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l3arvar& (Tollcoc 'Itbrar?
FROM THE BEQUEST OF
HENRY WARE WALES, M.D,
CUMof I8j8
roK KooKJ or ivtulkst to -nil
tJUrilUUT DIPAftTMKJTT
•
ffB TVt rL0i.&* w\uA oe^MT m B/wvAttb*
VolM.
eSTOS^
HISTORY r^7 ^
or
HERODOTUS.
A VBW naun rmioar, wooed mm ooopiout vom avd jiFPnrmcu,
ILLUITEATDra VBm EDTOBT AKD OIO^L&THT OF HKBODOTOB, VBOV
TBB M<MT nonr flonaon or moniATiov; axd BfBomruia
WBIOH S&TB BBOr OBTAIXK) DT THI rBOaBMI
or oujiaifom avd KmooLTraiOAii
XmOOTEBT.
By GEORGE MWLINSON. M.A.,
CANOH or CAMTXBBIIBT, JJSV OAXDEK FSOrSBSOB Or AHOIKMT HZSTOBT
IN THX mnTUfliTT or OXrOBD.
AflBISTZD BT
MAJOR-GKNERAL SIE HENRY BAWLINSON, K.C.B.
AMD SIR J. O. WILKINSON, F.B.S.
IN FOUR VOLUMES.— Vol. III.
FOVBTB EDITION,
WITH MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
LONDON:
JOHN MUBRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET,
1880,
7A« nffht of Trarulation it re$grved.
•
4 4^'^- ^/<^ (^ I
,EP 3 l8bo
y.
(university
LIBRARY )
\Ul
LoxDov : PBnrTBi) or Wn-LIAV clowu axd soxs, uhitbd. staufoed stbe>t
AXD CBABIKO CEOSA,
\
CONTENTS OF VOL. III.
HISTOBY OF HEEODOTUS.
THI POUBTH BOOKj BNTITI.EO XELfOanUfC.
Erpe>dition of DftrioB agiuast Scjihift — its pretext (1). Frevioas history of tho
Scjiliians — their war with their alavea (2-4). Tnuliliom of thuir origin^
1. Their own accoimt (5-7). 2. Greek veraion of tho same (8-10). 3. Account
prererred by th(? author (11, 12). Stoiy of Ariatcas (13-16). DoBcription of
8cytbia (17*20). Neighbonricg nationa, Saaromatas, BucUni, ArgipptDi, lase.
doses, aod Arimospi (21-27). Clinmto of Scythia (28-31). Stori(>s of the
HyperboTBOns (32-36) . TJnireraal geography — 1. Doscription of A«a (37-41) .
2. CironmnftTigation of Libya (12, 43). 3. Voyage of Scylax (4-i). Origin
of the namef, Eoropo, Asia, Libya (45). Eemarlcable foaturoa of Scythia —
the people (46, 47). The nron— tiie Ifter and its afflnonts (48.50). The
TynB (31). Tho Uypanig (53). The Boryfithenefi (53). The Ponticepes,
Ilypacyris. Gcrrhns, Tanaia, Ac. (64.58). Ucligion of the Scytha — Goda
<59). Sarrifices {r*\ 01). Woraliip of Mara, Ac. (62, 63), War-cnstoiiia
(64-66). Soothsayers (07-G9). Oatha (70), Buriolof tho IcingB, Ac. (71-73).
Uee of hemp (74, 7&)< Hatred of furoiga coatuma^utoritia uf Auacharaia
■ndSoyla* (76-80). PopulatioD (81). MHrvol8(S2). Prci>arations of Darius
(BS-85). Sin of the Euxinc, Propontla, Ac. (86). March of Dariua to the
later (87-92). Customs of the Thraciana (93-96). Darius at the later
(&7* 98). Sixoand shape of Scythia (99-101). Description of tho surround-
iag tiatioua, Taori, &c, (102.117-) Cuasoltatlou of the kiugs (118, 119).
Plttni of the Scytbs (120). liarvh of Darioa through Scythia, and rotom to
the Uti^r < 121-140), Paasago of tho later and return to thu IIulIcBpoDt
(14l, 143). Saying of Megabozoa (1'4^). Libyan czpodition of Aryaudos —
Futmding of Thcra (145-149). ThencAns required by tho oracle to coloniae
Libya — twoaoooonta (160.155). Ococipatton of Platca (156). Settlement
at Aclria (157). Colouiaatiou of Cyreno (158). History of Oyrcno from ita
fciuxidnliuD to tho death uf Arcc^ilaaa UI. (159-104) . Applioation of Phurettma
to Aryoudea (165). Fate of Aryandos (166). £x[icdition against Barca (167).
Account of tbe Libyan tribes from Egypt to Lake Tritonia (168-181). Tho
three regions of Northern Libya (162-185). Coatoma of tho Libyans
(IS6-1U0). CoQtraet of caatem and western Libya (191, 192). Accomit
of the wc«toni tribca (193-196). Four nations of Libya (197)- Productiro-
DCBS of Lib}-a (198, 199). Acouont of the cxijoditioii aguiuat Barca (200-203).
i*ato of tho BanxDOOB (204). Death of Fhoretima (205) ... Pago 1.
^^
«
IT COXTE>TS OF VOL. IIL
APPE^'DIX TO BOOK IV.
ESSAY I.
03f THE CimrZftTA^CS OT HIEODOTUS AND THE MIGRATIONS OF THE CTXBIC KACE.
1. Early importance of the Cimmerians — their geographical extent. 2. Identity
of the Cimmcrii with the Cymry— close resemblance of the two namoa.
3. Hifltorical conSnnation of the identity — connecting link in the Cimbri.
4. Comparatire philology silent bat not adverse. 6. Migrations of the
CimmcrianB — westward, and then eastward. Existing Cimbric and Celtic
races Page 178
ESSAY II.
ON THE ETHNOQEAFHT Of THE EUBOPEAN SCTTHS.
1. Snpposed Mongolian origin of the Scyths — grounds of the opinion twofold.
2. Besemblanceof physical characteristics, slight. 8. Bescmblance of man-
ners and cnstoms, not close. 4. Tme test, that of langnage. 5. Fossibihty
of applying it. 6. The application — Etymology of Scythio common terms.
7< Explanation of the names of the Scythian gods. 8. Explanation of some
names of men. 9. Explanation of geographical names. 10. Bcsnlt, that
the Scythians of Herodotns were an Indo-Eoropean race. 11. Farther re.
snalt, that they were a distinct race, not Slaves, nor Celts, nor Teutons ; and
that they are now extinct 187
ESSAY III.
ON THE GSOORAPHT OP SCTTHIA.
1. Necessity of examining Niebnhr'a theory of the Scythia of Herodotus. 2. The
theory stated. 3. Its grounds. 4. Considerations wliich disprove it. 6. Real
views of Herodotus. 6. His personal knowledge of the region. 7. Uia
correctness as to leading facts, and mistakes as to minutio*. 8. rossibility
of changes since his time. 9. Identification of rivers and places ... 20 L
Note A. — On the words Thyssagetse and Massagctsa 209
HISTORY OF HEEODOTUS.
THE FIFTH BOOK, ENTITLED TSKPSICHORE.
Thracian conquests of Megabazus (1, 2). Customs of the Thracians (3-8).
Region north of Thrace (9, 10). Coes and Histiscus rewarded (11). Story
of Pigrcs and Mantycs (12-14). Megabazus reduces the Faeoaians (15).
Customs of the Feoonians (16). Submission of Macedonia — story of tho
CONTENTS OF VOL. lO.
THE FIFTn BOOK— contlmicd.
azDbftse&dors (17-21). lIoUeniBm of the royal family of Uaoedon (22).
Recall of llistiwne (23, 21). AiipoiutuK-nt of Artfli»l»eniefi and Otanea (25).
ConqnMt* of OUnea (»5, 27), Troubles arise in Ionia— proTioua historj- of
Kiletuii (28, 29). AnsUgorna' expedition oipunst Nasoa (30-34). Huwaga
of Histiwnn (35). Tlcvolt of Arieta^faa (3G). Fatt» of tliw tyrants (37. 3H1.
Aristogonu gwa to Sparta — Ilorcnt, hitft^try of Snarta (39-18). Aristaptima
fiub to porenado CltwmpDes (49-51). Ho Koes to A^^i^'DB -B*'^. r ;
of Alhon*— Mardc-r of Hipparchoa— ErpaUion of Ilippias— (
fcttompu of Sparta. Thoban and Eginetaa wars, Ac. (55-96). Ari:»iu;r. i »^
obt*ing aid from Athens (97). Eacapo of tho Poronians (98). Attut U ■ u
Saidift, which ia taken and borot (99-101). Betrt^at and defeat of tho
Greeks (102). Spread of tla revolt to Cana and Caunas (103). RoTolt
and rednclion of Cyproa — Dariiui and Histio-'aa (104-115). Pei'«iftua
Koover the Hellespont (llC, 117). War in Ca»m (llS-121), Persian
tmmwjCT in .(Colie and Ionia (122, 123). AristagoroA resolrea on flight
(12i). Adrice of Higtiiuns (125). Flight and death of Aristagoraa
(126) Pago 210
APPENDIX TO BOOK V.
ESSAY I.
ON TBR XAILtT aiSTORY OF SPAKTA.
SpArtan% xmmigmnta Into the Peloponncso. 2. Sapi>o8od migrniionB of tho
Doriana. 3. Their occupation of the Puk^nnese according to the ordinary
legezid. 4. The tme history unknown. 5. Probable lino of march. 0.
Date of tho occupation. 7> 'l*ho conqaest gradoal. 8. Spartan DoriauH —
Sparta and Amyclaj — early wara. 9. lult'mal hiatory — origin of tho
doable monarchy — tnmble« of the early pcrii^. 10. Condition of Sparta
before Lyciirgns — tho three classes— (t.) Spartans — (ii.) Poriopoi — (iii.)
Ilelotd. 11. SncoessioD of tho early Idnga. 12. Onf]:inAt oonntitution ol
6f>nrta. — King:* — Senate — Eoclesia. 13. Constitutional ehangott of Lycurgns,
■light. 14. Hia dlscipUno — quontion of ita ori^na. 15. Causes of its
otioptiun. Id, Sup|K)sed eqaalisatiun of landed, property. 17. Ar^mcnls
which diaprore it. 18. Effects of Lycun^na' Ic'^^lation — cunqaeata, and
inctc«iH3 of Periax'i. 19. Mosflenian ware. 20. Cntinoa nf the raptnr**.
21. Outline of the first irar. 22. Date and daration. 23. Xntomal chjing^s
conacqnent on the first wtw — "Peent" and "Inferiors" — "Small" and
*' Great AflsemMy " — oolooiaation of Tarentum. 21. Interval between f bo
WATS. 25. Octb'uo of the secuud war. 2C. Ita duration. 27. War with
Pisatta. 28. War with Arcadia. 20. Gradual diminntinn of the kingly
power at Sparta, and continued rise of the Ejihora. 80. Rapid decrease in
the nambcr of Spurtan citiseru , 317
VI CONTENTS OF VOL. III.
ESSAY II.
OH THI KAKLT HI8T0BT OF THE ATHSNIAyB.
1. Obscnritj of earlj Athenian histozy. 2. Primitive inliabitants of Attica
nnwarUke. 3. Cansca of her weakness — no central anthority — Pelas^c
blood. 4. First appearance of the Athenians in history — stones of Melon-
thus and Codros. 6. Blank in the external history. 6. Ionian migration
conducted by sons of Codros. 7. Internal history. 8. Early tribes —
Teleonteft HopJeteSf ^gicoreis, and Argadeis. 9. Clons and phratries —
importance of this division. 10. Trittyoa and Naucraries. 11. Political
distribntion of the people — Eupatridcpt Qeomori, and Demiurgi. 12. First
period of the aristocracy — from Codros to Alcmaeon, B.C. 1050-752. 13.
Second period — from AJcmsdon to Bryxias — B.C. 752-681 — rapid advance.
14. Mode in which the nsarpatlons wore made — substitution of the Eapatrid
assembly for the old Agoia. 15. Power of the old Senate. 16. Full estab-
lishment of oligarchy, B.C. 6S4. 17. First appoaranco of the demo-
cratical spirit — legislation of Draco. 18. Bovolt of Cylon, crushed.
19. Sacrilege committed — ^wide^spread discontent. 20. Solon chosen as
mediator — his proceedings. 21. Date of his orchoDship. 22. His recovery
of Salamis. 23. His connection with the Sacrod War. 24. His legislation
— the Seisachtheia and debasement of the cnrroncy. 25. Prospectivo
measures. 26. Constitutional changes — introduction of the four classes,
Pentacosiomedimnif Uippeis, ZeugitoBt and Thcies, 27. Arrangement i>f
burthens — income-tax — military service. 28. Pro-Bonloutio council. 29.
Importance of these changes — Di(S8terieB. SO. Solon tho true founder
of the democracy. 31. Solon confined citizenship to the tribes. 32. Laws
of Solon — (i.) Penalties for crimes — (ii.) Stimulus to population — (iii.)
Law against political neutrality. 33. Besults of his legislation — time of
repose — revival of discontent — Solon leaves Athens. 3-4. Reappearance of
the old parties — Fedieis, Ac. — return of Solon — hia courage. 35. Tyranny
of Pisistratua. I^go 361
HISTOEY OF HEEODOTUS.
THE SIXTB BOOK, XNTITLEO XRATO.
Histiocus comes down to the coast (1-3). Conspiracy discovered at Sardis (4).
Histiffiua sails to tho Hellespont (5). Miletus tlircatencd by the I^-i-sians
the two fleets — battle of Lad6 (6-15). Misfortunes of the Chians (16).
Dionysius the Phocajan commander (17). Fall of Miletus (18). Pimislmicnt
of the Milesians (19, 20). Sorrow of Athena (21). Fate of the Samians
seizure of Zancle (22-25). Fate of Histiceua (26-30). Punishment of tho
rebels (31, 32). Phoenician fleet ravages the Chersonese (33). Cbcrsoneeito
kingdom of the Cimonidas (34-40). Flight of Miltiades to Athens (41), New
settlement of Ionia by the Persians (42). Expedition of Mardoniua fails
(13-45). Suspected revolt of Thnsos (46, 47). Envoys of Darius demand
earth and water — submission of Egina and the islands generally (48, 40).
C0STEKT3 OF VOL. Ut
VU
THE SESTH BOOK— eonttnwd,
Cl«'jmcn« attempts to paniBh the Efonp*ftn8 (50). Clcompoes' fc ad with
Dtf-nmnittis (ol). The <!oublo mynlty at Spartn — descent — privttogos of the
kin^ (52-59). Sfmrtan custom* (flO). Story of Ariaton (61-63). Dvmtimt-iia,
deprivwl tit liifl cn)WT», tlios to Ppraia (0-1- 70), Lootjohidctj moilo kin;? (71).
F»to of Leotychi«l»« (72). E^notiuia forced to q^vc hostagoa (73). Fute of
Cleomvoes (74, 73). Yarioaa catues osaignod for hia insanity (70.K|}.
biiieUuu demand bock their hostage a-^aiory of Glanrns {Ho, H(>). War
between Egina and Athens (87-93). Expeditiou of Datid and Artajihemeji
(91). Coar»o of the expedition (95-99). Prcparationaof the £rotriau8 — siogo
atiil surrender of Bretria (lOO, 101). Pei^inns land at MAratboa (102).
Acootmt of Miltiades (103, 101). PheiJippidca Bcnt to Sparta — appeanujco
of Rm (105, IOC). Dream of Hippiaa (107). Plntaana join tha Athcntaiia
■^-pnritms connection of the two nations (108). Division among tlie
Atii«ntau generals — Miltiades and Calliuiaclios (109, 110). ProparatioaB
for latlle (111). Battle of Marathon (112-lU). Attempt to Bnn'rise
Athima (lis, 116). Story of Kpizelu^ (l^)- Betnm of tbo expedition to
Asia (US. 119). Spartans visit Marathon (120). Charge mode a^instthe
AlcaifconJdiD (121-12-1). IVevions history of the family — favours of Crmsus
(12&). Marriagv of Mogaclcs with Ai^aristA (] 2G-13t.1). Dewont of PoriolBS
(131). Expedition of AliUiiidos o^in^t raroe (133-135). Trial of Milttedos
— hU death (130). llia captoro of Lomnoe — previous history of tlio inliabi-
UaU (137-llAJ) I'a^^Oe
APPENDIX TO BOOK VI.
ESSAY I.
ox nn ciRcnfTTAircES or tbb battlb or MiftATOo^r.
"Di^fflcnlties in Ihedearriplionof Eenxlotofl. 2. Number of Persians engsfired.
3. Knnilwrs of the Gnwka. 4. Proxxjrtion, fivo or six to one. 6. Landinsf
of tlte anny of Daiig, and disposition of the troops. 6. Position occapicd by
tho Oreoks. 7. Motiroa iuiluuingr the Persians to delay tha attack. 8.
Oansoa of the oriiD;ina] inaction of tha Greeks, and of their ^nhnoqaent change
of ta<^ti^£. 9. Miltiadea' pre|>anitions for hatUo. 10. Desenptiuu of the
kmtUe— iV'embarkatioD of the iuvacUug army ,„ 616
ESSAY II.
OK TTIE TBAPITIOKS RXSPECTINO THE PStASOTAXS.
1 , OHifinftT p<^>pala(inn of Orpoco and Italy, homofreneoua. 2. Kindred rnoea in
Asia UisHT uiid tbu ialauda. 3. Characteriatica of thia ethnic gi'onp. 4.
IVaitioit of ibe Pvlaa^ iu it. 5. Extent of country oeoDpied by tho Pelu-
g£«ru(. 6. Their geticnU movement from east to west. 7. Etymology of
Iheir name. 8. Lines of paasagre. 9. Miprratioua of tlie T^-rrhonn.Pelas^tana.
10. Pt'laa|*ic walls. 11. Abboqttiim of tho Potn«giana in other races &3U
7(ur> A' — On tbo dirirmtion and mooning of tbo proper names of tFe
3(«de« and Peniana 539
( viii )
LIST OF MAPS AND ILLUSTEATIONS.
Mftp of the Scythia of Herodotns ... ,., ,., To fae$ TitU-paga,
Scythian WarriorB. Stringiiig the bow ,„ ... ,.. Page S
Ancient Scythian whip, and modem nogaih ... ... ... ih.
Coins of Olbia ... ... ... ... ... ... 16
Chart of the ChersoueraB Trachea ... ... ... ... ... IS
Greek grifiSn ... ... ... ,., ... ... 23
Han of the World according to Hecatseiu ... ..« ... ... 30
Scythian horseman ... ... ... ... ... ... 40
Scythian archep ... ... ... ... ... ... ... i&.
Wagons of the Galmacks and other Tatars ... ... ... 41
Coin of Olbia (head of Cybele) ... ... ... ... ... 47
Scythian god (snpposed to be Heroalcs) ... ... ... GO
Tomb of a Scythian king. Gronnd plan ... ... ... ... 69
Section of ditto ... ... ... ... ... ... GO
Scythian drinking-cnps ... .., ... ... ... ... 62
Ucad-dress of the Scythians. ... ... ... ... ... 68
Scythian arrow-heads ... ... ... ... ... ... 73
Bronso bowl foond in the tomb of a Scythian king .;. ... t6.
View of the Tanrio Monntains from the Steppe region ... ... 87
Chart of the island of Thora (Santorin) ... ... ... 119
View of Gyrene, the Forom and Fountain of Apollo ... ... ... 128
Plan of Cyi-eno (after Beechey) ... ... ... ... 180
Coin of Cyrcne ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 132
View of the Kecropolis of Cyrene ... ... ... ... 133
Representation of the Silphiom on the coins of Cyrene and Borca ... 143
Egyptian shields ... ... ... ... ... ... 153
Drctts of the Ethiopian girls — fringe of thongs ... ... ... 163
Fringe of thongs (enlarged view) ... ... ... ... 164
!Map of the Scythia of Herodotns according to Kiobnhr ... ... 202
Kninsof Susa — 1. Ground plan of themoonds; 2. Plan of the great palace ;
3. Ba£0 and capital of columns ... ... ... ... 248
View of the nrins of Sardis ... ... ... ... ... 301
Cbnrt of the country alx>ut Argoa ... ... ... ... 459
Chan of tho plnin of Marathon ... ... ... ... ... 479
Cave of Pan, utf seen on coins of Athens ... ... ... 4S3
THB
HISTORY OF HERODOTUS.
THE FOURTH BOOK. ENTITLED MET.POMENE.
1. After the taking of Babylon, an expedition was led by
Darius into Scythia.^ Asia abounding in men, and vast Bums
flowing into the treasury, the desire eoized him to exact ven-
geance from the Scyths, who had once in days gone by invaded
Miilia, defeated tliofle who met them in the field, and so begun
the quarrel. During the space of eight-and-twenty years, as I
bave Ik'fore mentioned,* the Scyths continued lords of the
whole of Upper Asia. They entered Asia in pursuit of the
Cimmerians, and overthrew tlie empire of the Medes, who
till they came possessed the sovereigut}'. On their return to
their homes after the long absence of twenty-eight years,®
a task awaitt (1 them little less troublesome than their struggle
with the Medes. They found an army of no small size pre-
pared to oppose their entrance. For the Scythian women,
when they saw that time wont on, and their husbands did
not come back, had intermarried with their slaves.
' It has been nippoaed that the
notice in tbe Bohiittun Inflcnption
{cf>\ T. par 4). of ftn expedition of
I' n-t Ibe Sacaa (Soia), refer*
t' >-ion (Blakostry, not. ad
1, the pcantj fntgTnenta of
|i l':halijo(? remain, and the
r<., "n of tUo leader in tho
trftin of captared rtbtb, lead ralberto
the oonclustnn thnt Asiatic Bcvthfl —
old mbjects of the FerBian mouorcby
VOU in.
(Bob. Ini. col. i. par. G, and col. ii.
par. 2) — are intended.
* Tide anpia, i. 103-106.
■ Biiuie writere atvcribed thie wnr
with tho Blaves to quito a diflfereDb
occaaion. It was, they said, after Ibo
ticytliians had been engaged in a lon|^
Btrogglo with tho Thracinns and other
Ehbea south of the Danube (CaUintiat.
Fr. 8.)
r-^
f
BLIND SLAVES OP THE SCTTHIANS,
Book 17.
2. Now the Scythians blind all their slaves, to nse them in
preparing their milk. The plan they follow is to thrust tubes
made of bone, not unlike our musical pipes, up the vulva of
the mare,* and then to blow into the tubes with their mouths,
some milking while the others blow. They say that they do
this because when the veins of the animal are full c^ air, the
udder is forced down. The milk thus obtained is poured into
deep wooden casks, about which the blind slaves are placed,
and then the milk is stirred round.*^ That which rises to the
top is drawn off, and considered the best part ; the under
portion is of less account. Buch is the reason why the
Scythians blind all those whom they take m war ; it arises
from their not being tillers of the ground, but a pastoral
race.*
8. When therefore the children sprung &om these slaves
and the Scythian women, grew to manhood, and understood
the circumstances of their birth, they resolved to oppose the
army which was returning from Media. And, first of all,
they cut off a tract of country from the rest of Scythia by
digging a broad dyke^ from the Tauric mountains to the vast
* Niobnhr the traroller (Drauniption:
de TArabie, p. 146) relates tl^t a'
Bomewhat similar piactice obtfuns in
Arabia : — " J'cntcndis et vis moi-m6me
& Basra," he Bays, "que lorsqu'nn
Arabo trait la femelle da bufle, on
autre loi fonrre la main, et le bras
JQsqTi'aii coodc, dans le vult'a, parce-
qn'ou pretend savoir par cxp^jrienco
qa*etant cbatonillto de la soi'te, ello
domie plos de lait. Cette m^thode/'
he obBcrrcB, "rossomble beancoap k
celle des Sojthes." [In India, while
they milk the buffaloes, the toil is
generally coiled up, and thrust into
the vulva for the same porpoee. —
H. C. R.]
Mnres milk constitnted the chief
food of the ancient Scythians, who are
tliercfure called ya?iaKro<pdyQt and
iinn}^o\yo\ by ITomcr (II. liii. 5) and
other writers (Culliin. IIvnm.ad Dian.
252 ; Xic. Dam. Fmg. 123, &c.). It
is still the priucii)al eapport of the
Calmnck hordes which wander over
the vast steppes north and w^t of tho
Caspian.
' It is apparent from this circom-
Btance that it was Jcoumiss, and nob
cream, on which the Scythians lived.
Koumiss is still prepared fiom morca*
milk by the Calmncks and Nogais,
who during the proces3 of making it
keep the milk in conijtant agitation
(Clarke's Travels, vol, i. p. 313; Do
Hell, p. 274, E. T.).
• That is, eyesight which is rcqnisito
for a^cultoral pursuits is not needed
for the offices which a pastoral people
requires of its slaves. The Scythians,
therefore, being a pastoral people,
could manage with blind slaves ; and
by blinding their slaves they rendered
it imyjossible for them cither to revolt
or to run away.
7 On tho jxisition of this dyke, vido
infra, ch. 20.
Lf. 2. 3. THET DISPTTTE THE RETTKN OF THE SCTTHIAKS.
lake of the l^fteotis. Afterwards, when the Scjihians tried to
force an entrance, they marched out and engaged them. Many
battles were fought, and the Scythians gained no advantage,
until at last one of them thus addroHsed the remainder :
** Wliat are we doing, Scythians ? Wo are fighting our
slaves, diminishing our own number when wo fall, and
the numhcr of those that belong to us when they fall by our
hands. Take my advice — lay spear and bow aside,^ and let
each man fetch his horsewhip,' and go boldly up tu thom. So
* The vpew and tbe bow were tho
DftfcionaJ weapons of tho Enropcftu
Bc/tha (see noto on oh. 70) , tho bow
on tho wbt>1e being regarded lu the
mora «aBenti«l {infnk, ch. 46; ^^Bsott.
P. V. 73u.). Arrow-heada are foond
ia almoei all the Scythian toniba in
Bonthorn Bossia, wbilo spear-heada
have been found only oooaaionally.
Tbe spoar used was abort, appanmtly
not more than five feet in length,
whonoo in oh. 70 HorodotoB torms it
a javelin {ix6mtop). Aooordii^ to
the Qroekd, tho bow wn« made In a
Sojtbion tnmb, and exhibits a curioiu
mode i>f Ktriui;iiii; thobftw. [Thix in tho
ramntdn method nf utrint^ug' tU« bow
in tbe £aat. I bnvc* «eon it unong the
Bhot^lH, the Huuut^lui, and the Korda.
—a. 0. E.]
4 ORIGIN OF THE SCTTHS— NATIVE ACCOUNT. Book IV.
long as they see us with arms in our hands, they imagine
themselves our equals in birth and bravery ; but let them
behold us with no other weapon but the whip, and they will
feel that they are our slaves, and flee before us."
4. The Scythians followed this counsel, and the slaves were
80 astounded that they forgot to fight, and immediately ran
away. Such was the mode in which the Scythians, after
being for a time the lords of Asia, and being forced to quit it
by the Medes, returned and settled in their own country.
This inroad of theirs it was that Darius was anxious to
avenge, and such was the purpose for which he was now col-
lecting an army to invade them.
5. According to the account which the Scythians them-
selves give, they are the youngest of all nations.^ Their
tradition is as follows. A certain Targitaiis^ was the first
man who ever lived in their country, which before his time
was a desert without inhabitants. He was a child — I do not
believe the tale, but it is told nevertheless— of Jove and a
daughter of the Borysthenes. Targitaiis, thus descended,
begat three sons, Leipoxais, Arpoxais, and Colaxais, who was
the youngest bom of the three. While they still ruled the
land, there fell from the sky four implements, all of gold, — a
plough, a yoke, a battle-axe, and a drinking-cup. The eldest
of the brothers perceived them first, and approached to pick
a roimd flat piece of leather at the end
(see the woodcate on preceding page).
How nnivorsally it was carried ia in-
dicated by the fact that a yrhip was
buried in the tomb of the Soythian
king, with his other arms and imple-
ments. (See below, oh. 71.)
> Justin's assertion, so directly con-
tradictory of this (" Scyihamm gentem
semper habitam fnisse antiqoissi-
mam," IL 1), is remarkable. We must
understand, however, by the Scyths
of Herodotas in this place, the single
nation of Garopean Scyths with which
the Qreeks of the Pontes were ac-
qniunted. Justin intends the Soythio
«r Tuiaaiaa race generally, which wai
really older than either the Semitic
or the Indo-European. (See vol. i.
Bssay xi. § 3-6)
' The conjectures which would iden-
tify TargitaOs, the mythic progenitor
of the Scythians, with Togarmah, the
son of Gomcr, and grandson of Japhet
(Gen. X. 3)f are even more fanciful
than the ordinary run of Biblico*
historical speculations. (See Bennell'a
Geograph. of Herod, p. 410 ; and Yon
Hammer's Gesch. t. Osm. i. p. 1.)
Were they admitted, the further
identification of those two words
with the ethnic appellntive "Turk"*
might still be questioned*
OBaf. 3-7.
DESCENT OP THE FOITR TniBES.
them up ; vrLen lo ! aa he came near, the gold took fire, and
blazed. lie therefore went his way, and the second coming
forward made the attempt, but the same thing happened
again. The gold rejected both the eldest and the second
brother. Last of all the youngest brother approached, and
immediately the flames were extinguished; so he picked up
the gold, and carried it to his home. Then the two elder
agreed together, and made the whole kingdom over to the
youngest bom.
6. From Leipoxais sprang the Scythians of the race called
Auchatffi ; from Arpoxais, the middle brother, those known as
the Catiari and Traspiane ; from Colaxais, the youngest, the
Boyal Scythians, or Paralatte. All together they are named
Scoloti,' after one of their kings : the Greeks, however, call
them Scythians.*
7. Such is the account which the Scythians give of their
origin. They add that from the time of Targitaiis, their first
king, to the invasion of their country by Darius, is a period of
one thousand years, neither less nor more.^ The Eoyal
Scythians guard the sacred gold with most especial care, and
year by year offer great sacrifices in its honour. At this feast,
if the man who has the custody of the gold should fall asleep
in the open air, he is sure (the Scythians say) not to outhve
I in the i
^^^P Kothio? lA known of tlusee nuoes,
^^^ha|^ ihej ftffortl an ample field for
^^^^^KlfeiorL. Dr. Poiukl'isnm rr^cog*-
^BHKi tbe S(Hi1uLi, ihc " A!>aGalataQ'"
or "Colts nf Afiia " (Varrunian. p. 41)
— a poftsiblc, but scnn^'Iy a probable
deriTntion. In '* Traspiaua " ib may
be conjfcolored that we liave the root
O^TNi, '* horse t " white Pniulatso
(nrnpi^iArm) recalls tho }*iiyaU:ga
mocmt»ili-chAiii. Mero i^ccalation,
bowerer, is iu etyniolofry worse than
falilf. It u apt to bo mii^leadin^.
* Thn flrcpk work JuWhif ia pro-
bably iinlliin;^ but the Aaiatio £aX'a
(lAjtai) with an ethnJo ndjoctivttl end-
ing -Atii, c*]uivulviit to the ordiniiry
-T»f or -TTij fuQud ill BO zoany iiaiuca
of peopliM — e. g» lUKris, Taxdnii,
ivapriirrHf %*ntpmri9t Bt^tUnif,
♦dwirTjt, if.T.X. The firat vowel has
been dropt, and 2a>nf0)is contracted
ioto 7Mv6-r\s, Whether Sn-hck is ooq-
nected with the Old Nome tkyta^
Swedish cXriH^a, GortDoa 5r7ii7,(zm, and
English shoot, it ia quite impossible to
Bay. Tho connouon is at any rato
0}>eu to very f^rcat doabt.
^ It ia cnrioiiii to find thiB a8s(>rtion
made the fuandntiuu of senoas chrono-
logical calculatioiu. (Larcher, Tabla
Cbrottolng^iquo j Bahr ad loc.) Tho
niiinlwr of 1000 represents, palpably
citoagh, an indefinito, period ; and in-
deed it is JmpofiBiblo that a nation in
the condition of the ScylhianH should
huro bud more than a vn^ic notion of
itB origin, and tho iluie it hod lasted.
GBEEK VEESION OF THE NATFVB STOET.
Book IT.
the year. His pay therefore is ae mach land as he can ride
round on horseback in a day. As the extent of Scythia is
very great, Colaxais gave each of his three sons a separate
kingdom,* one of which was of ampler size than the other
two: in this the gold was preserved. Above, to the north-
ward of the farthest dwellers in Scythia, the country is Baid
to be concealed from sight and made impassable by reason of
the feathers which are shed abroad abundantly. The earth
end air are alike full of them, and this it is which prevents
the eye &om obtaining any view of the region.^
8. Such is the account which the Scythians give of them-
selves, and of the country which lies above them. The
Greeks who dwell about the Pontus® tell a different story.
According to them, Hercules, when he was carryiag off the
* This tradition, and the triple com-
mand at the time of the invasion
(infra, ch. 120), indicatOi apparently,
a permanent diTiBi(m of the Boyal
Horde into three distinct .tribes.
' Vide infra, oh. 31, where Herodo-
tna explains that the so-called feathers
are snow-flakes.
' The principal Greek cities upon
the Fontns were the following: — 1.
On the south coast, Heraclea Fontica
(the modem Ereglt), a colony of the
H^arians ; Sin6p6, which retains its
name, a colony of the Hilesians;
Trapezna (Trehitond) and Cotyora
(Ordu), colonies from Sin6p^ itself;
and Amisos (Samsun), a colony of the
Fhoceeana re-established by the
Athenians (cf. Strab. xii. p. 792, with
Soymnns Chios, Fr. 181 ; and Arrian,
PeripL P. Enx. p. 128). 2. On the
east coast, Phasia (Pott) and Dioscnrias
(near Boukoum Kileh), colonies of the
Uilesians (Steph. Byz. ad too. ^itrtst
Arrian, Peripl. P. Eur. p. 123). 8.
On the north, Panticapsemn and
Fhanagoreia, guarding the Straits ot
Xertch — the former a oolony of the
Uilesians, and in later times the
capital of the kingdom of the Bos.
phoms — the latter a colony of the
Teians (Anon. Peripl. P. E. p. 184;
Soymn. Ch. Fr. 153) j Theodosia, at
ihe &te <^ the modem Kaffd, also a
oolony of the Milesians (Arrian,
Peripl. P. Enx. p. 131 ; Anon. PeripL
p. 143) ; Chersonesns at Kamieach,
near Sebastopol, a colony from Hera-
clea Pontica (Scymn. Ch. Fr. 75 ;
Anon. PeripL p. l46) ; and Olbia, or
Borysthenes, on the right bank of the
Boug, a little above its junction with
the IMiepr, a oolony of the itfiiflfl^awfl
(infra, ch. 78). 4. On the west, Tyraa,
near the mouth of the Dniestr; Istms,
or Istria, a little south of the lowest
mouth of the Danube ; Tomi, 30 miles
further south ; Odessus, near the
modem Varna; and Apollonia, now
SizehoU (infra, ch. 90), colonies of the
Milesians (see Herod, ii. S3; Scymn.
Ch. 11. 19, 24, and 66 ; Anon. PeripL
pp. 153, 157, 158, 160, and 162) j
Callatis and Mesembria (Jftsevrt),
colonies respectively of the Heraoleota
and the Chalcedoniana (Soymn. Ch.
16 ; and Anon. PeripL pp. 158, 161).
Besides these, there were a number of
smaller settlements, especially along
the southern coast. One or two colo-
nics were likewise planted on the
shores of the Sea of Azov, as Tutais
at the mouth of the Tanais (Don), and
Tyramb6 above the northernmost
mouth of the Kuian rivpr (StrabOy
xi. p. 7C5).
Cbak 7-0.
WANDEEINGS Of H£BCULK3 IN SCVTUU.
COWS of Geryon, arrivoJ in the region which is now inhabited
by the Scj-ths, but which was then a desert- Geiyon lived
outside the Pontus> in an island called by the Greeks Ery-
theia,^ near Gades/ whioh is beyond the Pillars of HerciileB
upon the Ocean, Now some say that the Ooean begins in the"
east, and runs the whole way round the world ; but they give
no proof that this is really so.^ Hercules came from thence into
the region now called ScytHia,' and, being overtaken by storm
and &o&t, drew Iub lion's skin about him, and fell fast asleep.
Wliile he slept, his marcs, which he had loosed from his
chariot to graze, by some wonderful chance disappeared.
9. On waking, he went in quest of them, and, after wauder-
;ing over the whole country, came at last to the district colled
** the Woodland/"' whore he found in a cave a strongo being,
fl)etween a maiden and a serpent, whose form from the waist
upwards was like that of a woman, while all below was like a
He looked at her wonderingly ; but noYorthelesB
* The isl&ndof Kiytheia^nearGadM
^(CathT)t is mentioned bc^ib by Str&bo
'«nd Pliny. Tlio former saya it waa
diataot one stodc, tho latter 100 poccs
the aboTo CStrab. iii. p. 233;
*lm. ir. 22). Pmliably ErytVieia was
cf the tiro JBlandd iucludc-d com-
bj the Greeks in the Dame of
{ViSttpa), Beo tho Voyage of
rlax, tab roc. 1$r]p*t, It is thought
same (Bahr ad loc) tluit Krytlicia
mn the Hltle iale of TrocaderOp which
ixit<:7ri'eni-9 between St. Leon and the
bat perhaps Mariana is
(iJi«t. Ht»i.>aQ. i. 21) in enp.
that thn dppnsitfl of the Gna*
ir bare joined both Eryihcia
ko inland un whioh Gados woa
the continent.
^ The name, Qades or Gadira (rk
r-'" — ^ ba« been aoppoaed to be
" tho holy, " or Kader,
1." It its mther Jtadur, "an
iclo^iiiv," wliiiji :i;^-rfTWi with Pliny's
uvinins uf " ly.ifir," " in Pnnic an
^l(»sij.n.^ " (i'-frui). Of llie tliun two
k,liinds (tho K.) oih^ waa called Ery-
icia. or ApliruUisios, or "by the
natives • of Jtmo/ and ocoordinf^ to
Timipua tho larger (W.) ono was oiUlcd
the grentor Cotinaso, by tho Uomana
Tarteflsoa, by tho Pooni Gadir. Tho
name Erythcia wan owing to tho
Tynans having originally come from
tho Bed Sea." (Win. iv, 22 j cp.
Bolin. Eilp. c. 23.) Hosiod, as well
aa Pliny, mentions Erythcia as tho
island of Geryon. Strnbo describes
Oades as inferior in eiso to Boms
alone ; it bad many largo ships trading
in the Mediterraueaa and the outer
sea. Pomp. Mela (iii. 6) speaks of
" 601:198 and the temple of tho Egypt-
ian (Tyrian i") Hercules there," and
of Erythcia inhobitcd by Gordon, as
of a difTorunt ijiluud (v. Flin. ib.). —
[G. WO
* Horodotas considered that tbo
eastern and northern boondAriee of
tho earth were unknown, and thkt the
general belief that the sea enoom-
pa.siied the land waa a pure oonjeotore
resting on no certain data. (Supn,
iii. 116, and infrn, rhft. 36 and 45.)
•Vide infra, oh. 18.
HERCULES AND THE SKBPENT-AUIDEK.
Book 17.
inquired, -whether she had chanced to see his strayed mares
anywhere. She answered him, " Yes, and they were now in
her keeping ; hut never would she consent to give them back,
unless he took her for his mistress." So Hercules, to get
his mares back, agreed ; but afterwards she put him off and
delayed restoring the mares, since she wished to keep him
with her as long as possible. He, on the other hand, was
only anxious to secure them and to get away. At last, when
she gave them up, she said to him, " When thy mares strayed
hither, it was I who saved them for thee : now thou hast paid
their salvage ; for lo ! I bear in my womb three sons of thine.
Tell me, therefore, when thy sons grow up, what must I do
with them? Wouldst thou wish that I should settle them
here in this land, whereof I am mistress, or shall I send them
to thee?" .Thus questioned, they say Hercules answered,
"When the lads have grown to manhood, do thus, and
assuredly thou wilt not err. Watch them, and when thou
seest one of them bend this bow as I now bend it, and gird
himself with this girdle thus, choose him to remain in the
land. Those who fail in the trial, send away. Thus wilt thou
at once please thyself and obey me."
10. Hereupon he strung one of his bows — ^np to that time
he had carried two — and showed her how to fasten the belt.
Then he gave both bow and belt into her hands. Now the
belt had a golden goblet attached to its clasp.^ So after he
had given them to her, he went his way ; and the woman,
when her children grew to manhood, first gave them severally
their names. One she called Agathyrsus, one Gelonus, and
the other, who was the youngest, Scythes. Then she re-
membered the instructions she had received from Hercules,
and, in obedience to his orders, she put her sons to the test.
Two of them, Agathyrsus and Gelonus, proving unequal to
* Among the Greeks tlie 1>e1fc was
worn roDad the loins at tho bottom of
the cnirass or breastplate^ to which it
was commoni/ attached, and which it
eeired to fnstcn. It was nsnally
closed by a clasp or hookn of metaL
(See Horn. U. ir. 13:2.)
rsAp. 9.11.
ACCOUNT PREFERRED BY HERODOTUS.
the task enjoined, their mother sent them out of the land ;
Scythes, the youngest, succeeded, and bo he was allowed to
remain. From Scythes, the son of Hercules,* were descended
the after kings of Scythia ; and from the circumstance of the
goblet which hung from the belt, the Scythians to this day
■wear goblets at their girdles.^ This was the only thing which
the mother of Scythes did for him. Such is the tale told by
the Greeks who dweU around the Pontus.
11. There is also another different story, now to be related,
in which I am more inclined to put faith than in any other.
It is that the wandering Scj^hians once dwelt in Asia, and
there warred with the Massagette, but with ill success ; they
therefore qmtted their homes, crossed the Araxes,'' and en-
tered the land of Cimmeria. For the land which is now
inhabited by the Scyths was formerly the country of the
Cimmerians.^ On their coming, the natives, who heard how
numerous the invading army was, held a council. At this
meeting opinion was divided, and both parties stiffly main-
tained their own view ; but the counsel of the Royal tribe was
the braver- For the others urged that the best thing to be
* Diodonu snbstitTitefl Japiter for
Heroolea (ii. 43), which is a trace of
iho g<«aiiio Scythian l^^cnd (supra,
ch. 6). Ic ift plain tbnt tho wbclo
fftorjr fta told by the Pontio Greeks
{6hB. 8-10) is a mere QreciHed Torsion
of the Scrthio tradition (che. 3-7).
* The Scythiaua represented on iho
WQ figurrd below (ch. SI), have aU
bait* roond their middle, but Done
Appear to hare gobletR attacbrd. Ho-
lotufl, however, would bo on onex-
ytional>lu viitoeu to tho fact.
It ieema imposmblfl that the
Axmzet can here represent any rirer
It the Wolga. (Cf. ilcercn, Aa.
ii. p. 258.) To imagine it either
Aras or ih» Joiartes leads to ia>
)Ie confosian. Araxes (Aras)
to haro b«on a name oommon
dnyii of HcrndnlTi.s to all the
'liui-^ Bowinp into the CaBpian,
I)ou baa been to all the pteat
xirera (r<in-aia, Dan>apcr or
Dniepr, Dana5t<>r or Dnicstr, Donhtt,
Don^Mli or Z>tiit-abe, Ac.),nud aeAvoa
is to BO many Kof^htih streams.
Whether Herodolns wna aware of tho
fact that there were several rivers
Araicfl is a different qnestion. Pro*
bably bo was not. Hence the rague-
ness and nnAatisfactoriuess of hia
geography of tho Caapian regions.
That tho Wolga was eomctimea
called the Araxco ia oridi^nt fn^m tho
tradition reported by Ai'istotlo (Me.
teorol. i. 13), ScymnaB Chios (I. l-8>,
aud the author of tho IVriplns (p. 138),
that the Tnnaig branched off from the
Anixp^. This Araxea conld only bo
the Wol^. [^Ars or Aras aignified ia
primitive Scythio the same aa Wolifm
in Arian Slavonic, viz. ** threat;" and
the name vrna Ihut applied to any
great ri%-cr. — H. C. B.]
^ On the Cimmerian^}, pcelheEsnya
appended to thia Book, Essay i»
10
ACCOUNT PREFEREED BT HERODOTUS.
Book IV.
done was to leave the coimtry, and avoid a contest with so
vast a host; bnt the Bojal tribe advised remaining and
fighting for the soil to the last. As neither party chose to
give way, the one determined to retire mthout a blow and
yield their lands to the invaders ; but the other, remembering
the good things they had enjoyed in their homes, and
picturing to themselves the evils which they had to expect
if they gave them up, resolved not to fiee, but rather to die
and at least be buried in their fatherland. Having thus
decided, they drew apart in two bodies, the one as numerous
as the other, and fought together- All of the Eoyal tribe were
slain, and the people buried them near the river Tyras, where
their grave is still to be seen.' Then the rest of the Cim-
merians departed, and the Scythians, on their coming, took
possession of a deserted land.
12. Scythia still retains traces of the Cimmerians ; there
are Cimmerian castles, and a Cimmerian ferry ,^ also a tract
called Cimmeria, and a Cimmerian Bosphorus.^ It appears
likewise that the Cimmerians, when they fled into Asia to
escape the Scyths, made a settlement in the peninsula where
the Greek city of Sin6p6 was afterwards built,* The Scyths,
* Kiebulir tiiinks that the Cimme-
rians, whoee tombs might he eoen in
the time of Herodotus near the Tyras,
fell in a Ust encomiter with the in-
vading Scyths ; and he uses this as an
argamont to prove that the Cimme-
rians fledf not eastward, bnt west,
ward; entering Asia, not by the ronte
of the Fhasis, bnt by the passage of
the Boephoms. (Scythia, p. 62, £. T.)
^ Larchcr translates, "les villet de
Cimmeriom, et de Forthmies Cimm^-
riennes." And certainly there was a
town called Cimmeris or Cimmeriom,
and a Tillage named Forthminm, in
thrae parts. (Hecat. Fr. 2; Strabo, xi.
p. 721 ; Flin. vi. 6 ; Scymn. Ch. 148 ;
Anon. Peripl. Pont. Eux. § 2 and § 5 ;
Stoph. Byz. ad toc. tlopSfiia.) But I
cannot think that Herodotns would use
either rcfx*" ^^ iropdju^ia to designate
a town. Sohwoighsaoser's rendering,
'* Cimmerium casteUom, et Ctmnwrhmi
portorinm/* is much nearer the truth
than Larcher'a version.
^ The name Cimmeria still clinga to
these regions, not only in the EsH-
Krim (Old Krim) , which marks the site
of the ancient town of Cimmerium, bnt
also in the well-known words, Crimea
and Crim Tartary.
' It has been already remarked (Ap-
pendix to Book i. Essay i. § 14, ad. fin.)
that the promontory of Sindp6 was pro-
bably one of the points to which the
Cimmerians finally fled, and in which
they maintained themselves when the
fortune of war turned against them, and
Alyattes drove them out of Lydia. Bnoh
a region would not have presented any
temptation to them on their first en-
trance into Asia Minor, but would have
served admirably fur arefuge whan they
were compelled to fly.
^^^^^^^M
^^^
^^ CtAT. U.U. ACCOUNT GIVEN BY ARISTK AS. II ^^H
1 it is plain, pursuod them) and missing their road, poured into H
^H Med^. For the Gmmerians kept the line wbicb led along H
^H the sea-Bboro, bat tbo Scytba in tbeir pursuit bold the Cau- H
^B OBBOfi npon their right, thus proceeding inland, and falling H
^H upon Media/ This account ifl one ^t'bich is common both to H
^H Gredcs and barbarians. H
^P 13. Aristcas also, son of Caystrobius, a native of Procon- H
neeus,^ says in the course of bis poem that rapt in Bacchic H
fury he went as far as the Issedones. Above them dwelt the ^^M
Ariniaspi, men with one eye ; still further the gold-guarding ^^|
Griffins ;* and beyond these the Hyperboreans, who extended ^W
^ to tbe 6oa. Except the Hyperbureans, all these nations, H
^1 beginning with the Arimaspi, were continually encroaehiTig H
upon their neighbours. Henco it camo to pass that the 1
Arimaspi drove the Issodonians from their country, while the H
Idsedonians dispossessed the Scyths ; and the Scyths, pressing H
upon the Cimmerians, who dwelt on the shores of the Southern H
K Seft/ forced them to leave their land.* Thus even Aristeas, H
^H * KieVn' - <" -^hia,p. 50, E. T.) is
^^H nado^t' ^ li^n ho urges the
^^V tarprobft: y gc-nemlmovcmont
^^m of the Cimmerifta nalioa in this direo-
^H tion. " All the -vnuidenD? tnb«a," he
^^M nji.'SrhichhaTeniC'ceBaiTely occupied
^^H Scytlsa, when orerpowertKl by new
^^M •wAtma firom the east, h&vo rclircd to
^^M ikm epva ooontiy to the wutst, aud to-
^^B ward* the Dttiiiibe." There is every
^^B nsMB lo believe that the mass of tho
^^F CunBertuinatioowas driven leest ward.
W WI10& Kiebohr, howeTcr, goes on to
1 vvne tint Herodotas is cstircly mis-
1 tnicDn iD hit eccoont of the Cinunerian
1 iDvaeim of Asia* and vhon he brings
^^m Ibe CimBietians acron the Thracian
^^H BoipbmB inntfad of bj the ronte of
^^B Uw Cteuaraa, be makes too large a de-
^^H nand upcm oar confidence in bis hieto-
^^f Ileal sagacity. (See Appendix to Boole
i. Ktfay i. p. 855, note '.) Two points
cmlyin the oarmtire of Hcrodotos eeem
to zoqTDiv oorroction .—1. ITie Cinunc-
TiHHwhe fled eastward must hare been
a mero section, not the ptvafc body of
the xiotiuou ^ llie routo foUowod must
hare boen that of Mosdok, which loada ^^^M
through the Caocasiau gates into Qeor- ^^^|
gift, not that of tlio coast, which is to ^^^|
tiuB (lay atierly impructicahlc. ^H
^ Procontit'cus is the island now called ^M
Marmoraj which^vca itsmodem appel- ^M
latioQ to the Prtipuntiu (Soa of Mar- ^|
luoro) . It contained a city of the aamo ^M
name. (Infia, W. 33.) ■
A Tide snpra, iii. 116. ■
' That is, the Eoxiue, in oontiadis. ^M
tinction &om the Nortbcm 6ea, on the ^M
shores of which dwolt the nyporboro- ^M
BOB. according to Ariateos. liorodotns ^M
himself quesuonedthocxistoDce of this ^M
Xortheru Sea. (Supra, iii. 115. and ^M
infra, ch. 45.) ■
* The poem of Aristeas may have bad ^M
no special hi&torical toandaiion, bat it ^M
indicated an important general foot, ris. ^M
the perpetual pressure on one another ^M
of tbo nomadic hordes which from time ^M
immemoriat have occopted the vast ^H
steppes of Central and Northern Asia, ^^H
and of Eastern Europe. Scythians, ^^^H
Sarmatinns, Tlnns, Tatars^ and Tarko- ^^^H
mans, hare la toiii been precipitated ^H
12
STORT OF ABISTEAa
Book IT*
does not agree ia his acconnt of this re^on -with the
Scythians.
14. The birthplace of Aristeas, the poet who sung of these
things, I have ahreadj mentioned. I -will now relate a tale
which I heard concerning him, both at Proconnesus and at
Cyzicus. Aristeas, they said, who belonged to one of the
noblest families in the island, had entered one day into a
fuller's shop, when he suddenly dropped down dead. Here-
upon the fuller shut up his shop, and went to tell Aristeas'
kindred what had happened. The report of the death had
just spread through the town, when a certain Cyzicenian,
lately arrived from Artaca,** contradicted the rumour, affirming
that he had met Aristeas on his road to Cyzicus, and had
spoken with him. This man, therefore, strenuously denied
the rumour ; the relations, however, proceeded to the fuller's
shop with all things necessary for the funeral, intending to
carry the body away. But on the shop being opened, no
Aristeas was found, either dead or aHve.^ Seven years after-
wards he reappeared, they told me, in Proconnesus, and wrote
the poem called by the Greeks ' The Arimaspeia,'^ after which
he disappeared a second time. This is the tale current in the
two cities above mentioned.
npoD Europe by tbis canse» while Uon-
gol, Kii^lus, Elentha, CalmnclcB, and
CoBsacka, have disputed the possession
of Asia.
' Artaca is mentioned a^in in the
Bixth Book (ch. 33). It was a small
.seaport town on the west side of the
peninsula of Cyzicos (Strab. xiii. p.
842, andxir. p. 910 j Scyl. Peripl. p.
84), opposite to Priapus. Stephen calls
it a colony of the Milesians (Steph. Byz.
ad TOO.). The name remains in the
modern Erdekt which has taken the
place of Cyzicos {Bal Kis), now in
rains, and is the see of an archbishop.
JUrdeh is a town of abont 1200 hoases.
(Hamilton's Asia Minor, vol. ii. p. 98.)
* In later times the story went that
Aristeas could make his sonl qait his
body and i-elnm to it whenever he
pleased (Suidas, L 8. o. ; Hesych. Miles.
Fr. 7, A) . Here the power ascribed to
him is rather that of appearing and dis-
appearing' at his pleasure. Is the basis
of this last, the mere fact of the alter-
nate appearance and di&appcaranoe of
an enterprising traveller ?
' According to Snidas (ad voo. 'Apt*
trr4as)f the Arimaspeia was a poem in
three books, containing a history of tbo
Arimaspi. Longinus (Be Sablim. 10,
p. 44) quotes a fi'agmeot, professedly^
from it, which Voss considers not to bo
genuine. (Hist. Gr. iv. 2, p. 348.) It
is in the hexameter mi^asure, and, if
genuine, would indicate that the author
owed his reputation rather to the sub-
ject matter of his poem than to his
poetical genius. Accoi-ding to some
accounts, Aristeas wrote also in prose.
(Suidas, 1. s. 0*1 Dionys. Ila^ Jad.
ThttC. 23.)
14-16L
HIS MARVELXOUS APPEARANCES.
13
15. What follows I know to have happened to the Metapon-
tines of Italy, three hundred and forty years' after the second
disappearance of Aristeas, as I collect hy comparing the ac-
eounts given mo at Proconnesus and Metapontum/ Aristeas
then, as the Metapontines affirm, appeared to them in their
own country, and ordered them to set up an altar in honour
of Apollo, and to place near it a statue to he called that of
Aristeas the Proconuesian. " Apollo," ho told them, *' had
come to their country once, though he had "visited no other
Italiots ; and he had been with Apollo at the time, not how-
ever in his present form, but in the shape of a crow." •* Having
fiaid so much, he yanished. Then the Metapontines, as they
relate, Bent to Delphi, and inquired of the god, in what light
ley were to regai'd the appearance of this ghost of a man.
ic Pythoness, in reply, bade them attend to what the spectre
I, " for BO it would go best with them." Thus advised,
did as they had been directed : and there is now a statue
te name of AristeaB, close by the image of Apollo, in.
it*place of Metapontura, with bay-trees standing
aronnd it.* But enough has been said concerning Aristeas.
16. With regard to the regions which lie above the country
hereof this portion of my history treats, there is no one who
possesscn any exact knowledge. Not a single person can I find
who professes to be acquainted with them by actual obscrva-
tioxu Even Aristeas, the traveller of whom I lately spoke,
* Th}« dale sraet (yrtsinl^ be wrong.
woold tluxjw bAok tbe trarela of
ID Sorthift to th« bA^nning' of
I a^liUi centnry be fureotir era, a timo
tfi.^r*" TTPr-n ail TAt nnOn^^lc colo-
wSm r "\ The Ant^ Dsnally
Mrigi -aa ifl about a.c. 580.
<Se* Bkhi Ail U>a.)
* Jfdtjipootiiin, ftt the month of tho
OM««nCTW (the raodrm Ba*Unlo\, wna
tffllAt abont fiO miles from Thnrii,
wb*f« llerodottu Urcd daring hia lator
yean.
' {latnral snpentition fint recanled
Um croak d the ciow or zareii a« an
omen (Hot. Od. iii. 27, 11, "Oscinpm
corvTim **) ; after which it wo* nnttiral
to attftch tho bird to the God of Pro-
pheoy. Tho crow i3 often called tha
companion or attendant (^6Kaudos) of
Apollo. (Soe ^lian, Hist. An. i. 48.)
* It appears by a frafrmentof Theo.
pompos fFragm. Hist. Gr. vol. i. Fr.
1R2) that these bar*troc9 wore nnt ponl,
bnt artificial, betnf^ raado of hronKe.
(7*»'o,u/n]j tpeoin}t ix t^j hi^rr,^ r^r
;ifaA*ci}i, %v tftriicav tAtraitorr'tvoi
Kark T^v 'Kpiarta rou WpoKoytrnfftov
14
DESCKIPTION OP SCYTHU— THE CALLIPEDA Book IV-
does not claim — and he is writing poetry — ^to have reached
any farther than the Issedonians. What he relates concerning
the regions beyond is, he confesses, mere hearsay, being the
account T^hich the Issedonians gave him of those countries.
However, I shall proceed to mention all that I have leamt of
these parts by the most exact inquiries which I have been able
to make concerning them.
17. Above the mart of the Borysthenites,^ which is situated
in the very centre of the whole sea-coast of Scythia,^ the first
people who inhabit the land are the CaUipedfiBy a Grsco-
Scythic race. Next to them, as you go inland, dwell the
people called the Alazonians.* These two nations in other
respects resemble the Scythians in their usages, but sow and
eat com, also onions, garlic, lentils, and millet.^ Beyond the
Alazonians reside Scythian cultivators, who grow com, not
for their own use," but for sale.® Still higher up are the
' Ifc liaa been argued (Bahr ad loo.)
tliat the mart of the Borysthenites is a
different place from Olbia, the city of
the Borysthenites mentioned below
(ohs. 78, 79) ; but there is no ground
for this distinction.
' This passage appears to me oon-
clnsive against Niebohr's scheme of
Scythian geography, which places the
month of the Boryathenes, and the mart
of the Borysthenites, not in the centre
of the iohole sea-coast of Bcjrthia (twv
TopaSaXaffaiwv fmrairaroy irdtrifs r^s
^KvBirit), bat in the centre of the south
coast only. (Scythia, p. 39, E, T. and
Map.) Vide infra, note on ch. 101.
* There seems to be no sufficient
reason for Sti-abo's rejectionof the Cal-
lipedee and Alazonians (xii. p. 797).
They were mentioned, aa he confesses,
by Hellanicns, who wrote a little be-
fore Herodotus, and by Eudoxus, the
contemporary of Plato. (Frag. Hist.
Gr. Tol. i. p. 69.) Herodotus moreorer
must bo regarded as an eye-witness. It
is very possible that they had disap-
peared by Strabo'a time.
The identification of the Callipedos
withthoCarpidaaof Ephorus (Fmg.78),
which has the names of Kiebohr and
Grote (Hist, of Greece,Tol. in. p. 321) in
its f avonr, is, to say the least, extremely
doubtful. The Carpidce, who dwelt im-
mediately to the north of the Danube,
would seem rather to hare a connection
with the Carpathian mountain-chain.
^ Millet is still largely cultivated
in these regions. It forms almost the
only cereal food of the Nogais. (De
Hell, pp. 270 and 274.)
* Fifty years ago the Nogais appear
to have been exactly in this contUtion.
(Heber's note in Clarke's Travels, oh.
XV, p. 337.) Since then they have
leamt to eat and like millet. (De Hell,
L s. o.) The Calmucks oontinuo to live
on meat and dairy produce, while they
are beginning to ciUtivate com for ex-
portation. They do not, however, dis-
cover any dislike to bread as an article
of food. (De Hell, pp. 240-4.)
' The corn-trade of the Scythians
appears to have been chiefly, if not ex-
clusively, with the Greeks. Its extent
is indicated in Herodutas by his as-
signment of the whole country west,
and a portion of that east, of the Bo-
rystbones to Scythian husbandmen,
who raised corn only for sale. The
practice of ooltivatiousprcad eastward.
Ctur. 16.15.
THE XEITHI— HYLJ:A,
IS
Nonri.* Nortbwordg of the Neon the continent, as far as it is
known to as, is uninhabited.'^ Th^se ore the nations along
the course of the river Hypanis,* west of the Borysthenea.'
18. Across the Borystheues, the first country after you leave
the coast is Hjhea (the Woodland).^ Above this dwell the
ud between B.c. 400 and b.c. 300 tho
p>rmcesof UieBoBphonu drew fivmi tlie
Afaocw of the fios of Aior and tho Cri.
warn mapf^m of «n aunmoDs amooiit.
Aoaocdin^ to Straho, Lcdood, who
jBJgned tzom b.c. 393 to b.c. 3fi3, sent
on one occasion 2,IO0/-KX) tnedioini
(3,150,000 of our biuheU) of com to
Athons twm the edoKlo port of Tbeo-
doAia (vii. p. 478). DcniostbcncB tolls
n» that of the wholo fnivign importa-
tion into Atticft} almost ouc-half camo
fnitn thfi Eoxine, and estimates its
amoont in onlioary yean at 400,000
li, or 60(».000 bnshels. (Orat. in
a. pp. iG6, 477.) The importance
> tndd to Athena appean on many
oa mere eflpociany- afe the
Philip, in order to get a hold
Atheuians, cudearonred to re-
itiom (fioukdfiittfos r^5 ffero'
xvpios 7«i>^<r0cu. Dem. de
p. S54. Soe aliio p. 251, and com.
Lya- 0. FramcDtar. p. 720, and
1. in Fnlycl. p. 12U). It is eririent
varioaa other Gre-ck states besides
wcore engaged in the ttatle;
Demosthenes praifles Ttoncon aa
gim^ a preforenoe to Athens over
etiien (Leprln. 1. «. o.). If it bo in-
qnired what the Scytbiana got in ex.
eiiaaffa for thnir cornf the au»wor will
wiue c^Ttttirily (for wine-casks
:od BAZI^ which Lad eridootly
llioaan wine, were finmd
ia tlw ioonb of the Scythian Icinf; at
ofl probably, and nteQaiU
ittfsrtnred goods of all kinds
lb. xL p. 4M). Tbey may nl^
taken gold and silrcx to a eon-
extent ; for those commodi-
^t r ^ jj^ prodnetiona of
Sojth' I ->und in lUo tumoU
thfon^'L- .. - _ L i:raine. Tho fertility
«t the country and the habits of the
people rrmiiin newly the same, and
Urn \xhA& of Knglond with Odeisa at
the presoni time is tho ccniitorpart of
that which twerity-llirfo certruries ago
wofi carried on between Athens and
tbo 8cytbs of the I'outuB. (See
Papers by MM. ITogg and Bnrgon in
the Joumnl of the Boyal Society of
Literatnro for 1855-6, on the pottery
of the Greek oolouioa in tho £axine,
stamped manubria, do. ; whore ninny
intcrestiug pnrticnlars will bo found
with regard to the trnde of Athena
with Olbia and it« sifter oitioa.)
* Vide infra, ch. 106.
* So KpbonUi as reported by Seym.
nn« Chins :—
N<«7>ovir j\ ijUHSttht Wiikiv ii'^ifkov /fi wtijaiv.
(103-105.)
* Tlio modem Bug or A>iiy. (See noto
on ch. 52.)
7 The modem DiUcpr. (See note on
ch. 53.)
' Portions of this country are still
thickly wooded, and contrast remark-
ably with the general bare and arid
ehaructcr of the steppe. " In the vi-
cinity of the great riven)," Madame
de Bell says* " the conntiy assumes a
diOVreut unpect ; and tho weaned eye
at lofit enjoys the pleaaure of encoun-
tering more limited horizons, a moro
vordaut vegetation, and a landscape
more varied in its ontlinos. Among
those rivers the DniclJT claims one
of the foremost places. After
having spread out to the breadth of
nearly a league, it parts into a mnlti-
tndo of channels that wind through
forests of oata, aldcrji, poplars, and
a»p*in», whoso vigorous gr«wth be-
speaks tho riohnoss of a virgin soil.
.... These plavniks of the DniepTj
seldom touched by the woodman's axe,
have all tho wild majesty of the foresta
of tho Now World." (Tmvelfl, p. 56.)
The woody district extends to a oon.
d
i5
THE OLBIOFOLITES— THE HUSBANBUEK.
Book IT.
Scythian Husbandmen, -whom the Greeks living near the
H3rpani8 call Borystbenites, while they call themselves Olbio-
polites.' These Hasbandmen extend eastward, a distance of
three days' journey, to a river bearing the name of Panticapes,*
siderible distance towards the east.
In tho tract occapied by the Memnon-
ite colonies upon the Molc»hnia Yodii
trees abound. They grow along the
banks of aU the streams. Za former
times, when the Dniepr spread oat
into many more channels than it does
at present, it is likely that they were
much more nnmerooB than they now
are. SiiU the peculiarly bare and
treeless character of the eteppe must
be taken into account, in order to nn>
derstand how a region which, after
all, is upon the whole somewhat
scantily wooded, came to be called
Hylasa.
* Hcrodotns means to say that the
Greeks of Olba gave themBelves the
name of Olbiopolites, rejecting that of
Bcrysthonitcs, which others applied to
them, bat which they applied to the
Bcythians along the left bank of the
river. Concerning the site, Ac, of
Olbia, Tide infra, ch. 78. Like so
many of tho settlements in these parts
(as Fhasis, Tanais, Tyras, latms, Ac),
it seems to have been originally given
merely tho native nnmo of the river,
Borysthones. (Strab. vii. p. 445.)
When, in oonseqaonce of its flonnsh-
ing condition, it came to be known as
Olbia, the original appellation was
disnsed by the inhabitants, and ap-
plied by them to the Scyths of the
xieighboarhood. Borysthenes is never
found upon the coins, which hare
Coins of OtbU.
alwa^ Olbia for the town, Olbiopolitse
(abbreviated into 'OA^io) for the in<
Itabitaats. (See Kdhler's Bemarques
sur un ouvrage intitule 'AntiqnitJB
Grecqnes,' &c., p. 14.) The name
Borysthenes is however stiU applied
to Olbia by many of the later writers,
as Dio ChrjmoBtom (Qr.xxxvi.), Seym-
nus Chius, and the anonymous authiv
of the * PeripluB Ponti Euiini/ who
copies him (p. 151). Hela wrongly
distinguishes between the names, uid
supposes them to belong to two differ-
ent towns (ii. 1). Fliny says thai
Olbiopolis, as he terms it, was caUed
also Miletopolis (H. N. iv. 12) ; bat
this title is otherwise unknown. Ste-
phen of Byzantium identifies Bory-
sthenes with Olbia, and notes that the
latter was the name used by the inha-
bitants, the former that commonly in
vogue through Greece : thus there is
nothing strange in Dio Chrysostom ig-
noring the native term.
* Here the description of Herodotus,
which has been hitherto excellent,
begins to fail. There is at present no
river which at all correflponds with his
Fanticapes. Either the face of the
country must have greatly altered
since his time, as Professor Maiden
(see Mnrchison's Silurian System, p,
574, note) and others have supposed,
or he must have obtained a confused
and incorrect account from the Olbio-
polites. As Sir B. Murchison observe*^
" There is no indication of Herodotna
having crossed the Bniepr." He ia
unacquainted with the Isthmus of
Perecop and with the true shape of
the Crimea. Perhaps, as the accounts
of Strabo are * ' not inconsistent with
the present state of the country," it
is beat to suppose Herodotus mistaken.
The real Panticapes may have been
the small stream in the peninsula of
Kertch, from which the Milesian
settlement of Panticapseum derived
its name (Stepfa. Byz. ad voc. Ilavri-
Koweuoy. Eustath. ad Pionys. Ferieg*
314).
lS-20.
THE ROYAL SCYTHIANS.
"while northward the country is theirs for eleven days' sail up
the course of the Borysthenes. Further inland there is a vaet
tract which is uninhabited, Ahovo this desolate region dwell
the Cannihals,* who are a people apart, much unlike the Scy-
thians. Above them the country becomes an utter desert ; not
a single tribe, so far as we know, inhabits it.'
19. Crossing the Panticapes, and proceeding eastward of the
ushandracn, we come upon the wandering Scythians, who
either plough nor bow. Their country, and the whole of this
region, except Hylica, is quite bare of trees.* They extend
towards the cast a distance of fourteen* days' journey, occu-
Kjing a tract which reaches to the river Gerrhus.^
20. On the opposite side of the Gerrhus is the Koyal district,
B it is called: here dwells the largest and bravest of the
icytbion tribes, which looks upon all the other tribes in the
light of slaves.' Its country reaches on the south to Taurica,**
on the cost to tho trench dag by the sons of the blind slaves,*
m
» Infri, ch. 100.
' Conp&re the ooooitnb of £phoraa
- 78).—
Kt7«Mi«f|ir * Y^Auv (1.' YA<a*) o!«(w»rar
¥ fulTH**
-«. ■.T,A.
Ttj .1 ri?elo8S cbanictfr of
KUfpiifH 19 noticed by all travellers.
Hell BRja : — "In tho stepjitii "
of the Ukraine) *' lliere aro
indeed here iinil tbvro a tow depres-
rfoBS where tiio grasA rcUitifl its vcr-
doTQ dtu-infr o pnrt of the year, and
Ri ktuntcd trpf* ^prmd tlieir mea^jrre
obos OTcr B less iiukindty auil than
of thp *^fu"o ; bat ihu&e are uo-
I • < *:b, and oTwt must
t'" '1 nf vernis to find a
9 »' 1 r, ^p. ;tK). The oonnfry
bct»»m the MoIoEhuia Vtdt and tbe
Ooa ia particularly llat aod bare of
tr«e> (ice F&lUs, voL i. pp. 612, 534,
* Kejinc'U proposM to read '* four
TOL. in.
days' jonniey" (Geography, Ac. p.
71)— and iodeod without some iraoh
alteration t)io goof^rapby of tb>a part
of Soythia is ntterly inexplicablo.
• Vide infra, ch. 66.
7 Tho onalogoaa case of the Golden
Hnrdo among tho Mongols baa bocn
Rilducod by many writcni. (Nlebubr,
Vortrilnre, vol. i. p. 188; Grote, Hist,
of Greece, iii. p. 320, Ac.) Gfoto
notices that in JLli^eria somo of the
native tribes are noble, some enslaved.
" Tanrica appears here to be no-
thing but tho high tract along tho
fioutbera coast of the Crimea, from
Bebaatopol to KalTa. The el:«ppM
country to the north of this boIongH
to (he Rciyal Scythians.
■ It i« not quile clear how ITerodo-
tna considered this trench to i*an. It
did not, according to hiin, extend from
sea to sea, but Jrom Ifie Tivric Jftfun-
taiTu to tbe Pains Mseutia (Hnpra, cb.
3). Perhaps tho poaition assigned to
it by Dubois (from whom the chart
on page 18 is taVen*] ia that which
most noarly agrees with tho wordi of
oar auLbur. But ifc nraat bo borne in
i3
THE COtTirrBY EAST OF SCTTHUi
Book IV.
the mart upon the Pains Mseotis, called Gremni (the Cliffs),
and in part to the river Tanais.^ North of the country of the
Boyal Scythians are the Melanchlseni (Black-Eobes),' a people
of quite a different race from the Scythians. Beyond them
lie marshes and a region without inhabitants, so far as our
knowledge reaches.
21. When one crosses the Tanais, one is no longer in Scy-
thia ; the first region on crossing is that of the Sauromats,'
who, beginning at the upper end of the Falus Mseotis, stretch
northward a distance of fifteen days' journey, inhabiting a
country which is entirely bare of trees, whether wild or culti-
vated/ Above them, possessing the second region, dwell the
mind, in all comments on his Scythian i acquaintance with the coontcT'
geography, that he had no personal { the Borysthenes.
5i O T I S
' Now the Don (ride infra, note on
ch. 57). • Vide infra, ch. 107-
* Vide infra, ch. 110.
* The ancient country of the Sanro-
matcs or Sarmatso (Sarmatiuis) ap-
pean to have been nearly identital
with that of the modem Don Coesaoks,
the northern and western portion of
which, along the courses of the Don
and the Donetz, is fiat indeed, and bu9
of trees, but a good pasture country;
while the south^ and eastern regioDa,
Chat. 30-23.
THE ITRCJS.
»9
Budini/ -ffliose territory is thickly wooded with trees of every
kind.
22. Beyond the Badini, as one goes northward, £rst there is
a desert, seven days' journey across ; after which, if one
inclines somewhat to the east, the Thyssagetro ** are reached, a
nomerouB nation quite distiact from any other, and living by
the chace. Adjoining them, and within the limits of the
same region, are the people who bear the name of lyrcro ; ^
they also support themselves by himting, which they practise
in the following manner. The hunter climbs a tree, the
whole country abounding in wood, aud there seta himself in
ambush; be has a dog at hand, and a horse, trained to lie
down upon its belly, and thus make itself low ; the hunter
keeps watch, and when he sees his game, lets fly an arrow;
then mounting his horse, he gives the beast chace, his dog
following hard all the while. Beyond these people, a little
to the east, dwells a distinct tribe of Scyths who revolted
once from the Royal Scythians and migrated into these
parts.
23. As far as their country, the tract of land whereof I havo
been H|)eaki]]g is all a smooth plain, and the aoD deep; beyond
you enter on a region which is rugged and stony. Passing
orer a great extent of this rough country, you come to a people
m
Ui« left bank ff thf» Don. towards
Wulj?^ ftn.l ihi' Manitch, ore do-
ibed aa"thG Hasi-iim desort in aU
ito naifanxLit^r.' (Do lioU, p. 147).
* Vide infra, cb. 109.
• The ThyRso.ETftnp appwir to h« n.
br»Dcb of the (jutbic family, "the
laoMT Goths," AS tiisttn^mifthed from
Uw Ifotta-geCo!, " tbe ;^(iator Gotha."
Tfji-v mx9 placed in Ibe tuiue region by
ir. S.ir. 1'^) and Mela (i. 19).
•Ld A At tlie cod of 1 bo Jlppcn-
Uijc u> Lhu Bfiuk.
' Pltnr and Mela C\. i. a.) torn the
I/TBB of Herod, f Ttrca, or
Tnrics. Bat wo ci- -o llero-
ifetaa to ItATB meai.: l..w ^., unlesa
««« cbaogtt the reiuliii^. [ic in, more-
OTcr, excncdin^lydoTibtfal if the* nanio
of Turk is of this antiquity, or at liity
r&te if tiio name could fanve bix^a
known bo rnrly id Enrcpo. To 5ll up-
potLrancc Tutk in acoDtraodon of Tir
vkka, which n|^in ia tho Pali torm of
Tumshka, the Sanscrit nttmo for the
Tartar inbabit&nts of tbe snowy range
and tho plains beyond. In the natiro
(luditiuiis uf central Asia tbe noaie nf
Turk IB Boppnged to bo doriTed from
Tikui, "a helmet," and tbore ia Bomo
Bhow of probability in this etymology,
aa the torm of Takabara, or "helmot.
boarei-a," is applied in tho InBcriplions
of I>ana3 as an Pthnic ti'lo to tho
Asiatic Grcckfl.— H. C. H.]
20
THE ASOIPPJSANS.
Book IT.
dwelling at the foot of lofty mountains,^ wlio are eaid to be
all — both men and women — bald from their birth,' to have
flat noses, and very long chins.^ These people speak a lan-
guage of their own, but the dress which they wear is the same
as the Scythian. They live on the fruit of a certain tree, the
name of which is Fonticum ;^ in size it is about equal to our
fig-tree, and it bears a fruit like a bean, with a stone inside.
When the fruit is ripe, they strain it through cloths; the
juice which runs o£f is black and thick, and is called by the
natives " aschy." They lap this up with their tongues, and
also mix it with milk for a drink ; while they make the lees,
which are solid, into cakes, and eat them instead of meat ; for
they have but few sheep in their country, in which there is no
* These moantaiDs can be no others
than the chain of the Ural ; and thns
we obtain the general direction of this
line of nations, which is seen to extend
from the Falos Mteotia towards the
north-eaat, and to terminate in the
TTral chain, probably about latiinde
66°. It is an ingenious conjecture of
Heeren's (As. Kat. ii. p. 289), stronglj
supported by the words of our author
in ch. 24, that the Greeks of the Pon*
tna carried on a regular trade (chiefly
for furs) with these nations, and that
the line described by Herodotus is the
route of the caravans.
With respect to the exact districts
inhabited by the Budini, Thyssagetas,
lyrcBB, and Aj^ippsei, I agre3 with Mr.
Qrote that " it is impossible to fix with
precision the geography of these dif-
ferent tribes." (Hist, of Greece, toL
ii. p. 328.)
> Although & race of men absolutely
without hair may be a fable, yet it is a
fact that scanty hair characteriees
several of the wandering tribes of
Northern Asia. (See Prichard's Kat.
Hist, of Man, p. 48.)
' Some scholars translate y^vtwi in
this place, not 'chins," but " beai-ds."
Schweighsenser (Lex. Herod, ad voc.)
iaclines to this. Col. Mure (Lit. of
Greece, iv. p. 380) adopts it positively.
But yivtio¥ is most properly " the
chin;" Tcrf ias*< the beant" (SeeJStym.
Mag. ad too. ytvtdu "rcr«K(8«s, al
icarck rS»v ytv%it9V ^cyij^cvfti vplxtsJ'y
^ Heeren (As. Nat. ii. p. 270) oou-
jeetures that this is the Prunua Padua
of Linnaeus, a species of cherry, which
is eaten by the Calmuoks of the pre-
sent day in almost the same manner.
" The Caloiucks," he says, quotings as
his authority Neuuich's Polyglot Dio-
tionary of Natural History, " dress the
berries of this tree with milk, then
press them in a sieve, and afterwards
form them into a thick mass, which is
called moisun chat^ a small piece o/t
which, mixed with water, makes a
nutritious and palatable soup." [A
similar process is pursued in the mana-
factnre of " brick tea," which forms
one of the chief luxuries of the Turco-
man and Calmuck "cuisine." — H. C.
B.] To conclude from this that th»
Argippaoi were Calmncks, is, howerer,
somewhat over bold. There ia littlo
resemblance between the portraiture
given of the Argippa>i by our author,
and that which Pallas and other
writers have furnished of the Cat.
mucks. These last have no tendenoj
to baldness, and though their nose is
depressed in the upper part, it is not
what the word vtyihs indicates, which
is the flat nose of the negro ; their chin
also is remarkably short. (See Pallas,
as quotod by Dr. Prichard, 27ataral
Hist, of Man, p. 215.)
CHAf . 23-25.
TOE ARQIPPJIANS.
21
good paaturagG. Each of them dwells under a tree, and they
cover the tree in winter with a cloth of thick white felt» but
take oil the covering in the summer-time. No one harms these
people, for they are looked upon as sacred, — they do not even
possess any warlike woapona. When their neighbours fall
out they make up the quarrel ; and when one flies to them for
refuge, he is safe from all hurt. They are colled the Argip-
pfieans."
24. Up to this ixnni the territory of which we are speaking
is very completely explored, and all the nations between the
coast and the bald-headed men are well known to us. For
Bome of the Scythians are accustomed to penetrate as far, of
whom inquiry may easily be made, and Greeks also go there
from the mart on the Borysthenes,* and from the other marts
along the Euxine. The Scythians who make this journey
communicate mth the inhabitants by means of seven interpre-
ters and seven languages.^
25, Thus far therefore the land is known; but beyond tho
bald-headed men Ucs a region of which no one can give any
exact account. Lofty and precipitous mountains, which are
never crossed, bar further progress.^ The bald men say, but
it does not seem to me credible, that the people who live in
these mountains have feet like goats ; and that after passing
• Pliny (H. N. ri. U) and Mela
(^ 19) call the Ar^ppw^B by the
oMDeof Arimpheeans. In their sccoanL
of ttketn tb«7 simplj follow nerodotas.
• Vide Bopra, oh. 17, note.
' HerodotDB probably iiitpndii the
InogsaeQa of the Scythians, the Sanro.
wmtm, the Budini, the Geluni, the
Tlif Miiyetg, the lyrctp, and tho Ar-
gippauu. Bat it nmy bo qocBtioncd
wnotbar the trodert would hare had
lo MM tKrongh all Ihesi* tribett.
• Heeren ctjnmders tho moiuiiaios
here spoken of to bo the Altai (As.
KaL ii. p. 272) t bat to mo it Bconis
that Uerodotos in these ohspten
■paaksofdyof asinisilouBOQntain-chain,
Md that is the UroL The cuuntry is
flat and deep-soiled nil the way from
tho Pains Mceotis to tho Refogee Ucy-
thions ; then it bcfpns to be roagh and
stony. Passing this roagb country,
which cannot, 1 think, represent the
Ural, we como to the ArgippiDans, who
dwell at tho base of a lofty mountain-
range. Here wo have tho first men-
tion of mountains. Separated from
the Argipprcans by the inaccessible
peaks of this chain dwell tho Isse-
donians. I should therefore place the
Ar^'ppseans to tho east, and the Isse*
doni&DS to tho west of the Ural range,
in lat. 64* to 56*. This agrens with the
statement uf Book i. ch. 201, that the
Isaedoniann are ' 'oppctsite, " — that is, in
the same longitude aa the MassagetK.
fa^
22
THE ISSKDONIANa
BooeIV,
them you find another race of men, who sleep during one half
of the year.' This latter statement appears to me quite
unworthy of credit. The region east of the bald-headed men
is well known to be inhabited by the Issedonians,^ but the
tract that lies to the north of these two nations is entirely
unknown, except by the accounts which they give of it.
26. The Issedonians are said to have the following customs.
When a man*s father dies, all the near relatives bring sheep to
the house ; which are sacrificed, and their flesh cut in pieces,
while at the same time the dead body undergoes the like treat-
ment. The two sorts of flesh are afterwards mixed together,
and the whole is served up at a banquet. The head of the
dead man is treated differently : it is stripped bare, cleansed,
and set in gold.^ It then becomes an ornament on which they
pride themselves, and is brought out year by year at the great
festival which sons keep in honour of their fathers* death, just
as the Greeks keep their Genesia.* In other respects the Isse-
donians are reputed to be observers of justice : and it is to be
remarked that their women have equal authority with the
men.' Thus our knowledge extends as far as this nation.
• The romark of Hccron, that " in
this tradition wo can perceive a ray of
truth, inasmuch as wo know that the
polar redone continao for six months,
more or leas, without haring^ the light
of the eon" (As. Kftt. 1. b. c.),i8 not
altogether happy. It does not seem
likely that any account could have
reached Herodotus of what only lakes
place very near the pole. A diflferent
explanation will bo found in the Ap.
pcndix (Essay iii. § 7). [The Orientals,
however, have the samo idea of tho
loolmdt, or rci^ioa of darkness, in tlio
far north, which was supposed to bo
visited by Alexander the Great, and
which ia sdladed to ia tho Koran. —
H. C. R.]
• Damastes, the contompomry of
Herodotus, placed the Isacrdonians im-
mediately above the Scythians. Above
them were the Arimaspi, extending? to
theRhipeean mountains. Beyond these
were tho Hyperboreans, reacbing to
tbo Northern Sea (Fr. 1). The Ine.
doniaos were also mentioned by Hec»-
tffius (Fr. 168).
• Compare the Scythian enstom with
respect to thei^kuUsof enemiea (infra,
ch. 65). A similar practice to theirs
is ascribed by Livy to the Boii, atribe
of Gaula (xxiii. 21)- Kennell relates
that he had himself seen drinking-cnpe
made in this fashion, which bad been
brought from temples in the country
which ho a?>;i^8 to the Issedoniana
(Gocprrapby of Herodotus, p. 144).
' These were ceremonial observances
at the tombs of tho dct)arted, annually,
on tho day of tho deceased person's
birth. Tliey are to be distinguished
from the vtKCvta, which were similar
observances on tlie anniversary of the
death. (Ilesych. ad voc. ytvtaia.)
' It has been usuul to scout us fables
all stories of Aumzon."), or even of any
established equality in auy nation of
women with meu. But the travels of
Cftir. 25-27.
THE ABUtASPI.
23
27. The wgfons beyond are known only from the accounts
of the Issedonians, by whom the stories are told of the one-
eyed race of men and the gold-guarding griffins.^ These
storiea are received by the Scythians from the iBsedonians,
and by thorn passed on to ua Greeks ; whence it arises that
^e give the one-eyed race the Scythian, name of Arimaspii
Dr. LmncvteDe bare prored that ia
putt of Siintliem Africa such a |>OHi.
tioD idsctaallfoocupiod by thofciiuilo
mx to tbis day (pp. 622, 623) ; [and
mmonsg tbe Naln of Malabar tho tnsti-
taitotu aU iucliue to a i^y nocracy, each
wcaoaa Laving eereral huAtmndH, and
proiterty pae»Dg: t broach tho female
iioB ID prefcreuce to the male. — H. (.-.
&.J It ia certain aUo that somo na.
iiaoM hATO affected tho ^rernment of
Qbscbi^ aj the Idamman Arabs (aeo
tqL L p. 885, and compare the acconnt
ta 3 Kio|B:f , ch. X. of tho " Qnocn of the
Sotttb"), and perhaps the Ethiopians.
• 0«rmaQ critics |aa Bohr, Volcker,
Xbod*. Wahl, Ac.) hare regarded this
tela aa deterring or BDriouB attentioo,
and liaTo given rariouM erplanationa
of it* meaning^ which may be foond in
B&hr'fl Eicnranfl {vol, ii. pp. 653-5).
To me it aeema to be a mere Ambian
Kigiit'« atot^i of a piece with ibuse
many others wherem large btrda play
un important fxai't (snpra, note '. on
Book iii.ch. 111). Aritftcaa picked up
tho tale in Scjthia, and from him it
passed both to EKchylos (P. V. 823)
and Horodotas. Later writers merely
copy from them. Thoonly truth con-
tained in tho tale ia tho prodactiTeno^B
of the Siberian gold-rof{ion (Murohi-
Bon's Geology of Rasaia, vol. i. pp.
476>491). and the jealoas care of the
natiTea to prevent the intrndicin of
Strangers. Tbe ^ffiu has been fonnd
tut an ornament in Scythian tombs, the
drawing, however, being Greek. It
was the special emblem of Pantica-
pffiom, and is often mot with on tho
coins. Tlie Greek gTifHn is uoriuusly
like tho Perscpolitan (Ker Porter, vol.
i. p. 672, pi. 52), and both are appa-
rently derived from the winged lion of
the Aflflyrian*!, which was the emblem
of the god Nerjalf or Mars.
24
XHB CLOUTE OF SCTTHIA.
BooKlY.
"arinw" being the Scythic word for "one," and "apft" for
"the eye."*
28. The whole district whereof we have here discoiirsed has
winters of exceeding rigour. Daring eight months the frost is
BO intense, that water poured upon the ground does not fDxm
mud, but if a fire he lighted on it mud is produced. The sea
freezes,^ and the Cimmerian Bosphorus is frozen over. At
that season the Scythians who dwell inside the trench make
warlike expeditions upon the ice, and even drive their wagons*
across to the country of the Sindians.^ Such is the intensity
of the cold during eight months out of the twelve ; and even
in the remaining four the climate is still cool.^ The character
of the winter likewise is unlike that of the same season in any
other country ; for at that time, when the rains ought to fall
in Scythia, there is scarcely any rain worth mentioning, while
in summer it never gives over raining ; and thunder, whioh
elsewhere is frequent then, in Scythia is unknown in that part
of the year, coming only in summer, when it is very heavy*
* On these and otber Sojthic words,
see the Essaj at the close of this Book,
'On the Ethnography of the Scy-
thians.'
' Haorobias (Satnm. 7) ignorantly
reprorea Herodotus for saying that the
■ea freezes.— [G. W.]
* See note on oh. 46.
' The Sindi are not nnfreqnently
mentioned in the inscriptions of the
Lenoonidao, whose subjects they appear
to hare been (Dubois, 4~ Berie, pi.
zzri.). They dwelt on the Asiatic
side of the Bosphorus, or Straits of
Kertch, in the immediate neighbour-
hood of Fhanagoria (Scylax, Peripl. p.
76 i Strab. xi. p. 723 j PHn. H. N. vi.
6; Dionys. Perieg. 681; Bteph. Byz.
adToa SifSoQ. They are coupled in
the Inscriptions with the MaK)tae
(MsBtsB), the Toretso, and the Dan-
darii.
* The clearing of forests and the
spread of i^^iculture hare tended to
render the climate of these regions loss
•erere than in the time of Herodotus.
StiU, even at the present day, tb*
sooth of Rnssia has a six months' win.
tor, lasting from October to April.
From November to March the oold is,
ordinarily, very intenae. The great
rivers are frozen over, and remaia
icebound from four to five months.
The sea freezes to a considerable dia.
tance from the shore. The hurboara
are blocked up, and all oommeroo
ceases till the return of spring.
The summer is now intensely hot.
" In these countries there are really
but two seasons ; you pass &om intense
cold to a Senegal heat. . . The 8e&.
breezes alone make it possible to
endure the heat, which in July and
August almost always amounts to M*
or 95«." (De HeU, pp. 49-50.)
That Herodotus gives a true aoooani
of the state of things in his own day is
apparent from the concnrrent testi.
mony of Hippocrates (De Aere, Aqoi,
et Loois, § 96) and Ovid (Tristia, and
Epist. ex Fonto pcutun), both «yfl.
witnesMS.
CUAW.Ilf-90,
THE CLIMATE OF SCYTHIA.
25
Thtmder in the wiator-time is there accounted a prodigy ; as
are carthqaakra,** whether they happen in winter or
ler. Horses hear the winter well, cold as it is, hut mules
and &8SO8 are quite unahle to hear it; whereas in other
ries mules and assos are found to endure the cold, while
I, if tiicy stand still, are frost-hitten.
To me it seems that the cold may likewise be the
which prevents the oxen in Scythia from having horns.'
« 16 a line of Homer^B in the Odyssey which gives a sup-
io my opinion : —
" hjhiM toOk vrbere boma bod quick on the foreheads of ImnblunA."*
He means to say, what is quite true, that in warm coontriea
the horns come early. So too in countries where the cold ia
aevere, animals either have no horns, or grow them with difli-
cult}- — the cold heing the cause in this instance.
SO- Here I must express my wonder — additions beLug what
my work always from the very first affected^ — that in Ehs,
where the cold is not remarkable, and there is nothing else to
aeeooui for it, mules are never produced. The Eleans say
ii is in consequence of a curse ; * and their habit ia, when the
* Titore WH a smart ihock of eartb-
la the winter which M. do Hell
on the bauka of the Dnieper
tSSS-B). SeQ hia TnTcbt, p. 43. Still
dopcriplioa on the whole saita tbo
It dftj. (Seo Appendix, Essay
§ 7, Ad fin.)
* FnllAs ia sftid to hnre noticed the
feMh of bonuia tfaewre^iana as extend-
^19 9ltQ to imma, f^onu, 4c. (Mna-
ITi Xore Miue di Erodoto tmdotte,
Moi. ftd loc.) Bat it id certainly
the ooM which chcoki thoir growth.
TMt tiw of liic horns of tho elk
nindoBT is welMtnown. Indeed
mtbar than oold would seem to
the growth of hurua. When
irtfA incrodaced from Spain and
igal into Paragoiiy, which is 15
nearer the efjnator, they lost
iWrtr boms in a fow i^eneratioua
(lV;«c^Ard's Nat. Uist. of Kan. p. 4^}.
* Od/nL iT. 6^
■ npoffB^Kii is more probably an
addition thim a dijrifssion. Probably
this chapter was added at Thurii (see
the Introductory Essay, voL L ch. i. p.
27).
* Aooording to Platarob (Qn»st.
GroPc. vol. ii. p. 303) (Enomatts, king
of Elis, oat of his lore for horsee, laid
hcary onrses on the breodiog of muloB
in that oooniry. Both he and Faosa-
nias (r. ▼. § 2) Touoh for the ooti-
tinned obser?anoe of tlie practice
which Uorodotas gties on to mention.
Larcher <ad loo.) oonjoctaros that tho
onrso of CEoomaus was the oaose of
the abolition of tho ohariot-rooe at
Olympia, ia which tho con were drawn
by mulnfi. Bat oh CBnomniia, accord-
ini? to the tradition, preceded Pelopn
(}>trabo, Tiii. p. 5I&) lus corse should
rather bare prerented the introdoctiua
of the niolo cbarioUzooo.
26
SNOW-STORMS OF KOBTHGBX KUEOPK.
Book IT.
breeding-time comes, to take their mares into one of the ad-
joining countries, and there keep them till they are in foal,
when they bring them back again into Elis.
SI. With respect to the feathers which are said by the
Scythians to fill the air,^ and to prevent persons from pene-
trating into the remoter parts of the continent, or even having
any view of those regions, my opinion is, that in the countries
above Scythia it always snows — less, of course, in the summer
than in the winter-time. Now snow, when it falls looks like
feathers, as every one is aware who has seen it com© dowi
close to him. These northern regions, therefore, are unin-
habitable, by reason of the severity of the winter ; and the
Scythians, with their neighbours, call the snow-flakes feathers
because, I think, of the likeness which they bear to them- I
have now related what is said of the most distant parts of this
continent whereof any account is given.
32. Of the Hyperboreans nothing is said either by the
Scythians or by any of the other dwellers in these regions,
imless it be the Issedonians. But in my opinion, even the
Issedonians are silent concerning them ; otherwise the Scy-
thians would have repeated their statements, as they do those
concerning the one-eyed men. Hesiod, however, mentions
them,* and Homer also in the Epigoni, if that really be a work
of his.'
33. But the persons who have by far the most to say on this
subject are the Dclians. They declare that certain offerings,
» Sapra, cb. 7, ail fin,
• Ko mention of the HTpfrboronns
appears in any extant work (if Hesiod.
The passage i-efciroil to by Urrodotua
■was pn)b:tbly contained in the lost
poem, entitled rTis vtploSos* (Cf.
Strabo, vii. p. 436.)
' Modern critics consider tbo Epi-
goni to bavo been composed a liltlo
Inter tbaji the time vf Uo.-icxl, t. e.
abont B.C. 7«'0-7o(>. (Vide Clinton's
P. H. vt)I. i. p. its I.) It -wns an epic
poem, in hexumftor verso, or iho eub-
joot of tUo Hccunii siege of Thebes bj
the sons of those killed in the fini
siege. It was a sequel to anotberverf
ancient epic, the ThebaTs, whicb was
upon the first Theban war. The firrt
line of the Epigoni is preaerred, and
proves this. It ran thus —
(Cert. Horn, et Hm.)
Many very ancient writers, among
others, CaiHnns (Pausan. ix. ix. 3),
ascribed the poem to Homer. In the
jadgnient of Pau&an!as (1. s. c.) it was,
next to the Iliad and the Odyasej, tht
hesb of the aticieut Epics.
Ca&F. 30-33.
ACCOITNT OF THE HTPEUBOREANS.
27
packed in wheaten straw, were brought from the conntiy of
the Hj'perboreans® into Seythia, uuJ that the Scythians
received them and passed thorn on to their neighbours upon
te vrestf who continued to pass them on, until at last they
>acbed the Adriatic. From hence they were sent southward,
kd when they came to Greece, were received first of aU by the
lomcans. Thence thoy descended to the Mallac Gulf, &om
rbich they were carried across into Euba?a, where the people
landed them on from city to city, till they camo at length to
Caryfitns. The Carystians took them over to Tenos, without
stopping at Andros; and the Tenians brought them finally to
>elo8. Such, according to their own account,® was the road
• Vciy elftborato ocoomita hiTo bcon
^ren of the Hypertxtreana both in
itsci^nt &nd moilfm timeg. Hf^ratmiia
of Abdpra, a contemporary of Alex-
■nder the Great, wrote a book con-
cerning'them (pi:o Mulliir'n Fr. Hint.
Gr, voL ii. pp, 3S4-8). They are, how-
erer, in re&iity not « hiBtorical, but
an ideal natioD. Tho North Wind
being giren a local seat in certain
TDoaotAinj called lOiipfx^n (from ^it^,
"a blast"), h waa supposed thcrti
muBt be a country above the north
wind, which wonld not be cold, and
which wuald havo iohabitonta. Ideal
jwrrectiona weta grudoaUy aficribed to
t-liia region. Accordlng^ to Pindar,
Herculea brought Tmrn it tha olire,
irtkieh grew thi'.-kly there aboat tho
vouoea of tlif J);>nubo (01. iii. 2'U)).
When the cnuntry had been made
thofl charming, it was natural to at-
t,ach good qu:klitit'S to the inhabitants.
Accordingly tbey were made vrurship.
per* of Apollo (Hlndar, I. s. c.)> obEwr-
-rors of : Uellan. Fr. 06), and
▼eget.1: ). Aa geographical
knowl^h'^ -,'■■•■•, it wa« nrocsAary to
them a distinct position, or to
thorn to tbo roalms of fiible.
B^rodotos preferred the latter altcr-
SfttiTe, Djiina^tej] the former. Dauios-
Um placed them gteatly tu the north
«f Bcythin, from which they were
■epaisied by the ooontriea of the la-
ud tho Ahmupi. South-
ward their boondarj was the (sap-
posed) Rhipiean mi>uniaiu - cliain ;
northward it. wnH the ocean. (Fr. 1.)
Thii arranfi^ement nafficed for a time.
When, however, it was diaoovorod
thub no mountain-chain ran acroaa
Europe abore Scytbio, and that tha
Danube, instead of risinj:; in the north
(compare Pind. 01. iii. 25, with lath.
Ti. 'dl), rofic in the west, a now posi.
tiun had to be Bought for the Hyper,
boreans, and they were placed near
the [t«Iian Alps (Tosidon. Fr. 90, and
compare below, note*) , and confouodod
with the Gatils (UeracliJ. I'ont. ap.
Phit. Cam. 22) and the Etruscana or
Tai'quinians (Hierocl. Fr. 3). A dif-
ferent, and probably a later tradition,
tlioDgh found in an earlier writer, is
that which nsKigncd them an island as
Inr^^o as Sicily, l,\*ini^ towards the
north, orer a<j^inet the country of the
Celts, fertile and Turied iu 1(4 pro-
dnotions, possossed of a bcnuiiful cli-
mate, and enj'iving two liarvettts ft
year (Hecal. Abd..r. Fr. 2). In this
tsluud it is not diiEcult tu rccoguiso
our own cunntry.
• CoUimachus (Hymn, in Delam.
28i, dec.) folluwa tho same tradition
as Herodotus. Fansania^ records a
different one. Accordiug to him, the
offerings poMod from the ilyporbo.
rcauB to the Arimofipi, from them to
the Issedoniani), thence to the Scytha,
whoconreycd thorn to Sinopi*, whenco
28
THE PEBPHEREES.
Book 17.
by -wliich the offerings reached the Delialis. Two damsek,
they Bay, named HyperochS and Laodic6, bronght the first
offerings from the Hyperboreans ; and with them the Hyper-
boreans sent five men, to keep them from all harm by the
way; these are the persons whom the Deliana call "Per-
pherees," and to whom great honours were paid at Deles.
Afterwards the Hyperboreans, when they found that their
messengers did not return, thinking it would be a grieTons
thing always to be liable to lose the envoys they should send,
adopted the following plan : — ^they wrapped their offerings in
the wheaten straw, and bearing them to their borders, chai^
their neighbours to send them forward from one nation (o
another, which was done accordingly, and in this way the
offerings reached Delos. I myself know of a practice like this,
which obtains with the women of Thrace and Paeonia. They
in their sacrifices to the queenly Diana bring wheaten straw
always with their offerings. Of my own knowledge I can
testify that this is so.
84. The damsels sent by the Hyperboreans died in Deles ;
and in their honour all the Delian girls and youths are wont
to cut off their hair. The girls, before their marriage-day, cut
off a curl, and twining it roimd a distaff, lay it upon the grave
of the strangers. This grave is on the left as one ent^B the
precinct of Diana, and has an olive-tree growing on it. The
youths wind some of their hair round a kind of grass, and, like
the girls, place it upon the tomb. Such are the honours paid
to these damsels by the Delians.^
the Greeks passed them on to Attica,
from which they wore brought to
Delos. (Pansan. I. xxxi. § 2.) Athe-
nian vanity seems to have inrented
this story, which accords with the
geographical scheme of Bamastes.
Niebahr (Roman Hiat. vol. i. p. 85,
E. T.) regards the Herodotean account
aa the freonine tradition, and conjee.
tores that the Hyperboreans were " a
Felasgian tribe in Italy," and so of
the same religion u the Qreeks — their
offering were jmssed rozmd the Adri-
atic, and so the Greeks might imagine
they came from the far north. He
remarks on the traces of the exist-
ence of Hyperboreans in Italy (Ste|di.
Byz. in Toc. TapKwltu Heraclidea in
Flat. Camill. 22) ; and notes that the
title of the carriers, Xlfp^p4ts (from
perferre), is almost a Latin word.
'' Callimachas and Paasanias differ
somewhat from Herodotos, bat only
in animportaat partioolars.
TALK OF ABAHIS
29
35. They aJd that, once before, there came to Jelos by the
Bomo road as Hyperocbe and Laodice, two other virgins from
the Hyperboreans, whose names were Arge and Opis. Hype-
rocbe and Laodic^ came to bring to llithyia the offering which
they had laid upon themselves, in acknowledgment of theiir
quick labours ;' but Arge and Opis came at the same time aa
the gods of DeloB,^ and are honoured by the Delians in a
different way. For the Dclian women make collections in
these maidens* names, and invoke them in the hymn which
Olen, a Lycian, composed for them ; and the rest of the
^^uhinders, and even the lonians, have been taught by the
^^Beli&na to do the Lke. This Olen, who came from Lycia,
^Biade the other old hymns also which are sung in Delos.*
^^he Delians add, that the ashes from the thigh-bones burnt
upon the altar are scattered over the tomb of Opis and Arge.
Their tomb lies behind the temple of Diana, facing the east,
near the banqueting-hall of the Ccians, Thus much then, and
no more, concerning the Hyperboreans.
S6. As for the tale of Abaiis," who is said to have been a
* 1^0 Greek will not bear Lnroher**
trmimlation — " Cclles-ci apportoient k
Ilitbjc le tribal qu'elica ctuieut char.
IgeOB d'ofTrir jm'Ut Io prompt et lieur-
«BX soooucltomfnl (i'-v /i-/»iiiif'S d« teur
jMgu.** It is nndoul-tHI^ their owq
MPTVKfa that ia intended. Wfaj in
ihmH, oasB they are t«miod nut only
wAfmi, bat it9p&fPot (ch. 34), it is dilti-
cult to ooncc'ive. I'erhaps ficrodotoa
*nm^wfa (bftt they wcTO lUinuTied.
Cocn|)are tho exprcsuon irofBtyiav M'.ya
m Pind. 01. ri. ol, and tho ParthenuB
mi 8pa.rU (Anat. Pq\. t. 7).
> ApoHo and Diaiuk. (Cf. Collimaob.
Hymn, in brlam.)
* Olen, acc(ir<iiiiGf to Paneonias (ix.
xxvii. 2), ivoA the znoflt ancient com-
poaer of bvinas. precu«Un]; oven Pam-
phAs end Ur).iitcrm. ^1.1 Imi^menta of
hiA bymcs rctunin, bii; t><rir general
cbanicter may b« cnnjcf tared from
the Hotnono hymuB, ad well aa
from tbu tn^meatM Ofcribri to
Orpbens and rxfctiipU<'^s. (Plat. Cratyl.
p. 40S,B.i i^wtrat. Htiruic. p. GUIS^)
Thvy wcTQ io Hexameter Tetw. and
coutinaed to be rang^ down to the
time of Paasani^ (1. xviii. 5). It is
curioofl that bia Lycian origin should
he BO strongly attested as it is
(Paosan. ix. xxrii. 2; Saidaa ad
Toc.), siace his poenu wars on-
duubtodly Greeic
* Many Biieient writers fas Plato,
Birabu, Jumbliulias, CcIsgs, Ac.) allade
to tbo Btory of Abaris the Eyperbo<
rcan ; bnt nono of them throw any
particalar li^ht nn its meaning' or
origin. Ho was said to have received
from ApoUu, whose priest bo had been
in hia own country, a magio arrow,
npun which ho coald cross streamg,
lalcca, Bwampa, and rnaantaina (Jam-
blich. de ViU Pyth. xii. § yl). This
arrow he guve to Pytbaguros, who in
return tau;:bt him hia philosophy
(ibid,). Oracles and charms ouder
his name apprar to bavo paased
current omon^ tho Greeks (Schol. ad
Ariiitoph. Eq. 7^& ; Villotuon'a Aneod.
Gr. i. p. 20; Plat. Charm, p. ICS, fi.)
so
PLAN OF THE WORLD.
BooElT.
Hyperborean, and to have gone with his arrow all ronnd the
world without once eating, I shall pass it by in silence. Thus
much, however, is clear: if there are Hyperboreans, there
must also be Hypemotians.® For my part, I cannot but laugh
when I see numbers of persons drawing maps of the world
without having any reason to guide them ; making, as they
do, the ocean-stream to run all round the earth, and the earth
itself to be an exact circle, as if described by a pair of com-
passes,^ with Europe and Asia just of the same size. The
According to Findar (ap. Harpocrat. ;
of. SnidaB in tog. "Adapts) he came
into Greece in the reign of Croesns.
KuBebiuB (Chron. Can. ii. p. 332)
places himalittleoarlier. Probably ho
was, like Anacharais, a Scythian, who
wished to mako himself acquainted
witb Greek coatoms. [It has been
oonjeotared that the arrow of Abaris
is a mythical tradition of the magnet,
bnt it is hardly possible that if the
polarity of the needle had been known
it shonld not hare been more distinctly
noticed.— H. C. R.]
* Eratoathenes noticed the weakneM
of this argnmont (ap. Sfcrab. i. p. 91).
Herodotns cannot, even while oom-.
bating, escape {^together firom tlie
proralent notion that in gec^fraphy
there was some absolute symmetory
and parallelism.
7 That there is a special allarion to
HecatsDos here seems very probable.
(Vide sapra, iu 21, note.) Ilia belief
FliD of Uu World KoonUn(u>Uecaueua. Fcoia:
CBAr.
CHIEF TRACTS OP ASIA.
31
trntli in this matter I will now proceed to eiqilain in a very
few words, making it clear what the real size of each region
is and what shape should be given them.
37. The Persians inhabit a country upon the southern or
Eryt]ira?an sea; above them, to the north, are thu Medes;
beyond the Medes, the Saspirians;* beyond them, the Col-
chians, reaching to the northern sea, into which the Phasis
empties itself. These four nations M the whole space from
one sea to the other.*
38. West of tliese nations there project into the sea two
tracts^ which I will now describe ; one, beginning at the river
Phasis on the north, stretches along the Euxine and the
Hellespont to Sigcum in the Troas ; while on the south it
reaches from the M^Tiandrian gulf,^ which adjoins Phcenicia,
to the Triopic promontory." This is one of the tracts, and is
inhabited by thirty different nations.^
39. The other starts from the country of the Persians, and
whicii Herodotui ridicolea ui nob that
of the world's spherical form, which
had not yet been sairpocted by the
Greeks, but a false notion of the con-
fij^orutiun of the Land on tite earth's
mrfaoff. The plan of tho world, on
the preceding pag^. according to
Hsoataens, taken from Klnaseo, repre-
■enta with t4>lpmble oocnracy the view
which H?rodolu5 censuroa.
■ Vide snpra, Book i. oh. lOi, not©*.
' Niebahr (Geography of Herod, p.
85, and map) snppoftes that these four
natumi most hare been rc^rarded by
Hsrodotna as dwollin? tn a direct
Une frtrm toutk to notth. This is to
take hia wonLi too strictly. Even if
he never vmited EcbaUna, he coald
•caneety be i^mtirant that Media lay
$uinh.iN*t of Persia.
* We have no single word for the
Greek ixi^, which means a ti-act
jolting out to a coniiderable distance
iDto the sea, with one aide joining the
mainland. Attica (named probably
bom its ehape, A tiica being tor AcUra)
ud lapygia were ojcrai — pcniiiBulaa
Joioed to the main by fta intiuuaji
were x<f'A^'^'o^
' Or Bay of lasan. Myriondma waa
a email Phouoician 6ettlemcnt on tht
■oathera aide of tho golf. It ia men'
tioncd by Xcnophon as T6\tt otKovfitini
inrb +01W1CW*' (Auub. I. iv. § 6), and by
Boylax as Mvpioofipos ^oirUmtf (PeripL
p. 9). Though the reading in Horo*
dotus is conjectural, it may, I think,
be regarded as certain.
' Concerning the Triopio promon-
tory, aee note ^ on Book 1. cb. Ii4>, and
note' on Book L ch. 174.
* The thirty ufttirns intended by
Herodotus would eeem to be tho fol-
lowing:—The Moschi, Tibiircni. Ma-
orones, Mosynopci, Mares, Alnrodii,
Aroicniana, CappaJuciaua, Matieni,
PnphlagoQians, Chalybee, Mariandy-
nians, Bithynians, I'hyniatifl, /Kulians,
lonlans, liagnesians* Dcrians, My.
sians, Lydiana, Carious, Cnuuiana,
Ljoian«t Milyana, Cubaliana, Lason-
ians, Hygennes, Plirygian^t, Pampfay-
h'nns, and Cilicinns. {Son i. 28, iii.
aoyi-, and vii. 72-71).) Or perhaps
we should retrenclt tbe Uy pennea,
reail very doubtfully in ili. iM, and
add the hlgyes Irum vii. 7X
32
CHIEF TRACTS OF ASIA.
Boot IT.
stretches into the Erythraean sea, containing first Persia, then
Assyria, and after Assyria, Arabia. It ends, that is to say it
is considered to end, though it does not really come to a termi-
nation,* at the Arabian giilf — the gulf whereinto Darins con-
ducted the canal which he made from the Nile.* Between
Persia and Phoenicia lies a broad and ample tract of country,
after which the region I am describing skirts onr sea/
stretching from Phoenicia along the coast of Palestine-Syria
till it comes to Egypt, where it terminates. This entire
tract contains but three nations.® The whole of Asia west
of the country of the Persians, is comprised in these two
regions.
40. Beyond the tract occupied by the Persians, Ifedes, Sas-
pirians, and Colchians, towards the east and the region of the
sunrise, Asia is bounded on the south by the Erythrsean sea,
and on the north by the Caspian and the river Araxes, which
flows towards the rising stm.^ Till you reach India the
country is peopled ; but further east it is void of inhabitants,*
and no one can say what sort of region it is. Such then is
the shape, and such the size of Asia.
41. Libya belongs to one of the above-mentioned tracts, for
it adjoins on Egypt. In Egypt the tract is at first a narrow
' Since Egypt adjoms Arabia. (See
ch. 41.)
• This was the completion of the
canal which Neco found it prudent to
desist from re-opening, through fear
of the growing power of Babylon. It
was originally a canal of Remeses 11.,
which had been filled np by the sand, as
happened occasionally in after times.
(Seenote' onBookii.ch.158.} Macrisi
says very justly that it was Te-opened
by the Greek kings, Ftolcmies ; and it
is aingalar that, though Herodotus ex-
pressly saya it was open in his time,
some have fancied that the Egyptians,
the people most versed in canal-
making, were indebted to the Greeks
for the completion of this one to the
Red Sea. The notion of Mucriei, that
Adrian also re-opened this canal, was
owing to a fi-csh supply of water
having been conducted to it hj tha
Amnis Trajanus. — [G. W.]
7 The Mediterranean. (See Book
L ch. 185.)
" The Assyrians (among whom tlw
Palestine Syrians were included), the
Aiubians, and the Phoenicians.
' Nicbuhr (Geograph. of Herod, p.
25-26) concludes from this paasagB,
combined with ch. 202 of Book i., that
Herodotus imagined the Araxes {Ara$)
to Eend a branch into the Caspiaikt
while at the same time the main
sti-eam flowed onward in an easterly
direction below and beyond the Cas-
pian, and terminated on the confines
of India in a marsh. I incline to
snspect a mere lapsus, by which He-
rodotus has made the river ran east,
when he meant to say that it raa
west. ^ Vido supra, iil. 98, note.
CSAT. 3i)-12.
BOUNDARIES OF ASIA.
33
neclc, the distance from our sea to the Erythraean not
exceeciing a hundred thousand fathoms, or, in other words, a
thousand furlongs ;* but from the point where the neck ends,
the tract which bears the name of Libya is of very great
breadth.
42. For my part I am astonished that men should ever
have divided Libya, Asia, and Europe as they have, for thoy
are exceedingly unequal. Europe extends the entire length of
the other two,^ and for breadth will not even (as I think) bear
to be compared to them. As for Libya, we know it to be
washed on all sides by the sea, except where it is attached to
Afiia. This discovery was first made by Necos,* the Egyptian
' la liVo maimer Flinj (Hiet. Nat.
r. 11) r«ekoni 125 Bomao miles {^=^
1000itades)fromrelaainiD to Arsinoe;
\ ■ -1 occapie<) the Bite of Saes.
m mirreys ahow that the direct
ui&xancc ftcroes the ifithiuoa ia sot eo
unohasBOmriefl (EDpTihh), or nudor
700 at«des. (See XLoto ** on Book ii. ch.
1M(.>
' IIprDdotos made tho Phaste, Cas-
piwi, ftfid AroxeB, the boondfLrr be-
iwtfpTi Eiintpe and Asia. In thJa he
i' ' 'rom Uocattcns, who, aa is
< his Frojcincnts, ro^anlcd
t - [(8 the botindarv-liue. {See
f . : Kra^nj. 16Gand"l6ti.) The
1. --apborB, ScTlax (Pcripl. p,
7 (xL 1, § f), Ac, followed
li and BO the modcma gene-
laily. Kecently, howorer, the Bob-
■da&s hmrc detormiocd to consider the
Urft) Hirer, tho Co^iaA, and thoir
ptrn GeocgiSA froutifr as tho boand-
•ry.
• W« WMy infer, from Ncco*b or-
dning the nicenicinna to come ronnd
llj the ** PUlara c.f Hcrcnles," that
tlie fonii of Africa was alread]f
Icnowti, and that this was not the first
expedition which had gone round it.
*tb0 fmct of their lecing tho »un rise
on their right oa they rotnmed north-
mrdfi, wMch Harodotas doubted, ie
the Tcry proof of their having gone
nmnd the Cape, and completed the
cuToit. He ofterwudj mgotions (ch.
TOL. in.
43) another expedition which set ont
by tho Mcditerraucaii, bat which was
given np. But the Pbceniciana sent
by Koco were not tho only sncccBs-
fnl cirenmnarigatora of Africa ; and
Eonno, a Carthaginian, wont ruund it,
going through the Pillare of Horcules,
and touching at Cades (Cadiz), and
rct^mine by tho end of tho Arabian
Gulf. (Plin. ii. 67; and Ai-rian, Rer.
Indie, at end.) He founded several
towns on tlte coast, none uf which
rorooinod in the tiroo of Vcspaaiau.
Mfljor Bennell (p. 738) thinica that
ho only navigated the western conBt
of Africa, and that tho term of his
voyage wag " at Sierra Leone, or at
Sherbro*, and far more probably the
hitter."* Pliny also mentiona a cer-
tain Eudoxus, a contemporary of
Ptolemy LathyroB, by whom he was
probably sent, rather than " com
Latliurum regom fageret," who went
ronnd from the Arabian Gulf to
Cades ; and others were reported to
liave performed the some voyage for
comnicroinl purpoaea (Plin. ib.). Tho
expedition of Hanno dat^^s Bome time
oTtor that of Neco, who has the credit
of discovering the Capo and tho form
of Africa, 21 centuries before Diaz
and Vasco do Gamo. The former
woB for commercial purpoeca con-
nected with India, the latter to aettle
a geographical question, as is our
modcrii "N.W. poaaage.*'— [O. W.]
34
CntCUUNAYIGATION BT OBDEB OF XTECO. Book IT.
king, who on desisting &om the canal wliicb lie had begun
between the Nile and the Arabian Gnlf,^ sent to sea a number
of ships manned by Phoenicians, with orders to make for tiie
Pillars of Hercnles/ and return to Egypt through them, and
by the Mediterranean.^ The Phoenicians took their departure
from Egypt by way of the Erythraean Sea, and so sailed into
the southern ocean. When autumn came, they went ashore,
wherever they might happen to be, and having sown a tract
of land with com, waited until the grain was £t to cui'
Having reaped it, they again set sail ; and thus it came to
pass that two whole years went by, and it was not till the
third year that they doubled the Pillars of Hercules, and made
good their voyage home. On their return, they declared— I
for my part do not beheve them, but perhaps others may—
that in sailing round Libya they had the sun upon their right
hand.^ In this way was the extent of Libya first discovered.
* Vide enpra, ii. 158.
* They were bo called, not from the
Greek hero, but from the Tyrian
deity, whoso worship was always jn.
trodaced by the Phcenicians in thoir
settlements. Some suppose the two
pillars in the Temple of Hercules (on
the Spanish coast) had thoir name
transferred by mistake to the two
hills of Colpe and Abyla, on each side
of the straits. Herodotas evidently
considers thorn on the African as well
as Spanish coast (iv. 181, 185; sco
Dion. PerieR-. 64, soq. 73, and comp.
Eastath. Flin. iii. Pn)em. ; Strab. iii.
116 seq.).
Strabo says the Pillars were thought
by some to be at the end of the
etraits, by others at Gadea (rdScipa),
by some even beyond this j by others
to be Calpe (Gibraltar), and Abila
rA/3uA77, 'AjgiATj, or "A/SuXyJ), Abila
(now Apea-hill) being the African
mountain opposite Calpe. Many say
these hilla are at the straits ; others
that they are two brazen colnnms, 6
cabits high, in the Temple of Hercnies
at Gades, which Fosidonius thinks
most probable, Strabo not. Plato
(Tim. p. 469) speaks of that mouth
called Pillars of Heronlee; Strabo P*
96) of the influx of the sea at the
Pillars and the town of Calpe. (Cp. tiift
Gaditanum fretnm of Pliny, iii 1.)
The dollars of Spain have henoe been
called colonnatCt and have two oolumns
on them. Strabo says the Temide of
Hercales at Gades was on the eist
side of the island nearest the main-
hmd.— [G. W.]
' In the original, "the sorthotn
sea " — so called here aa waihiag
Libya upon the north, and in contrast
with the "sonthem" or Indian Oomd.
(Compare ii. 11.)
^ This is less enrprising in an AM-
can climate, where barley, doora (hoi-
ens sorghum), peas, &c., are reaped
in from 3 months to 100 day^ after
Bowing, and vegetables in 50 or 00
days. Even Tamerlane (as BenneU
observes), in bis preparations for
marching into China, included oun
for sowing the lands. — [G. W.]
" Here the faitliful reporting ol
what he did not himself imagine tma
has stood our author in good etead.
Few would have believed the Phcem-
cian circumnavigation of Africa had
it not been vouched ' for by this
OsAr.4^43.
VOTAGE OF BATASPES.
35
43. Next to these PhoDnician3 the Carthaginians, according
to their own accounts, made the voyage. For Sataspes, son
of Teaspea the Achiemenian, did not circumnavigate Libya,
fhoagh ho was sent to do so; but fearing the length and
d«0olatenes3 of the journey, he turned back and loft unaccom-
plished the task which had been set him by his mother. This
man bad nsed violence towards a maiden, the daughter of
ZopjniB, Bon of Megabyzus,^ and King Xerxes was about to
impale him for the oflfence, when his mother, who was a sister
fif Dariofl, begged him off, undertaking to punish his crime
more heavily than the king himself had designed. She would
Ibfoe htm, she said, to sail round Libya and return to Egypt
by the Arabian Gulf. Xerxes gave his consont ; and Sataspes
went down to Egypt, and there got a ship and crew, with
wbieb he set Bail for the Pillars of Hercules. Having passed
{be Straits, be doubled the Libyan headland, known as Capo
Soloeis,' and proceeded southward. Following this course for
many months over a vast stretch of sea, and iiuding that mora
water than ho had crossed still lay ever before him, he put
about and came back ^to Egypt. Thence proceeding to tho
oomi be made report to Xerxes, that at tho farthest point to
whlcb be bad reached, the coast was occupied by a dwarfish
race/ who wore a dress made from the palm-tree.* These
people, whenever he landed, left their towns and Hcd away to
tbe mountains ; his men, however, did them no wrong, only
eiiteriog into their cities and taking some of their cattle. Tho
reason why he bad not sailed quit^ round Libya was, he said*
beoauBC tho ship stopped, and would not go any further.'
dkoOvwT. Wbea Herodoins ii blamed
ior rvp«*tixi{f Uio Abimn) stonc« which
kt had Unm told, it eboold bu ood-
tUxrvd what wo mast have loet bad
he m&ie it n mlo lo p?j* '.t from his
HUwry all iLat lio ilicu^'lit uulikvly.
(5c« UiL- Lutnxinctory lu£3ayj vol. i.
* Vidt* Biinni. in. UiO.
* The mc<Uni {."njte Spurtel, (Soo
ii.ch.32, IJcKik It.)
* TluA u tba tCGond meatioQ of a
dwarflHh moe in Africa (aoe above, ii.
32). Tht> tleuoription it ozutwored by
the Bosjentang and the Dokos^ who
may havo boeu more widely extended
in early times.
* fc>o Larchor and SohweiE^faieiuer,
BiUir and Bcloo tnuutlato ^HHvunjiovt
by "n.d'* or "porple." But Ueco.
dotufl always uses ^oofhttcSf never
<po(C(K^taSi in that sense.
* It has been conjectured (Schb'ch-
ihont, p. Ibi),with mach reason, that
36
TOTAGE OF SCTLAX
BooxtV.
Xerxes, bowerer, did not accept this aoootmt for true ; and so
Sataspes, as he had failed to accomplish the task set him, was
impaled by the king's orders in accordance ^th the former
sentence.* One of his ennnchs, on hearing of his death, ran
airaj with a great portion of his wealth, and reached Samoe,
where a certain Samian seized the whole. I know the man's
name well, but I shall willingly forget it here.
44. Of the greater part of Asia, Darins was the discoverer.
Wishing to know where the Indus (which is the only river save
one^ that produces crocodiles) emptied itself into the sea, he
sent a number of men, on whose trathfolness he conld rdy,
and among them Scylax of Caryanda,^ to sail down the river.
They started from the city of Gaspatyros,* in the region called
Factyica, and sailed down the stream in an easterly direo-
Sataspes reacKed tlie coast of Guinea
in the earlj part of the snnuner, and
there fell in with the wcU-known
eontherly trade-wind, to avoid which
onr vessels on going oat stand across
to the Soath American continent.
These winds continning for xnanj
months withoat cessation, he at last
gave np his voyage in despair, and
returned home. The previous circum-
navigation of Africa had been in the
opposite direction, from Suez round
the Cape to the Straits of Gibraltar,
and had therefore been advantaged,
not impeded, by the " trades."
* The fate of 8ir Walter Baleigh
famishes a curious parallel to this.
(Seo Hume's History of England, vol.
T. Ch. IT.)
7 That is, the Kile. Tide supra, ii.
67.
[He does not reckon the river in
Central Africa, though it had croco-
diles (Book iL cbu 32), since it was
supposed by some to bo the same aa
the Nile.— G. W.]
<* Caryanda was a place on or near
the Carian coast. (Scyl. Pcripl. p. 91;
Strabo, xiv. p. 9il ; Steph. Byz. in
voc. K<4»^Sa.) It has been supposed
that there were two cities of the name
(Diet, of Greek and Boman Ge<^.
▼oL i. p. 655), one on the mainland.
the other an an island opposite ; W
the best authorities know only d aobt
which is on an island off the oomL
The continental Gaiyanda is an inrsn-
tion of Pliny's (H. N. v. 29), wkm
Hela follows Qu 16). Caryanda was a
native city, not a Greek settlement, ta
Col. Mnxe suppoees. (Lit. of OreeeSk
vol. iv. p. 140. See Scylax» Kaplnh
Kap€s.) The island lay betwssa
Myndus and Bargylia, on the north
coast of the Myndiajior HalicamsHsiM
Peninsula. It is said to be noira
peninsula, being "joined to the mua
by a narrow sandy isthmus." Thsn
is a fine harbour, called by the Tm4s
JPasha Limaai (Leake's Asia 3Iinor, pi
227).
The Periplus, which has come dom
to us under the name of Scylft]^ is
manifestly not the work of thifl cac^
writer, but of one who lived lUwBk
the time of I%ilip of Maoedon. (8aa
Niebuhr'fl paper in the Denkaobxift
d. Berlin. Acad. 1804.1811, p. 83, aal
his Eleine Hist. Schrift. i. p. 105; ^
Klausen's work, Hecat. UiLfragmeat^
Scylacis Caryand. Periplus, Beriin,
1831, p. 259.) A very few fragments
remain of the genuine Scjlaz. (Sat
vol. i. p. 47, note".)
* Vida supra, iii. 10&
OaAP.43-i5.
BOUNDABIES OF EUROPE.
Z7
tion* to the sea. Here they turned westward, and, after a voyage
of thirty months, reached the place from which the Epj-ptian
king, of whom I spoko above, sent the PhcenicianB to sail round
Libya.^ After this voyage was completed, Darius couquered
th« Indians** and made use of the sea in those parts. Thus
all Asia, except the eastern portion, has been found to be
similarly circumstanced with Libya.*
45. But the boundaries of Europe are quite unknown, and
there is not a man who can say whether any sea gii'da it round
either on the north ^ or on the east, while in length it un-
doubtedly eictends as far as both the other two. For my pai't
I cannot conceive why three names, and women's names
especially, should ever have been given to a tract which is in
reality one, nor why the Egyptian Nile and the Colchian
Phasis (or according to others the Miotic Tanaia and Cimme-
rian ferry)** should have been fixed u^wn for the boundtuy
lines ; ' nor can I even say who gave the three tracts their
K> The real conrao of Uie Tndus is
'Si qI sooth. The error
..J smse porhapA from the
bul n^xT being^ miBtakon for tho
Le Indns. The conreoof this stream,
ksm its junction with tho Indaa at
a-vlock, is innii N.W. by W. to S.E.
bf £. HertHloTUH's Infctmitkntit pro-
bablj knew this* and imagined tho
•Mterly bcarins^ of the river to con.
iinap'. Stilt both they and Hcroilotua
mtv>t hnvt* known that the mai'ri. di>
notion i>f tho vtream was Buuthnrly;
otfaerwiFo it ccmid ncrcr have reached
tte Brythnnui or iifiuthem Sea (snpra.
ch.37)- (Ntebabr's map (Geography
of Hurod.) iif particaiarly ausatis-
fkctory on this point. According to
it ficybix on reaching tho 60& must
hftve tamed not westward, bat iouth'
' Vide SDpra, ch- 42.
• The oooqnpst of the Indians, by
which we ure to tinthrstand the re-
dnctioo of tho ranjaob, aod perhapa
(tbcnifrh this ta not certain) of Scinde,
preco<lp«l (as may be proTcd by tho
loAcr.ptioua) the Scjtbion ex|ieiiitiou«
India, which is not contained omonf^
the lubjoot-proviucos enumerated nC
BehiAtan, appearn in the list upon thts
groat platform of PersepoliB, where
thoi*o is no mention of the Western
Scylhiana. Those last are added npoa
the tuiub iuucrijjtiun ut Nukluh-i-Ras-
tanij nuder tho designation of *' tbo
Sooeo beyond tho sea.'* (Compare
Beh. Ineor. col. i. par. G,with Laasen's
Inucript. I. p. 42, and Sir H. RawUn<
son's InBcr. No. 6, pages 197» 280, and
21Mr of thn firnt vohimo of Sir H. Uaw-
linson's Cchi^tou Memoir.)
* Limited, ilmt is, and viroomscrlbed
by fixed bomtdariea.
* See Book Jii. ch. 116, sob fin.
* Here again, as in ch. 12, Lorchor
tramlates " larillo do Porthuuea Cim.
mei'iunnes." How a town can serve aa
ft l>uandary'Iine ho omits to explain.
HerudotUB undoubtedly iutcmls the
Strait of JouiUaleb.
? Tho earliest GreoTc geographers
divided the worUl into two pc»i-tionq
only, EaropM and Asia, in the latt^T
of wliieh they inclucleil Libya, This
was the division of ilocata.'us. (Soo
38
DERIVATIONS OP THE THREE KAHEa
BooKir.
names, or Trbence they took the epithets. According to the
Greeks in general, Libya was so called after a certain Libya, a
native woman,® and Asia after the wife of Prometheus. The
Lydians, however, put in a claim to the latter name,® which
they declare was not derived from Asia the wife of PrometheuB,
but from Asies, the son of Cotys, and grandson of Manes,
who also gave name to the tribe Asias at Sardis. As for
Europe, no one can say whether it is surrounded by the sea
or not, neither is it known whence the name of Europe was
derived^^ nor who gave it name, unless we say that Europe
3Iullor*fl Prcfjwe to the Pr. Hist. Gr.
ToL i. p. X. ; and compare Mare's Lit.
of Greece, vol. iv. p. 147. See also
above, ch. 3G, and note ad loo.) Traces
of it api^ear among Greeks later than
Herodotus, as in the Fragments of
Hipplas of Klis, who seems to have
made but these two oontinonts (Fr. 4),
and in the Panegyric of Isocrates (p.
179, ed. Baiter). The threefold divi-
Kion was, however, far more generally
roceivod both in hia day and after*
wards. (Vide snpra, ii. 16, 17, and
see the geographers, passim.) It is
cnrions that in Koroan times we once
more find the doublo division, with the
difference that Africa is ascribed to
Europe. (Sallust. Bell. Jng. 17, § 3.
Comp. Varro de Ling. Lat. v. 81, and
Agathemer, ii. 2, ad tin.)
With respect to the boandaries of
tho continents, it appears that in the
earliest times, when only Earope and
Asia wore recogniaod, the Fhasis,
which was regarded as mnning from
the Caspian — a golf of the circum-
ambient ocean — into the Euiine, was
accepted as the tme separator between
the two continents. Agathemcr calls
this " the ancient view " (i. 1), and it
is found not only in Herodotus, bat
in ^schylufl (Prom. Solut. Fr. 2, Tp
fi}y Siivfioy 'x^oy^s Evptiin]; fi4yaif ^8*
'Afflas rilpfuiva ^dffaf). We may gather
from Dionysius (Pericg. 20, 21) that it
continued Eunong the later Greeks to
dispnte the gronnd with the more
ordinary theory, which Herodotus here
rejects— that the Paloa Mseotia uid
the Tanais were ito boundary. This
latter view is adopted, however.almost
exoluaively by the later writers. (Ct
Scylax, Peripl. p. 72 ; Strabo, n. p.
168 ; Plin. H. N. iii. 1 ; Arrian, Peripl
P. E. p. 181 ; Ptolem. ii. I ; Dionys.
Perieg. 14; Mela, i. 3 ; Anon. Peripl
P. E. p. 133 ; Agathemer, ii. 6 ; Armen.
Geograph. § 16, Ac.) Ptolemy with hii
usual accuracy, adds to it, that wheze
the Tanais fails the boundary is the
meridian produced thence northwards.
In modem times Earope has recovered
a portion of what it thas lost to Aiia»
being extended eastward first to Uie
Wolga, and more receiKly to the Ursl
river. The qnestion of the bonndaiy
line between Asia and Africa has been
already treated (see Book ii. ch. 17t
note »«).
^ Of the Libya here mentioned as
a " native woman " we have no other
account. Andron of Halicamassm
made Libya, like Asia and Bnropfi, a
daughter of Oceanus (Fr. 1). OUiers
derived the three names from three
men, Europus, Asius, and Libyns
(EuBtath. ad Dion. Per. 170). The«
was no uniform tradition on the sob-
Ject.
' See vol. i. Essay i. p. 341, 842.
This was the view of Lyco^duron
(Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg, 270).
^ The name of Europe is evidently
taken from the Semitio word ereb (the
Arabio gharb), the "western" land
sought for and colonized from Fhos-
nicia. (See note^ on Book ii. cb. 4i.}
— [G. W.]
CHAF.4S»4a DERIVATIONS 0? THE THREE NAMES. 39
wa8 80 called after the Tyrian Europe,^ and before lier time
was nameless, like the other diviBiouB. Bui it is certain that
Enrop^ was an Asiatic, and never oven set foot on the land
•which the Greeks now call Europe, only sailing from Phoenicia
to Crete, and from Crete to Lycia- However, let us quit these
matters. "We shall ourselves continue to use the names*
which custom sanctions.
46. The Eoxine sea, where Darius now went to war, has
* Aooording to Hegeaippos (Fr. 6)
ihero were three Earop^a — ono a
daaghtor of Ocean, gmothor a PhcEiii-
eiui. prinCMS, the daughter of Agcnor,
and the third a uMire of Thrace, in
acarch cf yfhcaa Cadzaus Igfl Asia.
He derirei tho namo of Europe from
the lost ; Hippias (Fr. 4) ood Androii
(1. s. c.) dorive it from the firiit;
iierodotoa and EoJitatliiaa froni tho
sooDod. (See East, ad Dion. For. \. s. 0.)
* The qaeitioa of wheuce ths£o
names, two of which still contiime in
xiae, were really dorired, is one of some
There are g^-onnUa for be.
Europe asd Asia to hare origi-
i^iu£ed '* lUo we&t" aud ** the
reapectirely. Both are Semitic
and probablj passed to the
ika from the Fhceoicianfl. Europe
Hebrew 31 p, tho Aflsyrian erc&,
Greek, 'Ef«Boj, the Arabio Qharh
Arah. Itagiiifiea"BOtlin(f," "tho
" *' darkncBS." Asia is from the
itar(ivhencc Kx^3, "theoast"),
n=v, " to rise," or " go forth."
ia an ddjoctiral or participial form
from this root (comp. K*!*, 2 Chron.
U. 21) ; and tbm* eignifiea *' going
"ri8in5/*or "tho cart," Tho
Brut applit^d the tide to that
the eattem continent which
It them, and with which
became fii-st acquainted — tbo
of Aitia Uinor opposite the C7-
clade0) whenco Lbey extended it as
their knowledge grew. Still it had at-
wajaa special application to tho c«>untr7
ab^t Kpheima. With regard to Libyn,
It i« p- •'••■• - " "H»t probable that tho
Greoi - 1 the lOQth or wouth.
w - 1 ., bccaose it brought
U
moi$tuT9 i>S$ch comp. Xct^), and then
when they fonnd a land from which it
blow, caUed that land Libya; not
meaning " the moist Ituid," which
would bo a misnomor. but " tho south-
em land." Tho conm-xion with tho
Hebrew Lubin^ U-^\h {him. xi. 43 ;
Nahnm lii. 9), who are probably tbe
modem Nnbiima (see Beechey'a Expe-
dition, p. 58), ia very doubtful.
Tho derivation of the I^rUin term
" Africa," which we use instead of
Libya, in peculiarly obscure. AJexau.
dor I'olyhistor quotes a Jewish writer
whom ho colla Cleodcmus, and appcarB
to identify with the prophet Malaohj,
aa doriviiig tho ward from Ephety t^J?,
a grandson of Abraham and Koturah
(Fr. 7 ! cf. Gen. xxv. 4). Josephoa
udopLs the same view (Antiq. Jud. i.
15). Leo suggests two derivations:
one from tho Arabic root furvM^ Ueb.
pifi, " to break off, separate, rend
asunder;" the other from a certain
Arabian king Iphrio or IphriCQS, who
was driven out of Asia by tho Assy-
rians. TIiqso accounts do not deserve
much attention. I'erhaps the term
ASH was the real ethnic appellation of
the tribe ou whose cuaat tho Cortha.
ginianfl Bottled, and bcnee tho Homiuis
formed tho word Africa : or moro
probably it was a name which the
Fhcanician settlers gave to the natives,
oonueoted with tho Hebrew root Kno,
and meaning " nomade," or " savogea."
(Compare tbo term a Numidseand No-
midia.) It is to be noted that tho
nauiv was always applied eapccialty to
tilt) trnct bordering upon Carthage,
(riin. U. N. V. 4 ! Mc-la, i. 7 ; Agathe-
moi', ii. 5 ; liOo. Afnc. i. 1, dio>)
40
DAEIXJS'S INVASION OF THE SCTTHUKSL Book 17.
nations dwelling around it, with the one exception of the
Scythians, more unpolished than those of any other region
that we know of. For, setting aside Anacharsis^ and the
Scythian people, there is not within this region a single
nation which can be put forward as having any claims to
wisdom, or which has produced a single person of any high
repute. The Scythians indeed have in one respect, and that
the very most important of all those that fall under man's
control, shown themselves wiser than any nation upon the
face of the earth. Their customs otherwise are not such as I
admire.** The one thing of which I speak, is the contrivance
whereby they make it impossible for the enemy who invades
them to escape destruction, while they themselves are entirely
out of his reach, unless it please them to engage with hinu
Having neither cities nor forts, and carrying their dwellings
with them wherever they go ; accustomed, moreover, one and
all of them, to shoot from horseback ; ^ and living not by
* Conoeming Anacharsis, see below,
ch. 76.
• It was a fasbion amonp the Greeks
to praiBo the Bimplieity and honesty
of the nomado races, who were less
ciTilizod than ihcmsolTes. Homer had
done 80 in a posBogo which possibly
roforrod to those very Scythians :
iXaxro^ymv, u/Jiwn yt^ AtKatornrwv uv9pw-
«-»■ Iliad, xllt. 6.
^sehylas bod commended them as
rrom.Sol, Fr. 10.
In later times Ephoros made them the
subject of a laboured panegyric (See
the Frogm. Hist. Gr. rol. i. p. 7i,
Fragm. 76; and compare Nic. Dam.
Fr. 123.) Herodotns intends to xnaik
his dissent from such views.
^ It is oorions that the Scythian
remains discovered at Eertch do not
give an example of a Scythian horse-
archer, although they show the mode
in which the Soyths used the javelin
on horseback, and in which they shot
their allows ou foot.
Cba?. 4C, 47.
mVERS OF SCrTHlA.
41
husbandry but on tlieir oattle, their wapigons tho only houses
that they possess,' how can they fail of being unconquerable,
and unassailable even?
47. The nature of their country, and tho rivers by which
it is intersected, greatly favour this mode of resisting attacks.
For the land is level, well watered, and abounding in pastiure ; **
while the rivers which traverse it are almost equal in number
to the canals of Egypt. Of these I shall only mention tha
lost famous and such as are navigable to some distance from
sea. They are, the Ister, which has five mouths ; ^ the
7 Comparo tho corlior dcscriptioii
Jiat^or *on<ii<itt ol rXfcrut tfWX,at
Prom. Vtod. 73i-T3B.
>po(Tateii, who rijtitcil Sc7thia a
lontioa later than Hcrodota*^, gavo
similiur account, adding tluc fact
that the Scythian Vi-BgoDs were either
Eour-wheeledorsix.wheeleO, (DeA^rei
et Xiocid, § 4-i, p. 353.)
It mfiT bo doubted whether the
' hioQS rc'ftlly lived eutirelj
. na. Wore probably their
iQuna c:i.rned a tent, consisting of &
it fniDflivork of wood covered with
tt nr nnftttiog (Fig^. 1), wbich conM
lioresdily tmnaferreil from the wbeola
to tbo groond, ftnd vice rorsd. This
4^*^>^
Pig. I.
Al least is tho ciuo with tho modern
Topii and Kondure Tatars, who bow.
Be alao & sorb uf corercd cart
S and S)i n^^t very nnlike the
kvan* of oar wealthy pypaiea. The
joined n{>ros«niaiiozu of Tatar
vehicles ore from tho works of Palla«
(Fiffs. 1 and 2), and of Mr. Oliphant
(Fig. 3).
^ Tho pasture is now not good ox-
coptiof; in tbo immediato vioiuity uf
tho riTers; otberwiso tho picturo
drawn of the country accords exactly
with tho aoconnta given by modern
travcUcrB. Tbecxireuiellatuoesof Uio
whole rc^on ia eBpccially noted. Do
HcU flpcaks of tho " cheerlosa aspect of
those vast plains, with nothing to vary
their earface but the tumuli, and with
no other bonndarics than the sea.'*
(TraveU, p. 38, E. T.) Br. Clarke
fiavfi, ** AU the aonth of Bnasia, frutn
tho Dnieper to tho Volg^a, and oven to
the torritoriea of ti»e Kir^fissian and
Thibet Tartars (?). with all tho north
of the Crimea, is one flat uncultivated
desolate waste, forming, as it wei'e, a
Beries of thoso deecrta bearing tho
nainoof stzppks.*' (Travels in Koaaia,
Ac, p. 3(16.)
• So Kphon3s(Fr. 77), Arrian (Pe-
ripl. P. E. p. 135), and the Anonymonj*
Feripl. P. E. (p. 153) ; but Pliny (U.
Js. ir. 12) and Mela (ii. 7) uienlion six
mouths, while Stmbo (vii. p. 'lltl> and
Soliiiua (c. 19) have soveu. There
would no doubt ho perpetual changes.
At present the uuiubcr is bat four..
42
THB ISTEB.
Book IT.
Tyras, the Hypanis, the Borysthenes, the Panticapes, the
Hypacyris, the Gerrhus, and the Tanais.^ The courses of
these streams I shall now proceed to describe.
48. The Ister is of all the rivers with which we are ac-
quainted the mightiest. It never varies in height, but con*
tinues at the same level summer and winter. Counting &om
the west it is the first of the Scythian rivers, and the reason
of its being the greatest is, that it receives the waters of
several tributaries. Now the tributaries which swell its flood
are the following: flrst, on the side of Scythia, these five
— ^the stream called by the Scythians Forata, and by the
Greeks Pyretus, the Tiarantus, the Ararus, the Naparis, and
the Ordessus.' The flrst-mentioned is a great stream, and
is the easternmost of the tributaries. The Tiarantus is of
loss volume, and more to the west. The Ararus, Naparis,
and Ordessus fall into the Ister between these two. All
the above-mentioned are genuine Scythian rivers, and go
to swell the current of the Ister.
49. From the country of the Agathyrsi comes down another
river, the Maris,® which empties itself into the same ; and
from the heights of Hsemus descend with a northern course
three mighty streams,* the Atlas, the Auras, and the Tibisis,
' For tho identification of these
rivers, seo below, che. 51-57.
^ For tho etymolopry of these names,
BOO the Appendix, ii»B&y ii., *0n tlie
Kthnogmphy of the European Scytlis.*
With respect to tho identification of
the rivers, that tho Porata is the Pruth
would Beem to bo certain. Probably
the Tiarantus is the Ahita, in which
caso the Arams will bo the Screth, tho
Kaparis the Praova or Jalomnitza,
and the Ordessus the ArditcK (See
Kiebuhr's Scythia, page 39, E. T.)
Tho names Arditch and Screth may
be corruptions of the ancient appel-
lations.
• This must certainly be the modem
Maroseh, a tributary of the Thei$8,
which runs with a course almost duo
west from the eastern Carpathians,
throuFrh Transylvania into Hnnp:ary.
The Theiss apparently was unknown
to Herodotus, or regarded as a tribn.
tary of the Maris.
* Mannert (Geograph. viL p. 8) pro-
poses to read ov fitydxot; and certainly
it is untrue to say that any great rirers
descend from the northern skirts of
Mount Ha)mus (the modem Balkan).
It is almost impossible to decide to
which of the many small streams nm-
ning from this mountain range the
names in Herodotus apply. The Soius,
however, which is no doubt the Oscios
of Thacydides (ii. 96), and the CEscus
of Pliny (Hiflt. Nat. iii. 26), may be
identified both from its name and
position with the laker. The six rivers,
therefore — the Atlas, Auras, Tibisis,
Athrys, NoJJs, and Artanes — hare to be
found between the Isker and the sea.
They may be conjectured to represent
the Taban, DristOf Kara Lorn, Janira,
Osma, and Vid,
Chap. 47-49,
TRIBUTAIUES OF THE ISTER,
43
and poiir their -waters into it. Thrace gives it three tribu-
taries, the Athrys, the Nous, and the Artancsj which all pass
through the country of the Crobyzion Thraciaus.^ Another
tributary is furnished by Pfeonia, namely, the Scius ; this
river, rising near Mount Rhodope, forces its way through the
chain of Hoemus,® and so reaches the Ister. From Ulyria
cornea another stream, the Angrus, which has a course from
Bouth to north, and after watering the TribaUian plain, foils
into the Brongus, which falls into the Istcr.' So the Ister is
augmented by thesQ two streams, both considerable- Besides
all these, the Ister receives also the waters of the CariiiB® and
the Alpis,* two rivers running in a northerly direction from the
country above the Umbrians, For the Ister Hows through
the whole extent of Europe, rising in the country of the Celts^"
* The Cmbyzi are enpposed to be a
popolaiioo, and the iimie men-
bv Strabo (vii. 461), mid Pliiiy
t). The namci ib thought to be re.
in tho Kriritshi, a txibo of
tcuna.~[a W.]
' Thia ia nntrne. Ko Btrcnm forces
St« nvj thivugb thiB chain. The Scio^
(hker) tisos oa the cortbcrD flank of
Haemos, exactly opposite to the point
where the range of UhodopS (Despoto
Dagk) bronrhoa ont fri^m it towards
the Knith-eagt. From the two oppo<
vite aoglca nude by Rbodop^ with
Hstnns, sprmg tbo two Etreams of
Hebms and Nestnj. Uenco it Appoara
that Thocydidcs is rooro accurate than
HcTOdottu, when he Bays of tho Scins
or Osc'iUSt ^«i V ouTos *K rov 6povs
I B<*y rfp Hal i Ncffror tiai 6 "E/Spos*
wmi.90.)
^^M * Tho Angma ia either the wcitern
^^miorava or the Ihar, moet probably tho
^fiftttcr. The BroDfpu is the eastern
^"or Bul^ArioD Iforara. Tho Triballian
plain i> thna the principality of
Aa Herodotus pinnges deeper into
Eur^ipcan continent, hid knnw-
Ige ia le.B8 exact. He knowa the fact
the Danube receives two p^reafc
from ihc eonth (the Dmre
Bftre) in the upper part of ita
course, bnt ho does not aay longer
know tbo trac direction of the etrcams.
Fotftiilily nleo he conceivea the rivere,
of 'n'hich he boa heard tho Umbrians
tell afi runnicg northwards from the
Alps above their conntry, to be iden-
tical with the groat tributaries wLere*
of the dn-elU-rs on tho middlo Danobo
E>poke. Tbua the Corpis and the Alpis
would represent^ in otio point of view,
tho Save and tbo Urave, in another,
tho Salza and tho Inn (cf. Kiebnhr'fl
Kom. Hiat. toI. i. p. 112, E. T.) ; or
possibly, if wo cooeider .where be
placed the Eources of the Danube
(near Pyrene), the Inn and the Rhine.
* It ifi interesting to find in Ue.
rodotns this first trace of the word
Alp, by wliich, from tho time cf Poly-
bios, tho great Eoropoan chain has
been known. At the present day it
ifl opplied in tho comitry itself, not iff
tho high nionntain tops, bnt to tho
green pagtarea on their elopes. It
can hardly have been at any time the
real name of a river.
"Vide supra, ii. 83. Ariatotlo's
knowledge did not greatly exceed
that of Hcrodotos. He too made tho
Danube rise in Celtica, and from
Vjrkai rMeteorolog.i.13, p.350). He
knew, however, that Pyrtua w»\a rv
44
TH£ ISTEB A27D KILE COUPABED.
Book 17.
(the most "westerly of all tbe nations of Europe, excepting the
Cynetians^), and thence running across the continent till it
reaches Scythia, thereof it washes the flanks.
50. AU these streams, then, and many others, add their
waters to swell the flood of the Ister, which thus increased
becomes the mightiest of rivers ; for undoubtedly if we com-
pare the stream of the Nile with the single stream of the Ister,
we must give the preference to the Nile,^ of which no tributary
river, nor even rivulet, augments the volume. The Ister
remains at the same level both summer and winter — owing
to the following reasons, as I believe. During the winter it
runs at its natural height, or a very little higher, because in
those countries there is scarcely any rain in winter, but con-
stant snow. When summer comes, this snow, which is of
great depth, begins to melt, and flows into the Ister, which
is swelled at that season, not only by this cause, but also by
the rains, which are heavy and frequent at that part of the
year. Thus the various streams which go to form the Ister
are higher in summer than in winter, and just so much
higher as the sun's power and attraction are greater ; so that
these two causes counteract each other, and the effect is to
produce a balance, whereby the Ister remains always at the
same level.®
' Vide supra, ii. 33, noto K
■ Tho lengths of the two rivers are
— of the Nile, 2600 miles, according
to ite present known or supposed
course; of the Danube, 1760 miles.
)Seo cfa. S3, Book ii.) The Nile,
which has no tributaries except in
Abjssinia, and is not fed bj rains
except in the upper part of its course
daring the tropical rains, continues of
about the same breadth during all its
course. It is occasionally narrower in
Kabia, in consequence of the nature
of the rocky land through which it
passes; but having no tributary in
Ethiopia and Egypt, there is of coarse
uo reason for its becoming hu-ger
towards its mouth. The broadest part
ia the White Kiver, which is some-
times miles across, and divided into
several broad but shallow channels.
In Egypt its general breadth is about
one-third of a mile, and the rate of
its mid.&tream is generally from 1^ to
about 2 knots, but during the innnda*
tion more rapid, or above 3 milea an
hour.— [G. W.]
' Too much force is here assigned
to the attracting power of the aun.
The "balance" of which Herodotus
speaks is caused by the increased
volume of the southern tributaries
during the summer (which is caused
by tho melting of the snows along the
range of the Alps), being just suffi.
cieut to compensate for the diminished
volume of tho northern tributaries,
which in winter are swelled by Ulo
CniP. 40-52.
THE TTBAS AND THE HYPANI3.
45
ra
p^.
51, This, then, is one of tlie great Scythian rivers ; the
next to it is the Tyras/ which rises from a great lake sepa-
rating Scylhia from the land of the Nouri, and runs with a
utherly course to the sea. GrcekB dwell at the mouth of
e river, who are called Tyrit©.*
52. The third river ia the Hypanis.* This stream rises
within the limits of Scythia, and has its source in another
vast lake, around which wild white horses graze. The lake is
called, properly enougli, the Mother of tho Hypauin.' The
Hypanis, rising here, during the distance of five days' navi-
tion is a shaUow stream, and the water sweet and pure ;
ence, however, to tho sea, which is a distance of four days,
it is exceedingly bitter. This change is caused by its receiving
to it at that point a brook the waters of which are bo bitter
lat, although it is but a tiny rivulet, it nevertheless taints
the entire Hypanis, which is a largo stream among those of
the second order. Tho source of this bitter spring is on the
borders of the Scythian Husbandmen,® where they adjoin
raios. It is tiot tmo thftt the minii
of ■mciDcr aroh«irIer thiui thoeo
of winter in the baiin which tho
Damtbe drmoa : rather the exact re.
verse is tho caso. Were it otherwiBO,
to Danobc, like the Nilo, voald orer-
iw in tho samiDcr ; for tho cvapora-
i^ powsr of the eun'a rojB on the
of a river in tho latitode of
le Donobe is rory trifUnp.
* Tho Tyraa ia'tho modem DnieBtr
Dnnu.Ter), rtill calU'd, ftccording
Eeeroa (Afl. Kat. vol. ii. p. 257,
ite*), the Tyrtfl nc&r ita month. Ita
Lftin atream dooe not rise from a lake,
it ana of its chief tribatarios, tbe
wUch risea noar Zloctmc in Gal.
[does flow from a smoU Uko.
ii ftUo A largish loko on the
VnMyffca, noar Lemhergj in tho aame
itry, which communicates with
le main atre«m of tho Dnio^tr, not
vr from its source. Beoien rognrda
lis aa the lake of ntiich Herodotoa
iA heard. (As. Nat, 1. b. o)
* A Greek town called Tyras, and
Ophinaa (Plin. His. Ka't. iy. 11;
Strph. Byr. od toc), lay at the mouth
of tho Dniestr, on its right bank.
(Opiiiusa in iScylai, IVripl. p. 70 j
TyroB in tho Anon. Fcripl. Pont. £ax.
p. (163.) It woa a.coloQy of the
Milesians. (Anon. Poi'ipL L a. o.)
Whou tho GothB (Gota?) oonquorod
tho region about thia rivor, they re-
coiveii tho name of Tyri-getae. (Strob.
rii. p. US.)
• Tho Hypanis is nntloobtedly tha
Boj, a main tribntary of tho Doicpr.
The ZDftrabea of Yolhynia. twm which
flow the feeders of the JVtpef, are in
thif} direction ; bnt it is scarcely poS'
siblo that the Bog oau at any time
haTO flowed out of them.
^ Compare below, cb. 86.
* Herodotus appears to bare pene-
trated as for as thia fountain (infra,
ch. 81), no traces of which are to bo
found at tho present day, Tho water
of the Scythian rirers ia brockiKh to
a considerable diatanco from the aoa,
but there is now nothing pecuUor in
thu water of thu Hypanis*
46
tTHE BOBTSTHEKES.
Book 17.
upon the Alazomaais ; and the place where it rises is called
in the Scjthic tongue ExampcBus,^ which means in our
language, " The Sacred Ways." The spring itself bears the
same name. The Tyras and the Hypanis approach each
other in the country of the Alazonians,* but afterwards
separate, and leave a wide space between their streams.
53. The fourth of the Scythian rivers is the Borysthenes.'
Next to the later, it is the greatest of them all ; and, in my
judgment, it is the most productive river, not merely in
Scythia, but in the whole world,® excepting only the Nile,
with which no stream can possibly compare. It has upon its
banks the loveliest and most excellent pasturages for cattle ;
it contains abundance of the most delicious fish ; its water is
most pleasant to the taste ; its stream is limpid, while all the
other rivers near it are muddy ; the richest harvests spring
up along its course, and where the ground is not sown, the
hea-viest crops of grass; while salt forms in- great plenfy
about its mouth without human aid,* and large fish are taken in
* Tho etymology of this term is dis-
cussed in tho Appendix, Essay ii. *0n
the Ethnography of the European
Scyths.'
1 That is, between the 47th and
48th parallels. * Tho fact here noticed
by Herodotus strongly proves his
actual knoiivlcdge of the geography
of these countries,
2 Tho Borysthenea is the Dnicpr. It
had got the name aa early aa the
compilation of the anonpnous Fcri-
plns Font. Eai. (See p. 150.)
' Something of tho same enthusiasm
which appears in the description of
Herodotus breaks out also in modoni
travellers when they speak of tho
Dnicpr. " Among tho rivers of South-
em BuBsia," says Hadame do Hell,
" tho Duiepr claims one of tho fore-
most places, from the length of its
course, the volume of its waters, and
tho deep bed which it has excavated
for itself across tho plains ; but no-
where docs it present more chormiug
views than from the height I have
jobt mentioned, and its vicinity. After
having spread out to the breadth of
nearly a league, it parts into a multi-
tcde of channels that wind through
forests of oaks, alders* poplars, and
aspens, whose vigorous growth be-
speaks the richness of a virgin bo3.
The groups of islands, capriciously
breaking the surface of the waters,
have a melancholy beauty and a
primitive character scarcely to be
seen except in those vast wildernesses
where man has left no tracea of his
presence. Nothing in our country at
all resembles this land of landscape.
For some time after my
arrival at Dontchina I found an end-
less source of delight in contempla-
ting these majestic scenes,'* (Travela,
pp. 56, 57, E. T.)
* Dio Chrysostom notes the value of
this salt as an article of trade vrith
tho other Greeks and with tho Scyths
of the interior (Or. xxxvi. p. 43),
The salines of Einbunif at the ex-
tremity of the promontory which
forms the southern shore of the Hman
of the Dnicpr, are still of the greatest
T
Cbap. 52, &3.
THE BOETSTHENEa
47
it of Ibe sort called AntacaDi, without any prickly bones, auJ
good for pickling.® Nor are those the whole of its marvels,
Aa far inland as the place named Gcrrhus, which is distant
forty days' voyage from the sea," its course is known, and
its direction i3 from north to Bouth ; but above this no one
has traced it, bo as to Bay through what countries it Hows.
It enters the territory of the Scythian Husbandmen after
running for some time across a desert region, and continues
for ten days' navigation to pass through the laud which they
inhabit. It is the only river besides the Nile the sources of
which are unknown to me, as they ore also (I believe) to all
the other Greeks. Not long before it roaches the sea the
Borysthenes is joined by the Eypanis, which pours its waters
into the same lake.^ The land that hes between -them, a
narrow point like the beak of a 6hip,° is called Capo Hippo-
lads, Hero is a temple dedicated to Ceres,** and opposite the
n
ioopartttnoe to Ilussia, and Bnppty
ira«t tnfCU of tbo interior. (So« Dr.
Clu-ktt's Bofiaia, Appeodix, Na Tin.
p. 76».)
• Tho Btorpeon of the Dniepr hare
to thi* day B great ropatatiou. Caviare
(Lha ripix**' 'ArrfUcaZoi' of Athenomt)
ifl nsde from the roes of these flab at
Khenon aod Nicolaef. For a ecien.
tific de«criptioTi of tbo atorgoon of tho
Dniflpr, we Eirby's Bridgewftter Trea-
tise, toL i. p. 107.
* Tho DuJcpr is Barigablo for borgva
aD the wny from SuioletLtko to its
moQlb, * difltonoe of not less than
liOO uileaL The o&rigatioQ ia mdiKtd
gimtly ivpedfld by the rapida below
Jiatfarfunrinr r but atill for a xnontb
■ix w*«ka in thn apris^t at tho tixno
thft^ictae Boodfi, thcj are passed
faoata. (Soo Dr. Clorke'a Uussia,
pp. Vllt. p. 7&6 i luid Do Ilell'ii
Trmrtis, p. 20, £. T.) Horodotoa dooa
Doft Mem to have been aware of tho
wtfAS^f which niaj possibly bare been
pndaoed by on f^evatiua uf tho Utiid
■Inoa bia time. (S**o Mnrchisun's
Goolo^ of Bnaiia^ rul. i. p. 673.) It
ia mioerUia what diataoce he in-
by a day'a voyage np tbo
of li rirerj bat there aeema to
be no aofBcicnt rcoaon for altorinp: tho
Dombor forty in tho text, aa .Matthiai
and Larohcr anggeat.
' The word in the Greek (?Aj»t) {a
ratlier "marah " than " Ukc," and tlio
litnan of the Dniopr ia in jx>int of foot
BO Bhallow 05 almoat to doaorve tho
name. '* In anmmer it has hardly aix
feet of water.'* (Report of Baaaion
Engineers ; Clarko, 1. a. c.)
* Thia deaoriptiou, which la copied
by Dio (Or. xxivi. p. 437), and which
would exactly suit tho promnnt-ory of
A'iiibum, applies but ill to thu huid oa
it now lica between the two rivore.
IIa8 tho authur'a memory played him
false, or are wo to euppoae thai the
form of the loud boa changed atnce
his time P
• Or "CyWlfi," for the reading \a
doabtfal. Bllhr givoa Mnrpiix for
A^/iTfTpos on tbo autburity uf many of
tho beet MSS. ; and among the ooma
found on the aite of Olbia. Uie
48
THE HYPACTBZ&
fiOOKlT.
temple upon the Hypanis is the dwelling-plaed of the BotTS-
thenites.^ Bnt enough has been said of these streaiOB.
54. Next in succession comes the fifth ixvei, called the
Panticapes,* which has, like the Borysthenes, a course from
north to south, and rises from a lake. The space between
this river and the Borysthenes is occupied by the Scythians
who are engaged in husbandry. After watering their country,
the Fanticapes flows through HylsQa, and empties itself into
the Borysthenes.
55. ^e sixth stream is the Hypacyris, a river rising
from a lake, and running directly through the middle of the
Nomadic Scythians. It falls into the sea, near the city of
of Cybfil*!, with the well-known crown
of towers, occurs freqnently. (See
Hionnet'a BeBcription des HedailleSf
&c., BnppUment, torn. ii. pp. 14-15.)
' Olbia, called also Borysthenes
(supra, ch. 18, note •), was on the
western or right bank of the Hypanis,
as Bii£6.ciently appears &om this pas-
sage. Its site is distinctly marked
by mounds and rains, and has been
placed beyond a doubt by the dia-
coreiT' of numerous coins and inscrip-
tions. (Clarke, pp. 614-623; Choii
dcs M^ailles Antiques d'Olbiopolis ou
Olbia, faisant partio du cabinet du
Conseillcr d'Etat De Blaramberg,
Paris, 1822.) It is now called Sto-
mogil, "the Hundred Mounds," and
lies about 12 miles below Nicolaef, on
the opposite side of the Bog, 3 or 4
miles from the junction of the Bog
with the Hman of the Dniepr. (De
HeU. p. 34, E. T.)
It is curious to find Olbia placed on
the wrong bank of the Hypanis by
Vajor Rcnnell in his great map of
Western Asia, published so late as
1831.
^ On the Fanticapes, see ch. 18,
note. This and the next two rivers
defy identification with any existing
stream. Great changes have probably
occurred in the physical geography of
Southern Russia since the time of
Herodotus. (Murchison's Cieology of
Russia, pp> 673-577.) The Dniepr in
his time seems to have had a lagfi
delta, enclosed within, the month
which he knew as the BorystheDe%
and that called by him the Gerrhn^
though this latter can scarcely han
parted from the main stream at so
great a distimce &om the sea as ha
imagined. It is possible that there
have been great changes of lev^ in
Southern Russia since his time, and
the point of departure may perhapa
have been as high as KrytoVj in lat.
49', as represented in the map pre- ,
fixed to this volume ; bnt perhaps it
is more probable that the delta did
not begin till about Kdkofka, where
the Borysthenes may have thrown off
a branch which passed into the 6aU
of Ferekop by KaUmtchaJe (aee Mar*
chisou, p. 674, note) ; or, finally,
Herodotus may have been completely
at fault, and the true Geirhaa of hit
day may, like that of Ftolemy (iii. 6),
have reaUy fallen into the Falua
Mscotis, being the modem Molotehina,
as Rennell supposes. (Creography of
Herod, p. 71.)
' This place is called Carcini by
Pliny (H. N. iv. 12) and Mela (ii. 1),
Carcina by Ptolemy (1. s. c), Cuf*
cinitis by Hecatseus (Fr. Hist. Gr.
vol. i. p. 10, Fr. 153) and Herodotus,
Carcinitca, or Coronites, by the anony-
mous author of the Feripl. Pont. Eox.
(p. 148). It gave name to the bay
on the western side of the Tamio
THE GEKRHUS— THE TANAIS
Carcimtis,' lea\'mg Hyloea and the cotirse of Achilles * to the
right.
56. Tbo seventh river ia the Gen-hus, which is a branch
thrown out by the Borysthenes at the point where the course
of that stream first heginB to be known, to wit, the region
called by the same name as the stream itself, viz, Gerrhus,
This river on its passage towards the sea divides the comitry
of the Nomadic from that of the Boyal Scythe. It runs into
the Hypac3Ti3.
57. The eighth river is the Tanais, a stream which has its
source, far up the country, in a lake of vast Bize,° and which
empties itself into another still larger lake, the Palus Mjeotis,
whereby the country of the Royal Scythians is divided from
that of the Sauromatre. The Tanais receives the waters of
^ktribntary stream, called the nyrgis."
^tknoQMe fPlin. 1. a. c; McI. 1. h. c,
Ac), the modem Gnlf of Perekop.
lb does not appear to hare 1)con a
Grwk aettleroont. Perbapa it. may
hare }^(vn a CmuouriaQ towu, and
hav d the Cymrio Caer in its
* l!!? 1!? the modem Kosa Tfndra
uid Kofa Djarii'jatch^ a lone: ond
DUTOW strip of Eoody beach extend-
ing about 80 mileii fnmi nriirly nppo.
■ita Kakmtr.hak to a point about 12
uHm sonlh of tbo prnmotitory of
jnabum, and attached to the conti-
neut only in the middle by an isthmas
aboal 12 tiiiloji Bfrufis. (Strabo tiL p.
4i5> and Eastathiaa (ad Dionys.
P»rvg. S06) com^mre it to a fillet^
Plin/ (H. N. iv. 12) and Mela (ii. 1)
toaifword. It is carcfoUy describod
by Btralio, Kiuttathius^ and tho anony-
BODfl aoibor of tho Pcriplas^ loss
•OODZiitcly by Mela. Varioos accounts
were gircn of the name. At the
w«at«cn extremity there was a ftwve
Moted to Achillo* (Slrab. p. 446), or,
aoocoYling to oiherfi, to Hecate (Anon.
l^hpL K E. p. 119> Marciantu Ca-
peOa placed here the tomb of Achillos
(tL p. S14), who was said by Alcwna
to hat* ** filled orer Scythia*' (Fr. ltd,
Bflrglr.) Thfr worahip of AchiUoa
was Htronply affected by tho Pontic
Orecks. He had a tcmplo in Olbin
(Stmb. I. B.C.), on tho coins of which
his name is somotimos foond (Mioimet.
Supplement, torn. ii. p. 32) ; another
in tho prcftcnt IhIo of Serpents
(Arrian, Peripl. P. Em. p. 135) ; a
lliird im (he Asiatic side of the Straittf
of Kcrtch, at tho narrowest point
(Strab. li. p. 7SG) ; and, as some
think, a fonrth on a flTniill i^lnnd at
the mouth of the BorvBthpnoa, dedi-
rntod to him by the 01bit>politoa. (See
KObler's Memoiro sor los tlos ot la
coa2«e coDBScreea k Achillo ; and
oomp. Dio Chrysost. Or. lom. p.
439.) His head also appears oocasioa-
ftlty on the coins of Ohersonesns
(Mionnet, ut saprat pp. 1 and 3) ; and
in an inscription fonnd at Olbia, and
given accoratcly in Kohlor'a Re-
manjncs snr nn onvmge, &Ct P* 12,
he is (appnrcTitIv) entitled " KuJor of
tho PontOB " (n'ONTAPXH^).
* Tho Tanais (ihe motk'pn Don)
rises from a amall laico, the lakn nf
Ivan-Ozftro, in lat. 54" 2'. long. 38" 3'.
The Volga flows in part from tho
ffreat lake of Onega.
* There are no moans of identify-
ing this river. Hr. Blakesley regards
it SA tho Snenlfi/, in which ho finds
so
BELiaiON OF THE SCTTHIAKa
Book IT.
68. Such then are the rivers of chief note in Scythia. The
grass which the land produces is more apt to generate gall in
the beasts that feed on it than any other grass which is knoim
to us, as plainly appears on the opening of their carcases*
59. Thus abundantly are the Scythians provided vnth the
most important necessaries. Their manners and customs
come now to be described. They worship only the follomog
gods, namely, Vesta, whom they reverence beyond all the
rest, Jupiter, and Tellus, whom they consider to be the wife
of Jupiter ; and after these Apollo, Celestial Yenns, Hercules,
and Mars.' These gods are worshipped by the whole nation :
the Eoyal Scythians offer sacrifice likewise to Neptune. In
the Scythio tongue Vesta is called Tahiti, Jupiter (very pro-
perly, in my judgment) Papaus, TeUuB Apia, Apollo (Etotyru,
Celestial Venus Artimpasa, and Neptune Tkamimasadas}
They use no images, altars, or temples, except in the worship
of Mars ; but in his worship they do use them.
" some vestipre of tho ancient title."
I should be inclined rather to look on
it as representing the Donetz, if any
dependence coald be placed on this
part of onr author's geography. He
calls it in another place tho Sjrgis
(infra, ch. 123.)
7 The religion of the Scythians ap-
poors by tUs account to have con-
sisted chiefly in tho worship of the
elements. Jnpiter (Papwus), while
lie was the father of the gods, was
also perhaps the air; Vesta {Tahiti)
was fire, Tellns {Apia) earth, Neptune
(Thamimasadas) water, Apollo {Oito-
syrus) the snn, and celestial Venus
(Artimpasa) tho nuxin. The supposed
wotship of Mars was probably tho
mere worship of the scymitcur (cf.
Grote's Hist, of Greece, vol. iii. p.
323), What that of Hercules may
have been it is impossible to deter-
mine ; but it is worthy of remark that
Herodotus has no Scythian name for
HcrouleSf uiy moro than be has for
liars. The subjoined representation
of a Scythian god is not imcommon in
the tombs. H. Dubois calls it ** the
Scythioa Hercules," bat there is
nothing which determinately flxM iti
character. It has rather the appetf-
ance of a god of drinking.
* The probable etymology of theM
names is given in the Appendix, Ewaf
ii., 'On the Ethnography d the
European Soyths.'
CBAr. SS-61«
SACRIFICES.
60. Tlie manner of their sacrifices is everywhere and in
every case the same ; the victim stands with its two fore-feet
boiind together by a cord, and the person who is about to
offer, taking his station behind the victim, gives the rope a
pnll» and thereby throws the animal down; as it falls he
invokes the god to whom he is offering ; after which he puts
a noose romid the animal's neck, and, inserting a small sticky
twists it round, and so strangles Mm. No fire is lighted^
there is no consecration, and no pouring out of drink-offer-
ings; but directly that the beast is strangled the sacrificer
flays him, and then sets to work to boil the flesh,
61. As Scythia, however, is utterly barren of firewood,* a
plan has had to be contrived for boiling the flesh, which is
the following. After flaying the beasts, they take out all the
bones, and (if they possess such gear) put the flesh into
boilers made in the country, which ai'e very like the cauldrons
of the Lesbians, except that they are of a much larger si^e ;
then placing the bones of the animals beneath the cauldron,
they set them alight, and so boil the meat.^° K they do not
happen to possess a cauldron, they make the animal's paunch
hold the flesh, and pouring in at the same time a little water,
lay the bones under and light them. The bones bum beauti-
fully ; and the paunch easily contains all the flesh when it is
stript from the bones, so that by this plan your ox is made to
boil himself, and other victims also to do the like. When the
meat is all cooked, the sacrilicor offers a portion of the flesh
* The scarcity of firewood in tho
atoppeg giTes rise to a number of
cniumfl co&triraxicea. la eoatbcm
BoMUt and also in Mongolia and
Kaatem TortAxy, almost tho only
firing naed it the dang of nuinmU.
Tbia U carefully collected, dried in
the 0nn, ond in Bossia made into
liEtie bricks, in Mongolia piled in ita
natuial elulo aboat the tents. The
Tataca call this species of fnel ar^nly;
tha BosiaaB kirbitch. (Hac'B Voy-
a9» dans la Tartarie, torn. i. p. C5 ;
FaUaa, toL i. p. &3S ; Do Hell, pp. 41
aod^.)
A similar scarcity in Northern
Africa renders the dnng of the cninel
BO precious that on journeys a tag ia
placed nnder the animal's tail to
catch tho fnol on which the evening
meal dcpeiiJs. (Paclio'a Voyage dans
Ifl Marmorique, p. ISO.)
" It may bo gathered from Ezckicl
(xxiv. £) that a similar cutitum pre-
vailed among tho Jowa. The bones of
the yah are said to be used for fuel in
Eastora Nopaoi at the present day.
(Hooker's Notes of a Naturalist, vol.
i. p. 213.) '
SACBIHCEa
Book IT.
and of tlie entrails, by casting it on tlie ground before bim.
They sacrifice all sorts of cattle, but most commonly horses.*
62. Such are the victims offered to the other gods, and sncb
is the mode in which they are sacrificed ; but the rites paid
to Mars are diferent. In every district, at tbo seat of govern-
meut,^ there stands a temple of this god, "wliereof the follomng
is a description. It is a pile of brushwood, made of a TUi
quantity of fagots, in length and breadth Ihrco furlongs; in
height somewhat less,^ having a square platform upon the top,
throe sides of which are precipitous, while the fourth slopes so
that men may walk up it. Each year a hundred and fiftj
wagon-loads of brushwood are added to the pile, which mh
pontinually by reason of the rains. An antique iron swoid'
is planted on the top of every such mound, and serves as the
image of Mars : ^ yearly sacrifices of cattle and of horses tn
mode to it, and more victims are offered thus than to all ibe
rest of their gods. When prisoners are taken in war, out of
^ Vida anpra. Book L 216» whora tbo
mme ia related of the MassagetoD.
Horses have always abonnded in the
flteppoB, and perhaps in ancient times
wcro more conimou than any other
animal. In the province ol Tchakar,
north of the Groat Wall, the emperor
of China has, it is said, between
400>000 and 600,000 horses. (line's
Voyage, torn* i. p. 67.) Do HoU esti-
mates the horaos of the Cahuucks at
fVom 2o0,000 to 300,000, their ahcep
at 1,000,000, bnt their kino only dA
180,000. (Travels, p. 241, B. T.)
3 Mr. Blakesley wull obscrroa (not.
ad loc.) that the expression bore naed
is scarcely appropriate to Scythia,
where the people had no fixed abodes.
' ThcM measorea are utterly in.
credible. Wo gather from them that
Herodtitoa had not aeon any of these
piles, bat took the exnfrgerated ac.
coonts of certain mendaciaas Scy-
thians. How a coontry aifis A^uXos
was to fortUBh sach enormous piles of
broahwood, ho forf^ot to aak himself.
* In the Scythian tombs the woa-
ponfl are usually of bronze ; but the
sword in the great tomb at SsrlcA
was oS iron, so that Horodotos ii |«^
baps not mistaken.
* This eastern is also ascribri to
the Scjlhiana bv Lnoian (Jot. Tng-
§ 42, p. 275), Mela (ii. 1, snb. fia).
SoUnns (c. 19), Clomenfl Ali*xaDdrisaf
(Protrept. iv. p. 40), and othen>
nioesins ascribed it to the SonroaAlB
(ilullcr's Fr. Uiet. Gr. vol ir. p.4S0)<
Ammianaa MarcclHnns speaks of itv
belonging to the Alani and HoB>rf
his own day (rxxi. 2). In the time of
Attila, a sword, enppo&od to be acta.
&Uy one of thcso ancient Brythiia
woapona, waa diaoorereU by a chaocs
(Prificua Ponitea, Vr. 8, p. 91; Jar
nondeg do Rebus Oeticis,
fin.), and made the object of
Genghis Khan, upon his cle
pcatod the same obserrttaoe.
buhr's Scythia, p. 46, B. T.
Bcarccly howerer to be
Mengolio costom ; " for it
have been common to mott
tribes wiucb have waodeied
atcppea.
Cbat. 61-64.
WAR CUSTOMS.
ss
every hundred men tliey sacrifice one, not however with the
same rites as the cattle, but with different. Libations of wine
are first poured upon their heads, after which they are slaugh-
tered over a vesHel ; the vessel is then carried up to the top of
the pile, and the blood poured upon the scymitar. While this
takes place at the top of the mound, below, by the side of tho
temple, the right hands and arms of the slaughtered prisoners
are cut off, and tossed on high into the air. Then the other
victims are slain, and those who have offered the sacrifice
y^part, leaving tho hands and arms where they may chance
^y have fallen, and the bodies also, separate.
' 63. Such are the observances of the Scythians with respect
^^ sacrifice. They never use swine for the purpose, nor
^Hdeed is it their wont to breed them in any part of their
^Bantry.
^" 64. In what concerns war, their customs are the following.
The Scythian soldier drinks the blood of the first man he over-
throws in battle. Whatever number he slays, he cuts off all
k^cir huads,^ and carries tliem t-o the king ; since he is thus
^Btitled to a share of the booty, whereto he forfeits all claim
^Bhe does not produce a head. In order to strip the skull of
^K covering, he makes a cut rouud the head above the ears,
Hnd, lajring hold of the scalp, shakes the skull out ; then with
the rib of an ox he scrapes the scalp clean of fiesh, and
Bofiening it by rubbing between the hands, uses it thenceforth
a napkin.^ The Scyth is proud of these scalps, and hangs
Tbia crastoiD of cntiin^off heads is
to m&ny b&rboruas and somi-
uationB. In ths Aawyriaxi
LptOTM wa fireqnently see decapi-
' OorpaM, and AAsynans carrying
hmda of tbeir foos. (Layard's
and Babylon, pp. 447, 4o6,
Arcordin^ to Diodoros (xir.
»), the Gaali epeot tho whole of tho
folloning on tho baitle of the
in thoA mutilatiiif; tho dead.
hciriDET off the head of Goliah
is ft fofflilmr instance. Herodotos for-
laaoLhcr in the condnct wliicU he
■aoribes to ArtaphomeA (ri. 30). In
the East, the mntilation of fallen
cnemi^ is almost onircnaL Foseido-
nlofl of Apomea apoko of hinuolf aa an
eye-witness of tike practice ia G&nl
(Pr. lift) ; and Btrebo calls it a general
custom of the northern nations (>t. p.
S02).
' Hence the phrase Xntfirrl x*'^^
fuurrpw 01<^ych. ad voc. ; Sophocl.
(Enoin. ap. Athenicum. x. IS, p. 410],
and tbe verb awovKveiCitr, " to scalp,**
used by AthciinitiB and Earipidce*
54
WAB CUSTOMS.
SookIT.
ihem from his bridle-rein ; the greater the nomber of such
napkins that a man can show, the more highly is he esteemed
among them.^ Many make themselves cloaks, like tho
capotes of our peasants, by semng a quantity of these scalps
together. Others flay the right arms of their dead enemies,
and make of the skin, which is stripped off, with the nails
hanging to it, a covering for their quivers. Now the skin of
a man is thick and glossy, and would in whiteness surpass
almost all other hides. Some even flay the entire body of
their enemy, and stretching it upon a frame carry it aboot
with them wherever they ride* Such are the Scythian customs
with respect to scalps and skins.
65. The skulls of their enemies, not indeed of all, but of
those whom they most detest, they treat as follows. Having
sawn oS the portion below the eyebrows, and cleaned out the
inside, they cover the outside with leather. When a man is
poor, this is all that he does; but if he is rich, he also lines
the inside with gold : in either case the skull is used as a
drinking-cup.'* They do the same with the skulls of their own
kith and kin if they have been at feud with them, and have
vanqmshed them in the presence of the king. When strangers
whom they deem of any account come to visit them, these
skulls are handed round, and the host tells how that these
were his relations who made war upon him, and how that he
got the better of them ; all this being looked upon as proof of
bravery.
66. Once a year the governor of each district, at a set place
in his own province, mingles a bowl of wine, of which all Scy-
thians have a right to drink by whom foes have been slain;
while they who have slain no enemy are not allowed to taste
of the bowl, but sit aloof in disgrace. No greater shame
than this can happen to them. Such as have slain a very
* The resemblance of these cnstoma
to those ot the Bed Indians wiU strike
every reader.
' Ammianns Uarcelliniu relates tho
0&me of the Soordisoi, most probably
a Teatonic people (xxrii. 4) ; "Hostiii
captironun Bellonse litant et Uarti,
bamannmqne sangmnem in o$$ihu»
capitum cavU bibtmfe ftTidii^"
^^^^^^H
^^■^
OB&r. 61-68, 800THSATER& 5$ ^H
large nimibeT of foes, Lave two caps instead of one, and drink ^H
from both. ^H
67- Scytbia bas an abundance of soothsayers, who foretell ^H
the future by means of a ntuuber of willow wands. A large ^H
bundle of these wands is brought and laid on the ground. ^H
The soothsayer imties the bundle, and places each wand by ^H
itself, at the same time uttering his prophecy : then, while he is ^H
still speaking, he gathers the rods tof^othcr again, and makes ^H
them up ouco more into a bundle. This mode of divination ^H
is of home growth in Scythia.* The Enorees, or womEin-like ^H
men,^ have another method which they say Venus taught ^H
them. It is dono with the inner bark of the linden-treo. ^H
They take a piece of this baik, and, sphtting it into three ^H
strips, keep twining the strips about their fingers, and un- ^H
twining them, while they prophesy- ^H
68. "Whenever the Scythian king falls sick, he sends for the ^H
three soothsayers of most renown at the tune, who come and ^H
make trial of their art in tlic modo above described* Generally ^H
^B It ma not, however, ooofinod to
^^VtiuB. Tho ScoUaat on NicAndcr
^^Beriacft, 613) obscrm that tho Magi,
■B v«U M the Sojthuuis, divine by
menu of a ttaSl of tamarialE-wood
(M^-yot 8< iro] Ijc^dtu f^vpueivt^ ftarrtv-
arrui IvX^) ; and hia statement with
reopect to the Kagt is confirmed bj a
reference to Dino. There is also dis-
tinct aUn#ioo to ench a mode of divin-
ation in Hofioa (iv. 12) : " My pooplo
aak oounaol of their stocks, and their
gtog dteUreih unto themJ* So Tocitna
teUft na of the Germans : " Sortium
oonsnetodo simplex ; virgajn, fm^fero
arbori decisom, in snrcnlofl ampntmit,
eosque, notia qaibosdam dtscretos,
SDper canditlam vostem temcir^ ac for.
tnito fipargunt j tuox . , . . precataa
Peos, ccelomqno guspicicna, tor »%ngu.
Zos toUit ; snblatos aecundiun imprca-
■on ante notom interpretator." (Ger-
maA. 0. 10.) Ammianns Uarcellinos
Dotca a Btmilar practice among tho
among the SUve« hear tho Baltic (Hist.
2)aiL ziv. p. 286). The saperatitiou
with rospeot to the number threo ^^H
appears in thia la^t, as in m> many ^^H
other inslnncea. (See Mr. Blakcaloy'a ^^H
noL ad loo.) ^^H
' Vide anpra, i 105. The existence ^^H
of this clofis of peiBons in Scythia, and ^^H
the relif^ons interpretation placed ^^H
npon their physical infirmity, is wit- ^^H
nessed to by Hippocrates (De Aere, ^^H
Aqtili, et Lochia, vi. § 106-10!) ; eee also ^^1
Arifit. Eth. viL 7, § 6,) who calls them ^^H
iMOfipit^s. This is probnbly tho exact ^^|
rendering of the Scythic wort:!, which ^^^|
I shonld be inclined to derive from en ^^H
(= ofv), the negative (GreekondZend ^^H
an, Latin in. or ne, onr un-), and oiof ^^H
(Lat. vir, Greek Hpus, ti^fiv^ApvOp "» ^H
man." This at least appears to me a ^^H
more probable etymology than Mr. ^^H
Ulakesley's of 'Eyrf^ict quasi Fwtipets^ ^^H
venerei. Vcnns, according to HerodotoSi ^^H
was in Boythio •' Artimpaaa " (oh. &9). ^H
Roinegg says tliat a weaknoss like ^^H
that hero described is still fonnd ^^H
among the Kogai Tatam who inhnbit ^^H
this district. (Cf. Adelocg's Mithii. ^^M
date% i. p. 472.) ^H
56
MODE OF EXECUTION.
Book IT.
they say that the king is ill, because such or snob a person,
mentioning his name, has sworn falsely by the royal hearth.
This is the usual oath among the Scythians, when they wish
to swear with very great solemnity. Then the man accused
of having forsworn himself is arrested and brought before the
king. The soothsayers tell him that by their art it is desx
he has sworn a false oath by the royal hearth, and eo caused
the illness of the king — he denies the charge, protests that he
has sworn no false oath, and loudly complains of the wrong
done to him. Upon this the king sends for six new sooth-
sayers, who try the matter by soothsaying. If they too find
the man guilty of the offence, straightway he is beheaded by
those who first accused him, and his goods are parted among
them : if, on the contrary they acquit him, other soothsayera,
and again others, are sent for, to try the case. Should the
greater number decide in favour of the man's innocence, then
they who first accused him forfeit their lives-
69. The mode of their execution is the following: &
wagon is loaded with brushwood, and oxen are harnessed to
it ; ^ the soothsayers, with their feet tied together, their hands
bound behind their backs, and their mouths gagged, are thrust
into the midst of the brushwood ; finally the wood is set alight,
and the oxen, being startled, are made to rush off with the
wagon. It often happens that the oxen and the soothsayers
are both consumed together, but sometimes the pole of the
wagon is burnt through, and the oxen escape with a scorch-
ing. Diviners — lying diviners, they call them— are burnt
in the way described, for other causes besides the one here
spoken of. When the king puts one of them to death, he
takes care not to let any of his sons survive : * all the male
' Wo learn from this that tho ancient
ScythtanB, like tho modnm Calrancks
and Nogais, nsod oxen and not horses
to draw their wagons. (Pallaa, toI. i.
p. 582, and plate 6 ; Clarke, vol. i. vig-
netto to eh. xit. Seo also the wood-
cuts in note ^ on ch. 46.) Hippocrates
noted the fact more expiicitlj than
Horodotas (De Aere, AqnA, et Locii^
§ 44. p. 353).
* Thoro is a covert allnsion here to
tho woll-known line of StaainoB: —
Vlpriot, Of irarifM KTfi'irac roldat lUiTaX«(*M.
Herodotus had made a previoiu lefer-
ence to it (Book i. oh* 166).
Chap. eS-71.
OATHS.
57
ofiTspring are Mm mih the father, only the females being
allowed to live.
70. Oaths among the Scyths are accompanied ^dth the
following ceremonies : a large earthen bowl is filled with wine,
and the parties to the oath, wounding themselves slightly with
a knife or an awl. drop some of their blood into the wine ; then
they plunge into the mixtiuTG a scymitar, some arrows, a
battle-axe, and a javehn,' all the while repeating prayers;
lastly the two contracting parties drink each a draught from
tho bowl, as do also the chief men among their followcrB.*
71* The tombs of their kings are in the land of the Gerrhi^
■ BemtVs tho bow, which was the
COBBinoneflt iveapca or the Scythiana
(cfa. 46), and the short spear or jnrelin,
irhirh iru ftlso in general nse among
thtm (no ch. 3, z)ot«^), the scyniitar
Kod tho batUe-oxo were no doubt
kDown ia the coontry, bat they ina§t
bftw bc«n oomparatively rare. Tho
roTfal tomb at Kcttch ooatatned a
■cymitar or aliort sword very macTi
resembling tho Feryian (see note on
Book rii. oh. 61); bnt tlie Scyth» re-
pcse&t«d on the vessela foand in it
had nothing but javoluu aud buwe.
itatian in Enropeari Scrthia
ily »ihow« the battle-axe to have
i« of tht'ir w(>apoDg, bat its
conunon adoption on tho ooina of Olbia
(Seitini, Lettero e Diitseriazioni, Gun-
ttnuaz. Tol. iv. pi. ii., and Bapm, ch.
18, B(7te*) iq^ther with the bow and
faoir-oaKi, is a probable indication of
ita BM among the So jths of that neigh-
' Lncian (Toxaria, utivi i.) and Fom-
Uela (it, i. 120) giro a similar
it of tba Scythian method of
ip foith. It rosemblea closely
Tatar njode^ which has boeu thus
deMvibcd: —
" K aroicitiam rcl foTdns cnm eui vol
alieni generis poptilis facioni, in con-
ffpeotnm Solid prodeunt, camqac ado>
rant. Tnm pocolnm rino pUnam in
acnun jacinnt, atqoo qmA()no eomm
ex boo pocnlo bibit. Tom ednctis
gtadiia ae ipeos in qoAdam corporis
parte vnlncrant, doneo 8anfi;nis pro-
flait. Tnm qnisqao conim altohiui
sangninem pQtat ; quo I'aoto fuedna
inter eoa ictnm est." (Abn Dolef
Hieoris hen Mohnlhal do itincre
Aaiatico comnieutarium, cd K. de
8chld7^r, Bemlin. IRla, p. 33.)
Modified forms of tho Bamo cere-
mony are oscribed to the Iiydinns ond
Hedes by Herodobns (i. 7i)j and to
tho Arniouiana aud Ibcriana by Taci-
tus (Ann. xii. 47). Tho Arab practice
(iii. b) is Bomowhat different. In
Southern Africa a cnatom very like
the Scythian prevaila : — *Mn the
Kasendif or contraot of friendahip,'*
says Dr. LtviiigBtone, "thn hiiuda of
tho parties are Joined; emnll incisiana
are made in the olufliwd bauds, on the
pits of tho Btomaoh of each, and on
tho rif^lit clicekB and foreheads. A
small qtmntity of blood is taken from
the^o points by means of a stalk of
gnus. The blo'jd from one person is
put into a pot of bee-r, and that of
tlio second into another; each then
drinks tho other's blood, aud they are
sup^wscd to become perpetual frienda
and rehitions." (Travela, cb. xxiv. p.
488.) Sir S. Baker himeclf, in the
territoriea of Bionga, an African chieft
"exchanged blood with him." The
ceremony consisted in drawing blood
from the arm of each, and each taking
a drop of tho other's blood on his
tongue. (Sco Timv newspaper of
Dec. y, 1873.)
58
BURIAL OF TH£ KINGa
Book IT.
\rbo dwell at the point where the Borysthenes is first navigaUe.
Here, when the king dies, they dig a grave, which is square in
shape, and of great size. When it is ready, they take the
king's corpse, and, having opened the belly, and cleaned out
the inside, fill the cavity with a preparation of chopped
cyperus, frankincense, parsley-seed, and anise-seed, after
which they sew up the opening, enclose the body in wax,
and, placing it on a wagon, carry it about through all the
different tribes. On this procession each tribe, when it receiTes
the corpse, imitates the example which is first set by the
Eoyal Scythians : every man chops off a piece of bis ear,
crops his hair close,^ makes a cut all round his arm, lacerates
his forehead and his nose, and thrusts an arrow through bifl
left hand. Then they who have the care of the corpse cany
it with them to another of the tribes which are under the
Scythian rule, followed by those whom they first visited. On
completing the circuit of all the tribes under their sway, they
find themselves in the country of the Gerrhi, who are the most
remote of all, and so they come to the tombs of the kiags.
There the body of the dead king is laid in the grave prepared
for it, stretched upon a mattress ; ^ spears are fixed in the
ground on either side of the corpse, and beams stretched
across above it to form a roof, which is covered with a thatch-
' The Scytliiana represented on the
vaeeSi ornaments, &c,t found at
Kertch, have all flowing locks, as if
their hair was nsually loft nncut.
(See the woodcnts, chs. 3 and 46.)
* Dr. M'Pherson found the skolo-
tona in the Scythio graves which ho
diacoTered near Kertch, frequently
" enveloped in sea-weed." (Disoo-
veries at Kertch, pp. 90, 96, &b.)
Thia was perhaps the material of
which Herodotoa's mattrasa {(nifids)
waa compoaed.
• In moat of tho Scythian tomba of
any pretenaion which have been open-
ed, the real roof of the sopalchral
chamber ia of stone, not of wood.
The atonea are arranged ao aa to form
what is called an Kgyptian arch, each
projecting a little beyond the la8t>
till the aperture becomes so small,
that a single stone can close it. (See
the " Section of a tomb " represented
on p. 60.) There is sometimes a
second or false roof of wood below
thia. The tomb, from which the sub-
joined plan and section are taken,
was opened at Kertch (the anoieot
Panticapmnm) about thirty yean
ago. It appeared to be that ol a
Scythian king, and answered in most
respects to the description given by
Herodotus. The tnmulna which con-
tained it was 165 feet in diameter,
formed partly of earth and partly of
rough atones. In the centre waa ft
Cbat. 71.
STRAKCLI^'Q THE COXCUBDfE.
59
ing of ozier txrigs.® In the open space ai'ound tlie body of the
king they buiy one of bis ooncubmes, first killing ber by
•opokthrftl chamber IS fcot hy l\, with
• Tcatil^ile (A) about 6 foot squ&ro.
Both were buiJt of hewn atones 8 feet
loi^ Hid 2 feet higb. Tho Teetibule
fpsectaptj, but the chamber coutaiued
m uvsahor of moat coriooa rclica. Tlio
flUcf plac« WBd oocapi&d by a largo
mnoi^agvm of jew wood, diridod into
two eonputmenia, in oue of which { B)
laj ft dkJtAeUm, of imiuiial nte, shown
bf ita ernAmento — csjicciallf a g^>ldon
cwjwn crin»(ra — to be tlmt ofa kiu^ —
whfle in the other (FE) were a goldca
■hSald, on iron sword, with a hilt ricbly
OTDfti&eated and plated with gold, a
whip, tho remains of a bow and bow-
ca*e. and fire raiall stataettes. Bjrtbo
nde of tho anroopha^iu, lo tho " c^on
of the tomb worSf first, tho
bones of a femalo (O), and among
them a diadem and other oruameuta in
gold and cloctmm, fihnwing that she
wa» the queen; secoudly, the bonos of
an attendant (I), and thirdly, in an
oxcaTation in one oomor, tbo bones of
a borflo (H). There wcro also fotmd
arranged aloDg the wall, a nambor of
arruw-heada (J),twu Hpcorheada (K),
a Tus in clcctrom (L), bonntiruMy
chased (soe tho next note and compare
wooilcui in noto • on oh. a), two silver
voaos (MM), containing driokinj^-cnps.
four amphone in earthenwaro (N),
which hod hold Thaainn wine, a largo
bronze vue (O), sereral drinking-onps,
and three large bronze cauldrons (D)
oontainicg mntton bones. There waa
suffioieut evidence to show that suits
Grwnd rUn ofTomb.
6o
STBAKGLINO OF OFHCERS.
BooiIT.
strangling, and also liis cupbearer, his cook, his groom, hifl
lacquey, his messenger, some of his horses, firstlings of all his
of clothes had been hang from the
walls, and even fra^^enta of xnosical
inBtramcnts were discovered, proving
that all the king's tastes had been
taken into account.
It mnst be confessed that the tomb
above described belonfrs to a later era
than onr author, probably to about B.C.
400-350 ; and tliab there are abundant
traces of Greek influence in the fnmi-
nitnro and ornaments of the place.
StiU the general ideas are purely
Scythic, and there can be little donht
that tlio tomb belongs to one of those
native kings who from B.C. 438 to B.c.
304 held the Greeks of Panticapasum
in subjection (Clinton, P. H. voL ii.
App. ch. 13). Greek ideas hadappa.
rently modified the old barbarism, so
far as to reduce the number of viotims
at a king's death from six to two, and
Greek skill liad improved the method
of constructing a tomb ; but othorwiso
the description of Herodotus accords
almost exactly with the modern dis-
covery. There is not indeed such an
abundance of gold as ho dosciibes, and
there are implements both in BlTer
and bronze ; but here we may either
consider that time had brooght abost
a change, or (more probably) that ocor
author indulged in his favDorite en;-
geration (see Introductory Bany, cL
iii. pp. 97, 98). The accompanjing
plan and section are taken fnm tbe
magnificent work of Dubois. (TqytfB
antonr du Caucaae, Ac, Atlas, 4f*
S^e, PL xvui.)
Many other tombs more or less i^
sembling this hare been found at dif-
ferent timea in variouB parts of Bun
andTartary. The omamfflitB are geae-
rally of silver and gold, the wespoDi
of bronze, and horses are osuaUy boried
with the chief. In the seoond vdime
of the ArchiBologia (Art. zzxiii.) ads*
Bcription is given of a bazrow opened
by the Russian authorities, which oca-
tainod the skeletons of a man, a
woman, and a horse, with weaptnu,
and many rich ornaments. The ho.
man remains were laid on sheets of
pore gold, and covered with simihr
sheets ; the entire weight of the four
m
S3^ ||.'^ '■■«
^U^I'ilrlU^lkll.lll-l
I'jJ/.'.'' I.;n,i',i'.'ii', kwili.u'n'il
^ ^'K << \ \ -V «W «V
A
■ ■; :-.
TT:inH7rirrTRr-
iStxHon ot 'iufflo.
GOLDEN VESSELS IK TOMBS
Koth
th^ possessions,^ and some golJen cups;^ for tbey use
iher silver nor brass. After this they set to ^ork, and
nuse a vast mound above the gi*ave, all of them \*}iug \nih
cseb other and sec-iking to make it as tall as possible.
bainic 40lbt. The
^ Uicm wt with xiibiea and
Tbo thirtieth rohime of the Archn«.
•iBSfti oontaina soother doscription of
Ik rfnDftr lomb (Art. xxi.)- ^Hiia vraa
Mar Astec&bsd, and was opened by
dm Boy IB lb41. It contained banmn
■ad horm^ bonci : beads of epeon,
axM, MtA niaoea, forks, nxls, &c., all
nf broatti a Ta«e and cup of palo yeU
Itnr atosa ; two mutilated femalo
ftfpn**: and a cumber of ntctiaiU iti
gold. Tbeae were a goblot weighiof?
99 OonOM; a lamp (70 os.); a pot
(11 oa.) t and two am&U trumpets. A
pgrtJwi of tbo contcuta woa eummoiUy
twparitd to hare been secreted by the
Tfaa axraratidM of Dr. M'Pbomin in
Iha oai^boiirfaood of Kertch in 1856
WWD ooxtons, bet produced no very
iSfttPiaat revolt*, aa far as 8cytUuwn
aafHtftSly ia ooDoonwd. Ho foand tbo
batU of the borao common, not only in
Scythlr, bat in macb later times. Tbo
irrval ahoft. which bo belierod to bo
the boriAl- place of a Scythian king,
■ad to which ho aaeiKnod the dato of
•Imal B.C. 600, api>par8 to mo to ccin-
lala ttaoea df Kfmon inflocDcc, and
tbaiafoie to bo later than tbo tluie of
PotDpay. (Seo his Antiqaitios of
Katob, Londoo, 1S37.)
A tooob doeely answerinf* to tbo do*
ccfiption ot Ben>dotna is said to bare
Tcry rooently near Alex-
ia in tha proriQco of EkatoH-
(M'Fbecaon, p. 8G), bat I have
baen wnble to obtain any accoont of
it.
*A vary ttnular costom still prevails
in ItaifoUa and in Africa. *' Poor
dirt tOQia la vintA sur lo compto des
Tartans," says M. Hac, ** noos deroni;
■faaUi; qua leoca mis neent parfuiis
rum ayattako da ■ftpaltnro qui oat lo
laiilih d6 reztraTagaooe ot do la bar-
bsie: oa tmnsporte lo royal ca<IaTTe
baa Ba vasia ediUce coastmit en
briqncs. et omo do nombrenses afcatnas
en picrre, reprewntaut des
dos lions, dea ^Jepbaiits, dei iigres, et
divers sojota do la myLhologio bonddh-
iqno. Areo riUtutto d^fnnt, on en.
torre dnns nn lai:^ cflTeao, ploc^ aa
centre da butimcnt, da ffrosata aomme*
d*or ct d'argont, des habits royanx,
des pierrea precieuacB, enfin tout c*
d^mt it powrra avoir hetoin dans una
antro vie, Cos cntctTemcnts mons.
tmeux content qu€lijii.e/tns la vie d vn
Iffand nombre d'esclav^. On proud
dc« onfants do Van ct do Tantre scxr,
rcmarqnables par lenr boauto, eb on
leor fait avnlor da mercuro jnsqa'^ co
qn*ils eotont GufTofiu^'s ; de oette ma-
nierc, ils con&ervcnt, dit-on, la fratciiear
ct Itt culoris do lear visage> an point do
poraltro encore vivauts. Cos mal-
hoaroasea rictimos soai plac^ dkhoutt
autour (iu caJavn d4 l^ur fnattrf, ooo-
tinoant on qnclqno sorte de le serrir
oomme pendant sa vio. Elles ticnucnt
dans leurs mains la pipe, I'^veutail, lo
pctito fiolo do taboo k prisor, et tons
lea aatres coliilchtits des jnajesttis Tur-
(ores.** (Voyago dans la Tortarie, np.
115-G.)
Sir S. Baker thns dtscribcs the
faiieral ritoa of certain African tribes,
at tho borial of their kings : — *' A
Inr^ pit ia dog in which somo of the
decimsod king's wives are pat, and
the oorpso ia liswered dowu till it rests
on thoic knees. Then thoro ia a raid
on some neighboaring villages, and
the people oaptnrod are broaght to
tbo brink of the pit, where their arms
niid Icpfl ftro broken, and in tLia muti-
lated condition they aro thrown do^vn
totlto corpse bcnoath. Then the earth
is piled Dpon them, tho pooplo stamp
it down apoa this mass uf writUiiig
hamonity, and the horrid rites ore
complete!" — (Sfwech of Sir S. Baker
before the Geographical Society, Dec.
8, 1673.)
' Tho Kertch tomb above dpsrribod
contained eight drinking cups ia sUyor,
I
J
62
mPALEMENT OF Y0T7THS AND HOBSE&
Book 17.
72. When a year is gone by, further ceremonies take place.
Pifty of the best of the late king's attendants are taken, all
native Scythians — for as bought slaves are nnknovm in tb
country, the Scythian kings choose any of their subjects that
they like, to wait on them — fifty of these are tskken and
strangled, with fifty of the most beantifol horses. When they
are dead, their bowels are taken out, and the cavity cleaned,
filled full of chaff, and straightway sewn up again. This
done, a number of posts are driven into the ground, in sets of
two pairs each, and on every pair haK the feUy of a wheel is
placed archwise; then strong stakes are run lengthways
through the bodies of the horses from tail to neck, and they
are mounted up upon the fellies, so that the felly in front
supports the shoulders of the horse, while that behind sustains
and one in electnun, or a mixtnre of
silver and gold (fig. 1). Thoy wero
principally ehaped like tbo clectrmn
vase, but Bome wore of a still more
elegant form, particularly one termi-
nating in the head of a ram (fig. 2).
The only implement of pnre gold in
the place was the shield, which was of
small size.
There was, hower^^f a second tomb
below that which has been deaoribed,
in which gold was mnoh xncnre plentifal
This tomb was plundered and ita cob*
tents never scientifically examined, hot
it ia said to have contained not Um
than 120 lbs. of gold! (See I>aboiB,nL
v. p. 218, and Seymour's Rnsaia on the
Black Sea, p. 289. On the general sob-
ject of the riohes found in 6<^lhia&
tombs, Bee Fallaa'a Traveb,Tol. Lp. 197.)
Flg.l.
Fig. a.
tho belly and quarters, the legs dangling in mid-air; each
horse is furnished with a Lit and bridle, which latter is
fitretohed out in front of tho horse, and fastened to a peg."
The fifty strangled youths are then mounted severally on the
fifty horses. To effect this, a second stake is passod through
their bodies along the course of the spine to the neck ; tho
lower end of which projects from the body, and is fixed into
a socket, made in the stake that runs Icngthwiso down the
horse. The fifty riders are thus ranged in a cii'cle round the
tomb, and so left.
73- Such, then, is the mode in which the kings are buried :
as for tho people, when any one dies, his nearest of kin lay
him apon a wagon and take him round to all his friends in
succession : each receives them in turn and entertains them
f'th a banquet, whereat tho dead man is served with a portion
all that is set before tho others ; this is done for forty days,
the end of which time the burial takes place. After the
burial, those engaged in it have to purify themselves, which
they do in the following way. First they well soap and wash
tar heads ; then, in order to cleanse their bodies, they act
follows ; they make a booth by fixing in the ground three
* The practice of imptiling horsoa
to have ceased in tbcso region?,
Ic waa fotmd, howorcr, among (he
TAUnio3ateB8tliel4ihccDtDry. See
the pttMa^e quoted by Hr. Blalte^ley
from Ilm Matnta, the Arabian traveller
{not. od loc.). In Patagronia n practice
rery like the Scythian prevails. There
* the fflTOui-ite liorse of tho dt^coascd ia
kOlcd at tho (.rnivc. When dead it is
ikinned and Hluffed, then supported by
■tielcB (or set op) on its Icgtt, with tho
he^ {imppod up aa if looking' at the
grare* Soinntiuif a more' borwa than
ono nro killud. At tho funornl uf a
acique fwor horses aro eacriticcd, and
ofui ia aet np at each comer of tho
bufial-plaoe." (Fitzroy'B Narrative of
the Btwjle, Tnl. ii. p. 155).
Tho Blaogbter and burial of the horse
wiib ita owner waa '* common to tho
Gemaiis (Tacit. Gcnn.27),theT3i;hada
of the Altai (Lcdebonr, Tleisa» i. 231),
tho Tartars of tho Crimea (Lindner, p.
92), the Cultio tribes in Ganl and Bri-
tain; tho Franks, aa evidenced in
Childeric'a (fravo ; tho Saxons, as proved
by constant excaTntiou ; and the Norso-
men, as wo rcad in all tho Norse Sagas,
and find in imuunomble None f^raves.
It was common also to the Stavonio
nations; to tho Haas in tho lOtb cen-
tury (see FVahn's edition of IbnFozIon's
travels, pp. l(H, 105) ; to the Lithn-
auioud, Letts, Wendfl, and tho Ugrian
population of the Finns." (Mr. Kemblo
in Dr. M'Fherson's Kortch, pp. 77, 78.)
A horse was killed and interred with.
tho owner so late as 1781. (Bee tho
account of tho funeral of Froderio
Casimir, Commander of Lorraine, in
the RheinischfT ^nfiQuanitfj 1 Ab&hoil,
1 Baiid, p. 206.)
64
SCYTHIAN VAPOUE-BATH.
Boos IT.
sticks inclined towards one another/ and stretchmg arotind
them woollen felts, which they arrange so as to fit as close aa
possible : inside the booth a dish is placed upon the ground,
into which they put a number of red-hot stones, and then add
some hemp-seed.
74. Hemp grows in Scythia : it is very like flax ; only that
it is a much coarser and taller plant : some grows wild abont
the country, some is produced by cultivation : " the Thradans
make garments of it which closely resemble linen ; so much so,
indeed, that if a person has never seen hemp he is sure to thint
they are linen, and if he has, unless he is very experienced
in such matters, he will not know of which material they are.
75. The Scythians, as I said, take some of this hemp-seed,
and, creeping under the felt coverings, throw it upon the wd-
hot stones; immediately it smokes, and gives out such a
vapour as no Grecian vapour-bath can exceed; the Scyths,
delighted, shout for joy, and this vapour serves them instead
of a water-bath ; * for they never by any chance wash their
bodies with water.' Their women make a mixture of cypress,
* Hero wo sec tent-making in its in-
fancy. Tho tents of the wandering
tribes of the steppes, whether Calmncks
and Khirgis in tho west, or Mongols in
tho oast, aro now of a mnch more ela-
borate constmction. These kibitkaSf aa
the Kossians call them, are circular ;
they aro at bottom cylindrical, with a
conical top, supported on a framework
of small spars resembling in their ar.
rangomont the rods of a parasol. (Hac,
tom. i. p. 62 : Do Hell, p. 245.) The
material is still felt. Further south, in
tho plain of Mogkan, towards the month
of tho combined Kur and Aros, Fallas
found the Kurds using a method almost
as simplo as that here mentioned by
Herodotus : — " They place " ho says,
"two long bonfc poles transrcrsely,
fasten them at tbo centre abovo» and
fix their ends in the ground ; they
then coror them with felt, or mats of
sedge." (Travels, vol. i. p. 173, note.)
Hay not this last bo the material in-
tended by ^schylus when he speaks
of the vAfitr&s vrtyas of the Scythians.
rathor than an ozier framework, ts
Nicbuhr supposes ? (Geogrs^l^ of
Scythia, E. T. p. 47.)
* Hemp is not now cultiTated iatben
regions. It forms, however, an item of
some importance among tbe expaiti of
Southern Bussia, being brought from
the north by water-carriage. It would
seem from tho text that in the time of
Herodotus the plant was grown in
Scythia proper. He upoaks like aa
eyewitness.
' Herodotus appears in this initaaoe
to havo confounded together two things
in reality quito distinct, vis., intoxica-
tion from the fumes of hemp-seed, and
indulgence in the vapour-bath. The
addiction of tho Hussions to the latter
is well known, the former continues to
bo a Siberian custom. (See Clarke's
Bussia, pp. 142-7 ; Niebuhr's Scythia,
p. 47. E. T.) Compare the acooont ia
Book i. ch, 202.
7 In Bussia they had still in Clarke's
time "only Tapour-batfas." (Travel^
p. 147.)
CnjLT. 73-76. ABHORRENCE OF FOREIGN CtTSTOMS.
65
e«dar, and frankincense wood, which they pound into a paste
upon a rough piece of stone, adding a little water to it. With
this Bubstance, which is of a thick consistency, they plaster
their faces all over, and indeed their whole bodies. A sweet
odoar is thereby imparted to them, and when they take off
the plaster on the day following, their skin is clean and
glossy.
76. The Scythians have an extreme hatred of all foreign
castoms, particularly of those in use among the Greeks, as
the instances of Anacharsis, and, more lately, of Scylas, have
fully shown. The former, after he had travelled over a great
portion of the world, and displayed wherever he went many
proofs of wisdom, as he sailed through the Hellespont on his
return to Scythia, touched at Cyzieus.** There he found the
inhabitants celebrating with much pomp and magnificence a
festival to the Mother of the Gods,^ and was himself induced
to make a vow to the goddess, whereby he engaged, if he got
back safe and sound to his home, that he would give her a
fefftival and a night-procession in all respects like those which
he had seen in Cyzicus. When, therefore, he arrived in
Scythia, he betook himself to the district called the Wood-
land,'" which hes opposite the Course of Achilles, and is
covered with trees of all manner of diiTerent kinds, and
there went through all the sacred rites with the tabour in
his hand, and the images tied to him." "WTiile thus employed,
he was noticed by one of the Sc^iihians, who went aud told
king Sauhus what ho had seen. Then king Saulius came in
person, and when he perceived what Anacharsis was about, he
* For tho eit6 of Cyzicus aee note on
Book Ti. ch. 33.
» C7MI6 «T Bhoa, whoeo worBhip
(oommonthroagfaoat Astu) passed from
the PhryK'*D* ^ ^^^ Ionian GrockB,
ttcd theuoe to their colouies, among
which wore Cyzioua and Olbia. (Vido
tnvx%, ob. 53.)
'• Vide TOpra, cha. 18. 19, and 54.
'* Tho nae 0/ tho taboor in thft wor-
ihip of Eboa is ootioed hj ApoUozuoa
Rhodioa : —
VOL. ni.
'^ ^ ^ (ATgODftlH. I. U39.)
Enripides ascribes the invention of tho
instramont to Bacohna and Hhoa
(Bacoh. 59.) Poljbins, DionyaiaB of
Halicarnassos, and Clomont of Alex-
andria, altade to the iaiaf(e«, which
seem to )mve been timaU figures hang
around tho neck. They wore called
wfio<rm8iiM. (See Polyb. xxii. 20 ;
Dion. Hal. ii. 19 j Olom. Al. Protrept.
Tol. i. p. 20.)
66
STOAT OF A]!7ACHABSia
Book IT.
shot at bim Tvitli an arrow and killed him.* To tliis day, if
J011 ask the Sc3'ths about Anacharsis, they pretend ignorance
of him, because of bis Grecian travels and adoption of the
customs of foreigners. I learnt, however, from Timnes, the
steward^ of Ariapithes, that Anacharsis was paternal nncieto
the Scjtbian king Idanthjrsus, being the son of Gnurus, vbo
was the son of Lycus and the grandson of Spargapithes. If
Anacharsis were really of this house, it must have been hj
his own brotber that he was slain, for Idanthyrsus was a son
of the Saulius who put Anacharsis to death.'
77. I have heard, however, another tale, very different from
this, which is told by the Feloponnesians : they say, thai
Anacharsis was sent by the king of the Scyths to make
acquaintance with Greece — that he went, and on his retnm
home reported, that the Greeks were all occupied in the
pursuit of every kind of knowledge, except the Lacedsemonians;
'DiopeneB Laorlins tnys that thoro
were two accounts of tho death of
Anacharsis — one thnt ho was killed
while cclcbratiiK; n f(>!<ttral, another
(which ho prefpi-fi) that ho was shot
by his brother wliik' cnu'fii^ed in hant-
inii^. no calls hiK brother, Cadaidas
(Vit. Anach. i. § 101-2).
^ Tho Greek wtirJ {trtrpowos) micht
mean " llej^ont." llii'. it is unlikely
that Herodwtus coiiM have conversed
with a man who had been repfent for
the father of Scyla?*, his own contem-
porary. A steward or man of business
employed by Ariapitlics need not havo
been mnch chU-r th.in Iferodotua him-
Belf. (See Nietmhr'rt Scythia, p. 38,
note'. K. T.) ilr. Blakesley's conjec-
ture that Timnes was a " functionary
representing tho interests of tho bar-
barian soTerei^n at tlm factory which
was tho centre of tho commercial
dealing betwt'cn the merchants and
the natives," i,e. at Olbia, is not im-
probable.
• Herodotu"! is the earliest writer
who mentions Anncharnis. There is
no safiflcient ri-a.-on to doubt the fact
of his travels, alt)i()iii;ii what llero-
Uotns hero relates uf his family history
is very difRcnlt to reconcilo with Uieir
supposed date. Accoi'ding to SoBicratM
(Fr. 15) ho was at Athens in B.C. SSi,
ahncst 80 years before the date of bis
nephew's contest with Darius. But
tho chronology of Sosicratcs ii too
pretentions to be depended on. Dio>
genes Laortiua (i. 101) tells as that
the mother of Anacharsis was a Gree^
which would account for his Greek
leanings — for his comparative xefioe-
ment and wish to travel. That thB
Scythian kin^ married Greeks wo
loam by tho case of Ariapithes (iafn,
ch. 78). Wo may doubt whether Anft-
charsifl deserved the compliment of
being reckoned among the Sorea
Sages (Ephor. Fr. 101; Nic. Dun.
Fr. 123. Comp. Hcrmipp. Fr. 17 and
Dica^arch. Fr. 28) ; bat we may pro-
perly regard him as an intelligot
half -caste, who made a very favouxsbl*
impression on tho Greeks of his daft
an impression tho more rcmarkableitf
tho Greeks were not usually rery
liberal in their estimate of forcignen*
Tlie anecdotes in Diogenes LaertiliS
(i. § 103*5) do not show mnch oaon
than tolerable shrewdness.
Ciup. 7S-78.
TALE OF SCYLAS.
67
who, however, alone know how to converse sensibly. A silly
iale this, which the Greeks have invented for their amuse-
ment ! There is no doubt that Anacharsis suffcrod death in the
modo already related, on account of his attachment to foreign
customs, and the intercourse which he held with the Greeks.
78. Scylas, likewise, the son of Ariapithes, many years
later, met with almost the very same fate. Ariapithes, t];e
Scythian king, had several sons, among them tliis Scylas,
wbo was the child, not of a native Scyth, bub of a woman of
Istiia.^ Bred up by her, Scylas gained an acquaintance
with the Greek language and letters. Some time rfterwards,
Ariapithes was treacherously slain by Spargapithcs, king of
tho Agathyrsi; whereupon Scylas succeeded to the throne,
and married one of his father's wivea,^ a woman named Opcea.
This Opcea was a Scythian by birth, and had brought Aria-
pithes a son called Oricus. Now when Scylas found himself
king of Scythia, as he disliked the Scythic mode of life, and
waa attached, by his bringing up, to the manners of the
Greeks, he made it his usual practice, whenever he came with
his army to tho town of the Borysthenites,® who, according to
their own account, are colonists of the Milesians, — he made
ii his practice, I say, to leave the army before the city, and,
having entered within the walls by himself, and carefully
eloted the gatcs,^ to exchange his Scythian dress for Grecian
Ist^r, or Istropolis, st the
of thj» DnontK* or Istfr, wns a
oak^y d Urn Hilesisns, foanded about
tte litne of ths Citnmehan ui\~a^iua of
Auft Ulnar. (PeripL Pont. Eox. p.
1(7.) Ita nson mnaini in the morlcini
%T\iter% (nde sapra, note * on Book ii.
23), bat iu ait« was probably nearer
* Ooittpmte Adonij&h'a request to be
llimi CUM of loB father's (Darid's)
wiTM (1 KiogB ii. 17.25). Sacb
OMTiac*** ^wr» forbidden bj tho Jew-
uii bMT {Ittr, xviii. 8, &c.), but they
«fgtv BO dmbt* cotximon among other
*OtbiA {vlderapa, ch. 63, note.)
^ It appcfurs from this poange that
tho native princes of Western Scythia
ctorcined nearly tho same anthority in
Olbia that their brethren in tho East
enjoy od OTcr PanticapflBom and Thco-
doflia. Tho Scythian dynasty of tho
LenconidjB, which bore Bway in the
country on oither side of tho atraits of
Yt-tni-kklch, from aboat B.C. 438 to B.C.
304, had a qualified doinimon io the
Greek town of which they did not
claim to bo kingn,huton1y rnlcrs. (See
the foruinla common in tho inscrip-
tionii of Kcrtch, &pxorTos. - . . BotnnJpofc
Kol MciTw*-, «. T. A. DaboJs,4^Serie, PL
26; Kohlcr'a Bcxnarqnos, p. li»i Ac,)
68
SCTLAS INITUTED IN THE BACCHIC BITEa Book IT.
garments, and in this attire to -waXk about the fonun, vithoot
guards or retinue. The Borysthenites kept watch at the gates^
that no Scythian might see the king thus apparelled. Bcylas,
meanwhile, lived exactly as the Greeks, and even offered
sacrifices to the gods according to the Grecian rites. In this
way he would pass a month, or more, with the Borysthenites,
after which he wodd clothe himself again in his Scytliiaa
dress,^ and so take his departure. This he did repeatedly,
and even built himself a house in Borysthenes,* and married
a wife there who was a native of the place.
79. But when the time came that was ordained to bring
The positioa of Soylas in Olbia was
perhaps not qnite on a par with this ;
still his coming vnth cm army^ station^
inf? it in the Bnborb, entering the town,
and comrnanding the gate to he closed^
are indicative of his baring the real
rights of soyereignty. The coins of
Olbia however did not, like those of
!E^ticapGBam, bear the head of a
Scythian king ; nor did the public
acts run in the name of a prince, bat
in those of a number of archons, who
seem to have been oBually Greeks (see
Kdhler, p. 12).
* Herodotus never distinctly men-
tions what the costnmc of the European
Scyths was. It appears, by the repre-
eentationa of it upon the remains
found at Kertch and elsewhere, xu)t to
haro differed greatly from that of their
Asiatic brethren (inf^ tu. 64). Tba
ordinary head-dress was ft o^;», or faco^
coming to a point at the \ap, and pco-
jecting somewhat in the ftm^»«» of tiift
Phrygian bonnet (compara the wood-
cut in notes ^ and * on cha. 8 and 71) \
the material being, ojiparaUUy, In.
On the body was worn a looas ooif^
trimmed with fur, and gathered ia it
the waist with a belt. Loose trooMB
protected the legs, and the feet wan
encased in short boots of a soft leatimv
which generally covered the bottcmof
the trouser. In the case, at aaj als,
of the richer classes, all the ganMOli
were thickly ornamented with speni^
and coins, sewn on to them in zmn,
throughout. The most oommon oalour,
at least near Olbia, seems to here besa
black (Dio Chxysost. Or. xzxvL p. Itt).
' The town bore the two names of
Borysthenes and Olbia (vide Baprai<^
18, note^) ; the former, which Herodo*
tus evidently prefers, beixtg the a|ipel<
lation best known among the Qreeki
generally, while the latter was affscted
by the izihabitants. Tlie two namet
aro used, not only by Herodotns, boi
by PUny (H. N. iv. 12), Ptolemy (iii.
5), the anonymous author of Uie Psri-
plus P. Suxini (p. 151). BoymnDi
Chins (Fr. 11. 69-60), and Stephsn (ad
voo. Bopv(rd/y7)t). Strabo (vii p. 470)
and Arrian (PeripL P. Enz. p. Ul)
give only the name Olbia. Dki Chzy-
sostom (Or. xzxi.) and ICartiairai
Capella (vi. p. 214) confine themselres
to the term Borysthenes.
CaAF. 7&-60L
BEVOLT OF 0CTA31ASADAS.
69
>iiTn voe, the occasion of his min T^as the foUowizig. He
wanted to be initiated in the Bacchic mysteries,* and was on
the point of obtaining admission to the rites, when a most
tta&ge prodigy occorred to him. The house which he pos-
nsBed, as I mentioned a short time back, in the city of the
Borysthenites, a building of gi*eat extent and erected at a vast
eost, round which there stood a number of sphinxes and
griffins^ carved in white marble, was struck by lightning from
on high, and burnt to the ground, Scylas, nevertheless, went
on and received the initiation. Now the Scythians are wont
to reproach the Greeks with their Bacchanal rage, and to say
tfaflt it is not reasonable to imagine there is a god who impels
men to madness. No sooner, therefore, was Scylas initiated
in the Bacchic mysteries than one of the Borysthenites went
and carried the news to the Scythians — "You Scyths laugh at
0&," he said, '* because we rave when the god seizes us. But
now our god has seized upon 3'our king, who raves like us, and
IB maddened by the influence. If yoii think I do not tell you
Ime, come with me, and I will show him to you." The chiefs
of the Scythians went with the man accordingly, and the
BotyBthenite, conducting them into the city, placed them
secretly on one of the towers. Presently Scylas passed by
with the band of revellers, raving like the rest, and was seen
by the watchers. Regarding the matter as a very great mis-
fbrtnne, they instantly departed, and came and told the army
what they had witnessed.
80- "When, therefore, Scylas, after leaving Borj^sthenes, was
ftbont returning home, the Scythians broke out into revolt.
They put at their head Octamasadas, grandson (on the
mother's side) of Teres, Then Scylas, when he learned the
danger with which he was threatened, and the reason of
the disturbance, made his escape to Thrace. Octamasadas,
* Hm WHeman colootKta e«cm to
teve flvned the wonhip of the Phry-
fton Jtocehiw (Sabainnt) to Olbia.
OUri» -wu itMlf called Xaffiot or
(^BripL F. £ax. p. 161).
' Otiftna w oomman in tbo omo.
racmtation of objects disoovered in
Scyttian tombB (Dabots, 4^ S^rie,
PU. } 1, 20, 22, and 24), nnd sometamos
adorn tho tombs thema^lres (PK 25).
SphinTcs hare not, so. far as I am
aware, been fonnd.
L
^
70
DJBCAPITATIOK OF SCTLAS.
Book IT.
discovering whither he had fled, inarched after him, and had
reached the Ister, when he was met hy the forces of the
Thracians. The two armies were about to engage, bat belDxe
they joined battle, Sitalces^ sent a message to Octamasadas
to this effect — "Why should there be trial of arms betwixt
thee and me ? Thou art my own sister's son, and thou hast
in thy keeping my brother. Surrender him into my handa,
and I will give thy Scylas back to thee. So neither then nor
I will risk our armies." Sitalces sent this message to Oc-
tamasadas, by a herald, and Octamasadas, with whom a
brother of Sitalces^ had formerly taken refuge, accepted the
terms. He sun-endered his own uncle to Sitalces, and ob-
tained in exchange his brother Scylas.'' Sitalces took his
brother with him and withdrew ; but Octamasadas beheaded
Scylas upon the spot. Thus rigidly do the Scythians main-
tain their own customs, and thus severely do they punish
such as adopt foreign usages.
81. What the population of Scythia is, I was not able to
' Vide infra, vii. 137. Sitalces was
contemporary with Herodotus. Ho
died B.C.424 (Thucyd.iv. 101). Teres,
Lis father, founded the g^reat kingdom
of the OdryBce in the generation after
the Scythian expedition of Darina
(ibid. ii. 29). The following table will
show the relntionship of the several
members of this royal honse, and the
alliances contracted by them with
noighbooring monarchs : —
Teres (founder of tbo
I kingdom).
Sitalces Sparadocus. daughter
m. e>t«r of | m.
of Abdera. | king of Scytbla.
I Seuthes I
Sadociu. m. Octamasadas.
Rtrotonicc.
danglJtcT of I'crdiccas,
king of Maccdoo.
From Sitalces being mentioned here
without any explanation of who he was,
it has been argued that this passage
was written after the first year of tlio
Peloponnesian War (Dahlmann's Life
of Herod, p. 29, £. T. ; Bhikesley ad
loc, &c.). But this is ftt least doobt.
fnl. (See Introdnctory Essay, oh. L
p. 34, note*.)
* Perhaps Sparadocus, the fbtber of
Senthes.
^ Tlie following genealogical tabls
of the Scythian kings may be drawn.
out from these chapters : —
BX.
ab. 660
ab. 620
Ab.690
ab. 660
ab. &20
ah. 490
SpaFgaptthcs
Lycos
Ononis
I
Saollas
IdanthyreoB
Aritipltbes
ab.460 Scylas OcUmasadai Orient.
It is complete except in one point. We
ai'e not expressly told that Ariapithes
was the son of Idanthyrsos. Chroxio-
logical considerations, howerer, mak^
it tolerably certain that he waa at aaj
rate Idanthyrsus's sucoesaor.
Coat. 60, SI.
TOrULATION OF SCYTHU.
71
leam with ceriaintj; tko accouuts which I received varied
fcou one another. I heard £rom eome that they were very
inunerous indeed ; others made their numbers but scanty for
6Uch a nation as the Scyths.** Thus much, however, I wit-
nessed with my own eyes. There is a tract called Exampaius
bctwe<^u the BorjBlhenes and the Hypanis. I made some
mention of it in a former place, where I spoke of the bitter
stream which rising there flows into the Hypanis, and renders
tba water of that river undrinkableJ Here then stands a
brasen bowl, six times as big as that at the entrance of the
Snxiney which Pausanias, the son of Cleombrotus, set np.^
Snch as have never seen that vessel may understand me
Letter if I say that the Scythian bowl holds with ease six
bnndx«d amphor»,* and is of the thickness of sis fingers'
Imadth. The natives gavo mo the following account of the
manner in which it was made. One of their kings, by name
Ariantas, wishing to know the number of his subjects, ordered
them ail to bring him, on pain of death, the point oS one of
|r arrows. They obeyed ; and he collected thereby a vast
ton eniertameil by ibo
power ami nambrr of
may bo clearly seen in
(ii. 97). The gr^l king-
doB of Iho OdrysoD estal}liAhcd by
IWw Aad Kit SCO SiUlces was nut to
», H** *iiTB, in respect of military
Iff* 'fTo/wWirr* (erparov
«M#> Scyths. Nay, ho
fnUkttf ucif ta ii ad hia opinion, that
M> •itiji^'te nation, nther in Eurvpe or
Aai^ ouuU) match tbo Scythians, if
tlwy wcra but united among ttiem*
' Vide nrpra, cb. G2.
*Atli«nea» (follrwing Kjmpbifl of
' ii PnoBanias set
tbia boi^ I io tbat be was
iag hj^-^. u. He g'lTM the
foUoniag aa Lbo inscription upon
_-. , 1, VIOC
}ph, Tti. 9 (p. 636).
*" Tbu Gix'ek arnfJtora (i^^wpf ^^) con-
tained nearly nine of our gaUona ;
tvbenco it appears that ibis bowl ironld
bavo held about 5403 ^Unn.ii, or abore
85 hofrabcoda. (Tfao " Great Tan " at
Heidelberg bolda above SOO bogahends.)
Only one other bowl of this enormooa
Bize is on record, vi«. the silver crater
prosontod to Delphi by Croesus (saproy
i. 61).
It seems to mo asimpoesible to snp-
pnso this bowl to have been the work
of the Cimmcriona as of the Scytbiana.
1 cannot, thrrelorc, with Bitter (Vor*
holle. p. 310). ascribe it to tba raco
wbieh the Sc^-ths drove ont. It moBt
bare been of Greek workmanship, cast
pnjbnbly at Olbia, or Tyras. It waa
used no donbt in the saoicd ceremonies
wbich procured for the plaoe where it
stood the name of "Tbo Saorvd Ways"
(yuprn, ch. 52). The story told to
lieitxlotaa of its origin ia ontiUed to
rary little credit.
73
FOOTUABK OF H£BCUL£S.
BooKtr.
heap of arrow-headsy^ which he resolved to fona ink a
memorial that might go down to posterity. Accordingljhe
made of them this howl,^ and dedicated it at Exampcnu.
This was all that I could learn concerning the number of the
Scythians,
82. The coimtry has no marvels except its riverB» which aie
larger and more numerous than those of any other land.
These, and the vastness of the great plain,' are worthy of note^
and one thing besides, which I am about to mention. Thej
show a footmark of Hercules/ impressed on a rock, in shape
' It has been already renmrked that
the bow was, /car* i^oxh^t ^^^ national
weapon (supra, ch. 3, note^. Hero it
is supposed that ererx l3(7tibiiniRiBld
hare arrows. ScTtbiananow-lMAdiK*
abnndant in the tomfae, and are reaauit-
able for the skilf nl maimer in wUA
they are barbed. They ara ttiangalv
and nsnallj made of bronae.
' Very elegant bronze bowls (see tb
woodcnt below) have been found in the
Scythian tombs — ondonbtedly of Gnek
workmanship — ^bat ncna at all <tf the
size of this.
' Conoeming the great plain of
Southern Russia^ vide supra, ch. 0,
note'.
* This does not prore that the S^-
thians recognized Heroules as a god,
for the peraons who showed the foot-
prints may hare been Gxeekii Tim
Ciup. 81-8S.
INVASION OF DABIUSL
73
li]c6 ihe print of a man*s foot, but two cubits in length.^ It is
in the neighbourhood of the Tyras, Having described this, I
rttum to the subject on which 1 originally proposed to dis-
course.
83. The preparations of Darius against the Scythians had
begnn, messengers had been despatched on all sides with the
king's commands, some being required to fui'nish troops, others
to supply ships, others again to bridge the Thracian Bos-
pborus, when Artabanus, son of Hystaspes and brother of
Dfttins, entreated the king to desist from his expedition,
urging on him the great difiiculty of attacking Scythia.^ Good,
hoireTer» as the advice of Artabanus was, it failed to persuade
arina. He therefore ceased his reasonings ; and Darius,
ben his preparations were complete, led his army forth from
OBa.
84. It was then that a certain Persian, by name QilobazuB,
the father of three sons, all of whom were to accompany the
army, came and prayed the king tliat he would allow one of
hiB sons to remain with him. Darius made answer as if he
xe^uded him in the light of a friend who had urged a mode-
tmte request, "that he would allow them all to remain."
(Eobftzus was orerjoyed, expecting that all his children would
be excused from serving ; the king however bade his attendants
take the three sons of Gilobazus and forthwith put them to
death. Thus they were all left behind, bat not till they bad
been deprived of life.'
85. TVhen Darius, on his march from Susa, reached the
territory of Chalcedon ® on the shores of the Bosphorus, where
Grcafr tnditioiiB of those parts
broBglit HeronlM into Scythia (supm,
cau.8-10).
*0f. H. 91. These Biippo«e4l foot-
prnti of ^iftDta nre pointed ont in all
nmaLzaes. They form no sufflciGUC
giPBBJ for pnanming with Ritter(Vur.
kallfl^ pi>. 38S-34S) that Bnddhismwos
ifc* i^giOD of the Cimmei-ian?. lu-
dnd, M Buddha (Sak^) waa not born
■tiB «yC. QS3, and the taot remnant of
tbo Cimmeriana was driven ont by the
Soylha before b.c. 637 (supra, vol. i,
p. 359), it ia siznply impossible that
the Cimmcriana of these ports should
hare boen Bnddhists.
' The cantious temper of ArtabouoB
a^in appears, vii. 10.
7 CoDiparo tho similar story told of
Xerxes, iufi-a, vii. 39.
° Chulccdun was aitnaicd on tho Asi.
atio sidcj at the polot whvi'e the Bos-
74
BABIUS STTBVETS THE EUXIXE.
Book 17.
tho brulf^o had been made, he took ship and sailed thence to
thti C'yanoiin Islands,** which, according to the Greeks, once
iloated. Ho took his scat also in the temple^ and Burveyed
tho routiis, which is indeed well worthy of consideration.
Thoro is not in the world any other sea so wonderful: it ex-
ti'iulH in lri)>^th eleven thousand one hundred furlongs, and its
brcadilif at tho widest part, is three thousand three hundred.'
,M,li«;
iv<
pliiiriirt (CAnnlnf CoTistniitinoplo) opens
iiiti> Hi« I'l'opDitttH, Dr Sri\ uf ^taniiura
(H»*y*' lVhpl.p.K:»; Stmb.xii.p. 8W).
•|'|n« hhhIitii villii^iutf Kii'U AVni.afow
iitili'ri miullidf iS'i-iif(in\ imu'kslUopluco
/yid** infru, v\\. lU, itottO.
f Ollii'i'wiHi* rultriltlto SyinplPRfKlcs.
y^i>ct>t'<liii(.>; tn StnUtti (vii. p. 19-) they
IV, •11* inn iu imiitUiMMiml Iny, nn(? ou
^\^^^ Kiiriipi'iui, tho ittltor on tUn Asintic
,1,1 tilT lhi« iiuiitlli *ir th'* stmit. And
rimliir, till* nii-lii'Ht wiilor who
•1 IhritiiMiVH, Si^tffiin tiTUV. (Pvlh,
'M\-) ('(iinpufn the Kva»ia% uipc(r(^(
j)iMi of At'otlimiii.t KhothuH (ii. 318).
ii«l„.y wfir, Sivuliit trlU us, *J0 vtudia
iipiiit li'"!" >'>i»* iinothiT, Mmlorns ro-
iiiiviU IvMti'i.i'l 4 i>tT tlio I wo cwvsU iu
tltiii pi'i'i""' trinvko. p.TiTO.
M'hf li'T'-iiil of th.' Sympli"/n«loa will
j,„ r,.uiiii ill riiniiif (i- *"- •*•)• -Mk.iio-
„i„.i Hhniliiii 0- '-*'>. ""il Ai»olh>aoru3
(ll.l.liolh.M-. I. ix. li'J). Wi» m'oil not
, ,.,.|i !•> tliM'iivw II luulU'r-ut-lact cxpla-
until*" of it.
I 'I'lto liMiiphi lit- tho month of tno
,.|.t-iiiL iiii'iil ioninl bi-hiw, vU. S7. See
iiiil'*. <
J 'I'licxn TppfiviiriMiHiilH fti-o pxlrcmoiy
i,„.<.rr"<t. 'I'll** iHiitanro from t)»0
,„...ith oi thi- UoH|.ht.ni'( In tho IMmsw,
whit-h lhT'.ih.hiM n-k'unlrt ns tho ox-
hciiKi I'lit'tli «'<■ »»"' i*..nHH, instwul of
»„.m,^ ||.inO».».h.:. (lW>l)milr.).i8
hv thn iiiimt (liifct coiiiw, oboul i>..UU
„UuI.-n, nr littlo ii».n) than 630 nuh-s.
Kvrii folhiwinj? tho Hiiiuosittert of tho
,.« J I .h-« not pxr«c.d TlXXUtaaos.
TU ""»-• Airain the <h.tanco
'n..s frn.n Ih^: Thi-rnu-lon O'^'-^'^f;)
n.. lliiM- .=u..i.nt \yo meant), insieaa of
h.nn« 33110 BiiMirH (3b«) miloB).xd about
*'340 ■lades, or iiiO milea.
It lias been snpponed by Lurcher ud
othors, that Ucrodotns hiere uies a dif-
ferent Btado from that which he oasp
nionly employs, bat this is m mere gn-
iuituus aBannipt ion to escapeft difficulty.
Duhlmann (Life of Herod. p.71,E.T.)
has well exposed the absnidityof soch
a theory.
llcrodotns is manifestly in error. Ths
question is, how was he misled f laths
Arst place by oTer-estimating the i^
of speed of sailing Tcsselfl. He hid
prolxibly been himself from tho BoB-
phorus to the PhasisinasailingTesHl,
and knew that he had made an arcrags
Toynge, and that tho time was, as lis
pves it, 9 days and 8 nights. In tius
v(\vaf;o of his he had foUowod tbs
coast-line, landing occaaionaUy, •■ it
api>cars (ii. 101). lie waa told thst
tho Tcs.?cl made 1300 stades a dsy,
when its real rate was little more ^u
800 Htado3. Further, at Themiscyza
on tho Thermodon, he probably hMid
that voiisels sailed thence to Sindiea
in 2i days, and applying in this cut
the sanic rate of sailing, ho sappoied
the dibtance to bo 3300 stadea Bat
either an occasional high speed vas
f^ivcn to him as an aTerage rate, ortha
vessels which adventured into thei^pen
Bca were better sailers than the <v-
dinary coasters ; so that hero he did
not make an c:-timate so grratly «•
ceeding the tnith. The ships whidi
crossed from Themiscyra to Sindiea in
S^ dnys mast hare attained a speed
but litllo phort of the 1000 stadia p«r
dtt'.t, which seems to have been tto
estimate made by Ptolemy, and again
bv Stralx), of tho iwwers of sailing
T'esBul!* in their time. (See the note
of Larcbev, quoting CasaabODi, ¥oL iii.
p. 433, note 16-1.)
CHIP. 85. MEASURESfENTS OF THE EUXINE, ETC.
Tlio month ib but four forlongs wide ;' and this strait, called
tho BoHpLorus, and bctosb which the bridge of Darius bad
been thrown, is a hundred and twenty furlongs in length/
reaching from the Euxine to the Propontis. Tho Propontis is
five hundred furlongs across/ and fourteen hundred long.*
Its waters flow into the Hellespont, the length of which is
four hundred furlongs, and the width no more than seven.'
Tho Hellespont opens into tho wide sea called the Egean.
' Modmrtji f^ncrnlly cetlniato tho
width of tbft canal of Constaotino]>le at
thrcc-qafutors of a mile, which would
bo nkthpr ninre than sis stadia. Aa
Stnbo, Plioy, EustDthiiu. and other
WTit«rB agree with Hurodutus, it is
ooDJectnred that the opening has
gradoally widened (Kroso, Ucbcr
Herodots Ansmeuang des Pontai,
Brcalan. 1918, p. 41). Tho strong
!nt would evoDtaally tend to pro-
thi« pft'ect. It mnst be noted,
r, that CoL Chcsuej cb1I» tho
cmir 600 yard«, or lota than 3
(Euphnt. Expcd. toL i. p.
sas).
* This i« under tho true lenfirth,
which is about 16 miles, or 140 stades.
It WAS howcTur tho nsuul octiiuato in
Mct&t times (Polyb. iv. 39 ; Arrian'a
ipl. Old Aal. and must have been
r ' : ;^te of vcflseU sailing
i
ict . -p poarstohaTomeasnrod
the width (>f tbf l*toponti« by a lino
rniinizig nearly north and sonth. from
the £an.>pcan »bore near IVrtnthus to
the Asiatic about Placia. Tho distanco
is there nearly OO miles, or aboat 440
akad«a. Strabo, on the other liond,
Beisored bj a line mnning nearly
•Mi and wevt £rvm Bisauthe to the
Ifmemiofft reeesa of tho Golf of Gins,
aDd BO mude the brvadib abont oqool
the leji'^'t. (ii. p. 187).
* B,'^ ! It of tho Propontis wo
nratt I iHn* (n» in Stnibo, ii.
p. IhtSy III" tjinu»oc« from the" lower
Booth of tha Bosphorae to the nppcr
end of thn Uellespont. Tina, if wo re.
gmid the vlnut as commencing at Gal-
is, in a direct line, rather mora
than 115 miles, or aboat 1000 stados.
Along the western coiut the distanoo
would amount to 1S5 miles, or 1170
stAdes. Strabu estimates it at 1500
Btados (1. s. c.).
^ The lericth of tho Dardanelles,
from GalUpoli to the open sea, is, as
nearly as poasiblo, 40 miles (about
945 stodes). Its breadth ab tho nar-
rowest part is probably aboot ono
milo (8j stades). Modems differ con-
siderably i n their esti mntos (b<.*o Groto's
Hist, of Greece, vol. t. p. 26, note).
8trabu (ii. p. 104) and Pliny (Hist
Katv IT. i'i) agree with Ecrodottu.
Tho table on the next page giroa
at a glance the sercral mea«nromeata
of Horoduins, 8trabo, and Fliny, to-
gether with the (probable) actual dis-
tances. It will be seen that onr
anthor's errors do not very greatly
exceed those of tho best geographers
of fivo centurii'fl later.
Again, it wUI be eeen, that (except-
ing OS regards the width of tho straits,
which is very oncortain, and which
may not improbably be somewhat
groiiter now than in his day) tho
measnrementa of Hcrodotns, all but
one, exceed the reality. This ariae*
from hii over estimate of tho rate of
sailing vessels. Secondly, it will bo
observed that his erron are far greater
in the Eoxine than elsewhere. This
is consoqacnt upon tho leas acquaint.
anoo whioh tho Greeks had with that
sea. Thirdly, it u wortliy of remark,
that except in respect of tito length of
the Euxine, his orrOTS ore nut very
considurable, Tarying from one-eighth
to two-fifths npon the actual d^tanoe.
Tho less vridth of the straits is not to
( 76 )
^ . -s
^J??
09 N
Q CD
3 5
■a .M
(3 kO
i -B rB
to i> to
04 rH fH
1§
■a 2 SI 2
Is S '^
§ 1? «
Eft « <P " —
1 ™ 59 *^
S -as
DO o
■* S c .5: t*
^ g S)
IH iH +>
s8 8 S "• 8
"i
..II'
I
III i"
O (M O CM
^ I « I
II
s 6 g 1^ I
*** .5 B A <A o
«*a5ia3
OSAP. 86.
MEASUREMENTS OF THE EUXIXE, ETC.
n
%^, Tlic mode in whicL these distances baye been measured
is the following. In a long day a vessel generally accom-
plishes about seventy thousand fathoms, in the night sixty
thousand. Now from the mouth of the Pontus to the river
Ph&sis, Tvliich is the extreme length of this sea,^ is a
TOjBge of nine days and eight nights, which makes the
distance one million one hundred and ten thousand fathoms,
or eleven thousand one hundred furlongs. Again, from
Sindica,* to Themiscyra^ on the river Thermodon, where
the Fontus is wider than at any other place,' is a sail
of three days and two nights; which makes three hundred
and thirty thousand fathoms, or three thousand three
hundred furlongs. Such is the plan on which I have mea-
sured the Pontus, the Bosphorus, and the Hellespont, and
such is the account which I have to give of them. The
Pontus has also a lake belonging to it, not very much inferior
to itself in size.^ The waters of this lake run into the
be regarded &• ftltogcfcber an error, bnt
aa arxABff m part from the wear of tho
Oaw1=f at the narnrwcvt point.
* Thf> real girateat arts, or extreme
length, of the Enxlne, isflrom the GuU
of BttryAiu (long. tT 20', lat. \r 30^
to tha Phaaia . Th» is abont TOO miles,
or above 6000 stadia.
* The Stndica of Herodotos ia the
ipgion at the month of the Palm Mo^
Otis, on the eaatern side of the Cimitie.
rian Bospfaonu, the modem " Inland of
Tamaa " (ride rapra, ch. 28). All the
anoiaat geogmphm agree iu placing a
people of the namo of Sindi in thia re-
gnn ^cjlox, Feripl. p. 75 ; Slrabo, xi.
p- 723; Anon. Peripl. Pont. Em. p.
134; Arrian, Peripl. Pont. Eoz. p.
131) ; and to their eridooco may be
added thAt of the inscriptiona of the
Lenccoida (vide sapru, ch. 7S, note ^).
' ThexDiscyra ifl mentioned by Scylax
(Feripl. p. 60) as a Qrt<k city at tho
nwotb of the Tbermodon. According
to .Aachyloa (Prom. V. 74i) it woa
fbuadad by the AmaxoDs. Hcrodotua
had been in theae parU (u. 104).
' Thia it » mistake. Tlie Block Sea
b wideat between the moatba of tho
HeUqul^ and that of the ^Wtatiah or
Sangarind (l^og- 31^). It ia there
about 400 milecf acrwa (3460 stades).
' It ia commonly aoppoaed that
Hcrodoloa fell hero into a rory groaa
mistake, since the Sea of Aaof la not
now much moro th&n one-twelfth of
the sixQ of the Eoxine ; bat it ia pos-
Bibie that tho Paloa Mseotis may luiro
been Tcry greatly larger in tho time
of Herodotus than it ia at present.
Pallas and other writera have qwca.
lated on tho former exiateDCo of a con.
nexion betwecu the Caapian and the
Etizinc. (Pallaa'a Trarola, toI. i. p.
78, E. T. i Rennoll'a Western Asia,
vol. ii. p. 39>l.) These upccnlationa
are groouded chiefly on the appcaranoe
of tbo conntry eautward of the Sea of
Azof, which ia low and flat, only very
alightly elevated abore the level of
that eea, aod strongly impregDated
with salt. Now withoDt advancing
any aacU violent hypolheiis aa that of
tiicae writera, we may well believa
that the sea did once cover tho great
plsina to the east aa far as the 42nd
or 43rd degree of longitade, and that
the depoeita brought down by the
i
7^
BIUNGUAL IKSCBIFnOK OF DAHIUa
Bool 17.
Fontus : it is called the Mseotis, and also the Mother of the
Pontus.*
87. Darius, after he hod finished his survey, sailed back to
the bridge, which had been constructed for him by Mandrodes,
a Samian. He likewise surveyed the Bosphorus, and erected
upon its shores two pillars of white marble, whereupon he in-
scribed the names of all the nations which formed his army'
on the one piUar in Greek, on the other in Assyrian charae-
ters.^ Now his army was drawn &om all the nations under
his sway ; and the whole amount, without reckoning the naval
forces, was seven hundred thousand men, including cavalzy.
The fleet consisted of six hundred ships. Some time after-
wards the Byzantines removed these pillars to their own dfy,
and used them for an altar which they erected to Orthofiian
Diana.^ One block remained behind : it lay near the temple
rivers — together -with nn actual elova*
tion of a considomblo tract of country
— haro formed new land out of what
was formerly the btnl of tlio sea. Tho
filling up of the Sea of Azof still con<
tinucs, and it has lonp; been in Bommer
not more than l-i feet deep at its
greatest depth. (Ileber'B MS. Journal,
quoted in Clarke, p. Z'l'd.) The Palus
Mocotis may thus at the time of Hero*
dotuB have had an area fonr or five
times as groat as it has at prefient, so
as to have better ndiuitted of com-
porison with tlio Euxine than it now
does. (Cooiparo the very sensible re-
marks of Pulybiu-s iv. 10, and noto
that Scylax makes tho Talus Mocotis
7iaI/tho size of iht? Kuxine, p. 72.)
** It may bo cpu's-tiouod whether the
Mawtis derivi d its naino from this
idea, or whether it was not rather so
called from the 5ian:n (Marrai), who
were certainly a pecidc in lhe?e porta,
and are fix>(|Ufnilr niunlionf>d in the
inscriptions. They may bo reasonably
connected with tho Suur»-Mat]».
^ It was natural that the rersianflf
who set up triliii;;unl inscriptions in
tho central pi'ovinct'B for the t)onefit of
their A ri an, St.Mnitir, and Tatar [lopn-
lations, BhtiuUl leavi' bilinfrnal records
in othco: placed. Thus iu K^^ypt they
would have their znsoriptiona in tie
hieroglyphic as well as the FMnu
character, of which the vase in St
Mark's, at Venice, is a specimen. Is
Greece they would use, besides tUff
own, the Greek language and chmo-
ter. Herodotus, however, is no doubt
inaccurato when he speaks here of
Assyrian letters. The language ind
character used in the inscription woaU
be tho Persian, and not the JiagjrtsOm
But as modems, till recently* faate
been accustomed to speak €d **ilia
cuneiform language" not distiztgniib-
ing between one sort of cnneifoRS
wiitiug and another, so Herodotus ap-
pears tu have been ignorant that in the
arrow-headed inscriptions whidi hs
saw, both the letters and the langugw
varied. There are, in point of &ct,at
least six different types of cnneifoni
writing, viz., the old Scythic Babylon-
ion, the Suflinnian, the Armenias, the
Scythic of tho trilingual tablets^ tlw
Assyrian, and tho Achsemenian Per-
sian. . Of these the first four are ton
certain extent connected; but the As-
syrian ntiil Achicmenian Persian diJbr
totally from them and from each other.
® That ifi, Diana, who had established
or preserved their oitv. (Compuo the
Lotia" Jupiter Blator.")
CsAT. 86-80*
BRIDGE OF 3KANDR0CLES.
79
of Bacchus at Byzantium, and was covered mih Assyrian
writing. Tbe spot ■where Darius hridged the Bosphorus was,
1 think, but I speak only from conjecture, half-way between
tbe city of Byzantium and the temple at the mouth of the
strait.'
88. Darius was so pleased with the bridge thrown across
tbe strait by the Samian Mandrocles, that he not only
besiowed upon him all the customary presents, but gave
him ten of every kind. Mandroclos, by way of offering first-
firaits from these presents, caused a pioturo to be painted
which showed the whole of the bridge, with King Darius sit-
ting in a seat of honour, and his army engaged in the passage.
This painting he dedicated in the temple of Juno at Samos,
attaching to it the inscription following : —
**Thti fish'frnught Bosphorus bridged, to Jano'c fans
Dill Miiiidroclea this prond memorial bring j
liVlHm fur himself a crown he'd ekill to gain,
For Samos prouoj oontonting che Great King.**
was the memorial of his work which was left by the
itfict of the bridge.
Darius, after rewarding Mandroclcs, passed into Europe,
he ordered the lonians to enter the Pontus, and sail to
mouth of the later. There he bade them throw a bridge
ss the stream and await his coming. The lonians,
ians, and Hellespontians were the nations which furnished
f strength of his navy. So the fleet, threading the
lEles, proceeded straight to the Ister, and, moimting
to the point where its channels separate," a distance
And ftbore in ch. 85, the
of Japitor TTriqn (OCptoi) ia
Co be meant. (B>iUr ad loo.)
lample certainly wna considered
to mark the mouth of
9 Arrian, Peripl. Pont.
Strabo, rii. p. 464;
p. Ifi5.7)j but Id is very
hor HcrodotuB alludes
, it iras on tho Asifttia
I.IUT P«Dtinj^ri&n Tablo;
Vdiyb,ir, 99, ^.), and we aboold ex.
pcct, ftftcr the mention of BytAntiniCf
a Bocond place on tho European cotMtt ;
and farther, we have no ovidoaoo that
the temple of Japiter Uriuj was built
so early. The Bjsantinos had ft
temple directly opposite to the temple
of Japiter Uhaa, if, aa generally aup*
poeed, it ia that whereof StrAbo
speaks 0' B* 0.) as " tho temple of the
ObaloedoDians."
' Tho Dannbe diridei at present
zteax Uatcha, bct^oen Brailoio and
d
80
THE TEABUa
IT.
of two days* voyage from the sea, yoked the neck of the stream.
Meantime Darius, who had crossed the Bosphoros by the
bridge over it, marched through Thrace ; and happening vpm
the sources of the Tearus,^ pitched his camp and made a stay
of three days.
90. Now the Tearus is said by those who dwell near it, to
be the most healthful of all streams, and to cure, among other
diseases, the scab either in man or beast. Its sonroes, whidt
are eight-and-thirty in number^ all flowing from the same
rock, are in part cold, in part hot. They lie at an equal
distance firom the town of Herseum near Perinthns/ acd
ApoUonia on the Euxine,^ a two days* journey &om eacL*
Ismail ; bnt we cannot bo certain
that the division was always at this
place. Although the recent sorreyB
have shown that no branch can ever
have been thrown out from the angle
near Hassowa (see Geogr. Jonm. vol.
XX vi. p. 210), yet wo do not know
enough aboat the Dobrudscha to say
whether thero is not somo other line
by which a stream may have passed
considerably to the. south of all the
present mouths. It seems clear that
a navigable branch must once have
reached the sea at or near Istria (see
above, Book ii. cb. 33, note '), which
was certainly as far south aa
Karaglak.
■ The Tcaros has generally been
supposed to be the modem Teltederej
which runs into the Kan'sAttron, near
Siki Baha. It appears, however, to bo
rather the Simerderet which rises
from the western side of the woody
range called Stranja Dagh, or the
Little Ballean, near the villages of
Yeru and Bunarhissar. Here "the 38
eources of the Tearus mentioned by
Herodotus may easily be made out.
All are cold during the summer, but
many of them become so warm
during the winter that snow or ice
thrown into them immediately melts."
(Geog. Jonm. vol. xxiv. p. 4^.) Hhe
springs are not now supposed to have
anv healing efficacy.
' Perinthna (afterwards Honclea)
lay upon the Ftopontis, in I«t 41*,
long. 28°, nearly. ItssiteiBmuMbr
the modem Srekli (vide ixi6a, v. 1).
Herasum, or Heneon-ticbM {Ufmrn
rctxos)) as it is called by Demosthenei
(Olynth. iii. § 5) and others (StejA.
By2. ad voc Suidas, Ac.) was an to-
important place near Fbrinthui. Its
exact site is unknown. Aooordisg to
the Etyyn, Mag. it was aSamian oolonj.
' Thero were several cities of tlui
name. The most famous was tiiit on
the coast of Illyria, of which Hvo-
dotus speaks (infra, ix. 92). Appol-
Ionia upon the Euxine is mentioned by
Scylax among the Greek cities a
Thrace. (Peripl. p. 69.) Aoootdii^
to the anonymous autiior of tiiB
Periplua Ponti Euxini, who folknrt
here Scymnus Chius, it was bnmded
by the Milesians 50 years before the
accesBiou of Cyrus ^bont B.a 609).
The same writer informs us thit
ApoUonia in his time had beooma
Sozopolis, which determines its taint to
bo that of the modem Siubolif en the
south side of the Gulf of Burghaa.
' The village of Yene is nearly equi-
distant from SreMi (Perinthns) and
SiMholi (ApoUonia), but a little far^
ther from the latter. The distano%
however, even as the crow flies, ii
above 50 miles to the nearer (iEVeUi)i
and would be 70 by any praotioabla
route : thos the estimftte of t|ro days
is too little.
TOiP 80-92.
THE TEAEUS.
81
This river, the Teams, is a tributary of the Contaclesdus,
which nma iiito the Agrianes, and that into the Hehrus/
The Hcbrus empties itself into the sea ne^r the city of iEuua.^
Kl. Here then, on the banks of the Teams, Darius stopped
pitched his camp. The river charmed him so, that he
caused a pillar to be erected in this place also, with an inscrip-
tion to the following effect: **The fountains of the Teams
affurd the lK*st and most beautiful water of all rivers : they
were visited, on his march into Scythia. by the best and most
beautiful of men, Darius, son of Hystaspes, king of the
Persians, and of the whole continent/"* Such was the in-
scription which he set up at this placed
BSI2. Marching thence, he came to a second river, called the
^rtiscus,® which flows through the country of the Odrysians."
tre he fixed upon a certain spot, where every one of his
liers should throw a stone as he passed by. When his
ers were obeyed, Darius continued his march, leaving
ind him great hills formed of the stones cast by hl.s
troops-
tTbe JUcrianes if nndonbted]/ the
tem EfkcTtf^ which rona mto the
MariUa (HfJiroa) to tl»o north of
H.i. r-..i.7Ai.if Hhoflope {litMpoto Vagh).
iitujwdaa ifl the rirer of
.1 ■ ■ -an,
Lotiremmg tho aita of MnuBj rido
rii. 58.
V)do tapm, i. 4. **r^ir 'Atrlear oL
rat ol nipfftu,"
There ia wme reiMoa to beliere
that m portion of thia inscription wiu
in exiitenoe a few years a^. liVhen
Ocnfivnl Jochmoa Tisitod Hunarhijisttr
in 1847» ho waa informod hj an old
Turk that an ingcription in "old
STrian** (e«ki Suriani), written with
** letten Uk€ natXf." had been lying
oncand fur not many yeai-s previoualy
hia hoaie. Search was of course
ie>, bat DDfon.un»tely it proved
«mD : and ihff inacriptioa ia buIiiiTcd
to h»To bcc>n cither burnt for Ume, or
nuMibly boilt into t!io wall of a
djipD-hotiw*. (Gaograph. Journ. toL
^TOL. m.
* Thia river faaa been anpposod to
be tho Arda (Gattcrcr, p. 42^ , which
join« the Maritza from tho west, not
mnch Iitflow Adrlnnuplo ; bnt it ia not
at all probable that Duriaa went ao
far to tho Ipft as to tonch thia stream.
Tho Artiscoa in moat likely tho
Trkedereh, which is cmesod seyoral
tiine« on the present hig-h rood to the
Balkan. Here GDUCi>al Jochmna ob-
served on an eniinenco near tho road
Ftix larfjifo tep^a or tamnli. Uc alao
lemarktjd in tbe winding bed of tho
river and tho a<Ijoining low groouda,
"immoaaarabic largo Ioobo atoncfi,"
which may hare caused Darioa to
pve tho order to hia soMieni that
Herodotos here mentions. (See Geogi*.
Joom. vol. Kxiv. p. 47.)
* The country of the Odrynn waa
the great plain incladod within the
chaina of Ithodope, Honnina, and the
Little Balkan (Tbacyd. ii. 96). in tho
centro of which now staoda the city
of Adriauople.
S2 T3E GET.E ENSLAVED BY BASIirS, Book IT.
93. Before arriving at the Ister,* the first people whom he
sul)diu\l were the Getffi," who believe in their immortality.
The Thraciana of Salmydessus," and those who dwelt above
the cities of Apollonia and Mesembria^^ — the Scyrmiadffi and
Nips:vans, as they are called — gave themselves up to Darius
without a struggle ; but the Getse obstinately defending them-
selves, were forthwith enslaved, notwithstanding that they
ar.^ the noblest as well as the most just of all the Thracian
tribes.
94. The belief of the Gette in respect of immortality is the
fv>Uowing. They think that they do not really die, but that
\\hvn they depairt this life they go to Zalmoxis,* who is called
* It i? not qnitc clear by which ] Turkish town of Midjeh (loop. 28*
r.v.uo Darius oi\ti,MHl the Balkan; but IC, lat. 41° 35'). The name Salmr.
t!u' pi>'!i!ilt:lity is that, iMissing the ' deesus ftcoma compounded of the not
l.itiK* Italknu botwoeu IK'let aud , Sahn (found also in Zalm-oxii and
Kiit, ho ilosoiMulod to the eboi\» 6V7>/m-brta), and of the word Odessiu.
aliout ?{■')-,'/.. i:. mill thotu'o pr<.x*ee(loil the nanu) of another town upon thU
by the »i»'liU\< iioarost to the soa- | coast.
ct>nst, which lie betwoou .iri^rria , * Mcserabrin is mentioned by ScrUi
and i'.>r»i»i./V,rj.</i. Ho would thna ^ amonsj tho Greek cities upon the
Imvo followfd ilio romo pursued by I Thracian coast. (Perip!. p. 69.)
(Jononil-* Koih and llii»li;;or in lS2y, - Accoi-diug to Scymnus Chius (11.740,
anil by Mai-shiil niol»it-<oh in IS'JD. ; 711) it was founded by the Chalet-
- Tho idontiiy of tho tJotaj with dmnans awd Ifejarwtna about the time
tho (itithit of lati.r tiinos i;it uiurc of Darius's expedition aKuiast ths
tli:in a i'l:»usil.h' ooiijo.tnfo. It may ■ Scyths. Strabo (vii. p. 462) calls it »
!';• ivirar.Ud as hi>:i'noa'ly ooriain ; colony of the Megareans only. Airitt
(-00 imio on Il.H-k V. ch. S). More- -, (PeripK p. 136) and the anonnn(»u
t'vor ilio ooni|»nnul.^. Muesa-irotx. , author of tho Pcriplua Ponti Eaxini
Thvssn . j:ot;o, Tyri..irola\ have a sntfioiontly mark its site. It by at
strikinir analojjy (u tho latoriukuica of j tho base of Moimt Ua?muei» a little to
Vi.«i-l^)ths ;iih1 ()stro.>rotli'4. ' tho pouth. Tho name rematus ia tha
'•* Salniyilossu^, tr l!aIniyflo<.'!ns, , nnidorn Mtscvria (long. 27** 43', lit.
was a strip nf kIiui-o fai')ia.\<>i. Soynm. j 42^ 35').
(.'h. 1. 7:i3) in tho noiirhbouihoo"! of a ; "The Tliracians of Salmydewo*
fivor of tho Mimo naino, whioh ■ and those who dwelt above the citiei
oniptiod itself into tho Kiixino TO of Apvtllouia and Mepenibria," woald
inito!< from the oponini; of ilio Ilos. ropro!=ent the inhabitants of tho
pliorus. (An-inn, Poripl. »d tin.; ent iro tmcfc between the Little Bal-
Anon. IVripl. p. ITil.) It is nion- i kan ami the Black Sea,
tionod by Xonophon (Anub. vii. 5, § | * That Zalnioxjs or Zamolxis w«
12), who visitoii it, anil was witno'is i tho cliiof object of wo^^hip atnoog
U> tl»? barbarous cintiliict of tho ' tho (.»ota> is witnessed alw ^J
Thnioiun inliabitunts t<iwartls llio ' Mna.^oas of Batrsp (Fr. 23). by Slrabo
jiorsonrt wrooked upon tho roast. A (vii. p. 430». Janibljohue ( Vit. Pyth»|t'
fi;ij;niont of th*- oU nppollation i? 17;t>. and Dioirones Laertins (nii-
a]>i)eai'3 to siu'vivo in tho niottcvn , 1). Mnasoas regartled him as idea-
Cbjlp. d3-95.
STORY OF ZALMOXIS.
83
r
K
also GeLeki'zis" by some among them. To this god every
five years they send a messengor, who is chosen by lot out
of the whole nation, and chai'ged to bear him their several
requests. Their mode of sending him is this. A number of
them stand in order, each holding in his hand three darts ;
others take the man who is to be sent to Zalmoxis, and
ewiDpug him by his hands and feet, toss him into the air so
that he falls upon the points of the weapons. If ho is pierced
and dies, they think that the god is propitious to thorn ; but
if not, they lay the fault on the messenger, who (they say) is
a wicked man: and so they choose another to send away.
The messages arc given while the man is still alive. This
same people, when it lightens and thunders, aim their arrows
at the sky, uttering threats against the god ; ^ and they do not
lieve that there is any god but their own,
95. I am told by the Greeks who dwell on the shores of the
Hellespont and the Pontus, that this Zaimoxis was in reality
a man. that he lived at Samos, and while there was the slave®
of P^-thagoras son of ^Inesarchus, After obtaining his free-
dom he grew rich, and leaving Samos, returned to his own
untry. The Thi*acians at that time lived in a wretched
ay, and were a poor ignorant race ; Zalmoxis, therefore,
who by his commerce with the Greeks, and especially with
one who was by no means their most contemptible philoso-
pher, Pythagoras to wit, was acquainted with the Ionic mode
t'irn] wtlh the Chronaii of tho Gravies.
IVrpViiry (Vit. I'vtlmi*. § It) derires
nnnic from a Thracian word
wbicb, ho HDyB, signincU "a
hot this doea not seem u very
ibnblc origia. May wc connect the
with ihal vt St'Un, the 6011 of
*ndiin, who in Arion roiunnce in-
ked from bis father Ibe western
I world? riut'O mcntionR
.: coiijanctioQ with Abatis
L .„-imidetf (p. 15S, li) na a
Iter Of incaaUtioQ. Tide eupra,
* A Lithoaninn etyroolopj ((?yi-o
Uiftii, *' gircr of rest " ) has been
stifrfTented for thia word (Bayer's
Origin. SiniL". p. 2H3). Zaltnoiis or
Z&inolxiB might, it ia eaid, in tha
Bsme lungitoge signify '* Lord of tho
earth."
' Compare tho customs of the
Calyndiaua (i. 172), aud tho P»yUi
(iv. 173).
^ ITimcian Blaves were very nu-
inf'roos iu (ircece. Tho Tltraciana
often sold their children into sluvery
<iufra, V. C). Ia the times of tho
later comedy, Oeta and Davus (A^ui,
A^pof) wuro the most cointiiou namtn
fnr b1avo4. (Sf'o tho comedies oC
Tersuce, p^xsaim,)
84
FASSAaE OF THE ISTER.
Book it;
of life and "with manners more refined than those cnnenl
among his cotmtrymen, had a chamber built, in 'which from
time to time he received and feasted all the principal Tbra-
cians, using the occasion to teach them that neither he, nor
they, his boon companions, nor any of their posterity wooM
ever perish, but that they would all go to a place where they
■would live for aye in the enjoyment of every conceivable good.
While he was acting in this way, and holding this kind of
discourse, he was constructing an apartment undergroimd,
into which, when it was completed, he withdrew, vaniBhing
suddenly from the eyes of the Thracians, who greatly regretted
his loss, and mourned over him as one dead.' He mean-
while abode in his secret chamber three full years, after
which he came forth from his concealment, and showed him-
self once more to his countrymen, who were thus brought
to believe in the truth of what he had taught them. Snch
is the account of the Greeks.
96, I for my part neither put entire faith in this story of
Zalmoxis^** and his underground chamber, nor do I alto-
gether discredit it : but I believe Zalmoxis to have lived long
before the time of Pythagoras. Whether there was ever
really a man of the name, or whether Zalmoxis is nothing
but a native God of the Getse, I now bid him farewell. Ab
for the GetsB themselves, the people who observe the practices
described above, they were now reduced by the Persians, and
accompanied the army of Darius.*^
97. When Darius, with his land forces, reached the Istcr,
he made his troops cross the stream, and after all were gone
• TliiB story -was told also by IIol-
laniruB (Fr. 173), who seems to havo
Riniply copied Herodotus. (Comp.
I'ttrphyr. ap. Euucb. P. E. x. p.
460, B. )
w Dahlmnnn (Life of Herod, p. 115,
E. T.) conjectures that this whulo
iitory spruitf; ont of the name, which
wna as often written Znmolxis aa
/almoxifl. The Orci^ka of the Fontas
iroBf^ined that Zamn.Ixis must have
beoa a outivo of %amo« / and the
belief of the Geteo, who WOTihipped
him, in tho immortality of the Koi,
must hare come, they tiiooght, fnw
Pythagoras.
" The whole traot between ^
Balkan (Hsemns) and the Daaabe, tte
modern Bulgaria^ seema to hare betfi
at this time in the possession of tbs
Getse, who reached op the rirtf
almt^t to tho confines of Serri*'
(Thncyd. ii. 96.)
CoAP. 93-08.
ADVICE OF COESL
«s
over gave orders to the lonians to break the bridge, and
follow him with the whole naval force in his land inarch.
They were about to obey his command, when the general of
the Mytilentcans, Goes son of Erxandcr, having first asked
whether it was agreeable to the king to listen to one who
wished to speak his mind/ addressed him in the words follow-
ing : — ** Thou art about, Sire, to attack a country no part of
^ihicb is cultivated, and wherein there is not a single inhabited
city. Keep this bridge, then, as it is, and leave those who
built it to watch over it. So if we come up with the Scythians
and succeed against them as we could wish, we may return by
this route ; or if we fail of finding them, our retreat will still
(B seciuc. For I have no fear lest the Scythians defeat us in
ftttle. but my dread is lest we be unable to discover them,
pd suffer loss while we wander about their terriloiy. And
ow, mayhap, it will be said, I advise thee thus in the linpe
of being myself allowed to remain behind ; ^ but in li'uth I
have no other design than to recommend the course which
ims to me the best ; nor will I consent to be among those
behind, but my resolve is, in any case, to follow thee."
le advice of Goes pleased Darius highly, who thus replied to
; — " Dear Lesbian, when I am safe home again in my
palace, be sure thou come to me, and with good deeds will I
recompense thy good words of to-day."
98. Having so said, the king took a leathem thong, and
tying sixty knots in it, called together the Ionian tyrants, and
spoke thus to them : — ** Men of Ionia, my former commands
to you concerning the bridge are now -withdi'awTi. See, hera
a thong : take it, and observe my bidding with respect to it,
rom the time that I leave you to march forward into Sc}1;hia,
ktie every day one of the knots. If I do not return before
le last day to which the knots will hold out, then leave yom*
ttion, and sail to your several homes. Meanwhile, under-
[1 CompBTO the inquiry of Cro&auB
tSS>), The fear of piiring offenca to
Great Kixig ib atruu^ly uuukfd by
practice.
' After tbe puniahmenfc of CEobaaiiA
(snpra, cli. 8'!'), it wns important to
guard against tluu aiupiciuu.
S6
THE TAURIC TERRTTORT.
BooE IT.
stand that mj resolve is changedi and that you are to guard
the bridge with all care, and watch over its safety and pre-
servation. By so doing ye will oblige me greatly." "When
Darins had thus spoken, he set out on his march with all
speed.
99. Before you corae to Scythia, on the sea coast, lies
TJirace. The land here makes a sweep, and then Scythia
begins, the Ister falling into the sea at this point with its
mouth facing the east. Starting from the Ister I shall now
describe the measurements of the sea-shore of Scythia.
Immediately that the Ister is crossed. Old Scythia^ begins,
and continues as far as the city called Carcinitis, fronting
towards the south wind and the mid-day. Here upon the
same sea, there lies a mountainous tract * projecting into the
Pontus, which is inhabited by the Tauri, as far as what is
called the Rugged Chersonese,^ which runs out into the sea
upon the east. For the boundaries of Scythia extend on tvo
sides to two different seas, one upon the south, and the other
towards the east, as is also the case with Attica. And the
Tauri occupy a position in Scythia like that which a people
would hold in Attica, who, being foreigners and not Athenians,
should inhabit the highland*^ of Sunium, from Thoricufl to
' ITcrodotns considers that tho Cim-
nurians mnintaiiitMl themselves in
parts of Kastcni Scytliia, as, e.ft. in
tho Rapped CherHoneso. Icnq: after
they wcro forced to relirnjuish tlio
rest of tlicir territory. (.*'''/ Scythia
is tho part from wliich they were
driven at tho first.
* The mountains lio only along the
pouthern coast of tho Crimea. All
the rest of tho |>eninsiila belonjifs to
tho Btepjiea. *• We beheld towards
the south," says Dr. Clarke, " a ridgo
of tnoantains upon the coai^t ; but
unlef^H a traveller follows the sinuosity
of tho southern shore of the Criuiea,
nil tho rest of the peninanla is as flat
us Salisbury Plain.*' (Travels, p. 4G1.
See tlio view on next page.)
* By the "rous^h," or "ra^ared'*
Cheraouose, Ucrodutos plainly intends
tlio eastern part of the Crimea, call^
tho Peninsula of Kertch, which io ^
day, and for many centuriea lat^Ti
f(»rmcd tho kinsydom. of the Bos-
phorus. This tract is hilly and on*
even, presenting a strong contrwt
with tho Btoppe, but it scarcely
deserves an epithet applied also to
Wostorn Cilicia — a truly rn^g^
country. Probably the general chft-
raeter of the south coast of tbe
Crimea was conflidered to extend
alont? its whole leng'th.
^ This seonis to bo the xneanin^of
tho rare word, yovvhs, here. See tbe
authorities quoted by Schweighieaser
(not. ad loc). In this sense it is an apt
descrijition of the place. Comp. Soph.
Aj. 7v* v\a€V ^ircari rSyro^ rp6fiX^
oAiKAutTTtf v, &Kpay vrb wKixa 3«v*
viov. And Dr. Chandler's description!
THE TAURIC MOrNTAINS.
37
83 BOrXDARIXS OF SCYTHIA. Book IT.
the iowcship of Anapblvsfus.'' if this tract projected into the
soa somewhat funher than it does. Such, to compare great
thing? with small, is the Tauric territory. For the sake of
thosf who may not have made the voyage round these parts
of Attica, I will illustrate in another way. It is as if in
Lipyjria a line were drawn from Port Brundusium to Tarentom,
and a people different from the lapygians inhabited the pro-
m^ntory.^ These two instances may suggest a number of
others where the shape of the land closely resembles that of
Taurica.
100. Beyond this tract, wo find the Scythians again in
possession of the country above the Tauri and the parts
bordering on the eastern sea, as also of the whole district
lying west of the Cimmerian Bosphorus and the Palus Mseotis,
ns far as the river Tanais. winch empties itself into that lakti
at its uppt-r tnd. As for the inland boundaries of Scythia, if
we start from the Ister, we find it enclosed by the following
tribes, first the Agathyrsi. next the Neuri, then the Androphagi,
and last of all, the Mflunchlfeni.
101. Scythia then, which is square in shape, and has two of
its sides reaching down to the sea, extends inland to the same
distance that it stretches along the coast, and is equal everr
*• \Vi> HOW appi'oaeli Cni^c Sunium, ' Horodotna at Thnrii woald hare
whiL-h is ptcc'ii, abrupt, and rockv. ' laprgia (the T«rra (Zi Otranto) befon
On it is tlio ruin of the temple I'f ' liis t'vos, aa it were. Writing' from
Miiiorva Sonin,'', overlookini^ fnmi | lonin, or orea from Greece Ax^r, hf
its Uifty Fiinntion thu ^subject def.'p.** ! would never bare thought of lacb an
(Trav'L'U^ vol. ii. p. 7.) j ilhistration. Bnindasiam and Ta-
The sitosof Thoricnsand Anaplily-
Btufl are nini'kcd by the viUair*?"* "^f
Tfioriro and Annyhiso, the f<jrnier
OH the east, the hiitiT on tlic \^•e^t
hide of the peninsula. They were
both fortified posts in later tiDi(f!»,
for the pititection of the nfiplibonr-
ing silvur-miues. (Xon. dc Kedit. ir.
§ 43.)
'liifl po.B^afi'C, n<i Miifurd and
Tontani remain in the Srindiai and
Taranto of the present day.
From both comparisons it mar he
fathered that Herodotus did not look
upon the Tatirio Fcoinsala as joined
to the continent by a narrow isthmus,
but as united by a broad tnct.
(Niebuhr's Scythia, p. 39, £. T.)
What if changes in the ^nd hare
taken place, aud the I^itrid Sea did
Dnhlniann havo ob^ervi'd, wan evi- i not cxir^t in his time? Scylax calls
dently wntren in Magna Gi-a?cia, ' the tract an attpoT'fipiov (p. TO), and
(Mitfordrt Greece, vol. ii. p. 3.V»; I Stnibo ifl the Rrst who spcaksof itasa
Dahlmaun's [Ate of Uerod. p. 35.) ' ;(f0^i{Kif0-ot or peninsula (vii. p. 4i9},
9^103.
CUSTOMS OF THE TAURL
89
W
J, For it is a ten days* journey from the Ister to the
rysthenes, and ten more from the Borysthenes to the Palus
flBotis, -while the distance from the coast inland to the
untry of the Melanchlseni, who dwell ahove Scythia, is a
ey of twenty days. I reckon the day's journey at two
itindred furlongs. Thus the two sides which run straight
and are four thousand furlongs each, and the transverse
ee at right angles to these are also of the same length,
hich gives the full size of Scythia.*
10'2. The Scythians, reflecting on their situation, perceived
at they were not strong enough by thcraselveB to contend
th the army of Darius in ojjen fight. They, therefore, sent
voys to the neighbouring nations, whose kings had already
met, and were in consultation upon the advance of so vast a
at. Now they who had come together were the kings of the
auri, the Agathyrsi, tlie Neuri, the Androphagi, the Melan*
heni, the Geloni, the Budini, and the Sauromatfe.
103. The Tauri have the following customs. They offer in
orifice to the Virgin all shipwrecked persons, and all Greeks
compelled to put into their ports by stress of weather. The
lOde of sacrifice is this. After the j^reparatory ceremonies,
ey strike the victim on the head with a club. Then, accord-
to some accounts, they hurl the trunk from the precipice
ereon the temple stands,^ and nail the head to a cross.
hers fprant that the head is treated in this way, but deny
t the body is thrown down the cliff — on the contrary, they
sar, it is buried. Tlie goddess to whom these sacrifices are
ered the Tauri themselves declare to be Iphigenia ' the
• See the Appeniiii, Ecisay iii., 'On
ilte UeoKniphy of Scylhia.'
^ Tlii^ t«iDple occupied a promoU'
toty OD the iwuth coaut uf tho Crinioa,
Dot Car fruni Chamctopon (Cape A*a).
Zba promontorj itself iras named by
Greoka Partht'oiam, from tho
rple (8txab. vii. p. 4^(6; Flin.
y. IT. It : Mebi, ii. i., Ac). It is
ii'rlit tbi\t tho monastery of St.
occupies lh« site.
"The virgin goddess of the Taiui
waa more generally identified by tiiu
Greeks with tboir uvra ArtuDiis :
faenco Artemis got the epithet of
Taupow6\os. (Cf. Diod. Sic. ir. 4'!.;
Et]jm. Ma.(j. ad voc. Schuliai>t. ad
Soph. Aj. 172.) Tho legend ol
lphi|;;enia is probably a mere Greek
funcy, hftvinq: the 'lanric custom of
offiTing human BAcrifieca aa its bona.
In the time of llcrixlotna tlie Tnuii
90
THE AGATHTHSL
Book IT-
daughter of Agamemnon. When they talvo prisoners in war
they treat them in the following \ray. The man who has
taken a captive cuts off his head, and carrying it to his home,
fixes it upon a tall pole, which he elevates above his house,
most commonly over the chimney. The reason that the heads
arei^ct up so high, is (it is said) in order that the whole house
may be under their protection. These people live entirely by
war and plundering.'*
104. The Agathyrsi are a race of men very luxurious, and
very fond of wearing gold on their persons.* They have wives
in common, that so they may be all brothers,^ and, as membera
of one family, may neither envy nor hate one another. In
other respects their customs approach nearly to those of iiie
Thracians.'
wero not ndvorso to ailmitting tlie
Ip^ond, and ideiitifyins; tlioir national
(L'oildcKH with tbc viryia M'orshipped
by tho Greeks.
^ Tlie ooiijoctiiro tint tho Tanri
were a roiuiinnt of tho Cimmoriana
(Grote, Vol. iii. p. 327; lU-ertm's Af.
Kat, vol. ii. p. 200, K. T.) has Itltlo
more than ilK itili>riial ]>r(ibabiUty to
rest upon. Wo do not kuow their
laiiRua^o, and there is Boarcoly any-
thm:; in their nianiH'r.s and customs
to distiupruLsh tliom from tho Scy-
thians. Aa, howovpr, it is declared
by }Ierodotn9 iliat tht'v were nrA
Scythians, and wo must tliercfore
peek for them some other ethnic con-
nection, tlie C'ininH'i'iaii theciry may
be acce[>tod as probalile. It is clear
that the Ftrnni; and nioiintaim>n.s
rc'.irion oxtendinir alonpr the south
coast of tho Crimea Would offer just
that refupo in which a weak nation,
when driven from tlio plains, is able
to maintain itsi-tf ns^ainst a Ftroni;
one. It; ia notieeablo aL-^u that tho
tradition made the last ivstin^-jdacc
of tho Cimnierinns to bo tho Crimea
(supra, ch. !"£), where they left their
name so (irmly fixed that it has clunfj
to tho Cfpnutry till the present day.
Names al»t> closely re!<end)lincr that
of tho Tanri are found in a clearly
Cimbric, or at any rato Cultic, con-
nexion, ns those of tho Tcansts> vA
Tanrisci, who wero called Gank by
rosidoTiins (Fr. 75) ; and that of tfci
city Tanroeis or Tanroentiam (cf.
Ap(.nod. Fr. 105, with Strab. it. p^
247), o Celtic town, according to
Stephen (ad voc. Tavp6us), It rnxj be
<pieHtioned also whether the Taarini,
whose name rcmaina in the modera
Turin, were not really Ganls, thon^
called Lifinrians by Strabo (ir. p.
28G). At least it is strange, if ihey
wero really different from the Tanrifei,
who are acknowledged to be Ganlf
(Polyb. ii. 15, § 8), and who after-
wards dwelt in thoae parts.
* The country of the Agathyni il
difitinetly marked (supra, ch. 49) as the
plain of iho Mnrosck (Maris). This
i-ei^ion, enclosed on the north and
cnst by tho Carpathian Alpa, wimld
bo likely to bo in early timee anxi-
ferons.
* This anticipation of the theory of
Plato (Hep. V.) is cnrions. Wu ^to
indebted to llerodotnaP
* Xiebuhr (Researches, Ac, p. 62),
E. T. Ft'athers from this that the Aga-
thyrsi were actually Thracians, aod
ventures to identify them with the
Daci of later times. Bitter (Vorholle,
i. pp. 280-7) considers thorn to hare
been Sarmatians. There scarcely
appear to be enffioieat gnnmda ior
lAP. 103-lOC. THE yErni^THE ASDROPHAGL
91
^^ 105. The Xenrian customs are like the Scjl-hian. One
generation before tLo attack of Darius they wtre diiven from
their land by a bnge multitude of serpents which invaded
thi'in. Of these scrae were produced in their own country,
while others, and those by far the greater number, came in
from the deserts on the nortlj. Suffering grievously beneftb
this scourge, they quitted tbeir homes, and took refuge with the
Budini. It seems that these people are conjurers : for both
the Scythians aud the Greeks who dwell in Scythia say, that
ever}' Neurian once a year becomes a wolf for a few days, at
the end of which time he is restored to his proper shape.**
Not that I believe this, hut they constantly afTirm it to be true,
and are even ready to back their assertion with an oath.**
100. The mannei*8 of the Androphagi* are more savngc than
tnther of t\ifi*,f opinioiifi. All thni crut
hv Gvrl IP, t)mt Lbt? Aifuihyrsi dvreit ia
' " ' In tlie «»uiiti"y
111, and wcro
,. -.. ... io to lUe north.
T titicned hv Kphoraa (Fr.
r- ^v, 12)1' Mela (ii. 1) ;
; M»rc. llerncl. (p.
(iii. 6). The last-
r i[>hoT places ihpm
i< The cuHtoDi of Ibo
JVl.:. : r.M \m:i< u drCW moiit QttCUtioIl
in Iaijt timpi, wiw thwir pniflii-t) of
pAiUting their buclica, (Soo Virjf.
.'F.o. ir. 141$; SolixL Folyhict. IfU;
Ji'^U, 1. ft. e. ^.)
» A c1a»* of p<?t)ple in Abyssinia nn
beliered tu vlinnifo tbtfoifrlvos into
lijaraiu whcTi thoy like. tJn my np-
pi»*rJon to diMTcdit it, I was toM by
tirif — ' " I.-. .1 ('.. - .i....-f* that no
»' I it, and
It. , • >ih one of
liiem when bu biippviieil to took away
for s ninntptif, anil on tnrning a^oin
Coward* hts companion bi* snir him
truttui}; off iu the ahnpQ of a hya;oa.
H« met htm afterwards in hia old
form. Timo northiea ara black-
nntlhiu Tim etory rpcaUa the lonp-
garott of Francf,— [G. W.]
' As Htrudotus recedes from the
Mft hia Mscoonts bccotoe more mytbioi
and le^R trnstworthy. Still the Xciii'i
muBl lio re^inliil as a tx-ul ntitiou.
They BtTni, in this tiuio of ncnMlntii.'-,
to have inhnhiteU tho motlcm Lithu-
ania aufl Voltiyuin, cxtontLn^ cast-
ward perhnpa an far aa the (Tuvern-
nwnt uf Smok'osk. Tht-ir nnme may
pprhaps be traced in tho town Nu.i\
and tho rirer Narett, wliirh lio in
this dietriot. Thoy ait) uimtiouud by
Ephnrun (Froff. ib) ; Pliuy (Hint. Xut.
ir. 12); Mela (ii. i); aod Ammianns
MarcflliriUB (xxii. 8). Pi-rhupa uUo
by Ptftlpiny, under tho nnrae of Nail,
o^ (iii. b). Schnfnrik (Slav. Alt. pp.
IU4.11)9) Tentiirua to jtrunoniico thuui
Slttvca. bat on very sb'v'ht ^rnpands.
• Wf'lckcr.inhi8"Klc*in«< Schriften"
(vol. iii. pp. 157, et seq.) hai colk'cted
the rariood traditions of dirilnnt na-
tions with rPH]H>ct to this belii-f* which
tho Ci'-'rni.in8 have enibtxlied in their
tceftr-iro'/, and tho French in their
loup.garou. It is a form of the belief
in witchcraft, and probuhly qnite un-
connc'tit^ with the ditiease uf lycaiu
thropy.
• Or " Mon-etitcrp." Here tho no-
ticnial name is evidunlly lust ; but a
pccnliar people ia meant. Iloeron
{As. Nat. ii. p. 265, £. T.) tfatuks the
BoAiamw ; but, as it seems to nie, on
iosuffit-ient grotmd<. The country o£
92
THE 3IELAXCHt£NI — ^THE BtnOTKL
17.
those of any other race. They neither observe justice, nor &ze
governed by any laws. They are nomads, and their dress is
Scj-thian ; but the language >vhieh they speak is peculiar to
themselves. Unlike any other nation in these parts, they are
cannibals.
107. The Ifelanchlaeni * ^vear, all of them, black cloaks, and
from this derive the name -which they bear. Their customs
are Scytliic.
108. The Budini are a large and powerful nation: they have
all deep blue eyes, and bright red hair.* There is a city in
their territory, called Gelonus, which is surrounded with a
lofty Avail, thii-ty furlongs each way, built entirely of wood.*
tho **iDCii.eatorB'' is Central Bnssia,
firom the Dniepr to the Dctina prob.
ably. Cumpare with their name tho
Hod Indian " Dog-caters " and *' Fish-
caters." (RoBs'a Fnr-Honters of tho
Far West, vol. i. p. 249.)
-• Or " Black-cloaks." This is prob-
ably a translation of the native name.
Thero is at present a tribe in tho
Hindoo Koosh, who call themselves
Siah-poosh, which is an exact equi-
valent of MfAo7x^<"»'<"- (Kennell's
Geograph. of Uurm!, p. 87.) There is
also a tribe of *' Hlack-robes " among
tho Korth-Americau Indians (Ross,
vol. i. p. 30r>) . Such titles are common
among barbarous people.
The dress of tho Melnnchlroni ia
noted by l)io Chrysostom (Orat.xxsvi.
p. 439), who says it had been adopted
by tho Olbiopolites. He describes tho
cloak as " small, black, and thin "
(fAiKphVf fit\ayf \tiTT6v). Probably the
dress was tho more remarkod, as the
other nations of the!^o parts, like
tho modem Calmucks and Tatai-s
gcnorally, may have affected brighfc
colour!^.
Tho Mc1anchla?ni had been men-
tioned by irecatieus (Fr. 15-t) as "a
Scythian nation.'' They cuntinao to
figure in tho Geographies (Vlin. vi. 5 ;
Mela, i. 19; Dionys. l>ericg. 309;
Ptol. V. 19, Ac), but appear to bo
gradually prctised eastward. By Pto-
lomv they aro placed upon the Ulia or
Wolgo.
Their position in the time of Ee>
rodotus seems to ba the ootmtiy
between tho Desna and the Don, oc
Tanais.
^ These physical cfaoracteristicf of
the Bndini are very remarkable, ind
would givo them a far better title to
bo considered tho ancestors of tbe
German race, tlian the Andropbagi
and Melanchio^ni, to whom Heerea
grants that honoor. (Aji. Nat. ii. p.
26o, E. T.) The nomade races which
people the entire tract from the Doa
to the North Pacific, hare TmiTe»>
ally dark eyes and hair. Hay not
the Cudini have been a xemnant ol
tho CimmerianS] to whom the woodr
country between the upper Don and
tho Wolga famished a protectioD?
In that case Gehoni (compare " Gaet,"
and "Galli*') might bo their tne
ethnic titlo, as the Greeks generally
maintained. (Tide infra, ch. 100.)
* Hoeron (As. Nat. ii. p. 292, S. T.)
sees in this city, or slohodsi a stapls
for tho fiir.trade, founded erpreMly
for commCT^sial purposes by the Greeks
of the coast. Bchaforik regards ii ss
not of Greek, bat of barbnrio origiiit
asd grounds upon it an argument thift
the Budini were a Sclavonic people.
(Slavische Alterth. i. 10, pp. 18&-93.) '
This last view, of which Ur. Grote
speaks with some favour (Hist of
Greece, vol. iii. p. 325, note) is utterly
at variance with the statements ia
Uerodotaa. Heeren is probablf light*
THE GELONL
93
the houses in the place and all the temples are of the same
kterial. Here are temples built in houuur of the Grecian
;, and adorned after the Greek fashion with images, altars.,
shrines, all in wood. There is even a festival, held every
rd y^ear in honour of Bacchus, at which the natives fall into
Bacchic fuiy. For the fact is that the Geloni wore
iently Greeks, who, being driven out of the factories along
coast, fled to the Budiui and took up their abode with
They still speak a language half Greek, half Sej-thian.
109. The Bmlini, however, do not speak the same language
as the Geloni, nor is their mode of hfe the same. They are
the aboriginal people of the country, and are nomads ; unlike
any of the neighbouring races, thoy eat hce. The Geloni, on
the contrary, are tillers of the soil, eat bread, have gardens,
and both in shape and complexion are quite different from the
Budiui. The Greeks notwithstanding caU these latter Geloni;
but it is a mistake to give them the name.^ Their country is
thickly planted with ti'ees of all manner of kinds." In the
very wootUest part is a broad deep lake, surrounded by marshy
ground with reeda growing on it. Here otters are caught, and
Ibst the place beoiine a stftplo, for it
ky in iho line of tho irado carried
on by the Greeks with the interior
(supra, ck. 21-24); bnt Ofl wo know
no oUurr itutanoe of tiio Greeks
foondiog n fnrlory for trnding pnr.
pOM* ftt n distance from the coast, it
u perliapa bi>8t eimply to accept the
narratiTe of Hcrodutns, that it wiia a
place where certain fu^tivo Grctka
happened to settle.
' It hiu been conjectured that the
name B»dini is a rc*li(poQ^ title, and
ir^rlrM that tha people who bore it
were Baddbiitts. (Rttter, VorhaUo, p.
25.) But as Buddha or Sakya did not
begin to spread hia doctrines till abont
9.C. GOO, and then taoght in lodia and
Thibet, it ifl eitremely improbable
that his religion could hare reached
Earopean Scjthia by tbe days of He-
ndotiu. Perhaps the name is best
oooneotod with the ethnic appcllatiro
Wendy which is from tr#n(Jfl, " wal*T,**
Sclav, izwda, Fhryg. 0*Sv, Ac. (See
Smith's Diet, of Gr. and B. Geographj,
s. T, BUDINI.)
' This port of the description seenw
to fix. the localitT of tho Bnilini to the
region about Zadoitfk and Woronols,
which offers eu remarkable a ooDirast
to tho rest of Rnseia. (Clarke, x. p.
11*6.) Tho meutioo, howerer, of the
lake, containing otters and bearers,
and CBpecinllj of the " sqaore-faced
animals" — if these are seals, would
seem to reqniro n position further to
the east. There aro no lakes in the
Woronetz coaalry, and thuugh seala
aro found in the Coflpian, at the
months of tbe Wolga, and in some of
the Siberian lakei; (Heeren, As. Nat.
ii. p. 291, note. E. T.), they do not
mount tho Wolgw, nor are they found
in tho Tanais. It may bo doubted
whether seals aro really intended.
94
THE SAUBOMAT^
Book IT,
beavers, with another sort of animal which has a square fa<!e.
With the skins of this last the natives border their capotes : '
and they also get from them a remedy,® which is of virtue in
diseases of the womb.
110. It is reported of the Sauromatro, that when the Greeks
fought with the Amazons,** whom the Scythians call Oior-ptUa,
or " man-slayers," as it may be rendered, Oior being Scythie
for " man," and pata for " to slay " — it is reported, I say, that
the Greeks, after gaining the battle of the Thermodon, put to
sea, taking with them on board three of their vessels all the
Amazons whom they had made prisoners ; and that these
women upon the voyage rose up against the crews, and
massacred them to a man. As however they were quite
strange to ships, and did not know how to use either rudder,
sails, or oars, they were carried, after the death of the men,
where the winds and the waves listed. At last they reached
the shores of the Palus Mseotis and came to a place called
Cremni or " the Cliffs," ^ which is in the country of the free
7 A border of for is commonljr Boen
to edge the coat worn by the Scythians
on the sepulchral vases aud other ro-
mains. See woodcuts in notes * aud ^
on chfi. 46 and 59. It is also frequent
at the present day. (Pallas, vul. ii. pi.
23 ; Dubois, vol. v. p. 202.)
* " Horum i teaticulis remedinm ob-
tineut, qnod in niorbis uterinis usui
cat." This has been thought by some
to show that Castor oil was in the
pharmacopeia of thoRO nations, lle-
rodotos might have been misinformed
as to which of the three auimals fur-
nished the remedy, and tho other
mistake prevailed till comparatively
modem times. Mr. Blake^ley, how-
ever, supposes that the " bugs of
the musk-deer" are meant (note ad
luc.)
' Some Amazons were supposed to
live in Asia, others in Africa. Diodorus
(iii. 51) says tho latter wore much the
most ancient, having lived many ages
before tho Trojan war (those of the
Thermodon only a little before it), and
their queen, Myrina, was the friend of
Horns the son of Isis. The nnmeroas
body-gnard of the king of the Behra,
on the White Nile, is to thta day com-
posed entirely of women (his ministen
only having acccas to him. when he ii
about to SiBf to prevent his leaving
the world by a vulgar natural death) ;
and a similar costom may have been
the origin of the fable of the Amazont.
It is found again in Western Ahioa.
Tho namo is probably African, not
Greek. See note *, oh. 191.— [G. W.]
* Vide supra, ch. SO, This place
appears to have been a Greek port,
and was probably a colony from Bin.
ticapxum. Its name is clearly Greek,
and marks that it was in tho neigh>
bourhood of some high cliffs, which
are difficult to find on tho ahorea of
tho Sea of Azof. Perhaps the meet
probable site is near Marianpol (see
Ptol. iii. 5), where the coast attaina
some elevation. Cremniaci is not to
bo cunfoandod with Cremni. It was
on the Kuxinc, between the Dnieetr
and the Danube. (Anon. PeripL P.E.
p. 153; PUn. H. N. iv. 12.)
Chat. 109-113.
STOUY OF TOE AMA20XS,
95
Scjihians. Here they -went ashore, and proceerlef! hy land
towards the inhabited regions ; the first ht*rd of horses which
they fell in with they seized, and mounting upon their backs,
fell to plundering the Scythian territory.
111. The Scyths could not tell what to malce of tho attack
upon them — the dress, the language, the nation itself, were
alike unknown — whence the enemy had come even, was a
marvel. Imagining, however, that they were all men of about
the same age^' they went out against them, and fought a
battle. Some of the bodies of the slain fell into their hands,
■whereby they discovered the truth. Hereupon they deliberated,
and made a resolve to kill no more of them, but to send
against them a detachment of their youngest men, as near as
ihey could guess equal to the women in number, with orders
to encamp in their neighbourhood, and do as they saw them
do — ^when the Amazons advanced against them, they were to
foCire» and avoid a fight — when they halted, the young men
irere to approach and pitch their camp near the camp of the
enemy. All this they did on account of then: strong desire to
obtain children from so notable a race.
112< So the youths departed, and obeyed the orders which
had been given them. The Amazons soon found out that
tbej liad not come to do them any harm ; and so they on their
pari ceased to offer the Sc^'thians any molestation. And now
day after day the camps approached nearer to one another ;
both parties led the same life, neither having anything but
•heir anus and horses, so that they were forced to support
themselves by hmiting and pillage.
113. At last an incident brought two of them together — the
man eaedly gained the good graces of the woman, who bade
him by signs (for they did not understand each other's lan-
guage) to bring a friend the next day to the spot where they
had met — promising on her part to bring with her another
momhiu He did so, and the woman kept her word. When
'TkaA is to BftT, M tbey were all alike beanUeu, they took them for an
army of yonthfl.
fefii
Wk
gS STORY OF THE AUAZOXa
the rest of the youths beard what had taken place, they also
sought and gained the farour of the other Amazons.
114. The two camps were then joined in one, the Scythians
living with the Amazons as their wives ; and the men vae
unahle to learn the tongue of the women, hut the women aoon
caught up the tongue of the men. When they could thus
understand one another, the Sc^i;hs addressed the Amazons
in these words, — " We have parents and properties, let ns
therefore give up this mode of life, and return to our nation,
and live with them. You shall he our wives there no less
than here, and we promise you to have no others." But the
Amazons said, — " We could not live with your "women— onr
customs are quite diflferent from theirs. To draw the bow, to
Imrl the javelin, to bestride the horse, these are our arts — of
womanly employments we know nothing. Your women, on
the contrary, do none of these things ; but stay at home in
their wagons, engaged in womanish tasks, and never go out
to hunt, or to do anything. We should never agree together.
But if you truly wish to keep us as your wives, and would
conduct yourselves with strict justice towards us, go you home
to your parents, bid them give you your inheritance, and then
come back to us, and let us and you Hve together by our-
selves,"
115. The youths approved of the advice, and followed it.
They went and got the portion of goods which fell to them,
returned with it, and rejoined their wives, who then addressed
them in these words following : — ** We are ashamed, and
afraid to live in the country where we now are. Not only
have we stolen you from your fathers, but we have done great
damage to Scythia by om* ravages. As you like us for wives,
grant the request we make of you. Let us leave this conntiy
together, and go and dwell beyond the Tanais." Again the
youths complied.
116. Crossing the Tanais they journeyed eastward a dis-
tance of three days* march from that stream, and again
northward a distance of three days' march from the Pal\i8
rAT. 113-11& CUSTOMS OF THE SAUROUAT£
97
jotis.' Here they came to the country where they now
We, and took up their abode in it.* The women of the
kuromata) have continncd from that day to the present to
jserve their ancient customB,® frequently hunting on horse-
jk with their husbands, eometimes even unaccompanied ;
WOT taking the ^eld ; and wearing the very same dress as
16 men.
117. The Sauromatffl speak the language of Scythia,^ hut
ive never talked it correctly, because the Amazons learnt it
iperfectly at the first. Their marriage-law lays it down that
girl shall wed till she has Icilled a man in battle,' Some-
les it happens that a woman dies unmarried at an advanced
!, having never been able in her whole lifetime to ful£l the
condition,
118- The envoys of the Scythians, on being introduced into
* Here we hftre an indication of the
of HerodotQB, that the Falna
tJ8 exttiuded sonio con&idorable
dist&ncA ratticard of the place where
the Taoaid fell into it. It baa beca
already obaonrctl that a great portion
of what is now the govi'niment of
th« Caacasns, as well as part vt the
conntrr of the Dtm Cossacks, waa
probably oiic« under water, and in<
cloded in the Sea of Asof. Vide
I ■fgira, ch. 86j note \ and infiu^ Appeu-
^■k, Eesar ii.
^^B^'* According to this dcRcription the
^^■pontr^ of the Baoromatw did not
^^knob the Msotii, but began about
P^ie 48th parallel. Oompare howercr
r the ctatcmcut in ch. SI. In later
I times, BB wo find by the Poriplaa of
Boylax (p. 74), thoy certainly reached
to the s«a.
» Thia ifl of eonrae the origin of tho
myth narrated above. That the Sar-
♦n**'**" women had the<te habits seoma
ti> be a certain fact. (Compare Nic.
Damaso. Ft. 122 1 Hippocr. De Aer.
j An. et Loc. § 43; Ephor. Frng. 78;
; Seylax, Pcripl. p. 7*1.) Yet Niobohr
I (BcMsarches, p. 6H, note 78, E. T.) re-
girded the whole matter as a tale
I without foundation. For modem in-
•UaMa of Amoxonian habit«, vide
VOL. m.
snpm, ch. 26, note \ and cb. 110,
note*.
^ That the Banromatiie of Herodotns
are the Sarmatiana of later timca does
not appear to admit of a doabt. Nie-
bnhr (KesoarcheSi pp. 7't-H]) traces
tbeir gradual progress from the steppes
of the Don to the rich plains of Hon.
gory. Thoncc, under tho name of.
Slaves they overspread Poland and
Rnssia. In them we seem to hare a
link, elsewhere desiderated, botwocn
the Arian and the modt*m Eoropeaa
races. Their name, Snnromatm (8anro>
Modes, or Northern Mede6),as well oa
their locality and language (Boockh,
Corp. Iiiflcr. part xi. pp. 107-117),
connect them vtilh the Median nation,
and their identity with the Slaves is a
matter of hietorio certainty. Whether
we may presume from tho declaration
of Herodotus, that the Saoromataa
epoko bad Scythian, to regard the
Scyths as Slaves is a distinct qnestion.
An analysis of tho Soythiau langoago
leads to a different rosolt. Soo Ap-
pendix, Essay iii.
^ Nicholas of Damascus repeats this
statement (Fr. 122), but it is not cer-
tain tliat ho does more thaa follow
Herodotns.
98 CONFERENCE OF THE FRIKCE& BookK.
the presence of the kings of these nations, who were as-
sembled to deliberate, made it known to them, that the
Persian, after subduing the whole of the other continent, hid
thrown a bridge over the strait of the Bosphorus, and crossed
into the continent of Europe, where he had reduced tiie
Thracians, and was now making a bridge over the Ister, his
aim being to bring imder his sway all Europe also. " Stand
ye not aloof then from this contest," they went on to say,
" look not on tamely while wo are perishing — but make com-
mon cause with us, and together let us meet the enemy. If
yo refuse, wo must yield to the pressure, and either quit onr
country, or make terms with the invaders. For what else is
left for us to do, if your aid be withheld from us 9 The Wot,
be sure, will not light on you more gently upon this account.
The Persian comes against you no less than against us : and
will not bo content, after we are conquered, to leave you in
peace. We can bring strong proof of what we here advance.
Had the Persian leader indeed come to avenge the wrongs
which he suffered at our hands when wo enslaved his people*
and to war on us only, he would have been bound to mareb
straight upon Scythia, without molesting any nation by the
way. Then it would have been plain to all that Scythia
alone was aimed at. But now, what has his conduct been?
From the moment of his entrance into Europe he has sub-
jugated without exception every nation that lay in his patL
All the tribes of the Thracians have been brought under bis
sway, and among them even our next neighbours, the Getffi."
119. The assembled princes of the nations, after hearing
all that the Scythians had to say, deliberated. At the end
opinion was divided — the Idngs of the Geloni, Budini, and
SauromatiB were of accord, and pledged themselves to give
assistance to the Scythians; but the Agathyrsian and
Neurian princes, together with the sovereigns of the Andro-
phagi, the Mclanchlseni, and the Tauri, replied to their
^ AUading to tlio Scythian mTosion of Asia in the time of Cyaxant. 8m
Book i. chg. 103.105, and supra, cb. 1.
Cbaf. 118-130. PLAN ADOPTED BY THE SCYTHIANS.
99
request a*^ follows : — '* If you had not boen the first to wrong
the Persians, and begin the war, we ehould have thought the
request yon make just; we should then have comi)lied with
your wishes, and joined our arms with yours. Now, however,
the case stands thus — you, independently of us, invaded the
land of the Persians, and bo long as God gave you the power,
lorded it over them : raised up now by the same God, they
are oome to do to you the like. We, on our part, did no
wrong to these men in the former war, and will not be the
first to commit wrong now. If they invade our land, and
begin aggressions upon us, we will not suffer them; but, till
ve see this come to pass, we will remain at home. For we
believe that the Persians are not come to attack us, but to
punish those who are guilty of fii-st injuring them.
120. When this reply reached the Scythians, they resolved,
as the neighbom'ing nations refused their alliance, that tliey
would not openly venture on any pitched battle with the
enemy, but would retire before them, driving off their herds,
choking op all the wells and springs as they retreated, and
leaving the whole country bare of forage. They divided
themselves into three bands, one of which, namely, that com-
manded by Scopasis, it was agreed should be joined by the
Bauromatip, and if the Persians advanced in the direction of
the Tauaia, should retreat along the shores of the Palus
MjGotis and make for that river; while if the Persians retired ►
they should at once pursue and harass them. The two other
divisions, the principal one under the command of Idanthyr-
gus, and tlie third," of which Taiacis was king, were to unite
in one, and, joined by the detachments of the Geloni and
Bndini, were, like the others, to keep at the distance of a day's
morcli from the Persians, falling back as they advanced, and
doing the same as the others. And first they were to take
• Tiwe three dmaion?, and tlie ihfw
k'mga, Idaiiihyratja, Taxncia, dnJ Bco-
jmi^t lecfttl tho ancient tripK- diriainn
of the natiuu under tbo mythic Lei*
pQXOui, Arpoxai.% and Colaxaia (rapru,
ch. 6^. Pofiaibl;* thoro were at nil
timofi thrco threat tribos nnincg tbo
Kuj^l Sc>-t))ians, whoso chiefs had ib
100
UABCH OF I>ABin&
BooxIT.
the direction of the nations T^hich had refofied to join the .
alliance, and were to draw the war upon them : that so, if
they would not of their own &ee will engage in the contest,
they might by these means be forced into it.^ Afterwards, it
was agreed that they should retire into their own land, and,
should it on deliberation appear to them expedient, join battle
with the enemy.
121. When these measures had been detennined on, the
Scythians went out to meet the army of Darius, sending on
in front as scouts the fleetest of their horsemen. Thdr
wagons, wherein their women and their children lived, and
all their cattle, except such a number as was wanted for food,
which they kept with them, were made to precede them in
their retreat, and departed, with orders to keep imar^hipg,
without change of course, to the north.
122. The scouts of the Scythians found the Persian hoet
advanced three days* march &om the Ister, and immediatelj
took the lead of them at the distance of a day's march, en-
camping from time to time, and destroying all that grew (m
the ground. The Persians no sooner caught sight of the
Scythian horse than they pursued upon their track, while
the enemy retired before them. The pursuit of the Persians
was directed towards the single division of the Scythian
army,^ and thus their line of march was eastward toward
the Tanais. The Scyths crossed the river, and the Persians
after them, still in pursuit. In this way they passed throogb
the country of the Sauromatse, and entered that of the
Budini.
123. As long as the march of the Persian army la;
through the countries of the Scythians and Sauromatse, there
was nothing which they could damage, the land being waste
and barren ; but on entering the territories of the Budini,
* It IB to be observed, that accord-
ing to the narrative of Herodotus, the
nations who assisted the Scythians
bad the war drawn upon them as much
as those who refused. The Sauro-
matse, Budini, and Gel6ni are ereii
the first sufferers. (Infra, chs. VHi
123.)
^ The division of Soopaais {sapOk
oh. 120).
Chat. 120-134
LIKE OF HIS RETURN.
lOI
they came upon the wooden fortress above mentioned/ ^hich
waa deserted by its inhabitants and left quite empty of every-
thing. This place they burnt to the ground ; and ha\-ing so
done, again pressed forward on the track of the retreating
Scythians, till, having passed through the entire country of
the Budini, they reached the desert, which has no inhabit-
ants,* and extends a distance of seven days* journey above tho
Budinian territory. Beyond this desert dwell the ThyssagetiP,
out of whose land four great streams flow. These rivers all
tverso the country of the Sfffiotians, and fall into tho Palua
itifl. Their names are the Lycus, the Oarus, the Tanais,
and the Syrgis.'
124. When Darius reached the desert, he paused from his
it, and halted his army upon tho Oarus.^ Here he built
eight large forts, at an equal distance from one another, sixty
rkmgB apart or thereabout3, the ruins of which were still
kxnaining in my day.' During tho time that he was so
ipied, the Scythians whom he had been following, made a
circuit by the higher regions, and re-entered Scythia. On
iheir complete disappearance, Darius, seeing nothing more of
left his forts half finished, and returned towards the
west. He imagined that the Sc^iihians whom he had seen
rere the entire nation, and that they had fled in that direc-
' Thai iff, thfi toim Gcloniu. Vide
in, eK. lOS.
* MMiLioned abore, ch. 2S.
' This i^ipeani to bo the etroam
th» Bf rgiB in ch. VJ. It is there
9 run into the TannU. Piolcmy
BBftk«a tbe UyrK'is, a« well aa
Lyev*, nm iofo the Pnlns Meecttis,
irecn OrBmni and ttie mouth of tho
' The Onms U frcncrallv enppoicd
to reprt«fiit llie WoIk^ (Rittox, Krd-
Imnde^ u. p. 765; Hoancl), p. (K);
% ir. p. 79) ; bat tbe peograpby
Ckis region, aa de^^rriboii by Hero.
U m utterly anlike tho present
itum of the cooutr}', that no
yoistiv^ identificfttuuu are poiisibte.
' Tho eonjcctnro is probable that
the^e supposed ** forts" wore ruined
bniTDwa — perhnps of larger size and
better material than common. Ilero*
dotos would hear of them from tho
Greek tmdera. Hia wonlfl do not ne-
ooBnarilj imply that be had himself
seen them ; nhile that he shoaM hare
penetrated so for into the interior is
in the highest degree improbable. Of
course we mayboliere in tho existoncs
of the roiua without accopiing the
tradition oonnectin^ tbom rnih. Do*
rins's iuTosian. It is, oh Diihlmonn
obserrca (Life, p. 120, E. T.), ex-
tremely unlikely that t>ny forts were
built in Scythia by Dotio^
102
THE MESSAGE.
Book IV.
125. He now quickened his march, and entering Scythia,
fell in with the two combined divisions of the Scythian annyi*
and instantly gave them chase. They kept to their plan of
retreating before him at the distance of a day's march; and,
he still following them hotly, they led him, as had been pr^
yionsly settled, into the territories of the nations that had
refused to become their allies, and first of all into the country
of the Melanchlseni. Great disturbance was caused among
this people by the invasion of the Scyths first, and then of the
Persians. So, having harassed them after this sort, the
Scythians led the way into the land of the Androphagi, irith
the same result as before ; and thence passed onwards into
Neuris, where their coming likewise spread dismay among the
inhabitants. Still retreating they approached the Agathyrsi;
but this people, which had witnessed the flight and terror of
their neighbom-s, did not wait for the Scyths to invade them,
but sent a herald to forbid them to cross their borders, and to
forewarn them, that, if they made the attempt, it would be
resisted by force of arms. The Agathyrsi then proceeded to
the frontier, to defend their country against the invaders. As
for the other nations, the Melanchlseni, the Androphagi, and
the Neuri, instead of defending themselves, when the Scyths
and Persians overran their lands, they forgot their threats,
and fled away in confusion to the deserts lying towards the.
north. The Scythians, when the Agathyrsi forbade them to
enter their country, refrained;^ and led the Persians back
from the Neurian district into their own land.
126. This had gone on so long, and seemed so intermin-
able, that Darius at last sent a horseman to Idanthyrsus, the
Scythian king, with the following message : — " Thou strange
man, why dost thou keep on flying before me, when there are
two things thou mightest do so easily? If thou deemest
" The divisions of Idanthyraos and
Taxocis (supra, ch. 120).
• The Agathyrsi, having tho Carpa-
thians for their frontier, would be
better able to defend themselres than
the nations which lay further to tli*
cost. As "luxurious" and "fond of
wearing gold" (supra^ ch, 10*), t^
Agathyreii would also have man to
lose than their noighboarB.
125-12a
THE REPLY.
103
lelf able to resist my arms, cease thy wanderings and
le, let us engage in battle. Or if thou art conscious that
strength is greater than thine — even so thou shouldcst
ise to nm away — thou hast but to bring thy lord earth and
•, and to come at once to' a conference."
127. To this message Idanthyrsus, the Scythian kijig, re-
icd : — " This is my way, Persian. I never fear men or fly
from them. I have not done so in times past, nor do I now
fly from thee. There is nothing new or strange in what I do ;
I only follow my common mode of life in peaceful years. Now
I will tell thee why I do not at once join battle with thee. We
Scythians have neither to^vns nor cultivated lands, which
might induce us, through fear of their being taken or
ravaged, to be in any hurry to fight with you. If, however,
you must needs come to blows with us speedily, look you now,
•re are our father's tombs ^ — seek them out, and attempt to
Idle vnth them — then ye shall see whether or no we will
fht with you. Till ye do this, be sure we shall not join
rttle, unless it pleases us. This is my answer to the chal-
ige to fight. As for lords, I acknowledge only Jove, my
icestor,* and Vesta, the Scythian queen.^ Earth and water,
tribute thou afikcdst, I do not send, but thou shalt soon
seivo more suitable gifts. Last of all, in return for thy
calling thyself my lord, I say to thee, ' Go weep.' " (This is
what men mean by the Sc3rthian mode of speech.)* So the
herald departed, bearing this message to Dai'ius.
128, "When the Scythian kings heard the name of slavery
* Tba tombs of the Icings, irhich
ware at tbp place callod GorrfauB
(mpm, chfi. 5G and 71), seem to bo
mobiit. Tboso were probably defended
hy m nattled enclu^uTB (y^^^ov) bu*
bind which the Scythians would have
i(fht. Common borrowa covered,
doubt, as tbey aliU cover, the nbola
vtTJ.
■ Supra, cb- 5.
* We zuoj fr&tbcr £rom this, that
tlio ScytluHna avknowludgetl a
of deities (ride snpra, oh. bO),
they paid special bonoars to Jove and
Vedta, the long and qncon of Heaven.
* DiogenoH Laertius (Vit. Anacharfi.
i. p. 26), tnakca Anachnrgia the origin
of tliia Greek proverb, and sponia to
apply it to all free and bold speak-
inij. (ndptffx*^ ^'. li*' suys, 6 'Avdixap<rtt
euurrucli fivaif 'H anit Zvi/du'v ffrtnis.)
The rvniiirk uf Herodotus inn!>t tbore-
iore be undrt/itood of the whole reply
of Idontbyrvojii not only of the but
worda.
I04
THE SCTTHS TAKE THE OFFENSIVE
Bool 17.
they 'were filled vnih rage, and despatched the diyisicm under
Scopasis, to which the Sanromatsd were joined, with ordea
that they should seek a conference with the lonians, who had
been left at the Ister to gaard the bridge. Meanwhile the
Scythians who remained behind resolved no longer to lead
the Persians hither and thither about their country, but to
fall upon them whenever they should be at their meals. So
they waited till such times, and then did as they had deter-
mined. In these combats the Scythian horse always put to
flight the horse of the enemy; these last, however, wheo
routed, fell back upon their foot, who never failed to afford
them support ; while the Scythians, on their side, as soon aa
they had driven the horse in, retired again, for fear of the
foot. By night too the Scythians made many similar attacks.
129. There was one very strange thing which greatly ad-
vantaged the Persians, and was of equal disservice to the
Scyths, in these assaults on the Persian camp. This was the
braying of the asses and the appearance of the mules. For,
as I observed before, the land of the Scythians produces
neither ass nor mule, and contains no single specimen of
either animal, by reason of the cold.^ So, n^hen the asses
brayed, they frightened the Scythian cavalry ; and often, in
the middle of a charge, the horses, hearing the noise made ty
the asses, would take fright and wheel round, pricking up
their ears, and showing astonishment. This was owing to
their having never heard the noise, or seen the form, of the
animal before : and it was not without some little influence
on the progress of the war.
130. The Scythians, when they perceived signs that the
Persians were becoming alarmed, took steps to induce them
* The same etatcment is mado by
AriBtotle (Do Generat. An. ii. ad fin.),
who agrees with Hcrodotns as to the
causo. M. dc Buffon remarks tliat the
ass is originally an inhabitant of warm
coontrics, and has only boon recently
introdnced into colder ones, where he
always doffenerates. (HistoiTe dai
Q^ad^lI>^de8, vol. i, p. 160.) The
notion of tho Hyperboreans sacrificing
assoa (l*ind. Tyth. x. 51) was connected
with tho belief that they inhabited a
warm coxintry (supi-a, ch. 33, note ^.
Chap. 12&-132. SYMBOLIC PEESENTS TO DAEIUa
los
not to quit Scytliia, in the hope, if they stayed, of inflicting
, on them the greater injury, when their supplies should
altogether fail. To effect this, they would leave some of their
Pttle exposed iwth the herdsmen, while they themselves
aved away to a distance : the Persians would make a foray,
id take the beasts, whereupon they would ho highly elated.
131. This they did several times, until at last Darius was
at his wits' end ; hereon the Scjrthian princes, understanding
how matters stood, despatched a herald to the Persian camp
^nth presents for the king : these were, a bird, a mouse, a
^pog, and five arrows. The Persians asked the bearer to tell
them what these gifts might mean, hut he made answer that
LJ|B had no orders except to dehver them, and retiun again
^^th all speed. If the Persians were wise, he added, they
would End out the meaning for themselves. So when they
heard this, thi?y held a council to consider the matter.
132. Darius gave it as his opinion, that the Scyths intended
a surrender of themselves and their country, both land and
^■ater, into his hands. This ho conceived to be the meaning
^■the giftd, because the mouse is an inhabitant of the earth,
^Bd eats the same food as man, while the frog passes his life
in the water ; the bird bears a great resemblance to the horse,
and the arrows might signify the surrender of all their power.
To the cixplanation of Darius, Gobryas, one of the seven con-
spirators against the Magus, opposed another, which was as
follows ; — " Unless, Persians, ye can turn into bu'ds and tly up
into the sky, or become mice and burrow under the ground, or
make yourselves frogs, and take refuge in the fens, ye will
^ttver make escape &om this land, but die pierced by our
^prows.*' Such were the meanings which the Persians assigned
to the gift&.°
' ThEi •torr wa« toM, with some nofc
importaot altontions, by Fhcre-
crd^i of Lorov. (See Clem. Alex,
pp. 671, 672, where AtpiOi
rcud for Zifiios). It in uii.
^wliothcr he wrote before or
aftor HorodotoB (spd lIQUer'a Fr. Hist.
Gr. vol. i. pp. xxiT.-vi. ; Mure's Lit.
of Greece, toI. iv. p. 183; Dahlnmnn'B
Life of Herodotns, ch. vi. § 7, p. 98,
E. T.) Aj. howevor. bo may possibly
haTO wxitton earlier, aud Herodotus
io6
MESSAGE TO THE I0XIAN3.
Book 17.
133. The single division of the Scyths, which in the earlj
part of the war had hecn appointed to keep gaard about ihe
Palus Meeotis,' and had now heen sent to get speech of tiie
lonians stationed at the Ister, addressed them on reaching the
bridge, in these words ; — " Men of Ionia, we bring yon freedom,
if ye will only do as we recommend. Darins, we nnderstand,
enjoined you to keep your guard here at this bridge just siity
days ; then, if he did not appear, you were to return home.
Now, therefore, act so as to be free from blame, alike in hie
sight, and in ours. Tarry here the appointed time,® and at
the end go your ways." Having said this, and received ft
promise from the lonians to do as they desired, the Scythiasa
hastened back with all possible speed.
134. After the sending of the gifts to Darius, the part of the
Scythian army, which had not marched to the Ister, drew oat
in battle array horse and foot^ against the Persians, and
may havo had the passage iu qncstion
tinder his eye, it eecms worth Bobjoin-
ing in an English dross. " Phere-
cydea relates," Bays Clemens, "that
Idanthoras the Scythian king, when
Darius had crossed the later, threat,
enod him with war, sendincj him not
a letter, but a symbol, which was a
moose, a fm^, a bird, an arrow, and a
plough. When there was — not nn-
naturally — much doubt conceming the
meaning of this luessagc, Oruntopn^s,
the chilinrch, maintained that it was
a surrender of tho empire ; for he
conjectured tho mouHC to mean their
dwellings, tho frog tlieir waters, tho
bii-d their air, the arrows their arms,
and the plough their country. But
Xiphodres interpreted it differently ;
for ho explained it thus : — * Unless
liko birds wo fly aloft, or liko mice
burrow under-ground, or like frogs
bet ako ou rsel vea to tlio water, we
shall never eb^cupo their weafious ; for
wo ore not moMters of their country.'"
Tho story in Ilei-odotus is more Scy-
thiavy in omitting any meatiou of
divellhujs.
7 Viiio supra, ch. 120.
' It ig ovideat that tho fiixty days
ought to have expired long ere tUi*
Scythia is a sqnore of 20 days' jovan
each way (ch. 101). Darioa Iw
marched along one side, and hA
skirted two others. He had alw gm*
so far out of the direct oooise ai to
reach the Ooras, and he bad tuaeA
there long enough to build eight gmt
forts. Ho had begun to deacex^ tbs
fourth side of Scythia, when tie
Scythians, under Scopasia, set off f<'
tho Ister, and they had to complete
that side of Scythia before they cooW
reach the lonians. Altogether tlie
time consumed, according to Herodo*
tns's own showing, ought to hare been
90 or 100 days.
' Wo now hear for the first time <l
tho Scythians having in&ntry. Iti*
scarcely possible that thoy r^lly p<»-
Be&sed any snch force. The noms^
nations of these countries have alvave
lived on horseback, and are utteAf
helpless on foot. (Compare Hommwff
de Hell, Travels, p. 243, E. T., an*
Herodotus's own words, supra, ch. 46,
and infra, ch. 13G.) If they had hfti
a force of foot-soldiers, Darioe might
have compelled them to a gonenlen^
gagemcnt.
roAP. 13a-13S. ADVICE OF QOBSiXOHt^^^r 107
med about to conae to an en^a^ement. But as thoy stood
battle arrajr it chanced that a hare &tartL>d up betwoou
em and the Persians, and set to running ; when inimediatoly
II the Scyths who saw it, ru^cd off in pursuit, witli great
I confusion, and loud cries and shouts, Dariua, hearing tho
^koise, inquired the cause of it, and was told that the Scythians
^Krere all engaged in hunting a hare. On thlB ho turned to
^Rhose with whom he was wont to converse, and said : —
" These men do indeed despise us utterly : and now I boo that
Gobryaa was right about tho St-ythian gifts. As, tlnrifore,
^_ius opinion is now mine likewise, it is time we form some wisu
^^lac, whereby we may secure ourselves a safe return to our
• homes." ** Ah ! sire," Gobryas rejoined, '* I was well nigh
sure, ere I came here, that this was an impracticable race —
since our coming I am yet more convinced of it, especially
now that I see them making game of us. My advice is, there-
fore, that, when night falls, we light our fires as wo are wont
to do at other times, and leaving bchiu<l us on some pretext
that portion of our army which is weak and unequal to hard-
Ih^^I^ (along care also to leave our asses tethered, retreat from
H^^piia, before our foes march forward to the Ister anil destroy
the bridge, or tho louiaas come to any resolution which may
lead to oar ruin."
185. So Gobryas advised ; and when niglit camo, Darius
faDowed his counsel, and leading his sick soldiers, and those
Joes would be of least account, with tho oases aluo
aboat tho camp, marched away. The asses were left
thai their noise might be heard : the men, really because they
wcro flick and useless, but under the pretence, that he was
ftboot to fall npon the Scythians with the flower of his troops,
and that they meanwhile were to guard his camp for him.
Having thofl declared bis plans to the mun whom he was
dcseittog, and having caused the fires to be lighted, Dariua set
fcrtb, and marched hastily towards the Ister. The aBses,
mnn al the departure of the host, brayed louder than ever;
$ai tha Scythians, hearing the sound, entertained no doubt of
lbs Ftesaaa being still in the same place.
208
SECOND APPUCATION TO THE lONUNa
Booi IV.
till
136. When day dawned, the men who had heen left behind,
perceiving that they were betrayed by Darius, stretched out
their hands towards the Scythians* and spoke as befitted
situation. The enemy no sooner heard, than they qi
joined all their troops in one, and both portions of the Sc;
army, — alike that which consisted of a single division, an
that made up of two,' — accompanied by all their aUies, tha
Sauromatie, the Budini, and the Geloni, set off in pursmt,
made straight for the Ister. As, however, the Persian
was chiefly foot, and had no knowledge of the routes, wl
are not cut out in Scythia ; * while the Soytha were all
men and well acquainted with the shortest way ; it so L
pened that the two armies missed one another, and tlie 8
tbians, getting far ahead of their adversaries, came first to
bridge. Finding that the Persians were not yet arrived,
addi'csscd the lonians, who were aboard their ships, in th
words : — " Men of Ionia, the number of your days is out,
ye do wrong to remain. Fear doubtless has kept you here
hitherto ; now, however, you may safely break the bridge, and
hasten back to your homos, rejoicing that you ore free, and
thanking for it the gods and the Scythians. Your former lord
and master we undertake so to handle, that he will ne
again make war upon any one."
137- The lonians now held a council. Miltiades
Athenian, who was king of the Chersonesites upon the K
pont," and their commander,^ at the Ister, recommended
' TidoBnpra, ch. ISO.
' Ercn at the present day Southern
Bnesia ponHo^sea bat few made rondo.
The turf of iho eteppoB ia smooth and
firm, aud is traversed, at disc^rettOD, by
the carta of the pcaaantry. (8eo
Clarke's Rowio, pp. 186. 187, 212. HIZ,
do. De HoU, Travels, p. lU, tO. T.)
* Concerning the modo in which this
Bovercig^uty came iuto the family of
Ikliltijuloii, vjdo infra, Dnok ri. chd. 31-
«I6. The doiiiinioD of Miltiudes wna
over the whole of the peninKuln, aa far
as the iTuU n^iueh etrctchod aoroBB
from Pacl^tt to Cardia.
*' The Chersonesites upon ih* 17<n»
pont" ore here distingm'sbed fnnBth*
inhabitants of the Heiacleotic CfaenO*
acstiB, which oocnpicd the penii
between the port of Dalaclara
great harbonr of SobaatopoL
See below rii. 33.
* Hr. Blakesloy (note 365 cm clu
141) Bnpposea Horodotna to mean thsl
Miliiades commanded the whuto flMt|,^
and endcavonni Ut orplai
sense; bnt Herodotus ccrtainl
not say that jldiltiades
any boaidea his own aabjeots.
n ch-
Qthsl
wnuto fl*>VM|
in <4HH
rtainly ^^^|
CniP. 136, 137. RECOMMEXDATION OF BULTIADEa
109
other generals to do as the Scythians ■wished, and restore
freedom to lonia.^ But Histixeus the Milesian opposed this
' Dr. Thirlinll liiu called in qnestiou
the truth of ihis story (Hist, of Greoce,
«x>l ii. Append, ii. p. '186), which ho
conuders to hsTe boen fabricated bj
Untixtc* on hifl return to Attico, d.c.
408L Mr. Uroto (History, vol. iv. p.
S68) nol«) maintninii the ci-cdit of tho
graftt AthimLan. Tho difficulty in con-
ncrion with the etory ia to nndor-
ftaod how Miltiodos could havo re-
mfttned ondiytnrbed in his aovoreignty
(•i he ftppcora to hare dono, Herod.
ri. 40) daring tho campaignji of Mega-
buuB and Otanca (Elerod. ▼. 1'2, and
:iii), if he had token the part aguitiat
DxriuA ntiich ia ascribed to bixu. Mr.
GtDto rata the Gordinn knot, by lu-
nnung thot he did not reninin, but
fled to Attica at once, as Comelins
Nepo« JUSPTtj. (Milt. § 3.) Tho flight
wiaeh Uerodotae Mcribt*a to fear uf tho
BeythiBBfl (ti. 40), Mr. Groto conaidcra
tefasTO boen canted in reality by fmir
of Uw IVanu&ns.
The objeotiocfl to thia aro, first,
tkit it ** oontmdicts Hcrudotas, in a
nuuief of fact very conspictiooii" —
tba enemy before whom HiiUiodce fled ;
■id aeooDdly, that it is inoompatible
with the ohitmolo^. Mr. Grolv says
tWt "tlie chroaolu^ical data in Hero*
doc tL 40 are exceedingly obscoro
nd peiploxed," and there foro be seta
Umbi atfide altogether. But one thing
is euJHeieDtly clear from thom, viz,
thai the Scytliian iuvaaion of the
uid flight of Miltindea
only three yeara before hia
ji^tnrn t,. Affirm J tiiat [g^ nearly
ST' <* Scythian expe-
dition. > . lotus cannot hare
oaiifoandt:d a ilif^ht from the Pcrsinna
bi a,c. !»li or GIS, with one from tho
&7tlitanii in ff.c. 495, tho nndnabtcd
jcarof the Scythian inroad. (Seonoto
•aioe.)
Kr. Gmte, bowerer, ahowa good
tmaOBM for rejecting Dr. Tbirlwuira
tTpotboA*. There would haro been
ItD many vitnecsoa to tho true facta
q( tbo csie for a &bricatiun to haro
lad any ebAooe of Mtcceaa. And Hero-
dotna's inquiries would have been made
chiolly on the Aiiiatio aide, among
those whose fathers had boen present
at the bridge, and who hod no interest
in cxaggcraiing t)ie potriotiam of Mil-
tiodt'S. We uinst thfrvfure accept tbo
fact of Miltiadoa havio^ advocated tho
broaldng up of tho bridH^e.
How then may the fact that, not.
withfltandiog thle advooacy, he escaped
tho Persian Teogcance during the oam<
potgns of Megabazufl and Otanea be
accounted for P I conjecture, becauM
it xeoA than unknoit^n, Tlio matter
would bo debated by tho Greek
prinoos in scent conclave. It would be
a point of hononr on the part of all
pro&eDt not to dirulgo what had been
prnpcscd at the meeting, especially
when to do so would be to bring ruin
on one "of their own body, Dariua
wuuM know that tho InniaoA liad been
urged by tho SoytUinua to break tho
bridge, and that UiAtitcna had beea
very active in persuading hia coUcagnea
not to listen to tlicm. But he need
not have known that any of tho des-
pots had actually propoeed complying
with tho ontreatios of the Scytlw.
Hia special gratitude to Hititiajua may
also in part bare been owing to the
fact, of which there ore indications
(eha. 139 and 141). that HiatisDua held
a higher rank than his brother deapota,
and bad the apocial cbargo of the
bridge.
Whno (ho Ionian revolt broke out,
and Miltio'.Ics joined in it, aa ia evident
by hia attack on Lemnos, a Persian de.
pendenoy (Herod, v. 27) t there would
be no longer any need of oouccalmcnt.
MiltiadoB would boast of what he had
formerly done, and it would become
knowTi generally.
That tho Serbians, twenty ycon
afterwards, did not vpare the Cborso-
nose on this account, does not seem to
me at all strange. Their incarsiona
were not wars andertaken from motirea
of policy, but plundering inroads.
Further, tlioy might not know that
I Miltiadcs had been on their side ; and
no
OPPOSITION OF Hisn^ua
advice. " It is through Darius," he said, " that we enjoy onr
thrones in our several states. If his power be OYertumedt I
cannot continue lord of Miletus, nor ye of your cities. For
there is not one of them which will not prefer democracy to
kingly rule." Then the other captains, who, till HistijEfOB
spoke, were about to vote with Miltiades, changed their miudfl,
and declared in favour of the last speaker.
138. The following were the voters on this occasion— all of
them men who stood high in the esteem of the Persian king:
the tyrants of the Hellespont, — Daphnis of Abydos, Hippodus
of Lampsacus, Herophantus of Parium, Metrodorus of Pro-
connesus, Aristagoras of Cyzicus, and Ariston of Byzantium;*
the Ionian princes — Strattis of Chios, ^aces of Samos,' Lao-
damas of Phocsea, and Histieeus of Miletus, the man who had
opposed Miltiades. Only one -Holian of note was present, to
wit, Aristagoras ^ of Cyme.®
139. Having resolved to follow.the advice of Histiseus, the
Greek leaders further determined to speak and act as follows.
In order to appear to the Scythians to be doing something,
when in fact they wore doing nothing of consequence, and
if thov (litl, the pmtitudo of a barbar-
oas pooplo docs not often last twenty
years.
* Kxccpt Byzantium, oU those places
arc on tlie Asiatic eidc. Byzaulinm
had no donbt been compellcii to 6ub-
mit at the tinip of tho passage of the
]Josphorus. Wliy Miltiades, whoso
kingdom lay so rnnch out of DariHs'a
route, had submitted, is not so appa-
rent.
' Syloson, it appears, did not lonjj
enjoy tlie throne, ivhicU he liad reco-
vered by Persian aid (iii. Hi)), lie
had now been pucceeded by his ecu,
.^aces (vide infra, vi. 13).
^ Of whom wo hear again, infra, V.
37-8.
* Tliis list is remarkable, both for
what it omits, and for what it contains.
The absence of the Loshians, who a few
years later furnished 70 ships to tho
combined fleet at Lade, is tno moRt
unaccouutablo omission of all. Tcoa
also on that occasion snpplicd 17 sliips,
Prifino 12, and Erythrro 8 j while Pbo-
cxa could give but three. Yet h«t
the Phocwan leader appears as possesi-
inff a vote, while Lesbos, Teos, Pri*D^
and Erythra), are nnmontioncd. Oos
cannot but suspect that tho list d
Uenidotus is imperfect, and that nun
contingents wero present than 1»
names. It may be conjectured tbtt
the list came from a HcUespNitiii*
Kourco (from tbe family of MiltiadWi
most proljably) * and thus, while the
catalopne of tho lleUespontino citiM il
tolerably complete, there being w
important omission but that of Cbt^*
ccdon, only those Ionian and .dSoliu
leaders who wero of particular repute
obtained any mention. Phoesea, thoDgb
so weak in ships, might still poflBC8i>
leader of eminence, as was found to be
tho case in tho Ionian struggle, whet
tno entire command was placed in the
hands of Diunysios (r'u 11).
187-140. DARIUS ARRIVES AT THE BHIDCa
III
cewise to prevent them from forcing a passage across tho
Ister by the bridge, tliey resolved to break up the part of
the bridge which abutted on Scythia, to tho distance of a bow-
shot from the river bank ; and to assure the Scj'thians, while
the demolition was proceeding, that there was nothing which
they could not do to pleasure them. Such were the additions
made to the resolution of Histia3UB ; and then Histiaeus him-
eelf stood forth and made answer to the Scyths in the name of
ell the Greeks : — " Good is the advice which ye have brought
ufl, Scythians, and well have ye done to come here with such
rd. Your efforts have now put us into the right path ; and
efforts shall not be wanting to advance your cause. Your
own eyes see that we are engaged in breaking the bridge ; and,
believe ur, we will work zealously to procure our own freedom.
Meantime, while we labour here at our task, be it your busi-
ness to seek them out, and, when foimd, for our sakes, as well
as your own, to visit them with the vengeance which they so
well deserve."
140. Again the Scyths put faith in the promises of the
Ionian chiefs, and retraced their steps, hoping to fall in with
the Persians. They missed, however, the enemy's whole line oi
march ; their own former acts being to blame for it. Had they
not ravaged all the pasturages of that region, and filled in all
the wells, they would have easily found the Persians whenever
they chose. But, as it turned out, the measures which
seemed to them so wisely planned were exactly what caused
their failure. They took a route where water was to be found
and fodder could be got for their horses, and on this track
Bonght their adversaries, expecting that they too would retreat
through regions wero these things were to be obtained. The
Pendans, however, kept strictly to the line of their fonner
march, never for a moment departing from it : and even so
gained the bridge with difficulty. It was night when they
arrived, and their terror, when they found the bridge broken
np, was great ; for they thought that perhaps the lonians had
deserted them.
112
THE PEBSUXS ESCAPE FROM SCYTHIA.
Book IT.
141. Now there was in the army of Darias a certain man,
an Egyptian, who had a louder voice than any other man in
the world. This person was bid by Darius to stand at the
water s edge, and call Histiseus the Milesian. The fellow did
as he was bid ; and Histiseus, hearing him at the very first
summons, brought the fleet to assist in conTeying the azn^
across, and once more made good the bridge.
14*2. By these means the Persians escaped £rom Scythia,
while the Scyths sought for them in vain, again missing theii
track.^ And hence the Scythians are accustomed to sajof
* This Bcems to bo the proper place
for roviowiEEf t!io entire hi:«tnrT of this
oxpeilition, ivhich almost all modems
apreo iuihinkinc absolutely iiii'redible
(Nii*V>nhr, Vortnicro iiber alto Ge-
sohicUte, i, pp. lSy-191 ; Grote, iv. pp.
351.3G1; Thirlwftll, ch. xW. p. 2-J3,
iSro. cd.; Dahlmann's Life, p. 120,
E. T.).
That Darius led nn expodition into
Scytliia, across tho Canal of Constanti-
nopU'andtho Danubo,may boro!rariled
as hi-storioally certain ; it is a point in
which Ctf-fias hiiu.solf did not venture
to contradict Ilorodotns. (Exceq>t.
ap. Phiitiuui, I 17.) Tho passai^o of
the Straits, anil of the river, by brids^>3
made by Greeks of Greek bliips, and
tho prcsonco of Miltiades, on both
occasions, must bo taken to bo facts
as assured as tho battle of 3Iarathon
itself.
A^in, the general result of the ex-
pcdit iim — np;^ativo rather than positive
— that Darius ]>enetrated to Fomc dis-
tance into Scythia, and returned with-
out obtaiiiins; any ronmrkable success,
or cxiwriencing any very overwhcltniug
loss, may bo recmrdcd as ascertained.
Ctesios airreos sufTicicntly, Ihoufrh he
represents tho matter \e^ favourably
to tho Tersiana than Uorodotns ; bat
the proof is to bo found in tlio courso
of events — tho safe retnrnof the king —
his ability to detach 80,000 men under
31egabazus (ch. 113) — and tho permn-
nont hold which ho obtained on Europo
by his attack. Tho incredulity of the
modems attaches to tho circunwtances
of tho campaign in Scyttxia — to the
line of route and length of march— u
well as to the period of time (abon
two montba) dnring which the iimf u
supposed to have remained in the
enemy's country. It is regarded u
impossible, first, that Darias should
have been ablo to eifect the pasMgecl
each great rivers as the Dneistr, tht
Dnicpr, auid the Don, without his fleet
and in the eummer (Grote, p. SSS;
Niobuhr, p. 191) ; and secondly, tint
the army should hare been ablo to
exist for so Ion? a time, and totravene
so vast a territory, when tho conctiy
was itself so barren, and had moreonr
been purposely exhausted bcEore hil
coming. (Grote, ib. ; Niebahr, p. 190;
Thirlwall, p. 225.) Bnt these difl-
cultics arc not so formidable as tli^
appear ; and if they were greyer, it
would perhaps bo better to accept Aa
narrative with them, than to soj^
cither that Herodotus failed to obisiD
any knowledge of tho real cooneof
tho campaign, or that he pnipoi^
gave us a grand graphic sketch in liB
of history. The latter seems to 1*
what Mr. Grote imagines (p. 356, lid
again, p. 359), without seeing, •pp*'
rently, what a fatal blow is tben^
dealt to the gencrcl credibility (tf (^
historian. For my own part I ciBBOk
conceive it possible, either that H***
dotus should fail utterly to <^>tais *
general notion of the march of thsFV'
sians, or that, knowing it, he sbo^
set it aside and give us instead a gi*"'*
" illustrative fiction."
If wo accept tho existence of^J
town Gelonus, and the aemi-GK^
CPU. l«, 142. SCYTHIAS OPINION OF THE lONIANS.
113
tile lonians, by way of reproach, that, if they be looked upon
as frettmen, thoy arc the basest and most dastardly of all
Qumkiiid — bat if they be considered as imder sciTitude, they
ebftraeter of iU inhabitants (accepted
tf \ietrahr, p. 193), tho boming of
tliat Xtm by Dwim would be a plain
mmtttT of fnct, which could not bat
hart been known to ihc I'ontioGrcots,
If it rHklly hftpiX!m.>d, aiid winch conld
■ouoflr hare bcon lieliercd by them
it it dkl mri. But if, with IlenDeU
(Ooo^rbphy, p. Ut3), and, I boltcvc,
Klaprotb and Boicbiirdt we allow this
•zpcdilion to h&vo ruachcd thu^ for,
■Skill U) karo returned^ wq may almwt.
II aoc«rpt the lino of march men-
by UfTDdotoa as aasome any
the length of the way and
lUica of the nmte b«in^ mnch
in any oaie, supposing the
\j to liare reached Gelonns. Tlio
^acitioo ttpems to be, caa we conceive
Puatio Greckj, in 5(i or GO yearn*
kainff oil rocnllcction of tho real
ol iho invnsinn, nr not ? If we
a&dtlipydistiuL'tlyiieclnnHl that
•Civile. Gelunns, waa burnt by the
fovader* tbcn we have an BAc«i'taine<l
pMiirt, certainly beyond tho Don (ch.
SS.Aod airnin c^ib. 122, I2:i), and dt<ep
Ml tbtt ifttfrior of the coatitrv. to which
llw oxpMlJtion tcachod: and the diSi-
—Ittw M to how the army obtainL<d
— pplUa, and how the great rirera
W««v docaed, mast admit of explana-
fiion, wbvthcT the tmo explauation haa
aa yet beon hie upon, or no.
Eren the tradttiuu tliut the ooriooa
aid w:,' '1 were to ho seen be-
twv- ' and tho Don (ruir Iti
i$ ipt - r --7..- jia ^r, rh. 124), owed
tixtr origin to Darina, althuDgh prub-
abJy niiinio as a matter of fact (cee
oeie 00 the place), yet would scarcely
hatv arifrn ao bdou after tho crent, if
Ua «x|irdition bad never approached
Um tvfp^in in which titer lay.
Willi rcap^ci to the diflicnlties which
bars indttoctd ao isaoy hlBtchcal critica
to Kfeal tike natrative of Uerodutod, it
■lay be observed, first, that the Per.
probably very skilfal in the
of hver«, from the freqaent
which ibey hod to croaa the
TOL. ii:.
Tigris, Knphmtes, Upper and Lower
Zab, Diyalah, Kerkhoh, Ac., nil of
them uufurdable fltreams (fijpitI w-rp.irof,
according to our author), and hiny in
the cimutiy iilmut wliich their unuioii
hod l)oon in the habit of niATchiug for
ceDtnrieR, Secondly, that the niodo in
which these rivers were crossed wat^
then as now, by means of tnflatod aldna,
oa WB ace even in the Kimrud scalp-
tares {La,\-an], plntea 15, 16, 33).
ThetH) were either kept in tho hand,
or attached to raft« (sco note ^ an IJook
i. ch. KM). Every nrray would take
the field well aapplied with akina,
portly for thia purpose, partly to hold
their water. At the passage of a
river all the water.slnns might bo umnt
&3 air&kins, for they could bo filled
again when the crossing was edbctcd.
Thirdly., that it ia not at all certain
that the 8cythians did not possess
boata npon their rivers, which an in-
vading army might Poize ; bat if they
did not, yet the tnuika of their rivers
ore, especially towards tho lower part
of their coarse, rich in wood (vido
Ropra, note * on ch. IH), so that ample
matoriala would exist for the rafta, on
which the baggage of the army would
have to oroee, tho men and boosts for
the most part swimming, tho former
by the help of skins. Fonrthly, that
there is no reason to think that tho
Scythiaua disputed tho passage of tho
Htrcanis, &a Mr. Grote aoppoaes wootd
have been the c&oe (p. 355), nnce
their object was to avoid an engage-
ment, which any attempt to hinder tho
advance of the Fersianii would iul'ulUbly
hove broDght on.
Fuiiher, as to supplies; the fhmi-
linrity of the Orientals with the passage
of deserts by caravans of an enormooi
sixe, whomust take with them nouriah-
ment for many mouths, aocaatoma
them to the movement of vast masses
of men, so equipped as to be indepen-
dent of those resonrces, which, with
us, an enemy's cnnntry is cxjwctecl to
furnish. The tactics of the Scythians
114
XEGABAZrS LEFT VS ECBOPEL
Boot IT.
are the &ithfnllest of Blares, and the most fondly attached to
their lords.
143. Darius having passed through Thrace, reached SestoB
in the Chersonese, whence he crossed by the help of his fleet
into Asia, leaving a Persian, named Megabazns,* commander
on the European side. This "n-as the man on whom Darios
once conferred special honour by a compliment which he paid
him before all the Persians. He was about to eat some pome-
granates, and had opened the first, when his brother Artabanus
asked him " what he would like to have in as great plenty as
the seeds of the pomegranate?" Darius answered — "Had
wnulrl liftTc been oxppctod (see cb?. 83
find 13lj, uuil ])rc]ianitiuna made ac-
foivliiii^ly. Thoste wlio are voi^t'd in
Af<iatic hi.-tory, who know wlint largo
nnijit'S havt' inivfrsnl tho baiTon and
<Io-f>Iale cnnntrioa cf Ttirk"'>tan and
Trirtary, who liave I't'lU'wed stop by
!-i<-p tht^ rainpaiffiis of Genirhid Khan
ami Taiiifilano, sumctiiiK.-' iii thc:se
vert- rf/jriona (GiWx»n, cli. Ixv. S 2, p.
33^1, will ficc imthinL' .-tranjrc in a two
(.r thrr.o months' caini«iii.'n carrii'd on
l.y an army of Home linndrcJ;* of ihou.
Kands d<*ri'vmK bat llttl'.' snbi^istfMce
from till.' country which they w<to
tnivor-iiii:. "Tiinour," wo an* tuldby
tlic irroai hi^tnrinn, " invadiil Kiziwik
or thi; WirHtcm Tartary, with Kuch
iiiijthty powers ibat thirt'^n uiiU'S wore
iina-urcil from hi^ rii;ht to hia left
win::. In a march of /i-c mouths t\\vy
i-arrly bchfld iho fiKjtsit'p.s of man;
mid ihi'ir daily tiibri-tt-nco was often
tnistf'd tr) the fortune of the cliacc."
((iil*b<in, 1. P.c.) This niareh be^'annt
tlio Ca-pian, and extended to tho
lie iirlibnur hood of MoscfiW.
Withnspeetto thetinio said to have
bren ocfupicd l»y tlie expediii<m, which
i.< (-petially objected toby Dalilmann,
ns iw) Hhnrt, it mnst be ob:f. rved, lir:<t,
that tho v-hul'i time in nowhere fixed.
Tlio ffti'y *'^Vi* ft^'o ^'""^ ""'' ^^ ^inyo
rxpiri'd when the lir.-t- ai-plication, ia
jnade t(» the Ionian'', but at that time
DarinH in in the north-west of Scyihia,
near the territory of the Agathyrai
(chs. 125, 133) ; that i», he husceoa-
plishcd about three -fourths of bti
route. Socondlr.if eventhoB anffidnt
time does not seem to be allowed, niy
not the fact be that the first applies*
tion to the lonians to break thetnri^
yrnit in reality made aomewhat earlier?
Thirdly, ic is to be borne in mind tttt
we have no meana of fixing exactly
how far Darina went either cut of
north. It is not at all certain thit
the C>arusi8 tho Woliypi, mnchlcss that
the forts were near Saratow. Hero-
dolnj says indeed distinctly that be
crossed the Don (Tnnais), and that ^
reached Gelonas, which aeems to hart
boon near ^Voronetz — also that b*
skirted Scythia to the north, koA re-
entered it on the north-west frontiffi
passJup throngh tho countries of the
Melanchlieni, Androphagi, and N«ri.
But the jwsit ion of these nations is ooIt
fixed conjecturolly. Scythia nay not
have extended so far inland as Hero-
dotus was told, perlmps not lurlbB
than the r>2nd parallel.
- Or J/(V/abt/ru*, aecordini; to 0*
MP,, a rending confirmed by Ew**
thiud (ad 11. ii. p. 182, 27), and » »
certain extent by Plutnreh, wliot«»
t!ie story ni Mepabyzns's son, Zi»py^
(Apojihihe^'ai. vol. ii. p. 173i ^r
But it ia not likely that Hcrodot»
intends llie conspirator. He wj^
not s])i>ak of him merely M tf^
CHAr lU-ltf.
EXPEDITION AGAi:;ST UBtA.
IIS
I as many men like Megabazus as there are Becda here, it
would please me better than to be lord of Greece." Such
was the compliment wherewith Dai'ius honoured the general
to whom at this time he gave the command of the troops
left in Europe, amounting in all to some eighty thousand
men.*
144. This same Megabazns got himself an undying remem-
brance among tbe Hellespontians, by a certain speech which
he made. It came to his knowledge, while he was staying at
Byzantium, that the Chalcedonians made their ficttlcment
eevejiteen years earlier than the Byzantines. ** Then," said
he, *' the Chalcedonians must at that time have been labouring
under blindness — otherwise, when bo far more excellent a site
was oprn to them, they would never have chosen one so greatly
ferior."* Megabazus now, having been appointed to take
e command upon the Hellespont, employed himself in the
r^uction of all those states which had not of their own accord
joined the Medes.
145. About this very time another great expedition was
onduiakien against Libya,^ on a pretext which I will relate
^^Ha^HBB ifan n>:-mr'1itT of Renrell'd
V^MBiPfaob. K7 uiij.'ht tu bo 70.000
famm-l of TDCi.OOO. Uoneo too tbo
OCflttnitT which wo havo tbnt Doriaa
fared mfiziitely bettor than ino«t of
tboao who bare mode eimilnr at.
ttvpti^ u daattof, Julian, and Kapo-
* Stnbo UTS (rii. p. H^l*) tbnt aa
tAzlj an tbo lime of tbo fotitxlin)^ of
X^jsftBtEatn, thia rcpr<>at-b yra.3 made
TyntT"* tbe Cbftlccdnninnii. Accord-
iag to him, t^r> Prlpbiskn (iraclfl
ftdrtoed co ^, wbo wished
In foBbd a Tukcd to buvo
» lite noofuntf-ruuti liicui, "to boild
tlMiir iiMy orer againgt the &'irid
n^a^ — hy whkib the Cbnlce<Ioninnfl
w«V0 andcntkood to b« raennt. Tucitus
fiollcw* lhi» Uklv (AimiU. xii. 63J, with
mUct lI«rod&laa is Gvidcntly no.
•c^mistcd.
The great advantapoa of the poei.
tion npcnpicd by IJvaantium u'e
cbiboratcly sot forth by Polybiua (iv,
88). Gibbon's description (Dcclino and
FiUl, ch. xvii. pp. 610) is excellent.
Considering how uminpurtanfc & place
ByzADtiam waa when Hcrodottis
wrote, and how groat a city it has
become, it ii intoreating to see that
ita oapabilitiofl bad really boon ob-
Berred as enrly, oi loosi, as the timo
of our author.
Chalcedou was founded by tbe Me*
gareaUB (Thocyd. ir. 75) nltont tho
year B.C. 674. (Cliuton'a F. H. vul. i.
p. 1^.) Byzantium, fooiided Beren-
teon years later, b.c. 657, waa iJku-
wiso a Me;;carcan oolu»iy. (Soymn.
Ch. 717 ; StDph. Byx. ad vac..)
• Vido infra, ch. 167. Ilerodotoa
looks upon tho earpcdition of Aryandea
a» nndcrtokcQ in reality ai^aiutit oil
tho indvpcudc&t Afrioaii uuLiona.
t
1x6
THE MINY£ AT SPABTA.
Book IV.
when I hare premised certain particulars. The descendantd
of the Argonauts in the third generation,' driven out of Lem-
nos hj the Pelasgi who carried off the Athenian women from
Bram-on,' took ship and went to Lacedsemon, where, seatiDg
themselves on Mount Taygetum,® they proceeded to kindle
their fires. The Lacedicmonians, seeing this, sent a herald to
inquire of them " who they were, and from what region they
had come ; " whereupon they made answer, " that they were
Minyje,® sons of the heroes by whom the ship Argo was
manned ; for these persons had stayed awhile in Lemnos, and
had there become their progenitors." On hearing this account
of their descent, the Lacedsemonians sent to them a second
time, and asked, " what was thcix* object in coming to Lace-
dsemon, and there kindling their Urcs ? " They answered,
" that diivon from their own land by the Pelasgi, they had
come, as was most reasonable, to their fathers ; * and their
wish was to dwell with them in their country, partake their
privileges, and obtain allotments of land.^ It seemed good to
• Tho myth ran, that in Lcmnos at
the time of tho Argonnatic expedi-
tion there were no niale:^, tho women
baring revenged their ill*trcatment
up<m the men \>j murdering them all.
The Argonunts touched at tho island,
and were received with great favour.
They stayed Bomo months, and the
Bubsequotit population of the island
wafl the fruit of this visit. Uypsi-
pyle, tho queen, bad twin sous hj
Jason. (ApoUod. i, 9, 17 j Apollon.
Rhod. i. (309.915 ; Herodor. Vr, 44.)
Sophocles wrote a tragedy (the
A-fin¥tm)t which is loet, npou this piece
of ancient story.
' Vide infra, vi. 138.
■ Taygotum or Taygetna (Pliny) is
the high mountain-range wetjt of the
▼alley of tho Kurutad, the modem
Pentadactylon.
• The Argonauts generally were
calUsd MinvDO (Find. l>yth. iv. 69),
This was said by some to be on
acoount of Jason's descent from
UiaytiA (Apollon. Khod. i. 229-2;j3) ;
but thote ia reason to believe that the
Uinyse were in early times a very
powerful race in Greece, havinff
settlements in Tbcssaly (Plio. H. K.
iv. 6), and Magnesia (Strab. iz. {n
601 ; Schol. ad Ap. Bfaod. i. 763), u
well as about OrchomonnB. Btnbo
(I. B. c.) says that, according to soma
writers, lolcna was » colony froa
Orchomenns.
^ According to tome, Hercolei
himself was ono of the ArgouMti
(Apollod. i. 9, § 19), and accompanied
tho expedition beytTid Lemnoi. Bai
the reference here ia evidently to
Castor and Pollux, the two gteit
heroes of Sparta, who are almyi
enumerated among the (xunpanioiu of
Jason (ApoU. Khod. i. 146-U7;
Pind. Pyth. iv. 305 ; ApoUod. i %
§16).
' It may be reasonably ccMijectima
that these fugitives were iu rali^
Minyans of Orckomenua drivea out a
little earlier by the irmption of ths
Boeotians from Axne (Thnoyd. L lS)i
and that they invented this sfcocy lA
order to claim kindred with tto
C■A^ 145. 1 10. STRATAGEM OF THEIR WIVES.
117
tar'
the Lacedmmonians to receive the Minyae among them on their
own terms ; to assign them lands, and enrol them in their
'il>e8.' M'hat cliiefly moved them to this -was the consider-
ition that the sons of Tyndarus * had Bailed on board tlie Argo.
Tho LEinys, on their part, forthwith married Spartan wives,
H||Uid gave the wives, whom they had married in Lemnos, to
^■Bpartan husbands.
^B 146. However, before miich time Lad elapsed, the Min^'te
^■>egan to wax wanton, demanded to share the throne, and
^'committed other impieties: whereupon the LacedcDmonians
pas^'d on them sentence of death, and, seizing them, cast
them into prison. Now the Laceduemonians never put
ds to death in the daytime, but always at night.
ten the Minyas, accordingly, were about to Buflfer, their
ives, who were not only citizens, but daughters of the chief
len among the Spartans, enti'eated to be allowed to enter the
■ison, and have some talk with their lords ; and tho Spar-
(, not expecting any fraud from such a quarter, granted
leir request. The women entered the prison, gave their own
^clothes to their husbands, and received theirs in exchange :
^Kfter which the Minyce, dressed in their wives' garments, and
^■tna passing for women, went forth. Having effected their
Hucape in this manner, they seated themselves once more
' upon Tajgetum.*
MB. Or pCThaps, as K. 0,
kUpposcs, it won invcntpd for
in aft«r titu^. Tho expelled
Ibjvui went chiclljr to Asia Minor.
»K. O. Mailer (Ordioin. p. 313)
thinks it iocrediblo that tho MinyaoB
■bonld railly h«TD b{?«a received into
faU oiUKen«hip; and supposes that
iJmjp wero admitted nmon^ tbo
Parioci. It is certain that in Inter
Uie RpATtana wore oxocssirely
of bestowing' their citizenship
Pot ii. 6, § 12;. ITerodotaB
U17S, in another place (ix. 83,
tliey never impart t-tl it but
meo. Uoworer we cannot
from their ptactice at a Inter
period what they mii^ht have done in
early times, especially so Hwin nfter
their first Bcttlcment, and when they
mny liave been ghul to recoire an
increase of strength from any qnar-
ter. lb is qnit^ possible^ therefore,
that the Minrans may have been re-
coivod into acinal citizenship. (Com-
pare the reeeption of Uie Sabine
refujzeee into the Komftn pccpplo, Liv.
ii. IH.) 1'hia is certainly what Horo-
dutns intends.
'* Castijr and Pollax. Vide supm,
oh. lift, note '.
* Pliilarcii (do Virt. Mulier, torn. ii.
p. 34-7) tells this story with remark-
able vnrialiuna frtnu the Herodotean
narratire. According to him, thft
TiS
PEBSONAL HISTORY OF THKRAi
Book IT.
147. It happened that at this Tory time Theras, son of
Autesiou (whose father Tisamenua was the son of Thersantler^
and grandson of Pol}'nice8), was about to lead out a colony
from Lacedaemon. This Theras, by bu-th a Cadmeian, was
unc^e on the mother's side to the two sons of Aristodemus,'*
Procles and Eurysthenes, and, during their infancy, ad-
ministered in their right the royal power. When hie nephews*
however, on attaining to man's estate, took the government,
Theras, who could not bear to be under the authority of
others after he had wielded authority so long himself, re-
Bolved to leave Sparta, and cross the sea to join his kindred.
There were in the island now called Thera,^ but at that time
fngiiirM worp nnt tho Minrre Hriren
out by the Pclasgi, but tbo Pola.s^
driven ont in their tarn by tbo
Atbeiii&iu. They wore not received
into oitixcnsbip, but rebelled on
account of being^ refused civil rigbts.
They did not finally settle in Thera
and £Iis, but ia Meloa and Crvte.
Wo may leam from this the oxtrome
tmcertointy of the auotent storiofl,
erc:n when their chamotcr is least
mythic. Polyienus gnvo both nor-
i-atires. (Slrac viL cb. 49, Tiii. ch,
6U
■ Vide infni, ti, 62. The anthora
of thin genenliigy, ivhich may be thus
exhibited —
ruljruicCB
Tbcrunilcr
Tlsutivnos
Hercniea
I
RyUm
Cloodvtu
Arid tonuic litis
Theru
1 I
Ar:gulji m. AriKtoiIemai
Earjr«tben«s
Pivclei.
intended probnbly to repreetont the
history thus. Aristodemue, uou
of Aristomachna, married Arg«ta,
dauirhter of Autesion, great-grandson
of Polyuioea, and king of ThetiOH,
while the Cadmeiuns wore still xxn-
ennquored. Ou the invaBion of the
Ba>utiaaB| Theras, her brother, who
had Fucceedod hia fath<*r, Anfft«tion,
wne driven ont and took refuge with
Ariatodemos, his brother-in-law, at
Sparta. AriRtodomus dying whili* his
Bons, EnryHthonofl and Proclea, were
under nf»e, Theras, their nnclej nator-
ally became their guardian.
' Thera is the island, or group of
isbinds, now known by thfl name of
JSantorin, lying to the south of the
other Cychidos. Pliny (U. N. ii. 87)
aaya that it first appeared in the
fourth year of the 135th Olympiad
(B.C. 237}. This most evidently be a
mistake. It is conjectured that a great
volcanic change took place at tliia
date, by which the original Thera was
broken up into the three Islands of
Thera, Therasiikf and Atproniti. (See
Capt. Graves's article in the Joornsl
of the Geoprnph. Society, vol. rx.
Art. 1.) Capt. Graves supposes that'
the naine CalUste, *' the most boaa-
tiful," properly applied to it '* h^forf
the eruption " which left it almost In.
its present state (p. 1). His own
dosoriptioni howevcri of its acKnal
condition fzoes far to joatify iha
epithet. " From its western sliores
or cliQ's,'* he says, "and where tho
tnountnins do not come in the way,
tho island has a rapid descent to the
east, north, nud south coasts, and is
entirely cuUivated with the rine.
In fact, it is cms unintfrruptsd tmnUnij
vintyardt which in the
DESCEXDA>'TS OF MEMBLIABU3.
119
iet^,^ certain descendants of Memblianis, the Bon of
^cecileB, a Fhcpnicion. (For Cadmus, the sou of Agenor,
r'when be 'was sailing in search of Europe, made a landing ou
LB island ; and, either because the country pleased him, or
lase he bad a purpose in bo doing," left there a number of
A4raoxui
tbs presents a most plea^n^
onccC .... Tbo villages with their
wbite-irmahed baildinga spring up, as
were, out of Llie maa» of Tines."
«.)
• Compare the fnmons line of the
•uiuo p>xt Ciilliinacbus, twice
»ted by Strnbo (viii p. &04 and
rii. p. U81),—
* It !■ oofijeotured that the real
" purpose " WM to fonnd a settlement
for dyeing (Blakcsley ftd loc.), an the
murer, which fumishea the procions
Tvrian purple, is plentiful in that
part of the SleditcmiDcan. Thia is
in itself not improbable, but neither
the nnmo of PiBcilcB, the father of
MombliAms (which, if it reftTS to any
occupation at oil, muat allado to
emhnndery)t nor the profession of
Corobins the Crtftan» can much help
the argument.
120
THERAS JOINED BY THE MIXTA
Book IT.
Pha?nicianf(, and with them his own kinsman Membliams.
Calliste had been inhabited by this race for eight genera-
tions of men, ^ before the arrival of Theras from Lace-
da?mon.)
148. Theras now, having with him a certain number of men
from each of the tribes,^ was setting forth on his expedition
hithcrward. Far from intending to drive out the former in-
habitants, he regarded them as his near kin, and meant to
settle among them. It happened tliat just at this time the
Minyse, having escaped from their prison, had taken up their
station ujion Mount Taygetum; and the LacedsemonianB,
wishing to destroy them, were considering what was best
to be done, when Theras begged their lives, undertaking
to remove them from the territory. His prayer being
granted, he took ship, and sailed, with three triaconters,* to
join the descendants of Membliarus. He was not, however,
accompanied by all the Minyte, but only by some few of
them.* The greater number fled to the land of the Paroreatfi,*
* Larchor (aii loc.) observes that as
there wore fc*i. fjoncrationd at Thcbiia
li-<^m Cadmus to Thumd, there ought
to liavc hcvn tho sauio nambor at
C'nilisto from Mcuibliarus to the
piincf." who rcifrned thcro at tho timo
when Thenis aiTived. JJiit it is quito
crnKH'ivable that tbo seventh descend-
ant from lleinblianis lui.irht bo con-
tcmpoiTiiy with tbo ninth from
Cadmus. With reii^ard to tho whole
qucsiion of the rha-uician setth-rs in
Oreoeo, vide supm, iJk. ii. ch. 41),
note '.
- 'J'lie three old Dorian tribes,
llylhi.i, Dyniaue.-i, and Panijihyles,
must liero be meant, for t!ie luenl
tribe:* worn not ins-tituted till a hiter
])Oriod. (Hermann's Vol. Autiq. of
(hei'Cf. S§ 20 and 21.) Com-
pare tht? pnctice at Homo of each
tribe furniijhin£f 100 men to a colony.
iNiehuhr, Hiat. of J{on:e, ii. 8u,
E. T.)
■* 'J'riaconters were ve^.seln of ItO
oars. 15 on each f^ide, in which tho
rowel's all t>at upon the same luvel.
Compare tho account g^Iven of pente-
conters (supra, i. 152, note •).
* Three tnacontcrs could not btw
accommodated more than about 350 or
300 men. Tlie MinyrB were probably
much more numerous. Their co1nnif»-
tion of Thera in conjunction with the
Lacedaemonians, had been already
celebrated by Pindar :—
fcuff^^.— P.vth. iv. 25T, ed. Diuen.
Apollonina Rhod. (tv. 17G0-1761), and
Pausaniaa (Lacon. iii. i. § 7) Ran
nearly the Bame account. According
to the Cyrcnaio historians, Theo-
crostuB and Acesander, tho head of
tho jMinyan o^louists was a certain
Hcpamus (Schol. ad A^wUon. Bhod. ir.
1750).
* I'aroroata) is a geojrraphical, not
an ethnic appellation. It may heap-
jilied to any *' dwellers on the moon-
tain side." The Lemniana who tro
lierc said to have fled to the FluonMta*,
nre themselves called Paroreatn in
the eighth book (ch. 73). Tbetnu;t«t
147-110.
ORIGIN OF THE jEGID^
121
,And Caucons,* whom Uiej drove out, themselvea occnpying
■p region in six bodies, by -which ^^vere afterwards built the
Hmns of Loprt'Uin, Arncistua, Pliryxse, Pyrji:iia, Epium, and
Nudium ; ' whereof the greater part •were in my day demo-
lished by the Eleans.^
149. The island was called Thera after the name of its
founder. This same Theras had a son, who refused to cross
,ttie sea with hira; Theras therefore left him behind, "a
jp," as he said, " among wolves." From this speech his
came to be called (Eolycus, a name which afterwai'ds
to be the only one by which he was known. This
AjQiiB was the father of ^geus, from whom sprang the
id©, a great tribe*' in Sparta. The men of this tribe lost
at one time all their children, whereupon they were bidden
by an oracle to bnild a temple to the furies of Laius and
(Edipus;^ they complied, and the mortahty ceased. The same
thing happened in Thera to the descendants of these men."
intended ivrms to hnvo been the
itOAucua district beiwcoii the Noda
Alphpai, callr-d by Stmho(viii.
Tri|)hylio, which is Botoctimoa
to EliH, bnt improperlj, at is
from Hert>d. viii. 73, Aud again
34, vrherb Lepream
idependt»iit city. (See
ii. p. 465. E. T.)
Concoiu (KdMcvKCf) apficnr to
kioca among tho most ancient in-
ItAuta vf Greece. Iliey sro placed
o par witli then Pi'lae^ and liolcgea
eapra, Bk. i. ch. 117, nolo*), from
irhom thpy ]»ri)ly»l.ly did not much
differ. The district hero mentioned
waa always lookcil npon as one of tht'ir
earlietst &cata. (Strabo, viii. pp. -IdC-
I The site of thera places can only
fixed coDJectarallr. Lepream. i«
iiably the tai'tokojtro near Stro-
I, Hacistaa Mostizsa, Pyrgna tho
acropolis near ibe son, a Utile to the
t(h of the Xcda. (Cf. Miillcr, 1. a. o.
Leake's Morca. vol. i. p. 6G.)
rlieprmm ia the only one of tho aix
tch can he shown to have niniutotncd
iU indcpeniif'nce. (Thacji'. 1. a. c.^
Probably it was always the chief town;
whence its position at the head of tho
li^t. Two handred Leprotma are named
amoTij^ the confcdciatca at Platisa
(infra, ix. SS). Dahlmann correctly
obpciTcs that the war of tlio Elcans
and Miuvans is tixod by HiTOilotoa to
hia o?im day. (Life, p. 43, E. T.)
• Herodotua uses the word " tribe **
((^tf\^), bat it Bceins impossible that
the JE^ldm can have been more than a
family. (Cf. MuUcr's Orchoinen. p.
329.) Thei'e wns another account of
their orii^n entirply unlike that ^ven
by Hcrrtdotnq. They were Raid to liavo
bcoD Thcbans, who accompanied Aria-
todcmnB in hia last expixlirjon (Kphor.
Fr. 13). This eoomB to bo tho view of
Pindar (PytU. v. ll.>3; Islh. via. 21),
who chiimB connection with tho Cyre-
ntcQua through the iEyidsc, caUing
them hi:t own ancofitoni.
' Herodotua here cmploya tho leas
nsnal form CEdipodr^ ; ia v. 60 he baa
the comtnoncr CEdiptu.
' That ia, of tho Minyans who nc-
eompanied Theras. Tho oanto in boih
iuatancee may hnvo beun their inter*
marrying only with one anuthoir.
122
COLONIZATION OF LIBYA.
Book IT.
150. Thus far the history is deliyered without Tariation
both by the Therseans and the Lacedsemonians ; but from this
point we have only the Thersean narrative. Grinns (they say],
the son of ^sanius, a descendant of Theras, and king of tbe
island of Thera, went to Deli)hi to offer a hecatomb on behalf
of his native city. He was accompanied by a large nnmber
of the citizens, and among the rest by Battns, the son of
Polymnestus, who belonged to the Minyan family of the
Euphemida;.' On Grinus consulting the oracle about sondiy
matters, the Pythoness gave him for answer, " that he shonld
found a city in Libya." Grinus replied to this : " I, 0 king!
am too far advanced in years, and too inactive, for sneh %
work. Bid one of these youngsters undertake it." As be
spoke, he pointed towards Battus; and thus the matter rested
for that time. When the embassy returned to Thera, small
account was taken of the oracle by the Thersaans, as they
were quite ignorant where Libya was, and were not so ven-
tm'esome as to send out a colony in the dark.
151. Seven years passed from the utterance of the oracle,
and not a drop of rain fell in Thera : all the trees in the
island, except one, were killed with the drought. The
Theraeans upon this sent to Delphi, and were reminded re-
proachfully, that thoy had never colonised Libya. So, as
there was no help for it, they sent messengers to Crete, to
inquire whether any of the Cretans, or of the strangers
sojourning among them, had ever travelled as far as Libya'-
and these messengers of theirs, in their wanderings about the
island, among other places visited Itanus/ where they fell in
^ This is a cnnjontnral rending. Tho
MSS. Imve fLudvfiiSris or Eu6u/i^8i]r,
Euphoimis, Huucif Ncptnne, isreckuiied
amoQ^ tho conipuiiions of Jnson.
(Ai)oUo(l. i. 9, lU; Apollon. Rhod. i.
171).) Tho roj-al family of tho Bat-
ttnclED trticoJ tluMi' descent to him.
Hence Pindar enlU thcmycVosEu^juoi'
(i*yth. ir. 25H, od. I)i»sen.). Comparo
tlio passage of AjioUoiiiuB HhodioB,
where the ialnnd of Callisti or Tbert
is Btvlcd iroiSwK Upij rpo^ Evfip^
(iv. 1758).
* Itanuii lay at tho eascero extreoitr
of Crete, near the promontory dl xh*
same namo (mentioned by ScylUi I^
ripl. p. 42), which ia now Cape SaJ»'
vume or Cape Xacro. It was a ptawot
Bume importance, aa appears froD ths
coins, which are numerooa. Tha AIM*
CbaP. 150-152 FIRST SETTLESIENT, AT PLATEA.
"3
witb a man^ whose name was Corohius, a dealer in pni-ple.
In answer to their inquiries, he told them that contrary-
winds had once carried him to Libya, where he had gone
ashore on a certain island which was named Platea.^ So
they hired this man's services, and took him back with them
to Thera. A few persons then sailed from Thera to recon-
noitre. Guided by Corobiufi to the island of PIntoa, they left
him there with provisions for a certain number of months,
)mmd returned home with all speed to give their coantr3mien an
^Bount of the island.
^■£2. During their absence, which was prolonged beyond
^Be time that had been agreed upon, Corobius' pro\isions
led him. He was relieved, however, after a while by a
ian vessel,*' under the command of a man named Colfflos,
Ich, on its way to Egj-pt, was forced to put in at Platea.
crew, informed by Corobius of all the circumstances, left
him 8u£Qcient food for a year. They themselves quitted tho
island ; and, anmus to reach Egypt, made sail in that
direction, but were carried out of their course by a gale of
wind from the east. Tho storm not abating, they wero diuven
past the pillars of Hercules, and at last, by some special
goiding providence, reached Tartessus. This trading town
vaa in those days a virgin port, unfretiuented by tlie mer-
its. The Samians, in consequence, made by the retum-
ige a profit j^-eater tlmn any Greeks before their day,
opting Sofitratus, sou of Laodanias, an Eginetau, with
no one else can compare. From the tenth part of
gains, amounting to six talents,^ the Samians made a
», near Jlagnia, proljaMr nmrks
■it*. (So6 Diet, of Greek luid
^Tliere o&a be little dnnbt tbat
is xhe vmall islaud of Bfrntha,
ItM off the Afrivau coiut in tho
of thi» ftAinn tianic, lat. S2° 20^,
»* IS'. (Cf. R«nncll, p. 609,
Pkcho, Voyafifo dam la ^Lanno<
, pp. SI, 52. wborotbe arguments
tally BttUetl.)
• Tlio tolo which follows ifl of Bomo
eonaoquenc^, an fihowinK- tho rharacter
of tho ^aniinrtd for naval ontorjiriso.
Samos and Phtxriea are tho ouly Greek
stfktos reported to have reached ao far
vrubt in their roragos. (V'vdu supiu,
i. 1C3.)
« Abonfc 14601. of oar monev. TIio
entire profit was theroforu betweea
14,000t. and lo.OUOf.
124 CTBEN'AIC ACCOUST. BooxIT.
IrazcTi Ti?={l, in shape like an Argive ^rine-bowl, adorned
^'.:h iLe L-a-.ls of griffins standing out in high relief." This
h:-^], s-pportcil Vt three kneeling colossal figures in bronze,
c: (he height of seven cubits, was placed as an o£feringin the
ti!T:p!o of Juno at Samos. The aid given to Corobius mi
:*•.•: cr:r>.:al cause of that close friendship which afterwiidi
uuit: .1 t'ji CvTcuxans and Thericans with the Samians.*
lo3. The Tbtrsans who had left Corobius at Platea, Tite
:;::v rcri.ht:! Thera, told their countrymen that they hid
i.'.^:::>i.i an islaud on the coast of Libya. They of Then,
v.; .-:i :;.:?, resolved that men should be sent to join the
i.^^r.y n\^:n each of their seven districts, and that th«
l.otr.tT? in tTcrv family should draw lots to determine who
^^trl t,^ ^.^. Br.ttus was chosen to be king and leader of the
*-\v-".\v. So thctc men departed for Platea on board of tuo
1." \. S::.'; :? :l:o account which the Theraeans give. In tiie
>^ y.Vvl vf :;:c i.:>::ry their accounts tally with those of the
1 1 ^M>\ of fv:-; "i ; l^u: in what thov relate of Battus these two
v.:-!iov.< o-::\r :v..^>t wiJely. The following is the Cyrenaic
>'.v^ry. T!;i;o v.-;>- c:i.o a king named Etearchus, who ruled
o\ir A\-,:^.- :i o::y in Cnte, and had a daughter named
I'i :\^;^".:;:;>.. T:.:> i:".i;*s mxhcr having died, Etearchus mar-
»iv»l a >wv::vi v::'o ; who no sooner took up her abode in his
^ y.-.,. .,...:.. -.i.,^,.„:.,-,..,^.-^,..... tns.OaiDSrtnd SaxnsonUsco!sB(coiBp.
1 I : - :.'. : *. \ :- t::; .w, Ky.. :.'.. < J. 00, 8:oph. Bvz. ad voc. ""A^oj), is not mffl-
t'lTod by Simbo nmouir the citiwof
r.V.'.'^.-^.'j' r.»^ f.r..- -5 n;"'!*nr, Cri-to. It niipcar?, howevor^in Scfki.
!*■'" T.* o.:>..*tr i:i :L;ir >^l:^^e (as Vo?s iibsorTi>s)*Oa{ot8hoaU
r-.M I ... :•• .:■: ,.f A:v.>.::i.:s III. \c. Iv naa for na^os (Peripl. p. 42). It
.^,i!u.-. ;-,i;.l l.s^*.;,',v--.:n i\" o:ii'u"nn lav on the uorih side uf Ida, not &r
;»i M-.:\n ,1.1 i! ,.;v ^.;l...^, ^.;:^ i,;^. uiM, ivim Cnossus, and retains iUnameto
.ii;-!,n .Mil. 7w..ivu'.-i ;:.otw»- <:.::>.•{ t:..» proi-fnt dav (l*ashley's Travels,
.1 n.i.ao:ii> I,. .,,.„. K%v:i :h- !:;: .-.,r v.l. i. p. 113). *A coin belonginq to it
i'ur..l..r «,.,iM i,:»vo fuiT.i.-lud b:;: a may bo scon in ChighuU (Antiq.Al.
I'.-.'!' *vl.i.x. V, ,;,.,. a iu.i.:.\- -ur oan p. V2o). The name is said to hare
r.Jiu-.h li.i%.:u-.omuud:it,-iliiAivth:m btvu p^on from the precipices (H"
iU-..iil -'H>in.ii. I'hr nirii.-ri.al aoru. ^rafuol) amoni; which the town w«i
».u.> ^^n^rU'^l in in,. Thoiaati n:irr:iiivo built (.Stoph. Bvz. ad voc. "Oo^w). U
i-iviiuu«=iI-UHMiii:i.,hs.llN,lol,15l». fiirni^hos almost a solitary instance
* '".. ,,,, , of the replacement of the digamBlk
- i las phuv, called Axus by Hwcdo- bv aa omicrcu.
Of
i.n:
CB4»,U2-153.
PAIIEXTAGE OF BATrca
12S
toasoUian she proved a tnie step-mother to poor Plu'onlma,
»lv8j8 vexing hex, and contriving against her every sort of
nuscliief. At last she taxed her with light conduct ; and
Etcarchus, porsuaded by his vrife that the charge was true,
l>t{lioaght himself of a most barbarous mode of punishment.
Tiiere was a certain Thersean, named Themison, a merchant,
^Jiring at Axus. This man Etearchus invited to be his friend
and guest, and then induced him to swear that ho would do
liim any serrice he might require.^ No sooner had ho given
the promise, than the king fetched Phronima, and, deHvering
her into his hands, told him to carry her away and throw her
into the sea. Hereupon Themisou, full of indignation at the
&mad whereby his oath had been procm-ed, dissolved forthwith
the friendship, and, taking the girl with him, sailed away
from Crete. Having reached the open main, to acquit him-
self of the obhgation under wliich he was laid by his oath to
Etearchus, he fastened ropes about the damsel, and, letting
her down into tho sea, drew her up again, and so made sail
for Thera,
155. At Thera, Polvmnostua, one of the chief citizens of
the plaee, took Phronima to be his concubine. Tho fruit of
this tmion was a son, who stammered and had a hsp in his
qteeeb. According to the CjTenfieans and Therreans, the
name given to the boy was Battus : in my opinion, however,
he waa called at the first Bouiething else,* and only got the
name of Battus after his arrival in Libya, assuming it either
in consequence of the words addressed to him by the Delphian
oraold, or on account of the o£Qce which he held. For, in the
Libyan tongue, the word " Battus " means " a king." * And
* Of this prftcttoe wd have another
tBAtenc», lain, vi, 62.
* It i« cnrioiu that Hcrodottia was
ifaoaftot d tha namo girea in the
Mytli to tha first Bntttu, before ho
rce^Tecl that appeUattoa firom. the
«KMSe, «ffp«ctally aa it bad alreadjr
Vmb «e)cbmied bj a poet whose work«
hm knc^. (Find. Tyth. t. 81. ed.
.) The name ma Arifitotle,
wbioh appears not only in Pindar, but
likewise in the worka of tUo Cyrenaic
poot, Calliiuachiu (Hymn, ad Apoll.
75), in lleraclides Pcuticofl (Fr. it.),
Etutobioji (Chnm. Can. ii. p. 320), and
in tho Schulioflts pasaim,
* Hesychios atates this likewise (ad
voo.) i but ho can hardly be cunt«idored
a distinct witness fxom Uctudutud.
126 BATIUS CONSULTS THE ORACL& Boot IV.
this, I think, \ra3 the reason why the PjthonesB addressed
liim as she did : she knew he was to be a king in Libya, $d
so she used the Libyan word in speaking to him. For after
he had grown to man's estate, he made a journey to Ddplri,
to consult the oracle about his voice ; when, upon his putting
his question, the Pythoness thus replied to him : —
" Bnttns, thon camcst to ask of thy voice ; but Flioebiis Apollo
Bids tlioo establish a city in Libya, abounding in fleece ;"
which was as if she had said in her own tongue, " King, thoa
earnest to ask of thy voice." Then he replied, " Mighty brd,
I did indeed come hither to consult thee about my voice, h\&
thou speakest to me of quite other matters, bidding me
colonise Libya — an impossible thing ! what power have If
what followers ? " Thus he spake, but he did not persuade
the rytlioness to give him any other response ; so when he
found that she persisted in her former answer- be left her
speaking, and set out on his return to Thera.
156. After a while, everything began to go wrong both with
Battus and with the rest of the Theraeans, whereupon these
last, ignorant of the cause of their sufferings, sent to Delphi
to inquire for what reason they were aflflicted. The Pythoness
in reply told them, "that if they and Battus would make a
settlement at Cyrene in Libya, things would go better with
them." Upon this the Thera}ans sent out Battus* with two
pentcconters, and with these he proceeded to Libya, bnt
within a little time, not knowing what else to do, the men
returned and arrived off Thera. The Thcrseans, when they
saw the vessels approaching, received them with showers of
missiles, would not allow them to come near the shore, and
ordered the men to sail back from whence they came. Thus
" M'otiocVfi of BfiToa.Trho lived about
r.c. I'Ai, foivo a uiiK'h luoro i>r(»riaio
nccouiit of these matters. According
to him, llierc wt-re violent fnfti(ina at
Thera, nml llattn?;, wlio was tho leader
<\£ one, l.>eiii<; worsted, was driven into
bniiishniont with his partisans. Under
these circumstanceB he applied to the
Delphic cmclo, and astcd wbetlietl*
ehould renew the straggle or lead oo*
a cohmy. The omcle, thns appetW
to, recommended the latter coarw;
and Hnjrg'ested Africa by adrisinga
settlement " (>n the continent." (Sc*
Midler's Ft. Uist. Gr. toL iT,p.«9.)
CBif.l55-15S.
SETTLEMENT AT AZlHia
127
f
^» Cornpf^lleA to return, they settled on an island near the
^m liilivan coast, which (as I have ah-eady said) was called
Pliitea. In size it is reported to have been about equal to the
city of Cyrtin^, as it now stands.'
157. In this place they continued two years, but at the end
of that time, as their ill luck still followed them, they left the
Jshnil to the care of one of their number, and went in a body
to Delphi, where they made complaint at the shrine, to the
effect that, notwithstanding they had colonised Libya, tliey
prnRpcred as poorly as before. Hereon the Pythoness made
them the following answer ; —
** CnowcMt thoa better thoo I, fair Libya oboaodiD^ in fleeces ?
Better tUe ■trangcr than he who bos trod it ? Oh 1 clever ThenoAnB !
H.'ittns and his friends, when they heard this, sailed back to
I'latea : it was plain the god would not hold them acquitted of
the colony till they were absolutely in Libya. So, taking with
Ihem the man whom they had left upon the island, they made
s settlement on the mainland directly opposite Platea, fixing
themselves at a place called Aziris, which is closed in on both
eides by the most beautiful hills, and on one side is washed by
a river.**
158. Here they remained six years, at the end of which
time the Libyans induced them to move, promising that they
trould lead them to a better situation." So the Greeks left
^ This comparifion Bvcms to bo iioou-
Cfttu euuugfa. 'llio rriin* of Cvrouo
eoTor » Bpttce Terjr acarly oqmU lu tbu
wfaol* ATM of BombM. vfc^*w Kiciwrt's
AtlM TOO Hellas, map xrii.)
* If PUto IB Binnba, the Aziris of
Herodotus tniuit be«uat;hc in thu valley
of the T«Tnim«h, the uncicnt Paliiirua
Kiepcrt App€«n to thiok that thera
wv« bc>Ui B district and m port of the
bamci Cw tho map referred to above),
■nd plACca the port tu tbu weritwrwd
of Ibe Bat-eUTynn. Thw xwvr ia
fr,,-- = } — ;...,iy Qjj |}j(j statomont
<] I'. 107), a utjitt-ment
%: , uj.t and too vayue to
be id uxij aerrioe. Xbe district about
ilie Temimrh is said by Pacho to suit
exactly tbe di^scriptiuit uf Uurudutua
(VoyaifO daiw la Harmarifjae, p. Gd.)
* The friundly tvnos ou which iho
Greeks stand towards the uativi;>« at
thcfrtt, id here very apparent. Their
I^iOititiori rcjieuibles that of the first
Kiig^lish settlcra in Ammca. Tbcy
mini^tvr to the want« of iho iulmbj-
tants, and are fcU aa bencractors. The
natives do not wish to girir th<<m th<*ir
bent lands, but lfai>y willn
Ihfm in a rtirj farutir»ti:<
The Greeks also cxbibic cr.i ;.. ■ 1./
pUcinj;; tfaemMlves ml srirno (lintanco
from the eea. Both Cyronf and fiorca
are inland towns, ^ler a while the
MM
A
CBAr. 198.
IJIASA.
129
AjKtris and were conducted by the Libyans towards the west,
their journey being so arranged, by tlie calculations of their
guides, that they passed in the night the most beautiful
district of that whole country, which is the region called
ImsA.^ The Libyans brought them to a spring, which goes
^ " Mift name of Apollo's fountain,^ and told them — *' Here,
.;in9, is the proper place for you to settle; for here the
fcky leaks/' »
feeOn^ cfaanfcrs, u it did icwords the
£iifli«h lettlcrs. A etrncf^le eofiaeii,
Ajxl thtr liuxDble tmders beoomc lurda
«f ihw country.
* Irma i» monlioned hy Piodnr
^itV. JT li»6, cd. DiBMm.) aa a city
ii. -LKJurhood of Cyrene. lU
SI ' Trry doubt fnl. Parho
tm^po^t^ iVc^-uTQ. Av., jip. ft4-5) tliat
H ]mf At tbct tkcrtb>caeterD foot of the
gifl CNrenaic tnblc-land (which CX'
tm^ frpm C^rrne a full dofrr«o
toii*rA* the ea«t)t >" & district which
fa wtBi reumjKablg Cvr ita frrtilit)*, and
wInk* k foantain cnlltfl /.r*rn or
MroMm by the Arabit. ap|>eara to
contain a trac«i of the old niuno.
linDiHcrTi (Wuidrrii]^ la K. Africa,
laOiidaction. p. Ti<j ) gn^^cests EL
M^nbhr^ ■' ' :i*l to iVrs a, a^ the
tiiM I* i>i'c raiiuy rcmaias
«if be:. ■ .-- -ere, iind a cuijioos
iH— nil, tn whirh he rrcogtitsci) tha
iimatmin of ThMt£ (see tho next
' Tbo <Min(Aifl of Apollo is cole-
tl ' ' " li. iv, 291, od.
n to be tho samo
.: *....,,..,. -k Cyn!', nieutioned
Sk4Ii by Caitiinai.'ilias and 8(ophen.
tCallitn. Hrma. ad Apoll. fll ; Strph.
0. Kop^ytf), after irhich,
' ■ rm& tti-couat, OjTcne was
.. .M' -l.-rn 'r:.vi[r'r» bttvorocog-
t ) '. til -I i j.i: ^ pprine nn tho
I ■■--'- 'r;!nau
. !la,
...... „:. , :.. _jhey,
i. p. 37). The view
i'^t^her's wotIc.
, "Ht-retbeBkyia pierced."
i. od Ucai. il. p. 71:;, 22)
VOL. iU.
explains the ozpreerion to neon " that
tha sky if) a surt of reservoir, which in
other parts of the world ia sound and
holds water, bat at this pinoe loak^."
(C-ompan? li Kings vii. 2, " If the Lortl
would make wiudowiS in heaven.")
Tho reference i« not therefore lo tho
fonntoin, but to rain, whieh in mont
parts of N. Africa is of (extreme mrity.
(See note on cb. 1H5,) That abundant
rain falls in tho Cyroaaica, and along
moch of the Qorthi'ra coast of Africa,
ifl a woll.knowQ foot. Mr. Hamiltou
unyd fWanderingB in N. Africa, ch. vii.
p. 9;i) : "Tho rains wt in uflually
about tho middle of November, and
theu rouio down with a viulunce which
no lent can reawt." lie liinwelf ex.
perienced them at Taukra (Tnuchirn),
and Kpnilu of them as " descending
every nipht in torrents, and frequently
Uidtiu^ all day" (p. 150). Advantage
i^ taken of them tn how tho com
immediately after ihe firut linvo fallen,
which ia sometimes an early as the
latter part of October. From tho
t'eginuiiig of spring till this time
there in rarely a drop of rain, though
frum tJie middle uf Augui^t the sky
is almottt always oloady (ibid. p.
0i).
No doubt the real ciroamstance that
fixed the exact site of tho city was
tho ooptoas spring or foantaJD men-
tioned above, which is blill tho most
abundant in tho nci^hbaarhood (Ha-
miltron, p. 38), and wliich in n amutry
BO scant of water as N. Afi'ina wonid
ooiistitnto a most stmii^ attraction.
The principal pnbho buildings of tho
town were groaped about this foimtain.
S«e the plan overleaf.
1^0
SETTLEMEXT AT CYIIEN'E.
BoACir.
159, Daring tho lifetime of Battus,* the fonnder of tbv
colony, who reigned forty years, and doriiig that of his son
Arceailaiis, who roigued sixteen, the Cyreuieans continued at
"m.ii'a^
>aF:^^ ri^
M'-i^-M^
,,../"
■;;'/llf{[t'v^;:,fl^^^a^^';^^ v. a ^i
• If wo mitfhi bi'lievo the stories
lulil vf tUiii BatiuH by othore, the
Epospority of Cyrono shoald clato from
ia timo. A echoUiut on Anatophanes
MkyA thftb tho LibrAna bronght to hi«
aotioe the valuable $i\fh\um (iufroi
ch. 16D), and put hia imact* npcB» •k^'
coiua (Plut. 125). Another i^^
that his ovm citisms, in tvtnm ft*j'
prcflt bcDofitB which ho had ooi
on theni^madoa Btatne of him is .
with tho ftilphioTii in bi« ri^t l»w^
Csir. 150.
ADVICE OF THE ORACLE.
tjt
ihe same level, neither more nor fewer in number than they
W£*re at the first. But in the reign of the third king, Battus,
somamed the Happy, the advice of the Pythoness brought
Greeks from every quarter into Libya, to join the settlement.®
The Cyrenteans had oflFered to all comers a share in their
Unds ; and the oracle had spoken aa follows : —
L ** Be that ia backward to share in the pleasant Libyan acres,*
B Sooner or lat«r» I warn Mm, will feel regret at h.ia folly."
Thus a great multitude were collected together to Cyren6, and
Tbe proverb, " Birrav vUr^or" which
"■an naed for alt thnt was ezpenairo
mad hoiUKirBblo.is reftTrred bjroommou
«ODwnt to hitn. (Soidos ad too. ;
SchoX. ad ArUt. Plat. 1. b. o. ; Bckkcr,
jMoed. i. |). 23(, &o.) As tlus drag
aseiM ci^rlatnly to hnve been the f^at
^moms of the wealth and power of
Cjrraoe, if the trade in it ia rightly
vafored to the jir*t Battas, Cyroosoaa
pro«f»<rity ahotild befcin with liim.
* If we may regard aa hiBtorical tho
part said to hare been taken by the
oracle in Iho fonnding and entabliiih-
mifnt of thia colony, it will appear
th«t an infloence orcr the deittitueH of
Greece wu exerciaed by the Delphian
miefi' ••" "---1'- t-'r--^'^ which lioa eel-
aem I i-ied. The want
II'' Afric&n coast,
fnincrul intertiHU of Greece, is
\e Delphions determine to have
lUcd. They fix on There, a
•etllemeat, and tho zno«t
of all tho Cyclados, aa tho
from which tlie coloniaation will
■MHk coavciuently proceed. They
oidbr the colony to bo sent oat, refuse
oonCent with anythinfir abort of a
it npon tlie mainland, watch
of the BettloDieot when
and at tho 6tiing tnomcnk
Ili0 redundant population of
to flow towards it. The
pcrwerfttl »nd flooriehin^ Greek state
at Cjrrefie U. accorHing to this statc-
■MBls tha absolnte creation of the
liriMliof Delphi.
TKue are not wantinit other in-
atapceaof aaomewhfttMiiiilariafluenctf.
WIe nay^nlher fnim what is said of
Dorieoa ^nfi-a. v. 42), that bo "did
not inquire of tho Delphic oracle in
what land ho ohould sottlo, or go
throog^h any of the fiwfomarvpreparn-
tione ; " that, at any rate in Dorian
atatoB, when a colony was determined
on, theohoioeof thenito was habitualltj
left to tho oracle. Other examples of
this pmcticfl are — the settlement of
tho ^nianea in Soathcm ThesBoly
(Plut. Qu. Or. ii. p. 294, aO, of tho
Cbalcidians at Ehcgium (Strub. vi.
p. 370), of the Spartana and Achieana
at Crotonn (PanH. iti. iii. § 1 ; Strab.
vi. p. 37G), and of the Mogareana (if
the accrjuDt lie true) at Byzantinm
(Strnb. vii. 161). Seo on thia subject
Maller'a Dorians, i. pp. 282-294, E. T.
■ Tho beauty and fertility of tho
Cyrenaica nro celobratod by oil who
viait it. Hamilton says (p. 78), " In
tho noighboarliood of Grennah, the
hillg abound with benniifal ecenes. . . .
8ome of them exceed in nchnoaa of
vegetation, and eqnal in grandonr,
anvthiug that ia to be found in the
Aponnines. . . . The Wady Slielolch
presents a sceno beyond my powora of
deaoription. Tho olive is here oon.
trastod with tho fig, the tall G^'press
and tho dark juniper with tho arbutus
and myrtle, and tho pleasant breoio
which always blows through tliu
valley ia laden with balmy ijcrfumes."
Again, on approaching from tho west,
ho observes, " Tho rest of tho jonmey
was over a range of low undulating
hills, offering perhaps the most lovely
sylvan scenery in the Wiirld. Tho
country ia like a umst bwmtifally*
arranged janiin An^lain, covered with
t
132
DEFEAT OF THE EGTPnANa
BooiIT.
the Libyans of the neighbourhood found themselves strippel
of large portions of their lands. So they, and their kiii^
Adicran, being robbed and insulted by the Cyren»ans, sent
messengers to Egypt, and put themselves under the rale of
Apries, the Egyptian monarch ; who, upon this, levied aTn^t
army of Egyptians/ and sent them against Cyren6. The in-
habitants of that phice left their walls and marched out in fctfw
to the district of Irasa, where, near the spring called Tbesti
they engaged the Egyptian host, and defeated it» Tlie Egyp*
tians, who had never before made trial of the prowess of th«
Greeks, and so thought but meanly of them, were rotrted
with such slaughter that but a very few of them ever ^
back home. For this reason, the subjects of Apriea, who kid
the blame of tho defeat on him, revolted from his authority'
160. This Battus left a son called Arcesilaiis, who, when hft
came to tho throne, had dissensions with his brothers," whicb
ended in their quitting him and departing to another region of
Libya,^ where, after consulting among themselves, they foandsd
pyramidal clnmpa of evenji^ena,
variuosly disposed, as if by the band
of the moat refined tuettj ; while
hosqtieia of janipera and cedars, re-
lieved by tlie pale oIitb and tho brii^ht
green of the taU arbut^ut-tres. afford
a most gmtofal efaade from the mid.
day •nn." (p. 31.)
' Apries had probably not tlionght
it prudent to take his Uroekanxiliflriisa
ngainsfc the CyremiMiiis. (See n. ' on
Book ii. ch. ItW.)— [G. W.]
• Vide Bnprn, it. 161.
' The quarrel was said to hare
roaulted from the " ill-temper " of
Arceailaus II., who was therefore
called 6 xaX<''if^> 1'he bruthera here
ppoken of seoni to be the " Persens,
/aoynthns, Ariatomedon, and Lyoos,"
by whom Barca was founded, accui-d-
ing to Stephen (od voc. Bcipiti}).
T There Is no difficulty in deter-
mining the exact site of Cyrcne,
The Arabic name Grimnak {Kvphyfi* or
in tho Dorio Greek of the placp,
KupdvUf eoaadcd ICfjrdna) is Buffii'ieutly
<!lo«0 to mark the identity of the
' ruined city, which is so called* v^
tho Cyrene of former times. InKrj^
tions and coins dog ap on tbe ff|**
confirm the identifloatiun. PvUkCcU
figures one of tha latter thui t —
(See his Narratire, p, 143. E. T.) IW
sibnation of Grennnh UkewtM «***
Bponds very exactly with the wooontu
of Cyryno in the gijogniphtfti. &*"
nah, according to Beochcy. stoB^ ^
tbu edpo of a high platrn'^: • '■"'
land, ]!1(X> feet tvUtw tho 1
6oa, which ia at no grc^:
bfing-very distincHly viaib:
hazy weather. (Booclier's t
pp. 434, 435.) This occuuiit
very remarkably the devripl
StralK), who hud soon Cyrcne
sailed along the ooast : iioKtm f^^
134
EXPEDITION AGAINST THE LIBYANS.
Boo&lT.
the city» -which is atill called by the name then given to it,
Barca,* At the same time they endeavoured to induce the
Libyans to revolt from Cyrene. Not long afterwards Axe '
made an exi)edition against the Libyans who had recti
brothers and been prevailed upon to revolt ; and tbey, fearing
his power, fled to their countrymen who dwelt towards tb
east. Arcesilaiis pursued, and chased them to a place eaM
Leucon,^ which is in Libya, where the Libyans resolved to risk
iv Tpaww^otiHu mZltjf Kfi/i^ynt. &t iic rot
irtkdyovt iimparfx*¥airrfiv. (rrii.p. 1181.)
Tbo ccmntry arooiid Gretmah is colo-
br»t«d for ita fertility. Tho uppvr
plAteoa, at tho aif^ of which C^Tone
stood, is cultivated in wheat and other
cereals ; tho lower one, on which the
town looks down, a thonsond feet
abore the sea-lerel, is richly woodod,
Hod dlTcraificd ^\ith meadows and
coni'fielda (seo tho ricw, p. liJS). The
beat aooonnt will bo foond in Uoeohey
(pp. 434-137).
The flitc of Bnrca is not bo rpadily
fixed. Ptolcmais indeed, with which
it haa Komctimea beon confounded
(Stoph. Bvx. in vcc. BdpKii t Stmb.
xWi. p. 1181; Plin. H. N. v. 6), etiU
oxjgta in tho modem ly-lmritn, or
Ptolemeia, n town of Bomo iraportnnco
upon tho coast, noarly in lonf?. 2\ii.
But tbnt tho orif?inal Barca was not
tit Ptolemais appears both from Suylox,
who pIncoB it 11^ miles away from
tho Phoro (Pcripl. p. 109), and from
Ptolemy, who dietin^ttiheB the two
ciuea (Geopraph. iv. 4). PtolomaiB
undoubtedly nrc>sp, not iii>oa tho an-
cient linrca. but apon itx port, tho
Xifi^y Kara hdpK-rjir of Scylnr. Bftrca
has therefore to be eonght In tho
interior, 11 or 12 miles from this
plftc^. All recent traveUera ogroo
that tho cxtonsive phun of lim-dj,
which lies at tho required distance
from the coast, ia connected witK
Ptolemeta by two raviuos afTurding a
ready oomniDnication,and corrcapouds
moreorer with the descriptions of
Barca left by the Arabian geographers,
ia the moat pi'obabio site, it ia an
objection, however, tli' A
this plftw? are incunM ><?•
Delia CoUa, p. 217. L. i . r.M
pp. 175-177; Boechcy, pp, 39ti-40S(
Ilamilton, p. IIW.)
* Barca was ovidontlr an AfinflH
word, and probably iho prorions nam
of the plnoti at which the Grrcks bo*
settled. It ia traced byBonn«tfltl»
root 6ar, which is "desert" u
(Bochart, Pbalpg, i. 26, p. ;
this scarcely Boexua a sii\
acconnt, as it iKnunw th? i
Bonont, and does not weM :,,,
tho conntry, which is not desen. Ki*
not Borco, aji tho uamo of a tom^
have arisen from aome word like ihi
Hebrew n^^?, h'nkah, "» n§Brnb'
the j'lnce ImvinE; grown npamnoi n
attmction of that Lind P It moiibs
regarded as donbtful whether Cisi
cpithot Barca, usumed by Hamflnr
at Carthage, woui reolly at all eoa*
nected with tho name of the d^-
[A^ applied to liim, the term tiguiiM
lightning, being analogous to iho
liderim adopted by Bajazet. — G. W-]
The town Barcn long omtliTcd CfTtnt.
It was an important place dmiaftbi
Mahometan period ; and the nsM
still attaches to the xwighboarhoo>lt
the whole of tho Cyrenaica boU
known to the Turks aa the prortaos <■
Barka.
^ Leacou is not mentitmed by tMf
other author; but Ptolemy pUoM •
city which ho calls Louco£ in ihtm
parts. (Geogr. iv. eh. ▼. p. lit)
Kiepert conjectarc? this town to hmfo
Iniu between Cyreue oud Iraaa. (6tn
his map.)
160,161.
BATTUS THE LAKB.
115
[1>attle. Accordingly they engaged the Cyrenmans, and de-
?d tbem bo entirely that as many as seven thousand of
r heavy-armed were slain in the fight. Arcesilaiis, after
blow, fell fiickr and, whilst he was under the influence of
draught which he had taken, was strangled by Learchus,
le of his brothers.* This Learchus was afterwards entrapped
• Eryxo, the widow of Arcesilaiis, and put to death.°
161, Battus, Arcesilaiis* son, succeeded to the kingdom, a
le man, who limped in his walk. Their lato calamities now
luced the Cyrenieans to send to Delphi and inquire of the
what form of government they had best set up to secure
lemsclves prosperitj^. The Pythoness answered by recom-
mending them to fetch an arbitrator from Mantiuea in
sadia-" Accordingly they sent ; and the Mantineans gave
im a man named Demonax,^ a person of high repute among
N"ii>r"lafl of PamnscDS scorns to
aufSerstood tho nccoant of Hero.
!• diflereatly. JkcconlinK to liim,
lOa tried, to poiHon himself in
luenco of the defeat of his
bat dying hard in this way,
I A hy hifl f!rTi)j>athif<in^
'-2). Plutarch (ii. p. 160)
ik^.-, L^^*thu§ not tho brother, but
onlj the friend of ArocmlftOdt and
ny* that he killed him hj poison in
order to get the crnwn.
• Sec, for a fall acconnt of this
matter, Plutarch (De Virt. Mul. ii. p.
260^ and Polyipnua (viii. 41). Tho
fomer ib the original narrative. It
ftppears that Lcarchns gttvemod for a
time in the name of hia nephew, irho
ma a minor. Eryxo pat LcarchuH to
death by the help of her brother Poly-
arehns, who then becamo regent aud
BMms to have been the pctiion nnder
whoec outhority DcmAnax acted, (r^k
ir* Vx^' voAiTcfoy d Jlo\vapxos art'tuKt
rwi Kvfntfaiois.)
* Maiitinea wofl situated near the
Mitorn frontier of Arcadia, in the
biffh platean weak of the range ai
MaUvc, the waters of which have no
^tut thr(jn»?h the hills, but collect in
I, or disappGar in Bubterranc&n
pawflajjfCB (Itctavothra). It in now
callLHl Paleopotif and lieti nbont »
Diilca nearly due north of TripoHtxa.
There are abundant remains, •' the
circuit of the walla being entire."
(Lcoko'a Morea, vol. i. pp. H)3-105.)
It is remarkable that the Delphio
oracle should haro recommended an
Arcadian to I^'elato for the Cyra-
DK&na, as the Arcadians were pore
PolasgL (Hermana's Pol. Antiq. of
Greece, § 17.) It ia true that the
Mantineans wore celebrated for their
good govcrmnent (tv^ofitat ^han, Var.
Uist. ii. 22) ; bat that a Dorian oracle
shoold send a Pcla^igic legislator to
arrange the nffaira of a Durian Btate
is what wo should little have expected.
Probably the personal choroctor of
DemAuax pointed him out aa the
fittest man living for such n to^V.
Diodorua calla him AvSpa txuvieu xol
ZtKatoa^vTf toKouvra 8ia^<pc(^. (Fr. lib.
Tiii. od tin.)
' Dem(^iuix, the Mantinean lawgiver,
in but seldom mentioned by the an.
cient writorB. Hermippai^, however,
who wrote " concerning lawgirera,"
nbont B.C. 200, had a notice of him
quite independent of tbiii. OGmAnoJC,
ho Bftidf introdaocd gladiatorial com-
U6
LEGfSIATIOy OF DESIOXAX.
IT.
the citizens ; who. on his arrival at Cyrene, having first made
him.self aLv^aaintt-d with all the circumstances,^ proceeded to
enri)l the people in three tribes.* One he made to consist of
the Therxans anil their vassals ; another of the Peloponnesians
ami Cretans : and a third of the various islanders.^ Besides
thi:?, he deprived the king Battus of his former priTileges,
oidy reserving fi.»r hiui certain sacred lands and offices ; * while,
liat.-* I udVQiutx^'U^ '^ ^£anci&3ra, and
the pntot:oe wad tkea imicactHi by the
ryrvnajaiL* (Fr. l-l Diodonu. in hU
ai.>oi^anc of this lawartrer [JPr. lib. tuL
aii dn. ^, Aeeoid mt-rvLj- to ftiUuw
Hepjiit^tM.
The name baa been foond on a coin
if C>rrce, bat the date cf the ct)in
<s<'arot'ly tfs^ms to be mi hieh aa the
time <■/ thid le^n.-itatur ^Bwuhier'd Did-
M^rtrtti'in?. p. 1 WU
" Mu'.lor onjectare? that tYfi state
of nii:-iriiverument, wliich Donituax
waa called in tii ren:i'!y. anwe fn^m
two canses. Thf kin:;^. who hud
iriiriiu'iHy, like the other Dorian
monari'lij, Tory narr«>w p«^wor«, had
irreaily enlanr*.''! thoir riirht:*, and
wen.' almost Ih-C'-iho tyranr:?. AUp.
til/* nr-w o-l'-niat.*. who haii fl'oked in
under Biittus the Uajipy, having
never rpcoivi'dfull political priviloifes
were di-curi tented. The char.ircs ef-
fected by DemoiiBi were these: — 1.
Ho rp.-tricted the powers of the kinira
within th*'ir oriu'iiiftl narniw limits ;
and 2. he imiinrted to the now culo-
nifitri equal ri^ht-j of citizenship with
the ancient citizen*". The latter re-
tained c^^t:lin pnvilpjjo:*: an pix'ce-
dcncy, whirh la indicjited by their
beinff jdnced liriit in the li--t of tribes ;
and the exclusive rii;ht of lioKIini: the
abori^inalrt in villenaf^o. TliiH id indi-
fKt«jd by the mention of the vass^ila
{wtpioiHoi) as btloniring- tothe Thrnran
tribe, in which they were reckoned,
witliout of courrto 7>«s»*essini; any
jK)|iti('a1 iK>wcr. MiiUor n*.i:jmlti this
I'f iiiKt it ui ion an wisely friinied under
tlio uircuinstiiiice.'t. (DoriaiLtj vol. ii.
pp. G9, 64, and IHl, 1H2.)
This view is no doubt partly con-
jwturali bat it is clear and in acc^>rd.
ance with the greneni ipirit d
antiquity. The accoant of the TaaBli
or PehcEci aeema better than that d
3(iebahrt that thev were the onpnil
I subjects of the Themuts in Tben.
; who in thA colony stood on in cqMl
'. fmttng with their masten. (HiiCfll
Borne, note 70S, 2nd edit.)
* It is probably this cliaaffi ti>
which Aristotle alludea (FoL vi 2),
and which he compares with the legii-
Ution of Clisthen^. At least Mullcr'l
argument to the contrary (Dorisii^
Tol. ii. p. 1S3, note) is reiy msk
He appears to for^t that AnstoUe M
not i^peakin^ only of the CyzciUBU,
bat af^o and chiefly of the CUsthenio
constitution, and that all his expccf-
siond cannot be expected to apply to
both. The tribes of DeoiAnax mn
not certainly " more " than the origi-
nal— which wore the Hylla?i, Dymsnes
' and Pampbyles (see ch. llS, note ^—
but they were different from tbiai,
which is the main point. Thus ihttf
served, as Aristotle says, to loctksp
old aiisociatiuns, luid establish neiriB
their idace.
* Who would be principally loniu*
, Thus the three tribes would co&n>t(^
I tlireo different races : — 1. Tha Tl»-
I neans, who were of Gneco-Fhoeniciis
, extraction ; 2. The -IjaccdxmoBitf*
' and Cretans, who were Donani; snd
I 3. The islanders, who were loniiB'-
A similar ethnic distinction is fdw*
I to a certain extent, at Sicjtsi (infrii
V. 63; c«»mp. Tii. 94), and agsia tf
Thurii. (See the Introductoiy KiVfi
ch. i. p. 23, note K)
* The early kings of the Tsrio"*
Grecian utates, like those of Bob**"
wei*e uuiformly priests like**^"
(Hermann, Pol. Antiq. rf Grt**
Cbat. 1G1-1C3.
PHERFTQU AT SALAMIS.
W
with respect to the jwwers which had hitherto been exercised
by the king, he gave them all into the hands of the people.
1G2. Thus matters rested during the lifetime of tliis Battns,
but when his son Arcesilaiis came to the throne, great disturb-
ance arose about the privileges* For Arcesilaiis, son of Battus
le lame and Phcrptima, refused to submit to the arrangements
Demonax the Mautiuean, and claimed all the powers of his
refathers. In the contention' which followed Arcesilaiis
'worsted, whereupon he fled to Samos,* while his mother
refuge at Salamis ^ in the island of Cyprus. Salaniis was
tbattimo ruled by Evelthon, the same who offered at Delphi
le censer which is in the treasury of the Corinthians,*' a work
ig of admiration. Of him Pheretima made request,
that he would give her an army, whereby she and her son
ight regain Cyrene. But Evelthon, preferring to give her
lything rather than an army, mnde her various presents,
leretima accepted them all, saying, as she took them:
Good is this too, 0 king ! but better were it to give me the
wliicli I crave at thy liands." Finding that she repeated
words each time that he presented her with a gift, Evel-
thon at last sent her a golden spindle and distaff, with the
(1 re-ady for spinning. Again she uttered the same speech
»efore, whereupon Evelthon rejoined — *' These are the gifts
rpresent to women, not armies."
1G3. At Samos, meanwhile, Arcesilaiis was collecting troops
I S6. not« 10.) At Sfmrta -vrp find
tiU to rctciu^e<3- (Itifni» vi. 56.)
savH (t^ilit. iii. 9) tLat it was
iaI ^Atti^to bo left nothing but
prir*t \y cbanxctcr, Cooipnre
tnsUtntioa of tbo tfpx**'*' 3(uriA<£'s
Atltens. and thu rex sacrtj'icitlua at
iL.ry, ii. 2.)
• ThJi i» moat likely tbe contention
(trrdsii) of wbi<:h Aristotle gpeak*
(Ptjl. ri. S)i and whicb he ueribra to
\Xm want of moderatioo oa tbo pore of
Umw 11 hn establiitbed the democracy,
itknmJrf ihm noble* (yp^fii^Mt) were
uxd driren to nttenU't a
mnnter-revolution. Ac«>rding' to his
rieWf DemAnax had cxtoiided the
rights of citiKonship too far, and bad
thereby introdacod disorders,
* Vide Bupra, eb. 152, doI« •.
■ Conccniiiig tlio Hito of BalamU,
vide iiifi-o, V, lO-l, note. Phorotima
niny porhnps have applied for aid in
Ihiii quarter on accooul uf ita OracQ.
Vhtrnician character.
■ Sec note * on Hook i. oh. 14, and
note ' on Book ii. cb. 167. It is not
very clear wby iLo offering should
liavo beuu pat into the treaBur>* of the
Crp8clid«.
138
AECESILAUS CONSULTS THE OBACLE.
BooiIT.
by tlio promise of granting them lands.^ Having in this vay
(bawu together a vast host, he sent to Delphi to consult the
oracle abotit his restoration. The answer of the PythonesB
was this : " Loxias grants thy race to rule over Gyrene, tiD
four kings Battus, four Arcesilaus by nam6,^have passed away.
* It dooB not Appoftr to mo that
aKoSmr/i^r, either in this place or whoro
it ocourrpil bcfuro (cU. 15U), has tho
Bonso vi'liich 3il(Ulor ni^Hi^ud to it.
(DoriAns, ii. p. 63, K. T.) It doca not
Mignify " a new divitiion of thoir
InudD," but Himpir an allotting of
land. On tho fornior occasion the
laud to ho nlluttod to the new colonists
was land proviou.tly iinitocupicd by
(irtH'ka, and considcn^d by the nomade
TabyatiH to bchm^ to them (vide enpra,
ch. 15U). On this occasion the estates
of tho oi>iH)8ito i>arty would famish
the means of fiiltiUiniv' tho promise
under which persons wore enlisted.
" That tho Haltiadto continued to
ivijyn at GynMU* till the eijrhth tiftniera-
tion is conlirmed by IMiular, who culls
tho Arcesilaus of his day (Arcosilaiis
IV.) fiyJioov fitpoi *ApK«ai\as. (L'yth.
iv. tI5, ed. l)issi'n.> The Scholiast (ad
hv.) Btates tho fact historically, de-
clarinfj that "four kings llattus, and
four ArcesilniiR by name " TeVffopey n*v
BoTTO(TeWap€j8e*Apiffff(Xooi), actually
reigned — that tho lino t>f descent was
uninterrupted from ttitlierto son — and
that the reign of the fourth Aivesilaiis
was folhiwed by a deinocnicy. It
may bo cunjcctured that these events
had already happened befwe He»>
dotns wroto this portion of his Historj.
Hcraclides Ponticna (Ft. 4) confinnl
the Scholiaat, adding that Batturrwlio
appears to have been the ion of
Arcesila&a XT., was compelled to flfi
and took refuge at EoesperldML
The chronology of the reigns pie*
sents, however, oortain difficaltui.
According to Solinos, Cyr«3e wu
founded B.C. 597 (ixvli. 44) ; tmt ii
that cnso Battoa the Happy, wbo
ascended tho throne 66 years liter
(Herod, iv. 159), wonld be ooatcD'
porory, not with Apries, but Azoaaia.
Euaebins gives a bettor date, vis. B.C.
<131. This will make Battus the
Happy ascend the tfarono B.C. 575, and
bo contemporary therefore with the
lust six years of the reign of Apries,
who was succeeded by Amasis in ilC.
5tVJ. It will also accord tolerably with
the statements, 1. of Theophnstitf,
thai Cyrene was founded close npoa
300 years before B.C. 811 (Hist. Plant.
VI. ill. 3), and 2. of the Scholiast (td.
Find. Fyth. iv.), that the dNmasty coa*
tinned for 200 years. These periods
are manifestly round nnmbeiv; bat
they will perhaps enable ua to aptoozi*
mate to the true chronology.
DYNASTY OF THE BATTIAU-E AT CYKEMB.
Br. B.C.
liittttfl T. (foiindfr ot the city, pMpiirtl 4rt yoant)
Art-vwUiuH I. (bis eon, n-igiiVj iti ji-.-ip.)
Biitttis II. (tho llapny, IiN miO
ArcMilalis II. (tlic JlMoiiiiMin-d, hlii «on)
lUttax III. (thp L.itnc, hUsou)
AaTHUaito III. (Ills mh)
friicTPtlma, rpgrntl
Itattiw IV. (the Fair, wn of Arvculliiild \U.^ ...
Arccfltlalit IV. (bU sun), aucotkIcJ tho tlimiif about
painM a Fythlivn vk-tipry
livwl perhaps till ncdrly
Thus ITerodotna wonld bo still add-
ing touches to his history after tho
murder of Arcesilaus IV., and the
expulsion of bia son Battus. Arcesi.
to Ml
to 675
to 'i55 f=% f AIn.^'«I^VIngof KfTT*.™"*'*
(r)to 530 (rV.JrfBWatlon of IVmOnu.
(;') to r>13 (rX^Recdme tribuUrrto CimlgMk
(?> to 514 (?).„ExpedftIoaof Arnndes.
Cr)lo*'0(0
... «1(.')
I laiis IV. wonld be a yonnf? man in
I HX. 466 (I>ind. Pytb. v. 102, lOS,
\ aod might continue to reign for fin-
163, let AKCESILAUS OBTAINS SUPREME POWEa
139
?yond this term of eight Rpnerations of men, lie warns you
>t to seek to extend your reign. Thou, for thy part, be
itle, when thou art restored. If thou findest the oven fall
jars, bake not the jars ; but be sure to speed them on their
ly. If, however, thou heatest the oven, then avoid the
id — else thou wilt die thyself, and with thee the most
intiful buU." »
1G4. So spake the PyUioness. Arccsilaiis upon this returned
Cyrdn^, taking with him the troops which he had raised in
LOS. There he obtainud possession of the supreme power ;
whereapon, forgetful of the oracle, he took proceedings against
\ose who had driven him into banishment. Some of them
bd from him and quitted the country for good; others fell
his bands and were sent to suffer death inC}i)rus. These
happening on their passage to put in through stress of
btber at Cnidus, the Cnidians rescued them, and sent them
to Thera, Another body found a refuge in the great tower
Aglomachus, a private edifice, and were there destroyed by
rcesilaiis, who heaped wood around the place, and burnt
!m to death. Aware, after the deed was done, that this "was
tat the Pythoness meant when she warned him, if he fomid
jars in the oven, not to bake them, he withdrew himself of
own accord from the city of CjTene, believing that to be
■std-tliirty jenrs. Dattna IV. being, as
u erideut I'mm thn pnsition afisuuiod
by PberetiouL, a miDcr at tho death of
hu father, would bo likply to havo a
loop reign (H yeaw). Tho 300 yeara
of TboophnuBtufl vroald bo a little
exceeded j bnt his words are not
pvaeise. (^iAirr* iripl r/MOiciata
frVf 1' B- 0-)
Compare Boolii^a Dissffrtntionii
(ch. xil.)> ftnd Clinton's F. H., Ycara
631, 5»7, &ai, &75. 400, Ac
It h&A bL*on recently argaed, from a
Cyrenaic coin in tbu British MoBcum,
thai the monarchy came to an end at
least ai early aa d.c. 'i50. The coin
IB thought b]f Ua $tyl« to he " not
lator " than that date : and, as it
bear« the iuRcription K K (Kvpi^vatw
Koofiv), it mnat faarn bi>pn struck, under
the ropublio. (See a paper by Mr.
Stnart Poolo on a coin from tho C^ro-
nn'ica.) Tho doubt, however, rL-maiiu,
wbuthcr the sUjle of a coin can
accurately fix a date.
" This oracle is given in prose, bnt
eridcntly contains frnf^onts of Uio
hexameters in which it was «loiivorod j
e. y, ; Sif fi^yroi ^avxos tlvat—itw^ffiirt
KOT* olpop — ftij it tV ififpi^^vTov f\t>i?f ;
and liie last line, which may be
n<u(torod with an appronoh to oer.
tainty : at>rht 7ip Otwiat^ koI raiipot 4
icaWiffTtiuv. The athinion here seems
to be to Aiazir, the futhor-iu-latr of
Arcesilaiifi. (See the next ohnpler.)
140
PHEEETIMA ATPLIES TO ABTAyOES.
BooiIV.
the island of tlie oracle,* and fearing to die as had been pro-
phesied. Beinj; married to a relation of his own, a daughter
of Alazir,^ at that time king of the Barcaeans, Le took np las
abode with him. At Bai'ca, however, certain of the citizens,
together with a number of Cyrcnean exiles, recognising him u
ho walked in the fonun, killed him ; they slew also at thesamfl
time Alazir, his father-in-law. So Arcesilaiis, wittingly or
un^^ittingly, disobeyed the oracle, and thereby ful^lled bis
destiny.
165. Pheretima, the mother of Arcesilaiis, during the tiiiw
that her sou, after working his own min, dwelt at Barcti
continued to enjoy all his privileges at Cyren6, mana^ng
the government, and taking her seat at the council -board.
No sooner, however, did she hear of the death o£ her &oa
at Barca. than leaving Cyrene, she fled in haste to Egypt.
Arcesilaiis had claims for service done to Cambyses, son of
Cyrus ; since it was by him that Cyrene was put under the
Persian yoke, and a rate of tribute agreed upon." Pheretimi
therefore went btraight to Egypt, and presenting herself as
a suppliant before Aryandes, entreated him to avenge her
wrongs. Her son, she said, had met his death on acoonni
of his being so well afiFected towards the Mcdes.*
* It is i»ot Terr roiy to bca bow
either Cjrrene or Barcn could bo
regarded as inlandd. Terbapa tho
exisUince of Bpring's on several sides
of Cjrcne may havo beon ooosidorod,
in a ooantry so scAnt of water, aa
what tho word i^tft^^vrov pointed at.
At Barca tbero would not bo even
this appronch to nn insular cltaractor,
for water is Fcarce thurc, if at leaeb
the site was at Mtrrdj.
* This came is rcmnrknbte. It is
clearly not Greek, and thoruforo is
probably African. Uence it wonld
Boem tliat not only was Barca ortgin-
ally an African town (see note - oa
ch. KtO). but that while falling under
Greek inflncnoe iu the reign of Aroeai.
laCw II., it Imd fitill retninrd its native
piinces, who iatermarried with the
Bnttiada). It is no nbjf«ct1rm tolitl*
vit?w that tho dAui^hter of Aliiw u
called a "relation" of AroosilalK ft*
she may haro been so on her motfaK^
^ide. However, it is certainly poaAb
that, as Mr. Blokesley think*. Um
Greek princes of Barca nay ban*
adopted African names to caocdistt
their native subjects. Batta'4, it maf(
bo remembered, was an African word.
■ Vide Bnpm, iii. 13 and 91,
* It is not likely thnt t»...r.i «^i
gTDund at all for thiit ^i
however was plnu.silili-
might easily impose upon ihw i'oi
governor, who would not cans f>
investigate it. Ho wonld conadcrii
his business to uphold the royal funil^
which had treated with Cauihjse^
even apart from any such epoosl
txr. 1&I-167.
BARIUS PUTS ARTAXDES TO DEATR
141
166. Now Aryandes had been made governor of Egypt Ly
ibyses. He it "was who in after times was punished with
ih by Darius for seeking to rival liim. Aware, by report
also by his own eyesight, that Darins wished to leave a
lemorial of himself, such as no king had ever left before,*
randes resolved to follow his example, and did so, till he
his reward. Darius had re&ied gold to the last perfection
purity in order to have coins struck of it : Aiyandea/ in
Egyptian government, did the very same with silver, so
kt to this day there is no siich pure silver anywhere as
ie Aryandic. Darius, when this came to his ears, brought
lother charge,^ a charge of rebellion, against Aryandes, and
it him to death.
167. At the time of which we are speaking Aryandes,
moved with compassion for Pheretima, gi'auted her all the
ioTces which there were in Egypt, both laud and sea. The
for the Pcraianfl, Tmtil after
lo&iftD revolt, ererywliere maUi'
and (tapported tho Greek
IB. (See below, vi. -IS; and
ipoTQ tlio cases or SylosoB, iii.
111-140, and Ilipiiioii, t. 9i>.) As an
ambitioaa sairnp, he mny also havo
been glad of the opportanity for
gaining territory.
• Two coDclnsioDs hare boon drawn
from this pa^sns^i : — 1. Tlmt Darius
was ** the first Fcrsiaa Jcing who evor
cmaed money" (Grotr, iv. p. 319);
2. That he wafl actnally tho first
perHon who erer perfornied that feat
iBahrad loc.). The wurds of Uerodo-
tua jmtify neither atatcment. Uo
tnlU aa hiEnoctf elaewhcrc that Ihe
Ljdiiuui verH the first who cviinod
money (L ll() ; <^'l b(?i^ oH that he
is that Darios coined fZ'^ld qf
purity to any which had been
Itnonn before. It ia said to hare
t*een from the parity of liia |;fold
ctnna^e that the cx]ircsiiion " Dorioa'a
gcild " camo to be used for ^Id with-
oot A&r alloy. (See Plutarch, Pacto-
loff, p. 1152, A). Of cuarao it is quite
poMdble that Darioa may, in point of
fnct, have boon the first to coin
Persian money ; and tho name "daric''
(riJe infra, vii. ch. SS) faroors this
view ; but no stai^^ment to this effect
is here made by Uorodotaa.
• Some silror coins havo been foand
vhich are sappoBed to bo of Aryandes :
on the obverse is a Pcrsinu archer on
a hippocampns, bpnenth which is a
zigzag for water with a dolphin } on
ttie reverse an owl travcrHud by the
two Bceptrea of Osiris, and dates in
hieroglyphics of tho years 5, 6. and 7.
Another has a dolphin instead of the
hippocampns, and being of older styla
lluows a doubt on these coins being
of Aryandes.— [G. W.] Ihore are also
Bomo coins of a different type from
either of these, which Imvo been
ascribed to this ealrap. (See nolo ou
Bcjok vu. ch. 28.)
^ There would be no need of
" another cliarge." Issuing a coinago,
whether good or bad, would bo con-
sidered, and indeed would be, an act
of rebellion. Tho ostentaLloas imita-
tion of Darins mif^ht make the aninrns
j of tho act still more apparent.
142
AFRICAN KATIOXS— THE ADTBKACHXDJE. BookIT.
command of the army he gave to Amasis, a Marapbiui;'
while Badres, one of the tribe of the FasargadsB, was appointed
to lead the fleet. Before the expedition, however, left Egypt,
he sent a herald to Barca to inquire who it was that had
slain king Arcesilaiis. The Barcseans replied 'that they,
one and all, acknowledged the deed — ^Arcesilaiis had done
them many and great injuries/ After receiving this reply,
Aryandes gave tlie troops orders to march with Pheretima,
Such was the cause which served as a pretext for this expedi-
tion : its real object was, I believe, the subjugation of Libya.*
For Libya is inhabited by many and various races, and of
these but a very few were subjects of the Persian king, while
by far the larger number held Darius in no manner of
respect.
168. The Libyans dwell in the order which I will now
describe. Beginning on the side of Egypt, the first Libyans
are the Adyrmachidie.* These people have, in most points,
the same customs as the Egyptians, but use the costume of
the Libyans. Their women wear on each leg a ring made of
bronze,'-^ they let their hair grow long, and when they catch
® The Maraphians were the PtTMiaa
tribo next iu dignity to tlio Pasavgaduu.
(Vido supra, i. 125.) It is curiona to
fiud the E'jijpiian uame of Amasis in
Kuch n couuexion.
* Dahlmaiin*s remark ia just :
" Hero a hnman inlimiity seema to
have Htuhnx upon Herodotus. . . . An
exaggerated representation, which
docs not corrosiTond with Iho truth,
of the real importance of this affair
has imposed itself upon Herodotus,
wlio was unxioud to collect to<<ether
his iuformatidu concerning the Libyan
nations. (Life, p. 123, K. T.) No
attempt to pubjugatc Libya appears
in the expedition itself.
* The AdyrmachidiD appear in Scy-
lax in the Ramc position, but nro
i-eckoned to Kjjypt (Peripl. pp. 105,
100). They extend from the Canoino
month of the Nile to Apis, which,
according to Strabo (xvii. p. 1133), is
11^ miles west of PanctODiam («w
Baretoun), They are znentioDed like*
wise by Rolomy (p. 117), Pliny
(r. 6), and Silins ItaHcns (izi. 279; k
224). The last of these callj tbem
" gens accola Nili," and sayi tbeir
arms were a variegated shield and «
curved scymitar.
^ Bronze and Btlver bangles sn
often found in the Egyptian tonbif
and they were vexy generally wom,
as they stiU are, by the Egypau.
Ethiopian, Moorish, and other womeu
of Africa.— [G. W.]
Mr. Hamilton, speaking ol il»
women of Benghazi (the anciat
Enesperides), says — " The iiltcr
bracelets and atikleis which complete
their adornment, are sometimes d
great wei},'ht. A Jewess in Bonghaii
weai-3 a pair of anklets which wei^
five jiounds." (' Wanderings,' p. 13.)
Okat. 107-189;.
THE QILUGAUMiE — TH£ SILPHIUM.
143
any rennin on their persons, bite it and throw it away. In
this they dilTer from all tho othtir Libyans. They are also
the only tribe with whom the custom obtains of biinging all
women about to become brides before the king, that he may
choose such as are agreeable to him,' The Adyrmachidffl
cxt-end from the borders of Eg>'pt to the harbour called Port
Plynus.*
109. Next to the Adyrmachidaj are the Gilligammae,^ who
inhabit tbe country westward as far as the island of Aphro-
disias.* Off this tract is the island of Flatea, which the
Cyrenieans colonised. Here too, upon the mainland, are
Port Menelaiis,'' and Aziris, where the Cyrenaeans once lived.
The Silphium* begins to grow in this region, extemhng from
• Oaropue the middle ago droit da
• Wjmo*, Bixording to Scyliki, ia
two day** sail west of ApiB, and
bdcngs to Ifammrica (Feripl. p. 106).
It U g«n«inlJ/ tboaght to be idcniica]
wiUi the Pftoormtu of rtoU'uiy (Pfrrt
.Bmrdiaky. Thntt the A<lyrmii<1ndiB
a dtjfrte /ttitJurr vest ia Hero-
iotma Uua in Kcjlax. Uerodutn^, it is
to b0 remarked, nuikcs no montion of
thm X&rmandK, who are tvckonod
th0 chiof tiatioD in those parts hy
Scylax. Straho, and Ptolomy.
' The QiJUi^&nuutc ai-o unkDow-n to
may other indApcudent ^rofrrupher.
Sttffiben mrrcly cchoeit HunxluLiuj.
They sppe«r to reprcaent tbe Monua-
• Aphrodivina appeOTH bcith from
fic^lax iPrripl. p. 109) and Ptolemy
(*T. 4) to be the little island wbich
liee off tbo ooast doe uartU of Cyretie^
opposite tho minfl of Apnilnnia. Thna
tbo GiUigikumiiK dwelt jmrtly within
tho Cyrenoicft, wbero thoy woro hold
in vasfiolago by tbo Grcuk inbnbitauts.
(Vide supra, oh. 161, note-.) Kiepcrt,
following RGnncU (Gcoin^ph. p. t>09),
places AphrudisitiR near Dtm\a^ mark-
ing the inland off Cjrciie as Leia
(Map XXII.). But Lcia and Apkru-
dtiitas w^ro two names uf the sauio
island (Ptolumy, L b. c).
^ In tho eastern part of tho tract,
not very far from Plynns (Scjlax,
Perip]. p. 106). By Ptolemy's timo
tlio port seems to liave been blookud
np. as tho town is by him conAidered
an iulniid vno (p. 117).
* Thi(* famons plnnt, the laterpitiwtv
of tho Bomons, which is figured apuu
most of tho Cyrenffion and B:irca3aa
coin?, was colebratod both us an orticln
of food and alfio for its medicinal
virtues. It ft>rmed an iuiportnut
144
THE ASBTST^
Bool IT.
the island of Flatea on the one side to the month of the
Syrtis ^ on the other. The customs of the Gilligamms aze
like those of the rest of their countrymen.
170. The Asbystae^ adjoin the GiUigammse upon the west
They inhabit the regions above Gyrene, but do not reach to
the coast, Trhich belongs to the Cyrenfleans. Four-hona
chariots are in more common use among them than among
any other Libyans. In most of their customs they ape the
manners of the Cvrenteans.^
element in the nncient comraerco of
Cyrene. It was probably a royal
monopoly, and a main eonrce of tho
great wealth of the Battiadm (Find.
Pyth. V. 1, Ac.) ; as there is a repre-
sentation of king Arcesilaiis npon an
ancient vase, in the act of weigliin;*
ont tho drag to his cn^tomers (Annali
deir Inst. Arcbeolop;. di Koma, vol. r,
p. 5*>^. Hence the expression in
Aristophanes (Plat. 921), Wh EdrTov
ff-fA^xov.' A description of it is jErivcn
at great icnfrth in Thcophrnstus (Hist.
Plant, vi. a), and another in Pliny
(a. K. xxii. 1'3). Delia C'ella, Paeho,
and Beechey, all considered that they
recc^i.sod tho silphium in a plant
called by tho Arabs Ori-'is or derias —
an nmbellifcnms plant, threo feet in
lieight, resemlding- the Daucas or
wild carrot. This flower is first met
with about IfcrtZj, and extends east-
ward a little beyond Dcrna (Darais).
It is injurious to the cattle which
feed on it (Devlin Cella, pp. 120, 127;
Pacho, ch. xviii. ; Bi*echey, pp. 409-
420; Uaniilton, p. 27).
The identity of this plant with tho
silphium lias been questioned on ac-
count of the manner in which the
latter is fismred npon tho coins. The
stem is not nearly so thick as rei)rc-
Bcntcd; and altojjrethcr tho %uro is
far from boinff a good likeness. Still,
as Mr. Hamilton observes (p. 28), tho
plant, aa given upon tho coins, is a
very fair "conventional silphium/'
and the inexactness of the represen.
tation cannot be considerod to out-
w oif;h the many arguments in favour
of the identity. The placing of tho
silphium upon the coini of Cjkm ii
analogona to that of the ear of wbeil
on tho ooinB of Ketapontnm, of the
bimch of grapes on those of Myoonn,
of the fish on those of Olbia, and el
the bnnch of thyme on those c^ Xdoi.
The country la rejireaented bj itt
chief prodnct.
* Herodotus appears to hare kaowi
but of one Syrtis, which is Al
Greater Syrtis of the geographer
the modem Gulf of ^tdro, not (u
Kiehuhr supposed) the Less {Geo-
graph, of Herod, p. 19, E.T.). Thiiii
the limit that Scylax assigns to ths
silphiimi, which extends, he M^r^
(Peripl. p. 108) from the ChexBOOOB
(Ras-el-Tynn) to Kuesporides (Anf-
hazi). Compare also Theophrsstu
(1. B. c.). The present limits of tlie
plant seem to be even narrower. It
first appears somewhat east of Zari»$,
and only reachea &om thence to a
little beyond Cyrene {Qrennah). See
the authorities quoted in the last note.
^ Tho Asbysts, being neighbonnof
the Cyrenoeans, were wcU known to
the Greeks. Callimachns, the Cyre-
ns?nn, sang of them (ap. Steph.Byx.iB
Toc. 'AtrjSt/crra). Their inland positioa
is attested by Dionysins (Perieg. Sll).
TtXHfOUCtm
They are mentioned hy Pliny, uador
the name of Hasbitra (Nat. Hist. t. 5)i
as neighbours of the XasanicniaDi
and Macinns.
' Tho C,\-renican8 were famoos for
their skill in chariot. driving (Kphcv*
Fr. 6). Hence the appeUaUons ti
tfnwwoSf iinr6$oT0St and the ISkB, ap
160-172.
THE AT7SCHIS.E.
US
tl71. Westward of the Asbystte dwell the Auscbisa?,** who
jeess the couiiti'y above Barca, reaching, however, to the
at the place called Euespcrides.^ In the middle of their
itory is the little tribe of the Cabalians,* which touches
coast Dear Tauchira,** a city of the Barcteana. Their
itoms ore like those of the Libyans above Cyrene.
172. The Nasamonians,'' a numerous people, are the
tern neighbours of the Auschisaj, In summer they
tve their flocks and herds upon the sea-shore, and go
the country to a place calle<l Augila,"* where they gather
dates from the palmB,** which in those parts grow
lo CjreiiP (Tind. Pyth. iv. 2, ix,
i. ed. Dies.). Uctico nlao tboir
in the fi^moa (ibid.). Tho
nmal ombli^nis on thoir coins,
the Bilphiam. nre tbe hor«o,
-horee oh&riot, and the choriot-
»]. Viile iopra, cb. IGO, nolo*.
tU of Cyreno, and tho rtuida
ighbonrh'ood, aro still dcoyily
^Mth the marks of ch^iituU
iiilton, p. TO; Pacho, p.
1-. p. 40e, 4c.) ; and tho
Ingu u[tfi<«rci more than ooci in
few sculptnros which etiU otlom
ruina (HmuiUon, p. 'Id).
The AnachiraB of llerodotuB are
-ilv." ..i/-^».f ;"ral with tho AnHohitn? of
who dwfll abovt' ll.irca.
Jt'. '• Aaaicdi of CnJlinirichos
t^ttrpli.) are tho Euime peoplo is
op«a to doQbt. AasiRdrv, tho city of
tfaMB lofetar, WHS luiuwn botfi to
UmMbBim (Frn^m. 300) and rtj>l(>my
(O^agnph. rr. A). U Uij a liCtlo
CMTtward of Plcl'^mals.
* Thcotimiw, who wroto a boo1c
about Cyrene. said i)mL this city waa
toautUd by Areeaihiii^ IV. after Ma
Pythian victory, and tliat tho Carrho-
Uu xncniionrd by Pindar as charioteer
(Tyth. V. ai|, who was his wife's
brother, led oat the coloDista, a collpc*
Lioa from all Gn*occ {Vr. 1). Buttus,
the son of Arct-Jilaiis IV,, aftPi-warda
flod hither (lU-mcl. Pnnt. Fr.l). Tho
place* rwxjived the namn of Ifcrenioo
aDder tho Ptolmuies fPlolera. Geo*
VOL. m.
t*p
crrnph. ir. 4 ; Strab. xvli. p. 1181), and
\3 now Benyhasi. (Vide infra, ch. 198-)
' Or Bacaliano. according to ooo
reading. This 'Mitlla tribe" eaoapod
tho notice of all other goograpbora.
It nonld eo«m to exist still in tho
Cab'jlps of modem Algeria, a trua
Berbor race.
* Tnuohira retains ita name aa
Ttiukra, Tokrak^ or Ttrkrra. Connder-
able ruins mark the site (Delia Cella,
p. 209, E. T. ; Pacho. pp. ])^.1SG ;
Boechey, pp. 867-37(1). The walln,
according' to Boochey, are a mile and
a half round.
' All tho geographers apeak of tho
N'oaamemiana, and a^eo in their
hxraUty <ScvIax, Peripl. p. Ill ; Strab.
xvii. p. 1183 ; Plin. H. N. v. 6.) They
d\<relt onitind the sboreu uf the Greater
SjTtis (ride sepra, ii. 32), In the
Roman times they had the charaotpr
of bein^jf wreckers (Qnint. Cnrt. iv. 7 ;
Lncan'a PharsaJ- ii. 43S.'Wi).
' This place retains its nania nn-
chanwwi. It lies on the great ronte
from Eeyptto Fezzanond Mauritania,
almoet duo south of Cyrene, between
the 29lh and SOih porallola. It waa
visited by Homeomn and Facho, and
more rctiently by UnmiUon. Pacho
doclarca the account of ilorodotna to
bo in all ruBpccts true (pp. 27S-S80).
His d>?')rriptioD8 are, ho says* "telle*
ntent tidM>.'s, quVlIca poorraieat enoora
Bcrrir k decrire TAoffilefl modome."
* See beluwj uute ' on ch. 182.
U5
yiSAMOSlASS.
Book IT.
ihi^'^lj.- anl are of great size, all of them being of the £niit-
bearliiz kind. Ihev also chase the locusts, and, when can^i,
dry ihem in tiie s;in. after which thev grind them to powder,
and. sprinkling this npon their milk, so drink it. Eftdi
man am:n^ tiiem has several wires, in their intercomBe vith
whom thej rc?i-mble tlie Massagetse. The following are their
customs in the s^^earing of oaths and the practice of aoginj-
TLo man. as he swears, lays his hand npon the tomb of somB
one considered to have been pre-eminently jnst and good, tod
so doing swears by his name. For divination they betaln
themselves to the sepulchres of their own ancestors, and,
after praying, lie down to sleep upon their graves ; by the
dreams which then come to them they guide their conduct
When they pledge their faith to one another, each gives the
other to drink out of his hand ; * if there be no liquid to
be had, they take up dust fiom the ground,' and put their
tongues to it-
173. On the country of the Nasamonians borders that of
the Psylli,* who were swept away under the following circom-
* Mr. namilton estimates the
namber of da;o-trees in the oasis of
Au^la at 16,000 (p. 190). Those of
Jalo, which was probably includvil in
the Angila of Hcrodotu/, at 100.000 1
Datca continue to be the sole pruUnct
of the place and the eottrco whence
the inhabitants draw all their sub-
sistence. A brisk trade is carried on
between them and the natives of the
coast, chiefly those of Benghazi^ who
bring them corn and manufactured arti-
clesof all kindfi, and receive dates in
ezchan^. Inthe timeof LeoAfricanus
(the loth century) a similar tnidc won
carried on with Kgypt (vi, p. 246) .
^ Shaw mentions a custom exactly
liko this in Algeria. In tho marriage
ceremony tho form of plighting troth
Is by drinking out of each other's
bands (Travels, p. 303).
' So the Mahometan law of ablution
allows sand to be used where water
cannot be procoied*
* The Psylli hod been already vea-
timed by HecatSBua (Fragm. SOtk
who seems to have spoken of tks
Greater Syrtis onder the name of tb»
Ftsyllic Gulf. Scylax omits tbem;t*^
they appear in Ptolemy, in tWr
proper position (iv. 4). Strabo lib-
wiao places them next to the Kna*
monians (xvii. p. 1183). Acoordiagt*
Pliny, although the Nasamonians M
at one time almost exterminated tltfli^
yet a remnant continued to his digr
(vit. 2). The Psylli were famsd ftr
their power of charming aerpCBtii
(See Pliny, L s. c.; Platarch, Oik
Min. i. p. 787 ; Celsus, r. 27, Ac)
[The snnke-players of the ooMt ^
Barbary are worthy snccessors c( tit
Psylli. Both the snakes and the dio
appear to be equally frantio dnriaS
their performances, wliich an fv
more disgusting than in Kevpti—
G. W.]
TUE GARAMAKTIANS — THE MAOE.
H7
noes. The south-'wind had blown for a long time and
ied up all the tanks in which their water was stored. Now
,e whole region within the Syrtis is utterly devoid of springs.
Accordingly, the Psylli took counsel among themselves, and
by common consent made war upon the eouth-wind — bo at
least the Libyans say, I do but repeat their words — ^they went
forth and reached the desert ; but there the south-wind rose
and buried them under heaps of sand : ® whereupon, the
Psylli being destroyed, their lands passed to the Nasamonians.®
171. Above the Nasamonians, towards the south, in the
trict where the wild boasts abound, dwell the Garaman-
,^ who avoid all society or intercourse with their foUow-
,en, have no weapon of war, and do not know how to
end themselves.*
175, These border the Nasamonians on the south : west-
ward along the sea-shore their neighbours are the Macoe/
who, by letting the locks about the crown of their head grow
* Compare iii. 26, wbero a aimilar
M incorrcctLy aaei^ed to the
sand-etonn (seo note ' atl loc.).
Mr. Hautlton tolls as tbnt at present
tboro -ia in these pnrts of Africa an
■llDOBt ^"' — • ' ■ 'la dread of the atruth
wind. '>, a tribe inhabiting
Um oat- on, "regard a hot
■ooih-iriud an tbo anfailing ■ifcnal of
tome oonuDgCAt-imity. One is almost
t«mptcd to think thoy mmt be a, rem-
tULoX uf thj> PiyUij who had escaped
the general dostracCion of their nntion,
Hid still di«ad their old ouomy "
(WanderingB, p. 2S3).
• Perhaps wo may ooznbino this tra-
dition with ihv> ac4:uunt ^iron by PUny,
and eonaider that afVcr the Fflylli hnd
■offorcd a great losBfrom apaud-etorm
in tlio desert, in on ejq:>edition nnder-
takt*Q pmhably to pn>ciirp water, thoy
wofo attaokeil in their weakened cun-
dxtion by the NnsaTncininn**, y\ho seizod
the greater portion of their territory.
'It ia doubtful whether "Goraman-
tiana " ia the true reading here. Pliny
and Mela, who follow Ilerodotcs very
cloaclj in their deucriptione of the
African nations, ascribe the featarea
hero g^iroD to tbo Garamautiona, to a
distinct people whom they call Gam*
ptuusaDtiaui*. The corruption, if euch
it bo, no doubt woa early ; fur Ensta-
thins (a<l Bionys. Perioges, 217) and
Stephen (iwl voc.) both read " Ganu
maniians" in thopasoi^. The Oara-
manlious seem to be introdaoed, in
ch. 1H8, aa a new people.
^ These sUUomeutti (it ia clear) do
not aprce with what ia said below
(oh. 159) of tbo Gammantiana "haut<
iug tho Trugludytu Klhiopious."
' Scylax agrees with thjs statement
(Pcrlpl. p. 111). He plocoa tho Macae,
like the Naaamonian*, upon thtj shores
of the Greater Syrtis, assigning the
tract towards tho east to the latter,
that towards the west to the former
people. They are found, as Alacasana,
in the saoie position, in Ptolemy (iv. 3.
MaNotot 'Suprirai). Strabo omits them*
but thoy appear in Pliny, in conjunc.
tion with the Nasamonians and Asbjstto
(Ho^bitfC). In the third centnry B.C.
they famislied inorcenaries to tho
Cartbagiuiims (Pulyb. iii. 83).
". t:!. •v'j.il- "1 - 11;; "lijzi ^I'-st^ rrTcrjTliore tl^e, nnke their
-;lj: :-:H.rn -ir L rr-s". li TtT :li':-rc ptiijpiri nje xhA skins of
■•=rr...'li'r-f ;■ r =l_cl.Li.^ T-'t ri-^rr CinTTs-* riits among them
i'-.ir. 'li-i '--.,^-. :*i_l' 1 ■■ "Li'.- Zm of :Iic Gracts," and runs
i' z:. :- -r -__':-jL i^-ir .v:::z.:r7 to tlie sea. The Hill of
•'-■• ?:-•■ ■:■• -• -J- ^- ::-.-rri -7i:Ii t-xJ, and is thus Toy
:r_.l: :!:: r r. :z l_.-i. xlii-jj. Li caze. I- is diitant tvo
17'- X:,:j.±zz :1t 1*.-..:e- iri tl? Giniane*.' wh<Me women
•^ r:ir in :_■=_: 1 r- izil:--= •;: I-rnrlicr- Each lorer that a
T ,.i.iz. li.ii -">;- li.r :z.-- : ar.i ^Ii-r —ho can show the most
:= '.-.r 'rrZ ■=<-.-:-.ZL. 1. IS illr i'J^iT; tO haVe bcell loved bj the
;- 1-. -::. "-• -.- ::-s ir? * T^e H:!! cf the Grace*, which iw
.. : ;. .- .-: . - . .. • :■• - -rl.^ '.iL--:'-**? =i :.:i:-oi br CalUmadni
; - i X •- - . _■ .. :.= .-? 1-. 5.:-. L i.;P:ci.Pvth. T. 32).inBit
:■ ••■ - -. ■ -. ':. : • .:, - .?. 7. :>; . !.■:>. i:-! : r ia ihe Gbarimn rugc
* 7.. • r. - .- ■' -. .- •; --7 i-i. u Z-.^ r\z^ Ii-.-T.-r-^r is not now nxn
■ 1 ,■--■:■:•■ ■_— .-"j.:t-= :". i- i. i:r a: ci'>c 5 zcilos di£tut
' ..IT. ; - . -. 1". : '. .. ~. Z: :r :.: tl;-? flirr:. Is 13 possible tlM
- .'i ;. I-- ;;:_• . . :- r--.- .-■■^ ll.r. •I::^3 was ir.:?:i:fcrDied as tothi
•-.: •■■■■•>, Jt .-■. ■■ ••■ •..■■ :•' i Z.--:-.-. :---.-'0: tit i: U likewise possiUs
- i :.7-- : : .' -...!.-.:.. :_.: :'..-? i:-::^..?; n *. f ibo tliscreponrj
;:•;.:.. . .- - :.. ...-.-? : o :.- -.i." ': ? tl.' c'_cr Acameat of this ••»
■..■'■::.:...- .-•. •\'....':. '.iiz.: r- ".; c '/:.\s '.:ve sh-.re, which ii Tesy
■ .-. i hjZ.:. :.-. ..:.-. «;—.- '.T...'.^ : ■--■ : : " !e ia flaco?. (So« BcccUty,
• ■ ri'i.T.-.r : :■ .-. I'-r:.:-.-^ t:..^ '■ y. U'5.i;"i. ar.-l Map of ApoUoni*.
i''. ■ *: A' " : ■ • - :._-'..-, i:> C r..--\7'? naa::i:i'n, p. 52, Ac, who
r. f:-r.-.':t-T:i li. :.- f" :.-; ;. I: ;l:Li:-i :h-.: t:.o whulo of this COUt hu
•.:i> '-'m.'.; ! J.. :'.-: .- !-•..> ::*> .::" ^:: ■-: -^ i.) The Giiarian chainuMid
r.'v--r " t.li.'ir; a-, v » : ■':. r-;. ;- t v. z.:s t-.- *■ -r- -■ nro the cLanicter givcDof it
•.:. ,;i t;.!-; '■ a-- '.- ". r>. '"J. Cr?.. ; y r!.-: Kiyi-rfan, as boing' covered with
l,'.t:': Ilnrri'-i V.. ..:.•. v :. :. p. :: *. r ;;:ras::ng by their TerdvR
''i\7t — It i i .r. I?. ■ : .- *? ■' r..n '.'.:' -•: v.'.i'.i. t-. • *corcluvl anrl arid soil of
tv ii;'"fi-!. 'i I, .1 ■:::.i- i.-.-ii--:. s L::y\" .T^ llaOvlIa, p. 37. E.T.).
ri;i'.ii it-t lii'! • I. :.- f .. -1 \,:a cri'r.-2- * ThcOi.'i'Iaucsnremontiunedbf ao
\s:i;,', a;'r':' -liily to S :... /jj »:■ crij.'I'.a f'.t.r ancient ivriior, if wo except
f-.vii, p. 117i'; n.-I !:.'» s-iirr<.!i!i iin^ S'oph'»n.who^o kuovvledgo comes from
cotjnr.-y r".,-i.- |.',;ir|j v,:! !j rt:fj df- ciiii- ]I'i-...<l'-:ua. It Hilly be sufipectcd that
ti'.n.H of .S'>liiv (I'i riitl. p. 111!) imd ; !.u othii-c appt'llaiive of Gindancaiiai
lli>i«d"UH (iiifr.i, vh. i;i', jit.fl cf. imlo - iporncilcl hy iho descriptive zuuwcl
ii'l hn:). Til': '-Illy <,!.;■ .iion to tlio ' Loioplia^ri (Lotas-oatera). Stephen
i'U'iitifi'TitiiiM i' tli;i, til.' (j!i;iriiin lii[1.4 i-.U-iitilk'S the two; aud Scvlax places
frnrii wliti-li it. (I»iw :, an- ii'.! nioro lliau , ihe IjotopIuiL^i ioimcdiatcly to tbewpsl
4 fiiiliM !Vi»m lli.'Mii (Ih-i-ikv, l.H. c). ot' tho Ciiiyp,^ (Teiipl. 113). The
ItiiL lliiri I'i'iiriii.ii wdiilil ]ii> t'liuaily ^ (iiti'lancsaro riprhtlypliicedby £iepert
ttgiiiiiHi uU Itu! uilKT bi I caiiid. (Mup II.) upoa tho eoatt.
17&-173. THE LOTOPHAGI— THE HACHLYANS,
149
177. A promontory jutting out into the sea from the
country of the Gindaues is inhabited by the Lotophagi,* who
Uto entirely on the fruit of the lotuH-tret^.' The lotus fruit is
About the size of the Itntisk berry, and in sweetness resem-
bles the date. The Lotophagi even succeed in obtaining from
it a port of wine.*
178. The Boa-coast beyond the Lotophagi is occupied by
the Machlyans," who use the lotus to some extent, though not
80 muoh as the people of whom we last spoko. The Mach-
lyans reach as far as the gi'eat river called the Triton, which
empties itself into tlxe great lake Tritonis.^ Here, in this
fatxio
^_ thai
mtZ
•Tke conntTy of tho Lotopbn^i is
•vidcrtiUy llio T'oninsula of Znn.i:',
vrlii^ is Uin otil V tT:ict pn.>jecting Irom
tdU part <if the ccn«t. Tboy ore Urns
btxiojr^ ; in^n tho ^>o«itKm usually aa-
■Ignr ' Deif^hbourhcwxl of tho
- Gulf of Khahs (Scv-
iM^VL-nfi • .xTii,1178).
'The 1( ' n-aa either
thaAAdfflr Rh.Hahtca.
0t Fonk.). or the C^Uui Jfyxa ; which
)a«|, Terj roaimon ia tho O&aes, in
«alW«l }Sok\dyt in Amhio, nni] hoa a
amvet trait prui^in^ in cluatera, ns
dMoribfrd by TticophriiBtUfi. **T<irMKfTai
<r»iy Birpvtt." fiut the lotiu is
«vid«nitly Urn Rh'tmntm, novr calle<l
in Af»krio Sidr, the fmit N^Jt, Ic
looks and taates tut Iwr Like n bad crab.
apfktoL. It ha« aitiiigli* f^lone within iL
To ClyvM* it was oa inconvoDient lu
aodacn ** g<.'1d-(]i^i;iiiKa " to ship mp-
laiMi.siiM» he had the greatest diffi.
coltv ' ' -'his sailurs to the eliip
wbei once tnntcd it (Hum.
Od, ^. ., .. yfi). Pliny (xiii. 32)
Ifadukka tbo tree a specici! of Otitis, dif.
fiotis^ from tliat of Italy— the C'cUis
ititftroZu of Linnmns. Ha says, *' it
hm the aiso of a pcar-tri?o, thoo^b
Ctirnftlios Xepca calls it low.'* Uc
also allodia to its fruit boini; -rery
dalieioQs. and to etmn^'crv furgottin^
their country who tasted it (xui. 21).
B* aiao tDcntiona the lotos herb, or
/Uitf Oraem (•aiv. 2); tbo htomttra
(xut £1 ), ** of wboM gratoa tho Egyp-
tian Bhopbcrdg ninko brond ; ** nnd tho
lotus lily (A'[/mjiA(ra lotus) in ponds
after the iiiuxidation (xiii. 17) ; also the
MiUlotvs (xxl. 20), which is u trl-
foUat«d herb, flUpi>o<ied by Aomo to bo
tbo Trigonella /cmum.nrtEevm ; but
nooe of these four lost have anyt,h!u{^
to do with Homer's lotopba^. (See
notes on Hook ii. ohs. 92 and 96, and
compare Major HencoU, p. 628 to
630.)— [G. W.]
* VcrbapB this is the orlf^in of the
Homcrio myth (Od. ix. 74 ct Ecqq.)
" Pliny calls the Machlyans neijbrh-
bonra of the Nafiamonians. No other
goographor mentions them under tho
same name ; but tboy ore probably re-
presented by the Marhyniof Ptolemy,
who dwelt on the LofcttT Syrtis (iv. 3) ;
or by their neif^hlxmrs, the Machr^ans
(ib.)- It may be suepcctod that the
Muoe, MaK)eti, or Muiyes, and Much-
lyos of onr author, and likewise tho
Hachyni, Machryes, Marcei, Mi-maces,
and MacB'tatiB of Itolemy, belonged
to the Kiune stock. Tho physical type
and customs of the Machlyaus were
noticed by Calliphanes, Aristotle ^Fr-
249). and Nio. Doiuaac-. (Fr. 136.)
' Koffreat river exists in these parti.
Small strcamfl only empty thematires
into thi? Leaser Syrtis ; and the brooks
which flow into the Shibkak (Shibk-el-
Loicdeah)^ or lose themselrca amoug
the Bands tlint border it, do not dcseiTe
the name of rivers. Dr. Shaw believed
that be recogoiaed the Triton in the
150
LAKE TIUTONIS.
Boocir.
lake, is an inland called Phla,' 'which it is said the Lace^
monians were to have colonised, according to an oracle.
179. The following is the story as it is commonly told.
When Jason had finished building the Argo at the foot of
Mount Pelion, he took on board the usual hecatomb, aod
moreover a brazen tripod. Thus equipped, he set sail.
intending to coast round the Feloponnese, and bo to roach
Delphi.* The voyage was prosperous as far as Malea ; but
at that point a gale of wind from the north"' came on suddenly,
Wad *«Z Htvnmak, or rivur of Kabei, «
stream of Bome width, which has its
aoorce In the hills to the west of that
city, Ukd reaches the »ea r little Routh
of iU (Travels, p. 197.) B&hr ac-
cepts this view, while Kiepert (Map
II.) appears to make the TVWy AC'
enmdtf or Akarcith, which is not even
m pereimial Htrt?ani, the Triton. In
this he fullowa Sir Greville Temple
(Exoutviona ia the Moditerraocan. p.
165). BonneU'a argnnienta, however,
h&ro norer beca answered. (See his
Geography, pp. GG9-667.) And the
proljability aecmfi to bo greatly in
favour of his Ticwfi, which are that
the LalceTritODifl of Herodotasiooludes
both the Shibk'el.Lowdeah and the
Leeaor Syrtis, between which he sap.
poses there to have been ancienllya
oonunnnication by a narrow aud RhaU
low ohannel ; and that the Tnton
mast bo sought for amonc: the rivulota
which mn into, or lose thcmRelvoa in
the aands of the ShihkaK UertKlntns,
it znnst be observed, makca the river
Triton run into the Lake Tritonis, and
saya not a word of ita ronnlDg' out of
it J and the Lake Tritonia ia iviih him
a part of the aea, fgr Jasun'a vetsul ia
driven by the north wind into it.
Tlie dcKcrii-tion in Seylnx (Peripl.
pp. 115-117), and the brief notice in
Ptolemy (iii. 4), ore atronply confirma-
tory of theao views. Wo may traco
the gradual blocking-up of the month
of the inner sea, which stood to tbo
L«Mer Syrtifl nathe Sea of Asof (or
Lake tfaootis) to the Soxino—thon tho
drying np of the water byevaponitioa.
and the acpnrBtion of the
Lake Triton into AcverBl seaa or
— laatly the dceiccatioo of all
with oneezoeptioo, and the
tioQ of the ancient Lake of Triboa inM
the modem !<hibk-rl.Lov.'deaK
' Probably the aame aa Soybu^a bit
of Triton. Bhavr (p. 213) idtatiM
it with a sand-bank in the Shabijt-
Lowdtah^ which itaad-bank haa anoa
become a peninsala (TcmpUi* p. IM).
Rennoll, with more prDbability. ooa-
jcctorcB that Fhla ia now port of dta
flat tract of mnd which itttemaM
betwe<>n the Shibkah and the aea
(p. 663).
' Variooa modes vrero adopl«S <if
brining Jason to Ijikn Tritonie. BoM
made the visit take place on the tvtim
of the expe<Iiiion fivm Colchui, af tor a
storm eont by Jupiter aa a iiuniahnuaft
for the mnnlLT of Ap8yrta& (ApoU.
Khod. iv. 6o7, Ar^ ...■- ^ -- V tha
Argonantd,wbcn< ,.iiu
this murder by t;;i .. liMC
along the African and Crltjc ^Iberiaa^
ehorea voluutnrily, (AiK)Uodar. i ^
65.) These divergences prove raft-
ciently the unreal and poetic charvetar
of the entire narrutive. (Seo Gntat
vol. i. pp. SHi.:im.)
* Uypercritica obsf i-r-^ 'i"* ■»
wind 6]}ritiLnng up at ^
81. Anf;plo) should bri
veasel to tho Greatt-r, and aol 1
LoMor 8rrtid (MulJer, Orohoia^ |k
354] Pacbo, p. 173). But ilerodMari
is hero (nilr reporting tho story m A
was told by aomo pout, who w«a wA
perhaps very well skilled in fic*^^r»phy.
178-I8a
THE AUSEAN3.
I5X
d carried him out of his oonrso to the coast oi Libjft ;
ere, before he discovered the laud, he got among the
allows of Lake Tritonia. As he was tnraing it in his mind
w he should find his way ont, Triton (they say) appeared
him, and offered to show him the channel, and secure him
safe retreat, if he would give him the tripod. Jason
mplying» was shown by Triton the passage through the
allows ; after which the god took the tripod, and, carrying
his own temple, seated himself upon it, and, filled with
phetic fury, delivered to Jason and his companions a long
ediction. "When a descendant," ho said, *'of one of the
go*8 crew should seize and carry off the brazen tripod, then
by inevitable fate would a hundred Grecian cities be built
ound Lake Tritonis." The Libyans of that region, when
ey heard the words of this prophecy, took away the tripod
and hid it.
180. The next tribe beyond the Muehlyans is the tribe of
e Auseans/ Both these nations inhabit the borders of Lake
itonis, being separated from one another by the river Triton.
Both also wear their hair long, but the Machlyana let it grow
at the back of the head, while the Auseans have it long in
front. The Ausean maideus keep 'year by year a feast in
honour of Mincr\'a, whereat their custom is to draw up in two
bodies* and fight with stones and clubs. They say that these
are rites which have come down to them from their fathers,
and that they honour with them their native goddess, who is
the same as the Minerva (Athene) of the Grecians.^ If any
anu
He s©ein», bowever, himielf, to haTO
compresved Africa too nmnb lictvroon
Egypt and the Lake Tritouis (rido
infnuob. 181, note*).
• Thr Anscans bpb not mentioned by
mnj f'^' '■''it- writer, nnless we
maj- : I OS idciiticAl wttb the
Ausv' ~ : nesiof", who in the 5th
wad 6tb ocntnries of oar era, devan-
t&ted tbo CyrcDaica. (Op. p. S9S.
903.) Their templo of Athene Menin
to bf* that ntontionod by Scylax (p.
116), as *A^rar TptrtevtZot Upi¥ (vido
infra, ch. 188).
*■ The Athen^ of the Greeks was
identitied with the Noith or Nit of tho
£f?yptiaas (Plat. Tim. p. 21, E),
whofte worship waa cummon to all tho
African nations. Horodotua appears
to rDgaxd tho worabtp as indigenoiu
in this part of Africa, and aa having*
passed from hence into Eu'Tpt. and
fromEprypt into Qrecue (vidennpra, ii.
50, and infra, oh. 188).
1 -'JEL
••'.HZ —v. i ;:
:r re *: sill
. *r_ -^ 2 , , '—
-'.<-_. -'-i:
nz.tL* zhij receive, the Aoseus
TuiticiLS. Before the fight s
izj:rrrr ceremonj. One of the
IS ?e.c<:ted from the n6t;
imrleic srdz :f Gre^k armour are
L :^:is lil'jmciL she is made to
led ir:zz.l ihe whole lake in a
- i^^l :;r she aii>:>mment of thdr
liZL-r :o live in their countir, I
rrj Ir^ssed them in Egyptian
:>:^ ii-r shield and the hehoet
-zzJ Tie Auseans declare that
• ::i-i-i:-'» ■l:-» r-'S'i=:':i':viC'» :f ~.z,';r" us. facwcrer. tctt little ff*
'i iniil: — ir-.o^ izTTj T:=- p. itfmllnjictf cecw-<e«m the uhieU tad
izii Lf^;:" :t7S "zzd "^ ~ ^^ " » -^ i£ heLziu^c -rf E^pc asd those <tf Gnea;
1^ ji;zir .:'--.:;i^ ^'-"^r^ ^=a szTxTrv* c£ Homer (Ht
li-IH), withnnt a rr*\st, mny nrt fcnvo
looked tinlikr' th'; itead-iiiecc of tho
^'^yptianH. Tho Sliairutanot a northern
peoplo, with whom the Fh&raoha were
at fuo t;me in alliancp, faada helmet
v,hh hurufi, aad a ronnd shield like
that of Grocco (see woodcat in b. <a
Book vii, ch. 610 and the eoitom ol
^aif. 180, ISl. THREE REGIONS OF NORTH AFRICA.
153
lerva is the daughter of Neptune and llio LaliC Trltunis^ —
ley Bay she quarrelled ^th her father, and applied to
'Uptkr, who consented to let her be his child; and so she
line his adopted daughter. These people do not marry
live in faniihes, but dwtll together like the gregarious
tsts. When their cliil<b:en are full-grown, they are brought
fore the assembly of the men, which is held every third
iontb» and assigned to those whom they most resomble."
181. Such are the tribes of wandering Libyans dwelling
ion the sea-coast. Above tliem inland is the wild-beast
rt: and beyond that, a ridge of sand, reaching from
igyptian Thebes to the Pillars of Hercules.* Throughout
ridge, at the distance of about ten days' journey from one
ng the helmet with liomB was
iced into Greece from Asia,
■ Ktpau " lioru," woM uimd lu
A " cTOfifc,** Tho jtcrrarri/f fras
01 ifu\i*a hide. Tho ori^nal Kvwhj^ or
Greek belmet.wiu probublj^ of a similar
rrifi. rial, And ib is eapposed to hare
its name from beint; of dcg's
The CariaDs are said by Hero*
i i. 171) to have been tiic fir»t to
ice the tthe of crettte, and " to
on shields, and to invent
r shields; in tho earlier
v^'carera managed tbom by
t l*"athem tbong, by wliicb
luug roond tho neck and
left ahuoider." This invention of tbu
liamlla was evidently known long
fore in Egypt, at le&at as early w
B.C., in the time of the Otfirtasens
tha 12th, and apparently of tho
of the 6th dynasty, Tho Egyp-
tuo shields had no emblems ou them.
They vrcro also fumiflhedwith u ihong
for iOzipending tbcm on the soldier'H
bade, while Hiiing his left bund for
■ome other purpose. — G. W.]
* This is the earliest funn of tho
legend, and bonoe the epithet, Tptro-
ytptta, 00 frequently applied tu this
goddew (Hes. Theog. ti24; Honi.
Hymn. 28, 4; Arist. £q. llS9j kc).
The phil'j«ophical inythui wbioli
brought Athene from the bead of Jove,
was ft later refiuemeat.
• Compare Arist. Pol. ii 1.
* This division of Northern AfWca
had bet'u already made (ii. 32). Nte-
buhr (GeogT. of Herod, p. 16, E. T.)
regards it as artificial and ImaErinnry,
Heereu, more jastly, as a near upproxi>
mation to tho truth (African Nat. vul. i.
p. 6, £. T.). Thera ore, in fact, threo
tracts, which at retch across the oonti.
ncnt from £gypt to tho Atlantic ocean ;
firitt, tho cooat.tract, or Barbary, Uio
conntry of tho Rerbera, cnmprising tho
modem provinoos of JUoruceo. Fez,
Algiers, Tonis, Tripoli and Barka,
wliich is comparatively fertile : next,
tho bill-region, or BtUsdvljeridj "tho
land of dates," as the Arabs call it,
wliich, especially in its mnre western
ports, is greatly infested with wild
beosta ; and thirdly, tho Grout Sahara.
These are not indeed, exactly, " parallel
bells of Inud." 'I1ie fertility of the
ooast is intermpto-d in places, as
between Tunis and Tripoli and again
between Cape ifeturata and B^fnyhum ;
and tho hilly tract vnrioa greatly in
width, and somotlmes sinks almost to
a lorct with the desert; bat speaking
in a general way, it would bo right to
distinguish the regions as Herodotus
does, and to regard them aa ranning
aoroBs Africa; and so wo find them
regarded by Kitter in bis Krdkundo
(voL i. p. 897). and llamboldt in his
Aspects of Nature (roL i. p. 68, E. T.).
a
154
THE AMMONIANS.
Booin.
another,' heaps of Ealt in lar^^e lumps He upon hilla. Atiii
top of every hill there gushes forth from the middle of the B»lt
a stream of water, which is both cold and sweet.* Arouai
dwell men who are the last inhabitants of Libya on tbesidt
of the desert, living, as they do, more inland than the wild-
beast district. Of these nations the first is that of tlw
Ammonians, who dwell at a distance of ten days* jourofij
from Thebes,* and have a temple derived from that of th«
Theban Jupiter. For at Thebes likewise, as I mentioucd
above^^ the image of Jupiter has a face like that of a
' Ko doubt thcro in hcva flnmowhnt
too much of " rogrularity ' and " gym-
melry" for truth. (Niebuhr'a Geo-
praph. of Herod, p. 17, E. T.) It ia to
be remarked, faowover, tbnt Herodotofl
uses the expression, " about 10 tinyW
joumoy from one another" (juiKiara
81& Bc'xa ^/xcpf wv &Sov)^ which shows that
bo did not intend an oxact rcgnlority,
■noh as bis oritios have oesumed him
to mean. Heoren b&s shown the gen.
eral meomremcnts not to err ^rontlr.
(Af. Nftt. rol. i. pp. 202-235, E. f.)
His conjoctoro tliat Herodotus here
describes tho caravan rouftf acroRA the
desert, between Kpypt and Western
Africa, is one of those happy thonghta
which seem obvious aa soon as they
an uttered, yet which occur only to
genioB.
• lu the Oases salt is in great abnii.
donee, and aomotimes a large space is
covered with an incrustation of it,
which breaks like fmipn mad or shnl.
low water, under tho feet. Springs
frequently rise from tho sand in that
deserl, and sometimes on the top of
hillocks of sand ; whore tho water, aa
HcrodotuH Bavfl, ia always eool and
Bweot ; the coolness beinff caused by
tho evaporation. One of the most
remarkable of tho lattvr that I have
soon is on tho niad frrjm tho Little
Oaais to Fnrifrch ; and walor rises
from the sand in othirr places between
Farufreh and tho Oasis of Dakhleh.
Though thcw is much «ilt in tho plain,
those hillocks are free from it.—
[0. W.]
Uioutoll, howavDr (pp. 174, 175),
deaortbea a district near (he
AmmoD (Siwah), whore the salt,
which Korthcm Africa everrvfacn
aboands, "riKEAS in masses abor* 1^]
jfTOund." " Ther« are," be
"pfttchesabore aniile lonff, •ooo»««4'
with this subAtanco aa to have the i^J
pearanee of a field of anew." (f
pare Hamilton, pp. 183 and 193.
Denham, vol. i. pp. 128. 12fl.) "W
of ths midst of thtse" Minotoli
"springs of fresh water
Efiub forth." Mr. Hamilton
a sprtn;; of remarkably sweet
near Au?ila, which springs
" mixed with cr3-st4».U of
admirably white and pare " (pi. Sfly
The funeral chamctor of Ukm mi^ \
tracts, however, ia rather that of pb^
than of hilla.
♦ Swaht which 5a nndonbctdb
whore the temple of Ammon lAaai
(vide fiupra, iii. 2G), lies at the dla*
tance of 'K)0 geoiri-aphical mila^ cr
not Icds than SO dny^' i "t-:"«- fpga
Thebes. Hoeren thii: iIjbb
was hero omitted, tr ^^na(
Oaflis {El Wah) was rrckoocd t*
p. 211
f^
M
the ext^ of
Theboa. (Afr. Nat. i.
This mny have been ''
erroneous statement
Herodotus was himsvt>
lp>d to contract uudulj
eastern Africa (vide supca, ch. ir**)-
* Vide sopra, it, 42.
• Tho Theban Ja]Mter bad tbvlMM
of a man, and wore a cap wiih (••
long feathers, to which Q. Curti"
■eems to allude whou tie nys, (te
boad-dress of the Uod of the OuM^
CUAr. 18L
THE FOUNTAIN OF THE SUff.
155
The AnuDoiuans bave anothpr spring besiflca that -v^'liich rises
from the salt.' The water of this stream is lukewarm at early
dawn; at the time when the morlfct fills it is much cooler;
by DOOD it has grown quite cold ; at this time, therefore, they
water their gardens. As the afternoon advances the coldness
goes off, till, about sunset, the water is onco more lukewarm ;
siiU the heat increases, and at midnight it boils furiously.
Ailer this time it again begins to cool, and grows less and less
hot till morning comes. This spring is called " the Fountain
of the Sun."«
j^jg^j^, " — K^:,...i^ inaximo Bimi-
Iia»* ti.iwcTor, looked
VMft t' God» Noam or
t/Udf ■■ Jopuer, thoDgh they alfio
wnhiped tie Aman of Thel}«B ; luid
boCh those Dritiei are found io the
tmfi!«a cf the Oa««t. Tbo ram-
bMdcd Qod. bowcvor, is eallod
**An0nebis," «'. <■. Aman-Xof, nt Kn«r
Zika i& the Great Oasis; bat this
t<«flQpli> w&a odIj* bailt id the lato time
of Autoninoa, and the nci^hboariD^
(me at Kaar Ain el Gunyta wua dodi-
ratod nndrr Ptolomr Encrgrrtrs I. to
tfceTbeboi) trindof Anmn. Maut. and
TP^F**^ Tbecoiifnsiuii bc'twceu Aniuu
■od the rarr- 1 < ' Nnam was Br^t
KAd* bj I ' n9, niid it was
oiUj prerali -. , ^ HubsiNiueiitly
t4> the age of the I'iiaroolu ; tltoni^h a
few infitancei occur in K^jpt «if the
rmm-beaded drity bring calk-d Amon,
even in the VJth dynasty. (See n.'
CB Book LI. oh. 12.) li ia poanblo that
Awvn, ^r Axnno-Rc, was originally a
tftlvt rat Iter than the name of a Uud,
■■ Atsn-rv was added to tho name cf
HoVD, who in the earliest k'gcuda ia
often called Noam.Atin-re. Thia
Aii»-t9 WAM taken np as a God by
iboeo ' kiii^ " rpntlinbly
froM ■. .^ii^rabUnj* Adont, or
AOn, " Liic- -im." and irvm Atin-re
bttiig tho u)l&r.diffk; and Amnn v.-na
baoubed by them, Atin, Atya, or
Attin, wnf the *iiii (Macrob. Satnm. i,
SS). or oatiirc, ujd n-aii both male and
#hotV Atio.rv was uut a new God,
Imi aa Eggrctiaii titJo given to one or
more Qods (liein^ on monaments
erected b^oraand afta' thft erjjiilsioii
of those " heretics ") in Pharaoiiic and
Ptolenmic times. Atlti-ro was porliapfl
tho visibU God, tbo solar disk, oa
Amon-ro wna tho concealed God (we
n. " on Book ii. ch. A'l) ; and the
Strangor-kiDgs, who worehippcd tho
ann iUolf, may on this account have
rc-jeotcd Amnn. On their munocDDnta
Atin-re woa flRnred as the sun, with
rays terminating in hntnan hamlrt ;
bat an instance occurs of tho wiugcd
ann of Hor.llat, with those rays, even
in tho timo of Sethi, of tho l!»th
dvnaaty. (Seo Ar. At, Eg. W., pp.
122, 123.)— [G. W.J
7 Tho aalt of tho Ammonians wna
conflidored to bo of such excellent
quality, tliat it was sent to Forma for
the uao of the Qrent King (Dino, Fr.
ITi), It ifl still Tory abundant, the
huD^pf! even boon built of it (UamiUun,
p. iiM).
• A similar acconnt of thia fotintain
is ffivcn by Diodnrua (xvii.50), Arrion
(iii. -1), Pliny (H. N. ii. 1U3), and
other ancient writers. There can be
littio donbt that the phonamena are
etasTR-erated. All that can now bo
found at Siwnh is a tepid Hprini^-, tho
water of which /f«/.T somewhat warmer
in tho ntsht ihan id tho dnytimo. IL
ifi duuhlful whether tlip t«rnporntnro
really varieg. (fk'ljwmi, p. +23; M-inn-
toli, pp. IT'l-l?*; BroHTiie, Travelfl, p.
ZU namb.'ldt, in his Aspecta of
Nature, apeaka of the sMpposed periodi*
cally cool Fountain uf tho Son, p. 50,
u^m
156
AUGIUL
Book IT.
182. Next to the Ammonians, at the distance of Uv
journey along the ridge of sand, there is a second t^:-L^
like the Ammonian, and a Becond epring. The countr;
round is inhabited, and the place bears the name of Angik'
Hither it is that the Nasamonians come to gather in the d&Us}
183. Ten dajs' joamej from Augila there is again a salt-MD
E. T.> Sir G. Wilkiwion experimontod
with tho tbonuometcr &t Zabbo, in
iho Little OasiSf whore tfacra is m
similur vpriog. The rteanit, in hU own
words, woA the following :
"Th« water of the pond at Zobbo,
MOD ftfter ianriAO (Feb. 8th), the ex-
temal air bein^ Sl| Fohr., X fotmd to
bo 73*. aod quite warm to the bond ;
At mid-dar, thecxtemnl air bcJngOS{,
it wu 7^1, Aod cold to the hand t and
in the trreniDg, at 9 o'clock, the ex-
tonuU air being 60|, the wat«r waa
77<^ Fahr. and oonaeqaently u-arm to
the hand. This pond wa« about 30 ft.
wide, and was not more than 5 or 6
ft. in the deepest port. Two other
■pringv (at Bowitti and El Easr) wore
92} Fahr.. and 93^V- '^^^ boiling
water was a natural mistake, from the
namcrona babbles which rise In those
aulphnreons poods. Thuito springs and
ponds woro in the Little Oasis, which
is called Wah el BohncsOt and in Cvptio
Ouahe Pcmije."
* Vido liupra, ch. 172. Pncho, re-
markiDg on the reracity of Herodotus
in the accoQot whieh he ^res of
Augila, obserrea : — " H a parliS do sea
fbrdta de palmlcrs, do la qoalit^ ex.
qnise do ses dattes, et nona artnis dit
qu'ellcfl aont la pins grando rcseoarco
que pos«5de encore Au^ites. La sonlo
fontaine qn'on y troavaitdo son temps,
eat la bcuId qa*un y trouve de noe jours ;
o'est Eihilleh. La soule collino qui
d'nprfes I'biatorion. oxistait dans co oan>
ton, est laseoleqai interrompQlaniono>
tonio de son immense plalne de sables :
elle ocoupo la partie nord da village
principal. De plus, il ajoate que c«tte
oolline, comme cello d'Ammon, <!'taic
do sol t et dans le monticnle de spath
calcaire d'Augiles, conuno aux colLincs
cQcndlfi
d'Ammoo, nana troarona dss
de set gemme."
The diritanco bot^fre^m the
nions {Siu:ah) and Augila is conadlf
stated. Horncman travoUed it
day*, but at more tiian the
rate. (Trarels, pp. 45, 46).
Augilians of the prasont day recksa S
a ten days* jonmoy. (SliootoG, ^
172.)— ["AugiU ia ahont £20 ate
west of Siuah.*' — G. W.]
* The right of gutbvrlng daits te
still cdaimcd in certain district by^
Arabs I and the TariooB imall Wtt$
(Oases), or spot« in the deeen havlu
springs and dato-trees, westwaid ■
the Egyptian Oases, are stiU ooes|n*A
or claimed by the Blacks, aa of aU;
tho Kssanoncs being, as befors c^
served, the Kahsi&mooes, or negraM
of tho AnuDonian district. (Sm %.*
on Book ii. ch. 32.) The adcptios «f
thopalm-treeas an emblem of ricMTi
or of encccss, doabtloss arose bm
this right of gathering dates in aeia*
quered country. It is well knoiralkt
the dato.tree will not grow esQff*
where there is water, or in irrigsStd
land ; and the palm-tree of the desot,
liko the pelican of the wildeEne0(s
fibh.caling bird), must bo taken llA
restricted sense, meaning that it *v
found in spots away f i-um the IraWfc'
iions of men. — [G. W.]
Mr. Hamilton informs na that t^
^otrayah Arabs, who inhabit the cSS*
of El Ipitrri, north-caat of Jalo. r*»-
larly move Boathwords in aaiann ^
gather the dates and figs from the <*'
inhnbitud oasea of £i A'ojfro. Wb«»
they have left them, poi'ties cf ti»
Tibbcxw oftea come to glean the dsM
which retnaiu. (* Woiuleringft,' pp> Uli
lUl, and 1U70
mmSk
CsAr. 182, 1S(
THE CARAMAKTUNS.
^S7
and a eprlng ; palms of the fruitful kind grow hero abundantly,
as they do also at the other Bait-hills. This region is in-
habited by a nation called the Garamantians,^ a very power-
ful people, who cover the salt with mould, and then bow their
rr^ps,* From thence is the shortest road to the Lotophagi, a
. i.iiney o: thirty days.* In the Garamantian country are
found the oxen which, as they graze, walk backwards. This
they do because their horns curve outwards in front of their
heads, bo that it is not possible for them when gi'azing to
more forwards, since in that case their horns would become
fixed in the giound-* Only herein do they differ from other
* Beerra and BcaQell idontifj- the
of the GarAmaatians with tlie
JWan. Bitter adopts tlm
(Erdkonde, i. p. 98U)
Tha ohlef gnmndA seem to ho, 1.
ii dm Bouih of the cotintiy of
KoamonuuiH, who line the ehora
Im Groater Syrtis (sopro, oh. 174).
&. It ia tlia fimt well-peopled tract,
»ed ihu lirat which possoasca sprinra
jl»«gi of Aui^ilft. 3. ItL&aamineUcitv,
(Qarama), once the cnpittd.
T^ lis nuno la prewnred in the nppcU
Hlioa Gamphojantos (= GarDi-i'ho.
or Garaia-Pbasaotcs), foaud in
place of Gnramontcs in Bomo
ra. fPlin.U. N.T.8; Mela,i.8).
It U the ouly tract, where a ^^waX
i\ puwfnul nation ruold livp, inlbo86
Theso rcasoos aiipcar con-
Tha dislaneo fmm Angila ia mis-
ttal«d. KfTinpU iinaginoB that tha
«««E«tm l»aftlor of tho Oaratnaottiins
nug'ht be within the distauoe of 10
daji from, th^ wcslem limits of tho
iCfiUaita. (Gotfgr.p. HIo.) But thia
not «Min to bo pottaiblo. It
19 dajs at tho least to cmitg tho
bctwera Aagila, which i& at thf3
of tho Oatfii, anil Trrnij^a, the
vflhige in Fi-xjuxn. (Uoroeman,
47.) Hvereu conjectures that
or hiR infoniiatit, here (aa
Thebva and Ibo Atnmoniana)
MldidMiballjr oooiCtt**! a stutioD; and
thai ih« rMtiag*plac« hero spoken of
was not ten, LuC twenty dnya* journey
from Ansfila. (Af. Nat^ L p. 219,
B. T.) Traghan, near Zuila^ whore
tbero is a oolcbrated sprint; of wnter,
ho imagines to bo tho eito (p. 217).
SwJatBO Lycn'a Travola (p. 336).
* Tho soil of FeKZJvu ia stron';-ly im-
pro^nated with enlt. It is only by a
liberal npplicatioa of manure thr\t any
prodaco con bo raised. (l>yon, p.
-'71.1
* Tho conjocturo of Heoron, IhiiL
this IB another camnm runto, and
indicates tho line of trnllio between
Carthago and tho Kogru ooantries,
leems to bo nn. citrcmely happy one.
At tho present dny Mur-zuZr, tho oapitnl
of Fezzan, is the oentre from which
three great roads diverge: one leading
to Bjrypt by way of Anorila and Siwah
(Amiuuo), another to Sou^lan^ or Ni*
gTiti&, Bnro<i» tho Groat Dpscrt, and
a third to Tripoli and Tunis, by way
of Sotno, lionjp'cm, and Lfhi'ia. Thia
last is the roulo hero spoken of. It
was traversed by Captain Lyon in
1S20, who took 3f» davfi from ?.fnniuk
to tho coafli nf>ar Lohidiv, stopping',
howoTcr, exactly *\x days at iSolena.
Tho Lotophag^i, including in thorn tho
Gindnnian^, commenced abunt Lebida.
(Vido supra, ch. 176, noto^)
* No oxen uf this kind hara boon
obserred bymodnrn travellers, though
the same neoount is frivtm by many of
theanuieaU. (Alex. Mynd. up.Atheu.
T. 20, p. 221, £. I Flin. fi. N. vui. 45 ;
1^3
THE ATARAKTIANS,
Boot IT
oxen, and further in the thickness and hardness of their
hides.* The Garamantians have four-horse chariots, in wLJefa
they chase the Troglodyte Ethiopians,^ who of all the naUou
whereof any account has reached our ears are by &r Ai
swiftest of foot,^ The Troglodytes feed on serpents, lizaidn
and other similar reptiles. Their language is unlike that ol
any other people ; it sounds hke the scrocching of bats.*
184. At the distance of ten days* journey from the QarazDis-
tians there is again another salt-hill and spring of water;
around which dwell a people, called the Atarantiana,* who
alone of all known nations are destitute of names. The tlttfi
BCel&, i. 8.) Hecren conjectures tbat
the horns woro made to f^row in thia
way. Tho ncfttherda of Africa, ho
BUjv, frequently amuse thenisoWes in
jiving an oftificial fcrm to tho horns
of their cattio, bv oontinnnlly bending
tham. (Af. Natl i. p 2:i2, E. T.) But
it IB difficnlt to oasign a motive for
their giving them bo iucocTemcnt a
shape.
* Tho thickness and bardncfis of the
hidos of tho cattle in this part of
Africa are noticed by modem travol-
leta. (Homemfui, p. 127.)
* It is tuuiil to regard the word
Trogl'^dyte hero aa a proper name.
Bnt perhaps it wonid bo bettor to
translate " the Kthinpians who dwell
in holes." Troglodytes havo always
aboimdcd in Africa. The most noto-
riooB are those along the shores of the
Bed 8ea> of whom Strabo gives a fall
aoconnt (xri. p. 1102). There were
others npon the Nile. (Btrab. xvii. p.
1159.) Tho80 here spoken of must
bo distingxit«hod from both. They
dwelt probably in tho region south ot
Feczan, in the moutitaiua of the
Tibosti range, where tho Tibhoo /r«-
rhadf or Rnck Ttbhoos, are still said to
live in oaven. (Uuruoman, p. 107 ;
Denham, vol. i. p. 1^.0.)
* Great filavehants (Qrania in the
language of the country) are still
common in FoEzan. Armed bodioa of
800 or 1000 men set forth on tbcso
rxpeditionft, and sweep the errantries
to tho Bouthward of their iohabitautSt
retaroing after an absraos of
with a hand of cnptiToa, oAea warn
naroeroofi than tbo caploim. (ht,
among othera, Hamilftn, p. 19Cl)
These are osnally Tib^xu. TU T^
hooM are def^cribcd as ** a timid nca
in looh dread i>f a gnn or horse tiit
tho bare sight of an Arab, and
ticnlnrly a monnted one. ii
to put a nnmber nf them to ffigb.'
<Lyon. p. 254.) Their " agUity * •
said to be " provt»rbial,'' tmd •H'^
noighbonra call them, by w:
tinction, *' tho Birds " (ib. l
* "The people of AngiU, in ep<ii
ing of these tribea (tho Tthho»i),'
obserroB IIomcTOnn, "say that tisf
lungunice id Uke the whisUiaf d
birdfl " (Joam&l, Ac, p. 119.)
^ AU the MSS. bare AtJaahm/
which was reifcd eridently by Kuf
(t. 8), and Mela (i. 8). The mJiiH
Atarantinns is recovered from Koi<a>
thins (ad Dionys. Perieg. 6fi). Tk»
locality of this people is very Bacsr-
tain. Heeren conjectores that As
ronto described by Herodotas taa*
southward at IheOoramantiaostafeia^
and that tho Atarantianj mn the Bff**
turns of Tegerry ; bnt thia view ii q«^
incompatiolo with the wnnis of Hts^
doUifl in chti. ISl and ISn. We nml
regard him as proceeding w«tt«v4i
and sock for the AtaranCiana aSKMf
the Tnariks of tho Wost«m 8akaa>
Oudney found snlt-pluius and sprinp
in this country, towards Qadamis (p(t<
964»9).
/^
'^I
CM. IS5-18S. THE ATLANTES. 1 59 ■
of Atarantianfl ia borne by the whole raco in common ; but H
the men have no particular names of their own.^ The Ataran- H
tians, when the son rises high in the heaven, curso him, and H
load him with reproaches, because (they say) he bums and H
wastes both their country and themselves. Once more at the H
distance of ten days* journey there is a ealt-hiU, a spring, and H
an inhabited tract. Near the salt is a mountain called Atlas, H
v rv taper and round; bo lofty, moreover, that the top (it is H
-Mil cannot bo seen, the clouds never quitting it either H
<!:!iiaer or winter.' The natives call this mountain "the H
i'liiar of Heaven ; ** * and the}* themselves take their name H
from it, being called Atlantes. They arc reported not to eat ^^^
any living thing, and never to have any dreams. ^^B
185. As far as the Atlantes the names of the nations in- ^^B
habiting the sandy ridge are known to me ; but beyond them H
my knowledge fails. The ridge itself extends as far as the H
Pillfirs of Hercules, and even further than these ;^ and
* t«o Af ricaniw says of the Bornona
— " Quanttiin k qoodam morcatoro in.
iilti^ira potui, qui loa^m oum Ma
Mioarat Oousaetadrneui. nullum hie
ffToprium Komtn avdioi, eed omncs tpI
ft I«n7itn4aie. nj pingatludine, sot
.-v ni-ri(l»nta nomen habfint"
■'. A), Snli (Tr»rcla in
Adtwmioi*, p. i^id) ooiioes a simibu*
cwlom mmmg tha negroea noath and
wmit ol AbjMima ; bat it doui not hy
aaj OMaaa amount to tb« entire
■fcacBoa of iianic^ which ia spoken of
bf Uerodotiu. He probably minnder.
stood his informant.
' Idelcr has shown (sm Hamboldt's
Amcta of >'fttare, vol. t. pp. 144-146,
M, T.) that there was a oonfosian in
thm Qnek mind with rcApcot to Atlas.
^hm mrUer writcn (Honicr, HesiwJ,
Ac) Intended by Uiat name tbo Teak
of Toncnffc of which they had some
iAdiatinsl knowledge dorired from
PhllltrfMi aoarces. The later, tmao*
miilatai with the great Wejitem
OUMW, pUoed Alios in Africa, firtit
ragaidiag it u a single mountain, und
than, M thoir gvographical knowlodgo
increased, and they found there was
no rery remarkable moanta.in in North.
wo<item Africa, aa a moontain chain.
Herodutun is a writer of the transition
period. His descn]it)rin ia only ap-
plicable to the Pbak, while his locality
iit Africa — not, howi'vor, the wexttem
coast, bnt an inlnnd tract, probably
sontfa-oatftem Algurrn. Thus hia
mountain, if it is to bo cnn.sidcrod as
having any foundation at all on fact,
most represent the oastern, not the
western, extremity of the Atlas chain.
* So .diUobylas says of the giant
Athks—
Qftoiw if)tiit^¥, uxf «t ovK (vatffdXafr.- P. Y. Sit,
And Pindar, in like mnmier, ealla Etna,
jr/»y oipavia. <Pyth. i. 1*J, ed. Diss.)
The supposed height of the "pillar'*
may bo gathered from the Soholiaat on
Plato, who reports tliat its shadow
extended to the dibtance 1 1 'rOOO stades
(ad Plat. Tim. p. 42f>, od. Bokker).
* Hurodotu-H. it 4thuuld be ubs^'rvud.
knows that the African ooust pr(Q§eU
beyond the piUan.
i6o
HOUSES OF SALT.
Book IT.
throngbont tbo vrbole distance, at tbe end of eveiy ten days'
journey, tbero is a salt-mine, Tdth people dwelling roond it
^bo all of tbcm build tbeir bouses \dtb blooks of the biH
No rain falls in tbese parts of Libya ; if it were otherwise, the
walls of these bouses could not stand.^ The salt quaiiied ii
of two colours, white and purple.^ Beyond the ridge, sontli-
wards, in tbe direction of the interior, tbe country is a deaert,*
with no springs, no beasts, no rain, no wood, and altogether
destitute of moisture.'
• Pliny (n. N. v. 6) mentions tho
Palt hoQses of the African tribes bor.
dcrinj; on the Groat Desert. They
liavo l>eoa foand by Mr. Hamilton in
the (!)iisi3 of Amnion, and by Ondney
(Denham'a Travels, vol. i. p. 78) in
the western part of Fczzan ; and no
donbt exist in innny parts of the Sahara.
OuUuey's words arc — " Notwithstand-
ing llie nearness and fitness of the
Ktonc, the salt mould ia preferred (for
iioiises). perhaps fromthcwantof limc;
and the easo with which tho houso ia
vrcctod. Another thing: ho little rain
tails that there is no danger of the
fabric frilling."
Mr. Hamilton pays — " I paw no
traces of autifniity in any of the build-
injfs; but, as of old, the honsos are
built with blocks of rocfc-ssalt, some-
times almost pnvo, cemented together
with mufl. l**xi}ni tho dryness of tho
climate this kind of wall is perfectly
bolid. (* Wamlcringrt,' p. 201.)
Oudney tells ns that this part of
Africa is not entirely without rain,
bat that itiin fulls at inlcrrals of five,
eight, and nine years (p. 76). Unm-
boldt, ppeaking in a moro general way,
fecli* justified iu taying — " Neither dew
nor niin bathe the.-icdedolato i)Iain9,or
devcloiw on their glowing surface the
germs of vegetable life ; for heated
columns of air, everywhere ascending,
diKsolve the vapnurj!, .and disi»erso
each swiftly-vanishing cloud." (As-
pects of Nature, vol. i. p. 3, E. T.)
" The rock-snit of Africa is, in tact,
of three colouiv. " Africa," pays Leo,
"potion ex parte nliud fal non hnbet,
prsDterid quod ex 8;;>ecuum t^aliuis (tho
X/roAAa of our author) relat naxmae
nnt gcssum, eandidi^ rubei, et anma.
colons, efFoditnr'* (p. 299, B). '*'Skb
salt of the mountain HaddeflEa," wntM
Dr. Shaw, "is of a reddish, or pwyb
colour: yet what is washed down bam
these precipices by the dews attaiDefek
another colour, becoming aa wfcili M
snow. . . . The salt of the monstuni
near Lcrotaiah and Jebel Miniss, ii of
a grey or bluish colour." (Travels, [k
2:iy.)
" Ho alludoa to the fnroat Sahut.
This sandy tract, diversified here sad
there by high table-land, low plaian,
isolated small hills and rocks, and oi>
dulating ground, produces in pUeM
some low desert shrubs and tnftf of
grass, like the little Sahara to tte
south of the Regency of Tunis. Amo^
the plants of the Sahara mentional
to mo by the neighbouring Aiafai ut
tho .s7(cca (tho *'Sho'* of Lucas) ud
hythfran (Artemisia Judaic* ud
incuUu) ; the rattttm, or broom (Spsr*
tinm monospermnm) ; the prieUy
hadth ; tho ,7ii'£t^ (atriplez balimos);
t\iv riiuth{& Salicumia) ; themftAx^
&c. Tho ancients were not altogetlKr
unacquainted with the interior of
Africa; and Ibn Batata shows in tU
1 Ith century how much was knamiof
Timbuctoo and tho Soodan.— [G. W-l
* The hoiTors of the great Afrios
desert liave, both iu ancient tf>^
modern times, been somewhat eflf*
giratod. " Fi-om the best and moK
recent intelligence/* says Uamboldl,
" we learu that tho desert of Sohazaii
coMiiKtfted of several detached basiaSi
and that the number and tbe popnk-
THE nmABITAXTS OF LIBYA.
i6i
186. Thas from Egypt as far as Lake Tritonm Libya is
inliahited by ■wandering tribes,* whose drink is milk^ and their
food the flesh of aolmals. Cow'h flesh however none of these
tribes ever taste, but abstain from it for the same reason as
tho Egyptians, neither do they any of them breed swine-
Even at Cyreu6, the women think it wrong to eat the flesh
of the cow, honouring in this lais, the Egyptian goddess,
whom they worship both with fasts and festivals.* The
arcsan women abstain, not from cow's flesh only, but also
the flesh of swine.
187. West of Lake Tritonis the Libyans ore no longer
waoderers/ noi do they practise the same customs as the
^jBarc
^^^%tnn
tloa of th» fErrtile OnseB is very ninch
Kn«lwr th»n liAd beco imaginod. . . .
It i« licw genenllf affitmod that tho
■ttiui ccrrcrv cnlj the sm&ller porfcioa
of tbd p«a.t luwland." (Aspects of
X»l«rts Tol. i. p. 114. E. T.) The
Bahara ui not entirely destitntc of
m*«""'" Ttie " lion of ibo doscrt" is
faiAevd ft Earopean fiction (Carotte,
Sxplotution do rAl^ric, vol. ii. pp.
lJ98>.l!Sl), bat ^rtueUes, wilt] asdcd, and
e to be met with. Springs
n* aono ; bat a braotdsh water
ii |Bir<TM from weliit, often of great
flipUl RalUf as already mentioned,
la a fwfly. Pnlms k^vw in tbu O&a^s ;
a/bd tlwiir dates form tho principal
food nf ibn Tihboos aad Tnaricka, tho
iabal r'.ctively, of the east*
CCB :: : n Band.rc^ons. Per-
hofit tbo D^^iuQ of the extreme tterility
H Iba dfltfurt arose from tho fact that
t|»«i tka wtain rouUf, that from Muriuk
to Trttir TKfaad, and thnt from lii«alah
to Tjiabactoor tho aridity is fh^'htful.
(Onmboldt, 1. s. c.)
* Ustodotm here indicate that ho
U abonl to revnme the acconot uf tho
a— rfi^ti trili«% which was broken off
at ihm cod of ch. 180.
' The water in Northpm Africa is
for tkc moat part bo strongly imprcg.
latad with sale that milk forms the
oaly |ttlat&bln bcrerage. It is bow-
«*«rat 'be present day a rarity. (See
Dvaham'* Inivels, tuI. i. p. 42.)
TOL. ni.
■ Tho Greeks, on Bottling- in Africa,
appear to hiiTe adoptod tnany ciu^touis
ft-om their "barbarian" neighbours.
As their monarohs took tho name of
Battns, the native tcnn fur **kiDg"
(oupra, cb. I!i5), so the citizens geae-
rally ooziformod to African manners.
Tho Oyrencan Greeks took the ooetnme
of the cotmtry. I%cho obaerres apoQ
tho " striking analof^ " between tho
drosses depicted in the tombs and the
modem costume of Foxzon (p. 210).
The foor-horse chariot was used com-
monly at Gyrene while it was stitl
rore in Greece (infra, ch. 189), The
habit of borniug tho dead was aban-
doned> and rock tombs were excavated
with vast toil (which are often of
stHking beanty) as reoeptaclee wherein
to lay up the bodies of the departed.
(Sec Hamilton's Wan(loriu|^. p. 65.)
There are no uma, nor places fur them,
but many niiloi of uom-opulis extend-
ingall roniid the city — the monnmenta
and Barco]]hagi rising in turrooes of
ten and oven tweiro row8» one abore
the other. (Ibid, p. 86. Compare the
riew of the ruins, supra, p. IM.) It
appears from the passage in the text
that a portion, at any rate, of the
Egyptian ritual was nd(ipt(<d both in
Gyrene and Baroa, the latter being
even more African than the former.
See above, ch. 161, note-.)
* Wert of Lake Tritonis the Libyans
are no longer wanderers, as the Kasa-
1 62
HEALTHUsESS OF THE LIBTANS.
Book
wandering people, or treat their children in the same way.
For the wandering Libyans, many of them at any rate, if not
all— concerning •which I cannot speak with certainty — when
their children come to the age of four years, bum the veins at
the top of their heads with a flock from the fleece of a sheep :
others bum the veins about the temples.^ This they do to
prevent theni from being plagued in their after lives by a flow
of rheum from the head ; and such they declare is the reason
why they are so much more healthy than other men. Cer-
tainly the Libyans are the healthiest men that I know ; * but
whether this is what makes them so, or not, I cannot positively
say — the healthiest certainly they are. If when the childrea
are being burnt convulsions come on, there is a remedy of
which they have made discovery. It is to sprinkle goat*B
water upon the child, who thus treated, is sure to recover. In
all this I only repeat what is said by the Libyans.
188. The rites which the wandering Libyans use in sacri-
ficing are the following. They begin with the ear of the
victim, which they cut off and throw over their house : this
done, they kill the animal by twisting the neck. They sacri*
fice to the Sua and Moon, but not to auy other God. This
1
moneft and others between it nnd
Egypt wore. Those west of the Tri.
tooU lived by afrricnUaro (ch. 191).
Thifl is still the CA&e, oxcopt upon the
ooMt.— {G. W.]
* Baming with a red'hot iron is still
praoUsed in these couatrioa fur tho
oure of dlsoases. (Lyon, p. 3-13 ;
Hamilton, p. 09.) See alfio Dcnham's
TraveU, who calls this mode of cure
"the soreroign Arab remedy for al-
moBt ©very disorder." (VoL i.p. 173.)
Mr. Jjiyai-d ootic^B ita use amon|i; ihtj
Arabs of Mesopotamia (Nineveh and
Babylon, p. 291) ; and Lieut. Burton
among the Egyptians (PilgTimugo to
El-Medineh, vol. i. p. 80). A Bimilar
notion prevailed in Scythia in ancictnt
times. (Qippoorat. de ABre, AqaA., eb
Loci 8, § 47.)
• Vide Bopra, ii. 77. Tbo Tnarioka
hnve, of all oxiAting tribes, the best
right to be regarded as the descend-
anla of Hcrodotus'i Libyans. The/
nni free fri>m the intermixtarea which
have changed the chiixBcter of th»
tribes npon the con)«t. They speak
tho Berber, or old African language.
(Lyon, p. 111.) They are not a black
race, nor have they the negro features.
(Huniboldt, i. p. 67 J Prichard, Kat.
Hist, of Man, p. 2&t.) Lyun Bays of
them, " They are tho finest race of
men I ever saw : tall, straight and
haudwme, with a certain air of inde-
pendtiuoe aud pride which is very im-
poping" (p. 109). By tho amasjeg
account which he gives (pp. 115, 116)
of their application for medicines, it
appears that there was but little iU-
ness among those with whom, be be*
came acquainted.
4
«
C»AP. 187-189.
FRIN0E-APR0N3.
1^3
worship is common to all the Libyans. The inhabitants of
the parts about Lake Tritonis worship in addition Triton,
Neptune.' and Minerva, the last especially.
189. The dress wherewith Minerva's statues are adorned,
and her JCgis, were derived by the Greeks from the women of
Libya. For, except that the garments of the Libyan women
are of leather,** and their fringes made of leathern thongs °
instead of serpents, in all else the dress of both is exactly
alike. The name too itself shows that the mode of dressing
the Pallas-statues came from Libya. For the Libyan women
vear over their dress goat-skins stript of the hair, firinged at
their edges, and coloured with vermilion ; ^ and from these
' vide sQpTa, ii. BO.
' The ibb&bitanta of Korthem Africa,
id «TeD the tiibeit of the liesert, wemr
the pre»mt day clkieHy woollen
coUon gnnneiLtg. In tho interior,
rer, t)mt is in Sondan or Nigritia,
tha g«ttBrml dress is leather." (Lyon,
p 137.) AxnoDg^ the doisoii iribcti,
tbc Tlurioks not ucfreqaently wear
InibBn ihtru ovir the rost uf their
drsaa. Lyon gives a ropresentalion oC
this eontnmG (p. 110).
' LvAibem dresses of women, witK
ttia^Bt of tboDffs, hare always been
WMBicn io Africa ; and these last
htptg the origin of tlit^ snnkos of the
very probable. The tuunarricd
ffirla of Ethiopia now only wear an
apron of thon^, not onlike that on
the nose uf a oharffor. It is cnllcd
Babiit, and is sometimes ornamented
with oovmea.— [G. W.]
' Vermilion is abundaot in Korth
Afnco. (Paoho, p. 59.) Bed shoes
are commonly worn at Tripoli. (Lyon.
p. 7.) Red shawls and mantles are
froqnvnt in tho ititorior. (Ibid. pp.
153-155.) The African nations, too,
oontinno to excel in the dressing' and
dyeing of leather, Tho gupcriority of
Morocco leather is nniTPXHally acknow-
ledged. Etch the barbarooa tribes of
the interior possoHS the arts; and
Lyon tells US that in Kashna *' the
P4x*ple are exceUent workors in wood
and leather, which tlioy prepare oqnally
well as Europenns, dyeing it of very
fine colours." (Truvchi. p. 139.) Themi
oolontB are clsowhero ntatcd to bo
chiefly yellow, red, and black (p. 155).
Beaofoy (Afric. Assoc. 1790) says tliat
the skins are those of the gont.
ItenneQ (Geograph. of Herod, p.
669) conJectiuiM that the tanning and
dyeing of leather was firat practised
by the Libyans, pasring from them
into Hgypt and the East, while it was
likewise carried across the sea directly
into Greece. He notices tho *'rains*
iL'i'nj d\tcd red** which eovereil the
tabernacle in the wilderness (Exod.
XXT. 5, &c.)> BB poBsibly the mauufac-
tore of Libyan tribes. They tnosb
i64
OBiaiN 07 TH£ .fioia
Boot 17.
goat-fikina the Greeks get their word M^s (goat-harness). I
think for my part that the loud cries uttered in our sacnd
rites * came also from thence ; for the Libyan women an
greatly given to such cries and utter them very sireetlj.
Likewise the Greeks learnt from the Libyans to yoke itm
horses to a chariot.*
have bern bronjrbt from Eftypt, ftTid
Kgypt Han tilways importod leather
from the interior. (Mailletj p. 199;
LjTOD, p. 15S.)
' Thfwe rriea, accorclin^ to tbe 8cbo-
Itut on ^BcbjIoB (Sept. c. Th. 27i),
were g" My in honour of M inerva
(Athen*?). Thoiy were not howling
cries, btit rathpr triampbal iihoata.
'O\o\v^«ip (= iiXaXi(ti») is to vhout the
iotprieotion &a, or 6a, an exolnnrntion
of joy and triunipli. *Zht\tC*^v (=
oluUro) is to Fbout i\ (Ltd, n\), or
iXiXfVf ft orf of Iftmenbfttion. Humor
■pe&ki of the A\o\u7^ as proper to the
wonhip of Athene i
' It ifi difficnlt to nndemtand
intended by this BAsertioa. Hi
tns cnn ■carcely tnoan that tha GyflkT
DteanB, having I«&mt t1 <
tho Libyans, oonununif '^
coontnrmen ; for not l..^. .v «. Lb*
fonr-horae chariot known in Qntto
half a century before the foundiac*'
Cyrono, when it was first introdoced
into the Rumea at Olympta (l^o*. »•
8, § 3), bnt it waa eren knoim to
Homer, and according to him, Tued bf
189-191.
SETrtTUHE— THE MAXYAKS.
I6S
190. All the wandering tribes bnry their dead according to
B fashion of the Greek3, except the Nasamouians. They
ry them sitting, and are right careful when the sick man is
St the point of giving op the ghost, to make him sit and not
let him die lying doT^Ti.* The dwellings of these people aro
made of the stems of the asphodel, and of rushes wattled
together." They can be carried from place to place. Such
are the customs of the afore-mentioned tribes.
191, Westward of the river Triton and adjoining upon tlio
scans," are other Libyans who till the ground, and live in
■kus
scs : these people aro named the Maxyans.' They lot the
hair grow long on the right aide of their hcads,^ and shave it
close on the left; they besmear their bodies with red paint ;
and they say that they are descended from the men of Troy.*
Their country and the remainder of Libya towards the west is
the OfmIcs ia war in the Teiy eorliesb
■««•. rn. Tiii. 1S5; Od. xiii. 81.)
Oiu H^T»dotu9 intend to aaaert ft con-
nection between Grccoo and Libya
iVipec in the aat?-Homorio times?
The /'i'.f probably ia that the four-
>iorae ohnriot first came into use tn
EirjjH (Mlaatoli, Abluuidl, Vermischt.
lohalta. ii. 1. pp. 129'139), and poawyl
thenro both into Libya Proper and
into Oreoco. The CyreniiEMiiiB, however,
TOAT xu>t hnve begun to employ tho
foor-hor^e chariotfi for common use till
tbey eeUlcd in Afrirn^ ftiid may have
>pted the custom from tho Libyans.
We niny i'*Jiii|>Are with tbia the
of (he Gnoiicheft, the primitive
oC the Cuiory Islea, a
ricaa people, who boried
[inij, eovaa with a staS
(Pricbard» Nat. Hist.
p. ?ft7.>
he Slitilliika of tho Wliito Biver
their dead npriKht. Tho ancient
Britonn often tmhed them in a Hitting
^BTv, the hiutdit nu»d to the neck,
the elbow* olote to the knees. —
Hellazuoaa (Trogm. Hist. Gr. L p.
Fngm. 98), in rehitinfc thii* wuuo
iwnt montiouA that those " hoosos "
"to keep oS the sou"
(Sirov offini cffica), by which they wonid
appear to have been little ouire than
ho^e pftrasolfl.
" Vide sopra, cb. 180. Herodotos
here procoedii in hia oiitun«ratiou of
the tribeB of the coast.
' This people hotl been mentioned
imder the «amo name by Heenttemi
(Fr. 304). It ia doobtfnl whether
they are distinct from the Macfalyana
of ch. 180. Bome writeri} called Ibetu
Mnxranfl. (Steph. Byz. ad voc.) The
werd, especially in thia latter form,
may be connected with the term Ama-
Mi-jkr which ia tho name given by tho
Skuluh, or Berbers of ^e Northern
Atlas, to their dialect of the Berber
langnagc. Amasigh xncana "noble."
(I^richard's Nat. Ilist. of Hon. p. 2G3.)
* Tho E^-yptians left a tnft of hair
on the forehead of their cbiblrcn, and
nnotiior sometioLea on tho back of th«ir
heads^ aa tlioy Btill do ; but tlio loiifc
lock left on the ri^ht side of the hea<l
wiui the real emblem of childhood.
(Compare Maerob. Satam. i. 26. and
eee n. on Book ii. ch. 66.) — [G. W.]
' The traditinn waa, that AutenoTt
on his war to Italy, coasted alou^ tho
Afric.m niioro, and planted colonics.
(Cf. Find. Pyth. v. 78, ed. Din.)
^■1
i66
AMHALS OF WEST AFRICA.
Boos IT
far fuller of wild beasts, and of wood, than the connhy of iist
wandering people. For the eastern side of Libya, where ib^
wanderers dwell, is low and sandy, as far as the river Triton;
but westward of that the land of the husbandmen is rerj
hilly, and abounds with forests and wild beasts.^ For this is
the tract in which the huge serpents* are found, and the lions,
the elephants, the bears, the aspicks, and the homed asses.'
* It wo^d be impossible, even with
oar present knnwlod^, to dBScribe
more nocorately the $en^al diifereDoeB
between the eaatern and western
regions of North Africa. While the
weetem region, oontaiciag the coan-
tries of Uorocoo, Algiers, and Tanin, is
numntainooA, well wooded, and well
watered, and conaoqaeotl/ abounds
with wild beasts (Humboldt's Aspects,
i. p. 110], (be eaDtera, cumpriaing Tri-
poli and Barka, ia a low, Bat, sajidr
traoti almost destituto of perennial
streams, and admitting uf cultivatiun
only is certain favoured spota. It con-
tains few wild aoimolg, and those
chiefly of a harmless character.
The causa of this difference is to bo
found in the sudden sinking and con-
traction of the Tnoantain range which
rona across North Africa, at about the
8th or 9th degree of lungitude (£.
from Grppnwich). The continuation of
Atlas, which under the names of
Boudah and Harudsh extends from the
bordars of Tania to the Egyptian
Natron lakes, is a low basnltio ranife
of hills, rather than monntains, quite
insufficient to oolleot moisture and
form rivers. The oousequence ia that
the desert oxtendji north of this line,
and is only prevented from reaching
the sea by the abnndant rains wliich
fall open the coast in conseqnenoe of
the vicinity of the Mediterranean.
(See Beeohey's Narrative, pp. 17, 37,
41, 48. 59. Ac. i Delia CeUa, p. 46,
E. T. ; Lyon, p. 232.)
• These are of the Python tribe,
still found in Africa (noted of old
from one of them haviiif^ stopped the
army of Bognlus), and common in
oar modem museums. The Groek
name Python was probably Egyptian,
Pi-Ton, and may be traced m tht Tia
or Tanin of Hebrew, tranaUt«d"i«<>
pent," Exod. vii. 10 ; or " dxa^im,*
Pm. xlir. 19; lata. xiii. 23 and nri
I ; Jpf. ix. 11 : and " whale/* in Osa
i. 21; Job vii. 12; Kxek. xzzii. Si
but which in Genesis might ntltf
apply to the Saurian monstcn is tbi
rarly state of the world. It ii tis|»
lar that the Egyptians eren bfUnvl
that it was iolmbited by lai|[B WM»
sters. (See Lyell's Pr. Goolqgy, i.
p. 22.) The Python eTidentljencT*
sponded to the Giant "Aphofilua,*
or Apap, of Egypt, represented s«U*
"great serpent," who was vl, vd
was pierced by the spear of Btfrai
(Apollo) and other gods. The ImI
syllable of Satan (tihaytan) it odl
related to Tan, as some might imi^iaa
the t being a ts, not a r, in tbs &^
brew : but Titan may be relatsd tott>
-raw.]
' Elephants are not now fomi !■
the cuautriett north of the dessiL &
is donbtEHl whether they cooU sW
have been indigonona in those rrfi«^
but the testimony of Pliny ("B**
phtintes fort Africa nlLri Syrtiai
Bolitadines, et in MauritaniA," H. N.
Tiii. 11) would seem to aettls iki
question. Haiuio*8 royage lik«><'"
mentions tliem as seen near Cspi
Boloeis (p. 6). Boars are lara, vA
are not mentioned by Leo among tl*
animals of Africa. Shaw howATW
speaks of them as occasionally fmsd
in Barbary (TmvelB. p. 249). 8*-
penta, both great and minll, and U<irt>
are common. It is uncertain «1mI
animal Herodotus int«nds by bi>
"horned ass;*' probably vocoe kivt
of autelope.
C«4r. 191, 193.
ANIMALS OF EAST AFRICA.
167
Here too are the dog-faced creatures, and the creatures
i^tLout heads, whom the Libyans declare to have their eyes in
their breasts ; and also the wild men, and the wild women/
and many other far less fabulons beasts.
192. Among the wanderers are none of those, but quite other
anhnalB ; as antelopes, gazelles, buffaloes, and asses, not of
the homed sort, but of a kind which does not need to drink f
also oryxes," whose horns are used for the curved sides of
citherns, and whose size is about that of the ox; foxes,
bjenaSy porcupines, wild rams, dictyes,' jackals, panthers,
boryes, land-crocodiles about three cubits in length,* very like
lizards, ostriches, and little snakes, each with a single horn.
All these animals are found here, aud likewise those belonging
* ApM of some I&rge epeciefl were
imifaftbljr iDtcDded, pongos pouibW. or
okiiDfNUUKei. Compare Haouo's Nor-
jKtiTO: "At the bet turn of this bay lay
tax isUnd Uko the former, having' a
1»ke, ftod in ihU lake anutber island,
foU of wild people Oi«rH) hydp^tiv
iett^mpy. Tar the greater propi^ion
were women, whose bodie* were cor.
sred with hair, and whom oar intcr-
pcetara called Gorilhc. Though we
yued the nen, wo conld not catch
Miy of ihem, iLdco all fled from us,
caeapiBg crrer the precipicee, and
llrfi Willi mj themselvoB with stouvs.
HlowTcr wa tcmk three women ; but
IImt attacked their ooadnctors with
thar handa and teeth, and could not
be prevailed on to accompany na. We
ibar^fore ki)lo<l and flayed thorn, and
their Bktna with na to Car.
(pp. 13. l-t.) Oar early
k'Voyagan D»ed mach the lame lan>
gna^ : " We nune to another yle,
[^bmthe folk binalleBkynnedrDnf^he
^eftr.aaanciu;;h be«t,«ftf only the face,
•Dd tha pawmo of the hand*" (Uon-
deritle'* Voyagea, p. SGI.)
* Thr wild aafl can lire in the wornt
Bftrtaolth--' ' ' nd needd probably
1MB miC' 4t any animal.
litiU, hov<< ■ are no doobt
tisme when **itie wild asses qaench
llMirUiini.'' (Ps.ciir,U.) Leo bays,
"Confortim incedant onm rel paba.
lantor, vel polant " (p. 292, B).
* The antelopes, oryx, addax, bclsa,
and defassa (or babalis ?) are common
in Africa. Some Greek lyrca have
been found with the upright" comita"
made of, or in imitation of, the Koma
of the ontelopo oddax, probably the
oryx of HerodotoB ; and many are so
fignred on the TB«ea. Hence the name
•' Ktpara," " Phoonii," the word osed
hero for " cithara," is enppoeed to have
been applied to the lyro. or oitharmi
from ita introdoction from Phoenicia,
in the same manner aa many things
are now culled by the Arabs "Vene-
tian : *' thns a gan is hendook£eh ; nnta,
bAidook ; a sequin, b^dooke$ ; a deal
plank, loA &^ndoo2w«, Ac. — [Cm, W.)
7 It is impossible to say what animal
ifl here intended. No other writer
meutiona either the diciys or the haryn.
• This immense liznrd, or monitor,
in very cotiimoa in K^ypt and other
partA of Africa. It ia called in Arabic
WtSran, or Wurran 0' Gobel, "of tha
xnonolaiaa," or W, el ard, "of the
enrtb," to diRtimcniMh it from the
Wurmn ot bahr"af the river." The
former is the Lacerla sciucos ; the
other L. Nilntica. It is generally
about 3 ft. long : and I have found one
very large, which mnunred about 4 ft.
Tho other ia rather ssa<cr. — [G. W.]
i€8
AJilMALS OF EAST AFRICA.
Book IV,
to other countries, except tbe stag and the Tnld-boar; but
neither stag nor wild-boar are found in any part of Libya.'
There are, however, three sorts of mice in these parts ; the
first are called two-footed ; * the next, zegeries,* which is a
Lybian word meaning *' hills;" and the third, urchins.'
Weasels also are found in the Silphium-region,* much like
the Tartessian. So many, therefore, ore the animals belong-
ing to the land of the wandering Libyans, in bo far at least as
my researches have been able to reach.'
* Tfaifl osaertion ia echoed by Aria,
totle (HibI. All. viii. 28), luid, so far
as regards the Btag, hj Plinj (11. N.
Tiii. 33). Modem research doca not
entirely hour it out. Thjer aro cotu>
parativL'ly rauo in Africa, whcro anto-
lopcB of vnriotiB kinds supply their
place ; bat still they are fonnd in pti.rt8
of Barbflry, in Guinea, and in Abys-
sinia. The wild boor of Eorope is
ontiroly unknown, bat other spcoiesi
not very far removed frum it, aro luot
with (Pncho, p. 24i).
[Deer arc represented on the Egyp-
tian inunuKieuts in the early timu of
the Oairtasonfl. — G. VT.]
* The jurbtio (Diput jacvHs oS Lin-
mens) is undonbtedly intended. This
animal is oomtnon in Northern Africa
(Shaw's Travels in Burbary, p. 321 ;
Lyon, p. 272; Hamilton, p. 170). Ita
fore-Icf^B are very diminutive, and, like
tbe kangaroo and tbe squirrel, it
nsnaUy sits upright.
[The jerboa hju tbe habit of eittincf
up on itn hind Io^Rj using its small
foro])aTv» us hands ; it even drinks
water as a man sometimes does, mitttn^
It to its month with both hands. The
"mouse," or akhtrr "osy of Isrt. Iscvi. 17,
and Lorit. ix. 2Q, ia suppoaed to bo
this animal.~{G. W.]
' PcrbnpB tho OuntsTia, desrril>ed
by Lyon as "an animal of the mt
species, baving a busby tail, and head
roseinbltng tlibt of a badger" (p. 272).
The native name, negories, bos been
derived from zigar, a kind of root
(Bochort'a Pbalef;:. ii. 4), and a^tn
compared witb the Feuaaiau dsitUira
at t^te^a, which is applied to spot*
on the desert where palm-tr«>ea invw
(Lytm^ p. 345 ; Jahn, AnnoJ. TJii. 3,
p. 286) i but no eacisfactory expbma-
tion of it has really yei beea dis-
covered.
' These three kinds of Afrieu
"mice "ore described in nearly tbo
same terms by TbEWphrasttu (tep.
Phot. Bibl. cclxxviii.), and .Aliaa
(Bist. An. XT. 26).
* Tbe weasel is sometimes found oa
the Oyrenaic coins below tlui repre-
sentation of the Silphium,
' Uow accurate tbf?»e rcsearehas
were, will appear euflicieniJy from a
Bingle compuriiHjn. Lyon says, "Tbe
animals found in Fexzan an?, the tijcer"
cat, hycBfut, jackal, fox, bujfato (of thioe
kinds), antelope, wild cat, pofrupin*,
k*d^ehiig, rat, guntsha, mouse (of two
kinde)jyerboa, rabbit, liare,and camel**
(Travels, pp. 271, 272). Her« tho
additions are unimportant, except tha
camel, wbich was probably intnxluoed
at a later ponod. Tho only omissions
Irum tho list of Henxlutus v^orth
notice ore, tho wild ass, the wild nun,
the panther, and the great tizacd or
land-crocodile. Three of theae are
borne oat by Leo Africanus, who
notices the "Asinus gTlvaticD&,*' tho
" adimnin," of which he sflvs, " arietem
forn^ r&fort," and the leojianl, which
is couKtantly confused witb tbe pan-
ther (see Leo's Africa, pp. 20&>2M).
The foorth — the RTeat liiard or moni-
tor— also really belongs to tho ooontry
(boo above, note").
^
THE 2AVECIAN3 AND GYZANTIANS.
198. Next to the Maxyan Libyans are the Zavecians,*
whose wives drive their chariots to battle.
194. On them border the Gyzantians;^ in whose country
a vast deal of honey is made by beos ; very much more, how-
ever, by the skill of men.^ The people all paint themselves
red, and eat monkeys, whereof there is inexhaustible store in
the hill8.»
195. Off their coast, as the Carthaginians report, lies
an island, by name CjTaunis, the length of -which is two
handriKl furlongs, its breadth not great, and which is soon
leached from the mainland.' Vines and oUve-trees cover the
whole of it, and there is in the island a lake, from which
the young maidens of the country draw up gold dust, by
dipping into the mud birds* feathers smeared with pitch.
If this be true, I know not ; I but write what is said.* It
may be even so, however; since I myself have seen pitch
drawn up out of the water from a lake in Zacynthus.^ At
* Tlifi ZaTKiiuA (or Zabyoiana, ao*
oordio^ to HDtfw M88.) ure nut men*
tJoDfd t>7 viy other extaiit writer.
They wrrc kuuini, bonevcr, to Hoca-
Upoj ^Stepb. Byx. in vuc). It aeeuu
to hare bnen trom them that ik, great
pOTti(*a of tho Kontan province of
Ainca, cxten'Iinjf north n« fur a« to
tiu* 3r»th i^firaJlc'l. wn6 called ifyioWum
(PlisT, V. 4|. A siaiilar tr- *.: -,
faa« oi^ttrred in thn ivuto cI '
boaiT. tbt' CvT^iufi m-^. ur 7 _,
' Mjlti'. S, havL* ■• Zvf^n-
tntui«" v»i ■ form prvfcrred
hf Hcc^uvu^ f.Sk-Liph. Bv2. ill vuc. Zu-
^ttrrii). Thrj g^T^i tuime to the
aartlicm dirwion of the R^-man Africn,
which pwu'htM frt'ui tht- riv-TTusoattht'
JCains) t/i *' ■'' •■ ' "■ -'■(), and was
obIM Z- i. b. 0.). It
oootainef) < -.ondDtica.
' Beofl BiiU abviiiid tu this coiuitry,
kod bctftey U an inifMjrr&iit article uf
oommrrci" <rvila CpIU, p. 198, K. T.).
A fubfXiluto for hoxivy is likcwi^o pro-
[Mr> * Th,3 jaico of the palm
' ^^, ^^ Lare alwayi aboooded
in the Western. diTJaloii of North Africa
{ff. Diud. Sio. xz. &8i Lwj Afj-ic. p.
294, B.). Diodomiii aayti ttuit t)ier6
irero throo places trnmod PiihocuMS
(AiK'-town), because the houftoa wstq
06 full of apCA Ofl of men.
' Kiobahr (Geopraph. of Herod, p.
20, E. T.) supposes CymunJiito be the
Ccmo of ^nno, Scylax, aud other
writera, an iriland in the Atlantic, be-
yiiul Capt' Roloeia, commonly rej^nled
as the moderu UU of Afijuin. But
probably Kemieil (p. 638) in rij^ht in
It^kin^ upon tho Cymonis of Qerodotiu
as the Corciuua uf Strabu (xrii. p.
1178) and Pliny (v. 7j, which is nn-
doabtodly tho Ka/rke%\na %x Kcrkinesa
tho proaont day. The U-n^'th ^vfu by
I'liny (35 Koman milea) uxiictly ci>rre-
s))UDdswith tb(>;iO(iiitadiHof Uprndotas.
Ki<>pprt takes this riew (Mnp II.).
s Achilles Xatiua (ii. 1-1) has the
atory ; but ho is of no weight as au
anthurity.
' Zante atill prodoooB large qDanti<
tiea of minprnl pitch. Ih-. Chandler
thus do6cril>od the " lar-Rpriuga " (aa
lio calk ihcm) of that ialaud :
170
PITCH-VTELLa
BoocPT.
/
tbe place T speak of there are a number of lakes ; but om m
larger than the rest, being seventy foet every way, and tw
fathoms in depth. Here they let down a pole into the
•with a htmch of mjrrtle tied to one end, and when they
it again, there is pitch sticking to the myrtle, which in
is hke to bitumen, but in all else is better than the pit
Pieria.* This they pour into a trench dug by the hike's
and whnn a good deal has thus been got together, they dnt
it off and put it up in jars. Whatever falls into tbe
passes underground, and comes up in the sea, which ill
less than four furlongs distant.^ So then what is said of tiM
island off the Libyan coast is not without likelihood.
196. The Carthaginians also relate the following: — Tbewis
a country in Libya, and a nation, beyond tlie Pillars of Ho*
cnles,* which they are wont to visit, where they no sooaMf
arrive but forthwith they unlade their wares, and having liin-
posed them after an orderly fashion along the beach, lean
them, and, returning aboard their ships, raise a great
"The tar ib r'^ocrd in 11 email
Talley, about two hours from the town,
61/ the sea, and encompasded with
nioontaiua, oicopt towards tbo bay.
Tbe spring, which is most distinct aad
apt for inspection, rieos on the fbrthnr
Bide, near the foot of the hill. The
wt>U 18 circular, and 4 nr & feet in
diampter. A shininf^ film like oil,
mixed with ecnm, swims on the top.
Yon romove thia with a bough,a.nd see
the tar at the bottom, 3 or 4 foet below
tbe sorfoce. . . . The water is Itinptd,
and mnB off with a sniarb cerrcnt .
We filled some veesols with tar 2></
letting it trickle into them ftmn the
bouyJia vchieK u-e immersed t and thi^ ia
Hue methoU Mfed io gather it from time
to time inta pits, where it is hardened
by the enn to he barreUed, when the
qtiautifv is Biiflicieiit" (Trarel^, vol.
ii. pp. 367, 868).
* The pitch of FieriawasconBidorod
the best in Greece. Pliny says " Ania
picem Idoram CQaxim& probat, Gra?cta
Piencam" (H. H. xiv. 20). The
qnnlity of the Zante pitch ia mSA ■■
to be bad. It is nnsmted forccviifft
and can only be applied to tbeeoMi
of boats when mixed with a halB
article.
* The sea ha«, apparently, ewwKtdtA'j
npon tho ccaat in the vtobut^ffi
*' tar-springs." Thoy are Dcn
eoparated from it by a narroir
and a thin strip of shuigle (Viniptk't
Torkey, voL ii. pp. 1, 2). Tte ft-
appearance in tho sea of
thrown into the lake is not
by modem travellera.
* The trade of tho Cartha«ivin
with tho wentern ciaet uf Alrir* i<^
si<Io the Straits of Oibnvltar) bll bs**
fully proved ; and sorme snppcia At
glaM objects still foond ihei* W
brought by them.
The name Carlha^ has bvenii'AirM
in n. ^ to Book ii. ch. 32. The &«in.
lion Cartha-htidHh (at hedes) "Mt
town," aeomstbe most nrobaUeoBA.—
EG.W.]
K
P. 195-197.
DtTMB-TRADiyO.
The natives, -when they see the BmoliG, come down to the shore,
and, laying out to view bo much gold as thoy tliink the worth
of the wares, withdraw to a distance. The Carthaginians
upon this come ashore and look. If they think the gold
enough, they take it and go their way ; but if it does not seem
to them sufficient, they go ahoard ship once more and wait
patiently. Then the others approach and add to their gold, till
the Carthaginians are content. Neither party deals unfairly
by the other : for they themselves never toucli the gold till it
comes up to the worth of their goods, nor do the natives ever
carry off the goods till the gold is taken away.'
197. These be the Libyan tribes whereof I am able to give
the names ; and most of these cared little then, and indeed
care little now, for the king of the Medes. One thing more
also I can add concerning this region, namely, that, so far as
our knowledge reaches, four nations, and no more, inhabit it;
and two of these nations are indigenous, while two are not.
The two inthgenous are tho Libyans and Ethiopians, who
dwell respectively in the north and south of Libya. The
PhoenicianB and the Greeks are in-comers,®
^ Tho "domb tommorce of the
African nationu ia nuw matter of no-
teriety. It exieta not only upon the
weetem ocmst. but also to a conaider-
aible extent in the iuterior (See Ben-
■ell, p. 717). Lyon thus describes it:
— **An inrieible nation, accordin)^ to
oar informant, inhabit near this place
(Soodon), and are said to trarle hy
B^ht. Those who com« to traffic for
their gold, laj their merchandise in
hcAps, and retire. In the morning
ib«y find a oertam quantity of K^ld-
durt placed against every heap, which
If tb^ think aofficiont^ they leave the
^ooda; if not, they let both remain
laU more of the preciooBore is added"
(p. 14!:'). Shnw g^iven a Bimilur ao>
connt 1 Travels, p. 302). Par farther
iscitances. we the Jonnud of the Aal*
atic SociotT, Tol. rriii. p. 348.
' The EgyptianH are omitted, bo.
CAoae Cgjpt is rockoned to A«ia (fiupn,
ii. 17, tr. 89 and 41). Taking the
Ethiopians to represent that type of
luaii, wliicb startii])dr fix>tu the chorao-
teriatiua of the Kgy]>tiau, derelops
into the Negro, vo shall ilnd no reaaon
to caril at the enumeration of races in
our anthor. Tho Libyans, tho indi-
R'ODOun inhabitants of tho nortberu
parte, are tho modem Berlvrs, who,
under various namea, BcrborH, Sbuluka,
Cabylcfl, and Taoriki), continue to furm
an important element in t)io popnla.
tion of North Africa, etrotohing from
the mountains of Morocco to the oaaia
of Ammon. Southward of ihia rnoo
dwell an entirety ditTerent people.
From Sonegambia to Nubia, a typo of
nian approaching more or less nearly
to the Negro, is found to prevail
(Prichard, Nat. Bist. of Mau, p.
209). Even the soutbem races, Caffrea
and Hottentots, appear to belong to
this Bftuie fuuily (ibid. p. 314)- Iil
172
SOIL.
Book IT.
198. It seems to me that Libya is not to compiire for gool*
ness of soil with either Asia or Europe, except the CinTp*'
region,' which ia named after the river tliat waters it. Tliii
piece of land is equal to any counti-y in the world for cereJ
crops, and ia in nothing like the rest of Libya. For the - "
hero is black, and springs of water abound ; so that tbt;
nothing to fear from drought ; nor do heavy rains (and it r
in that part of Libya ") do any harm when they soal^ Uu
grotmd. The returns of the harvest come up to the meacun
which prevails in Babylonia.* The soil is likewise good in tbi
country of the Euesperites ; ' for there the land brings forth in
thef e we haro Ibe Ethiopians of Hero*
dotoB. Tbo other two Uerodutean
races have been abaorbod, aa likovrUo
Bays the Bcmana and the VaodaU.
The ooly existing eloment in the popii>
lation of Africa which does not appear
in Uorodotna, is the Arabian, the in-
trodaclion ot which is firecl historically
to the period of the Mahometan oou-
qoeatg. a..d. G39-710.
* DeUa Cella ears of this region,
" The oxtonAivo plain, which about an
hour's march froni the torrent (Cinyps),
strotcbes ont to t hn oo^t rut far oa C bpo
Mesurata, is abiwdautly productive. . . .
Thiaextraordiuary degree of fraitfal*
noM is not onnn^ to the indaatry of
the iuhabitanta, but procoeds from the
geaonjus nature uf the Boil, sponta-
neoDsly cbven*d with palm and olive-
trece, which thcro require no sort of
cultivation " (p. 37). Beechcy ox-
preasca himfielf still mora (ttrongly :
** From the cumnut aprMKars," he 8ays,
" the whole plnin of Lt'bi'ia, stretching
down in a gentle elopo from the high
grouud to the soa ; uud a more bean>
tiful scene con scu'cely be witnessed
than that which is presented by this
fine tract of country. Thick grovas of
oUvo and datc-treofl aro seen rising
ftbove the vilhiges which aro scattered
orer it« surface, and the intermediate
spaces aro either covered with the
most luxuriant tnrf, or rich with
abundant crops of grain *' (Xanrativo,
p. 51). Hence the force of the Una in
Ovid (Pont. a. 7i 25) :^
*- Clnyphl* MgoUa clU&t ntuDtnUi i
' The *' heavy rains" of this
are noticed by Uetrcbt-y (pp.>7, U*^
Ac.) i Lyon (p. 33:;) j Delia Cell* t^
4«>) ; and Hamilton (p. 150). TWf
fall chicdy in tho month of ^oma^A
Compare note on ch. 156L
' Vide supra, i. 193.
I The £ne6perit«« mve the iaUhi^
antsot atown. oallod Haaperitelf
Scylax (p. Ill), Enp^pcrideeliyBo^
dotus (sapra, ch. 171), and HctfjiU
by Stvphen (advoc-X Itwassitotud
at the eastern extremity of the GrtaUf
Syrt is, between the Bonan or Ndrtlcca
Prumontcvy (Cap* Tqoii««) aoHl Ttt^
chink The Ptolemies chaogsd tt*
name to Berenioe (Strab. xrii. p. IIA;
I'lin. n. N. T. 5) , which has ctnm Ubi
oorrupted into licn^ha^i. U liwbMi
supposed that the famone sacdeasti
the Hesperidea were at this pitfi^
bat Pacho haa observed (p. 173) tW
this is nnJikely, as the whole
about Bengbasi ia bare of tnoft^
places the gardens oouside««bi
tu the east, near Cape Phy<
modem Bas Sent), and n<'t
Cywne. The accuunt in Scylax
oat this view (pp. 110, HI).
Benghazi is still famous fur its
crops, great quautitlea of whioh ttt
carried to Aagila and there offend
sale, year by year (Homemac,
Mr. Hamilton says of tho
E*. 198-200.
CHOPS.
173
befit years a hundred-fold . But the Cinyps-region yields
'e buiulred-fold.
^9y. Tbe country of the Cyrenroans, which is the highest
it \dthin the part of Libya inhabited by the wandering
is/ has three seasons that deserve remark. First the
»a along tbe sea-coast begin to ripen, and are ready for the
est and the vintage ; after they hare been gathered in,
crops of the middle tract above the coast-rej^ion (the hill-
itry, as they call it) need harvesting ; while about the timo
this middle crop is housed, the fruits ripen and are fit
cutting in the highest tract of all.^ So that the produce of
ilr&t tract has been ail eaten and drunk by the time that
harvest comes in. And the harvest-time of the Cyre-
xiseans continues thus for eight full months. So much con-
cerning these matters.
200. "When the Persians sent from Egj'pt by Aryandes to
lelp Phcrctima, reached Barca, thoy laid siege to the town,
calling on those within to give up the men who had been guilty
of the murder of iVrcesilaiis. The townspeople, however, as
ihej had one and all taken part in the deed, refused to enter-
tain tbe proposition. So the Persians beleaguered Barca for
trrfttod by the Beoghiurini : — " The
sOkl U ft rich U>am, yielding, withoat
%oj sort uf tillino', abundant h&rveBia
at wheat ood bailej. It aocmB prob*
ftblo that, if a moderate amoimt of
Iftboorwerocxpvfidod iu tbe LnsbAudry
..f fh,- of.antry, iUs ainpto crope wonld
tijoae of Eg>pC or Sicily"
Li.pB, p. Ifi7).
* Kjcpert (Tiros tho hcifcht of tbo
npper pbitvnn uf Cyrene at 1700 feet
(AtlA«. Map XXII.). Reeehcy iwti-
mated i( at IHOO foot (p, -^34^ and
M|a). Ic ie pmbably, a< Hprodutus
^^^ the luftic^t rcjion of North-
^Htcm Africot th'jtigh eomo uf tbo
^BtnitA iu the biualtic chain of Hb-
|HMi may attain a grc«t«r duration.
' • Paoho obsorvoa in apoaking of tbia
L'heoreiue diiipoaition de
pmgtamdo la Libyo .... In ^radiia-
da Ma tenaoes boiaseoBj et leor
stination rari^ . . ^ presentent antani
de conditions farorables k octte f^oon*
ditu vucceiBire, et metteut, on peut la
dire^ la merreiUoase tradition d'Hero-
dote hora de toat eonp^n d'exag^<
tion " (V'oyofce dana U Uarmariqoe,
Ac, ch. xrii. pp. 235, 236).
Mr. Hanulton aays : — " When I left
T>onia the fifrape soaaon waa lou^ over ;
in Grozmah, on my rotum. nut a cluster
remained on tbo few vinci KTiiwn by
the Dedawin : here (at BrlAndnh) I
bought wbite grapoa with which the
trellises wore loaiJed, aod which were
not yet ri]x^ Horodotaa B]}onkH of tho
three olimates of the Cyrpnnica, in
cunsequence of whicb tho hanrest ta
carried on dnring eight months of tbo
year ; and it waa interoitttug to meei
with this practical ooDfiraiation ol liia
reiuark" (Waodtirin^a, p. 12i).
174
THE BABCiEANS, HOW COX<JUEnED,
Boa IV.
nine months, in the course of which they dug Beyeral miiM»*
from their own lines to the walls, and likewise made a nombtf
of vigorous assaults. But their mines were discovered l^i
man who was a worker in brass, who went with a bnuo
shield all round the fortress, and laid it on the ground instt
the city. In other places the shield, when he laid it down, wu
quite dumb ; but where the ground was undermined, there thfl
brass of the shield rang. Here, therefore, the Barcsflos
countermined, and slew the Persian diggers. Such was Hbt
way in which the mines were discovered ; as for the assanltii
the Borcaeans beat them back.
201. When much time had thus been consumed, and
numbers had fallen on both sides, nor had the Persians
fewer than their adversaries, Amasis, the leader of the
army, perceiving that, although the Barcaeans would never'
conquered by force, they might be overcome by fraud, con-
trived as follows. One night ho dug a wide trench, and kid
light planks of wood across the opening, after which he broaght
mould and pliictd it upon the planks, taking care to make Ibe
place level with the surrounding groimd. At dawn of diiy La
summoned the Barcieans to a parley : and they gladly hearken*
ing, the terms were at length agreed upon. Oaths were into'-
changed upon the ground over the hidden trench, and tLe
agreement ran thus — " So long as the ground beneath oarf«*t
stands £rm, the oath shall abide unchanged ; tho people of
Barca agree to pay a fair sum to the king, and the Persiafii
promise to causo no foi'ther trouble to the people of P-- "
After the oath, the Bai'CiEans, relying upon its term^,
open all their gates, went out themselves beyond the walls,
and allowed as many of the enemy as chose, to enter. Then
the Persians broke down their secret bridgCj and rushed li
' Mining WAS no doubt practised
frnm very eru'ly times. It ia wpre-
sentcd in the Assyrian sculptares,
where it ia tlio Bubntitnto for tho
bfttteriag praoliacd by tho Greeks and
Bamaiu. Tlio Feraiaofl aeoma to have
been pftriicalazly fond of atiaofttV
it, whcrcTcr th« nature of tbo gnma
made it practicable (vido infra, r. U^
nud vi. ly ; comp. Polynrn. rii, U, ^i)*
In Roman history wo Hnd it as eaxirM
the &th oeutary A. c. (Uir. iv. i3, v. W)
CBAr. 200-203. PHERETQIA'S CRUEL TREATMENT OF THEH.
175
fipeed into the town — their reason for breaking the bridge
being, that so they might obaerve what they htwl sworn ; for
they had promised the Barca?ans that the oath should continue
" 80 long as the ground whereon thoy stood was firm." When,
thereforoj the bridge was once broken down, the oath ceased
to hold.
202. Such of the Bareoeans as were most guilty the Persians
gave np to Pherutimaf who nailed them to Grosses all round
the walls of the city.^ She also cut off the breasts of their
wires, and fastened them likewise about the walls. The
remainder of the people she gave as booty to the Persians,
except only the Battiadee, and those who had taken no part in
the murder, to whom she handed over the possession of the
town*
203. The Persians now set out on their return home, carry-
ing with them the rest of the Borcroans, whom they had made
their slaves- On their way they came to Cyren6 ; and the
Cjrensans, out of regard for an oracle, let them pass through
tbfi town. During the passage, Bares^ the commander of the
fleet, advised to seize the place ; but Amasis, the leader of the
land-force, would not consent ; " because," he said, "they had
only been charged to attack the one Greek city of Barca.***
When, however, they had passed through the town, and were
^ Oompare the ptmiahmenl of the
iuu by Darina (suprft, iii. 159),
note nd too.
' Tkie whole accoant of the danger
uid encftfie of Cyrene is exceedingly
iwyigoiiahlg. If Cyrvoe was not in
flvMfioo, the Fenians would patis
throB^ it/u a matter of course, on
their w%y in and from Barc& U it
WM, tbpy would hara orders to roduce
H bo )«M Ihan Barca. If the Cjre.
regarded their coming aa
ihcj woold not have been
bj an oruclo to open their
If ibej bad upened their galea
aufftvtd 00 paDiKhmeut, it is nob
J tiiat a ho«ti1i3 attack would
J aftenrazds bare been mada
on thorn. Again the panic is sus-
piciouB. And the preaonco of Bores^
the coinmiiuder of the Jieet, is an im-
probability. Probably the CyrenfeanSi
who were under the gorernmcnt of
BattDB IV., establiahed king by big
grandmothor before ehfi songlit tho
asdiUtiince uf Aryandes (Moneclca, Fr.
2),reoeived the PerBiana with doe sttb>
mission, both on their way to Barca
and on tboir retom ; and incurred no
fnrbfacr danger or loas than was in-
Tolred in the neceiimty of famishing
Buppliea to the host. Id afbor times
vauity might indoca them to declare
that they bad assumed an attitude of
defianooi
176
PERSUK3 SEIZED WITH PANia
BooKir,
encamped upon the hill of Ljcsean Jove," it repented them tbi
they had not seized Gyrene, and they endeaTonred to entail
a second time. The Cyrenseans, however, would not sofo
this ; whereupon, though no one appeared to offer them bitOa^
yet a panic came upon the Persians, and they ran a distiM
of full sixty furlongs hefore they pitched their camp. Here u
they lay, a messenger came to them from Aryandes, ordezng
them home. Then the Persians besought the men of Qjrkh
to give them provisions for the way, and, these consentb^
they set off on their return to Egypt. But the Libyans now
beset them, and, for the sake of their clothes and harDess,
slew all who dropped behind and straggled, during the whdt
march homewards.*
204. The furthest point of Libya reached by this Penian
host was the city of Euesperides.* The Barcroans carried into
slavery were sent from Egypt to the King ; and Darius assigned
them a village in Bactria for their dwelling-place.® To tiiia
• liycicnn Jovo was wopshippcd ca-
pucially in Arcadia (Pansnn. viii. ii,
§ 38) ; and wo may suppose that his
worship at Cyrcno is a trace of the
inflnenco of Di^inonax (supra, i. IGl).
It is possible, however, that among the
settlers who camo to Cyivne from
Pdopiynncsi'S in the roignof Battus II.
(chs. 159 and 161), some considerable
number may have been Arcadians.
No remains have oa yet been identified
as those of this temple.
* Although the wild tribes had snb-
mitted to Cambysos (supra, iii. 13),
and continned to bo reckoned in the
sixth satrapy (iii. 91), yet it Rcema
they could not resist the temptation to
plunder afforded by the hasty return
to Egypt of an army summoned
thither by the governor. Wo are not
however to suppose a disastrous re-
treat, but only the loss of a natnbcr of
stragglers. If there had been any-
thing more than this, the Barca.*an
prisoners would no doubt huvu es-
caped.
- This place is aoid to have been
first colonised by Arocsnaus IV. (siu
pra, ch. 171, note *). Perhaps Hero-
dotus only means that the Fonaui
pi'oceeded to tho point afterwaidi
occupied by Euespcridea. Orpcrhapt
Arcesilaiis IV. in reality only collected
a fresh body of colonists to sirtiDfrthes
an already existing settlement. Era*-
prrldes lay about 620 8tades(72 milff)
W. of Barca (Scylai, PeripL p. 109).
It is certainly surprising that tbe
Persians should have penetrated i»
far.
' The transplantation of nationtwM
largely practised by the Persians, m
it had been at an carlieT date hy tbs
Assyrians and Babylonians. Besides
this iuHtanco, we find noticed in
Herodotus, tho removal of the Pbo-
nians to Asia Minor (r. 15), of the
Milesians to Ampe (ri. 20), of the
Eretrians to Sa.*<iaaa (vi. 119), and U»
proposed removal of the Phooaicjtni
to Ionia, and of the loniana to Phc&-
nicia (vi. 3) ; which last, if not reaUf
contemplated, was at lout ■offlcientlj
probable to be believed.
CBAF.aos^sofi*
DEATH OF PHEHETIMA.
^17
village they gave tbo name of Barca, and it was to my timo an
inhabited place in Bactria.
205. Nor did Pheretima herself end her days happily. For
on her return to Egyyt from Libya, directly after taking ven-
geance on the people of Barca, ehe was overtaken by a most
borrid death. Her body swarmed with worms, which ato her
flesh while she was still alive.* Thus do men, by over-harsh
ponishments, draw down upon themselves the anger of the
gods. Such then, and so fierce, was the vengeance which
Pheretima, daughter of Battus, took upon the Barcseans.
* Fheretizna ieenia to faaro beca
■fcmid of rDmaioin^ in tho Cjrrnaica,
•lid to have cfinBidcred herself inse-
. eore except under PerHinn protection.
[Tbo Bifttinrr uf her death camiot Cail
to recall the ood of Herod Af^ppa
(Acta xii. 23). For the euoooMiott of
Cjreaeau kiuga aft«r AroeailaQa IIL,
tee oh. 163, note ^
TCI- m.
APPENDIX TO BOOK IV.
ESSAY I.
ON THE CIMMEEIAis'S OF HERODOTUS AlTD THE MIGBATI0N8
OF THE CYMEIC EACE.
1. Early importance of the CimmerianB — their geographical extent. 2. Identity
of the Cimmerii with tho Cymry — close rcBemblance of the two nanuk-
3. Historical confirmatioa of tho idcutity — connecting link in the Cimbii.
4. Comparative philology eilcnt bat not adverse. 6. Migrations of theCim-
xnerians — westward^ and then eastward. Existing Ciml^o and Celtic racei.
1. That a people known to their neighbour as Cimmerii, Gimiri,^
or (probably) Gomerim, attained to considerable power in Western
Asia and Eaatcm Europe, within the period indicated by the date
B.C. 800-GOO, or even earlier, is a fact which can scarcely be said to
admit of a doubt. I£ the information gained by Herodotus in
Scythia were considered as not sufficiently trustworthy for the
establishment of such a conclusion, yet the conjfirmation which his
statements derive from Homer, from .^schylus, from Callinus, from
Aristotle, and from geographical nomenclature, must be held to
I'emove all uncertainty on the point. The Cimmerians of Homer
have not indeed a very definite locality : they dwell " at the furthest
limit of tho ocean stream, immersed in darkness, and beyond the
' The ethnic name of Qinnri first
nccors in tho Cuneiform i-ccoixla of the
time of Uariaa HyKtaspos, as the
iScmitic equivalent of tho Ai-iau name
Halca (SeUai). The nation spoken of
contained at this timo two divisions,
the Eastern branch, named Jliunvr-ja
{'AfiiffTfiot of Herodotus and llella-
uicns), and tho Titjrakhuda or "ar-
chers," who were conterminous with
tho Assyrians. Whether at tho Bamo
time these Oimiri or Saka are really
Cymric Celts we cannot positively say.
Josephos identified tho ~IDJ of Guueaia
with the Galati of Asia Minor (Ant.
Jud. i. 6), in evident alloaicn to the
ethnic titlo of Cyniry, which they, u
so many other Celtic races, gave them-
selves. But it most bo observed that
the Babylonian title of Oimiri, m
applied to the Sacie, is not ft Tcma-
ciilar but a foreign title, and ihaA it
may simply mean '* the tribes " gene-
rally, CL>rrcBponding thus to the He-
brew D;i:, and the Greek TSAfi^XM.
In this case it would prove nothing
concerning the ethnio character of
the race designated by it. — [H. C. B.]
n-sit r.
ANCIEST SEATS OF THE CllDIERUSa
179
ken o£ tlie Ught-givinp sun,"* — words which might perhaps be
understood of a region oufcsido the Pillars of Hercules; but consider-
ing- the condition of Greek geographical knowlodj^o and Greek
navigation in Homer's day, it is far more likely that he int<.mded by
them some part of the northern coast of the Black Sea.' Here
jEschylus places Cimmeria * in close proximity to the Palus Mreotis
and the Bosphoros; and here in the time of Uerodotus wore still
txisting a number of names, recalling the fact of the former settle-
ment in these regions of the Cimmerian nation.^ The Greek colo-
nists of the various towns planted npon the northern coast of the
Black Sua, in the seventh and eighth centuries before our era, conid
nut fail to form an acquaintance with the inhabitants of those parts,
and would spread the knowledge of them among their countrymen.
Further, there are grounds for Ijclieving that daring the period of
which we are speaking, frequent invasions of the countries towards
the south were made by this same people, who, crossing the Danube
and the Tbrucian Bosphorua, sometimes alone, sometimes in com-
hinatiou with plnndering Thracian tribes,* carried their arms far and
wide over Asia Minor, and spread the terror of their name through-
ant the whole of that fertile region. Of one at least of these incur-
sions tliP poet Cidlinoa appears to have been a witness.' It was
univerhally rec<tgiiized by the Greeks that these incorsiuus pro-
onded from a people dwelling north of the Danulw, in tho tract
between that river and tho Tanais, and there seems no reason to
(Intibt this location.
Kririra the Cimmerians of this region it appears to have been that
'tstain permanent scttli-mcnta of the same race in Asia Alinor were
^Ted. Sin(>[>e, on occasion of one of their raids, was seized and
^Bpted,^ while probably on another tho town of Antaudros fell
13-22.
I. kd Hem. Od.
r(. IT'onorio p.
■ A.
Inc.
133.
-.').
* Corner and
p. !!»4.
I^sidpfl the
' n rimmo-
1 ' . I ; s or
(iv, 12). HccntiPns ipnko of a town
CimmeriB (Pr. 2), Sli-abo faaa r
"Mona Cimmcncaa" {Cpa% Kifinipiov)
in Taarica, a *' Vioas CimmcricaB"
^KthfiTi KtuutpiH-li) nn tho Asiatic 81(1*5 of
tho Straits of Kcrtcb, and nn old
tovm " Cinuuerioam " {vis. p. 447, and
»i. p. T21).
• Tho Trerea ojrpeoially. Sefl tlio
Essnm apjieoded to Vol. I. Euay i,
pp. 354^3ii*!».
7 See Cuilinna, Fr. S, and comp. the
remarks of Bach, pp. U-13.
• Herod, it. 12.
iSo
THE ASIATIC GDCIKI.
Arr.BooKlT.
into tuoir possession.' In the first-mentioned of these two plicei
the Cimmerians were after a while superseded by Greek ooloniiti;
bat it is conjectured, with some reason,^ that they stil], under &
name of Chalvbes (or " Iron-workers "), remained the principal nee
in the ricinity. In Antandros they retained their position for •
century,- when the ^olians recovered it from them.
Further, there is evidence to show that more to the eu^ n
Armenia and Coutral Persia, a race known nearly by tlie mat
name existed about this same time — a race whom we may probaUj
connect with the Cimmerians of our author. The Prophet Ezeldd,
who writes about b.c. COO, speaks of Gomer as a nation,' and ooripki
it with Togarmah, which he places in " the north quarter," U.
Armenia ; and similarly the Armenian historians speak of Oamiru
the ancestor of their Haichian race of kings> It is also vsj
remarkable that in the Acha?menian inscriptions the Sacan or
Scythic population, which was widely spread over the Peniu
empire, receives in the Babylonian transcripts the name of Gfimm,'
which looks as if this were the Semitic equivalent for the Aran
iiame of SoJcii or Scyths. Perhaps both names originally zneut
■' nomads " or ** wanderers," ^ and only came in course of time to k
used as ethnic appellatives. It is clear, however, that by Herodotai
the term ** Cinmicrian " is used distinctly in an ethnic sense ; and
the point to be now considered is, who these Cimmerians were, to
what ethnic family they belonged, and whether they can be identified
with any still existing race. 'When these questions have been
settled, it will be intoivsting to trace the history and migratiomof i
people which has an antiquity of above twenty-five hundred ycais, and
lias spread from tlio steppes of the Ukraine to the mountains of Wal«
2. To build an ethnographical theory upon a mere identity of
9 Ai-iPtot, Fr.l'JO.
* Set' Groto'a Grocco, vul.iii. p. 330.
This coniicciion id pLTLapd iiniilietl in
tIlc \akv$os 'SkvVuv iiroucos uf ^tfcbj*-
lu3 (Sept. c. Til. 725).
- Ariptot. 1. s. c.
3 Ezek. xxxviii. 0. " Gtimcr and nil
)i)Ef baudfi! : tho houso of Toj,'arinah of
the nurtli quart l- if, ami nil his baudij :
and many jioojile wiili tlioc."
* Mos. Clmrt'n. i. 11, mib fin.
* Spo Sir II. Kawlinson'ft Memoir on
the Babylonian and AsHyi-ian Inscrip-
tiona in the Jouroal of tlie Asiatic
Society, vol. xiv. part i- p. TD^ttA
compare above, noto ^ on § 1.
* According to Festua and FivtM*^
the name " Cimbri," which w» ^
find reason to identify with CiouMrii
in tho old Celtic and German tnigvef
iiionnt ''robbers" (Fest. do VeA
Sipniif. iii p. 77, "Cimbri lia^
Oallici latrones dicuntur." Hot rit
Mar. c. 11, " Kififfpovs iwwfd(^
Ttp^LwoX Toi»f Aji<rris "). Bat tti"
nioanins niay have prown out of tto
other, just as "robber" is oooaK***
with " rover."
IDSNTITV" OF CnCMEaiAXS AND CYMllT.
i8i
le is at all times, it mnBt be allowed, a dangerous proceeding.
Jazvges of modem Hiingarj are a complotoly different race
the Jozj^gcs Metanastee who in ancient times occupied the
same country ; the Weads are distinct from the Veneti, the
Germanii from the Germans, the Iberi of Spain from those
Georgia — yet still identity of name, even alone, is an argument
ich requires to be met, and which, onlesti met by positive objec-
eeUkblishes a presumption in favour of connection of race,
certainly there is the very closest possible resemblance between
Oreek name vii^nipun and the Celtic Cymry ; and the presump-
ihiis raised, inbteud of having objections to combat, is in perfect
lony with all that enlightened research teaches of the move-
its of the races which gradually peopled Karope.
The Cimmerians, when the Scythians crossed the Tanais, and
npon them from, the east, most have gradually retreated west-
The hordes which from time to time have issued from Asia,
exerted a pressure upon the population of Europe, have uni-
ly driven the previoos inhabitants before them in that direction.^
\XB has followed wave ; and the current, with the exception of an
iional eddy,^ has set constantly from east to west. If the Cim-
thorefoi-e fled westward about B.C. 050-600, where did they
le, and under what name are they next met with in history ?
lotus knows but of three nations inhabiting central and western
)pe — the Sigyuues,''* the Cynetians,' and the Celts.^ Of these
I'fhiO Sigynncs and Cynetians, weak tribea who so soon disappear
Altogether from history, can scarcely bo the great nation of the
Cimnierii, which, until driven from the Ukraine by the force of the
[.hian torrent, was wont to extend its ravages over large tracts
Asia Minor.' If then wo are to find the Cimmerii, driven west-
B.C. 650-COO, among the known nations of central or western
»pe in B.C. l'50-'i'3l), we must look for them among the Celts.
Kow the Celts had an unvarying tradition that they came from the
;* and it is u fact, concerning which thcro can bo no cjueation,
one of the main divisions of the Celtic people has always bomu
See Niebuhr's BeBearcbea. Ac.,
Sttch u the Cimmerian inroad into
bj Iho CanrAAns, and the after
^nIlffs of the Gaola.
HprtJd. V. 9.
Tliid. iv. 19.
* Ibid. ii. 33, and iv. 49.
* Sco Appendix to Book i. Essay i.
*0u tlio ChronoIofT and Early Hii-
tory of I^vdia,' pp. 35-1 et spqq.
* Prichord's }*LveicaI History of
Mankind, rol. iii. ch. 3* Auim. Mur-
cell. XV. y.
1^2
IDENTITY OF CIMMEBIAXS AXD CTHAT. An. Book K.
the name of Cymry as its special national designation.^ Celts were
nndoubtcdly the primitive inhabitants of Oanl, Belgium, and tiv
British Islands — possibly also of Spain and Portugal. Ll all tiun
countries Crmry are found either as the general Celtic popnlatbo,
or as a leading section of it.* These Cymry, or Cimbri (aa tb
Romans called them'), play on several occasions an important |ait
in history : notices of them meet us constantly as we trace the pro*
gress of the European peoples ; and in more than one place th^
have loft their name to the country of their occupation a« tt
enduring mark of their presence in it.* Though the march of
eventii, and especially the pressure upon them of the great Gotbie
or Teutonic race, has for the most part wiped out at once liuir
nationality, their language, and their name, yet they continue to
form the substratum of the population in several large Enropeaa
countries ;' while in certain favoured situations they remain to the
present day unmixed with any other people, retaining their ancieBt
tongue unchanged, and, at least in one instance,^ their ascimt
appellation. The identity of the Cymry of AVales with the Cimbri
' Nicbulir's couclasion, from nu ela-
borate UDaljeis of all the materials
which can bo brought to bear on the
early hibtorrof the Celtic people (Hist.
of liomc, vol. ii. p. 520, £. T.}> is, that
" the two nations, the Cvmry and the
Gael, may appropriately bo comprised
under the common name of Celts.'*
* The Celta of the Spanish pcninsnia
seem to have been Cimbri, for as
Xiebuhr showa Q, b. c), they formed
thebulkof the Gauls who in\-ailed Italy,
and those are expressly said to have
been of the Cimbric branch (Diodor.
Sic. V. 32). The Belt^ were oxclu-
Hivcly Cirabrianfl, as also were tho in-
habitants of northern Gaul, who were
supposed to have been British immi-
grants. In the Briti.-ih islands, Cimbrio
Celts (Bolga;), at the time of Cassar'a
landinfT, occupied the south uouat
(Bell. Gall. v. 12).
f Strabo (vii, p. 420) and Tacitus
(German. 37) speak of the Cimbri as
Germans; but this is probably a uii?.
take, consctiucnt upon their holdin<;
Virtfo tracts east of the Bhine, which
was ci»n.sider»'il to H»>[)arato Gual fmm
(icrnmny. I>iudnrus, who declares
them to have been Gauls or Celtd,
probably follows the excellent tiitli»-
rity of Posidonios (see Niebnhr'i Sao.
Hist. vol. ii. p. 520, note 1157, E.T).
Appian also identifies tlu Cimbri •with
the Celts (De Bell. niyr. p. 758. MA-
ro7s Tott Kififipots KtyofJpoity. Tht
whole subject is well disciused br
Br. Frichard (PhyBical Hist, of Hu-
kind, vol. iii. ch. 3, § 8).
^ Wales still continues to be knon
as Cambria, and one of out ncstbcn
counties as Oumbtrr-laiid. In Fnnce
Cambraiand (possibly) Quimperut*
legacy of the Cymry. Spain hut ft
small town, Camhrillaj and PQrtu^ft
city, Coimbra^ relics, probably, of the
same people. In like manaef the
Cimmerii left their name to tbeTftnrifi
peninsula, which has continued to be
kno^vn as tho Crimea aad Crim-TuUKJ
to the present day.
'As (Miebelet, Hist. do Fnuio«,TCl
i. ch. iii.) France, Belgium, and Lav*
bardy.
' The Cymric lan^oge it iti3
Fpoken by the Bretons and by tfcp
Welsh. Tlie latter call tbemselrp^
*' Cymry." I am not aware if ti»
name is in use among the ibrmcr.
TOTAL LOSS OF THE CIMMERLIN LANOtrAQE.
183
of the Romans seems worthy of being accepted as an historic fact
npon the grounds stated by Niebuhr and Arnold.^ The historical
connection of these latter with the Cimmcrii of Herodotus has strong
probabilities, and the opinion of Posidonins,' in its favoar; but can-
not, it must be admitted, in the strict sense of the word, be proved.
4. It is to be regretted that we have no means of submitting tha
qaestion of this coonection to the test of comparative philology.
Of the Cimmerian language we know absolutely nothing beyond tho
siiigle word Cimmcrii. No names of Cimmerians even, on which
ftny reliance can be placed,^ have como down to ns ; and although
some of the Scythian river-names, which have a close connection with
Celtic PDots,^ maybe conjectured to belong to Cimmerian rather than
Scy tliic times, yet this is only a surmise ; and though an argument
of some slight weight, as it accords with what we should have
expected if tho people driven out by tho Scythe were Celts, yet it is
scarcely su£&cient to put forward as a distinct ground on which to
rest iho identification- All perhaps that con bo said is that com-
parative philology ia not adverse to the identification, which, if
r^arded as historically probable, would help to explain tho forma-
tioQ of certain words, whereof it would otherwise be difficult to give
ft satisfactory account.**
5. It is probable that when the Cimmerians fled westward before
the Scyths,'^ they found the central and western countries of Europe
nut. of Rpme, vol. i, pp. 521-529.
* Fr. 7&. 6 KifiSidptoi Biairopor oXov
txhs, Kifi/ttploitr robs Kifi$pous
\fiatTdirrw¥ Twy 'ElAA^twr. Compare
t, Vit. Mar. c. ii. tS/r 0ap0iipwv, Ki/i-
namo Xiyjdami*, ^ken hy
nrhiia (Hjnin. ad DUn. t. 252)
M liittt of theClmtneriaa gonoiulwho
b«««lMl the f^reaC irruption into Asia
V. inanifeatlj a Greek name
i I can be (^thered from it.
bil^^"J p -ii-jay* (i. p. 91) might furnish
% basU for ipocolatiOD* if we conid be
mre that he hud nut bj mero inad-
rerience lransfem<>d the name of a
Bo^tluc le&dcr (Herod, t. 103) tu a
prince of the Cimmorinii^. Madys
I iiv:ht well represent tho Madoc of the
Brilifch Cyniry,
* Ab 2/ypan.iJ with Avon, jfowvit
ivith Vinos, Ac See the folloiring-
Eseay.
' The Scythian rirer-nnmeB are made
•np of distinct elciment!i,each fiigni/ying-
"river" or "water" (gee the follow.
iri|7 Essay). It helps ns to ondersland
tho formation of buch names to sap.
pose that the Cjmry, coming first,
called the atreams, ^iton, 2>ina«, Ae.*
wliich were their words for water;
tliat the Boyths, following them, took
these words to be projN^r names, and
proceeded tu speak of one stream as
tho "Aron-river" (7/i/|Min.u), of
another u tho "Dinns-rivGr" {Tana-
m), Ao. Finoll^v, the Greeka, hearing
titese words, took Hypania. Tanaifi,
and the like for the appellatiuua of
the streams,
^ I hare spoken of this tniirmtiOQ u
belonjkring to the latter half of the
aerenth century b.c, bat it may have
IS4
MIGRATIONS OF THE CDOCERIAXS. Afp.BooiIT.
either tritliont tnbabitantft, op else rery thinly peopled by a Titir
race. This race, where it existed, everywhere yielded to tiseo,
and was eradnally absorbed.^ or else driren towards the north,*
where it is found at the present day in the persons of the Finnic
E>ths, and Lapps. The Crmrr, or rather the Celtic hordes goe-
rally (for in the name of Cimmerii may have been included muxf
Cohic tribes not of the Cymric branch), spread themselves ly
de^rrees over the vast plains of central Europe, lying between Ae
Alps on the one side, and the Baltic Sea and Giennan Ocean on flie
oiher. It probably required a fresh impulsion from the east to
propel the Celts yet further westward, and to make them occupy the
remoter regions of Gaul, Spain, and Britain. This impulsion sseini
to have been given by the Goths and other Teutons, who by degreci
possessed themselves of the countries between the Danube and tfas
Baltic. The Celts found central and northern Gaal occupied by i
Tatar population, while towards the south coast they came in ood-
tact with the Lii;arinns, most probably an Illyrian race.^ In the
Spinigih peninsula it is not quite certain whether on their airiTii
they found Iberians or no ; but if not, these latter must have shortly
crossed over from the African main, and it was in consequence of
the gradual pressure exerted by this people upon the Celts in Spain
iliat the further mijrnitions of the Celtic tribes took place.* The
strupr.irle in Spain was prolxibly of long duration ; but at length the
Celts were compcllcil to cross the Pyrenees in vast numbera, and to
seek a rofugc with their kinsmen in Gaul. These, however, were
themselves too numerous and too closely packed to offer more than
a temporary asylum to the refusrees, who consequently had to seeks
perniaueut abode elsewhere. Hereupon they crossed the Alps into
conimcnrod very mncli earlier. Tho
Cinnnoriana, who nftor maintaining
thenisolvrs some coM>itlrrablo time in
the Taurie Clicr.-vonc^it', won? at Icngtli
driven acrt^ss the strait into Asia,
wonld probably bo tlio Inst to loavo
their country. It is their invasion of
Asia Minor which falla between tho
years b.c, 650 and (XK).
*• It is now generally believed that
there is n lartre Tatar adinixtnro in
most Celtic races, iho consequence of
this absorption.
* It may likewise have been in part
driven westward. The mysterious
Cynetians of Book ii. ch. 33 (cf. also
iv. 110, who dwelt west of the Celt*,
may have been a remnant of the primi-
tivo Tatar occupants. Snch too nu?
have been the Iberians of ihc Spaniiiii
Peninsula.
* Niebnhr (Roman Hist. vol. i. p. 16*-
E. T.) connects them with tho Libor-
ninns of tho Adriatic, and these witli
the Venetians, who wore IIIjtmm
ncoor(lin<r to llerodotns (i. I9fi).
- Nielmhr's Rom. Ilist. vol. ii. p.5S*.
E. T. The Iberians are thought to
remain in the modem Basques.
MIGRATIONS OF THE CIMMEIUA^a
185
I7, and made tbemselvca masters of the wliole plain of tho Po j
»r wliich the^ separated into two Btreams, and overran, on tho
hand, the whole of middle and lower Italy, even reaching Sicily,
rording to some ac*coQnts ;^ while, on tho other hand, crossing the
Ips to the north of the Adriatic,* and following down the streams
which ran into tho Danube, they spread over tho gp-eafc central
Eur.>pean plain, the modem kingdom of Hungary. Here for a time
they found ample room, and the torrent of emigration paused awhile
upon its coarse ;^ but a century later fresh movcmonta of the Celtio
tribes took place. Abont the year B.C. 280 vast hordes of Gauls
from these regions entered Macedonia, and pressing towards the
south llircntened Greece with destruction. Repulsed, however,
from Delphi, they returned northwards; and crossing tho Dar-
lellcs, invaded Asia Minor, the .whole of which for many years
fy ravaged at their pleasure.'' In course of time tho native inha-
recovered from them most of their conquests ; but the Gauls
lently maintained themselves in the heart of Phrygia, and
we their name to the northern portion, which became knowTi as
Goioiia. They also, daring this same period, carried their victorioas
arms into Scythia, and avenged themselves on their former con-
querors;, whom they subdued, and with whom they intermixed,
forming thereby the people known in history as Cclto- Scythians.^
At this period they warred with the Greek town of Olbia;** and
advanced as far as tho Ma?otis,* from which they had been driven
by the Scyths five hundred years earlier. Here, however, they
were met and overpowered by a movement of nations from the cast.
The progress of the Sarmntic tribes commenced ; and tho Celta fell
back along tho valley of tho Danube, leaving traces of their presence
in the names WaUnehia and GalUcia^^ but overywhoro sinking and
(Jisnppctiring before tho antagonism of more powerfnl nations. In
Eastern and Central Europe the Celtic race has been either absorbed
or destroyed ; in the West, as has been observed already, it still
Northern Italy deserves its German appellation of Wallsc!^'
• Strabo, vii. p. 425.
' The moilorn Wallochs and Gnllt-
cians iiiay not iniltM^d Im de^iocndafita
of the ancipnt Gnnla ; but thn namnn
can scarcely have come from any other
fionree, Tho thcorj- which wonid
derirc thorn from tho old German oso
of wdhchen, walli, for " i»tnin^ets,
foreignora," is somewhat f&ncifni.
I. TX. R.
gtAj(H\ between the Alps and
iatic (Hcylac. Peripl. p. 13).
* Ftooi thcac Celts eamo the nra-
banadoni to Alfzandur (Arrian, £zp.
Ali^. i. 4.)
* Livy.xsxriii. 16. ^ Strobo, i. p. 48.
* S>»? t\m lii«onptitm of Protogenes,
edit4Mi by Kohlcr.
■.z i>:
nsL
An. Booc IT,
:::.- ::t --ii-.lijrr il-r ^:=a=. r-r? lie L:>iaba2:^ coTH|uest, nor the
riTxr^ :: l-:"!?- H-=a. :t Vi=.ii^ ever rooted ont the offspring
:f ^Jirse j-tHzj i:ri=s •wiiiii secilcd fn the plain of the Po fonrceD-
nr.tis 'z^z.Tz :i^ ^rv Fncof £5 sdH zsazniy Gallic. Home indeed
i=.7«:!j^'i \zz liL=.r=J.r« ^h^r« &^ elsewhe??, except in one remote
rr_-^^z :: zlz "..Lr.i_ tV^^ ^v* Cehic is sdll spoken ;* but the people
>:rz.r.z.--.i J_- Z,-. i=:i zz^ ^i-^r^TTT (^;r»ij. The Tentonic huuU
FrLzis- y:7=_i=j. 3zr^^z.VA7^ cai5«d the name of Ganl to dis*
ir-»=s:r: ':-* tlitr ^;z:-ir:r5, &s a race, were absorbed among iha
lt* :-:£T^i. Ir. -Ir Brlrij'r. IslAnis. the Anglo-Saxon Tentons, in
t-Lfir :;irli^7 ci: n : - i^ns. ■liirlsocd tie Cymiy,and drove them beyond
tisir oirieTs: c-t ^if-Sc !i»t inaistained themselves in Tsriooi
r''j.'>r5 — iz. Crr^.'^Till, Wil-:*. tie Scotch Highlands, and Irehnd—
u-r- ".Ir iri-f^rarl.-^. c: i re-w rvlicr. Wlien the Cjmiy of Walai
ani C-.m-^jll, tiv G^icli in S>:t':ar.d. and the £rse in Ireland, rab-
mittc-i 10 Az.r".:-5ix:n s-prtnacv. thev retained their lands, tiidr
las^a^, a-d cTcn tieir ranie." Amal^mation of race has since
be^n erto::-! to a certai:: cx:-:nt ; but still in manv parts of Wiala^
Sc':tl.ir.L r.:ii Ire'.ar.d, tie iniss of the popnlation is mainlj or
er.t:r&'T C.".t::. Fo:ir Ci:".::c dialects — the Manx, the Gaelic, the
Erse, and lie Welsh * — are spoken in our coxmtry ; and the pni»
Celtic trpe s-rvivcs alike ia the Bretons, the "Welsh, the natire
Irish, tie pccp'.e of tie Isle of Man, and the Scottish Highlanders^
of whom the t^o fonuer represent the Cimbric, and the three latter
the non-Cimbric branch of the nation.
- Britiany. S*>e IVicV-ard's CcUie
Nation?, § 3 ; &T.d 31;c.iek':"3 HUtoiru
de FranceV' vol. i. pp. loy-1-13.
* Coniwjill wa3 iLe coiimry of the
Cerit.M'al'i, or WeUb of ihe Uorn. A
Celtic dialect was spoken in Cornwall
till late in the last contary.
* The Welsh is akin to tho Brftcn
and the Cornish dialects ; the Gtllie
and the Erse, which are closely allied,
d-.fSer cousiderablj from the thne fiift-
mentioned. In the former we haiv
the Cimbric. in the lattw the more
ordinary Celtic tongue.
SmatIX.
ETnNOGUATHr OF THE SCTTHSb
187
ESSAY II.
ON THE ETHKOORAPHY OF THE EUROPEAN SCTTHS.
I, Soppo«ed Mnngulion ori^n of tbo Souths — groandi of the opinion twofoM.
2. BetwmbUnco of phyaiciil choTacterutiott, nlight. 3. Rosomblanoo of
nuumen and cnatoms, not closo. •!. Tnm tost, that of latipraa^. 6. Fo&bi-
bilitr of applyiof? it. G. Th<3 applicntioii — Etymology of Scythic ironinion
t»rma. 7. Hxplanntion of tho nnmos of t)iG Soytbian gods. 8. Kxplanatinn
of somo namim of men. 9. Exjilanution of K^o^jmphical names. 10. KoKuIt,
that the ScylbiaDA of IlenHlctitfl wcm an'Indo-Europoan mce. 11. Knrdier
Tomlt, Uiat thoy wero s dtrtinct ruco^ not Slaves, oor Colts, nor Tentona ;
and that tbcj arc now extinot.
1. A LARGE number of the besfc scholars of Germany,^ ainon;Ej them
tbe great lustorian Niebahr,'*' have maintaiueJ that the Scythians of
Horodotus wore a Tatar or Mongolian race, the earliest specimen
kuown to us of that powerful people which, nndor the uumo of
Hans, Bulgarians, Magyars, and Turks, has so often carried desola-
tion over Europe, and which in Asia, as Mongols, Calmncks,
Elenths, Kliirgis, Nogais, Turcomen, Thibetiuxis, and (perhaps)
Chinese, extends from tho steppes of tlio Don to the ooasta of the
Yellow Sea. This opinion lias also been adopted by tho most
eminf»nt of our own historians,* who regard it as certain, or at Icoiit
is most highly probable, that the Scythians of Herodotus were a
Kongo] nation.
The grounds upon which the opinion rests are twofold: first, it is
oiaintiuncd that tho physical characteristics of the Scythians, as
recorded by Hippocrates (who himself visited Scythia), are such as
to place it beyond a doubt tbat the people so^ described belong to
tbe Mongolian family ; and, secondly, it is contended that snch ati
identity of manners and customs can be made out as would alone
snfBce to prove the same point.
2. The description of Hippocrates, on which reliance is placed,
* Aa Bocclch (Oorpna Insorip. Gr.
idDct. Oil IiiMcripi. Sarmat. pars.
81). Schafanic (SlariAohe Altor.
ToK 1. xtit. 6), and Boak
Af)>nnd1. L 9M.)
hia " Uutcrmchongon Qbcr die
Q«aehieht« der SkytUen, Geten, und
Snnnaton/* pablinhcd in the " Kleinn
Sfhriften," p. 362, and ooiripai-c tliu
"Vortrilge iibor altf Utriichicbta" (vol. i.
p. 179.
• Thirlwall, History of Qreeoe, toI. li.
ch. xir. p. 210, Sro.oditioa ; Grote, Uia-
lory of Greece, voL iii. p. ^2, 2Dd ed.
aCOSGOLSL Ait. Bom IV.
•_" ;• •L_-ra-
-Z-3 L^
1Z_ --
'» I- T' • ■■
* V ■ *- . „-—
f :-;*:ae iri ricldin^; the beflr
i=ii ^-5^7 iH c! rs^lj resemble one
r^-T^. - is » picrsre of the natiTa
"i^T? is ^:- nr-T^ suitable BamB
■-T'-j-±i:— if Efrpr-OTBtea, howero;
.f ^yy:•z^•s which tmrellen giTB
r :f -.'2^ o-rjTiate Turkish or Tatar
r:kl Hi?::r7 cf Man, selects the
th.e \Consols wbidi
VT^ ±
C'H
i. ..'* (!■. . . ^.
rf the
-;=iii:?
i~— — '
;:>>.
•ri'-'
th-bv a
0 tVT ^.
Dr.
Pr
' -. ~ - ■•
til !':-=:
•■vas 5 :•
^« "
J -'
-?_e;
II rr-:-:;
. t:
.r:r
cnet-
cf fi-^=
h liad b:
on <I
■*'^h-
:-l r.'
r X V— . «cs3 (Mona^^ls) are gell^
1 i iiir=i raiher sinall than large.
:— T^'-'^r 10 have seen a defonoed
:lrir cliliren to nature; hence
:.".:>.".' ::* j-;J_rr7'.<re. Inerertatt
':Z- /---" * It is erident that this
t»::*z trjit of Hippocrates, and
: : :*-e present dav appear to re-
7: ir the scantiness of hair" and
zli-r.iz2.\s t? cr.e 3T:other.*
€7'^^-::-vSse5 cf the physical pecrdiarilies
r> rr.rr^ !ir:ir".y approaches to the ancient
■i xzz.> Cvscrlbes them: — "In statwe
ize : o: a kyl cinibering seven men, tlie
« in ht-:_-'-t. Their conntenance is di^
ks, !ar*:o and bloated, look as if pieces
:.on thvm ; a slender beard covers their
a:i»z.-.n
T r ,_ ^--
":^:■.-^. ei:
J^f■^'•, A'lua., et Locis, c. 6, p. 508,
T« K'/tA,:eu C7S'rTaTai xsTtMj^ . . . 8.a it;-
^<AT/f Kcu OiATjK tt;i' caJKO) TO TC «l5fa
Do
ed.
* I.'ijtor-nohungen, &c., p. 46, English
tnin-Iiiii^'n.
« I'hysir-!il lliKtoryof Man, p. 215.
Th*' piiVjiL'r- i^ qiH.iii! hv Dr. Trichnrd
fn.iM tin; writiiJjrH of ' tUu iravuUer
• l'iilb'<ii''ticon tbnt th'? " oye>)TOwa
uiv. Iiluck rifiri »'•« iit-r ( IVichard, I. s. c.) .
Do Ho!l sarg, " Tbe Katmnoka hi«
eyes set rblJquolv, with oyelida littb
pT-er.-^d, scantij black eyehroKf, noiB
dt'oplv dopre^sed near the forebei4,
I'Tominent cheek-bones, span htofdi,
t''---''t ir,o^^staches, and a brovnifil^
ToUow pkin." (Trarels, ch. xir, p.
ii 12. K. T.)
* " Paint ono individanl," mti Pp
Hell, " and you paint the whole MtiMi."
And he relates nn anecdote of the Cil-
mack firinco Tumene, who, grtnrinS
tired of pitting to an artist for bi*
piirtrnit, had it jiuislied from one of
his attendants, Tho picture *»» '
Ktrikin^ likeness. (Tiaveld, L s. cj
EnAT XL BESEMBLANCE OF UANNEI13 AXD CUSTOMS^
189
oliin, and in iHose individuals who linre more laxnmni hair tLe
beard has a natural curl. Their persons are not muscular." ^ Still
even here there is no such exact conformity as would warrant as in
aosDming the identity- of the two races.
Mx. Grote, who adopts the theory of Niebnhr, confesses that
many nomadic hordes, whom no one would refer to the same race,
laiay bavo exhibited an analogy of characteristics equal to that be-
tween the Scythians and Mongols.' And indeed it is manifeat that
the chief {Kiinta of the analogy are such as extend to a viust number
o( unconnected tribes. Scantiness of liair is conuuou to the Kamt-
sohatluuis,^ the Samoieides/ the Chinese,^ the Mexicans,^ and the
American nations generally;^ while the absence of discriminating
featnrefl among the indiridualm of the race uppears to mark a cprlain
low condition of civilization and of national devclopmcut rather
tfaan any Kpecial ethnic variety.^ It would seeui therefore that the
I tDpposed resemblance of the picture drawn by Hippocmtos to the
Kescnt charnctcristirs of the Mongols, is a veiy infin6]citint ground
r presuming the ethnic identity of the two races.
3. The remaining ground on which the opinion rests, the close
lemblance of the Scythian mamiers and customs, as described by
Elippoerates and Herodotus, to the known habits of the Mongols,
possesses (it must be confessed) very considerable claims upon oar
^»tt<!<ntion. The adoration of the scymitar," the ceremonies at the
^■neral of a kin'g.^^ the use of burning as a remedy,'* the production
^W intoxication by placing hemp seeds upon red-hot st4ines,^'' the use
of mare's milk,^^ the general filthincss,'^ — all these are foatarcs
I
> TT;.torT,pp.210,2n. Dr.
iruia the traroU of
* Uiflt. v( GnHX^e, rol. iii. p. 323, n. '.
» Pricbwrd. p. 223.
L* Dud. p. 225. * Ibid. p. S32.
Diid- p. 372. ' Ibid. p. 98.
Naticna in the flaTa£^f>, like animaU
wiM stAtc, aro devoid of any
ig iudiWduul dilTon^ncve. ^VLoro
u tbe same for nil, aud no
of external mfluQUCcs calls
iona power* aud qoaUticrt in
tieitt beings, A samcDe«ia f>er-
closs. (Seo Rn^lciri'g Modom
t^iinten. »ol. ii, p. lod.) >\'p-i>(»,
CaAvii, £Hqaimaax, Calunckfi, Haah-
mcUt hare tbc pucoXiarity in commuD.
Eren amonv; tbe Arabi of tlio Desert
(a far higher type uf hamaaity) tho
same fact is noticed. " I was now,"
says tho giftod author of Eothon,
''omougit tho tme Bedoains: alvmat
«t'«ry ntan of this race cloatlp reisemhlif$
his hrethrenj ohnost cvcty man has
larj^o and finely formed featurcfl, Ao."
(Ch. xvii. p. 180, 5th ed.)
" Hurud. iv. 62 1 Lacian. Toxar.
nxviii. (vol. ri. p. 101).
»o Herod, iv. 71.
^* lIippocmt,PpA(?rc, Aqa&,etLooiS|
o. 47 (p. 530, cd. KuhnJ.
"Eorod. iT.76.
" Ibid. ob. 2 i Epb. Fr. 76 i NicDam.
Tr. 12a.
" Herod, iv. 75.
1 90 H£$E3£BLAS:CE OF MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. Ap».BookIT,
thoronglily Mon^lian;^ and some of them are so stiange ud
pecaliar as to indicate at least connection, if not absolute identiif.
Hnmboldt, wbo rejects the ethnic affinity of the Scytha and Mongok,
nevertheless observes that the "cruelties practised at the fnneialof
the grand khans of the Mongols hear a complete reaemhlancs to tboK
which Hcittdotns describes as obtaining among the Scytha of Qtt
Borysthenes ; ^ and M. Hue bears witness to the continoance d
similar customs to the present day.' And the worship of the nalceil
scymitar, another most remarkable custom, very strongly indicatiTe
of a connection of one kind or another between the races piactijsisg
it, was certainly in use among the Huns (who were true Hongoh]
in the days of Attila.^ Identity of race, however, is not proved li^
similarity of manners and customs, even when it extends smch
further than can bo shown in this instance. Nations, especially
those which are in immediate contact with one another, adopt och
othcr^s usages ; and if the iMongolians, as is probable, absorbed the
ancient race of the Scyths at tho time of their great migration west-
ward,* they mny well have begun the practice of certain Scrt-hic
customs at that period. At any rate, however we may account for
the resemblance which undoubtedly exists between the mannen
and customs of the ^Mongols and the Scyths, it is decidedly (as Mr.
CJix>te confesses ^) insuilieient to establish a real ethnic connection,
4. One tiling only will enable us to decide the ethnographical
position of the ancient Soythic people, and that is* their langua^.
It is only by an accurate analysis of the remains of the anciat
jjpythic speech which have come dowTi to us that any satisfactoiy
conclusion can be drawn.
And this also is confessed by Mr. Grote. "To enable us to
afilrm," he observe.^, " that tho Massagetie, or the Scythians, or
' Poo Nioljiihr's "CutersncliDngon,
!>].. 46, 47. K. T.
- " liRrf oninuti'fl lora do la pompe
funcbre doa gr;iiid-kli.ins ri'iisiet.thlent
enWrcmenth coWc^ (\\n} noua tniavona
decritos par J[<'rcHl«jl:o . . . . choz les
Scythes du Cirrrhu*! ot da noryfatlicne."
Aflie Ccntnilo, vol, i. )>. 241.
' See note * to ]l«»n]c iv. ch. 71, where
tho ])nsf.igo ia f|notcil at U'nirth. As,
however, c'U.-tntii.-i very similar aro
found in Soiitlwrn Afrion nnd in Pnt.-x-
^''onin, it IK pltiiu dial Kiiuilarity in this
respect doed not prove couDCcticii.
Mr. Bl.iTcealoy well observes {m>te SS
on Botik iv.) that " snch piwceedinp
were not merely a tmditional cnstcffl-
but rented on that commoa feeliogr of
humanity which fifcribes to the de-
parted Bimilar tastes and porniitito
tliOf^c which liave been valued bythna
in their lifetime."
■• JuiTiandes do Bebns Getici*, c S5.
» About A.I). 1235.1245. See Gib-
bon's Decline nnd Fall, vol. vi. ch. 64
* History of Greece, vol. iii. p. 321,
note.
IL
SCTTHIAX LASOUAOE INDO-EITIOPEAN.
191
tb« AluQii belonged to tbe Indo-European family, It wonld be rc-
qnifiito that we should know something of their language.'^ ^ ' But,
be maintains, *' the Scythian language may be said to be wholly
nnknown " to ns, and therefore this test caimot bo applied in the
preaent instance. "A very few words " have indeed been brought
to oar knowledge ; but these, ho thinks, " do not tend to aid the
ludo-Eoropean hypothesis."
5. It is the opinion, however, of the best comparative philolo-
gists* that the fragments of the Scythic langaago which remain to
ns are amply snfliciont to dettimiine the family of nations to which
tlie people who spoke it must have belonged. Dr. Donaldson in
his ' NTarroniannB/ * and more recently Jacob Grimm, in his ' nistory
,of the Crermnn Language,' ^ have shown by an elaborate examination
of Scythic roots that there arc the strongest grounds for believing
the S4!ythiaus of Herodotus to have been an Indo-European people.
_\s the weight of this argmncnt depends entirely on the number
nnd character of the instances, and as, independently of their value
10 determining the question of ethnography, speculations upon the
langnago of an ancient nation possess intrinsically a high interest,
[the following analysis of Scythic words, drawn chiefly from the
two writers above mentioned, is appended as sut^cient evidence of
the position here maintained, viz., that the Scythians of Herodotus
>relongcd ethnically to the Indo-European, and not to the Mongolian
lamily of nations.
6. The Scythio words of which the meaning is certainly known
to us are the following : Oior^ pata, artmo.^ spa, temerinda^ (fraucamtt,
rrainf>ctu«, hrixaha, jthnjxtj^ araxaj luilindai and sucriuiri, or sairium,
Thc«o will be £rst considered.
Oior,'*'a man," is undoubtedly the Sanscrit t)*ra, tho Zend vairya^
ibe Greek F»)/>ftf», tho L^tin r/r, Gothic rair, Celtic gwr^ Lithuanian
vyriM. It may he cotmecled likewise with the ancient Persian anya,
vhich primarily signified ** men," *' heroes," and thence was
adopted as an ethnic appellative by the great Medo-Bactric or
^ Hirtoiy of Greece, fv\, iii, p, 831.
* To the xuunoft metitioncd in th«
irri may be added that of Lite laie
Uiumtwl Dr. Tritbeu, Fnifobsur of
Lasfniagra in tho University
tcrd, who priv^tcij expnmHHi to
ULttiC couvtcttaii.
' GeechiohtoderDeatsobenSprache,
• liorod. IT. 110. nidp y^ icaA/ova't
* fiioo Sir U. Bawlixison'a Ancient
Persian Vooubolary, sub voo. ^nya,
note >.
192
ANALYSIS OF SCTTHIC WOBDSL
Apf.BooeIT,
Tata* " to kill," is probably tbe Sanscrit ratf/to, " to strike, IdE,
destroy ; " for tlie Scythian language, as is plain from tlie Tlimifr-
phoriazusm of Aristophanes, affected the lenis in the place of tlw
aspirate. It may also be compared with the Latin " haiuen^* udn
with our verbs "to beat," "to batter;" perhaps also with "topit''
Arima/' "one," would seem to be for Tdpifta, a form almost ido-
tical with the Latin, Gothic, and Lithuanian ordinals, prmia^fnm,
2nrmd, and connected with the Sanscrit prathamd, Zend fraihau^
Greek irp&ros. The initial sound may have been dropped by Hm-
dotns, because in his time the Greeks had no letter to express it;
or it may have been absent from the Scythic word just as it isfwa
the old High German Srister and the modem German er0/,wbichan
novertlielcsa identical with the Gothic /rM?«iVi and our fint.^
Sjitif"^ " the eye," is manifestly cognate to the Latin q>ic- orgws
the root of the words apcch, ejjecto, sjpccnlorj aepicio, &c., andmiybe
compared with the German spihaiy French v^ier (cepier), and on
own spy.
Teiufrhida,^ "mother of the sea," is a compound word, the analjsi*
of which is uncci'tain. It is probable that the ending -inda is a mere
i'eminiuo tcraiination, which is found again in halinda,^ and ba i
l)arallel in the Anglo-Saxon termination -ende, which appears oco-
sionally in the later period of that language.* If then we are to
seek for " mother of tlie sea " in Tcmer, it may be conjectured tint
To was " mother " in Scythic, and mer " sea." Te would then
resemble the gipsy del, dai, and the Greek etia, " aunt ;"3 and afr
would be the Latin wwro, Gei'man mceff French mer, our men or
uaecr.
Graucasv.a,^ "white with snow," was the name by which the
Mcythiiuis knew the Caucasus, and may be regarded as the true
original of that word. There can be little doubt that the Grew hew
* Ilcroil. iv. no. rb vara icrtivtiv
* HltuU. iv.-7- "Aptftay^ptv KoKtovtrt
* Soc Bo^ip'R Comparative Gmmmar,
vol. i. p. 4lt» (JOiiijlisli tran^lutiun).
^ Ilvrod. ir. '27. Sirou rhy 6ifilia\fJihv
[KoAcovtri 2k.J
splin. llist. Nat. -ri. 7. "MaHain
fScytliai] Teraoriuda [vocautj, quo
sigiiificuiit uiaireui loaris."
" Soo tlie next pajye.
^ Urimmquutus t'rum an Anglu-Saxou
docnmcnt of later tizDos the fonniu»
" on land and on sinrndic** m ecpxit'
lent to terrCt manque. (GeachictM*
vol. i. p. 234, uoto.)
^ It 18 possible that T3 mavhetlw
final syUablo of /i^njp. Sansc. w^'-j
Initial eyllables eoraetimea, thonga
rarely, disappear. Compare yirkur9i>
lac — av-uuculus, oncle, uncle — c*-p»tj
pate. &<!.
3 Flin, Hist. Kat. vi. 17. "Scytj*
Caocafioni montcin, Gnmcftflamt ^•
nivc caudidum [appellaTdre. j "
ANALYSIS OF SCVTHIG WORDS.
193
the Greek xpv* in irpw»t, ttfiCffraxxott mpufAis^ whence perhaps the
Ttfatin eruor, entdelU, tho Gorman grajis, gromavi-, our cruel^ &c. ; and
also by the change of r into /, the Latin gelit^ glacies ; Germ, kali;
oar cooZ, eold. It will therefore mean " snow," and casus will be tho
Scjthio word for '* white." Compare with this latter the Sanscrit
fc€iS'y Greek maBaph^ Latin caetHSy conutf, cwnd-iduaf perhaps the Oscan
ca«nar, and tho German Jceiuch,
£xamp<KU8* "holy roadfl," tho name, according to Herodotus,
oC A hitter spring near tho Hypania, divides probably into the
^^ro roots cxan or he:ean^ and pai or pai^^ the former of which may
connected with the Sftnscrit accha^ which (according to Grimm)
the Greek ayla and the Latin sacra ; while the latter is moni-
the Sanscrit patka, Greek vdroM, German. 2"*/^* ^^^ our own
BrUaha^ " a ram's forehead," seems to be composed of frru;, " a
and a&a, *' the head or forehead.'* Brix apjMjara in the Latin
Stx or votveXy Italian herhice^ Proven^^al hcrhitZj Fi-euch hrebis. Aha
** co^*it/ (Sanscrit kapala, German /laify;/), without the initial guttural,
^^hich is lost also in halitida ='*cau/w."
PhvyxaJ "h&iot of evil," compared with oro^a, "hater of dam-
gives xa as the verb "to hate/* and }jhrif or phrii as "evil."
is compared by Dr. D.onaldson with the German scheu'^ (our shij) ;
but this identification is a very doubtful one. PA7*u may with more
ooufidence be connected with the Latin pravua, and tho German
'Wirei frcvler,
Araxa^ "hater of damsels," conlaina the roots (ret, "to hate," and
Qro, "a maiden." This latter word appears in the Greek "A^t^i,
^truBCan Ari-Hmia^ the virgin goddess. It occurs abo in the Scy thio
Uame for Celestial Venus, Artlmpasa.
Halinda,^ "a species of cabbage," may be the Latin caulU (our
'* caw/i'-flower'*), the initial guttural having become an aspirate, and
tho feminine suiBx -iiula (compare Temsrinda) having taken the place
of the Latin -if.
^ Herod, iv. 52. 06vn)ia Z\ tj} itp-ftyr}
•cnl« MffV ^1, Ty X^PVi '^at^itaJoi^ Kori.
* Itmoy he doabt-«d whether UeMti^
^ad, " witches' pnth/' be not the tnior
< lulling I if till '^iijtliii Ti iiiiijiiTiin (Cf.
fttttac'B yorh&llc. p. 3io ; DonaldBon'a
VwrotuanoB, p. 39 ; B&hr ad Henxl. iv.
VOL.. ni.
52.) Bat Hev0 itself (SpBnuh hechi.
zero, our "hog") is perhaps only a
variaat of the a&mo root, ac, sac-, 07-,
Bipiifyiag priTDnrity a sacred poraon.
• Plntarch, ii. p. 1168. * Ibid.
■ Varronianaa, 1.
• Plutarch, ii. p.
» Ibid. p. 1153.
B. O,
1162.
194
NAMES OF GODS, ETC.
App. Book IV.
Safrium^^ " amber," if it may bo read for sacriunif will be tbe Let-
(isb ftihlers^ or deinters, which is the liithoauion gintaras or genianu,
and the Rnssian jantar.
In addition to these words with determined mcatn'ngs we possess
a number of Scythian appellations, the prol»ftlilo meaning of which
may to some extent be surmised. These likewise tend to bear out
the Indo-European theory. They may bo divided into (1), names
of gods; (2), names of men ; (3), geographical names.
7. THie names of the Scythian gods, nccoi-ding to Herodotus, are
the following : — Tahiti, Papa?UB, Apia, Oitosyrns, Artimpasa, and
Thamimasadas. These ho identifies respectively with the Grecian
Vesta, Jnjiiter, Earth, Apollo, Aphrodite, and Poseidon.*
Tahiti (Vesta), the firo-goddess, derived her narae apparently from
the root tap^ ** to bum," which is found both in Sanscrit and Zend,
and which runs through a vast number of the Indo-European Ua-
guageg, fonning Up-idus, i^p-erc^ in Latin, tephj in Bohemian, depHif
in Polish, tafteii and iixhan in Persian, Uit-rtw (impl ei-rr^tr, Horn.)
in Greek, and so rj^or, and also t^^^b, *' cini^."
Papams (Zeus, or Jupiter) was the father of gods and men, as
Herodotus plainly indicates.* The root pa- or pC-, with or without ^
the suffix ter, tri, expresses tho paternal relationship in almost all fl
the Indo-European tongues.* The reduplicated form Papceus is
closely akin to Papias and Papas, titles under which tho snprenie
God was worshipped in Asia Minor in very early times," and
appears likewise in the Phrygian baba,^ tho Greek vctinras, the
Lciiin papa^ German Papst, our " pope," and again in the familiar
papa of so many modem languages. ^M
I
* PUd. Hi«t. Nafc. nxvii. 2. Soliaffirilc
propoud thiB reading, and Grimm
approrei of it.
* Horod. IT. 69.
^ This is tho tucaninj^ of his remark,
that " Jupitor iscftUod very pmj>erhj t'n
hit jiidgment (opdcfrara, Karh yvufitfw yt
T^w ifL4\¥\ Pupicus," iv. 59. Conip. the
ordiaary Greek addresB to the; Supreme
Being, Z<i/ wtlTrp, Lat. Ju-pitcr, Dies-
piter ; and the Homnrio a-ar^/i kvZpnw
T« 9*m¥ T« ; Virgil*8 *' hominum pater
atque Deoruui ; " also AratuB, as
qnoted by St. Paul, toD (i.e. Zrivhi)
y^ KoL yivas ifffUf. (AoLs xvii. 2S.)
* Sanscr. pit.*iy pitri; Ancient Pcr-
siao, jnta; Greek, var^p t Latin, jxittfr;
Italian, padre; German, vaUr; oar
fathfTt Ac.
* Leake (Asia Minor, p. 20) jrires an
inficription which ho found in Assft
Minor, near Dogantn, addrm«ed to
Papiaa tbo Sarionr (nAntAAlXOTHPI).
Arrian (ap. Eustat. ad II. r. 429) meo-
tioQod that Jupiter vtos wordupped
under the name of Papas in Bithyuia.
' See the Phrygian inscription on tho
pT^at tnmb of Midru upar IXjffmnJa
(snpm, vol. i. p. C91). BABAappoan
there aa a title of hoooor bume b? tb»
person who ereoted the mooambut.
Papfis oecars tn tliia ecmse in other
Asiatic inHoriptiona. (See Fooooke's
Ins. Ant. eh. ii. § 6, p. 13.)
EBIAT IL
NAMES OF GODS.
195
Apia (Earth) wrmld seem to be nothini^ bnt another form of the
lAtin Ops (P^m), who 18 identical with Rliea or Tellus. A}n\ Opiit^
AjfiOy were forma common to the early Greek and It.ilian nations,
Mid signified "cnrth, land, conntry." Hence Mess-apia, Dry-opia,
&c, ; and the many names of tribea ending in 'Op^M^ Dolopt'S, Mero-
pe0, Cccropoa, and the like. Hence also the old name Apia for the
Peloponnose, derived afterwards from the mythic king Apis.^
Oiintyriis (Apollo) appears to be a comjwiind word, formed of the
two elements 01^. and »yptw or suntH. About the meaning of the
Utter terra there i*an be little doubt. It is plainly the Sanscrit
•urtfit^ ** the snn.*' The other element may connect either with the
Latin nVrt and Greek oltro. or, perhaps better, with JOoi, aW«r, vUi-uin,
iiw&M, **white." Theword will thus mean ** the bright shiningsun.'*
Artimpanti (Urania, or Celestial Venns) is the most obscure of all
the names of the Scythian deities. It is not even certain what
attributes Herodotus intended to assign to her. If she was, aa is
probftble,^ the Moon, w« may compare the title with the Greek
'A^v^r. in which the root ara^ "a virgin,*' is to l>e recognised. The
remainder of the word has as yet received no satisfactory erplanatioo.
Thamimoiadas (Poseidon, or Noptnne), "the Water God," is a
name which may be analysed, with an approach to certainty, into
the two parts Thami and masadas. Of these the former, lliaml, would
•eem to be the Teme ot Pliny's Temcrinda, which ha« been already
explained, and which may well liave been a general designation for
laicM ood rivers.^ The latter, fnasadas, occurs in the royal title,
Oda^-mtx^adoA^^ and may be identified with the *majt-da^ (ancient
Pen. 'mazda) of the Arian god Oromasdes (^Aurnmozdii). Etymo-
logically mazdoM seems to mean '' groat giver ; " ^ bat it probably
■ ^Ksa^L Bappl. 2GS-2G3 (cd.
*Tli« AlHta or Alilat of tho Ara-
liiuiA, wbc'oi HeiTHJutiui (i. 131; iii. 8)
iilentifies with TTnuim, is thought to
liavit bera the Moon by aomo of the
bMlaallirn-iiieA. (SfeBocbart'aPhaleg,
ij. 19, BticU 8*nlou do Diia Synji, ii. 2.)
' T»»wi^jvr rrrnr.if it meant "mother
of tiio tea." may oanily have como to
bo apfitied wt>i(>lT' to rirerB and to lake«
«ttbeir ' !ero(l.i7.8f=;). Rirer*
W cf a in this li^ht. (Cf.
Sliabu. ▼< J' ~i^; and see Qrniun*B
flwrhlrtifn der Deutacbca fjprachc, p.
231.) Hence perhaps Iho Timo-cAwa
anil Tima-xma of the ancients, the
lattor of which, Stmbo expreaaly nays
1 1. 8. c), wna regarded by the dwellers
(TQ its bunka as "firrT4fU3t.Qahirrrqt\" and
lienco too, it may be, our rivet* r/tom**,
7'arnar, and Thart^Uxs or Tha.mea. (Cf.
BonaldfiOD'A Torr. p. 38.)
■ Herod. IT. 80.
' From tho SanBcrit root« mofl,
"(Treat" (oomporo ^fli"*)! *"^ dd,
"to give" (^a(5«^i, daro, Ac.) See
Sir H. Rawlinson'a Vwahulary of the
Ancionfi Persiazi Langnngo, ad voc
Aoraoiarda.
m
196 NAKES OF MEN. ArP.BoQsIT.
passed at an early time into the more general sense of " god.** Tim
Thamimasadas would be, as stated above, " the Water-God," cr
more fully and literally, " the great Giver of lakes and Btrcaii&"
8. The Scythian names of men are these : Spargapithes, Am-
pithcs, Octamasadas, Idanthyrsns, Anacharsis, Taxacis, Snlo^
Lycus, Gnums, Scylas, Scopasis, Scolopitus, Oricus : — ^to wtod
perhaps should be added the mythic personages Targitaus, lAponi^
Arpoxais^ and Colaxais. Among these there ore two or three vinth
present very palpable etymologies.
Sparga}nthes (or Spargapises*) is probably the Sanscrit S^rgoft^
*' lord of heaven,*' a titlo of the god Indra in the Vedaa, and hat»
we obtain a clue to the name of Arlapithes (which may be compind
with the Persian names AriaramneBj Ariomardua^ ^rta&t^n«f,andtbi
like), formed probably from the two roots ariya, originally" manlft"
and thenco " noble, excellent," tuidpati, " lord," as in the prece£a^
In Octamasadas the toot mazifw, recurs, of which an account huliMi
given ; and in Idanth-^r^t«, Anach-ar«w, we seem to have the PB^
sian (and Armenian) ArscSf which appears as the initial elementia
the names Arnamcs and Arsaces, and occurs as a final in the old Fe^
sian Khsliay-drslid (Xerxes), and in Dad-arses, a general of DKioi*
The root arses (in Persian arshishj or arslia) is clearly the same wift
the Sanscrit drsha, " venerable ; " while in AnacJi' we can larfly
fail to recognise the Persian naqa* and Greek Avo{. The remainiBg
names do not admit of any very distinct identification. Some^M
Lycvs, Scylast SauUuSf are Greek in their general character. OthcB
{Lipoxaisj Arpoxaisj Colaxais) have a Slavonic look. In the Seolofittt
of Justin tho root pali may again bo recognised ; and if in the fint
part of the word we may consider that we have the national app^
tion Scolo'tif the term would be equivalent to " king of the Scdob
or Scyths ; " and it may, like Crcnnus, Pharaoh, &c., have been *
mere title, mistaken by foreigners for the actual name of amontfch>
9. Tho geograpldcal terms which Scythia furnishes are few in
number. Thoy consist almost entirely of the names of rivas^'
these are, the Ister, with its tributaries the Porata, Tianniitfi
Ararus, Naparis, and Ordessus ; the Tyras, the Hypanis, the BoiJ«-
thenes, the Panticapes, the Gerrhns, the Hypacyris, the SyTgifl,»fld
^ As it is read in Bonk i. ch. 211.
^ MeDtioned in the Bchiatim Inscrip-
tion, col, i. par. 7, § 2.
^ " JXaqa" is a doubtful reading, and
may perhaps be an Sgyptita titlfc
(See Sir H. Bawlinaon's Henoir «
the Beh. Ins. vol. iL p. 316.)
BSSAT XL
KAME8 OF aiVERa
197
i^e Tanais. These names mofitly admit of explanation from Indo-
Germanic roots.
The word Ts-t^ is made up of two elements (w and trr}^ both of
^vhich seem to have signified, in different Indo-Eoropean dialects,
'"liver" or *'water."^ "Wo may trace the element Is in the names
of rivers from the \-icLnity of the Kaplu-atoa to tbo banks of the
Thames. In the Is of Herodotus (i. 17'J) und Horodianne (p. 19,
od. Dindorf) we have the word in its simple and most primitive
form — in the I^-aunw, Is-apis^ Is-cpus^ in the many rivers Isar {Tsere)
and I^stl we find the same root combined with a second element ; in
Jw and Tliani-Uis (Thames) it occnrs reduplicated. The other ele-
toect, t&r, is loss widely spread, but it appears again in the two
Scyliiian rivers, the Tyr-as and Tiar-antus; it is found in tho word
Dnie^'tr^ tbo modem uamo of tho Tyras ; it appears in the Sicilian
3er-i4», and the Sardinian Ter-mxis; and it may perhaps bo traced in
lV«6ia(=7'*'r-a6-to, compare Drave), Trashneue^ Trents^ Trinium^
^itenfug (= TiaTantuSf our Trenl)^ and other simihirly commencing
The Farnta (now the PrtUh) seems to have been named from a
root connected with the Greek iro>y, German fitrth^ our " ford."
The Scottish river Forth is apparently tho same word.
The Tiarantu8(^^ Tcr-un^us) contains the root rer,and a snffix owiiM,
which may bo compared with the ander of Scam^ander, Mae-ander, and
the eittu* or ento of JVu-efliiw, Cainv-entus^ Fr-enio^ <tc. Tiarantue,
Truenhtt^ Tronto^ Trent, are different forms of the same word.
In the At-utwi and the Nap-aris we may recognise the root arttjt
(reduplicated in Ar-aruSy combined with a distinct element, Nap^ in
Kap-aris), which was widely used in the regions about the Caspian
as a river name, where indeed it still lingers. Araxea in ancient
times seems to have been a name common to the modem ^rtur, tho
Jaxartej, the Wolga^ and many other streams. Its ultimate base i <
perhaps Jia or Eka, a name which the Wolga still bears, and whu'h
may be traced throughout Europe, in the Rha-danus, lihe-ntui,
E-ri-danwiy Hfuj-danau, ibc. The Oarua of Herodotus is merely a
digammated form of Aras.
"* '* Local Dames." as Dr. Donaldsoa
fibtervM (VarrotuaTi, p. .33), "rery
often oooBist of Bpionyinoaa elements."
WSek-hain,Hainp'ton-wick,Waiu>beok^
mkter, Pftn-tibe, Nng:-poor are caMS in
point. The first occapantfl of & ooootry
cnH a stream by their g^OTic word for
river i the next comers r*»(pird this as
a proper name, and add to it thoir own
genorio teno ; IsUsr immi^rrants take
this whole coinponnd wora fortlie tme
aanie of the stream.
198
NA2CES or BIVERS.
Atr, Book
The Hj/panig (Hypan-is) introduces ns to a uew element, Hf/pan^
the Celtic Apa»^ our Avon, which may be traced in two other
Scythian rivers, the Ui/pa-cifris and the PanMcapes. The remaining
portion of each of thcao names is extremely obscnre. We aru
reminded, howevpr, by the element cyri^ (-jtvpir) of the Atropatenian
river Cynts, the Kur of the present day. Perhaps this same root may
bo the base of another Scythian stream, the Gor-rhus (Kur-rha ?).
The Tyr-as (now the Danas-tcr or Dniestr) contains the same
two roots aa Is-iet^ only in the reverse order. It is sufficiently ex-
plained by what baa been said concerning the name of that stream.
The Borystheucs furnishes us with another specimen of inversion.
It has become the Danaa-per, Dana-per, or Dnio-pr. The form
Borys-thenes is manifestly Grecizcd — the native name, in all proba-
bility, approached nearly to Poros-danas. If this be allowed, the
Borys of Botye-thenes may bo identified with tbe word Foraia, and
'thetics will be Danas, Dana-ia, or Tana-is,
In the word TanaU {Tana-in) the medial d baa become atenma, i ;
just as wo find Tun-owe in the Niehtlwujen-lleil for Dan-ube, In thd
modem name Don the d is restored to its place.*
10. It results from this entire investigation, that the Scythians
were not Mongolians, but members of the Indo-Knropcan rac-e.
Language, as Mr. Groto correctly observes, is the only sure test;
and language pronounces unmistakably in favour of the Indo-
Europoan, and against the Mongol theory. The small number of
Scythic words which remain to ns present from thirty to forty roots
capable of identification with well-known Indo-European terms. A
very few words, and those, almost all of tbem, the names, real or
supposed, of men, are not distinctly referable to known roots belong*
ing to this family of languages. These data are fully sufficient to
-.^,^_^ establisb the ethnic connection of the Scythians of Herodotus vdth
^ie great bulk of the nations who have peopled Europe.**
J.1. "When wo attempt to go boyond this, and to inquire to which
of the great divisions of the Indo-European race the Scytha beiongodf
^ No gnsi weight can be attacbed
to the Tndo.EtirupeaD character of
theae najies, as it is rerj prubable
that they may have been adoptod by
the Scythe from the CimmcriaQK,
and so may be i*eaUy indicatiTo of
tbo etbnio oharaoior of that people.
In this point of view it ia inte.
resting to observe among them the
Celtic rirer-namevj Avon, Don, Trent*
Forth, &o.
" It is not, however, imponible, nor
nren improbabln, that there may har*
been a Uongolian element among ^h»
Kuropean Soytha. ThB language of
which wc have Bpecimens may be that
of tbo Uoyal Tribo only; tbo rest ol
the nation was perhaps Turaoiao.
I
n. DISAPPEAUAXCE OF THE 8CYTHS AS A NATIOX.
199
^ find onrsflvoa at a loss to determine ia favour of one branch
^'5^p than another. The analogies which luivc boon pointed out do
■ lonnect the Scythic language specially with any sintrlo Indo-
ipean dialect. The Scyths» as their language exhibits them,
neither Modes, nor Slaves, nor Goths, nor Celts, nor Pelas-
irtAiis; but their tongue possessed afiinitics to the speech of alt these
*t«uiaua. We mnat not therefore be led away by doubtful etymolo-
^es^ to identify the Sc^i-hiana with any special Indo-Karopean mcc.
Xhe/ were probably a branch of tiiis ethnic family as distinct from
*1J other branches as Celts, Germans, and Slaves from one another.
^Tbeir supposed connection with the Sauromatco or Sarmatiana^ docs
not disprove this ; for while it is not quite certain that the Sorma-
tians were Slaves, it is extremely questionable whether there was
really any very close ethnic connection between the Scyths and the
Sanronmta?.^ At any rate it is clear that the frafrmentfl of the Scythic
language are no more Slavonic tlian they are Celtic, or Medo-Pcr-
sian, or Pelasgian ; and the argument of liindncr,* that the Slavonians
mo&t be the descendants of the Scythians because no other nation
can have descended from them, is absurd, since the Scythians zuay
«aaily have had no descendants. Indeed, if we trace historically the
after-fortunes of the Scythic people, wo shall find reason to suspect
that they were crashed between their two neighbours, the Gctce and
the Sarmatians.^ By the time of Pliny they had disappeared from
the coasts of the Pontus ; and the name of Scythia, which had once
denoted a definite tract between the Danube and the Tanais, inha-
bited by a people with whose language, physical type, religions and
otbcr customs, the Greeks and Komaus were perfectly familiar, had
come to be applied vaguely and indefinitely to the remote and
anknown regions of Korthem Asia and Europe.^ It is probable that
^ Socb &B Dr. DoniUdBOD'B identifioa*
tioD of Z'iii$ai with T^tu, Qolhi,
•' Goths" (VaiT»n. p. 27), or his oqnalty
doabtfnl dchration of 2M6?jyroi tivm
Atiigalaia (p. 41).
* Niebohr rognrdB this connection u
indubitsbte (B«vcttrohe«, kc.t p. 83,
K. T.) BofKskh likewise maintains it
(Corp. Inncript. Sarmat. Introdnct.
pan. xlp.SIl). BntSchafari]i:(Slavi»obo
Alterlbuzoer, voL i. ch. xri.) boa
oalled it in quc«tioa on ffir^ng (n^nndH.
* Pliny (Uist. Nnt. ri. 3) and Pom-
pooioa Mela (1. 19) differ on this point
from Hcrodottu (iv. ll7),whoM perso-
lUkl obperratioiu do not appear to have
extended eastward of Olbtn.
* Skythicn nnd die Skji;bcn doa
Uerodots, Stuttgart, 1841.
* See Kiebnhr's BoHcarchofl^ Ac^ pp.
66»4.
1 Plin. Hist. Nat. ir. 25. " Bey tbamm
nomen QBqnequaqao tnuudit id S^rma-
tas atqae Gomuuioe : noo aliis prisca
ilia daiBrit appcllatio, qu&m qai ex*
trpmi gentium hamm, igrnoti prop)
cieceris mortalibas dcgunU"
200 CONTINUANCE OF THE CZXHERn ANB OEZAL Arr.BoaKlT.
about thia time the Scytbs altogetber perished ; or if thej lingmd
anywhere, as a weakly and expiring tribe, in the forests of the {v
interior, the Mongol ravages of later times completed their destno-
tion. In vain we look for their descendants at the present d$j.
While the Cimmerians, whom they drove before them with noA
ease on their first passage of the Tanais, continue to exist as Qjmij
in the mountains of Wales J and the C^etsB, their nei^ibonn i^
the west, have their descendants among the great Gotldc orTentcne
family by which nearly one-half of Europe is stOl occii}Hed, &
Scyths have disappeared from the earth. Like the Mexican AstM^
whom they resembled in some degree, they have been swepi tmj
by the current of immigration, and, except in the moands wfaic&
cover their land and in the pages of the historian or eilinolqgiiti
not a trace remains to tell of their past existence.
' See the preceding chapter.
EisatOL GEOGRAPHr OF SCYTHIA, 201
ESSAY in.
ox THB GEOGRAPHY OF BCTTIILL
1' Keooaaity of eziuuituxig Niebahr'a theory of the Scyifaia of Hercdnhu.
2. The theory fllAfeed. 3. lUgroundr 4, CotmidcmtiaoH whicli diaprovo it.
S. Heal viowB of Herodotiu. 6. His pfrsoiml knowledge of th© region.
7. Uia oom?otnesB u to lending facte, and miscakes aa to minntim. 8. Foa.
aibility of duugcs since his time. 9. Ideatificatloa of riven aud plaoea.
1- BcroRE entering upon any direct statements aa to the actnal
*hap© Mid extent of ScytUia, or attempting to identify any of the
geographical featnrea pointed ont by Herodotus, and explain hia
^eal or apparent errors, it is necessaiy to examine that theory on
the snbject which was first broached by Niebuhr in his * Kleino
8chrift«i* about the year 1828, and which has recently been
"'OTight ft second time before the public, only slightly modified,
ia his • Vortrage fiber alte Geschichte,' published in 1847.^ The
•"ttthority of Niebuhr is so great, and his conjectures, even when
*iot correct^ are always so ingenious, that his view cannot bo put
**tdo without distinct and formal examination.
2. Now Niebuhr'a view is, that Herodotus regarded Scythia as
^ •qiiare hoitnded on two tides by tJiC sea; that he looked upon its
***^them coast as extending in a straight lino from the month of
^-t^G Danube to the Pains Moeotis, a distance of 4000 stadea, its eastern
*• *^Mching an eqnal distance from thenco to the eml)ouchure of
.?*'^ Tanais (Don), its western frontier as parallel to this, and formed
^*y tie Lower Danube (which river ho thinks Herodotus supposed
Fto
^tciake a sudden bend at the north-western angle of Scythia, and
Xnm thence with a southerly course to tho Euxine), and its
^'^^^^t.hem frontier aa marked by a line drawn from this sharp bond
j^^ "the Danube to the mouth of tho Tanais.^ Tho annexed plan.
^*^ch is taken from his 'Map of the World according to Herodotus,*
IT"'**!, more plainly show hia meaning,
I^^. This account he gathers chicEy from cha. 99-101; but he
i^^ticeirea it to be confirmed by various scattered notices, as by
^u.
comparison between tho Nile and the Danube in Book ii.,'
what ia said in Book v. of tho great size of Thrace,^ and of
' 8m pp. 182, 183. ' Qeopnphy of Heiod. p. 29, E. T. Soyibiaiu, pp. 39.41, B. T
' f^ha as. AX « r.h 51
Cha.a3,S4
Ch.8.
202
OBJECTIONS TO KIEBUHB'S SCHEUa App.Bw
the countries north of the Danube being dcscrrt,^ as well as hj •
casual remarks.
4. The following consideiations appear to be fatal to the fid
in question : —
(i.) Its derangement of the course of the Danube, in hvo\
which nothing can be brought but a supposed analogy, and w
is contradicted by the whole account, so very consonant with
which Herodotus gives of that river and its tributaries.
Danube, he says, runs /rani the tccst right through Earope,*an
into the Black Sea, ** with iU mouth facing the east" ^ It «
many great tributaries on both sides : from the side of Scyth
— the Porata, Arnrus, Naparis, Ordcssus, and Tiarantus, of
the Porata (Fruth) is the most castcrhjy the Tiarantus {Aluia]
* Book T. oh. 10.
* Book ir. ch. 49.
'Ibid. ch. 99.
OBJECTIONS TO NIEBUIIIl*S SCHEME.
203
tJi^ Ki'si ; from the moantain-cliain of Thraco and Illyria
it others, which all ran " with a northern course " into it.^ This
account is exactly in accordance with the real geography,
id cannot possibly bo made to square with theschorae of Niebuhr,in
ich the month of the Danabe fronte the south ; and the five Scythian
tributaiics, if they can bo imagined to exist at all, must be interposed
between the sea and the Maris, according to the dotted lines inserted
in the occompanvLug plan to represent them,in which case the terms
"most oastem," " most western," would cease lo be applicable.
^H ("•) The assertion of Herodotus ihat "the mart of the Borys-
^^■enitea is situated in the very centre of the whole fcorcoast of
^Bcythia."^ Niebnhr^s view places it in the centre of the south side
^Bhly, while the east, according to him, is also washed by the sea.
(iii.) The impossibility of reconciling Ilerodotus's account of
the Persian campaign with the supposed figure of Scythia. The
division of Scythians with which Darius first fell in, had orders to
retreat " along the $hores of the Pabis MoeoHs " to the Tanais,* oi'ders
which appear to have been duly executed. Darius, following in
their track, is said to have marched " easticard" to that stream.^
^^icbuhr*s plan would make this march at least as much north as
^Bftst. Arrived at the Tanais, they cross into the country of the
^Bftoromat^p, which they traverse from south to north, a distance of
^Rfi days* journey ; ^ whence they pass on to the Budini, the next
nation to the north, whose country t}iey likewise traverse. Accord-
ing to Niebuhr, they would now be nearly 20 days' journey beyoud
the borders of Scythia, and separated from Scythia by the entire
country of the Melanchlirni. Yet here the Scythians, suddenly
^ving Darius the slip, make a detour through the country above the
kdini, and at once return into Scythia i* while Darius, missing
tnms ufc^ticard^ and is shortly within the Scythian borders,
rbero ho falls in with the other division of the Scythian army, and
is led for the first time into the country of the Melauchlieni. All
this ia absolutely impossible upon Niebuhr's theory, where tho
Bodini lie north of Scythia, at a vast distance, and separated by the
tract in which the Melanchla>ni live. It is indifferent, so far as
this argnment ia concerned, whether we admit tho expedition inti
these parts as a reality or no, since all that we are at present
consdering is how Herodotus himself conceived of Scythia.
• Uerod. ir. chs. 4«. 49. * Ibid. ob. 17. > Ibid. ob. 120.
Ibid. ob. 122.
Ibutcb,21.
' Ibtd. ob. 12i.
204
EEAL NOTION OF HEEODOTUa
Ait. Booi. IT.
5. The traili seems to be that Herodotus regurded SoytluA w
liaying only one of \ts sides washed by the sea ; ^ that he took t^
coast from the Dannbe to the Tanais as representing tolerably well
a straight line, when the peninsula occupied by the Tauri (tic
Crimea) was cut off ; that he estimated the length of this at ^.K*)
stftdes (460 miles),'^ 2000 between the Dannbe and the moath of tbi
Borysthencs, 2000 between that and the place where the Tiiiia»
reached tlie sea; that he regarded this side of Scythia, thus diridtd
into two parts and fronting towards the south-east, a&
down to two seas, one of which (the Kaxine) might be
"soathem/*the other (the Sea of Azof), "eastern;" that he thoa^
Scythia extended inland about the same distajice as it£ length abag
the coast ; and that bo therefore called it square, meaning thottf
not to give its exact figure, but to describe its general shape. IIi>
did not regard the Danube as bouudiitg one side of the sqocre,
bat as meeting it obliquely at a corner. This is implied is Ik
expression h t4 v?Jyia t^t ^nvOiyis lirfiJiXhtJ On the other faaid
ho regarded the TarLais as not merely touching an angle of ik
square, but as washing at least a portion of the eastern side; ui
*"8cytfaia/' he sayfl, *' which is
square in flhapc, nnd bos two of its
side* (or parta) reaching down to the
softf extends inland to the aamo dia.
tanoe that it reaches nlung the coast,
and is equal every way. For it is a
ten days' journey from the Ister to the
BorysUiones, and ten more from the
Boryethencs to the Pains Mnotis,
while tho distance from the coast in-
land to the conntry of the MelanchlEeni,
who dwell aboro Scythia. is a journey
of twenty days. . . . Tlius the two
sidtfs which run siraight inland (t&
^n rii is fi.ttr6ytuay ^porra) are 4000
furlongs (stadia) each, and the tranjt-
verae aides at right angU$ to theu (rh
iwucdpata) are of the same length.*'
This passage alone would appear to me
to settle the controversy. Tho ipOict
rk is fiteAyaiajt ^iporra most bo parallel
Bidos, not, as in Nicbulir's ploUj sidos
at right angles to ctdu anothor.
B The actnnl distance of a straight
line from tho most northern mouth of
tho Danube to thn nmbouchore of the
Tanais is about 40 miles more.
7 Ch. 4i^. Yet the Danube separated
between Scytlua and Thmoe because
in this place the square was paitiai-
larly irregnlar. there being a projeeua
from it oonsisCiug of the coaBlT7 b*-
tweon tho Black Sea and the Osif^
thian chain, the modem pnTiaos if
Wallachia. The genexml comw of ll«
Dannbo was rightly appr«iiend«d tif
Herodotas, and its tributaries ip Is
Belgrade were known with so <^
pronch to accuracy. Above &. It^nd*
bis knowledge was less exactr Htceo*
foondcd the Marosch (Haris) with Ae
Tbeias, and the two great streams Aw-
ing in from the aonth sideof theDmiA*
at about the same point, of whiefa bi
had beard from tho inhabitants of tlit
lower part of the river, and which «<R
really the Drai'S and tiie £ave, he oob-
founded with the two Alpine itiosw*
of which ho had heard the UmbriiBl
of ^^orthem Italy disooorse as florae
into tho Dannbe &am the oounlry Jut
beyond their borders. These wewlfc*
Saiga and the Inn, or possibly the IstM
stream and tho Ehine, which is iU
upper coarse has nearly the ssoie
diroction as tho Inn. and would 6e>v
into the Danube if it did not males •
right angle at the Lake of Conitance,
BsaAT ni EXTENT OF HIS PERSONAL OBSERVATIOX.
BO Rcparatinj^ tlio Royal Scytliians from tho Sauromatnct.* His notion
ia fairly expressed by Hoeren nearly in these words: — *'The bonnd-
arios which Hcrodotos assigns to Scythia aro as follows: on the
Roath, the coast of tho Black Sea, from tho month of the Dannbe to
the PuluH l^Ioeotia; on the east, tho Don or Tanais to its rise out of
lake Ivan (?) ; on tho north, a lino drawn from this lake to that
tt of which the Tyras or Dnicstr flows ; and on the west, a line
thcnco to tho Dannbe." ^ Thns Scythia comprised tho modern
remmenteof Kheraon, Poltawa, Ekaterinoslav, Khnrkov, Koursk,
Don Cossacks, Voronez, Riazan, Orlov, Tnla, Mogilev, Tcherni-
>T, ATinsk, Volhynia (part), Kiev, and Podolsk, together with the
Inccs of Bessarabia, Moldavia, and Wallachia ; and consisted of
two great basins of the Don and Dniepr, the minor baerins of
Dniestr and the Bong, and the northern half of the basin of the
>wcr Dftnnbe from Orsova to the sea.
d. Of this region Herodotus personally knew bnfc little. Ho had
lethe coast voyage from the Straits of Constantinople to the town
Olbia, sitnatcd on the right bank of the Hypanis (lioufj)^ near
point at which that nvcr falls into the eea. Ho had likewise
letrated into the interior as far aa Exampajus, four days* jonmey
up tho conrsc of the same stream; but it does not appear that be
had ever crossed the Borysthenes (Dniepr^^ nor that he had any per-
aoxial acquaintance with tho country uist oi that rivor. Uo regarded
the Tanric Chersonese, not as a peninsula, but as a great promontory
:e Attica or lapygia, and was unaware of the existence of tho
i6 More, or Putrid Sea. Uc imagined the Pains MaK)tis to be a
not very much smaller than tho Euxino, and thought the Tanais
(Dun) ran into it with a south course. Ho had also notions with
respect to tho rivers east of tlie Borysthenes which it is very diffi-
cnlt to reconcile with existing geographical facts. SiilL his descrip-
tion of tho g^eral features of tho region is remarkably accurate,
and might almost pass for an account of tho same country at tho
present day. A recent traveller,^ whose jonme}'8 took him pretty
nearly over the entire extent of Horodotus's Scythia, notices the
following particulars as among those which most strike a person on
tmrersing the region : —
m
■ Herod. IT. ohs. 20, 21.
AAiatic Natiotia," Tol. ii. p. 2G7i
. E. T.
> Th« Bev. W. ralmer, wbo«e obsar.
Tatiooa, made upon the spot, hare beeu
kindly oouimtuiicatcd tu ma by hia
brother, tho Kor. £. Fabuer, Fellow
of B&UioI.
206 BIS GENERAL COBBECTN£Sa AfP.Boo&ir.
" First, the size of tlie rirers and their abnndanco in good £4
(Cf. Herod, iv. 53.) Secondly, the general flatness of the connta;.
Thirdly, the total absence of wood over the southern part of Her>
dotns's square ; while, as one gets beyond it, or near its hacden,
there is wood. Fourthly, that the bare country, or steppes, up tk
Bowf (Hypanis) and the Dniepr (Borysthenes) is still a com-growiiij
country, and the parts to the east of these still abound rather ii
cattle, so corresponding with the situation of the agricnltnn] ml
nomade Scythians of Herodotus's time. Fifthly, that the abrmduei
of light carts moving in all directions, wiUi or without tncb,
reminds one of Hcrodotus^s observation that the nature of ik
country made the tribes inhabiting it what they were."
7. We seem to see iu Hcrodotas a remarkable knowledge d
leading geographical facts, combined, either really or apparently,
with mistakes as to minutiae. Niebuhr^ observed long ago npontle
superiority of our author to later geographers in his impUed deniil
of that Rhipwan mountain-chain supposed generally to tonni
Scythia upon the north ; and further noticed his acquaintance (infi*
catcd by what he says of the sources of the Hypanis) with the greit
marshy district of Volhynia. The writer to whom reference «>
made above, adds other similar points : —
" Wliat Herodotus says of the Don rising in a vast lake seems
to show that there were rumours in the south of the existence and
size of the great lakes of North Russia, out of the largest of whidi
(the Onega) the Volga, not the Don, does in fact rise. So Herodotni
know that the Caspian was an inland sea, which later writers di3
not ; ho knew, which they did not either, that the bare plains of the
nomade Scythians did not extend to the ocean, but that northrtrfi
beyond them tho country became woody ; that in one part of this
further country tho people * became wolves * for some days annnADy.
that is, wore wolf-skins iu winter (as they do still), there being no
wood to shelter wolves, and consequently few wolves to furnish
skins in the south ; that in another part there were people who lived
by hunting in a woody country ; tliat going to the north-east, aboTC
the royal Scythians and across the Don, one arrived after a time it
tho roots of high and rugged mountains, namely, of the Ural range
(which was also unknown to later writers) ; he knew also that from
the Ural Mountains it was that the gold came which so abounded in
^ See hia " Researches into tho History of the Scythians, Gets, 4c.," p. 42, B.T.
•HIUi -
"Tl
EwatUI
POSSIBLE CHANGES SHfCE HIS TIME.
207
Sty tlia, vrh\\e iron and silver were wanting. "With regard to the
P»«"ts more to the north, he rightly understood the fignre of the air
being full of feathers to mean that there was more and more snow
MOne went northwards, and that it lay longer^ till one conld go no
furt-hiT fur the want of people and means of subsistence. He speaks
of people who slept (i.e. Uved in-doors in comparative darkness)
Inlf tlie year (whicli is not the some as if ho had said that the night
Iwted half the year, as it does nearer the pole). He had heard not
oaly of the great lakes in the north, but of the ocean being beyond
»I1- His remarks on the climate, especially concerning the abund-
MOo of rain and thunder in summer, and the extreme rareness of
both in winter, contrary to what one is used to in the Levant, and
Mf'Uti concerning the extreme rareness of earthquakes, are such as
ttill strike people who go to the north."
8. This general accuracy inclines one to suspect that possibly
woear Herodotus appears to be in error, he may have given a true
account of the skate of things in his own day, which account is now
Inapplicable in consequence of changes that have occurred since hia
t«ae. Professor Pallas ' wns among the first to conjecture that vast
alterations in the levels of the countries about the Black Sea and
Paliu Mieotis have taken place in comparatively recent times. Sir
^ ACnrchiaon, in his ' Geology of Russia,' expresses himself as of
^® same opinion.* It is possible that the Putrid Sea has been
wnxied by a late depression of the land, and that the Kosa Arahat-
**>*»<a marks the line of the ancient coast. The Taurida would then
"*^o deserved to be called a promontory (ttm), and not a peninsula
Oc*i^A^iiwr). The courses of the rivers from the Borysthcnes
^r***P') ^ *^^ ^^^ ™*J have been completely altered, many {ns
**^ l^nticapes, H)rpncyris, and Gerrhus) having been dried np, and
^'***^i» (as the Donetz and the Dniepr itself) having formed tbem-
•^^CB new beds. The Palua ^fsotis may have had its limits greatly
*****tracted, partly by the deposits of the rivers, partly by an elevation
o^ tfce countriefl along the line of the Manitch ; and may have been in
lOttner times not so very unworthy of being compared for sizo with
W^^ Eoxine.^ On the other hand, it must not be forgotten that the
V^^toml observation of Herodotus did not extend beyond thoBorys-
theoM ; ftnd that it is exactly in the parts of Scy thia which ho had not
•"TrnveU," vol. i. pp. 78.R7, and
3(tt.307. Seo pp. 573-575.
' Hatodotu extends the Folag to a
^if^tnmT of three days* jaorocy eaafc of
the TanaU (ch. IIG), which would make
it cover a good deal of tbo coonlry
BQpposed hf P«llu to bare been
formerly submerged.
208 IDENTIFICATIONS OF BITERS AND PLACES. Afp.BooiIV.
visited tliat liia descriptions cease to be applicable to the existing con-
dition of things. This circumstance f avoTirs the notion that the dw
gcnee of his descriptions from fact arose from insufficient infonnitioB.
9. With respect to the identification of the several rivers ud
places mentioned by Herodotus, it may be considered as ahaolutdy
certain that the Ister is the Dajiuhe, the Porata the PnrfA,the TyiM
the Dniestr (=Dana8-Tyr), the Hypanis the Boug, the BorjstlieiMi
the Bnicpr (=Dana-Bor), and the Tanais the Bon, The otherma
of Scythia — the Gerrhus, the Panticapes, the Hypacyris, the Lye^
the Hyrgis or Syrgis, and the Oarus — cannot so readily bedet»
mined. Wc may be certain, however, that the Gerrhus was not ih
Moloshnia Vodi^ as Renncll supposes (Geography, p. 71), since it Id
into the Euxinc near Carcinitis ; and that the Panticapes was notliv
the Desna, nor the Psol,^ since it joined the Boiysthenes atiiscB'
bouchurc. The little stream which enters the sea by KalaniM
would seem to represent either the Gerrhus or the Hypacym. Th
Boiietz may be the Syrgis. The Oarus is perhaps the VoJ^a. Tb«
is, however, the utmost uncertainty with respect to all identificatioH
cast of tlie Isthmus of Perchop.
Of places, Herodotus notices but few in Scythia. Ollua, at ti*
mouth of the Hypanis, is the only town mentioned by him. ItoA
is marked by rnins and mounds, and determined beyond a qneftioB
by coins and inscriptions. It lies on the right bank of therinr,
near its embouchure in the liman of the Dniepr, and is nowcilW
Stomogilj or " the Hundred Mounds." ^ Opposite is the promontoiy
called by Herodotus Cape Hippolaiis, where in his time was a temple
of Ceres. Further east is the Course of Achilles, tho Kosa Tenimiad
Kosa DjarUijafch of our maps. Thcsito of Carcinitis is occupied pro-
bably liy the modern town of Kalanichak. The Crimcaia Herodotos'i
Taurica ; the peninsula of Kertch his "rugged Chersonese." FnTther
inland we may identify Podolia as the country of the AlazonilMi
Transylvania as that of the Agathyrsi, whoso river Maris must be tiie
MaroBch ; Volhynia and Lithuania as the habitation of the Nenn;
part of Tambov as that of the Bndini and Geloni; and the steppe
between the Don and the Volga as that of the Sauromatce. The sitoi"
tions of the Tliyssagetse, lyrca;, Argippa?i, and Issedones, it is impoi-
sible to fix with any exactitude. The *Map of the Scythiaof Herodotus'
prefixed to this volume gives the probaUc position of these nations.
" Heeron'a A. Nat. ii. p. 2G2. ^ Vide Bnpra, note * on Book ir. di. SS*
( 209 )
NOTE A.
cm THE WOHDS THTSaiQKT^ Am) MASSAGET^fflL
Thb etymology of the names of these tribes is of Bomo interest in its
beAnng oa their ethnic classification. It has heon generally supposed
that the Octsp, whether compared with the Jdts of India or the GothB of
EnropOi mtxst be of the Arian stock, and Afaua for " groat " belongs to
tbo flune fomily of languages ; but it may be doubted if any of the Arian
dialecta furnish a correspondent for ThysiOj with the signification of
"amall" cnr *' lesser.*' That term seems to be Scythio. At any rate,
in pirxmitive Babylonian tAr or t^a (compare interchange of Svp and £vt)
bas two Bigniticationsi one *' a chief/' and the other " small " or 'Messer,
oad in each of these senses the term has been preserved to modem times.
Thtss, the Cuneiform Tur, used as the determinatiTO of rank, is to be
reoognixed in the Biblical Tartan, Tir$atha (for Turiun, TurMitfia), in the
Chaldee TurgiSf " a general," and in the modem Lnr TiUhm^l \\^ ■& ^
^enian Kftkhrtla) " cliief of the house," the ordinary title of the *' white
bcKrds " of the mountain tribes ; while Tur for ** lesser," which in Cunei-
form is used OS the standard monogram fur " a son/* and which is
tzmialatdd in Assyrian by Zikhir (Beb. "i^^, Arab.^jJ^) is still found in
the title of rin-fcAan given to the ** Heir Apparent " or " Crown Prince "
by tBo ITzbega of Khiva.
MoMa also for " greater," although closely resembling the Zend maz
(for Sanscrit ma'ha), which was actually in use in Persia within modem
tinkes (as in \j{^f^^ Mas-magh^, " Chief of the Jfagi/' the title of the
Idi^ of Mazunderan at the time of the Arab conqxiost), may perhaps
with equal reason be compared with the Babylonian Scythic term ma*
OT ffui, which signified *' much " or " many " (Assyrian madut), and the
nooogram for which was thus ordinarily used as the sign of the plural
namber (compare the ScytMo name UapOaftatnrarrf*, " chief of the
Fmrthians "). To illustrate the connection of madut, " much/' with mi*,
''gwftter," we may compare " multus" and " magis."— [H. C. E.]
t
THE FIFTH BOOK
or
HISTORY OF HERODOTUS.
ENTITLBD TERPSICHORE.
1. The Persians left behind by King Daxins in Europe, lii^
bad Megabazus for their general/ reduced, before anyofttf
Hellespontine state, the people of Perinthus,* who had «
mind to become snbjects of the king. Now the Penntbiitf
had ero this been roughly handled by another nato, fl*
PflBonians,* For the Pfflonians from about the Strymon**
once bidden by an oracle to make war upon the Perinthiitt
and if these latter, when the camps faced one another, ebil'
lenged them by name to fight, then to venture on a liitfc
but if otherwise, not to make the hazard. The Vaaa^
followed the advice. Now the men of Perinthus dreworf**
meet them in the skirts of their city; and a threefold kd^
combat was fought on challenge given. Man to maiif ^
horse to horse, and dog to dog, was the strife waged; andfl*
Perinthians, winners of two combats out of the three, in th*
joy had raised the proan; when the Pffionians, struck l>y4>
thought that this was what the oracle had meant, passed tbt
word one to another, saying, ** Now of a surety has the on*
' Vide fliipra, iv. 143.
• Perinthua, called afterwards He-
raclea (Ptolcm. iii. 11), is the modern
Ereklit a place of eodio conRoqnence on
the sea of Marmora (lat. 41°, long. 28**
nearly). Soylar mentions it (p. 68),
It was a Samian colony (IW- ^
56; Seym. Ch. L 712.) ^
* Concerning the T»aaJV»tJ^
infra, ch. 13, note", ftnd oh. I^ *"!
It is surprising to find tl»»*j52»
penetrated bo fax «ut u FatiaH*
I*!-*. THE THRACIAKS.
n fulfilled for us ; now our \7ork begins/' Then the
niana set ui>on the Periuthians in the midst of their pffiau,
^ defeated them utterly, leaving but few of them aUve,
S. Such waa the affair of the Pcconians, which happened a
g time previously. At this time the Perinthians, after a
ve straggle for freedom, were overcome by numbers, and
Ided to Megabazus and his Persians. After PerinthuB had
brought under Megabazus led his host through Thrace,
BO.t>duing to the dominion of the king all the towns and all the
''^^'tjons of those parts.* For the king's command to Mm was,
^^t he should conquer Thrace.
S, The Thracians are the most powerful people in the world,
**-<sept, of course, the Indians ; * and if they had one head, or
w^»e agreed among themselves, it is my belief that their
''^^•^fctch could not be found anywhere, and that they would very
»*^ surpass all other nations.* But such union is impossible
tliem, and there ore no means of ever bringing it about.
erein therefore consists their weakness. The Thracians
many names in the difTerent regions of their country,'
' Tliis mnsi be nnderitood with tbe
kMippHcd At tho end of oh. 10.
of Mr^cnbosns were oan-
tmcts along tbe coast.
* Alluding to what ba bad said bo-
iBk. in. ch. 94),
rdidtra makM almost the nruno
;of the Scythians (ii. 97). Tbero
cnrioiu paralleliim between hU
tjLxin— iona and thoee of Herodotna.
* Str?''" ■■' ■' '^st the Thracians con*
•i^ea . lit trihos (ri). Fr. 46),
■ad nn - 'imemted them, but
tlxJa f«rt of his work is lost. Uerodotas
iumaclf namea 18 tribes ; the Bessi (viL
11), il:#bttu [via. 116), Bistonea (viL
Hrrei {ri. 4fi), Cicnncs (vii. 110),
' (ir. 49), Dcraaji (vii, 110),
(ti. 34), Kdoni (vii. 110), Getee
If, Nipaici (ibid.), Odomauti (riL
OdM »&} (iv. 93|. PsDli (ib.), Sapeei
.110), Stktne {ibid.), ScyrmiadflB (ir.
and Tmusi (r. 3). The fraiErmpiita
Hcctttwaa nappljlS or 13, of which
\j two — the Satne and the CrobjEl
mentioned bj Herodotos. Tho
reniaindur are tho Uatitii, D&nn,I)at7>
Icpti, Dci*ili, DiBorte, Entnbro, Batro*
ceutjc, Sindciiwi, Trieplee, and Trisi.
Of theae the Darsii m&y bo Herodotuii'6
Domei, bat the remnindor are olearlj
neir names. Tbncydidns add a tho Di'i
(= Dal or Daoi)» tho Trcres, and tho
Titatu5i (ii. Oil); Strabo. tho BraDse,
Corpili, Mird), Meesi or Myai, Sinti.and
Triballi. Pliny aagmeatfi the list by
abore 20 more oaiues : the A<>rsi, Bonio,
Bottini, BrjBiD, CsBnici, CarbilcBi, C&r-
biletsD, ClAriGe, Coelets, Denailetee,
Dig«ri, Biobeasi, Drngeri, Elothi, Gaa>
da», HypiiaUa>, Muriseoi, Priiinlaj, Pjiu-
gori, SoUeta>, Sithonii, and Thyni {H.
N. ir. 11). Hd also notic<?!t that the
tribes were occasionally inbdiWded, as
that of the Beasi, which included undci-
it a number of names. His list nn.
doobtodly contains ropctitlona, oe Cor-
bilofli, Ohrbiletfo — Digeri, Drogori —
and the Thraciun character of some of
hia triboa (c g. tbe Bottiioi) may be
I
212
THIUCIA5 CCSTOMa
BoaT,
but all of them have like usages in every respect, ciceptaig
only the Getae," tho Trauai,* and those who dwell above the
people of Greaton.*
4, Now the manners and customs of the Gets, who beliew
in their immortality, I have already spoken of.* The Trans
in aU else resemble the other Thracians, but have easterns tt
births and deaths which 1 will now describe. Wlien a child is
bom all its kindred sit round about it in a circle and weep far
the woes it will have to undergo now that it is come into tiw
world, making mention of every ill that falls to the lol rf
humankind ; when, on the other hand, a man has died, they
bury him with laughter and rejoicings, and say that now he
is free from a host of sufTerings, and enjoys the complflteGl
happiness-
5. The Thracians who live above the Crestonmans obserw
the following customs. Each man among them has semtl
wives ; ■ and no sooner does a man die than a sharp conits*
ensues among the wives upon the question, which of theia all
qaestioned : bnt aftor makini? allow-
ftnoes ou tbeao gioiindfi, wr nhall 6nd
that the number of Thmcian tribos
kQowatoai(eKcced8fi.fty! Of these the
most important in the earlier times
were the Gettc, the Treren, the Odrysae,
the Triballi, aiid the Udomnnti, while
the Daci and the Unei obtained ulti-
mately the prepoDderanoe.
With repnrd tothemilitarrstreng'th
of the Thmcians, it maj bo obBcrved,
that Sit&lces, kinjjj of the Odrysae, who
hod A Tery widely extended inflacDco
over the varioos tribes, invaded Mace-
donia in the year n.c. 429, ait^e head
of 150,000 men, of whom wAo were
caralry (Thncyd, ii. 98). But ma army
was in part composed of Pfonnianii.
8trabo eBtiinateH the military strength
of the nation in his own times at
215,000 men — 15,000 horse, and
200,000 foot (rii. Fr. 48). The want
of onion, nf which Eerodotns speaks,
ooDtinaed; and was a ■onrco of en-
during weakness.
* Concerning the G«tas, Tide nipm,
Bk. ir. eh. 93.
•ysami*
» The Traaai oconr in Ufy •• •
Thracinn people <"evna el ipA TiA-
cnm," 39. 41.) Nicholas of DuOT**
jvpMkts oonceminj^ them the it>*V^
Herodotus (Fr. 119). Stephen of J?"
Kautiani eonfonnds them with thii A|^
thyrsi (Stepb. ad voc). They
to bo mentioned by any other
writer. Bihr connects their
the rircr Traros {TpaOos) mesi
the seventh Book (ch. 109), wticft if*
pears to be the modem KaraUk. lEhi^
would place them in the noc* ^
Df$poto Da^ht between the SUh
S6th degrees of lon^tnde.
' Concerning Creston, vida
i.B7.
■Supra. ir. 94.
• Three or four oommonl
ing to Heraclidcs Poiiticus,
times as many aa 80! Thetr
aa is usually the case where
prcraiU, was harsh and degrsdisf
xxviii.). Arrian ascribed the ia<
tion of polygamy among the
to a king, boloochus (Fr. 37)
polj
Ciur. »-r.
TORACIAN aOD&
213
the hnsband loved most tenderly ; the friends of each eagerly
plead on her behiilf, and she to whom the honour is adjudged,
after receiving the praises both of men and women, is slain
over the grave by the hand of her next of kin, and then buried
^th her husband.* The others are sorely grieved, for nothing
u considered such a disgrace.
6, The Thracians who do not belong to these tribes have the
cUBtoms which follow. They sell their children to traders.*
On their maidens they keep no watch, but leave them alto-
eether free, while on the conduct of their wives they keep a
ffiost strict watch. Brides are purchased of their parents for
iijrge sums of money.** Tatooing among them marks noble
tiarth,' and the want of it low birth. To be idle is accounted
*^« most honourable thing, and to be a tiller of the ground
*-^^ most dishonourable. To Hve by war and plunder is of all
**^*^Aig8 the most glorious. These are the most remarkable of
**=*-^r customs.
7. The gods which they w^orship are but three, Mars.
"^^^^cchus, and Dian.* Their kings, however, unlike the rest
^ ^* SU^ibra of BTWintiom RiToa thin aa
ft_ ^^pecial costom o£ the Qetto (m voc
^ 'i). It is scarcely neoeaeary to com-
with it the sutteeUm of theTTin-
^^ — ^«k BcLiof in ft liappy future Etate ia
^^^■*^=arlv the yervadin^ principle of almosb
^^^1 llu'wc Thraci&a caatotos. 8)t.iiee haa
^^^>M prmctutvd by rarioiu ofttioxia. lb
^^kuud MDong tbo Tootoiu (Vol. Max.
^S. li, Ibe Wend* (8. Booifnc. Kp, ftd
^iiwIbiM.), aod the Uciuli (Procop.
^. Goth. ii. l-i),as vrcll (istbo Indiatiu.
Vlt WHS also an aaciest Slaromau and
Scandinavian coiUtra. — G. W.]
* (At tbo Oirooeaiaas now do for tbo
"foreign" market.— a. W.] Henco
Oetft taud Dans (AaF«0 came to be tbo
COttiinoaert oaoiea far Blares at Atheus
(see the eomedipa of Tefence, which
W0n adaptations of Uenandcr, and
eomp. Schol. ad Arist. Acbom, 1^1).
* HeracUdea Ponticns related tho
aame(Pr. zxviii.), and noted tliikt nbuu
* wife tbooght bcrfealf Ul-trcated, tho
paraota miffbt toko her back, oa »■
ianiiiiflr tbo anm paid for ber. Tbla
practice is common in the East.
' Compare Clearcb. Sol. Fr. 8.
• War, drinking, and the oliace — the
principal dclight« of a nation in the
conilition of the Thracians — had, it
would Bcem, their reapei'LiTo deities,
which the Greeka idi'Dtilied 'with their
Arcs, DionysDR, and Artemis. The
D&mefl of the Tbracinn 31ara and Bao-
cbua are onoeriain, but their Diatia is
known to have been called Bend is
(Hesych. ad too. ; Bohol. ad Plat. p.
143, ed. Rahnk.). Her worship spread
to Attica in tho time of Socratoa
(Plat. Kep. i. § 1), vrhere the ftuitivi
of tho Bcndideia was celebrated with
much pomp in tho uoig:bbourbix>d
the Pineua. Its chief cbaracteriatio
was tho Xafiwaiij^op'.a, or toroh-raoe.
There wuK a temple to BcndiRtu Mony.
chia, which adjoined on tho Plraiua
(Xen. HflL ii. 4. § 11).
Other deities are known to have been
worshipped at least by some of tho
C9
214
THBACIAK FUNEHAL RITES.
BoaT.
Thrftcian tribps, 9. g. Cotys (JEsohyU
Fr. XTiii. 1), Znmolxii (Hopra, ir. 9G),
tbe Cabtri (supra, ii. 61), Ajo. Hero*
dotnfl mant be supposed to soean that
those wcro tho oqIj goda TrorBbipped
by the wholi! natiun.
•Mercury wm, nccordinpjtoTacitDS,
tho (i^ud principally wurahippecl by the
Germiuu (Uormau. &), and according
to Oniar (de H. G. ri.) by the Gauln.
Some mythic inventor of tho tuefol
arts ia probably intended.
* Jacob Grimm haa ehoim that ore-
matioa was tho mode in which tho
Indo-CDrupoan ualiona most OHually
diapoaed of their deAd (Ucbcr daa Ver-
brenitea dcr Loiohonj Berlin, 1650).
It was practised by tho Ganla and
Celtic racea gBncniUy (Ctea. B. G. ri.
19; Pomp. Molii, iii. 2)» the Germana
(Tacit. Gorm. 27), tho Homli (Procop.
B. Goth. ii. 14), tho Scandinavian
nationa, tho Litbuoniana, tbe Slavca,
and the Indiana, aa iroU oa by the
Grceka and tho Romans. {See, boaidoa
Grimm'a £HBay,an intoreatin^ paper
in the Arcluuologia, vol. zxxrii. by
Mr. Wylie.)
' Tho ethnio character of the Thra*
ciana ia a anbjoot of ninch interest. It
ia nob improbable that tribca of voriona
(iri^fiu were inclnilod rmder the name.
If tho word epiji be, as commonly enp-
poNcd (Mare's Lit, of Greece, i. p. 153),
cumnpclf.'d with Tpaxl** and TpTixi/i, it
wonh] Ktgnify nothing more than*' a
uuuulaUecr," and would thoa not be
I expressive of race. UTotUnsi
ia to be galheml &om tbe
here assigned to the Thracianj; uit»
decide Ibeuthmo family to wbidi tltff
belong, wo moat avail oorae^vaa of tit
light thrown npon the eobject bynbr
qaent history aa well u by com{^ntiiT
philology. Now it ia almeat c«lU*
that the Getw — ono of tlie priori^
Tbracian tribes, acconliDg ki
dotns — are tbe Got hi or GoUfOtfi
the Romans, who ore the old
Guthai or Outhant, and our (?arA«j
Grimm'a Geaclucbte der Dc
Sprache, vol. i pp. 178-18^4). Tfcti
name anpcrseded the other m tk$ \
country, and tbore are not
ancient writera wb" ^'*Mro^viv vMittfr
the two forms [1 IJi:'
Eccl. ii. 5; Enti<-'< . , J. *r:.
Grimm baa abowu ib»i Ui« dlt^fl
from r/mr to Oatk ia acconlinc to Ut
analogy of the Teulooic and"Gf«e*
Boman forma of flpt>*>cb: inatxadof
vach worda as dtn ■-. -. .i.« •
/rater ="bTAthur.'
ia left to OB of tiie i: _: 7 -^ '
but ono or two atriking aoalngiei »
the Teutonio may be pointed oat. n*
$pia, for instance, whiob ia m> coibmw
an ending of tho itamira of Titnuaaa
towns («. g, Ueeembria, Sttljiate^
Poltyombria. ho.), U «aid by Sudbo
(viu p. 4G2) and Stephen («d toa. M*-
<ntfi$pla to aiguifr a "city** (v^AisV.
Compare tbe Anglo-Saxon boraa^^aad
especially ita tu»e aa a termiDatioc to
of the citizens, ■worship Morcury* more than any other gol.
alwa^'S swearing by his name, and declaring that they u^M
themselyes sprang from him. ^|
8. Their -wealthy ones are huried in the following fafihionT^
The body is laid out for three days ; and daring this tinM
they kill victims of all kinds, and feast upon them, after firet
bewailing the departed. Then they either bam the body'
else bury it in the ground. Lastly, they raise a momid
the grave, and hold games of all sorts, wherein the
combat is awarded the Highest prize. Such is the mod«
burial among the Thracians.*
TH£ 610TNN£.
215
9. As'regards the region lying north of this country no one
can say with any certainty what men inhabit it. It appears
that you no sooner cross the Ister than you enter on an
interminable wilderness.' The only people of whom I can
bear as dwelling beyond the Ister ore the race named
Sigynnffi/ who wear, they say, a dress like the Medea, and
have horses which ore covered entii-ely with a coat of shaggy
hair, five fingers in length. They are a small breed, flat-
nosed, and nut strong enough to bear men on their backs ;
but when yoked to chariots^ they* are among the swiftest
known/ which is the reason why the people of that country
use chariots. Their borders reach down almost to the Eneti
upon the Adriatic Sea, and they call themselres colonists of
FMedes,'' but how they can be colonists of the Medea I for
part cannot imagine. Still nothing is impossible in the
ibe camei of towns, in snch naraea as
£dinbnrgli^ Pat^rborongh, GlnatoD-
Ac. Again, the namo of tho
rgt or Briges, a Thracian tribo
I. Ti. 45), jfl BAi'd by HeFj-clnns
Rgnify " frvumeii." Compare the
thic/mjr, Germnn /rpi. aud our free
It ifl not pretendod that tho^o analo^ca
an of mach weight ; but tlii-y point in
the sAme direction as the history, tend*
fni^ to ooimoct the Thraciana with the
Tniioiiio family.
Th^rv a same little oonfirroBtion of
this riisw to bo gathered from the
Thr:ic(nn customs. A good many
pointB of rcecinblance may be tmced
between the German caitDtns described
by Tacit Qd, and tboao nnsi^ed by He.
rodotoa to tho Thraoians. Cominon to
the ttro people are — 1. the special
worahip of Morcory and Mara (Ta^iit.
Gemu 9) ; 2. tho ountouipt of agriuul-
delight in war (ibid. 14);
tty of married life (ibid. 10) ;
9 of wives (ib. 18) ; &. the
practice of boming the bodies of tho
(ib. 27) ; and 6. the practice of
\ng graren with monudft (ibid.).
% those pccoliarities which Ho-
relatea of tho Geite (i**. yi.9(i)
Trauftii bearing upon the givat
myBteriee of life and death, are in
harmony with the goncml character-
istics of tho "ead" Teutonic laoe,
which luia alwaye leant towards the
aptrituAl, and donpiaod tbia life in
comparison with tho next.
* Hunjfary and Aastria seem to be
the countries intended in this deeorip-
tion. Dense forests and vast morasses
would in the early tlmpahave rendered
them scarcely habitable,
*The Si^ynnso of Europe are nn.
known to later hietoriana and geogra-
phers. ApoUunius Ehodius introduces
them into his poem as dwellers upon
the Eiixina (iv. 320), and his echoUaat
calls them i0fos 2irt/9iK^p. Curiously
enough, Strabo, whoso Sigynni (or
Siirinui) are in Aaia near the C>aspian,
tulls tho same story, as Ilerudoloa, of
their ponies (xi. p. 767).
* It has been sn^ostod that AogB
used in the manner practised by the
Esquimaux were the ori^^iQ of this de-
scription ; bub I Hbuuld rathiT under-
stand ponies, lilce the Shetland.
* Perhaps tho Sig^ynnio retained a
better recollection than other £uroi>eaa
triljcs of their migrations westward^
and Ariaa origin.
2X6
DAEIUS REWABDS HISTLEUS.
Book V.
long lapse of ages.' Sigynnffi is the name -wliiob the Ligu-
rians" who dwell above Massilia" give to traders, while among
the Cyprians the word means spears.*
10. According to the account which the Thracians give, the
country beyond the Ister is possessed by bees, on account of
which it is impossible to penetrate farther.* But in this they
seem to me to say what has no likelihood ; for it is certain
that those creatures are very impatient of cold. I rather
beheve that it is on account of the cold that the regions which
lie under the Bear are without inhabitauts. Such then are
the accounts given of this country, the sea-coast whereof
Megabazus was now employed in subjecting to the Persians.
11. Eing Darius had no sooner crossed the Hellespont and
reached Sardis, than he bethought himself of the good de^-d of
Histiffius the Milesian,^ and the good counsel of the Mytileuean
Goes.^ He therefore sent for both of them to Sardis, and bade
them each crave a boon at his hands. Now Histiteus, as he
was already king of Miletus, did not make request for any
government besides, but asked Darius to give him M}Tcinus '
' HerodotDBh&gTaDgezioticnuof the
groat antiqaity of tbu world aud of
maDkiiid. Thoogli in general he ouly
profeHscd to carry hi&tory back for
Home eight or ten coatnries, yot ho felt
CO objection to receiving the Egyptian
exaggeration , whereby Menee was
referred to B.C. 12,CN30. In one place
(iLll) ha specolatea on tbo world buing
20,000 years old.
* Niebnhr haa collected tnpi^tlipr
(Hiflt. of Borne, vol. i. pp. 1G3-1GG;
compare Prichard, Phya.Hijjt. of Man-
kind, iu. ch. 3, § 2, and the Gxct>ll<>nt
articlo ia Smith's Googr.Dict.) all that
is known of the Ligurians. They once
cxtonded along the coast from Spain to
Etiiiria, and poascssed a lar^ portion
of Piedmont. They wore certainly not
Cetta ; and it is probable that chcy zuay
hare been an Illyiian race. The name
may perhaps bo connected with that of
the LibiiriiiauH on the Adriatic, of
which it accni!) to bo a mere rariant.
Koto that Libumnm, near the mouih
of the Amo. hna become Litfomo, and
with us Leghorn.
* Matifiilia, the modem Kar««iIlM,
appears to havB been founded by the
PhocaMHS aboat tbo year a.o. GOO.
(See Clinton's Fast. Hell. t<i1. i. p. 230.)
' ApoUoaitLB Rhodins uses the word
rtyvvot for a spear or dart (ii. 99J, a&d
aly^ oooors in this sense in the Ail.
thology (Anth. Pal. vi 176). Snidas
says that the Macedonians called
Bpoam by this name (sub. roc. tnyvnt).
The Scholiast on ApoU. Khod., like
Herodotns, regarda the term in this
sense as C'jpHaiu Uay we caonoot it
with the Hebrew -h:r? ?
' The iiinsquit<Hts, which infest ihm
valley of the DaaubCf seom to be hQK«
indicated.
* 8upra» ir. 137.
* Supi-a, ir. 97.
' The fute of Mynrinns camot bft
fixed with certfiinty. It was near the
Btrymon (infra, cb. 23} on the leftl
(Appion, Bell. Cir. ir. p. 1011), and i
II
I
^
CHir. 0-12:
PiEOXUN WOMAN BEFORE DASrca
217
of the Edonians," where he wished to build him ft citj. Such
was the choice that HistiieuR made. Goes, on the other hand,
as be was a mere burgher, and not a king, requested the
sovereignty of Mytilen^. Both alike obtained their requests,
and straightway betook themselves to the places which they
bod chosen.
12, It chanced in the meantime that King Darius saw a
it which determined him to bid Megabazus remove the
iPsBonians from their seats in Europe and transport them to
^JUia. There were two Poeonians, Pigrea and Mantyes, whose
ambition it was to obtain the sovereignty over their country-
ten. As soon therefore as ever Darius crossed into Asia,
1666 men came to Sardis, and brought with them their sister,
who was a tall and beautiful woman. Having bo done, they
kwaited till a day came when the kinj; sat in state in the
Buborb of the Lydians ; and then dressing their sister in the
richest gear they could, sent her to draw water for them.
|fibe bore a pitcher upon her head, and with one arm led a
lorse, while all the way as she went she span flax.' Now as
fibe passed by where the king was, Darius took notice of her;
for it was neither like the Persians nor the Lydians, nor any
of the dwellers in Asia, to do as she did. Darius accordingly
noted her, and ordered some of his guard to follow her steps,
watch to see what she would do with the horse. So the
BMtf tbe •««. StcpboD (ad voo.
Liv) believed it to have occa-
the lito of Amphipolis; bat it is
timt thii was not tho cneo j for
attacked AmphipoliH from
(oompare Herod, t. 126, with
Tliucjd. it. 102), and Hjrciniu oon.
tinuod to bo a town of some oonBO-
q<oeoc« after Amphipolig bod obtainod
iiM gntateit coctr-nt (Thacrd. ir. 107).
Oolocwl Leake places Myrcioas to tbe
9k09ih of Paiiflrwnni, anf^ (''»":/ nmr Am-
phipolid iTrarela iu NortiKun Ureeoe,
uL p. IS).
' The Edonians appear in liialoiy aa
m Terr ancient Tbroctan people (infra,
irii* lie ; Soph. Aui. 956 ; i^trab. x. p.
686 i ApoUod. iii. 5, § 1). Tbey wwin
to have dwelt origiufiJly in M^gdonin,
whoro thej were dialod^d by tho
Macedonians (Thnoyd. ii. 99). Tboy
poflscBsed at this time a amaU tract oast
of tbe Strymon, whcro tbey had tho
two cities Myrcinns and Knnea-Eodoi
(Nine-Ways). Afterwards DnbiBcua
{DhravM) is called theirs (Tbacyd. i.
iOO) ; but it is donbtfnl if they extended
so fir at this period.
^ Nicolas of Damascus told tbe same
story of a certain Thratian, who tbuti
exhibited bis wife to Alyattt$, king of
Lydta {Frapm. Hist. Grafte. ui. p. 413).
liie rejwti tion of sacb tales is a common
feature of ancient legendary history.
2l8
P^ONIAN WOMAN BEFOBE DABICSL
BookT.
spearmen went ; and the woman, when Bhe came to the rinr,
first watered the horse, and then filling the pitcher, came lad
the same way she had gone, with the pitcher of wat«r npn
her head, and the horse dragging npon her arm, vhile iIib
still kept twirling the spindle.
13. King Darius was full of wonder both at what tbejiAo
had watched the woman told him, and at what he had hind
seen. So he commanded that she should be brought bdx
liim. And the woman came ; and with her appeared hff
brothers, who had been watching everything a little vay (t
Then Darius asked them of what nation the woman vas; tfi
the young men replied that they were Pseonians, and she n
their sister. Darius rejoined by asking, " Who the Feoniol
were, and in what part of the world they lived? and, ftirth<i
what business had brought the young men to Sardis ? " Iba
the brothers told him they had come to pnt themselves nnis
his power, and Paeonia was a country upon the river Strymoii
and the Strymon was at no great distance from the Heliespoat
The PflDonians, they said, were colonists of the Teucriaos feci
Troy.® When they had thus answered his questions, Dadai
asked if all the women of their country worked so hard? T^
the brothers eagerly answered. Yes ; for this was the VX!
object with which the whole thing had been done.
14. So Darius wrote letters to Megabazus, the couunan^
whom he had left behind in Thrace,® and ordered bim to
remove the Poeonians from their own land, and bring thefl
® Ilorodotus, it mast bo remembered,
brought tho Teucrians with the ily-
Bians oat of Europe into Asia, at atimo
anterior to the Trojan war (vii. 20).
He probably therefore intends hero to
represent the TiDonians as an offuhoot
from tho Toucrians before they loft
their ancient abodes in Euiopo (cf.
Niebnhr, R. H. vol. i. p. CI).
To what ethnic family the Fsconians
really belonged is very nncertain. That
ihcy were neither Thracians nor lUy-
rians, wo may perhaps, with Niebuhr,
conaider to be "naqaoBtioiiable." But
can we Bay. with Mr. Grote(TOLiT>
111), that they were not UacedoBitfi|
They may have been a remnint olW
ancient Pelas^o race to which tfaeflnf
Macedonians likewise belonged(etS^
bnhr, 1. s. e. and Appendix to Bk i^
Essay i.) ; or they may ham bi« •
remnant of the primitiTe TniH^
population, which first spreid o^
Karopc. Thereare some oircDinittf^
which faTour this latter new ^
below, ch. 16, note").
> Supra, IT. 1-13 ; and r. 1.
CHAr. la-ia PJEONU HfVADED BY THE PEHSUNS.
219
into hifl presence, men, ^omen, and cliildren. And slraigbt-
way a horsi'iiinn took tlie message, and rode at apeed to the
Uellospont ; and, crossing it, gave the paper to Megabazus.
Then Megnhuzus^ as soon as he had read it, and procured
guides from Thrace, made war upon Pseoma.
15, Now when the P^onians heard that the Persians were
marching against them, they gathered themselves together,
and marched do^\^l to the sea-coast, since they thought the
Persians would endeavour to enter their country on that side.
Here then they stood in readiness to oppose the army of
Megaliazus. But the Persians, who knew that they had
collected, and were gone to keep guard at the pass near the
sea, got guides, and taking the inland route before the
pB?onians were aware, poured down upon their cities, from
which the men had all marched out ; and finding them empty,
easily got possession of them. Then the men, when they
heard that all their towns were taken, scattered this way and
that to their homes, and gave themHflves up to the Persians.
And 80 these tribes of the Paaonians, to wit, the Siropseonians,^
the Pajoplians,* and all the others as far as Lake Prasias,"
Were torn from tht-ir scats and led away into Asia.
16. They on the other hand who dwelt about Mount
Pangffium * and in the country of the Dobercs,* the Agria-
' The Siropvpzumif , or rtooninns cf
i«, mnst hflTo dwelt in the fertile
wLiL-h in still known Ofl " tbe
-1 ' ■ -^" (Clarke. )>.p.^Ol;
• T. iii. p. 201), lyinp
i-i M- , 1 ■ . aumfc" Uikc. They de-
ttinr Jiftme from their capiln.1 city
(Steph. hyz. ad too.), which is
tD«atioor(l by Hervdotos (viii.llfi),an(l
Ltrr <x1t. W ; the Seru or S^rra of
moaiTTXi fftfifirmphpn", now a tuwti vt
1A>,000 mltatttaotfl (LciJce, hi. pp. 19ti-
206).
' llic FKcpltans lire mentioned nfram
<viL 113) in connection with the Do-
tifaiw,«ii dwellin}; to the north of Mount
FKfif^rtitn. Thpy prohnbly octinpitd
m porticsi of tho pame pluin ivith the
Bkrt^moDmsu (Leake, iii. 212).
' Colonpl Loako's argnmeDtB (N. Qv,
iii. pp. 2!0.2rj) in proof that Lttk«
rraaioj* is not Lnko Bolbe {IJcMkia) bnt
tho Strymmiic Lake {Talhino) gecm
to mo completely Hatisfactonr. Tho
I'DPoiita of Ucn"JotD9 is entirely Vwl t^
^Tpvfiivt ToTo^^ (v. e. ch. 13, ftnd infra,
note to cb. 17).
* 1 ref^rd Mount Panjrcoum m the
mngc which rann pnrallel to the cooat
between tbo ralluy of the Anykitta
(Ang-itoa), or eoj^tem portion of the
plain of Serrpgj and tho high road from
Orfano to PrnvinttT, It is culled ia.
Bomo maps Punar Vajh.
* The Dob^roi dwt'lt on tho northern
akirtfl of Monnt Panf^muin (iufra, Wi.
113). Thuy can scarucly be the inha-
bitants of the PsDonion Dobenu man*
±2nL
-1-
ASZ ?Tivgri\
BookT.
iZ3.
1 ^-.
a.::r-r:
L "lie
C'linnazriazs.' and. tLer likewise ik
rxiiac. -v^r zc« *:n:ri£r€ti by Megabazo.
:.: sTZ-rti-isf ih^ rvt^IL^rs open the laie, lot
'-•:■: lis tcr:«:se- Tb=fr manner of liTii^isthe
::.l:T-l:ir, r.j.--:mi ?ir^t:rtcd ::ron tall piles stand in tlH
ziiiilc 'if "Jz-r liir. Triiiii jjr; arcroacLed &oza the land I71
riz-rL: z^LTTi'y 'criLrT.* it^ "ize nrst, the piles vhich bearif
lias. I ii'-'rrw v. ".:* w-iiiz-wirL
1:4: Irax*. :_..-.i:
4-rrw -r,:i *i,:i i p»;si-::i:- »-^7 -*-'=^
&Lt^r. Tz^
- --^--v--^ T
z. umnni. ziiLki'
lis 4"i~.:.Ti:':z. Xrr.a^. r-xt. A - i. o .
rr:.ed &;:<.-: lie n:*: :-7. nii-t r«:r-
f.-
wlih the Oc' rr-ict. -.f Ti^tt iices.who
far to tho B:r:h. 2.=.i r-.re.rer were
Thrac^ana /::. 1'>1> TL^j are nn-
d'',i."ct'.-'"il7 t:.t C'^. =-mt; c:' Livy -xIt.
4-. who fcT's'iriil'.r tr.cr'.acbed en the
h.rrr a:r,t.. fir.x, a.zA ■.*-c&n:e Ea'tvrs of
tholr ch:»rf city ("-^:ra3 terrx Odo-
inantlca: 'j. C-V-r-'-i Leak*> placos theai
en the n^.-r'-ri'irn si*" '.-r:'. c-f the mour.tain-
chain whir.-h cl'.-'.-a in tLe Strvmcnic
plain (pl»:n of Aerr'.i) apcQ ll:*.* lionh
find nortfa-i-ai't, the Mount Ortelua of
lIf,Tr.K]otu--. He o^?=rTVf:-s with respect
to thin caifipfti^'n of M<-cral.a2US —
" It was very nar ural that Mu^abazus
fihoulil huvo Kuhiiuc-'l the Sirt-paf-nes,
■who fK^rit'C.-Hcd the* in<it-t fertile and ox-
poflnd jiart of the Strymouic ]ilain,
wliilo th« Odoniaiiii, who wore sccuro
in a hi^'hcr Bituati(jn, and still more
thn AKvmiUit*, who dwelt at the eoorcca
of ilii' Ktryiiion, were able to avoid or
rrHiHt him, aw well an the Doberef, and
Ihcj other I'lrones of Mount ranpa»am,
and tho oiupUibiouu iuhabitanta of tho
Grwce. iii. p. 210.-
cne : cks ci&e Odcnanci of HcfoibM
c.wwls =3. Paasvoai. mc n OAtii^v
SpCOTS frCBL TXL 112,.
^ fiecens diacoTcrin m the Us'
central Eacpe, patcicttlulT Aoa i(
aw'T>r*^anf^, bat¥« eao¬d is fl>
=iccs remarkable war thii lAob ^
fcrlptum of HerDdmua. It ^fVB
tzas as an ancsent dac«,pnbdbljfllh
r:>:r to that cf the inmugrationaldl
CilzSf ULcre llred ca most of tbeielihi
a race, cr races, who formed for A^
ee'.Tes habitations almon eacchib
those which. Herodotas hert dooAl^
A: a short disiance from ths dA
n:wB cf wooden piles wne drinsU*
the Eiuidj' bottom, geaerallj' di^oH
in lines parallel to the bank, but DOttf
regular interrals, upon which then >*
be CO doabt that plat f onus wen plM*
and habiiaticna raised. WithintfaetfM
occupied by the piles, and orv thi
space immediately adjoining, an f(Mi"
at the bottom, often occnpying a d^
of sereral feet, objects of haaiu ii-
dnstry, consisting of rude potteijHi
Tarious implements in stone, bonCiUi
bronze. £rerything marks the td^
antiquity of these remains. Ths Y'^
tery is coarse in character and ih^prf
by tho hand ; it has scarcely 1 tncea
ornament. The implements in noa*
and bono indicate a nation in tbsnB^
primitive condition. The compkite»*
almost complete, absence of iren* i>
most significant, Also, it mnst be d^
served , that there is in most placaft
deposit of mad, the growth of onta-
ric:;, covering the remains, in the '■tek
of which thero are no implenmtSi
Bones of animab, whii^ had appaxantV
THEIR HANKEB OF LIVING,
221
the platforms were fixed in their places by the whole body of
the citizens, hut since that time the custom which has pre-
vailed about fixing them is this : — they are brought from a
hill called Orbelns," and every man drives in three for each
wife that he marries. Now the men have all many wives
apiece ; and this is the way in which they live. Each has
bis own hut, wherein he dwells, upon one of the platforms,
and each has also a trap-door giving access to the lake
b<?neath ; and their wont is to tie their baby children by the
foot with a string, to save them h'om rolHng into the water.
They feed their horses and their other beasts upon fish, which
abound in the lake to such a degree that a man has only to
open his trap-door and to let down a basket by a rope into
the water, and then to wait a very short time, when ho draws
tilled for foo*!, appear thrnnphout
th« whole strufcam of mud in which the
inptonHHits aro found. In ouo coae at
ICMi a r«iRCMnt of the bridge hna boon
disQOvartHf, by which the iubabitonts
ooaununicnted with the land. (Sec a
from M. Fred. Troyon to M. Pic*
in the BihUothique UniverMelle de
iTmitw, Mrti 1H.~.7 r.nd an elabomte
ariido in t- nnen tUr Antu
qua^»<hm • 'in Zurich, fij
IS&i, by Dr- KeiMmand Krllcr. Ci
pmnnUo IH4 Pfahlbau.AUerthiimer\
Jtao^t^tdorf im Kn^nton Bern, by
Talin and UMmami, publitthcc
Afttiquarieg s^m fnlly a^rerd
Umw we amuuji; the nHmt primiiire
femains in Eaixipc, bclcm^^f;; either to
tbaoariy Celtic, or perhapa more pro-
bably, to a prc>-C<*Uia period. It is a
maKmable conjecture thnt thej come
down to V3 from that FinniBh (Tara-
u&nl race, which (iw has been obderrod,
Tol. i. p. f>70, ncrto '} eocma to bavo
peopled tb« wbnte of Europe in pri.
iDoral timea. We may sofipect that
this people occapicd the lakes for
•acnrity at the time when the Celts
began to proM upon them ; bat that
ibey failed to mnintain thomselTeSf
■ad gradnally rieldrd and wero ab-
in the immi^raata. In some
pUces it is evident from the deposits
that the platforms wero finally de-
stroyed by fire (Lettre do M. Troyon,
p. 7), abundance of charred wood
being found above all tho rest of the
remains. jm
The ethnie character of thja^sonians
,tilwiiya appeared diffloait to deter.
\c. They lay interposed between
io niyriftna and tho Thractans, 071.
fcutly a diKtinct race from both, and
'much weaker than cither. Tho ac-
count of their phyaical qualities (sapra,
'ch. 12), if we conid depend upon
it, would mark them for Indo-Earo<
>canH. Bat it may now be saspeoted
"thikt they were in reality a Toranian
race^
A similar mode of life to that here
described by EerodotnSt and apporontly
ptnctieed by the early inhabitants of
Switsorland, is fonndamongthe Papons
of New Guinea (see the Histoirv of
Domont d'DrvilIe, torn. W. p. 607).
* The position of Orb&las is fixed
by the pawage of Arrian, where AIi^x-
onderiB said to hare bad Philippi
and Meant Orb^lns on hi§ U/t as ha
marched from Amphipolis towards the
NestDA (Ezped. Alex. i. 1). Strabo
seems to have extended tho name to
tho more c^jntral range of Scomioa
(vii. p. 478).
222
PERSIAN EMBASSY TO MACEDONIA.
Bo<ikT»
it up qnito full of them.^ The fish ore of two kinds, vhich
they call the paprax and the tilon.*
17. The Paoouians ^ therefore — at least Buch of them as had
been conquered — were led away into Asia. As for Megabazus,
he had no sooner brought the Pseonians under, than he sent
into Macedonia an embassy of Persians, choosing for the
porposd the seven men of most note in all the army after
himself. These persons were to go to Amyntas, and require
him to give earth and water to King Darius. Now there is
a very short cut from the lake Prasias across to Macedonia.
Quite close to the lake is the mine which yielded afterwards
a talent of silver a day to Alexander ; and from this mine you
{
' Tho follnwing description of the
haso-fiahingontho Wo]ga may Borvo to
tlluutrute thiB ]>asiiaagQ uf onr author :—
**Tho btiflo cuters the rivers to spawn
earlier than tlio Btorgeon, gonorolly
about mid-wintor, when thoj aro BtiU
covered with ice. At this time the
Datives construct dikes ooroH tho river
in certain parts, farmed with pilea,
leaving nu interval that the haeo can
pass throuf;h; in tho centra of the dike
is BD EiDgio opening to tho cnrrent,
which oODiiDquoutly iei an entering ouglu
to tho fi^h ascending tbo Btream; at
the Bumniit of this angle is an opening,
which leads into a kind of chamber
formed with cord or osior hardies, ao-
oording' to the aeaaon of the year.
Above the opening is a kind of scaffold,
and a little cabin, where the fifihormeu
can retire and warm themtelves or
repoae, when thoy aro not wanted
abroad, Ho sooner is the hnso entered
into the chamber, which is known by
the motion of the wulcr, than the
fishermen on tho scaffold let fall a
dooTt which prevents its rctnm to Bca-
ward; they then, by means of ropes
and pulleys, lift the moveablo bottom
of the chamber, and easily secnre the
fish." (Kirby'fl Bridgowatfir Troatioe,
vqL i. p. 108.)
' These names are nntmnftlatable.
No other ancient writer mcutiona tho
Faprax^ and only Arit^totle in a sinjjle
pMtugo tho Tilon, (HiBt. AuimaLviii
20, § 1 2.) At the prosont day the fish
prinoipaUy caaght in the lake are csrp.
tench, and eels. (Lenkc, iii. p. 198.)
* Pa»onin in ancient timc^appcmnto
liave consisted of two distinct tncts.
One, commencing at the sonrcos of the
Strymon* tho country of the Agri-
anians, extended dowu that river to the
great lake near its mouth, b«iiig
bounded to tbo east by tbo moanlAin
ridgo of Orb^'lns, and to the soutli bj
that of Fanga?um. On tho wcet it u
uot clear how far these Pwonianc ex-
tended, hub probably they bold both
banks of the Strymou from it« aoorofl
totheconmicnceinentof the StryiDome
lake. Tho other Pojonio territory was
nponthe Axius. It commencod at some
distance inland, and in its upper part
was a broadish tract, separatc^i by the
monntaiD'range of Cercin£ from the
ooantry of tho Mo^diand Sinti (Thocyd.
ii. 98)i which lay west and aooth-weat
of the Strymon ; bat lower down H
was confined to a very narrow Btrip
along the course of the river Ajtina to
tho Bco. C^'bac. ii. 09.) Thia latter
tract had been conquered by the
Macedonians before the commeuccK
ment of the Foloponne&tun war (ibid-X
but at what time is uncertain. The
upper Asian region oontiuaod l*iDonuui
till a much later date.
nerodotas seems to have known
only of the Strymonio Pojonia.
I
I
(
Ciu*. 16-18. AMTNTAS FEASTS THE AMBASSADORS.
22s
have only to cross the mountain called Dy86rum to find your-
Belf in the Macedonian territory,*
18, So the Persians sent upon this errand, \7hen they
reached the ooort, and 'were brought into the presence of
Amyntas, required him to give earth and water to King
Darius, And Amyntas not only gave them what they asked,
but also invited them to come and feast with him; after
vhich he made ready the board with great magnificence, and
entertained the Persians in right friendly fashion. Now
vhen the meal was over, and they were all set to the drink-
ing, the Persians said —
"Dear Macedonian, wo Persians have a custom when we
make a great feast to bring with us to the board our wives
and concubines, and make them sit beside us.^ Now then,
as thou hast received us so kindly, and feasted us so hand-
somely, and givest moreover earth and water to King Darius,
do also after our custom in this matter."
Then Amj-ntas answered — ** 0, Persians ! we have no such
custom as this ; but ^ith us men and women are kept apart.
Nevertheless, since you, w^bo are our lords, wish it, this also
shall be granted to you."
When Amyntas had thus spoken, ho bade some go and
fetch the women. And the women came at his call and took
* Djf4>raixi IB probably the mnimtain-
tsago between Lulce BolbS and Lnko
Pnicuu. Uerodotoi, in makiog this
WB^ thfi bound&rj botweon PsDOnia
»od Hscdduuia, ia thinking of tbo
Maoedonift of his own dar, which had
1»e«n extended by the oonqaesta of
PeKUcc«a axd others, to tho ncigh-
bcnobood of ibo Scrymon. (Sco Leako,
iii. p. 812.)
Tb* whole of thii rr*gicm ftbnnnda
wicb mixm (infm, fi. 23 and 46; vii.
\IZ; ThucTd. iv. 103; Appian, Doll.
CiT. It. p. iOll). Borne, aa thoBO of
9idktTokapta, are still worked. (Leake,
^Lp, 161.) SilTor is the ore chioflj
obtained. It msy^beregiLrdedaaacoD-
of the fltotexoont in the text,
ihafc eilrer coins (lotracIrachTng) of
Alexniider I. are found amon^ tbo
eari-iost speoimeafl in the Mocodooiaa
aeries.
' The ambassadors, if this portion of
thn tale bo tmo, Tnn»t hayo presumed
greatlj upon the Greek ignorance of
Persian customs. The sccluition of
the women was as mnoh practised
by the Persians as by any other
Chientalii. Tho message to Yashti
(EnLhcri. ll)isanactof royal wanton,
noss, and her refusal arises from her
uowillifig&ess to oatrage the estab-
linhed usages of society. (See Joseph.
Ant. Jutl. xi. f> ; and romporn on tbo
subject guueralW. Bi'i»t>titi, de Begn.
Pots. H, pp. 273-276, and Bahr ad loc)
224
MISCONDUCT OP THE PERSUNS.
Book V.
their seatB in a row over against the Persians. Then, ^vben
the Persians saw that the women "were fair and comely, they
spoke again toAmyntas and said, that 'what had heen done
was not wise; for it had been better for the women not to
have come at all, than to come in this way, and not sit by
their sides, but remain over against them, the torment of
their eyes,' So Amyntaa was forced to bid the women eit
Bide by side with the Persians. The women did as he
ordered; and then the Persians, who had drunk more than
they ought, began to put their hands on them, and one even
tried to give the woman next him a kiss.
19. King Amyntas saw, hut he kept silence, although
sorely grieved, for he greatly feared the power of the Persians.
Alexander, however, Amyntas' son, who was likewise theiFe
and witnessed the whole, being a young man and nnac-
quainted with suffering, could not any longer restrain himself-
He therefore, full of wrath, spake thus to Amyntas : — ** Dear
father, thou art old and sliouldest spare thyself. Rise up
from table and go take thy rest ; do not stay out the drink-
ing. I will remain with the guests and give them all that
is fitting."
Amyntas, who guessed that Alexander would play some
wild prank, made answer : — *'Dear son, thy words soxind to
me as those of one who is well lugh on fixe, and I perceive
thou scndost me away that thou mayest do some wild deed.
I beseech thee make no commotion about these men, lest thoa
bring us all to ruin, but bear to look cabnly on what they do.
For myself, I will o'en withdraw as thou biddest me."
20. AmjTitas, when he had thus besought his son, went
out ; and Alexander said to the Persians, " Look on these
ladies as your own, dear strangers, all or any of them— only
tell us your wishes. But now, as the evening wears, and I
see you have all had wino enough, let them, if you please,
retire, and when they have bathed they shall come back
again." To this the Persians agreed, and Alexander, having
got the women away, sent them off to the harem, and made
I
I
I
CbaF. 18-21.
THEIR DEATTI.
225
Toadj in their room an equal number of beardless youthfl,
whom bo drcsBcd in tbc garments of tlie women, and then,
arming them with daggers, brought them in to the Persians,
Baying as ho introduced them, " Methinks, dear Persians, that
your entertainment has fallen short in nothing. We have
Bet before you all that we had ourselves in store, and all that
wo conld anywhere find to give to you — and now, to crown
the whole, we make over to you our sisters and our mothers,
that you may perceive yourselves to be entirely honoured by
us, even as you dosorve to be — and also that you may take
back word to the king who sent you here, that there was onv
man, a Greek, the satraps of Macedonia, by whom you were
both feasted and lodged handsomely." So speaking, Alex-
er set by the side of each Persian one of those whom he
called Macedonian women, but who were in truth men.
And these men, when the Persians began to be rude.
despatched them with their daggers.^
21. 80 the ambassadors perished by tbis dcatb, both they
und also their followers. For the Persians had brought a
great train with them, carriages, and attendants, and baggage
of erery kind — all of which disappeared at tlio same time as
the men themselvcB. Not very long afterwards the Persians
made fitrict search for their lost embassy; bat Alexander,
with much wisdom, hushed up the business, bribing those
sent on the errand, partly with money, and partly with the
gift of his own sister Gygtca,® whom ho gave in marriage to
I botl
■pDdi
* Hw word mod in tlie toxt ia not
pf , bat Pvopxos- T^hia liiCt«r has,
Tti'^pl? iho famo force in Uo-
I ;He Ihe fonoer.
I 25; vii. 6; ix.
li^j; of^-^i ii" iiii'jiHia to mart hore
on the part of Al-xinder,
ft iat Oi^ a.
'' Stanilu' • <r ranBO-
tttafl (rr. 4^ ' :iaits and
hmo&dmanDc/ .« (u a),
{ A, of the iiai
of certain Thobou exiles who thnsBlow
the T'olpinarclia. Tho "repetition of 11
striking atory.inrefcronco todiff.>r<»nt
pooplo and timev, baa" (as Mr. Grote
wjTfl itirnfercncotoanofhcrtAlr*, vol.iv.
p. 370) ••iiiany jmrnUeU inencifnthie-
tory.'* Vi.1l' supi-iv, cIi. 12, note', aud
' ^ viii. 136, when; it ap-
ponr .ires had a eon hj this
inturiiii^o, v\ Uuui ha it.a<.ned Amrntan:.
lliia Amyntas wan madd goveiiuur of
AJabaiitU b/ XaMOb
226
ALEXANDER ADJUDGED A GREEK.
Buborcs, * a Persian, the chief leader of tbe expedition wliicb.
came in search of the lost men. Thus the death of these
Persians was hushed up, aud no more was said of it.
22. Now that the men of this family are Greeks, Bprang
from Perdiccas, as they themselves affirm, is a thing which I
can declare of my own knowledge, and which I will hereafter
make plainly evident.'* That they are bo has been already
adjudged by those who manage the Pan-Helleruc contest at
Ol^TBpia. For when Alexander wished to contend in the
games, and had come to Olj-mpia with no other view, the
Greeks who were about to run against him would have
excluded him from the contest — saying that Greeks only
were allowed to contend, and not barbarians. But Alexander
proved himself to bo an Argive, and was distinctly adjudged
a Greek ; after which he entered the lists for the foot-race,
and was drawn to run in the ibrst pair. Thus was this matter
settled.
23. Megabazus, having reach the Hellespont -with the
PsBonians, crossed it, and went up to Sordis. He bad become
awai'O while in Europe that Histiaius the Milesian was raising
a wall at Myrciuus — the town upon the Strymon which be
bad obtained from King Darius as his guerdon for keeping the
bridge. No sooner therefore did he reach Sardis with the
Paeouians than he said to Darius, "TVhat mad thing is this
* Bnbares was tbe son of lUegabazna.
He was afterwards overseer of the
workmen at Athoa (infra, vii. 22).
" Vido infm, viU. 137. Mr, Grote
accej>ti} without reserve the Hellf-nic
doewint of tho royal Mflceflonian family
(vol. iv. pp. 21-25). Ue iustuuceii, as
Btmilar, the case of Miltiadefl (Herod.
tI 34), and refers also to the cases of
Phonnio among the A cam.iniiinfl, and
Sertorins among tho Ibni-iaoB, as illus-
trations of the probability of snch a
sabnuBsion on the part of tmcivitised
tribes. We may readily grant the pos-
sibility of snch un occurronco. Bat is
it not more likely that the Uaceduniau
regal line, like that of the Lyncestso
(Strab. rii. p. 473). and that of th»
Molu8si of Epims, belonged to tlie ctafs
of "Hollenised natives pretending- to
Greek blood"? The character erf tb»
race, so far as it can bo made oat, is
barbarian, not Greek. And the Ho)<
lanodiciD would not be Tery rtrict in
their cxaminatimi, when the claimant
was a kinFT. Thncydides^ it is tme,
agrees with Herodutus (ii. 99; ▼. SO)s
but Dcmosthciiee may bo qnoCod on
the other fiide of the controvBrny. Hia
words are exoeBsirely fltr\nij?, — ^iXfn*^
. . , . aif fUvor evx "K-V^vrAs Hrrof
"EAAifffiv, iU\* .... «A^pevNan>
8(Wt, K.T.A. (Fhilipp. iii. 40, p. 1S6).
I
I
CsAP. 21-5k
MEGABAZUS AND HISTIJIUS.
227
that thou hast done, sire, to let a Greek, a wise man and a
shrewd, get hold of a town in Thrace, a place too where there
IB abundance of timl>er fit for Bhipbuiltling, and oars in plenty,
and mines of Bilver,^ and about which are many dwellers both
Greek and barbarian, ready enough to take him for theii*
chief, and by day and night to do his bidding ! ^ I pray
thee make this man cease his work, if thou wouldest not be
entangled in a war with thine own followers. Stop him, but
with a gentle message, only bidding him to come to thee.
Then when thou once hast him in thy power, be sure thou
take good care that he never get back to Greece again."
24. With these words Megabazus easily persuaded Darius,
who thought he had shown true foresight in this matter,
Darius therefore sent a messenger to Myrcinus, who said,
"These be the words of the king to thee, 0 Histirous ! I
have looked to find a man well affectioned towards mo and
towards my greatness ; and I have found none whom I can
trust like thee. Thy deeds, and not thy words only, have
proved thy love for me. Now tlien, since I have a mighty
enterprise in hand, I pray thee como to me, that I may show
thee what I purpose ! '*
Histitvud, when he heard this, put faith in the words of the
mefisenger; and, as it seemed to him a grand thing to be the
•ft counsellor, ho straightway went up to Sardis. Then
ritts, when he was come, said to him, "Dear HistiojuB,
htar why I have sent for thee. No sooner did I rctm*u fi-um
■j^Dg
^Dari
I htiar
t^ c
^ BioUann showed excellent jadg>
meuX ta ^'lectiu^ Hila eito. Tho rict-
r hell and extensive Stry-
:■, tlx? Hl»un<Iauco of timber,
i] of ^>t(l nnil (tilvf.T
(•a oil. 17), tho rtMidy
" : Mils uf the
ll<Hlif lit..
, in later
indioftUMi by the rttniKglcs fur
don (Thacyd. iv. loiii. Tho
vcaellanco of tUu |iouttuu ciuj^ed tho
«ttlM«<}tu;iil gruatiiefti of Ait>|'lii|>ulL6,
and in lator timM of Phlli'ppi. Ti is
cxtolk'd abundantly by writers both
ancient and modorti. {'Hjucyd. iv. 108 ;
Liv. xlv. 30; Appian, de Boll. Cir. ir.
p. 10-H ; Bou^, Voynge on Turquio, i.
pp. lyG-lyO; Clarke, iv. pp. 40:;.i05(
Lwike. iiL pp.;i90-2OI.)
^ C<iiiii>arit the HobiHinn inBcription,
whore obedienco ia thoa deseribod : —
" That whiob haa been f^nid to them by
mo, both by night and by duy it htifl
bfcu done by thera." (Col. i. par. 7r
cud.) Set! also Thucyd. L 1U9.
123
ARTAFHEENES AND OTAKE&
BooeT.
Scjtbia,' and lose thee out of my sight, than I longed, u 1
have never longed for aught else, to behold thee once more,
and to interchange speech with thee. Bight sure I am then
is nothing in all the world so precious as a friend who is st
once wise and true : both which thou art, as I have had good
proof in what thou hast already done for me. Now then til
well thou art come ; for look, I have an offer to make to tbee.
Let go Miletus and thy newly-founded town in Thrace, and
come with mo up to Susa ; share all that I have ; lire ^th
me, and be my counsellor.^
25. When Darius had thus spoken he made Artapheraw,
his brother by the father's side, governor of ^ardis, and
taking Histiiieus with him, went up to Susa. He left tf
general of all the troops upon the soa-coast * Otanes, sob d
Sisamnes,^ whoso father King Cambyses slew and flavei'
because that he, being of the number of the royal jntlgw,
had taken money to give an imrighteous sentence. Therefiffl
Canil>yscs slew and flayed Sisamnes, and cutting his skin into
strips, stretched them across the scat of the throne wIiereoD
lio had been wont to sit when he heard causes. Having*
done Cambyses appointed the son of Sisamnes to be judge in
his father's room, and bade him never forget in what way to
scat was cushioned.
20. Accordingly this Otanes, who had occupied so strangB*
throne, became the successor of Mogabazus in his commaBi
•'' Cdinpnro forlliia Oriental prnctioc,
2 Sam. ix. 7, 11 ; xix. oit ; 1 Kin.trc! ii.
7, &i: Aii'l f(ir tho use or it by iho
I'lM'-iiXTi^, X'-iu-ph. Auub.i. y, § 25, and
! u]\rn, iii. 1^12.
■' OiaiK'sauiI Ai'Jnphrrnosdonot hold
th(! rrl:il.ivc iK-:ii:(.ns I'i' < t!'a;t« s find
.MiiriilialO'i (iii. 12(>)/n'^-'iiiln?rnosand
rhariialin7,u;4 ( riii!(\ viii.) ; lull. Art;i.
|i}n'rii(-s U f-"iti'a;». ». r. lia-^ tlic c
iiiinistr;^! j<'n, v/hili' Oiaiu-.H is
ruiinnanilrr el" trM^';;'.-^ (i
iii. K.~>ay iii. § ij. ui
i*s[icri.illy iii»]tniiiird tu riifccod ^Icjra
Ikizuh ill Lis c(.>iit:i;uud.
ivil ad-
It nicro
ilt.-ii. Ajn». iJk.
..•■). llo is
^ yot the conspirator, wlw *■
Otanos. Ftm of Phurnafipc^ (i:i. 68).
^ In later tinips the? lVT6i:in3fi««"
have lloycd tlicir criuiiuals "'•*
Manns, the hori'tic, sufferwUhiftoW
(Suida-'. in vdc), wln'cb wa<kww**
"the rorsiianpuiiif^hniout" (Tlieodn*
atlv, llipi-. i. 2(>j Cyril, Caiech. tii.)-
Mosalmtf'^ too is said to have bM>
l!ayod »livo by Taryaaii*. (P*-
ArtaxciTC.) Flayinj? was also in ^
Syrian pracTic-L*. (Src iJulia'* Si»**
im-ns de Ninire. tuI. ii., pi- 120, a^
Lnyard's Mi^nnaioutB of Siin?njh,&i^
Kcrics, pi. 47.)
Cba^. S4-S&
COSQl'BSTS OF OTAXES.
229
and took Qrst of all Byzantium and Cbalcedon,^ then An-
tandrus ^ in the Troas, and next Lamponium.* This done, he
borrowed ships of the Lesbian?, and took Lomnos and Imbrue,
which were still inhabited by Pelangians.^
27. Now the Lemnians stood on their defence, and fought
gallantly ; but they wore brought low in course of time. 8uch
as outlived the struggle were placed by the Persians under the
' gOTemment of Lycaretus, the brother of that Masandrius*
' who wna tjTant of Saraos. (This Lycaretus died afterwards
in his government.) The cause which Otanes alleged for
conquering and enslaving all these nations was, that some
L had refused to join tho king's army against Scythia, while
others had molested tho host on its return. Such were the
' exploits which Otanes performed in his command.
28. Afterwards, but for no long time," there was a respite
L from suffering. Then from Naxos and ililetus troubles
I gathered anew about Ionia. Now Naxos at this time siu:-
I passed all the other islands in prosperity ; * and Miletus had
' Vide »nprn, it. IW.
* AutfuiUi us \ay on tbe ffeo-coost of
^If of Adraniiftif a ahnrt diatauce
of AdiumTitinm (ScyL Pcripl. p.
Smb. xiii. p. 872 ; infra, vii. -i2).
The fuune remains in tha Antandro of
Uie present day (lat. 30" 32', long. 26"
Uy), It 10 cnlloti by Uorodotaa a
Fclaflffio ioiTD (vii. 'i2),aDd by Alcocus
a city of tiie Lck'^ices (ap. Strab.Ls.c.}.
Ita fonndntion mn&t therefore bo
t period prior to tbe first
ies apoti tho coast. I'lie
:u^«.><M. ••! Ant^uidiTis fora baodred
by the Cimmerians haa been
iy noticed (vol. L p. 358, noto S
aapm, p. IbO, note').
* Tlua waa an nnimportant place on
■ttg tbs exact Bito of which
ni It !■ ^d to haTO Vicva
JEoHftnc' r- ,.h. liii.p. 877).
ifeoUJBiu : lu both moll-
is it (bt' , ... .^,. -. ad 700. Ao^n-w-
1) i bat it is omitted by Scylox.
* Vide mpnt, W, Ilo,
;» Supra, lii.liS-l'tA.
> ' The obronoloijy of tbe orenta in the
rei^ of Darius dopendB almost entirely
on the question of what wo are to on-
dcmtand by this expression. If we
rc^rd tho battle of Marathon afi fixed
by tho concnrrcnt voieo of all the Greek
ohronologiflta and historiana to tlie
Olympic year, 72|3 (B.C. 490), we can,
from ilorodotua alouo, determine tlio
dutea of the vorioQR events iu the roi^i
of DariuH np to tbe Naxiiui revolt,
almost with certainty. But the earlier
cveots, OS the Thraclan niii] tho Soy-
tbian osmipnifrns, ciejirnd for their dati>
npon the length of the interval hero
described as *' no lou^ time" (od iroAXip
Xp^of). Perhaps Clinton ia not far
wrong in reckoning it "a tmnqnillity
of twu yeiira," (K, H. toI. ii. cb. 18,
App. p. 314.)
Mr. Urute's proposed pnnotnatioo,
^CT^ i} 06 wo\Xl»f Xfifrar, &^i<rit lUutiiV
^r, ftpjxMirs to mc to ^rivo uo Bt-nwat nil.
• Naxns (iiowXii'a, lifwa'a InsclieUt',
Tol. iii. Pref. p. X.), tho largest of tho
Cycln*les, when we Inst heoi**! of it, wiia
•aid to' bnvo been delivered by Pisi?-
tratoa into the bauds of iiia follower,
230
MttESUN GOVERXStEXT.
reached the height of her power,* and \vfts the glory of Ionia.
But previously for two generations the Milesians bad suffered
grievously from civil disorders, vrhich were composed by the
Parians, whom the Mileaians choso before all tho rest of the
Greeks to rearrange their government.*
29. Now tho way in which tho Parians healed their difiFer-
ences was the folloving. A number of the chief Parians
came to Miletus, and when they saw in how ruined a condi-
tion the Milesians were, they said that they would like first to
go over theu: country. So they went through all Milesia, and
on their way, whenever they saw in the waste and desolate ■
country any land that was well farmed, they took down the
names of the owners in their tablets ; and having thus gone
through the whole region, and obtained after all but few
names, they called tho people together on their return to
Miletus, and made proclamation that they gave the govern-
ment into the hands of those persons whose lands they had
found well farmed; for they thought it likely (they said) that
the same persona who had managed their own aifoirs well
would likewise conduct aright tho business of the state. The
other Milesians, who in time past had been at variance^ they
Lj'gd&mis (t. 54). It would seem tlint
ftii olipnroliy hnd Bncccedeii to hia
tyranny (infra, ch. 30), as waaasanl in
the Greek state*. (See Hermann's
Pul. Ant. § Go.) According to tbo
Fsendu- Plutarch the Lncedionioniaua
}ind driven Lytcdamis from hia post.
(De Malign. ITcrud. vol. ii. p. 859.)
'I'hie »« qniifttioned by Itr. Grote (vol.
17. p. 37S,U(>to): bntit ia iaaccordouco
with tho griipral gtatfrneota both of
Hoi-odotas and Thacydides (Herud. v.
92jTImcvd. i. 18, III, &c.).
The fertility of Naios WM prorerbidl
in ftucient times. A^thcmer aays that
it was caUed on thia acronnt 'Mittle
Sicily" (i. 5, p. 194). .M. de Tonrae-
fbrt ]fivos an a^eciiblo deacription of
it« prodnctirenoHB. (TrarolB, Letter
V. Tol. i. pp. IGG, 167, E. T.) Kous aayi
loielreiae, vol. i. p. 1*^), "Ja, Voter
liacodoi hat rvchtj Naxoa ist gchon
fetxt Oio sdlfirfito dcr Tnfleln ; nod vu
ktfimto Rtc voUnndfl durch aargnjneo.
Aiibau wcrilen ! "
^ The OaXauTiroKpaTla of MUetoff was
placed by tJio chronolocrdrs very uinch
earlier, t. e. about B-c. 75(i-730 (cf.
Eoseb. Chron. Can. i. 3*5, and ii. p. 321).
And her 80 culonioa (Plin. H. N. r. 29)
Bcem to h.ivQ boon cluofly sent ont la
tbo 7tb and 8th ceDtoriea (Bee IIor>
mnnn's I'ol. Ant. § 78).
• Concoruing the pmcti«> of calling'
in foroi^ners to settle tho domcatio
difforouccs of a state, vide snpra, iv-
161. According tu M. Tonrnefort, the
Parians retiiine<l t' er of per-
Bons of good senfir . iud**lbe
Greeka of the u^...'. .i.^ isUndN
oflen mado them arbitratura of thtm
dispntes," (TraceU, voU i, p. \b&,
1S.T.)
I
I
FIIESII TROUBLES IN IONIA.
231
r
E
placed under the rule of these men. Thus Tvas the Milesian
government set in order by the Parians.
30. It was, however, from the two cities above mentioned
that troubles began now to gather again about Ionia ; and
this is the way in which they arose. Certain of the rich
en had been banished from Naxos by the commonalty,
d, upon their banishment, had fled to Miletus. Arista-
goras* son of Molpagoros,' the nephew and likewise the son-
in-law of HistiEGus, son of Lysagoras, who was still kept
by Darius at Susa, happened to bo regent of Miletus at the
time of their coming. For the kingly power belonged to
Histiieus ; but he was at Susa when the Naxiana came. Now
these Naxians had in times past been bond-frienda of Hia-
tiaeus ; and so on their arrival at Miletus they addressed them-
selves to Arista;jnras and bef^^ed him to lend them such aid
as his abihty allowed, in hopes thereby to recover their
coimtry. Then Aristagoras, considering with himself that, if
o Naxians should bo restored by his help, he would l)e lord
Naios, put forward the friendship with Histiaeus to cloak
views, and spoke as follows : —
** I cannot engage to furnish you with such a power as were
needful to force you, against their will, upon the Naxians
who hold the city ; for I know they can bring into the field
cit;ht thousand ^ bucklers, and have also a vast mmiber of
ships of war. But I will do all that lies in my power to get
rou some aid, and I think I can manage it in this way.
phemes happens to be my friend. Now he is a son of
■ -. and brother to King Darius. AU the sea-coast
13 under him,^ and ho has a numerous army and
.*A JIolr*WnnMi
mentiouod by
I .irj iwd friend
vol, ii. p. 117.)
c father of Arta-
minuiv hake b<.M
^^lx«t century Ibe wliolo popa*
tbo ulnxid waa etttimAtod at
int. (Tonrnofort, vol. i. p.
U Noxod cuuld rcimy at thU
bring into the ik*ld na army of
snob a size, ibe most haTC bemi one of
tbo most ptnrcrf 111 of tbo Crock states.
S|farta U said (vii. 23 V) to hnvo btjca
" » city of 8000 mea," and AthcoA, in
the Ftiloponnosioa war, ooald sead ioto
the field no more tlian 13^000 heavy-
armed. (Tbnoyd. ii. 13.)
■ Thii is oviJcatly au cioflr^ration.
A* the command of Artnpherncs did
not extend on tbo souili ouast beyond
T: -t— ^-hftt j:ir<
£oaT.
TT:-
X. " *n
Id do ¥y
Lf
"iii.'i-^ Via ezb^i-ci toEsg
: :: S:L2*ll5 lz:I t:'d Arfaplwatf
: zi: rr-iL: sLir, r .« a fair land ui
jlI '-^-f. J n-:a treason wi
■ lli^f vir ilfn rpcrii this l»i
.i riilt^; f:r if iron ^rilt dote
.- ..M .<
Lir ills: -R-e uho aw «»
1 t:." : sr:. s-e-^rrl^v. thou 'iS
•Li iiiLj r:: culj Xaxos bnlti*
:- ::." a? lir:?, Audros. and ill
^i ttIi-;- iLz-i Last gained these.
lin;-; Zu'.i?.. Trhicb is alargeiffli
:-ri:e
••
."rit
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-n y<-:i:-8
.mill
' 'I.ii
t.)
;.-
|.r'
(■(■«
,u'4
th
i
war (cf.
Kii'-h. Cluc/xi. C'uu. i. p. 3>j, atA ii. p.
* Pli'ity vMimuU-H iho clroo'nf^'ronce
fjf Nitx'tH ;it lit K'ftiiiiii )iii1(.!S (ir. N. ir.
12); Tniirti'-fort.'il n liuii'lrfil (vol. i.p.
Ifi7^> It iH f'oii .i'li-mMy lar^'f^r thaa
.Ii<i-j-i>y, liiit. tittl iii'iri' ihau hiilf the she
oi tliu inlo uf Wib^bt. Its fertility
c-.-z?-?! :: :-? b? ca'liTd net obIt "Btl*
?..;> ■ ?,-.:? tcio*. ch. •», bmife*
I'-rT? is ^"A Tinearnm fenilitaM'^
i^i C;-:: p. lis. (Tlia. H. X. L ».c.) I*
13 £::-l Ij::--i:^ fcr it« TineTlni^ i*
c::r:::5. ar i its crassre-groTei. ^Bom
T^;. :. p. 3S. and p. 41.)
- N-.XM ia di^fcant from the !(■<■
r::i>: at l^^nst SO miles. Froca $aat*i
however, which mu now in the poa*-
F-ii-'n of the Persianp, it is not morethtt
05 niile?. and in clear weather iari*^
(Tourni'fi-r;, voL i. p. 175.)
' Larcher (ad loc.) nnderstandi tU<
to mean, not that the other Cycliif*
wore goiierally subject to Kaiof, b«^
only that, aa they lay so near it,t^
capture of Xaxos might probaUr l(s^
tu that of the rest. But sooiethiit:;
more Bcoms to be ntended. Coopv
uoto '^ ou ch. 30.
Chap. SO-sa.
AID GITEK Hm.
233
wealthy island not less in size than Cyprus,* and very easy
to bring under. A hundred ships were quite enough to subduo
the whole.'* The other answered — *' Truly tliou art the author
of a plan whieh may mucli advantage the house of the king ;
and thy counsel is good in all points except the number of
the ships. Instead of a hundred, two huudi*ed shall be at thy
disposal when the spring comes. But the king himself must
firat approve the undertaking."
82. "When Aristagoraa heard this ho was groatly re^'oiced,
and went home in good heart to Miletus. And Artapherues,
after he had sent a messenger to Susa to lay the plans of
Aristagoraa before the king, and rticeivtd his api)roval of the
undertaking, made ready a fleet of two hundred triremes and
^Mast army of Persians and their confederates. The com-
^■uid of these he gave to a Persian named Megabates, who
Bknged to the house of the Achfemenids, being nephew both
to himself and to King Darius, It was to a daughter of this
man that Pausanias the Lacedaemonian, tlio son of Cleom-
brotus (if at least there be any tiuth in the tale*) was
affianced many years afterwards, when bo conoeived the
desire of becoming t^irant of Greece. Artaphemes now,
baring named Megabates to the command, sent forward the
armament to Aristagoras.
SJS, Mcgabates set sail, and, touching at Miletus, took on
board Aristagoras with the Ionian troops and the Niuians;
^ Crpmi ifl r«allr mnrs ihtm twicQ
tba «iz*! of Eabcoa (>%yro|>onO- Tho
'1. Scylax I'laced
Lulling a DiL'ru pre*
{•retice to C^^rud. (IVripl. p. 1U1.)
A|^>Wff"Mr nilowed a greater interval
T" I bat evoa ho estimntcd
Eabcoft to exceed con-
.:.aL of Cypma (i. 5, p. 195),
CTpms is in renlit/ mncfa
liaif A de^ri'o) the lunger of
Id'.' two, Vhnj, according to ouo
lAe&tnremeikt of Cvpms, brought them
1^' to an eqaah^. (Compare iv.
p. 215, mliU T. 31, p. a02.) Tho
error aroAo from Trndor-estiinfttincf tha
siKo of Cypres, not frouiuvor-usiiuau
id;; that of Kubato.
* For the tmo aconnnb of theeo
proceeUinija of Putianniaa, cf. Thuoyd.
i. 128.130. By the docninanlii tluna
brought forward — which, however,
Thucyilidcs sbuws by a caMunl phrasQ
(ws bffTtpjy a¥tvft^0ri) not to hare be-
come kuuwn tu tht* Oroots till boiuu
time al'terwards, and winch, tlieroforo,
UeroiU'Cus may very woU novor Iiavo
Been — it appears that tho niarriago
whieh raaiauiafl desired to contrttot
was, in reality, with oue of the daugh.
tera of Xerxx^a.
Z}^ J.3.3Ia:-:2a5 QrAEEELS WTTH MEGABATES. BottT.
^r:-- -Li:! It ?:-:-frTi. as he gave out, for the Hellespont;
': .: ~'-i:~ "_r r.i:l.r-I CLi:?. he brought the fleet to anchorrf
Ci~;-:*i-* 'r-iizr nizlii :o Trait there for a north Trini'oi
■L.-- f::"_ rmiy^: z-: Xis:?. The Naxians however ve«M*
:; **.r.-l i: tU* tizir: ar.1 so the following events to»
":r:t-_: I'.-r:. A? MTjril-ites went his rounds to visit tti
— ;.- L ^ :z ':'irl tie sL:^?. be foTind a Ifyndian ® vessel 19*
-*_..'_ :1 r: —-* i::r.r 5-.:. Fzill of anger at such carelessnefli
-. :f I:? ::^;^I« :o seek out the captain, one ScyUi'li!
::.r:7. az: :Lr::frlzz Lin through one of the holes in ft*
<-•-'<■ •::..- :: :;i-t-:z hiri there in such a way that hislrf
iv: j'_.: i'i:~ i-tfilr the vessel, while his hodj Kmiiirf
— it-in. '^~_-::: S-\tI?.x Tri> thus fastened, one wentandi*"
that ifczabates had bound his Myirfitt
ix'.ir.z Lim shamefully. So he came vl
1:: the man o5: but the Persian refiwi
•-ri?::ir:r:":5 'trcnt himself and set SrfB
.■::s L.ari this he was still more MgiJ
:'ie i;::'.v to AristaMras. Then the later
t .. ~. . .
'o*
■ : ■-:■=: :'.: :- zy 1? -xith these matters 9 Wert tboain*
■ '. " Ar:;.-'.:-r::-:? t? oley me, and to sail TirliitlK''
::\ r.\?' Wlv d:s: moJaie so?"
^- ;.'-: Ar:f::u.r;:5- TLe other, in liifih dudgeon t^
> .'.
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:ir'.v Vii
l\:'.ir.:iULHI.o;^ko"s Asia M;in.r,j\«>'
R? a Caviaa nppellAtire. The **
iAzv.--iis L-f the name was tbe nafiW
::-v:.t:cr.oi iv. Ik Ho WW of Wj
a:i :a, a ciir a little nonh of My"*
. S:ral>. 1. s." c). Anntlicr wcllto'^
t^L-ylax, the friend of PaiiaptiM,** J
li u oan\a5T?ii5, on the Boutberns**
i--' 7>.e •• holes in the side* « *
Greek To.«5ol wore, of course, f'^jj'
rars. Tho term Oded bv HerodiK*
(HxXciiiS;) is literally " the hole frr*
nri f a t-oAauirqt/' theSoXauiTai^***
tli> rowiTs on the tliini or IC"
Uvuchctf uf tho trireiuc.
Clap. 33 35.
FAILUEE OF THE EXPEDITIOX.
J3
STich language, waited till tbo niglit, and tlien despatched a
»lK>at to Naxo8» to "warn the Naxians of the coming danger.
34, Now the Naxians up to this time hiwl not had any sus-
picion that the armament was directed against them; as soon,
therefore, as the message reached tliem, forthwith they
brought within their walls all that they had in the open field,
and made themselves ready against a siege by provisioning
their toT**n both with food and drink. Thus was Naxos placed
in a posture of defence ; and the Persians, when they crossed
the sea from Chios, found the Naxians fully prepared for
them. However they sat down before the place and besieged
it for four whole months. When at length all the stores
which they had brought with them were exhausted, and
Aristagoras had hkewiso spent upon the siege no small sum
from his private means, and more was still needed to insure
success, the Persians gave up the attempt, and first building
certain forts, wherein they left the banished Naxians/ with-
drew to the mainland, having utterly failed in their under-
taking.
85. And now Ai'istagoras found himself quite unable to
make good his promises to Artaphemcs ; nay, ho was even
tard pressed to meet the claims whereto he was liable for the
pay of the troops ; and at the same time his fear was great,
lest, owing to the failure of the expedition and his own
quarrel with Mcgabatcs, ho should be ousted from the govern-
ment of Miletus. These manifold alarms had already caused
him to contemplate raising a rebellion, when the man with
tba marked head^ came from Susa, bringing him instructions
' Tht« WA$ tbo common praetic© in
^^1, .-*«- »<-f n v,i. iii. 85, iv. 52,
' 'xjn-'cteU ritlif'r
vn to forc^ an
1 ur iQ find an oppor-
t ;/ tlie to-wa. Voea
■ Ffirfhf'Utiu CErotio.
. scud, rvtate to this
V.
tot intnxlDcoq ttn's cironm*
I uoe vfcU kiiown to hu
heftrorg. Tho tnle is related bj Qellins
(Knirt. At.t. xrti. 6), Polya^iina (Stmt.
i. 21), iLnd Twjtxeu (Cbif. iii. 5l'>), tlio
two fornipr of wlioiu ap[>oar to donre
thi'ir tavii from somo other writer
Ix^^ides Upn-»dotiia. Acoordiniy to
Oellius, tho slave*A hond wiis shaved
luid puuclured, ORtoupibly on medical
grounds, eo that ho himRfrlf woe not
ftwiure that be cu-rtcd any message.
'36
THE MESSAGE OF HISTLEUS
on tliG part of Histlaeus to revolt from the king. For
Histifeus, when he was auxtous to give Aristagoras orders to
revolt, could find but one safe way, aa the roads were guarded,
of making his wishes known ; which was by taking the
trustiest of his slaves, shaving all the hair from off his head,
and then pricking letters upon the skin, aud waiting till the
hair grew again. Thus accordingly he did ; and as soon aa
ever the hair was grown> ho despatched the man to Miletus,
giving him no other message than this — '* When thou art
come to Miletus, bid Aristagoras shave thy head and look
thereon." Now the marks on the head, as I have already
mentioned, were a command to revolt.'* All this Ilistiaeus did
because it ii'ked him greatly to be kept at Susa, and becaase
ho had strong hopes that, if troubles broke out, he wotild be
sent down to the coast to quell them, whereas, if Miletus
made no movement, he did not see a chance of his ever again
returning thither.
3G. Such, then, wore the views which led Ilistlieus to de-
spatch his messenger ; and itso chanced that all these several
motives to revolt were brought to bear upon Aristagoras at one
aud the same time.
Accordingly, at this conjuncture Aristagoras held a council
of his ti'UBty friends, and laid the business before tliem, tc*lling
them both what he had himself piurposed, and what messagt*
had been sent him by Histiffius. At this council all his friendK
were of the same way of thinking, and recommended revolt,
except only Hecatrous the historian.* He, first of all, advised
them by all means to avoid engaging in war with the king of
the Persians, whose might he set forth, and whoso subject
nations he enumerated. As however he could not induce them
to hsten to this counsel, ho next advised that they should du
all that lay in their power to make themselves masters of tbf
sea. ** There was one only way," he said, " bo far as he coulJ
■ Poljirmis professes to give the I Ionia." C^rruuos 'Apurrart6pf — *1»*^
exnct wurda of tho messago. " Hia- o»<i<rTTicroir,)
tioDUs to Aristflj^urfLfl— rouo roTolt iu | * Vide supm, iL 143, aoto^
Ciur. 85, S6.
A COirNCIL HELD.
237
see, of their Buececding in this. Miletus was, he tnew, a T^reak
state — but if the' treasures iu the temple at Branchidte,^ vrhich
CroPBUs the Lytlian gave to it,* were seized, he had stx-ong hopes
that the mastury of the sea might be thereby gained ; at least
it -would give them money to begin the war, and would save
the treasures from falling into the hands of the enemy."'
• A grMPrnl description of tho Tem-
ple of ApoUu at Brancliidfo ha^ be«u
given lit th« fout-nntos to Book i. (cli.
157> oole*^. In addition to what was
there atftted, it mny be obaerrcd that
the boildiug wa« ]:>rol>abl7' of (T'cnt
lintiquitj, Aciiiu of its accessories
baring' n peculiarly archaic character.
A «i~u::.'Kt rufld led from the aea to
1' "bordered on either mdo
M ■ ^ on chairs, of a single
bUxk uf itone, with tho feet close to-
Ifcthcr and tho hands on tbo knoes
— ' imiiaLion of tlifi aTcnaes
r-I Ui in EgypL" (Lcako'a
J^ r, '^■:ii)j note, Comporo
ti u nf an K^^^ption
t ii.p. 23(J.) On one
Lui'« (wuio of which aro
Drittsh Museum) an in.
HTj'i t'l i' "Jis fiiwud by Sir W. Gell,
•1*0 very ar>*hn;o in type. It was
of tb« l^tt
wtrtr i^iTi'^l
" nnd the forma
an cTtremely
I . a little doabi-
'' ' Tjcriavof i;fi«at iuf{Of\'
K T^ ViJAAwft. On
itncs — now in the
I.- :iro twoinftcriptionfl,
' 11,;, very ancient, which
"W tlint the practice of
^ lic'e name in aconspicuona
cou buut a reepectablo an-
Ono of these uiBcriptionfl,
':'i ripht to Irft, may be
Tho archaic form
lio^sa being n well'
'? Milesian teri'itnry.
, 2S i Athtm. Dcipn.
li'jii isu>\)h. B>-B. od voc.)
r r cnrioTui itiMrripticn may bo
f<xn oti a Uc<n broagbt from tbe aamo
iraipie. (See red. ir. Appendix to
Book ix. Note A.). The earljeiit hii-
iorictJ Qutice which attai-hea to tbe
bnildinq' is thnt contained in Uertid. ii.
159, which Bhowa the celebrity of tho
shrino nt the cli)se of tbo 7th oentnry.
Tbo rmtrinal tcrnplo ftppoara to have
been bnrut by tho PerHinus on puttinf^
down ibiB rcTolt (infra, -ri. ID). A
second temple waa then bnilt, which
was plnnderod and drKtroyrd by
Xerxes (Strab. xir. p, 910), Finally,
a third temple (that of which tbe plan
is pivoD, Ttil. i. p. 236) waa erected by
tbo Uilesinna; but tho avenue of
EtatncB niidoubtodly bolani;n to tho
Brut temple. Strnbo epoaka of tho
tliinl temple as still very magnificent
in his own day (b s. c).
^ The name Branohidtp, as the namo
of a p?/2W, is curious. The term pro-
perly applied to the priestly family
to which was committed tbo superin-
teudi'uco of the oracle, and may be
compared with sooh xuunet as Enmol-
pidsp, lamidoD, Ao. Boooe oren Hero-
dotns has in one plaro ol 8^07x^801
(ETjpra. i. 158; cf. Strab. xir. p. yio).
Accurdiug to tbo local trnditiun they
were descended from Branchus, a
Thessalian, or according to otben a
Delphian, the orif^iiml fomider and
priest of tbe temple, of whom a legend
was told similar to that of Hyacintbns
f Stmb, ix. p. GU : xir.p.ItlO; Mefro-
dor. » 7b; Arifctnff. Miles. Fr. 11).
' Bishop Thirlwnll rrpnrda this rul-
Tico OS the best that could be f^'ivtm,
and reproaches tlie loninnit with i)ioir
folly in neglecting it. Mr. Gruto sues,
that " tho seizare of tho treasnrcii
woold have been inniippnrtahte to thu
j>io\ia feclin-ji of ihe peftpJr^ and wonld
thoB linvo proved more irnnrloua than
beuefietQl." (Vol. iv. p. 3^2,) May
vre not cay> without taking too high a
238
SElZtmE OF THE TYRANTS.
Book
Now tliese treasures were of very great value, as I sbowed in
the first pai't of my History,* The assembly, however, rejected
the counsel of Hecataeufl, while, nevertlicloss, they resolved
upon a revolt. One of their number, it was agreed, sboold Bail
to Myus," where the fleet had been lying since its return from
Naxos, and endeavour to seize the captains who had gone
there with the vessels,
37. latragoraa accordingly was despatched on this errand,
and ho took with gnile Oh'atus the son of Ibauolia the Mylas-
fiian,^ and Histiseus the son of Tymnes ^ the Tormerean,® — Coea
likewise, the son of Erxander, to whom Darius gave Mytiltne,*
and Aristagoras the son of Herachdes the Cymtcaa, and also
many others. Thus Aristagoras revolted opeuly from Darius;
and now he set to work to scheme against him in every possible ■
way. First of all, in order to induce the Milesians to join ^
heartily in the revolt, he gave out, that he laid dowix his own
view of tho Greok reliprloTi, fhnt it
wooM have beon a. real act of sacrilet^p,
uoK'SB liaue iD tho In^it resurt, and tht'U
with tho intcTition of rcBtoration ?
(Compare the nnoxceptioiiuljlo odvioo
of rericWn, Thuoyd. ii. 13.)
* Snpra, i. 92. Tboj wcro (ftccord-
ing to our author) of tho samo weight
hXid TUlno n.4 thn ofTerini^!! innde by
CroMua to Delphi (of. i. 60, 51). We
loam from Strobo, that the treasures
at Bronchido) did in foot fall a prey to
tho Persians ; not, hfwvercr, ncconliog
to hiin, till after Ihn retnm of Xerxes
to Asia from Groece, and even then
with the conniroDco of tho priest*.
Afraid of the indication which thoir
MMrilcgCi wualj excite, Ihey aocom-
paniod him to hifl conrt, and were
nettled by hiiu in BactrJa, where Alex-
ander found and punitthcd thetn.
(Strab. xi. p. 753, To-l, rwnd xir. p. 010.
Cf. Quint. Curt. viL 6.) The Btafcno
of Apullo vroM carried off at the sanio
time with the treasures, and was
found at Agbatano, whence tieloucaH
Bent it back to AUletua (I^qbod. riU.
46, 5 2).
* ^yua was mo of tho fcwelvo cities
of Tnnta (stipra, i. 142). It lay on tbn
MiOfimlfr, not far from Miletoa. On-
K^inaDy on the eoast, in Strabo's timo
it -n-tvs throo or four xmles up tha
fltream of tho Mneandor (Strob. zir, p.
i)12}, nud is now still farther inland.
Itt) Bite appears to hnvQ been corroctlv
detvrmineU by Chandler. (TraveliH *•
p. 213.) Vide Bupra, i. 1-12, notol
^ Myla^a or Myhistui was aa inland
town of Caria (Strab. xiv. p. 942). U
is still a large place, and ia called
Mda^ic (Chandler, vol. i. p. 3Jlj
Leako'fl Asia Minor, p. 230). lu
famouB temple to tho Carian Jap!t<c
baa b<Jon mentioned already (i. 171).
' This Hista?aa afterwards oeconi-
panied the expedition of Xorxea (in^
rii. 98).
' Termern, like M jhiiin, was a CariftO
city (infra, vii. ys j IMmy, U. S. t.
29. p. Sd2). It lay on tho coast, a
little wei^t of Halicama*8os, oppotiie
to tho jflland uf Coa (Simb. «t. pt
9-Hj)- Stcjihen of Bytaniiara hi*
confiiRpfl tbo name with the natt'w
appollntioQ uf the Lyuiaiifi» TivmiU*.
or Teriiiilae.
* Supra, uh. XL
mSTORT OF SrARTA — ^ANAXJlXDRlDAa
lordsliip over Miletus, and in lieu thereof establiglicd a com-
monwealth : after which, tliroughout all Ionia ho did the like ;
for from some of the cities ho drove out their tyrants, and to
others, whose goodwill he hoped tliertby to gain, he handed
theirs over, thus giving up all the men whom he had seized at
the Kaxian fleet, each to the city whereto he liclonged.
88. Now the Mytilene^ins had no sooner got Goes into their
power, than they led him forth from the city and stoned him ;
the Cymayvns, on the other hand, allowed their tyrant to go
free ; as likewise did most of the others. And bo tbis form of
government ceased throughout all the cities. Aristagoras the
Milesian, after he had in this way put down the tyrants, and
bidden the cities choose themselves captains ° in their room,
sailed away himself on board a trireme to Lacedsemon ; for he
had great need of obtaining the aid of some powerful ally.
39. At Sparta, Anaxandridas the son of Leo was no longer
king : ^ he had died, and his son CIcomenes had moimted the
throne, not however by right of merit, but of birth. Anaxan*
dridas took to wife his own sister's daughter,' and was tenderly
attached to her; but no children came from the marriage.
Hereupon the Epliors ® called him before them, and said — ** If
thou hast no care for thine own self, nevertheless we cannot
allow this, nor suffer the raco of Eurysthenes to die out from
among ns. Come then, as thy present wife bears thee no
ildren. put her away, and wed another. So wilt thou do
it is weD-pleasing to the Spartans." Anaxandridas how-
ever refused to do as they required, and said it was no good
advice the Ephors gave, to bid him put away his wife when
This w tbo literal wnd'jruigof tho
>k woni ; but, no doabt, ns Larcher
Bihr obscrrv, tho pcraons bo called
Kk* the ffTpurrrrol of Atheat
\ ni:(> i-U'.\ i..-.-'idtrftte§ no
vs. They
r.> elected,
Tnofi proiiftUj^, fur u iiiujt-.>-i pcritKl.
* A« ho wajs mben Spurtan alToir*
««(« hst treated &f» at tlie cioio of
tbecmbuqrMnt by Croesnii (i. n&-70).
* Mnrrini^OB of this kind wcro com*
TDOn at Sjvarta. Leooidos married bi«
niece, Gorgo (infrm vii. 23(») ; Archi-
damuA his atmt, Lampito (ia&1^ ri*
71).
B ConoerzuuK tho Ephors at Sparta,
rido «upm, i. 66. Tbifi [uisaagf* in very
important, as Dini-kiug'tbpir jHiwer over
tho kiuF^s- (Coinphre intrct, ch. 40, vi.
82, ix.V, 10. and Tbaoyd. i. 131-134.)
240
ACCESSION OF CLEOMENEa
BokV.
she bad done no -wrong, and take to himself another. Bt
therefore declined to obey tbem.
40. Tbcn the Epbors and Elders ^ took counsel together.aad
laid this proposal before the king : — " Since thou art sofoai
as vfe see thee to be, of thy present wife, do what ire not
addse, and gainsay us not, lest the Spartans make some ob-
wonted decree concerning thee. We ask thee not now to piii
away thy wife to whom thou art married — ^give her still ib
same love and honour as ever, — ^but take thee another vk
beside, who may bear thee children."
"Wlicn ho heard this offer, Anasandridas gave way-tni
liencefoi-th he lived \vith two wives in two separate hoiwa,
(Itiitc nv'Tainst all Spartan custom.*
41. In a shoi*t time, the wife whom he had last married bon
liim a son, who received the name of Cleomenes; andBofltf
lieir to tlio throne was brought into the world by her. Aftff
thip, the lirst wife also, who in time past had been barren,!?
some stnuige cliniico conceived, and came to be with ddli
Then the friends of the second wife, when they heard a rranonr
of the truth, made a gi-cat stir, and said it was a false boast, ami
she mt'imt, tlicy were sure, to bring forward as her ora i
supposititious child. So they raised an outcry against ber;
.and therofurc, when her full time was come, the Ephors, ^
^vorc tlumsolvt'S incredulous, sat round her bed, and kepi*
strict watch on the laloiu\^ At this time then she bow
The cfuincil of twpiitr-f iirlit men.
tioncd, with tlic K]"ihniv, in Hook i, ch.
C'o, arnl np-iiiu tijuikcn of iu iJuok vi.
ch. y". Jt SfTijiH t]:!it wliL-n tlio
Eplior-'j fiml tlic KMi'i's ni^n-od to-
pt'tlit'r, i!io kiiiij had no jiowor to witb-
t;l:;!iil xhvr.i.
» ra;isiM;:i«! 5.:>y-^ (VA. S, § */) that this
v.-.T,s in'V( r ailii'Vi .1 to luty oilier Spar-
tiui. ('Arciai-.^iiiw/.T Ac.KfZamnv'iuv ix'U'n^
yvva7KJi.s tc 6i'.» aya i'^X^y Koi uiKtas 5i''0
aua ti'Ktjrt.) 'i!vi* ncci-iiul in IIltkI. vi.
(A-Cii. i!-:i's net ri'n:!ii;t with Ihoso
stiut'ti-i 1.1:4. as C">1. Muio thinks (Lit.
of fii-c^'c-'. vt'l. iv. ]». r» 1 J>, tihicQ Avi-ioii
l-i uoi «iiU tu luive bad two wives at ouo
find the namo timo. (See tbelntnte-
torv Kssay, vol. i. p. ICS, note".)
^ Compare with this, the iTracii»»
onr own country of snmmoniKt^
proat (ilKc'ora of Rtnte to the qnew*
npartiMcuts nfc the birth of apriflce*
}»rinco?!». Wiih tbo Spartansihcn**
a R-liirions motive at work, in additK*
to iho political one which aMno d*^
with unrsclvea. 1 1 was necesEaO^ ^
them, in n relipious jwint of Tie*.**
preserve tho pnrity of the blood €i
llfvnilea. Mr. Gro'to justly ob«r«*
of I lie Spartan kings: —
** Above all, their n»t wm de*p J"
the relijfiomi fcolinga of the p***^
Cbap. 39-i3.
BIRTH OF DORIEUS.
24t
Dorieus, and after him, quickly, Leonidas, and after him,
again quickly, CleombrotuB. Some even say that Leonidas
d Cleorabrotna were twins. On the other hand, the second
ife, the mother of Cleomenes (who was a daughter of Prine-
tadas, the son of Demarmenus), never gave birth to a socoad
chUd.
42. Now Cleomenes, it is said, was not right in his mind ;
indeed he verged upon madness ; while Dorieus surpassed all
Lis co-mates, and looked confidently to receiving the kingdom
on the score of merit. When, therefore, after the death of
Anaxandridas, the iSpartans kept to the law, and made Cleo-
menes, his eldest son, king in his room, Dorieus. who had
imagined that he should be chosen, and who could not bear
the thought of having such a man as Cleomenes to rulo over
him, asked the Spartans to give him a body of men, and left
Sparta with them in order to found a colony. However, he
neither took counsel of the oracle at Delphi as to the place
whereto he should go,' nor observed any of the customary
usages ; * but left Sparta in dudgeon, and sailed away to Libya,
under the guidance of certain men who were Therseans.* Theso
zaen brought him to Cinyps, where he colonised a spot, which
h&B not its e^ual in all Libya, on the banks of a river : * but
^itflr pre-crniopnt lineage ooDoeoted
tlMfltot« wlLii adirinupAtenuty. Nay,
41m> cUefi of iho Bcracloidu were tho
apwrifcl f^nuttees of the soil of Sprirta
froai the jcrofls— iho occopation of tbo
DariMu WiHif only laDctifted and blest
by Zens for the pQqMMio of flatablidbins^
xim cfaildrfti uf Uercoios in the vailey
uf llw KurciUu.** (Vol. ii. p. 47*5.)
* Vide sapra, it, 159, note, and
OOCDpuv MiiUer'a Dunana (iii. p. 282,
£. T.)t uid Hi^muuin'a Politioiil An-
tiqvitiofof Greece (§ 75,note4). The
«AAOtioQ of sonie oracle or other was
si»qQirod for orcry colony ; tho eanction
©f thcamclofct Delphi, whou the colony
WW Diiriftn. The paMag:e in Cicero (l>e
Div. 11' i. § !)) in important : " Quaiu
v«r6 Gnpcia c«loniam misitin J^iinm,
lojiiam* Astom, SiCiUaui, lukluuui sine
T0x*» in.
Pythio nut Dodonaoo aat Hommoois
oraoulo?"
* Til© taking of flro from the Pry-
tanenm of the paront city was uue
of those. (HormanD, § 74, cote 1.)
Compare note * on Book i. cb. 140.
* Thera, a« a Spartan colony (snpra,
iv. 117), would bo likely lo keep up &
connection with tho mother country.
Af^Q, the oonnootion of Thcra with
Cyrew; (iv. ISO-lSif) wuald orplaiu the
cboico of Cinypa aa a settlement.
* ThiB pltice, which Uorodotni re-
^^arded Mtbe tnostfortilo 8{>ot in Africa,
has been already described (ir. lOti :
oompare oh. 175). Scf'lax only calLa it
Xi^piov tca\6p {Voxip\. p. 112). Perennial
etrvamBaresoraru iu Lhi« [tHTi of Africu,
that tlie higbaat praise was contained in
thu wuida, '* uu tlie bauka of a itvui,*'
242
ADVENTURES OF DORIEUS.
Book
n
from this place he was driven in the third year by the Macii
the Libyans,^ and the Carthaginians.
43. Dorieus retnmed to the Peloponneae ; 'wherenpon Ant^^^^ii
chares the Eleonian* gave him a counsel (which he got fror^:^on
the oracles of Lal'us'), to "found the city of Heraclea r i
Sicily; the whole country of Eryx* belonged," he said, •*- "^*k
the Heracleids, eince Hercules himself conquered it." CI^ On
receiving this advice, Dorieus went to Delphi to inquire of t7^:#^ the
oracle whether he would take the place to which he was ah
to go. The Pythoness prophesied that he would : whercup-
Dorieus went back to Libya, took up the men who had sailt^ iied
with him at the first, and proceeded upon his way along t^^ tfl
shores of Italy.
44. Just at this
time, the Sybarites' say, they and tl->»-- *
7 CroTpa WAS in the conntry of the
MocioJOfl (iv. 175 ; Scyl. Peripl. L 8. c.)t
who would tberetore be likulj to resint
the settlement.
■ That in, "tho other Libyanfl." The
MaciauB vero Libyans (ir. LG8, 176,
197).
' Eleon was a TitUg'Q in the territory
of TanaBrra (Strabo. ii. pp. 587, 637).
^ Proposalehuve been made toohango
the name liore eitbor to lamus (men.
tioQcd Pind. 01. ri. 74), or to Bads, a
nntire of Kleoa (Sohol. Ariitopb. Tao.
1071) ! na we do not ht^ar ot any pro>
phet Latus. Bui no chiu)i;e is uoeded.
We may nnderstand, with Larcher,
"oraoWs given to La'las." (Cf. Soph.
(Kd. T. b9H, Aaiov naKaxii eiiriKtTa.
^ Eiyx is paid by Thucydideatohare
been a Trujan sotllement (ri. 2). It
lay at the western point of the island,
a little to tbo north of Drcpannm, the
modem Trapani. (See Flin. H. N. iii.
8 ; Strab. vi. p. 393.) Its aito ia fixed
by the remarkable mountain, the
'* mons Eynt " of antiquity, which can
only bo the modem Mount St. Julian.
The conqnest of this district by Her-
ealea ia rcbtod at length by Diodoma
(ir. 22).
" Sybaria was one of the most im.
portont towns of Mafrna Cira>cia. Ao-
uofiling to Stnbo, it waa founded by the
TW,
AchtEums (ri. p. 378), pr<»baUr at
B-c. 720, (Clinton's F. H., roL i.
]6S, 174.) The coloniaatiun wae c^^m
likely connected with the gradmU cod.
quest of the Poloponnoso by iho
Dorian inrndcrs. Ita 8it« ia ma::^ ^-rkwl
by the junction of the Cmtiili ^Or- -^^^Ui
with the Sybaria (Cu**^^),
Svbaria donrished ^\0 reorafSi
Ch.'l. 360). Its walls wcr'o GO stJ
circumforenoe; it hiviltwenty-fii
jcct cities, and ruled over four i
booring tribes. In the gjcac war
Crotona. it is said to hare brought^ Ihio
the fivld 300,000 men (Stnb. l^-c).
Its excess) re luxury is prororbi&l ^^'k
infra, vi. 127). It was taken (b,c. -fO;
after a aiego of 70 days by the C ' •
niata; who tuniod the river upou -■>
town, and in tliia way deaLivjo<l U
(Strab. nt anpra).
A second Sybaria arose npoii i&e
ruins of the first, bat it ncrcr too.
rinhed, and waa hnallr mrrgfNl in Um
Athenian coluny uf Tbtirii (B.C. iM\
which waa built on a spot in th* tt«>^b.
bourhood. Herodoma was one of t^
colctiista (Snidas). In this plaos ^5
"Sybnritoa** be probably meona tb«
inhabitants of Latia and Scidrna.placn
to which the Sybaritea retired wbea
the Crutooiats took their city (iaiCzv
Ti. 21).
C»Af. 42-15.
HE AIDS CROTONA AGAINST SYBARJS,
243
king Telys were about to make war upon Crotona,* and the
Crotonlats, greatly alarmed, besought Dorieus to loud them
aid. Dorieus was prevailed upon, bore part in the war against
Sybaris, and had a share in taking the town. Such is the
account which the Sybarites give of what was done by Dorieus
and his companions. The Crotoniats, on the other band,
maintain that no foreigner lent them aid in their war against
the Sybarites, save and except Callias the Elean/ a soothsa3'er
of the race of the InmidsB ; "^ and he only forsook Telya the
Sybaritic king, and deserted to their side, when he found on
sacrificLng that the victims were not favoorable to an attack
on Crotona, Such is the account which each party gives of
these matters.
45. Both parties likewise adduce testimonies to the truth of
what they say. The Sybarites show a temple and sacred pre-
cinct near the dry stream of the Crastis,' which they declare
that Dorieus, after taking their city, dedicated to Minerva Cras-
tias. And further, they bring forward the death of Dorieus as
th« surest proof ; since he fell, they say, becauRO he disobeyed
the oracle. For had he in nothing varied from the directions
en him, but conilned himself to the business on which he
iras sent, he would assuredly have conquered the Erycian ter-
ritory, and kept possession of it, instead of perishing with all
his followers. The Crotoniats, on the other hand, point to the
numerous allotments within their borders which were assigned
to Callias the Elean by their countrymen, and which to my
day remained in the possession of his family ; while Dorieus
* Soprs, ui. 13R, note *".
» Soprm, iii, 132, note »,
' The lamidoD nore one of the Sftored
iliM which miniitered in the temple
JnpiUr At Olympta. I'MUllor's Do-
«jL I, p. 2hl, B. T.) Piodnr
ea*la thptn wnXCKXtirov tuaff 'EAAoyat
"fim^ (01. rt. 120). They were mytlii-
inilr 4c«ceiidi?il from lamaa the Boa
iA ApoUo. Paiifiuiiai makes (reqoent
BratioB of them (in. xi. 6, xii. 7; vi.
ti. 4, ir. 3; tiii. 1.4).
'^ lb has b«c<D proposed to rend
"Cmlhin" hero for "CmstiB," and
"Crathiaa" for "Cmfittas." But the
HSS. are witbont rnnntion. There
aooms to bo DO doubt that the
stream coimnonly called the Crathis
(mpra, \. 145; Slrab. vi. p. 378) U
inteudcd, hot Cnuilis may have b«eD
the Italian ft)rm of thp imine. The
" dry etrcou " ia probably an old
bed.
244
COMPANIONS OF DOKIEUa
BmT.
and bis descendants (thev remark) possess nothing. let H
Doritjus had really helped them in the Sybaritic war, hemmld
hare received Teiy much more than Callias, Such are&>
testimonies which are adduced on either side ; it is open to
cVi ry man to adopt whichever view he deems the best."
4t>. Certain Spartans accompanied Dorieus on his vojag^u
co-foundors, to wit, Thessalus, Panebates, Celeas, and Emj'
K-ou. These men and all the troops under their conmuDi
reached Sicily ; but there they feU in a battle wherein th^
wore defeated by the Egesteans ' and Phoenicians, only ooit,
Eur\-leon, Eurviving the disaster. He then, collecting the
remnants of the beaten army, made himself master of Minoi,
the Selinusian colony,^ and helped the Selinusians to throw off
the yc'ke of their t\Tant Peithagoras. Having upset PeithagOEU,
lie sou;:ht to become tyrant in his room, and he even reignedii
Scliuus for a brief space — but after a while the Selinusians ion
\\v* ill r.volt :\:;ainf^t him, and though he fled to the attar of
.l;ru:er Agoraas,* they notwithstanding put bim to deatL
' Tiv* L-'-artor is c!t*.ir!T the writinif
:' lU-;\vU :i\i-:':*' !'• -ri-i-t. t Ari^t.Khet.
■ .. I*.- t.»:ht»r sjvoimena of the same
v.v:::-.;ito kr." wU'v^iTO of the cities of
>'.:i»:T.a li-ivia iccar, iii. 131, 136-138,
'.v. I'l; iv.ivn. ivi!«. -tt». 17. Tii. 170, Ac.
* KiZOiiw.orSo^rosia vthe native name,
as :\v;'c:i:> i"rv>:r. tht* o«ins> was a sister
:..::>-::oii: of Kryi (Ylwc. ri. 2). It
w;is ii::\:a:evl at svnie littlo distance
:'.\k:\ O.io fo.i. ar.vi had a jvrt knjwn aa
Kr'.-.:v r:a::i S«*iri'>;rtnar.i. ^^l^ab. vi.p,
;;:M: Ttol. tJis-u-r-ai-h-iii.-J; Tlin. H.N.
;;i. SJ The laiUT st»c!ns to have oc-
o.ipuvi tho site of tiieiuodern t\i.«M[-i-
.r>- ('.at. ;1V Jf Kn^-. \'l' 52'). A
iiM-.j-h- aivtl theatre mark the site oftl^o
li'i'tuer, ablaut six miles inkuid from
L*.i*f't7. '-ma ro.
' Mino;i was faiil to have derived
its Daaie fn n\ Minos (Heracl. Pont.
Kr. sxix.). who was n'i'ort<Ni by tnv-
Ji'.ivm to have vi.-.iicd S;e;ly (infra, vii.
170V liat ir sivm* n'.oiv probaWe that
t')o >U'i?M'iani!, who ev'lonisini Selinus
vrUiiovii. vi. 4). bnMiifht the name
Wviii lUoji fanu their lonnor couuiry
(Thucyd.iii.51). MinAft ms aftowiri>
called Heraclca. It is aocertahi^
this changfe was made— periispioi'''
occnpatioD by EnryleoD. SooetinM
both names were used ^UpvAum fk
Miriiar, Folyb. i. 23 ; of. Liv. xsir.lS);
bat comtnunly we find only Hsn^
The town lay at the month d tki
Halycus (Ptafani'X where sooMili^
ruins still remain (Smyth's Sidlf.f
I 2lt>). Heraclea is mentioned bvvvi'"'
j writers, amoni^ them by Ptotoay(G»
I praph. iii. 4), Stephen (ad TOC.)i ^
Cicero (adr. Verr. ii. 60).
Selinas was funnded from McgV^
llybhea, about B.C. 630 (Thorrd. n
4). It was a place of great impcftnc*
until its destruction by Han&ibal(Di<^
Sic. xiii. 5if). From that time it M
into decay (Strab. vi. p. S94X ^"J
j extensive ruins mark the sitcwhidiii
I in the Terra dei Putci betwen ^
rivers Ma-H^ina and Belici {SaJ^*
' Sicily, pp. 219. 220).
■ That is, the altar of Jupiter, R*
tector of the Fomm (ityopH. Up**
bubly stood in the market-place.
CsAP. 46-19.
ABISTAGORAS AT SPARTA.
245
47. Another man who accompanied Doricus, and died with
Lim, was Philip tho son of Butacidas, a man of Crotona ; who,
after he had been betrothed to a daughter of Telys the Syba-
rite, was banished from Crotona, whereupon his marriage
came to nought ; and he in his disappointment took ship and
Bailed to Cyren(5. From thence he became a follower of
Dorieua, furnishing to the fleet a trireme of his own, the crew
of which he supported at his own charge. This Philip was an
[Olympian victor, and the handsomest Greek of his day. His
beauty gained him honours at the hands of the Egestieaus
rhich they never accorded to any one else ; for they raised a
hero-templo over his grave, and they still worship him with
sacrifices."
48. Such then was the end of Dorieus, who if he had
brooked the rule of Cleomenee, and remained in Sparta, would
have been king of Lacedoemon; since Cleomenes, after reign-
ing no great length of time, died without mole offspring,
leaving behind him an only daughter, by name Gorgo.**
49. Cleomeucs, however, was still king when Aristagoras,
ivrant of Miletus, reached Sparta. At their interview, Arista-
goras, according to the report of the Lacedcemoniana, produced
a bronze tablet, whereupon the whole circuit of the earth was
engraved, with all its seas and rivers.^ Discourse began
between the two ; and Aristagoras addressed the Si)artan king
in these words following: — ** Think it not strange, 0 King
Cleomenes, that I have been at the pains to sail hither ; for
the posture of affairs, whiph I will now recount unto thee,
it fitting. Shame and grief is it indeed to none so much
' £aptathina re()orU the tftzne (ad
L. II. i.) ) bat he dcrirea his know*
firom Herodotus.
8h» became tbe wife of Leonirlns,
lier ancle, according to a usual Spar-
Inn £-tu1cfm (inFnij rii. Z^^ ; oompare
fM^ * on cb. 89 of this Book). The
lie charactor of Cnrgo ia evidenced
Uwanecdot« related below (ch. &1),
•iwi hj the prftises of Plutarch (ii. p.
Ber acnteneM appears, vii. 23&.
' Maps, aecordin^c to Stntbo and
others (Strab. L p. 10; .Agiitht^ni. i. 1 ;
Diof{. Loert. ii. 1), werp inrcnted
abont this time by AnarimnndeT.
HecAtieufl appears to have znade uso
of tliem. (Compare ir. 36, and
note'' on the passage.) Tho map of
Aristagorma waa probably the find
which had been seen in Eoropean
Oroece.
24.6
SPEECH OF AKISTAG0RA3.
BooiT.
ns to us» that the eons of the lonians should have lost their
freedom, and come to be the slaves of others ; but yet it
touches you likewise, 0 Spartans, beyond the rest of the
Greeks, inasmuch as the pre-eminence over all Greece apper-
tains to you. We beseech you, therefore, by the common gods
of the Grecians, deliver the lonians, who are your own kins-
men, from slavery. Truly the task is not difficult; for tho
barbarians are an nnwarlike people ; and you are the best and
bravest warriors in the whole world. Their mode of fighting
is the following: — they use bows and arrows and a short
spear ; they wear trousers in the field, and cover their heads
with turbans.* So easy are they to vanquish I Know too
that the dwellers in those paiis have more good things than
all the rest of the world put together — gold, and silver, and
brass, and embroidered garments, beasts of burthen, and
bond-servants — all which, if you only wish it, you may soon
have for your own. The nations border on one another, in
the order which I will now explain. Next to these lonians "
(here he pointed with his finger to the map of the world which
was engraved upon the tablet that he had brought with him)
" these Ljdiaus dwell ; their soil is fertile,^ and few people are
60 rich in silver.^ Next to them," he continued, "come these
Plirygians, who have more flocks and herds than any race that
I know,** and more plentiful harvests. On them border the
Cappadocians, whom we Greeks know by the name of Sy-
« Tido infra, Tii. 61. A rpprescnta-
tioQ of the ordinary Poraian drvas haa
be«D already given, vol. i. p. 261. Thovr
war oostmne will be Been by ref oreiioe
to ibo notes on Book vii. cb. 61.
The vallcya of tlie Hormns, Caystor,
OaTcns, and Evcnus, are all of extreme
fertility. FcUowa's ABia Minor, pp. 21,
'26, 278 ; Lcako's Tour, pp. 255, 205.)
Tbo intermediate oonntrj ia moQUtaili-
oiu and barren, cepooiaUy the district
called Cat«.keoaamcD£. (Hamilton'a
Aaia Minor, i. pp. 132-lil.)
* Mount Tmolas, cCSoimo* ^poti aa
Strabo calls it (viii. p. B'J7), ia Batd to
have produced gold in abundance, tut
not Bilvor. flo f AT as I am awava. Wai
the silver the product of those mincrt
between Per^moB and Atameut, to
which some irritera ascribed the im-
tnenae riobes of Gyges, AJyattea, aad
CrfBsus ? (Strab. xiv. p. 969.)
• Tho high table-land of PhryRta i«
oppocially adapted for pastman.
Flocks and herds, even under UM
present mi:9erable Bystem of govern-
incDt, are numerons (Leake, pp. 1)^,
36; namiUon, i. pp. 4l&-il9; It. pp.
218-221, &.C.). The Angon wool has
a world-^l'ide reputation. The land Is
in many places rery rich, bnl is
wretchedly cultivated (Leake^ p. 9i).
I
Chap 49.
SPEECH OF ABISTAGORA.S.
247
rians : ' they are neighbours to the Cilicians, who extend all
the way to this sea, where Cyprus (the island which you see
here) lies. The Cilicians pay the king a yearly tribute of five
hundred talents.* Next to thorn come the Armenians, who
live here — they too have numerous flocks and herdB.** After
them come the Matieni/ inhabiting this country ; then Cissia,
this province, where you see the river Choaspes marked, and
likewise tlie town Susa upon its banks, where the Great King
LolJs his court,^ and where the treasuries are in which his
^ Vido rapra, i. 72, and infr% rii.
72.
* Sapr%, iii. 90.
' Anii«iii& U, CTcn Toore th&n Tliry'
^i^ a pMtore ooimtr;. Fhrygia bae
nuknj rrido plainftj oapable of bearing
lULipIe horrceu : bnt ArmcDia is nU
iiuittntiuii and TaUor (of. toI. L Eaitay
4». J 10).
* Kot the Uatien! of Asia Minor,
but Klio««of the Kordiah hiU«. (Com-
pare i. 72. 189, 202, Ac)
' That Sota had by this time eer>
tmuiXf become the Peraioa capital, haa
been olreadj* admitted (supra, iii. 80,
>wi(«*). Tt was tho ancient capital of
T" "iifiiano, the country between
ros and tbo lower Ttgrla.
U •*«» Diiuated OD the edge of the
gnmX Veaopotomimn plaim 25 or 30
buIm from the monntainn, in a Inzu-
riant region abundantly watered, and
famocui for it« beautiful herbage. The
ctT duefl not now lie directly npon the
CUrjus^tea (^Ktrkhah)^ but npou a email
otraam, ealled the Shapur, which
about 10 miles to the north of
roinx, and Dqwb into the Karun
^htras. Tho Chooapos is at
pcvwut a mile and a half to the west
of tlia town (Jonmal of Gcograph.
SctaHj, tdL is. part i. p. 71 1 comporo
Herod, r. i>2, and Strab. xt. p. 1o:j2),
azid the Karun or river of IKz/u/,
■liost lix mile* to the east. It is
tkoOig^ howeror, that anciently tho
Clioaflpee bifurcated a little above tho
rain* of Badooa, and flowed in part
east of SfLsa (so pro. vol. i. p. 688,
note*.) The citadel, so oft4?n noticed
(•ujifO, iiL 68; Pol;ib. ▼. xtviii. § 14;
Slrah. XT. p. 1031: Arrian. iii. 16;
Flin. II. N. vi. 27, p. 362), lay at the
weitera extremity of the place, olusa
to tho Shapur, and opposite to the
modem "tomb of Daniel." It occa*
pied tho faiffhest port of the great
mound, which is even now 120 feet
above the lovol of tho Shapur. The
town extended from thifi point in an
easterly direction; it was of an oblong
shapQ, and had a oironit which we find
difleiently estimated at 200 and 120
Btodea (cf. Strab. 1. s. c, and PolycUt,
ap. Strab. xv. p. lOd^j. The roina
oeem at present to be coufine<l within
a oironmferenoe of 7 miles or abont 60
■tadcfl (Goograph. Joum. 1. b. o.).
17iey extend considerably beyond the
limits of the accompanying; plan.
The material naed in the coustmc-
tioD of the city woa baked and hud*
dried brick, like the Babylonian. It
was probably built originally by tho
Scythio people whoso language is
fotmd on aU tho most ancient of its
romaina ; but it wae nodonbtenlorged
and bcantified wbon Dorias transferred
to it the Boat of empire (of. Ilin.
H. N. vi. 27, p. 361). Tho mogniflc^nt
palace which had ao great a fame in
ontiqnity (infra, ch. bS ; Ar. de Mnnd.
p. 398 1 Strab. 1. b. o. ; Died. Sio. xvii.
65 ; Caesiodorus, Tii. Kp. 15), and of
which the best account ia to be found
in thu book of Esther (i. 5, 6), occu-
pied the northern portiou of the grvat
mound (anpra, iii. G&, note*}» on irre-
gular rectangle, two sides of which
mcooure 12U> feet, while the remain-
ing two fall soinewlmi sburt of 1000.
It has been rcociitl/ exhomod in a
CKAr. 40.
THE GREAT TREASUHE-CITr.
249
IcIa
I wealth IB stored.' Once masters of this city, you may be bold
B to vie with Jove himBelf for ricbcs. In the wars which yo
ffreot niMwnre hj Sir W. Williams and
Mr. Loftoi, Knd » fooDd to have con*
Bistod ol » gnnt \m\l of Htone pill&ra,
of the same size and on the sflmo plan
ttB thnt of XerxL'8 at P(.>»epulis (Ker
Porter, rol. i. 11. 30, and oonii>aro PI.
■iS). and of a number of inferior
boildingi behind tho hall, the maten'al
which is brick. Tho pillars are
i7«d into a »>ntral groap of 36,
in^ in BiK rows of six each, so aa
>rixi OD cxnet equare, 1-15 feet
•1 y) each way ; and into thrpo
natljmi; frunpa or ponicoes, flanking
the contml v^rotxp on throe vides, thu
M«t. tb« north, and the wpst. ThMO
portiooM, which arc exactly parallel
to the sidps of tho innijr wjimre, aro
formini of two rows of tiix pillars each,
line with tho pillars of the central
ip.the djstnnco beiwoon the ootrr.
pillars of the central group and
the inner piUart of tho porticoes being
M fcvt. Tho pillars are of two kinds
— those of the central group or
phalanx hare square baxoii, wbilo ihoso
€/t the jKirticoos have round or beU<
■hap*^ baaes, as ^iven in tho woodcut
{Xo< 2). Both sorts appear^ howerer,
to have been siirmonnteil by the same
capital, the fomi of whit-h is repro-
MBtffd in tho woodcut (N'o. 1). The
oe&tral group is suppLntod to have been
corerod with a roof, but the spare be-
twmm that group and the porticoes
was ppiiliablr only shofled by curtains
(•en LfiftusV ChHldipa, pp. 373 -376, and
conporv the dcMrrtptiun in the book of
£stti4ir. i. 5, 0). It ap[>cara by s
tflltngusJ uucriptton ajHm four of the
piiUarv (1, 2, 3, and 4 in the plan) that
tim fMklaoe was commenced by Lmrlua
■nd flnriohed by Artaxemes Mnetnon.
Tho town is said to have been un-
walWd (Polyclit. ap. Strab. I. ■. c.),
■ftd cMtainly appears as an open
pkio* fn fh*» wars of the succosBors of
Al' ■ lyb. 1. s. c). It is nu-
foi' we have no description
off KM' i.-Mv .-u*n from an eye-witnem,
tnc9 it donbtJeM exceeded in magnj.
flccuce Ij^tii Pcracuubii tuitl Eobii^iuia.
With rrgnrd to tho residence of thft
Persian king at Susa, there are con-
fiicting aocoonta. Xenopibon was the
first to relate that tho kings of Persia
had no fixed court, but divided tho
year between Babylon, SoHa, and
Ecbatana (Cyrop. viii. vi. § 22 ; coql-
para Anab. III. v. § 15). From him
tho statement was repeated, with vn-
natioDs, by later writers. Xeiiophoa
assigned the three months of spring
to Susa, tho two of summer to Echo,
tana, and the rest of the year to
Babylon. Plutarch (do Exil. ii. p.
601) followed this account in its
oatlino, Zouaraa in its details (iii. 2f>,
p. 302). AthenoyoB (xii. p. 513, F.)
introduced a change, for which it uiny
bo questioned if be had any nuthorityt
assigning the hi 11 tcr to Sntia, tho
summer to Ecbatana, tho tj^nny to
BabylcFn,and the aufvfrm (o PertrpoUi,
From him apparently ^Elion derived
tho notion, very absurd to one who
knows the localities, that Susa waa
the summer and Ecbatana the winter
rosidenccofihti Persian monarch (Hist.
Animal. X. 6). It may be donbteil
whether tbero is more than a slight
basis of truth even in Xonupbon's ac-
ooant. Susa appears in .ilSMChylns nnd
Herodotus, a« in Scripture, to bo the
ordinary residenco of the court ; and
indeed there is abundant tefltimony to
this point from various writers (Ctes.
Kxc. Pcrs. poAsim ; Strab. xv. p. 1031 j
PauHan. 111. ix. § 3; Joseph. Ant.
X. sub. fin. xi. 5). It is impossible
therefore to believe tho stateaient of
Xenophon, that it was only occujiied
for three months out of the twelvo.
Probably it wim the ordinary court
residence except for tho two or three
hottest months in the summer, when
there was a removal to ihe mountains,
perhaps commonly to Ecbatana, but
no doubt Bomecioiee to Persepolis,
where Darius and Xerxes both built
palaces. Visits to Babylon would
occasionally be paid, especially in the
wjntnr. but Ecbatana and Susa would
cuoBiitutOi M AristoUo seeuu to bara
I
4
250
ANSWER OF CLE0MENE3.
Book
■wage with your rivals of Messenia,' with them of Argos like-
wise and of Arcadia, about paltry boundaries and strips of
land not bo remarkably good,** ye contend with those who have
no gold, nor silver even, which often give men heart to fight
and die. Must ye -wage such wars, and when ye might so
easily bo lords of Asia, will ye decide othen\i6e?'* Thus
spoke Aristagoras ; and Cleomcnea replied to him, — **3Iileaiaa
stranger, three days hence I will give thee an answer."
CO. So they proceeded no further at that time. When, how-
ever, the day appointed for the answer came, and the two
once more met, Cleomenes asked Aristagoras, "how many
days' journey it was from the sea of the lonians to the king's
residence?" Hereupon Aristagoras, -who had managed the
rest so cleverly, and succeeded in deceiving the king, tripped
in his speech and blundered ; for instead of concealing the
truth, as he ought to have done if he wanted to induce the
Spartans to cross into Asia, he said plainly that it was a
journey of three months. Cleomenes caught at tlie words,
and, preventing Ai-istagoras from finishing what he had begun
to say concerning the road, addressed him thus : — '^ Milesian
stranger, quit 8i)iirta before sunset. This is no good proposal
that thou makest to the Lacedfemonians, to conduct them a
distance of three months' journey from the sea»" When ho
had thus spoken, Cleomenes went to his home.
51. But Ai'istagoras took an ohve-bough in his band, and
boon awTire (de Mardo, 1. b. c.)i tlio
only regular BtAtinns of the court, the
one in the hoight of Bommer, tho utlier
during the remainder uf the year.
(Fur a roprosontatioD of Su6B. oa it
now appears, ee« the woodcut, Bk. iii.
ohu 68, not« *.)
• According^ to Strabo, the principal
treoKcricR were ial'srHopolisaudPoHar-
gndir, which wore regnrdcd as places
of greater streugth titan Sasa (xt. p.
1032); and it is certain that Alexander
found considi/rable weaUh at Pasar-
padro (Arrian, Exp. Alox. iii. 18). Still
the tffcaf troaaary apponrs even at that
timo u> bnvti becu ut busUj where the
Bilrcr captured amounted to 50j(»l
taletitSf or mnri* than twelve millicioi
sterling (Arrian, iii. IG). Ecbauuia
had it« own small trt?a<niry, fmtn whiCh
Darins carried away 7000 lalools (tb.
C.19).
' This is the only distinct rgffnmrs
in HcrodotQS to tho two early Mosb*-
cian wars, of which so fnll an accoont
Los been left us bj raosanias (iv.
iv.-xxii.). He alludes to what is oallvd
the third war, ix. 35.
■ C£. i. 6G-6H. and 82. Ther» wems
to be a siiecial allosion to the dia>
pated district uf Cjuorift.
4e-52. ABISTAGORAS TRIES THE P0WE3 OF GOLD.
2SI
ned to the king's bouse, vhere he was admitted by reason
is suppliant's guise. Gorgo, the daughter of Cleomenes,
bifl only child, a girl of about eight or nine years of age,
liappened to be there, standing by her father's side. Arista-
^ras, seeing her, requested CleomeneB to send her out of the
room before he began to speak -with him ; but Cleomenes told
him to say on, and not mind the child. So Aristagoras began
■with a promise of ten talents" if the king would grant him
his request, and when Cleomenes shook his head, continued to
raise liia ofifer till it reached fifty talents; whereupon the
child spoke: — "Father," she said, "get up and go, or the
stranger will certainly corrupt thee." Then Cleomenes,
pleased at the warning of his child, withdrew and went into
another room. Aristagoras quitted Sparta for good, not being
able to discourse any more concerning the road which led up
the king.
2. Now the true account of the road in question is the
owing : — Koyal stations ^ exist along its whole length, and
llent caravanserais ; aud throughout, it traverses an in-
ited tract, and is free from danger. In Lydia and Phrygia
are twenty stations within a distance of 94^ parasangs.
* On the resdtness of tbo 8pRrLane
to pcid to bribery, ride ftDpro, Ui. 146,
nute ^.
* By " royfti stations ** arc to be nn-
d^rfttotxl tb£> abode* of the Iting'e
IrrB (dy^a^toi). who convoyed do-
:cbve> t'n-tti their own £tation to the
;, &nd then returned (infra, viii.
The route described is probably
ice the po«t.ronte and the carariin.
between the two capilals. If
idotus viatod Babylun, be would
travcllcfl along this road, at leftHt
aa far as the Gyutlea, where this great
^T*r was crossed by the rt>ute
from Babylon to Agbatana (cf .
The road is nearly that which
id now be folldwed by travoUers
eea Smyrna and Baghdad. It
away out of the straight liue,
iwardu tbo north, in order to aroid
tho vast arid tract between the Upper
Tigris and Upper Euphrates, the Great
Desert of Sinjar. It also, by this de-
Tiation, is able to take in the Armenian
capital, Piarbekx. It possoB by Sari
(Sardifi), AUah Shehr (Fhiladeiphia),
Afiom Kara Hiat/ar^ Ak-SKehr, A'ai'sa.
riyeK Ouroitn, Matatiyrh, Diarhekir^
Jexireht Mosul (NinoTch), Arhil (Ar-
beln)» aud Kirknk, There are two
other great roads, or rather rontos,
connecting Asia Minor with Persia:
the Erzeroam ronte, which loads, how-
ever, into what was rather Upper
Uodia, debouching npoa Tabrix and
Teheran ; and thi;) Aleppo ronte^ by
far the most din^ct UnCf but which
mns mainly through the Syrian and
Arabian desertB, aud bo most at all
times hare been very unKafe, on ac-
count uf tho Arab plnndocers.
252
THE nOYAL ROAD FROM
Boos
On leaving Plirygla the Hnlys has to be crossed; and hero
are gates through -which you must needs pass ere you can
traverse the stream. A strong force guards this post. When
you have made the passage, and are come into Cappadocia,
28 stations and 104 parasangs bring you to the borders of
Cilicia, where the road passes through two sets of gates, at
each of which there is a guard posted. Lcadng these behind*
you go on through Cilicia, where you find three stations in a
distance of ISj- parasangs. The boundary between Cilicia*
and Armenia is the river Euphrates, which it ia necessary to
cross in boats. In Armenia the resting-places are fifteen in
number, and the distance is 50} parasangs. There is one
place whei'e a guard is posted. Four large streams intersect
this district,^ all of which have to be crossed by means of
boats. The first of thoso is the Tigris ; the second and the
thii'd have both of them the same name,* though they are not
only different rivers, but do not even mn from the same
place.* For the one which I have called the first of the two
has its source in Armenia, while the other flows afterwards
out of the country of the Matieniana. The fourth of the
streams is called the Gyndes, and this is the liver which
' TtuB description giros Cilicia nii ez-
t«D8ion towards the nortb, which no
other writer kIIdwh to it. I have en-
dearnored to express this in tUo Map
of tho Satrapies which accompanies
the proacnt volnmo.
■Armenia is here giTen au extra-
ordinary extension to the sonth, and so
iiiade to inclnde a large tract ordiimrily
reclamed cither to Assyria or Me<lia.
* Undoubtedly the two Zabs, the
Greater and the Lesser. These nvcrs,
wbieh gare the appellation of Adiabene
to the region watered by thum (Am.
laiAD. Harcell. xxiii. 6 ; Bochnrt. Sac.
Geotr> iT. 19, p. 2-U3), socm to hare re-
tained their names unchanpred from tbe
eorliost times to the present. Tho
Greater Zab, at mny rate, appears
UDder that title in the Asf^yriaa In-
Bcriprions (pastim'); it is also, un-
doubtedly, the Zftbatus of Xenophon
(Anab. II. v, S, and ni. ili. 6)^ and tl)«
Oiara or Diaba of Ammianiu (t b. c).
The LoBficr Zab isa lessfaaioii8«tmu&;
but its ooutinuity of name appcftn
from this passage, combined with tha
mention of it by Ammioniu as the
Adiara or Adiiiba, and with the fact of
its present appollation.
The word Zab, Diab, or Diar (tti'n),
according to Itochttrt (I. s. c.), siguifietf
*'a wolf" in Chaldce. Bonce th«
Greater Zab ia called Awcoi (Lycos) ia
Stmhn, Ammifiuns, and Pliny, awl
Affwcbs (by mistake) in Ptolemy (Geugr.
VI. i.).
* What Herodotns here frtjstos is ex-
actly true of t he two Zftb». The Greater
Zab bos its scarce in Aj-i I. ' .'(in
the lakes of Van and I : lie
Lesser rises in the KoorU . : i;Lis
(hl& Maticnian billg) at a distance of
nearly two degrees to the SJS.£.
I
I
I
Cbat. 62, S3.
8ARDI3 TO SUSkL
2S3
Cyrus dispersed by digging for it three hundred and sixty
channels.* Leaving Araienia and entering the Matienian
conntry, you have four stations ; these passed, you find your-
self in Cissia, where eleven stations and 42^ parasangs bring
irou to another navigable stream, the Choaspes, on the banks
of -which the city of Susa is built. Thus the entire number of
the stations is raised to one hundred and eleven ; and so
many are in fact the resting-places that one finds between
Surdis and Susa.
53. If then the royal road be measured aright, and the
parMADg equals, as it does, thirty furlongs,*^ the whole dis-
tance from Sardis to the palace of Memnon (as it is called),
amounting thus to 450 parasangs, would ho 13,500 furlongs.®
Travelling then at the rate of 150 furlongs a day,* one will
tjkke exactly ninety days to perform the journey.
• Vide mpm, L 189, note •, where
tiM Gjikdoa ifl identified with the
' Suprft, ii. 6. Thin was tho nrdinary
e»tin)»te of the Qroeks. (Soo Xcn.
ATi»b. ii. :^, § G; Snitlaainvoc. Hesyuh.
.1 .) Strabo, howerer, tella us
- uot tmiri'rs&Uy agreed upon,
p>i»^^ (.uric wers Bomo who oonsidered
ttepwBBing to eqoiil 40. and otbors
OD atodM (xi. p. 754^ The tnith is,
that tlM luicient parmun^, liko tho
inc4»m rarsakb, ms origiu&Uy a
inanun of tuna (&n hour), not a
'BMavnx* of diBtaace. In passing from
fth» one manning to tho other, it oame
to mark m difforeut length in different
plaoc*, iccordiDg to tho imtare of
the ocjxmtrj tmreriuid. Tho nuKlorn
imrwmkh rviea alio, bat not bo much
m0 ih^ paraiang, if we can trust
iimbo. U IB oBtinuted at from
8k to 4 Bulut, or irom 30 to 35
* Am osnal, there is a discrepancy
inihe nombers. Tho Btationa. acoord'
iag to the prpviooB snukU snmfl, are 81
invt«ad of 111, and the p&nuangs or
fanakhx, 828 instead of 4o0, as will
be seen bj reference to the sabjoined
table:—
FArvxtlb'
104
fiUtktlH
Id LT<1t'« ind rbrTgU ... so .
In < ApiKi'lut'U „ 24 .
In < ilkU ... ^ a ... IM
la Artnt-nU IS ... Mf
Id tij« M&tkDUa country 4 C^sy) lA
laCluU 11 ,., m
ToUl
«l
a^A
Tho nbaeqaent argnmente of Hero-
dotnB are baaed apon hia totals; we
mast conclade, therefore, that eirorii
bare crept into some of the smallor
sums. The distance from Sunlis to
Stiaa by tho Annoninn ronte does nob
seem to bp orer-oetixnattHl at 13,600
■tades (between loOU and 1600 miles).
* Herodottts takes here the rate at
which an army wonld be likely to
move, Elsewliere (ir. 101) he reckons
the joamey of the unlioary podeetnan
at £00 niAdpB (About S3 milu«). It
appears, by tho account whloh Xeno*
phon has left of the expedition of Cyrus
the younger (Anab. i.), that a some-
what longer day's march was nioiLl.
(Tliparersge is about 6 fors&khs or 180
vtados.) But this rate, ^parently,
oannot be oontinned without resting
the aniiy, at tut^i-rrnla, for several days
at a time. If the days during which
tlie army of Cyrus ruslud be coontedi
254 DISTANCE BETWEEN THE GREEK SEA AKD SUSL
^f.
54. Thus when Aristagoras the Milesian told Gleomenntfl
Laeedsemonian that it was a three months' journey fioate
sea up to the king, he said no more than the truth. Ihi
exact distance (if any one desire still greater accDiaq)i
somewhat more; for the jonmey from Ephesos to Suii
must he added to the foregoing accoTmt ; and this inSi sub
the whole distance hetween the Greek Sea and Sosa (or ihi -
city of Memnon, as it is called^) 14,040 ftxrloDgs; sbn
Ephesns is distant from Sardis 540 furlongs.* This mnli
add three days to the three months* journey.
55. When Aristagoras left Sparta he hastened to Alliens,
which had got quit of its tyrants in the way that I vill bow
describe. After the death of Hipparchus (the son of EsiBtii*
tus, and brother of the tyrant Hippias),' who, in spite of the
the real rate of motion is reduced below
the estimate of our author.
^ The fablo of Memaon is one of
those in which it is difficult to discover
any pi^rms of troth, Jlemnon, the son
uf Tithdnas, and Eos (Dawn), or
lldmora (Day), is, accordinyr to most
:ioci>unts, an Kthiopian kmg. His
father Tithonus, however, rcigna at
Susa, and he himself leads a combined
anny of Susianinns and Ethiopians to
the assistance of his father's brother,
IViam, king of Troy (cf. Strabo, xv. p.
1031; Panaan. X. xxxi. 2 ; Dioil, Sic. ii.
22 ; ir. 75). Wo seem hero to ba?9
nothing but the wildest ima;)^! nations
of pure romancers.
Homer makes very slipht an*; ^>aP3-
ing allusions to Memnon (Od. iv. 188;
X). 522). Hesiod calls liim king of the
Ethiopians (Thoogon. i)S I). So Pindar
(Xera. iii. <J2, 63, Dissen.). This seems
to have been the fir^t form of tho
legend, from which all mention of
Susawas onutted. Tho earliest author
who is knovni to have coimected Mem-
non with Su£a is ^Ki^chylus, who made
his mother a t'iii^^itin woman (Strab.
]. s. c.)* It is clear, however, that by
tho time of Hcrodutus, tho story that
he built Susa, or its groat palace, was
generally accepted in Greece, IVrhaps
the adoj;)lion of this account may bo
regarded as indicating somsknovled^
of the e^^iiic connection which riBt
existed between Ethiopia andSasiuk
(See vol. i. pp. 440 and 679.)
> BenncU (Geography of Westcn
Asia, i. p. 290) says that this it "iM
than the direct distance," whidi hs
estimates at 45 geographical (at ftboBl
52 English) miles. Bat if we recha
the stade at its true length of 606 feet
i) inches (English), the distance gins
will be rather more than 63 mkt
(English), BO that a distance of sboBt
10 miles will be allowed fw the deflec-
tions of the ronte.
^ It has been, commonly rappowd
that there is an opposition benna
Herodotus and Thucydides withwipect
to the relative ago of the twobrochtfi*
and to tho fact involved in their nl>-
tivo age, whether Hipparchus vaikiDS
at the time of his asaassinatijn. BoE
if the narrative of Hcrodotiis beeen-
fully examined, it will be fonod tfatf
ho conjirmSj instead of c^posii^ tbe
well-kuown view of Thucydides, ths*
Hippias was the elder of the two. 5o(
only is Hipparchus never called kufi
but here at his first introduction he it
brought forward aa "brother ^f t^
iyi-aut Hippias."
With respect to the fact, whid if
disputed by Iiarclier, I agree viU
Ctur. 6t-&7.
AfilSTAGORAS GOES TO ATIIEXS.
2SS
dear warning he ha3 received concerning his fate in a dream,
was Blain by Harmodius and Aristogeiton (men both of the
race of the Gephyraans), the oppression of the Athenians
continned by the space of fonr years ; * and they gained
nothing, but were worse used than before,
66. Now the dream of Hipparchus was the following : — The
night before the Panathenaic festival, he thought he saw in his
sleep a tall and beautifol man, who stood over him, and read
him the following riddle : —
" Bear thou unbearable woes with the anbearJng h-jari nfa lion j
VtTSTj be 8UT«, shoU \rroDg-doer escape the reward uf wrung-doiog.**
As soon as day dawned he sent and submitted his dream to
the interpreters, after which he offered the averting sacrificeSj
and then went and led the procession in which he perished.*
67. The family of the Gephyraeans,** to which the murderers
TKirlw»Tl, that "th© aotfcorrty of
Tbnoydides ia more coD\'uicinf; thau
b« zva«aa4" (Hist. Grpecp, vol. ii. p.
66; ef. Thncyd. vi.55). Uis authority,
bftoknl aa it ii by Herodotus, eoema to
me iUcitivt, Plato (if it bo ho), thu
em\f early writer on tho othrr side
(Btppareh.), a» a hiHtoricnl authority,
ia ralnelAM. Clitodemn*, vrho hoa
b««B quoted a^^oinKt Tbucyilidea by
Meartioa sad ocliens, in reality takes
tlie fame riew (Frog. Hist. Gr., vol. i.
p. 961). As for Hemvlides Punticus
and Ihodf^nifl Sicnhifi, on such a matter
Uiey am writeni of no account.
• From ii-C. 514 to b.c. 510. Compare
TTmcytiL tL 69; Plat. Hipparch. Tho
foarth year wits cot quvtu completo
ClinUm'a P. H. ii. p. IH).
• Pall details of this whole transac-
tmi are Kivt-n by Tbucydidos (vi. Si^SB ;
compare Ar. Pol. T. 8 and 9). Tbetime
of ttie Panathcnaio festtral was ohooea
h«akoM the dtizeiis might then appear
is ansa.
• Bocbart (Oootr. Sacr. T. xxi.) be-
Uevea the Gi^pbrnci to Lavo g-ot their
namo frum ibu fact tfant they wen?
a«*t(l«<l St tho hritlii^o (y^t^pa) orcr the
Crpiiiatufit on the ruui frgm Athoaa to
Elensifl. It Bcems to be oertain that
there wai a rilla^ there c&lled Gepby-
rU, and a temple of Ceres, thenca
eaid to hnvo boon called Gcphymaa
Ceres (cf. Etym. Maf^. ad voo. Ttipvptitt
and Stnib. ix. p. 581). But it uiay be
qneecioui-d wholhor the GephyrsBana
did not mthcr brin^ their name with
them into Attica. No ancient writer
connccta the Gophynean family with
the bridge, or with the TillaffO of
Qephyris. Nor coald tbe temple of
Ccrefl Qoor Gephyria bavo been (aa
Borhart impporte^) their temple of
Arbiran Ccrea (mentioned below, ch.
CI); for that wa!» in Atboni. On tho
other hand it appeara that Tonagra,
the city from which tho Gophyramna
came to Athens, was anciently called
Gepbyro, and ita inhabitants generally
Gepbyranins (Stmb. Iz. p. &SC ; Stcph.
Byx. ad Toa T'ijh'jm; Ktym. Ma^n.
ad eand .). The origin of tho name was
tho bridge thore oror tho AaApaa.
Gcphyrssan Cores meant Tanagreeaa
Cerea, or Cores whose worship waa
introdaced into Attica from Tanagra
(Etym. Magu. ad vov. 'AxaJ^; SC^plu
Bya. 1. a. a; and infra, ch. 61).
256
THCEXICIAN OIUGIN OF THE GEPHTE^.
BOOK^^B
of Hipparchus belonged, according to their own account, came
originally from Eretriii. My inquiries, however, have made
it clear to me that they are in reality Phoenicians, descendants
of those who came with Cadmus ' into the country now called
BcBotia. Here they received for their portion the district of
Tanagra, in which tliey afterwards dwelt. On their expulsion
from this ooimtry by the Bceotians (which happened some time
after that of the Cadmeians from the same parts by the Ar-
gives^) they took refuge at Athens. The Athenians received
them among their citizens upon set terms, whereby they wero
excluded from a number of privileges which are not worth
mentioning.
58. Now the Phcenicians who came with Cadmua, and to
whom the Gephyriei belonged, introduced into Greece upon
their arrival a great variety of arts, among the rest that of
writing,^ whereof the Greeks till then had. as I think, been
ignorant. And originally they shaped their letters exactly
like all the other Phanicians, but afterwards, in course of
time, they changed by degrees their language, and together
with it the form likewise of their characters.^ Now the Greeks
^ On the reality of thisimmicTTation,
Beo nnto ' on Bk. ii. ch. 49, and cf. Bo-
chart's Gi?op. Sac. (i. xvi.-xii.).
■ Horodotua aUudca horn to the
lejTOud of tho Epigoni. Ten roars
nft«r the first nnfiticoessfiil Altnrk np.
iiQ Thebes, the sons of the eeren ohiofa
Nncceeded in tokinfif the city and
AVonKin^ their futht^rs (Apollod. iii.
vii. 2). This was ehorlly bufore tho
Trojan war (Horn. II. iv. 406). The
frrost inTaBion of tho Bceotlans was
sixty years after that event (Thnc. i.
12). It VOH this which caoBod the
Gephyneaiu to qait their coaaCry (vide
■apra, i. Hd; ir. 147).
» Hnmor (11. vi. IGS) shows that m
bis lime llm OreofcB wroto on foldini;
wooden tablotH. On tho introdaction of
luttors into Greece from Phconicia, see
end of Ch. v., App. to Bk. it., and on
Cadrnns, n. on Bk. ii. oh. 44.— ro. W.]
' That tho Greuks derived tbuir let-
its
It
tha
tors directly from the PboBiitciMM !■
probable on mauy groundji i — "L A
glance at tho tuMo f^Ten in the Ap-
pendix to Bk. ii. (vol. ii. p. 316. App.)
will show the close TCjeinMaaee,
almost amonntin(;toiH< '
the Greek alpUiibet (<-
archaic form) and the i
is evident that one is c<
othor. 2. The names o; *.
which are all si^iticativo :i;
tonnes of tho nhjoota whi>
were originally intended to represent,
bnl have no meaning in Greek, prora
that tho Semites are Che inrentors, tha
Greeks the cupyists. S. The dropped
letters of the early Greek alphshet
prove the same. These nre foond, rery
di6tinctly, in tho nnmeraU, wKera
they have the place which belongs to
them in Phoenician and Hebrew^ 4^
Tho iraditionn.1 late invention of tbosA
lettord, which the Greeks poaiesaed
I
I
CBAf. 57. 68.
OKEEK LETTTEBS FROM PHOENICIA-
257
"Kho dwelt about those parts at that time were chiefly the
lonians. The Phoenician letters were accordingly adopted by
thern, bnt with some variation in the shape of a few, and so
they arrived at the present use, still calling the letters Phce-
nieimi.^ as justice required, after the name of those who were
the first to introduce them into Greece. Paper rolls also were
called from of old '* parchments " by the lonians, because
formerly when paper was scarce* they used, instead, the
^ekins of sheep and goats — on which material many of the
brbarions are even now wont to write.*
b«Ttmil the Pfaaemiciana, u an addi.
ar^giuncDt. These points will
receive illnfttration from the nbjoined
comparative table : —
A B
1 1
JJ
ddto
E
F
z
H
kbi:ti
e
i thcta
1
loU
K
IUpp4
•qirmcA-
TKp«.
mww*. a
1
brtfa
tent
1
caoiel
a
dalHb
door
4
window
B
van
hool
e
uln
Udco
1
kbecl
0
thAh
■erpea
9
yod
t hXMli
10
r
Ittpb
hollow
i.r
btuil
ao
A
N
ma
N
•(gnu
0
n
9
koppa
P
3
T
taa
U«^
mem
Doa
Mmecli
AlO
pdi
qoph
TiA
AID
tn
ijssr^
ss-
wilcr
Ban
prop
•ye E
tunib
u
bMd
UNMk
bRMl
'Su^
»
M
B0
60
ra
M
M
100
300
300
* Thin is strong endence to the fact,
Bitro|M<an Greece gbtitsalyjhabct
Itom the Pliooiicians. Other-
tbttM k BO great a similarity
the Tarioas alph.ihetH uf
ratt*nk Atia and Sonttiem Karopo
(the LyciTiu, PhrTgian, Etruscan, Um-
briaxi, Ac), lliat it woald he dilficult
prove more than their common
rigiD from a nxtji^le type, which miyM
one aatenor to the Phtmicinn.
* That ta, before the cuiablishmcDt
a rv^lar coniraeroe with Ejgypt,
sh wa« perhaps flcaroely earlier
the TKifpi of Amaais.
* Thto u a remarkable etatoment.
/jDonfc the " barbariaziB " aUudcd tO]
TOL. m*
we may assnmo the PersinDS to be
incti3ded> OD the antfaority of Cte'sias,
who decIon.Hl that he dre"w hi* Persiaa
history " fitjm tho royal jiarchmpnta '•
(Vk twv ^furiA.iKwj' ii(p9tpQ)y, ap. Di'Hi.
Sic. ii. 32). But we have (I belif>ve}
no diatinot evidence of parchment be-
injif used at tbis early date by auy
other " barboToao " nation. Stone and
ohiy ■eom to have been the commoa
material in Asayria and Babylonia;
wood, leather, and paper in ££;ypt;
the bark of treea and linen in Italy ;
stone, wood, and tnotal among Uie
Jews. E^rcfament seems never to hava
been much nsed. 9vcn by the Greeks,
till the time of £umcnea IL (u.c.
258
CABMEIAN CHARACTEBa
BoBtT
59. I myself saw Cadmeian characters* engraved upoo
some tripods in the temple of ApoUo Ismenias^in Bceotian^
Thebes, most of them shaped like the Ionian. One of the
tripods has the inscription following : —
« Mo did Amphitryon place, from the far Toleboaiu * oomiBg"
197-159), to whom tho invention v&b
ascribed by Varro (Plin. H. K. xiii. 21),
* Tlie o'ld Grock Icttore, like the
Fhcenician, were written from right
to left, and wore nearer in shape to
those of the xnrent alphabet. (See
the table in p. 315, Ch. v. of tho App.
to Bk. ii.. and n. ch. 30, Bk. ii.) They
continued to bo bo written till a late
tiiiiu on vases ; bat this appears to
hare l>een then merely the imitation
of an oltl fashion ; fur already, in the
ago of rt^ainmeticiiu?, tho 7th centnry
ii.c, inscriptions were wi-ittcn from
It'ft to ri^lit, and tho doublo letters ♦,
X, "V, wore iutrndiiced, as well as tho
giTin of the Innj^ vowels, H, fl, a
ooiitnry bcfdre Siinonides. The bows.
irophedim etylo succeoilod to that from
rifrht to h'ft, when the liuea were
written altcniatcly nno way and tho
other, like tliu iilmifrhinj*' of oieu —
whence tho name ; and at "last tho
method followed to the prosout day,
from left to ri^jht, was adopted. And
wliile the Phcpnician method is common
to all tho Semitic nations, it is curioas
that tho hiter Greek should liavo be-
come tho Hanie as tho Sanscrit inothod,
— the Greek U-inj^nf tho Sanscrit, and
not of tlie Semitic fumily of langnages:
seo n. p. 31«>, in App. to Bk, ii. Of
tho ago of Ciivek vapcs notlunc; is
certain ; so that they lead to no exact
conclusion resjiecting tlie u?e of Greek
letters, esiieeially as the old form of
Ilium continued to bo imitated in later
times.
In Millin£ren*s monnments (Ancient
Unedited MimnmentSjplatn 1) isarcry
nncii'ut l>oa-reliof, bejiring sonio re-
semblance in tho style of tho letters
to tho inscrL]jt)<>n at AlKH>simbe1, but
without any double letter.-*, and rather
more archaic in charaeier, which he
only consiilers somewhat anterior to
the 6£)th Olympiad, B.C. 500 ; there is
also a prize vase, from its ii
supposed to date before 583 B.c.,rf
which the letters are rery liBilirv
those at Aboosimbel, though th^m
written from right to left. (MUHb^r,
plate 1, Vases.) If the Fnmwti.
choB of AbocMimbel were the thH
this date would agree recy veD wA
682 B.C. ; but he was probsblf (be
first (as stated in zl ch. 30, Bk. 5.1
The Inscription of Menecratesat Cafn
is supposed to be about 600 >£«
written from right to left, with Ha
aspirate and digammo, and old f<s>
of letters. Tho introdaction nf the
doublo letters and long rovelivu
earlier in some places (as in in
Minor) tluin in others. At £ni i n*
used for ei, and o for « (as o wu frr
u in ancient Italy) ; 9 was s bard E
used in Corinth, Hector, and rtiff
names, and afterwards replaced br c
It %rad the Latin Q. The a.«pin» I
and tho digamnia F are both foBDJ*
archaic inscriptions, thelatteraiu«a^
ing to tho Latin / in macf Etna*
nnrnes; tiie former a eoit aspir*!^
Tho X was a harder A, like tfae Api'^
^, but not guttural like the fi ****
is proved by its modem Soaak ^
uuuciation, and by the fact of ih*C»lw
being obliged to make a ncwkUfp
for the iruttural Afc.— [G. W.]
• Cf. i. 52.
' liioAian Tlicbos is ben *«*
gniehed from Egyptian.
8 Sti-abo idcutiliea the TdeWJ
with tho Tophiana, who were a*^
the most ancient iuhabitontiW'*^
nania (rii. p. 4Ct)). Ho n»«'^**'^
expedition of Amphitryco (^, t*
(uii), which is likewise np'jkcn w^
Pherccydes (Frag. Hi«. Gt.iV'"'
and ApoUodunu (ii. ir. 6, 7)'
Chat. &&-61.
PHCENICO-GREEK INSCBIPTlONa
259
This would be about the ago of Laius, the eon of Labtlacns,
the sou of Polydorna. the son of Cadmus.'
60. Another of the tripods has this legend In the hexameter
measure : —
" I to far-Bbooting Phflelioa ma offered by Bcceus tho boxer,
When be had wud at Lbo gamoa — a wocdrona beautiful offering."
This might be Scebus, the son of Hippocoon ;' and the tripod,
if dedicated bj him, and not by another of the same name,
■would belong to the time of (Edipus, the son of Laius.
61. The third tripod has also an inscription in hexametexB,
"M'hich runs thus : —
" King LoodoiDM gnre thia tripod to far-seeing Phcebtw,
Wbon he waa set on tho throne — a wondrous beautiful offering."
It was in the reign of this Laodamas, the son of Eteocles,
that the Cadmeians were driven by the Argives out of their
t . ' . .' and found a shelter with the Enchcleans.^ The
V _ ^ aans at tltat time remained in the country, but after-
irards they retired before the Bceotians,* and took refuge at
-Athens, where they have a number of temples for their sepa-
Tato aae, which the other Athenians are not allowed to enter
— among the rest, one of Achiean Ceres,* in whose honour
thej likewise celebrate special orgies.
* lb may be doubted whether thia
Iripod belonged roaUj to bo cai]y an
(aoe Woirs Prvlegomeiiat p. Iv.).
.Tike inacription, at any rate, moflt have
UAer, and cod at be«t only have
' the belief of the priesta as to
who dedicated tho tripod.
remark will apply to thu two
inacriptiono.
> nippooodo woa the brotbor of
Tyndareu* and Ic&rioa. Assietod by
lite twaire tons, ha droTo hia two
'tmifaea from I«aoedajnioti. Aftvr-
mrda Herooles ilew him and hia
•0B«. mad nstored Tyndoroaa. Oao
•f liui •Otts was named Senna ( Apollod.
lit. X. 5).
* Vtd« aoprO) oh. 57. note ". Lao*
dHBM aocoeedod hia father Eteocles
Bpon Sh« Ifarooc of ThcUis. According
to tho legen*], he reigned ton year*,
and was alain by tho £pigQnt (Apollod.
111. vii. 2).
* Tho Encheleana were an niyrion
tribe. They dwelt on llio ooost above
KptdamnoB (Sychix, Penpl. p. 19;
Steph. Byi. ad too. ; HecatGDo^. Fr.
73). There waa a legend that Ctulmnti
aasiatnd them agatnAt tho othrr Illy*
riana (ApoUod. iti. t. 4). Hence per-
hapH it waa thoaght likely that the
Codmeiaus would take refoge with
them.
* Thnoyd. i. 12 ; aapni, oh. S7.
* Bocliart bclicvos that the Phceni.
ciona intraduoeii tho worship of Ceres
into Greece (Geog. Sao. i. xii.), ami
anppoees the QephyrBeana to hare been
the first by whom the worship wna
bronght into Attica (tb. ch. xxi.). Cer.
:oo
TYBA>~2rr OF HIPPUa.
BokT.
6-2. Having thus related tiie dream which Hipparehiu nv,
and tracc-4.1 the descent of the Gephyreana, the &mily whereto
his murderers belonged, I must proceed with the nutter
^htrt'of I was intending before to apeak ; to wit, the mj n
which the Athenians got quit of their tyrants. Upon ths
d'.ath of Hipparehus, HippiaSy who was king, grew bsnJi
to^;irds the Athenians;* and the AlcmseonidsB,^ an Atbenin
family which had been banished by the Pisistratids,' jwui
the ether exiles, and endeavoured to procure their own letozn,
and to free Athens, by force. They seized and fortified
Ltip>yLlrium" above FaK)nia,^ and tried to gain their oljeei
by iirrns ; but great disasters befell them/ and their pnzpoN
romainod unaccomplished. They therefore resolved to ahrizik
from no contrivance that might bring them success; laA
accordingly they contracted with the Amphictjons* to bnU
tsi :.'}■:*.-• K'.v -.-.^-rJan mvsiorios appear
i> iav.. .-:■. iLjroug'My OricutaJ in
iLo r 0 ;.,iv ■■.•.. r.
1: > ^:.iV.^-.:".i to explain the epithet
•' A^-V.i AV." t.i-ro. Tht> prammnrians
s.'.y :h.i: i: haii no con,neccioti with the
». .W:\ ^wu Hi'-lonic tribe, but is
t :■:■.;. .1 c-'.i.or frvai &xos (criof) or ^^x"*
l#.' '.:.*:*. VcoiUiso Clxvs irhovod for the
1. js "*" IV^crpvuo, or bocaiuo of the
I'vinba'^ used in hor won-hip (Etym.
MjiT. aJ TOO. *Axaia).
* Tin* criat cV.:iP.irt» in the charnotor
of tV.o C' wrnment aftor the munlorof
Il.ppiiivUis is uuticcdas:am.Ti. 123. aa
it was luforo in ch. &5. ThucyriMoa
ooutiruis tliis (vi. SU). Ho cominendB
iho virtuo niul wiedt^m of tho faniilv up
t.t this liiiu' ^vi. 50. Compare Tlat.
litpp. p. :;21>. B. and lloraclid. Pont, i.6,
■ Vido infra, vi. 125-131, whore the
earlier history of tho Aloniai?<>nidaj id
jrivon : and see note on ch. 131.
* That is by Pi&istratus himself, who
is iuoludod among iho riaistratidm
(vido supra, i. 01).
» TliiH was no dnnht an ivir^iXifffiSi^
like that of Atfis at Dicoloa (Thnc. vii.
IIM. nhieh was in tho saiuu ncighboor-
homl.
^ This is the reading of all the MSS.
Somo haT« proposed to change Pffionia
into Panios ; but without neecvtf.
Thcro was }irobab)y m region crikd
I\e<>nia in Attica, the abode of tbi
Pa^nnidsB mentioned by HaipoenkNB
(sub voc nuavtcrt), and Patunniai (p.
xviii. 7). Lepsydriom vaa above tUi^
and on the flanks of Pune* (ScboL
AriBtoph. Ly8i8t.665; Heiych. tiri«^ad
voc. Afit^uSpwr, and ad voo. At^ttf^)-
Colonel Leake recof^iscB the abodrul
name of the PiaconidflB (nowrtlu) il
Men(iihi, and the aito of LeipndnBB
in the monastery of St. XiclHda* (Don
of Attica, p,3S).
If this view be taken, the mte "anr
tho ric:ht bank of a remarkable tonvsti
which descends directly frosn the fWfr
mit nf the mountain and flowi akof *
bntad gravelly bed to the Cephisiaij
will favour tho derivation of the «trf
Loipsydrinm from Xci3«, not Xth* {A
Crrill'. Lex. ined. sub toc^ and ^
notes to Albert's llesychias).
* Honco tho famona SooKon (*■
Athena'us, xv. 15, p. 695, and Sadtf
ad TOG. Au^vZpiop) t —
««, at. A*t4'M^(M> TpoAi»n'Taif»
e'mvt 'iti^fiaf u««Xcffac, udxt*9f
u'sufoi't T« KM fi-rarpi^ti
61 tot' ti(4(afr, «tw *ar«piw fai»
> Yido infra, rii. SOO^ notou
Chap. «2, 68. SPAETA SEEKS TO EXPEL THE nSlSTRATIBX
26 [
the temple whicli now standa at Delphi, but which in those
days did not exist.* Having done this, they proceeded, being
men of great wealth, and members of an ancient and distin-
guished family, to build the temple much more magnificently
thou the plan obliged them. Besides other improvements,
instead of the coarse stone whereof by the contract the temple
was to have been constructed, tbey made the facings of Parian
marble.^
G3. These same men, if we may believe the Athenians,
during their stay at Delphi persuaded the Pythoness by a
bribe ^ to tell the Spartans, whenever any of them came to
consult the oracle, cither on their own private affairs or on
the business of the state, that they must free Athens. So the
Lacedffimonians, when they found no answer ever returned to
them but this, sent at last Anchimolius, the son of Aster — a
man of note among their citizens — at the head of an army
against Athens, with orders to drive out the Fisistratidse,
t they were bound to them by the closest ties of friend-
p. For they esteemed the things of heaven more highly
than the things of men. The troops went by sea and were
conveyed in transports. Anchimohus brought them to an
anchorage at Phalerum ;^ and there the men disembarked.
But the PisistratidflB, who had previous knowledge of their
intentions, had sent to Thessalj', between which country and
Athuis there was ab alliance," ^th a request for aid. Tbe
* The old temple, had been bamt
(vide fupn. ii. ISO) ; according to
wmei, by tbo xnnchinotioDa of the
7U«ttstid» (FbilocLor. Fr. H. G. toI.
t V. 396).
* Tbe Alcnueonidie bad already re-
eeiTedtheprkuwof rindorforthiBpietco
of UKUufieuDce (Pyth. vil, m Tt6i' t«
Utw np^wri Siq 6 ai} T b y $ T t V ^ a v) .
* Tbe Delpbio oracle ib agaiu bribed
by CleomeDCft, infra, ri. 66.
J Pbttlerain is the most aacieut, m
it in xhti ZDOst uataral, hurboar of
Athme. It is nearer tban Pincus to
tbo cMj (Leake's Demi, § 9, p. H^),
iLd the two riren (Oepbiuos ood lUs*
sua), between wbich Aihons is placed,
lead into it. 'Vhe Firujiia aoeniH net to
havo boon used as a port until tbe time
of Pericles (Paoaan. i. ii. 3).
' Aa Bcootia ia found generally on
the Spartan, so Tbeeualy appears on
the Athenian aide. Uotuol jealousy
of Bawtia would appear to be tbe chief
^Tuond of thealliauco. It was broken
by the Persian invasion, renewed s.c.
461, when hoBtilittofl with Sparta
threatoued (Thuc. i. 102), infringed
by the expeditioD of B.C. 453 (Thac. i.
Ill), renewed partially before B.C. 431
(ibid. ii. 22), nod folly re-esUbliabed
io B.C. 423 (ibid. iT. 132).
262
FIBST EXPEDITION OF CLEOMEXEa
fiooiT.
Thessalians, in reply to their entreaties, sent them b; a pnblie
vote 1000 horsemen,'^ under the command of their king, Cineas,
who was a Conicean.^ When this help came, the Pisistratidt,
laid their plan accordingly : they cleared the whole plain
about Phalerum, so as to make it fit for the movements of
cavalry, and then charged the enemy's camp with their hoisei
which fell with such fury upon the Lacedflemonians as to kO
numbers, among the rest Anchimohus, the general, and to
drive the remainder to their ships. Such was the fate of the
iirst army sent &om Lacedsemon, and the tomb of AneM-
molius may be seen to this day in Attica ; it is at Alo-
pecffi^ (Foxtown), near the temple of Hercules in Cynosargos.'
6:t. Afterwards, the Lacedtemonians despatched a luger
force against Athens, which they put under the command of
Cleomenes, son of Anaxandridas, one of their kings. Theu
troops were not sent by sea, but marched by the mainlani
AVhen they were come into Attica, their first encounter was
with the Thessaliau horse, which they shortly put to flight,
■ Tho Thopsaliftna wore erill in that
"onvly stnijrc of st^ciotv" mentioned by
Arnolil, ■' when tho ruUnj; orJor or
ila-*-* li.ia fonir)it on horaeJ-irk^ their
Hubjivt* or iloinMuli^nts on fi'tit*' (Hist.
vi Komo, v,.l. i. p. 71). **Tii«» cavalry
tm-vioo umhrthi'so circuuiPtanccs has
boiMi cultivatoti, thnt of lhi» infantry
iioifh'ctivl." In Thessnly the bulk of
llu» jK>]nilation wore held in the con-
dition of (jfrfrf (rcFfWai) — the rulinjy
class, howi'vor, was larj^e and warlike.
H*M\eo we const ant ly hear of the ox-
cellenco of the Thcasalian horse, while
it ii* seldom tlmt wo have any mention
of their infantrv. (Compare llerod.
vii. -*S.2i» ; Thncyd. i. Ill ; Kphor. Ft.
f) : Tausan i. i. 2 ; IVlyb. iv. h ; Plat.
Mon. p. 70, A. ; Hipp. Maj. p. 281. A.)
The country was favouniblo for pas-
tarapo; tt"d Tlicssalian hunses were of
ppecial excollency (vido intra, vii. 19U,
and note ad loc.).
» Wachsmuih proposes to read a
•' fionua^an " (Tovvaiov), for a " Coni-
n\-in" [Kovwov) hero. And enrtainly
llioro is uo kuowu town iu Iheabaly,
from which thoinjrd "Conuran'eooU
be formed. It is impouible to sitder-
Btand, with Larchcr, Coniom cr Ico-
nium, the modem Koniyeh, in Fhiy^
I should incliuo, therefore, to ftdcfl
tho emendation of WachBrnnUu Ga^
noB, or Gonni, ia awell-known HiMn-
lian town (Strab. ix. p. 63S; Tat^*
Tyr. 8; Stepb. Byz. ad tdc.; PuL
Gt<oijmph. iii. 13 ; Lir. xlii. U). It
lay north of the Peacais a little >bon
tho commeuccmcnt of the ptn rf
Tem(>e in the modem ralley of XVrrii
(Lfukc's Northern Greece, toL iii. FP
381. 382).
2 It is cnriotu to find that the
Siiaitans had pasacd Athens, ud
ponelrated to this place, which livM
the north-east of tho city, at tiw &•
tanco of about a mile and a Uf
(^sch. Tiraarch. p. 119). We v»t
suitpoct thnt Herodotus hai iU-tuider-
ptood tho Spartan plan of campw^
The rito of Alopecie is marked br the
mi-xiem viUapreof JmbWoikipo (I*ske'"
Demi of Aiticn, p. 31).
' Vido iu£m, vL 116, and noM tdVx.
1
^^^^^■t^H
^Btap. 63-^ THE PXSISTRATIDJE LEAVE ATTICA. 26^ ^^M
^■Uing above forty men; the rcmaindor made good tlieir ^^|
^Hcape, and ded straight to Thessalj. Cleomcnes proceeded ^H
^B the city, and, with the aid of sach of the Athenians as ^H
^Bshed for freedom* besieged the tyrants, who had shut them- ^H
^Klves up in the Pelasgic fortress.^ ^^m
^H:65. And now there bad been smoJI chance of the FiaiBtra- ^^H
^■flie falling into the hands of the Spartans, who did not even ^^M
^Hpsign to sit down before the place,^ which had moreover been ^^|
^Bli provisioned beforehand with stores both of meat and ^^|
^Kink. — ^nay, it is likely that after a few days* blockade the ^^M
^Hucedasmonians would have quitted Attica altogether, and ^^H
^ftne back to Sparta, — had not an event occurred most unlucky ^^M
^Kr the besieged, and most advantageous for the besiegers. ^^M
^^Bie children of the PisistratidoB were made prisoners, as they ^^U
^Bere being removed out of the country. By this calamity all ^^M
^Hieir plans were deranged, and — as the ransom of their ^H
^ftildren— they consented to the demands of the Athenians, ^H
^pd agreed within five days' time to quit Attica.^ Accordingly ^^M
^Bey soon afterwards left the country, and withdrew to Sigeum ^^M
^Ki the Scamander,^ after reigning thirty-six years over the ^^M
^^LheniauB.^ £v descent thev were Pvlians. of the familv of ^^1
"
^^^^H
1
* That ia, the Acropolis, which the
ftuuri were said to hare fortified for
Tiotory orer the Tbessalians, the re- ^^^|
treat of Hippias into " the Falas^io ^^H
fortress," and the capture of the ^^H
children a« they were being oonreyed. ^^^|
out of tho ooantry(Fr. 17). ^^H
7 Vido infra, oh. 94, 05. ^H
B It ai>pfar6 from Arietotle (Polit. ^^H
V. 9) that this period ia &xclxisive of the ^^^H
time passed hr Pisifttratna lu exile ^^H
aflor his first seizure of the Borerci^tj'. ^^H
From thu betjinning of the rejj^ of ^^^|
Pisifltratas, to the final expulHion of ^^H
hia aons, was a period of fifty-ono ^^H
yeara (Ariat. L a. c. ; Scholiast, ap. ^^^H
Aristoph. Vcsp. 500). Fisistratua ^^H
seised the bOTor^ignty, B.C. CGO ; diod, ^^^H
B.C. 527, having reigned nearly 17 ^^H
ycara oat of tho 33. Hippioa reigned ^^H
14 years before tbo death of Xlippar- ^^^H
ofans (B.C. 614), and four afterworda. ^^H
Ho woa expelled ax. 510, perhaps ia ^^H
^^■i AUu>nuuifl (see below, vi. 137).
^^Eoordinf^ to Clititdemtu. &11 that the
^^^Uugi did was to lovel tbo earfooo
^^■tbe rock at the smnmit, and bnilil
^^KwnU roQDd the space bo obtamed
^Ka«. SS, «d. Dtdot.).
^^■^ Aw«re, ftpparentlj-j of thoir in.
^^^UJt/toociDdQiTt aieg:os (ride ihItb, iz.
' 70). That the Acrupolia wiu not at
thw time very etrong appears from the
Acooont of ita aiege by Xerxea (viii.
(1; 68). It was afterwarda fortiBed
^^f Gimon (Plat. Vit. Cim. o. 13).
^V*Ali the chief pciots of thin nar.
^HiliTe ue confirmed bj Aristotle, who
^^pbtes the coutract of the Alcmmo-
^^Bdv to rebuild tlie Delphian temple,
^tte importunity of the oracle in ihoir
fawur, the expedition of Anchimoliua
by Md, his dufeat, the expedition of
CieoxDDQes " with a larger forcep" hia
264
POUCY OF CLISTHEXES,
BootT.
the Neleids,® to wbicli Codrus and MelanthuB likewise belonged,
men who in former times from foreign settlers became kings of
Athens- And benco it was that Hippocrates * came to think
of calling hia son Pisistratus : he named him after the Pisis-
tratus who was a son of Nestor. Such then was the mode in
which the Athenians got quit of their tyrants. What they did
and sofTered worthy of note from tho time when they gained
their freedom mitil the revolt of Ionia from King Darius» and
the coming of Axistngoras to Athens with a request that the
Athenians would lend the lonians aid, I shall now proceed to
relate.
66. The power of Athens had been great before ; but,
now that the tyrants were gone, it became greater than ever.
The chief authority was lodged with two persons, Clistbenes,
of the family of the Alcma3onids, who is said to have been
the persuader of the Pythoness,* and Isagoras, the son of
Tisander, who belonged to a noble house, but whose pedigree
I am not able to trace further. Howbeit his kinsmen offer
sacrifice to the Carian Jupiter." These two men etrove
together for the mastery ; and Clisthenes, finding himself the
weaker, called to his aid the common people.* Hereupon,
' The talo went, thiit Melanthus (tbo
fiftb in descent from tho Homeric Nes-
tor, Bon of NeltiQSj and king of Pylofi),
woa kiug of Mcnsenia at ibe time of
the rotom of tbo Homolidio. Being
(ixpcUed, be loogbt a refago in Attica,
wbere he iraa kindly recotred, and
oven placed upon the throne — Tby-
TncBtes, the existing xnonarch, being
forood to abdicaio in Uis favour. This
will explain the tonna " PylianB," and
"Neleida" (cf. Hellan. Fr. 10, aad
Demo, JV. 1, ed. Didut.).
' Snpro, i. 59.
s Supra, oh. 62.
• That the Cariana were once widely
Bproad throngh tho Cjcladi^>B, is wit.
nesaed both by Horudutus (i. 171) and
Thucydidea (i. 4). There would be
nuthing Burprieing, therefore* in on
auciont settlement of Corians upon
tho Attic peninsula. Strabo noticea
descents of Cariona upon tho coaato el
Attica (ix. p. 577).
* Wo Ee<.>m bore to meet mfsmia with
the old triple dirisioo of (uirtioa— the
Pedini, ParaU« and Diaorii, of fifty
years bock (suprsv i. bH}, laagorM
had, apparently, revived the party of
LycnrgU2(t1io Pedia-i), wbidi was that
of the ancient landed aristocracy :
Clisthenes hod taken Yum father's place
at the bead of the Porali, or wvalthy
middle class, who were attached to
Uje timocratical constitution of Soloa :
while the Diurrli, or democrata, were
without a leader, but had atnagth
anflicicnt to tarn the scale either way.
CUstbcncs, it secius, was not a demo-
crat by choice, but from necessity. It
was only when he found himself onahla
to contend euooessfnlly with Isadoras,
that bo had recourse to the dexDciormti<
col party. (Vide iufrai ch.6B^ncita'.}
I
I
I
4
Coat, 66, 66.
CLISTHEKES ALTERS THE TRIBES.
26i
instead of the four tribes' among which the Athenians had
been divided hitherto, CliBthenea made ten tribes, and par-
• Tliat i», th* GeTcont^a or Telftontcs,
H'»t'i'^''- v - r.fi.ip^and Argihdf)ifi,tbe
(U" tribes of Attica,
^i^ ' 1 , t GpCHJCC, vol. iii. p.
^HHft^MW* iiiiki UiiTo is any galBcicat
^^^^^H'for bolierinjB; tbut a diviaion
^a9^MtiM» Boch as tbo uamos of ihcse
tribet has hetm thnT];i;bt to indicate,
erer preTniled m Aitico. In this bo
opposes, aniong tlto ancients, Flato,
Stxmbcs ft&d FIntarch ; among the
noiiiMiu almoot all wbo have written
upcm the nbject (C. ¥• Hermann, § 94 ;
lliirivall. ToL ii. p. 7 ; Bocckb, Corp.
la«c. 3G55 ; IHgt^D. p.3S'&0; ScbOmann
^ Com. Atfa. p. 361, &c.). It aocms
inooDcciTuble tbut namee, tbrvo ant of
foar of which read so clp«xly Warriors
(HapU(««), GoaChonla (^gieorcif;),
and Axtisanfl (Arg&deiii), can have beL-u
given exoefik to dasics formed accord.
ini^ to pn>fe«>ioxui, at Itastat th^ouU€t,
The dj^fficahy and nnccrtainty that
attaches to the foaxtb uaino, which
%ffptmr* osUer three furma — Oeleuut«s,
GsdoBtM, and Telf^oiit«B — cannot
lUTalidate the argament derived from
th* other three. Tcloontei, which
reattf apon decent antbority (Eurip.
loo. 1579; Pollot, viiL 109 j StopL
BjrK» Ad TOO. Ai7ijc(fprwi), ifl certainly
tK» form most easy of cxplnnatiun, fur
dua -woold be etTninl<>^ca)ly con*
aectcd with r«A<«, t«'aoi, rtMr^, and
WYiald give the cict'lk'nl st*nse of
taaetM or Cotispcratora (cf. Strabn,
p. &&G). Gcloontca. which baa
grpiit<^9ft weiplit of antliority,
it i» the form of the Inscriptions
tu that of tho best USS, of
may poeaibly only bo a
>m this, accordiiiQ^ lu thu
hifh we find in Hcaycbina,
'flixt y^Km was in nse Cor rd\ta
Ciitmjch. ad TOO. 7/Affa). The form
CMeootn haa the least aathority
(Itstarcfa only), and may be rafcly set
aakic 9M haTini; axitu^n from iti-writton
1CS&, in wlbcii rEAEONTE2 mif^bt
auOy b^ mislakt-n for rEAEONTEI.
It would eeum thoroforc thiit at
in Tery early tunen there were
four CAAtcfl : 1. Prieats ; 2. Warrinrs ;
3. Uerdsmon; and 4. Mecbamoa. This
may be considered as tolerably certain
from the appellations tbcm&clros. It
is also conlirmed by several writers
of fair name and nnt^j. Tbu passages
in Plato (Timmofi, p. 24, A. ; Critiae^, p.
110, C), where anoiont AtLens is
compared to £§7pt in respect of its
castes, ar^ well known. Tht-y ore tbo
more valoablo, because, bo fax as ap-
peura, the fact reoorded is not based
npon tho oiymology of the names of
tho tribes, or indeed conneoted oon>
floiouflly with the tribes at all. Plu-
tarch's BtAtenient is disliuct and
posiLire (Vit. Solon, ch. 25) ; and the
error in detail — tho snbatitntion of
husbandmen for priests — arises from
his having the false furm7«9€0Krcs, for
rtk^ointi. Strnbo also, who is a re-
spectable authonty, has no doubt of
the four tribes baring been castes. His
accoont exactly accords with the riew
taken above ; for it is of no importance
that he oncb the term huibmuinurn,
iytafpyoC) for goatheriU (aiyutoput), to
designate tho caste which got its living
from tho soil.
If wo admit the fact of the extstenoo
of castes in Attica in the earliest timea,
it becomes a matter of importance to
ioqaire, whence did these oastea come f
— wci% they of homo growth) or intro-
dooed from abroad P They have been
regarded as favouring tho notion of a
Bpcciol oonnectioD of Athens with
Egrypt (Diodor. Sic. i. 28 j Thirlwall,
vol. ii, p. 67) ; and in Plato they cer-
tainly ap[>oar in this shape; hot it ia
diHicolttn nay wltotherthis ig the trae
(bt*c<>unt of theo], or wbolber the fact
is not, that the same spirit which pro>
vailed in early timen in Egypt and
India, also independently sprang up
in Greece. The nature of tho spocial
oocnection, if any, between Egypt and
Atheos, is not ot^^eed on. Plato girua
no nccuunt of it ; and Phooodemua
and CalUsthcoeg, tho eailii^t writers
who projKinaded a theory, dorivod Saia
from Athens (ap. Procl. Commeui. in
266
HIS OBINDSIRE, CLISTHENES OP SICTOX.
celled oat the Athenians among them. He Likewise changed
the names of the tribes ; for whereas they had till now been
called after Geleon, iEgicores, Argades, and Hoples, the four
sons of Ion,® Clisthenes set these names aside, and called his
tribes after certain other heroes,' all of whom were native,
except Ajax. Ajax was associated because, although a
foreigner, ho was a neighbour and an ally of Athens.®
67. My hehef is that in acting thus he did but imitate his
materaal grandfather, Clisthenes, king of Sieyon.* This king,
when he was at war with Argos, put an end to the contests of
I
Plat. Tim. p. 30). The Egyptian
oolony to Attica Bcems to hnvo becu
a lato inventinn of th« E^ptiann
tbomBelres. It appears flrst in Dio-
dorofl (1. B. c), whenc-o it pMses to
Kostibiufl (Chron. Can. ii. p. 280),
TsotzcB, Saidas, &c. Still tbero iv,
nnrtoahtedly, aroMmblanco in religion
and art, as well as in political inetita.
tions, between Athens and Egypt,
which favonra the notion of eomo
Bpecial early connection. (See Thi-
orftch'BEpocbcD der Bildondou Kanst,
p. 26.)
The chief olTJectJon to the view
which would doriTO the Athenian
castes from Egypt, is tho fact, of
which there eeems to bo good ori-
donee, that tho font tribes were not
pecaliar to AtheDS, but common to ull
tho Ionian Greeks. Tho tradition
which makes Teleon and bis brothers
Bona of Ion, embodies this fnct; and
it is proved, not only by tho Btatement
of Herodotus (infra, ch. 69), but also
by insoriptinna from the Ionian towns
of Asia Minor (Boockh, Corp. In«.
S078, 3079, 3665], which show tho
existence of these divisions in them.
It is also imporcant to observe that
remnants of caste divisions and caste
prejadieea appear through Greece
generally, which aecm to indicate tho
entire and universal proval?uoo of
caste in earlier times. Of this natnro
are tho hereditary priesthoods com-
mon to many slates ; and the descent
of officer and employments from futlior
to BOD, wluoh iM known to huvv pru.
vailed at Sparta and dsewhervr And
of which Herodotus himself gxret
instaooes in the next Book (m&s, Ti.
60, and noto ad loc.; seo also Her-
mann's Pol. Ant. § &). It ia astonish-
ing to find an assertion in Clinton (F.
n. vol. i. p. 54), that of the institation
of eastea *' thoro are no TOBtigM in
any part of Greece " 1
^llie same names are given, but
with the rending of Tolcm for Geleon,
in Enripidoa (Ion. 1579-15^1, ed. Din.
dnrf.]. In accortlance with this, Julias
Pollux (riii. 9, p. 931). and Stephcnof
Byzantinm (ad voo. Aryuctt^tvf), girt
the tribes as Teleootot}, Hopletes; ^gi-
coreis, and Axgadeis. The luscriptions
of CysicuB contain the full list^ bat
with the form Geleontes.
"^ The names of the Attic tribes wore
ErcchtheiB.uT^geis, P(in<l''-"^ T "ntis,
Acamaiitis, (Kueis, C* mho.
thofintts, ^AntiR, and . the
heroes being Erechthfo-, .1 . <• i*aii-
dion, Leos, Acnmoff, Gvi i^. :>^opc,
Hippothoon, Ajax, and Antiochuit. The
oi-dor given is that obaerrod upon the
mnnnments.
* Ajiix was the tatelary hexo cf
Salamis (vide infm, viii. &V and 121).
According to Homer, hia trvops at
Troy wure diawu up naxt to those itl
Athens.
U. U. UT. tU.
* Conceroin^ tliis king, mo balow,
vi.126.
<
ABBASTUS AXD MELAXIFPUa
267
sodisis at Sicyon, because in the Homeric poems Argos
Ajgives were so constantly the theme of song. He
conceived the wish to drive Adrastus, the son of
out of his country/ seeing that he was an Argive
''or AdraatuB had a shrine at Sicyon, which yet stands
arket-place of the town. CliBthenes therefore went to
!&nd asked the oracle if ho might expel Adrastus. To
Pythoness is reported to have answered — '* Adrastus
licyonions' king, but thou art only a robber,*' So
s god would not grant his request, he went homo and
think how he might contrive to make Adrastus with-
his own accord. After a while he hit upon a plan
) thought would succeed. He sent envoys to Thebes
a, and informed the Thebans that he wished to bring
?us,* the eon of Astacua, to Sicyon. The Thebans
ig, Clisthenes carried Melanippua back with him,
him a precinct within the government-house, and
a a shrine there in the safest and strongest part,
son for his so doing (which I must not forbear to
I was, because Melanippus was Adrastus* great
taving slain both his brother Mecistes and his son-
ydeus." Clisthenes, after assigning the precinct to
)us, took away from Adrastus the sacriDces and
wherewith he had till then been honoured, and
ed them to his a^lversary. Hitherto the Sicyonians
1 extraordinary honours to Adrastus, because the
iiftd belonged to Polybus/ and Adrastus was Polybus'
's son ;° whence it came to pass that Polybus, dying
», king nf Argua and leadfr
mTthicJ attack upouTbebea
:]pniM. ; ApoUod, in. vi. §
trorahippod aa a hpro in
<es : among the reat at Mo-
an. (. xliii. 1) and AtheoB
I of MolanippnJi is probably
lea bolow, oh. 80.
as, the f«ja of Ajitacas
Among tho defoaders ot
Thcbca by Pheircydea {Pr. 51), Apol-
lixluruM (III. vi. § S), nud Pauwiiuaa
(rx. xriii. § 1). Ho in said to hare lost
hifl own lifo at tho Rtc^e, being aUm by
AjiipbinraoB (Pfaercc/d. 1. 8. c).
* Polybna was kin^ of Corinth, and
Slcytm was included iu Lis dominiuns
(ApollDd. in. V. § 7).
^ Tbfl Scholiast on Pindar (Xem, ix.)
fullows tlie same tradition. According
to hiui T^DS mamod Lyaimach^, the
26S
MOCK NAMES OF THE SICTONIAN TBIBESL BoQiT.
childless, left Adrastus bis kingdom. Besides other «»
monies, it bad been their wont to honour Adrastus ^ih tcagie
choruses, which they assigned to him rather than Baeduut
on account of his calamities.* Glisthenes now gare tin
choruses to Bacchus, transferring to Melanippus the nsk q(
the sacred rites.
68. Such were his doings in the matter of Adrastus. ^ith
respect to the Dorian tribes, not choosing the Sicyosiasfiio
have the same tribes as the Argires, he changed all the oU
names for new ones ; and here he took special occasion io
mock the Sicjonians, for he drew his new names from the
words " pig," and " ass," adding thereto the usual bilfr
endings ; only in the case of his own tribe he did nc
the sort, but gave them a name drawn from his own
office. For be called his own tribe the Archelai, or Bolffli
while the others he named Hvata, or Pig-folk, Oneate. <f
As5-folk. and Chcereatse, or Swine-folk7 The Sicyonians kepi
thtse namts. not only during the reign of Clisthenefl, W
even after his death, by the space of sixty years : then, hot'
ever, they took counsel together, and changed to the mfr
known names of Hvlla:ans, Pamphylians, and Dj^mauts,'
danghtor of Poljbns, and their issue
wail Adi-a-stus. Apollodums gives a
different account (i. ix. § 13).
• Bc'sidcfi the desJiructiuii of hie nrmy
and friends ia the first exjiediticm
o^inst Thfbes, AdrastuB was naid to
have lost his son yl^i^ialeiis in tho
Ciccond (IlellanicuB, Fr. 11 ; Apollod.
III. vii. § 2).
' The dynasty of the Orthaeorida?, to
which CliuthencH belonged, waa not
I>oriaT), but Achaean. Clitstliones aimed
at depretisin;; the Doric |xipalation,
and elevating tlio Acha>ana — bin own
kintifolk. IJifl iirranj^umeut of tho Sic-
yonian tribe.-i may bo thus com{>ared
with tho ohlcr (and later) divit^iou —
Achicans ArrhfUi ... JF-pialein.
MlVittie. ) (llvllai.
I'wrijUH jOn.-atiK. } ...] rnmi-lnll.
( Clia-rtatR?. ) { ItjinanaU;.
* That these were the three uneieut
tribes of the Dorians is DOwmiTaall*
acknowledged. Muller (Donsoii^
U. pp. 76, 78. E. T.) has collected U
principal testimonies. The moA^
rect is that of Stephen of Bjva^
(ad roc. Avfuip) ; Au/iar, fvAv Aifi''
Kol Aviiarts. (Compare alsotbe vorio
of tho same writer, ad roc Twu*)
Homer (II. ij. 668; Od.iiT.177).H«wd
(Frap. vii. ed. Guttling). Pindarfff*
i. 61), and Epfaonu {Fr. 10). Uai»
Herodotns. confirm the stscemftt *^
Stephen. -A mxdtitnde of iamaif^
from tho rains of diiferent DoriuOO*
lead to the somo conclnsioo.
The names were traced to T»b^'
las and Dyman, the two actual ss^
and Uyllos, the adopted son, of ^
niiaa, who was tho trsditioasl la^^
Doris at the time of the flight of ^
Ueraclcids.
CftAJ. 97-69.
THEY KEXAJfE THEMSELVES,
269
taking at tbe Sftmo time, as a fourth name, the title of
^gialeans, from ^gialeus, the son of Adrastus,'
69, Thus had Ciisthenes the Sicyonian done."* The Athe-
niaj] Cli&tbeneSf who was grandson by the mother's side of
the other, and had been named after him, resolved, from
contempt (as I believe) of the lonians,* that his tribes should
not be the same as theirs ; and so followed the pattern set
him by his namesake of Sicyon. Having brought entirely
over to his own side the common people of Athens, whom he
bad before disdained,^ he gave all the tribes new names, and
t 1
I'^ni WAS the ancient name
-'litive loniaoa of thia tnol
. vii. 94; cf. ApoUod. 11. i.
;- ! in, Tiii. p. BfiS). Pau-
, . .ijrvn, with reasou, that
term waa deriTed from the com-
word aiytaX6t, " oout," and Htinii-
** the dtrollen ftlong* the ahore "
. L f 1). Compare the Attio
(•npra, t &B). It is not un-
imcnt to find a tribo or triboB of tho
i|riia] iiiliabitaDUalonKoido of tbe
rjlkcana, Dymaufui, and Pomphvlcfi,
a I>omn atat«. In ArgoP, and per-
ax Eptdaaras.thp Uymithian wae
% tnbo <Stcpb. Bjra., ad voces
at • TpWtftar). In Cormth tbcro
to hare been 6ro snch (MuUcr'a
B, vol. ii- p. 58. E. T.).
*• An inUrcPting acvonnt is giren by
NicuLu of Damascui, of the mode in
JWhicb CI tsthenoe obtaLncd th(t Llirone.
the foangcflt of threo
and bad therofora, in tho
of thing*, little hope of
U jxtnt, huwuvtffr biA
trttther, having been f^aitty of
lQ]l«ry with the irife of bodemufl the
■vooDd brother, Clisthonoa pctranadod
tbe Utt«r to rorengr himMlf by klaying
Um adaUarer. Ho than reprasented to
him Oml be could not reign alone, aa it
,Va* impoacUde for bim to offer the
I wad was admitted oe joint
ig C3i this account. Finally, ho hud
) tifTBTuuled to go into volan-
ts ; ■ -r ft year, in order to purge
hi« iHiiuixn: find dnnng hia nbaeace
huuBeli oole king (Fr. 61).
' Thoro can be no doubt that Clin.
theoefi wae actuated by a higher motive.
Bo aboliflhed tho old tribea, not bc-
caosc they were Ionio» bat beoaase
they were ezolusire ; his intention wiu
to break down an old oligarchical dia-
tinction.and to admit the more readily
to the franchise fresh cbuiees of tho
free inhabitants. Tho old thbes were
hereditary, and with tbcir niochiuory
of phratrics and olans {yivri), tended
to caufiiio witliin very narrow Umiti
the rights of Athenian citi«enflhip. A
fr«e plthM bad grown up outside the
hereditary thbes at Athens, as it did
Bt Rome, and by the same meansiex-
cept that in Home the elementof forced,
in Athens that of free, aottlen propou-
dcratvd. Clisthenee resolved to admit
nl) free Athenians to the franchise, and
therefore onrolleil theontiro free popu-
latirin in local tribos. It would bavo
boeu almost impofl«ibto for him to have
set up fresh hereditary tribes by the
nido of tho ancient ones ; for " a tie of
faith and feeling'* connected thoee
together, which oonid not have been
**C0QJared suddenly np as a bond of
union between oompanitivo stnuipers."
Mr. Grote vicwe thcso tmnsnctions in
their true hght (Uist, of Greece, vol.
IT. pp. 169.175).
• So wo were told bcfcro, that when
Ciisthenes" fonnrl hiuiwlf tho weaker,
ho called tu hit) aid the common pec>p1e**
(cb. G6). On what grounds Ur. Grute
snpposei it ** not unreasonable to giro
Clisthenea credit for a more forward
geuerooa moremont than is implied in
270
ISAGORAS AND CXEOUENESL
BOQIT.
made the number greater than formerly ; instead of ilie Enr
pbylarcbs be established ten ; ' be likewise placed ten deniH
in each of the tribes ; ^ and he was, now that the eomnKi
people took his part, very much more powerful than Iv
adversaries.
70. Isagoras in his turn lost gronnd ; and therefore, to
counterplot his enemy, he called in Gleomenes, the LMed^
n^onian, who had already, at the time when he was besej^
the Fisistratidse, made a contract of friendship with him. A
charge is ^en brought against Gleomenes that he ms a
terms of too great familiarity with Isagoras's wife. At tb
time the first thing that be did, was to send a herald ni
require that Glisthenes, and a large number of Atbeniui
besides, whom he called "The Accursed," should leave Atbffli'
This message he sent at the suggestion of Isagoras: forinttt
affair referred to, the blood-guiltiness lay on the AlcnuHRiyi
and their paiiiisans, while he and his friends were quite des
of it.
the literal acconntof Herotiotns," docs
not appear. Wo way ct'rtainly do so ;
but thua wcrojoct the authority of tho
writer who is our only gnido in tho
matter, and wlio, as a lovur of demo-
cracy (vido infra, ch. 78), would not
willinp;ly have spoken evil of ono who
lind done so maeh for it ae Cli&thcnefl.
Aru doniucmts alono of all mankind
immaculate ?
' Vido supra, eh. 60. By Phylarchs,
in this place, Herodotus probably
means the I'lriMcXfirol rwv </>uAwi', who
took the place of the old <pv\o$turi\f75,
as the headd of tho tiibos. The Phy.
tnrchs proper were, under the Hip-
parchs, the chief officers of the cavalry
(comp. Ucrmnnn's l*ol. Aut.of Greece,
§§111 and 152).
* It seems to mo qnito impossihlo
that this {japsajro can hoar tho con-
struction given it by Wachsniuth, and
adopted by Mr. Groto (vol. i%'. p. 176,
note), or indeed admit of any pciipc but
that assigned it in the text. WJictlier
Herodotus was mistaken, as Hei-nmnu
(I, s. c.) supposes, or whether, as Schu-
mann contends (Dc Com. AttptlW
the number of demei ma fpp^
100, and was afterwards iDcnw»
tho 170 mentioned by PolflW (if
Strab. ix. p. 675), is an open qB(*»
Perhaps scarcely sufficient groail*
been shown for questiomng the «**
ment of Herodotus.
The fact is quite oscertkitfl^
the demos of which each tnTu •"
composed, were not locally wntiitB*
(Leako's Demi of Attica.p. 13; 6iitt
vol. iv.p. 177). It is » h»pp»co^
tare of Mr. Urote s, that the <*i<*3
view wns the avoidincc of thoK W
fends and jealousies of which ■•fl^^
a trace in the contentions of tl* I*
crii, the Fedio^i, and the BuaUm'^
ch. CG, note, and i. 59).
* Tho same demand wM im* *
mediately before the brcab'nf'^?
tbe Feloponnesiaa war (Tlio^i^
126) ; when it was directed iff**
Pericles, who was connected, tkw*n
his mother, with iho AlcnuEOud ^^
(infra, vi. 131).
/
Chaf. 60-71.
STORY OF " THE ACCDHSED.
271
71. The way in which "The Accurfied" at Athens got their
name, was the following. There was a certain Athenian,
called Cylon, a victor at the Olympic games,* who aspired to
the sovereignty, and aided hy a number of his companions,
who were of the same age with himself, made an attempt to
seize the citadel.' But the attack failed ; and Cylon became
ft suppliant at the image.^ Hereupon the Heads of the
Nancraries,' who at that time boro rule in Athens, induced
the fugitives to remove by a promise to spare their lives.
• Cylon gained the prize for the
VoHAtff, or doable foot-moo (PauBsn. i.
xxviii. 1).
7 Cjr loo's enterprise, and the circom-
vtsoccs irhioh \i**\ to it, have been
1mtt«r atated hj Binhop ThirlwAll than
Qrotc. The Utter docs not
to 8oe ftny stir of tho democmtio
tt at Aibcns, antH the tinie im.
iateljr preceOtog the legietatiou of
But, iLS Dr. Thirltrall well re.
tho lepslation of Dmco, which
to limit tbo anthority of the
»]c«, cannot have prooooded from
their own wish, but most havo boon
*Ttort«d from them hj the growing
dtaccmcent of the people (vol. ii. p. 18).
X popular itir, thorefuro, began before
DraoQ'a legi^ilation — a demand for
writt«a laws, like tbnt which at Bomo
Iftd to the Docf^mrirate — Draco woa
ftfipnhited to saliKfy this demand, bat
fowDOMl bis lawa in a manner " de«igned
to orenwe and repress the popular
norroment,'* which had led to hia being
••t op a« a lawgiTCT. Tho insnrrectian
«t Crlonwai tho oat oral confieqocnce
of Uti* altvoipt at repreiuion ; it \Tn9 a
dawutiiatio moToment, at least it de-
nrr*\ .tv 1-l.w.f itnmgth from the dis-
ci > to moAftea; and thia, al*
tit II was a Eupatrid. Whether
CjliM'* vtew4 were nelfuh or not^wo
cwwot ny. Ho mny hare designed
what Pinstratofi afterwards accom.
pUabed. or ho may hare been really
tli#8purtos Caftsiuii.orTitTis Manliaxuf
A**!**". H»« foituru loft tbu yit lienians
to groKQ Tiadcr the weight of a cruel
ol%Mvhy fnr at least t'i»;bteen more
J8«n (fnam ii.c. 612 to ii.c. ob4. See
CD this sabjeot, Hermann's Pol. Antiq^
§ 103, and tho writora there quoted,
lleier, Welckor, and Biebellii). It ia
romorkable that Cylon's statue was
pr^tterred in tho Acropolis to the days
of Panaaniaa (i. xxriii. § I), a sign oi
tho frrotitudo of tho people.
* Tho account in ThncydiJea (t. 126)
ia much foller, and may it«<'lf be com-
pleted from rintaroh'a Solon, 0. 12.
According to these writora, Cylon him-
self escaped. His adhoronta tonk re-
fuge in tho temple of Hluerva I^olias,
and when indnoed, under promise of
being aporcd. to surrender, fastened
thomaelros with a rope to tho statud
of the goddess, and ao descended into
tho town. On their way tho rope
broke, or was cut ; and they were im-
mediately act upon. Many fled ior
rofuf^o to tho aaitctnary of the Furies,
whiuii happened to bo near, but wore
Alain at the altars. H egaclc», who waa
chief arohon at tho timo, directed ths
pruceedinga (Herncl. P. t 4) ; and
hence the guilt of the double iiacrilege
was conaidered to rest chi*'fiy on him.
During the rulo of Sulon, EpimoaiJea
was employed to dense an expiation of
the crime ; but tho measures which ho
took (Dio^. Lncrt. i. 110) failed to
satitify public opinion,
• Tho Naucraries were divisions of
tho ancient triboa : in each tribe thoro
were three Trittj-es, and in each
Trittya, fonr Kancrariea. Thus tho
number of these last was -IS. Accord-
ing to some writers, each Naucrary
wod bound to fumiah a tvascI to tha
navy, and this wofl tho origin of the
name {wvuK^apla CKdurri] Zua irwtas va-
2/3
VISIT OF CLEOMENES TO ATHENS,
Boot
NererthelesB they were all Blain ; and the blame was laid
on the AIcmEBouidse. All this happened before the time of
Pisistratus,
72. When the mefisage of Cleomenes arrived, requiring
Clisthenes and " The Accursed '* to quit the city, Clisthene«
departed of his own accord. Cleomenes, however, notwith-
standing his departure, came to Athens, with a small band
of followers ; and on his arrival sent into banishment seven
hundred Athenian families, which were pointed out to him
by Isagoras. Sacceeding here, he next endeavoured to
dissolve the council,^ and to pat the government into the
hands of three hundred of the partisans of that leader. Bat
the council resisted, and refused to obey his orders ; where-
upon Cleomenes, Isagoras, and their followers took possessioQ
of the cita<lel. Here they were attacked by the rest of the
Athenians, who took the side of the council, and were besieged
for the space of two days ; on the third day they accepted
terms, being allowed — at least such of them as were Lacede-
monians— to quit the country. And so the word which came
to Cleomenes received its fulfilment. For when he first went
up into the citadel, meaning to seize it, just as he was enter-
ing the sanctuary of the goddess, in order to question her, tba
priestess arose from her throne, before he had passed the
doors, and said — " Stranger from Lacedsemon, depart hence,
and presume not to enter the holy place — it is not lawful for
a Dorian to set foot there." But he answered, "Ohl woman,
I
fuurrtu. Pttllnx viii. lOS). Thia de-
rivnCion. however, ia nither plausible
than probable; and the aconnntof the
word which coonoota it with fcu'df, and
makes the va^Kp^tpos (-= mtmKijpos) " a
honscboldcr," is on oil oooountd to bo
prefer rod.
Aa Thuojrdidefl eajs that the nine
archona at this true laaDa)^'^d affairs,
some writi*rs (as Harpooraton) hare
confonnded tho Heads (Fiytooeifl) of
the Kaucrariee with the arohona. Itia
weialtM^I
bettor to suppose thftt they
chief milit.znj offioers, or that
formod aoouncil or c»>urt which
od the chief archnna in tho deoiaiocL cl
criminal oaiiso9(Waoh£muth, i.p.2ift;
Thirlwall, ii. p. 22, note).
' Thti now council of 500, fiftj frooL
each local tril>e, which Cliathonoa
recently Hiibslitoted tor Solon's
of Four Hundred. For tho
tion of thitf conncil, see the
oocount in tho Diotionftiy «l
tiet (pp. 1&S-169}.
Chat. 71-73.
HB IS FORCED TO EETIBE,
273
I am not a Dorian, bnt an Acliican."* Slighting this warn-
ing, Cleomeucs made his attempt, and so he "was forced to
retire, together with his Lacedaemonians.* The rest were
«ast into prison by the Athenians, and condemned to die, —
among them Timasitheiig the Delphian, of whose prowess and
coTirage I haro great things which I coiild tell.*
73. So these men died in prison.^ The Athenians directly
aiWwards recalled CliBthcnes, and the seven hundred families
which Geomenes had driven out ; and, further, they sent
envoys to 8ar<Us, to make an alliance with the Persians, for
they knew that war would follow with Cleomeues fvnd tin-
Lacedsmonians. When the ambassadors reached Sardis and
delivered their message, Artaphemes, son of Hystaspcs, who
was at that time governor of the place, inquired of them
•* who they were, and in what part of the world they dwelt,"
that they wanted to become alhes of the Persians ? " The
messengers told him ; upon which he answered them shortly
— that " if the Athenians chose to give earth and water to
King Dariua, he would conclade an alhance ift-ith them ; but if
not, they might go home again." After consulting together,
the envoys, an3U0US to form the alliance, accepted the terms ;
' The HoreolidtB were, ■ccording to
tKe onanimous tmdilinn, the old royal
1hxat\y of the Feloponocfic, when it wu
jrvi Acliujan. Kxjjulled tlience, thoy
hud founil a refuse ia Ooria, and beca
adopted by the Dorians intn their ua-
Won. lloncc m the Uirrnd mentioned
Above (iu>ie^ on ch. UH), Uyllas is ibo
a4«^ttd Mm of ^gimiufl (£{ibor. ITr.
10).
^ always chorifihod %
<.f tbifl triuraphoTcr
!' u Arielophaooe,
<» policy, CAD-
^-ing in tbo re-
According 10 him Cleo-
» TV. '
lirely 1
iheit (nvar
sotwithntat
not rofroin
•oltodlon.
VMOet had til Hurreuder hia arms, and
to retire in a rcvr miserablo pliji^Ut —
ff/lMtpiir fx"** vow rpi^mirioy, vivw,
¥OIi.lII«
* FftQBiiniiia, rcfernzig to this pus.
tage, rolatoa that Tiniositheas won a
paucratioitt, and had won three vie
toriea at iho Fythian, und two at the
Olympian gamee (vi, viji. § 4). ilia
cttktuG — tho work of Aj;ela(itis the Ar-
givc— woa fltiU fitandiuK^ at Olympia
when rausauioa wrute (ibid. § 6).
* Mr. Bi&kt»lL>y (noL ad loc.) callfl in
qnevtion this soTehty, bnt (fta it BoenM
to me) without reaiton. Tim paarageof
the Scholiast on Anetophtuioa (Lysiiilr.
273) to which be ntun, tvlongs to ft
hitor period of tho biatory (see note*
cm ch. 74).
Furasimilar indtancc of the cowardly
desertion of allies by the Bportiuia, loo
Thoc. iii. 109-111.
> Vide Bupra, i. 163, and in&ft, oh.
105.
274
SECOND EXP£DinOK OF CLEOMEXES.
Book
but on tbeir return to Athens, they fell into deep disgrace on
account of tbeir compliance.
74, Meanwhile Cleomenes, who considered himself to have
been insulted by the Athonians both in word and deed, was
drawing a force together from all parts of the Pcloponnese,
without infonning any one of his object ; which was to
revenge himself on the Athenians, and to establish Isagoras,
who had escaped with him from the citadel,' as despot of
Athens. Accordingly, with a large army, he invaded the
district of Eleusis,^ while the Boeotians, who had concerted
measures with him, took (Enoe*' and Hysia),^ two country-
towns upon the frontier; and at the same time the Chalci-
deans,^ on another eide, plundered divers places in Attica.
^
"* DisgniBed, probablj as a SpRrtan.
* Aooording to the Scholmat on Arifl-
tophaDoa (Lyaist. 1. s. o.)< Cleomeriea
took EleiutB on his way back from
AthcnB, and was aided in sodoinf^ bj a
aamber of Athenians. Those traiton
were ponishod hy tbo oonfiacation of
their goods, tho razing of tbeir honses
to the pnmiid (of. hlv. iL 41), their
own condomnattoa to doatb. and tbo
pubtio inscription of tbeir namos aa
coudemucd folona on a brann pillar in
the AoropoUa.
Elcosia waa tho key to Attica on
the south, and ite posacasion enabled
Cleomones to invade wfaonover ho
choso to do 80.
• The C£no6 bore fipoken of, ia an-
doabtodly that near ElonthersQ, whioh
belonged to tho tribe UippothoOntta
{Harpocrat ion ad too.). Itn ricinity to
Hysiae ia anfficicmt to prove thia ; for
tbo other (£noo waa close to Marathon,
near the eastern coaat, 30 milea frnTu
HyvliD (Lcako'a Domes, p. 85). Tho
exaot site ia not agreed upon. Kioport
places it at the modem PaUoo-kcistro,
which ia not more then six milea from
Elpnuia (Atlaa ron Hellaa, Blatt X.).
Leako regards it aa identical with
Qhjtfto.kastro, which lies close nndor
Cithoorasi, in a narrow valley through
which znoat have paaaed the road frutn
Athena to Platna. His argomeots
appear to mo oonoInaiTe (Demi ct
Altica, pp. 129.131).
(Enod waa a place of great impcrt.
ance in ibe Pelnpoaneaian war (Thncyd.
ji. 18, 19. Tiii. 98). It WM taken bjr
the Bmotiana, s.c. 411, but probably
soon after recovered by Athena,
' HrsiED lay on tho north side of CI-
thoprun, in tbo pltuu of the Asopiu
(iufro, ix. 15, 25; Strnb. ix.p. SS7). be*
twoonPlntojaandErythroo. It belonged
natarally and commonly to BoxitUk
Homer mentiora it noder the name of
Uyria, oa a ikcotion city. (II. ii. 496.
Compare Strab. 1. e. c.) It ac«mB ta
have been recnptorcd by Athena sooa
after thia (infra, vt. 108), bnt to have
reverted to Tltebes before the lime of
tho Peloponnenan war (Thucyd. zii. £4t
Tiii 98).
* Chalcia had been one of the meat
important cities in Oreeco. It waa nid
to hare been originally a coloaT from
Athena {Strab. x. p. 661^ '^-r "' rtly
acquired complete indei n a
war which ii had mainlivi.i.. . ..,_, llre-
tria, some oonaiderablo time beldca
thia, all Greeco bad been concerned oa
the one side or the other (Tbacyd. i.
15, and infra, ch. 99). Few dtioa ifliit
out no many, or aucb distant ootamaik
Tbo whole peninsola sitnated between
the Tfaermaio and Sttymonic gttUB,ae-
qnired the name of ChaJtcidicJ, from the
(
p. 73-76.
FAILURE OF THE EXPEDITION,
^Plae AthenianB, notwithstanding that danger threatened them
^^om exery quarter, put oil all thought of the BcBotians and
daalcideans till a future time,^ and marched against the Pelo-
l>OnnesIan8, who were at Eleusis/
^^ 75. As the two hosts were about to engage, first of all
^Hibe Corintliians, bethinking themselves that they were per-
^5>^trating a wrong, changed their minds, and drew off from
^lic main army. Then Demaratus, son of Ariston, who was
*iimself king of Sparta and joint-leader of the expedition,
^^'1 who till now had had no sort of quarrel with Cleomenes,
fojJi»wed their example. On account of this rupture between
'^6 kings, a law was passed at Sparta, forbidding both
^onarchs to go out together with the army, as had been the
<?Ustom hitherto. The law also provided that, as one of the
kings was to be left behind, one of the Tj-ndaridae should also
temain at home ; ^ whereas hitherto both had accompanied
the expeditious, as auxiliaries. So when the rest of the allies
saw that the Lacedaemonian kings were not of one mind, and
that the Corinthian troops had quitted their post, they like-
ivise drew off and departed.
76* Tills was the ionrih time that the Dorians had invaded
number of CWcidean Bettlementa
(ThocTd. pajsim). Seriplius, Fcpore-
thxL«, *nd othera of tha Cyclades, wero
ChAlcideao (Seym. Ckios, 1. &85). In
Italy BQci Sicily, the colooioa of Chalcis
Qxcoedcd in oauibcr tboBc of any other
VteCe. NEUOS.Loontini, Catana, ZaDclti,
Hbe^Din, and Coma, vrcrn among
tKem (Tliiicyd.ri. 3, 4; bii-ftb. vi, p.
370J.
The j^Tpmment of Chalcis was aris-
tocratic (vide infra, ch. 77). Its site ia
Sx^il by the fact that it lay pxactly at
Abe nairoffeBC part of the channuL of
tbe Enripon (Strab. x. p. Gib). It
im Cberetfore tho modern Egripo, or
JfegroponL
'Compare the very aimilar cooreO
tmken by P^riclfa in the campaign of
JL<X-ii5(ThDc.i. 111).
<^The»itnatum of Elenaisisrery dia-
tinotly marked. It lay on tbe ooast
(Scylax, PeripU p. 47 j Strab. ix. p.
572), uppoaite Salamis, at the point
where the western Oophissiu reached
tbe Bea, (Panean. i. xxxriii. § 7.) It
thoB commaoded the coast route from
tho Peloponneso into Attica. (Loakc's
Demi, p. IS-i). Tho little viUage of
Lepirina ('EXrutriva) marks the aite*
^ By tlie T>'ndanda9 aro meaol the
sacred iiuagos, or rather symbolii, of
Castor and Pollux, which sereml
writers tell na were objects of reli-
gions worship at Sparta. Piatoroh
(De Amor. Frat. p. 478, A.) says they
were two oblung blocks of wood, joined
together by two transverse spars. lb
would ficcm that it was possible to
separate thorn. Examples of the
Bapcratitiona regard attacbcd by tho
Greoka to imagea will bo foand, infra,
chs. 80, 81, and riii. 64, S3. See also
above, note ' on ch. 67.
276
DOntAN INVASTOI^S OF ATTICA.
BooE V.
Attica : twice they came as onemiGg, and tvnce they come to
do good service to the Athenian people. Their first invasion
took place at the period -when they founded Megara," and is
rightly placed in the rei^SfU of Codnis at Athens ; ' the aeoond
and third occasions were "when they came from 8parta to
drive out the Pisistratidaj ; the fourth "was the present attack,
when Cleomenes, at the head of a Peloponnesian army, en-
tered at Eleusis. Thus the Dorians had now four times
invaded Attica.®
77- 80 when the Spartan army had broken up from its
quarters thus ingloriously, the Athenians, wishing to revenge
themselves, marched first against the Chalcideans. The
Boeotians, however, advancing to the aid of the latter as far
as the Euripus, the Athenians thought it best to attack them
first. A battle was fought accordingly; and the Athenians
gained a very complete victory, killing a vast number of tlie
enemy, and taking seven hundred of them alive. After this,
on the very same day, they crossed into Eubopa, and engaged
the Chalcideans with the like success ; whereupon they l
* According to Pausanias (1. xxxix.
§ 4], Hegam exiBtcd before the Dorian
inyasioD, and was at thai timo an A hc-
nian town. According' to Strabo (ix.
p. 670) and Herodotiu, it waa first
loandecl, after that inroeion, by tho
the Dorians. It ui agreed on all handa
that the tract of country, afterwarda
vallod the Megai*id, at this time be-
longed to Athens, and waa taken from
them by tho invaders.
' Thestory wentjthrit many fnpritivea
from tho Pelopoimese haviug tied be-
fore the Dorian conquorors, and fonnd
a rcfago in Attica — among tho rest
Melanthus and his son Codrus, from
Pyloa (vide sapm, ch. 65) — it wa«
t^uiighc uucesaary to make an attack
npon Attica from the Ppkiponneao
(about B.C. 1050). Coruith and Mcs-
svnia were tho chief instigators of tho
invasion. It rofiultcd in a battle,
wherein Codma devoted himself for
his comitry, in conaeqnpnceof an oracle
which declared that Athena mast either
bo conqacped or lose her kin^.
difignified himself, and was slain,
which victory declared for the Athfl
niani. The PeloponneaianA. however,
retained their hold upon the Meguvi,
which theooeforth beoama a Dorian
stato. (PauHaa. 1. h.o. ; Strab. La.c. (
Cic. Tuac i, 4S.)
* Sumo commentators, among tbfltn
ATr. Blako.ilej (note 202 ad loc}, hav«
mode ft dillicQlty here, which doe« Dot
exist in the taxi. The foor oxptdi*
tions, two friendly and two *Ti>ttflti^
are —
1. Tho expedition in the reign of
Codnis — (ho6tiIc).
2. The attack of Anctumolins cm tits
Fisistratidm — (friendly).
3. The attack of Cleomenes <B th»
same — (friendly ) .
4. The expedition under ClooiaMDM
and Demamtos — (hotttile).
The coming of Clcomeaes to hel|>
Isngoraa is iiniply nol oouat^ oboe
it was not a military expedition.
I
ClAr.78,77. DOUBLE VICTOKT OF THE ATHENIAXa
■//
four thoaeand settlers • upon the lands of the Hippohotse,^ —
which is the name the Chalcideans give to their rich men.
All the Chalcidean prisoners whom they took were put in
ironBy and kept for a long time in close confinement, as like-
wise were the Bceotians, until the ransom asked for them was
pAtd; and this the Athenians fixed at two miniD the man.'
The chains wherewith they wcro fettered the Athenians sus-
pended in their citadel; where they were still to be seen in my
day, hanging against the wall scorched by the Median flameSt^
opposite the chapel which faces the west.^ The Athenians
»Lit«»aIlT,"anotTOent-holdeni" («Xij-
f«»Y*<)> These ftllottnoDt-boldera ftro
to ™9 carefully difiiiuf^i^hed from tbe
ordlamrj colom'sia (JEtoiicoi), who wi?ti&
oat to find themsctvoa a homo whero-
iirer they miL^ht be able to »ottle, and
wbo rruiocd bat » very Blight con-
siaoiion with themotber-conntry. Tbe
clemcha were a military g^rrif^on
plBittod in A conquered terriUiryt tbe
bant liorLionA of wliich wpre f^iven to
tbem. They coDtinned Athenian Bub-
.JvoUv and retained tbeir full nVbte aa
Athenian r' -r > npyinfs'npoAition
cfavaJj a; liatof tho Eomaa
t^A^iiailL . [:3e9. (Cf.Bcpckh's
Booaomy of Atbons, vol. ii. p. 176, E.
T. 1 Kod Hermann's Pol. Ant. § 117.)
Tfaia in the Brat known instance of
Athemaa clerachn : afterwards tbny
h»f me Trry nomcmn!). (Plntarrb,
^ricL 0. ii. 3i; Tburyd. iif. £0;
Beerkh't Corp. lun. i. pp. 150.297, Ac)
Tbene clemchs arr^ again m<*ntioncil
by name, infra, vi. 100, and alladed to
nii. 1. and ix. 28. Mr. Grotoaap(X)cea
tbo lands they occupied to bavo been
•ttoated " in tho ffrtib) plain of Lelnu-
ittm, between ChalciA and Erotria."
(VoL JT, p. 226.) This is s very pro-
bable oectjertnre.
' Tbe Chaloidcnn Hippuhntn, or
** bor*e-k«tppers
Utexucy (Smb.
oorreapond to the koicbta (inert) of
moit Grecian states, and tbe " equites, "
«r*' o«l«rea," of the Romans. In early
tiSM wealth is measnrod by tbu ability
to *"***'^*''* a horaCi or horses. Cuui'
were a wuallhy ans-
X. pp. 651, Gbi), and
pare oUla rt8ptvira^p6^t (infra, ri.
36).
^ From this paASftR:? and another (vi.
79) it baa been conclndcd that the ordf*
nary ransom among the Grooks wna of
this amount. (WcMcIinR- and Btthr,
ad loc.) But. on tbo principle of "ex.
ceptio probat regulaui/' it may rather
be gathered from this paasofpe that the
rate of two mins was unosoal^and from
tbe otber^ that it was only a received
rate amous tbe PclopotiDesians. A
pasaogeof Aristotle (£tbics, v. 7, S 1)
makes it clear that tbe ordinary ran.
Bom, at least in lua day, wai one mina.
• Infra, riii. 63.
* It i9 coojeotared that this chapel
was (ho temple of Tellus CurolrophTift
and Ceres Cb1o£, mentioned by Fansa-
niaa (i, xzli. § 3) as opposite the west>
era face of theacropoliH (Biihr,ad Inc.).
Or again, that it was tbo temple of Yie-
tory witboot wln^ (Larcher, ad loo.)^
which tteems to hare interrened be.
tween that of Tellos and Ceres, and the
western wall. (Boo Colonel Leake'a
plan at the end of hia Demi of Attica,
vol. i. pi. 2.) But I ebould rather
nndoretand a chnpcl within than one
without tbo acropolis; and by " facinfc
tbe west " I shonld nnder>tAnd " look,
iog wofltword," and not " inoing tho
westward wall of the acropoUa." Tbo
chnpcl intended probably occapicd tbe
site of ibo later Pandro«eiani, which
abutted towards the west on the temple
of Minerva Polios. Tho fetterv most
Itkcly hang on the northern or Pelaagio
waU.
278
ADVANTAGES OF FBEEDOU.
Bo<»T.
made an offering of the tenth part of the ransom-money : and
expended it on the brazen chariot drawn by four steeds,*
which stands on the left hand immediately that one enters
the gateway^ of the citadel. The inscription runs as fol-
lows : —
" When Chalcis and Bodotia dared her miglit,
Athena snbdned their pride in valorona fight •
Gave bonds for insnlts ; and, the ransom paid,
From the fall tenths these steeds for Pallas made*
78. Thus did the Athenians increase in strength. And it
is plain enough, not from this instance only, but from many
everywhere, that freedom is an excellent thing; since even
the Athenians, who, while they continued under the rule of
tyrants, were not a whit more valiant than any of their
neighbours, no sooner shook off the yoke than they became
decidedly the first of all. These things show that, while
undergoing oppression, they let themselves be beaten, since
then they worked for a master ; but so soon as they got their
freedom, each man was eager to do the best he could for
himself. So fared it now with the Athenians.
79. Meanwhile the Thebans, who longed to be revenged on
the Athenians, had sent to the oracle, and been told by the
Pythoness that of their own strength they would be unable to
accomplish their wish: **they must lay the matter," she
said, " before the many-voiced, and ask the aid of those
nearest them." The messengers, therefore, on their return.
' Pansanias saw this in the same
place. Kol Bpfia ire* to* x*'^^^*'* ''®
says, itwh Boioyruv ScKctrii, koI XoXki-
8^»y rwy iv Eif$oi<f. (l. xxviii. § 2.)
• For a full description of this gate-
way, the great Propylaa, the moat
mag'nificent of the works of rericlcs,
Bee Leake's Demi of Attica {vol. i.
pp. 315-318 ; compare W^ordsworth'a
Greece, p. 192, and the article rRO-
PYL«A, in Smith's Diet, of Antiq. p.
963). It filled up the whole weetera
end of the acropolis, and through it
vras the only entrance into the fottiSed
enclosure. The cost of the oonstmc-
tion was 2012 talents (nearly half a
million of our money), and the time
which it took in building' fire yean
(Harpocrat. ad toc.). llie feelings
with which it was regarded by the
Athenians may be gathered from Aris-
tophanes (Eq. 1226-1228). Epaminon*
das is said to have threatens tlut he
would carry the whole building to
Thebes, to adorn the Cadmem thve,
(^Bch. de F. Leg. p. 278, Beuke^
Ciur. rr-aa the thebjlns ask aid fbok eoika.
279
called a meeting, and laid tbo answer of the oracle before
the people, who no sooner heard the advice to " ask the aid
of those nearest them '* than they exclaimed, — " What ! are
not they who dwell the nearest to us the men of Tanagra, of
Coronrea, and Thespiffi?' Yet these men always fight on our
aide,® and have aided ns with a good heart all through the
war. Of what use is ittto ask them ? But maybe this is not
the true meaning of the oracle."
80. As they were thus discoursing one with another, a
certain man, informed of the debate, cried out, — "Methinks
that I understand what course the oracle would recommend
to us, Asopus, they say, had two daughters, Theb6 and
Egina.' The god means that, as these two were sisters, we
ought to ask the Eginctans to lend us aid." As no one was
able to hit on any better explanation, the Thebans forthwith
eent messengers to Egina, and, according to the advice of the
oracle, asked their aid, as the people " nearest to them/* In
' A question bu b«en raiBcd, why
<tiwo three citiea sboutd hare been
aiagled oat, since, at anv rate, Corozuoa
is not one of the neuicat nctf^hboon
of Thebes. The aiutwcr woald aecin
to bei, that thej are named from oom-
btDTii^ itDportnnce with noamesa of
Yocriity. TheErjthncaniS Baliartians,
A«^ who lay nearer to Thebes, were
loo wnak to deserve mentinn in ancb a
ctmneelioD.
• Here womaTdiscem the hegemony
of TheboB over the other cities of B<ro-
tia, of which there are tracett throogh-
ont Herodotus, bat which only appears
ylninlj in Thucydides {iv. 91). On
vrhot thff beg^emony re«tcd \a not very
clew. Thebes herself claimed to have
/imiuiM the other cities of Bocotia
{Thac. iii. Gl), bat probably witfaont
vay anfficient irrimnds. The original
confederary is thonght to have con-
tained fourieen cities (Hermann's Pol,
Arit. § 179} ; bnt in the PelopoDnesian
war there seem to haro been only
ten. The following are sufficiently
Ined : Thebes, Tanaffra, Coro-
Tbeapia*, Orebomenus, HaJiortua,
Copfc Lebadoa, Antbedon, and PInt««.
The other foar are thonght to have
been ChGeronrcn, Cholio, Oropns, and
Eleuthone. (Cf. CUntou, P. H. voL ii.
pp. 485. •167, where the list is piven
correctly, with one exception, vis. the
snbstitnkion of the district Parasopia
for tho town Chalia. For this town
cf. Steph. Bvz. ad toc, and Mario.
Oxen. 29, 1. p. 67.)
>So Pindar (lath. vii. 15-18, ed.
Dissen.) —
At7tVa xy*^'*'' u«T(ni wpvn'iittir.
voT^r ovvtna Mpnai t*iro*TO tftryarpcr *Aff«t-
orSoraroL, c t. X.
And compare the allnsiona in Norn,
iii. 3-5, and iv. 19.22. Kfjrina is con-
stantly found OB the danjrhtrr of Aso-
piiK, Thebo less often. (Cf. Phereeyd.
Frag. 78; ApoUod. I. ix. 8; MT. »ii. 6;
.Schol. np. Piud. Kem. iv. 22 ; Schol. ap.
Caltimacb. Hymn, in Del. 78) A good
nnderstanding seems in fact to have
existed between Boeotis aod Kgi na from
very early times : the ^onndof it was
a common jealousy of Athene*
2So
FEUD BETWEEN EQINA AXD ATHENS.
Boox
answer to this petition, the Eginetans said, that thoy would
give them the ^acidm* for helpers.
81. The Thebans now, relying on the assistance of the
^acidtE, ventured to renew the war ; but they met with bo
rough a reception, that they resolved to send to the Eginetans
again, returning the iEacidae, and beseeching them to send
some men instead. The Eginetans, who were at tliut time a
most dounshing people^^ elated with their greatness, and at
the same time calling to mind their ancient feud Tsith
Athons,"* agreed to lend tho Thebans aid, and forthwith went
to war with tho Athenians, without even giving them notice
by a herald.* The attention of these latter being engaged by
the struggle with the Bceotians, the Eginetans in their ships
of war made descents upon Attica, plundered Phalerum/ and
ravaged a vast number of the townships upon the sea-board,
whereby the Athenians suffered very grievous damage.
82, The ancient feud between the Eginetans and Athenians
arose out of tho following circumstances. Onco upon a time
the land of Epidaurus would bear no crops; and the Epidau-
rians sent to consult the oracle of Delphi concerning their
' The eaporatitiona ralno attached
by tho Greeks to the ima^a of the
jBaoids (PoloaRand Tolamon) appockrs
again before tho bulilo of Salamis,
when thofte same images were ex.
presalyeent for, and the battle was not
fought till thry arriTcd (riii 6i, and
83). It is noticeablo that Hcrodotna,
with lua tumiil devout faitb, idcmtifiea
the images with tho i^oHa thcmBolTcB.
(Cf. Grute, iv. p. 122^, uud aupiii, oli,
75, note ».)
< EuBebios (Chron. Can. t. xicxri.)
p^irea the K^'iuetans the empire of the
aca (6a\aaffoKparla) for the ten years
immediately preceding the inTasion of
Xerxes, i 0. from B.C. 490 to b.c. 480.
Herodotus apparently wonld extend
the term and make it bef;in earlier. So
far back as tho reign of Cambysos they
had made a naval ex)>editiou to Crete,
defeated the SamiaasettlomatCydonia
(sopra, iii. 69), and fonnded a cotony
there (Slrab. viii. p. &i&) ; and it was
probably their naTal power oad com*
mercial enterprise (aupra, it. 152)
which had mado tboni obnoxionBtotha
Samiausat a far earlier period (liL 59.)
They appear to have been the most
enterprising of tho Dorinns, and in
their genenvl character, *' oUgarcliic«l<
wealthy, oommcroial, and powerful at
sea, were more aiialogoiia to Corinth
than to any other Dorian statA.'*
(Orote iv. p. 229; koo alMi MOller'i
Etpnotans for tho fuU early history of
this people.)
' Related in the next chapter.
* "Exceptio probat regnianL.*' In
Greece, as at Romo (Lir. i. 3S), and is
modem Eunipe, war was. by th« rates
of international law, preocsled by a
dooloratiou. (Instances occur, Thacfd.
ii. 12; T. il. &Q.i of. Wachamtith,
vol. i. p. 133.)
° The port of Athens &i thtt
(Tide supra, oh. 63, note ^ .)
CACSE OF THE FEUD.
281
affliction. TLo answer bade them set up the images of
Damia and Auxesia,* and promised them better fortune when
that should be done. '' Shall the images be made of bronze
or stone ? *' tlie Epidaurians asked ; but the Pythoness
replied, ''Of neither: but lot them be made of the garden
olive." ^ Then the Epidaurians sent to Athens and asked
leave to cut olive wood in Attica, believing the Athenian
olives to be the holiest ; or, according to others, because there
were no ohves at that time an3'where else in all the world but
at Athens.^ The Athenians answered that thej would give
them leave, but on condition of their bringing offerings year
by year to Minerva Polias and to Ercchtheus." The Epidau-
' Dftuits aod Aoxeeitik oro luidoiibt-
c4It Ceres luid Proscqiinc, the " great
^omtmee," wfaute most cclebnUed
■bnna wm at EtvturiA. The well-koown
of Piuisaniaft, whore referenco
I to thoM} chapters in Uerodotas,
Imwds do doubt a[ion thia point (11.
XXZ. 5, adftfeC v<piiit iCoT^ rk oltt^ icBfl* h
4|9v vol 'EAcixrIrt 6vttp vofu(ovtrt). What
lb* exMCt nri^n of the namea may bo,
k Dot quite bo easy to determine.
Attt— i> M>ems clear]^ to be tb« god-
dflfli of meneflso {aC(i)ai%), tliat is, tho
geddeas who blciss^a tho land with tn-
«iraM0» which wa^ tho office of ProAor-
pnewhen coupled with Ceres. (Pftn*
•ftik. Tin. liii. 3.) DamJA has been
iboa^t to be Demi&, the p^ople'n god-
deai (Bkbr, ad loc.), or sguiu, Damfn,
tl»9 obanotc««r (WelcVer, Zoit«cbrift
fftr Geeohioht. d. KaiiKt. i. p. 130) .-
b«i it apjHAra taUu'r to be Aa-^a,
** Xuth-miithcr/' and so cqairaJcnt to
Mm^r, the oniiniuT' Gneek oamc of
Gem. (Cf. Macrob. Satan), i. xiL p.
Si^) The iiftine WAS in aftor-iimefl
tr»ii»ferre»l to Itoujo, where C«re* was
ksowa aa " Owniai" aod ber priesteas
■• ** Damiatrix.** (Fastui, aab too.
Damditm.)
' SUtDM in wood ({<fara) preceded
ftboaa in Ktfme nn<l bn^uze. Tho nia-
terW aniied a radrr fttnte of the arti.
<80a Dicftw of AuLiq. ad roc " SUitu-
* Thia ia, of coarse, not troe, toe the
oliro hod been cnltiratcd in the eaat
from a Tory remote antiquity. (Dcate*
Tonomy ri. 11 ; riit. 8, Ac.) It tJt, bow.
ever, vory likely that the olive may
have been iutrodnccd into Attica from
Aiiia, before it was known to tho rest
of Greece. PaosaQias cnlU tho tree in
tho Pandrofteiatn (aeo tlio next note)
*'the most ancient in tho world'* (f.
XXX. § 2), and one of those in the
Academy the second oldest. Tho oliro
was at all times rc^rded aa the special
pride of Attica, where (aooording to
Sophocles) it ^rew flpontaceoasly, and
attained a greater »ize [t r^it 6<iX\jit
/ttyicra X*^ ^^* ^'* 7^) ^^^'^
elsewhere. A raae of oil from tho
aacred oliros of Acadcmas was tho
prise giren to ricton at tho Panatbe-
naio games (Aristot. Fr. 2G6 ( oomp*
Pind. Norn. x. 61 et seqq.).
• By "Slitierra Polias "we are to
ondorstand tho Minerva who presided
over tho city (vdAJs). Her tomple in
later times was a portion of the build-
ing known to the Atheniona by the
general name of Krecbtbclom, which,
stood on the north side of tho acropolis,
naarly opposite tbo spot afterwards
oconpicd by the Pnrtliencin, and waa
traditiuunlly rc^rdod as founded by
Ereohtheus, tho lutelttr hero of Attictif
and as the place of his bnriaL Thia
baildia;; contained, towards the west,
the PandroMinm. or temple of Pan-
drusos; towards tbo east, dirided only
282
CAUSE OF THS F£UI>.
BoQcT
rians agreed « and having obtained what they wanted, made the
images of olive wood, and set them np in their ovn eoonby.
Henceforth their land bore its crops ; and they duly paid tte
Athenians what had been agreed upon.
88. Anciently, and even down to the time when tbii took
place, the Eginetans were in all things subject to the Epdii-
rians,^ and had to cross over to Epidaums for the trial of ill
suits in which they were engaged one with another.* Ate
this, however, the Eginetans built themselves shipe, vi
growing proud, revolted from the Epidaurians. Havisg iks
come to be at enmity with them, the Eginetans, vbo m
masters of the sea, ravaged Epidaurus, and even carried of
these very images of Damia and Auxesia, which they set 19
in their own country, in the interior, at a place called (Ei,'
about twenty furlongs from their city. This done, thcyW
a worship for the images, which consisted in part of sKn-
liccs, in part of female satiric choruses ; * while at tbe satf
time they appointed certain men to furnish the choraseB,t*
for each goddess. These choruses did not abuse men. W
only the women of the country. Holy orgies of a similtf
kind were in use also among the Epidaurians, and likwi*
another sort of holy orgies, whereof it is not lawful to Bpeit
l>y a party -wall, the temple of Mincnra
I'oliaa. in the former, most probably
ill the Boutliern projection, supported
by the Caryatides, was the eacred
olive (infra, viii. 55). In tbe latter
was nn altar to Erccbtheast, who was
identified with Neptune ot Athens.
(See Col. Leake's very judicious re-
marks in his * Athens and Demi of
Attica.' vol. i. pp. 333-3 15, and Appen-
dix. § 17.)
* K::jina had been colonized from
Kpifluuru;? (infra, viii. ■!(» : Paufan. ii.
xxix. 5), but M'oiiis to have been less
independent than most colonics. (Her-
mann, I'ul. Ant. § 73.)
- Comparo the case of the Athenian
Hnbject -allies. (Xen. do Kep. Ath. i.
ItMH.)
** No sufficient materials exist for
fixing the situation of (£a, whicb is
not mentioned by any other irritef. »*
ivas probably where Kiepert pliM('*»
near the centre of the ialaad,****
eito of the modern Egina. (Ctan^*
vol. ii. ch. iv. p. la) Khr ii *"
tainly wrong' in supposing it to t**"
been near the temple of TAxasn,^
roftbeidtt'?
the north-eastern corner of tbe i
loubk
tpital
for that is more than double the y^y^
distance from the capital (45 •*■■•
instead of 20).
* Comparo the similar coitw <*
the Kleusinian fostiral, which pj*
rise to tho peculiar meaning rfti»
words 7c^pi^ctv, ^f^picTT^^ lai^to
tho expression, &rrrp rf{ kfJ^P- (^
Kentley upon Phalaris, p. ISO.) IJ^
too we hear that tlie women "■ta*"
o)ie ajwiher" (iXoaipow ■AA*W'
Sold, in Tck i^ a/iafw.)
Cff AT. 82-88.
ATHENIAN DISASTER IN EGINA.
283
84. After the robbery of the images the EpidaunanB ceased
.to make the stipulated payments to the Athenians, wherefore
the Athenians sent to Epidaunis to remonstrate. But the
EpidaurioQs proved to them that they were not guilty of any
wrong: — '*Wliile the images continued in their country,"
they said, "they had duly paid the offerings according to the
I'Agreement ; now that the images had been taken from them,
they were no longer under any obligation to pay : the Athe-
nians should make their demand of the Eginetans, in whose
possession the figm'es now were." Upon this the Athenians
sent to Egina, and demanded the images back ; but the
Eginetans answered that the Athenians had uothiug whatever
to do with them.
85. After this the Athenians relate that they sent a trireme
to Egina with certain citizens on board, and that these men»
irho bore commission from the state, landed in Egina, and
isought to take the images away, considering them to be their
own, inasmuch as they were made of their wood. And first
they endeavoured to wrench them from their pedestals, and so
carry them off; but failing herein, they in the next place tied
jopes to them, and set to work to try if they could haul them
down. In the midst of their hauling suddenly there was a
thunderclap, and with the thimderclap an earthquake ; and
the crew of the trireme were forthwith seized with madness,
and» like enemies, began to kill one another; until at last
there was but one left, who returned alone to Phalerum.**
86. Such is the account given by the Athenians. The
Eginetans deny that there vms only a single vessel : — " Ha<l
there been only one," they say, " or no more than a few, they
would easily have repulsed the attack, even if they had had
no fleet at all ; but the Athenians came against them with a
'large number of ships, wherefore they gave way, and did not
hazard a battle." They do not however explain clearly
^ Similar Btanea aro frequent in
Patuaaiofl. <S<hj 1. xviti. 2; iii. xvi.
6 i Til, ztx. 3, &c.) Comparo also the
talo in Athenirns (xr. zii. p. 672 B.).
and thti story of tbe pnwervntion uf
D^elphi (infra, viii. 37).
284
ATHENUN DISASTER IN EGINA-
Booi^^l
whether it was from a conviction of their own inferiority at
sea that they yielded, or whether it was for the purpose of
doing that which in fact thoy did. Their account is that the
Athenians, disembarking from their ships, when they found
that no resistance was offered, made for the statues, and fail-
ing to wi'euch tht^m from their pedestals, tied ropes to thezn
and began to haul. Then, they say, — and some people will
perhaps beUcvo them, though I for my part do not, — the two
statues, as they were being dragged and hauled, fell down
both upon their knees ; in which attitude they still remain.'
Such, according to them, was the conduct of the Athenians;
they meanwhile, having leamt beforehand what was intended,
had prevailed on the Argives to hold themselves in rexidiness ;
and the Athenians accordingly were but just landed on their
coasts when the Argives came to their aid. Secretly and
silently they crossed over from Epidaunis, and, before the
Athenians were aware, cut off their retreat to their ships, and
fell upon them; and the thunder came exactly at that mo-
ment, and the earthquake with it.
87. The Argives and the Eginetans both agree in giving
this account ; and the Athenians themselves acknowledge that
but one of their men retui*ned alive to Attica. According to
the Argives, he escaped from the battle in which the rest of
the Athenian troops wore destroyed by them.' Acccrdinjf to
the Athenians, it was the god who destroyed their troops;
and even this one man did not escape, for he perished in the
following manner. "Wlicn ho came back to Alliens, bringing
word of the calamity, the wives of those who had been sent
out on the expedition took it sorely to heaii, that he &lozia
should have survived the slaughter of all the rest; — they
I
' Tho 'rtatnes were still ebown in
the dfiTS of Pnugaciaa, wboeayshoimw
them (it. XXX. 5, cZStiir re rJt d'yi^Auaro,
Kol tOvffd ffintri). Ho doei notj how-
*'ver, mention their attitude, which
was Tery unasual.
"* Duria of Samoa (the pupil of Tlt^
pbrafitofi) prefoiTod the Argiroaoeoviit.
Ho cotisiilen«d the ww to hvrm mipn'
fttod ia tho navBl K^gr&ajiians of I^pum
DpoD Atbi'nfl. Uia habitual carelflv-
tiQSi b&8 uubde him call the Argii
Spartans. (CI*. Fragm. HM. (
pp. 461 and 488.)
Cbap.86-^
ABQIVB AND EGINETAN BROOCHES.
285
tlierefore crowded round the man, and Btruck him with the
brooches by which their dresses were fastened — each, as she
struck, asking him, where he had left her husband. And the
man died in this way. The Athenians thought the deed of
the women more horrible even than the fate of the troops;
as however they did not know how else to punish them, they
change-d their dress and compelled them to wear the costume
of the lonians. Till this time the Athenian women had worn
a Dorian dress, shaped nearly like that which prevails at
Corinth. Henceforth they were made to wear the linen tanic»
which does not require brooches.®
88. In very truth, however, this dress is not originally
loniaQj but Carian ;* for anciently the Greek women all wore
the costume which is now called the Dorian. It is said
farther that the Argives and Eginetans made it a custom,
on this same account, for their women to wear brooches half
as large again as formerly, and to offer brooches rather than
anything else in the temple of these goddesses. They also
forbade the bringing of an3rthLng Attic into the temple, were
it even a jar of earthenware,^ and made a law that none but
natire drinking vessels should be used there in time to come,'
• Tbe Isrgo horseshoe brooch with
which ladies in oar timea ooca«ioDally
(oalea thvir ehawls, cloeclj resembles
tha uicieat wtp6in\, which whB not a
buckle, but " a brooch, consiHthifjr of a
pin, and a curved pnrtion, fumiahod
with a hook.*' The Dorioa tnnio was
ci woollen ; it hod no slecvefl, and was
fatlvnad orer both Wxci RbonMrrft by
Ivooobaiu It wiis scnnty and ^hort,
pnwtlnHn ecarcelj ivacbin^ the knee.
Tb* loDio tunic was of Uuon : it had
sheri locM« sleeves. Biwa see in statues
ol Iba Muses, and an did nnt noed
broodiMt it was a lon^ and full drcea
tuding the fonu, and reacbinp down
gMMcally to tin- feet. (Cf. Diet, of
Articles i-'i'bitla, and Tunica.)
The poets frequently represented
l» wsysrn as mnde U9e rff i-r\ blind por-
(Cf. Sopli. CKd. Tyr. 13t;9;
KaHp. Eec. 1152; Phoen. 60, he.)
Doris said (I. s. o.) that the Athenian
women on this occasion first blinded
the man, aud then slew him (/{crif^Xu-
* This is another proof of the close
connection of the Onrinii and Greek
races. (Vide supra, vol. i. p. 693.)
* Tlio pottery of Athens was the
most celebrated in anrie-nt GreeoG.
One whole quarter of the city was
called CeromeicuB, or " Tho Potteriee,"
Earthenware was exhibited at the
PouAthenaio festival ; and earthen
vascA were often priiics at the ^mes.
Athens, &om her superior skill in tbe
art of pottery, was Eometimos repre-
sented as its inTontor. (PUn. H. N.
vii- r,7.)
' Tliis law perhaps amonntod to a
prphibition of tho Attic jKjttury, and
was really for tho prrtectiou of natire
industry, though it nuky hare been pro.
!86
EGINA ilAKES WAR OK ATHENS,
BookV
From this early age to my own day tLo Argivo and Eginetan
women have always continued to wear their brooches larger
than formerly, through hatred of the Athenians.
89. Such then was the origin of the feud which existed
between the Eginetans and the Athenians. Hence, when the
Thebans made their application for succour, the Eginetans, ,
calling to mind the matter of images, gladly lent their aid to ■
the BcEotians. They ravaged all the sea-coast of Attica; and
the Athenians were about to attack them in return, when they
were stopped by the oracle of Delphi, which bade them wait^
till thirty years had passed from the time that the Egint^tans
did the wrong, and in the thirty-lirat year, having first set
apart a precinct for ^acus, then to begin the war." "Sol
should they succeed to their wish," the oracle said; "but if
they went to war at once, though they would still conquer the
island in the end, yet they must go through much suffering
and much exertion before taking it." On receiving thia
warning the Athenians set apart a precinct for ^acus — the
same which still remains dedicated to him in their market-
place* — but they could not bear with any patience of waitino^j
thirty years, after they had suffered such grievous wrong at
the hands of the Eginetans.
90. Accordingly they were making ready to take their
revenge when a fresh stir on the part of the Lacedamoniana
hindered their projects, These last had become aware of the
truth — how that the AlcmEeonidae had practised on the Pytho-
ness, and the Pj-thoness had schemed against themselves, and
against the Pisistratidae ; and the discovery was a double grief
to them, for while they had driven their own sworn friends
fesaedlx a war moaaoro, like a block-
ade or an embargo. Ancient proteo-
iionisUi like moilurn ones, sought to
oxolado sapDrior mannfaotnree, sotno-.
timea by a high dutj, Boxnetimes by
absolute prohibition.
' Did iho Delphian pHesta foresee
the probability of a Ft'raiau inraaioDt
and wish to prerent the two groat
mantimo powers from wasting each
other's strength ? Or was it only '
wiah to protect ft V'yrian slate?
' This wouid bo the ancient JrysfA,
between the AcropoUn and the Am>-
pagns, where the statoes of Harmodlns
and Aristogiton stood (Leake's Athtuu,
p. 215) ; not the now one, which was
north of the city, towarda the chcrah
of Jiegdli Panhagia.
THE SPABTAX3 RECALL HIPPIAa
287
into exile, they found that thoy Lad not gained thereby a
imrticle of good will from Athens, They were also moved by
certain propliecies, which declared that many dire calamities
flhoidd befall them at the hands of the Athenians. Of these
in times past they had been ignorant; but now they had
become acquainted with them by means of Cleomenes, who
had broaght them with him to Sparta, having found them in
the Athenian eitadol, where they had been left by the Pisis-
tratidae when they were driven from Athens : they were in the
temple,^ and Cleomenes having discovered them, carried them
off.
91. So when the LacedsDmonians obtained possession of the
prophecies^ and saw that the Athenians were growing in
blrcngtb, and had no mind to acknowledge any subjection to
their control, it occurred to them that, if the people of Attica
were free, they would be likely to be as powerful as them-
selves, but if they were oppressed by a tyranny, they would be
weak and submissive. Under this feeling they sent and
recalled Hippias, the son of Pisistratus, from Sigeum upon
the Hellespont, where the Pisistratidm had taken shelter.*
Hippias came at their bidding, and the Spartans on his
arrival summoned deputies from all their other allies,' and
thus addressed the assembly : —
" Friends and brothers in arms, we are free to confess that
we did lately a thing which was not right. Misled by coun-
terfeit oracles, we drove from their country those who were our
sworn and true friends, and who had, moreover, engaged to
keep Athens in dependence upon us ; and wo deUvered the
government into the hands of an unthankful people — a people
who no sooner got their freedom by our means, and grew in
|KJwer, than they turned us and our king, with every token of
* Tbe temple of MincrvmPoliAfl (ride
■upn, ehm, 72 and 82).
* Viile mprik, ch. 65.
^ Thia w&c, wo far u we know, the
ccnunenoement of what aftcrw&rds be-
the rsgalar prftctico— tbo cstbb-
■ysiom on which Sparta treated
her allies. Hr. Grote has same good
remarbi on the importauco of the ooca-
Bion (toI. ir. pp. sai, 232). The dia.
persioa of the allies at the time of tfao
last expedition (aapra, oh. 76) had
mode the consaltatiou Decessaty.
288
SFEECH OF S0SICLE3.
BoolT.
insnlt, out of their city. Since then they have gone on con-
tinually raising their thoughts higher, as their neighbours of
Boeotia and Cbalcis have aJready discovered to their cost, and'fl
as others too -will presently discover if they shall offend them.
Having thus erred, we will endeavour now, with your help, to
remedy the evils wo have caused, and to obtain vengeance on
the Athenians. For this cause we have sent for Hippias to
come here, and have Bummoned you likewise from your
several states, that we may all now with heart and hand onite
to restore him to Athens, and thereby give him back that
which wo took from him. formerly."
92. (§ 1.) Such was the address of the Spartans. The
greater number of the allies listened without being persuaded.
None however broke silence, but Sosiclea the Corinthianj wbo
exclaimed —
" Surely the heaven will soon be below, and the earth above,
and men will henceforth live in the sea, and fish take thcir^
place upon the dry land, since you, Lacedaemonians, propose
to put down free governments in the cities of Greece, and to
set up tyrannies in their room.® There is nothing in tlie
whole world so unjust, nothing so bloody, as a tyranny. If,
however, it seems to you a desirable thing to have the cities
imder despotic rule, begin by putting a tyrant over yourselves^
and then establish despots in the other states, "SVhile you
continue yourselves, as you have always been, unacquainted
with tyranny, and take such excellent care that Sparta may
not BulTer from it, to act as you are now doing is to treat your
allies unworthily. If you knew what tyranny was as well 08
ourselves, you would bo better advised than you now are in
regard to it. (§ 2.) The government at Corinth was once an
«
I
■ Ilcnnftnn romarts (Pol. Ant. § 32),
that "it waa chieUy by ovorthrowiug
the tyrants in t-ho citiea of Groeoe, thiit
Sparta obtained hor miperiority over
bor coighboncfl ; " and andoabtedly
both Thucydidos (i. 18) and Herodotus
bear witncii6 to the fact of her hnving
pUBODd thia policy. Bat it ia difficult
to collect mnny in«tAQCrfl nnleae trv re*
Knrd the liat in Flutnri h (do MViifrn.
ilerpd. clu 21) oa »ath. r i;, i it,v «.
podition to pnt down m nf
Folycmtea ia the ha-' i rmrm^
and certainly pttivBS Ihut, ihc^ wxmld
mako great ofTorts with thia objcd
(suprn, iii* 41-06).
\
Cbat.SX
HISTORY OF CORINTH.
289
oligarchy — a Ringle race, calkd Bacchiadae, who intermarried
only among themselves,' held the management of affairs.^
Now it happened that Amphion, one of these, had a daughter,
named Labda,^ who was lame, and whom therefore none of
the Bacchiadr9 would consent to marry ; so she was taken to
wife by Aiition, son of Echecrates, a man of the township of
Petra, who was, however, by descent of the race of the Lapi-
thffi,' and of the house of Cffineus. Aetion, as he had no
child, either by this wife or by any other, went to Delphi to
consult the oracle concerning the matter. Scarcely had he
entered the temple when the Pythoness saluted him in these
words —
* Ko one honours tboo now, AL*tion, worthy of bononr ; —
Lnbda sball soon be & mother — h«r offfipring a rock, that wHl one day
Vail <m the kingly race, and right tho city of Corinth.'
By some chance this address of tho oracle to Action came to
the ears of the Bacchiadse, who till then had been imable to
perceive the meaning of another earlier prophecy which like-
wise bore upon Corinth, and pointed to the same event as
Action's predictiom It was the following: —
' CompnrB the caao of the Boman
(Niebohr'a B. H. ToL ii. p.
Ac).
' Tho tradition said, that after the
Dorian couqaest of Corinth (ab. B.C.
1040). ihc iltMCondftnte of Aletes, tho
HerwrliMd cuiuimjrur. le'igued for ten
gmurations, when the monarchy was
cftnged into an oligarchy by a process
•Dnewhat like that which may be
traced at Athens, onnaal ma^atrates
(Prytaocis} being sobatitoted for moo.
arcbs, bnt thti magistracy being con-
ftaed to the ruyal family. About half*
w^y in the lift of kingfl, which is giren
hj BnsebtDS (Chrcm. Can. i. ch. xxxiv.),
SysesUfu (p. 17U) and others, occnrs
thti uabw dl* Bacchis. from whom the
poyml family is considered to have do-
nriMl iti appcUatioo of Bacehida>, or
Biscchiadir. (Hermol. Font. t. ; Taa-
VOL. UL
san. Jl. iv. § § 3, 4 ; Biod. Sio. ap. Sync.
L s. c.) The whole historyt provioos
to the annnol PrytAneis, most b« con-
sidei'ed as iu thu highest dugreo un-
certain. Mr. Clinton, however, adopts
it OS aathcDtic into hid chronology.
(Tables, OL 9, 1, and toL L p. 129,
note ".)
' Labda, according to the Etymolo-
gicum Magnnm (ad voo. fi\aiff6s), is
tho Bamo as tambda, and is a niok.
name given to indicato lameness (per-
haps becanso the two legs of tho old
Grvek lambda arc of UDi-qual length—
/ — this, at least, seems a better rea.
son than that given in the Etym. — A
Tott ir6ias M T& f(w 9i4ffrpafifi*yos).
* The mythic antagonifitsof Hercules
(ApolUx). ti. vii. 7), whose king Caueoa
is mentioned by Homer (n. i. 364 1
Schol. ad loc.).
190
SPEECH OF SOSICLE&
Book. V,
' When mid the rocks ^ an eaglo shall bear a cftmiToronB lion,
Might J aud fierce^ be ahall looKm the limbs of many beueaA them —
Brood ye well upon this, mil ye OorinthJan people,
Ye who dwell by fair Peirftn^ kdA beetling Corinth.* *
(§ 3.) Tho Bacchiadae had possessed tbis oracle for some time;
but they were quite at a loss to know what it meant until they
heard the response given to Action; then howeyer they at once
perceived its meaning, since the two agreed so well together*
Nevertheless, though the bearing of the first prophecy was now
clear to them, they remained quiet, being minded to pat to
death the child which Action was expecting. As Boon» there-
fore, as his wife was delivered, they sent ten of their number
to the township where Aetion livedo with orders to make away
with the baby» So tho men came to Petra, and went into
Action's house, and there asked if they might see the child ;
and Labda, who knew nothing of their purpose, but thought
their inquiries arose from a kindly feeling towards her
husband, brought the child, and laid him in the arms of one
of them* Now they had agreed by tho way that whoever first
got hold of tho child should dash it against the ground. U
happened, however, by a providential chance, that tho babe,
just as Labda put him into the man's arms, smiled in his
face. The man saw the smile, and was touched with pity, bo
that he could not kill it ; he therefore passed it on to his next
neighbour, who gave it to a third ; and so it went through all
the ten without any one choosing to be the murderer. The
mother received her child back ; and the men went out of the
bouse, and stood near the door, and there blamed and re-
proached one another ; chiefly however accusing the man who
had first had the child in his arms, because he had not done
* There is a donble pun hero.
A^tiun's name is plnncod at in the wurd
Qitrif (engle)j the place of bis abode,
IV'trm, in the pxpression iw wirp^vt
(among the rockit).
*Tlie founUin of Poir^nL* ifldeseribod
by Pamuinias (ii. iii. 3); it was on the
low grnundi at the- base of tho Acro-
Coriuihiu. The name, howcrev, waa
sometimes applied to asprloipof
in the citHtlt'l, which was aoppoted to
commnnicatewith the lower (*ourc<» (ib.
T. 1.) Perhaps in thiB place the tu-
liabitanis of the lower town are iuAx-
cntod by the ftiruier. thci»f of the
upper by the latter part uf Ui« hcxk'
meter.
Or AT. 92.
HISTORY OF CORINTH.
t9i
fta had boon agreed upon. At last, after much time bad been
thus spent, they resolved to go into the Louse again and all
take part in the murder. (§ 4.) I3ut it was fated that evil
Bhould come upon Corinth h:om the progeny of Aetion ; and
60 it chanced that Labda» as she stood near the door, heard
all that the men said to one another, and fearful of their
changing their mind, and returning to destroy her baby, she
carried him off and hid him in what seemed to her the most
unlikely place to be suspected, viz., a 'cypsel* or corn-bin."
She knew that if they came back to look for the child, they
would search all her house ; and so indeed they did, but not
finding the child after looking everywhere, they thought it
best to go away, and declare to those by whom they hud been
sent that they had done their bidding.^ And thus they
reported on their return home, (§ 5.) Action's son grew up,
and, in remembrance of the danger fi'om which he had
escaped, was named Cypaelua, after the corn-bin. When he
reached to man's estate, he went to Delphi, and on consulting
the oracle, received a response which was two-aided. It was
the following : —
*Seo there comes to m^ dwelling a man mncb fovoTir*d of fortone
Cj-jiseliu, BOO of Aftiou, aad king of the gloriooa Corinth,—
He ftud his children too, bat not Ms children's children.'*
Snch was the oracle ; and Cypselus put so much faith in it
that he forthwith made his attempt,** and thereby became
' PaaMiiiftB flaw n com-bin. tuiid to
bsro been that wherein Cypcselas was
bidden, in the temple of Jono at
Otj-mpia (r. xrii, 5 2). It waB of vcdar,
beantif allj Cftcred. and inlaid with gold.
and ivorv. Pnrhnps the story gn?w np,
in MfTering, in part out
of ' Idh.
' :-,,^..,.i., •.■i jt<jiua4ciu makes the
■MA repent of their errand, warn
AMioo, and then quit the ootmtry (Fr.
69).
* Tot PssmmotichnB, the ^(mndfion
of CyjwcluA, mutuilcd the tiirone.
(Arist. PoL T. 12.) He roiled how-
ever only three yenm, and then the
tyranny WBS pat down by Sparta (Plut.
do Mnlig. Her. 21) or by a reroliitiim
CSic. Dnmaso. Fmp. 60) : no that he
conld not bo called properly "mooh
favoured of fortune " (l\Biot).
• A lonR account is givt'n byKioolas
of DamaacuB, of the mode in which
Cypselos eatabliehed his power. Ac-
cording'to this uarrnttve, itwoschiefly
in the office of PoIfnuirLli. that ho
Tonud menoH to in^n^tiate himtnelf with
the people. It wai a part of the
Polemarch'a duty to oxnci lotrsl fines,
and former polcmarchs hud kept the
292
SPEECH OP S0SICLE3.
BoocT.
master of Corinth, Havicg thus got the tyranny, he showed
himself a harsh ruler — many of the Corinthians he drove into
hanishment, many he deprived of their fortunes,* and a still
greater number of their lives. (§ 6.) His reign lasted thirty ■
years, and was prosperous to its close; insomuch that ho left
the government to Periander, his son. This prince at the
beginning of his reign \ras of a milder temper than his father;*
but after he corresponded by means of messengers with
Thrasybulus, tyrant of Jlilotus, he became even more san-
guinary. On one occasion he sent a herald to ask Thras^'bulus
what mode of government it was safest to set up in order to
rule with honour. Thrasybulus led the messenger without
the city, and took him into a field of corn, through which he
began to walk, while he asked him again and again concerning
his coming from Corinth, ever as he went breaking oflF and
throwing away all such ears of corn as over-topped the rest.
In this way he went through the whole field, and destroyed all
the best and richest part of the crop ; then, without a word,
he sent the messenger back. On the return of the man to
Corinth, Periander was eager to know what Thrasybulus had
GWidemndd in priscm until ther were
paid; but Cypaelus would imprison no
one, SometimoB he took Becarity,
Bomotimes he himsolf became scoarity,
and I» nlways remitted the jtortion of
the fine which belonged to liim. Har-
ing thus made himBelf popular, he
proceeded to extremities, slew Patro-
clidoa, the reigning Bacchiod, and was
at once chocien king by the Corin.
thians (Fr. 58).
* In the '* Economics " ascribed to
Aristntle, there is a story [oh. ii.) thafc
Cypseloa had vowed the wholo pro-
perty of the Corinthians to Japtter, if
ho obtained sovereign power; and
thai he acquitted Iiimself of his vow
by imposing a 10 per cent, property
tax fur ten years. But the authority
of tho Economics is very weak.
' This acconat of the characters of
Cypiielus and Feriandor in not, perhaps,
altogether at variance with the narra-
tive of Aristotle. Aristotle (1 g. 0>)
informs ns that Cypaelns (like Pi«is-
triitns) was a leader of the popular
party {tufioytfyii), and that hia aMepU
ability to the people enabled him to
difipenfie with a body-guard ; bot that
Foriander was of a tyrannicml dispoal-
tion {rvpavvutds). We may nndentand
him to speak of Feriander in his later
yea.rs, and to give ns one side of tha
character of CypaelaB, to which Hero-
dotus famishes the other. Like the
Fiaistratidfe, the tjranta of Gahnth
were Etudioosly mild towards tba
middle and lower olasaea (rapra, «tL
62) ; bat like them alao (iufra, ri. 39),
they had to keep down the artetocraoy
by severe meafiores. Theae Soiiclca
would natnraUy regard as atmriticn.
and would perhapsa little eccaggecalA.
Xioolas says thM Cypseloa baidabfid
the Bacohiads, and oonfiaoated tbeir
properties (!• b. o.).
HISTOEY OP CORINTH.
293
elled, but the messenger reported that he bad said
g ; and he wondered that Periander had sent him to so
strange a man, who seemed to have lost his senses, since be
did nothing bat destroy his own property. And upon this be
told how Thrasybulus had behaved at the interview." (§ 7.)
Periander, perceiving what the action meant, and kno^dng
that Thrasybulus adviaod the destruction of all the leading
citizeus, treated his subjects from this time forward with the
Tery greatest cruelty. Wliero Cypselus had spared any, and
neither put them to death nor banished them, Periander
eted what his father had left unfinished^ Oue day he
pped all the women of Corinth stark naked, for the soke of
"rery g
^>ftd n
iRnpp<
own wife Melissa.
^^B According to Aristotle (Pol. iii. 8,
^^feOy ed. Tanuh.) it wu Thnuiybalaa
HK? B'juti^bt, and Peri&uder who gave
ihia advice. The tale was tmnsforrod
by flomo of the early annaliat« into
Sonuui history. 8oe Livy i. 5i, where
tbe annalist ha« oOTnponncled his Bt<try
^rOBi thu n&tTHtire and the hUtory ^
Sopyroa. (Comp. Kiebufar'ti Bom.
Hii»t. i. p. 503, E. T.) That Periander
nod ThnBjrbQlos were really on very
ate terms, &p[>earB from i. 20.
The cmoi tyranny of Periander is
on by all writen. There u
difference of detail. Ho act op a
guard of 300 men, made severe
tuory laws, kept the citisena poor
He had seat messengers into Thes-
by means of fines and eonfiscationSf
ihed abundant blood, and waa fre-
qauutly guilty of the groǤettt outrages.
Uis private relatione, which throw a
light on tho remainder of the chapter,
have been already narrated (supra, iii.
50.53). Ho was engaged in froqoent
wars; and ibo powur of Corinth was
never so great as in his day. (Compare
Eph. Frog. 106; Ar. Pol. v. 12 ; Henu
clid. Pont. V. ; Nio. Daoiaac. Fra^f. 59 ;
Diog. IjMjrt. ViL Perianrlr.) The fol-
lowing scheme of the Cyptiolid fumily
may bo gathered from JSicoIaiia i>ama^
aeonna. Ho differs from Herodotna in
telling of Nicolas what the elder histO'
rian relates of Lyoophron.
cypwli
ParUnUar.
EchUdM
(ri»ui4«r el AaMlottiaB>
» ^ Ti
Nloolu
(fDVsraor of Cwcjn).
rMinin«t]cbiif
or
adds uiother member of the
ly — Tolgan, the fonuder of Am-
hraoia — whom he colU a son of Cjpsc-
Toa (rii. p. 471). According to Aris-
the dynasty la«t 73 yeots and 6
months, probably from *bott( B.C. 6Sft
to O.C. 681. The three nigas weiv^
PttUnder , . 49 ye*n . „ s«l-(M,
PlUlUWlkijlM 3^ JQUl. w 4M*UI
294
SPEECH OF SOSICLEa
Book
protia to consult the oracle of the dead upon the Acheron*
concerning a pledge which had been given into his charge by
a stranger, and Melissa appeared, but refused to speak or tell
where the pledge ^ras, — ' she was chill,' she said, 'having no
clothes ; the garments bioried with her were of no manner of
use, since they had not been burnt. And this should be her
token to Periander, that what she said was true — the oven was
cold when he baked his loaves in it.' When this message was
brought him, Periander knew the token;* wliereforo he
straightway made proclamation, that all the wives of the
Corinthians shouhl go forth to the temple of Juno,' So the
women apparelled themselves in their bravest, and went forth,
as if to a festival. Then, with the help of his guards, whom
he had placed for the purpose, he stripped them one and all,
making no difference between the free women and the slaves;
and, taking their clothes to a pit. he called on the name of
Melissa, and burnt the whole heap.^ This done, he sent a
second time to the oracle ; and Melissa^fl ghost told him
whore ho would iind the stranger's pledge. Such, 0 Lace-
daemonians ! is tyranny, and such are the deeds which spring
from it. We Corinthians marvelled greatly when we first
* The Acheron is the modern SouU
or Jfawro river, wliicb falls into the
sea in kt. 39° 15', long. 20^ 31'. The
fiftmo Thoflprotin was applied to the
whole tract between the Chnradma
{LurOi or Jiogus) and the Thyamia
(Calamas), It ]*■ uncertain where the
oracle of the dead wm fiitnni»d.
There seems to hiive bt>en oue ut Aor<
nns, a city nnd Inke (?) Bomewhero in
these parts (Puusan. IX. xxx. 3; Plin,
E. N. iv. 1 ; Stcph. By8. ad too. ;
Etym. Magn. ad toc.)» the site of
which it is impostiible to fix. Orucles
of this kind were not uncommon in
Greece. (Creuz. Symb. i. p. 180.)
Some liyUt uiaj bo tln-owii on tlidir
natnro hy the narratiTe in 1 Sum.
xxviii. 7-20.
• "Qaippe qni cum mortoA coiiaset
Mclisfti." {Cf. Nic. Dam. Frag, 59;
Benec de IrO, iL 36.)
' PnaBanias describes this temple (it.
W. § 7). It wma situated a little below
the Bumnut of the AenvCoriaLhnSi on
a mounr] or hill Oov*^f), whence the
Corinthian Jnno had tha cpvtlitft <A ,
0otiyai<L.
" It is probably this same story
which appeara in Kjjhoms (Fr. 106)
under a different ftirui. Thero Pixi-
andcr is mid to hare rowed a golJea
Btatoe to Jnpitcr if he -rrvn the Olym.
pic chariot-race; and needling giald for
this porpose* to have lake^n the gcHA
ornaments worn by the Corinthiaa
women at a festival. If the storte*
are ropirded as identical, it may fairly
bo supposed that *' the clothea were
burnt to obtain the in-wrooght gold*'
(Blukesley ad loo.). This boa been
rccontly do&o on ft loi^
India.
Cojir. 92-91
HIPPIAS KETIKES TO SICEUIL
^5
knew of your having sent for Hippias ; and now it surprises
us still more to hoar you speak aa you do. We adjure you,
bj the common gods of Greece, plant not despots in her cities.
If however you are determined, if you persist, against all
justice, in seeking to restore Hippias, — know, at least, that
the Corinthians will not approve your conduct."
93. When Sosicles, the deputy from Corinth, had thus
spoken, Hippias replied, and, invoking the same gods, he said,
— " Of a surety the Corinthians will, beyond all others, regret
the FisistratidfB, when the fated days come for them to be diB-
tressed by the Athenians.** Hippias spoke thus because he
knew tlie prophecies " better than any man living. But the
rest of the allies, who till Bosiclos spoko had remained quiet,
when they heard him utter his thoughts thus boldly, all
together broke silence, and declared themselves of the same
mind; and withal, thoy conjured the Lacediemonians "not to
revolutionise a Grecian city." And in this .way the enter-
prise came to nought.
94. Hippias hereupon withdrew ; and Amyntas the Mace-
donian offered him the city of Anthemus/ while the Thessa-
lions were willing to give him lolcos : ^ but he would accept
neither the one nor the other, preferring to go back to Sigeum,"
which city Pisistratus had taken by force of arms from the
Mytilenaians. Pisistratus, wheu he became master of the
• Prophoeiea forged probably after
.i,„ -n,..;ra of Kpiilamnus and rotidffitt
i. 24-Ko), or at least after
I lc0 io the Moirarid (^lib. 105.
lOti). The bitter bdsttlity of Corinth
to Athene in tho pL<Iuponne«i&ii var
(ib. uUOi T. 25, 27, 3:i. -Hi) eontnwta
mnarknbly wttb tho fric-ndlr (Spirit
here cihibited. It bad its origin, Ui-st,
in comzDorciat jealoa^v, and MecN^ndly
in the woTvueaa engendered by Che con-
doM of Atheo* on tbe abore-mentioned
' AnthemAa waa a rity of some note,
on the borders of Mnredonta, aboTe
Chalcidio^ It is difficalt to Ax with
oertainty its exact aito. (See Le&ko't
TmTclH in Xortbcm Greece, iii. p.
4iiO.) Stephen and Vliny (iv. 10) both
nientifnicti itaaacity; bnt Thucydidea
applien the name to a district (ii. dif,
100).
* lolcAa, the port from which tho
Ar^>i)autg were said to bare sailod, woa
n pln4*e of Htill greater note than An-
tUumtla. It lay at th9 bottom of thn
Pof^sean giilf (Scylax, iVripl. p. 6<t)
in tbe distriet colled Ma^cnia. All
the |jrw)srrapher6 mention it (Ptnl. p.
92; Strab. ii. p. 632; Plin, H. N. ir.
9, Ac.) Its niodern name is Kolo
(Leake'fl N. O. ir. p. aSO).
' bupm, ob. 65.
296 THE ATHENIANS RETAIN POSSESSION OF SIGEUM. Bool
place, estaLlished there as tyrant, liis own natural eon, Hege-
sistratus, -wliose mother was an Argive woman. But this
prmce was not allowed to enjoy peaceably what his father had
made over to him ; for during very many years there had been
war between the Athenians of Sigeum and the M^'tilenseans of
the city called Achilleum.* They of Mytilene insisted on
having the place restored to them : but the Athenians refused,
since they argued that the Cohans had no better claim to the
Trojan territory than themselves, or than any of the other
Greeks who helped Menelaus on occasion of the rape of Helen.
95. War accordingly continued, with many and various
incidents, whereof the following was one. In a battle which was
gained by the Athenians, the poet Alcffius took to flight, and
saved himself, but lost his arms, which fell into the hands of
the conquerors. They hung them up in the temple of Minerva
at Sigeum ; ' and Alcajus made a poem, describing his misad-
ventm'e to hi^ /riend Melanippus, and sent it to him at My-
* Achill^nm, bo cfttled bee&nse it
contained tho tumulus of Acbilloa
(Stmb. xiii. p. 859), -waa within a very
short dUtanceoF tho town of Sigftom,
on the promontory of the Bamo name
(Strab. Lb. c. ; Steph. Byt. ad voc. (
Plin. H. N. V. SO). See tho plan of
the country around Troy (infra, Tii.
43). According to Demetnos, Aebil-
Uum was an itrtrtixi^fu^ or fort built
near SigAom by tho MytilcniBans, for
the purpose of vexingr and haraming
BigAum, in the bopo of nttimatelr re*
covering it. It appears that Mvtilcne
bad, at an early date, made herself
mifltroBS of tho Tn:>ad (Stntb. xiii. p.
869). Athens, about xt.c. 020, sent uut
ft colony under Phrynon, an Olympio
victor (Strab. I. s. c. ; Euiob. i. ixxvi.),
to occupy SiprAum, a town already
built by the MytilenicanB. Phrynoa
toolc the place, and cstnbliplied himself
in it ; but a war followod of many
years' duration between tho Mytiie-
nx'auB and tho new colony, Achill^am
being fortilied by tho former asaplaco
from which to make their attacks.
According to one account (TimspDii,
Fr. 4U). Periondorat this time aEaaiKed
the Mytilenamnii, and helped to fortify
Achill^mn by means of stones bronglit
from Troy. Pittacoa ootmnaitdGd oa
tho fiide of tho MytilcnBans ; and it
was in the coorBQ of this war that AI*
CBUS lost hifl shield. Phrynoo, B.c.
606 (Euscb.), challeuged Pittacoa to a
single combat ; the challengo waa ac-
eepted, and Pitt«oiiBwa« rictorioos by
meona of the arts practiaed in later
times by the rctiariiu. Aft«r tlua
Feriander was called in to arbitrate,
andosflignrd Sif^Aam to Athr>ns (Strab.
I. B. c. ; Dio)?. Lacrt. i. 71 ; Polyapn. i.
25; Pluturch. ii. p. 8&8: Saidaa ad
voc. niTTajcor. Ac.)- It vroald aeen
that the Mytilonoeanamost hare after-
wards recovered SigAom^ which waa
taken from them a eeoond time by
PiRiHtratns, probably about b.c. 535.
This occasioned arenowal of tho war.
^ This temple is mentioned in the
famous Sigean inscription. beloDiptu;
to tho reign of Antiochos Soter (Chi^
hall's Inscr. Aaiat. p. 58, § So).
CHAP.9t-d7. ARTAPIiEBNES THKEATEN'S THE ATHENIANS. 297
tilen^.' The Mjiilenmans and Athenians were reconciled by
Periander, the son of Cypselus, who was chosen by both
parties as arbiter — ho decided that they should each retain
that of wliich they were at the time possessed ; and Sigeum
passed in this way nnder the dominion of Athens.
96. On the return of Hippiaa to Asia from Lacedcemon, he
moved heaven and earth' to set Artaphemes against the
Athenians, and did all that lay in his power to bring Athena
into eubjection to himself and Darius. So when the Athenians
learnt what he was about» they sent envoys to Sardis, and ex-
Lorted the Peroiuns not to lend an ear to the Athenian exiles.
Artaphernes told them in reply, " that if they wished to remain
safe, they must receive back Hippias." The Athenians, when
this answer was reported to tliem, determined not to consent,
and therefore made up their minds to be at open enmity with
the Persians.
97. The Athenians had come to this decision, and were
already in bad odour with the Persians, when Aristagoras the
Milesian, dismissed from Sparta by Cleomenes the Lacedae-
monian, arrived at Athens. He knew that, after Sparta,
Athens was the most powerful of the Grecian states.* Ac-
cordingly he appeared before the people, and, as he had done
at Sparta,* spoke to them of the good things which there were in
Asia, and of the Persian mode of fight — how they used neither
shield nor spear, and were very easy to conquer. All this he
urged, and reminded tliem also, that Miletus was a colony
from Athens,'" and therefore ought to receive their succour, since
they were so powerful — and in the earnestness of his entreaties
he cared little what he promised — till, at the last, he prevailed
and won them over. It seems indeed to be easier to deceive a
' Strftbo seems to have quoted the
first tints of thia poem, bat the paii«age
ii bopoloflslv oornipb (xiU. p. 85-i).
Compcire with the fact of AIcwom
writing on such a subject, the weU-
^Uuvru cMle of llonu'O (ii. 7).
" laterally " he moved everything "
ezptvAttoo, the strvogth of which
can onlj- be ^ren bj somo each idiom-
ae that xxned in the text.
* ConipftTL* i.S6. ' Supra, ch. 40.
'** Supra, i. 147, and infra, ix. 97.
The colonies notwithfitandiii^ their
political indt'pendt'nco, counted on the
aid of thn muihi^r cicjr ia time of aG&X
(see Tbucf d. i. 24).
298
ABISTAGORAS BAILS FOB lOLETUS.
Bootf
multitude than one man — for Aristagoras, though he Medto
impose on Gleomcnee the LacedBemonian, succeeded ^th fte
Athenians, -who were thirty thousand.^ Won hy his posai'
sions, they voted that twenty ships should be sent to tlieudtt
the louiaus, under the command of Melanthius, one d 'k
citizens, a man of mark in evexj way. These ships mie&
beginning of mischief both to the Greeks and to the barluifflL
08. Aristagoras sailed away in advance, and whenheieaeU
Miletus, devised a plan, from which no manner of advaoti^
could possibly accrue to the lonians ; — indeed, in forming it,
he did not aim at their benefit, but his sole wish was to anacj
King Darius. He sent a messenger into Phrygis to tboK
Pffionians who had been led away captive by Megalazos &ob
the river Strymon," and who now dwelt by themselva a
Fhrygia, having a tract of land and a hamlet of their on
This man, when he reached the Pa^onians, spoke thut*
tliem : —
* Tt Ims boon poncrally gupposed that
this nuiiil>or is ancxairccnition (Dahl-
maiiiiH Life of Ilcrod., p. 42, E. T. ;
Ha'ckli's Efon. of Atlu'iia, i. p. 48,
E. T., &f.). Cortninly in later times tho
actnal immbor Hcpms Bcarccly ever to
have murli rxrcodotl twenty thousand.
It waa l!».00it in the year B.C. 4tl
(rintarth. Pcriol.c. 37; rhilochor.op.
Sclu'l. Avist. Vosp. 716), when Piuim*
motichus Fcnt the Athenian!' a presout
i>f ci^rn, and 21.0)10 in B.C. 31", when
Demetrius I'lialeivas made his ccnsaB
(Allienani-*, vi. p. 272. B.) Aristo-
plianofi. in ii.r. 422 (Vesp. 71(!). Plato,
alwut n.r. 350 (Critias, p. 133, cd.
Tauc'h.), and l)eninsthene;>, in B.C. 331
(Ari.'.triLr. i. p. 7sr>), make the game
estimate, which is confirmed by tho
ju'connt trivcn in Thncydidca (ii, 13)
of the military force of Alliens at tho
commenremont of tho IVloponnesian
war. Siill tin* e-^timate of Uen.^dotu3
inav bo tnio/r>r thf piriotl to which 7k
rvjfr,<. Cli.«ihenes, it imist bo remom-
bored, had i-eeeiitly admitted nil the
fiirei'.;n inhabitants ({(Vai fitrotKOt) and
tmfninchiiied slave.* of the same rank
^Stfr.Nai fitrotKoi) into the nnmbcr of
citizens; and these n aftn-tiM
TiBQally amounted to 10.000 (iAn
1. B. c). No 6ucb preneral cnfr&ndi*-
mont ever -took place af rirwini^: "^
it Ib qnite possible that the noo^rf
the citizens mnv have falleo, betnA
n.C 500 and iLa 444-, from iIutttIi
twenty thousand. The vast Dnmbtfol
colonists and clemchs tent out ^
Athensdiiring this interval wooM hBf
ac(;omit for such a dimiaatioa. Ta
thonennd Athenians and aUiet vffi
8ont to Amphi|x>]i8 in p.c; 469; 300
Atlieiiians colonised Xaxoa • y*
earlier ; 1000 went to the CberFcortf
botwfou that date and B.r. 465; 350
went to Andros and 1000 toCbalcidice
alxiut the same time ; GOO to Siva^
Bomo years afterward? ; and a cdMJ
(ntimlHT unknown) to Eabcea is !•£.
415. The whole policy of PericlesuM
to fret rid of the soperabandaat pops-
Intion by encouraging the emigntim
of tho poorer sort (see Plat. Tit
I'orich c. 9, and 11, 30, 23, Ac. fc)
On the jTenernl qneation of the popol*-.
tion of Attica, see Clinton's F. Hi nL
ii. App. ch. 22.
• Vide sapra, chs. 15-17
Chaf. 07-00.
ESCAPE OF THE VJEO^ANS,
999
** Men of PaGonia, Aristagoras, king of Miletus, has sent me
■^ jou, to inform jou that you may now escape, if you chooso
■fco follow the advice he proflfers. All Ionia lias revolted from
"the king ; and the way is open to you to return to your own
land. You have only to contrive to reach the sea-coast ; the
xeBt shall be our busineBa."
"When the PieonianB heard this, they were exceedingly
rejoiced, and, taking with them their wives and children, they
made all speed to the coast ; a few only remaining in Phrygia
through fear. The rest, having reached the sea, crossed over
to Chios, where they had just landed, when a great troop of
Pcxsian horse came following upon their heels, and seeking
to overtake them. Not succeeding, however, they sent a
message across to Chios, and begged the Pseoniaus to oome
hock again- These last refused, and were convej'ed by the
[ Cbions from Chios to Lesbos, and by the Lesbians thence to
1 I>oriscu8;^ from which place they made their way on foot to
IpBBonia,
^M 99. Tlie Athenians now arrived with a fleet of twenty soil,
^^md brought also in their company five triremes of tlie Ere-
trians ; * which had joined the expedition, not bo much out of
goodwill towards Athens, as to pay a debt which they already
owed to the people of Miletus. For in the old war between
the Chalcideans and Eretrians,° the Milesians fought on the
Eretrian side throughout, wliile the Chalcideans had the help
• H*ro<1otn8 pvep thp name of Dorit-
kHBi to tb« grcnt ftUavinl plain ttirotigh
^^^pch the river Hcbnis {Maritia)
^Coiptlu itself into the sva. Dariiu at
the tima nf fain inTasioa of Boytbia
Iwid bvilt a fortuned post to cammand
Uw psMSffe of tbia river, to which the
name DorUciu was al«o given {infra,
Vli. 69). It w&si a pbLce of ^reat
•tSTrogth (vii. 106), nud continDtsl to
bv known aa an iniportant k1 ronghold
3tmu to tbo time of Philip, son of
Demotrina {vuc. 200 ; cf. Liv. xxxi. 16).
* Etvl rin Uy upon tho coast of Kubom,
12 or 13 miles bolow Chalcis, Ita nto
i> madcwl by extenAire ruixu (Leake,
p. 26B). The better sitnatlon of
Chalcis proventod Krotria from com-
peting with it eaccessfnU)'. ByStrabo's
time the soperiority of the former city
waa olcar and deciairc (x. p. 653) ; and
at preseot Egripn, which occupies ita
aite, is the only pince of any import*
aneo in the wbolo island.
* See Thaoyd, i. 15, for Iho import,
anceof thisoontost. Almost all Greece
wa« »aid to have been engaged in it.
Wo icam from Plataroh (ii. p. 760, F.)
that the Eretrian horse waa at first
superior, and that Chalcis had to rely
for this arm od the Theeaalians.
300
CHAKOPIKCS MAHCH OS SARDia
Book
of the Samian people. Aristagoras, on their arrival, assembl
the rest of bis allies, and proceeded to attack Sordia, no
however leading tb© army in person, but appointing to th
command his own brother Cbaropinus, and Hermnpbautua
one of the citizens, while he himself remained behind
Miletus.
100. The lonians Bailed with this fleet to Ephesns,* and,
leaving their ships at Coressus^ in the Ephesian territory
took guides from the city, and went up the country, with a grea
host. They marched along the course of the river Cayster,'
and, crossing over the ridge of Tmolus, came down apo:
Sardis and took it,** no man opposing them ; — tbo whole cit
fell into their hands, except only the citadel, which Arta —
phemes defended in person, having with him no contemptible*'
force.
101. Though, however, they took the city, they did not soc-
ceed in plundering it ; for, as the houses in Sardis were most
of thom built of reeds, and even the few which were of brick
had a reed thatching for their roof, one of them was no sooner
fired by a soldier than tlic flames ran speedily from house to
house, and spread over the whole place.^'' As the fire raged,
d
ot
• The Paeodo-Platarch Bays (Do Ma-
li^. Herod, ii. p. S65) that tbc^ 11u«t
6rtit Btiilud to-n'ttrdsCypniSf and g-ainrtl
ft narol victory over tho Cy])ruui8 in
ibo I'amphyliiiu Bea; but tbifl is pro-
bably a xuere mit^n? presentation of the
batUa mentioaed beJow, ch. 112.
' The CoresGrus here spoken of nrasb
hara been a icim upoxL the eea-oooat.
(So Htepb. IJyz. Koprfirabi Tr6\is ttis
'E^taias.) It Uy probably at tho base
of tho mountam of the same aomo
(Diod. Sic. xir. 99), somewhat eooth
of Fononmu, the port of EpheBoa.
(Compare Strab. xiv. 1)09, 917 ; Athe,
nsena, viii. IG; Xon. DoU. i. ii 7;
^sohiu. £p. 1, cd. Baiter.)
" The Cayater. now the LittlA Hen-
dcro, waohod Bphesns ou tho iiurth,
and formed its harbonr (Stmb. p. 919).
This river, one of thofonr ^reat BtceatDfl
emptying themaelvea into the £geui
sea, drains the valley lying
the Kisilja Mtua Da^h (Mefifiogis) and
Kestan4 J)ag\ (TmAIas) rang«a. U
brings down a considerabW dcjKwft,
and has probably augmented, the
allarial hind at its moath rery greatly
Hinco tbo time of Eerodotiu. (Sm
Chandler's Asia Uinor^ ch. xxxvii.
end.).
* The Psendo-Plotarch say* that th*
Persians were at this tiute besiegii^
Miletus, Bad that tho object of tba
attack npon Sardis was to force them
to raise the siego (Do Ualign. II er.
L s. c); but tho silenoe of Hcrudotus
LB conclusive aganut these BtatomeatsL
^ In EaKtem capitals the houses are
still rarely of brick or etone. Jterds
and wood oonstttuto tho chief bailding
niaierials. Henoo the terrible cociMa-
grations which from time to
devastate thenu
I
I
I
7^-101.
BURNING OF SARDia
301
Lydians, and such Persians as ^ere in the city, inclosed
a every side by the tlaraes, which had. seized all the skirts of
tie town^ and finding themselves unnblo to get out, came in
*owd3 into the market-place, and gathered themselves upon
le banks of the Pactolus. This stream, which comes down
Jom Mount Tmolus, and brings the Sardians a quantity of
5old-dust, runs directly through the market-place of Sardis,
iud joins the Hennus, before that river reaches the sea." 80
[EoIqi or Sardlff.— Frum 4 ikclcti tj Rer. S. C. UaUa.J
be Lydians and Persians, brought together in this way in the
larket-placQ and about the Pactolus, were forced to stand on
beir defence ; and the lonians. when they saw the enemy in
'* Two small streams descptid from
m&liz*, one cm each side of the mins
* Sardis : " the western, which cornea
>wn the brooder valley, and paasos by
la Ionic temple of GyWl^, has gcne-
hUybeen oonsidorod as the gDld-boor-
g Pnctdlat" {Uamilton'fl AsiaHinor,
Tol. i. pp. 146, 1-17)* Lilco most gold-
fields, that of tlio PaotiMiifl, go celo*
brated at an early pcrioil (Soph. Phil.
393; Strab. xiii. p. B97). was bouq ex-
haoBted. By the time of Angnstos it
hod ceaaed to produce gold (Strab.
I. t. c.)
302
RETREAT AHB DEFEAT OF THE QBEEKS. Boa
part resisting, in part pooring towards them in dense croi
took fright, and drawing o£F to the ridge which is a
Tmolus, when night came, went back to their ships.
102. Sardis however was burnt, and, among other bmldi
a temple of the native goddess Cybfil6 was destroyed ;^i
was the reason afterwards alleged by the Persians for set
on fire the temples of the Greeks.^ As soon as what had
pened was known, all the Persians who were stationed <a
side the Halys drew together,^ and brought help to the Ljd
Finding however, when they arrived, that the lonians
already withdrawn from Sardis, they set off, and, folk
close upon their track, came up with them at Ephesns.
lonians drew out against them in battle array ; and a
ensued, wherein the Greeks had very greatly the wone.*
* Cybfib^, CybfiW, or Rhea, was the
Maf;iia Mator, or Mother of tbe Goda, a
principal object of worship among aU
the Oriental nations. (Vide Bnpra, i,
131, noto *, and Essay x. pp. 624-627:
and cf. Soph. 1. b. c. ; CatuU. Ixi. ; Tii^.
JEn. Ti. 785; ix. 617, &o. See also
Selden, de Dis S.'iTis, ii, 2.) She may
bo identified with the BeUis of the
Assyrinn inscriptions, the Mylitta of
Horodotua (1. s. c), the Dometer of the
Greeks, and tho Ceres or Ops of the
Komans.
Ucr worship from very early times
in Lydia is marked by the antique
fiji^re on Monnt Sipylns, mentioned by
Fausanias as t)ie most ancient of
statues {iipxat^TttTOV ariyrwy &yaXfiay
III. xxii. § 4), and lately rediscovered
by Mr. Strickland (ITamilton's Asia
Minor, vol. i. p. 50, note).
Her temple at Sardis was probably
the mnpnificent structure, situated be-
tween the Pactolas and the citadel, of
the remains of which bo many travellers
have given a description. WhenChis-
hnll (travels, p. 10) in 1699, and oven
when Peyronuol, in 1750, visited tho
site, six columns were still standing.
Chandler, in 17(>I-, found only fivo
(Asia Minor, vol. i. p. 295). Cfickerell,
about 1820, three (Leake's Asia Minor,
p. 312), Hamilton, in 1S3G (Asia Miuor,
Tol. i. p. 149% and Fellowi, «
(Travels, p. 289), no more th»
This temple was a building
Ionic order, formed of blocks d
marble of an enormous Bue. It t
to have been never finished (Ga
Fellows), but bears marks (Coc
of a very high antiquity. It*
feet in widtK and probably 2S!
Mr. Cockerell's description (
L a. c.) is by far the mart oo
that has yet been given.
' The Greeks, whodidnotaoik
tho iconocJasiie spirit which i&
the Persians (snpra, iii. 29 «
sought for some special motitt
plain tho ontrages on their t
(infra, viii. 33, 53, 55 ; ix. 1
during the war ; and foand
motive in retaliation of the
done to this temple. Bnt ii t
doubted whether this circna
had really any influence oa the
quent hostilities.
' On the size and organizitifli
Persisui standing army, i>ec abc
ii, p. 565. But the'expreBsio
used is an exaggeration.
* Charon of Lampsacns, »writ
temporary with Xerxes, uisde >
tion of this defeat in his Kco
tlie expedition (Pint, de Malig-
p. 8C1, 0. D.) There is km»
Omat, 101-10 1. REVOLT OF CAIUA, CAUNUS, AM) CYPRUS. 303
sumbers were slain by the Persians : among other men of
xiote, they killed the captain of the Eretrians, a certain Eval-
ddas, a man who had gained crowns at the games, and received
znuob praise from Simonides the Cean," Such as made their
escape from the battle dispersed among the several cities.
103. So ended this encounter. Afterwards the Athenian..
quite forsook the lonians, and, though Aristagoras besought
Iheui much by his ambassadors, refused to give him any
further help.^ Still the lonians, notwithstanding this deser-
tion, continued unceasingly their preparations to carry on the
-viu: against the Persian king, which their late conduct towards
liim had rendered unavoidable. Sailing into the Hellespont,
thej brought Byzantium, and all the other cities in that
quuiter, under their sway. Again, quitting the Hellespont
they went to Caria, and won the greater part of the Carians
to their side ; while Caunus, which liad formerly refused to
join with them, after the burning of Sardis came over like-
wise.'
104. All the Cyprians too, excepting those of Amathus, of
their 0^11 proper motion espoused the Ionian cause.** The
that nn the first rerflrse Athonii backed
out uf tho war. Snch conduct was ccr*
(ttinlj farinore"opcn toceusaro" tluia
tbe original embarking in the war,
which was a very politio net. It ia
peHmps not goinjf t«")ofarto ttny that if
AthcDs and the other mariiiniu states of
Greece bod giren a hearty and resol ute
■npport to tbe Ionian cauBC, tho grc^
invaaions of Darius and Xorxes might
hiivu been prevented.
^ Tbo Cuauiaua bad beon brongbt
umler the Pf rsian yoke by Harpago*
witb difiiouUy (supra* i. 17G.) Fur the
Bitunlion of their country, neo Appen-
dix to vol. i. (Kftuy ii. p. 3S3). It is
sarpriding that tho Lycians'did not
take the op[K:rtunity, which now
offered^ to throw off the Porsinn yoke.
'^ Mr. Grote con^^iders this revolt to
have been confined to " the Greek
cities inCyprufl," ainong whu'h he even
reckuUH AmathCls(Hiat.of Gi'0«ce,Tol.
V to believe that thin fratbnr wa«
iodfaied to glus8 ovev nnplca^tant facta
ia bis biatorv. (See Dolilioaau's Life
of Herod, p. 88. E. T.)
* That 8iii>ouidei} the Cenn, Iik« Pin-
wrotp odpB in pmiae of those who
off priKCs in tbo gamos^ wo
kaow from Ariatotlo (Rhet. iii. 2). He
iaooid to have been one of tbe men of
)ett«r» inrited to Athens by the PieiR-
tmtidA(l*lut.H)ppArcb. TuLiv. p. 17-1,
nd. Taochn.). He mnet not be con-
feanded with Simonides of Amorgo«i
vbo vac greatly bis senior.
■ Xr. Grote conjevturea that tho
Aolo^o Oreeka mnn hiiTO been guilty
ol 10010 ** glaring de«crtion " of their
•niett which justi5ed tlu« withdrawal
{HiJiLof Greoce,ToLir.p,3l»C>). There
is no evidence to snstain snch a view,
which »e«ms ba«ed upon a notion
Ihat the AtiumimiiB ooold not possibly
do wrong. The truth scema to be.
304
DAHIUS HEARS OF SARDIS BEING BTTRNT.
Book-
\,
occasion of their revolting from the Modes ^as the folloTrir*-
There was a certain Onesilus, younger brother of Gorgt :*-*»!
king of Salamis, and son of Chersis, who was son of Siromu^^'
and grandson of Evclthon.* This man had often in fom»- ^r
times entreated Gorgus to rehcl against the king ; but, wh^^^J^
he hoard of the revolt of the lonians, he left him no peft.^**
with his importunity. As, however, Gorgus would not bearkc^^
to him, ho watched his occasion, and when his brother hj^^
gone outside the town, he with his partisans closed the gat^^^
upon liim. Gorgus, thus deprived of his city, fled to tfc:^*^
Medes; and OnesOus,^ being now king of Salamis, sougt:^-^*
to bring about a revolt of the whole of Cyprus. All we*:^
prevailed on except the Amatlmsians, who refused to listes
to him ; whereupon Onesilus sate down before Amatbos/ aiu
laid siege to it.
105, While Onesilus was engaged in the siege of Amathu^^
Iving Darius rocoivcd tidings of the taking and burning c^^
Sardis by the Athenians and lonians ; and at the same tim^^
1
iv. p. 391) ; bot HeroJotTW dtstinoily
states that the Cvprians rerolted gene*
rally. Xo doubt there had been a
considerablo Greek immig^mtion into
Cyprus before this period (ride infra,
Tii. i*Ct), but the bulk of the populaliua
continued Phor-nitnon till I'^np nftcr-
wards. This is plain from ScyUix, who
calls elU tho in]iab)tant8 of the interior
"barbarians," and notices as oxoop-
tional BTcn the ca^es of Greek cities
Dpon tho coast. It ivoald scosn that
in his time (tho tiino of Ffailip of
Macedon) there were in Cjpma no
more than three Greek cities of note.
These ircro Salamis, Soli, and Marinin.
We most therefore coneidcr the rcToIt
to have extended in a great meosoro
to tho Fbcenician inliabitants, olthoogh
the non-partieipation in it of tho ini*
portant and thoronghly Phcenician
town of Amathds (Soylax, PerlpK p.
97; Theopomp. Fr. Ill ; Steph. Byx.
od voc.) would eeem to imply that the
Fbcemcian popniation ent^'red into it
loss thoroughly than the Greek.
' Tbi« name u clearljr Fbcenician,
being: identical irith the Hii
(tipwftoi) of Josepbns, and the
(=TP) of Soriptore. (Campttue
US.) It 19 probable that tho Qrwil
princes of CypmB intermarried wit
the FhoonicianB.
» The Krelthon of Bk. it. cb.
seems to be meant ; bnt H is diffieaW^^
to nnderstand how, within the spacec
thirty years, he could bavo been sac-
ceedcd by a growu-op grtat.jrandKn.
StiU it is poGsible, if Ercltfaon a&
time of Fheretima's visit (about
530) was a very old man.
' The initial element of this
appears in that of the king of Lii
(Hunazi^gvtsu)t who Bnpplied]
to Eearbaddon (enpra, toL i. p. 4$}
note '.)
' AmnthABf one of the most
Phcenician settlements in
(iipxeuoriTTi)^ Steph. Byz.),Trtt3 sitnaC
on tho south cua$t, about So mil«
west of Citinm (LarnaJl-a). It«
still exist near the riling of La'
(Kngel's Kyproa, rob i. p. 109
seqq.).
104-106. HISTI^US SOniOXED TO KK PRESENCE.
30s
te learnt that the author of the loag^ue, the man by whom the
■whole matter had been planned and contrived, was Ajristagoras
the Milesian. It is said that be no sooner miderstood what
had happened, than, laying aside all thought concerning the
lonians, who would, he was sure, pay dear for their rebellion^
he asked, *• Who the Athenians were ?"* and, being informed,
G&Ued for his bow, and placing an arrow on the string, shot
upward into the sky,* saying, as he let fly the shaft — " Grant
me, Jupiter,^ to revenge myself on the Athenians ! " After
this speech, he bade one of his servants every day, when his
dinner was spread, three times repeat these words to him —
•• Master, remerabcr the Athenians."
^H.06. Then he summoned into his presence Histiicus of
^Betus, whom he had kept at his court for so long a time ;
^Bd on his appearance addressed him thus — -"I am told,
0 Histifflus, that thy heutenant, to whom thou hast given
^liletuH in charge, has raised a rebellion against me. He has
brought men from the other continent to contend with me,
and, prevaihng on the lonians — whose conduct I shall know
to recompense — to join with this force, he has robbed me
>ardis t Is this as it should be, thinkest thou ? Or can it
]XAve been done without thy knowledge and advice ? Beware
Kit be found hereafter that the blame of these acts is
e."
istiitus answered — " What words are these, 0 king, to
"wluch thou hast given utterance '? I advise aught from which
pleasantness of any kind, little or great, should como to
! What could I gain by bo doing? Or what is there
that I lack now? Have I not all that thou hast, and am I
not thought worthy to partake all thy counsels? If my
lieutenant has indeed done as thou sayest, be sure he has
done it all of his own head. For my part, I do not think
^HComparo L 153, kdH aaprs, ch. 73.
^^CompBTO with this what is said of
4^ llincuuis (rapn, iv. 91). Tho
Mn aooma ko he 1^3 tend tho
to baawD on tlio aiTuw.
« That IB, " OrmRxil." The Oreela
idmitify thf* niprrrttK G'm) of eacli nation
with tbviruwu Zutu (viueaupi-a, i. 131;
ii. 55, ifcc).
roL. m.
306 HISTL£US SENT DOWN TO THE COAST. BoOlT.
it can renlly be that the Milesians and my lieatenant lun
raised a rebellion against thee. But if they have indeed tm
mitted aught to thy hurt, and the tidings are true vhidi kit
come to thee, judge thou how iU-advised thou vert to lesm
me from the sea-coast. The lonians, it seems, have vaittl
till I was no longer in sight, and then sought to execute M
which they long ago desired ; whereas, if I had been theie^
not a single city would have stirred. Suffer me then to huta
at my best speed to Ionia, that I may place matters that
upon their former footing, and deliver up to thee the depotf
of Miletus, who has caused all the troubles. Having nuzuged
this business to thy heart's content, I swear by all tbe godi
of thy royal house, I will not put off the clothes in whidi I
reach Ionia, till I have made Sardinia, the biggest island a
the world/ thy tributary."
107. HistifGUs spoke thus, wishing to deceive the king; ui
Darius, porsuiidod by his words, let him go ; only bidding hm
be sure to do as he had promised, and afterwards come ha^
to Susa.
108. In the moan time — while the tidings of the buraingrf
Sardis were reaching the king, and Darius was shooting tl«
aiTow and having the conference with Histiaeus, and Iht
latter, by permission of Darius, was hastening down to the bm
— in Cyprus the following events took place. Tidings cantf to
Oncsilus, the Salaminian, who was still besieging Amathuf,
that a certain Artybius, a Persian, was looked for to aniwin
Cyprus with a great Persian armament.* So Onesilus, vbffl
7 Sconnto» on Bk. i. ch. 170. Sar- [ 6, p. 182), Enstathina (9& Tiiten.
dinia, it :i].iitars, is n-nlly a Jittlt'\tiYscv i IVriopr. 565). and a long ifriM of »^
than Sicily {:ive Smyth's Memoir on ! soiint^ut writers. The suppos^ ■•
tho Mediterranean, pp. 28, 29). and
thns tho hii'in-sit island known to He- recorded in tho following linet .**
rodotns. His opinii>n of its size was
ttlao that of Seylax (IVripl. p. 131) and
of Tiina>ua (:i'p. Stnih. x\v. p. 930).
Strabo wna the lii-st of the iyeo<rr.aphera
who reversed tho judgment nnd
declared Sardinia to be Bmaller than
Sieily (ii. p. H''2). In this ho was
followed by I'tolemy (Geograph. vii.
tAi' flTTii ir^^ms St f^t^n h fiflt
8 Sfr. Grote (Hist, of Gre«»."^*J
p. 3i)2) aaya Artybina wm Bccoinpio»
[106-109. lONIANS COME TO TTTE AID OF CVPKUS.
307
news reached him, sent off heralds to all parts of Ionia,
>esought the lonians to give him aid. After brief de-
tioiif these last in fnll force passed over into the island;
le Persians about the same time crossed in their ships
Jilicia, and proceeded by land to attack Salamis ; ^ while
icenicians, with the fleet, sailed romid the promontory
fch goes by the name of " the Keys of Cyprus." ^
In this posture of affairs the princes of Cyprus called
ler the captains of the lonians, and thus addressed
fen of Ionia, we Cyprians leave it to you to choose
?r you will fight with the Persians or with the
icians. If it be your pleasure to try your strength on
'against the Persians, come on shore at once, and array
irselves for the battle ; we will then embark aboard your
pa and engage the Phccnicians by sea. If, on the other
id, ye prefer to encounter the Phoenicians, let that be your
kt only be sure, whichever part you choose, to acquit your-
B so tliat Ionia and Cyprus, so far as depends on you,
y preserve their freedom.*'
lonians made answer — " The commonwealth of Ionia
here to guard the sea, not to make over our ships to
id engage with the Persians on shore. We wiU there-
!ep the post which has been assigned to us, and seek
'ftCiliciftn and Egyptian army;"
piotea Hopud. vi. 6, luhiaonthonty.
Uiat pa«5af;« oaly states tlmt Cili-
ks and Egyptians formed part of
fio!-ai forco which ihree years
Twardfl attached Milctnu. The
Kbju aeem ficorccly over to have
fm any jMirt of their land force
3 either CiUcia or Eg}'pt (comp.
89^1; Axrian, ii, 17). The only
tpHcm^ BO for aa I am aware, ii thnt
be E(r>'ptian trooi>s at Caiiaxa^and
1 tbid is nncerl ain, (AlyOwrtoi
^yovTo tlyauj Xco. Anab. I. riii.
)
iBie fioet probably coUected at
r at Cclendens (A'filtfnd^Mn),
and crosflin^ to Ceryneia (Tsirfna or
Ohimeh), there disembarked the sol-
diers. The distance is aboat sixty
miles (Lcnko'B Asia Minor, p. 118).
From CurjDeia to Salamia is by land
thirty-two miles; by aeo, owing to the
great projection of the eastem pro-
montory, one hundred and thirty miles.
' The Keys were properly some smoU
ialauils off the extreme eastern pro-
montory of CypmB, Cape Dinaretam
(Isidor. ap. Pliu. H. N. v. 31), the
modem Cape Andrea. Straljo (xiv. p.
970) says thoy were two, Pliny (H.N.
]. s. c.) fonr in number. The promon-
tory is called by Ptolemy, Jrom iu
shape. Cftpe Oxtail (0Jp& $o<is, v. II).
against them, placing them bo that vhile th
Cyprians -were drawn up against the auxiliaries
the choicest troops of the Salaminians and the
* ^lamiB was situated on the eaatem
coaat of Cyprna, at the month of the
river Pediaaa, the l^^tt of the Cy-
prian Btreams. It did not oocnpy the
site of the modern f ama^osto, bat lay
on tiie north aide of the ziTer (Ftdi.
Geogr. T. 14, p. 157)- Its rains have
been deaorlbed by Fooocke (Tiarela,
ToL ii. part i. p. 314).
According to tradition, Ralamis mm
founded by Tencer, the son of Telamon
and brother of Ajax. soon after the
Trojan war (Mar. Par. 26 ; Btrab. zir.
p. 971 : oomp. Theopomp. Fr. Ill ; and
Clearch. SoL Fr. 26). Henoe it was
BDpposed to have got its name from
the well-known ieland off the coast of
Attica. It wonld seem to be at least
as likely that that island received its
name from the Cyprian dty. (Bo-
chart's Qeograph. i. xzii p. 4fi6.) The
tradition, howeVer, is enoagh to show
that Salamie was from very early timet
a Greek city.
The plain here spoken of is im-
doabtedly the extensive plain of J^-
kos<a (orNikosia), which is bounded on
the north by a great wall of rook run-
ning in a straight line from west to
east from Lapito (Lapithos) to Cape
Andreat on the west and soath by the
monntains which oroduoe the famous
bably in former tim
of the great weallli
B^^^^w^irtJMi kniffi.
'Oypnia, lik« V
have been at all tii
nnmbsc of petty Ui
tioned by XiHliaid
him with wosfcnMD,
the nden of IdaliDi
Faphoa, Soli, Onciii
noc^uMtek T^"HWfia
(jnpm, ToL i Ik 4fl
year .bc. 361 th«M
Several axe Again q
of Alexander (Arris
«SoU laj OB «k
Cypnu, between liS
(AninoS, BtepK
tlM Tro
Tit. SoL o. 96 g 001
973> Theflrrtei^
the early Greek tan
neuoe^ and was tin
Qccm 0Mt), Bdk
j^iiloqypnu ^nfr% <
that moaarohto pad
and build a nevr a
low. Thia waa don
advantage of the ol
Bhowed hia mtifca
Chap. 1C9-112.
ONESILUS AKD KIS SHIELDBEARER.
309
^B to oppose the Persians. At the same time Onesilus, of
his o\ni accord, took post opposite to Artybias, the Persian
genera].
^Jll. Now Arfcybius rode a horse which had been trained to
^pr up against a foot-soldier. Onesilus, informed of this,
called to him his shioldbearer, who was a Carian by nation,
n man well skilled in war, and of daring courage ; and thus
addressed him: — ** I hear," he said, " that the horse which
Artjbiua rides, rears np and attacks with his fore legs and
teeth the man against whom his rider urges him. Consider
quickly, therefore, and teU me which wilt thou imdertake to
encounter, the steed or the rider?" Then the squire answered
him, '* Both, my liege, or either, am I ready to undertake, and
there is nothing that I will shrink from at thy bidding. But
I will tell thee what seems to me to make most for thy
interests. As thou art a prince and a general, I think thou
ehouldest engage with one who is himself both a prince and
also a general. For then, if thou slayest thine adversary,
'twill redound to thine honour, and if he slays thee (which
may Heaven forefend!), yet to fall by the hand of a worthy
16e makes death lose half its horror. To us, thy followers,
leave his war-horse and his retinue. And have thou no fear
of the horse's tricks. I warrant that this is the last time he
will stand up against any one.
112. Thus spake the Carian; and shortly after the two
hosts joined battle both by sea and land. And here it chanced
^ that by sea the lonians, who that day fought as they have
Ker done either before or since, defeated the Phoenicians, the
oians especially distinguishing themselves. Meanwhile
the combat had begun on land, and the two armies were
engaged in a sharp struggle, when thus it fell out in tlio
ter of the generals. Artybius, astride upon his horse,
•ged down upon Onesilus, who, as he had agreed with his
toTTD tbnt tbo tetms (rtJAoMOi &iid
nmtCftit* wvn> derived.
Tho Cyprian Soli continneB to be
knoini OS Solia,
310
FATE OP ONESILUS.
Bool^
•^.
sbieldljearer, aimed his blow at the rider; the horse rea**^
and placed his fore feet upon the shield of Onesilus, wb.*^^
the Carian cut at him with a reaping-hook, and severed t- ^^
two legs from the body. The horse fell upou the spot,
Art}biu8, the Persian general, with him.
113. In the thick of the fight, Stesanor, tyrant of Curii
who commanded no inconsiderable body of troops, went 01
with them to the enemy. On this desertion of the Curiai
Argive colonists,** if report says true — forthwith the
chariots of the Salamiuians followed the example set thei
and went over likewise ; whereupon victory declared in favo -^^
of the Persians ; and the army of the Cyprians being route=^^^i
vast numbers were slain, and among them Onesilus, t
son of Chersis, who was the author of the revolt, and Arist
Cyprus, king of the Soiions. This Aristocyprus was son
Philocyprus, whom Solon the Athenian, when he visit
Cyprus, praised m his poems' boyond all other sovereigns.
114. The Amathusians, because Onesilus had laid siege
their town, cut the head off hia corpse, and took it with the
to Amatbus, where it was set up over the gates. Here it bun
^
till it became hoUow; whereupon a swarm of bees took posse;
sion of it, and filled it with a honeycomb* On seeing this th -^
Amathusians consulted the oracle, and were commanded " t^^
• CDritnn lay npon the Bonthpm
coARt, between Paphoa and Amathus,
not fiakr from the BonthornmoBt point of
tho ifiland (Capo dellt Ga((e), called
anoientlj Capo Cnrias (Strab. xiv. p.
972). lu exact aito ia Tarioaely con.
joeturod, ab Pigropi and at Avdinto.
The former position agrees beet with
Ptolemv'a moasuromenta (Geograpb.
T. 14, p. 157).
• Strabo repeats this aseertion poai-
tiroly (Kovpioy, 'A/ryiW rrjfffui, xiv. p.
972). Yet Slephoa of Byznotiam
asoribea the fonndntion of Cnrinm to
Cnreas, a son of Cinyrae, tho Syrian or
Fhncnicianconqnerorof Cypm6(Stepb.
Byz. od voc. KaCpunr. Cf. Apollod. Til.
sir. 3; and Tb&opomp. Fr. Ul). Ho
boliored ft» thcrefaro, to hara been
auoicnt FhtEuioian town.
' Tho pooma of Solon w
chiofly in tho elepiao metre, and
hortatory or g'noroio. The fr
which remain bare boon roUect«d h\
Bach (lionn, 1825). by Bninck in
Pootn Goomini, by G&isford, a&<^^
others. Plutarch srems to hare pr^ — ^
aerred a portion of tho elef^j lier^^
alluded to. Solon, ho says, addressec^^
Philuoyprns oa follows : —
Kvit si tin lo^dioin t»XW jyfci
Tiff te wAXtv walflif. koI yJ^^« (•u^(|y«».
Ail nil iw fvv vrii Vuii kS*!-' t <iv>*<fv«»
'AtfKnOri in^iwoi Iktnr^xr •••'ii ^«»**'
CYPRUS ENSLAVED A SECOXD TDtE,
3"
:e down the head and bury it, and thenceforth to regard
silus as a hero, and offer sacrifice to him year by year ; bo
would go the better with them." And to this day the
athuaians do as they were then bidden.
115. As for the lonians who had gained the sea-fight,
when they found that the affairs of Onesilus were utterly lost
and ruined, and that siege was laid to all the cities of Cyprus
excepting Salamis, which the inhabitants had surrendered to
Gorgus,® the former king — forthwith they left Cyprus, and
sailed away home. Of the cities which were besieged, Soli
held out the longest ; the Persians took it by undermining the
vail * in the fifth month from the beginning of the siege.
16. Thus, after enjoying a year of freedom, the Cyprians
enslaved for the second time. Meanwhile Daurises, who
married to one of the daughters of Darius, together with
eas, Otanes,^ and other Persian captains, who were Hlie-
married to daughters of the king,* after pursuing the
ans who had fought at Sordis, defeating them, and driving
m to their ships, divided their efforts against the different
ies, and proceeded in succession to take and sack each one
them.
117. Daurises attacked the towns upon the Hellespont, and
took in as many days the five cities of Dardanus, Abydos,
Percote, Lampsacus, and Pffisus." From Pasus ho marched
n
Gorgns la still Rinf^ at tho timo
of the expedition of Xerxes (infra, vii.
• Coinpnre ir. SOc'), note*.
^ Frobably the OtancB mentionod
abore (chs. 26 and 26) aa the Hon of
• The practicp of tnarrying-tlie Vine's
daughters to tho moat didtingaiRhed of
the Feniian nubles had in view the
eonaolidntion of tho empire and tbo
BlrvDgtbcniog of the royal power bj
attaching to the throne those who
would hare been most likclr to Btir op
rerolta. The tendency of the Persian
empire. a9 of othcrOricntat monarchies,
to disiat«gr«tioa has boon abreadj
nntirnd (snprn, iii. 120). This system
pi^rved III Bnruo measure an a cJiock
(Soo vol. ii. Esa&y iii. § 3.)
In modem times the king's (fihnh's)
daughters are bestowed chiefly upon
the rich, and are marie the means of
replenishing an empty treasury or of
ruining an individual. The honoar,
when offered, may not be declined ;
and an enornions Kum has to be paid
by the bridegronm, as a wedding-
present to the bride's relations.
' These cities are eniimeruted in
their order from south to north (Strab.
xiii. pp. 850-858 ; Scyl. Peripl. p. 86),
iu which order a force adrauein^ from
Ionia would uuturally attack them.
312
DAT7E1SES ATTACKS THE CARIAXa
BootT.
against Porium ;"* but on his way receiving intelligi?nce Hcak
the Carians had made common cause with the lonians, tod
thrown off the Persian yoke, he turned round, and, leaiing
the Hellespont, marched away towards Caria.
118, The Carians by some chance got information of this
movement before Daurises arrived, and drew together their
strength to a place called " The White Columns," which is on
the river Marsyas,* a stream running from the Idrian connby,
and emptying itself into the Maeander. Here, when they vew
met, many plana were put forth ; but the best, in my judg-
ment, was that of Pixodarus, the son of Mausolus, a Cindjac,*
Dardnnnii was &n insi^ificant tovm
(euKOTo^/wiinjToy, Sti*nho) rtopt^ndcnfc
upoD Abydus, sitTiiiied inaiclo tbo Hcl-
leapnnt or Dardanelles (bo which it
garo tiiAt name), abont ten milea from
tlie Boutheruopvuing of the strait. The
modom Kippu Bouroun nearly ocoo.
pies the site. Ei^ht or nine xnilea
hiKher ap lay Ahydoa, BOcnewbHt
above the poiut where the caiitlos of
the Dardanelles now stand. ItM
aitnation is marked by aome Infliii^
mine (Tonmofort, toL i. p. 312). Still
higher, aiid at socne little distaDce from
the sea, was Perci^t^ (now Burgas), a
place of some consoqaonoo (Horn. II. ii.
835; Scvl. roripl. p. 84; Strab. xiii.
p. 852; Plin. n. N. t. 32; Steph. Bys.
ad voc). Lumpfnuns (the modem Lam~
p$aki) lay near the mouth of the Pro-
poDtis, almost opposite Callipolis
{Oallipoli). The ancient town yna a
little to the north of the modern ril-
lafie (Castollanc, Lettres snr la Gr^ce,
«^ol. i. p. 131). Pajiius was built npou
the river of the same name, between
LAmp«arua and Pariani. It had
censed to exist in Sti-abo's time (xiti.
p. 850). Except Dardanas these oitioa
are all said to have beea Milesian
colonies (Strab. nt supra; Stoph. Byx.
niaVcs Lampsacns a Phoctcon settle-
meiit, biittliia is improbable).
* Pari am seems to bare occupied
the site of the modern Kamares (long.
27" y, lat. 4Cr 25'). It was % joint
eolony from Miletns, £rythroe, and
TwTfM, Scylax (FeripL p. 84), Strabo
(xiii. p. RIO), and Ptolemy <6epga|L
V. 2. p. laS) mention it.
' Uiihr (ad loc.) ima^'nes this Jbf-
syas tu bothe well-knownstresoi
Celn?nst, the Catarrhaotflsof
(infra, riu £6), wfaioh joins tbs
ander within a Tery abort
from its source (T^iv. xrxriii. 13 ;
Anab. i. ii. § 8). But this rivw ws« a
Phryiriti, lUinre a hnndr»»d miles frfl»
the Canan frontier, whit hrr it isnia
absurd to suppuito tbo Canu» to ban
morohod. Thero can be little dmbt
that the Uarsyas here mentiaanl «
the river (now the CKcmia Chi) mhci
joins tho Mseander from the watk a
long:. 28°* The Idrian coontrr, trta
which it fltTwed, is undanbtcdlj" On
country about Stratonic-soa ^^h-STu'
aar), which was oallcd at dithnik
periods Idrias. Chrys&nris. and Emi>
tesia. (Oomporo Steph. Dyr, ad Ttxtf
Mfi^icEf, K, T. \. with Strab. xir. p, $Ui
and for the identity of fiuki-HlM*
with Stratonicn*a see Chaudlvt, ca
Irii., who found inacriptioas theiti*
Hecatj and Jupiter Chrysaotist t^
of. Leako's Asia Minor, ftp. Sft^tti^l
• Cindya or Cindya (Strab.) rai •
small town near Bargrylia. It a;?*'^
to hare fallen into decay at an ttflf
date, but the name rctaaiued m tt«
title of Hinerra Crndyas, whose tta{^
and ima^ were regarded witlt paiiiKS*
lar reverenoe by the n-"--" '■^''- BitS
and snow, it wore id : ^I
them (Polyb, xri. 1.' -^ tir ^
841, with tiie note of Canuiwo, ad M
-IID.
BATTLE OF THE MABSTAS.
313
who was married to a daughter of S^'ermesiB,' the CUician
king. His ad\ic6 'n'as, that the Carians should cross the
Mffiandcr, and fight with the river at their back ; that so, all
obacce of fight being cut off, they might be forced to stand
their g^-ound. and have their natural courage raised to a still
higher pitch. His opinion, however, did not prevail; it was
thought best to make the enemy have the Majander behind
them ; that so, if they were defeated in the battle and put to
flight, they might have no retreat open, but be driven head-
long into the river,
119, The Persians soon afterwards appronehed, and, cross-
ing the Mffionder, engaged the Carians upon the banks of the
Marsyas ; where for a long time the battle was stoutly con-
tested, but at last the Carians were defeated, being over-
powered by numbers. On the side of the Persians there fell
2000, while the Carians had not fewer tlian 10,000 slain.
Such as escaped from the field of battle collected together at
tbranda,® in the vast precinct of Jupiter Stratius ^ — a deity
rshipped only by the Carians ^ — and in the sacred grove of
^.
|yn1
the namo Syeimceis, neti roL i.
►9, note*.
Ijnljinnrla wiu on the monntain
lUDge which gcpnratcd the valley of
the Harsjafi from that of H v lasa
(Strab. xiv. p. 9i:i). It waa a Btronf^
poeition. The site nsnally assigned is
the moclem TiJlfifve of lakUv, where
thero are important remains (Chandler,
di. Iviii- p. 22C). Col. Loakc'u con-
jectnre, howerer (Atiia Minor, p. 2^4),
that these are (he rains of Eoromas,
knd that Labranda ia to bo soagbt for
bn the high ^uand bctwpen Melajtso
(HylHfla) and .4ra&.Hi>»ar (AlaliaDdu),
itrfaioh was probftblo enough in itAelf,
Ihas rcooired a flthkin^ confirmntiun
From tbe re»«areheH of Sir C. Fellows.
This traTcllor, on his way from Arab-
Hiss&r to HqIasio, discorcred in tbe
norition anticipated by Cut. Leake,
Kime important rutns, oridputly the
remains of an ancient town ; and also
^and oonaiderable traces of an ancicDt
paved road, Icadinf^ from this town to
Hu]a«9o ^Lycia, p. 67). Thv latter oir-
cnnutanco exactly agrees with the ac-
ooaat of Strabo, whose words are ASif
84 tcTpwrat ffx*^^" "^^ dxTw Kol {(^jcoKra
^4irn (I. B. c).
• The temple of Jnpiter Stratios at
Labranda, ia mentioned by Stmbo
(1. B.C.). He calls it Ft^t dpxA*''^* ^'he
I>Hvod road to which nllaaion was made
in the lost note, was a via facta leading
from Mylasa to this tomplo.
^ Jopitcr StmtiuB is thus entiroly
distinct from Jnpilor Carinn, who was
worshipped by the Carians, Lydinns,
and Mysians in common (i. 171). Ho
was called also Jupiicr Labrandeas,
either from his temple at Labranda, or
(Pint. QuiPBt. Gr. ii. p. 301. F.) frtim
tho fact that he bore in his right hand
a doable-headed battlo-axe {\d$pa in
the Lydiaii langriag^). Such a repre.
seotaiiou of Jnpiteris sometimes found
314
THE PERSIAN AAMY DESTROYED.
Bo«T.
planc-trcGs. Here they deliberated as to the best tntaiu of
saving themselves, doubting vbether they would fare better if
they gave themselves up to the Persians, or if they abandoned
Asia for ever.
1'20, As they -were debating these matters a body of Mlleda&i
and allies came to their assistance ; thereupon the C&niBi,
dismissing their former thoaghts, prepared themselves afreUi
for "war, and on the approach of the Persians gave them bank
a second time. They were defeated, however, with still preiia
loss than before ; and while all the troops enj^aged suffcrri
severely, the blow fell with most force on the Milesians.
121. The Carians, some while after, repaired their ill
fortune in another action. Understanding that the Peryians
were about to attack their cities, they laid an ambush for than
on the road which leads to Pedasus ;* the Persians, who vtjt
making a night-march, fell into the trap, and the whole anr-r
was destroyed^ together with the generals, Daurisea, Amorgr",
and Sisimaces : Myrsus ^ too, the son of G3'ges, was killed al
the same time. The leader of the ambush was Herwlidei,*
the son of Ibanolis, a man of Mylasa,* Such was the wajin
which these Persians perished.
122. In the mean time Hymeas, who was likewise on« d
those by whom the louians were pursued after thoir attadc OD
upon Canui coins (ToIIowb* "Ljoa, VL
35, Ko. 5). And a eimilnr axo Appoan
frequently a« nil architcctnml omiw
mont in th« buildiDgs of the coautry
(ib. p. 75).
* Vide BUpTu, i. 175, note'.
* This is probably the Myrsiis men-
tioned in tho third book (oh. 1^2), as
carrying: a mcaeage from Orcotea to
Folycmtefi. He vfoa s Lydiau, and (to
judge from his mm and hia father's
name) of the roynl family (cf. i. 8, 9).
* Brother, probably, of tho " Uliatna^
son of IbanoUs," ^rho was seized by
order of Ariotaiforas (supra, ch. 37).
* Mylasa continues to exist in tho
modem MtUasto, a town of some size,
it itill possesses coosiderabto remains
of antiqnity, tluiasrh tiM
temple seen by PococIcr bM bwa ^
stroyed (Pooocke, toI- ii.. part StcLli;
Chandler, ch. 5^) !*« '..riir^tim a i
fertlk* plain, and
and procipiioos I.
Fellows' Asia >I
closely with the
(riv. p. 942), wbiu n
tlie sea oorTe<>fK>D«l3 ^
Paattmas(vliL 1" <"
Scylax of Car \
written a work >-;
of tho Times of Her.:
Mylasa' (Siiidas ad v...
person intended is pmbALl) tjui llr^
ehdo!^ ; bat it may be qiiwtrtn^
>rhether the work Yras ovi a loiftf?*
Caxf, 11&-124.
CONQUESTS OF HYMEA3.
315
Sardis, directing his course towards the Proponlis, took Cius,**
& city of Mysia.' Learning, however, that Dauriscs had left
the Hellespont, and was gone into Caria, he in his turn quitted
the Propontis, and marching with the army under his com-
mand to the Hellespont, reduced all the 'Cohans of the Troad,
and likewise conquered the Gergithfi&,® a remnant of the
ancient Teucrians. He did not, however, quit the Troad, hut,
after gaining these successes, was himself carried off by disease.
123. After his death, which happened as I have related,
Artnphemes, the satrap of Sardia, and Otanes, the third
general,** were directed to undertake the conduct of the war
against Ionia and the neighbouring ^olis. By them Clazo-
mens in the former,^ and Cyme in the latter,* were recovered.
124, As the cities fell one after another, Aristagoras the
Milesian (who was in truth, as he now plainly showed, a man
of but httle courage), notwithstanding that it was he who had
caused the disturbances in Ionia, and made so great a com-
motion, began, seeing his danger, to look about for means
of escape. Being convinced that it was in vain to endeavour
overcome King Darius, he called his brothers-in-anns
gether and laid before them the following project : —
• Cinfl Iny at the extreme recess of
Ginnean gQlf, the modem f^f of
oudanmh. upon the riror of the same
e, whieli bore to the sea the waters
of Lake Aicauiu (l>nku of Isnik). It
"waa destroyed by Pbilip, son of Deme-
trins, bat rebuilt by bis ally Prustoa,
who calle<l it after (liii ovm name (cf.
Btnibo. xii. p. 8U; Polyb. xv. 22, 23 ;
Stt'pb. BvT. ad v<»c. Upoutra; Scylax,
r<Tipl. p. Hi). The modem viUage of
K- "ihk nearly occupies the site. Ctua,
liko iiui«t other towns upon this coaHt,
^Mis a coldoy of the Mileaiaofl (SchoL
in ApoIL Ubod. i. 1178).
yo Scylai (Pertpl. I. B. c), who
ai<eii?aa to Mysin the whole poninsula
twi-eo the jETuIftt of Moudatiieh and
midf which tract ia more luaallj
kooed to Bithyuia. (Cf. FtoL Goo-
graph . r. 1 1 aud Stnilx>| xii. p. 812,
who, however, remarks on the difficulty
of distiuguisbing the boundaries of the
Beveral tribes in these ports, p. 815.)
* These Gergiths eoom to hare in-
habited the mouutaiua south of Lam*
ptiacoa, between the Scamander, the
Grauions, and the coast (infra, vii. 43).
According to Strabo (xtiL p. 861),
Stephen (ad too. r/p>^*t), Livy (xxxriii.
59), nndothortf, thi>r» waKn city called
Gergis, Gergithus or Gorgctha, in these
parte, Ferhape wo may connect the
name with the Homerio Gai^arua (U.
xir. 293). At any rate we cannot
accept that deriratiou of it (from the
Gergini, a race of Cyprian pai«sitc«)
whtoh Atbcnajus adopts from Clearohoa
of Soli (Deipnojiophist. ru p. 256, F.).
» 8upra, ch. 116.
> Supra, i. 142. ^ fiupn, u 149.
316
ABI5TAGORAS CALIS A CO0KCII«
BomT.
"Twofild be welU" he said, "to have some place of refnge, in
cue ibey vere driTen out of Miletus. Should he go oat %t
ibe head of a oolony to Sardinia." or Bhoold he sail to Mjr-
einas in Edonia, which Histisus had received as a gift £rom
King Darius, and bad began to fortify ? "
1*25. To this question of Aristagoras, HecatsBUB, the bi^-
torian» &on of Hegesander* made answer, that in his judgment
neither place was suitable. " Aristagoras should build a fari**
he Eaid, " in the island of Leros,* and, if driven from Mlletns
fiboold go there and bide his time ; firom Leros attacks migbl
readily be znade^ and he might re-establish himsdf ia
Miletus." Such was the advice given by Hccatasus.
126. Aristagoras, however, was bent on retiring to Myrdmi?.
Accordingly, he put the government of Miletus into the huntb
of one of the chief citizens, named Pythagoras,' and, takim;
nith him all who hked to go, sailed to Thrace, and ih&K
made himself master of the place in question. From thence
he proceeded to attack the Thracians ; but here he was cut off
with his whole army, while besieging a city * whose defenders
were anxious to accept terms of surrender.
' SardiniA seeing to hftre been rioired
bj the Greeka of this time nm » sort of
El Dorado, where ther could not fail
of prospering. Biiut, wlicn lonin was
ihraatenod by Crma, had nxronimctided
the whole natioo to remove thither (i.
170). Arifltagorofl now starts the samo
ttotioD. Probably the ^reat proeperity
of the Sicilian Greeks, joined with some
knowledge of tho prodnotiTODOBB of
Sardinia (Diod. Sic. v. 15; Nymphodor.
Fr. 6, Ac.), led to the belief that great
BQOoeaB znight attend the colonization
of the lattor island.
* Lcroe, one of the Bporadcs, retains
its ancient name almoac ancbonged. It
ia the modem Lero or Lrrm, a small
island between Caltmna(A'aNmno) and
Fatmoti (Patmo), opposite the gulf of
Mandelyah. It lies about 30 miloe from
Milotas to the eouth-west, and is not
qaite twenty from the noarest point of
the Asiatic ooast. Its inhabitants ia
ancient times had a bad reputaligo, am
appears from the following diitieb:
The Loriona were ooloai?tp of tK? 5©^
sians (Anaximen. ap. S I
' Artsia^ras, it ise^
had not really diveet^'^
Rnprome antbohty in
(vido Bupra, ch. ''7)
seoms, however, ■
his Dominoc and ^..c-.
^ It appears from
102), that this city wu- ■
spot called Kino.Waye (Lrn* i^)>
where Amphipolia was afterwanli hstH
(infra, vii. 114). Tho ThraciMfl w^
defeated AristagorBs, were tha Bd&
nians. It would aoem they ool aIj
nooecdcd in proCaeting their on
citiea, but made tbenuelvee matten ef
Slyrcinafi, which is called in Thwy-
dides an Edonian city (' Hdvrw^ «Aa,
iv. 107).
APPENDIX TO BOOK Y.
ESSAY I,
^
N
ON TDE EzVHLY HISTORY OF SPAETA.
ioi, immigrants into the FelopouDMo. 2. Supponed migrations of
the Dori&nfl. 3. Their occupation of the Pelopozmeee according to the
ordinary If^iend* 4. The trae history onlcnown. 6. Probable line vf
xnorch. d Date of the oocnpation. 7. The conqaeat (jradufU. 8, SportAii
Dori&iu — Sportft and Am^leo^oarly wan. 9. Internal history — oh^'ia
of tfau doable monarchy — trunbles of the early period. 10. Coodiciuu of
Sparta before Lycorgns — the threo claaaoa— (i.) Spartnna— (ii.) PoricDoi
—-{tii.) Helots. 11. Snccession of the early Icings. 12. Original coustiLn-
tioo of Sparta— Kin g»— Senate — Ecclesia. 13. Constitiilioual chaogos of
Lyevgus. alight, li. Els discipline — quoBtion of iu origin. 16. Caosei
of iU adoption. 16. Supposed eqaalization of landed property. 17. Argn-
Bientfi which disprove it. 16. Effects of Lyonrgus' legislation — oonqncsts,
aad inoreaso of PerioBci. 19. Messeaian wars. 20. Causes of tho rupture.
SI. Outline of the first war. 22. Date and duration. 23. Intomal changes
consequeut on tho first war^'*Pt>er8" and "Inferiors" — "Small" and
" Great Assembly " — colonization of Tareotam. 2-i. Intorvnl between tho
war& 2&. Oatlhio of the second war. 26. Its dai-ntion. 27. War with
FiiiBttB. 38. War witb Arcadia. 29. Qradual dimiuntion of the kingly
power at f^pa^ta, and continued rise of tho Sphora. 80. Bapid deoreaae in
the number of Spartan dtizeos.
That the Spartaiia of history were nofc original inhabitants of
le Pcloponncse, but invadcra from northern Greece, who enta-
[ishod their dominion over a largo portion of tho peuinaala by a
»nqnest of its previous occnpants, is a fact which even the moat
iticol of modern bistoriaos bos not hesitated to admit as certain.^
imifonn tradition,' supported by the reproaeatation of ontiqno
* See Hr. Gioto's History of Grceoe,
ii. part ii. ch. 4 (pp. 408-442).
• Cf. Hpsiod. Ft. vii. ; Tyrteeus ap.
II ■ .026; Piud.Pyth.v. 92-90,
od. Bocth, vol. i. p. 577 i
. .>n, vi. 62, viii. 43 and 73;
mcrd. i. 12, 18, 1(J7 ; Isoorat. Pannth.
256 1 Arcbidam. p. 194 1 Ariatid.
A. 46, Ti>l. ii. p. 284; Ephor. Frs.
;0; ^jioUodor. U. 8[ Scymu. Cb.
528 ot f>eqq. t Strab. viii. p^ 530. Ac. i
Dkid. Sic. iv. 87-GO; Pnnsan. ill. i.,
Ao.. IV. iii. § S, Ao.: (Kuum. ap. Euseb.
Prwpw Et. t. 20, p, 210, 0. The only
writer who gives on aocoont essentially
d ifferent is Plato, by whom the Boriana
ore represented as expelled Acbaeana
rotoming to their own country under
the comluot of ou« Dorieua(Lcg. iiL
p. 662. E.).
3r8
MIGBATIOXS OF THE DORIANa
Aff. Book T
timea contained in the earliest Greek writer,' and remarkably in
unison with the actuul condition of the population of the country
when its circumBt«nfes first become known to ns,* constitutes
evidence the weight of which ia altogether irresistible. It may be
assumed, therefore, that the Dorian Spartans, whose history is now
to bo traced, unlike their rivals, the Athenians, were immig
into an occupied country — settlors among a people from whom thej
differed to a greater or less extent,* whom thoy conquered and hel<
in subjection. Regarding thus much us allowed on all hands, w«^
have in the first instance to consider — 1, whence they came, and
why thoy left their primitive seats ; 2. in what way they effected
the conquest.
2. According t-o Herodotus, the Dorinns, whom he identifies with
the Hellenes, had dwelt originally in Acheea Phthiotis,* the country
immediately east of the Pagasccan Gulf, lying both north and soatH
of the chain of Othrys. Hence they had removed to a tract calh
HistiicAtia in Ujipor Thesanly, which Herodotus Bcems to pi
near Temp^, since he tolls us that it lay " at the base of Oasa and
Olympus." ^ From this region they bad been driven by the Cad-
meians, whereupon they had fled into Pindus ; and while there had
taken the name of "Muccdni" (or Macedonians).* After a tim^j
they had quitted this refuge and gained possession of Dryopis. thi
tract between Parnassus and Callidromns, consisting of the valleys
of the Pindus and certain other streams which form the head-waters
of the great Cephissua river. From this country, which in the
historical age was known as D5riH, thoy had entered the Pelopoi
nese, and subjugated the previous inhabitants.
It haa been observed by K. O. Miillcr in reference to this aooomU
' Homer hna no Doriiuis in the Pelo.
ponnese, the inhabitaats of vrhielt, ac-
cording to Mm, aro Acha-ana, ArippnB,
or Danaaua. Hv has, indeed, a BiiiKle
insi^ificant town Dorinm (II. iL &0-t)
on the west oooet near PtIob ; bat the
DorinnB only appcnr in hia writtnga as
A Cretan race. (Od. xix. 177.)
* See bolow, pp. 332-335.
• Widely different opinionfl have been
hold ou ihii putut. Mr. Groto enys
(Hint, of Greece, vol. ii. p. 451), " So
little is known of the previooa inhabi-
tanta of tbo Felopoune»e, that wo
canuot at all mcnsnro tho diffcrotico
beiff04Ui them and their Durirui iu>
radora, either in dinlcct, m habita^or
in intolliflfeuce." Ho inclinoa, how-
evor, to think, at least with regard
their lan^uj^o, that it " did not dil
mat^rinllr frum the Doric" (p, 452]
K. 0. Mullcr, on the other band, S]
of "the difference between the
gnagc, relig-ion, and cnatonu of
two oatiuDB " aa ** strongly and pr»>
cisely- marked." (Dorians, vol. i. p*
Ml.)
« ITerod. i. 56.
7 Ibid. T^v ^h riif *099wr rt mA
"Ibid. loe. ciL, and oompan riiL
43.
£saiTL
SETTLEMENT OF THE DORIANS IX DRTOPIS.
319
of the early migrations of tlie Dori&n race, that " no one can con-
sider it as dowing immediately fn^m ancient tradition ; it can only
be Tievred as an attempt of tho father of history to arrange and
reconcile various legends and traditions.'*^ This remark appears to
be jast. Whatever value we may be inclined to attach generally to
the occonnt which a nation without a literature gives of its origin,
it is impossible to imagine that a people driven about in the way
i^ - ribod would orally preserve for couturiea so exact an account
L I Its many wanderingB. Herodotus, or those from whom he drew
his information, must be considered to have thrown together and
blended into a single narrative stories current in different parts
of Greece, which it requii-ed some ingenuity to harmonise. The
Dorians had to be placed originally in Fhthi6lis, because that vra^
in Horner^ the country of the Hellenes, with whom tho Dorians
^ero identified : they must be given seats in Histiteotis, sinco
Upper Thespflly was tho abode of the Lapithae, witli whom ^Egi-
mJus;, their mythic ancestor, was said to have contended ;' and
vinoe, according to some accounts,^ the Dorian colonies in Crete
proceeded from that region : they must descend Pindas that they
might peach Dryopis, their well-known habitation in later times;
and they munt be called Macedonians, in order to give a foundation
to those claims of HoUenism which tho Macedonians were in the
habit of preferring, not only for their royal family, but for their
whole nation.* Tho very lowest degree of credit must be considered
to ftttach to these legends, which receive no support from Homer,''
and are full of internal improbabilities. All tbnt can bo said to be
ftacertained of the Dorians before they settled in the Peloponnese, is
the fftct that they previously inhabited the "small and sad region"**
known in historical times as D6ris, or the Doric metropolis, where
tbey had a confederacy of four townships, Pindas, Ba-um, Citioium,
and Krineus," all situated in the valley of the PinduB river. Of this
* Doriana, vol. I. pp. 21, 22,
« Iliad, a. 6S3, 6Sl.
> AprtUod. II. riL 7; Diod. Sic. It.
37 1 Strab. ix. p. 637. Aa niieient
9piev ascribed to Hesiod, and eniitlrd
* .^E^imiliBa' probably described ihia
QonCeat* (See MuUcr's Dorioue, vuL L
|>p, 33-35. E. T.)
* AadroD, Fr. 3f Died. Sic. iv. 60 j
▼.80.
* See Hfiller^i Dorians, vol. i. p. 40.
* Homw doea not kuuvr of Durinus
onyrrhcro bat in Crete (Od. xix. 177).
They do not nppear ftuiung tbe com-
batauta of tbe ItiaiL
• Mr. Groto (Hist, of Greece, toI H.
p. 38S) thas hnpjiily rctidcm the
FftArur /iMpol jul kinr()6xofp<u of Strabo,
ix. p. 620.
' ErinoiM Boems to be tho correct
form of ihja nnmo, not liSrinBum, which
Mr. Gnote Ki^o |Ilist. of lJr<*oce, loc.
0np. cit.). Sec Androti. dp. Strab. x. p.
693 (Fr.4),T^)i''E^ij'iiJcit5oylac.l'oripl,
320
DORUN CONQUEST OF THE PELOPOXKESE. An. Bon T.
country they were reported to bave gained possession by the expaV
sion of the Dryopes, one of the most ancient races of Greece, lihaA
may be regarded as a sister-tribe to the Pelasgi, Leleges, CftootDCi,
Dolopes, &c. ; but this expulsion does not seem to rest npon nd
evidence as entitles it to take rank among the established facii d
history.'
3. According to the prevailing legend, the Dorians were isdnoed
to leave their seats nnder Pamassns by the entreaties of a hand d
fugitives from the Peloponnese, who begged their aid in order to
effect a return to their native country. These fugitives wew the
IIfraclid89, or descendants of Hercules, by hereditary right tbe
royal family of Argos, but expelled from the Peloponnew by t
usurper of their own house (Eurystheus), and at his death sapo^
seded by another ancient Peloponnesian family, the Pelopida, or
descendants of Pelops. Received with open arms by the Doriani and
adopted into their body, the Heraclidse became the ruling funflyof
the nation whose aid they bad sought, and imparted the namA o{
Hyllcans to their principal tribe.® After various attempts to few
their way into the peninsula by the Isthmus of Corinth, whidi
were met and defeated by the inhabitants,* the Dorians under ther
llerack'id leaders at last effected the passage of the Corintlmn
Gulf near its mouth, in ships which they had built at Naupacto*. a
port granted to them by the Ozolian Locrians. They were accom-
panied on their expedition by Oxylus, an ^tolian chief,' viho *»i
p. 53 ; Ptol. iii. 15 ; Tzotzc3 nd Lj--
coplir. 711, aud 980 j Steph. Byz. ad
voc, &c.
** K. O. Miillcr roirnrdfl tho evidence
aw sulficient (Dorians, vol. i. pp.4G-49) ;
hut lio ctiiift>:sS03 tbiit " the expulsion
of the Dryopians is rc-hitoil in a manner
entirely falmloiis/' Herodotus in ouo
])l;ice nycribcs it to llureales and the
iJiilians (viii. 13. Compare Strab. viii.
p. 542 ; ^au^an. IV. xxxiv. § 6 : Diod,
.Sic. iv. 37; Ktym. Ma-^n. nd voc.
'Atrivus). elsewhei"© apparently to the
Dorians (i. 5G).
" --Egiinius, tho Dorian chief who re-
ceived the H(_'rnclitlte, ivas mailo to
iiiLve two sons of his own, ramphylns
and Ilynin?!. On the arrival of tho
■ilfmclidio, he addpied HylJus, whonco
tho iiriiin'S of thf tliree Dorirtii tribes,
llyllcuua^ I'liuiphyliaus, aud Dyuia-
natoD. (See Apollod. ii. Tiii. § S. «1
fin. ; Ephor, Fr. 10 ; Steph. Bjx »d
voc. Avfiuif ; Schol. ad Find. PytL i.
121.)
1 Three such attempts uenamtM:
the first under Hyllas. after the detc^
of Eurygthens, in which HyUiB «»
Bhiin bv Echcmua (Herod, ix. S6;
Schol. Pind. 01. x. 79) ; the MWad
under Clewlasus, the eon oi HtUh,
who also fell in an engagement (C£dcb>-
ap. Enseb. Prcep. Ev. t. 20, p. 210. C^
Schol. nd Pind. Isth. Tii. IS) ; tnd tlw
third nnder Aridtomachos, the tan d
Cleoda-us, which had the ume iB
Kuccess (A[>ollod. xi. viii. § 3 ; (Eaaau
L 8. c, &c.).
2 The le^nd ran — ^that the De-lpto
Oracle bade Temenna take as gai^ f*
his army a three-eyed man. S.>«
after, chancing to meet Oxvla*, wW
F
AT T. LEGEM5AKY CEABACTER OF THE NARILVTIVE.
321
cicmrons of poBsessing himRcIf of tho rich conTitry of Elis, where he
"had recently piuacd a year of exile; niid who was thus qnalified hy
acqnaintanco with tljia part of the Peloponncao to serve as guide to
■tiie invadere. Ho conducted the fleet from Nanpactus to llolycrinm
at tlie month of tho ^rnlff and thenco crossing to Panormas, led the
I>oriaiia through Arcadia Bgainst the Aehman force, which %vas
collected under Tisaznenes, the son of Orestes, near tho isthmtiH.
A battlo was fonght in which tho Dorians were completely vie-
torioos, and the inheritance of tho Heraclidm was recovered- As
the family of Hyllos had now divided into threo hranchca,' a three-
fold division of the ancient Acha?an territory waR made. Lots
were drawn for tho kingdoms of Argos, Sparta, and McBaenia, the
first of which fell to Ti^menns (tho eldest of tho sons of Aristo-
machus), the eecoud to Eurysthcncs and Procles, the infant children
of Aristodemna (the second son), and tho third to Crcsphontes (tho
third fion), who had craftily contrived to obtain this fertile terri-
tory for himself by placing in tho nm an unfair lot.* Elis was
gircn to Oxylns, according to previous agreement. A portion of
the AcfaflDans refused to snbmit to the comincrors, and leaving their
country entered Ionia — the northern tract of the Peloponnese ex-
tending along the gulf of Corinth^ where they overcame and
expellcMl the inhabitants, who sought a refuge in Attica. Thus tht»
new arrangement of the Peloponnese was complete ; tho country
prcrionsly hold by tho Achipans passed into the hands of the
Dorians ; Ionia became Achrca ; tho £pcans of Elis were merged
bad 1o«t aa eye, ridiog on boraebnok,
be kt once reoognued in bim the neces-
mtj " three •evod guide," ( ApoUod. 1 1.
tbE. 3.) Another accoont osBigned the
toaa <K an eye to the anim&l on which
Ozvlos rode (Tbiuan. r. iii. § 5).
• The mythic genealogy of the Hers-
clidBB was na follows : — Hercnlva had
four 0OIUI by Deionira, of whom H^llTia
waa the eldent. Hylliui left a fton,
Cleodwaa, who was the father of Ari«-
toBoachoa. Aristomaehna bad three
«Adldrea, Temeniu, Aristodemiu, and
Oiaaphrmtea. Axiaiodemoa, according
to aciaie aceoonta, reigned at Sparta
(Herod. Ti. 52); according to otbera,
ho wa« killed by lightning at Naupac-
tiu. leaving behind him twin sacs,
JBuryatbouea and Proolea. (ApoUod.
TOL. m.
II. riii. $ 2, ad fin.) Tbe gooealogy
niaj be Lhtu exhibited : —
BrruulM.
Hjllu.
AitMoDicbu,
TemeooB.
ArUiodtmua. OwpMolM.
Eurynlienea.
rrooica.
* The three parti oa wore to draw lots
for tbe three kingdome by placing each
their pebble in a jar of water, Crozn
which an indifferent peraon waa to
draw tbcm forth. Tho first whose
iC^
^^
322
TBUE BISTORT UNKNOWN.
K>^^^
App. BooiT— -
in tKo ^tolians ; only the Arcadians and Cynnrians remained^
undisturbed in tlieir ancient abodes, tiio former in the centralJ
mountain tract, the latter in a sequestered valley on the eastern ^M
shore.*
4. Such is, in outline, the legendary story that has com© down -
to us concerning the mode whereby the Dorian conqucBts in the *
Pelopoonose were effected. It is related consecutively by Apol*
lodoms" and Pausaniaa,^ with whose statements the fragmentary
notices in Herodotus, Thucydides, and other early writers appear
in the main to agree.^ Certain isolated traditions have, however,
descended to us, which aro thought to militate against the general
truth of this tale, and to indicate that the conquest was the result
of at least two separate and independent attacks, one proceeding
from the Maliac Gulf by sea against Argos and the eastern coast*
the other directed from ^tolia by way of Elis against Ifessesia
and Sparta.® But the writers from whom these notices come appear
themselves to have been entirely unconscious of any discrepancy
between the traditions in question and the common legend, which
they accept and adopt unhcait^vtingly ; * and the facts which thej
record, even if admitted to be true, would seem to bo quite insuffi^
cient for the estabHshment of any definite hypothesis.* Perhaps
Btone vrna drawn out was to receive
ArgoB, the soound Sparta ; MeuMeuia
would tlion fall to tho third. Crc3-
pboDtos, in order to obtain the third
lot, which bo preferred to tho others,
inatoad of a atone placed in the jar a
lamp of eUy, which furthwith dis-
solved. (Apollod. II. riii. § 4*)
'Cf. Herod, viii. 73.
' Bibliothco. II. viiu
' £Uaa iii. § 5, iv. § 1.
• Beo Herod, i. 6G, vL 52, ix. 26 ;
Thncjd. i. 9, 12 ; Tyrtffioa ap. Paosan.
VII, xiv, § 3 i Piud. Pyth. i, Gl, Ac,
' Pansaniasi in spoaking of tha
isolated hill on tho Argivo ooaut, called
the Totucuion, enys that it was occn-
pied by the Dorians in their war with
Tisamenae, and formed the stronghold
from which they mode their attacks
upon Argofl (ii. xxxviii. § 1). And
Thucydides mentions a similar occn-
patton hy tho Dorians of tho height
called SolygiuSf near Corinth, tram.
which their attack was carried on
against that plscc (i^* ^S)- From tlw
position of tbeso two heights^ it i«
argaed that the assailants most har*
come by sea, and the aasumptiofi ii
made that they left the Maliac Quit ia
ships, and effected their ccniqne«ts» \ikm\
the Ncnnanii. by descents upon
coast from their Tes«els (Maller^S^
Dorians, vol. i, p. 90, E, T. ; Grote's
lliiitory of Greece, TtjL ii. pp. 416.*19^
^ Faasanias is one of the chief aa-
thoriticja for tho comrooQ legend (aes
aboTe, note ^ Thncydidea, by sposk-
tng of the cniKiaest ad a single STCftt,
and assigning to it a particulsr yesr
(i. 12). sbowB that he did not view H
as the result of a series of sepazaU
and unconnected attacks.
» Mr. Grote says (Hist- of Oroeee,
vol. ii. p. 416) ** it ia difficult to see
how tho Dorians can liare got to th*
Temenium iu any other way thaa by
Boa." But if thuy had defeated th*
AchaMuis in Imttle, and were iaAat«n
of the open country, while the naliTe»j
PLACE OF 1XGBES3,
323
we must he content to acquiesce in the conclasion of T^ic^nhr
th&t the cuuqaest of the PelupozineBe by the Dorians is a fact, but
that "we do not possess the slightest historical knowledge of the
^ circamstances accompanying it." ^ The legendary tale above given
' seems to be the invention of poets, who, when all memory of the
mode wherein the conqaest was effected had faded away, composed
I a narrative which might seem to account for the state of things
ELUg at the time when thoy wrote.
The tradition of the place at which the Dorians effected their
nee may, however, be accepted, since it is one which would
not be likely to be invented, as the Isthmus is the natural door of
ingress to the Peloponnese,* and since it accords with certain cir-
eumstancee in the character of the people, and in the position of
their earliest settlements. The Dorians were at all times unskilful
in the attack of walled places;* and if tho Pelasgic population of the
Peloponnese, so famous for its Cyclopian architecture, had estab-
lished (as is not impossible °) a rampart across the iathmna at this
L«^y date, or even if they had blocked with walls the difficult
^^■68 of the Oueio,^ it may readily be conceived that the Dorians
■till maintftincd themaclTes in their
fortified citlcfl, thoy might fix on any
■wtable position for an hrtrtlx'fft^n
•Itainst each plaoo. That tho Teme*
Bittta lay between Argos and tho sea
U no proof that the Doriana adranced
firorn the lea. any more than tho fact
I that Decclealay totbo north of Athfiis
' is a prr.nf that the Spartans attacked
; Atben*^ from the north. With respect
to the bill Sol^gios, which, Mr. Grote
•ftyo, *' is tho noarest and moat con-
rement holding^- groan d for a maritime
iorader," it may be observed that it ia
equally conrenient for &n enemy who
attacjlu Corinth by land from the
ftloponncse. It is a spar of tho Onoia,
whitAi protects Corinth upon tho i*nuth,
on « liich an enemy fi-om that qnarter
moRt effect a lodgment before he coold
descend into the oandy plain of the
istfamas.
* I^'ctnrefl on Ancient History, vol i.
p. 230, E. T.
• {^o*» Thucrd. i. 13, and note in this
ooncediou ihe inability uf the Spartazia
to conceive of tho lVr«iann entering In
other way (Herod. viiL 40, ix. 7, 81
Ac.)* The word " Isthmus " is by itome
derived from the root t-, which appears
in the Greek Ui^ai, the Latin tV^^ Ac.
(Seo Scott and Liddrll's Lexicon, ad
Toc. 'Ic6nis, and Smith's Diet, of Gk.
and Rom. Geog., ad roc. ConiNTavs.)
' Cf. Herod, ix. 70, and note, as illas-
trntions, tho long' siei^e of Itb6m6
(Thncjrd. i. 103) and tho hlockade of
Flat^a (ibid. ii. 78).
' It is true that "the first Isthmtaa
wall mcutioned in history, was the one
thrown up in hapte by tho Pelopon-
nesinns when Xerxes was marching
into Greece " (Diet, of Gk. and Bom.
GeoRTaph. i. p. G8i) ; bat we may sns.
pect that this wns really tho restora-
tion of an old defence. Could tho
Spartans otherwise have accompltiilied
the task — a battlomcnted wall, at loost
3^ miles in length — within tho space
of a few months ?
^ There are remains of walls in thoso
pa«ses (Clmndler's Travels, ii, ch. 58,
p. 273) ; bat I am not aware if they
are Cjclopion. ITint piwses were early
gnnrrled by walls is shown iu lienxL
vii. 176.
324
PROBABLE UNE OF UABCH.
Arr. BooiT.
wonld have found it impossible to force an. entraace. And ik
settlements at Stenycl^rns and Sparta, which are certainly unoog
the verj first in which the conquerors established themaelTes, an
(as has been shown ^) readily accessible from the western nde d
Greece, by a route which passes through Elis and Pi£ati8,-«p tiba
valley of the Alpheus, and thence into that of the Eorotaa, orarft
pass of no great height. It appears to be on the whole more pR^
bablo that the entire migration took this direction than thai tffo
distinct linos were followed, as Mr. Grote supposes. The theoiy
that the Dorians were "the Normans of Grreece," and setting out in
fleets of "piratical canoes," proceeded from the Maliac Gulf bf M
Against the distant Pcloponnese,^ has great difficolties, and is doti-
tntc of any solid foundation.^ The Dorians, despite some brilliut
examples to the contrary in later times, are an essentially vd-
nautical people. Their towns are built at a distance from the
coast — tlicy are slow to colonise — at sea they fed ont of thfiff
element — their system discourages voyaging: they are thoxongb
landsmen, and if it be said that nevertheless they are found at a
very early period in situations which they could only have reached
in ships, we may reply that, in the first place, the evidence of the
fact is doubtful ; and, secondly, that at best the cases addacedaze
80 rnvo as to present all the appearance of exceptions to a genenl
rule.- An examination of the supposed parallel case of the Drj^
jnans ^ shows very strikingly the improbability of the Doriaa am-
* Sec Grote'fl History of Greece, vol.
ii. p. 139.
" Grote. ii. p. 417 ; Muner*8 DorianB,
i. p. yO, E. T.
1 Mr. Groto (ii. p. 41G, noto^) finds
a founilntion for it not only in the
Bnpitosod colonisation of Crete fi-oni
Ddriiii, bat also in the explanation
which Aristotle gave of the proverb,
yiTjkioKhv 'jr\o7ov, (See Phot. Loi.
Syim'T. p. 691, 9.) He considers Aris-
totle to reprt'Rcnt Hiiipotes (the father
of Aletea — the niytUio founder of
Corinth), OS "havint? crossed the Ma-
liac Gulf in sliips for the pari)080 of
colon isinj;." Rut Aristotle makes no
mention at all of the Maliac Gulf; and
it is qaito uncertain to what time ho
meant the story to refer. (Soo C.
MuHer's note in tho Fragm. Hint. Gr.
voL ii. p- 150.)
' The mentioa of Dorians in Crete I7
Homer (Od. xii. 177) shortly ■fttr the
Trojan war ia the most remftrkilih
notice bearing on this subject. U««
believo tho fact, we mart snppcie
either that tho Dorians had ssiled tf
this early time from Greece proper to
Crete, or else that at a still more remote
era they had passed into Crete fnv
Asia. Theymay have donesooBtbRr
way to Europe. Perhaps, howww,
Homer is guilty of an anachroniiat
and assigns to the time of the Tnju
war what did not really take place tSl
some timo after the Dorian conqiM*
of the Fcloponnc!«e. There wu bo
settled tradition concerning the coVn-
isation of Crete (see Strab. x. p^ ^)
* Sec Groto'a History of Greerti
vol. ii. p. 417.
tntE OF THE IXVASIOjr.
32s
Ting l)coii effected by ses. The Dryopions nndoiibtedly
on shipboard from their ori^nal country npon the Maliao
bd the consequence is that we find their settlements widely
fd. and universally vpon the coa«is. They are found at Her-
£ion^ and Asine on the coast of Argolis, at Styra and
ts of Eubcea, in Cythnos, in Cyprus, and again in the Mos-
Asin^ inhabiting either actual seaports, or towns removed
Very short distance from the shore. The Dorians, on the
y, occupy a single continuous territory, and all their chief
(re inland, aa Sparta, Stenyclerus, Argos, Troezen, Corinth,
k, and Sicyon. Results so widely diftercnt cAn only be
ed for by a difference in the manner of the two migrations.
^th respect to the time at which the conquest was made,
iition usually followed* — which first appears in Thucydides*
id the event in the eightieth year after the Trojan war, and
entieth after the migration of the Bccotians from Ami^ in
y. No great reliance can bo placed on a tradition of this
Eich even if accepted fails to furnish a definite date, since
jan war, though probably a real event, is one the time of
jannot bo 6xed within two centuries.* The question whether
BolcB had any means of accurately estimating the lapse of
rfoTC the institution of the Olympic festival ia one of greafc
ij ; and the answer to it will vary according to tbe belief
entertained of the natxire of those public records which were
cd from a remote period in many Greek cities.'' If the
fhs of the Spartans, for instance, contained, besides the names
r kings, the number of years that each king reigned — which
^bable conjecture of Ottfried Miiller's* — a moans of calcu-
Nbck with exactness to the first settlement of the Dorians in
toterral of eig-bty years wna
bjr ET«toetbeiic>H (ap. Clem.
rom. vol. i. p. 402). bv Apollo-
I. Biod. Sio. i. 5), by Crates
m. 4D. p. 107), by the Pseudo-
(Do Tit. Horn. ii. 3, p. 720,
t), by Vellciiis Patprcniaa (i. 2),
»b)Iii5 (pp. 321 luid 335), by
(Chn. xii. 193) end others.
fctv, howeTor, conflictini? ac-
ClemcDs tells Tui (l.a. c.) that
»clEoiied 120 and otbcn l&O
ftwDon tbo two events.
pvd. i. 12.
Rkote 3 CQ Book ii. eh. 145.
^ See the Essay on the Life and
Writings of llenidotuB, prefixed to
Tol. i. (ch.Ii. pp. 60-52).
■ Dorians, vol i. p. 150, E. T. Mr.
Clinton thtnkn ibat, if tlio years had
been re^stcrcd, "there -nould have
bi-en le«8 uncertainty in the date i»f
the Ti-ojan war " (F. II. voL i. p. 332).
But the nnoertainty mii,;htpartl7an60
from different eetiroatfw of the ttmo
between the fall of Troy and the set.
tleoiGut of the Dorians at Spnrta(sce
above, not6*)» partly from the c«ioa<
lationii bein]< based upon Other aud
conBicting^ dnia.
326
AFFBOXIXATE PATE, B.C 1046. Arr.BoKT.
Sparta wouM bavp existed. Even If tHe names only wen j»
serred, together w:th the relationship of eacH king to the pzeoeding
monarch, it wonld have been easy to make a rongh estimate^ ir)oA
could not be far wrong', of the date in qnestion. The numba d
geoemtinns from Aristodemns to the invasion of Greece by Xem^
is given by Herodotus (who traces the descent of both the Spirta
kings at that time ^) as seventeen ; and hence we obtain si u
approximate date for the Dorian conqncst, the year B.C. lOld.^ Tha
establishment of the Olympic contest abont midway in the lilt fli
Spartan kings, which is an independent tradition,' confirms thii
estimate, since it famishes a date for the reign of Theopompiu, tbe
ninth anccstcr of Leotychides, almost exactly 300 years befon
Lcotychides ; whence we might conclude that the ninth ancestor
of Theopompns would reign abont 300 years earlier, or B.a 1O80.
On the whole it may be assumed as probable that the first lodg-
ment of the Dorian invaders in the Peloponneae belongs to iU
middle or the earlier half of the eleventh centniy before our cn^
and thnt it followed on the Trojan war within one, or at most two
centuries.
7. Various tales were current concerning the manner of the cob*
quesc. According to the most poetical (which was also the most
popular) legend, a single defeat produced the general submissioii
of the Acha^ans ; and the realms of the Atridea were at onceptf^
titioncd out among the three sons of king Aristomachua, Temenia»
Crcsphontes, and AristOLlemus, the last-named being represeoted
by his infant-childron. Other accounts, however, told of a longer
and more doubtful contest. The story of the Tememom, howerff
we understand it,^ seems to show that even in Argolis there was »
prolonged resistance to the invaders; and in Laconiait would appev
that the conquest was only effected after a fierce and bloody strogglt
which lasted for above three centuries. The independence rf
Amycla% a strong town little more than two miles distant feoB
Sparta, till within fifty years of the first Olympiad, is a fact estib-
lished upon ample evidence ; * and this fact, even if it stood
» See ITerod. vii. 201, and vni. 131.
' Seventeen generations, calcuhited
according to the o»timate of llerodotns
at three to the centnrv, will prodncea
total of 566 years. This enm, added to
the date of the battle of Salaniia (b.c.
4S0 -f .'Jfifi^ K.f. 10101. gives th«;year
uieDtiuueJ in tho text.
* Diod. Sic. ap. Eiueb. Cfatott.Ctt-
Fara. L c. 35.
» Snpra. p. 322,
♦ Paasan. ill. ii. 6, xii. 7, Ac. Cflnp-
Ephor. Fr. 18; Conon. 36; Kit.
Damoiic. Fr. 3G ; Scrr. ad JEn.x. 36t>
Juj.
ISAT L
DORIAN SETTLEMENT AT SPAHTA.
327
lone, TTonld snflBciently indicate that tlie Spartan Dorians were
nfined witUin very narrow limits daring the first two or three
nturies after their establishment in the valley of the Eurctas.
e learn, however, from. Pausftnias and other writers^ that many
ities of Lacouia besides AiuycliL' were firat redaced to sabjection
at the same period ; Pharis and Geronthne in the reign of the
e monarch who captured Amycla>, JE^ya on the borders of
in the reign of hia father, Helos in the plain near tho
oath of the Earotas in that of his son. In Messenia, too there
ere independent towna till near the close of the eighth centnry
O., &fl is evidenced by tho list of Olympic victora preserved in
nsebins.^ It thus appears that tho Acbatans, instead of yielding
n a Hingle defeat, and either quitting their country or becoming
c willing subjects of the conquerors, maintained with great
nacity their hold npon tho temtory, and were only dispossessed
slow degrees and after centaries of contest.
8. Tho Borian settlement at Sparta was the lodgment of a hand
immigrants, forced to seek new abodes, by the straitness of their
m limits, in a portion of a valley easily defensible, which at once
ve them a secure home, and enabled them to threaten a city of
portance, the metropolis of a considerable kingdom. TKis was
AmyclfB, which is with reason believed to have been "the ancient
capital of Lacedsemon," ' being in tradition the home of Tyndarena
and his family,^ and tho seat of tho court of Agamemnon; " and
possessing the tomba of that monarch and of Cas!:andra, as well as
all the most ancient and venerated sanctuaries.^ "Whether a foreign
invitation coincided with the dcsiro of the Dorians to emigrate, and
determined their settlement to the particular site actually preferred,
which is a conclusion drawn by some modern writers from a tradi-
tion mentioned in Ephoms,^ or whether the position itself decided
is open to question. The site of Sparta, though not so
g as that of Athens, Corinth, or even Thebes, was one pos-
^^on m<
■^icm,
^Birikin
• The captare of Pharia and Goron-
thriD is mentioned hy Fanaaniaa (ill.
ii, 7). thnt of M^a by the eamo writer
(ibid. § 5), Ihat of llcloa by liim {ibid.
§ 7), and Pble^n of Trallos (Fr. i.).
• Chrvn. Can. Pars. I. o. 33. Oxy-
UKiniit the Coronean is a nativo of
Corun^ in Messenia, not of Corona:a ia
B(Uoti». (See Grote'i Greecej vol. il.
p, 4^if note.)
' Niebahr'fl Lectnree on Ancieut
History, toK i. p. 233, K. T. CDmparo
Thirlwiill's Hirtory of Grocct*, vol. i.
cb. vii. p. 2(^7, and MuU;:<r'8 Dorians,
Tol.i. pp. 106-108, E.T.
* Pniuun. III. i. § S, 4
* 8iDionidcs, Fr. 177 ; Steaichor. ap.
Soliol Earip. Oraat. 4G.
* Cf. I'ausan. in. xix.
* Fr. 18. Soc Grpto, vol. iL p. VU
328
IX)RIAN SElTLEMEirr AT SPABTA.
Art.MookX
acssing most of the features regarded as importiuit in ancient
The Earotaa, whichf from its Bonrce on the soathem 6ank of ik
Arcadian highland to its junction with the CEnn3 a Utile
Sparta, is a mere rapid mountain-stream mnning in a
valley, emergoa ehortly after the junction npon an. open Fpacc^ &
modem plain of Mistra, Tvhich is again closed towards the sootkbv
the approach of the monntaina on both sides to the edg« of lU
stream, at a distance of about six milea from the point when tbtf
plain commences. In this open space, snrronnded on all sides bf
lofty mountains, the flanks of which are scarped and precipiloQK
stands a cluster of lesser elevations, from 50 to 60 feet abow ik
level of the plain, guarded on the north and south hj tocno^
oonrBes, and on the east protected by the stream of the EoniiM^ii
this place rarely fordable.-^ Here, upon these hills, at the nppsr Ib2
of this remarkable basin — the "hollow Lacedflemon " of Bantf*
— was built the cluster of villages, Limnn, Pitan^, ^esoa. ttil
Cynosura, which formed in the aggregate the town ot SfUk^
Near the lower extremity of the plain — most probablvon an
hill overlooking the Eurotas, where now stands the chorchof
Kyrioki ^ — was the strong citadel of Amyclee, the city itself cxtcod*
iug to the north and west amid groves and gardens,^ nearij ft» tfaf
stream called the Tiasus. The .settlement at Sparta was clearijrtK
irtrtixurfio, or position occupied for purposes of offence,
Amyolos, standing in nearly the same relation to that place in wl
the original Home upon the Capitolino and Palatine hills stood to
the Sabine settlement upon the Quirinal. That Amycle saooefdid
in maintaining its independence for three centuries — a fact ctra*
coming which there can bo Utile doubt ^ — was owing, in part to
* Tina desoription u token oKiefly
from CoL Loako (Uorea, vol. i. pp. 150.
180), i\'hoBe accoant of the localities
diflbra oonsidernhly from that piven
by Ottfried Miiillor, and reprcBoctod
in the map attached to the Eotfligh
translation of hia work, which map ia
repeated in the eecnnd volome of Mr.
(jrute'a Hiatory of Greece.
* See Od. iv. 1, Ac., and compare the
expression of Strabo (r'liu p. 527), lor*
-r^Aftf r (tiapos.
* Puu-sun. iir. xvi. 6; Strab. viii. p.
BaSj Bockb, Corp. Inscrip.Vot. 1341,
1333, 1347, &Qd 1425; Stei>h.B^li
* Leake's Korea, voL i* p. liL
7 Polyb. V. xix. 2.
* The atatoment of Fmdar (?jA.i
65)that**the JDrri-r-"' 'i'Pirdia«rt
from Pindm, oc .cUlv'*ilfc
more poetical o\:'- :i, Ut iHipA
uo weight can Ijo attacbviL Tb**'
cnnutantiu] atory tuM by Kpliont
(Fr. 18), iliat "Plulonomw «*•
ADhnetan, haviiiu: betrared Sparta K
the Donana, and prrauaded th» ' "
tanta t« retire wiifaouta
loma, receired Amycls ai a
ORIGINAL LIMITS OF THE TERRITORY.
329
^gth of its positioD, in part to its walls aud the incxpertness
Ilorians at eieges. So long aa it withstood the attacks of
nrtans, it woald block against them the lower valley of
^ta^ the whole of which, down to the sea-coast^ mnst have
pd in tho hands of the Achteans.^ At the same time the
i chains of Pamou and Taygetna wonld couiine the Spartftna
Hght and on the left, so that they could expand freely only
% tho north, where the upper valleys of the Eurotas and tho
jftve thorn a ready access to tho territories of their neigh-
j Accordingly we find wars with these northern neighbonra
By assigned to this period of the Spartan hiatoiy by writers
I authority.* Tho possession of Cynnria was disputed with
[* distant expeditions were conducted into Arcadia j^ and
B began with the sister state of Mcssenia, between which
p*ta there had existed at first very close relations of friend-
(The atabbom resistance of the Achiean capital, while it
} the progress of Sparta towards the south, favoured perhaps,
than hindered, its growth in the opposite dii-ection.
lie internal history of Sparta during these centuries is iu-
!in great obscurity, and presents, indeed, difficulties of no
b kind. The peculiarity of the double monarchy is the first
Stat attracts attention when the early Spartan constitution
ght under roWew. It is obvious that the popular tradition^
les no satisfactory explanation of this remarkable anomaly,
eb the annals of the world do not present a parallel.^ We
:ely doubt that the arrangement either arose out of a
i
Krriccfl/* ifl an attempt
ever tho unpalatablo fact that
resisted the Spartan attacks,
leooncilo its known independ-
Ib the theorjrof the imtnetlinto
Silete coaqoest of Lacouia by
yna (I. 9. 0.^ mndo Helon fall
I ttft-nds of SportA a^ early as
Hof Agis, and apoko of Fbaris
Immong the oonqaests of Ka-
IM and Prttcles; bat Pbaris is
Ik be independcDt in the rei^n
tos, who r4)dDc«s it (l*aasan.
Hclos boa to be token
iiuQues (ibid. § 7).
iL ii. 6, and com;mro the
Aul«s.
» Pan«in. ni, ii. § 2, 3, and rii. § 2.
' Platarcb,Vit.Lycarg.o.2; Pdyicn.
ii. 13.
^ As is eTJdenccd by the existoiice
of the ancient temple of Kiucrra
Limnatis near tho suoimit of
Mount Taygetns, and on the con-
fines of Sparta and M«asenia, which
was common to the two nations
(Poosan. lY. ii. 2),
» Herod. tI 52.
•Mr, Orote notices the "peculi-
arity" of tins institution, bntattcmpta
no oxplnoation (Hist, of Greece, vol.
ii. p. 464). Neither Miiller nnr Bishop
Tbirlwoll appears to be struck hy tho
anomaly.
TffE DOUBLE MONABCmr.
Arp. Book V.
atmggle for tlie crown between two families of almoafc equal power
aad influeacc, or was a contrivance of the nobles to weaken the
royal authority. In either case the real history of the institntion
18 lost, and has been superseded by fables which furnish no clue
to the truth. Again, great doubt is thrown even upon the bare
genealogy of the early kings, by the fact that the two royal houses
wore known in actual history, and from very remote times, by tho
names of Agids and Eurypontids, instead of Enrysthcneida and
Procleids. The explanations attempted of this circumstance are con-
flicting, while no one of them is very probable;^ and it cannot but
be suspected that Agis and Eurypon were respectively tho first kings
of their houses, and that their predecessors in the genealogy, Eury-
ethenes in the one case, Procles and Soils in tho other, wero either
of a different race, or el^ belong to tho class of purely fictitious
personages. Thirdly, it is difBcnlt to nndcrstand what exactly was
that stato of sedition or lawlessness {ffri<ris or Ayo^a^) nndcr which
the Lacedromonians are said to have groaned during these centuries,
and from whicblhey were delivered by the legislation of Lycnrgus-
The explanation offered by some writers,* that it was merely a
departure from the ancient Dorian institutions — a casting off, under
tho influence of success, of the rigid discipline whicli had originally
prevailed, and through which a clan of mountaineers had had
strength and energy enough to overthrow the mighty kingdoms
of tho Atridaj — can scarcely bo received as true, since it is based
upon an unproved and very questionable supposition, vix. that
tlie institutions of Lycurgua were the mere revival of a primitive
system,^ and it is far from harmonising with the expressions by
which the ancient writers describe the condition of things anterior
to the Lycurgcan legislation. That condition is distinctly declared
'^ Aaoord^gto'Fp1]om<<,EarTstherea
aad Frodea offended the Doriatin by
the favour which thoj showed to
foreignera (Scja^cVoi/i iw^\v9a$ wBp^'
vovT, Kph. Fr. 19), and wcro there-
fore not honoured as foondttm. Ac-
cording to Pausanias, Proolofl was bo
regarded, ami the king^s of his house
were called Procleida until Earypon
(ill. vii. § 1), whoso glory ocHpaod
that of his predecessors. Plutarch
regards Botia as a more gloriona king
than EurypoDj and acooonto for the
latter giving hia name to the
line of kings by his conoenions to I
mob {iniiorYtay^v sol x^'C^M"** ^
iroWois. Vit. Lycurg. o. 2).
• Herod i. 65 ; Uomnlid. Pont.Fr. 1\
Thurvd.i. 18; Plut. Lye. L 8. c
■ Thirlwall, voU L ch. 8, p. 301 j
Hooron'8 Manual of Ano. 11 itt. jv.
133 : Hormaun's PoU Ant. of Givecfli
§23. ,
* This pc^t will ho farther
aidered below, aeo pp. 340-3^S.
I
itL
SPABTA UNDER THE EAELY KINGS.
331
have been one of tnmTiU and distnrbanee,* not merely one of
ixuiy and relaxed discipline. So far indeed (eoro. discipline
kring been relaxed Tinder the early kings^ -we bare tho direct
ttimony of Aristotle to tho fact tliat the way was prepared for
le strict regulations of Lycurgus by the hardy life and warlike
kbits to which the Spartans bad been accnstomed for some time
iously.' According to some accounts, the disorders in qnestion
msiskcd in the main of etmggles between the "people" — by
rhicb we are probably to understand the Dorian inhabitants o£
Iparta — and their kings.^ who at one time made rash concessions,
id at another stiffly maintained, or even unduly exalted, their
>gative.^ If we accept this view, they wonld resemble in some
leasure the disturbances in Cyr€ne, which Demonax was called in
end,^ but which bis legislation, less fcHcitoos than that of the
irtan lawgiver, only tended to aggravate.
10. According to some writers, however, the early disputes at
Iparta were not so much between the kings and their Dorian
ibjecta, as between the Dorian conquerors and tho submitted
'Achfeans. These last were, we are told, admitted in tho first in-
stance to full or qualified citizenship ; but after a whilo a jealousy
against them arose, and they were deprived of their rights, and
rednced to the condition of freemen without political privileged
Great discontent followed, sometimes bursting out into revolts,^
which fnruiBhed an excuse for fresh severities, rebellion being
punished by loss of freedom.^ Thus it would seem that the three
* See espedally Thncyd. i. 18. i^ Aa-
Ktiaifimi' fitrk riif Hrtaiv rS/y ¥\ni 4»oi-
movrruv ain^y ^upiftar ini wKtirroy uy
^M"* XP^f^i^ trraff iaffa^vu
* PoL ii. 6.
* Ttie fullest accoant iB tbat of
rintarch (Lycnrg. c. 2), ^oku irp«Toi
vov n^w t^fiov 0p<urvyotiivoVf rwr Sh
^ffrtpov fiatrtxdvp rh fkty iw(x$ayo^4ytey
T^ ^td^tadoi Tohs roWoiiSj to. Bf "wphs
xaptv Si* haHvfiav inro^tpofiJyiitv, iyofjja
<al irof/a Kar^ax* Tijy Xwdprrty iit\
* Thus Hu may bost explain the
"tjrantiy" of Chaxilaiis (Ar. FoL v.
10; Hcraclid. Pont, h a. o.).
* Herod. iT. 161.
' laoontea and Ephoroa nre the
anthorities for thia view. Ephoros
tuakes the PerlcBct recoire foil oitiKen.
ship (jitT^xoi^as koI iroMrflat Kol
ipXtlvy*^^- 18); Isocrntoanssipnslhem
a lower posiCion {Kotvtiyous aTiiyruy
«XV Tuy iLpx^y kcH ruy rijuwi', Panath.
p. 270). The latter writer appeard
(lii^liDctljr to regard tho distarbaacefl
ivhich arose on the loss of rights aa the
(m^i5 which was generally said to have
preceded tho establibbniont of tiwofiSa.
* The revolt of UcIob, whioh Ephoms
mode tho conscqacnco of tho discon.
tent, cannot bo accepted aa biatorical,
■ince Ilelos was stiJl Achsran (infra,
p. 289), but that of JE^yb (Pausan. iii.
ii, § 5) may well have occarrcd in this
connection.
' 'HpSpavaSiVorr* AXyvy (Patuanias,
1. a, c.).
332
THE THHEE CLASSES— 1. SPARTANS; App. BooxV.
clfisaes were formed into which the LacodrcmonianR nrc divided in
the historical age — 1. Spartans, 2. Perioeci, and 3. Helots — the
first tho solo possessors of political rights and privileges, the second
free bat without franchise, the third serfs attached to the soii^
cultivating it for tho benefit of their masters.
It is nnnecessnry to dcscribo at length the condition of these
three classes. Bishop ThirlwuU in tho eighth chapter of hia
History,' Mr. Groto in his second volnmo," and writers of repute in
various works upon Greek antiquities,' have treated the subject in
snch a way as to exhaust it, and are agreed in tho main els to the
facta. A few leading points, however, may be noticed, which have
not always been given sufficient prominence.
(i.) Tho Spartans woro the free inhabitants of Sparta itselff not
all the Dorian population of the country.* They were themselves
chiefly, but not exclusively, of Doric blood, having among them
^gido) from Thebes, who were probably Cadmeians,* Heraclida?*
and Talthybiadffi,^ who wore Achieanfl. They were originally all
landed proprietors, possessed of considerable estates in the richest
part of tho territory,^ which they cultivated by means of their serfs
or Helote, They were gentlemen and soldiers, it being impossible
for them — at least from the time of tho Lycurgean legislation — to
engage in trade, or even to Rupcrintond their estates, their whole
lives being passed in tho performance of state duties, either with
the army or in the capital.
(ii.) The Porioeci were the free inhabitants of tho towns and
country districts around Sparta.** Their share of tho territory was
1 Vol. i. pp. 300.31i. * Pp. 488.611.
* Sco iMirticalorly Dr. Smith's Dio-
tionory of Greek and Komon Antiq. ad
voc nELtvrEs and PrRiatct.
* GeroDtbno was certainly colonisod
by DorianR, who tbeuoeforth became
PorioDci (Paosan. iii. 22, § 5). Tho sanio
is coDcladed witli macli prubability of
Pharis and Amycla^ (cf. Pausan. iii. 2^
§ 6, and iii. 19, § 5). Mr. Grote as-
snmea that every Periceoic town wofl,
at least in part, so coloniBcd; but for
this there is no nnthority, and it is
very nnlikely (vide note ^ in tho next
page).
» Find. Isth. viu 21 ; Horod. iv. It9.
and note ad loo. ; Ephor. Fra. 11 and
13: Aritt.Fr.7&.
* HoDce CloomeDOs declared bnnavlf
to be " not a Dorian bat on Achnan"
(Horod. v. 72).
7 Horod. vii, 13i.
" Isut^rat. Panath. t s. c* OoBi|Mn
Artst. Pol. ii. G : Atik t^ tw Srofrutrw*
4^tTd^ovttiy, K. T. X.
* I flee no gronnda for confining Uia
Pcoriceoi to tho conntry-tnipnj, as Sir.
Grote does. Iliey are called o! /« rif
X<upat TouSfs, and are a» likely to
have lived in ficattcred farms as in
towns or villagea. The f&nt tli^ tlmiv
were a hundred townahipeof the Pe<ri-
fFci does not prore that th«re were no
Perioeci bosides the inliabitaiita of t^
towns.
2. PERKECI; 3. HELOTS.
333
11 and of litUe value.' Trade, However, and commercial enter-
generally, manufactures, art, &c., were altogether in their
knds ; and thus they often acquired wealth,^ and occasionally
were even employed by the Spartans in offices of considerable
dignity.' They formed an important element in the Spartan
army, -where they served not only as light-armed but also as
heavy-armed;* and thus they must have been called upon to
undergo a good deal of severe exercise and training, though
they were fi-ee from the oppressive burthen of the Lycnrgean
discipline. They were probably for the most part descendants
of the conquered Acbceans, but with a slight Doric infusion,^
and perhaps some further intermixture of races foreign to the
Peloponnese.**
(iii.) The Holots were the slave population of Leconio. Their
name may best be regarded as equivalent to JIaXoti (a\wToO*
"captives."'' Their existence ia probably coeval with the conquest
of the country by the Dorians, who would retain as slaves those
whom they took prisonera in battle. At first they would bo insig-
* Mr. Groto Bpeaks of their possesa.
ing " the nnaUer half" (Hist, of
Greece, toL U. p. 502), but Aristotle'e
wordfl allow, and IsocrntoB asacrta, a
Cv greater ditproportioi).
' Xenoplion Hpeak« of Perioeci, who
were Ko/KOKay^^U or "genikmen"
(Hell. V. 3. § 9).
■ Thocyd. Tiii. 6, and 22.
* Herod, ix. 28 : Thncyd. iv. 38, Ac
* JUr. Grote holds tbe exact con.
▼owe to this, viz., that they were
Dorians, with a slight AcliEPfln in-
fn&ion (Hist, of Greec©, tuI. ii. p.
BOO, Ac.) ; bat tho ordinary view
•e«ma to me far moro prubable. The
Doriana, who i^^^ned from the narrow
vsUey of the Pindus, catuiob bu con-
oeiTed of aa very nnmnroDs, or aa
be˚ moro than a amall prcportion
to the AohtBaaa whom thoy conquured
(comp. Thac. ir. 126). Indeed it in
Bnfficiencly sarpriainj^ that they should
hare entered the Peloponnese in nuch
numbers as to fonnd three kingdoms
and ffradoally eeiablish themselves na
tho dominant race. The imp(KMi^l
mifrntioQ of the Acbajans iuio the
I^eiupoane«Un Ionia can refer only tv
a small section of the nation ; for that
narrow region cannot possibly havo
received more than a portion of tbe
great race which was itpread throngh
the three coantrien of Argolis, Lace-
djjpmon, and Mesacuia. Herodotas, it
mast be allowed, seema to regard tbe
Perineci as Dorians when he mentions
the fleveral nations of the Peloponneoe
in his eighth book (oh. 73) ; bat it ia
not qaite certain that he does not
merely omit them from his list aa not
forming, like the OynDrians, a separate
people ; and farther, it ia worthy of
remark that bis early Spartan history
is very indifierent (of. i. 65, and note
ad loo.).
• See EphoniB, Pr. 18; Horod. ir. 145.
' Horpooratiuu (ad voc. dABfTtwu')
and Pattsaniaa (tit. 20, § n), derive
Helot &om the town "EAos ; but this ia
wrong both historical ly and etymo-
logicaUy. The derivation given aboro
— which was known to the oncienta
(see Schol. ad Plat. Alcib. i. p. 78, ed*
Kahnk. I Apostol. vii. 62)— iaapprow
by K. 0. Muller (Dori.ins, ii. p.3U)r
by Drs. LidUcU and Soott.
I
THE HELOTSL
Aff.BoQcr.
rifcazit 13 ETiTLOf? : bat tlie conqnest of rebel townB,' and pei)i^
i^ Siine c;&scs •:£ Acluean cities which made a prolonged xesistuioei*
ZTcat'j i:: rr^rtiscd tb-eci : and finany, upon the redaction of ^fwweim
and the re^eral enslaTcment of its mhftbitanta, they became Ae
rrero-icritinr element in the population.^ A conaideTable muobs
ci then dwelt in S^^na, where thej- were the attendants ' of dcir
casters, and were snbject to their caprices ; but by far the greats
r«:Tt:?3 Ured scattered orer the country, cultivating (like tift
R"?5:in Si^rfs^ thc-ir masters* land% but paring (instead of a d^nita
amra-t of Ubotir^ a certain proportion of the produce of thelud
— prtrbarly one half — as rent to the owner. Happier thaa tba
R::5sian s^rfs. these rustic cultivators were not brought into ssf
direct c<?Titact with their masters, who dwelt at Sparta ; but enjored
their homos azl-I indalged their famUy affections in security. Wt^
hearths inviolate and self-respect intact; with free social iDte^
Lvur^o among eaoh other, and no cold shadow of neighbonnng
greatness t> awe or oppress them; with a firm bold on their landi
from w hioh thoy could not be ejected ; with a fixed scale of xent
whioh the l:ri had no power of augmenting; with a possibility of
iic.|n:r:r:: pr^-^r^rrv I'/ industrious exertion, and some prospect rf
..l;d::.:nj frco.l,r-i by purchase* or by services to the state,* the
Spartan iIi.V>ts mn?t be considered, as a rustic class, to have beoi
sinju^ir'v favourc'-l, and to have occopied a position which TrSl in
:::3 cr.ijvire favourably with that of the modern day-
JlxX it r.ot boi>n for one terrible institution — the bu*-
Li?::oo of the " Crypteia " — by which the bravest and
most asj':r:n;r of live llolot class were from time to time secretly
made awav with, at the mere will of the government,* their position
m;:zht have b.^jn mviod bv the peasantry of almost any other cotintiy.
niav.y r:s;\
luvnrtr.
barous pv;"
• As JT.yys (Vr\r.^t\n. iii. 2. 5 SV
• As U ivlrtr-jil of llvl'"! (raii^nn. iii-
2. sub tin., ana iii. 20, ^6. Compare
Ei'hor. Kr. is).
1 C'liinon ca'.c;i\itr3 th<y IToMa nt
ITO.CK'O. and tbc n'.-t of tho ^^oTvila-
tion at yO.":.*!"* iF. H. ii. p. :>'>1) : K. 0.
MiiUcr makt^-* the lormer 22kU.iO, the
latter 15G.OJ0. Tho='? calculationa
cannot, of course, pretPn<l to lie moro
than rough pne^'-cs; but thfy Butli-
ciontlr express the fact nototl in iho
t»'xt (On the number of tho Helots,
cL Thttcyd. vUi. 40).
' Xen. Hep. Lao. vi. 3 ; Arist. Prf. i
2, Ac.
' This was at but rate the pn«poTt>«
paid by the 3Ie58enianstTyrtjpai.Fr.
5), who were prnbaViIy pbced o&ti*
eamn f«X)tin(r with other Ueloti.
* Plut. Cleom. c. 23.
■ Thucyd. iv. 26. and 80; Xm-Hen.
vi. 5. § 2S ; aivronu np. Atbeo. tl p.
« ThncTd. ir. 80 ; Aristot. Fr. W;
HrracUd.' Pont. Fr. IL 3; Plaudit.
Lycurg. c. 29.
SUCCESSION OF THE EARLY MONARCHS.
335
This cmel and iiilinimi.Ti systein, sanctioned by law '^ and frequently
carried ont in act,* mnst have greatly diminished from that comfort
in which the country Ilelot would other^vise have lived ; and, while
devifled to leaaon the danger of a servile rising-, must in reality hare
been the chief cause of that hoRtile feeling which the Helots enter-
tained against their Spartan lords, and which showed itself on
Tarions occasions in disaffection and even in open revolt."
11. The order of sncccssion in the two royal houses at Sparta,
from Agis I. in the one, and from Enrypon in the other, may be
E'ded as tolerably certain ;^ but the characters of the early kings
the events assigned to their reigns cannot be considered to
much histoi-ic foundation. The anagraphs of the Spartans,
if they commenced as early, would be likely to contain at
moat a bare notice of the waits,- and would neither descend to per-
^ ArbiotTe*0 etaiemcnt lliat the
Bphoir«,A0apArt of tber^f^lnrformala.
Ml eatcriDg office, proclaimed war npon
the HelotB (Fr. 80). lias been need.
lecaly called in qoestion by MiiUer
(Dorian*, ii. p. 41), Thirlwal] (Kbit, of
GpfrPC*, vol. i. p. 311). GrotB (vol. it,
p. 510), and other?. On such a point
Ariatotle's authority ia decisive j and
all difficulty ia removed if we regard
lb* proclamation a% seerH, bein^ in*
tended (m Aristotle said) merely to
1(i) ^aiD.«: —
Agia (b'lB son)
Ichsstnlna (His son)
Labotas (hia son)
Oovyuna (his aon)
Agesilniia (hia aon)
Archelaoj (his son)
nispicion attaches to the
n&me of Eanomus, whose position in
the lint is not nltogothfTdettJpd. Itia
thought to hare been critriunlly a
mere epithet applied to the kinfi: who
was reigning when Lyoargiu intro*
eaiisify the consuiencea of those in
pow**r in caso Ihey thnujifht it expe*
dient to have roconrso to the Cryptcia
dnrin^ the year of office (Cir»s c&ayii^
rh irf Af7c).
B See ThncTd. iv. 80 ; Plat^ Leff. i.
p. 63ft; and the aathuritios quoted in
tbo Inst note but one.
» Thncvd. i. 101, ir. 41 ; Xen. HelL
Tii. 2, § 2, Ac.
' The line of descent is commonly
given UA f uUows : —
(ii.) EriTPONTID* :—
Froclcs
SoQfl (hia son)
Enrvpon (hii mm)
I
Piy tania (hia aon)
[Knaomas (his bod)]
Polydootoa Qits son)
I
Charilauj (his son)
dnccd his tifvofila, (Sec CUotoa's F. H.
to), i. p. 114, nrito.)
• They wunld not be likclv to con-
tain more than the ]iriiiiitivc Roman
Fu»ti, Euoh as ire ^ec them in the frag*
meutc dng up on the aite of tbe Forum.
336
ORIGINAL CON*SnTTjnON —
Arr.BMtT.
BODfil trnitA. nor evcm pro tho details of miliiary opcnticnaL Aid
tradition on anch points would be a verj unsafe ^aidef Bumof^
cinlly during a time admitted to have been one of cootmacd iln^
and disturbance. Spartan history, in its oonnectioin witb ml n^
gonuine personages whose deeds and characters are known to Wk
must bo considered therefore to beg'in with Lycnrgna, who^ tlhnifk
presented to us in somewhat mythical coloars,' is to be acomrial
an actual man^ the true founder of the greatness of his eooaliy.
What Sparta became was owing entirely to the instxtntjom of Hk
famous lawf^ver, who stands without n riral in the history flfflt
first state in Greece, as the author of a system which Gndnred
unaltered for 6vo conturieR, and which raided a smAll and
cant country to a proud and wonderful eminence.
12. Great as were the services of Ljcnrgua to Sparta^ ihef}mm
nndoubtedly been in one respect exaggerated. Not cootflrtJ
with riewing liim as the introducer of the discipline knom }f
his name, and as the improver in certain points of tho yiviiotdj
existing constitution, the ancient writers are fond of ascnbitf ^
him the entire constitution of Sparta as it exifitcnl in tlicir Q^t
day. Thus Herodotus nnd Plutarch speak of his *' establiskiagthf
Senate;"^ and in one of the Khetne which he was eaid to hart j
cured from Delphi, all the main points of the constitution
to be of his institution.* As however Sparta certainly existed i
flcparato state for several centuries before Lycurgus, then
hftvo been an established form of government anterior to him;
hence, before we can determine how much or how httle of
framework existing in later times was of his creation^ w«
endeavour to find out what the constitution of the Spartan
was in the interval between the original settlement and tha
' Herod, i. 65. AtC» ^ ft 8ih¥ fiaw-
* Herud. i. 65 ; Flat. Lyo. o. 6. Tho
latter writer is circnamtantial in his
acaottnt,ai)d distinctly states that Ly-
oorgni invented the Senate as a power
intennediate between the kings and
tho people, to softeii the asperities of
tbeir oontcatfl, and to throw its wnight
on the side of tho weaker party.
' &,ihs 'EaAoi'Ioi/ xal 'AOofat 'E\Xay(as
w^Aj u$dlayra rptdKorra, ytpovffitw tri/w
ifX°y^^^^ mtTwrT^ffaKTa, Stpms 4^ S>pa$
tiros, odrms tUr^ptuf re «■!
lifuf S* ir<»7^ (al. *y«^) «]
Tos. Flut. Lye. L s. o. HentteOka
the Senate (with the poaitkiB of *•
kings in it), and the genecmlMMwl^i
are difltinctly aaai^otl lo hjea^
and it may be qnestumed whnrfc
intention is not to af«ign tohiafXS
tho tribes. Aa &^s «^Bi{«» ii **
make the ObaD," mo ^uXAi ^vA^n^'^
this archaio Gr&ek ia prc^ali^ ~
make the tribes.'*
StSAT L
TUE KINGS.
337
gcftn legislation. T5'ow it is evident from the TTomenc poems that
in all really Hellenic states the form of government was from the
earlic&t timea a sjiecies of limited monarchy.^ A royal race, geno-
raJly regarded as possessing a divino right/ stood at the bead of
the nation ; and the crown descended from father to son according
to the ordinary law of primogeniture. But the Greek king, unlike
the Asiatic despot, -mis conti-oUed and checked by two powers co-
ordinate with himself, and equally a part of the established consti-
tntion. A council of chiefs or elders (7/poj'Tcj) is invariably found
in attendance upon the monarch, with a power to offer advice which
be cannot safely disregard ; and all decisions of importance must
be submitted to the assembly of the people (iiyopi)^ whose consent
was generally presumed, but to whose dissent, when plainly mani-
fested, it was absolutely necessary to yield.^ It is impossible to
suppose that the Spartan monarcliy was without these checks in the
early times, more especially as the device of a double royalty is
indicative of the successful exertion, at the period when it origi-
nated, of aristocratic jealousy and influence. "When therefore Hero-
dotus and Plutarch tell us that Lycurgns " instituted the Senate,"
wo must either disregard altogether their authority, or at least
look upon them as greatly exaggerating the real facts of the case.^
A senate in Sparta must have been coetaneoua with the monarchy ;
smd even the details of number, which have been ascribed to
Lycargua in modem times,* being in all probability based upon the
primitive divisions of the people, may with more reason bo i*cgardod
na original than as later arrangements.
The Spartan Senate appears to have consisted from the first of
tliirty members, inclnsivo of the two kings, who acted as ita pre-
sidents. This number is reasonably connected with the ancient
threefold division of the penplo into tribes — Hylleans, Pamphylians,
Sind DymaDians or Dymonatie — which was common to all Dorian
* Compare tlie doBoriptioa of tho
most ancicat goronimouis in lliucy-
dlde> — ■9p6T4pov hi ^ffa» 4-*\ ^jirals
y i paff t vorrpurol ^aaiAuaa, 1. 13.
' Ucncp tbo cummou expression Ato-
Tp<9<«< fiatriATsti (Horn. 11. i. 17G, efa
paAsim). Cooiparo TyxtseuB, Fr. 2,
I. 5 ; Callimach. Hvmn, in Jov. 79 ;
Schol. Pind. I'vUi. iV. 313, &c.
* Ariatutle bhjs uf tho old moa-
arebie^, ol ^offtAtii d wpotAoiVTo it-^y-
voL. in.
■ycAor T^; S^/iy (Eth. Nio. iii. 8, § 18).
But Weiase Beeoui to be right in snp-
posing that when the opinion of the
peopto declared iteeU diBtinutly a^intit
a propoaition, tho kinsrs had neither
tho power nor tho right to forco it
ui>ou them. (See Hermann's VoL Ant.
§ 55, note 13.)
• Soo note * on Book i. ch. 65.
> Gtoto'a History of Greece, vol. IL
P.4G3.
Z
;3S
THE SEXATE.
Asr. Book VJ
1
fioUloments* In Spfirta we know tliat besides tuis division thei
was another into Oba?, the number of which >vas thirty' — proh
ten to each tribe. We may conclude, from the identity of number
and from numerous analogies, that these Obo?, called also PhratriA\*
had the right — possessed at Rome by the Gentes^ — of each fur-
nishing a member to the Senate. As two Obai of the Hylloan*
were represented on the hereditary principle by the two kings, so it
is likely that the other Obm were originally represented each by its
beixjditary chief or head. The Senate, thus composed, formed »
perpetual council which the kings were bound to curu^ult, and
through wliich alone they could exercise any great political influ*
enca. As its presidenta tliey convoked, dissolved, or adjourned its
meetings, proposed measures and pub them to the vote, and othar^
wise took the lead in its proceedings ; but the actual powers which^
they possessed abovo other members were limited to the right oSfl
voting by proxy,® and giving a casting vote in casd of an equal
division."
The Ecclesia, or general assembly at Sparta, mu&t bo considered
to have contained originally all the free males who dwelt within tho
city and wci-e of the legal age. Its proper name was " Apella."^
All changes in tho constitution, or the laws, and ail mattcn of
great public import, as questions of peac« or war, of alliances, and
the like, had to bo brought before it for decision ; but it had do
power of amending, nor oven of debating a proposition, tho riglit of
addressing tho assembly being probably limited in the early times
to tho kings. It met once a month — on the day of the full moon, or
more frequently if summoned; and decided the questions put to it
by aoclamatioo.
• There tribes can be cUstinctly
traced at Argos (Stc^pb. Brz. ud voc.
Avnav)f Sicyon (Herod, v. 6S), TrcDzen
(Stepb. Byz. ad too, 'TXAcIs), Mcj^ra
(DOckh, 1073), and Corcyra (Bikrkh'a
Stoat Baoghaltuug, vol. ii. p. 40-1), oa
well ns ftt Sparta. A tripio division,
probably tho eamc. appears also ia
Crete (Odjsa. xix. 177) and Rhodes
(liiftd, ii. 668).
* See note ^ on page 330. Mr. Groto
(HiBtorj of Greece, vol- ii. pogo
461, note*) prefore tbc pnnctoation
which connects rptdHoma vrith ytpov-
alav avv ipx^V^^***** ^^t this is very
hnrsh. ord contrary to the bcstcriti*
(See iliiUt-'t's Dorians, roL ii. p. S7t
E. T. ; BdckJi, tid Corp. bu. Pwai»-
§3, p. 600; Hernmmr»Pol.AnL§H
note *, Ac.) Kad Tptaxarra nSrnfA
to tho later cUnso ytporm wtaU
cei-tainly have taken the pluB ^
ytpovffiay.
* Athenmifl, iv. p. 141, 7.
* Sco Nicbnhf'a Hist, of Bo(ns>t(A.
i. p. 333. E. T.. where the Boma&v^
Sparinn Senates are com]mred.
* Herod. vU 57, ad fia. * IbU.
' Hotych. ad voc, dr^AXa; Hut, Lye
0. 6 {sec page 336, note*)*
CHANGES MADE BY LYCUBQC3.
339
S. If snch wns — as there is every reason to believe — the constl-
on of Sparta before Lycurgua, it is evident that ho introduced
swooping or fundamental changes into the government. Ho
have fixed the legal ago of a senator at sixty, and have intro-
tho principle of election by the general assembly from the
in lieu either of hereditary right or of appointment by tho
but otherwise he can have made scarcely any alteration even
detail respecting tho Senate, whose number, functions, and poai-
with regard to the kings, remained such as above described
nghont tho whole of tho historical period. The two slight
gea which have been conjcctnrally assigned to him would
, tho one to increase tho weight and influence of the Senate by
ing them the representatives of the whole body of tho citizens,
other to strengthen the conservative character of the govem-
i by putting the entire direction of the state into tho hands of
^mn of advanced aijc — both objects in complete harmony with the
©Dcral spirit and intention of Lycurgus's legislation.
ith respect to the Apella, or general assembly of tho citizens,
cnrgus made any change, it was probably to incrunae tho
ht and importance of this element in the state. In the famous
ctra already so oftun quoted, which was regardetl as embodying
§instttuiioua, a special stress is laid upon tho authority to bo
cised by the people.^ And tho assembly, aa if it had gained
oglh by his legislation, soon afterwards proceeded to assert
, lights, which it was found nectjssary to restrict by new enactments.^
The unusual limitation of ago toOf by which Spartans only became
entitled to take part in the public assemblies on the completion of
I their thirtieth year,^ is likely to have been instituted by him, since
it plainly stands connected with that prolonged education which,
was one of the loading features of tho Lycurgean system.
Tho institution of the Ephoralty, which is ascribed to Lycargus
Herodotus^ arid Xenophon,* and which may fairly be regarded
all probability a part of his system,^ offers an apparent rather
itan-h, 1. B. c).
'Infm, p. 351, noCo .
tyiot. Lycnrp. c. 25.
'}Iexx<d. i. 65, ad tin.
Zen. de Rep. baced, vili. ^. 3.
See note ' on Bu(-*k L cb. G5. It \a
I likely that Thcopompna, ono of tho
kioK? who chocked the encroachme-nts
of the Aflsemlily by tho law which for-
bade its amending a bill, should have
institntcd tho Kphoralty, which had
certainly from the first aomewhat of
a popnlnr chomcter. (See MuUer*
Dorians, Tol. ii. p. 121 ; Grote. Hiat.of
Greece, vol. ii. p. 467.)
340
GROUNDS OF LYCURGUS BEPUTATIOX
than a real exception to the general cliaracter of insignificajice-
wliich marks (as has been observed above) all liis constitutional
innovations. Important as this element in the state nltimatcly
became, it was in its ori^n harmless and trivial enongK. The
Ephors of Lycurgus were petty magiatrates, empowered to hold
a ooort, and to pnnish by fino and imprisonment ; and probaUy
appointed for the Bpecial purpose of icaiching over the Lycurgeon
discipline, and pnnisliing those who neglected it* From this
general saperviaion or superintendence they received thoir name,
and to it their powers were confined in the earlier times. Their
political influence had an entirely different source, and grew out of
circumstances which arose later, and were probably little foreseen
by the inventor of the magistracy. The election by the assembly,
the number five, and even perhaps the monthly oath interchanged
between them and the kingaj may Ixave dated from Lycurgns; but
the origin of their political power must be sought in events which
happened a century after his decease.
14. It is not, therefore, in the political changes intTodnccd by
Lycurgus — however well adapted to put an end to the internal
troubles from which Sparta was suffering — that we most look for
traces of that originality and genius which entitle him to his repa-
tation as one of the master minds of Greece.* His true glory is to
be found in the introduction of that eitraonlinary system of tmipiag
I
' Mttller Bays the Spartan Ephors
■were originally " Inspectors of the
market" (Dorians, ii. p. 120), and
qnutos an old etymologist, who i^ivcB
this mcantni^ to tLo word " Ephor."
But it Imti bt3en commonly ooncloded
on good groands that thoy had a gene-
ral saperiutondeaoo from very early
time* (see ThirlwoU, toI- ii. p. 355 ;
Dictionary of Antiq. n/1 toc. Kpnokf,
Ac.)< The flense of tlio edict which
they put forth on onterint^ office,
crdering' the citiz«nB **to ^haro the
xnonstacho and obey the laws " {ttdpta*
8ai rhtr fiCinauta Kol Tpoff^xfif tois
vSnoir. Plut. Cleoni. c. 9), indit^tea
this wide scope oa onibmced by their
powers, while ilio symbolical character
and archaic quaintnesa of the exprea-
aion show tho remote age at which
these pcworii must hare been con-
DuTed.
^ Tho kinffs swtire to role according
to law (Kord ravs rf w6\ti K*iftintvi
vStiout &cuTi\t6(rtiy)t the Epbon to
uutiutain the royal authority nnshabn
eo long aa tho king observed hia otAh
{ifi.rt6tipKovtnos iKthouitrrv^'XiKTOirr^
^ofTiXfiaif irap<'{«is'}. See Xen. de 3t^
Lnced- it. § 7.
'^ Plntorch saya of Lycorgit* that be
" deserredly Borpoased in repatatjon
all other Grecian lawgivers {tUirm
ivtp^ffe Tp 8<i^p Tofcs irupiroT* woKrrwpvmr
ti^yavs iv roit "ZWna. Vit. Lycoig.
snb Hn.), XoDopLua speaikA of him u
**wise in the very highest degree"
(fir rJk tcx<^TVt ftiXa tro^p). Arutoile
thought that he liad uut been saJK-4
ciently honoured a t Sparta, thoo^
flotarch observes, I. s. c.) he '
a temple bmlt to bim, and %
ahipped there as a god.
ESSAT L
ORIGIN OF THE LYCURGEAN DISCIPLtSE,
341
and disciplmo by wkich the Spartans were distinguished from all
the nations of continental Greece, and through which there can be
no donbt that t.hoy attained their vast power and influence. ^Vhethcr
this system was origiually conceived in his own mind, or whether
it (or somethijig like it) had been in. force from a remote period
among all Greeks of the Doric stock, or whether finally it was
copied by the Spartan lawgiver from institutions which had pre-
viously existed only In Crete, there is scarcely sufficient evidence
to determine. While the hypothesis that tho Lycurgean legislation
was a mere revival of primitive Dorian customs, tends to lessen in
some degree tho marvel of its successful establiahmeut, and has
somo of the greatest of modem names in its favour,* the fact — noted
by Mr. Grotc ' — that no traces of such a system appear in any other
Dorian state, nnlosa it bo in Crete, and the further fiict that not a
ainglo ancient writer views the matter in this light, interpose almost
insuperable obstacles to its reception, Tho balance of ancient
authority is strongly in favour of tho derivation of the wholo
Spartan system from Creto \^ but it may bo questioned whether on
such a point a balance of authority is of much value, and whether
probability is not upon tho wholo a better guide. Granting tho
close resemblance of tho Cretan and Spartan systems, which it
seems over-bold to dcny,° it would appear to bo at least as likely
^ jirobft
■Wtioc
•Ajflttfriod Mullor, ITpcTcn, Nic-
faohr, K. F. Hermann, and liishop
Thirl iraiL
* HUt. of Greece, vol. ii. p. 456.
yicbo^^ '" — — ,1 ;- - ! -ration, and
to mcv r-9 it moro
hah'.. - -:. - .., -u-^.L...: :\ric insti-
iona bad bc«a giren up by tho other
DM than that Ihoy were newly
inrcntod ami instiCatcd by the Spar-
tans (Lectnres on Ancient Uifiturr,
vol. L p. 2oU, E. T.). Bat the opposite
▼tew oiny be maiutaincd with at least
as XDQch rooson.
' Thi« ia iho view of HorodoloB
(!• 65), who CTpreasIr g^vos it aa the
Spartan tmdition, of Arietotio (Pol. ii.
7, ad init.). of Ephorui (Fr. &1), of
liotarch (Vit. TiTcurg. c 4), and of
Strabo (x. p. 701 ;' coTiip. iri. p. 1081).
The la«t 'mentioned writer regards it
a« BB admitted foot (A>M>\oy<Trai). Tyr.
however, the muftt aiiciuit aa-
thorily, by aasfgning the Lycnr^pftn
institationa to the Delphio oracle,
aeema to ignore their Cretan origin.
■ Mr. Groto aaya the Crotnn inatita-
tionswero"disaiaiilAr'' to the Spartan
" in those two attribntea which form
tho mark and pinch of 6|mrtau legis-
lation, viz. the luilitnry disciplino and
the rigorous private training" (Iliat. of
Grocoo. t B. o.). But these are exactly
the points in which all the onctetiti
writers declare tho resemblance to
have been most close. (Se« Plat, Leg.
i..iii. ; Ar. Eth. i. 13, § 3 ; Pol. vii. 2,
§ 61 Ephor. Fr. 64; Ilonidid. Pout.
Fr. 8; Nic. Damaec Fr. 116.) Btch
Polybins, who maintains tbo du»imi-
larity of tho Cretan nnd Spnrtan msii-
tationa (vi. 45) by hia ailenco wiih
regard to these points, ia a witness in
favour of their being common to tha
two ayatema.
342
ITS OEIOIX QUESnOXED.
Apt. Book T.
that tbc instltations travelled from tlie continent to the island u
from the island to the continent. Very little is really known d
early Cretan history;* and it may be donbted whether the Doriia
cities in Crete were not, one and all, colonics from the Felopon-
nese,* who carried with them into their new homes institutions vA
practices fonnd beneficial in the mother-coTrntry. In this wajthe'
spread of the system is natural, and has numerous analogies ; wltile
the contrary story, that Lycurgus sought and found in the remote,
insignificant, and scarcely Hellenic Crete ^ a set of institntioDi
which he transferred bodily to his native Sparta, is — to say the
least — as improbable a tale as any that has come down to ns mt
respectable authority.
15. But from whatover quarter the Lycurgean discipline «8
derived, whether from Crete, from Delphi, or (as is most probable)
from the genius of Lycurgus himself, it must always remain one of
the most astonishing facts of history, that such a system iras sac-
ccssfully imposed upon a state which had grown up without it To
change the customs of a nation, even in single points, is proveibiany
diflicult ; to introduce strictness of living in the place of laiitT,
unless under the stimulus of strong religions feeling, is almost
unprecedented ; but without such stimulus, or at least with & tot
low degree of it, to induce a nation voluntarily to adopt an entirely
••"Crete," Bays Kiobuhr, "is tho
most mysterious of all the countries
that belong to tho empire of Greece"
(Lectures, voh i. j>. 251, E.T.). Kpho-
rus seems to have beeu the tirst writer
Atho distinctly treatorl of Cretan cus-
toms and history, and his judgment
was very defective.
* Tho earliest notice of Dorians in
Crete is tho woll-knowu passage in the
Odyssey —
^l' ftiv *A\nioi,
Od, xix. lK-177,
But tho Talue of this must depend on
tho date of the Odyssey, which is
probably a good deal later than tho
Iliad, and perhaps little, if at all,
anterior to Lycnrtrus. Andron's story
("if a migration «f Dorians to Crete
from Hi(=tiirotJs, which K. 0. Wiiller
admits to be " wonderful," and to
"present a striking; anomaly in t-«
history of the ancient coloiiia''(Dc%
riaus. vol. i. p. 37, E. T.). is qoiie un-
worthy of credit, tho minute "icec-
racy " of its atatoment betrtriDir i»
oriqin. Even the colony of -Alii*-
mcnes (Eph. Fr. 62) ia open to pnte
doubts; and it may be quMticned
whether tho Lacedaomonian colooieirf
Lyctns and Lampo were not leallT tie
first settlemcntB made by the IXsiau
in the island.
* Niebuhr has rcraarVed « tl#
strangeness of tho Cretan inwripti-aJ
(Lectures, vol. i. p. 252). Thpymiik
the presence in the popnlation c< i
largo barbario element, probablr fa
poit Polasgic, in part derived ftm
Asia, Tho 'ET«iJKpi}TCf, or **tn» C*
tans," of the Odyssey appear to rviA-
sent the Asiatic inhabitants to wJrra
Ilerodotoa alludoa (Book i ch. Ul-
173).
tSAT L
CAUSE3 WHICH LED TO ITS ADOPTION'.
343
set of institntionH, and those of bo strict and aolf-dcnying a
uiracter as the Spartan, ia a triumph of personal mQiienoe excccd-
anything- with which ordinniy expmcnco makes us acquainted,
one which coiild only have been possible under very peculiar
itances. Nothing leaa than the combination of great gening
great personal weight on the ono hand, with imminent and
^remo peril on the other, can account for the submission of the
-rtans to a new and untried system, which compressed all within
iron groBp, and which to every man not bred up in it must have
in felt OS a scarcely endurable slavery. Perhaps the continued
istanco of Amycin?, and the hardships and mijicries consequent ou
perpetual warfare with so very near a neighbour, may have been
found so intolerable as to render any change acceptable which held
ont ft prospect of relief ; or it may bo that the very existence of
Sparta was threatened by the growing power of the unsubdued
sheeans, and that the legislator made his appeal not so much to
desire of ease or tho lust of conquest as to the instinct of selt-
srvation.
The details of the Lycurgcan discipline are so well known, they
ire been so folly discussed in the ordinary histories, and there is
little dispute concerning them, that it is unnecessary to swell
le present Essay by introducing an account of them in this place.
le reader is especially referred to the description given by Mr.
trote/ OS at onco tho most copious and tho most o^uict which exists
our language.
lt>. On one point, however, in the legislation of Lycargus a very
iportant difference of opinion exists, into which it will be neces-
to eater. Most modern writers,^ following the detailed and
ircumsUmtial stntcraents of Plutarch,^ have represented Lycurgus
resuming tho whole land of Spartn, and allotting it out afresh in
[ual portions to tho inhabitants. According to this view, one of
lo chief objects of the lawgiver was to produce and maintain a
fcneral equalization of property; and hence Tftrions provisions aro
jcribod to him having for their object to prolong the equality,
rhich, without such proviaionsj would have disappeared in one or
' HUtory of Greece, toL ii. pp. 512.
i29
vol. i. pp. 302-305), SohOmann (Ant
Juc. Pnbl. p. llti), Tittmann (Unecli.
» A« K. F. TlMTnftim (Pol. Ant. of i Staotenlterthainer, § 28), and Cliatoa
Greece?, § ZS), Manso (Siwrtm i, 1, ' (F. H. vol. ii. p. 495, note»)L
% 110> flp. Tlurlwail (iliat, of Greece, | » Plufc. Vit. Lyoui-g. o- 8.
344 SUPPOSED EQUALITY OF LASTBED FOSSESSIOSraw Arr. BookT.
two gcncrationa. He is supposed to liave forbidden the snb^Tison
or alicuation of lots, entailing them strictly npon the eldest son, or
tho eldest daughter, if there were no son; in the case of childless per-
sons to have only allowed their lots to bo bequeathed to citizens not
possessed of any land ; and in tho case of heiresses to have provided
that they should be married only to such persons.^ By these weaia
it is thought that the number of the lots was maintsuned intact, and
the near equality of possessions preserved, from the original insti-
tutiou of Lycurgus down to tho close of the Pcloponnesian war.
17. Against this view, which had come to bo generally recdred,
Mr. Groto has argued with irresistible force in the second volmne
of his History.^ Ho has shown, first, that no knowledge of any
such equalization, or of tho provisoes to maintain it, is possessed bf
any of tho earlier writers, Herodotus, Thucydides, Xenophon, Plato,
Isocratcs, or Aristotlo, whoso statements aro of ton in direct opposj-
tion to tho theory ; ^ secondly, that in the historic times there is u
much inequality of property in Sparta as elsewhere* in Greece;
thirdly, that the provisoes assumed as part of tho Lycargean system
are for tho most part pure modem inventions, and rest upon no
ancient authority ; and fourthly, that tho account in Plutarch is
' Thirlwall, vol. i. p. 321-j Mnnso's
Sparta, i.l, § 121, and i. 2, § 129-13-1 1
llulU^-'s Dorians, vol. ii. pp. 202-205,
2 Pp. 5;i()-rj(;o.
* Aristotle calls Phaleas of Chal?©-
don. ain.1 not Lycm-gns, the inventor
of Gumniuiiism (PoL ii. 4), He also
makes tho levelling tendency of the
Lycargean Irgi-slalion consist entirely
iu the Byatem of eyssitia (t4 -wtpl Tat
KTiiiTfis iv AaKiScdfioyi rots avffffi-
rioi^ 6 vofiuOtTi]^ iKolvaect, ibid. ii. 2.
Conijiaro Thcophrastus, ap. Pint.
Lycm -r, c. lU). Instead of regariling
Lycurfj:u3 as having establishod
equality of possessions, he complains
tliat he had not taken eullicient pre-
cautious :ii;aiust tho accumulation of
I)ropcrty in a few hands, Xenophon,
who ia tho untpialifled culogizcr of
Lycnrgus' legislation, knows nothing
aboat hia having established any
forced equality of property, but praises
him for removing tho motives which
lead men to seek wealth, by his laws
with regard to diet and drcsa (licp.
Lac c. vii.). Isocratcs mentions "tfe
re-divitjion of lands" amon? the evili
from which Sparta had alviayf bees
free (Panath. xii. p. 2S7). TheeilniM
of Plato as to I*ycurgQs in his Lairj U
also of great importance.
* Herodotus seems to consider that
weaUh was distribute at Sparta »3
unecjually as elsewhere. He epeftlJ
of thewifoof Agi'tnsos " the dauctlfr
of KcaUhy parents" (ai^pvv«r iA^ivr
OvyartptL, vi. Gl), and of Sperthi«aEJ
lUilisas "among the trealtkieit ven
in the place" ixp^fuun i»T,Korrah^
vpwTa, vii. 134). Thacydides, rrier*
ring to a moro distant date, obNnei
that " the richer Spartans, in the be-
plicity of their drosii and in their whcl*
Btyle of living, conformed themselm
to tho ordinary standard'* (L 6).
Xenophon contrasts the *' opuleid"
with the other Spartans (Bcp. Iac. r<
3, and IIolI. vi. 4, § II), Plato »;»
that there was more gold and silvW
in Sparta tlian in aU the rert <i
Greece (Alcib. i. p. 122, E.),
flS^ AB
ABGUMENTS AGAH^ST LTCUBGUS ARRANGEMENT.
345
abeurJ on tho face of it, since it assumes an extent of Spartan
^^ixinion in the time of Lycnrgns whicli was not acquired till Bome
^Btories lator.^ He aJso with great ingenuity acconntj; for tho
flRginal formation of the story which we find in Plutarch and for tho
tjurrency obtained by it, attributing tho former to certain nntiqaarian
dreftmera contemporary with Agis III- (d.c. 250), and tho latter
^he enthusiastic partisans of that monarch, who perished in an
ipt to carry into effect at Sparta a communistic scheme almost
ttical with that ascribed by Plntarcli to Lycurgns.
!he whole notion then of Lycurgus having interfered with pro-
ty requires to bo sot aside.*' Wbatorer the principle on which
Dorian conquerors had originally partitioned among themselves
the lauds of the Acha^ans — which may or may not have been that
of equality, and whatever tho changes which time had wrought in
K original distribution — Lycurgus made no now arrangement.
are not entitled to assign to him the credit or discredit — as wo
regard it — of inventing communism. He did not seek to de-
prive the rich of their wealth, wliich has never yet been attempted
^Hfthout its leading to tt bloody struggle. Ho left property as ho
HRnd it, contenting himself with imposing, alike on rich and poor,
tho same strict system of training and discipline — tho same stem
round of perpetual toil and privation — the same simple dress, plaia
fare, hard couch, unceasing drill, life-long restraint, llo prevented
any very rapid accumulation of wealth by forbidding his citizens to
, engage either in commerce or in tho pursuit of agriculture; and, by
attaching citizenship to tho duo payment of the prescribed quota to
tho public mcas-tablo (or perhaps by an express law),^ he made
• Plntarcli makes Lycurgns divide
the laud aboat Bparta into 9000 tn[ua\
lots frT tbb Spiutone, and tho rest of
lAOouia iutu 30,000 einular luts for tbs
PtBrioDoi. Tha modem writora ^vbo
profew to follow him, ahuunt all udiuii
that the latter statemcut cftimot be
tme, aA tbe Feriocci caunot possibly
bflve been tbeu so utuueroua (aco
Uuiler'f Dorians, vol. ii. p. 20, and
p, tf-HJ; Thirlwall, vol. i. p. 30-1).
• The forco of tho arf^ument against
the common view cftimot better bo
flbown thiia by a simple exhibition of
the aothoritiea on which it rests opoa
ih/t one himd, mad of those whuBO
ignorance of it diiprovea it upon the
other, lis supporters oro—
PolyblM
ILC. 1?0 to B-C
Itt
Trvgitf rompeliu
SOU> At)
. U
I'totarcU
A.P. :o
120
>",U«n „
— -aatf —
aio
Its iguorors—
Herodotus
B.0.4«OtOB.C435
TtmcyJiilc
us
5'Jt
Ji'nunliun
— ^A'JO
a»
ruio
410
347
IsvcralM
41i
33*
KpbDnui
.^^370 ——
SlO
ArlBtotte
300
33a
HrrwlWt's Pool.
340
320
^ See Arifit. PoliL ii. 6, p. 66, HorooL
Pont. Ecp. Lac. § 7.
346 EESULTS OF THE LTCUEQEAN LEGISLATIOX. App.BooiT.
it disgraceful to alienate the land from ^hich that quota coold
alone be drawn ; but, having thns furnished some checks i^iiost
the extremes of riches and pennry, he left the citizens free witfam
those limits to indulge their natural tastes, not aiming at an impru-
ticable equality, but satisfied if wealth conld be deprived of iti
power to enervate.
18. The immediate effect of the Lycurgean legislation w«s to
enable the Spartans to rise with a sudden bound ^ from compantire
insignificance to great power and prosperity. In the centniy fot
lowing Lycurgus a most rapid advance may be traced. Teleclu
(who succeeded Archelaiis, the contemporary of LycurgoB) besieged
and took Amyclro,^ which had so long resisted the Spartan aims;
received the submission of Pbaris and Geronthrse, whose Acluean
inbabit-anta quitted the Peloponnese ; ^ and thus opened a my for
farther conquests on the lower Eurotas and the sea-coast Aka-
menes, his son, reduced Helos, defeated the Argives, and began thft
first war with Messenia.^ "Wo do not know by whom, or exact!/ at
what time, the other towns upon the Laconian Crnlf — GythiMi,
Teuthrone, Acriae, AsSpus, &c. — were brought nnder, nor when the
country to the east of Parnon, and that immediately to the west of
Taygetus, became Spartan territory; but probably the conquest of
these tracts followed closely upon the full possession of the Eun>bs
valley, which was completed by the capture of Heloa. Thus it
would seem that Sparta, within the space of a century after Lrcnr
gus, more than quadrupled her territory, and acquired nearly those
limits which constituted Laconia Proper through the whole period
of Grecian independence.
It is the opinion of Mr. Grote that "the formation of the order of
Pcrictci '* was subsequent to the introduction of the Lycnrgean
system at Sparta, and arose entirely out of tho career of conquest
sketched in the preceding paragraph. Ho conceives that in the
time of Lycurgus there were in Lacedsemon two classes only—
Doriau warriors and their Helot subjects — and. that it M'as not uutil
after tho successes of Teleclus that Perioecic townships were formed,
and a new class introduced between tho full citizen and the Helot.
But in this view ho runs counter alike to tradition and to proba-
bility, wliich unite in throwing back tho order of Periojci to the
■ JTenxl. i. 66. h>d rt tZpa/ior ai/TiKa | • Paugan. IIT. ii. § 6, ' Dai
fal fvfhiviid7](ray, 2 TanBau. m. ii. ad fln.
INCREASE OF THE PERICECt
347
lime of tbe original conqueafc. Taocrales' and Kphorus/ differing in
xnany particulars, agree in this ; while tho circnmstanceg of the
case are such as abnoat to noccssitat* the early establishment of tho
class in qncstion. Whatever view wo tako of the Peri*joci, whether
wo TCgard them, with tho great bulk of modem authorities, oa sub-
mitted Achn:-ans, or, with Mr. Grote, conceive of them as consisting
in the main of Dorian Bubjeets of Sparta occupying tho towns and
viDagea throughout her territory, they will equally date from the
time of tho first settlors. Tho original Spartan tcn'itory must not
bo confined to the tract in the immediate neighbourhood of tho city:
it included undoubtedly the valley down which tho invuders came,
and probably extended up the courses of all those streams which
onite above Sparta with the Eurotas. Thus Celomna, Pellana,
Igya, CBnos, Sellasia, Sciros, Carya*, Ac., would be within the
partou dominion from tlio first; and tho free dwellers in thoso
would hold the rank aud condition of Perioeci during the
nturies which intervened between tho invasion and the legislation
Lycnrgus. Nor is there any reason why we should set aside tho
concurrent testimony of Tsocrates and Ephorus, that these primitive
Periocci wcTo in the main submitted Achroans. Mr. Grote has
clearly shown — and no one will now attempt to dcn}^ — that a Doric
clement was intermixed with an Achtt?an in certain Perieecic town-
ships; but it it) too much to urguo from the few known cases of this
kind ' that a similar element existed in a greater or less proportion
in all of them, Sparta, where the Dorian race was always inclined
to dwindle,* can searcely have fumished colonists for tho hundi-ed
dependent townships '" which were scattered through her territory,
or even for that portion of them which belonged to Laconia Proper ;
and the probability is that tho Doric element in tho Poricecic class
really very Email, aud but sUghtly affected the general char-
ts of tbo body,*
Although, however, the order of Periceci must date from the time
the lii'&t settlement made in Sparta by tho Dorians, it is of course
ana
• PwaUien. p. 270, 271.
♦ FrD^m. 18.
* The only koown cases aro those of
jLmjcUD (Paasan. ill. ii. g 6), Pbaria
'" (id.), and G«ronthno (ib. xiii, § &)•
• Vide inffa, pp. 359, 3tK).
' 8tnbo IB thectiicf aatbority for this
iber (viii. p. &2ti). He is peibapa
only copied by Stephen. Mr. CUatoa
has ouUocted tbe nomca oC 63 (F. U.
vol. u. pp. 491.436).
* 8«e Kopatadt'a Dissertation " Do
Bernm La!ooiucarum Conalituttouis
Lycargem Origono et Induic,'* pp. 31,
32.
348
RtrPTUIlE Wim MESSEMA.
App. Booi V.
quite true that its ^reat development belongs to the century imme-
diately followiap: LTcurgus. By the conquests of Teledns and
Alcamenes tlio Spartan territory was, as has been observed, quad-
rupled; and tbe Pericecic must Have increased proportionately;
while the subjugation of Messenia, which belongs to the eacceeding
reigns, n^ain nearly donblcd the habitable territory, and caused a
further extension of the Periccci clement, though not in the eamo
proportion. The inhabitants of Hessenia were for the most part
Hclotized, their principal cities being destroyed; but some seem to
have been more favourably treat^^d, since places in MesaoniA ore
occasionally reckoned among the Pericecic townships.*
10. The history of the Messenian wara has only come down to us
in anything like a detailed or complete form in the work of Pau-
saniaa. The authorities which this writer followed wore (as he
tells us*) Myron of Priene, who had written a prose hi-tory of the
earlier war, and Rhiunus of B0n6 in Crete, who had made the later
one the subject of aa epic. Neither of these two writers can bo
regarded as an authority of much weight, the poet being absolved
by the nature of his work from any obligation to respect historical
truth, and the prose "writer being expressly declared untrastworthy
by Pausanias himself.^ How little dependence can bo placed on
accounts derived from these sources appears from the circumstance
that the two writers were not agreed as to which war it was wherein
Aristoinenes took paii, each claiming him as the leader in that
portion of the struggle which ho had undertaken to commemorate.
Fz-om this circumstance, and from the fact that the details assigsed
to the two wars have so great an amount of resemblance, it mighb
natui-ally have been euspcctcd that there was but a single contest,
and that the process of duplication, whereto the early fabulists hail
recourse so often ^ to complete the meagre outline of history, which
was all that tradition furnished, had formed two wars out of one-
Tho Fragments, however, of the contempomry poet Tyrt^ens dis*
prove this conclusion, and make it absolutely certAin that there
were two distinct struggles — divided by an interval, which aeflsna
to have been of about forty years,
20. The causes assigned for the rupture between Sparta and
Messenia are of a trivial nature — especially those inmiediately pre*
• ABCardnmrle,Cypari8ia,MetUone,
Tbnlnmffi, Thnrim ami others.
> Pausan. iv. vj. § I.
- Ibid, § a.
* CompftroXicbnhr'fl Roman
vol ii. pp. 452, -453.
I
I
1
|EatL
nnST MESSENUN WAR.
349
ceding it. A dispute "bcfcwocn two hcTdsmeii -npon the frontier,
; followed up by a murder on the one part, and tlicu by rcpriHals on
the other, is made by Paufianius the actual provocative of hostilities.^
Vie know, however, that bordcr-quarrcla do not involve nations in
war nnlesft they are ,otherwiBo disposed to it ; and we may bo Bnro
that neither tho violence of Polycharcs, nor even the filanghtcr of
kingTeleclua at the temple of Diana Limnatia^ (which act had evi-
dently been condoned by Sparta)," would have produced an out-
Isreak, had not Sparta been disposed, as a matter of policy, to attack
lier neighbour. Tho Messcnian version of tho matter— which was,
that those private wrongu were mero pretexts, and that Sparta
only brought them forward to cloke her covotouflness ^ — may be tho
whole truth; or possibly, the lust of conquest may have been
sharpened by political animosity, the policy of conciliation pursued
by the Dorian conquerors of Messenia^ standing in mai'kcd contrast
with the eiclusiveness of Sparta, and tending to rouse a spirit of
discontent among tho subject population of the latter country,
21. Sparta is accused of having opened the war by an act of
treachery, Bimilax* to that by which the Boeotians commenced the
^reat Peloponncsian struggle,^ or to that by which Louis XIV. in
1681 began his attack upon Germany.^ Amjyhcla, a Messeniou
town upon their borders, was seized in time of peace, a Spartan
army liaving entered ^by night through tho open gates, and mas-
Bacred tho inhabitants in their beds.* Tho war was then carried on
from this basis. Sparta ravaged the open country and besieged tho
towns,^ bat met with tho ill-anccesB which always marked her
* Vmnsaa. iv. iv. § 4,
I » IViuI. III. ii. § 0, and IT. ir. § 2.
, ' Faaauzuaa places a feneration (30
^■^^dMween the murder of Tuk>cluB
^^mSf oommencemeut of huHtilitiea
^^™?Tr. 5 8).
' Panshn. it. t. § 1. Awn^aifioviovt
U oil 3i^ raura ra\tft7i<rtd ipaaiy {ol
* CrcflpboDtes ia c^aid to havo been
the Ticiim of an arislocrntic conspiracy
brouicrht ahoat by his faroarin^ tho
popnlar party, t, e, tho conqaerod
Acbseanj (TaimaD. iv. iii. § 4. Comp.
Eph. ap. Strnb. vLii. pp. 629, 530).
^pytm^ hvA sou, and Glauoue, hia
giiiudaoD, appear to bare poraaed a
Bimilar policy (Fanson. tt. iii. §§ 5, 6>
Cf. Thirlwall's Hist, of Greece, vol. i.
p. 3 13). Unless wo sujipoao a grt}imd
of |x>litical aaitooflity, it is difficult to
account for the hitter epirit which
nai mated tho Spartans from the rery
commencement. Note particularly tho
rath which thoy are said tu hare taken,
'* Never to cease from tl:e war till
Messcnia was their own " (Faoaon. IV.
T. § 3 ; £phor. ap. 8trab. ri. p. 403),
1 Tho attack on Flatiua (Thneyd. ii.
2. Comp. iii. 56, where the Flatteoiis
chaiacturizo tho act).
' Tho capture of Straaborg (liuMeU'a
Modem Europe, vol. iv. p. ill).
' Pausau. IV. y. § 3.
* Ibid. IV. vii. § 1.
3SO
FIBST MESSENIAN T.'AE,
App. Book T»
ttttcmpta upon vrolled places.* Meanwliilo the Mcsseniana, v,h
were Euptrior at sea, plundered the Laccila?moniaii coasts. lu tba
fourth year of the war the Messenian monarch ventured to take tbo
field for the protection of his territory; and the Spartans, unwilling
to assault the position where he had entrenched himself, wero forced
to retire without their usual booty. Reproached on their retura
home for this failure, they made in the next year a great eEfortr
both kings took the field, and a desperate biUtle was fought, bat
without any decided result, neither party even claiming the victory.*
However, aljout this time the strength and resources of the Mrsse*
nians are said to have Ik'Ou so exhausted, that they wero forced to
adopt the plan of abandoning most of their cities and occupying tho
high mountain of Ith6me, where they forti&cd themselves.^ At th»
same time they sent to Delphi to ask advice, and wore bidden to
offer to the infernal gods a ^^rgin of the royal race of .JilpytuB, In
obedience to this oracle, Aristodemus, an ^pytld, sacrificed his
daughter;^ and the Spartans, alarmed at such bloody rites, made no
farther attack upon tho Mcsscnians for the space of eix yeara.* At
last, in tho twelfth year of the war, they took hearty and marcbed
against Ith6me. A second battle was now fought, whidi was aa
little decisive as the former, though tho Messenian king (Enphaes)
was slain in it. Another pause followed. Duiiug tho first four
years of Aristodemus, tho successor of Euphaes, no operations of
iraportanco wero attempted on cither side ;* his fifth year, howcTcr,
was signalised by a third engagement, in which tho Spart&ns were
assisted by the Corinthians, while Arcadia, Argos, and Sicyou gaw
their aid to tho ^fessonians; and after a stoutly contested fight the
S{iartans were completely defeated, and forced to retreat in confu-
sion to their own country.^ Sparta now in her turn sent for advice
to Delphi, and was recommended to have recourse to craft — a
counsel which she was not slow to follow. No particular sncc^sf
attended her odorts ;^ but at last, in the twentieth year of tho war,
the Messenians being hard pressed for provisions, and alarmed by
portents and oixicles, gave up all hopes of resistance, and, deaorting
Ith6m^, scattered themselves to their homes, or took rufnge in
I
I
■ Seo note on Cook ii. ch. 70.
• Pauttaa. iv. ch. Wii.
' Pauaon. iv. ch. ix. § 1. Thirlwall
(Tlifit. of Greece, vol. i. p. 3 1-S) reganla
Itbotne fi« oocnpietl for the parpo«o of
" covoriug the region whiob lay beyond
it/' I. e. tho rich vnlo of the PamtflBS
But I^usanioa boii no puch uoUun,
* Ibid. ch. ix. § S. • Ibid. ch. x. $ L
» Ibid. ch. xi. § 1,
' Ibid. ch. xi § a.
' Ibid. ch. xii. §§ 1, 2.
.tL
DATE OF FIRST JIESSENIAX WAIL
351
^ states.* The SiMirtans razed ItliAm6 to the gronnd, and
pidly overran the whole country ; the inhabitants were treated
itfa extreme fieveritv ; the entire population was reduced to the
dition of Helots, becoming serfs upon the land, which was re-
as forfeited, imd paying to their masters as rent a fuU half
o produce.*
The first Mcssenian war, which lasted (as Tyrt^Bua declared*)
ctly twenty years, began certainly, and probably ended, within
the single reign of TheopompusJ Acconling to Panaanias, it com*
mecced in the second year of the ninth Olympiad,^ or B.C. 743, and
cxmscqncntly terminated in B.C. 72i. These dates cannot be con-
sidered to havo any high hiatorical vnlno^ bnt they harmonise sof-
fficiently with all that is known on the snbject. There can be little
i doubt that the war fell into the httcr half of the eighth century
fc,C., following within a century the legislation of Lycnrgus.
23. It is conjectured, with a good deal of probability,* that im-
'portant internal changes grew out of this war and conquest, which
590 greatly altered the external position of Sparta. Political acts of
no small consequence are assigned to both the kings engaged in it ;^
l^mnd it seems certain that the unusual circumstance of the founding
llj Sparta of a real colony out of her own citizens belongs to tue
■ Arcadia and Argos received the
bulk of the rcfa^es (raosan. iv. xir.
(1). Some of the pricfitly families
u« said to hare takcu up their abode
a££Leasiii (iUrl.).
• See tho weli-tnown fragment (Fr.
6) in which Tyrticua describes thulr
eottdition: —
'!!#**#•' 9tl»t v*#av naftwot &po*pn ^^b.
Ttiifl casnot be oonaidered a very op-
~re burthen. In oar awa ronntry
rent ifi commonly reckoned at one-
of tho pTvxhioe. In Rnssia the
g^rcs half hia time to his lord, and
additioo pajs an annual tax of eigrht
XublcA for fofii nude in tua family
(DeHell.p. ICJ).
• Tyrtojps, Fr. 4.—
.*'■'■-
K«A»tf Ifi <5 u* ;^t* id;a EiOt.a ■ft-itt ViTorm
^ Sea FkoMo. U. ir. 5 3, and § 6,
An Mr. Grote obflerves^ Pansenioa'a
aothurity, Tyrtaens, decs not positively
affirm that Theapompus hrongbt the
war to a close (Hist, of Greece, vol. ti.
p. 570, note^. Hia words, howoveri
ccrtniuly convey that impreasioa : —
'(FV.3.)
* Patuan. it. r. | •!
• Thirlwall's Hist, of Greece, vol. u
pp. 352-357.
' Tteopompns ia said by writcTB of
great authority to have inatituted the
Ephore (sopra, voL i. p. 190, note').
Pitlj dorui, the king of the other honse,
was reputed by Rome to Imre added
3000 lota— and'tboref ore 3ttK> citiVna
—at the close of the war (Flat. Vit,
Lycnrg. c, 6). The two king« con-
jointly were eaid to have procured from
Delphi the onliuaoco linntiug the
powera of the asecrobly to tho ample
rpjection or acceptance of prcu^ttioca
(ibid- c. 6).
352
IKTEUXAL CnAXQES,
A?p. Book Y.
period immofllatcly following tlio close of the atmggle.' Perhups
there are scarcely sufficient data on which to rcconstrnct the tme
history of the period ; but the view taken by Bishop Thirlwall of
the changes nmde, and the circumstances which led to them, is at
onco 80 ingenious and so consistent with probability, that it well
deserves at least the attention of the student*
Pishop Thirlwall supposes that to supply the losses which
Sparta sustained in the course of the war, a number of new citizens
were admitted at its close from the Pcricecic and Helot classes ;
but that between these new citizens and the old ones a distinction fl
%vaa mfido, the now forming a lower grade and being therefore "
designated " Inferiors ** ('Two/ielowf),^ while the old citLzcms, who
had certain exolusivo privileges, were termed 'o^to( — ** Pecns " op
"Equals." The assembly of the wjiole body of citizens ho con-
siders to have constituted the ordinary "Assembly" (^^locA^/tt— ol
SKK\iiroi)t while that of the Peers only was the "Little Assembly"
(jhnutpii iKKM]eta) . This last-uamed body elected the Senators {y^
pwrts ; but the possessors of the lower franchifle had a vote in the
general assembly which elected the Epbors. Hcnco the Ephora
had from the time of Thcopompns a now position — they became tho {
representatives, and the solo representatives, of the wlwlo people.
They were therefore able to assume a tone, and gradually to tako^
ft position, far above that which they had held under tho original
constitution of Lycurgus; and from this circumstanco arose tha
mistaken view which assigned tho original creation of tho Ephor-
alty to Thcopompus. Tho colonisation of Tarentum i^rew out of
tho admission of tho now citizens. A portion were discontented
with the inferior grade which they occupied, and — like tho Minyo
at an earlier period * — claimed more complete equality of privileges.
Their demands being resisted, Q'ty attempted a revolution ; and
the government was fain to disembarrass itself of them by adopting ^
"one of the usual means of getting rid of disaffected and turbolent |
citizens." As tho Minyra were led out to Thcra, so tho diacon-
■ See tbo Frft^mentaof Epboma and
Antioolms qtiot«d by Strabo (ri. pp.
•102, 403), and compare Arist. Pol. v. 6.
It may be doubted whether Cmtons,
Locrii and tbo other cities of Magna
Grtocia which %v«re eaid to have
received colnnicB from Sparta (pAtisan.
iiL iii. § I) ora nut moro properly
reirardod as settlements of tho exiled
Achacans (see Honnaim'a Fb&C AnL
§80).
* Compare the " Orates miii4>r<»/ ™^
Rome — fk later nddiiion to the cittt«tt^
body. Recording to both LEiy (i W)
and Cicero (De Repab. ii, 20J,
« Herod, iv. 146.
CsutI
COLONISATION OF TAEENTtJM.
353
tented " lofcriors " were induced to take up their abode at Taren-
tam. Henco the atoriea of Thcopompus and Aiitiochus — misrepre-
aentationa of tho real hifitory which are yet correct in the main
facts — the connection of the coloniaatioa with the Mossouian straggle,
and the discontent in which it originated.
Snch is the view saggested by Bishop ThirlwalL Mr. Grote,
without examining it formally, by implication rojocta it, since ho
regards the distinction between " Equals " and " Inferiors " as equi-
▼alent to that between the fully qualified citizens, who paid their
duo quotas to the syssitia, and tho disfranchised poor, whose means
were inaufficiont for that purpose ; * while his explanation of tho
two asaemblies is, thnt tho larger was that of tho "Equals" only,
while tho lessor (^ t^wpd) waa ihe sanifi with the Senate/^ With regard
to tlie colonisation of Tarentum, he allows that it took ploco at thia
time, aud that it was connected with serious disturbances at Sparta;^
but he contents himself with simply repeating the account given
by Antiochufl of tho matter, without any attempt to explain its dif-
ficiiltic*, or to hnrmoniao it with the statementa of other writers.
These statements are bo variouB and conflicting,^ while their autho-
rity is so nearly equal, that they seem to be fairly regarded as one
and all "distortions of a historical fact.*'* Bishop Thirlwall's
€x>njcctnral restoration of the fact ia on tho whole satisfactory, and
if not history, dcscrrea to bo regarded as tho best substitute for
history that is possiblOi considering tho scantiness and contradictory
character of the data.
' HistoTT of Greece, toI ii. p. 459.
• Ibid. p. ISI. Mr. Grate qautes the
amboritj of I^uchmann (Sj>ftrt. VcrfMs.
§ 12. p. 21GX and refern to Xeu. HeU
len. III. iii. § 8 fta dociHivc. But this
pasaago doos not really dotcnuinc any-
thing. I cannot think that in any
Crreek State tho name of /intAi)<rfa —
ordinarily understood to mean the
general as§ombl;f- of tho people — woold
bare been applied to a body consisting
of twenty-eight Jiierabers.
' Ibid, p, 674, note j and toL iii. pp.
fil2-C]5.
' AntiochnsandEphorna related thnt
Tarentom wtut colonised by tho Spar-
tans, callL>d fitrtheniiix, the progeny
borne during the absence of the men
in the IfoMoman war by tho wives
VOL. Ill,
and daagfatoTB of the Spartans en-
gaged in it. Duapiaed and deprived
of the rights of oititeas, they plotted
a revolt, wbivb was disoorored and
crashed, the detected oonapirator»t
being compelled to seek another
country (Strab L a. c). Diodorus,
on tho oontrnry, troeea tho foondation
to the EpeuTUictoB (£xoerpt. Vat lib.
Tii. 10, Ft. 12, Mail), who, according
to Theopompns (Fr. 190), were Helots
married to the lA'idows of those Spar*
tans who liad fallen in tho war. There
aro oonaiderablo differences between
t ho narratiTee of Antioohns and
Ephoms.
* See the article on Parthenia in
Smith's Diet of Antiqoitios, p. 671.
2A
354
SECOND MESSENIAN WAB,
Arr. Book'
I
2l!. The second Messcnian war broke cat, according to Pou-
sanias, thirty-nino years after the close o£ tbe first.^ It Las beea
ar^ed that tliis int<irval is too short to suit the expression of
Tyrtaeus — the only writer of authority on the subject — that tbe
second war was carried on by those whoa© " fathers* fathers
carried on tho first.^ Tho objection, however, is of no
weight;* and, on the whole, the numbers of Pansaniaa have a
better claim to be considered historical than any others which
have come down to ns.* We may therefore place the great revolt, M
and the commencement of the second war, in B.C. 6H0 ; regarding 1
this date, however, like those of the former war, as no more than
approximate.
25. The events of the second Messenian war, as recorded in Fan*
Banias, have a more poetic colonring than those of the first, as might
liave been expected, considering that they are probably drawn
entirely from the epic of Rhianns. They consist principally of the
wonderful exploits of Ariskomencs, who takes the place occupied
by Aristodemas in the first war, bat is a still more conspicuons
figure. His daring ventures and hair-breadth escapes, his bkilful
stratagems and reckless bravery, form the staple of the narrative ;
which has too little the air of an authentic account to deservo much
notice in this brief summary of Sparta's early histot-y. As in tho
first war, so in this, there were said to have been three battles ; the
first, in which the two foes contended singly, took place in tho first
year, at Dorte in Mossenia, and had no decisive result;'* the second,
in which the Measenians were assisted by the Argives, the Sicyo-
nians, the Arcadians and tho Pisatrc, while the Spartans had the
aid of tho Corinthians and the Leprcats, was fonght in the second
year on the plain of Stcnycleros, at a place cnllcd the '* Boar's
* Panaan. iv. xv. § 1.
* By K. O. Mijller (Dorians, vol. i.
ch. vii. § ll),anii Mr. Grote (Hiat. of
Greece, vol. ii. pp. 687, 588, note '),
■Mr. Grote Bays, "Speaking in tho
present year (tli'16), it woald not bo
held proper to say ' The fathera of oar
fhihers carried on tho war between
1793 and the peace of Atuions.' " But
this comparison ib not ju.st. From the
close of the second Alessenian war to
the comiuenooDienfc of the finit is an
interr&l — according to tho nombcrB of
Faiuaaiai— not vi 63 ^eart (u that
between 1793 and 18 Id), bsi of 75
yeare.
* Tho nnmber 39 ia mmeU The
nambors uf Justin (ii{. 6) and EnseVioi
(Chron. Can. ii. p. 3S1 and p. 327) aro
round noiubera. Ju^tia'a^O rears be*
twocn the two wars is proliably so.
estimate of ibo leugth of two geofira*
tionii ; Eitseblut'fi 90 yeare an estimate
of three generations. Tyrtwns if tba
fouudatiun for both, bat bo has been
misnnderntDod. The three generatioaa
of which he spcfiks inclada both
^ I'aosaa. it. zr, § 2,
(
iiL
DURATION OF THE WAK.
355
lb," and was a very complete Messouian victory;** the third, in
Mesflcnia had (nominally) the help of tho Arcadians, while
stood alooe, fell in the third year, and was a still more com-
MesBenian defeat, throagh tho treachery of the Arcadians,
drew off their troops in the middle of the battled This last
took place at the apot called "tho Great Trench," which aeemB
liave been in the plain between Stenycleru8 and Andania — the
birthplace of Aristomenes. This general after his defeat betook
bimfielf, with the shattered remains of hia army, to the moantoin
called Eira ; which was occupied and fortiBed in tho same way that
^m6 had been in the first war,^ and became thenceforth the head-
ers of the resistance. The Messenians maintained this position
at least eleven years,* sometimes under their enterprising loader
ing forays deep into the heart of Laconia,^ and bringing an
)le spoil to their stronghold. Finally, however, Aristomenes
ig disabled by a wonnd, and discipline becoming relaxed, Eira
taken by surprise during a stormy night, and the war came to
end by its capture.^ Aristomenes, with a considerable number
'liis countrymen, escaped into Arcadia, whence he emigrated to
}des, whore ho passed the remainder of his days with Danmgdtos,
8on-in-law.^ Such of tho inhabitants as did not fly their country
reduced once more to the condition of Ilelots-,'* and Messenia
le an integral portion of the Spartan territory, from which it
not severed until the time of Epaminondas.
The do ration of the second Messenian war, according to the
contained in Pansaniaa, was seventeen years ; his details,
•ever, only allow for fourteen years. Other writers^ fnrniah an
iTanBan. it. § i, and xri. § 3. Jt
inidtvhaTobeeD in connection with
^ii b&ttle that tho cimplot was made
which continued to bo boq? to tho
tiiD« of I'ausauiaa (ibid. § 4) —
i|| fBr T« (k^wv wtiivv iT€V»rA\lfp*0», tf »' Spat
1^* Ibid. IT. iTii. § 2. TjTtanis. who
aided tbo Spartans throughout thu
■»ooad wnr, celelirated this battle
i (Buatret.ad Arist. Eth, "Sic. iii. 8, § 5,
p. 102, ed. Zell).
• Ibid. § 6. und it. xriii. § 1. Eira
wa« a mountain in the Dorthweeteru
part of Uefttteoiift, whero it bordered
upon Arcadia, and wa» probably obcMen
to facilitate the arrival of Arcadian
eaccoors, ae well aa to render a retire,
roent iuto tliat re^un, in cuae of de-
feat, oomparativctj eauy.
* Fansan. it. xx. § 1. Pannniaa
roakea the war lait aerenteen jear«,
but only accounts in hia details for
foartcen of them— viE. throe yearn,
while tho HcfiHcniana kept the field,
and eleven aftvr ihoy i»hac tfacuielTea
np in Eira,
^ Ibid. IV. xTtii. and xix.
' Ibid. IV. IX. and xxi.
■ Ibid. IV. xxiv. § 1.
* Ibid. § 3.
* As Plntarcbj who makes tbo ectnal
35<5
WAR WITH ARCADIA.
App. Book
estimato beyond tbo higher of these two mimVrB. On the whole
wo may safely couclade that tho contest terminated before the
middle of the seventh century B.C.} and probably lasted from about
B.C. G85 to B.C. eOS,
27. The conclasion of the Messenian straggle was closely fol-
lowed by an invasion of Triphylia and Pisatis,^ the inluibitAnts of
which had assisted the Mossenians in the war. These coontries,
which intervened between Mesaeuia and the " hollow Elis " — con*
Bisting of the valleys of the Alphens and some m.inor streams — ^wero
conquered and made sabjoct to the Bleana, who had rendered ser*
vices to the Spartans daring the contest.
28. The second Mcsseuian war had been condacted by the two
kings, Anaxander, the grandson of Polydoms, and Anaxidamns,
the great-grandson of Tbeopompus. Daring tho reign of their snc-
cessors Eurycratcs II. and Archidamus, tho war with Arcadia,
which Herodotus mentions/ appears to have broken out. The attack
had been provoked by the assistance lent to Messenia in both her
struggles, and seetos to have been commenced with extensive views
of general conquest.^ It soon however settled into a struggle with
the single town of Tegea, which resisted all attempts against its
independence for two generations, bat in tlie third, having lost its
palludiam,^ suffered several defeats, and sank into the condition of
a dependent ally of Sparta, entitled however to peculiar honoors.^
About the same time or a little earlier, Sparta conqaered the Thy-
reatis from Argos,^ and thns extended her dominion over the eotire
southern half of tho Poloponneso. The external history of Sparta
from this point is traced with sufficient distinctness by Herodotus,
and will not therefore bo further pursued in this place. It only
remains to notice certain internal changes of importance, which
intervened between the time of Theopompos and the reigns of
Clcouienes aud Demaratas.
I
Biepfo of Eira last " above 20 yeani,**
and who would tburafuro certainly
Oflsign to the war a dnration of H-i or
25 years {s«e his treatise '* Da Sera
Naminif) Vindicta," p. 548, F.), and
Buidas ad toc. Tupraibr, wbo speaks of
tho war in which this poet took part
haring^ lasted 20 ynara.
> Pnuiiaa. vi. xxii. § 2 ; StrabOi viU.
p. 515.
' HflEod. i. 66. Compare FauBao.
m. iii. § S.
^ Th«* SpartanBConmlted the Bel
Oracle " in respect of all Arcadia '* (hi
vdffv Tp *ApKii<t/yxt^p}t, Herod. L a.a).
0 Horod. i. 67. 6S ; Fauna, m. Ui.
§6.
> Ibtd. ix. S6-28. The Tc«Mrf»
had the priTilege of oooapjing od* of
the wings in tbo arxntea of Spartk
> Ibid. i. S2 ; Strab. riii. p. 546.
UTi.
DECLINE OP THE KINQLT POWEB.
357
29. It was the boast of Sparta that her form of government nndci*-
int no material alteration from its original foundation by Lycnr^^ua
till after the close of the Peloponnesian struggle.* And this boast
waa 80 far jast, that she certainly continued daring the period indi-
cated remarkably free from those sudden and complete revolutiona
which afflicted almost every other Greek state. It was not poflsible,
however, that she should escape altogether the silent and gradual
alterations which the hand of time imperceptibly works; and ac-
cordingly we observe in her history that little by little the original
constitution was modified, and that Hnally a state of things waa
introduced almost as different from that which Lycurgna designed,
as if the government had at Rome time or other been changed by
▼iolence. Lycnrgus preserved not only the forms but the essential
spirit of the ancient monarchy. His Sparta waa to bo governed by
her kings.* Before tho commencement of the Persian war, the
kings had sunk into mere cyphers — they "reigned but did not
govern." Honour and dignity were theirs; bat power was lodged
in a different quarter- The principal kingly functions are found to
have been transferred to the Ephors, who were the true rulers of
the Spartan state during the time of which Herodotus and Thucy-
dides treat. The Ephors in Herodotus receive embassies,^ direct
the march and give tho command of armies,*^ issue their orders to
the kings," act as their judges and condemn or absolve them,^ ac-
company thorn abroad as a check,^ interfere in their domestic con-
cerns, ^"^ — in all rcspecta have the real management of affairs ; while
the king ia a nonentity, possessing little more political power than
a senator," and obliged to have recourse to the Ephors before he
can force a foreigner to quit tho town.'^ In Thucydides the Ephors
recall the kings from abroad ^^ — imprison them, and even put them
to death ^* — act as presidents of tho assembly, though the king is
present^* — conduct the foreign affairs of the country ^^ — and control
• Tltacyd. i. 18.
* TyrtatJttB, Fr. 2, IL 5. 6.
» Herod, ii. 7, * Ibid. ch. la
' Ibid. V. as, 40, • Ibid. vi. 8:1.
» Ibid, ix. 7ti, » Ibid. t. 39.41.
" Tbo only real miperiurity which
tbo king pDUeued over ft Senator in
Sparta, moemn to bave been the dooble
vote (Herod, ri. 67, od fiu.), which
itoelf waa probibly Dothicg more than
ft casting vote (toe note ad loo.).
w Herod. lii. 148- Compare, how.
eTer, the caae of Ariatagoru (r. GO),
whom the uame king ftondsawajr with-
out oonmltini; thti £phon.
"Tbacyd. i. 13L
" Ibid, aud i. 134.
'» Ibid. i. 87. ivwlfr^^p,C€P «(r^ff (A
20fvcW8af), If4 opoT Jilt,
'♦ Ibid. V. 36, vi. 8S, viii. 6 and 12,
Bem&rk &lao that while the Ephors'
namei are eweutiAl to a treaty tbooe
Hit
358
CONTIXCED BISE OF THE EPHOBa Air. Book T.
the monarch on foreign expeditions by means of a body of cooncH-
lora.^ It is clear that by a slow and silent process of continul
usurpation the Ephors had, by the time of Thacydldes, completely
superseded the kings as the directors of affairs at Sparta; while tbe
kings' military pre-eminence — which was the last of their prQT]g»'
tivcs that remained to them — had begun to be viewed with jealous
eyes, and was already in danger of passing &om them.'
If it be asked how this gradual change was brought about— what
inherent strength there was in the Ephoralty enabling it to make
and maintain those usurpations — ^the answer is to be found, fiist of
all in the fact that the Ephors were annually elected by the whole
mass of Spartan citizens, and thus felt themselves the representa-
tives of the nation ; and, secondly, in the misconduct of the kings
on various occasions,^ which caused th^m to be r^arded with con-
tinually increasing distrust. The Ephors, it is probable, first as*
sumed royal functions during the Messenian wars, when in the
absence of both kings from the city it would naturally taJl to them
to convoke the assembly and the senate, to receive embassies and
ri'ply to them, to send out troops, and in fact to take the chief con-
duct of public affairs. They were able to establish themselves
ubovo the kings by means of their general right of supervision and
correction of offenders, which entitled them to summon the lungs
of the kinfrann* not (v. 19 nnd 21).
The k;ne:(J, hinvcvor. Btill liave a anpe.
rior di'jnitu, and when they sign, uign
before the Ei>liui-s.
1 Thucyd. v. <;3.
•It opppars that, fts onrly ns n.c.
479, Ephoi-s ncconii>aniod the king (or
rathor iho roj^eiit) on a military t/xpe-
dition (Herod, ix. 7G). Tlioy do not,
liowever, api>cnr then to liavo oxer-
ciBod any actaal control. The next
instance Ja in n.c. 'l-l"*, 'when Clean-
dridas, the father of GylipiJii-^, accom-
panied l*liwtoanax, asconncillor, in his
invasion of Attica (Plut. Vit. IVricI.
c. 2*J). Tho fact that Pericles re;?arfled
him as tho special person to bribe,
would indicate that he possessed a
large share of the chief anthority. The
appointment of ten councillors to con-
trol AtfiB (B.C. 41b) is tho next stop.
Finally, before D.c. 403, it became tho
regular custom to send out two Ephorti
with tho kinpr when he pTW»eJed ca
foreign service (Xen. HclL ii. it. §
36).
■ The kinffB of both honsM mi»«m-
dncted themselves about the time of
the Persian and Felnponnesian *w-
Cloomenes was discovered to bavB
bribed tho oracle, and, having hWei
into dip(p*ace, plotted an An^&Q
rising (Ilorod. Ti.74). Pansanasina
willing to have beiraved Greece to
Persia (Thucyd. i. 128-131). T^*-io-
anax, his son, was tempted by s bhb?
to forego tho opportunity of coDqwrinC
Athens (Thucyd. i. 114, and v. 16}-
He also bribed tho oracle to obtain his
recall. Of the other hoa^e, Leotvrfi:-
das took a bribo from the Tbetsalim*
(Herod, ri. 72), and Apis wm ntwoFl'"
suspected of having had similsr dw*
ings with the Argives (Tlrncji »•
63).
1 1.
DOaXUTIOX OF CITIZENB.
59
lemselrcs before their tribunal,* to censnre and to fine tbcm; and
specially by tlieir power of iutermeddling with the king's domestio
>ncems,* nnder pretence of watching over tlie pnrity of the race of
[ercnlos, with which the existence of Sparta was snppoacd to bo
id up. The humiliating enbjection in which the kings were
tUB kept, led naturally to their entertaining from time to time
inablo projects ; and the discovery of these projects favoured
further advance of the Ephors, who in transferring to thezn-
jtlves the royal prerogatives seemed to be adding to the security of
te commonwealth.
30. Another gradual change in the Spartan state — and one which
Itimately destroyed the Lycnrgcan constitution — was effected by
te working of regulations which Lycurgus had himself instituted.
!he perpetual diminntion in the number of citizens, which is to bo
;ed throughout Spartan history,* arose in part from the infanti-
ide which he enjoined, in part perhaps from the restraints which
placed upon the free intercourse of young married persons, bat
lieBy from the disqualification under which he laid all those
means did not allow them to furnish from their estates the
isary quotas for the syssitia, which acted as a discouragement
marriage,' and gradually reduced, not only the number of tho
*Il was urged in later timca tbat
oonititotinDnl power of the EpborB
not abore tliat of tbokings bocaneo
latter were not bound to atieuil lo
e first or second iammons of the
rnier (Plat. Tit. Cleouicn. c. 10) ;
t tho fnct tbat they were bound to
y tho third summons ie tho really
portaut point. Their power of finincf
e kinff appears in niocyd. t. tS3, and
of conrcQ, iockided in ibe jEceooral
Ftatomeot ofXenophon — tKOMoln^y tlaw
(at t^poi) i^tifitoutr tif hv fiou\anfTai (Uop.
Lnc. viii. 4),
» ITerod. t. 39-41.
• Tho orieinal number of the full
an citi/'?ns was. ncoordiog to one
oont, UV'"0(Ar. I'ol. ii. 6). In the
Ttaion of tho territory, oacribed by
to LycurguH, by others to Foly-
(Plut . Vit. Ly carp:, c 8) , they are
ttznfttfld at 9000. Dcmaratua (i).c.
480), describinjf tbeir nnmbcrs to
Xerxes, and probablv exncirerDting a
tie. laid them at HOOO (Uerud. vii.
&). If the GOOOeent to Platsca were,
09 is generally soppoBod, rk Svo fi^pij
(couip. Tlmcyd, ii. 10), they would
have amounted really at that time to
7500. After this they rapidly dimin.
iflhod. Kot more than 700 Spartans
wore en^'Of^d at Lcactra (Xen. Qetl.
vt.iv. § 15). Isooratesprobubly ^rea
tho number in his own time, when
(Panntb. p. 286, C.) be estimates tho
original conquerors at 2000 (lee Cb'n-
ton, F. H. i. p. 498, noteP). This
would be aboQt B.c. S50. Aribtotlo
(about B.C. 330) declares that theydid
not amount to 1000 (o^Bi x^^m" *>*&
wA^flof ^ffcw, Pol. ii. 6), Eighty years
Inter, in D.C, 244, the whole number
vrna 7tK) (Pint. Vit. Agid. c. 5).
* Polybiusnotesthaiinhifi timo threo
or four Spartan brothers hod often the
same wife (Collect. Vet. Script, vol. ii.
p. 8841, tho irnih being, probahly, that
only the eJdest brother could afford to
marry (»ee Mullets Pnrians, vol. ii.
p. 205, E. T.. and Givtu's Grtece,
vol. ii. p. tJ3G, nolo *).
36o
DIUINUTION OF CITIZENa
App. Book T.
full citizens, but tliat of the whole Doriaa body, to a mere handful
in the population of the city.^ An exclusiTe possession of political
rights, which (according to Greek ideas) was fairly enongli enjoyed
by a DemuB of some 10,000 men controlling an adult male popula-
tion of 50,000 or 60,000,* became intolerable, when its holders
had dwindled to a few hundredsy and were scarcely a visible element
among the inhabitants,^ or an appreciable item in the strength of
the country.^ The general disaffection which arose from this dis-
proportion, first showed itself at the time of the conspiracy of
Cinadon, B.o. 397, which was with di£&culty suppressed.' It after-
wards caused Perioeci as well as Helots to join with the Thebans in
their invasion of Sparta.^ Finally it robbed the commnnity of all
real national spirit, producing a state of internal struggle and dis-
xmion which took away from Sparta all her influence in Greece,^ and
tempted the young and enthusiastic Agis to his great experiment —
fatal at once to himself and to what remained of the Lycurgean
system.
' It is the whole Spartiate body
which is in the reign of Agia 700. Of
these not more than 100 were fnll
citizens (Pint. Yit. Agid. 1. s. c).
* See Clinton on the Population of
Ancient Greece, F. H. vol. ii. Appen-
dix, oh. 22, pp. 491-605.
1 Xen. Hellen. in. iii, § 6.
' Thirty Spartans only accompanied
Agesilaos into Asia (Xen. Hellen. ni.
iV' §§ % 8)> The same number went
with Agesipolis to the Olynthiao war
(ibid. V. iii. § 8). The 700wbofoaght
at Leaotra are an unosually large con.
tingent for the time.
* Xen. Hellen. in. iii. §§ 8-11.
< Ibid. Ti. V. I 25 i Ages, ii 24.
* Pint. Tit Agid. o. 5, et seqq.
EARLY HISTOEr OF ATHENa
361
ESSAY n.
as THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE ATHENIANS.
tj of early Albeoiftn history. 2. PrimitiTe mhabitanU of Attic*
imwfirlikp. 8. CBuaea of her weaknftsa — no cetilral aathoritj — Pcltugio
blood. 4. Firet appearance of the Athenians in hisi</ry — itoriea of Melao.
thiu and Codnuu 6. Blank io the external hietorj. G. Ionian mifsration
dnetad by Bona of Codm. 7. Intomal history. 8. Early triboa —
atcf, Hopletet, MgiefrrtiSt and ArgadHs. 9. Clans and phratrics — im-
rtanee of this diviston. 10. Trittyea and Naocmries. 11. Political
tribation of the people — Eupairidfe, Oeomori, and I>em%ur<;i, 12. First
riod of the aristocracy — from Codros to Alcmicon, E.c. 1050.752. IS.
oond pcrirrf] — from AlcmoDon to Kryxia«, B.C. 752-684 — rapid advance.
Mode in which the nfinr{)ation8 wore made — eabstitation of the Eupa-
UHembly for the old Agora. 15. I'owor of the old Senato. 16. Full
ibliahmont of oliErnrchy, B.C. 684^ 17. First appeamnce of the domo.
oratical spirit — IcRialation of Draco. 19. Revolt of Cyloo, crashed. 19,
Sacrilef^o committed — widespread diBcontent. 20. Solon chosen as modi.
Ator — his procoedisgfl. 21. Date of hia arohonBhip. 22. His recorery of
Salamis. 23. His connection with the Soci'ed War. S-k His lofpitilation —
the 8*isachiheia and debasement of the cnrrenoy. 25. rroapectivo
neasores. 26. Constitntional cbao^s — introdaction of the foar claBsea,
Pentacosicmedimni, Hippcis, Zmigihr, and Thetes, 27. Arrangement of bur-
tbens — inoomo tax — military sorvice. 28. Pro^BoDloatio oounL>il. 29. Im.
portance of these changes — Dicasterics. SO. Solon the trae foonder of the
democracy. 81. Solon confined oitir-ennhip to the tribes. 32. Laws of
Goloo— (i.) Penalties for crimes — (ii.) Stimtilos to popnlntion— (iii.) Law
against political neutrality. 33. Results of his legislation — time of repose
— revival of discontent — Solon leaves Atbenii. 34. Re-appi-arance nf the
old parties— Pediois, Ac— return of Solon— his courage. 35. Tyranny of
Piiustratus.
. Ths early history of Athens is involved in even greater obscu-
itj tban that of Sparta, owing to tlie coinparatire isolation and
eclu.sion, wLicli were the consequence of its geographical poaition,
iid of the character of its soil.^ hjing^ aa Attica did, completely
at of the path of the anniea 'which proceeded from Nortbom
freece to the Peloponncse by way of the Isthmxis or the Straita of
thiuna, and possessing little to tempt the cupidity of conquerors* it
;ely came into contact with the other nations of Greece tiU just
^ce
}ropare Thucyd. i. 2. r^v yolv
\fwr iy tmv k(rraffta<rrQ¥ oSffOv tit-
QpwwQk tfKov* qI ainol it(.
3^3
CAUSES OF ATTIC WEAKNESS.
App-. BookT.
before tlio Forsiaa war, and is consequently almost nnbeard of
througH the opening scenes of tlio Hellenic drama. No douLt Ibia
Becnrity mip^lit Lave Icndctl with sorao races to foster a great power,
which would have forced itself into notice by aggressions npoa
others ; but the primitive AtheniaT^s appear to have been an nnwar-
like people, who were quite content to bo left to themselves, and
had no thonght of engaging in foreign enterprises. The genius of
the nation was from the first towards laxuty and towards the arts;
when they engaged in war, it was forced upon them, and for many
centuries they were content to repel the aggressions which, at long
intervals, wero made upon their independence.
2. A marked indication of this temper is to bo found ia tho part
which they arc made to play in the Trojan war by Homer. Menes-
theua, the Athenian chief, commands a contingent of 50, ships' — Ai
number which is surpassed by only six of the confederates ; ' yet
neither he nor his troops are ever spoken of as earning the slightest
distinction in the field. On the contrary, in the only place where
the war rolls his way, Menestheus " shudders," and hastily invoke*
the aid of the Ajacos, who come and save him from his danger.*
"Athens and Arcadia," as it has been well observed,* "may justly]
be regarded as the only two undistinguished in Homer among thosoj
states of Greece which afterwards attained to distinction." They
alone " fail in exhibiting to ns signs of early pro-eminence in tho
arts of war." ® Thas Athens neither made a history for Herself iui
the primitive times, like Sparta and Argos, nor was brought into
notice, like the Messcnians, Arcadians, and others, by being mixed
up with the history of more powerful countries.
3. One cause of the weakness of Athens — or, to spealc more accu-
rately, of Attica — in the early ages, may be found in the want of a
common centre, and single governing authority; another, in Uu
inferior character of the Pelasgio race. " Attica," we are told,
"until the time of Theseus, was divided into a number of petty
states, each under its own ruler, which in ordinary times were quits
independent of one another. It was only when danger tbreat^n^
that a certain precedency and authority was conceded to the Athe-
nian king, who was then placed at tho head of a species of con*
> Horn. H. ii. 656.
' Namely, Argoa. Myecnto, Pylos,
Spnrta, Arc;\ilia, ond Crete.
* II. ill. 331, et scqq.
* Soo Mr. Gladston««'fl Itrmiar ati4
tho Ilnmerio Age, vol. i- p. 139,
• IbiO. L B. 0.
utrt
VEhkSGTC OIUGIX OF THE ATHESIAXa
363
leracy."" Twelve of thnse little oomTntiniiips arc tiamod by a
iter of fair repute,® viz. : — Cecropia (by which we must nnder-
id Athena herself), Tctrapolis, Epacria, Doceleia, Eleusis,
lydna, Thoricus, Branron, Cythi^rus, Sphottns, C^phisia, and
Ifirna ; and of these one, Tetnipolts^ was itself a confederncy of
towns or villapcs — (Enoe, Marathon, Probalinthns, and Trico-
Fthos^ — like the "Three Leagnea " of the Grisona, which together
form a Swiss Canton. According to the legend, Theseus, who is
xnmdo a little anterior to the Trojan war, put an end to this stato
of things, compcllinp^ or persuading the several commnnities to
forego their independence, and to elevate Athens into the position
of a real capital. It may however bo doubted whether the consoli-
Jution of the Athenian power was really effected at this early date.
^Biero are not wanting indications * of the continuance of cantonal
^pvereignty to times long Bubscqncnt to Thcsens; and considering
ihe strong nffoction of the Greeks for anttioomy,' and the special
love of the Atbio race in the historical ago for their country towns,'
it may fairly bo suspected that tho riso of Athens to the headship
vrhicli she ultimately obtained, was far more gradual than eiih4>r
Thucydidcs or Philoehorus imagined.
The Pclasgic origin of the Athenians is stated as an undoubted
rt by Herodotus,* and is fairly regarded as implying a certain dc-
of military incapacity.* Whatever we take to be the differenco
Thneytl. ii. IS: M yitp K/tpowof
/« kil coT^ w6\tix ^KftTD wpirraytTa
'ixoutra Kol &pxorraii^ koI Sitoti >l^i ti
'^curiX/o, &AA' ainol fKOtfToi tiro\t7*6-
«Kro Kttl JfiavAfvoyro,
* I'hilocliunia, Tr, 11, qooted by
ibo (ix. p. 577).
Stmbo, viiL p, G5S; ix. p. 579;
jh. Kvf. at! voc. T#Tp«tiro\ir,
la the Ifumerio Hymn to Cerea
netcr), which is soppoBp*! by Bomo
l^bavp boon rouipciecd &s late oa 11.C,
Eleiifiis appeani to be ri^gnrded as
St«indej>**ri(ient of Athens. .See Mr,
te'fl rcui&rka (vol. iii. pp. 9^,95),
reference, however, to Jierod.
u (I think) mtittakon.
' Kolvrithfltaodiiii? tho extcmnl
weaknoM, which was the nece6«ary
Eof disanioo, wo find in
Bsaly, Boeotio, Achoea,
A.VBdia, Fhocis, Locris, and Dorifl —
in Amo, ^ulia, Ionia, nnd tho Aslniio
Doris— content to be mere leogooa or
Cfu fed e nicies, though conniKting con*
fe<^»cdly of Mingle (predominant) mcc,
oud forming ft single country. When
an Httonipti was made to contralizo
Arcadia by tho bnildin^ of Mejralopolis,
the experiment Bignnllj failed. Simi.
lar proposals elsowhere(Uerod. i. 170)
fell on nnwiUing oar?, and nothing
came of them. Kr. Groto haa sonia
etceUent remarks on thifl snbject
(Hist, of Groooe, ro\. ii. pp. 3 13-at9),
upon which K. F. llomiuiin may also
be conatilted with advantage (PoL Ant.
of Greece, § 7 and | 9),
• ITiacyd. ii. lU.
•• Book i. clis. 56, 57 : rh •Amifkr
ytfot ihf ncAatrynctfr, k. t. A.
* Sen Mr. Gtodatone's Homer) rol. J.
pi>. 1^8, 139.
3*54
FIRST APPEIBANCE IN HISTORY.
Apt. Book T.
between Pclasgi and Hellenes, it is at least dear tliat the Utter
were the stronger, tbo more ent-erp rising, and the more warlike
race. The peaceful and agricultural people, who hnilt their towns
away from tho sea for fear of attacks from coi'sairs, and protected
them with massive walls against laud foes, was not indeed devoid
of a certain stnrdy and passive courage, which showed itself occa-
sionally in a heroic resistance,^ but had no spirit of active enters
prise, and apparently no power of self-development. So long as
Attica was purely or even mainly Pclaag-ic, sho naturally remaioed
weak and nnwarlike. It was only whoa, by a gradual influx of
Hellenic refugees, she lost the Pelasgic and assumed the Hellenio
character/ that a military epiril grew up, and Attic armies veatored
across the frontier.
4. The lirat appearanco of tho Athenians upon the sta^ of
Grecian history is connected with that invasion of tho rtrgion imme-
diately north of Attica by the Bceotians from Amd in Thessaly,
which Thucydides placed at the distance of sixty years after the
Trojan war.^ At that time it appears that Attica furnished a refuge
to many of those who fled from before the conquerors — Cndmeians,
^{inyans, Gephyneans,^ &c. ; in consequence of which she drew the
attacks of tho Boeotians on herself, and had some difficulty in maio-
t4iining her independence. After tho death however of tho Bcooiion
king Xanthns, in single fight with Melnnthus,' she again enjoyed a
period of tranqnillity, till the stream of Dorian conquest, which had
overflowed from the Peloponnese, and spread itself over Corinth,
Egina, and the Mogarid, set her way, and Athens found her very
existence threatened by the powerful race which had destroyed tho
kingdoms of tho Atridto, and now sought to master tho whole of
Greece. This expedition, of which we have one of the earliest
notices in Herodotus,' waa certainly nnsnccessfnl ; it failed, as wa
• Afl when the Athenians repolsed
tho Dorians in tho time of Codrua
(U»:*rf>d, T. 76, and nolo ad loc.) ', and
again, perhaps, in the Inn^ struggle
mfiinbaincd hy tho Aoheans ia the
Ptiluponncso (seethe preceding Esaay,
pp. 326, 327 and 346, 316).
7 Tbacydidea states generally of (he
Felassi und other kindred triltes, that
they became Ucllonized in this way (i,
3} : KQT^ tdtnt Si &XAa tc ital rh XltSaa-
yiiAv iwl v\tiaro¥ • • . inarfufitvtti' aifToi/s
(so. Tohi *E\\tikcu) Iti^ «^cX(f 4t H$
&AAAx ii(U<it, teas' iK^ffrovs /ilif fS^ *f
Athena wa>B never cooquerod* theft
Beeini to be no other way in which ebo
could poHibly hare acquired tbo Uei.
lenic character.
• Thucvd. 1. 12.
•Henxl. i. 14fij T. 67, Afl.
' Paiiaan. ix. v. § 8 ; Blrnh, ii. p.
670 ; SchoL ad PUt. ed. HauUi. p. m.
' Book v. oh. 7G.
I
I
lOMAN HIGBATIOy.
365
tol(?, throtigb the self-aamfice of Codrns," Mclnnthns* son and
ssor, who devoted hiragelf for his country in a manner which
inds us of the fitorics of the Decii, and thereby assnrcd tho
y to his own side. The Dorian army retreated ; and Athene,
ed from this peril, entered upon that long period of profound
nnbroken repose, which contrasts bo remarkably alike with her
later struggles, and with the contemporary history of her great
and riral, Sparta.
, The death of Codma is said to have taken place about tho
die of the eleventh century before our era.* From that time to
ago of Solon (b.c. COO), a period of four centuries and a half, tho
I history of Athens is almost a blank. She had wars un-
ibtedly with her neighbours, Bcnotia and Megara; but they were
email importance, and left the respective positions of the three
countries almost unchanged.* Slie also may have taken part in the
straggle between Chalcis and Eretria, in which it is said that most
of the Greeks participated;* but there is no distinct evidence that
she did so, and at any rato she did not obtain at that time any
,poTtant incToaso of territory or of reputation.
. The most imiwrtant event — or rather series of events — belonging
this early period, which may properly be regarded as forming a
ion of the external history of the country, is tho great move-
t which proceeded from Attica to Asia, kno^vn commonly by
name of tho Ionian migration. It appears that in the tronblons
which followed on the passage of Mount Pindns by the Thes-
ians, when nation pressed upon nation, and three-fonrths of the
ts of Greece seem to bavo changed their abodes, Attica
with open arms the refugees from all quarters, and thereby
acquired a population which her scanty and sterile territory was
^rnte incapable of permanently supporting. While there was dan-
^^k of a Dorian invasion, tho inconvenience was endured ; but no
fflobner had the attemjjt at conquest been repulsed, and tho Dorians
niorood to reliuquij^ their enterprise, than means were taken to get
^VsMb. Ix. p. S70 : Pansoo. it. mix.
Hfe Jiutin.ii. 7 ; cf. Pherec.vd. Fr. 110.
^^ Two hundred and ninety-tbreo
yoars before the first Olympimi, ac-
cordinir to Eoflcbiui (Ghrou, C&n. iL
pp. 301-816), or B.C. 1069.
* At beat gftined somewhafc from
BoBotia. QeutheraB, in the woody
range of Citbnroa, btit on the Kntbeni
side of tbe mnin ridvrt.% is naid to haro
been orif^inally BoMtian, bnt to have
btH'umu Attic at an oarlv period (Paa.
■an. I. xxzriii. § 8.) The same Bvems
to haro been the ooee with Oropoa
' Thiicyd. i. J 5. Compare Herod t,
Q9, and aote ad loo.
\66
lONlAK MIQBATION*
Arr. Boos V.
I
rid of the superQuous populalion by finding them abodes elsewhere.
The principal nxass of the refugees was formed of the luiiians from
the northora coast of the Peloponsese, vfho had been compt^Ued to
^i&ld their narrow but fertile yallers to the expelled Acha?au8/
and to seelc an asylam among their Icindrcd in Attica. With them,
however, wero intermingled Greeks of variooa other tribes, Pylians,
Phocians. Cadmeians, &c.,^ whom the migratory movements in pro-
gress, and perhaps other causes, had made fugitives from their homes.
According to the tale commonlj believed by the Greeks, Xcleus, a
son of Codrus, having quarrelled with his elder brother, Medon, to
whose throne he had aspired, led out the first body of emigrants
from Attica,* and, passing through the Cyclades, many of which
were occupied upon the way,^ conducted his followers to the ■
Asiatic coast, where he settled them at Miletus. Audroclus, another ■
son of Codrus, soon aftcnvards made a settlement at EpheHUS,'
Andriemon,* or Andixipompus,* at Lebedue, Damasichthon and Pro-
m6thus at Colophon,^ and othor sons of Codrus elsewhere ; until in
the course of a few years twelve cities were founded, and the con-
federacy established which formed the Ionia of historic times.
There is scarcely a doubt that the legendary ^Titers, from vbom
the details above given were originally derived, "invested" with
an undue "nuity," the groat event of which wo arc hero speaking.*
The occupation of the islands, and of the Asiatic coast from Miletus
to Phoca?a, must assuredly liave been spread over a certain number
of years. No parallel, however, is to be drawn between the forma-
tion of these settlements and that of the later colonics, owing to the
essential difference which exists between migration and cohnxtafioiu
The latter is naturally slow and gradual, being connected with the
regular advance and growth of the colonising power; the former is
I
' Herod. 1, 145 j tu. 94 i viii. 73.
• Ibid. i. 146; Paiwan. Vlt. ii. § 2.
* Pansanios ^rea the history at full
loDf^h (vtl. ii. § 1, et fieqq); also
^lian (Var. IlLst. viii. 6). An infini-
tude of writers agreo in their brief
uuticea (ilcrod. \x. 1^7; TTcllan. Fr. 63;
Thncjd. i. 12. Dn. Ac. ; Ephor. Fr. 32 ;
8trab. xif. p. 907j Enslnth. nd Dionyfi.
Ferieg. 823 ; Clitoph. Fr. 6 t Tzetwa ad
Lycophr. 1378, Ac).
' Herod, vii. 96; viii. 46, 48; ThucTd,
i. l^j ; vii.67; ^UaD> 1. s. o. i Plutajtuk
de Fx. ii. p. 603, B. ; EostatK ad Bioa.
Per. 625.
* Btrab.Lfl.o.:FanMui.Tn.ii. $4,fto.
* PaoiJan. vii.iii.§2. * StTab.l.tf.0.
' Paosau. Tti. iii. § 1. Himnerm^
however, the Colophonian poel (aboot
B.C. (j(H!i),Tiinde AudnomontbttfDandcT.
and bruQght him straisht from Py^lofl,
vt-iLhoat meutioning Athena (ap. Sumfcb
jtiv. p. 909).
* See the romarVa of Mr. Grote
(Hiftt. of Greece, voh iii. p, 223, ami
p. 23:i).
XtSATlt
ATTIC TniDEa
Bound by no BQch laws, l>elng abnormal and irregular, tbe result of
& vtxdden need or a endden impulse, and therefore rapid, startling,
marvellous — in a brief space effeetiug vast changes, and often begin-
ning and ending within ten or twenty years. Whatever may be the
true history of the origin and formation of the Ionian confederacy —
M'hich it is not the object of the present Essay to trace further — it
18 reasonable to suppose that the movement, so far as Attica woa
coucemcd, was one of short duration. A vent once found, the sur-
plus population would have drained off rapidly; and accordingly
WG find that all the Attic traditions connected with the Ionian
towns, point to the single reign of Medon as their era, and thai in
the subsequent history there is no appearance of a recurrence to
the policy which was found necessary at that time.
7. The internal history of Athens from Codrus to Solon, while it
partakes in some degree of the qniet and negative character of the
external history of the same period, presents nevertheless a series
of Blight but significant changes, by which the ancient heroic
XDOoarchy was gradually transformed into an olignrcby on a narrow
basis. There are also assigned to this period a certain number of
institutions, broadly marked upon the surface of Athenian history
by the sections into which the nation was split, which are at once
interesting in themselves, and important as for the most part con-
tinuing in a modified form to the time of Clisthcnes, or even later.
These institntions will be first considered ; after which a sketch of
the growth and history of the oligarchy, to the time when it re-
ceived its first great check from the band of Solon, and a short
account of that statesman's measures, will complete the " Early
History " of the country, and bring na to the date at which Athens
first comes before us in the pages of our author.
8. The earliest known division of the Attic people was that into
T^eontes (or Gclconies), HopJetc^, JSgUoreUy and ArgadeisJ These
four tribes — common apparently to the whole Ionic race^ — are
' Jolins Pollnx, a writer of tlio
iK>cond century after Christ, trllfl us
that tbore tuid boon Torioos diriuioDS
before tliii. Un-lor Cecrops there hud
beoTi four tribM, CoLTOjjifl, Antorhthon,
Afltsea, and Paralia : ondor Cnkiiaiis
tike fMUDoat had been CrmtmTR, Althisj
Jfeaaogwa, and Di&cxii : niider Erich-
iUoaiu*, IHas, AthcnaTii, roseidonias,
Aod Hepbestioa (viu. luU). At last, in
the time of Erechtbens, the
Teleontes, HopIet«s, ^gicoreis, and
Argadeifl, were adopted. I cannot
regard this statement as hiAtorieal,
or cren attnch to it anr juirticular
value. Of the fonr divisions there is
CO evidence that any was really in
UBC but the la^t.
* It is to mark this that the
names are said to bavo been taken
d
368
CLANS AM> BBOTHEOHOODS^
Avt.BooiT.
regarded by somo as mmply parallel to the triple dlTuion of Ik
Dorinns into Hyllsei, Dymanes, and Pampbylea — tliat is to saj, tt
nn ultimate fact which we cannot analyse, and into the inner ngu-
ficance of which it is idlo to inquire.* The more usual,^ however,
and perhaps the more correct opinion, sees in these remarViHft
names a distinct trace of the early condition of society in Attio,
regarding them as plainly indicating the existence in early Greece,
as in India and Egypt, of the system of caste. This subject has bea
already discussed in a foot-note,* and scarcely needs any fozihef
notice. The Attic castes, if they existed, belong to the Tcry infuicr
of the nation, and had certainly passed into tribes long before the
reign of Cudrus. In the historic times no superior honour, or dig-
nity even, seems to have attached to one tribe over another ; and it
may bo doubted whether the origin of the division, or the piimitin
im{)ort of the names, was at all prosent to the consciousness of thoee
who used them at this period. They were then mere political din-
sions, forming a conrenicnt basis for a double organisation, which,
pervading the whole commnnity, tended to break down local hv-
riers, nnd to unite into one the scattered members of what had till
recently been a confederation of independent towns.
0. Tlio more important, and probably the earlier, division of thf
trilK-s, was into ^orpioi, "Brotherhoods," and 7«rii, "Clans," or
"Houses/* Each tribe is said to have contained three "brother*
hoods " — each " brotherhood " thirty " clans." Each " clan " again
comprised thirty ytyfrtrat, or "heads of families,"^ Thus a total is
produced of 300 clans, and 10,800 families. These numbers, beloir
that of the brotherhoods or phi-atries, are no doubt more ideal than
real; like the actual number of tho Roman Gentes,* they must have
varied at dilTt-rfut times, tho clans in a brotherhood continaally
diminishing, since there was no mctans of replacing such as became
from tho fonr ert-nn of Ton (ITorod. v.
OU; f^urip. Ion, 157U; l^ollux, 1. s. o.).
They arti ftmnd in inscriptions be-
lonj^in^; to various Ionic citirs (Ilockh,
Corp. Insrrip. 3078, 3071*, 3CG3, 366^
3605, Ac).
• SfO Jlr. Grotp*fl TTist. of Orccco,
vol. iii.p. 70,an(i foiupurc Wat'hiimuth,
Altorthuinsk. i. 1, § 43 ; G. Hermann,
Pnpf. ad Kurip. Ion. jip. 27-30, &c.
* For tho nrKwniontB on thiti side of
the qin'stiun sco K. F. I[ernmnn"8 I'ol.
Ant. of Greece, § & and § Hi; Scho-
mann, do Com. Ath. p. 351, eiteqq.;
and Thirlwall'B Uist.of G»ece,ToLik
pp. 4-8.
- Seo note ' on Boole r. oh. 6R
• This view rests chiefly oiiftfn;-
ment of Aristotle (Fr. 3) quoted bri
Scholiast (in Plat. Axioch. p. -t^St'cd-
Befcker). It is confirmed bj PoDnx
(viii. Ill), and Harpocration («d toc-
•yicy^TOi).
* Seo Niebuhr'a Boman HiitotT|Tti
i. p. 393, E. T.
SSSATlt
CLASS AXD BBOTHERHOODS.
36g
extinct ; and tbc familica in a clan rising or falling, according as the
particular races proved prolific or the contrary.
It is the opinion of Mr. Groto that the family was the unit in
thia syBtem, and that tho process by which the arrangement waa
made, was one of "aggregation." He regards tho clan, and still
more the brotherhood, as artificial formations arising ont of the
mere will of tho legislator, who arranged the families which he
Connd existing into rcrtnin groups, which he denominated ** clans,"
Bffgrcgnted tho clans into "brotherhoods/* and Bnally put the ** bro-
therhoods " into " tribes."" Granting in one place** that the trans-
action which he thus describes is involved in deep obscurity, and
ihni **wo have no means of dct-crmining to what extent tho Gens at
the unknown epoch of its first formation was based upon relation-
ship " or otherwise, ho nevertheless assnmcs throughout his whole
account the absence from the gentilitial and phratric ties of the
principle of relationship, and their purely arbitrary and factitious
irhamcter. In this view he re-aaserts a theory of Niebuhr's ^ not
generally accepted in Germany,^ which has a basis in assertions of
the grammarians,^ expressive of the state of belief in their own day,
Imt which is contrary to tho opinions of earher and more philoso-
phical writers,* as well as to the proUvbilities of the case. It has
been m-cII observed by K. F- Hermann,^ that "all tho forma and
insiitationB, as well as the names, of the phratri® and dans, hear
• Hut. of Groeoo, voUiii. pp. 73-77.
• Ibid. p. 78.
7 Romiui HisUnyj vol. i. pp. 305-309,
E.T.
• Tho opposite niJo of tlio qoustion
ia niAiutiuBod by Mf^ier (iKi GoDtiliiiLt.
AUic). hv Wildu (Dus Dttutucho Stra-
frecht, p. 12.3), and by K. F. Uerumnu
(Pol. Ant, of Urecoe, § y9, Ac).
'As Pollux, who Bayn the ytvriJTttt
Wvro 7tVfi fi.i¥ ail Tpoa^Komt, 4k S4
(riii> 9) ; Ufsycliins (Mtb, voc. ytv-
anTTOi) ; ontl tho authur of* the Bhctori.
csl LesicLin, ]iii1>l>HlK'tl by Btikker
(Auccrtot. i. pp. 2'^7, 21'a).
• A» Arislntlc (IVil. i. 1), who, nc-
c«irdiug Ut N'icbulir (U. U. i. p. 303),
•• in »ii nnfftiiinied mtiment grave way
to the illusion;" and hid papil Dicae-
nrohus, wlio xery diiitinctly nininttuua
thei blooH.roIaitpnfjhip, not only of the
•>«rrqTai, but evva at the ^ptLr^jpts (ap.
VOL. CI.
Stoph. Bya. Hob voc. wdrpa) In order
to eecMipe the weiccbt of thjii armament,
it is waumtHl that Pollux " drew hia
account of tho Atheuion cooalitiitioD
i'rom AriAtotlo's Politics" (Niobnhr,
vol. i. p. 3oG; Urote, vol. iii. p. 78)^
niid therefore tliat Ariatolle luaathave
contnulictcd himself upon the point.
But though Pollux certainly had tlio
TTurk of Arifltotle befurs bim, and
quotes from it occasionaJIy (ir. 17t;
Jx. bO; X. 1G5, &c.), rot, aa it is clenr
that he had manr ot.ht^r anthcritic.^,
wa cannot possibly tvll with rrg-ftrd to
any particolar etatt<uioiit which ho
makoB whether it camo fmm Ari'totlo
or no. Sir. Grutu candidly admits in
one plaoo that Aristotle would hare
rejected faia theory (p. SO), and, in-
deed, that the ancient tireclu generally
bcHnvrd the mombera of a gena to havft
had a common Booeotor (p. 79).
» Pol. Ant. § 99,
2U
370
PRIVILEGES OF THE CLAKa
Act. Boot T.
evciy apppiimnce of family distinctioits ;** and it should loe noted
that, white cxperioucc fumisliGs instances of a national organisatua,
similar to that of Athens, being based upon real Telationship,* tboe
is no evidence that such a purely artificial arrangement as Gnto
and Niebuhr suppose was ever actually carried into effect in snj
country.* It seems therefore most reasonable to regard the division
into bri.>thorhoods, clans, and houses, as having resulted originiDy
from the extension of family ties, and therefore hs having proceeded
downwards, not upwards ; by separation, not by aggregation; fwn
tlie trilK* to the liouso, and not in the reverse order.
In addition to the bond of consanguinity, -which as time Trent
on became continually weaker, a religions principle which never
lost its strength, and social advantages of considerable valae, hdd
togcihor the various portions of the organisation which we are
considt-ring. Each tribe had its own special sacred rites,* celfr
brated once a year under tho piesidency of tho tribe-king {^^a-
fisurixti's) ; each phratry held similar meetings,* probably mo?8
frequently; finally, each clan or house had exclusive religions
rcri'iiKiniis. a jn'iosthoud belonging only to themselves, and a private
hurial-]il:iee where none but members of the clan could be interred.'
Agnin, the numbers of a clan possessed an interest in the proportv
of all their bntther clansmen. In tho early times proi^erty was
vested absolutely in tho clan, and could not bo willed away fnaa
' When NielMilir is ecnrchinsf for
.in:il<-u'i»'S trvm wh'.ch to illiif^irato liis
tlifi>rv^ tho case uf tlit? Suliutea piv-
^;l■llts it-i'lf tu liim lir^it of all. Vet
liori' Ih' id oIjliu'<'>l iucitiif('<? tbut " tbo
;*1 In'U-;os or j-'kiims, so f;ir :is wo can
gatiiiT, wt'iv a--litKil /a-,l'i'.:< •.'•■soi-.-.J'd
uvm a r .„,,.}■ i\ .-.?■.■■;" (p. ::i'.\ K. T.).
TIiL' trilir-* i>f tho Jcwa uiu uiiuihir
lit'Si-rii'ii^ iii.-tniifi',
■•Mr. (iiMo instanrofl ns nnnloir<ni3
'•th*' IliL'I'lMinl clan, the Irish fv\'', '1'^'
ani'itiit li"_':illy ctu-tiMiti'd riiinlii-s in
Fiie^laii'l aiul ItithMini-.-fh. tin- V'\A< \>t
I'hara aiiK-iiL' ihf AIl>aiiiari>'' (;.;'. >1,
>*-), aiiil n>.'niii thi' Ti.-ut<-Mit' ^jitiMs,
and tho AllMiL:Iii of (hTsi-a (ii'-il.
r.(.>ti'>). Hut Iii^'^I of l)i<>-f c:i-;is ar..'
as »ti»r.fui-e as that \\hi''li t!.ry ari*
I'l-odLrlit to illu-^irau-; ami in uni' <nly,
that «t" tho jfuiM.-, ilm's the lit-aMi'i'^ir
to ha\e been puivly facliiAUB. Uut
tlic partial and volantary iaKitnnonrf
tiio ^niUl very little rcst'oib^os iht
iKce^^arr and auiver£al vt^^un^tiua
uf the phratrics.
' Hence wc iind such an PTpr.''w'oa
ns Z(t>r FcXtW iu iuseriptiiiU^ ^iuisil
Auischrn Demon, pp. vii.-ix.).
6 Cf. I?aui3, do Aj'tlUKl. llrtT. c. 15;
llcm. c. iiacart. p. lOol ; nn.l rhc ei-
lire-:si(in.-^ Zei/j ♦^aTpios, 'Ai'iri'a'* ♦i'*
Tpia(Sintlas). Tlio jrrtat f^-a-t i.f tie
Ai-aiuiia was not a irouoral uioiTi'"'
a'.I <^i.tdTijpt5t ^ut a tim*:? at wUc;) uU
the i^ftaTfiiat iv.vx. sovei-illy.
' 'i'Jn' -ftry^iTat wcro catl.^1 al«o o^T*-
fc'i'fj, as paitirii-aiing^ in th" ax-e
t^acn-il riiifs ('V'jJaO- !?*'»> Ilnn»xa-
tivn, Suiilas, iIh- L"X. 1\\ • i<rx. aoi
the l^iyiiH'h'jL:. Mai:n. Ki«r joyf c'
the !-)n-eiiil buii.il.plac**, ol". Miutvl'-in-
Vit. Thiio. ]». ix.; iVii:. e. KiiLui.iL!».
13o7; and Cic, do Lv g. li. -U.
LTir.
PKIVILEGES OF THE CLAN'S.
371
■ if a mftn dloJ withoat cHldroTi, his clansmeii snocnoclcd ncccs-
Ij to all the property that ho left behind bim. Even after Solon,
enjoyed this privilege, if any one died intestate."* They could
claim the right of marryi.ng any heircsa of the cln-n, who had
misfortune to bo left an orphan ; thouj^h this privilege was
Lnterbalanced, after the time of Solon, by a corresponding obli-
m upon them to marry poor orphans, or provide them with
Ltaible portions.^ Some clans, moreover, certainly, and perhaps all,
common properly, which was administered by a treasurer of
own.'* Thci*o was also a general duty on the part of all mcm-
of the clan to help, defend, support, and, in case of need,
ige other members who required their assistance ;• which,
^h not exactly a privilege, was a strong bond of union, and, in
unsettled state of soeiety, must have boca felt rather as aa
itage than as a bnrthen.
[t resulted in part from the material ndvautnfjoa arcming fco the
ibera of a clan from their membership, in part from the religious
sling which regarded rites as polluted by tho pai-ticipation in
of persons of & diiTureut blood, that admi.saiou to a clan was
jealously guarded by the law, and narrowly watched by tho existing
members.* Foreigners admitted to citizenship did not therel^y
become ytw^rai, or tftpAroptt:^ nor did thoir descendants, unless born
of women who were citizens. In that case tliey were enixjiled in
ih© clan and phratry of their mother. Tho children of foreign
women, or of any women who wore not citizens, were also oxduded.**
LUS '* tho preservation of Icf^itiumcy and purity of descent among
dtizena " may bo considered as the main "political object and
Lport"^ of tho whole organisation; though, eve-n apart fi*om this,
^must have possessed a high value in the eyes of a wise statesman,
tending to ostablish a closo union of different classes, based upon
double foundation of reUgious communion and coDsarj^uinity.
Flatarcb, Vit Solon, c. 21.
Ibid.
0. Mftcart. p. 1066} Diod.
zii. 18 ; Terent. Pliortu. I. ii, 75;
I, de I'yrrh. 51.
the inscription in Rosb'b At-
Demcn, p. l!li, where tho
(ru^iiu) of tho Axaynandrida)
ttioned.
The obligation wna moat definite
ilio caa« of bloodshed, when the
olftnsmen and the phrators were bonnd
by law to ]>roac*cnto < Dem. o. Mftcarc.
p. 1069}. la other eaws ib was inalLur
of feoUnj? and DBogcL
* Note the exprosBion in Isspqb (de
Ciron. Uuired. li>), rur ^par&pw . . «
iroAAwy irrmv col hx p ifimt rU
TOiairTa 9 KO-wnv^kiyttV'
^ Dem. o. Never, p. 137t>.
' Isedhs, L a. a
7 Bee Uecuumn'a FoL Ant. § 100.
^
372
TRITTYES AND NAUCEABIE3.
App. Book T.
10. The other ancient division of the tribes was that into Tritiyes
and Kancrarics. As each tribe (^vx^) contained three Fhrairiea,
OP ** Brotherhoods," so it also contained three Trittyes, or "Third-
ings." It is nncertain whether these divisions were really distinct
and separate ; according to some writers the Phratry and the Trittys
were two names of the same body.^ But if so; the identity of the
classifications ceased at this point, the Kancraries having no con-
nection whatever with the 7^nj, or " clans." While in each Phratry
there were thirty " clans," in a Trittys there were but four Naucra-
ries. The IS'aucraries existed solely for political, and not at all for
religions or social purposes. They are properly compared with the
later wyifioplai? and consisted of a nnmber of householders {vaUpr
poiy or vavKKiipoi) associated together for the purpose of undertaking
state burthens, as the providing of soldiers, of money, and in later
times of ships.^ Each Naucrary had its head, op Prytanis, who, until
the institution of the Polemarch, were the chief military officers.*-
Nothing is known as to the manner of their appointment; but the
probability is that, like the ^v\opa<rt\usy or heads of the tribes,
they were nominated by the nobles,* not elected by the people.
Of the two distributions here considered, it is evident that the
former was by far the more important. The Naucraries existed
merely for state purposes, and touched nothing but mat^iial inte-
rests. The Phratrics and Clans were private as well as pubHc
unions, and had the closest connection with all the deepest feelings
and most sacred associations of the people. With the one the
Athenian came into contact on rare occasions, and merely in the
way of business ; the other was an element of his daily hfe, and
entwined itself with his social and domestic affections, with his
ordinary duties, and with his religious feelings. Hence the latter
outlived the Clisthcnic constitution,* and continued to exist and
8 Aristotle (Fr. 3). rollDi (Tiii.111),
nud Uarpocration (ad voc. ytvvrjrat),
all identify tho rptrrvs with the <f>pa-
rpia. Pollux adds that there was a
liiird term (^flvoj), which was equiva-
lent, and Harpocration (ad voc. rpirrvs')
nscribos this view to Aristotle. Mr.
Groto Bcoms to assume that the rpir-
rvfs and the tpparpieu were wholly
different diriaions.
* rhot. Lex. Synag. p. 2S8 {yavKpapla
iirotSv Ti ri trvfifiopta),
' Pollux, Tiii. 108; but to deriro
their name from this circnmstance, as
PoIIdx does, is wrong (see note ' on
Book T. ch. 71).
* This is perhaps the meaninpr of
Herodotus when ho pays in connection
with Cylon's revolt (1. s. c.) that "the
Heads of the Naucraries at that time
bore role in Athens."
» Pollnx, viii. Ill and 120.
* See the many passages ahore
quoted from the orators, especially
Dem. c. Hacart. p. 1054, and laaaas, de
Ciron. Haired, c 19.
ISAT n. rOUTICAL POWER COXFINED TO EUPATRIDS.
373
larixh Uirongh the whole poriod of the subsequent histoiy^ while
le former, if not formally uholisheil, sank at any rate very shortly
lio entire deanetnde.*
11. It is remarkable that political privilege does not appear to
kve been attached in the early times to cither of these two organis-
ions. In that of the Clans and Phratries, a rongh resemblance
ly be traced to the old Roman organisation into Gentcs and
Furies ; but nothing in ancient Athens corresponds to the Comitia
tta of antique Rome, nor to the original Senate of 300, one
>m each of the 300 gentcs.* Again, in the Trittyos and Naucra-
?8 we seem to have a division analogous to that of the Roman
lentnries (which had reference at once to taxation and to military
ibility) ; but Athens has no Comitia Centuriata, where privilege
apportioned to service, and the citizen who has done most for the
kte compensated by the largest share of power. All important
i\ privilege is engrossed by the Enpatrids, who consist of a
number of "clana" claiming a special nobility, but not
(longing to any single tribe, or distinguishable from the ignoble
IS, otherwise than by the possession of superior rank and riches.'^
rest of the citizens constitute an unprivileged class,* personally
)e, but with no atom of political power, and are roughly divided,
rording to their occupations, into ycw/^^fpoi (yeomen-farmers) and
tovpyol (artisans).*
12. The union of the Enpatrids in the same tribes and phratries
ith the Gkiomori and Demiurgi, seems to show that the aristocracy
Athens was not original, like tliat of Rome, but grew out of an
'lic>r and more democratical condition of things — such, in fact> as
' Fhoiins mys (r. t. Vavmpapta) that
tsthcDfi! raised tho nniuber of Nau-
iei from 4S to &(), inHktng 5 in
th of hid 10 tribes ; mid the foot of
le ^theniim navy onioauLuig soon
fter to 60 ehii*' (Herod, vi. 89) is
le ootiflrmaiion of tliis. But with
ri«e of the ayateai of triernrohy,
"aD tmc« of Ibe Xaacrorioa disappcara.
* I mean tbat nt^ithor the early
Scnrt*e ai Aiiious, nor tho early As-
oLMiilily, was bftHcd upon the orgrnnisa-
_|i(tn of the v\iia». No doubt tho
tf^mbly of tho Enpatrids did in
le degree rosemble the Cumitia
iata.
7 Tho anther of tho Btymologionm
dpfinoB the Enpatrids aa oi <i£r t&
inTTv oifrot/KTcf, teal firr^^oirrts rod
iTripLdkiiop irotovntyau But those ars
rather tho conseqacnoea than the
sources of their pre-ominonco,
^DiooTfitusof HalicaniasMoa seemg
to bo right in rDco^nifiint; bnt two
roal urdL'i-H in aiiciunt Atheus (it. 8).
There yr&A no differvoco uf rank or
pririlogro between the ytv/Upoi and
the trtftwifprfol.
• PuUut, Tiii. Ill ; Hosych. nd roc.
'AypuoTat \ Etmi. Mn^fn. od voc. Cthra*
Tpldcu. Cf. Amt. Fr. 3.
374
APPOINTMENT OF ABCHONS.
App. Book Y.
we find depicted in the Homeric poenxa. A real laonarcliy, like
that of the heroic age, tends to level other dietinctions ; for kings
always nee the people to check the power and insolence of the
nobles. Thus at Athens, as elsewhere, in the heroic times, there
was nndonbtedly the idea of a pnblic assembly (iyopd), consisting
of all freemen ; bat this institution seems entirely to have disap-
peared during the centuries which intervened between Codms and
Solon.* The power of the nobles gradually developed itself during
this period, increasing at the expense of the kingly prerogative on
the one hand, and of popular rights npon the other. We are told
that at the death of Codrus, the Eupatrids, in pretended hononr to
that monarch's self-sacrifice, formally abolished the name of king,
enbstitnting that of Archon, or Rnler.* STIIb a change nndoubtedly
implied more than it asserted. The alteration of title would
Bjmbolise, and thereby tend to produce, a diminution of authority ;
and the nobles, who had made the change, would, by that very fact,
have set themselves np above the sovereign, and asserted their right
to control and limit his prerogatives. Still the royal power appears
to have been but slightly diminished. The Archons held their
office for life,* and though nominally responsible,* can have been
subject to no very definite restraints, and, when once appointed,
must have ruled pretty nearly at their pleasure. The old royal
family was moreover maintained in a quasi-royal position, the
archonship being confined to the Medontidas, or descendants of
Medon, the son and successor of Codru3. On the other hand, here-
ditary right, as previously understood, was abolished ; and at the
death of an Archon, the Eupatrids chose his successor out of those
descendants of Medon who were of an age to govern.
It is remarkable that, according to the traditions, this state of
things maintained itself, without farther change, for three centu-
rics. Medon had twelve successors in the office of life-archon,*
whoso nnited reigns are said to have covered the space of 296
years.** This period is a blank in Athenian history. Nothing is
' Mr. Grote speaks of there being
"traces" of the continued existence
of " general assemblies of the people
with the same formal and passiTe
character as the Homeric Agora," in
the interval between Theseaa and the
Holonian legislation (vol. iii. p. 97). But
I can find no proof of this assertion.
' Jaetiuu ii. 7 ; comp. Lyo. o. Leocr. 20.
« Paosan. iv. v. § 10.
* Pansan. I v. ii. § 4, and vn. ii. § L
' Tliese were Acastna, Archtppw,
Thereippns, Phorbas, Mogacles, Dio-
gnctus,PhereclcB,Ariphron, Thespieiu,
Agamestor, ^fchylaa, and Alcmjeon.
^ Euseb, Chron. Can. para. ii. p. 90S-
S20. But comp. pars. i. o. 30, wberd
the number of jcars is only 273.
B&tAYlL
ADVANCE OF THE ARISTOCRACY.
37S
known of the ]Ifc-&rcboQs l>cyonil their nnmes ; and we can only
l^thrr frooi the silence uf ancient authors, that tho time waa one of
jx-'ace abroad, and of tranquillitj — perhaps of comfort and content-
ment— at home7 The Asiatic colonisatioi*, it must he rcmemhercd,
carried off unruly spirits, and left tho land with a de6cient
hthcr than a snrplua population ; labour was probably well paid ;
>ve all, the yearning after free institutious and tho excitement of
iliticul life, had not yet commenced. Tho state waa in its boyhood,
icoQscious, satisfied with life ; frco from those fierce cravings — in
coble, in part Bclilsh and brutalisiug — which in the nation, as
the indiWdual, mark the period of adolescence,
13. On tho termination of this long interval of almost complete
Mid inaction^ the advance of the aristocracy was rapid. In tho
year of the seventh Olympiad (b.c. 752), tho life-archonsbip
brought to an end, and tho duration of the office was limited to
,^ but without infringement on the right of tho Medontida?
exclusive possession. By this change, not only was the dig-
diminished, but the responsibility of the Archon wns rendered
reality ; for ho could be actually called to account for any abuse
his authority at tho close of his ton years of office. Thus tho
inpatnds obtained a power over the nominal sovereign, which they
rcre not slow to use ; and we find that in tho reign of the fourth
lennial Archon (B.C. ri-t) they took advantage of an act of cruelty
rhich he had committed,** not only to depose him individually, but
declare that tho Mcdontido) had in him forfeited their claim to
lie ; upon which it naturally followed that tho office should be
iwn open to all Eupatrids. The decennial term of office was
' BUhop Thirlwall donbts (Hist, of
Tol. ii. p. 17) whether tho
' kmg period of apparent tranquillity"
wfaicli interroDes between TlwsoQS and
Draco wtu nolly ** one of pablio bap.
piDCff." Bin doable rest, in port-, oa
the eiory of Hip{>omeaoa {see below,
note^), and partly on tho vcti'lition of
th<» Atboniiuis at ttio cm uf Uroco.
The rcmorlu in the text refer only to
the period betfroen Modoa and Alo.
mB!on (n.c. 1050-75^).
■ Dionya. Hal. i. 71.
' Ilifipoineni^g (it is said), the fonrth
decvonial Arcboa, had a daughter
named Lelm^ne ur LeJmAnijh who woe
tAkea in adaltery with one of the
oitlzans. Both were pnnished with
death. Tho man waa fojtencd by
Uippomrnes to his cliariot, and so
killud ; the adnUeruiiH was fthnt ap in
a boUdiog with a wild borao ; no food
woB g'!%'eu to ciclicr, and tho bone
Bhortly devoured tho lady. Afierworda
the scone of the crime was held ac
carsed ; tho buiMinf; was rmied ; and
tho site kuowo as ** tbo Plaoo of tho
Horn) and tho 0iim«eL" (See Hera,
clid. l*ont. i. 8{ Nio. Damosa Fr. 51 ;
Ovid. lb. 401 ; Suidaa. ad too. 'Irvo-
tiMvrit ; PbotiQs, Lex Synag. aab voc.
wa^' tinro*' ; Diogenion. Cent. Fror. iii.
376 StrBSTITUTION OF EUPATRIDS FOE THE AQOBA. Air. BooiV.
still continued for thirty years longer ; * but at the end of that time
(b.c. 684) the mask was altogether thrown off, and the last remnant
of the monarchy disappeared before the assaults of the aristocrats.
The decennial (sole) archonship was abolished ; and in lieu of it a
governing board was set up, consisting of nine persons, who were to
share among them the kingly functions, and to hold ofiGlce only for
a year. Thus was a form of goremment established, such as an
oligarchy especially affects, with numerous magistrates and a short
term of office, whereby that equality among its own members is
best produced, which is ad dear to an exclusive aristocracy as the
destruction of all antagonistic powers.
14. Such are said to have been the steps whereby the Athenian
Eupatrids obtained the complete possession of the sovereign power.
The means and instruments wherewith they worked are more
obscure, and require investigation. It has been noticed' that from
the earliest times there was in every Greek monarchy an Assembly,
or Agora, which exercised a certain amount of control over public
affairs. This assembly rightfully consisted, according to the idea
universally prevalent, of all the freemen capable of bearing arms in
the state. It would seem, however, that at Athens the Eupatrids
contrived gradually to substitute for this body the mere assembly
of those of their own order. The effect was as if at Rome the
Patricians had at any time succeeded in suppressing the Centuries,
and replacing them on all occasions by the Curies. The Eupatrids
thus certainly obtained tho power of nominating the Phylo-Basileis,
or Tribe-Kings,^ who must have originally received their appoint-
ment from the whole people; and they probably also named the
Prytaneis of the Nauci-arics,* as they undoubtedly did afterwards
both the decennial and the annual Archons. Through the Phylo-
Basilcis they would at once exercise a very important influence
over the monarch ; for the Phylo-Basileis were from the 6rst asses-
sors of the king, without whom he could not deliver sentence in the
Prytaneum.* They would also, if they appointed the Prytaneis of
the Naucraries, have had a hold both over the military force and
over the revenue, which would fully account for the inability of the
monarchs to resist their affirressions.
^ The prcdeceflSorB of Uipporaencs
wero Charops, ^siinidcs, and Cleidi-
ctiB ; his snccoBsora, Leocratofl, Ap.
fandcr,and Eryxias. Their rale lasted
from B.C. 752 to u.c. 631.
* Sapra, Essay i. pp. 336, S37.
» See PoUux, viii. HI and 120.
* Grote, vol. iii. p. 96
*Pollai, viii. Ill, and Pint. Tit
Solon, c. 19.
it IL
EUPAXniD SENATE.
Z77
IS. Rtill anotlier insLitation remains to bo noticed, by means of
Ich it is yirobahle that their powop wits mainly advanced. A
>n]3cil ($ovKii)t or Senate {yepoutrU)^ ia as essential an element of
anpient monarchy oh an ^\js3embly (&yopA)/^ and must havo
Eisted at Athens from tho remotest times. There is no reason to
link that the Athtmian kings ever acquired snch a prc[)ondL'ranco
in tlio stJite aa could Imve alone enabled them to ahrogAte this
Litive institution. Weakness ia tho characteristic of the Athenian
wmrchy, in which the king was never mnch more than *' tho first
the nobles ; '* ^ and we may therefore assume that throaghout tho
monarchical period there was from first to last a Senate, possessing
aa mnch weight as tho Eoman, and acting as a most infiuential check
upon the king, and a most powerful instrament for the aggrandise-
ment of the Eupatrids. It is with reason that many critics and
liistorians identify this primitive council with tho ** Senate of Areo-
la,"* which, after tho time of Solon, was distinguished by that
from the new Conncil established by him. The balk of ancient
iters, indeed (if we may believe Plutarch^), ascribed tho institn-
m of both Senates to Solon ; but we have already seen, in con-
Lion with Lycui^QS, how little stress can bo laid in such a co^so
>ii a preponderance of authority. To the first known lawgiver of
country all its ancient institutions are popularly assigned, how-
ever antique and primitive they n:uiy in fact be ; and this ia done
more uniformly tho further men arc removed from the pcnod.
tinst the authority of Plutarch's *' majority of writers," most of
lom were undoubtedly of a lato date, may bo set as an equipoise
singlo name of jEschylus, who, coming within a century of
don, was so far from making him tho author of tho Aroopagite
mncil, that ho represented it as already existing in tho time of
ites — more than 600 years earlier.* If Solon bad instituted the
»pagUB, it is prubablo that its powers would have beon more
^finite and its weight loss. It ia also very unlikely that it would
have borne the name of $ou\if, since from bis time its functions wero
far more those of a court than of a council.* But if it was an ancient
institution, cuntiimed with diminished powers by Solon, wu can
* Sapra« Enar i. pp- 336, 337.
|y Sco Thirlwall. Tol. ii. p. 11.
• As Meier (Der Attiacho Proc^sn,
^tnlritting, p. 10), Scht'^raanu (ibid.),
Uattbiie (Oe Jm). Ath. pp. U2.14»}.
and Ur. Grot« (toL ui. p. 'J7)*
■ Vii. Solon, c. 19.
* Sujjra, Kn^siv i. p. 337.
' Eainon. HSl ot deqq. Arifitotlo, it
mast bo added, made the Arevpagus
ant-crior to Solon (Pol. ii. 9).
> Soo Uermaun'A Pot Ant. § 103.
37S
ESTABLISHMKNT OF OLIGABCHY.
Atf. BoolY.
easily nnclerstand its retaining its ancient name, even when that
name bad become inappropriate, and we can. account for tbe indo'
finiteness of its powers, the vastness and Tagaeness of its claims,
and tbe strong bold wbich it bad npon great nmnbcrs of the
Athenians. I£ wo regard it as almost tbe sole relic of the ancient
constitution which survived the sweeping reforms of Solon and
Clistbenes, we can understand how it should draw to itself the
afEectionate regard of tbe more conservative portion of the Athenian
people ; bow tbe traditions of the past should cling around it ; and
how it should finally become tbe watchword and tbe rallying point of
that party wbich was the determined opponent of democratic progress.*
16. Such then would seem to have been the instruments whereby
tbe Athenian Enpatrids effected their usurpations — usurpations
wbich issued in tbe establishment, about the year B.c. 684, of an
oligarchy even closer^ than that which existed at Kome before the
institution of the Tribunate. The noble clans not only monopolised
ofilce, but confined oven tbe franchise to members of their own
body ; ^ they both furnished and elected tbe Arcbons, Phylo-Basileis,
and heads of tbe ^N'aucraries ; they also occupied all tbe priesthoods
of any account ; ^ and there is reason to believe that they held
almost exclusive possession of the territory of tbe state, either
directly, in their own names, or indirectly, as mortgagees of tbe
small properties belonging to the poorer landowners.® The unre-
strained power which they enjoyed had tbe effect — seen commonly
to result from it — of stimulating tbeir selfishness, and rendering
tbem harsh and unjust towards all those who were beyond the
charmed circle of their own order. "We may gather from a name
afterwards homo by tbe democratical party in Attica,* that in the
* In the time of Epbioltcs and Peri-
clos. (See Arist. Pol. ii. 9 ; Diod. Sic.
xi. 27 ; Plutarch, Vit. Pericl. o. 9, Ac.)
* Aristotle (1. s. c.) calls tho olijrar-
cby KioM Ajcparovj and speaks of tho
people as held in slavery under it
* Whereas at Koroe, in the worst
times, the Plebeians had a voice in the
election of one consnl.
^ So much, at least, maybe pjathercd
from the definition of the Etymolfijylc.
Magn. EuxarpiScu, ol avrh rh &(rru
otKOvyrtSy Kol juct/x***^** 0a(Tt\iKav
y4$'ovSy Kot T'Jjc Twc ifpwv iirtfitKiiav
roioff/ieyoi. Compare Plut. Vit. Thes.
c. 24, where Theseus is said to hftre
made the Eupatrida iawv koI if^
" Tho poverty which Solon -was »-
quired to remedy must have been an
evil of long standing, which very
p*adnally camo to a head. It appean
tliat in his time the whole land was
covered with mortgage pillars, whence
he himself represents the earth itself
as reduced to slavery (Fr. 28, qnoted
at lensrth. p. 39u).
> "Hi^'hlanders" (SiiUpiM or krtfi-
Kpm). The aristocrats wore at tlw
same time known as " LowlaQden'*
{wtSius or vcSieucof). It is plun thai
BssAT n.
IlEIGN OF THE OUOAItCHT.
379
distn'baiioTis of territory which were nuide from timo to time under
Eapatrid iD^aenee, as Alliens passed from the pastoral life to ilie
agncnUnraT,^ it was only the poorer and less desirable lands that
'were allotted to tho small cultivatora. A^in, the demand for
written IawH» which is tho first symptom of lifo manifested on the
part of the nnprivilc'^^ed ctasscSf is indicative of GuCTunugs arising
from an abase of power,* and seoma to imply that undue eeverity
was shown towards the humbler criminals, while those of a higher
gndo were allowed comparative impunity. Tho universal poverty,
moreover, which it was ono of tho objects of Solou's legislation to
remedy, proves incontestably the prevalence of a tyrannical and
oppressive spirit, which had ground down tho humbler classes to
tho lowest point whereat existenco was possible, and whioh was
prepnrcd to ruin the state by enforcing tho primitive law of debt in
the full rigour of ita archaic severity.
17. It appears that during the spaco of nearly sixty years (from
€84 to n.c. tV24'}, tho Eupatrida continued in the undisputed
ession of all the powers of tho state, and disposed almost at
will of the lives and properties of tho citizens. The Archons —
representatives — not only administered, but made the laws,
eciding nil matters by their Ottrfioly or edicts;* they tried causes of
every kind,* and punished the accused at their discretion. We have
no means of measuring the sufferings or tho patience of tho unprivi-
leged Atheninns during this interval ; but wo find that towards ita
cloee discontent at the existing condition of things began to \nanifest
itself in a shape felt to be dangerous, and the oligarchy became con-
in aUottini^ teiTifor]ri the nobles had
tak<m tn tli<?ruBeIvce &U the nch and
:, while tboy had assigned
' tfi, with tUoir light and
ibit'K"^ r-.,; (t6 XtirrSytiay, Tbuc. i. 2),
to the ncimvilei^'Hl clnHHes.
> U the niiL-if>nt tribes* cnmcfl be
taken to siguifj priests, warriurs,
goAtheids, and mechanics, the goat.
berds iiIi>no will represent tho«e who
|(Ot their living by the land ; and the
tTonsilion from tho paatoral to tho
agricahuial Life will be oiarlced by the
•iib«tttutiiia,afti3rTh«aeus,of tbeterm
yttft^Apci for the earlier oiyMofttis.
^ CoMifHiro the Hirtiilar demand in
tme (Lir. iii. 0), and eee Niebahr'a
•km on it (Hist, of Kome* vol. u.
278, 279, E. T.}.
■ Tlie name "Thesmothetes" applied
to every ArohooFi only as tho first
three were ordinai'ily designated by
other tilloe, the six vholuui no special
designation came to bo rei^ardod bs
0§fffio0irai kst* i^o^'h*'- 0«T^^t is pro-
perly a law (oomi). Bttdanji), and waa
so used by i^oloQ (Fr. xxiv. 1. 2). Xn
early timris tho distinclion between
lawK and decrees or edicts is anknown.
* Tb© 'Apxtoy iwiim/fios juflge<l all
diGpQtes connDCted Tvith tho family
aud with the ^cntiliLinl and phratrio
ticfl ; tho fiaaiKths deoidod caaes
of socrilesre and homicide i the Polo-
march was judge in dispotes between
oitizcnn and uon-citiEeos; the other
tix arohous bad a general juriadiotion.
380
LAWS OF DBACO.
Afp.BookT.
vinced tLal, in order to secure the maintenanoe of their power actdfe
steps must be taken. The popalar discontent assumed the shape,
which is not nnusnal nnder similar circnmstances, of a demand for
written laws — i. e. of a requirement that the penalties of offences
shall no longer be fluctuating and arbitrary, dependent upon tlie
caprice or interest of the presiding magistrate ; but be fixed by a
positive enactment, to which all judges shall be bound to conform
their sentences. When this demand became so general and so
urgent that it could no longer be safely met by a mere passive
resistance, the Eupatrids resolved to deal with it in another waj.
Professing to consent to what was required of them, they appointed
one of their body — a noble who has come down to us as Draco * — ^to
the office of chief Archon, and empowered him to produce a writtea
code of laws, according to which justice should thereafter fae
administered. The legislator was, however, no doubt instructed,
instead of mitigating the severity of the ancient and traditional
scale of punishments, to heighten and aggravate it; and so thoronghljr
did ho act in this spirit, that his laws were said in later times to
have been written, not with ink, but with blood.* Death was made
the penalty, not only for murder and sacrilege, but for adultery, for
homicide in self-defence, and even for petty thefts, while idleness,
or the attempt to change one of his laws, was to be visited with per-
petual disfranchisement.^ It was probably thought that " such a
code was likely to be a convenient instrument in the hands of the
ruling class, for striking terror into their subjects and stifling the
rising spirit of discontent which their cupidity and oppression had
provoked." s To crush by terror, or drown in blood, the nascent
democracy, which at its very birth they at once feared and hated,
seems to have been the aim and intention of the Eupatrids at this
crisis : that they did not succeed was perhaps owing rather to casual
circumstances than to any miscalculation on their part, either of
their own strength, or of the weakness of their adversaries.
18. The spirit which had murmured at the "whips" of the ante-
Draconic government was not very likely to submit tamely to the
" scorpions " of Draco. Discontent, if repressed, must have burnt
' The namo is stispicions from its
pecnliar aptness. It ia perhaps really
a nickname which has ousted the true
appellation.
* Pemadca ap. Plutarcli. (Vit. SoL
c. 17).
^ Sco Lysias de Ceed. Erotoeth. c.
11; Demosth. c. Aristocrat, p. 637;
Aul. GoU. xi. 18 ; Plot. Vit. Solon, o.
19 ; Paasan. ix. xxxvi. § 4.
8 Thirlwall, toL ii. p. lU.
KSSAT II.
REVOLT OF CTLOK.
381
•ttli more fiercely in men's licnrte; aud probably it was soon evident
timfc there wouJd bo an outbreak. Unfortunately our authorities for
this period — one of the very greatest interest — arc scanty and frag-
montary;''' and in default of trustworthy guides we arc thrown to a
greiit extent on conjecture and probability for the interpretation
which we shall assign to the mere outline of facta which has come
down to us. It is certain that within twelve years of Draco's
ftrchonship, a violent commotion took place at Athens, which was
near d€»ptroying the whole framework of the constitution, and which
hod permanent results of a most important nature. Cylon, a Enpa-
trid of the highest rank and pr^sition,* a victor at the Olympic
games,* and a man of such wealth and eminence, that he had been
selected by Theagenes, tyrant of Megara, as a fitting husband for
hia daughter, suddenly appeared in arms against the government.
And made hinLsolf master of the Acropolis. He is said to have been
sssijited by a l)ody of troops lent him by his father-in-law ; ' but it is
evident that his real strength lay in the discontent of the Atlienians
thcmficlves with their existing constitution, wliich led great numbers
to welcome any change. Whether the motives of Cylon were selfish
or patriotic; whether (like Spurius Cassius and Titus Manlins) he
was urged to his enterprise by real sympatliy with the sufferings of
the lower orders, or, like Pisistratns, and his own father-in-law,
Tht^agcnes,* merely sought to make tlio advocacy of popular righta a
»pping-Btono to power, is perhaps open to qnestion. Most modem
■iters decide the doubt unfavourably to the character of Cylon,
it must be admitted that in the brief accounts of the aneienta
same view seevis to be taken ; * but on the other hand, it appears
it the atatue of Cylon was preserved to the close of the Rejiublic,
long those of other public lienefactors, in the Acropolis;^ so that
Athenians of tho democratic times must certainly have regarded
Thej- are principftlly Herod, v. 71 ;
locyd. L 126; and Dataroh. Vit.
(Ion. 0. 12, All three writer* treat
the hifitopy merely inoi dentally.
' Tbucjilidee eaya he waa iy^p *Aftf-
los Taw wtiXai §\fyir^]t re Hal Suvardt
(I «. o).
* Uu bnd gained the SlauXosg or
doablo foot-mce (Flat. 1. b. c).
■ Tliucyd, U B. o.
* AriMt. Vutv. 4; Khet. i. 2.
* lieroddtaB declares of Cylon, 0^01
iwl Tvpavvih Uiftr,vt (L B. o.j. Thucy-
didea a little modifies the aocoBaticniy
and only Baya nartXaBt t?iv ij(p6iro\af
&s M rvpvfifiSt. Ueraclides roiiticoB
Bpcaka of tho tyranny as achieved (Fr.
1, § A,). Tbt* Scholioiitd gczienilly
follow Thncydides, bat midB tha deli-
cacy of hifl phroao.
* Paasaa. i. xxviii. § 1. It may well
bo donbted whether tho Delphio nrRcle«
which Banctionud tbo attempt uf Cy-
lon, wiiuld have encouraged a porelj
BeUiah (.'ntorpriso.
382
EEVOLT OF CYLOX.
Afp. Book T.
hia attempt witli favour, and have considered its bearing to haw
been on the side of progressJ At the rumoor of revolt the Eupj^
trids and their snpporters flocked from all parts of Attica to the
capital,^ and invested the Acropolis, which long resisted their
efforts. The siege had to be turned into a blockade, which waa
conducted by the heads of the Naucrariea under the direction of the
nine Archons,^ and pressed to a successful issue. Provisions and
water alike failed the besieged ; and, despairing of success, Cylon
secretly escaped,^ while his partisans still continued the defence;
till at length, when several had actually died of starvation, resist-
ance was abandoned, and the remnant of the besieged, quitting the
walls, took refuge in the temple of Minerva Folias, and assumed the
sacred character of suppliants. Mcgacles,* the chief Archon, on
entering the citadel, found these persona ready to perish of hunger
in the holy ground, Und, anxious to avoid the pollution of the place
by their death, induced them to remove from it by entering into an
engagement that at least their lives should be spared.' The prisoners
do not seem to have felt much confidence in the pledge given them;
but, having only tho alternative of starving where they were or of
accepting it, they agreed 'to quit their shelter, and began to descend
from the height. In order, however, to keep themselves still under
the protection of the goddess, they tied a long rope to tho image^
and holding this in their hands commenced the descent.* They had
' In anpient, as in modem times,
oxtromes mot ; aud tho most violent
democrntH were often the apolojrista
or tho nl>eitoi'a of tyranny. Aa Her-
mann renmrks, " tho commonalty waa
generally favourablo to a tyranny
which was more inimodiatoly directed
njininst tho rich andnoblo" (IVL Ant.
§ (J3). They saw in tho tyrant their
own protector and champion (»po-
ffTdTr)s)f who notonly saved them from
l)re6ent snfforing, but avcnjijcd their
past wroiipa upon tho olij^rehs. Often,
too, tlioy acquiesced in a tyranny dn
account of its Ktrength, frum a feeling
that in no other way could they pre-
vent tho nobles from retaining or re-
gaining their power.
* Oi 'A^vowt aliT96iX€VOi 40oi:Or}(rai'
wavSijfifl 4k twv kypvv irr* avrovs.
(Thucyd. 1. a. c.)
• Tliis is perhaps the best mode of
rocoiiciiiug llerodutusand Thucydides,
The former aays that tho hcadB of the
Frytanies, tho luUer that the nine
Archons, " then govcraod Athens." It
can scarcely be right, with Harpoctk-
tion, to identifv the two onicea.
1 So Thucydides (i. 126), and the
Scholiaaton AristophanoB (Kqnit. 443);
but Herodotus appears to regard Cy-
lon himaolf as among tho fulnin (t. 71).
2 Pint. Vit. Solon, o. 12; Heradid.
Pont. (Fr. 1, § 4).
* Ucrod. (L 8. c), ro6rov$ iarurrian
vir€yyvovs leK^y Bavdrou. Thncy-
dides goes further, aud says, i^ 4
firiHv Kaxhv ■wonjaovo't,
4 J'lut. Vit. Sol. c. 12 : Rebel, ad.
Arif-topK Eq. 413. Mr. Gmts thinks
that tho silence of Thucydides with
regard to tl?o story of tlie cord dis-
proves its truth (Hist, of Greece, vol.
iii. p. Ill, note *) ; but ho admits that
it wn^ contained in th« defence which
tho Alcmu^onidfS made before tbdr
It
CURSE INCURRED BY SACRILEGE.
383
not gone far wlitm the Topo broke, or was cnt, and immediately their
foos fell upon them.^ Alany were Hluin on the spot; the rest fled to
the nitar of the Knmeuides, which was at hand,** and to variooa
other ebrines in tbo neighbourhood. But tho sword once drawn,
roligiuus scruples lost thoir force, and tho fagitivca wctc pursued
vxd slain wherever they could be found ; even tho Eamcnidea were
not permitted to screen those who liad aonghi their protection; a
nnirersal ma'^acre was commanded or allowed; and the blood of
tbdr suppliants stained the altars even of the "Awful Goddesses."^
VJ, Tho victory was complete. Cylon, though he had escaped,
imdertook no fresh enterprise ; and all tho boldest and bravest of
tho party which had supported him had suffered death in the
massacres. The Eupatrids probably congratulated themselves on
having anniliilated their opponents, and looked forward to tho quiet
enjoyment of a fresh lease of power. But if bo, they had miscal-
culated. In Athens, at all times religious almost to excess,^ the
spiritual had far greater weight than the physical. - Their enemies
'WCro fled or dead ; bat in smiting them the Eupatrids had done a
deadly injury to themnelves. They, or at least many of them, liad
finonrred the guilt of sacrilege, and in this way brought themselves
under a curse, which waa believed to rest, not on tho actual
criminals only, but on tlie remotest generation of their descendants.*
Moreover, as the government for the time being, they had in-
Tolvod tho stato in their g^ilt; and gloomy apprehensionB settled
down upon the mass of tho people,*" combined with a bitterness of
feeling against thoso whom they regarded as the authors of their
disqniotnde. It shortly became evident that, unless active steps
token to qnict the superstitious fears which had obtained
judges 0omo ten or twelre ywirs after
the event. 1 crmnut concciro iLo
inwDtion of so rcmorloiblc a teatart*,
Riul its solemn assertion in n conrt,
when tbeoccarrenco was etill fresh in
Boeo'fl meaionci, uuloss it wns trne,
or at least uuleas tbero was a fnauda-
tioQ fur it. Auil to me tho silenee of
Thacrdidea, cousidorin^ the bi'nrily
of bis narrative, does not nppcor to
be an ari^iii^nt of much weight,
' Bitth Plutarch aud the Schnlifutt
on Aristophaaus uay that they mito
Mtoned. ibisivimld at lca«t imply that
Uie treochciy was uoi premeditated.
' At ibo nortb-mstem foot of the hilt
of AroopagUB (Leake's AthenSj p. 3&0).
7 a; ac^ral etai (Thaeyd. I a c).
' AttaiiMfiawtaTtpai, Acta zvti. 22.
Compare licrud i. COj Thaoyd. vi
27 ; Ao.
• Tho gnilt inrnrred by tho arcbon
Uctmoleu, B.C. <il2. waa bruuiirht far-
wanl against his ^ruat - t;ruudsui>,
Clisthencfl, abont p.c. 510 (Uerod, t.
70), and ai^aiuHt his fifth (]t>E;con>biuty
rericlos, R.V. 4;r3 (Thucyd.i. 12t',, 1^7).
Cf. Soph. Aiitig. iras ovfiik ^A\<i«4i
yt ¥ 9 at twl irA^dor tpvoif (&8ti).
w iUcU Vit. Solon. 0. 12.
384
SOLON.
App. BookT.
possession of mcn'a minds, and at tlie same time to remove tlie
causes of tliat settled aversion with which they regarded the existing
constitution of their country, an outbreak of a desperate character
was to be expected. Already dissensions of an alarming nature
manifested themselves ; and parties were formed whose geographic
basis threatened the state with disruption. The men "of the High-
lands," " of the Plain," and " of the Coast," became banded together,
and formed factions of a novel kind,^ with which it was most difficult
to deal. The great body of the Eupatrids must have been convinced
of the seriousness of the danger when they put themselves into the
hands of Solon, and allowed him to prescribe and apply the remedies
which in his judgment were necessary to meet the crisis.
20. Solon was indeed a Knpatrid, and descended from the royal
line of Codrus;* but the extravagance of his father, Kxecestides, had
80 reduced his inheritance, that in his youth he was forced to engage
in tradc,^ a circumstance which could not but tend to weaken in his
mind tliose exclusive notions in which persons of his class were
ordinarily nurtured. He had also shown liimself in his writings the
fearless denouncer of the wrongs committed by his own order, and
the energetic advocate of the just claims of the people.* In common
times ho would have been actively persecuted for such conduct, or
at least punished by scorn and neglect ; but, amid the perils which
now beset the state, he presented himself to the terrified nobles as
their best protection — perhaps as their only possible saviour. For
some time it appears that his advice was sought and adopted, and
ho was allowed to have the main direction of affairs, without being
invested with any distinct office, or placed in a position to act with
real authority. It was while he occupied this ambiguous position
1 Pint. Vit. Solon, c. 13. Mr. Grote
Bays these fftctions " had prevailed
before" (vol. iii. p. 125); but I know
no authority for such ft etateraont.
The diviciiima of the territory men-
tioned by Pollux (supra, p. 367, note''),
even if rcgai-dcd as authentic, would
be far from a proof.
On the charnoter of these factions,
see below, pp. 403-405.
2 Ibid, c 1. The relationship of
Pisistratns to Solon, and the connec-
tion of the former with the Codridro,
are generally admitted (Herod, v. C5,
and note ad loc.).
' Ibid, Ilence Aristotle regards him
as belonging to the " middle claasee."
(Pol. iv. 9 : ^Hfiftov 8) . . . T& roc-i
fitXriffTovs yofioBtrat tlreu rwr fitvtar
ToKiT&p. 'S6\My T« yitp ^v rovrmw^
* The scanty fragments of Solon
were edited by Dr. Gaisford in bis
PoetsB Minorea Gttcci, roL i. Tber
have been pabliebed in a separate
form by Bach (Bonn, 1825). Hii
strong langns^ on the subjects
mentioned in the text is pftrticolarlr
remarkable in Fr. xr. of Gaiaford's
edition.
ESAAT IL
DATE OF HIS ABCHONSHIP.
385
aecu
ihni he is said to have ** peraundcd "^ Mcgacles and Lis nccomplices
to Bland their trial on the charge of sacrilege, and to submit to the
decision which made them exiles from their conntry. This step (if
J taken) not proving snflScient to allay the general disquietude,
seems, while still without office, to have devised his second
measaro — the purification of the city by Epimenidca.^ Finally,
after this proceeding had been attended with a very large amount of
succcas, and the religions apprehensions of the community had been
trauquiUized thereby, but the political horizon continued still
clouded, it was resolved to put all power formally into his hands ;
he was invested with the dignity of chief archon, and given full
anthority to arrange the state at his plcaflure, to frame a new con-
stitution, and to repeal, confirm, or modify the Draconian code of
laws/
21. The archonship of Solon is fixed by most chronologista to tha-
ycftT n.c. 504,^ eighteen years after the insurrection of Cylon, and
tliirty from the attempt of Draco to crush the rising spirit of demo-
cracy by severity. Before proceeding to consider tho enactments
by which Solon met the dangers of the crisis, it is important to
• Pint. Sol. c 12 : a 2uA«y trtifft
rcUft iparyut hlKnv irwoffx*^*'' Tbo tale,
howoTer, is twmewhatBpocrvphal, and
perliape t?Tow oat of pruccedinj^ under
l^'ii:KtrntQ». At any rate, if ttio AIo-
irKroiiiiu^ made a show of BnbmiaHiun,
imd retired* they Boon rctorDcd, Bod
ir«ra M powerfnt as erer. Alcmeeon,
the Bon of tho gnittT archon, rom-
TnftTidfrf in the P&crud war (infra, p,
321). which WM from aboat CC, 600 to
ii,c. 591. And Mefiracles, hia son, ap-
pear! at th«> head of a politioal party
in B.C. 6fiO (Herod, i. 59).
' The invitation to EpimenideBisnot
distinctly said to have proceeded from
Solon ; bat there con be little donbt
that it wa.1 in fact hia doing. Plntarch
mcntioos the friendly terms on which
Epiraenide* waa with Solon while at
Athens (1.8.0.) : and Loertius (i. 110}
H';te* t)iat the inttTniinliary upon tho
••^■(^afliftit wn5 tho Drlphio oracle, be-
tween which and Solon there was evi-
(Irotly n, c>-^ ondprstanditip.
On thw history and character of
EfMnirupilcs »ee the treatise of Ilein.
yjeh, Epitttenida aus Kreta, LeipsiPi
vou ni.
1801 ; and compare Thirlwnll, vol. ii.
pp. 27-30 ; Grote, vol. iii. pp. 112-117j
and the article on the Hnbjeot in
Smith's Biographical Dictionary. On
hia prescription of human sacrificev,
asserted by Kcauthes of Cyaiomi (Fr.
24), and denied by Polemo (Fr. 53),
eco Mr. Crot^?'a note *, p. 114. Tho
time of hifl visit to Athens cannot be
exactly fixed, bnt it was probably in
or about the year li.c. 600. (See Cliii-
tou'fl F. H. vol i. p. 225 J 01. 46.)
rr^y ttal fofioOirns (Pint. Vit. Solon.
0. 14). Cf. Herod, i. 29.
• Clinton's Fasti Hellenin, vol. ii.
Appendix, ch. 17. Bnt it must be
rouiembered that Demosthenes — by
for the earliest authority — icravo a
mnob later clate,Tix., b.c. 583(DeFal9.
Leg. p. 420). I cannot agree with
Mr. Clinton that Demnsthenea distin-
gniflhea Solon'i Ltf^h from his archon-
ship, and ooonts from that. Solon's
archonship was hia Air^^. (Cf. Dtog.
Locrt. HxtiaC* vtpl rhy ri<Toap»K09Tii»
*A9i)ra/«(S, i. 62.)
2 c
U
386
SOLOX'S POLICY.
App. Booi V.
I
review the circumstanceB whereby he had acquired weight in. the
state, more especially as those circumstances bring before us iu &
tolerably distinct manner the external position of Attica and her
relations with neighbouring countries, of which we have obtained
no j^Iimpse since the date of Codrus.
22. It appears that, during the troubles of the DraconiaQ and
Cylonian period, the little state of Megara on the western borders of
Attica took advantage of her internal disorders to commence an
ajfgrcssive war, and succeeded in it so well as to dispossess their
rivals of the island of Salamis, to which Uiey had, or professed to^
have, a claim of long standing.' Bepcatcd attempts were nuide b^V
the Athenians to recover their lost dependency ; but on these occa-
sions they were so roughly handled by the Hcgarians that they hod
at last desisted from the war, and, convinced of its impolicy, had
even passed a decree forbidding, under penalty of death, any pro
posal to renew the struggle.^ Solon, however, himself a Sala*
minian,* took a diSerent view of the course proper nxtder
circnmstanccs ; and making up his mind to rifctk the consequencea^'
he one day feigned madness, and rushing into the forum, where
people (».e. the nobles) were assembled, he recited in an impassioned
tone a poem of his own composition, in which the AtheniaTja were
exhorted to make another effort for the reconquest of the island*
The venture succeeded. Many of the nobles — among them Pisis-
tratus,' who was his kinsman — seconded his efforts ; and the decree
th^
th»|
• Flut. Tit. Sol. c. 8. It in likely
ADough that ibe Megnrians may have
hold poij^L'Boiun of Salatuia dtiriug a
conxidcnkblo portion of the time inter-
rcQiDg between Codraa tud Solon,
Binco Mc>p;Ara was a powerful nnral
Btato fn^ni tho middto uf llio eighth to
the middlu uf the eevfjuth cuntury B.C.
Daring this period ahe founded colonics
in Sicilr, in tho Propontie, on tbo Bob-
phoms, and (probablj) in the Blnclc
Sea. That (the had n>al1y posspsscd
the island in ancient times isiudicatod
by her appeal to tho tracea of her
poooliar uiothod of interment as ap-
parent in nmny of tho old tomba (Flut.
Vit. Sol. o. 10).
^ Demosth. de Fols. Lpr. fl. a. o.) ;
Diog. Lucrt. i, 46 ; Plat. Vit. S«I. c. 8,
' According to Diogeoea Laerliua (i.
46), who sajra that the fact waa re-
corded on hia etatae at Athena, Mr.
Grote anggeata that he waa not roall/^
bom at Salamia, bat only receiwd aa
allotment there afttr tho oonqucvt of
tho island (Hist, of Greece, vol. it. pp,
210, 211). The story of the diapanioa
of hia aahes over tho island seema to
be connected with tho tradition of ita
being his t rao conntrv (Tlut. Vit. StiU
ad fin.; Diog. Laert. i. 62; AriatiU.
p. 230, ed. Dindorf.). ,
» So Plutarch (L a. c). T«i, a«
Gwte obaorvcs (p. 121), at thia
(abont B.C. 600-69-t, according to t^
ordinary ohronologr) ho could Maro^y
have been more than a boy. Ba died
IKC, 527, and as he is nerer aaid lo
have attained to an extreme old agc^
wo can scarcely sappuse him
fore B.C. 607. Yet he ii rcj
by Plutarch aa aiding Soluci u
I
smath.
WAA WITH MEOARA.
387
WAS repealed, an expedition voted, and Solon liimsclf appointed to
the command of it.
The details of the expedition by which Solon carried out liii
project are variously related,* and rest on no very good authority.
It seems certain that Pisistratus, though very young- at the time,
was engaged in the war,' and gained coosiderablo distinction in it;
and there is no donbt that Salamis was recovered ; hut more than
this bare outline can scarcely bo said to be known. The war was
terminated by an appeal to Sparta on the chief matter in dispute
between the combatants, namely, the possession of Salamis, which
was adjudged to Athens on the combined evidence of oracles and
mythic traditions.*
23. Solon shortly afterwards engaged Athens in another dispute,
which he likewise carried to a suecosafnl issue. Perhaps he thought
by involving his countrymen in foreign wars to make them forget
their domestic differences. A quarrel had arisen between the Del-
phians and the people of Cirrha, the port from which Delphi was
ordinarily reached by travellers from the west. In a meeting of the
Amphiftyonic Council, Solon, as Athenian deputy, nrged the armed
interference of the League on behalf of the Delpliifins/ and per-
Bnaded the Council to adopt his proposition. A force consisting of
Thessalians, Sicyonians, and Athenians, was collected,® and thu first
Sacred War commenced, probably in the year B.C. 600.* It was
the war Tot«d, and by HerodotoB (i.
59) aa greatly distinjLOii^hinf; himself
in iU These arc gronndii, howercr,
not for dUtraitinf; the (acts, bat for
qaostioain^ tho ordinary datfts, which
rett oolr upou late authority (Sosi-
crataa, Lacrtinn, ClomenB, &q.). Tho
diffioaliy would be to a gieat cztout
mooved by adoptint^ the chronoloj^
of OciDOBtheiMM {twe abore^ p. S&5,
noto»).
* Ac-conling to one anthnrity ho was
not personally CTis:a;;od in the war at
all (Dnlmarh. Fr. 7). AcconiiuK to
others (I'lniarch, Laertiiu, Poly»nns,
^tiati, Ac.) he had the »oIo mauaj^-
meat of it ; and took the city of Sala.
mu by stratagem in tho first year.
Th« itratagom, moreover, is reported
nrioaily. (Compare Polvaen. L 20,
with ^lian, V. H. ru. 19.) Tho Me-
garians, again, gave a completely
diflereat account of the mode by
which thoy lost this island (Pai
1. xl. § 4).
• Herod, i, B9, and note ad loc Tho
testimony of llorodotas would 1i« de-
cifliTO on snch a point, oven if more
vreighi attached to the nrdioary chro-
nology than I should be inclined to
assign to it.
• riot. Vit. Sol c. 10. Compare Ar.
Ehct. i. 15 (p. 63. ed. Taachn.).
' Aristot. Kr. 265.
"Pint. Vit. Sol. 0. 11; JEach, a
Ctcs. p. 69; Schol. ad Find. Pylh.
Proleg. : Schol. ad Pint]. Neni. ii. 2;
Fansan. n. ix. 5 6, and j. xiivii. § 4.
• See CUnton'i F. H. vol. i. p,
22-1; 01. 46, 2; and vol. ii. pp. 23!l,
240. Thia dato dejxrnda chiefly on
the Parian mathlo, which makes the
capture of Cirrha fall into tho year
B.C. 691. Accorrlinir to Clii-thenes (ap.
Athen. xiii. p^ 660, C.), the war lasted
tenyeartt.
iSS
SOLOX S LEOISLATIOK.
Are, Book V,
Gondactcd by Enxyloolins tho Tliessalian,' with the assistance o£
Clistbencs, tjmnt of Sicyon,' and of AIcmiDon, son of the Aivhon
Megaclcs. who commanded the Athenian contin;?cnt.' Acconling
to one acconnt,* Solon himself accompanied tho army in the capiicity
of counsellor, and actually contrived the stratagem through which
Cirrha was aiptured ; " but snch a position does not belong to
sunpUeity of tbo tune,' and the part taken by Solon in the war w:
proljably Limited to a warm advociwy of it in the first insianco, and
a recommendation at its close that Cirrha should be destroyed and
its lands given to the Dolphians.
24. Such wore the chief public actions of Solon at tho time of his
Belectinn as " lawgiver.*' Ha was known as a skilful leader, a bold
man, and a warm patriot. Connected by birth with the high arislo-
crata, by occupation with tho commercial classes, and by sympath/
with the oppressed commons, he bad friends in every rank, and
might bo expected to deal fairly by all. His abilities were groat,
his moderation greater ; and probably Athens possessed at tho time
no other citizen half so fitted for tho difficult office which ho was
urged, and at last consented, to undertake. The nobility felt tJiat
he would not sacrifice his own order ; the commons know thai h
approved their cause, and would have the courage to see justiea
done them ; the trading class, which was just beginning to feel it«
strength/ had hopes from one who had been personally engaged in
commerce^ and did not regard it as a degradation. The taak^ Kow*
ever, which had been committed to liini, waa one of no ordinary
difficulty. He had not only to remodel a barbarous code, and frame
a constitution suitable to the existing state of tho community, which
were the usnal duties of a lawgiver ; ' but he had to meet a financial
crisis in the shape which such matters commonly took in ancUsit
il
' Scliol. ad Pind. P-rth. Prolog. ; StraK
it. pp. 418-121 ; Poljsen. vi. 13 ; oomp.
PaaflOD. II. ix. § 6.
' Pansan. x. xxxr'u. § 4 ; FcDDtln.
Btmrpsr. iii. 7-
*nut. Vit. Sol. clL
* Pauaan. U b. o.
* Tho poisoning of tlie river Plelstne,
which Bupplietl CirrUa with water
franBan.x. ncxriu § 5). PoWsennsand
Froatinm (1> R. Q.) ascribe this Btrat»-
gem to CliBtheuBii} Thessaltu, to a
certriio Nobms.
' To semi a lifi&ovKos or ivfi$ovK(n
with a frenerol, mg a ptactiee earn-
mcBced bj Sparta aboat tbo jetf ac^
446.
? The Parali of Plntmrch (Vit Sol
0. 13) and Herodotus (i. &9) BWrn b)
reprewnt this tmdine cImoi. Thej
dwolt chiefly along' the »oulber& •»•
board. Trhcrx) tho principal porta Ur,
and perhaps inelofled the worlnrt vt
the ailvcr mines cowarda the extreiniij
of the peainralft.
* Ti6ftous ^taOai Kui -roXtrttta Ksri"
ffr^CfU (cf. AxiBt. PoL ii. 9, dc).
dk
EssAxn.
HIS SEISACHTHEIA.
3S9
times — lie Imd to acknowledge and relievo a widespread insolvency,
to prevent a war between rich and poor, to put a stop to the oppres-
sion of the one, and to save, so far as practicable, the just righte of
the other. The measure by which he effected these ol.ijecte — his
SeUaehiheia — has Ixsen differently understood and estimated. Accord-
ing to some' it consisted of two points — a reduction in the rate of
interest, which was made retrospective, and thus extinguished a
number of debts — and a debasement of the cnrrencj to the extent of
above one-fourth, whereby all outstanding obligations were dinoi-
nished in thiit proportion. According to others ' its chief proviso
was the poHitivc and complete abolition of all debts, or at least of
those where the debtor had burrowed ou the mortgage of bis estate
or the security of hia person. The old Athenian law of debt, like
the Homan,' and indeed like the primitive law of debt in almost all
countries,' allowed the poor man to borrow " on his body.** * In this
case, if he did not repay the debt at the stated time, he became the
slave of his creditor^ and was thenceforth employed by him in servile
labours. His children, too, and even his onmarriod sisters, passed
with him into slavery, unless he had sold them previously, which
the law allowed him to do.' Such sales aud forfeitures had, it is
said, taken place to a large extent in Attica before Solon's appoint-
ment, while the lands of the snukll proprietors were almost uni-
vereaJly mortgaged, and the whole claaa of free agriculturists was in
imminent danger of becoming absorbed into the slave population, or
being forced to emic^ratc. It is certain that Solon's legislation
effectually rcmcUicU tins wretched condition of things ; that it freed
all those who were in slavery for debt ; timt it swept off the mort-
* As Androiton nmcm); the ancienta
(Fr. 40) ; K. F. Hcnnaun (Pol. Ant. §
106)aad Bp. Tfairlwall (Hist, of Greece,
Tol. ii. p. 3*) amoiig tUo moflenw,
» Plat. Viu Sol. c. 15 ; Dion. HaL r.
65; Hemclid. Puut. i. B; Di» Cbry.
BO«t. xzxi p. 833, A. tlcrmann con-
f«Me8 <$ lOQ, Dote ") that ** moBt Greek
writers" take this view. His adoptod,
ia ft modified form, by Mr. Groto (vol.
iiL p. 13:i).
» Nicl»iilir, Tol. L -pp, 6fi6.569,E. T.;
Ton Sari^y, System dca hcotigni
BfiiaiflcheD I£«chtB, vol. r. § 219, &o.
* Niebuhr savs, ** Id all coantrica
men in uwd liavo haJ Ihe wretcLed
H^bt of BelliDg themselrea snd their
faniili^a : it obtained among the
northern ziatioDs, aa well an among tbo
Grcoks aod in Aaia" (vol. 1. p. &64.
E. T.). CompttTO Ciea. Bell. Gall. ri.
13 ; Died. Sic i. 79 t Grimm. Deotwsho
B«chta Alterthumer, pp. 61 2-U15 ; and
for the custom amoog the Jews, Lor.
XXV. 39 ; Nebom. v. &
* 'Evl r^ aAftxru Plut. Vit. Sol.
e.15.
* Solon made unch sales iUptralCPlnl.
Sol. c. 23), which ehows that thry weni
legal preTiouslr. According to lln-
tarcb (c 13} the practice had prevailed
widely.
390
HIS DEBASEMENT OF THE CCRRENCY. App. BooiV.
gage pillars from tlio lands, and entirely cleared tliem of all bnrttens-*
A mere diminntion in the rate of interest, even though retrospec-
tive, wonld not have done thia, for it would have affected recent-
debts bat very slightly: there is, moreover, distinct evidence thafc
Solon did not reduce the legal rate of interest, but by a disfcinci
enactment declared it free,' We are therefore necessitated to con
clndo that the relief which Solon*s legislation confessedly gave w
not effected in this way ; and consequently vre must regard the
Seisachtkeia as (at least to some extent) an actual abolition of debt,
which is what the word iteclf, notwithstanding its euphemistic cast,*
evidently means. Solon regarded the circumstances of the time as
justifying, or rather requiring, a departure from the ordinary law of
contracts, a relaxation of hard and strict justice, a concession to
poverty and necessity, with which moderns cannot consistently
find fault, BO long as no objection is made to insolvent debtor conrt*
and bankrnptcy courts, which render such general abolitions of
debts unnecessary among ourselves, by continually doing on a small
scale for individuals what otherwise has to bo done from time to
time on a grand scale for the community. On the other hand, Soloa
evidently took care not to go beyond the needs of the occasion. Ho
was far from abolishing all debta; otherwise there wonld hare beoa
no object at all in tliat debasement, of the currency, which is an un-
doubted portion of his scheme." Where and how he drew the line
we have no evidence to show ; it is quite possible that-, na at Rome
on one occaaion,' proof of insolvency may have been required ou the
part of the debtor ; or debts of a particular kind and cla$8 may (m
Mr. Orote thinks ^) have been excused, being known to be Boch as
I
(
' See the famonn fragment of 8olon
(xxriii. ed, Gaisf.) —
MT^IfN tttfiarrt Aatfu'ivw 'OAvfiiriMPi
afMrro, Pn ^l^^tu^a, ru iyi more
0pO¥r utrtTKatf watraxh «<«t7Btop»
Wfvta0tv A* ^K^fiitrairci, fiv i^ttAi-pti,
Wo\\cvx A' 'A0>)fa<i notf.iV iv CoMriTov,
itvTfjaycv wiHt9tyraT, ^kXov iKdtKut,
Xfi»\afir>if Xt-jrOvTar, iXi-taati ountt' 'ArrtMijtt
tttrrar, mc oc iroXX<j\i) m\a¥mftttntvt'
' L^rsiaii c. TJieomnert. c. 18 — rh
kpy6ptov vrdfft^v tlvm 4^' S<roif hy ^ai*
" Plat. Vit. Sol. § 15— tAt tw»^ -wpa-
yndrw dvtrx^pfias ovifiairt xpntrroti nl
^tXaj^pwirois 4wMa\i'wr€ir wpwror Six**
vot ^r (US (otKt) <r6tf>i<TfteL, t^wt»wxP*^
h.itoKoit^y afttrdx^ttav orofj-itrayrof^ Yft
fffuTtixSttti, '* tishakinij ujf *>/ (>ortA«ii«,**
is after all Bnfficiently cn)rc!wiTs.
* Pint. Vit. SoJ.o.l&;cf.U.iL'kh'itPnbI.
Econ. of Athens, vol. i. j^ ly»;, E. T,
' At the Qnt Sece8«ion(Dioii]rB. HaL
vi. 83 ; ccmip. Zonnjr. vii. 1-4).
' Mr, Grote considers the Setaftfih*
theia to have *' oancolK-d at onoe otf
ihnse eoniract4 in which tbo deUcr
had borrowed on theaecyritr eilhwof
hia p&rton or of bis land^ " (XiiBi. of
Orevce, Tol. iii. p. 132): bat to hifV
left other debts nntooohed.
(
I&&TIL
AXTI-SLAVERY ENACTMEXTS.
391
ly the extremely poor had oontrncted. TUo benefit extended to
debtor, who wus in no danger of losing his freedom, amounted
little more than one-fonrth of his obligation ' — a sensible allevia-
m doubtless, but one wliich did not greatly injaro tljo creditor.
assort, however, as Androtion did, that tlio creditor suffered no
at all by the arrangement,^ is absurd; since, had that been the
the debtor conld have experienced no relief. Every lowering
e standard is n fraud upon creditors in the same proportion that
ft boon to dobton*. and though admitting of justification by cir-
istances, on the great political principle *'' galits puhlica vuprema
" pc<|nire«, in order to cany the approval of right-judging minds,
tt such jastitic;ition shall be diHtinctly made out. In the case
'ore us there seems no reason to doubt that a wise discretion was
irciaed, and that the sacriGco required of the richer citizons was
imperatively called for by the circumstances of the time, and
iply compensated to them by the dangers which it warded off, and
security and tranquillity to which it conduced.
25. In legisUkting on this diiHcult subject Solon was not content
the Romans were in too many instances ^) to deal only with the
lal evils before him, but wisely looked to preventing their recur.
He at onoe abolished servitude for debt/ which was not
me away with at Rome till a century and a half after the first
ieg^slation on the subject ; ^ and at the same time he made it illegal to
a child or a sister.® He rciioemed from slavery — by what meAns
are not informed — the citizens who had been sold into foreign
It ma £7 per c«nt. ; ooe hmidred
of the new coioaj^ of Solon
ily eqaallm^ in valne 73 of thp old
roindire. Bdckh's conjectaro that the
"'oai^ wosintuudod Uibo Uirco-
- the weight of tbo old, and
i^y omitting to make any allow.
fur wa»t6, Solon accidentally
!d it two per cent, lower, ia
bappy, and may irelt be ncucplcd
mo«t probably the tmc expliina-
[* 'Of (XrZirftu fiir rwhs iicriroirrus fi§-
fUmvs iFr. 40).
• At thp flrrt Scc«Mion, at the Li-
CiDtan lcjri»IatiOR, at tbe aimnffeDieiu
of 403, at tbe pa«Mig« of tbe tienucian
• riat. Vit. 60I. 1. «. c. wpAf wh A«iv^
^ Liv. viii. 28; Dionys. Hal. xvj. S,
9 ; Cio. de Bep. ii 34. Even tbcn it
was perhaps oidy the power of pledg.
ing the penon for the intcreat of u
debt which was aboliabud. Slavery
on account of the principal of a loon
ap]}ear8 to have continaed down to
the empire, and to have only giren
way before Chrifltionity. (See Mr.
Oroto's note to toL iii oh. 11, Appen-
dix.)
" PlnL Tit. Solon, c. 23. There wm
one exception only, which would haT9
very rarely coimb into play- (o5t»
QvyoTipat itwAiZk, oft' iZt\^% 8i8«ffi^
■ytrntiiini*'*)
392
80LON*S CLASSES.
Arr. Bool V.
coiintrtes» and compelled the immediato emancipation of Bucb as
were still in Attica.' To obviate a return of tho gcncml povertT,
which had required such severe remedies, ho thought it enough
in the first place to incline the burthen of taxation upon the rioli,*
and in the second to tnm the attention of the Atheiiiana to maoa*
facturos, requiring every father, on pain of losing his claim to be
supported by his sons in old age, to teach them in their yonth a
handicraft,* and empowering the Areopagus to examine into every
man's means of subsistence, and to punish those who had no definite
occupation,' It may bo questioned whether theao provisions would
have been very effectual for their purpose had the general rendition
of Greece continued unchanged ; the rapid advance in the material
prosperity of Athens, which commenced soon aftcrwnrds, arose from
causes wholly unconnected with the Solonian legislation ; first, from
the vast increase in the yield of the Attic silver mines ; * scoondly,
from the value of the Persian plnndcr;* thirdly, and mainly, from
the establishment of the empire of Athens over her subject allies;
and the prosperity thus prodnced prevented Solon's safcgnards
against poverty from being subjected to any searching test. It alao
precluded all temptation to repeat the process which he bad SttDO-
tioned — a process necessary perhaps once or twice iu the lifetime of
a state, bnt ruinous if allowed to become a habit — and thus enabled
Athens to enjoy the benefits without suffering the evils which
usually attend upon the repudiation of money engagements.*
26. Having thus met and remedied the principjil difficulty of iha
time, the lawgiver ap]>licd himself to the comparatively easy tasks
of framing a constitution and introducing a code of laws. Tbo
iimoeraiical constitution of Solon is too well known to require mon
than the briefest notice here. He divided the whole body o!
Athenian cilizeTis — i.e. all the members of the old hereditary tribe*—
into four classes, according to their property J Thoee whose inooms
* Sol. Frmgm. 28, qootod in ooto',
pa««390.
* Sec bolnw, p. 393.
« Plot. Vit. Solon, c. 22 : irr>J? rU
fix^as iVpttfc Toif] "ttoKWat, ical v6fioy
Kypai^f¥ vl^ rpftpny T^f warJpa /i9| Si*
SatdfAtpor T^x*^** ^oLra^Kd ^4} that'
* Ibid. 1. B. o. Comp. Herod, ii. 177.
* Herod, vii. !■«. * Ibid. ix. 80.
* That the Atheninna -were fully
nwnre of tho daugcr oriBing from tho
precedent let, ie iadiuatod by tbe
Holiofitic oat}i, which probably Jbdt*
twin about Ibe lim«- rtf 01i*thnHA.
Tho dirnKi swore.
Hover to nee bis '
of effecting n redt>ii l-.- .
or an oMition uf (nr.
(Kptwr AffOinnr^i'i Deou c. _ : ac p-
746).
r Plat. Tit. Bol. 0. 18, eiseq. j irW.
Pol. ii. 9, and Fr. fl ; Pollox. riii, I»;
Argum. ad Ari^toph, £q. sub fia. t »tA
the LexicograpbezB> pcuffiim
L
iiJL
HIS INCOME-TAX.
393
iQnted to 500 medimrii of com, or Tnetrotes of wine or oil, formed
first class,'* and were csiWedPentacosiomedimni, a terai flignificativo
vrealth. Thoso whoso incomo ranged between 500 and 300
mcasnres constituted the second class, and boro the name of
ei* (liorsemen), or Hlppada-tel&nfss (belon^ng to the horseman
), being persona who could afford to keep a horse. Those who
lefis than 300 meaaores a year, and more than 200,^ were called
a (yokcmen), because they could support a yoke of oxen ;
made the third class. Finally, there was a fourth class, com-
of all whoso income was under 200 measures ; this class bore
name of T}iete» (hirelings), because it was presumed that their
y would in general necessitate their employment as the hired
rers of others.^ The chief difference in the rights of the
classes seems to have been that the archonship and the Court
Areopagus (which was composed of cx-archons^) were con-
fined to Iho Pentacosiomedimni \^ that offices of inferior dignity were
open to tlie Htppeis and Zengitte ; and that the Thetes were made
incapable of any ot&ce at all> All ranks, however, voted in the
I Ecclesia, or General Assembly of the People, which Solon re-esta-
^juhed, and to which be committed the election of all officers, iuclud-
^^m the archons and the members of the pre -considering council.
^H(7. The distribution of state burthens was proportioned to that
^y state privileges. Direct taxation had probably existed in
^ihens from the oarlie-st times ; but hitherto it may have been a
inere poU-tax, tho most oppressive mode of raising a revenue.
^■pn absolutely exempted tho Thctcs from direct burthens, and
fBublished a graduated income-tax, pressing most beavLly on the
yyealthiest. The Pentacosiomedimni were taxed at the full value
l^^lt if mppoficd by seme that the
**fct>oino wn« to be in ©very case dtrixied
from Innd, bat 1 afrreo with Mr. Grote
(vol. iii. p. 159) that tliis ia very uu-
Ukely.
^^m^ agree with Ur. Grote tbnt wa
^^B booud to fotloTT tho antbaritr of
^BVncientft on this point, rather than
'tiiG ipvcalatiuns eveu of eo m(;enioDii
a person as Bockh. (See tho History
of Greece, vol. iii. pp. 157, 158, note.)
Bp. ThirlwBll inc1inc>4 to follow Bdckh
(vnl. ti. p.37}. SoBcrmaoQ (Pol. Aut.
5IOS).
' Mr. Grot^ dmuca that the fourth
claas con rvall^r hare borne this appol-
latioD. becanse ** it Ib not conceivable
that a pmpriotor whow land yielded
to him a cle&r annual rotom of 100,
120, 140, or 180 druchina, oould ever
have been doftignati'd br that name"
(vol. iii. p. 159). Bat a clai&a is named
from the goneml cliaracter of thoso
comjmsing it, without pcferonce to a
few except iunal casea. And all tho
Itcat authoritica (Aristotle, Plutarch,
Follux) are unanimoofl on the point,
' Dem. o. Aiidrot. p. OttS j Flat. )nt.
Sol. c. J9.
» nnt. Vit. ArUtid. c 1.
* Ar. Pol. ii. 9.
394
MILITARY 6EBVICE OF THE CLASSEa Arr. Bool
of their property', or at tweU-o timcB their income; the Hippois at
ono-sixth less than the full Talne, or at t«n times their lacomc;
the Zeugitffi at one-half the rate of the Hippcis, or at five times
their income.* The rat© of tax tlcmandcd varied from time to
time, ncconling to the needs of the state; bnfc -whatever the rate
fixed for tlie year, the Hippens paid a doable income-tax compared
with the Zcuj^tca, and the Pentacoaiomcdimnna moro than such
donble tax by two-fifths. To illostrat'e familiarly, if the Zcngites
had been called on in any year for fivepcnco in the pound npon
his income, the Hippens wonld have had to pay tcnpence in the
pound, and tho Pontacosiomedimnus a shilling. Besides this gene-
ral barthcn, the occasional and irrcgnlar expc uses of the Litoigte*
or State Services were thrown entirely npon tho rich citiieni,*
among whom they were distributed according to somo system wlticb
has not come down to ns.
Had tho rcvenuo of tho stato been derived solely, or even mainly,
from the proporty-tax, great dissatisfaction wonld probably hare
been felt at its graduation, as well as at tho etcmption fn>m it of tbe
mass of tho citizens. But tho chief and only permanent sources of
revenue at Athens were the state-propertyj which was no burthen
on any one, and the duties on imports,^ to which all alike contri-
buted. The Eisphora, or property-tax, was rarely levied, and only
upon occasions of diSicalty ;^ so that it corresponded rather to the
forced loans of modem states, which have always been exacted foom
the rich, than to any part of the regnlar taxation.
' There is some indication that in tho timocratical scheme of Solon
at Athens, as in that of Sorvius Tnllius at Rome, not taxation only,
but military duties also, were apportioned according to wealth, and
therefore according to privilege. But the graduation in this case
is not completely made out. It is clear that the second class far^
(
* See Polios, viii. 130, with the
explanation of Bdckh (Econom. of
Athens, vol. ii. pp. 269-273). which is
followed by Rishop ThirlwtiU (vol, ii.
pp. 38, 89), by Mr. Grote with one
exception (vol, iii. pp. 156, 157), and
by Dr. Scbmitz (Smith's Diet, of An*
tiq., Bub Toc Cenr\i$).
On the nntiqnity of the LitorRies.
of. Aristot. CEcoDom. ii. 5. In later
times, no one contribatod to them
whos«) property wan andnrtliree talents
(hwoa de PyrrL o. 80 ; Dew. v. Aphob.
p. 883). If thifl WS4 the orifpnftl rnlei
they can haro f&llen only upna Pirntft>
OT'siomeclimnl. Mr. Grote tmj*, Uul
they '*wcre distribnt<^ between tta
tnombersof tho (first) thrc« cliw"
(toI. iii. p. 160); but hedoeaoo6qiioC«
luB anthority.
7 Bflckh, vol, ii, pp. 9.23.
■ Ibid. pp. 23 Pt ftcqq.
• Tbncyd. iii. 19; Uteosde
p. 57 ; Antiph. Tetml, i, 12.
Bockh, Tol. ii. p. 227, nad K.
mami« § 162.
I
THE PRO-BOULEUTIC COUKCIL.
39S
liislied the cavalry of tho Atht-nian array,^'* and the third class its
heaTy-anzLcd iiiftuitry ;'^ while the fourth formed no part of tho
regular army, only serring as light troops apon an emergency.^ But
noihiug is said concerning the military obligations of the first class ;
and we are left to conjecture whether they wore Ic^ly exempt
from all service, or acted as cavalry without being called Hij>pcis,
or merely furnished 'the officers of the cavalry and infantry, as has
eometimes been supposed.' Tho first supposition is precluded by
the whole spirit of Greek antiquity, which attached the profession
of arms to the ap{)or classes espocially ;' the last may be true to
0Omc extent, but will not be a sufficiont account to give of tho
irhole body.* We must tlierefore conclude that there was no exact
lino of demarcation between tho first and second classes in respect
of latlitary service, but that both alike served in the cavali^,* and
^jppbably with the same equipment.
^Hk8. Dosidos introducing this new organization, and thereby really
■RablLshing a species of moderate democracy,*^ Solon instituted the
|Pro-BouIentic Council/ a sort of eommittco of the Eccleaia, consist-
[ing of W) citizens, 100 from each of the tribes, whoso businesa it
to prepare all measures before they could be submitted to the
bly, to convoke it when necessary, to direct its proceedings,
Be« to the execution of its decrees. The election of those 400
ns, as well as that of the archons, was entrusted to the free
TOte of the people,* who had further tho power of sitting in judg-
ment on tho archons after their year of office,® and refusing or allow-
ing their admission into the Areopagus.'
These aro the chief points of Solon's constitntion on which
IS; AristoplL
« Plut. Vit. Solon, c.
' " This oridontly follows from the
I erdiantj excmpliun of the Tboti-a (ei-o
HkM^nt note), coTiibincd with the
i^^^Hunn'co of tho HippciA.
■■WirHell. II. iiL § 20; Thncyd.
' Ti- 43 ; Harporrntion, ad voc. dig-rts.
I» Thirlwoll. vol. ii. p. 38,
ICf. Uermnim's i'ol. Ant. §§ 57. 67-
ItTiiless we believe that the UippeiH
■pin thotioifof Solon nndcr 100 (!),
Plidoriileadoc)nre<l (dp Pace, p. 92);
^bich caec thp PcntacDsioinciltmiu
would bnve beeu senrcely s» many.
* Bee Diet, of Antiq. p. 4&6. Alci-
Inadesi who must have beloaged tu the
PentncoBioraedimni, srrrpd on borw-
baok at the battle of Deliam (Flat.
f^ympoR. p. 221, B), Ho does nut
appear to hnro held any commnDd.
■ Arist. Pol. ii. 9 : 'Eootc Si 2<*A**'
• • . rii¥ irj/ioy naraafittrm. And ft^aiii,
irtrraffT^crai r^v vdrrpiup, ^{o*Ta koXStm
rify woAtrcfav.
' Bo PluHircb (Solon, o. 19) : but
Arifltotlo saTR (1. a. c.) that be fonnd
tho Council already establifihed. This
bowevor aeems Bcaroely potaibld.
• Plat. Vit. Sol. I s. c.
• AHst Pol.iii.e (p.90,ed-Tauchn.),
Compare ii. 9.
' Dcinorch. c. DemoGth. p. 97.
39^
DICA3TERIGS.
App. Boos V,
modem writers are agreed. They conatitnte an immenBe adrance
from the strict oligarchy whicU ho found established, and amply
accomit for iho opinion whicli prevailed widely in later times thai
Solon was the tme founder of the democracy at Athens. The ex-
tension of real citizcnsliip from the £apatrids, who alone can he
tmly said to have possessed it previously, to all members of the
tribes ; the substitution of the standard of wealth for that of liirth,
with reference even to the liigbest offices of the state ; the cltaug«
in the mode of appointing the archons from nomination by the
Eupatrids to free election by the Assembly of the People ; the prac-
tical introduction of the eGSvfa, whereby the arehons became really
accountable for their conduct while in office ; and the institution of
an elective council, with the right of taking the initiative in legis-
lation and in tlie conduct of affairs, muRt, even if unaccompanied
by any other changes, have conferred on the Athenians a measure
of liberty and Belf-govcmmcnt which, compared with their former
condition, could not hut seem absolnto democracy, and which, even
regarded in itself, was substantial freedom. It is possible, how.
ever, that Solon may have gone further. Plutarch ' and Aristotle'
expressly ascribo to him the instiintion of the Dicasttries or popular
law-courts ; and the Attic orators connect his name with almost the
whole machinery of democracy, as it existed in their own day.' No
<
I
• Vifc. Sol. C 18: oJ \otirol v^rt
4ic<jJ<io\hrro Snrts, o7t otiltfAtay ipx^y
TOAffrtlas. And niiratn, tea ratf ip^cui
troi^t Kpivfiy, ifiaitct Kcd Ttpl iKttiw¥ tit
t1> 5iKaariipiov i<ptff(is KuKt tou &ovKih
* Mr. Groto cit&a Arietotle as a
witness on the other side. He believes
that in the paasogo respecting Solon
(Pul ii. 9, §§ 2. 3, and 4), the last sec-
tion nlono (from tpalwtTat ft' o£r icari
r^v ^6\upos to olt ov8eju/ar ^pxvs fitrtiv)
contttiii* the judf^ment of Aridtotlo
himaclf. The Boccnd and third sec-
tions (from ^6\aya 8* ivtot to tls t^k rvr
iriHOKpaTiar) contain, be says, nothing'
bat the oplniou of certain critit'S, -vrbo
praised or blamed Solon, with their
reasons for bo doing. I cannot agree
•with this view. In section 2, Aristotle
posBes from the obliqae to the dirfct
phruse at tho words Ioznc S« StJAtvv, and
marks bj tin's that be turns frvm Ibo ,
statements of otben to hia own indg* i
meDt. The passnge thus intt^vcvd
ifl the statenicnt of Aruttotle in bis
own jierson, and cntinxly preclndesall
cnntroventy as to his opinion. Aris-
totlo says, touct Ik 2<dXwir ^Ktlra k*'
re fiuvKifV Kai ri]v ruv ipi^mtf gSptirar,
riv 5i ZrifLov icaravr ^ff mt^ rk
imaar'^p la To(4<rat im v^f^
T «f f. Further, it is to me mcoscciT-
fible, that if AnstotlccooM h»vt freed
SoloD from tbe blame attached to him
by his detractors, «olely on account of
his act tin^iip the Dicastcridp.by unplT
eayiuf^, "It is alia mistake — be did
not Bet them ap/' he cboold noC hoi*
done Fo.
* Cf. Dem. c. Timoer. pp. 706. 707.
and p. 746 j JSsobin. e. Ct«^ p. 429;
c. Leptin. c. 21 ; Andocid, de Mwt t
p. 13, Ac.
BIRTH OF DEMOCRACT UNDER SOLOX.
397
ibt tliGre is in sncli statcTnents more or less of incorrcctTiess — a
tdencj to ooncontratc nndcr one namo what waa really scattered
a larger Burface, and at the wime time to dignify with antiquity
kt tho speakers regard as important in the democratical system ;
la. many instances too it is clear (as Mr. Groto has well shown")
ihftt tho particular points of tho system which are ascribed to Solon
belong to a far more refined and advanced ago ; bnt on tho other
h&nd it seems over bold to set aside the direct, positive, and cir-
^BiDitantial statements of writers like Aristotle and PlutArch, who
make the establishment of the law-coorts a leading feature in
Solonic changes, and to pronounce that he did absolutely nothing
in this matter, because the entire complex system which existed in
time of Pericles cannot have come from him. We are hound to
tieve, on two such authorities,* that the idea of popular trial
ori|p*natcd with Solon, and that some machinery was introdncod by
him for tho purpose. It would thus appear that the entire demo-
cratical system of later times had its germs in his legislation, with
ly two exceptions of any importance — viz., ostracism and oloctioa
lot
SO. If the democratic character of the Solonian constitution has
been inaufliciently apprehended by some of our writers, by others
it has nndoubtodly been exaggerated to a still greater extent,
ascribe to Solon (as Bishop Thirlwall does') tho fall organiza-
of the Helitea, as it appears in the time of the orators, the
institution of the Heliastic oath, of tko Nomothets and Syndics,
and of that bulwark of the later constitution, tho ypcup^ wapar^futv,
ifl to miRunderstand altogether his position in Athenian con-
stitntianal history, and to fail in distinguishing the spirit of his
legislation from that of Clisthenes. The democracy is bom under
Solon, but it ia bom an infant — not, like Minerva, full grown.
Under Clisthenes it attains to adolescence, under Pericles to matu-
rity. It is an error of the most serious kind to ascribe to the simple
• Hi8t.of Greece, vol. iii. pp. 102-166,
* It should aUo be bamo Id miDd,
(accordingr to Aristotlo, L a o.)
vrwi ft g«a«nl agreemeDt on the
>jf>ct. 1'he only qneaticm between
Solun'tf criticM was, whether ho had
dune well or Ul in eaiAblishing the
iouleries. Mr. Groto re^rda Hero-
M ** positively cuutmdioting the
ition " (vol. lii. p. 167^ ; but the
poasago adduced in proof (r. 69) ia
miaqooted and tnistnuisUlea. Hero*
dottu does not mav tAv 'ABntudeaw 8i$p»,
wp9Ttpo¥ k»ti0n*'tn>¥ mtKrwc, bat rhu
'A<*. ^7}fioyf ttp6T*pQP imov^iyov, rrfrt
wdyrti Tphi T^y ktavrw fAOipaf wp«tr»94f
KOTO, aud iatMrpjUiMf does not mean
" excluded from office" but " oon-
tomni*d by him."
' lliau of Greece, toL 11 pp. 44-46.
398
CITIZENSHIP COJJFIXED TO THE TRIBES. Arr. BooiT.
rote"
can
and comparntivoly rudo time of Solon whnt have Irulr been called
*'thc last refinement!) aud elaborationa of the dcMUOCratical mind
Athens."* These rcfiuementa no doubt grew up gradnally betvrf
the ages of Clisthones and Pericles, being tho inventions of ranoi
aathora during the gradual development of the democratic idea.
31. It may be doabted whether in one respect even ilr. Qrote^
has not given Solon credit for a more liberal legislation than can
be rightly assigned to him. He considers him to have recognis
aa citizens, not the members of the four old tribes only, bat all
free inhabitants of Attica, except actual aliens. Snch persona,
says, though not eligible for coancillora, nor for archona, aud there-
fore incapable of entering the Areopagus, ** were citizens, and could
give their votes for archons and senators, and also tako part in the
annual decision of their accountability, besides being entitled to
claim redress for wrongs in their own persons.*" To me it m^fiiio
that tho admission of these persons to citizenship at thla time is
highly improbable, and that, if it had been a jxirt of the Solonian
scheme, wo must have found distinct mention of it.' I cannot but
regard it aa one of the main differences between the Solonian and ^
Clistheuic constitutions, that the former left untonchod the oondi*fl
tions of citissonship, and merely made alterations in the rights and
privile;j:es of those already acknowledged to bo citizens ; while the
latter admitted into the citizen body classes never before recognised
as worthy of belonging to it. Mr. Groto in his account of th«<
Clisthenic legislation sooras to admit all that is here contended for;
bnt his statements in that place appear to me wholly inconsistent
with those contained in his occount of the Solonian laws and con-'
stitution.' The point is one of importance in any estimate that we
« Qrote'B Hist, of Orooce, toL UL
p, 16i.
• Ibid. pp. 175, 17fi.
1 Ail we do find ia the case of Clis*
thenc9, ilicngh so mucb Iors is told ua
of htm than of Solon. (Soo Arist. Pol.
iii. 1 : KAci<rtf^PT]f /irrck t^v ruv rvp^v*
leal StiuAouf MtTo^Kour.)
' In tho fluventh chnpterof his third
Tolatne, Mr. Groto diacossoa the
** status, under the Solouiaa constita-
tion, of pcraons not included in tho
geatoa and phratries" — and haviuj;^
decided that thejr coald not b« mem.
bon of the Fro-Boaleabio Couacilj nor
Archons, nor (oom^cqupntly) m»mbcn
of tlio Court of Aro<i|iiu:u!i, he nn —
" There remained only Uie pobfio
assembly, in which an Athcniiui, not
a mcmbru* of these tribeit* coold take
port ; yet he tra# a rtfcrfi, siboe h«
COii/ii plt'« }\ii «V)U /i»r arthrm* aJt4
Kwaiors^ and conld tnko pnrt in tbe
annn«l decision of their - ■ - ' lilj,
besides beinf)* entitleii < liua
for wrong from tlio \l\ . - , .. , -i hia
own pemon, while the alien couJd only
do so tbroQgh tho intcrrontioa of aa
ftToaching citiaen or Prostates* li
seema, therefore, that all j)«rcoKi Ml
tncludtfd in iAa /uur iryhm, wfaat«m
^
SssAT n.
LAWS OF SOLON.
399
attempt to form of tho true character of either system, and it is to
be regretted that without necessity a doubt should be allowed to
rest upon it.
32. To givti a complete acconnt of tho hiws of Solon wonld cx-
thia Essay beyond all reasonable limits. It is also entirely
kry, as an admirable digest is contained in the work of
Qroto.' Referonco will here be made only io those cases where
IS enactments bad a special bearing upon the existing condition of
parties, or had otherwise a political rather than a social import,
(i.) The oatcry raised by the severity of Draco's laws was met
their abolition, except in tho case of homicide, where his enact-
kts were maintained.* Capital punishment was probably limited
this single case, or^ if extended beyond it. was attached only to
one or two other crimes of especial heinonsness.* Solon's penalty
for theft was to force the robber to restore twofold.' Inferior
offences, as libel, seduction, &c.y were punished by fines of greater
or less magnitude.'' Even mpe was only made punishable by a
fine;' but adulterers might be killed by any one who caught them
in the act* Adulteresses also were placed under certain disabilities)
constituting a species of infamy {iriftia).^
their f^rado nf fortnne ntif^ht he, were
I <vn *Ar) uirne levfl m rf^ect io political
• i an the fourth and poorat
I the Soloninn e^nans." Bnt in
I iity.fi.rvt chapter of hia fourth
(p. 169) Mr. Groto express*?*
b iiim#p[^ OS fotlowB : — " The political
HtflnMOhise, or the character of an
p^ j»k--..v,^ ci7i««i, both bfiforo and
■ >lon, had been confintd io the
'■0 Jour Ionic tnbfs, each of
wu an aggregate of bo many
ourporatioua or quasi^faniiliea —
the geotCK and tho phratrioa : ntme of
ik0 rwiimtr in Attica, therefore, m-
Mfrf those included in same gt^riJi or
phntrtf, had any part in the political
Bp. Thirlwall is ponsiRtcrt, hnfc (aa
I think) wronff. Ho ropardB Solon's
m nx having mado *' room for all
en " (vol. ii. p. 3i)) : and Clis.
es aa onir harin^ enfranchised a
Dftmber of *' aliens " and "slares*'
(ibid. p. 7i). On tho true meanins
a( the poasnt^ in AriMtolle to which
he refers (quoted above in iiote')a
aoe Mr. Grote'a note, vol. ir. pp. 170,
171.
■ nist.of Greece, ml. iii. pp. 177-194.
* Pint. Vit. Sol. c. 17.
' Acoordinf^ to ^schinea (o. Ti-
march, p. 40) the procnrer in a case
of Bednotion was punished by death.
Perhaps lacrilefi^ was ao pouisfaed, ■■
it certainly waa both earlier and later
(comp. Pint. Sul. 0. 17 with Lys. pro
Call. p. 185).
* Anl. Gel), xi. IS. Tho old Roman
law was the aauio (Cut. Uu £e Bmt.
Proem.).
^ Sodnotion by a fine of twenty
rlrachni>i, aa some nndenitand Plutarch
(Tit. Sol. c. 23. See Mr. Grote'a
Oreece, vol.iii. p. 185,and Lanffhome'a
Plntnrch, rnl. i. p. 278) ; libel, by a One
of five drachma (Pint. Sol. Vit. o. 21).
* Ilut. Vit Sol. o. 23. Tho fine in
this case waa 100 dmchmn, or one
mina, n fifth of tho yearly income of a
Pentncosioinediaitttta.
* Ibid. 1. «. c.
» -(Egchin. c. Timarch. pp. 176, 177,
ed. Boiske.
iiaBa
■•■a
M
400
LAWS OF SOLOy.
App. Book T.
(iL) A certain iramber of Solon's regulations socm to bave Hem
aimed especially at increasing the population of Attica. Mnrriiige
was encounigod by a law which released illegitimate children frem
the necessity of supporting their parents.' Cohabitation after IDA^
riagevras made compulsory in certain ca*ea.' Dowries were secured
to females as a matter of right/ That Att ica might be able to support
a larger popolation, no agricultural produce was allowed to botx*
ported, except olive-oil ; all the rest was to be consumed at boms.'
Trade and manufactures were honoured and encouraged, to furnisli
a moans of subsistence to a larger number than could have drflwn
their living* from the soil." Foreigners were invited to settle per-
manently in Attica by the hope of onf rancbisemont, if they entirely
gave up their native country, and brought with them a (uc^l
trade/ It is evident that the legislator sought both to atirftct
settlers from abroad and to stimulate the growth and increaw
of the native population. He saw that Attica, with her niciof
limits and poor soil, oould never bo great so long as sbtf ^vii
purely or even mainly agricultural. He conceived the idea «
a manufacturing and oommercial development of his state, U^
aware, from the example of Corinth, and perhaps of Mtgw*
that by such means a scant territory might bo made to sbtdter i
great power.
(iii.) The law of Solon which has provolced most commofll*^
that which punished with infamy (arifw'a) the man who pemaiM^
neuter in a sedition. In the free states of modern Em-ope paztisti^*
ship is viewed generally with disfavour, and the public safety tf
supposed to depend in a great degree on the number of modentie
citizens who eschew party and look with a dispassionate eye oa tbe
strife of those engaged in political life. But the case was different
in the commnnitiea of ancient Greece. There indifference was ^9*
Uked ; to keep aloof from state affairs was considered a derolictiaa.
(
'Plat. Yit. Sol. c22.
» Ibid, c. 20.
• Isoins de Pjrrh. e. 39 ; Harpocnt.
od TOO. ffiT3t. Solon forbade expon-
stro trovsteaujc {ip«p>>^i, Pint. Sul. o.
20) ; but thifl law did not affect the
dowry (wpotua).
• Plut. Vit. Boh o. £4.
• Ibid. c. 22.
7 Ibid. c. 24.
' Plutarch calls it rdv ovroS tfiftmp
fBioy fiiXiffra vol vofr^^av (Vit.
0. 20), ivud in one place ccmdv mo*
altojf^ther (ds Ser. Num. Vind.
p. 550). Aoloa GcIUuft, on tbe
hatid, warmly comme*Ddt it in \d» Nc
Atticte (it. 12). Monteeqaiea in
Esprit d^a Lois (xxix. 8), atid Xr."
Orota in bi^ Hifltory (toL iii. ^p, 190^
194) defe&d it as Dcx>e«suy
cuvum<tmc«« qf Out Unm,
RECEPTION OF SOLON S LABOTJHS.
App. Book T,
r
exglit on one side or the other, judging rightly that the mass of
m and dispassionate persons would probably decide alikoi and,
hen compelled to choose, would ro over in a boily to one of the
inpctitors, ■nhoso influence would thus become irresistible. He
,w too, wo may bo snre, that their accession would commonly bo
the more moderate of the rivals, who would attract to him those
a like temperament.
33. The legislation of Solon was followed by an interval^ of pro-
nnd repopo. Hia changes were accepted — even those which pressed
oftt hardly upon certain clafisea — if not with full satisfaction, yet
th general and complete acquiescence.* The council and the
hons, as repreficntativcs of the nation, swopo to maintain them ;*
d no opposition showed itself from any qnarter. Objections, how-
r, after a while began to be felt against portions of the system-
no party had been violently offended by the alterations, so none
d been much g^tified. Solon's Fragments are enough to show
t during his lifetime he derived but little credit from his labours.
Some called him a fool for not having made himself tyrant;^ othors
ai^cused him of undue concessions to the mob; others again main-
tained that he had not given any real relief to the poorer classes.'
Solon complains of tho impossibility of pleasing every one,* of the
angry looks which former flatterers cast at him, and of the general
hostility which he saw in men's eonntenancea.* He labours to de-
fend himself from opposite attacks, insisting on the moderation of
the course which he had pursued, and the value of the protection
which he had afforded* It seems that at length he grew weary of
defemling himself and his legislation from attack, and, quitting
thcns about the year B.C. 570, proceeded upon hia travels, having
' If we accept Ti.c. 594 aa the date
of the Bolonic le(nnlation, we mnafc
Ruppojie a space f f 94 ycftw — above a
^Deration— durinif which the hiBt<jry
of Athc>ns 18 a blnnlc. Tf tho moro
probable date of B.C. 583 b'o taken, we
■ball rpducc the intrrral to 23 years.
• Pint, Vi^ Sol. c 16, and o. 25.
•Ibid, c 25.
* See Frafnnent xxr. of Gaisford's
cditinu, which begina thofi —
In anolber place Solon defeuda hia
conduct ID declininf; to teixo tho sore-
rcipntv, and mjB ho u not ashamed
of it (IV. rxTii.).
* Plutarch wiys, ^pttrttr oviiTtpeix,
Aaa' iKiTTifft fitv Tout w\oiMr(ov% arrXory
tA au>i/3d\aia, jrol na^Aw in Toit ir»'ni-
TOt, Sri yjif imStUTfibp oirm hroiyfvtw
(Vit. Sol, C. 16).
* Kr. vii. ; (pyfiae-ar if ^rytiXoif
* Fr, xxvi. : —
' 6ee Fragments zx. and zxi.
ES8AT IL
PENALTY FOa POLITICAL NEUTRALITY.
of cLaty; to iako no side in politics was thought to prove a cold and
selfiali temper, careless of the welfare of others.* The canse of tbs
difference lies partly in the fnr greater size of the modem fitotos,
which renders it at once impossible for the bnlk of the citizens to
occupy themselves in political life, and safe for them to abstain,
since their mass is too great to be readily overpowered by the vio-
lence of a small knot of agitators. It lies partly also in the different
conception entertained by the ancients and the moderns of the rela-
tion between the state and the individual.^ With ns the individnal
is paramount — the state is a mere nuicliiuory for his convenience;
with them the state was all in all, and the individnal exi^ited only
because the stjitc could not exist without him.^ Solon therefore
did nothing strange in the eyes of hia contemporaries, or of his
conntrrmon (so long as they continued Greeks, and were not
Romanized^), when he enacted the law in question. He did hat
attach a legal penalty to conduct already condemned by public
opinion. And the penalty was not one of great severity.* Thero
is no reason to believe that it was perpetual in^i/a, or more than
that gentle pressure which was often used as a mnans of compelling
tt man to submit to the laws.^ No doubt the sufferer could at any
moment terminate it, simply by choosing his side. And it mnst bo
remembered that the law only came into force ichcn there teas ««
achial sedition.^ Public opinion was opposed to all abetinence frcnn
politics, even in the quietest times; but Solon did not make such
abstinence penal until the state was in danger. Indifference at
snch a time might well be regarded as not blameworthy merely, bat
criminal. And Solon no doabt looked as much to expediency as to
justice. lie vmhed to end such seditions by throwing a declezre
*
' Honce in a great mnBore ibe
unpopularity of So(<riite<), nnd of the
pliiloiophers generally, (See Aria-
lopK Nub. ; Plat. Gorg. p. 4*16, B, C. ;
Ropabl. vi. §§ 4- 10; Xcn. Mom. I. vi.
§ lo; &c.)
* K. F. Hermnnn hu Bomo jtidicioaa
remarks ou tUis subject (PuU Ant.
§61).
« Ar. Pol i. 1 fp. 4. ed. Taocha.).
» PluUroU (Vir. Sol. c. 2i>) spoBlcs
ns a Itouuin — and not onl^ eo, but oa
H Rotoun of the time nf lUq ["^utpire,
when ttiirh a law wonld no doabt have
eecmcd *' strange."
VOL. III.
* Aulas Gellins andonbtodly «xa^-
^remt«B, when^ profeuin^ to giTe the
enact words of the law fN. A- ii. 12).
he speaks of the man who came under
ita operation aa losing- his hoiues, hi«
oountry, ajid his estates ; and also m
sent into exile. The puDisbment wu,
at the ntmoBt, irt^fo, which did mit
involve either exile or loM of pxty-
perty,
* Cf. Diet of Antiq. ad tocl 4ni*k
(p. WJ, a).
ir (rrdtrci juT|8«rf(>ar /iipISof yir^nt*
tHty (llut Tiu Sot i. SO).
2d
-Kdj
idk
T5!f^^
niS DEPARTUnE FROM ATHEXS.
403
first f arcordin]^ to some *) taken an oatb of the nation that for ten
yoart) they would mako no change in his laws. Hu trusted that by
the expiration of tho period named they would havo become fami-
liarised with his syatemj and wonld have ceased to wish for altera-
tion. In this confidence ho left them, feeling that were ho to stay he
might be asked to dispense thorn from their oatb — a request which,
if preferred by the general voice, he could not possibly have resisted.
34-. On tho departure of Solon, the factions which be had taken
no measures to suppress, bat which his personal influence had suf-
ficed to keep in abeyance, immediately revived. The parties of the
plain, the searcoast, and the highlands, again showed themselves,
and rosamod their contentions.*^ It may bo conjcctared that the
aim of the Pedieis was to aboliBh the timocmtieal constitution of
Solon, and to reinstate tho Eupatrids in their t>oIu and undivided
authority. They woald consist of the great mass of tho Eupatrids
themselves, the proprietors of tho fertile lands about Athens and
Eleusis, together with their hangers-on and friends, and would form
the party of tho Reaction, which dreamt of cancelling tho past by a
few strokes of the pen or of tho sword, and of returning to the good
old days of Megacles and Druco. Their leader was a certain
Lycnrgns,^ a member of a Kupatrid family otherwise unknown to
Q8, bat which Herodotus seems to regard as familiar to his readers*
* Herod, i. 2D. Flatarch saya no-
tliini; of any pledge at the time of hia
going abroad, but relatos that bis taws
were orii^inallv rnado to continue in
force 100 yean CVit. Solon, o. 26, ad
init,).
Kol rotfs rifiovt oanovt ifft<r6<u trvy^Bttt
Ijbid. e. 25, ad fin.).
' Plul. Vii. Sol. e. 29 : Herod. J. 59.
$ 19 of Uu« S88sy, p. 384v
Herod. L «. c. 1 Plat. Vit. Sol.
c
The eipre«ion of Herodotni is
remarkable, ilioui^h it hofl not yet. I
believe, attracted attention. Ue in-
itoducefi Lycnrf^uit fortbo first time to
hiB readers under the name of Auxoifp.
70V 'ApioToAotacM. It haa generally
be«ii mppoBcd that the Inttor word
i>iunp1y thcnameof Lycnri^B* falbt'r,
who is therefopo callt'd, by most com-
raentatoni. Ariflt^jlaVdes, or Aristo-
(6ee the Latin tranalation of
ScbweighiiaBer, tbo Index of BAhr,tbe
() erman tmnalat ion of Z^n ge^ the
French of Larcher, and tbe Englisb of
Isaac Taylor and Heine.) Bat in tbe
first ploc^ Herodotus rcry larely
omitfl tbe article between the name ojf
a 0on and his fnther, and never, I
beliere, where they are in the nme
COBO, Secondly, in tbo passage nnder
consideration, the name of Lycurgna
is accompnuiVd by aaotber which has
the article — raiy ft^v upotffr^TOM Mi-
ToxXcof Tov 'AAir^afwoft rat¥ 84 . . .
Ai/Kovpyov 'ApiiTToAafScfu. It 18 in-
cfmccivablo thcreforo thai tho omia-
0ton should bavo bvcu mado in tbe one
case, and not in tbe other, niiless to
mark a chan^ in tbe constnictinn. I
reimrd 'Apid-TaAof St w an in apposition
with Avfcoi'pyow — and I tran«late "an
Aristula'id," or "oneof the Aristolatds "
— niidi'rstanding tho reference to be Ui
a Gena(')V»'i)() well known at the time,
though we have no other notioo of it.
404
USUHPATION OF PISISTRATUa
Arr. Book T.
— the family of the Aristolaids. Agniiust them wenj ranged the
Farali, or party of the sea-coast, the mercantile and commercial
class in Athena and in the various ports, consisting in part of Kapo-
trids, bnt mainly of those who owed everything to the legislation of
Solon, and whom his timocratical system especially favoured. These
had at their head the Alcmfflonid Megaclea, a grandson of the
archon, and formed the Conservative party of the time, which was
content with the existing constitution, and wished for nothing but
to maintain it. The Hyperacrii were the party of the Movement,
consisting chiefly of the poor jreomen and labourers, who with difficulty
got a living from the land in the barren cantons of the east and
north, and consetiueutly only recognised in the Solonian constitation
Bs Thetes, debarred from office nnder his system, aud perhaps disap-
pointed that he had done no more for them than to cancel their
debts;" they were anxious for changes in the opposite direction to
those desired by the Pedieis, demanding probably some such reforms
as those which Clisllienes, half a century later, accomplished. As
frequently happens with the democratical party in ita earlier stnig-
glcs, they were at a loss for a head, and hence they readily aocrptcd
tiie offer of Pisistratus to lead them, though he was previously
known only by his military talents^ and by his relationship to
Solon, which can scarcely have been at this time a ground of popn
Inrity. The throe parties were organised, we arc told, and had
begun a furious contention, when Solon returned from his
travels.' He saw the danger of the crisis, detected the ambition of
his kinsman, and strenuously exerted himself, both by entnsalJBS
addressed privately to the leaders,* and warnings given openly to
the people,® to avert the coming revolution. But his efforts were
unavailing. His long absence and his advanced age alike tended to
weaken hia authority; the chiefs paid no heed to his prayers, and
the people thought little of his warnings. He was compelled to
witness sorrowfully the fulfilment of his worst anticipations by the
Bucoess of the artifice which made Pisistratus tyrant of Athena^
Tlven then he did not compromise his character or bate hia freedom
i
' See note * on psge 402.
■ Supra, pa^e 887-
« Pint. Vit. Sol. c 29. Lftcrtms
follows n differont traditioo. Ho
makes Solon quit Athenii on oooonntof
the tjraiiny of PisUtratoa, and refiwe
to rotorn thither (i. § GO, and § 67).
• Pint. SoL L ft. 0.
' 8«« Fra^pnta xrii. and xrnt>
and compare Pint. Vit. 6oL 0. 90;
Diofc. Laert. i. § 49.
7 IlGrodocns, L 59 ; Pint. Tit. SoL
1.1.01
Ess AT XL
SOLON REPROACHES THE ATHEXIAXS.
40s
of speech. During the short time that ho survived tho nsnrpation,
which seems to have been little more than a year,^ he continued to
reproach the Athenians with their tamoness and folly, and to
remind them that their own hands had placed the yoke of sorvitude
npnn tlieir necks.*
35. The tyranny of Pisistratua and his sonfl occnpicd a space of
almost exactly half a century.* Aa Herodotus gives a tolerably fall
aoconat of this period/ and as it has been amply discussed by
modem writers, no attempt will b© made to givo a connected view
of it here. The **earlij*^ History of Athens — its dark and unfamiliar
period — may indeed be considered to end with Solon^ who stands
at the close of the archaic state of things, and at the commencement
of that new phase which haa been forcibly and truly said to bo more
modem than ancient. For this latter period, so far as it falls within
ihe spaco covered by our author, such illustration as seemed neces-
sary is given in tho foot-notes.^ Those who require more are referred
to the thirtieth and thirty-first chapters of Mr. Groto's History,
which contain the most accurate digest of tho ancient authorities,
and the mast philosophical comment upon them, to be found in the
whole range of modem literature.
" Plot. Tit. Sol. «d fin. Gnrnpons
Clinton, F. IL ii. p. 3t)6j and Grotc, iii,
p. 206.
' See Fiagnient xix. : —
Ku* <i'-i Toi-ra laAfrf 4irx<Tt dowAovw*«l»>.
* From B.C. 560 to B.C. SIO. It was
not, boweror, ooutinaous. On tho
prol>ablo ornuig'omenfc of the
roigufl and exilca of IHaistrAtiu, MO
Clinton, F, H. toL ii. Append, e. il.
■ fiook i. chs. 59-6i, and Book t.
chi. &&'6S. Compare also, v. 94j ri.
103 ; Tii. 6 ; &C.
' Bee especially the notes to Book i.
chs. 68, 64 ; Book iii. ch. 60. note '^ ;
Book r. chs. 66, 65, 66, 69, 97 ; Book
Ti. oh. 103 ; and Book riii. ch. 79.
THE SIXTH BOOK
07 TBI
HISTORY OF HERODOTUS,
ENTITLED ERATO.
1. Aristagoras, the author of the Ionian revolt, perished in
the way which I have described. Meanwhile, Histiseus, tyrant
of Miletus, who had been allowed by Darius to leave Susa,
came down to Sardis. On his arrival, being asked by Arta-
phemes, the Sardian satrap, what he thought was the reason
that the lonians had rebelled, he made answer that he could
not conceive, and it had astonished him greatly, pretending
to be quite unconscious of the jwhole business, Axtaphemes,
however, who perceived that he was dealing dishonestly, and
who had in fact full knowledge of the whole history of the
outbreak, said to him, "I will tell thee how the case stands,
Histifljus : this shoe is of thy stitching ; Aristagoras has but
put it on."
2. Such was the remark made by Artaphemes concerning
the rebellion. Histiseus, alarmed at the knowledge which he
displayed, so soon as night feU, fled away to the coast. Thus
he forfeited his word to Darius ; for though he bad pledged
himseK to bring Sardinia, the biggest island in the whole
world, imder the Persian yoke,^ he in reality sought to obtain
' Vide Bnpra, t. 106. " An expedi-
tion against Sardinia," as Mr. Grote
observes, " seems to have been among
the favoarito fancies of the lonio
Greeks of that day." (Hist, of Greece,
vol. IT. p. 400 ; and oompare rapn,
i. 170, T. 124, and Patxaan. rr. xziii.
§ 4.) It iR cnrions that it was nerer
realized. While the coaatB of SicilT»
Italy, Ganl, and Spain wexe ctaddod
Chap, l-^
HISTtfiUS COMES DOWN TO THE COAST.
407
the direction of the war agalust the king. Crossing over to
Chios, he was there laid in bonds by the inhabitants, who
ftccused him of intending some mischief against thf m in the
interest of Darius. However, when the whole truth was laid
before them^ and they found that Histiajus was in reality a foe
to the king, they forthwith set him at large again.
3. After this the lonians inquired of him for what reason
be had so strongly urged Aristagoras to revolt from the king,
thereby doing their nation so ill a service, lu reply, he took
good care not to disclose to them the real cause, but told them
that King Diu'ius had intended to remove the Phceniciaus from
their own countr}^ and place them in Ionia, whOe he planted
the lonians in Phcenicia, and that it was for this reason he
sent Aristagoras the ord^r. Now it was not true that the
king had entertained any such intention, but HistiECUs suc-
ceeded hereby in arousing the fears of the lonians.*
4. After this, Histia;uB, by means of a certain Hermippus,
a native of Atameus,^ sent letters to many of the Persians in
Saidis, who had before held some discourse with him concern-
ing a revolt. Jlermippua, however, instead of conveying them
to the persons to whom they were addressed, delivered them
into the hands of Ai'tapherues, who, perceiving what was on
foot, commanded Hermippus to deliver the letters acording to
their addi'esses, and then bring him back the answers which
vrere sent to Histiieus. The traitors being in this way dis-
wHh coloniofl from Greece, and even
Conica luul at leaat one Hfltlcuieut of
•ome note (Alalia), Sardinia, noiwith-
•tWHlJng Ha great fertility (Strabo, v.
p. »18: Cic. Leg. Man. 12; i'olyb. i.
70) and ccnvonicot iioflition, ap|i(uir«
(onleM we bolicve the tale of lolaos,
I'iineitn. x. 17 ; Stopb. iiyz. ad voc.
'<)a6i«i norrr to have attracted a sinf^le
llclJiuio ooUjoy. Purliaps the jKiwor
ofC&rttuige waa fully CAtahliHhodt hero
befora the Greeki become foiuiUar
with the locality.
* The reatlinefairith which thia was
fa«lievcd prorea, even better ihua
faistorical matanoea, how froqnuut duch
tranafera of popnlation wore in the
great oriental empinxt. (Vidu ifupni,
ir. 204, note \ <uui oompare vol. ii. p.
6tM, note ^.)
' Atamcns, in Horodotna* ia not ft
rify, bnt ft tract. It lies opposite
Lesbos, betwooQ the ran^re of Cnwi and
the SCO. It is reckoned in My*ia, bat
belongs to the Chians, being tho reward
which they rocoived from Hurimffna
fordflivoringtipl'nctyas, {Cf.i. IfiO;
vi. 28 I rii. 12; viiL 106.) In after
times there aeema to bare been a town
of the aamc name upon the ooaat.
(ScyUx, Penpl. p. 88; Xen. Hellen.
Ui.'ii. 11 i Sti-ab. xiii. pp. &S2, 883.J
40$
mSTLEUS SAILS TO THE ITELLESPOXT.
Book
covered, Artaphernes put a number of Persians to death, and
caused a commotion in Sardie.^
5. As for Histiteus, uhen his hopes in this matter wero
diflappointed, he persuaded the Chians to carry him back to
Miletus; but the Milesians were too well pleased at having got
quit of Aristagoras to be anxious to receive another tyrant
into their country; besides which they had now tasted liberty.
They therefore opposed liis return ; and when he endeavouredj
to force an entrance during the night, one of the inliabitanta
even wounded him in the thigh. Having been thus rejected
from his country, he went back to Chios ; wlifnce, after failing
in an attempt to induce the Cliians to give him 6hips» he
crossed over to Mytilene, where he succeeded in obtaining
vessels from tlio Lesbians. They fitted out a squadron of
eight trii'emes, and soiled with him to the Hellespont, where
they took up their station, and proceeded to sei2e all the
vessels which passed oiit from the Euxine, miless the crews
declared themselves ready to obey his orders.
G. WliileHistiiEusand the Mytilenaeans were thus employed,
Miletus was expecting an attack from a vast armament, which
comprised both a fleet and also a land force. Tlie Persian
captains had drawn their several detachments together/ and
formed them into a single army ; and had resolved to pass
over all the other cities, which they regarded as of lesser
account, and to march straight on Miletus. Of the naval
^ t eaxinot accept Hr. Grott^'a nc-
coant of thiH transaoticpx). (Hififc. of
Grecco, vol, iv. p. 401.) According to
hioi, EietioeuB laid a trap into which
ArtapherneA fell. Tho Icttem written
were *' false," and Hcnnippus waa
instmcted to take care that Artn-
phernea icot popeoitsion of tboni. Tho
eofipeoted con»piraLi)rB were quite in-
nocent^ and Artnphnmcs damaged hia
owtt cause by killing them. It ia
'nnnACCflsnry to point out how irrocnn-
oileable enoh a view is wich tho eutiro
storx <*f Herodotus.
Probobly Mr. Grote was led to do-
part from his authority by perceiTtng
the improlmbility of any Ptrfiitt
bavinf; joined, or tboui^lit of joituD^,
tho rebels. This ii a rani difflcoltT^,
which I ehanld explain by rappoofl^
that the persona alluded to, tbo^^
Persian iubjccta^ were in
LyditiTif. The oreut would th^j
cat« tho near approach at tliii
a Lydinu outbreak.
• Hithnrto the Penrian force* totA
operated in distinct detacliinonta. aad
upon distant points at the same tiotr.
DanriBce, Hjmeas, and Otanes, hsd
be«n at the head of tlirea dicliBci
ai-mioa (eupra, r. 116-123).
Osiip. 4-8.
lOXlANS RESOLVE TO DEFEXT BULETUS.
409
fltates, Phcpnicia showed the greatest zeal; but the fleet
•was composed likewise of the Cyprians (who Lad so lately
been brought under)/ the Cilicians, and also the Eg}i)tians.'
7. While the Persians were thus making preparations
agaiuBt Miletus and Ionia, the lonians, informed of their
intent, sent tlieir deputies to the Panionium,^ and hold a
eouncil upon the posture of their afifairs. Horeat it was
determined that no land force should bo collected to oppose
the Persians, but that the Milesians should be left to defend
their o^ti walls as they could;* at the same time they agreed
that the whole naval force of the states, not excepting a
single ship, should be equipped, and sliould muster at Lade,^**
a small island lying off Miletus — to give battle on behalf of
the place.
8. Presently the lonians began to assemble in their ships,
and with them came the Jioliaus of Lesbos; and in this way
tbey marshalled their line: — The wing towards the cast ^ was
formed of the Milesians themselves, who furnished eighty
•Suprn, V, 115, 116.
^ Mr. Grotcconsitlon the KgrptuuiB,
Citioianii.aiid Cvprians tolinvt* formed
tho land nrtny, arid amciilMtHthe entire
fleet of GiA' TPSBcls to the FticDnictuifi.
(HitftcT^' of Greece, 1. l c.) HcrodDtiu
^luirly moana that the fnor grcni
Bftval powers of Asia (infra, vii. 89-91)
oombiuod to fnrninh the fleet. (Vide
mpra, r. I(.i8, note K
The Kpeclal leol of the FhamidaoB,
who mAj- poihapfl hnre fnmishcd half
Mm fleet, aruso probably from their
Jealoiuy of the naral poirer and cum<
BMTOUil proeperitjr of Ionia.
■ Sapra, i. 141 and 148. It would
appear thnt on the departnra of AriR>
tagonw (v, 120) tLo revolt entered
ispoB a new pliosc. liithctto Milutus
had been a §ort of doniiuant poiror,
and AriBta^ros had directed nil nffiurs.
On hie depnrtnre, the old confedemoy
seems to hcvo been restored. Prob*
ably no oonGdcDce waa felt in Pytha-
goraa, hiji nominee and ftnccessor, who
can eoarcoly hare retained much
aathority even at Milotiu. Oihcrwiae
HiBtiietia wotild not have been rcfaaod
admission (cb. 5).
* There ie no reason to Bnppose that
the ToninoB came to this decision from
" jealousy of Mileeian iiiflaeneo"
(Blaketiley, ad loo.). They nlwurs
recogniecd the sea as their i>wn pnjf>cr
element (compare i. 28, and r. lOO],
and tbey knew, as well as the Persiaiu,
(infra, ch. 9), that ao long aa they
conld maintain the mastery at sea,
Milotnn and the other maritime towns
were safe.
** Lade ia now a hillock in the plain
of the Ma-andcr (Chandler's Travels,
ch. liii. vol. i. p. ^6). The deposits
from the river have exteudcd the coosi
to a diBinnce of several miles west of
Miletua (fc-upra, i. 142, not©*). The
whcjle ftcono of the aea-fij^ht is now
land.
* The fleet formed in fmnt of Mile*
tnsy and thna faced the north. (See
the chart, vol. i. p. 26S.) " The wing
towfLrdfl the east" wonld thnri<foro
be the right wing — the post of honour
(vi. Ill; 11.2^; &0,).
■Bflfl^^^
naniHHi
4IO
NUMBER OF VESSELS OX EACH SIDE.
Boosn
ships ; next to thnm name the Prieniana Tvith twelve, and the
Myusiaus with three ships ;^ after the Mjusians were stationed
the Teians, whose ships were seventeen ; then the ChiaDS. who
furnished a hundred. The Erythrffians and Phoca?ans followed,
the former with eight, the ktter with three ships ; beyond
the Phocroans were the Lesbians, furnishing seventy; last of
all came the Sainians, forming the western wing, and furnish-
ing sixty vesseJa.^ The fleet amounted in all to three hundred
and fifty-three triremes/ Such was the number on the
Ionian side.
9. On the side of the barbarians the number of vessels was
six hundred.^ These assembled off the coast of Milesia^
while the land army collected njwn the shore ; but the
leaders, learning the strength of the Ionian fleet, began to
fear lest they might fail to defeat them, in which case, not
having the mastery at sea, they would be unable to reduce
Miletus, and might in consequence receive rough treatment at
* Hyns and Pricne, winch "had the
same dialect" with MileLus (i. 142),
and lay in its immediato ucighbour-
hood, were probiiLIy lictlo moi« thnn
depondenciefl on *'tKo g'«>i*y of Ionia"
(v, 2S). Honce tboir bhips oru drawn
up ne^ct to hers.
* It is rcmnrkable that fonr of the
Ionian cities, Jt]pbcu>uB,Culuplioa, Lcbo-
duB, and ClazoineoiD, furnished no
reaseU to the combined fleut. The
defection of ClaKomoniB may be ac-
counted for, sinco it bad beon recontly
roooTered by tho Pursianu (supra, v.
123). Bat why the other three cities
»ent no contingents is not bo clear.
Porhapti the army of Otanea had taken
thorn on Its march from Clazomoum to
Miletus. They all throe lie upon the
route
Tbo number of Bbips f nmifihcd is a
^od indication of the rL'I:itive import-
aneo of tbo Bcvernl states. CLioa,
Miletufl, LciiboSf and Sanies are the
four leading powora. This is very
remarkable vritii respect to SamoH,
^bich was said to hnTe been so utterly
ruiiwd nob twenty yoan proriomly.
(See note' on Book iii. ch. 14d.)
Phocaia, once the riral of JlUt^tua, is
now, in oomiGqaenco ol' ^icr great mi'
graLiuu (sapra, i 165-167), mi8«T«bly
rcdaced. Still the oantical superiority
of her inhabitants is libown, by tbo faeft
that the leader of her small coattn-
geut IB felt to bo tho fittest man to
command the united fleet. Toos and
Prieao have recovered from the shock
of the Persian conquest (t, 161 and
168) far more than Phocaa. Samoa
and Miletus ore regarded as pooMsa-
ing the fcroatest nautical akiU, kod
therefore occupy the winge, the poaU
at i;nce uf honour and of danger.
* It must be uuticed as remarkable*
that the sum total here giTea by
Herodutus exactly tallica with ku
Bcpamle itcmB, which is rery r»rely
the case, (See Introduotory grwy,
vol. i. pp. 102, 10:t)
* This was somcthin? ^'^^a tU^n th*
fall force which tbe f ou i ' ii<b>
nicia, Ktfypt, Cyprus, an I xav
able to fumisL See ihu eccuuai of
tbo fleet of Xerxes (infnv, rii. by-9S)i
where they coutribntu 7fiO.
Chap. 8-11,
PERSIAN OFfEnS AND THEEATS,
4U
the hands of Dariua. So "when they thought of nil these
things, they resolved on the following course: — Calling to-
gGfther the Ionian tyrants, who had fled to the Medea for
refuge when Aristagoras deposed them from their govem-
luents, and who were now in camp, having joined in the
expedition against Miletus, the Persians addressed them
thus : *' Men of Ionia, now is the fit time to show your
leal for the house of the king. Use your best eflbrts, every
one of you, to detach your fellow-countrymen from the
general body. Hold forth to them the promise that, if they
submit, no harm shall happen to them on account of their
rebclhon ; their temples shall not be burnt, nor any of their
private buildings; neither shall they be treated with greater
harshness than before the outbreak. But if they refuse to
yield, and determine to try the chance of a battle, threaten
them with the fate which shall assuredly overtake them in
that case. Tell them, when they are vnntiuished in fight,
they shall be enslaved; their boys shall be made eunuchs,
snd their maidens transported to Bactra;° while their country
shall be delivered into the hands of foreigners,"
10. Thus spake the Persians. The Ionian tyrants sent
accordingly by night to their respective citizens, and reported
the words of the Persians; but the people were all stauchi
and refused to betray their countrymen, those of each state
thinking that they alone had had overtures made to them.
Now these events happened on the first appearance of the
Persians before Miletus.
11. Aftenvards, while the Ionian fleet was still assembled
at Lade, councils were held, and speeches made by divers
• One tmnUl haro expected Suso,
nUlier than Bnctra, hore ; u the
captire maidena would of connso be
c&rried to the court (rido infra, oh, 32,
itn^irvrToiis wapk 0atri \^a). Bob
perbftps tho remote and saTage Bactra
WBJ ZDtrodaccd of act puqK>iM) iiilo the
threat, &■ fitter to tonifj the Greoka.
Kot manj early wriccra Bpoak of
the cit;r Buctn (the mcrdcm Halkh),
from which the prorince Bactria nb-
toiued its namtf. Uerudutas, howerur,
mootioxis it both in this ploco, and in
another passage (infra, ix. 118). It
afterwards became well known throngh
the oonqoeats of Alexander (Arrianf
Krp. Alex. iii. 29 t Strab. xi. p. 752,
Ac). Tho Zc-ndav&ita makes it tho
foarCh earliest soitlcment of tho Arioa
race. *
412
I0XIAN3 MAKE DI6nTSIUS COMSIANDEU. Book VI
persons — among the rest by Dionysius, the Phonman captain,
■who thus expressed himself ; — " Our afifairs hang on the razor's
edge, men of Ionia, either to bo free or to bo slaves ; and
slaves, too, who have shown themselves runaways. Now then
you have to choose whether you will endure hardships, and so
for the present lead a lifo of toil, but thereby gain ability to
overcome your enemies and establish your own fruedom ;
whetlKT you will prrsist in this slothfuluess and disorder,
which case I fice no liope of your escaping the king's ven-
geance for your rebellion. I beseech you, be persuaded by
me, and trust yourselves to my guidance. Tljon, if the gods
only hold the balance fairly between us, I undertake to say
that our foes will either decline a battle, or, if they fight,
suffer complete discomfiture."
12. These words prevailed with the lonians^ and fortliwith
they committed themselves to Dionysius ; whereupon be pro-
ceeded every day to make the ships move in column, and the
rowers ply their oars, and exercise themselves in breaking
the line ; ^ while the marines were hold under arms, and
the vessels were kept, till evening fell, upon their anchors,*
so that the men had nothing but toil from morning even to
niglit. Seven days did the lonians continue obedient, and do
whatsoever he bade them ; but on the eighth day, worn out by
the hardness of the work and the heat of the sun, and quite
unaccustomed to such fatigues, they began to confer together,
and to say one to another, " What god have we offended to
bring upon ourselves such a punishment as this ? Fools and
distracted that we were, to put ourselves into the hands of
I
' Tliia was thexDost importnnt naml
mnncenrro with which the Givoka
were ooqaaintod. It U enpposod to
bars had fcwo objocU; one, the
breaking of the oars of the two vnesela
between which the ship vaing the
manoBorre passed, and the other, the
cattinj^ off of a portion of the enemy's
fleet from the reat. It is not qaite
certain,* howerer, that it had this
wwiam Ml
latror object. (For the
upon the masceavre hy th» moal
skilfnl of tho ancient aaflor^ wm
Thacvdides, i. '19 ; ii. 8dj TiS- 86j
Xoti/Hollon. I. vi. 31 ; Polyb. i. U. fl,
and XVI. ir. 14. This laet passage ia
particolarlr im[)nrtant as showing Ihe
natare of the oiwrattoD.)
" Instead of bein^ drawn no
shore, as was tho osoal practioe.
I
I
I
I
t>
Chap. 11-13L
THEY REFUSE TO OBEY HIM.
4^3
ma
ttis PhocEean braggart, who does but ftimiBb three sbipB to
the fleet ! lie, now that he has got us, phigues iia in the
most desperate fashion; many of us, in consequence, have
fallen sick already — many more expect to follow. We had
better Buffer anything rather than these hardships ; even the
slavery with which we are threatened, however harsh, con be
no worse than our present thraldom. Come, let us refuse
him obedience." So saying;, they forthwith ceased to obey
bis orders, and pitched their tents, as if they had been
diers, upon the island,^ where they reposed under the
fide all day, and refused to go aboard the ships and train
themselves.^
13. Now when the Samian captains x>orccivcd what was
taking i)lace, they were more inclined than before to accept
the terms which iEaces, the son of Syloson, had been autho-
risod by the Persiane to offer tliera, on condition of their
deserting from the confederacy. For they saw that all was
disorder among the lonians, and they felt also that it was
hopeless to contend with tlie power of the king ; since if they
efeated the fleet which had been sent against them, they
ew that another would come hve times as great.' So they
took advantage of the occasion which now offered, and as
n as ever they saw the lonians refuse to work, hastened
dly to provide for the safety of their temples and their
properties. This ^aces, who made the overtures to the
Samians, was the son of Syloson. and grandson of the earlier
JEaces.® He had formerly been tyrant of Samoa, but was
* ZAd£ was capable of accomino*
dating A conffiiJernblc body of mon.
Alexander, wlicn be attnckcd Miletuii,
diaexnbarked Qfxm tbo iidand sdetach-
TDcnt of 4000 Thracians. (Arrian,
Erped. Alex. i. IS.)
' It ikdd« a Talne to them graphio
detAils. to couffider tbat thoy may
hare been prcsenred by UpcatrpoB,
whn was most likely an cye.witJjpBB
of tbc prooeetUngs (gnpra, t. 36, oud
124).
- On thU cxa^cratlon, sec tbo In-
trfxlnctory Fiut&y, toI. i. p. 97. To
judge by tho fleet of Xerxes, the
frroateat naval force that Persia could
colloct wtui a fleet of ISOO triremea
(infra, rii. 89).
>T>je family tree of tho Samt&n
JEaoidis la tho following : —
I L- I
oustod from Ids government by Aristagoras the MUesi
the Bame time with the other tyrants of the loninns.*
14. The Phffiuiciana soon afterwards sailed to the
and the loniaus likewise put themselves in line, and went out
to meet them. When thoy had now neared one another, and
joined battle, -winch of the lonians foaght like brave men and
which hke cowards, I cannot declare with any certainty, for ^
charges are brought on all sides ; but the tale goes that th« f
Samians, according to the agrecmeut which they had made
with ^accfl, boisted sail, and quitting their post bore away h
for Samos, except eleven ships, whose captains gave no hecdfl
to the orders of the commanders, but remained and took part
in the battle. The state of Samos, in consideration of this
action, granted to these men, as an aclcnowledgment of their
bravery, the honour of having their names, and the names of
their fathers, inscribed upon a pillar, which still stands in the
market-place/ The Lesbians also, when they saw the
Samians, who were drawn up next them, begin to flee, them-
selves did the like ; and the example, once set, was followed
by the greater number of the lonians.
15. Of those who remained and fought, none were so rudely
handled as the Chians, who displayed prodigies of valour,
and disdained to play the part of cowards. They famished
to the common fleet, as I mentioned above, one hundred
ships, having each of them forty armed citizens, and those
picked men, on board; and when they saw the greater por-
tion of the allies betraying the common cause, they for their
part, scorning to imitate the base conduct of these truitois,
although they were left almost alone and unsupported, a vejy
few friends continuing to stand by them, notwithstanding
I
•• Siipm. V. 38,
* No doiiht Herodotna had noon this
pillar. His dcscriptioiiB of Samoa are
thronghonfc those of «d eye-witnesa.
(Compare iii. 54 and 60). Saidoa re-
Iniw (ad TOO. 'HpiSorot) thai ho fled
to B&moB from the tyranny of Lyg-
dantis, the ^n^nditnn of A
coutiuned there « conj^i '
lonif onont^h to team at » tn^i'rir
dinlcct of tho plocn. But it
nlrendy been fthowik that we
tmst thoM (itatfincnts (latrodovMlT
Kftsay, Tol. i. pp. 13-15).
Cjup. 1»-17. COXDUCT OF THE CHIAXS— THEIK FATE.
41 s
•went on ^ntb the fight, and ofttimcs cut the h*ne of the
cjiemy, until at last, after they had taken very many of their
adversaries* ships, they ended by losing more than half of
their own. Hereupon, ■N\'itb the remainder of their vessels, the
Ohians fled away to their own country.
16. As for such of their ships as were damaged and dis-
■ ' \ these, being pursued by the enemy, made strai*,'ht for
,io.'* where the crews ran them ashore, and abandoning
them began their march along the continent. Happening in
their way upon the territory of Ephesus, they essayed to
cross it ; but here a dire misfortune befell them. It was
night, and the Ephesian women chanced to be engaged in
celebrating the Thesmophoria — the previous calamity of the
^Qiians had not been heard oP — so when the Ephesians saw
^^Beir oountry invaded by au armed band, they made no
question of the new-comers being robbers who purposed to
carry off their women ; ^ and accordingly they marched out
against them in full force, and slew them all. Such were the
misfortunes which befell them of Chios.
17* Dionysius, the Phocfcan, when he perceived that all
was lost, having first captmrcd three ships from the enemy,
himself took to flight. He would not, however, return to
Fhoctca, which he well know must fall again, like the rest
• For ft description of MjcsU*. ride
supra, i. 148. Ji wu the iiamD given
to the moantfliuouB bpadlaiid which
rmu ODt from the eoaet in the direc-
tion of Sanios, sppamtin^ tho hikj
which receirea tbo waters of the
Ma-andcr (or Great Mendere) from
' TO wbirh the Cajflter (or Iriftfd
'•) flows. The range is now
.Mt'niit Sa.m«nwn, from Somaoun,
•lem name of Pri6n<5.
• in t-hiB fuct we seem to have »n-
othcr miii(.atinn that Kph(>Knii kupt
nloof from llio revolt (!;Dpra, cb. 8,
The Tbcsmophoris wtis a
1 : l1 in honour of Demcter, or
L Corca TbuBinopborua ( i. fi, tho law-
I ^ver), in which women only p&rf.ini>
I pftt«d| and which was celebrated in
Tarions pnrta of Greece with similar
rites, bat not everywhere at tbe same
time of tbo year. At Atbcnj tbe fei-
tival took place in antamn, in the
month Tyaoepsion (October); batelse-
wbere it seems to bave been generallj
celebrated in tho aimuner. It lai>tcd
for some dayn. Tbo places wlicro it is
known to have been held are the fol-
lowing : SpurtH, Athens, Thebes, Kre-
tria, Drymma in Phocis, Deloi, UUetoi,
EpbeanH, Syracuse, and Agn'gontom.
For a f nil account of the curemfmies
wiih which it was accompanied at
Athcmt, SCO Smith's Dictionary of An*
tiquities, pp. 964, 9fi6.
* for the frequency of snoh ootnigoaf
ride infra, oh. 138.
4i6
FATE OF MILETUS.
BookTL
of Ionia, nnder the Persian yoke ; but straightway, as he
was, he set sail for Phoenicia, and there sunk a namber of
merchantmen, and gained a great booty; after which he
directed his course to Sicily, where he established himself as a
corsair,® and plundered the Carthaginians and Tyrrhenians,
but did no harm to the Greeks.
18. The Persians, when they had vanquished the lonians
in the 6ea-£ight, besieged Miletus both by land and sea,
driving mines under the walls, and making use of every
known device, until at length they took both the citadel and
the town,^ six years from the time when the revolt first broke
out under Aristagoras. All the inhabitants of the city they
reduced to slavery, and thus the event tallied with the an-
nouncement which had been made by the oracle.
19. For once upon a time, when the Argives had sent to
Delphi to consult the god about the safety of their own city, a
prophecy was given them, in which others besides themselves
were interested ; for while it bore in part upon the fortunes
of Argos, it touched in a by-clause the fate of the men of
Sliletus. I shall set do-^Ti the portion which concerned the
Argives when I come to that part of my History,* mentioning
at present only the passage in which the absent Milesians
were spoken of. This passage was as follows : —
" Then shalt thoa, Miletna, so oft the oontrirer of erril.
Be, thyself, to many a feast and an excellent booty :
Then shall thy matrons wash the feet of long-haired xnasten;—
Others shall then possess oar lov'd Didymiui temple."
Such a fate now befell the Milesians ; for the Persians, who
wore their hair long,^ after killing most of the men, made the
• The hononmble nature of this em-
ployment in the eyes of the Greeks of
early times is attested by Thucydides
(i. 5) . It was a refinement of delicacy
very tmnsual among such corsairs, to
mate any diSbrence between friend
and foe.
* I follow the rendering of Schweig-
hduser, not without some hesitation,
here. The phrase kot* Sitpas la oommon
in Homer, where it meana simply
" altogether," " utterly."
- Vide infra, oh. 77.
* The long and oarefnlly enrled hair
of the Persians is oonspicaons in the
Bcnlptnres of Persepolis and Behistim.
.^schylns, on accoont of it, called the
Persians jSaA/xoinlicrrcs (ap.Atben.
.i:aAf. 17-21
TR£AT3IENT OF THE MILESIANS.
4T7
ten and cliildren slaves; and the sanctunry at Didjma,^
le Oracle no less than the temple, was plundered and burnt ;
the riches whereof 1 have made frequent mention in other
parts of ray History .°
20. Those of the Milesians whose lives were spared, being
carried prisoners to Susa, received no ill treatment at the
hands of King Darius, but wore established by him in
Amp6, a city on the shores of the Erythraean sea, near
the spot where the Tigris flows into it.* Miletus itself, and
the plain about the city, were kept by the Persians for them-
selves, while the hill-country was assigned to the Carians
of Pedasus,'
21 ► And now the Sybarites," who after the loss of their city
occupied Laiis ^ and Scidrus,^ failed duly to return the former
Dnpn. xiT. 23, p. 627, D.). For li ro-
ui'veuuUUicm oif the nutmier in which
It WBa worn, see the woodcats, vol. i.
P.S61.
* Diilyxoa was tbe name of the place
flid)«<) oJso BrancLidae, in the territot-y
ot Milotne, whore the famoos tempio vt
ApoUo stood. (Strab. xiv. p. 9^7. rov
iw AjS^it poov; Hteph. B^z. ^itvfta^
T<hroT MiA^ow.) Tbe temple its-^lf wuh
•omelimea called " the Didyiucom "
(<^nt. Cnrt. vii. 5, § Z%), and tbo
ApoHo wunitiippt^d tht<n* "Apollo Dtdy-
mtmft " (S(mb. xW, p. 910; Plin. U. N.
r. 20 ; Mocrob. Sat. i. 17 i Etym. Mag.
ad Toc. AtSi/^ibs).
Tli^ tfiupl^ And itfl mte hnTe been
AlreadT described (aupra.i. 167, note'')*
» Supra, 1. i)2 1 V. 36. Stralw (1. n. o.)
seems to think that the temple was
first bamt, and it«i riches carried uff
bjr XfTxea ; but this Rtatempnt ifl of no
weight oguiuat the clear iestiiuoujr of
Bercdotus.
• The city Arop^ is known only to
HvrcKlutcui and SlepLtfo, (Soo Steph.
Bj«. ad toc) It is irnpn&Aihlo to fix
its site, flinoe the courses of the rivers
ImTe chaogpd, and the cooiit-linu bus
A<!ranccd cousidoxabljr. (See rob i.
p. 68fi.)
' buprn, i. 175, It is probable that
VOL. in.
the PedAUionahad continued f&ithfnl to
tbo I'cnians, wheu tbe ulbiT Carians
revolted fnjm them, and were now
rewarded for their fidelity. Mj^huto,
which lay nearer the Milesian hUl-
cuuntry (Mount litmus), had, wo
know, taken a leadiag port in the
inaurrection (supra, v. 121).
^ For the fiituatian of Sjbaris, and
its hintorr, see above (v. 4-1, note').
* Laus was about So miles from Sy.
boris. It waa situatod on the western
coast of ItAly, near the mouth of the
river of the same name (Strab. vi. p.
304; Plin. H. X. Ui. 6; Steph. By a. ad
TDc), which is sliU known as the Lao
(Swinbome, vol. ii. p. 474). It had
cea^wd to exist by the time of Stnibo,
and no traces seem now to remain of it.
' Stephen of fiyzanitnm (ad voc.) is
t ho only other writer wliobas preserved
to Qs a notice of this town. Ifo calls
it a city of Italy, and records that its
inh»bitanls were meutiuned by Lyetis
(of Uhcj^ium), one of tbo hifrtnriiin.s of
Alpiiuidur, abuut B.C. 300. It ^ras pro-
bably situated at nogreutdifltaDix'Trum
Laus, cither in the mountain region
between that place and Srbaris (of,
Schiller do Thuriorum Eicp. p. 8), opi
perhnpt>, on the coust, like Laus. Aa<
cording to some, ittf site is marked by
2 K
4i8
TUE ATHENIANS FINE PnHTNICIIUS.
Boofc VI.
kindness of the Milesians. For these last, when Sybaris was
taken by the Crotoniats," made a great mourninj^, all ol
them, youths as well as men, shaving their heads ; sinc^
Miletus and Sybaris were, of all the cities wheroof we have
any knowledge, the two most closely nnited to one another,'
The Athenians, on the other hand, showed themselves beyond
measure afflicted at the fall of Miletus, in many ways express-
ing their sympathy, and especially by their treatment of
Phrynichus.* For when this poet 'brought out upon the stago
his drama of the Capture of Miletus, the whole theatre burst
into tears ; and the people sentenced him to pay a £ne of a
thousand drachms,'* for recalling to them their own misfar-
tunes. They likewise made a law, that no one should erer
ogaiu oxliihit that piece.
22. Thus was Miletus bereft of its inhabitants. In Samos,
the people of the richer sort were much displeased with tbe
doings of the captains, and the dealings they had had with
the Medes ; thoy therefore held a council, very shortly afier
the sea-fi>;ht, and resolved that they would not remain to
become the slaves of ^aces uud the Persians, but before tbe
I
tbe mini at 8apri, six miles c&Ht of
PoUettAtro, (See tbe article on Scidros
in Smith's GfOffruph, DioL)
" 8ii(im, V, -Hi.
• The historian TitnieaB (Fniflrm. 00)
nnerted. that this cluao ariiim rpsultiHl
from tho onmincrciol intorccar^e bo.
twtfeu the two cities. According to him
the wcKil of Milntnn wao tbo chief mate-
rial UBodby thoSjbariteBiu thuirdrF'Bs;
and as they thus dependcfl on Miletaa
for (me of their most valaod Inxaries,
tiie Syliarites refifarded ittt inhabitants
with specinl affection. Bat Timnpns has
the air uf uKu<oct'nitiui< tlto Svharilio
luiarinuy»nr»ii9 (ride infra, ch. 127).
* rhrj'nichus, the disciple of Thespw
(Suidaa, od voc.), befpin to exhibit tra-
gedies about the fear n.c. 511. He is
said to have bevn the first whrj " dropt
tbe light and Indiomna ca»t of the ori-
ginal draoia, and diEmis^inbi' Duechun
and the Satyrs, furmed bi& pla>a from
the more frrave and elevated areata fv-
cordcd in the mytholo^ and history of
hii* own country.'* His trTkfredJe« were
of jjruat moril. (Ari«toph. Tboauioph.
164.) v^Hchylos, hia junior tn-abool
ten or fifteen years, was aocuaetl of bor-
rowiut; tar)^'el>* from them. (ArUtopiL
Uan. 1:22^, ed. Bothc : Glaac. Bheg.ta
Introdnct. ad ^^ch^L Pctrs.) Hii
PhoeaisstB was on tbe sama inbjeot si
the Persas of ^sohylns, and %pfMKn to
have chained the tra^r ; n tbt
year R.c. 470. llcwa«-' iinsd
for iho exoollonrv ol ^1= . u'-tuiaa
(Aristoph. Av. 71(3 ; Vesp. 220^ 309(
Anstot. Prob. xix. 31.)
^ Twice the inoome of a FentacosiD-
inedimnaa. The same Bt^^iry is told bj
Slrabo <xir. 911). ^Hon (xii. 17), Flo-
tarch (Pnecept. lleipabl. gtyr. iu p. M4,
B), LibautQS (i. p. &0t>), Azntaiaaoi
^arculliuua (uviii. 1), oud othsrii
CllAP.a-25. ZANCL^ANS IXVITE COLONISTS FROM IONIA. 419
tyrant sot foot in their country, 'would sail away and found a
colony in another land. Now it chanced that about this time-
the Zanclteaas of Sicily had sent ambassadorB to the loiiiaus,
and invited them to Cale-Acte,' where they wished an Ionian
city to be founded. This place, Cal6-Acte (or the Fair Strand)
as it is called, is in the country of the Sicilians, and is situ-
ated in the part of Sicily which looks towards Tyrrhenia.' The
offer thus made to all the lonians was embraced only by the
Samians, and by such of the Milesians as had contrived to
effect their escape.
23. Hereupon this is what ensued. The Samians on their
voyage reached the country of the Epizephyrian Locrians,**
•ThU place become aftorwardB
IcnowD aa Cahicte, or Cnlnctii. (Cic.
in Terr, II. iii. § 43 ; rtolcm. 0(;t)]|p*ph.
iU. 4, p. 7b ; "Sil. lUvl. xiv. 2ol.) It
lay on the north cuaat of Sicily, b«.
twoen Ualrratft &nd IIMnntiDin* The
probable site is the modem Caronia
Clong. W 27', lat. 38* nearly). The
ocMwt in thia port ia Tery beautiful,
tliickly wooded with oak, elm, pine.
And a«h, clothin;^ & seriea of rocky
hille. (Smyth'8 Sicily, pp. 90, 97.)
PeihapB, howerer, the ** Kair Strand "
dcrirctl ite name rather from the pro-
daotirunesa of its iuhuriee. Siliua
Italicoa (I e. c.) calls it " litttu pisoosa
^ That i«, on the north eoast. Hr.
81"^'"=' " - ^0 atrftngoly enongh iden-
Iti ;e, antl even Caldcto, with
7 '■, id puzzled by thui exprea-
c ' . I'j' to ftd loc.).
1 Iv Episiopliyrian, or Western Lo-
criau^i Are the Ixwnana of Italy, who
poaeeeeed a city, Locn, and a tract of
coootry, ncnr the cxlremu south uf the
niodcru Catahria. Locri lay nynin the
eastern cooet, about Gro miles fn>m the
ntodcTti Tillage of Oerace (lat. 3tj^ lO',
loR|p. 16° 8'). It waa riitn&tod at some
little distance fmm the shore, upon the
brow of a hill called Esopis. (Strab.
vi. p. 372.) Swinbnmo ubi^orved fiomo
ruins which ftt'em U» have heluni^ed to it
<TravuU, vol. i. p. 3U»); butthey have
Xicrw almost entirely disa{>poarcd. (See
Lear's Joamal of a Landscape- Fainter,
pp. 89, 90.) The coins, howerer, which
are constantly da:;; np on the spoi,saf<
acieotly idoutify the site.
Accj.rdinf^ to Kphorns (Frag. 46), the
Epitophynan Lncrians were ooloniats of
tho Luorians of Opas. PauAniafl (lit.
xii. §. II) and Virgil (-En. iii. 31*9)
seem to hare beliered ttm same.
Strabo, however, positivDly a&acrtd
that they came from the Locrison the
CrisHffian Golf, the ooautry of tbo Lo-
cri Oxulffl. DioeyHius Perii*gctt«(3G4)
confirms this; and his acconnt is
probably derived from Aristotle, with
whom he agi-ecsas to tho fact Uuit the
origin of the colony was tho intermar-
rioKe of certain ulavca of the Locrians
with their mistreMGS dorinr? the pro-
longed absence of their lonts upon an
expedition. On hearing that their
mastorB were abont to return homo,
they took ship, and with the women
eonght a home in Italy. {OU Arlstot,
ap. Folyb. xiL 9.)
The Lovriane uf Italy derived their
■ptecial doeiirr^ation either from their
positiuD relatirely to the other Locrians,
or from Cape Zophyriuui (the modem
Cape BrasMann)^ whicli lay within their
territory. (Strab. 1. s. c.) Their
famotti lawgriver, Zaleacui, is too well-
known a purtmosge (cf. Ariet. PoL ii,
9i Tolyb. xii. IC ; Strab. 1. •. c. ;
Schul. nd Find. 01. xi. 17, Ac) to need
mure than a passing aUusion.
420
THE SAMIANS SEIZE ZANCL^
BookTL
at a time when the Zanclaans and their king Scytha8 were
engaged in the siege of a Sicilian town which they hoped to
take. Anaxilaiis, tyrant of Khegium,** who was on ill terms
with the Zanclseans, knowing how matters stood, made appli-
cation to the 8amians, and persuaded them to give up the
thought of Cale-Acte, the place to which they were bound, and
to seize Zancle itself, which was left without men. The
Samians followed this counsel and possessed themselves of
the town ; which the Zanclaeans no sooner heard than they
hurried to the rescue, calling to their aid EUppocrates, tyrant
of Gela,^ who was one of their allies. Hippocrates came with
his army to their assistance; but on his arrival he seized
Scythas, the Zanclsean king, who had just lost his city, and
sent him away in chains, together with his brother Pythogenes,
to the town of Inycus ; ^ after which he came to an under-
standing with the Samians, exchanged oaths with them, and
agreed to betray the people of Zancl6. The reward of his
treachery was to be one-half of the goods and chattels, includ-
ing slaves, which the town contained, and all that he could
find in the open country. Upon this Hippocrates seized and
bound the greater number of the Zancifleans as slaves ; deliver-
ing, however, into the hands of the Samians three hundred of
the principal citizens, to be slaughtered; but the Samians
spared the lives of these persons,
24. Scythas, the king of the Zanclseans, made his escape
from Inycus, and fled to Himera ; ^ whence he passed into
' Rhcginm retains its name almosfc
unchanged. It is the modern Rvggio,
a town of some conseqocnco upon the
Strait of Messina. The land distance
from Locri ia aboafc 28 miles. Rhc-
ginm was founded about B.C. 068. It
waa a joint colony of Chalcideana and
Hesscnians. The latter had the su-
premacy, (Strab. vi. p. 370.)
1 Infra, vii. 153, 154.
* Inycus waa an insignificant place
(xtipiof xtfvy ff^iucpiii', I'lat. Ilipp. Maj.
282, E.), in the neighbourhood {as it
would seem) of Agrigeutum. Some
writerB (as Charax, and Faoaaiuu)
made it the capital city of king C<^
calns, with whom, according to this
tradition, Minos warred in Sicily (ride
infra, vii. 170, and of. Fansan. tii. ir.
§ 6 ; Steph. Byz. ad too. KA/uttot). It
waa probably, therefore, not for hsm
Camicas (his capital, according to
others), which waa in the territory of
the Agrigentines. The country ronwl
Inycus produced a winoof aome repute.
(Hosych. ad toc. 'Ivrvx*^''! Steph.
Byz. ad too. ''imtxov,}
* Himera was an important pUoei
Chap. 23-26.
SCYTHAS. THE ZANCLjEAN KINO.
421
Asia, and vent up to the court of Darius- Darius tbouglit
liim the most upright of all the Greeks to whom he afiforded
& refuge ; for with the kinj^'s leave he paid a visit to Sicily,
and thence returned back to Persia, "where he lived in great
comfort, and died by a 'natural death at an advanced age.
25. Thus did the Samians escape the yoke of the Medes,
and possess themselves without any trouble of Zaucle,* a
most beautiful city. At Samos itself the Phoenicians, after
the fight which had Miletus for its prize was over, re-estab-
lished ^aces, the son of Syloson, upon his throne. This
Ihey did by the command of the Persians, who looked upon
^aces as one who had rendered them a high service, and
therefore deserved well at their hands. They hkewise spared
the Samians, on account of the desertion of their vessels, and
did not bum either their city or their temples, as they did
those of the other rebels. Immediately after the fall of Mile-
tus the Persians recovered Caria, bringing some of the cities
over by force, while others submitted of their own accord.
26. ^leanwhile tidings of what had befallen Jliletiis reached
Eistiffius the Milesian, who was still at Byzantium, employed
aod tlwj'ooljr Greek colony on tlie nvtih
on«at of Sioily. The modern Terniini,
which bju arisen from its warm biitha
(Tbermn Himereosefl, Ptol.). markii
tho iito (Tat- 88*, long. 13" 12'). It
WftJ colonized from Zancl^, tho colon.
ivtl being in part Cbalcidcuns, in part
«xiloa from S vmcuBP. (Thnoyd. vi. 5 ;
Stmb. vi.p, 301.) TIio Corthniirimana
ai« said to bare dc^atroyed it, in rc-
TVttgQ for their defeat by Golo, abont
the year B.c 417 (Uiod. Hio. li. 4a,
and se« infra, vii. 107). The city bad
eertaialy diBapp«arc>d by tho timo of
Strabo (ri. p. 1194) ; but tho name re*
nuktncKl in tho river Himera, tho modem
y '- '~'. Leonardo (Ptolem.iii. 4, p.
7 ly any vtwtiges can be now
t;.L. ju ODcioatcity. (SmyUi'e
Sicily, p. y5.)
• Zanel^ the modf*m Mes»ina, \» too
wrll known tonoed doecrlptioo. It ta
ttill tbo ftocond city in Sicily, h&Ttnf;
a populatioa uf 70,000 aoala. Accovd<
in-j to TliQcydides it waa a ChalcMoan
Hettlomcut, fonnded in part from
Choloia herself, in part from CyiuJ
(Cama), one of hor colonies (vi. 4).
The eame writer derivoa the name
Zanol^ from a Sicilian word, "tan.
cion," "a sickle," which welt ezpreesed
tho curved prrijf»ction from tho coast
at tho ppot whore tho city etood.
Thncydidea ( 1. e. c. ) coDfirms tho
accoont of this transaction ^ren by
Hero<lotag,and fuilhcr infurme us, that
tho Samians enjoyed their prize but a
very ehort timo. Auaxilaua, who had
invited thorn to aeize the place, socm
afterwarda dispoaseased them of it,
and eoloniaed it with men of varions
nntiona (vido infra, vii, 161). Tho
narrative of Paooaniaa (rr. xsiii. § 3)
18 completely at Tarianoo with tho
narrative of Ilerodotna, and eqnally fto
with the brief notice of Thncydidoa.
It ftoouia to bo a more mifrepreseuta-
tion of the erouts here oMrraivd.
422
WAENING3 BEFORE MISFORTUNES.
in intercepting the Ionian merchantmen as they issued from
the Euxine.° Histiaeus had no sooner heard the news than lie
gavB the Hellespont in charge to Bisaltes, son of ApoUophanes,
a native of Abytlos^ and himself, at the head of his LesbianSi
set sail for Chios. One of the Chian garrisons which opposed
him he engaged at a place called ** The Hollows," situated
in the Chiau territory, and of these he slaughtered a va&t
number ; afterwards, by the help of his Lesbians, he reduced
all the rest of the Chians, who were weakened by their losses
in the sea-fight, Polichne, a city of Chios,* serving him as
head- quarters,
27. It mostly happens that there is some warning when
great misfortunes are about to befall a state or nation ; and
60 it was in this instance, for tho Chians had previously had
some strange tokens sent to them. A choir of a hundred of
their youths had been despatched to Delphi ; and of these
only two had returned ; the remaining ninoty-eight having
been carried off by a pestilence. Likewise, about the same
time, and very shortly before the sea-fight, the roof of a
school-house had fallen in upon a nmnber of their boys, who
were at lessons ; and out of a hundred and twenty children
there was but one left ohve. Such wore the signs which God
sent to warn them. It was very shortly afterwards that the
sea-fight happened, which brought the city down upon lis
knees ; and after the sea-fight came the attack of Histiieus
and his Lesbians, to whom tho Chians, weakened as they
were, furnished an easy conquest.
28. HistiffiUB now led a numerous army, composed of
lonians and ^olians, against Thasos,^ and had laid dege'
* Snpm, oh. 6. From the time that
Miltitaa rofascd to reoeire Histiseaa
back (uupm, ch. 6), bis policy seetnB
to have bccumo porol^ aelfiab. His
procoHliu^^Kt Byzantiam mnst have
injured the Greeks far more than tho
Ferfeiane. And now ha proceeds
openly to attack liia own counfrjrmen.
CoQCnat his condaoC with that of
Dionysinfi (ch. 17V
* There? wore two otheo* places ol thtf
name, one in Crete, and one in (lio
Troaa (Stcph. Byr. ad voc.). Tba aito
of tho Chinu Pulichn^ is unknown.
^ The jrold mines uf Tliasos perhar«
formed tbe chief attraction. (Viae
infra, ch. 46, and enpiu, ri. 44.)
I
lAT. s&-3a
HlSTIiEUS TAKEN PRISONER.
423
the place is'heB news arrived that the Phoenicians "were
»oat to quit !&Iiletu8 and attack tho other cities of Ionia.
hearing this, Histiffius raised the siege of ThasoB^ and
jtened to Loabos with all his forces. There his army was
great straits for want of food ; whereupon Histiieus left
lesbofl and went across to the mainland, intending to cut
crops which were growing in the Atamean territory,^ and
lewise in the plain of the Ca'icus,** which belonged to Mysia.
it chanced that a certain Persian named Harpagus ^ was
these regions at the head of on army of no little strength.
when Histiffius landed, marched out to meet him, and
(aging with his forces destroyed the greater number of
lem, and took Histiteus himself prisoner.
29. Histiffiua feU into the hands of tho Persians in the
allowing manner. The Greeks and Persians engaged at
'al6na,* in the region of Ataraeus ; and the battle was for
ig time stoutly conlL-sted, till at length the cavalry came
and, charging the Greeks, decided tho conflict. The
Greeks fled ; and Histioeus, who thought that Darius would
»t punish his fault with death, showed how he loved his life
the following conduct. Overtaken in his flight by on© of
le Persians, who was about to run him tlu'ough, he cried
[oud in the Persian tongue that he was Histiajus the Mile-
[an.
80. Now, had he been taken straightway before King
^arius^ I verily believe that he would have received no hurt.
* Ab Tnnstor of Chins^ Ko would
lidor tho Ataxnean plain hia own
160).
• The whnlfi vnlloy of tho Cafcns
tB moBt rich luid bcantifnl {ap68pa
titfliu, Strah. xiii. p. SOh ; compare
>llowa, Asia Miuor, p. 20); bul tho
rt nenr IVrtcamnni, aboDt the jnno-
of the Cetcius with the CaVcub,
bs cnlled kwt' /fox*!" " ""* CaToinn
and in probably the tract hero
(Strab. 1. u. c. and zv. p.
Thii plain u not uore than ten
or twelve miles from the coMt.
' Thiu ia a out uniumal name axBon^
the Ariona. Han^agna the Medo, iu
Book i., waa clearly a difPerent per.
iK>D ; and both are probably diatinot
from the Uaqmgna of the LydiLu in-
script ions.
' This place ie wholly unknown to
the g«o^mphors. Wemieling wonld
read "Carina," from iho nifnlion of
llmt place in vti. A'Z ; but tlint piiv^iuuro
flliowB Carina to have been beyond tiio
limits of Atameou.
424
HI8TLEUS PUT TO DEATH.
BoocTl
but the king would have freely forgiven him. Artapbcmes,
however, satrap of Sardis, and his captor Harpagns, on ^
very account, — ^because they were afraid that, if he escaped,
he would be again received into high favour by the kmg,—
put him to death as soon as he arrived at Sardis. His bodj
they impaled at that place,® while they embalmed bis beid
and sent it up to Susa to the king. Darius, when he leamt
what had taken place, found great fault with the men engaged
in this business for not bringing EGistissas alive into bis pre-
sence, and commanded his servants to wash and dress the
head with all care, and then bury it, as the head of a man
who had been a great benefactor to himself and the Persians.'
Such was the sequel of the history of Histieeus.
81. The naval armament of the Persians wintered at
Miletus, and in the following year proceeded to attack the
islands off the coast, Chios, Lesbos, and Tenedos,^ vhich
were reduced without difficulty. Whenever they became
masters of an island, the barbarians, in every single instance,
netted the inhabitants. Now the mode in which they practise
this netting is the following. Men join hands, so as to form
a lino across fi'om the north coast to the south, and then
march through the island from end to end and hunt out
the inhabitants.** In like manner the Persians took also
the Ionian towns upon the mainland, not however netting the
inhabitants, as it was not possible.
32, And now their generals made good all the threats
* According to the Persian cuptnm
with rebels. See Bchistun Inscrip-
tion, col. ii. para. 13, 14, col, iii. ]tars.
8 ; and supra, iii, 159, infra, vii. 238.
* Of a piece •with this mildness is
the treatment of Metiochns (infra, ch.
41), of the Milesian prisoners (supra,
ch. 20) and of the Eretrians (infra, ch.
119). A still more signal instanco of
clemency on the part of Darius is
recorded by^^Han (Hist. Var. vi. 14).
Compare Cccsar'a conduct on receiving
the head of Pompey.
* Nothing had been said of the par-
ticipation of Tenedoe in the rerott!
but as the lontans had bad the com-
mand of the sea, it is prt>bable tlot
all the islaoda of the ooaac had tftiea
part in it.
Tencdoa retains its name abso-
lutely uncbanf^ed to the present da;.
It is a small bat fertile inland, pro-
ducing an excellent wine. It* sitni-
tion off the mouth of the Hellespont,
and its safe port, have at all times
made it a place of some oonseqneuoe.
(See Chandler, ch. vi, roh i p. lH.)
* Supra, iii. 1^,
IP. 3(^33. PUNISHMENT OP THE HELLESPONTINES.
42s
lerewitli they bad menaced the lonians before the battle,'
>r no sooner did they get possession of the towns than they
lose out all the best favoured boya and made them eunuchs,
Le the most beautiful of the gii-ls they tore from their
les and sent as presents to the king, at the same time
ling the cities themselves, with their temples.* Thus
the lonians for the thu*d time reduced to slavery ; once
e Lydians, and a second, and now a third time, by the
Persian K.
83, The sea force, after quitting Ionia, proceeded to the
Hellespont, and took all the towns which lie on the left shore
as one sails into the straits. For the cities on the rif^ht bank
had already been reduced by the land force of the Persians.
[ow these are the places which border the Hellespont on the
'Opean aide; the Chersonese, which contains a number of
[ties,* Purinthus,* the forts in Thrace,' Selybria,* and Byzan-
tium.* The Byzantines at this time, and their opposite
neighbours, the Cholcedonians, instead of awaiting the coming
of the Phoenicians, quitti-d their country, and sailing into the
fiiuine^ took up tlieir abode at the city of Mesembria." The
' Sapra, eb. 9.
• Mr. liruto (Hist, of Greece, it.
p. 414) observes, with reason, thai the
account of thc«o Bcvcritles znnat bo
exag^rntcd. Tho islands ooDtiuae to
hm occupied b^ a Gruek population;
and the towns upon tbu mainland
i*rr**»'" shoiilj as iluDiifihin^ as ever.
Within foortocn years tho Grooks of
Asia ara fouud fumuiliing 290 shifia
(which wouM imply near upon 60.000
'■'■■■ > tfj the Uet't of Xerxes (infra, vii.
} lax (Peripl. p. 67) onnmemtea
DO t'ewer ihiin t>levenr of whiuh the
nMwt importaut are Cardio, Klmns,
8ostnSi and Foctya. Herodotus adda
a oily which he omits, viz. Mudytua
' '- , vii. 33). XoDophon saya the
■i'-ae contained, in B.C. 398,
- ,.j ur twolro cities {llellen. III. ii.
10). He Bpoaka hit;Uly uf ila forlility.
T.I.
' Horodotna baa here inrertcd the
geographical order. The Tbmcian
Htroogbolds intervened between the
Chersoneso and Perinthaa, aa is plain
from Soylax, who says, fitrh 8i T^iif
Xt^^ifTjaov fori t^pdxia T«ixT)T(i5c v^ww.
rov Afvtci} iucrhf Tfipiffraoij, 'H^dlicAfia,
Fafos, ray/ai, Nc'imt Tcixu' TltpirBos
■ Solybria, or Belymbria, ttill ezista
in the modem StUvri^ n stualt tovi-n
upon tho Sea of Marmora, aU>ut 40
niilea from CouHtauliuople (lung. 2-^*
IV, Ut. 41* &'). It is said to have
been foouded by tho Megariaus, a
little before Brzantinm, aboat B.C.
600 [Scymn. Cb.'T13). The site is very
beaatiful (of. Azuial. VitiUL. tuL Uiii.
p. 41).
* Supra, IT, 144.
* Aauther rouding makes the By-
wintint's and ChAlciMlouiuris "/ounii**
JkLmiombriai
426
mSTOUT OF TUE CUEBSONESK.
BookTL
Phcenicians, after burning all the places above mentioned,
proceeded to Proconn^sua" and Artaca/ which they likewise
delivered to the flames; this done, they returned to the
Chersonese, being minded to reduce those cities which the/
had not ravaged in their former cruise.^ Upon Cyzicns* thej
made no attack at all, as before their coming the inhabitants
had made terms with (Ebarcs, the son of Megabazas^ and
satrap of Dascyleium,^ and had submitted themselves to the
king. In the Chersonese the Phceniciana subdaed all tho fl
cities, excepting Cardia." ™
84. Up to this time the cities of the Chersonese had been
under the government of Miltiades, the son of Cimon, and
grandson of Stesagoras, to whom they had descended from
Miltiades, the son of CypRclua, who ohtjiined possession of
them in the following manner. The Dolonci,' a Thradan
BtAtcmeniB botb of Bcvmntts Chios
And of Strabo (vide aapra, iv. 9S,
note *).
• Sopm, W, 19. ' Ibid.
'The bitter trpirit of the Phami-
oians isTer/apparGTithcre, Ko doubt
they wero RlaJ to cripple their oom-
meroiiil rinilfl (cf. ch. 6, note'').
• CyxicDS was cloae to ArtAOii, which
(b8 ErtUk) has now imporsodud it
(supra, iv. 14, note*). It wae situ.
ated at the point of the island which
appriMchcd nearest to the Bbore, and
in oarly tiroes was joined by two
bridges to tho mainland (Strnh. zii. p.
831). Thoiflland had bocomoa penin-
■ala by the time that Boylax wrote
(Peripl. p. 84J, a low e&ndy isthmnA
haviafp grown np botwixm it and the
shore. Kxtonflive ruins remain, which
haTO boon folly dcscribod by Mr.
Hamilton (Asia Minor, toI. ii. pp. 1<X)-
lOl), and which aro known to tho
Toi-ks under the uaiuo of Bal Kim
(-voAoi^ Kv(nros).
Cyiicud was a colony of the Mile-
sians (Anaiiinen. ap. Strab. «▼. p.
910 ; Flin. H. N. v. 32), or, aooording
to others, of tho Mpifiiriuns (Lydiis
de Majtj. liom. iii. 70). Tho date of
its culonisatiua is vanoiuly fixed (boo
Clinton's F. H. Tol. i. OL ^ 1, wdOt
xivi. 2).
* Vide snpm, iii. 120, note'.
* Cardia prvbttbly osauved al this]
time from its poailiofli aeep in th*j
Qulf of Xer^ (Siuiu MehMi). It was
sitnatfd ou tlte western ttidc uf 1b«
Thradan Cbersoneso, at thenanowecft
paitoC tho isihuins (f^cyL PerlpL p.j
6S ; Strab. riL p. -iSH), U is said 14]
have been a joint colony of the Mil)*- '
sians and Clazomcnians (Scymn. Ch,,
11. G99. 700). Whon Lysimachni boilr
Lyeiniachia, balfwnj across thv> ixilw
muB, Cardia shrn"^- -'►"-"-.."' <-
Tho place waath-
derived its nauit '
thov said rosotnbii^ci a h(«rt
U.N. iF.ll; Solin.lO); but SU
explanation sooms tho best,
wan tho old Scrthic (*.<r, Cyinric) ai
pcllation (Stoph. Byz. ad too. Kapiia
Acconlingly we may trace in the w<
tho Celtic Cort*, wlurh i- ti^ f.irnin[m
iu the Welsh namr- h ii
found likewiee in L ( jpn,
iv. 5o) and Cnrdcsoa (UtHJut, I'r. 167,
b4.ith i^^Vythitin cilios.
* Tbe'lX.Innri T '
nmonjr tbti Thr
thcr mantiuaoi ;..»,
UP. 83-36. THE DOLOXCI CONSULT THE OHACLE,
427
Ibe, to iivhom the Cheraoneso at that time belonged, being
barussed by a war in which they were engaged with the
>8inthiau8,* sent their princes to Delphi to consult the
racle about the matter. The reply of the Pythoness bade
them '* take back with them as a colonist into their country
the man who should first offer them hospitality after they
quitted the temple," The Dolonci, following the Sacred
Eoad,^ passed through the regions of Phocis and Beeotia;
after which, as still no one invited them in, they turned aside,
and travelled to Athene.
35. Now Pisistratus was at this time sole lord of Athens ; but
Miltiades, the eon of Cypselus, was likewise a person of much
distinction. He belonged to a family which was wont to con-
tend in the four -horse chariot-races," and traced its descent to
Gr*ek faintorinns. The only tnicp, I
icrc, vhich we po^Besa of tliotr con-
ned exutcnce ib tiie ocourrenco of
name in the catalo^nos of I'linj
fH. N. iv. 11), and SolinnB (o. 10).
Tboy nifty perhaps have b(?ou ethnt-
c&Uy connected with the DoHone* of
Cyzicofl, and the Dolopcs of Thcsealia
(cf. Murcullic. Vit. Thucyd. p. viii.,
where the Doloooi ore caUod " Do-
lopei ").
• The ApBi'nthianB or Apsytithians
were a Thmeian people who occupied
the tract mimediately north of the
CheraenoAo, oa u plain both fmm eh.
87. &nd from a f raiment of Uocaticus
(Fr. 136). It in imposBibletofix thoir
its with exactnc&s, either eiwjtwarJ
WMtward, Stephen of Byuintium
▼dc«s Afvof and KtyviAoQ Rpeme
extend Cbcm westward to the Ho<
They axo but UtLle known in
ten and Batdos (ad too. "A^ur-
& tau*n Apsvuthos, which
ifuse with the CEnna of Hero-
ifro, vii. 58). Dionysiaa Perio-
ha6 a 'nimcinn rivt^ of the Bati>e
kme 0- &75). from whioh Eustathius
fad loo) Bays tltat the Ap«j?utbians
' (rived their appellation.
* By **the sacred n>ad*'ia meant
ftpljaronUy the road which led from
Delphi eaativard, in the direction of
I^bodeaand Orcbomcnos. Along this
road would come all the proce«»tona
from the principal fftatoa of Greece.
* Ah the keeping of a hone indi-
cated Bome connidenblo wealth, both
in Greece and Kome, whence the social
rank of lirwtTs, l'rwo0vTa{, equites^ »kc.,
so BtiU more did the maintenance of
BDok a stnd bs could entitle a man to
contend with any chance of Bnocem in
the great games, mark the owner as
a pei-aon of ample fortune. Henco
the constant aUaxiunii in Pindar to the
wealth and mnnificence of those who
btul won the chariot- races (01. ii. &3 j
Pyth. i. 50, 00, T, 1, 99 ; Hem. ix. 32 .
Isth. i. 42), and hence the force of
what Urrudotus says l>elow of Calliaa
(oh. 122). First-rate horaos sold at
cnnrmous prices, as appears by tho
well'kiiown inat&noe of Dncepbalas^
who fetched a snm equal tu 30uu/.
sterling (Aul. Cell. t. 2). Rkilful
charioteers were highly paid ; and no
cx]ieuse was spared lu the decoratiuii
of the chariots and equipment of the
coursers. Tho expunsiveness of tho
pursuit is pnt forward rery pn>nii.
neiitly by Aristophanes at the opening
uf iho K'ubt, whoru FhUUppiUes — a
428
MILTIADES INVITED TO BKCOME KING.
BootVI.
JEacus^ and Egina, but -which, from the time of Fhilffias, the
son of Ajax® who was the first Athenian citizen of the house,
had been naturalised at Athens.® It happened that as the
Dolonci passed his door, Miltiades was sitting in his vestibule,
which caused him to remark them, dressed as they were in
outlandish garments, and armed moreover with lances.^ He
therefore called to them, and, on their approach, invited them
in, offering them lodging and entertainment. The strangers
accepted his hospitality, and, after the banquet was over, they
laid before him in full the directions of the oracle, and be-
sought him on their own part to yield obedience to the god.
Miltiades was persuaded ere they had done speaking ; for the
government of Pisistratus was irksome to him, and he wanted
to be beyond the tyrant's reach. He therefore went straight-
way to Delphi, and inquired of the oracle whether he should
do as the Dolonci desired.
36. As the Pythoness backed their request, Miltiades, son of
Cypselus, who had already won the four-horse chariot-race at
Olympia, left Athens, taking with him as many of the Athe-
nians as liked to join in the enterprise, and sailed away with
the Dolonci. On his arrival at the Chersonese, he was made
scion, on the mother's Bido, of another
oixia TcdpnnroTp6<J>of, that of tho Alc-
mffionidro (infra, ch. 125) — minfl Jbia
father by indulgtmce in it.
7 The descent of Miltiades from
^acns was thus traced by Phcrecydes
and Hollanipus (ap. Marecll, Vit. Tho-
cyd.): — j3:]acus,Ajax,Phila?ap, Daiclns,
Epidjcns, Acostor, Agcnor, Olins, Ly-
cos, Typlion, liatug, Apamestor, Tisan-
der, Miltiades, Uippodoides, Miltiades.
In tho latter part of this genealogy
there seem to be some palpable mis-
takes» as the intcrpoBitiun of a Mil.
tiades between Tisandor and his Bon
Hippoclcides (infra, ch. 127), and tho
omission of Cypselus. Tho earlier
part is of course purely mythicnl.
« So riutarch (Vit. Sol. c. 31), Ste.
phen (ad voc. ♦iXatSai), nnd the an.
thorltics mentioned iu the \w=t note.
Fausaniaa interposes an Enrysacefi be*
tween Phileeas and Ajai (r. xxxv. § 2).
Plutarch makes Euiysacea a brother of
Fhila-as.
» The tale went that Phileeae (Pan-
Ban.), or Phileeaa and Enryftaces toge-
ther (Plnt.)> had Emrrcndcred Salamis
to the Athenians, and reccired the
right of citizenship as a reward. It is
certain that there was a dome named
PhilaTdiB in Attica^ which was tra-
ditionally connected with Fhilseas
(Steph. Byz.); but it ia remarkable
that the dome belonged to the tribe
^geis, not to the tribe .^lantis (see
Lcake'a Demi of Attica, p. 7i and
p. 194),
1 The wearing of arms had gone out
of fashloD in Greetze some little time
before (cf. Thncyd. i, 6,6),
lAP. 35-37. HIS WAU WITH THE LAMPSACEXEa
429
ig by those who had invited him. After this his first act
kS to build a wall across the neck of the Chersonese fi'oiii
16 city of Cardia to Pactya,' to protect the country from the
icursions and ravages of the Apsinthians. The breadth of
le isthmus at this part is thirty-six furlongs, the whole
of the peninsula within the isthmus being four hundred
id twenty furlongs.®
37. ^Tien he had finished carrying the wall across the
LU8, and had thus secored the Chersonese against the
ipsinthians, Miltiades proceeded to engage in other wars,*
td first of all attacked the Lampsacenians;^ but falling into au
ibush which they had laid, he had the misfortune to be taken
•isoner. Now it happened that Miltiades stood high in the
ivour of Crcesus, king of Lydia, When Cra38U8 therefore
>ard of his calamity, he sent and commanded the men of
(ampsacns to give Miltiades his freedom; "if thoy refused,**
said, " he would destroy them like a fir.'* Then the Lum-
lacenians were some while in doubt about this speech of
'cesus, and could not tell how to construe his threat "that
would destroy them like a iix-/^^ but at last one of their
* Paotya whb npon tbo Hellespont,
>Qt ten nul(?8 above ilalUpoli. Liko
rdia, it was flwallowod up in the
built hy Lysimacbofl. Veatigoa
it are found not far from Hexamili
lie, Ucb«r Herodota ADamessang
PoDtQA, p. 4it). It Ib said Also to
poestble to tnu>o ui ancient wall
tho isihmns.
t* TheM moofiaremeniB arc said to bo
AOCUTftto (Kmse, ut supm). Say-
r, writing a centnry lalor, ia far !»««
^t. Ho givos tho leui^Hh of tho
linsula as 400 Ktndutu, tbo broadtb
tho islLmus a^ 40 (IVnpI. p. (JM). In.
>llowt»J by Strabo (vii. p.
(hori rolfttt'sthftt DtToylli.
tho distaacc, and fuaod
37 Hfmk-s (Hist. Gr. Ml. ii. 10). Tha
roni<ftancMtof the poniiunla at that
le (kc. Z'JS) were exactly Bimi la r to
hero apokeu of; and DLTcyllida*
joted the inhabitants in tho aumo
way. It isrenarVablc, however, thnt,
ao far aa can bo gathered frtim Xpno-
phon, tho furmor waU had entirely
disappeared.
* One of these was commrmonitrd
by an offenni; at OlympiH, which Puu-
aaniaa saw thoa inscribed : —
po¥ttffew
Cf. Paoaan. vi. iii. § 4.
* For tho position of Lampracnn.
whirh waa on Iho ABiutic aido of the
UcUedponti rido anpra, t. 117>
* Tho wurda of Crceaiis may have
contaiiifKl a douMo allnaion, one ele-
ment of which escaped Herodotrta.
Lauipsacns, it appeani from varioaa
writers (Char. Lamps. Fr, 6 j Dolob.
Procon. Kr. 10; Strab. liii. p. 640;
Stoph. Ryz. ad toc. ; Etym. Magn. ad
Tuc. niTMw), bad onco home tho name
430
EEIGN OF STESAGOEAS.
BookTL
elders divined the true sense, and told them that the fir is the
only tree which, when cut down, mokes no fresh shoots, but
forthwith dies outright.' So the Lampsacenians, being greatly
afraid of Croesus, released Miltiades, and let him go ^e.
88. Thus did Miltiades, by the help of Croesus, escape this
danger. Some time afterwards he died childless,^ leaving his
kingdom and his riches to Stesagoras, who was the son of
Cimon, his half-brother.' Ever since his death the people of
the Chersonese have offered him the customary sacrifices of a
founder ; and they have further established in his honour a
gymnic contest and a chariot-race, ^ in neither of which is it
lawful for anyLampsacenian to contend. Before the war with
Lampsacus was ended, Stesagoras too died childless : he was
sitting in the haU of justice when he was struck upon the head
with a hatchet by a man who pretended to be a deserter, but
was in good sooth an enemy, and a bitter one.
39. Thus died Stesagoras ; and upon his death the Pisistra-
tidee fitted out a trireme, and sent Miltiades, the son of Cimon,
and brother of the deceased, to the Chersonese, that he might
undertake the management of affairs in that quarter- They
had already shown him much favour at Athens, as if, forsooth,
they had been no parties to the death of his father Cimon — a
matter whereof I will give an account in another place.* He
upon his arrival remained shut up within the house, pretending
to do honour to the memory of his dead brother ; whereupon
the chief people of the Chersonese gathered themselves together
of Pitynsa, or rityeia,a name given to
it on account of the abaiidance of ita
jBr-treee, and under wliich it was known
exclusively in ancient times (Horn. II.
ii, 829). The threat therefore involved
a pan.
? StaphyluB eaid the same of the
xtixT) as Ucrodotus of the virus (Fr.
13 J cf. Zenob. Prov. v. 70, and Tzetz.
Chil. ix. 833). Both are species of fir.
* MarcelUnns relates tliat he lost a
Bon in the Chersonese (Vit. Thuc^d.
p, viii.).
• Literally, " his brother on the
mother's side.** According to Hero.
dot as, the mother of Miltiades and
Cimon was married socceesively to
Cypselas and to a Stesagoras. Hil-
tiades was the issue of the former,
Cimon of the latter marriage (cf . infra,
oh. 103). HaroeUinoB malces Stesa-
goras, the BQccessor of Miltiades, him-
self the half-brother of that king (Vit
Thacyd.).
' See i. 167} and compare the timilar
honours paid to Brasidas at Amphi-
polis (Thucyd. v. 11).
* Infra, ch. 103.
CttJLr. S7-41.
HTLTIADES, THE SON OF CIMON.
431
from all the cities of the land, and came in a procession to the
place where Miltiadcs was. to condole with him upon his mia-
fortone. Miltiades commanded them to be seized and tliro\yi'n
into prison ; after which he made himself master of the Cher-
sonese, maintained a body of five hundred mercenaries, and
married Hegesipyla," daughter of the Thracian king Olorus.
40. This Miltiades, the son of Cimon, had not been long in
the country* when a calamity befel him yet more grievous than,
those in which he was now involved ; for three years earlier
he had had to fly before an incursion of the Scyths. These
nomads^ angered by the attack of Darius, collected in a
body and marched as far as the Chersonese.' Miltiades did
not await their coming, but fled and remained away until
the Scyths retired, when the Dolonci sent apd fetched him
back. All this happened three years before the events which
bcfel Miltiades at the present time.
41. He now no sooner heard that the Phoenicians were attack-
*'nA Thruciftn princes wotto not
arerae to pvtni? their dnnjihteni ia
nwiTuign totbci Qreeks njxin tbt* eoiuit.
Terof , the frmnderof the gre&t kiug-
doin of the OdrysfB, znarried une of liiti
d*OKhtora to Nympbodorns, a Qreok
of ^bdcrn (Thocvd. ii. 29). Hog««t-
P^Ia, tlie dAnu'htrr of Olomft, is ttid
to havu accompanied hor huslioud Lo
Atbcua, and aftor his death to bnve
Btkiried uQotlier Athcni&n, by whom
•ho had a wn who wiw uatuod (Moras*
aft«r hia grandfather. This Oloms
waa the father of Tbaoydidea, who
■aema to have inherited, ttirough hia
grmzidziiotber, the HcfTceiipjla horo
snootioned, a connderablo property io
Throoc (Thocyd. iv, 101; compnro
MiLTcollinoB, Vit. Thocyd., whose »c-
connt, howercr, is very coofiued^
[ H«ro«ipTla wtti probably, by her name,
half Grf^k, thi? danKhter of a Qrook
mocbor. (Compare the case of Scylaflt
ir, 7H.)
* There ia hero a oarioas laxity of
corproanoOt or a curioaji forget fa Inesg
of datofl. Miltindca cannot hnvo
entered apoa Itia guvenuuout mach
later than O.c. 612 ; for not only did
he lako part in tho Srythian exiwdition
of Dnritu, which won at latent in n.c.
&07-&06, but we are ezpreadly told that
he waa sent from Athena to the Cber-
eoneao by th§ Pisittmtida, who ceaaod
to reifni B.C. 610. Now his expnlsioQ
from the Chersonese by thfl 8cytha
falla, accunliu^ to tho account here
pven, into tho year B.C. 495, so that
ho hud boon at Ua$t jfi/tt'en yoar^in tho
coootry when the Scytbiaiut drove lum
out.
' This appears to hnTo been a ma*
rnudinff expedition, to which tho Soy-
thiana wore oncoami^?d by the soccesa
of the Ionian revolt ui.i to that time.
It took ftlaco tho year before the fall
of Uilotos. This dnto i*x]ilains the
mistake, if miBLako it he, of Strabo
(xiij. p. 863).whothontjht the baroin^
of the towns abont th4> llellc^tftont, in
B.C. 493 (supra, oh. 83), to liaro arisen
from fear of a Scytbic invrutiun of
Asia. Tlio aiixacty of tho Scylhiana
to av(!)ntfe tho iuvaaion of thoir laud ia
indicated by the f<tnjl>n«Ay to Sparta
mentioned bvluw (ch. HI).
432
FLIGHT OF MILTIADES TO ATHENS.
BookVL
ing Tenedos, * than he loaded five triremes ^th his goods and
chattels, and set sail for Athens. Cardia was the point &om
which he took his departure ; and as he sailed down the gnlf
of Melas,'' along the shore of the Chersonese, he came suddenly
upon the whole Phoenician fleet. However, he himself escaped,
with four of his vessels, and got into Imbrus,® one trireme only
falling into the hands of his pursuers. This vessel was under
the command of his eldest son Metiochus, whose mother
was not the daughter of the Thracian king Olorus, but a
different woman. Metiochus and his ship were taken ; and
when the Phcenicians found out that he was a son of Miltiades,
they resolved to convey him to the king, expecting thereby to
rise high in the royal favour. For they remembered that it
was Miltiades who counselled the lonians to hearken when the
Scyths prayed them to break up the bridge and return home.'
Darius, however, when the Phoenicians brought Metiochus into
his presence, was so far from doing him any hurt, that he
loaded him with benefits. He gave him a house and estate,
and also a Persian wife, by whom there were children bom to
him who were accounted Persians. As for Miltiades himself,
from Imbrus he made his way in safety to Athens.
42. At this time the Persians did no more hurt to the
lonians ; but on the contrary, before the year was out, they
carried into effect the following measures, which were greatly
to their advantage. Artaphemes, satrap of Sardis, summoned
deputies from all the Ionian cities, and forced them to enter
into agreements with one another, not to harass each other by
force of arms, but to settle their disputes by reference."* He
« Snpra, ch, 31.
7 The modem RTilf of Xeros, on the
■western side of the peninsula. It re-
ceived its name from the river Melaa,
the small stream which flows into the
gulf near Kavatchf called by the Turks
the Kavatch Sit,
8 Imbrns is not more than ten or
twelve miles from the coast. It is
uipiitioncd above (v. 26).
» Supra, iv. 137.
^ These prorisoes were common in
the Greek treaties (compare Thacvd.
i. 145. V. 18, 79, Ac.) ; bat it is dffi-
cult to imagine that the cities of
Asiatic Greece had np to this time
possessed the right of carrrit^on war
with one another. Snch a right seems
incompatible with the Persian domi>
nation ; and no instakoce appears of iU
exercise.
\tur, SI, 42.
TRIBUTE FIXED OX GREEK CITIES.
433
tcwise took the meaBurement of their whole coxintrj in para-
tgs — such is the name which the Persians give to a distance
thirty furlongs ' — and settled the tributes which the several
ities were to pay, at a rate that has continued unaltered from
le time when Artaphemes fixed it down to the present day.*
le rate was very nearly the same as that which had been
Id before the revolt.' Such were the peaceful dealings of
Persians with the lonians.
' Snpni. U. 6. and t. 53,
• Mr. Grobo (Hist, of Greece, Tol. t.
454-iS6, ziot«) denioB that the
k cities opoD tlte coast paid any
ihnte to Pcnia from tho dato of the
onranisaticn of the Athenian ood-
7 (b.c. 476) ti][ after the dint*
SyracQBO (B.C. -U3). He thinka
ge only meoas that there woa
wrrumt of the Ionic nitiea in the
looks, not tbftt there wms any
t of tribate. Be nuppotei that
knew this fact of the ftsaeaa-
from harin^ BUTcets to the books
Ivea, and ** might or mvjht not
w " whether tho tribute was real-
To me it appcarB qaite incon.
ivable that Herodotus ahonld be
nrant of ench a pomt, and very
kcly that he shonid hare meotioned
oontinnoncc of tho oaseMnnont in
vay which he hof, if all pay-
t nf it had ceased from the time
when ho was eig'bt years old. There
is, huworer, more direct evidence that
o trilmte rfintinned to be paid. Mr.
otoadiuilslLat "Greek towns in the
(trier" jioid thfiir qoota», consider-
tluit point to be proved by the cose
Mn{cuc»iu, which Ariruerxcs gave
Theuiinlot-tea ; bathehoaapparently
tten that the revenneB of Myua
IiampfocaB. both cities of the
^ were assigned to the illuatrions
0, in exactly the same way as those
of Ma^icftia (Thncvd. i. 13S). It
u maiufo!4t thorcforo that Lampso-
otu and Myus were not only rated,
bat paid tribute, down to B.C. 465.
deed this is confessed by Mr. Grote
prerions not© (toI. t. p. 885, note'),
ly at rariaaoe with the later
TOL. QL
one. If BO, there c«n be so reMon
for snppoeing that any of the towns
npon the mainland were free from
tribate.
Tho erproBaions of Thacydides {i. 18,
89, 95, Ac), which Mr. Grote quotes,
concerning the UoUcfpontine and
Ionian Greeks who hod " revrAted from
Fersia," and been ^'liberated from the
king^/' must he nnderstood, I think, or
the cities on tho European side of the
Hellespont, and of the Ulandif Pro.
connesos, Cyziciu, Lesbos, Chios, Sa-
mos, &c.
It seems to me probable that the
practical exemption from tribute of
the Greek cities on thentainlond com-
menced in n.c.44d, and was an cxpre«8
proTision of the treaty of Cyprua. It
was the e<]airaleDt which the Qreeka
received foragrocing to leaTothe Per-
siana in ondi^ated poflses^tion of Cy.
pros and Kgypt. Herodotns had per-
h&pa at this time completed the first
draught of hia Histijry. The facts
were, therefore, at the time of hia
writing, as he stated them. After-
wards at Thorii be neglected to alter
the paaaage, which is not snrpriaing,
for he seems to have done little more
than make tidditioiu to his History m
hia later yean.
' Bupiu. iii. 90. What neoesaitatod
the new rating and measnmnent waa
the altcrution of territory which had
taken plore in consequence of the
revolt. Milotos wo know had been
poniahed for its share in the cntbreak
by the loas of a tract of mountun land
which was given to the Carions of
PedaKUfl (ftnpra, cb,20) j and probably
the nuoainder uf the guilty cities had
S F
434
EXPEDITION UNDER MARDONIUS.
Boot VL
43. The noxt spring Darius superseded all the other generals,
and sent down Mardonius, the son of Gobryas,* to the coast,
and with him a vast body of men, some fit for sea, others for
land service. Mardonius was a youth at this time, and had
only lately married Artazustra, the king's daughter.^ When
Mardonius, accompanied by this numerous host, reached
Cilicia, he took ship and proceeded along shore with his fleet,
while the land army marched under other leaders towards the
Hellespont. In the course of his voyage along tho coast of
Asia he came to Ionia ; and here I have a marvel to relate
which will greatly surprise those Greeks who cannot believe
that Otanes advised the Bevcn conspirators to make Persia a
commonwealth.^ Mardonius put down all the despots througji-
out Ionia, and in Uou of them established democracies.
Having so done, he hastened to the Helle8])ont, and when a
vast midtitude of ships had been brought together, and like-
wise a powerful land force, ho conveyed his troops across the
strait by means of his vessels, and proceeded through Europe
against Eretria and Athens.'^
44. At least these towns served as a pretext for the expedi-
tion, the real purpose of which was to subjugate as great a
number as possible of the Grecian cities; and this became
plain when the Thasians,** who did not even lift a hand in their
been treated in tho (Ukmo way. On
the other band, cities nhioh abstained,
as Ephesna (onpra, cb. 16, note), may
baro received an ind'oaseot territory,
* This is another instance of tho
aUemation of namoa among' the Por-
sians. (Compare i'lL. IGO, Jkc.) Go.
bryas waa tho son of a Mardonitia
(Boh. Ins. col. iv. par. 18.)
' On marriagf^B of this kind, ace
above t. 116, note ^ and comparo vol.
ii. p. 658. note *.
* It would seem that the tale related
by Herodotus in Book iii. (chs. 80-83),
bad appeared incredible to the Greeks
themsL'lreB. Herodotus undoabbedly
believed it to be true ; but the story
does aob really derive any support
from the policy hero pursned bj Mar-
donius. That policy waa decidedly
wise. The Fersiaiis had leant, by
dint of experience, tbat they loet
more, through unpopular.'ty, by up-
holding the tyrants, than ihaj praised
by the convenience of having tlw
^ovemmontof the Greek states aasimi-
lated totheirown. To allow Greeks, ia
order to conciliate them, decnocratio
institutions, was a very different thing
from contemplating the adoption (h
Bnch institutions among thnmaQlves.
7 The aggressors in tbe late war
(snpra, t. 99).
" ThasoB had hitherto escaped lob-
jection. Megabazns, who carried hia
arma oven farther west, seems to bare
I
I
ATTACKED BY THE BRYGI.
435
defence, were reduced by the sea force, vrhilo the land array-
led the Macedonians to the former slaves of the Idng, All
tribes on the hither side of Macedonia had been reduced
riously.' From Thasos the fleet stood across to the
dand, and sailed along shore to Acanthus,^ whence an
jmpt was made to double Mount Athos. But bore a violent
ih wind sprang up, against which nothing could contend,
handlod a largo number of the ships with much rudeness,
ittering them and driving them agi'ound upon Athos. 'Tib
the number of the ships destroyed was httle short of three
idred ; and the men who perished were more than twenty
isand.^ For the sea about Athos abounds in monsters
)nd all others ; and so a portion were seized and devoured
these animals,* while others were dashed violently against
Jl^ rocks ; some, who did not know how to swim^ were en-
^■fed ; and some died of the cold.
^■15. Wliile thus it fared with the fleet, on land Mardonius
mn his army were attacked in their camp during the night by
tb© lirygi,* a tribe of Thracians ; and bore vast numbers of
I h^ no fleet at bits disposal. Olanes,
^Hb reduc'-'d LomnfM and linbruB
^B^Tft, r. 26, 27}, did not Tcintare so
• Sapra, t. 18.
' Acaothas lay on tlie eastern side
of the peniiigula of Athoe, aa ia plain
both £rom thia pABAOge and from the
■oconBt of the march uf Xerxes (infm,
vii. 115.121). It probabljr occupied
the sitflof the modomTiUag'eof kHsto
(Leake's Nortbem Greece, toI. iii. p.
147). The territory of the Aconthianfl,
bowcrer, extended uoruiui the isthnina,
and tboy mnj fa&To hnd a port on the
Bin^tio Oalff which perbnps mislod
Ptolemy (iii. 13, p. 92) and Strabo
(rii. p. iHl) aa to the aito of the
^Koe. Soylax (p. 63), Soymuus Chiua
dL645, 0(6), and llcia (ii. If), agree
H|h HerudutQfl.
H^Thu navigtttton of this coact ia
Btill full of danger. " Bnch is the
fear," aay a Colonel Leake, "eotertained
by ^0 (irc«lc boatmen of the strength
and onoertaiu direction of the onrrenta
around Mount Athoe, and of the galea
and high aeoa to which the ricinity of
the moantain is tnbject during half
the year, and which are rendered more
formidable by the deficiency of har-
bours in the Galf of Orfatta (Siooa
Strymoniciu). that I could not, so long
OS 1 wiis in tbe peuinxula, and tboagfa
offering a high price, prevail upon any
boat to carry me from the eastern aide
of the peninanla to the western, or even
from Xiropotami to VatopedhV (Nor.
tbcm Greece, vol. iii. p. 145. Com-
pare Sir G. BowDu's Diary, p. 57-)
' Mr. Grotc, I know not on what
gronndji, transforms these aea-mon-
stera into ** wild bcoata " inliabiting
tbu " tongue uf land " (Qifit.of Greeoe.
ToL IT. p. 432).
* The Greeks belierod these Brygi
to have been ethnically connected with
the Fhrygea or Piirygiana of Asia
]Uinar (infra, vii. 73 ; Slrub. vii. p.
427). At thi« time they aeem to hare
436
THE THASIAKS SUSPECTED.
Book VI.
the Pereians v:ere Blain, and even Mardonins himself received
a wound. The Brygi, nevertheless, did not Bucceed in main-
taining 'their own freedom : for Mardonios would not leave
the conntry till he had suhdued tliem and made them subjects
of Persia. Still, though he brought them imdor the yoke, the
blow which his land force had received at their hands, and
the great damage done to his fleet off Athos, induced him
to set out upon his retreat ; and so this armament, ha
failed disgracefully, returned to Asia.
46. The year after these events, Darius received info:
tion &om certain neighbours of the Thasians that thaw'
islanders wore making preparations for revolt; he thereforo
sent a herald, and bade them dismantle their walls, and bring
all then: ships to Abdera.^ The Thasians, at the time when
HistisBus the Milesian made his attack upon them,^ had re-
solved that, as their income was very great, they would apply
their wealth to building ships of war, and surrounding their
city with another and a stronger wall. Their revenue waai
derived partly from their possessions upon the mainland,^
partly firom the mines which they owned. They were masters
of the gold-mines at Scaptc-IIyle,^ the yearly produce of which
dwelt in the regioii above Chalciilic^,
or periisps a Utile more to the west,
between the Ohaloidio peninsula and
Pieria (infra, rii. 185). Afterwords
they were posliod very inuch fortbor
w(*Htward, and appear as uoighbonrs
to the lUrrioziB upon the Adriatio
(Scymn. Ch. 1. 433 ; Rtrftb, vii. p. 473 ;
Sbcph. By». ad ycc. hpv^).
* Mega^mziia hnd i>abdiied the entire
cooat (flapra, r. 10, ad fiu.]> and Ab>
dftra had prubably been occupied by a
Persian garrison, like Eion and Doris,
cufl (infiu, Tii. 106, 107) On its site,
▼ide infra, vii. 109.
■ Supra, ob. £8.
' The ThofiianB pofisesned a nnmber
of places on the cotuit n]>pos)to their
island, as is filain from Thucydides (i.
100). One of these was Datmn (En.
ateth. ad Dionys. Ferieg. 617 ; Zonob.
l^roT. Gr. Cent. iii. 71}i & place which
combined 90 mftny adrantaigM tliat it
paa&cd into a pRtvcrb f or as abntidaisoe
of irood things (^nob. 1. s. c. Harpo*
oration in toc. ; Slr&b. Tit, p. 4S1; wc9
aUo infra, ix. 76, not^). It po— «Med
f^ld'Oiincs, and waa also * plaoo of
great fertility.
* ScnPtf.riyl^ is caid hf Stepbeo-,
(ad TOC.) to hsTc been a town Q{joa
Thraciuu cotut, oppoKiio Tbaaoa.
wa« probably near Batuzn, to whicii
gold-minoB seem sometimea to
asoribod. The wifoof I'hncydideawai^
-we ore told, a natiro of this place, and
the owner of bomio of its niiniFS (Vsr.
collio. Vir. Thncyd. p. ix-); and kitlw*
Thucydides himself rctire^l when
iled fmm Athens, nnd wrote hia
tory (ibid. p. x. ; Plutarch, d« Bxil.
p. 6O0, C). The name i^ someti:
written ^as-rnTMT| (Steplu Theophc]
and in I«atin ScapUwula (Lncret-V
I
45-40. DAIUUS DEMiJ^DS EABTH AND WATEB.
437
lonnted ui all to eighty talents. T]:eir mines in Thasos®
less, but still woro so far prolilic that, besides being
itirely free from land-tax, they had a surplus income, derived
»m the two sources of their territory on the main and their
tes, in common years of two buudredj and in the best years
hundred talents.
47. I myself have seen the mines in question : by far the
lost curious of them are those which the Phoonicians dis-
►vered at the time when they went with Thasus and colonised
le island,* which afterwaids took its name from him." These
LQBnician workings are in Thasos itself, between Cccnyra and
a place called ^nyra, over against Samothrace:* a huge
Lountain has been turned upside down in the search for ores.
jh then was the source of their wealth. On this occasion
sooner did the Great King issue his commands than
[ghtway the Thasliuia dismantled their walls, and took
leir whole fleet to Abdera.
48. After this Darius resolved to prove the Greeks, and
the bent of their minds, whether they were inclined to
isifit him in arms or prepared to make their submission.
therefore sent out heralds in divers directions round
rat Greece, with orders to demand everywhere earth and
iter for the king. At the same time he sent other heralds
the various seaport towns which paid him tribute, and
them to provide a number of ships of war and horse-
isports.
49. These towns accordingly began their preparations ; and
10 heralds who had been sent into Greece, obtained what
le king had bid them ask from a largo number of the states
m the mainland, and likewise from all the islanders whom
squired
* Tbisof u aud to have buea oallwl
/» by the early Grepks, od ao-
itof itsgold-miues (Arrion, Fr. 67;
lieXku »d Dionye. Ftricg. 5i!8).
Baprn, ii. 44. Cosituiro Aiu^llocL
lir. i. 1, § 7i 8. Tbucydidos makes
Th&ikw a oolooy of the rarimna (ir«
104}.
' Bocbart (Q«c^niph. Boc. i. xi p.
SUS) derires the word Tltabus (rom tbo
Syriao Uis, " an armlot."
' That is, on the ».>uth<eaiit side of
the island.' Cconyra slill rumatua in
the uodcra Kinijra. The site of
j£ayra cannot be tixod.
438
CLEOMEXES ATTACKS THE £GIXETA2fSL
Boo&YI
thcj visited.* Among these last were included the Eginetans,
who, equally with tlie rest, cou&eated to give earth and wat«r
to the Persian king.
When the Atlienians heard what the Eginetans had done,
believing that it was from enmity to themselves that they had
given consent, and that the Eginetans intended to join the
Persian in his attack upon Athens, they straightway took the
matter in hand. In good truth it greatly rejoiced them to
have BO fair a pretext ; and accordingly they sent frequent
embassies to Sparta/ and made it a charge against the
Eginetans that their conduct in this matter proved tliem to be
traitors to Greece.
50. Ilereupon Clcomenes^ the son of Anaxandridas, who
was then king of the Spartans, went in person to Egina,
intending to seize those whose guilt was the greatest. As
soon however as he tried to arrest them, a number of the
Eginetans made resistance, a certain Crius, son of Polycritus,
being the foremost in violence. This person told him "be
shoidd not carry off a single Eginctan without it costing hiin
dear — the Athenians had bribed him to make this attack, for
which he had no warrant from his own government — other-
wiso hiith the kings would have come together to make the
seizure." This he said in consequence of instructions which
ho had received from Pemaratus.*' Hereupon Cleomenos, find-
ing that he must quit Egina, asked Crius his name ; and when
* Euboea i« probaWy to bo cTceptod
tram th(> Mat, and a\so Kaxo9, which
it was iotetitlod to punish (infm, rh.
96). Tho rout of the Cyclodes, with.
out doubt, uiiulo their subniU-sion.
• Mr. Grot« has Bomo oxrcUi^nt ob-
BerratiouB on tho great iniportuuco of
thin appefti (Uiet. of Greece, vol. ir.
pp. 427-430). It tuiscd Sporta to
the ponerni protectoi*nte of Ureooe.
Hithertij «ho }iad been a leading power,
lrv>qQC'ntIy cftUod in to aid the weaker
a^inst tl'io Htrcmf^^r, but with no defi-
nite ftr-jffmoiiy, cxccplinK over the
titutoa of the Fulupumicst) (aapra, r.
61). Xow flho w&a ncVnnvle^gDd to
have a panwiuunt antborilv- over ths
whole of Grt-eiv, as the proper guud*
ian of the Grr.'clttn libcrttos. It ^tw
ndtiitifiiiDl wi>ii(ht to tho appeal
it waa made hy Athea»f iho
cif)' of Gn-vi-e,
• This wa« tlw xn-ond time that!
rataa had thwarted Cleomeac*
aupra, t, 76). The VJtil-s of
yonngcrbonsc had an it
and tboir ji-aluosr of i
found a nainml rent in r-u<?n
annoTanooi as those which ore i
of Demaratoa.
tliftt
(Tult
iAr.4d-G2.
DOUBLE BOTALTY AT 8PABTA.
439
1U8 told him, *' Get thy horns lipi)ed wilh brass with all
0 Crius!"' he eaid, "for thou wilt have to Btraggle
ith a groat danger.*'
£1. Meanwhile Demaratns, son of Ariston, was bringing
rgee against Qeomenes at Sparta. He too, hke Cleomenes,
king of the Spartans, but he belonged to the lower house
-not indeed that his house was of any lower origin than the
ler, for both houses are of one blood — ^but the house of
ithenes is the more honoured of the two, inasmuch as it
the elder branch.
62. The Lacedaemonians declare, contradicting therein all the
its,® that it was King Aristodemus himfielf, son of Aiisto-
lachns, grandson of Cleodteus, and great-grandson of Hyllus,
fbo conducted them to the land which they now possess, and
>t the sons of Aristodemus. The wife of Aristodemus, whose
le (they say) was Argoia, and who was daughter of
kuteaion,* son of Tisamenus, grandson of Thersauder, and
sat-grandson of Poljmices, within a httle while after their
}XDing into the country, gave birth to twins. Aristodemus
it hved to see his children, but died soon afterwards of a
jease. The Lacedjemonians of that day determined, accord-
to custom, to take for their king the elder of the two
dldxen ; but they were so alike, and so exactly of one size,
' Cloozncnea pons upon tho name
-which tifi^nifios "a ram" in
)k. Cie^m indnlf^fl in factftitB of
land with respect to Verree,
bein^ Ijatiii fcr " a boar jjig."
in Verr. Act. il. ii. 78. iv. 25
43. " Aiobant in lahurvs Hurculis
oiinhfl hono imnianiatimTiin Ver-
, qaam illura apnim Erjnuuithi-
tDi referri oportore.")
' Thesp poets are not Ihoeo of the
HC oyclt?, which concluded with Ihe
Irenturea of TclegonnB, IhD «oa of
rgaoi, bat either " thcvc who carried
the mjrtholog^ical fahlea genoaJo-
t^, a« CinnythoQ and Aaiof/' or
le " tho hi&tf<rKikl poets, such as
LuB the Coriuthikn" (MuUer'a
Dorians, ToL i. p. S8, B. T.). Thoir
▼iewB were adopted by tho niylbo-
lo^co] prosB'Writ^rs, as, for inntanve,
Apollodnms (ii. Tiii. 2, § 9) and Fan-
sanias (til. i. 5), whoboUi declare the
death of Aristodemus to haro takon
placo before th? iaviu<ion of tho Pelo-
ponnesc. Ht^rodotafl follows the local
Spartan tzadition,aahe himself statee,
which was that AriatodemoB aotoall/
reigned at Sparta. Of this tradition
we find another trace in Xenopbun
(Agta. viii. 7), tho friend of AgoailaiiH,
and fio lon^ a roFa^o in Laconia.
" Riftter thpi-efure, nccordinjf to the
tuyth, of Tfaerae. the ooloniser of Thera
(Bupia, ir. lii).
^
tttttt
mm
440
FEUD BETVi'EEX THE TWO HOUSES.
that they conld not possibly tell ^bicb of the two to chooae :
BO when they found themselves iinable to moke a choice, or
haply even earlier, they went to the mother and asked her to
tell them which was the elder, whereupon she declared that
*•' she herself did not know the children apart ; " although in
good truth she know them very well, and only feigned ignor-
ance in order that, if it were possible, both of them might be
made kings of Sparta. The Lacedajmonians were now in a great
strait ; so they sent to Delphi and inquired of the oracle how
they should deal with the matter. The Pythoness made
answer, " Let both be taken to be kings ; but let the elder hare
the greater honour." So the Lacedscmonians were in &b great
a strait as before, and could not conceive how they were to
discover which was the first-bom, till at length a certain
Messenian, by name Fanites, suggested to them to wat-cb and
SCO which of the two the mother washed and fed first ; if they
found she always gave one the preference, that fact would tell
them all they wanted to know ; if, on the contrary, she herself
varied, and sometimes took the one first, sometime* the other,
it woidd be plain that slie knew as little as they ; in which case
they must try some other plan. The Lacodoimonians did
according to the advice of the Messenian, and, without letting
her know why, kept a watch upon the mother; by which
means they discovered that, whenever she either washed or fed
her children, she always gave the same child the proference.
So they took the boy whom the mother honoured the most,
and regarding him as the fii*st-bom, brought him np in the
palace ; and the name which they gave to the older boy was
Eurysthenes, while his brother they called Procks. When the
brothers grew up, there was always, bo long as they bred,
enmity between them ; and the houses sprung from their loins
have continued the feud to this day.^
^ It nifty bo suspected tbnt the fro-
qaent proseoulioiu and puuistmieaU
of the SpiLrtan kings were fomented
and enoonraged bjr the hoatilitj bo-
Iween the riral boaies. Besides the
dpxfrndAtifin of DctBRmtiit nftrnkteil
belnw (cli. 67X wo know thut Leoly-
chidoB wiLS bnniithod from Sp«rt«(c%.
72)— that Cloometiee fled throogh U
(cb. 74J— tbat FaiiwnfM, the son of
\AP, 52-54. EGYPTIAN DESC£NT OF THE PERSEID^
441
63. TbuB much is related by the Lacedfiemonians, but not
by any of the other Greeks; in what follows I give the tra-
dition of the Greeks generally. The kings of the Dorians
(they say) — counting up to Perseus, son of Danac,* and so
omitting the god — are rightly given in the common Greek
lists, and rightly conBidcred to have been Greeks thomBclvos ;
for even at this early time they ranked among that people.'
I say ** up to Perseus," and not further, because Perseus has
no mortal father by whose namo he is called/ as Hercules
has in Amphitryon ; whereby it appears that I have reason
on my side, and am right in saying, '* up to Perseus." If we
follow the line of Dauae, daughter of AcrisiuB» and trace her
progenitors, we shall find that tho chiefs of the Dorians are
really genuine Egyptians.® In the genealogies here given I
have followed the common Greek accounts.
Cleonibmttia, wna pnt to death (Thu*
oyd. i. 134)— that PUatauinx, tho son
uf I^UBonios, rem»mcd in oxiio for
nineteen ycarH (Tlmeyd. t. 16) — knd
that PuiuaaiB*, the son of Fliatoanax,
waa tried on a capital charge, and Imd
to qoit the coantry (Xen. lIolL iii. t.
7*25). It Boems to haro been fur tUo
pnrpoae of weakening tho monarchy
by Lhe introdactioa of lucU a Btato of
thiDK^a, that tho doohlo royalty waa
eatoblLBhod and maintained at Sparta,
See the statement of Ariatotloii'ol. 11.
G), ffvrnpiay /rij^i^or rp w6ictt tlftu rit
rraatdCuw tout ^aaiXris.
* It in straugo that IlerodotnB ffhoold
■peak of Pcrseoa aa a " king of the
Doriane.'* Perscas, according to the
legend, was a progenitor of Uorcnlos,
and thorefcrre an ancohior of tho Spar-
tan monorchjt ; but the lieraoleida did
not como into connection with tho
Uorianfl till at leaat a gcueratioo after
Hereulca.
* Tliia cannot be held to bo gtriotly
tme, Hinco tho namo Hcllifne first
entered tho Peloponnoso with tho
Doriani. If, however, we onderBtand
only that tho earlior Poloponneeian
prinoei were of no foreifrn race, bat
of one clonely akin to tho Hellsoe. Uie
statement may bo acoepiod.
** Thnt is to say, he is nnifonnly
declared to bo tho son of Jupiter.
* 8upra> ii. 01. Herodotus bolievM
in the tale which brings DauaOa from
Epypt.
[Many writers bwiilefl him ascribe
the culuiiisatiun of purtei of Qrocco to
tho nncolouifiing Eg>-ptiang. Danaos
led a colony from Sgypt (Diod. i. 2) )
and not only was Danaos said to have
fled from Kgypt to Argos, but Pau-
sanias thinks the Nanpllans a colony
from that country in old timofl. (Uk.
iv.) BioduniB and others say oolonini
went from lilgypt to Athens, led by
Cecrops from Si^s. Cudmns (the per-
soniGcntion of tho East) generally
reported to havo gone from PhosniciA
to Ba»tia (licr. t. 57) , is said by Eose-
bius to have migrated from Egyptian
Thebes with Phcenix, and to have
founded Athons ami liujoliun Thebes ;
and both he and Cecrops tmvo tho
merit of leading a colony o! SnTtca to
Athens. (Schol. on Lycoph. Diod. i.
28.) Trtptolemos again gare laws to
Athens (i*oij>b. do Abstio. ir. ; Uiod.i.
18, 20); and Ereohthcaswas also said
to be su Egyptiitii. (Diod. i. 29.) But
withoat gtriog full crodit to these Aod
442
PREROGATIVES OF SPARTAN EIKOS — IN WAK. Bm&TL
64. Acconling to the Persian story, Perseus "was an Assy-
rian who became a Greek;* his ancestors, therefore, according^
to them, were not Greeks. They do not admit that the fore-
fathers of Acrisiua were in any way rehited to Perseus, but
say they were Egyptians, as the Greeks likewise testify.
55. Enough however of this Kubject. How it came to passj
that Egyptians obtained the kingdoms of the Dorians,' and
what they did to raise themselves to such a position, these are
questions concerning which, as they have been treated by
others,^ I shall say nothing. I proceed to speak of points on m
which no otbcr writer has touched. |
56, The prerogatives which the Spartans have allowed their
kings are the following. In the first place, two priesthoods,
aimilar etntomonis, it is possible that
Bomc BL'tilLTs, probably ref ogees, occa-
eionally went from Efrypt to Groooe,
and that-, as llcixxintaa poaiitTely as-
•erte, a great number of barbamns
peoplo bocame imiiod with thorn (BIc
i. o. 58) ; thongh no parlicnlor portion
of the Ureck race can bo said to be of
Bgyptiao, or any otbor foreign origin,
subscqtiently to tho Frrcat immigra-
iious from Asia. — G, W.]
• It has not been commonly Boen
that this IB on entirely distinct Btory
fnim that related below (vii. 150)—
that Porsens, son of Daoafi, had a son
Foraoa, the progem'tor of the Adiro.
menion kings— which latter the Greeks
gencrallv adopted (Flat. Alcib. i. p,
120, E. i'Xon. Cyrop. i. ii. 1 ; ApoUod.
II. ir. 6, § 1). This tale denies any
birth connection between Penicns and
tho Greeks, bringing him originally
from the East (ntrangely ODOUjch from
jlMyria), and making him settle in
Oraooe and bocume naturalized.
Both fftorios seem to me pnre in-
Tentiuns, baaed merely upon tho simi*
larity of name which the Persians
found to exist between their own na-
tional appellation ami a Greek my iliolu-
gical personage. They wcro wilting
to toko advnnta^eof this L'ircauifilaDi.*o
to onconmgo tho belief in an early
oonneclion between tliomBelres nnd the
Greeks ; and thoy did not maoh care
in what way the connection was made
ODt.
It ia of cotzree poeeiblo thkt the
Greek hero Torseos may have con»
down to them from those primiUv*
times when the Arian race bad not jfi
split into sections, and thna the simi>
larity of name may not be occadaaUd.
It may eren indicate a real oanneotiae
of race, bat not one of which either of
the two InloB is a proper exponent.
^ That is to eay, tho kingdomxtf tlw
Felopconcse, afterwards oanqnered by
the Dorians.
' It is nnccrtain to what class ol
writers HercMlutus here alludes. He
may intend the poet« of the Epio cycle,
with whom Ihu adrentnree of Daiiaiks
and hia ditu^htora were a recognised
subject. (A poem, Aorafr, it qooCed
by Clemens Alex. Strotu. ir. p, 618*
and referred to by Uarpocr^lion, «d
vcc. airr6xSfii¥.') It is more probable,
however, that ho opoAks of pn»»-
write-T^, aach as Aca^iUus, nec^trffiy
and Uippyaof Bb<"ginm. Tbe**fl«D6*
Blf>Fie3"of the two former, um the
Afj'jlica of the Inttcr aathor, mi^ht
treat uf tho matters ia qoestica.
Colonel Mure Eingf^Nts that the rafcr-
cnce IB to the ** Spartan ma^istntea '"
of Charon (Lit, of Gret^w, toL it.
30(i) ; bnt it is very unltk«*ly that
went further bock than the
conquest.
M-57. PREROGATIVES OF SPARTAN KINGS — IN PEACE 443
those (namely) of LaccJmmonian and of Celestial Jupiter;®
also the right of mukiug war on what countiy soever they
please/ without hindrance from any of the other Spartans,
under pain of outlawry ; on Rervice the privilege of marching
first in the advance and last in the retreat, and of having a
hundred* picked men for their body-guard while with the
army; likewise the liberty of sacrificing as many cattle in
their expeditions as it seems them good, and the right of
having the skins and the chines of the slaughtered animals
for their own uBe.
57. Such are their privileges in war ; in peace their rights
are as follows. When a citizen makes a public sacrilice the
gs are given tlie first seats at the banquet ; they are served
fore any of the other guests, and have a double portion of
evorytliing ; they take the lead in the libations ; and the hides
of the sacrificed beasts belong to them. Every month, on the
first day, and again on the seventh of the first decade,^ each
king receives a beast without blemish at the public cost.
• Thnnp or** prfthably Acliwin rather
than Dohfiu f<i:-->thrxKl8. nnd tnay haro
belonged Ut tho ilcrufluid kings boforo
thotr expolfion, Tho woi'ship of
Apollo Bpocially charactorize<l the Do>
ri&D tribei, that of .Tupitor and Jnno
ilie AohsBUi (eeo MuUcr's DortanH, i.
pp. 409-411, K. T.)- Zens I^iocMlaHnoa
■ad Zona Uraniua would be rOFpoct.
irelj Japiter tho lord of the Lacedre-
monuui tcrrttoiy, and Jupiter the
rapreme Rod, tir kio|^ of hcavon. The
aooerau-7 onion of tho priestly irilb
the kingly office woa ud idea almost
wurersal io early tixntM (Muilor,u.pp.
101-104).
' Not tho ripht of doclarinR war,
which rested vrith tho aaseuibly, and
might, we know, bo oiorcisod af^ainiifc
the will of Uia kintr (Thnc-vd. i. 87),
bill the right of determining the gen-
ozml ooan>e aod uliarootcr of each
campaiiifa (ib. viii. S).
* This in perhftpa an error. The
ritunber of the kuights who fonnod
Uie kiug's body.gnard u alwars else-
where declared to be SCO (mfm, ▼!{.
205, TiiL l'J4; Thucyd. r. 72 f Xeu.
de Bep. Lac. iv. S) ; and this namber
acconJfi belter with tbeuthf;rnamerical
diviaiona at Sparta, an, for tn^tanco,
tlio ihfM tribes, tho thirty Oba;, the
thirty tenatorfi, Ac, Pu«sil>Iy, how>
oror, tho knights of tho Hylleon tribe,
who would bo 100, woro attached in a
special way to the pcreona of the
kin^s, and accompanied thorn as a
body-guard oa all cspoditiutis, wbereaa
the whole 800 may not have gone out
tmlesB upoD special occasions.
' On tho division of tho Grut'k month
into decadcflj fiijy Itrra^fpot, fi^if fiajSn',
and /tV ^ivKif, see Smith's Diet, of
Aotiq. ad rue. CalenhjUiU'V, and
oomp. Hcsiod, Op. et Dies, 708, Ac.
The seventh day of each mouth was
sacred to Apollo, who whs Ix^'Iiered to
Itave been bom on tbe Rorenth of
Thargulion (May). Sw Dh^. Laeit.
iii. § 2, and conip. lies. .C^ ei P.
771.
444
HONOUBS DUBXKQ tIFE.
BootU
which he oEFers np to Apollo ;* likewise a mcdimnus of raeil,*
aud of wine a Laconiau quart. In the contests of the gaoiM
they have always the seat of honour; they appoint the citizens
who have to entertain foreigners ;" thoy albo nooiluate, eaeb
of them, two of the Pythians,' oflicerfl whoso business it 18 to
consult the oracle at Dolj^hi, who eat witli the kingR, and, like
them, live at the pubHc charge. If the kings do not come to
the pubUc supper, each of them must have two choenixea of
meal aud a cotyle of wine® sent home to him at his house;
they come, they are given a double quantity of each, and t
same when any private man invites them to his table. The
have the custody of all the oracles wliich arc pronounced ; b
the Pythians must likewise have knowledge of them. Th
have the whole decision of certain causes, which are tliese,'
and these only : — When a maiden is left the heiress of her
father's estate, and has not been betrothed by him to any
one, they decide who is to marry her;^ in all matters con
* The kings were nt the head of the
whtiU naiiormi roliifirtn, the Dnrian
ApoUu-worMbip, as weU U£tha Auhuwa
cultua of Jupiter.
^ On ihc* Bi^co uf tbo mcdimnni. and
idBO of the chieuix, aee roL 1, p. 313,
Doto*.
• Tbo Promenif whose Bpecinl dnty
YTU to rccciTC And entertain umbaAso-
dora from foreign states. The chief
states of Greece had genefally a
ProxenuB at all the moro important
towns, who undortuok this doty. He
was ahraya a native of the piftoo, and,
ejccept at Sparta, was nominated to
his office hj the state whoso proxenas
he was. At Sparta, ia consequence of
the greater j&alouBj of foret^'ners, the
State insiated on it<>clf appointing the
proxeui ; and oa the iktMu-tmeut of
foreign affairs belongei), in an espo>
oial way, to the kings, oommitted to
them the 8Gloction of 6fc persona,
' The Pytlunna at Sparta correspond
to the /{T^yrjTai nudi$xp^<rroi nl Albvus,
and to the permanent Otvpol of other
states (Miiiler's Dorians, ii. p. 15,
K. T.^. Tiioy are mentioned oa mcss-
matos of the kings hy Xenophon
IjOC. XV. § 4) and Suidas (mi toc. n«
Oioi). Mnrr >■ r t tions place
names iim (tt-r those of
kings (^t rAcadimie dae"
InecTiptioDB ci llelles Lettres, torn. xt.
p. 390). MiiUer thinks Q. s. e.) thafc
they had Butxia in the s4>DHt«>.
" Tbo ootyle is one of the At
lipoid measures : it contained al«i|
lialf a pint. Twn cotyleii made
oMles or pint. The Attic quart (i
Toproir) wa!( the foarth partof a xest
— cou&Dqaontly only a qnarter of
pint ; but it may bo suspect
the " Ijaciinion qnart " wtka
umphvrtfuSj or a' .';41ouir'
* So ot Athf t hon KponJ
mns, who epc...... .v,i\.<6Qiite(l
ancient otSoe of the kinff, had
gnoriJianfihip of all nrj^ianf
hciresftes (PoUux, viii 88). The di|
posol of heiresses and adoptJoo
children wore of more than
importunco at isparta. since Um
looked with disfaruor apoa
accumulation of property.
r
CSAP. 57. G6.
HnyOURS AFTKR DEATH.
445
ing the public highways they judge ; and if a person want« to
adopt a child, he must do it before the kings. They likewise
have the right of sitting in council with the eight and twenty
senators; and if they are not present, then the senators
nearest of kin to them have their privileges, and give two votes
as the royal proxies, besides a third vote, which is their own.^
68. Such are the honours which the Spartan people have
allowed their kings during their lifetime ; after they are dead
other honours await them. Horsemen carry the news of
their death through all Laconia, while in the city the women
go hither and thither drumming upon a kettle. At this
signal, in every honse two free persons, a man and a woman,
must put on mourning,' or else be subject to a heavy fine.
The Lacedirmonians have likewise a custom at the demise of
their kings which is common to them with the barbarians
of Asia — indeed with the greater number of the barbarians^
everywhere — namely, that when one of their kings dies, nOt
only the Spartans^ but a certain number of the country people
from every part of Laconia are forced, whether they will or
no, to attend the funeral. So these persons and the Helots,
and likewise the Spartans themselves,'* flock together to the
1 Tho meaning of this passage U
very obscure. iIuUer(iup. 106,uott3",
IL T.) tlunkfl that Herodotus sborod
in thoopiaion which Thac\'di(]c8 si^
{L 20) was cnrrent through GreccCj
and supposed each king to faaro Uio
riffbt (H ^rin^ two vutoB* He would
iltorefore consider Hcrodotna to mean
thai in the abBooce of the kinps, Ibo
t9M eenators nearest of kin to the two
moaarchs respectivelj, gavo each »
double rote for the moDarch whose
kinsman ho was, nft^-r which he gave
a third vote for himself. Sohwei^-
li0aser tck'^'^b Herodotas as speaking
only of one senator, and nsing tho
plural diitrihutrtvly, meaning that the
aeuatora who were on each 6ecaaio»
most nearly related to the royal house,
^ve the royal votes (one for each
kiof;) and then gave their own. What-
evur Ileroduliia meaos, there ia little
doubt that such was the actual prao-
tico fcf. Thncjd. 1. a, c. ; FUit. Leg.
ui. 692, A.).
" That is to say, " wear nqaalid un-
waflbed garments, or even oovor them-
selves with mod and dirt ; " for tho
Qreeka, when they mQorned at all,
monraed in the Oriental fonhion (see
Horn. 11. xxir. l&l. 16D). It is un-
certain whether this mourning at the
death of tho Spartan kings was con.
fined to the Periccci, or whether it in-
cluded tlio Spartans^ who were forbid-
den by the laws of Lycurgns to monm
at the death of their own rclatirea
(Plutarch, Inst. Tac. p. 238, I).)-
' The three olasfies of which the
Lacedicmonian pnpniaf ion consisted
arc hero very clearly diatingoishod
fxx>ra one another: — 1. The I'ericBoi,
or free inhabitanta of tho country dis-
trieta, the deaceadaute in tho main of
446
REMISSION OF DEBTS BT THE SEW KINO.
Boot
number of Beveral thousands, men and women intenningled :
and all of them smite their foreheads violentlj, and weep aad
wail without stint, saying alwavs that tht-ir last king was tL«
best. If a king dies in battle, then they make a statue d\
him, and placing it upon a couch right bravely decked,
carry it to the grave. After the burial, by the space of
da} B there is no assembly, nor do they elect magistrates,* bi
continue mourning the whole time,
59. They hold with the Persians also in another custoi
When a king dies, and another comes to the throne, tfaij
newlj'-made monarch forgives all the Spartans the del
wLich they owe either to the king or to the public treasuiy.
And in like manner among the Persians each king when be
begins to reign remits the tribute due from the provinces.*
60. In one respect the Lacedoemonians resemble the Egyp-'
tians.^ Their heralds and flute-players, and likewise their^
cooks, take their trades by succession from their fathers,
flute-player must be the son of a flute-player, a cook of
cook, a herald of a herald; and other people cannot taks
advantage of the loudness of their voice to come into the
profession and shut out the heralds* sons; but eiich follows
his father's business.'' Such are the customs of the Lace-
dtemonians.
the snliiDittcd Acbamns ; 2. The He*
lot«, or serfs who tilled Uio soil upon
the oatatcB of tlicir Dorinn lords, do-
Boendod in part from AcfaomnB t&kcn
with arms in their hands, bat chiefly
from tbo couqacrcd McBsoniana ; axid
3. Tbo Spartans, or Uoriun conqnerurs,
who lyero the only cUicfffift, and who
lived almost excliuircly in the capital.
* Compare the Roman jujitUium
naool ut the duath of an emperor or
other gTftat porsouaf^ (Tacit. Ann. i.
16, ii. 82; SacL Qklig. 2i; Lucqjl
Fhar& ii. 16, Ac).
* The Pseudo-Smerdis, therefore, in
remitting tlio tribute for three years,
merely uxtonded & species of largess,
of which the BubjectB of Persia were
nlready accustomed in wme degree
Feriia, iii. 67).
* On the olasscB of the EgyptUal
»oo ni^te on Book ii. ch. 164.
^ Tbo htmrlng of ttJs paoage opoB
the quo&tion of the exifftonoe of cofif
in Greece has been already noUovdi
(mpra, t. GG, note). Priesthoodlj
were b(?rc>dilajy in a large namberofj
the Greciikn statoa. neroJntns him*
Bulf mc'iitiuns the lamids and Telliidl'
of Klis (IX. 33, 34), the Talthybiaib of
LaccdiEmon (rii. 134), and tbo Tsli-
nids of Gela in Sicily {vlL 153). Other
writora famish a Tery moch lai^n
catalogue uf priestly familiofl (of. Ills..
Luire de I'Acad^'nne dos InftiripiiockSk
t4im . xxUi. p. 51, ft Bcq.) . Nor axe tba j
iiidiciitioiis of caste confined to thi
priesthood. Arts and Rcirnce*, l4)»
often descended from father to ion
Heuoe we hear of the Caouly ot
OBAf. 68-61. DEMARATUS' JEALOU8T OF CLEOMENES.
447
61. At the time of which we are speaking, while Cleomenes
in Egina was labouring for the general good of Greece, De-
inaratus at Sparta continued to bring charges against him»
moved not so much by love of the Eginetans as by jealousy
and hatred of his colleague. Cleomenes therefore was no
sooner returned fi'om Egina than he considered with himself
bow he might deprive Demaratus of his kingly oflico ; and
here the following circumstance furnished a ground for him
io proceed upon. Ariston, king of Sparta, had been married
to two wives, but neither of them had homo him any cliildren;
aa however he still thought it was possible he might have
ofiEspring, he resolved to wed a third ; and this was how the
wedding was brought about. He had a certain friend, a
Bpartan, with whom he was more intimate than with any
other citizen. This friend was married to a wife whose
beauty far siirpaBsed that of all the other women in Sparta ;
and what was still more strange, she had once been as ugly
as she now was beautiful. For her nurse, seeing how ill-
fiftvoored she was, and how sadly her parents, who were
wealthy people, took her bad looks to heart, bethought her-
self of a plan, which was to carry the child every day to the
temple of Helen at Therapna,^ which stands above the PhcB-
ABolepioda (physicians) in Cos and
Ooidiu (Thciipomp. Kr. Ill), and of
the Honifirida in Chios (HcIIad. Fr.
56; Acnijil. Fr. 31) i vrhile larpinr
va3«9, CtaypA^¥ TaiSat, and the like,
ftre oomntoQ poriphrosofl for larpoi,
{•rypi^t, Ac. Thus the fscts which
■re here mentioned with reepoct to
SpartA have pamllols in a number of
other Bimilnr facta in Torionn parts of
Qreoce, all tondiug to establish the
«arly prvralencaof oa«t«,of which the
Ibtir Ionic tribe« arc the mo6b marked
■ad dcoinTo indication.
' Tberapna woa a place of some im.
port«iic6 on Iho left bank of the Knro-
ttSt nearly opposite t^parto, from
which it woe distant probably nbont
two milca. It waa stronf^ly situated
on the fl»t top of a high hiUt and itd
towers modo it a oonspicnoos object
(Pind. lath. i. 31, m-rtlov etpArwaa
tHot ; Alcman. Fr. 1, tPrvpyos etpdrva).
Some think that it was the ancient
metropolis of the AGha?ans, before
Sparta became a grc&t city (Bfthr
od loo. ; !Mu11er*s Dorians, t. p. 108,
£. T.) ; bat tho claims of Amyclae to
this petition are Huperior* (See the
Fsaays appended to Uook r. Essay i.
p. 274.) There was a local tradition
that Helen had been borietl at The*
rapna (Vansan. iii.xix. § 9) ; and both
Uclon and Menelaao were oertoinly
worshipped there down to the time <xf
Isocratca (Encom. HcL xxvii. p. 231 ;
compare Athonaj;. Lciy. pro Christ, xii-
p. &0). It is not clonr whf-tlier the
temple of Helen was ili«tinut from
that of the Dioscori, which ondoabtedly
448
BTOBY OP ARISTOX.
beum,® and there to place her before the image, and beseech
the goddess to take away the child*s ugliness. One daj. &ft
bIio left the temple, a woman appeared to her, and be^rged to
know what it was she held in her arms. The nnrse told her
it was a child, on whicb she asked to see it ; bat the nuiMJ
refused : the parents, she said, had forbidden her to show
the child to any one. However the woman would not take
a denial ; and the nnrse, seeing how highly she prized a look,
at last let her see the child. Then the woman gently stroked
its head, and said, ** One day this child shall be the fairest
dame in Sparf a." And her looks began to change from that
Tery day. When she was of marriageable age, Agetos. son^
of Alcidos, the same whom I have mentioned above aa
friend of Ariston, made her his wife,
62. Now it chanced that Ariston fell in love with thii
person ; and his love so preyed upon his mind that at last'
he devised as follows* He went to his friend, the lady's '
bosband, and proposed to him that they should exchanga
gifts, each taking that which pleased him best out of all the
possessions of the other. His friend, who felt no alarm about
his wife, since Ariston was also married, consented readily;
and BO the matter was confirmed between them by an oath.
Then Ariston gave Agt^tus the present, whatever it was, of,
which he had made choice, and when it came to his turn to
name the present which he was to receive in exchange,
required to be allowed to carry home with him AgStns's
wife. But the other demurred, and said, "except his wife,
he might have an5'thing else : " however, as he could not
resist the oath which he had sworn, or the trickery which
had been practised on him, at last he suffered Arialon to
carry her away to his house.
stood in the enrrecl oncloRiiro m!1ed
the PhcDbcnm (I'nnsAn. iir. xx. § 1).
Tlierapna was rcg&rdud as theirburiai-
I'liice also (Find. Kem. x. 55).
» A prpoinct sacred to Apollo, at ft
liltlo dutaaoe from the town iteolf
(Pnsaxu 1. ■. o. BfpAirmf 8i al W/^
^otBator tca\:o6fieviy ^ffTif), bat soutKlf
8o faroa Kioport plaeca it (AtUa rvn.
Uollas, Map xix. Plan of Snvta).
Konco the ^ipamalttv Atin vTaof Apol
loniaa (Argou. ii. 10-).
STORY OF AKISTON.
449
Ariston hereupon put away bis second \vife and took
for his third this woman ; and sJie, in less than the due time
— when she had not yet reached her full term of ten months,^
— gave birth to a child, the Demaratus of whom wo have
spoken. Then one of hia Bervants come and told him the
news, as he sat in council with the Ephors;^ whereat, re-
membering when it was that the woman became his wife, he
counted the months upon his lingers, and hanng so done,
cried ont with an oath, " Tho boy cannot be mine." This
was Baid in the hearing of the Ephors ; but they made no
accoxmt of it at the time. The boy grew up; and Ariston
repented of what be had Baid; for he became altogether
►nvinced that Demaratus was truly his son. The reason
he named him Demaratus was tho following. Some
before these events the whole Spartan people, looking
"npon Ariston as a man of mark beyond all the kings that had
reigned at Sparta before him, had offered up a prayer that he
might have a son. On this account, therefore, the name
Demaratus^ was given.
64. In coiurse of time Ariston died; and Demaratus re-
UTcd the kingdom : but it was fated, as it seems, that these
Is, when bruited abroad, should strip him of his Bove-
ity. This was brought about by means of Cleomenes,
rhom he bad twice sorely vexed, once when he led the army
)me from Eleusis,^ and a second time when Cleomenes was
» Vide infrn, ch. 69, TWte *. Tho
birth ofUioohty t&kes phioe in the tontb
lifiuM* monih. We ftre told belovr (oh,
60) that the irife of Ari«ton f^^ve birth
to pPTnamtas at the close of the $eventh
vionth.
* So rDOHinina (1, iL c), evpn more
lainir, vinre he niiM tho vTpreeaioQ
ums i¥ B&tttf Ka&rtfiipv of onr Rnlbor.
w "council'* intf'ndcd wnnid Heem
be tho Ephors' fjfflce (V^o^fioi', or
tply afx«">*'> i'nnsan. iii. si. § B;
•n. Aj:*"*. i. 5 36), where they held
dmily meeluigs, which were at.
VOL. m.
tended occnfionally by the IcingB theni'
selves. (Cf. Xen, 1, b. c, who says of
Agesilafii, thnt when be was recndod
from Asia to Lnccdmmon, ho " obeyed
ai readily as if bo had beoa standing
withont rctinne in tho Kphors' offlca
before the Five " — oWJf itvL^t^iwrus
irop^ ro6i ir^rr*.)
' Dem-nratus {i r^ 9^t»^ AparSO is
tho "Poopli>-prayed-for " ktn^, Cotn-
paro the Louis U Vc'firi of Fivacb
history.
* fiupra, T. 75.
2a
^g-";*^^
450
EEVEXQE OF CLEOMEXES ON DKWARATU&
Book.
I
gone across to Egina against sncb as had espoused the aiJe
of the Medea.^
65. Cleomenes now. being resolved to have his revenge
upon DemaratuB, went to Leotychide8» the son of Menarcs,
and grandson of Agis," who was of the same family as De-
maratus, and made agreement with lilm to this tenor foEow-
ing. Cleomenes was to lend his aid to make LeotychiJosH
king in the room of Demaratus ; and then Leotychides was |
to take part with Cleomenes against the Eginetans. Now
Leotychides hated Demaratus chiefly on accoimt of Percalus,
the daughter of Chilon, son of Demarmenus : this lady had
been betrothed to Leotychides; but Demai'atua laid a plot,
and robbed him of his bride, forestaUing him in carrying her
ofiT,' and marrying her. Such was the origin of the enmity.
At the time of which we speak. Leotychides was prevailed
upon by the earnest desire of Cleomenes to come forward
against Demaratus and make oath "that Demaratus was not
rightful king of Sparta, since he was not the true son of
Ariston." After he had thus sworn, Leotychides sued De»
maratuSy and brought up against him the phrase which
Ariston had let drop when, on the coming of his servant
to anuouucG to him the birth of his son, he counted the
months, and cried out with an oath that the child was not
hin. It was on this speech of Ariston'a that Leotychides
relied to prove that Demaratus was not his son, and therefore
not rightful king of Sparta ; and he produced as witnesses the
I
* Snpra. cbe. 60 and 51.
• The cDtire genealogy is g^Ten be.
low (viii. 131), but with tho difference
that thv grauilfatlicr of Lcotycludos
is called Agmiluus instead of Ajrifi.
It is imjKitbible tu eay wltich of the
two ia the right came. Bahr(nd loc.}
prefers A^ceilaiiB, and itiereupua
asscrla that Demaratus and Leoty-
chides were first ouaeins, eidco Agesi-
l^s waa, he Kays, the grnntlfathcr of
Berrtarnttia aleo ; but the grandfather
of Dcnini-atub was AgretiicleH (nupra, i.
e&). The two lines of dcaceiit really
ported at Theopompns, the eighlh
progenitor of Leotychides, and the
eerenth of Demaratus. (See CUntaa't
Table, F. H. toI. i. p 255.)
^ The 8eiKui-e of the bridn w«i a
neceasary part of a S|.<arlnii nmrriagr.
The yonng woman conld not prcTwHy,
it was thought, surrender her freedon
ond virgin purity unle«« compelled by
the riolenco ct the fctroneer sex. (CL
Plutai-ch, Lycurg.c. 15; Lac. Apophth,
ii. p. 22ti, A.; and see MuJIer's P(W
riana, ii. p- 299, E. T.)
CH4?. 64-67.
DEPOSITION OF DEMARATUS.
451
Ephors who were sitting with Axiston at the time and beard
wLiit he said.
66. At last, as there came to be mncb strife concerning this
matter, the Spartans made a decree that the Delphic oracle
fihonld be asked to say whether Demaratus were Ariston*8
fiom or no. Clcomenes set them upon this plan ; and no
sooner was the decree passed than be made a friend of Cobon,
the son of Aristopbantus, a man of the greatest weight among
the Delpbians ; and this Cobon prevailed upon Perialla, the
prophetess, to give the answer which Cleomenes wished."
Accordingly, when the sacred messengers came and put their
question, the P^-tboness returned for answer, "that De-
maratus was not Ariston's son." Some time afterwards
all this became known ; and Cobon was forced to fly from
Delphi ; while Perialla the prophetess was deprived of her
office.
67. Such were the means whereby the deposition of De-
maratus was brought about; but his fiying from Sparta to
the Medes was by reason of an affront which was put upon
him. On losing his kingdom he had been made a nmgistrate ;
and in tliat oiEce soon afterwards, when the feast of ilrn Gym*
nopjcdito^ came round, be took his station among the lookers-
on; whereupon Leoty chides, who was now king in liis room,
sent a servant to liim and asked him, by way of insult and
mockery, "how it felt to be a magistrate after one had been
' The Tonality of the Bolpluo oracle
appears both by this iuatanco, and by
Abe forxnor one of the AlcniHKjnidiD {v.
63}. Sock coMos, however, appear to
bare beon rare.
* Tbo fwut of the OymoopaediiB, or
nal*d you'/m, was one of tbo roost im.
porCiuit at Sparta [Paosan. iii. xi. § 7).
It hut«U MJVL'rol davfl, porhnps ton. It
was lefts a reliirinnH festival (h»n a
groat irpeclaclti, nhoreln tbo prnce and
•trvnfrt'h of the Spartan youth wns
cxhitiLcd to their admiring country-
mon and to foreigners. Thu chiiif
oeronioTiics wero choral dances, tn
which wmtlixig and other ^ymnaBtic
exercises were cloeely imitated, and
which Bonred to show Iho adroitnesii,
Botirity, and bodily stronirth of the
performers. These were chit-fly Spar-
tan yontbsi who danced naked in the
forum, lYmnd the statuos of AjkiIIo,
Diana, and Latona« Songv tn celoibra-
tion of tbo noblo deeds iierfurmed by
tlie ynaths, a8 the uxpluJtH vt Thyrea
and Thpniinpylm, fomiofl a portion of
the proceedings at the fe?tivoh (Seo
Ktym. ^a^. tkd voc, -, Athtn. XT. p.
678 J Panain. 1. 8. c. ; Xen. Hem. L ii.
61 ; Flut. Ai^cs. c 2V ; and compiuti
UuUer'a Donans, ii. p. 351, £. T.)
■1^^
ifi
452
3>EHABATUS EXHOBTATION TO HIS MOTHER. BookT]
a king?"^® Demaratus, who was hart at the question, mad
answer — "Tell him I have tried them both, but he haBBtf
Howbeit this speech will be the cause to Sparta of infinii
blessings or else of infinite woes." Having thus spoken 1
wrapped his head in his robe, and, leaving the theatre,* vei
home to his own house, where be prepared an ox for saa
fice, and offered it to Jupiter,* after which he called for h
mother.
68. "WTien she appeared, he took of the entrails, and placii
them in her hand, besought her in these words following:—
"Dear mother, I beseech you, by all the gods, and chief
by our own hearth-god^ Jupiter, tell me the very troth, vl
was really my father. For Leotychides, in the suit which i
had together, declared, that when thou becamest Ariston
wife thou didst already bear in thy womb a child bj tl
former husband ; and others repeat a yet more disgrace!
tale, that our groom* found favour in thine eyes, and tb
I am his son. I entreat thee therefore by the gods to tell d
the truth. For if thou hast gone astray, thou hast done i
more than many a woman ; and the Spartans remark it i
strange, if I am Ariston's son, that he bad no children bj Ii
other wives."
69. Thus spake Demaratus ; and his mother replied a
follows ; " Dear son, since thou entreatest so earnestly fc
the truth, it shall indeed be fully told to thee. "^Tien Aristo:
brouglit mc to his house, on tlie third night after njy eomiDg
tliero appeared to me one like to Ariston, who, after staviu!
with me a while, rose, and taking the gai-lands from hi
own brows placed them upon my head, and so went awav
*" Comimrc i. 120.
* Ou tiio last day of the Gvmno-
"(icctlite, choru.srs ami daucea were |)er-
i'ormod by men i« the theatre. (Xen.
Uell. VI. iv. 16.)
* Bupm, ch. 50, note.
^ Tiio Sparian king has an altar to
Jnpiter, whereon he encrificcs, within
tho witlla of his own house. Hence
Jupiter is his "hearth-god." (Cf. Ser-
Tins ad Virj^. j^n. h*. 506; andFflito
do Verb. Sign. viii. p, 174,)
* Literally « ass-keeper," or "doe-
key-man." The name A?trabacTW «*
the next chapter) is connected Tiifc
ittrrpdffn, " a mule or ass" (accorii^X
to some), and with oo-Tfw^Wnfi. '•
mnleteer." The scandal of tbe coon
gossips suggested that the pretewW
etable-god was in reality such a jwsao.
OHAf. C7-69.
THE MOTHEH'R BEPtT.
453
Presently after Ariston entered, and -when be saw the garlands
which I still wore, asked me who gave thera to me. I said,
'twas he ; but this he stoutly denied ; whereupon I solemnly
Bwore that it was none other, and told him he did not do well
to dissemble when he had so lately risen from my side and
left the garlands with me. Then Ariston, when he heard my
oath, understood that there was something beyond nature in
what had taken place. And indeed it appeared that the
garlands had come from the hero-templo which stands by
our court gates — the temple of him they call Astrabacus •* —
and the soothsayers, moreover, declared that the apparition
was that very person. And now, my son, I have told thee all
thou wouldest fain know. Either thou art the son of that
hero — either thou mayest call Astrabacus sire ; or else Ariston
xras thy father. As for that matter which they who hate thee
urge the most, the words of Ariston, who, when the messenger
told him of thy birth, declared before many witnesses that
• thou wert not his son, forasmuch as the ten months were
not fully out/ it was a random speech, uttered from mere
ignorance. The truth is, children are bom not only at ten
months, but at nine, and even at seven.® Thou wert thyself,
my son, a seven-months' child. Ariston acknowledged, no
long time afterwards, that bis speech sprang from thought-
leBsness. Hearken not then to other tales concerning thy
birth^ my son : for bo assured thou hast the whole truth. As
* The hero't4>mp1e ('jp?or) of Asitra^
bACOfl u meDtioned by PnuHaniaa in his
dotoriptjaa of Sparta (iii. xri. § 5).
An obecnre tradition attachoa to him.
Aotrahocas, wo arc told, and AlopccuB
his br<:>th4^r, §ont4 of IrLns, g;nuidsons of
Amphisthcncs, Great -grundBoos of Am-
phicloc, and grent-Kix'nt-graiidsons of
A^iSffoiiDd tbo wrKxlen imiif^ of Diana
OrUiia, which Oroefea and Iphi^onia
bad oonveyed secretly from Tauria to
Ijaccdx*moD,andoDdisooreriDgic were
■trickon with madness (ib. § G). The
-worihipof AatmbacDs at Sparta ia mpn-
tiooed by Clemens (Cohort, od Gontes,
p. 35). It is conjectured from his nsme,
that ho was " tbo protecting genios of
tbo stable." See the foregoing note.
* Supra, oh. 63. Hippocrates gives
it aa the general opinion of his time,
that children are bom at seren, eight,
nine, ton, and oloren mouths (rfirrctr
Kol iirriitAytva, ml licrdfknym, koI iyvtd-
bat that tho child born at eight months
was soro to die (koI rovT4w ra imrdtt^wa
oil wtptyiy«09au De SoptimcHtr. i. pi
447» ed. Kuhn.)u This is perha^M the
reason why no mention is made here of
ao eigbt-montlu* child.
454
DEUAEATUS FLEES TO ASLL
Book
for grooms, pray Heaven LeotycbideB and all wlio Bpeak as he
does may suffer wrong from them ! '* Sucb was the mother's
answer.
70. Demaratus, having learnt all that he wished to know,
took with him provision for the journey, and w^ent into Elis,
pretending that ho purposed to proceed to Delphi, and tliere
consult tho oracle. The Lacedeemonians, however, suspecting
that he meant to fly his country, sent men in pursuit of him ;
but Demaratus hastened, and leaving^ Elis before they arrived,
Bailed across to ZacynthusJ The Lacedaemonians followed,
and sought to lay hands upon him, and to separate him from
his retinue ; hut the Zacyuthiaus would not give him up to
them: so he escaping, made his way afterwards by sea to
Asia,^ and presented himself before King Darius, who received
him generously, and gave him both lands and cities.*^ Such
was the chance which drove Demaratus to Asia, a man dis-
tinguished among the Lacediemoniaus for many noble deeds
and wise counsels, and who alone of aU the Spartan kings ^
brought honour to his country by winning at Olympia the
prize in the four-horse chariot-race.
' Zacynthns is tho modem ^tuite.
It lay opposite Elis, at tlio diBUince of
thirteon or fonrtoen niiloa. The enter-
prise of the ZaoyntUians ia Diarked hy
tlicir colonios in Crete (supra, iii. 59)
and in SpatD. Bogtmiiim is said to
have (Ibrivod botli its name and origin
from Zacynthos (Lir. xxi. 7).
« In 1I.C. 4^G (iofra, vii. 3). Cteiaas
(PcrAic. £xc § £3) made Dcmaratiui
first join tho Fcretons at tho Hclloa-
pont (B.r. 480), on ocoafion of its pas-
page by Xerxes; but no weight attaches
to this statnmont, which cleorly con.
tradicta Uorodotofi (ct infra, tIL 3,
and 239).
• Conjpare the trpatment of Themis*
tocles (Thucyd. i. 138), who received
froui AriaxorxcB the reTOnues of threo
oitiee, Magnesia, Myns^and Lampsaons.
Tho places given to Demaratus iieem to
have been rergamns, Tcnthmnia, and
Halisorna wMchwei*eiu tho possession
of Earysthcnes and Proolsa, his d«-
Boendaatfl in n.c. 390. {See ICeo. HoIL
III. i. § 6.)
* Wealth was tho chief requisite for
ancccsa in this contest (SohoL ad
Ariatoph. Nab. 12; IMut. lAOOn.
Apophth. ii. i^. 212, B. ; and ride nipni,
cb. 35, nolo '). The Spartao kiDgs
were for tho moat part poor, lilce toe
Dorinna generally. Porljaps ttie tKret
marriagos of Ariatoo, especially the
loat with one who is said to haw beea
thedangbfcorof u]eaZ(?iy panenta (supw*
ch. 61), enabled his son to enter iato
competition with the opolcnt hoasea
who asnally carried off the Olrmpka
prize. Marriages in later timaa wan
among the chief caaftos which broke vp
tho cJd Dorian simplicity and oatised
property to be accnniolated in a few
handa (of. Hermann'! FoL Antiq. of
Greece, § 47).
I
I
I
I
1
)BkP, 69-73,
ACCESSION OF LEOTYCHIBES,
455
71. After Demaratus was deposed, Leotycliides. the son of
[enares, received the kingdom. He had a son, Zeuxidamus,
led Cyniflcus' by many of the Spartans. This Zeuxidamus
bd not reign at Sparta, but died * before his father, leaving a
in, Axchidamns. Leotychides, when Zeuxidamus was taken
£rom him, married a second wife, named Eurydam6, the sister
of Menius and daughter of Diactorides. By her he had no
male offspring, but only a daughter called Lampito,"* whom he
gave in marriage to Archidamus, Zeuxidamus' son.
72. Even Leotychides, however, did not spend his old age
in Sparta, but suffered a punishment whereby Demaratus was
fully avenged. He commanded the Laecdiemonians when
they made war against Thessaly,** and might have conquered
the whole of it, but was bribed by a large sum of money.® It
chanced that he was caught in the fact, being found sitting in
his tent on a gauntlet, quite full of silver. Upon this he was
brought to trial and banished from Spai'ta; his house was
- 1
* Or "the Whelp." The word, how.
everi seenui to havu been regarded aa
a pruper namo rather than u a nick-
IIBIDO ; for wo find that Archidamns,
the toil of ZoDxidamns (or Cyniacud),
named b danghter C/niaca (raaajuu
III. riii. 1).
* Of a disease, Pansamas toUs ns
{TcXfvTf v£trifi. 111. vit. 8).
* Or Lauipido, according to Flato,
speakfi aR if she was ettU alive in
, 427 (Alcib. i. p. 121-, A.)- P=b©
this iDothor of Agis> who aucccedod
J&rchidainus. Saoh close marria^oa
wore not nnasoal at Sparta (cE. infra,
Tii. 239, endX
* The date of thEe oxpedition is on.
certain. The death of Leotychides and
•ooeMion of Arohidnmos are wrongtj
plaoed by Diwlurutt in B.a 476,01. 76,
1 {xi. 4S). He nITordH, however, the
neaxifl of his own corrcctioo. Ab ho
place* the death of Leotychides at the
distanoe of twentr-two yeara from the
dothroDomentof l3on)aratns,which wan
in ILC. 401, it in erident that the real
yMT of its oooorroDoe wu B.C. 469^ a
date exactly in aoeordanoa with tlM
notices in I'latarch (Cim. c 16), aod
Thuoydidoi (iii. SO). The year B.C. 476
is probably the year of Leotychides'
erih^ which shortiy followed hia expo-
dition. I beliovo (with Mr. Grote,
niat. of Greece, vol. t. p. 348, note)
that the latter followed very closely in-
deed upon the defeat and flight of Mar-
doaiaa in B.C. 479 — it« object was on.
dunbtodly to punish the Aleaadn for
the part which they had taken in the
IVrsinnwnr (Pnuflan. !. e.c.itrrptiTtoirtw
ivl robs *A\ivdScu)—\i would be the
nntoral sequel to the pnnishmont of
Thobea {infra, ir. 87, 88), and would
not have been likely to hare been de-
layed beyond the next year. I abould
therefore place it in B.C. 478. Leotj'
cltidea cocnmanded becaoae Fausaoia*
waA engaged in Asia.
• CoQceming the corruption of the
Spartan kin^H, ride aopra, iii. 14S,
note'. According' to Paosanias (1.0.0.),
the AlcuadiB bribed Leotychidoa to
retire.
4S6
FLIGHT OF CLEOMENES FBOM SPARTA.
DooK Vt.
razed to the gronnd ; and bo Limself fled to Tegea,' \9h0re be
ended his days. But these events took place long afterwards.
73. At the tune of which we are speakings Cleomenes,
having cfirried his proceedings in the matter of Demarntus
to a prosperous issue, forthwith took Leotychides with him,
and crossed over to attack the Eginetans ; for his anger wss
hot against them on account of the affront which they had
formerly put upon him. Hereupon the Eginetans, seeing
that both the kings were come against them, thought it best
to make no further resistance. So the two kings picked out
from all Egina the ten men who for wealth and birth stood
the highest, among whom were Crius,^ son of Polycritus, and
Gasambus, son of Aristocrates, who ^\-ieIded the chief power;
and these men they carried with them to Attica, and there
deposited them in the hands of the Athenians, thd great
enemies of the Eginetans.
7-1. Afterwards, when it came to be known what evil arts
had been used against Demaratus, Clcomeuea was seized with
fear of his own countrymen, and fled into Thessaly, From
thence ho passed into Arcadia, where he began to stir up
troubles, and endeavoured to unite the Arcadians against
Sparta. He bound them by voinoua oatha to follow him
whithersoever he should lead, and was even desirous of
taking their chief leaders with him to the city of Nonacris,"
that he might swear them to his cause by the waters of the
Styx. For the waters of Styx, as the Arcadians say, are in
that city; and this is the appearance they present: you see
I
' Acoordinff to FansauiaA (itl. r. § 6)
he toolc sauctuaiy in tho temple of
Hinerva Alea, &b did PaaKonioH tho
youn^^rnnil ChrrRiathoArgivopricat-
ess. The peculiar aanctity of this
ftfylam protected ]iiin.
* Snpra, oh. 50. Criua is ansp&ofccd
to hare beoa the Egiuetau wrostler iu
whose honour Simonidea oompoged a
trinniphaL ode (Ariutoph. Nob. 1301,
ed. Botho, ot Bohol. &d loc). The
hoaoor in which wrestlers were hold is
evident from the Btorj* of Denacofides
(supr&, iii. 137).
* Nonooria woa sot far from PtieacM
(boo the «Dd of the chapter, mad oou-
parc Paiurni. Tin. xvii. § IS), an Ar*
carlian city anciently of some note^bnt
which luid diiiajipeared in the tilDttof
Straho (Stmb. Tiii. p. 563). Xoiiaeris
itself was in ruins when PatuaaiM
wrote. Colonel Leake (TrareU in ibe
More*, vol. iii. p. 169) places ite 6it«a(
Metoruyhi^ near Sohis^ about ttti miles
from Sonia (Piieneoa).
Cdap. 72-75.
mS EECALL AXD INSANITr,
457
K
little water, dripping from a rock into a baRin, "wliicb is
ced round by a low wall.^ Nonaxsris, where thiB fountain
to be Bcen,* is a city of Arcadia near Pbeneus.
75. When tLo Lacedfomonians board bow Cleomenes was
engaged, tliey were afraid, and agreed witli bim that be ebould
come bock to Sparta and be king as before. So Cleomenes
came back; but bad no sooner returned tbau be, who bad
never been altogether of sound mind,** was smitten with down-
right madness, Tliis he showed by striking every Spartan he
met upon the face with bis sceptre. On his behaving thus,
and showing that be was gone quite out of bis mind, his
kindred imprisoned him, and even put his feet in the stocks.
WMe BO bound, finding himself left alone with a single
_ ^* ^Ea doacnption of the Styxdiffora
■greatly from ilxai of uioal other writers,
yet it baH the appearance of being do-
med from pcTBona) Qbsorratiun. P«n-
••niaa (1. a. c.) describca tho terrible
Waterafl "aBtrcamfallingfromapreci-
picOy the bif^hest that he had ever be-
beld, aud da«hiog' itaclf upon a lofty
:k, throa^rh which it passed* and
fell iDto the Crathia" (viu. xviiL
2). Hnmerand iJc&iod give Bimilnr
dc«cripti<jDS {Kar<t$6fttyoy 2Tif7^5 ^atp
— IJ. X V. 37. Uruyha tHarot alth ^ItBpa
— lb. viii. S<>9. t!8«^ h in w«rpy}t Kara*
Xtlfitrai iiXifidroio ^^K^s — Ilea. Theog.
f86>. Cnlonel i^eake (Morea) ni. p.
160) aeems to have disoorerod the
wnterfall intended, near Solos, where
■^Cwo iJAnder casc^ea of water fait
perpendicularly over nn immonBe preci-
picOf and, nfter winding' for a time
ftmoDg a hkbyrinth ot rockSi unite to
form the torrent, which, after passing
the Klnkinefl, jnina the river .^imifa"
(Cratlvis). SnperBtitions feelings of
drewl attll attoch to the water, which
u conBidcrcd to bo of a pecaliorly
ooxioiia character (of. Piiusan. 1. a. c. ;
Plin. IT. N". !i. ciii. p. IH ; jElian, H,
A. x: 'iO. Ac). The following dwvrip.
lion of the Styx, from the pen of Mr.
Clark (PelnponneRus, p. 302), is atrik-
jng: — "In half an hour more we came
in light of the bead t4 the glen — a
grand Bprcimon of monntaia aceoBrj*.
HouQt Kheluiua here breaks away in
a TBflt wall of procipitona rook many
hnnrlred feet high, but choked with a
benp of cbfbria reftchiuf*: Lalfwny up,
and B]>rinklcd hero and there with
Dieapre pinca. Over the jagged lino
which marks the top of the precipice
wo 800 the higher slopes coTcrod with
snow, and from a notclt ia the moun-
tain aide a thin stream of water falls
down the cUCf on the rogged heap be-
low. Erery now and then the atrcam
ii lifted by wind and scattered over Lhe
face of the cliff, which, elsewhere gre^
with lichens and wentticr-ataina, ij,
where thus washed, of a deep red tint.
This thread of water is one of the
BonrccB of the full clear stream which
flows thniugh the glen, aud joins tho
Crathis beU-w SoloR. Tho stream and
tho waterfall are both callod Marro<
Noro, or Black-water, and are, beyond
question, the «une stream and watcr-
fiiH which, in Pnnaanias'a time, had tho
nnme of Styx." — A sketch is given in
Wordsworth's Pictorial Greece, p. 386.
^ It is quite conceivable thiit the
Nonacrinna may have condacted a riU
of water from the man stream of the
Styx into their own city, where oaths
could bo more convenienrly taken than
among the precipices of tho JUdLTo-JTtEi'u.
* Supm, T. 42.
458
CLEOMENES WAK WITH ARGOa
BooiVL
keepnr, be asked the man for a knife. The keeper at first i
refused, -wliercupon Cleomenes began to tbi*eaten him, until
at last bo was afraid, being only a belot, and gave him what
he required. Cleomenea had no sooner- got the steel than,
beginning at bis legs, be bonibly disfigored himself, cutting
gashes in his flesh, along his legs, thighs^ hips, and loins, ■
until at last he reached his belly, which he likewise began to
gash, whereupon in a Uttle time be died. The Greeks gene-
rally think that this fate came upon him because he induced ■
the Pythoness to pronounce against Dcmaratus; the Athe-
nians differ from all others in saying that it was because be
cut down the sacred grovo of the goddesses * when he made
bis invasion by Eleusis ; while the Argives ascribe it to bis
having taken from their refuge and cut to pieces certain Ar-
gives who had fled from battle into a precinct sacred to Argus,*
where Cleomenes slew them, biuniing likewise at the same
time, through irreverence, the grove itself.
76. For once, when Cleomenes had sent to Delphi to con-
sult the oracle, it was prophesied to him that ho should take
Argos ; upon which he went out at the head of the Spartans,
and led them to the river Erasinus.^ Tliis stream is reported
* Tho great goddeesog, Ceres and
Proserpine (vide snpra, v. 82, note *).
Cleomonei appears to have cat down
their groTD on his third expedition into
Atticft(T. 74; andrans&Q.lli. IT. § 2).
* Argue, the heros eponymux of tlio
Argivo people, vrtks, according to tra-
dition, the grandson of Fhorvncas, son
of Innchos, one of the first, if not the
Tory first king of tho Feloponnoso.
Mr. Clinton has vrith great care col-
lected the tmdittonB conoeming this
rojal family (Fast, llellen. toL i. oh, I,
pp. 5-21).
* Tho Erasinns was a Btroam the
waters of which i^sned forth iu great
abundance from the foot of the monn*
tain called Choon, which bounded the
plain of Argos on the soatb-wcst (see
tho sabjoiood chart). It is now known
na the Kp/alari, Colonel Leake f^yB of
it : ** It issues in several lar^'o streams
from the foot of the rocla of Haaai
Chaon. Those at first form « smaU
deep pool, from which sereral artificial
channels are drawn to turn the mills
called the ' MilU of Argoa ; * the chan*
nels reuniting oompose a river which
flows directly across the plain to the
sea" (Leakeys Morco, rol. ii. p. 340).
It was believed ia ancient, and it is etiU
thought ia modem times, to be idea>
tiuol with the rircr of Stymphilu
(compare Strab. Tiii. pp. &38, &&t;
rausan. u. xxiv. § 7; Sonec. Qtusst.
Nat. iii. ; Diod. Sic xt. 49 ; with GelTi
Uin. of the Moreo, p. 1G8 ; and Lealse's
Uorea, iiL p. 113). The distanoo be-
tween the place where that rirer dis-
appears and the source of the KffiiXari
is much greater than that of any cf the
other ffobterroncotts rircrs of the Pelo-
ponnese. It is 25 milea more than tba
200 atades of Dicdorna (1. s. c). B«iU
UP. 75, 7$.
THE RIVER ERASINVS.
459
flow from the StjmpLalian ' lake, the -waters of which
ipty themHclves into a pitch-dark chasm, and then (aa they
^y) reappear in ArgoB, where the Argives call them the
c»
«^^
nnL<«> MILE*.
Colnoel Loake is incIiDed to boltDve the
fact oF tUe identity. It bad» bo thinks,
been aacertaiDcd id nncieut tiiaea by
experiment. Tito rcappcarunce, at tbo
flonrccs of tbe Erasinns, of light snb-
fltaoces thrown into tbo ohaam irbero
tbe BtymphiUnnditmppeured, would be
aofficient proof. Thia he nppoaes li&d
beeo done, and wns tho proand of the
^neral opinion (Morea, ii. p. 843, iii.
pp. 113, 11*).
' The lako Stymphalia, or Stym-
phAlis, was in Northern Arcadiat sonth
of tbo high nuifirD vt CTll6n^, and close
to tho town of tilvnipbiloB (Faosan.
TUT. zzii. ; Strub. riii. pp. £63, 6G4).
460
ALARM OF THfi AROIVES.
BooiTL
Erftsinns. Clromenes, having arrived ni>on the hanlcs of this
river, proceeded to ofifer sacrifice to it, but, in spite of aU that
be could do, the TictitQB were not favourable to his crossing.
So he said that he admired the god for refusing to betray hia
countrymeu, hut Btill the Argivea should not escape him for
all that. He then -withdrew his troops, and led them down to
TIijTea,^ where he sacriiiced a hull to the sea, and conveyed
his men on shipboard ^ to Nauplia " in the Tiryuthian
ritory.*
77. The Arrives, when they heard of this, marched down
the sea, to defend their country; and arriving in the neigh-
bourhood of Tiryns, at the place which bears the name of
Sepcia," they pitched their camp opposite to the Lacedfc-
monians, leaving no great space between the hosts. And
now their fear was not so much lest they should be worsted
n to
The latter is rppreaontod by the motlem
villAgo of Kionia. The lake itself ie
called the lake of Zaraka, Ita aaper-
fluoas waters do in fact disappear in a
chasm on the soath sboro of the lake
(Getl'H Itin. p. IGl; Lef^e'a Morea,ii.
p. 343). Snch chosmd (^ip*0(iay Strab.;
ItatavoihrOy modem Greek) ore very
commua io liie limeatouo moimtainsof
the Polopounese.
* For the site of Tbyroa, vide supra,
l82.
* See below, ob. 92, note*.
*** Naupliu, whiuh is called in onr
innpB by ita TurkiRh narac AnnpH, is
stiU known by ita ancient appellauon
among tlio Greeks (Gull'ti Itin. p. 181).
It stands at tbo cxtrcmiiy of the
peninsula which fornus the soatb-coat-
cra angle of the bay of Argoa. There
are still at Nuuplia some traces of
Cyclopian avails, of a masonry very
liice those of Tirvns (Loako's Moreo,
ii. p. 357). KaapUa woa the principal
eeaport town uf Argulia in the time
of ScyUi CPi*npl. p. 43), but hod
fallen inui min<t when Poaaanias wrote
(II. zxxviii. § 2).
* Tiryus was situated at a short di«.
tancd from Argoe, ou tbo road nhiuh
led from that city to £pidaaria (Paa<
Ban, II. XTV. §§ 6. 7). Itw&g remi
a liUle from the sea (Scylax, Peripl. p.
43), being not qaitc a mile oud u half
from Nnnplia (Strab. viii. p. &41).
The Argives transferred the inhabit-
antji to Argos. and lut the city fall into
mins, soon after the cKwe of the Per-
sian war (Pansan. v. xxiii. § 3 ; IL xxtr.
§ 7). Still, i-emniDS of the walls, which
were Cyclopian, had been ce<ni by
Fansanios (1. proximd ciL, and oonu
pare Strab. viii. 540).
Tbero is no diiBcalty in fixini; th»
site of Tirrns. llie ratna at /iitt»D<
Anapli correspond in all respfoeta Ui
the notices of Tiryna in ancient antbor».
They oecupj" the summit of an isolated
hill which riacs out of the Ar^vo plain
to a height varying betweeo 20 sad
CO foot. Thia waa plainly the aon>-
polis, the Lycimna of Strabo (viii. p.
5il). Some of the Cyolopiaxi maaouy
still exists. It soozns to haw giwa
Tiryns, at a very early t ! Jthet
of Te»XM^effffa (Horn, II 'om-
paro UelL, p. 182; Lbu>^- > ji.<.<iv^ ii.
p. 350 ; Clork'a PeloponnMnu, ppL M^
87).
" Thia place is mentionpd by no
other writer. It must have lain ba-
tween Argoa mad Tiryna.
I
Chap. 76- 78.
ALARM 0? Tfi£ AHGIVES.
45f
in open fight as lest some trick should be practised on them ;
lor such was the danger which the oracle given to them in
common with the Milesians ° seemed to intimate. The oracle
ran as follows : —
I
*Time sbuU bo n-bon the fomale shall oonquecr the male, and ihall ohase him
Fur sway, — gaiaing* so great praiae and faooo'or in Argos ;
Then fnU manjiui Argivo woman her checks shall mangle ; —
HDnc«, in the tiroco to crrmA 'twill l>o said by the men who are tmbonii
•Tamed by the Fpear expired the coiled terrible Bcrpent.' "*
At the coincidence of all these things^ the Argives were greatly
east down ; and so they resolved that they would follow the
signals of the enemy's herald. Ilaving made this resolve,
they proceeded to act as follows : whenever the herald of the
Lacedajmoniana gave any order to the soldiers of his own
army, the Argives did the hke on their side.
78. Now when Cleomenes heard that the Argives were
acting thus, ho commanded his troops that, bo soon as the
henild gave tho word for the soldiers to go to dinner, they
should instantly seize their arms and charge the host of the
enemy. Which the Laccdicmonians did accordingly, and fell
upon the Argives just as, following tho signal, they had begun
their repast ; whereby it came to pass that vast numbers of
the Argives were slain » whUe the rest, who were more than
they which died in the fight, were driven to take refuge in the
• Tide mpm, oh- 19.
^ It is hopolcBS to attempt a rational
explanatian of this oraoto. ttio ubscarity
of which prices it a special cinim to be
xogarded as a gennine Pji*thian re.
afMMiae. Fansanias appttoH it to a ro.
poise which Cloj-imenes and his army
TiecMUved, on attacking Argoe after the
Tictorjr, at the hnndri of Tetesilla the
poetc«8 and the ArpTo women (ti. xz.
15 7, 8; compare Plutarch, de Virt.
Inl. ii. p. !^t.j, It.E. ; and Tolycen. viii,
I). Uut thia fltory is incompatibli?
ttb the BtatoiPPnts of HenidotuH;
id, ns Mr. Grote observe* (liirit. of
€br«?o, vol, ir. pp. 43'i -133), probably
»w tip out of the oracle itself.
The coDjeoLore that the female is
H^rd, the protectress of Argoa, and
the Diule Si>&rta (MuJIer, Dohans, i. p.
197, E. T. ; Grote. 1. a. c, nolo ' ; Bilir,
not. ad loQ.), may borecuired oa prob-
able.
* The favourable prophecy to Clco-
menCB (supra, ch. 76, od tnit,), the
warning to themselves, tho invnnon
in an nnexpected quarter, and perhaps
flnme notion of connf-cting ^?rlpe^l^,
where thej were atattoned, with tho
*' coiled terrible ierpefit " of tho
omcle. There waa a serpent called
commoDly (r»?w*8(Si> (Niciuid, Tli. JI2tS),
and mjwia pooms to hare boon used ia
the Botne sunso in some poi'ts of the
Pelopoiinese (Pausan. Tin, xri, § 2}»
4^2
GROVE OF ABGtJS BUBNT BT CIXOMEXES. BookTX.
I
grove of Argits bard by, wbere tbey wexe Burrounded, and _
watch kept upon them. f
79. Wiien things wero at this pass Cleomcncs a<;ted as
follows: Having Icamt the names of tho Argives who wero
shut up in the sacred precinct from certain deserters who hod
come over to him, he Bent a herald to summon them one by
one, on pretence of having received their ransoms. Now tho ^
ransom of prisoners among the Peloponnesians is fixed at two I
mina) the man.* So Cleomenes had these persons called forth
severally, to the niunber of fifty, or thereabouts, and mas-
sacred them. All this while they who remained in the en-
closure knew nothing of what was happening ; for the grove
was BO thick tliat the people inside were unable to see what
was taking place without. But at last one of their number
clirahed up into a tree and spied the treachery ; after which
none of those who were summoned would go forth.
80. Then Cleomenes ordered all the helots to bring brush-
wood, and heap it around the grove ; which was done accord*
ingly; and Cleomenes set tho grove on firo. As the flames
spread he asked a deserter "Who was tho god of the grove ?"
whereto the other made answer, " Argiis." So he, when he
heard that, uttered a loud groan, and said —
'* Greatly hast thou deceived me, Apollo, god of prophecy,
in saying that I should take Argos. I fear me thy oracle has
now got its accomplishment."
81. Cleomenes now sent home the greater part of his army,
while with a thousand of his best troops he proceeded to the
temple of Juno,' to oflFcr sacrifice. "^ATien however ho would
• Vide ftnpm, v. 77, note '-
' This temple of Jnno, on© of tho
most fanioos in antiquity, woa aitnatod
between AlyccDoo and Argoi, at the
distnnco of leas than two miloa from
tho former place (P&ogan. ii. xvii. ;
Strab. riii. p. 535). It yna banit
donra in the ninth year of tho PelopoQ-
ncsian war tbroagh thoearolosflDeeaof
ChrjfliB tho pric8te69(Thacyd. ir. 133),
Imt rebuilt sfaortiy aftor, on a aotuo-
wttfct lower slte» bj Sopolemiw. ■
zmtiro architect (Pfnuan. I. s. a). Tba ^
position ta marked in the chart, npxm, ^M
p. 45B. ■
Col. Tipftlco in ISOfi fRi'led tn di#eoTer
any traces ot the Ileneiim (Morea, ii.
pp. 387-39S). Its mins, hnwuTur,
haro since his time been identified,
itnd have liven Tlxitod by monj CibtvU
lora. A good plan and doscriptioa will
be found in tho ' ' Pujopouimtutt * of fto-
Crap. 78 -S3.
CLE0MENE3 CHAKGED WITH BRIBERY.
463
have slain the victim on the altar himself, the priest forhade
him, as it was not lawful (he said) for a foreigner to sacrifice
in that temple. At this Cleomenea ordered his holots to drag
the priest from the altar and scourge him, while he performed
the sacrifice himself, after which he went back to Sparta.
82. Thereupon his enemies brought him up before the
Ephors, and made it a charge against him that he had
allowed himself to bo bribed, and on that account had not
token Argos when he might have captured it easily. To this
he answered — whether truly or falsely I cannot say with
certainty — but at any rate his answer to the charge was,
that '* BO soon as he discovered the sacred precinct which he
had taken to belong to Argus, ho directly imagined that the
oracle had received its accomplishment ; he therefore thought
it not good to attempt the to^Mi, at the least until he had
inquired by sacrifice, and ascertained if the god meant to
grant him the place, or was determined to oppose his taking
it. 60 he offered in the temple of Juno, and when the omens
were propitious, immediately there flashed forth a flame of
fire from the breast of the imago ; whereby he knew of a
surety that he was not to take Argos. For if the flash had
come from the head, he would have gained the town, citadel
and oil ;° but as it shone from the breast, he had done as
much as the god intended." And his words seemed to tlie
Spartans so true and reasonable, that he camo clear off from
his adversaries.
88. Argos however was left so bare of men,* that the
CarUtt* (toI. ji. pp. 397-400, and
xri.). Comparo Mr. Clarify
■eeoont (Pploponnesas, pp. 61-H6).
• Mr. C»rot« hiw not won tlio exftcb
force of tbifl (Ujpt. of Greece. toU ir.
p, 436, Dut«). He snyn itKleed cor-
reotl^ tbat tbo worOs tear* iv^qi " hove
oono bftok to tbeir primitive tnenninB; "
in tba pAMa^: but that prtmiiire
moiling i« not merely •' completely,"
'* d» fond CO comblo ; " but ** ab aic«,"
frum tb« dtftdel, vhich U the topmoat
part of tho city, and the "caput
regiii." (Soe Solitvi'i^'tifleastcr'a Lex.
Uorod. ad toc. Attpn ; nnd comparo the
Homan " C«pil»il." If Ibo light liad
ahono from the head or top of the
image, it would Imve indiL^ted that be
was to tAko th» city frntu it* fopinoit
part, tho citadel, to iis lowest buil<linga.
* According U) their onn c»timata
(infra, vii. lifi) thoy had lust 6000
mon. In later tttnci th« number was
fiaid to have been 7777 (Plat. L s. o.).
464
BEVOLT OF THS SLAYKS AT ABOOS.
Book VL
slaves^ managed the state, filled the offices, and adnimistered
everything until the sons of those who were slain by Cleomenes
grew up. Then these latter cast out the slaves, and got the
city back under their own rule ; while the slaves who had been
driven out fought a battle and won Tiryns. After this for a
time there was peace between the two ; but a certain man, a
soothsayer, named Cleander, who was by race a Phigalean*
from Arcadia,^ joined himself to the slaves, and stirred thorn
up to make a fresh attack upon their lords. Then were they
at war with one another by the space of many years ; but at
length the Argives with much trouble gained the upper hand.
84. The Argives say that Cleomenes lost his senses, and
died so miserably, on account of these doings. But his own
countrymen declare that his madness proceeded not from any
supernatural cause whatever, but only from the habit of drink-
ing wine unmixed with water, which he learnt of the Scyths.
These nomads, from the time that Darius made his inroad
into their country, had always had a wish for revenge. They
therefore sent ambassadors to Sparta to conclude a league,
proposing to endeavour themselves to enter Media by the
Phasis,^ while the Spartans should march inland from
Ephesus, and then the two armies should join together in
^ Plntnrch*8 assertion (Do Virt. Mul.
ii. p. 245, E.) that the Arg^ive women
did not marry their elavea, but the
most respectnble of the Perloeci, is
probable enough ; and receives 80me
Bopport from Aristotle (Polit. v. 2, p.
155, cd Taachn. iv "Apyti, ruv iv rp
i$56nri dLWo\ofj.(vti}y ^crd KAco/i^VOus rov
Aixuvost ifvayKdffdTjffav vapaHe^offdai
TWV IT € pioi KUV Tivds^.
^ Phipalea (or Phialia, as it was
Bometimcs spelt, Pansan. viii. iii. § 1,
Ac.) was an Arcadian town, in the
valley of tho Keda, near its jnnction
with a small stream called the Lymax
(Pau8an.Tin. xli. §§2-4; Strab. riii. p.
506). Its site is marked by the little
village of Paulitza, where on a steep
hill overlooking the river Buzi the
circuit of tho ancient walla may be
distinctly traced. (See dell's Itin. p.
79 ; Leako, vol. L pp. 489, 490.) Com.
pare Mr. Clark's description (Pclopon-
nesos, pp. 254.257).
• Arcadia, which was purely AcbaSBD,
would desire to see the Achiean popu-
lation of Axgolis raised in the social
scale, and would therefore naturally
enconrage the " slaves " in their re-
sistance. It is perhaps sarprising
that no more substantial aid was given.
But Arcadia is always timorous.
* By the route which Herodotos be-
lieved to have been traversed by tho
Cimmerians (supra, i. 104). Its im-
practicability has been already spokea
of (voL i. p. 233, note ^ . If [any sncfa
offer as tl^t here recorded was made,
the proposal must have been to invade
Media through the central pass, the
Fylm Cattcasea of the anoieats.
CoAt, 83-85.
CLEOMENES IXTEMPERANCE.
465
one. When the Scyths came to Sparta on this en-and Cloo-
menes was -with them continually ; and growing somewhat
too familiar, learnt of them to drink his wine without water,*
a practice which is thought by the Spartans to have caused
his madness. From this distance of time the Spartans,
according to their own account, have been accustomed, when
they want to drink purer wine than common, to give the order
to fill ** Scythian fashion." Tho Spartans then speak thus
concerning Cleomenes ; but for my own port I think his death
was a judgment on him for wronging Demaratus.
85. No sooner did the news of Cleomenes* death reach
Egina than straightway the Eginetans sent ambassadors to
Sparta to complain of the conduct of Leotychides in respect
of their hostages, who were still kept at Athens. So they of
Iiaced&emon assembled a court of justice ^ and gave sentence
upon Leotychides, that whereas he had grossly affronted the
people of Egina, he should be given up to the ambassadors,
to be led away in place of the men whom the Athenians had
in their keeping. Then the ambassadors were about to lead
him away ; but Theasides, the son of Leoprepes, who was a
man greatly esteemed in Sparta, interfered, and said to
them —
•* What are ye minded to do, ye men of Egina ? To lead
away captive the king of the Spartans, whom his countrymen
have given into your hands ? Though now in their anger
they have passed this sentence, yet belike the time will come
•when they will punish you, if you act thus, by bringing utter
destruction upon your coxmtry,"
The Eginetans, when they heard this, changed their plan,
• Concemincf thjg pnwitio© of the
Bc^thiana, cf. Plnton. do Leg. i. p. 20,
ed Taachn. IbcvSai A k ^ ^ r y ncurrd-
wojTt xp*^f^^°^t ir.T.A- Tho northern
natioDS rcqoiro a Btroogor etiuialaot
tlaii the Boat hem.
• MuUer (DorianR, n. p. 123, E. T.)
eaoaidcrs this high court of joBtice to
have bo«n t>Qmpoflcd of ** tbo ooanciU
Im (y^poim$)t the epbore, tbo oihur
TOL. UI.
kin^, and probably several ofher mufrii-
traice." ransanioa, howcrcr, hia chitt
anthorily, seoma to limit it to Lliw ftrat
three plomnntfl (iir. v. § 3, 0aat\t7 t^
ivofiaCApuPot y^poyrtf iicrm iral ffsoinii
Si a^rmr koX 6 TJjr o/iciar 0affiA*lt T^t
irtpas), Tbo ephora wore at once *c-
oostn^ and judgoa in it.
2H
466
THE STOUT OF GLAUCUa
and, instead of leading Leotychides away captive, agreed -witU _
him that he Bhould come viiih them to Athens, and give Lhumf
back their men.
86. When however he reached that city, and demanded the
reBtoraiiou of his pledge, the Athenians, being unwilling to
comply, proceeded to make excuses, saying, "that two kingafl
had come and left the men with them, and they did not think
it right to give thorn back to the one without the other/' So
when the Athenians refused plainly to restore the men, Leo-
tychides said to them —
"Men of Athens, act which way you choose — give me up
the hostages, and be righteous, or keep them, and be the
contrary. I wish, however, to tell you what happened onca
in Sparta about a pledge- The story goes among us that
three generations back thejre lived in Lacedsemon one Glaucns^
the son of Epicydes, a man who in every other respect was on
a par with the first in tlie kingdom, and whose character for
justice was such as to place him above all the otlier Spartans.
Now to this man at the appointed season the following events
happened. A certain Milesian came to Sparta, and having
desired to speak with him, said, — 'I am of Miletus, and I
have come hither, Glaucus, in the hope of profiting by thy
honesty. For when I heard much talk thereof in Ionia and
through all the rest of Greece, and when I observed that
whereas Ionia is always insecure, the Peloponnese stands
finn and imshaken, and noted hkowiso how wealth is con-
tinually changing hands in our country,^ I took counsel with
myself and resolved to tiun one-half of my substance into
money, and place it in tliy hnnds^ since I am woU assured
that it wUl be safe in thy keeping. Here then is the silver —
take it — and take likewise these taUies, and be earefnl offl
them ; remember thou art to give back the money to the
person who shall bring you their fellows.' Such were the
words of the Milesian stranger ; and Glaucus took the deposit
1
I
I
' Connpct this ineocnrity of property
with liie Lydiauaud rerfiiau cuuquef^U,
which were in tba
from X«uoty chides.
third geuKKti
THE STORY OF GLAUCU3.
467
the terms expressed to him. Many years bad gone by
then the sons of the man by whom the money wag left came
Sparta, and had an interview with Glaucns, whereat they
>duced the tallies, and asked to have the money returned
them. But Glaucus sought to refuse, and answered tliem :
have no recollection of the matter ; nor can I bring to mind
ly of those particulars whereof yo speak. WTien I remem-
•, I will certainly do what is just- If I had the money, you
iYe a right to receive it back ; but if it was never given to
ie, I shall put the Greek law in force against you. For the
(seut I give you no answer ; but four months hence I will
settle the business/ So the Milesians went away sorrowful,
considering that their money was utterly lost to them. As
for Glaucus, he made a journey to Delphi, and there consulted
the oracle. To his question if he should swear,^ and so make
Ize of the money, the Pythoness returned for answer these
les following ; —
Beit for the preaest ifc were, 0 Glancns, to do oa thou wisbeat,
Biraarin^ an oath to prevftil^ and so to make prize of the luoncy.
Bwoar than — death ia the lot o'en of those vrbo norer swear falwly.
[fct bath the Oath-God a son who is uamclosi, footlosH, and bandlcas;
'Hixbtj in stroDt^h ho approaohf^8 to vnngeance, and wht^lmfl in destmotioD
AU who holang^ to the race, or ibo honse of tho man who is porjared.
But oath.kccpiug nioa Ic&tg behind thorn a floorifihiog oflspnug.' *
mens when he heard these words earnestly besought the
to pardon his questioti ; but the Pythoness rejilied that
was as bad to have tempted the god as it would have
to have done the deed. Glaucus, however, sent for
Milu'sian Btraugors, and gave them back their money.
id now I will tell yon, Athenians, what my purpose has
)n in recounting to you this history. Glaucus at tho
Greek Uw allowed an occiuod
with the coDvcut of the ao-
tD cl«vr himRelf of n mmo im-
to litDi, \ij lakiiij^ no oath that
chATi^e Willi f.'iUc. (Soe Jurist.
t. i. 15. p. 66, od Tiimlin.)
'• Theomcle.in tbii» In-Jt line, quoted
(Up. fit iHfip, 285), or, rather,
oonclndod with a wcTI-Vnown Greek
proverb, older, perhapti, than Uosiod
iiiinsolf. Tho Bt<irv of Ghiucafl is
alluded to by Flutorcb (ii. p. 556, D.),
Panvanias (il. xriii. § 2), Jot-pnnl (xi^i.
199-208). Clemens (Strom, vt. p. 749),
Dto Chrrso«tom(Or. Ixir. p. 640), and
others.
468
THE EGINETANS BETEKGE.
BookTT.
present time has not a single descendant ; nor is there any
family known as his — root and branch has he been removed
from Sparta. It is a good thing, therefore, when a pledge
has been left with one, not even in thought to doubt about
restoring it."
Thus spake Leotychides ; but, as he found that the Athenians
woidd not hearken to him, he left them and went his way.
87. The Eginetans had never been punished for the wrongs
which, to pleasure the Thebans, they had committed upon
Athens.^ Now, however, conceiving that they were themselves
wronged, and had a fair ground of complaint against the
Athenians, they instantly prepared to revenge themselves.
As it chanced that the Athenian Thedris," which was a vessel
of five banks of oars,' lay at Sunium,* the Eginetans con-
trived an ambush, and made themselves masters of the holy
vessel, on board of which were a number of Athenians of the
highest rank, whom they took and threw into prison.
» Vide Bupra, y. 81, 89.
' The Athenian thtoris was the ship
which conveyed the sacred messengers
{dtwpol) to Dclos and elsewhere (cf.
Plat. Pheed. 58, B. C). The Salaminia
(Thucyd. iii. 33 ; vi. 53, 61) is said to
have been specially set apart for this
service (Saidas, sub voc. ^a\afui4a
pads).
* K the reading rcrr^pus (which is
acquiesced in by Gaisford, Schweig-
hseaser, and Bahr) is allowed to be
correct, we have hero a proof that quin-
qncremes, or vessels of five banks of
oars, were invented a century before
the time usually assigned for them,
which is the reign of the elder Diony-
eiuB (B.C. 400-368). See Diodor. Sic.
xiv. 41, 42 J Bockh*8 TTrkundca iibcr
die Beewesen des Att. Staatcs, p. 76;
Smith's Diet, of Antiq. p. 785. It is
certainly remarkable, if quinqnercmcs
were in use at Athens so early as n.c.
491, that no farther mention of their
employment by the Athenians occurs
till the year B.c. 325. Perhaps the
reading wfyrtnjpts, which is found in
two MSS., should be adopted, which
would give a very different sciue.
The passage, with this chuige, would
have to be translated, thus : — "It
chanced that the Athenians were oele.
brating at Suniom a festival that re*
curred every fifth year : so the Egine-
tans, hearing it, set an ambush for
them, and captured their holy vessel,"
Ac. A Tfi^fTijpIr would be a festival
recurring at intervals of four years,
like the Olympic and Pythian games.
There is not, however (I believe), any
other trace of this qoadriennial festi-
val at Sunium.
* The situation of Sunium, on the ex-
treme southern promontory of Attica,
has been already noted (supra, iv. 99,
note *). Besides the remains of the
Doric temple from which the cape de<
rives its modem name of Cape Colonno,
there are considerable traces of the
ancient walls, the whole circuit of
which may be distinctly made out
(Leake's Demi of Attica, p. 63). The
temple was sacred to Minerva Somas
(Pansan. i. i § 1 j Eurip. Cycl. 292).
Sunium was a place of gr^t im^xut.
ance in the time of the Peloponnesian
war (Thucyd. viii. 4)w
lBAP.86-«0.
0VEHTUKf3 OF JflCOBKOMUS.
469
da
w
t8. At this outrage the Athenians no longer delayed, but
to work to scheme their worst against the Eginetans; and,
there was in Egina at that time a man of mark, Nico-
omuB by name, the son of Cnoethus, who was on ill terms
th his countrymen because on a foiTner occasion they had
iven him into banishment, they listened to overtures from
his mim, who had heard how determined they were to do thu
Eginetans a mischief, and agreed with him that on a certtun
day he should be ready to betray the island into their
ands, and they would come with a body of troops to his
Bsistance. And Nicodromus, some time after, holding to
e agreement, made himself master of what is called the
"old town.*
89. The Athenians, however, did not come to the day ; for
eir own fleet was not of force suflicient to engage the Eginc-
ns, and while they were begging the Corinthians to lend
em some ships, the failure of the enterprise took place. In
ose days the Corinthians were on the best of terms with
e Athenians ; ^ and accordinfily they now yielded to their
quest, and furnished them with twenty ships ; ' but, as their
w did not allow the ships to be given for nothing, they sold
em to the Athenians for five drachms a-piece." As soon
en as the Athenians had obtained this aid, and, by manning
80 their own ships, had equipped a fleet of seventy sail,"
So^ (m BAhr says, not. ad. loc.)
thot is vi»ry likelj to have
ucicnt capital, since oil the
sok capitals were built at some
^distance from the nhore (vida
V. 83) ; but rather a portion of
actual K^na, the part of the town
wan thi? carliffit sottled and the
strongly fortified. Othorwiso
imiu oonld ^cjircely have made
escape hy ^a (infra, cU. 90).
Sapra. v. 75 ; 02, 93. Perbapn Co.
ith wiL« nnTioiii to npbold Atheni), as
connteriK)iBO to Sparta. Sbo may
havefeurvd S|iBrtiii>ecouuinjr too power,
fnl, and crutiihirig the indopondeneo of
bar Hibject olliea. Her own pri\-ate
wrongs indaced ber aftenrmrda to
abnndun this policy (see note * on ▼•
03) ; but it yr&s maintained even aa
lato afl 11.C. UO (Thacj'd. i.4-1).
' This is ouidirmed by Xbucydldos
* In this way the letter of the law
was aaliflfied, at an expeoge to tho
ALbonians of 100 dracbms (aboat 41. of
OUT money).
* Tbtifl it Appears that Athous nt this
time maintained a Qoot of 5(> ^hips.
This nnmber is supjMJsed Ut be am-
nected with that of the Nuncrarios,
Bucicntly -i^ and inui^ascd to 30 by
CUsthenes (supra, ▼. 71, uuto *^,
470
FLIGHT OF NICODBOirca
Book VI.
they crossed over to Egina, but arrived a day later than the
tiuiti agreed upon.
90. Mcanwliilo Nicodromus, when he found the Athenians
did not come to the timo appointed, took ship and made his
escape from the island. The Eginetans 'who accompanied
him were settled by the Athenians at Sunium> "whence they
Avere wont to issue forth and plunder the Eginetans of the
island. But this took place at a later date.
91. When the wealthier Eginetans had thus obtained the
victory over the common people who had revolted with Nico-
dromufi/ they laid hands on a certain number of them, and
Idd them out to death. But here they were guilty of a
sacrilege, which, notwithstanding all their efforts, they were
never able to atone, being driven from the island* bi-fore they
liad appeased the goddess whom they now provoked. Seven
hundred of the common people had fallen alive into their
hands ; and they were all being led out to death, when one
of them escaped from his chains, and Hying to the gateway of
the temple .of Ceres tho Lawgiver,* laid hold of the door-
handles, and clung to them. The others sought to drag him
from his refuge ; but, Ending themselves imablo to tear him
away, they cut off his hands, and so took him, leaving the
hands still tightly grasping the handles.
92. Such were the doings of the Eginetans among them-
selves. "When the Athenians arrived, they went out to meet
them with seventy ships ; * and a battle took place, wherein
> In Eginn, KB in most Doriao stated,
the constitution wna oligarch icni. The
AthcniiuiB, it appears, took advantogo
o5 this clrctimataaee, and songht to
bring nbont a rpvohition, which wnnld
haro thn.iwn tho iplati'l, prattioallyi
into tboLT hands. This is the first in-
ittanco of revolututnary war in which
Athens Is known to havo engagod.
• rterodotas refers to the cxpnlaion
cf the Eginetans by the Athcuians in
the first jenr of the Poloponnosianwar,
B.U. 431 (Tliacyd. ii. 27).
'Geres Tiiesmoiihorus, in whose bon-
oartho fcoet of thoThpemophoriji'
celcbratml in nlmost all |mrts of Grraee
(saprm, ch. 16, note '). Cenw tnu
termed " tho Lawgiver," beoruue agri-
onltnre first fnmiH •■■■■• •■ * -.Uni-
ties, &nd su givt'B - -icv
Virgil calls tbjggi. ,/1-hj,
ir. 68. Cumparo Oriti, .Met- t. 34l i
Calms ftil Serv. i£n. ir.r»8; Claudiaa,
do Rnpt. Pweerp. i. 30).
* The cnllucatipn of thownrds
to too 1' '' 'nch
is quit* ty,
though l.^ ..... ^-,.. .„. „^ : ^iii/VC,
I
m^m
Cdap. 81^93. NAVAL WAR BE'n\T:EN EOINA AND ATHENa
4/1
the Eginefans snffered a defeat. Hereupon they had recom-Re
agaiii to their old alhes,^ the Argivea ; hut tliese latter refused
BOW to lend them any aid, bemg angry because some Eginetan
ships, which Cleomenes had taken by force, accompanied him
in his invasion of ArgoUs, and joined in the disembarkation.^
The Bame thing had happened at the same time with certain
Teasels of the Sicyonians ; and the Argives had laid a &no of
e thoaeand talents upon the miadoers, five hundred upon
each : whereupon they of Sicyon acknowledged themselves to
have sinned, and agreed with the Argives to pay them
a hundred talents,^ and so be quit of the debt ; but the
Xiginetans would make no acknowledgment at all, and showed
themselves proud and stiff-necked. For this reason, when
they now jirayed the Argives for aid, the state refused to send
them a single soldier. Notwithstanding, volunteers joined
them from Argos to the number of a thousand, under a
captain, Eurybates, a man skilled in the pentatlilic contests.*
Of these men the greater part never returned, but were slain
by the Athenians in Egina. Eurybates, their captain, fought
a number of single combats, and, after killing three men in
this way, was himself slain by the fourth, who was a Dece-
lean,' named Sophanes.*
lias adopted it. Alt Boppoee the 70
■iiipi to to thoecoF the Athcuiau assail-
ants (sufira, ch. 89, end).
> Supra, V. m.
* Clfi upponrs, whpn hf» fell
bock 11 i (tnipm, ch. 7fi), col-
lected uh... . .io.ii the i»ubject>nllieB cif
Sparta — amon^ tho rc^t from Egina
and Sicyon — with which he made his
descent upon Naunlin,
7 A nun exoetioing ZifiOOl. of our
money*
* The wiin-aBAor, or contort of five
p. ^_,_-._.^^j pH j^jjp five eiwjrts of
!• lup, thmwint; the riiiuifc or
Oi. . . , i;^- tho spear, and wrcailinff.
Ueuce the ech-hnitod hne, ascribed to
Stmonides, which eaomerates as its
SKnm» voAwKi'iv. iiw*0¥, Airovra, vdXifii.
It was intmdaced into tho Olfmpin
ganips at the 18tb Olympiad, B-C. 708
(Paiison. V, Tiii. § 3; Eosob. Chrou.
Can. I. xjixiii. p. lit), and ihenro
piiSFcd to tho otlior Panhnllcnio fea-
tivnlfl. Enrybatea won a pentalhlic con-
lent at the Neoieau gatuoa (Paiuan. I.
Mix. § 4),
' DecelSawaa^taated on the moaa-
tain-nuign north of Athens (l^imes),
^'ithin sight of the oity, from whioh it
was ditttaut 120 stados, or aboat 14
miles (Thucyd. \-ii. 19). The rood from
Athens to OropoB and Taun^n^ passed
fhriHigh it (infra, ix. 15). tVoni these
circnuiBtAnccsthorc can belittle doabt
that it was sitcsted ut or w<ar the mo*
dem Tatoy, (See Leake's Demi of
Attica, p. 18.)
> SApluincs, twentj-aix yean later
(a.c. 465), was one of the loaders of tbo
472
EXPEDITION OF DATIS AND ARTAPHERNESL BooiTL
93. Afterwards the Eginetans fell upon the Athenian fleet
when it was in some disorder and beat it, capturing four ships
with their crews.^
94. Thus did war rage between the Eginetans and Athe-
nians. Meantime the Persian pursued his own design, from
day to day exhorted by his servant to " remember the Athe-
nians/' ^ and likewise urged continually by the Pisistratida,
who were ever accusing their countrymen. Moreover it
pleased him well to have a pretext for carrying war into
Greece, that so he might reduce all those who had refused
to give him earth and water. As for Mardonius, since his
expedition had succeeded so ill, Darius took the command of
the troops from him, and appointed other generals in his
stead, who were to lead the host against Eretria and Athens;
to wit, Datis, who was by descent a Mede,* and Artaphemes,
the son of Artaphemes,** his own nephew. These men
received orders to carry Athens and Eretria away captive,
and to bring the prisoners into his presence.
95. So the new commanders took their departure from the
court and went down to Cilicia, to the Aleian plain,' having
first expedition sent ont by Athens to
coloniBB AmpbipoliB (Thucyd. i. 100).
He was BlaJn at the battle of Drabescos
(Pausan. i. xxiz. § 4).
^ The Bo^affffoKparla of the Eginetans
w&s dated hy some from this battle.
Hence we read in Euaebios (Chron.
Can. II. p. 337) — "Decimo Beptimoloco
maris imperinm tennemnt u3Cgineta>
nsqno ad Xcrxis transmiBsionem annia
decern." (CompareSynceUnS|p.247,C.)
» Supra, T, 105.
* The occasional employment of Medes
in situations of command has been
already noticed (Appendix to Book iii.
Kssay iii. p. 568, note *). This is the
most remarkable instance. Other in.
stances are Mazares (i. 156), Harpagus
(i.l62),Armamithre8andTithEeu8,son8
of Datis (vii. 88), Tachamaspates (Beh.
Inscrip. ii. xiv, 6), Intaphres (ib. iii.
xiv, 3). Ko other conquered nation is
considered worthy of such trust. The
loiit two cases seem to have been an>
known to Mr. Grote when he wrote,
" We may remark that Datis is the
first person of Median lineage who is
mentioned aa appointed to high com-
mand after the accession of Darius "
(Hist, of Greece, ir. p. 442).
' Artaphemes the elder was a son of
Hystaspea and half-brother of Darius
(supra, T. 25). His son had probably
now succeeded him aa satrap of Sardia
(infra, vii. 74).
* The situation of this plain is most
clearly marked by ArrJan, who says
that Alexander sent his cavalry under
Philotaa from Tarsus across the Aleian
plain to the river Pyramns (Exp. Alex,
ii. 5. Compare Strab. ziv. p. 963, and
Steph. Byz. ad voo. Tafxr6s). It is the
tract between the Sams {Syhun) and
the ancient course of the Pyramus (Jy-
hun}, which lay westward of Cape
Karadash. The name had been already
given to it in Homer's time (H. ri.
201). Captain Beaufort describes it
Co&r. 93-96. COURSE TAKEN BY THE PERSIAN FLEET.
473
■with them a numerous and well-appointed land army. En-
camping here, they -were joined by the sea force which hod
been required of the several Ktates, and at the same time by
the horse-transports which Darius had, the year before, com-
manded his tributaries to make ready .^ Aboard these the
horses were embarked ; and the troops were received by tho
ships of war ; after which the whole fleet, amounting in all
to Bix hundred triremes,® made sail for Ionia. Thence, instead
of proceeding with a straight com*se along the shore to the
Hellespont and to Thrace,^ they loosed from Samoa and
voyaged across tho Icarian sea^ tlu-ough the midst of the
ifilanda ; mainly, as I beheve, because they feared tho danger
of doubhng Mount Athos, where tho year before they had
suffered so grievously on their passage; but a constraining
cause also was their former failure to take Naxos.^
6. When the Persians, therefore, approaching from the
an sea, cast anchor at Naxos, which^ recollecting what
ere befell them formerly, they had determined to attack
before any other state, the Naxians, instead of encountering
them, took to flight, and hurried off to the hills.^ The Per-
A« " a plain of grnit mAgnitude, ex.
tendiu^^inahoroaafor OS tlio eyccoald
diacorn, conaititin^ entirely of dmary
■uodhiilfl, iDtorspcrtfod with Bhtillow
Iftkca" (Karamania, p. 28:2). Ho no-
tiees, howerer, that Ahalfoda (Tab.
8yr. p. 135) Bpoaks of it as "diBttn-
guialied for its beanty aud fertility."
Thii, he tajs, may Btill bo trao of its
moTB inland portion. Pcrhapti, befuro
ifc woa doiirrtod by the river, thn -irhole
of it ciay hare beea rich and fertile.
» Snp"r», ch. 48.
• Plain (Menex, 240 B., p. 190 ed.
Tanchn.) malf 08 1 he nmnberof triremes
only 900. Cnmolioa Nepus (Milt. o. 4.
aays COO. Cicopo (Verr. ii. i. 18) and
Valeriiu Maximiu (i. i.) declare that
the whole 6cot contained a thnusaud
Teasels. Tmnsporcs oro iiicladod in
this estimate.
' Coasting ToyagoB wore so maob tho
«rtabliahf«d priictice in ancient times
tbat to HetudotoB making the detour
along Bhoro from Samos to Attioa ap-
pears the natnral and the sirai^M
ooarBO.
^ The Icarian sen rcccirod ita namo
from the Island of Icaria (now Nikaria),
which lay between Samoa and Myoonas
(Strab. ziv. p. 915). It extended from
Chios to Cos^ where tho COrpnthinn sea
bof^n (ib. ii. p. 1G4| Agathemer, (. iii.
p. 1S2).
' Popra. T. 34.
* The interior of the island of Naxoa
(Azia\ is very mountainous. Moont
Zia, which seems to have retained on
ancient name of the island, Dia (Plin,
H. N. IT. xii. p. 2\7), ia the highest
snmmit. Mount Corona and Uonnt
Fanari also attain a conicidurablo alti-
tade. (See Tonrnofort's TrnTols, Lett.
V, p. 173.) RosB says Ccrr^o is aboro
2000 feet Unselreiitn. toI. i. p.3B), and
agrees in regarding Zia tM ** the htghcsl
moontain in Naxoa " ib. p. 43).
474
DATIS AT DEL03.
BookVL ■
sians however Bucceeded in laying bands on some, and them
they carried away captive, while at the same time they burnt
all tbe temples together with the town.* Tbia done, they left
Naxos, and sailed away to the other islands.
97. Wbile the Persians were thus employed, the Delians
likewise quitted Delos, and took refuge in Tenos/ And nov
the expedition drew near, when Datis sailed forward in
advance of the other ships; commanding them, instead of
anchoring at Delos, to rendezvous at Bhenea," over against
Delos, while he himself proceeded to discover whither the
Delians had fled ; after which he sent a herald to them with
this message : —
" Why are ye fled, 0 holy men? Why have ye judged me
80 harshly and so wrongfully? I havo surely sense enough,
even had not the king so ordered, to spare the country which
gave birth to the two gods,'— to spore, I say, both tbe country
and its inhabitants. Come back therefore to your dwellings
and once more inhabit your island."
Bach was the message which Datis sent by his herald to fhe^
* The XoxiftDB pretended thot they
had repuUod VniiB (Pint, de Malign.
lIi*rod. ii. p. 8Gd). Kaxoa, tbo capital,
vTHs sitnnted ou tho north-wcet coast of
lltc island. Its eito U occupied by the
modem city of Aj-ia,
* Tenn<» (tho ino<lpm Tino) ms dis-
tttnt about 13 miles from DpIos, in a
direction nlmost dna north. It Iny ia
the direct lino from Nuxoa to Enbcca,
hnt tho Deliniis mi;(ht aupposo that
T)atis would shnpo his conrpp tmrardB
.A.tliea by tho isliuids of ParoSi SiplmoB,
Seriphos, Cos, ami Ceos.
•Tho Damo of Delog (T)ili) in now
^ven to tU(? island ancieutly called
Hhdnea, na well as to the rocky iftlet
upon which the temple stood. Kfaenea
in fltvled " Great Delos" (3f«<?o?KDi7v),
and bolos itself "Little Doloe ** (Mikri.
Dili). The two islauds nro tiepiutitcd
by a olxaiincl which in unmo places ia
not so much bm half a mile wide. Con-
.•.idi-niblo rcMiiain^ of the town nnd
icmplo of Deioe btiU exist (Toumofort,
Lett. VII. pp. 240, 241 1 Bom'i h
reiae, roL i. p. 30. et B&qq.).
Dclos,on the islaud of BbAiMa, ore tho
ruins of what veems to ban been iho
«^propol« of Delos (Strab. x. p. 7W).
Bh^nca hud been oonquored by Pulr-
crafe«, tyrant of Kamr^ "•■ ' •- '"1
by him to tho Dcliuu
It once poBseased a en : '
PHNmN and PHNinN MHTPOROAU
appear upon ancient c-oins ; bat by
time of Strabo it had ee-Oftcd to bo id-
habited (1. b. c), and has eo
probably ever fiuee (Toamefort,
212: Eo98. p. 36).
' Apollo and 0iann. wKnm il.o P.i
sians may haTts thont-'
identify wIthtboSun :••
of rcvereuco to thf^maeUtsa {n
131, and compare the Eesftysftf
to Bi>ok i. Eiwtay v. § 6). The
logical fable of their birth in Del
15 found in Callimacboa (Bymo. is
Dohun)> ApoUodoruji (I. it. § 1), tikd
other writers.
Ciur. 06-98.
FBODIGT OF THE EARTHQUAKE.
475
Delians, He likewise placed upon the altar three hundred
taleuts' weight of frankiiacense, and offered it.
98. After this he sailed with his whole host against Eretria,
taking with him hoth louians and Cohans. When he was
departed, Delos (as the Delians told me) was shaken by an
earthquake, the first and last shock that has been felt to this
day.® And truly this was a prodigy whereby the god warned
men of the arils that were coming upon them. For in the
three following generations of Darins the son of Hystaspea,
Xenea the son of Darius, and Artaxerxes the son of Xerxes,
more woes befell Greece than in the twenty generations pre-
ceding Darius ; ^ — woes caused in part by the Persians, but in
* It MCna to jnsimposanile that tliia
can be the Rhock to which 'J hncii'diclefl
allodw in the B«oond book of hif» Ilia.
tory (oh. 8). He would never hoTe
spoken of an crcnt as recent {ihiyov irp^
ravraiy) which happened at a dietnnee
of sixty ycnra. I shonid eopposo that
the Dfliau»(, whoso holy inland was
beliered to be Bpeciallv exempt from
eATthqaAkea (Find. Frug. p. 238 od.
I)iaM>ii),t)iouglit it to thu crcditof their
gcKJ, that he ehonld mark by ^nch a
prwligT Ihe bt'^nninp of a preat war.
AcconJinply. when llorudotns visited
them, which niof^t haro been earlier
thou ]).C. 4-U, they iiifnrme<I him that
Ihfi^ir Ul'kcd had experienced a shock a
littlo prrrioas to the battle of Mare*
tbon, but nerer either t-efore or since.
TwelTG or thinecn yeare later, at the
CcmimpDcenmat of the IVluponneaian
Btrujrgl*?! they again reported tlmt a
vfaocic hod Wn felt, and, forgetting
what Ihcy hotl previonniy saidjOrtraat-
iDg that othora had furgot it, they* to
xoake the prodifry teem greater, spoke
of ihiB earthquake oa the first which
had beou felt iu thuir inland. Thucy.
didca is onacqoninted with the former,
Uet^Hlottis with the latter story. (Cf,
31uJIer'i Dorians, i. p, 8«5^, DOt« ',
RT.)
* Tliia passogo u thought to have
been wrilti'n after t)ia de«th of Arta.
x«rxee, which was in D.c, 425 (Thucyd.
ir. &0j. U BO, it in perhaps the hiat
addition to hia TTifltory madoby the au-
thor : at leaKt there is no event known
to be later ihaD the decease of Arta>
zerxes, to which Herodotus can be
shown to make any clear reference.
Dnhlmonn {Life of Hennl. pp. 31-33,
K. T.) brings fftrward tlireo snch — the
occai>nttun of Deceloa by Agis in D.c,
413, the revolt of the Medes from
Daritu Nothas in u.c. 408, and the
death of Auiyi-tajQS in the tiame year.
With respect to the second of these,
it has been shown (supra, i. 130, note *)
that the revolt allnded to. is not that
which took place in the rotgn of Darius
Kothns, but thu icvult from I>anaa the
son of IIy»ta«i>e«, in n.c. 518; with
ro8]:>cct to the third, it has been re-
nmrked that Ilerodotns makes no men-
tion of the death of Amy rta»ii?, bat only
alludes to his flight iu B.C. 4£5 (snpm,
ill. 15, note '). The passage which re-
mains (ix. 73) is perverted from its plain
meaning by Daldmann. It allu<le« only
to the sparing (aotnal or supposed) of
DecclcB from ravage during the earlier
^oiirs of the Pelopunnesuui war (ride
infm, note ad luv.).
While, liowever, I dissent from Dahl-
niftnii ikQ far, 1 cannot aesert positively
wiUi Mr. Grnto (Unt. of Gm'cciT.p.
^•^''i tioieA l\»i^t Uurotloruij aUndes to
no evo t ;« bia bisttiry ^'iter than the
«ocf,v.. y^^ -oi ^^^'' Te\ovonncs\anwar.
47<3
8IEQE AND CAPT17BE OF CABTSTUS.
BookVL
part arising from the contentions among their own chief men
respecting the supreme power. "Wherefore it is not surprising
that Delos, though it had never before been shaken, should at
that time have felt the shock of an eaiihquake. And indeed
there was an oracle, which said of Delos —
**I}eloa* self will I abake, whicli never yet haa been sliaken."
Of the above names Darius maybe rendered "Worker," Xerxes
" Warrior," and Artaxerxes " Great Warrior." And so might
we call these kings in our own language with propriety.*
99. The Barbarians, after loosing from Delos, proceeded to
touch at the other islands, and took troops from each,* and
likewise carried off a number of the children as hostages.
Going thus from one to another, they came at last to
Carystus ; ^ but here the hostages were refused by the Cary-
stians, who said they would neither give any, nor consent to
bear arms against the cities of their neighbours, meaning
Athens and Eretria. Hereupon the Persians laid siege to
Carystus, and wasted the country round, until at lefegth the
inhabitants were brought over and agreed to do what was
required of them.
100. Meanwhile the Eretrians, trnderstandihg that the
Persian armament was coming against them, besought the
Athenians for assistance. Nor did the Athenians refuse their
aid, but assigned to them as auxiliaries the four thousand
landholders to whom they had allotted the estates of the
Artaxerxes as past " (Dahlmann, p. 31,
E. T.) ; I think, also, that Boveral of
the ov^ents to which he alludes, e, g,
the flight of Zopyrus to Athens (iii.
160), and the cruel deed of Amestria
in her old aji^e (vii. 114), happened in
all pi-obabilitv quit© at the end of
Artaxerxes* reign. And I should under-
stand him to allude here in part to the
calamities which befell Greece in the
first seven or eight years of the Pelo-
ponnesiau struggle, from n, c. 431 to
B.C. 425 or 424. (See the Introductory
Essay, vol. i. pp. 29-32.)
^ On these and other Persian and
Median names, see Appendu^ Note A
^ Vide infra, ch. 133.
^ Carystus was one of the four prin-
cipal cities of the ancient Eubcea (tha
iV"i">of ourmaps). These were Chal-
ois, Eretria, Carystus, and. Histiaa
(Scylai, Peripl. p. 50 j cf. Strab. x.
pp. 649-652). Carystus lay at the fur-
ther end of a deep bay, with which iho
southern coast of the Island is indented
It waa celebrated for its marble qonr-
ries, and its temple of Apollo Marmo-
reus (Plin. H. N. iv.l2, p. 215; Strab.
X. p. 650) , The name Karysto still at-
tache t» the village which oocapies
iV. 93-100.
CONFUSION OF TJTR ERETRIAXS.
477
[cidean Eippobatae.* At Eretria, however, things i^ere
no healthy state; for though they had called in the aid
the Athenians, yet they were not agreed among themselves
bow they shonld act ; some of them were minded to leave the
and to take refuge in the heights of Euboea,'' while others,
\o looked to receiving a reward from the Persians, were
ig ready to betray their country. So when these things
to the ears of ^schines, the son of Nothon, one of the
$t men in Eretria, he made known the whole state of affairs
^g the Athenians who were already arrived, and besought
^Mm to return home to their own land, and not perish with
^K countrymen. And the Athenians hearkened to his
Hronsel, and, crossing over to Oropus,^ in this way escaped
the danger.
CLeake*e Korthem Greece, tuI.
254.)
T.77.
Jugh moantftin chm'n trarersea
\ttom its northom to itn Hnnthrrm
leftThig in the whole islaiid
only three plains of any considerable
^•xtent. Oneoftlipse is on the northern
^^bvt, near Ilivlitea mid Artemiitam ;
I^HhlLcr opona oat on iht* o&fttem near
^Krt ifandhuvif the harbour of Corin-
thoi; while the third is that which
haa be«D already tncntioned (anpra, r.
77, not© *) between the cities of Chal-
tan and Erotrift, The hJRhefit part of
the moantain tract la near tho centra
of the iBlaud, between Chalcis and the
nearest part of tho oppoRito coast.
llie BtunoutB hero attain an eloraiion
cf above 5000 feet.
* There has been some donbt abonb
the exaoi eite of On'pas. Cul. Leake
waa formerly inclined to plnon it at the
nu>dem Or<^, a small inland Tillage
aitOAtcd on the right baoJc of the Aao-
pos, at its iflsno from the rocky fforgco
of tho bilte which separate the plain of
Oropua from that of Tanagra^ where
are the remains of a town of some oon-
aiderablo antiquity (Demi of Attica^
Ist edition; Northern Greece, if. p.
446). More recently, however (Domi
«f Attica, p. 116, 2nd edit.), ho haa
admitted the ^reit^ht of &fr. Fiolay'i
argnmctitH (Topography of Oropia, pp.
4-7) a^inat this site. It seems cer-
tain that Oropoa was anciently upon
tha coast. The present passage of
Herodotus, sereral in Thncydidcs O'U.
91, viii. 60, 95), one in Stnvbo (ix. p.
585), one in Paasanias (f. xxxiv, § 1),
and one in Diodoros (xiv. 77) indicate
thia. The last two paasftgcs are con-
clusive Qpon the point (compare also
Ptolem. Qeogreph. iii. 15, p. 97, where
Oropua is enomerated amon^ the
muTitime cities of Attica). Tho trae
site then wonld seem to be not tho
modem Orop6, bat tho ptaco called
** tha Holy Apostles," which is on tho
coast abont two miles from Oro}M$.
Oropd may liave arisen from tho later
Oropua, the place to which tho Thebana
io D.C. 402 removed tho izihabitants
(Diod, 1. e. c.).
Oropns had ori^nally belonged to
BcDotia (Pao^an. 1. s. c; Steph. Byz.
'fipeMTiJT, viJAji Boivrlax). Wo do not
know at what time Athena got poBsoB>
sion of it. It wue f<ir many years a per.
petnal bono of contention between the
two states (Thacyd. riii. 60; Xen. Hell.
VII. iv. § 1; Pausnn. 1. s. c. ; Strab.
J. p. 98), till aft lost Philip formerly
assigned it to Attica (t'aasan. 1. a. o. i
Demad. Frag. iii. p. 488, Bekker.).
478
SIEGE OP ERETTJA.
BdokTL
101. The Persian fleet now drew near and anchored at
Tamynro,^ ChcereflB, and ^gflia,* three places in the territory
of Erctria, Once mastors of these posts, they proceeded
forthwith to disembark their horses, and made ready to attack
the enemy. But the Eretrians were not minded to sally fortli
and offer battle ; their only care, after it had been resolved
not to quit the city, "was, if possible, to defend their walls.
And now the fortress was assaulted in good earnest, and for
six days there fell on both sides vast numbers, bat on the
seventh day Euphorbus, the son of Alcimachus, and Fkilagrus,
the eon of Cynoas, who were both citizens of good repute,
betrayed the place to the Persians-^ These were no sooner
entered within the walls than they plundered and burnt all
the temples that there were in the town, in revenge fnr the
burning of their own temples at Sardis ; moreover, they did
according to the orders of Darius, and carried away captive
all the inhabitants.^
102. The Persians, having thus brought Eretria into sub-
jcction after waiting a few days, made sail for Attica, greatly
i
' Tamynaj or TRmyna i« monttonrd
by Domofithetioa (cont. Moid. p. 567,
Rtiiske), by ^schines (c. Ctos. p. 480,
ReUkc), Stmbo (z.p.(>33).and Stephen
(nd Toc. Tifivya). Ho muluriulH exiut
for fiTinR ita site,
• Keither Chcereip nor ^gilia is
mentioned by any other Auttinr. The
geographical notioos of Eabooa, loft as
by ancient writers, are very scanty.
^giliii, tho seaport town, moBt uot bo
eonfound(?d with ^Ivsri'cia the ielotul,
montioned below (ch. 107).
• Xcnophon, whoD giving an aooonnfc
of the expedition of Thimbrou, B|«aks
of a person named Gcmf^las as the only
Eretrian who TnedtAfftZ (Jtdvos 'Z^sTpUmp
HrfiiatLt ti^vytpj TleUcn. IIT. i. § 6).
This poraon received ob a reward from
the Feriiiuiii a district in ^ob's cou>
tAininp: jcnir oitiofl; bnt hia mGdiam
cannot possibly have l>oen at thiia time,
since he was alivo in ELC. 39U, and
Joined in Thimbroa'a expedition. Pan-
«aaias (vii. x. | 1), and PIntaroh (ii.
p.510, R.)
» Sonio wi , .191,
ed. Taaclrn. Lt^. ia. fi. lol; SlrftUi x.
p. G53 ; DioiF. Liuirfc. iii. 33) detilam iliaL
theifi ' " >^af Kw«pt doaa
of it-; procewcaUed
"llCtLlI.„, , honf.
Spoken of (sapra. :
this process won
nnlesa applied to the whoUr uF EubcBB,
which is uot prctortb-d ; «ind th^ wbola ;
Btory IB daf-i
Hen idotua.
noiubcr of i '
returnint; t<'
raised it up > >
Hence, in the wilt vi >
wa« able to fnmi-h nf
Grecian flc i
wi^h its d'
liteS to tho UM:> V <\K -
times, hcT hupbtes lui>l
SOOQ, and nho had j.. „>^
cavalry (Sti»b. i. p. 653J.
Crap. 101, 102.
P£ItSLVKS LAND AT MARATHON.
479
Btraitening the Athenians aa they approached, and thinking
to deal with them ae they had dealt with the people of Eretria.
And, because there was no place in all Attica so convenient
for their horse as Marathon,^ and it lay moreover quite close
' Attica hu but thrco miiritimo
plftiiia of aoy extent, the Athenian, tho
Thriasiui, and the plnin nf Mamthnn.
The lost of these is the ole&rest of
tre^S nn<l the fittest for the move-
mcnta of cavnliy. Mr. PinUy'e do-
ucripLion of it ia j>orhapa the best
wbiclt hoii been ^vcn : —
"The plain uf lliwuthon," he snys,
"extenda in a perfect level alontr t'u'a
I
i:* nn lh(*
Kill- tll> -t iUf I'.vttlO.
ft. M<^uut uArakemtrtt
H. Stn.tU ttiiiT^i.
7. Ortit in.ir-li.
8. Kwunt.tin M ■■irta.
». Sail li.Vr. ■ ■■c
10. Fir*l jM ;, < kl.
li. VUUii' -T I. .A. r >im'.
}'A. iSlrtru.iirLuniuluAnf AtlM'iiUnft.
K. I'yrftJ. at luouument of UU-
• a. Ts Atbcfio betvM>n ti>omiU
I^WUrut ftnd IlymcUtu,
IhfDDEb ('Allrn-'^.
frft. To Atbens, lluvogb Ce-
plitalJL.
re. Ti AtbrnA. thraagh ApUdOA.
UA la Ulumuui.
4So
ATnKXIANS 3IAKCH TO MARATHOX.
to Erotria,* therefore Hippias, the son of Pisistratus, con-
ducted them thither.
103. When intelligence of this reached the Athenians, they
likewise marched their troops to Marathon, and there stood
on the dcfonsive, having at their head ten generals/ of whom
one was Miltiades.*
fine bay, and is in lenjirfch about six
miiofi, ita breadth nerer less than a
niilo and a half. Two Diarf>hcB hound
the extremitiefl of the plain : the
Boathom is not very large, and is
almost dry at the conclusion of the
groat heats; bnt the nonhom, which
fj^uerally covers co&ndcrably more
Uian a squaro mile, offers aeroral parU
which are at all seaaons impassable.
Both, however, leave a broad, firm,
aandy boaoh between thom and the
aea. The nnintormptcd (Uitnese of the
plain is hardly relieved by a eini^Ie
tree ; and on amphitheatre of rocky
hills and miECg^cd monntnins separates
it from the rest of Atiica, over the
lower ridfjcB of which Bonio steop and
iliflicnlt pathji coniwiuaicate with the
dirtricts of the jotprior,'* (Trans-
actions of the Itoyol Society of Litera-
ture, iii. p. SG-l,)
Col. Leak© (Deroi of Attica, § 4. pp.
84, 85) romarlcB, that " a» to the plain
itself, the circumfltonoes of the battle
incline one to bclieTo thai it was an-
dontly aa destitute of trees as it is at
iho prosent day ; " and rolntee, that
"aa ho rode across tho plain with a
peasant of Yrana, he remurkud that it
was a fine place for cavalry to fight in.
Ho hnd hoard that a great battle was
mice foiicht here, but this was all he
knew" (ib. App. i. pasj^ 205, note).
' Moch clutter, thnt id, than either of
the other plains ii[Kin the coAfit, The
distance by sea between the bay of
Horalhon and iilrelria.ia not less than
five and thirty or forty uiilee. Hippias
probably thonifht that vnlaable time
would have been lost by i-oonding
Suuinm, and that Marathon nuited,
more than any other place, the ro-
qnisito advantages for a landing. The
large bay was capable of sheltering
the eoltre fleet, the extennve beach
allowed n rapid disembarkation, tb0<
rich plain afforded excelleont pastne*
for homes, and ita open oharact«>r wis
most favonrable for the operations o(
a cavalry force. Besides, he hati him*
self already landed onoo npon thi*
spot from Eretrio, and made a sac<
reAiifnl march npon Athens (mpra, i.
62), M-hich he no donbt thought It
woald be easy to repeat with hift
hundred thoua&ad or two boodred
thousand Persians.
» Tho Ton Genertds (Stratem)]
part of tho coniititution of Cli
who modelled tho Athenian
tho political division of the tt
Serenas TulHos did the
th» o«>ntiirie8. Each tribe annt
elected its Phylarch to oummand itii
continpr»nt of cavalry, ita Taziarch to
Dommand its infantry, and its Stmte>
fpia to direct both. Hence tho t«n
Stratei^, who aeem immodiatelv tA
have claimed equably with tha Pole*
march or War-Axclion.
The steps by which the 81
came civiloff)oer«,nole8atbaa]
and the real dirooton of the
policy of Athens, aro well traced
Mr. Gnite (Hist, of Greece, it. pp. Ibft
181, and 18D.197). As rvpreeeoUiins
of the new system, they were able
onci-oach npon tho ^'-^ * of
which, staking in i
first thrown open to j i iseoi
and then determined by lot. This
step necessarily threw nil matters v(
importance npon tlio Stratc^ wboj
were chosen for tlioir personal ment
by the free voice of the citlsens.
• Stptiilaiis (infra, ch. 114) and
tides (I'lut. Vit. Aristid.0.6) w«i«i
gcncralfl; and, pcrfuipSf
CPlat I a, O.J.
Ant.
UP. loa-iai.
FAMILY HISTORY OF MILTIADE3.
48c
Now this man's father, Cimon, tho son of Stesagoras, was
ishcd from Athens by Pisistratus, the son of Hippocrates,
his banishment it was his fortune to win the four-horse
tftriot-race at Olympia, whereby he gained tho very same
»nour which had before been carried off by Miltiades,* his
F-brother on the mother's side. At the next Olympiad he
>n tho prize again with the same mares ; upon which he
caused Pisistratus to be proclaimed the winner, having made
an agreement with him that on yielding him this honour he
should bo allowed to come back to his coimtry. Aftorwardfl,
still with the same mares, he won the prize a third time;
whereupon he was put to death by the sons of Pisistratus,
whose father was no longer living. They set men to lie in
wait for him secretly ; and these men slew him near the
government-house in the night-time. He was buried outside
the city,' beyond what is called the Volley Road ; ^ and right
opposite his tomb were buried the mares which had won the
three prizes.^ The same success had likewise been achieved
ice previously, to wit, by tho mares of Evagoras the Lacedae-
mian, but never except by them. At the time of Cimon*s
Stesagoras, the elder of his two sons, was in the Cher-
», where he lived with Miltiades his uncle ; the younger,
was called Miltiades after the founder of the Chersonesite
colony, was with his father in Athens.
101. It was this Miltiades who now commanded the Athe-
nians, after escaping fi'om the Chersonese, and twice nearly
losing his life. First ho was chased as far as Imbrus by the
• MiltmdeR, tho son of Cypflfllns, the
fllBtkiogof tbL>CberB>)nesc>. Uis Olym*
pic Tictory ia mentioned in ch. 36.
7 The tomb of Cimon wm outside
tbo fj^teof Mclit^.oDtheroad leading
through tho di'tnus CccUS, north of the
dty. The plnco was known under the
nanio of " tho Cimonlan mnnamonts "
(tA KifLuvta fiviifiaira), Uere lliucy-
didcs, whipsQ oonnecLion with the
family of Cimon has bcon already
metitioned (tinprs, oh. JO, note *), was
VOL. UL
Bftid to haro been biiried (Harrolltn.
Vit. Thocyd. p. li., and p. it. [ Anuu.
Vic. p. xriii. Bekker).
BOr "the toad throngh CobU."
Ccolo app(>ars to hare been the name
of one of tho Attic demea (BAckb,
Corp. liuur. I08, 275, Ac.; ^9blscb.
oontr. Ctea. p. 681, KDmko).
* Compare JE\i&a (Uist. An. xii 40)^
wlio meotion!) thii fact, tvnd likewise
tbo honuarnhle burial which Eragona
482
MILTIADES MADE GENERAU
Book VL
Phoenicians,^ who had a great desire to take him and carry
him up to tho king ; and when he had avoided this danger, U
and, ha\ing reached his own country, thought himself to be "
altogether in safety, he found his enemies waiting for him,
and was cited by them before a court and impeached for his
tyranny in the Chersonese. But he came oflf victorious here
likewise, and was thereupon made general of the Athenians ,
by the fi'ee choice of the people.' fl
105. And ilrst, before they left the city, the generals sent
off to Sparta a herald, one Pheidippides,^ who was by birth
an Athenian, and by profession and practice a trained runner.
This man, according to the account which ho gave to the
Athenians on his return, when he was near Mount Parthe-
nium,* above Tegea, fell in with tho god Pan. who called him
by his name, and bade him ask the Athenians ''wherefore
they neglected him so entirely, when he was kindly disposed
towards them, and had often helped them in times past, and
would do so again in time to come ? " The Athenians, en-
tirely believing in the truth of this report, as soon as their
affairs were once more in good order, set up a temple to Pan
under the Acropolis/ and, iu return for the message which I
* SDprft. oh. 41.
' It i» ihtiiijfbt by some that the
Stratcgi wero not olt?ctod by their re-
spective tribes, but hj the whole mass
of the citJEens (Pollujc, riii. 87; Her-
m&im'fl Pol. Ant, § 152). Tbia pas-
sage would favour ench an rrpinion.
■ Or Philrppidos, which is the rend,
ing of some MSS. , and which has
the Boppocl of Fuusaniufi (l. xxviiL
* Monnt Parthpnium bonndcd the
Tcgcon plain upon the easinttd north-
e«st. It was crcMsod by the road
which led from Argos to Tegea
(Paufan. viii. ]iv. § 5). Tho modem
name of thi^ monnlaia is linrmi ; bat
the pass tUrooph wliich the road goes
IS still willed I'arthi'ni (Lenke'tt Morea,
ii. p. 32$)). No remains have yet been
discovered of the t«inplo of Pun, bailt
upon this spot in cummcmoraiiou of
this (sappoflod) ftppeoraaee (Bwsul.
I. «. e).
* Tho fr<»mple or rather chapel of
Pan was contained in a hollow id tho
rack {4p ffwifKalifi) , just below the Pro*
pyliea, or enirango to (he citadel
(Punsaii. I, ixTiii. g -4). Tho carrni
Etill exists, and has in it two nicho!.
whore tho etataes of Pan and AfH'Ilo
(who was associated with I'&ii in thi*
temple, ns we leora from I^nisaniaH)
may have stood. In n g»nlen, a bttle
wny from the oorem) « stntae of
Pan (now at Cambridge) was foowj
(Lpftko'a Athens, p. !70>. This mny
be tho statue <)•
occasion, "which v .
tiades, and had tli(< ■• i' ^
tiuu wrilicn for it by i^r.i'.
t6w n»t' ' Mlntfaimui rrifattrn MtA-n4Jifr.
f-m thii
' by Mil.
.- irj.-.Ti|>-
104-106.
PHEmiPPIDES AT SPAUTA.
4«3
re recorded, cBtablished in his honour yearly sacrifices and
)rcb-race.
L06. On the occasion of which we epeak, when Pheidippides
sent by the Athenian generals, and, according to his own
rant, saw Pan on his journey, lie reached Sparta on the
next day after quitting the city of Athena,* Upon his
ival he went before the rulers, and said to them —
" Men of Lacediemon, the Athenians beseech you to hasten
their aid, and not allow that state, which is the most
dent' in all Greece, to be enslaved by the barbarians,
stria, look you, is already cai-ried away captive ; and
Greece weakened by the loss of no mean city."
Thus did Pheidippides deliver the message committed to
And the Spartans wished to help the Athenians, but
re unable to give them any present succour, as they did
like to break their established law. It was then the ninth
of the first decade;® and they could not march out of
o&re of Pan appears in coins re-
itii)^ tbe entrance to the Aoro*
(See iha annexed figare.)
[The cltfttnnce from Atliens to
by the road is reckoned bjr
» COmt. Pane?. § 24, p. 171)
'1200 Btttdrs, by Pliny (H. K. vii.
30, p. 425), more aocoratclynt 1140.
Moderns ostimato the direct distance
at 135 tir 1 10 niilea. Fboidippide^ utUHt
therefore have trarelled at tbe rate of
70 KogUiih mile* a day. Kiiineir sa^ s
that this 18 a rate attained by the
jiindem rersiim fuut-mestteugurH (Qod-
graph. Memoir, p. 44, bat boo above-,
Tol. L p. VJQ, note') ; and Pliny re-
lates that two pcraotM, A urstis a
Laced SB moDian, and Pliilouidcs a
courier employed by Alexander the
Great, porfarmcd tbo cilnmrdinary
dLstaucQ of 1200 stades (nearly l*kl
miJcK) in a single day ^H. N. I. s. a).
* It was the farourito boast of
Athens that her inhabitants ^rero
ain^x^wts — sprung fntni the soil.
Hence the adoption of the symbol of
the graHtihopiwr (Thuevd. i. G ; Aris-
toph. Eq. 1231 ; Nub. 955, ed Bothe).
Her territory had never been overrun
by an enomy ; and bo her cities had
never been overthrown or removed,
like tho cities in oIIkt countries (cum-
pare Ilorod. i. 56, vii. 171 ; Tl-n.ryd. i.
2j Plot. Tim. p, lO.wl. TftuchiL ; M<?ncx.
pp. IWJ, lUbi lawcrat. Pum-g. § 4, p.
IIMO.
* Tbe Greeks divided tlieir month of
20 or 80 da.v9 into three periiids: —
1, Tho fi^r icrd)i«¥ot, lii»m the Ist day
to tbe loth iucliisirt'ly ; 2. The /i|,r
1*^^
^I'Si a 1"^
484
DREAM OF HIFFU&
BoosTL
Sparta on the ninth, vrhen the moon had not reached th«
full.* So they waited for the full of the moon.
107. The harbarians were conducted to ilanithou by
HippiftB, the son of Pieistratus, who the night before had
seen a strange vision in his sleep. He dreamt of lying in
his mother's arms, and conjectured the dream to mean that
he would be restored to Athens, recover the power which he
had lost, and afterwards live to a good old age in his native
country. Such was the sense in which he interpreted the
vision.' He now proceeded to act as guide to the Persians ; and, h
in the first place, ho landed the prisoners taken from Eretria ^
uiKrn the island that is called ^gileia,^ a tract belonging to
the Stjrreans,* after which he brought the fleet to anchor off
Marathon, and marshalled the bands of the barbarians as
they disembarked. As he was thus employed it chanced that
he sneezed and at the same time con;^hed with more violence
fiteStv^ from Ibo llth to the 20th ; and
S. Tho ^iijv (jipli'wy, or h-wlojy, from the
2lst to tho end. The niuth day of tho
first dccadD is thus the ointb day uf
the mouth itscll The battle of Uara.
then ia paid ta huTC tfkkon placo in
tho monlh Bui^drouiiou (Platorcb, do
Malig. Ucrod. p. m\, K. Ac.), which
oorrcBponded, pretty nearly with oar
Beptomber.
* Mr. Grote belieree that this was
no protenco. but tho " blind tenacity
of ancient hahit " (Hiat. of Grceoes iv-
p. 460). Wo fimi soch a feeling, be
says, to abate, bnt never to disappear
in tho Spartan hiBtory ; and he refers
to the hesitation uhowu before tlie
battle of Platsa (infrn, ix. 7-10) as
indic-atiDpr the rtality of thia motive;
but both that and tho fiiiinlar with,
holding of the bulk of their troops
from ThermopylsD (rii. 206) may be
eT]t1ained ou oeltish groandJi, and fail
to show that the oxcnae was niore
than asabterfQf^ I know bat of ooo
oocasicni in Spartan history whore
their own intereats -wcro plainly at-
tacked, in which a religious motive is
said tu hare had any share in pre
renting their troops from ttirring. In
tajr m
m
the soventh year of the Peloponneetaa
war; at the fint sL'izure erf Fylos. th»
occnrrenceof a festival appears as
ont of many reasons of their deUjr ia
m liking' a resistance ('!<■■■■- ~~
but it is expressly r-
made light (>f theuoca^:'
no harry iras needed.
' Compare tho dream of Offsar and
its intfrprctatiuQ (SauL Jul. Csss-
§ 7, p. 16 ; Plot. Vit. C(W. c. SIX
= T' . y • . ' -■ ' -' ^aoi
tho ir- . I e^ of
whicli - ■ , ■ - , :^ •*
vnc Ai7iA(ia), and whJcih is monlKmnl
bv PliuT under the name of .£(;tia
(h. N. iV. 12, p. 21!f). but an wland.
or rather islet, betwren Eob<ca ami
AtLim, at the eatmncu of w}itit wkj
cftUed tho Myrt^MM Si-a. ^Tf, llis.
U. N. iv. 12,p.215. nti.l I>r"i..." f:«
gmjih. V. 2y p. ll*!>, wliv
secmB to bo intended bv D' '
* St^-ra was a ttiwn ■
boat, not bir fr«.tn Cr-t
p. 650K ^
was a Drvi
§ 6). Th-
aiicit*nt 11!
nearly thu u ^i _ _.
1
fc
485 H
in years, ^^H
happened ^^|
the cough, ^^B
pains he ^^H
u : where- ^^H
lers — ^^H
•er be able V
1 of which 1
as ^^H
)attle in a ^^H
joined by 1
Some time 1
rule of the 1
ny labours ^^B
following. ^^M
)f the men ^^B
lie son of ^^1
leighbour- ^^M
s to them. ^^H
d said— ^^B
e but chill J
ery before ^^H
App. ^^1
>f the Flain ^^M
nro(B.c.619), ^^H
Thucydidea ^^M
te (Hist, of ■
1 has shown H
tiering' that H
9 fallen into ^^^|
s rightly re- ^^^^
Cloomenes, ^^^H
:ely have oc- ^^^|
of Hippias, ^^^1
on the moat ^^H
L Mr. Groto _■
place at the ^^^^
tioD of Cleo. ^^^1
£08 or fi07 ^^1
106-108. ARRIVAL OF 1
was his wont. Now, as h
pe greater number of his t
bne of them was diiven oi
tell down into the sand.
i to find it ; but the tooth v
file fetched a deep sigh, ai
^ter all, the land is not ot
feng it under. All my shai
both has possession."
1 Hippias believed that in t
p. The Athenians were dr
i close belonging to Herci
latffians, who come in full
I,** the Platffians had put t
liaus ; and these last had a
Bir behalf. The occasion of
^latroans sulTored grievous
bebes; so, as it chancec
kndridas. and the Lacedsen
I they first of all offered to
po Lacedaemonians refuse
we dwell too far off from y
Or. Ye might oftentimee
the digappoxnting fulfilment of
b ice i. Hi; and comparo tbo
L doctrine on the aobject (i.
ronles was amon^ the poAa
[y worshipped nt Maratlion.
on B&id that the hero hiul him-
it«d the place (Apollod. n. y.
1 that his sons hod dwelt there
the greater part of thoir exile
Ba(ib. 11. viii. 2). Tlie Mora.
W churned to have introduced
rahip of Heroolea into Gruc'co
H. I. xxxii. § 4). Colouel Leake
IS that the remains of a temple
ron^ (which he re^nnls ae the
k Mamthon) arc those of the
tinm, and that tho sacred pre-
r t0m«iiu5, waa in the plain be.
rEE PLATvTlANS.
e waa a man advancec
eeth wore loose, it so
at with the force of 1
Hippias took all the
b*as nowhere to be see
id said to the bystan<
urs ; and we shall ne\
re in it is the portioi
his way his dream w
awn up in order of 1
iiles,^ when they were
force to their aid. i
bemselves under the i
ready undertaken ma
the surrender was the
things at the hands (
that Cleomenes, t
lonians were in their i
surrender themselve
1 to receive them, an
ou, and ours would b
be carried into slav
low (Pomi of Attica, p.
p. 211). See tho plan (
of Marathon, eupra, p. -17
• Twenty.ninoyeara bcf
if wo accept tho date d
(iii. 6Sjj but Mr. Gro
Uroece, iv. p. 222, note
stroD)^ f(ruunds for bo
ThocydidoB has for onc«
error. If Horodotua ha
presented the mutiva ol
the tran taction can scar
curred daring tho rei^
with whom Sparta waa
friendly torms (t. 63, 91)
sapposes it to hare token
close of the ucond expedj
menei into Attioa. B.O.
(anpra, r. 72, 73).
486
COKNECnOX OF PLAT-fiA WITH ATHEXS,
BookTI.
I
one of us heard of it. We counsel you ratlier to give your-
selves up to the Athenians, who are your next neighbours,
and well able to shelter you-" ^
This they said, not so much out of good will towards the
Plataians as because they wished to involve the Athenians in
trouble by engaging them in wars with the Boeotians. / The
Platseans, howover, when the LaccdirnionianH gave them this
counsel, comphed at once ; and when the sacrifice to the
Twelve Gods was being offered at Athens, they came and sat
as supphants about the altor,^ and gave themselves up to th'
Atlienians, The Thebans no sooner learnt what the Plat
had done than instantly they marched out against them,
while the Athenians sent troops to their aid. As the two
ai'mies were about to join battle, the Corinthians, who
chanced to be at hand, would not allow them to engage;
both sides consented to take them for arbitrators, whereupon
they made up the qimrrel, and lixed the boundary-line be-
tween the two states upon this condition : to wit, that if auy
of the Boeotians wished no longer to belong to Bceotia, the
Thebans should allow them to follow their own inclinations, h
The Corinthians, when they had thus decreed, forthwith ■
departed to their homes : the Athenians likewise set oflf on
their return ; but the Bcjeotians fell upon them during tho m
march, and a battle was fought wherein they were worsttdl
by the Athenians. Hereupon these last would not be bound
by the lino which the Corinthians had fixed, hut advanced
beyond those limits, and made tlie Asopus^ the boimdary-line
I
' The eftme Account of tho origin of
the alliance is given briefly hy Thacjr-
didoa (iii. 56).
"The altar of tho Twolre Gods at
Athena has boon mentioned before (n.
7). It was in the A^ra, near tho
statae of DemoBthenos and tho temple
of Mora (Vit. X. Ornt. ; Pint. ii. p
847, A. ; Poasun. r. viii. § 6). Tiincy
didoH infttrmsns that it was first dedi
csted hf PimstratuBt the rod of Hip
piofi, dnn'nf^ hts archont>hip (vL 51}
it is mentioned bj Lyonrgus (contra
Leocrat. p. 198, ed. HeUke), Pint
(Nioios, c. 13), ami the anUiur of tb#|
Lives of the Ten Or&torB (L & e). Iftj
seeou to have been and mm a poini'l
from which to meanire distonoesj
(sapra, ii. 7).
* The A«6pni U the modem TffrU*^
tho gTvat rivor of eontheru BoEotJ^
The situatioQ of Hjsiis has bean glvon
above (r. 7i. note). FUtsu is nn-
doabtedly the tuoderu Kokla {Qt^'t
Itin. pp. 111. 112 ; Lealce's Northern
Gi-eece» ii, 323.325).
taiP. 108, 109, DIVIDED OPINIONS OF ATHENIANa
487
;tweon the country of the Thebans and that of the Platitans
kd Hysians. Under such circumstances did the Platieans
ive themselves up to Athens ; and now they were come to
[arathon to bear the Athenians aid.
109. The Athenian generals were divided in their opinions;
td some advised not to risk a battle, because they were too
to engage such a host as that of the Medea, while others
rere for fighting at once ; and among these last was ifiltiades.
[e therefore, seeing that opinions were thus divided, and that
le less worthy counsel appeared likely to prevail, resolved to
to tlie polemarch, and have a conference with him. For
le man on whom the lot fell to be polemarch ' at Athens
entitled to give his vote with the ten generals, since
tnciently' the Athenians allowed him an equal right of voting
with them. The polemarch at this jimcture was Calliraachus
AphidniB ; " to him therefore Miltiades wentj and said : —
* The Polemarot, or War-Arohon,
the third orchoa in dignitj-, and
Tore Lbo time of CliEtboDca bod con-
lally tho funeral superintend-
tftf all uhlitnry mnttcrB, having
led to the offico of the kingii as
lected war. (Cf. FhoUnfl, ad voa
loXifLapxot.) It appears by tbo posi-
of CalUmacbna on thin occasion,
Lt the legislation of CliHthonos,
jngh it committed tho general
ction of military afTuira to tho
Stratcgi (mipra, ch. 108, note"),
)t did zK>t at onoe deprire tho Pole-
:h of iua ancient office, bat made
lim a sort of oollcai^o of the generals,
with certain special and peculiar
privilege.1, aa that of commanding tbo
igbt wing (infm, ch. 111). There
be little doubt that Ucrodotns hna
leu into error with respect to the
in which the FuIemBrch was
■t thii period, baring, as Mr.
te obficrvofi (Hist of Greece, iv.
note'), "transferred to the
490 B.C. the practice of his own
*' It is ditBoalt to believe that the
can bare been ansigned bj lot
it had fluch important daties bc-
lungiog Lo it (of. Amt. FoL vi. 4^ p.
198, ed Taaohn.). Tho change from
open election to Ihe lot moBi probably
occarred ehortly after Marathon, and
in contiecliou with the groat act of
AristideSi tho " throwing open to alt
citizens, withoat respect to tribe or pro-
perty, of the archonehlp and all other
pnblio ofHoes " (of. Hormann't Pul. Ant.
of Greece, § 112). Ariatidea himaclf,
we are told, waa in the year a/(*r
Marathon elected archon by open vote
(Idomenenn ap. Plutarch. Arist. c, 1).
' When Herodotoa wrote, tho pole-
march bad no military functions at
all, "but "attended to the personal
and family interests of tho motica
and furoignere in general " (Hermann,
§ 138).
' Little isknown of Aphidoffl, except
that it waa a strong positiua between
riiyle and itliamnna (Dera. de Cor.
§ 12), and in the neighbourhood of De.
erica (infra, ix. 73) . Col. Leake plaoea
it conjectai'ally at the hill of Kotr6ni,
a strong height in the oppf'r part of
the valley of the riTer of Klamthon,
wht^re are " ooosidorable runiaius in-
dicating tho site of a fortified demn^"
(Demi of Attica, p. 21).
4S8
MILTIADES ADDRESS TO CALLIlfACHUS.
BooiTL
* Aristides ia iaid to hare b«en oqa
of the Slrategi who reoommendod an
immediate engagement (Pint, Vit.
Arist. o. 5). Themistocles waa on the
same aide ; bat it ia tmoertaic whether
he held the offioa of StamtdgoaL
* There eeems to be sooie
Mr. Qrote's remark (Hist, of Orv^cf^
ir. p. 463), tbat " Miltiadov woald
hare aduiiblcd sny eenons
(
I
" "Witli thee it rests, Callimacbus, either to bring Athens to
slavery, or, by securing her freedom, to leave behind thee to
all future generations a memory beyond even Harmodius and
Aristogeiton. For never since the time that the Athenians
became a people were they in so great a danger as now. If
they bow their necks beneath the yoke of the Medes, the woes
which they mil have to suffer when given into the power of
Hippias are already determined on ; if, on the other hand,
they fight and overcome, Athens may rise to be the very first
city in Greece- How it comes to pass that these things are
likely to happen, and how the determining of them in some
Bort rests with thee, I will now proceed to make clear. Wo
generals are ten in number, and our votes are divided ; half
of us wish to engage, half to avoid a combat. Now, if we do
not fight, I look to see a great disturbance at Athens winch
will shake men's resolutions, and then I fear they will snbmit
themselves ; but if we fight the battle before nny nnsoundness
show itself among our citizens, let the gods but give us fair
play, and we are well able to overcome the enemy* On thee
therefore we depend in this matter, which lies wholly in thine
own power. Thou hast only to add thy vote to my side and
thy country will be free, and not free only, but the first state ■
in Greece. Or, if thou preferrest to give thy vote to them who
would decline the combat, then the reverse will follow.*'
110. Miltiades by these words gained Callimachus; and the
addition of the polemareh's vote caused the decision to be iu
favour of fighting. Hereupon all those generals who had
been desirous of hazarding a battle, when their turn came to
command the army, gave up their right to Miltiades.'* He,
however, though he accepted their offers, nt-vcrtlieless waited,
and would not fight, until his own day of command arrived iu
due course.*
Chap. lOO-llL
PREPARATIONS FOB BATrLE.
4S9
111. Then at length, when his own torn was come, the
Athenian battle was set in array, and this was the order of it.
CaHimachua the polcmarch led the right Tsing; for it was at
that time a rule with the Athenians to give the right wing to
the polemarch.^ After this followed the trihos, according as.
they were numbered,' in an unbroken line; while last of all
came the Platteans, forming the left wing. And ever since
that day it has been a custom with the Atheniane, in the
eacrificea and assemblies held each fifth year at Athens,^ for
the Athenian herald to implore the blessing of the gods on
the Platieans conjointly with the Athenians. Now, as they
marshalled the host upon the field of Marathon, in order that
the Athenian front might be of equal length with the Median,
the ranks of the centre were diminished, and it became the
weakest part of the lino, while the wings were both made
strong with a depth of many ranks.
mentof the battle upon such apono-
tilio." Stili it ifl clear tbftt the Greeks
were encamped for Bover&l days oppo-
si&e to tbo Perelana, tmless wo are to
aet aside altcfretUcr Ibc narratire of
irer'Hiotos, Wo mnat thcrefi)ro ox-
; ' ■ ii ibu delay in some way. (See on
; !n^ {H)iDt the remarks on tho cironm-
stauuca of the battle, in the Appcadix
to thid bor»k, Essay i. § 7.)
* Tho ri'jht wingr was tho upccial
post of huDOur (vido iuTra, ix. '27,
where the Athoniana dupnte with the
Tegcana tho right of occupying it be-
faro the battle of i'lata'a). Tliia arose
from the greater oxpOBurc of those who
fonffht at this end of the Lino, particn*
lai'ly when oet-flanked, from tho shield
being* carried on tho left arm (of.
Thncjd. T. 71). The Polemarch took
the post ai representative of the kin^,
wboee position it bod been in the on-
bient tiiuea. (See £ahp. Snppl. 666.)
"* It would Bcem that the dctnocrat-
ieal arrangcrocnta of tho CHsthenio
eonslitution prevailed in tho cnrap no
1«M than in tho city iteelf. Not only
waa tho army marshalled by tribes,
bat the tribes stood in their political
order, that ia, in (ho order wbiuh had
been determined by lot at the be^n-
ntng^ nf the oivil year for thn furnish,
ing of tho pry tanoB. Tho tribe Mantis
hod tho right wing, beccase it was the
prytany of that tribe at tho time of
the battle (Plat. Syinpos. p. 628, D.)-
The tribes Antioohis and Leontia wore
in the centre, the former commanded
by Aristidea, the latter commanded or
accompanied by Thcmist^tclcs (ib. p.
628, E., F.). Tho position of the
other tribes ia not known.
■ Tho Panathenoio festirnl is prob-
ably intended. It was held every
Efth year (i. r. once in every four
yearsi faalf*way between the Olympio
festivals), and was the great religioas
assembly (rar^rypis ) of the Athenians.
Tbe sncriSces with which it opened
were of a niagniGc<?nt character, for
every town in Attica, and every colony
of Athene, and in after times every
•nbjeot city, sent a ball as an offering.
After these victima wore slain, and
before the feasting upon their flesh
began, the aolentn prayer mentioned
in tbo text aeems to have boon offered.
{See Smitb'a Diet, of Antiquities, pp.
705, 70ti.)
490
TBE COMBAT.
BooiTL
112, So when the battle was set in array, and the victima
showed themselves favourable, instantly the Athenians, so
60on as they were let go, charged the barbarians at a ran.'
Now the distance between the two armies was little short of
eight furlongs. The Persians, therefore, when they saw the
Greeks coming on at speed, made ready to receive them,
altliongh it seemed to them that the Athenians were bereft
of their senses, and bent upon their own destruction ; for they
eaw a mere handful of men coming on at a run without either
horsemen or archers.* Such was the opinion of the bar-
barians ; but the Athenians in close array fell npon them,
and fought in a manner worthy of being recorded. They
• It is qnoftlonecl by somp writers
yt\mi this really meaiu. Col. Leake
Ihioks that the Greeks can on1;f have
begtin bj a " qaiok step," the rapidity
of which may hnvo been inrrcftsod tu
they approncfaed tho PcrBianlino (Demi
of Attica, App. L p. 212). Mr. Fin-
lay is of the sftmc opinion. They anp.
poBo that a nm of a milo must Hato
cUeorderod the troops, And unfitted
them for on^ra^ni? with the enemy.
Mr. Grote admits this rciolt, bat still
believes in the fact of tho run, which,
bo obserrea, *' was obviously one of the
most remarkable events connected
with tho biittlo" (HisL of Greece, iv.
p, 470, note). He ascribes the defeat
of the Greek centre to the disorder
pnxlaccd by the rapid advance. But
if this bad boen bo, is it likely that
nerodotDS would havo failed to notioo
it? Perhaps sufficient nllowAnce has
not been commonly made for the effect
of athletio traiaiog spnn the Greek
frame. (See rn>fe«8or Creaay's ' Fif-
teen Decisive Battles,' p. 3^ where
this point is noticed.)
* H wiu probably on acconnt of the
deficiency of the Greeks in nrchers and
cavalry that tho rftjtid clmrfre was
made. It took the I'ersinnB by eur-
prise, and allowed their light<armed
troops no time to act. There is reason
to believe that tbo Persian horse was
absent from tho battle, having been
■out on soiDB other scrrico. At leoat
the explanation giren by Siudic of ilis
proverb, *• xa>f>l> i»T«*f." favvors snch
a supposition. (See ApfteudiJL, CMay
i. 6 8.)
The gtenle and mountuinoos chft-
raotcr of Attica mode it unfit to breed
horses. Athens, however, was not
absolutely without cavalry even in
very early times. The rei^uireznent of
two hursonien from each Nancrary
(Pollux, TiiL 108) must ondoabtedly
have been on ancient one, and would
hnvR given, in the times anterrior to
CHt^tht'oos, 06, in tboee subse<iaent,
1(K) horse -soldi era If the Ivrils of
the SoloTiinu constitution (continued
in tho Clisthonic) all served, the nom-
bor now. one would think, most have
been larger. It Bi*eni8 however to
bare been not till after the Pel
war, that tho nuTitbcr was iDCJcaMdj
to 300, or. including the Scythian
horse arcbera, 600 (>t«chin, de F. L.
p. 335, ed. Rvit>ke ; cf. Schul. tn Aris*
toph. Eq. 225, ^tratf [of IvwiW} th fJf»
wpinw ((axiJiTiM vbr apif^r). A littla
lator it was raised again to 1200, an
amount which doea not appear to Kave
been exroeded in the most flooriahivg
times (ct. 'llinryd. ii. 13 ; .i&ehia. da
F. L. p. 33C; Andoc. de Fac. | 7. ^
60; Schol. Ariatoph. I. a. c. ; Suidai
in voo.), Tho horso-nrcbcrs were i
cot included in thia numbar Lindoc.
1. a. c).
Cbap. XlS-114.
DEATH OP CALLIMACHVB.
49»
•were the first of the Greeks, so far as I know, who introduced
the custom of chargiug the enemy at a run, and they were
UkL'wiso the first wlio dared to look upon the Median garb,
and to face men clad in that fashion.^ Until this time the
very name of the Medes had been a terror to the Greeks to
hear.
113. The two armies fought together on the plain of Mara-
thon for a length of time ; and in the mid battle, wht-re the
PerKiana themselves and the Sacaj had their place,^ the barba-
rians were victorious, and broke and pursued the Greeks into
the inner country ; but on the two wings the Athenians and
the Platteans defeated the enemy. Having so done, they
suffered the routed barbarians to fly at their ease, and joining
the two wings in one, fell upon those who had broken their
own centre, and fou^^ht and conquered thenu These likewise
fled, and now the Athenians hung upon the runaways and cut
them down, chasing them all the way to the shore, on reach-
ing which they laid hold of the ships and called aloud for
£xo.
114. It was in the struggle here that Callimachns the pole-
march, after greatly diBtingiiishing himself,* lost his life;
Stesilaiifi too, the son of Thrasilaiis, one of the generals,
was slain ; and Cynsegirus,' the son of Euphorion, having
• Ou the eingg^cration inrolved in
this statomcnt, §eo tlie Introductory
Kmtky, vol. i. p. 78, noto *,
' Ur. Grotp notices UiOKimilar battle
arraj of tbo Torkisb annic«, wlicro the
oexitre is the poet of lioouar, and is
nsaally occn^tiud hy tbo HuJtAn or other
chiGt coraoi&iidcr, BanxtoDdcd by tbo
flower of the cavalry or spabii (Hist,
of GreeoOi ir. p. 408, note *) ; bat ibis
Arrangement, aUboagh Qsaal among
the Fersianit, and perUnps invariably
adopted when tbo kiog was pre-
•ont (Am'an. Exp. Alex. ii. 8, Ao^Toi
^h tiivov rns rdffnt rdlttts iwt^x*, tradcf.
w§p if&ttot Toif litpffwv fiaaiXtvirt rrrifx*
Abu. Compare Xen. Anab. l. vUi. $
n.23y and Cyrop. viii. v. § 8), wiu
di'parted frum oocosioaally hy tbeir
commandera, aa la plain from liar.
doinufi'fl disposition of bis troops bo-
fore tiio baillo of Flatica (infra, ix.
31).
* Callimachns was reprcFpntcd in
tbo PoBoilu at Athens, in a picture
paiutod not Iook' aftvr tbo event, as,
together with Kiltiadea, taking the
moat prominent part in the battle
(Faosan. t. xt. § 4). Folemon, a
sophist in the time of the Antonizkos,
oompoaed a funeral oration in his hon-
our, wherein ho apoke of his having
been pierced by eo many weapons that
his body was prevented from falling.
(Compare AriBtid. Paoath. p. 216, azid
jElian, N. A. rii. 33.)
* CyDapgiruswaaabrotbn-of ..flschy.
las (Soidas, od voo.). Later writers.
491
HABCH TO DEFEND AXHEN&
BoosVL
seized on a vessel of the enemy's by the ornament at the
atem,^ liod hiB hand cut off by the blow of an axe, and bo
perished ; as likewise did many other Athenians of note and
name.'
115. Nevertheless the Athenians secured in this way seven
of the vessels ; while with the remainder the barbarians
pushed off, and taking aboard their Eretrian prisontrs from
the island where they had left them, doubled Cape Suniam,
hoping to reach Athens before the return of the Athenians.
The Alcmfconidm were accused by their countrymen of sug-
gesting this course to them ; they bad, it was said, an under-
standing with the Persians, and made a signal to them,* by
raising a shield, after they were embarked in their ships.
116. The Persians accordingly sailed round Sanium. Dut
the Athenians with all possible speed marched away to the
defence of their city, and succeeded in reaching Athens before
the appearance of the barbarians : ^ and as their camp at
08 JcBtin (ii. 0) and tho Fseado-Plo-
tarch (Hut. Op. ii. p. 305. B., C),
greatly pxaggprntcd his pxplnii. Ac*
conling- to them, when bo lost bia
right bond, ho seised the Tossol with
his loft, and whon thatj was cat off,
caught it with his teeth, and would
not let go hia bold till he was slain.
He too waa reprcBcmted is the PoeciJd
(^lian, L a. c).
* Tho ornomont at tho stem (Jt^t^atr-
Tor or apluitre) conflidtod of wooden
planka oanred gracetulty in contina.
once of the sweep by which the item
of the ancient ship rose from the eeo.
VesBela were ordinarily ronsrod along
a beaob with their stems towards tho
shore (Virg. JEn. iii. 277, "Stant
litofo puppgs ; " cf. vi. 3-5, 901, 4o.),
and thus were liable to bo seized by tho
Btem-omamcnt. Homer had repro-
Beated Hector as Inrinf? hokl of ■
ToSAcl in this wfty in the battle at the
«hip« (H. XT. 717).
' The names of those persons har*
not como down U> tu. It is known,
however, that ^achylns, and bia
brother Ameini^, of whom we hear
below (riii. 81, 63), were pi-veiU at
the fight, and behared with gnUontrjr
(Morm. Far. 48 : AthennMis. xiv. fi ;
PaoBos. I. i. 4; SoidiiSL, od voc. Ai«i:v-
Xot). ThcroifttooWs and Aristidai haTe
been alroody xsentioaed as among tb»
combatants. They fought in the
centre, whore the tribes Loontij and
Antiochifl werodefeutod by the encmf
(11afc.Ari8tid.C- 6).
' Colonel Looke nays that rauin; a
shield WAX " not on nncomnaani signal
among the Greeks " (Demi of Attica,
Apji. I. p. 207. Dot« *). He rtifera to
the well-known podSftge in Diodanu
(xx. 51), whore Pemetrins is relattfd to
have miMi'd n gnlHrn shield oa a sigoal
for beginning the battle. But I am
aware of only c«ne other instOMoe (Xen.
Hell. II. i. § 27).
* Marath<ni is six and twonty mites
from Athens by the common roQte.
that which paases between HymeUva
and Pentolicas. If the Greeks par. ;
furrucd this march, one of sen^n bmtra.
tho very dame> afternoon, a-s Herodotus
has been thought to imply, it voiild
be aboot tite mcsfe remArlublo of tho
i
I
I
I
J
494
EPIZELUS SXnUCK WITH BLINDNESS.
Book VL
I
on that of the Athenians, one hundred and ninety-two.* Such
•was the number of the slain on the one side and the other,
A strange prodigy likeTnae happened at tliis fight. Epiz^ua,*
the son of Cuphagoras, an Athenian, was in the thick of the ^
fray, and behaving liimself as a brave man should, whenV
suddenly he was stricken with blindness, without blow of
Bword or dart ; and this blindness continued thenceforth
during the whole of his after life. The follo\^ing is the
account which he himself, as I have heard, gave of tha
matter : he said that a gigantic warrior, •with a huge beard,
which shadud all his shield, stood over against him ; but the
ghostly semblance passed him by, and slew the man at hl3
side. Such, as I understand, was the tale which Epizelos told.'
nelins Nepos at 210,000 (Miltiad. o. 4).
Thia last cetimnto in perlmpa not far
from tho truth. Tho GOQ triremos
Viust liuve caiTit^d at least l,\H,000 mon
(vidiy infra, vii. 18*1). antl may probably
Lave tmrried ir>0,tt00. The cavalry is
not likely to ba.ro fallen ehort of
10,000, which is the catiinnto of Kepoa
L a. c). Aud tho RCAmen of tho
cavalry transports, tt)!;fi'thpr with tho
Greeks imprcsscil into the i-on-ice Irom
the Cyolndefl {infra, ch. 133), may have
eattily auiountt^d to 50,000. Thus we
Bhoaid havo for tho wbolo amount —
Crewflof too trireme! . . .
Hea-M-ftTBU (Itroiaiiis ud J
Saem) OD bowxl iJMia . {
OftValr>-
Crens Dflbe honw-trarinportii
Greulu preiBcd lutu Lfao butvIcc
m.floo
30.000
10,000
40.000
lO.OOO
310.000
The Athenians aro nBaally ostinoatod
at 90l)0, or, including the 1000 Pla-
tfcans, 10,000, (See Fanson. I. xr. §
2 ; riuL I'arnll. J. s. c. j Com. Nop.
Miltiad, c. u.) JoKtin makes thoni
lO.CKiO exotaHiveof Ihe PJattpan t-on-
tin^nt (ii. 9). The light-ariuud
woDld probably nboat double the nam-
bor (infra, ix. 2.i)). The SoruB which
marks the gmro of tlio Athenian dead
in &tiU a couspicimns object on the
plain of Marutliuu (Wordsworth's I'lu*
torial Greece, p. 113 ; Leake*« Oenzi of
Attica, pp. V^i JkcX
* The smalluegs of the loss vtutaoed
by a Greek army in a great eogagv-
ment, tuiIgss in ooae of an ntt«r rfttt,
id very remarkable. At Plotcm, when
the troops cngag'cd were above /O.Oi K),
Herodotus cvtituates tlie i^lain at 75U,
and of those (iOU fell in a byu enicn^-
nieut^ and nu moro than 159 in lh«
main liattle (infra, ix. 69.70). With t)m
Doriana the paucity of kilh'd was f«r.
ticuUu-ly striking. In the irrcol bunlw
of Mautiuea, which re.eh<tiiblt!>hed tho
military faaio of Sparta aft^ her
various loKttea in tlie uiirly part of Ibo
Pcloponnesian war, tht Spartani «btia
were about oOO (Thucyd. r. 71). In
eouic cofes the uumbor record*»d seems
almost ridicnloas. At AxuphipoH*. for
instance, Ilrnsidaa loves Stfrrti men
(Thncyd. v. 11); at the baiUti U
Corinth the bJalu amoaut to nghi
(Xen. HclL it. iii. § 1.)
' Epiafilufl wn§ re]ir\'6i-nt<*d in tha
painting at the Poxde (.Eliau, N. A.
vii. 38),
• According lo Platarcli (VH. The*,
a 3o), Theseus was seen by a i^nat
Duuibur of tho Alheuiaits fifrhting ml
their tiide against the Forsians. la
P«?cil^, the hero Marathon, Thf*OTi»,
MJnerv.i, and Uerculfs. weruMUrvpt*-
seated oe pretonft (Paua. i. xv. { I),
4
i
C.
U7-llfll
VISION OF DATia
495
8, Palis meanwhile was on his way back to Asia,'' and
reached Mycoiius,^ when he saw in his sleep a vision.
What it was is not known ; but no sooner was day come than
he caused strict search to be made throughout the whole fleet,
and fmding on board a Phcenician vessel an imago of Apollo
overlaid with gold, he inquired from whence it had been
taken, and learning to what temple it belonged, he took it
with him in his own ship to Delos, and placed it in the temple
there, enjoining the Delians, who had now come back to their
island* to restore the image to the Theban Delium,' which
liefi on the coast against Chalcis. Having left these injunc-
tions, he sailed away ; but the Delians failed to restore the
statue ; and it was not till twenty years afterwards that the
Thebans, warned by au oracle, themselves brought it back
to DeUum.
119. As for the Eretrians, whom Datis and Artaphcmea
had carried away captive, when the fleet reached Asia, they
were taken up to Susa.* Now King Darius, before they were
(Persion, § 18) declared
Daiia fell in tho fig^hi, nnd that
tllO Athenians refused to give np bia
hvdj to tho Pcraianfl. Tlus was, ac-
cording to hirn, one of tho reasons
wlij Xerxca invaded Greoce (§ 21).
th* recent disooveriesin Assyria
Babylonia, few will crtnlit Ctet^ias
he ccntradietp Hertnlotun. Per*
be story that Hippioa fell, which
in Cicero (lui Attic, ix. 10)
Jnitin (ii. 9), recta on no better
on.
Mjwmjis retains Its name almost
naekAnged in the modem Mikono. It
liee between Tenos (Tiho) and leartn
(iViXuMu), bereu uiilea fruni the one
d near thirty from the other. My-
IB Beparated from Delon by a
w chaonol not muro than two
wide.
• ITiis temple acquired a special
celebrity from tho dofcnt which tho
Athenians soEfero'l in its nei^'libour-
bood in the eighth ji^ar of the IVlo-
ponnfsian war, B.C. 424 (Tbocyd. ir.
90) . Tt was (oa Hcrodotna says)
situated near the coa.it (^irl 9a\dtrtnf :
of. ?aQ.san. u. xx. § 1, and Scylaz,
Peripl. p. 51), oTerlooldng the channel
between tho mainland and KnbeoA
(hir. XXXV, 61, "imminons mari;"
Thucyd. iv. 76, -wphs Efl^oior T«Tp^-
fitvov). Tho name of Delinm is said
to have been given to it because it was
built after tho model of Apollo's tern.
pic at Debs (Strab. ix. p. 585). It
lay in the territory of Tanacrn, from
which it was distant abont five miles
(Liv. I. 8. c), while it was little moru
than one from tho Athenian fruntior
(Thacyd. it. 90. W).
Itestdoa tho temple tbcro waa a
small town (voKixfiov, Strab. 1. s. & ;
Stepb. Cyz. sd voc.) called Deliom.
The site of the latter seems to bo
occupied by the modern villngo of
Dhitissi. The temple wa» uiueh nearer
tho sea. (See Leake's Northern Groeoe,
vol. ii. p. 450.)
' Dnntis, the friend and companion
of Apollouiaa of Tyana, declared that
40
FATE OF THE EHETRIAXa
fiooKTL
made Lis prisoners, nourished a fierce anger against these
men for having injured him vritliout provocation ; bnt nov
that he saw them brought into his presence, and become his
Buljoctfl, he did them no othfr harm, but only settled them at
one of his own Btations in Cissia — a placo caUed Ardcricca
— two hundred and ten furlongs distant from Susft» and forty
from the well which yields produce of three different kinds.
For from this well they get bitumen, salt, and oil, procuring
it in the way that I will now describe : They draw with a
swipe, and instead of a bucket make use of the half of a wine-
skin ; with thfs the man dips, and after drawing, pours the
liquid into a rcBervoir, wherefrom it posses into another, and
there takes three different shapes. The salt and the bitumen
forth\vith collect and harden, wliilo tlie oil is drawn off into
casks. It is called by the Persians " rhadinace/' is black, and
has an impleasant smell. Here then King Darius established
the Eretrians ; and here they continued to my time, and still
spoke their old language. So thus it fared with the Erotriaus.
I
ApnTlonma fnnnd the Erptnana still
tn the same ptnc<i. niid relatuiniJ^ tlicir
ODCOBtTul Bpeccb, in the first century
of our era (ap. Philoatr. Vit. AfHjlI.
Tyon. i. 21). IIo roporiod their tradi-
tion to be, that the nnmbor of tho
captives in tho first instance was 7S0,
and cunKisted of men, womon, and
children — bnt that noor one half died
Upon tho jounioy, so that only four
hundred ni':>naii(I ton womon appeared
before Darioant Snsa. TheGretriona
iu bis day occupied a Btronyly-forti-
fied village, bat nnifcred continually
from the raids of their neJE^hboorsj
who rava^d their cultivated land.
Apollonius interceded for them with
the Furthiau kiuff. There is nothing;
improbable in this narrative, which
Mr. Grote discredits (Uitst. of Greece,
ir. p. 4dS| note) on acconut of tho
fictions wherewith the life of Apol-
lonius is disfi^red.
StralK) pinoed tho rapt ivo Kretrians
in Gurdveuu or K^trJv-tait, the moun-
tain region east of the upper Tigris
(xv. p. lOGO).
' This cannot be the
which was mentioned in the
Book, for tJmt was in tho
part of Babylonia^ anl Iciv on
EQphratefi<l 1S5). Ir
for in Khuzistan, ia lh<
of one or other of the few placL'S whcr«|
bitumen is fonnd. Sir II. Bawl
places it at Kir-Ah, which is 8S
(above 300 stodc«) from 8aaft| ia A
direction a liltlo north of isaat.
" Amnn'j- these steep raTtne^" be
says, " I was anrpriaed to devodt the
evident traece of a broad-pared rood.
leading into the seclndrd plwn ut
Kir-Ab, which appeared to oozne from
the dii-ection of So* iSusa). I abo
found a heap of mounds in the plain,
the remains of an aociextt town i aad
uniting the»e indicattc'ns with tht
bitnmen pit0| which abound in tbal
neighbourhood, and from which thai
place has obtained ita name. 1 foali-
not bat fancy that I beheld the
of tho Eretnon colony of Ankri
t>
tAP, U3-121.
ARRIVAL OF THE LACEI).EMONIANa
497
120. After tho full of the moon two thousand Lacedte-
Lonians came to Athens. So eager had they been to arrive
time, that they took but three days to reach Attica from
Jparta.^ They came, however, too late for the battle ; yet. as
ley had a longing to behold tho Medes, they continued their
larch to Marathon, and there viewed the slain. Then, after
iving the Athenians all praise for thoir achievement, they
jparted and returned home,*
121. But it fills me with wonderment, and I can in no wise
ilieve the report, that the Alcmjeonidie had an understanding
ith the Persians, and held them up a shield as a signal,
tshing Athens to bo brought under the yoke of the bar-
lans and of Hippias, — the Alcmmonidsc, who have shown
lemselves at least as bitter haters of tyrants as was Callias,
te son of Phcenippus, and father of Hipponicus.® This
ins was the only person at Athens who, when the Pisis-
ratidiB were driven out, and their goods were exposed for
le by the vote of the people, had the courage to make
ia tme that tho distance in a rifirhfc
la too much to accord with the 2 10
of Herodotas, and he seems to
Botnalljr risuod tho place hhn-
bot in all other roapuets it will
snlficicatly well both with his
>ant and with that of Dauiis (ap.
lilostr. Vit. Apoll. I. B. c). The
bitumen is eollfct^ at the pre-
I'AlV *n th« same Kay cm u r^Uited
fSwrcdotus : tho ground is imprcg*
id with this noxioua matter, and
wntet'fl are moat nnwholetiomo.
Bitlad-rud may bo tho stream
which \rtks brought round tho town to
fond tho fJrook colonists from the
ktocks of tho barbaiianet and the
tAing i^mnnd behind the rutui is, at
Iho |«rn5(?tit day, tho part of tho dis-
trict fhii?fly noder cnltiratipn" (Joor-
nal of Hriyal Ge«grttph.ioul Sociotyt
vol. ix. p. Ul).
' I«ocrat«8 snye that tho Spartans
three dwys and three ^ighis ou
road (Ornt. Vauc^, ^i, p. 171, ed.
uter). As the dielauco wu cot leu
VOL. m.
than 130 miles (WSXi Rtndos, Plin.
n. N. vii. 20), it is imposaiblo that the
mivrch should have been occoniplished
in a Bhortcr space of time.
* PUto (Menex. p. 191, ed. Tanchu.)
tells OS that tho Spartans arhred the
da>j ofler tho bnttlo (t^ ^arepntt^ t»)»
^xvs)' As tho Greeks did not leave
tho bodies of tho Foraiotis to infect
tho air, but buried thom (Pnttsaa. i .
xxvii. § 4), probat>Iy as soon as th^y
had entombed their own dead, thin
statement is in close acoordauce with
Herodotus, and majr bo accepted ua
the truth.
* Vide infra, ril. 151, where another
Callififi, tho son of thia ni]>[>(micns, ia
mentioned. Hippouicaa hiuj~"elf is
said to have been one of the wcnltbiost
Atheuiana of his day, which msy hc-
connt for this intt-i ductionof his name.
(See Plat. Vit. Alcib. c. 8, and Athe-
ucbUM, Deipnosuph. xii. 9, where, how-
ever, the story told of the mode in
which he obtaino<l hii wealth is his*
torically impossihlo.)
S K
498
PBAISE OF CALLIAS.
BookTL
pnrcbaseB, and likewise in many other ways to display the
strongest hostility.
[122. He was a man very worthy to be had in remem-
brance by all, on several accounts. For not only did he thxw
distinguish himself beyond others in the cause of his country's
freedom ; but likewise, by the honours which he gained at the
Olympic games, where he carried off the prize in the horse-
race, and was second in the four-horse chariot-race, and by
his victory at an earlier period in the Pj^hian games, he
showed himself in the eyes of all the Greeks a man most
unsparing in his expenditure.' He was remarkable too for
his conduct in respect of his daughters, three in number;
for when they came to be of marriageable age, he gave to each
of them a most ample dowry, and placed it at their own dis-
posal, allowing them to choose their husbands from among
all the citizens of Athens,^ and giving each in marriage to the
man of her own choice.®]
123. Now the Alcmffionida fell not a whit short of this
person in their hatred of tyrants, so that I am astonished at
the charge made against them, and cannot bring myself to
believe that they held up a shield ; for they were men who had
remained in exile during the whole time that the tyranny
lasted, and they even contrived the trick by which the Pisis-
tratidffi were deprived of their throne.' Indeed I look upon
them as the persons who in good truth gave Athens her
freedom far more than Harmdius and Aristogeiton.^ For
• Snpra, cli. 35 note ',
7 In gcneriil the Athenian ladies —
indeed, the Greek ladies witliout ex-
ception— were not even asked to give
their consent to the match prepared
for them. Parents inaTiajjed marriages
often on buth pides, ahvaj-a on that of
the woman. Tho husbniid was often
a complete stranger until tho day of
the esponsal.-*. (Sco tlio riaja of
Plantua and Terence passim, and cf,
Eurip, Androm. 951, and Xou. CEco*
nom. vii. §§ 10, 11.)
8 This chaptw la rcgordod as an
interpolation by Valckenaer, T.Archer,
Schaifer, Schultz, and Gaisford.
Schweiphicaser and Biilir are of a
diCTerent opinion. It is granting in
seveml of tho best MSS., and has ex-
pressions in it which are very harsh,
and unlike Uorodotus. Larchcr con*
lectures that it was inserted by a
BO]>hi)>t, who wjslied to pay court to
llipponicus (note ad loc).
*■ Supra, V. (i3.
* It is plain that ITer.->dotns was of
the same opinion as Thncydides (vi.
6^59), that far too much liaauur woa
COAF, 121-125.
DEFENCE OF THE ALCM^ONIDJB.
499
theso last did but exasperate the other Pisistratidm by elaying
Hipparchus,^ and were far from doing anything towards
putting down the tyranny; whereas the Alcmteonid© were
manifestly the actual deliverers of Athens, if at least it be
tme that the Pythoness was prevailed tipon by them to bid
the Lacedsemonians set Athens free, as I have akeady
relatetl.
124. But perhaps they were offended with the people of
Athens ; and therefore betrayed their countiy. Nay, but on
the contrary, there were none of the Athenians who were held
in fiuch general esteem, or who were so laden with honours.'*
Bo that it is not even reasonable to suppose that a shield was
held up by them on this account. A shield was shown, no
doubt ; that cannot be gainsaid ; but who it was that showed
it I cannot any further determine.
125. Now the Alcmoeonidre were, even in days of yore, a
family of note at Athens ; * but from the time of AlcmEeon,
and again of Megacles, they rose to special eminence. The
former of these two personages, to wit, Alcmieon, the son of
paid to the memoiy of these persons.
He lufty net have kuowo the diBoredit-
*b)e storr which ThDcjdiiJeA relates;
bat b? {'At thnt they had doae Dothiag
to dcptrvi' their greet repatatioti.
Their "Imdiflh venture'* (aArfywTOT
riKfLo^ Time Tu 59) had oiUy mode
Ilippiiu cifiol and suspiciouB, and had
Dot he1pt<d in the least to tiberoto
Athnn* J Tct they were celebrated in
d;- - L.'S as the fonnderaof do-
u- ot^fiout T* 'A^^roj ^oof
^ATi}y}, L/iii their statnes erected on
iheavcent to tbo acropolis (Paasan. I.
riii. § &; compare Airian* Exp. Alex.
iii. 16 ; Tti. Vj), where no other baman
etatoea ncto allowed (see Leake's
Atheoa, p. 216), were hononretl with
• conspicuoui mdnamont oDtsido the
wmllf anmn? the KTen>t l^uufrwiot's of
the state (iVkUAAn. 1. zsix. ^ 15). and
hadanAtiiiimt (in['n6ce nffpro<l totlium
bjr tlu) Pntoniarrh i Pollux, Tiii. 01).
» Snprii, V. 56, 6a ; Thuovfl. Ti, 5!>.
* What bad become of dbstheoes 9
Probably ho was dead, bni when bo
died, and mider what cireuin stances,
hiattiry does not infomi na. Hia tmob
at Athena was amun^ the aepiilcfaras
of those who had ]>rnshed in defanoa
of their coantr7 (I'uuBan. i. xxix. § S).
Apparently, therefore, he mut have
fallen in battle, and pr\<bably either in
the Tbeban or tbo Eicinutau war.
The tomb of ihoae who bml perished
in the latter waa xkgt &r from bis
(Pausan. ibid.).
* Siiidaa makes Alcmivyin, the son
of ADiphinratu, thu dret fiuiiidcr of tbo
family (in voc. 'AAx^imwri S<u ) ; but
Pjiaaanias (ii. xriii. § 7) derivoa the
AlctriiDonida3 from AlL-mseua, the m>u
of SiUos, and deficcnflant of Nustor,
who was one of the Pyliana eifMllvd
by the Tloraolidu when
qnoredtho Ftilo|)oaneao. 1 -
of Codme and i^aistratna w^^.. v->
bare >)een derived fn^tu the eamo
aiiaroe (Pansan. at sopra; iloixxL v.
65).
Soo
ORIGIN OF THEIR GBEAT WEALTH.
BoorTL
Mcgacles, ■when Crcesns the Lydian sent men from Sardls
to consult the Delphic oracle, gave aid gladly to his mes-
sengers, and assisted them to accomplish their task. CrceanB,
informed of Alcma?on'B kindnesses Ly the Lydiana who from
time to time conveyed his messages to the god, ^ sent for him
to Sardis, and wlien he arrived, made him a present of as
much gold as he should he ahle to carry at one time about
his person. Finding that this was the gift assigned him, ,
Alcmmon took his measures, and prepared himself to receive M
it in the following way. He clothed himself in a loose tunic,
which ho made to hag greatly at the waist, nnd placing upon
his feet the widest buskins that he could anywhere find,
followed his guides into the treasure-house. Here he fell to
upon a heap of gold-dust, and in the fiist place packed as
much as he could inside his buskins, between them and his
legs; after which ho filled the breast of his tunic rjuite full of
gold, and then sprinlding some among his hair, and taking
some likewise in his mouth, he came forth from the treasure-
house, scarcely able to drag his legs along, like anything ■
rather than a man, with his mouth crammed full, and his ■
bulk increased every way. On seeing him, Croesus burst into
a laugh, and not only let him have all that he had taken, l>ut
gave him presents besides, of fully equal worth. Thus this
house became one of gi*eat wealth ; and Alcmajon was able
to keep horses for the chariot-race, and won the prize at
Olympia.®
126. Afterwards, in the generation which followed, CUs
I
I
• Snpwi, i. 65.
■ Tbere nrc strong reasoni for mw-
pfcting tbo wliula uf ihia ■tory: — 1-
Alcmtcon waa the AthcniAn ^neml in
the Cirrhrcan war, ii.c, 695 (Plutnrch,
8ul. o. 11). and is not likoly to have
uiitlt'rtnkcn a joamey to Sordifl forty
yetirn afterwards, irhen he maitt bare
been aborc ceveuty. 2. Ho accmB
nevpr to bare gained any Olympio
victory ; for iho AlcmnDonidae bod only
gained one when riodar wrote his
Krenth P^tluoD; and that was wun by
Alcinccon's son, Mc(?»cTe«, at the S7th
Olympio fcstiral (Sc^hol. ad Fiad.i|
Py th. rii. 14 : ol ScfaoL ad Anctopb*
Nub. 70). 3. A]CMn.iKtn vm» dead fat-
fore Crowoa consallcd the Grvetc
omcic*, for that was in the year b>c. 65<>
(Harm. For. -il>, and Megackc* tb«
HOD ol Alcitiiron, bad beoome the he«d
nf the famHy before the fint tifdrpa-j
tiou of Pisifitratna, u.c. 5<>0. If t\
narrfttive be not a mpre fable, it most '
belong to the biopraphy of Uegiolef*
not to that of his father.
\- - r<fc
glg^^lK^i^
.p. 125-127.
TOE MAERIAQE OF AGAHISTA.
501
les, king of Sicyon, raised the family to still greater
lencG among the Greeks than even that to which it had
Laiued before. For this Clisthenes,' who was the son of
iBtonymus, the grandson of Myron,® and the great grandson
Andreas, had a daughter, called Agarista, whom he wished
marry to the beat husband that he could find in the whole
Greece. At the Olympic games, therefore, having gained
le prize in the chariot-race, he caused public proclamation
be made to the following effect: — "Whoever among the
reeks deems himself worthy to become the son-in-law of
itfaenes, let him come» sixty days hence, or, if he will,
mer, to Sicyon ; for within a year's time, counting from
16 end of the sixty days, Clisthcnes will decide on the
lan to whom he shall contract his daughter," So all
16 Greeks who were proud of their own merit, or of their
rantry. flocked to Sicyon as suitors ; and Clisthcnes had a
»t-coursc and a wresthng-grouud made roatly, to try their
lowers,
127, From Italy there came Smindyrides, the son of Hip-
rates, a native of Sybaris — which city about that time was
the very height of its prosperity. He was a man who in
^uriousuess of living" exceeded all other persons. Likewise
' The dominalion of the tjraata at
icjnn Iiiiited, according to Anatolia
^ol. V. 9), lons^er than any other.
Tbo family of OrthagoraSfWho was tho
igtunl uanrpor, cootinned on the
le for a hniulred years. They
tied TFLth ju.«tico and moderation.
Msthenos was the last king. He was
wartiku pnnco, and wa« selected by
Ampliictyoiia as general in tho
rhiean or eaorod war, B.C. 695
*lat. Vit. Sol. 1. e. o. ; PaiuaQ. x.
[XTii. § 4 : cf, Polyiea, iii. 6, and
mtin. iii. 7). Besuloa hia Olympio
itory here spoken of, bo gained tho
lariot-race at tho second P>'thiun
iiral. B.C. 5S2 (Pansan* x. vii. § 3).
' Myron in mentioned as kinf; of
Ricyon by Platarch (do PerA Nam.
Vind. p. 553, B.) ; and raiimuioa re-
corda it of him Ihnt he won the chariot-
race at tho 33rd Dlvmpio foatival, u.c.
648 <Pauaan. vi. xix. § 2).
' Vftrioua talea were told of Stmin-
dyridoa by later writore, illustrntive
of his character for hiiui-ioufmcss.
Timmns, a nativo of Sicily, well ac-
qnalnted with tho traditions of tho
cities of Magna Gr«ecia,8eemfl to havo
been the eonrce from which they drew.
One story wnR, that ho was accom-
panied to Sioyon hy a thonsand fowlers
and a tbnosand cooks (Athcnccnii, xit.
68, p. 6-41, C), to which aomo added
a thousand fishermen (^linn. V. H.
xii. 2i) : another, that he declared it
mode him feci tired to see a man hard
at work in the fieldsCScneo. de Irft, ii.
25 ; cf. Tim. Fr. 69) i a third, that he
I oofflplainod of the ruse-Ieavcs on whicli
502
agarista's suitors.
BooiTL
there came Damasus, the son of Amyris, siiniamed the
"Wise,'" a native of Siria.* These two were the only snitors
from Italy. From the Ionian Gulf ^ appeared Amphimnostoa,
the 8on of Eplstrophus, an Epidamnian ;* from ^tolia Males,
the brother of that Titormus* who excelled all the Greeks in
strength, and who, wishing to avoid his fellow-men» withdrew
himself into the remotest parts of the ^tolian territory.
From the Peloponnese came several — Leocedes, son of that
Pheidon,* king of tho Argives, who established weights and
he slept harintr rreases in tliem (ibid.).
Ho was ro(?nrtl(?(] ns tho type of bU
nation, which carried luxar/ farther
than auy other (ircciaa Btnt«. (3eo
the \ong occonnt of AthococoA, who
follows TiuuuuB and Phylarohos, Deip-
nosoph. xu. iii. pp. G19, B. 621).
'<> Ib thia Amvria the Syban/e, who
slone understood tho oraclo which
forot^tld tho dcBtmctina of Syborift,
and thorrfore 8o1d all that he bod and
qnitted it, whenn^^ ho wni) conaiJcrcd
road by hia cuantrymen P See tho
Btory at length ia Kastathina (Com-
znont. Ehd Qoni. II. ii. p. 298), and Sai-
daa (ad voo.) ; and cumpfti-e Zenobiofl,
who gives it differently (Cent. ir. 27).
When it was found how wisely the
enpposed madman bad acted, tbo
proverb arose, ""A^pif fiedvtrat.'*
* SiriB, situated ou a river of tho
flame name, midway betwcon Sybaria
and Tarentiim, wa«, according to dif.
ferent nnthors, a Trojan (Lyoophr.
Alex. 978), a Rhodian (Strab. vi. p.
liSO), or an Ionian setMement. Ti-
nuens (ap. At)ion. xii. Gj p. 623. G.)
ascribed ita first orif^n to Troy, bat
related that it afterwards received a
body of Culophnnian colonists. The
groonda opon which Athens claims it
oahera (infra, viii. 62)are veryobBoaro.
Siris was almost as celebrated for ita
laxnry as Sybaris (see Athcna>os,
1. e. o., who quotes Timfeas and Aris-
totle). It fell nnder the Tarentino
colony of Hcmelea (ubuat threo mllca
from it, and nearly the Kame diBtaoce
from tho sea), to which at first it
served as a port, and in which eruata-
ally it was absorbed. (Strab. 1. i. c. ;
Diod. Sic. xiL 87. Cumpiire Sevlai,
Peripl. p. 11, where Hcraulea ia mcB.
tiooed, but not Siris.)
Some mins of HemclcA retnuun, bat
none of Siris. Tho river, which boro
tho name of tho latter city, is new
called tho S^nno. Thero is a txMditeid
at its mouth, where rosseU may tie.
bnt nothini^ that doaervea the name of
a liarboor (Swinbarae'a Tr&rel4^ roL
L p. 279).
^ By the Ionian Gnlf, H«rodetns
means the Adrintio Sea (vide iafra,
rii. 20 ; ix. 93 ; and compare Thocyd.
i. 21, Ac,).
■ Epidamnnfl, a cnlmiy of tho Cor-
cynoans (Tlmoyd. i 84), was nioatod
on the niyrian coast, between ApoU
Ionia (PoUini) and Lissna (Xlemo),
Tho Bomans chnnji^ed its name to
Byrrhachiam, which has been cor-
rapied into Durasio (cf. Strab. viL p.
467 ; Plin. H. N. iii. 23).
* Titormns is paid lo have oontentled
with Milo, and proved him»;lf tho
stonfrer. Eo lifted a atnnn ap to his
shooldors which Milo could fcarcely
move (JGlian. H. V. xii. 22). lie nUo
challenged Milo to a trial, which conhl
the eoonest devoor an ox (AlheuamJ,
X. 4, p. 412, F.).
* Such is the peadinflrof all the MS8.
As, however, the Phftdon indioaied
fiunri^hed at least 150 years befora
Clisthones (see Clinton's F. H. vnl, i.
pp. 247-260). it has l>oen lboni;ht to bo
impossible that the ivxt vboald be
Boand. VariuQS emendations have
been soggeatod ; but all of them in-
I
I
tip. 127.
AOAnisTA's snrroRS.
S03
leasurcB throughout the Peloponnese,* and was tho most
iflolent of all the Grecians — tho same who drove out the
llcan directors of the games, and himself presided over
le contests at Oljinpia ' — LeocSdes, ^ I say, appeared,
is Pheidon's son; and hkewise Amiantus, son of Lyciirgus,
Arcadian of the city of Trapezos ; ^ Laphanes, an Azenian
irevo mnch altemtion.tliat I sbonld
!line, Willi MuUer (^j^met. p. 60),
rofiTftrd t.lte pasnige as bouu<1, and
10 iiifttorirJil error &a duo to ITcro-
>(Qs lnni*iflf, who applied what ho
heard of ono I'heidon, kinf^ of
to ODotfacr, tfic father of Leo-
That Herodotus wbs not well
l^nnintcd with Peloponncsian history
kin from the etmngo coafatiioas
Book i. ch. 65.
• Pheidon nppeara to hnvo cstab-
led a nnifDrm system of woiKhta
measures thronghont hisdominiona
inn. Pttr. 46, [ri fi^rpa A] p c u-
'Off#. Kph. ap. Strab. viii. p.
Plin. 11. N. vii. 66, p. 478; Tsi.
r. Etym. xri. 25, § 2). His system
)ntiDQcd for soine time, and was
>wn as tho Fhcidonion {Hph. np.
ftirpa rh ^tiiuytta KoAoi^/Jc^a ;
, Onouiimt. T. 179, Twv ^ttZoivlutf
rpvr; Schol. Piiid. 01. atiii. 27, rh
tytta kyytia). Ho is likewise said
been tho first (i.#. tho fiwb
tic, sDpra, vol. i. pp. 710, 711) to
silver and other money, wjiioh ho
Egina, n portion of ht>i doininiona
)h. ap. Stnib. 1. a. c. ; Etym. Ma^.
TOO. i0tKliTttot). Ho was tho
Ltcst of tho Argive kings (supra, i.
Dotn '), bnt is aconned by Aris-
tie, of having ohanffed tbeprevicosly
iating monurohy into a tyranny (PuL
\ p. 178, ed. faochn.).
liuuaQiaa (vi. xxii, § 2) and
ahcttna (ap. Strab. I. a. o.) pive tho
iTDstaJices of this transaction.
According to the former, tbe Pis»anii,
_wbo wished to havo tho presidency of
Olympic gnmes instead of tho
teoDBT invited Phoidon tatheir assist-
ic«. With his help they drove away
le Eleons, and tugotUer with him
presided at the festival. This was
tho 8th Olympiad (d.c. 748) ; and on
account of tho utrctuDstauc&s of tho
cclobration, the Eleans omitted this
Olympiad from their register, an thoy
did al»o, for similar reniians, the Sl^th
and the 101th. The Eleans aft erwnrda
applied for aasiBtauco to S|>arta] and
Spnrta, with their aid. conqnored
Pheidun, and reinstated tho Eloana
in the presidency of the gnniefl, giving
them, at tho samo time, Pisatis and
Trijihylia.
* Leocddcs 18 probobly the game
person who ia called Locidea by Pau-
sanias (ii. xix. § 2), and by Plnttuvh
(ii. p. 89, E) Lacydes. Tlie hitter
represents him aa au effoounato and
luxnrioas prince.
• Trapezns was one of the Arcadian
towns doomed to be ewalluwed up in
Megi\lnpo1is (Faitsnn. Till, xxvii. § 3).
Its inhabitABtSi however, refused to
remove, and so incurred tho anger of
tho other Arcadians. The greater
nnmbor wore slain, and the rest re-
moved to TrapexDS on tho Enxine
(now Trchizot\il), which looked opon
tho Arendian Trapesiu as ita mother
city (PauMkn. nt Sopm, § 4). Other
writers make the Pontic Trnpcsiis »
Sinopian settlement (Zen. Anab. IT.
viiL § 22; Steph. By». od voc.;
Arrian. Peripl. Pont. Eui. p. 113).
In the time of Pansanias Trapexns
WM in rains (vm. xxix. § 1). It lay
on the left bank of the Alphena
(Rnv/ia), on the road which led from
Maffttlopobs to Gorty»(>?lfriroIy). CoL
Leake identifies it with an ancient
site near 3/ama (Morea, voL ii. pp. S7
and 293). Concerning the mythic
origin of the name of Trapexua, uf.
ApuUod. ui. viii. l. § &
504
TniAL OF THE BUITOBa
BooeVL
' Arcadia wm cliridcd into fhroo
regions, of wluch Aim^^^V wob one
(I'aaaon. Tin. iv. § 2 ; Stoph. Bjz. ad
voo. 'A^btrfa). It seems to have bocn
thenortborDiuostpoi'lioD (soeMuller'a
Dorians, vol. it. pp. 463, 464, E. T.).
Pious is not mentioned bj any other
writer, anloss it he identical with tho
PaJis of Pausaaifta (viii. xxiii. § 6),
which w&a in his time a rained town
to the north of the Ladon, in the dia.
trietof Cleitor. (For the site of Paiis,
see Leake, ii. p. 249, and Cortios, i. p.
380.)
* Compare with this atory tho Inle
related by Pansaniaa of a cortoin Phor*
znio, a Spartan, who, refusing tho
Diosonri the chamber where they
wiahod to be lodged, because it waa
his danghtor'a room, was pnaishod bj
the lose of his dantfhtcr and all bor
reCinuo (ill. xvi. § 3 ; Plutarch, ii. p.
1103).
' Hippooh'dcH belonpod, in all proba-
bility, to another f^ent Athenian bonso,
tho family of Hiltiodos. Ho may not
indeed be the iudividuol Dtppoolidoa
znontioaod b^ Pherooydea (Frag. 20)
— whoso f ath er, i F the passage beconnd,
woa not called TisaDder, but Miltiadas
— but it can scarcely be doubled Ibat
he was a member of the boose in whicb
the two UDcomraon oamee of Tisandcr
and Hippoclidea are known to hare*
boeu in use as family names about this
period.
* Cninon (called also Epbyra> was
a city in the i>art of Thessaly known
as Pelasgiotis (Hccat. Fr. US i Steph.
Bys. ad voc-). Ic stood in a fcjiilo
plnin, remarkable aliko for its cereal
crops (Liv. xlii. 6-1, 65) and for its
pasturage (Thevor. rri.3H). lu eisct
Bite cannot well be fixed; bat tho
plain in which it stood is undoubtedly
that which bee sooth of the low rtdge
between Loiissa and Ftrtdla (Phar*
salia), watered by the EnipCTis* or
Apidanas (FertiaZtft). See Leake's
Travels in Northera Greuce, vul. i. p.
410.
* The ScopadiD were the mlin?
family of Cranoo, as the Alenadro wpm
of Larissa (infra, ix. 5$). Thoir wealth
was proverbial (Plut. Vit. Cim. o. 10;
compare Tbeoor. L a. a
1
of Pffius,* whose father, Eupliorion, as tlie story goea in
Arcadia, entertained the Dioscuri at bis residence,* and
thenceforth kept open house for all comers; and lastly,
Onomastus, the son of Agasus, a native of Elis. These four
came from the PeloponnGse. From Athens there arrived
Megacles, the son of that Alcmson who visited Crcesus, and
Tisander's son, Hippoclides," the wealthiest and handsomest
of the Athenians, There was likewise one Eubosan, LysanJas,
who came from Eretria, then a flom-ishing city. From
Thessaly came Diaciorides, a Cranonian/ of the race of the
Scopadse ; ^ and Alcon arrived from the Molossians* This was
the list of tho suitors. ,
128, Now when they were all come, and the day appointed ■
had arrived, Clisthenes first of all inquired of each concerning i
his country and his family; after which he kept them with
him a year, and made trial of their manly bearings thoir
temper, their accomplishments, and their disposition : some*
(
p. 127-129.
CONDUCT OF HIPPOCLIDES.
SOS
es drawing them apart for converse, sometimes bringing
em all together. Such as were still youths he took with
from time to time to the gymnasia ; but the gi'eateat trial
of all was at the banquet -table. During the whole period of
their stay he lived with them as I have said ; and, further,
from first to last he entertained them sumptuously. Some-
bow or other the suitors who came fi'om Athens pleased him
the best of all ; and of thesoi HippocUdes, Tisander's son, was
Bpecially in favour, partly on account of his manly bearing,
and partly also because his ancestors were of kin to the
Corinthian Cypselids.*
^K 129. "When at length the day arrived which had been fixed
^Hir the espousals, and Ciisthcnes had to speak out and declare
^Bis choice, ho first of all made a sacrifice of a hundred oxen,
'and held a banquet, whereat he entertained all the suitors and
tho whole people of Sicyon. After the feast was ended, the
Boitors vied with each other in music and in speaking on a
given subject. Presently, as the drinking advanced, Hippo-
elides, who quite dumbfoundered the rest, called aloud to the
flute-player, and bade him strike up a dance ; which the man
did, and Hippoclides danced to it. And he fancied that
be was dancing excellently well; but Chsthenes, who was
observing him, began to misdoubt the whole business. Then
HippocHdos, after a pause, told an attendant to bring in a
table; and when it was brought, ho mounted upon it and
danced first of all some Laconian figures, then some Attic
es; after which he stood on his head upon the table, and
gan to toss hia logs about. Ciisthcnes, notwithstanding
at he now loathed HippocHdes for a son-in-law, by reason
of his dancing and his shamelossness, still, as he wished to
avoid an outbreak, had restrained himself during the first and
ewise during the second dance; when, however, he saw him
• Thi« ■tatoment cnnfinna what wa«
id ftbove of tho probable connection
Hippoclides with the family of MiJ-
tififlofl.for CypMtns, lui wo hare alrendy
eecDj waa one of thoir family uamca
( sapra, ch. 34).
506 DECISION OF CUSTHENE3> BookTL
tossing his legs in the air, he conld no longer contain himself,
but cried out, " Son of Tisander, thou hast danced thy wife
away!" "What does Hippoclides care?" was the other's
answer. And hence the proverb arose.^
IBO. Then Clisthenes commanded silence, and spake thus
before the assembled company : —
" Suitors of my daughter, well pleased am I with you all;
and right willingly, if it were possible, would I content you
all, and not by making choice of one appear to put a shght
upon the rest. But as it is out of my power, seeing that I
have but one daughter, to grant to all their wishes, I will pre-
sent to each of you whom I must needs dismiss a talent of
silver, for the honour that you have done me in seeking to
ally yourselves with my house, and for your long absence
from your homes. But my daughter, Agarista, I betroth to
Megacles, the son of Alcmaeon, to be his wife, according to the
usage and wont of Athens."
Then Megacles expressed his readiness ; and Clisthenes had
the marriage solemnized.
131. Thus ended the affair of the suitors : and thus the
AlcmaeonidsB came to be famous throughout the whole of
Greece. The issue of this marriage was the Clisthenes —
so named after his grandfather, the Sicyonian — who made the
tribes at Athens, and set up the popular Government.^
Megacles had hkewise another son, called Hippocrates, whose
children were a Megacles and an Agarista, the latter named
after Agarista the daughter of Chsthenes. She married Xan-
thippus, the son of Ariphron ; and when she was with child by
him had a dream, wherein she fancied that she was delivered
of a lion ; after which, within a few days, she bore Xanthippus
a son, to wit, Pericles.®
132, After the blow struck at Marathon, Miltiades, who
' It is used as a proverb by Lncian
in more places than one (Apol. pro
mere. cond. iii. p. 285, and Philopatr.
ix. p. 2C7}, and noticed by DiogeuifmaB
(vii. 21), Zenobinfl (t. 31), and Snidaa
(od TOO. o^ ppoyrls 'ImroxAf fSi;, p. 2758,
ed. Gaisford). « Supra, v 69.
* The family tree of the Alcuueonids,
rir.lB9-133. MILTUDES' EXPEDITtOX AGAINST PAROS. 507
ras previously held in Ligb esteem by his coTmtrymGn, in-
reast'dyet more in influence. Hence, when ho told them that
wanted a fleet of seventy ships,^ with an armed force, and
loney, without informing them what country he was going to
fcttack, but only promising to enrich them if they would
scompany him, seeing that it was a right wealthy land.
lere they might easily get as much gold as they eared to
^ve* — when he told them this, they were quite carried away,
id gave him tho whole armament which he reipired.
183. 80 Miltiades. having got the armament, sailed against
ros, with the object, as he alleged, of punishing the Parians
►r having gone to war with Athens, inasmuch as a trireme of
leirs had come with the Persian fleet to Marathon. This.
iwever, was a mere pretence; the truth was that Miltindes
red the Parians a grudge, because Lysagoras, the son of
(ias, who was a Parian by birth, had told tales against him
HydorncB tho Persian." Arrived before the place against
far M it 18 known, may be thos exbibltod :—
AhexMOM (AibcnUn ffDcral In the arrbun ^nr, rapn, L (8).
Meoacus tHx»X of PUilntii^ npra, 1. 69).
(m. AxjirtM*)
« diqpbfar HirrciCKATn
(purrlcd Fialau-atui. tapm. 1. HI). I
AOAKtvT* (3)
(BL XaoUllpltOi)
ftoicLia
UfiOACUS (3)
PnonAriri
(OL CUnUt)
PAkAtna
» *
I Cl1¥L1« Alcuuasb
XAXTttirrut PimrLM (f)
(mlunl •DO— oomnuuidrr tt ArglutMD).
' SoTcntj *hipB apponr tohavo bocn
ti)e full cuuipleinvnt uf the AtlieniAa
navy, until tho timo whnn the nanibrr
TTus raised by Theniiflt4pcl«i to 200
-iipni.ch. 89. and infra, rii. IVO.
loj therefore took tho whole
Ai'K-iiiaa nav7 oo this expedition,
^ Epboros said that Faroe was at
this lime the mo*t pro8{HToa9 Kod
moflt powerful (tutoitMVtvr^rif iral
Hty'umt) of tho Cyclttdos (Fr. 107).
Acccrdiiiff to him Milti&dps attnekcnl
Boreral of the other ulaada beeidoa
Tarus.
*The HTdamea meant ia probably
the ooziepiiator <9apn^ iii. 70), aa oa
SoS
MILTIADES LAYS SIZGE TO PAEOS.
BooiTl
which his expedition was designed, he drove the Parians
vrifchin their walls, and forthwith hiid siege to the city.
At the same time he sent a herald to the inhabitants, and
required of them a hundred talents, threatening; that, if they
refused, he would press the siege, and never give it over till
the town was taken. But the Parians, without giving his
demand a thought, proceeded to use evei^y means that they
could devise for the defence of their city, and even invented
new plana for the purpose, one of which was, by working
at night to raise such parts of the wall as were hkcly to bo
to be carried by assault to double their former height.
134. Thus far all the Greeks agree in their accounts of this
business; what follows is related upon the testimony of the
Parians only. Miltiades had come to his wit's end, when one
of the prisoners, a woman named Time, who was by birth a
Parian, and had held the office of under-priostcss in the
temple of the infernal goddesses, came and conferred with
him. This woman, they say, being introduced into the
presence of Miltiades^ advised him, if he set great store by
the capture of the place, to do something which she could
suggest to him. When therefore she had told him what it
was she meant, he betook himself to the hill which hes
in front of the city, and there leapt the fence enclosing the
precinct of Ceres Thesmophorus,* since he was not able to
open the door. After leaping into the place he went straight
to the sanctuary, intending to do something within it — cither
to remove some of the holy things which it was not lawful to
stir, or to perform some act or other, I cannot say what — and
had just reached the door, when suddenly a feeling of horror
came upon him,^ and he returned back the way he had come;
other hiu yot been moutioQcd. Early
in the reigTi of Xerxes ho waa in coqi>
xnand of Ltie whole Aaiat ic Coast(uifra,
vii. 135) ; but ab what tiino or in what
-way ho oamo into contact with Mil.
tiades is nneortaiu.
According to Strabo, a doaoondanfc
of iijdames, by name Orout«s, woa
on the throne of Armenia at tlue tiiiii
of the defeat of Antiochux tbo GnuU
by the Botnona. m.c. 190 (xi. p, 771).
* Supra, oh. la V r /.
* Ho wnnld feel that he waa ddag
an act of great impiety, since th>
■anetnahea of Ceres were not to be
entered by men.
I
I
I
I
(
i
i^d.
IK 133-136. RETURN AND TRIAL OF MILTIADES.
509
tot in jumping down from the outer wall, he strained Lis
gh, or, as some say, struck the ground with his knee.
135. So Miltiades returned homo sick, without bringing the
.thenians any money, and without conquering Paros, having
ne no more than to besiege the town for six and twenty
ys, and ravage the remainder of the island.* The Parians,
'Wever, when it came to their knowledge that Timo, the
der-priestcss of the goddesses, had advised Miltiades what
should do, were minded to punish her for her crime; they
erefore sent messengers to Delphi, as soon as the siege was
an end, and asked the god if they should put the under-
estess to death. *' She had discovered/' they said, " to
enemies of her coimtry how they might bring it into Bub-
ction, and had exhibited to lliltiades mysteries which it was
►t lawful for a man to know.** But the Pythoness forbade
cm, and said, "Timo was not in fault ; 'twas decreed that
iltiades should come to an unhappy end ; and she was sent
lure him to his destruction," Such was the answer given
the Parians by the Pythoness.
136. The Athenians, upon the return of Miltiades from
aros, had much debate concerning him; and Xanthippus,
son of Ariphron, who spoke more freely against him than
the rest, impleaded him before the people, and brought
to trial for his life, on tlie charge of having dealt deceit-
y with the Athenians. Miltiades, though he was present
• Ephoroi ffeeTnn to have givpo Bn
lot of the expe^lition to Paros,
Ferinsf in some p^'JTits from that of
xlotng. ilo rt'lntod, that tbo Pa.
after A long eio^c, had ngrocd
tenng irith Miltiadcn, and were
the point of Burro Tidprinff, vehcn
ij perceived a fire, which waa rcnlly
iuae<l by thu aocideuUil burning of a
njKm Myponos, bat which both
and tho Aihoninna imai^ined to bo
,fire>aignal (•irvf>a6t) from the P**rsinn
St. Upon this (hey refoBcd to abido
their ttRrGemeut; aud the Atho-
fearing to be attacked by a
preatly Biipcnor force, sailed away
(Kphorns tip, Btcph. Byz. ad toc.
nctpos. Contporo Com. Nepo«, Mil.
tiiuJ. c 7, who appeora to hare tnken
his accotint of the matter from Kpho-
ras). This talc is oertainJy no tho
vrbole far lees probable thou tbo ac-
count of Ilerodotn.i ; and it is perhapg
ao additional reason for iospecting it,
thnt the etory of Kphoma wma given
as no. czplan&tioD of the word duwo-
ptd(«ip. Such uarmtive^ aa Mr. Orote
jadicionsty observes, are seldom wor-
thy of mach ntteDtioD (Uist. of Greece,
ToU ir. p. 469, note).
5IO
DEATH OF XZLTlADEa
BoolTI.
in court, did not speak in his own defence ; for his thigh bad
begun to mortify, and disabled him from pleading his cause.
He was forced to lie on a couch while his defence was made
by his friends,^ who dwelt at most length on the fight at
Marathon, while they made mention also of the capture
of Lemnos, telling how Miltiades took the island, and, afler
executing vengeance on the Felasgians, gave up his conquest
to Athens. The judgment of the people was in his favour so
far aa to spare his life ; but for the wrong he had done them
they fined him fifty talents." Soon afterwards his thigh com-
pletely gangrened and mortified : and so Miltiades died;' and
the fifty talents were paid by his son Cimon.*
187. Now the way in which Miltiades had made himsdf
master of Lemnos was the following. There were certaia
" Among others, it would seem that
the President (vpiraifis) for the time
being of tho Council and Assembly,
came forward to plead for Miltiades,
and was mainly in»tramental in pro-
curing a favourable verdict (cf. SchoL
ad Axistid. in Wossehng'e Herodotus,
noto ad loc.). Plato exaggerates this
interference into a reversal of the first
Fenteuce, which (ho says) was a sen-
tence of death. (Gorgias, p. 516. D.)
8 Fifty talents (above £12,(XX)) is
certainly an enormous sum for the
time. We are told by Cornelius Nepos
(MiUiad. c. 7), that it was fixed on
because it represented the coat of
tho expedition. Mr. Grote ehows that,
according to the usual process of law
in the Athenian cotu-ts, it most have
been the amount assessed by tho
friends of Miltiades as tho penalty
which he was content to pay. The
first sentence must havo gone against
bim; and then, on the question as to
the amount of punishment, which al-
ways followed, Xanthippus must havo
pmi>o-t'd death, and tho prisoner him-
self or his friends a fine of fifty talents.
They may have been induced to fix
this amount by it« being what would
clear the state from any ])ecunlaiy
loss arising out of the misconduct of
their client (Hist, of Greece, It. pp.
• Later writers (Com. Xep. 1. s-c:
Diod. Sic. X. p. 67 ; Plut. Cim. c ■*)
related that Miltiades was cast into
prison till be should pay the fine, aod
died there. Bat this was contrary to
the osual coarse of Athenian jostioe,
which allowed a fair time for the ptr-
meut of all fines, and admitted of
security being given for them (Her-
mann's Pol. Ant. § 143). Thesilenceof
Herodutns as to any imprisonmeDtwill
outweigh in most minds the evidenoa
of such writers as t hose referred to.
* The imprisonment of Cimon i*
another, more glaring, fiction of the
anecdote-mongers. Cimoncouldaeitber
by Atheuiaa law be liable to imprison-
ment for his father's debts, as Corne-
lius Nepos Eupposes (Cimon, c I).
nor would he have had any ocxasion
to put himself in prison in order to
obtain his father's b«xiy fi-r burial, »3
DitMlorus relates. Aibenian law knew
nothing of the arrest of the debtor's
corpse. Even Plutarch discards these
fictions. They grew pn.>bably out of
the fact that Cimon remained deeti-
tuto of civil riifliis (&Ti/xos) until the
debt was discharged (Hermann, §
121).
iP. 136,137. MrLTTADES CONQUEST OF LEMK03.
5"
lasgians whom the Athenians once drove out of Attica ; *
etlier they did it justly or unjustly I cannot say, since I
y know what is reported concerning it, which is the fol-
ng: — Hecataeus, the son of Hegesander, says in his
tory that it was unjustly. "The Athenians/' according
, "had given to the Pelasgi a tract of land at the foot
of Hymettus ' as payment for the wall with which the Felas*
giaus had surrounded their citadel. This land was barren,
and little worth at the time; but the Pelaegians brought it
into good condition; whereupon the Athenians begrudged
them the tract, and desired to recover it. And so, without
any better excuse, they took anus and drove out the Pelas-
gians." — But the Athenians maintain that they were justified
in what they did. '* The Pelasgians," they say, " while they
lived at the foot of Hymettus, were wont to sally forth from
that region and commit outrages on their children. For the
Athenians used at that time to send their sons and daughters
to draw water at the fountain called * the Nine Springs,' *
i
^^P Snpra. ir. \i$, t. 25. (Compare
^^H«3viii. § 3 : and ooo Appendix, Es-
^^Hp' ii. " Oq tbti Ti-adiLiuus reepectUig
^Ve Pelns^ians.")
* Tho Ptlasfrio builderdaccmtohftTc
liad two tmcli of laod ftiven to lliom.
One, which bore to a late date the
title of Pelas^cam {rh Tlt\(uryu(6v),
waa oitnatcd at the foot of the aoro-
polifl, prubably at ita Borth-wofftern
aoglo (Tbueyd. iL 17; Lociaru Pise.
C 47: Bia Acciifi. c 9; and coinpard
the remarks of Leake, Attica, § 8,
pp. 813-315). Thia was most likely
their abode while thoj were employed
in building the wall. Afterwanla tho
AtbenianR removed them to a greater
difttancc from tho town, ^ivinj; thorn a
portion of tho phuu on the Ifft bank of
.totbeBOUth.Daiit of thecity.
zwfpcct to the Pelasjrio wall
Te alreadjincntirmed (supra,
that it waa built round the plat-
which forms the summit of the
potia. It okirted the edge of the
precipice, and eonsifitcd of a single lino
of wall on oTcry sde except the we«t,
where the ascent, thons^h siticp, ie not
very diiliuult. Hcru it eooms to have
been more complicated. Nine g'atoa
are spoken of (CUtodcon. Fr. 22},
which moat aU have been at this cud,
and which soem to indicate nine sue
eesHve barriera. The greater part of
thia fortification was thrown duwn by
the Peraianfl (infra, viii. 63; tx. 13),
bot perhaps Humo pirtions remained,
AH tho Pulasgic Work was of the most
durable character. Certainly tho waU
at the summit of the acropolis con-
tinued to bo called *' the PelaAgie wall '*
ccDturies afierwarda (cf. Ahst. Ar.
797, ed. Bothe. Schol. ad lr<o. ; Colli-
mooh. Fragm. 283, 4c.). Col. Leake
thinks that somo rvmuuui of Pelop^o
work may stiU be tnu*d at the N.W.
angle of the acropolis (Athens, p. 313).
* The fonntain of Enncacmnnii, or
" the cine springs," has been Uiougfat
(Wholur's Tnivels, i>. 883) to be the
sooroe which hsea in front of the Pro*
513
PELASGl HKMOVE mOM ATHENS TO LEMSOa BoolTI
inasmuch as neither they nor the other Greeks had an?
household slaves in those days ; and the maidens, whenever
they came, "were used rudely and insolently by the Pelasgians.
Nor were they even content thus ; hut at the last they laid a j
plot, and were caught by the Athenians in the act of makiog H
an attempt upon their city. Then did the Athenians give a
proof how much better men they were tlian the Pelasgiana; ^
for whereas they might justly have killed them all, having II
caught them in the very act of rebelling, they spared their
lives, and only required that they should leave the country.
Hereupon the Fclasglans quitted Attica, and settled in Len-
DOS and other places." Such are the accounts respectively of
HecatoDus and the Athenians.
138. These same Pelasgians, after they were settled in
Lemnos, conceived the wish to be revenged on the Athenians.
So, as they were well acquainted with the Athenian ftstivals.
they manned some penteconters, and having laid an ambuEh
to catch the Athenian women as they kept the festival of
Diana at Brauron,* they succeeded in caiTying oflf a large
pylcca on the wcstom sulo of tlio Acro-
poliai and joins tbo Biream that isaaos
from the grotto of Pfta (snpra, cb.
106), bccanse PauBaniaa xnmtions it
in connection with tbo CcrnmoicoB
(i. iii. g 1, and xJt, §§ 1 and 6). Bnt
it is plain, bcith from this passage,
from Thncydidps (ii. 15), and from
othor writers, that it lay exactly on
the opposite side, in the direction of
nymcttnfl, or nearly duo cost of the
citadel. Thncydides tells us that it
was near tho temple of Jnpiter Olym-
piup, the mina of which are eo re-
markable a feature in this quarter;
and his Btutemcnt is confirmed by
TarantinDB (ap. Hierocl. HippJair.
Pref. p. 4), and by the author of the
Etyniologicum 3infruura, who places
Knncacrunns near the lliKsns (ad too.).
Mo[]em travellers have discovered a
remarkoble confirmation of this pnsi.
tion. Enneaomnuii, l)cfore the Piaia*
tiftlidre fiT^ted it np with the nine pipes
from which ili dcxired its namej vroa
called Callirrhoi (Thncyd. 1. «. ti
Philostcplu Ft. 27), and' KalUrrhoi ii
still the name uf a sprins- (>f eicellent
water in the bed cf tho 1 Littsas, as well
as tho name of the river itself (cf.
Leake's Athens, pp. 172-178).
This portraiture of the eimple eu*
tOTn« of primeval times will not fail to
recall the piotnre of Rebekah at the
well of Podan-amm (Gen. x»t. 18).
' Braorcn, as is 5nifKcicntly en'iJnift
from this place, was one of the mui'
time dpmP3 of Attica (compare &tz*b.
ix. p. 570 i Xonn. Dionysiac. xiii.
1S6; Panson. t. xxxiii § 1). It lay
on the eastern ct^nst, bnt at wliat
exact point is oncertatii. CoL Lrsko
(Demi of Attica, p. 72) places it •*
Port Liwlhi (lut. 37* 5tr. loaff. ST),
near tho modem n'llaf^o of VraAWt
which is (he thinks) ft ccirmption of
the ancient name. Here, on the heights
north of a small ptream, which maybs
the Erasinns Kara BpwpSpa of StrihO
(viii. p. 636), are the remoiits cf ifl
«
ORjif. 137. 13S.
"LEMNIAN DEEDS."
5V
unmbor, -whom they took to Lemnos and thoro Ircpt as eon-
ctibincR. After a while the women lore children, whom they
taught to speak the language of Attica and observe the
manners of the Athenians. Those boys refused to have any
commerce with the sons of the Pelasgian women; and if a
TeLisgian boy struck one of their number, they all made
common cause, and joined in avenging their comrade ; nay,
the Greek boys even set up a claim to exercise lordship over
the otliers, and succeeded in gaining the upper hand. When
these things came to the ears of the Pelasgians, they took
counsel together, and, on considering the matter, they grew
frightened, and said one to another, " If these boys even
now are resolved to make common cause against the sons of
our lawful wives, and seek to exercise lordship over them,
what may we expect when they grow up to be men ? " Then
h seemed good to the Pelasgians to kill ail the sons of the
Ai^'u-' women: which they did accordingly, and at the same
tKiic slew hkewise their mothers. From this deed, and that
former crime of the Lemnian women, when they slow their
buBbands in the days of Thoas,^ it has come to be usual
■Bciont (own ; and below tho heights
)• a rhnrch built ont of the niina
of A toiiijlc, on Iho Btonofi of which
th^ iiftmt' of Artemia appparti (Lcak«,
I ^ .. i — I whirh, in all prclnbiht/,
H' of the templD of Diana
t ;>trRh. it. p. 671>) ; Pftoaau.
VIII. xlTi. $ 2) wheroBt tlto fcdtival
b*r» luentioniMl vttu held. TnuUtion
■aid tliftt tn thut tf'mplc won bronght
tlie Biicrr'I irnn^ of thi> Tanrio Diana
by Iphiponifi hr-rsolf (PannnD. I. xjtxiiu
I 1 : iir. xv'i § 6), ami thcit XtTxcs
"• filatu'* awny wlieu hn fled
SMfncufl ftftcnvardu re-
■m Suua, and garo it to the
fr
L.-'onia WM a ir*rrfTT^pJi or
Ifjttcvfii !rth1 tinrw in four vearB, where-
in the Atttr ^rlftf liotwpeu ibn mrca of
ftre and ten, went io pntccssion,
drosard in rn cus-colourod parml•nt(^
to tiio sanctnary. and there perff»mic4
VOL. lU.
Ko Aiiio woman wu allowod to many
iU] aho had gono thruuj;;h tliia cere-
mony (oompoTD Hnidati ad roc.'AfXtToi :
Tolltw, viii. 9 ; Aiiet. Lya. CU7, «!.
Botbo, and Sohol. ad loc. ; Ktym. Mag^.
ad Toc. BeKarrfwiK : Uarp«irrat. ad voc-
ttf trrtvatu; Ueeych, ad voc* Bf>avf>«ria,
* The tale went that tho Sintian
Lemnianfl, tho on^nal inlmbitantfl of
tho inland, having bfyjomn dttT^t^tcd
with tht'ir wive*, on whom Venua had
sont a came, niarriod Thracian wwint-n
from tho c<:>ntttK*nt. HL'ronpon their
wives fonnf'il a eun*pinicy. and mar<
dered tboir faf hern and their hnshands.
Hypsipjle alone hndcompa-jsion on hor
father Thoas, and e^inet^alL-d him. Her
fraad waa afterwartla detected ; Thnaa
wafl kilk'd, and liypfrip^Ie sold into
slaverr (cf. AptiUod. i. ix. 17 ; nr. ri.
4: Apnll. Rhod. i. (K»9C21; Eorip.
Uec. mi, et Schol. ad loc.).
2i.
su
BE^IAXD ACADE BT THE ATHEMAKa
BooiTl
throughout Greece to call wicked actions by the name of
•' Lcmoian deeds." '
139. When the Felasgians had thus slain their children
and their women, the earth refused to bring forth its fruits
for them, and their wives bore fewer children, and their Hocks
and herds increased more slowly than before, till at last, 6ore
pressed by famine and bereavement, they sent men to Delphi*
and begged the god to tell them how they might obtain
deliverance from their sufifoiings. The Pythoness answered*
that "they must give the Athenians whatever satisfaction
they might demand.** Then the Pelasgians went to Atheus
and declared their wish to give the Athenians satisfaction for
the wrong which they had done to them. So the Athenians
had a couch prepared in their townhall, and adorned it with
the fairest coverlets, and set by its side a table laden with all
manner of good things, and then told the Pelasgians they
must dehver up their countij to them in a similar condition.
The Pelasgians answered and said, ** "When a ship comes witli
a north wind from your country to ours in a single day, then
will wc give it up to you." This they said because they knew
that what they required was impossible, for Attica lies a long
way to the south of Lemnos.^
140. No more passed at that time. But very many years
afterwai-ds, when the Hellespontian Chersonese had been
brought under the power of Athens, Miltiados, the son of
Cimon, sailed, during the prevalence of the Etesian winds,
from £]a3U3^ in the Chersonese to Lenmos, and called on thu
I
t
' ^Bchylas had observed bofore
Henxioturt, ttttaertw 8« rti rh ?ittvhp oB
Ai}fivtoiffi T^fituriv (Choepb. 622).
v liemnoa is two dcgrvcs (uenrly 140
miles) north of Attica. An Athcoiaa
triramo might possibly Iiuvu porfonned
thia disLanoe io a lon^ namtuer's day,
if the CDDdition " with a north wind "
bad not bc*eu ikddud. The raU* of
motion in a thromo Booms to hare
aboat equalled that of our ordinary
ateamera. (Soo Smitii'a Diotiooarjr
of Antiquities, p. 785. B. 2nd ed.)
* Elnsos was eitiLated at or noar the
extremity of the poninsnbL, as is pUlo
from the nutioes in Bey lax (Peripl- p-
68), PUny (H. N. ir. H, p. 20d> ao-l
MoUik (ii. 2). According to Seymour
Chios Q. 706) it wad a culouy from
Teo& The site was near to that u£
the first Suropoan castlo (Ktlvl B't^*)*
a littlo to the DorCb-east. Some tujd*
remain ; but they are not eitcmiTO
(Chandler, voL L p. 18),
«
Chap. 13&-140.
LEMNOS TAKEN.
SIS
*elasgians to quit their island, reminding them of tho pro-
>hecy which they had supposed it impossible to fulfil. The
jople of Hephieetia obeyed the call ; * but they of Myrina,*
lot acknowledging the Chersonese to be any part of Attica,
}fased, and were besieged and brought over by force. Thus
ras Lemnos gained by the Athenians and Miltiadcs.
By a fellcitoas emendation of a
quoted by Stephen of ByrAn.
tivm the Chronica of Cfaarax, wu
kbtcd to lilJ up thiif himiory. It
that Myriiia was roduceu first ;
then Ilennon, tho kin^ of
tia, fcflring & sinular fiite, de-
" that he acknowIedg^cU tho Fe-
promiBOa, and gave himself np
of good-will to the Athenians."
dO.) Other writers teU ns tlwt a
roo-b arose from this ciroamstauoe.
" make a Tirtae of necessity," and
aa a faronr what you could not
»p, wan called 'Epuvfiotor 'Epntiyftoj
X^fi^i- (Bee Zcnob. Cent. iii. 86;
fiuidaa ad. too. 'Ep/idif. x<^-) ^r.
DUkesley's translation of the paasof^o
of Chamx cannot poiwibly Iw received.
' Lemnos had but two cities of any
note, Hephojatia and Myrina (Uccnt.
Fr. 102 ; Plin. H. N. iv. 12, p. 219 ;
Ptolem. Geograph. iii. 13, p. 1)5; Etym.
Uagn. ad voo. Mvpfvra). Of these,
Myrina was on the ooaatt HephcDatia
inland (Ptol.). Tho former lay <m the
western, the latter towards the eastern
eidenf the island (ibid.). It was said
that Moant Athos at tho solatico oaat
it« shadow into tho furam of Hyrioa
(PUn. L 8. c. ; ApoU. Rhod. i. 601.60*).
The dite is probably znnrked by the
modern Kastro, which is now the chief
town in the islaiuL
APPENDIX TO BOOK VI.
ESSAY I.
ON THE CIRCUMSTANCES OP THE BATTLE OP MARATHON,
1. Difficolties in tho dcBcriptioD of HerodotoB. 2. Namber of Persians engaged.
3. Ntunbers of the Grocks. 4. Proportion, fire or six to one. 6. Landisg
of the army of Datis, and disposition of the troops. 6. Fc^tton occapied
by the Greeks. 7. Motives inducing the Persians to delay the attack. &
Causes of the original inaction of the Greeks, and of their sabseqaent
change of tactics. 9. Miltiades' preparations for battle. 10. Description
of tbQ battle — ro*ombarkation of the invading army.
1. The description which Herodotus has given of the battle of
Marathon is Batisfactory to few modems.^ It is a bold and graphic
sketch ; but it is wanting in that accuracy of detail, and in those
minute allusions to localities, which could alone have enabled the
ordinary, or even the military, reader, to reproduce in imagination
the struggle as it actually occurred. Herodotus omits to furnish
any account of the numbers engaged on cither side ; he does not
clearly mark the position of either army ; ho very imperfectly
describes the disposition which the Greek general made of his
troops, and takes no notice at all (unless incidentally) of the dis-
position made by the Persian leaders ; above all, he is entirely
silent on the subject of the Persian cavalry, neither telling us what
part they took in the action, nor offering any explanation of their
apparent absence from it. Again, ho gives us no satisfactory
account of the motives at work on either side ; of the reasons deter-
mining both parties to delay so long, and Miltiades to strike when
he did ; nor even of the mode in which the two armies spent the
' Col. Leake, in his 'Domi of Attica*
(Appendix, No. l.\ and Mr. Blakcs-
loy, in his edition of lIt?rodotuB (vol.
ii. pp. 172-180) hare written Essays
upon the difficalties which beset the
description of onr author. Mr. Grotc
remarks on the deficiencies of bis
account (Ilist. of Greece, vol. iv. p.
465, note).
utL
KUMBEItS OF TUE PERSIANS.
517
LterraL Further; besides these rarioas omissiona, there are certain
icoixfiistcncieti in what ho actoally relates o£ the buttle, -which seem
show that hia doscriptiozi is not even exact and correct bo far a^i
goes, bat requires, besides ampUficutiou, a certain degree of cor-
!tion. Of this nature ia the statement that the Persian centre
broke and pursued the Greeks into the inner country ;"' to which
are two important objections — lirst, the smaUuess of the Greek
which is incompatible with such a rout of their troops ; and
mdly, the subsequent account of the proceedings of the Greek
The existence of these and similar difficulties seems to
ititute a call for some more sustained consideration of the battle
id its circumstances than the exigencies of a running comment
»w. It is therefore proposed to devote a few consccativo pages to
elucidation of this subject in the present Essay.
2. With regard to the number of troops engaged on the side of
le Persians, the reader is referred to the long foot-note on ch. 117.
le total strength of the expedition is there estimated at 210,000,
Innmber which has in its favour the anthority of a tolerable his-
,' and the fact that it is tho lowest estimate which has come
to us from any ancient writer. This number somewhat
cceeds the calculation of Colonel Leake,* who sapposes the cavaliy
hare been 7000 instead of 10,000,* and the crews of the horse-
msports 20,000 instead of 40,000,^ while he omits the Greek
lliaries altogether. It is of course impossible to arrive at acca-
on a point where details are for tho most part wanting, and
lere there is so much conflict of authority. Perhaps the whole
kt we have any right to conclado from our materials is, that the
>t conveyed to the shores of Attica ahoui 200,000 men — but
* Herod, vi. 113. /^£a>Ttr iMuKop
* Cornelias Nepoa (ace his Hiltiades,
5).
♦Demi of Attica, Apr^ndix I., p.
Col. Lcako'fl niunbcra aro as
rCttlar Infanti7. 80 Id oufa of tli« ] ^ ,^
SMiiiivm**... t '
Cftvalrr (16M mounUO, vitb 3500 I ., .m
niM, wbo wore
10.000
•^(ftOUvew-h) ».0«0
(vUmalad •! 300) i '^•
m»t
• This rodnction io purely oon-
joctaiul. I have not thought myself
at liberty to dopart from the state-
zneDt of Nepos.
* Col. Leake*fl nombcra hero do not
accord very well with one auoLber.
Tho crew of a horse, transport roost
bo reckoned at GO men and | (!) for
300 trao-fports to g-irc 20,000 seamca i
and tlie horse -cooTpyinf; iK>nr^ of i^
transport tnuBt bo rockonod at 11
horses and 4 <0 for 3500 bono* to
need 300 transports. I snppose 10.000
boTses, 25 in a tmnsport ; therefor*
400 transports and 100 mui to each.
Si8
KUMBEBS OF THE GBEEKa
Arp. BookYI
whether some thousands more or some thonsand^ fewer we cautoi
say.
The next point to be considered is, how many of the 2i>!),(iOi)
took part in the battle P Col. Leake proposes a deduction of nearij
one-fourth of the " nominal strength " on account of " want of
complement at the outset, desertion,, sickness, accidents to ships,
disabled horses, and garrisons at places on the waj."^ But Hero-
dotus appears to regard the armament as increased rather tluzi
diminished on its way from Asia. No garrisons are said to hare
been left in the islands, while troops were taken from each,^ pro-
bably at least enough to balance the losses from other causes. It is
however far from probable that the whole 200,000 were engaged in
the battle. Herodotus relates that Hippias " anchored the fle£i off
Itlarathon " at the time of the disembarkation ; * and the circom-
fitanccs of the re-embarkation seem to show that the ships were kept
riding on their anchors, and ready for sea to the last. This would
have involved the detention in the fleet of at least one-half of the
crews, say 80,000 men, whereby the men landed would bo reduced
to I'iO.OOO, It is further doubtful (as has been already noticcii
more than once) whether the cavalry were present in the battle: i;
they were absent, the actual combatants would not have ciceeilri
1 10,0' )0, of whom Bcarccly more than 30,000 could have Ijcen hcasy
armcd.^**
3. On the side of the Greeks the number engaged was proh^Wy
about 20,000. The earliest estimates of their force that we find are
tliosc of two Latin writers of the Augustan age, Trogus Pnnijioiui
and Cornelins Nepos. The former (whose work was epitomised by
.Instill) spoke of the Athenians as 10/»00, and the Plata^ans as 10'.>0;''^
tlio latter agreed as to the Platreans, but reduced the number of the
'Pominf Atfioa, p. 221.
» Horotl. vi. l»y.
' Ibid. L'L. 107. This was a pro.
cnutionary monsiire, in cast>-a rapid
iHvembiukation, hIiouUI bo noeossary.
Tho common practice was to draw up
t}ic voiacla on tho beach.
*° Tho triremes in tho fleet of
Xorxea carried only 30 men-at-ai'ins
each (infra, vii. Itt^Jt). If this was tho
complement in the fleet of Datis, his
heavv-armcd ■wonld have boon bat
IH.Oik). As, however, the fleet of
Datis was specially intended for tho
cnnvcyancc of troops, wherea? tLat cl
Xenes merely nccompanii-d In'i aroiy
it mnst be Btip|>osed that the number
of eoldiers on b(»ard each trirera** wis
greater. We find the Chians iritli 4'!
Boldiera on bfiard their vosstl-* at lb
battlo of Lade (supra, ch. 15).nnl tL^
Greets in tho Pelojumned^ian war bavc
sometimes as many as 50 {Thui"'yi1. i
fil ; iv. 129^. We may supp'!!*? x.\:y.
Datis wonld embark at lea^t rhisuipn
ber. (See Leake's Demi, pp. 21S, 211'
where this ptMnt ia well arijuod.;
" Justin, ii. 0.
lTL
PROPORTION OF THE TWO ARKIES.
519
ttbenions to 9000.^* This latter view 19 confirmed by Pansanias"
id Plutarch,'* and may thorefore be re^rde<l as that which, pos-
far the greatest weight of anthority. It cannot, however, be
jptod without one important correction. Tho light-armed must
been omitted from the calculation. This is distinctly evidonb
the case of the Platroans, and highly probable in that of tho
LtkenianB. Tho former, who came '* in fall force " (vavS-ntitl) to
ithon,^* cannot have furnished only 1000 men, since at Plat*ea,
jr their losses in the war and tho destruction of their city by
srxes," they were able to famish 1200." The latter can scarcely
supposed to have sent to Marathon, when their very existence
at stake, no more than 9000 men, seeing that to the general
tdczvoua at Plateoa they could send 16,000,'* while they had at tho
te time a large fleet on the coast of Asia," which must have
)rbcd 10,000 or 15,000 more. It is evident from the enrolment
slaves before Marathon — for the first time according to Pausa-
^ — that every effort was made, and as largo an army levied as
The conjecture, therefore/ that the heavy-armed alone
rkoned in tho estimates of Trogus and Nepos, is thoroughly
itlcd to acceptance ; and wo must add to the numbers reported
them a further estimate for tho light-armed on tho Greek side.
fow the rule observed at this period with regard to tho proportion
light to heavy-armed in a Greek army waa, that tho two should
equal in number ; ^ and there is no reason to suppose that there
any departure fronr tho rule on this occasion. Wo thns obtain
,000 for the probable number of the Athenian and 2000 for
it of tho Platicau contingent ; or 20,000 for tho wholo number
Igagod.
4. A comparison of the results now obtained will show that tho
disproportion bot%%*een the two armies waa far less than baa gene-
rally been imagined.^ The Persian combatantg were to tho Greek
" Cora. Nop. Vit. Milt. o. 6.
" Pttntnn. t. rx. § 2.
•^ riut. rarall. ii. p. 305.
" Hcrcwi. vi. 108. »« Ibid. TiH. 50.
" Ibi.l. ix. 28. 20. 8ix hunHrwl
li^tbt'OraivU aud cix bomlrtKl heavy-
arTn(^d.
*^ Ibid. Eight thousand of each
"cnption.
Hmi. flis. 90 et scqq.
•" i'ttuioui. I. xjLxii. 9 3,
' Bee Col. Lc&lco'i Esear (Demi of
AUicu, p. 223), ondTUiilwall'tf Uict. of
GrpPTo, vol. ii. p. 2 13.
• Cf. Herod, ix. 20.
' Plato says that the Greeks ftt Ha-
ratbcD " cbastiscd tho inaolonce of all
Aiia." (SXtji t^i 'Atrias, Mouei. p. 191,
ed. Tanchn.). CorDt>liuBNf>|HMnhBerTOB
— ^'Nolla nnqnmm Uktn cxiimn roanos
taotAA opes pmitra rib " (.Milt. o. 5).
Eren CoL Letkke oallfl the rictory
520
LAXDISG OF THE ARMY OF DATK. App. Boot VI.
afi live to one, or possibly as six to one. This w'as about the propor-
tion between tbo cojiibatants at Platwa ; * and victories bave often
boon gained u^iiust equal or greater odds, both in ancient and inodcni
timea.^ It is enough to mention the battle of Morjpirteo, which
has been called "the Svriss Marathon," where 16i)0 mountaineers
of Sehwytz, Uri, and Unterwald, utterly defeated and overthrew an
army of 20,000 Austriaus.**
5. TIic Persians, wo are told, selected the plain of Marathon, or
rather llippias, their guide, selected it for them, on account of its
fitness for the moyemente of cavalry.* Col. Leake has remarked
that the appearance of the plain is somcwhikt deceptive in this
respect.* With an average depth of two miles between the 6hon>
and the foot of the hills, it has an aipparent width of about six miles
between the ranges of IthraJconera and Anjaliki.; but the marshes at
either extremity of the plain practically contract it as a battle-field,
and leave in one place a width of only two miles, or two miles and
a half, suitable for military evolutions or for encampment. Tho
Persians probably landed upon tho entire range of low coast, tho
length of which is above six milcs,^ and anchored their ships off the
shore in a single line,^ extending to at least this dislaAce. Their
landing was unmolested ; and they would easily place on shore, in
" the most remarkable for the dippro-
portion of Iko piirties engaged that
history haii roouzxivd" (Duuii uf AlLlua,
p. lUO).
• Tlio Poraiun army at F1ata?a ia
reckoned at :t&n,000, iiofc inclurliug
the cavalry- (iufra, ix. U2, ad fin.).
The Greeks by whom they were de-
feated ooiiBisted of tho Spartans, who
with their Helots wero 60,000, tho
To^'cans, who wero 3000, and the
AthenionB, who were ICjOOO — in all
69,000.
• At ArhcTa tho Porsions excocdod
a million, aocordiujr to AiTiau (Eipod.
Alox. ii. 8), -while tho whole artny of
Alexander waa ouly 47|000 (ibid. o.
12) — ^a pniportion of above 25 to 1.
^ See EusatiU's Modern Europe, toL
i. n. 467.
' Horod. vi. 103.
• Demi of Attica, p. 209. It ia re-
markablo tliat t!io Scholiast on Plato
desrrihes Mnnithou as a place "very
unlit for iho cvoloiioua of cavahy."
It is> he says, rp ^Cirtt rpmx^U
ZvctwvairTOz, Ifxw iy iuvry njAoiri,
rtpdyn, idfumf (SchoL ad Flat. Monex.
10k
* This is evident from tbe Ua|is.
In Wftlpole's Turkoy the low boach ia
Baid to extend for "upwurda otf mma
zmlos" (p. 320).
* Mr. Blakeeley Rnpposea the d«ei
to have occupied two mihs only of the
coast (KxccFBOS on Book vi. p. 178j j
aod Col. Loako Biiggcata that **ooa
rank of the abipe only was npon the
beach, and that the others were an*
chored behind tlicm" (Domi, p. £13.
notu). Bat there seems to bo no
reason why the di(>cmbarkatiQa shoQlit
not have taken place along the wholo
line of coast from the foot of Bn-
IcssQS (Arijaiiki) to. the salt lake of
Dhrakonertu In that cams a single
lino woald have sofiiccfl for the whole
fleet, oven if wo reckon it at 1000
vessels (600 triiomes and 400 bone*
transports}.
i
I
I
ITS DISPOSITION.
521
course of a few hours, the fvliolo army with which they meant
^engage, both horse -and foot. Advanciug inland, thc*y discovered
existence o£ the two marshes, which obliged them to contract
front, but they would still have found, after poflsiog the uar-
rest point, a space of nearly three miles in width, perfectly fit for
kping-ground, between the small marsh (G ou the plan) and the
ZDorsh (8 on ditto) or between the former and the foot of
int Kordki. Their front being thus placed at an average distance
abont three quarters of a mile from the sea, sufUcieut room was
dned for the tents and pickets of 100,000 or 120,000 men. The
.Tj-armed, 30,000 in number, were probably arranged nearest
enemy, and must have bccu drawn up about four deep at the
^e of the engagement.' The Pcrsiaas and Sacio occupied the
ttre of the line, which Is the usual post of honour in. oriental
-the less warlike auxiliaries were disposed to the right aud
the left. The light-armed were undoubtedly arranged according
the UHuiil Persian pnictice, behind the heavy-armed, aud shot
ir an-ows over their heads.' With regard to the cavalry, it was
>bubiy designed to bo disposed upon the wings,* and here it may
kve had its station originally.; but the silence of Herodotas ob to
any part which it took in the battle, together with the explanation
offered by Suidas of the Athenian proverb x"ph Iinr«»s, seems to
show that when the engagement took place it was away from the
3£r. Blakcsley enpixwea tbnt the
were never landed at all (Ex*
p. 174), but remuineil in
ibcea. IIo thinks tliat the (lilH-
culty of landing horses in fnoo of an
envmy eaiuod tbom to bo left bobiDil
at tho firit, and tlmt the intention was
to send for them when the Athenians
trvaoaat«d tbuir position, and loft the
rood open whiclk led into tho plain of
Athonfl. But Atarathun hud been He-
leotod ns tho point of debarkHtioa
precieely bccauso it vma tbuuglit that
tbo bor*e couM act >Tith peculiiix
effect th<rre ; and even if originally
thrro ba<l been a hueitation about
landiog thom, yet, whoa tho PeratanB
were for nbovo a wojk in full posses-
■ion of tho whole line of coast, the
difficulty uiQst haro \-oait»hed, and tho
hormo would have boeu sent fur. My
cn/nx belief is, that they were broaght
with tho otbcriroopi and disembarked
at unca.
' By the natttre of the (rround tt u
CTideut that tho Persian front hod an
GxtonsioD of Dcorljr three miles. Al-
lowing' two foet to a mini, it wnnid
require a lino of 7030 men to 611 this
space. Thirty thonsand might thn^r,
by a very slif^ht expiui^ion of the
ranks, baTo bccu ran^d in the space
four deep. According to Xenophon
this was the rcgTilar depth of tho
Persian phalanx tCyrop. vi. lit. § 2-i).
* Arihtoph&nea niiiues tho doiute
flights of tho Persian arrows on lUia
occasion (Vw^, lOlO : irw^ fl< riiv
Xraophon (1. b. c) shows their posi-
tiou in tlio rear of tho hwivy .armed.
* As at Arbehi (Arrlan, £xp. Alox.
ill. 11) Uiid olaewhoro.
522
POSITION OCCUPIED BY THE GBEEKS. Ai-p. Booi \T
field, oithcr procuring forage or employed on some Bpocia] aervicc.
Col. Leake supposes that, as the Persians were cramped for room,
tho cavalry was eent away at the first to " some neigbboarmg plaW
where it had orders to remain "motionless in its cantonments,'**
But it is perhaps more probable that the absence was tcmponuy
and (so to spoftk) accidental. For the Persians to have sent awiy
permanently that arm to which they mainly tmsted for success, and
on account of which they had chosen Marathon for their landing-
place, would have been absolute madness. But if forage failed — and
in the course of seven or eight days the requirements of 10,000
horse may easily have exhausted the crops standing in the Hara-
thonian plain on the arrival of the expedition — it might be necessary
to send them temporarily into neighbouring plains or valleys lo
supply themselves. The long inaction of the Greeks would hare
seemed to make the risk less, as it might have appeared to Datis
that the enemy was determined to remain wholly on the defensive.
6. The Greeks on their part seem to have been originally drawn
up at the entrance of the valloy of Vrandj which is i^-ith good reason
believed to represent tho ancient Marathon. They hero blockod np
the direct road to Athens, which lay through the pass of St'imata
into tho valley of the Cephtssns, while at the same time they were
in a position to defend the two other routes by which tho capital
might have boen threatened. The Persians might have marched up
the valley of the MarathonaJ through the modem village of that
name and CEnoo (J)iwi)» ^^^ *^^ Greeks could then have met themat
Sianiaia^ if they attempted to pass between that place and In^ or
at Deceleia, if they tried to reach Athens by way of the great
northern road which connected the capital with Oropns. Or again,
the Persians might have defiled to tho left, and have proceeded to
pass over the low spur from Mount Brilossus (ArgaUkl) which shot*
in the Marathonian plain on tho south, along the road which led to
Athens by Pallcu^ and the valley of tho lUssus ; * but in that caM
they would have Inid open their flank — and not only so, but tJieir
ri<tkt flank, wliich the shield did not cover — to an attack from the
Greeks," and would have risked the separation of their force into
I
• Demi of Attica, pp. 215. 216.
' Br the road maikL-il ec in the plan,
p. 479.
" By the road marked aa. Thw mm
evidotitly the routo followed by Pisia-
tratiu in bis march Dpon Athens
(Btipra, i. B*).
* This point la well put by Hr.
Blftkcsley (Eicnm. p. 175), the only
writer (so for as I know) who hu
aotiocd it.
CssiT X.
TACTICS OF THE PERSIANS.
523
two bodies. At Vrand alone — in the central valloj of tbo three —
could a watch bo kept upon all three routes : and hero therefore the
Greeks posted themselves. The position was ono of great strength.
The valley of Vrand is at its entrance less than a mile in width ; so
that> allowing two feet to a man, the Greek army might have been
drawn up entirely across it, maintaining throughout a nniforra depth
of eight.^ The right would rest upon the hill of Argaltki, which is
lofty and covered with pines;* the left upon Mount Kotroni, which
is barren and loss elevatofl, but peculiarly rugged and dilCcuit of
access.' The Greeks were thus protected from what they prin-
<ripally feared — the attacks of cavalry upon their flanks; and they
may even have taken steps to diminish the danger of anch attacks
in front, by felling trees ami strewing them over the entrance of the
Tftlloy.*
7. The Greek commanders, no doubt, expected to be at once
attacked in their position, which they were prepared to defend as
the Peloponnesians afterwards defended Thermopylic. But the
tactics of the Persians at this time were different. They had suc-
ceeded in reducing Eretria by internal treachery with little loss to
themselves,'^ and wero resolved to play the same game in Attica.
They bad probably no fear of tlie result of a battle, but felt they
would please their master better if they accomplished the objects of
the expedition without the effusion of blood. We may also give
HippiaA credit for a real wish to avoid the slaughter of his country-
men, like that which actuated Pisistratus nearly fifty years pre-
Tionsly.* Accordingly, negotiations were set on foot with the
partisans of the exiled family at Athens, and perhaps in other parts
of AtticA,^ from which great things were expected : and in the mean
time hostilities weresnupended, and no attempt made even to molest
the army in its position. Col. Leake has expressed surprise that,
daring the period which intervened between tho landing of the
Persians and the battle, they did not " spread on every side, occupy
all the hills around tho plain, and annoy tho Greeks by attacksi
especially from their archers, upon tho flanks and rear." * This
" TTiii was the cleplH which tho
GrcrlcH comrooHly preferred (i^o<* Dirt.
of Aniiq, ad voo. Bxr&ciTtB, p. 4&'l).
* Lenke'a Demi, p. 79.
■ Ibid,, and compare p. 211.
•Com. Nep. Milt. c. G. Frontintw
relates (Scratc^. ii, 2) that Cloomcuea
had used this mode of Dbatmctingf
cavalry in hiB war with Uippias
(eopra, t. 61).
» Her«d. vi. 101.
« Herod, i. 63.
r See Ul&kerley's Kxra»Q0, p. 17C.
• Pexui, p. 215.
524
INACTION OF THE GREEKS.
App. Book
woald no doubt have been tbe conduct of an enemy anxious to puali
mattora to extremities ; but if tbe Persian cotnmaudcrB hoped to
obtain the submission of Athena itself without a battle, it would U
have been natural for them to avoid movements the effect of which V
mi|rht probably have been to bring on a general engagement. Thej
therefore remained within their lines, waiting to bear, either tbat
Athens was ready to make submission, or at least that a civil war
was begun ibere, which coold not but have soon extended to the
camp, and would then have broken up the Greek army.^
8, The delay on the part of the Greeks scarcely needs to b»
accounted for. Being in their own country, strongly posted, with
abundant supplies at hand, excellently placed for the defence of
their capital, and looking for the arrival witliin a short time ^ of
important reinforcements, they had every strategic reason to remain
quiet, at least until the Spartans should come to their assistance.
Delay was sure to injure the Persians in many ways. They would
suffer fi*ora their close packing, from the vicinity of tho marshes,
even from mere change of climate. Their stock of provisions, more— ■
over, could not but have been in time exhausted, in which case they ^
would have had to re-embark without striking a blow, or to have
undertiiken the perilous tusk of assaulting the Greek position. Tha
most remarkable circumstance in the whole straggle is, that tha
Gi*ecks should have assumed the offensive, especially at the timo
they did, when the arrival of the Spartans might almost hourly bo
expected. Two causes seem to have combined to produce tho
sudden change in the Greek tactics. The first is that mentioned by
Herodotus ^ — the danger of an exph^sion at home. Miltiades was
as well aware as Datis or Hippias that public opinion at Athens woa
in an unsettled state — that there were still many in tho town who
*' loved tyranny better than freedom." ^ This circumstance mode
highly desirable that a battle should bo fought soon; and, if mati
had actually come to a crisis at Athens, there would bavo
I
• This view rests chiefly on Uorod.
tL 100. It rcceirea Bonio enpport
from the story u£ the shield (ibid. chg.
121-1 24) , vrh ich cannot Imvo boon
without a fuuatlation.
' >Vhen the Athf^Tiianii first took up
their putiitiun at Harathou they would
ha»e expected aid from Sparta in,
nbout fivo dnys. Wbcn, aboot tho
time at which they hud lookod for
this snccoTir to arrives the
renched them ihnt Sparta wouM dca
move till tbe full inuou, they fuuud
that Uicy would havo to wait fivH orj
six dayi more. Only oleren dmr*'
BoeiD to have intorvpned lx>twp»^ tJift
march of the Atheuiuiis to M&ratbua
and tho actual nrriral on tho Eold of j
the 2000 SportJuis.
» Hei-od. Ti. I0». » Ibid. i. 61
XbsatL
THEIB CHANGE OF TACTICa
525
Slothing Burprising in tho fact of the Groeks attacking. But this
doo6 not appear to have been the case. At least we hear of nothing
more than the general danger which was fuUy Imown to Miltiados
ten days earlier.* The qnestion therefore arises, why did Miltiadoa,
after remaining on the defensive bo long, suddenly change his tactics
and make the assault ? Why, especially, did ho do so when he
must have known that tho Spartans were on their road, and would
probably arrive within a day or two ? The fact mentioned by
Soidas, and negatively confirmed by Herodotus, of tho casual
absence of the Persian horse on the day of the battle, exactly answers
this question, and removes the difficulty. If the Persians, finding
that forage grew scarce, and was not to be had in the immediate
neighi>our}ioad, and at the same time despising their euemy^s in-
action, and believing that he would never venture on attacking
thorn, sent their horse on this day to forage for themselves in the
plain of Tricorythus, or the valleys which open out of it ; and if this
movement was observed by the Greeks or reported to them by
tike loniaus ; ^ nothing is more nutnro.1 than that Miltiados should
* Mr. B1ak€«1cy Buppose* that iha
battle wn» fonght on tho /ifth day after
the arriTui of tbo Atliouians at Mom.
thoD (Kxrnr«ns, p. 177). He corrocts,
very proiHirly, Mr. Grote'fl mistako
in as^niniuif that the nine othor
^npmla all rcti^ned their commEuod
t4] Mtkiodea, and poiuta oat (what ia
andonbtodly tmo) that Horodotas
only Bjioiik* of snch a anrrondpr on tho
part of four out of tbe uiue (cf. lierod.
vi. 110). Bnt he improperly con.
clndos from this that the battio was
fooghi ''on the fifth day." Herodo-
tus does not say so. Ho merely
auyw ntt^tively that Mtltiades did
not fight on any of the dayn concerlcd
to him, bnt waited for his own turn.
lie does not say that tho conceded
days wiTo conscuutivo, and it ia very
nnlikclr that it would just happen
that the fonr penemlB who pnvo np
their tame shcmld have had the right
of comuiatid on four follow inj? days.
TVo cannot irally gnthrr from this
part of the narrative of HcrodotuB on
which day he considers the battle to
have been fonpht. We can, however,
do BO from other •poxin of hia narra-
tive. HerodotoB t«I1s ua tbat Fh,u
dippides waa eont off to Sparta before
the genorals left tho city — donbtleM
on the morning of tho tamo day. He
arrived at Sparta uu llio evening of
t he day following. Thai waa tbe
ninth of tbo cnrront Spartan month,
BIX dnya befuno the foil mixm, whioh
fell on tho 15th. Tho Spartant
xnorched oat on the day after the fall
ronon — i.e., on tho ItJth; and they,
arrived at Athena lato on tho third
day, which waa tho ISlh. This,
according to Plato (IjOg. iii. p. ItVl,
ed. Taachn.), was tho day after tbo
battle, which wa« cronaeqaently fought
on tho 17th of tho Spartan month, the
tenth day after Fhidippidea started
for Sparta and the Athenians marched
to Marathon. Herodotuij confirmfl the
fact of tho Sportana arriving at thia
time, by making them prcKv^ed to Ma-
rathon, and thero view tho Ferflion
dead, which wonid certainly not have
been left miboried longer ihon nocea-
eary, and wenld prnbnlily have been
all interred by thf* end of the aeoend
day after thebnttlo.
* Ah SuidoB aaya.
526
MILTIADES PBEPABAHONS FOE BATTLK. APf.BooiTL
promptly take advantage of the capital error of bis antagonist, and
march upon him before it could be rectified. His knowledge of tb
Persian warfare made him confident that in the absence of t^
cavalry he could lead his Greeks to an assured victory ; and he nay
not have been sorry to obtain for his own state the whole howa,
which a few days later must have been shared with Sparta.
9. Matiadea had probably long determined on the mode in wW
he would attack if he should be compelled to do so, or shoTild find
a fitting opportunity. As he must necessarily in that case adniice
iuto the plain, ho had resolved, in order not to be outflanked, to
extend his line till it equalled, or nearly equalled, that of the Per-
aiaufl : and as even this arrangepient wonld not, under the great
disparity of numbers, offer complete security, he had determined
further to give his wings a strength which would oblige him seriously
to weaken his centre. A great boldness and originality is irace&Ue
in this handling of the troops under him. Hitherto Greek tactics
had been of the simplest kmd : they fought in phalanx order, with
a uniform depth throughout, rarely falling short of eight iQ-
tiadc3 suddenly conceived the idea of venturing, against Persiani,
to bring his troops info line. If he maintained on the wings for any
distance, a depth (say) of four files, a considerable portion of hU
centre must have consisted of a single line of Hoplites.* Behind
these he may have placed a second, and possibly a third line of light-
armed ; but these would be rather for appearance than for strength,
and would have been no match for Persians and Sac».
10. Having made this disposition of his troops as rapidly as pos-
sible, but assuredly not without attracting the attention of the
Persians and placing them to some extent npon their guard,^ ililti-
• It has been observed that the Per-
Bian front most have had an extension
of nearly three miles (sapra, § 5,
note ^), which would require, at two
feet to the man, a front line of nearly
8000 men. If wo allow the Greek,
with his larirer sliield, his larger and
heavier woapjiis, and hia greater self-
reliance, a space of three feet, still,
for a IcnEjth of three miles, a lino of
52SO men is requisite. The Greek
heavv-armcd were but 10,000. Sup-
posing then the wings, for the space
even of 200 yardd, to have bad a
depth of four "files, it would follow
that abovo one-fonrth of the centr?
had but a single line of heavr-anaed.
' Professor Creasy snppoees chat th#
charge took the Persians by surprise.
He imagines that the cavalry wwa
present, but had not time to pnfi»re
their horses and mount before the
Greeks closed with the Persian lii:^
(Fifteen Decisive Battles, Maratlxnf.
Mr. Blakesley also regards the ciur??
as a complete surprise, assuming ihu
the Greeks had descended iato tie
plain, and drawn oat in line opposite
the Persians, on every preriotu diy
(Excursus, p. 177).
BATTLE OF SIAHATHOX
527
les sacriUcod, and tben gave tho signal for an adrance. The two
were posted nearly a mile apart, and this space the GroeVa
said to have passed " at a run." ® Their object socms to have
been to give the Persians as brief space as possible for prepai-atiou,
and (in part) to shorten the time of their own exposure to missile
weapons. For the Litter purpose it would have been enough to run
the last 100 or 150 yards ; but the former may have been regarded
fta of suiBcient importance to make the exertion — not perhaps a very
great one to trained Greeks — advisable. The direct efTcot of the
charge is not stated. It has been supposed that the Athenians
Vfere themselves disordered by the rapid movement, and that the
defeat of their CMsntre was in consequence of it ; ° but this is contra-'
dieted by the words of Herodotus, who says that the Athenians fell
on the barbarians '*in close array ** (aSpiot).^ A prolonged and des-
perate conflict seems to have followed.^ The Greeks were success-
ful on both wings, where their main strength had been placed ; bat
their weakened centre, being opposed to the best troops of the
enemy, was borne back, and suffered considerably. Herodoiua says
that it was *' broken and pursued into the inner country ; " but thia
•eems an exaggeration, arising from that rhetorical spirit and love
of effect which has been noticed as one of his peculiar weaknessOB."
As the entire loss on the Greek side was but 192, and as these aeem
to have fallen priueipally in the combat at the ships,^ it is impos-
sible that there can have been anything like a rout or disorderly
flight' of their centre or main body. It is also evident that, if the
pursuit bad been extended into the inner country, the latter part of
the battle would have bad a very different character from that which
is assigned to it. If the Persians had really routed the Greek ccntro
And pnrsued it across the plain into one or both of the two valloya
lying behind — wiiich is what the expression of Horodotos strictly
•Herod, vi. 113. Perhaps the
/jrSpo^KTCT of ArietopLanoH (Tesp.
ICNMSi 19 an allusiuu tu tUia featuro of
the eng«ff«inent.
' Soo Mr. Grote's History of Grooco,
vol iv. p. 470, note *.
* Herod. 1. b. c. 'A^roiot S', iwtt r«
^BfiSot v^tr/^tt^av roiat fioffidpotirt^ iftd-
;i[oKTo a^ivt xiyov.
^ heroil. vi. 113. Compare Aria-
topb. Vc^p. 1050, iW' ^fuft immffd-
fUvBtt li/M tff MS Wp^S icwip^
' See the latrodaotory Easaj, oh. ilu
pp. 97,9a,
* Herod, vi. Ill, CoU Lenko re-
gards the main Iom as snOcrcd by iho
contro. and attributes to thia tho poai^
tioa of the 3<fro$t or tomb of tlte
Athenians (Domi, p. 212), but he doM
sot Boe that the expresnon, tv ro^y
Ttf ■K6¥^y at the beginning of ch. 114,
refers to the strnggle at iho ahipa.
See his paraphrasOj p. 206.
528
DEFEAT OF THE PERSIANS — ^THEIB LOSS. App. Book YL
taken implies — ^the Greek wings, when they nnited, wonld have
fonnd themselves in the rear of the Persian centre, interposed be-
tween them and their ships, and the Persians in order to escape
mnst have charged and broken through their line.^ But Herodotnfi
clearly has no idea of this kind. He means to represent the wings
as thrown across the front of the Persians — first checking their pur^
suit, then forcing them to give way, finally putting them to flight
and driving them headlong to their ships. But if this was the tm©
character of the movement made by the wings and of its result, the
Greek centre cannot have been pursued to any great distance.
Probably it was in difficulties, had yielded ground, and was about to
Buffer defeat, when it was saved by the arrival to its aid of the vic-
torious wings. Then the tide turned — the barbarians were forced
to begin a retreat, which perhaps became little better than a flight
before tbey reached their ships. It can scarcely, however, have
been the entire rout which. Herodotus represents.^ Here again his
love of effect and of lively description has carried him away. The
whole loss of the Persians was 6400 men out of above 100,000, a num-
ber indicative of a tolerably orderly retreat, rather than of a rout
and an indiscriminate slaughter. The loss would have been still
smaller had it not been for a peculiarity in the ground, which was
of great detriment to the Persians. The large marsh at the north-
east end of the plain was interposed between the army and a con-
siderable portion of the fleet, which lay off the whole length of that
narrow strip of beach by which the marsh is separated from the sea.
In their haste to reach this portion of the fleet, the Persians pressed
each other into the marsh ; and here it was that they suffered their
chief losses.^ There can have been no great confusion in the re-
embarkation, or the Greeks would certainly have taken or destroyed
* Mr. Blnkesloy is the only com-
mentatur who perceiro3 this (Ex-
cnrsu3> p. 17s) ; niid he nccepts the
consetiucnccs, believing that tlie Per-
Bian centre was "caught in a trap,"
and had to " force its wav throng-h "
the victorious wings. Herodotus
could hardly have thouc^ht this and
given us no inklinj^ of it. Phitarch,
it must be borne in mind, does not
even make the Greek centre retreat ;
it only has some difficulty in defeating
the enemy (Aristid. c. 3).
' Mr. Blakcslcy haa some good
remarks on this point (Excnrsns.
L a. c).
' In the picture of the battle which
adorned the Poecile, or Painted Por-
tico, at Athens — which was executed
in the time of Pericles — while in the
main battle the Persians were repre-
sented as fighting on equal terms with
the Greeks, in the distance they were
depicted as suffering great loss in the
marsh (Pansan. i. xv. § 4). Pan-
sanias savs it was the current belief
that almost the entire loss of the Per-
sians took place there (i. xxxii. § 6).
RE-EMBAEKATION OF THE PERSIANS,
529
>rc tban acrcn triremes out of 600. Probably the portion of the
whicb had been retained on board acted in part as light-armed
'ibis conjanctore, and protected the re-embarkation by clonds of
tiles.
be other point seems to require a few words. What eventually
le of the Persian cavalry ? Meseengera are almost Bure to havo
sent to recall it as soon as the fight began ; bat it seems certain,
the entire description of the battle, that it did not arrive tiU the
whole straggle was over. Probably, however, it made its appear-
^he before nightfall, when it may have been suffered to re-embark
^^etly. The Greeks would not have been anxious for a second
onconnter, and would by that time have either entrenched them-
selves on the plain, or have returned to the Heracleinm. The Per-
sian fleet woB doubtless still in theofBng, and, on noticing the arrival
of the horse, would at once send the horse-transports to shore.
Thus I should suppose the horse to have been re-embarkod before
Datis sailed to ^gileia, and to have accompanied him in his frait-
demonstration against Athena.
yoh. m.
2m
530 TBADITI05S EESPECmNQ THE PELASQIAKS. Aw. Boos Yt
ESSAY II.
ON TITK TRADITIONS EESPECTIKG THE PELASGIANS.
I. Original popnlation of Grceco and Ttal;'. hoTnogoneoQi. 2. Kindred ncet ia
Aaia Minor and the islaniiii. 8. dinracleristicfl of th.U eibuio group. 4.
Position of the Pelosgi in it. 6. Extent of coantrj ocoapied hy Che Pftla*-
gtans, 6. Thi'ir Reneral movement fn>tu t^oat to wotU 7. Etymology cf
their nAuio. H. Linea of paaaago. U. Mi^mtiona of the TTrrhono-PelM-
gians. 10. Pcloagic vmlls. 11. Absorptioa of tho Pelasgiona to o
races.
1. That tte variotis tribes wbich are presented to Tia by hiB*oryM
the earliebt inhabitants of the Hclleuic auil liuliu pcniasulos were
for the most part ethnically connected, and constituted in reality a
single race, has been maintained by most modem writers of r^
pute,* and is daily receiving fresh support from the progress of lin-
guistic discovery. It now appears* that not only was there an
element in the early Itjtlian population andistingaishablo in ethnic
type from the race which inhabited Dpirusand the Pelopoouesc, bat
that the Italic nations themselves, the Oscans, Umbrianfl, Sabelliana,
&c., were (with one exception ') of the same ethnic stock, A single
homogeneous people was spread, at the earliest period to which his-
tory carries ua back, over the whole, or by far the greater part, ol
the two peninsulas, reaching from the shores of tho £geaa to the
borders of Ligaria.
n
' Mtillcr, Doriona, voL i* (pp. 1-19,
E. T); Niebuhr, Roman Ilifitory,
vol. i. pp. 27-02. E. T. ; Tliirlwall,
Historj of Greece, vol. i. ch. ii ; Glad*
stone, Homer and the Homerio A^e,
vol. i. oH. ii. § 2.
' By tho lAboQm, chiefly, of Pro-
fessor Lassen, Dr. Lepsitis, and Dr.
Aofrecht, who have very sacoessfally
analysed the remainx of tho Umbrian
and BabeUo.Gican languages. It up-
pcars that thero is tho closeat analogy
between tho graramatiool forma in
these tongues and thoso which pre-
vailed in early times oinong the
Uomaos and Latins generally. (See
Laason'a pnpcr licitraie sur Dmtung
dtr JUnrjubinisrhen Tafdvr in the
Wteinisch^M Museum for 1833-I83-1,
Dr. Aafrecht's oontrihation to Ban-
sen's Philosophy of History, vol. iiu
pp. 8^109, and the variona trestiMS
of Lepsius).
* That of tho EtruacftM, wloss
language is dccidodly not even Inde-
Germanio. It is surprising that sd
cxcellcDt a scholar and so acatc m per-
sou as Dr. Doiialdsnn shoald attempt
to prove the Etrascan a " sister**
dialect to the other Italic langnoges
by moans of a certaiti number ol
similar root* (p©e Varroniana?, ch. r.\
when its entire structure ia oo diffar<
cnt that it is impossible, even Cnm
the copious inscriptions that temoin,
to form a conjecture as to its gram*
mar, or do more tbBn guess at ths
moaaing of some half-dozoo words.
4
I
BttAXiL
TW'O USES OF THE TERM PELASQUK.
531
2. Kor was the race confined wittin the limits here indicated.
Sicily, the isiands of tho Egean, aud the western coast of Asia \Luor,
were ccrta'mlj in the possession of tho same people ; and it is oveu
doubtful whether we ought not to class with them the Phrygians,
the Carians/ and tho Lydians.* Suflicient materials do not perhaps
yet exist to decide this question; but tho Phrygian remains raise a
■trong suspicion of a close ethnic connection between that people
and the Greeks." If this aSinity be admitted, we must extend the
limits of the race in question to tho moontaic-chaiB of Taurus and
the banks of the Ilalys.
3. Community of language was not the only tie which nuited the
Tsriona tribes scattered over this vast space. A general resemblance
in manners, habiU), and religious beUef characterised them, and dis-
tinguished them alike from their Semitic neighbours upon the soath-
6tt6t, and from tho rader and more savage ra^es of Throcians and
Hiyrians who bordered them upon tho north. Peaceful habits,
^gricultoral pnrsuita, a love of navigation, and a taste for tmo art,
to have been the leading fcatores of the nation, or family o£
itioDS, of which wo are here speaking.
4. ^liat exact position the Pelasgiana held in this ethnic group
is not easy to determine, Tlie words Pelasgic and Pelasgian are
ted, both by ancient and modem writers, sometimes in a wider,
letimes in a narrower acceptation ; on the one liand, as co-erten*
ive with the entire ethnic group in question ; on the other, as
litcd to a mere single tribe, on a par with Caueoos, Lelcges,
Dryopes, Dolopes, and such minor divisions of tho one groat national
lily. It ia observable, however, that the earlier WTitors, almost
ithont exception, incline to give to tho name a wide rather than a
>w meaning.' ^schylus mokes Pclasgus, king of Argos, rulo
* According to Ilerodotas, tbe Ca-
wero Lelogos (i. 171) j ond (bo
TjclcfTCft were certainly allied to the
other raoos which poopled Qrooco.
(Thirlwall, i. pp. 42-15.) Homers epi.
thct» ^apBofii^yoit duos not — bovr-
ever wo take it — pruvo tbc CarioDS of
a difforent echnio familr; for a very
■Ught dircrsitr in Bpeoch woald havo
been considered by tbe Greeks to con.
fltitnto Q people '*fomgra;*' &nd the
traomcitnin^ of tbo tcrca, as applied
to the Ciirianj, seema to bo that they
■poke bad Greek. <Sco vol. t. p. 693).
' The Lydians were of tbe same
raoo as tbo Csriaos. (See AjipeiuUx
to Book i. E«Aay xi. p. 6U2).
* S«o App. to Book i. Enaay zL p.
691.
' Bcflidcf tbo wiitera moiitloned in
tho text, ApuUodonu and Str%bO|
cai*eful guthcrerecJ ancient traditions,
f^?em to deserve especial mention.
The famoas genenl'ipr of thn former
Bccms to BJifiiini to tbc Pelaiit;>nn raoe,
not only tho Tbe«prolian«, Ptfucotiauit,
HacedoDinoft and Arcadians, but alao
tho Cauoonaandtbe LyuiansI (liiblio-
532
APPELLATION OF THS TERM PELASOL ArP.BooiTI
over all Greece, from the Peloponnese on tbe sontli to the riTcr
Strymon upon the north.^ Herodotus says Greece was called an*
ciently Pelasgia/ and includes, under tlie common name of Pelasgi,
the Athenians,^" the Arcadians,'^ the lonians of Asia Minor,^ the
Lemnians," the Samothracians,^* and the Orcstonians.^ Even
Homer, who of all the early writers, makes least mention of tbe
Pelasgians, yet seems to acknowledge their wide extent hy connect-
ing them at once with Asia Minor, Crete,*'^ Dodona,** and Thessaly."
On the other hand, Thncydides distinctly states that the Pelas^c
was only the most numerous of the many connected races which
peopled Greece; ** and exen the writers who dwell most upon their
yast extent distinguish from them several other races,^ who must
yet be reckoned among the earliest inhabitants of Greece, and who
may reasonably bo regarded as sister tribes to the Pelasgian. We
must therefore consider the appellation of Pelasgi, not as attaching
properly, like Arian, Slave, or even Teuton, to all the Tarions
members of an entire ethnic family, but rather, like Hindoo or Saxon,
as the name of a particular branch, itself split np into a number of
subordinate tribes, each distinguished from the rest by a peculiar
title. The Lelegca, Curetes, Cancones, Dolopes, Dryopes, Bceoiian
Thracians, &c.y are rather to be regarded as tribes parallel to the
thee. III. Tiii § 1.) Tho latter eava
distinctly, "AlmoHt all writora ogree
{dfio\oyov(Tir fiiraKT«y (rx«8<iK ti) lliat
tho Pclastrians Trcro an ancient tribe
spread over (/w whtjle qf Greece"
(v. p. 312).
• Snpplicofi, 245-257.
• Ucrod. ii. 66. Compare AcTtailans
(Ft. 11), who inclndes in the name all
Greece as far aa Lariesa and I'har-
ealia. Kphoms said Pelasffia was the
nncicnfc name of the Peloponnese.
(Frag. 54. Compare Acub. Fr. 12).
"Herod, i. 56. " Ibid. i. 146-
»» Ibid. vii. 94 " Ibid. vi. 137.
>* Ibid. ii. 61. " Ibid. i. 57.
" n. ii. aio.
V Od. XIX. 172-177.
KpffTi) TIF •faV ivTt, M**V i"* o'ifO*i irovrtf,
lta\^ Kai vtci^ai wtfii^^tmof tv i' u»f,'Wiroi
«o\\o<, uirei^>«'cr(ot, xai iitvipiovTa «i>\n€f'
hf A' 'Ert6Kpnr€t tie*ia\ifToptt, J» H Kbimva»
*' H. xvi. 23.3. Zfv Si'c A«5*rtw,
Xlf XatrytK*, ttjX66i walwr. Some writers
nnderatand a Drdona in T.^iessa'T
(Glatlstonc, vol. i. p. 106); but I 5eo
DO reason to belicre that there va^
ever more than one Dudona.
" II. u. 6SI.
NTi- av TOit, ijffaot TO tlcAa^iKnv "AfT"
*»a(iif —
ot t" 'Wof, at t' 'A\<.>«*i». ol T* T^^x**" •*"
fi.O>rTQ, K. T. X.
" Thncyd. i. 3. itori Bin, 8te SxXa
Kol rh HtKouryuchi' i-trl vXtiffT or.
* Ilorodatns, in speaking of the
rapid prowth of the Hfllonic race,
says that many other barbarons tribes
besides tlie Pelappians attached them-
selves to it (jid\i<rra ■wpotricfX'^Pf^''''^
ain^ Kol &\XaiF iBwtwp $ap$aLpmP
ffvxv&v, i. 5S). And Si rabo enome-
ratea among tbo earliest inhabitant-: of
Greece a largo number of races which
he seems to place on a jiar with the
Pelasfirians in evorvthinar except power
and extent of territory (vii. p. IGo).
PELASGIC SETTLEMENTS.
533
^elosgic tlian as diviaiona of it. They bore prolx<ibly ih© snme rola-
;iio PoliisgiaDH that the Oacanfl did to the UmbrianH tu Italy,
id the Jij-dians to the Carians in Asia Minor. Wo cannot pro-
)UJico that cither flowed from tho other, or detcrmlno wl^iieh was
te moro ancient — we can only see that in the yeiy earliest times
which history sheds any light Greece was inhabited by a people,
lOgeneons indued, but separated intodi&tiuct tribes, and that one
tfasBe, which (on the authority of Thucydides) we may call the
it, was tho Pelosgian.
i. It is interesting, however, to trace, so for as we may, the
iderings of this ancient race, which mnst bo considered to have
1 among tho carhcst of those that passed from Asia into
iurope.' They possessed, apparently, the western parts of Asia
iOT at a very early date;' and tho two cities which bore the
te of Afagncsia have with reason been ascribed to them.'* They
enumerated by Homer among the allies of tho Trojans;* and
continued to possess places on tho Asiatic side to a time later
Heradotus.** They are found in many of tho islands^ between
two continents ; and on tho mainland of the Hellenic peninsula
occupy a number of most important positions, rery distant
)m one another, at a period of great antiriuity. Of tlicse the
incipal are Thessaly, Epirus, and the Peloponnese. In Theasaly
presonco is marked by the Pelasgic Argos,^ and the district
led Pelasgicltis ; ** in Epirus Dodona was their special scat;^ in
' Tbe first wave of population which
'.d into Europe waa, beyond a
loobt, Soythio or Taraaian. Traoes
of this raoe i^pear in the I'lsoniaiu of
Lftke Proaioa (sopra, r. 16, note "),
in the early dwellers upon tho Swiss
lakes (ibiil.), in tho Etroficans (and to
Bome extent the RumanH) in Itul/ (aoe
Tol. i. p. ti07, and p. (iI3), in t)ie uon-
Celtic element of the (so-called) Celtic
races vt Franco and Britain, in tho
Boaqaes in Spain, the K^thonianH on
the Baltic, the Moskovs of Russia, and
the Fins and Laps of the Arctic regions.
• Tlioy originally bold Gysicus
(Sohol. ml Apoll. Uhoa. i. 987). They
precedf>rl tho Ucllenon in I^esboa nud
Chios (Strab. v, p. 2i'l, xiii. p. 621);
ond aci^rding to Mouccrat«s (Fr. IJ
were ept^ad over tho whole ooast of
.loaia befoce the oonuQeooemeat of
the great migrations. (Comp. Herod,
rii. 9&. AtoAc'cY t6 toAoi ita\t6fitvoi
UtKaayot,
* Nicbahr's Klotno Historisoha
Scbriftou, p. 371.
* XL ii. 840. 'Irrieoot S* &7« ^vXa
* As Plooia and Scylao^ on the Pro-
pontis (Herod i. 67), and Trallc« in
Carta (AgaUiiap, ii. p. Gl).
? In Civtu (Horn. Od. xix. 177). An-
drofl (Conun. 41), Somothrucp (Herod,
ii. 61), Lemxtofl and Imhrai (ib. v.
2*1), and anciently in the CycUdea
generally (ib. rii. 95).
■ Horn. IL a. CSl.
» ftlnibo, vii. p. 177.
» Hum. n. iFi. 233; iEsohyl. SoppL
251; Hesiod, ap. Strab. rii. p. 475;
Scjmn. Ch. L 419; Ephorns, Frai.'.
&4. Altnoat all the eailjr tribes be-
534
FELASGIC SETTLEUXNTS.
App.BookTI.
the Peloponnese they seem anciently to have held nn^sputed
8wav,* and the Arcadians, looians, and even the piimitiTe Argires,
seem to have been, one and all, Pelasgian races.' They were not,
however, limited to the three conntries which have been mcDtioned.
Attica was Pelasgic at a very remote period ; ^ and a Pelasgiin
seems to have preceded an lUyrian population in HacedamA.^
Kay, the Hellenes themselves, who in later times offered so
remarkable a contrast to the Pelasgians, appear from the statement
of Herodotus * to have been originally one of their tribes.
In Italy the nations which are most distinctly declared to be
Pelasgians are the sonthem races, the Fencetians, CEnotriana, utd
lapygians generally/ There is reason, moreover, to suspect that a
Pelasgic element entered largely into the composition of the Latin
people ; ^ and it cannot be doubted that the population of Etnirii
was Pelasgian at one time to a very great extent. The Tyrrhenian
Pelasgi, who are spoken of by more than one ancient writer,' must
certainly have been connected in some way or other with the great
people of northern Italy, whom the Greeks knew only as Tyrsenians,
or Tyrrhenians, And the traditional migration of Pelasgians west-
tween the month of tho Achelous and
the Acroccraanian moimtaiiia seem
to hare belon^d to the same etock.
Tho Clia<mian3 (Stcph. Byz. ad voc.
Xaotfia), Thesprotians {Apollodor. in.
viii. § 1 ; Stoph. Bi^z. nd voc. "Etpvpa),
Telelx^ans (Apollod. I, e. c), and indeed
the Epirot nations generally (Strab.
V. p. 313), are reckoned by anthors
of repute among the Pelasgians.
* This seems to have been the rea-
son why the Peloponnese was PixK;ialIy
called Pelasgia (Ephoras, Frag. 64 :
Acnsilaa^, Frag. 12).
• Herod ot OS calls the Arcadians a
Pelappic people (i. 146) ; and the old
traditions generally connected the
Pelasgi with Arcadia in some special
way. EphoruB speaks of Arcaclia as
the earliest seat of the race (Frag.
64) ; and the myth in ApoUodoras
(1. s. c.) is to the same effect. Again,
tho Italian colonies wei-e said to have
been Fcnt ont from Arcadia. (Phere-
cyd. Frag. 85; Dionye. Hal. i. 11;
Pansan. Arcad. iii.). That Ionia
(afterwards Achrea) was Pelasgian we
learn from Herodotus (vii. 94) ; and
that Argolis was 00 also originaUr,
the names Argos and Larissa suffi-
ciently indicate. (See Thirlwall, toL
i. ch. ii. pp 34 and 3S).
* Herod, i. 56.
'.^schyl, Suppl. 261; ApoDodor.
1. 8. c. ; Jnstin, vii, 1.
* Ti 'EAXjicur^r [Wws], aroffxr
ffBl IT i,wh TOW XlcKaayuaVj o^fTw,
K. T. X- i. 5S. *Aro<rxiC*'^^ " ***
woi-d by which Herodotoa expresses
tho 6ranc7ii«^ off of a side stream
from the main river. (See iv. 56)
7 Dionys. HaL L a. c ; Pherecyi
1. s. c, &c.
» It has generally been thcnght thit
the Latin language gives proof of tbis
(Bee Kiebnhr'8 Rom. Hist. i. p. 65;
Marsh's Hora) Pclasgicae, ch. iv. ; and
Mr. Gladstone's Homer, voL i- p. 299-
301); but perhaps the resembUooM
between it and Greek might be other-
wise explained. A better proof ia
fnmishcd by the Pelaagic character
of the Latin religiouB system.
* Sopbocl. Inacb. ap. Dionvs. H»L i.
25; Thncyd. iv. 109; Callimach. »p.
Schol. Aristoph. At. 832, 4c.
£uAt n.
ETYMOLOGY OF THE WORD " PELASGI.
535
ird into Etniria, of which Hellanicua spoke/ is confirmed by the
lius of Ktrascan art, where the hinguage is oftuu very closely
:in to the Greek.*
6. The general progress of tho Pelasgian people may thna be
from Asia Minor, by tho Propontia and Egoan, and again
Crete and tho islands into Greece, and from Greece across the
-iatic into Italy. There is indeed no such distinct historical
ridence of the former, as there is of the latter, movement; but
llihile wo have the strongest grounds for believing it from our
leral knowledge of the mode in which the earth was peopled,
fhat history does show us is in entire accordance with such a view,
tr tho Pehisgians of Asia are, at tliu earliest period to which
itory goes back, a declining people, bearing no resemblanco to
ligranta who have made settlements in foreign territory, but
libiting tho appearance of an oppressed remnant, with difficulty
kintaining itself against more powcrfnl races. Masters at an
rly time of tho valleys of the Hcrmus and Maeander, in each of
which they had Larissas or fortresses,* possessors of the entire
coast from Tklycal^ northwards to the Hellespont,* and of the islands
of Chios and Lesbos,* they retain, when contemporary Kistory
opens, but a few scattered posts,® the last strongholds of a people
forced everywhere to yield to conquerors. The natural explanation
of the historical phenomena is, that tho Pelasgi were the original
population of western Asia, and that their emigrations across the
sea into Europe were occasioned by the pressure upon them of
immigrants from tho east, Lydians, Phrygians, and Carians, who
forced them westward, and BO caused their occupation of Greece
and Italy.
7. The etymology of the nnmo Pelasgi has been thought to
conGrm this view of their original scat. It has been regarded as
equivalent to "swarthy Asiatics" — a title which is supposed to
liave been given them by the old inhabitants of Greece, to mark
at onco their proper country and their most striking physical
characteristic.'^ £ut this argument rests npon too insecure a basis
* Hellonirnfi, Fraf?. 1. See also
StzBb. r. p. 312, where ArrylU (Cwre)
w called a Felasf^io Bettlumeut, aail
Dionys. HaL i. 18.
* As in tho well-known legend "Mi
Kafairv /uice" (f/^1 KoAo/fWi/ /^vt6j),
p^Tcn by LtOnzi. (Epitafi ecelti, Ko.
lUl.)
* Rtrabo, ix. p. 638, and xiii. p. 891.
* MenccTfttes ap. Strab. xiii. p. 891.
* Strabo, T. p. 313.
* Trallos (A>;alh. 1. a. c), Flacia,
and Soylaoo (Uerod. i. 67).
^ See Dr. Donaldson's Taimnianni,
pp. 21. 25. Ho rfp-nrda rTfA> aa
eqoiraleot to fi«A-, " black," on tha
53^
LINE OF THE PELASQIC laOH^TIOKSL App.BooiTL
to entitle it to mnch weight. The trae etymology o£ the wwd
Pelaagian is very uncertain ;» and the theory in question reqtiii«
us to suppose European Greece already inhabited by a race siiniltt
in language to the Pelasgians, yet physically contrasted with tiiem,
at the time when, the latter first made their appearance in Europe.
8. The order in which the European settlements were made, the
period at which they commenced, and the routes which the emi-
gration followed, cannot with any accuracy be determined. Pro-
bably, while some were crossing by the Bosphorns and Hellespont,
others passed from island to island across the Egean, while the
route of Rhodes, Carpathus, Crete, CythSra, may have been pursued
by a third stream of immigrants. To the first of these bodies,
apparently, would belong the settlements in Lemnos, Imbraa, and
Samothrace, the ancient population of Macedonia, the Perrluebi&ns,
the inhabitants of the Thessalian Argos, and the Epirots; to tl»
second, the Pelasgi of the Cyclades and the early inhabitanta of
Attica; to the third, the Pelasgi of Crete, CythSra, and the Pelo-
ponnese. Subsequently, two great streams seem to have set into
Italy; one, starting from Arcadia, proceeded into lapygia,^ and
flowed northwards ; the other skirted the Adriatic, spread over tlie
plain of the Po, and thence extended itself towards the soutL'
To the former belong the (Enotrians, Peucetians, Messapians,
Daunians, &c. ; to the latter the Tyrrhenian Pelasgi and, perhaps,
the Latins.
9. The later wanderings of the Tyrrhenian Pelasgi are capable c:
being traced with some approach to exactness. Driven from thcL-
own country by the inroads of an Alpine people, or impelled to
seek new seata by a spirit of enterprise,^ they proceeded eastwaid,
analofry of ir«Sa (= /terif), and the
meanings of ir«Aios, ircX-iSv^s, IleX.
o^ (ApoUod. I. ix. § 8), Ac. Asgi
might undoubtedly be equivalent to
Asci, or Asici, the people of Asia, as
Bnttmann showed long ago. (Lexil.
ad voc. 'Airirjf p. 155, note, E. T.)
* The ancients regarded TltXiuryol
as a Tariant of weAo^of, " storks,"
and said the name marked their wan-
dering habits (Philoch. ad Serv. ^n.
Tiii. 600; Strabo, v. p. 313). Moderns
have suggested that it is derived from
the Hebrew name Poleg, from the verb
T«Xe£ff(»', from the noun v(\ayos, and
from the two words ircA«a', " to till,"
the field." (See Tar-
. c. and compars HCr.
i. pp.
and iypos,
ronianos, I,
Gladstone's Homer, toI. i. pp. 211
215.) Xotbing la more diflScolt than
to diacorer the original meaning <rf
ethnic titles.
* This is the emigration of Pbew-
oydes (Fr. 85), PauBanias (Arcad iii.)i
and Bionxsiua (Antiq. R. i. 11).
Arcadian names occurred freqaent])"
in Southern Italy.
* See the famous fragment d
Hellanicus (Fr. 1, Hiat- Gr. Fragm.
vol. i. p. 45).
' If. with Niebuhr, we view the
Fela&gic as the conquered element ia
E89AT n.
PELASGIC WALLa
537
ftnd are fonndf, wlien we first catch Bight of them, on the Greek
Bide of the Adriatic, in Acarnflnia.* After thlq they appear in
Bceotia, wbero they assist the Boeotian Thracians against tUo Cad-
miana.^ Next we Icam that they obtained settlements in Attica
ftt the foot of Mount Hymetttta, and assisted the Athenians to
fortify their acropolis ; bat after a while wero compelled once moro
to emigrate,* and wont some to the HoUcspont/ some to liomnos,'
and some possibly to Mount Athos.** In these places they con-
tinned to the time of our author, and boro the name of Tyrrhenian
Pclasgi, to distinguish them from other branches of the samo
stock.
10. The skill of the Pelasgi in fortification was justly celebrated.
The Polasgic wall of Athens has been mentioned above. It was no
solitary specimen, but ono of a vast number of works which ©very-
where through Greece and Italy attested the presence of this people.
These structures, the peculiar characteristic o£ which is that they
are made of polygonal blocks fitted together without cement or
mortar, are found in great abundance on the western coast of Asia
Minor, in Epirus, the Peloponnese, and Italy. They are somotimes
called Cyclopean, a name which marks well their grandeur and
antiquity, but which throws no light upon their real origin. It
would seem tliat the unwarlike character of the Pelasgians led
them, from the first, to trust to walls for their defence against the
enemies who assailed them on all sides. Hence the numerous
Larissas or strongholds by which their movements cAn be tracked,'
defences which, from the vast size of the separate blocks, have defied
the hand of time, and bid fair to outlast all the structures of later
agee.
11. If it be asked what became of a people so numerous, and in
ancient times so widely spread, the answer is that they wero for the
most part absorbed by races more or less nearly akin to them. In
Greece proper, the Hellenes, a daughter race, if we are to believe
the Etrnacan xmtioD, wo most con-
Bider tho Tvrrlwuiaa Pelaacfi as foffi-
tivea fmm liuty. If. with Dr. DoDald-
BOO, wo bcliovo tbo Pela^tp of Etruria
to h*Fo conqneix'd tho former inha-
bitants, we maj iznagiae that afcor
the conquest they became maraoders,
like tho Norrnans in later timoe.
* 8oo Faasan. i. xzriii. § 3,
* Strabo, ix. p. 583.
*Hor(^ Ti. 187; FaaniL 1. & c;
Thncyd, ir. 109.
» Herod, i. 57.
•Ibid. Ti. 137;cf. IT. US.
• Thucyd. 1. b. o.
^ Of those Stephen enamrratei
tweWe (ad roo. Adpiatra), and Strabo
(ix. p. 63S) an equal number. Mr.
Clinton has coHct'tcd noticoA of six-
teen (F. H. vol. L pp. 25t 26, nuie).
538
ABSOEPTION OF THE PELASGt
App. Booi VL
Herodotna,' swallowed tbem up, impressing upon tbem eveiywliere
their own higher devevelopment and more ad7anced type of
character. In Asia Minor they became mingled with the Carians,
the Lydians, and the Phrygians ; while in Italy they were either
reduced to the condition of serfs, as the (Enotrlans • and (probably)
the Tyrrhenians,* or nnited with their conquerors to form a new
people, as the Latins. Their whole character was plastic and
yielding, not firm nor formative ; and their fate was to furnish a
substratum upon which stronger nationalties established and
developed themselves.
• Horod. i. 58. I have already con-
sidered the question of the relation of
the Hellenes to the Pelasgi in the
essays appended to vol. i. (Essay xi
pp. 690, 691). To the authorities there
quoted on the subject of their near
connection, may be added Dionysius
of Halicamassns, who regards the
Pelasgians as included in the Hellenes
(Ant. Rom. i. 9 ; iwtl 8i TlfXatryt^ t(
Kol r&r A X X M r 'EXX^rcn' rwis invux-
e4rrts K. T. X.) ; and Strabo, who
makes the Pelasgian occupants cf
Agylla speak Greek (t. p. 312).
• Steph. Byz. ad too. Xwj.
* For the theory of Niebuhr as to
the Etruscan nation appears to me
preferable to that of Dr. Donaldson*
( 539 )
NOTE A.
ON THE DESITATTOK AND MEANING OF THE PROPER NAMES
OF THE MEDES AND PERSIANS.
fNoTT. — Tho published eources of the mbjoined annlj^is are Sir H. TUwIiasoa'l
VtKnihiilary of tho ancient Persian Languago, contained in the Eleventh
Yulawo (Part X.) of thu Asiatic Snciuty's Juumal ; M. Opjiert's ooutriba-
tioiw to tho Jonrnal ABJatiqiie; Pott's Etrmolofifische Forachnngnn ; Brook-
hans's GlOBsnry at tho end of his edition of tho Ycndidad 8ade ; and
Bonfcv'fl GloKBory iu his Eoiliuscbriftcu. Thciso Rourcos aro indicated in
the following way, via. : Benfey'a GloBsary by tho letter B. ; Brockhans's
by Br. ; Oppert'a M^moires by O. ; Pott'B Forachungen by P. i and Sir H.
Bawlinftou's Vocabulary by K. Voc. Additional commmiications from Sir
HcniT' Kawlinaon aro marked H. C. R. ; where thero are noiniiinl? affixed,
the conjecture is made by the Editor. When no aathority is cited for the
xuune, it occara in Herodotoa.]
AORiSSfEinfl (oM Pera. ffnlhdmauiAh) la either from old Pora. Jialhd
^ftns. MiJi)nt)f ** a friend," atid tui attributive aifix, equivalent to tlio
Zend and Saiwcrit mat, " with," or " poBsesaing," wliich niakea tho
nominative in man (H. C. K. \'ido stipra, vol. i. p. 249, note') ; or
elae, from hnhhd, and a rout like tlio Sanscrit manasy wluch is tho
Greek fnivoSf Latin mcns^ and our mind. In tho former cose the namo
means '* possessing friends ; " in the latter ** friendly."
Amardi (n Persian tribe, Strab. xi. p. 741) is thought to bo from the Zend
All, which ia equivalent to the Sanscr. m, and the Greek cd, and mod-
em Pcrs, mcrdf '* vir," or " heroa." — P. As tho old Persian word for
"man," however, is martiya (Zend mtr<i<f)f and the meaning is •* mor-
tal " (from n*rt " to die ") rather tlian " a hero," tliis etyiiinlogy may
well l>e doubted. It is better to refer botli AtnaTdi and Mardi to
mridh " to kill " or ** light." See under Mardonius. At any rate the
first clement in Amardi cannot possibly bo hu, "good." — H. C. E,
(See below, AiiiOMABDCfl.)
Ahasfbs (Xen.)is probably from Sanscr. ylnya, Zend Airya, "noble,
excellent/* and aspa, which in old Persian, as in Zend, meant '* a
horse." (See Sir U. Rawlinson'a Vocabulary, ad voc. 't.Vaijj<», p. 8C.)
The name means * * having excellent horses.
Abdaces is a corrupt form of Ilarpayus, q. vide.
Abiabiokes, from Ariya, "excellent," or here "the Excellent One,** i,e,
Ormaxd, and Sanscr. hhaja, "to serve:" tliereforo "serving the
Excellent One/'— H. C. K.
A&IACES (Arrian) is almost certainly Ariyn^ with a termination aA\ which
is either a diminutive, equivalent to the modem I'oraian rk ; ur, more
probably a Scythic sufilx, representing the terminal guttural so com-
mon in the primitive Babylonian, which may be compared with the
Bosque c at the end of numea^ and is perhaps, like that, a aifiixed
aracle.— H. C. B.
540 ON THE DEBIVATIOK AKI> HEANIKQ OF
A&UCU8 (XenopK) Beenu to be simply the Greek rendeiing of Arip,
"exceUent*
AsiARAKyxs (old Pen. Ariydrdmana) &om Ariya and rdmana, &kin to
the Sanscrit raman, " a lover/' and the Zend rdfrwin, *' pleasure" (K
Voc), ia perhapB **a lover of what ia noble." Oppert a*y%, hon
ariya and aramna, "joy."
AuA&ATHZS (Polyb.), from arit/a and rafu, which in Zend and Saoaoit
aignifiea " a chief." Ariarathes ■= " noble chief. " — P.
A»TM*KK« (Q. Curt) from ariya, and trtoz, ''great." (Compare Zend
HUM and Sanacrit tnoAa, Gr. m*K^'* &c) Perhaps Ari here has the
force of the Greek, itpt or ipi, in apiCi^xos, ipifimAa^, c. r. a.
A&iOMA&DtTs (according to Pott) is from ariya and a root equiralent to
the modem Persian merd^ " vir," or " heros " (P.), whence the ethnic
names Atardi (see vol. L p. 413), Amardi, are thought to be dextnd.
The name woiAd thus mean '* noble hero."
AsxzANTi (a Median tribe, Herod. L 101) from ariya and (Zend) ssste,
**. stirps," thereforOi " of noble stock," or " nobly descended."— P.
Absacbs (.^£schyL), from area, or arsha (Sanacr. arshya) ^'venenUe,"
with the suffix ak (vide supra, ad voc Akiacks).
Absamexzs, from arsha and (Sanscr.) manas (v. s. ad voc. Agh-eme>is),
" venerable-miuded." — P.
Absam£S (old Pera. Arahdma) from araha and ma, a sufl&x. — 0.
Abses (Diod. S.) is arsha, with the Greek nominatival ending. — R. Voc.
Absites (Diod. S.) a participial form, from a verb ars or arah, equivalent to
the Sanscrit rwA, "to exalt." Araites is thus ** exalted, elevated."— 0.
Abtabaxts is probably for Atrabanus, or rather Atrapanus, and roav be
compared with Megapanns. It is derived from Aira or Adar, "fire.'
and pa (which occurs in khshatrapa — *' a satrap ") " to protect." The
sense is ** protecting the fire." — H. C. R.
Abtababdes (old Pers. Artavardiya), from the transcendent.il particle
artOj which is connected with the Zend areta^ or crtta, and vardi^^
which is formed by the addition of the adjectival suffix ya to the root
t'art (compare Sanscr. vritta, Zend virHtOf Pazend wirt) "celebrated.**
Thus the meaning of the name is " very celebrated." — R. Voc
ABTABAZAN'Eft, or Artabarzanes (which is preferable), from arfa and
Zend Iwra. (which is the Sanscr. hhraj) ** resplendent." Artabaizanes
= ** very resplendent." — P.
ABTABAzrs. — Arta is here again probably by metathesis for afra, fire, aa
in Atradates. (See above, vol. i. p. 238, note ^) The name means pn-h-
ably " the worshipper of fire," from .^fra, or Adar, "fire," and Smisct.
bhajf ** colere, venerari" (compare Megabazus).
Artacii.ee.*', or Aktach.etts, ** very friendly," from the intensitive par-
ticle arta, and hakJid, " a friend," or '* friendly," — O. (See above, ad
voc. ACILEMENES.)
iWA. PROPEE NAMES OF MEDES AND PERSIAN'S. S4I
PwEUfl in i)robabIy " great " or " famous." (Compare Hesych. 'Aprdf,
fi^ytit «raj \afiirp6st) It is of course connected with arta. — R. Vitc,
fAMKSZA (Justin.) "higli-Bpirited," from arta^ intensitivo, and Saiucr.
manoi^fktroi. (Comp. Alilemknes.) — P.
FAPATA3 (Xon.) ia ciihor "powerful lord," from arttit intvnsitiret and
Bauacr. ptti, Zoud paid, " lord ; " or *' protected by tire/* fri.»ra Atra,
"fire," uud jMittt^ thw past participle of pa, " to protect." (Oompare
below, BAGArATEjt, &C.)
fAFHEKNEK may not improbably be from atra, *' firo/* and the Sanscr.
prip ** to protect." It would thus bti eqtiivolont to AxtubauuSj and
irould mean " prutcctiug the firo." — H. C. K.
rASFRAs (Cfe^.), '* vorv bright/* or "the bright sun;" from rtrfa,
intensitivo, and fura (compare Sanscr. surifa), or pcrhajis thnra^ " the
aun." (The latter root Bcums to be contained in tlio name of the
month Thuravd^Mra* See Sir H. RawUuaon's Vocabulary, p. ISO.)
TAXERXEs (old Pcrs. AriaHshatrd), from arfd, and IhsJutlrdf ** a king,"
(Compare Simscr. hhatnif and Zand Uishaihraj which have the sumo
meaiimg.) Khthatratn occurs fretpiontly in the Buhistun Inacription
for " crowTi/' or " empire." Herodotus is altuyether in error when he
supposes that the second clement in this name is identical with the
name of King Xurxea. His translation, however, fiJ-ya af/iioi^ may st&nd,
for khikaira means both " king" and " warrior.'* — li. Voc.
PAYCT&s is " celebrated/' from arfa inteusitive, and Sanscr. vJcia
aiiid."— H. C. It
PAYPiTKs and AiiTAVNTA {mill.) from aHa in the sense of " great " (00m-
TKvro A iiT.¥:rft), and an adjectival termination — wnt or vant* (Compare
Majidontes.)— H. C. R.
LTSSCDARKS is probably, in old Pernian, Airamharcit from ofram, iht
accusative case of atra, *' fire/' and 6ara, '' bearer/' as in Xlubares,
(Ebares, &c The si^^nification ia thus, " the bear«r of tire."— H. 0. R.
JBUKs, " very strong/' from arfa, intensitivo, and Zend takhma,
strong.'* (Comx^ore »:jitbataoiq!£S and TuiTAJfT.£cuM£s.)
itAwis (Arrian) may compare with the Zend feminine OMoni^
"casta." — O.
A&ToxAnKs (Plut.) is perhaps " rich in gold/* £rom aria, inicnsitive, and
Zendxara, "gold.**
AsPAMiTitAS (Ctes.), " lover of horses," from Zend, an>a, Sanscr. aft«,
m*Ml. Peis. oijft "» horse" (comp. old Pers, «r«j*;wi, '*rich in
horses **), and mitraj or mi7/tra, wliich ia in Sanscr. not only the god
Mithras, but also " a friend."— O.
ATHZNES (old Pers. A upo'lmna). The first element hero is certainly
a^Mi, as in Axphnitras ; the second is conjectured to be an equivalent
for the Sanscr. dhanjay *' rich," in which case the siipiitiontivin of tlie
name would bo " rich in horses." This is the view of Pntt (Forsoh. p.
lii.). M. Oppert derives the word from the Zond ay/'d^Aa, "a horse-
man/' If ith au apiHflbtlve suilix iua (Juurn. As. 4*~ i^crio, torn, xviii.
542 OX THE DERIVATION AND MEANING OF App.BoocTI
p. 359). Neither savant seems to ho ftwarc that the native form it not
Aji]>uthines, but Aayneftana (As. Joum. vol. lii. part. 11. KuIb at the
oud, p. XX.).
Astvaoes, or, as the name ia more correctly given by Abydeniui (F*. 7),
KujMsbiiis (Chron. Can. Armcn. naaaim), and others, A8Daba0E9,
represents beyond a doubt the Zona A}-J*ihaJ: (nom. ajis-dahako) *• the
biting auakCf" one clement of ^'hich appears c^;ain in the name
Doiocos, q, v. (Compare Bupra, vuL i, p. 3yy, not« ', and p. ti98,
note ".>— H. 0. It.
Atdadates (Nic. D.). — Thi« name hoa been already explain^ toI i
p. 238, note ».
iiXBS (uld Pera. Atrina) is probably from the Zend aUtr, " fire ; " with
the appellative siilBx -ina.-—0,
Atkofatbs (Arrian\ from atar and Sanscr. patiy Zend vniU, "lord,**
would ftiffnify *'tho lord of fire" — a lofty title, which perhaps the
satrap did not take till he became the real »»iverei|*n of the northom
IVIedia. Or the word may bo from atar hmi pdta^ the piirticiple of pa,
" to protect,*' which appears in *' aatrapa." (Compare Autapatas.)
AxANBS (^'Eschyl.) is conjectured to be either from the Zend ooso,
** strength/' ami in that case to mean " strong," or else to be eqnirv
lent to the Sanscrit «u-;a?ia, "good, virtuous." It is probably the
same name with the Ozanes of Ctesiaa. — P.
BAnniis. — If tliis reading he taken, instead of Bares, in TTeroi ir. 167, the
word may bo compared with the Sanacr. hadhra^ " fortunate."— P. It
would be a simple adjeotire. and correspond exactly to the £oman
'* Felix,"
nAn^-ra in explained by Totk as "fortunate," from Zend baijha, Ranscr.
hh/iga, "fortune " (Forsch. 1. s. c.) ; but by M. Oppert as *' aimaut
Diou" (Joum. As. ut supra, p. 357); from baya, "god," and (1 pre-
sume) the Zend yoz, " coluro veneruri."
Baoatatr!! (Ctca.), according to Pott, is "lord of fortune," from Zend
fcrt-y/w, "lortuno," and Sanscr. pafi. Zond paid, "lord." (Forsch.p.
xxxvii.) But M. Oppert's explanation seems preferable to thia. H©
believes the derivation to be fi'om old Pers. iMuj>t, *' a god," and pdfa,
the past participle of ;>rt, " to protect." Tlie sense is then, ** he wlio is
protoctea by the gods." (Joum. As. 4"^" Strie, torn, xviii. p. ^41.)
Baoasaces is perhaps "strong aa a God," from hatfa^ and Sanscr. foJt, "to
bo strong/' Compare the sense of Tritantcc<hmc9, infra, ad voc
Baooab, according to Pott (Forsch. L 8. c.), represents the Sansor.
bfuvjatvatf "happy, fortunate." According to M. Oppert. it is derived
from hofjay and the Zend verb av, "to protect." It would thus he
the same in meaning as BatjapaUs.
Baoopitanm (Q. Curt.) is regarded by Pott as the Sansrr. adjective
hha<javan, "excellent." (Forach. p. xxxvii.) M. Oppert cxplaina it
as "protege par Dieu " (Joum. As. p. 367), deriving -phanca tram the
I
PROPEB NAMES OF MEDES AND PERSIANa 543
loot pa, and apparently regarding it as having the same foroo with
'JmU*. (See aooTe, aub voc. BAGArATCR.) This, however, is scarcely
possible. The form-^'/mnrs will represent the active participle, and
give the sense of ''protecting God," t.c. his worship. — H. C. K.
tEflf frill/. (Arrian) is probably the Zend root hereZf " resplendent ,*'
with the appellative suihx -ijia.
lXES (Arrian) is tlio same root with a sufSz -<tna*
(Q. Curt.) )
or, > is the participle fccna-ani, "ahining." — P.
:e8 (Arrian) )
IBS appears to be either Ba/ja simply, as M. Oppert thinks (Joum. As,
4*"Sorie, torn. XTiii. p. Wl), or the Zend Uy/ni, Sanacr. bha^:, "£or-
tttnate."
lARER is probably from hhu^ " the sacrificial fire " (Sanacr.), and bara,
bearing." Compare Zend here, "ferre." The word wotild properly
have been Bhumbora , but the m has lapsed before the co^oiato labial.
Bubares is "the bearer of the sacrificial tire." Compare AAXUiBAlLKa,
which had probably the same meajiing. — H. 0. R.
LKBTSts fold Pera. Kabuji\fa)iB thought to bo from the Sanacr. JtvtR, "to
praise,' and Mji, ** a speaker ;" its signitication, accordingto this view,
» *' a bard."— (R- Voc.) The fi in the Greek Kafifivtrns arises from the
difficulty which the Greeks have always experienced in expressing tho
sound of a real B. Hence we have Smerdis and Merdis for Bardiya,
MegabyEUB, Megadostes, Megasidres, for Ba^jahuhhshaj Bagadataht^t,
Boffochitra, J^c. Ucuco, too. in modem Greek wo have such words as
^dflwptKa (or fabricaf mWi) for Beij and the Like.
iPiL — The name of this people is thought to be derived from old Pen.
'u (which is the Sanacr. su, tho Zend Au, and the Greek ■{), ** good,"
ftoa aqfki^ a horse. — P. It may bo doubted, however, whether tho
initial letter would not in that case have been x instead of «.
[OASPES (river) is the old Persian word 'uwwpa, which is found in an
inscrii>tion at Perscpolis, and is an exact eqmvalent of the Greek •Cnnroj.
Its derivation from *u (a hn), *'good," and *'a^a" may bo r^arded
MB certain.— R, Voo.
WETKS (Justin) is no doubt the old Persian Oaumnta, which would have
been bettor rendered b>' Gomatus or Gomates. The word is equivalent
to the Sanacr. g'JTiiatf Zend gaomat, and means " possessing herds." It
is derived from gao^ "bos" (which is the German huh^ and otircou;),
and tho common sitMx -^iat, " with " or * ' ponesaing." — R. Voc.
Ckanarpes is, perhaps, " po.<iscRsing active IiorseSf** from Sanacr. jbar»ffi«
*'activo" (compare Zend kert, **to do"), and aj^xi.
CtaxARES (old Pers. ^Uvakahaiara) seems to be the comparatiTe of *Uvo3c\'
$ha, in which we have the clemont '«, "good*' ^compare CKoajmes)
joined with a root akfishaf which is perhaps the moaem Persian amhf
Sanscrit uWian, Zend arena, "ocnlus." The word would thus mean
"beauLiful-eyed,"or literally, " more beautiful-eyed (than othen).**
544
ON THE DEIlIVATIOy AND MEANING OF Apf.BooiVL
Compare tlie name of the father of Kai Khusru, who u called St^
vakhah in Persian, Cyavarvna in Zond^ i.e. "bUck-oyDd.*^ — R, Voc
CvRTTs (old Pers. KuntAh). This word was generally supposed by tli«
Greeks to mean **tho sun" (aoo Ctoa. Pera. Eic 5 49; Plut. vit
Artaxcrx. Etym. Mag. ad voc. Kvpo9, &o.) : that is, it was identifi#d
with tho Sanscr. Surua, ZvivX hunrf, uioduni Pcraion khur. It u now
■uaimctt'd that this identification was a mistake, as the uld Pc^ai&n k
never re]»lacc3 tho S.iiiacr. ». The name ia more properly comjured
with the Sanscrit ?v«r«, which was *'a popnUr title among the Arita
race before tho Reparation of tho Median and Penian brancheaiy" but
of which the etymology is uuknuwn. — R, Voc
I
D&DARSBB (old Pera. Dddarahiah) is prolwihly a rednplieated formation
from tlio uld Pera. darsh^ *Ho ilnre," which appears in Sanscrit as rfruA^
in Zend aa JarsA, and in Greek aa eapoMiw. — It. Voc, HtjuiarK* woold
thus represent the Greek Thraso, Thraseas, orXhraaiua.
Darius, or DARi.«r8 (Ctes.) is in old Persian Z)an/am*7i, a form well
represented by the Hebrew L'hn^, Daryavcah^ and (if it be the tins
reading) by Strabo's AofnaOrts- It does not appear to mean either Is^r/vi,
"the worker,'' as Herodotus states, or ^p6yifiojy "the wise,'' oa fiesy-
chins asserts, or xa^*n.tK6s, "tlie warlike/' aa the author of tlie ECym^
logicum says. The root seems to he the old Persian " dar,^ *' to hold,'
or ** possess, " which is derc in Zend, rf/jW in Sanscrit, and dar in
modem Persian. Tho remainder of the word is thought to be a mere
appellative sutHx, elongated on euphonic grounds ; but no very 8ati»>
factory account can be given of it. — R. Voc
Damarpia, mul. (Ctos.) ia probably equivalent to tho Greek 'iirraS^a,
being formed from a root rf«m, "to subdue," which is foimd in chat
exact form in Sanscrit, and appears in Greek as 9a«i-^« in Latin ai
dom-Oy in German as etfAm-en, and in English as "tame." The other
element is tho well-known af/w., '* eqnus." — P.
Datahes (Arrian) is perhaps the same as Madain,\hQ two elements being
merely transposed. Thus we have in Greek Kith Dortttbuus and Theo-
dorua. The word will mean on iliis hyiwtheaia "given by the AbK>n/
from ddtay the past jiartieiplo of dei, "to give," and M6ha or Mah^
"the Moon." (See MmUkJL)
Datis is probably an adjectival form from da, and may compare with the
Sanscrit rf<«/?, " apt to give, UberaL"
Dbiotes ia beat regarded as the Zend diihdha " mordens," which forms an
element also in the name Astyages (q. vide). The Persian Dliofidkt
Arabiciaed into Zoh<d; represents this name, or rather tiUe. (See
above, vol. i p. 395, note ^)
Edphbates (old Pers. '?7/ra/(i) is explained as either oqniralent to the
Sanscrit «H-/»ra//io, which correspojids to tho Greek «J w\arvt (O.)^ or as
formed from '«, "good/* /'"''• the particle of abundance, and a suftixof
attribution. According to this latter explanation, the meaning of tho
word would be " the good and abounding (river)." — K, Voo.
I
I
PROPER NAMES OF JfEDES AND PERSIANS.
545
»BARES (Plin.). Pott §tiggcet3 that Gobares U the Zend Aomm, Satiscr.
««mm, ** va^de doaiderabilifl " (Forschung. p. Ixiv,). But this is very
unlikely. At least thcro la no other known instance where the Greek y
replaces the Zend A and Sunscrit 8. It mny bo doubted whether Gobarea
U a niaa's name at alL Pliny says he nas the sutrap who made the great
canal {Nahr-Malcha). But as that canal was made by Nebuchadnezzar
JAbyden. Fr. 9), and as iU Semitic name was Chofnir (cf. Ezck. i. 1), it
la tftlerahly clear that Pliny has given to an imaginary satrap, what woa
In retdity the appellation of the work ascribed to hiui. The Chobar was
the *' groat" stream. Compare Heb. T^^ and the Cabtii, or "great
gods " of tlio Phuinicians.
iTAfi ^old Pers. OauJiannvi). Of this word various etymologies have
been given. Pott (Forachung. pp. xxxv.-vi.J derives it from the modem
Persian WiuZt, " pulcher/' and rui, "facies; but this conjecture is open
to many objections. Sir H. Ravlinson suggests the Sanscrit go,
•'speech," and hru, "to say," regarding the moaning of the word as
"a speaker" (Voc, p. 135). M. Oppert makes the meaning **buU-
Ijtow^," considering the elements to be the Zend gaoy Sanscritf/d,
"bos" or '*taum9,"and Zend brvnt^ Sanscr, 6r/iu, " supercUiuju."
(Joum. As. 4"' Serie, tom. xviii. p, 353.)
>MATES (vide C0U£T£8).
.BPAOUs is probably from an old Persian root a3un to the Greek o^- in
apwii*ti>t and the Latin rap- in rajtere. The adoption of the &pvji^ or ap-
roTTj, as the dynastic emblem of the Harpagi on the Lycian coins (boo
vol. L p. 296, note '*) seems ixs indicate this connection. The name is
probably equivalent to the Greek apva{.
itrsTAXEH (Q. Curt.) is a name which appears nnder many forms. It is
proba)>ly identiciil with the Otifuinca of Plinr, the Otianfs of Tatian,
the Hyitanas of Herodotus, and oven the Histanes of Arrian. There
con bo little doubt that the second element of the word is the Zend
and Sanscrit ianu^ modem Pers. /tn, "corpus," which Hp[>ears in
Ofantiy TavyoxsLTceSj &c. The first element is doubtful, but may
compare with the modem Peru, khtiahj "good" — thename thus mean-
ing "of good or strong budy." — P. (Compare Otajtes ; and for the
use of a prefix u.f inatead of the ordinarj^ n, buo Sir H. BawUuson'a
' Cuneiform Inscriptions/ vol i pp. 344, 345.)
.HlBBAKCKEs(Thucvd.) is probably a Grocised form of aname derived from
~ Sanscrit ittirya (whence vir, virtus, «fcc.), "noble, manly," and "ommuu,"
" mind," as in Achs&menea, Arsamenea, &o.
[tdasstkb (old Pers. Vtdarna) is said by M. Oppert (Joum. As. tit supra,
>. 544) to signify " a subduer." He does nut give any derivation, but
presume he intends to suggest the common Sanscrit pretix vi- and
dhanutf from dhri, "to hold/*
Htmeaa is perhaps the same with Im<nt9 (^achyl). Both words may bo
eompared witn the hero Yinia so often mentioned in the Zendavestii,
who, as Yhn''''-lhf'hiif'% (or Yima the lirilliant), became in Persian
romance Vjemahid. The etjTnology of the name is unknown.— P.
VOL. nx. 2 N
546 ON THE DERIVATION AND MEANING OF App. Boot VL
HrnTJEGincBB (^Bchyl,^ may be oomparod with Artixhmt^t the seormd
element being the Zend fakhma, " strong/' while tlie tint, whkhwo
have already seen in Haustanvs, is U4, lucd intensi lively.
HvuT^PBS (old Pem. FiaAfawpa) is "the possessor of horses," from the
Zend vUta, participlo of rui, to " acc^uiro," and (Zend ofva) Sanscr.
a^pa, *' a horse." — B. and Br.
l2fTAFH&E8 (old PeTS, ViiJt^fra), or iNTAPHBRifM (old Pers. ri'dq/rono), is
j^robably derived from Sanscr. rida { = veHa), " knowledge ^(ooni|Miv the
Cfrwck o?8a, •tBijerni Lat, i-i-iro), aud pri, *' to protect" (8©e A&ta-
^ut:u^'B.s.) The namo therefore weana "protecting knowledge."—
H. C. R.
iTBAiriATREs ) IS probably from the old Porsian vitha^ which meant "hoi
or > or *' palaoo," and mitra or miMra, ** a friend, " ua in ^
Ithamitilis ) mitras, q. v. — 0.
Dnse
Mabatbs (Q. Ciirt.)iB "given by (or to) the moon ."from old Penaaii JMItf
or may ** the Moon." Compare Sanscr. rruutj. Zend maogha, mod. Pm^
moA), and tldta, the participlo of da, *'lo jfivo."— O. arid P. Hamme-
datha (Ktith. iii. 1) in i>erhaps this name in a Hebrew form, with the
article ha preflxod. (See Qeseniua, Thesaurus, ad voc)
Mao^ccs (Plut) is probably only another form of Bagatis, q. t. — 0.
Ma&doxtos (old Pen. Mardufiiya) haa boon thonght to represent an ad-
jective like the modem Persian mtrd<XHcJit which is " virilis, strenuns,"
from the root merd or mard, ** vir,'* which appears in Mardi, Amardi,
Arioraardns, Ac. — P. But it is more probably from the Sanacnt root
mritlh, "to hurt," or "kill," from which in formed mri(iA4un, "liattJe;"
and thus the signification of the name will be a "warrior." — H. C. B.
HA3tD03fTEa will also bo from mridk, with the adjectival suffix •venior-rofU
(see above, ad voc. Aktaynta) ; and will have nearly the same meaning
aa Marduniya, — H. C. R.
Masiste8 exactly renders the old Poraian mathisfa, which is used through-
out the Inacriptiona for "a leader," but which is etyuiologically a
superlative equivalent to the Zend maziataj aud the Greek i^iytmf^
" greatest."— P.
Maspii (a Persian tribe, Herod. L 125). In this name we seem eertahdy
to have the root uf/u, "a horse. (See vol. i. p. 412.) It ta con-
jectured that the initial letter represents the Sanscrit mth, "great**
(Oppert), so that the Maspii are " tho.se who have big horsea.** or
possibly " the Big Horaea," just an tlic Hyrcani are ** the Wolves,^ the
Perare " the Tigers," the Medcs " the Snakes," the Sac» " the Doga,"
the Cushites "'the Kagles," the Maka or Myci "the Ftiea," the
Dcrbiccs " the Wasps," and the Aswoa uf the Pumnaa " the Horaes.**
/seem to be names funned from the root maa^ "great"
Mazacbs (Arrian) I (compare Zend watf Sanscrit tuisliatf Greek ucf^*«r),
Mazaub (Arrian^ ' which appears again in Oromasd^s^ i\, vide. Maaces
Mazakas I has the Scythic termination ka (supra^advoo. AbiaodiJ;
\Ma«»us ia like Bagseua, &,<k
FROPEB KAK£S OF HEBES AND FEBSIAXa
547
kBATES is perliapa "enlightened "by God," (O.), from haga "God/*
fianacr. hhdUtf "shono on," jwist porticiplo of W«i, "toihino." —
B.C.R.
lABAZtrs is probfthly "a worahipi>er of God" from laga, " God," and
the Sanscrit bhajj *'venerari, colere."
lYzus (old Peru. B*ionhil'h»ha) contains nlso the clement ha/ja, winch
hvTv joined with (Zund and SanstT. ) ft^ikfi^h, '*duuar«." TIiu naniG
cans *' Ooil-givtia,"aud U ei^uivaleut to Theodotus and Thoodorotus.
—a c. R.
WTRS (in old PcTS., probably Ba^aJati^hta)^ from haga, "God,"
daushta which is found in the Bcliisiun Inscription in tho seuso of
"frioud," would be ** s lover of God," the Greek «?A(Jtf«M.— O.
tAPAXTS appears to be a mere variant of the name which Quintas
Cnrtius gives as Ba/jopJimus, q. vide.
EOAsrpRAS is thought to represent an old Persian name Ba^aehiirat
which would mean " heaven-desceudod," or "of the seed of the
Gods," from haga, and chitra, " e stirpe, ortus, satos." — O.
BZRDATES (Tacitus) IS a late form of the name which commonly ni>-
pears as MithnJattrs, or Mifnuiates.—Q, (The Mithraoi the Acliic-
menian Porsiaua became with their descendants tirst MUrti^ and tlten
Mi'hr. Similarly chitra became chehvj as in the nameifint/cAcAr. tiee
Sir H. RawliuAon^s Cuneiform Vocabulary, ad toc cAitra.)
TEBSSOES (Q. Cnrt.) \ seem to be names formed from ^iihra^ each with
INRS ( Arrian) > an appellative suffix. (Compare Atrinetf Butyttus^
MiTKXUS (Xenoph. ) ) <&c )
RArsTKs (Arrian) means " worshipper of Mitliraa," from MUhrap
and Zend 4ixm, " to worship." — 0. (Coni|mrc Zoud -avesta.)
^^BfiniR
^PSlftlTHR
DflTKADATES
n^t^ ^^^^^ \ " giTeu to Mithra " (see vol. i. p. 238, nolo ■).
MJTHnoBAnzA^E8 (Arrian), from JIfrMro, and hertz, "resplendent"—
therefore "respleudent as tlie Sun." — P. (Compare Autabahzanes.)
ROBATsa (or less correctly Metrouates, Xen.), according to M.
)ppert (Joum. As, 4"' Si*ric, torn. xix. p. 52), signifies *' wnliylitened
by Mithras," from JUithra and Sanscr. fc/wWoj
Bleoabates. )
shone on. " (Compare
NABARZAifES (Arrian) is thonght to be " with new splendour, newly
splendid," from Zend nava (Greek W«, Latin fwvu»), " new," and
hcrat " resplendent." — P.
OcHua (Pint.) is thonght to he either from the Zend fvhu, " rich " (0.),
or from '«, and a root resembling the modem Persian khij, " temper "
or "disposition." In the latter case the name would mean "of «
good disposition, amiable." -P.
548 OK THE DEBXTATIOK AND M£A^IKa OF AfP-BottTl
(Ebabxs was no doubt in old Persian 'Ubanu Its sigmficaiion is decUnd
by Nicolas of DamaacuB, who rendera it AyaBdyyeXos. It is thenfcn
derived from 'u (Zend Au, Greek cJ), "good," and hara (Zend 6fft,
Greek ^p«tr, Latin ferre), onr " bear." Its exact signification is "the
bearer of good," t.e. of good tidings.
(EoBAZTTS is explained as Vahydbixauhf "strong-Armed," from vaKyaj wluch
in Zend is " superior, better," and bazu which ia " the arm."— 0.
Ohahys (Arrian) which in old Pers. would be 'ZTmanish, is well cobh
pared with the Greek E^/t^niT (O.), to which it exactly answers.
Omartbs (Athenseus) would undoubtedly have been in old Penus
'Umartiya. It corresponds with the Greek Evander, and, sa tl»
name of a man, probably meant no more than " brave " or " maalj.'
It is applied to Persia m the Inscriptiona (B, Voc.), and then menu
" having brave inhabitants."
GasnsDATES (Agathias) is clearly from Ormcad, a contracted form of &
name of the great god Oromasdes or Auramazdd (see the next vord),
and ddta, the past participle of da, "to give." The ancient form of
the word would be Auramazdataj and the signification "given to
Ormazd«"
Obomasdxs (old Pers. Aitramazdd) has been varionaly derived, but ii
perhaps best regarded as composed of the three elements Aura (Sanscr.
a8ura)y from tww, "life," mar, which in Zend is " great," and Aw
(from (fa, "to give"), "the giver" — the whole word thus meaning
" the Great Giver of Life."
ORxrxES (Arrian) is derived from M. Oppert from varksha, "a bear,"
with a suffix -ina, as in Athines, Mithrmes, &c. — O.
OiAyES (old Pers. *Utan<i) is from the old Pers. *w, Zend Am, Sanscr. m,
" well " or " good," and ianu (Zend and Sanscr.), " the body." The
word thus siguitics " strong of body " {tvffu/iaros). — P.
Otaspes ia thought to be from the Sanscr. waiaj " wind," and aspa, "a
horse ; " and the sense assigned to the word is " Storm-horse " (P.) ;
but this is scarcely satbfactory.
OxATURES (Diod. Sic.) is probably derived from the old Pers. 'u, Zend h%
** well, good," and khshatkray which in Zend is " a king," or "chief."
The word would have the sense of " good lord." — P,
Pabetaceni (Median tribe, Herod, i. 101> are probably " moun-
taineers," from Sanscr. j?art?afa, "a mountain," with an ethnic suffii
-kina. — O.
Pabvsatis, muJ. (Xen.), is conjectured to be from }^nr\ij which is com-
pared with the Sanscr. purri, "much," and shiiiy which in Zend
ia "land, earth." Parysatis would thus be "she who has much
Lind."— O.
Patiramphks may be "lord of pleasure," from pati^ " lord," and Zend
ra/noj "joy, pleasure."
Patizeithes ia pcrliaps "powerful lord," from pad, and Zend syaty
"powerful."
PBOPEB NAireS OF HEDES AXD PEBSIAXS.
549
/Thu n&mo, taken in conjonction with Fhornabazus, and
one or two ottiers, euggesta the nution tliat the geniua
B^rafTif or y'arahran, was knowa eron to the Adue-
meniau Persians. (Sec Pott's * Forschungen,' p. xlv.)
7 He may bare presided over the planet Mars, whose
\ Arian title is otherwise unknown to us. In lator times
his name certainly appears in Varanes. Phorandates
must be compared with ISlithridates, Madates, Ormis-
dates, &o. ; and must be explained as "givoD," or
dedicated to Varahran."—!!, C. R.
LBifABAZTS seems to contain as its first element the same name Varah-
ij the second element being that which appears also in McgalMUUS,
viz. 6Aaj *' colere, venerari.*' Its meaning is " Worshipper uf Varaiir-
iK^iACES. It is probable that frana — whatever its derivation, which
perhaps from/ra (»Saascr. pro,), the particle of abundance, and
ft», *' to lead " was used simply as an intenaitive, like aria. In Piiar-
naces, and again in Phamuches, we have this element, with the Scythic
guttural suffix -ka. (Compare Artycas, and perhaps Artacosaa.) The
si'^Bcation would bo " chief," or " leader."
FhaExapatks (Justin) is either from /rana intenaitive, and jfaii, " lord "
(compare Abtapatas) ; or from VaraKran and /)«3/a, the past participle
of />'!,'• to protoct." In the one case it would mean " eiceUeut lord i"
in the other " protected by Varahran " (Marsi).
FnARXASFEa is probably from the same frana intenaitive, and aapa^ with
the meaning of " having excellent steeds ; " or it may be simply frum
fra {= pro), the particle of abundance, and arpa, with n euphonic
interposed ; in wluch cose it would mean " havuig many steeds. **
Fharkazathrbs may compare with Arta-hfuhatrOf the true fonn of Arta-
jcerxes. The roots will be frana intensitive, and khsfmtra (Zvud khiha-
ihra) a " king," or ** warrior." (Compare Axtaxxbxbs.}
Pharkucbes is perhaps only a variant of Phamaocfl, q. vide.
Pbradasmbkes (Arrian) is probably from fradat = Zend /rHilat,
" liberal " (which is itself from/ra, the x>article of abundance, and da,
"to give"), and ma"<iii (» Greek >iiVoi), as in Afhctincnes, ArmmenUf
&c. The woi-d will thus mean " liberoil- minded. "
pHBADATBd (Arrion) is simply /rui/a^j "libera].*' (Compare Phbadas-
UENES.)
Phkaobtes (old Pers. FrauKtrtith) contains certainly in its Brst syHable
the element /ra, which is equivalent to the Grcvk wpo-, the Latin pro-j
and the German vcr-. The other root is thoiit;)it to be a verb c<{uiva-
lent to the German wnJirm in wryt,\thrai (O. ). which com'SiHinds to the
French gardrr^ and the Eugliah uwrd. The meaning would thus bu
" a protector. "
Prbxaapes is probably the same name with Pounua^pa^ the father of
Zoroaster. The derivation of this latter word is undoubtedly from
Zen /Jfmru, Sanscr. ;"'n/, "altounding," and aj/xi, "a horse;" and tbe
meauiog is, ** abounding in horses. "—-O. and P.
550 ON THE DEEIVATIOK AND MEANTNG OP Atp. BooiTL
RHEoauTHRES (Artian) U fairly enonsH e:n>lained as " fond of splendoor*
from the Zend raya, " splendonr/' and mithra, which has the aeziM d
Uie Greek <pl\ot.—-0,
BoxANA, mul. (Arrian,) may compare with the Zend raz, ''Bplendexe,"nd
with the modem Persian ruthndj " lucidus." — ^P.
Saftike, mtU. (Q. Curt.), is probably Septima, from the Sanacr. t^ptm,
** seven."
Satasfbs may be translated " hundred-horsed," from Zend ^ata {=QnA
fxaroi', Latin centum), " a himdred," and <Mpa, " a horse." — ^P.
Satibabzanes (Arrian) is thought to be derived from the Sanscrit /fts
"race," or "stock," and berez, aa in Bar$ineB, Barxaneg, &c. Tbi
name would thus signify " of splendid or illustrious race." — ^P.
Satbopates (Q. Curt.) is almost certainly from old Pers. ihshatnmj "fti
crown " (see Sir H. RawUnson's Yocabulaxy, p. 115), and jmUo, the paiA
participle of j>a, * ' to protect, " The name signifies " protected bj tbe
crown.
SZKOMiTBAa is perhaps from the Zend ^ra, "beautiful,'* and iBtfr«,or
mithra, which corresponds to the Greek ^Xos. The word mi^t thv
be rendered by piK6Ka\os.
SiSAMXES ) seem to be formed from the Zend fwf " luccre," irilh
SisEXES (Q. Curt.) j an appellative sufiiz.
SiTRATACHMEs (old Pers. Ckitraiachma) signifies "the strong leopsrd,"
from chitrOf a root foimd in Sanscrit with the sense of " variegatns,"
whence modem Pers. chltar, "the leopard," and Zend faJlAna,
'* strong." (Compare Abtochmes, and vide supra, vol. i. p. 413.)
Smekdis (old Pers. Bardiya) is probably the Zend herezya (compare Tedic
harhya)j "elevated, glorious." — 0.
Smerdomenes must be the above, with the addition of the common dement
mamis (— ^tVos), and will signify " of elevated mind."
Spamttras (Ctcs.) is cither for AspomitraSj "fond of horses," from<u;M
and mithra, or else from apak (supra, vol. i. p. 230, note^, "a dog,"
and mithra, "fond," with the meaning " fond of dogs." — O.
Spendadates (Ctes.) is "given to the Holy One," from Zend svthta,<sx
spcnta, "holy," and data, the past participle of cUx, "to give."—
H. C. R.
Spitaces (Ctes.) is simply " holy," from spita { = 8penf4t. See the next
name), with the Scythic guttural termination, as in Arsaces, &c.
Spitades (Ctes.)i3 from the same root. Itisapeculiarity of Persian articn-
lation to omit the nasal before the dental (see vol. i p. G98, note'),
whence s}Krda becomes spita in almost all the names wherein it occurs.
Spitades is probably "the Holy One ^iw«," or "4ias given." (Compare
the Hebrew NathanacL)
Spitamas (Ctes.), "most holy," is the superlative of spenta, — Br. (Compare
AIasistes.)
PROPEK KAUES OF MEDES AND PERSIANS.
551
(Anian), "of holy temper," ia formed from spenta and
>BATBH (THod, Sic.) is "enlightened by the Holy One," from tpenia
id bhdta, "shone on," the put participle of the Sansor. bAa^ "to
tne."
[PATES (Xeaoph.) ia prohahly a mere variant of Spendadatea, 9pi(a
hving become spithri Ixum Uio Lullueuce ol the butter known name of
[ithhdates.
(Arrian), "of steady mind," is formed from the root rta, "to
," wliich runt) tlynjugh all the InfloEuropean languages, and
(=>nVoj), "the mind/' or "temper." (Compare SprrAJtfKNBs.)
(Justin) ia probably the same as (Eharen, and is at least as near
original name, wliich was *Ubara. (See CEbarks.)
LEs (Q. Curt.) ia probably "one who loves light," from the Zend
p, "lucere," and miUira, or mitra, "fond of." — O.
LLUs ill thought to come from the Zend tuva, "fortis," and some root
luiTah-ut to the modem Pen. jc/cA, "heros." — (P.) But this ety-
dogy is very doubtful.
[ASPATBs (old Pers. T(uhamti!mdda) contains evidently the root
imo, "strong," which appears also in ArtocfimeM, Trit&ntachmeSj &c.
second element, potia, is probably the Sanscr. paii, Zend paitif
lord," which is found with the soft iimtDad uf the hard dental in
tdi»hih. The name will thus signify *' the strong lord."
roxATtOES (Ctea.) is derived by M. Oppert from Zend and Sanscr. tanu,
" body " (compare Haus<a/*ca, 0(rtHW, &c.), and the old Persian iwsarftu,
"great, miyhty," which is so common in the Insorifitioua (Journ. As,
** Bene. turn. xvii. p. 2G3). He translates the name "fort de corps."
(old Pers. Chithpaish) is derived by Pott from the Zend UviM,
strong" (Foracbung. p. Ix.). But this vievr was put forth before the
discovexT of the native form of the name. Chi$hpa\ak is probably from
cAuh, ** hair," the old Peraian equivalent for the Sanscrit /rw, and
modern Peraian gU, combined with the well-kn^wn clement p4,
" to protect," or '" nourish," -wA beinjj an attributivo suilix. The
word would thus signify " hair-nounshing," or "long-haired." —
R. Voc,
TzRiBAZus (Xenoph.), or TiBtBASEs (Plutarch), ia composed of the two
elements Trr, or 7'ir, the Old Peraian name for the planet Mercury
R(«ee voL L p. 663), and WwJ, "venernri, colere" (Compare AiTABAzrs,
AfBOARAZcs, »feo.) Thenomethusmeans" the worshipper of Mercury,"
i— H. C. R.
iiDATBs (-Elian) or TmiDATEs (Q. Curt.) will aij^nify "given," cr "dedi-
cated to Mercury." Compare MmiiiiDATE.s, PuAUAJunATBs, &c.
TiOBAKSs is probably " an archer," from U'rjrn, with an attributive suffix.
Jljoro was in old Persian '* an arrow," as is evident from the Nakhah-
i-Kuatam Inscription, where the Sahd ixgraJiSwtdd are "Scythian
archera."
552 PBOFEB NAKES OF MEDES AND PEBSIAKa
Tigris (old Pers. rt^ra).— That the name of thia river signified "an
arrow," and that it waa so called on account of its rapidity, is declared
by various authors. (See among others, Strab. xi. p. 529 ; Q. Curt
iv. 9 ; PUn. H. N. vi. 27.) The word tiara, "an arrow," seems to
come from the Sanscr. tij, " to sharpen," whence GIc ft^v, ^vr^
K. T, A. — R. VpC.
Tbitant£CHM£S seems to be "strong as Tritan," from 'Zend iakhma.
" strong," and Tritan, who, according to the Arian traditions, divided
the world between his three sons, Selm, Tur, and Bbrij. In Persian
romance Tritan became Feridun. (See vol. L p, 313, note'.)
»
Xatheites (old. Pers. Khtihathrita) is apparently from old Pers. JduSia-
iramf " empire," with a suffix -tto, which may be compared with the
Sanscr. participle it The sense is " one who has obtained the em-
pire. "—R. Voc.
Xebxes (old Pers. Khshaydrsfut) is derived by Sir H. Kawlinson from
khskayay " a king " — a form which may have existed together with
lihshayaihiyaj and which is represented by the modem Persian aihah —
and arsha{ — Sanger, arshya) "venerable." (Vocab.p. 120.) Benfey
(Keilinschriften, p. 79) and Oppert (Joum. As. 4"* S^rie, torn, xix. p.
174) suggest khshaya and anha, akm to the Sanscr. akh^ and the
Zend arana, " oculus." Benfey renders the word Kpnig-Seher, " King-
Seer ; " Oppert ceil dominairice, " Ruling Eye."
Zabiaspbs (Q. Curt.) is exactly equivalent to the Greek " xpiStrtrnT,**
being derived from Zend zara, " gold," and aspa^ " a horse/* — P. It
means probably " having cream-coloured horses."
Zathkattstes (Died. Sic.) is the " lord of cameU," from Jchahatra (= Zend
khakatkra), "king," or "lord," and Sanscr. twAfra, Zend uatra, "a
camel."--P,
ZoPTRUS seems to be a very corrupted Greek form of the native Dadnhya^
which is found in the Behistun Inscription (Col. iv. Par, 18, 8). This
last is a reduplicated form from da, "to give," and signifies (like
Datis) "a giver."— H. C. R.
ZoBOASTER. — It is uncertain to what family of languages this word belongs.
Sir. H. Rawlinson would seek its origin in the Semitic, and explain it
as Ziru-ishtar (comp. Hebrew ynj and ntlTICT?) " the seed of Ishtar,"
or "Venus (Notes on the Early History of Babylonia, in the Jomnal
of the Asiatic Society, vol. xv. p. 246. Burnouf and Brockhaus prefer
to regard it as Arian, and explain it, the latter as Zarathnutra^
"golden star," the former as Zarath-ustra, "having yellow camels**
(Vendidad-Sade, p. 361).
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