards driven mad by the anger of 
the goddess HSrS ; insomuch that the father shot 


his own son LearchuSi and would also have put to 

death his other son MeUkert^s, if In6 had not 

Xnd and suatched him away. She fled with the boy across 

— Isthmian the Mcgariau territory and Mount Geraneia, to 

games. ^j^^ ^^^^ Moluris, Overhanging the Sar6nic Gulf: 

Athamas pursued her, and in order to escape him 
she leaped into the sea. She became a sea-goddess 
under the title of Leukothea; while the body of 
MelikertSs was cast ashore on the neighbouring 
territory of Schoenus, and buried by his uncle 
Sisyphus, who was directed by the NereKds to pay 
to him heroic honours under the name of Palaemdn. 
The Isthmian games, one of the great periodical 
festivals of Greece, were celebrated in honour of the 
godPoseid6n,in conjunction with Palaem6n as a hero. 
Athamas abandoned his territory, and became the 
first settler of a neighbouring region called from 
him Athamantia, or the Athamantian plaint 

' Eurip. MM. 1250, with the Scholia, according to which atoiy In6 
kiUed both her children : — 

Compare Valckenaer, Diatribe in Eurip.; Apolloddr, i. 9, 1-2; Schol. 
ad Pindar. Argum. ad Isthm. p. 180. The many varietiea of the &ble 
of Athamaa and his family may be seen in Hygin. fab. 1-5 ; Philoste- 
phanua ap. Schol. Uiad. TiL 86: it was a fkvourite subject with the 
tragedians, and was handled by iEsdiylus, Sophokl^ and Euripid^ in 
more than one drama (see Welcker, Griechische Tragod. toI. i. p. 312- 
332 ; YoL ii. p. 612). Heyne says that the proper reading of the name 
is Phrums, not Phryxus, — incorrectly, I think : ^pv^s connects the 
name both with the story of roasting Uie wheat (^pvyciv), and also with 
tha country ^pvy/a, of which it was pretended that Pluyzus was the 
Eponymus. In6, or Leukothea, was worshiped as a heroine at Megara 
as well as at Corinth (Pausan. i. 42, 3) : the celebrity of the Isthmian 
games carried her worship, as well as that of Palaemdn, throughout 
most parts of Greece (Cicero, De Nat. Deor. iii. 16). She is the only per- 
sonage of this family noticed either in the Hiad or Odyssey : in the latter 
poem she is a sea-goddess, who has once been a mortal, daughter of 

Cbap.VI.] legends and RITES OF THE ATHAMANTIDS. 171 

The legend of Atbamas connects itself with some ^^ ^ 

. , . ^ . of the le- 

sanguinary religious rites and very peculiar family gend of 
customs, which prevailed at Alos^ in Achaia Phthi6- 
tisy down to a time^ later than the historian Hero- 
dotus, and of which some remnant existed at Orcho- 
menos even in the days of Plutarch. Atbamas was 
worshiped at Alos as a hero, having both a chapel 
and a consecrated grove, attached to the temple of 
Zeus Laphystios. On the family of which he was 
the heroic progenitor, a special curse and disability 
stood affixed. The eldest of the race was forbidden 
to enter the prytaneion or government-house : if 
he was found within the doors of the building, 
the other citizens laid hold of him on his going 
out, surrounded him with garlands, and led him in 
solemn procession to be sacrificed as a victim at the 
altar of Zeus Laphystios. The prohibition carried 

Kftdmus ; the sayes Odysseus from imminent danger at sea by pvea^ting 
to him her Kpffi€fMvov (Odyss. v. 433 ; see the refinements of Aristiddt, 
Omt. iii. p. 27). The voyage of Phryzus and Hdld to Kolchis was 
related in the Hesiodic Eoiai : we find the names of the children of 
Phryxns by the daughter of .£6t^ quoted from that poem (Schol. ad 
ApoUfm. Rhod. ii. 1123) : both Hesiod and Pherekydls mentioned the 
g^den fleece of the ram (JSratostiken. Catasterism. 19; Pherekyd. 
Fragm. 53, Didot). 

Hekatseus preserved the romance of the speaking ram (Schol. Apoll. 
Rhod. i. 256) ; but HeUanikus dropped the story of Helld having fnlien 
into the sea : according to him she died at Paktyd in the Chersonesns 
(Schol. ApoU. Rhod. ii. 1144). 

The poet Asius seems to have given the genealogy of Atbamas by 
Themist6 much in the same manner as we find it in Apolloddrus 
(Pansan. ix. 23, 3). 

According to the ingenious refinements of Dionjrsius and Palsephatus, 
(Schol. ad Apoll. Rhod. ii. 1 144 ; Palsephat de Incred. c. 31) the ram of 
Phiyxus was after all a man named Rrios, a faithful attendant who aided 
in his escape ; others imi^ined a ship with a ram*s head at the bow. 

> Phitarch, Quiest. Grsc. c. 38. p. 299. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. ii. 655. 


"with it an exclusion from all the public meetings 
and ceremonies, political as well as religious, and 
from the sacred fire of the state : many of the 
individuals marked out had therefore been bold 
enough to transgress it. Some had been seized 
on quitting the building and actually sacrificed; 
others had fled the country for a long time to 
avoid a similar fate. 

The guides who conducted Xerxes and his army 
through southern Thessaly detailed to him this 
existing practice, coupled with the local legend, 
that Athamas, together with In6, had sought to 
compass the death of Phrjrxus, who however had 
escaped to Kolchis ; that the Achseans had been en- 
joined by an oracle to ofier up Athamas himself as 
an expiatory sacrifice to release the country from 
the anger of the gods ; but that Kytissoros, son of 
Phrjrxus, coming back from Kolchis, had inter- 
cepted the sacrifice of Athamas \ whereby the an- 
ger of the gods remained still unappeased, and an 
undying curse rested upon the family*. 

That such human sacrifices continued to a 
greater or less extent, even down to a period later 
than Herodotus, among the family who worshiped 
Athamas as their heroic ancestor, appears certain : 

> Of the Aibamas of Sophokl^, turning upon thig intended, but not 
consummated sacrifice, little is known, except from a passage of Aristo- 
phanes and the Scholia upon it (Nubes, 258.) — 

in\ rt (rr€<fKafov ; olfioiy 2^KpaT€S, 

Athamas was introduced in this drama with a garland on his head, 
on the point of being sacrificed as an expiation for the death of his son 
Phryxus, when Hdraklls interposes and rescues him. 

' Herodot. vii. 197. Plato, Minds, p. 315. 


mention is also made of similar customs in parts 
of Arcadia, and of Thessaly, in honour of Pdleus 
and Cheir6n\ But we may reasonably presume, 
that in the period of greater humanity which He- 
rodotus witnessed, actual sacrifice had become very 
rare. The curse and the legend still remained, but 
were not called into practical working, except 
during periods of intense national suffering or ap- 
prehension, during which the religious sensibilities 
were always greatly aggravated. We cannot at all 
doubt, that during the alarm created by the pre- 
sence of the Persian king with his immense and 
ill-disciplined host, the minds of the Thessalians 
must have been keenly alive to &11 that was terrific 

* Plato, Mn68, c. 5. Kal ol tov ^ABdfiapros tKyoifoi, olat Bvtrlas Ovov 
<riy, ^EXXiTvcff Hwrts, As a testimony to the fact still existing or be- 
Hered to exist, this dialogue is quite sufficient, though not the work of 

VUviitos d* 2<rrop(t, iv rj rap Bavfuuriav awayoy/j, cV HcXX;; Trjg 
Oerrciklas *Ax<u6y &v6p«airov IIi^Xci ical X€lp<opt Kar(M§a6ai, (Clemens 
Alexand. Admon. ad Gent. p. 27, Sylb.) Respecting the sacrifices at 
the temple of Zeus Lykseus in Arcadia, see Plato, Republ. viii. p. 565. 
Pausanias (viii. p. 38, 5) seems to have shrunk, when he was upon the 
spot, eren from inquiring what they were — a striking proof of the fear- 
ful idea which he had conceived of them. Plutarch (De Defectu 
Oracul. c 14) speaks of ras irdXcu iroioufUpas iofOpwroBvirlas. The 
SchoL ad Lycophron. 229, gives a story of children being sacrificed to 
Melikert^ at Tenedos ; and Apollod6rus (ad Porphyr. de Abstinenti&, 
ii. 55, see Apollod. Fragm. 20, ed. Didot) said that the Laccdsemonians 
had sacrificed a man to Ar6s — ical AoKidcufioplavs tfitfohf 6 *A.froXX6Stipos 
rf ^Apci $v€i¥ Mpamov, About Salamis in Cyprus, see Lactantius, 
De FaM Religione, i. c. 21. '' Apud Cypri Salaminem, humanam hos- 
tiam Jovi Tencrus immolavit, idque sacrifidum posteris tradidit : quod 
est nuper Hadriano imperante sublatum." 

Respecting human sacrifices in historical Greece, consult a good sec- 
tion in K. F. Hermann's GottesdienstHche Alterthiimer der Griechen 
(sect. 27)* Such sacrifices had been a portion of primitive Grecian re- 
ligion, but had gradually become obsolete everywhere— except in one or 
two sohtaiy cases, which were spoken of with horror. Even in these cases, 
too, the rc»li1y of the fact, in later times, is not beyond suspicion. 

man taon- 


in their national stories, and all that was expiatory 
in their religious solemnities. Moreover, the mind 
of Xerx6s himself was so awe-struck by the tale, 
that he reverenced the dwelling-place consecrated 
Traces <rf to Athamas. The guides who recounted to him 

anaent ho- ^ 

the romantic legend, gave it as the historical and 
generating cause of the existing rule and practice : 
a critical inquirer is forced (as has been remarked 
before) to reverse the order of precedence, and to 
treat the practice as having been the suggesting 
cause of its own explanatory legend. 

The family history of Athamas, and the worship 
of Zeus Laphystios, "are expressly connected by 
Herodotus with Alos in Achaea Phthi6tis — one of 
the towns enumerated in the Iliad as under the 
command of Achilles. But there was also a moun- 
tain called Laphystion, and a temple and worship 
^ of Zeus Laphystios between Orchomenos and Ko- 

r6neia, in the northern portion of the territory 
known in the historical ages as Boeotia. Here 
too the family story of Athamas is localised, and 
Athamas is presented to us as king of the districts 
of Kor6neia, HaUartus and Mount Laphystion : he 
Athamas In is thus iuterwovcu with the Orchomenian genea- 
nearOrcho. logy^ Audreas (we are told), son of the river 
mcnos. p^neios, was the first person who settled in the 
region : from him it received the name AndrSis. 
Athamas, coming subsequently to Andreus, received 
from him the territory of Kor6neia and Haliartus 
with Mount Laphystion : he gave in marriage to 
Andreus Euippd, daughter of his son Leucdn, and 
the issue of this marriage was Eteokl^s, said to be 

' Pausan. ix. 34, 4. 


the son of th^ river KSpbisos. Kor6oos and Hali- 
artus, grandsons of tbe Ck)rinthian Sisyphus, were 
adopted by Atbamas, as he had lost all bis children. 
But when his grandson Presb6n, son of Phryxus, re- 
turned to him from Kolchis, be divided his territory 
in such manner that Kor6nos and Haliartus became 
the founders of the towns which bore their names. 
Almdn, the son of Sisyphus, also received from Eteo- 
kl^ a portion of territory, where he established the 
village Alm6nes\ 

With Eteoklda began, according to a statement 
in one of the Hesiodic poems, the worship of the 
Charites or Graces, so long and so solemnly con- 
tinued at Orchomenos in tbe periodical festival of 
the CharitSsia, to which many neighbouring towns 
and districts seem to have contributed^. He also 
distributed tbe inhabitants into two tribes — ^Eteo- EicokiSs— 
kleia and Kdphisias. He died childless^ and was the chari- 
succeeded by Almos, who had only two daughters, *^***' 
Chrys^ and Chrysogeneia. The son of Chrysfi by 
the god Ar^s was Phlegyas, *he father and founder 
of the warlike and predatory Pblegyae, who de- 
spoiled every one within their reach, and assaulted 
not only the pilgrims on their road to Delphi, but 
even the treasures of the temple itself. The of- 
fended god punished them by continued thunder, 
by earthquakes, and by pestilence, which extin- 
guished all this impious race, except a scanty rem- 
nant who fled into Pbokis. 

Chrysogeneia, the other daughter of Almos, had 
for issue, by tbe god Poseid&n, Minyas : the son of 
Minyas was Orchomenos. From these two was de- 

^ Paiisan.4x. 34, 5. ' Ephorus, Fragm. 68, Marx. 


rived the name both of Minyse for the people^ and 
of Orchomenos for the town*. During the reign 
of Orchomenos, HySttus came to him from Argos, 
having become an exile in consequence of the death 
of Molyros : Orchomenos assigned to him a portion 
of land, where he founded the village called Hy- 
Sttus^ Orchomenos, having no issue, was succeed- 
ed by Klymenos, son of Presbdn, of the house of 
Athamas : Klymenos was slain by some ThSbans 
during the festival of Poseiddn at OnchSstos ; and 
his eldest son, Erginus, to avenge his death, at- 
tacked the ThSbans with his utmost force ; — an at- 
tack, in which he was so successful, that the latter 
were forced to submit, and to pay him an annual 
^ tribute. 
tod n^^*^ The Orchomenian power was now. at its height : 
nessofOr- both Minyas and Orchomenos had been princes 

chomenos. •' * 

of surpassing wealth, and the former had built a 
spacious and durable edifice which he had filled 

Srwn b ^^*^ S^^^ ^^^ silver. But the success of Erginus 
HSrakiSs agaiust Thebes was seon terminated and reversed 

ftnd the 

Thabans. by the hand of the irresistible HSraklSs, who re- 
jected with disdain the claim of tribute, and even 
mutilated the envoys sent to demand it : he not 
only emancipated Thebes, but broke down and im- 
poverished Orchomenos^. Erginus in his old age 

^ Paasan. ix. 36, 1-3. See also a legend, about the three daughters 
of Minyas, which was treated by the Tanagraean poetess Korinna, the 
contemporary of Pindar (Autonin. Liberalis, Narr. x.). 

' This exile of HySttus was recounted in the Eoiai. Hesiod, Fragm. 
148, Markt. 

' Pausan. ix. 37, 2. Apollod. ii. 4, 11. Diod6r. iv. 10. The two 
latter tell us that Erginus was slain. Klymen^ is among the wives and 
daughters of the heroes seen by Odysseus in HadSs : she is termed by 
the Schol. daughter of Minyas (Odyss. xi. 325). 


married a young wife, from which match sprang the 
iUostrious heroes, or gods, Trophdoius and AgamS^ Tropiidiiiiu 
dte; though many (amongst whom is Pausaniashim^ ^g^T 
sdO beliey^ Trophdnius to be the son of Apollo ^ 
Trophdnius, one of the most memorable persons in 
Grecian mythology, was worshiped as a god in ya« 
nous places, but with especial sanctity as ZeUs Tro** 
ph6nius at Lebadeia : in his temple at this town, the 
prophetic manifestations outlasted those of Delphi 
itself^. Troph6niu3 and AgamSd^, ei^oying matoh-^ 
less renown as architects, built^ the temple of Delphi, 
the thalamus of Amphitrydn at Thdbes, as well as 
the inaccessible vault of Hyrieus at Hyria, in which 
they are said to have left one stone removeable at 
pleasure so as to reserve for themselves a secret 
entrance. They entered so frequently, and stole so 
much gold and silver, that Hjrrieus, astonished at 
his losses, at length spread a fine net, in which 
Agam£d^ was inextricably caught : Trophdnius cut 
off his brother's head and carried it away, so tha(t 
the body, which alone remained, was insufficient to 
identify the thief. Like Amphiaraos, whom be re^ 
sembles in more than one respect, Troph6mus was 
swallowed up by the earth near Lebadeia^. 

' Pannm. ix. d7> 1-d. Atytrat d^ 6 Tpo(p&ptoi ^kirSKk<av6£ ttptu, Ka\ 


* Flatarch,DeDefectuOracul. c. 5, p. 4ll. Strabo, ix. p. 414. The 
Mentioii of the hcmeyed cakes, both in Aristophanii (Nub. 508) aad 
PanaaniM (ix. 39, 5), indicates that the curious preMminaiy eeremonies* 
for those who eonsuHed the oradle of Troph6niti8, remained the same 
after a lapse of 560 years. Pansanias consulted it himself. There bad 
btoi at one time an oracle of Teiresias at Orehomenos : but it had h%* 
eome silent at an early period (Plutarch, Defect. Oracul. c. 44, p. 434)4 

' Homer,- Hymn. ApoU. 296. Pausan. ix. 11, 1. 

* Pausan. ix. 37', 3. A similar story, but far more romantic and 

VOL. I. N 


AtkiUpbot From Troph6nius and Agamddds the Orchome- 
menot.' Dian genealogy passes to Askalaphos and lalmenos, 
the sons of Arte hy AstyochS, who are named in 
the Catalogue of the Iliad as leaders of the thirty 
ships from Orchomenos against Troy. Azeus, the 
grandfather of AstyochS in the Iliads is introduced 
as the brother of Erginus^ by Pausanias, who does 
not carry the pedigree lower. 

The genealogy here given out of Pausanias is 
deserving of the more attention, because it seems 
to have been copied from the special history of 
Orchomenos by the Corinthian Kallippus, who 
again borrowed from the native Orchomenian poet, 
Chersias : the works of the latter had never come 
into the hands of Pausanias. It illustrates for- 
cibly the principle upon which these mythical 
genealogies were framed, for almost every per- 
sonage in the series is an Eponymus. Andreus 
gave his name to the country, Athamas to the 
Athamantian plain; Minyas, Orchomenos, Kor6- 
nus, Haliartus, Almos and Hydttos, are each in 
like manner connected with some name of people, 
tribe, town or village ; while ChrysS and Chryso- 
geneia have their origin in the reputed ancient 
?«««p«- wealth of Orchomenos. Abundant discrepancies 

detin the ^ 

Oichome. are found, however, in respect to this old gene- 
•logyr"*" alogy, if we look to other accounts. According to 

amplified, is told by Herodotus (ii. 121), respecting the treasuxy-yaoh 
c^ Bhampsimtns, king of Egypt. Chuaz (ap. Schol. Aristoph. Nab. 
506) giyea the same tale, bat places the scene in the treasoiy-yanlt of 
Angeas, king of Elis, which he says was built by Tktiphdnius, to whom 
he assigns a totally different genealogy. The romantic adTentures of 
the tale roidered it eminently fit to be interwoven at some {mint or 
another of legendary history, in any country. 
> Fausan. ix. 38, 6 ; 29,1, 


ODe statement, Orchomenos was the son of Zeus 
by IsionS, daughter of Danaus ; Minyas was the 
son of Orchomenos (or rather of Poseid6n) by 
Hermippd, daughter of Bcedtos ; the sons of Mi- 
nyas were Presbdn, Orchomenos, Athamas and 
Diochthftndas^ Others represented Minyas as son 
of Poseiddn by Kaliirrhod, an Oceanic nymph*, 
while Dionysius called him son of Ar^s, and Ari- 
stodSmus, son of Aleas: lastly, there were not 
wanting authors who termed both Minyas and Or- 
chomenos sons of Eteoklds^. Nor do we iGind in 
any one of these genealogies the name of Amphi6n, 
the son of lasus, who figures so prominently in the 
Odyssey as king of Orchomenos, and whose beau- 
tiful daughter Chl6ris is married to NSIeus. Pau- 
sanias mentions him, but not as king, which is the 
denomination given to him in Homer^. 

The discrepancies here cited are hardly neces- 
sary in order to prove that these Orchomenian 
genealogies possess no historical value. Yet some 
probable inferences appear deducible from the ge- 
neral tenor of the legends, whether the facts and 
persons of which they are composed be real or fie* 

Throughout all the historical age, Orchomenos Probable 
is a member of the Boe6tian confederation. But astotbe 
the Boedtians are said to have been immigrants JJJJa^!^' 
into the territory which bore their name from «^on»«noi. 
Thessaly ; and prior to the time of their immigra- 

> Sebol. Apolldn. Rhod. L 230. Compare SchoL ad Lycophron. 873. 
' SchoL Pindajr^ Oljrmp. xiy. 5. 

' Schd. Piiidar» lathm. i. 79. Other discrepancies in SchoL Vett. ad 
niad. n. Catalog. 18. 
* OdysB. zi. 283. Paosan. iz. 36, 3. 


lao HISTORY OP GRBB(». [Pam L 

tion, Orchomenos and the surrounding territory 
appear as possessed by the Minyse^ who are recog* 
nised in that locality both in the Iliad and in the 
Odyssey^ and from whom the constantly recurring 
Eponymus^ king Minyas, is borrowed by the gene- 
alogists. Poetical legend connects the Orchome- 
nian Minyae on the one side, with Pylos and Tri- 
phylia in Peloponnesus; on the other side, with 
Phthi6tis and the town of I61kos in Thessaly ; also 
with Corinth*, through Sisyphus and his sons. 
Pherekydds represented N^leus, king of Pylos, as 
having also been king of Orchomenos^. In the re- 
gion of Triphylia, near to or coincident with Pylos, 
a Minyeian river is mentioned by Homer ; and we 
find traces of residents called Minyae even in the 
historical times, though the account given by He* 
rodotus of the way in which they came thither 
is strange and unsatisfactory^. 

Before the great changes which took place in the 
inhabitants of Greece from the immigration of the 

1 mad, ii. 5, 1 1. Odyss. xi. 283. Hesiod, Fragm. Eoiai, 27, Duntz. 
*l$€v d' *Opx6tuvop Miwr(iop. Pmdar, Olymp. ziy. 4. TIakaiy6vc»v 
MiM^oy inUnttmoi. Herodot. i. 146. Pausamas calls tiiiem Minyae enai 
in their dealings with Sylla (iz. 30, 1). Buttmann, in his Dissertation 
(iiher die Minyae der Altesten Zeit, in the Mythologus, Diss. zxi. 
p. 218), douhts whether the name Minyte was ever a real name; hut 
all the passages make against his opinion. 

' Schol. Apoll. Rhod. ii. 1186. i. 230. SjctV^cos dc ^inu^plos f^i 
Tovs ntpl rrjv *I»X«cii^ olKovvras M.tvvas icaXeco^cu ; and i. 763. T^y yiip 
*lm\K^p ol MiinKu fiunnf, &g ffitfin ^tft»yidff8 iif^vfifUKrois : also Eustath. 
ad niad. ii. 512. Steph. Byz. v. Mirva. Orchomenos and Pylos ran 
together in the mind of the poet of the Odyssey, xL 458. 

' Pherekyd. Fragm. ^ Didot We see by the 55th Fragment of 
the same author, that he extended the genealogy of Phiyxos to Pherse 
in Thessaly. 

^ Herodot. iv. 145. Strabo, viii. 33:^347. Horn. Diad, xi. 721. 
Pausan. y. 1, 7* irorofibv Miwrfiov, near Elis. 


T1ies(n^ian8 into Tbessaly, of the Bcedtians into 
Bcefttia, and of the Ddrians and ^t6lians into Pe- 
loponn^us, at a date which we have no means of 
determining, the Minyae and tribes fraternally con- 
nected with them seem to have occupied a hurge 
portion of the surface of Greece, from I61kos in 
Thessaly to Pylos in the Peloponnesus. The wealth 
of Orchomenos is renowned even in the Iliad ^; and 
when we study its topography in detail^ we are fur- 
nished with a probable explanation both of its pros- 
perity and its decay. Orchomenos was situated 
on the northern bank of the lake K6pa3ts, which re- 
ceives not only the river KSphisos from the valleys its earij 
of Ph6kis, but also other rivers from Parnassus and ^a^toy!!^^ 
Helic6n, The waters of the lake find more than 
one subterranean egress — partly through natural 
rifts and cavities in the limestone mountains, partly 
through a tunnel pierced artificially more than a 
mile in length — into the plain on the north-east- 
ern side, from whence they flow into the Euboean 
sea near Larjrmna*: and it appears that, so long as 
these channels were diligently watched and kept 
clear, a large portion of the lake was in the con- 

1 Diad, iz. 381. 

' See the descriptioii of these channels or Katabothra in Colonel 
Leake's Travels in Northern Greece, vol. ii. c. 15, p. 281-293, and still 
more elaborately in Fiedler, Reise durch alle Theile des Konigreicht 
Griechenlands, Leipzig, 1840. He traced fifteen perpendicular shafta 
sank for the purpose of admitting air into the tunnd, the first separated 
from the last by about 5900 feet : they are now of course o ve rgr o wn 
and stopped up (vol. i. p. 115). 

Forchhammer states the length of this tunnel as considerably greater 
than what is here mentioned. He also gives a plan of the Lake Kopau 
with the surrounding region, which I have placed at the end of the 
second volume of this History. See also iitfra, vol. ii. clu iii. 


dition of alluvial land, pre-eminentiy rich and fer- 
tile. But when the channels came to be either 
neglected, or designedly choked up by an enemy, 
the water accumulated to such a degree, as to oc- 
cupy the soil of more than one ancient town, to 
endanger the position of Kdpae, and to occasion 
the change of the site of Orchomenos itself from 
the plain to the declivity of Mount Hyphanteion. 
An engineer, Krat^, began the clearance of the 
obstructed watercourses in the reign of Alexander 
onhHiS the Great, and by his commission — the destroyer 
Kdput. of Thfibes being anxious to re-establish the extinct 
prosperity of Orchomenos. He succeeded so far as 
partially to drain and diminish the lake, whereby 
the site of more than one ancient city was rendered 
visible : but the revival of Thebes by Kassander, 
after the decease of Alexander, arrested the pro- 
gress of the undertaking, and the lake soon regained 
its former dimensions, to contract which no farther 
attempt was made^ 

According to the Th^ban legend^, HSraklSs, 
after his defeat of Erginus, had blocked up the 
exit of the waters, and converted the Orchomenian 
plain into a lake. The spreading of these waters is 
thus connected with the humiliation of the Minyae ; 
and there can be little hesitation in ascribing to 
these ancient tenants of Orchomenos, before it be- 

* We owe this interesting fact to Strabo, who is however both oon- 
dse and unsatisfactory, viii. p. 406-407. It was affirmed that there 
had been two ancient towns, named Eleuais and Athens, originally 
founded by Cecrdps, situated on the lake, and thus overflowed (Steph. 
Byz. V. *A6rjvai. Diogen. Laert. iv. 23. Pausan. ix. 24, 2). For the 
plain or marsh near Orchomenos, see Plutarch, Sylla, c. 20-22. 

• Dioddr. iv. IH. Pausan. ix. 38, 5. 


came bceotised^ the enlargement and preservation 
of these protective channels. Nor could such an 
object have been accomplished, without combined 
action and acknowledged ascendency on the part 
of that city over its neighbours, extending even to 
the sea at Larymna, where the river K^phisos dis- 
charges itself. Of its extended influence, as well 
as of 4ts maritime activity, we find a remarkable 
evidence in the ancient and venerated Amphi- OMAm. 
ktyony at Kalauria. The little island so named, J^®'*^ 
near the harbour of TroezSn, in Peloponnesus, was 
sacred to Poseid6n, and an asylum of inviolable 
sanctity. At the temple of Poseid6n, in Kalauria, 
there had existed, from unknown date, a periodi- 
cal sacrifice, celebrated by seven cities in common 
— ^HermionS, Epidaurus, i£gina, Athens, Prasise, 
Nauplia, and the Minyeian Orchomenos. This 
ancient religious combination dates from the time 
when Nauplia was independent of Argos, and 
Prasiae of Sparta : Argos and Sparta, according to 
the usual practice in Greece, continued to fulfil 
the obligation each on the part of its respective 
dependent ^ Six out of the seven states are at 
once sea-towns, and near enough to Kalauria to 
account for their participation in this Amphi- 
ktyony. But the junction of Orchomenos, from its 
comparative remoteness, becomes inexplicable, ex- 
cept on the supposition that its territory reached 
the sea, and that it enjoyed a considerable maritime 

' S/tnho, Tiii. p. 374. ^Hy dc icai *Afi^cicrvoma ns srrpl r^ Up6p tovto, 
fwra irdXt&p at iLertlxaif r^s Svalas' ^aop de *Epfuinf, ^Eiridavpos, Atyufa, 
*A$fjpaiy Upaaitit, fiavnXUis, ^Opxofupos & MufV€ios, 'Ynip fuv o^ r«v 
NovirXicW *Af>ycioi, vircp Ilpa&uvp dc Aaiccdac^MOi, ^vcrcXovr. 


traffic — a fact which helps to elucidate both its le- 
gendary connection with Idlkos, and its partner- 
ship in what is called the I6nic emigration ^ The 
mythical genealogy, whereby Ptftos, Schoeneus and 
Erythrios are enumerated among the sons of Atha- 
mas, goes farther to confirm the idea that the 
towns and localities on the south-east of the lake 
recognised a fraternal origin with the Orchomenian 
Minyse, not less than Kor6neia and Haliartus on 
the south-west^ 
ordioroe. The fiTcat Dowcr of Orchomenos was broken 

DOS and ,». «i i i 

Thibet. down and the city reduced to a secondary and 
half-dependent position by the BosAtians of Thebes ; 
at what time, and under what circumstances, hi- 
story has not preserved. The story, that the Th£- 
ban hero, H^rakl^, rescued his native city from 
servitude and tribute to Orchomenos, since it 
comes from a Kadmeian and not from an Orcho- 
menian legend, and since the details of it were 
favourite subjects of commemoration in the ThSban 
temples®, affords a presumption that Thebes was 
really once dependent on Orchomenos. Moreover 
the savage mutilations inflicted by the hero on the 
tribute-seeking envoys, so faithfully portrayed in 
his surname Rhinokoloust^s, infuse into the mythe 
a portion of that bitter feeling which so long pre- 
vailed between Thebes and Orchomenos, and which 
led the Th^bans, as soon as the battle of Leuctra 
had placed supremacy in their hands, to destroy 

^ Pauaan. ix. 17, 1; 26, 1. 

^ See Miiller, Orcbomenoa und die Minyer, p. 214. Pauaaa. ix. 23, 3 ; 
24, 3. The genealogy w aa old aa the poet Aaioa. 
' Herod. L 146. Paut«i. vii. 2, 2. 


and dq>opulate their rivals The ensuing genera- 
tion saw the same fate retorted upon Thebes, com* 
bined with the restoration of Orchomenos. The 
leg^idary grandeur of this city continued, long 
after it had ceased to be distinguished for wealth 
and power, imperishably recorded both in the 
minds of the nobler citizens and in the composi- 
tions a$ the poets : the emphatic language of Pau- 
sanias shows how much he found concerning it in 
the old epic^. 


With several of the daughters of ^olus meiflo- Alcyone 
rable mythical pedigrees and narratives are con- ^ 

nected. Alcyone married KSyx, the son of £6s- 
phoros, but both she and her husband displayed 
in a high d^ree the overweening insolence common 
in the ^olic race. The wife called her husband 
Zeus, while he addressed her as HSrS, for which 
presumptuous act S^eus punished them by changing 
both into birds^. 

' Theocrit. xvi. 104.— 

*Q 'Etcc^kXcmm $vyaTp€s Seal, id Maa)eiov 
*Opx6fMtv<nf (JHKiouraii car€xB6fttp6» iroKa Qfffiiw* 

The Scholiast gives a sense to these words mudi nanower than they 
really bear. See Diod6r. xv, 79 ; Pansan. ix. 15. In the oration which 
ls(daiitds places in the mouth of a Plataean, complaining of the oppres- 
aimia of Thebes, the ancient servitude and tribute to Orehomenos is cast 
in the teeth of the Thibans (Isokrat. Orat. Plataic. vol. iii. p. 32, Auger). 

* Pausaa. ix. M, 5. See also the fourteenth Olympic Ode of Pindar, 
addressed to the Orchomenian Asopikus. The learned and instniet i ve 
work oi K. O. Mfiller, Orchomenos und die Minyer, embodies every- 
tiniig which can be known respecting this once-memorable city ; indeed 
the contents of the work extend much farther than its title promises. 

• Apollod6r. i. 7» 4. A Klyx, — king of Trachin, — the friend tA H^ 


S°S^ CanacA had by the god Po8eid6n several childreD, 
amongst whom were Epdpeus and AlfteusV A16eu8 
married Iphim^dea, who became enamoured of the 
god Poseid6n, and boasted of her intimacy with him. 
She had by him two sons, Otos and Ephialtds, the 
huge and formidable A16ids, — ^Titanic beings, nine 
fathoms in height and nine cubits in breadth, even 
in their boyhood, before they had attained their 
full strength. These A16ids defied and insulted 
the gods in Olympus; they paid their court to 
H^rd and Artemis, and they even seized and bound 
Ards, confining him in a brazen chamber for thir- 
teen months. No one knew where he was, and the 
intolerable chain would have worn him to death, 
had not Eribcea, the jealous stepmother of the 
A16id8, revealed the place of his detention to Her- 

rakl^ and protector of the Hdrakleids to the extent of his power 
(Hesiod. Scut. Hercul. 355-473; ApoUoddr. ii. 7, 5; Hekalse. Fmicm. 
353, Didot). 

' Canacd« daughter of iEolus, is a suhject of deep tragical interest 
both in Euripid^ and Ovid. The eleventii Heroic Epistle of the latter, 
founded mainly on the lost tragedy of the former called iBolus, purports 
to be from Canacd to Macareus, and contains a pathetic description of 
the ill-fioted passion between a brother and sister : see the Fragments 
of the .£olus in DindorTs collection. In the tale of Kannos and ByUis, 
both children of Mildtos, the results of an incestuous passion are dif- 
ferent, but hardly less melancholy (Parthenios, Narr. xi.). 

Makar, the son. of .£olus, is the primitive settler of the island of 
Lesbos (Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 37) : moreover in the Odyssey, iEolus, 
son of Hippot^,^ the dispenser of the winds, has six sons and six 
daughters, and marries the former to the latter (Odyss. x. 7). The two 
persons called .£olus are brought into connection genealogically (see 
Schol. ad Odyss. 1. c, and Diod6r. iv. 67), but it seems probable that 
Euripides was the first to place the names of Macarens and Canac^ in 
that relation which confers upon them their poetical celelnrity. Sostratus 
(ap. Stobseum, t. 614, p. 404) can hardly be considered to have bor^ 
rowed from any older source than Euripid^. Welcker (Gneeh. Tragod. 
vol. ii. p. 860) puts together all that can be known respecting Uie struc- 
ture of the lost drama of Euripides. 


mis, who carried him surreptitiously away when 
at the last extremity ; nor could Ards obtain any 
atonement for such an indignity. Otus and Ephi- 
altte even prepared to assault the gods in heaven, 
piling up Ossa on Olympus and Pelion on Ossa, in 
order to reach them. And this they would have 
accomplished had they been allowed to grow to 
their full maturity ; but the arrows of Apollo put a 
timely end to their short-lived career ^ 
The genealogy assigned to CalycS, another 

> niad, T. 386 ; Odyss. xi. 306; Apollod6r. L 7, 4. So Typhdeus, 
in the Hesiodic Theogony, the last enemy of the gods, is killed before 
he comes to maturity (Theog. 837). For the different turns given to 
this ancient Homeric legend, see Heyne, ad Apollod6r. 1. c, and Hygi- 
nus, f. 28. The A16ids were noticed in the Hesiodic poems (ap. Sdiol. 
ApoH. Rhod. i. 482). Odysseus does not see them m Hadls, as Heyne 
by mistake says ; he sees tteir mother Iphim6dea. Virgil (Mn, vi. 582) 
assigns to them a place among the sufferers of punishment in Tartarus. 

£umdlus^ the Corinthian poet, designated A16eus as son of the god 
H^os and brother of ^t^, the father of Mddea (£umM. Fragm. 2, 
Marktscheffel). The scene of their death was subsequently laid in 
Naxos (Pindar> Pyth. iv. 88) : their tombs were seen at Anthld6n in 
Boedtia (Pausan. ix. 22, 4). The very curious legend alluded to by 
Pansanias from Hegesinoos, the author of an Atthis, — ^to the effect that 
Otos and Ephialt^ were the first to establish the worship of the Muses 
in Helicdn, and that they founded Askra along with (E6klos, the son of 
Poseiddn, — ^is one which we have no means of tracing farther (Pausan. 
ix.29, I). 

The story of the A16ids, as IHoddrus gives it (v. 51, 52), diverges on 
almost every point : it is evidently borrowed from some Nasdan archso- 
logist, and the only information which we collect from it is, that Otos 
and Ephialt^ received heroic honours at Naxos. The views of O. Miiller 
(Orehomenos, p. 387) appear to me unusually vague and fanciful. 

Ephialtds takes part in the combat of the giants agaiust the gods 
(ApoUoddr. t. 6, 2), where Heyne remarks, as in so many other cases, 
'* Ephialt^ hie non confundendus cum altero A16ei filio." An observa- 
tion just indeed, if we are supposed to be dealing with personages and 
adventures historically real — but altogether misleading in regard to these 
legendary characters. For here the general conception of Ephialt^ and 
his attributes is in both cases the same ; but the i>articular adventures 
ascribed to him cannot be made to consist* m fncts, one with the other. 

1»8 HISTORY OP 6REECB. [Pabt I. 

^^^ daughter of ^oIub, conducts us from Thessaly to 
^tdiu- Elis and iEtdlia. She married A^thlius (the son of 
neaiogy. Zcus by Prdtogeueia, daughter of Deukalidn and sis- 
ter of Helldn), who conducted a colony out of Thes* 
* saly and settled in the territory of Elis. He had for 
his son Endymidn, respecting whom the Hesiodic 
Catalogue and the Eoiai related several wonderful 
things. Zeus granted him the privilege of determi- 
ning the hour of his own death , and even translated 
him into heaven, which he forfeited by daring to pay 
court to Hdrd : his vision in this criminal attempt 
was cheated by a cloud, and he was cast out into the 
under-world^ According to other stories, his great 
beauty caused the goddess SSldne to become ena- 
moured of him, and to visit him by night during 
his sleep : — the sleep of Endymidn became a pro- 
verbial expression for enviable, undisturbed, and 
deathless repose*. Endymidn had for issue (Pau- 
sanias gives us three different accounts, and Apol- 
loddrus a fourth, of the name of his wife) Epeios, 
^t61us, Pae6n, and a daughter Eurykydd. He 
cau^ his three sons to run a race on the stadium 
at Olympia, and Epeios, being victorious, was re- 
warded by becoming his successor in the kingdom : 
it was after him that the people were denominated 

Both the story here mentioned, and still more, 
the etymological signification of the names Asthlius 

^ Hesiody Akiudlaus and Pherekydds, ap. Schol. ApoDdn. Rbod. V9, 
57. "ly ^ airr^ Baparov rafurfs. The Scholium is very fall of matter, 
and exhibits many of the diversities in the tale of Endymidn : see also 
Apollod6r. i. 7> 5; Pausan. t. 1, 2; Con6n, Narr. 14. 

' Theocrit. iii. 49 ; xz. 36 ; where, however, £nd3rmi6n is connected 
with Latmos in Caria (see Schol. ad loc). 


and £iidymi6o, seem plainly to indicate (as has 
before been remarked) that this genealogy was not 
devised until after the Olympic games had become 
celebrated and notorious throughout Greece. 

Epeios had no male issue, and was succeeded by 
his nephew Eleios» son of Eurykydd by the god 
Po8eid6n : the name of the people was then changed 
from Epeians to Eleians. ^t61us^ the brother of 
Epeios, having slain Apis, son of Phordneus, was 
compelled to flee from the country : he crossed the 
Corinthian gulf and settled in the territory then 
called Kurdtis, but to which he gave the name of 

The son of Eleios, — or, according to other ac- Angeas. 
counts, of the god Hdlios, of Po8eid6n, or of 
Phbrbas^,'~is Augeas, whom we find mentioned in 
the Iliad as king of the Epeians vr Eleians. Nestdr 
gives a long and circumstantial narrative of his 
own exploits at the head of his Pyiian countrymen 
against his neighbours the Epeians and their king 
Augeas, whom he defeated with great loss, slaying 
MuHos, the king's son-in-law, and acquiring a 
vast booty ^. Augeas was rich in all sorts of rural 
wealth, and possessed herds of cattle so numerous, 
that the dung of the animals accumulated in the 
stable or cattle-enclosures beyond all power of 

> Ptosan. T. 1. 3-6; Apolloddr. i. 7, 6. 

s ApoUoddr. n. 5, 5 ; Schol. ApoL Riiod. L 172. In aU prolMbi%, 
the old legend made Augeas the son of the god Hlfiot : H6Uo8» Augeas 
md Agam^ are a triple series parallel to the Corinthian genealogy, 
H^lioa, SMm and Mddea; not to mention that the etymology of Augeas 
connects him with Helios. Theocritus (zx. 65) designates him as the 
son of the god Hdlios, through whose fiiTour his cattle are made to 
proqMT and multiply with such astonishing success (xx. 117). 

s Uiad, xi. 670-760 ; Pherekyd. Fragm. 57> Didot. 


endurance. Eurystheus, as an insult to Hdrakl^, 
imposed upon him the obligation of cleansing this 
stable : the hero, disdaining to carry off the dung 
upon his shoulders, turned the course of the river 
Alpheios through the building, and thus swept the 
encumbrance away^ But Augeas, in spite of so 
signal a service, refused to HdraklSs the promised 
reward, though his son Phyleus protested against 
such treachery, and when he found that he could 
not induce his father to keep faith, retired in sorrow 
and wrath to the island of Dulichi6n'. To avenge 
the deceit practised upon him, Herakl^s invaded 
Elis; but Augeas had powerful auxiliaries, espe- 
TheMoiSo. cially his nephews, the two Molionids (sons of 
then. Poseiddn by MolionS, the wife of Akt6r), Eurytos 
and Kteatos. These two miraculous brothers, of 
transcendent force, grew together, — having one 
body, but two heads and four arms^ Such was 

> Diodor. iv. 13. 'Y/9pc»ff cWfccv Evpva-$€vs vpoairafy KoBapai: 6 dc 
*H/MueX^ff r^ luv roig &fu)is c^cyeyicfZv avrrjif afr€ioKlfuur€P, cieieXcWy rijv 
iK rijs vpp€»s aUrxyvtjv, &c. (Paiuan. v. 1, 7 ; ApoUocU^. ii. 6, 5.) 

It may not be improper to remark that this fable indicates a purely 
pastoral condition, or at least a singularly rude state of agriculture ; 
and the way in which Pausanias recounts it goes even beyond the 
genuine story : ox «cal r^ troXXa rrjs x^p<^ <ivrf ^diy dtareXciy dpyh &Ta 
vir6 Tw fiotriaiyu&r^v r$r K6npov, The slaves of Odysseus however know 
^hat use to make of the dung heaped before his outer fence (Odyss. xvii. 
299); not so the purely carnivorous and pastoral Cyd6ps (Odyss. ix. 
329). The stabling, into which the cattle go from their pasture, is 
called ic6npos in Homer, — ^EXBova-as h ic^trpov, Mfv portanjs Kopicrt^vrai 
(Odyss. z. 411) : compare niad, xviii. 575. — Mvo^^/a^ ^ mr6 KStrpov 
4v€frcrtvovro ircdoi^. 

The Augeas of Theocritus has abundance of wheat-land and vineyard* 
as well as catde : he ploughs his land three or four times, and digs his 
vineyard diligently (xx. 20-32). 

* The wrath and retirement of Phyleus is mentioned in the IHad 
(ii. 633), but not the cause of it. 

' These singular properties were ascribed to them both in the Hesiodic 


their irresistible might, that HSraklds was defeated 
and repelled from Elis : but presently the Eleians 
sent the two Molionid brothers as Thedri (sacred 
envoys) to the Isthmian games, and HSraklSs, 
placing himself in ambush at Klednae, surprised 
and killed them as they passed through. For this 
murderous act the Eleians in vain endeavoured to 
obtain redress both at Corinth and at Argos ; which 
is assigned as the reason for the self-ordained ex- 
clusion, prevalent throughout all the historical age, 
that no Eleian athlete would ever present himself 
as a competitor at the Isthmian games ^ The Mo- 
lionids being thus removed, HSraklSs again invaded 
Elis, and killed Augeas along with his children, — 
all except Phyleus, whom he brought over from 
Dulichi6n, and put in possession of his father's 
kingdom. According to the more gentle narrative 
which Pausanias adopts, Augeas was not killed, 
but pardoned at the request of Phyleus*. He was 
worshiped as a hero^ even down to the time of 
that author. 

poems and by Pherekyd^ (Schol. Ven. ad D. zi. 715-750, et ad D. 
xxiii. 638), but not in the Biad. The poet Ibykus (Fragm. 11, Schneid. 
ap. Athens, ii. 57) calls them Skucag liroK€<l)dkovs, ivtyvlovs, *Aft^N>rc- 
povs ytyaSarras iv wciy ofiyvpitf. 

There were temples and dinne honours to Zeus Moli6n (Lactantius, 
de Fal8& Religione, i. 22). 

^ Pausan. v. 2, 4. The inscription cited by Pausanias proves that 
this was the reason assigned by the Eleian athletes themselyes for the 
exclusion ; but there were several different stories. 

* ApoIlod6r. ii. 7, 2. Dioddr. iv. 33. Pausan. v. 2, 2 ; 3, 2. It 
seems evident from these accounts that the genuine legend represented 
H^rakl^s as having been defeated by the Molionids : the unskilful eva- 
sions both of ApoUodArus and Diod6rus betray this. Pindar (Olymp. 
zi. 25-50) gives the story without any flattery to HdrakHs. 

' PiMimn* V. 4, 1. 


It was on occasion of this conquest of Elis^ bc 
cording to the old mythe which Pindar has en- 
nobled in a magnificent ode, that Hdraklte first 
consecrated the ground gf Olympia and established 
the Olympic games. Such at least was one of the 
many fables respecting the origin of that memorable 
institution ^ 

Phyleus, after having restored order in Elis, re^ 
tired again to DulichidD, and left the kingdom to 
his brother AgastbenSs, which again brings us into 
the Homeric series. For Polyxenos, son of Aga- 
sthenSs, is one of the four commanders of the Epeian 
forty ships in the Iliad, in conjunction with the 
two sons of Eurytos and Kteatos, and with Di6rds 
son of Amarynceus. Meg^, the son of Phyleus^ 
commands the contingent from Dulichi6n and the 
£chinades^ Polyxenos returns safe from Troy, is 
succeeded by his son Amphimachos, — ^named after 
the Epeian chief who had fallen before Troy, — and 
he again by another Eleios, in whose time the 
D6rians and the Hdrakleids invade Peloponn6sU8^ 
These two names, barren of actions or attributes, 
are probably introduced by the genealogists whom 
Pausanias followed, to fill up the supposed interval 
between the Trojan war and the D6rian invasion. 

We find the ordinary discrepancies in respect to 
the series and the members of this genealogy. Thus 

* The Anneni&a copy of Eutebitw givet a difFerent genealogy reipeet- 
ing E^ia and Piia: Aeihlius, ^peios, £ndymi6ii, Aktmus; next (Enomaua 
and P^lope, then Hdraklda. Some ooimted ten generations, othen three, 
between HArakl^s and Iphitus, who renewed the discontinued Olympic 
games (see Armen. Euseb. copy, e. xxzii. p. 140). 

• Diad, ii. 615-630. * Pkitisan. t. S, 4. 


some called Epeios son of AStblias, others son of ytriitions 
Endymidn': a third pedigree, which carries the Eidange- 
sanction of Aristotle and is followed by Con6n, ''"^^^y. 
designated Eleios, the first settler of Elis, as son of 
Poseiddn and Eurypyld, daughter of Endjrmidn, 
and Epeios and Alexis as the two sons of Eleios^. 
And Pindar himself, in his ode to Epharmostus 
the Lokrian, introduces with much emphasis an* 
other king of the Epeians named Opus, whose 
daughter, pregnant by Zeus, was conveyed by that 
god to the old and childless king Lokrus: the 
child when born, adopted by Lokrus and named 
Opus, became the eponymous hero of the city so 
called in Lokris^. Moreover Hekatseus the Milesian 
not only affirmed (contrary both to the Iliad and 
the Odyssey) that the Epeians and the Eleians 
were different people, but also added that the 
Epeians had assisted Hdraklds in his expedition 
against Augeas and Elis ; a narrative very different 
from that of ApoUoddrus and Pausanias, and indi* 
eating besides that he must have had before him a 
genealogy varying from theirs^ 

It has already been mentioned that ^t6lus, son iEtdiian 
of Endymidn, quitted Peloponnesus in consequence ^"*^^*8^* 
of having slain Apis\ The country on the north 

> Schol. Pmdar, Olymp. iz. S6. 

* Schoi. Yen. ftd D. xi. 687 ; Con6n, Narrat. xv. ap. Scriptt. My- 
ihogr. West. p. 130. 

' Pindar, Oljnnp. iz. 62; Schol. ibid. 86. *Owowto£ fr Svy^rtfp 
*Hktiap /ScuriXcttf, j)v *ApiaroT€Xxfs KofifivarfP icoXf i. 

^ 'EKoroiOg di 6 McX^crios' Mpovs Xcyci t&p 'HXc/«y roifs *Eirc/ow' rf 
yovy 'HpcucXci oiMrrporcvcrat rovs *Eir«(ovc icai awaptXtip airrf t6p re 
Aiy^ap xal r^y^HXiv (Hekat. 9i:p. Strab. viii. p. 341). 

* Ephonit laid that MtbluB had been expelled by Salm6neu8 king of 

VOL. I. O 


of the Corinthian gulf, between the rivers Eudnus 
and Achel6us, received from him the name of 
iEt61ia instead of that of Kur^tis: he acquired 
^possession of it after having slain Ddrus, Laodokus 
and Polypoetes, sons of Apollo and Phthia, by 
Y^hom he had been well received. He had by his 
wife Pronod (the daughter of Phorbas) two sons, 
Pleur6n and Kalyd6n, and from them the two chief 
towns in JSt61ia were named'. Pleurdn married 
Xanthippe, daughter of Ddrus, and had for his son 
AgSn6r, from.whom sprang Portheus, or Porthadn, 
and Demonikd : EuSnos and Thestius were children 
of the latter by the god Ar6s«. 
mntm, Portheus had three sons, Agrius, Melas and 

TydeuB. CEucus : amoug the offspring of Thestius were 
Althaea and Ldda", — names which bring us to a 
period of interest in the legendary history. L6da 

the Epeians and Pisatae (ap. Strabo. Yiii. p. 357): he mutt have had 
before him a different story and different genealogy from that which ia 
given in the text. 

' Apollod6r. i. 7> 6, DAma, son of ApoUo and Phthia, killed by 
iEt61u8, after having hospitably received him, is here mentioned. No- 
thing at all is known of this ; but the eonjnnetion of names is such aa 
to render it probable that there was some l^end connected with tliem: 
possibly the assistance given by Apollo to the Knr^tes against the JBto- 
lians, and the death of Meleager by the hand of Apollo, related both in 
the Eoiai and the Minyas (Pausan. x. 31, 2), may have been grounded 
upon it. The story connects itself with what is stated by ApoUod^rua 
about D6rus son of Hell#n (see supra, p. 136). 

* According to the ancient genealogical poet Asius, Thestius was son 
of Agte6r the son of Pleurdn (Asii Fragm. 6, p. 413, ed. liarktsch.). 
Compare the genealogy of iSt^^ and the gencnral remarks upon it, in 
Brandstater, Oeschidite dee Mtoh Landes, &c., Berlin, 1844, p. 23 nq, 

' Kespecting Ldda, see the statements of Ibykus, Pherekyd^ Hel- 
lanikus, &c. (Schol. Apoll6n. Rhod. i. 146). The reference to the Co- 
rinthiaca of Eumdlus is curious : it is a specimen of the matters upon 
which these old genealogical poems dwelt. 


marries Tyndareus and becomes mother of Helena 
and the Dioscuri : Althaea marries CEneus, and has, 
among other children, Meleager and Deianeira; the 
latter being begotten by the god Dionysus, and the 
former by Ar^^ Tydeus also is his son, the father 
of Diom6d£s : warlike eminence goes hand in hand 
with tragic calamity among the members of this 
memorable family. 

We are fortunate enough to find the legend of Legend of 
Althaea and Meleager set forth at* considerable inHomtf. 
length in the Iliad, in the speech addressed by 
Phcenix to appease the wrath of Achilles. CEneus, 
king of Kalyd6n, in the vintage sacrifices which he 
oflR^^ to the gods, omitted to include Artemis: 
the misguided man either forgot her or cared not 
for her*; and the goddess, provoked by such an 
insult, sent against the vineyards of CEneus a wild 
boar of vast size and strength, who tore up the 
trees by the root, and laid prostrate all their fruit 
So terrible was this boar, that nothing less than a 
numerous body of men could venture to attack 
him : Meleager, the son of CEneus, however, having 
got together a considerable number of companions, 
partly from the KurStes of Pleur6n, at length slew 
him. But the anger of Artemis was not yet ap- 
peased, and she raised a dispute among the com* 

> ApoQodftr. L 8, 1 ; Euripid^ Mdctger, Frag. 1. The three imu 
of Porthent aie named in the Iliad (xiv. 116) at living at Pleiir6n and 
Kafyddn. The name (Eneut doubtlesa brings Dionjrtus into the 

**HXiarr',4o^M7avKddir<rared^firya^ii|if (niad,ix.5d3). The 
dettruetiTe influenee of At6 is mentioned before, y. 502. The piety of 
XflBoplite reproducea thia ancient circumitance, — 0&««9 9 h ytfpt^ 
fwtkaBofUPov r^f Btov, &c. (De Venat. c. 1). 



batants respecting the possession of the boar's bead 
and hide — the trophies of victory. . In this dispute 
Meleager slew the brother of his mother Althaea, 
prince of the Kurdtes of Pleurftn : these Kurdtes 
attacked the JBtdlians of Kalyd6n in order to avenge 
their chief. So long as Meleager contended in the 
field the iEtftlians bad the superiority. But he 
presently refused to come forth, indignant at the 
curses imprecated upon him by his mother : for 
Althaea, wrung with sorrow for the death of her 
brother, flung herself upon the ground in tears, 
beat the earth violently with her hands, and im- 
plored Hadds and Persephon^ to inflict death upon 
Meleager, — a prayer which the unrelenting Erinnys 
in Erebus heard but too well. So keenly did the 
hero resent this behaviour of his mother, that he 
kept aloof from the war ; and the Kurdtes not only 
drove the ^tdlians from the field, but assailed the 
walls and gates of Kalyddn, and were on the point 
of overwhelming its dismayed inhabitants. There 
was no hope of safety except in the arm of Me- 
leager; but Meleager lay in his chamber by the 
side of his beautiful wife Kleopatra, the daughter 
of Idas, and heeded not the necessity. While the 
shouts of expected victory were heard from the 
assailants at the gates, the ancient men of iEtdlia 
and the priests of the gods earnestly besought 
Meleager to come forth', offering him his choice 
of the fattest land in the plain of Kalyddn. His 
dearest friends, his father (Eneus,his sisters, and 

1 These priests formed the Chorus in the Mekager of Sophoklds 
(Schol. ad Itiad. ix. 5/5). , 


even his mother herself added their supplications, 
but be remained inflexible. At length the KurStes 
penetrated into the town and began to bum it : at 
this last moment, Kleopatra his wife addressed to 
him her pathetic appeal, to avert from her and 
from his family the desperate horrors impending 
over them all. Meleager could no longer resist: 
he put on his armour, went forth from his cham- 
ber, and repelled the enemy. But when the dan- 
ger was over, his countrymen withheld from him 
the splendid presents which they had promised, 
because he had rejected their prayers, and had 
come forth only when his own haughty caprice 

Such is the legend of Meleager in the Iliad : a 
verse in the second book mentions simply the 
death of Meleager, without farther details, as a 
reason why Thoas appeared in command of the 
^tftlians before Troy*. Though the circumstance 
is indicated only indirectly, there seems little doubt 
that Homer must have conceived the death of the 
hero as brought about by the maternal curse : the 
unrelenting Erinnyes executed to the letter the in- 
vocations of Althaea, though she herself must have 
been willing to retract them. 

Later poets both enlarged and altered the fable. How ai. 
The Hesiodic Eoiai, as well as the old poem called ^^^r 
the Minyas, represented Meleager as having been **®™*''- 
slain by Apollo, who aided the Kur^tes in the war ; 
and the incident of the burning brand, though 
quite at variance with Homer, is at least as old as 
the tragic poet Phrynichus, earlier than iEschy- 

» niad. ix. 525-595. ^ Iliad, ii. 642. 

198 HISTORY OF GREEC£. [Paet I. 

lu8^ Tlie Mcerae, or Fates, presenting themselves 
to Althaea shortly after the birth of Meleager, pre- 
dicted that the child would die so soon as the brand 
then burning on the fire near at hand should be con* 
AKhntand gumed. Althsea snatched it from the flames and 

the burning , . , , . • . . i i 

brand. extinguished It, preserving it with the utmost care, 
until she became incensed against Meleager for the 
death of her brother. She then cast it into the fire, 
and as soon as it was consumed the life of Meleager 
was brought to a close. 

We know from the sharp censure of Pliny, that 
Sophoklds heightened the pathos of this subject by 
his account of the mournful death of Meleager's 
sisters, who perished from excess of grief. They 
were changed into the birds called Meleagrides, 
and their never-ceasing tears ran together into 
amber*. But in the hands of Euripides — whether 
originally through him or not^, we cannot tell— 
Atalanta became the prominent figure and motive 
of the piece, while the party convened to hunt the 
Kalyd6uian boar was made to comprise all the di- 
stinguished heroes from every quarter of Greece. 
In fact, as Heyne justly remarks, this event is one 
of the four aggregate dramas of Grecian heroic life^, 
along with the Argonautic expedition, the siege of 
Thebes, and the Trojan war. To accomplish the 
destruction of the terrific animal which Artemis in 

' Pausan. x. 31. 2. The nXivp^vuu, a lost tragedy of Phrynichus. 

» Plin. H. N.xxxviL2. 11. 

' There was a tragedy of .fischylus called *AraX<ivn7, of whidi nothing 
remains (BoUie, .fschyli Fragm. ix. p. 18). 

Of the more recent dramatic writers, several selected Atalanta at their 
subject (see Brandstatcr, Geschichte iEtoliens, p. 65). 

* There was a poem of Stesichoiiw, lv6Srjpai (Stesichor. Fragm. 15. 
p. 72). 


her wrath had seat forth, Meleaser assembled not p»*°<? ^^• 

^ lydonian 

merely the choice youth among the Kurdtes and boar-imnt 
iEt61ian8 (as we find in the Iliad), but an illustri- "" 
ous troopi including Kast6r and Pollux, Idas and 
Lynkeu8> P^leus and T^lam6n, Theseus and Peiri- 
thousi Ankseus and KSpheus, Jas6n, Amphiaraus, 
AdmStus, Eurytidn and others. Nestdr and Phoe- 
nix, who appear as old men before the walls of 
Troy, exhibited their early prowess as auxiliaries to 
the suffering Kalyd6nians^ Couspicuous amidst 
them all stood the virgin Atalaata, daughter of the 
Arcadian Schoeneus ; beautiful and matchless for 
swiftness of foot, but liviug in the forest as a hunt* 
ress and unacceptable to Aphrodite ^. Several of 
the heroes were slain by the bos^r, others escaped 
by various stratagems : at length Atalanta first shot 
him in the back, next Amphiaraus in the eye, and, 
lastly, Meleager killed him. Enamoured of the 
beauty of Atalanta, Meleager made over to her the 
chief spoils of the animal, on the plea that she had 
inflicted the first wound. But his uncles, the bro- 

' The catalogue of these heroes is in Apollod6r. i. 8, 2; Ovid, Me> 
lamor. viii. 300; Hygin. fab. 173. Euripidls, in his play of Meleager, 
gave an enumeration and description of the heroes (see Fragm. 6 of 
that play, ed. Matth.). Nestdr, in this picture of Ovid, however, does 
not appear quite so invincible as in his own speeches in the Diad. The 
myth<^;rapher8 thought it necessary to assign a reason why Hdrakl6s 
was not present at the Kalyd6nian adventure : he was just at diat time 
in servitude with Omphal^ in Lydia (Apollod. ii. 6, 3). This seems to 
have been the idea of Ephorus, and it is much in his style of interpre- 
tation (see Ephor. Fragm. 9, ed. Didot). 

' Euripid. Meleag. Fragm. vi. Matt. — 

KvTTpidof dt fiiarifi, *ApKas *AraXam;, Kvyas 
Ka\ t6^ Uxovaa, &c. 

There was a drama " Meleager " both of Sophoklds and Euripides : 
of the former hardly any fragments remain, — a few more of the latter. 


thers of Thestius, took them away from her, assert- 
ing their rights as next of kin ^ if Meleager declined 
to keep the prize for himself: the latter^ exaspe- 
rated at this behaviour, slew them. Althaea, in 
deep sorrow for her brothers and wrath against her 
son, is impelled to produce the fatal brand which 
she had so long treasured up, and consign it to the 
flames'* The tragedy concludes with the voluntary 
death both of Althaea and Kleopatra. 

Interesting as the Arcadian huntress, Atalanta, 
is in herself, she is an intrusion, and not a very 
convenient intrusion, into the Homeric story of 
the Kalyddnian boar-hunt, wherein another female, 
Kleopatra, already occupied the fore-ground^. But 
the more recent version became accredited through- 
out Greece, and was sustained by evidence which 
few persons in those days felt any incUnation to 
controvert. For Atalanta carried away with her 
the spoils and head of the boar into Arcadia ; and 
there for successive centuries hung the identical 

> Hyginus, fab. 229. 

' Dioddr. iy. 34. Apollod6rus (i. 8; 2-4) gives fint the usual narrathre, 
including Atalanta; next, the Homeric narrative with some additional 
circumstances, but not including either Atalanta or the fire-brand on 
which Meleager's life depended. He prefieuses the latter with the words 
ol dc ^(Tij &c. Antoninus Liberalis gives this second narrative only, 
without Atalanta, from Nikander (Narrat. 2). 

The Latin scenic poet, Attius, had devoted one of his tragedies to 
this subject, taking the general story as given by Euripidds: "Re- 
manet gloria apud me : exuvias dignavi Atalantn dare," seems to be the 
speech of Meleager. (Attii Fragm. 8, ap. Poet. Seen. Lat. ed. Bothe, 
p. 215.) The readers of the iEneid will naturally think of the swift and 
warlike virgin Camilla, as the parallel of Atalanta. 

■ The narrative of Apollod6nii! reads awkwardly^McX«aypof tfx»p 
yvvalKtt KX€oiraTpap, fitfvXofitvos bi koi t( 'AToXavnys rc«(M>)roc^(ro(rtfaA, 
&r. (i. 8, 2). 

Cbap. YI.] ATALANTA. 201 

hide and the gigantic tusks, of three feet in length, 
in the temple of Athdnd Alea at Tegea. Kallima- 
chuB mentions them as being there preserved, in 
the third century before the Christian aera ' ; but ReUctoftfie 
the extraordinary value set upon them is best preseireS 
proved by the fact that the emperor Augustus "''^^ 
took away the tusks from Tegea, along with the 
great statue of Athdn6 Alea, and conveyed them 
to Rome, to be there preserved among the public 
curiosities. Even a century and a half afterwards, 
when Pausanias visited Greece, the skin worn out 
with age was shown to him, while the robbery of 
the tusks had not been forgotten. Nor were these 
relics of the boar the only memento preserved at 
Tegea of the heroic enterprise. On the pediment 
(d the temple of Athdnd Alea, unparalleled in 
PeloponndsuB for beauty and grandeur, the illus- 
trious statuary Skopas had executed one of his 
most finished reliefs, representing the Kalydftnian 
hunt. Atalanta and Meleager were placed in the 
front rank of the assailants, and Ankseus, one of 
the Tegean heroes, to whom the tusks of the boar 
had proved fatal ^, was represented as sinking under 
his death-wound into the arms of his brother £po- 
chos. And Pausanias observes, that the Tegeans, 
while Ihev had manifested the same honourable 
forwardness as other Arcadian communities in the 
conquest of Troy, the repulse of Xerx6s, and the 

' Kalliiiiachufly Hymn, ad Dian. 217. — 

0{f fii¥ tiriKKfjTol KdXv^vtoi ttyptvnj^ts 
Mcfi</>ovrai Konpoio' ra yap oTjfirfta inKtfs 

' Sec Pherekyd. Frog 81, cd. Didot. 


battle of Dipaea against Sparta — might fairly claim 
to themselves, through Ankaeus and Atalanta, that 
they alone amongst all Arcadians had participated 
in the glory of the Kalyddnian boar-hunt^ So 
entire and unsuspecting is the faith both of the Te- 
geans and of Pausanias in the past historical reality 
of this romantic adventure. Strabo indeed tries to 
transform the romance into something which has 
the outward semblance of history, by remarking 
that the quarrel respecting the boar's head and 
hide cannot have been the real cause of war be- 
tween the Kurdtes and the ^tdlians; the true 
ground of dispute (he contends) was probably the 
possession of a portion of territory K His remarks 
on this head are analogous to those of Thucydidds 
and other critics, when they ascribe the Trojan 
war, not to the rape of Helen, but to views of con- 
quest or political apprehensions. But he treats the 
general fact of the battle between the Kurdtes and 
the iEtdlians, mentioned in the Iliad, as something 

^ Pauian. viii. 45, 4 ; 46, l-^; 47> 2. ' Lucian, adv. Indoctum, c 14. 
t. iii. p> 111) Reiz. 

The officers placed in charge of the public curioutiet or wonders at 
Rome {ol M rots 6avfiaa%p) affirmed Uiat one of the tusks had been 
accidentally broken in the voyage Arom Greece : the other was kept ia 
the temple of Bacchus in the Imperial Gardens. 

It is numbered among the memorable exploits of Th^us that he 
Tanquiibed and killed a formidable and gigantic sow, in the territory of 
Krommy6n near CorinUi. According to some critics, this Krommydniaa 
sow was the mother of the Kalyddnian boar (Strabo, viii. p. 380). 

* Strabo, x. p. 466. HoXifuw d* iiLnta^rro^ roit StarMiut wpot 
Oltfda Kol McXcoypor, 6 fUv OoiiTr^r, ofi^i <rv6i KffjxMkj Koi dtpfMort, Karl 
nyy ir€p\ rov Kotrpov fivBoXoyiatf' i>s dc t6 tU6s, irtpl fupovs Ttjs X^P^^- 
&c. This remark is also similar to Mr. Payne Knight's criticism or 
the true causes of the Trojan war, which were (he tells us) of a politica 
character, independent of Helen and her abduction (Prolegom. ad 
Homer, c. 53). 


unquestionably real and historical — recapitulating 
at the same time a variety of discrepancies on the 
part of different authors, but not giving any deci« 
sion of his own respecting their truth or false- 

In the same manner as Atalanta was intruded 
into the Kalyddnian hunt, so also she seems to 
have been introduced into the memorable funeral 
games celebrated after the decease of Pelias at 
I6iko6, in which she had no place at the time 
when the works on the chest of Kypselus were 
executed ^ But her native and genuine locality 
is Arcadia; where her race-course, near to the 
town of Methydrion, was shown even in the days 
of Pausanias^. lliis race-course had been the scene 
of destruction for more than one unsuccessful 
suitor. For Atalanta, averse to marriage, had Attitnu 
proclaimed that her hand should only be won by in the 
the competitor who would surpass her in running : !^^^i^ 
all who tried and failed were condemned to die, 
and many were the persons to whom her beauty 
and swiftness, alike unparalleled, had proved fatal. 
At length Meiianidn, who had vainly tried to win 
her affections by assiduous services in her hunting 
excursions, ventured to enter the perilous lists. 
Aware that he could not hope to outrun her except 
by stratagem, he had obtained by the kindness of 
Aphroditd, three golden apples from the garden of 
the Hesperides, which he successively let fall near to 

I Compare Apollod6r. iii. 9, 2, and Pausan. t. 17»4. She is made 
to wrutle with Pdleus at these funeral games, which seems foreign to 
her character. 

' Pausan. viii. 35, 8. 


her while engaged in the race. The maiden could 
not resist the temptation of picking them up, and 
was thus overcome : she hecame the wife of Mei- 
lanidn, and the mother of the Arcadian Partheno- 
paeus, one of the seven chiefs who perished in the 
siege of Th Abes'. 

' Respecting the varieties in this interesting story, see Apollod. iii. 
9, 2; Hygin. f. 186; Oirid, Metam. x. 660-700; Propcrt. i. 1, 20; 
^lian> y . H. xiii. i. MtiKavUovos vta^poviirrtpoi. Arittophan. L3r8istrat. 
786 and Schol. In the ancient representation on the chest of Kypselus 
(Pans. ▼. 19» 1), Meilani6n was exhibited standing near Atalanti^ who 
was holding a fiiwn: no match or competition in running was indi- 

There is great discrepancy in the naming and patronymic description 
of the parties in the story. Three different persons are announced as 
fathers of Atalanta, Schoeneus, Jasus and Mtenalos; the successful 
lover in Ovid (and seemingly in Euripidds also) is called Hippomen^, 
not Meilani6n. In the Hesiodic poems Atalanta was daughter of Schoe* 
neus; Hellanikus called her daughter of Jasus. See Apolloddr. I. c; 
Kallimach. Hymn to Dian. 214, with the note of Spanheim ; Schol. 
Eurip. Phoeniss. 150; Schol. Theocr. Idyll, iii. 40; also the ample 
commentary of Bachet de Meziriac, sur les Epttres d'Ovide, vol. i. 
p. 366. Servius (ad Virg. Eclog. vi. 61 ; .£neid, iii. 113) calls Ata- 
lanta a native of Skjrros. 

Both the ancient scholiasts (see Schol. Apoll. Rhod. i. 769) and the 
modem commentators, Spanheim and Heyne, seek to escape this diffi- 
culty by supposing two Atalantas, — an Arcadian and a Boe6tian : as- 
suming the principle of their conjecture to be admissible, they ought to 
suppose at least three. 

Certainly, if personages of the Grecian mythes are to be treated as 
historically real, and their adventures as so many exaggerated or mis- 
coloured facts, it wiU be necessary to repeat the process of mnlti]dying 
entities to an infinite extent. And this is one among the many reasons 
for rejecting the fundamental supposition. 

But when we consider these personages as purely legendary, so that 
an historical basis can neither be affirmed nor denied respecting them, 
we escape Uie necessity of such inconvenient stratagems. The test of 
identity is then to be sought in the attributes, not in the legal descrip- 
tion, — in the predicates, not in the subject. Atalanta, whether bom 
of one father or another, whether belonging to one place or another, 
is beautiful, cold, repulsive, daring, swift of foot and skilful with the 
bow, — these attributes constitute her identity. The SchoUast on Theo- 
critus (iii. 40), in vindicating his supposition that there were two 

Chap. VI.] (ENEUS.— DEIANEIRA. 205 

We have yet another female in the family of Deiancinu 
CEneu8» whose name the legend has immortalised. 
His daughter Deianeira was sought in marriage by 
the river Achel6us» who presented himself in va- 
rious shapes, first as a serpent and afterwards as a 
bull. From the importunity of this hateful suitor 
she was rescued by the arrival of HdraklSs, who 
encountered Achel6us, vanquished him and broke 
off one of his horns, which Acheldus ransomed by 
surrendering to him the horn of Amaltheia, endued 
with the miraculous property of supplying the pos- 
sessor with abundance of any food or drink which 
he desired. H^raklds, being rewarded for his 
prowess by the possession of Deianeira, made over 
the horn of Amaltheia as his marriage-present to 
CEneus^ Compelled to leave the residence of 
QSneus in consequence of having in a fit of anger 
struck the youthful attendant Eunomus, and in- 

Atalantas, draws a distmction founded upon this very principle: he 
says tiiat the Boedtian Atalanta was to^arU, and the Arcadian Atalanta 
dpoyux/a. But this seems an over-refinement : hoth the shooting and 
the running go to constitute an accomphshed huntress. 

In respect to Parthenopeus, called hy Euripides and hy so many others 
the son of Atalanta, it is of some importance to add, that ApoUoddrus, 
Anstarchus, and Antimachus, the author of the Thebaid, assigned to 
him a pedigree entirely different, — ^making him an Argeian, the son of 
Talaos.and Lysimachd, and brother of Adrastus. (Apollod6r. i. 9, 13; 
Aristaich. tip. Schol. Soph. (Ed. Col. 1320; Antimachus ap. Schol. 
.£schyl. Sep. Theb. 532; and Schol. Supplem. ad Eurip. Phoeniss. t. viii. 
p. 461, ed. Matth. ApoUodArus is in fact inconsistent with himsetf in 
another passage.) 

^ Sophokl. Trachin. 7* The horn of Amalthda was described by 
Pherekyd^ (ApoDod. ii. 7» 5): see also Strabo, x. p. 458, and Dioddr. 
IT. 35, who cites an interpretation of the £sbles (ol thcdCoprtt i^ ah^ 
rm» rikfi$€g) to the effect that it was symbolical of an embankment of 
the unruly river by H^rakl^, and consequent recovery of very fertile 


voluntarily killed kim', Hdrakl^s retired to Tra- 
chin, crossing the river Eudnus at the place 
where the Centaur Nessus was accustomed to 
carry over passengers for hire. Nessus carried 
over Deianeira, but when he had arrived on the 
other side, began to treat her with rudeness, upon 
which Hdrakl^ slew him with an arrow tinged by 
the poison of the Lemaean hydra. The djing 
Centaur advised Deianeira to preserve the poi- 
soned blood which flowed from his wound, telling 
her that it would operate as a philtre to regain for 
her the affections of Hdraklds, in case she should 
ever be threatened by a rival. Some time after- 
wards the hero saw and loved the beautiful I0I6, 
daughter of Eurytos, king of QSchalia : he stormed 
the town, killed Eurytos, and made lold his cap- 
tive. The misguided Deianeira now had recourse 
to her supposed philtre : she sent as a present to 
Hdraklds a splendid tunic, imbued secretly with 
the poisoned blood of the Centaur. Hdraklds 
Death of adomed himself with the tunic on the occasion of 
offering a solemn sacrifice to Zeus on the 'promon- 
tory of Kdnseon in Euboea : but the fatal garment, 
when once put on, clung to him indissolubly, burnt 
his skin and flesh, and occasioned an agony of 
pain from which he was only relieved by death. 
Deianeira slew herself in despair at this disastrous 

> Hellanikut (ap. Athen. ix. p. 410) mentioning thia incident, in two 
different worka» called the attendant by two different names. 

' The beautifiil drama of the Trachkuae has rendered this itory fami- 
liar : compare ApoUod. ii. 7> 7* Hygin. f. 36. Dioddr. iv. 36^. 

The capture of (Echalia (O/xoXuk Skmait) was celebrated in a Yery 


Chap. VI.] TYDEUS. 207 

We have not yet exhausted the eventful career Tydcus— 
of CBneus and his family — ennobled among the cEneos. 
^t61ian8 especially, both by religious worship and 
by poetical eulogy — ^and favourite themes not mere- 
ly in some of the Hesiodic poems, but also in 
other ancient epic productions, the AlkmaeAnis and 
the Cyclic Thdbais^ By another marriage, CEneus 
had for his son Tydeos, whose poetical celebrity 
is attested by the many different accounts ^ven 
both of the name and condition of his mother. 
Tydeus, having slain his cousins, the sons of Me- 
las, who were conspiring against CEneus, was 
forced to become an exile, and took refuge at 

ancient epic poem by Kreophylos, of the Homeric and not of the He- 
liodic character : it passed with many as the work of Homer himself. 
(See D^tier, Fragm. Epic. Grscor. p. 8. Welcker, Der Epische Cy- 
dus, p. 229.) The same subject was also treated in the Hesiodic 
Catalogue, or in the Eoiai (see Hesiod, Fragm. 129, ed. Marktsch.) : 
the number of the children of Eurytos was there enumerated. 

This ezpknt seems constantly mentioned as the last performed by 
Hdrakl^ and as immediately preceding his death or apotheosis on 
Mount CEta : but whether the legend of Deianeira and the poisoned 
tunic be very old, we cannot tell. 

The tale of. the death of Iphitos, son of Eurytos, by H6rakUs, is as 
andent as the Odyssey (xxi. 19-40): but it is there stated, that Eurytos 
dying left his memorable bow to his son Iphitos (the bow is given 
afterwards by Iphitos to Odysseus, and is the weapon so fiital to the 
suitors), — a statement not very consistent with the story that QSchalia 
was taken and Eurytos slain by Hdraklds. It is plain that these were 
distinct and contradictory legends. Compare Soph. Traehin. 260-286 
(where Iphitos dies before Eurytos), not only with the passage just cited 
from the Odyssey, but also with Pherekydds, Fragm. 34, Didot. 

Hyginus (f. 3d) differs altogether in the parentage of Deianeira : he 
calls her daughter of Dexamenos : his account of her marriage with 
Hirakl^ is in every respect at variance with ApoUoddrus. In the 
latter, MnlsimachS is the daughter of Dexamenos; H^rakl^ rescues 
her from the importunities of the Centaur Euryti6n (ii. 5, 5). 

> See the references in Apollod. i. 8, 4-5. Pindar, Isthm. iv. 32. 
McXcrai^ dc croi^crratr Aid( Hkoti npoa-poKov <r€fii(6fi€Voi *Ev fiiv AlraiKmv 
Swrlaici ifiatwals Olvttdai Kpanpdl, &c. 


Arg08 with Adrastus, whose daughter Deipyl^ he 
married. The issue of this marriage was Dio- 
m^d63» whose brilliant exploits in the siege of 
Troy were not less celebrated than those of his 
father at the siege of Thdbes. After the departure 
of Tydeus, CEneus was deposed by the sons of 
Agrios, and fell into extreme poverty and wretch- 
edness, from which he wgs only rescued by his 
grandson Diom^dds, after the conquest of Troy^ 
The sufferings of this ancient warrior, and the 
final restoration and revenge by Diomdd^s, were 
the subject of a lost tragedy of Euripides, which 
even the ridicule of Aristophante demonstrates to 
have been eminently pathetic^. 
Dbcrepant Though the gcuealogy just given of CEneus is in 
^ ^ part Homeric, and seems to have been followed 
generally by the mythographers, yet we find an- 
other totally at variance with it in Hekataeus, which 
he doubtless borrowed from some of the old poets : 
the simplicity of the story annexed to it seems to 
attest its antiquity. Orestheus, son of Deukalidn, 
first passed into iEtdlia, and acquired the king- 
dom : he was father of Phytios, who was father of 
CEneus. ^t61us was son of (Eneus ^. 

^ Hekat. Fragm. 341, Didot. In thii story (Eneus is connected 
with the first discovery of the vine and the making of wine (o2m) : 
compare Hygin. f. 129, and Servius ad VirgiL Georgic. i. 9. 

* See Welcker (Griechisch. Tragod. ii. p. 583) on the lost tragedy 
called (Eneus. 

' Timoklds, Comic, ap. Athente. vii. p. 223. — 

TtpMP rtff irvx^i i KOTffMcOev rhy OWa. 
Ovid. Heroid. ix. 153. — 

" lieu ! devota domus I Solio sedet Agrios alto : 
CEnea desertum nuda senecta premit.*' 

. The account here given is in Hyginus (f. 175): but it is in many 


The original migration of iEt61u8 from Elis to 
^t6Iia — and the subsequent establishment in Elis 
of Oxylus, his descendant in the tenth generation, 
along with the Ddrian invaders of Peloponnesus — 
were commemorated by two inscriptions, one in 
the agora of Elis, the other in that of the ^tdlian 
chief town, Thermum, engraved upon the statues 
of ^t61u3 and Oxylus ' respectively. 

points diffsrent both from Apolloddras (i. 8, 6 ; Pausan. ii. 25) and 
Pherekydds (Frag^ 83, Didot). It aeenu to be borrowed from the lost 
tragedy of Enripidda. Compare Schol. ad Aristoph. Acham. 417. 
Antonm. Liberal, o. 37. In the Iliad, (Eneus is dead before the Trojan 
war (ii. 641). 

The account of Ephorus again is different (ap. Strabo. x. p. 462) ; 
he joins Alknuedn with DiomMte : but his narrative has the air of a 
tissue of qussi-historical conjectures, intended to explain the circum- 
stance that the ^t61ian DiomM^ is king of Argos during the Trojan 

Pausanias and Apollod6rus affirm that (Eneus was buried at OSnod 
between Argos and Mantineia, and they connect the name of this place 
with him. But it seems more reasonable to consider him as the epo- 
nymons hero of (Eniad« in J£t61ia. 

* Ephor. Fragm. 29. Didot ap. Strab. x. 

VOL. I. 




tunSMd Among the ancient legendary genealogies, there 
celebrity of ^as none which figured with greater splendour, or 
pids. which attracted to itself a higher degree of poetical 

interest and pathos, than that of the Pelopids — 
Tantalus, Pelops, Atreus and Thyestds, Agamem- 
n6n and Menelaus and iEgisthus, Helen and Kly- 
tsemnSstra, Orestes and Elektra and Hermiond. 
Each of these characters is a star of the first 
magnitude in the Grecian hemisphere : each name 
suggests the idea of some interesting romance or 
some harrowing tragedy: the curse, which taints 
the family from the beginning, inflicts multiplied 
wounds at every successive generation. So, at 
least, the story of the Pelopids presents itself, after 
it had been successively expanded and decorated 
by epic, lyric and tragic poets. It will be suffi- 
cient to touch briefly upon events with which 
every reader of Grecian poetry is more or less 
familiar, and to ofier some remarks upon the way 
in which tbey were coloured and modified by dif- 
ferent Grecian authors. 
Pciopt— Pelops is the eponym or name- giver of the Pe- 
PeioponnS- lopouuSsus : to find an eponym for every conspi- 
*^ cuous local name was the invariable turn of Gre- 

cian retrospective fancy. The name Peloponnesus 
is not to be found either in the Iliad or the Odys- 


sey, nor any other denomination which can be 
attached distinctly and specially to the entire pe- 
ninsula. But we meet with the name in one of 
the most ancient post-Homeric poems of which 
any fragments have been preserved — the Cyprian 
Verses — a, poem which many (seemingly most per- 
sons) even of the contemporaries of Herodotus 
ascribed to the author of the Iliad^ though He- 
rodotus contradicts the opinion ^ The attributes 
by which the Pelopid Agamemn6n and his house 
are marked out and distinguished from the other 
heroes of the Iliad, are precisely those which 
Grecian imagination would naturally seek in an 
eponymus — superior wealth, power, splendour and 
regality. . Not only Agamemn6n himself, but his 
brother Menelaus, is '' more of a king" even than 
Nestdr or Diomddds. The gods have not given to 
the king of the ** much-golden" MykSnae greater 
courage, or strength, or ability, than to various 
other chiefs ; but they have conferred upon him a 
marked superiority in riches, power and dignity, 
and have thus singled him out as the appropriate 
leader of the forces*. He enjoys this pre-eminence 

' Hesiod. ii. 117* Fragment. Epicc. Gnec. Diintzer, ix. Kxmpui, 8. — 

Af^ re AvyKc^ff 
TovycToy irpoctfiaiv^ irotrlv raxUca irtiroiBms, 
AxpArarOp d* dvafiits ditd€pK€TO vrftrov dirao'caf 
TayroXtdcoo HeXowos. 
Also tbe Homeric Hymn. Apoll. 419, 430, and Tyiteeus, Fragm. 1. — 

(Evvofila) — Evpctoy IliKojros vijaov ^uo6fi€$tu . 
The Schol. ad Biad. ix. 246, intimates that the name n€\ojr6inni<ros oc- 
cmred in one or more of the Hesiodic epica. 
' niad, ix. 37. Compare ii. 580. DiomMIs addresses Agamemnon- 
Sol d^ dtapdixci dcMce Kp6vov vais dyKvkofifir€» 
Zie^nT/Np fUv rot bS>K€ rtTifMJ(r6(u ntpl ndpTfm^ 
*AXk^v y oCtoi d&Kfif, 5,T€ KpdTO£ €0x1 fieyioTov, [A simi- 



as belonging to a privileged family and as inherit- 
ing the heaven-descended sceptre of Pelops, the 
transmission of which is described by Homer in a 
very remarkable way. The sceptre was made ** by 
Hdphaestos, who presented it to Zeus ; Zeus gave 
it to Herm6s, Hermes to the charioteer Pelops ; 
Pelops gave it to Atrens, the ruler of men ; Atreus 
at his death left it to Thyestds,^ the rich cattle- 
Deduction owner ; Thyestfis in his turn left it to his nephew 
treofPe- Agamcmudu to carry, that he might hold domi- 
^^ nion over many islands and over all Argos*," 

We have here the unrivalled wealth and power 
of the ** king of men, Agamemndn," traced up to 
his descent from Pelops, and accounted for, in 
harmony with the recognised epical agencies, by 
the present of the special sceptre of Zeus through 
the hands of Hermes ; the latter being the wealth- 
giving god, whose blessing is most efficacious in 
furthering the process of acquisition, whether by 
theft or by accelerated multiplication of flocks and 
herds^. The wealth and princely character of 
the Atreids were proverbisd among the ancient 

A nmilBT contrast is drawn by Nest6r (B. i. 280) between Agamemn6n 
and Achilles. Nest6r says to Agamemnon (H. ix. 69) — 

And this attribute attaches to Menelaus as well as to his brother. For 
when DiomMte is about to choose his companion for the night expe- 
dition mto the Trojan camp, Agamemnon thus addresses him (x. 2^) : 
T^ fup h^i rrapdp y a^<rcai, 6p k ^BtKijirSa 
^aanfuvmp rhw ipurrov, hn\ fuft^aal yt iroXW* 
Mffii av y atd6fji€Pot {rjm <fip€u\, t6p fup ip€im 
KoXXr/vrcii' o^ hi X'^P^* Murtrtai aldot tUtw, 
*Er yoftTjp 6p6»v, €l koH Pa<nktvrtp6f iarw. 

« mad, ii. 101. 

• Iliad, xiv. 491. Hesiod, Theog. 444. Homer, Hymn. Mercur. 


epic poets. Paris not only carries away Helen, ^J^'y'*^ 
but much property along with ber^ : the house of thefuniiy. 
MenelauSy when Tdlemachus visits it in the Odys- 
sey, is so resplendent with gold and silver and 
rare ornament^, as to strike the beholder with 
astonishment and admiration. The attributes as- 
signed to Tantalus, the father of Pelops, are in 
conformity with the general idea of the family — 
superhuman abundance and enjoyments, and inti- 
mate converse with the gods, to such a degree that 
his head is turned, and he commits inexpiable sin. 
But though Tantalus himself is mentioned, in one 
of the most suspicious passages of the Odyssey (as 
suffering punishment in the under- world), he is 
not announced, nor is any one else announced, as 
father of Pelops, unless we are to construe the 
lines in the Iliad as implying that the latter was son 
of Hermds. In the conception of the author of 
the Iliad, the Pelopids are, if not of divine origin, 
at least a mortal breed specially favoured and en- 
nobled by the gods — ^beginning with Pelops, and 
localised at Mykenae. No allusion is made to any 
connection of Pelops either with Pisa or with 

The legend which connected Tantalus and Pe- 

526-*568. "OXfiov Koi frXovrov d^oM frcpuedXXfo pdfi^p. Compare 
Enitath. ad Iliad, xn. 182. 

^ Diad, iii. 72 ; vii. 363. In the Hesiodic Eoiai was the following 
cQfnplet (Fragm. 65. p. 43» Diintxer) : — 

Novv d* *AfivBaa¥Uku£, irXovroy If Ihrop* 'Ar/M/dj^. 
Again, TyrtsBus, Fragm. 9, 4.— 

O^ tl TavroX/dc«» nrXofrof fiatrCK^VT^po^ cloj, &c. 
» OdyaB.iT. 46-71. 


lops with Mount Sipylus may probably have grown 
out of the Molic settlements at Magnesia and 
Kymd. Both the Lyd^an origin and the Pisatic 
sovereignty of Pelops are adapted to times later 
Peto*^^ than the Iliad, when the Olympic games had 
acquired to themselves the general reverence of 
Greece, and had come to serve as the religious and 
recreative centre of the Peloponnesus — and when 
the Lydian and Phrygian heroic names, Midas and 
Gygds, were the tjrpes of wealth and luxury, as 
well as of chariot-driving, in the imagination of a 
Greek. The inconsiderable villages of the Pisatid 
derived then* whole importance from the vicinity of 
Olympia : they are not deemed worthy of notice in 
the Catalogue of Homer. Nor could the gene- 
alogy which connected the eponym of the entire 
peninsula with Pisa have obtained currency in 
Greece unless it had been sustained by pre-esta- 
blished veneration for the locality of Olympia. But 
if the sovereign of the humble Pisa was to be re- 
cognised as forerunner of the thrice- wealthy princes 
of Mykdnae, it became necessary to assign some 
Lydit,pisa, explanatory cause of his riches. Hence the sup- 
Homeric positiou of his bcmg an immigrant, son of a wealthy 
^^' Lydian named Tantalus, who was the offspring 
of Zeus and Ploutd. Lydian wealth and Lydian 
chariot-driving rendered Pelops a fit person to oc- 
cupy his place in the legend, both as ruler of Pisa 
and progenitor of the Mykensean Atreids. Even 
with the admission of these two circumstances there 
is considerable difficulty, for those who wish to 
read the legends as consecutive history, in making 

Chap. VIL] TANTALUS. 215 

the Pelopids pass smoothly and plausibly from Pisa 
to Mykdnse. 

I shall briefly recount the legends of this great 
heroic family as they came to stand in their full 
and ultimate growth, after the localisation of Pe- 
lops at Pisa had been tacked on as a preface to 
Homer's version of the Pelopid genealogy. 

Tantalus, residing near Mount Sipylus in Lydia, 
had two children, Pelops and Niobd. He was a 
man of immense possessions and pre-eminent hap- 
piness, above the lot of humanity : the gods com- 
municated with him freely, received him at their 
banquets, and accepted of his hospitality in re« 
turn. Intoxicated with such prosperity, Tantalus 
became guilty of gross wickedness. He stole nee-* 
tar and ambrosia from the table of the gods, and 
revealed their secrets to mankind : he killed and 
served up to them at a feast his own son Pelops* Tantaioi. 
The gods were horror-struck when they discovered 
the meal prepared for them: Zeus restored the 
mangled youth to life, and as Ddmdtdr, then ab- 
sorbed in grief for the loss of her daughter Perse- 
phon6, had eaten a portion of the shoulder, he 
supplied an ivory shoulder in place of it. Tan- 
talus expiated his guilt by exemplary punishment. 
He was placed in the under-world, with fruit and 
water seemingly close to him, yet eluding his . 
touch as often as he tried to grasp them, and 
leaving his hunger and thirst incessant and unap- 
peased^ Pindar, in a very remarkable passage, 

' Diod6r. iv. 77. Horn. Odyts. xi. 582. Pindar gives a diffsrent 
▼emon of the pooishment inflicted on Tantalus : a vast stone was per- 

f 16 HISTORY OF ORSBCE. [Past !• 

finds this old legend revolting to his feelings : he 
rejects the tale of the flesh of Pelops having been 
served up and eaten^ as altogether unworthy of 
the gods^ 
NioU. Niob^y the daughter of Tantalus, was married to 

Amphiduy and had a numerous and flourishing off- 
spring of seven sons and seven daughters. Though 
accepted as the intimate friend and companion of 
LStOy the mother of Apollo and Artemis^, she was 
presumptuous enough to triumph over that god- 
dess, and to place herself on a footing of higher 
dignity, on account of the superior number of her 
children. Apollo and Artemis avenged this insult 
by killing all the sons and all the daughters : Niobd, 
thus left a childless and disconsolate mother, wept 
herself to death, and was turned into a rock, which 
the later Greeks continued always to identify on 
Mount Sipylus®. 

Some authors represented Pelops as not being a 
Lydian, but a king of Paphlagdnia ; by others it was 
said that Tantalus, having become detested from 
his impieties, had been expelled from Asia by Ilus 
the king of Troy, — an incident which served the 

petiuJly impending over his head, and threatening to &11 (Olymp. i. 56 ; 
Isthm. Tii. 20). 

* Pindar, Olymp. i. 45. Compare the aentiment of Iphigeneia in 
Euiipid^ Iph. Taur. 387. 

' Sapph6 (Fragm. 82, Schneidevrin), — 

Aara> Koi NuJ^Sa ftdka fxiy (f>ikai ^avw iraiptu, 

Sttpph6 assigned to Nioh^ eighteen children (Aul. Gell. N. A. ir. A. zx. 
7) ; Hesiod gave twenty; Homer twelve (Apollod. iii. 5). 

The Lydian historian Xanthus gave a totally different version hoth 
of the genealogy and of the mirfortones of Nioh^ (Parthen. Narr. 33). 

' Ovid, Metam. vi. 164-311. Pausan. i. 21, 5; viii. 2, 3. 

Chap.YIL] PSLOPS and (EN(»iAUS. 8U 

double purpose of explaining the transit of Pelops 
to Greece, and of imparting to the siege of Troy 
by Agamemndn the character of retribution for 
wrongs done to his ancestor ^ When Pelops came 
over to Greece, he found CBnomaus, son of the 
god ArSs and Harpinna, in possession of the prin-» 
cipality of Pisa/ immediately bordering on the 
district of Oljrmpia. Q£nomaus, having been ap- pdopt tnd 
prised by an oracle that death would overtake ^tlT^ 
him if he permitted his daughter Hippodameia to ^^^ 
marry, refused to give her in marriage except to 
some suitor who should beat him in a chariot-race 
from Olympia to the isthmus of Corinth^: the 
ground here selected for the legendary victory of 
Pelops deserves attention, inasmuch as it is a line 
drawn from the assumed centre of Peloponnesus to 
its extremity, and thus comprises the whole terri- 
tory with which Pelops is connected as eponym. 
Any suitor overmatched in the race was doomed 
to forfeit his life ; and the fleetness of the Pisan 
horses, combined with the skill of the charioteer 
Myrtilus, had already caused thirteen unsuccessful 
competitors to perish by the lance of CEnomaus^. 
Pelops entered the lists as a suitor: his prayers 
moved the god Poseiddn to supply him with a 
golden chariot and winged horses ; or according 
to another story, he captivated the affections of 
Hippodameia herself, who persuaded the charioteer 
Myrtilus to loosen the wheels of CBnomaus before he 
started, so that the latter was overturned and perish- 

' ApoUon. lUiod. ii. 358, and SchoL; Ister. Fragment. 69, Dindrnf ; 
Dk)d6r. iv. 74. « Diod6r. iv. 74. 

, ' Pauianias (vi. 21, 7) had read their names in the Hesiodic Eoiai. 



[Past I. 

victory of 
his princi- 
pality at 

ed in the race. Having thus won the hand of Hip- 
podameia, Pelops became prince of Pisa^ He put 
to death the charioteer Myrtilus, either from indig-* 
nation at his treachery* to CEnomaus*, or from jea^ 
lousy on the score of Hippodameia : but Myrtilus 
was the son of Hermte, and though Pelops erected 
a temple in the vain attempt to propitiate that god, 
he left a curse upon his race which future calami- 
ties were destined painfully to work out^. 

Pelops had a numerous issue by Hippodameia : 
Pittheus, Trcezen and Epidaurus, the eponyms of 
the two Argolic cities so called, are said to have 
been among them : Atreus and ThyestSs were also 
his sons, and his daughter Nikippd married Sthe- 
nelus of Myk^nse and became the mother of £u- 
rystbeus^. We hear nothing of the principality 
of Pisa afterwards: the Pisatid villages become 
absorbed into the larger aggregate of Elis, after 
a vain struggle to maintain their separate right of 
presidency over the Olympic festival. But the 
legend ran that Pelops left his name to the whole 
peninsula: according to Thucydidds, he was en- 

' Pindar, Olymp. i. 140. The chariot race of Pelops and GSnomaus 
was represented on the chest of Kypaelus at Oljrmpia : the horses of the 
former were given as having wings (Pausan. y. 17# 4). Pherekyd^ gave 
the same story (ap. Schol. ad Soph. Elect. 504). 

' It is noticed hy Herodotus and others as a remarkable hct, that no 
mules were ever bred in the Eleian territcnry : an Eleian who wished tp 
breed a mule sent his mare for the time out of the region. The Eleiani 
themselves ascribed this phenomenon to a disability brought on the 
land by a curse from the lips of (Enomaus (Herod, iv. dO ; Plutarch, 
Qusest. Greec. p. 303). 

s Paus. V. 1, 1 ; Sophok. Elektr. 508 ; Eurip. Orest. 985, with Schol. ; 
Plato, Kratyl. p. 395. 

* ApoUod. ii. 4, 5. Pausan. ii. 30, 8; 26, 3; v. 8, 1. Hesiod. ap. 
Schol. ad niad. xx. 1 16. 


abled to do this because of the great wealth which 
he had brought with him from Lydia into a poor 
territory. The historian leaves out all the ro-^ 
mantic interest of the genuine legends — preser* 
ving only this one circumstance^ which, without 
being better attested than the rest, carries with it, 
from its common-place and prosaic character, a 
pretended historical plausibility \ 

Besides his numerous issue by Hippodameia, Atrens, 
Pelops had an iUegitimate son named Chrysippus, ch^rippiis. 
of singular grace and beauty, towards whom he 
displayed so much affection as to excite the jealousy 
of Hippodameia and her sons. Atreus and ThyestSs 
conspired together to put Chrysippus to death, for 
which they were banished by Pelops and retired to 
Mykfinae', — an event which brings us into the 
track of the Homeric legend. For ThucydidSs, 
having found in the death of Ohrysippus a suitable 
ground for the secession of Atreus from Pelops, 
conducts him at once to Myk^nse^ and shows a 
train of plausible circumstances to account for his 
having mounted the throne. Eurystheus, king of 
Myk^nse, was the maternal nephew of Atreus: 
when he engaged in any foreign expedition, he 
naturally entrusted the regency to his uncle ; the 
people of Myk^nse thus became accustomed to be 
governed by him, and he on his part made efforts 
to conciliate them, so that when Eurystheus was 

* Thucyd. i. 5. 

* We find two difltinct l^ends respecting Chrysippus : his abduction 
by Laius king of Thebes, on which the lost drama of Euripidte called 
Chrysippus turned (see Welcker, Griech. Tragodien, ii. p. 536), and his 
deadi by the hands of his half-brothers. Hyginus (f. 85) blends the 
two together. 


defeated and slain in Attica, the Mykdnaean people, 
apprehensive of an invasion from the Hdrakleids, 
chose Atreus as at once the most powerful and 
most acceptable person for his successor ^ Such 
was the tale which Thucydid^s derived ** from 
those who had learnt ancient Peloponnteism mat- 
ters most clearly from their forefathers/' The 
introduction of so much sober and quasi-political 
history^ unfortunately imauthenticated, contrasts 
strikingly with the highly poetical legends of Pelops 
and Atreus, which precede and follow it. 
hSron Atreus and Thyestte are known in the Iliad only 

amon|fthe as successivc posscssors of the sceptre of Zeus, 
which Thyestds at his death bequeathes to Aga- 
memn6n. The family dissensions among this fated 
race commence, in the Odyssey, with Agamemndn 
the son of Atreus, and iBgisthus the son of Thy- 
estds. But subsequent poets dwelt upon an im- 
placable quarrel between the two fathers. The 
cause of the bitterness was differently represented : 
some alleged that ThyestSs had intrigued with the 
KrStan Aeropd, the wife of his brother ; other nar- 
ratives mentioned that Thyestds procured for him- 
self surreptitiously the possession of a lamb with a 
golden fleece, which had been designedly intro- 

^ Thucyd. i. 9. Xryovai dc ol ra ncXofrof^o-Ztty vn^arara lun/ftg 
frapii Twp frp6npop dcdry/icvoi. Aooordmg to HellanikuSy Atreus Uie 
elder son returns to Pisa after the death of Pelops with a great anny, 
and makes himself master of his Other's principality (HeUanik. ap. 
Schol. ad Iliad, ii. 105). Hellanikus does not seem to have been so 
solicitous as Thucydidte to bring the story into conformity with Homer. 
The circumstantial genealogy given in Sdiol. ad Eurip. Chrest. 5. makes 
Atreus and Thyest^ reside during their banishment at Makestus in 
Triphylia : it is given without any special authority, but may perhaps 
come from Hellanikus. 


dnced among the flocks of Atreus by the anger of 
Henn^y as a cause of enmity and ruin to the 
whole family ^ Atreus, after a violent burst of in- 
dignation, pretended to be reconciled, and invited 
Thyest^s to a banquet, in which he served up to 
him the limbs of his own son. The father igno- 
rantly partook of the fatal meal. Even the all- 
seeing Hdlios is said to have turned back his chariot 
to the east, in order that he might escape the 
shocking spectacle of this Thyestdan banquet : yet 
the tale of Thyest^an revenge — ^the murder of 
Atreus perpetrated by iBgistbus, the incestuous 
offspring of Thyestds by his daughter Pelopia — is 
no less replete with horrors^. 

Homeric legend is never thus revolting. Aga- Agamem. 
memndn and Menelaus are known to us chiefly MeneUui. 
with their Homeric attributes, which have not 
been so darkly overlaid by subsequent poets as 
those of Atreus and Thyestds. Agamemndn and 
Menelaus are affectionate brothers: they marry 

1 JSsdiyl. Agamem. 1204, 1253, 1608; Hygm.86; Attii Fragm. 19. 
This was the story (^ the old poem entitled Alkmndnis ; seemmgly also 
of Pherekyd^ though the latter rejected the story that Herm^ had 
produced the golden lamh with the special view of exciting discord 
between the two brothers, in order to avenge the death of Myrtilus by 
Pelops (see SchoL ad Eurip. Orest. 996). 

A different l^end, alluded to in Soph. Aj. 1295 (see Schol. ad loc,), 
recounted that Aeropd had been detected by her father Katreus in un- 
chaste commerce with a low-bom person; he entrusted her in his 
anger to Nauplius, with directions to throw her into the sea : NaupUus 
howerer not only spared her life, but betrothed her to Pleirthen^ 
fiuher of Agamemnon and son of Atreus. 

The tragedy entitled Atreus, of the Latin poet Attius, seems to have 
brought out with painful fidelity the harsh and savage features of this 
family legend (see Aul. Gell. ziii. 2, and the fragments of Attius now 
remaining, together with the tragedy called Thyestis, of Seneca). 

* Hygin. fab. 87-88. 


two sisters, the daughters of Tyndareus king of 
Sparta, Klytssmndstra and Helen; for Helen, the 
real offspring of Zeus, passes as the daughter of 
Tyndareus ^ The ** king of men" reigns at My- 
kdnse ; Menelaus succeeds Tyndareus at Sparta. 
Of the rape of Helen, and the siege of Troy con- 
sequent upon it, I shall speak elsewhere : I now 
touch only upon the family legends of the Atreids. 
Menelaus, on his return from Troy with the reco^ 
vered Helen, is driven by storms far away to the 
distant regions of Phoenicia and Egypt, and is ex- 
posed to a thousand dangers and hardships before 
he again sets foot in Peloponnesus. But at length 
he reaches Sparta, resumes his kingdom, and passes 
the rest of his days in uninterrupted happiness and 
splendour : being moreover husband of the godlike 
Helen and son-in-law of Zeus, he is even spared 
the pangs of death. When the fulness of his days 
is past he is transported to the Elysian fields, there 
to dwell along with ** the golden-haired Rhada- 
manthus" in a delicious climate and in undisturbed 

Far different is the fate of the king of men, 
Agamemndn. During his absence, thB unwarlike 
iSBgisthus, son of Thyest^, had seduced his wife 
Klytaemndstra, in spite of the special warning of 
the gods, who, watchful over this privileged family, 
had sent their messenger Hermds expressly to 
deter him from the attempt^. A venerable bard 

^ So we mutt say in conformity to the ideas of antiquity : compare 
Homer, Itiad, xvi. 176 ; and Herodot. vi. 53. 
« Horn. Odyss. iii. 280-300 ; iv. 83-660. 
' Odysi. i. 38 ; iii. 310.— oycDUi^ AlylaBoio. 


had been left by Agamemndn as the companion 
and monitor of his wife, and so long as that 
guardian was at hand, ^gisthus pressed his suit in 
vain. But he got rid of the bard by sending him 
to perish in a desert island, and then won without 
difficulty tb^ unddended Klytaemndstra. Ignorant 
of what had passed, Agamemn6n returned from 
Troy victorious and full of hope to his native 
country ; but he had scarcely landed when iBgisthus 
invited him to a banquet, and there, with the aid of 
the treacherous Klytaemndstra, in the very hall of 
festivity and congratulation, slaughtered him and 
his companions '* like oxen tied to the manger/' 
His concubine Kassandra, the prophetic daughter 
of Priam, perished along ^th him by the hand of 
Klytsemndstra herself ^ The boy Orestds, the only 
male ofikpring of A^amemn6n, was stolen away by 
his nurse, and placed in safety at the residence of 
the Phdkian Strophius. 

For seven years ^gisthus and KlytsemnSstra Orett^. 
reigned in tranquillity at MykSnae on the throne of 
the murdered Agamemndn. But in the eighth year 
the retribution announced by the gods overtook 
them: OrestSs, grown to manhood, returned and 
avenged his father, by killing JSgisthus, according to 
Homer; subsequent poets add, his mother also. He 
recovered the kingdom of Mykdnae, and succeeded 
Menelaus in that of Sparta. Hermiond, the only 
daughter of Menelaus and Helen, was sent into 

> Odyss. iii. 260-275 ; iv. 512-637 ; xi. 408. Deinias in hii Argo- 
lica, and other historians of that territory, fixed the precise day of the 
murder of Agamemnon, — ^the thirteenth of the month Oam^li6n (Schol. 
ad Sophokl. Elektr. 275). 


the realm of the Mjrrmidons in Thessaly, as the 
bride of Neoptolemus, son of Achilles, according 
to the promise made by her father during the siege 
of Troy ^ 

Here ends the Homeric legend of the Pelopids, 
the final act of Orestes being cited as one of unex- 
ampled glory '. Later poets made many additions : 
they dwelt upon his remorse and hardly-earned 
pardon for the murder of his mother, and upon his 
devoted friendship for Py lades; they wove many 
interesting tales, too, respecting his sisters Iphige- 
neia and Elektra and his cousin Hermiond, — names 
which have become naturalised in every climate and 
incorporated with every form of poetry. 

These poets did not gt all scruple to depart from 
Homer, and to give other genealogies of their 
own, with respect to the chief persons of the Pelo- 
pid family. In the Iliad and Odyssey, Agamemn6n 
is son of Atreus : in the Hesiodic Eoiai and in 
Stesichorus, he is son of Pleisthends the son of 
Atreus^. In Homer he is specially marked as reign- 
ing at MykSnae; but Stesichorus, SimonidSs and 
Pindar^ represented him as having both resided and 

» Odyss. iii. 306; iv. 9. » Odyss. i. 299. 

' Hesiod. Fragm. 60. p. 44, ed. Diintzer; Stesichor. Fragm. 44, 
Rleine. The Scholiast ad Soph. Elektr. 539, in reference to another 
discrepancy between Homer and the Hesiodic poems about the children 
of Hden, remarks that we ought not to divert our attention from that 
which is moral and salutary to ourselves in the poets {rh rfButa koH 
Xpfi<nfta fjfwf Tois ivTvyx&vovirC), in order to cavil at their genealogical 

Wdcker in vain endeavours to show that Pleisthen^s was originally 
introduced as the ficither of Atreus, not as his son (Griech. Tnigod. 
p. 678). 

^ SchoU ad Eurip. Orest. 46. "Ofirfpot w yivKfjvatt fprfvi rh fiatrtXtla 


perished at Sparta or at Amyklae. According to 
the ancient Cyprian Verses, Helen was represented 
as the daughter of Zeus and Nemesis : in one of 
the Hesiodic poems she was introduced as an 
Oceanic nymph, daughter of Oceanus and TSthys \ 
The genealogical discrepancies, even as to the 
persons of. the principal heroes and heroines, are 
far too numerous to be cited, nor is it necessary to 
advert to them, except as they bear upon the un- 
availing attempt to convert such legendary pa- 
rentage into a basis of historical record or chrono- 
logical calculation. 

The Homeric poems probably represent that 
form of the legend, respecting Agamemndn and 
Orestes, which was current and popular among 
the ^olic colonists. OrestSs was the great heroic 
chief of the iEolic emigration ; he, or his sons, or 
his descendants, are supposed to have conducted 
the Achaeans to seek a new home, when they were 
no longer able to make head against the invading 
Ddrians : the great families at Tenedos and other 
iEolic cities, even during the historical sera, gloried 
in tracing back their pedigrees to this illustrious 
source'. TTie legends connected with the heroic 
worship of these mythical ancestors form the basis 
of the character and attributes of Agamemndn and 
his family, as depicted in Homer, in which Mykenae 

Tov ^AyofUfivotfos' l^Ttja-lxopos dc koI ^tfjuovi^s, fV AoKfdcitfAOpi^, Pindar, 
Pyth. zi. 31 ; Nem. yiii. 21. St^chorus had composed an ^Optar^ta, 
copied in mai^ points from a still more ancient lyric Oresteia by 
Xanthus : compare Athen. zii. p. 513, and iBlian, V. H. iv. 26. 

' Hesiod. ap. Schol. ad Pindar. Nem. x. 150. 

' See the ode of Pindar addressed to Aristagoras of Tenedos (Nem. 
zi. 35 ; Strabo, ziii. p. 582). There were PenthiUds at Mityl6n6, from 
Penthilus> son of Orestes (Ariatot. PoUt. v. 8, 13, Sehneid.). 

VOL. I. Q 


appears as the first place in PeloponnSsus, and 
Sparta only as the second : the former the special 
residence of *' the king of men" ; the latter that 
of his younger and inferior brother, yet still the 
seat of a member of the princely Pelopids, and 
moreover the birth-place of the divine Helen. 
Sparta, Argos and Myk^nae are all three designated 
in the Iliad by the goddess HM as her favourite 
cities^ ; yet the connection of MykSnaD with Argos, 
though the two towns were only ten miles distant, 
is far less intimate than the connection of MykSnse 
Tbecodden with Sparta. When we reflect upon the very pe- 
Myki^ culiar manner in which Homer identifies H^rS with 
the Grecian host and its leader, — for she watches 
over the Greeks with the active solicitude of a 
mother, and her antipathy against the Trojans is 
implacable to a degree which Zeus cannot com- 
prehend*, — and when we combine this with the 
ancient and venerated HSraeon, or temple of HSrS, 
near Mykfinae, we may partly explain to ourselves 
the pre-eminence conferred upon Mykdnse in the 
Iliad and Odyssey. The Hdrseon was situated 
between Argos and Myk^nae ; in later times its 
priestesses were named and its affairs administered 

> Uiad, iv. 52. Compare Euripid. H^rakleid. 350. 

* niad, iv. 31. Zeus says to Hlr6,— 

^aifiopifi, ri pv ire Hpiofiog, llpidfioi6 re ircudes 
T6a'<ra KOKk pe^evKop &r* dairtpxet fuvtalptis 
'iXiov i(aKcara((U ivKTifiepop irrdkUBpop ; 
El ^ avy*, clfTcX^ovcra mikas koX reixea iMucpk, 
'QfjAp fiefip&Bois HpUifUiP Hptdfiou^ rf iraUias, 
^'AXXovff T* Tp&as, T6rt mp x^op i^Ktaaio, 

Again, xviii. 358, — 

ij pa PV (nio 

*E( avrrjt ryepoipro KaprfK0fi6c»PT€£ 'A^oiot. 


by the Argeians : but as ii was much nearer to 
Mykdna; than to Argos, we may with probability 
conclude that it originally belonged to the former, 
and that the increasing power of the latter enabled 
them to usurp to themselves a religious privilege 
which was always an object of envy and contention 
among the Grecian communities. The jEolic co** 
lonists doubtless took out with them in their emi- 
gration the divine and heroic legends, as well as 
the worship and ceremonial rites, of the H^rseon ; 
and in those legends the most exalted rank would 
be assigned to the close-adjoining and administer- 
ing city. 

Mykdnae maintained its independence even down Legendary 
to the Persian invasion. Eighty of its heavy-armed o?My^ffi. 
citizens, in the ranks of Leonidas at Thermopyl8e, 
and a number not inferior at Flatsea, upheld the 
splendid heroic celebrity of their city during a 
season of peril, when the more powerful Argos 
disgraced itself by a treacherous neutrality. Very 
shortly afterwards Mykdnse was enslaved and its 
inhabitants expelled by the Argeians. Though 
this city so long maintained a separate existence, 
its importance had latterly sunk to nothing, while 
that of the D6rian Argos was augmented very 
much, and that of the Ddrian Sparta still more. 

The name of Myk^nse is imperishably enthroned 
in the Iliad and Odyssey ; but all the subsequent 
fluctuations of the legend tend to exalt the glory 
of other cities at its expense. The recognition 
of the Olympic games a& the grand religious fes- 
tival of Peloponnesus gave vogue to that genea«< 
logy which connected Pelops with Pisa or Elis 




and withdrew him from MykSnae. Moreover, in 
the poems of the great Athenian tragedians, My- 
kSnae is constantly confounded and treated as one 
with Argos* K any one of the citizens (^ the for* 
mer, expelled at the time of its final subjugation 
by the Argeians, had witnessed at Athens a drama 
of ^schyluSi SophoklSs, or Euripid^i or the recital 
of an ode of Pindar, he would have heard with 
grief and indignation the city of his oppressors 
made a partner in the heroic glories of his own^ 
But the great political ascendency acquired by 
coinddent Sparta Contributed still farther to degrade MykSnae, 
with the by disposing subsequent poets to treat the chief 
Argof and of the Grecian armament against Troy as having 
been a Spartan. It has been already mentioned 
that St^ichorus, Simonidds and Pindar adopted 
this version of the legend. We know that Zeus 
Agamemndn, as well as the hero Menelaus, was 
worshiped at the D6rian Sparta^ ; and the feeling 
of intimate identity, as well as of patriotic pride, 
which had grown up in the minds of the Spartans 
connected with the name of Agamemn6n, is forcibly 
evinced by the reply of the Spartan Syagrus to 
Gel6n of Syracuse at the time of the Persian inva- 
sion of Greece. Gel6n was solicited to lend his aid 
in the imminent danger of Greece before the battle 
of Salamis: he offered to furnish an immense 
auxiliary force, on condition that the supreme com- 
mand should be allotted to him. ^' Ijoudly in- 

' See the pre&ce of Dissen to the tenth Nem. of Pindar. 

^ Clemens Alexandr. Admonit. ad Gent. p. 24. *AyaijJfUfova yovv 
TUfa Ala h ^irAfynj rtfiaaBai Zr6xpvkos loroptt See alao (Knomana ap. 
Euaeb. Pneparat. Eyangel. v. 28. 


deed would the Pelopid Agamemndn cry out (ex- 
claimed Syagrus in rejecting this application), if he 
were to learn that the Spartans had been deprived 
of the headship by Gel6n and the Syracusans^'' 
Nearly a century before this events in obedience to 
the injunctions of the Delphian oracle, the Spartans 
had brought back from Tegea to Sparta the bones 
of '' the Lac6nian Orestes," as Pindar denominates A{ 

him^ : the recovery of these bones was announced omt^ 
to them as the means of reversing a course of iU- {JTs^SS!!* 
fortune, and of procuring victory in their war 
against Tegea*. The value which they set upon 
this acquisition, and the decisive results ascribed 
to it, exhibit a precise analogy with the recovery 
of the bones of Theseus from Skyros by the Athe- 
nian Cimdn shortly after the Persian invasion^. 
The remains sought were those of a hero properly 
belonging to their own soil, but who had died in a 
foreign land, and of whose protection and assist- 
ance they were for that reason deprived. And the 
superhuman magnitude of the bones, which were 
contained, in a coffin seven cubits long, is well- 
suited to the legendary grandeur of the son of 

1 Herodot. yiL 159. *H m fiey tifjJtfyi^ 6 ntXonUhjs *AyaftifAPt»v, 
inf06fupos ^irofyruiras 63rap<uprj<rBai rijp ^y€fu}viav vir6 Vik»v6s rt kqI t&p 
2vpaK»vai»p : compare Homer, Iliad, yii. 125. See what appears to be 
an imitation of the same passage in Josephus, De Bello Judaico, iii. 8, 4. 
^ fuyakd y Sbf crtp^^ttay o2 vdrpun p6f»oiy &c, 

3 Pindar, Pyth. zi. 16. * Herodot. i. 68. 

^ Plutarch, Tbdteus, e. 36, €im6n, c. 8 ; Pausan. uL 3, 6. 




^hho^" The earliest names in Lacdnian genealogy are, an 
nous in u- autochthonous Leiex and a Naiad nymph Kieo* 
cbareia. From this pair sprung a son Eurdtas, and 
from him a daughter Sparta, who became the wife 
of Lacedaemdn, son of Zeus and TaygetS, daughter 
of Atlas. Amyklas, son of Lacedaem6n, had two 
sons, Kynortas and Hyakinthus — the latter a beau- 
tiful youth, the favourite of Apollo, by whose 
hand he was accidentally killed while playing at 
quoits : the festival of the Hyakinthia, which the 
Lacedaemdnians generally, and the Amyklaeans with 
special solemnity, celebrated throughout the histo- 
rical ages, was traced back to this legend. Kynor- 
tas was succeeded by his son FeriSrSs, who married 
Gorgophond, daughter of Perseus, and had a nume- 
rous issue — Tyndareus, Ikarius, Aphareus, Leukip- 
pus, and Hippokoon. Some authors gave the 
genealogy differently, making Peri6r6s, son of uEo- 
lus, to be the father of Kynortas, and CEbalus son 
of Kynortas, from whom sprung Tyndareus, Ikarius 
and Hippokoon \ 
Tyndarcnt Both Tyudarcus and Ikarius, expelled by their 
brother Hippokoon, were forced to seek shelter at 
the residence of Thestius, king of Kalyd6n, whose 
daughter, Ldda, Tyndareus espoused. It is num- 

^ Compare Apollod. iii. 10, 4. Pauian. iiL I, 4. 


bered among the exploits of the omnipreBent Hd- 
raklSs, that he slew Hippokoon and his sons, and 
restored Tyndareus to bis kingdom, thus creating 
for the subsequent HSrakleidan kings a mythical 
title to the throne. Tyndareus, as well as his bro- 
thers, are persons of interest in legendary narra- 
tive : he is the father of Kast6r — of Timandra, 
married to Echemus, the hero of Tegea^ — ^and of 
KlytsemnSstra, married to Agamemn6n. Pollux 
and the ever-memorable Helen are the offspring 
of Ldda by Zeus. Ikarius is the father of Pene- offspring of 
lop6, wife of Odysseus : the contrast between her if^[iwr, 
behaviour and that of KlytaemnSstra and Helen ^^^^^^ 
became the more striking in consequence of their *^^ 
being so nearly related. Aphareus is the father of Helen. 
Idas and Lynkeus, while Leukippus has for his 
daughters, FhoebS and Ila^ira. According to one of 
the Hesiodic poems, Kastdr and Pollux were both 
sons of Zeus by LSda, while Helen was neither 
daughter of Zeus nor of Tyndareus, but of Oceanus 
and T6thys«. 

The brothers Kastdr and (Polydeukfis, or) Pollux 
are no less celebrated for their fraternal affection 
than for their great bodily accomplishments : Kas- 
tdr, the great charioteer and horse-master ; Pollux, 
the first of pugilists. They are enrolled both 
among the hunters of the Kalyd6nian boar and 
among the heroes of the Argonautic expedition, in 
which Pollux represses the insolence of Amykus, 

' Hesiod. ap. Schol. Pindar, Olymp. xi. 79. 

^ Hetiod. ap. Schol. Pindar. Nem. x. 150. Fragm. Hesiod. Diint- 
ser, 58. p. 44. Tyndareus was worshiped as a god at Lacedaemon 
(Varro ap. Senr. ad Virgil, ^neid. viii. 275). 


king of the Bebrykes, on the coast of Asiatic 
Thrace — the latter, a gigantic pugilist, from whom 
Kastdr and no rival has evcr escaped, challenges Pollux, but is 
vanquished and killed inthe fights 

The two brothers also undertook an expedition 
into Attica, for the purpose of recovering their 
sister Helen, who had been carried off by The- 
seus in her early youth, and. deposited by him at 
Aphidna, while he accompanied Peirithous to the 
under-world, in order to assist his friend in carry- 
ing off Piersephond. The force of Kast6r and 
Pbllux was irresistible, and when they re-demanded 
their sister, the people of Attica were anxious to 
restore her : but no one knew where Theseus had 
deposited his prize. The invaders, not bdieving 
in the sincerity of this denial, i>rooeeded to ravage 
the country, which would have been utterly ruined, 
had not Dekelus, the eponymus of Dekeleia, been 
able to indicate Aphidna as the place of con- 
cealment. The autochthonous Titakus betrayed 
Aphidna to Kastdr and Pollux, and Helen was 
Legend of fccovered : the brothers, in evacuating Attica, car- 
D^ei^ ried away into captivity JSthra, the mother of The- 
seus. In after-days, when Kast6r and Pollux, under 
the title of the Dioskuri, had come to be wor- 
shiped as poweHul gods, and when the Athenians 
were greatly ashamed of this act of ThSseus — 
the revelation made by Dekelus was considered as 

> ApoUdn. Rhod. ii. 1-96. ApoUod.i. 9,20. Theokrit zxii. 26-133. 
In the account of Apoll6mu8 and ApoUod6ni8, Amykus is slain in the 
contest ; in that of Theokritus he is only conquered and forced to give 
in, with a promise to renounce for the future his hrutal conduct : 
there were several different nanrattres. See Schol. Apolkm. Rhod. 
ii. 106. 


entitling him to the lasting gratitude of his coun« 
try, as well as to the favourable remembrance of 
the . Laced8em6nians, who maintained the Deke- 
leians in the constant enjoyment of certain hono- 
rary privileges at Sparta S and even spared that 
d^me in all their invasions o[ Attica. Nor is it 
improbable that the existence of this legend had 
some weight in determining the Lacedeemdnians 
to select Dekeleia as the place of their occupation 
during the Peloponn^ian war. 

The fatal combat between Kast6r and Poly« 
deukte on the one side, and Idas and Lynkeus on 
the other; for the^ possession of the daughters of 
Lenkippus, was celebrated by more than one an- 
cient poet, and forms the subject of one of the yet 
remaining Idylls of Theokritus. Leukippus had 
formally betrothed his daughters to Idas and Lyn- 
keus ; but the Tyndarids, becoming enamoured of Idas nd 
them, outbid their rivals in the value of the cus- 3^^'**~* 
tomary nuptial gifts, persuaded the father to vio- 
late his promise, and carried off PhosbS and Ila^ira 
as their brides. Idas and Lynkeus pursued them 
and remonstrated against the injustice : according 
to Theokritus, this was the cause of the combat. 

* I>iod6r. iv. 63. Herod, ix. 73. AciecXcooy dc r&v r&re ipyatra' 
fA€v»v tftyov xpiitrtiicv is rhv ir&ifra "j^fti^vp^ &t avroi 'AAjmuo* X//ov<ri, 
Aeoording to other autliors, it was AkadSmut who made the rerebition, 
and the spot called Akaddmia, near Athens, which the Laced8em6nian8 
qNured in eowdderation of this service (Plutardi, Th^seua, 31, 32, 33, 
where he gives aeveral differ^it versions of this tale bj Attic writers, 
framed with the view of exonerating Th^sent). The recovery of Helen 
and the captivity of ^thra were represented on the ancient chest of 
KypseluB, with the following curious insoriptimi : — 

Tv¥daplda 'EX^oy ^ptiw, At^ V 'A^vaBtv 
*£XMT)or. Pansan. v. 19, 1. 


But there was another tale, which seems the older, 
and which assigns a different cause to the quarrel. 
The four had jointly made a predatory incursion 
into Arcadia and had driven off some cattle, bqt 
did not agree about the partition of the booty — 
Idas carried off into Mess^nia a portion of it which 
the Tyndarids claimed as their own. To revenge 
and reimburse themselves, the Tyndarids invaded 
Mess^nia, placing themselves in ambush in the 
hollow of an ancient oak. But Lynkeus, endued 
with preternatural powers of vision, mounted to the 
top of Taygetus, from whence, as he could see over 
the whole Peloponnesus, he detected them in their 
chosen place of concealment. Such was the nar- 
rative of the ancient Cyprian Verses. Kastdr 
perished by the hand of Idas, Lynkeus by that of 
Pollux. Idas, seizing a stone pillar from the tomb 
of his father Aphareus, hurled it at Pollux, knocked 
him down and stunned him ; but Zeus, interposing 
at the critical moment for the protection of his son, 
killed Idas with a thunderbolt. Zeus would have 
conferred upon Pollux the gift o[ immortality, but 
the latter could not endure existence without his 
brother : he entreated permission to share the gift 
with Kastdr, and both were accordingly permitted 
to live, but only on every other day*. 
The Dioskuri, or sons of Zeus, — as the two 

' Cypna Carm. Fragm. 8. p. 13, Diintzer. LykophMn, 538-666 with 
Schol. ApoUod. iii. 11, 1. Pindar, Nem. x. 65-90. frtpfffupw d^apoalap : 
also Homer, Odysa. zi. 302, with the Commentaiy of Nitzsdi, toI. iiL 
p. 245. 

The comhat thus ends more favourably to the Tyndarids ; but probably 
the account least favourable to them is the oldest, since their dignity 
went on continually increasing, until at last they became great deities. 


Spartan heroes, Kast6r and Pollux, were denomi- 
nated, — were recognised in the historical days of 
Greece as gods, and received divine honours. This 
is even noticed in a passage of the Odyssey, which 
is at any rate a very old interpolation, as well as in 
one of the Homeric hymns. What is yet more owtt fane 
remarkable is, that they were invoked during power of 
storms at sea, as the special and alUpowerful pro- iuri?*^ 
tectors of the endangered mariner, although their 
attributes and their celebrity seem to be of a cha- 
racter so dissimilar. They were worshiped through- 
out most parts of Greece, but with pre-eminent 
sanctity at Sparta. 

Kastdr and Pollux being r^noved, the Spartan 
genealogy passes from Tyndareus to Menelaus, and 
from him to Orestds. 

Originally it appears that MessSnS was a name 
for the western portion of Lac6nia, bordering on 
what was called Pylos : it is so represented in the 
Odyssey, and Ephorus seems to have included it 
amongst the possessions of Orestds and his de- 
scendants ^ . Throughout the whole duration of the 
Messdnico-Ddrian kingdom, there never was any 
town called MessSnd : the town was first founded 
by Epameinondas, after the battle of Leuctra. The 
heroic genealogy of MessSnia starts from the same Mess^ian 
name as that of Lac6nia-T--from the autochthonous **" ^^* 
Lelex : his younger son, Polyka6n, marries Mes* 
sSnS, daughter of the Argeian Triopas, and settles 
the country. Pausanias tells us that the posterity 
of this pair occupied the country for five genera- 
tions ; but he in vain searched the ancient genea- 

^ Odyis. xxi. 15. Diod6r. xr. 66. 


logical poems to find the names of their descend- 
ants ^ To them succeeded Peri^rte, son of ^olus ; 
and Aphareus and Leukippus, according to Pausa- 
PeridrH— nias^ were sons of PeriSr^. Idas and Lynkeus are 
Mtfp^ the only heroes, distinguished for personal exploits 
and memorable attributes, belonging to Messdnia 
proper. They are the counterpart of the Dioskuri, 
and were interesting persons in the old legendary 
poems. Marp^sa was the daughter of Eu^nus, 
and wooed by Apollo : nevertheless Idas' carried 
her off by the aid of a winged chariot which he 
had received from Poseiddn. Eudnus pursued 
them, and when he arrived at the river Lykormas, 
he found himself unable to overtake them: his 
grief caused him to throw himself into the river, 
which ever afterwards bore his name. Idas brought 
Marp^sa safe to Mess^nia, and even when Apollo 
there claimed her of him, he did not fear to risk a 
combat with the god. But Zeus interfered as me- 
diator, and permitted the maiden to choose which 
of the two she preferred. She attached herself to 
Idas, being apprehensive that Apollo would desert 
her in her old age : on the death of her husband 
she slew herself. Both Idas and Lynkeus took part 
in the Argonautic expedition and in the Kalyd6nian 
boar-hunt ^ 

> Pausan. ir. 2, I. 

' niad, ix. 653. Simonid^ had handled tiiis itory m detail (Schol. 
Ven. D. ix. p. 553). Baodiylidds (ap. Schol. Pindar. Isthm. iv. 92) ce- 
lebrated in one of his poems the competition among many eager suit- 
ors for the hand of Marp^ssa, under circumstances similar to the com- 
petition for Hippodamoa, daughter of (Enomaus. Many unsuecesaful 
suitors perished by the hand of EuSnus : their skulls were affixed to Uie 
wall of the temple of Poseid6n. 

' ApoUod. i. 7* 9. Pausan. iv. 2, 5. Apollonius Rhodius describes 


Aphareus, after the death of his sons, founded 
the town of ArSnS, and made over most part of 
his dominions to his kinsman NdieuSi with whom 
we pass into the Pylian genealogy. 

Idas aa fall of boaat and self-confidenoe, heedless of the necessity of 
diyine aid. Probably tiiis was the character of the brothers in the old 
legend, as the enemies of the Dioskuri. 

The wrath of the Dioskuri against Messdnia was treated, even in the 
historical times, as the grand cause of the subjection of the liessfaians 
by the Spartans: that wrath had been appeased at the time when 
Epameinondas reconstituted Messed (Pausan. iv. 27, 1)« 




Pdtagu. The Arcadian divine or heroic pedigree begins 
with Pelasgus, whom both Hesiod and Asius con- 
sidered as an indigenous man, though Akusilaus 
the Argeian represented him as brother of Argos 
and son of Zeus by Niobd, daughter of Phojj^neus : 
this logographer wished to establish a community 
of origin between the Argeians and the Arcadians. 
huftftJ*"^ Lyka6n, son of Pelasgus and king of Arcadia, 
•OM. had, by different wives, fifty sons, the most savage, 
impious and wicked of mankind : Maenalus was 
the eldest of them. Zeus, in order that he might 
himself become a witness of their misdeeds, pre- 
sented himself to them in disguise. They killed a 
child and served it up to him for a meal ; but the 
god overturned the table and struck dead with 
thunder Lyka6n and all his fifty sons, with the 
single exception of Nyktimus, the youngest, whom 
he spared at the earnest intercession of the god- 
dess Gaea (the Earth). The town near which the 
table was overturned received the name of Trapezus 
Legend of This singular legend (framed on the same ety- 
ferodty mological type as that of the ants in uEgina, re- 
^eOods. counted elsewhere) seems ancient, and may pro* 
bably belong to the Hesiodic Catalogue. But 
Pausanias tells us a story in many respects dif- 


ferenti which was represented to him in Arcadia 
as the primitive local account, and which becomes 
the more interesting, as he tells us that he him- 
self fully believes it. Both tales indeed go to il- 
lustrate the same point — the ferocity of Lykadn's 
character, as well as the cruel rites which he prac- 
tised. The latter was the first who established the 
worship and solemn games of Zeus Lykseus: he 
ofiered up a child to Zeus, and made libations 
with the blood upon the altar. Immediately after 
having perpetrated this act, he was changed into a 

" Of the truth of this narrative (observes Pau- Deepreu. 
sanias) I feel persuaded : it has been repeated by SfPaiua. 
the Arcadians from old tim^s, and it carries pro- "*^ 
bability along with it. For the men of that day, 
from their justice and piety, were guests and com- 
panions at table with the gods, who manifested 
towards them approbation when they were good, 

^ Apollod6r. iii. 8, 1. Hygin. fab. 176. Eratosthen. Catasterism. 8. 
Pansan. yiii. 2, 2-3. A different story respectmg the immolation of 
the child is in Nikolaus Damask. Frag. p. 41, Orelli. Lykaon is men- 
tioned as the first founder of the temple of Zeus Lykseus in Schol. Eurip. 
Orest. 1662; but nothing is there said about the human sacrifice or its 
consequences. In the historical times, the festival and solemnities of 
the Lyksea do not seem to have been distinguished materially firom the 
other agones of Greece (Pindar, Olymp. xiii. 104 ; Nem. x. 46) : Xenias 
the Arcadian, one of the generals in the army of Cyrus the younger, 
celebrated the solemnity with great magnificence in the march through 
Asia Minor (Xen. Anab. i. 2, 10). But the fable of the human sacri- 
fice, and the subsequent transmutation of the person who had eaten 
human food into a wolf, continued to be told in connection with them 
(Plato, de Republic, yiii. c. 15. p. 417). Compare Phny, H. N. yiii. 34. 
This passage of Plato seems to afford distinct indication that the prac- 
tice of offiering human victhns at the altar of the Lyluean Zeus was 
neither prevalent nor recent, but at most only traditional and anti- 
quated i and it therefore limits the sense or invalidates the authority 
of the Pseudo-Platonic dialogue, Minos, c. 6. 


and anger if they behaved ill, in a palpable man- 
ner: indeed at that time there were some, who 
having once been men, became gods, and who yet 
retain their privileges as such— Aristaeus, the Kr^ 
tan Britomartis, Hdrakl^s son of Alkmdna, Am- 
phiaraus the son of Oiklds, and Pollux and Kastdr 
besides. We may therefore believe that Lyka6n 
became a wild beast, and that NiobS, the daughter 
of Tantalus, became a stone. But in my time, 
wickedness having enormously increased, so as to 
overrun the whole earth and all the cities in it, 
there are no farther examples of men exalted into 
gods, except by mere title and from adulation to- 
wards the powerful: moreover the anger of the 
gods falls tardily upon the wicked, and is reserved 
for them after their departure from hence. '* 
Hwytewof Pausanias then proceeds to censure those who, 
pre^* by multiplying false miracles in more recent times, 
tended to rob the old and genuine miracles of their 
legitimate credit and esteem. The passage illus- 
trates forcibly the views which a religious and in- 
structed pagan took of his past time — ^how insepa- 
rably he blended together in it gods and men, and 
how little he either recognised or expected to find 
in it the naked pheenomena and historical laws qf 
connection which belonged to the world befiDre 
him. He treats the past as the province of le- 
gend, the present as that of history ; and in doing 
this he is more sceptical than the persons vrith 
whom he conversed, who believed not only in the 
ancient, but even in the recent and falsely reported 
miracles. It is true that Pausanias does not al- 
ways proceed consistently with this position : he 


often rationalises the stories of the past, as if he 
expected to find historical threads of connexion ; 
and sometimes, though more rarely, accepts the 
miracles of the present. But in the present in- 
stance he draws a broad line of distinction be- 
tween present and past, or rather between what is 
recent and what is ancient : his criticism is, in the 
main, analogous to that of Arrian in regard to the 
Amazons — denying their existence during times of 
recorded history, but admitting it during the early 
and unrecorded ages. 

In the narrative of Pausanias, the sons of Ly- 
kaAa, instead of perishing by thunder from Zeus, 
become the founders of the various towns in Ar- 
cadia. And as that region was subdivided into a 
great number of small and independent townships, 
each having its own eponym, so the Arcadian he- 
roic genealogy appears broken up and subdivided. 
Fallas, Orestheus, Phigalus, Trapezeus, Msenalufit, 
Mantindus, and Tegeatds, are all numbered among 
the sons of Lyka6n, and are all eponyms of various 
Arcadian towns K 

The legend respecting KallistA and Arkas, the Kaiiiftd 
eponym of Arcadia generally, seems to have been *** 

originally quite independent of and distinct from 
that of LykaAn. Eumdius, indeed, and some other 
po^8 made Kallistd daughter of Lyka6n ; but 
neither Hesiod, nor Asius, nor Pherekydte, ac- 
knowledged any relationship between them*. The 
beautiful Kallistd, companion of Artemis in the 
chase, had bound herself by a vow of chastity: 
Zeus, either by persuasion or by force, obtained a 

> Pant. Tin. 3. Hygm. fmb. 177. * Apollod. iU. 8, 9, 

vot. I. a 


violation of the vow, to the grievous displeasure 
both of Hdrd and Artemis. The former changed 
Kallistd into a bear, the latter, when she was in 
that shape, killed her with an arrow. Zeus gave 
to the unfortunate Kallistd a place among the 
stars, as the constellation of the Bear: he also 
preserved the child Arkas, of which she was preg<» 
nant by him, and gave it to the Atlantid nymph 
Maia to bring up'. 
^^^ Arkas, when he became king, obtained from 
EUtnt. Triptolemus and communicated to his people the 
first rudiments of agriculture ; he also taught them 
to make bread, to spin, and to weave. He had 
three sons — Azan, Apheidas, and Elatus : the first 
was the eponym of Azania, the northern region 
of Arcadia ; the second was one of the heroes of 
Tegea ; the third was father of Ischys (rival of 
Apollo for the affections of Kordnis) , as well as of 
^pytus and Kylldn : the name of iEpytus among 
the heroes of Arcadia is as old as the Catalogue in 
the Iliad*. 
a^Ttii Aleus, son of Apheidas and king of Tegea, was 
phus/ the founder of the celebrated temple and worship 
af AthSnS Alea in that town. Lykurgus and KSr 
pheus were his sons, AugS his daughter, who was 
seduced by HdraklSs, and s^^retly bore to him a 
child: the father, discovering what had happened, 

' Pausan. yiii. 3, 2. ApoUod. iii. 8, 2. Hesiod. apud EratotUieii. 
Catasterism. 1. Fragm. 182, Marktach. Hygin. f. 177. 

• Homer, Iliad, ii. 604. Find. Olymp, vi. 44-63. 

The tomb of ^pytus, mentioned in the Iliad, was shown to Pansa- 
nias between Flieneus and Stymphalus (Pausan. yiii. 16, 2). ^pytus 
was a cognomen of Herm^ (Pausan. yiii. 47, 3). 

The hero Arkas was worshiped at Mantineia, under the special in- 
junction of the Delphian oracle (Pausan. yiii. 9, 2). 


sent AugS to Nauplius to be sold into slavery: 
Teuthras, king of Myaia in Asia Minor, purchased 
her and made her his wife : her tomb wa^ shown 
at Pergamus on the river Kaikus even in the time 
of Pausanias^ 

The child TSlephus, exposed on Mount Parthe- 
nius, was wonderlully sustained by the milk of a 
doe : the herdsmen of Korythus brought him up, 
and he was directed by the Delphian oracle to go 
and find his parents in Mysia. Teuthras adopted 
him, and he succeeded to the throne. In the first 
attempt of the army of Agamemndn against Troy, 
on which occasion they mistook their point and 
landed in Mysia, his valour signally contributed to 
the repulse of the Greeks, though he was at last 
vanquished and desperately wounded by the spear 
<rf Achilles — by whom however he was afterwardfii 
healed, under the injunction of the oracle, and be- 
came the guide of the Greeks in their renewed 
attack upon th^ Trojans^. 

' Paosan. viiL 4, 6. Apollod. iiL 9, 1. Dioddr. hr. dd. 

A separate legend respectmg Aug6 and the birth of T^lephua wai 
current at Tegea, attached to the temple, statue, and cognomen of 
Efleithyia in the Tegeatic agora (Pansan. viii. 48, 6). 

Hekatdu seems to hove narrated in detail the adyeatures of Angft 
(Pansan. yiii. 4, 4 ; 47, 3. Hekato. Fragm. 345, Didot). 

Euripides followed a different story about Aug^ and the birth of 
TOephus in his ket tragedy called Aug6. (See Straboi ziii. p. 6L5.) 
Respecting the Mvo-ol of .^schylus, and the two lost dramas, *AXcadal 
and Mva-ol of Sophokl^, httle can be made out. See Welcker, Orie- 
chisch. Tragod. p. 53, 406-414.) 

' T^lephus and his exploits were much dwelt upon in the lost old 
epic poem, the Cyprian Verses. See argument of that poem ap. Diintzer^ 
£p. Fragm. p. 10. His exploits were also celebrated by Pindar (Olymp. 
ix. 7(^79); he is enumerated along with Hector, Kyknus, Memn6n, 
the most distingnished opponents of Achilles (Isthm. iv. 46). His birth, 
as well as his adyentores, became subjects with most of the great Attb 




From LykurgusS the son of Aleus and brother 
of Augd, we pass to his son Ankseus, numbered 
among the Argonauts, finally killed in the chase 
of the Kalydftnian boar, and father of Agapen6r, 
who leads the Arcadian contingent against Troy, — 
(the adventures of his niece, the Tegeatic huntress 
Atalanta, have already been touched upon,) — 
th^i to Echemus, son of A^ropus and grandson 
of ^ brother of Lykurgus, K^pheus. Echemus 
is the chief heroic ornament of Tegea. When 
Hyllus, the son of HSraklSs, conducted the HSra- 
kleids on their first expedition against Pelopon- 
nesus, Echemus commanded the Tegean troops 
who assembled along with the other Peloponnteians 
at the isthmus of Corinth to repel the invasion : it 
was agreed that the dispute should be determined 
by single combat, and Echemus, as the champion 
of Peloponnesus, encountered and killed Hyllus. 
Pursuant to the stipulation by which they had 
bound themselves, the Hdrakleids retired, and abs- 
tained for three generations from pressing their 
claim upon Peloponnesus. This valorous exploit 
of their great martial hero was cited and appealed 
to by the Tegeates before the battle of Platcsa, as 
the principal evidence of their claim to the second 
post in the combiiied army, next in point of honour 
to that of the Laoedsemftnians, and superior to that 
of the Athenians : the latter replied to them by 
producing as counter-evidence the splendid heroic 
deeds of Athens, — the protection of the HSrakleids 

1 There were other local genealogies of Tegea deduced from Lykor- 
goa : fidtachiu, eponym of the d6me B6tachide at that place* was his 
grandson (Nicolaus ap. Steph. fiyz. y. Ba»r(ixidac). 


against Eurystheus, the victory over the Kadmeians ^^"J^^ 
of Thebes, and the complete defeat of the Amazons — H^n- 
in Attica ^ Nor can there be any doubt that these geucd from 
legendary glories were both recited by the speakers, n^^"' 
and heard by the listeners, with profound and un- 
doubting faith, as well as with heart-stirring admi- 

One other person there is — Ischys, sonof Elatus 
and grandson of Arkas — in the fabulous genealogy 
of Arcadia, whom it would be improper to pass 
over, inasmuch as his name and adventures are 
connected with the genesis of the memorable god or 
hero iEsculapius, or Askldpius. Kor6nis, daughter Kordnit 
of Phlegyas, and resident near the lake Boeb^is in ^^ * 
Thessaly, was beloved by Apollo and became preg- 
nant by him : unfaithful to the god, she listened to 
the propositions of Ischys son of Elatus, and con- 
sented to wed him : a raven brought to Apollo the 
fatal news, which so incensed him that he changed 
the colour of the bird from white, as it previously 
had been, into black^ Artemis, to avenge the 
wounded dignity of her brother, put Kordnis to 

' Horodot. ix. 27. Echemus is described by Pindar ((H. xi. 69) as 
gaisiiig the prize of wresUiiig in the ftbulous Olympic games, on their 
first estabhiriiment by Hdraklls. He also found a place in the Hesiodic 
Catalogue as husband of Timandra, the sister of Helen and Klytae- 
mnftstra (Hesiod, Fragm. 105, p. 318, Marktscheff.)* 

' ApoBodte. iii. 10, 3; Hesiod* Fragm. 141-142, Marktscheff.; 
Stnb. ix. p. 442 ; Pherel^d^s, Fragm. 8 ; Akusilaus, Fragm. 25, Didot. 

YivOii h TfyaBtfjp, kcu p thf>paa'€if tfpy diSiyXa 
^o(|3^ dK€pa'€K6fUf, Stt^laxyt yrjp^ K6p«uf$p 
EtXartdi;9, ^Xtyvao dtoyvriroio Bvyarpa. (Hesiod, Fr.) 

The change of the colour of the crow is noticed both in Orid, Meta- 

morph. ii. 632, in Antonin. Liberal, c. 20, and in Servius ad Virgil. 

^neid. vii. 761, though the name '* Corvo custode ejus " is there printed 

with a cs^ital letter, as if it were a man named Corvus, 


death ; but Apollo preserved the male child of 
which she was about to be delivered, and consigned 
it to the Centaur Cheirdn to be brought up. The 
child WW named Askldpius or ^sculapius, and 
acquired, partly from the teaching of the beneficent 
leech Cheirdn, partly from inborn and superhu- 
man aptitude, a knowledge of the virtues of herbs 
and a mastery of medicine and surgery, such aa 
had never before been witnessed. He not only 
cured the sick, the wounded, and the dying, but 
even restored the dead to life. Kapaneus, Eri- 
phylS, Hippolytus, Tyndareus and Glaukus were 
all affirmed by different poets and logographers to 
have been endued by him with a new hfe^ But 
Zeus now found himself under the necessity of 
taking precautions lest mankind, thus unexpectedly 
protected against sickness and death, should no 
longer stand in need of the immortal gods: he 
smote Askldpius with thunder and killed him, 
Apollo was so exasperated by this slaughter of his 
highly-gifted son, that he killed the Cycldpes who 

> Schol. Eurip. AlkSst. 1 ; Diod6r. It. 71 ; ApoUoddr. iii. 10, 3 ; Pin- 
dar, Vyih, iii. 59 ; Sextoi Empiric, ady. GnuoDmatic. L 12. p. 271. Ste- 
sichonit named Eriphyld — the Naupaktian Tenes, Hif^xdytna — (com- 
pare Sernua ad Virgil. JBneid. viL 761) ; Panyaaia, Tyndarena; a proof 
of the popuhirity of this tale among the poeta. Pindar laya that 
.£8culapiu8 was *' tempted by gold " to raise a man from the dead, 
and Plato (Legg. iii. p. 408) copies him : this seems intended to afford 
some colour for the subsequent punishment. ^'Mercede id captum 
(observes Boeckh. ad Pindar. 1. c.) .£sculapium fecisse recentior est 
fictio ; Pindari fortasse ipsius, quern tragici secuti sunt : baud dubie a 
medicorum ayaris moribus profecta, qui Gnecorum medids nostrisque 
communes sunt." The rapacity of the physicians (granting it to be 
ever so well-founded, both then and now) appears to me less likely to 
have operated upon the mind of Pindar, than the disposition to extenuate 
the cruelty of Zeus, by imputing guilty and sordid views to Addlpius. 
Compare the citation from Diksearchus, infrh p. 249, note 1. 

Chap. IX.] ASKLBPIUS. S47 

bad fabricated the thuoder, and Zeus was about 
to condemn him to Tartarus for doing so ; but on 
the intercession of Lat6na he relented, and was 
satisfied with imposing upon him a temporary ser- 
vitude in the house of Admdtus at Ph^rse^. 

Askl^pius was worshiped with very great solem- ^*J??f®^^ 
nit^ at Trikka, at K6s, at Knidus^ and in many Aakidpius 
different parts of Oreece^ but especially at Epi- ronsie-' 
daurus, so that more than one legend had grown ^^ 
up respecting the details of his birth and adven- 
tures : in particular, his mother was by some called 
Arsinod. But a formal application had been made 
on this subject (so the Epidaurians told Pausanias) 
to the oracle of Delphi, and the god in reply ac- 
knowledged that Askldpius was his son by Kordnis^ • 
The tale above recounted seems to have been both 
the oldest and the most current. It is adorned by 
Pindar in a noble ode, wherein however he omits 
all mention of the raven as messenger — not speci- 
fying who or what the spy was from whom Apollo 
learnt the infidelity of Kordnis. By many this was 
considered as an improvement in respect of poetical 
effect, but it illustrates the mode in which the cha- 
racteristic details and simplicity of the old fables' 

* Pausan. ii. 26, where several distinct stories are mentioned, each 
springing up at some one or other of the sanctuaries of the god : quite 
enough to justify the idea of these ^sculapii (Cicero, N. D. iii. 22). 

Homer, Hymn, ad JSscukp. 2. The tale hriefly alluded to in the 
Homeric Hymn, ad ApoUin. 209. is evidently different : Ischys is there 
the companion of Apollo, and Kor6nis is an Arcadian damsel. 

Aristid^, ihe fervent worshiper of AsklSpius, adopted the story of 
Kor6nis, and composed hymns on the ydfiop Kop€ividos icai y€P€<np tov 
Beov (Drat. 23. p. 463, Dind.). 

' See Pindar, Pyth. iii. The Scholiast puts a construction upon 
Pindar's words which is at any rate far-fetched, if indeed it be at all 

248 HISTORY OF GRB£CB. [Pasv 1. 

came to be exchanged for dignified generalities, 
adapted to the altered taste of society, 
^d^p^ Machadn and Podaleirius, the two sons of Askld- 
idrios. pius, command the contingent from Trikka, in the 
north-west region of Thessaly, at the siege of Troy 
by Agamemndn ^ They are the leeches of the Gre- 
cian army, highly prized, and consulted by all the 
wounded chiefs. Their medical renown was further 
prolonged in the subsequent poem of Arktinus, 
the lliu-Persis, wherein the one was represented 
as unrivalled in surgical operations, the other as 
sagacious in detecting and appreciating morbid 
symptoms. It ¥ras Podaleirius who first noticed 
the gliaring eyes and disturbed deportment which 
preceded the suteide of Ajax*. 
Kbmiroas Oaleu appetrs uncertain whether Askldpius (as 
^^fdv!^. well as Dionysus) was originally a god, or wheUmr 
^U6^ be was first a man and then became afterwards a 
god^; but Apollod6rus professed to fix the exact 
date of his apotheosis^. Throughout all the histo* 

admissible : he supposes that ApoHo knew the fact from his own onmi- 
seMce, wtthoot any infimnant, and he ptaiaes Pindar for ha;Ting thai 
transformed the old fable. But the words evd* IXa^ vkAitov seem cer- 
tainly to imply some informant: to suppose that itk&kov means the 
god's own mind, is a strained interpretation. 

> Iliad, ii. 730. The MessSnians laid claim to the sons of Askl^na 
as their heroes, and tried to justify the pretension by a forced cmistruc- 
tion of Homer (Pauaan. iii. 4, 2). 

* Arktinus, Epicc. Ghrsec. Fragm. 2. p. 22, Diintzer. The llias Minor 
mentioned the death of Macha6n by Enrypylus, son of T^lephus 
(Fragm. 5. p. 19, Diintzer). 

* 'Ao-KXi/TTicJff yc Tot Koi Ai6pva'og, etr* avBpawoi trpirfpov rfimiv f tT« 
Koi apxnB^v B€oi (Galen, Protreptic. 9. t. 1 . p. 22, Kuhn). Pausanias 
considers him as Btbs ($ apx^s (ii. 26, 7)* In the important temple at 
Smyrna he was worshiped as Zcvs *A<TKK1Jn^6s (AristidSs, Or. 6. p. 64 ; 
Or. 23. p. 456, Dind.). 

* Apollodor. ap. Clem. Alex. Strom, i. p. 381 ; see Heync, Frag- 



rical ages the descendants of Askl^pius were nume- 
rous and widely diffused. The many families or 
gentes called Askldpiads, who devoted themselves 
to the study and practice of medicine, and who 
principally dwelt near the temples of Askldpius, 
whither sick and suffering men came to obtain 
rdief — all recognised the god not merely as the 
object of their common worship, but also as their 
actual progenitor. Like Sol6n, who reckoned N£- 
IgBB and Poseid6n as his ancestors, or the Milesian 
Hekatseus, who traced his origin through fifteen 
successive links to a god — like the privileged gens 
at P^lion in ThessalyS who considered the \Kse 
Centaur Cheir6n as their progenitor, and who in* 
herited from him their precious secrets respecting 
the medicinal herbs of which their neighbourhood 
WW foil, — ^Askl^iads, even of the later times, 
numbered and specified all the intermediate links 
which separated them from their primitive divine 
parent. One of these genealogies has been preserved 
to us, and we may be sure that there were many 
mich, as the Askldpiads were found in many differ- 

vnent. ApoHoddr. p. 410. According to Apolloddnit, the apotheoni of 
H6rakl6i and of iEaculapiui took place at the nme time, thirty-eight 
years after H6rakl6a b^^ to reign at Argoa. 

' About Hekateus, Herodot. ii. 143 ; about SMa^ Diogen. Laert. 
Vit. Pkton. init. 

A curious fragment, preserved from the lost works of Diksaichus, 
tells us of the descendants of the Centaur Cheir6n at the town of 
P^lion, or perhaps at the neighbouring town of DSm^trias, — ^it is not 
' quite certain which, perhaps at both (see Dikaearch. Fragment, ed. Fuhr, 
p. 408). Tavn^v dc ttjp dvMifuv ip t&p iroKir&w otdc ytvot, 6 di) Xr/rroi 
Xtipttpos dir6yovov thai' TTo^didoMri dc «cm dtiKwva-t war^p v2f , koa ovt»s 
ff fivvofus <f)v\d(r<r€rM, m ovdck clXXof o29r tS>v noktr&v' ovx ^top dc 
Tovi iirurraiAtpovf ro 0ap/iaica /ucBov tois KOfiPowri PotfS^lv, aXka wpoiica* 

Plato, de Republ. iii. 4 (p. 391). *Axi^(vsvn6 rf o-o^t^rarf Xcipa»ir» 
rtBpdftfuvos, Compare Xenoph6n, De Venat. c. L 


ent places V Among them were emrolled highly 

instructed and accomplished men» such as the 

great Hippocratda and the historian Ktdsias, who 

prided themselves on the divine origin of themselves 

and their gens* — so much did the legendary element 

pervade even the most philosophical and positive 

Temples of miuds of historical Greece. Nor can there be any 

^^per- doubt that their means of medical observation must 

Sore.'***^ have been largely extended by their vicinity to a 

temple so much frequented by the sick, who come 

in confident hopes of divine reUef, and who, whilst 

they offered up sacrifice and prayer to ^sculapius, 

and slept in his temple in order to be favoured 

with healing suggestions in their dreams, might, in 

* See the genealogy at length in Le Clerc, Histoire de la M^ecine, 
lih. ii. c. 2. p. 7B, also p. 2B7; also Litti^, Introduction aux CEuvres 
Compldtea d'Hippocrate, t. i. p. 35. Hippocrat^ was the serenteenth 
from ^sculapius. 

Theopompus the historian went at considerable length into the pedi- 
gree of the Askllpiads of K6s and Knidus, tracing them up to Poda- 
leirius and his first settlement at S3rmus in Karia (see Theopomp. 
Fragm. Ill, Didot) : Polyanthus of Ryr^nS composed a special treatise 
9rrpl Tfjg rS>v 'AaKkrjiriad&p y€P€tr€»s (Seztus Empiric. adT. Grammat. 
i. 12. p. 271); see Stephan. Byz. y. KAs, and especially Aristid^ 
Orat. yii. Asclipiadm, The Askl^piads were eyen reckoned among the 
'ApxiryfToi of Rhodes, jointly with the Hdrakleids (Aristid^, Or. 44, ad 
Rhod. p. S39, Dind.). 

In the extensiye sacred enclosure at Epidaurus stood the statues of 
Askl^us and his wife Epiond (Pausan. ii. 29, 1) ; two daughters are 
coupled with him by Aristophanes, and he was considered especially 
elhrcus (Plutus, 654) : Jaso, Panakeia and Hygieia are named by Aristid^. 

' Plato, Protagor. c. 6 (p. 311). 'lirtroicpcJny t6v Kaov, t6v r&v *A<r- 
KkTfjriadSv} also Phsedr. c. 121 (p. 270). About Rt^sias, Galen, Opp. 
t. y. p. 652, Basil. ; and Bahrt, Fragm. Kt^site, p. 20. Aristotle (see 
Stahr. Aristotelia, i. p. 32) and Xenophon, the physician of the em- 
peror Claudius, were both AsklSpiads (Tacit. Annal. xii. 61). Plato, 
de Republ. iii. 405, calls them rovs Ko/i^rovf *A<rKk.ipruida£, 

Pausanias, a distinguished physician at Gela in Sicily, and contem- 
porary of the philosopher Empedokl^s, was also an Askl^iad : see the 
yerses of Empedokl^s upon him, Diogen. Laert. yiiL 61. 


case the god withheld his supernatural aid, consult 
his living descendants ^ The sick visitors at Kds, 
or Trikka, or Epidaurus, were numerous and con- 
stant > and the tablets usually hung up to record the 
particulars of their maladies, the remedies resorted 
to, and the cures operated by the god, formed both 
an interesting decoration of the sacred ground and 
an instructive memorial to the Askldpiads^. 

The genealogical descent of Hippocrates and the 
other Askiepiads from the god Askldpius is not 
only analogous to that of Hekatseus and Soldn 
from their respective ancestoral gods, but also to 
that of the Lacedaem6nian kings from Hdraklds, 
upon the basis of which the whole supposed chro- 
nology of the ante-historical times has been 'built, 
from Eratosthenes and ApoUoddrus down to the 
chronologers of the present century*. I shall re- 
vert to this hereafter. 

1 Strabo, viii. p. 374; Aristophan. Vesp. 122; Plutus, 635-750; 
where the visit to the temple of .fisculapius is described in great detail, 
though with a broad farcical colouring. 

During the last illness of Alexander the Great, several of his principal 
officers slept in the temple of Serapis, in the hope that remedies would 
be suggested to them in their dreams (Arrian, vii. 26). 

Pausanias, in describing the various temples of Askl^pius which he 
saw, announces as a fact quite notorious and well-imderstood, " Here 
cores are wrought by the god " (ii. 36, 1 ; iii. 26, 7 ; vii. 27, 4) : see 
Suidas, V. ^Apiarapxos. The orations of Aristid^s, especially the 6th 
and 7th, Asklipius and the AskUpiad<B, are the most striking manifesta- 
tions of fiuth and thanksgiving towards JSsculapius, as well as attesta- 
tions of his extensive working throughout the Grecian world; also 
Orat. 23 and 25, 'Up&v X6yos, 1 and 3; and Or. 45 (De Rhetoric^, 
p. 22, Dind.)) at r* tv *\(rKkrjniov tS>v aci diaTpip6vT»v ay^kal, &C. 

' Pausan. ii. 27, 3; 36, 1. Tavrcus iyytypdfifievd iart leal aydp&y «eal 
ywmix&v ovdfioTa aK€(rB4vTt»y \fn6 tov 'AcrieXi/Trtov, np6a'en di koX pdaifnOf 
6,Ti (Koarog €y6<nja'€, xal &rr»s IdOrf, — the cures are wrought by the god 

* "Apollod6rus setatem Herculis pro cardine chronologic hab|ut " 
(He3me, ad Apolloddr. Fragm. p. 410). 





Thjb memorable heroic genealogy of the ^akids 
establishes a fabulous connection between j£gi- 
na, Salamis, and Phthia, which we can only re- 
cognise as a fact, without being able to trace its 
^*^"»r ^akus was the son of Zeus, born of j£gina, 
and jBgina. daughter of Asopus, whom the god had carried off 
and brought into the island to which he gave her 
name : she was afterwards married to AktAr, and 
had by him Menoetius, father of Patroclus. As 
there were two rivers named Asftpus, one between 
Phlius and Siky6n, and another between Thebes 
and Plataea — so the iEginStan heroic genealogy was 
connected both with that of ThSbes and with that 
of Phlius : and this belief led to practical conse- 
quences in the minds of those who accepted the 
legends as genuine history. For when the Th6- 
bans, in the 68th Olympiad, were hard-pressed in 
war by Athens, they were directed by the Delphian 
oracle to ask assistance of their next of kin : recol- 
lecting that Thdbd and iEgina had been sisters, 
common daughters of Asdpus, they were induced 
to apply to the iEgindtans as their next of kin, 
and the ^ginStans gave them aid, first by sending 
to them their common heroes, the ^alcids, next by 
actual armed force \ Pindar dwells emphatically 

> Hcrodot. V. 81. 



on the heroic brotherhood between Thdbes, his 
native city, and ^gina^ 

j£akus was alone in ^gina : to relieve him from Oftpringof 
this solitude, Zeus changed all the ants in the Pdiens^Te- 
island into men, and thus provided him with a fS&im. 
numerous population, who, from their origin, were 
called Myrmidons* . By his wife End6is, daughter 
of Cheir6n, iEakus had for his sons PSleus and 
Telamdn : by the Nereid PsamathS, he had Ph6kus. 
A monstrous crime had then recently been com- 
mitted by Pelops, in killing the Arcadian prince, 
Stymphalus, under a simulation of friendship and 
hospitality: for this the gods had smitten all 
Greece with famine and barrenness. The oracles 
affirmed that nothing could relieve Greece from 
this intolerable misery except the prayers of iEakus, 
the most pious of mankind. Accordingly envoys 
from all quarters flocked to ^gina, to prevail upon 
j£akuB to put up prayers for them : on his suppli- 
cations the gods relented, and the suffering ioune- 
diately ceased. The grateful Greeks established in 
iBgina the temple and worship of Zeus Panhelld- 
nius, one of the lasting monuments and institutions 

* Nem. IT. 22. Ittihiii. tu. 16. 

* This tale, respectmg the tranifomuitioii of the anti into men^ is as 
old as the Heaiodic Catalogue of Women. See Diintzer^ Fragm. Epicc. 
21. p. 84 ; evidently an etymological tale firom the name Myrmidones. 
Fansanias throws aside both the etymology and the details (^ the mira^ 
de: he says that Zeus raised men fktmi the earth, at the prayer of 
JBakns (ii. 29, 2) : other authors retained the etymology of Myrmidons 
ftons itvpfupcts, hut gave a different explanation (Kallimachus, Fragm. 
114, Diintaer). MvpftMimp ivaijim (Strabo, viiL p. 376). 'Eo-o^i^, 6 
oUurnis (Hygin. fab. 52). 

Aooorchng to the Thessalian legend, Myrmiddn was the son of Zeus 
by Eurymedusa, daughter of Kletor ; Zeus baring assumed the disguise 
of an ant (Clemens Alex. Admon. ad Gent. p. 25. Sylb.). 


^^^ of the island, on the spot where iEakns had offered 
procure re- up his prayer. The statues of the envoys who 
GreeoL ^^^ cotne to soUcit him were yet to be seen in the 
^akeion, or sacred edifice of ^akus, in the time 
of Pansanias : and the Athenian Isokrat^s, in his 
eulogy of Evagoras, the despot of Salamis in Cy- 
prus (who traced his descent through Teukrus to 
^akus), enlarges upon this signal miracle, re- 
counted and believed by other Greeks as well as by 
the iEginStans, as a proof both of the great qualities 
and of the divine favour and patronage displayed 
in the career of the iEakids^ .^Sakus was also 
employed to aid Poseid6n and Apollo in building 
the walls of Troy*. 
Phairat Pdleus and Telamdn, the sons of iEakus, con- 

p^eus and tracting a jealousy of their bastard brother, Ph^kus, 
TcUmdn. |^ wnsequeuce of his eminent skill in gymnastic 
contests, conspired to put him to death. Telamdn 
flung his quoit at him while they were playing to* 
gether, and P61eus despatched him by a blow with 
his hatchet in the back. They then concealed the 
dead body in a wood, but j£aku6, having discovered 
both the act and the agents, banished the brothera 
from the island^. For both of them eminent de- 
stinies were in store. 

* Apollod. iii. 12, 6. laokrat. Evagor. Enoom. toI. ii. p. 278, Auger. 
Pausan. i. 44, 13 ; ii. 29, 6. Schol. Ariitoph. Equit. 1253. 

So in the 100th Paafan, Te^)ectiiig the loraelitea and Phinees, y. 29» 
** They provoked the Lord to anger hy their inventions, and the plagne 
was great among them ; " " Then stood np Phinees and prayed, and so 
the plague eeased; " ''And that was counted unto him for righteousp 
ness, among all posterities for evermore/' 

' Pindar, Olymp. viii. 41, with the Schoha. Didymus did not find 
this story in any other poet older than Pindar. 

* Apollod. iii. 12, 6, who relates the tale somewhat differently; but 


While we notice the indifference to the moral 
quality of actions implied in the old Hesiodic le- 
gend, when it imputes distinctly and nalcedly this 
proceeding to two of the most admired persons 
of the heroic world — it is not less instructive 
to witness the change of feeling which had taken 
place in the age of Pindar. That warm eulogist 
of the great ^akid race hangs down his head 
with shame, and declines to recount, though he is 
obliged darkly to glance at, the cause which forced 
the {ubus iEakus to banish his sons from ^gina. 
It appears that Kallimachus, if we may judge by 
a short fragment, manifested the same repugnance 
to mention it\ 

Telam6n retired to Salamis, then ruled by Ky- TcUmdn, 
chreus, the son of Poseid6n and Salamis, who had goes to st. 
recently rescued the island from the plague of a 
terrible serpent. Hiis animal, expelled from Sala- 
mis, retired to Eleusis in Attica, where it was re- 
ceived and harboured by the goddess DSmStSr in 
her saored domicile'. Ky chreus dying childlese 

the old epic poem ABaDseonis gave the details (ap. Schol. Eiuip. 
Andromach. 685)— 

*Eif6a fnh caniBwg Ttkofiiuf rp«xo«(d«i diatcf 
nXQ^f Kofni* Ilrjkfvs di $oAs avh x'tpa rajntKrcrof 
*A(ivrjv ivxdkKop iirtnkfjyti fieriL pwra, 

' Pindar^ Nem. ▼. 15, with Scholia, and Kallimach. Frag. 136. Apol- 
Idnina Rhodiua repretenta the firatridde as inadvertent and uninten- 
tional (i. 92) ; one instance amongst many of the tendency to soften 
down and moralise the ancient tales. 

Pindar, however, seems to forget this incident when h^ speaks in 
other phices of the general character of Peleus (Olymp. ii. 75-86. 
Isthm. vii. 40). 

' Apollod. iii. 12, 7* Euphorion, Fragm. 5, Duntzer, p. 43, Epioc. 
Grsec. There may have be^ a tutelary serpent in the temple at Eleii- 



[PAmT I. 



rkge with 

left his dominion to Telamdn, who, marrying Peri- 
boea, daughter of Alkathoos, and granddaughter of 
PelopSy had for his son the celebrated Ajax. Tela- 
mdn took part both in the chase of the Kalyddniau 
boar and in the Argonautic expedition : he was also 
the intimate friend and companion of H6raklds, 
whom he accompanied in his enterprise against the 
Amazons, and in the attack made with only six 
ships upon Laomed6n, king of Troy. This last 
enterprise having proved completely successful, 
Telamdn was rewarded by Hdrakl^s with the pos- 
session of the daughter of Laomeddn, Hteiond — 
who bore to him Teukros, the most distinguished 
archer amidst the host of Agamemndn, and the 
founder of Salamis in Cyprus ^ 

Pdleus went to Phthia, where he married the 
daughter of Eurytidn, son of Akt6r, and received 
from him the third part of his dominions. Ta- 
king part in the Kalyd6nian boar-hunt, he uain- 
tentionally killed his father-in-law Eurjrtidn, and 
was obliged to flee to I61kos, where he reeehred 
purification from Akastus, son of Pelias : the dan- 
ger to which he became exposed, by the calum- 
nious accusations of the enamoured wife of Akas- 
tus, has already been touched upon in a previous 
section. Pileus also was among the Argonauts ; the 

lit, M there was in that of AMn% Pdiaa at Athena (Hevodot. tdL 41. 
Photiua, T. OlKovpw S^. Afiatophaa. Lyaiatr. 769, with the SehoL). 

' ApoUod. iii. 12, 7* Hesiod. ap. Strab. ix. p. 393. 

The libation and prayer of H^raklds, prior to the Imth of AjaK, and 
his fixing the name of the yet unborn diild, from an eagle (olcr^) 
whidi appeared in response to his words, was detailed in the Hesiedic 
Ecnai, and is celebrated by Pindar (Isthm. r. 30^54). See also the 

Chap. X.] - PELEUS AND THETIS. 25/ 

most memorable event ia his life however was his 
marriage with the sea-goddess Thetis. Zeus and 
Poseiddn had both conceived a violent passion for 
Thetis. But the former having been forewarned by 
Prom^heus that Thetis was destined to give birth 
to a son more powerful than his father, compelled 
her, much against her own will, to marry PSleus ; 
who, instructed by the intimations of the wise 
Cheir6n, was enabled to seize her on the coast 
called Sepias in the southern region of Thessaly. 
She changed her form several times, but Pd- 
leus held her fast until she resumed her original 
appearance, and she was then no longer able to 
resist. All the gods were present, and brought 
splendid gifts to these memorable nuptials : Apollo 
sang with his harp, Poseiddn gave to PSIeus the 
immortal horses Xanthus and Balius, ^nd Cheirdn 
pr^ented a formidable spear, cut from an ash-tree 
on Mount PSlionl We shall have reason hereafter 
to recognise the value of both these gifts in the 
exploits of Achilles \ 

The prominent part assigned to Thetis in the 
Iliad is well known, and the post-Homeric poets of 

* Apolloddr. ill. 13, 5. Horner^ Iliad, xviii. 434 ; xxiy. 62. Pindar^ 
Ncm. iv. 50-68; Isthm. vii. 27-60. Herodot. vii. 192. Catullus, 
Ganii. 64. Epithal. Pel. et Thetidos, with the pre&tory remarks of 

The nuptials of Plleus and Thetis were much celebrated in the He- 
iiodio Catalogue, or perhaps in the Eoiai (Diintzer, Epic. Gnec. Frag. 
36. p. 39), and iBgimius — see Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. iv. 869 — where 
Hiere is a curious attempt of Staphylus to rationalize the marriage of 
PMeua and Thetis. 

There was a town, seemingly near Pharsalus in Thessaly, called The- 
tideium. Thetis is said to have been carried by Plleus to both these 
places : ]»robably it grew up round a temple and sanctuary of this goddess 
(Pherel^d. Frag. 16, Didot; Hellanik. ap. Steph. Byz. Ofori^iov). 

VOL. I. S 


the Legend of Troy introduced her as actively con- 
curring first to promote the glory, finally to bewail 
the death, of her distinguished 8on^ PSleus having 
survived both his son Achilles and his grandson 
Neoptolemus, is ultimately directed to place him- 
self on the very spot where he had originally seized 
Thetis, and thither the goddess comes herself to 
fetch him away, in order that he may exchange the 
desertion and decrepitude of age for a life of im- 
mortality along with the Nfireids*. The spot was 
indicated to Xerxes when he marched into Greece 
by the I6nians who accompanied him, and his magi 
offered solemn sacrifices to her as well as to the 
other Ndreids, as the presiding goddesses and 
mistresses of the coast 3. 
Neopto. Neoptolemus or Pyrrhus, the son of Achilles^ 

too young to engage in the commencement of the 
siege of Troy, comes on the stage after the death of 
his father as the indispensable and prominent agent 
in the final capture of the city. He returns victor 
from Troy, not to Phthia, but to Epirus, bringing 
with him the captive Andromachd, widow of Hect6r, 
by whom Molossus is born to him. He himself 
perishes in the full vigour of life at Delphi by the 
machinations of Orestds, son of Agamemn6n. But 
his son Molossus — like Fleance, the son of Banquo, 
in Macbeth — becomes the father of the powerful 
race of Molossian kings, who played so conspicuous 

> See the moments of the lost poems, the Cypria and the .^thioftts, 
as given by Proclus, in Diintzer, Fragm. Epic. Gr. p. 11-16; also 
Schol. ad Iliad, zvi. 140; and the extract from the lost "Irvxaarooia of 
^schylus, ap. PUto. de Republic, ii. c. 21 (p. ^82, St.). 

"^ Eiurip. Androm. 1242-1260; Pindar, Olymp. ii. 86. 

» Herodot. vii. 198. 


Chap.X.] ACHILLBS and AJAX. 259 

a part during the declining vigour of the Grecian 
cities, and to whom the title and parentage of 
^akids was a source of peculiar pride, identifying 
them by community of heroic origin with genuine 
and undisputed Hellenes ^ 

The glories of Ajax, the second grandson of Ajax-^-his 
iEakus, before Troy, are surpassed only by those of the epony- 
Achilles. He perishes by his own hand, the victim ^^a^ 
of an insupportable feeling of humiliation, because *" ^"**** 
a less worthy claimant is allowed to carry off from 
him the arms of the departed Achilles. His son 
Philseus receives the citizenship of Athens, and the 
gens or ddme called Philaidae traced up tp him its 
name and its origin: moreover the distinguished 
Athenians, Miltiadds and Thucydid^s, were regarded 
as members of this heroic progeny'. 

Teukrus escaped from the perils of the siege of Teakrus, 
Troy as well as from those of the voyage home- sctuesin 
ward, and reached Salamis in safety. But his ^yp™*- 
father Telamdn, indignant at his having returned 
without Ajax, refused to receive him, and compelled 
him to expatriate. He conducted his followers to 
Cyprus, where he founded the city of Salamis : his 

' Plutarch, Pyrrh. 1 ; Justin, xi. 3; Eurip. Androm. 1253; Arrian, 
Exp. Alexand. i. 1 1 . 

* Pherekydte and Hellanikus ap. Marcellin. Vit. Thucydid. init.; 
Pausan. ii. 29, 4; Plutarch, Sol6n, 10. According to Apollod6ru8, 
however, Pherekyd^ laid that Telam6n was only the friend of Pdleus, 
not his brother, — not the son of iEakus (iii. 12, 7) : this seems an in- 
consistency. There was however a warm dispute between the Athe- 
nians and the Megarians respecting the title to the hero Ajax, who was 
claimed by both (see Pausan. i. 42, 4; Plutarch, /. c): the Megarians 
accused Peisistratus of having interpolated a line into the Catalogue in 
the Iliad (Strabo, ix. p. 394). 



descendant Evagoras was recognised as a Teukrid 
and as an ^akid even in the time of Isokratds^ 

Such was the splendid heroic genealogy of the 
^akidSy — a family renowned for military excellence. 
The ^akeion at ^gina, in which prayer and sa- 
crifice were offered to ^akus, remained in undimi- 
nished dignity down to the time of Pausanias*. 
I^'^S^^ This genealogy connects together various eminent 
geneaiogj. gentcs in Achaia Phthidtis, in iEgina, in Salamis, 
in Cyprus, and amongst the Epirotic Molossians. 
Whether we are entitled to infer from it that the 
island of ^gina was originally peopled by Myr- 
midones from Achaia Phthi6tis, as O. Miiller ima- 
gines^y I will not pretend to aflSrm. These mythical 
pedigrees seem to unite together special clans or 
gentes, rather than the bulk of any community — just 
as we know that the Athenians generally had no part 
in the ^akid genealogy, though certain particular 
Athenian families laid claim to it. The intimate 

' Herodot. vii. 90 ; Isokrat. Enc. Erag. ut sup, ; Sophokl. Ajax, 984- 
995; Vellei. Patercul. i. 1 ; ^schyl. Pen. 891, and Schol. The return 
from Troy of Teuknu, his banishment by Telam6n, and his settlement 
in Cyprus, formed the subject of the Tcvjcpos of Sophokl^, and of a 
tragedy under a similar title by Pacuvius (Cicero de Orat. i. 58 ; ii. 46); 
Sophokl. Ajax, 892 ; Pacuvii Fragm. Teucr. 15. — 

" Te repudio, nee redpio, natum abdico, 

The legend of Teukros was connected in Attic archaeology with the pe- 
culiar functions and formalities of the judicature, ^y *p€arrdi (Pausan. 
i.28, 12; ii.29, 7). 

* Hesiod, Fragm. EXintz. Eoiai, 55, p. 43. — 

'AXic^y fi^v yiip ZdwKtv 'OXvfiwio^ AMKidoKri, 
NovF d* *AftvOaovid«us, irXoCrov d* hrop* * hrptUhjitrt. 

Polyb. T. 2.— 

* See his .£ginetica, p. 14, his earliest work. 

Chap. X.] 



friendship between Achilles and the Opuntian hero 
Patroclus — and the community of name and fre- 
quent conjunction between the Lokrian Ajax, son 
of OileuSy and Ajax, son of Telamdn — connect the 
iEakids with Opus and the Opuntian Lokrians, in 
a manner which we have no farther means of ex- 
plaining. Pindar too represents Menoetius, father 
of Patroclus, as son of Aktdr and iEgina, and there- 
fore maternal brother of ^akus^ 

' Pindar, Olymp. ix. 74. The hero Ajax, son of Oileus, was espe- 
cially worshiped at Opus ; solemn festivals and games were celebrated 
in his honour. 




— Mto?*"* Thb most ancient name in Attic archaeology, as 
chthonoui. far as our means of information reach, is that of 
Erechtheus, who is mentioned both in the Cata- 
logue of the Iliad and in a brief allusion of the 
Odyssey. Born of the Earth, he is brought up by 
the goddess AthSnS, adopted by her as her ward, 
and installed in her temple at Athens, where the 
Athenians offer to him annual sacrifices. The 
Athenians are styled in the Iliad, '' the people of 
Erechtheus ^*' This is the most ancient testimony 
concerning Erechtheus, exhibiting him as a di- 
vine or heroic, certainly a superhuman person, and 
identifying him with the primitive germination (if 
I may use a term, the Grecian equivalent of which 
would have pleased an Athenian ear) of Attic man. 
And he was recognised in this same character, 
even at the close of the fourth century before the 
Christian sera, by the Butadse, one of the most 
ancient and important Gentes at Athens, who 
boasted of him as their original ancestor : the ge- 

' niad^ ik 546. Odyss. vii. 81. — 

Oi d* Ap* ^A0^vas €lxov 

A^/ioy 'Epex'Bfjof fuyaktiTopog, &r iror 'A^m; 
&p€yft€, Ai6t Birydnfp, rcKc dc (cido>pO( ^'Apovpa, 
Kitd d* fV *A$riv]j(T €la'€v i^ iv\ iriovi vrf^, 
*E»$6^ fiw ravpouri Koi apvttoif Ikaoyrai 
Kovpoi *ABi}vai9v, 9r<pirfXXofi«Vo»y ivtaur&v. 


nealogy of the great Athenian orator Lykurgus, 
a member of this family, drawn up by his son 
Abr6n, and painted on a pnblic tablet in the 
Erechtheion, contained as its first and highest 
name, Erechtheus, son of Hdphsestos and the 
Earth. In the Erechtheion, Erechtheus was wor« 
shiped conjointly with AthSnd: he was identi^ed 
with the god Poseiddn, and bore the denomination 
of Poseiddn Erechtheus : one of the family of the 
Butadae, chosen among themselves by lot, enjoyed 
the privilege and performed the functions of his he- 
reditary priest ^ Herodotus also assigns the same 
earth-born origin to Erechtheus* : but Pindar, the 
old poem called the Danais, Euripides, and Apollo- 
ddrus — all name Erichthonius, son of Hdphaestos 
and the Earth, as the being who was thus adopted 
and made the temple-companion of AthSnd, while 
Apollod6ru8 in another place identifies Erichtho- 
nius with Poseiddn ^. The Homeric scholiast treated 
Erechtheus and Erichthonius as the same person 
under two names^: and since, in regard to such 

' See the Life of Lykurgns, in Plutarch's (I call it by that name, as 
it is always printed with his works) Lives of the Ten Orators, torn. iv. 
p. 382-384, Wytt. Kar^yoy dc t6 ytvog dir6 rovroM^ leal *'E,p€xBi<as rov 
r^f Kal *H</>atOTOv.....,...Jca( eortv avn} 17 Karayayii rot) y€VOvs r&v Upa" 
anfuvmv rov ncxrftdwvoff, &c. *0r r^y Ic/yoxrvi^y IIcKrcidwyof *Eptx'^^^^ 
€lxf (pp. 382, 383). Erechthetis ndptdpos of Ath£n6— Aristid^, Pana- 
thenaic. p. 184, with the Scholia of Frommel. 

But^ the eponymus of the Butadae, is the first priest of Poseiddn 
Erichthonius: Apollod. iii. 15, L So Kallias (Xenoph. Sympoa. viii. 
40), Upm 6tSMt rnw iir 'E^x^^'^^* 

> Herodot. viii. 55. 

' Harpokration, ▼. AItox^Sp, *0 dc Ulpdapos ical 6 rifr Aaya25a irc- 
ironyieco^ <f>a<rip, *l&pixB6¥top f( 'H^a/<rrov xai Tijs (fxunjifai. Euripid^, 
Ion. 21. Apollod. iii. 14, 6; 15, 1. Compare Plato, Tlmseus, c. 6. 

* Schol. ad Iliad, ii. 544 where he cites also Kallimachus for the 


mythical persons, there exists do other test of 
identity of the subject except perfect similarity 
of the attributes, this seems the reasonable con- 
Amcje- \y^g ujay presume, from the testimony of Ho- 

origintiij mer, that the first and oldest conception of Athens 

from dinner- . *" 

ent roots— and its sacrcd acropolis places it under the spe- 
had iu own. cial protection, and represents it as the settlement 
and favourite abode of AthSnS, jointly with Posei- 
ddn; the latter being the inferior, though the 
chosen companion of the former, and therefore ex- 
changing his divine appellation for the cognomen 
of Erechtheus. But the country called Attica, 
which, during the historical ages, forms one social 
and political aggregate with Athens, was originally 
distributed into many independent dSmes or can- 
tons, and included, besides, various religious clans 
or hereditary sects, (if the expression may be per- 
mitted) ; that is, a multitude of persons not neces- 
sarily living together in the same locality, but 
bound together by an hereditary communion of 
sacred rites, and claiming privileges, as well as 
performing obligations, founded upon the tradi- 
tional authority of divine persons for whom they 
bad a common veneration. Even down to the be- 
ginning of the Peloponn^sian war, the demots of 
the various Attic dSmes, though long since em- 
bodied in the larger political union of Attica, and 
having no wish for separation, still retained the 

story of Ericfathonius. Etymologicon Magn. 'Epcx^cvr. Plato (Kri- 
tias, c 4) employs yagae and general language to describe the agency 
of H^luestos and AAdn^ which the old fiible in Apolloddnis (iii. 14, 6) 
details in coarser terms. See Ond, Metam. ii. 757. 


recollection of their original political autonomy. 
They lived in their own separate localities, resorted 
habitually to their own temples, and visited Athens 
only occasionally for private or political business, 
or for the great public festivals. Each of these 
aggregates, political as well as religious, had its 
own eponymous god or hero, with a genealogy more 
or less extended, and a train of mythical incidents 
more or less copious, attached to his name, according 
to the fancy of the local exegetes and poets. The 
eponymous heroes Maratbdn, Dekelus, Koldnus, or 
Phlyus, had each their own title to worship, and their 
own position as themes of legendary narrative, in- 
dependent of Erechtheus, or Poseid6n, or Athdnd, 
the patrons of the acropolis common to all of them. 

But neither the archseolosy of Attica, nor that Little no- 

°- ticed by tht 

of its various component fractions, was much dwelt oidepic 
upon by the ancient epic poets of Greece. Theseus ^^ 
is noticed both in the Iliad and Odyssey as having 
carried off from KrSte AriadnS, the daughter of 
Minos — thus commencing that connection between 
the KrStan and Athenian legends which we after- 
wards find so largely amplified — and the sons of . 
Theseus take part in the Trojan war^ The chief 
collectors and narrators of the Attic mythes were, 
the prose logographers, authors of the many com- 
positions called Atthides, or works on Attic ar- 
chaeology. These writers — Hellanikus, the con- 
temporary of Herodotus, is the earliest composer 
of an Atthis expressly named, though PherekydSs 
also touched upon the Attic fables — these writers, 
I say, interwove into one chronological series the 

' JEthm, mother of Theseus, is alao mentioned (Homer, niad, iii. 144). 


legeads which either greatly occupied their own 
fancy, or commanded the most general reverence 
among their countrymen. In this way the reli- 
gious and political legends of Eleusis, a town ori- 
ginally independent of Athens, but incorporated 
with it before the historical age, were worked into 
one continuous sequence along with those of the 
Erechtheids. In this way, Kekrops, the eponymous 
hero of the portion of Attica called Kekropia, came 
to be placed in the mythical chronology at a 
higher point even than the primitive god or hero 
Kckrops. Ogygfis is said to have reigned in Attica* 1020 
years before the first Olympiad, or 1796 years bx. 
In his time happened the deluge of Deukali6n, 
which destroyed most of the inhabitants of the 
country. After a long interval, Kekrops, an indi- 
genous person, half man and half serpent, is given 
to us by ApoUoddrus as the first king of the coun- 
try : he bestowed upon the land, which had before 
* been called AktS, the name of Kekropia. In his 
day there ensued a dispute between Athdnd and 
Poseiddn respecting the possession of the acropo- 
lis at Athens, which each of them coveted. First, 

> Hellanikus, Fragpn. 62; Philochor. Frag;m. 8, ap. Eoseb. Pnep. 
Evang. z. 10. p. 489. Larcher (Chronologie d'H^rodote, ch. ix. s. 1. 
p. 278) treats both tbe historical personality and the date of Ogyg^ as 
perfectly well authenticated. 

It is not probable that Philochorus should have given any calculation 
of time having reference to Olympiads ; and hardly conceivable that 
Hellanikus should have done so. Justin Martyr quotes Hellanikus 
and Philochorus as having mentioned Moses, — ins ir<^pa dpxalov xol 
wakatov T&¥ *lovdal»p ApxoPTos Mwaws fUiunfirrai — which is still more 
incredible even than the assertion of Eusebius about their having fixed 
the date of Ogyg^s by Olympiads (see Philochor. Fragm. 9). 


Poseiddn struck the rock with his trident, and 
produced the well of salt water which existed in 
it, called the Erechth^is: next came Athdnd, who 
planted the sacred olive-tree ever afterwards seen 
and venerated in the portion of the Erechtheion 
called the cell of Pandrosus. The twelve gods de- 
cided the dispute ; and Kekrops having testified 
before them that Athdn^ had rendered this inesti- 
mable service, they adjudged the spot to her in 
preference to Poseid6n. Both the ancient olive- 
tree and the well produced by Poseid6n were seen 
on the acropolis, in the temple consecrated jointly 
to Athdnd and Erechtheus, throughout the histori- 
cal ages. Poseid6n, as a mark of his wrath for the 
preference given to Ath6n6, inundated the Thria- 
sian plain with water*. 

During the reign of Kekrops, Attica was laid 
waste by Karian pirates on the coast, and by inva- 
sions of the A6nian inhabitants from Boe6tia. Ke- 
krops distributed the inhabitants of Attica into 
twelve local sections — Kekropia, Tetrapolis, Epa- 
kria, Dekeleia, Eleusis, Aphidna, Thorikus, Brau- 

' Apollod. iii. 14, 1 ; Herodot. yiii. 55 ; Ovid, Metam. yi. 72. The 
story current among the Athenians represented Kekrops as the ju^e 
of this eontroveny (Xenoph. Memor. iii. 5, 10). 

The impressions of the trident of Poseid6n were still shown upon 
the rock in the time of Pausanias (Pansan. i. 26» 4). For the sanctity 
of the andent olive-tree, see Ae narrative of Herodotus (L c.)» relating 
what happened to it when Xerx^ occupied the acropolis. As this tale 
seems to have attached itself specially to the local peculiarities of the 
Erechtheium, the part which Poseiddn plays in it is somewhat mean : 
that god appears to greater advantage in the neighbourhood of Ae 
'ifnroTr^s Kok»p6s, as described in the beautiful Chorus of Sophoklds 
(CEdip. Colon. 690^712). 

A curious rationalisation of the monstrous form ascribed to Kekrops 
(di^v^r) is found in Plutarch (Sera Num. Vindict. p. 551). 


r6n, Kyth^rus, Sph6ttu8, Kdphisius, Phaldrus. 
Wishing to ascertain the number of inhabitants, he 
commanded each man to cast a single stone into a 
general heap : the number of stones was counted, 
and it was found that there were twenty thou- 
sand ^ 

Kekrops married the daughter of Aktseus, who 
(according to Pausanias's version) had been king 
of the country before him, and had called it by the 
name of Aktaea*. By her he had three daughters, 
Aglaurus, Ersd and Pandrosus, and a son, Erysi- 
chthdn. Kekrops is called by Pausanias contempo- 
rary of the Arcadian Lykadn, and is favourably 
contrasted with that savage prince in respect of 
his piety and humanity ^ Though he has been 
often designated in modern histories as an immi- 
grant from Egypt into Attica, yet the far greater 
number of ancient authorities represent him as in- 
digenous or earjh-born*. 

Erysichthdn died without issue, and Kranaus 
succeeded him, — another autochthonous person 
and another eponymus, — ^for the name Kranai was 
an old denomination of the inhabitants of Attica^ 

1 Philochor. ap. Strabo. ix. p. 397. 

s The Parian chronological marble designates Aktsras as an auto- 
chthonous person. Marmor Parium, Epoch. 3. Pausan. i. 2, 5. Phi- 
lochorus treated Akteus as a fictitious name (Fragm. 8, ut st^.), 

> Pausan. viii. 2, 2. The three daughters of Kekrops were not un- 
noticed in the mythes (Ovid, Metam. ii. 739): the tale of Kephalus, 
son of Hers^ by Herm^, who was stolen away by the goddess £6s or 
HImera in consequence of his surpassing b«iuty^ was told in more 
than one of the Hesiodic poems (Pausan. i. 3, 1 ; Hesiod. Theog. 986). 
See also Euripid. Ion. 269. 

* Jul. Africanus also (ap. Euseb. x. 9. p. 486-488) calls Kekrops 
yifytv^s and avroxBw, 

* Herod, viii. 44. Kf>a»aai 'A^mii, Pindar. 


Kranaas was dethroned by Amphiktydn, by some J^JJJ^ 
called an autochthonous man ; by others, a son of 
Deukalidn : Amphiktydn in his turn was expelled 
by Erichthonius, son of HSphsestos and the Earth, 
— the same person apparently as Erechtheus, but 
inserted by Apollod6rus at this point of the series. 
Erichthonius, the pupil and favoured companion of 
Athdndy placed in the acropolis the original Palla- 
dium or wooden statue of that goddess, said to have 
dropped from heaven : he was moreover the first 
to celebrate the festival of the Panathenaea. He 
married the nymph Pasithea, and had for his son 
and successor Pandi6n'. Erichthonius was the first 
person who taught the art of breaking in horses to 
the yoke, and who drove a chariot and four*. 

In the time of Pandidn, who succeeded to Erich- Daughtcn 
thonius, Dionysus and DdmSt^r both came into At- — Proknd» 
tica : the latter was received by Keleos at Eleusis^. Legend o^ 
Pandi6n married the nymph Zeuxippd, and had ^^*"* 
twin sons, Erechtheus and But^s, and two daugh- 
ters, Proknfi and Philomela. The two latter are 
the subjects of a memorable and well-known le- 
gend. Pandidn having received aid in repelling the 
ThSbans from T^reus, king of Thrace, gave him 
his daughter Proknd in marriage, by whom he had 
a son, Itys. The beautiful Philomela, going to visit 
her sister, inspired the barbarous Thracian with an 
irresistible passion: he violated her person, con- 
fined her in a distant pastoral hut, and pretended 

' Apollod. iii. 14, 6. Pausan. i. 26, 7* ' Virgil, Georg;ic iii. 114. 

* The mytbe of Ae visit of D^mdt^r to Eleusis, on which occasion 
she Touchsafed to teach her holy rites to the leading Eleusinians, is 
more fully touched upon in a previous cluster (see ante, p. 50). 


that she was dead, cutting out her tongue to pre- 
vent her from revealing the truth. After a long 
intervali Philomela found means to acquaint her 
sister of the cruel deed which had been perpetrated : 
she wove into a garment words describing her me- 
lancholy condition, and despatched it by a trusty 
messenger. Proknd, overwhelmed with sorrow and 
anger, took advantage of the free egress enjoyed 
by women during the Bacchanalian festival to go 
and release her sister: the two sisters then re- 
venged themselves upon Tdreus by killing the boy 
Itys, and serving him up for his father to eat : after 
the meal had been finished, the horrid truth was 
revealed to him. Tdreus snatched a hatchet to put 
Proknd to death : she fled, along with Philomela, 
and all the three were changed into birds — Proknd 
became a swallow, Philomela a nightingale, and 
Tdreus an hoopoe ^ This tale, so popular with the 
poets, and so illustrative of the general character 
of Grecian legend, is not less remarkable in another 
point of view — that the great historian Thucydid^ 
seems to allude to it as an historical fact^, not 
however directly mentioning the final metamor- 

1 Apollod. iii. 14, 8 ; Mich, Supplic. 61 ; Soph. Elektr. 107 ; Ovid, 
Metamorph. ▼!. 425-670. Hyginus gives the fahle with tome addi- 
tional circumBtances, fab. 45. Antoninua Liberalis (Narr. 1 1 )> or Boeiu, 
from whom he copies, has composed a new narrative by combining 
together the names of Pandareos and Addon, as given in the Odyssey, 
xix. 523, and the adventures of the old Attic fable. The hoopoe still 
continued the habit of chasing the nightingale ; it was to the Athenians 
a present fact See Schol. Aristoph. Aves, 212. 

' Thucyd. ii. 29. He makes express mention of the nightingale in 
connection with the story, though not of the metamorphosis. See 
below, chap. zvi. So also does Pausanias mention and reason upon it 


After the death of Pandido, Erechtheus suc- 
ceeded to the' kingdom, and his brother, ButSs, 
became priest of Poseiddn Erichthonius, a function 
which his descendants ever afterwards exercised, 
the Butadae or Eteobutadse. Erechtheus seems to 
appear in three characters in the fabulous history 
of Athens — as a god, Poseid6n Erechtheus^ — as a 
hero, Erechtheus, son of the Earth — and now, as a 
king, son of Pandi6n : so much did the ideas of 
divine and human rule become confounded and 
blended together in the imagination of the Greeks 
in reviewing their early times. 

The daughters of Erechtheus were not less cele- Daaghten 
brated in Athenian legend than those of Pandidn. theiu^ ' 
Prokris. one of them, is among the heroines seen <^'^- 
by Odysseus in HadSs: she became the wife of 
Kephalus, son of DeionSs, and lived in the Attic 
ddme of Thorikus. Kephalus tried her fidelity by 
pretending that he was going away for a long 
period ; but shortly returned, disguising his person 
and bringing with him a splendid necklace. He 
presented himself to Prokris without being re- 
cognised, and succeeded in triumphing over her 

IS a real incident : he founds upon it several moral reflections (i. 5, 4 ; 
z. 4f 5): the author of the A6yos '£7r<r<i^to£, ascribed to Demosthenes, 
treats it in the same manner, as a fact ennobling the tribe Pandionis, 
of which Pandi6n was the eponymus. The same author, in touching 
upon Kekrops, Uie eponjrmus of the Kekropis tribe, cannot believe lite- 
rally the story of his being half man and half serpent: he rationalises it, 
by saying that Kekrops was so called because in wisdom he was like a 
man, in strength like a serpent (Demosth. p. 1397^ 1398, Reiske). 
Hesiod Ranees at the foble (0pp. Di. 566), 6p6poy6ff ILaif^iovLs c^pro 
X^XMv; see also .£lian, Y. H. xii. 20. The subject was handled by 
Sophokl6s in his lost Ttrem. 

' Poseidon is sometimes spoken of under the name of Erechtheus 
simply (Lycophr6n, 158). See Hesychius, v. 'Epcx^fvf. 


chastity. Having accomplished this object, he re- 
vealed to her his true character : she earnestly 
besought his forgiveness, and prevailed upon him 
to grant it. Nevertheless he became shortly after- 
wards the unintentional author of her death : for 
he was fond of hunting, and staid out a long time 
on his excursions, so that Prokris suspected him of 
visiting some rival. She determined to watch him 
by concealing herself in a thicket near the place of 
his midday repose ; and when Kephalus implored 
the presence of Nepheld (a cloud) to protect him 
from the sun's rays, she suddenly started from her 
hiding-place: Kephalus, thus disturbed, cast his 
hunting-spear unknowingly into the thicket and 
slew his wife. Erechtheus interred her with great 
magnificence, and Kephalus was tried for the act 
before the court of Areopagus, which condemned 
him to exile'. 
^Hj^r Krelisa, another daughter of Erechtheus, seduced 
ttiewifeof by Apollo, bccomcs the mother of I6n, whom she 
exposes immediately after his birth, in the cave 
north of the acropolis, concealing the fact from 
every one. Apollo prevails upon Hermds to con- 
vey the new-born child to Delphi, where he is 
brought up as a servant of the temple, without 
knowing his parents. Kreiisa marries Xuthus, son 
of iEolus, but continuing childless, she goes with 
Xuthus to the Delphian oracle to inquire for a 
remedy. The god presents to them I6n, and de- 
sires them to adopt him as their son : their son 

1 Pherekyd^s, Fragm. 77, Didot; ap. Odyss. xi. 320 ; Hd- 
lanikus, Fr. 82; ap. Schol. Eurip. Orest. 1648. Apollod6nit (iii. 15, 1) 
gives the story differently. 


Achaeus is afterwards born to them, and I6n and 
Acbseus become the eponyms of the I6nians and 

Oreithyia, the third daughter of Erechtheus, was 
stolen away by the god Boreas while amusing her- 
self on the banks of the liissus, and carried to his 
residence in Thrace. The two sons of this mar- 
riage, Z^t^^ and Kalais, were born with wings : 
they took part in the Argonautic expedition, and 
engaged in the pursuit of the Harpies : they were 
slain at T^nos by HSraklSs. Kleopatra, the daughter 
of Boreas and Oreithyia, was married to Phineus, 
and had two sons, Plexippus and Pandidn ; but 
Phineus afterwards espoused a second wife, Idsea, 
the daughter of Dardanus, who, detesting the two 
sons of the former bed, accused them falsely of 
attempting her chastity, and persuaded Phineus in 
his wrath to put out the eyes of both. For this 
cruel proceeding he was punished by the Argonauts 
in the course of their voyage*. 

' upon this story of I6n is founded the tragedy of Euripides which 
bears that name. I conceive many of the points of that tragedy to be 
of the invention of Euripides himself; but to represent I6n as son of 
ApoUo, not of Xuthiis, seems a genuine Attic legend. Respecting this 
drama, see O. Muller, Hist of Dorians, ii. 2. 13-15. - I doubt however 
the distinction which he draws between the lonians and the other popu** 
lation of Attica. 

> ApollodAr. iii. 15, 2; Plato, Phiedr. c. 3; Sophok. Antig. 984 ; also 
the copious Scholion on Apoll6n. Rbod. i. 212. 

The tale of Phineus is told very differently in the Argonautic expedi-r 
tion as given by Apoll6nius Rhodius, ii. ISO.. From Sophokl^ we 
kam that this was the Attic version. 

The two winged sons of Boreas and their chase of the Harpies were 
noticed in the Hesiodic Catalogue (see Schol. Apoll6n. Rhod. ii. 296). 
But whether the Attic legend of Oreithyia was recognised in the He- 
siodic poems seems not certain. 

3oth iEschylus and Sophokl^ composed dramas on the subject of 
Oreithyia (Liongin. de Sublimit, c. .3). ** Orithyia Atheniensis, filia Tcr** 

VOL. I. T 


Prayers of On more than one occasion the Athenians de- 
niantto rived» OF at least believed themselves to have de- 

hisgr«!ioiu rivedy important benefits from this marriage of 
hdpin their Borcas with the daughter of their prim»val hero : 
one inestimable service, rendered at a juncture 
highly critical for Grecian independence, deserves 
to be specified^ At the time of the invasion of 
Greece by Xerx^» the Grecian fleet wq| assembled 
at Chalkis and Artemision in Euboea, awaiting the 
approach of the Persian force, so overwhelming in 
its nmnbers as well by sea as on land. The Persian 
fleet had reached the coast of Magnesia and the 
south-eastern corner of Thessaly without any ma- 
terial damage, when the Athenians were instructed 
by an oracle ^' to invoke the aid of their son-in- 
law/' Understanding the advice to point to Bo- 
TtaSy they supplicated his aid and that of Oreithyia 
most earnestly, as well by prayer as by sacrifice*, 
and the event corresponded to their wishes. A 
furious north-easterly wind immediately arose, and 
continued for three days to afflict the Persian fleet 
as it lay on an unprotected coast : the number of 
ships driven ashore, both vessels of war and of pro- 
vision^ was immense, and the injury done to the 
armament was never thoroughly repaired. Such 

ngenn, et a Borea in Thraciam rapta" (Servhu ad Virg. JBneid. xii. 83). 
Terrigena is the yi/ycy^r "Rp€xMs. PhilochoniB (Fragm. 30) rationalised 
the story, and said that it alluded to the effects of a violent wind. 

' Herodot. yii. 189. 02 d* ivv 'ABrjPOioi cr^t Xeyown fiorfBrjaxurra r6w 
Bop^ irp6T€pov, Koi t6t€ cjccimi KOTepydtrua^at' koi Ip^ dir€XB6yT€t Bopea> 
t^pvaawTo irapck tnTafji6v''tKi(ra'ov. 

• Herodot. I. c. 'A^iwbi top Bopvjp ix Btoirptmiov imKoKitrtutro, 
ik$6ifT09 ox^i S^Xov xprfiFnipltn), t^v yay^phv Micovpov KaK€<raa6at. 
Hoprjs dc, Kara t6v 'EXX^mov Xdyov fj^ct ywaiKO *A'ttuc^v, *€lpttBvlriv r^v 
*Ep€xB^S' Kar^ firf r^ ktj^os rovro, oi *A$rivaioi, avfJufftiKKcSfievot axfii 


was the powerful succour which the Athenians de- 
rivedf at a time of their utmost need, from their 
son-in-law Boreas ; and their gratitude was shown 
by consecrating to him a new temple on the banks 
of the Ilissus. 

The three remaining daughters of Brechtheus — Erechtheai 
he bad six in all* — were in Athenian legend yet moip^"." 
more venerated than their sisters, on account of 
having voluntarily devoted themselves to death for 
the safety of their country. Eumolpus of Elensis 
was the son of Poseiddn and the eponymous hero 
of the sacred gens called the Eumolpids, in whom 
the principal functions, appertaining to the myste- 
rious rites of D^6t6r at Eleusis, were vested by 
hereditary privilege. He made war upon Erech- 
theus and the Athenians, with the aid of a body of 
Thnacian allies ; indeed it appears that the legends 
of Athens, originally foreign and unfriendly fo 
those of Eleusis, represented him as having been 
himself a Thra<^ian born and an immijgrant into 
Attica^ Respecting Eumolpus however and his 

* Stxidat and Photius, ▼. U6pS€v6t: Protogeneia and Panddni are 
given as the names of two of them. The sacrifiee of Panddra, in t6^ 
Iambi of Hipp6nax (Uipp6nact. Fragm. xxi. Welck. ap. Atlien. ix. 
p. 37O), seems to allude to this daughter of Erechtheus. 

* Apollod6r. iii. 15, 3; Thucyd. ii. 15; Isokrat^s (PanegjT. t. i. 
p. 206; Panathcnaic. t. ii. p. 560, Auger), Lykurgus, cout. Leocrat. 
p. 201, Reiske; Pausan. i. 38, 3; Euripid. Erechth. Fragm. The 
Schol. ad Soph. (Ed. Col. 1048 gives valuable citations from Istcr, 
Akestodorus and Androti6n : we see that the inquirers of antiquity 
found it difficult to explain how the Eumolpids could have acquired 
their ascendant privileges in the management of the Elensinia, seeing^ 
that Eumolpus himself was a foreigner, — ZrjTtiTai, ri drjirorc ol Ev/i'A- 
iriicu Ta¥Te\tT&p i(dpxov<ri, fcVot Svt€s, Thucydidfis does not call Eu- 
molpus a Thracian: Strabo's language is very large and vague (vii. 
p. 321 ) : Isokratis says that he assailed Athens in order to vindicate 
the rights of his father Poseidon to the sovereign patronage of the city, 
Hyginus copi^ this (fab. 46). 


27rt • HISTORY OF OREECE. [Paet I. 

parentage, the discrepancies much exceed even tlie 
measure of licence usual in the legendary genealo- 
gies, and some critics, both ancient and modern, 
have sought to reconcile these contradictions, by 
the usual stratagem of supposing two or three dif- 
ferent persons of the same name. Even Pausanias, 
so familiar with this class of unsworn witnesses, 
complains of the want of native Eleusinian genea- 
logists ^ and of the extreme licence of fiction in 
which other authors had indulged. 

In the Homeric Hymn to DdmSt^r, the most an- 
cient testimony before us, — composed, to all ap- 
pearance, earlier than the complete incorporation of 
Eleusis with Athens, — Eumolpus appears (to repeat 
briefly what has been stated in a previous chapter) as 
one of the native chiefs or princes of Eleusis, along 
with Triptolemus, Dioklds, Polyxeinus and Doli- 
chus : Keleos is the king, or principal among these 
chiefs, the son or lineal descendant of the epony- 
mous Eleusis himself. To these chiefs, and to the 
three daughters of Keleos, the goiddess DSmStdr 
comes in her sorrow for the loss of her daughter 
Persephond : being hospitably entertained by Ke- 

* Pausan. i. 38, 3. 'EXcvo-iMOi rt dpxoioi, &t€ ov npo<r6vTWf <r^Mn 
y€Ptak6y»v, SXXa T€ irkdaaa'Biu dt^Koa-i teal ftaXurra ^t rh y^vtf tAv 
fjp^v. See Heyne ad ApoUodftr. iii. 15, 4. ''Eumolpi nomen modo 
commimicatum pluribus, modo plarium hominum res et facta cumulata 
in unmn. It ad qnem Hercales renisse dicitur, serior aetate fuit : an- 

tiquior est is de quo hoc loco agitur antecessisse tamen hano 

debet alius, qui cum Triptolemo vixit," &c. See the learned and va- 
luable comments of Lobeck in his Aglaophamus, torn. i. p. 206-213 : 
in regard to the discrepancies of this narrative he observes, I think, with 
great justice (p. 211), "quo uno exempio ex innumerabilibus ddecto, 
arguitur eorum temeritas, qui ex variis discordibusque poetarum et 
mythographorum narratiunculis, antiquse famse fonnam et quasi linea* 
menta recognosci posse sperant." 


leos she reveals her true character, commaads that 
a temple shall be built to her at Eleusis, and pre- 
scribes to them the rites according to which they 
are to worship her K Such seems to have been the 
ancient story of the Eleusinians respecting their 
own religious antiquities: Keleos, with Metaneira 
hk wife, and the other chiefs here mentioned, were 
worshiped at £leusis, and from thence transferred 
to Athens as local gods or heroes^. Eleusis became 
incorporated with Athens, apparently not very 
long before the time of Sol6n ; and the Eleusinian 
worship of D6m6t6r was then received into the 
great religious solemnities of the Athenian state, 
to which it owes its remarkable subsequent exten- 
sion and commanding influence. In the Atticised 
worship of the Eleusinian DdmStSr, the Eumolpids 
and the Kfirykes were the principal hereditary func- 
tionaries : Eumolpus, the eponym of this great 
family, came thus to play the principal part in the 
Athenian legendary version of the war between 
Athens and Eleusis. An oracle had pronounced 

' Homer, Hymn, ad Ccrer. 163-475. — 

'H dc KunHra BtynanmSkoiv fiaaiKtva'i 

Aprjo'fioo'vvrjv Upi>v, 
Also T. 105.— 

Ti)v hi idoy KcXcoio ^iSKtvoivihao $vyaTp€s, 

The hero Eleusis is mentioned in Pansanias, i. 38, 7 : some said that 
he was the son of Herm^, others that he was the son of Ogygus. Com- 
pare Hygin. f. 147* 

' Keleos and Metaneira were T\orshi))ed by the Athenians with divine 
honours (Athenagoras, Legat. p. 53, ed. Oxon.) : perhaps he confounds 
di?ine and heroic honours, as the Christian controversialists against 
Paganism were disposed to do. 'IViptolemns had a temple at Eleusis 
(Pausan. i. 38, 6). 



[Pabt L 

fice of the 
of Erech- 

that Athens could only be rescued from his attack 
by the death of the three daughters of Erechtfaeus ; 
their generous patriotism consented to the sacri- 
fice, and their father put them to death. He then 
went forth confidently to the battle, totally van- 
quished the enemy, and killed Eumolpus with his 
own band^ Erechtheus was worshiped as a god, 
and his daughters as goddesses, at Athen8^ Their 

' ApolIod6r. iii. 15, 4. Some said that Immaradus^ son of Eumolpus, 
had been killed by Erechtheus (Pausan. i. 5, 2) ; others, that both Eu- 
molpus and his son had experienced this ftite (SdioL ad Eurip. Phoe- 
niss. 854). But we learn from Pausanias himself what the story in 
the interior of the Erechthcion was, — that Erechtheus killed Eumolpus 
(i. 27, 3). 

* Cicero, Nat. Deor. iii. 19; Philochor. ap. Sebol. GSdip. Col. 100. 
Three daughters of Erechtheus perished, and three daughters were wor- 
shiped (Apollod6r. iii. 15, 4; Hes^^chius, Z^vyos TpiirdpBtvoy; Eurip. 
Erechtheus, Fragm. 3, Dindorf) ; but both Euripid^ and Apollod6rut 
said that Erechtheus was only required to sacrifice, and only did sacri- 
fice, one, — the other two slew themselves voluntarily, from affection for 
their sister. I cannot but think (in spite of the opinion of Welcker to 
the contrary, Griechiseh. Tragod. ii. p. 722) that the genuine legend 
represented Erechtheus as having saoriiiced all three, as appears in the 
16n of Euripides (276) :— • 

I6n. Uar^p ^Ep^x^fvt <fas €6v<r€ <rvyy6vavsi 
CREi)8A. *ErXi; rrpit yaias a<pdyia irapdtvovs iCTaPCiv. 

Ion. Sv 5* €^fa'0i6rjs ttcos KaatypfjTau fi6vrj; 
CRKiiSA. Bp€(f>os vioyvov firfrpds ^¥ iv dyKoXais, 

Com|mrc with this passage, Demosthcn. Aoyos *E7riTa</). p. 1397, Reisk. 
Just before, the death of the three daughters of Kekrops, for infringing 
the commands of Ath^n^, had been mentioned. Euripid^ modified this 
in his Erechtheus, for he there introduced the mother Praxitbea con- 
senting to the immolation of one daughter, for the rescue of the country 
from a foreign invader : to pro)>08e to a mother the immolation of three 
daughters at once, would have been too revolting. In moat instances 
we find the strongly marked features, the distinct and glaring incidents 
as well as the dark contrasts, belong to the Hesiodic or old Poat-Ho- 
meric legend; the changes made afterwards go to soften, dilute, and 
to complicate, in pro|M>rtion as the feelings of the public become milder 
and more humane; sometimes however, the later poets add new 


Dames and their exalted devotion were cited along 
with those of the warriors of Marathdn, in the 
public assembly of Athens, by orators who sought 
to arouse the languid patriot, or to denounce the 
cowardly deserter ; and the people listened both to 
one and the other with analogous feelings of grateful 
veneration, as well as with equally unsuspecting 
faith in the matter of fact'. 

Though Erechtheus gained the victory over Eu- 
molpus, yet the story represents Poseid6n as having 
put an end to the life and reign of Erechtheus, who 
was (it seems) slain in the battle. He was suc- 
ceeded by his son Kekrops II., and the latter again 
by his son Pandi6n IL*, — ^two names unmarked by 
any incidents, and which appear to be mere dupli- 
cation of the former Kekrops and Pandi6n, placed 
there by the genealogisers for the purpose of filling 
up what seemed to them a chronological chasm. 
The Attic legends were associated chiefly with a 
few names of respected eponymous personage^ ; 
and if the persons called the children of Pandi6n 
were too numerous to admit of their being conve* 
niently ascribed to one father, there was no diffi- 
culty in supposing a second prince of the same 

Apollod6rus passes at once from Erechtheus to 
his son Kekrops II., then to Pandidn II., next to 

' See the itriking evidence contained in the oration of Lykurgns 
against Leocraite (p. 201-204, Reiske ; Demosthen. Ac^. 'Envra^. 1. c. ; 
and Xenophdn, Memor. iii. 5, 9): from the two latter passages we see 
that the Athenian story represented the invasion under Eumolpus as a 
comhined assault from the western continent. 

' Apollod6r. iii. 15, 5; Eiuip. I6n, 282; Erct-hth. Fragm. 20, 


the four sons of the latter, ^geus, Pallas, Nisus 

and Lykus. But the tragedians here insert the 

lu^uta and ^^^^.y ^f Xuthus, Kreusa, and 16d ; the latter being 

the son of Kreusa by Apollo, but given by the god to 
Xuthus, and adopted by the latter as his own. I6n 
becomes the successor of Erechtheus, and his sons 
(TeleoD, HoplSs, Argad^s and Aigikor^s) become 
the eponyms of the four ancient tribes of Athens, 
which subsisted until the revolution of Kleisthe- 
nds. I6n himself is the eponym of the I6mc race 
both in Asia, in Europe, and in the ^gean islands: 
D6rus and Achaeus are the sons of Kreusa by Xu- 
thus, so that I6n is distinguished from both of 
them by being of divine parentage >. According 
to the story given by Philochorus, 16n rendered 
such essential service in rescuing the Athenians 
from the attack of the Thracians under Eumolpus, 
that he was afterwards made king of the country, 
and distributed all the inhabitants into four tribes 
or castes, corresponding to different modes of life, 
— soldiers, husbandmen, goatherds, and artisans*. 
And it seems that the legend explanatory of the 
origin of the festival Bo^romia, originally im- 
portant enough to furnish a name to one of the 
Athenian months, was attached to the aid thus ren- 
dered by I6n». 

We pass from I6n to persons of far greater my- 

1 p:ur p. I6d, 1570-1695. The Kreiisa of Sophokl^s, a lost tragedy, 
•e^ms to have related to the same subject. 

Pausanias (vii. 1, 2) tells us that Xuthus was chosen to arbitrate 
between the contending claims of the sons of Krechtheus. 

' Philochor. ap. Ilarpocrat. v. Botfdpofua ; Strabo, viii. p. 383. 

* Philochor. ap. Harpocrat. v. Botjfipofiia, 


thical dignity and interest, — iEgeus and bis son 

Paiidi6n bad four sons, ^geus, Nisus, Lykus, sontof 
and Pallas, between wbom he divided bis doaii- iEgeuB,&c. 
nions. Nisus received tbe territory of Megaris, 
wbich bad been under tbe sway of Pandi6n, and 
tbere founded tbe seaport of Nisaea. Lykus was 
made king of tbe eastern coast, but a dispute after- 
wards ensued, and be quitted tbe country altoge- 
tber, to establish bimself on tbe souibern coast of 
Asia Minor among tbe Termilse, to whom be gave 
tbe name of Lykians^ JBgeus, as tbe eldest of 
tbe four, became king of Athens ; but Pallas re- 
ceived a portion both of the south-western coast 
and tbe interior, and be as well as bis children 
appear as frequent enemies both to JBgeus and to 
Theseus. Pallas is the eponym of tbe ddme Pal- 
ling, and the stories respecting him and his sons 
seem to be connected with old and standing feuds 
among the different dSmes of Attica, originally 
independent communities. These feuds penetrated 
into the legend, and explain tbe story which we 
find that iEgeus and Theseus were not genuine 
Erecbtbeids, tbe former being denominated a sup- 
posititious child to Pandidn^. 

^geus^ has little importance in the mythical 

* Sophokl. ap. Strab. ix. p. 392; Herodot. i. 173; Strabo, xii. p. 5/3. 

' Plutarch, Theseus, c. 13. Aly€ifs Orrtts y€p6fi€V09 Uatrdiovi, ice^ itrfiip 
Tois *E^x^^^^'^ npoojfKmv. Apollod6r. tii. 15, 6. 

' iBgeus had by Mddea (nho took refuge at Athens after her flight 
from Corinth) a son named M^us, who passed into Asia, and was 
considered as the eponymus and progenitor of the Median people. 
Datis, the general who commanded the invading Persian army at the 
battle of Marath6n, sent a formal communication to the Athenians 
announcing himself as the descendant of M^dus, and requiring to be 


hktory except as the father of Theseus : it may 
even be doubted whether his name is anything 
more than a mere cognomen of the god Poseidftn, 
who was (as we are told) the real father of this 
Th^us. great Attic HSraklSs. As I pretend only to give 
a very brief outline of the general territory of Gre- 
cian legend, I cannot permit myself to recount in 
detail the chivalrous career of Thdseus, who is 
found both in the Kalyddnian boar-hunt and in the 
Argonautic expedition — his personal and victorious 
encounters with the robbers Sinnis, Prokrustds, 
Periph^tfis, Scir6n, and others — his valuable ser- 
vice in ridding his country of the Krommyonian 
sow and th^ Marath6nian bull — his conquest of 
the Minotaur in Kr^te, and his escape from the 
dangers of the labyrinth by the aid of Ariadnd, 
whom he subsequently carries off and abandons — 
his many amorous adventures, and his expeditions 
both against the Amazons and into the under- 
world along with Peirithous*. 

admitted as king of Attica : such is the statement of Dioddrus (£xc. 
Vatic, vii.-x. 48 : see alao Schol. Aristophan. Pac. 289). 
* Ovid, Metamorph. vii. 433. — 

''Te, maxime Theseu, 

Mirata est Marathon Cretfei sanguine Tauri : 
Quodque Suis securus arat Cromyona colonus, 
Munus opusque tuum est. Tellus Epidauria per te 
Clavigeram vidit Vulcani occumhere prolem : 
Vidit et immanem Cephisias ora Procrustem. 
Cercyonis letuin yidit Cerealis Eleusin. 
Ocddit ille Sinis," &c. 

Respecting the amours of Theseus, Ister especially seems to have 
entered into great details ; hut some of them were noticed hoth in the 
Ilesiodic poems and hy Kekrops, not to mention Phcrekydls (Athen. 
xiii. p. 557)* Peirithous, the intimate frieud and companion of Theseus, 
is the eponymous hero of the Attic demc or gens Perithoidic (Ephonis 
ap. Photium, v. UtpiOoi^i). 


ThucydidSs delineates the character of Theseus as 
a man who combined sagacity with political power, 
and who conferred upon his country the inestimable 
benefit of uniting all the separate and self-govern* 
ing d6mes of Attica into one common political so- 
ciety*. From the well earned reverence attached 
to the assertion of Thucydidds, it has been cus- 
tomary to reason upon this assertion as histori- 
cally authentic, and to treat the romantic attri- 
butes which we find in Plutarch and Diod6rus as 
if they were fiction superinduced upon this basis 
of fact. Such a view of the case is in my judge- 
ment erroneous. The athletic and amorous knight- 
errant is the old version of the character^ — the 
profound and long sighted politician is a subse- 
quent correction, introduced indeed by men of 
superior mind, but destitute of historical warranty, 
and arising out of their desire to find reasons of 
their own for concurring in the veneration which 
the general public paid more easily and heartily to 
their national hero. ThSseus, in the Iliad and uisiegend- 
Odyssey, fights with the Lapithae against the Cen- til^refincdT 
taurs: Theseus, in the Hesiodic poems, is mis- 
guided by his passion for the beautiful Mgl^, 
daughter of Panopeus^ : and the ThSseus described 
in Plutarch's biography is in great part a continua- 
tion and expansion of these same or similar attri* 
butes, mingled with many local legends, explain- 

' Thucyd. ii. 15. ^Enti^ff bi Oi/crcvf </3air/X<u(rf, y^v6yLtvos fierii rw 
^vv€Tov Kai dvi^aros^ rd r< <Sk\a di€K6a'fir)<rt rqv ^oi>pav, cat Karakva-as 
rmv ^Xcai' froXcwy rd re /3ovXei;r^/9ui icai rat njt^at, 4s t^v pup niSKip 
^M^i<rc ndvras. 

* Hiad, i. 2<>5; Odyss. xi. 3*21. I do n A notice the suspected line, 
Odyss. xi. 630. 




[P^&T 1. 

ing, like the Fasti of Ovid, or the lost Aitia of 
Kallimachus, the original genesis of prevalent reli- 
gious and social cu8toms^ Plutarch has doubtless 
greatly softened down and modified the adventures 
which he found in the Attic logographers as well 
as in the poetical epics called Th6sdis. For in his 
preface to the life of Theseus, after having em- 
phatically declared that he is about to transcend 
the boundary both of the known and the knowable, 
but that the temptation of comparing the founder 
of Athens with the founder of Rome is irresistible, 
he concludes with the following remarkable words : 
''I pray that this fabulous matter may be so far 
obedient to my endeavours as to receive, when 
purified by reason, the aspect of history : in those 
cases where it haughtily scorns plausibility and will 
admit no alliance with what is probable, I shall beg 
for indulgent hearers, willing to receive antique 
Plutarch-, narrative in a mild spirit*." We see here that 

his way of * 

Plutarch sat down, not to recount the old fables 
as he found them, but to purify them by reason 
and to impart to them the aspect of history. We 
have to thank him for having retained, after this 
purification, so much of what is romantic and mar- 
vellous ; but we may be sure that the sources from 
which he borrowed were more romantic and mar- 
vellous still. It was the tendency of the enlight- 

1 Diod6rus also, from his disposition to assimilate Theseus to Hd- 
raklds, has given us his chivalrous as well as his political attributes 
(iv. 61). 

^ Plutarch, Thiseus, i. Ettj fxiv ovp ruiiv, €KKaBatp6fi«vow \6y<j^ r6 
fiv6cib€£ vrraKova'ai Koi Xaffdv lirropiar 2>^(p* ^ov d* Suf avBtAws Toxt 
iriBavQV ir€pi(l>povfff koi prj bkx^rai Trjv npbs t6 tiKos pl^iv, tvyPfO' 
fioucov aKpoaTwv dfrftT6p€$a, Km npa<oi rrjv ap)(aioKoyiav irpo<rlit)(optvtttv. 

the matter 
of legend. 


ened men of Athens, from the days of Sol6n down- 
wards, to refine and politicise the character of Thd- 
seus^ : even Peisistratus expunged from one of the 
Hesiodic poems the line which described the vio- 
lent passion of the hero for the fair Mg]^^: and 
the tragic poets found it more congenial to the 
feelings of their audience to exhibit him as a digni- 
fied and liberal sovereign, rather than as an adven- 
turous single-handed fighter. But the logogra- 
phers and the Alexandrine poets remained more 
faithful to the old fables. The story of HekalS, the 
hospitable old woman who received and blessed 
Theseus when he went against the Marathdnian 
bull, and whom he found dead when he came back 
to recount the news of his success, was treated by 
Kallimachus^ : and Virgil must have had his mind 
full of the unrefined legends when he numbered this 
Attic HSraklSs among the unhappy sufiferers con- 
demned to endless penance in the under-world^. 
Two however among the Thdseian fables cannot 

1 See IsokraUs, Panathenaic. (t. ii. p. 510-512, Auger) ; Xenoph. 
Memor. iii. 5, 10. In the Helenae Encomium, Isokrat^ enlarges more 
upon the personal exploits of Theseus in coi^unction with his great 
political merits (t. ii. p. 342-350, Auger). 

* Plutarch, Th^us, 20. 

' See the epigram of Krinagoras, Antholog. Pal. vol. ii. p. 144 ; ep. 
xv. ed. Brunck. and Kallimach. Frag. 40. 

*A«/dct d* (Kallimachus) 'EicoXi/r re ^iXo^r/yoio koXi^p, 

Some beautiful lines are preserved hy Suidas, v. *Ewav\ia, irtpl 'EK^Xrit 

BawovoTfs (probably spoken by Thiseus himself, see Plutarch, Theseus, 

c. 14). 

"iBi, irpr^tia yvvaucAv, 

Tfj9 6d6v, fjv dviai Ovfiakyw ov nepdaauf* 

ll6XXcuci ctY, & fuiia, ^iXo^ctvoco JCoXi^r 

Myrj<r6fit$a' $vif6p yap ivravXiov t<rK(v Hjracri. 

* Virgil, ^neid, vi. 617. "Sedet Ktemumque sedebit Infelix Theseus." 


be dismissed without some special notice, — ^thd wat 
against the Amazons, and tt^ expedition against 
KrSte. The former strikingly illustrates the facility 
as well as the tenacity of Grecian legendary faith ; 
the latter embraces the story of Daedalus and Mi- 
nos, two of the most eminent among Grecian ante-^ 
historical personages. 
th?Al^a-^ The Amazons, daughters of Ards and Harmo- 
^"*- nia*, are both early creations and frequent repro- 

ductions of the ancient epic — which was indeed, we 
may generally remark, largely occupied both with 
the exploits and sufferings of women, or heroines, 
the wives and daughters of the Grecian heroes — 
and which recognised in Pallas Ath6n^ the finished 
type of an irresistible female warrior. A nation of 
courageous, hardy and indefatigable women, dwell- 
ing apart from men, permitting only a short 
temporary intercourse for the purposfe of renova- 
ting their numbers, and burning out their right 
breast with a view of enabling themselves to draw 
the bow freely, — ^this was at once a general type 
stimulating to the fancy of the poet, and a theme 
eminently popular with his hearers. Nor was it 
at all repugnant to the faith of the latter — who 
had no recorded facts to guide them, and no other 
standard of credibility as to the past except such 
poetical narratives themselves — to conceive com- 
munities of Amazons as having actually existed 
in anterior time. Accordingly we find these war- 
like females constantly reappearing in the ancient 
poems, and universally accepted as past realities. 
In the Iliad, when Priam wishes to illustrate 

* Plierekyd. IVajpoj. 25, Didot. 

Chap. XL] THE AMAZONS. 2»7 

emphatically the most numerons host in which '*• *°*^", 

/ ^ quity and 

he' ever found himself included, he tells us that prevalence. 
it was aiisembled in Phrygia, on the banks of 
the Sangarius, for the purpose of resisting the for^ 
midable Amazons. When Bellerophdn is to be 
employed on a deadly and perilous undertaking', 
by those who indirectly wish to procure his death, 
he is despatched against the Amazons, tn the 
^thiopis of Arktinus, describing the post-Ho- 
meric war of Troy, Penthesileia, queen of the 
Amazons, appears as the most effective ally of the 
besieged city, and as the most formidable enemy 
of the Greeks, succumbing only to the invincible 
might of Achilles^ The Argonautic heroes find 
the Amazons on the river Thenn6ddn, in their ex- 
pedition along the southern coast of the Euxine. 
To the same spot HSraklSs goes to attack them, in 
the performance of the ninth labour imposed upon 
him by Eurystheus, for the purpose of procuring 
the girdle of the Amazonian queen, Hippolyte^; 

> nkd, iii. 186 ; ti. 152. 

' See Produa'ft Argument of the lost ^thiopts (Fragm. Epicor. 
Qneoor. ed. DiiatEer, p. 16). We are reduced to the first book of 
Qumtiis Smynuens for some idea of the valour of PentUesileia ; it is 
supposed to be copied more or less closely from the ^thiopis. See 
Tyofasen's Dissertation prefixed to his edition of Quintus, sections 5 and 
12. Compare Dio. Chrysostom. Or. xi. p. 350, Reisk. Philostrstns 
(Heroica, e. 19. p. 751) gives a strange transformation of this old epical 
nanratiTe into a descent of Amazons upon the island sacred to 

' Ap<dl6n. Rhod. ii. 966, 1004 ; Apollod. ii. 5-9 ; Dioddr. ii. 46 ; iv. 
16. The Amazons were supposed to speak the Thracian language 
(Schcd. ApoU. Rhod. ii. 953), though some authors asserted them to be 
natives of Libya, others of i£thiopia (ib, 965). 

Hellanikus (Frag. 33, ap. Schol. Pindar. Nem. iii. 65) sfud that all 
the Argonauts had assisted HdrakUs in this expedition : the fragment 



[Part h 

ments of 
the Ama- 

and we are told that they had not yet recovered 
from the losses sustained in this severe aggression 
when Theseus also assaulted and defeated them, 
carrying off their queen, Antiop6*. This injury 
they avenged by invading Attica, — an undertaking 
(as Plutarch justly observes) ** neither trifling nor 
feminine," especially if, according to the statement 
of Hellanikus, they crossed the Cimmerian Bospo- 
rus on the winter ice. beginning their march from 
the Asiatic side of the Palus Maeotis«. They over- 
came all the resistances and ditiiculties of this pro- 
digious march, and penetrated even into Athens 
itself, where the final battle, hard-fought and at 
one time doubtful, by which Theseus crushed 
them, was fought — in the very heart of the city. 

of the old epic poem (perhaps the *Afia{6iHa) there quoted mentiona 
Telaiii6n specially. 

* The many dirersities in the story respecting Th^eus and the Ama- 
zon Antiop^ are well set forth in Bachet de Meziriac (Commentaires sur 
Oride, t. i. p. 317). 

Welcker (Der Epische Cyclus, p. 313) supposes that the ancient epic 
poem called by Suidas *AfjM(6uiay related to the invasion of Attica by the 
Amazons, and that this poem is the same, under another title, as the 
*Ar^c( of Hegesinous cited by Pausanias : I cannot say that he esta- 
blishes this conjecture satisfactorily, but the chapter is well worth con- 
sulting. The epic Thdsdis seems to have given a version of the Ama- 
zonian contest in many respects different from that which Plutarch baa 
put together out of the logographers (see Plut. Th^. 28): it contained 
a narrative of many unconnected exploits belonging to Thdseus, and 
Aristotle censures it on that account as ill-constructed (Poetic, c 17). 

The *A/Aa(ovlr or 'A/xofoi^ucA of Onasus can hardly have been (as Heyne 
suppdses, ad ApoUod. ii. 5, 9) an epic poem : we may ii^r from the 
rationalising tendency of the citation from it (Schol. ad Theocrit. 
xiii. 46, and Schol. Apoll6n. Rhod. i. 1207) that it was a work in 
prose.'t There was an *Afia{ov\s by Possis of Magn^ia (AtbeuKus, vii. 
p. 296). 

' Plutarch, Thdseus, 27. Pindar (Ol3rmp. xiii. 84) represents the 
Amazons as having come from the extreme north, when Belleroph6n 
conquers them. 


Attic antiquaries confideiitly pointed out the exact 
position of the two contending armies: the left 
wing of the Amazons rested upon the spot occupied 
by the commemorative monument called the Ama- 
zoneion ; the right wing touched the Pnyx, the 
place in which the public assemblies of the Athe- 
nian democracy were afterwards held. The details 
and fluctuations of the combat, as well as the final 
triumph and consequent truce, were recounted by 
these authors with as complete faith and as much 
circumstantiality as those of the battle of Plat^a 
by Herodotus. The sepulchral edifice called the 
Amazoneion, the tomb or pillar of AntiopS near the 
western gate of the city — the spot called the Hor- 
komosion near the temple of Thfiseus — even the 
hill of Areiopagus itself, and the sacrifices which it 
was customary to offer to the Amazons at the peri- 
odical festival of the Thfiseia — were all so many re- 
ligious mementos of this victory ' ; which was more- 
over a favourite subject of art both with the sculptor 
and the painter, at Athens as well as in other parts 
of Greece. 

No portion of the ante-historical epic appears to 
have been more deeply worked into the national 
mind of Greece than this invasion and defeat of 
the Amazons. It was not only a constant theme 

« Plutarch, Th^iw, 27-28 ; Pausan. i. 2, 4 j Plato, Axiochui, c. 2; 
Harpocratidn, v. 'Afia{opfiov; Aristophan. L3r8i8trat. 678, with the 
Scholia. ^schyL (Eumenid. 685) says that the Amazons assaulted 
the citadel from the Areiopagus :— 

Hayop T "Apfiop r6v9, *Afia(6veiv Ibpcof 
2iajpdg r ,. &r ^\0op Qfjtrtag Korh (f>$6pov 
l^TpaTrfkarovirat, mil irSKiv pt&irroKuf 
Tfp^ vt^ivvpyov ayrtirvpyntrav irort, 

VOL. I. U 


of the logographers, but was also familiarly ap- 
pealed to by the popular orators along with Mara- 
thdn and Salamis, among those antique exploits of 
which their fellow* citizens might justly be proud. 
It formed a part of the retrospective faith of He- 
rodotus, Lysias, Plato and IsokratSsS and the exact 
date of the event was settled by the chronologists'. 
Nor did the Athenians stand alone in such a belief. 
Throughout many other regions of Greece, both 
European and Asiatic, traditions and memorials of 
the Amazons were found. At Megara, at Troezen, 
in Laconia near Cape Taenarus, at Chseroneia in 
Boe6tia, and in more than one part of Thessaly, 
sepulchres or monuments of the Amazons were 
preserved. The warlike women (it was said), on 
their way to Attica, had not traversed those 

* Herodot. ix. 27. L3r8ia8 (Epitaph, c. 3) represents the Amazons 
as SpxovaM woXk&» tOv<ovi the whole race, according to him, was 
nearly extinguished in their unsuccessful and calamitous invasion of 
Attica. Isokratis (Panegyric, t. i. p. 206, Auger) says the same ; also 
Panath^naic. t. iii. p. 560, Auger; Demosth. £pitq)h. p. 1391, Reisk. 
Pausanias quotes Pindar's notice of .the invasion, and with the fullest 
belief of its historical reality (yii. 2, 4). Plato mentions the invasion 
of Attica by the Amazons in the Menexenus (c. 9), but the passage in 
the treatise De Legg* c. ii. p. 804, — oKotmv yhp dij fiv$ovs nakatoxfs nt' 
7r€ia'fuu, &c.— is even a stronger evidence of his own belief. And Xeno- 
phdn in the Anabasis, when he compares the quiver and the hatchet of 
his barbarous enemies to "those which the Amazons carry,*' evidently 
believed himself to be speaking of real persons, though he could have 
seen only the costumes and armature of those painted by Mik6n and 
others (Anabas. iv. 4, 10 ; compare iEschyl. Supplic. 293, and Aristo- 
pfaan. Lysistr. 678; Lucian. Anachars. c. 31. v. iii. p. 318). 

How copiously the tale was enlarged upon by the authors of the 
Atthides, we see in Plutarch, Theseus, 27-28. 

Hekatams (ap. Steph. Byz. 'AfiaCovtioy; also Fragm. 350, 351, 352, 
Didot) and Xanthus (ap. Hesychiuni, v. BovXc^ii;) both treated of the 
Amazons : the latter passage ought to be added to the collection of the 
Fragments of Xanthus by Didot. 

* Clemens Alexandr. Stromat. i. p. 336 ; Marmor Parium, Epoch. 21. 


countries without leaving some evidences of their 

Amongst the Asiatic Greeks the supposed traces Th«ir 

rm • ubiquity. 

of the Amazons were yet more numerous. Their 
proper territory was asserted to be the town and 
plain of Themiskyra, near the Grecian colony of 
Amisus, on the river Therm6d6n, a region called 
after their name by Roman historians and geogra- 
phers*. But they were believed to have conquered 
and occupied in early times a much wider range 
of territory, extending even to the coast of I6nia 
and ^oKs. Ephesus, Smyrna, Kymfi, Myrina, 
Paphos and SinopS were affirmed to have been 
founded and denominated by them^. Some authors 
placed them in Libya or Ethiopia; and when the 
Pontic Greeks on the north-western shore of the 
Euxine had become acquainted with the hardy and 

* Plutarch, ThSs. 27-28. Steph. Byz. v. 'A/xa^omov. Pausan. ii. 
32,8; iii.26,2. 

* Pherekyd^ ap. Schol. ApoUon. Rh. ii. 373-992 ; Justin, ii. 4 ; 
Strabo, xii. p. 547, 0€fii<rKvp<uf, r6 rSof *AfjMC6vc9P oliajrfjptov ; Dio- 
d6r. ii. 45-46 ; Sallust ap. Serv. ad Virgil. Mueid. xi. 659 ; Pompon. 
Mela, i. 19; Plin. H. N. vi. 4. The geography of Quintus Curtius 
(vi. 4) and of Philostratus (Heroic, c. 19) is on this point indefinite, and 
even ineonsistent. 

' Ephor. Fragm. 87, Didot. Strabo, xi. p. 505 ; xii. p. 573 ; xiii. 
p. 622. Pausan. iv. 31, 6; vii. 2, 4. Tacit. Ann. iii. 61. Schol. 
ApoUon. Rhod. iL 965. 

The derivation of the name Sinopd from an Amazon was given by 
Hekataeus (Fragm. 352). Themiskyra also had one of the Amazons 
for its epon3rmus (Appian, Bell. Mithridat. 78). 

Some of the most venerated religious legends at SinopS were attached 
to the expedition of Hlrakl^s against the Amazons: Autolykus, the 
oracle-giving hero, worshiped with great solemnity even at the time 
when the town was besieged by LucuUus, was the companion of H^ra- 
kl^ (Appian, ib. c. 83). Even a small moimtain village in the territory 
of Ephesus, called Latoreia, derived its name from one of the Amazons 
(Athense. i. p. 31). 



daring character of the Sarmatian maidens, — ^who 
were ohliged to have slain each an enemy in battle 
as the condition of obtaining a husband, and who 
artificially prevented the growth of the right breast 
during childhood, — they could imagine no more 
satisfactory mode of accounting for such attributes 
than by deducing the Sarmatians from a colony of 
vagrant Amazons, expelled by the Grecian heroes 
from their territory on the Therm6d^n^ Pindar 
ascribed the first establishment of the memorable 
temple of Artemis at Ephesus to the Amazons. And 
Pausanias explains in part the pre-eminence which 
this temple enjoyed over every other in Greece by 
the widely diffused renown of its female founders^, 
respecting whom he observes (with perfect truth, if 
we admit the historical character of the old epic), 
that women possess an unparalleled force of resolu- 
tion in resisting adverse events, since the Amazons, 
after having been first roughly handled by HdraklSs 
and then completely defeated by Theseus, could yet 
find courage to play so conspicuous a part in the 
defence of Troy against the Grecian besiegers®. 

1 Herodot. iv. 108-1 1 7> where he gives the long tale, imagined by 
the Pontic Greeks, of the origin of the Sarmatian nation. Compare 
Hippocrat^ De Aere, Locis et Aquis, c. 17; Ephorus, Fragm. 103; 
Skymn. Chins, v. 102 ; Phito, Legg. vii. p. 804 ; Diod6r. ii. 34. 

The testimony of Hippokrat^ certifies the practice of the Sarmatian 
women to check the growth of the right breast : T6p debtor dc fuiC^ owe 
?Xov<riy. Uat^loun yhp iwtrw Jrt mpriourw al lUfTtpti xa^«(oy Ttrcx*^ 
/Acvov ht aM^ rovT^ iidirvpov noUovaai, irp6s t6v fui(6p nB^can r^y 
b€$ioV Koi hiriKtutTtu, &<rrt rrfv aHfyiirw 4>^lp^<r3ait ds di t6p dcfioy 
i>ftov Koi PpaxioiHi natrcuf n)v taxyp ical r6 irXtjOof iKbMvtu, 

Ktdsias also compares a warlike Sakian woman to the Am ^ y ^yi^ 
(Fragm. Persic, ii. pp. 221, 449, Bahr). 

' Pausan. iv. 31, 6; vii. 2, 4. Dionys. Peri^^. 828. 

' Pausaii. i. 15, 2. 


It is thus that in what is called early Grecian Uniycrsaiiy 
history, as the Greeks themselves looked back a portion of 
upon it, the Amazons were among the most pro- p^t. ^ 
minent and undisputed personages. Nor will the 
circumstance appear wonderful if we reflect, that 
the belief in them was first established at a time 
when the Grecian mind was fed with nothing else 
bat religious legend and epic poetry, and that the 
incidents of the supposed past, as received from 
jthese sources, were addressed to their faith and 
feelings, without being required to adapt themselves 
to any canons of t^redibility drawn from present ex- 
perience. But the time came when the historians 
of Alexander the Great audaciously abused this 
ancient credence. Amongst other tales calculated 
to exalt the dignity of that monarch, they aflSurmed 
that after his conquest and subjugation of the 
Persian empire, he had been visited in Hyrcania 
by Thalestris, queen of the Amazons, who admiring Amazons 
his warlike prowess, was anxious to be enabled to L present 
return into her own country in a condition to pro- StoSlMof 
duce offspring of a breed so invincible*. But the Ai«^*n^* 
Greeks had now been accustomed for a century 
and a half to historical and philosophical criticism 
— and that uninquiring faith, which was readily ac* 
corded to the wonders of the past, could no longer 
be invoked for them when tendered as present 
reality. For the fable of the Amazons was here 
reproduced in its naked simplicity, without being 

* Arrian^ Exped. Alex. yiL 13; compare iv. 15 ; Quint. Curt. yi. 4 ; 
JustiD, zliL 4. The note of Freinahemius on the ahove passage of 
Quintus Curtius is full of valoable references on the subject of the 
Anuusons. ^ 

294 . HISTORY OF OUECB. [Pabt L 

rationalised or painted over with historic&l 

Some literary men indeed, among whom were 
D6mdtriu8 of Skepsis, and the Mitylensean Theo- 
phanSs, the companion of Pompey in his expeditions, 
still continued their belief both in Amazons present 
and Amazons past ; and when it became notorious 
that at least there were none such on the banks of 
the Therm6ddn, these authors supposed them to 
have migrated from their original locality, and to 
have settled in the unvisited regions north of 
Mount Caucasus ^ Strabo, on the contrary, feeling 
that the grounds of disbelief applied with equal 
force to the ancient stories and to the modern, 
rejected both the one and the other. But he re- 
marks at the same time, not without some sur- 
prise, that it was usual with most persons to adopt 
a middle course, — to retain the Amazons as histo- 
rical phaenomena of the remote past, but to dis- 
allow them as realities of the present, and to main- 
tain that the breed had died out^. The accom- 

1 Strabo, id. p. 503-504 ; Appian, Bell. Mithridat. c. 103; Plutarch, 
Pompeius, c. 35. Plin. N. H. yi. 7* Plutarch still retams the old descrip- 
tion of Amazons from the mountains near the Therm6d6n : Appian keeps 
clear of this geographical error, probably copying more exactly the lan- 
guage of Theophan^s, who must have heea well-aware that when LucuUus 
besieged Themiskyra, he did not find it defended by the Amazons (see 
Appian, Bell. Mithridat. c. 78). Ptolemy (v. 9) places the Amazons 
in the imperfectly known regions of Asiatic Sarmatia, north of the 
Caspian and near the river Rha (Volga). *' This fabulous community 
of women (observes Forbiger, Handbuch der alten Geographic, ii. 77> 
p. 457) ^as a phsenomenon much too interesting for the geographers 
easily to relinquish." 

' Strabo, xi. p. 505. "l^iov dc n ovfi^firfM r^ Xoy^ frtpi t»p 'A/ia- 
(6vmp, 01 fJ4V yap SXXoi t6 fiv&»^ts ical t6 laropuchp buapio'iievfMf Z)(pv<n' 
ra yap woKtuk koH yfttx/drj ical rfpor^di;, fivSot Kokovvrai' [Note, Strabo 
does not always speak of the fii/Boi in this di8req[>ectful to^e; he is 


plished intellect of Julius Csesar did not scruple to 
acknowledge them as having once conquered and 
held in dominion a large portion of Asia^ ; and 
the compromise between early, traditional, and 
religious faith on the one hand, and established 
habits of critical research on the other, adopted by conflict of 
the historian Arrian, deserves to be transcribed in reason in 
his own words, as illustrating strikingly the pow- nwiaiUcs. 
erful sway of the old legends even over the most 
positive-minded Greeks : — " Neither Aristobulus 
nor Ptolemy (he observes), nor any other competent 
witness, has recounted this (visit of the Amazons 
and their queen to Alexander) : nor does it seem 
to me that the race of the* Amazons was preserved 

sometimes much displeased with those who dispute the existence of 
an hi8t<Mrical kernel in the inside^ especially with regard to Homer.] 
^ d* Urropia jSovXcroi rakfjBis, Sarrt iroXcu^v, Sarrt ptov ica\ t6 rcportfdcff 
$ ovK tfx^h ^ (Twdyiov, IIcpl dc t»v *AiJLa(6vwv ra avra Xtyvrcu Ka\ vvv 
Kiii noKcLi, T€paTo>drf r Spra, Koi mar«as n6fip<o, Tis yapjbf iri(rT€v<r€t€v, 
itt ywtuK&p oTpoTos, fj 7r6kit, fj tfOyot, av<rnibj &v irdrc x»p)s dydptty; 
Koii ov p6vov avaralfj, dXKh kclL c^H$dow iroifja'cuTo eVl rrfv oKkorpiav, ictu 
KpaT7fa'€i€V ov Tciv iyyvs p4uop, &<Trt kclL p*XP'' ''^^ ^^ *lci>vias irpoeXBelVf 
akXa Koi dtofrSpTiou orrtXcuro (rrpariap fuxpi rfjs 'Arruc^r; 'AXXc^ pJjv 
Tovrd yt avrii Koi vvv Xcyeroi ir€p\ avrciv' cVtrctvci de r^v IdiSTrfva 
Ka\ t6 iria'T€if€a'6at ra noKata paWov ^ ra vvp. There are how- 
ever other passages in which he speaks of the Amazons as realities. 

Justin (ii. 4) recognises the great power and extensive conquests of 
the Amazons in very early times^ but says that they gradually decUned 
down to the reign of Alexander, in whose time there were just a few re- 
maining ; the queen with these few visited Alexander, but shortly after- 
wards the whole breed became extinct. This hypothesis has the merit 
of convenience, perhaps of ingenuity. 

^ Suetonius, Jul. Caesar, c. 22. " In Syri& quoque regnasse Semi- 
ramin (Julius Csesar said this), magnamque Asise partem Amazonas 
tcnuisse quondam." 

In the splendid triumph of the emperor Aurehan at Rome after the 
defeat of Zenobia, a few Gothic women who had been taken in arms 
were exhibited among the prisoners ; the official placard carried along 
with them announced them as Amazons (Vopiscus Aurcl. in Histor. 
August. Scrip, p. 260, ed. Paris). 


down to that time, nor have they been noticed 
either by any one before Alexander, or by Xeno- 
phdn, though he mentions both the Phasians and 
the Kolchians, and the other barbarous nations 
which the Greeks saw both before and after their 
arrival at Trapezus, in which marches they must 
have met with the Amazons, if the latter had been 
still in existence. Yet it is incredible to me that 
this race of women, celebrated as they have been 
by authors so many and so conimanding, should 
never have existed at all. The story tells of H^ra- 
kl^, that he set out from Greece and brought back 
with him the girdle of their queen HippolytS ; also 
of Th^us and the Athenians, that they were the 
first who defeated in battle and repelled these 
women in their invasion of Europe ; and the com- 
bat of the Athenians with the Amazons has been 
pointed by Mik6n, not less than that between the 
Athenians and the Persians. Moreover Herodotus 
has spoken in many places of these women, and 
those Athenian orators who have pronounced pa- 
negyrics on the citizens slain in battle, have dwelt 
upon the victory over the Amazons as among the 
most memorable of Athenian exploits. If the satrap 
of Media sent any equestrian women at all to Alex- 
ander, I think that they must have come from some 
of the neighbouring barbarous tribes, practised in 
riding and equipped in the costume generally called 

There cannot be a more striking evidence of the 
indelible force with which these ancient legends 
were worked into the national faith and feelings of 

' Arrian, Expedit. Alexand. yii. 13. 


the Greeks, than these remarks of a judicious histo- 
rian upon the fable of the Amazons. Probably if 
any plausible mode of rationalising it, and of trans- 
forming it into a quasi-political event, had been 
offered to Arrian, be would have been better pleased 
to adopt such a middle term, and would have rested 
comfortably in the supposition that he believed the 
legend in its true meaning, while his less-inquiring 
countrymen were imposed upon by the exaggera- 
tions of poets. But as the story was presented to 
him plain and unvarnished, either for acceptance 
or rejection, his feelings as a patriot and a religious 
man prevented him from applying to the past such 
tests of credibility as his untrammeled reason aC'p 
knowledged to be paramount in regard to the pre«- 
sent. When we see moreover how much his beUef 
was strengthened, and all tendency to scepticism 
shut out, by the familiarity of his eye and memory 
with sculptured or painted Amazons^ — we may cal- 
culate the irresistibte force of this sensible demon- 
stration on the convictions of the unlettered public, 
at once more deeply retentive of passive impres- 
sions, and unaccustomed to the countervailing habit 
of rational investigation into evidence. Had the 
march of an army of warlike women, from theTher- 
m6ddn or the Tanais into the heart of Attica, been 
recounted to Arrian as an incident belonging to the 
time of Alexander the Great, he would have re- 
jected it no less emphatically than Strabd ; but cast 

' Kt^flias described as real animals, existing in wild and distant re- 
gions, the heterogeneous and fimtastic combinations which he saw 
sculptured in the East (see this stated and illustrated in Bahr, Pre&oe 
to the Fragm. of Kt^sias, pp. 58, 59). 


back as it was into an undefined past, it took rank 
among the hallowed traditions of divine or heroic 
antiquity, — gratifying to extol by rhetoric, but re- 
pulsive to scrutinise in argument ^ 

^ Heyne observes (Apollod6r. ii. 5, 9) with respect to the fable of the 
Amazons, " In his historiarum fidem aut vestigia nemo qusesiverit/' 
Admitting the wisdom of this counsel (and I think it indisputable), why 
are we required to presume, in the absence of all proof, an historical 
basis for each of those other narratives, such as the Kalyd6nian boar- 
iwHty tlie Aiyimtic espedkasB, or tin wege of Tioj, whicb go to make 
up, along with the stoiy of the Amazons, the aggregate matter of Gre- 
cian legendary faith ? If the tale of the Amazons could gain currency 
without any such support, why not other portions of the ancient epic? 

An author of easy belief. Dr. F. Nagel, vindicates the historical reality 
of the Amazons (Geschichte der Amazonen, Stutgart, 1838). I subjoin 
here a different explanation of the Amazonian tale, proceeding from an* 
other author who rejects the historical basis, and contained in a work 
of learning and value {Gukl, Ephesiaca, Berlin, 1843, p. 132) : — 

" Id tantum monendum videtur, Amazonas nequaquam historice ac- 
cipiendas esse, sed e contrario totas ad mythologiam pertinere. Eamm 
enim fabulas quum ex freqoentium hierodularum gregibus in cukibtti 
et sacris Asiaticis ortas esse ingeniose ostenderit Tolken, jam inter 
omnes mythologuB peritos constat, Amazonibus nihil fere nisi per^rini 
«ujuidam cultiis notionem expressum esse, ejusque cum Gnecorom re- 
ligione certamen frequentibus istis pugnis designatum esse, quas cum 
Amazonibus tot Grsecorum heroes habuisse credebantur, Hercules, Bel- 
lerophon, Theseus, AchiUes, et vel ipse, quem Ephesi cultum fuisae 
supra ostendimus, Dionysus. Quse Amazonum notio primaria, quum 
paulatim Euemeristic^ (ut ita dicam) ratione ita transformaretur, ut 
Amazones pro vero feminarum populo haberentur, necesse quoque erat, 
ut omnibus fere lods, ubi ejusmodi religionum certamina locum ha- 
buenmt, Amazones habitasse, vel eo usque processisse, crederentur. 
Quod cum nusquam manifestius fuerit, quam in Asi& minore, et potis- 
simum in ek parte quae Gneciam versus vergit, baud mirandum est 
omnes fere ejus one urbes ab Amazonibus conditas putari." 

I do not know the evidence upon which this conjectural interpreta- 
tion rests, but the statement of it, though it boasts so many support- 
ers among mythological critics, carries no appearance of probability to 
my mind. Priam fights against the Amazons as well as the Grecian 




To understand the adventures of Theseus in KrSte, 
it will be necessary to touch briefly upon Minds 
and the KrStan heroic genealogy. 

Minds and Rhadamanthus, according to Homer, Min6s and 
are sons of Zeus, by Europ^S daughter of the thus, sons 
widely-celebrated Phoenix, bom in KrSte. Minds ^^^ 
is the father of Deukalidn, whose son Idomeneus, 
in conjunction with MSrionds, conducts the KrStan 
troops to the host of Agamemndn before Troy. 
Minds is ruler of Knossus, and familiar companion 
of the great Zeus. He is spoken of as holding 
guardianship in KrSte — ^not necessarily meaning 
the whole of the island : he is farther decorated 
with a golden sceptre, and constituted judge over 
the dead in the under-world to settle their disputes, 
in which function Odysseus finds him — ^this how- 
ever by a passage of comparatively late interpola- 
tion into the Odyssey. He also had a daughter 
named Ariadnd, for whom the artist Daedalus fabri- 
cated in the town of Knossus the representation of 
a complicated dance, and who was ultimately car- 

1 Europd was worshiped with yeiy peculiar loleiimity in the island of 
Krftte (see Dictsrs Cretensis, De BeUo Trojano, i. c. 2). 

The Tenerable plane-tree, under which Zeus and Europe had reposed, 
was still shown, hard by a fountain at Gortyn in Kr^, in the time of 
Theophrastus : it was Mid to be the only plane-tree in the neighbour- 
hood whidi nerer cast its leaTes (Theophrast. Hist. Plant, i. 9). 


ried off by ThSseus : she died in the island of Dia, 
deserted by Theseus and betrayed by Dionysos to 
the fatal wrath of Artemis. Rhadamanthus seems 
to approach to Minds both in judicial functions and 
posthumous dignity. He is conveyed expressly to 
Euboea, by the semi-divine sea-carriers the Phsea- 
cians, to inspect the gigantic -corpse of the earth- 
born Tityus — the longest voyage they ever under- 
took. He is moreover after death promoted to an 
abode of undisturbed bliss in the Elysian plain at 
the extremity of the earths 
Europe. According to poets later than Homer, Europd is 

brought over by Zeus from Phoenicia to KrSte, 
where she bears to him three sons. Minds, Rhada- 
manthus and Sarpdddn. The latter leaves KrSte 
and settles in Lykia, the population of which, as 
well as that of many other portions of Asia Minor, 
is connected by various mythical genealogies with 
KrSte, though the Sarpdddn of the Iliad has no 
connection with KrSte, and is not the son of Eu- 
rope. Sarpdd6n, having become king of Lykia, 
was favoured by his father, Zeus, with permission 
to live for three generations^ At the same time 

> Homer, Diad, xiii. 249, 450; xiy. 321. Odyss. xi. 322-568; xiz. 
179; iv. 664-vii. 321. 

The Homeric Minds in the under-world is not a judge of the pre?ious 
lives of the dead, so as to determine whether they deserve reward or 
punishment for their conduct on earth : such functions are not assigned 
to him earlier than the time of Plato. He administers justice among 
the dead, who are conceiyed as a sort of society, requiring some pre- 
siding judge : B€fu<Tr€vovTa v€KV€(r<n, with regard to Min6s, is said yexy 
much like (Odyss. zi. 484) vw d* a^ p/iya Kpca^tis wttMinn widi r^ 
gard to Achilles. See this matter partially illustrated in Heyne's Ex- 
cursus zi. to the sixth book of the iBneid of Virgil. 

^ Apollod6r. iii. 1, 2. Kal avrf dUknn Z€i>f cVl rptu y€P€ht Qp, TbiB 
circumstance is eyidently imagined by the logographers to account for 


the youthful Miletus, a favourite of Sarp^ddn, 
quitted Krdte, and established the city which bore 
his name on the coast of Asia Minor. Rhadaman- 
thus became sovereign of and lawgiver among the 
islands in the ^gean : he subsequently went to 
Boe6tia, where he married the widowed Alkmdnd, 
mother of HSraklds. 

Europd finds in Krdte a king Asterius, who mar- 
ries her and adopts her children by Zeus: this 
Astdriug is the son, of Krds, the eponym of the 
island, or (according to another genealogy by which 
it was attempted to be made out that Minds was of 
Ddrian race) he was a son of the daughter of KrSs 
by Tektamus, the son of Ddrus, who had migrated 
into the island from Greece. 

Min6s married Pasiphad, daughter of the god PMipbtS 
Helios and Persefs, by whom he had Katreus, Deu- Mindtanr. 
kalidn, Glaukus, Androgeos, — names marked in the 
legendary narrative, — together with several daugh« 
ters, among whom were Ariadnd and Phaedra. He 
oflfended Poseiddn by neglecting to fulfil a solemnly- 
made vow, and the displeased god afflicted his wife 
PasiphaS with a monstrous passion for a bull. The 
great artist Daedalus, son of Eupalamus, a fugitive 
from Athens, became the confidant of this amour, 
from which sprang the Mindtaur, a creature half- 
man and half-bull'. This Mindtaur was impri- 
soned by Min6s in the labyrinth, an inextricable 

the appearance of SarpMdn in the Trojan war, fighting agamst Idome- 
nena, the grandson of Minfts. Nisus ia the eponjrmus of Nis®a, the 
port of the town of Megara : his tomb was shown at Athens (Pausan. 
L 19, 5). Min6s is the eponjrm of the island of Minoa (opposite the 
port of Nisflea), where it was affirmed that the fleet of Minds was sta- 
tioned (Pausan. i. 44, 5). ' Apollod6r. iii. I, .2. 



[Part I. 

Scylla and 


Death of 
and aneer 
of Minds 

inclosure constructed by Daedalus for that express 
purpose, by order of Min6s. 

Min6s acquired great nautical power, and ex- 
pelled the Karian inhabitants from many of the 
islands of the ^gean, which he placed under the 
government of his sons on the footing of tribu- 
taries. He undertook several expeditions against 
various places on the coast — one against Nisus, 
the son of Pandidn, king of Megara, who had 
amongst the hair of his head one peculiar lock of a 
purple colour : an oracle had pronounced that his 
life and reign would never be in danger so long as 
he preserved this precious lock. The city would have 
remained inexpugnable, if Scylla, the daughter of Ni- 
sus, had not conceived a violent passion for Minds. 
While her father was asleep, she cut off the lock on 
which his safety hung, so that the KrStan king soon 
became victorious. Instead of performing his pro- 
mise to carry Scylla away with him to Krdte, he 
cast her from the stern of his vessel into the sea ' : 
both Scylla and Nisus were changed into birds. 

Androgeos, son of Minds, having displayed such 
rare qualities as to vanquish all his competitors at 
the Panathenaic festival in Athens, was sent by 
JSgeus the Athenian king to contend against the 
bull of Marath6n, — an enterprise in which he pe- 
rished, and Minds made war upon Athens to avenge 
his death. He was for a long time unable to take 
the city : at length he prayed to his father Zeus to 
aid him in obtaining redress from the Athenians, 

' Apolloddr. iii. 15, 8. See the Ciria of Virgil, a juvenile poem on the 
subject of this fiable ; also Hyginus, f. 198 ; Schol. Eurip. Hippol. 1200. 
Propertitts (iii. 19, 21) gives the features of the story with tolerable fide- 
lity ; Ovid takes considerable liberties with it (Metam. viii. 5-150). 


and Zeus sent upon them pestilence and famine. 
In vain did they endeavour to avert these calami- 
ties by offering up as propitiatory sacrifices the 
four daughters of Hyakinthus. Their sufferings still 
continued, and the oracle directed them to submit to 
any terms which Minds might exact. He required 
that they should send to KrSte a tribute of seven 
youths and seven maidens, periodically, to bedevour- 
edby theMin6taur\ — offered to him in a labyrinth 
constructed by Daedalus, including countless differ- 
ent passages, out of which no person could escape. 

Every ninth year this offering was to be des- Athenian 
patched. The more common story was, that the the Mfnd.^ 
youths and maidens thus destined to destruction ^^^' 
were selected by lot — but the logographer Hellani- 
kus said that Min6s came to Athens and chose 
them himself*. The third period for despatching 
the victims had arrived, and Athens was plunged 
in the deepest affliction, when Th^eus determined 
to devote himself as one of them, and either to ter- 
minate the sanguinary tribute or to perish. He 
prayed to Poseidon for help, while the Delphian god 
assured him that Aphrodite would sustain and ex- 
tricate him. On arriving at Knossus he was for- 
tunate enough to captivate the affections of Ariadn^, Scif-devo- 
the daughter of Minds, who supplied him with a ThSseus— 
sword and a clue of thread. With the former he Minduun** 
contrived to kill the Min6taur, the latter served ^«^"^- 

' Apollod6r. iii. 15, 8. 

* See, on the lubject of Th^us and the Min6taiir, Eckennann, 
Lebrbuch der ReUgions Geschichte und Mjrtholo^e^yol.ii. ch. xiii. p.l33. 
He maintains that the tribute of these human victims paid by Athens to 
Minds is an historical fact. Upon what this belief is grounded, I con- 
fess I do not see. 


to guide his footsteps in escaping from the laby- 
rinth. Having accomplished this triumph, he left 
Krdte with his ship and companions unhurt, carry- 
ing off AriadnS, whom however he soon abandoned 
on the island of Naxos. On his way home to 
Athens, he stopped at Ddlos, where he offered a 
grateful sacrifice to Apollo for his escape, and 
danced, along with the young men and maiidens 
whom he had rescued from the Mindtaur, a dance 
called the Geranus, imitated from the twists and 
convolutions of the KrStan labyrinth. It had been 
concerted with his father ^geus, that if he suc- 
ceeded in his enterprise against the Mindtaur, he 
should on his return hoist white sails in his ship 
in place of the black canvas which she habitu- 
ally carried when employed on this mournful em- 
bassy. But Theseus forgot to make the change of 
sails ; so that ^geus, seeing the ship return with 
her equipment of mourning unaltered, was im- 
pressed with the sorrowful conviction that his son 
had perished, and cast himself into the sea. The 
ship which made this voyage was preserved by 
the Athenians with careful solicitude, being con- 
stantly repaired with new timbers, down to the 
time of the Phalerian D6m6trius: every year she 
was sent from Athens to DSlos with a solemn sacri- 
6ce and specially-nominated envoys. The priest of 
Apollo decked her stem with garlands before she 
quitted the port, and during the time which elapsed 
until her return, the city was understood to abstain 
from all acts carrying with them public impurity, 
commemo- SO that it was Unlawful to put to death any person 
monicr" cvcu uuder formal sentence by the dikastery. This 


acctdeDtal circamstance becomes especially memo- 
rable, from its having post[>oaed for thirty days the 
death of the lamented Socrates ^ 

The legend respecting Theseus, and his heroic 
rescue of the seven noble youths and maidens from 
the jaws of the Min6taur, was thus both comme- 
morated and certified to the Athenian public, by 
the annual holy ceremony and by the unquestioned 
identity of the vessel employed in it. There were 
indeed many varieties in the mode of narrating the 
incident ; and some of the Attic logographers tried 
to rationalise the fable by transforming the Mino- 
taur into a general or a powerful athlete, named 
Taurus, whom Theseus vanquished in Krdte^. But 

> Plato, PhsDdon, e. 2, 3 ; Xenoph. Memor. iy. 8, 2. Plato especially 
noticed row Sis eirra (Ktivovs, the leven youths and seven maidens 
whom Th^euB conveyed to Kr^te and hrouglit back safely : this num- 
ber seems an old and constant feature in the legend, maintained by 
Sappho and Bacchyfid^, as well as by Euripides (Here. Fur. 1318). 
See Servius ad A^irgiL JGneid. vi. 21. 

' For the general narrative and its discrepancies, see Plutarch, ThSs. 
c. 16-19; Diod6r. iv. 60-62; Pausan. i. 17, 3; Ovid, Epist. Ariadn. 
Th^. 104. In that other portion of the work of Diod6rus which relates 
more especially to Kr^te, and is borrowed from Kr^tan logogitiphers 
and historians (v. 64-80), he mentions nothing at all respecting the war 
of Min6s with Athens. 

In the drama of Euripides called llilseus, the genuine story of the 
youths and maidens about to be offered as food to the Min6taur was 
introduced (Schol. ad Aristoph. Yesp. 312). 

AriadnSfiguresinthe Odyssey along with Th^us : she is the daugh- 
ter of Min68, carried off by Theseus from Kr^, and killed by Artemis 
in the way home : there is no allusion to Min6taur, or tribute, or self- 
devotion of Theseus (Odyss. xi. 324). This is probably the oldestand sim- 
plest form of the legend — one of the many amorous (compare Theognis, 
1232) adventures of Theseus : the rest is added by post-Homeric poets. 

The respect of Aristotle for Min6s induces him to adopt the hypo- 
thesis that the Athenian youths and maidens were not put to death in 
Kr^, but grew old in servitude. (Aristot. Fragm. Borrtaiav IloXtrc/a, 
p. 106. ed. Neumann, of the Fragments of the treatise Jltpi TIokiTti&v, 
Phitarch^ Qosetl. Gnec. p. 298.) 

VOL. I. X 


this altered version never overbore the old fanciful 
character of the tale as maintained by the poets. 
A great number of other religious ceremonies and 
customs, as well as several chapels or sacred enclo- 
sures in honour of different heroes, were connected 
with different acts and special ordinances of The- 
seus. To every Athenian who took part in the 
festivals of the Oschophoria, the Pyanepsia, or the 
Kybern^sia, the name of this great hero was fami- 
liar, and the motives for offering to him solemn 
worship at his own special festival of the Thfiseia, 
became evident and impressive. 

The same Athenian legends which ennobled and 
decorated the character of Theseus, painted in repul- 
sive colours the attributes of Min6s ; and the traits 
of the old Homeric comrade of Zeus were buried un- 
der those of the conqueror and oppressor of Athens. 
His history, like that of the other legendary per- 
sonages of Greece, consists almost entirely of a 
?uniiy of string of family romances and tragedies. His son 
Katreus, father of Aerop^, wife of Atreus, was ap- 
prised by an oracle that he would perish by the hand 
of one of his own children : he accordingly sent them 
out of the island, and Althaemends, his son, esta- 
blished himself in Rhodes. Katreus having become 
old, and fancying that he had outlived the warning 
of the oracle, went over to Rhodes to see Althse- 
menSs. In an accidental dispute which arose be- 
tween his attendants and the islanders, Althaemen^s 
inadvertently took part and slew his father without 
knowing him. Glaukus, the youngest son of Min6s, 
pursuing a mouse, fell into a reservoir of honey and 
was drowned. No one knew what had become of 


him, and his father was inconsolable ; at length the 
Argeian Polyeidus, a prophet wonderfully endowed 
by the gods, both discovered the boy and restored 
him to life, to the exceeding joy of Min6s'. 

The latter at last found his death in an eager Minjstnd 

° . Daedalus — 

attempt to overtake and punish Daedalus. This flight of the 
great artist, the eponymous hero of the Attic gens sicay. 
or dSme called the Daedalidae, and the descendant 
of Erechtheus through Motion, had been tried at 
the tribunal of Areiopagus and banished for killing 
his nephew Talos, whose rapidly improving skill 
excited his envy*. He took refuge in Kr^te, where 
he acquired the confidence of Min6s, and was 
employed (as has been already mentioned) in con- 
structing the labyrinth ; subsequently however he 
fell under the displeasure of Minds, and was con- 
fined as a close prisoner in the inextricable wind- 
ings of his own edifice. His unrivalled skill and 
resource however did not forsake him. He manu- 
factured wings both for himself and for his son 
Ikarus, with which they flew over the sea. The 
father arrived safely in Sicily at Kamikus, the re- 
sidence of the Sikanian king Kokalus ; but the son, 
disdaining paternal example and admonition, flew 
so high that his wings were melted by the sun and 
he fell into the sea, which from him was called the 
Ikarian sea^. 

' Apollod6r. iii. cap. 2-3. 

* Pherekyd.Fragm. 105; Hellanik.Fragm.82(Didot); Pausan.vii. 4,5. 

* Diod6r. iy. 79; Ovid, Metunorph. yiii. 181. Both Ephorus and 
Philistus mentioned the coming of DiedaluB to Kokalus in Sicily (Ephor. 
Fr. 99 ; Philist. Fragm. 1, Didot) : probably Antiochua noticed it also 
(Diod6r. zii. 71)* Kokalus was the point of commencement for the 
Sicilian historians. 



MinOs goes Daedalus remained for some time in Sicily, lea- 
hiro, bat is ving in vaHous parts of the island many prodigious 
evidences of mechanical and architectural skill \ 
At length Minds, bent upon regaining possession 
of his person, undertook an expedition against 
Kokalus with a numerous fleet and army. Koka- 
lus, affecting readiness to deliver up the fugitive, 
and receiving Min6s with apparent friendship, 
ordered a bath to be prepared for him by his three 
daughters, who, eager to protect Dsedalus at any 
price, drowned the KrStan king in the bath with 
hot water*. Many of the KrStans who had accom- 
panied him remained in Sicily and founded the 
town of Minoa, which they denominated after him. 
But not long afterwards Zeus instigated all the inha- 
bitants of KrSte (except the towns of Polichna and 
Semi.Ki^ Praesus) to undertake with one accord an expedi- 
mento eke- tiou agaiust Kamikus for the purpose of avenging 
TOnn*!^ the death of Min6s. They besieged Kamikus in 
voyaire'i ^^*^ ^^^ ^^^ ycars, until at last famine compelled 
Minfi. them to return. On their way along the coast of 
Italy, in the Gulf of Tarentum, a terrible storm 
destroyed their fleet and obliged them to settle 
permanently in the country : they founded Hyria 
with other cities, and became Messapian lapygians. 
Other settlers, for the most part Greeks, immi- 

' Diod6r. iv. 80. 

* Patisan. vii. 4, 5; Schol. Pindar. Nem. iv. 95; Hygin. hb, 44; 
CoDon, Nanr. 25 ; Ovid, Ibis, 291. — 

" Vel tua maturet, sicut Minoia fata,. 

Per caput infiisee fervidus humor aquse." 
This itory formed the subject of a lost drama of Sophokl^, Ka/Mieioi or 
Mlwos ; it was also told by Rallimachus, cV AItUhs, as well as by Philo- 
stephanus (Schol. Iliad, ii. 145). 


grated into KrSte to the spots which this movemeDt 
had left vacant* In the second generation after 
Minds, occurred the Trojan war. ITie departed Mi- 
nds was exceedingly offended with theKrStans for co- 
operating in avenging the injury to Menelaus, since 
the Greeks generally had lent no aid to the KrStans 
in their expedition against the town of Kamikus. 
He sent upon KrSte, after the return of Idomeneus 
from Troy, such terrible visitations of famine and 
pestilence, that the population again died out or 
expatriated, and was again renovated by fresh im- 
migrations. The intolerable suffering* thus brought Sufferings 
upon the KrStans by the anger of Min6s, for having Krdtans 
co-operated in the general Grecian aid to Menelaus, fromthe 
was urged by them to the Greeks as the reason why S2f^^ 
they could take no part in resisting the invasion of 
Xerxds ; and it is even pretended that they were 
advised and encouraged to adopt this ground of 
excuse by the Delphian oracled 

Such is the Minds of the poets and logographers, Portrait of 
with his legendary and romantic attributes: the howraried. 
familiar comrade of the great Zeus, — the judge 

^ This carious and yery characteristic narratiye is giyen hy Herodot. 
vii. 16^171. 

' Herodot. yii. 169. The answer ascribed to the Delphian orade, on 
the question being put by the Kr^tan eavoyn whether it would be better 
for them to aid the Greeks against Xerx^ or not, is highly emphatic and 
poetical : *Q vqirioif hnjuit/i^aBt 8<ra vfuv ck t&p McvcXco* Ti{t»fnjiuiT»y 
Mliws jircfi^c ftqviny daKpv/iaTOf Sri ol fup oi (vP((€wpff$aPTO avr^ rby 
iv Kfl/i/ffy 6ayarov ytv6fjLtvov, vfitis d^ Mivouri rifP in. 2/rrdpTrjg ApnaxBtUrav 
im dvBpbs fiapPapcv ywaUa. 

If such an answer was ever returned at all, I cannot but think that 
it must have been from some oracle in Kr^te itself, not from Delphi. 
The Delphian oracle could never have so feur forgotten its obligations to 
the general cause of Greece, at thai critical moment, which involved 
moreover the safety of all its own treasures, as to deter the Kr^tans 
from giving assistance. 


among the dead in HadSs, — ^the husband of Pasi-i 
pha6, daughter of the god Helios, — the father of 
the goddess Ariadn^, as well as of Androgeos, who 
perishes and is worshiped at Athens', and of the 
boy Glaukus, who is miraculously restored to life 
by a prophet, — the person beloved by Scylla, and 
the amorous pursuer of the nymph or goddess Bri- 
tomartis*, — the proprietor of the Labyrinth and of 
the Min6laur, and the exactor of a periodical tri- 
bute of youths and maidens from Athens as food 
for this monster, — lastly, the follower of the fugitive 
artist Daedalus to Kamikus, and the victim of the 
three ill-disposed daughters of Kokalus in a bath. 
With this strongly-marked portrait, the Min6s of 
Thucydid^s and Aristotle has scarcely anything 
in common except the name. He is the first to 
acquire Thalassokraty ^ or command of the ^gean 
sea : he expels the Karian inhabitants from the Cy- 
clades islgmds, and sends thither fresh colonists 
under his own sons ; he puts down piracy, in order 
that he may receive his tribute regularly ; lastly, 
he attempts to conquer Sicily, but fails in the en- 
terprise and perishes ^ Here we have conjectures, 

' Hesiod, Theogon. 949 ; Pausan. i. 1,4. 

> Kallimach. Hymn, ad Dian. 189. SCrabo (x. p. 476) dwells also 
upon the strange contradiction of the legends concerning Min68 : I 
agree with Hoeckh (Kreta, ii. p. 93) that daafiSKoyos in this passage 
refers to the tribute exacted from Athens for the Min6taur. 

' Thucyd. i. 4. MtWf yhp, n-aXatrarof &v cucoj tafi^v, vavriKhv iicni' 
aaro, /cat ttjs vvv '£XXi;ytK^f BdKdamis hn, irktiarov eKp6Tfja'€, koI t&p 
RvxXadttv vrjaav Ijp^if r€ Koi olKtaTrfs alros tS>v vrXctWov iyhf^ro, Kapas 
i^cXda-as Koi rovs iavrov irat^as tfytpdvas €yKara(rrq<ras* t6 re XtforucdPy 
i>s (iK^f, Ka$TQp€i €K TTJs 6(xkd<r<rrjs , €<f} oaov ffivvaro, rov ras irpotrdbovs 
fjiak\ov Itvtu avT^. See also c. 8. 

Aristot. Polit. ii. T , 2. Aoicrl ^ ^ vtitros koi irphi t^v apx^y nyi^ 'EXX^- 
yiKf)v TTff^vKivai KaX Ku<r0ai Kokm dto koi Trfv rfjs $dkd(ra-Tjs dpxffP 

Chap.XIL] character OF MINOS IN LEGEND. 311 

derived from the analogy of the Athenian maritime 
empire in the historical times, substituted in place 
of the fabulous incidents, and attached to the name 
of Min6s. 

In the fable, a tribute of seven youths and seven 
4naidens is paid to him periodically by the Athe- 
nians ; in the historicised narrative this character 
of a tribute-collector is preserved, but the tribute 
is money collected from dependent islands^ ; and 
Aristotle points out to us how conveniently Kr6te 
is situated to exercise empire over the i£gean. 
The expedition against Kamikus, instead of being 
directed to the recovery of the fugitive Daedalus, is 
an attempt on the part of the great thalassokrat to 
<5onquer Sicily. Herodotus gives us generally the 
same view of the character of Min6s as a great 
maritime king, but his notice of the expedition 
against Kamikus includes the mention of Daedalus 
as the intended object of it*. Ephorus, while he 
described Minds as a commanding and comprehen- 
sive lawgiver imposing his commands under the 
sanction^ of Zeus, represented him as the imitator 

KOTfO'X'^v ^ M.lvo>s, tcai rhs yfjirovs ras fuv ixMipwraro, rav dc jl/curc* rikof 
d* diriBdfuvos t§ 2uceki^ r6v filov €T€\€VTrfa'ev fKti irtpl Kdfwcov. 

Ephorus (ap. Skymn. Chi. 542) repeated the same statement: he 
mentioned also the autochthonous king Kr^s. 

' It is curious that Herodotus expressly denies this, and in language 
which shows that he had made special inquiries about it : he says that 
the Karians or Leleges in the islands (who were, according to Thucy- 
did^, expelled by Minds) paid no tribute to Min6s, but manned his 
navy, t. e, they stood to Min6s much in the same relation as Chios and 
Lesbos stood to Athens (Herodot. i. 171). One may trace here the 
influence of those discussions which must have been prevalent at that 
time respecting the maritime empire of Athens. 

' Herodot. vii. 170. Acyfrm yhp Miu» Korii [rfTTfiny Acuddkov oirtico- 
fi€vov €s 2iKapirjp, r^v vvp 2ucaKiiju Kakovfutnjp, dnoBatftlv /Suu^ ^OKiry. 
*Aya di \p6vov Kp^ros, Btov <r<fn rnvrpvvopro^y &c. 


of an earlier lawgiver named Rbadamantbus, and 
also as an immigrant into Krdte from the .£olic 
Mount Ida, along with the priests or sacred com- 
panions of Zeus called the Idaei Dactyli. Aristotle 
too points him out as the author of the Syssitia, 
or public meals common in KrSte as well as at 
Sparta, — other divergences in a new direction from 
the spirit of the old fables ^ 

The contradictory attributes ascribed to Minds, 
together with the perplexities experienced by those 
who wished to introduce a regular chronological 
arrangement into these legendary events, has led 
both in ancient and in modern times to the suppo- 
sition of two kings named Minds, one the grand- 
son of the other, — ^Min6s I., the son of Zeus, law- 
giver and judge, — Min6s II., the thalassokrat, — a 
gratuitous conjecture, which, without solving the 
problem required, only adds one to the numerous 
artifices employed for imparting the semblance of 
history to the disparate matter of legend. The 
KrStans were at all times, from Homer downward, 
expert and practised seamen. But that they were 
ever united under one government, or ever exer- 
cised maritime dominion in the iEgean is a fact 
which we are neither able to affirm nor to denv. 
The Odyssey, in so far as it justifies any inference 
at all, points against such a supposition,^ since it 
recognises a great diversity both of inhabitants and 

> Aristot. Polit. ii. 7, 1 ; vii. 9, 2. Ephorus, Vngm. 63, 64, 65. 
He set aside altogether the Homeric genealogy of Minds, which makes 
him brother of Rhadamanthus and bom in Kr^«. 

Strabo, in pointing out the many contradictions respecting Minds, 
remarks, "Eari di koi SWos 'koyos ovx ifioKoyovyLtvos, t&v fiiv ^vov r^r 
pfjtTov Tov MtvG) \(y6pra>v, twv 3« hnxviptov. By the former he doubtless 
means Ephonis, though he has not here specified him (x. p. 477)» 


of langaages in the island, and designates Minds as 
king specially of Kn6ssus : it refutes still more 
positively the idea that Min6s put down piracy, 
which the Homeric KrStans as well as others con« 
tinue to practise without scruple. 

Herodotus, though he in some places speaks of 
Minds as a person historically cognisable, yet in 
one passage severs him pointedly from the genera- 
tion of man. The Samian despot ^' Polykrat^ (he 
tells us) was the first person who aspired to nau- 
tical dominion, excepting Min6s of Kndssus, and 
others before him (if any such there ever were) 
who may have ruled the sea ; but Polykratds is the 
first of that which is called the generation of man 
who aspired with much chance of success to govern 
I6nia and the islands of the ^gean\" Here we 
find it manifestly intimated that Minds did not be- 
long to the generation of man, and the tale given 
by the historian respecting the tremendous cala- 
mities which the wrath of the departed Minds in- 
flicted on Krdte confirms the impression* The king 
of Kndssus is a god or a hero, but not a man ; he 
belongs to legend, not to history. He is the son as 
well as the familiar companion of Zeus ; he marries 
the daughter of Helios, and Ariadnd is numbered 
among his ofispring. To this superhuman person 
are ascribed the oldest and most revered institutions 

^ Herodot. iii. 122. HoktHcpoTTjs yap (art irp&ros r&v r/futs Vifttp 
'£XX^MK>v> ts BakcLtTO'OKpaTffW €jr€Vofi6t}t vapk^ tAiPwis rt rev Kp^aviov, 

KOi tl d^ TIS SXXOS 7rp6T€pOS TOVTOV ^pfc TJJS doKdTTTJS' TTJS dt dv6p»- 

irrjiTjs 'KtyofjL€VTfs yfP€ijs HoXvKpdrrjs cWl rrpm-ot Tkiri^s iroXKas 

The expression exactly corresponds to that of Pausanias, ix. 5> 1, ctii 
TQMf Kakovfi€v<av 'Hpoamv, for the age preceding the dv6pwnr(tr} y€V(fj ; 
also viii. 2, 1, cj ra dva>T€p<o tov dvOpcamov y^vovs. 


of the island, religious and political, together with a 
period of supposed ante-historical dominion. That 
there is much of KrStan religious ideas and prac« 
tice embodied in the fables concerning Minds can 
hardly be doubted ; nor is it improbable that the tale 
of the youths and maidens sent from Athens may 
be based in some expiatory offerings rendered to a 
KrStan divinity. The orgiastic worship of Zeus, 
solemnized by the armed priests with impassioned 
motions and violent excitement, was of ancient 
date in that island, as well as the connection with 
the worship of Apollo both at Delphi and at DSlos. 
To analyse the fables and to elicit from them any 
trustworthy particular facts, appears to me a fruit- 
less attempt. The religious recollections, the ro- 
mantic invention, and the items of matter of fact, 
if any such there be, must for ever remain indis- 
solubly amalgamated as the poet originally blended 
them, for the amusement or edification of his au- 
ditors. Hoeckh, in his instructive and learned 
collection of facts respecting ancient Kr6te, con- 
strues the mythical genealogy of Min6s to denote 
a combination of the orgiastic worship of Zeus, 
indigenous among the Eteokrdtes, with the worship 
of the moon imported from Phoenicia, and signified 
by the names EuropS, PasiphaS and AriadnS\ This 
is specious as a conjecture, but I do not venture to 
speak of it in terms of greater confidence. 

From the connection of religious worship and 
legendary tales between Kr^te and various parts of 

* Hoeckh, Kreta, vol. ii. pp. 66-67. K. O. MuUer also (Doner, ii. 
2, 14) puts a religious interpretation upon these Kreto- Attic legends, 
but he explains them in a manner totally different from Hoeckh. 


Asia Minor, — the Troad, the coast of Miletus and ^°jj^^ 
Lykia, especially between Mount Ida in Krfite and and abu 
Mount Ida in iE61is, — it seems reasonable to infer 
an ethnographical kindred or relationship between 
the inhabitants anterior to the period of Hellenic 
occupation. The tales of KrStan settlement at 
Minoa and Engyidn on the south-western coast of 
Sicily, and in lapygia on the Gulf of Tarentum, 
conduct us to a similar presumption, though the 
want of evidence forbids our tracing it farther. In 
the time of Herodotus, the Eteokrfites, or abori* 
ginal inhabitants of the island, were confined to 
Polichna and Praesus ; but in earlier times, prior 
to the encroachments of the Hellenes, they had 
occupied the larger portion, if not the whole of the 
island. Minds was originally their hero, subse- 
quently adopted by the immigrant Hellenes, — at 
least Herodotus considers him as barbarian, not 

^ Herodot. i. 173. 




inlhe^'^^ The ship Arg6 was the theme of many songs du- 
odjuey. ring the oldest periods of the Grecian epic, even 
earlier than the Odyssey. The king M&t&s, from 
whom she is departing, the hero Jasdn, who com- 
mands her, and the goddess HSrd, who watches 
over him, enabling the Arg6 to traverse distances 
and to escape dangers which no ship had ever 
before encountered, are all circumstances briefly 
glanced at by Odysseus in his narrative to Alki- 
nous. Moreover, Eundus, the son of Jasdn and 
Hypsipylfi, governs Lemnos during the siege of 
Troy by Agamemndn, and carries on a friendly 
traffic with the Grecian camp, purchasing from 
them their Trojan prisoners'. 

The legend of Halus in Achaia Phthidtis, re- 
specting the religious solemnities connected with 
the family of Athamas and Phryxus (related in a 
previous chapter), is also interwoven with the voy- 
age of the Argonauts ; and both the legend and 
the solemnities seem evidently of great antiquity. 

* Odyss. xii. 69. — 

Ohj dff Ktitnf y€ wap€7r\€i 7rovT6nopos i^vr, 
*hp^v> TraaifiiXovo'ci, imp* Alrirao irktova'a' 
Kai vv K€ rrjv (vff liKa Pak€¥ yLcyoKcis wori irirpas, 
'AXX* 'Hpiy irapfirtfiyjrtPy circl (f>iKos ^tv ^Iffcmv, 

See also Iliad, vii. 470. 


We know further, that the adventures of the Arg6 
were narrated not only by Hesiod and in the He- 
siodic poems, but also by EumSlus and the author in Hesiod 
of the Naupactian verses— by the latter seemingly lus. 
at considerable length ^ But these poems are un* 
fortunately lost, nor have we any means of deter- 
mining what the original story was ; for the narra- 
tive, as we have it, borrowed from later sources, is 
enlarged by local tales from the subsequent Greek 
colonies — Kyzikus, HeraklSia, Sinopd, and others. 

Jas6n, commanded by Pelias to depart in quest Jasdn and 
of the golden fleece belonging to the speaking ram ^m^T^ 
which had carried away Phryxus and Helld, was en- "*^°*' 
couraged by the oracle to invite the noblest youth 
of Greece to hiB aid, and fifty of the most distin- 
guished amongst them obeyed the call. Hdraklds, 

' See Hesiod, Fragm. Catatlog. Fr. 6. p. 33, Diintz. ; Eoiai, Frog. 
36. p. 39 ; Frag. 72. p. 47. Compare Schol. ad Apolldn. Rhod. i. 45 ; 
ii. 178-297, 1125; iv. 254-284. Other poetical sourcea— 

The old epic poem jEgimius, Frag. 5. p. 57, Diintz. 

KmmtMn in the HerakMia touched upon the death of Hylas near Kius 
in Myaia (Schol. Apolldn. Rhod. i. 1357). 

The epic poem Naupactia, Frag. 1 to 6, Diintz. p. 61. 

EumOus, Frag. 2, 3, 5, p. 65, Diintz. 

EpmmidSs, the Kr^tan prophet and poet, composed a poem in 6500 
lines, ^Apycw vcnmrfflav re, kcu ^Idfrovog tig K^X^ow dnvrrkovp (Diogen. 
Laer. i. 10, 5), which is noticed more than once in the Scholia on 
ApoUdnias, on subjects connected with the poem (ii. 1125; iii. 42). 
See Mimnerm. FVag. 10, Schneidewin, p. 15. 

AntimachuB, in his poem Lyd^, touched upon the Argonautic expedi- 
tion, and has been partially copied by Apoll6nins Rhod. (Schol. Ap. 
Rh. i. 1290; ii. 296; iii. 410; iy. 1153). 

The logographera Pherekyd^s and Hekatieus seem to have related 
the expedition at considerable length. 

The Bibliotfaek der alten Literatur und Kunst (Gottingen, 1786, 
2*** Stiick, p. 61) contains an instructiye Dissertation by Groddeck, 
Ueber die Argonautika, a summary of the yartous authorities respect- 
ing this expedition. 


Theseus, Telamdn and P^leus, Kastftr and Pollux, 
Idas and Lynkeus — Z^tfis and KalaYs, the winged 
sons of Boreas — Meleager, Amphiaraus, Kfipheus, 
Laertes, Autolykus, Menoetius, Aktor, Erginus, 
EuphSmus, Ankaeus, Poeas, Periklymenus, Augeas, 
Eurytus, Adm^tus, Akastus, Kseneus, Euryalus, P6- 
neleds and L^itus, Askalaphus and lalmenus, were 
among them. Argus the son of Phryxus, directed 
by the promptings of Ath^nfi, built the ship, in- 
serting in the prow a piece of timber from the cele- 
brated oak of Dodona, which was endued with 
the faculty of speech' : Tiphys was the steersman, 
Idm6n the son of Apollo and Mopsus accompanied 
them as prophets, while Orpheus came to amuse 
their weariness and reconcile theft* quarrels with 
his harp*. 

' Apoll6n. Rhod. i. 525; iy. 580. Apollod6r. i. 9, 16. Yiderius 
FLaccus (i. 300) softens down the speech of the ship Arg6 into a dream 
of Jasdn. Alexander Polyhistor explained what wood was used (Plin. 
H. N. xiii. 22). 

' Apoll6nius Rhodius, ApoUoddrus, Valerias Flaccus, the Orphic Ar- 
gonautica, and Hyginus, have all given Catalogues of the Argonautic he- 
roes (there was one also in the lost tragedy called A^ftyioi of Sopholdls, see 
Welcker, Gh*. Trag. i. 327) : the discrepanciet among them are numerous 
and irrecondleahle. Burmann, in the Catalogus Argonautamm, pre- 
fixed to his edition of Valerius Flaocus, has discussed them copiously. 
I transcribe one or two of the remarks of thu conscientious and kbo- 
rioua critic, out of many of a similar tenor, on the impracticability of a 
fied)ulous chronology. Immediately before the first article, Aea^tut — 
''Neque enim in setatibus Argonautarum ullam rationem temporum 
constare, neque in stirpe et stemmate deducend& ordinem ipaom na- 
turae congruere videbam. Nam et huic mihtie adscribi videbam He- 
roas, qui per naturss leges et ordinem fati eo usque vitam extrahere 
non potu^re, ut aliis ab hac expeditione remotis Heroum militiil no- 
mina dedisse narrari deberent a Poetis et Mythologis. In idem etiam 
tempus avos et nepotes conjici, consanguineos etate longe inferiores 
prioribus ut lequales adjungi, concoquere vix posse videtur." — Art. 
Ancaus : ** Scio objici posse, si seriem illam majorem respiciamus. 


First they touched at the island of Lfimnos, in lAnnos. 
which at that time there were no men ; for the 
women, infuriated by jealousy and ill-treatment, 
had put to death their fathers, husbands and bro- 
thers. The Argonauts, after some difficulty, were 
received with friendship, and even admitted into 
the greatest intimacy. They staid some months, 
and the subsequent population of the island was 
the fruit of their visit. Hypsipylfi, the queen of 
the island, bore to Jasdn two sons^ 

They then proceeded onward along the coast of 
Thrace, up the Hellespont, to the southern coast of 
the Propontis, inhabited by the Doliones and their 
king Kyzikus. Here they were kindly entertained, 
but after their departure were driven back to the 
same spot by a storm ; and as they landed in the 

hunc AncKuin simul cum proayo suo Tfilao in eandem profectum 
fuiMe expeditionem. Sed sittiilia exempla in aUis occurrent, et in 
fabulis rationem temporum non semper accuratam licet deducere." 
— ^Art. Jas6n : " Herculi enim jam provect4 etate adhsesit Theseus ju- 
yenis, et in Amazoni& expeditione sociusfuit, interfuit huic expedition?^ 
yenatui apri Calydonii, et rapuit Helenam, que circa Trojanum bellum 
maxime floruit : quae omnia si Theseus tot temporum interyallis distincta 
egit, secula duo yel tria yixisse debuit. Certe Jason Hypsipylem nep- 
tem Ariadnes, nee yidere, nee Lemni cognoscere potuit." — ^Art. Me- 
Uager : *' Unum est quod alicui longum ordinem majorum recensenti 
scrupnlum moyere possit : nimis longum interyalhim inter iEolum et 
Meleagrum intercedere, ut potuerit interfuisse huic expedition! : cum 
Ronns fere numeretur ab .£olo, et plurimi ut Jason, Argus, et alii 
terti4 tantum ab .£olo generatione distent. Sed sepe jam notayimus, 
firustra temporum concordiam in fabulis quseri." 

Read also the articles Castdr and Pollux, Nest6r, Pileus, Staphy- 
hu, &o. * 

, We may stand excused for keeping dear of a chronology which is 
fertile only in difficulties, and ends in nothing but illusions. 

> Apollod6r. i. 9, 17; Apolldn. Rhod. i. 609-915; Herodot. iy. 145. 
Theokritus (Idyll, xiii. 29) omits all mention of Ldmnos, and represents 
the Arg6 as arriving on the third day from I61ko8 at the Hellespont. 
Dioddrus (iy. 41) also leayes out L^mnos. . 


Adventures dark, the inhabitants did not know them. A battle 
hi sfthy. ' took place, in which the chief, Kyzikus, was killed 
Slrakifeg ^y J^Ji ; whereby much grief was occasioned as 
TOncus^* soon as the real facts became known. After Kyzi- 
kus had been interred with every demonstration of 
mourning and solemnity, the Argonauts proceeded 
along the coast of Mysia^ In this part of the 
voyage they left Hdraklds behind. For Hylas, his 
favourite youthful companion, had been stolen away 
by the nymphs of a fountain, and H^raklds^ wan- 
dering about in search of him, neglected to return. 
At last he sorrowfully retired, exacting hostages 
from the inhabitants of the neighbouring town of 
Kius that they would persist in the search^. 

They next stopped in the country of the Bebry- 

1 Apolldn. IUiO(l. 940-1020; Apolloddr. i. 9, 18. 

' Apdloddr. i. 9, 19. This was the religious legend^ explsnatoiy of 
a ceremony performed for many centuries 'by the people of Prusa : they 
ran round the lake Askanius shouting and clamouring for Hylas — " ut 

littuB Hyla, Hyla omne sonaret." (Virgil, Eclog.) ''in cujus 

memoriam adhuc solemni cnrsatione lacum populus circuit et Hylam 
voce damat." Solinus, c 42. 

There is endless discrepancy as to the concern of Hdrakl^ with the 
Argonautic expedition. A story is alluded to in Aristotle (Politic, iii. 9) 
that the ship Argd heraelf refused to take him on board, because he was 
so much superior in stature and power to all the other heroes — oh yiip 
iBiktiP eArhtf Sy€iP rrjv 'A/>y«^ f»era r&v SXXmv, »s vmpfidXXorra iro\i> 
Tw irX«»ri7pa>y. This was the story of Pherdcyd^s (Fr. 67> Didot) as 
wdl as of Antimachus (Sdiol. ApoU. Rhod. i. 1290) : it is probably a 
very ancient portion of the legend, inasmuch as it ascribes to the diip 
sentient powers, in consonance with her other miraculous properties. 
The etymology of Apheta: in Thessaly was connected with the tale of 
H^rakl^ having there been put on shore from the Ai^6 (Herodot. vii. 
193) : Ephorus said that he staid away voluntarily from fondness for 
Omphald (Frag. 9, Didot). The old epic poet Kinsedidn said that H^« 
kl^ had placed the Kian hostages at Trachin, and that die Kians ever 
afterwards maintained a respectful correspondence with that place 
(Schol. Ap. Rh. i. 1357)> This is the explanatory l^end connected 
with some existing custom, which we are unable fiather to ummvel. 


kians, where the boxing contest took place between 
the king Amykus and the Argonaut Pollux^ : they 
then proceeded onward to Bithynia, the residence 
of the blind prophet Phineas. His blindness had 
been inflicted by Poseid6n as a punishment for ha- 
ving communicated to Phryxus the way to Kolchis. 
The choice had been allowed to him between death 
and blindness, and he had preferred the latter^. 
He was also tormented by the harpies, winged 
monsters who came down from the clouds when* 
ever bis table was set, snatched the food from his 
lips and imparted to it a foul and unapproachable 
odour. In the midst of this misery, he hailed the 
Argonauts as his deliverers — his prophetic powers 
having enabled him to foresee their coming. The 
meal being prepared for him, the harpies ap- 
proached as usual, but ZStSs and Kalais, the wing- 
ed sons of Boreas, drove them away and pursued 
them. They put forth all their speed, and prayed 
to Zeus to be enabled to overtake the monsters ; 
when Hermes appeared and directed them to desist, 
the harpies being forbidden further to molest Phi- 
neus^, and retiring again to their native cavern in 

' See above, chap. viii. p. 231. 

' Such was the old Barratiye of tlie Hesiodic Catalogue and Eoiai. 
See Schol. ApoUdn. Rhod. ii. 181-296. 
' This again was the old Hesiodic story (Schol. ApoU. Rhod. ii.296), — 

Apollod6rus (i. 9, 21), Apoll6nius (178-300), and Valerius Flacc. (iv. 
428-530) agree in most of the circumstances. 

* Such was the fate of the harpies as given in the old Naupaktian 
Verses. (See Fragm. £p. Gnec. Diintzer, Naupakt. Fr. 2. p. 61.) 

The adventure of the Argonauts with Phineus is given by Diod6rus 
in a manner totally different (Diod6r. iv. 44) : he seems to follow Dio- 
nysius of Mitj^^d (see Schol. Apoll6n. Rhod. ii. 207). 

VOL. I. Y 


Phineus, grateful for the relief afforded to him 
by the Argonauts, forewarned them of the dangers 
of their voyage and of the precautions necessary 
for their safety ; and through his suggestions they 
were enabled to pass through the terrific rocks 
Dangers of called Svmplfigades. These were two rocks which 

the Svm- J r o 

piegades. alternately opened and shut, with a swift and vio- 
lent collision, so that it was difficult even for a bird 
to fly through during the short interval. When 
the Arg6 arrived at the dangerous spot, EuphSmus 
let loose a dove, which flew through and just 
escaped with the loss of a few feathers of her tail. 
This was a signal to the Argonauts, according to 
the prediction of Phineus, that they might attempt 
the passage with confidence. Accordingly they 
rowed with all their might, and passed safely 
through : the closing rocks, held for a moment 
asunder by the powerful arms of Ath6n6, just 
crushed the ornaments at the stern of their vessel. 
It had been decreed by the gods, that so soon as 
any ship once got through, the passage should for 
ever afterwards be safe and easy to all. The rocks 
became fixed in their separate places, and never 
again closed ^ 

After again halting on the coast of the Maryan- 
dinians, where their steersman Tiphys died, as well 
as in the country of the Amazons, and after pick- 
ing up the sons of Phryxus, who had been cast 
away by Poseiddn in their attempt to return from 
Kolchis to Greece, they arrived in safety at the 
river Phasis and the residence of JE^tfis. In pass- 
ing by Mount Caucasus, they saw the eagle which 

1 Apollod6r. i. 9, 22. ApoU6ii. Rhod. ii. 310-615. 

Chap. Xlir.] ^ETES AND MEDEA. 323 

gnawed the liver of Prometheus nailed to the rock, 
and heard the groans of the sufferer himself. The 
sons of Phryxus were cordially welcomed by their 
mother Chalkiop^^ Application was made to M^- A»Tivai at 

.Alt , ^ 1 A . Kolchis. 

tes, that be would grant to the Argonauts, heroes 
of divine parentage and sent forth by the mandate 
of the gods, possession of the golden fleece : their 
aid in return was proffered to him against any or 
all of his enemies. But the king was wroth, and 
peremptorily refused, except upon conditions which 
seemed impracticable^. Hdphsestos had given him 
two ferocious and untameable bulls, with brazen 
feet, which breathed fire from their nostrils : Jasdn 
was invited, as a proof both of his illustrious de- 
scent and of the sanction of the gods to his voy- 
age, to harness these animals to the yoke, so as to 
plough a large field and sow it with dragon's teeth 3. 
Perilous as the condition was, each one of the he- 
roes volunteered to make the attempt. Idm6n espe- 
cially encouraged Jasdn to undertake it"^, and the 
goddesses HSrS and Aphroditd made straight the 
way for him^. M6dea, the daughter of M&t&s and 
Eidyia, having seen the youthful hero in his inter- Conditions 
view with her father, had conceived towards him a ^^it^M ^ 
passion which disposed her to employ every means J^c ^wen' 
for his salvation and success. She had received ^^^^®- 
from HekatS pre-eminent magical powers, and she 

' ApoUod6r. i. 9, 23. ApoU6n. Rhod. ii. 850-1257. 

« Apoll6n. Rhod. iii. 320-385. 

s ApoU6n. Rhod. iii. 410. Apollod6r. i. 9, 23. 

* This was the story of the Naupaktian Verses (Schol. Apoll6n. 
Rhod. iii. 515-525) : ApoUdnius and others altered it. Idmdn, according 
to them, died in the voyage before the arrival at Kolchis. 

• Apoll6n. Rhod. iii. 50-200. Valer. Flacc. vi. 440-480. Hygin. 
fab. 22. 



prepared for Jasda the powerful Prometheian un- 
guent, extracted from a herb which had grown 
where the blood of Prometheus dropped. The 
body of Jasdn having been thus pre-medicated, be- 
came invuhierable * either by fire or by warlike wea- 
pons. He undertook the enterprise, yoked the bulls 
without suffering injury, and ploughed the field: 
when he had sown the dragon's teeth, armed men 
sprung out of the furrows. But he had been fore- 
warned by Mddea to cast a vast rock into the 
midst of them, upon which they began to fight 
with each other, so that he was easily enabled to 
subdue them all^ 
^^yof rjpjjg jg^gj^ prescribed had thus been triumphantly 
ffight of the performed. Yet iE6t6s not only refused to hand over 

Argonauts ' •' 

and Mfidca the goldcu flecce, but even took measures for se- 
fleece. crctly destroying the Argonauts and burning their 
vessel. He designed to murder them during the 
night after a festal banquet ; but Aphroditd, watch- 
ful for the safety of Jas6n^, inspired the Kolchian 
king at the critical moment with an irresistible in- 
clination for his nuptial bed. While he slept, the 
wise Idm6n counselled the Argonauts to make their 
escape, and Mddea agreed to accompany them^. 
She lulled to sleep by a magic potion the dragon 
who guarded the golden fleece, placed that much- 

^ Apoll6n. Bhod. iii. 835. Apolloddr. i. 9, 23. Valer. Place, vii. 356. 
Ovid. Epist. xii. 15. 

" Isset anhelatos non pnemedieatus in ignea 
Immemor M&omde; onique adunca boom." 
' ApoU6n. Rhod. ui. 1230-1400. 

' The Naupaktian Venei stated this (see the Fragm. 6, ed. Duntier, 
p. 61), ap. Schol. ApoU6n. Rhod. iv. 59-86. 

^ Sudi was the story of the Naupaktian Verses. (See Fragm. 6. p. 61 . 
Diintzer ap. Schol. Apoll6n. Rhod. iv. 59, 86, 87.) 


desired prize oq board the vessel, and accompanied 
Jas6n with his companions in their flight, carrying 
along with her the young Apsyrtus, her brother*. 

iE^tfis, profoundly exasperated at the flight of the ^"^^^^ 
Argonauts with his daughter, assembled his forces ArgoDauu 
forthwith, and put to sea in pursuit of them. So Medea, 
energetic were his efforts that he shortly overtook 
the retreating vessel, when the Argonauts again 
owed their safety to the stratagem of MSdea. She 
killed her brother Apsyrtus, cut his body in pieces 
and strewed the limbs round about in the sea. 
iBdtSs on reaching the spot found these sorrowful 
traces of his murdered son ; but while he tarried to 
collect the scattered fragments, and bestow upon 
the body an honourable interment, the Argonauts 
escaped^. The spot on which the unfortunate 
Apsyrtus was cut up received the name of Tomi^. 

> Apollod6r. L 9, 23. Apoll6n. Rhod. iy. 220. 
Pherekyd^ said that Jaadn killed the dragon (Fr. 74, Did.). 

' This is the story of ApoUoddrus (i. 9, 24), who seems to follow Phere- 
kyd^ (Fr. 73, Didot). ApoUdnios (iv. 225-480) and Valerias Flaccus 
(viii. 262 seq,) give ^tally different circumstances respecting the death 
of Ap83rrtus ; hut the narrative of Pherekyd^ seems the oldest : so re- 
volting a story as that of the catting up of the little boy cannot have 
been imagined in later times. 

Sophokl^s composed two tragedies on the adventures of Jas6n and 
MMea, both lost — the KoXxtdcr and the 2Kv6ai, In the former he re- 
presented the murder of the child Apsyrtus as having taken place in 
the house of M^t&a : in the latter he introduced the mitigating circum- 
stance, that Apsyrtus was the son of ^t^ by a diflerent mother from 
Mddea (Schol. Apoll6n. Rhod. iv. 223). 

> Apollod6r. i. 9, 24, t6p r&irov irpo<nfy6fm)(r€ Tdfwvs. Ovid. Trist. 
iii. 9. The story that Apsyrtus was cut in pieces, b the et3nnological 
legend explanatory of the name Tomi. 

There was however a place called Apsarus, on the southern coast of 
the Euxine, west of Trapezus, where the tomb of Apsyrtus was shown, 
and where it was aflbmkl that he had been put to death. He was the 


Thi8 fratricide of MSdea, however, so deeply pro- 
voked the indignation of Zeus, that he condemned 
the Arg6 and her crew to a trying voyage, full of 
hardship and privation, before she was permitted 
Return of to rcach homc. The returning heroes traversed an 
nauts^ir. immeasurable length both of sca and ofrfver : first 
p'riullls*"** up the river Phasis into the ocean which flows round 
the earth — then following the course of that cir- 
cumfluous stream until its junction with the Nile\ 
they came down the Nile into Egypt, from whence 
they carried the Arg6 on their shoulders by a fa- 
tiguing land-journey to the lake Trit6nis in Libya. 
Here they were rescued from the extremity of want 
^nd exhaustion by the kindness of the local god 
Trit6n, who treated them hospitably, and even pre- 
sented to EuphSmus a clod of earth, as a symbolical 
promise that his descendants should one day found 
a city on the Libyan shore. The promise was amply 
redeemed by the flourishing and powerful city of 

eponymus of the town, which was said to have been once called Apsyr- 
. tus, and only conrupted by a barbarian pronunciation. ( Anian, Periplus, 
Euxin. p. 6; Geogr. Min. v. 1.) Compare Procop. Bell. Goth. iv. 2. 

Strabo connects the death of Apsyrtus with the Apsyrtides, islands 
off the coast of lUyria, in the Adriatic (vii. p. 315). 

' The original narrative was, that the Arg6 returned by navigating 
the circumfluous ocean. This would be almost certain, even without 
positive testimony, from the early ideas entertained by the Greeks re- 
specting geography ; but we know further that it was the representa- 
tion of the Hesiodic poems, as well as of Mimnermus, Hekatseus and 
Pindar, and even of Antimachus. Schol. Parisina Ap. Rhod. iv. 254. 
'Ekotoios dc 6 MtXi^crtof dia rov ^da-ibos dvrX^tv <f>rjaiv avrovs tls r6v 
*QK€ai^v' bih df Tov *QKfapov KarfXBtLv tig rhv NfZXoV eV dc tov NctXov 
c(f r^v Koff Vf^^ SaXaa-a-av. 'Hcrtodof 64 koi Hip^apoi cV UvBioPucats 
KOI *ApTifiaxos €•» Avbj dih TOV *ilKfavov <l>aa'iv iXBfiv avrovs tls t^v Ai- 
(ivrjv €iTa fiaarda'avTas rffv *Apyft) tls to fffitTtpou d^iK€<rOai ntkayos. 
Compare the Schol. Edit, ad iv. 251). 


KyrSaS \ whose princes the Battiads boasted them- 
selves as lineal descendants of Euph^mus. 

Refreshed by the hospitality of Trit6n, the Argo- 
nauts found themselves again on the waters of the 
Mediterranean in their way homeward. But before 
they arrived at 161 kos they visited Circfi, at the 
island of iEaea, where MSdea was purified for the 
mQrder of Apsyrtus : they also stopped at Korkyra, 
then called DrepanS, where Alkinous. received and 
protected them. The cave in that island where the 
marriage of MSdea with Jas6n was consummated, 
was still shown in the time of the historian Timaeus, 
as well as the altars to Apollo which she had erected, 
and the rites and sacrifices which she had first insti- 
tuted*. After leaving Korkyra, the Arg6 was over- 
taken by a perilous storm near the island of Thfira. 
The heroes were saved from imminent peril by the 
supernatural aid of Apollo, who, shooting from his 
golden bow an arrow which pierced the waves like 
a track of light, caused a new island suddenly to 
spring up in their track and present to them a port 
of refuge. The island was called Anaph6 ; and the - 
grateful Argonauts established upon it an altar and 

' See the fourth Pythian Ode of Pindar, and ApoUdn. Rhod. iy. 1551 

The tripod of Jaadn was preserved hy the Euesperitse in Libya, Diod. 
iy. 56 : but the legend connecting the Argonauts with the lake Trit6- 
ms in Libya, is given with some considerable differences in Herodotus, 
iv. 179. 

» Apolldn. Rhod. iv. 1153-1217. Timaeus, Fr. 7-8, Didot. Tlfuuos 
iv K€pKvpa Xtywv ytvivBoi rovg ydfiovg, Koi 7r€p\ Trjs Bvo'ias laropei, ihi 
kak vw Xiyap SytaBai avr^v kot hfuxurhv, Mijdfias vpSrrou Bvadtrrjs rV 
rt^ Tov * AiroKk&vos ifp^* Kal ^tofiovg d« <f>ri(rt fjLinfp^la r&v ydfimv idpV' 
iraaBcn avu€yyv£ fiiv rrjs Sc^aa-OTjf, ov puucphv bt rrjs TroXccas. 'Oi/o/a^I- 
{ov<rt bi TOV p^v, Nv^^wV rov b^ l^rjprjtdiov. 


sacrifices in honour of Apollo -ffigl6t6s, which were 
ever afterwards continued, and traced back by the 
inhabitants to this originating adventure ^ 

On approaching the coast of Kr6te, the Argo- 
nauts were prevented from landing by Tal6s, a man 
of brass, fabricated by H^phaestos, and presented by 
him to Min6s for the protection of the island*. This 
vigilant sentinel hurled against the approaching 
vessel fragments of rock, and menaced the heroes 
with destruction. But Mfidea deceived him by a stra- 
tagem and killed him ; detecting and assailing the 
one vulnerable point in his body. The Argonauts 
were thus enabled to land and refresh themselves. 
They next proceeded onward to ^gina, where how- 
ever they again experienced resistance before they 
could obtain water — then along the coast of Euboea 
and Lokris back to I61kos in the gulf of Pagasse, the 
place from whence they had started. The proceed- 
ings of Pelias during their absence, and the signal 
revenge taken upon him by Mddea after their return, 
have already been narrated in a preceding section^. 
The ship Arg6 herself, in which the chosen heroes 
of Greece had performed so long avoyage and braved 
so many dangers, was consecrated by Jas6n to Po- 
seid6n at the isthmus of Corinth. According to 
another account, she was translated to the stars by 
AthSnd, and became a constellation^. 

Traces of the presence of the Argonauts were 

> ApoUoddr. i. 9, 25. ApoU6n. RBod. iv. 1700-1726. 
^ Some called Talds a remnant of the brazen race of men (Schol. 
ApoU. Rhod. iv. 1641). 
3 Apollodor. i. 9, 26. Apoll6n. Rhod. iv. 1638. 
* Dioddr. iv. 53. Eratosth. Catastepsm. c. 35. 


found not only in the regions which lay between 
I61kos and Kolchis, but also in the western portion 
of the Grecian world — distributed more or less over Nnmcrous 
all the spots visited by Grecian mariners or settled spread mo- 
by Grecian colonists, and scarcely less numerous XSj to 
than the wanderings of the dispersed Greeks and **^® voyage. 
Trojans after the capture of Troy. The number of 
Jasonia, or temples for the heroic worship of Jas6n, 
was very great, from Abdfira in Thrace \ eastward 
along the coast of the Euxine, to Armenia and Me- 
dia. The Argonauts had left their anchoring-stone 
on the coast of Bebrykia, near Kyzikus, and there it 
was preserved during the historical ages in the tem- 
ple of the Jasonian Ath6n6*. They had founded the 
great temple of the Idaean mother on the mountain 
Dindymon, near Kyzikus, and the Hieron of Zeus 
Urios on the Asiatic point at the mouth of the Eu- 
xine, near which was also the harbour of Phryx- 
us^. Idm6n, the prophet of the expedition, who 
was believed to have died of a wound by a wild boar 
on the Maryandinian coast, was worshiped by the 
inhabitants of the Pontic H^rakleia with great so- 
lemnity, as their Heros Poliuchus, and that too by 

> Strabo, xi. p. 526-631. 

' Apoll6n. Rhod. i. 955-960, and the Scholia. 

There was in Kyzikus a temple of Apollo under different eniKkrfads ; 
some called it the temple of the Jasonian Apollo. 

Another anchor however was preserved in the temple of Rhea on the 
banks of the Phasis, which was affirmed to be the anchor of the ship 
Arg6. Arrian saw it there, but seems to have doubted its authenticity 
(Periplus, Euxin. Pont. p. 9. Geogr. Min* v. 1). 

' Neanth^ ap. Strabo. i. p. 45. ApoUdn. Rhod. i. 1125, and Schol. 
Steph. Byz. v. ^pi^os. 

Apoll6nius mentions the fountain called Jasonese, on the hill of Din- 
dymon. Apoll6n. Rhod. ii. 532, and the citations from Timosthen^s 
and Herodorus in the Scholia. See also Appian. Syriac. c. 63. 


the special direction of the Delphian god. Auto- 
lykus, another companion of Jasdn, was worshiped 
as (Ekist by the inhabitants of Sinopd. Moreover, 
the historians of HSrakleia pointed out a temple of 
HekatS in the neighbouring country of Paphlagonia, 
first erected by M6dea* ; and the important town 
of Pantikapaeon, on the European side of the Cim- 
merian Bosporus, ascribed its first settlement to a 
son of iE^tfis*. When the returning ten thousand 
Greeks sailed along the coast, called the Jasonian 
shore, from SinopS to H^rakleia, they were told that 
the grandson of iE^t^s was reigning king of the ter- 
ritory at the mouth of the Phasis, and the anchoring- 
places where the Arg6 had stopped were specially 
pointed out to them^. In the lofty regions of the 
Moschi, near Kolchis, stood the temple of Leuko- 
thea, founded by Phryxus, which remained both 
rich and respected down to the times of the kings 
of Pontus, and where it was an inviolable rule not 
to offer up a ram^. The town of Dioskurias, north 
of the river Phasis, was believed to have been hal- 
lowed by the presence of Kast6r and Pollux in the 
Arg6, and to have received from them its appella- 
tion ^ Even the interior of Media and Armenia 
was full of memorials of Jas6n and MSdea, and their 
son Mddus, or of Armenus the son of Jas6n, from 
whom the Greeks deduced not only the name and 

* See the histoiiaiu of HSrakleia, Nymphis and Promathidas, Fragm. 
Orelli, pp. 99, 100-104. Schol. ad Apoll6n. Rhod. iv. 24?. Strabo, xii. 
p. 546. Autolykus, whom he calls companion of Jas6n, was, according 
to another legend, comrade of H^rakles in his expedition against the 

* Stephan. Byz. v. UavriKairmouy Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieget. 31 1. 

^ Xenopli6n, Auabas. vi. 2, 1 ; v. 7, 37. * Strabo, xi. p. VJU. 

* Appian, Mithridatic. r. 101. 


foundation of the Medes and Armenians, but also the 
great operation of cutting a channel through the 
mountains for the efflux of the river Araxes, which 
they compared to that of the Peneius in ThessalyV 
And the Roman general Pompey, after having com- 
pleted the conquest and expulsion of Mithridatds, 
made long marches through Kolchis into the regions 
of Caucasus, for the express purpose of contempla- 
ting the spots which had been ennobled bytheexploits 
of the Argonauts, the Dioskuri and H6rakl6s*. 

In the west, memorials either of the Argonauts 
or of the pursuing Kolchians were pointed out in 
Korkyra,in Kr6te, in Epirus near the Akrokeraunian 

^ Strabo, xi. p. 499, 503, 526, 531 ; i. p. 45-48. Justin, xlii. 3, whose 
statements illustrate the way in which men found a present home and 
application for the old fables, — '* Jason, primus humanorum post Her- 
culem et Liberum, qui reges Orientis fiiisse traduntur, earn coeli plagam 
domuisse dicitur. Cum Albanis foedus percussit, qui Herculem ex 
Italic ab Albano monte, cum, Geryone extincto, armenta ejus per Ita- 
ham duceret, secuti dicuntur ; quique, memores Italicse originis, exerci- 
tum Cn. Pompeii bello Mithridatico fratres consalutavSre. Itaque Jasoni 
totus fere Oriens, ut conditori, divinos honores templaque constituit ; 
quse Parmenio, dux Alexandri Magni, post multos annos dirui jussit, ne 
cujusquam nomen in Oriente venerabilius quam Alexandri esset/' 

The Thessalian companions of Alexander the Great, placed by his 
victories in possession of rich acquisitions in these regions, pleased 
themselves by vivifying and multiplying all these old fables, proving an 
ancient kindred between the Medes and Thessalians. See Strabo, xi. 
p. 530. The temples of Jas6n were TifjMfji€va <nf>6dpa V7r6 t£p p<ippd- 
patv (ib. p. 526). 

The able and inquisitive geographer Eratosthenes was among those 
who fully believed that Jas6n had left his ships in the Phasis, and had 
undertaken a land expedition into the interior country, in which he had 
conquered Media and Armenia (Strabo, i. p. 48). 

' Appian, Mithridatic. 103 : roi/g K6kxovs iin\ti, Koff l<n'opiap rrjg 
'ApyovavrSv kuI AuxrKovpav kqX *Hpcuc\tovt tnibrjfiiag, koI fiakurra t6 
irdBoi ibflv €B*\<ou, h TipoyLriB€X <l>aa\ yrvitrBcu. ittpX rb ILavKcurov Zpos. 
The lofly ri*ag of Caucasus called Strobilus, to which Prometheus had 
been attached, was pointed out to Arrian himself in his Periplus (p. 12. 
Gcoj!:r. Minor, vol. i.). 



[Paet I. 




mountaios, in the iBlands called Apsyrtides near 
the lUyrian coast, at the bay of Caieta as well as at 
Poseid6nia on the southern coast of Italy, in the 
island of ^thalia or Elba, and in Libya^ 

Such is a brief outline of the Argonautic expe- 
dition, one of the most celebrated and widely-dif- 
fused among the ancient tales of Greece. Since so 
many able men have treated it as an undisputed 
reality, and even made it the pivot of systematic 
chronological calculations, I may here repeat the 
opinion long ago expressed by Heyne, and even 
indicated by Burmann, that the process of dissect- 
ing the story in search of a basis of fact, is one 
altogether fruitless*. Not only are we unable to 

> Strabo, i. pp. 21, 46, 46 ; v. 224-252. Pompon. Mel. ii. 3. Dio- 
d6r. iv. 56. Apoll6n. Khod. iv. 656. Lycophron, 1273. — 

TvfHTiy fioicfdvas dfiffil KipKcdov vairas 
*Apyovs T€ k\9iv6v SpfjLOP AlfiTTjv fUyap. 

' Heyne, Obsenr. ad Apollod6r. i. 9, 16. p. 72. "Mirum in.modum 
fidlitur, qui in hit commentis oertum fundum historicum vel geographi- 
cum aut ezquirere atudet, aut le repeiisae, atque historicam vel geogra- 
phicam aliquam doctrinam, 83rstema nos dicimus, inde procudi posse, 
putat," &c. 

See also the obseirations interspersed in Burmann's Catalogus Argo- 
nautarum, prefixed to his edition of Valerius Flaccus. 

The Persian antiquarians whom Herodotus cites at the beginning of 
his history (i. 2-4 — ^it is much to be regretted that Herodotus did not 
inform us who they were, and whether they were the same as those who 
said that Perseus was an Assyrian by birth, and had become a Ghreek, 
vi. 54), joined together the abductions of 16 and of £ur6p6, of.Mddea 
and of Helen, as pairs of connected proceedings, the second injury being 
a retaliation for the first, — they drew up a debtor and creditor account 
of abductions between Asia and Europe. The Kolchian king (they said) 
had sent a herald to Greece to ask for his satisfaction for the wrong 
done to him by Jas6n and to re-demand his daughter MIdea; but he 
was told in reply that the Greeks had received no satisfaction for the 
previous rape of 16. 

There was some ingenuity in thus binding together the old fables, so 
as to represent the invasions of Greece by Darius and Xerx6s as retalia* 
tions for the unexpiated destruction wrought by Agamemndn. 

Ghap. XIIL] argon AUTIC EXPEDITION. 333 

assign the date, or identify the crew, or decipher 
the log-book, of the Arg6, but we have no means 
of settling even the preliminary question, whether 
the voyage be matter of fact badly reported, or 
legend from the beginning. The widely-distant 
spots in which the monuments of the voyage were 
shown, no less than the incidents of the voyage 
itself, suggest no other parentage than epical fancy. 
The supernatural and the romantic not only consti- 
tute an inseparable portion of the narrative, but 
even embrace all the prominent and characteristic 
features ; if they do not comprise the whole, and if 
there be intermingled along with them any sprink- 
ling of historical or geographical fact, — a question 
to us indeterminable, — there is at least no solvent 
by which it can be disengaged, and no test by which 
it can be recognised. Wherever the Grecian ma- 
riner sailed, he carried his religious and patriotic 
mythes along with him. His fancy and his faith 
were alike full of the long wanderings of Jasdn, 
Odysseus, Perseus, H6rakl6s, Dionysus, Triptole- 
mus or 16 ; it was pleasing to him in success, and 
consoling to him in difficulty, to believe that their 
journeys had brought them over the ground which 
he was himself traversing. There was no tale 
amidst the wide range of the Grecian epic more 
calculated to be popular with the seaman, than the 
history of the primaeval ship Arg6 and her distin- 
guished crew, comprising heroes from all parts of 
Greece, and especially the Tyndarids Kast6r and 
Pollux, the heavenly protectors invoked during 
storm and peril. He localised the legend anew 
wherever he went, often with some fresh circum- 



[Part I. 

— gradu- 
ally modi- 
fied as real 
cal know- 
ledge in- 

stances suggested either by his own adventures or 
by the scene before him. He took a sort of reli- 
gious possession of the spot, connecting it by a bond 
of faith with his native land, and erecting in it a 
temple or an altar with appropriate commemorative 
solemnities. The Jasonium thus established, and 
indeed every visible object called after the name of 
the hero, not only served to keep alive the legend 
of the Arg6 in the minds of future comers or inha- 
bitants, but was accepted as an obvious and satis- 
factory proof that this marvellous vessel had ac- 
tually touched there in her voyage. 

The epic poets, building both on the general love 
of fabulous incident and on the easy faith of the 
people, dealt with distant and unknown space in 
the same manner as with past and unrecorded time. 
They created a mythical geography for the former, 
and a mythical history for the latter. But there 
was this material difference between the two : that 
while the unrecorded time was beyond the reach of 
verification, the unknown space gradually became 
trodden and examined. In proportion as authentic 
local knowledge was enlarged, it became necessary 
to modify the geography, or shift the scene of ac- 
tion, of the old mythes ; and this perplexing problem 
was undertaken by some of the ablest historians 
and geographers of antiquity, — for it was painful 
to them to abandon any portion of the old epic, as 
if it were destitute of an ascertainable basis of 

Many of these fabulous localities are to be found 
in Homer and Hesiod, and the other Greek poets 
and logographers, — Erytheia, the garden of the 


Hesperides, the garden of Phoebus', to which Bo- 
reas transported the Attic maiden Orithyia, the de- 
licious country of the Hyperboreans, the Elysian 
plain^, the floating island of ^o]us, Thrinakia, the 
country of the Ethiopians, the Laestrygones, the 
Kykl6pe8, the Lotophagi, the Sirens, the Cimme- 
rians and the Gorgons^, &c. These are places which 
(to use the expression of Pindar respecting the Hy- 
perboreans) you cannot approach either by sea or 
by land^ : the wings of the poet alone can carry 
you thither. They were not introduced into the 
Greek mind by incorrect geographical reports, but, 
on the contrary, had their origin in the legend, and 
passed from thence into the realities of geography^, 

* Sophokl. ap. Strabo. vii. p. 296. — 

*Xit€p Tc ir6vTov iravT cV €<r\aTa \Bovhif 
'Svkt6s T€ wrfyht ohpavov r dpatrrv^iis, 

> Od3rs8. iv. 562. The islands of the blessed, in Uesiod, are near 
the ocean (0pp. Di. 169). 

s Hesiod, Theogon. 275-290. Homer, Biad, i. 423. Odyss. i. 23 ; 
ix. 86-206; X. 4-83; xii. 135. Mimnerm. Fragm. 13, Schneidewin. 

* Pindar, Pyth. x. 29.— 

Nav<rl d* o{^€ nfCbs l^p hf €ifpoi9 

*£( *Y7r€p/3op«<»y ayava Bavfiarap 6^v. 

Hap* ol£ TTore Il€p(r€vs ibaiaaro Xaytriis, 8iC. 
Hesiod, and the old epic poem called the Epigoni, both mentioned the 
Hyperboreans (Herod, iv. 32-^). 

^ This idea is well stated and sustained by Yolcker (Mythische Geo- 
graphic der Griechen imd Romer, cap. i. p. 11), and by Nitzsch in his 
Comments on the Odyssey — Introduct. Remarks to b. ix. p. xii.-xxxiii. 
The twelfth and thirteenth chapters of the History of Orchomenos, by 
O. Miiller, are also full of good remarks on the geography of the Argo- 
nautic voyage (pp. 274-299). 

The most striking evidence of this disposition of the Greeks is to be 
found in the legendary discoveries of Alexander and his companions, 
when they marched over the untrodden regions in the east of the Per- 
sian empire (see Arrian, Hist. Al. v. 3 : compare Lucian. Dialog. Mor- 
tuor. xiv. vol. i. p. 212, Tauch), because these ideas were first broached 
at a time when geographical science was sufficiently advanced to can- 
vass and criticise them. The early settlers in Italy, Sicily, and the 


which they contributed much to pervert and confuse. 
For the navigator or emigrant, starting with an un- 
suspicious faith in their real existence, looked out for 
them in his distant voyages, and constantly fancied 
that he had seen or heard of them, so as to be able 
to identify their exact situation. The most contra- 
dictory accounts indeed, as might be expected, were 
often given respecting the latitude and longitude of 
such fanciful spots, but this did not put an end to 
the general belief in their real existence. 

In the present advanced state of geographical 
knowledge, the story of that man who after read- 
ing Gulliver's Travels went to look in his map for 
Ldiliput, appears an absurdity. But those who fixed 
the exact locality of the floating island of ^olus 
or the rocks of the Sirens did much the same'; 
and, with their ignorance of geography and imper- 
fect appreciation of historical evidence, the error 
was hardly to be avoided. The ancient belief 
which fixed the Sirens on the islands of Sirenusae 
ofi'the coast of Naples — the Kykl6pes, Erytheia, and 
the Laestrygones in Sicily — the Lotophagi on the 
island of M6ninx' near the Lesser Syrtis — the Phae- 
akians at Korkyra — and the goddess Circfi at the pro- 
montory of Circeium — took its rise at a time when 

Euxine, indulged their fendfid vision without the fear of any such 
monitor : there was no such thing as a map hefore the days of Anaxi- 
mander, the disciple of Thal^. 

^ See Mr. Payne Knight, Prokgg. ad Homer, c. 49. Compare Spohn 
— " de extreme Odyssese parte " — p. 97. 

' Strabo, xvii. p. 834. An altar of Odysseus was shown upon this is- 
land, as well as some other evidences {avfi^oka) of his visit to the place. 

Apoll6nius Rhodius copies the Od3rs8ey in speaking of the island of 
Thrinakia and the cattle of Helios (iv. 965, with Schol.). He conceives 
Sicily as Thrinakia, a name afterwards exchanged for Trinakria. The 
Scholiast ad Apoll. (1. c.) speaks of Trinax king of Sicily. Compare 
iv. 291 with the Scholia. 


these regions "were first Hellenised and compara- 
tively little visited. Once embodied in the local 
legends, and attested by visible monuments and 
ceremonies, it continued for a long time unassailed ; 
and ThucydidSs seems to adopt it, in reference to 
Korkyra and Sicily before the Hellenic colonization, 
as matter of fact generally unquestionable ^ though 
little avouched as to details. But when geogra- 
phical knowledge became extended, and the criti- 
cism upon the ancient epic was more or less syste- 
matised by the literary men of Alexandria and Per- 
gamus, it appeared to many of them impossible 
that Odysseus could have seen so many wonders, or 
undergone such monstrous dangers, within limits 
so narrow, and in the familiar track between the 
Nile and the Tiber. The scene of his weather- 
driven course was then shifted further westward. 
Many convincing evidences were discovered, espe- 
cially by AsklepiadSs of Myrl,ea, of his having 
visited various places in Iberia* :' several critics 

* Thucyd. i. 25-Ti. 2. These local l^ends appear in the eyes of 
Strabo conyincing evidence (i. p. 23>26),— the tomb of the siren Par- 
thenopd at Naples, the stories at Cunue and Dikaearchia about the pticvo- 
IMopTuov of Avemus, and the existence of places named after Baius and 
Mislnns, the companions of Odysseus, &c. 

^ Strabo, iii. p. 150-157. Ov yhp fi6pov ol koto, rify 'iroX/ov Ka\ Socc- 
\iap T&iroi Koi SXXoi rcvc£ t&v roiovT<ov tnnUia v7roypa<f>ov<rip, dKkh Koi 
ip rfj *lBrfplq, *Odv<r<r€ia irSKis deitanrrai, Koi *ABrfvas Up^v, Koi SKKa fjtvpia 
txvj r^ff €K€ipov Tr\dvri£, ko) SXXi»¥ r&v €K tov Tpaucov TToXcftov TTcpiyfyo- 
fUvnv (I adopt Grosskurd's correction of the text from y€vofupo¥ to 
w€pvY€vofi»iwm¥, in the note to his German translation of Strabo). 

Asklepiad^ (of Myrlea in Bithynia, about IJO B.C.) resided some 
time in Turditania, the south-western region of Spain along the Gtia* 
dalquivir, as a teacher of Chreek literature {naiMa-as rh ypcLfifiariK^), 
and composed a periegesis of the Iberian tribes, which unfortunately 
has not been preaenred. He made various discoveries in archceology, 

VOL. I. Z 




tion of 

imagined that he had wandered about in the At^ 
lantic Ocean outside of the Strait of Gibraltar^, 
and they recognised a section of Lotophagi on 
the coast of Mauritania, over and above those 
who dwelt on the island of MSninx^. On the 
other hand, Eratosthends and ApoIlod6ru8 treated 
the places visited by Odysseus as altogether unreal, 

and successMly connected hia old legenda with aeTCfal poiiioBa ai tlM 
teiritoiy before him. His discovenea were, — 1. In the temple of 
AthSnl, at thia Iberian toiTtni of Odyaseia, there were ahielda and beaka 
of ahipa affixed to the walla, monuments of the viait of Odysaeoa him- 
aelf. 2. Among the Kalliaki, in the northern part of Portugal, aereral of 
the companions of Teukroa had aettled and left descendants: there were 
in that region two Grecian cities, one called Hellenes, the other called 
Amphilochi ; for Amphilochua alao, the aon of Amphiaraoa, had ditd 
in Iberia, and many of hia aoldiera had taken up their permanent reai- 
dence in the interior. 3. Many new inhabitants had come into Iberia 
with the expedition of H^rakl^s ; some also after the conquest of Mes- 
a£n6 by the Lacedaemonians. 4. In Cantabria, on the north eoaat of 
Spain, there was a town and region of Lacedfem6nian colonists. 5. In 
the same portion of the country there was the town of Opsikella, founded 
by Opsikellaa, one of the oompaniona of Antenor in hia emigration from 
Troy (Strabo, iii. p. 157). 

Thia ia a specimen of the manner in which the aeeda of Grecian 
mythus came to be distributed oyer so large a surfidce. To an ordinary 
Greek reader, these legendary discoveries of Asklepiad^ would probably 
be more interesting than the poaitive £acta which he oonununioaled re- 
apecting the Iberian tribea; and hia Tuiditanian auditon would bt 
delighted to hear — while he was reciting and explaining to tiiem the 
animated paaaage of the Iliad, in which Aganiemn6n extols the ineati* 
mable value of the bow of Teukroa (viii. 281)— ^hat the heroie atdier 
and hia oompaniona had actually aet foot in the Iberian peninanlm. 

^ Thia was the opinion of Krat^ of Mallua, (me of the moat diatin* 
guished of the critica on Homer : it waa the aubject of an aw^M^f^ eon« 
troversy between him and Aristarchus (Aulua GeUiua, N. A. xiv. 6; 
Strabo, iii. p. 157). See the inatruotive treatiae of Lehra, De Aziatav^ 
Studiis, c. V. § 4. p. 251. Much eontroveray alao lock place mmxmg 
tiie critica reapecting the ground which Menelaua went over in hia wan- 
derings (Odyss. iv.). Kratds affirmed that he had circumnavigated ihm 
southern extremity of Africa and gone to India : the critie Ariatonikua, 
Strabo's contemporary, enumerated all the different opinions (Strabo, i* 
p. 38). > Stndio, iii, p. 157. 

OsikiwXnL] BRTrHlIA.*^BRTON. 389 

for which scepticism they incurred much re- 
proach ^ 

The fabulous island of Erytheia,-~the residence 
of the three-headed Gerydn with his magnificent 
herd of oxen^ under the custody of the two-headed 
dog Orthrus, described by Hesiod, like the garden 
of the Hesperides, as extra-terrestrial, on the far- 
ther side of the circumfluous ocean,— this island 
was supposed, by the interpreters of Stesichorus the 
poet, to be named by him off the south-western re- 
gion of Spain called Tartdssus, and in the immediate 
vicinity of Gad6s. But the historian Hekatseus, in 
his anxiety to historicise the old fable, took upon 
himself to remove Ery theia from Spain nearer home 
to Epirus. He thought it incredible that H^raklds 
should have traversed Europe from east to west, 
for the purpose of bringing the cattle of 6ery6n to 
Eurystheus at Mykfinae, and he pronounced Grery6n 
to have been a king of Epirus, near the Gulf of 
Ambrakia. The oxen reared in that neighbourhood 
were proverbially magnificent, and to get them 
even from thence and bring them to Myk^nse (he 
contended) was no inconsiderable task. Arrian, 
who cites this passage from Hekataeus, concurs in 
the same view, — an illustration of the licence with 
which ancient authors fitted on their fabulous geo* 
graphical names to the real earth, and brought 
down the ethereal matter of legend to the lower 
atmosphere of history*. 

* Strabo, i. p. 22-44 ; vii. p. 299. 

' Stesichori Fragm. ed. Kleine ; Gerjonis, Fr. 5. p. 60 ; ap. Strabo. 
iii. p. 148 ; Herodot. iv. 8. It seems very doubtful whether Stesichorus 
meant to indicate any neighbouring island as Erytheia, if we compare 
Fragm. 10. p. 67 of the Geryonis, and the passages of Athenseus and 



Both the track and the terminus of the Argo- 
nautic voyage appear in the most ancient epic as 
little within the conditions of reality, as the speak- 
ing timbers or the semi-divine crew of the vessel. 
In the Odyssey> iEStSs and Circd (Hesiod names 
MSdea also) are brother and sister, offspring of 
Hdlios. The ^aean island, adjoining the circum- 
fluous ocean, '* where the house and dancing-ground 
of Eds are situated, and where Hdlios rises," is both 
How tnd the residence of CircS and of M^t^s, inasmuch as 
A?^ntutic Odysseus, in returning from the former, follows the 
Smcau*" same course as the Arg6 had previously taken in 
^c{j^^ returning from the latter ^ Even in the conception 
of Mimnermus, about 600 b.c, ^a still retained 
its fabulous attributes in conjunction with the ocean 
and Helios, without having been yet identified with 
any known portion of the solid earth* ; and it was 

Eustathius there cited. He seems to have adhered to the old £Eible, 
pkcing Erytheia on the opposite side of the ocean-stream, fbrHdraklda 
crosses the ocean to get to it. 

Hekateeus, ap. Arrian. Uistor. Alex. ii. 16. Skylax places Erytheia, 
" whither Gery6n is said to have come to feed his oxen/' in the Kastid 
territory near the Greek city of Apoll6nia on the Ionic Gulf, northward 
of the Keraunian mountains. There were qilendid cattle consecrated 
to Helios near Apoll6nia, watched by the citizens of the place with 
great care (Herodot. ix. 93 ; Skylax, c. 26). 

About Erytheia, Cellarius observes (Geogr. Ant. ii, 1, 127), " Insula 
Erytheia, quam veteres adjungunt Gadibus, vel demersa est, vel in sco- 
pulis quserenda, vel pars est ipsarum Gadium, neque hodie ejus formae 
aliqua, uti descripta est, fertur superesse." To make the disjunctive 
catalogue complete, he ought to have added, " or it never really existed," 
— not the least probable supposition of all. 

' Hesiod, Theogon. 956-992; Homer, Odyss. xii. 3-69.— 
N5<roi^ h Alaifjv, o6i r *Hovf ^piy€V€lijs 
Otcia Koi x6poi cZo-t, Koi atrroKcu. ff€\ioio, * 

' Mimnerm. Fragm. 10-11, Schneidewin; Athens, vii. p. 277. — 
Ovdc KOT hv ficya kSms dvrfyaytv avr^f 'Ij^cr^y 
*E( Atrjs rcXcWff dkyiv6€0-a'aif Mp, 

Chap. XIIL] iSETES.— CIBCK.^iEA. 341 

justly remarked by DSmdtrius of SkSpsis in anti- 
quity^ (though Strabo vainly tries to refute him), 
that neither Homer nor Mimnermus designates Kol- 
chis either as the residence of MH^s, or as the ter- 
minus of the Argonautic voyage. Hesiod carried 
the returning Argonauts through the river Phasis 
into the ocean. But some of the poems ascribed 
to EumSlus were the first which mentioned ^StSs 
and Kolchis, and interwove both of them into the 
Corintliian mythical genealogy'. These poems seem 
to have been composed subsequent to the founda- 
tion of Sinopd, and to the commencement of Gre- 
cian settlement on the Borysthends, between the 
years 600 and 500 b.c. The Greek mariners who 
explored and colonised the southern coast of the 
Euxine, found at the extremity of their voyage the 
river Phasis and its barbarous inhabitants : it was 
the easternmost point which Grecian navigation 
(previous to the time of Alexander the Great) ever 
attained, and it was within sight of the impassable 

Oh^ Ay hr 'Oiccayov xoX^y Ikovto (t6ov, 
♦ ♦ ♦ « * 

A2^rao ir^tKw, r6Bt r* &k€os *HcXioto 

'Aktiv€s xP^^^^ Ktlarai iv Bakdiuf, 
'Oiecayoi; irapck xttKtc^, t» ix^^ Btioi 'I^<ra»v. 

' Strabo, i. p. 45-46. AijfirjTpios 6 2icrp^to£ irp6s Ncoj^ t6p Kv^i- 

Ktjvbv <t)i\oTtfiOT€pa>s drrikey^v, cZirc^vro, Sri ol *ApyovavTai ir\«otrr«s 
€ls <ta(riv t6v vtj} 'Ofiripov kclI t£p SKk<ov 6fio\oyovfA€vop nXovv, Idfyuaavro 

rh T^9 *llkuas firfTp6s Upii cirl Kv(iKoy ^PXV^ 4>fja-\ /iti/d* €ld€pai 

Tfjp tls ^aaiv dvodrifjtlap rod *ld<rovos "Ofjtrjpop, Again, p. 46, 
irapakaP^ papTvpa MifiP€pfwv, ts iw r^ *QK€av^ wotfio-as oUrja-iv 
AlfiTov, &c. 

The adverb <l)ikoTipLor€pms reveals to us the municipal rivalry and 
contention between the snuill town Skdpsis and its powerful neighbour 
Kyzikus, respecting points of comparative archaeology. 

' Eumdlus, Fragm. Blp^ma 7, Kopa^toKh 2-5. pp. 63-68, Diintzer. 

Mi HI6T0RT 0? GRBB(». [Paw I. 

barrier of CaucaduB\ They believed^ not unnatu- 
rally, that they here found '' the house of £68 
(the morning) and the rising-place of the dun/' and 
that the river Phasis, if they could follow it to its 
unknown beginning, would conduct them to the cir^ 
cumfluous ocean. They gave to the spot the name 
of i£a, and the fabulous and real title gradually 
became associated together into one compound ap^ 
pellation, — the Kolchian iEa, or ^a of Kolchis^. 
While Kolchis was thus entered on the map as a 
fit representative for the Homeric '* house of the 
morning/' the narrow strait of the Thracian Bos^ 
poms attracted to itself the poetical fancy of the 
Sympldgades, or colliding rocks, through which the 
heaven-protected Argo had been the first to pass* 
The powerful Greek cities of Kyzikus, HSnddeia 
and Sinopd, each fertile in local legends, still farther 
contributed to give this direction to the voyage ; so 
that in the time of Hekatseus it had become the 
established belief that the Arg6 had started from 
I61kos and gone to Kolchis. 
^^ and iEfitfis thus received his home from the legendary 
faith and fancy of the eastern Greek navigators : 
his sister Circ6, originally his fellow-resident, was 
localised by the western. The Hesiodio and other 
poems, giving expression to the imaginative im- 
pulses of the inhabitants of Cumae and other early 
Grecian settlers in Italy and Sicily^, had referred 

> Arrian* Periplus Pont. Euxin. p. 12; ap. Qeogr. Minor. voL i. Be 
saw the Caucasus &om Dioskurias. 

» Herodot.,i. 2; vii. 193-19?. Eurip. Med. 2. Valer. Place, v. 61. 

' Strabo> i. p. 23. Volcker (Ueber Homerische Qeognphie^ ▼. 66) ia 
instructive upon this pointy as upon the geogra{^y of the Greek po«ti 
generally. He recogniaes the purely mythical charaoter of .£a in £Unfter 

CttAT. XIU.] CIRCB IN tHB WB8T. 848 

the wanderings of Odysseus to the western or 
Tyrrhenian sea, and had planted the Cycl6pes, the 
Leestrygones, the floating island of iBolus, the Loto- 
phagi, the Phaeacians, &c., about the coast of Sicily, 
Italy, Libya, and Korkyra. In this way the jEaean 
island — the residence of Circfi, and the extreme 
point of the wanderings of Odysseus, from whence 
he passes only to the ocean and into HadSs — came 
to be placed in the far west, while the ^a of ^EdtSs 
was in the far east-^-^ot unlike our East and West 
Indies. The Homeric brother and sister were sepa- 
rated and sent to opposite extremities of the Grecian 
terrestrial horizon \ 

The track from Idlkos to Kolchis, however, 
though plausible as far as it went, did not realise 
all the conditions of the genuine fabulous voyage : 
it did not explain the evidences of the visit of these 

and Hesiod) but he tries to prove — unsuccessfully, in my judgement — 
that Homer places M^t&s in the east, while Circd is in the west, and 
thil Homer refers the Argonautic toyage to the Bnxine Sea. 

^ Strabo (or Polybius, whom he has just been citing) contends that 
Homer knew the existence of M^iM in Kolchis, and of Circ6 at Cir- 
oeium, as historical persons, as well as the voyage of Jasdn to Mk as 
an historical fact. Upon this he (Homer) built a superstructure of fic- 
tion {TTpoo-fiCdfVfjui): he invented the brotherhood between them, and 
he placed both the one and the other in the exterior ocean {mryytpttas 
re hrkao't t&v ovta ^kicfUpc^v, Koi i^MamiTfthv dfiffxttv, i. p. 30); 
perhaps also Jas6n might have wandered as €ur as Italy, as evidences 
{oTjfUld Tiva) are shown that he did (ib,). 

But the idea that Homer conceived MMn in the extreme east and 
Circd in the extreine west, is not reconcileable with the Odyssey. The 
supposition of Strabo is alike violent and unsatisfactory. 

Circd was worshiped as a goddess at Oirceii (Cicero, Nat. Deor. iii. 
19). Hesiod, in the Theogony, represents the two sons of CircA by 
Odysseus as reigning over all the warlike Tyrrhenians (Theog. 1012), 
an undefined western sovereignty. The great Mamilian gens at Tus- 
eulmn traced their descent to Odysseus and Circd (Dionys. Hal. iv. 



maritime heroes "which were to be found in libjra, 

in KrSte, in AnaphS, in Korkyra, in the Adriatic 

Return of Gulf, in Italy and in ^thalia. It became neces^ 

the Anro* 

iiaatt--dif. sar}' to devisc another route for them in their re- 
fcrentver- ^^^^^^ j^^^j jjj^ Hcsiodic narrative was (as I have 

before observed), that they came back by the cir- 
cumfluous ocean ; first going up the river Phasis 
into the circumfluous ocean ; then following that 
deep and gentle stream until they entered the 
Nile, and came down its course to the coast of 
Libya. This seems also to have been the belief 
of HekataeusV But presently several Greeks 
(and Herodotus among them) began to discard 
the idea of a circumfluous ocean-stream, which 
had pervaded their old geographical and astro- 
nomical fables, and which explained the sup- 
posed easy communication between one extremity 
of the earth and another. Another idea was 
then started for the returning voyage of the Ar- 
gonauts. It was supposed that the river Ister, 
or Danube, flowing from the Rhipaean moun- 
tains in the north-west of Europe, divided itself 

^ See above, p. 326. There is an opinion cited from Hekateeus in 
Schol. ApoU. EJiod. iv. 284. contrary to this, which is given by the 
same scholiast on iv. 259. But, in spite of the remarks of Klausen 
(ad Fragment. Hekatiei, 187. p. 9&), I think that the Schol. ad iv. 284 
has made a mistake in citing Hekatseus ; the more so, as the scholiast, 
as printed from the Codex Parisinus, cites the same opinion without 
mentioning Hekatsus. According to the old Homeric idea, the ocean- 
stream flowed all round the earth, and was the source of all the princi- 
pal rivers which flowed into the great internal sea, or Mediterranean 
(see Hekatseus, Fr. 349 ; Klausen, ap. Arrian. ii. 16, where he speaks 
of the Mediterranean as the fteydkrj Odkaa-aa), Retaining this old idea 
of the ocean-stream, Hekatseus would naturally beheve that the Phasis 
joined it : nor can 1 agree with Klausen (ad Ft, 187) that this implies 
a degree of ignorance too gross to impute to him. 


into two branches, one of which fell into the Enxine 
Sea, and the other into the Adriatic. 

The Argonauts, fleeing from the pursuit ofM^tAa^ 
had been obliged to abandon their regular course 
homeward, and had gone from the Euxine Sea up 
the Ister ; then passing down the other branch of 
that river, they had entered into the Adriatic, the 
Kolchian pursuers following them. Such is the 
story given by Apoll6nius Rhodius from Timag^tus, 
and accepted even by so able a geographer as Era- 
tosthenes — who preceded him by one generation, 
and who, though sceptical in regard to the locali- 
ties visited by Odysseus, seems to have been a firm 
believer in the reality of the Argonautic voyaged 
Other historians again, among whom was Timaeus, 
though they considered the ocean as an outer sea, 
and no longer admitted the existence of the old 
Homeric ocean-stream » yet imagined a story for the 
return-voyage of the Argonauts somewhat resem- 
bling the old tale of Hesiod and Hekataeus. They 
alleged that the Arg6, after entering into the Palus 
MsQOtis, had followed the upward course of the river 
Tanais; that she had then been carried overland 
and launched in a river which had its mouth in the 

^ ApoUdn. Rhod. iv. 287 ; Schol. ad iv. 284 ; Pindar^ Pyth. iv. 447, 
with Schol.; Strabo, i. p. 46-57; Aristot. Mirabil. Auscult. c. 105. 
Ahara were shown in the Adriatic, which had been erected both by 
Jaf6n and by MMea (ib,). 

AriBtoile believed in the forked course of the Ister, with one embou- 
chure in the Enxine and another in the Adriatic : he notices certain 
fishes called rplxMh who entered the river (like the Argonauts) from the 
Euxine, went up it as far as the point of bifurcation and descended into 
the Adriatic (Histor. Animal, viii. 15). Compare Ukert, Geographic der 
Gnech. imd Romer, vol. iii. p.. 145-1 47, about the supposed course of 
the Ister. 


ocean or great outer sea. When in the ocean, Aa 
had coasted along the north and weat of Europe 
until she reached Gadds and the Strait of Gibraltar, 
where she entered into the Mediterranean, and there 
risited the many places specified in the fable* Of 
this long voyage, in the outer sea to the north and 
west of Europe, many traces were affirmed to exist 
along the coast of the ocean'. There was again a 
third version, according to which the Argonauts 
came back as they went, through the Thracian 
Bosporus and the Hellespont^ In this way geo- 
graphical plausibility was indeed maintained, but 
a large portion of the fabulous matter was thrown 

Such were the various attempts made to reconcile 
the Argonautic legend with enlarged geographical 
knowledge and improved historical criticism. The 
problem remained unsolved, but the faith in the 
legend did not the less continue. It was a faith 
originally generated at a time when the unassisted 
narrative of the inspired poet sufficed for the con- 
viction of his hearers ; it consecrated one among 
the (capital exploits of that heroic and super-human 
race^ whom the Greek was accustomed at once to 

* IKoddr. iv. 56 1 Tinueus, Fnigm. 53. Goller. Skjrtnttus tlii geo- 
gmpher alto adopted this opinion (SchoL Apoll. Rhod. 284-fi87)« The 
pftendo-Orpheiii in the poem called Argonautica seems to gire a jmnble 
of all the different stories. 

' Dioddr. It. 49. This was the tale both of Sophoklte and of Kalli- 
machtts (Schol. Apoll. Rhod. iy. 884). 

See the Dissertation of Ukert, Beylage iv. vol. i. part 2. p. 820 of his 
Qeographie der Griechen nnd Rdmer^ which treats of the Argonautktoy- 
iige at some length ; also J. H. Voss, Alte Weltkunde Uber die Qestalt der 
Erde, pubUshed in the second volume of the Kritische BULtter, pp« 162, 
314-326; and Forbiger^Handbuch der AltenGeographie-Einleituagf p.S. 


look back upon as his ancestors and to worship con- 
jointly with his gods : it lay too deep in his mind 
either to require historical evidence for its support, 
or to be overthrown by geographical difficulties as 
they were then appreciated. Supposed traces of thte 9?"^"^ 
past event, either preserved in the names of places, voy«ge— 
or embodied in standing religious customs with truth deter- 
their explanatory comments, served as sufficient stn^.^^ 
authentication in the eyes of the curious inquirer. 
And even men trained in a more severe school of 
criticism contented themselves with eliminating the 
palpable contradictions and softening down the su- 
pernatural and romantic events, so as to produce 
an Argonautic expedition of their own invention as 
the true and accredited history. Strabo, though he 
can neither overlook nor explain the geographical 
impossibilities of the narrative, supposes himself to 
have discovered the basis of actual fact, which the 
original poets had embellished or exaggerated. The 
golden fleece was typical of the great wealth of 
Kolchis, arising from gold-dust washed down by 
the rivers ; and the voyage of Jasdn was in reality 
an expedition at the head of a considerable army, 
with which he plundered this wealthy country and 
made extensive conquests in the interior ^ Strabo 

^ Strabo, i. p. 45. He speaks here of the Toyage of Phryxus, as well 
as that of Jas6n, as having been a military undertaking (arparcla) : so 
again, iii. p. 149, he speaks of the military expedition of Odysseus — 7 
Tov 'Odvcrcrcwff crrparia, and ^ 'Hpaickeovs arparla (ib.). Again, xi. p. 498. 
0^ fiv3oi, atviTT6fi€yoi rrfv *Ida'ovos oTpoTilav irpof\66vTos fJ^XP^ "^^^ ^7* 
bias' tfri dc irp6r€pov r^v ^pL^ov, Compare also Justin, xlii. 2-3 ; Tacit. 
Annal. vi. 34. 

Strabo cannot speak of the old fables with literal fidelity : he uncon- 
sciously transforms them into quasi-historical incidents of his own ima- 


has nowhere laid down what he supposes to have 
been the exact measure and direction of Jasdn's 
march, but he must have regarded it as very long, 
since he classes Jas6n with Dionysus and H6ra- 
klds, and emphatically characterises all the three 
as having traversed wider spaces of ground than 
any modems could equals Such was the compro- 
mise which a mind like that of Strabo made with 
the ancient legends. He shaped or cut them down 
to the level of his own credence, and in this waste 
of historical criticism, without any positive evi- 
dence, he took to himself the credit of greater pene- 
tration than the literal believers, while he escaped 
the necessity of breaking formally with the bygone 
heroic world. 

gination. Diod6ru8 gives a narrative of the same kind, with decent 
substttutet for the fabulous elements (iv. 40-47-^). 

^ Strabo, i. p. 48. The far-extending expeditions undertaken in the 
eastern regions by Dionysus and H^rakl^ were constantly present to 
the mind of Alexander the Great as subjects of comparison with him- 
self : he imposed upon his followers perilous and trying mardies, from 
anxiety to equal or surpass the alleged exploits of Semiramis, Cyrus, 
Perseus, and HSrakl^s. (Arrian, v. 2, 3; vi. 24,3; viL 10, 12. Strabo, 

• • • 


rseus, and Heraklds. (Arrian, v. 1 
p. 171 ; XV. p. 686; xvii. p. 81.) 




Thb Boedtians generally, throughout the historical Abundant 
age, though well endowed with hodily strength and Thebes. 
courages are represented as proverhially deficient 
in intelligence, taste and fancy. But the legendary 
population of Thebes, the Kadmeians, are rich in 
mythical antiquities, divine as well as heroic. Both 
Dionysus and HdraklSs recognise ThSbes as their 
natal city. Moreover, the two sieges of ThSbes by 
Adrastus, even taken apart from Kadmus, Antiopd, 
Amphi6n and Zethus, &c., are the most prominent 
and most characteristic exploits, next to the siege 
of Troy, of that pre-existing race of heroes who 
lived in the imagination of the historical Hellenes. 

It is not Kadmus, but the brothers Amphi6n and 
Zethus, who are given to us in the Odyssey as the 
first founders of ThSbes and the first builders of its 
celebrated walls. They are the sons of Zeus by 

^ The eponym Boedtus it son of Po8eid6n and Aral (Eupborion ap. 
Eostatb. ad Iliad, ii. 507). It was from Ami in Tbessaly tbat tbe 
Boedtians were said to bave come, when they invaded and occupied 
Boedtia. Eoripidls made him son of Poseid6n and Melanippl. Another 
legend recited Boe6tus and Hellln as sons of Poseid6n and Antiopl 
(Hygin. f. 167-186). 

The Tanagrsean poetess Korinna (the rival of Pindar, whose compo- 
sitions in the Bcedtian dialect are unfortunately lost) appears to have 
dwelt upon this native Boe6tian genealogy : she derived the Ogygian 
gates of Thibes from Ogygus, son of Boedtus (Schol. Apoll6n. Rhod. iii. 
117B), also the Fragments of Korinna in Schneidewin's edition, fr. 2. 
p. 432. 




founders of 
and Boed- 
tu8 — both 
distinct le- 


Autiopd, daughter of Asdpus. The scholiasts who 
desire to reconcile this tale with the more current 
account of the foundation of Thdhes by Kadmus> 
tell us that after the death of Amphidn and Zethus, 
Eurymachus, the warlike king of the Phlegyae, in- 
vaded and ruined the newly-settled town, so that 
Kadmus on arriving was obliged to re-found it^ 
But ApoUoddrus, and seemingly the older logogra- 
phers before him, placed Kadmus at the top, and 
inserted the two brothers at a lower point in the 
series. According to them, Bdlus and Agen6r were 
the sons of Epaphus (son of the Argeian 16) by 
Libya. Agen6r went to Phoenicia and there became 
king: he had for his offspring Kadmus, Phoenix, 
Kilix, and a daughter Eurdpa ; though in the Iliad 
Eur6pa is called daughter of Phoenix*. Zeus fell 
in love with Eurdpa, and assuming the shape of a 
bull, carried her across the sea upon his back from 
Egypt to Krdte, where she bore to him Min6s, Rha- 
damanthus and Sarpdd6n. Two out of the three 
sons sent out by Agen6r in search of their lost 
sister, wearied out by a long-protracted as well as 
fruitless voyage, abandoned the idea of returning 
home: Kilix settled in Kilikia, and Kadmus in 
Thrace^. Thasus, the brother or nephew of Kad- 

> Homer, Odysi. zi. 262, and Eustath* ad loc. Compare SchoL ad 
niad. xiii. 301. 

^ Iliad, xiv. 321. Id ii MpUatra wpof^^otp of the Tb^bana. Ewip. 
Phoeniss. 247-676. 

' Apollod6r. ii. 1, 3 ; iii. 1, 8. In the Hesiodic poemi (ap. Scbol. 
ApoU. Rhod. ii. 178), Phoenix was recognised at son of Agendr. Pha* 
rekyd^ also described both Phoenix and Kadmus as sons of Agendr 
(Pherekyd. Fragm. 40, Didot). Compare Servius ad Virgil, ^eid. i, 
338. Pherekyd^s expressly mentioned Kilix (ApoUod. t^.), Besidea 
the Evp^€ia of Stesichorus (see Stesichor. Fragm. xv. p. 73, ed. Klme)« 

CHAB.Xiy.] L101ND8 09 THBBB8. 301 

mii8, who had accompanied them in the voyage, 
aettled and gave name to the island of Thasua. 

Both Herodotus and Euripides represent Kadmna 
as an emigrant from PhcBnicia, conducting a body 
of followers in quest of Eur6pa. The account of 
Apollod6rus describes him as having come originally 
from Libya or Egypt to Phoenicia : we may presume 
that this was also the statement of the earlier logo« 
graphers Pherekyd^s and Hellanikus. Con6n, who 
historicises and politicises the whole legend, seems 
to have found two different accounts ; one oonnect* 
ing Kadmus with Egypt, another bringing him from 
Phoenicia. He tries to melt down the two into 
one, by representing that the Phoenicians, who sent 
out Kadmus, had acquired great power in Egjrpt^r- 
that the seat of their kingdom was the Egyptian 
Thebes — that Kadmus was despatched, under pre- 
tence indeed of finding his lost sister, but really on 
a project of eonquest-^-and that the name Th^bea, 
which he gave to his new establishment in BoeAtia, 
was borrowed from Thdbes in Egypt, his ancestorial 
seal • 

Kadmus went from Thrace to Delphi to procure 
information respecting his sister Eur6pa, but the 
god directed him to take no further trouble about 
her ; he was to follow the guidance of a cow, and 
to found a eity on the spot where the animal should 

then were ■everal -other ancienl poems on the tdventarei of Enrdpa; 
one in pwtieiilar by Enmtius (8cbol. td Iliad, vi. 138), which however 
can hardly he the laine aa the dk thnj rh tli E^pi^yaUuded to by Pau- 
saoiaa (ix. 5, 4). See Wulkiep de Cyolo Epioo, p. 67 (Miinater 1826). 
^ Con6n, Narrat. 37. Perhaps the most remarkable thing of all is 
the tone of unbounded self-confidence with which Con6n winds up this 
tisaofi of uneertiied snppoaitiona-^wv^l fth Maifuw xaX ei|/9^ oUda$m9 
o^ror 6 dkij^g X<^ff' t6 di SKKo fivBos ml yotfnia oKcifis, 


Hoj^ lie down. The condition was realised on the site 

aDcDcs was 

founded by of ThSbcs. The neighbouring fountain Areia was 
"** guarded by a fierce dragon, the offspring of Arfis, 
who destroyed all the persons sent to fetch water. 
Kadmus killed the dragon, and at the suggestion of 
Athens sowed his teeth in the earth ^ : there sprang 
up at once the armed men called the Sparti, among 
whom he flung stones, and they immediately began 
to assault each other until all were slain except 
five. ArSs, indignant at this slaughter, was about 
to kill Kadmus ; but Zeus appeased him, condemn- 
ing Kadmus to an expiatory servitude of eight years, 
after which he married Harmonia, the daughter of 
Ar6s and AphroditS — presenting to her the splendid 
necklace fabricated by the hand of HSphaestos, 
which had been given by Zeus to Eur6pa'. All 
the gods came to the Kadmeia, the citadel of Thdbes, 
to present congratulations and gifts at these nup- 
tials, which seem to have been hardly less celebrated 
in the mythical world than those of Pdleus and 
Thetis. The issue of the marriage was one son, 

> Stesichor. (Fragm. 16 ; Kleine) ap. Schol. Eurip. Phoeniss. 680. 
The place where the heifer had lain down was ftiU shown in the time 
of Pausaiiias (ix. 12, I). 

Lysimachus, a lost author who wrote Thebaj'ca, mentioned £mr6pa 
as having come with Kadmus to Thebes, and told the story in many 
other respects very differently (Schol. Apoll. Rhod. iii. 1179). 

^ Apollod6r. iii. 4, 1-^. Pherekyd^ gave this account of the neck- 
lace, which seems to imply that Kadmus must have found his sist^ 
£ur6pa. The narrative here given is from Hellanikua ; that of Pha«- 
kyd^ differed from it in some respects: compare Hellanik. Fragm. 
8 and 9, and Pherekyd. Frag. 44. The resemblance of this story with 
that of Jasdn and M^h (see above, chap. xiii. p. 324) will strike every 
one. It is curious to observe how the old logographer Pherekyd^ ex- 
plained this analogy in hi^ narrative ; he said that Ath^S had given 
half the dragon's teeth to Kadmus and half to MMs (see Schol. Pindar. 
Isthm. vi. 13). 



Polyddrus, and four daughters, Autono6, In6, Se- 
mdd and Agav^^ 

From the five who alone survived of the warriors Five primi- 

tive fvnilies 

sprung from the dragon's teeth, arose five great at Thebes, 
families or gentes in Thebes ; the oldest and noblest spurti. 
of its inhabitants, coeval with the foundation of the 
town. They were called Sparti, and their name 
seems to have given rise, not only to the fable of 
the sowing of the teeth, but also to other etymolo- 
gical narratives^. 

All the four daughters of Kadmus are illustrious J^^ (o^ 

^ daughters 

in fabulous history. In6, wife of Athamas, the son of Kadmui 
of ^olus, has already been included among the le- ^ ' 
gends of the Solids. Semeld became the mistress of 
Zeus, and inspired HSrS with jealousy. Misguided 
by the malicious suggestions of that goddess, she 
solicited Zeus to visit her with all the solemnity 
and terrors which surrounded him when he ap- 
proached HSrS herself. The god unwillingly con- 
sented, and came in his chariot in the midst of 
thunder and lightning, under which awful accom- 
paniments the mortal frame of Semel6 perished. 2. Semeia. 
Zeus, taking from her the child of which she was 
pregnant, sewed it into his own thigh : after the 
proper interval the child was brought out and born, 
and became the great god Dionysus or Bacchus. 
HermSs took him to In6 and Athamas to receive 

^ Heaiod, Theogon. 976. Leukothea, the sea-goddess, daughter of 
Kadmus, is mentioned in the Odyssey, v. 334 ; Diod6r. iv. 2. 

' Euiip. Phceniss. 680, with the Scholia; PherekydSs, Fragm. 44; 
Andr6tion, ap. Schol. Pindar. Isthm. vi. 13. Dionysius (?) called the 
Sparti an IfOvos Bounnias (Schol. Phoeniss. 1. c). 

Even in the days of Plutarch, there were persons living who tmced 
their descent to the Sparti of Thebes (Plutarch, Ser. Num. Yindict. 
p. 663). 

VOL. I. 2 A 


their protection . Afterwards , however, Zeus having 
transformed him into a kid to conceal him from the 
persecution of HSr£, the nymphs of the mountain 
Nysa became his nurses ^ 
aid hwl^n AutouoA, the third daughter of Kadmus, married 
AktediL the pastoral hero or god Aristaeus, and was mother 
of Aktasdn, a devoted hunter and a favourite com- 
panion of the goddess Artemis. She however be- 
came displeased with him — either because he looked 
into a fountain while she was bathing and saw her 
naked — or according to the legend set forth by the 
poet StesichoruSy because he loved and courted 
Semeld-— or according to Euripides, because he 
presumptuously vaunted himself as her superior in 
the chase. She transformed him into a stag, so that 
his own dogs set upon and devoured him. The 
rock upon which Akt8e6n used to sleep when fa- 
tigued with the chase, and the spring whose trans- 
parent waters had too clearly revealed the form of 
the goddess, were shown to Pausanias near Plataea, 
on the road to Megara^. 

> Apollodftr. iii. 4, 2-9 ; Diod6r. iv. 2. 

* See Apollod6r. iii. 4, 3 ; Steaichor. Fragm. xrii. Kleine ; Pausan. 
iz. 2, 3; Eurip. Baoch. 337; Dioddr. iv. 81. The old logogr^her 
AkusilauB copied Stesichoms. 

Upon this well-known stoiy it is unnecessary to multiply references. 
I shaU however briefly notice the remarks made upon it by Diod6rui 
and by Pausanias, as an iUustration of the manner in which the literary 
Greeks of a later day dealt with their old national l^ends. 

Both of them appear implicitly to believe the hat, that Aktsedn was 
devoured by his own dogs, but they differ materially in the explanation 
of it. 

Diod6ru8 accepts and vindicates the miraculous interposition of the 
displeased goddess to punish Aktseon, who, according to one story, had 
boasted of his superiority in the chase ta Artemis, — according to another 
story, had presumed to solicit the goddess in marriage, emboldened by 
the great numbers of the feet of animals slain in the chase which he 


Agavd, the remaining daughter of Kadmus, mar- 4. AeavS 
lied Echi6n, one of the Sparti. The issue of these Penth^s! 
nuptials was Pentheus, who, when Kadmus became 
old, succeeded him as king of Thebes. In his reign 
Dionysus appeared as a god, the author or dis- 
coverer of the vine with all its blessings. He had 
wandered over Asia, India and Thrace, at the head 
of an excited troop of female enthusiasts — commu- 
nicating and inculcating everywhere the Bacchic 
ceremonies, and rousing in the minds of women 
that impassioned religious emotion which led them 
to ramble in solitary mountains at particular sea- 
sons, there to give vent to violent fanatical excite- 
ment, apart from the men, clothed in fawn-skins 
and armed with the thyrsus. The obtrusion of a 
male spectator upon these solemnities was esteemed 

hftd hung up as offerings in her temple. '* It is not improbable (ob* 
serves Dioddms) that the goddess was angry on both these accounts. 
For whether Aktaedn abused these hunting presents so far as to make 
them the means of gratifying his own desires towards one unapproach- 
Me in wedlock, or whether he presumed to call himself an abler hunter 
than her with whom the gods themselves will not compete in this de- 
partment, — in either case the wrath of the goddess against him was just 
and legitimate (SfAokoyovfianjv Koi buudav opyriv tax^ wp6s avr^i* 7 $€6s). 
With perfect pn^riety therefore {KaB6kov dc mBop&s) was he transformed 
into an animal such as those he had hunted, and torn to pieces by the 
very dogs who had killed them." (Diod. iv. 80.) 

Pausanias, a man of exemplary piety, and generally less inclined to 
scepticism than Diod6rus, thinks the occasion unsuitable for a miracle 
or special interference. Having alluded to the two causes assigned for 
the displeasure of Artemis (they are the two first-mentioned in my text, 
and distinct from the two noticed by Diod6rus), he proceeds to say, 
'* But I believe that the dogs of Aktaedn went mad, without the inter- 
ference of the goddess : in this state of madness they would have torn 
in pieces without distinction any one whom they met (Paus. ix. 2, 3. 
rya> dc xal Sa>€v Btov viiOofuu v6irov Xvinrav €inPak€ip rov ^Axrauopos 
Tovs Kwas).'' He retains the truth of the final catastrophe, but ra- 
tionalises it, excluding the special intervention of Artemis. 

2 a2 



sacrilegious. Though the rites had been rapidly 
disseminated and fervently welcomed in many parts 
of Thrace, yet there were some places in which 
they had been obstinately resisted and their votaries 
treated with rudeness ; especially by Lykurgus, king 
of the Edonian Thracians, upon whom a sharp and 
exemplary punishment was inflicted by Dionysus, 
thei^ Thebes was the first city of Greece to which 
Dionytiif— Diouysus Came, at the head of his Asiatic troop of 

his misen* ^ 

bie end. females, to obtain divine honours, and to establish 
his peculiar rites in his native city. The venera- 
ble Kadmus, together with his daughters and the 
prophet Teii^esias, at once acknowledged the divi- 
nity of the new god, and began to offer their wor- 
ship and praise to him along with the solemnities 
which he enjoined. But Pentheus vehemently op- 
posed the new ceremonies, reproving and maltreat- 
ing the god who introduced them: nor was his 
unbelief at all softened by the miracles which Dio- 
nysus wrought for his own protection and for that 
of his followers. His mother Agavd, with her sis- 
ters and a large body of other women from ThSbes, 
had gone •out from Thdbes to Mount Kithaer6n to 
celebrate their solemnities under the influence of 
the Bacchic frenzy. Thither Pentheus followed to 
watch them, and there the punishment due to his im- 
piety overtook him. The avenging touch of the god 
having robbed him of his senses, he climbed a tall 
pine for the purpose of overlooking the feminine 
multitude, who detected him in this position, pulled 
down the tree, and tore him in pieces. AgavS, 
mad and bereft of consciousness, made herself the 



foremost in this assault, and carried back in tri* 
umph to Thebes the head of her slaughtered son. 
The aged Kadmus, with his wife Harmonia, retired 
among the Illyrians, and at the end of their lives 
were changed into serpents, Zeus permitting them 
to be transferred to the Elysian fields ^ 

Polyddrus and Labdakus successively became LiOidiJnif, 
kings of ThSbes : the latter at his death left an in- AmpUto 
fant son, Laius, who was deprived of his throne by Swf ^ 
Lykus. And here we approach the legend of An«- 

' ApoUod. iii. 5, 3-4 ; Theocrit. Idyll, zxri. Eurip. Bacch. poisim. 
Such is the tragical plot of this memorahle drama. It is a striking proof 
of the deep-seated reverence of the people of Athens for the sanctity of 
the Bacchic ceremonies, that they could have home the spectacle of 
Agavd on the stage with her dead son's head» and the expressions of 
triumphant sympathy in her action on the part of the Chorus (1168)» 
VUuccup * Ayaviy ! Tbis drama, written near the dose of the life of £uri- 
pid^, and exhihited hy his son after his death (Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 
67), contains passages strongly inculcating the necessity of implicit de- 
ference to ancestorial authority in matters of religion, and &YOurably 
eontrasting the uninquiring fsith of the vulgar with the dissenting and 
inquisitive tendencies of superior minds : see v. 196; compare w. 389 

and 422.— 

OMw tn^td&iuaOa roUn daifuxruf, 

Harplovs vapadoxits, ^ ff Sfifjkucas XP^^ 

KMKTTifitff, olMs aCra Karapakti \6yos, 

O^ f^v di* ^dcptfy T^ ax)(l>6p tvprfnu ^pcrfl»y» 

Such reproofs " insanientia sapienti« " certainly do not fall in with the 
plot of the drama itself, in which Pentheus appears as a Conservative, 
resisting the introduction of the new religious rites. Taken in conjunc- 
tion with the emphatic and submissive piety which reigns through the 
drama, they countenance the supposition of T3rrwhitt, that Euripid^ was 
anxious to repel the imputations, so often made against him, of commerce 
with the philosophers and participation in sundry heretical opinions. 

Pacuvius in his Pentheus seems to have dcMcly copied Euripid^; 
see Servius ad Virg. ^neid. iv. 469. 

The old Thespis had composed a tragedy on the subject of Pentheus ; 
Suidas, 8€(nrtff; also .£schylus; compare his Eumenid^, 25. 

According to Apollod6rus (iii. 5, 5), Labdakus also perished in a 
similar way to Pentheus, and firom the like impiety, — ^^6^ <l>po¥Sw 


tiopS, ZSthus and Amphidn, whom the fabulists 
insert at this point of the Thdban series. Antiopd 
is here the daughter of Nykteus, the brother of Ly- 
kus. She is deflowered by Zeus, and then, while 
pregnant, flies to Ep6peus king of Sikydn : Nykteus 
dying entreats his brother to avenge the injury, 
and Lykus accordingly invades Sikydn, defeats and 
kills £p6peus, and brings back Antiopd prisoner to 
Th6bes. In her way thither, in a cave near Eleu- 
therae, which was shown to Pausauias\ she is de- 
livered of the twin sons of Zeus — Amphidn and ZS- 
thus — who, exposed to perish, are taken up and 
nourished by a shepherd, and pass their youth 
amidst herdsmen, ignorant of their lofty descent. 

Antiop^ is conveyed to Thebes, where, after un- 
dergoing a long persecution from Lykus and his 
cruel wife DirkS, she at length escapes, and takes 
refuge in the pastoral dwelling of her sons, now 
grown to manhood. DirkS pursues and requires 
her to be delivered up ; but the sons recognise 
and protect their mother, taking an ample revenge 
upon her persecutors. Lykus is slain, and DirkS 
is dragged to death, tied to the horns of a buU^ 
Amphi6n and Z^thus, having banished Laius, be- 

1 Pausan. i. 38, 9. 

' For the adventures of AntiopI and her sons, see Apollod6r. iii. 6 ; 
Pausan. ii. 6, 2 ; ix. 5, 2. 

The narrative given respecting £p6peus in the ancient Cyprian verses 
seems to have been veiy different from this, as fiur as we can judge from 
the brief notice in Proclus's Argument,— «>€ 'Eir«ircv( if>6tipas t^p Av* 
Kovpyov (AvKov) ywaiKa t^twopBriOrf : it approaches more nearly to the 
story given in the seventh fable of Hyginus, and followed by Propertiiia 
(iii. 15); the eighth fable of Hyginus contains the tale of Antiop^ as 
given by Euripidte and JSnnius. The story of Pausanias differs from 

The Scholiast ad ApoUdn. Rhod. i. 735, says that there were two 


come kings of ThSbes. The former, taught by 
HermSs, and possessing exquisite skill on the lyre, 
employs it in fortifying the city, the stones of the 
walls arranging themselves spontaneously in obedi- 
ence to the rhythm of his song^ 

Z^hus marries ASd6n, who, in the dark and 
under a fatal mistake, kills her son Itylus : she is 
transformed into a nightingale, white ZSthus dies of 
grief ^ Amphidn becomes the husband of Niobd, 
daughter of Tantalus, and the father of a numerous 
ofispring, the complete extinction of which by the 
hands of Apollo and Artemis has already been re* 
counted in these pages. 

persons named Antiop^ ; one^ daughter of As^pus, the other, daughter 
of Nykteus. Pausanias is content with supposing one only, really the 
daughter of Nykteus, hut there was a ^^fu? thai she was dau^ter of 
Asdpus (ii. 6, 2). Asius made Antiopd daughter of As6pus, and mother 
(hoth hy Zeus and hy EpApeus : such a junction of divine and human 
paternity is of oommpn occurrence in the Greek legends) of Z^us and 
Amphi6n (ap. Pans. 1. c.)« 

The contradictory versions of the stoiy are brought together, though 
not very perfectly, in Sterk's Essay, De Labdaddarum Historic, p. 38-43 
(Leyden, 1829). 

' This story about the lyre of Amphi6n is not noticed in Homer, but 
it was narrated in the ancient hnj h Evp^mrfv which Pausanias had read : 
the wild beasts as weU as the stones were obedient to his strains (Paus. 
ix. 5, 4). PherekydSs also recounted it (Pherekyd. Fragm. 1Q2, Didot). 
The tablet of inscription QAvaypa<tifj) at Siky6n recognised Amphidn as 
the first coAposer of poetry and harp-music (Plutarch, de Muncft, e. 3. 
p. 1132). 

' The tale of the wife and son of Z^us is as old as the Odyssey 
(zix. 525). Pausanias adds the statement that Zdthus died of grief 
(iz. 5, 5 ; Pherekyd^, Fragm. 102, Did.). Pausanias, however, as well 
as Apolloddrus, tells us that Z^us married Th6bd, from whom the 
name Thdbes was given to the city. To reconcile the conflicting pre- 
tenskms of Z^us and Amphidn with those of Kadmus, as founders of 
Thebes, Pausanias supposes that the latter was the original settler of 
the hill of the Kadmeia, while the two former extended the settlement 
to the lower city (ix. 5, 1-3). 


Here ends the legend of the beautiful Antiopd 
and her twin sons — the rude and unpolished, but 
energetic, Z^thus — and the refined and amiable, but 
dreamy, Amphidn. For so Euripides, in the drama 
of AntiopS unfortunately lost, presented the two 
brothers, in affectionate union as well as in striking 
contrast \ It is evident that the whole story stood 
originally quite apart from the Kadmeian family, 
and so the rudiments of it yet stand in the Odys- 
sey ; but the logographers, by their ordinary con- 
necting artifices, have opened a vacant place for it 
in the descending series of ThSban mythes. And 
they have here proceeded in a manner not usual 
with them. For whereas they are generally fond of 
multiplying entities, and supposing different histori- 
cal personages of the same name, in order to intro* 
duce an apparent smoothness in the chronology — 
they have here blended into one person Amphi6n 
the son of AntiopS and Amphi6n the father of 
Chl6ris, who seem clearly distinguished from each 
other in the Odyssey. They have further assigned 
to the same person all the circumstances of the 
legend of Niob6, which seems to have been originally 
framed quite apart from the sons of Antiopd. 

Amphidn and Zdthus being removed, Laius be- 
came king of Thdbes. With him commences the 

* See Valckenaer, Diatribe in Enrip. Reliq. cap. T, p. 58 ; Wdcker, 
Griecfaisch. Tragod. ii. p. 81 1 . There is a rtrildng resemblance between 
the Antiopd of Euripidds and the Tytt of Sophokl^ in many points. 

Plato in his Gorgias has preserved a few fragments, and a tolersbly 
clear general idea of the characters of Zdthos and Amphi/^n (Gorg. 
90-92) ; see also Horat. Epist. i. 18, 42. 

Both Liyias and Pacuyius had tragedies on the scheme of this of 
Euripides, the former seemingly a translation. 


ever-celebrated series of adventures of (Edipns and 
his family. Laius, forewarned by the oracle that 


any son whom he might beget would kill him, Legendary 
caused CEdipus as soon as he was born to be ex- (m^ukd 
posed on Mount Kithaerdn. Here the herdsmen of ^ ^^^' 
Polybus king of Corinth accidentally found him 
and conveyed him to their master, who brought 
him up as his own child. ' In spite of the kindest 
treatment, however, CEdipus when he grew up 
found himself exposed to taunts on the score of his 
unknown parentage, and went to Delphi to inquire 
of the god the name of his real father. He re- 
ceived for answer an admonition not to go back to 
his country ; if he did so, it was his destiny to kill 
his father and become the husband of his mother. 
Knowing no other country but Corinth, he accord- 
ingly determined to keep away from that city, and 
quitted Delphi by the road towards Bcedtia and 
Ph6kis. At the exact spot where the roads leading 
to these two countries forked, he met Laius in a 
chariot drawn by mules, when the insolence of one 
of the attendants brought on an angry quarrel, in 
which CEdipus killed Laius, not knowing him to be 
his father. The exact place where this event hap- 
pened, called the Divided Way\ was memorable 
in the eyes of all literary Greeks, and ii specially 
adverted to by Pausanias in his periegesis. 

On the death of Laius, Kre6n, the brother of 
Jokasta, succeeded to the kingdom of Thebes. At 

^ See the descnption of the locality in K. O. Miiller (Orchomenosy 
c. i. p. 37)* 

The tombs of Laius and his attendant were still seen there in the 
days of Pausanias (x. 5, 2). 

d«i HISTORY or OREECB. [Paet L 

this time the country was under the displeasure of 
the gods, and was vexed by a terrible monster, with 
the face of a woman, the wings of a bird, and the 
ThcSphinx. tail of a lion, called the Sphinx* — sent by the wrath 
of HSrS, and occupying the neighbouring mountain 
of Phikiuni. The Sphinx had learned from the 
Muses a riddle, which bhe proposed to the Th^bans 
to resolve : on every occasion of failure she took 
away one of the citizens and ate him up. Still no 
person could solve the riddle ; and so great was the 
suffering occasioned, that Kre6n was obliged to 
offer both the crown and the nuptials of his sister 
Jokasta to any one who could achieve the salvation 
of the city. At this juncture (Edipus arrived and 
solved the riddle: upon which the Sphinx imme* 
diately threw herself from the acropolis and disap^ 
peared. As a recompense for this service, (Edipus 
was made king of ThSbes and married Jokasta, not 
aware that she was his mother. 

These main tragical circumstances — that (Edipus 
had ignorantly killed his father and married his 
mother — ^belong to the oldest form of the legend as 
it stands in the Odyssey. The gods (it is added in 
that poem) quickly made the facts known to man- 
kind. Epikasta (so Jokasta is here called) in an 
agony of sorrow hanged herself : (Edipus remained 
king of the Kadmeians, but underwent many and 
great miseries, such as the Erinnyes, who avenge 

^ Apollod6r. iii. 5, 8. An author named Lykus, in his work entitled 
Th^baiea, aacribed this vititation to the anger of Dionyaos (SchoL He- 
tiod, Theogon. 326). The Sphinx (or Phix, from the Bcefttian Mount 
Phikium) ia as old as the Hesiodic Theogony, — ^tk* dX^/y rc/cc« Kod- 
/MAouriy SktBpw (Theog. 326). 


an iDJured mother, inflict ^ A passage in the Iliad 
implies that he died at ThSbes, since it mentions 
the funeral games which were celebrated there in 
honour of him. His misfortunes were recounted 
by Nest6r, in the old Cyprian verses, among the 
stories of aforetime^. A fatal curse hung both 
upon himself and upon his children, Eteoklds, Poly- 
nik^s, AntigonS and IsmSnS. According to that 
narrative which the Attic tragedians have rendered 
universally current, they were his children by Jo- 
kasta, the disclosure of her true relationship to him 
having been very long deferred. But the ancient 
epic called CEdipodia, treading more closely in the 
footsteps of Homer, represented him as having after 
her death married a second wife, Euryganeia, by 
whom the four children were born to him: and 
the painter Onatas adopted this story in preference 
to that of Sophoklfis*. 
The disputes of Eteoklds and Polynik^ for the 

^ Odyss. xi. 270. Odysseus, describing what he saw in the under* 
worlds says, — 

MrjTfpa r* Otdin6d€U} idow, /coX^y *EirucdvTfj¥, 
*H fuya tpyov i(p«$€v a2dp€^<ri v6<ho, 
VrffuifUmj f vUi* 6 ^ tw nartp* t(€9apl(ag 

'AXX* 6 flip cV B^fijf irokwjpaT^ SXy€a vd(rx»Pf 

*H ff tfiri tig hibao mikaprao Kpartpoio 
'Ay^ofUmj Pp6xpw alww a^* v^Xoco f»4ik6$pcv, 
^Q ^xii a-xofUvri* rf d^ Skyta icdXXiir* Ma-a-» 
noXXa fuiX*, Scaa r< fitirpos ^'Apunntts inrtkiovirw, 
^ Diad, xxiii. 680, with the scholiast who cites Hesiod. Produs, 
Argum. ad Cypria, ap. Diintzer, Fragm. Epic. Grace, p. 10. Nccrr^p 

dc cV nap€KPaarti dM^yrircu xal ra v€p\ Oldlvcvp, &c. 

^ Pausan. iz. 5, 5. Compare the narrative from Peisander in Schol. 
ad Eurip. Phoeniss. 1773; where, howeyer, the blindness of (Edipns 
seems to be unconsciously interpolated out of the tragedians. In the 
old narratiye of the Cyclic Th^bais, (Edipus does not seem to be lepre-. 


Eteokids throne of their father gave occasioD not only to a se* 
nW^ ^' ries of tragical family incidents, but also to one of the 
great quasi-historical events of legendary Greece — 
the two sieges of ThSbes by Adrastus, king of Argos. 
The two ancient epic poems called the Th^bals and 
the Epigoni (if indeed both were not parts of one 
very comprehensive poem) detailed these events at 
great length, and as it appears, with distinguished 
poetical merit ; for Pausanias pronounces the Cyclic 
ThSbalfs (so it was called by the subsequent critics 
to distinguish it from the more modern ThSbate of 
Antimachus) inferior only to the Iliad and Odyssey; 
and the ancient elegiac poet Kallinus treated it as 
an Homeric composition ^ Of this once- valued 
poem we unfortunately possess nothing but a few 
scanty fragments. The leading points of the le- 

sented as blind (Leutsch, Thebaidis Cydid Rdiquue, Gottmg. 1830, 
p. 42). 

Pherekyd^i (ap. SdioL Eurip. Phoenin. 52) tdJs us that OSdipos had 
three children by Jokasta, who were all k^led by Erginua and the Mi- 
nyie (this must refer to inddents in the old poems which we cannot 
now reoorer) ; then the four cdebrated children by Euiyganeia; lastly, 
that he married a third wife, Astymedosa. Apollod6nis follows the 
narrative of the tragedians, but alludes to the different version about 
Euryganeia, — tUrl d^ ot ^<rcy, &c. (iii. 5, 8). 

Hellanikus (ap. Schol. Eur. Phoeniss. 59) mentioned the self-inflicted 
blindness of (Edipus; but it seems doubtful whether this circumstance 
was included in the narrative of Pherekyd^. 

' Pausan. ix. 9, 3. *'Birolfj$ri di eV t6v nSKtyuov tovtov Ka) hnf, 8i}/3(U£* 
rh dc hnf ravra KaKKuros, d<f>iK6fi€ifos airr&v €g /unififip, t<fnja'€P 'OfAqpop 
rhv votqa-ayra c&oi. KoXXu^ dc iroXXol re koi ^io* \6yov Korh ravra 
tyvwrtut eyc^ d^ r^v froi^o-iv tovtov fterd yt *lXiada koL rh hnf ra cV 
*Oflva'<rta ivauf& fxakurra. The name in the text of Pausanias stands 
KaKauns, an unknown person : most of the critics recognise the pro- 
priety of substituting KoXXcvor, and Leutsch and Wdcker have given 
very sufficient reasons for doing so. 

The 'AfU^uSpctt tieXaa-la es Orffias, alluded to in the pseudo-Herodo- 
tean life of Homer, seems to be the description of a special passage in 
this Thdbau. 


gend are briefly glanced at in the Iliad ; but our 
knowledge of the details is chiefly derived from the 
Attic tragedians, who transformed the narratives 
of their predecessors at pleasure, and whose popu- 
larity constantly eclipsed and obliterated the ancient 
version. Antimachus of Kolophdn, contemporary 
with Euripid^, in his long epic, probably took no 
less liberties with the old narrative. His ThSbaYd 
never became generally popular, but it exhibited 
marks of study and elaboration which recommended 
it to the esteem of the Alexandrine critics, and pro- 
bably contributed to discredit in their eyes the old 
cyclic poem. 
The logographers, who gave a continuous hi- OMepic 

poemt on 

Story of this si^e of ThSbes, had at least three thetiesei 
pre-existing epic poems — the Th6bals, the (Edipo* 
dia, and the Alkmae6nis, — from which they could 
borrow. The subject was also handled in some of 
the Hesiodic poems, but we do not know to what 
extent^ The ThSba'is was composed more in ho- 
nour of Argos than of ThSbes, as the first line of 
it, one of the few fragments still preserved, be* 

^ Hesiod, ap. Schol. Iliad, zxiii. 680, which passage does not seem 
to me so much at variance with the incidents stated in other poets as 
Leutsch images. 

' "Apyos &ide, 6fa, TroXvdi^ioy, tvOtp SpoKTts (see Leutsch, ib. c 4. 

p. 29). 



The legend, about to recount fraternal dissension 
of the most implacable kind, comprehending in its 
results not only the immediate relations of the in- 
furiated brothers, but many chosen companions of 
the heroic race along with them, takes its start from 
the paternal curse of (Edipus, which overhangs and 
determines all the gloomy sequel. 
n^cwTb <Edipus, though king of ThSbes and father of 
thcdcfoted four children by Euryganeia (according to the 
OB hit tool. CEdipodia), has become the devoted victim of the 
Erinnyes, in consequence of the self-inflicted death 
of his mother, which he had unconsciously caused, 
as well as of his unintentional parricide. Though 
he had long forsworn the use of all the ornaments 
and luxuries which his father had inherited from 
his kingly progenitors, yet when through age he had 
come to be dependent upon his two sons, PolynikSs 
one day broke through this interdict, and set before 
him the silver table and the splendid wine-cup of 
Kadmus, which Laius had always been accustomed 
to employ. The old king had no sooner seen these 
precious appendages of the regal life of his father, 
than his mind was overrun by a calamitous phrenzy, 
and he imprecated terrible curses on his sons, pre- 
dicting that there would be bitter and endless war- 
fare between them. The goddess Erinnys heard and 
heeded him ; and be repeated the curse again on 
another occasion, when his sons, who had always 
been accustomed to send to him the shoulder of 
the victims sacrificed on the altar, caused th^ but- 

Cbxp. XIV.] SIEGBS of THEBES. m 

took to be served to him ia place of it'. He re- 
sented this as an insult, and prayed the gods that 
they might perish each by the hand of the other. 
Throughout the tragedians as well as in the old 
epic, the paternal curse, springing immediately 
from the misguided CEdipus himself, but remotely 
from the parricide and incest with which he has 
tainted bis breed, is seen to domineer over the 
course of events — the Erinnys who executes that 
curse being the irresistible, though concealed, agent, 
^schylus not only preserves the fatal efficiency of 
the paternal curse, but even briefly glances at the 
causes assigned for it in the Tbdbais, without su« 
peradding any new motives. In the judgement of 
SophoklSs, or of his audience, the conception of a 

^ Frkigm. of the ThSbais, ap. Athense. xii. p. 465. fo avrf nap^BrjKop 
iKtrSfiara St atrtfyopevKtiy \ty»y ovrtig' 

hhrhp 6 duryevtff ifp»s (a»66f UokifPtliaig 
Upwra luv Otdiirodi icaX^y irap€Ofjiu rpdirt^qv 
*Apyvp«rjv Kadfioto 0€6<f>popos' avrhp tir€ira 
Xpturtow tlfnr\rja-€y KoKbv dcrraf ^bns obfov* 
Klrhp Sy &9 (f>paaBti irapaKtifuva varphs ioio 
Tifirifvra y€pa, pJya ol Kcucbv €fin€<rt Bvfi^, 
A?^ de v(ua\v couri fur dfiffkjr^poi&tp inapaf 
*ApyaXfas ^paro* 6€hi¥ d* ov \ap6aM ^Epantutr 
^Qs ov ol narp^a y ivl ^xX<(n;rc ddacuyro, 
£2ev d^ diJtxf>0T€poit aUl ir6k€fioi t€ paxaL t(. 

See Leutsch, Thebaid. CycL Reliq. p. 38. 

The other frag^ment from the same Th^bais is cited by the Schol. ad 
Soph. (Edip. Colon. 1378.— 

"laxtop »s «»6rfir€, x^f^^ fiakep, c&rc t€ pvBoV 
*n poi iyi>, iraidcr poi 6p€ibtiovT€s Ivre/i^ray. 
E^/cro Ait fiaa'CKr/i kcH ^fXXoi£ aOcawrourt, 
X€pa\if \m oXX^Xop Kara^ripMVcu, "AUios fltna, 

Th bi iropoff-X^o-ta rf cn'ovroi^ Kal AurxvXoff cV rdis "ETtra M. Orffias, 
In spite of the protest of Schutz, in his note, I think that the scholiast 
has understood the words Mkotos rptxfias (Sept. ad Theb. 787) in 
their plain and just metaling. 




by Sopho- 

Death of 




and Poly- 


the sceptre. 

father cursing his sods upon such apparently trifling 
grounds was odious ; and that great poet introduced 
many aggravating circumstances, describing the old' 
bliud father as having been barbarously turned out 
of doors by his sons to wander abroad in exile and 
poverty. Though by this change he rendered his 
poem more coherent and self-justifying, yet he de- 
parted from the spirit of the old legend, according to 
which (Edipus has contracted by his unconscious 
misdeeds an incurable taint destined to pass on- 
ward to his progeny. His mind is alienated, and he 
curses them, not because he has sufiered seriously 
by their guilt, but because he is made the blind 
instrument of an avenging Erinnys for the ruin of 
the house of Laius^ 

After the death of (Edipus and the celebration 
of his funeral games^ at which, amongst others, Ar-» 
geia, daughter of Adrastus (afterwards the wife of 
PolynikSs), was present^ his two sons soon quar- 
relled respecting the succession. The circumstances 
are differently related ; but it appears that, accord- 

' The canes of (EApiu are very firequently and emphatically dwelt 
npou both by .Sachylus and Sophokl^ (Sept. ad Theb. 70-5S6, 655-697, 
^. ; CEdip. Colon. 1293-1378). The fonner continues the same point 
of yiew as the Th£bais> when he mentions — 

Thg n€pi$vfiov9 

JLarapas fi\a4tl(f>popo£ Oldur^da (727) ; 

or, \6yov T Spoiu ml (f>p€p6p 'Epivyvg (Soph. Antig. 584). 

The Scholiast on Sophokl^ (CEd. Col. 1378) treats the cause assigned 
by the ancient Th^bais for the curse rented by (Edipus as trivial and 

The JSgeids at Sparta, who traced their descent to Kadmus, sufiered 
from terrible maladies which destroyed the lives of their children; an 
oracle directed them to appease the Erinnyes of Laius and CEdipus by 
erecting a temple, upon which the maladies speedily ceased (Herodot. iv.). 

s Hesiod, ap. Schol. Iliad, udii. 680. 


ing to the original narrative the wrong and injustice 
was on the side of Polynik^s, who, however, was 
obliged to leave ThSbes and to seek shelter with 
Adrastus, king of Argos. Here he met Tydeus, 
a fugitive, at the same time, from ^tdtia : it was 
dark when they arrived, and a broil ensued be- 
tween the two exiles, but Adrastue came out and 
parted them. He had been enjoined by an oracle 
to give his two daughters in marriage to a lion and 
a boar, and he thought that this occasion had now 
arrived, inasmuch as one of the combatants carried 
on his shield a lion, the other a boar. He accord- Poiyaikfii 
ingly gave DeipylA in marriage to Tydeus, and Ar- Argos— aid 
geia to Polynikfis : moreover he resolved to restore £^y^ 
by armed resistance both his sons-in-law to their A*f*»*«* 
respective countries*. 

On proposing the expedition to the Argeian Amphit- 
chiefs around him, he found most of them willing Eriphyia. 
auxiliaries; but Amphiaraus — ^formerly his bitter 
opponent, though now reconciled to him and hus- 
band of his sister Eriphylfi — strongly opposed him'. 
He denounced the enterprise as unjust and contrary 
to the will of the gods. Again, being of a prophetic 
stock, descended from Melampus, he foretold the 
certain death both of himself and of the principal 

> Apollod6r. ui. 5, 9 ; Hygin. f. 69 ; ^schyl. Sept. ad Theb. 573. 
Hyginus says that Polynik^ came clothed in the skin of a lion, and 
Tydeus in that of a boar ; perhaps after Antimachus, who said that 
lydeus had been brought up by swineherds (Antimach. Fragm. 27» 
ed. Diintzer ; ap. Schol. Iliad, iv. 400). Very probably, howeyer, the 
old Th^bais compared Tydeus and Polynik^ to a lion and a boar, 
on account of their courage and fierceness ; a simile quite in the Ho« 
meric character. Mnaseas gave the words of the oracle (ap. Schol. 
Eurip. Phoeniss. 411). 

' See Pindar, Nem. ix. 30, with the instructive Scholium. 

VOL. I. 2 B 


leaders, should they involve themselves as acoom* 
plices in the mad violence of Tydeus or the criminal 
ambition of PolynikSs. Amphiaraus, already di- 
stinguished both in the Kalyd6nian boar-hunt and 
in the funeral games of Pelias, was in the Thdban 
war the most conspicuous of all the heroes, and 
absolutely indispensable to its success. But his 
reluctance to engage in it was invincible, nor was it 
possible to prevail upon him except through the 
influence of his wife EriphylS. PolynikSs, having 
brought with him from Thdbes the splendid robe 
and necklace given by the gods to Harmonia on 
her marriage with Kadmus, offered it as a bribe to 
Eriphyld, on condition that she would influence 
the determination of Amphiar&us. The sordid wife, 
seduced by so matchless a present, betrayed the 
lurking-place of her husband, and involved him in 
the fatal expedition'. Amphiar&us, reluctantly 
dragged forth, and foreknowing the disastrous issue 
of the expedition both to himself and to his asso- 
ciates, addressed his last injunctions, at the moment 
of mounting his chariot, to his sons Alkm»6n and 
Amphilochus, commanding Alkmaedn to avenge his 
approaching death by killing the venal Eriphyld, 
and by undertaking a second expedition against 
Seven The Attic dramatists describe this expedition as 

the amy having been conducted by seven chiefe, one to 
SaSw. ^^ch of the seven celebrated gates of Thfibes. But 
the Cyclic ThSbais gave to it a much more com- 

» Apollod6r. iii. 6, 2. The treachery of " the hateful Eriphyl^ " ia 
noticed in the Odyssey, xi. 327 : Odysseus sees her in the under-worUi 
along with the many wives and daughters of the heroes. 


prebensive character, mentioning auxiliaries from 
Arcadia, MessSnd, and various parts of Pelopon- 
nesus^ ; and the application of Tydeus and Poly- 
nikds at MykSnsB in the course of their circuit made 
to collect allies, is mentioned in the Diad. They 
were well received at Myk^nse; but the warning 
signals given by the gods were so terrible that no 
Mykeneean could venture to accompany them^. 
The seven principal chiefs however were Adrastus, 
Amphiaraus, Kapaneus, Hippomed6n, Partheno- 
peeus, Tydeus and Polynikfis^. When the army had 
advanced as far as the river As6pus, a halt was made 
for sacrifice and banquet ; while Tydeus was sent 
to Thdbes as envoy to demand the restoration of 
PolynikSs to his rights. His demand was refused ; 
but finding the chief Kadmeians assembled at the 
blinquet in the house of EteoklSs, he challenged 
them all to contend with him in boxing or wrestling. 
So efficacious was the aid of the goddess AthSn£ 
that he overcame them all; and the Kadmeians 
were so indignant at their defeat, that they placed 
an ambuscade of fifty men to intercept him in his 
way back to the army. All of them perished by 
the hand of this warrior, small in stature and of 
few words, but desperate and irresistible in the 

^ Pausan. ii. 20, 4 ; ix. 9, 1. His testimony to this, as he had read 
and admired the Cyclic Thdbais, seems quite sufficient, in spite of the 
(pinion of Weleker to the contrary (^schylische Trilogie, p. 375). 

« Diad, iv. 376. 

* There are differences in respeet to the names of the seven : .£schy- 
hit (Sept. ad Theh. 461) leaves out Adrastus as one of the seven, and 
includes Eteoklus instead of him; others left out Tydeus and Polynik^ 
and inserted Eteoklus and Mekisteus (Apolloddr. iii. 6, 3). Antima* 
ebus, in his poetical TMbdia, called Parthenopseus an Argeian, not an 
Arcadian (Schol. ad i£schyl. Sept. ad Theb, 532), 



fight. One alone was spared, Maeon, in conse- 
quence of special signals from the gods'. 
Defeat of The Kadmcians, assisted by their allies the Ph6- 
bantinthe kians and the Phlegyse, marched out to resist the 
roic devo^ iuvadcrs, and fought a battle near the IsmSnian hill| 
Mwokeus. i^ which they were defeated and forced to retire 
within the walls. The prophet Teiresias acquainted 
them that if Menoekeus, son of Kre6n, would offer 
himself as a victim to ArSs, victory would be as- 
sured to ThSbes. The generous youth, as soon as 
he learnt that his life was to be the price of safety 
to his country, went and slew himself before the 
gates. The heroes along with Adrastus now com- 
menced a vigorous attack upon the town, each of 
the seven selecting one of the gates to assault. The 
contest was long and strenuously maintained ; but 
the devotion of Menoekeus had procured for tHfe 
Th^bans the protection of the gods. Parthenopaeus 
was killed with a stone by Periklymenus ; and when 
the furious Kapaneus, having planted a scaling- 
ladder, had mounted the walls, he was smitten by a 
thunderbolt from Zeus and cast down dead upon 
the earth. This event struck terror into the Ar- 
geians, and Adrastus called back his troops from 
the attack. TheThfibans now sallied forth to pur- 
sue them, when Eteok 16s, arresting the battle, pro- 
posed to decide the controversy by single combat 
with his brother. The challenge, eagerly accepted 

1 Iliad, iv. 381-400, with the Schol. . The first celebretioii of the 
Nemean games is connected with this march of the army of Adiastos 
against Thebes : they were celebrated in honour of Archemorus, the 
infant son of Lykurgus, who had been killed by a serpent while his nmrse 
HypsipylS went to show the fountain to the thirsty Argeian chiefr 
(ApoUod. iii. 6, 4 ; Schol. ad Pmdar. Nem. 1). 

Chap. XIV.] AMPHIARAUS. 378 

by PolynikSs, was agreed to by Adrastus : a single bit of Et!Sl 
combat ensued between the two brothers, in which ^^ *?*!, 

' , Polynikes, 

both were exasperated to fury and both ultimately in which 
slain by each other's hand. This equal termina- 
tion left the result of the general contest still unde- 
termined, and the bulk of the two armies renewed 
the fight. In the sanguinary struggle which ensued, 
the sons of Astakus on the Thdban side displayed 
the most conspicuous and successful valour. One J^^*^ 
of them*, Melanippus, mortally wounded Tydeus — structionof 
while two others, Leades and Amphidikus, killed cWeft— 
Eteoklus and Hippomed6n. Amphiaraus avenged Adnut^s. 
Tydeus by killing Melanippus ; but unable to arrest ^^^' 
the rout of the army, he fled with the rest, closely r!*^°J|f 
pursued by Perikly menus. The latter was about to ^^^h. 
pierce him with his spear, when the beneficence of 
Zeus rescued him from this disgrace — miraculously 
opening the earth under him, so that Amphiaraus 
with his chariot and horses was received unscathed 
into her bosom*. The exact spot where this me- 

1 The story recounted that the head of Melanippus was brought to 
Tydeus as he was about to expire of hia wound, and that he gnawed it 
with his teeth, a story touched upon by Sophokl^ (i^ud Herodian. in 
Rhetor. Graec. t. viii. p. 601, Walz.). 

The lyric poet Bacchylid^s (ap. Schol. Aristoph. Aves, 1535) seems to 
have handled the story even earlier than Sophokl^. 

We find the same allegati6n embodied in charges against real histo- 
rical men : the invective of Montanus against Aquihus Regulus, at the 
bejginnii^ of the reign of Vespasian, affirmed, "datam interfedKMi Pi* 
Bonis pecuniam a Regulo, appetitumque morsu Pisoms ci^fiut " (Tacit. 
Hist. iv. 42). 

^ Apolloddr. iii. 6, 8. Pindar, Olymp. vi. 11 ; Nem. ix. 13-27. Pau- 
san. ix. 8, 2; 18, 2-4. 

Euripid^, in the Phoenissse (1122 seqq.), describes the battle gene- 
rally ; see also iEsch. S. Th. 392. It appears by Pausanias that the 
Thibans had poems or l^nds of their own, relative to this war : they 
dissented in various points from the Cydic Thlbai's (ix. 18, 4). The 


morable incident happened was indicated by a se^ 
pulchral building, and shown by the Thdbans down 
to the days of Pausanias — its sanctity being attested 
by the fact, that no animal would consent to touch 
the herbage which grew within the sacred inclosure. 
Amphiar&us, rendered immortal by Zeus, was wor^ 
shiped as a god at Argos, at Thebes and at Or6pus 
*— and for many centuries gave answers at his oracle 
to the questions of the pious applicant ^ 

Adrastus, thus deprived of the prophet and war- 
rior whom he regarded as ** the eye of his army,*' 
and having seen the other chiefs killed in the dis- 
astrous fight, was forced to take flight singly, and 
was preserved by the matchless swiftness of hit 
horse Arei6n^ the ofiispring of Poseiddn. He reached 

ThSbai's said that Periklymenus had killed ParthenopetiB ; the Thd- 
bans assigned this exploit to Asphodikus, a warrior not commemorated 
bj any of the poeta known to us. 

The village of Harma, between Tanagra and MykalSssus, was aflSrmed 
by some to have been the spot where Amphiaraus closed his life (Strabo, 
iz. p. 404) t Sophokl^ placed the toene at the AmphianBtum near OiA* 
pus (143. Strabon. iz. p. 399). 

* Pindar, Olymp. vi. 16. *Errra ^ tntvra in»pa» p^Kptdv rtXf^^ryridir 
TaXcuoW^ff Ehrtw /y Brffitwri tihovt6v n Hiros* HoStn &rpaTt&9 ^^AiX* 
Ijl6w ^ftar *AfMi(f>6irfpav, iiiAptw r* dya$6¥ Koi 6ovp\ fulx«o^a<. 

The scholiast affirms that these last expressions are borrowed by Pin- 
dar from the CjTclic Thlbai's. 

The temple of Amphiar&us (Pausan. ii. 23, 2), his orade, seenu to 
haye been inferior in estimation only to that of Delphi (Herodot. i. 52 ; 
Pausan. i. 34; Cicero, Divin. i. 40). Croesus sent a rich present to 
Amphiaraus, nv$6fi^p<n avrcv r^y re dptr^p Koi iifw frABrjp (Herod. 1. c.) ; 
a striking proof how these interesting legends were recounted and be* 
lieved as genuine historical facts. Other adventures of Amphiaraus in 
the expedition against Thebes were commemorated in the carvings on 
the Thronus at Amyklse (Pausan. iii. 18, 4). 

.£schylus (Sept. Theb. 611) seems to enter iiitd the Th^ban view, 
doubtless highly respectful towards Amphianlus, when he places in the 
mouth of the Radmeian king Eteokl^s such high encomiums on Amphia^ 
liius, and so marked a contrast with the otiier <;faiefii4W«L Argofi. 


Argos on hh return, bringing with him nothing ex- 
cept ** his garments^ of woe and his black-maned 

Kre6n, father of the heroic youth Menoekeus, 
succeeding to the administration of Thebes after the 
death of the two hostile brothers and the repulse of 
Adrastus, caused Eteoklds to be buried with distin- 
guished honour, but cast out ignominiously the 
body of Polynikds as a traitor to his country, for- 
bidding every one on pain of death to consign it 
to the tomb. He likewise refused permission to Kredn^idDg 
Adrastus to inter the bodies of his fallen comrades, forbids^ 
This proceeding, so offensive to Grecian feeling, pSjJ^kL 
gave rise to two farther tales ; one of them at least ^eJ^j^m^^ 
of the highest pathos and interest. Antigond, the ^^ 
sister of Polynikds, heard with indignation the re- 
volting edict consigning her brother's body to the 
dogs and vultures, and depriving it of those rites 
which were considered essential to the repose of the 
dead. Unmoved by the dissuading counsel of an 
afi^tionate but timid sister, and unable to procure 
assistance, she determined to brave the hazard and 
to bury the body with her own hands. She was 
detected in the act ; and Kre6n, though forewarned 

^ Pausan. Tiii. 25, 5, from the Cyclic Th^biusi E2fuira \vypa if>€p<oy 
av¥ *Ap€lopi Kvavoxcdrji ; also Apollod6r. iii. 6, 8. 

The celebrity of the horse Areidn was extolled in the Iliad (xxiii. 346), 
in the Cyclic Th^bais, and also in the Th^bai's of Antimachus (Pausan. 
1. c): by the Arcadians of Thelpusia he was said to be the offspring of 
D^^r by Poseiddn, — he, and a daughter whose name Pausanias wiU 
not communicate to the uninitiated {fjg r^ Bpofia 4g ArtX^arovf Xeyriv od 
povlCoviri, I. c). A different story is in the Schol. Iliad, xxiii. 346; and 
in Antimachus, who affirmed tlmt '* Ghea herself had produced him, as 
a wonder to mortal men'' (see Antimach. Frag. 16. p. 102; Epic. Grsec. 
Frag. ed. Diintzer)* 

376 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Past 1. 

Devotion by Teiresias of the consequencesi gave orders that 
of Antu she should be buried alive, as having deliberately 
^ ' set at naught the solemn edict of the city. His son 
Haemdn, to whom she was engaged to be married, 
in vain interceded for her life. In an agony of de- 
spair he slew himself in the sepulchre to which the 
living Antigond had been consigned ; and his mo- 
ther Eurydik6, the wife of Kre6n, inconsolable for 
his death, perished by her own hand. And thus 
the new light which seemed to be springing up over 
the last remaining scion of the devoted family of 
(Edipus, is extinguished amidst gloom and horrors 
— which overshadowed also the house and dynasty 
of Kre6n>. 

The other tale stands more apart from the ori- 
ginal legend, and seems to have had its origin in 
the patriotic pride of the Athenians. Adrastus, 
unable to obtain permission from the Th^bans to 
inter the fallen chieftains, presented himself in sup* 
pliant guise, accompanied by their disconsolate mo- 
Thc Athe- thers, to Theseus at Eleusis. He implored the Athe- 

niaiis inter- 

few to pro- nian warrior to extort from the perverse ThSbans 

i^ent^' that last melancholy privilege which no decent 

Si^*^ or pious Greeks ever thought of withholding, and 

thus to stand forth as the champion of Grecian 

public morality in one of its most essential points, 

1 Sophokl. Antigen. 581. Nvv yc^ ta-xoras vnip *^iias crcVoro (f>aos 
h> Olblnov d6fwis, &c. 

The pathetic tale here briefly recounted forms the lubject of this 
beautifiil tragedy of Sophokl^ the argument of which is supposed by 
Boeckh to have been borrowed in its primary rudiments from the Cyclic 
Th^bai's or the (Edipodia (Boeckh, Dissertation appended to his trans- 
lation of the Antigond, c. x. p. 146) ; see Apollod6r. iii. 7> 1* 

JSschylus also touches upon the heroism of Antigon^ (Sep. Theb. 984). 


not lees than of the rights of the subterranean gods. 
The ThSbans obstinately persisting in their refusal, 
Th^us undertook an expedition against their city, 
vanquished them in the field, and compelled them 
by force of arms to permit the sepulture of their 
fallen enemies. This chivalrous interposition, ce- 
lebrated in one of the preserved dramas of Euri- 
pides, formed a subject of glorious recollection to 
the Athenians throughout the historical age : their 
orators dwelt upon it in terms of animated pane- 
gyric ; and it seems to have been accepted as a real 
fact of the past time, with not less implicit con- 
viction than the battle of Marath6n^ But the Thfi- 
bans, though equally persuaded of the truth of the 
main story, dissented from the Athenian version of 
it, maintaining that they had given up the bodies 
for sepulture voluntarily and of their own accord. 
The tomb of the chieftains was shown near Eleusis 
even in the days of Pausanias^ 

A large proportion both of the interesting per- 
sons and of the exalted acts of legendary Greece 
belongs to the female sex. Nor can we on this oc- 
casion pass over the name of Evadnd, the devoted 
widow of Kapaneus, who cast herself on the funeral 
pile of her husband and perished^. 

The defeat of the seven chiefs before ThSbes was 
amply avenged by their sons, again under the gui- 
dance of Adrastus : — JEgialeus son of Adrastus, 
Thersander son of Polynik^s, Alkmaedn and Am- 

' Apollod6r. iii. 7, 1 ; Eurip. Supp. passim ; Herodot. ix. 27 ; Plato, 
MenexMi. c. 9 ; Lysias, Ejntaph. c. 4 ; Isokrat. Orat. Panegyr. p. 196, 

« Paiwan. i. 39, 2. 

» Eurip. SuppUc. 1004-1110. 


philochus, sons of Amphiar&us, DiomM^ son of 
Tydeus, Sthenelus son of Kapaneus, Promachas son 
of Parthenopaeus, and Euryalus son of Mekistheus, 
s«»nd joined in this expedition. Though all these youth- 
Thebes by ful waixiors, Called the Epigoni, took part in the 
with the expedition, the grand and prominent place appears 
2mo?'*^' to have been occupied by Alkmaedn, son of Amphi- 
b^elinrt. ^^^^' Assistance was given to them from C!orinth 
and Megara, as well as from MessSnd and Arcadia ; 
while Zeus manifested his favourable dispositions 
by signals not to be mistaken ^ At the river 
Glisas the Epigoni were met by the Th^bans in 
arms, and a battle took place in which the latter 
were completely defeated. Laodamas, son of Eteo- 
klds, killed ifigialeus, son of Adrastus ; but he and 
his army were routed and driven within the walls 
by the valour and energy of Alkmse6n. The de- 
feated Kadmeians consulted the prophet Teiresias, 
who informed them that the gods had declared for 
their enemies, and that there was no longer any 
hope of successful resistance. By his advice they 
sent a herald to the assailants offering to surrender 
the town, while they themselves conveyed away 
their wives and children, and fled under the com- 
mand of Laodamas to the Ulyrians*, upon which 

^ Homer, Biad, iv. 406. Stbenelus, the companion of DiomM^ and 
one of the Epigoni, says to Agaroemn6n, — 

'H fit IS roi TTOTtpoiv fi4y dfMiPovtg tCxofuff cZmu* 
*H/i€if Koi OriPrjs e^or ttkofiey iirranvkoio, 
n.avp6T9po¥ \a6¥ 6yay6vff V7r6 Tfixpt "Aptiov, 
TIfMfKvot Ttpdeo-o-t 6t&v Koi Zrfv6s dpwyjj' 
Atrroi di (n^€r/pi7<rii^ ArafrBaklfia-ty SKovro. 
* ApoIlodAr. iii. 7, 4, Herodot. T. 57-61. P&nsan. ix. 5, 7; 9, 2. 
Diod6r. iv. 66-66. 

Pindar represents Adrastus as concerned in the second expedition 
against Thebes (Pyth. viii. 40-68). 

Cba».XIV.] second BXPEDinON.— THB EPIGONI. SfO 

the Epigoni entered ThSbes, and established Ther- 
gander, son of Polynik^, on the throne. 

Adrastus, who in the former expedition had been victory of 
the single survivor amongst so many fallen com-» — cJ^'" 

of ThAhAii 

panions, now found himself the only exception to 
the general triumph and joy of the conquerors : he 
had lost his son JSgialeus, and the violent sorrow 
arising from the event prematurely cut short his life* 
His soft voice and persuasive eloquence were pro* 
verbial in the ancient epic^ He was worshiped as 
a hero both at Argos and at Siky6n, but with espe« 
cial solemnity in the last-mentioned place, where 
his Her6um stood in the public agora, and where 
his exploits as well as his sufferings were celebrated 
periodically in lyric tragedies. Melanippus, son of 
Astakus, the brave defender of Thebes, who had 
slain both Tydeus and Mekistheus, was worshiped 
with no less solenmity by the Th6bans^ The en** 
mity of these two heroes rendered it impossible for 
both of them to be worshiped close upon the same 
spot. Accordingly it came to pass during the hi- 
storical period, shortly after the time of the Solonian 
legislation at Athens, that Kleisthends, despot of 
Sikydn, wishing to banish the hero Adrastus and 
abolish the religious solemnities celebrated in ho- Wonhipof 
nour of the latter by the Sikyonians, first applied sikydn— 
to the Delphian oracle for permission to carry this «^*b7" 
banishment into efiect directly and forcibly. That KiSthe- 
permission being refused, he next sent to Thdbes 

* TXAturop r* 'Adpfftftw fA9iKtx6y^pvv Ixo* (TyrtKUi, Eleg. 9, 7, 
Sehneidewin); oompare Plato, Ph»dr. o. 118. "Adraiti pallentia imago'' 
meets the eve of ^neas in the under-world (.£neid, vi. 480). 

' About Melanipima, sea Pmdar, Nem. x. 36. His aepoldira was 
shown near the Pnstid gates of Thebes (Pausan. ix. 18, 1). 



an intimation that he was anxious to introduce their 
hero Melanippus into Siky6n. The Thfibans will- 
ingly consented, and he assigned to the new hero 
a consecrated spot in the strongest and most com- 
manding portion of the Sikyonian prytaneium. He 
did this (says the historian) '' knowing that Adras- 
tus, would forthwith go away of his own accord ; 
since Melanippus was of all persons the most odious 
to him^ as having slain both his son-in-law and his 
brother." Kleisthenfis moreover diverted the festi- 
vals and sacrifices which had been ofiered to Adras- 
tus, to the newly established hero Melanippus ; and 
the lyric tragedies from the worship of Adrastus 
to that of Dionysus. But his dynasty did not long 
continue after his decease, and the Sikyonians then 
re-established their ancient solemnities \ 

Near the Proetid gate of Th6bes were seen the 
tombs of two combatants who had hated each other 
during life even more than Adrastus and Melanippus 
— the two brothers Eteokl^s and Polynikfis. Even as 
heroes and objects of worship, they still continued 

1 This very curious and illustrative story is contained in Herodot. 
V. 67. 'Eirct dc 6 Btbs tovto ov iraptdidov, mr€\6iip oircVw (Kleisthen^^ 
returning from Delphi) €<f>p6vTiC€ yaixpviiv r§ avr6s 6 ^Af^prftrros 
an-aXXa^crai. 'Qs dc ol €^€vprj<rBai cddicec, m^ylras is 0^/3ar r^r 
BoMorcW, €<l>f) SiKtUf hrayayiaBai McXawinrov rhv ^Aotokov' ol bi 017- 
fiaioi Udoauv, ^Emjyaytro dc rhv McXdwiHTOv 6 KXttadevrfs, Koi yhp nwro 
ict dmfyria'aa'Bm, ms tfxBiarov i6vra ^Abprfani^' hs t6v rt dd€K<f>€op M17- 
fcurrea aireKT6v€€, Koi tov yafsfip6p Tvdcia. 

The Sikyonians (Herodotus says) rd rt d^ SKka ir'njMV rhp" Ahfn^arw, 
Koi 7rp6s, TO ndSta avrov rpayucoiai xf^po^rt eytpaipoV rhv luv At^nxrov 
ov rifuonvrtf, r6v dt "Ahpt^arov, 

Adrastus was worshiped as a hero at Megara as well as at Siky dn : the 
Megarians affirmed that he had died there on his way back from Thebes 
(Pausan. i. 43, 1 ; Dieuchidas, ap. Schol. ad Pindar. Nem, ix. 31). His 
house at Argos was still shown when Pausanias visited the town 
(ii. 23, 2). 


to manifest their inextinguishable hostility : those 
who offered sacrifices to them observed that the 
flame and the smoke from the two adjoining altars 
abhorred all communion, and flew off in directions 
exactly opposite. The ThSban exegetes assured 
Pausanias of this fact. And though he did not him- 
self witness it, yet having seen with his own eyes a 
miracle not very dissimilar at Pioniae in Mysia, he 
had no difficulty in crediting their assertion ^ 

Amphiaraus when forced into the first attack of 
ThSbes — against his own foreknowledge and against 
the warnings of the gods — had enjoined his sons 
Alkmaedn and Amphilochu^ not only to avenge his 
death upon the ThSbans, but also to punish the 
treachery of their mother, " Eriphyl6, the destroyer 
of her husband^/' In obedience to this command, 
and having obtained the sanction of the Delphian 
oracle, Alkmaedn slew his mother^ ; but the awful 
Erinnys, the avenger of matricide, inflicted on him 

' Pansan. ix. 18, 3. T^ cir* avrolg dpd»fi€Pa ov BtaadfM^vos nurrh ByMi 
vrrt[Krf(fHi etinu. Compare Hygin. f. 68. 

" £t nova firaterao veniet conoordia tamo, 

Qoem yetuB accens& separat ira pyr4." (Orid, Ibis, 35.) 

The tale was copied by Ovid from KaUimachus (Trist. v. 5, 38). 

* *AvdpoddfiayT 'Epti^Xijv (Pindar, Nem. ix. 16). A poem Eriphyli 
was included among the mythical compositions of Stesichoms: he 
mentioned in it that AskUpius had restored Kapaneus to life, and that 
he was for that reason struck dead by thunder from Zeus (Stesichor. 
Fragm. Kleine, 18, p. 74). Two tragedies of Sophoklds once existed, 
Epigoni and Aikma<fn (Welcker, Ghiechisch. Tragod. i. p. 269) : a few 
fragments also remain of the Latin Epigoni and Alphesibaa of Attius : 
Emuus and Attius both composed or translated from the Greek a Latin 
Alknuedn (Poet. Scenic. Latin, ed. Both, pp. 33, 164, 198). 

' Hyginus gives the fable briefly (f. 73 ; see also Asklepiadds, ap. 
Schol. Odyss. xi. 326). In like manner, in the case of the matricide 
of Orest^, Apollo not only sanctions, but enjoins the deed ; but his 
protection against the avenging ErinnySs is very tardy, not taking effect 




—his ma- 
tricide and 

a long and terrible punishment, depriving him of 
his reason, and chasing him about from place to 
place without the possibility of repose or peace of 
mind. He craved protection and cure from the god 
at Delphi, who required him to dedicate at the 
temple, as an offering, the precious necklace of 
Kadmus, that irresistible bribe which had originally 
corrupted Eriphyld^* He further intimated to the 
unhappy sufferer, that though the whole earth was 
tainted with his crime, and had become unmhabit- 
able for him, yet there was a spot of ground which 
was not under the eye of the sua at the time when 
the matricide was committed, and where therefore 
Alkmaedn yet might find a tranquil shelter. The 
promise was realised at the mouth of the river 
Achel6us, whose turbid stream was perpetually de- 
positing new earth and forming additional islands. 
Upon one of these, near (Eniadae, Alkmaedn settled, 
permanently and in peace : he became the primi- 
tive hero of Akarnania, to which his son Akaman 
gave name^. The necklace was found among the 
treasures of Delphi, together with that which had 

until after Oreat^ haa been long peraecuted and tormented by them 
(aee ^lachyl. Eumen. 76, 197, 462). 

In the Alknue^ of the later tragic writer Thodektia, a dittmctum 
waa drawn : the goda had decreed that Eriphyld ahonld die, but not 
that Alkmttdn ahould kill her (Ariatot Rhetoric, ii. 24). Aatydamaa 
altered the atory still more in his tragedy, and introduced Alkm»6n aa 
killing his mother ignorantly and without being aware who she waa 
(Aristot. Poetic, c. 27). The murder of Eriphyld by her aon waa one 
of the mpti^rfufitpoi flv6o^ which could not be departed from ; but in- 
terpretations and qualifications were resorted to, in order to p rere a t it 
from shocking the softened feelings of the spectators : see tiie critidsm 
of Aristotle on the Alknucdn of £uri]nd^ (Ethic. Nicom. iii. 1, 8). 

^ Ephorus ap. Athene, vi. p. 232. 

* Thucyd. iL 68-100. 


been given by Aphrodite to Helen, by the Phdkian 
plunderers who stripped the temple in the time of 
Philip of Maceddn. The Ph6kian women quarrelled 
about these valuable ornaments : and we are told 
that the necklace of EriphylS was allotted to a 
woman of gloomy and malignant disposition, who 
ended by putting her husband to death; that of 
Helen to a beautiful but volatile wife, who aban- 
doned her husband from preference for a yoang 

There were several other legends respecting the 
distracted Alkm8e6n, either appropriated or invent- 
ed by the Attic tragedians. He went to Phdgeus, 
king of Ps6phis in Arcadia, whose daughter Arsi- 
nod he married, giving as a nuptial present the 
necklace of Eriphyld. Being however unable to 
remain there, in consequence of the unremitting 
persecutions of the maternal Erinnys, he sought 
shelter at the residence of king Acheldus, whose 
daughter KallirhoS he made his wife, and on whose 
soil he obtained repose^. But Kallirho^ would not 

^ Athens. I. c. 

^ Apollod6r. iii. 7» 5-6 ; PauMn. yiii. 24^ 4. These two uithort have 
preserved the story of the AkamaniaTis and the old form of the legend^ 
representing Alkine6n as having found shelter at tiie abode of the 
person or king Acheldus, and married his dau^^ter : Thucydidds omits 
the per90MUty of Adiel6us, and merely announces the wandoer as 
having settled on certain new islands deposited by the river. 

I may remark that this is a singularly happy adaptation of a legend 
to an existing topographical fiict. Generally speaking, befnre any such 
ad^>tatk>n can be rendered plausible, the legend is of necessity much 
transformed; here it is taken exactly as it stands, and still fits on with 
great preciaioD. 

^I^torus recounted the whole sequence of events as so much poUtical 
history, divesting it altogether of the legendary character. Alkmsedn 
and Diomld^ after having taken Thebes with the other £pigoni, jointly 
undertook an expedition into ^t61ia and AifamawJA • they first punished 


^»*^ n^- be satisfied without the possession of the necklace 
pbyia. of Eriphyld^ and Alkmaedn went back to Ps6phis to 
fetch it, where Phdgeus and his sons slew him. 
He had left twin sons, infants, with Kallirho^, who 
prayed fervently to Zeus that they might be pre- 
ternaturally invested with immediate manhood, in 
order to revenge the murder of their father. Her 
prayer was granted, and her sons Amphoterus and 
Akarnan, having instantaneously sprung up to man- 
hood, proceeded into Arcadia, slew the murderers 
of their father, and brought away the necklace of 
Eriphylfi, which they carried to Delphi*. 

Euripides deviated still more widely from the 
ancient epic, by making Alkmaedn the husband of 
Mant6, daughter of Teiresias, and the father of 
Amphilochus. According to the Cyclic Th^bals, 
Mantd was consigned by the victorious Epigoni as 
a special offering to the Delphian god ; and Am- 
philochus was son of Amphiaraus, not son of Alk- 
maedn*. He was the eponymous hero of the town 

the latter at king in Kalyd6n ; next they conquered Akarnania for Alk- 
maedn. Alkmaedn, though invited by Agamenmdn to join in the Tro- 
jan war, would not consent to do so (Ephor. ap. Strabo. vii. p. 326 ; x, 
p. 462). 

^ Apollod6r. iii. 7> 7 ; Pausan. viii. 24, 3-4. His remarks upon the 

* mischievous longing of Kallirbod for the necklace are curious : he ushers 

them in by saying, that " many men, and still more women, are given 

to fall into absurd desires," &c. He recounts it with all the bonne foi 

which belongs to the most assured matter of fact. 

A short allusion is in Ovid's Metamorphoses (ix. 412). 

> Thibaid, Cy. Reliqu. p. 70, Leutsch ; Schol. Apolldn. Rhod. i. 406 
The following lines cited in Athenseus (vii. p. 317) are supposed by 
Boeckb, with probable reason, to be taken from the CycUc Thdbeis ; a 
portion of the advice of Amphiarilus to his sons at the time of setting 
out on his last expedition, — 

novXvirod6s fUH, rtuvov, tx<»v v6ov, ^AftKJUKox ^pt^f, 
Tot<rty €<l>apfA^ov, riav hp Kara irjfjMv uofai. 

There were two tragedies composed by Enripidds, under the title of 


called the Amphilochian Argos, in Akarnania, on 
the shore of the Gulf of Ambrakia. ThucydidSs 
tells us that he went thither on his return from the 
Trojan war, being dissatisfied with the state of af- 
fairs which he found at the Peloponndsian Argos^ 
The Akamanians were remarkable for the numerous 
prophets which they supplied to the rest of Greece : 
their heroes were naturally drawn from the great 
prophetic race of the Melampodids. 

Thus ends the legend of the two sieges of Th6bes ; 
the greatest event, except the siege of Troy, in the 
ancient epic ; the greatest enterprise of war, between 
Greeks and Greeks, during the time of those who 
are called the Heroes. 

*AXKfjMU»v, 6 biii "iroffHdof, and 'AX«c/ia/o»i/, 6 dta KopivOov (Dindorf^ 
Fragm. Enrip. p. 77)* 
^ Apollod6r. iii. 7> 7 ; Thucyd. ii. 68. 

VOL. I. 2 c 



Wb now arrive at the capital and culminating point 
of the Grecian epic, — the two sieges and capture of 
Troy, with the destinies of the dispersed heroes, 
Trojan as well as Grecian, after the second and 
most celebrated capture and destruction of the 
Great ex- It would require a large volume to convey any 
Tiiiety of tolerable idea of the vast extent and expansion of 
Tk^y. ^ this interesting fable, first handled by so many 
poets, epic, lyric and tragic, with their endless ad- 
ditions, transformations and contradictions, — then 
purged and recast by historical inquirers, who, under 
colour of setting aside the exaggerations of the 
poets, introduced a new vein of prosaic invention, — 
lastly, moralised and allegorised by philosophers. 
In the present brief outline of the general field of 
Grecian legend, or of that which the Greeks be- 
lieved to be their antiquities, the Trojan war can 
be regarded as only one among a large number of 
incidents upon which Hekataeus and Herodotus 
looked back as constituting their fore-time. Taken 
as a special legendary event, it is indeed of wider 
and larger interest than any other, but it is a mis- 
take to single it out from the rest as if it rested 
upon a difterent and more trustworthy basis. I 
must therefore confine myself to an abridged nar- 

Chap. XV.] LEGEND OP TROY. 9^7 

rative of the current and leading facts ; and amidst 
the numerous contradictory statements which are 
to be found respecting every one of them, I know 
no better ground of preference than comparative 
antiquity, though even the oldest tales which we 
possess — those contained in the Iliad— evidently 
presuppose others of prior date. 

The primitive ancestor of the Trojan line of kings Dardtmu, 
is Dardanus, son of Zeus, founder and eponymus ^^^ ^^*^ 
of Dardania' : in the account of later authors, Dar- 
danus was called the son of Zeus by Clektra, 
daughter of Atlas, and was further said to have 
come from Samothrace, or from Arcadia, or from 
Italy^ ; but of this Homer mentions nothing. The 
first Dardanian town founded by him was in a lofty 
position on the descent of Mount Ida ; for he was 
not yet strong enough to establish himself on the 
plain. But his son Erichthonius, by the favour of 
Zeus, became the wealthiest of mankind. His flocks 
and herds having multiplied, he had in his pastures 
three thousand mares, the offspring of some of 
whom, by Boreas, produced horses of preternatural 
swiftness. Tr6s, the son of Erichthonius, and the 
eponym of the Trojans, had three sons — Ilus, As- 
saracus, and the beautiful Oanym^dds, whom Zeus 
stole away to become his cup-bearer in Olympus, 
giving to his father Tr6s, as the price of the youth, 
a team of immortal horses^. 

From Ilus and Assaracus the Trojan and Darda- 

» Diad, XX. 215. 

' Hellanik. Fragm. 129, Didot ; Dionys. Hal. i. 50-61 ; ApoUoddr. 
iii. 12, 1 ; Schol. Siad. xyiii. 486 ; Varro, ap. Servium ad AHirgil. .£neid. 
iii. 167 ; Kephalon. Gerg^ithios ap. Stoph. Byi. v. 'Ap/irjdi/. 

' Diad, V. 265 ; HeUanik. Fr. 146; ApoUod. ii. 5, 9. 

2 c 2 


nian lines diverge ; the former passing from Ilus 
to Laomed6n, Priam and Hect6r; the latter from 
fodder of Assaracus to Capys, Anchisfis and JSneas. Ilus 
Ilium. founded in the plain of Troy the holy city of Ilium ; 
Assaracus and his descendants remained sovereigns 
Waiuof It was under the proud Laomeddn, son of Ilus, 

by Posd. that Poseid6n and Apollo underwent, by command 
of Zeus, a temporary servitude ; the former building 
the walls of the town, the latter tending the flocks 
and herds. When their task was completed and 
the penal period had expired, they claimed the sti- 
* pulated reward ; but Laomed6n angrily repudiated 
their demand, and even tjireatened to cut off their 
ears, to tie them hand and foot, and to sell them in 
some distant island as slaves^. He was punished for 
this treachery by a sea-monster, whom Poseid6n 
sent to ravage his fields and to destroy his subjects. 
Laomed6n publicly offered the immortal horses given 
by Zeus to his father Tr6s, as a reward to any one 
who would destroy the monster. But an oracle 
declared that a virgin of noble blood must be sur- 
rendered to him, and the lot fell upon Hesion6, 
daughter of Laomedon himself. HSraklSs arriving 
at this critical moment, killed the monster by the 
aid of a fort built for him by Ath6n6 and the Tro- 
jans^, so as to rescue both the exposed maiden 
and the people ; but Laomed6n, by a second act of 
perfidy, gave him mortal horses in place of the 
matchless animals which had been promised. Thus 

> Iliad, XX. 236. 

^ Iliad, vii. 451 ; xxi. 456. Hesiod. ap. Schol. Lycophr. 393. 

' Iliad, XX. 145 ; Dionys. Hal. i. 52. 


defraaded of his due, H^raklds equipped six ships, 
attacked and captured Troy and killed Laomed6nS fiJJ^"|^^^ 
giving HesionS to his friend and auxiliary Telam6n, Hcraki^ 
to whom she bore the celebrated archer Teukros*. 
A painful sense of this expedition was preserved 
among the inhabitants of the historical town of 
Ilium, who oflfered no worship to H^rakl^s^. 

Amons all the sons of Laomed6n, Priam'' was ]Wamand 

, , his off" 

the only one who had remonstrated against the spring. 
refusal of the well-earned guerdon of H6rakl6s ; for 
which the hero recompensed him by placing him 
on the. throne. Many and distinguished were his 
sons and daughters, as well by his wife Hekab6, 
daughter of Kisseus, as by other women*. Among 
the sons were Hectdr^, Paris, D^iphobus, Helenus, 

1 Iliad, y. 640. Menekl6s (ap. Schol. Venet. ad loc.) afiOrmed that 
this expedition of H^rakl^s was a fiction ; but Diksearchus gave, besides, 
other exploits of the hero in the same neighbourhood, at Th^b^ Hypo- 
plakiS (Schol. Uiad. vi. 396). 

' Diod^. iv. 32-49. Compare Venet. Schol. ad Iliad, viii. 284. 

' Strabo, xiii. p. 596. 

^ As Dardanus, Tr6s and Ilus are respectively eponyms of Dar- 
dania, Troy and Ilium, so Priam is eponym of the acropolis Pergamum, 
Uplofios is in the ^olic dialect Ufpp<ifios (Hesychius) : upon which 
Ahrens remarks, "Csterum ex hac ^olic& nominis formH apparet, 
Priamum non minus arcis Uepydfjuov eponymum esse, quam Uum urbis, 
Troem populi: UMpyofia enim a Htpiofm natum est, t in y mutato." 
(Ahrens, De Dialecto .£olic&, 8, 7* p* 56 ; compare ibid. 28, 8. p. 150, 
ir€pp* dirdXcD.) 

* niad, vi. 245 j xxiv. 495. 

' Hectdr was affirmed, both by Stesichorus and Ibykus, to be the son 
of Apollo (Stesichorus, ap. Schol. Yen. ad Iliad, xxiv. 259; Ibyki Fragm. 
xiv. ed. Schneidewin) : both Euphori6n (Fr. 125, Meineke) and Alex- 
ander ^tolus follow the same idea. Stesichorus further stated, that 
after the siege Apollo had carried Hekab^ away into Lykia to rescue her 
from captivity (Pausanias, x. 27, 1) : according to Euripides, Apollo had 
promised that she should die in Troy (Troad. 427). 

By Sapph6, Hect6r was given as a surname of Zeus, Ztvg "Eicrap 


Trdilus, Polity, Polyd6ru8 ; amoog the daughters 
Laodikd, Kreiiga, Pol]rxena> and Kaasandra. 
PariiH-iiii The birth of Paris was preceded by formidable ' 
^t^hree presages ; for Hekabd dreamt that she was delivered 
*^*^^^*'^' of a firebrand, and Priam, on consulting the sooth- 
sayers, was informed that the son about to be bom 
would prove fatal to him. Accordingly he directed 
the child to be exposed on Mount Ida ; but the in- 
auspicious kindness of the gods preserved him, and 
he grew up amidst the flocks and herds, active and 
beautiful, fair of hair and symmetrical in person, 
and the special favourite of Aphroditd^ 

It was to this youth, in his solitary shepherd's 
walk on Mount Ida, that the three goddesses Hdr6, 
AthSnd, and Aphrodite were conducted, in order 
that he might determine the dispute respecting 
their comparative beauty, which had arisen at the 
nuptials of Pfileus and Thetis, — a dispute brought 
about in pursuance of the arrangement, and in 
accomplishment of the deep-laid designs, of Zeus. 
For Zeus, remarking with pain the immoderate 
numbers of the then existing heroic race, pitied 
the earth for the overwhelming burden which she 
was compelled to bear, and determined to lighten 
it by exciting a destructive and long-continued 
war*. Paris awarded the palm of beauty to Aphro- 

(Hetychius, t. "EKrop^t) ; a prince belonging to the regal family of 
Chios, anterior to the Ionic settlement, as mentioned by the Chian poel 
I6n (Pausan. vii. 3, 3), was so called. 

> Itiad, iii. 45-65 ; Schol. Iliad, iii. 325 $ Hygm. fab. 91 ; Apolk>d6r. 
iii. 12, 5. 

^ This was the motiye assigned to Zeus by the old epio poem, the 
Cyprian Verses (Frag. 1. DUntz. p. 12; i^. Schol. ad Iliad, i. 4)t— 

Chat. XV.] PARIS AND HBLBN. 891 

ditd, who promised him in recompense the pos- 
session of Helena, wife of the Spartan Menelaus, 
-^the daughter of Zeus and the fairest of living 
women. At the instance of Aphrodite, ships were 
built for him, and he embarked on the enterprise 
so fraught with eventual disaster to his native city, 
in spite of the menacing prophecies of his brother 
Helenus, and the always neglected warnings of 

Paris, on arriving at Sparta, was hospitably en- Cames off 
tertained by Menelaus as well as by Kast6r and sparta. 
Pollux, and was enabled to present the rich gifts 
which he had brought to Helen^. Menelaus then 
departed to Kr6te, leaving Helen to entertain his 

*H bi lirropla nap^ Sraaiv^ rf rck Kvfrpta ntTroirfK^ €lir6vn o(jrt5S* 

*Hy drc fivpta ffivka Korit x06ya n\a(6fA€va* 

4,,*,fiapvaT€pvov irKdros alrjs, 

Ztvs de IboiP iKerforw, Koi iv TrvKtvais itpairibtfTfTi 
HvvStTo KOv^fUirtu 6»6p^tnmv wtt^irropa ydUof, 
'Piirio'as w6k€fA0V fJkeyaXjiv tfpuf *lXuucdio, 
"O^pa Ktviiortuv Bavdrti^ pdpog' ol d* cvl Tpoijj 

The Mine motiye if touched upon b^ Eurip. Orest. 1635 j Helen. 38 ; 
and teiioiifljr maintumed, as it seems, by Chiysippus, ap. Hutarch. 
Stoic. Rep* p. 1049 1 but the poets do not commonly go back farther 
than the passion of Paris for Heloi (Theogms* 1232 ; Simonid. Amorg. 
Fragm. 6, 118). 

The judgement of Pans was one of the scenes represented on the 
ancient chest of Kypselus at Olympia (Pausan. t. 19, 1). 

I Argument of the "1^ TLimpui (ap. Duntzer, p. 10). These warn- 
ings of ELassandni form the subject of the obscure and affected poem of 

' AwKffdmg to the Cyprian Verses, Helena was daughter of Zeus by 
Nemesis, who had in vain tried to evade the connection (Athense. viii. 
334). Hesiod (SchoL Pindar. Nem. x. 150) represented her as daughter 
of Oceanns and T6thys, an oceanic nymph : Sapphd (Fragm. 17> 
Sdmeidewin), Pausanias (i. 33, 1), ApoUoddrus (iii. 10, 7), and Iso- 
krat^ (Encom. Helen, v. ii. p. 366, Auger) reconcile the pretensions of 
L^da and NemesLi to a wott of joint maternity (see Heinrichsen* De 
CanmniboB Cypnia» p. 45-46). 


Trojan guest — a favourable moment which was 
employed by Aphrodite to bring about the intrigue 
and the elopement. Paris carried away with him 
both Helen and a large sum of money belonging to 
Menelaus — ^made a prosperous voyage to Troy — 
and arrived there safely with his prize on the third 

Menelaus, informed by Iris in Krdte of the per- 
fidious return made by Paris for his hospitality, 
hastened home in grief and indignation to consult 
with his brother Agamemn6n, as well as with the 
venerable Nest6r, on the means of avenging the 
outrage. They made known the event to the Greek 
chiefs around them> among whom they found uni- 
versal sympathy : Nest6r, Palamddte and others 
went round to solicit aid in a contemplated attack of 
Troy» under the command of Agamemndn, to whom 
each chief promised both obedience and unwearied 
exertion until Helen should be recovered^ Ten 

' Herodot. ii. 117. He gives distinctly the assertion of the Cyprian 
Verses which contradicts the argument of the poem as it appears in 
Prodos (Fragm. 1. l.)> according to which latter, Paris is driven out of 
his course hy a storm and captures the city of Sid6n. Homer (Iliad, 
vi. 293) seems however to countenance the statement in the argument. 

That Paris was guilty of rohhery, as well as of the abduction of 
Helen, is several times moitioned in the Iliad (iii. 144 ; vii. d50-363)> 
also in the argument of the Cyprian Verses (see i£schyl. Agam. 634). 

' The ancient epic (Schol. ad II. ii. 286-339) does not recognise Uie 
story of the numerous suitors of Helen, and the oath by which Tynda- 
reus bound them all before he made the selection among them, that 
each should swear not only to acquiesce, but even to aid in maintaining 
undisturbed possession to the husband whom she should choose. This 
story seems to have been first told by Stesichorus (see FVagm. 20. ed. 
Kleine ; Apollod. iii. 10, 8). Yet it was evidently one of the prominent 
features of the current legend in the time of Thucydid^ (i. 9 ; Euripid. 
Iphig. Aul. 51-80; Soph. Ajax, 1100). 

The exact spot in which Tyndareus exacted this oath from the suitor^ 
near Sparta, was pointed out even in the time of Pauaanias (iii. 20, 9). 



years were spent in equipping the expedition. The Expedition 
goddesses HdrS and Athdnd, incensed at the prefer- Greeks to 
ence given by Paris to Aphroditfi, and animated by '««>^^^- 
steady attachment to Argos, Sparta and MykSnae, 
took an active part in the cause ; and the horses of 
H6r6 were fatfgued with her repeated visits to the 
difierent parts of Greece*. 

By such efforts a force was at length assembled Heroes 
at Aulis^ in Boedtia, consisting of 1186 ships and pai^of 
more than 100,000 men,-a force outnumbering Si^,, 
by more than ten to one anything that the Tro- ^^^^ 
jans themselves could oppose, and superior to the 
defenders of Troy even with all her allies in- 
cluded^. It comprised heroes with their followers 
from the extreme points of Greece — from the north- 
western portions of Thessaly under Mount Olympus, 
as well as the western islands of Dulichium and 
Ithaca, and the eastern islands of Kr^te and Rhodes. 
Agamemndn himself contributed 100 ships manned 
with the subjects of his kingdom of Mykdnae, be- 
sides furnishing 60 ships to the Arcadians, who 
possessed none of their own. Menelaus brought 

> niad, iv, 27-55 ; xxiv. 765. Argument. Carm. Cypri. The point 
is emphatically touched upon hy Dio Chrysostom (Orat. xi. p. 335-336) 
in his assault upon the old legend. Two years' preparation — in Dictys 
Cret. i. 16. 

' The Spartan king Agesilaus, when about to start from Greece on 
his expedition into Asia Minor (396 b.c), went to Aulis personally, in 
order that he too might sacrifice on the spot where Agamemn6n had 
sacrificed when he sailed for Troy (Xenoph. Hellen. iii. 4, 4). 

Skylax (c. 60) notices the iephv at Aulis, and nothing else : it seems 
to haye been like the adjoining Delium, a temple with a small village 
grown up around it. 

Aulis u recognised as the port from which the expedition started in 
the Hesiodic Works and Days (v. 650). 

' Uiad, ii. 128. Uschold (G^eschichte des Trojanischen ELnegs, p. 9, 
Stutgart, 1836) makes the total 135,000 men. 


with him 60 ships, Nestdr from Pylus 90, Idome^ 
neus from Kr^te and Diomddds from Argos 80 each. 
Forty ships were manned by the Eleians, under 
four different chiefs ; the like number under Megds 
from Dulichium and the Echinades, and under 
Thoas from Kalyd6n and the other ^tdlian towns* 
Odysseus from Ithaca, and Ajax from Salamis, 
brought 12 ships each. The Abantes from Euboea, 
under Elephdndr, filled 40 vessels ; the Boedtians, 
under Peneleds and L^itus, 50 ; the inhabitants of 
Orchomenus and Aspled6n, 30 ; the light-armed 
Locrians, under Ajax son of Oileus^ 40 ; the Ph6- 
kians as many. The Athenians, under Menestheus, 
a chief distinguished for his skill in marshalling an 
army, mustered 50 ships ; the Myrmidons from 
Phthia and Hellas, under Achilles, assembled in 50 
ships ; Protesilaus from Phylakd and Pyrasus, and 
Eury pylus from Ormenium, each came with 40 
ships ; Machadn and Podaleirius, from Trikka, with 
30 ; Admdtus, from PhersB and the lake Boebdisi 
with 1 1 ; and Philokt^tds from Meliboea with 7 : 
the Lapithae, under Polypoetds, son of Peirithous, 
filled 40 vessels ; the iEnianes and Perrhaebians, 
under Guneus', 22 ; and the Magn^t^s, undei: Pro- 
thous, 40 ; these last two were from the northern- 
most parts of Thessaly, near the mountains P^Uon 
and Olympus. From Rhodes, under Tlfipolemus, 
son of HSrakles, appeared 9 ships ; from SymS, 
under the comely but effeminate Nireus, 3 * from 

' The Hesiodic Catalogue notices Oileus, or Ileus, with a lingnkr 
etymology of his name (Fragm. 136, ed. Marktscheffel). 

^ Twvtvs is the-Heros Eponjrmus of the town of Gonnnt in Thet* 
saly ; the duplication of the consonant and shortening of the yowel 
belong to the i£olic dialect (Ahiens, De Diaket. Molk. 60, 4. p. 890). 

Okap. xv.] achillbs.--*ajax.— odtbseus. mi 

KAs, Krapathus and the neighbouring islands^ 30, 
under the orders of Pheidippus and Antiphus, sons 
of Thessalus and grandsons of H^rakl68^ 

Among this band of heroes were included the Achmes 
distinguished warriors Ajax and DiomMSs, and seas. 
the sagacious Kest6r ; while Agamemn6n himself, 
scarcely inferior to either of them in prowess, 
brought with him a high reputation for prudence in 
command. But the most marked and conspicuous 
of all were Achilles and Odysseus ; the former a 
beautiful youth born of a divine mother, swift in the 
race, of fierce temper and irresistible might ; the lat- 
ter not less efficient as an ally from his eloquence, 
his untiring endurance, his inexhaustible resoiu^ces 
under difficulty, and the mixture of daring courage 
with deep-laid cunning which never deserted him* : 
the blood of the arch-deceiver Sisyphus, through 
an illicit connexion with his mother Antikleia, was 
said to flow in his veins ^, and he was especially 
patronised and protected by the goddess Athdn^. 
Odysseus, unwilling at first to take part in the ex- 

> See the Catalogue in the second book of the Iliad. There must 
ptobably have been a Catalogue of the Greeks also in the Cyprian Verses^ 
for a Catalogue of the aUitt of Troy is specially noticed in the Argument 
of Produs (p. 12, Diintzer). 

Euripides (Ipliig< Aul. 165-^300) devotes one of the songs of the 
Chorus to a partial Catalogue of the chief heroes. 

According to Diotys Cretensis, all the principal heroes engftged in the 
expedition were kinsmen, all Pelojnds (i. 14) : they take an oath not trt 
lay down their arms until Helen shall have been recovered, and they 
receiye iVom Agamemn6n a large sum of gold. 

' For the character of Odysseus, Iliad, iii. 202-220 ; x. 247. Odyss. 

The Philoktdt^ of Sophoklds carries out very justly the character of 
ike Homeric Odysseus (see y. 1035) — more exactly than the Ajax of the 
same poet depicts it. 

' Sophokl. Pbttdkt^t. 417, and Schol.— also Sohol. ad Soph. Aj«tt« 190. 


pedition, had even simulated insanity ; but Pala* 
mSdSs, sent to Ithaca to invite him, tested the 
reality of his madness by placing in the furrow 
where Odysseus was ploughing, his infant son 
Telemachus. Thus detected, Odysseus could not 
refuse to join the Achaean host, but the prophet Ha- 
Jithersfis predicted to him that twenty years would 
elapse before he revisited his native land'. To 
Achilles the gods had promised the full effulgence 
of heroic glory before the walls of Troy ; nor could 
the place be taken without both his co-operation 
and that of his son after him. But they had fore- 
warned him that this brilliant career would be ra- 
pidly brought to a close ; and that if he desired a 
long life, he must remain tranquil and inglorious in 
his native land. In spite of the reluctance of his 
mother Thetis, he preferred few years with bright 
renown, and joined the Achaean host*. When 
Nest6r and Odysseus came to Phthia to invite 
him, both he and his intimate friend Patroclus 
eagerly obeyed the call®. 

Agamemn6n and his powerful host set sail from 
Aulis ; but being ignorant of the locality and the 
direction, they landed by mistake in Teuthrania, a 
part of Mysia near the river Kaikus, and began to 

1 Homer, Odyss. xxiv. 115; ^schyl. Agam. 841 ; Sophokl. Philokt^t. 
1011, with the Schol. Argument of the Cypria in Heinrichsen, De 
Carmin. Cypr. p. 23 (the sentence is left out in Dijntzer, p. 11). 

A lost tragedy of Sophoklds, *Odv<r<rcvr M.€Up6fjLtvos, handled this 

Other Greek chiefs were not less reluctant than Odysseus to take 
part in the expedition : see the tale of Poemandrus, forming a part of 
the temple-legend of the Achilleium at Tanagra in Boe6tia (Plutarch, 
Qusestion. Grsec. p. 299). 

» lUad, i. 352 ; ix. 411. » Hiad, xi. 782. 


ravage tfare country under the persuasion that it was 
the neighbourhood of Troy. Telephus, the king 
of the country*, opposed and repelled them, but 
was ultimately defeated and severely wounded by 
Achilles. The Greeks now, discovering their mis- The Ore- 

ciBii host 

take, retired ; but their fleet was dispersed by a mistakes 
storm and driven back to Greece. Achilles at- for°Troy— 
tacked and took Skyrus, and there married Deida- ''"^^^p^"*- 
mia, the daughter of LycomM6s^. Telephus, suf- 
fering from his wounds, was directed by the oracle 
to come to Greece and present himself to Achilles 
to be healed, by applying the scrapings of the spear 
with which the wound had been given : thus re- 
stored, he became the guide of the Greeks when 
they were prepared to renew their expedition®. 

' Telephus was the son of Augd, daughter of king Aleus of Tegea in 
Arcadia, hy HSraklSs: respecting her romantic adventures, see the 
previous chapter on Arcadian legends — Straho's faith in the story (xii. 
p. 672). 

The spot called the Harbour of the Achseans, near Gryneium, was 
stated to be the place where Agamemndn and the chiefs took counsel 
whether they should attack Telephus or not (Skylax, c. 97 ; compare 
Strabo, xiv. p. 622). 

' niad, xi. 664; Argum. Cypr. p. 11, Duntzer; Diktys Cret. ii. 3-4. 

' Euripid. Telephus, Frag. 26, Dindorf; Hygin. f. 101 ; Diktys, ii. 10. 
Euripides had treated the adventure of Telephus in this lost tragedy : 
he gave the miraculous cure with the dust of the spear, TrpKrvoiai Xoy- 
XTJs BfKy^Toi pivfifuuri, Diktys softens down the prodigy : " Achilles 
cum Machaone et Podalirio adhibentes curam vulneri,'' &c. Pliny 
(xxxiv. 15) gives to the rust of brass or iron a place in the list of ge- 
nuine remedies. 

" Longe omnino a Tiberi ad Caicum : quo in loco etiam Agamemn6n 
errasset, nisi ducem Telephum invenisset*' (Cicero, Pro L. Flacco, c. 29). 
The portions of the Trojan legend treated in the lost epics and the tra- 
gedians, seem to have been just as familiar to Cicero as those noticed 
in the Diad. 

. Strabo pays comparatively little attention to any portion of the Trojan 
war except what i^pears in Homer. He even goes so far as to give a 

S98 HI8T0KT OF QRBBCB. [Pabiv L 

^^tion The armament was again assembled at AuUs^ 
Greeks it but the goddess Artemis, displeased with the boast-' 
Agamem- ful language of Agamemn6n, prolonged the dura^ 
ipUgeneia. tion of adverse winds, and the offending chief wai 
compelled to appease her by the well-known sacri- 
fice of his daughter Iphigeneia\ They then pro^ 
ceeded to Tenedos, from whence Odysseus and 
Menelaus were despatched as envoys to Troy, to 
redemand Helen and the stolen property. In spite 
of the prudent counsels of Anten6r, who received 
the two Grecian chiefs with friendly hospitality, 
the Trojans rejected the demand, and the attack 
was resolved upon. It was foredoomed by the gods 
that the Greek who first landed should perish: 
Protesilaus was generous enough to put himself 
upon this forlorn hope, and accordingly fell by the 
hand of Hectdr. 
Krst TOO- Meanwhile the Troians had assembled a large 

cess of the % /* •■ 

Greeks on body of allics from various parts of Asia Minor and 
"^^froy. Thrace : Dardanians under iEneas, Lykians under 
v^ed to Sarped6n, Mysians, Karians, Maeonians, Alizonians*, 


reason why the Amazons did not come to the aid d Priam i they were 

at enmity with him, l)ecau8e Priam had' aided the Phrygfiant against 

them (Diad, iii. 188 ! in Straho, roU ^Aa-ip mnst be a mistake for Tti§ 

^pv^tn), Straho can hardly have read, and never alludes to, Ark^us i 

in whose poem the hraye and beautiful Penthesileia, at the head of bev 

Amaions, forms a marked epoeh and incident of the war (Strabo, xii. 


^ Nothing occurs in Homer respecting the sacrifice of Iphigmeia (s«« 
Sehol. Ven. ad n. ix. 146). 

' No portion of the Homeric Oatak)gue gave more trouble to Dte^ 
trius of Skdpsis and the other expositors than these Alizonians (9tnbo> 
xii. p. 649 ; xiii. p. 603) : a fictitious place oalled Ahionium, in thQ 
region of Ida, was got up to meet the difficulty (cir 'AXtfAi^i*, «n)r* 
^ph} wtirXaafiipop irp^ rijv rm» *AXi(i&vwf vw6di(ni^ 9s^ Stlttbo> 
1. e.). 


Phrygiana, Thracians and P8eonians^ But vain 
was the attempt to oppose the landing of the 
Greeks: the Trojans were routed, and even the 
invuhierable Kyknus^, son of Poseiddn, one of the 
great bulwarks of the defence, was slain by Achilles. 
Having driven the Trojans within their walls, 
Achilles attacked and stormed Lyrndssus, Pddasus, 
{jesbos and other places in the neighbourhood, 
twelve towns on the sea-coast and eleven in the in- 
terior : he drove off the oxen of iEneas and pur- 
sued the hero himself, who narrowly escaped with 
his life : he surprised and killed the youthful Tr6i- 
lus, son of Priam, and captured several of the other 
sons, whom he sold as prisoners into the islands of 
the iBgean^ He acquired as his captive the fair 
Brisdis, while Chrysdis was awarded to Agamem- 
n6n : he was moreover eager to see the divine He* 
len, the prize and stimulus of this memorable 

> See the Catalogue of the Trojans (Iliad, ii. 815-877). 

' Kylmus was said by later writers to be king of Koldnn in the IVoad 
(Strab9> ziii* p. 68^-603 1 Aristotel. Rhetoric, ii. 23). j:sehyl!is in^ 
troduced upon the Attic stage both Kyknus and Memndn in terrific 
equipments (Aristophan. Ran. 957. Ovlf i^eirXtfrrov ain-ovs KvKvave 
Hytav jcol fdtftifoins Kmd»vo4>aKap{m^o\ts). Compare Weloker» iEsohyl. 
Trilogie, p. 433. 

' Iliad, xxiy. 752; Argument of the Cypria, pp. 11, 12, Diintzer. 
These desnltoiy exploits of Achilles furnished much interesting romance 
to the later Greek poets (see ParthSnius, Narrat. 21). See the neat 
summaiy of the principal ev^its of the war in Quintus Smym. xiy« 
126-140 ; Dio Clurysost. Or. xi. p. 338-342. 

TV6ilus is only onoe named in the Iliad (xxhr. 253) ; he wwi men- 
tioned also in the Cypria; hut his youth, beauty, and untimely end 
made him an Dlg^^^t oif great interest with the subsequent poets, 8o« 
phokl^ had a tragedy called Trdilus (Welcker« Griechiseh. Tiagdd. i. 
p. 124); T^ dpip69Fatda dtavdrrfp awJ^wa, one oi the Fragm. Ihren 
eariier than Sophoklte, his beuity was celebrated by the tftgeditfi 
Phrynichus (Athens, xiii. p. 564 ; Virgil, J&neid, i. 474 ; Lycophi^tti 


struggle; and Aphroditd and Thetis contrived to 
bring about an interview between them^ 
MimSd6i At this period of the war the Grecian army was 
niusand deprived of PalamSdds, one of its ablest chiefs. 
death. Odysseus had not forgiven the artifice by which 
PalamSdSs had detected his simulated insanity, nor 
was he without jealousy of a rival clever and cun- 
ning in a degree equal, if not superior, to himself; 
one who had enriched the Greeks with the inven- 
tion of letters, of dice for amusement, of night- 
watches, as well as with other useful suggestions. 
According to the old Cyprian epic, PalamMSs was 
drowned while fishing, by the hands of Odysseus 
and Diomdd^s^. Neither in the Iliad nor the Odys- 
sey does the name of Palam^dfis occur : the lofty 
position which Odysseus occupies in both those 
poems — noticed with some degree of displeasure 
even by Pindar, who described PalamM^s as the 
wiser man of the two — is sufficient to explain the 
omission^. But in the more advanced period of 
the Greek mind, when intellectual superiority came 
to acquire a higher place in the public esteem as 
compared with military prowess, the character of 
Palam^d^, combined with his unhappy fate, ren- 

* Argument. Cypr. p. 11, Dilntz. Kal fAtrii ravra 'Ax<XXc^ 'EXcnp 
iiriBviiti BtdaaaBfUy ical owifyayov avrovt tls r6 alrr^ * Ai^podcn; jcal 0crtff. 
A scene which would h«ve been highly interesting in the hands of 

' Argum. Cypr. 1.1.; Pausan. x. 31 . The concluding portion of the 
Cjrpria seems to have passed under the title of Ilakaiujdtia (see FngOL 
16 and 18. p. 16, Diintz. ; Wdcker, Der Episch. CycL p. 459 ; Eostath. 
ad Hom. Odyss. i. 107). 

The allusion of Quintus Smynueus (v. 197) seems rather to pcnnt to 
the story in the Cypria, which Strabo (viii. p. 368) appears not to have 

' Pindar, Nem. vii. 21 ; Aristid^, Orat. 46. p. 260. 


dered him one of the most interesting personages 
in the Trojan legend. iBschylus, Sophokl^s and 
Euripides each consecrated to him a special tra- 
gedy ; but the mode of his death as described in 
the old epic was not suitable to Athenian ideas, 
and accordingly he was represented as having been 
falsely accused of treason by Odysseus, who caused 
gold to be buried in his tent, and persuaded Aga- 
memnon and the Grecian chiefs that PalamSd^s 
had received it from the Trojans*. He thus for- 
feited his life, a victim to the calumny of Odysseus 
and to the delusion of the leading Greeks. In the 
last speech made by the philosopher Sokratds to 
his Athenian judges, he alludes with solemnity and 
fellow-feeling to the unjust condemnation of Pala- 
mfidds, as analogous to that which he himself was 
about to suffer ; and his companions seem to have 
dwelt with satisfaction on the comparison. Pala- 
mSdSs passed for an instance of the slanderous en- 
mity and misfortune which so often wait upon su- 
perior genius*. 

' See the Fragments of the three tragedians, IlaXa/i^diys — AristeidSs, 
Or. xlvi. p. 260; Philostrat. Heroic, x.; Hygin. fab. 95-105. Discourses 
for and against Palamdd^s, one by Alkidamas, and one under the name of 
Gorgias, are printed in Reiske's Orr. Qrec. t. viii. pp. 64, 102; Virgil, 
^neid, ii. 82, with the ample commentary of Servius — Polyaen. Prooe.p.6. 

Welcker (Grieehisch. Tragod. v. i. p. 130, vol. ii. p. 500) has cTolved 
with ingenuity the remaining fragments of the lost tragedies. 

According to Diktys, Odysseus and Diom^d^s prevail upon Palam^dls 
to be let down into a deep well, and then cast stones upon him (ii. 15). 

Xenophon (De Venatione, e. 1) evidently recognises the story in the 
Cypria, that Odysseus and DiomSd^ caused the death of PalamSd^s ; 
but he cannot believe that two such exemplary men were really guilty 
of so iniquitous an act — kqkoI di hrpa^op t6 Ifpyov. 

One of the eminences near Napoli still bears the name of Palamidhi. 

' Plato, Apolog. Socr. c. 32 ; Xenoph. Apol. Socr. 26 ; Memor. iv. 
2, 33 ; Liban. pro Socr. p. 242, ed. Morell. ; Ludan, Dial. Mort. 20. 

VOL. I. 2d 


In these expeditions the Grecian army consumed 
nine years, during which the subdued Trojans dared 
not give battle without their walls for fear of 
Achilles. Ten years was the fixed epical duration 
of the siege of Troy, just as five years was the du* 
ration of the siege of Kamikus by the Kr6tan arma- 
ment which came to avenge the death of Minds' : 
ten years of preparation, ten years of siege, and 
ten years of wandering for Odysseus, were periods 
suited to the rough chronological dashes of the an- 
cient epic, and suggesting no doubts nor difficulties 
Epicchro. with the original hearers. But it was otherwise 

Dology — hi- ^ ,11 

storicised. whcu the samc events came to be contemplated by 
the historicising Greeks, who could not be satis- 
fied without either finding or inventing satisfactory 
bonds of coherence between the separate events. 
Thucydidds tells us that the Greeks were less nu- 
merous than the poets have represented, and that 
being moreover very poor, they were unable to 
procure adequate and constant provisions: hence 
they were compelled to disperse their army, and to 
employ a part of it in cultivating the Chersonese, 
— a part in marauding expeditions over the neigh- 
bourhood. Could the whole army have been em- 
ployed against Troy at once (he says), the siege 
would have been much more speedily and easily 
concluded*. If the great historian could permit 
himself thus to amend the legend in so many points, 
we might have imagined that the simpler course 

' Herodot. vii. 170. Ten years is a proper mythical period fbr a 
great war to last : the war between the Olympic gods and the Titan 
gods lasts ten years (Hesiod, Theogon. 636). Compare Scicar^ cViovr^ 
(Hom. Odyss. xvi. 17). 

» Thucyd, i. 11. 


would have been to include the duration of the 
siege among the list of poetical exaggerations, and 
to affirm that the real siege had lasted only one 
year instead of ten. But it seems that the ten 
years' duration was so capital a feature in the 
ancient tale, that no critic ventured to meddle 
with it. 

A period of comparative intermission however 
was now at hand for the Trojans. The gods brought 
about the memorable fit of anger of Achilles, under 
the influence of which he refused to put on his 
armour, and kbpt his Myrmidons in camp. Ac* 
cording to the Cypria, this was the behest of Zeus, 
who had compassion on the Trojans : according to 
the Iliad, Apollo was the originating causeS from 
anxiety to avenge the injury which his priest 
ChrysSs had endured from Agamemndn. For a con- Period of 
siderable time, the combats of the Greeks against ^0*1"^* 
Troy were conducted without their best warrior, ^^\ 
and severe indeed was the humiliation which they Achuies. 
underwent in consequence. How the remaining 
Grecian chiefs vainly strove to make amends for 
his absence — how Hect6r and the Trojans defeated 
and drove them to their ships — how the actual 
blaze of the destroying flame, applied by Hect6r to 
the ship of Protesilaus, roused up the anxious and 
sympathising Patroklus, and extorted a reluctant 
consent from Achilles, to allow his friend and his 
followers to go forth and avert the last extremity 
of ruin — how Achilles, when Patroklus had been 
killed by Hect6r, forgetting his anger in grief for 
the death of his friend, re-entered the fight, drove 

' Homer, niad,i. 21. 



the Trojans within their walls with immense slaugh- 
ter, and satiated his revenge both upon the living 
and the dead HectAr — all these events have been 
chronicled, together with those divine dispensations 
on which most of them are made to depend, in the 
immortal verse of the Iliad. 

Homer breaks off with the burial of Hectdr, 
whose body has just been ransomed by the dis- 
consolate Priam ; while the lost poem of Arktinus, 
entitled the iEthiopis, so far as we can judge from 
the argument still remaining of it, handled only 
the subsequent events of the siege. The poem of 
Quintus Smymseus, composed about the fourth cen- 
tury of the Christian aera, seems in its first books 
to coincide with the iEthiopis, in the subsequent 
books partly with the Ilias Minor of Leschds^ 

The Trojans, dismayed by the death of Hect6r, 
were again animated with hope by the appearance 
of the warUke and beautiful queen of the Amazons, 
Penthesileia, daughter of Ards, hitherto invincible 
in the field, who came to their assistance from 
Thrace at the head of a band of her countrywomen. 
She again led the besieged without the walls to en- 
counter the Greeks in the open field ; and under 
her auspices the latter were at first driven back, 
until she too was slain by the invincible arm of 
o/irS- Achilles. The victor, on taking off the helmet of 
^S?*" ^^^ ^^^ enemy as she lay on the ground, was pro- 
foundly affected and captivated by her charms, for 
which he was scornfully taunted by Thersit^s : ex- 

1 Tychsen, Commentat. de Quinto Smymseo, § iii. c. 5-7* The 
'iX/ov n€pa'is was treated both by Arktinus and by Leschit : with the 
latter it formed a part of the Ilias Minor. 


asperated by this rash insult, he killed ThersitSs on 
the spot with a blow of his fist. A violent dispute 
among the Grecian chiefs was the result, for Dio- 
mSdte, the kinsman of ThersitSs, warmly resented 
the proceeding ; and Achilles was obliged to go to 
LesbuSy where he was purified from the act of ho- 
micide by Odysseus*. 

Next arrived Memn6n, son of Tith6nus and E6s, Memndn— 
the most stately of living men, with a powerful AchiUes! 
band of black .Ethiopians, to the assistance of Troy. 
Sallying forth against the Greeks, he made great 
havoc among them : the brave and popular Anti- 
lochus perished by his hand, a victim to filial de- 
votion in defence of Nest6r^. Achilles at length 
attacked him, and for a long time the combat was 
doubtful between them : the prowess of Achilles 
and the supplication of Thetis with Zeus finally 
prevailed ; whilst E6s obtained for her vanquished 
son the consoling gift of immortality. His tomb, 
however^, was shown near the Propontis, within a 

' Argument of the JBthiopiiy p. 16, Diintzer ; Quint. Smym. lib. i. ; 
Diktys Cret. iv. 2-^3. 

In the Philoktdt^ of Sophoklds, Thersit^ furvivet Achilles (Soph. 
Phil. 368-446). 

' Odyss. xi. 622. Kctroi^ d^ icaXXitrroy tdop, fura M€fipova diby : see 
also Odyss. iv. 187; Pindar, Pyth. ji. 31. i£schylus (ap. Strabo. zv. 
p. 728) conceives Memn6n as a Persian starting from Susa. 

Ktdsias gave in his history full details respecting the expedition of 
Memndn, sent by the king of Assyria to the relief of his dependent, 
Priam of Troy ; all this was said to be recorded in the royal archives. 
The Egyptians affirmed that Memndn had come from Eg^t (Diod6r. 
ii. 22 ; compare iv. 77) : the two stories are blended together in Pansa- 
nias, X. 31, 2. The Phrygians pointed out the road along which he had 

* Argum. ^th. ut sup, ; Quint. Smym. ii. 396-660 ; Pausan. x. 31, 1. 
Pindar, in praising Achilles, dwells much on his triumphs over Hector, 
TMephus, Memn6n, and Kyknus, but never notices Penthesileia (Olymp. 
ii. 90. Nem. iii. 60 ; vi. 62. Isthm. v. 43). 

^schylus, in the "Vvxfxrraaia, introduced Thetis and £68, each in 

406 HISTORY OP GREECB. [Past 1. 

few miles of the mouth of the river ^sdpus, and 
was visited annually by the birds called Memnoni- 
des, who swept it and bedewed it with water from 
the stream. So the traveller Pausanias was told, 
even in the second century after the Christian aera, 
by the Hellespontine Greeks. 
Deaih of But the fate of Achilles himself was now at hand. 
After routing the Trojans and chasing them into 
the town, he was slain near the Sksean gate by an 
arrow from the quiver of Paris, directed under the 
unerring auspices of Apollo ^ The greatest efforts 
were made by the Trojans to possess themselves of 
the body, which was however rescued and borne 
off to the Grecian camp by the valour of Ajax and 
Odysseus. Bitter was the grief of Thetis for the 
loss of her son: she came into the camp with 
the Muses and the Nereids to mourn over him ; 
and when a magnificent funeral-pile bad been pre- 
pared by the Greeks to burn him with every mark 
of honour, she stole away the body and conveyed 
it to a renewed and immortal life in the island of 
LeukS in the Euxine Sea. According to some ac- 
counts he was there blest with the nuptials and 
company of Helen*. 
Thetis celebrated splendid funeral games in ho- 

an attitude of supplication for her son, and Zeus weif^liing in his golden 
scales the souls of Achilles and Memn6n (Schol. Yen. ad Iliad, viii. 70; 
PoUux, iy. 130; Plutarch* De Audiend. Poet. p. 17). In the combat 
between Achilles and Memn6n, represented on the chest of Kypsdns 
at Olympia, Thetis and £6s were given each as aiding her son (Pau- 
san. V. 19, 1). 

> Iliad, xxii. 360; Sophokl. Philokt. 334 ; Virgil, ^hieid, vi.56. 

' Argum. ^thiop. ti^ «tfp. ; Quint. Smym. 151-583; Homer, Odyss. 
V. 310 ; Orid, Metam. xiii. 284 ; Eurip. Androm. 1262 ; Pausan. iii. 
19, 13. According to Diktys (iv. 11), Paris and Deiphobus entrap 
Achilles by the promise of an interview with Polyxena and kill him. 

A minute and curious description of the island Leuk§, or *Ax«XXfftt>r 


aour of her sod, aad offered the uDrivaled paDopIy, FuDemi 
which HSphaestos had forged aDd wrought for him, b^^ i^^' 
as a prize to the most distiuguished warrior iD the ^[^^ °^ 
GreciaD army. Odysseus aod Ajax became rivals Sj^his 
for the distiDctioD^ wheu Ath^D^, together with pw»opiy— 

/ , , Ody886U8 

some Trojau prisoDers, who were asked from which prevaiuand 
of the two their couutry had sustained greatest bimMif. 
injury, decided in favour of the former. The gal- 
lant Ajax lost his senses with grief and humilia- 
tipn : in a fit of phrenzy he slew some sheep, mis- 
taking them for the men who had wronged him, 
and then fell upon his own sword \ 

pfja-os, is giv<ni in Arrian (Periplua, Pont. Euxin. p. 21; ap. Oeogr. 
Min. 1. 1). 

The heroic or divine empire of Achilles in Sejrthia was recognised by 
Alkteus the poet (Alksei Fragm. Schneidew. Fr. 46), 'A^cXXcv, t yas Sicv- 
BiKat ficdccf . Eustathius (ad Dionys. PeriSg^t. 307) gives the story of 
his having followed Iphigeneia thither : compare Antonin. Liberal. 27. 

Ibykus represeMted AehiUes as having espoused M6dea in the Ely* 
sian Field (Ibyk. Fragm. 18, Schneidewin). Simonidds^Mlowed this 
story (ap. Scholl. Apoll. Rhod. iv. 815). 

> Argument of ^Ethiopia and Dias Minor, and Fragm. 2 of the latter, 
pp. 17, 18, Dimts.; Quint. Smym. v. 12(M82; Hom. Odyss.zL560; 
Pindar, Nem. vii. 26. The Ajax of SophoklSs, and the contending 
speeches between Ajax and Ulysses in the beginning of the thirteenth book 
of Ovid's Metaoiorpboses, are too well known to need special reference. 

The suicide of Ajax seems to have been described in detail in the 
Ethiopia: compare Pindar, Isthm. iii. 51, and the Scholia ad foe., 
which show the attention paid by Pindar to the minute eireumstances 
of the old epic. See Fragm. 2 of the 'Tkiov Utpats of Arktinus, in 
Diintz. p. 22, which would seem more properly to belong to the ^thi- 
opis. Diktys relates the suicide of Ajax, as a consequence of his un- 
successful competition with Odysseus, not about the arms of Achilles, . 
but about the Palladium, after the taking of the city (v. 14). 

There were, however, many different accounts of the manner in whieh 
Ajax had died, some of which are enumerated in the argument to the 
drama of Sophokl^s. Ajax is never wounded in the Ihad : jEschylus 
made him invulnerable except under the armpits (see Schol. ad Sophok. 
Ajac. 833); the Trojans pelted him with mud — ct ntts ^a^rfB^ljf vfrA rov 
TT^Xov. (Schol. Iliad, xiv. 404.) 


Odysseus now learnt from Helenus son of Priam, 
whom he had captured in an ambuscade', that Troy 
could not be taken unless both Philoktdt^ and 
Neoptolemus, son of Achilles, could be prevailed 
upon to join the besiegers. The former, having 
been stung in the foot by a serpent, and becoming 
insupportable to the Greeks from the stench of his 
wound, had been left at Lemnus in the commence-, 
ment of the expedition, and had spent ten years^ in 
Phiiokt^6t misery on that desolate island ; but he still possessed 
ptoiemuk the peerless bow and arrows of HSraklds, which 
were said to be essential to the capture of Troy. 
DiomMSs fetched Philoktdtds from Lemnus to the 
Grecian camp, where he was healed by the skill of 
Macha6n^, and took an active part against the Tro- 
jans — engaging in single combat with Paris, and 
killing him with one of the HSrakleian arrows. The 
Trojans were allowed to carry away for burial the 
body of this prince, the fatal cause of all their suf- 
ferings ; but not until it had been mangled by the 
hand of Menelaus^. Odysseus went to the island 

> Soph. PhUokt. 604. 

' Soph. Philokt. 703.*afUk€a yjnfxiip^Os fufi oltnxvrav w6iUKrof'Hir^ 
df Kcr^ Xp6pop, &c. 

In the narrative of Diktys (ii. 47)> Philokt^t^ retunif from Lemnus 
to Troy much earlier in the war before the death of Achilles, and 
without any assigned cause. 

* According to Sophokl^s, H^raklSs sends AskUpius to Troy to heal 
Philokt^es (Soph. Philokt. 1415). 

The subject of Philokt^t^ formed the subject of a tragedy both by 
j£schylus and by Euripides (both lost) as well as by Sophokl^. 

^ Argument. IHad. Minor. Diintz. 1. c. Kai t6p v^Kpop vw6 McixrXcSov 
itarautia-Bhna dptk6fjMvoi OawTowriy ol Tpm€s, See Quint. Smym. x. 240 : 
he differs here in many respects from the arguments of the <^ poems 
as giren by Proclus, both as to the incidents and as to thdr order in 
time (Diktys, it. 20). The wounded Paris flees to (En6n^, whom he had 
deserted in order to follow Helen, and entreats her to cure him by her 


of Skyrus to invite Neoptolemus to the army. The 
untried but impetuous youth gladly obeyed the call, 
and received from Odyiteeus his father's armour, 
while on the other hand, Eurypylus, son of TSlephus, 
came from Mysia as auxiliary to the Trojans and 
rendered to them valuable service — turning the tide 
of fortune for a time against the Greeks, and killing 
some of their bravest chiefs, amongst whom was 
numbered Penele6s, and the unrivaled leech Ma- 
cha6n'. The exploits of Neoptolemus were nume- 
rous, worthy of the glory of his race and the re- 
nown of his father. He encountered and slew 
Eurypylus, together with numbers of the Mysian 
warriors : he routed the Trojans and drove them 
within their walls, from whence they never again 
emerged to give battle: nor was he less distin- 
guished for his good sense and persuasive diction, 
than for forward energy in the field^. 

skill in simples : she refuses, and permits him to die ; she is aiterwards 
stnng with remorse, and hangs herself (Quint. Smym. x. 285-^1 ; Apol- 
lod6r. iii. 12, 6 ; Condn, Narrat. 23 ; see Bachet de Meziriac, Cknnment. 
sur les Epttres d'Ovide, t. i. p. 456). The story of (£n6n6 isitf old as 
Hellanikus and Kephai6n of Gergis (see Hellan. Fragm. 126, Didot). 

' To mark the way in which these legendary events pervaded and be- 
came embodied in the local worship, I may mention the received practice 
in the great temple of Askl^pius (father of Biacha6n) at Pergamus, even 
in the time of Pausanias. Tdlephus, fiither of Eurypylus, was the local 
hero and mythical king of Teuthrania, in which Pergamus was situated. 
In the hymns there sung, the proem and the invocation were addressed 
to T^lephus ; but nothing was said in them about Eurypylus, nor was it 
permitted even to mention his name in the temple, — " they knew him to 
be the slayer of Macha6n": ipxomxu fUv Mt TiyX^^ov rw viuf»p, vpoaq.^ 
down d^ oitdhf €S t6p 'EifpvnvXoif, ovdc apx^v €w ry Fof BmXovow 6pofid(€Uf 
avr6p, oUi €in<rraiupoi <f>ov%a Spra MaxAovos (Pansan. iii. 26, 7). 

The combination of these qualities in other Homeric chiefs is noted 
in a subsequent chapter of this wcnrk, ch. xx. vol. ii. p. 102. 

' Argument. lUad. Minor, p. 17* Diintzer. Homer, Odyss. xi. 510- 
520. Pausan. iii. 26, 7. Quint. Smym. vii. 553; viii. 201. 

410 HISTORY OF GREBCE. [Pa»t 1. 

Capture of Troy however was still impregnable so long as 
dium.— * the Palladium, a statue given by Zeus himself to 
ho^.^*^*" Dardanus, remained in the citadel ; and great care 
had been taken by the Trojans not only to conceal 
this valuable present, but to construct other statues 
so like it as to mislead any intruding robber. Ne- 
vertheless the enterprising Odysseus, having dis- 
guised his person with miserable clothing and self- 
inflicted injuries, found means to penetrate into the 
city and to convey the Palladium by stealth away : 
Helen alone recognised him ; but she was now 
anxious to return to Greece, and even assisted 
Odysseus in concerting means for the capture of 
the town^ 

To accomplish this object, one final stratagem 
was resorted to. By the hands of Epeius of Pano- 
peus, and at the suggestion of AthenS, a capacious 
hollow wooden horse was constructed, capable of 
containing one hundred men : the ^lite of the 
Grecian heroes, Neoptolemus, Odysseus, Menelaus 
and others, concealed themselves in the inside of it, 
and the entire Grecian army sailed away to Tenedos, 
burning their tents and pretending to have aban* 
doned the siege. The Trojans, overjoyed to find 
themselves free, issued from the city and contem- 
plated with astonishment the fabric which their 
enemies had left behind : they long doubted what done with it; and the anxious heroes 
from within heard the surrounding consultations, 

' Argument. Iliad. Minor, p. 18, Diintz. ; Arktinus ap. Dionys. Hal. 
i. 69; Homer, Odyss. iv. 246; Quint. Smym. x. 354;^ Virgil, ^neid, 
ii. 164, and the 9tb Excursus of Heyne on that book. 

Compare, with this legend about the Palladium, the Roman legend 
resi)ecting the Anc^lia (Ovid, Fasti, III. 381). 


as well as the voice of Helen when she pronounced 
their names and counterfeited the accents of their 
wives ^ Many of the Trojans were anxious to 
dedicate it to the gods in the city as a token of 
gratitude for their deliverance ; but the more cau- 
tious spirits inculcated distrust of an enemy's legacy; 
and Laoco6n, the priest of Poseid6n, manifested his 
aversion by striking the side of the horse with his 
spear. The sound revealed that the horse was hollow, 
but the Trojans heeded not this warning of possible 
fraud ; and the unfortunate Laocodn, a victim to his 
own sagacity and patriotism, miserably perished 
before the eyes of his countrymen, together with one 
of his sons, two serpents being sent expressly by 
the gods out of the sea to destroy him. By this 
terrific spectacle, together with the perfidious coun- 
sels of Sinon, a traitor whom the Greeks had left 
behind for the special purpose of giving false infor- 
mation, the Trojans were induced to make a breach 
in their own walls, and to drag the fatal fabric with 
triumph and exultation into their city*. 

, 1 Odyss. iv. 275; Virgil, iEneid, ii. 14; Heyne, Excun. 3. ad 
.£neid. ii. Stesichoros, in his *IXiov HtpcK, gave the number of heroes 
in the wooden horse as one hundred (Stesichor. Fragm. 26, ed. Kleine ; 
compare Athense. xiii. p. 610). 

* Odyss. viii. 492 ; xi. 522. Argument of the *IXtov Ueptris of Ark- 
tinus, p. 21. Duntz. Hygin. f. 108-135. Bacchyhd^s and Euphorion 
ap. Servium ad Virgil. i£neid. ii. 201. 

Both Sinon and Laoco6n came originally from the old epic poem of 
Arktinus, though Virgil may perhaps have immediately borrowed both 
them, and other matters in his second book, from a poem passing under 
the name of Pisander (see Macrob. Satur. v. 2; Heyne, Excurs. 1. ad 
Mn. ii. ; Welcker, Der Episch. Kyklus, p. 97). We cannot give credit 
either to Arktinus or Pisander for the masterly specimen of oratory 
which is put into the mouth of Sinon in the iEneid. 

In Quintus Smym8eus(xii.366),the Trojans torture and mutilate Sinon 


Dettruc- The destruction of Troy, according to the decree 
Troy. of the gods, was now irrevocably sealed. While 
the Trojans indulged in a night of riotous festivity, 
Sinon kindled the fire- signal to the Greeks at Tene- 
dos, loosening the bolts of the wooden horse, from 
out of which the enclosed heroes descended. The 
city, assailed both from within and from without, 
was thoroughly sacked and destroyed, with the 
slaughter or captivity of the larger portion of its 
heroes as well as its people. The venerable Priam 
perished by the hand of Neoptolemus, having in 
vain sought shelter at the domestic altar of Zeus 
Herkeios ; but his son Deiphobus, who since the 
death of Paris had become the husband of Helen, 
defended his house desperately against Odysseus 
and Menelaus and sold his life dearly. After he 
was slain, his body was fearfully mutilated by the 
latter 1. 

to extort from him the truth : his endurance, sustained hy the inspira- 
tion of HM, is proof against the extremity of suffering, and he adheres 
to his false tale. This is probably an incident of the old epic, though 
the delicate taste of Virgil, and his sympathy with the Trojans, has in- 
duced him to omit it. Euphorion ascribed the proceedings of Sinon to 
Od3rs8eu8 : he also gave a different cause for the death of Laoco6n (Tr, 
35-36. p. 55, ed. Diintz., in the Fragments of Epic Poets after Alexander 
the Great). Sinon is iralpos 'Odvo-o-ctfr in Pausan. x. 27, 1. 

' Odyss. viii. 515 ; Argument of Arktinus, ut sup, ; Euripid. Hecub. 
903; Virg. Ma, yi. 497; Quint. Smym. xiii. 35-229; Lesch^s ap. 
Pausan. x. 27, 2 ; Diktys, v. 12. Ibykus and Simonid^ also represented 
Deiphobus as the drrcpdom/r 'FXttnjt (Schol. Hom. Iliad, xiii. 517). 

The night-battle in the interior of Troy was described with all its 
fearful details both by Lesch^ and Arktinus : the 'iXiov n<p<ris of the 
latter seems to have been a separate poem, that of the former consti- 
tuted a portion of the Ilias Minor (see Welcker, Der Epische Kyklus, 
p. 215) : the *lXtov Uepa-is by the lyric poets Sakadas and Stesichorus 
probably added many new incidents. Polygn6tus had painted a suc- 
cession of the various calamitous scenes, drawn from the poem of 

Chap. XV.] CAPTURB OF TROY. 413 

Thus was Troy utterly destroyed — the city, the 
altars and temples ^ and the population, ^neas 
and Anten6r were permitted to escape, with their 
families, having been always more favourably re- . 
garded by the Greeks than the remaining Trojans. 
According to one version of the story, they had be- 
trayed the city to the Greeks : a panther's skin had 
been hung over the door of Antenor's house as a 
signal for the victorious besiegers to spare it in the 
general plunder*. In the distribution of the prin- Distriba- 
cipal captives, Astyanax, the infant son of Hect6r, ^^yet ^ 
was cast from the top of the wall and killed, by ^l'^^ 
Odysseus or Neoptolemus : Polyxena^ the daughter 
of Priam, was immolated on the tomb of Achilles, 
in compliance with a requisition made by the shade 
of the deceased hero to his countrymen^ ; while her 
sister Kassandra was presented as a prize to Aga- 
memn6n. She had sought sanctuary at the altar 
of Athdnd, where Ajax, the son of Oileus, making 
a guilty attempt to seize her, had drawn both upon 
himself and upon the army the serious wrath of the 
goddess, insomuch that the Greeks could hardly be 
restrained from stoning him to death *. Androma- 

Leschls, on the walls of tbe leschl at Delphi, with the name written 
over each figure (Pausan. x. 25-26). 

Hellanikus fixed the precise day of the month on which the capture 
took place (Hellan. Fr. 143-144), the twelfth day of Thargelidn. 

> .£8chyl. Agamemn. 527. — 

B«i>/iOi d* SioToi KoX Bt&p IdpvfiOTa, 
Kai awtpfjui Traarjs i^airSXXvrai xBoiif6t» 

' This symbol of treacheiy also figured in the picture of Polygn6tus. 
A different story appears in Schol. Iliad, iii. 206. 

' Euripid. Hecub. 38-114, and Troad. 716; Lesch^ i^. Pausan. x. 
25, 9 ; Virgil, ^neid, iii. 322, and Servius ad loc, 

A romantic tale is found in Diktys respecting the passion of Achilles 
for Polyxena (iii. 2). 

* Odyss. xi. 422. Arktinus, Argum. p. 21, Dimtz. Theognis, 1232. 


ch6 and Helenus were both given to Neoptolemus, 
who, according to the Ilias Minor, carried away also 
^neas as his captive ^ 
rtoi^ tt Helen gladly resumed her union with Menelaus : 
~iwl*?n ^^^ accompanied him back to Sparta, and lived with 
dignityat him there many years in comfort and dignity*, pass- 
passes to a ing afterwards to a happy immortality in the Elysian 
mrJuS" fields. She was worshiped as a goddess with her 
brothers the Dioskuri and her husband, having her 
temple, statue and altar atTherapnae and elsewhere, 
and various examples of her miraculous interven- 
tion were cited among the Greeks'. The lyric poet 
Stesichorus had ventured to denounce her, con- 
jointly with her sister KlytaemnSstra, in a tone of 
rude and plain-spoken severity, resembling that of 

Pausan. i. 15, 2 ; x. 26, 3 ; 31, 1. As an expiation of this sin of their 
national hero, the Lokrians sent to Ilium periodically some of their 
maidens, to do menial service in the temple of Athene (Plutarch, Ser. 
Numin. Vindict. p. 557 > with the citation from Euphohon or Kallima- 
chus, Diintzer, Epicc. Vet. p. 118). 

^ Leschls, Fr. 7, DUntz. ; ap. Schol. Lycophr. 1263. Compare Schol. 
ad 1232, for the respectful recollection of Andromache, among the tra- 
ditions of the Molossian kings, as their heroic mother, and Straho, xiii. 
p. 694. 

' Such is the story of the old epic (see Odyss. iv. 260, and the fourth 
book generally ; Argument of Ilias Minor, p. 20, Diintz.)> Polygnotus, in 
the paintings above alluded to, followed the same tale (Pausan. x. 25, 3). 

The anger of the Greeks against Helen, and the statement that Me- 
nelaus after the capture of Troy approached her with revengeful pur- 
poses, but was so mollified by her surpassing beauty as to cast away his 
uplifted sword, belongs to the age of the tragedians (^schyl. Agamem. 
685-1455; Eurip. Androm. 600-629; Helen. 75-120; Troad. 890- 
1057 ; compare also the fine lines in the ^neid, ii. 567-588). 

> See the description in Herodot. vi. 61, of the prayers offered to her, 
and of the miracle which she wrought, to remove the repulsive ugliness 
of a little Spartan girl of high family. Compare also Pindar, 01}inp. 
iii. 2, and the Scholia at the beginning of the ode; Eurip. Helen. 1662, 
and Orest. 1652-1706 ; Isokrat. Encom. Helen, ii. p. 368, Aug^; Dio 
Chrysost. Or. xi. p. 311. 6(6f ivofiio'Btj irapa rott "EXXiyo-i : Theodekt6s 
ap. Aristot. Pol. i. 2, 19. BctW dw dfixf>oiv fryovop p«((b>fuirfi>y. 


Euripides and Lykophr6n afterwards, but strikingly 
opposite to the delicacy and respect with which she 
is always handled by Homer, who never admits re- 
proaches against her except from her own lips'. He 
was smitten with blindness, and made sensible of 
his impiety ; but having repented and composed a 

* Euripid. Troad. 982 seq. ; Lycophr6n ap. Steph. Byz. v. Alyvs ; Ste- 
Bichorus ap. Schol. Eurip. Orest. 239 ; Fragm. 9 and 10 of the 'IXtov 
mpiTiSi Schneidewin : — 

Ovv€Ka Tvvbdptfos piC^v diraa-i Bfois ptas XaBer rj7ru)baipov 
Kvnpidos' Ktlva dc Twdopco) Kovpai<ri xoKiAtrapiva 
Aiydpovs Tpiydfiovg riBrfo'i 

Kal \i7r€<rdpopas 

Furtlier 'EXcmf €Kov<r ^fn^pc, &c. 

He had probahly contrasted her with other females carried away by 

Stesichonis also affirmed that Iphigeneia was the daughter of Helen 
by Th^sens, bom at Argos before her marriage with Menelaus and made 
over to KlytsemnSstra : this tale was perpetuated by the temple of £i- 
leithyia at Argos, which the Argeians affirmed to have been erected by 
Helen (Pausan. ii. 22, 7)> The ages ascribed by Hellanikus and other lo- 
gographers (Hellan. Fr. 74) to Theseus and Helen — he fifty years of age 
and she a child of seven — when he carried her off to Aphidnse, can never 
have been the original form of any poetical legend. These ages were pro- 
bably imagined in order to make the mythical chronology run smoothly; 
for Thiseus belongs to the generation before the Trojan war. But we 
ought always to recollect that Helen never grows old {ttjv yap ^drtr 
tfpptp dyripm — Quint. Smym. x. 312), and that her chronology consists 
only with an immortal being. Servius observes (ad ^neid. ii. 601) — 
'* Helenam immortalem fuisse indicat tempus. Nam constat fratres ejus 
cum Argonautis fuisse. Argonautarum filii cum Thebanis (Thebano Eteo* 
clis et Polynicis hello) dinycaverunt. Item illorum filii contra Trojam 
bella gesserunt. Ergo, si immortalis Helena non fuisset, tot sine dubio 
seculis durare non posset." So Xenophon, after enumerating many he- 
roes of different ages, all pupils of Cheir6n, says that the life of Cheirdn 
suffices for all, he being brother of Zeus (De Venatione, c. 1). 

The daughters of T3rndareus are Klytsemnlstra, Helen, and Timan- 
dra, all open to the charge advanced by Stesichonis : see about Timan- 
dra, wife of the Tegeate Echemus, the new fragment of the Hesiodic 
Catalogue, recently restored by Geel (Gottling, Pref. Hesiod. p. bd.). 

It is curious to read, in Bayle's ailicle H^lhie, his critical discussion 
of the adventures ascribed to her — as if they were genuine matter of 
history, more or less correctly reported. 


special poem fortnally retracting the calumny, was 
permitted to recover his sight. In his poem of re- 
cantation (the famous palinode now unfortunately 
lost) he pointedly contradicted the Homeric narra- 
tive, affirming that Helen had never been to Troy at 
all| and that the Trojans had carried thither nothing 
but her image or eiddlon\ It is, probably, to the 
excited religious feelings of Stesichorus that we owe 
the first idea of this glaring deviation from the old 
legendi which could never have been recommended 
by any considerations of poetical interest. 
BiindneM Other vcrsions were afterwards started, form- 

ADu core of 

the poet ing a sort of compromise between Homer and Ste- 

-^atera- sichorus, admitting that Helen had never really 

le^n^**** been at Troy, without altogether denying her 

j^ntHc- elopement. Such is the story of her having been 

detained in Egypt during the whole term of the 

siege. Paris, on his departure from Sparta, had 

been driven thither by storms, and the Egyptian 

king Pr6teus, hearing of the grievous wrong which 

he had committed towards Menelaus, had sent 

him away from the country with severe menaces, 

' Plato, Republic, ix. p. 587. c. 10. &<nr€p t6 rtjs 'EXtnft ^tb^Aw Xny- 
a'ixop6s ffni<Ti 7r€pifidxflTov ytvtirBtu iv Tpoijj, aywolq. rov aX^Oovs, 

Iiokrat. Encom. Helen, t. ii. p. 370, Augers Plato, Phsedr. c. 44. p. 243 
-244 ; Max. Tyr. Diss. xi. p. 320, Davis ; Con6n, Narr. 18 ; Dio Chrj- 
sost. Or. xi. p. 323. T^p fUp ^rriclxopov ip rj vartpop u>^ Xryctv, air 
t6 wapdirap ov^i irXtviTMifP 7 *E\tprf ovddfjioa'€, Horace, Od. i. 
17; Epod. xvii. 42. — 

« Infunis Helense Castor offensus vice, 
Fraterque magni Castoris, victi prece, 
Adempta vati reddidere lumina." 

Pausan. iii. 19, 5. Virgil, surveying the war from the point of view of 
the Trojans, had no motive to look upon Helen with particular tender- 
ness: Deiphohus imputes to her the basest treachery (^neid, vi. 511. 
**scelu$ exUiale Lac^nuB;^' compare ii. 567). 


detaining Helen until her lawful husband should 
come to seek her. When the Greeks reclaimed 
Helen from Troy, the Trojans assured them so* 
leomly, that she neither was, nor ever had been, in 
the town; but the Greeks, treating this allegation as 
fraudulent, prosecuted the siege until their ultimate 
success confirmed the correctness of the statement, 
nor did Menelaus recover Helen until, on his return 
from Troy, he visited Egypt^ Such was the story 
told by the Egyptian priests to Herodotus, and 
it appeared satisfactory to his historicising mind. 
'* For if Helen had really been at Troy (he argues) 
she would certainly have been given up, even had 
she been mistress of Priam himself instead of Paris : 
the Trojan king, with all liis family and all his sub- 
jects, would never knowingly have incurred utter 
and irretrievable destruction for the purpose of re- 
taining her : their misfortune was, that while they 

' Herodot. ii. 120. ov yap Sff ovra yt f^ptvoffkc^^s Ijy 6 TlpUifju)^, 
ovd* ol SXXot npoirriKovTts avr^, &c. The passage is too long to cite, 
but is highly curious : not the least remarkable part is the rehgious 
colouring which he gives to the new version of the story which he is 
adopting, — ** the Trojans, though they had not got Helen, yet could not 
persuade the Greeks that this was the fact ; for it was the divine will 
that they should be destroyed root and branch, in order to make it 
plain to mankind that upon great crimes the gods inflict great punish- 

Dio Ghiysostom (Or. xi. p. 333) reasons in the same way as Hero- 
dotus against the credibility of the received narrative. On the other 
hand, Isokrat^s, in extolling Helen, dwells on the calamities of the 
Trojan war as a test of the peerless value of the prize (Encom. Hel. 
p. 360, Aug.) : in the view of Pindar (Olymp. xiii. 56), as well as in that 
of Hesiod (0pp. Di. 165), Helen is the one prize contended for. 

Euripid^, in his tragedy of Helen, recognises the detention of Helen 
in Eg3rpt and the presence of her tVUakov at Troy, but he follows Ste- 
sichorus in denying her elopement altogether, — Herm^ had carried her 
to Egypt in a cloud (Helen. 35-45, 706) : compare Von Hoff, De Mytho 
Helenae Euripides, cap. 2. p. 35 (Leyden, 1843). 

VOL. I. 2 B 


SSTaw ^^^ ^^^ possess, and therefore could not restore 
Helen— her, thev yet found it impossible to convince the 

tendency to-^,, ^, ii. •• * • i 

historicUe. GrecKs that such was the fact. Assuming the 
historical character of the war of Troy, the remark 
of Herodotus admits of no reply ; nor can we greatly 
wonder that he acquiesced in the tale of Helen's 
Egyptian detention, as a substitute for the ** incre- 
dible insanity '' which the genuine legend imputes 
to Priam and the Trojans. Pausanias, upon the 
same ground and by the same mode of reasoning, 
pronounced that the Trojan horse must have been 
in point of fact a battering-engine, because to ad- 
mit the literal narrative would be to impute utter 
childishness to the defenders of the city. And Mr. 
Payne Knight rejects Helen altogether as the real 
cause of the Trojan war, though she may have been 
the pretext of it ; for he thinks that neither the 
Greeks nor the Trojans could have been so mad 
and silly as to endure calamities of such magnitude 
•'for one little woman-." Mr. Knight suggests 
various political causes as substitutes; these might 
deserve consideration, either if any evidence could 
be produced to countenance them, or if the subject 
on which they are brought to bear could be shown 
to belong to the domain of history. 
Return of The rctum of the Grecian chiefs from Troy fiir- 
fromTroy. uished matter to the ancient epic hardly less co- 
pious than the siege itself, and the more susceptible 
of indefinite diversity, inasmuch as those who had 

* Pansan. i. 23, 8 ; Payne Knight, Prolegg. ad Homer, c. 63. Eu- 
pborion construed the wooden horse into a Grecian ship called "hnms, 
"The Horse" (Euphorion, Fragm. 34. ap. Diintzer, Fragm. Epicc. 
Grace, p. 55). 

SeeThucyd. i. 12; vi. 2. 


before acted in concert were dow dispersed and iso- 
lated. Moreover the stormy voyages and compul- 
sory wanderings of the heroes exactly fell in with 
the common aspirations after an heroic founder, 

and enabled thn mnsf rflmntA Hellenin Rettlers 


wrath, justly provoked by the sins of the Greeks; 
who, in the fierce exultation of a victory purchased 
by so many hardships, had neither respected nor 
even* spared the altars of the gods in Troy ; and 
Athdnd, who had been their most zealous ally du- 
T^eir 8uf. ring the siege, was so incensed by their final reck- 
angerofthc lessucss, morc especially by the outrage of Ajax, 
son of Olfleus, that she actively harassed and em- 
bittered their return, in spite of every effort to ap- 
pease her. The chiefs began to quarrel among 
themselves ; their formal assembly became a scene 
of drunkenness ; even Agamemn6n and Menelaus 
lost their fraternal harmony, and each man acted 
on his own separate resolution*. Nevertheless, ac- 
cording to the Odyssey, Nestdr, Diom6d6s, Neo- 
ptolemus, Idomeneus and Philokt^tSs, reached home 
speedily and safely : Agamemndn also arrived in 
Peloponnesus, to perish by the hand of a treache- 
rous wife ; but Menelaus was condemned to long 
wanderings and to the severest privations in Egypt, 
Cyprus and elsewhere, before he could set foot in 
his native land. The Lokrian Ajax perished on 
the Gyraean rock*. Though exposed to a terrible 
storm, he had already reached this place of safety, 
when he indulged in the rash boast of having 
escaped in defiance of the gods : no sooner did Po- 
seid6n hear this language, than he struck with his 

' Upon this the turn of fortune in Grecian afiairs depends (.fischyl. 
Agamemn. 338; Odyss. iii. 130; Eurip. Troad. 69-95). 

' Odyss. iii. 130-161; ^schyl. Agamemn. 650-662. 

' Odyss. iii. 188-196 ; iv. 5-87. The Egyptian city of Kanopus, at 
the mouth of the Nile, was believed to have taken its name from the 
pilot of Menelaus, who had died and was buried there (Strabo, xvii. 
p. 801 ; Tacit. Ann. ii. 60). McvrXaibp vdfios, so called after Menelaus 
(Dio Chrvsost. xi. p. 361). 


trident the rock which Ajax was grasping and pre- 
cipitated both into the sea^ Kalchas the sooth- 
sayer, together with Leonteus and Polypoet^s, pro- 
ceeded by land from Troy to Koloph6n'. 

In respect however to these and other Grecian wwider- 
heroes, tales were told different from those in the hSL^sini 
Odyssey, assigning to them a long expatriation and directioM, 
a distant home. Nest6r went to Italy, where he 
founded Metapontum, Pisa and H^rakleia^ : Philo- 
ktfitfis^ also went to Italy, founded Petilia and Kri- 
misa, and sent settlers to Egesta in Sicily. Neopto- 
lemus, under the advice of Thetis, marched by land 
across Thrace, met with Odysseus, who had come 
by sea, at Maroneia, and then pursued his journey 
toEpirus, where he became king of the Molossian8\ 
Idomeneus came to Italy, and founded Uria in the 
Salentine peninsula. DiomSdSs, after wandering 

* Odyss. iv. 500. The epic Maroi of Hagias placed this adventure 
of Ajax on the rocks of Kaphareus, a southern promontory of Euboea 
(Argum. 'S6(rroi, p. 23, Diintzer). Deceptive Ughts were kindled on the 
dangerous rocks by Nanplius, the father of Palam^ls, in revenge for 
the death of his son (SophoklSs, ^avnXios UvpKatifs, a lost tragedy; 
Hygin. f. 116; Senec. Agamemn. 567), 

' Argument. Ndoroi, ut mtp. There were monuments of Kalchas near 
Sipontum in Italy also (Strabo, vi. p. 284), as well as at Selg^ in Pisidia 
(Strabo, xii. p. 670). 

* Strabo, v. p. 222; vi. p. 264. Vellei. Paterc. i. 1 ; Servius ad Mn. 
X. 179. He had built a temple to Ath^nd in the island of Ke6s (Strabo, 
X. p. 487). 

* Strabo, vi. pp. 254, 272 ; Virgil, Mu, iii. 401, and Servius ad loc. ; 
Lycophr6n, 912. 

Both the tomb of Philokt^t^ and the arrows of H^raklSs which he 
had used against Troy, were for a long time shown at Thurium (Justin, 
XX. 1). 

' Argument. N<$<rro«, p. 23, Duntz.; Pindar, Nem. iv. 51. Accord- 
ing to Pindar, however, Neoptolemus comes from Troy by sea, misses 
the island of Skyrus, and sails round to the Epeirotic Ephyra (Nem. 
vii. 37). • 


far and wide, went along the Italian coast into the 
innermost Adriatic gulf, and finally settled in Dau- 
nia, founding the cities of Argyrippa, Beneventum, 
Atria and Diora^deia : by the favour of Ath^nfi he 
became immortal, and was worshiped as a god in 
many diflFerent places*. The Lokrian followers of 
Ajax founded the Epizephyrian Lokri on the south- 
ernmost corner of Italy *, besides another settlement 
in Libya. I have spoken in another place of the 
compulsory exile of Teukros, who, besides founding 
the city of Salamis in Cyprus, is said to have esta- 
blished some settlements in the Iberian peninsula^ 
Menestheus the Athenian did the like, and also 
founded both Elaea in Mysia and Skylletium in 
Italy*. The Arcadian chief Agapendr founded Pa- 
phus in Cyprus^ Epeius, of Panopeus in Ph6kis, 
the constructor of the Trojan horse with the aid of 
the goddess AthSnS, settled at Lagaria near Sybaris 

1 Pindar» Nem. x. 7t with the Scholia. Strabo, iii. p. 150; t. 
p. 214-215; yi. p. 284. Stephan. Byz. * Kpyvpimra, Aiofufdtia, Ari- 
stotle recognises him as buried in the Diomedean islands in the Adriatic 
(Anthol. Gr. Brimck. i. p. 1 7B). 

The identical tripod which had been gained by DiomM^ as victor 
in the chariot-race at the funeral games of Patroklus, was shown at 
Delphi in the time of Phanias, attested by an inscription, as well as the 
dagger which had been worn by Helika6n, son of Anten6r (Athenae. vL 
p. 232). 

* Virgil, JBneid, iii. 399 ; zi. 265 ; and Servius, ibid, Ajax, the son 
of O'lleus, was worshiped there as a hero (Con6n, Narr. 18). 

' Strabo, iii. p. 157 ; Isokratis, Evagor. Encom. p. 1 92 ; Justin, xliv. 3. 
Ajax, the son of Teukros, established a temple of Zeus, and an hereditary 
priesthood always held by his descendants (who mostly bore the name 
of Ajax or Teukros), at Olb^ in Rilikia (Strabo, xiv. p. 672). Teukros 
carried with him his Trojan captives to Cyprus (Athense. vi. p. 256). 

* Strabo, iii. p. 140-150; vi. p. 261 ; xiii. p. 622. See the epitaphs 
on Teukros and Agapen6r by Aristotle (Antholog. Gr. ed. Brunck. i. 
p. 179-180). 

* Strabo, xiv. p. 683; Pausan. viii. 5, 2. 


on the coast of Italy ; and the very tools which he 
had employed in that remarkable fabric were shown 
down to a late date in the temple of Ath^nfi at Me- 
tapontum^ Temples, altars and towns were also 
pointed out in Asia Minor, in Samos and in KrSte, 
the foundation of Agamemn6n or of his followers*. 
The inhabitants of the Grecian town of Skion^, in 
the Thracian peninsula called PalldnS or Pelldnd, 
accounted themselves the oflFspring of the Pell6- 
nians from Achaea in Peloponnesus, who had served 
under Agamemndn before Troy, and who on their 
return from the siege had been driven on the spot 
by a storm and there settled^. The Pamphylians, 
on the southern coast of Asia Minor, deduced their 
origin from the wanderings of Amphilochus and 
Kalchas after the siege of Troy : the inhabitants of 
the Amphilochian Argos on the Gulf of Ambrakia 
revered the same Amphilochus as their founder^. 
The Orchomenians under lalmenus, on quitting 
the conquered city, wandered or were driven to the 

' Strabo, vi. p. 263; Justiii, xx. 2; Aristot. Ikfinb. Ausc. c. 108. 
Also the epigram of the Rhodian Simmiaa called UtXticvs ( Antholog. Gr. 
Bnmck. i. p. 210). 

' Yellei. Patercul. i. 1. Stephan. Byz. v. Aduirrj, Strabo, xiii. p. 605 ; 
ziv. p. 639. Theopompus (Fragm. Ill, Didot) recounted that Aga- 
memndn and his followers had possessed themselves of the larger por* 
tion of C3rpru8. 

» Thucyd. iv. 120. 

* Herodot. vii. 91 ; Thucyd. ii. 68. According to the old elegiac poet 
Kallinos, Kalchas himself had died at Klarus near Koloph6n after his 
march from Troy> but Mopsus, his rival in the prophetic function, had 
conducted his followers into Pampbylia and Kilikia (Strabo, xii. p. 570 ; 
xiv. p. 668). The orade of Amphilochus at Mallus in RiliJda bore the 
highest character for exactness and truth-telling in the time of Pausa- 
nias, luurriiov a^tyburrarov r«by cir* c/aov (Pans. i. 34, 2). Another story 
recognised Leontius and Polypcet^ as the founders of Aspendus in Ki- 
likia (Eustath. ad Ihad. u. 138). 


eastern extremity of the Euxine Sea ; and the bar- 
barous Achaeans under Mount Caucasus were sup- 
posed to have derived their first establishment from 
this source \ Merionfts with his Kr^tan followers 
settled at Engyion in Sicily, along with the prece- 
ding Krdtans who had remained there after the in- 
Mmoriau vasion of Minds. The Elymians in Sicily also were 
throughout composcd of Trojaus and Greeks separately driven 
world. ^ to the spot, who, forgetting their previous differ- 
ences, united in the joint settlements of Eryx and 
Egesta^. We hear of Podaleirius both in Italy and 
on the coast of Karia^; of Akamas, son ofThfiseus, 
at Amphipolis in Thrace, at Soli in Cyprus, and at 
Synnada in Phrygia^; of Guneus, Prothous and 
Eurypylus, in Krfite as well as in Libya*. The ob- 
scure poem of Lycophr6n enumerates many of these 
dispersed and expatriated heroes, whose conquest 
of Troy was indeed a Kadmeian victory (according 
to the proverbial phrase of the Greeks), wherein 
the sufferings of the victor were little inferior to 
those of the vanquished^. It was particularly 
among the Italian Greeks, where they were wor- 
shiped with very special solemnity, that their pre- 
sence as wanderers from Troy was reported and 

I pass over the numerous other tales which cir- 

> Strabo, ix. p. 416. » Diod6r. iv. 79; Thucyd. vi. 2. 

■ Stephan. Byz. v. 2vppa; Lycophr6n, 1047. 

* JBschines, De FaM Legat. c. 14 ; Strabo, xiv. p. 683; Stq)haii. 
Byz, v. SvvMida. 

• Lycopbr6n, 877-902, with Scholia ; Apolloddr. Fragm. p. 386, 
Heyne. There is also a long enumeration of these returning wanderers 
and founders of new settlements in Solinus (Polyhist. c. 2). 

' Strabo, iii. p. 150. 

7 Aristot. Mirabil. Auscult. 79, 106, 107, 109, 111. 



and made him a present of a bowl : Odysseus then 
returned to Ithaka, and fulfilled the rites and sacri- 
fices prescribed to him by Teiresias in his visit to 
the under-world. This obligation discharged, he 
went to the country of the Thesprotians, and there 
married the queen Kallidikd : he headed the Thes- 
protians in a war against the Brygians, the latter 
being conducted by Ar6s himself, who fiercely as- 
sailed Odysseus ; but the goddess AthSnS stood by 
him, and he was enabled to make head against 
ArSs until Apollo came and parted them. Odys- 
seus then returned to Ithaka, leaving the Thespro- 
tian kingdom to Polypoetds, his son by Kallidikd. 
Telegonus, his son by CircS, coming to Ithaka in 
search of his father, ravaged the island and killed 
Odysseus without knowing who he was. Bitter 
repentance overtook the son for his undesigned 
parricide : at his prayer and by the intervention of 
his mother CircS, both Penelopd and Tdlemachus 
were made immortal : Telegonus married Penelop^, 
and TSlemachus married Circ£\ 

We see by this poem that Odysseus was repre- 

' The Telegonia, composed by £ugamm6n of Kyrln^, is lost» but the 
Argument of it has been preserved by Froclus (p. 25> Diintzer ; Diktys, 
vi. 15). 

Pausanias quotes a statement from the poem called Thesprdtis, re- 
specting a son of Odysseus and PenelopI, called Ptoliporthus> bom after 
his return from Troy (viii. 12, 3). Nitzsch (Hist. Homer, p. 97) as well 
as Lobeck seem to imagine that this is the same poem as the Telegonia, 
under another title. 

Aristotle notices an oracle of Odysseus among the Eurytanes, a branch 
of the iEtolian nation : there were also places in Epirus which boasted 
of Odysseus as their founder (Schol. ad Lycophr6n. 800; Stephan. 
Byz. y. Bovvcifia ; Etymolog. Mag. *Apicctatos ; Plutarch, Qusest. Gr. 
c. 14). 



sented as the mythical ancestor of the Thesprotian 
kings, just as Neoptolemus was of the Molossian. 

It has already been mentioned that Anten6r and 
jEneas stand distinguished from the other Trojans 
by a dissatisfaction with Priam and a sympathy 
with the Greeks, which is by Sophokl^s and others 
construed as treacherous collusion', — a suspicion 
indirectly glanced at, though emphatically repelled, 
by the ^neas of Virgil*, In the old epic of Ark- 
tinus, next in age to the Iliad and Odyssey, ^Eneas 
abandons Troy and retires to Mount Ida, in ^error iEneas and 
at the miraculous death of Laocoon, before the entry s^cSnti. 
of the Greeks into the town and the last night- 
battle : yet Lesch^s, in another of the ancient epic 
poems, represented him as having been carried 
away captive by Neoptolemus^. In a remarkable 
passage of the Iliad, Poseiddn describes the family 
of Priam as having incurred the hatred of Zeus, 
and predicts that iEneas and his descendants shall 
reign over the Trojans : the race of Dardanus, be- 
loved by Zeus more than all his other sons, would 
thus be preserved, since iEneas belonged to it. 

* Dionys. Hal. i. 46-48 ; Sophokl. ap. Strab. xiii. p. 608 ; Livy, i. 1 ; 
Xenophon, Venat. i. 15. 

« JSn. ii. 433. 

■ Argument of *lXiov Uepais ; Fragm. 7. of Lesch^s, in Duntzer's Col- 
lection, p. 19*21. 

Hellanikus seems to have adopted this retirement of ^neas to the 
strongest parts of Mount Ida, but to have reconciled it with the stories 
of the migration of ^neas, by sa3ring that he only remained in Ida 
a little time> and then quitted the country altogether by virtue of a 
convention concluded with the Greeks (Dionys. Hal. i. 47-48). Among 
the infinite variety of stories respecting this hero, one was, that after 
having effected his settlement in Italy, he had returned to Troy and 
resumed the sceptre, bequeathing it at his death to Ascanius (Dionys. 
Hal. i. 53): this was a comprehensive scheme for apparently recon- 
ciling all the legends. 


Accordingly, when iEneas is in imminent peril from 
the hands of Achilles, Poseiddn specially interferes 
to rescue him, and even the implacable miso-Trojan 
goddess H6r6 assents to the proceeding ^ These 
passages have been construed by various able critics 
to refer to a family of philo-Hellenic or semi-Hel- 
lenic iEneadse, known even in the time of the early 
singers of the Iliad as masters of some territory in 
or near the Troad, and professing to be descended 
from, as well as worshiping, ^neas. In the town 
of Sl^psis, situated in the mountainous range of Ida, 
about thirty miles eastward of Ilium, there existed 
two noble and priestly families who professed to be 
descended, the one from Hect6r, the other from 
Di^fcroat JSneas. The SkSpsian critic DSmStrius (in whose 
about time both these families were still to be found) in- 
Mnfdm tA forms US that Skamandrius son of Hectdr, and As- 
^^^P^ canius son of iEneas, were the archegets or heroic 
founders of his native city, which had been origi- 
nally situated on one of the highest ranges of Ida, 
and was subsequently transferred by them to the 
less lofty spot on which it stood in his time^. In 
Arisbd and Gentinus there seem to have been fami- 

^ Diad, xz. 300. Poseiddn speaks, respecting ^neas — 

*AXX* Sy€ff, rfftfU ircp fup vw €K Oavarov iydy»fxtv, 
Mffir»9 Koi Kpovlbrji «cc;(oX<0(7'frai, auctv *A;(cXXevf 
T6vd€ KarcLKTtivri' fji6piftop dc ol lor* akitLoBai, 
"O^pa ^ ia7r€pfiot ytvf^ koi Ssfiavros Sktfrai 
LaptoMOV, hv Kpovibfjs srcpt 9rai^«>y <f>ikaTo iratd<i>v, 
Ol i$€V €^€y€voyTO, yvuauc&v re Bvtjrdiov, 
"Hbfl yhp Tlptdfwv y€V€rfv ijx^p^ Kpouwp' 

Kal nald»p iraidtf, roi K€v fifTonurBt y€P(avTcu. 

Again, v. 339, *Po8eid6n tells .£neas that he has nothing to dread from 
any other Greek than Achilles. 
' See O. Miiller, on the causes of the mythe of JSneas and his voyage 


lies professing the same descent, since the same 
archegets were acknowledged*. In Ophrynium, 
Hect6r had his consecrated edifice, while in Ilium 
both he and iEneas were worshiped as gods' : and 
it was the remarkable statement of the Lesbian 
MenekratSs, that iEneas, ** having been wronged by 
Paris and stripped of the sacred privileges which 
belonged to him, avenged himself by betraying the 
city, and then became one of the Greeks^*' 

One tale thus among many respecting ^neas, and 
that too the most ancient of all, preserved among 
natives of the Troad, who worshiped him as their 

to Italy, in Classical Journal, vol. xxvi. p. 908 ; Klausen, ^neaa und 
die Penaten, vol. i. p. 43-52. 

DImStrius SkSps. ap. Strab. xiii. p. 607 ; Nicolaus ap. Steph. Byz. 
v. *A(rKavia. D^m^trius conjectured that Sk^psis had been the regal 
seat of iBneas : there was a village called JSneia near to it (Strabo, 
xiii. p. 603). 

' Steph. Byz. v. ^Apia-firj, T€vtlvos. Ascanius is king of Ida after 
the departure of the Greeks (Condn, Narr. 41 ; Mela, i. 18). Ascanius 
partus between Phokaea and Kymd. 

' Strabo, xiii. p. 595; Lycophr6n, 1208, and Sch.; Athenagoras, 
Legat. 1 . Inscription in Clarke's Travels, vol. ii. p. 86, Ol *I\t€U t6v 
irarpiov Behv A^vetav. Lucian, Deor. Concil. c. 12. i. 111. p. 534, Hemat. 

' Meoekrat. ap. Dionys. Hal. i. 48. 'Axaiovs dc avirj efx' (after the 
burial) koi €S6k€ov ttjs oTparifjs t^p #cc<^aX^y a'jn)pa\6(u. "Oficus d€ rd<f>ov 
ahr^ daixrcan-fSf tnoKiyitov yjj irdajj, 5;^pif ^IXiOf ^aX», Alp«i€w iMvros, 
Alvtlrjf yhp Btitos toav vnb *AX€(dvdpov, Koi cnr6 ytptc^u Up&v kfyipyo* 
fitvos, dvirpty^ Hpiapov, tpyatrdfitpof dc ravra, els *Ax(umv eytydwtt. 

Abas, in his Troica, gave a narrative different from any other pre- 
served : " Quidam ab Abante, qui Troica scripsit, relatum ferunty post 
discessum a TrojA Grsecorum Astyanacti ibi datum regnum, hunc ab 
Antenore expubnm sodatis sibi finitimis civitatibus, inter quas et 
Arisba fuit : .£nean hoc aegre tulisse, et pro Astyanacte arma cepisse 
ac prospere gestft re Astyanacti restituisse regnum '* (Servius ad Virg. 
iEneid. ix. 264). According to Diktjrs, Anten6r remains king and 
JBneas goes away (Dikt. v. 17) : Anten6r brings the Palladium to the 
Greeks (Dikt. v. 8). Syncellus, on the contrary, tells us that the sons 
of Hector recovered Ihum by the suggestions of Helenus, expelling the 
Antenorids (Syncell. p. 322, ed. Bonn). 

430 HISTORY OF GREEC£. [Paet I. 

heroic ancestor, was, that after the capture of Troy 
he continued in the country as king of the remain- 
ing Trojans, on friendly terms with the Greeks. 
But there were other tales respecting him, aUke 
numerous and irreconcileable : the hand of destiny 
Ubiquity of marked him as a wanderer {fato profugus\ and his 
ubiquity is not exceeded even by that of Odysseus, 
We hear of him at iEnus in Thrace, in Pall6n6, at 
^neia in the Thermaic Gulf, in Delus, at Orcho- 
menus and Mantineia in Arcadia, in the islands 
of KythSra and Zakynthus, in Leukas and Ambra- 
kia, at Buthrotum in Epirus, on the Salentine pe- 
ninsula and various other places in the southern 
region of Italy ; at Drepana and Segesta in Sicily, 
at Carthage, at Cape Palinurus, Cumae, Misenum, 
* Caieta, and finally in Latium, where he lays the 
first humble foundation of the mighty Rome and 
her empire\ And the reason why his wanderings 
were not continued still further was, that the oracles 
and the pronounced will of the gods directed him 
to settle in Latium ^ In each of these numerous 
places his visit was commemorated and certified 
by local monuments or special legends, particularly 

^ Dionys. Halic. A. R. i. 48-54 ; Heyne, Excun. 1 ad JSneid. iii. ; 
De JEnese Erroribus, and Excun. 1 ad Mn, v.; Condn, Narr. 46; 
JAry, xl. 4 ; Stephan. Byz. Alvtia. The inhabitants of iEneia in the 
Thermaic Qulf worshiped him with great solemnity as their heroic 
founder (Pausan. iii, 22, 4 ; viii. 12, 4). The tomb of Anchis^ was 
shown on the confines of the Arcadian Orchomenus and Mantineia 
(compare Steph. Byz. v. Ka<f>vai), under the mountain called Anchisia, 
near a temple of Aphrodite : on the discrepancies respecting the death 
of AnchisSs (Heyne, Excurs. 17 ad JSn. iii.) : Segesta in Sicily founded 
by JEneas (Cicero, Verr. iv. 33). 

^ Tov dc fAtiK€Ti irpoa-vT€p<o r^c EvpcimT}s TrXcGcrai t6p Tpcsiuchv (rr6kov, 
01 T€ xpfritTiuoi iyivovTo atrtoi, &c. (Dionys. Hal. i. 55.) 


by temples and permanent ceremonies in honour of 
his mother Aphrodite, whose worship accompanied 
him everywhere : there were also many temples and 
many different tombs of iEneas himself ^ The 
vast ascendency acquired by Rome, the ardour 
with which all the literary Romans espoused the 
idea of a Trojan origin, and the fact that the Ju- 
lian family recognised iEneas as their gentile pri- 
mary ancestor, — all contributed to give to the 
Roman version of his legend the preponderance 
over every other. The various other places in 
which monuments of iEneas were found came 
thus to be represented as places where he had 
halted for a time on his way from Troy to Latium. 
But though the legendary pretensions of these places 
were thus eclipsed in the eyes of those who con- 
stituted the Uterary public, the local belief was not 
extinguished : they claimed the hero as their per- 
manent property, and his tomb was to them a proof 
that he had lived and died among them. 

Anten6r, who shares with i£neas the favourable Anten^r. 
sympathy of the Greeks, is said by Pindar to have 
gone from Troy along with Menelaus and Helen 
into the region of Kyrdnd in Libya*. But accord- 
ing to the more current narrative, he placed him- 
self at the head of a body of Eneti or Veneti from 
Paphlagonia, who had come as allies of Troy, and 

' Dionys. Hal. i. 54. Among other places, his tomb was shown at 
Berecyntfaia, m Phrygia (Festus v. Romam, p. 224, ed. Muller) : a 
curious article, which contains an assemblage of the most contradictory 
statements respecting both ^neas and Latinus. 

* Pindar, Pyth. v., and the citation from the N<$oTOi of L3rsimachu8 
in the Scholia ; given still more fiilly in the Scholia ad Lycophr6n. 875. 
There was a \6<f)os * Kim\voplbȴ at Kyrdnd. 


went by sea into the inner part of the Adriatic Gulf, 
where he conquered the neighbounug barbarians 
and founded the town of Patavium (the modern 
Padua) ; the Veneti in this region were said to owe 
their origin to his immigration \ We learn further 
from Strabo, that Opsikellas, one of the companions 
of Anten6r, liad continued his wanderings even into 
Iberia, and that he had there established a settle- 
ment bearing his name'. 

Thus endeth the Trojan war, together with its 
sequel, the dispersion of the heroes, victors as well 
as vanquished. The account here given of it has 
been unavoidably brief and imperfect ; for in a 
work intended to follow consecutively the real hi* 
story of the Greeks, no greater space can be allotted 
even to the most splendid gem of their legendary 
period. Indeed, although it would be easy to fill 
a large volume with the separate incidents which 
have been introduced into the " Trojan cycle," the 
misfortune is that they are for the most part so 
contradictory as to exclude all possibility of weaving 
them into one connected narrative. We are com* 
pelled to select one out of the number, generally 
without any solid ground of preference, and then to 
note the variations of the rest. No one who has 
•WeofTroy ^q^ studied the original documents can imagine the 
nitudc and extcut to which this discrepancy proceeds : it covers 
cieg. almost every portion and fragment of the tale^. 

« livy, i. 1. ServiQs ad iEneid. i. 242. Strabo, i. 48; v. 212. 
Ovid. Fasti, iv. 75. 

* Strabo, iii. p. 157. 

' These diversities are well set forth in the useful Dissertation of 
Fuchs, De Varietate Fabularum Troicarum (Colore, 1830). 

Of the number of romantic statements put forth respecting Helen and 


But though much may have been thus omitted of 
what the reader might expect to find in an account 
of the Trojan war, its genuine character has been 
studiously preserved, without either exaggeration 
or abatement. The real Trojan war is that which 
was recounted by Homer and the old epic poets, 
and continued by all the lyric and tragic composers. 
For the latter, though they took great liberties with 
the particular incidents, and introduced to some 
extent a new moral tone, yet worked more or less 
faithfully on the Homeric scale; and even Euri* 
pidds, who departed the most widely from the feel- 
ings of the old legend, never lowered down his 
matter to the analogy of contemporary life. They 
preserved its well-defined object, at once righteous 
and romantic, the recovery of the daughter of Zeus 
and sister of the Dioskuri— its mixed agencies, di* 
vine, heroic and human — the colossal force and 
deeds of its chief, actors — its vast magnitude and 
long duration, as well as the toils which the con- 
querors underwent, and the Nemesis which fol- 
lowed upon their success. And these were the 
circumstances which, •set forth in the full blaze of Trojan var 
epic and tragic poetry, bestowed upon the legend tuSy^en- 
its powerful and imperishable influence over the ^JJ^nc^ 
Hellenic mind. The enterprise was one compre- •■ g> ^^f™ 
bending all the members of the Hellenic body, of nttionai 
which each individually might be proud, and in 
which, nevertheless, those feelings of jealous and 
narrow patriotism, so lamentably prevalent in many 

Achilles especially, some idea may be fonned from the fourth, fifth and 
sixth chapters of Ptolemy Hdphsestion (apud Westermann, Scriptt. My- 
thograph. p. 188, &c.). 

VOL. I. 2 F 


of the towns, were as much as possible excluded. 
It supplied them with a grand and inexhaustible 
object of common sympathy, common faith, and 
common admiration ; and when occasions arose for 
bringing together a Pan-Hellenic force against the 
barbarians, the precedent of the Homeric expedition 
was one upon which the elevated minds of Greece 
could dwell with the certainty of rousing an una- 
nimous impulse, if not always of counterworking 
sinister by-motives, among their audience. And 
the incidents comprised in the Trojan cycle were 
familiarised, not only to the public mind but also 
to the public eye, by innumerable representations 
both of the sculptor and the painter, — those which 
were romantic and chivalrous being better adapted 
for this purpose, and therefore more constantly 
employed, than any other. 

Solyftfrtt* ^^ ^^^^ events the genuine Trojan war of the 
— p<»«>we, old epic was for the most part composed. Though 
more. literally believed, reverentially cherished, and num- 
bered among the gigantic phaenomena of the past, 
by the Grecian public, it is in the eyes of modern 
inquiry essentially a legend and nothing more. If 
we are asked whether it be not a legend embodying 
portions of historical matter, and raised upon a 
basis of truth, — whether there may not really have 
occurred at the foot of the hill of Ilium a war purely 
human and political, without gods, without heroes, 
without Helen, without Amazons, without Ethio- 
pians under the beautiful son of £6s, without the 
wooden horse, without the characteristic and ex- 
pressive features of the old epical war, — like the 
mutilated trunk of Deiphobus in the under- world ; 


if we are asked whether there was not really some 
such historical Trojan war as this, our answer must 
be, that as the possibility of it cannot be denied, so 
neither can the reality of it be affirmed. We pos- 
sess nothing but the ancient epic itself without any 
independent evidence : had it been an age of re- 
cords indeed, the Homeric epic in its exquisite and 
unsuspecting simplicity would probably never have 
come into existence. Whoever therefore ventures 
to dissect Homer, Arktinus, and LeschSs, and to 
pick out certain portions as matters of fact, while 
he sets aside the rest as fiction, must do so in full 
reliance on his own powers of historical divination, 
without any means either of proving or verifying 
his conclusions. Among many attempts, ancient 
as well as modern, to identify real objects in this 
historical darkness, that of Dio Chrysostom de- 
serves attention for its extraordinary boldness. In 
his oration addressed, to the inhabitants of Ilium, 
and intended to demonstrate that the Trojans were 
not only blameless as to the origin of the war, but 
victorious in its issue — he overthrows all the lead- 
ing points of the Homeric narrative, and re-writes Hittoricu 
nearly the whole from beginning to end : Paris is yalon^l^ 
the lawful husband of Helen, Achilles is slain by ^^chry- 
Hect6r, and the Greeks retire without taking Troy, 
disgraced as well as baffled. Having shown with- 
out difliiculty, that the Iliad, if it be looked at as a 
history, is full of gaps, incongruities and absurdities, 
he proceeds to compose a more plausible narrative 
of his own, which he tenders as so much authentic 
matter of fact. The most important point, however, 
which his Oration brings to view is, the literal and 



confiding belief with which the Homeric narrative 
was regarded, as if it were actual history, not only 
by the inhabitants of Ilium, but also by the general 
Grecian public*. 
Historicti The small town of Ilium, inhabited by jEolic 


Greeks', and raised into importance only by the 
legendary reverence attached to it, stood upon an 
elevated ridge forming a spur from Mount Ida, 
rather more than three miles from the town and 
promontory of Sigeium, and about twelve stadia, 
or less than two miles, from the sea at its nearest 
point. From Sigeium and the neighbouring town 
of Achilleium (with its monument and temple of 
Achilles), to the town of Rhoeteium on a hill higher 
up the Hellespont (with its monument and chapel 
of Ajax called the Aianteium^), was a distance of 
sixty stadia, or about seven English miles in the 
straight course by sea : in the intermediate space 
was a bay and an adjoining plain, comprehending 
the embouchure of the Scamander, and extending 
to the base of the ridge on which Ilium stood. 
This plain was the celebrated plain of Troy, in 
which the great Homeric battles were believed to 


> Dio ChryBOct. Or. zi. p. 310-322. 

' Herodot. ▼. 122. Pausan. v. 8, 3 ; viii. 12, 4. AioXcvr ^«e inSXrw; 
TfHfahos, die title proclaimed at the Olympic games : like AtoXcvr <M 
Movplyas, from Myrina in the more southerly region of iEolis, as we 
find in the list of visitors at the Charitdsia, at Orchomenos in Boedtia 
(Corp. Inscrip. Boeckh. No. 1583). 

' See Pausanias, i. 35» 3, for the legends cturent at Dium respecting 
the vast size of the bones of Ajax in his tomb. The inhabitants af- 
firmed that after the shipwreck of Odysseus, the arms of Achilles, which 
he was canying away with him, were ^washed up by the sea against 
the tomb of Ajax. Pliny gives the distance .at thir^ stadia: modem 
travellers make it something more than' Pliny, but considerably less 
than Strabo. 


have taken place : the portion of the bay near to 
Sigeium went by the name of the Naustathmoa of 
the Achseans {i. e. the spot where they dragged 
their ships ashore) , and was accounted to have been 
the camp of Agamemn6n and his vast army^ 

Historical Ilium was founded, according to the 
questionable statement of Strabo, during the last 
dynasty of the Lydian kings^, that is, at some peiriod 
later than 720 b.c. Until after the days of Alexander 
the Great — indeed until the period of Roman pre- 
ponderance — it always remained a place of incon- 
siderable power and importance, as we learn not 
only from the assertion of the geographer, but also 
from the fact that Achilleium, Sigeium and Rhoe- 
teium were all independent of it^. But inconsider- 
able as it might be, it was the only place which ever 
bore the venerable name immortalized by Homer, 
like the Homeric Ilium, it had its temple of Ath6n6^, 
wherein she was worshiped as the presiding goddess 
of the town : the inhabitants affirmed that Aga- 

' Strabo, ziii. p. 59&-598. Strabo distbguishes the 'A^oMoy Nov. 
arafffiop, which was near to Sigeium, from the 'Axat&p Xi/i^y, which 
was more towards the middle of the bay between Sigeium and Rhoe- 
teium ; but we gather from his language that this distinction was not 
universally recognised. Alexander landed at the 'Ax<u»p \ifirip (Airian, 
i. 11). 

' Strabo, ziii. p. 593. 

* Herodot. v. 95 (his account of the war between the Athenians and 
Mitylenaeans about Sigeium and Achilleium) ; Strabo, xiii. p. 593. T^p 
^ T&p 'iXicW n6kip TTjp pvp T€<»ff flip K»fx6jrdKip €hai ffnuri, r6 l€p6p 
Ifxovaap rrjs *A$rfvas fiucphp koI €^X«s. 'AXc^cb^pov de avafidtrra it/trh 
riip M, TpoPiK^ PiKtfv, avoBrffiairi re Koafujirtu t6 Uphp Koi trpoaayo^ 
p€v<rai ir6Ku>, Sec, 

Again, Kol rd'^lXiov, t pvp carl, KaftdrroKls ng ^p art wp&rop *P»fjuuoi 
Tijs Atrias cVc'/Siyo'av. 

< Besides Ath^6, the Inscriptions authenticate Ztvs IloXiew at Ilium 
(Corp. Inscrip. Boeckh. No. 3599). 

438 HISTORY Or GREECE. [Part I. 

GeneraUy memodn had not altogether destroyed the town, but 
and visited that it had been re-occupied after his departure, 
SSLST^ and had never ceased to exists Their acropolis 
was called Pergamum, and in it was shown the 
house of Priam and the altar of Zeus Herkeius 
where that unhappy old man had been slain : more- 
over there were exhibited, in the temples, panoplies 
which had been worn by the Homeric heroes*, and 
doubtless many other relics appreciated by ad- 
mirers of the Iliad. 

These were testimonies which few persons in those 
ages were inclined to question, when combined with 

' Strabo, xiii. p. 600. Aryovat d* ol pvv *lXi€i( icol tovtq, »£ ovdt rt- 

oud* €(TjK€l<f>$rf ovdcirorc . 

The situation of Ilium (or as it ii commonly, but erroneouslj, tenned* 
New Ilium) appears to be pretty well ascertained, about two miles firom 
the sea (Rennell, On the Topography of Troy, p. 41-71 ; Br. Clarke's 
Travels, vol. ii. p. 102). 

' Xerx^ passing by Adramyttium, and leaving the range of Mount 

Ida on his left hand, rfU ts r^v 'tkidda yrjif 'AirixofUvov dc rov 

aTpaTOV€n\ r6v l^Kdfuu^dpop is r6 Uptdfiov Ilfpyap,ov dvefifj, ifiwpop 

tfx^v Bffjo'aa-BM, B€r)a'dfi€PO£ dc, Ka\ irvB6fi€vos K€iv»p tKairra, rj 
'AOrjvaiff t^ 'iXiodi t6v<T€ jSoCr ;(tXui(* x^^ ^ ^^ fJtdyoi roia-Of ijpwruf 

ixiavTO .'A/Ml ^fJ^pfj dc iiroprvrro, iv dpioTeprj fUv dn«pya>v 'Poirctbr 

troKiv Koi *0<l>pvv€iov ical Adpdavov, rjnfp d^ 'A/3v^ ofiovpos cWcy' cV 
d«(iu di, ripyiBas Tivxpovs (Herod, vii. 43). 

Respecting Alexander (Arrian, i. 11), *Av€\66vTa dc «s "tkiov, rj *A0fp^ 
Bvtrcu TJj *lXtad«> Ka\ r^v iravonXlap rijv avrov dvaBeivat €ls t6v va6v, xal 
jca^cXctv dvrl ravrrjs t&p UpS>v riva ^Xcov tri €<c tov TpmlKov tpyov a'ia(6' 
yAva* K.a\ ravra Xryowuf Sri ol vrraajnoTal t<f>€pov irpo avrov «s riis 
lidxas. Gucrai he avrhv in\ rov Paftov rov Aios rov ''EpKeiov X($yor kotc- 
X^h fJ^fjviV npidfiov napcuTovpevov r^ NfonToXc/tov ycpct, t b^ ds avrdy 


The inhabitants of Ilium also showed the lyre which had belonged to 
Paris (Plutarch, Alexand. c. 15). 

Chandler, in his History of Ilium, ch. xxii. p. 89, seems to think 
that the place called by Herodotus the Pergamum of Priam is different 
from the historical Ilium. But the mention of the Diean Ath^nd identi- 
fies them as the same. 


the identity of name and general locality ; nor does 
it seem that any one did question them until the 
time of DSmStrius of SkSpsis. Hellanikus expressly 
described this Ilium as being the Ilium of Homer, 
for which assertion Strabo (or probably DSmStrius, 
from whom the narrative seems to be copied) im- 
putes to him very gratuitously an undue partiality 
towards the inhabitants of the town\ Herodotus 
relates, that Xerx6s in his march into Greece visited 
the place, went up to the Pergamum of Priam, in- 
quired with much interest into the details of the 
Homeric siege, made libations to the fallen heroes, 
and offered to the AthSnS of Ilium his magnificent 
sacrifice of a thousand oxen: he probably repre- 
sented and believed himself to be attacking Greece 
as the avenger of the Priamid family. The Lace- 
daemonian admiral Mindarus, while his fleet lay at 
Abydus, went personally to Ilium to ofier sacrifice 
to AthSnS, and saw from that elevated spot the 
battle fought between the squadron of Dorieus and 
the Athenians, on the shore near Rhoeteium*. Du- 
ring the interval between the Peloponnesian war 
and the Macedonian invasion of Persia, Ilium was 
always garrisoned as a strong position ; but its do- 
main was still narrow, and did not extend even to 
the sea which was so near to it^. Alexander, on 
crossing the Hellespont, sent his army from Sestus 

^ Strabo, ziii. p. 602. *EXXayucor dc x,api{i&n€voi rots 'IXi«v<riy, ohs 6 
4k€Ivov fivBos, (rvmjyoptl r^ Ttjv ainifp €uku ir^ktv lijv pvv r^ t6t€, Hel- 
lanikus had written a work called Tpoaiucd, 

3 Xenoph. Uellen. i. 1, 10. Skylax places Dium twenty-five stadia, 
or about three miles, from the sea (c. 94). But I do not understand 
how he can call Skdpsis and Kebr6n trSktig rir\ BdKdatrjj, 

' See Xenoph. Hellen. iii. i. 16 ; and the description of the seizure of 

440 HISTORY Or GREBCE. [Past I. 

to Abydus, ander Parmenio, and sailed personally 
from Elaeeus in the Chersonese, after having so- 
lemnly sacrificed at the Elaeuntian shrine of Pr6te- 
silaus, to the Harbour of the Achseans between Si- 
^^p^ . geium and Rhoeteium. He then ascended to Ilium, 
by Aieztn- Sacrificed to the Iliean AthdnS, and consecrated in 
^' her temple his own panoply, in exchange for which 

he took some of the sacred arms there suspended, 
which were said to have been preserved from the 
time of the Trojan war. These arms were carried 
before him when he went to battle by his armour- 
bearers. It is a fact still more curious, and illus- 
trative of the strong working of the old legend on 
an impressible and eminently religious mind, that 
he also sacrificed to Priam himself, on the very 
altar of Zeus Herkeius from which the old king 
was believed to have been torn by Neoptolemus. 
As that fierce warrior was his heroic ancestor by 
the maternal side, he desired to avert from him- 
self the anger of Priam against the Achilleid 

Ilium, along with Sk^psis and Kebr^, by the chief of mercenaries, 
Charid^mus, in Demosthen. cont. Aristocrat, c. 38. p. 671 : compare 
MneaMy Poliorcetic. c. 24, and Polycen. iii. 14. 

' Arrian, 1. c. Dikaearchus composed a separate work respecting this 
sacrifice of Alexander, nepl rrjs cV *tKt<p Bv<rias (Athens, xiii. p. 603 ; 
Dikasarch. Fragm. p. 114, ed. Fuhr). 

Theophrastus, in noticing old and venerable trees, mentions the ^^yoi 
(Quercus asculus) on the tomb of Ilus at Ilium, without any doubt of 
the authenticity of the place (De Plant, iv. 14) ; and his contemporary, 
the harper Stratonikos, intimates the same feeling, in his jest on the 
visit of a bad sophist to Ihum during the festival of the Ilieia (Athens, 
viii. p. 351). The same may be said respecting the author of the tenth 
epistle ascribed to the orator JSschin^s (p. 737 )> in which his visit of 
curiosity to Ilium is described — as well as about Apollonius of Tyana, 
or the writer who describes his life and his visit to the Tr6ad ; it is evi- 
dent that he did not distrust the dpx<uoKoyia of the lUeans, who af- 


Alexander made to the inbabitaDts of Ilium many 
munificent promises, wbich be probably would bave 
executed, had he not been prevented by untimely 
death : for the Trojan war was amongst all the Gre- 
cian legends the most thoroughly Pan-Hellenic, and 
the young king of Maced6n, besides his own sincere 
legendary faith, was anxious to merge the local pa- 
triotism of the separate Greek towns in one general 
Hellenic sentiment under himself as chief. One of Successors 

o£ Alex* 

his successors, AntigonusS founded the city of Alex^ ander-^ 
andreia in the Tr6ad, between Sigeium and the more of^Aiexan- 
southerly promontory of Lektum ; compressing into ^«*»Tr6i8. 
it the inhabitants of many of the neighbouring iEo- 
lic towns in the region of Ida, — SkSpsis, KebrSn, 
Hamaxitus, Koldnse, and Neandria, though the in- 
habitants of SkSpsis were subsequently permitted by 
Lysimachus to resume their own city and autono- 
mous government. Ilium however remained with- 
out any special mark of favour until the arrival of 
the Romans in Asia and their triumph over Antio- 
chus (about 190 b.c). Though it retained its walls 
and its defensible position, D^m^trius of Sk^psis, 
who visited it shortly before that event, described 
it as being then in a state of neglect and poverty, 
many of the houses not even having tiled roofs '. 

firmed their town to be the real Troy (Philostrat. Vit Apoll6n. Tyan. 
iT. 11). 

The goddess Ath^nd of Dium was reported to haTe rendered valuable 
assista n ce to the inhabitants of Kyzikus, when they were Yiesieged by 
Mithridat^, commemorated by inscriptions set up in Dium (Plutarch, 
Lucull. 10). 

> Strabo, xiii. p. 603-607. 

' Livy, xxxT. 43 ; xxxrii* 9. Polyb. ▼. 78-1 1 1 (passages which prove 
that Ilium was fortified and defensible abo«i B.C. 218). Strabo, xiii. 


Id this dilapidated condition, however, it was still 
mytliically recognised both by Antiochus and by 
the Roman consul Livius, who went up thither to 
The Ro- sacrifice to the liiean AthSnS. The Romans, proud 
luum with ^^ ^^^^^ origin from Troy and iEneas, treated Ilium 
BMTked re- ^ith signal munificeuce ; not only granting to it im- 
munity from tribute, but also adding to its domain 
the neighbouring territories of Gergis, Rhceteium 
and Sigeium — and making the Ilieans masters of 

p. 594. Ka\ t6 "tkunf d*, t wvp iari, «ca>fi<$troX/r rtr ^p, St* irpwror '?«- 
ftoioc r^ff ^Aalas int^riaaaf nai i^fidkaif 'Avr/o;(oy rhv fuyop cjc r^( 
iyT68 rov Tavpov, ^rfirl yovv Aifftrfrpios 6 Sx^^tor, fuipoKuw cirid^fuy- 
trav fU TTju YrdX«y «car' iKtlvovs tovs Kaipovn, ovt»s ^XiyoaprjfjJvrjv idciy 
ri)y KOToucUuf, &<rrM ijofik Ktpafuarhs ?X'^ ^^ orcyar. 'Hyiyo-uiwi^ di, 
TOVS rdKaras WMpau^iwrat cV r^r 'Evpwnis, ava^T^vai yAv ^U r^v ntSXiv 
d€Ofi€vovg ipvfiaTos, napaxpijfJM d* ^xXtircii' dt^ r^ arrixioTov' vartpop 
tf tiray6pd<o(np tftrxf voKkrfP, EJt ^KOKaaup aMjp ndKiP ol /uto, ^ifi- 
Pplov, &c. 

This is a very clear and precise statement, attested by an eye-witness. 
But it is thoroughly inconsistent with the statement made by Strabo in 
the previous chapter, a dozen lines before, as the text now stands ; for 
he there informs us that Lysimachus, after the death of Alexander, paid 
great attention to Ilium, surrounded it with a wall of forty stadia in 
circumference, erected a temple, and aggregated to Dium the ancient 
cities around, which were in a state of decay. We know from Livy 
that the aggregation of Gergis and Rhceteium to Ilium was effected, 
not by Lysimachus, but by the Romans (Livy, xxxviii. 37) ; so that the 
first statement of Strabo is not only inconsistent with his second, but 
is contradicted by an independent authority. 

I cannot but think that this contradiction arises from a confusion of 
the text in Strabo's^r«< passage, and that in that passage Strabo really 
meant to speak only of the improvements brought about by Lysimachus 
in AUxandreia TrSas ; that he never meant to ascribe to Lysimachus 
any improvements in iTtum, but, on the contrary, to assign the remark- 
able attention paid by Lysimachus to Alexandreia Trdas, as the reason 
why he had ne^ected to fulfil the promises held out by Alexander to 
Ilium, The series of facts runs thus : — 1. Ilium is nothing better than 
a Ktifirj at the landing of Alexander ; 2. Alexander promises great addi- 
tions, but never returns from Persia to accomplish them ; 3. Lysima- 
chus is absorbed in Alexandreia Trdas, into which he aggregates several 
of the adjoining old towns, and which flourishes under his hands; 


the whole coast* from the Peraea (or continental pos- 
sessions) of Tenedos (southward of Sigeium) to the 
boundaries of Dardanus, which had its own title to 
legendary reverence as the special sovereignty of 
JSneas. The inhabitants of Sigeium could not 
peaceably acquiesce in this loss of their autonomy, 
and their city was destroyed by the Ilieans. 

The dignity and power of Ilium being thus pro- 
digiously enhanced, we cannot doubt that the inha- 
bitants assumed to themselves exaggerated import- 
ance as the recognised parents of all-conquering 
Rome. Partly, we may naturally suppose, from 
the jealousies thus aroused on the part of their 
neighbours at SkSpsis and Alexandreia Trdas — 
partly from the pronounced tendency of the age (in 
which KratSs at Pergamus and Aristarchus at Alex- 
andria divided between them the palm of literary 

4. Hence Uium remained a K&firj when the Romans entered Asia, as it 
had been when Alexander entered. 

This alteration in the text of Strabo might be effected by the simple 
transposition of the words as they now stand, and by omitting ore koI, 
Ifbri firtfifXriOTjf without introducing a single new or conjectural word, 
so that the passage would read thus : Merii dc rrjv tKtipov (Alexander's) 
rcXcvT^y'ifJiaxog fidKiara rrjs 'AXcfaydpciof €7r€fUKrj3rj, avt^Kia-fuvrjs 
ftev ^drj vn *AvTiy6vov, Koi 7rpo<Trfyop€Vfi€vr}s *AvTty6vias, fiercipdKovirrjs 
dc ToCpofxa' (?dof f yiip evtrfPis tlvcu rovs 'AXf^avdpov di(idt^afi€vavs ckca- 

POV TTp^TtpOV KTl^fW tTTCiVVflOVS ft^kuS, ^tff ioVTw) KOI WoOV KOTtO'KiVaa'W 

fcal T€lxos ntpitfioKero S<rov 40 trrMtiV aw^Kta-t de c^r avnjp ras kv- 

leX^ fr6\€is dpxaiof, ijdrj K€Kcuco>ft€vas. Kol drf /cat <rvvffi€iv€ fr6kt»v. 

If this reading be adopted, the words beginning that which stands in 
Tzschucke's edition as sect. 27, and which immediately follow the last 
word ir6k€<ap, will read quite suitably and coherently, — Kal Td^lXtoy 8*, 
t vvv iarl, KfUfiSwdkls ris tjv, St€ irp&rov 'Ptapmoi rrjs *Aaias hri^tjtrav, 
&c., whereas with the present reading of the passage they show a con- 
tradiction, and the whole passage is entirely confused. 

^ Livy, xxxviii.d9; Stn^o, xiii. p. 600. Karco-xaYrrai dc kcX t6 Siyecov 
vnh rS>v *lXtca>y dtci Tfjp dntiBtuuf \m iic€Lvoig yhp ^v virrtpov ^ irapaKia 
watra fj fUxpi Aapddpov, Koi vvv vn ^mIvois cart. 


celebrity) towards criticism and illustration of the 
old poets — a blow was now aimed at the mythical 
Mythical legitimacy of Ilium. Ddmdtrius of SkSpsis, one 
oHulTm^ of the most laborious of the Homeric critics, had 
i^quwtbn composcd thirty books of comment upon the Cata- 
tna?of ^' logue in the Iliad : Hestiaea, an authoress of Alex- 
skfpsisand audreia Trdas, had written on the same subject: 
both of them, well-acquainted with the locality, re- 
marked that the vast battles described in the Iliad 
could not be packed into the narrow space be- 
tween Ilium and the Naustathmon of the Greeks ; 
the more so, as that space, too small even as it 
then stood, had been considerably enlarged since 
the date of the Iliad by deposits at the mouth of 
the Skamander^ They found no difficulty in 
pointing out topographical incongruities and im- 
possibilities as to the incidents in the Iliad, which 
they professed to remove by the startling theory 
that the Homeric lUum had not occupied the site of 
the city so called. There was a village, called the 
village of the Uieans, situated rather less than four 
miles from the city in the direction of Mount Ida, and 
further removed from the sea ; here, they affirmed, 
the •* holy Troy'' had stood. 

1 Strabo, xiiL 599. napaTiOrfa-i d< 4 Atifirftpios «al t^p 'AXe^oyd^/yi^y 
'EoTiautv fidfyrvpa, rrjv tnrffpa^aa-av ircpl rr^s 'OfjJjpov *l\iadof, wpBa^ 
pofuvrjv, (I V€pl TTJv vvv frSkuf 6 ir6ktfios trvvforrf, Koi rh TpcHKov ircdtoy 

fuv yhp trpb ttjs vvv n6Ktws 6p«ffifvov, vp6xoifUL cZkii t&v irvrtnuuf, v(rr€- 
pov yeyov6s. 

The words mv Zartv are mtroduced conjecturally by Grosskurd^ the 
excellent German translator of Strabo, but they seem to me necessary 
to make the sense complete. 

Hestisea is cited more than once in the Homeric Scholia (Schol. Venet. 
. ad niad. iii. 64 ; Eustath. ad Iliad, ii. 538). 


No positive proof was produced to sustain the q?P^J^ 
conclusion, for Strabo expressly states that not a orreaiTroy, 
vestige of the ancient city remained at the Village ed from" " 
of the Ilieans * : but the fundamental supposition ^^ ^^^ 
was backed by a second accessory supposition, to 
explain how it happened that all such vestiges had 
disappeared. Nevertheless Strabo adopts the un- 
supported hypothesis of DSm^trius as if it were an 
authenticated fact — distinguishing pointedly be- 
tween Old and New Ilium, and even censuring 
Hellanikus for having maintained the received local 
faith. But I cannot find that D^mMrius and Hestiaea 
have been followed in this respect by any other 
writer of ancient times excepting Strabo. Ilium still 
continued to be talked of and treated by every one 
as the genuine Homeric Troy : the cruel jests of the 
Roman rebel Fimbria, when he sacked the town 
and massacred the inhabitants — the compensation 
made by Sylla, and the pronounced favour of Julius 
Caesar and Augustus, — all prove this continued 
recognition of identity*. Arriari, though a native 
of Nicomedia, holding a high appointment in Asia 
Minor, and remarkable for the exactness of his 
topographical notices, describes the visit of Alex- 

* Strabo, ziii. p. 599. O^v d* tx^os (rdo^crm rtjt dpxaias fr6k€»s — 
€Ikot»s' St€ yap €Kjrtnop&rjfuif»v t&v icvkX^ iroXcooy, ol rfX««»f dc tcorc- 
frvaffiiivviv, ol \i$oi voptu cZr rrjp tK€iiwp dpdkrjritw furrfVfxOriaxiP, 

* Appisn, Mithridat. c. 53 ; Strabo, xiii. p. 594 ; Plutarck, Sertorius, 
c. 1 ; Velleius Paterc. ii. 23. 

The inscriptions attest Panathenaic games celebrated at Ilium in honour 
of AthSnS by the Ilieans conjointly with various other neighbouring cities 
(See Corp. Inscr. Boeckh. no. 3601-3602, with Boeckh's observations). 
The valuable inscription no. 3595 attests the liberality of Antiochua Soter 
towards the Diean Ath^S as early as 278 B.C. 

446 HISTORY OP GR££CB. [Pa&t f . 

ander to Ilium, without any suspicion that the 

place with all its relics was a mere counterfeit: 

AristidSs, Dio Chrysostom, Pausanias, Appian, and 

Plutarch hold the same language \ But modem 

writers seem for the most part to have taken up the 

supposition from Strabo as implicitly as he took 16 

from DSmStrius. They call Ilium by the disrespect-* 

ful appellation of New Ilium — while the traveller in 

SoSbe. *^^ Trdad looks for Old Ilium as if it were the un- 

licvctinoid questionable spot where Priam had lived and 

re*i Troy— movcd ; the name is even formally enrolled on 

thoncon- the bcst maps recently prepared of the ancient 

tinue in the rp-A« J4 

old faith- lr6ad». 

the mo- 
derns fol- > Arrian, i. 1 1 ; Appian ut sup, ; also AristidSs, Or. 43, Rhodiaca, 
low Strabo. p. 820 (Dindorf. p. 369). The curious Oratio xi. of Dio Chrysortom, in 
which he writes his new version of the Trojan war, is addressed to the 
inhabitants of Ilium. 

• The controversy, now half a centiuy old, respecting Troy and the 
Trojan war — between Bryant and his various opponents, Morritt, Gil- 
bert Wakefield, the British Critic, &c., seems now nearly forgotten, and 
I cannot think that the pamphlets on either side would be considered 
as displaying much ability, if published at the present day. The dis- 
cussion was first raised hf the publication of Le Chevalier's account of 
the plain of Troy, in which the author professed to have discovered the 
true site of Old Ilium (the supposed Homeric Troy), about twelve miles 
from the sea near Bounarbashi. Upon this account Bryant published 
some animadversions followed up by a second treatise, in which he 
denied the historical reality of the Trojan war, and advanced the hypo- 
thesis that the tale was of Egyptian origin (Dissertation on the War of 
Troy, and the Expedition of the Grecians as described by Homer, show- 
ing that no such expedition was ever undertaken, and that no such 
city of Phrygia existed, by Jacob Bryant; seemingly 17^7 » though 
there is no date in the title-page : Morritt's reply was published in 
1798). A reply from Mr. Bryant and a rejoinder from Mr. Morritt, as 
well as a pamphlet from G. Wakefield, appeared in 1799 and 1800, 
besides an Expostulation by the former addressed to the British Critic. 
Bryant, having dwelt both on the incredibilities and the inconsisten- 
cies of the Trojan war, as it is recounted in Grecian legend generally, 
nevertheless admitted that Homer had a groundwork for his story, and 

Chap. XV.] LEGEND OF TROY. 447 

Strabo has here converted into geographical mat- 
ter of fact an hypothesis purely gratuitous, with a 
view of saving the accuracy of the Homeric topo- 
graphy; though in all probability the locality of 
the pretended Old Ilium would have been found 
open to difficulties not less serious than those which 

maintained that that groundwork was Egyptian. Homer (he thinks) 
was an Ithacan, descended from a famUy originaUy emigrant from 
Egypt : the war of Troy was originally an Egyptian war, which explains 
how Memn6n the Ethiopian came to take part in it : *' upon this history, 
which was originally Egyptian, Homer founded the scheme of his two 
principal poems, adapting things to Greece and Phrygia by an ingenious 
transposition : " he derived information from priests of Memphis or 
Thebes (Bryant, pp. 102, 108, 126). The*Hpa>r Alyvirrios, mentioned 
in the second book of the Odyssey (15), is the J^g^tian hero, who 
affords, in his view, an evidence that the population of that island was 
in part derived from Egypt. No one since Mr. Bryant, I apprehend, 
has ever construed the passage in the same sense. 

Bryanfs £g3rptian hypothesis is of no value ; but the negative portion 
of his argument, summing up the particulars of the Trojan legend, and 
contending against its historical credibility, is not so easily put aside. 
Few persons will share in the zealous conviction by which Morritt tries 
to make it appear that the 1 100 ships, the ten years of war, the large 
confederacy of princes from all parts of Greece, &c., have nothing but 
what is consonant with historicid probability ; difficulties being occa- 
sionally eliminated by the plea of our ignorance of the time and of the 
subject (Morritt, p. 7-21). Gilbert Wakefield, who mabitains the 
historical reality of the siege with the utmost intensity, and even com- 
pares Bryant to Tom Paine (W. p. 17), is still more displeased with 
those who propound doubts, andtdls us that " grave disputation in the 
midst of such darkness and uncertainty is a conflict with chimieras " 
(W. p. 14). 

The most plausible line of argument taken by Morritt and Wakefield 
is, where they enforce the positions taken by Strabo and so many other 
authors, ancient as well as modem, that a superstructure of fiction is to 
be distinguished fit>m a basis of truth, and that the latter is to be main- 
tained while the former is rejected (Morritt, p. 5 ; Wake. p. 7-8). To 
this Br3rant repUes, that ** if we leave out every absurdity, we can make 
anything plausible ; that a fable may be made consistent, and we have 
many romances that are very regular in the assortment of characters and 
circumstances : this may be seen in plays, memoirs, and novels. But 
this regularity and correspondence alone will not ascertain the truth " 
(Expostulation, pp. 8, 12, 13). '* That there are a great many other 



[Pa«t I. 

The mythi. 
cal faith not 
shaken by 
phical im- 

it was introduced to obviated It may be true that 
DSmStrius and be were justified in tbeir negative 
argument » so as to show that the battles described 
in the Iliad could not possibly have taken place 
if the city of Priam had stood on the hill inhabited 
by the Ilieans. But the legendary faitb subsisted 
before, and continued without abatement after- 
wards, notwithstanding such topographical impos- 

hhlen besides that of Troy, regular and consistent among themselves, 
believed and chronologised by the Greeks, and even looked up to by 
diem in a religious view (p. 13), which yet no one now thinks of ad- 
mitting as kistory." 

Morritt, having urged the universal belief of antiquity as evidence that 
the Trojan war was historically real, is met by Bryant, who reminds him 
that the same persons believed in centaurs, satyrs, nymphs, augury, am- 
spicy; Homer maintaining that horses could speak, &c. To whidi Morritt 
replies, '* What has religious belief to do with historical facts ? Is not 
the evidence on which our faith rests in matters of religion totally dif- 
ferent in all its parts from that on which we ground our belief in 
history?" (Addit. Remarks, p. 47.) 

The separation between the grounds of religious and historical belief 
is by no means so complete as Mr. Morritt supposes, even in regard to 
modem time^; and when we apply his position to the ancient Greeks, 
it will be found completely the reverse of the tmth. The contemporaries 
of Herodotus and Thucydid^ conceived their early history in the most 
intimate conjunction with their religion. 

' For example, adopting his own line of argument (not to mention 
those battles in which the pursuit and the flight reaches from the city 
to the #hips and back again), it might have been urged to him, that by 
supposing the Homeric Troy to be four miles farther off from the sea, 
he aggravated the difficulty of rolling the Trojan horse into the town : 
it was already sufficiently hard to propel this vast wooden animal fiill of 
heroes from the Greek Naustathmon to the town of Hium. 

The Trojan horse, with its accompaniments Sinon and Laoco6n, is 
one of the capital and indispensable events in the epic : Homer, Arkti- 
nus, Lesch^, Virgil, and Quintus Smymieus, all dwell upcm it em- 
phatically as the proximate cause of the o^ure. 

The difficulties and inconsistencies of the movements ascribed to 
Greeks and Trojans in the Hiad, when applied to real topography, are 
well set £cwth in Spohn, DeAgro Trofano, Leipsic, 1814 ; and Mr. Mac* 
laren has shown (Dissertation on the Topography of the Trojan War, 
Edinburgh, 1822) that these difficulties are nowise obviated by removing 
Ilium a few miles further from the sea. 


sibilities. Hellanikus, Herodotus, Mindarus, the 
guides of Xerxes, and Alexander, had not been 
shocked by them : the case of the latter is the strong- 
est of all, because he had received the best educa- 
tion of his time under Aristotle — he was a passion- 
ate admirer and constant reader of the Iliad — he was 
moreover personally familiar with the movements 
of armies, and lived at a time when maps, which 
began with Anaximander, the disciple of Thalfis, 
were at least known to all who sought instruction. 
Now if, notwithstanding such advantages, Alexan- 
der fully believed in the identity of Ilium, uncon- 
scious of these many and glaring topographical dif- 
ficulties, much less would Homer himself, or the 
Homeric auditors, be likely to pay attention to 
them, at a period, five centuries earlier, of compa- 
rative rudeness and ignorance, when prose records 
as well as geographical maps were totally unknown ^ 

* Major Rennell argues differently from the visit of Alexander, cm- 
ploying it to confute the hypothesis of Cheyalier, who had placed the 
Homeric Troy at Bounarhashi, the site supposed to have heen indicated 
by DSm^tTius and Strabo : — 

" Alexander is said to have been a passionate admirer of the Iliad, 
and he had an opportunity of deciding on the spot how far the topo* 
graphy was consistent with the narrative. Had he been shoWh the 
site of Bounarbashi for that of Troy, he would probably have ques- 
tioned the fidelity either of the historical part of the poem or his guides. 
It is not within credibility, that a person of so correct a judgement as 
Alexander could have admired a poem, which contained a long history 
of mihtary details, and other transactions that could not physically have 
had an existence. What pleasure could he receive, in contemplating as 
subjects of history, events which could not have happened ? Yet he 
did admire the poem, and therefore must have found the topography 
consistent : that is, Bounarbashi, surely, was not shown to him for 
Troy." (^ynell, Observations on the Plain of Troy, p. 128.) 

Major Rennell here supposes in Alexander a spirit of topographical 

criticism quite foreign to his real character. We have no reason to 

eUeve that the site of Bounarbashi was shown to Alexander as the 

VOL. I. 2 Q 


The inspired poet might describe, and his hearers 
would listen with delight to the tale, how Hect6r, 
pursued by Achilles, ran thrice round the city of 
Troy, while the trembling Trojans were all huddled 
into the city, not one daring to come out even at 
this last extremity of their beloved prince — and 
while the Grecian army looked on, restraining un- 
willingly their uplifted spears at the nod of Achilles, 
in order that Hectdr might perish by no other hand 
than his ; nor were they, while absorbed by this 
impresaive rdcital, disposed to measure distances 
or calculate topographical possibilities with refer- 
ence to the site of the real Ilium ^ The mistake 
consists in applying to Homer and to the Homeric 
siege of Troy, criticisms which would be perfectly 
just if brought to bear on the Athenian siege of Sy- 
racuse, as described by Thucydidfis*, in the Pelo- 
ponnesian war^ — ^but which are not more applicable 
to the epic narrative than they would be to the ex- 
ploits of Amadis or Orlando. 

Homeric Troy, or that any sate was shown to him except Ilium, or what 
Straho calls New Ilium. Still less reason have we to heUeve that any 
scepticism crossed his mind, or that his deep-seated faith required to be 
confirmed by measurement of distances. 

* Strabo, xiii. p. 699. Ovtf if rod "Erropw W irtpi^ponfj 17 irtpl rrfv 
wSKiv Ixci ri fifXoyoV ov yap ^<rrt irtpiUpoftw ^ vvp, di^ r^v av9€X0 p^X*^ 
ri dc frdkmk ?x^i trtpibpofjJiv. 

' Mannert (Geographic der Griechen und Romer, th. 6. heft 3. b. 8. 
cap. 8) is confused in his account of Old and New Qium : he repre* 
sents that Alexander raised up a new spot to the dignity of having been 
the Homeric Ilium, which is not the fact : Alexander adhered to the 
received local beUef. Indeed, as far as our evidence goes, no one but 
D6mdtrius, Hestiaea, and Strabo appears ever to have departed from it. 

' There can hardly be a more singular example of this same confu- 
sion, than to find elaborate military criticisms from the Emperor Na- 
poleon, upon the description of the taking of Troy in the second book 
of the JBneid. He shows that gross fiodts are committed in it, when 


There is every reason for presuming that the 
Ilium visited by Xerxte and Alexander was really 
the ^^ holy Ilium " present to the mind of Homer ; 
and if so, it must have been inhabited, either by 
Greeks or by some anterior population, at a period 
earlier than that which Strabo assigns. History 
recognises neither Troy the city, nor Trojans, as 
actually existing ; but the extensive region called 
Tr6as, or, the Tr6ad (more properly Trdias), is 
known both to Herodotus and to Thucydidds : it 
seems to inclade the territory westward of an hnagi- 
nary line drawn' from the north-east comer of the 
Adramyttian gulf to the Propontis at Parium, since 
both Antandrus, Koldnae, and the district imme- 
diately round Ilium, are regarded as belonging to 
the Tr6ad*. Herodotus further notices the Teu- 
krians of Gergis^ (a township conterminous with 
Ilium» and lying to the eastward of the road {torn 
Ilium to Abydus) , considering them as the remnant Historical 
of a larger Teukrian population which once resided theTe^ 
in the country, and which had in very early times '^'**"* 
undertaken a vast migration from Asia into £u- 

looked at from the point of view of a general (see an interesting article 
by Mr. G. C. Lewis, in tlie Classieal Mnseum, yol. L p. 205, " Napoletm 
on the Capture of Troy "). 

Having cited this criticism from the highest authority on the art of 
war, we may find a suitable parallel in the works of distinguished pub- 
licists. The attack of Odysseus on the Kikonians (described in Homer, 
Odyss. iz. 39-61) is cited both by Grotius (De Jure Bell, et Pac. iii. 
3, 10) and by Vattel (Droit des Gens, iii. 202) as a case in point in 
international law. Odysseus is considered to have sinned against the 
rules of international law by attacking them as allies of the Trcjans, 
without a formal declaration of war. 

» Compare Herodot. v. 24-122; Thucyd. i. 131. The "tXiiis y? is a 
part of the Tr6ad. 

' Herodot. vii. 43. 



rope^ To that Teukrian population he thinks 
that the Homeric Trojans belonged^ : and by later 
writers^ especially by Virgil and the other Romans^ 
the names Teukrians and Trojans are employed as 
equivalents. As the name TVojans is not men- 
tioned in any contemporary historical monument, 
so the name Teukrians never once occurs in the 
old epic. It appears to have been first noticed by 
the elegiac poet Kallinus, about 660 b.c, who con- 
nected it with an alleged immigration of Teukriatis 
from Krdte into the region round about Ida. Others 
again denied this, asserting that the primitive an- 
cestor, Teukrus, had come into the country from 
Attica^ or that he was of indigenous origin, born 
from Skamander and the nymph Idaea — all various 
manifestations of that eager thirst after an epony- 
mous hero which never deserted the Greeks. Ger- 
githians occur in more than one spot in j^Solis, 
even so far southward as the neighbourhood of 
Kymd^ : the name has no place in Homer, but he 
mentions Gorgythion and Kebriones as illegiti- 
mate sons of Priam, thus giving a sort of epical 
recognition both to Gergis and Kebr^n. As Hero- 
dotus calls the old epical Trojans by the name Teu- 
krians, so the Attic tragedians call ihem Phrygians ; 

^ Herodot. v. 122. ctXc fup Alciktas vmrraf, 6<roi r^v *tktdba yrjp v«- 
fjLOVTOi, efXc dc T€fyyi0aSy rovs cmokMt4^€vrai r&v apxai^v T€VKp»p, 

For the migration of the Teukrians and Myaians into Europe, see 
Herodot. yii. 20 ; the Pseonians, on the Str3an6n, called themselves their 
descendants. • 

« Herodot. ii. 118; v.* 13. 

' Strabo, xiii. p. 604 ; Apollod6r. iii. 12, 4. 

Kephaldn of Gergis called Teukrus a Kr^tan (Stephan. Byz. v. 

* Clearchus ap. Athenae. vi, p. 256; Strabo, xiii. p. 589-616. 


though the Homeric hymn to Aphrodite represents 
Phrygians and Trojans as completely distinct, spe- 
cially noting the diversity of language ^ ; and in the 
Uiad the Phrygians are simply numbered among 
the allies of Troy from the far Ascania, without 
indication of any more intimate relationship ^. Nor 
do the tales which connect Dardanus with Samo- 
thrace and Arcadia find countenance in the Ho- 
meric poems, wherein Dardanus is the son of Zeus, 
having no root anywhere except in Dardania^. The 
mysterious solemnities of Samothrace, afterwards 
so highly venerated throughout the Grecian world, 
date from a period much later than Homer ; and 
the religious affinities of that island as well as of 
KrSte with the territories of Phrygia and ^olis, 
were certain, according to the established tendency 
of the Grecian mind, to beget stories of a common 

. To pass from this legendary world, — an aggre- 
gate of streams distinct and heterogeneous, which do 
not willingly come into confluence, and cannot be 
forced to intermix, — into the clearer vision afforded 
by Herodotus, we learn from him that in the year ^EoUc 
500 B.C. the whole coast-region from Dardanus iheTrdad 
southward to the promontory of Lektum (including ^^oietcm- 
the town of Ilium) , and from Lektum eastward to J^^p*" 
Adramyttium, had been ^olised, or was occupied ^oUsed. 
by ^olic Greeks — ^likewise the inland towns of 

' Homer, Hjmm. in Vener. 116. 

' niad, ii. 863. Asius, the brother of Hekab^, lives in Phrygia on 
the bankd of the Sangarius (Iliad, zvi. 717)* 

' See Hellanik. Fragm. 129, 130, ed. Didot ; and Kephalon Gergithius 
ap. Steph. Byz. v. 'Ap^a/Siy. 


Sk^psis^ and KebrSn. So that if we draw a line 
northward from Adramyttium to Kyzikns on the 
Propontis, throughout the whole territory westward 
from that line, to the Hellespont and the ^gean 
Sea, all the considerable towns would be Hellenic, 
with the exception of Gergis and the Teukrian po- 
pulation around it, — all the towns worthy of note 
were either Ionic or .^olic. A century earher, the 
Teukrian population would have embraced a wider 
range — perhaps Skdpsis and Kebr6n, the latter of 
which places was colonised by Greeks from Kyme*: 
a century afterwards, during the satrapy of Phar- 
nabazus, it appears that Gergis had become Ifel- 
lenised as well as the rest. The four towns, Ilium, 
Gergis, Kebr^n and Sk^psis, all in lofty and strong 
positions, were distinguished each by a solemn woiv 
ship and temple of Ath^n^, and by the recogmtion 
of that goddess as their special patroness ^. 
The author of the Iliad conceived the whole of 

' Sk^psis received some colonists from the Ionic Miletus (Anaxi- 
men^ apud Stnbo. xiy. p. 635) ; but the eoins of the place prore that 
its dialect was .£(^c. See Klausen, Mneaa uud die Penaten, torn. i. 
note 180. 

Arisb^ also, near Abydns, seems to have been settled from Mityl^n^ 
(£ii8tath. ad Iliad, zii. 97). 

The extraordinary fertility and rich black mould of the plain around 
nium is noticed by modem trarellers (see Franklin, Remarks and Ob- 
servations on the Plain of Troy, London, 1800, p. 44) : it is also easily 
woiked : *' a couple of bufialoes or oxen were sufficient to draw the 
plough^ whereas near Constantinople it takes twelve or fourteen." 

' £ph6rtis ap. Harpocrat. v. Kffiprjpa. 

' Xenoph. Hellen. i. 1, 10; iii. 1, 10-16. 

One of the great motives of Dio in setting aside the Homeric nar- 
rative of the Trojan war, is to vindicate AtJi^nd from the charge of 
having unjustly destroyed her own city of Itium (Orat. xi. p. 310 : 



this region as occupied by people not Greek, — 
Trojans, Dardanians, Lykians, Lelegians, Pelasgians, 
and Kilikians. He recognises a temple and worship 
of Athdn^ in Ilium, though the goddess is bitterly 
hostile to the Trojans : and Arktinus described the 
Palladium as the capital protection of the city. 
But perhaps the most remarkable feature of identity 
between the Homeric and the historical ^olis, is, 
the solemn and diffused worship of the Sminthian oid date, 
Apollo. ChrysS, Killa and Tenedos, and more preTdence 
than one place called Sminthium, maintain the ship**^^^'" 
surname and invoke the protection of that god du- gS^Suus 
ring later times, just as they are emphatically de- 
scribed to do by Homer ^ 

When it is said that the Post-Homeric Greeks 
gradually Hellenised this entire region, we are not 
to understand that the whole previous population 
either retired or was destroyed. The Greeks settled 
in the leading and considerable towns, which en* 
abled them both to protect one another and to 

1 Strabo, x. p. 473; ziii. p. 604-605. Polemon. Fragm. 31. p. 6d» 
ed. Preller. 

Polemon was a natiye of ninm^ and bad written a periegeas of the 
place (about 200 B.C., therefore earlier than DSmdtrius of Sk^psis) : he 
may have witnessed the improvement in its position effected by the 
Romans. He noticed the identical stone upon which PaLundd^ had 
taught the Greeks to play at dice. 

The Sminthian Apollo appears inscribed on the coins of Alexandreia 
Trdas ; and the temple of the god was memorable even down to the 
time of the emperor Julian (Ammian. Marcellin. xxii. 8). Compare 
Menander (the Rhetor) wfpl *EirUi€UfTiK&v, iv. 14 ; apud Walz. CoUect. 
Rhetor, t. iz. p. 304 ; also frrpl 2fUpBuuc»v. iv. 17* 

^liipOot, botii in the KrStan and the i£olic dialect, meant Afield-mtmse : 
the region seems to have been greatly plagued by these little animals. 

Polemo could not have accepted the theory of DSm^trius, that Ilium 
was not ihe genuine Troy : his Periegesis, describing the localities and 
rehcs of Ilium, implied the legitimacy of the place as a matter of course. 


gratify their predominant tastes. Partly by force — 
but greatly also by that superior activity, and power 
of assimilating foreign ways of thought to their own, 
which distinguished them from the beginning — they 
invested all the public features and management 
of the town with an Hellenic air, distributed all 
about it their gods, their heroes and their legends, 
and rendered their language the medium of public 
administration, religious songs and addresses to 
the gods, and generally for communications wherein 
any number of persons were concerned. But two 
remarks are here to be made : first, in doing this 
they could not avoid taking to themselves more or 
less of that which belonged to the parties with 
whom they fraternised, so that the result was not 
pure Hellenism ; next, that even this was done 
only in the towns, without being fully extended to 
the territorial domain around, or to those smaller 
townships which stood to the town in a dependent 
relation. The ^olic and Ionic Greeks borrowed, 
from the Asiatics whom they had Hellenised, mu- 
sical instruments and new laws of rhythm and me- 
lody, which they knew how to turn to account: 
they further adopted more or less of those violent 
and maddening religious rites, manifested occasion- 
ally in self-inflicted suffering and mutilation, which 
were indigenous in Asia Minor in the worship of 
toi^T** *^^ Great Mother. The religion of the Greeks in 
religion— the rcgiou of Ida as well as at Kyzikus was more 

blended . . , , . i - /• ^^ x^ 

with uei- orgiastic than the native worship of Greece Proper, 

*"*^ just as that of Lampsakus, Priapus and Parium 

was more licentious. From the Teukrian region of 

Gergis, and from the Gergithes near Kymd, sprang 


the original Sibylline prophecies, and the legendary 
Sibyil who plays so important a part in the tale of 
^neas : the mythe of the Sibyil, whose prophecies 
are supposed to be heard in the hollow blast burst- 
mg out from obscure caverns and apertures in the 
rocks S was indigenous among the Gergithian Teu- sibyiime 
krians, and passed from the Kym«ans in ^k>lis, ^~^'^'" 
along with the other circumstances of the tale of 
^neas, to their brethren the inhabitants of Cumae 
in Italy. The date of the Gergithian Sibyil, or 
rather of the circulation of her supposed prophecies, 
is placed during the reign of Croesus, a period when 
Grergis was thoroughly Teukrian. Her prophecies, 
though embodied in Greek verses, had their root 
in a Teukrian soil and feelings ; and the promises 
of future empire which they so liberally make to 
the fugitive hero escaping from the flames of Troy 
into Italy, become interesting from the remarkable 
way in which they were realised by Rome*. 

At what time Ilium and Dardanus became Mo- 
Used we have no information. We find the Mity- 
lenaeans in possession of Sigeium in the time of the 
poet Alkaeus, about 600 b.c. ; and the Athenians, 

> Virgil, .Eneid, vi. 42 :— 

Excisum Euboicffi latus ingens rupis in antrum, 
Quo lad ducunt aditua centum, ostia centum : 
Unde ruunt totidem voces, responsa Sibyllse. 

' Pausanias, x. 12, 8; Lactantius, i. 6, 12; Steph. Byz. ▼. Mcpfii/o-- 
aos ; Schol. Plat. Phiedr. p. 315, Bekker. 

The date of this Gergithian Sibyil, or of the prophecies passing under 
her name, is stated by H^rakleid^ of Pontus, and there seems no rea- 
son for calling it in question. 

Kbuisen (iBneas und die Penaten, book ii. p. 205) has worked out 
copiously the circulation and legendary import of the Sibylline pro* 


during the reign of PeisistratuB, having wrested it 
Settle- from them and trying to maintain their possession, 

ments from .,. , •. i • ii 11 

Miiaus, Vindicate the proceeding by saying that they had 
and'Athent. as much right to it as the Mitylenseans, ^* for the 
latter had no more claim to it than any of the other 
Greeks who had aided Mendaus in avenging the 
abduction of Helen ^" This is a verv remarkable 
incident, as attesting the celebrity of the legend of 
Troy, and the value of a mythical title in inter- 
national disputes — ^yet seemingly implying that the 
establishment of the Mitylenseans on that spot must 
have been sufficiently recent. The country near 
the junction of the Hellespont and the Propontis 
is represented as originally held* by Bebrykian 
Thracians, while Abydus was first occupied by Mi- 
lesian colonists in the reign and by the permission 
of the Lydian king Gygfis® — ^to whom the whole 
Tr6ad and the neighbouring territory belonged, and 

* Herodot. v. 94. Styfiov r6 cZXf Hfururrparos alxfii irapk Mtrv- 

\flvaiM¥ .'A^KUot, <iirodcuenWcf X<Syy o^v ikSh^op AloXd/o't i^trthv 

rris *XkMoi x^Pt^* 4 ®^ '^ ^^ '^ rotai SXkouri, CMroi 'EXX^voov (nw«£c- 
wpri^avro McvcXc^ r^ 'EXevi;^ dpnayds. In uEschylus (Eumenid. 402) 
the goddess Athtod claims the land ahout the Skamander, as having 
been presented to the sons of Th^us by the general vote of the Grecian 

chiefs: — 

*Air6 ^KOfuiif^pov yrjv KaTaicf>$aTOVf»finf, 

*Hv bfi r* *Axcu&v 3bcrop€s re /col irp6fUH 

T&y alxiMk^ov xf»7/Miro»v \dxos fuya, 

"'Ev^nxav avT6jrp(fjiVov €ls t6 irav iyuoi, 

*'E(aip€T6v t<hprjfta Gf/o-eiur T6fcoiS, 

In the days of Peisistratus, it seems Athens was not bold enough or 
powerful enough to advance this vast pretension. 

' Char6n of Lampsacus ap. Schol. ApoUon. Rhod. ii. 2 ; Bemhardy 
ad Dionys. Peri6g6t. 806. p. 747. 

' Such at least is the statement of Strabo (xii. p. 590) ; though such 
an extent of Lydian rule at that time seems not easy to reconcile with 
the proceedings of the subsequent Lydian kings. 

Chap. XV.] LEGEND OF TROY. 459 

upon whom therefore the Teukrians of Ida must 
have been dependent. This must have been about 
700 B.C., a period considerably earlier than the 
Mitylenaean occupation of Sigeium. Lampsacus 
and Paesus, on the neighbouring shores of the Pro- 
pontis, were also Milesian colonies, though we do 
not know their date : Parium was jointly settled 
from MilStuSy Erythrae and Parus. 




Thb preceding sections have been intended to ex- 
hibit a sketch of that narrative matter, so abundant, 
so characteristic, and so interesting, out of which 
early Grecian history and chronology have been 
extracted. Raised originally by hands unseen and 
from data unassignable^ it existed first in the shape 
of floating talk among the people, from whence a 
large portion of it passed into the song of the poets, 
who multiplied, transformed and adorned it in a 
thousand various ways. 
The mythet Thcsc mythcs or current stories, the spontaneous 
entire men- and earliest growth of the Grecian mind, consti- 
th^e^ ^^ tuted at the same time the entire intellectual stock 
Greeks. ^f jjj^ ^g^ to which they belonged. They are the 
common root of all those difierent ramifications 
into which the mental activity of the Greeks sub- 
sequently diverged ; containing, as it were, the 
preface and germ of the positive history and phi- 
losophy, the dogmatic theology and the professed 
romance, which we shall hereafter trace each in its 
separate development. They furnished aliment to 
the curiosity, and solution to the vague doubts and 
aspirations, of the age ; they explained the origin 
of those customs and standing peculiarities with 
which men were familiar ; they impressed moral 


lessons, awakened patriotic sympathies, and exhi- 
bited in detail the shadowy, but anxious presenti- 
ments of the vulgar as to the agency of the gods : 
moreover they satisfied that craving for adventure 
and appetite for the marvellous, which has in mo- 
dern times become the province of fiction proper. 

It is difficult, we may say impossible, for a man 
of mature age to carry back his mind to his con- 
ceptions such as they stood when he was a child, 
growing naturally out of his imagination and feel- 
ings, working upon a scanty stock of materials, 
and borrowing from authorities whom he blindly 
followed, but imperfectly apprehended. A similar 
difficulty occurs when we attempt to place ourselves 
in the historical and quasi-philosophical point of 
view which the ancient mythes present to us. We 
can follow perfectly the imagination and feeling 
which dictated these tales, and we can admire and 
sympathise with them as animated, sublime, and 
afiecting poetry ; but we are too much accustomed 
to matter of fact and philosophy of a positive kind, 
to be able to conceive a time when these beautiful 
fancies were construed literally and accepted as 
serious reality. 

Nevertheless it is obvious that Grecian mythes state of 
cannot be either understood or appreciated except wwch*u!^^ 
with reference to the system of conceptions and ''^**^ 
belief of the ages in which they arose. We must 
suppose a public not reading and writing, but see- 
ing, hearing and telling— destitute of all records, 
and careless as well as ignorant of positive history 
with its indispensable tests, yet at the same time 
curious and full of eagerness for new or impressive 


incidents — strangers even to the rudiments of posi- 
tive philosophy and to the idea of invariable se- 
quences of nature either in the physical or moral 
woiidy yet requiring some connecting theory to in- 
terpret and regularise the phaenomena before them. 
Such a theory was supplied by the spontaneous 
inspirations of an early fancy, which supposed the 
habitual agency of beings intelligent and voluntary 
like themselves, but superior in extent of power. 
Tendency and different in peculiarity of attributes. In the 
^^i^^ geographical ideas of the Homeric period, the earth 
^^"' was flat and round, with the deep and gentle ocean- 

stream flowing around and returning into itself: 
chronology, or means of measuring past time, there 
existed none ; but both unobserved regions might be 
described, the forgotten past unfolded, and the un- 
known future predicted — through particular men 
specially inspired by the gods, or endowed by them 
with that peculiar vision which detected and inter- 
preted passing signs and omens. 
Absence of If cveu the rudimeuts of scientific geography and 
know[^ge physics, uow SO Universally diffused and so invalu- 
^S^. able as a security against error and delusion, were 
fyingfwth. wanting in this early stage of society, their place 
was abundantly supplied by vivacity of imagination 
and by personifying sympathy. The mibounded 
tendency of the Homeric Greeks to multiply fic- 
titious persons, and to construe the phaenomena 
which interested them into manifestations of design, 
is above all things here to be noticed, because the 
form of personal narrative, universal in their my thes, 
is one of its many manifestations. Their polytheism 
(comprising some elements of an original fetichism, 


in which particular objects had themselves been sup- 
posed to be endued with life, volitiony and design) 
recognised agencies of unseen beings identified and 
confounded with the different localities and depart- 
ments of the physical world. Of such beings there 
were numerous varieties, and many gradations both 
in power and attributes ; there were differences of 
age, sex, and local residence, relations both con* 
jugal and filial between them, and tendencies sym- 
pathetic as well as repugnant. The gods formed a 
sort of political community of their own, which 
had its hierarchy, its distribution of ranks and 
duties, its contentions for power and occasional re- 
volutions, its public meetings in the agora of Olym- 
pus, and its multitudinous banquets or festivals ^ 
The great Olympic gods were in fact only the most 
exalted amongst an aggregate of quasi-human or 
ultra-human personages, — daemons, heroes, nymphs, 
eponymous (or name-giving) genii, identified with 
each river, mountain^ cape, town, village, or known 

* Homer, Diad, i. 603 ; xx. 7. Heaiod, Theogon. 802. 

' We read in the lUad that Asteropseus was grandson of the beautiful 
river Axius, and AchiUes, after haying slain him, admits the dignity of 
this parentage, but boasts that his own descent from Zeus was much 
greater, since even the great river Achelous, and Oceanus himself, are 
inferior to Zeus (xxi. 157-191). Skamander fights with Achilles, call- 
ing his Inrother Simois to his aid (213-308). Tyr6, the daughter of 
Salm6neu8, falls in love with Enipeus, the most beautiful of rivers 
(Odyss. zi. 237). Achelous appears as a suitor of Deianira (SophokL 
Trach. 9). 

There cannot be a better illustration of this feeling than what is told 
of the N^ew Zealanders at the present time. The chief Heu-Heu ap- 
peals to his ancestor, the great mountain Tonga Riro : " I am the Heu- 
Heu, and rule over you all, just as my ancestor Tonga Riro, the moun- 
tain of snow, stands above all this land." (£. J. Wakefield, Adventures 
in New Zealand, vol. i. ch. 17* p> 465.) Heu-Heu refused permission 
to any one to ascend the mountain, on the ground that it was his 


circumscription of territory, — besides horses, bulls, 
and dogs, of immortal breed and peculiar attri- 

tipuna or ancestor : " he constintly identified himself with the moun- 
tain and called it his sacred ancestor" (vol. ii. c. 4. p. 113). The 
mountains in New Zealand are accounted by the natives masculine and 
feminine : Tonga Riro, and Taranald, two male mountains, quarreled 
about the affections of a small volcanic female mountain in the neigh- 
bourhood (t^. ii. c. 4. p. 97). 

The religious imagination of the Hindoos also (as described by 
Colonel Sleeman in his excellent work. Rambles and Recollections of 
an Indian Official), affords a remarkable parallel to that of the early 
Greeks. Colonel Sleeman says, — 

" I asked some of the Hindoos about us why they called the river 
Mother Nerbudda, if she was really never married. Her majesty (said 
they with great respect) would really never consent to be married after 
the indignity she suffered from her affianced bridegroom the Sohun : 
and we call her mother because she blesses us all, and we are anxious 
to accost her by the name which we consider to be the most respectful 
and endearing. 

** Any Englishman can easily conceive a poet in his highest calenture 
of the brain, addressing the Ocean as a steed that knows his rider, and 
patting the crested billow as his flowing mane. But he must come to 
India to understand how every individual of a whole community of many 
miliums can address a fine ritfer as a living being — a sovereign prin- 
cess, who hears and understands all they say, and exercises a kind of 
local superintendence over their affairs, without a single temple in 
which her image is worshiped, or a single priest to profit by the delu- 
sion. As in the case of the Ganges, it is the river itself '^ v^hom they 
address themselves, and not to any deity residing in it, or presiding over 
it — the stream itself is the deity which fills their imaginations, and re- 
ceives their homage." (Rambles and Recollections of an Indian Official, 
ch. iii. p. 20.) Compare also the remarks in the same work on the sanctity 
of Mother Nerbudda (chapter xxvii. p. 261); also of the holy personality 
of the earth. — ''The land is considered as the mother of the prince or 
chief who holds it, the great parent from whom he derives all that main- 
tains him, his family, and his establishments. If well-treated, she 
yields this in abundance to her son ; but if he presumcyi to look upon 
her with the eye of desire, she ceases to be fruitful ; or the Deity sends 
down hail or blight to destroy all that she yields. The measuring the 
surface of the fields, and the frequently inspecting the crops by the 
chief himself or his immediate agents, were considered by the people in 
this light— either it should not be done at all, or the duty should be 
delegated to inferior agents, whose close inspection of the great parent 
could not be so displeasing to the Deity." (Ch. xxvii. p. 248.) 

See also about the Gods who are believed to reside in trees — the 


bates, and monstersof strange lineaments and com- Multitude 
binations, '' Gorgons and Harpies and Chimaeras ^q^^ 
dire." As there were in every gens or family spe- wMgwT*^" 
cial gentile deities and foregone ancestors who 
watched over its members, forming in each the 
characteristic symbol and recognised guarantee of 
their union, so there seem to have been in each 
guild or trade peculiar beings whose vocation it 
was to co-operate or to impede in various stages of 
the business ^ 

The extensive and multiform personifications, 
here faintly sketched, pervaded in every direction 
the mental system of the Greeks, and were identified 
intimately both with their conception and with 
their description of phsenomena, present as well as 
past. That which to us is interesting as the mere 
creation of an exuberant fancy, was to the Greek 

genuine and venerated reality. The earth and 


Peepul-tree, the cotton-tree, &c. (eh. ix. p. 112), and the description 
of the annual marriage celebrated between the sacred pebble, or peb- 
ble-god, Sahgram, and the sacred shmb Toolsea, celebrated at great 
expense and with a numerous procession (chap. zix. p. 158; zziii. 
p. 186). 
^ See the song to the potters, in the Homeric Epigrams (14) : — 

E{ fUv dctto-rrc fil<rBov, d€i(rti, & K€pafjSJ€S' 

EZ dc lUkavButv K^rvKoi, xoi iravra KOMaoTpa 

^pvX^vai T€ KaXS>t, Koi rifitjs &vop dp^aBai, 

^p d* cir* d»aib€lrfv rpc<^cWfff ^^wd^ ipijtrOt, 

SvyicaXfftO dfj Vcira K€ifii»^ itjXrfrrjpas' 

^vvrptp ofuos, ^fidpay6p re, jcal *A(r/3cTov, rf^M Ja^dicrtip, 

^QfiddofjLov 0*i 6ff rgdc rix^'d '^'^^ iroXX^ nopi^n, &C. 
A certain kindred between men and serpents {(rvyy€Pti6p riva frp6s 
Tovs ikl>tis) was recognised in the peculiar gens of the itf^toytpns near 
Parion, who possessed the gift of healing by their touches the bite of 
the serpent : the original hero of this gens was said to have been trans* 
formed from a serpent into a man (Strabo, xiii. p. 688). 

VOL. I. 2 H 


the solid heaven (Gsea and Uranos) were both con- 
ceived and spoken of by him as endowed with appe- 
tite, feeling, sex, and most of the various attributes 
of humanity. Instead of a sun such as we now see, 
subject to astronomical laws, and forming the centre 
of a system the changes of which we can ascertain 
and foreknow, he saw the great god Hdlios, mount- 
ing his chariot in the morning in the east, reaching 
at midday the height of the solid heaven, and ar- 
riving in the evening at the western horizon, with 
horses fatigued and desirous of repose. Hdlios, 
having favourite spots wherein his beautiful cattle 
grazed, took pleasure in contemplating them during 
the course of his journey, and was sorely displeased 
if any man slew or injured them : he had moreover 
sons and daughters on earth, and as his all-seeing 
eye penetrated everywhere, he was sometimes in a 
situation to reveal secrets even to the gods them- 
selves — while on other occasions he was constrained 
to turn aside in order to avoid contemplating scenes 
of abomination ^ To us these now appear puerile, 

' Odyss. ii. 388; Tiu. 270; xii. 4, 128, 416; xxiii. 362. BiMd, zIt. 
344. The Homeric Hymn to D6m6t^ expresses it neatly (63) — 

'HcXtov d* ucoPTO, Bt&p (TKdirop tfdi icai dvdp&v. 

Also the remarkable story of Eu^us of Apoll6nia, his neglect of the 
sacred cattle of Hdlios, and the awful consequences of it (Herodot. 
ix. 93 : compare Theocr. IdylL xxy. 130). 

I know no passage in which this conception of the heavenly bodies 
as Persons is more strikingly set forth than in the words of the German 
chief Boiocalus, pleading the cause of himself and his tribe the Ansibarii 
before the Roman legate Avitus. This tribe, expelled by other tribes 
from its native possessions, had sut down upon some of that wide ex- 
tent of lands on the Lower Rhine which the Roman government re- 
served for the use of its soldiers, but which remained desert, because 
the soldiers had neither the means nor the inclination to occupy them. 
The old chief, pleading his cause before Avitus, who had issued an order 


though pleasing fancies, but to an Homeric Greek 
they seemed perfectly natural and plausible. In 
his view, the description of the sun, as given in a 
modern astronomical treatise, would have appeared 
not merely absurd, but repulsive and impious. Even Wbatwe 
in later times, when the positive spirit of inquiry ^i^ 
had made considerable progress, Anaxagoras and ^^the 
other astronomers incurred the charge of blasphemy ^"^'^fj 
for dispersonifying Hdlios, and trying to assign in- ^^ 

to bim to evacuate the lands, first dwelt upon his fidelity of fifty yean 
to the Roman cause, and next touched upon the enormity of retaining 
to large an area in a state of waste (Tacit. Ann. xiii. 55) : *' Quotam 
partem campi jacere, in quam pecora et armenta mihtum aliquando 
transmitterentur? Servarent sane receptos gregibus, inter hominum 
fiunam : modo ne vastitatem et solitudinem mallent, quam amioos po- 
pulos. Chamavorum quondam ea arva, mox Tt\]i)antum, et post Usi« 
piorum fmsse. Sicuti ccelum Diis, ita terras generi mortalium datas : 
qweqae vacuse, eas publicas esse. Solem deinde respidens, et cettera 
Mtdera vocans, quasi coram interrogabat — v^entne conttteri inane solum^ 
poHus mare superfunderent adversus terrarum ereptares, Commotus his 
Avitus," &c. The legate refused the request, but privately offered to 
Boiocalus lands for himself apart from the tribe, which that chief in- 
dignantly spumed. He tried to maintain himself in the lands, but was 
expelled by the Roman arms, and forced to seek a home among the 
other German tribes, all of whom refused it. After much wandering 
and privation, the whole tribe of the Ansibarii was annihilated: its 
warriors were all slain, its women and children sold as slaves. 

I notice this afflicting sequel, in order to show that the brave old chief 
was pleading before Avitus a matter of life and death both to himself 
and his tribe, and that the occasion was one least of all suited for a mere 
rhetorical prosopopceia. His appeal is one sincere and heartfelt to the 
personal feelings and sympathies of Hdlios. 

Tacitus, in reporting the speech, accompanies it with the gloss 
'' quasi coram," to mark that the speaker here passes into a difii^ent 
order of ideas from that to which himself or his readers were accus- 
tomed. If Boiocalus could have heard, and reported to his tribe, an 
astronomical lecture, he would have introduced some explanation, in 
order to &cilit«te to his tribe the comprehension of Hllios under a point 
of view so new to them. While Tacitus finds it necessary to illustrate 
by a comment the personification qf the sun, Boiocalus would have had 
some trouble to make his tribe comprehend the re-ificaium qf the god 



variable laws to the solar phaenomena'. Personi- 
fying fiction was in this way blended by the Ho- 
meric Greeks with their conception of the physical 
phsenomena before them, not simply in the way of 
poetical ornament, but as a genuine portion of their 
every-day belief. 

It was in this early state of the Grecian mind, 
stimulating so forcibly the imagination and the 
feelings, and acting through them upon the belief, 
that the great body of the mythes grew up and ob- 
tained circulation. They were, from first to last, 
personal narratives and adventures ; and the per- 
sons who predominated as subjects of them were 
the gods, the heroes, the nymphs, &c., whose names 

* Physical astronomy was both new and accounted impious in the 
time of the Peloponnesian war : see Plutarch, in his reference to that 
eclipse which proved so fatal to the Athenian army at S3nracuse« in 
consequence of the religious feelings of Nikias : ov yap ^ycixoyro rovt 
ifivatKoift koi fi€T€<opoKf(rxtis t6t€ KoKovfUpovs, a>( cir alriat aX^yovt jcol 
Ih/vdfAtis dwpovorinwf icai KanjpayKaa'fUpa irdOri iutrpifioyras t6 Btlov 
(Plutarch, Nikias, c. 23, and Perikl^ c. 32; I>iod6r. xu. 39; Dtoto. 
Phaler. ap. Diogen. Laert. \x, 9, 1). 

" You strange man, MelStus," said Sokrat^, on his trial, to his ac- 
cuser, " are you seriously afldrming that I do not think Helios and Se- 
ISnd to be gods, as the rest of mankind think 7" *' Certainly not, gen- 
tlemen of the Dikastery ; (this is the reply of Melius,) Sokrates says 
that the sun is a stone, and the moon earth.'* *' Why, my dear MelStus, 
yon think you are preferring an accusation against Anaxagoras ! You 
account these Dikasts so contemptibly ignorant, as not to know that 
the books of Anaxagoras are fuU of such doctrines ! Is it from me 
that the youth acquire such teaching, when they may buy the books 
for a drachma in the theatre, and may thus laugh me to scorn if I pre- 
tended to announce such views as my own — not to tnention their extreme 
absurdity V (Skktis rf koX ovrnt Srofra Svra, Plato, Apolog. Sokrat. 
c. 14. p. 26.) 

The divinity of H61ios and SeldnS is emphatically set forth by Plato, 
Legg. X. p. 886-889. He permits physical astronomy only under great 
restrictions and to a limited extent. Ck>mpare Xenoph. Memor. iv. 7t 7 ; 
Diogen. Laert. ii. 8; Plutarch, De Stoicor. Repugnant, c. 40. p. 1063; 
and Schaubach ad Anaxagone Fragmenta, p. 6. 


were known and reverenced, and in whom every 
one felt interested. To every god and every hero 
it was consistent with Grecian ideas to ascribe great 
diversity of human motive and attribute : each in- 
deed has his own peculiar type of character, more 
or less strictly defined ; but in all there was a wide 
foundation for animated narrative and for romantic 
incident. The gods and heroes of the land and the 
tribe belonged, in the conception of a Greek, alike 
to* the present and to the past: he worshiped in 
their groves and at their festivals ; he invoked their 
protection, and believed in their superintending 
guardianship, even in his own day : but their more 
special, intimate, and sympathising, agency was The gods 

cast back into the unrecorded pa8t^ To give suit their 

able utterance to this general sentiment — to furnish ^t baST*^ 
body and movement and detail to these divine and ^^t^^^ 
heroic pre-existences, which were conceived only ?m|j^^ed 
in shadowy outline, — to lighten up the dreams of mythes. 

' Hesiod, Catalog. Fragm. 76. p. 48, ed. Diintzer : — 
Swat yiip t6t€ dfurts Kaop (pifoi re $6»K0i, 
*KBav6rois re Btoiin KaToBvfiToit t avB^mvoit, 

Both the Theogonia and the Works and Days bear testimony to the 
same general feeling. £yen the heroes of Homer suppose a preceding 
age, the inmates of which were in nearer contact with the gods than 
they themselves (Odyss. viii. 223 ; Iliad, y. 304 ; xii. 382). Compare 
Catullus, Cann. 64 ; Epithalam. Peleds et Thetidos, v. 382-^08. 

Menander the Rhetor (following generally the steps of Dionys. Hal. 
Art. Rhetor, cap. 1-8) suggests to his fellow-citizens at Alexandria 
Trdas, proper and complimentary forms to invite a great man to visit 
their festival of the Sminthia : — &<nrtp yap ^h.n6Kk(»va voXKokis idexfro 
fj nSkis rots S/uv^tots, fjviKa i^rjp Btoifs irpo<f}avw£ iirittjfitiv rotv 
avBpiiiroiSy ovra> Koi ore tf ir6kts vvp npovh^xtrm (nvpi 'Evridecxruc. s. iv. 
c. 14. ap. Walz. Coll. Rhetor, t. ix. p. 304). Menander seems to have 
been a native of Alexandria Tr6as, though Suidas calls him a Laodicean 
(see Walz. Pr»f. ad t. ix. p. xv.-xx. ; and rt^pX :ifuvBuuc&p, sect. iv. c. 1 7). 
The festival of the Sminthia lasted down to his time, embracing the * 
whole duration of paganism from Homer downwards. 

470 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Part 1. 

what the past must have beenS in the minds of 
those who knew not what it really had been— such 
was the spontaneous aim and inspiration of pro- 
ductive genius in the community, and such were 
the purposes which the Grecian mythes pre-emi- 
nently accomplished. 

The love of antiquities, which Tacitus notices as 
so prevalent among the Greeks of his day^, was 
one of the earliest, the most durable, and the most 
widely diflfused of the national propensities. But 
the antiquities of every state were divine and he- 
roic, reproducing the lineaments, but disregarding 
the measure and limits, of ordinary humanity. 
The gods formed the starting-point, beyond which 
no man thought of looking, though some gods were 
more ancient than others : their progeny, the he- 
roes, many of them sprung from human mothers, 
constitute an intermediate link between god and 
man. The ancient epic usually recognises the pre- 
sence of a multitude of nameless men, but they are 
introduced chiefly for the purpose of filling the 
scene, and of executing the orders, celebrating the 
valour, and bringing out the personality, of a few 
divine or heroic characters^. It was the glory of 

' p. A. Miiller observes justly, in his Saga-'Bibliothek, in reference 
to the Icelandic mythes, ''In dem Mythischen wird das Leben der 
Vorzeit dargestellt, wie es wirklich dem kindlichen Verstande, der ju- 
gendlichen Einbildungskraft, und dem yollen Herzen, erscheint." 

(Laiige's Untersuchungen uber die Nordische und Deutsche Hdden- 
sage, translated from P. A. Miiller, Introd. p. 1.) 

' Titus visited the temple of the Paphian Venus in Cyprus, " spec- 
tat& opulenti^ donisque regum, quseque alia latum antiquitatibus Gre- 
corum genus incerta vetustati a^ngit, de navigatione primum consu- 
luit." (Tacit. Hist. ii. 4-5.) 

' Aristotel. Problem, xix. 48. 01 dc riytfx6pts t&p apxainv f^dtw. ^trntf 
^p09s' ol dc Xaoi SvBpwnoi, Istros followed this opinion also : but the 


have only to consider the early, or Homeric and 
Hesiodic paganism, and its operation in the genesis 

trabakus is father of the Laoedsemonian king Demaratus (Herod. vL 66). 
[Herodotus does not believe the story toldhim at Babylon respecting Belus 
(i. 182).] Euripidls sometimes expresses disapprobation of the idea (Ion, 
360), bat Plato passed among a large portion c^ his admirers for the ac- 
tual son of Apollo, and his reputed father Aristo on marrying was ad- 
monished in a dream to respect the person of his wife PeriktionA, then 
pregnant by Apollo, until after the birth of the child Plato (Phttarch, 
QusBst. Sympos. p. 717. viii. I; Diogen. Laert. iii. 2; Origen, cont. 
Cels. i. p. 29). Plutarch (in Life of Numa, c. 4 ; compare Life of Th^ 
seus, 2) discusses the subject, and is inchned to disallow everything be- 
yond mental sympathy and tenderness in a god : Pauaanias deals ti- 
midly with it, and is not always consistent with himself; while the later 
rhetors spirituahse it altogether. Menander, ntpi 'Eiridcun-iiccdy, (towards 
the end of the third century B.C.) prescribes rules for praising a king : 
you are to praise him for the gens to which he belongs : perhaps you 
may be able to make out that he really is the son of some god ; for many 
who seem to be from men, are really sent down by God and are emana- 
Hans from the Supreme Potency — n-oXXol t6 iuv doMlw 4( dvBptnrwf tlalt 
rj y dktj$fUf iraph rov Btov Karanriynrovrat km tlaiv dw6ppouu S¥r»s rov 
KptiTTOvos' Ka\ yitp 'HpaxX^r ivopi^m ptv * Apffnrpvwvos, rjj di akrjSfiq. ^p 
Am^s . Ovra> koI jSocriXc^ 6 tiph-tpot r^ piv dojccii' cf avBpimvv, rj ^ 
d\tj3(uf rrjv KaTafioXijv ovpavoB^v J^x^i, &c. (Menander ap. Walz. Ckillect. 
Rhetor, t. ix. c. i. p. 218.) Again — ircpl 2piv6taKa>» — Z€vs yiv^atv vaid&y 
fifipiovpytiv iv€v6n<Tf — 'AiroXXatv tj)v *A<r»cXi;Trtoi) ycWcrtv c ^ly/itovp- 
yrj(r€, p. 322-327 ; compare Hermogen^ about the story of Apollo and 
Daphnd, Progymnasm. c. 4 ; and Julian. Orat. vii. p. 220. 

The contrast of the pagan phraseology of this age (Menander had him- 
self composed a hymn of invocation to ApoUo — ntpX 'Eyic«fu«v, c. 3. 
t. ix. p. 136, Walz.) with that of Homer is very worthy of notice. In 
the Hesiodic Catalogue of Women much was said respecting the mar- 
riages and amours of the gods, so' as to furnish many suggestions, like 
the love-songs of Sappho, to the composers of Epithalamic Odes (Me- 
nand. ib. sect. iv. c. 6. p. 268). 

Menander g^ves a specimen of a prose hymn fit to be addressed to the 
Smiuthian Apollo (p. 320); the spiritual character of which hymn forms 
the most pointed contrast with the Homeric hymn to the same god. 

We may remark an analogous case in which the Homeric hymn to 
Apollo is modified by Plutarch. To provide for the establishment of 
his temple at Delphi, ApoUo was described as having himself, in the 
shape of a dolphin, swam before a Kretan vessel and guided it to 
Krissa, where he dii*ected the terrified crew to open the Delphian 
temple. But Plutarch says that this old statement was not correct :- 


of the mythical narratives. We cannot doubt that 
it supplied the most powerful stimulus, and the stimulus 
only one which the times admitted, to the creative afforded to 
faculty of the people ; as well from the sociability, ^^^'^^ 
the gradations, and the mutual action and reaction *^*^' 
of its gods and heroes, as from the amplitude, the 
variety, and the purely human cast, of its funda- 
mental types. 

Though we may thus explain the mythopoeic fer- 
tility of the Greeks, I am far from pretending that 
we can render any sufficient account of the supreme 
beauty of their chief epic and artistical produc- 
tions. There is something in the first-rate pro- 
ductions of individual genius which lies beyond the 
compass of philosophical theory : the special breath 
of the Muse (to speak the language of ancient 
Greece) must be present in order to give them 
being. Even among her votaries, many are called, 
but few are chosen ; and the peculiarities of those 
few remain as yet her own secret. 

the god had not himself appeared in the shape of a dolphin — he had 
sent a dolphin expressly to guide the vessel (Plutarch, de Solerti4 Ani- 
mal, p. 983). Sc^ also a contrast between the Homeric Zeus, and the 
genuine Zeus, {akriBivhs) brought out in Plutarch^ Defect. Oracul. c. 30. 
p. 426. 

Illicit amours seem in these later times to be ascribed to the balfMovts; 
see the singular controversy started among the fictitious pleadings of 
the ancient rhetors — No/iov Svrot, ntipBivovs kclL KaBapht cimk rhs Itptias, 

Up€ia ris tvptSrj orcifeiov (l>tpovaa, KaX xpiWrai.. *AXX' €pu, <f)a<r\, dm 

riis T&p d<u/M$va>y €in<l>oiTri(r€is ica\ intPovXas nfpirtOeia-Bai' Kai ir&£ ovk 
avitfTov KOfudrj r^ roiovrov ; t^€t yhp np6s r6 firj a<f>aip€$rjvai ttjv irapBf' 
puuf <fH>p€lv ri ajrorp6fratovt ov fi^p irp6s r6 rcxciv (Anon3rmi Scholia ad 
Hermogen. Srdo-cif, ap. Walz. Coll. Rh. t. vii. p. 162). 

Apsinis of Gadara, a sophist of the time df Diocletian, pretended to 
be a son of Pan (see Suidas, v. *A^in7r). The anecdote respecting the 
rivers Skamander and Mseander, in the tenth epistle ascribed to the orator 
JCschin^s (p. 737), is curious, but we do not know the date of that epistle. 


We shall not however forget that Grecian lan- 
guage was also an indispensable requisite to the 
growth and beauty of Grecian mythes — its richness, 
its flexibility and capacity of new combinations, its 
vocalic abundance and metrical pronunciation : and 
many even among its proper names, by their ana- 
logy to words really significant, gave direct occa- 
sion to explanatory or illustrative stories. Etymo- 
logical mythes are found in sensible proportion 
among the whole number. 

To understand properly then the Grecian mythes, 
we must try to identify ourselves with the state of 
mind of the original mythopoeic age ; a process not 
very easy, since it requires us to adopt a string of 
poetical fancies not simply as realities, but as the 
governing realities of the mental system ' ; yet a 

' The mental analogy between the early stages of human civilisation 
and the childhood of the individual is forcibly and frequently set forth 
in the works of Vioo. That eminently original thinker dwells upon the 
poeticalandreligious susceptibilities as the first to develope themselves in 
the human mind, and as furnishing not merely connecting threads for the 
explanation of sensible phenomena, but also aliment for the hopes and 
fears, and means of socialising influence to men of genius, at a time when 
reason was yet asleep. He points out the personifying instinct {" istinto 
d' animazione") as the spontaneous philosophy of man, " to make him- 
self the rule of the universe," and to suppose everywhere a quasi-human 
agency as the determining cause. He remarks that in an age of fancy 
and feeling, the conceptions and language of poetry coincide with those 
of reality and common life, instead of standing apart as a separate vein. 
These views are repeated frequently (and with some variations of opi- 
nion as he grew older) in his Latin work De Uno Universi Juris Prm- 
cipio, as well as in the two successive redactions of his great Italian 
work, Scienza Nuova (it must be added that Vico as an expositor is 
prolix, and does not do justice to his own powers of original thought): 
I select 'the following from die second edition of the latter treatise, pub- 
lished by himself in 1744, Delia Mctqfisica Poetica (see vol. v. p. 189 
of Ferrari's edition of his Works, Milan, 1836) : " Adunque la sapienza 
poetica, che fu la prima sapienza della G^tilitJi, dovette incomindare 


process which would only reproduce something 
analogous to our own childhood. The age was one 
destitute both of recorded history and of positive 
science, but full of imagination and sentiment and 
religious impressibility ; from these sources sprung 
that multitude of supposed persons around whom 

da una Metafisica, non ragionata ed astratta, qual h questa or d^li ad- 
dottrinatiy ma sentita ed mmaginata, quale dovetf essere di tai primi 
uomini, ticcome quelli ch* erano di niun raziociiiio, e tutti robuati lenn 
e Tigoronssime fantasie, come h stato nelle degnitii (the Axioms) stabi- 
lito. Questa fu la loro propria poesia, la qual in esn fu ima £ienlUi 
loro connaturale, percbe erano di tali senai e di si fatte fiantasie natural- 
mente fomiti, nata da ignoranza di co^rtont— la qual fU loro madre di 
maraviglia di tutte le cose, che quelli ignoranti di tutte le cose forte- 
mente ammiravano. Tal poesia incomincid in essi divina : perch^ nello 
stesso tempo ch' essi immaginavano le cagioni delle cose, che senttrano 
ed ammiravano, essere Dei, come ora il confermiamo con gli Ameri- 
cani, i quali tutte le cose che superano la loro picciol capacity dicono 

esser Dei nello stesso tempo, diciamo, alle cose ammirate davano 

1' essere di sostanze dalla propria lor idea : ch' h appunto la natura dei 
fandulli, che osserviamo prendere tra mani cose inanimate, e trastul- 
larsi e favellarvi, come fussero quelle persone yive. In ootal guisa i primi 
uomini delle nazioni gentili, come fimciulli del nascente gener umano, 

dalla lor idea creavan essi le cose per la loro robusta ignoranza, il 

facevano in forza d* una corpolentissima fantasia, e perch' era oorpo* 
lentissima, il facevano con una maravigliosa subhmitii, tal e tanta, che 

perturbava all' eccesso essi medesimi, che fingendo lesi creavano 

Di questa natura di cose umane rest6 etema propriety spiegatacon nobil 
espressione da Tacito, che vanamente gli uomini spaventati jSn^tm^ simul 

After describing the condition of rude men, terrified with thunder and 
other vast atmospheric phsenomena, Yico proceeds {tb, p. 172) — '< In. 
tal caso la natura della mente umana porta ch' ella attribuisca all' efietto 
la sua natura : e la natura loro era in tale stato d' uomini tutti robuste 
forze di corpo, che urlando, brontolando, spi^avano le loro violentissime 
passioni, si finsero il cielo esser un gran corpo animato, che per tal 
aspetto chiamavano Giove, che ool fischio dei fulmini e col fragore die 

tuoni volesse lor dire qualche cosa.... E si fanno di tutta la natura 

un vasto corpo animato, che senta passioni ed afietti." 
Now the contrast with modem habits of thought : — 
" Ma siccome ara per la natura deUe nostre umane menti troppo ri- 
tirata dai sensi nel medesimo volgo— con le tante astrazioni, di quante 
sono piene le lingue — con tanti vocaboti aatratti — e di troppo assotti- 


all combinations of sensible phsenomena were group- 
ed, and towards whom curiosity, sympathies and 
reverence were earnestly directed. The adventures 
of such pei*8ons were the only aliment suited at 
once both to the appetites and to the comprehen- 
sion of an early Greek ; and the mythes which de- 

glUta con 1' arti dello tcrivere, e quad spiritualezzata con la pratica 
dei numeri — ci i naturalmente niegato di poterformare la vasta imagine 
di ootal donna che dioono Natura timpatetica, che mentre con la bocca 
dicono, non hanno nulla in lor mente, peroech^ la lor mente h dentro 
il fidao, che h nulla ; n^ aono soccorti dalla fantasia a poteme fcnmare 
una falsa vastissima imagine. Cos! ora ci i naturalmente niegato di 
poter entrare nella vasta immagintUiva di i^mei primi uomim, le menti dei 
quali di nulla erano assottigliate, di nulla astratte, di nulla spiritualez- 

zate Onde dicemmo sopra ch' ora appena intender ei pnd, afatto 

immaginar non si pub, come pensassero i primi uomini cbe fondarono 
la umanitii gentilesca." 

In this citation (already almost too long for a note) I have omitted 
several sentences not essential to the general meaning. It places these 
early divine fables and theological poets (so Vico calls them) in their 
true point of view, and assigns to them their proper place in the ascend- 
ing movement of human society : it refers the mythes to an early reli- 
gious and poetical age, in which feehng and fiuicy composed the whole 
fiind of the human mind> over and above the powers of sense : the great 
mental change which has since taken place has robbed us of the power, 
not merely of believing them as they were originally believed, but even 
of conceiving completely that which their first inventors intended to 

The views here given from this distinguished Italian (the precursor 
of F. A. Wolf in regard to the Homeric poems, as well as of Niebuhr 
in regard to the Roman history) appear to me no less correct than 
profound ; and the obvious inference from them is, that attempts to 
ewplain (as it is commonly called) the mythes (t. e. to translate ihem 
into some physical, moral or historical statements suitable to our order 
of thought) are, even as guesses, essentially unpromising. Nevertheless 
Vico, inconsistently with his own general view, bestows great labour 
and ingenuity in attempting to discover internal meaning symbolised 
under many of the mythes ; and even lays down the position, ** che i 
primi uomini della Gentility essendo stati semplicissimi, qiumto i fan- 
ciuUi, i quali per natura son veritieri : le prime favole non poterono 
finger nulla di falso : per lo che dovettero necessariamente essere vere 
narrazioni" (See vol. v. p. 194 ; compare also p. 99, A'xiom xvi.) If 
this position be meant simply to exclude the idea of designed imposture. 


tailed them, while powerfully interesting his emo- 
tions, furnished to him at the same time a quasi- 
history and quasi-philosophy : they filled up the 
vacuum of the unrecorded past, and explained 
many of the puzzling incognita of the presents 

it may for the most part be admitted ; but Vico evidently intends some- 
thing more. He thinks that there lies hid under the &bles a basis of 
matter of fact — ^not titeral, but symbolised — ^which he draws out and 
exhibits under the form of a civil history of the divine and heroic times : 
a confusion of doctrine the more remarkable, since he distinctly tells 
tts (in perfect conformity with the long passage above transcribed from 
him) that the special matter of these early mythes is " impossibility 
accredited as truth/' — '* che la di lei propria materia h V impossibile cre^ 
dibile " (p. 176, and still more fully in the first ruction of the Sciema 
Nuova, b. iii. c. 4 ; vol. iv. p. 187 of his Works). 

When we read the Canones Mythologici of Vico (De Constantia 
Philologise, Pars Posterior, c. xxx. ; vol. iii. p. 363), and his explanation 
of the legends of the Olympic gods, Hercidds, Theseus, Kadmus, &c., 
we see clearly that the meaning which he professes to bring out is one 
previously put in by himself. 

There are some just remarks to the same purpose in Karl Bitter's 
VorhdUe Ewopdischer Volker — Geschichten, AlMchn. ii. p. 160 seq, 
(Berlin, 1820). He too points out how much the fedth of the old world 
(der Glaube der Vorwelt) has become foreign to our minds, since the 
recent advances of '' Politik und Kritik," and how impossible it is for us 
to elicit hiq^iy from their conceptions by our analysis, in cases where 
they have not distinctly laid it out for us. The great length of this 
note prevents me from citing the passage : and he seems to me also 
(like Vico) to pursue his own particular investigations in forgetfulness 
of the principle laid down by himself. 

' O. Muller, in his Prolegomena zu einer wissenschqftlichen Mytho- 
logie (cap. iv. p. 108), has pointed out the mistake of supposing that 
th^re existed originally some nucleus of pure reality as the starting- 
point of the mythes, and that upon this nucleus fiction was superin- 
duced afterwards : he maintains that the real and the ideal were blended 
together in the primitive conception of the mythes. Respecting the 
general state of mind out of which the mythes grew, see especially 
pages 78 and 110 of that work, which is everywhere full of instruction 
on the subject of the Grecian mythes, and is eminently suggestive, even 
where the positions of the author are not completely made out. 

The short Heldensage der Griechen by Nitzch (Kiel, 1842, t. v.) 
contains more of just and original thought on the subject of the Gre- 
cian mythes than any work with which I am acquainted, I embrace 
xx)mpletely the subjective point of view in which he regards them ; and 


Easyfuth Nor need we wonder that the same plausibility, 

m popular ^ . 

andpiausi- wbich Captivated his imagination and his feelingSi 
was sufficient to engender spontaneous belief; or 
rather, that no question, as to truth or falsehood of 
the narrative, suggested itself to his mind. His 
faith is ready, literal and uninquiring, apart from 
all thought of discriminating- fact from fiction, or 
of detecting hidden and symbolised meaning ; it is 
enough that what he hears be intrinsically plausible 
and seductive, and that there be no special cause 
to provoke doubt. And if indeed there were, the 
poet overrules such doubts by the holy and all-suf- 
ficient authority of the Muse, whose omniscience is 
the warrant for his recital, as her inspiration is the 
cause of his success. 

The state of mind, and the relation of speaker to 
bearers, thus depicted, stand clearly marked in the 
terms and tenor of the ancient epic, if we only put 
a plain meaning upon what we read. The poet — 

although I have profitted much from reading hit short tract, I may men- 
tion that before I ever law it, I had enforced the aame reasonings on 
the subject in an article in the Westminster Review, May 1843, on the 
HeroeH'Geschichien of Niebuhr. 

Jacob Grimm, in the preface to his Deutsche Mythologie (p. 1 , 1st edit. 
Gott. 1835), pointedly insists on the distinction between '* Sage " and 
history, as well as upon the fact that the former has its chief root in re- 
ligious belief. " Legend and history (he says) are powers each by itself, 
ai^joining indeed on the confines, but having each its own separate and 
exclusive ground ;" also p. zxvii. of the same introduction. 

A view substantially similar is adopted by WiUiam Grimm, the other 
of the two distinguished brothers whose labours have so much eluci- 
dated Teutonic philology and antiquities. He examines the extent to 
which either historical matter of fact or historical names can be traced 
in the Deutsche Heldensage ; and he comes to the conclusion that the 
former is next to nothing, the latter not considerable. He draws parti- 
cular attention to the fact that the audience for whom these poems wexe 
intended had not learned to distinguish history from poetry (W. Grimm, 
Deutsche Heldensage, pp. 8, 337, 342, 345, 399, Gott. 1829). 


like the prophet, whom he so much resembles — P?**»7r^- 

•^ * ' ceive their 

sings under heavenly guidance, inspired by the god- matter 
dess to whom he has prayed for her assisting im- divine in. 
pulse : she puts the word into his mouth and the theMuL 
incidents into bis mind: he is a privileged man, 
chosen as her organ and speaking from her revela- 
tions ^ As the Mu8e grants the gift of song to 
whom she will, so she sometimes in her anger 
snatches it away, and the most consummate human 
genius is then left silent and helpless^. It is true 
that these expressions, of the Muse inspiring and 
the poet singing a tale of past times, have passed 
from the ancient epic to compositions produced 
under very different circumstances, and have now 
degenerated into unmeaning forms of speech ; but 
they gained currency originally in their genuine 
and literal acceptation. If poets had from the be- 
ginning written or recited, the predicate of sing- 
ing would never have been ascribed to them ; nor 
would it ever have become customary to employ 

1 Hesiod, Theogon. 32.— 

cWirvevirav dc (the Muses) fioi avf^v 

Kai fit KtXovff vfivttv fuucdpap ytpos alip iSymtv, &c. 

Odyss. xxii. 347 ; viii. 63, 73, 481,489. AtfiMoK* Ij crc yc Mover* cW* 

da^, Atoff iraZff, 1j <rky 'AytoXXodv : that is, Demodokus has either been 
inspired as a poet by the Muse, or as a prophet by Apollo : for the Ho- 
meric Apollo is not the god of song. Kalchas the prophet receives his 
inspiration from Apollo, who confers upon bim the same knowledge 
boUi of past and future as the Muses give to Hesiod (Iliad, i. 69) : — 
YJLKyas S«rropidrfs, oitavonoKtov fix ^mtto; 
*Os jjbfi ra r 96vTa, rd r iaadfitva, np6 r* iovra 
*Hv diik fuufToavmiv, rrjp ol ir6p€ ^tfiot 'AiroXXtty. 
Also Iliad, ii. 485. 

Both the fidms and the doidot are standing, recognised professions 
(Odyss. xvii. 383), like tbe physician and the carpenter, dtffuotfyyoi, 
« Iliad, ii. 599. 


the name of the Muse as a die to be stamped on 
licensed fiction, unless the practice had begun when 
her agency was invoked and hailed in perfect good 
faith. Belief, the fruit of deliberate inquiry and a 
rational scrutiny of evidence, is in such an age un- 
known. The simple faith of the time slides in un- 
consciously, when the imagination and feeling are 
exalted ; and inspired authority is at once under- 
stood, easily admitted, and implicitly confided in. 
^r"oi5**^ The word my the (jivOoc.fabula, story), in its ori- 
mytht-^ ginal meaning, signified simply a statement or cur- 
aitered. rent narrative, without any connotative implication 
either of truth or falsehood. Subsequently the 
meaning of the word (in Latin and English as well 
as in Greek) changed, and came to carry with it the 
idea of an old personal narrative, always uncertified, 
sometimes untrue or avowedly fictitious ^ And this 
change was the result of a silent alteration in the 
mental state of the society, — of a transition on the 
part of the superior minds (and more or less on the 

' In this later tenae it stands pointedly opposed to laropla, history ^ 
which seems originally to have designated matter of fact, present and 
seen hy the describer, or the result of his personal inquiries (see Hero- 
dot, i. 1 ; Verrius Place, ap. Aul. Gell. v. 18 ; Eusehius, Hist. Ecdes. 
iii. 12 ; and the obserrationt of Dr. Jortin, Remarks on Ecclesiastical 
History, vol. i. p. 59). 

The original use of the word \6yos was the same as that of /ivSot — m 
current tale trae or fidse, as the case might be ; and the term designa- 
ting a person much conversant with the old legends (Koytot) is derived 
from it (Herod, i. 1 ; ii. 3). Hekatseus and Herodotus both use X6yo€ 
in this sense. Herodotus calls both iEsop and Hekatseus Xoyoirococ 
(ii. 134-143). 

Aristotle (Metaphys. i. p. 8, ed. Brandis) seems to use fw&os m tiiis 
sense, where he says— dto koX (I>tk6fi,v0os 6 <l}iK6a'o<f)6s irt^s rcrrty* 6 yofi 
fivBoi <rvyKtiTai cV fiavfiaaimv, &c. In the same treatise (xi. p. 254), 
he uses it to signify fabulous amplification and transformation of a 
doctrine true in the main. 


part of all) to a stricter and more elevated canon 
of credibility, in consequence of farailiarity with 
recorded history and its essential tests, affirmative 
as well as negative. Among the original hearers 
of the niythes, all such tests were unknown : they 
had not yet learned the lesson of critical disbelief : 
the mythe passed unquestioned from the mere fact 
of its currency, and from its harmony with exist- 
ing sentiments and preconceptions. The very cir- 
cumstances which contributed to rob it of literal 
belief in after-time, strengthened its hold upon the 
mind of the Homeric man. He looked for wonders 
and unusual combinations in the past ; he expected 
to hear of gods, heroes and men, moving and ope- 
rating together upon earth ; he pictured to him- 
self the fore-time as a theatre in which^the gods in- 
terfered directly, obviously, and frequently, for the 
protection of their favourites and the punishment 
of their foes. The rational conception, then only 
dawning in his mind, of a systematic course of na- 
ture was absorbed by this fervent and lively faith. 
And if he could have been supplied with as perfect 
and philosophical a history of his own real past 
time, as we are now enabled to furnish with regard 
to the last century of England or France, faithAilly 
recording all the successive events, and accounting 
for them by known positive laws, but introducing 
no special interventions of Zeus and Apollo — such uttter of 
a history would have appeared to him not merely iS^^n. 
unholy and unimpressive, but destitute of "all plau- ^^wSy*"^ 
sibility or title to credence. It would have pro- Greeks, 
voked in him the same feeling of incredulous aver- 
sion as a description of the sun (to repeat the pre- 

VOL. I. 2 I 


vious illustration) in a modem book on scientific 

To us these mythes are interesting fictions; 
to the Homeric and Hesiodic audience they were 
*'rerum divinarum et humanarum scientia," — an 
aggregate of religious, physical, and historical re- 
velations, rendered more captivating, but not less 
true and real, by the bright colouring and fantastic 
shapes in which they were presented. Throughout 
the whole of ** mythe-bearing Hellas*" they formed 
the staple of the uninstructed Greek mind, upon 
which history and philosophy were by so slow 
degrees superinduced ; and they continued to be 
the aliment of ordinary thought and conversation, 
even after history and philosophy had partially 

' M. Ampere, in his Histoire Littiraire de la France (ch. viii. v. i. 
p. 310), distinguishes the Saga (which corresponds as nearly as possible 
with the Gh'eek fivBos, Xcyos, tinx^ptot Xdyos), as a special product of 
the intellect, not capable of being correctly designated either as history, 
or as fiction, or as philosophy : — 

" II est un pays, la Scandinavie, oil la tradition racont^ s'est deve- 
lopp^ plus complement qu'ailleurs, oil ses produits ont ^te pins 
soigneusement recueillis et mieux conserves : dans ce pays, ils ont reyu 
un nom particuher, dont IVquivalent exact ne se trouve pas hors des 
langues Germaniques: c'est le mot Saga, Sage, ce.qu*on dit, ce qu'on 
raconte, — la tradition orale. Si Ton prend ce mot non dans une accep- 
tion restreinte, mais dans le sens g^n^ral od le prenidt Niebuhr quand 
il I'appliquoit, par exemple, aux traditions populaires qui ont pu fonmir 
k Tite Live une portion de son histoire, la Saga doit ^tre com))t^ parmi 
les produits spontan^ de Timagination humaine. La Saga a son ex- 
istence propre comme la poesic, comme Thistoire, comme le roman. 
Elle n'est pas lapoesie, parcequ*elle n'est pas chantde, mais parl^; elle 
n'est pas Thistoire, parcequ'elle est denu^ de critique ; elle n*est pas le 
roman, parcequ'elle est sincere, parcequ'elle a foi a ce qu'elle raconte. 
Elle n'invente pas, mais r<fp^te : elle pent se tromper, mais elle ne ment 
jamais. Ce recit souvent.merveiUeux, que personne ne fabrique sciem- 
ment, et que tout le monde alt^re et falsifie sans le vouloir, qui se per- 
p^ue k la moni^re des chants primitifs et populaires, — ce r^cit, quand 
il se rap]X)rte, non k un h^ros, mais k un saint, s'appelle une l^nde." 


in living body and action those types which his 
hearers dimly pre6gure. Such men were the au- 
thors of the Iliad and the Odyssey ; embodying in 
themselves the whole measure of intellectual ex- 
cellence which their age was capable of feeling: 
to us, the first of poets — but to their own public, 
religious teachers, historians, and philosophers be- 
sides — inasmuch as all that then represented history 
and philosophy was derived from those epical effu- 
sions and from others homogeneous with them. 
Herodotus recognises Homer and Hesiod as the 
main authors of Grecian belief respecting the names 
and generations, the attributes and agency, the 
forms and the worship of the gods\ 

History, philosophy, &c., properly so called and 
conforming to our ideas (of which the subsequent 
Greeks were the first creators), never belonged to 
more than a comparatively small number of think- 
ing men, though their influence indirectly affected 
more or less the whole national mind. But when 
positive science and criticism, and the idea of an 
invariable sequence of events, came to supplant in 
the more vigorous intellects the old mythical creed 
of omnipresent personification, an inevitable scis- 
sion was produced between the instructed few and 
Grtduaide. the remaining Community. The opposition between 
ofUiesci- the scientific and the religious point of view was 
point^of not slow in manifesting itself: in general language, 
oppoirtioii i^^deed, both might seem to stand together, but in 
to the re- everv particular case the admission of one involved 
the rejection of the other. According to the theory 
which then became predominant, the course of na- 

* Herodot. ii. 63. 


ture was held to move invariably on, by powers 
and attributes of its own, unless the gods chose to 
interfere and reverse it ; but they had the power of 
interfering as often and to as great an extent as 
they thought fit. Here the question was at once 
opened, respecting a great variety of particular 
phaenomena, whether they were to be regarded as 
natural or miraculous. No constant or discernible 
test could be suggested to discriminate the two: 
every man was called upon to settle the doubt for 
himself, and each settled it according to the extent 
of his knowledge, the force of his logic, the state 
of his health, his hopes, his fears, and many other 
considerations affecting his separate conclusion. 
In a question thus perpetually arising, and full of 
practical consequences, instructed minds, like Peri- 
klSs, ThucydidSs, and Euripides, tended more and 
more to the scientific point of view*, in cases where 

^ See Plutarch, Perikl. capp. 5, 32, 38; Cicero, De Republ. i. 15-16, 
ed. Maii. 

The phytologist Theophrastus, in his valuable oollection of facte re- 
specting vegetable organisation, is often under the necessity of opposing 
his scientific interpretation of curious incidents in the vegetable world 
to the religious interpretation of them which he found current. Ano- 
malous phsenomena in the growth or decay of trees were construed as 
signs from the gods, and submitted to a prophet for explanation (see 
Histor. Plantar, ii. 3; iv. 16; v. 3). 

' We may remark, however, that the old fiedth had still a certain hold 
over his mind. In commenting on the story of the willow-tree at Phi- 
lippi, and the venerable old plane-tree at Antandros (more than sixty 
feet high, and requiring four men to grasp it round in the girth), having 
been blown down by a high wind, and afterwards spontaneously re- 
suming their erect posture, he offers some explanations how such a 
phsenomenon might have happened, but he admits, at the end, that there 
may be something extra-natural in the case, *AXX^ ravra lUv co-wr c^co 
f^vo-uc^r avrias €<mv, &c. (De Cans. Plant, v. 4) : see a similar miracle 
in reference to the cedar-tree of Vespasian (Tacit. Hist. ii. 78). 

Euripides, in his lost tragedy called McXoytTnn; Scx^i?, placed in the 


the general public were coDstantly gravitatiDg to- 
wards the religious. 

The age immediately prior to this unsettled con- 
mouth of Melanipp4 a formal discussion and confutation of the whole 
doctrine of Ttparot or supernatural indications (Dionys. HaHcar. Ars 
Rhetoric p. 300^56, Reisk). Compare the Fables of Phaedrus> iii. 3 ; 
Plutarch, Sept. Sap. Conviv. ch. 3, p. 149; and the curious philoso- 
phical explanation by which the learned men of Alexandria tranquillised 
the alarms of the vulgar, on occasion of the serpent said to have been 
seen entwined round the head of the crucified Kleomen^ (Plutardi, 
Kleomen. c. 39). 

It is one part of the duty of an able physician, according to the Hip- 
pokratic treatise called Prognosticon (c. 1, t. 2, p. 112, ed. Littr^), 
when he visits his patient, to examine whether there is anything divine 
in the malady, ifui ^ ical tl rt Stlow Ifptartv cV rja mvaourt : this, 
however, does not agree with the memorable doctrine laid down in the 
treatise, De Aere, Locis et Aquis (c. 22, p. 7^* ed. Littr^, and cited 
hereafter, in this chapter. Nor does Galen seem to have r^arded it as 
harmoninng with the general views of Hippokrat^. In the excellent 
Prolegomena of M. Littre to his edition of Hippokrat^ (t. i. p. 76) will 
be found an inedited scholium, wherein the opinion of Baccheius and 
other physicians is given, that the afibctions of the plague were to be 
looked upon as divine, inasmuch as the disease came from God ; and 
also the opinion of Xenoph6n, the friend of Praxagoras, that the 
" genus of days of crisis" in fever was divine ; " For (said Xenoph6n) 
just as the Cdoskuri, being gods, appear to the mariner in the storm 
and bring him salvation, so also do the dajrs of crisis, when they arrive, 
in fever." Galen, in commenting upon this doctrine of Xenophdn, 
says that the author ''has expressed his own individual feding, but 
has no way set forth the opinion of Hippokratis :" *0 dc rAv kpuri/mv 
ytpos ifi€p»v tlviiv ctwu ^tlop, iavrov ri naBo£ i»iidk6yif<r€P' ov f«9V 
'ImroKpoTQvg yc n)v ytmfufv Idcifcv (Galen, 0pp. t. v. p. 120, ed. 

The comparison of the Dioskuri appealed to by Xenoph6n is a pre- 
cise reproduction of their function as described in the Homeric Hymn 
(Hymn xxxiii. 10): his persimification of the "days of crisis" intro- 
duces the old religious agency to fill up a gap in his medical science. 

I annex an illustration from the Hindoo vein of thought : — " It is a 
rule with the Hindoos to bury, and not to bum, the bodies of those who 
die of the small pox : for (say they) the small pox is not only caused by 
the goddess Davey, but is, in fact, Davey herself', and to bum the body 
of a person affected with this disease, is, in reality, neither more nor leas 
than to hum the goddess,''* (Sleeman, Rambles and Recollections, &c., 
vol. i. ch. XXV. p. 221.) 


dition of thought is the really mythopoeic age ; in 
which the creative faculties of the society know no 
other employment, and the mass of the society no 
other mental demand. The perfect expression of 
such a period, in its full peculiarity and grandeur, Mythopoeic 
is to be found in the Iliad and Odyssey, — poems of nor to this 
which we cannot determine the exact date, but *' 
which seem both to have existed prior to the first 
Olympiad, 776 b,c., our earliest trustworthy mark 
of Grecian time. For some time after that event, 
the mythopoeic tendencies continued in vigour 
(Arktinus, Leschds, EumSlus, and seemingly most 
of the Hesiodic poems, fall within or shortly after 
the first century of recorded Olympiads) ; but from 
and after this first century, we may trace the ope- 
ration of causes which gradually enfeebled and nar* 
rowed them, altering the point of view from which 
the mythes were looked at. What these causes 
were, it will be necessary briefly to intimate. 

The foremost and most general of all is, the ex- Expansiye 
pansive force of Greoian intellect itself, — a quality Grecian 
in which this remarkable people stand distinguish- "*** *^ 
ed from all their neighbours and contemporaries. 
Most, if not all nations have had mythes, but no 
nation except the Greeks have imparted to them 
immortal charm and universal interest; and the 
same mental capacities, which raised the great men 
of the poetic age to this exalted level, also pushed 
forward their successors to outgrow the early faith 
in which the mythes had been generated and accre- 

One great mark, as well as means, of such in- 
tellectual expansion, was the habit of attending 


to} recording, and combining, positive and present 
facts, both domestic and foreign. In the genuine 
Grecian epic, the theme was an unknown and 
aoristic past ; but even as early as the Works and 
• Days of Hesiod, the present begins to figure : the 
man who tills the earth appears in his own solitary 
nakednesB, apart from gods and heroes — bound in- 
deed by serious obligations to the gods, but con- 
tending against many difficulties which are not 
to be removed by simple reliance on their help. 
The poet denounces his age in the strongest terms 
as miserable, degraded and profligate, and looks 
back with reverential envy to the extinct heroic 
races who fought at Troy and Thfibes. Yet bad as 
the present time is, the Muse condescends to look 
at it along with him, and to prescribe rules for 
human life— ^with the assurance that if a man be 
Trmwtion industriouSi frugal, provident, just and friendly in 
potitwe his dealings, the gods will recompense him with 
^i^*8cnt i^fljyeuce and security. Nor does the Muse disdain, 
while holding out such promise, to cast herself into 
the most homely details of present existence and to 
give advice thoroughly practical and calculating. 
Men whose minds were full of the heroes of Homer, 
called Hesiod in contempt the poet of the Helots ; 
and the contrast between the two is certainly a re- 
markable proof of the tendency of Greek poetry to- 
wards the present and the positive. 

Other manifestations of the same tendency be- 
come visible in the age of Archilochus (b.c. 680- 
660). In an age when metrical composition and 
the living voice are the only means whereby the 
productive minds of a community make themselves 


felt, the inyention of a new metre, new forms of 
Bongand recitation, or diversified accompaniments, 
constitute an epoch. The iambic, elegiac, choric, 
and lyric poetry, from Arcfailochus downwards, all 
indicate purposes in the poet, and impressibilities 
of the hearers, very different from those of the an- 
cient epic. In all of them the personal feeling of ^p^* 
the poet and the specialties of present time and the organ 
place, are brought prominently forward, while in unfJ^T 
the Homeric hexameter the poet is a mere nameless ^f ^^ 
organ of the historical Muse — the hearers are con- 
tent to learn, believe, and feel, the incidents of a 
foregone world, and the tale is hardly less suitable 
to one time and place than to another. The iambic 
metre (we are told) was first suggested to Archilo- 
chus by the bitterness of his own private antipa- 
thies, and the mortal wounds inflicted by his lam- 
poons, upon the individuals against whom they were 
directed, still remain attested, though the verses 
themselves have perished. It was the metre (ac- 
cording to the well-known judgement of Aristotle) 
most nearly approaching to common speech, and 
well-suited both to the coarse vein of sentiment, 
and to the smart and emphatic diction of its in- 
ventor^ Siraonid6s of Amorgus, the younger con- 
temporary of Archilochus, employed the same me- 
tre, with less bitterness, but with an anti-heroic 

> Horat. de Art. Poet. 79 :— 

** Arcfailochum proprio rabies armavit lambo/' &c. 
Compare Epist. i. 19, 23, and Epod. vi. 12; Aristot. Rhetor, iii. 8, 7> 
and Poetic, c. 4 — also Synesius de Somniis — &<nr€p 'AXxaior Kal 
*Apx^^X^^> ^^ dcdofroi^icaa'i rrjp twrrofuaif tls t6v olKttov filov iKortpos, 
(Alciei Fragment. Halle 1810, p. 205.) Quintilian speaks in stri- 
king language of the power of expression manifested by Archilochus 
(x. I, 60). 


tendency not less decided. His remaiaing frag- 
ments present a mixture of teaching and sarcasm, 
having a distinct bearing upon actual life\ and 
carrying out the spirit which partially appears in 
the Hesiodic Works