THE LIBRARY
OF
THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA
RIVERSIDE
/D^p^^'^s^'r
THE
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BY
THE HONOURABLE
MOUNTSTUAET ELPHIN8T0NE.
VOL. I.
LONDON:
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET.
MDCCCXH.
I,--' \^ •w'
V.I
London :
Printed by A. Spottiswoode,
New- Street- Square.
CONTENTS
THE FIRST VOLUME.
Page
Preface --.__- xvii
INTRODUCTION.
GENERAL DESCRIPTION OF INDIA.
Boundaries and Extent of India - - ' - -1
Natural Divisions - - - - - ib.
Hindostan and the Deckan - - - - ib.
Natural Divisions of Hindostan - - - - 2
Natural Divisions of the Deckan - - - - 3
Superficial Measurement and Population of India - - 4
Climate and Seasons - - - - - 7
Natural Productions - - - - - 9
Trees - - - - - - - ib.
Spices, &c. - - - - - - 11
Agricultural Produce - - - - - ib.
Animals - - - - - - -15
Minerals - - - - - . - 17
HINDUS.
BOOK I.
statr of the hindus at the time of menu's code.
Preliminary Observations - - - 19
CiiAi>. I. Division and Employment of Classes.
Bramins - - - - 23
Cshetryas _ _ . _ 30
A Q
../
IV
CONTENTS.
Veisyas
Suclras
Mixture of Classes
Page
30
31
34
Chap. II. Government.
The King - - - - 37
Administration of the Government - 38
Revenue - - - - 40
The Court - - - - 43
Policy - - - - - 44
War - - - - - 46
Chap. III. Administration of Justice.
General Rules - - - - 49
Criminal Law - - - - 51
Civil Law - - - - 58
Mode of Proceeding - - - ib.
Law of Evidence - - - 59
Mode of Proceeding resumed - - 60
Debts - - - - - 61
Interest of Money - - - 62
Contracts - - - - ib.
Sale without Ownership - - - ib.
Disputes between Master and Servant - 63
Disputes about Boundary - - ib*
Relations between Man and Wife - ib.
Inheritance - - - -66
Chap. IV. Religion.
The Vedas
Monotheism
Religion of the Institutes
Creation
Inferior Deities and Spirits
Man
Ritual Observances
Moral Effects -
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
86
CONTENTS. V
Page
Chap. V. Manners and State of Civilisation.
State of Women ■ - - 88
Manners - - - - 91
Arts of Life - - - - 92
General Remarks - _ _ 94,
Origin of the Hindus, and Formation of
their Society - - _ - 95
Peculiarities relating to Bramins - - 100
BOOK II.
changes since menu, and state of the HINDUS
IN LATER TIMES.
Chap. I. Changes in Cast.
Changes in the four great Classes - 1 03
Mixed Classes - - - . 106
Monastic Orders - - - 109
Chap. II. Changes in the Government.
Administration - - - - 117
Revenue Divisions - - - ib.
Description of a Township - - 118
Its Privileges - - - - 119
Government of a Township by one Head 121
Duties of a Headman - - - 1 22
Village Establishment ; the Accountant,
Watchman, &c. - - - ib.
Government by a Village Community - 12i
Classes of Inhabitants - - - 125
Village Landholders - - - 126
Permanent Tenants ... 127
Temporary Tenants - - - 129
Hired Labourers - - - ISO
Shopkeepers, &c. - - - ib.
Probable Origin and Decline of Village
Communities - - - - ib.
Public Land Revenue - - - 132
A 3
VI CONTENTS.
Page
Property in the Soil - - - 137
Other Branches of the Revenue - - 139
Alienations - - - - 140
Lands alienated for military Service - 141
Lands for military Service among the Raj-
puts - - - - - 144
Lands for Services not military - - 145
Lands held free of Service - - 146
Tributary and other dependent Territories ib.
Zemindars, what . . _ 147
Changes in War and Policy - - 148
Chap. III. Changes in the Law.
Changes in the written Law - - 156
Civil Law - - - - ib.
Changes in Practice - - - 158
Criminal Law - - - - ib.
Local Laws - - - - 159
Chap. IV. Present State of Religion.
Changes since Menu - - - 161
The Puranas - - - - 164
Present Objects of Worship - - 165
Siva - - - - - 167
Devi or Bhawani - - - 169
Vishnu and his Incarnations - - 171
Rama - - - - - 173
Crishna - - - - - 174
Other Gods - - - - 177
Good and bad Spirits - - - 179
Local Gods - - - - ib.
General Character of the Hindu Religion 180
Future State - - - - 185
Moral Effects - - - - 186
Sects - - - - - 188
New Ritual - r - -.192
Ascendancy of the Monastic Orders - 194
Religion of the Baudhas and Jainas - 196
Comparative Antiquity of those Religions
and that of Bramu ■ - - 207
CONTENTS. Vll
Page
Chap. V. Present State of Philosophy.
Six principal Schools - - ■• 214
Sankya Schools (atheistical and theistical) 216
Purpose of Knowledge - - - ib.
Means of attaining Knowledge - - 217
Principles - - - - ib.
Constitution of animated corporeal Beings 208
Intellectual Creation - - - 219
General View of the Sankya Doctrine - 220
Separate Doctrines of the atheistical and
theistical Branches - - . 222
Yogis _ - - - . 224
Vedanta School - - - - ib.
God the sole Existence - - - 225
Logical Schools - - - - 229
Their Points of Resemblance to Aristotle ib.
General Classification - - - 231
Heads or Topics, and their Subdivisions - ib.
Metaphysical Opinions - - - 233
Doctrine of Atoms - _ . 234
Resemblance to some of the Greek Schools,
especially to Pythagoras - - ib.
BOOK III.
STATE OF THE HINDtJS IN LATER TIMES CONTINUED.
Chap. I. Astronomy and Mathematical Science.
Antiquity of the Hindu Astronomy - 239
Its Extent - - - - 241
Geometry - _ _ . 244
Arithmetic - _ - - 245
Algebra - - - - - ib.
Originality of Hindu Science - - 247
Chap. II. Geography. - _ _ _ 252
Chap. III. Chronology.
Mythological Periods - - - 257
A 4
VIU
CONTENTS.
Chap. IV.
Chap. V.
Chap. VI.
Impossibility of fixing early Dates, even
by Conjecture - - -
Solar and lunar Races _ - -
Materials subsequent to the War of the
" Maha Bharat " - - -
Kings of Magada . . -
Chandragupta contemporary with Seleu-
cus, and Asoca with Antiochus
Date of Nanda's Reign - - -
Date of the Death of Budha
Probable Date of the " Maha Bharat " -
Dates after Chandragupta
Coincidence with Chinese Annals
Obscurity after a. d. 436
Eras of Vicramaditya and Salivahana
Medicine . _ - -
Language.
Shanscrit
Other Languages of India
Literature.
Poetry _ - -
The Drama
Sacred Poetry
Heioic
Descriptive
Pastoral
Satire
Tales and Fables
Fine Arts
Music -
Painting
Sculpture
Architecture
Chap. VIII. Other Arts.
Weaving
Dyeing
Working in Gold
Chap. VII.
Page
258
259
260
ib.
262
267
ib.
267
268
269
270
271
273
276
278
280
281
290
ib.
294
295
ib.
ib.
- 297
- 298
- 299
- 300
- 310
- ib.
- ib.
CONTENTS. IX
Page
Chap. IX. Agriculture _ - _ 312
Chap. X. Commerce.
External Commerce - - - 315
Trade from the West Coast - - 316
Coasting Trade - - - 318
Trade from the East Coast - - 319
Hindu Settlements in Java and other
eastern Islands ... 320
Trade in Times subsequent to the Greeks 321
Exports in ancient Times - - ib.
Imports - _ . . 322
Inland Trade - - - - ib.
Chap- XL Manners and Character.
Difference of Indian Nations - - 323
Villages .... 326
Habits of Villagers - - - 327
Towns - - - - 328
Food and Manner of eating of all Classes 330
Indoor Amusements - . _ 332
Houses .... 333
Ceremonial and Conversation of the upper
Classes - - - - ib.
Entertainments and Pomp of the Rich - 335
Fairs, Pilgrimages, &c. - - 339
Gardens and Natural Scenery - - 340
Manner of Life of the Townspeople and
Festivals of all Classes - - SM
Exercises _ _ _ . 345
Dress - - - - - 347
Women .... 34,8
Slavery * - - - - 349
Ceremonies of Marriage - - 351
Education . _ .. _ 352
Names - , . _ 354.
Funerals . _ _ . 355
Sattis - . . . . 357
Hereditary Thieves - - - 361
Bliats and Charans ... 353
CONTENTS.
Page
Mountaineers and Forest Tribes - 365
Character . - _ _ 358
Comparison of the Hindu Character in
ancient and modern Times - - 382
BOOK IV.
HISTORY OF THE HINDUS UP TO THE MAHOMETAN
INVASION.
Chap. I. Hindostan.
Races of the Sun and Moon - - 389
Rama - - - - - ib.
War of the " Maha Bharat " - - 390
Kingdom of Magada (Sandracottus) - 392
Mahva (Vicramaditya, Bhoja) - - 398
Guzerat - - • - - 399
Canouj - - - - 402
Other Principalities - _ _ 403
Table - - - - - 404
Chap. II. The Deckan.
Early State and Divisions of the Deckan 408
Dravida, or the Tamul Country - - 410
Carnata, or Canarese Country - - ib.
Telingana, or Teluga Country - - 411
Maharashtra, or Maratta Country - ib.
Orissa, or U'rya Country - - ib.
Kingdoms and Principalities in the Deckan 412
Pandya - - - - - ib.
Chola - ' - - - 413
Chera ----- 414
Kerala - - - - - ib.
The Concan - - - - 41.'?
Carnata and Telingana - - - ib.
Belala Rajas - - - - ib.
Yadavas - - - - 416
dial ukyas of Carnata - - - ib.
CONTENTS.
XI
Page
Chalukyas of Calinga
- 417
Kings of Andra - - -
- ib.
Orissa ^ - - -
- 418
Maharashtra, or Maratta Country
- 421
Tagara - - - -
- ib.
Salivahana . - -
- 423
Deogiri - - _ -
- 424
Appendix I. On the Age of Menu and of the Vedas.
Age of the Vedas . _ _ 427
Age of the Code or Institutes - - 429
Appendix II. On Changes in Cast.
Doubts regarding the Foreign Descent of
any of the Rajput Tribes - - 432
Scythian Settlers in India - - 436
Appendix III. On the Greek Accounts of India.
India bounded on the West by the Indus 439
Indians to the West of that River - 441
Greek Descriptions of India - - 448
Authorities for those Descriptions - ib.
Division into Classes _ - _ 4.50
Sanyassis . . _ _ 4.52
Siidras ----- 4.5Q
Absence of Slavery - - - ib.
Number and Extent of the different States 457
Manners and Customs - - . 4(j0
Favourable Opinion entertahied by the
Greeks of the Indian Character - 4G6
Appendix IV. On the Greek Kingdom of Bactria.
Accounts of the Ancients - - 468
Further Discoveries from Coins - - 470
Appendix V. Notes on the Revenue System - - 476
Xll CONTENTS.
MAHOMETANS.
BOOK v.
FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE ARAB CONQUESTS TO
THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A MAHOMETAN GOVERNMENT
IN INDIA.
Chap. I. Arab Conquests.
A. D. Page
622. Rise of the Mahometan Religion - - - 489
632—636. Conquest of Persia - - - - 496
651. Extended to the Indus - - - - ib.
664. First Incursion into India _ - . - 501
711. Conquest of Sind by the Arabs - ~ - 502
750. Their Expulsion - - - - - 511
Causes of the slow Progress of the Mahometans in
India - - - - - ib.
Tartar Nations - - - - -514
Turks in Transoxiana - - - - 518
706 — 712. Ai-ab Conquest of Transoxiana - - 519
Chap. II. Dynasties formed after the breaking up
OF THE Empire of the Califs.
820—872. The Taherites - - - - 521
872—903. The Sofarides - - - - 522
872—999. The House of Samani - - - ib.
932—1055. The Buyades or Deilemites - -523
Alptegin, Founder of the House of Ghazni - 524
961. His Rebellion - - - - - 525
976. Sebektegin - - - - - ib.
Invasion by Jeipal, Raja of Labor - - 527
Repelled - - - - - - ib.
Hindu Confederacy .... 528
Defeated - - - - - - ib.
Sebektegin assists the Samanis against the Eastern
Tartars - - - - - 529
997. His Death - - - - - - 531
CONTENTS. Xlll
HOUSE OF GHAZNI 997 TO 1186.
Chap, III. Sultan Mahmud.
(997—1030.)
A, D. Page
Disputed Succession - - _ - 532
999. Mahmud declares his Independence - - 534
1001. His first Expedition to India _ - - 536
1004. Second Expedition _ - . . 537
1005. Third Expedition - - - - ib.
Invasion of the Tartars under E'Hk Khan - - 538
Defeated by Mahmud - . - . 539
1008. Fourth Expedition - - - - ib.
Decisive Battle ----- 540
Temple of Nagarcot _ - . . 54,2
1010. Conquest of Ghor - - . . 54,3
Fifth Expedition to India - - - - 544
1011. Sixth Expedition - - - - ib.
Capture of Tanesar - - - - ib.
1013 and 1014 or 15. Seventh and Eighth Expeditions - ib.
1016. Conquest of Transoxiana - - - _ 545
1017. Ninth Expedition to India - - - ib.
Canouj ---._. 546
1022 and 1023. Tenth and Eleventh Expeditions - 549
Permanent Occupation of the Panjab - - ib.
1024—1026. Twelfth Expedition - - - 550
Somnat - - - - _ - ib.
Mahmud sets up a new Raja in Guzerat - - 555
Distresses in the Desert on his Return - - 557
First Revolt of the Seljiiks - - _ 5qq
1027. Suppressed - - - - - ib.
1029. Conquest of Persia by Mahmud - - - ib.
1030. His Death - - - .. -561
His Character - - - - - ib.
Composition of his Court and Army - - 572
Tfirks - - - - - - ib.
Persians -----. 575
Relation of the different Nations to the Government 576
XIV
CONTENTS.
Chap. IV. Other Kings of Ghazni
AND
Ghor.
(1030 TO 1206.)
A. D.
Page
1030.
Sultan Mohammed
-
- 580
Sultan Masaud
-
- ib.
Rise of the Seljuks
-
- 581
Their Wars with Masaud
-
- 582
1040.
Deposition and Death of Masaud
-
- 584.
Sultan Modud
-
- 585
104-9.
Sultan Abul Hasan
-
- 588
1051.
Sultan Abul Rashid
-
- 589
1052.
Sultan Farokhzad
-
- 590
1058.
Sultan I'brahim -
-
- ib.
1089 <
or 1100. Sultan Masaud II.
-
- 591
1114.
Sultan Arslan - - _
-
- 592
1118.
Sultan Behram _ - -
-
- ib.
Quarrel with Ghor
-
- 593
Ghazni taken by the Ghorians
-
- 594
Recovered by Behram
-
- ib.
Cruel Execution of the King of Ghor
-
- ib.
1152.
Ghazni destroyed by the Ghorians
-
- 595
House of Ghazni retire to India -
-
- 596
1152.
Sultan Khusru - - -
-
- ib.
1160.
Sultan Khusru Malik
-
- 597
HOUSE OF GHOR 1186 TO 1206.
Ala u din Ghori ----- 598
Origin of the House of Ghor - - - ib.
1152. Taking of Ghazni by the Seljuks - - -600
Restoration of Ala u din - - - - ib.
1153. Fall of the Seljuks - - - -602
1156. Self u din Ghori - - - - - ib.
1157. Gheias u din Ghori - - - -603
1176. First Expedition to India under Shahab u din - 605
1186. Expulsion of the House of Ghazni from the Panjab ib.
Wars with the Hindus . - - - 606
The RajpCits - - - - - 607
1191. Defeat of Shahab u din - - - -609
1193. Return of Shahab u din to India - - -610
CONTENTS. XV
A. D. Page
Conquest of Ajmir _ . . . 611
Conquest of Delhi _ , . _ 612
llO^. Capture of Canouj - - - - ib.
Conquest of Oud, Behar, and Bengal - - Bl^
1202. Shahab u dtn (or Mohammed) Ghori - - 615
1203. Unsuccessful Invasion of Kharizm - - ib.
Rebellions in India . . _ . 616
Subdued - - - - - - 617
1206. Death of Shahab u din - - - - ib.
Extent of his Conquests in India - - - 618
Mahmiid Ghori - - - - - ib.
Dissolution of the Ghorian Empire - - ib
PREFACE.
The appearance of a new history of India requires
some words of explanation.
If the ingenious, original, and elaborate work of
Mr. Mill left some room for doubt and discus-
sion, the able compositions since published by Mr.
Murray and Mr. Gleig may be supposed to have
fully satisfied the demands of every reader.
But the excellence of histories derived from
European researches alone does not entirely set
aside the utility of similar inquiries conducted un-
der the guidance of impressions received in India;
which, as they rise from a separate source, may
sometimes lead to different conclusions.
Few are likely to take up these volumes unless
they are previously interested in the subject, and
such persons may not be unwilling to examine it
from a fresh point of view : if the result suggests
no new opinions, it may at least assist in deciding
on those contested by former writers.
Ill the choice of difficulties presented hy the expression
of Asiatic words in European letters, I have thought it
best to follow the system of Sir W. Jones, which is used by
all the English Asiatic Societies, as well as by Mr. Cole-
voL. I. a
XVlll PREFACE.
brooke. Professor Wilson, and various oilier writers. But
as I do not, in general, attempt to express the aspirates,
gutturals, or other sounds which are peculiar to Asiatic
languages, I have not found it necessary to copy all the
minutiae of Sir W. Jones's orthography, or to distinguish
particular consonants (as k and c), which, in his system,
would represent very different sounds.
The following list will explain the powers given to each
letter : —
A" as in far, father.
A as u in sun, study ; o in son, version ; and a itself in
unaccented syllables, as in collar, Persian.
E' as in there ; or as a in dare.
E sometimes as in bell, then ; but much more frequently
the indistinct sound of e in her, murderer, &c.
V as in machine, or as ee in deer.
I as in hit, imminent.
O' as in holy, alone.
O as in obey, symphony. It is the 6 shortened (the other
short 0, as in hot, moss, is not known in Asiatic lan-
guages).
U' as in rude, true ; or as the double o in pool, foolish.
U the same sound short, as in pull, fuller.
Y as in young, year.
W as in war, will.
Ei as in height ; or as i in bite.
Eu as in Europe, feud.
Oi as in boil, joiner.
Ou as in house, sound.
The consonants are the same as in English : except that
g is always hard, as in God, give; di always as in church
(not as in Christian, anchor) ; s always as in case, solstice
(not like z, as in phrase) ; and t always as in tin, Latin
(not like sh, as in nation).
PREFACE. XIX
In well-known words, I have retained the usual spelling;
as in Delhi (for Dilli or Dihli) ; Bombay (for Mumbiii) ;
Mysore (for Maheswar or Maisur). Where the corrupt
names are only applied to particular persons and places, I
have limited them in that manner. The famous rivers
Indus and Ganges are so called ; while others, bearing the
same Indian names, are written Sind and Ganga : the
Arabian prophet is Mahomet, but all others of the same
Arabic name are Mohammed : Tamerlane is used in
speaking of the Tartar conqueror, but Teimur on all
other occasions.
There are other irregularities : gutturals and aspirates
are sometimes used; and double consonants arc put in
some cases where the sound is single, as the double t in
Attoc, which is pronounced as in matter ; while in general
double consonants are sounded separatel}^, as in book-
keeping, hop-pole, or drum-maker. In names with which
I an not myself acquainted, I am obliged to take the
spelling of the author by whom they are mentioned.
f^'''"^ [fou,^
HISTORY
OF
INDIA.
INTRODUCTION.
India is bounded by the Hemalaya mountains, the introd.
river Indus, and the sea.
n r^ ^ / Bound-
Its length from Cashmir to Cape Comorin is ariesand
about 1900 British miles ; and its breadth from the India.
mouth of the Indus to the mountains east of the
Baramputra considerably upwards of 1500 British
miles.
It is crossed from east to west by a chain of Natural
mountains, called those of Vindya, which extends
between the twenty-third and twenty-fifth parallels
of latitude, nearly from the desert north-west of
Guzerat, to the Ganges.
The country to the north of this chain is now iiindostan
called Hindostan, and that to the south of it, the DecUan.
Deckan.*
• The Mogul emperors fixed the Nerbadcla for the limit of
their provinces in those two great divisions, but the division of
Oie tuitions is made by the Vindya mountains. It is well re-
marked by Sir W. Jones and Major Rennell, that both banks of
rivers in Asia are generally inhabited by th» same community.
VOL. I. li
2 HISTORY OF INI) [A.
iNTROD. Hindostan is composed of the basin of the In-
^^~i dus, that of the Ganges, the desert towards the
divisions of Indus, and the hi^h tract recently called Central
Hindostan. ' o j
India.
The upper part of the basin of the Indus (now
called the Panjab) is open and fertile to the east
of the Hydaspes, but rugged to the west of that
river, and sandy towards the junction of the five
rivers. After the Indus forms one stream, it flows
through a plain between mountains and the de-
sert, of which only the part within reach of its
waters is productive. As it approaches the sea,
it divides into several branches, and forms a fertile
though ill- cultivated delta.
The basin of the Ganges (though many of the
streams which water it have their rise in hilly
countries, and though the central part is not free
from diversity of surface) may be said on the whole
to be one vast and fertile plain. This tract was
the residence of the people who first figure in the
history of India ; and it is still the most advanced
in civilisation of all the divisions of that country.
A chain of hills, known in the neighbourhood
by the name of Aravalli, is connected by lower
ranges with the western extremity of the Vindya
The rule applies to Europe, and is as true of the Rhine or the
Po as of the Ganges and the Nile. Rivers are precise and
convenient limits for artificial divisions, but they are no great
obstacles to communication ; and, to form a natural separation
between nations, requires the real obstructions of a mountain
chain.
NATURAL DIVISIONS. 3
mountains on the borders of Guzerat, and stretches introd.
up to a considerable distance beyond Ajmir, in
the direction of Delhi ; forming the division be-
tween the desert on the west and the central table
land. It would be more correct to say the level of
the desert ; for the south-eastern portion, including
Jodpur, is a fertile country. Except this tract, all
between the Aravalli mountains and the Indus,
from the Satlaj or Hysudrus on the north to near
the sea on the south, is a waste of sand, in which
are oases of different size and fertility, the greatest
of which is round Jessalmir. The narrow tract of
Cach intervenes between the desert and the sea,
and makes a sort of bridge from Guzerat to Sind.
Central India is the smallest of these four natural
divisions. It is a table land of uneven surface,
from 1500 to 2500 feet above the sea, bounded
by the Aravalli mountains on the west, and those
of Vindya on the south ; supported on the east by
a lower range in Bundelcand, and sloping gradually
on the north-east into the basin of the Ganges. It
is a diversified but fertile tract.
The Vindya mountains form the southern limit Natural
of Hindostan ; but beyond them, separated by the of the
deep valley of the Nerbadda, is a parallel chain
called Injcidri or Satpura, which must be crossed
before we reach the next natural division in the
valley of the Tapti. This small tract is low ; but
the rest of the Dcckan is almost entirely occu})ied
by a table land of triangular Ibrm, about the level
of that of Central India, supported on all sides by
1! 'J
Ui'ckan.
HISTORY OF INDIA.
iNTROD. ranges of hills. The two longest ranges, which
ran towards the south, follow^ the form of the pen-
insula, and between them and the sea lies a low
narrow tract, forming a sort of belt round the
whole coast. The hills which support the table
land are called the Ghats. The range to the west
is the highest and most marked ; and the low
tract beneath it narrowest and most rugged.
The table land itself is greatly diversified in
surface and fertility. Two parts, however, are
strongly distinguished, and the limit between them
.may be marked by the Warda, from its source in
the Injadri range, north-west of Nagpur, to its
junction with the Godaveri, and then by the joint
rivers to the sea. All to the north and east of
these rivers is a vast forest, spotted with villages,
and sometimes interrupted by cultivated tracts of
considerable extent. To the south-west of the
rivers, tlie country, though varied, is generally
open and cultivated.
Guzerat and Bengal are regarded by the natives
as neither included in Hindostan nor the Deckan ;
they differ greatly from each other, but each has
a resemblance to the part of Hindostan which
adjoins to it.
Though the Deckan, properly speaking, includes
all to the south of the Vindya mountains, yet, in
modern practice, it is often limited to the part be-
tween that chain and the river Kishna.
Superficial Tlic Superficial extent of India is estimated at
menrand 1,287j4<83 squai'e miles. The population may be
EXTENT AND POPULATIONS 5
taken at 140,000,000 ; but this is the present po- introd.
pulation ; in very early Hindu times it was cer- ~~
^ ^ •' -^ population
tainly much less, and in later days probably mucli of India.
greater.*
* These estimates cannot pretend to accuracy. Hamilton
(^Description of Hindostcm, vol. i. page 37.) conjectured the
number of square miles to be 1,280,000, and the population
1 34,000,000.
An official Report laid before the Committee of the House of
Commons on Indian affairs, October 11. 1831, will (if certain
blanks be filled up) make the extent in square miles 1,287,483,
and the population 140,722,700. The following are the par-
ticulars : —
Bengal Lower provinces -
Bengal Upper provinces -
Bengal cessions from Berar
Total Bengal
Madras - - -
Bombay - - -
Total British possessions - 512,873 93,200,000
Allied States - - - 614,010 (3.) 43,022,700
Ranjtt Sing possessions in the j^^ .^ g^^^Q^ 3,500,000
Panjab - - - J
Sind . . - - 100,000 1,000,000
Square Miles.
Population.
153,802
37,500,000
66,510
32,200,000
85,700
(1.) 3,200,000
306,012
72,900,000
141,923
13,500,000
64,938
(2.) 6,800,000
Total of all India -1,287,483 140,722,700
The superficial extent of the British territories and those of
the allies is given in the above Report ; the former from actual
survey, and the latter partly from survey and partly from com-
putation.
The population of the British territories is also from the
Report, and is founded on official estimates, except in the fol-
lowing instances, where I computed the numbers.
(1.) The cessions from P>crar amount to near 86,000 square
miles ; of these, 30,(X)0 on the Nerbadda are comparatively well
IJ 3
6 HISTORY OF INDIA.
iNTROD. The population is very unequally distributed.
In one very extensive district of Bengal Proper
(Bardwan), it was ascertained to be GOO souls to
the square mile.* In some forest tracts, ten to
the square mile might be an exaggeration.
Though the number of large towns and cities
peopled ; and I have allowed them sixtj' souls to the square
mile. The remaining 56,000 are so full of forests^ that I have
only allowed twenty-five souls to the square mile.
(2.) For one district, under Bombay (the Northern Concan),
the extent is given from survey, but without a guess at the
population. I have allowed the same rate as that of the adjoin-
ing district (the Southern Concan), which is 100 to the square
mile. It is probably too much, but the amount is so small as to
make the error immaterial.
(3.) No estimate is given of the population of the allied
states, some parts of which have 300 or 400 the square mile,
while others are nearly deserts. On consideration, I allow
seventy souls to the square mile, which makes the population
43,022,700.
(4.) The area and population of Sind, and the population of
the Panjab, are taken from Burnes's Travels, vol. ii. p. 286. and
vol. iii. p. 227. The extent of the Panjab is little more than a
guess, which I have hazarded, rather than leave the statement
incomplete.
The extent of Europe is about 2,793,000 square miles, and
the population 227,700,000. (" Companion to the Almanack for
1829," from Walkenacr and Balbi.) If we deduct the 1,758,700
square miles in Russia, Sweden, and Norway, as proposed by
Major Rennell, for the sake of comparison, we find the rest of
Europe containing 1,035,300 square miles, and India 1,294,602,
being nearly a third greater than Europe. But Europe, when
freed from the northern wastes, has the advantage in popula-
tion ; for, after deducting Russia, Sweden, and Norway, about
60,518,000 souls, Europe has still 167,182,000 souls, and India
only 140,000,000.
* Mr. Bayley, Asiatic Researches, xii. 549.
POPULATION. 7
in India is remarkable, none of them are very introd.
populous. In their present state of decline, none
exceed the population of second-rate cities in
Europe. Calcutta, without its suburbs, has only
265,000 inhabitants ; and not more than two or
three of the others can have above 200,000 fixed
population.*
A tract, extending from 8° north latitude to 35°, ciimate
and varying in height from the level of the sea to sons!
the summits of Hemalaya, must naturally include
the extremes of heat and cold ; but on the general
level of India within the great northern chain, tlie
diversity is comparatively inconsiderable.
The characteristic of the climate, compared to
that of Europe, is heat. In a great part of the
country the sun is scorching for three months in the
yeart; even the wind is hot, the land is brown
and parched, dust flies in whirlwinds, all brooks
become dry, small rivers scarcely keep up a stream,
and the largest are reduced to comparatively nar-
row channels in the midst of vast sandy beds.
In winter, sliglit frost sometimes takes place for
an hour or two about sunrise; but tins is only in the
parts of the country which lie far north, or are
much elevated above tlie sea. At a low level, if to-
* For Calcutta, see the Report of the House of Commons,
October 11. 1 83 1 . For Benares, see Asiatic Researches, xvii, 474'.
479., where it is stated tliat 200,000 constitutes the fixed po-
pulation of the city and suburbs, and that 100,000 more may
come in on tlie greatest occasions of pilgrimage.
f The thermometer often rises above 100 during part of the
hottest days. It has been known to reach li'0°.
B 4
8 HISTORY OF INDIA.
iNTROD. wards the south, the greatest cold in winter is only
moderate heat ; and on an average of the whole of
India, it is not much more than what is marked
temperate on our thermometers ; while the hottest
time of the day, even at tliat period, rises above
our summed' heat. The cold, however, is much
greater to the feelings than would be snpposed from
the thermometer.
In the montlis which approach to neither ex-
treme, the temperature is higher than in the heat
of summer in Italy.
The next peculiarity in the climate of India is
the periodical rainy season. The rains are brought
from the Indian Ocean by a south-west wind, (or
monsoon, as it is called,) which lasts from June to
October. They are heaviest near the sea, especially
in low countries, unless in situations protected by
mountains. The coast of Coromandel, for instance,
is sheltered from the south-west monsoon by the
Ghats and the table land, and receives its supply
of rain in October and November, when the wind
blows from the north-east across the Bay of Bengal.
The intenseness of the fall of rain can scarcely be
conceived in Europe. Though it is confined to
four months, and in them many days of every month,
and many hours of every day, are fair, yet the whole
fall of rain in India is considerably more than
double that which is distributed over the whole
twelve months in England.
The variations that have been mentioned divide
the year into three seasons : the hot, the rainy, and
NATURAL PRODUCTIONS. 9
the cold, or rather temperate ; which last is a good introd.
deal lonsjer than either of the other two.
The fertile soil and rich productions of India Natural
produc-
have long been proverbial. tbns.
Its forests contain many timber trees, among Trees.
which the teak is, for ship building, and most
other purposes, at least equal to the oak. The sal
is a lofty and useful timber tree : sandal, ebony,
and other rare and beautiful woods are found in
different quantities, but often in profusion. Ban-
yan trees, cotton trees *, sissoo (or blackwood
trees), mangoes, tamarinds, and other ornamental
and useful trees are scattered over the cultivated
country. The babul, (Mimosa Arabica, or gum
arable tree,) with its sweet-scented yellow flower,
grows in profusion, both in the woods and plains,
as do two kinds of acacia and various other flower-
ing trees. Mulberries are planted in great num-
bers, and are the means of furnishing a large supply
of silk. The cocoa, palmyra, and other palms are
common. The first of these yields a nut filled with
a milky fluid, and lined with a thick coating of
kernel, which is serviceable as food, and on account
of the oil which is manufactured from it to a vast
extent. The shell is used for cu})s and other ves-
sels, some of which are in universal use. The thick
husk, in which the nut is enveloped, is composed
* Tliis is not the low shrub which bears common cotton, but
a lofty tree covered at one time with flowers of glowing crimson,
and at another with pods, in which the seeds are encased in a
substance resembling cotton, but lighter and more silky in its
texture.
10 HISTORY OF INDIA.
iNTROD. of fibres, which form a valuable cordage, and make
the best sort of cable. The wood, though not
capable of being employed in carpenter's work, is
peculiarly adapted to pipes for conveying water,
beams for broad but light wooden bridges, and
other purposes, where length is more required than
solidity. The bamboo, being hollow, light, and
strong, is almost as generally useful : when entire,
the varieties in its size make it equally fit for the
lance of the soldier, the pole of his tent, or the
mast which sustains the lofty ensign of his chief;
for the ordinary staff of the peasant, or for the rafter
of his cottage. All scaffolding in India is com-
posed of bamboos, kept together by ropes instead
of nails. When split, its long and flexible fibre
adapts it to baskets, mats, and innumerable other
purposes ; and when cut across at the joints, it
forms a bottle often used for oil, milk, and spirits.
The wood of the palm is employed in the same
manner as that of the cocoa tree : its leaves also are
used for the thatch, and even for the walls, of cot-
tages ; while the sap, which it yields on incision (as
well as that of the bastard date tree), supplies a
great proportion of the spirituous liquor consumed
in India.
The mahua (a timber tree of the size of an oak,
which abounds in all the forests,) produces a fleshy
flower, from which also a great deal of spirit is dis-
tilled ; while it is still more important as an article
of food among the hill tribes. To return to the
palms, another beautiful specimen bears a nut,
NATURAL PRODUCTIONS. 11
which, mixed with the pungent and aromatic leaf introd.
of the bitel vine, and the gum called catechu, is '
chewed by all classes throughout India. Sago is
the produce of another kind of palm.
The mountains of Hemalaya present a totally
different vegetation. Pines, oaks, and other forest
trees of Europe and Asia, rhododendrons, and many
other magnificent shrubs, abound throughout the
chain, often on a gigantic scale.
Pepper and cardamums grow in abundance on Spices, &c.
the western coast, and cinnamon on Ceylon : cap-
sicum, ginger, cummin, coriander, turmeric, and
various other spices are every where a common
produce of the fields. We are indebted to India
for many well-known aromatics, and the wildest
hills are covered with a highly scented grass, the
essential oil of which is supposed by some to have
been the spikenard of the ancients. Many trees
supply medicines — as camphor, cassia fistularis,
aloes, &c. ; others yield useful resins, gums, and
varnishes.
The woods are filled with trees and creepers,
bearing flowers of every form and hue ; while the
oleander, gloriosa superba, and many other beau-
tiful shrubs, grow^ wild in the open country. The
lotus and water lily float on the surface of tlie
lakes and ponds ; and there are many sweet-scented
flowers, the perfume of which, though otherwise
exquisite, is in general too powerful for Europeans.
Whole plains arc covered with cotton, tobacco, Afiricui-
nnd poppies for o])ium ; even roses are grown, in ,"o,'i,K.e.
12 HISTORY OF INDIA.
iNTROD. some places, over fields of great extent, for attar
~~ and rose-water. Sugar-cane, though still more
abundant, requires rich and well- watered spots, and
is not spread over the face of the country like the
productions just mentioned. Large tracts of land
are given up to indigo, and many other more bril-
liant dyes are among the produce of the fields.
Flax, mustard, sesamum, palma Christi, and other
plants, yield an ample supply of oil, both for culi-
nary and other purposes.
The principal food of the people of Hindostan is
wheat, and in the Deckan, jowar and.bajra* : rice,
as a general article of subsistence, is confined to
Bengal and part of Behar, with the low country
along the sea all round the coast of the Peninsula :
in most parts of India it is only used as a luxury.t
In the southern part of the table land of the Deckan
the body of the people live on a small and poor
grain called ragi.t
Though these grains each afford the principal
* Jowar (Holcus sorgum). It grows on a reedy stem to the
height of eight or ten feet, and bears irregularly shaped clusters
of innumerable round grains, about twice as big as mustard seed.
It is common all over the Levant, under the name of durra (or
dourrah) ; and in Greece, where it is called kalambdki ; there is
likewise a coarse sort in Italy, called melica rossa, or sorgo
rosso.
Bajra (Holcus spicatus) resembles a bulrush, the head being
covered with a round grain, smaller, sweeter, and more nourish-
ing than that of jowar.
■\ It was probably the circumstance of our early settlements
in Bengal and on the coast of Coromandel that led to the com-
mon opinion that rice is the general food of India.
\ Cynosurus corocanus.
NATURAL PRODUCTIONS.
13
supply to particular divisions, they are not confined introd.
to their own tracts. Bajra and jowar are almost
as much consumed as wheat in Hindostan, and
are grown, though in a less degree, in the rice
countries : wheat is not uncommon in the Deckan,
and is sown in the rice countries : rice is more or
less raised all over India in favourable situations,
as under hills, or where a great command of water
is obtained by artificial means.
Barley is little eaten, and oats, till lately, were
unknown ; but there are several smaller sorts of
grain, such as millet, panicum Italicum, and other
kinds, for which we have no name. Maize is a
good deal grown for the straw ; and the heads,
when young and tender, are toasted and eaten as
a delicacy by the villagers ; but I doubt if the grain
is ever made into bread.
There are many kinds of pulse, of which there
is a very great consumption by people of all ranks;
and a variety of roots and vegetables*, which, with
a huge addition of the common spices, form the
ordinary messes used by the poor to give a relish
to tlieir bread. Many fruits are accessible to the
poor ; especially mangoes, melons, and water me-
lons, of which tiic two last are growai in the wide
beds of the rivers during the dry weather. Gourds
and cucumbers are most abundant. They are sown
* As the egg plant or brinjal, the love-apple or tomato, yams,
sweet potatoes, carrots, radishes, onions, garlic, spinach, and
many other sorts, wild and cultivated, known or unknown in
Europe.
14 IIISTOllY OF INDIA.
iNTROD. round the huts of the poor, and trailed over tlie
■ ' roofs, so that the whole building is covered with
green leaves and large yellow flowers. The mango,
which is the best of the Indian fruits, is likewise
by much the most common, the tree which bears
it being everywhere planted in orchards and singly,
and thriving without any further care. Plantains
or bananas, guavas, custard apples, jujubes, and
other fruits of tropical climates, are also common.*
Grapes are plentiful, as a garden fruit, but not
planted for wine. Oranges, limes, and citrons are
also in general use, and some sorts are excellent.
Figs are not quite so general, but are to be had
in most places, and in some (as at Puna, in the
Deckan,) they are, perhaps, the best in the world.
Pine apples are common everywhere, and grow
wild in Pegu.t
Horses, camels, and working cattle are fed on
pulse, t Their forage is chiefly wheat straw ; and
* One of the most remarkable, and in some places the most
common, is the jack, an exceedingly rich and luscious fruit,
Avhich grows to the weight of sixty or seventy pounds, directly
from the trunk of a tall forest tree.
-j- Several Chinese fruits have lately been introduced with suc-
cess, and some European ones, of which the peach and straw-
berry are the only kinds that are completely naturalised. The
apples are small and bad ; and pears, plums, &c. do not succeed
at all.
+ In Hindostan it is a sort called channa, of which each pod
contains a single pea on a low plant, from the leaves of which
the natives make vinegar. It is the Cicer arietinum of bota-
nists, and exactly the Cece of Italy. In the Deckan the pulse
used is culti, a small hard pea, which must be boiled before it is
eaten, even by animals.
NATURAL rUODUCTIONS. 15
that of the jowar and bajra, which, being full of introd.
saccharine matter, is very nourishing. Horses get
fresh grass dried in the sun ; but it is only in par-
ticular places that hay is stacked.
There are, in some places, three harvests ; in
all, two. Bajra, jowar, rice, and some other grains
are sown at the beginning of the rains, and reaped
at the end. Wheat, barley, and some other sorts
of grain and pulse ripen during the winter, and are
cut in spring.
Elephants, rhinoceroses, bears, and wild buf- Animals.
faloes are confined to the forests. Tigers, leo-
pards, panthers, and some other Avild beasts are
found there also, but likewise inhabit patches of
underwood, and even of high grain, in the culti-
vated lands. This is also the case with wild
boars, hyenas, wolves, jackalls, and game of all
descriptions, in the utmost abundance. Lions are
only found in particular tracts. Great numbers of
many sorts of deer and antelopes are met with in
all parts. Monkeys are numerous in the woods,
in the cultivated country, and even in towns.
Porcupines, ichneumons, a species of armadillo,
iguanas, and other lizards, are found in all places ;
as arc serpents and other reptiles, noxious or inno-
cent, in abundance.
There are horses in plenty, but they are only
used for riding. For every sort of draught,
(ploughs, carts, guns, native chariots, &c.,) and for
carriage of all sorts of baggage and merchandise,
almost the whole dependence is on oxen. The
l6 HISTORY OF liNDIA.
iNTROD. frequency of rugged passes in some parts, and the
annual destruction of the roads by the rains in
others, make the use of pack cattle much greater
than that of draught cattle, and produce those
innumerable droves which so often choke up the
travellers* way, as they are transporting grain, salt,
and other articles of commerce from one province
to another.
Camels, which travel faster, and can carry more
bulky loads, are much employed by the rich, and
are numerous in armies. Elephants are also used,
and are indispensable for carrying large tents,
heavy carpets, and other articles which cannot be
divided. Buffaloes are very numerous, but they
are chiefly kept for milk, of which great quantities
(in various preparations) are consumed*: they are
not unfrequently put in carts, are used for plough-
ing in deep and wet soils, and more rarely for
carriage. Sheep are as common as in European
countries, and goats more so. Swine are kept by
the lowest casts ; poultry are comparatively scarce,
in small villages, from the prejudice of the Hindus
against fowls ; but the common fowl is found wild
in great numbers, and resembles the bantam kind.
The peacock, also, is common in a wild state.
White cranes and egrettes are extremely numerous
throughout the year ; and grey cranes, wild geese,
* The commonest of these are clarified butter (ghi), and a
sort of acid curd (dahi) which is called yourt in the Levant.
Cheese is scarcely known, and butter never used in its natural
state.
NATURAL PRODUCTIONS. 17
snipes, ortolans, and other birds of passage, come introd.
in incredible numbers at their season. Eagles are "~"
found in some places, as are various kinds of fal-
cons. Vultures are very common, and kites beyond
number. Most English birds are common (except
singing birds) ; besides parrots, or rather pero-
quets, and various birds of splendid plumage, for
which we have not even names.
Fish is abundant, and is a great article of food in
Bengal, and some other countries.
Crocodiles are often seen both in rivers and
large ponds.
None of the minerals of India have attracted Minerals.
attention except diamonds and iron. The steel
of India was in request with the ancients, and
is celebrated in the oldest Persian poem, and is
still the material of the scymitars of Khorasan
and Damascus. The inferior stones — opals,
amethysts, garnets, chrysolites, beryls, cornelians,
agates, &c. — are found in considerable quantities.
Most of the pearls in the world, and all the best,
are taken up from beds near Ceylon. Rock salt is
found in a range of mountains in the Panjab ; and
salt is made in large quantities from the water of
the Samber Lake in Ajmir, and from that of the
sea. Saltpetre is so abundant as to supply many
other countries.
The conformation of the countries and the pe-
culiarities of climate and seasons have great ef-
fect on military oj)crations in India. The j)asses
through the chains of hills that intersect the
VOL. I. c
IS HISTORY OF INDIA.
iNTROD. country regulate the direction of the roads, and
often fix the fields of battle. Campaigns are gene-
rally suspended during the rains, and resumed at
the end of that season, when grain and forage are
abundant. The site of encampments is very greatly
affected by the supply of water, which must be
easy of access to the thousands of cattle which
accompany every army, chiefly for carriage. One
party is often able to force his enemy into action,
by occupying the water at which he intended to
halt. A failure of the periodical rains brings on
all the horrors of famine.
HINDUS.
BOOK I.
state of the hindus at the time of
menu's code.
As the rudest nations are seldom destitute of book
some account of the transactions of their ances- ^"
tors, it is a natural subject of surprise, that the Preiimi.
Hindus should have attained to a high pitch of servations.
civilisation, without any work that at all approaches
to the character of a history.*
The fragments which remain of the records of
their transactions are so mixed with fable, and so
distorted by a fictitious and extravagant system of
Chronology, as to render it hopeless to deduce from
them any continued thread of authentic narrative.
No date of a public event can be fixed before the
invasion of Alexander ; and no connected relation
of the national transactions can be attempted until
after the Mahometan conquest.
* The history of Cashniir scarcely forms an exception.
Thougli it refers to earlier writings of the same nature, it was
begun more than a century after the Mahometan conquest of
Cashmlr : even if it were ancient, it is the work of a small se-
questered territory on the utmost borders of India, which, by
the accounts contained in the history itself, seems to have been
long liable to be affected by foreign manners ; and the example
seems never to have been followed by tlu; rest of the Hindus.
*C 2
20 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK But notwithstanding this remarkable failure in
the annals of the early Hindus, there is no want of
information regarding their laws, manners, and
religion ; which it would have been the most useful
object of an account of their proceedings to teach :
and if we can ascertain their condition at a remote
period, and mark the changes that have since taken
place, we shall lose very little of the essential part
of their history.
A view of the religion of the Hindus is given,
and some light is thrown on their attainments in
science and philosophy, by the Vedas, a collection
of ancient hymns and prayers which are supposed
to have been reduced to their present form in the
fourteenth century before the Christian aera ; but
the first complete picture of the state of society
is afforded by the Code of Laws which bears the
name of Menu, and which was probably drawn up
in the ninth century before Christ. *
With that Code, therefore, every history of the
Hindus must begin.
But to gain accurate notions even of the people
contemporary with the supposed Menu, we must
remember that a code is never the work of a single
age, some of the earliest and rudest laws being
preserved, and incorporated w4th the improvements
of the most enlightened times. To take a familiar
example, there are many of the laws in Blackstone
the existence of which proves a high state of re-
finement in the nation j but those relating to witch-
* See Appendix I. " On the Age of Menu."
I.
rilELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS. 21
craft, and the wager of battle, afford no corre- book
spondent proof of the continuance of barbarism
down to the age in which the Commentaries were
written.
Even if the whole Code referred to one period, it
would not show the rpal state of manners. Its
injunctions are drawn from the model to which it
is wished to raise the community, and its prohibi-
tions from the worst state of crime which it was
possible to apprehend. It is to the general spirit
of the Code, therefore, that we must look for that
of tlie age ; and even then, we must soften tiie
features before we reach the actual condition of
the people. I have adhered to the usual phrase-
ology in speaking of this compilation ; but, though
early adopted as an unquestionable authority for
the law, I should scarcely venture to regard it as
a code drawn up for the regulation of a particular
state under the sanction of a government. It seems
rather to be the work of a learned man, designed to
set forth his idea of a perfect commonwealth under
Hindu institutions. On this supposition it w^ould
show the state of society as correctly as a legal
code ; since it is evident that it incorporates the
existing laws, and any alterations it may have in-
troduced, with a view to bring them up to its pre-
conceived standard of perfection, must still have
been drawn from the opinions which prevailed when
it was written. These considerations being pre-
mised, I shall now give an outline of the inform-
ation contained in Mcini ; aiul, afterwards, a de-
c .->
22 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK scription of the Hindus as they are to be seen in
' present times.
The alterations eftected during the interval will
appear from a comparison of the two pictures ; and
a view of the nation at a particular point of the
transition will be afforded from the accounts which
have been left to us by the Greeks.
DIVISION AND EMPLOYMENT OF CLASSES. 23
I.
CHAPTER I.
DIVISION AND EMPLOYMENT OF CLASSES.
The first feature that strikes us in the society de- chap.
scribed by Menu, is the division into four classes*
or casts (the sacerdotal, the military, the indus-
trious, and the servile). In these we are struck
with the prodigious elevation and sanctity of the
Bramins, and the studied degradation of the lowest
class.
The three first classes, though by no means
equal, are yet admitted into one pale : they all par-
take in certain sacred rites, to which peculiar im-
portance is attached throughout the code ; and
they appear to form the whole community for whose
government the laws are framed. The fourth class
and the outcasts arc no further considered than as
they contribute to the advantage of the superior
casts.
A Bramin is the chief of all created beings; the Bra
world and all in it are his: tint ugh him, indeed,
* The word class is adopted here, as being used in Sir W.
Jones's translation of Menu; but cast is the term used in India,
and by the old writers on that country. It is often written
caste in late books, and has sometimes been mistaken for an
Indian word ; but it is an Knglish word, found in Johnson's Dic-
tionary, and derived from the Spanish or Portuguese — casta,
a breed.
c 4
24 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK other mortals enjoy life"; by his imprecations he
' could destroy a king, with his troops, elephants,
horses, and cars''; could frame other worlds and
regents of worlds, and could give being to new
gods and new mortals.'^ A Bramin is to be treated
with more respect than a king/ His life and per-
son are protected by the severest laws in this
world % and the most tremendous denunciations for
the next/ He is exempt from capital punishment,
even for the most enormous crimes/ His offences
against other classes are treated with remarkable
lenity", while all offences against him are punished
with tenfold severity.'
Yet it would seem, at first sight, as if the Bra-
mins, content with gratifying their spiritual pride,
had no design to profit by worldly wealth or power.
The life prescribed to them is one of laborious
study, as well as of austerity and retirement.
The first quarter of a Bramin's life he must spend
as a student *"; during which time he leads a life of
abstinence and humiliation. His attention should
be unremittingly directed to the Vedas, and should
on no account be wasted on worldly studies. He
should treat his preceptor with implicit obedience,
and with humble respect and attachment, which
a Chap. I. 96. 100, 101. ^ Chap. IX. 313.
" Chap. IX. 315. '^ Chap. II. 139.
«= Chap. IX. 232, and Chap. VIII. 281—283.
f Chap. XI. 205—208. Chap. IV. 165—169.
e Chap. VIII. 380. '' Chap. VIII. 276. 378, 379.
5 Chap. VIII. 272. 283. 325. 377. Chap. XI. 205, 206.
^ Chap. II. 175—210.
DIVISION AND EMPLOYMENT OF CLASSES. 25
ought to be extended to his family. He must per- chap.
form various servile offices for his preceptor, and '
must labour for himself in brino-ino- lo2:s and other
materials for sacrifice, and water for oblations. He
must subsist entirely by begging from door to
door.'
For the second quarter of his life, he lives with
his wife and family, and discharges the ordinary
duties of a Bramin. These are briefly stated to
be, reading and teaching the Vedas ; sacrificing
and assisting others to sacrifice; bestowing alms,
and accepting gifts.
The most honourable of these employments is
teaching."^ It is remarkable that, unlike other reli-
gions, where the dignity of the priesthood is derived
from their service at the temples, a Bramin is con-
sidered as degraded by performing acts of worship
or assisting at sacrifices, as a profession. " All Bra-
mins are strongly and repeatedly prohibited from
receiving gifts from low-born, wicked, or unworthy
persons." They are not even to take many presents
from unexceptionable givers, and are carefully to
avoid making it a habit to accept of unnecessary
presents.'' When the regular sources fail, a Bramin
' These rules arc now only observed by professed students
• — if by them.
"' Chap. X. 75, 76. 85.
" Chap. III. 180. Chap. IV. '205. A feelin- which still
subsists in full force.
° Chap. IV. HK Chap. X. lOf), 110, 111. Ciiap. XI. I<)1.
-197.
I' Chap. IV. 1S(J.
26 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK may, for a mere subsistence, glean, or beg, or cul-
tivate, or even (in case of extreme necessity) he
may trade ; but he must in no extremity enter
into service ; he must not have recourse to popular
conversation, must abstain from music, singing,
dancing, gaming, and generally from everything
inconsistent with gravity and composure. "*
He should, indeed, refrain from all sensual en-
joyments, should avoid all wealth that may impede
his reading the Vedas^ and should shun all worldly
honour as he would shun poison." Yet he is not
to subject himself to flists, or other needless sever-
ities.' All that is required is, that his life should
be decorous and occupied in the prescribed studies
and observances. Even his dress is laid down with
minuteness ; and he may easily be figured (much
as learned Bramins are still) quiet and demure,
clean and decent, " his hair and beard clipped, his
passions subdued, his mantle white, and his body
pure ; " with a staff and a copy of the Vedas in his
hands, and bright golden rings in his ears." When
he has paid the three debts, by reading the scrip-
tures, begetting a son, and performing the regular
sacrifices, he may (even in the second portion of his
life) make over all to his son, and remain in his
family house, with no employment but that of an
umpire."
1 Chap. IV. 63, 64-. ■• Chap. IV. 16, 17.
^ Chap. II. 162. ' Chap. IV. 34.
" Chap IV. 35, 36. " Chap. IV. 257.
DIVISION AND EMPLOYMENT OF CLASSES. 27
The third portion of a Bramin's life he must chap.
spend as an anchorite in the woods. Clad in bark, '
or in the skin of a black antelope, with his hair and
nails uncut, sleeping on the bare earth, he must
live " without fire, without a mansion, wholly si-
lent, feeding on roots and fruit." He must also
submit to many and harsh mortifications, expose
himself, naked, to the heaviest rains, wear humid
garments in winter, and in summer stand in the
midst of five fires under the burning sun.'" He
must carefully perform all sacrifices and oblations,
and consider it his special duty to fulfil the pre-
scribed forms and ceremonies of religion.
In the last period of his life, the Bramin is
nearly as solitary and abstracted as during the
third. But he is now released from all forms and
external observances : his business is contem-
plation : his mortifications cease. His dress more
nearly resembles that of ordinary Bramins ; and his
abstinence, tliougii still great, is not so rigid as be-
fore. He is no longer to invite suffering, but is to
cultivate equanimity and to enjoy dehght in medi-
tation on the Divinity ; till, at last, he quits the
body " as a bird leaves the branch of a tree at its
pleasure."*
Thus it appears that, during three fourths of a
Bramin's life, he was entirely secluded from the
world, and, during the remaining fourth, besides
having his time completely occupied by ceremonies
'" Chap. VI. 1—29. y Cliai). VI. :V.i. to the end.
28 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK and in reading the Vedas, he was expressly debarred
' from the enjoyment of wealth or pleasure and from
the pursuit of ambition. But a little further ac-
quaintance with the Code makes it evident that
these rules are founded on a former condition of
the Bramins ; and that, although still regarded as
the model for their conduct, they had already been
encroached on by the temptations of power and
riches.
The King must have a Bramin for his most con-
fidential counsellor^ ; and by Bramins is he to be
instructed in policy as well as in justice and ail
learning." The whole judicial authority (except
that exercised by the King in person) is in the
hands of Bramins'' ; and, altliougli the perusal of
the sacred writings is not withheld from the two
nearest classes, yet the sense of them is only to be
obtained through the exposition of a Bramin.''
The interpretation of the laws is expressly con-
fined to the Bramins'' ; and we can perceive, from
the Code itself, how large a share of the work of
legislation was in the hands of that order.
The property of the sacred class is as well pro-
tected by the law as its power. Liberality to
Bramins is made incumbent on every virtuous man%
and is the especial duty of a King.' Sacrifices and
■'■ Chap. VII. 58. ^ Chap. VII. 43.
i' Chap. VIII. 1. 9, 10, 11. and 60. <= Chap. X. 1.
'i Chap. XII. 108—113.
•^ Chiip. XI. 1—6; Chap. IV. 226—235.
i Chap. VII. 83—86.
DIVISION AND EMPLOYMENT OF CLASSES. 29
oblations, and all the ceremonies of religion, in- chap.
. I.
volve feasts and presents to the Bramins ^, and '
those gifts must always be liberal : " the organs
of sense and action, reputation in this life, happi-
ness in the next, life itself, children and cattle, are
all destroyed by a sacrifice offered with trifling gifts
to the priests." " Many penances may be com-
muted for large fines, which all go to the sacred
class.' If a Bramin finds a treasure, he keeps it all ;
if it is found by another person, the King takes it,
but must give one half to the Bramins." On failure
of heirs, the property of others escheats to the
King ; but that of Bramins is divided among their
class.' A learned Bramin is exempt from all tax-
ation, and ought, if in want, to be maintained by
the King.™
Stealing the gold of Bramins incurs an extra-
ordinary punishment, which is to be inflicted by
the King in person, and is likely, in most cases, to
be capital." Their property is protected by many
other denunciations ; and for injuring their cattle,
a man is to suffer amputation of half his foot."
3 Cliap. III. 123—146., especially 138. and 11.3.
•> Chap. XI. 39, 40. Priest is the word used by Sir W. Jones
throughout his translation ; but as it has been shown that few
Bramins performed the public offices of religion, some other
designation would have been more appropriate.
i Chap. XI. 117. 128—139. ^ chap. VIII. 37, 38.
1 Chap. IX. 188, 189. '" Chap. VII. 133, 134.
" Chap. VIII. 314—316.; Chap. XI. 101.
" Chap. VIII. 325.
30 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK The military class, though far from being placed
, on an equality with the Bramins, is still treated
Cshetriyas. 'with honour. It is indeed acknowledged that the
sacerdotal order cannot prosper without the mili-
tary, or the military without the sacerdotal ; and
that the prosperity of both in this world and the
next depends on their cordial union. ^
The military class enjoys, in a less degree, with
respect to the Veisyas, the same inequality in
criminal law that the Bramin possesses in respect
to all the other classes. '^ The King belongs to this
class, as probably do all his ordinary ministers. *"
The command of armies and of military divisions,
in short, the whole military profession, and in
strictness all situations of command, are also their
birthright. It is indeed very observable, that
even in the code drawn up by themselves, wath the
exception of interpreting the law^, no interference
in the executive government is ever allowed to
Bramins.
The duties of the military class are stated to be,
to defend the people, to give alms, to sacrifice, to
read the Vedas, and to shun the allurements of
sensual gratification."
Veisyas. The rank of V^eisyas is not high ; for where a
Bramin is enjoined to show hospitality to strangers,
he is directed to show benevolence even to a mer-
p Cliap. IX. 322. '1 Chap. VIII. 267, 268.
r Chap. VII. 54. « Chap. I. 89.
DIVISION AND EMPLOYMENT OF CLASSES. 31
chant, and to give him food at the same time with chap.
his domestics/ '
Besides largesses, sacrifice, and reading the
Vedas, the duties of a Veisya are to keep herds of
cattle, to carry on trade, to lend at interest, and to
cultivate the land."
The practical knowledge required from a Veisya
is more general than that of the other classes ; for
in addition to a knowledge of the means of breed-
ing cattle, and a thorough acquaintance with all
commodities and all soils, he must understand the
productions and wants of other countries, the
wages of servants, the various dialects of men, and
whatever else belongs to purchase and sale, ^
The duty of a Sudra is briefly stated to be to Sudras.
serve the other classes'", but it is more particularly
explained in different places that his chief duty is
to serve the Bramins^ ; and it is specially permitted
to him, in case of want of subsistence and inability
to procure service from that class, to serve a
Cshetriya ; or, if even that service cannot be ob-
tained, to attend on an opulent Veisya.^ It is a
general rule that, in times of distress, each of the
classes may subsist by the occupations allotted to
those beneath it, but must never encroach on the
employments of those above it. A Sudra has no
class beneath him ; but, if other employments fail,
t Chap. III. 112. " Cliap. I. 90.
V Cliap. IX. 329—332. » Cliap. I. 91.
" Chap. IX. 33 1. ^ Chap. X. 121.
I.
32 HISTORY OF INDIA.
CHAP, he may subsist by handicrafts, especially joinery
and masonry, painting and writing.^
A Sudra may perform sacrifices with the omission
of the holy texts ^ ; yet it is an offence requiring
expiation for a Bramin to assist him in sacrificing.^
A Bramin must not read the Veda, even to himself,
in the presence of a Sudra.** To teach him the law,
or to instruct him in the mode of expiating sin,
sinks a Bramin into the hell called Asamvrita.
It is even forbidden to give him temporal advice."
No offence is more repeatedly or more strongly
inveighed against than that of a Bramin receiving
a gift from a Sudra : it cannot even be expiated
by penance, until the gift has been restored. ^ A
Bramin, starving, may take dry grain from a Sudra,
but must never eat meat cooked by him. A Sudra
is to be fed by the leavings of his master, or by his
refuse grain, and clad in his worn-out garments.^
He must amass no wealth, even if he has the
power, lest he become proud, and give pain to
Bramins.*'
a Chap. X. 99, 100. I do not observe in Menu the permission
which is stated to be somewhere expressly given to a Sudra to
become a trader or a husbandman (Colehvooke, Asiatic Heseta-c/fes,
vol. V. p. 63.). Their employment in husbandry, however, is now
so common, that most people conceive it to be the special busi-
ness of the cast.
b Chap. X. 127, 128.
c Chap. X. 109, 110, 111 ; Chap. XI. 42, 43.
'^ Chap. IV. 99. ^ Chap. IV. 80, 81.
f Chap. XI. 194,-197; Chap. X. 111.
g Chap. X. 125. " Chap. X. 129.
DIVISION AND EMi'LOYMENT OF CLASSES. 35
If a Sudra use abusive language to one of a chap.
superior class, his tongue is to be slit.' If he sit on
the same seat with a Bramin, he is to have a gash
made on the part oftending." If he advise him
about his religious duties, hot oil is to be dropped
into his mouth and ears.'
These are specimens of the laws, equally ludi-
crous and inhuman, which are made in favour of
the other classes against the Sudras.
The proper name of a Sudra is directed to be
expressive of contempt"', and the religious penance
for killing him is the same as for killing a cat, a
frog, a dog, a lizard, and various other animals."
Yet, though the degraded state of a Sudra be
sufficiently evident, his precise civil condition is by
no means so clear. Sudras are universally termed
the servile class ; and, in one place, it is declared
that a Sudra, though emancipated by his master, is
not released from a state of servitude, " for," it is
added, " of a state which is natural to him, by
whom can he be divested ? " °
Yet every Sudra is not necessarily the slave of
an individual ; for it has been seen that they are
allowed to offer their services to whom they please,
and even to exercise trades on their own account :
there is nothing to lead to a belief that they are
the slaves of the state ; and, indeed, the exemption
i Chap. VIII. 270. •< Chap. VIII. '281.
' Chap. VIII. 272. ■" Cliap. II. .'}!.
" Chap. XI. 131, 132. « Chap. VIIJ. Ht.
VOL. I. D
I.
34 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK of Sudras from the laws against emigration ", shows
' that no perfect right to their services was deemed
to exist any where.
Their right to property (which was denied to
slaves '^ ) is admitted in many places ' : their per-
sons are protected, even against their master, who
can only correct them in a manner fixed by-law,
and equally applicable to wives, children, pupils,
and younger brothers.'
That there were some Sudra slaves is indis-
putable ; but there is every reason to believe that
men of the other classes were also liable to fall into
servitude.
The condition of Sudras, therefore, was much
better than that of the public slaves under some
ancient republics, and, indeed, than that of the
villains of the middle ages, or any other servile
class with which we are acquainted.
Mixture of Thougli the line between the different classes
ClclSSGS
was so strongly marked, the means taken to prevent
their mixture do not seem to have been nearly
so much attended to as in after times. The law
in this respect seems rather dictated by jealousy of
the honour of the women of the higher classes than
by regard for the purity of descents.
Men of the three first classes are freely in-
dulged in the choice of women from any inferior
p Chap. II. 24. 1 Chap. VIII. 416.
^ For one instance, Chap. IX. 157.
Chap. VIII. 299; 300.
DIVISION AND EMPLOYMENT OF CLASSES. 35
cast^ provided they do not give them the first chap.
place in their family." But no marriage is per- '
mitted with women of a higher class : criminal
intercourse with them is checked by the severest
penalties'' ; and their offspring is degraded far
below either of its parents. ^ The son of a
Bramin, by a woman of the class next below him,
takes a station intermediate between his father
and mother'' ; and the daughters of such connec-
tions, if they go on marrying Bramins for seven
generations, restore their progeny to the original
pnrity of the sacerdotal class ^ ; but the son of a
Sudra by a Bramin woman is a Chandala, " the
lowest of mortals^," and his intercourse with women
of the higher classes produces " a race more foul
than their begetter.*'*
The classes do not seem to have associated at
their meals even in the time of Menu ; and there
is a striking contrast betw^een the cordial festivity
recommended to Bramins with their own class,
and the constrained hospitality with which they are
directed to prepare food after the Bramins for a
military man coming as a guest."
But there is no prohibition in the code against
t Chap. II. 238—240.; Chap. III. i;5.
" Chap. III. 14—19. ^' viii. 366. 374—377-
" Chap. X. 11—19. ^ Chap. X. 6.
y Chap. X. 64. ^ Chap. X. 12.
» Chap. X. 29, 30. All marriages with women of lower
classes is now prohibited.
•^ Chap. III. DO— 11.3.
I) '2
I.
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK eating with other classes, or partaking of food
cooked by them (which is now the great occasion
for loss of cast), except in the case of Sudras; and
even then the oflPence is expiated by living on water
gruel for seven days/
Loss of cast seems, in general, to have been
incurred by crimes, or by omitting the prescribed
expiations for offences.
It is remarkable that, in the four classes, no
place is assigned to artisans : Sudras, indeed, are
permitted to practise mechanic trades during a
scarcity of other employment, but it is not said to
whom the employment regularly belongs. From
some of the allotments mentioned in Chap. X., it
would appear that the artisans were supplied, as
they are now, from the mixed classes : a circum-
stance which affords ground for surmise that the
division into casts took place while arts were in too
simple a state to require separate workmen for
each ; and also that many generations had elapsed
between that division and the Code, to allow so
important a portion of the employments of the
community to be filled by classes formed subse-
quently to the original distribution of the people.
c Chap. XI. 155.
GOVERNMENT. 37
CHAP. II.
GOVERNMENT.
The government of the society thus constituted chap
was vested in an absolute monarch. The open-
ing of the chapter on government employs the '^''^e King
boldest poetical figures to display the irresistible
power, the glory, and almost the divinity of a
king.''
He was subject, indeed, to no legal control by
human authority ; and, although he is threatened
with punishment in one place'', and spoken of as
subject to fine in another ^ yet no means are pro-
vided for enforcing those penalties, and neither the
councils nor the military chiefs appear to have pos-
sessed any constitutional power but what they de-
rived from his will. He must, however, have been
subject to the laws promulgated in the name of the
Divinity ; and the influence of the Bramins, botli
with him and with his people, would afford a strong-
support to the injunctions of the Code.
Like other despots, also, he must have been
ke{)t within some bounds by the fear of mutiny and
revolt.'
" Chap. VII. 1 — 13. •> Chap. VII. 27—29.
c Chap. VIII. 336.
'' In the "Toy Cart," a drama written about the commence-
ment of ouraera, the King is dethroned, for tyranny, by a cow-
I) :i
38
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
I.
Admini-
stration of
the go-
vernment.
The object of the institution of a King is de-
clared to be, to restrain violence and to punish evil-
doers.
" Punishment wakes when guards are asleep."
" If a King were not to punish the guilty, the
stronger would roast the weaker like fish on a
spit."
" Ownership would remain witli none ; the lowest
would overset the highest.'"'
The duties of a King are said generally to be, to
act in his own domains with justice, chastise foreign
foes with rigour, behave without duplicity to his
friends, and with lenity to Bramins.^
He is respectfully to attend to the Bramins, and
from them to learn lessons of modesty and com-
posure ; from them, also, he is to learn justice,
policy, metaphysics, and theology. From the people
he is to learn the theory of agriculture, commerce,
and other practical arts.^
He is to withstand pleasure, restrain his angry
passions, and resist sloth.
He is to appoint seven ministers, or rather coun-
sellors, (who seem to be of the military class,) and
to have one learned Bramin distinguished above
them all, in whom he is to repose his full confidence.
He is to appoint other officers also, among whom
herd ; and in another drama, the " Uttara Rama Charitra," the
great monarch Rama is compelled by the clamours of his people
to banish his beloved queen. — See Wilson's Hindu Theatre.
e Chap. VII. 13—26. ^ Chap. VII. 32.
s Chap. VII. 43.
GOVERNMENT. 39
the most conspicuous is the one called " tlie Am- chap.
bassador," though he seems rather to be a minister .
for foreign affairs. This person, Hke ah the others,
must be of noble birth ; and must be endued with
great abilities, sagacity, and penetration. He should
be honest, popular, dexterous in business, ac-
quainted with countries and with the times, hand-
some, intrepid, and eloquent.
The army is to be immediately regulated by
a commander in chief ; the actual infliction of
punishment by the officers of justice ; the treasury
and the country by the King himself; peace and
war by the Ambassador.'' The King was doubt-
less to superintend all those departments ; but
when tired of overlooking the affairs of men, he
might allow that duty to devolve on a well quali-
fied prime minister.'
His internal administration is to be conducted by
a chain of civil officers, consisting of lords of single
townships or villages, lords of ten towns, lords of
100, and lords of 1000 towns.
These are all to be appointed by the King, and
each is to report all offences and disturbances to
his immediate superior.
The compensation of a lord of one towai is to be
the provisions and other articles to which the King
is entitled from the town ; that of a lord of ten
villages two ploughs of land ; the lord of 100 is to
'' Cliap. VII. 51—69. ' Chap. VII. 111.
D 4
40
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
1.
Revenue.
have the land of a small village ; and of 1000, that
of a large town."
These officers are all to be under the inspection
of superintendents of high rank and great authority.
There is to be one in every large town or city ; and
on them it depends to check the abuses to which
the officers of districts (it is said) are naturally
prone.'
The country is also to be partitioned into mili-
tary divisions, in each of which is to be a body of
troops, commanded by an approved officer"", whose
territorial limits do not necessarily correspond with
those of any of the civil magistrates.
The revenue consists of a share of all grain and
of all other agricultural produce ; taxes on com-
merce ; a very small annual imposition on petty
traders and shopkeepers ; and a forced service of
a day in each month by handicraftsmen. "
The merchants are to be taxed on a consider-
ation of the prime cost of their commodities, the
expenses of travelling, and their net profits.
The following are the rates of taxation : —
On cattle, gems, gold, and silver, added each
year to the capital stock, one fiftieth ; which in
time of war or invasion may be increased to one
twentieth.
■^ In the first case the compensation is derived from the small
fees in kind, which still form the remuneration of the village
officers ; in the other three cases, it consists of the King's share
of the produce of the land specified.
1 Chap. VII. 119—123. m Chap. VII. 114.
n Chan. VII. 137, 138.
GOVERNMENT.
41
On grain, one twelfth, one eighth, or one sixth, chap.
according to the soil and the labour necessary to .
cultivate it. This also may be raised, in cases of
emergency, even as far as one foin'th ; and must
always have been the most important item of the
public revenue.
On the clear annual increase of trees, flesh meat,
honey, perfumes, and several other natural produc-
tions and manufactures, one sixth. "
The King is also entitled to 20 per cent, on the
profit of all sales. '' Escheats for want of heirs have
been mentioned as being his, and vSO also is all pro-
perty to which no owner appears within three years
after proclamation."^ Besides possessing mines of
his own, he is entitled to half of all precious minerals
in the earth. ' He appears, likewise, to have a right
of pre-emption on some description of goods."
It has been argued that, in addition to the rights
which have just been specified, the King was re-
garded in the Code as possessing the absolute pro-
perty of the land. This oi)inion is supported by
a passage (VHI. 39-) where he is said to be *'lord
paramount of the soil ;" and by another, where it
is supposed to be directed that an occupier of land
shall be responsible to the King if he fliils to sow
it. (VIII. 243.)
In reply to this it is urged, that the first quota-
" Chap. VII. 127—132. p Chap. VIII. 398.
'1 Chap. VIII. 30.' ■■ Chap. VIII. 39.
» Chap. VIII. 399.
42 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK tion is deprived of its force by a similar passage
. ^' (VII. 70» where the King is said to be "the re-
gent of the waters and the lord of the firmament."
The second is answered by denying its correct-
ness ; but even if undisputed, it might only be a
provision against the King's losing his share of the
produce in consequence of the neglect of the pro-
prietor. A text is also produced in opposition to
the King's claim, in which it is stated that " land is
the property of him who cut away the wood ;" or,
in the words of tiie commentator, " who tilled and
cleared it." (IX. 44.) But the conclusive argu-
ment is, that the King's share being limited, as
above, to one sixth, or at most one fourth, there
must have been another proprietor for the remain-
ing five sixths or three fourths, who must obviously
have had the greatest interest of the two in the
whole property shared. '
It is remarkable, however, that so little allu-
sion is made in the code to the property of indi-
viduals in land, although so many occasions seem
to require it. It is directly mentioned in a pas-
sage about boundaries (VIII. 262 — 265.), and in
another place (IX. 49. 52 — 54.) an argument is
illustrated by supposing seed belonging to one man
to be sown in land belonging to another ; and in
IV. 230. 233., gifts of land are spoken of as if in
^ The arguments on both sides are stated in Wilkss His-
tory of Mysore, vol. i. chap, v., and Appendix, p. 48.S. ; and in
Mill's History of British India, vol. i. p. 180.
GOVEIINMENT. 4)3
the power of individuals to confer them ; but the chap
last two passages may be construed to refer to vil-
li.
lages, or to the King.
Jn the division of inheritances, and the rules
about mortgages, in describing the wealth of in-
dividuals, and in disposing of the property of
banished men, other possessions are mentioned,
but land never alluded to.
Were it not for the passage first quoted (VIII.
262 — 265.), we might conclude that ail land was
held in common by the village communities, as is
still the case in many parts of India ; and this may,
perhaps, have been the general rule, although in-
dividuals may have possessed property by grants
from the villages or from the King.
The King is recommended to fix his capital in a TheComt.
fertile part of his dominions, but in an immediate
neighbourhood difficult of access, and incapable of
supporting invading armies.
He should keep his fortress always well gar-
risoned and provisioned. In the centre should be
his own palace, also defensible, " well finished, and
brilliant, surrounded with water and trees."
He is then to choose a queen distinguished for
birth and beauty, and to a})point a domestic
priest. "
He is to rise in the last watch of the night, and,
after sacrifices, to hold a court in a hall decently
splendid, and to dismiss his subjects with kind
- Cliap. VII. 69— 7 s.
44 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK looks and words. This done, he is to assemble his
' council on a mountain or a terrace, in a bower or
a forest, or other lonely place without listeners ;
from which women and talking birds are to be
carefully removed. He is then, after manly ex-
ercises and bathing, to dine in his private apart-
ments, and this time and midnight are to be allotted
to the regulation of his family, to considering ap-
pointments, and sucli other public business as is
most of a personal nature. ^
He is now, also, to give some time to relaxation ;
and then to review his troops, perform his religious
duties at sunset, and afterwards to receive tlie
reports of his emissaries. At length he withdraws
to his most private apartments to supper ; and
after indulging for some time in music, is to retire
to rest. ""
This rational and pleasing picture is broken by
the mention of many of those precautions which
must take from all the enjoyments of an Asiatic
monarch. His food is only to be served by trust-
worthy persons, and is to be accompanied by anti-
dotes against poison. He is to be armed when he
receives his emissaries ; even his female attendants
are to be searched, for fear of hidden weapons ;
and whether at home or abroad, he is to be con-
stantly on his guard against the plots of his ene-
mies.
Policy. Foreign policy and war are the subjects of many
V Chap. VII. 145—151. " Chap. 216— 225.
GOVERNMENT. 45
of the rules for government. These are interest- chap.
II.
ing, from the clear proofs whicli they afford of the '
division of India, even at that early period, into
many unequal and independent states ; and also,
from tlie signs which they disclose of a civihsed
and gentle people. The King is to provide for
his safety by vigilance, and a state of preparation ;
but he is to act on all occasions without guile, and
never with insincerity. ^ The arts which may be
employed against enemies are four ; presents, sow-
ing divisions, negotiations, and force of arms : the
wise, it is said, prefer the two last. ^
The King is to regard his nearest neighbours
and their allies as hostile, the powers next beyond
these natural foes as amicable, and all more re-
mote powders as neutral.^ It is remarkable that,
among the ordinary expedients to be resorted to in
difficulties, the protection of a more powerful prince
is more than once adverted to.''
Yet this protection appears to involve unquali-
fied submission ; and, on the last occasion on whicli
it is mentioned, the King is advised, if he thinks
it an evil, even when in extremities, to persevere
alone, although weak, in waging vigorous war with-
out fear.'-
Vast importance is attached to spies, both in
foreign politics and in war. Minute instructions
are given regarding the sort of persons to be em-
y Chap. VII. lO.'i, lOi. « Chap. VII. 109.
'' Chap. VII. 158. '' Chap. VII. 160.
<: Chap. VIII. 175, 176.
46 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK ployed, some of whom are of the same description
' that are now used in India, — active artful youths,
degraded anchorets, distressed husbandmen, de-
cayed merchants, and fictitious penitents.'*
"^^'a'- The rules of war are simple ; and, being drawn
up by Bramins, they show nothing of the practical
ability for which the Indians are often distinguished
at present.
The plan of a campaign resembles those of the
Greek republics, or the early days of Rome; and
seems suited to countries of much less extent than
those which now exist in India.
The King is to march when the vernal or au-
tumnal crop is on the ground, and is to advance
straight to tlie capital. In another place, 100
bowmen in a fort are said to be a match for 10,000
enemies ; so far was the art of attack behind that
of defence : a siege, therefore, is out of the ques-
tion y but, if not opposed, the King is to ravage
the country, and intrigue with the enemy's chiefs,
until he can bring his foe to an action on favour-
able terms % or, what is still more desirable, bring
him to terms by negotiation.
Armies were composed of cavalry and infantry.
The great weapon of both was probably the bow,
together with the sword and target. Elephants
were much employed in war ; and chariots seem
still to have formed an important branch of the
army.
Several different orders of march and battle are
d Chap. VII. 154-. ' Chap. VII. 181 — 197.
GOVERNMENT. 47
briefly given. The King is advised to recruit his chap.
forces from the upper parts of Hindostan, where
the best men are still found. He is in person to
set an example of valour to his troops, and is re-
commended to encourage them, when drawn up for
battle, with short and animated speeches.
Prize property belongs to the individual who
took it ; but when not captured separately, it is to
be distributed among the troops. ^
The laws of war are honourable and humane.
Poisoned and mischievously barbed arrows, and fire
arrows, are all prohibited. There are many situa-
tions in which it is by no means allowable to destroy
the enemy. Among those who must always be
spared are unarmed or wounded men, and those
who have broken their weapon, and one who asks
his life, and one who says, " T am thy captive."
Other prohibitions are still more generous : a man
on horseback or in a chariot is not to kill one on
foot ; nor is it allowed to kill one who sits down
fatigued, or who sleeps, or who flees, or who is
fighting with another man.^
The settlement of a conquered country is con-
ducted on equally liberal principles. Immediate
security is to be assured to all by proclamation.
The religion and laws of the country are to be
maintained and respected ; and as soon as time has
been allowed for ascertaining that the conquered
peo])le are to be trusted, a prince of the old royal
' Chap. VII. 9G, 97. ? Cliai). VII. 90—93.
48 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK family is to be placed on the throne, and to hold
" his kingdom as a dependence on the conqueror."
It is remarkable that, although the pay of the
King's household servants is settled with some mi-
nuteness', not a syllable is said regarding that of
the army, or the source from which its support is
derived. The practice of modern Hindu nations
would lead us to suppose that it was maintained
by assignments of land to the chiefs ; but, if that
practice had existed at the time of the Code, it is
impossible that so important a body as those chiefs
would have formed should not have been alluded
to in discussing the internal administration ; even
if no rules were suggested for regulating their at-
tendance and for securing some portion of the
King's authority over the lands thus alienated. It
is possible that the army may have been paid by
separate assignments of land to each individual
soldier, in the same manner as the local troops of
the small states in the south of India (which have
been little visited by the Mahometans) are still ;
and this opinion derives some support from the
payment of the civil officers having been provided
for by such assignments."
From one passage it would appear that the
monarchy descended, undivided, to one son, pro-
bably (according to Hindu rule) to him whom his
father regarded as most worthy.
'■ Chap. VII. 201—203. ' Chap. Vll. 126.
^ See Chap. VII. 119., ah-eady referred to.
ADMINISTRATION' OF JUSTICE. 49
General
rules.
CHAP. III.
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE.
Justice is to be administered by the King in ^hap
'' HI.
person, assisted by Bramins and other counsellors " ;
or that function may be deputed to one Bramin,
aided by three assessors of the same class." There
is no exception made for the conduct of criminal
trials ; but it may be gathered from the general
tone of the laws, that the King is expected to take
a more active share in this department than in the
investigation of civil causes.
From the silence of tlie Code regarding local
administration, it may perhaps be inferred that the
King's representative fills his place in the courts of
justice, at towns remote from the royal residence."
'' Chap. VIII. 1, 2. " Chap. VIII. 9—11.
« The early practice of" the Hindus recorded in other books
leaves this question in some uncertainty ; for, in those books, it
appears that there were local judges appointed by the King in
different parts of the country ; and also a provision for arbitra-
tions, to be authorised by the judges, in tiirce gradations — first,
of kinsmen ; secondly, of men of the same trade ; and thirdly, of
townsmen : an appeal from the first lying to the second, and
from the second to the third. Appeals lay from all three to the
local court, from that to the chief court at the capital, and
from that to the king in his own court, composed of a certain
number of judges, to whom were joined his ministers, and his
domestic chaplain (who was to direct his conscience) ; but,
VOL. I. K
50 HISTORY OF INDIA.
I.
BOOK The King is entitled to five per cent, on alJ debts
admitted by the defendant on trial, and to ten per
cent, on all denied and proved.*^ This fee probably
went direct to the judges, who would thus be
remunerated without infringing the law against
Bramins serving for hire.
A King or judge, in trying causes, is carefully
to observe the countenances, gestures, and mode
of speech of the parties and witnesses.
He is to attend to local usasfes of districts, the
peculiar laws of classes and rules of families, and
the customs of traders : when not inconsistent
with the above, he is to observe the principles
established by former judges.
Neither he nor his officers are to encourage liti-
gation, though they must show no slackness in
taking up any suit regularly instituted.*'
A King is reckoned among the worst of criminals
who receives his revenue from his subjects without
affiDrding them due protection in return.*
The King is enjoined to bear with rough lan-
guage from irritated litigants, as well as from old
or sick people, who come before him.^
He is also cautioned against deciding causes
on his own judgment, without consulting persons
though these might advise, the decision rested with the King.
The precise date when this system was in perfection is not
stated. — Colebrooke on the Hindu Courts of Judicature,
Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. ii. p. 166.
d Chap. VIII. 139. " Chap. VIII. 41—46.
f Chap. VIII. 307. s Chap. VIII. 312.
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE. 51
learned in the law" ; and is positively forbidden to chap.
disturb any transaction that has once been settled '
conformably to law.' In trials he is to adhere to
established practice.'^
1. Criminal Law.
The criminal law is very rude, and this portion criminal
of the Code, together with the religious penances,
leave a more unfavourable impression of the early
Hindus than any other part of the Institutes.
It is not, however, sanguinary, unless when in-
fluenced by superstition or by the prejudice of
cast ; and if punishments are in some cases too
severe, in others they are far too lenient. Muti-
lation (chiefly of the hand) is among the punish-
ments, as in all Asiatic codes. Burning alive is
one of the inflictions on offenders against the
sacerdotal order ; but it is an honourable distinc-
tion from most ancient codes that torture is never
cm})loyed either against witnesses or criminals.
But the laxness, confusion, and barbarism which
pervade this branch of the law seem to prove that
it was drawn from the practice of very early times ;
and the adoption of it at the time of the compila-
tion of these Institutes shows an unimproved con-
dition even then, though it is not unlii<ely that
parts of it were early superseded by an arbitrary
system in ore conformable to reason, as is the case
in Hindu countries in modern times ; and by no
1' Chap. VIII. 390. ' Cliai). IX. 233.
k Chap. VIII. 45.
52 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK means improbable that the bloody laws m favour
' of religion and of the priesthood, though inserted
in the Code by the Bramin author, as the ideal
perfection of a Hindu criminal law, may never have
been acted on by any Cshetrya king.'
The punishments, though not always in them-
selves severe, are often disproportioned to the
offence ; and are frequently so indistinctly or con-
tradictorily declared as to leave the fate of an
offender quite uncertain-
Both these faults are conspicuous in the follow-
ing instance : — Slaying a priest, drinking spirits,
stealing the gold of a priest, and violating the bed
of one's natural or spiritual father, are all classed
nnder one head, and subject to one punishment.™
That punishment is at first declared to be, branding
on the forehead, banishment, and absolute exclu-
sion from the society of mankind (unless previously
expiated by penance ", in which case the highest
fine is to be substituted for branding) ; and this is
declared applicable to all the classes." Yet it is
immediately afterwards directed that, when expia-
tion has been performed, a priest guilty of those
offences shall pay the middle fine, and shall in no
1 In the "Toy Cart," the earhest of the Hindu dramas, and
written about the commencement of our era, this extravagant
veneration for Bramins no where appears. The King sentences
one of that class convicted of murder to be put to death ; and
though he is afterwards deposed by a successful rebelHon, and
although the Bramin's innocence is proved, this open defiance
of the laws of Menu is not made a charge against the de-
throned prince.
"' Chap. IX. 235. •' Chap. IX. 237.
o Chap. IX. 240.
ADMINISTUATION OF JUSTICE.
53,
case be deprived of his effects or the society of chap
. III.
his family ; while it is pronounced that the other '_
classes, even after expiation, shall, in case of pre-
meditation, suffer death/
Still more inconsistent are the punishments for
adultery, and what are called overt acts of adul-
terous inclination. Among these last are included,
talking to the wife of another man at a place of
pilgrimage, or in a forest, or at the confluence of
rivers ; sending her flowers or perfumes ; touching
her apparel or her ornaments, and sitting on the
same couch with her'' ; yet the penalty is banish-
ment, with such bodily marks as may excite aver-
sion.""
For adultery itself, it is first declared, without
reserve, that the woman is to be devoured by dogs,
and the man burned on an iron bed' ; yet, in the
verses next following, it appears that the punish-
ment of adultery without aggravation is a fine of
from .500 to 1000 panas. '
The punishment, indeed, increases in proportion
to the dignity of the party offended against. Even a
soldier committing adultery with a Brainin woman,
if she be of eminently good qualities, and properly
guarded, is to be burned alive in a fire of dry grass
or reeds. " These flat contradictions can only be
accounted for by supposing that the compiler put
p Chap. IX. 24 J, 212. i Chap. VIII. 356, 357.
■■ Chap. VIII. 352. ^ Chap. VIII. 371, 372.
t Chap. VII. 376. 382-385. <' Cliap. VIII. 377.
E 3
54 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK down the laws of diifereiit periods, or those sup-
' ported by different authorities, without considering
liow they bore on each other.
There is no express punishment for murder.
From one passage "" it would appear that it (as well
as arson and robbery attended with violence) is
capital, and that the slighter punishments men-
tioned in other places were in cases where there was
no premeditation ; but, as the murder of particular
descriptions of persons is afterwards declared ca-
pital^, it remains doubtful what is the punishment
for the offence in simple cases.
Theft is punished, if small, with fine ; if of
greater amount, with cutting off the hand ; but if
the thief be taken with the stolen goods upon him,
it is capital. ^
Receivers of stolen goods, and persons who har-
bour thieves, are liable to the same punishment as
the thief. '
It is remarkable that, in cases of small theft, the
fine of a Bramin offender is at least eight times as
great as that of a Sudra, and the scale varies in
a similar manner and proportion between all the
classes." A King committing an offence is to pay
a thousand times as great a fine as would be
exacted from an ordinary person.*^
Robbery seems to incur amputation of the limb
principally employed. If accompanied with vio-
X Chap. VIII. 344—347. >" Chap. IX. 232.
^ Chap. IX. 270. « Chap. IX. 278.
b Chap. VIII. 337, 338. <= Chap. VIII. 336.
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE. 5$
lence it is capital ; and all who shelter robbers, or chap.
supply them with food or implements, are to be '
punished with death.
Forging royal edicts, causing dissensions among
great ministers, adhering to the King's enemies,
and slaying w^omen, priests, or children, are put
under one head as capital. "
Men who openly oppose the King's authority,
who rob his treasury, or steal his elephants, horses,
or cars, are liable to capital punishment ; as are
those who break into a temple to steal.'"
For cutting purses, the first offence is cutting
off the fingers, the second the hand, the third is
capital. ^
False evidence is to be punished with banish-
ment accompanied by fine, except in case of a
Bramin, when it is banishment alone. ^
Banishment is likewise the sentence pronounced
upon men who do not assist in repelHng an attempt
to plunder a town", to break down an embank-
ment, or to commit robbery on the highway.
Public guards, not resisting or apprehending
thieves, are to be punished like the thieves.'
Gamesters and keepers of gaming-houses are
liable to cor})oral ])unishment. "
'I Chap. IX. '232. « ciiap. IX. 280.
f Chap. IX. 277. « Chap. VIII. 120—123.
'' Chap. IX. 274. If this law does not refer to foreign
enemies, it sliows that gang robbery, now so well known under
the name of decoity, existed even when this code was com-
piled.
i Chap. IX. 272. "^ Chap. IX. 224.
K 4.
'O HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK Most other offences are punished by fines, though
' sometimes other punishments are substituted.
No fine must exceed 1000 panas, or fall short of
^50.'
Defamation is confined to this sort of penalty,
except with Sudras, who are liable to be whipped.
It is to be observed, however, that this class is
protected by a fine from defamation, even by a
Bramin."'
Abusive language is still more distinguished
for the inequality of punishments among the casts ;
but even in this branch of the law are traces of a
civilised spirit. Men reproaching their neighbours
with lameness, blindness, or any other natural in-
firmity, are liable to a small fine, even if they speak
the truth."
Assaults, if among equals, are punished by a fine
of 100 panas for blood drawn, a larger sum for a
wound, and banishment for breaking a bone." The
prodigious inequalities into which the penalty runs
between men of different classes has already been
noticed. ""
Proper provisions are made for injuries inflicted
in self-defence ; in consequence of being forcibly
obstructed in the execution of one's duty, or in
defence of persons unjustly attacked.''
Furious and careless drivinsr involves fines as
'O
1 Chap. VIII. 138. »" Chap. VIII. 267—277.
" Chap. VIII. 274. » Chap. VIII. 284.
p Page 34. i Chap. VIII. 348, &c.
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE. 57
different in decree as the loss occasioned by the chap.
. III.
death of a man and of the lowest animal. "" .
Persons defiling the highways are subject to
a small fine, besides being obliged to remove the
nuisance. ^
Ministers taking bribes in private affairs are
punished by confiscation of their property.'
The offences of physicians or surgeons who
injure their patients for want of skill ; breaking
hedges, palisades, and earthern idols ; mixing pure
with impure commodities, and other impositions
on purchasers, are all lumped up under a penalty
of from 250 to 500 panas." Selling bad grain
for good, however, incurs severe corporal punish-
ment'^ ; and, what far more passes the limits of
just distinction, a goldsmith guilty of fraud is or-
dered to be cut to pieces with razors.^
Some offences not noticed by other codes are
punished in this one with wdiimsical disregard to
their relative importance ; forsaking one's parents,
son, or wife, for instance, is punished by a fine of
600 panas ; and not inviting one's next neighbour
to entertainments on certain occasions, by a fine of
one masha of silver. ^
The rules of police are harsh and arbitrary. Be-
sides maintaining patrols and fixed guards, open
and secret, tlie king is to have many spies, who
r Chap. VIII. 290—298. « Chap. IX. 282, 283.
' Chap. IX. 231. " Chap. IX. 284—287.
* Chap. IX. 291. >• Chap. IX. 292.
» Chap. VII. 389. 392.
58
HISTORY or INDIA.
BOOK
I.
are to mix with tlie thieves, and lead them into
situations where they may be entrapped. When
fair means fail, the prince is to seize them and put
them to death, with their relations : the ancient
commentator, Culluca, inserts, " on proof of their
guilt, and the participation of their relations j"
which, no doubt, would be a material improvement
on the text, but for which there is no authority. ^
Gamesters, public dancers, and singers, revilers
of scripture, open heretics, men who perform not
the duties of their several classes, and sellers of
spirituous liquors, are to be instantly banished the
town.^
Civil law.
Blode of
2. Civil Law.
The laws for civil judicature are very superior
to the penal code, and, indeed, are much more
rational and matured than could well be expected
of so early an age.
Cases are first stated in which the plaintiff is to
procee ing. ^^ noiisuitcd, or thc decision to go by default '^
against the defendant ; and rules then given in
case the matter comes to a trial.
The witnesses must be examined standing in the
middle of the court-room, and in the presence of
the parties. The judge must previously address a
particular form of exhortation to them, and warn
them, in the strongest terms, of the enormous guilt
of false evidence, and the punishment with which
^ Chap. IX. 252—269.
<= Chap. VIII. 52—57.
^ Chap. IX. 225.
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE. .59
it will be followed in a future state. ^ If there are chap.
no witnesses, the judge must admit the oaths of .
the parties. ""
The law of evidence in many particulars re- Law of
sembles that of England : persons having a pecu-
niary interest in the cause, infamous persons, me-
nial servants, familiar friends, with others disquali-
fied on slighter grounds, are in the first instance
excluded from giving testimony ; but, in default of
other evidence, almost every description of persons
may be examined, the judge making due allow-
ances for the disqualifying causes.*
Two exceptions which disgrace these otherwise
well-intentioned rules have attracted more atten-
tion in Europe than the rules themselves. One is
the declaration that a giver of false evidence, for
the purpose of saving the life of a man of whatever
class, who may have exposed himself to capital
punishment^, shall not lose a seat in heaven ; and,
though bound to perform an expiation, has, on the
whole, performed a meritorious action. "^
The other does not relate to judicial evidence,
but pronounces that, in courting a woman, in an
affair where grass or fruit has been eaten by a cow,
and in case of a promise made for the preservation
<' Chap. VIII. 79—101. ^ Chap. VIII. 101.
t Chap. VIII. 61—72.
B The ancient commentator, Culluca, inserts, after " capital
punishment," the words " through inadvertence or error;" which
proves that, in his time, the words of the text were repugnant
to the moral feeling of the community.
'' Chap. VIII. 103, KM.
60
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK of a Bramin, it is do deadly sin to take a light
' oath.'
From these passages it has been assumed that
the Hindu law gives a direct sanctioD to perjury ;
and to this has been ascribed the prevalence of
false evidence, which is common to men of all re-
ligions in India : yet there is more space devoted
in this code to the prohibition of false evidence
than to that of any other crime, and the offence
is denounced in terms as awful as have ever been
applied to it in any European treatise either of
religion or of law. "^
A party advancing a wilfully false plea or defence
is liable to a heavy fine : a judicious rule, which
is pushed to absurdity in subjecting to corporal
punishment a plaintiff who procrastinates the pro-
secution of his demand.^ Appeals to ordeal are
admitted, as might be expected, in so superstitious
a people."
Mode of
proceed-
ings re-
sumed.
i Chap. VIII. ]12.
^ " Marking well all the murders comprehended in the
crime of perjury, declare thou the whole truth with precision."
— Chap. VIII. 101.
" Whatever places of torture have been prepared for the
slayer of a priest, those places are ordained for a witness who
gives false evidence." — Chap. VIII. 89.
" Naked and shorn, tormented with hunger and thirst, and
deprived of sight, shall the man who gives false evidence go
with a potsherd to beg food at the door of his enemy." —
" Headlong, in utter darkness, shall the impious wretch tumble
into hell, who, being interrogated on a judicial inquiry, answers
one question falsely." — Chap. VIII. 93, 94-.
1 Chap. VIII. 58, 59. "' Chap. VIII. 114—116.
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE. 6l
The following statement of the principal titles chap.
of law implies an advanced stage of civilisation, '
and would not, in itself, be deficient in clearness
and good sense, if it were not for the mixture of
civil and criminal suits : — 1st, debt on loans for
consumption ; 2d, deposits and loans for use ; 3d,
sale without ownership ; 4th, concerns among part-
ners ; 5th, subtraction of what has been given ;
Ctli, nonpayment of wages or hire ; 7th, non-
performance of agreements : 8th, rescission of sale
and purchase ; 9th, disputes between master and
servant; 10th, contests on boundaries; 11th and
12th, assault and slander; ISth, larceny; 14th,
robbery and other violence ; 15th, adultery ; l6th, .
altercation between man and wife, and their seve-
ral duties ; 17th, the law of inheritance ; 18th,
gaming with dice and with living creatures."
Some of these heads are treated of in a full and
satisfactory manner, while the rules in others are
meagre, and such as to show that tlie transactions
they relate to were still in a simple state. I shall
only mention a few of the most remarkable ])ro vi-
sions under each head.
A creditor is authorised, before complaining to Debts.
the court, to recover his property by any means in
his power, resorting even to force witliin certain
bounds."
This law still operates so strongly in some Hindu
States, that a creditor imprisons his debtor in his
" thai). \'III. 1—7. "> Cliap. VIII. 18—50.
62
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
I.
Interest of
money.
Contracts.
Sale with-
out owner-
ship.
private house, and even keeps him for a period
without food and exposed to the sun, to compel
him to produce the money he owes.
Interest varies from 2 per cent, per mensem for
a Bramin to 5 per cent, for a Sudra. It is reduced
to one half when there is a pledge, and ceases
altogether if the pledge can be used for the profit
of the lender. ^
There are rules regarding interest on money
lent on bottomry for sea voyages, and on similar
risk by land ; and others for preventing the accu-
mulation of interest on money above the original
amount of the principal.''
Various rules regarding sureties for personal ap-
pearance and pecuniary payments, as well as re-
garding contracts, are introduced under this head.
Fraudulent contracts, and contracts entered into
for illegal purposes, are null. A contract made,
even by a slave, for the support of the family of
his absent master, is binding on the master.'
A sale by a person not the owner is void, unless
made in the open market ; in that case it is valid
if the purchaser can produce the seller, otherwise
the right owner may take the property on paying
half the value.^
A trader breaking his promise is to be fined ; or,
if it was made on oath, to be banished.'
p Chap. VIII. 140—143.
1 Chap. VIII. 158—167.
t Chap. VIII. 219, &c.
a Chap. VIII. 151. 156, 157.
^ Chap. VIII. 197—202.
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE.
6$
A sale may be unsettled by either party within chap.
ten clays after it is made, but not later."
Disputes between master and servant refer al- Disputes
most entirely to herdsmen and their responsibilities master and
1 . , , 1 X servant.
about cattle.
Boundaries of villaQ-es are to be marked by na- Disputes
^ ^ -^ about
tural objects, such as streams, or by planting trees, boundaries.
digging ponds, and building temples along them,
as well as by other open marks above ground, and
secret ones buried in the earth. In case of dis-
putes, witnesses are to be examined on oath, in the
presence of all the parties concerned, putting earth
on their heads, wearing chaplets of red flowers,
and clad in red garments. If the question can-
not be settled by evidence, the King must make
a general inquiry and fix the boundary by autho-
rity.
The same course is to be adopted about the
boundaries of private fields.''
The rules regarding man and wife are full of Relations
puerilities ; the most important ones shall be stated man and
after a short account of the laws relating to mar-
riage.
vSix forms of marriage are recognised as lawful.
Of these, four only are allowed to Bramins, which
(though differing in minute particulars) all agree
in insisting that the father shall give away his
daughter without receiving a price. The remain-
" Chap, VIII. 222. '^ Cliap. VIII. 229—234.
y Chap. Vlll. 2i5— 265.
64 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK ing two forms are permitted to the military class
' alone, and are abundantly liberal even with that
limitation. One is, when a soldier carries off a
woman after a victory, and espouses her against her
will ; and the other, when consummation takes
place by mutual consent, without any formal cere-
mony whatever. Two sorts of marriage are for-
bidden : when the father receives a nuptial present^ ;
and when the woman, from intoxication, or other
cause, has been incapable of giving a real consent
to the union. ^
A girl may be married at eight ; and, if her
father fails to give her a husband for three years
after she is marriageable, she is at liberty to choose
one for herself.
Men may marry women of the classes below them,
but on no account of those superior to their own.^
A man must not marry within six known degrees
of relationship on either side, nor with any woman
whose family name, being the same, shows her to
be of the same race as his own."
The marriage of people of equal class is per-
formed by joining hands ; but a woman of the
military class, marrying a Bramin, holds an arrow
'■ There is, however, throughout the Code, a remarkable
wavering on this head, the acceptance of a present being in
general spoken of with disgust, as a sale of the daughter, while,
in some places, the mode of disposing of presents so received,
and the claims arising from them, are discussed as legal points.
a Chap. III. 20—34. " Chap. III. 12—19.
c Chap. III. 5.
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE. 65
in her hand ; a Veisya "woman a whip ; and a chat.
Sudra, the skirt of a mantle/ '
The marriage of equals is most recommended,
for the first wife at least : that of a Bramin with a
Sudra is discouraged ; and, as a first wife, it is
positively forbidden.''
Marriage is indissoluble, and the parties are
bound to observe mutual fidelity."
From the few cases hereafter specified, in which
the husband may take a second wife, it may be in-
ferred that, with those exceptions, he must have
but one wife. A man may marry again on the
death of his wife ; but the marriage of widows is
discouraged, if not prohibited (except in the case
of Sudras).
A wife who is barren for eight years, or she who
has produced no male children in eleven, may be
^superseded by another wife.*
It appears, notwithstanding this expression, tliat
the wife first married retains the highest rank in
the family. '^
Drunken and immoral wives, those who bear
malice to their husbands, or are guilty of very great
extravagance, may also be superseded.''
A wife who leaves her husband's house, or neg-
lects him for a twelvemonth, without a cause, may
be deserted altogether.'
•' Chap. III. 44. -■ Chap. IX. 4G, 47. 101, 102.
{ Chap. IX. 81. K Chap. IX. 122.
'' Chap. IX. 80. i Chap. IX. 77—79.
VOL. r. F
66
HISTORY OF INDIA.
,BOOK
I.
Inherit-
ance.
A man going abroad must leave a provision for
his wife.''
The wife is bound to wait for her absent hus-
band for eight years, if he be gone on religious
duty ; six, if in pursuit of knowledge or fame ; and
three, if for pleasure only. '
The practice of allowing a man to raise up issue
to his brother, if he died witliout children, or even
if (though still alive) he have no hopes of progeny,
is reprobated, except for Sudras, or in case of a
widow who has lost her husband before consum-
mation."
The natural heirs of a man are the sons of his
body, and their sons, and the sons of his daughter,
appointed in default of heirs male to raise up issue
to him."
The son of his wife, begotten by a near kinsman,
at some time w^hen his own life had been despaired
of, according to the practice formerly noticed",
(which, though disapproved of as heretical, would
" Chap. IX. 74.
' Chap. IX. 76. Culluca, in his Commentary, adds, " after
those terms she must follow him ;" but the Code seems rather
to refer to the term at which she may contract a second mar-
riage. From the contradictions in the Code regarding mar-
riages of widows (as on some other subjects) we may infer that
the law varied at different places or times ; or rather, perhaps,
that the writer's opinion and the actual practice were at
variance. The opinion against such marriages prevails in mo-
dern times, and must have done so to a great extent in that of
Culluca.
'" Chap. IX. 59—70. « Chap. IX. 1 04-. 133.
» Chap. IX. 59, &c.
III.
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE. 6?
appear to be recognised when it has actually taken chap,
place,) is also entitled to inherit as a son.^
On the failure of issue of the above description,
an adopted son succeeds : such a son loses all claim
on the inheritance of his original father ; and is
entitled to a sixth of the property of his adoptive
one, even if, subsequently to his adoption, sons of
the body should be born.''
On failure of the above heirs follow ten descrip-
tions of sons, such as never could have been thought
of but by Hindus, with whom the importance of a
descendant for the purpose of performing obsequies
is superior to most considerations. Among these
are included the son of a man's wife by an un-
certain flither, begotten when he himself has long
been absent, and the son of his wife of whom she
was pregnant, without his knowledge, at the time
of the marriage. The illegitimate son of his
daughter by a man whom she afterwards marries,
the son of a man by a married woman who has
forsaken her husband, or by a widow, are also
admitted into this class j as are, last of all, his own
sons by a Sudra wife.' These and others (ten in
!' Chap. IX. 14-5. Perhaps tliis recognition is intended to he
confined to the son of a Sudra wife, in whom such a proceeding
would be legal ; but it is not so specified in the text, and the
language of the Code on this whole subject is contradictor}'.
The practice is at the present day entirely forbidden to all
classes.
<i Chap. IX. lU, 142. 168, 169.
r Chap. IX. 159—161. 167—180. The whole of these
sons, except the son of a man's own body, and his adopted
F O
I.
68 HISTORY OF INDIA.
JBOOK all) are admitted, by a fiction of the law, to be
SODS, though the author of the Code himself speaks
contemptuously of the affiliation, even as affording
the means of efficacious obsequies."
On the failure of sons come brothers' sons, who
are regarded as standing in the place of sons, and
who have a right to be adopted, if they wish it, to
the exclusion of all other persons. ' On failure of
sons, grandsons, adopted sons, and nephews, come
fathers and mothers ; then brothers, grandfathers,
and grandmothers " ; and then other relations, such
as are entitled to perform obsequies to common
ancestors ; failing them, the preceptor, the fellow-
student, or the pupil ; and, failing them, the Bra-
mins in general ; or, in case the deceased be of
another class, the King, "
A father may distribute his wealth among his
sons, are entirely repudiated by the Hindu law of the present
day.
s Chap. IX. 161. t Chap. IX. 182.
u Chap. IX. 185. 217.
^ Chap. IX. 186 — 189. The dependence of inheritance on
obsequies leads to some remarkable rules. The first sort of
obsequies are only performed to the father, grandfather, and
great grandfather. Preference is given to those who perform
obsequies to all three ; then to those who perform them to
two, then to one. Those who perform obsequies to none of the
three are passed over. A great great grandson, by this rule,
would be set aside, and the succession go to some collateral
who was within three degrees of the great grandfather. After
those who perform the first sort of obsequies come the more
numerous body, who only perform the second. — Oriental
Magazine, vol. iii. p. 179. Colebrookes Digest, vol. iii. p. 623.
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE. ^Q
sons while be lives, (it is not stated whether arbi- chap.
trarily or in fixed proportions ;) but his power to
make a will is never alluded to. ''
When a man dies, his sons may either continue
to live together with the property united, or they
may divide it according to certain rules. If they
remain united, the eldest brother takes possession
of the property, and the others live under him as
thev did under their fatber. In this case, the ac-
quisitions of all the sons (who have not formally
withdrawn) go to augment the common stock.'''
If they divide, one twentieth is set aside for the
eldest son, one eightieth for the youngest, and one
fortieth for the intermediate sons ; the remainder
is then equally divided among them all. Unmar-
ried daughters are to be supported by their bro-
thers, and receive no share of the father's estate '' ;
but share equally with their brothers in that of
their mother. ^
This equality among the sons is in case of
brothers of equal birth ; but otherwise the son
of a Bramin wife takes four parts ; of a Cshetriya,
three ; a Veisya, two ; and a Siidra, one.
One such share, or one tenth, is the most a
y Chap. IX. 104'. Even the power to distribute rests only on
the authority of Culluca.
* Chap. IX. 10;i — 105. There are exceptions to this rule;
but it is still so effective that, in recent times, the humble rela-
tions of a man who had raised himself to be prime minister
to the Peshwa, were admitted to be entitled to share in his
immense property, which they so little contributed to acquire.
■' Chap. IX. 112—118. '' Chap. IX. 192.
F 3
III.
70 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK son of a Sudra mother can take, even if there are
no other sons.^
Eunuchs, outcasts, persons born deaf, dumb, or
bhnd ; persons who have lost the use of a Hmb,
madmen, and idiots, are exchided from succession,
but must be maintained by the heirs.
The sons of excluded persons, however, are
capable of inheriting. "^
c Chap. IX. 151 — 155. In these rules, throughout the Code,
great confusion is created by preference shown to sons and
others who are " learned and virtuous ;" no person being
specified who is to decide on their claims to those qualities.
d Chap. IX. 201—203.
RELIGION. 71
CHAP. IV.
RELIGION.
The relio'ion tauo;ht in the Institutes is derived chap.
. . . IV.
from the Vedas, to which scriptures they refer in "
every page.
There are four Vedas ; but the fourth is rejected TiieVedas.
by many of the learned Hindus, and tlie number
reduced to three. Each Veda is composed of two,
or perhaps of three, parts. The first "" consists of
hymns and prayers ; the second part^, of precepts
which inculcate religious duties, and of arguments
relating to theology, c Some of these last are
embodied in separate tracts, which are sometimes
inserted in the second part above-mentioned, and
sometimes are in a detached collection, forming a
third part. "^
Every Veda likewise contains a treatise explain-
ing the adjustment of the calendar, for the purpose
of fixing the proper period for the performance of
each of the duties enjoined.
The Vedas are not single works, but produced
by different authors, whose names (in the case of
hymns and prayers, at least) are attached to them.
They were probably written at different periods ;
" Called Mantra. '' Brahmana.
<= Colcbrooke, Asiatic Researches, vol. viii. p. 387.
** Upanishatl.
F 4
72
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
I.
^■Mono-
theism.
but were compiled in their present form in the 14th
century before Christ. ^
They are written in an ancient form of the
Shanscrit, so different from that now in use that
none but the more learned of the Bramins them-
selves can understand them. Only a small portion
of tliem has been translated into European lan-
guages ; and although we possess a summary of
their contents (by a writer whose judgment and
iidehty may be entirely depended on * ), sufficient
to give us a clear notion of the general scope of
their doctrines, yet it does not enable us to speak
with confidence of particulars, or to assert that no
allusion whatever is made in any part of them to
this or that portion of the legends or opinions which
constitute the body of the modern Hindu faith.
The primary doctrine of the Vedas is the Unity
of God. " There is in truth," say repeated texts,
*' but one Deity, the Supreme Spirit, the Lord of
the Universe, whose work is the universe." ^
Among the creatures of the Supreme Being are
<= See Appendix I,
f Mr. Colebrooke, Asiatic Researches, vol. viii. p. 369.
g Professor Wilson, Oxford Lectures, p. 11. The following
view of the divine character, as presented in the Vedas,
is given by a learned Bramin, quoted by Sir William Jones :
— " Perfect truth ; perfect happiness ; without equal ; im-
mortal ; absolute unity; whom neither speech can describe nor
mind comprehend; all-pervading; all-transcending; delighted
with his own boundless intelligence ; not limited by space or
time ; without feet, moving swiftly ; without hands, grasping all
worlds ; without eyes, all-surveying ; without ears, all-hearing ;
without an intelligent guide, understanding all ; Mithout cause.
RELIGION. 7^
some superior to man, who should be adored, and chap.
. .IV.
from whom protection and favours maybe obtained '
through prayer. The most frequently mentioned
of these are the gods of the elements, the stars,
and the planets ; but other personified powers and
virtues likewise appear. " The three principal
manifestations of the Divinity (Brahma, Vishnu, and
8iva), with other personified attributes and ener-
gies, and most of the other gods of Hindu mytho-
logy, are indeed mentioned, or at least indicated,
in the Veda ; but the worship of deified heroes is
no part of the system.""
Brahma, Vishnu, and Siva are rarely named,
enjoy no pre-eminence, nor are they ever objects
of special adoration'; and Mr. Colebrooke could
discover no passage in which their incarnations
were suggested.
There seem to have been no images and no
visible types of the objects of worship."^
The doctrine of monotheism prevails through- Religion
out the Institutes ; and it is declared towards the
close that, of all duties, " the principal is to obtain
from the Upanishad a true knowledge of one
supreme God."'
the first of all causes ; all-ruling ; all-powerful ; the creator,
preserver, transformer of all things: such is the Great One." —
Sir W. Jones'5 Worhs, vol. vi. p. 418.
'' Colebrooke on the Vedas, Asiatic Researches, vol. viii.
p. 494-.
' Professor Wilson, Oxford Lectures, \). 12.
^ Ibid. p. 12. See also Preface to the VisJmu Piirdna, p. ii.
' C'iiai). XII. 85.
74" HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK But although Menu has preserved the idea of the
' unity of God, his opinions on tlie nature and
operations of the Divinity have fallen off from the
purity of their original, and have injudiciously
mingled the popular and philosophical systems.
Creation. This IS chiefly apparent in his account of the
creation. There are passages in the Vedas which
declare that God is " the material, as well as the
efficient, cause of the universe ; the potter by
whom the fictile vase is formed ; the clay out of
which it is fabricated : " yet those best qualified to
interpret conceive that these expressions are not
to be taken literally, and mean no more than to
assert the origin of all things from the same first
cause.
The general tendency of the Vedas is to show
that the substance as well as the form of all created
beings was derived from the will of the Self-exist-
ing Cause.™
The Institutes, on the contrary, though not
very distinct, appear to regard the universe as
formed from the substance of the Creator, and
to have a vague notion of the eternal existence of
matter as part of the divine substance. According
to tliem, " the Self-existing Power, himself un-
discerned, but making this world discernible, with
five elements and other principles, appeared with
undiminished glory dispelhng the gloom."
" He, having willed to produce various beings
from his own divine substance, first with a thought
'" Wilson, Oxford Lectures, p. 48.
RELIGION. 75
created the waters, and placed in them a pro- chap.
diictive seed.""
From this seed sprung the mundane egg^ in
which the Supreme Being was himself born in the
form of Brahma.
By similar mythological processes, he, under the
form- of Brahma, produced the heavens and earth,
and the human soul ; and to all creatures he gave
distinct names and distinct occupations.
He likewise created the deities " with divine
attributes and pure souls,'* and "inferior genii
exquisitely delicate.""
This whole creation only endures for a certain
period ; when that expires, the divine energy is
withdrawn, Brahma, is absorbed in the supreme
essence, and the whole system fades away.''
These extinctions of creation, with correspond-
ing revivals, occur periodically, at terms of pro-
digious length.''
The inferior deities are representatives of tlic infeiioi
' r Tr / deities.
elements, as Indra, an' ; Agni, fire ; Varuna,
water ; Prithivi, earth : or of heavenly bodies,
Surya, the sun ; Chandra, the moon ; Vrispati
and other planets : or of abstract ideas, as Dherma,
God of Justice; Dhanwantara, God of Medicine."
None of the heroes who are omitted in the Veda,
but who now fill so prominent a part in the Hindu
Pantheon (Rama, Crishna, &c.), are ever alluded to.
" Book I. 5. 7. » Chap. I. 8—22.
p Chap. I. 51—57. '' Chap. I. 7.'^, 74.
Chap. IX. 303—311., and other places.
76 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK Even the deities of which these are incarnations
are never noticed. Brahma is more than once
named, but Vishnu and Siva never. These three
forms of the Divinity occupy no conspicuous place
among the deities of the Vedas; and their mystical
union or triad is never hinted at in Menu, or pro-
bably in the Vedas. The three forms, into some
one of which all other deities are there said to be
resolvable, are fire, air, and the sun.^
Spirits. Altogether distinct from the gods are good and
evil genii, who are noticed in the creation rather
among the animals than the divinities. ''Bene-
volent genii, fierce giants, bloodthirsty savages,
heavenly clioristers, nymphs and demons, huge
serpents and birds of mighty wing, and separate
companies of Pitris, or progenitors of mankind."'
Man. Man is endowed with two internal spirits, the
vital soul, which gives motion to the body, and the
rational, which is the seat of passions and good
and bad qualities ; and both these souls, though
independent existences, are connected with the
divine essence which pervades all beings."
It is the vital soul which expiates the sins of the
man. It is subjected to torments for periods pro-
portioned to its ofi^ences, and is then sent to trans-
migrate through men and animals, and even plants;
the mansion being the lower the greater has been
its guilt, until at length it has been purified by
s Colebrooke, Asiatic Researches, vol. viii. 395—397.
t Chap. I. 37.
Chap. I. H-, 15.; XII. 12—14. 21, &c.
RELIGION. 77
sufferinec and humiliations, is ag-ain united to its chap.
. ^. IV.
more pure associates", and again commences a
scrvanccs.
career which may lead to eternal bliss.
God endowed man from his creation with *' con-
sciousness, the internal monitor'";" and "made a-
total difference between right and wrong," as well
as between pleasure and pain, and other opposite
pairs.''
He then produced the Vedas for the due per-
formance of the sacrifice ordained from the begin-
ning. But it does not seem necessary to enter
further into the metaphysical part of the work of
Menu.
The practical part of religion may be divided
into ritual and moral.
The ritual branch occupies too great a portion iiituai ui,.
of the Hindu Code, but not to the exclusion of
the moral.
There are religious ceremonies during the preg-
nancy of the mother, at the birth of the child, and
on various subsequent occasions, the principal of
which is the shaving of his head, all but one lock,
at the first or third year.^ But by far the most
important ceremonial is the investiture with the
sacred thread, which must not be delayed beyond
sixteen for a Bramin, or twenty-four for a mer-
chant.'' This great ceremony is called the second
birth, and procures for the three classes who are
V Chap. XII. 16—22. ^ Chap. I. 14.
» Chap. I. 26. > Chap. II. 26—35.
^ Chap. II. 36—40.
78 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK admitted to it the title of " twice-born men," by
' which they are always distinguished throughout
the Code. It is on this occasion that the persons
invested are taught the mysterious word 6m,
and the gayatri, which is the most holy verse of
the Vedas, which is enjoined in innumerable parts
of the Code to be repeated either as devotion or
expiation -, and which, indeed, joined to universal
benevolence, may raise a man to beatitude without
the aid of any other religious exercise.^ This
mysterious text, though it is now confined to the
Bramins, and is no longer so easy to learn, has
been well ascertauied by learned Europeans, and
is thus translated by Mr. Colebrooke'' : " Let us
meditate the adorable light of the Divine Ruler j
may it guide our intellects."
From fuller forms of the same verse, it is evident
that the light alluded to is the Supreme Creator,
though it might also appear to mean the sun.
It is not easy to see on what its superior sanctity
is founded, unless it may at one time have com-
municated, though in ambiguous language, the
secret of the real nature of God to the initiated,
when the material sun was the popular object of
worship.^
>•» Chap. II. 74—87.
i> Asiatic Researches, vol viii. p. 400.
c There are many commentaries on this text, and some
diiFerence of opinion as to the sense. The following inter-
pretation is given by Professor Wilson, in a note on the " Hindu
Theatre," vol. i. p. 184.: — " Let us meditate on the supreme
splendour of that divine sun, who may illuminate our under-
RELIGION. 79
Every Bramin, and, perhaps, every twice-born chap.
man, must bathe daily ; must pray at morning and '
evening twihght, in some unfrequented place near
pure water'' ; and must daily perform five sacra-
ments, viz., studying the Veda ; making oblations
to the manes and to fire in honour of the deities ;
giving rice to living creatures ; and receiving guests
with honour.''
The gods are worshipped by burnt-offerings of
clarified butter, and libations of the juice of the
moon plant, at which ceremonies they are invoked
by name ; but although idols are mentioned, and
in one place desired to be respected^, yet the
adoration of them is never noticed but with dis-
approbation ; nor is the present practice of oflfer-
ing perfumes and flowers to them ever alluded to.
The oblations enjoined are to be offered by Bra-
mins at their domestic fire, and the other cere-
monies performed by themselves in their own
houses.^
Most of the other sacraments are easily dis-
patched, but the reading of the Vedas is a serious
task.
They must be read distinctly and aloud, with a
calm mind and in a respectful posture. The read-
standings." And the following is published as a literal trans-
lation by lltim Mohan ]{ai (^Translation of the Vedas, p. 117.):
— " We meditate on that supreme spirit of the splendid sun
who directs our understandings."
'' Chap. II. 101— 104-. ^ ("hap. III. C9, 70.
' Chap. IV. 130. s Chap. III. 82, &c.
80 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK ing is liable to be interrupted by many omens, and
' must be suspended likewise on the occurrence of
various contingencies which, by disturbing the
mind, may render it unfit for such an occupation.
Wind, rain, thunder, earthquakes, meteors, eclipses,
the howling of jackalls, and many other incidents,
are of the first description : the prohibition against
reading where lutes sound or where arrows whistle,
when a town is beset by robbers, or when terrors
have been excited by strange phenomena, clearly
refers to the second.''
The last sacrament, that of hospitality to guests,
is treated at length, and contains precepts of polite-
ness and self-denial which would be very pleasing
if they were not so much restricted to Bramins
entertaining men of their own class.'
Besides the daily oblations, there are monthly
obsequies to the manes of each man's ancestors.
These are to be performed *' in empty glades, na-
turally clean, or on the banks of rivers and in soli-
tary spots." The sacrificer is there to burn certain
offerings, and with many ceremonies to set down
cakes of rice and clarified butter, invoking the
manes to come and partake of them.
He is afterwards to feast a small number of
Bramins (not however his usual friends or guests).
He is to serve them with respect, and they are to
eat in silence.
" Departed ancestors, no doubt, are attendant
'' Chap. IV. 99—126. ' Chap. III. 99-118.
IV,
RELIGION. 81
on such invited Bramins, hovering around them chap.
Hke pure spirits, and sitting by them when they
are seated."''
No obsequies are to be performed for persons
of disreputable or criminal life, or for those who
illegally kill themselves^; but, on the other hand,
there is a striking ceremony by whicli a great
offender is renounced by his family, his obsequies
being solemnly performed by them while he is yet
alive. Jn the event of repentance and expiation,
however, he can by another ceremony be restored
to his family and to civil life.""
Innumerable are the articles of food from which
a twice-born man must abstain ; some for plain rea-
sons, as carnivorous birds, tame hogs, and other
animals whose appearance or way of living is dis-
gusting ; but others are so arbitrarily fixed, that a
cock, a mushroom, a leek, or an onion, occasions
immediate loss of cast" ; while hedgehogs, por-
cupines, lizards, and tortoises are expressly de-
clared to be lawftd food. A Bramin is forbidden,
under severe penalties, to eat the food of a hunter
or a dishonest man, a worker in gold or in cane, or
a washer of clothes, or a dyer. The cruelty of a
hunter's trade may join him, in the eyes of a Bra-
min, to a dishonest man ; but, among many other
arbitrary proscriptions, one is surprised to find a
physician", and to observe that this learned and
K Chap. III. 189. ' Chap. V. 89.
'" Chap. XI. 182—187. " Chap. V. 18, 19.
" Cliap. IV. 212.
VOL. I. G
82 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK beneficent profession is always classed with those
which are most impure.
What cliiefly surprises us is to find most sorts of
flesh permitted to Bramins^, and even that of oxen
particularly enjoined on solemn festivals."^
Bramins must not, indeed, eat flesh, unless at
a sacrifice ; but sacrifices, as has been seen, are
among the daily sacraments ; and rice pudding,
bread, and many other things equally innocent, are
included in the v^ery same prohibition.'
It is true that humanity to animals is every where
most strongly inculcated, and that abstaining from
animal food is declared to be very meritorious,
from its tendency to diminish their sufferings ; but,
though the use of it is dissuaded on these grounds',
it is never once forbidden or hinted at as impure,
and is in many places positively declared lawful.'
The permission to eat beef is the more remark-
able, as the cow seems to have been as holy in
those days as she is now. Saving the life of a cow
was considered to atone for the murder of a Bra-
min " ; killing one required to be expiated by three
months' austerities and servile attendance on a herd
of cattle.^
p Chap. V. 22—36. "J Chap. V. 41, 42.
r Chap. V. 7. s Chap. V. 43—56.
t " He who eats according to law commits no sin, even if he
every day tastes the flesh of such animals as may lawfully be
tasted, since both animals which may be eaten, and those who
eat them, were equally created by Brahma." (V. 30.)
^ Chap. XI. 80. ^ Chap. XL 109—117.
RELIGION. SS
Besides these restraints on eatinsr, a Bramin chap.
'^ . IV.
is subjected to a multitude of minute regulations
relating to the most ordinary occupations of life,
the transgressing of any of which is neverthe-
less to be considered as a sin.
More than half of one book of the Code is filled
with rules about purification.
The commonest cause of impurity is the death
of a relation ; and this, if he is near, lasts for ten
days with a Bramin, and for a month with a Sudra.
An infinity of contacts and other circumstances
also pollute a man, and he is only purified by
bathing, and other ceremonies, much too tedious
to enumerate.'' Some exceptions from these rules
show a ffood sense which mi"ht not have been
expected from the framers. A King can never be
impure, nor those whom he wishes to be freed from
this impediment to business. Tlie hand of an
artist employed in his trade is always pure ; and
so is every commodity when exposed to sale.
The relations of a soldier slain in battle are not
impure ; and a soldier himself, who falls in the dis-
charge of his duty, performs the highest of sacri-
fices, and is instantly freed from all impurities."
Of all pure things, none im])art that quality better
than purity in acquiring wealth, forgiveness of in-
juries, liberality, and devotion.^
Penances, as employed by the Hindus, hold a
middle place between the ritual and moral branches
" Book V. 57. to the end. Chap V. 9,'5— 98.
y Chap. V. 107.
G 2
I.
84 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK of religion. They help to deter from crimes, but
they are equally employed against breaches of re-
ligious form ; and their application is at all times
so irregular and arbitrary as to prevent their being
so effectual as they should be in contributing to the
well-being of society.
Drinking spirits is classed in the first degree of
crime. Performing sacrifices to destroy the inno-
cent only falls under the third.
Under the same penance with some real offences
come giving pain to a Bramin and " smelling things
not fit to be smelled."^
Some penances would, if compulsory, be punish-
ments of the most atrocious cruelty. They are
sufficiently absurd when left, as they are, to the
will of the offenders, to be employed in averting
exclusion from society in this world or retribution
in the next. For incest with the wife of a father,
natural or spiritual, or with a sister, connection
with a child under the age of puberty, or with a
woman of the lowest class, the penance is death by
burning on an iron bed, or embracing a red-hot
metal image. ^ For drinking spirits the penance
is death by drinking the boiling hot urine of a
cow.*"
The other expiations are mostly made by fines
and austerities. The fines are almost always in
cattle to be given to Bramins, some as high as a bull
and 1000 cows.
^ Chap. XI. 55—68. » Chap. XI. 104-, 105. 171.
■^ Chap. XI. 92.
RELIGION. 85
They, also, are oddly enough proportioned : for chap.
kilHng a snake a Bramin must give a hoe ; for kill-
ing an eunuch, a load of rice straw.
Saying "hush'* or "pish" to a superior, or
overpowering a Bramin in argument, involve each
a slight penance. Killing insects, and even cutting
down plants and grass (if not for a useful purpose),
require a penance ; since plants also are supposed
to he endued with feeling.*^
One passage about expiation is characteristic in
many ways. " A priest who should retain in his
memory tlie whole Rig Veda would be absolved
from all guilt, even if he had slain the inhabitants
of the three worlds, and had eaten food from the
foulest hands'' '^
Some of the penances, as well as some of the
punishments under the criminal law, relate to
})ollutions which imply great corruption of manners
in the people, or great impurity in the imagination
of the lawgiver " ; but they })robably originate in
the same perverted ingenuity which appears iti
some of the European casuists.
Others are of a more pleasing character, and
tend to lessen our impression of the force of super-
stition even anion"- the Bramins. A man who
spends his money in gifts, even for his spiritual
benefit, incurs misery hereafter if he have left his
family in want.* Every man who has })erformed
c Chap. XI. 125. to the end. ■' Chap. XI. 262.
- Chap. XI. 171—179, .'vc. f Chap. XI. 9, 10.
G 3
86
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
I.
Moral
eflfect.
penance is legally restored to society ; but all
should avoid the communion of those whose of-
fences were in themselves atrocious, among which
are reckoned killing a suppUant and injuring a
benefactor.^
The effect of the religion of Menu on morals is,
indeed, generally good. The essential distinction
between right and wrong, it has been seen, is
strongly marked at the outset, and is in general
well preserved. The well-known passages relating
to false evidence, one or two where the property
of another maybe appropriated for the purposes of
sacrifice \ and some laxity in the means by which
a King may detect and seize offenders', are the
only exceptions I recollect.
On the other hand, there are numerous injunc-
tions to justice, truth, and virtue ; and many are
the evils, both in this world and the next, which are
said to follow from vicious conduct. The upright
man need not be cast down though oppressed with
penury, while " the unjust man attains no felicity,
nor he whose wealth proceeds from false evi-
dence."^
The moral duties are in one place distinctly de-
clared to be superior to the ceremonial ones.' The
punishments of a future state are as much directed
against the offences which disturb society as
against sins affecting religion.
e Chap. XI. 190, 191.
' Chap. IX. 256—269.
' Chap. IV. 204.
h Chap. XI. 11—19.
" Chap. IV. 17C— 179.
RELIGION. 87
One maxim, however, on this subject, is of a less chap.
*^ IV.
laudable tendency ; for it declares that the men
who receive from the government the punishment
due to their crimes go pure to heaven, and become
as clean as those who have done well.'"
It may be observed, in conclusion, that the
morality thus enjoined by the law was not, as now,
sapped by the example of fabled gods, or by the
debauchery permitted in the religious ceremonies
of certain sects.
From many passages cited in different places, it
has been shown that the Code is not by any means
deficient in generous maxims or in elevated senti-
ments ; but the general tendency of the Bramin
morahty is rather towards innocence than active
virtue, and its main objects are to enjoy tranquilhty,
and to prevent pain or evil to any sentient being.
■" Chap. VIII. 318.
o 4
88 HISTORY OF INDIA.
women.
CHAP. V.
MANNERS AND STATE OF CIVILISATION.
BOOK In inquiring into the manners of a nation, our
' attention is first attracted to the condition of the
State of women. This may be gathered from the laws re-
lating to marriage, as well as from incidental regu-
lations or observations which undesignedly exhibit
the views under which the sex was regarded.
The laws relating to marriage, as has been seen,
though in some parts they bear strong traces of a
rude age, are not on the whole unfavourable to the
weaker party. The state of women in other re-
spects is such as might be expected from those
laws.
A wife is to be entirely obedient and devoted
to her husband, who is to keep her under legal
restrictions, but to leave her at her own disposal
in innocent and lawful recreations.* When she
has no husband, she is to be in a state of similar
dependence on her male relations^; but, on the
other hand, the husband and all the male relations
are strictly enjoined to honour the women: "where
women are dishonoured, all religious acts become
fruitless;" — "where female relations are made
miserable, the family very soon wholly perishes j "
« Chap. IX. 2, &c. ^ Chap. V. 147, &c.
MANNERS AND STATE OF CIVILISATION. 89
but " where a husband is contented with his wife, chap.
and she with her husband, in that house will for- '
tune assuredly be permanent." The husband's in-
dulgence to his wife is even regulated on points
which seem singular in a code of laws ; among
these it is enjoined that she be '* constantly sup-
plied witli ornaments, apparel, and food, at festivals
and jubilees." "
Widows are also under the particular protection
of the law. Their male relations are positively for-
bidden to interfere with their property. (III. 52.)
The King is declared the guardian of widows and
single women, and is directed to punish relations
who encroach on their fortunes as thieves. (VIII.
28, 29.)
There is little about domestic manners except as
relates to the Bramins, and they, as usual, are placed
under austere and yet puerile restrictions. A man
of that class must not eat with his wife, nor look
at her eating, or yawning, or sitting carelessly, or
when setting off her eyes with black powder, or
on many other occasions.**
In all classes women are to be " employed in
the collection and expenditure of wealth ; in pu-
rification and female duty ; in the preparation of
daily food, and the superintendence of household
utensils."
*' By confinement at home, even under affec-
tionate and observant guardians, they are not
' Chap. III. 55—61. '' Chap. IV. 43, &c.
90
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
I.
Manners.
secure ; but those women are truly secure who
are guarded by their own incHnations." ^
There is not the least mention of Sattis ; indeed,
as the widows of Bramins are enjoined to lead a
virtuous, austere, and holy life*^, it is plain that
their burning with their husbands was never
thought of.
The only suicides authorised in the Code are for
a Bramin hermit suffering under an incurable dis-
ease, who is permitted to proceed towards a cer-
tain point of the heavens with no sustenance but
water, until he dies of exhaustion^ ; and for a
King, who, when he finds his end draw near, is to
bestow such wealth as he may have gained by legal
fines on the Bramins, commit his kingdom to his
son, and seek death in battle, or, if there be no
war, by abstaining from food.**
Few more particulars can be gleaned regarding
manners. The strict celibacy imposed on the
Bramin youths seems to have excited a just dis-
trust of their continence : a student who is en-
joined to perform personal services, and to kiss the
feet of his spiritual father's other near relations, is
directed to omit those duties in the case of his
young wife ; he is desired to be always on his
<" Chap. IX. 11, 12. f Chap. V. 156—158.
s Chap. VI. 31.
'' Chap. IX. 323. It is singular that the practice of self-
immolation by fire, which is stated by Mr. Colebrooke (^Trans-
actions of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. i. p. 458.) to have been
authorised by the Vedas, and is related by the ancients to have
been practised by Calanus, is nowhere mentioned in the Code.
MANNERS AND STATE OF CIVILISATION. 91
guard when in company with women, and to be- chap.
ware how he trusts himself in a sequestered place _
even with those who should be the most sacred in
his eyes.'
Some notion of the pleasures most indulged in
may be formed from those against which a King
is cautioned (VII. 47.)- Among them are hunt-
ing, gaming, sleeping by day, excess with women,
intoxication, singing, instrumental music, dancing,
and useless travel. Some little light is also thrown
on manners, by the much-frequented places where
thieves, quacks, fortune-tellers, and other impostors
are said to haunt. They include cisterns of water,
bakehouses, the lodgings of harlots, taverns and
victualling shops, squares where four ways meet,
large well-known trees, assemblies, and public spec-
tacles.
Minute rules are given for the forms of saluta-
tion and civility to persons of all classes, and in
all relations.
Great respect is inculcated for parents'' and for
age ; for learning and moral conduct, as well as
for wealth and rank. " Way must be made for a
man in a wheeled carriage, or above ninety years
old, or afflicted with disease, or carrying a burden,
for a woman, for a priest (in certain cases), for
a prince, and for a bridegroom."^
I scarcely know where to place, so as to do jus-
tice to the importance assigned to it in the Code,
i Chap. II. 211—215. k Chap. II. 225—237.
< Chap. II. 130—138.
92 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK the respect enjoined to immemorial custom. It is
' declared to be " transcendent law," and " the root
of all piety/"" It is, indeed, to this day the vital
spirit of the Hindu system, and the immediate
cause of the permanence of these institutions.
Learning is greatly honoured throughout the Code,
and the cultivation of it is recommended to all
classes. It is true the Vedas, and the comment-
aries on them, with a few other books, are the only
ones to which the student is directed ; but he is to
learn theology, logic, ethics, and physical science
from those works "j and we know that those sub-
jects are discussed in the tracts appended to each
Veda : each is also accompanied by a treatise en-
tirely relating to astronomy ; and, from the early
excellence of the Bramins in all these branches of
learning, it is probable that they had made consi-
derable progress even when this Code was formed.
Arts of The arts of life, though still in a simple state,
were far from being: in a rude one. Gold and
'b
gems, silks and ornaments, are spoken of as being
in all families. ° Elephants, horses, and chariots
are familiar as conveyances for men, as are cattle,
camels, and waggons for goods. Gardens, bowers,
and terraces are mentioned ; and the practice,
still subsisting, of the construction of ponds and
orchards by wealthy men for the public benefit,
is here, perhaps, first enjoined.^ Cities are seldom
™ Chap. I. 108—110. " Chap. XIL 98. 105, 106-
o Chap. V. Ill, 112.; VII. 130.
p Chap. IV. 226.
MANNERS AND STATE OF CIVILISATION.
9^
alluded to, nor are there any regulations or any chap.
officers beyond the wants of an agricultural town-
ship. The only great cities were, probably, the
capitals.
The professions mentioned show all that is ne-
cessary to civilised life, but not all required for
high refinement. Though gems and golden orna-
ments were common, embroiderers and similar work-
men, who put those materials to the most delicate
uses, are not alluded to ; and painting and writing
could scarcely have attained the cultivation which
they reached in after times, when they were left
among the trades open to a vSudra in times of
distress.
Money is often mentioned, but it does not ap-
pear whether its value was ascertained by weight
or fixed by coining. The usual payments are in
panaSy the name notv applied to a certain number
of the shells called couris, which are used as change
for the lowest copper coins.
The number of kinds of grain, spices, perfumes,
and other productions, are proofs of a liighly cul-
tivated country ; and the code in general presents
the ])icture of a peaceful and flourishing com-
munity. Some of the features which seem to
indicate misgovernment are undiminished at the
present day, but affect the society in a far less
degree than would seem possible to a distant ob-
server.
On the other hand, the frequent alhisions to
times of distress give ground for a suspicion that
94 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK the famines, which even now are sometimes the
' scourge of India, were more frequent in ancient
times. There is no trace of nomadic tribes, such
as still subsist in most Asiatic countries.
General Of all ancicnt nations, the Egyptians are the one
whom the Hindus seem most to have resembled ;
but our knowledge of that people is too limited to
reflect light on any other with which they might
be compared.'^
It might be easier to compare them with the
Greeks, as painted by Homer, who was nearly
contemporary with the compilation of the Code ;
and, however inferior in spirit and energy, as well
as in elegance, to that heroic race, yet, on con-
trasting their law and forms of administration, the
state of the arts of life, and the general spirit of
order and obedience to the laws, the eastern nation
seems clearly to have been in the more advanced
stage of society. Their internal institutions were
less rude ; their conduct to their enemies more
humane ; their general learning was much more
considerable ; and, in the knowledge of the being
and nature of God, they were already in possession
of a light which was but faintly perceived even by
the loftiest intellects in the best days of Athens.
Yet the Greeks were polished by free communica-
tion with many nations, and have recorded the
improvements which they early derived from each ;
1 The particular points of resemblance are set forth by
Heeren — Historical Researches (Asiatic Nations), vol. iii.
p. 411. to the end.
GENERAL REMARKS. 95
while the Hindu civilisation grew up alone, and chap.
thus acquired an original and peculiar character, '
that continues to spread an interest over the higher
stages of refinement to which its unaided efforts
afterwards enabled it to attain. It may, however,
be doubted, whether this early and independent
civilisation was not a misfortune to tlie Hindus ;
for, seeing themselves superior to all the tribes of
whom they had knowledge, they learned to de-
spise the institutions of foreigners, and to revere
their own, until they became incapable of receiv-
ing improvement from without, and averse to
novelties even amongst themselves.
On looking back to the information collected origin of
from the Code, we observe the three twice-born andform"^
classes forming the whole community embraced by JiSr soo-
the law, and the Sudras in a servile and degraded "'^^•^'
condition. Yet it appears that there are cities
governed by Sudra kings, in which Bramins are
advised not to reside ', and that there are *' whole
territories inhabited by Sudras, overwhelmed with
atheists, and deprived of Bramins."^
The three twice-born classes are directed invari-
ably to dwell in the country between the Himawat'
and the Vindya mountains", from the eastern to
the western ocean.
' Chap. IV. 61. s Chap. VIII. 22.
' Hemahiya.
" Still so called, and forming the boundaries of Hindostan
Proper, on the south, as Hcmalaya does on the north. The
legislator must have had an indistinct idea of the eastern ter-
mination of the range.
96 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK But, though the three chief classes are confined
to this tract, a Sudra distressed for subsistence may
sojourn wherever he chooses.''
It seems impossible not to conclude from all
this, that tlie twice-born men were a conquering
people ; that the servile class were the subdued
aborigines ; and that the independent Sudra towns
were in such of the small territories, into which
Hindostan was divided, as still retained their in-
dependence, while the whole of the tract beyond
the Vindya mountains remained as yet untouched
by the invaders, and unpenetrated by their re-
ligion.
A doubt, however, soon suggests itself, whether
the conquerors were a foreign people, or a local
tribe, like the Dorians in Greece ; or whether, in-
deed, they were not merely a portion of one of the
native states (a religious sect, for instance) which
had outstripped their fellow citizens in knowledge,
and appropriated all the advantages of the society
to themselves.
The different appearance of the higher classes
from the Sudras, which is so observable to this day,
might incline us to think them foreigners ; but,
without entirely denying this argument, (as far, at
least, as relates to the Bramins and Cshetryas,) we
must advert to some considerations which greatly
weaken its force.
The class most unlike tlie Bramins are the
V Chap. II. 21—24.
GENERAL REMARKS. 97
Chandalas, wlio are, nevertheless, originally the chap.
offspring of a Bramin mother ; and who might ^'
have been expected to have preserved their resem-
blance to their parent stock, as, from the very low-
ness of their cast, they are prevented mixing with
any race but their own. Difference of habits and
employments is, of itself, sufficient to create as
great a dissimilarity as exists between the Bramin
and theSudra; and the hereditary separation of
professions in India would contribute to keep up
and to increase such a distinction."'
It is opposed to their foreign origin, that neither
in the Code, nor, I believe, in the Vedas, nor in
any book that is certainly older than the Code, is
there any allusion to a prior residence, or to a
knowledge of more than the name of any country
out of India. Even mythology goes no further
than the Hemalaya chain, in which is fixed the
habitation of the gods.
The common origin of the Shanscrit language
with those of the west leaves no doubt that there
was once a connection between the nations by
whom they are used ; but it })roves nothing re-
garding the place where such a connection sub-
sisted, nor about the time, which might have
been in so early a stage of their society as to pre-
"' Observe the difference which even a few years can produce
between two individuals, who were ahke when they began hfe ;
between a soldier of a well-disciplined regiment, for instance,
and a man of the least active and healthy of the classes in a
manufacturing town.
VOL. I. H
98 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK vent its throwing any light on the history of the
" individual nations. To say that it spread from a
central point is a gratuitous assumption, and even
contrary to analogy ; for emigration and civilisation
have not spread in a circle, but from east to west.
Where, also, could the central point be, from which
a language could spread over India, Greece, and
Italy, and yet leave Chaldea, Syria, and Arabia
untouched ?
The question, therefore, is still open. There is
no reason whatever for thinking that the Hindus
ever inhabited any country but their present one ;
and as little for denying that they may have done
so before the earliest trace of their records or
traditions. Assuming that they were a conquering
tribe, we may suppose the progress of their society
to have been something like the following : that
the richer or more warlike members continued to
confine themselves to the profession of arms : that
the less eminent betook themselves to agriculture,
arts, and commerce : that the priests were, at first,
individuals who took advantage of the superstition
of their neighbours, and who may have trans-
mitted their art and office to their sons, but did
not form a separate class : that the separation of
classes by refusing to intermarry originated in the
pride of the military body, and was imitated by the
priests : that the conquered people were always a
class apart, at first cultivating the land for the con-
querors, and afterwards converted by the interest
and convenience of tlieir masters into free tenants :
GENERAL REMARKS. 99
that the government was in tlie hands of the niili- chap.
taiy leaders, and probably exercised by one chief: '
that the chief availed himself of the aid of the
priests in planning laws and obtaining a religious
sanction to them : that the priests, as they rose into
consequence, began to combine and act in concert :
that they invented the genealogy of casts, and
other fables, to support the existing institutions,
and to introduce such alterations as they thought
desirable : that, while they raised the power of the
chief to the highest pitch, they secured as much
influence to their own order as could be got with-
out creating jealousy or destroying the ascendency
they deriv^ed from the public opinion of their
austerity and virtue : that the first Code framed
was principally a record of existing usages j and
may have been compiled by a private person, and
adopted for convenience ; or may have been drawn
up by Bramins of influence, and passed off as an
ancient revelation from the Divinity : that, as
changes arose in the progress of society, oj" in the
))olicy of the rulers, alterations were made in the
law, and new codes formed incorporating the old
one ; but that, at lengtii, the text of the Code
became fixed, and all subsequent changes were in-
troduced in the form of glosses on the original, or
of new laws promulgated by the royal authority.
To all appearance, the present Code w^as not com-
])iled until long after tiie community had passed
the earliest stages of civilisation.
II 2
100 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK In making a general review of the Code, we are
' struck with two peculiarities in its relation to the
Pecuiiari- class of Bramlns by whom it seems to have been
ties relating
to tiie Bra. planned. The first is the little importance attached
by them to the direction of pubHc worship and
religious ceremonies of all sorts. Considering the
reverence derived by the ministers of religion from
their apparent mediation between the laity and
the Divinity, and also the power that might be
obtained by means of oracles, and other modes of
deception, it might rather have been expected that
such means of influence should be neglected by
the priesthood, in the security arising from long
possession of temporal authority, than renounced
in an early Code, the main object of which is to
confirm and increase the power of the Bramins.
The effects of this neglect are also deserving of
observation. It was natural that the degradation
of public worship should introduce the indifference
now so observable in the performance of it ; but it
is surprising that the regular practice of it by all
classes should still be kept up at all ; and that, on
some occasions, as pilgrimages, festivals, &c., it
should be able to kindle enthusiasm.
The second peculiarity is the regulation of all
the actions of life, in a manner as strict and minute
as could be enforced in a single convent, main-
tained over so numerous a body of men as the
Bramins, scattered through an extensive region,
living with their families like other citizens, and
subject to no common chief or council, and to no
GENERAL REMARKS. 101
form of ecclesiastical government or subordination, chap.
&
Various causes contributed to support this disci-
pline, which, at first, seems to have been left to
chance, — the superstitious reverence for the divine
law, which must in time have been felt even by
the class whose progenitors invented it ; their strict
system of early education ; the penances enjoined
by religion, perhaps enforced by the aid of tlie civil
authority ; the force of habit and public opinion
after the rules had obtained the sanction of anti-
quity ; but, above all, the vigilance of the class
itself, excited by a knowledge of the necessity of
discipline for the preservation of their power, and
by that intense feeling of the common interest of
the class which never, perhaps, was so deeply seated
as in the heart of a Bramin.
In spite of these forces, however, the Bramin
discipline has gradually declined. Their rules have
been neglected in cases where the temptation was
strong, or the risk of loss of influence not apparent,
until the diminished sanctity of their character has
weakened their power, and has thrown a consider-
able portion of it into the hands of men of other
classes, who form the great body of the monastic
orders.
V.
II 3
102 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK II.
CHANGES SINCE MENU, AND STATE OF THE
HINDUS IN LATER TIMES.
BOOK Though tlie Hindus have preserved their cus-
II. . ^
toms more entire than any other people with whom
we are acquainted, and for a period exceeding that
recorded of any other nation ; yet it is not to be
supposed that changes have not taken place in the
lapse of twenty-five centuries.
I shall now attempt to point out those changes ;
and, although it may not always be possible to dis-
tinguish such of them as may be of Mahometan
origin, I shall endeavour to confine my account to
those features, whether in religion, government, or
manners, which still characterise the Hindus.
I shall preserve the same order as in the Code,
and shall commence with the present state of the
classes.
CHANGES IN CAST. 103
CHAP. I.
CHANGES IN CAST.
It is, perhaps, in the division and employment chap.
of the classes that the greatest alterations have '
been made since Menu. Changes in
Those of Cshetriya and Veisya, perhaps even of great
Sudra, are alleged by the Bramins to be extinct;
a decision which is by no means acquiesced in by
tliose immediately concerned. Tlie Rajputs still
loudly assert the purity of tlieir descent from the
Cslietriyas, and some of the industrious classes
claim the same relation to the Veisyas. The
Bramins, however, have been almost universally
successful, so far as to exclude the other classes
from access to the Vedas, and to confine all learn-
ing, human and divine, to their own body.
The Bramins themselves, although they have
preserved tlieir own lineage undisputed, have, in a
great measure, departed from the rules and prac-
tice of their predecessors. In some particulars
tliey are more strict than formerly, being denied
the use of animal food*, and restrained from inter-
* Some casts of Bramins in Iliiulostaii cat certain descrip-
tions of flesh that has been offered in sacrifice. In such cir-
cumstances flesh is everywhere lawful food; but, in the Deckan,
this sort of sacrifice is so rare that proljubly ^k;\\ Bramins ever
witnessed it.
H 4
104 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK marriages with the inferior classes ; but in most
' respects their practice is greatly relaxed. The
whole of the fourfold division of their life, with
all the restraints imposed on students, hermits,
and abstracted devotees, is now laid aside as re-
gards the community; though individuals, at their
choice, may still adopt some one of the modes of
life which formerly were to be gone through in
turn by all.
Bramins now enter into service, and are to be
found in all trades and professions. The portion
of them supported by charity, according to the
original system, is quite insignificant in proportion
to the whole. It is common to see them as hus-
bandmen, and, still more, as soldiers ; and even of
those trades which are expressly forbidden to them
nnder severe penalties, they only scruple to exer-
cise the most degraded, and in some places not
even those.* In the south of India, however,
their peculiar secular occupations are those con-
nected with writing and public business. From
the minister of state down to the village ac-
countant, the greater number of situations of this
sort are in their hands, as is all interpretation of
the Hindu law, a large share of the ministry of
religion, and many employments (such as farmers
of the revenue, &c.), where a knowledge of wTiting
and of business is required.
In the parts of Hindostan where the Mogul
* Ward, vol. i. p. 87.
CHANGES IN CAST. 105
system was fully introduced, the use of the Persian chap.
language has thrown public business into the hands '
of Mussulmans and Cayets.* Even in the Nizam's
territories in the Deckan the same cause has in
some degree diminished the employment of the
Bramins ; but still they must be admitted to have
everywhere a more avowed share in the govern-
ment than in the time of Menu's Code, when one
Bramin counsellor, together with the judges, made
tlie whole of their portion in the direct enjoyment
of power.
It might be expected that this worldly turn of
their pursuits would deprive the Bramins of some
part of their religious influence ; and accordingly
it is stated by a very high authority t that (in the
provinces on the Ganges, at least) they are null as
a hierarchy, and as a literary body few and little
countenanced. Even in the direction of the con-
sciences of families and of individuals they have
there been supplanted by Gosayens and other
monastic orders, t
Yet even in Bengal they appear still to be the
objects of veneration and of profuse liberality to
the laity. § The ministry of most temples, and the
conduct of religious ceremonies, must still remain
with them ; and in some parts of India no dimi-
* A cast of Siulras; see page 108. of this volume.
f Professor Wilson, Asiatic Researches, vol. xvii. pp. 310,
311.
\ Ibid. vol. xvii. p. 311.
§ Ward's Hindoos, vol. i. p. GS — 71.
106
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
II.
Mixed
classes.
nution whatever can be perceived in their spi-
ritual authority. Sucli is certainly the case in the
Maratta country, and would appear to be so like-
wise in the west of Hindostan.* The temporal
influence derived from their numbers, affluence,
and rank, subsists in all parts ; but, even where
the Bramins have retained their religious authority,
they have lost much of their popularity. This
seems to be particularly the case among the Raj-
puts t, and is still more so among the Marattas,
who have not forgiven their being supplanted in
the government of their country by a class whom
they regard as their inferiors in the military
qualities which alone, in their estimation, entitle
men to command.
The two lowest classes that existed in Menu's
time are now replaced by a great number of casts
of mixed, and sometimes obscure, descent, who,
nevertheless, maintain their divisions with greater
strictness than the ancient classes were accustomed
to do, neither eating together, nor intermarrying,
nor partaking in common rites. In the neigh-
bourhood of Puna, where they are probably not
particularly numerous, there are about 150 different
casts. t These casts, in many cases, coincide with
trades; the goldsmiths forming one cast, the car-
* Tod's Rajasthan, vol. i. pp. 511, 512.
f Ibid. ; and see also Malcolms Central India, vol. ii.
p. 124'.
X Steele, Summary of the Laios and Customs of Hindoo
Casts, preface, p. xi.
CHANGES IN CAST. 107
penters another, &c. This is conformable to chap
Menu, who assigns to eacli of the mixed classes '
an hereditary occupation.
The enforcement of the rules of cast is still
strict, but capricious. If a person of low cast were
to step on the space of ground cleared out by one
of the higher classes for cooking, the owner would
immediately throw away his untasted meal, even
if he had not the means of procuring another.
The loss of cast is faintly described by saying
that it is civil death. A man not only cannot
inherit, nor contract, nor give evidence, but he is
excluded from all the intercourse of private life, as
well as from the privileges of a citizen. He must
not be admitted into his father's house ; his nearest
relations must not communicate with him ; and he
is deprived of all the consolations of religion in
this life, and all hope of happiness in that which
is to follow. Unless, however, cast be lost for an
enormous offence, or for long continued breach of
rules, it can always be regained by expiation ; and
the means of recovering it must be very easy, for
the effects of the loss of it are now scarcely ob-
servable. It occurs, no doubt, and prosecutions
are not unfrequent in our courts for unjust ex-
clusion from cast ; but in a long residence in India
I do not remember ever to have met with or heard
of an individual placed in the circumstances which
I have described.
The greatest change of all is, that there no
longer exists a servile class. There are still prae-
108 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK dial slaves in the south of India, and some of the
" mountain and forest districts elsewhere. These
may possibly be the remains of the ancient Sudras,
but in other parts of the country all classes are
free. Domestic slaves form no exception, being
individuals of any class reduced by particular cir-
cumstances to bondage.
Though scrupulous genealogists dispute the
existence of pure Sudras at the present day, yet
many descriptions of people are admitted to be
such even by the Bramins. The whole of the
Marattas, for instance, belong to that class. The
proper occupation of a Siidra is now thought to be
agriculture ; but he is not confined to that em-
ployment, for many are soldiers ; and the Cayets,
who have been mentioned as rivalling the Bramins
in business and every thing connected with the
pen, are (in Bengal at least) pure Sudras, to whom
their profession has descended from ancient times.*
The institution of casts, though it exercises a
most pernicious influence on the progress of the
nation, has by no means so great an effect in ob-
structing the enterprise of individuals as European
writers are apt to suppose. There is, indeed,
scarcely any part of the world where changes of
condition are so sudden and so strikino- as in India. t
'&
* Colebrooke, Asiatic Researches, vol. v. p. 58.
f The last Peshwa had, at different times, two prime
ministers : one of them had been either an officiating priest or
a singer in a temple (both degrading employments), and the
other was a Sudra, and originally a running footman. The
CHANGES IN CAST — INIONASTIC ORDERS. 109
A new cast may be said to have been introduced chap.
by the estabhshment of the monastic orders.
The orio-in of these communities can only be Monastic
'-' ^ orders.
touched on as a matter of speculation.
By the rules of Menu's Code, a Bramin in the
fourth stage of his life, after having passed through
a period of solitude and mortification as an an-
choret*, is released from all formal observances,
and permitted to devote his time to contemplation.
It is probable that persons so situated might
assemble for the purpose of religious discussion,
and that men of superior endowments to the rest
might collect a number of hearers, who would live
around them without forming any religious com-
munity. Such, at least, was the progress from
single monks to cenobites, among the early Chris-
tians. The assemblies of these inquirers might in
time be attended by disciples, who, though not
Bramins, were of the classes to whom the study of
tlicology was permitted, each, however, living inde-
pendently, according to the practice of his own
class. This would seem to be the stage to which
]hija of Jeipur's prime minister was a barber. The founder of
the reigning family of Holcar was a goatherd; and that of
Sindia, a menial servant ; and both were Sudras. The great
family of Riistia, in the Maratta country, first followed the
natural occu])ations of Bramins, then became great bankers,
and, at length, military commanders. Many similar instances
of elevation might be quoted. The changes of professions in
private life are less observable; but the first good Hindu minia-
ture painter, in the European manner, was a blacksmith.
* See p. 27. of this volume.
110 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK these religious institutions had attained in the time
' of Alexander, though there are passages in the
early Greek writers from which it might be in-
ferred that they had advanced still further to-
wards the present model of regular monastic or-
ders.* Unless that evidence be thought sufficient,
we have no means of conjecturing at what period
those assemblages formed themselves into religious
communities, subject to rules of their own, distinct
from those of their respective classes. The earliest
date to which the foundation of any monastic order
can be traced in the Hindu books is the eighth cen-
tury of our aera ; and few of those now in exist-
ence are older than the fourteenth, t Some orders
are still composed of Bramins alone, and a few
among them may be regarded as the representatives
of the original societies adverted to in the last
page ; but the distinguishing peculiarity of the
great majority of the orders is, that all distinctions
of cast are levelled on admission. Bramins break
their sacerdotal thread ; and Cshetryas, Veisyas,
and Sudras renounce their own class on enterinir
an order, and all become equal members of their
new community. This bold innovation is supposed
* See Appendix III. It appears, in the same place, that
these assemblies included persons performing the penances
enjoined to Bramins of the third stage of life (or anchorets),
who, by the strict rule laid down for them, were bound to live
in solitude and silence.
t It may, perhaps, be construed into an indication of the
existence of such orders in Menu's time, that in Book V. v. 89.
funeral rites are denied to heretics, ivho wear a dress of religion
unauthorised by the Veda.
CHANGES IN CAST — MONASTIC ORDERS. Ill
by Professor Wilson to have been adopted about chap.
tlie end of the fourteenth or beginning of the fif- '
teenth century.
The Hindu orders do not present the same re-
gular aspect as similar fraternities in Europe, and
do not so easily furnish marked characteristics to
distinguish them from the rest of mankind or from
each other. There is not even a general name for
the class, though that of Gosayen (which, in strict-
ness, should be confined to one subdivision) is
usually applied to the whole. They can all be re-
cognised by their dress, as all wear some part of
their clothes (generally the turban and scarf) of a
dirty orange colour, except a few, who go quite
naked ; all are bound by some vows; and all accept
(though all do not solicit) charity.
These arc, perhaps, the only particulars which
can be asserted of them all ; but by flu* the greater
number have many other features in common. An
order generally derives its character fi'om a parti-
cular spiritual instructor, whose doctrines it main-
tains, and by whose rules of life the members are
bound. Many of these founders of orders have
been likewise founders of sects ; for which reason,
the tenets of Gosayens are seldom purely orthodox.
They vary greatly in numbers, some being con-
fined to a small knot of votaries in one part of the
country, and others spread in numbers over all
India.
Most of them possess convents, to which, in
some cases, landed pro))erty is attached. They
112 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK derive an additional income from the contributions
' of devout persons, from money collected by beg-
ging, and, in many cases, from trade, which is
often carried on openly, but more frequently in a
covert manner. Tliese convents are all under a
mohant (or abbot) who is generally elected by
his own community or by the other mohants of
the order ; but who is sometimes hereditary, and
often named by his predecessor. Admission into
an order is not given until after a probation of a
year or two. The novice is, in a manner, adopted
by a particular instructor, or guru, who has often
several such disciples ; all subject, as well as the
guru himself, to the head of the convent. One
order in Bengal admits of males and females living
in one convent, but under strict vows of chastity.
Many of the Gosayens who belong to convents
nevertheless spend much of their lives in wander-
ing about, and subsist by begging. Other Go-
sayens lead an entirely erratic life ; in some cases
still subordinate to mohants, and, in others, quite
independent and free from all rules, except such
as they impose on themselves. But among these
last are to be found some of the most austere
religionists ; those, in particular, who retire to the
heart of forests, and live entirely unconnected
with mankind, exposed to the chance of famine, if
no charitable person should think of them, and to
still greater danger from the beasts of prey that
alone inhabit those wild and solitary tracts.*
* Mr. Ward on the Hindoos, vol. iii. p. 34-2. ; where he
CHANGES IN CAST MONASTIC ORDERS. 113
Few of the orders are under very strict vows; chap.
and they have no attendance on chapels, general '
fasts, vigils, or other monkish observances. Most
are bound to celibacy ; but many allow their
members to marry, and to reside with their families
like laymen. One order, particularly devoted to
Crishiia in his infant form, hold it to be their
duty to indulge in costly apparel and choice food,
and to partake of every description of innocent
enjoyment ; and these tenets are so far from lower-
ing their character that their influence with their
followers is unbounded, and they are amply supplied
with the means of living according to their liberal
notions of religious duty.
Some orders, however, differ widely from these
last : such are those of which individuals hold up
one or both arms until they become fixed in that
position, and until the nails grow through the
hands ; those who lie on beds of spikes, who vow
perpetual silence, and who expose themselves to
other voluntary mortifications.
Some few affect every sort of filth and pollution,
and extort alms by the disgust which their pre-
sence creates, or by gashing their limbs with knives.
Others, as has been said, go naked, and many
nearly so. Of this description are the Nagas, who
serve as mercenary soldiers, often to the number of
several thousands, under their own leaders.
states tliat lie was informed, on a s])ot on Sagar island, tliat six
of these hermits luul been carried off by tigers in the preceding
three months.
VOL. I.
114 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK These people do not profess to take arms for the
" advancement of thek religion, but serve any chief
for hire ; and are, in general, men of violent and
profligate habits, but with the reputation of despe-
rate courage. Their naked limbs smeared with
ashes, their shaggy beards, and their matted hair,
artificially increased and twisted round the head,
give a striking appearance to these martial de-
votees. When not hired, they have been known
to wander about the country, in large bands, plun-
dering and levying contributions. In former days
the British possessions were more than once threat-
ened or invaded by such marauders.
But these armed monks sometimes assemble in
great numbers, without being formed into bands or
associated for military service ; and the meeting of
large bodies of opposite sects has often led to san-
guinary conflicts. At the great fair at Hardwar,
in 1760, an aflfray, or rather a battle, took place
between the Nagas of Siva and those of Vishnu,
in which it was stated, on the spot, that 18,000
persons were left dead on the field.* The amount
must, doubtless, have been absurdly exaggerated,
but it serves to give an idea of the numbers en-
gaged.
One description of Gosayens, of the sect of Siva,
are Yogis (see p. 224.) ; and attempt, by medita-
tion, and by holding in the breath, and other mum-
meries, to procure a union with the Divinity. The
lowest of this class pretend to work miracles ; and
some are even professed mountebanks, who go
* Captain Raper, Asiatic Researches, vol. ii. p. '^55.
CHANGES IN CAST MONASTIC ORDERS. 115
about the country with monkeys and musical in- chap,
struments, and amuse the populace with juggling "
and other tricks of dexterity. Another sort is
much more remarkable. These profess to be en-
thusiastic devotees, and practise their imposture,
not for money, but to increase their reputation for
sanctity. Among them are persons who manage,
by some contrivance hitherto unexplained, to re-
main seated, for many minutes, in the air, at as
great a distance from the ground as four feet, with
no other apparent support but what they derive
from slightly resting on a sort of crutch with the
back of one hand, the fingers of which are all the
time employed in counting their beads.*
Among the Gosayens there are, or have been,
some few learned men : many are decent and in-
offensive religionists, and many respectable mer-
chants ; but many, also, are shameless and impor-
tunate beggars, and worthless vagabonds of all
descriptions, attracted to the order by the idle and
wandering life which it admits of. In general, the
followers of Vishnu are the most respectable, and
those of Siva the most infected by the offensive
qualities of the class. It is to the credit of the
jrood sense of the Hindus that these devotees fall
ofl' in public esteem exactly in proportion to the
extravagance and eccentricity of their observances.
* The most authentic account of one of these is quoted by
Professor Wilson, Asiatic Researches, vol. xvii. p. 186., from a
statement by an eye-witness in the Asiatic Monthhj Journal for
March, 1829.
I 2
^Vi6 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK The veneration of some of the Vaishnava sec-
' tarians for their mendicant directors is carried to
an ahnost incredible pitch. In Bengal, some of
them consider their spiritual guide as of superior
importance, and entitled to greater regard than
their deity himself.* The want of a common head
to the Hindu religion accounts for the lax discipline
of many orders, and the total absence of rules
among single Beiragis and Yogis, and such lawless
assemblages as those formed by the military Nagas.
The same circumstance has preserved the inde-
pendence of these orders, and prevented their
falling, like the monks of Europe, under the au-
thority of the ecclesiastical body ; and to their
independence is to be ascribed the want of concord
between them and the sacerdotal class. The rivalry
thus engendered might have produced more serious
effects ; but the influence which the Bramins derive
from their possession of the literature and law of
their nation has had an operation on the orders, as
it has on other Hindus; and, in recognising the
Code of Menu, and the religious traditions of their
country, they could not withhold their acknow-
ledgment of the high station to which the class
had raised itself by the authority of those writings.
* Professor Wilson, Asiatic Researches, vol. xvi. p. 119. The
above account is chiefly from Professor Wilson's essay in vols,
xvi. and xvii. of the Asiatic Researches ; with some particulars
from Ward's Hindoos, and some from the account of the Gosayens
in the Appendix to Steele's Summary. See Appendix, on
" Changes in Cast."
CHANGES IN THE GOVERNMENT' — REVENUE^. 117
CHAP. II.
CHANGES IN THE GOVERNMENT.
The modern Hindu government differs from that chap.
described by Menu, less in consequence of any de- '
liberate alterations, than of a relaxation of the sys-
tematic form which was recommended by the old
lawgiver, and which, perhaps, was at no time
exactly conformed to in the actual practice of any
state.
The chief has no longer a fixed number of mi- Admini-
nisters and a regular council. He has naturally
some heads of departments, and occasionally con-
sults them and his prime minister, on matters
affecting the peculiar province of each.
Traces of all the revenue divisions of Menu*, Revenue
under lords of 10 towns, lords of 100, and lords of
1000 towns, are still to be found, especially in the
Deckan ; but the only one which remains entire
is that called Perganneh, which answers to the
lordship of 100 towns. Even the officers of the
old system arc still kept up in those divisions, and
receive a remuneration in lands and fees ; but they
♦ As many of the notes on this account of the revenue
system are long, and not required for a general understanding of
the subject, I have thought it best to place them in an Ap-
pendix, to which reference will be made by letters of the
alphabet.
I 3
118 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK are no longer the active agents of the government,
II.
and are only employed to keep the records of all
matters connected with land. (A) It is generally
supposed that these officers fell into disuse after
the Mahometan conquest ; but as, like every thing
Hindu, they became hereditary, and liable to divi-
sion among heirs, the sovereign, Hindu as well as
Mussulman, must have felt their inadequacy to
fulfil the objects they were designed for, and the
necessity of replacing them by officers of his own
choosing, on wliom he could rely.
At present, even Hindu territories are divided
into governments of various extent, which are again
divided and subdivided, as convenience requires.
The King names the governors of tlie great divi-
sions, and the governor chooses his own deputies
for those subordinate.
The governor unites all the functions of admi-
nistration ; there being no longer military divisions
as in Menu's time ; and no courts of justice, but at
the capital (if there).
But among all these changes, the townships re-
main entire, and are the indestructible atoms, from
an aggregate of wliich the most extensive Indian
empires are composed.
Descrip- A towusliip is a compact piece of land, varying
township, in extent, inhabited by a single community. The
boundaries are accurately defined and jealously
guarded. The lands may be of all descriptions ;
those actually under cultivation and those neg-
lected ', arable lands never yet cultivated ; and land
CHANGES IN THE GOVERNMENT REVENUE. 119
which is altogether incapable of cultivation. These chap.
lands are divided into portions, the boundaries of '
which are as carefully marked as those of the town-
ship ; and the names, qualities, extent, and pro-
prietors of which are minutely entered in the
records of the community. The inhabitants are
all assembled in a village within the limits, which
in many parts of India is fortified, or protected by
a little castle or citadel.
Each township conducts its own internal affairs, itsprivi-
It levies on its members the revenue due to the
state ; and is collectively responsible for the pay-
ment of the full amount. It manages its police,
and is answerable for any property plundered
within its limits. It administers justice to its own
members, as far as punishing small oifences, and
deciding disputes in the first instance. It taxes
itself, to provide funds for its internal expenses j
such as repairs of the walls and temple, and the
cost of public sacrifices and charities, as well as of
some ceremonies and amusements on festivals.
It is provided with the requisite officers for con-
ducting all those duties, and with various others
adapted to the wants of the inhabitants ; and,
thougli entirely subject to the general government,
is in many respects an organised commonwealth,
complete witliin itself. This independence, and
its concomitant privileges, though often violated
by the government, are never denied : they afford
some little protection against a tyrannical ruler,
I 4
120 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK and maintain order within their own limits, even
"' when the general government has been dissolved.
I quote the following extract from a minute of
Sir Charles Metcalfe, as well for the force of his
language as the weight of his authority.
" The village communities are little republics,
having nearly every thing they can want within
themselves, and almost independent of any foreign
relations. They seem to last where nothing else
lasts. Dynasty after dynasty tumbles down ; re-
volution succeeds to revolution ; Hindoo, Patau,
Mogul, Mahratta, Sik, English, are all masters in
turn ; but the village community remains the same.
In times of trouble they arm and fortify them-
selves : an hostile army passes through the country :
the village communities collect their cattle within
their walls, and let the enemy pass unprovoked.
If plunder and devastation be directed against
themselves, and the force employed be irresistible,
they flee to friendly villages at a distance ; but,
when the storm has passed over, they return and
resume their occupations. If a country remain
for a series of years the scene of continued pillage
and massacre, so that the villages cannot be inha-
bited, the scattered villagers nevertheless return
wdienever the power of peaceable possession re-
vives. A generation may pass away, but the suc-
ceeding generation will return. The sons will take
the places of their fathers ; the same site for the
village, the same positions for the houses, the same
lands will be reoccupied by the descendants of
CHANGES IN THE GOVERNMENT REVENUE. 121
those who were driven out when the village was chap.
II.
depopulated ; and it is not a trifling matter that
will drive them out, for they will often maintain
their post through times of disturbance and con-
vulsion, and acquire strength sufficient to resist
pillage and oppression with success. This union
of the village communities, each one forming a
separate little state in itself, has, I conceive, con-
tributed more than any other cause to the preserv-
ation of the people of India through all the revo-
lutions and changes which they have suffered, and
is in a high degree conducive to their happiness,
and to the enjoyment of a great portion of freedom
and independence." *
A township in its simplest form is under a Govcm-
Headman (B), who is only spoken of in Menu township
as an agent of the King, and may have been hLX^
removable at his pleasure. His office has now
become hereditary ; and though he is still regarded
as an officer of the King, he is really more the
representative of the people. The selection of an
individual from the proper family rests sometimes
with the village community, and oftener with the
government ; but to be useful to either he must
possess the confidence of both. He holds a portion
of land, and receives an annual allowance from the
government ; but the greater part of his income is
derived from fees paid by the villagers. So far is
he identified with the village, that he is held per-
* Sir C. T. Metcalfe, licpurt nf Select Commitlee of House of
Comniom, 1832, vol. iii. Appendix 81. p. 331.
122
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
II.
Duties of
tlie head-
man.
Village
establish-
ment ; the
accountant,
watchman,
&c.
sonally responsible for its engagements, and thrown
into prison in all cases of resistance or failure of
the revenue.
The headman settles with the government the
sum to be paid to it for the year ; and apportions
the payment among the villagers according to the
extent and tenures of their lands. He also lets
such lands as have no fixed occupants, partitions
the water for irrigation, settles disputes, appre-
liends offenders, and sends them to the govern-
ment officer of the district ; and, in short, does all
the duties of municipal government.
All this is done in public, at a place appro-
priated for the purpose ; and, on all points affect-
ing the public interest, in free consultation with
the villagers. In civil disputes the headman is
assisted by arbitrators named by the parties, or by
assessors of his own choice. His office confers a
great deal of respectability with all the country
people, as well as influence in his own village. It
is saleable ; but the owner seldom parts with it
entirely, reserving the right of presiding at certain
ceremonies and other honorary privileges, when
compelled to dispose of all the solid advantages.
The headman is assisted by different officers, of
whom the accountant and the watchman are the
most important.
The accountant (C) keeps the village records,
which contain a full description of the nature of
the lands of the village, with the names of the
former and present holders, the rent, and other
CHANGES IN THE GOVERNMENT REVENUE. 123
terms of occupancy. He also keeps the accounts chap.
of the village community and those of the villagers '
individually, both with the government and with
each other. He acts as notary in drawing up
deeds for them, and writes private letters for those
who require such a service. He is paid by fees on
the inhabitants, and sometimes has an allowance or
an assignment of land from the government.
The watchman (D) is the guardian of boundaries,
public and private. He watches the crops, is tlie
})ublic guide and messenger, and is, next to the
headman, the principal officer of police. In this
capacity he keeps watch at night, observes all
arrivals and departures, makes himself acquainted
with tlie character of every individual in the
village, and is bound to find out the possessor of
any stolen property within the township, or to
trace him till he has passed the boundary, when
the responsibility is transferred to the next neigh-
hour.
These duties may seem beyond the powers of
one man ; but the remuneration is hereditary in a
particular flimily, all the members of which con-
tribute to perform the service.* They are always
men of a low cast.
* This is the only office in which the sort of joint tenancy
described is beneficial. In most others the sharers act in turn :
in that of the accountant the evil is most conspicuous, as the
records are lost or thrown into confusion by frequently changing
hands, and none of the coparceners is long enough in office to
be perfect in his business.
124
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
II.
Govern-
ment by a
village
commu-
nity.
The money-changer may also be considered an
assistant of the headman, as one of his duties is to
assay all money paid. He is also the silversmith
of the village. Besides these, there are other
village officers, the number of which is fixed by
the native name and by common opinion at twelve ;
but, in fact, it varies in different villages, and the
officers included are not always the same.
The priest and the astrologer (one of whom is
often the schoolmaster), the smith, carpenter,
barber, potter, and worker in leather, are seldom
wanting. The tailor, washerman, physician, mu-
sician, minstrel, and some others, are not so ge-
neral : the dancing girl seems only to be in the
south of India.
The minstrel recites poems and composes verses.
His most important character (in some places at
least) is that of genealogist.* Each of these vil-
lage officers and artisans has a fee, sometimes in
money, more frequently a portion of produce, as
a handful or two out of each measure of grain.
This is the mode of village government, when
there is nobody between the tenant and the prince;
but in one half of India, especially in the north
and the extreme south, there is in each village a
community which represents, or rather which con-
stitutes, the township ; the other inhabitants being
* The widely extended entail o^ all property in India, and the
complicated restrictions on the intermarriage of families, make
the business of a genealogist of much more serious concern in
that country than it is with us.
CHANGES IN THE GOVERNMENT REVENUE. 125
their tenants. (E) These people are generally re- chap.
garded as absolute proprietors of the soil, and are '
admitted, wherever they exist, to have a hereditable
and transferable interest in it ; but, as the com-
pleteness of their proprietary right is doubtful, it
will be convenient to preserve the ambiguity of
their native name, and call them " village land-
holders." (F)
Where they exist, tlie village is sometimes go-
verned by one head, as above described j but more
frequently each branch of the family composing
the community (or each family, if there be more
than one,) has its own head, who manages its
internal affairs, and unites with the heads of the
other divisions to conduct the general business of
the village. The council thus composed fills pre-
cisely the place occupied in other cases by the
single headman, and its members share among
them the official remuneration allowed to that
officer by the government and the villagers. Their
number depends on that of the divisions, but
seldom exceeds eight or ten. Each of these heads
is generally chosen from the oldest branch of his
division, but is neither richer nor otherwise dis-
tinguished from the rest of the landholders.
Where there are village landholders, they form classes of
the first class of the inhabitants of villages ; but
there are four other classes of inferior degree : —
'2. Permanent tenants. 3. Tenn)oraiy tenants. 4.
Labourers. 5. Shopkeepers, who take up their
abode in a village for the convenience of a market.
inhabit-
ants.
126 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK The popular notion is that the village land-
" holders are all descended from one or more in-
viiiage dividuals who first settled the villa«:e ; and that
land- . n 1
holders. the Only exceptions are formed by persons who
have derived their rights by purchase, or other-
wise, from members of the original stock. The
supposition is confirmed by the fact that, to this
day, there are often only single families of land-
holders in small villages, and not many in large
ones (G) ; but each has branched out into so many
members, that it is not uncommon for the whole
agricultural labour to be done by the landholders,
without the aid either of tenants or labourers.
The rights of the landholders are theirs col-
lectively/ ; and, though they almost always have a
more or less perfect partition of them, they never
have an entire separation. A landholder, for in-
stance, can sell or mortgage his rights ; but he
must first have the consent of the village, and the
purchaser steps exactly into his place and takes up
all his obligations. If a family becomes extinct,
its share returns to the common stock.
Their rights are various in different parts of the
country. Where their tenure is most perfect, they
hold their lands subject to the payment of a fixed
proportion of the produce to government, or free
of all demand. When at the lowest, they retain
some honorary exemptions that distinguish them
from the rest of the villagers. (H)
There are many instances where the govern-
ment has taken advantage of the attachment of the
CHANGES IN THE GOVERNMENT REVENUE. 127
landholders to their land to lay on them heavier chap.
. . II.
imposts than other cultivators are willing to pay. '
Even then, however, some advantage, actual or
prospective, must still remain ; since there is no
tract in which village landholders are found in
which their rights are not occasionally sold and
mortgaged. One advantage, indeed, they always
enjoy in the consideration shown towards them
in the country, which would induce a family to
connect itself by marriage with a landholder who
laboured with his own hands, rather than with a
wealthy person, equally unexceptionable in point
of cast, but of an inferior class of society.
So rooted is the notion of property in the village
landholders, that, even when one of them is com-
pelled to abandon his fields from the demand of
government exceeding what they will pay, he is
still considered as proprietor, his name still re-
mains on the village register, and, for three ge-
nerations, or one hundred years, he is entitled to
reclaim his land, if from any change of circum-
stances he should be so disposed.
In the Tamil country and in Hindostan, a tenant
put in by the government will sometimes volun-
tarily pay the proprietor's fee to the defaulting and
dispossessed landli older.*
In all villages there are two descriptions of remiancnt
tenants, who rent the lands of the village land- *"''"'"''*
holders (where there are such), and those of the
* Mr. Ellis, Report of Select Commitlee, 1832, vol. iii, p. 37G.;
Mr. Fortescue, Sekctions, vol. iii. p. 4:05.
II
128 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK government, where there is no such intermediate
class. These tenants are commonly called ryots
(I), and are divided into two classes, — permanent
and temporary.
The permanent ryots are those who cultivate
the lands of the village where they reside, retain
them during their lives, and transmit them to their
children. (K)
They have often been confounded with the vil-
lage landholders, though the distinction is marked
in all cases where any proprietor's fee exists. In
it no tenant ever participates. *
Many are of opinion that they are the real
proprietors of the soil ; w^hile others regard them
as mere tenants at will. All, however, are agreed
within certain limits ; all acknowledging, on the
one hand, that they have some claim to occupancy,
and on the other, that they have no right to sell
their land.
But, though all admit the right of occupancy,
some contend that it is rendered nugatory by the
right of the landlord to raise his rent ; and others
assert that the rent is so far fixed, that it ought
never to go beyond the rate customary in the sur-
rounding district.
The truth probably is, that the tenant's title was
clear as long as the demand of the state was fixed;
but that it became vague and of no value wlien the
public assessment became arbitrary. At present,
* Mr. Ellis, Report of Select Committee of House of Com-
mons, 1832, vol. iii. p. 385.
CHANGES IN THE GOVERNMENT REVENUE. 1 S9
the permanent tenant is protected by the interest chap,
of the landlord ; he will pay more than a stranger '
for lands long held by his family, and situated in
a village where he has a house ; but if driven to
extremities, he could easily get a temporary lease,
in another village, on lighter terms. (L)
It is thought by some that the permanent
tenants are the remains of village landholders re-
duced by oppression ; others think they are tem-
porary tenants who have gained their rights by
long possession. It is probable that both conjec-
tures are partially right ; as well as a third, that
their tenure was, in many instances, conferred on
them by the landholders at the first settlement of
the township.
The temporary tenant (M) cultivates the lands Temporary
of a village different from that to which he belongs,
holding them by an annual lease, written or under-
stood. The first description of land being occu-
pied by the resident tenant, an inferior class falls
to his share, for which there is little competition ;
for this reason, and on account of his other disad-
vantages, he gets his land at a lower rent than the
permanent tenant.
There is another sort of tenant who deserves to
be mentioned, though of much less importance
than either of the other two. (N) These are per-
sons whose cast or condition in life prevents their
engaging in manual labour, or their women from
taking part in any em})loymcnt that requires their
VOL. I. K
tenants.
130
HISTORY OF INDIA.
Hired
labourers.
Shopkeep-
ers, ite.
BOOK appearing before men. In consideration of these
' disadvantages, they are allowed to hold land at a
favourable rate, so as to admit of their availing
themselves of their skill or capital by the help of
hired labourers. (O)
The services and remuneration of hired labourers
are naturally various ; but they differ too little from
those of other countries to require explanation.
It need scarcely be repeated that each of these
classes is not necessarily found in every village.
One village may be cultivated entirely by any one
of them, or by all, in every variety of proportion.
Shopkeepers, &c. are subject to a ground- rent,
and sometimes a tax besides, to the person on
whose land they reside. They are under the
general authority of the headman as a magistrate,
but have little else to do with the community.
It seems highly probable that the first villages
founded by Hindus were all in the hands of village
communities. In the early stage of their progress,
it was impossible for single men to cut fields out
of the forest, and to defend them against the attacks
of the aborigines, or even of wild beasts j there
was no capital to procure the services of others ;
and, unless the undertaker had a numerous body
of kindred, he was obliged to call in associates who
were to share in the profits of the settlement ; and
thence came the formation of village communities,
and the division of the land into townships.
The unoccupied waste, as in all other cases
where society has assumed a regular form, must
Probable
origin and
riecline of
the villapre
communi-
ties.
II.
CHANGES IN THE GOVERNMENT REVENUE. 131
no doubt have belonged to the state ; but the chap.
King, instead of transferring this property to the
intended cultivators for a price paid once for all,
or for a fixed annual rent or quit-rent (as is usual
in other countries), reserved a certain proportion
of the produce, which increased or diminished
according to the extent and nature of the cultiva-
tion. The rest of the produce belonged to the
community of settlers ; but if they found they had
more good land than they could tliemselves till,
they would endeavour to make a profit of it through
the labour of others. No method seemed easier
than to assign it to a person who should engage to
pay the government's proportion, with an addi-
tional share to the community ; but while land was
plenty, and many villages in progress, no man
would undertake to clear a spot unless he was to
enjoy it for ever; and hence permanent tenants
would arise. Temporary tenants and labourers
would follow as society advanced. The subdivision
of property by inheritance would have a natural
tendency to destroy this state of things, and to
reduce all ranks to the condition of labourers ; but
as long as there was plenty of waste land, that
principle would not come into full operation.
But for this, the village community would re-
main unaltered as long as the King's proportion of
the })roduce was unchanged. When he raised his
demand, the profits of the landholders and perma-
nent tenants diminished ; and when it rose above
a certain point, both classes cultivated their land
K '2
]32 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK at a loss. If this continued, they were obliged to
______ throw up their lands, and seek otlier means of
living.
As the highest proportion claimed by the King,
which at the time of Menu's Code was one sixth,
is now one half, it is easy to account for the anni-
hilation of many village communities, and the
shattered condition of others. The lands aban-
doned by the landholders reverted to the state.
But though this progress may have been very
general, it need not have been universal ; con-
quered lands already cultivated would become the
property of the Prince, and might be cultivated on
his account by the old proprietors reduced to serfs.
Even at this day, the state constantly grants lands
to speculators, for the purpose of founding villages,
without recognising a body of landholders. The
terms of these grants are various ; in general, they
provide for total or partial exemption from revenue
for a certain number of years ; after which the
payment is to be the same as in neighbouring vil-
lages.
Other processes must also have taken place, as
we perceive from the results, though we cannot
trace their progress. In Canara, Malabar, and
Travancore, the land is held in absolute property
by single individuals, subject to a fixed payment
to the state.
ri.biiciand The Sovereign's full share is now reckoned at
one half; and a country is reckoned moderately
assessed where he only takes one third.
CHANGES IN THE GOVERNMENT — REVENUE. 133
This increase has been made, not so much by chap.
openly raising the King's proportion of the crop,
as by means of various taxes and cesses, some
falUng directly on the land, and others more or
less circuitously affecting the cultivator. Of the
first sort are taxes on ploughs, on cattle, and
others of the same description : of the second,
taxes on the use of music at certain ceremonies,
on marriages with widows, &c., and new taxes on
consumption. Besides these, there are arbitrary
cesses of both descriptions, which were professedly
laid on for temporary purposes, but have been
rendered permanent in practice. Of this kind are
a cess on all occupants of land, proportioned to
their previous payments, and a cess on the emolu-
ments of village and district functionaries.
As there is no limit to these demands but the
ability of those on whom they fall to satisfy them,
tlie only defence of the villagers lies in endeavour-
ing to conceal their income. For this purpose
they understate the amount of produce, and con-
trive to abstract part without the knowledge of
the collector : more frequently they conceal the
quantity of land cultivated, falsifying their records,
so as to render detection impossible, without a
troublesome and expensive scrutiny, involving a
survey of the land. The landholders, where tliere
are such, possess other indirect advantages, the
extent of which the government is seldom able
to ascertain. Some degree of comiivance on the
collector's part is obtained by bribes, which are
K 3
ir.
134< HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK levied as part of the internal expenses, and charged
" as "secret service;" an item into which it is a
point of honour, both with the villagers and with
future collectors and auditors, never to inquire.
It is only by the existence of such abuses, coun-
terbalancing those on the part of the government,
that we can account for land yielding a rent and
being saleable when apparently assessed to the
utmost of its powers of bearing.*
In the confusion produced by these irregularities
on both sides, the principle of proportions of the
produce is lost sight of; and in most parts of
India the revenue is annually settled by a refer-
ence to that paid in former years, with such alter-
ations as the peculiarity of tlie season, or the
occurrence of any temporary advantage or calamity,
may render expedient.
When the parties cannot agree by this mode of
settlement, they have recourse to a particular in-
quiry into the absolute ability of the village for
the year. The land being classed (as has been
mentioned) according to its fertility, and the faci-
lities it possesses for cultivation, the surplus re-
maining after the expense of production can be
conjectured: a sufficient proportion is set aside for
* As in the village described by Mr. Hodgson ( Transactions
of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. ii. p, 77.), where the land-
holders pay 57^ per cent, of their produce. See also Mr.
Chaplin and the Deckan collectors, and Mr. Elphinstone, for
Guzerat, both in the selections published by the East India
Company; Mr. Hamilton Buchanan, for Deinajpur, and other
districts under Bengal, in his separate reports.
II.
CHANGES IN THE GOVERNMENT REVENUE. 13.5
the maintenance of the cultivator ; and the rest, chap
after deducthig village expenses, &c., goes to the
government. As a final resource, when all otlier
amicable means fail, an appeal is made to an
actual division of the crops : but this mode of
adjustment is so open to frauds that it is generally
avoided by both parties ; except, indeed, in places
where long connection between the representative
of the government and the people has estabUshed
mutual confidence, in which case the division of
the crop is the most popular of all settlements.
If the result of the contest with the government
officers is the imposition of a burden beyond the
patience of the cultiv'ators, the whole body by
common consent abandon their lands, leave their
village, and refuse to enter into any engagement
with the government. The public officers then
liave recourse to conciliation and intimidation,
and, when necessary, to concession : force would
be reckoned very oppressive, and, if used, would
be ineffectual : the most it could do would be to
disperse the villagers, and drive them into other
jurisdictions.
It may easily be supposed that such modes of
settlement cannot be carried on without much
interference with the internal constitution of the
township. In general the government officer car-
ries on his exactions through the headman, but
interferes when necessary to support him against
individuals ; and he sometimes suspends the head-
man from his duties, and takes the details of im-
K 1'
136 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK posing and collecting the public revenue for the
^^' time into his own hands. Appeals and complaints
are also incited to afford pretences for extortion in
matters connected witli justice and police ; so that
under a bad government the privileges of the
townships are often reduced to insignificance.
All these evils are aggravated in many parts of
India by the system of farming the revenue. The
governments of provinces in such cases are con-
ferred on the person who engages to give security
for the largest annual payment to the treasury.
This contractor in like manner farms his subdivi-
sions to the highest bidder ; and these last, in their
turn, contract with the headmen for fixed payments
from the villages, leaving each of them to make
what profit he can for himself. By these means
the natural defender of the cultivators becomes
himself their principal oppressor ; and, if the
headman refuses the terms offered to him, the case
is made worse by the transfer of his office to any
stranger who is willing to accept the contract.
It is by such exactions that village landholders
have in many cases been reduced from masters of
the township to mere tenants of the crown, and
in some have been obliged to fly from tlieir lands,
to avoid being compelled to cultivate them under
term-S which it was impossible for them to bear.
Hitherto each sharer in the village has been
supposed to be acting on his own rights ; but the
Kin"- and the landholders are each entitled to
alienate their share in the advantages derived from
CHANGES IN THE GOVERNMENT — REVENUE. 137
it. The headman and accountant also, if not chap.
others of the village functionaries, can sell their
offices and official emolmnents. Thus a new de-
scription of persons is introduced into the town-
ship ; but the new comers occupy precisely the
station of their predecessors. The grantee of the
King's share becomes entitled to I'eceive his pro-
])ortion of the produce, but does not supersede
tlie headman in his local duties, still less inter-
fere with private occupants 5 the new landholder
takes up all the relations of the old ; and the head-
man, accountant, &c. must henceforth be taken
from the new family, but his functions undergo no
change.
The purposes of the King's alienations will be
explained a little further on.
This account of the different occupants of the rropcty
. . , in tlie soil.
land naturally leads to the much agitated ques-
tion of the property in the soil ; which some sup-
pose to be vested in the state ; some, in the great
Zemindars ; some, in the village landholders j and
some, in the tenants.
The claim of the great Zemindars will be shown,
in its proper place, to be derived from one of the
remaining three ; among whom, therefore, the dis-
cussion is confined.
Property in land seems to consist in the exclu-
sive use and absolute disposal of the powers of the
soil in perpetuity ; together with the right to alter
or destroy the soil itself, where such an o])eration
is possible. These ])rivileges, combined, form the
138 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK abstract idea of property ; which does not repre-
' sent any substance distinct from these elements.
Where they are found united, there is property,
and nowhere else. Now the King possesses the ex-
clusive right to a proportion only of the produce.
This right is permanent, and the King can dispose
of it at his pleasure ; but he cannot interfere with
the soil or its produce beyond this limit. If he
requires the land for buildings, roads, or other
public purposes, he takes it as magistrate, and
ought to give compensation to his fellow share-
holders, as he can on emergency seize carts, boats,
&c., and can demolish houses in besieged towns,
although in those cases he has no pretensions what-
ever to property.
As much of the produce as comes into the hands
of the landholder, after the King's proportion is
provided, is his ; and his power to dispose of his
right to it for all future years is unrestrained. The
tenant has what remains of the produce after the
King's proportion and the landlord's rent is paid ;
and this he enjoys in perpetuity; but the right is
confined to himself and his heirs, and cannot be
otherwise disposed of.
Neither the landholder nor the tenant can de-
stroy, or even suspend, the use of the powers of
the soil : a tenant forfeits his land when he fails
to provide a crop from whicli the other sharers
may take their proportions ; and a landholder
guilty of the same default would be temporarily
superseded by a tenant of the community's or the
CHANGES IN THE GOVERNMENT — REVENUE. ISQ
King's, and, after a certain long period, would be chap.
deprived of his right altogether.
From all this it is apparent that, where there
are village communities and permanent tenants,
there is no perfect property in any of the sharers.
Where there are neither communities nor per-
manent tenants, the King doubtless is the fidl and
complete proprietor ; all subsequent rights are
derived from his grant or lease. The extent of
those grants varies with circumstances ; but when
they are given without reserve and in perpetuity,
they constitute a perfect form of private property.
Many of the disputes about the property in the
soil have been occasioned by applying to all parts
of the country, facts which are only true of par-
ticular tracts ; and by including, in conclusions
drawn from one sort of tenure, other tenures totally
dissimilar in their nature. Many also are caused
by the assumption, that where the government
attends to no rights, no rights are now in being.
Yet those rights are asserted by the sufferers, and
not denied by those who violate them ; and often,
in favourable circumstances, recover their former
efficiency. Practically, the question is not in whom
the })roperty resides, but what proportion of the
produce is due to each party ; and this can only
be settled by local inquiries, not by general rules
founded on a supposed proprietary right, nor even
on ancient laws long since forgotten.
The King's sliare in the produce of all land, and other
111 I i- 1 Iiranclics of
Ins rent on such as belongs to tlie crown, lorm by the King's
140 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK far the greatest part of the public revenue. The
II . .
' rest is derived from various sources : of these,
some are drawn from the land, as the cesses and
taxes above alluded to ; and others from classes
unconnected with agriculture ; as taxes on shops
and trades, and houses in towns, or on articles of
consumption, market duties, transit duties on the
great roads, sea customs, and a few others. Most
of them, especially the transit duties, are fertile
sources of oppression and vexation, and yield little
clear profit in return for so much evil. These
revenues are generally collected by the village and
other local authorities ; but some of them, espe-
cially transit duties and customs, are often farmed
to separate contractors.
Alien- It has been mentioned that the King can alienate
his share in a village. In like manner he often
alienates large portions of territory, including nu-
merous villages as well as tracts of unappropriated
waste. But in all these cases it is only his own
rights that he makes over : those of the village
landholders and permanent tenants (where such
exist), of district and village officers, and of per-
sons holding by previous grants from himself or his
predecessors, remaining unaffected by the transfer.*
These grants are made for the payment of troops
* Want of advertence to this circumstance has led to mis-
takes regarding the property in the soil. The native expression
being " to grant a village," or " a district," it has been inferred
that the grant implied the whole, and excluded the notion of
any other proprietors.
ations.
CHANGES IN THE GOVERNMENT REVENUE. Ill
and civil officers, for the support of temples, the chap.
maintenance of lioly men, or for rewards of public '
service. Lands given for tlie two first purposes
are called jagirs. This mode of remunerating the
services of certain officers, and of providing for
holy men, is as old as Menu. When it came to be
applied to troops is uncertain. It was in use in
Bijayanagar, and other states of the south of India,
when they were overturned by the Mussulmans ;
but the more perfect form in wliich it is now found
among the Marattas is probably of modern date.
Such grants originate in the convenience of giving Lands
, . r ^ alienated
an assignment on a district near the station ot the for military
troops, instead of an order on the general treasury ;
a mode of transfer particularly adapted to a country
where the revenue is paid in kind.
These assignments at first were for specific sums
equal to the pay due ; but when they had long
been continued, and were large enough to swallow
lip the whole revenue of a district, it was natural
to simplify the arrangement, by transferring the
collection to the chief of the military body. This
was done with every i)recaution to prevent the
chiefs appropriating more than the pay of the
troops, or exercising any power not usually vested
in other collectors. The system adopted by the
Marattas gives a full illustration of the means re-
sorted to for this purpose.
According to their })]an, the number and de-
scription of troops to be maintained by each chief
was prescribed; tlie pay of each division carefully
142 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK calculated ; allowances made for officers, sometimes
II. '
even to the extent of naming individuals ; a sum
was allotted for the personal expenses of the chief
himself; and every particular regarding the terms
of service, the mode of mustering, and other ar-
rangements, was laid down. A portion of territory
was then selected, of which the share belonging to
government should be sufficient, after deducting
the expenses of collection and other charges, to
supply the amount which had been shown to be
requisite ; and the whole territory yielding that
amount was made over to the chief. The chief
was now placed in the situation of the governor of
a revenue division, and exercised all the other func-
tions which are now united in the holder of that
office.
The power to interfere for the protection of
subordinate rights was, however, retained by the
government, as well as a claim to any revenue
which the tract assigned might yield beyond the
amount for which it was granted. Those stipu-
lations were enforced by the appointment of two
or more civil officers, directly from the government,
to inspect the whole of the chief's proceedings, as
well in managing his troops as his lands.
Notwithstanding all these precautions, the usual
consequences of such grants did not fail to appear.
The lands had from the first a tendency to become
hereditary ; and the control of the government
always grew weaker in proportion to the time that
had elapsed from the first assignment. The ori-
CHANGES IN THE GOVERNMENT — REVENUE. 143
ginal principle of the grant, however, was never chap.
lost sight of, and the necessity of observing its con- '
ditions was never denied.
These grants affected but a moderate proportion
of the territory of the state ; the rest of which
was administered by local officers directly under
the prince, according to the form laid down in
Menu. The allotment of lands was adopted as a
means of paying the troops, and not of governing
the country ; so that, although there were fiefs,
there was no feudal system.
But, though this was the progress of landed as-
signments in settled countries, they took another
course in the case of foreign conquests. In some
instances a chief was detached by the invaders, to
occupy a remote part of the country, and to sub-
sist his troops on its resources ; and was allowed
to remain undisturbed until his family had taken
root, and had become tenants on condition of ser-
vice instead of mere officers on detachment. Ex-
amples of this nature may be found among the
Hindu governments in the south of India, and in
abundance and perfection among the Marattas of
later times.
Even in these cases of foreign conquest, how-
ever, the intermediate tenure is the exception, and
not the rule ; the main portion of the territory
remaining under the direct administration of the
prince.
But a course of proceeding yet remains, which
carries the principle of alienation to a greater
IH
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
11.
Lands for
military
service
among the
Rajputs.
extent, and leads to a system which (with every
caution in applying familiar names to remote in-
stitutions) it is impossible not to call feudal.
It is that which prevails among the Rajputs.
With them, the founder of a state, after reserving
a demesne for himself, divided the rest of the
country among iiis relations, according to the
Hindu laws of partition. The chief to whom
each share was assigned owed military service and
general obedience to the prince, but exercised
unlimited authority within his own lands. He, in
his turn, divided his lands on similar terms among
his relations, and a chain of vassal chiefs was thus
established, to whom the civil government as well
as the military force of the country was com-
mitted. (P)
This plan differs from the feudal system in
Europe, as being founded on the principle of
family partition, and not on that of securing the
services of great military leaders ; but it may
not always have originated in conquest, and when
it did, the clannish connection which subsists be-
tween the members of a Rajput tribe makes it
probable that command among the invaders de-
pended also on descent; and that the same kins-
men who shared the chief's acquisitions had been
the leaders of the tribe before the conquest by
which they were gained.
The origin of present possession in family claims
is still alive in the memory of the Rajput chiefs,
who view the prince as their coparcener in one
CHANGES IN THE GOVERNMENT REVENUE. 145
point of view, though their sovereign in another, chap.
This mixed relation is well shown by the follow-
ing passage, in a complaint from certain chiefs of
Marwar against the Raja : — *' When our services
are acceptable," say they, *' then he is our lord :
when not, we are again his brothers and kindred,
claimants and laying claim to the land." *
The rule of partition was adhered to after the
conquest, and each chief, in succession, was obliged
to provide an appanage for the younger members
of his father's family. When any of those claim-
ants remained inadequately provided for, he was
assisted to set out on military adventures, and to
found new states, by conquests in other countries.
(Q)
The example of granting lands, which was set in
the case of the Raja's family, came to be extended
to strangers : many fiefs are now held by Rajputs
of entirely distinct tribes t ; and one of the first
order seems, in later times, to have been bestowed
on a Mussulman. t (R)
From the accounts given by the Mahometans
of the state of Sind, during their early invasion in
A. D. 71 1> it seems not improbable that the species
of feudal system preserved among the modern
Rajputs was then widely extended. §
Lands for services not military, besides those Lands for
already noticed to local officers, are, to ministers miHtary.
* Tod's Rajasthan, vol. i. p. 198. f Id. ibid. p. 166.
t In 1770. Tod's llajasUian, vol. i. p. 200.
§ See Book V. Chap. I.
VOL. T. L
14G HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK and other persons engaged in the administration ;
" and also to great officers of tlie household, and
hereditary personal attendants.
Lands held Other alienatioiis are, to temples or religious per-
free of . . . i r -a
service. SOUS, or to meritorious servants and to tavountes.
Though very numerous, they are generally of small
extent : often single villages ; sometimes only par-
tial assignments on the government share of a vil-
lage ; but, in some cases, also, especially religious
grants, they form very large estates. Religious
grants are always in perpetuity, and are seldom
interfered with. A large proportion of the grants
to individuals are also in perpetuity, and are re-
garded as among the most secure forms of private
property ; but tlie gradual increase of such in-
stances of liberality, combined with the frequency
of forged deeds of gift, sometimes induces the
ruler to resume the grants of his predecessors, and,
more frequently, to burden them with heavy taxes.
When these are laid on transfers by sale, or even
by succession, they are not thought unjust; but
total resumptions, or the permanent levy of a fixed
rate, is regarded as oppressive. The reaction must
have begun long ago ; for the ancient inscriptions
often contain imprecations on any of the descend-
ants of the granter who shall resume his gift.
Tributary It is pvobablc that in all times there were heads
dependent of hiU and forest tribes who remained independent
territories. ^^ ^^^^ Hludu monarchics ; since even the more
vigorous governments of the Moguls and the
British have not always been able to reduce such
CHANGES IN THE GOVERNMENT — REVENUE. 147
chiefs to subjection. Tliere were certainly others chat.
who, though they acknowledged a sovereign, and
paid him a real or nominal tribute, or furnished a
regular quota of troops, or merely gave general
assistance, yet retained the internal administration
of their country, yielding different degrees of obe-
dience according to circumstances.
The number of these half subdued chieftains
was, from time to time, increased on the breaking
up of different Hindu states, when the governors
of districts and the military feudatories were able
to hold out against the conqueror, and to maintain
themselves in different degrees of independence.
Other individuals of the same classes, and, still
more, persons who farmed the public revenue, con-
trived to keep their stations by rendering them-
selves useful to the ruling power j and, without the
least pretensions to independence, were admitted
to have a sort of hereditary right or interest in
their districts, as long as they administered them
satisfactorily, and paid the revenue demanded by
the government.
It is these three descriptions of persons, together Zemindars,
with others who have risen under the Mahometans,
that form the great class known to the English by
the name of Zemindars *, whose rights have been
* Tlie Persian word zcmni-dar, means haver, holder, or keeper
of the land, but by no means necessarily implies ownership; the
termination cldr being applied to a person in any charge, down
to the meanest ; as hhczdnch-ddr, treasurer ; hella-ddr, governor
of a fort ; chob-ddr, mace bearer ; db-ddr, water cooler, &C.
L 2
148 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK discussed with so much heat and confusion, and
' who will again be noticed as the requisite occasions
arise.
War. The art of war is greatly changed. At the time
of the Mahometan invasions from Ghazni, the
Hindus were capable of systematic plans, pursued
through several campaigns, and no longer confined
to inroads of a few weeks' duration. The use of
ordnance afterwards made another great alteration ;
and the introduction of regular battalions entirely
changed the face of war. Setting aside that Eu-
ropean improvement, their discipline, so far as
relates to order of march and battle, is worse than
that described in Menu ; but they now show a
skill in the choice of ground, an activity in the
employment of light troops, and a judgment in
securing their own supplies and cutting off those of
the enemy, of which there is no sign in the long
instructions laid down in the code.
The spirit of generosity and mercy which per-
vades the old laws of war is no longer to be found ;
but war in India is still carried on wdth more
humanity than in other Asiatic countries ; and
more so by the Hindus than the Mahometans.
It is said by Mr. Stirling (Asiatic Besearches, vol. xv. p. 239.)
that, until Aurangzib's time, the term zemindar was confined
to such chiefs as enjoyed some degree of independence. In
modern times it is not limited to that class ; for in the Deckan
it is most generally applied by the natives to the district officers
(desmiiks, &c.) ; and in our provinces in Hindostan, to the
village landholders.
CHANGES IN THE GOVERNMENT WAR. 149
The longer duration of their campaigns renders chap.
the military part of their life much more marked "
tlian it was formerly. Some of the Maratta chiefs,
in particular, have lived entirely in the field, and
had no other capital but their camp. From this
circumstance, the numbers assembled are out of all
proportion to the fighting men ; and, when they
move, they form a disorderly crowd, spread over
the country for ten or twelve miles in length, and
one or two in breadth, besides parties scattered to
the right and left for forage or plunder.
The main body is, in some places, dense, and
in others rare, composed of elephants and camels,
horse and foot, carts, palankeens, and bullock-
carriages, loaded oxen, porters, women, children,
droves of cattle, goats, sheep, and asses, all in the
greatest conceivable disorder, and all enveloped in
a thick cloud of dust that rises high into the atmo-
sphere, and may be seen for miles.
Where there are regular infantry, they march in
a body, or, at least, by regiments ; and the guns
form a long line, occasioning continual obstruc-
tions from the badness of the roads or the breaking-
down of carriages. The rest of the troops straggle
among the baggage. Two tall standards, accom-
})aiHed by kettle-drums, (all, perhaps, on elephants,)
represent a body which ought to be from 500 to
5000 horse, but are followed by from 5 to 50. The
other horsemen belonging to them are riding singly
or in groups, each, perhaps, with his spear poised
on his shoulder, to the imminent danger of those
150 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK who press behind, while the owner is joking with
II . . ... . '
' his companion, or singing in a voice that may be
heard amidst the surrounding din.
The whole is generally so loosely spread that a
horseman might go at a full trot from the rear to
the head of the column, and have way made for
him as he advanced, except at passes of ravines, or
narrow parts of the road, where he and everybody
else must often suffer most tedious delay.
Partial halts occasionally take place towards the
front, when the quarter-master general is nego-
tiating with a village how much it is to give him
not to encamp on its lands ; and, towards the rear,
as individuals w4sh to smoke, or to take other rest
or refreshment.
Now and then a deer or a wild boar runs through
the line : shouts and commotion precede and follow
his course ; sticks are thrown, shots are fired, and
men spur through the crowd, without much thought
of the risk of life or hmb to themselves or others.
With all this want of order, its good intelligence
and numbers of light troops prevent a native army
from being surprised on the line of march.
It would be difficult, in our wars, to find an in-
stance even of the baggage of a native army being
cut off, unless when fairly run down by a suc-
cession of hard marches. On the contrary, these
apparently unwieldy masses have often gained great
advantages from the secrecy and celerity of their
movements. Heider, Tippoo, and the Marattas
frequently overwhelmed separate detachments by
II.
CHANGES IN THE GOVERNMENT WAR. 151
attacking them when beheved to be in some dis- chap.
tant quarter ; and as often have they sHpped
through difficult passes, and ravaged the country
in the rear of our general, when he thought he
was driving them before him towards their own
capital.
When they reach their ground, things are ar-
ranged better than would be expected in such a
scene of confusion. Conspicuous flags are pitched,
which mark the place allotted to each chief or eacli
department; and every man knows what part of
his own line belongs to him.
The camp, when pitched, is a mixture of regu-
larity and disorder. The bazars are long and re-
gular streets, with shops of all descriptions, as in a
city. The guns and disciplined infantry are in lines,
and the rest scattered about, without any visible re-
gard to arrangement. The tents are mostly white,
but often striped with red, green, or blue, and some-
times wholly of those colours.
Those of the poor are low, and of black woollen,
sometimes merely a blanket of that description
thrown over three spears stuck in the ground ;
though the owners of spears are seldom so ill
lodged.
'i'he tents of the great are s})lendid : they are
disposed in courts formed of canvass screens ; and
some are large and lofty, for public receptions ;
while others are low, and of moderate size, with
(juihed, and sometimes double walls, that secure
privacy, wliile they exclude the dust and wind.
152 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK They are connected by covered passages, and
' contain every accommodation that would be met
with in a palace. A Maratta court, indeed, ap-
pears to much greater advantage in their camps
than in their cities. Yet, with all this magnifi-
cence, there is some of their usual carelessness and
indifference to making anything complete : these
canvass palaces are often so ill pitched that they are
quite incapable of resisting the tempests of par-
ticular seasons. Sindia's whole suite of tents have
been known to be levelled with the ground at mid-
night, and his women obliged to seek shelter from
the wind and rain in some low private tent that
happened to have resisted the fury of the elements.
The intended proceedings for the next day are
announced by fakirs or gosayens, who go about the
camp proclaiming a halt, or the hour and direction
of the movement ; and who stop on the march to
beg, exactly at the point where the welcome sight
of the flags of the proposed encampment dispose all
to be liberal.
The armies are fed by large bodies of Banjaras,
a tribe whose business it is to be carriers of grain,
and who bring it from distant countries and sell it
wholesale to the dealers.
Smaller dealers go about to villages at a moderate
distance from the camp and buy from the in-
habitants. The government interferes very little,
and native camps are almost always well sup-
plied.
The villages in the neighbourhood of the camp
CHANGES IN THE GOVERNMENT — WAR. 153
are sure to be plundered, unless protected by safe- chap.
guards. The inhabitants fly with such property as '
they can carry, the rest is pillaged, and the doors
and rafters pulled down for firewood : treasure is
dug for if the place is large ; and even in small
villages people try if the ground sounds hollow, in
hopes of finding the pits in which grain is buried ;
or bore with iron rods, such as are used by our
surveyors, and ascertain, by the smell, whether the
rod has passed through grain. A system like this
soon reduces a country to a desert. In a tract
often traversed by armies the villages are in ruins
and deserted ; and bushes of different ages, scat-
tered over the open country, show that cultivated
fields are rapidly changing into jungle. The large
towns are filled with fugitives from the country ;
and their neighbourhood is generally well cul-
tivated, being secured by means of compositions
with the passing armies.
The most important part of the Hindu battles is,
now, a cannonade. In this they greatly excel, and
have occasioned heavy loss to us in all our battles
with them ; but the most characteristic mode of
fighting (besides skirmishing, which is a fav^ourite
sort of warfare) is a general charge of cavalry, which
soon brings the battle to a crisis.
Nothing can be more magnificent than this sort
of charge. Even the slow advance of such a sea
of horsemen has something in it more than usually
impressive ; and, when they move on at speed, the
thunder of the ground, the flashing of their arms,
154 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK the brandishing of their spears, the agitation of
their banners rushing through the wind, and the
rapid approach of such a countless multitude, pro-
duce sensations of grandeur which the imagination
cannot surpass.
Their mode is to charge the front and the flanks
at once ; and the manner in which they perform
this manoeuvre has sometimes called forth the ad-
miration of European antagonists, and is certainly
surprising in an undisciphned body. The whole
appear to be coming on at full speed towards their
adversary's front, when, suddenly, those selected for
the duty, at once wheel inwards, bring their spears
by one motion to the side nearest the enemy, and
are in upon his flank before their intention is sus-
pected.
These charges, though grand, are ineffectual
against regular troops, unless they catch them in
a moment of confusion, or when they have been
thinned by the fire of cannon.
Horse are often maintained (as before men-
tioned) by assignments of the rent or revenue
belonging to government, in particular tracts of
country, butoftener by payments from the treasury,
either to military leaders, at so much a horseman,
(besides personal pay, and pay of subordinate offi-
cers,) or to single horsemen, who, in such cases,
are generally fine men, well mounted, and who
expect more than ordinary pay. Some bodies are
mounted on horses belonging to the government ;
and these, although the men are of lower rank than
CHANGES IN THE GOVERNMENT WAR. 155
the Others, are the most obedient and efficient part chap.
of the army. "
The best foot now-a-days are mercenaries, men
from the Jamna and Ganges, and likewise Arabs
and Sindians ; especially Arabs, who are incom-
parably superior to most other Asiatics in courage,
discipline, and fidelity.
Their own way of carrying on sieges is, probably,
little improved since Menu : individuals creep near
the wall, and cover themselves by digging, till they
can crouch in safety, and watch for an opportunity
to pick off some of the garrison ; batteries are
gradually raised, and a shot fired from time to time,
which makes little impression on the works : a
blockade, a surprise, or an unsuccessful sally, more
frequently ends the siege than a regular assault.
The modern system of government and policy Poiky.
will appear in so many shapes hereafter, that it is
quite unnecessary to enter on the subject in tiiis
})lace.
156 HISTORY OF INDIA.
CHAP. III.
CHANGES IN THE LAW.
BOOK The Code of Menu is still the basis of the Hindu
II- . .
jurisprudence; and the principal features remain
Changes in unaltered to the present day.
the written ^ ''
la'"'- The various works of other inspired writers, how-
Civil law. - , . ,
ever, and the numerous commentaries by persons
of less authority, together with the additions ren-
dered necessary by the course of time, have in-
troduced many changes into the w^ritten law, and
have led to the formation of several schools, the
various opinions of which are followed respectively
in different parts of India.
In all of these Menu is the text-book, but is re-
ceived according to the interpretations and modi-
fications of approved commentators ; and the great
body of law thus formed has again been reduced
to digests, each of authority within the limits of
particular schools.
Bengal has a separate school of her own ; and,
although the other parts of India agree in their
general opinions, they are still distinguished into
at least four schools : those of Mithila (North Be-
har) ; Benares ; Maharashtra (the Maratta country) ;
and Dravida (the south of the Peninsula).
All of these schools concur in abolishing mar-
CHANGES IN THE LAW. 157
riages between unequal casts; as well as the prac- chap.
tice of raising up issue to deceased brothers, and "
all the species of sons mentioned in Menu, except
a son of the body and one by adoption. Most of
them, however, admit a species of adoption un.
known to Menu, which is made by a widow in
behalf of her deceased husband, in consequence of
real or supposed instructions hnparted by him
during his life. Some schools give the power to
the widow independent of all authorisation by the
deceased.
All the schools go still further than Menu in
securing to sons the equal division of their family
property. Most of them prevent the father's
alienating ancestral property without the consent
of his sons, and without leaving a suitable mainte-
nance for each of them ; all prohibit arbitrary di-
vision of ancestral property, and greatly discourage
it even when the property has been acquired by
the distributor himself. The Dravida school gives
to the sons exactly the same rights as to the father,
in regard to the disposal of all his property, and
puts them on a complete equality with him, except
in the present enjoyment. *
All, except Bengal, in certain cases, still with-
hold the power of making a will.
The law now goes much more into ])articulars
on all subjects than in Menu's time. Land is often
mentioned under a variety of forms, and some of
* Mr. Ellis, Transactions of Madras Literary Societi/, p. 14-.
158
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK the relations between landlord and tenant are
" fixed.
Attornies or pleaders are allowed : rules of
pleading are prescribed, which are spoken of wath
high praise by Sir William Jones. *
Different modes of arbitration are provided ; and,
although many of the rudest parts of the old
fabric remain, yet the law bears clear marks of
its more recent date, in the greater experience it
evinces in the modes of proceeding, and in the
signs of a more complicated society than existed in
the time of the first Code.
The improvements, however, in the written law
bear no proportion to the excellence of the original
sketch ; and the existing Code of the Hindus has
no longer that superiority to those of other Asiatic
nations which, in its early stage, it was entitled to
claim over all its contemporaries.
Changes in Many great changes have been silently wrought
without any alteration in the letter of the law. The
eight modes of marriage, for instance, are still per-
mitted ; but only one (that most conformable to
reason and to the practice of other nationsj is ever
adopted in fact.
Criminal XIic Criminal law, also, which still subsists in all
law.
its original deformity, has (probably for that very
reason) fallen into desuetude, and has been replaced
by a sort of customary law, or by arbitrary will.
The regular administration of justice by perma-
* Colebrooke's Digest, preface, p. xii.
CHANGES IN THE LAW. 159
nent courts, which is provided for in Menu, and of chap.
Ill
which the tribunals, with their several powers, are '
recorded by later writers*, is hardly observed by any
Hindu government. The place of those tribunals
is in part taken by commissions appointed in a
summary way by the prince, generally granted
from motives of court favour, and often composed
of ])ersons suited to the object of the protecting
courtier. In part, the courts are replaced by
bodies of arbitrators, called Panchayets, who some-
times act under the authority of the government,
and sometimes settle disputes by the mere consent
of the parties. The efficiency of these tribunals is
in some measure kept up, notwithstanding the
neglect of the government, by the power given by
Menu to a creditor over his debtor, which still sub-
sists, and affords a motive to the person withhold-
ing payment to consent to an inquiry into the
claim.
On the whole, there cannot be the least doubt
that civil justice is mucli worse administered in
Hindu states at tlie present time than it was in the
earliest of which we have any certain knowledge.
Besides rules of Menu which have been altered Local laws.
in later times, many local customs arc now observ-
able, of which no notice is taken in the Institutes.
Most of tliese are unimportant ; but some relate
to matters of the first consequence, and are pro-
bably remains of the laws which })revailed in the
* See Mr. Colcbrooke on Hindu Courts of Justice, Trans-
actions of Royal Asiatic Societ//, vol. ii. p. 166.
iCO HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK nations where they are now in force before the
" introduction of Menu's Code, or of the authority
of the Bramins. Perhaps the most remarkable in-
stance of this sort is to be found among the Nairs
of Malabar, where a married woman is legally per-
mitted to have unrestrained intercourse with all
men of equal or superior cast ; and where, from
the uncertainty of the issue thus produced, a man's
heirs are always his sister's sons, and not his
own.*
* Dr. F. Buchanan's Journey through the Mysore, &c., vol. ii.
p. 411,412.
PRESENT STATE OF RELIGION.
161
CHAP. IV.
PRESENT STATE OF RELIGION.
The principal changes in religion since Menu chap.
are —
The neglect of the principle of monotheism : changes
The neglect of some gods, and the introduction Menu,
of others :
The worship of deified mortals :
The introduction (or at least the great increase)
of sects, and the attempt to exalt individual gods
at the expense of the others:
The doctrine that faith in a particular god is
more efficacious than contemplation, ceremonial
observance, or good works :
The use of a new ritual instead of the Vedas ;
and the religious ascendancy acquired by the mo-
nastic orders.
The nature of these changes will appear in an
account of the Hindu religion as it now stands,
which is essential to an understanding of the ordi-
nary transactions of the peo])le.
There is, indeed, no country where religion is
so constantly brought before the eye as in India.
Every town has tem})les of all descriptions, from
a shrine, which barely holds the idol, to a pagoda
witli lofty towers, and s])acious courts, and colon-
VOL. I. M
162 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK nades. To all these votaries are constantly repair-
' ing, to hang the image with garlands, and to pre-
sent it with fruits and flowers. The banks of the
river, or artificial sheet of water, (for there is no
town that is not built on one or other,) has often
noble flights of steps leading down to the water,
which are covered, in the early part of the day,
with persons performing their ablutions, and going
through their devotions, as they stand in the stream.
In the day, the attention is drawn by the song, or
by the graceful figures and flowing drapeiy of
groups of women, as they bear their offerings to a
temple.
Parties of Bramins and others pass on similar
occasions ; and frequently numerous processions
move on, with drums and music, to perform the
ceremony of some particular holiday. They carry
with them images borne aloft on stages, represent-
ations of temples, chariots, and other objects, which,
thougli of cheap and flimsy materials, are made
with skill and taste, and present a gay and glitter
ing appearance.
At a distance from towns, temples are always
found in inhabited places ; and frequently rise
among the trees on the banks of rivers, in the
heart of deep groves, or on the summits of hills.
Even in the wildest forests, a stone covered with
Vermillion, with a garland hung on a tree above it,
or a small flag fastened among the branches, ap-
prises the traveller of the sanctity of the spot.
Troops of pilgrims and religious mendicants are
PRESENT STATE OF RELIGION. l63
often met on the road ; the latter distinguished by chap.
the dress of their order, and the pilgrims by bear- '
ing some symbol of the god to whose shrine they
are going, and shouting out his name or watchword
whenever they meet with other passengers. The
numerous festivals throughout the year are cele-
brated by the native princes with great pomp and
expense ; they afford occasions of display to the
rich, and lead to some little show and festivity even
among the lower orders.
But the frequent meetings, on days sacred to
particular gods, are chiefly intended for the latter
class, who crowd to them with delight, even from
distant quarters.
Though the religion presented in so many
striking forms does not enter, in reality, into all
the scenes to which it gives rise, yet it still exer-
cises a prodigious influence over the people ; and
lias little, if at all, declined, in that respect, since
the first period of its institution.
The objects of adoration, however, are no longer
the same.
The theism inculcated by the Vedas as the true
faith, in which all other forms were included, has
been supplanted by a system of gross polytheism
and idolatry ; and, though nowhere entirely for-
gotten, is never steadily thought of, except by phi-
losophers and divines.
The authors of the Vedas, though they ascended
beyond the early worship of the elements and the
])Owers of nature to a knowledge of the real cha-
M 2
164
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK racter of the Divinity, and though anxious to
' diffuse their own doctrines, did not disturb the
popular belief; but, actuated either by their charac-
teristic respect for immemorial usage, or, perhaps,
by a regard for the interests of the priesthood (from
which the most enlightened Bramin seems never
to have been free), they permitted the worship of
the established gods to continue, representing them
as so many forms or symbols of the real Divinity.
At the same time, they erected no temple and
addressed no worship to the true God. The con-
sequence was such as was to be expected from the
weakness of human nature : the obvious and pal-
pable parts of their religion prevailed over the
more abstruse and more sublime : the ancient
polytheism kept its ground, and was further cor-
rupted by the introduction of deified heroes, who
have, in their turn, superseded the deities from
whom they were supposed to derive their divinity.
The Pu- The scriptures of this new religion are the Pu-
ranas, of which there are eighteen, all alleged by
their followers to be the works of Vyasa, the com-
piler of the Vedas ; but, in reality, composed by
different authors between the eighth and sixteenth
centuries, although, in many places, from materials
of much more ancient date. They contain theo-
gonies ; accounts of the creation ; philosophical
speculations ; instructions for religious ceremonies ;
genealogies; fragments of history ; and innumer-
able legends relating to the actions of gods, heroes,
and sages. Most are written to support the doc-
ranas.
PRESENT STATE OF RELIGION. l65
trill es of particular sects, and all are corrupted by chap.
sectarian fables ; so that they do not form a con-
sistent wliole, and were never intended to be com-
bined into one general system of belief. Yet they
are all received as incontrovertible authority ; and,
as they are the sources from which the present
Hindu religion is drawn, we cannot be surprised to
find it full of contradictions and anomalies.
The Hindus, as has been said, are still aware of Present
n CI rt • n i 1 1 objects of
the existence or a Supreme Being, from whom all worship,
others derive their existence, or, rather, of whose
substance they are composed ; for, according to
the modern belief, the universe and the Deity are
one and the same. But their devotion is directed
to a variety of gods and goddesses, of whom it is
impossible to fix the number. Some accounts,
with the usual Hindu extravagance, make the
deities amount to 330,000,000 ; but most of these
are ministering angels in the different heavens, or
other spirits who have no individual name or cha-
racter, and who are counted by the million.
The following seventeen, however, are the prin-
cipal ones, and, perhaps, the only ones universally
recognised as exercising distuict and divine func-
tions, and therefore entitled to worship* : —
1. Brahma, the creating principle;
2. Vishnu, the preserving principle ;
3. Siva, the destroying principle ;
With their corresponding female divinities, who are
* Kennedy's Researches into the Hindoo Mythology, p. 357.
M 3
166 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK mythologically regarded as their wives, but, meta-
" physically, as the active powers which develope the
principle represented by each member of the triad ;
namely, —
[4. Sereswati.
1 5. Lakshmi.
[6. Parvati, called also Devi, Bhavani, or Durga.
7. Indra, god of the air and of the heavens.
8. Varuna, god of the waters.
9» Pavana, god of the wind.
10. Agni, god of fire.
11. Yama, god of the infernal regions and judge
of the dead.
12. Cuvera, god of wealth.
13. Cartikeia, god of war.
14. Cama, god of love.
15. Surya, the sun.
16. Soma, the moon.
17. Ganesa, who is the remover of difficulties,
and, as such, presides over the entrances to all
edifices, and is invoked at the commencement of
all undertakings. To these may be added the
planets, and many sacred rivers, especially the
Ganges, which is personified as a female divinity,
and honoured with every sort of worship and re-
verence.
The three first of these gods, Brahma, Vishnu,
and Siva, form the celebrated Hindu triad, whose
separate characters are sufficiently apparent, but
whose supposed unity may perhaps be resolved
into the general maxim of orthodox Hindus, that
PRESENT STATE OF RELIGION. l6j
all the deities are only various forms of one Su- chap.
•^ IV.
preme Being.*
Brahma, though he seems once to have had
some degree of pre-eminence, and is the only one
of the three mentioned by Menut, was never much
worshipped, and has now but one temple in India t :
though invoked in the daily service, his separate
worship is almost entirely neglected. §
His consort, Sereswati, being goddess of learning
and eloquence, has not fallen so completely out of
notice.
It is far different with Vishnu and Siva. They
and their incarnations now attract almost all the
religious veneration of the Hindus ; the relative
importance of each is eagerly supported by nu-
merous votaries ; and there are heterodox sects of
great extent which maintain the supreme divinity
of each, to the entire exclusion of his rival.
Siva is thus described in the Puranas. || *' He siva.
wanders about, surrounded by ghosts and goblins,
inebriated, naked, and with dishevelled hair, co-
vered with the ashes of a funeral pile, ornamented
with human skulls and bones, sometimes laughing
and sometimes crying." The usual pictures of
liim correspond with these gloomy descriptions,
with the addition that he has three eyes, and bears
* Kennedy's Researches, p. 211. Colebrooke, Asiatic Bc-
searches, vol. vii. p. 279.
f Kennedy's Researches, p. 270.
^ Tod's Rajasthan, vol. i. p. 774<.
§ Ward on ihc Hindoos, vol. iii. p. 26.
II Quoted in Ketuiedys Researches, p. 291.
M 4
168
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK a trident in one of his hands : his hair is coiled up
II •
' hke that of a religious mendicant j and he is repre-
sented seated in an attitude of profound thought.
This last particular corresponds with the legends
relating to him, which describe him as always ab-
sorbed in meditation, and as consuming with the
fire of his eye those who dare to disturb him in his
state of abstraction. But although these accounts
accord so well with his character of destroyer, the
only emblem under which he is ever worshipped is
intended to mark that destruction as only another
name for regeneration.
It is meant for the same symbol of the creative
principle that was employed by the ancients ; but
is, in fact, a low cylinder of stone, which occupies
the place of an image in all the temples sacred to
Siva, and which suggests no suspicion of its original
import. Bloody sacrifices are performed to Siva,
though discouraged by the Bramins of his sect ;
and it is in honour of him, or of his consort,
that so many self-inflicted tortures are incurred on
certain days in every year. On those occasions,
some stab their limbs and pierce their tongues
with knives, and walk in procession with swords,
arrows, and even living serpents thrust through the
wounds ; while others are raised into the air by
a hook fixed in the flesh of their backs, and are
whirled round by a moveable lever, at a height
which would make their destruction inevitable, if
the skin were to give way.*
* Ward's Hindoos, vol.iii. p. 15.; and Bishop Heber's Journal,
vol. i. p. 77.
PRESENT STATE OF RELIGION. l69
The nature of Siva*s occupations does not indi- chap.
cate much attention to the affairs of mankind ; and, '
according to the present Hindu system, there is no
god particularly charged with the government of the
world ; the Supreme Being, out of whose substance
it is formed, taking no concern in its affairs : but
the opinion of the vulgar is more rational than that
of their teachers ; they mix up the idea of the
Supreme Being with that of the deity who is the
particular object of their adoration, and suppose
him to watch over the actions of men, and to re-
ward the good and punish the wicked both in this
world and in the next.
The heaven of Siva is in the midst of the eternal
snows and glaciers of Keilas, one of the highest
and deepest groups of the stupendous summits of
Hemalaya.
His consort, Devi or Bhavani, is at least as d^vI or
much an object of adoration as Siva ; and is repre-
sented in still more terrible colours. Even in the
milder forms in which she is generally seen in the
south of India, she is a beautiful woman, riding on
a tiger, but in a fierce and menacing attitude, as if
advancing to the destruction of one of the giants,
against whom her incarnations were assumed. But
in anotiier form, occasionally used every where,
and seemingly the favourite one in Bengal, she is
represented with a black skin, and a hideous and
terrible countenance, streaming with blood, en-
circled with snakes, hung round with skulls and
human heads, and in all respects resembling a fury
II.
170 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK rather than a goddess. Her rites in those coun-
tries correspond with this character. Human sa-
crifices were formerly offered to her* ; and she is
still supposed to delight in the carnage that is car-
ried on before her altars. At her temple, near
Calcutta, 1000 goats, besides other animals, are
said to be sacrificed every month, t At Binda-
bashni, where the extremity of the Vindya hills
approaches the Ganges, it used to be the boast of
the priests that the blood before her image was
never allowed to dry.
In other respects the worship of Devi does not
differ much from that of the other gods ; but it some-
times assumes a form that has brought suspicion or
disgrace on the whole of the Hindu religion. I
allude to the secret orgies, which have often been
dwelt on by the missionaries, and the existence of
which no one has ever attempted to deny. On those
occasions, one sect of the worshippers of Devi,
chiefly Bramins, (but not always, for with this sect
all cast is abolished,) meet in parties of both sexes,
to feast on flesh and spirituous liquors, and to in-
dulge in the grossest debauchery. All this is ren-
dered doubly odious by being performed with some
semblance of the ceremonies of religion ; but it is
probably of rare occurrence, and is all done with
the utmost secrecy ; the sect by which it is to-
lerated is scarcely ever avowed, and is looked on
with horror and contempt by all the orthodox
* Mr. Blaquiere, Asiatic Ttesearche.^, vol. v. p. 371.
\ Ward's Hindoos, vol. iii. p. 126.
PRESENT STATE OF RELIGION. I7I
Hindus. Besides these votaries of Devi, and en- chap.
tirely unconnected with her worship, there are '
some few amouQ- the varieties of rehmous mendi-
cants wlio consider themselves above all law, and
at liberty to indulge their passions without incurring
sin. These add to the ill repute of the religion of
the Hindus; and it is undeniable, that a strain of
licentiousness and sensuality mixes occasionally
with every part of their mythology ; but it is con-
fined to books and songs, and to temples and
festivals, which do not fall under every one's ob-
servation. A stranger might live among them for
years, and frequent their religious ceremonies and
private companies, without seeing any thing inde-
cent ; and their notions of decorum, in the inter-
course of persons of different sexes, is carried to a
pitch of strictness which goes beyond what is con-
sistent with reason or with European notions.
To return to the gods of the Hindus: Vishnu visimuanci
is represented as a comely and placid young man, Ii'.^tionT
of a dark azure colour, and dressed like a king of
ancient days. He is painted also in the forms of
liis ten principal incarnations, which I may mention
to illustrate the o-enius of Hindu fiction.
The first was that of a fish, to recover the Vedas
which had been carried away by a demon in a de-
luge ; another was that of a boar, who raised on
his tusks the world, which had sunk to the bottom
of the ocean ; and another was a tortoise, that suj)-
ported a mountain in one of the most famous
legends. The fourth had rather more of human
172 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK interest. An infidel tyrant was about to put his
' son to death for his faith in Vishnu. In his last
interview, he asked him, in derision of the omni-
presence of his favourite divinity, whether he was
in that pillar, pointing to one of those that sup-
ported the hall. The son answered that he was ;
and the incensed father was about to order his
execution, when Vishnu, in the shape of a man,
with the head and paws of a lion, burst from the
pillar and tore him to pieces. The fifth was, when
a king, by force of sacrifices and austerities, had
acquired such a power over the gods that they
were compelled to surrender to him the earth and
sea, and were waiting in dread till the conclusion
of his last sacrifice should put him in possession of
the heavens. On this occasion Vishnu presented
himself as a Bramin dwarf, and begged for as much
ground as he could step over in three paces : the
Raja granted his request, wdth a smile at his dimi-
nutive stature ; when Vishnu at the first step strode
over the earth ; at the second, over the ocean ; and
no space being left for the third, he released the
Raja from his promise, on condition of his de-
scending to hell. The sixth incarnation is Paris
Ram, a Bramin hero, who made war on the Cshe-
trya, or military class, and extirpated the whole
race. The seventh was Rama. The eighth was
Balla Rama, a hero who delivered the earth from
giants. The ninth was Budha, a teacher of a false
religion, whose form Vishnu assumed for the pur-
pose of deluding the enemies of the gods: a cha-
PRESENT STATE OF RELIGION. 173
racter which plainly points to the religion of Budha, chap.
so well known as the rival of that of the Bramins.
The tenth is still to come. But all his other
forms are thrown into the shade by the incarnations
of Rama and Crishna, who have not only eclipsed
their parent Vishnu, in Hindostan at least, but
have superseded the worship of the old elementary
gods, and indeed of all other gods, except Siva,
Surya, and Ganesa.* Rama, thus identified with Rama.
Vishnu by the superstition of his admirers, was a
king of Oud, and is almost the only person men-
tioned in the Hindu traditions whose actions have
something of a historical character. He is said to
have been at first excluded from his paternal king-
dom, and to have passed many years in religious
retirement in a forest. His queen, Sita, was
carried off by the giant Ravana ; for her sake he
led an army into the Deckan, penetrated to the
island of Ceylon, of which Ravana was king, and
recovered Sita, after a complete victory over her
ravisher. In that expedition his allies were an
army of monkeys, under the command of Hunman,
whose figure is frequently seen in temples, and
who, indeed, is at least as much worsliipped in the
Deckan as Rama or any of the other gods. Ramans
end, however, was unfortunate ; for, having, by
his imprudence, caused the death of his brother
Lachmen, who liad shared with him in all his
dangers and successes, he threw himself, in de-
* Colebrooke, Asiatic Researches, vol. vii. p. 280. ; Wilson,
Ibid. vol. xvi. pp. 4. 20.
174 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK spair, into a river, and, as the Hindus say, was re-
' united to the Divinity. He still, however, retains
his individual existence, as is shown by the separate
worship so generally paid to him. Rama is repre-
sented in his natural form, and is an object of
Crishna. general adoration. But in this respect he falls far
short of the popularity of another deified mortal,
whose pretensions are by no means so obvious
either as a king or a conqueror. He was born of the
royal family of Mattra, on the Jamna ; but brought
up by a herdsman in the neighbourhood, who con-
cealed him from a tyrant who sought his life.*
This is the period which has made most impression
on the Hindus, who are never tired of celebrating
Crishna's frolics and exploits as a child — his steal-
ing milk, and his destroying serpents ; and among
whom there is an extensive sect which worships
him under his infant form, as the supreme creator
and ruler of the universe. Crishna excites equal
enthusiasm, especially among his female worship-
pers, in his youth, which he spent among the
gopis, or milkmaids, dancing, sporting, and playing
on the pipe ; and captivated the hearts, not only
of his rural companions, but of the princesses of
Hindostan, who had witnessed his beauty.t
As he advanced in years he achieved innumer-
* Tod's Rajasthan, vol. i. p. 533.
■|- See Sir W. Jones, Asiatic Researches, vol. i. p. 259. ; and
the translation by the same elegant scholar of the song of Jaya
Deva, which, in his hands, affords a pleasing specimen of Hindu
pastoral poetry, Ibid. vol. iii. p. 185.
IV.
PRESENT STATE OF RELIGION. 175
able adventures, and, among the rest, subdued the chap.
tyrant, and recovered his inheritance ; but, l)eing
pressed by foreign enemies, he removed his resi-
dence to Dwarika, in Guzerat.* He afterwards
appeared as an ally of the family of Pandu, in
their war with their relations the Curust, for the
sovereignty of Hastinapur; a place supposed to be
north-east of Delhi, and about forty miles from the
point where the Ganges enters Hindostan.
This war forms the subject of the great Hindu
heroic poem, the " Maha Bharat," of which Crishna
is, in fact, the hero. It ended in the success of the
Pandus, and in the return of Crishna to his capital
in Guzerat. His end also was unfortunate; for he
was soon involved in civil discord, and at last was
slain by the arrow of a hunter, who shot at him by
mistake, in a thicket, t
Crishna is the greatest favourite with the Hindus
of all their divinities. Of the sectaries who revere
Vishnu, to the exclusion of the other gods, one
sect almost confine their worship to Rama ; but,
though composed of an important class, as includ-
ing many of the ascetics, and some of the boldest
speculators in religious inquiry, its numbers and
popularity bear no proportion to another division
* Abstract of the " Mahii Blutrat," in Ward's Hindoos, vol. iii.
p. lis.; Professor Wilson, Asiatic Researches, vol. xv. p. 101. ;
Colonel Wilford, Ibid. vol. vi. p. 508.
f Ward, vol. iii. p. 14-8.
X Tod, on the authority of a Iliudu history, Kajasthan,
vol. i. p. 50.
176 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK of the Vaishnava sect, which is attached to tlie
______ worship of Crishna.
This comprises all the opulent and luxurious,
almost all the women, and a very large proportion
of all ranks of the Indian society.*
The greater part of these votaries of Crishna
maintain that he is not an incarnation of Vishnu,
but Vishnu himself, and likewise the eternal and
self-existing creator of the universe, t
These are the principal manifestations of Vishnu;
but his incarnations or emanations, even as acknow-
ledged in books, are innumerable ; and they are
still more swelled by others in which he is made to
appear under the form of some local saint or hero,
whom his followers have been disposed to deify.
The same liberty is taken with other gods : Can-
doba, the great local divinity of the Marattas, (re-
presented as an armed horseman,) is an incar-
nation of Siva t ; and the family of Bramins at
Chinchor, near Puna, in one of whose members
godhead is hereditary, derive their title from an
incarnation or emanation of Ganesa. §
Even villages have their local deities, which are
often emanations of Siva or Vishnu, or of the
corresponding goddesses. But all these incar-
nations are insignificant, when compared to the
* Professor Wilson, Asiatic Researches, vol. xvi. pp. 85, 86.
f Ibid, vol, xvi. p. 86, &c.
\ Mr. Coats's Bombay Transactions, vol. iii. p. 198.^
§ Colebrooke, Asiatic Researches, vol. vii, p. 282.; Captain
Moore, Ibid. vol. vii. p. 381.
PRESENT STATE OF RELIGIO.V. 177
great ones of Vishnu, and above all to Rama and chap.
. IV.
Crishna. —
The wife of Vishnu is Lakshmi. She has no
temples ; but, being goddess of abundance and of
fortune, she continues to be assiduously courted,
and is not likely to fall into neglect.
Of the remaining gods, Ganesa and Surya (the other
gods.
sun) are the most generally honoured.
They both have votaries who prefer them to all
other gods, and both have temples and regular
worship. Ganesa, indeed, has probably more tem-
ples in the Deckan than any other god except Siva.
Surya is represented in a chariot, with his head
surrounded by rays.
Ganesa, or Ganpatti, is a figure of a fat man,
with an elephant's head.
None of the remaining nine of the gods enume-
rated have temples, though most of them seem to
have had them in former times.* Some have an
annual festival, on which their image is made and
worshipped, and next day is thrown into a stream :
others are only noticed in })rayers. t Indra, in
j)articular, seems to have formerly occupied a
nuicli more distinguished place in popular respect
than he now enjoys. He is called the Ruler of
Heaven and the King of Gods, and was fixed on
by an eminent orientalist as the Jupiter of the
Hindus t ; yet is now but seldom noticed.
* Professor Wilson, Asiatic Researches, vol. xvi. p. 20.
-)■ Ward's Hindoos, vol. iii. p. 2<S, kc.
X Sir W. Jones, Asiatic Researches, vol. i. p. 241.
VOL. I. N
178 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK Cama, also, the god of love, has undergone a
' similar fate. He is the most pleasing of the Hindu
divinities, and most conformable to European ideas
of his nature. Endowed with perpetual youth and
surpassing beauty, he exerts his sway over both
gods and men. Brahma, Vishnu, and even the
gloomy Siva, have been wounded by his flowery
bow and his arrows tipped with blossoms. His
temples and groves make a distinguished figure in
the tales, poems, and dramas of antiquity * ; but he
now shares in neglect and disregard with the other
nine, except Yama, W'hose character of judge of
the dead makes him still an object of respect and
terror.
Each of these gods has his separate heaven, and
his peculiar attendants. All are mansions of bliss
of immense extent, and all glittering with gold
and jewels.
That of Indra is the most fully described ; and,
besides the usual profusion of golden palaces
adorned with precious stones, is filled with streams,
groves, and gardens, blooms with an infinity of
flowers, and is perfumed by a celestial tree, which
grows in the centre, and fills the whole space with
its fragrance.
It is illumined by a light far more brilliant than
that of the sun ; and is thronged with Apsaras
and Gandarvas (heavenly nymphs and choristers).
Angels of many kinds minister to the inhabitants,
* Professor Wilson, Asiatic ResearcJies, vol. xvi. p. 20.
PRESENT STATE OF RELIGION. 179
who are unceasingly entertained with songs and chap.
dances, music, and every species of enjoyment. '
Besides the anojels and good o-enii that inhabit Good and
^ . . '>atl spirits.
the different heavens, there are various descrip-
tions of spirits spread through the rest of the
creation.
The Asuras are the kindred of the gods, dis-
inherited and cast into darkness, but long struggling
against their rivals ; and bearing a strong resem-
blance to the Titans of the Grecian mythology.
The Deityas are another species of demon,
strong enough to have mustered armies and carried
on war with the gods. *
The Rakshasas are also gigantic and malignant
beings ; and the Pisachas are of the same nature,
though perhaps inferior in power. Bliutas are
evil spirits of the lowest order, corresponding to
our ghosts and other goblins of the nursery ; but
in India believed in by all ranks and ages.
A most extensive body of divinities is still to Local
be noticed ; although they are not individually ^° ^"
acknowledged except in confined districts, and
although the legality of their worship is sometimes
denied by the Bramins. These are the village
gods, of which each village adores two or three,
as its especial guardians ; but sometimes as its
dreaded persecutors and tormentors. They bear
some resemblance to the penates or lares of the
Romans ; and, like them, they are sometimes the
* See in particular the legend of Jhalandara, Kennedys Re-
searches, p. 45G.
N 2
180 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK recognised ffods of the whole nation f either in
II. . .
' their generally received characters, or in local in-
carnations) ; but much oftener they are the spirits
of deceased persons, who have attracted the notice
of the neighbourhood.
They have seldom temples or images, but are
worshipped under the form of a heap of earth.
It is possible that some of them may be ancient
gods of the Sudras, who have survived the esta-
blishment of the Bramin religion. *
General Sucli is thc outliuc of tlic religiou of the Hindus.
thrHindu To give a conception of its details, it would be
religion. neccssaiy to relate some of the innumerable le-
gends of which their mythology is composed, —
the churning of the ocean by the gods and asuras,
for the purpose of procuring the nectar of immor-
tality, and the subsequent stratagem by which the
gods defrauded their coadjutors of the prize ob-
tained ; the descent of the Ganges from heaven
on the invocation of a saint ; its falling with
violence on the head of Siva, wandering for years
amidst his matted locks, and tumbling at last to
the earth, with all its train of fishes, snakes, turtles,
and crocodiles ; the production of Ganesa, with-
out a father, by the intense wishes of Devi ; his
temporary slaughter by Siva, who cut off his head
* Dr. Hamilton Buchanan paid much attention to this sub-
ject in his survey of certain districts in Bengal and Behar. He
found the village gods were generally spirits of men of the
place vv'ho had died violent deaths ; often of Bramins who had
killed themselves to resist or revenge an injury. — MSS. at the
India House, published in part by Mr. Montgomery Martin.
PRESENT STATE OF RELIGION.
181
IV.
and afterwards replaced it with that of an elephant, chap.
the first that came to hand in the emergency ; —
such narratives, with the qiiari-els of the gods,
their occasional loves and jealousies ; their wars
with men and demons ; their defeats, flights, and
captivity ; their penances and austerities for the
accomplishment of their wishes ; their speaking
weapons ; the numerous forms they have assumed,
and the delusions with which they have deceived
the senses of those whom they wished to injure ;
— all this would be necessary to show fully the
rehgious opinions of India ; but would occupy a
space for which the value of the matter would be
a very inadequate compensation.
It may be sufficient to observe, that the ge-
neral character of these legends is extravagance
and incongruity. The Greek gods were formed
like men, with greatly increased powers and facul-
ties, and acted as men would do if so circum-
stanced ; but with a dignity and energy suited to
their nearer approach to perfection. The Hindu
gods, on the other hand, though endued with
human passions, have always something monstrous
in tlicir appearance, and wild and capricious in
their conduct. They are of various colours, — red,
yellow, and blue ; some have twelve heads, and
most have four hands. They are often enraged
without a cause, and reconciled without a motive.
The same deity is sometimes powerful enough to
destroy his enemies w^itli a glance, or to subdue
them with a wish ; and at other times is obliged
N 3
182 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK to assemble numerous armies to accomplish his
II . .
" purpose, and is very near faiUng after all.*
The powers of the three great gods are coequal
and unlimited ; yet are exercised with so little
harmony, that, in one of their disputes, Siva cuts
off one of Brahma's heads. t Neither is there any
regular subordination of the other gods to the
three, or to each other. Indra, who is called the
King of Heaven and has been compared to Ju-
piter, has no authority over any of the rest. These
and more incongruities arise, in part, from the
desire of different sects to extol their favourite
deity ; but, as the Puranas are all of authority,
it is impossible to separate legends founded on
those writings from the general belief of all classes.
With all this there is something in the gigantic
scale of the Hindu gods, the original character of
their sentiments and actions, and the peculiar
forms in which they are clothed, and splendour
with which they are surrounded, that does not
fail to make an impression on the imagination.
Tiie most singular anomaly in the Hindu re-
ligion is the power of sacrifices and religious
austerities. Through them a religious ascetic can
inflict the severest calamities, even on a deity, by
his curse j and the most wicked and most impious
of mankind may acquire such an ascendancy over
the gods as to render them the passive instru-
* Story of Shiva and Jhalandara, Kennedy s Researches, p. 456.
t Kennedy's Researches, p. 295. ; and Wilson, Asiatic Re-
searches, vol. xvi, p. 4. note.
PRESENT STATE OF RELIGION. 183
ments of his ambition, and even to force them to chap.
submit their heavens and themselves to his sove- '.
reignty. Indra, on being cursed by a Bramin,
was hurled from his own heaven, and compelled
to animate the body of a cat. * Even Yama, tlie
terrible judge of the dead, is said, in a legend,
to have been cursed for an act done in that capa-
city, and obliged to undergo a transmigration into
the person of a slave, t
The danger of all the gods from the sacrifices
of one king has appeared in the fifth incarnation
of Vishnu ; another king actually conquered the
three worlds, and forced the gods, except the
tln'ee chief ones, to fly and to conceal themselves
under the shapes of different animals t ; while a
third went still further, and compelled the gods to
worship him. §
These are a few out of numerous instances of
a similar nature ; all, doubtless, invented to show
the virtue of ritual observances, and thus increase
the consequence and profits of the Bramins. But
these are rather the traditions of former days, than
the opinions by which men are now actuated in
relation to the Divinity. The same objects which
w^ere formerly to be extorted by sacrifices and
austerities are now to be won by faith. The
followers of this new principle look with scarcely
disguised contempt on the Vedas, and all the de-
votional exercises there enjoined. As no religion
* Ward, vol. iii. p. 31. f Ibid. vol. iii. p. 58.
J Kennedy's Researches, p. 368. § Ward, vol. iii. p. 75.
N 4
184 HISTORY OF INDIA.
II.
BOOK ever entirely discards morality, they still inculcate
purity of life, and innocence if not virtue ; but
the sole essential is dependence on the particular
god of the sect of the individual teacher. Im-
plicit faith and reliance on him make up for all
deficiencies in other respects ; while no attention
to the forms of religion, or to the rules of morality,
are of the slightest avail without this all-important
sentiment. This system is explained and incul-
cated in the Bhagwat Gita, which Mr. Colebrooke
regards as the text-book of the school.
It is an uncommon, though not exclusive, fea-
ture in the Hindu religion, that the gods enjoy
only a limited existence : at the end of a cycle of
prodigious duration, the universe ceases to exist ;
the triad and all the other gods lose their being ;
and the Great First Cause of all remains alone in
infinite space. After the lapse of ages, his power
is again exerted ; and the whole creation, with all
its human and divine inhabitants, rises once more
into existence.
One can hardly believe that so many rude and
puerile fables, as most of those above related, are
not the relics of the earliest and most barbarous
times; but even the sacred origin of the Christian
religion did not prevent its being clouded, after
the decay of learning, with su})erstitions propor-
tionately as degrading ; and we may therefore
believe, with the best informed orientalists, that
the Hindu system once existed in far greater
purity, and has sunk into its present state along
PRESENT STATE OF RELIGION. 185
state.
with the decUne of all other branches of know- chap.
ledge. ^'^-
In the above observations I have abstained from
all reference to the religion of other countries. It
is possible that antiquarians may yet succeed in
finding a connection, in principles or in origin,
between the mythology of India and that of Greece
or of Egypt ; but the external appearances are so
different, that it would quite mislead the imagina-
tion of the reader to attempt to illustrate them by
allusions to either of those superstitions.
It only remains to say a few words on the belief Future
of the Hindus relating to a future state. Their
peculiar doctrine, as is well known, is transmigra-
tion ; but they believe that, between their different
stages of existence, they will, according to their
merits, enjoy thousands of years of happiness in
some of the heavens already described, or suffer
torments of similar duration in some of their still
more numerous hells. Hope, however, seems to
be denied to none : the most wicked man, after
being purged of his crimes by ages of suffering and
by repeated transmigrations, may ascend in the
scale of being, until he may enter into heaven,
and even attain the highest reward of all the good,
which is incorporation in the essence of God.
Their descriptions of the future states of bliss and
penance are spirited and poetical. The good, as
soon as they leave the body, jiroceed to the abode of
Yama, through delightful })aths, under the shade of
fragrant trees, among streams covered with the lotos.
18G
IIISTOIIY OF INDIA.
BOOK Showers of flowers fall on them as they pass ; and
' the ah' resounds with the hymns of the blessed,
and the still more melodious strains of angels.
The passage of the wicked is through dark and
dismal paths ; sometimes over burning sand, some-
times over stones that cut their feet at every step :
they travel naked, parched with thirst, covered
with dirt and blood, amidst showers of hot ashes
and burning coals : they are terrified with frequent
and horrible apparitions, and fill the air with their
shrieks and wailing.* The hells to whicli they
are ultimately doomed are conceived in the same
spirit, and described with a mixture of sublimity
and minuteness that almost recalls the " Inferno."
These rewards and punishments are often well
apportioned to the moral merits and demerits of
the deceased ; and they no doubt exercise con-
siderable influence over the conduct of the living.
But, on the other hand, the efficacy ascribed to
faith, and to the observance of the forms of devo-
tion, and the facility of expiating crimes by pe-
nances, are, unfortunately, prevailing characteristics
of this religion, and have a strong tendency to
weaken its effect in supporting the principles of
morality.
Its indirect influence on its votaries is even more
injurious than these defects. Its gross superstition
debases and debilitates the mind ; and its exclusive
view to repose in this world, and absorption here-
Moral
effects,
* Ward on the Hindoos, vol. iii. p. 374.
PRESENT STATE OF RELIGION. 187
after, destroys the great stimulants to virtue afforded chap.
by love of enterprise and of posthumous fame.
Its usurpations over the provinces of law and
science tend to keep knowledge fixed at the point
to which it had attained at the time of the pre-
tended revelation by the Divinity ; and its inter-
ference in the minutiae of private manners extir-
pates every habit and feeling of free agency, and
reduces life to a mechanical routine. When indi-
viduals are left free, improvements take place as
they are required ; and a nation is entirely changed
in the course of a few generations without an effort
on the part of any of its members ; but when reli-
gion has interposed, it requires as much boldness
to take the smallest step, as to pass over the inno-
vations of a century at a stride ; and a man must
be equally prepared to renounce his faith and the
communion of his friends, whether he merely makes
a change in his diet, or embraces a whole body of
doctrines, religious and political, at variance with
those established among his countrymen.
It is within its own limits that it has been least
successful in opposing innovation. The original
revelation, indeed, has not been questioned ; but
different degrees of importance have been attached
to particular parts of it, and different constructions
])ut on the same passages ; and as there is neither
a ruling council nor a single head to settle disputed
])oints, and to enforce uniformity in practice, va-
rious sects have sprung up, which differ from each
other both in their tenets and their practice.
188 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK There are three principal sects* : the Saivas
1 (followers of Siva), the Vaishnavas (followers of
Sects. Vishnu), and the Saktas (followers of some one
of the Saktis ; that is, the female associates or
active powers of the members of the triad).
Each of these sects branches into various sub-
ordinate ones, depending on tlie different cha-
racters under which its deity is worshipped, or on
the peculiar religious and metaphysical opinions
which each has grafted on the parent stock. The
Saktas have three additional divisions of a more
general character, depending on the particular
goddesses whom they worship. The followers of
Devi (the spouse of Siva), however, are out of all
comparison more numerous than both the others
put together.
Besides the three great sects, there are small
ones, which worship Surya and Gunesa respect-
ively ; and others which, though preserving the
form of Hinduism, approach very near to pure
deism.
The Sikhs (who will be mentioned hereafter)
have founded a sect involving such great inno-
vations, that it may almost be regarded as a new
religion.
It must not be supposed that every Hindu be-
longs to one or other of the above sects. They,
on the contrary, are alone reckoned orthodox
* Almost the whole of the following statements regarding
the sects are taken from Professor Wilson's essays on that sub-
ject, in vols. xvi. and xvii. of the "Asiatic Researches."
PRESENT STATE OF RELIGION. 189
who profess a comprehensive system opposed to chap.
the exclusive worship of particular divinities, and "
who draw their ritual from the Vedas, Puranas,
and other sacred books, rejecting the ceremonies
derived from other sources. To this class the
apparent mass of the Braminical order, at least,
still belongs.* But probably, even among them,
all but the more philosophical religionists have a
bias to one or the other of the contending divini-
ties ; and the same may be said more decidedly
of all such of the lower casts as are not careless of
every thing beyond the requisite ritual observances.
It has been remarked that incarnations of Vishnu
are the principal objects of popular predilection.
In all Bengal and Hindostan it is to those incar-
nations that the religious feelings of the people are
directed ; and, though the temples and emblems
of Siva are very common, the worshippers are few,
and seem inspired with little veneration.
Siva, it appears, lias always been the patron god
of the Bramin class, but has never much excited
the imaginations of the people.* Even where his
sect ostensibly prevails, the great body of the in-
habitants are much more attracted by the human
feelings and interesting adventures of Rama and
Crishna. The first of the two is the great object
of devotion (with the regular orders at least) on
the banks of the Jamna and the north-western
part of the Ganges ; but Crishna prevails, in his
* Professor Wilson, Asiatic Researches, vol. xvi. p. 2.
■\ Ibid. vol. xvii. p. 169.
190 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK turn, along the lower course of the Ganges*, and
" all the centre and west of Hindostan.t Rama,
however, is every where revered; and liis name,
twice repeated, is the ordinary salutation among
all classes of Hindus.
The Saivas, in all places, form a considerable
portion of the regular orders : among the people
they are most numerous in the Mysore and Ma-
ratta countries. Further south, the Vaishnavas
prevail ; but tliere the object of worship is Vishnu,
not in his human form of Rama or Crishna, but
in his abstract character, as preserver and ruler of
the universe, t Saktas, or votaries of the female
divinity, are mixed with the rest ; but are most
numerous in particular places. Three fourths of
the population of Bengal worship goddesses, and
most of them Devi.§
In most of these instances the difference of sects,
though often bitter, is not conspicuous. Europeans
are seldom distinctly aware of their existence, un-
less they have learned it from the writings of Mr.
Colebrooke, Mr. Wilson, or Dr. Hamilton Buchanan.
Even the painted marks on the forehead, by which
each man's sect is shown, although the most singular
peculiarity of the Hindu dress, have failed to con-
vey the information they are designed for, and have
* Wilson, Asiatic Researches, vol. xvii. p. 52.
f Tod's Rajasthan.
X Buchanan MSS. at the India House. These may be either
the strictly orthodox Hindus, or followers of Ramaniij.
§ Professor Wilson, Asiatic Researches, vol. xvii. p. 210. 221.
PRESENT STATE OF RELIGION. 191
been taken for marks of the cast, not the sect, of chap.
, IV.
the wearer.
Persons desirous of johnng a sect are admitted
by a sort of initiation, the chief part of which con-
sists in whispering by the guru (or rehgious in-
structor) of a short and secret form of words,
which so far corresponds to the communication of
the gayatri at the initiation of a Bramin.
The sects are of very different degrees of an-
tiquity.
The separate worship of the three great gods
and tlieir corresponding goddesses is probably very
ancient * ; but when the assertion of the supremacy
of one or other began (in which the peculiarity of
the present sects consists) is not so clear. It is
probably much more modern than the mere se-
parate worship of the great gods.
It seems nearly certain that the sects founded
on the worship of particular incarnations, as Rama,
Crishna, &c., are later than the beginning of the
eighth century of the Christian aera.t
The number of sects has, doubtless, been in-
* Professor Wilson, Asiatic Researches, vol. xvii. p. 218.
The same gentleman points out a convincing proof of the early
worship of the spouse of Siva. A temple to her, under her
title of Comtiri (from which the neighbouring promontory, Cape
Comorin, derives its name,) is mentioned in the '• Periplus,"
attributed to Arrian, and probably written in the second century
of our aera.
f They are not mentioned in a work written in the eleventh
century, but professing to exhibit the tenets of the different
sects at the time of Sancara Acharya, who lived in the eighth
century. — Professor Wilson, Asiatic Researches, vol. xvi. p. ll-.
192 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK creased by the disuse of the Vedas, the only source
' from which the Hindu rehmon could be obtained
New in purity. The use of those scriptures was con-
ritual. 1 ^ ^ 1
fined to the three twice-born classes, of which two
are now regarded as extinct, and the remaining
one is greatly fallen off from its original duties.
It may have been owing to these circumstances
that the old ritual was disused, and a new one
has since sprung up, suited to the changes which
have arisen in religious opinion.
It is embodied in a comparatively modern col-
lection of hymns, prayers, and incantations, which,
mixed with portions of the V6das, furnishes now
what may be called the Hindu service.* It is
exhibited by Mr. Colebrooke, in three separate
essays, in the fifth and seventh volumes of the
" Asiatic Researches."
The difference between the spirit of this ritual
and that of which we catch occasional views in
Menu is less than might have been expected.
The long instructions for the forms of ablution,
meditation on the gayatri, &c., are consistent with
the religion of the Vedas, and might have existed
in Menu's time, though he had no occasion to
mention them. The objects of adoration are in
a great measure the same, being deities of the
elements and powers of nature. The mention of
Crishna is, of course, an innovation ; but it occurs
seldom.
* Ward's Hindoos, vol. ii. p. 362.
PRESENT STATE OF RELIGION. 193
Among other new practices are meditations on chap.
Brahma, Vishnu, and Siva, in their corporeal form; '
and, above all, the frequent mention of Vishnu
with the introduction of the text *' Thrice did
Vishnu step, &c.," a passage in the Vedas, which
seems to imply an allusion to the fifth incarnation *,
and, perhaps, owes the frequent introduction of it
to the paucity of such acknowledgments.
Mr. Colebrooke avowedly confines himself to the
five sacraments which existed in Menu's time ; but
there is a new sort of worship never alluded to in
the Institutes, which now forms one of the prin-
cipal duties of every Hindu. This is the worship
of images, before whom many prostrations and
other acts of adoration must daily be performed,
accompanied with burning incense, offerings of
flowers and fruits, and sometimes of dressed
victuals. Many idols are also attired by their
votaries, and decorated with jewels and other orna-
ments, and are treated in all respects as if they
were human beings.
The Hindu ceremonies are numerous, but far
from impressive; and their liturgy, judging from
the specimen afforded by Mr. Colebrooke, though
not without a few fine passages, is in general
tedious and insipid. Each man goes through his
daily devotions alone, in his own house, or at any
temple, stream, or pool that suits him ; so that the
want of interest in his addresses to the divinity
* See page 172.
VOT,. J. o
194i HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK is not compensated by the effect of sympathy in
others.
Although the service (as it may be termed) is
changed, the occasions for using it remain the same
as those formerly enumerated from Menu. The
same ceremonies must be performed, from con-
ception to the grave ; and the same regular course
of prayers, sacrifices, and oblations must be gone
through every day. More liberty, however, is taken
in shortening them than was recognised in Menu's
Code, however it might have been in the piactice
of his age.
A strict Bramin, performing his full ceremonies,
would still be occupied for not less than four hours
in the day. But even a Bramin, if engaged in
worldly affairs, may perform all his religious duties
within half an hour ; and a man of the lower
classes contents himself with repeating the name
of his patron deity while he bathes.*
Ascend- The iucrcasc of sects is both the cause and
monastiJ''^ consequcuce of the ascendancy of the monastic
orders. ordcrs. Eacli of these is in general devoted to
some particular divinity, and its importance is
founded on the veneration in which its patron is
held. They therefore inculcate faith in that
divinity as the means of attaining all wishes and
covering all sins ; and, in addition to this, they
claim for themselves through life an implicit sub-
mission from their followers, such as the Bramin
* Ward on the Hindoos.
PRESENT STATE OF RELIGION. 195
religious instructor in Menu required from his chap.
pupil during his period of probation alone. ^^'
To this is to be ascribed the encroachments
which those orders have made on the spiritual
authority of the Bramins, and the feelings of rivalry
and hostility with which the two classes regard
each other.
The Bramins, on their part, have not failed to
profit by the example of the Gosayens, having
taken on themselves the conduct of sects in the
same manner as their rivals. Of the eighty-four
Gurus (or spiritual chiefs) of the sect of Ramanuj,
for instance, seventy-nine are secular Bramins.*
The power of these heads of sects is one of the
most remarkable innovations in the Hindu system.
Many of them in the south (especially those of
regular orders) have large establishments, sup-
ported by grants of land and contributions from
their flock. Their income is chiefly spent in
charity, but they maintain a good deal of state,
especially on their circuits, where they are accom-
panied by elephants, flags, &c., like temporal dig-
nitiu-ies, are followed by crowds of disciples, and
are received with honour by all princes whose
countries they enter. Their function is, indeed,
an important one, being no less than an inspection
of the state of morals and cast, involving the duties
and powers of a censor.!
* Buchanan's Journey, vol. i. p. I4t. ; vol. ii. pp. 74-, 75.
t Ibid. vol. i. p. 21., and other places.
O !^
19^ HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
II Religion of the Bdudhas and Jdinas.
There are two other reUgions, which, although
disthict from that of the Hindus, appear to belong
to the same stock, and which seem to have shared
with it in the veneration of the people of India,
before the introduction of an entirely foreign faith
by the Mahometans.
These are the religions of the Baudhas (or wor-
shippers of Budha) and the Jains.
They both resemble the Bramin doctrines in
their character of quietism, in their tenderness of
animal life, and in tlie belief of repeated trans-
migrations, of various hells for the purification of
the wicked, and heavens for the solace of the good.
T\\Q great object of all three is, the ultimate at-
tainment of a state of perfect apathy, which, in
our eyes, seems little different from annihilation ;
and the means employed in all are, the practice of
mortification and of abstraction from the cares and
feelings of humanity.
The differences from the Hindu belief are no
less striking than the points of resemblance, and
are most so in the religion of the Baudhas.
The Baud- The most ancicut of the Baudha sects entirely
Bu'dhists. denies the being of God j and some of those which
admit the existence of God refuse to acknowledge
him as the creator or ruler of the universe.
According to the ancient atheistical sect, nothing
exists but matter, which is eternal. The power of
organisation is inherent in matter ; and although
PRESENT STATE OF RELIGION. 197
tlie universe perishes from time to time, this quality chap.
restores it after a period, and carries it on towards '
new decay and regeneration, without tlie guidance
of any external agent.
The highest rank in the scale of existence is
held by certain beings called Budhas, who have
raised themselves by their own actions and austeri-
ties, during a long series of transmigrations in this
and former worlds, to the state of perfect inactivity
and a{)athy which is regarded as the great object
of desire.
Even this atheistical school includes intelligence
and design among the properties inherent in every
particle of matter ; and another sect* endeavours
to explain those qualities more intelligibly by
uniting them in one, and, perhaps, combining
them with consciousness, so as to give them a sort
of personality ; but the being formed by this com-
bination remains in a state of perpetual repose, his
qualities operating on the other portions of matter
without exertion or volition on his part.
The next approach to theism, and generally in-
cluded in that creed, is the opinion that there is a
Supreme Beingt, eternal, immaterial, intelligent,
and also endued with free will and moral qualities ;
but remaining, as in the last-mentioned system, in
a state of perpetual repose. With one division of
those who believe in sucii a Divinity, he is the sole
eternal and self-existing principle; but another
* The Prajiiikas.
f Called A'di Biullia, or supreme intelligcnee.
o 3
198 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK division associates matter with him as a separate
. deity, and supposes a being formed by the union
of the other two to be the real originator of the
universe.
But the action of the Divinity is not, in any
theory, carried beyond producing by his will the
emanation of five (or some say seven) Budhasfrom
his own essence ; and from these Budhas proceed,
in like manner, five (or seven) other beings called
Bhodisatwas, each of whom, in his turn, is charged
with the creation of a world.
But so essential is quiescence to felicity and per-
fection, according to Budhist notions, that even the
Bhodisatwas are relieved as much as possible from
the task of maintaining their own creations. Some
speculators, probably, conceive that each consti-
tutes the universe according to laws which enable
it to maintain itself ; others suppose inferior agents
created for the purpose ; and, according to one
doctrine, the Bhodhisatwa of the existing world
produced the well-known Hindu triad, on whom
he devolved his functions of creating, preserving,
and destroying.
There are different opinions regarding the Bud-
has, who have risen to that rank by transmigra-
tions. Some think with the atheistical school that
they are separate productions of nature, like other
men, and retain an independent existence after
arriving at the much desired state of rest ; while
the other sects allege that they are emanations from
the Supreme Being, through some of the other
PRESENT STATE OF RELIGION. 199
Budhas or Bhodisatwas, and are ultimately re- chap.
warded by absorption into the divine essence.
There have been many of these human Budhas
in this and former worlds * ; but the seven last are
particularly noticed, and above all the last, whose
name was Gotama or Sakya, who revealed the pre-
sent religion, and established the rules of worship
and morality ; and who, although long since passed
into a higher state of existence, is considered as
the religious head of the world, and will continue
so until he has completed his allotted period of five
thousand years.
Beneath this class of Budhas are an infinite num-
ber of different degrees, apparently consisting of
mere men who have made approaches towards the
higher stages of perfection by the sanctity of their
lives.
Besides the chain of Budhas, there are innu-
merable other celestial and terrestrial beings, some
original, and others transferred, unchanged, from
the Hindu Pantheon. t
* Mr. Hodgson (Asiatic Researches, vol. xvi. p. ^^G.) gives a
list of 130 Budhas of the first order.
•j- The above account of the Baudha tenets is chiefly taken
from the complete and distinct view of that religion given by-
Mr. Hodgson, Asiatic Researches, vol. xvi. p. 435 — 1-45. ; but I
have also consulted his " Proofs, (Src." and his other papers in the
Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society of London, and in the
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Calcutta ; as well as those of
M. Abel Remusat, in the Journal cles Savans for A. D. 1831,
and in the Nuuveau Journal Asiatiquc for tlie same year ; those
of M. Csoma di Koros, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Cal-
cutta ; those of M. Joinviile and Major Mahony in vol. vii. of
O 4
200 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK The Budhists of different countries differ in
" many particulars from each other. Those of Ne-
pal seem most imbued with the Hindu supersti-
tions, though even in China, the general character
of the religion is clearly Indian.
The theistical sect seems to prevail in Nepal *,
and the atheistical to subsist in perfection in Cey-
lon, t
In China, M. Abel Remusat considers the
atheistical to be the vulgar doctrine, and the the-
istical to be the esoteric. 1^
The Baudhas differ in many other respects from
the Bramins : they deny the authority of the
Vedas and Puranas ; they have no cast ; even the
priests are taken from all classes of the community,
and bear much greater resemblance to European
monks than to any of the Hindu ministers of reli-
gion. They live in monasteries, wear a uniform
yellow dress, go with their feet bare and their
heads and beards shaved, and perform a constant
succession of regular service at their chapel in a
body ; and, in their processions, their chaunting,
the Asiatic Researches; together with Professor Wilson's ob-
servations in his history of Cashmir (Asiatic Researches.,
vol. xvi.), and in his account of the Jains (vol. xvii.) ; and like-
wise the answers of Baudha priests in Uphams Sacred and
Historical Boohs of Ceylon, vol. iii.
* Mr. Hodgson.
■\ See answers to questions in Upham, vol. iii. I presume
these answers may be depended on, whatever may be the case
with the historical writings in the same work.
\ Journal des Savans for November, 1S31.
IV.
PRESENT STATE OF RELIGION. '201
their incense, and their candles bear a strong re- chap.
semblance to the ceremonies of the Catholic
church. * They have nothing of the freedom of
the Hindu monastic orders ; they are strictly bound
to celibacy, and renounce most of the pleasures of
sense t ; they eat together in one hall ; sleep sitting
in a prescribed posture, and seem never allowed to
leave the monastery, except once a-week, when
they march in a body to bathe t, and for part of
every day, when they go to beg for the com-
munity, or rather to receive alms, for they are not
permitted to ask for anything.§ The monks, how-
ever, only perform service in the temples attached
to their own monasteries, and to them the laity do
not seem to be admitted, but pay tlieir own devo-
tions at other temples, out of the limits of the con-
vents.
Nunneries for women seem also, at one time, to
have been general.
The Baudha religionists carry their respect for
animal life much further than the Bramins : their
priests do not eat after noon, nor drink after dark,
for fear of swallowing minute insects j and they
carry a brush on all occasions, with which they
* Mr. Davis, Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. ii.
p. 4-91 . ; Turner's Tibet.
t Transactions of" the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. iii. p. 27;i.
X Mr. Davis, Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society., vol. ii.
p. 495. ; and Knox, Ibid. vol. iii. p. 277.
§ Captain Mahoney, Asiatic Researches, vol. vii. p. 42. ; and
Mr. Knox, Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. iii.
p. 277.
202 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK carefully sweep every place before they sit down,
" lest they should inadvertently crush any living
creature. Some even tie a thin cloth over their
mouths to prevent their drawing in small insects
with their breath.* They differ from the Bramins
in their want of respect for fire, and in their vene-
ration for relics of their holy men ; a feeling un-
known to the Hindus. Over these relics (a few
hairs, a bone, or a tooth) they erect those solid
cupolas, or bell-shaped monuments, which are often
of stupendous size, and which are so great a cha-
racteristic of their religion.
The Budhas are represented standing upright,
but more generally seated cross-legged, erect, but
in an attitude of deep meditation, with a placid
countenance, and always with curled hair.
Besides the temples and monuments, in coun-
tries where the Baudhas still subsist, there are
many magnificent remains of them in India.
The most striking of these are cave temples, in
the Peninsula. Part of the wonderful excavations
of Ellora are of this description ; but the finest is
at Carla, between Puna and Bombay, which, from
its great length and height, the colonnades which
run along the sides like aisles, and the vaulted and
ribbed roof, strongly recalls the idea of a Gothic
church, t
* The laity eat animal food without restraint ; even the
priests may eat it if no animal is killed on their account.
f The distinctions between the Baudhas and Hindds are
mostly from an essay by Mr. Erskine, Bombay Transactions,
vol. iii. p. 503, &c.
PRESENT STATE OF RELIGION. 203
The Baudhas have a very extensive body of chap.
literature, all on the Bramin model, and all ori- '
ginally from India.* It is now preserved in the
local dialects of various countries, in many of
which the long-established art of printing has con-
tributed much to the diffusion of books.
Pali, or the local dialect of Maghada, (one of
the ancient kingdoms on the Ganges, in which
Sakya or Gotama flourished,) seems to be the
language generally used in the religious writings
of the Baudhas, although its claim to be their
sacred language is disputed in favour of Shanscrit
and of other local dialects springing from that
root.
The Jains hold an intermediate place between TheJainas
the followers of Budha and Brahma. t
They agree with the Baudhas in denying the
existence, or at least the activity and providence,
of God J in believing the eternity of matter ; in
the worship of deified saints ; in their scrupulous
care of animal life, and all the precautions which
it leads to ; in their having no hereditary priest-
hood ; in disclaiming the divine authority of the
Vedas ; and in having no sacrifices, and no respect
for fire.
They agree with the Baudhas also in consider-
ing a state of impassive abstraction as supreme
* Mr. Hodgson, Asiatic Researches., vol. xvi. p. 433. ; Dr.
Buchanan, Ibid. vol. vi. p. 194-. 225., and other places.
f Tlie characteristics of the Jains, as compared with the
Baudhas and Bramins, are mostly taken from Mr. Erskine,
Bombay Transactions, vol. iii. p. 506.
^204 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK felicity, and in all the doctrines which they hold
II .
" m common with the Hindus.
They agree with the Hindus in other points;
such as division of cast. This exists in full force
in the south and west of India; and can only be
said to be dormant in the north-east ; for, though
the Jains there do not acknowledge the four
classes of the Hindus, yet a Jain converted to the
Hindu religion takes his place in one of the casts ;
from which he must all along have retained the
proofs of his descent ; and the Jains themselves
have numerous divisions of their own, the mem-
bers of which are as strict in avoiding inter-
marriages and other intercourse as the four classes
of the Hindus.*
Though they reject the scriptural character of
the Vedas, they allow them great authority in all
points not at variance with their religion. The
principal objections to them are drawn from the
bloody sacrifices which they enjoin, and the loss
of animal life which burnt-offerings are liable
(though undesignedly) to occasion. t
They admit the whole of the Hindu gods, and
worship some of them ; though they consider
them as entirely subordinate to their own saints,
who are therefore the proper objects of adoration.
Besides these points common to the Bramins or
* De la Maine, Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society,
vol. i. p. 413.; Colebrooke, Ibid. vol. i. p. S^Q. ; Buchanan, Ibid,
vol. i, p. 531, 532. ; Wilson, Asiatic Researches, vol, xvii. p. 239.
■\ Wilson, Asiatic Researches, vol. xvii. p. 248.
PRESENT STATE OF RELIGION. 205
Baudhas, they hold some opinions peculiar to chap.
themselves. The chief objects of their worship "
are a limited number of saints, who have raised
themselves by austerities to a superiority over the
gods, and who exactly resemble those of the
Baudhas in appearance and general character, but
are entirely distinct from them in their names and
individual histories. They are called Tirtankaras:
there are twenty-four for the present age, but
twenty-four also for the past, and twenty-four for
the future.
Those most worshipped are, in some places, Ri-
shoba*; the first of the present Tirtankaras, but
every where Parasnath and Mahavira, the twenty-
third and twenty-fourth of the number.t As all
but the two last bear a fabulous character in their
dimensions and length of life, it has been con-
jectured, with great appearance of truth, that
these two are the real founders of the religion.
All remain alike in the usual state of apathetic
beatitude, and take no share in the government of
the world, t
Some changes are made by the Jains in the
rank and circumstances of the Hindu gods. They
give no preference to the greater gods of the
Hindus ; and they have increased the number of
gods, and added to the absurdities of the system :
* De la Maine, Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Societi/,
vol. i. p. 424-.
f Professor Wilson, Asiatic Researches, vol, xvii. p. 2t8.
X Ibid. vol. xvii. p. 270.
206 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK thus they have sixty-four Indias, and twenty-two
' Devis.*
They have no veneration for relics, and no
monastic establishments. Their priests are called
Jatis; they are of all casts, and their dress, though
disthiguishable from that of the Bramins, bears
some resemblance to it. They wear very large
loose white mantles, with their heads bare, and their
hair and beard clipped ; and carry a black rod and
a brush for sweeping away animals. They subsist
by alms. They never bathe, perhaps in opposition
to the incessant ablutions of the Bramins.
The Jain temples are generally very large and
handsome ; often flat roofed, and like private
houses, with courts and colonnades ; but some-
times resembling Hindu temples, and sometimes
circular and surrounded by colossal statues of the
Tirtankaras.t The walls are painted with their
peculiar legends, mixed, perhaps, with those of
the Hindus. Besides images, they have marble
altars, with the figures of saints in relief^ and
with impressions of the footsteps of holy men; a
memorial which they have in common with the
Baudhas.
By far the finest specimen of Jain temples of
the Hindu form are the noble remains in white
marble on the mountain of Abu, to the north of
* De la IVIaine, Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society,
vol. i. p. 422.
t There is a magnificent one of this description near Ahmed-
abad, built under ground, and said to have been designed for
concealed worship during the persecution by the Hindus.
PRESENT STATE OF RELIGION. 207
Guzerat. There are Jain caves also, on a great chap.
scale, at Ellora, Nassik, and other places, and '
there is, near Chinraipatan, in the Mysore, a
statue of one of the Tirtankaras, cut out of a
rock, which has been guessed at different heights,
from fifty-four feet to seventy feet.
The Jains have a considerable body of learning,
resembling that of the Bramins, but far surpassing
even the extravagance of the Braminical cliro-
nology and geography ; increasing to hundreds of
millions what was already sufficiently absurd at
millions. Their sacred language is Magadi or
Pali.
A question has arisen which of the three reli- Compara-
tivti aiiti-
gions above described was first established in India, quity of
It resolves itself into a discussion of the claims iigionsand
of those of Budha and Brahma. Admitting the Brahma.
common origin of the two systems, which the
similarity of the fundamental tenets would appear
to prove, the weight of the arguments adduced
appears to lean to the side of the Bramins*; and
an additional reason may perhaps be drawn from
the improbability that the Baudha system could
ever have been an original one.
A man as yet unacquainted with religious feelings
would imbibe his first notions of a God from the
perception of powers superior to his own. Ev'en
if the idea of a quiescent Divinity could enter his
mind, he would have no moti\'e to adore it, but
* The arguments on both sides are summed up by Mr. Er-
skine, Bombay Transactions^ vol. iii. p. 1-97.
208 HISTORY or INDIA.
BOOK would rather endeavour to propitiate the sun, on
' which he depended for warmth, or the heavens,
which terrified him with their thunders. Still less
would he commence by the worship of saints ; for
sanctity is only conformity to religious notions
already established ; and a religion must have ob-
tained a strong hold on a people before they
would be disposed to deify their fellows for a strict
adherence to its injunctions ; especially if they
neither supposed them to govern the world, nor to
mediate with its ruler.
The Hindu religion presents a more natural
course. It rose from the worship of the powers
of nature to theism, and then declined into scepti-
cism with the learned, and man worship with the
vulgar.
The doctrines of the Sankya school of philo-
sophers seem reflected in the atheism of the
Baudha ; while the hero worship of the common
Hindus, and their extravagant veneration for reli-
gious ascetics, are much akin to the deification of
saints among the Baudhas. We are led, therefore,
to suppose the Bramin faith to have originated in
early times, and that of Budha to have branched
off from it at a period when its orthodox tenets had
reached their highest perfection, if not shown a
tendency to decline.
The historical information regarding these re-
ligions tends to the same conclusion. The Vedas
are supposed to have been arranged in their pre-
sent form about the fourteenth centurv before
PRESENT STATE OF RELIGION. 209
Christ, and the rehgion they teach must have made chap.
considerable previous progress ; while that of "
Budha lays no claim to a higher antiquity than the
twelfth century before Christ; scarcely one even of
its most zealous advocates goes beyond the tenth
or eleventh century before Christ, and the best
authenticated accounts limit it to the sixth.
All the nations professing the religion of Budha
conciu' in refemng its origin to India.* They
uuite in representing the founder to have been a
Sakya Muni or Gotama, a native of Capila, north
of Gorakpur. By one account he was a Cshetrya,
and by others the son of a king. Even the Hindus
confirm this account, making him a Cshetrya, and
son to a king of the solar race. They are not so
well agreed about the date of his appearance ; the
Indians, and the people of Ava, Siam, and Ceylon,
fix near the middle of the sixth century before
Christ t, an epoch which is borne out by various
particulars in the list of kings of Magada.
* For the Chinese, see De Guignes, M6moires de V Academic
des l7iscriptiofis, vol. xl. p. 187, &.C.; Abel Remusat, Journal
des Savans for November, 1831 ; and the Summary in the
Nouveau Journal Asiatique, vol. vii. pp. 239, 240. ; and likewise
the Essay in the next month, p. 24-1. For the Mongols, see
M. Klaproth, Nouveaic Journal Asiatique, vol. vii., especially
p. 182. and the following pages. For Ceylon, see Tumour s
Mahdwanso, with which the scriptures of Ava and Siam are
identical. (Introduction, p. xxx.) For Tibet, see M. Csoma de
Kciros, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Calcutta, vol. i. p. 1.
f See Tumours Mahdivunso ; Chronological Table from
Crawford s Embassy to Ava (given in Prinsep's Usefid Tables,
p. 132.) ; see also Useful Tables, pp. 77, 78.
VOL. I. P
210 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK The Cashmirians, on the other hand, place Sakya
' 1332 years before Christ ; the Chinese, Mongols,
and Japanese about 1000; and of thirteen Tibetian
authors referred to in the same *' Oriental Maga-
zine," four give an average of 2959; and nine of
835 * ; while the great religious work of Tibet, by
asserting that the general council held by Asoca
was 110 years after Budha's death t, brings down
that event to less than 400 years before Christ, as
Asoca will be shown, on incontestable evidence, to
have lived less than 300 years before our gera.t
One Chinese author also differs from the rest,
fixing 688 years before Christ§; and the Chinese
and Japanese tables, which make the period of
Sakya's eminence 999 years before Christ, say
that it occurred during the reign of Ajata Satru,
whose place in the list of Magada kings shows
him to have lived in the sixth century before
Christ.
These discrepancies are too numerous to be re-
moved by the supposition that they refer to an
earlier and a later Budha; and that expedient is
also precluded by the identity of the name, Sakya,
and of every circumstance in the lives of the per-
sons to whom such different dates are assigned.
We must, therefore, either pronounce the Indian
* See their various dates in the " Oriental Magazine," vol. iv.
pp. 106, 107. ; and Wilson, Asiatic Researches, vol. xv. p. 92.
f Journal of the Asiatic Society of Calcutta, vol. i. p. 6.
X See p. 264, &c.
§ De Guignes, Memoires de V Academie des Inscriptions,
vol. xl. p. 195.
PRESENT STATE OF RELIGION. 211
Baudhas to be ignorant of the date of a religion chap.
which arose among themselves, and at the same '
time must derange the best established part of the
Hindu chronology ; or admit that an error must
have occurred in Cashmir or Tibet, through which
places it crept into the more eastern countries,
when they received the religion of Budha many
centuries after the death of its founder. As the
latter seems by much the most probable explana-
tion, we may safely fix the death of Budha about
550 B. c.
The Indian origin of the Baudhas would appear,
independently of direct evidence, from the facts
that their theology, mythology, philosophy, geo
graphy, chronology, &c. are almost entirely of the
Hindu family; and all the terms used in those
sciences are Shanscrit. Even Budha (intelligence),
and Adi Budha (supreme intelligence), are well-
known Shanscrit words.
We have no precise information regarding the
early progress of this religion. It was triumphant
in Hindostan in the reign of Asoca, about the
middle of the third century before Christ.* It
was introduced by his missionaries into Ceylon in
the end of the same century, t
It probably s})read at an early period into Tar-
tary and Tibet, but was not introduced into China
* See Turnours Mahdwanso, and translations of contem-
porary inscriptions in the Journal of (lie Asiatic Society of Cal-
cutta for February, 18.S8.
f In 307 B.C. Tumour's Mahdwanso, Introduction, p. xxix.,
and other places.
p 2
212 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK until A. D. 65, when it was brought direct from
' India, and was not fully established till a.d. 310.*
The progress of its decline in its original seat is
recorded by a Chinese traveller, who visited India
on a religious expedition in the first years of the
fifth century after Christ, t He found Budhism
flourishing in the tract between China and India,
but declining in the Panjab, and languishing in the
last stage of decay in the countries on the Ganges
and Jamna. Capila, the birthplace of Budha, was
ruined and deserted, — "a wilderness untenanted
by man." His religion was in full vigour in Ceylon,
but had not yet been introduced into Java, which
island was visited by the pilgrim on his return by
sea to China.
The religion of Budha afterwards recovered its
importance in some parts of India. Its adherents
were refuted, persecuted, and probably chased
from the Deckan, by Sancara Acharya, in the
eighth or ninth century, if not by Camarilla, at an
earlier period ; but they appear to have possessed
sovereignty in Hindostan^^in the eighth century, and
even to have been the prevailing sect at Benares as
late as the eleventh century t, and in the north of
Guzerat as late as the twelfth century of our aera.§
* De Guignes, Memoires de I'Academie des Inscriptions,
vol. xl. p. 251, 252.; and Histoires des Huns, vol. i. part ii.
pp. 235, 236.
•♦- Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, No. IX. p. 108, &c.,
particularly p, 139.
\ Professor Wilson, Asiatic Researches, vol. xvii. p. 282.
§ Mr. Erskine, Bombay Transactions, vol. iii. p. 533., wi^h
Major Kennedy's note.
PRESENT STATE OF RELIGION. 213
They do not now exist in the plains of India, chap.
... . IV.
but their rehgion is the established one in Ceylon, '
and in some of the mountainous countries to the
north-east of the provinces on the Ganges. Budh-
ism is also the faith of the Burman empire, of
Tibet, of Siam, and all the countries between
India and China. It is very general in the latter
country, and extends over a great part of Chinese
and Russian Tartary ; so that it has been said,
with apparent truth, to be professed by a greater
portion of the human race than any other religion.
The Jains appear to have originated in the sixth
or seventh century of our sera ; to have become
conspicuous in the eighth or ninth century ; got to
the higliest prosperity in the eleventh, and declined
after the twelfth.* Their principal seats seem to
have been in the southern parts of the peninsula,
and in Guzerat and the west of Hindostan. They
seem never to have had much success in the pro-
vinces on the Ganges.
They appear to have undergone several persecu-
tions by the Bramins, in the south of India, at least, t
The Jains are still very numerous, especially in
Guzerat, the Rajput country and Canara; they are
generally an opulent and mercantile chiss ; many of
them are bankers, and possess a large proportion of
the commercial wealth of India, t
* Professor Wilson, Asiatic Researches, vol. xvii. p. 283.
f Buchanan, vol. i. p. 81.
\ Tod's Rajasthan, vol. i. p. 518. ; Professor Wilson, Asiatic
Researches, vol. xvii. p. 29'1-. See also Buchanaris Journey,
vol. iii. pp. 19. 76—84. 131. 410.
1' 6
214
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
II.
IX prin-
Si
cipal
schools.
CHAP. V.
PRESENT STATE OF PHILOSOPHY.
The subject of philosophy is not one upon which
Menu professes to treat. It is, however, incident-
ally mentioned in his first chapter, and it has oc-
cupied too great a portion of the attention of the
Hindus of later days to be omitted in any account
of their genius and character.
The first chapter of the Institutes is evidently
an exposition of the belief of the compiler, and
(unlike the laws which have been framed in various
ages) probably represents the state of opinion as it
stood in his time.
The topics on which it treats — the nature of God
and the soul, the creation, and other subjects,
physical and metaphysical — are too slightly touched
on to show whether any of the present schools of
philosophy were then in their present form ; but
the minute points alluded to as already known, and
the use of the terms still employed, as if quite in-
telligible to its readers, prove that the discussions
which have given rise to their different systems
were already perfectly familiar to the Hindus.
The present state of the science will be best
shown by inquiring into the tenets of those
schools.
PRESENT STATE OF THILOSOPHY. 215
There are six ancient schools of philosophy re- chap.
cognised among the Hindus. Some of these are
avowedly inconsistent with the religious doctrines
of the Bramins ; and others, though perfectly or-
thodox, advance opinions not stated in the Vedas.
These schools are enumerated in the following
order by Mr. Colebrooke.*
1 . The prior Mimansa, founded by Jaimani.
2. The latter Mimansa, or Vedanta, attributed
to Vyasa.
3. The Niyaya, or logical school of Gotama.
4. The Atomic school of Canade.
5. The Atheistical school of Capila.
6. The Theistical school of Patanjali.
The two last schools agree in many points, and
are included in the common name of Sankya.
This division does not give a complete idea of the
present state of philosophy. The 'prior Mimansa,
which teaches the art of reasoning with the express
view of aiding the interpretation of the Vedas, is,
so far, only a school of criticism ; and its object,
being to ascertain the duties enjoined in those scrip-
tures, is purely religious, and gives it no claim to a
})lace among the schools of philosophy. On the
other hand, the remaining schools have branched
into various subdivisions, each of which is entitled
to be considered as a separate school, and to form
an addition to the original number. It would be
foreign to my object to enter on all the distinctions
• Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. i. p. 19.
p 4
QiG HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK between those philosophical systems. An outline
_ of the two most contrasted of the six principal
schools, with a slight notice of the rest, will be
sufficient to give an idea of the progress made by
the nation in this department of science.
The two schools selected for this summary exa-
mination, are the Sankya and Vedanta. The first
maintains the eternity of matter, and its principal
branch denies the being of God. The other
school derives all things from God, and one sect
denies the reality of matter.
All the Indian systems, atheistical as well as
theistical, agree in their object, which is, to teach
the means of obtaining beatitude, or, in other
words, exemption from metempsychosis, and de-
liverance from all corporeal incumbrances.
Sankya School, Atheistical and TJieistical.
Purpose of Thls school is dividcd, as has been mentioned,
now e ge. .^^^ ^^^ brauclies, that of Capila, which is athe-
istical, and that of Patanjali, acknowledging God ;
but both agree in the following opinions * : —
Deliverance can only be gained by true and per-
fect knowledge.!
This knowledge consists in discriminating the
principles, perceptible and imperceptible, of the
material world, from the sensitive and cognitive
principle, which is the immaterial soul. X
* Mr, Colebrooke, Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society,
vol. i. p. 31.
t Ibid. p. 26. X Ibid. p. 27.
PRESENT STATE OF PHILOSOPHY. 217
True knowledge is attained by three kinds of chap.
evidence : perception, inference, and affirmation '
(or testimony).* Means of
The principles of which a knowledge is thus de- icnowielge.
rived, are twenty-five in number t, viz. : — Principles.
1. Nature, the root or plastic origin of all ; the
universal material cause. It is eternal matter ;
undiscrete, destitute of parts ; productive, but not
produced.
2. Intelligence j the first production of nature,
increatet, prolific; being itself productive of other
principles.
3. Consciousness, which proceeds from intelli-
gence, and the peculiar function of whicli is tlie
sense of self-existence, the belief that " I am."
4. to 8. From consciousness spring five particles,
rudiments, or atoms, productive of the five ele-
ments. §
9. to 19. From consciousness also spring eleven
organs of sense and action. Ten are external ;
five instruments of the senses (the eye, ear, &c.),
and five instruments of action (the voice, the
hands, the feet, &c.): The eleventh organ is in-
* Mr. Colebrooke, Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society,
vol. i. p. 28.
f Ibid. p. 29—31.
I The contradiction between the two first terms might be
explained by supposing that intelligence, though depending on
nature for its existence, is co-eternal with the principle from
which it is derived.
§ Rather, rudiments of the perceptions by which the elements
are made known to the mind; as sound, the rudiment of ether;
touch, of air; smell, of earth, &c. — Wilson'* Sankhya Carika,
p. 17.
218
HISTORY OF INDIA.
Consti-
tution of
animated
corporeal
beings.
BOOK ternal, and is mind, which is equally an organ of
" sense and of action.
20. to 24. The five elements are derived from
the five particles above mentioned (4 to 8). They
are, space, air, fire, water, and earth.
25. The last principle is soul, which is neither
produced nor productive. It is multitudinous,
individual, sensitive, unalterable, immaterial.
It is for the contemplation of nature, and for
abstraction from it, that the union between the
soul and nature takes place. By that union, crea-
tion, consisting in the development of intellect,
and the rest of the principles, is effected. The
soul's wish is fruition, or liberation. For either
purpose it is invested with a subtile person, com-
posed of intellect, consciousness, mind, the organs
of sense and action, and the five principles of the
elements. This person is unconfined, free from all
hindrance, affected by sentiments ; but incapable
of enjoyment, until invested with a grosser frame,
composed of the elements ; which is the body, and
is perishable.
The subtile person is more durable, and accom-
panies the soul in its transmigrations.*
The corporeal creation, consisting of souls in-
vested with gross bodies, comprises fourteen orders
of beings j eight above, and five inferior to man.
The superior orders are composed of the gods
and other spirits recognised by the Hindus ; the in-
ferior, of animals, plants, and inorganic substances.t
* Mr. Colebrooke, Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society,
vol. i. p. 32. t Ibid. p. 33.
PRESENT STATE OF PHILOSOPHY. 219
Besides the grosser corporeal creation, and the chap.
subtile or personal, (all belonging to the material ^'
world,) the Sankya distinguishes an intellectual intei-
creation, consisting of the affections of the intellect, creation.
its sentiments and facuHies.
These are enumerated in four classes, as ob-
structing, disabling, contenting, or perfecting the
understanding.*
The Sankya, like all the Indian schools, pays
much attention to three essential qualities or mo-
difications of nature. These are, 1. Goodness.
2. Passion. 3. Darkness. They appear to affect
all beings, animate and inanimate. Through good-
7iess, for instance, fire ascends, and virtue and
happiness are produced in man ; it is passion
which causes tempests in the air, and vice among
mankind ; darkness gives their downward tend-
* The catalogue is very extensive ; for, though the principal
heads are stated at fifty, there appear to be numerous sub-
divisions.
The following may serve as a specimen, selected from that
given by Mr. Colebrooke, which is itself very much condensed.
1. Obstructions of the intellect are — error, conceit, passion,
hatred, fear. These are severally explained, and comprise
sixty-two subdivisions.
2. Disabilities are of twenty-eight sorts, arising from defect
or injury of organs, &c.
3. Content, or acquiescence, involves nine divisions; all ap-
pear to relate to total or partial omission of exertion, to procure
deliverance or beatitude.
4'. Perfecting the intellect is of eight sorts ; three consist in
ways of preventing evil, and the remaining five are reasoning,
oral instruction, study, amicable intercourse, and purity, internal
and external.
220 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK ency to earth and water, and in man produces
' stolidity, as well as sorrow.
Eight modes appertaining to intellect are derived
from these qualities ; on the one hand, virtue,
knowledge, dispassion, and power ; and on the
other, sin, error, incontinency, and powerlessness.
Each of these is subdivided : power, for instance,
is eightfold.
The opinions which have above been enume-
rated, as mere dogmas of the Sankya philosophers,
are demonstrated and explained at great length in
their works. Mr. Colebrooke gives some speci-
mens of their arguments and discussions; the fault
of which, as is usual in such cases, seems to be a
disposition to run into over refinement.*
General In endcavouriug to find out the scope of the
Sankya Saukya system, which is somewhat obscured by
the artificial form in wdiich it is presented by its
inventors, we are led at first to think that this
school, though atheistical, and, in the main, ma-
terial, does not differ very widely from that which
derives all things from spirit. From nature comes
intelligence; from intelligence, consciousness; from
consciousness, the senses and the subtile principles
of the elements ; from these principles, the grosser
elements themselves. From the order of this pro^
cession it would appear that, although matter be
eternal, its forms are derived from spirit, and have
no existence independent of perception.
* Mr. Colebrooke, Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society,
vol. i. pp. 33—37.
PRESENT STATE OF PHILOSOPHY. 221
But this is not the real doctrine of the school, chap.
V.
It is a property inherent in nature to put forth .
those principles in their order ; and a property in
soul to use them as the means of obtainins; a
't5
knowledge of nature ; but these operations, though
coinciding in their object, are independent in their
origin. Nature and the whole multitude of indi-
vidual souls are eternal ; and though each soul is
united with intellect and the other productions of
nature, it exercises no control over their develop-
ment. Its union, indeed, is not with the general
intellect, which is the first production of nature,
but with an individual intellect derived from that
primary production.
At birth, each soul is invested with a subtile
body *, which again is clad in a grosser body. The
connection between soul and matter being thus
established, the organs communicate the sensations
occasioned by external nature : mind combines
them : consciousness gives them a reference to the
individual : intellect draws inferences, and attains
to knowledge not within the reach of the senses t :
soul stands by as a spectator, and not an actor ;
perceiving all, but affected by nothing; as a mirror
which receives all images, without itself under-
going any change, t When the soul has completely
seen and understood nature, its task is performed :
it is released, and the connection between nature
* Mr. Colebrooke, Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society,
vol, i. p. \0.
t Ibid. pp. 31. 38. X Ibid. p. \2.
Q.O0.
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
II
Separate
doctrines
of the
atheistic.l
and the-
Istical
branches.
and that individual soul is dissolved. Nature (to
use an illustration from the text-book) exhibits
herself like an actress : she desists when she has
been perfectly seen ; and the soul attains to the
great object of liberation.
Thus it appears that the soul takes no part in
the operations of nature, and is necessary to none
of them: sensation, consciousness, reasoning, judg-
ment, would all go on equally if it were away.
Again : it is for the purpose of the liberation of
the soul that all these operations are performed ;
yet the soul was free at first, and remains un-
changed at the end. The whole phenomena of
mind and matter have therefore been without a
purpose. In each view, the soul is entirely super-
fluous ; and we are tempted to surmise that its
existence and liberation have been admitted, in
terms, by Capila, as the gods were by Epicurus, to
avoid shocking the prejudices of his countrymen
by a direct denial of their religion.
The tenets hitherto explained are common to
both schools ; but Capila, admitting, as has been
seen, the separate existence of souls, and allowing
that intellect is employed in the evolution of mat-
ter, which answers to creation, denies that there
is any Supreme Being, ether material or spiritual,
by whose volition the universe was produced.*
Patanjali, on the other hand, asserts that, distinct
from other souls, there is a soul or spirit unaffected
by the ills with which the others are beset ; un-
* Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. i. p. 37.
PRESENT STATE OF PHILOSOPHY. 223
concerned with good or bad deeds or their conse- chap.
quences, and with fancies or passing thoughts ; '
omniscient, infinite, unHmited by time. This being
is God, the Supreme Ruler.*
Tlie practice of the two sects takes its colour
from tiiese peculiar opinions. The object of all
knowledge with both is liberation from matter ; and
it is by contemplation that the great work is to be
accomplished.
To this the theistical sects add devotion ; and
the subjects of their meditation are suggested by
this sentiment. While the followers of the other
sect are occupied in abstruse reasonings on the
nature of mind and matter, the deistical Sankya
spends his time in devotional exercises, or gives
Iiimself up to mental abstraction. The mystical
and fanatical spirit thus engendered appears in
other shapes, and has influenced this branch of the
Sankya in a manner which has ultimately tended
to degrade its character.
The work of Patanjali, which is the text-book
of the theistical sect, contains full directions for
bodily and mental exercises, consisting of intensely
profound meditation on certain to})ics, accompanied
by suppression of the breath, and restraint of the
senses, while steadily maintaining prescribed posi-
tions. By such exercises, the adept acquires the
knowledge of everything past and future, hidden
or remote : he divines the thoughts of others,
gains the strength of an elc])hant, the courage of
• Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. i. p. 37.
22i HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK a lion, and the swiftness of the wind ; flies in air,
II. . . .
floats in water ; dives into the earth ; contemplates
all worlds at a glance, and indulges in the enjoy-
ment of a power that scarcely knows any bounds.
To the attainment of these miraculous faculties,
some ascetics divert the efforts which ought to be
confined to the acquisition of beatitude ; and others
have had recourse to imposture for the power to
surprise their admirers with wonders which they
possessed no other means of exhibiting.
Yogis. The first description of these aspirants to super-
natural powers are still found among the monastic
orders, and the second among the lowest classes of
the same body ; both are called Yogi, — a name
assigned to the original sect, from a word meaning
** abstracted meditation." *
Veddnta^ or Uttara Mimansd ScJiooL
The foundation of this school is ascribed to Vyasa,
the supposed compiler of the Vedas, who lived
about 1400 B. c. ; and it does not seem improbable
that the author of that compilation, whoever he
* The above account of the Siinkya school is chiefly taken
from Mr. Colebrooke, Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society,
vol. i. pp. 19 — 43. A translation of the text-book of the fol-
lowers of Capila (the atheistic sect), originally prepared by
Mr. Colebrooke, has appeared since it was first written, accom-
panied by a translation of a gloss from the Shanscrit, and a very
valuable commentary by Professor Wilson. A more general
view of the Sankya doctrines has also appeared in the Oxford
Lectures of the last author, pp. 49. 54. I have endeavoured to
profit by those publications in correcting my first account.
PRESENT STATE OF PHILOSOPHY. 225
was, should have written a treatise on the scope chap.
and essential doctrines of the compositions which '
he had brought togetlier : but Mr. Colebrooke is
of opinion that, in its present form, the school is
more modern than any of tlie other five, and even
than the Jains and Baudhas ; and that the work in
which its system is first explained could not, there-
fore, have been written earlier * than the sixth
century before Christ.
Tiiough the system of this school is supported
by arguments drawn from reason, it professes to be
founded on the authority of the Vedas, and appeals
for proofs to texts from those Scriptures. It has
given rise to an enormous mass of treatises, with
commentaries, and commentaries on commentaries,
almost all written during the last nine centuries.
From a selection of these expositions, Mr. Cole-
brooke has formed his account of the school ; but,
owing to the controversial matter introduced, as
well as to the appeals to texts instead of to human
reason, it is more confused and obscure than the
systems of tlie other schools.
Its principal doctrines are, that " God is the cod the
omniscient and omnipotent cause of tlie existence, hJnce"
continuance, and dissolution of the universe. Cre-
ation is an act of iiis icill ; he is botli the eflicient
and the material cause of the world." At the
* Mr. Colebrooke, Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society,
vol. ii. pp. y, 4.
VOL. I. Cl
^26
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK consummation of all things, all are resolved into
II. . . ^.
him. He is the "sole existent" and the "uni-
versal soul." *
Individual souls are portions of his substance :
from him they issue like sparks from a flame, and
to him they return.
The soul (as a portion of the Divinity) is " in-
finite, immortal, intelligent, sentient, true."
It is capable of activity, though its natural state
is repose.
It is made to act by the Supreme Being, but in
conformity to its previous resolutions ; and those
again have been produced by a chain of causes
extending backwards, apparently to infinity, t
The soul is incased in body as in a sheath, or
rather a succession of sheaths. In the first, the in-
tellect is associated with the five senses ; in the
second, the mind is added ; in the third, the organs
of sense and the vital faculties. These three con
stitute the subtile body, which accompanies the
soul through all its transmigrations.
The fourth sheath is the gross body, t
The states of the soul in reference to the body
are these : — When awake, it is active, and has to
do with a real and practical creation : in dreams,
there is an illusive and unreal creation : in pro-
found sleep, it is enfolded, hut not blended, in the
divine essence : on death, it has quitted the cor-
* Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. ii. p. 34.
f Ibid. vol. ii. p. 22. % Ibid. vol. ii. p. 35.
PRESENT STATE OF PHILOSOPHY. 227
poreal frame. * It then goes to the moon, is clothed chap.
in an aqueous body, falls in rain, is absorbed by "
some vegetable, and thence through nourishment
into an animal embryo, t
After finishing its transmigrations, the number of
which depends on its deeds, it receives liberation.
Liberation is of three sorts : one incorporeal and
complete, when the soul is absorbed in Brahma ;
another imperfect, when it only reaches the abode
of Bralniia ; and a third flir short of the others, by
which, while yet in life, it acquires many of the
powers of the Divinity, and its faculties are tran-
scendant for enjoyment, but not for action. These
two last are attainable by sacrifice and devout medi-
tation in prescribed modes.
The discussions of this school extend to the
questions of free will, divine grace, efficacy of works,
of faith, and many others of the most abstracted
nature.
Faith is not mentioned in their early works, and
is a tenet of the branch of the Vedanta school which
follows the Bhagwat Gita. The most regular of
the school, however, maintain the doctrine of
divine grace, and restrict free will, as has been
shown, by an infinite succession of influencing mo-
tives, extending back through the various worlds
in the past eternity of the universe.
It is obvious that this school differs entirely from
that first mentioned, in denying the eternity of
* Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. ii. p. 37.
f Ibid. vol. ii. j). 25.
Q 2
228 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK matter, and ascribing the existence of the universe
II .
' to the energy and vohtion of God. But its original
teachers, or their European interpreters, appear to
disagree as to the manner in which that existence
is produced. One party maintains that God created
matter out of his own essence, and will resume it
into his essence at the consummation of all things ;
and that from matter thus produced, he formed the
world, and left it to make its own impressions on
the soul of man. The other party says that God
did not create matter, nor does matter exist ; but
that he did, and continually does, produce directly
on the soul a series of impressions such as the other
party supposes to be produced by the material
world. One party says that all that exists arises
from God ; the other, that nothing does exist ex-
cept God. This last appears to be the prevailing
doctrine among the modern Vedantis, though pro-
bably not of the founders and early followers of the
school.
Both parties agree in supposing the impression
produced on the mind to be regular and systematic,
so that the ideal sect reasons about cause and effect
exactly in the same manner as those who believe in
the reality of the apparent world.
Both allow volition to God, and do not conceive
that there is anything in the nature of matter, or
in his own relations, to fetter his will.
Both agree in asserting that the soul was originally
part of God, and is again to return to him ; but
neither explains how the separation is effected : the
PRESENT STATE OF PHILOSOPHY. 229
idealists, in particular, fail entirely in explaining chap.
how God can delude a part of himself into a belief '
of its own separate existence, and of its being acted
on by an external world, when, in fact, it is an in-
tegral part of the only existing being.*
Logical Schools.
Logic is a favourite study of the Bramins, and
an infinity of volumes have been produced by them
on this subject. Some of them have been by emi-
nent authors, and various schools have sprung up
in consequence ; all, however, are supposed to
originate in those of Gotama and Canade. The
first of these has attended to the metaphysics of
logic ; the second to physics, or to sensible objects.
Though these schools differ in some particulars,
they generally agree on tiie points treated on by
both, and may be considered as parts of one sys-
tem, each suj)plying the other's deficiencies.
The school thus formed has been compared to Points of
that of Aristotle, t It resembles it in its attention bWeto
to classification, method, and arrangement, and it ^^'■''*°*''^-
furnishes a rude form of the syllogism, consisting
* On the question regarding the ideal or material existence
of the world, besides Mr. Colebrooke's paper in the Transac-
tions of the Royal Asiatic Societi/, vol. ii. pp. 38, 39., see that of
Colonel Kennedy, in vol. iii. p. 414., with the remarks of Sir
Graves Haughton.
f Mr. Colebrooke, Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society,
vol. i. p. 19. ; Edinburyk Revieio for July, 1834, p. 363.
Q 3
230 HISTORY OF INDIA.
'^o^^ of five propositions, two of which are obviously
■ superfluous.*
In the logic of Canade's school there is also an
enumeration of what is translated *' predicaments,"
which are six : — substance, quality, action, com-
munity, particularity, and aggregation or intimate
relation : some add a seventh, privation. The three
first are among the predicaments of Aristotle,
the others are not, and seven of Aristotle's are
omitted, t
The subjects treated of in the two Hindu sys-
tems are naturally often the same as those of Ari-
stotle, — the senses, the elements, the soul and its
different faculties, time, space, &c. ; but many that
are of the first importance in Aristotle's system are
omitted by the Hindus, and vice versa. The de-
finitions of the subjects often differ, and the general
arrangement is entirely dissimilar.
One of the most remarkable coincidences is,
that all the Hindu schools constantly join to the
five senses a sixth internal sense (which they call
mind) which connects the other five, and answers
* As, 1. The hill is fiery ;
2. For it smokes,
3. What smokes is fiery, as a culinary hearth ;
4. Accordingly, the hill is smoking ;
5. Therefore, it is fiery.
The Hindds had also the regular syllogism, which seems a
very natural step from the above ; but as it was at a later
period, the improvement might have been borrowed from the
Greeks.
f Viz. passion, relation, quantity, when, where, situation,
and habit.
PRESENT STATE OF PHILOSOPHY. 231
exactly to the common, or internal, sense of Ari- chap.
stotle. ,
The arrangement of G6tama*s scliool is much General
more complete and comprehensive than that of tion ac^.^
Canade, and some specimens of it may serve to G6tama's'
give an idea of the minuteness to which their ^^^^°^^-
classification is attempted to be carried.
The first distribution of subjects is into sixteen Heads or
heads or topics. I can discover no principle on *''^'"'^*
which it is made, except that it comprises the in-
struments, modes, and some of the subjects, of dis-
putation. It is as follows : —
1. Proof. 2. That which is to be known and
proven. 3. Doubt. 4. Motive. 5. Instance.
6. Demonstrated truth. 7« Member of a re-
gular argument or syllogism ; 8. Reasoning by
reduction to absurdity. 9. Determination or
ascertainment. 10. Thesis or disquisition. 11.
Controversy. V2. Objection. 13. Fallacious
reason. 14. Perversion. 15. Futility. 16. Con-
futation.
The subdivisions are more natural and sys-
tematic.
Proof (or evidence) is of four kinds : percep- ist Head
tion, inference, comparison, and afiirmation (or ~~
testimony).
Inference is again subdivided into antecedent,
which discovers an effect from its cause ; conse-
quent, which deduces a cause from its effect ; and
analogous.
Q 4
232
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
II.
2d Head —
Objects of
Proof; its
subdi-
visions.
1. Soul.
2. Bod).
3. Organs
of sense.
4. Ob-
jects of
sense.
Objects of proof are twelve in number : —
1. Soul. 2. Body. 3. The organs of sensation.
4. The objects of sense. 5. Intellect. 6. Mind.
7. Activity. 8. Fault. 9. Transmigration. 10. Fruit
of deeds. 11. Pain, or physical evil. 12. Libera-
tion.
1. The first object of proof is soul; and a full
exposition is given of its nature and faculties, and
of the proofs of its existence. It has fourteen
qualities: — number, quantity, severalty, conjunc-
tion, disjunction, intellect, pain, pleasure, desire,
aversion, volition, merit, demerit, and the faculty
of imagination.
2. The second object of proof is body ; which is
still more fully discussed and analysed ; not without
some mixture of what belongs more properly to
physical science.
3. Next follow the organs of sense, which are
said not to spring from consciousness, as is advanced
by the Sankya school ; but which are conjoined
with the sixth internal sense, as in that school ;
while the five organs of action (which makeup the
eleven brought together by the Sankyas) are not
separately recognised here.
4. The next of the subdivisions of the second
head consists of the objects of sense, among which
are the terms which form the predicaments of
Canade.
The first of these is substance, and is divided
into nine sorts: — earth, w^ater, light, air, ether,
time, place, soul, mind. The qualities of each of
PRESENT STATE OF PHILOSOPHY. 233
these substances are fully examined ; after which chap.
the author passes on to the second predicament, '
quality. There are twenty-four qualities. Sixteen
are qualities of body ; namely, — colour, saviour,
odour, feel, number, quantity, individuality, con-
junction, disjunction, priority, posteriority, gravity,
fluidity, viscidity, and sound : and eight of soul ;
namely, — pain, desire, aversion, volition, virtue,
vice, and faculty. Every one of these is examined
at great length ; and, sometimes, as well as by the
Grecian schools.*
The remaining five predicaments are then de-
fined, which completes the objects of sense. Each
of the six remaining objects of proof are then ex-
amined in the same manner, which exhausts the
second head or topic.
The third head or topic, doubt, is then taken sd Head-
in hand, and so on to the end of the sixteenth ; but
enough has already been said to show the method
of proceeding, and much detail would be required
to afford any information beyond that.
The discussion of the above topics involves Meta-
many opinions, both on physical and metaphysical opinions.
subjects ; thus the immateriality, independent ex-
istence, and eternity of the soul are asserted : God
is considered as the supreme soul, the seat of eter-
nal knowledge, the maker of all things, &c.
• Levity, for instance, is merely noticed as the absence of
gravity ; while in Aristotle it is held to be a separate principle,
having a tendency to rise as gravity has to descend. Sound is
said to be propagated by undulation, wave after wave, proceed-
inj' from a centre.
234
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
II.
Doctrine of
atoms.
Resem-
blance to
some of
the Greek
schools,
especially
to Pytha-
goras.
The school of Canade, or, as it is also called, the
atomic school, supposes a transient world com-
posed of aggregations of eternal atoms. It does not
seem settled whether their temporary arrangement
depends on their natural affinities, or on the creative
power of God. *
It is impossible not to be struck with the identity
of the topics discussed by the Hindu philosophers
with those which engaged the attention of the
same class in ancient Greece, and with the simi-
larity between the doctrines of schools subsisting
in regions of the earth so remote from each other.
The first cause, the relation of mind to matter,
creation, fate, and many similar subjects, are mixed
by the Hindus with questions that have arisen in
modern metaphysics, without liaving been known
to the ancients. Their various doctrines of the
eternity of matter, or its emanation from the Di-
vinity ; of the separate existence of the Supreme
Being, or his arising from the arrangements of
nature ; the supposed derivation of all souls from
God, and return to him ; the doctrine of atoms ;
the successive revolutions of worlds ; have all like-
wise been maintained by one or other of the Gre-
cian schools, t These doctrines may, however,
have occurred independently to speculative men in
* Colebrooke, Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol.i.
p. 105. For a full account of the logical school, see Transac-
tions of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. i. p. 92., and Gladivins
Ayeen Acbery, vol. ii. p. 385. ; also, Ward on the Hindoos,
vol. ii. p, 224.
t See Ward on the Hindoos, vol. ii. p. 114.
PRESENT STATE OF PHILOSOPHY. 235
unconnected countries, and each single coincidence chap.
may perhaps have been accidental ; but when we
find a whole system so similar to that of the Hindus
as the Pythagorean, — while the doctrines of both
are so unlike the natural suggestions of human
reason, — it requires no faith in the traditions of
the eastern journeys of Pythagoras to be persuaded
that the two schools have originated in a common
source.
The end of all philosophy, according to Pytha-
goras, is to free the mind from incumbrances which
hinder its progress towards perfection* ; to raise
it above the dominion of the passions, and the in-
fluence of corporeal impressions, so as to assimilate
it to the Divinity, and qualify it to join the gods.t
The soul is a portion of the Divinity t, and re-
turns, after various transmigrations and successive
intermediate states of purgation in the region of
the dead, to the eternal source from which it
first proceeded. The mind (^w/xo^) is distinct from
the soul ((^p73v).§ God is the universal soul dif-
fused through all things, the first principle of the
universe ; invisible, incorruptible, only to be com-
prehended by the mind. II Intermediate between
God and mankind are a host of aerial beings, formed
into classes, and exercising different influences on
the affairs of the world. ^
These are precisely the metaphysical doctrines
• Enfield's History of Philosophy, vol, i. p. 382.
f Ibid. p. 389. t Il^id. p. 393.
§ Ibid. p. 397. II Ibid. p. 393.
% Ibid. p. 395. See also Stanley's History of Philosophy.
236 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK of India ; and when to them we ioin the aversion
II . . .
" of Pythagoras for animal food, and his prohibition
of it unless when offered in sacrifices*, his injunc-
tions to his disciples not to kill or hurt plants t,
the long probation of his disciples, and their myste-
rious initiation, it is difficult to conceive that so
remarkable an agreement can be produced by any
thing short of direct imitation.
Further coincidences might be mentioned, equally
striking, though less important than those already
adduced : such are the affinity between God and
light, the arbitrary importance assigned to the
sphere of the moon as the limit of earthly changes,
&c. : and all derive additional importance from
their dissimilarity to the opinions of all the Grecian
schools that subsisted in the time of Pythagoras, t
Some of the tenets of both schools are said to
have existed among the ancient Egyptians, and
may be supposed to have been derived from that
source both by Pythagoras and the Bramins. But
* Enfield, vol. i. p. 377., and Stanlei/s School of Philosophy,
p. 520.
t Stanley, p. 520.
X See, for the Hindu notions on light, the various interpreta-
tions of, and comments on, the Gayatri, especially SirJV. Jones's
Works, vol. vi. pp, 417. 4*21. ; Colebrooke, Asiatic Researches,
vol. viii. p. 400. and note; Ram Mohun Roy's translation of the
Vedas, p. 114. ; Colebrooke, Transactions of the Royal Asiatic
Society, vol. ii. p. 26., and other places. For Pythagoras, see
Enfield, vol. i. p. S94., and Stanley, p. 547. ; in both of which
places he is said to have learned his doctrine from the magi or
oriental philosophers. The opinions of both the Hindus and
Pythagoras about the moon and aerial regions, are stated by
Mr. Colebrooke, in the Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society,
vol. i. p. 578. ; for those of Pythagoras, see Stanley, p. 551.
PRESENT STATE OF THILOSOPHY. 237
our accounts of these doctrines in Egypt are only chap.
found in books written long after they had reached '
Greece through other channels. The only earlij
authority is Herodotus, who lived after the philo-
sophy of Pythagoras had been universally diffused.
If, however, these doctrines existed among the
Egyptians, they were scattered opinions in the
midst of an independent system ; and in Greece
they are obviously adscititious, and not received in
their integrity by any other of the philosophers
except by the Pythagoreans. In India, on the
contrary, they are the main principles on which
the religion of the people is founded, to which all
the schools of philosophy refer, and on which every
theory in physics and every maxim in morality
depends.
It is well argued by Mr. Colebrooke, that the
Indian philosophy resembles that of the earlier
rather than of the later Greeks ; and that, if the
Hindus had been capable of learning the first doc-
trines from a foreign nation, there was no reason
why they should not in like manner have acquired a
knowledge of the subsequent improvements. Erom
which he infers that "the Hindus were, in this
instance, the teachers, and not the learners."*
* Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. i. p. 579.
It may, perhaps, be observed, that the doctrines of Pythagoras
appear to belong to a period later than Menu. The formation
of a society living in common, and receiving common initiation,
together with the practice of burying the dead instead of burn-
ing them, seem to refer to the rules of the monastic orders ;
while the strictness regarding animal food has also a resemblance
to the tendenc}' of later times.
238 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK III.
STATE OF THE HINDUS IN LATER TIMES,
CONTINUED.
BOOK Few of the subjects which follow are noticed by
Menu : we can, therefore, no longer attempt to
mark the changes effected since his time, but must
endeavour from other sources to trace the rise and
describe the present state of each branch of inquiry
as it occurs.
ASTRONOMY AND MATHEMATICAL SCIENCE. 239
CHAP. I.
ASTRONOMY AND MATHEMATICAL SCIENCE.
The antiquity and the originality of the Indian chap.
astronomy form subjects of considerable interest.*
The first point has been discussed by some of Antiquity
■•■ ''of the
the greatest astronomers in Europe ; and is still Hindu as-
tronomy.
unsettled.
Cassini, Bailly, and Playfair maintain that ob-
servations taken upwards of 3000 years before
Christ are still extant, and prove a considerable
degree of progress already made at that period.
Several men, eminent for science, (among whom
are La Place and De Lambre,) deny the authen-
ticity of the observations, and, consequently, the
validity of the conclusion.
The argument is conducted entirely on astro-
nomical principles, and can only be decided by
astronomers : as far as it can be understood by
a person unacquainted with science, it does not
appear to authorise an award, to the extent that
is claimed, in favour of the Hindus.
All astronomers, however, admit the great an-
* Much information on these subjects, but generally witli
views unfavourable to the Hindus, is given in the illustrations,
l)y diHcrent hands, annexed to iNIr. Hugh Murray's Historical
and Descriptive Account of British India, — a \\oik of great
ability and value.
240 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK tiquity of the Hindu observations; and it seems
III
' indisputable that the exactness of tlie mean mo-
tions that they have assigned to the sun and moon
could only have been attained by a comparison of
modern observations with others made in remote
antiquity. * Even Mr. Bentley, the most strenuous
opponent of the claims of the Hindus, pronounces,
in his latest work, that their division of the ecliptic
into twenty-seven lunar mansions (which supposes
much previous observation) was made 1442 years
before our gera ; and, without relying upon his
authority in this instance, we should be inclined
to believe that the Indian observations could not
have commenced at a later period than the fifteenth
century before Christ. This would be from one to
two centuries before the Argonautic expedition and
the first mention of astronomy in Greece.
The astronomical rule relating to the calendar,
which has been quoted from the Vedas t, is shown
to have been drawn up in the fourteenth century
before Christ; and Parasara, the first writer on
astronomy of w^hose writings any portion remains,
appears to have flourished about the same time.t
* See Ponds La Place System of the World, vol. ii. p. 252.
-j- In Appendix I. See also Asiatic Researches, vol. viii.
p. 489. ; vol. vii. p. 282.
^ This appears by his observation of the place of the Colures,
first mentioned by Mr. Davis. (^Asiatic Researches, vol. ii. p. 268.)
Sir W. Jones, in consequence of some further information
received from Mr. Davis, fixed Parasara in the twelfth century
before Christ (1181, B.C.); but Mr. Davis himself afterwards
explained (^Asiatic Researches, vol. v. p. 288.) that, from the
ASTRONOMY AND MATHEMATICAL SCIENCE. 241
In our inquiries into the astronomy of the In- chap.
dians, we derive no aid from their own early au- '
thors. The same system of priestcraft, which has its extent.
exercised so pernicious an influence on the Hindus
in other respects, has cast a veil over their science.
Astronomy having been made subservient to
the extravagant chronology of the religionists,
all the epochs which it ouglit to determine have
been thrown into confusion and uncertainty ; no
general view of their system has been given ;
only such parts of science as are required for prac-
tical purposes are made known ; and even of them
the original sources are carefully concealed, and
the results communicated as revelations from the
Divinity. *
most minute consideration he could give the subject, the observ-
ation must have been made 139] years before the Christian
aera. Another passage quoted from Parasara shows that the
heliacal rising of Canopus took place in his time at a period
which agrees with the date assigned to him, on other grounds.
(Colebrooke, Asiatic Researches, vol. ix. p. 356. See also
Asiatic Researches, vol. v. p. 288., for the opinion of Mr. Davis.)
Mr. Bentley, however, at one time suspected the whole of
the works of Parasara to be modern forgeries (Asiatic Researches,
vol. vi. p. 581.); and when he admitted them afterwards (in
his posthumous work), he put a different interpretation on the
account of the rising of Canopus, and placed him, on that and
other grounds, in the year 576 before Christ. (Abstract of
Bentley's History, Oriental Magazine, vol. v. p. 24'5.) The
attempt made by Sir W. Jones to fix other dates, by means of
the mythological histories into which the name of Parasara is
introduced, does not appear successful. (Asiatic Researches,
vol. ii. p. 399.)
* Thus the " Surya Sidhanta," the learned work of an astro-
VOL. I. R
III.
242 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK From this cause, the data from which their tables
were computed are never quoted ; and there is no
record of a regular series of observations among
them.
If this system be an obstruction to our inquiries,
it must have been much more so to the progress of
science. The art of making observations was pro-
bably taught to few ; still fewer would be disposed
to employ an instrument which could not confirm,
but might impair, the faith due to divine truths.
They had none of the skill which would have been
taught, nor of the emulation which would have
nomer of the fifth or sixth century, is only known to the Hindus
as a revelation from heaven, received upwards of 2,1 64,900
years ago. Their enigmatical manner of communicating their
knowledge is as remarkable in the other sciences as in astro-
nomy. Professor Playfair speaks thus of their trigonometry : —
" It has the appearance, like many other things in the science
of those eastern nations, of being drawn up by one who was
more deeply versed in the subject than may be at first imagined,
and who knew more than he thought it necessary to commu-
nicate. It is probably a compendium formed by some ancient
adept in geometry, for the use of others who were mere prac-
tical calculators." Of their arithmetic the " Edinburgh Review"
says (vol. xxix. p. 147.), "All this is done in verse. The
question is usually propounded with enigmatical conciseness;
the rule for the computation is given in terms somewhat less
obscure ; but it is not till the example, which comes in the
third place, has been studied, that all ambiguity is removed.
No demonstration nor reasoning, either analytical or synthetical,
is subjoined ; but, on examination, the rules are found not only
to be exact, but to be nearly as simple as they can be made,
even in the present state of analytical investigation." The
same observation is applied to their algebra. Ibid. p. 151.
ASTROMOMY AND MATHEMATICAL SCIENCE. 243
been excited, by the labours of their predecessors ; chap.
and when the increasing errors of the revealed "
tables forced them at length on observations and
corrections, so far from expecting applause for
their improvements, they were obliged, by the
state of public opinion, to endeavour to make it
appear that no alteration had been made. *
In spite of these disadvantages, they appear to
have made considerable advances in astronomy.
As they have left no complete system which can
be presented in a popular form, and compared with
those of other nations, they must be judged of by
mathematicians from tlie skill they have shown in
treating the points on which they have touched.
The opinions formed on this subject appear to be
divided ; but it seems to be generally admitted
that great marks of imperfection are combined, in
tlieir astronomical waitings, with proofs of very ex-
traordinary proficiency.
* The commentator on the " Surya Sidhanta " (Asiatic He-
searches, vol. ii. p. 239.) shows strongly the embarrassment that
was felt by those who tried to correct errors sanctioned by re-
ligious authority. In the same essay (p. 257.) it appears that,
although the rational system had been established from time
immemorial, it was still thought almost impious to oppose it to
the mythological one. A single writer, indeed, avows that the
earth is self-balanced in infinite space, and cannot be supported
by a succession of animals ; but the others display no such con-
troversial spirit, and seem only anxious to show that their own
rational opinions were consistent with the previously established
fables. In the " Edinburgh Review" (vol. x. p. 459.) there is a
forcible illustration of the effect of the system of religious
fraud in retarding the progress of science.
R 9.
214
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
III.
Geometry.
The progress made in other branches of mathe-
matical knowledge was still more remarkable than
in astronomy. In the " Surya Sidhanta," written,
according to Mr. Bentley, in a. d. 1091, at the
latest, but generally assigned to the fifth or sixth
century *, is contained a system of trigonometry,
which not only goes far beyond any thing known to
the Greeks, but involves theorems which were not
discovered in Europe till the sixteenth century, t
Their geometrical skill is shown, among other
forms, by their demonstrations of various properties
of triangles, especially one which expresses the
area in the terms of the three sides, and was un-
known in Europe till published by Clavius (in the
* See Mr. Colebrooke (Asiatic Researches, vol. ix. p. 329.
note) for the position of the vernal equinox when the " Surya Sid-
hanta" was written, and Sir W. Jones (Asiatic Researches, vol. ii.
p. 392.) for the period when the vernal equinox was so situated.
Mr. Colebrooke thinks it contemporary with Brahma Gupta,
whom he afterwards fixes about the end of the sixth century.
-|- Such is that of Vieta, pointed out by Professor Playfair, in
his question sent to the Asiatic Society. (Asiatic Researches,
vol. iv. p. 152.) Professor Playfair has published a memoir on
the Hindu trigonometry (Transactions of the Royal Society of
Edinburgh, vol. iv.), which is referred to by Professor Wallace,
with the following important observation of his own : — " How-
ever ancient, therefore, any book ma}' be in which we meet
with a system of trigonometry, we may be assured it was not
written in the infancy of science. We may therefore conclude
that geometry must have been known in India long before the
writing of the ' Surya Sidhanta.' " There is also a rule for the
computation of the sines, involving a refinement first practised
by Briggs, in the beginning of the seventeenth century. (British
India, vol. iii. p. 403., in the '* Edinburgh Cabinet Library.")
ASTRONOMY AND MATHEMATICAL SCIENCE. 245
sixteenth century)*; and by their knowledge of chap.
the proportion of the radius to the circumference ,
of a circle, which they express in a mode peculiar
to themselves, by applying one measure and one
unit to the radius and circumference. This pro-
portion, which is confirmed by the most approved
labours of Europeans, was not known out of India
until modern times.!
The Hindus are distinguished in arithmetic by the Arith-
metic.
acknowledged invention of the decimal notation ;
and it seems to be the possession of this discovery
which has given them so great an advantage over
the Greeks in the science of numbers, t
But it is in algebra that the Bramins appear to Algebra.
Iiave most excelled their contemporaries. Our
accounts of their discoveries in that science are
obtained from the works of Brahma Gupta (who
lived in the sixth century), and Bhascara Acharya
(in the twelfth century) §, but both drew their ma-
* Edinburgh Review, vol. xxix. p. 158.
I The ratio of the diameter to the circumference is given in
the " Surya Sidhanta," probably written in the fifth century
(Asiatic Researclies, vol. ii. p. 259.), and even by Mr. Bentley's
account, in the eleventh. The demonstrations alUided to in the
preceding lines are generally by Brahma Gupta in the sixtli
century.
J A writer in the " Edinburgh Review" (vol. xviii. p. 211.),
who discusses the subject in a tone of great liostility to the
Hindu pretensions, makes an observation vvhich appears entitled
to much consideration. He lays down the position, that decimal
notation is not a very old invention, and points out the impro-
bability of its having escaped Pythagoras, if it had in his time
been known in India.
§ Mr. Bentley, in his last work, wishes to prove, by his usual
Ii 3
246 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK terials from Arya Bhatta, in whose time the science
J seems to have been at its height ; and who, though
not clearly traced further back than the fifth cen-
tury, may, in Mr. Colebrooke's opinion, not im-
probably have lived nearly as early as Diophantus,
the first Greek writer on algebra ; that is, about
A.D. 360.
But, whichever may have been the more ancient,
there is no question of the superiority of the Hin-
dus over their rivals in the perfection to which they
brought the science. Not only is Arya Bhatta
superior to Diophantus, (as is shown by his know-
ledge of the resolution of equations involving
several unknown quantities, and in a general me-
thod of resolving all indeterminate problems of at
least the first degree *,) but he and his successors
press hard upon the discoveries of algebraists who
lived almost in our own time. Nor is Arya Bhatta
the inventor of algebra among the Hindus ; for
there seems everv reason to believe that the science
was in his time in such a state, as it required the
lapse of ages, and many repeated efforts of inven-
tion, to produce, t It was in his time, indeed, or
mode of computation, that Bhascara wrote in the reign of Akber
(a.d. 1556); but the date in the text is mentioned in a Persian
translation presented to that very emperor by the celebrated
Feizi, whose inquiries into Hindu science form the most con-
spicuous part of the literature of that age. (SeeBooklX.chap.iii.)
Bhascara is likewise quoted by many authors anterior to Akber,
whose authenticity Mr. Bentley is therefore obliged to deny.
* Edinburgh Review, vol. xxix. p. 142.
t Ibid. p. 143.
ASTRONOMY AND MATHEMATICAL SCIENCE. 247
in the fifth century, at latest, that Indian science chap.
appears to have attained its highest perfection. * '
Of the orioinahty of Hindu science some opinions Originality
^ -^ i of Hindu
must have been formed from what has been ah'eady science.
said.
In their astronomy, the absence of a general
theory, the unequal refinement of the different
* In the "Edinburgh Review" (vol. xxi. p. 372.) is a striking
history of a problem (to find x so that a ,V'-\-b shall be a square
number). The first step towards a solution is made by Dio-
phantus ; it is extended by Fermat, and sent as a defiance to
the English algebraists in the seventeenth century ; but was
only carried to its full extent by Euler ; who arrives exactly at
the point before attained by Bhascara in a. d. 1150. Another
occurs in the same Review (vol. xxix. p. 15:3.), where it is stated,
from Mr. Colebrooke, that a particular solution given by Bhas-
cara (a. d. 1150) is exactly the same that was hit on by Lord
Brounker, in 1657 ; and that the general solution of the same
problem was unsuccessfully attempted by Euler, and only accom-
plished by De la Grange, a. d. 1767; although it had been as
completely given by Brahma Gupta in the sixth century of our
sera. But the superiority of the Hindus over the Greek alge-
braists is scarcely so conspicuous in their discoveries as in the
excellence of their method, which is altogether dissimilar to
that of Diophantus {Strachey's Bija Ganita, quoted in the
" Edinburgh Review," vol. xxi. pp. 374-, 375.), and in the perfec-
tion of their algorithm. (Colebrooke, Indian Algebra, quoted in
the " Edinburgh Review," vol. xxix. p. 162.) One of their most
favourite processes (that called cuttaca)was not known in Europe
till published by Bachet de Mezcriac, about the year 1621', and
is virtually the same as that explained by Euler. (^Edinburgh
Review, vol. xxix. p. 151.) Their application of algebra to
astronomical investigations and geometrical demonstrations is
also an invention of their own ; and their manner of conducting
it is, even now, entitled to admiration. (Colebrooke, quoted by
Professor Wallace, ubi supra, pp. 40S, i09. ; and Edinburgh Re-
view, vol. xxix. p. 15H.)
R 1.
248 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK portions of science which have been presented to
HI. .
1 . us, the want of demonstrations and of recorded
observations, the rudeness of the instruments used
by the Bramins, and tlieir inaccuracy in observing,
together with the suspension of all progress at a
certain point, are very strong arguments in favour
of their having derived their knowledge from a
foreign source. But on the other hand, in the first
part of their progress, all other nations were in still
greater ignorance than they ; and in the more ad-
vanced stages, where they were more likely to have
borrowed, not only is their mode of proceeding
peculiar to themselves, but it is often founded on
principles with wliich no other ancient people were
acquainted ; and shows a knowledge of discoveries
not made, even in Europe, till within the course of
the last two centuries. As far as their astronomical
conclusions depend on those discoveries, it is self-
evident that they cannot have been borrowed ; and,
even where there is no such dependence, it cannot
fairly be presumed that persons who had such re-
sources within themselves must necessarily have
relied on the aid of other nations.
It seems probable that, if the Hindus borrowed
at all, it was after their own astronomy had made
considerable progress ; and from the want of exact
resemblance between the parts of their system and
that of other nations, where they approach the
nearest, it would rather seem as if they had taken
up hints of improvement than implicitly copied the
doctrines of their instructors.
ASTRONOMY AND MATHEMATICAL SCIENCE. ^4'9
That they did borrow in this manner from the chap.
Greeks of Alexandria does not appear improbable; ______
and the reason cannot be better stated than in
the words of Mr. Colebrooke, who has discussed
the question with his usual learning, judgment,
and impartiality. After showing that the Hindu
writers of the fifth century speak with respect of
the astronomy of the Yavanas, (by whom there is
every reason to think that, in this instance, they
mean the Greeks,) and that a treatise of one of
their own authors is called '* Romaka Sidhanta,'*
very possibly in allusion to the system of the western
(or Roman) astronomers, he goes on to say, " If
these circumstances, joined to a resemblance hardly
to be supposed casual, which the Hindu astronomy,
with its apparatus of eccentrics and epicycles bears
in many respects to that of the Greeks, be thought
to authorise a belief that the Hindus received from
the Greeks that knowledge which enabled them to
correct and improve their own imperfect astro-
nomy, I shall not feel inclined to dissent from the
opinion. There does appear ground for more than
a conjecture that the Hindus had obtained a know-
ledge of Grecian astronomy before the Arabs began
to cultivate the science.'*
In another place * Mr. Colebrooke intimates
his opinion that it is not improbable that the
Hindus may have taken the hint of their solar
zodiac from the Greeks, but adapted it to their
* Asiatic Researches, vol. ix. p. .'It7.
^^'
250 HISTORY OF INDIA.
Ill
BOOK own ancient division of the ecliptic into twenty-
seven parts. Their astrology, he thinks, is almost
entirely borrowed from the West.*
From w^hat has been already said, it seems very
improbable that the Indian geometry and arithmetic
have been borrowed from the Greeks, and there is
no other nation which can contest the priority in
those sciences. The peculiarity of their method
gives every appearance of originality to their dis-
coveries in algebra also.
In this last science, the claims of the Arabs have
been set up against them ; but Mr. Colebrooke
has fully established that algebra had attained the
highest perfection it ever reached in India before
it was known to the Arabians, and, indeed, before
the first dawn of the culture of the sciences among
that people. t
Whatever the Arabs possessed in common with
the Hindus, there are good grounds for thinking
that they received from the latter nation ; and
however great their subsequent attainments and
* In addition to the points already mentioned, in which the
Hindus have gone beyond the other ancient nations, Mr. Cole-
brooke mentions two in astronomy : one is in their notions
regarding the precession of the equinoxes, in which they were
more correct than Ptolemy, and as much so as the Arabs, who
did not attain to their degree of improvement till a later period;
the other relates to the diurnal revolution of the earth on its
axis, which the Bramins discuss in the fifth century, and which,
although formerly suggested in ancient times by Heraclitus,
had been long laid aside by the Greeks, and was never revived
in Europe until the days of Copernicus.
t Colebrooke's Algebra, Arithmetic, &c.
ASTRONOMY AND MATHEMATICAL SCIENCE. 251
discoveries, it is to be remembered that they did chap.
not begin till the eighth century, when they first
gained access to the treasures of the Greeks.
On these subjects, however, as on all connected
with the learning of the Bramins, the decisions of
the most learned can only be considered as opin-
ions on the facts at present before us ; and they
must all be regarded as open to question until our
increased acquaintance with Shanscrit literature
shall qualify us to pronounce a final judgment.
The history of science, after all, is chiefly in-
teresting from the means it affords of judging of
the character of the nation possessed of it ; and in
this view we find the Bramins as remarkable as
ever for diligence and acuteness, but with the
same want of manliness and precision as in other
departments, and the same disposition to debase
every thing by a mixture of fable, and by a sacrifice
of the truth to the supposed interests of the sacer-
dotal order.
252 HISTORY OF INDIA.
CHAP. II.
GKOGRAPHY.
BOOK The Hindus have made less prosrress in this than
III. • ,, . ^ ""
m any other science.
According to their system, Mount Meru oc-
cupies the centre of the world.* It is a lofty
mountain of a conical shape, the sides composed
of precious stones, and the top forming a sort of
terrestrial paradise. It may have been suggested
by the lofty mountains to the north of India, but
seems no part of that chain, or of any other that
exists out of the fancy of the mythologists.
It is surrounded by seven concentric belts or
circles of land, divided by seven seas.
The innermost of those circles is called Jambud-
wip, which includes India, and is surrounded by
a sea of salt water. t
TJie other six belts are separated from eacli
other by seas of milk, wine, sugar-cane juice, &c.,
and appear to be entirely fabulous.
The name of Jambudwip is sometimes confined
to India, which at other times is called Bharata.
That country, and some of those nearest to it,
* Some consider Mount Meru as the North Pole : however
this may be, it is, in all the geographical systems of the Hindus*
the point to which every thing refers.
f Col. Wilford, Asiatic Researches, vol. viii. pp. 291. 298, &c.
GEOGRAPHY. ^53
appear to be the only part of the earth at all known chap.
to the Hindus. '
Within India, their ancient books furnish geo-
graphical divisions, with lists of the towns, moun-
tains, and rivers in each ; so that, though indistinct
and destitute of arrangement, many modern divi-
sions, cities, and natural features can be recog-
nised.
But all beyond India is plunged in a darkness
from which the boldest speculations of modern
geographers have failed to rescue it.*
It is remarkable that scarcely one Shanscrit
name of a place beyond the Indus coincides with
those of Alexander's historians, thougii many on
the Indian side do. It would seem, therefore, as
if the Hindus had, in early times, been as averse
to travelling as most of them are still ; and that
they would have remained for ever unconnected
with the rest of the world if all mankind had been
as exempt from restlessness and curiosity as them-
selves.
The existence of Indian nations in two places
beyond the Indus furnishes no argument against
* Tlie ill success with which this has been attempted may be
judged of by an examination of Col. Wilford's Essay on the
Sacred Isles in the West, especially the first part (^Asiatic Re-
searches, vol. viii. p. 267.); while the superiority of the mate-
rials for a similar inquiry within India is shown by the same
author's Essay on Gangetic Iliiidostan (Asiatic Researches,
vol. xiv. p. 373.), as well as by an essay in the Oriental Maga.
zine, vol. ii. See also the four first chapters of the second book
of the Vishnu Purana, p. 161.
Q5i HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK this observation. Those near the sea coast were
" probably driven by political convulsions from their
own country, and settled on the nearest spot they
could find. (See Appendix III.) Of those in
the northern mountains we cannot guess the his-
tory ; but although both seem, in Alexander's
time, to have lost their connection with India, and
to have differed in many respects from the natives
of that country, yet they do not appear to have
formed any sort of acquaintance with other nations,
or to have been met with beyond their own limits.
At present, (besides religious mendicants who
occasionally wander to Baku, the sacred fire on
the Caspian, who sometimes go to Astrachan, and
have been known to reach Moscow,) individuals of
a Hindu tribe from Shikarpur, a city near the
Indus, settle as merchants and bankers in the
towns of Persia, Turkistan, and the southern do-
minions of Russia ; but none of these are given to
general inquiry, or ever bring back any information
to their countrymen.
Few even of the neighbouring nations are men-
tioned in their early books. They seem to have
known the Greeks, and applied to them the name
of Yavan, which they afterwards extended to all
other conquerors from the north-west j and there is
good reason to think that they knew the Scythians
under the name of Sacas.* But it was within
India that they became acquainted with both those
* Supposed to be the same with the Sacae of the ancient
Persians, as reported by the Greeks.
GEOGRAPHY. ^55
nations, and they were totally ignorant of the re- chap.
gions from which their visitors had come. The '
most distinct indication that I have observed of an
acquaintance with the Romans is in a writer of the
seventh or eighth century, quoted by Mr. Cole-
brooke*, who states that the Barbaric tongues are
called Parasica, Yavana, Raumaca, and Barbara,
the three first of which would appear to mean
Persian, Greek, and Latin.
The western country, called Romaka, where it
is said to be midnight when it is sunrise at Lanka,
may perhaps be Rome also. It is mentioned in
what is stated to be a translation from the *' Sid-
hantaSirimonit,"and must, in tliat case, have been
known to the Bramins before they had much com-
munication with the Mahometans. China they
certainly knew. We possess the travels of a native
of that country in India in the fourth century ; and
tlie king of Magada is attested, by Chinese authors,
to have sent embassies to China in the second and
subsequent centuries. Tliere is a people called
China mentioned in Menu, but they are placed
among the tribes on the north-west of India ; and,
* Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. i. p. 453.
■f Ward's Hindoos, vol. ii. p. 457. Romaka is also men-
tioned as meaning Rome by Col. Wilford (Asiatic Researches,
vol. viii. p. 367., and elsewhere) ; but it is to be observed that
Rome and Italy are, to this day, quite unknown in the East.
Even in Persia, Rum means Asia Minor ; and the " CfEsar of
Rome " always meant the Byzantine Emperor, until the title
was transferred to the Turkish Sultan.
2.56 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK moreover, the name of Chin was not adopted till
III
' long after Menu's age.
Unless we put faith in the very learned and in-
genious deductions of Colonel Wilford, it will be
difficult to find, in the essays on geographical sub-
jects which have been drawn from Shanscrit sources,
any signs of an acquaintance with Egypt ; although
the trade carried on for centuries by Greek and
Roman navigators from that country might have
been expected to have brought it into notice.
CHRONOLOGY. 257
CHAP. III.
CHRONOLOGY.
The greater periods employed in the computation chap.
of time by the Hindus need scarcely be discussed.
Though founded on astronomical data, they are ^lytiio-
" •' logical
purely mythological, and do not deserve the atten- periods.
tion they have attracted from European scholars.
A complete revolution of the nodes and ap-
sides, which they suppose to be performed in
4,320,000,000 years, forms a calpa or day of
Brahma. In this are included fourteen manwan-
taras, or periods, during each of which the world
is under the control of one Menu. Each man-
wan tara is composed of seventy-one maha yugas,
or great ages, and each maha yuga contains four
yugas, or ages, of unequal length. These last
bear some resemblance to the golden, silver,
brazen, and iron ages of the Greeks.*
This last division alone has any reference to the
affairs of mankind. The first, or satya yuga, ex-
tends through 1,728,000 years. The second, or
treta yuga, througli J ,29^,000 years. The third,
called dwapar yuga, through 80 1,000 years ; and
the last, or cali yuga, through 432,000 years. Of
the last or cali yuga of the present manwantara
* Mr. Davis, Asiatic Researches, vol. ii. pp.228 — 231.
VOL. I. S
^58 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK 4941 years have elapsed ; and within that period
most historical events are acknowledged to have
occurred. Some, however, are placed at earlier
epochs ; and would be beyond the reach of chro-
nology, if they could not be brought within more
credible limits.*
impossi- We must, therefore, discard the yugas, along
fixing early with thc calpas and manwantaras, and must en-
^'^^^^ deavour to draw the chronology of the Hindus
from such other sources as they have themselves
presented to us.
It has been shown that the Vedas were probably
collected about fourteen centuries before Christ ;
but no historical events can with any certainty be
connected with that date. The astronomer Parasara
may perhaps have lived in the fourteenth century
before the commencement of our sera ; and with
him, as with his son Vyasa, the compiler of the
Vedas, many historical or mythological persons
are connected ; but, in both cases, some of those
who are made contemporary with the authors in
question appear in periods remote from each
* In fixing the date of the Institutes of Menu, (which appear,
in fact, to have been written less than 900 years before Christ,)
the Hindu chronologists overflow even the hmits of the four
ages, and go back nearly seven manwantaras, a period exceeding
4,320,000, multiplied by six times seventy-one. (^Asiatic Be-
searches, vol. ii. p. 116.) The " Surya Sidhanta " (written in
the fifth century of our aera) assumes a more modern date; and,
being revealed in the first, or satya yuga, only claims an anti-
quity of from 2,000,000 to 3,000,000 years.
Rama, who seems to be a real historical person, is fixed at
the end of the second age, near 1,000,000 years ago.
CHRONOLOGY. 259
other ; and the extravagant duration assigned to chap.
the lives of all holy persons, prevents the partici- ^^'
pation of any of them from contributing to settle
the date of a transaction.
The next ground on which we might hope to Soiarand
establish the Hindu chronology is furnished by '"^' ^^''^^'
lists given in the Puranas of two parallel lines of
kings (the races of the sun and moon), which are
supposed to have reigned in Ayodha, and in the
tract between the Jamna and Ganges, respectively;
and from one or other of which all the royal
families of ancient India were descended. These
lists, according to the computation of Sir W.
Jones, would carry us back to 3500 years before
Christ. But the lists themselves are so contra-
dictory as to prevent all confidence in either. The
heads of the two are contemporaries, being brother
and sister ; yet the lunar race has but forty-eight
names in the same period, in which the solar has
ninety-five ; and Crishna, whom the Puranas them-
selves make long posterior to Rama, is fiftieth in
the lunar race, while Rama is sixty-third in the
solar.*
The various attempts made to reconcile the lists
* For the most improved copies of the lists, see Prinsep's
Useful Tables, p. 94-, Sec. For the previous discussions, see Sir
W. Jones, Asiatic Researches, vol. ii. p, 128. ; Colonel Wilford,
Asiatic Researches, vol. v. table opposite p. 241., and p. 287.;
Mr. Ward, vol. i. p. 14. ; Dr. Hamilton Buchanans Hindoo
Genealogies (a separate work) ; consult likewise Professor Wil-
son's Preface to the Vishnu Punina, p. Ixiv., &c., and the Purana
itself, Book IV. chaps, i. and ii. p. 347.
s 2
2G0 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK have only served to increase the discrepancy. The
III.
narrative by which they are accompanied in the
Puranas discredits them still further by absurdities
and puerilities ; and, although many of the kings
named may have reigned, and some of the tales
related may be allusions to real history, yet no
part of either, down to the time of Crishna and
the war of the " Maha Bharat," affords the least
basis on which to found a system of chronology.
From the time of the *' Maha Bharat'* we have
numerous lists of kings in different parts of India,
which present individually an appearance of pro-
bability, and are in several instances confirmed by
extraneous testimony.
More frequently they are authenticated or illus-
trated by religious inscriptions and grants of land.
These last, in particular, are sculptured on stone
or engraved on copper plates ; the latter very
common and generally in good preservation. They
not only record the date with great care and
minuteness, but almost always contain the names
of some of the predecessors of the prince who
confers the grant. If sufficient numbers should be
found, they may fix the dates of whole series of
kings ; but, at present, they are unconnected
fragments, which are of use in local histories, but
give little help to general chronology.
Kings of The line of Magada alone, besides receiving
Maga a. g^i^ij^i^^g confirmations from various quarters, pre-
sents a connected chain of kings from the war of
the " Maha Bharat," to the fifth century after
CHRONOLOGY. 26l
Christ, and thus admits of an approximation to the chap.
principal epochs within tliat period. .
Sahadeva was king of Magada at the end of
the war of the *' Maha Bharat."
The thirty-fifth king in succession from him was
Ajata Satru, in whose reign Sakya or Gotama, the
founder of the Budha rehgion, flourished. There
can be Httle doubt that Sakya died about 550 be-
fore Christ.* We have, therefore, the testimonies
of the Burmese, Ceylonese, Siamese, and some
other Baudha cln'onicles, written out of India, by
which to settle the aera of Ajata Satru.
The sixth in succession from Ajata Satru, in-
clusive, was Nanda, on whose date many others
depend. The ninth from Nanda was Chandra
Gui)ta ; and the third from him was Asoca, a
prince celebrated among the Baudhas of all coun-
tries, as one of the most zealous disciples and pro-
moters of their religion.
It is by means of the two last princes that we
gain a link to connect the chronology of India
with that of Europe ; and are enabled (though
still very loosely) to mark the limits of the period
embraced by Hindu history.
From some motive, probably connected with tiie
desire to magnify Crishna, the Hindu authors have
made the end of tlie war of the " Maha Bharat "
and the death of that iiero contemporary with the
commencement of tlic cali yug, or evil age ; and
* See J). '210/211.
s 3
262
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
III.
Chandra-
gupta con-
temporary
with Se-
leucus J
this assertion, though openly denied by one of their
own authors*, and indirectly contradicted by facts
stated in others, is still regarded as incontrovertible.
In applying the list of kings drawn from the
Puranas to the verification of this epoch, Sir W.
Jones was struck with the resemblance between
the name of Chandragupta and that of Sandra-
cottus, or Sandracoptus, who is mentioned by
European writers as having concluded a treaty with
Seleucus. On a close examination, he was sur-
prised to find a great resemblance in their histories ;
and assuming the date of Chandragupta to be the
same as that of Seleucus, he was enabled to reduce
those of preceding events to a form more consistent
with our notions.t The arguments by which this sup-
position may be supported are fully and fairly stated
by Professor Wilson. t They are — the resemblance
between the names just mentioned, and between
that of Xandramas, by which Diodorus calls San-
dracottus, and that of Chandramas, by which he is
sometimes designated in Indian authors ; his low
birth, and his usurpation, which are common to
the Greek and Hindu stories ; the situation of his
kingdom, as described by Megasthenes, who was
ambassador at his court ; the name of his people,
Prasii with the Greeks, corresponding to Prachi,
the term applied by Hindu geographers to the
* A historian of Cashmir. See note on the age of Yudashtir
Asiatic Researches, vol. xv.
f Asiatic Researches, vol. iv. p. xxvii.
\ Hindu Theatre, vol. iii. p. 3.
CHRONOLOGY. ^63
tract in which Maojada is situated ; and of his chap
III
capital, which the Greeks call Palibothra, while .
the Hindus call tiiat of Chandragupta Pataliputra.
Subsequent discoveries, from Braminical sources,
fixed the date of Chandragupta with somewhat
more precision : Wilford placed him in 350 b. c,
and Wilson in 315 ; and they received an unex-
pected confirmation from the chronological tables
of the Baudhas, procured from the distant countries
of Ava and Cejlon. The first of these (from
Crawford's "Ava"*,) places his reign between the
years 392 and S76 b. c. ; and the other (in Tur-
nour's " Mahawanso"t,) between the years 381 and
347 B. c. ; wliile the Greek accounts lead us to fix
it between the accession of Seleucus in 312, and
his death in 280 b. c.t The difference between
the Baudha and Greek dates, amounting to thirty
or forty years §, is ascribed by jVIr. Tumour to a
wilful fraud on the part of the priests of Budha,
who, though entirely free from the extravagances
of Bramin chronology, liave been tempted on this
occasion to accommodate their historical dates to
one which liad been assumed in their rcHgious tra-
ditions. The effect of this inconsistency would
* See Prhisep's Useful Tables, p. 132.
\ Introduction, p. xlvii. \ Clinton's Fasti.
§ As the expedition of Seleucus was undertaken immediately
after his reduction of Babylon (312 b. c), ne may suppose It to
have taken place in 310 b. C. ; and as Chandragupta (according to
the " Mahiiwanso") died in 31-7 B.C., there will be a discrepancy
to the extent of thirty-seven years, even if the last act of Chan-
dragupta's life was to sign the treaty.
S 1
!264
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK not be sufficient to prevent our retaining a strong
' conviction of the identity of Chandragupta and
Sandracottus, even if no further proof had been
and As6cu obtained. All doubt, however, has been removed,
tiochusr by a discovery which promises to throw light on
other obscure parts of Indian history. Many caves,
rocks, and pillars, in different parts of India, are
covered with inscriptions in a character which nei-
ther European nor native had been able to decipher,
and which tantalised the spectators like the hiero-
glyphics of Egypt ; until Mr. Prinsep, who had
long made them his study, without being able to
find a key to them, happened to notice the brevity
and insulated position of all the inscriptions sent
from a particular temple ; and, seizing on this cir-
cumstance, which he combined with a modern
practice of the Baudhas, he inferred that each pro-
bably recorded the gift of some votary. At the
same time when he made this ingenious conjecture,
he was struck with the fact that all the inscriptions
ended in the same two letters ; and, following up
his theory, he assumed that those letters were D
and N, the two radical letters in the Shanscrit name
for a donation. The frequent recurrence of another
letter suggested its representing S, the sign of the
genitive in Shanscrit ; and, having now got hold
of the clue, he soon completed his alphabet. He
found that the language was not pure Shanscrit,
but Pali, the dialect in which the sacred writings
of the Baudhas are composed ; and by means of
these discoveries, he proceeded to read the hitherto
CHRONOLOGY. 265
ille(?ible inscriptions, and also to make out the chap.
. . in.
names of the kings on one series of the Indian
coins. He met with an agreeable confirmation of
his theory, from a fact observed simultaneously by
himself and Professor Lassen of Bonn ; that the
names of Agathocles and Pantaleon, which ap-
peared in Greek on one side of a medal, were
exactly repeated on the reverse in the newly dis-
covered alphabet.
He now applied the powerful engine he had
gained to the inscription on Firuz Shah*s column at
Delhi, which has long attracted the curiosity of
orientalists, as well as to three other columns in
Gangetic India, and found them all give way
without difficulty. They proved all to contain
certain edicts of Asoca ; and as he proceeded with
other inscriptions, he found two relating to similar
mandates of the same monarch. One of these was
found by the Rev. Mr. Stevenson, President of the
Literary Society of Bombay, engraved on a rock
at Girnar, a sacred mountain of the Baudhas, in
the peninsula of Guzerat ; and the other by Lieu-
tenant Kittoe, on a rock at Dhauli, in Cattac, on
the opposite coast of India. One of these con-
tained eleven, and the other fourteen edicts : all
those of the pillars were included in both, and the
two rock inscriptions agreed in ten edicts on the
whole. One of these, found on both the rocks,
related to the erection of hospitals and other
charitable foundations, which were to be established
as well in Asoca's own j)rovinces, as in others oc-
^6C) HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK ciipied by the faithful (four of whom are named),
' " even as far as Tambapanni ; (Taprobane, or
Ceylon ;)" and *' moreover within the dominions of
Antiochus the Greek [Antioko Yona], of which
Antiochus*s generals are the rulers."
A subsequent edict, on one of the rocks, is in a
shattered state, and has not been perfectly made
out ; but seems to express exultation in the exten-
sion of Asoca's doctrines, (especially with regard to
forbearing to kill animals*,) in foreign countries, as
well as in liis own. It contains the following frag-
ment : " and the Greek king besides, by whom
the chapta ( ?) kings Turamayo, Gongakena, and
Maga/'t
Two of these names Mr. Prinsep conceives to
refer to Ptolemaios and Magas, and regards their
occurrence as a proof that Asoca was not without
acquaintance and intercourse with Egypt ; a con-
clusion M'hich may be adopted without liesitation,
as the extent of the India trade, under the first
Ptolemies, is a well-known fact in history. Mr.
Prinsep's opinion, that the Ptolemy referred to
was Ptolemy Philadelphus, who had a brother,
named Mao-as, married to a dausrhter of Antioclius
I., appears also to be highly probable ; and
would establish that the Antiochus mentioned in
the other edict is either the first or second of the
name : that is, either the son or grandson of
Seleucus.
* Journal of the Asiatic Society of Calcutta, vol. vii. p. 261.
t Ibid. p. 224.
CHRONOLOGY. ^67
The synchronism between the m-andson of Chan- chap.
•^ ^ III.
dragupta and one of the early successors of Se-
leucus leaves no doubt of the contemporary exist-
ence of the elder princes ; and fixes an epoch in
Hindu chronology, to which the dates of former
events may w^ith confidence be referred.
The first date to fix is that of Nanda. Though Date of
there were eight kings between him and Clian- reign.^^
dragupta, it is not known whether they were in
lineal or collateral succession, one account making
them all brothers ; but four of the Puranas agree
in assigning only 100 years to the whole nine, in-
cluding Nanda. We may therefore suppose
Nanda to have come to the throne 100 years before
Sandracottus, or 400 years before Christ.
The sixth king, counting back from Nanda in- Date of the
elusive, is Ajata Satru, in whose reign Sakya died. Budha.
The date of that event has been shown, on autho-
rities independent on the Hindus, to be about 550
B. c. ; and as five reigns interposed between that
and 400 would only allow thirty years to each,
there is no irreconcileable discrepancy between the
epochs.
Between Nanda and thewar of the " Maha Bha- rroiK.bie
» 1 1 1 1 I 1 • 11 I (late (if the
rat there had been three dynasties; and the number war of the
of years during which each reigned is given in four Bhdrat!"
Puranas. The aggregate is 1500 years ; but the
longest list gives only forty-seven kings ; and the
same four Puranas in another place give, with
equal confidence, a totally different number of
years. One makes the interval between Nanda
268 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK and the war of the " Maha Bharat" 1015 years ;
III.
two others, 1050 ; and the fourth, 1115. Now, the
shortest of these periods, divided among forty-seven
kings, gives upwards of twenty-one years to a
reign ; and to make out 1500 years, would require
more than thirty-one years to each reign. Such a
duration through forty-seven continuous reigns is
so unhkely, that we can scarcely hesitate to prefer
the medium between the shorter periods, and de-
cide, as far as depends on the evidence of the
Puranas, that the war of the " Maha Bharat" ended
1050 years before Nanda, or 1450 before Christ.
If we adopt the belief of the Hindus, that the
Vedas were compiled, in their present form, at the
time of the war, we must place the latter event in the
fourteenth century before Christ, upwards of fifty
years later than the date given by the Puranas. This
alteration is recommended by the circumstance
that it would still further reduce the length of the
reigns. It would place the w^ar of the " Maha
Bharat " about 200 years before the siege of Troy.
But even the longest period (of 1500 years from
Nanda) would still leave ample room since the
commencement of the cali yug, or since the flood,
to dispose of the few antecedent events in Hindu
history. Supposing the flood and the cali yug to
be about the same time (as many opinions justify),
there would be considerably more than 1400 years
from that epoch to the war of the " Maha Bharat."
Dates after Two Purauas givc the period from Nanda for-
ehand ra-
gupta.
CHRONOLOGY. ^09
wards, to the end of the fifth dynasty from him, chap.
. . Ill-
or fourth from Sandracottiis : the whole period is
836 or 854 years from Nanda, or 436 or 454 a. d.
The last of these dynasties, the Andras, acceded
to power about the beginning of our aera ; which
agrees with the mention by Pliny, in the second
century, of a powerful dynasty of the same name ;
and although this might refer to another family of
Andras in the Deckan, yet the name of Andre Indi,
on the Ganges, in the Peutengerian tables, makes
it equally probable that it applied to the one in
question.
The Chinese annals, translated by De Guignes, Coin-
notice, in a. d. 408, the arrival of ambassadors witi"the
from the Indian prince Yue-gnai, Kingof Kia-pi-li. ^n^llT
Kia-pi-li can be no other than Capili, the birth-
place and capital of Budha, which the Chinese
have put for all Magada. Yue-gnai again bears
some resemblance to Yaj-nasri, or Yajna, the king
actually on the throne of the Andra at the period
referred to. The Andra end in Pulimat, or Pulo-
mcirchish, a. d. 436 ; and from thence forward the
chronology of Magada relapses into a confusion
nearly equal to that before the war of the " Maha
Bharat."
An embassy is indeed mentioned in the Chinese
annals, as arriving in a. d. 641, from Ho-lo-mien,
of the family of Kie-li-tie, a great king in India.
M. de Guignes supposes his kingdom to have been
Magada ; but neither the king's name nor that of
lyO HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK the dynasty bears the least resemblance to any in
the Puranas.*
Obscurity The Vishnu Purana states (in the prophetic tone
after a.d. \^ ^ . .
436. which, as a professed work of Vyasa, it is compelled
to assume, in speaking of events subsequent to that
sage's death,) that " after these" [Andras] there
will reign —
7 A^hiras,
10 Garddharbas,
l6 Sakas,
8 Yavanas,
14 Tusharas,
13 Mundas, and
11 Maunas ; who will be sovereigns of the
whole earth for 1390 years : 11 Pauras follow, who
reign for 300 years, and are succeeded by the
Kailaka Yavanas, who reign for 106 years. All this
would carry us nearly 500 years beyond the present
year 1840; but, if we assume that the summing
up the first dynasties into 1390 is an error, and
* The note in which M. de Guignes offers this opinion is
curious, as showing, from a Chinese work which he quotes, that
Magada was called Mo-kia-to, and its capital recognised by both
its Hindu names Kusumapura, for which the Chinese wrote
Kia~so-mo-pou-lo, and Pataliputra, out of which they made
Po-to-li-tse, by translating Putra, which means a son in Shan-
scrit, into their own corresponding word tse. The ambassadors
in A. D. 641 could not, however, have come from Pataliputra,
which had long before been deserted for Rajgrihi (or Behar) ;
for the capital was at the latter place when visited by the Chi-
nese traveller, in the beginning of the fifth century (^Journal of
the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. v. p. 132.) ; and another Chinese,
who wrote in a.d. 640, states that Pataliputra was a mass of
ruins when he had seen it on his travels.
CHRONOLOGY. 271
that they were in reality contemporaneous, or chap.
nearly so, the conclusion we are led to is, that after .
the Andras, a period of confusion ensued, during
which different parts of India were possessed by
different races, of whom nothing further is known.
If the Yavans be Greeks, it would, no doubt, be
surprising to find eight of their monarchs reigning
after a. d. 436 ; and the Kaikala Yavans would be
still more embarrassing. They may possibly be
Mussulmans.*
Immediately after all this confusion comes a
list of dynasties reigning in different kingdoms ;
and among them is a brief notice of *' the Guptas
of Magada, along the Ganges, to Prayaga." Now,
it has been put out of all dispute, by coins and in-
scriptions, that a race, some of whose names ended
in Gupta, did actually reign along the Ganges
from the fourth or fifth to the seventh or eighth
century.
There is, therefore, some truth mixed with these
crudities, but it cannot be made available without
external aid ; and as nearly the same account is
given in the other historical Puranas, we have no-
thing left but to give up all further attempts at the
chronology of Magada.
The ac'ra of Vicramaditya in Mahva, which ^Erasofvi-
beguis fifty-seven years berore Christ, and is ni ami saiiva-
hana.
* Professor Wilson, Vishnu Purdna, p. 4-74' — 481. Dr. Mills,
translation from the Allahabad column, in the Journal of the
Asiatic Societij of Calcutta, vol. iii. p. 257. ; and other papers
in that Journal, quoted by Professor Wilson.
272 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK constant use to this day all over Hindostan ; and
' that of Salivahana, whose £era, commencmg a. d. 78,
is equally current in the Deckan, might be ex-
pected to afford fixed points of reference for all
events after their commencement; and they are
of the greatest use in fixing the dates of grants of
land which are so important a part of our mate-
rials for history. But the fictitious SBra of the
Puranas prevents their being employed in those
collections, and there are no other chronicles in
which they might be made use of. On tlie whole
we must admit the insufficiency of the Hindu
chronology, and confess that, with the few ex-
ceptions specified, we must be content with
guesses, until the arrival of the Mussulmans at
length put us in possession of a regular succession
of events, with their dates.
MEDICINE. 27s
CHAP. IV.
MEDICINE.
The earliest medical writers extant are Charaka chap.
and Siisruta. We do not know the date of either "
of them ; but there is a commentary on the second
and later of tlie two, which was written in Cash-
mir in the twelfth or thirteenth century, and does
not seem to have been the first.*
These authors were translated into Arabic, and
probably soon after that nation turned its attention
to literature. The Arab writers openly acknow-
ledge their obligations to the medical writers of
India, and place their knowledge on a level with
that of the Greeks. It helps to fix the date of
their becoming known to the Arabs, to find that
two Hindus, named Manka and Saleh, were phy-
sicians to Harun al Rashid in the eighth century.t
Their acquaintance with medicines seems to
have been very extensive. We are not surprised
at their knowledge of simples, in which they gave
early lessons to Europe, and more recently taught
* Most of the information in this chapter is taken from an
essay on the antiquity of the Indian materia mcdica, by Dr.
Roylc, Professor of King's College, London. The additions are
from Ward's Hindoos (vol. ii. p. 337, &c.), and Mr. Coats,
Transactions of the Literary Society of Boinbay, vol- iii. p. 232.
f Professor Dietz, quoted by Dr. Koyle, p. 6 k
VOL. I. T
^74 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK US the benefit of smoking datura in asthma, and
III. . .
. the use of cowitch against worms : their chymical
skill is a fact more striking and more unexpected.
They knew how to prepare sidphuric acid, nitric
acid, and muriatic acid ; the oxide of copper, iron,
lead (of which they had both the red oxide and
litharge), tin, and zinc ; the sulphuret of iron,
copper, mercury, antimony, and arsenic ; the sul-
phate of copper, zinc, and iron ; and carbonates of
lead and iron. Their modes of preparing those
substances seem, in some instances, if not in all,
to have been peculiar to themselves.*
Their use of these medicines seems to have
been very bold. They were the first nation who
employed minerals internally, and they not only
gave mercury in that manner, but arsenic and
arsenious acid, which were remedies in intermit-
tents. They have long used cinnabar for fumi-
gations, by which they produce a speedy and safe
salivation.
Their surgery is as remarkable as their medi-
cine, especially when we recollect their ignorance
of anatomy. They cut for the stone, couched for
the cataract, and extracted the foetus from the
womb, and in their early works enumerate no
less than 127 sorts of surgical instruments. t But
their instruments were probably always rude. At
present they are so much so, that, though very
* See Dr. Royle, p. 44., who particularly refers to the pro-
cesses for making calomel and corrosive sublimate,
t Dr. Royle, p. 49.
MEDICINE. ' 275
successful in cataract, their operations for the chap.
stone are often fatal.
They have long practised inoculation ; but still
many lives were lost from small-pox, until the in-
troduction of vaccination.
The Hindu physicians are attentive to the pulse
and to the state of the skin, of the tongue, eyes,
&c., and to the nature of the evacuations ; and
they are said to form correct prognostics from the
observation of the symptoms. But their practice
is all empirical, their theory only tending to mis-
lead them. Nor are they always judicious in their
treatment : in fevers, for instance, they shut up
the })aticnt in a room artificially heated, and de-
prive him, not only of food, but drink.
They call in astrology and magic to tlie aid of
their medicine, applying their remedies at appro-
priate situations of the planets, and often accom-
panying them with mystical verses and charms.
Many of these defects probably belonged to the
art in its best days, but the science has no doubt
declined ; chemists can conduct their preparations
successfully without having the least knowledge of
the principles by which the desired changes are
effected ; physicians follow the practice of their
instructors without inquiry ; and surgery is so far
neglected, that bleeding is left to the barber, bone-
setting to the herdsman, and every man is ready
to administer a blister, which is done witii the
juice of the euphorbium, and still oftener with tiie
actual cautery.
T '2
276 HISTORY OF INDIA.
CHAP. V.
LANGUAGE.
BOOK The Shanscrit language has been pronounced by
______ one whose extensive acquaintance with those of
Shanscrit. othci' ancicut and modern nations entitles his
opinion to respect, to be " of a wonderful struc-
ture ; more perfect than the Greek, more copious
than the Latin, and more exquisitely refined than
either."*
The language so highly commended seems al-
ways to have received the attention it deserved.
Panini, the earliest extant writer on its grammar,
is so ancient as to be mixed up with the fabulous
ages. His works and those of his successors have
established a system of grammar the most com-
plete that ever was employed in arranging the
elements of human speech.
I should not, if I were able, enter on its details
in this place ; but some explanation of them is
accessible to the English reader in an essay of
Mr. Colebrooke.t
* Sir VV. Jones, Asiatic Hesearches, vol. i, p. 422.
f Asiatic Researches, vol. vii. p. 199. Among many marks
of high polish, is one which must have particularly promoted
the melody of its versification. This consists in what Mr. Cole-
brooke calls its euphonical orthography, by which letters are
changed, not only so as to avoid harsh combinations in particular
LANGUAGE. ^77
Besides innumerable grammars and dictionaries, chap.
. V.
there are, in Shanscrit, treatises on rhetoric and _____
composition, proportioned in number to the extent
of Hindu Uterature in every branch.* Shanscrit
is still carefully cultivated ; and, though it has long
been a dead language, the learned are able even
now to converse in it, probably with as much ease
as those of Europe found in Latin before the
general diffusion of the knowledge of modern
tongues. It would be curious to ascertain when
it ceased to be the language of the people, and
how far it ever was so in its highly polished form.
Shanscrit has of late become an object of more
interest to us, from the discovery of its close con-
nection (amounting in some cases to identity)
with Greek and Latin. This fact has long been
known to Shanscrit scholars, who pointed it out in
reference to single words ; but it has now been
demonstrated by means of a comparison of the in-
flexions, conducted by German writers, and par-
ticularly by Mr. Bopp.t
It is observed by Mr. Colebrooke, that the lan-
guage, metre, and style of a particular hymn in
words, but so as to preserve a similar harmony througliout the
whole length oF each of their almost interminable compounds,
and even to contribute to the music of whole periods, which are
generally subjected to those modifications, for the sake of euphony,
which in other languages are confined to single words.
• Colebrooke, Asiatic Researches, vol. vii. p. 205, &c.
•j- See a very succinct account of his conijjarison in tlie Edin-
bnrffh Review, vol. xxxiii. p. 131. ; and a more copious one in
the Annals of Oriental Literature.
T 3
578
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
Til.
Other lan-
guages of
India.
one of the Vedas, furnishes internal evidence
" that the compilation of those poems in the pre-
sent arrangement took place after the Shanscrit
tongue had advanced from the rustic and irregular
dialect in which the multitude of hymns and
prayers of the Veda was composed, to the polished
and sonorous language in which the mythological
poems, sacred and profane, have been written."
From the Vedas to Menu, and from Menu to
the Puranas, Sir W. Jones conceives the change
to be exactly in the same proportion as from the
fragments of Numa to those of the twelve tables,
and from those to the works of Cicero.
The Indian names introduced by the liistorians
of Alexander are often resolvable into Shanscrit in
its present form. No allusion is made by those
authors to a sacred language, distinct from that of
the people ; but, in the earhest Hindu dramas,
women and uneducated persons are introduced,
speaking a less polished dialect, while Shanscrit is
reserved for the higher characters.
Some conjectures regarding the history of Shan-
scrit may be suggested by the degree in which it
is combined with the modern languages of India.
The five northern languages, those of the Pan-
jab, Canouj, Mithila (or North Behar), Bengal,
and Guzerat, are, as we may infer from Mr. Cole-
brooke, branches of the Shanscrit, altered by the
mixture of local and foreign words and new inflec-
tions, much as Italian is from Latin* ; but of the
* Asiatic Researches, vol. vii. p. 219. See also Wilson,
Pf-eface to the Mackenzie Collection, p. li.
LANGUAGE. 279
five languages of the Deckan, three, at least, chap.
(Tamul, Teiugu, and Carnata,) have an origin '
totally distinct from the Slianscrit, and receive
words from that tongue in the same manner that
Latin has been engrafted on English, or Arabic
on Hindi. Of these three, Tamul is so much the
most pure, that it is sometimes thought to be the
source of the other two. Teiugu, though it pre-
serves its own structure, is much mixed with Shan-
scrit words.
Of the remaining two, the language of Orissa,
though probably of the Tamul family, is so much
indebted to Shanscrit as to lead Mr, Wilson to say
that " if the Shanscrit vocables were excluded, it
could not pretend to be a language." It is, in-
deed, often counted (instead of Guzerati) among
the five languages of the north.
Maharashtra, or Maratto, is considered by Mr.
Wilson to belong to the northern family, though
always counted among those of the south. The
people must therefore be a branch of those beyond
the Vindya mountains, but no guess can be made
at the period of their immigration.*
■" The remarks on the southern languages are taken, with a
very few exceptions, from Mr. Wilson's preface to the Mackenzie
Papers, and from the writings of Mr. Ellis and Mr. Babington
quoted in that dissertation.
T 4
280 HISTORY OF INDIA.
III.
CHAP. VI.
LITERATURE.
Poetry.
BOOK A PERSON unacquainted with Shanscrit scarcely
possesses the means of forming an opinion on the
poetry of the Hindus.
The singular attention to harmony which charac-
terises the Shanscrit must give it a charm that is
lost in translation ; and the unbounded facility of
forming compounds, which adds so much to the
richness of the original, unavoidably occasions stiff
and unnatural combinations in a language of a
different genius.
Even the originality of Hindu poetry diminishes
our enjoyment of it, by depriving it of all aid from
our poetical associations. The peculiarity of the
ideas and recollections of the people renders it
difficult for us to enter into their spirit ; while the
difference of all natural appearances and produc-
tions deprives their imagery of half its beauty and
makes that a source of obscurity to us, which to a
native of the East would give additional vividness
to every expression. What ideas can we derive
from being told that a maiden's lips are a bandhu-
jiva flower, and that the lustre of the madhuca
beams on her cheeks ? or, in other circumstances,
LITERATURE. 281
that her cheek is like the champa leaf? Yet those chap.
figures may be as expressive, to those who under-
stand the allusions, as our own comparisons of a
youthful beauty to an opiening rose, or one that
pines for love to a neglected primrose.
With all these disadvantages, the few specimens
of Shanscrit poetry to which we have access pre-
sent considerable beauties.
Their drama, in particular, which is the depart- E)iama.
ment with which we are best acquainted, rises to a
high pitch of excellence. Sacontala has long been
known to Europeans by the classical version of Sir
W. Jones, and oiu' acquaintance with the principal
of the remaining dramas has now become familiar
through the admirable translations of Mr. Wilson.
Though we possess plays written at least as early
as the beginning of the Christian sera, and one
which was composed in Bengal within these fifty
years, yet the whole number extant does not ex-
ceed sixty. This is probably owing to the manner
in which they were at first produced, being only
acted once on some particular festival in the great
hall or inner court of a palace*, and consequently
losing all the popvdarity which plays in our times
derive from repeated representations in different
cities and in ])ublic theatres. Many must also have
been lost owing to the neglect of the learned ; for
the taste for this species of poetry seems corrupted,
if not extinct, among the Bramins ; and altlioiigh
* Wilson's Prcflicc to the "Theatre of tlic Hindus."
Q82 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK some ol the least deserving specimens are still
" favourites, yet Professor Wilson assures us that he
has met with but one Eiamin who could be con-
sidered as conversant with the dramatic literature
of his country.*
Of these dramas we possess translations of eight,
and abstracts mixed with specimens of twenty-four
more.
Though there are no tragedies among the num-
ber, none at least that terminate unhappily, yet
these plays exhibit a variety not surpassed on any
other stage. Besides the different classes of dramas,
farces, moralities, and short pieces such as we
should call interludes, the diversity arising from the
subjects seems to have been almost unlimited. A
play translated by Dr. Taylor of Bombay is a
lively, and sometimes humorous, illustration of the
tenets of the different schools of philosophy.! Of
the more regular dramas, some relate to the actions
of heroes ; some, to the wars and loves of kings ;
others, to the intrigues of ministers ; and others
are strictly confined to the incidents of private life.
The characters are as different as the subjects.
In some there is not a trace of supernatural agency
or an ahusion to religion. In others, nymphs of
Paradise are attached to earthly lovers ; gods and
demons appear in others ; enchantments, uncon-
nected with religion, influence the fate of some ;
* Appendix to the " Theatre of the Hindus," vol. iii. p. 97.
t This will suggest " The Clouds " of Aristophanes, but it is
more like some of the moralities of the middle a<?es.
LITERATURE. 288
and in one, almost the whole Hindu Pantheon is chap.
VI.
brought on the stage to attest the innocence of the L_
heroine.
In general, however, even in the cases where
the gods afford their assistance, the interest of the
drama turns entirely on human feelings and natural
situations, over which the superior beings have no
direct influence.
The number of acts is not fixed, and extends in
practice from one to ten.
The division seems to be made when the stage
becomes vacant, or when an interval is required
between two parts of the action.
In general, unity of time is not much violated
(though in one case twelve years passes between
the first and second acts) ; unity of place is less
attended to ; but the more important pouit of
iniity of action is as well preserved as in most
modern performances.
The plots are generally interesting ; the dialogue
lively, though somewhat prolonged ; and consider-
able skill is sometimes shown in preparing the
reader to enter fully into the feelings of the per-
sons in the situations in which they are about to
be placed.
Some judgment of the actors may be formed
from the specimens still seen. Regular dramas
are very rarely performed ; when they are, the
tone is grave and declamatory. The dresses are
such as we see represented on ancient sculptures ;
and the high caps, or rather crowns, of the supe-
28'h HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK rior cliaractcrs, composed of dark azure and ffold,
III. . . . .
' of the form peculiar to Hindu sculpture, give an air
of much greater dignity than the modern turban.
Mimics, buffoons, and actors of a sort of partly
extemporary farces, are common still. They are
coarse, childish, and, when not previously warned,
grossly indecent ; but they exhibit considerable
powers of acting and much comic humour.
The best dramatic authors are Calidas, who pro-
bably lived in the fifth century, and Bhavablmti,
who flourished in the eighth. Each of these poets
wrote three dramatic works, two of which, in each
instance, have been translated. The first excels
in tenderness and delicacy, and is full of highly
poetical description. The beauties of his pastoral
drama of " Sacontala" have long been deservedly
admired. The " Hero and the Nymph," in Mr.
Wilson's collection, is in a still more romantic
strain, and may be compared (in the wildness of
its design at least) to the " Tempest" and " Mid-
summer Night's Dream.'* * The other great dra-
* Mr, Mill's judgment on "Sacontala" is not, in general,
favourable ; but one passage is so just, and so well expressed,
that I cannot refrain from quoting it. " The poem, indeed, has
some beautiful passages. The courtship between Sacontala and
Dushmantu (that is the name of the king) is delicate and
interesting ; and the workings of the passion on two amiable
minds are naturally and vividly pourtrayed. The picture of the
friendship which exists between the three youthful maidens is
tender and delightful; and the scene which takes place when
Sacontala is about to leave the peaceful hermitage where she
had happily spent her youth, her expressions of tenderness to
her friends, her affectionate parting with the domestic animals
LITERATURE. 285
matist possesses all the same qualities in an equal chap.
degree, accompanied with a sublimity of descrip-
tion, a manly tone, and a high and even martial
spirit, that is without example in any other Hindu
poet that I have heard of.
It may, indeed, be asserted of all the composi-
tions of the Hindus, that they participate in the
moral defects of the nation, and possess a character
of voluptuous calm more adapted to the con-
templation of the beauties of nature, than to the
exertion of energy or to the enjoyment of adven-
ture. Hence, their ordinary poetry, though flow-
ing and elegant, and displaying a profusion of the
richest imagery, is often deficient in the spirit which
ought to prevent the reader's being cloyed with
sweetness, and seldom moves any strong feeling, or
awakens any lofty sentiment.
Tiie emotions in which they are most successful
are those of love and tenderness. They power-
fully present the raptures of mutual affection, the
languishment of absence, and the ravings of dis-
appointed passion. They can even rise to the
nobler feelings of devoted attachment, and generous
disregard of selfish motives ; but we look in vain
for traits of vigour, of pride, or independence: even
in their numerous battles they seem to feel little
real sympathy with the combatants, and are obliged
to make up by hyperbolical description for the
she had tended, and even with the flowers and trees in which
she had dchglitcd, breathe more than pastoral sweetness."
286 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK want of that ardent spirit which a Greek or Roman
III. . .
' poet could easily transfuse into the bosom of his
hero, while it glowed with all its fervor in his
own. *
The great strength of the Shanscrit poets, as
well as their great delight, is in description. Their
most frequent subjects are scenes of repose and
meditation, amidst sequestered woods and flowery
banks, fanned by fragrant gales and cooled by
limpid waters ; but they are not unsuccessful in
cheerful and animated landscape. Such is the de-
scription of the country round Ujein in the ninth
act of " Malati and Madhava ;'* wdiere mountains,
rocks, woods, villages, and glittering rivulets com-
bine to form an extensive and a varied prospect.
The city occupies the centre of the view : its
towers, temples, pinnacles, and gates are reflected
on the clear stream beneath ; while the groves
on the banks refreshed with early rain, and the
meadows brightening with the recent shower, afford
a luxurious resting place to the heavy-uddered
kine. Sometimes, also, they raise their efforts to
the frowning mountain and the gathering tempest.
Bhavabhuti, in particular, excels in this higher sort
of description. His touches of wild mountain
* The following speech of a stripling in one of Bhavabhiiti's
plays, however, reminds us of the "joys of combat" which
delighted the northern warrior : —
'^ BoT/. The soldiers raise their bows and point their shafts
Against you, and the hermitage is still remote.
Fly! &c.
" Lava. Let the shafts fall. Oh ! this is glorious !"
LITERATURE. 28?
scenery in different places, and his description of chap.
the romantic rocks and solemn forests round the
source of the Godaveri, are full of grandeur and
sublimity. Among his most impressive descrip-
tions is one where his hero repairs at midnight to
a field of tombs, scarcely lighted by the flames of
funeral pyres, and evokes the demons of the place,
whose appearance, filling the air with their shrill
cries and unearthly forms, is painted in dark and
powerful colours ; while the solitude, the moan-
ing of the wmds, the hoarse sound of the brook,
the wailing owl, and the long-drawn howl of the
jackall, which succeed on the sudden disappear-
ance of the spirits, almost surpass in effect the pre-
sence of their supernatural terrors.*
This taste for description is more striking from
its contrast with the practice of some of tiieir
neighbours.
In Persian poets, for instance, a long descrip-
tion of inanimate nature is rarely met with. Their
genius is for the expression of deep feelings or of
sublime conceptions ; and, in their brief and in-
distinct attempts at description, they attend ex-
clusively to the sentiment excited by objects in
the mind, quite neglecting the impression which
they make on the senses.
But a Shanscrit poet, without omitting the cha-
racteristic emotion, ])resents all the elements from
which it springs, delineates the peculiar features
* MTilati and Madhava, Act I. Scene 1., in WiIso7is Theatre
of the Hindoos.
^88 HISTORY OF INDIA.
III.
BOOK of the scene, and exhibits the whole in so pic-
turesque a manner, that a stranger, even with his
ignorance of the names of plants and animals,
might easily form a notion of the nature of an In-
dian landscape.
Thus, in a description of a Persian garden, the
opening buds smile, the rose spreads forth all her
charms to the intoxicated nightingale ; the breeze
brings the recollections of youth, and the spring
invites the youths and damsels to his bridal pavi-
lion. But the lover is without enjoyment in this
festival of nature. The passing rill recalls the
flight of time ; the nightingale seems to lament
the inconstancy of the rose, and to remember that
the wintry blast will soon scatter her now bloom-
ing leaves. He calls on the heavens to join their
tears to his, and on the wind to bear his sighs to
his obdurate fair.
A Hindu poet, on the other hand, represents,
perhaps, the deep shade of a grove, where the
dark tamala mixes its branches with the pale fo-
liage of the nimba, and the mangoe tree extends its
ancient arms among the quivering leaves of the
lofty pipala, some creeper twines round the jambu,
and flings out its floating tendrils from the top-
most bough. The asoca hangs down the long
clusters of its glowing flowers, the madhavi ex-
hibits its snow-white petals, and other trees pour
showers of blossoms from their loaded branches.
The air is filled with fragrance, and is still, but for
the hum of bees and the rippling of the passing rill.
LITERATURE. 289
The note of the coil is from time to time heard ^^^^•
at a distance, or the low murmur of the turtle-
dove on some neighbouring tree. The lover wan-
ders forth into such a scene, and indulges his
melancholy in this congenial seclusion. He is
soothed by the south wind, and softened by the
languid odour of the mangoe blossoms, till he
sinks down overpowered in an arbour of jessa-
mine, and abandons himself to the thoughts of his
absent mistress.
The figures employed by the two nations par-
take of this contrast : those of the Persians are
conventional hints, which would scarcely convey
an idea to a person unaccustomed to them. A
beautiful woman's form is a cypress ; her locks
are musk (in blackness) ; her eyes a languid nar-
cissus ; and the dimple in her chin a well ; but
the Shanscrit similes, in which they deal more than
in metaphors, are in general new and appropriate,
and are sufficient, without previous knowledge, to
place the points of resemblance in a vivid liglit.
The Shanscrit poets have, no doubt, common-
places, and some of them as fanciful as those of
the Persians ; but in general the topics seem
drawn from tiie writer's memory and imagination,
and not adopted from a common stock which has
supplied the wants of a succession of former au-
thors. Having said so much of the Hindu drama,
and having anticipated the general character of
Shanscrit poetry, I shall be more brief with what
remains.
VOL. I. u
290
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
III.
Sacred
poetry.
Heroic
poems.
The " Ra-
The most voluminous as well as the most ancient
and important portion of Hindu verse consists of
the sacred and the epic or heroic poems. On the
sacred poems Mr. Colebrooke has pronounced*,
that their " general style is flat, diffuse, and no less
deficient in ornament than abundant in repeti-
tions." The specimens which have been translated
give no ground for questioning this decision.
Of the Vedas, the first part, consisting of hymns,
&c., can alone be classed with poetry ; and how-
ever sublime their doctrines, it appears that the
same praise cannot be extended to their composi-
tion.
The extracts translated by Mr. Colebrooke, Ram
Mohan Rai, and Sir W. Jones, and the large spe-
cimen in the " Oriental Magazine" for December,
1825, afford no sign of imagination, and no ex-
ample of vigour of thought or felicity of diction.
The same, with a few exceptions, applies to the
prayers and hymns in Colebrooke's " Treatise on
the Religious Ceremonies of the Hindus."!
Next in succession to the Vedas comes the great
heroic poem of the "Ramayana," which commemo-
* Asiatic Researches, vol. x. p. 4'25.
f A cursory view of the portion of the " Rig Veda" translated
by Mr. Rosen (latelypublished) does not raise our opinion of those
veorks. It seems to be a collection of short hymns addressed
to the gods of the elements and the heavenly bodies, conveying
praises and petitions, little varied, and but rarely showing signs
of a poetical spirit. The topics of praise appear to be confined
to the effect of each god's power on the material world ; and
the prayers are even less spiritual, being, in a great majority of
instances, for wealth alone.
LITERATURE. 291
rates the conquest of Ceylon.* The author, Val- chap.
miki, is said to have been contemporary with the '
event ; but not even a poet would invest a hving
warrior with supernatural powers, or would give
him an army of apes for allies. A considerable
period must have elapsed before the real circum-
stances of the story were sufficiently forgotten to
admit of such bold embellishments. This argu-
ment, however, shows the early date of the hero,
without impugning the antiquity of the poem. Of
that there can be no dispute ; for the language
approaches nearer than any other Shanscrit poem
to the early form used in the Vedas, and an epi-
tome is introduced into the *' Maha Bharat," itself
the work of a remote age.
This last poem is ascribed to Vyasa. the author ThcMahsi
of the Vedas, and an eye-witness of the exploits
which it records. But within the poem itself is an
acknowledgment that it was put into its present
form by Saiiti, who received it through another
person from Vyasa : 24,000 verses out of 100,000
are alleged, in the same place, to be the work of
the original poet, t Its pretensions to such remote
antiquity are disproved by the advanced stage of
the language; and the mention of Yavanasi: (if
that term be applied to the Greeks) shows that
some portion is of later date than the middle of
* See p. 173., and Book IV. chap, i.
f Oriental Magazine, vol. iii. p. 133.
% Translation at the place just referred to, and Professor
Wilson, Asiatic liesearc/ies, vol. xv. p. 101.
U 2
Ill
29^ HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK the fourth century before Christ. But there seems
no ground to question the opinion of one well qua-
lified to judge, that it was familiar to tlie Hindus
at least two or three centuries before Christ.* It
illustrates the date of both works to observe that,
although the heroes in both are incarnations of
Vishnu, Rama commonly appears throughout the
poem in his human character alone, and though
Crishna is sometimes declared to be the Supreme
Being in a human form, yet his actions imply no
such divinity, and the passages in which his iden-
tity with the ruler of the universe are most clearly
stated may be suspected of being the production
of a later period than the rest, t
With the exception of Mr. Colebrooke (who in-
cludes them in his censure of the sacred poetry),
all who have read the heroic poems in the original
are enthusiastic in tlieir praise ; and their beauties
have been most feh by those whose own produc-
tions entitle their judgment to most respect. Nor
is this admiration confined to critics who Iiave pe-
culiarly devoted themselves to Oriental literature :
Milman and Schlegel vie with Wilson and Jones
in their applause ; and from one or other of those
writers we learn the simplicity and originality of
the composition ; the sublimity, grace, and pathos
of particular passages ; the natural dignity of the
actors ; the holy purity of the manners, and the
inexhaustible fertility of imagination in the authors.
* Oriental Magazine, vol. iii. p. 133.
t Preface to the Vishnu Puriina, p. ix.
LITERATURE.
293
VI.
From such evidence, and not from translations in chap,
prose, we should form our opinions of the originals.
If we were obliged to judge from such of those
literal versions as we possess in English (which are
mostly from the*'Ramayana")> we should be unable
to discover any of the beauties dwelt on, except
simplicity ; and should conceive the poems to be
chiefly characterised by extreme flatness and pro-
lixity. Some of the poetical translations exhibit
portions more worthy of the encomiums bestowed
on them. The specimens of the " Maha Bharat"
wliich appeared, in blank verse, in the " Oriental
Magazine," * are of this last description. It is true
that, though selections, and improved by com-
pression, they are still tediously diffuse; but they
contain many spirited and poetical passages : the
similes, in particular, are short, simple, and pic-
turesque ; and, on the whole, the author must be
acknowledged to tread, at whatever distance, on
the path of Homer.
The episode of ** Nala and Damyanti," in the
same poem t, being a domestic story, is better fitted
than battles to the Hindu genius ; and is a model of
beautiful simplicity. Among the other episodes in
the same poem (as it now stands) is the " Bhagwat
Ciita," which is supposed to be the work of a much
later age. It is a poetical exposition of the doc-
trines of a ])articular school of theology, and has
been admired for the clearness and beauty of the
* For December, 1821-, and March and September, 1825.
■f Translated by the Kev. II. II. Mihnan.
u 3
294 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK lansTLiaffe and illustrations. Whatever mav be its
III. .
merits as to clearness, it deserves high praise for
the skill with which it is adapted to the original
epic, and for the tenderness and elegance of the
narrative by means of which it is introduced.
The legendary part of the Puranas may be re-
garded as belonging to this description of poetry.
Some of the extracts introduced by Colonel Ken-
nedy in his " Researches into Hindu Mythology "
are spirited and poetical.
The portion of the *' Ramayana'* of Bodayanah
translated by Mr. Ellis in the " Oriental Magazine"
for September, 1820, is more conformable to Eu-
ropean taste than the other translations ; but it
seems doubtful, from the note in page 8., whether
it is designed to be a literal translation ; and, con-
sequently, it cannot safely be taken as a specimen
of Hindu poetry.
Descrip- The " Mcghaduta" * is an excellent example of
purely descriptive poetry. A spirit banished from
heaven charges a cloud with a message to his
celestial mate, and describes the countries over
which it will have to pass.
The poet avails himself of the favourite Hindu
topic of the setting in of the rainy season, amidst
assembled clouds and muttering thunder, the re-
vival of nature from its previous languor, the re-
joicing of some animals at the approach of rain,
and the long lines of cranes, and other migratory
* Translated by Professor Wilson, and published with the
original Shanscrit, in 1813.
LITERATURE. . 295
birds that appear in the higher regions of the sky : chap.
he describes the varied landscape and the numerous ^_
cities over which the cloud is to pass, interspersing
allusions to the tales which are associated with the
different scenes.
Intermixed with the whole are the lamentations
of the exile himself, and his recollections of all the
beauties and enjoyments from which he is excluded.
The description is less exuberant than in most
poems, but it does not escape the tameness which
has been elsewhere ascribed to Shanscrit verse.
The *' Gita Govinda, or Songs of Jaya Deva*," Pastorai.
are the only specimens I know of pure pastoral.
They exhibit, in perfection, the luxuriant imagery,
the voluptuous softness, and the want of vigour and
interest which form the beauties and defects of the
Hindu school.
They are distinguished also by the use of con-
ceits ; which, as the author lived as late as the
fourteenth century, are, perhaps, marks of the
taste introduced by the Mahometans.
I have seen no specimen of Hindu satire. Some Satue.
of their dramatic performances seem to partake of
this character.! Judging from the heaviness of
the ludicrous parts occasionally introduced into
the regular plays, I should not expect to find much
success in this department.
Though there are several other poetical works Tales and
fabk
* Asiatic Researches, vol. iii. p. 185.
t See Wilson's Hindu Drama, vol. iii. p. 97, &c. of the
Appendix.
U 4
296 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK translated, enough has, perhaps, been said on this
' subject, considering the Uttle value of opinions
formed on such grounds. An important part of
the Hindu literature, however, still remains to be
noticed, in their tales and fables ; in both of which
species of composition they appear to have been
the instuctors of all the rest of mankind. The
most ancient known fables (those of Bidpai) have
been found almost unchanged in their Shanscrit
dress ; and to them almost all the fabulous relations
of other countries have been clearly traced.* The
complicated scheme of story-telling, tale within
tale, like the " Arabian Nights," seems also to be
of their invention, as are the subjects of many w^ell-
known tales and romances both Oriental and Eu-
ropean. In their native form, they are told with
simplicity, and not without spirit and interest. It
is remarkable, however, that the taste for descrip-
tion seems here to have changed sides, the Hindu
stories having none of those gorgeous and pic-
turesque accompaniments which are so captivating
in the Arabian and Persian tales, t
* By Mr, Colebrooke, the Baron de Sacy, and Professor
Wilson.
-|- As a guide to further inquiry into the Indian origin of
European fictions, consult the Transactions of the Royal Asiatic
Society, vol. i. p. 156.
FINE ARTS. 297
CHAP. VII.
THE FINE ARTS.
Music.
The Hindu music appears, from the accounts of chap
.VII
Sir W. Jones* and Mr. Patersont, to be systematic
and refined.
They have eighty-four modest, of which thirty-
six are in general use, and each of which, it ap-
pears, has a pecuUar expression, and the power of
moving some particular sentiment or affection.
They are named from the seasons of the year
and tlie hours of the day and night, and are each
considered to possess some quahty appropriate to
the time.
Musical science is said to have declined like all
others ; and, certainly, the present airs do not give
* Asiatic Researches, vol. iii. p. 55.
f Ibid, vol ix. p. 4'45.
X Sir W. Jones explains that these modes are not to be con-
founded with our modern modes, which result from the system
of accords now established in Europe. The Indian modes are
formed partly "by giving the lead to one or other of our twelve
sounds, and varying, in seven different ways, the position of the
semitones." This gives the number of eighty-four, which has
been retained, although many of the original, or rather possible,
modes have been dispensed with, and the number made up by
aids drawn " from the association of ideas and the mutilation of
the regular scales."
III.
29s HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK to an unlearned ear the impression of any such
variety or complication. They are almost all of
one sort, remarkably sweet and plaintive, and dis-
tinguishable at once from the melodies of any other
nation. To do them justice, however, they should
be heard from a single voice, or accompanied by
the Vina, which has been called the Indian lyre.
The usual performance is by a band of fiddles
and drums beaten with the fingers. It is loud and
unmusical, and would drown the voices of the
singers if they were not exerted to a pitch that is
fatal to all delicacy or softness.*
Painting.
Painting is still in the lowest stage. Walls of
houses are often painted in water colours, and
sometimes in oils. The subjects are mythology,
battles, processions, wrestlers, male and female
figures, and animals, with no landscape, or at best
a tree or two or a building stuck in without any
knowledge of perspective, or any attention to light
and shade. Of the works of other nations they
most resemble the paintings on the walls of Egyptian
tombs. They have also pictures of a small size in
* It is but fair to give the following opinion from a person
evidently qualified to judge (in the Oriental Quarterly Magazine
for December, 1825, p 197.) : — " We may add, that the only
native singers and players whom Europeans are in the way of
hearing, in most parts of India, are regarded by their scientific
brethren in much the same light as a ballad-singer at the corner
of the street by the primo soprano of the Italian Opera."
FINE ARTS. 299
a sort of distemper, which, in addition to the above chap.
subjects, inchide likenesses of individuals. '
The Hindus have often beautifully illuminated
manuscripts, but the other ornaments are better
executed than the figures. K portraits were not
spoken of as common in the dramas, I should sus-
pect that they had learned this art from the Mus-
sulmans, by whom (in spite of the discouragement
given by the Mahometan religion) they are very
far surpassed.
Sculpture.
One would expect that sculpture would be car-
ried to high perfection among a people so devoted
to polytheism ; and it certainly is not for want of
employment that it has failed to attain to excel-
lence. Besides innumerable images, all caves and
temples are covered with statues and reliefs ; and
the latter are often bold, including complicated
groups, and expressing various passions. They
are sometimes very spirited, and neither the sculp-
tures nor paintings fiil to produce very fine speci-
mens of grace in figure and attitude ; but there is
a total ignorance of anatomy, and an inattention
even to the obvious appearances of the limbs and
muscles, together with a disregard of proportion
between different figures, and a want of skill in
grouping, which must entirely exclude the best of
the Hindu sculpture from coming into the most
remote comparison with European works of art.
300 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
III.
Architecture.
The numerous edifices erected by the Hindus
attest their knowledge of the practice of architec-
ture ; and if any confidence can be given to the
claims of the books of which fragments still remain,
they seem early to have been acquainted with the
science.
A candid and judicious review of the extant
works on architecture is contained in a late essay
by an intelligent native, where, also, the system
taught by them is ably developed.*
The principles of the art seem, by this essay, to
have been well understood ; and numerous rules
appear to have been derived from them.
The various mouldings, twelve in number, are
described ; some (the cyma, toro, cavetto, &c.)
are the same as our own, and a few are peculiar.
The forms and proportions of pedestals, bases,
shafts, capitals, and entablatures are given ; how
fully, in some cases, may be conjectured from there
being sixty-four sorts of bases. There are no fixed
orders, but the height of a column may vary from
six to ten diameters, and its proportions regulate,
though not strictly, those of the capitals, inter-
columniations, &c. This place does not admit of
any specification of the rules of architecture, or
anything beyond a general notion of the native
* Essay on Hindu Architecture, by Ram Raz, published by
the Oriental Translation Fund.
FINE ARTS.
301
bnildine:s which are now to be seen m India. The chap.
'b
Style of those structures has been supposed to re-
semble that of Egypt. It does so only in the
massy character both of the buildings and the ma-
terials, and in the quantity of sculpture on some
descriptions of edifices. The practice of building
high towers at gateways is also similar, but in
Egypt there is one on each side, and in India only
one over the gateway.
Some few of the Egyptian columns bear a re-
semblance to some in the cave temples ; but these
are all the points in which any similarity can be
discovered.
The two most striking features in Egyptian
architecture are, the use of pyramids, and the man-
ner in which the sides of every building slope in-
wards until they reach the top, where they meet a
flat roof with a particularly bold and deep cornice.
Neither of these characteristics is to be found in
India. Pyramidal roofs to the halls before temples
are not uncommon, but they are hollow within, and
supported by walls or pillars. Solid pyramids are
unknown ; and even the roofs are diversified on
the outside with acroteria and other ornaments,
that take away all resemblance to the Egyptian
pyramids. Walls are always perpendicular, and
though toweis of temples diminish gradually, yet
they do so in a manner peculiar to themselves, and
bear as much resemblance to our slender steeples
as to broad masses of Egyi)tian architecture. They,
VII.
302 HISTORY OF INDIA.'
BOOK in fact, hold an intermediate place between botli,
" but have little likeness to either.
In the south they are generally a succession of
stories, each narrower than the one below it ; and
north of the Godaveri they more frequently taper
upwards, but with an outward curve in the sides,
by means of which there is a greater swell near the
middle than even at the base. They do not come
quite to a point, but are crowned by a flattened
dome, or some more fanciful termination, over
which is, in all cases, a high pinnacle of irtetal gilt,
or else a trident, or other emblem peculiar to the
god. Though plainer than the rest of the temple,
the towers are never quite plain, and are often
stuck over with pinnacles, and covered with other
ornaments of every description.
The sanctuary is always a small, nearly cubical
chamber, scarcely lighted by one small door, at
which the worshipper presents his offering and
prefers his supplication. In very small temples
this is the whole building ; but in others it is sur-
mounted by the tower, is approached through
spacious halls, and is surrounded by courts and
colonnades, including other temples and religious
buildings. At Seringam there are seven different
inclosures, and the outer one is near four miles in
circumference.* The colonnades which line the
interior of the courts, or form approaches to the
* Orme's Indostan, vol. i. p. ]82.
* FINE ARTS. 303
temple, are often so deep as to require many rows chap.
of pillars, which are generally high, slender, and .
delicate, but thickly set. Gothic aisles have been
compared to avenues of oaks, and these might be
likened to groves of palm trees.
There are often lower colonnades, in which, and
in many other places, are highly wrought columns,
round, square, and octagon, or m.ixing all three;
sometimes cut into the shape of vases, and hung
with chains or garlands ; sometimes decorated with
the forms of animals, and sometimes partly com-
posed of groups of human figures.
Clusters of columns and pilasters are frequent
in the more solid parts of the building ; where,
also, the number of salient and retiring angles, and
the corresponding breaks in the entablature, in-
crease the richness and complexity of the effect.
The posts and lintels of the doors, the panels and
other spaces, are inclosed and almost covered by
deep borders of mouldings, and a profusion of ara-
besques of plants, flowers, fruits, men, animals,
and imaginary beings ; in short, of every species
of embellishment that the most fertile fancy could
devise. These arabesques, the running patterns of
plants and creepers in particular, are often of an
elegance scarcely equalled in any other part of the
world.
The walls are often filled with sculptures in re-
lief; exhibiting animated pictures of the wars of
the gods and other legends. Groups of mytiiolo-
304 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK gical figures, likewise often run along the frieze,
' and add great richness to the entablature.*
Temples, such as hav^e been described, are some-
times found assembled in considerable numbers.
At the ruins of Bhuvaneswara, in Orissa, for in-
stance, it is impossible to turn the eye in any
direction from the great tower without taking into
the view upwards of forty or fifty stone towers of
temples, none less than fifty or sixty, and some
from 150 to 180 feet high.t
Those of Bijayanagar, near the left bank of the
river Tumbadra, are of still more magnificent
dimensions.
But, notwithstanding their prodigious scale, the
eifect produced by the Hindu pagodas never equals
the simple majesty and symmetry of a Grecian
temple, nor even the grandeur arising from the
swelling domes and lofty arches of a mosque. The
extensive parts of the building want height, and
the high ones are deficient in breadth ; there is no
combination between the different parts ; and the
general result produces a conviction that, in this
art, as in most other things, the Hindus display
more richness and beauty in details than greatness
in the conception of the whole. The cave tem-
* There are some beautiful specimens of Hindu architecture
in Tod's " Rajasthan." The work of Ram Raz shows the details
every where employed^ as well as the general architecture of the
south ; but the splendid works of the Daniells exhibit in perfec-
tion every species of cave or temple in all the wide range of
India.
f Mr. Stirling, Asiatic Researches, vol. xv. p. 307.
FINE ARTS. 305
pies, alone, exhibit boldness and grandeur of de- chap.
sign.
The impression made on the spectator by fa-
vourable specimens of temples, is that of great
antiquity and sanctity, accompanied with a sort of
romantic mystery, which neither the nature of the
religion itself nor the familiarity occasioned by the
daily sight of its ceremonies seems suited to in-
s])ire.
Though in temples of recent formation there is
sometimes a mixture of the Mahometan style; yet
the general character of these buildings is strikingly
original, and unlike the structures of other nations.
We may infer from this that the principles of the
art were established in early times ; but we have
no reason to think that any of the great works
which now attract admiration are of very ancient
date. Even the caves have no claim to great an-
tiquity. The inscriptions, in a character wliich
was in use at least three centuries before Christ,
and which has long been obsolete, would lead us
to believe that the Baudha caves must be older
than the Christian aera*; but those of the Hindus
are shown beyond doubt, from the mythological
subjects on their walls, to be at least as modern
as tlie eighth or ninth century, t The sculptured
* An extensive Biiudha cave is mentioned by the Chinese
traveller in the very beginning of the fifth century, and must
liave been excavated in tlie fourth at latest. — Journal of the
Roynl Asiatic Societ//, vol. v. p. lOS.
f Mr. l'>skine, Trotisac/io/is of the Litcrarij Society of J3ooi-
bai/, and Professor Wilson, Mackenzie Papers, Preface, p. Ixx.
VO[,. I. \
306 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK works at Maha Balipuram, south of Madras, have
' been carried back to the remotest a^ra ; but the
accounts on the spot assign their construction to
the twelfth or thirteenth centuries after Christ, and
the sculptures on the walls afford a perfect con-
firmation of the tradition.*
Some of the most celebrated built temples are
of very modern date. The pagoda of Jagannat
(of which we have heard so much), and the Black
Pagoda, in the same district, have been mentioned
as among the most ancient of Hindu temples ; yet
the first is well known to have been completed in
A. D. 1198, and the second in a. d. 1241.+ Many
of the other great temples are doubtless much
older than this ; but there are no proofs of the
great antiquity of any of them, and some presump-
tions to the contrary.
The palaces are more likely to adopt innovations
than the temples ; but many retain the Hindu
character, though constructed in comparatively re-
cent times.
The oldest of these show little plan, or else have
been so often added to that the original plan is
lost. Being generally of solid construction, and
with terraced roofs, the facility is great of building
one house on the roof of another ; so that, besides
spreading towards the sides, they are piled upwards
to a great height, and with great irregularity.
They generally contain small courts surrounded
* Professor Wilson, Mackenzie Papers, Introduction, p. Ixxi.
■\- Stirling's Orissa, Asiatic Researches, vol. xv. pp. 315. 327.
FINE ARTS. 307
with high buildings ; sometimes open, and some- chap.
times shaded with the trees best adapted for that
purpose. There is always a deep colonnade round
each court.
The great rooms of state are upstairs, closed
round like ours, not running to the whole height
of the house, and open at one side like Maho-
metan divans. The stairs are narrow and steep,
and cut out of the thickness of the wall.
The same remarks apply to the private houses,
which are hardly entitled to come under the head
of architecture.
Those of rich people have a small court or two,
with buildings round, almost always terraced, some-
times left in the full glare of the white stucco,
sometimes coloured of a dusky red, and the walls
sometimes painted with trees or mythological and
other stories. All are as crowded and ill-arransred
o
as can be imagined.
Perhaps the greatest of all the Hindu works are
the tanks, which are reservoirs for water, of which
there are two kinds ; one dug out of the earth,
and the other formed by damming up the mouth
of a valley. In the former case there are stone or
other steps all round, down to the water, gene-
rally the whole length of each face, and in many
instances temples round the edge, and little shrines
down the steps. In the other sort these additions
are confined to the embankment. The dug tanks
are often near towns, for bathing, &c., but are also
VII.
308 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK made use of for irrigation. The dams are always
for the latter purpose. Many of them are of vast
extent, and the embankments are magnificent works,
both in respect to their elevation and solidity.
Some of them form lakes, many miles in circum-
ference, and water great tracts of country.
One species of Hindu well is also remarkable.
It is frequently of great depth, and of considerable
breadth. The late ones are often round, but the
more ancient, square. They are surrounded, for their
whole depth, with galleries, in the rich and massy
style of Hindu works, and have often a broad flight
of steps, which commences at some distance from
the well, and passes under part of the galleries
down to the water.
The most characteristic of the Hindu bridiires
are composed of stone posts, several of which form
a pier, and which are connected by stone beams.
Such bridges are common in the south of India.
Others are on thick piers of masonry, with nar-
row Gothic arches; but their antiquity is doubt-
ful, nor does it appear that the early Hindus knew
the arch, or could construct vaults or domes, other-
wise than by layers of stone, projecting beyond
those beneath, as in the Treasury of Atreus in
Mycenae.
Among other species of architecture must be
mentioned the columns and arches, or rather gate-
ways, erected in honour of victories. There is a
highly wrought example of the former, 120 feet
high, at Chitor, which is represented in Tod's '* Ra-
FINE ARTS. 309
jasthan.*** Of the triumphal arches (if that term chap.
may be apphed to square openings), the finest ex-
ample is at Barnagar, in the north of Guzerat. It
is indeed among the richest specimens of Hindu
art.
* Vol. i. pp. 328. 761.
X .'i
310
HISTORY OF INDIA.
CHAP. VIII.
OTHER ARTS.
BOOK
III.
Weaving.
Dveiiu
Working
in gold.
Of the Indian manufactures, the most remarkable
is that of cotton cloth, the beauty and delicacy of
which was so long admired, and which in fineness
of texture has never yet been approached in any
other country.
Their silk manufactures were also excellent, and
were probably known to them, as well as the art of
obtaining the material, at a very early period.*
Gold and silver brocade were also favourite, and
perhaps original, manufactures of India.
The brilliancy and permanency of many of their
dyes have not yet been equalled in Europe.
Their taste for minute ornament fitted them to
excel in goldsmiths' work.
Their fame for jewels originated more in the
bounty of nature than in their own skill ; for their
taste is so bad that they give a preference to yellow
pearls, and table diamonds ; and their setting is
comparatively rude, though they often combine
their jewellery into very gorgeous ornaments.
Their way of working at all trades is very simple,
and their tools few and portable. A smith brings
* Mr. Colebrooke, Asiatic Researches, vol. v. p. 61.
OTHER ARTS. 311
his small anvil, and the peculiar sort of bellows chap.
. VIII,
which he uses, to the house where he is wanted : . '__
A carpenter, of course, does so with more ease,
working on the floor, and securing any object with
his toes as easily as with his hands.
X 4.
312 HISTORY OF INDIA.
III.
CHAP. IX.
AGRICULTURE.
BOOK The nature of the soil and climate make agricul-
ture a simple art. A light plough, which he daily
carries on his shoulder to the field, is sufficient,
with the help of two small oxen, to enable the
husbandman to make a shallow furrow in the sur-
face, in which to deposit the grain. Sowing is
often performed by a sort of drill (it is scarcely
entitled to the addition of plough), which sheds
the seed through five or six hollow canes ; and a
board, on which a man stands, serves for a harrow.
A hoe, a mattock, and a few other articles, com-
plete the implements of husbandry. Reaping is
performed with the sickle : the grain is trodden
out by cattle, brought home in carts, and kept in
large dry pits under ground. The fields, though
the bounds of each are carefully marked, are gene-
rally uninclosed ; and nothing interrupts their
continuity, except occasional varieties in the crops.
But although the Indian agriculture has such a
character of simplicity, there are some peculiarities
in it which call forth certain sorts of skill and in-
dustry not required elsewhere, and there are some
descriptions of cultivation to which the former
character does not at all apply.
AGRICULTURE. 813
The summer harvest is sufficiently watered by chap
the rains, but a great part of the winter crop
requires artificial irrigation. This is afforded by
rivers, brooks, and ponds ; but chiefly by wells.
In the best parts of the country there is a well in
every field, from which water is conveyed in chan-
nels, and received in little beds, divided by low
ridges of earth. It is raised by oxen in a large
bucket, or rather bng^ of pliant leather, which has
often an ingenious contrivance, by which it empties
itself when drawn up.
In some soils it is necessary, every three or four
years, to eradicate the weeds by deep ploughing,
which is done with a heavy plough, drawn by
buffaloes, at a season when the ground is saturated
with moisture. Manure is little used for general
cultivation, but it is required in quantities for sugar
cane, and many other sorts of produce. Many
sorts also require to be carefully fenced ; and are
sometimes surrounded by mud walls, but usually
by high and impenetrable hedges of cactus, euphor-
bium, aloe, and other strong prickly plants, as well
as by other thorny bushes and creepers.
One great labour is to scare away the flocks of
birds, which devour a great part of the harvest in
spite of all precautions. Scarecrows have some
effect, but the chief dependence is on a man, who
stands on a high wooden stage overlooking the
field, shouting, and throwing stones from a sling,
which is so contrived as to make a loud crack at
every discharge.
IX.
314 IIISTOllY OF INDIA.
BOOK The Indians understand rotation of crops, though
" tlieir ahnost inexhaustible soil renders it often un-
necessary. They class the soils with great minute-
ness, and are well informed about the produce for
which each is best, and the mode of cultivation
which it requires. They have the injudicious
practice of mixing different kinds of grain in one
field, sometimes to come up together, and some-
times in succession.
Some of the facts mentioned affect armies and
travellers. At particular seasons, the whole face
of the country is as open and passable as the road,
except near villages and streams, where the high
inclosures form narrow lanes, and are great ob~
structions to bodies of passengers. Large water-
courses, or ducts, by which water is drawn from
rivers or ponds, also form serious obstacles.
These remarks are always liable to exceptions
from varieties in different parts of India ; and in
the rice countries, as Bengal and the coast of Coro-
mandel, they are almost inapplicable. There, the
rice must be completely flooded, often requires to
be transplanted at a certain stage, and is a parti-
cularly laborious and disagreeable sort of culti-
vation.
COMMERCE. 315
CHAP. X.
COMMERCE.
External
commerce.
Though many articles of luxury are mentioned in chap,
Menu, it does not appear that any of them were
the produce of foreign countries. Their abun-
dance, however, proves that there was an open
trade between the different parts of India.
There is one passage in the Code* in which in-
terest on money lent on risk is said to be fixed by
*' men well acquainted with sea voyages^ or jour-
neys by land." As the word used in the original
for sea is not applicable to any inland waters, the
fact may be considered as established, that the
Hindus navigated the ocean as early as the age of
the Code, but it is probable that their enterprise was
confined to a coasting trade. An intercourse with
the Mediterranean no doubt took place at a still
earlier period ; but it is uncertain whether it was
carried on by land, or partly by sea ; and, in either
case, whether the natives of India took a share in
it beyond tiieir own limits. It seems not impro-
bable that it was in the hands of the Arabs, and
that part crossed the narrow sea from the coast on
the west of Sind to Muscat, and then passed through
Arabia to Egypt and Syria ; while another branch
migiit go by land, or along the coast, to Babylon
* Chap. VIII. § 156, 157.
316 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK and Persia.* Our first clear accounts of the seas
west of India give no signs of trade carried on by
Indians in that direction, Nearchus, who com-
manded Alexander's fleet (in 326 b. c), did not
meet a single ship in coasting from the Indus to
the Euphrates ; and expressly says that fishing-
boats were the only vessels he saw, and those only
in particular places, and in small numbers. Even
in the Indus, though there were boats, they were
few and small ; for, by Arrian's account, Alexander
was obliged to build most of his fleet himself, in-
cluding all the larger vessels, and to man them
with sailors from the Mediterranean.! The same
author, in enumerating the Indian classes, says of
the fourth class (that of tradesman and artizans),
" of this class also are the ship-builders and the
sailors, as many as navigate the rivers t:" from
which we may infer that, as far as his knowledge
went, there were no Indians employed on the sea.
Trade from Thc ncxt accounts that throw light on the
coast. western trade of India are furnished by a writer of
the second century before Christ §, whose know-
ledge only extended to the intercourse between
Egypt and the south of Arabia, but who mentions
cinnamon and cassia as among the articles imported,
* Vincent's Commerce and Navigation of the Ancients, vol. ii.
pp. 357—370.
I See Expeditio Alexandria book vi. pp. 235, 236., ed. 1704,
and Indica, chap, xviii. p. 332. of the same edition.
\ Indica, chap. xii. p. ■;25.
§ Agatharchides, preserved in Diodorus and Photius. See
Vincent's Commerce and Navigation of the Ancients, vol. ii. p. 25.
COMMERCE. 0I7
and who, moreover, expressly states that sliips chap.
came from India to the ports of Sabaea (the modern '_'_
Yemen). From all that appears in this author we
should conclude that the trade was entirely in the
hands of the Arabs.
It is not till the first century after Christ that
we obtain a distinct account of the course of this
trade, and a complete enumeration of the commo-
dities which were the objects of it. This is given
in the *' Periplus of the Erythraean Sea," apparently
the work of an experienced practical sailor in that
part of the ocean. He describes the wliole coast
of the Red Sea, and of the south-east of Arabia ;
and that of India, from tiie Indus round Cape Co-
morin to a point high up on the coast of Coro-
mandel ; and gives accounts of the commerce
carried on within those limits, and in some places
beyond them. From this writer it appears that,
nearly until his time, the ships from India con-
tinued to cross the mouth of the Persian Gulf, and
creep along the shore of Arabia to the mouth of
the Red Sea ; but that, at a recent period, the
Greeks from Egypt, if not all navigators, used to
quit the coast soon after leaving tlie Red Sea, and
stretcii across the Indian Ocean to the coast of
Malabar.
The trade thus carried on was very extensive,
but appears to have been conducted by Greeks
and Arabs. Arabia is described as a country filled
with pilots, sailors, and persons concerned in com-
mercial business ; but no mention is made of any
yi8
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
III.
Coasting
trade.
similar description of persons among the Indians,
nor is there any allusion to Indians out of their
own country, except that they are mentioned with
the Arabs and Greeks, as forming a mixed popu-
lation, who were settled in small numbers on an
island near the mouth of the Red Sea, supposed
to be Socotra. So much, indeed, were the Arabs
the carriers of the Indian trade, that in Pliny's
time their settlers filled the western shores of
Ceylon, and were also found established on the
coast of Malabar.* But in the same work (the
" Periplus") the Indians are represented as actively
enffiiged in the traffic on their own coast. There
were boats at the Indus to receive the cargoes of
the ships which were unable to enter the river
on account of the bar at its mouth : fishing boats
were kept in employ near the opening of the Gulf
of Cambay to pilot vessels coming to Barygaza, or
Baroch ; where, then as now, they were exposed to
danger from the extensive banks of mud, and from
the rapid rise of the tides. From Baroch, south-
ward, the coast was studded with ports, which the
author calls local emporia, and which, we may infer,
were visited by vessels employed in the coasting
trade ; but it is not till the author has got to the
coast on the east of Cape Comorin, that he first
speaks of large vessels which crossed the Bay of
Bengal to the Ganges and to Chryse, which is
probably Sumatra, or the Malay peninsula. This
* Vincent's Commerce and Navigation of the Ancients, vol. ii.
p. 283.
COMMERCE. 319
last circumstance is in complete accordance with chap.
the accounts derived from the east, by which the "
inhabitants of the coast of Coromandel seem earlv Trade from
the east
to have been distinguished by their maritime enter- c^^st.
prise from their countrymen on the west of India.
It is probable, from the nature of the countries
which they water, that at the same time when
Nearchus saw so little sign of commerce on the
Indus, the Ganges may have been covered with
boats, as it is at this moment, and as the number of
ancient and civilised kingdoms on its shores would
lead us to anticipate. The commodities supplied
by so rich and extensive a region could not but
engage the attention of the less advanced coun-
tries in the Deckan ; and as the communication
between that part of India and the Ganges was
interrupted by forests, and plundering tribes, both
])robably even wilder than they are now, a strong
temptation was held out to the sailors on the eastern
coast to encounter the lesser danger of making the
direct passage over the Bay of Bengal ; on which,
witluDiit being often out of sight of land, they
would be beyond the reach of the inhabitants of
the shore.
This practice once established, it would be an
easy cflbrt to cross the upper part of the bay, and
before long, the broadest portion of it also, which
is that bounded by the Malay peninsula and Su-
matra. But, whatever gave the impulse to the
iniiabitants of the coast of Coromandel, it is from
the north part of that tract that we first hear of
320 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK Indians who sailed boldly into the open sea. The
. histories of Java give a distinct account of a nu-
Hindu merous body of Hindus from Cling (Calinga), who
settlements
injava and landed ou their island, civilised the inhabitants,
em islands, aud w^ho fixcd the date of their arrival by esta-
blishing the aera still subsisting, the first year of
which fell in the seventy-fifth year before Christ.
The truth of this narrative is proved beyond doubt
by the numerous and magnificent Hindu remains
that still exist in Java, and by the fact that, although
the common language is Malay, the sacred lan-
guage, that of historical and poetical compositions,
and of most inscriptions, is a dialect of Shanscrit.
The early date is almost as decisively proved by
the journal of the Chinese pilgrim in the end of
the fourth century, who found Java entirely peopled
by Hindus, and who sailed from the Ganges to
Ceylon, from Ceylon to Java, and from Java to
China, in ships manned by crews professing the
Braminical religion.* The Hindu religion in Java
was afterwards superseded by that of Budha ; but
the Indian government subsisted till the end of the
fourteenth century ; when it was subverted by Ma-
hometan proselytes, converted by Arab missionaries
in the course of the preceding century. Tlie
island of Bali, close to the east of Java, is still
inhabited by Hindus ; who have Malay or Tartar
features, but profess to be of the four Hindu
classes. It is not impossible that they may be so
* See Journal of the Hoyal Asiatic Society, No. IX. pp. 136 —
138.
COMMERCE. 3'21
descended, notwithstandinfy the alteration in their chap.
. X.
features ; but it is more probable that their pure ___i__
descent is a fiction, as we have an example of a still
more daring imposture in the poets of Java, who
have transferred the whole scene of the " Maha
Biiarat," with all the cities, kings, and heroes of the
Jamna and Ganges, to their own island.
The accounts of voyagers and travellers in times Trade in
subsequent to the "Periplus" speak of an extensive scquont'to
commerce with India, but afford no information
respecting the part taken in it by the Indians, un-
less it be by their silence ; for while they mention
Arab and Chinese ships as frequenting the ports
of India, they never allude to any voyage as having
been made by a vessel of the latter country.*
Marco Polo, indeed, speaks of pirates on tlie
coast of Malabar, who cruised for the whole sum-
mer; but it appears, afterwards, that their practice
was to lie at anchor, and consequently close to the
shore, only getting under weigh on the approach
of a prize. When ^^asco da Gama reached the
coast of Malabar, he found the trade exclusively
in the hands of the Moors, and it was to their
rivalry that he and his successors owed most of
the opposition they encountered.
The exports from India to the West do not Exports in
seem, at the time of tlic "Periplus," to have been times.
very different from what they are now : cotton
cloth, muslin, and chintz of various kinds ; silk cloth
• See, in particular, Marsdens Marco Polo, p. G87.
VOL. T. Y
322 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK and tliread ; indigo and other dies ; cinnamon and
ni.
other spices ; sugar ; diamonds, pearls, emeralds,
and many inferior stones; steel; drugs; aromatics;
and, sometimes, female slaves.
Imports. The imports were — coarse and fine cloth (pro-
bably woollen) ; brass ; tin ; lead ; coral ; glass ;
antimony ; some few perfumes not known in the
country ; wines (of which that from Italy was pre-
ferred) ; together with a considerable quantity of
specie and bullion.
Inland Thc great facility of transport afforded by the
Ganges and its numerous branches has been al-
luded to ; but, as few of the other rivers are navi-
gable far from the sea, the internal trade must
always have been mostly carried on by land. Oxen
would be the principal means of conveyance ; but
as, from the earliest Hindu times to the decline of
the Mogul empire, the great roads were objects of
much attention to the government, we may, per-
haps, presume that carts were much more in use
formerly than of later years.
MANNERS. 323
CHAP. XL
MANNERS AND CHARACTER.
It has been stated that Hindostan and theDeckan chap.
are equal, in extent, to all Europe ; except the '
Russian part of it, and the countries north of the Difference
of Indian
jbJaltlC. ■ nations.
Ten different civilised nations are found within
the above space. All these nations differ from each
other, in manners and language t, nearly as much
as those inhabiting the corresponding portion of
Europe.
They have, also, about the same degree of gene-
neral resemblance which is observable among the
nations of Christendom, and which is so great that
a stranger from India cannot, at first, perceive any
material difierence between an Italian and an
Englishman. In like manner Europeans do not at
once distinguish between the most dissimilar of the
nations of India.
The greatest difference is between the inha-
bitants of Hindostan pro])er, and of the Deckan.
The neighbouring parts of these two great divi-
sions naturally resemble each other ; but in the
extremities of the north and south tlie languages
* Introduction, p. 6. note. t See pp. 278, 279.
Y 2
324< HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK have no resemblance, except from a common mix-
' ture of Shanscrit ; the reHgious sects are different ;
the architecture, as has been mentioned elsewhere,
is of different characters ; the dress differs in many
respects, and the people differ in appearance ; those
of the north being tall and fair, and the others
small and dark. The northern people live much
on wheat, and those of the south on ragi, a grain
almost as unknown in Hindostan as in England.*
Many of the points of difference arise from the
unequal degrees in which the two tracts were con-
quered and occupied : first, by the people profess-
ing the Braminical religion, and afterwards by the
Mussulmans ; but more must depend on peculiari-
ties of place and climate, and, perhaps, on varieties
of race. Bengal and Gangetic Hindostan, for in-
stance, are contiguous countries, and were both
early subjected to the same governments ; but
Bengal is moist, liable to inundation, and has all
the characteristics of an alluvial soil ; while Hin-
dostan, though fertile, is comparatively dry, both
in soil and climate. This difference may, by form-
ing a diversity of habits, have led to a great dis-
similitude between the people : the common origin
of the languages appears, in this case, to forbid all
suspicion of a difference of race.
From whatever causes it originates, the contrast
is most striking. The Hindostanis on the Ganges
are the tallest, fairest, and most warlike and manly
of the Indians ; they wear the turban, and a dress
* Cynosurus Coracanus.
MANNERS. S25
resemblini^ that of the Mahometans ; then- houses chap.
are tiled, and built in compact villages in open .
tracts ; their food is unleavened wheaten bread.
The Bengalese, on the contrary, though good-
looking, are small, black, and effeminate in appear-
ance ; remarkable for timidity and superstition, as
well as for subtlety and art. Their villages are
composed of thatched cottages, scattered through
woods of bamboos or of palms : their dress is the
old Hindu one, formed by one scarf round the
middle and another thrown over the shoulders.
They have the practice, unknown in Hindostan,
of rubbing their limbs with oil after bathing, which
gives their skins a sleek and glossy appearance, and
protects them from the effect of their damp climate.
They live almost entirely on rice ; and, although
the two idioms are more nearly allied than English
and German, their language is quite unintelligible
to a native of Hindostan.
Yet those two nations resemble each other so
much in their religion and all the innumerable
points of habit and manners which it involves, in
their literature, their notions on government and
general subjects, their ceremonies and way of life,
that a European, not previously apprised of the
distinction, might very possibly pass the boundary
that divides them, without at once perceiving the
change that had taken place.
Tlie distinction between the different nations
will appear as each comes on the stage in the
Y 3
3^6
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK course of the following history. All that has
' hitherto been said, and all that is about to follow.
is intended to apply to the whole Hindu people.
Villages. Notwithstanding the abundance of large towns
in India, the great majority of the population is
agricultural. The peasants live assembled in vil-
lages ; going out to their fields to labour, and re-
turning, with their cattle, to the village at night.
Villages vary much in different parts of the
country : in many parts they are walled, and capa-
ble of a short defence against the light troops of a
hostile army ; and, in some disturbed tracts, even
against their neighbours, and against the govern-
ment officers : others are open ; and others only
closed by a fence and gate, to keep in the cattle at
night.
The houses of a Bengal and Hindostan village
have been contrasted. The cottage of Bengal, with
its trim curved thatched roof and cane walls, is the
best looking in India.
Those of Hindostan are tiled, and built of clay
or unburnt bricks ; and, though equally convenient,
have less neatness of appearance. The mud or
stone huts and terraced roofs of the Deckan village
look as if they were mere uncovered ruins, and are
the least pleasing to the eye of any. Further south,
though the material is the same, the execution is
much better ; and the walls, being painted in broad
perpendicular streaks of white and red, have an
appearance of neatness and cleanness.
Each village has its bazar, composed of shops for
MANNERS. 327
the sale of grain, tobacco, sweetmeats, coarse cloth, chap.
XI.
and other articles of village consumption. Each
has its market day, and its annual fairs and festivals ;
and each, in most parts of India, has, at least, one
temple, and one house or shed for lodging stran-
gers. All villages make an allowance for giving
food or charity to religious mendicants, and levy a
fund for this and other expenses, including public
festivities on particular holidays. The house for
strangers sometimes contains also the shrine of a
god, and is generally used as the town house ;
though there are usually some shady trees in every
village, under which the heads of the village and
others meet to transact their business. No benches
or tables are required on any occasion.
In houses, also, there is no furniture but a mat Habits of
for sitting on, and some earthen and brass pots and
dishes, a hand-mill, ])estle and mortar, an iron plate
for baking cakes on, and some such articles. The
bed, which requires neither bedding nor curtains,
is set ui)right against the wall during the day ; and
cooking is carried on under a shed, or out of doors.
The huts, though bare, are clean and neat.
There is scarcely more furniture in the houses
of the richer inhabitants of the village. Their dis-
tinction is, that they are two stories high, and have
a court-yard.
The condition of the country people is not, in
general, prosperous. They usually borrow money to
pay their rent, and consequently get involved in ac-
counts and debts, through which, they are so liable
Y 1<
328
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK to imposition, that they can scarcely get extricated.
They are also, in general, so improvident, that if
they were clear, they would omit to lay up money
for their necessary payments, and soon be in debt
again. Some, however, are prudent, and acquire
property. Their villages are sometimes disturbed
by factions against the headman, or by oppression
on his part, or that of the government ; and they
have more litigation among themselves than the
same class in England ; but violence of all sorts is
extremely rare, drunkenness scarcely known, and,
on the whole, the country people are remarkably
qiiiet, well-behaved, and, for their circumstances,
happy and contented.
The husbandman rises with the earliest dawn ;
washes, and says a prayer ; then sets out with his
cattle to his distant field. After an hour or two,
he eats some remnants of his yesterday's fare for
breakfast, and goes on vvith his labour till noon,
when his wife brings out his hot dinner ; he eats
it by a brook or under a tree, talks and sleeps till
two o'clock, while his cattle also feed and repose.
From two till sunset he labours again j then drives
his cattle home, feeds them, bathes, eats some sup»
per, smokes, and spends the rest of the evening in
amusement with his wife and children, or his neigh-
bours. The women fetch water, grind the corn,
cook, and do the household work, besides spinning,
and such occupations.
Towns. Hindu towns are formed of high brick or stone
houses, with a few small and high-placed windows.
MANNERS. 329
over very narrow streets, whicli are paved (if paved chap.
at all) with large uneven slabs of stone. They are '
crowded with people moving to and fro ; proces-
sions, palankeens, and carriages drawn by oxen ;
running footmen with sword and buckler, religious
mendicants, soldiers out of service smoking or
lounging ; and sacred bulls, that can scarcely be
made to move their unwieldy bulk out of the way
of the passenger, or to desist from feeding on the
grain exposed for sale.
The most conspicuous shops are those of con-
fectioners, frLiiterers, grainsellers, braziers, drug-
gists, and tobacconists ; sellers of cloth, shawls,
and other stuffs, keep their goods in bales ; and
those of more precious articles do not expose
them. They are quite open towards the street,
and often are merely the veranda in front of the
house ; the customers standing and making their
purchases in the street.
Towns are often walled, and capable of defence.
They have not hereditary headmen and officers,
like villages, but are generally the residence of the
government agent in charge of the district, who
manages them, with the help of an establishment
for police and revenue. They are divided into
wards for the })urposes of police ; and each cast has
its own elected head, who communicates between
the government and its members. These casts,
being in general trades also, are attended with all
the good and bad consequences of such combina-
tions.
830 HISTOllV OF INDIA.
BOOK The principal inhabitants are bankers and mer-
" chants, and people connected with the govern-
ment.
Bankers and merchants generally combine both
trades, and farm the public revenues besides. They
make great profits, and often without much risk.
In transactions with governments they frequently
secure a mortgage on the revenue, or the guarantee
of some powerful person, for the discharge of their
debt. They lend money on an immense premium,
and with very high compound interest, which in-
creases so rapidly, that the repayment is always a
compromise, in which the lender gives up a great
part of his demand, still retaining an ample profit.
They live plainly and frugally, but often spend vast
sums on domestic festivals or public works.
The great men about the government will be
spoken of hereafter, but the innumerable clerks and
hangers on in lower stations must not be passed
over without mention. Not only has every office
numbers of these men, but every department, how-
ever small, must have one : a company of soldiers
would not be complete without its clerk. Every
nobleman (besides those employed in collections
and accounts) has clerks of the kitchen, of the
stable, the hawking establishment, &c. Intercourse
of business and civility is carried on through these
people, who also furnish the newswriters ; and, after
all, great numbers are unemployed, and are ready
agents in every sort of plot and intrigue.
Food, and The food of the common people, both in the
manner of
MANNERS. S3i
country and in towns, is unleavened bread with chap.
boiled vegetables, clarified butter or oil, and spices.
Smoking? tobacco is almost the only luxury. Some <^^'i"g' "^
*^ ^ ^ ./ ./ all classes.
few smoke intoxicating drugs ; and the lowest casts
alone, and even they rarely, get drunk with spirits.
Drunkenness is confined to damp countries, such
as Bengal, the Concans, and some parts of the south
of India. It increases in our territories, w^here
spirits are taxed ; but is so little of a natural pro-
pensity, that the absolute prohibition of spirits,
which exists in most native states, is sufficient to
keep it down. Opium, which is used to great ex-
cess in the west of Hindostan, is pecuhar to the
Rajputs, and does not affect the lower classes. All
but the poorest people chew bitel (a pungent
aromatic leaf) with the hard nut of the areca,
mixed with a sort of lime made from shells, and
with various spices, according to tlie person's means.
Some kinds of fruit are cheap and common.
The upper classes, at least the Bramin part of
them, have very little more variety ; it consists in
the greater number of kinds of vegetables and
spices, and in the cookery. Assafoetida is a favourite
ingredient, as giving to some of their riciier dishes
something of the flavour of flesh. Tiie caution
used against eating out of dishes or on carpets de-
filed by other casts gives rise to some curious cus-
toms. At a great Bramin dinner, where twenty or
thirty different dishes and condiments are placed
before each individual, all are served in vessels
made of leaves sewed together. These are placed
332 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK on the bare floor, which, as a substitute for a table
' cloth, is decorated for a certain distance in front of
the guests, with patterns of flowers, &c., very pret-
tily laid out in lively-coloured sorts of sand, spread
through frames in which the patterns are cut, and
swept away after the dinner. The inferior casts of
Hindus eat meat, and care less about their vessels ;
metal, especially, can always be purified by scour-
ing. In all classes, however, the diff'erence of cast
leads to a want of sociability. A soldier, or any
one away from his family, cooks his solitary meal
for himself, and finishes it without a companion, or
any of the pleasures of the table, but those derived
from taking the necessary supply of food. All eat
with their fingers, and scrupulously wash before
and after meals.
In-door Thouffh they have chess, a game pla3^ed with
amuse- . .
ments. tablcs and dice as backgammon is, and cards,
(which are circular, in many suits, and painted with
Hindu gods, &c., instead of kingvS, queens, and
knaves,) yet the great in-door amusement is to
listen to singing interspersed with slow movements
which can scarcely be called dancing. The atti-
tudes are not ungraceful, and the songs, as has been
mentioned, are pleasing ; but it is, after all, a lan-
guid and monotonous entertainment ; and it is
astonishing to see the delight that all ranks take in
it ; the lower orders, in particular, often standing
for whole nights to enjoy this unvaried amuse-
ment.
These exhibitions are now often illuminated,
MANNERS. 333
when in rooms, by English chandehers ; but the chap.
XL
true Hindu way of Hghting them up is by torclies
lield by men, who feed the flame with oil from a
sort of bottle constructed for the purpose. For
ordinary household purposes they use lamps of
earthenware or metal.
In the houses of the rich, the doorways are hung Houses,
with quilted silk curtains; and the doors, the andTon-^'
arches, and other wood-work in the rooms are oJ'^the""
liishly carved. The floor is entirely covered with "pp'^'"
o J J classes.
a thin mattress of cotton, over which is spread a
clean white cloth to sit on ; but there is no other
furniture of any description. Equals sit in opposite
rows down the room. A prince or great chief has
a seat at the head of the room between the rows,
very slightly raised by an additional mattress, and
covered with a small carpet of embroidered silk.
This, with a higli round embroidered bolster be-
hind, forms what is called a masnad or gadi, and
serves as a throne for sovereigns under the rank of
kino;.
Great attention is paid to ceremony. A person
of distinction is met a mile or two before he enters
the city ; and a visitor is received (according to
his rank) at the outer gate of the house, at the
door of the room, or by merely rising from the
seat. Friends embrace if they have not met for
some time. Bramins are saluted by joining the
palms, and raising them twice or thrice to the fore-
head : with others, the salute with one hand is
used, so well known by the Mahometan name of
334f HISTORY or india.
BOOK salam. Bramins have a peculiar phrase of saluta-
' tion for each other. Other Hindus, on meeting,
repeat twice the name of the god Rama. Visitors
are seated with strict attention to their rank, which,
on pubhc occasions, it often takes mucli previous
negotiation to settle. Hindus of rank are remark-
able for their politeness to inferiors, generally ad-
dressing them by some civil or familiar term, and
scarcely ever being provoked to abusive or harsh
language.
The low^er classes are courteous in their general
manners among themselves, but by no means so
scrupulous in their language when irritated.
All visits end by the master of the house pre-
senting bitel leaf with areca nut, &c. to the
guest : it is accompanied by attar of roses or some
other perfume put on the handkerchief^ and rose-
w^ater sprinkled over the person ; and this is the
signal for taking leave.
At first meetings, and at entertainments, trays of
shawls and other materials for dresses are presented
to the guests, together with pearl necklaces, brace-
lets, and ornaments for the turban of jewels: a
sw^ord, a horse, and an elephant are added when
both parties are men of high rank. I do not know
hov/ much of this custom is ancient, but presents
of bracelets, &c. are frequent in the oldest dramas.
Such presents are also given to meritorious ser-
vants, to soldiers who have distinguished them-
selves, and to poets or learned men : they are
showered on favourite singers and dancers.
MANNERS. 335
At formal meetings nobody speaks but the prin chap.
cipal persons, but in other companies there is a '
great deal of unrestrained conversation. The man-
ner of the Hindus is polite, and their language
obsequious. They abound in compliments and
expressions of humihty even to their equals, and
when they have no object to gain. They seldom
show much desire of knowledge, or disposition to
extend their thoughts beyond their ordinary habits.
Within that sphere, however, their conversation is
shrewd and intelligent, often mixed with lively
and satirical observations.
The rich rise at the same hour as the common
people, or, perhaps, not quite so early ; perform
their devotions in their own chapels ; despatch
private and other business with their immediate
officers and dependants ; bathe, dine, and sleep.
At two or three they dress, and appear in their
public apartments, where they receive visits and
transact business till very late at night. Some also
listen to music till late : but these occupations are
confined to the rich, and, in general, a Hindu town
is all quiet soon after dark.
Entertainments, besides occasions of rare occur- Entertain-
. , nicnts and
rence, as marriages, &c., are given on particular pomp of
festivals, and sometimes to show attention to parti-
cular friends. Among themselves they commence
with a dinner ; but the essential part of the enter-
tainment is dancing and singing, sometimes diver-
sified with jugglers and bufibons ; during which
time perfumes are burnt, and the guests are dressed
)00 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK with garlands of sweet-smellinoj flowers : presents,
III. . .
as above described, are no less essential.
At courts there are certain days on which all the
great and all public officers wait on the prince to
pay their duty ; and, on those occasions, the crowd
in attendance is equal to that of a birthday levee
in Europe.
All go up to the prince in succession, and pre-
sent him with a nazzer, which is one or more
pieces of money laid on a napkin, and which it is
usual to offer to superiors on all formal meetings.
The amount depends on the rank of the offerer ;
the lowest in general is a rupee, yet poor people
sometimes present a flower, and shopkeepers often
some article of their traffic or manufacture. A
dress of some sort is, on most occasions, given in
return. The price of one dress is equal to many
nazzers. The highest regular nazzer is 100 ash-
refis, equal to 150 or I70 guineas ; but people have
been known to present jewels of high value ; and
it is by no means uncommon, when a prince visits
a person of inferior rank, to construct a low base
for his masnad of bags containing in all 100,000
rupees (or 10,000/.), which are all considered part
of the nazzer. So much is that a form, that it
has been done w^hen the Nizam visited the re-
sident at Hyderabad, though that prince was little
more than a dependant on our government. I
mention this as a general custom at present, though
not sure that it is originally Hindu.
The religious festivals are of a less doubtful cha-
MANNERS. 33J
racter. In them a great hall is fitted up in honour chap.
of the deity of the day. His image, richly adorned,
and surrounded by gilded ballustrades, occupies
the centre of one end of the apartment, while the
prince and his court, in splendid dresses and jewels,
are arranged along one side of the room as guests
or attendants. The rest of the ceremony is like
other entertainments. The songs may, perhaps,
be appropriate ; but the incense, the chaplets of
flowers, and other presents are as on ordinary
occasions : the bitel leaf and attar, indeed, are
brought from before the idol, and distributed as if
from him to his visitors.
Among the most striking of these religious ex-
hibitions is that of the capture of Lanka, in honour
of Rtima, which is necessarily performed out of
doors.
Lanka is represented by a spacious castle with
towers and battlements, which are assailed by an
army dressed like Rama and his followers, with
Hanuman and his monkey alhes. The combat
ends in the destruction of Lanka, amidst a blaze
of fireworks which would excite admiration in any
part of the world, and in a triumphal procession
sometimes conducted in a style of grandeur which
might become a more important occasion.
This festival is celebrated in another manner,
and with still greater splendor, among theMarattas.
It is the day on which they always commence their
military operations ; and the })articular event which
they commemorate is Rama's devotions and his
vol,. I. z
338 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK pluckino^ a branch from a certain tree, before he
III. ^ ^ , .
set out on his expedition.
A tree of this sort is planted in an open plain
near the camp or city ; and all the infantry and
guns, and as many of the cavalry as do not accom-
pany the prince, are drawn up on each side of the
spot, or form a wide street leading up to it. The
rest of the plain is filled with innumerable spec-
tators. The procession, though less regular than
those of Mahometan princes, is one of the finest
displays of the sort in India. The chief advances
on his elephant, preceded by flags and gold and
silver sticks or maces, and by a phalanx of men on
foot bearing pikes of fifteen or sixteen feet long.
On each side are his nobles and military leaders on
horseback, with sumptuous dresses and caparisons,
and each with some attendants selected for their
martial appearance ; behind are long trains of ele-
phants with their sweeping housings, some with
flags of immense size, and glittering with gold and
embroidery ; some bearing howdahs, open or
roofed, often of silver, plain or gilt, and of forms
peculiarly oriental : around and behind is a cloud
of horsemen, their trappings glancing in the sun,
and their scarfs of cloth of gold fluttering in the
wind, all overtopped by sloping spears and waving
banners ; those on the flanks dashing out, and
returning after displaying some evolutions of
horsemanship : the Vv'hole moving, mixing, and
continually shifting its form as it adv^ances, and
presenting one of the most animating and most
BIANNEKS. 339
gorgeous spectacles that is ever seen, even in tliat chap.
land of barbarous magnificence. As the chief ap-
proaches, the guns are fired, the infantry discharge
their pieces, and the procession moves on witli
accelerated speed, exhibiting a lively picture of an
attack by a great body of cavalry on an army
drawn up to receive them.
When the prince has performed his devotions
and plucked his bough, his example is followed by
those around him : a fresh salvo of all the guns is
fired; and, at the signal, the other troops break oft,
and each man snatches some leaves from one of
the fields of tall grain which is grown for the pur-
pose near the spot : each sticks his prize in his
turban, and all exchange compliments and con-
gratulations. A grand darbar, at which all the
court and military officers attend, closes the day.
There is less grandeur, but scarcely less interest, Fairs, pii-
in the fairs and festivals of the common peoj)le. 1^^
These have a strong resemblance to fairs in
England, and exhibit the same whirling machines,
and the same amusements and occupations. But
no assemblage in England can give a notion of the
lively effect produced by the prodigious concourse
of people in white dresses and bright coloured
scarfs and tinbans, so unlike the bhick head-dresses
and dusky habits of the north. Their taste for
gaudy shows and processions, and the mixture of
arms and flags, give also a different character to
the Indian fairs. Tlie Hindus enter into the amuse-
ments of these meetings with (he utmost relish,
z y
•rrimages,
340 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK and show every sign of peaceful festivity and en-
-»~«.__^ joyment. They may, on all these occasions, have
some religious ceremony to go through, but it
does not take up a moment, and seldom occupies
a thought. At the pilgrimages, indeed, the long
anticipation of the worship to be performed, the
example of other pilgrims invoking the god aloud,
and the sanctity of the place, concur to produce
stronger feelings of devotion. There are also more
ceremonies to be gone through, and sometimes these
are joined in by the whole assembly ; when the
thousands of eyes directed to one point, and of
voices shouting one name, is often impressive ev^en
to the least interested spectator.
But, even at pilgrimages, the feeling of amuse-
ment is much stronger than that of religious zeal ;
and many such places are also among the most
celebrated marts for the transfer of merchandise,
and for all the purposes of a fair.
Gardens, Amoug tlic cnjoyiTients of the upper classes, I
scenery."^^ sliouUl uot omit their gardens, which, though always
formal, are nevertheless often pleasing. They are
divided by broad alleys, with long and narrow
ponds or canals inclosed with regular stone and
stucco work running up the centre, and, on each
side, straight walks between borders of poppies of
all colours, or of other flowers in uniform beds or
in patterns. Their summer houses are of white
stucco, and though somewhat less heavy and in-
elegant than their ordinary dwellings, do not much
relieve the formality of the garden : but there is
MANNERS. 341
still something rich and oriental in the groves of chap.
orange and citron trees, the mixture of dark
cypresses with trees covered with flowers or blos-
soms, the tall and graceful palms, the golden fruits
and highly scented flowers. In the heats of sum-
mer, too, the trellised walks, closely covered with
vines, and the slender stems and impervious shade
of the areca tree, afford dark and cool retreats
from the intolerable glare of the sun, made still
more pleasant by the gushing of the little rills that
water the garden, and by the profound silence and
repose that reign in that overpowering hour.
I have great doubts whether the present kind of
gardens has not been introduced by the Mussul-
mans, especially as I remember no description in
the poets that are translated which suggests this
sort of formality.
The flowers and trees of Indian gardens are
neither collected with the industry, nor improved
witli the care, of those in Europe ; and it is amidst
the natural scenery that we see both in the greatest
perfection. The country is often scattered with
old mangoe trees and lofty tamarinds and pipals,
which, in Guzerat especially, are accompanied with
undulations of the ground that give to extensive
tracts the varied beauties of an Enghsh park. In
other parts, as in Rohilcand, a perfectly flat and
incredibly fertile })lain is scattered with mangoe
orchards, and deHglits us witli its extent and pro-
sperity, until at last it wearies with its monotony.
In some parts of Bengal the traveller enters on a
z 3
34^ HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK similar flat covered with one sheet of rice, but
' without a tree, except at a distance on every side,
wliere appears a thick bamboo jungle, such as might
be expected to harbour wild beasts. When this
jungle is reached, it proves to be a narrow belt
filled with villages and teeming with population ;
and when it is passed, another bare flat succeeds,
again encircled with bamboo jungle almost at the
extremity of the horizon.
The central part of the Deckan is composed of
waving downs, which at one time present, for
hundreds of miles, one unbroken sheet of green
harvests, high enough to conceal a man and horse*,
but in the hot season bear the appearance of a
desert, naked and brown, without a tree or a shrub
to relieve its gloomy sameness. In many places,
especially in the west, are woods of old trees filled
with scented creepers, some bearing flowers of the
most splendid colours, and others twining among the
branches, or stretching boldly from tree to tree,
with stems as thick as a man's thigh. The forests
in the eastt and the centre of India t, and near
one part of the western Ghats §, are composed of
trees of prodigious magnitude, almost undisturbed
by habitations, and imperfectly traversed by narrow
roads, like the wildest parts of America.
* Of bajri (Holcus spicatus) and juar (Holcus sorghum).
f The sal forests near the mountains.
-\. The forest that fills the country from Nagpur to Bengal?
and from Bundelcand to the northern Circars.
§ Malabar, c^c.
MANNERS. 343
In the midst of the best cultivated country are chap.
often found spaces of several days' journey across '^^'
covered with the palas or dak tree, which in
spring loses all its leaves and is entirely covered
with large red and orange flowers, which make the
whole of the hills seem in a blaze.
The noblest scenery in India is under Hema-
laya, where the ridges are broken into every form
of the picturesque, with abrupt rocks, mossy banks,
and slopes covered with gigantic pines and other
trees on the same vast scale, mixed with the most
beautiful of our flowering shrubs and the best of
our fruits in their state of nature. Over the whole
towers the majestic chain of Hemalaya covered
with eternal snow ; a sight which tlie soberest
traveller has never described without kindling into
enthusiasm, and whicli, if once seen, leaves an
impression that can never be equalled or effaced.
The western Ghats present the charms of mountain
scenery on a smaller scale ; but it is no exagge-
ration of their merits to say that they strongly
resemble the valleys of the Neda and the Ladon,
which have long been the boast of Arcadia and of
Europe.
The beauty of the Ghats, however, depends en-
tirely on the season when they are seen ; in sum-
mer, when stripped of their clouds and deprived of
their rich carpet of verdure and their innumerable
cascades, the height of the mountains is not suffi-
cient to compensate by its grandeur for their gene-
ral sterility, and tlie only pleasure they afford is
z 1'
344< HISTORY OF INDIA.
EOOK derived from the stately forests which still clothe
" their sides.
Manner of Thc dav of the Door in towns is spent much like
life of the -n 11 1 •
towns- that of the villagers, except that they go to then'
festival's of shop instcad of the field, and to the bazar for
amusement and society. The villagers have some
active games ; but the out of door amusements of
the townspeople are confined to those at fairs and
festivals ; some also perform their complicated
system of athletic exercise, and practise wrestling ;
but there are certain seasons which have their ap-
propriate sports, in which all descriptions of people
eagerly join.
Perhaps the chief of these is the holi, a festival
in honour of the spring, at which the common
people, especially the boys, dance round fires, sing
licentious and satirical songs, and give vent to all
sorts of ribaldry against their superiors, by whom
it is always taken in good part. The great sport
of the occasion, however, consists in sprinkling
each other with a yellow liquid, and throwing a
crimson powder over each other's persons. The
liquid is also squirted through syringes, and the
powder is sometimes made up in large balls covered
with isinglass, which break as soon as they come in
contact with the body. All ranks engage in this
sport with enthusiasm, and get more and more into
the spirit of the contest, till all parties are com-
pletely drenched with the liquid, and so covered
with the red powder, that they can scarcely be
recognised.
MANNERS. 345
A grave prime minister will invite a foreign am- chap.
bassador to play the holi at his house, and will "
take his share in the most riotous parts of it with
the ardour of a schoolboy.
There are many other festivals of a less' marked
character ; some general, and some local. Of the
latter description is the custom among the Marattas
of inviting each other to eat the toasted grain of
the bajri (or Holcus spicatus) when the ear first
begins to fill. This is a natural luxury among
villagers ; but the custom extends to the great :
the raja of Berar, for instance, invites all the prin-
cipal people of his court, on a succession of days,
to this fare, when toasted grain is first served, and
is followed by a regular banquet.
The diwali is a general festival, on which every
house and temple is illuminated with rows of little
lamps along the roofs, windows, and cornices, and
on bamboo frames erected for the purpose.
Benares, seen from the Ganges, used to be very
magnificent on this occasion. During the whole
of the month in which this feast occurs, lamps are
hung up on bamboos, at different villages and pri-
vate liouses, so high as often to make the spectator
mistake them for stars low in the horizon.
The jannam ashtomi is a festival at whicli a
sort of opera is performed by boys dressed like
Crishna and his shepherdesses, who perform ap-
propriate dances and sing songs in character.
The military men (that is, all the upper class Exercises.
not engaged in religion or commerce,) are fond of
346 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK bunting, running down wolves, deer, hares, &c.
__ with dogs, which they also employ against wild
boars, but depending chiefly, on these last occasions,
on their own swords or spears. They shoot tigers
from elephants, and sometimes attack them on
horseback and on foot ; even villagers sometimes
turn out in a body to attack a tiger that infests
their neighbourhood, and conduct themselves with
great resolution. As long as a tiger does not de-
stroy men, however, they never quarrel with him.
The military men, notwithstanding their habitual
indolence, are all active and excellent horsemen.
The Marattas in particular are celebrated for their
management of the horse and lance. They all
ride very short, and use tight martingales, and light
but very sharp bits. Their horses are always well
on their haunches, and are taught to turn suddenly
when at speed, in the least possible room. They
are also taught to make sudden bounds forward,
by which they bring their rider on his adversary's
bridle arm before he has time to counteract the
manoeuvre.
The skirmishers of two Indian armies mix and
contend with their spears in a way that looks very
like play to an European. They wheel round
and round each other, and make feigned pushes
apparently without any intention of coming in con-
tact, though always nearly within reach. They
are in fact straining every nerve to carry their
point, but each is thrown out by the dexterous
evolutions of his antagonist, until, at length, one
MANNERS. 34-7
being struck through and knocked off his horse, chap.
first convinces the spectator that both parties were '
in earnest.
The Hindus are also good shots with a matcli-
lock from a horse ; but in tliis they are much ex-
celled by the Mahometans.
Among other instances of activity, great men
sometimes drive their own elephants ; defending
the seeming want of dignity, on the ground that a
man should be able to guide his elephant in case
his driver should be killed in battle. In early days
this art was a valued accomplishment of the heroes.
The regular dress of all Hindus is probably that Uiess.
which has been mentioned as used in Bengal, and
which is worn hy all strict Bramins. It consists
of two long pieces of white cotton cloth, one of
which is wrapped round the middle and tucked
up between the legs, while part hangs down a
good deal below the knees ; the other is worn
over the shoulders, and occasionally stretched over
the head, which has no other covering.* The
head and beard are shaved, but a long tuft of hair
is left on the crown. Mustachios are also worn,
except perhaps by strict Brahmins. Except in
Bengal, all Hindus, who do not affect strictness,
now wear the lower piece of cloth smaller and
tighter, and over it a white cotton, or chintz, or
silk tunic, a coloured muslin sash round the middle,
and a scarf of the same material over the slioul-
* This is exactly the Hindu ch-ess dcscrihcd hy Arrian,
Ifidica, cap. xvi.
348 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK ders, with a turban ; some wear loose drawers like
^^^' the Mahometans.
The full dress is a long white gown of almost
transparent muslin close over the body, but in
innumerable loose folds below the waist. This,
with the sash and turban, bracelets, necklaces, and
other jewels and ornaments, make the dress com-
plete. As this dress is partly borrowed from the
Mahometans, and cannot be very ancient, it is
singular that it should be accurately represented
in some of the figures of kings on the tombs at
Thebes in Egypt*, where the features, attitudes,
and every thing else are, by a remarkable coin-
cidence (for it can be nothing more), exactly what
is seen in a Hindu raja of the present day.
Women. The dress of the women is nearly the same as
that first described for the men ; but both the
pieces of cloth are much larger and longer, and
they are of various bright colours as well as white.
Both sexes wear many ornaments. Men even of
the lower orders wear earrings, bracelets, and neck-
laces. They are sometimes worn as a convenient
way of keeping all the money the owner has ; but
the necklaces are sometimes made of a particular
berrv that hardens into a rouffh but handsome
dark brown bead, and sometimes of particular
kinds of wood turned ; and these are mixed alter-
nately with beads of gold or coral. The neck and
legs are bare ; but on going out, embroidered slip-
* Especially on the sides of one of the doors in Belzoni's cave-
MANNERS. 349
pers with a long point curling up are put on, and chap.
are laid aside again on entering a room or a palan-
keen. Children are loaded with gold ornaments,
which gives frequent temptation to child murder.
Women, under the ancient Hindus, appear to
have been more reserved and retired than with us ;
but the complete seclusion of them has come in
with the Mussulmans, and is even now confined to
the military classes. The Bramins do not observe
it at all. The Peshwa's consort used to walk to
temples, and ride or go in an open palankeen
through the streets with perfect publicity, and with
a retinue becoming her rank.
Women, however, do not join in the society of
men, and are not admitted to an equality with
them. In the lower orders, the wife, who cooks
and serves the dinner, waits till the husband has
finished before she begins. When persons of dif-
ferent sexes walk together, the woman always fol-
lows the man, even when there is no obstacle to
their walking abreast. Striking a woman is not so
disgraceful with the lower orders as with us. But,
in spite of the low place systematically assigned to
them, natural affection and reason restore them to
their rights : their husbands confide in them, and
consult with them on their affairs, and are as often
subject to their ascendancy as in any other country.
Another reproach to Hindu civilization, though slavery.
more real than that just mentioned, falls very short
of the idea it at first sight suggests. Domestic
slavery in a mild form is almost universal. The
350 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK slaves are home-born, or children sold by their
III. , . . "^
parents during famine, and sometimes children kid-
napped by Banjaras, a tribe of wandering herds-
men, who gain their subsistence by conveying
grain and merchandise from one part of the coun-
try to another. Such a crime is, of course, liable
to punishment ; but from its being only occasion-
ally practised, it is even more difficult to detect
than slave trading among ourselves.
Domestic slaves are treated exactly like serv-
ants, except that they are more regarded as belong-
ing to the family. I doubt if they are ever sold ;
and they attract little observation, as there is no-
thing apparent to distinguish them from freemen.
But slavery is nowhere exempted from its curse.
The female children kidnapped are often sold to
keepers of brothels to be brought up for public
prostitution, and in other cases are exposed to the
passions of their masters and the jealous cruelty of
their mistresses.
In some parts of India slaves are not confined
to the great and rich, but are found even in the
families of cultivators, where they are treated ex-
actly like the other members. Among the ancient
Hindus it will have been observed, from Menu, that
there were no slaves attached to the soil. As the
Hindus spread to the south, however,- they appear
in some places to have found, or to have esta-
blished, prsedial servitude. In some forest tracts
there are slaves attached to the soil, but in so loose
a way, that they are entitled to wages, and, in fact,
MANNERS. 351
are under little restraint. In the south of India chap.
XI.
they are attached to and sold with the land ; and
in Malabar (where they seem in tlie most abject
condition), even without the land. The number
in Malabar and the extreme south is guessed at
different amounts, from 100,000 to 400,000. They
exist also in some parts of Bengal and Behar, and in
hilly tracts like those in the south-east of Guzerat.
Their proportion to the -people of India is however
insignificant ; and in most parts of that country
the very name of praedial slavery is unknown.
Marriages are performed with many ceremonies, Ceicmo-
few or which are niterestmg : among them are marriage,
joining the hands of the bride and bridegroom, and
tying them together witli a blade of sacred grass ;
but the essential part of the ceremony is when tlie
bride steps seven steps, a particular text being re-
peated for each. When the seventh step is taken,
the marriage is indissoluble.* This is the only
form of marriage now allowed, the other seven
being obsolete. t
The prohibition, so often repeated in Menu,
against the receipt by the bride's father of any pre-
sent from the bridegroom, is now more strictly
observed than it was in his time. The point of
honour in lliis respect is carried so far, tliat it is
reckoned disgraceful to receive any assistance in
after life from a son-in-law or brother-in-law. It
is indispensable that tlie bridegroom should come to
* Colebrooke, Asiatic Researches, vol. vii. pj). ?)0o. 309.
t Ibid. p. rUl.
352
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
III
Education
the house of the father-m-law to sue for the bride,
_. and the marriage must also be performed there.
At the visit of the suitor, the ancient modes of
liospitality are maintained according to a prescribed
form. The sort of entertainment still appears in
the production of a cow to be killed for the feast ;
but the suitor now intercedes for her life, and she
is turned loose at his request.*
In the case of princes, where the bride comes
from another country, a temporary building is
erected with great magnificence and expense, as a
house for the bride's father ; and in all cases the
procession in which the bride is taken home after
the marriage is as showy as the parties can aftbrd.
In Bengal these processions are particularly
sumptuous, and marriages there have been known
to cost lacs of rupees. t Tlie parties are generally
children ; the bride must always be under the age
of puberty, and both are usually under ten. These
premature marriages, instead of producing attach-
ment, often cause early and lasting disagreements.
Hindu parents are remarkable for their affection
for their children while they are young ; but they
not unfrequently have disputes with grown up sons,
the source of which probably lies in the legal re-
strictions on the father's control over his property.
* Colebrooke, Asiatic ResearcJieSy vol. vii. pp. 288, 289. So
uniform was the practice of sacrificing a cow for the entertain-
ment of a visitor, that goghna (cow-killer) is a Shanscrit term
for a guest.
f Wardj vol. i. p, 170.
MANNERS, 353
Boys of family are brought into company dressed chap.
like men (with little swords, Sec), and behave with '
all the propriety, and almost all the formality, of
grown up people.
The children of the common people sprawl about
the streets, pelt each other with dust, and are less
restrained even than children in England. At this
age they are generally very handsome.
Tlie education of the common people does not
extend beyond writing and the elements of arith-
metic. There are schools in all towns, and in
some villages, paid by small fees ; the expense for
each boy in the south of India is estimated at from
15s. to l6s. a-year* ; but it must be very much less
in other places. In Bengal and Behar the fee is
often only a small portion of grain or uncooked
vegetables. t
They are taught, with the aid of monitors, in the
manner introduced from Madras into England.
The number of children educated at public
schools under the Madras presidency (according
to an estimate of Sir T. Munro) is less than one
in three ; but, low as it is, he justly remarks, this
is a higher rate than existed, till very lately, in
most countries in Europe. It is probable tliat the
proportion under the other presidencies is not
greater than under Madras. I should doubt, in-
deed, whether the average was not a good deal too
* Captain Harkness, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,
No. I. p. 19.
f Mr. Adams's Report on Education (Calcutta, 1838).
vor,. T. A A
354
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
III.
Names.
high. Women are every where almost entirely
uneducated.
People in good circumstances seldom send their
children to school, but have them taught at home,
by Bramins retained for the purpose. The higher
branches of learning are taught gratuitously ; the
teachers maintaining themselves, and often a portion
of their scholars, by means of presents received
from princes and opulent individuals.
There is now no learning, except among the
Bramins, and with them it is at a low ebb.
The remains of ancient literature sufficiently
show the far higher pitch to which it had attained
in former times. There is no such proof of the
greater diffusion of knowledge in those days ; but
when three of the four classes were encouraged to
read the Vedas, it is probable that they were more
generally well informed than now.
More must be said of Indian names than the
intrinsic importance of the subject deserves, to
obviate the difficulty of recognising individuals
named in different histories.
Few of the Hindu nations have family names.
The Marattas have them exactly as in Europe.
The Rajputs have names of clans or tribes, but too
extensive completely to supply the place of family
names ; and the same is the case with the Bramins
of the north of India.
In the south of India it is usual to prefix the
name of the city or place of which the person
is an inhabitant to his proper name, (as Carpa
MANNERS. 355
Candi Rao, Candi liao of Carpa, or Caddapa.) * chap.
The most general practice on formal occasions is '_
that common in most parts of Asia, of adding the
father's name to that of the son ; but this practice
may, perhaps, have been borrowed from the Mus-
sulmans.
An European reader might be led to call a per-
son indifferently by either of his names, or to take
the first or last for shortness ; but the first might be
the name of a town, and the last the name of the
person's father, or of his cast, and not his own.
Another difficulty arises, chieflj' among the Ma-
hometans, from their frequent change of title ; as is
the case with our own nobility.
The Hindus in general burn their dead, but Funerals.
men of the religious orders are buried in a sitting
posture cross-legged. A dying man is laid out of
doors, on a bed of sacred grass. Hymns and
prayers are recited to him, and leaves of the holy
basil scattered over him. If near the Ganges, he
is, if possible, carried to the side of that river.
It is said that persons so carried to the river, if
they recover, do not return to their famihes; and
there are certainly villages on the Ganges which
arc pointed out as behig entirely inhabited by such
people and their descendants j but the existence
of such a custom is denied by those likely to be
best informed ; and the story has probably ori-
ginated in some misconception. After death,
* Men's offices also often attbrd a distinguishing appellation.
A A '^
356 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK the body is bathed, perfumed, decked with flowers,
— and immediately carried out to the pyre. It is
enjoined to be preceded by music, which is still
observed in the south of India. There, also,
the corpse is exposed on a bed with the face
painted with crimson powder. In other parts, on
the contrary, the body is carefully covered up.
Except in the south, the corpse is carried without
music, but with short exclamations of sorrow from
the attendants.
The funeral pile for an ordinary person is not
above four or five feet high ; it is decorated with
flowers, and clarified butter and scented oils are
poured upon the flames. The pyre is lighted by
a relation, after many ceremonies and oblations ;
and the relations, after other observances, purify
themselves in a stream, and sit down on a bank to
wait the progress of the fire. They present a
melancholy spectacle on such occasions, wrapped
up in their wet garments, and looking sorrowfully
on the pyre. Neither the wet dress nor the sorrow
is required by their religion : on the contrary, they
are enjoined to alleviate their grief by repeating
certain verses, and to refrain from tears and la-
mentations.*
* The following are among the verses : —
" Foolish is he who seeks permanence in the human state,
unsolid like the stem of the plantain tree, transient like the foam
of the sea."
" All that is low must finally perish ; all that is elevated must
ultimately fall."
*' Unwillingly do the Manes taste the tears and rheum shed
MANNERS. 357
The Hindus seldom erect tombs, except to men chap.
XI
who fall in battle, or widows who burn with their '
husbands. Their tombs resemble small square
altars.
The obsequies performed periodically to the
dead have been fully explained in another place.*
I may mention here the prodigious expense some-
times incurred on those occasions. A Hindu family
in Calcutta were stated in the newspapers for
June, 1824, to have expended, besides numerous
and most costly gifts to distinguished Bramins, the
immense sum of 500,000 rupees (.50,000/.) in alms
to the poor, including, I suppose, 20,000 rupees,
which it is m.entioned that they paid to release
debtors.!
It is well known that Indian widows sometimes Sattis.
sacrifice themselves on the funeral pile of their hus-
bands, and that such victims are called Sattis. The -
period at which this barbarous custom was intro-
duced is uncertain. It is not alluded to by Menu,
who treats of the conduct proper for faithful and de-
voted widows, as if there were no doubt about their
surviving their husbands.t It is thought by some to
have been recognised in ancient authorities, particu-
larly in the Rig Veda ; but others deny this con-
by their kinsmen : then do not wail, but diligently perform the
obsequies of the dead." — Colebrooke, in Asiatic liesearc/ies,
vol. vii, p. 244.
* Book I. p. 80.
f Quarterly Oriental Mazagine for September, 1824, p. 23.
X Book V. 156, &c,
A A 3
35S HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK struction of the text.* It certainly is of great anti-
' quity, as an instance is described by Diodorus (who
wrote before the birth of Christ), and is stated to
have occurred in the army of Eumenes upwards of
300 years before our aera.t The claim of the elder
wife to preference over the younger, the Indian
law against the burning of pregnant women, and
other similar circumstances mentioned in his nar-
rative, are too consistent with Hindu institutions,
and the ceremonies are too correctly described, to
leave the least doubt that Diodorus's account is
authentic, and that the custom was as fully, though
probably not so extensively, established in the time
of Eumenes as at present.
The practice is ascribed by Diodorus, as it still
is by our missionaries, to the degraded condition
to which a woman who outlives her husband is con-
demned. If tlie motive were one of so general an
influence, the practice would scarcely be so rare.
It is more probable that the hopes of immediately
entering on the enjoyment of heaven, and of en-
titling the husband to the same felicity, as well as
the glory attending such a voluntary sacrifice, are
sufficient to excite the few enthusiastic spirits who
go through this awful trial.
It has been said that the relations encourage self-
* See Translations by Raja Ram Mohan Roy, pp. 200 — 266.
See also Colebrooke, Asiatic Researches, vol. iv. p. 205., and
Professor Wilson, Oxford Lectures, p. 19.
f Diodorus Siculus, lib. xix. cap. ii. The custom is also
mentioned^ but much less distinctly, by Strabo, on the authority
of Aristobulus and Oncsicritus,
MANNERS. 359
immolation for the purpose of obtaining the pro- chap.
perty of the widow. It would be judging too '
harshly of human nature to tliink such conduct
frequent, even in proportion to the number of
cases where the widow has property to leave ; and,
in fact, it may be confidently relied on, that the
relations are ahnost in all, if not in all cases, sin-
cerely desirous of dissuading the sacrifice. For
this purpose, in addition to their own entreaties,
and those of the infant children, when there are
such, they procure the intervention of friends of
the family, and of persons in authority. If the case
be in a family of high rank, the sovereign himself
goes to console and dissuade the widows It is
reckoned a bad omen for a government to have
many Sattis. One common expedient is, to engage
the widow's attention by such visits, while the body
is removed and burnt.
The mode of concremation is various : in Ben-
gal, the living and dead bodies are stretched on a
pile where strong ropes and bamboos are thrown
across them so as to prevent any attempt to rise.
In Orissa, the woman throws herself into the pyre,
which is below the lev^el of the ground. In the
Deckan, the woman sits down on the ])yre with
her husband's head in her lap, and remains there
till suffocated, or crushed by the fall of a heavy
roof of logs of wood, which is fixed by cords to
])osts at the corners of the ])ilc.
'J'hc sight of a widow burning is a most painful
one ; but it is hard to say whether the spectator is
A A 4
360 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK most affected by pity or admiration. The more
' than human serenity of the victim, and the respect
which she receives from those around her, are
heightened by her gentle demeanour, and her care
to omit nothing in distributing her last presents,
and paying the usual marks of courtesy to the by-
standers ; while the cruel death that awaits her
is doubly felt from her own apparent insensibility
to its terrors. The reflections which succeed are
of a different character, and one is humiliated to
think that so feeble a being can be elevated by
superstition to a self-devotion not surpassed by the
noblest examples of patriots or martyrs.
I have heard that, in Guzerat, women about to
burn are often stupified with opium. In most
other parts this is certainly not the case. Women
go through all the ceremonies with astonishing
composure and presence of mind, and have been
seen seated, unconfined, among the flames, ap-
parently praying, and raising their joined hands to
their heads with as little agitation as at their ordi-
nary devotions. On the other hand, frightful in-
stances have occurred of women bursting from
amidst the flames, and being thrust back by the
assistants. One of these diabolical attempts was
made in Bengal, when an English gentleman hap-
pened to be among the spectators, and succeeded
in preventing the accomplishment of the tragedy ;
but, next day, he was surprised to encounter the
bitterest reproaches from the woman, for having
been the occasion of her disgrace, and the obstacle
MANNERS. 361
to her being then in heaven enjoying the company chap.
of her husband, and the blessings of those she had '. —
left behind.
The practice is by no means universal in India.
It never occurs to the south of the river Kishna ;
and under the Bombay presidency, including the
former sovereignty of the Bramin Peshwas, it
amounts to thirty-two in a year. In the rest of the
Deckan it is probably more rare. In Hindostan
and Bengal it is so common, that some hundreds
are officially reported as burning annually within
the British dominions alone.
Self-immolation by men also is not uncommon,
but it is generally performed by persons lingering
under incurable disorders. It is done by leaping
into fire, by burying alive, by plunging into a river,
or by other modes, such as throwing one's self be-
fore the sacred car at Jagannat.
During the four years of Mr. Stirling's attend-
ance at Jagannat, three persons perished under the
car ; one case he ascribed to accident, and the
other two persons had long suffered under excru-
ciating disorders.*
The Hindus have some peculiarities that do not Hereditary
thieves.
admit of classification. As they have casts for
all the trades, they have also casts for thieves, and
men are brought u\) to consider robbing as their
hereditary occupation. Most of tlie hill tribes,
bordcrinn; on cultivated countries, are of this dc-
"ti
* Asiatic Researches, vol. xv. [>. 32U
362 HISTORY OF INDIA.
Boojs. scnption ; and even throughout the plains there are
, casts more notorious for theft and robbery than
gipsies used to be for pilfering in Europe.
In their case hereditary professions seem favour-
able to skill, for there are no where such dexterous
thieves as in India. Travellers are full of stories
of the patience, perseverance, and address with
w^hich they will steal, unperceived, through the
midst of guards, and carry off their prize in the
most dangerous situations. Some dig holes in the
earth, and come up within the wall of a well-closed
house : others, by whatever way they enter, always
open a door or two to secure a retreat ; and pro-
ceed to plunder, naked, smeared with oil, and armed
w4th a dagger ; so that it is as dangerous to seize
them as it is difficult to hold.
One great class, called Thags, continually travel
about the country assuming different disguises ; an
art in which they are perfect masters. Their prac-
tice is to insinuate themselves into the society of
travellers whom they hear to be possessed of pro-
perty, and to accompany them till they have an
opportunity of administering a stupifying drug, or
of throwing a noose over the neck of their unsus-
pecting companion. He is then murdered without
blood being shed, and buried so skilfully that a long
time elapses before his fate is suspected. The
Thags invoke Bhawani, and vow a portion of their
spoil to her. This mixture of religion and crime
might of itself be mentioned as a peculiarity ; but
it is paralleled by the vows of pirates and banditti
MANNERS. 363
to the Madonna ; and in the case of Mussuhnans, chap.
who form the largest portion of the Thags, it is like '—
the compacts with the devil, which were known in
days of superstition.
It need scarcely be said that the long descent of
the thievish casts gives them no claim on the sym-
l)athy of the rest of the community, who look on
them as equally obnoxious to punishment, both in
this world and the next, as if their ancestors had
belonged to the most virtuous classes.
The hired watchmen are generally of these casts,
and are faithful and efficacious. Their presence
alone is a protection against their own class ; and
their skill and vigilance, against strangers. Guzeriit
is famous tor one class of people of this sort, whose
business it is to trace thieves by their footsteps.
In a dry country a bare foot leaves little print to
common eyes j but one of these people will per-
ceive all its peculiarities so as to recognise it in all
circumstances, and will pursue a robber by these
vestiges for a distance that seems incredible.*
In another instance, a cast seems to employ its Biuits ami
privilege exclusively for the protection of pro-
perty. These are the Bhats and Charans, of the
* One was employed to pursue a man wlio had carried ofF
the plate belon<^ing to a regimental mess at Kaira ; he tracked
him to Ahmedabad, twelve or fourteen miles, lost him among
the well-trodden streets of that city, but recovered his traces
on reaching the opposite gate ; and, though long foiled by the
fugitive's running up the water of a rivulet, he at last came up
with him, and recovered the property, alter a chase of from
twenty to thirty miles.
)64 HISTORY OF INDIA,
BOOK west of India, who are revered as bards, and in
' some measure as heralds, among the Rajput tribes.
In Rajputana they conduct caravans, which are
not only protected from plunder, but from legal
duties. In Guzerat they carry large sums in bul-
lion, through tracts where a strong escort would be
insufficient to protect it. They are also guarantees
of all agreements of chiefs among themselves, and
even with the government.
Their power is derived from the sanctity of
their character and their desperate resolution. If a
man carrying treasure is approached, he announces
that he will commit traga, as it is called ; or if
an engagement is not complied with, he issues
the same threat unless it is fulfilled. If he is not
attended to, he proceeds to gash his limbs with a
dagger, which in the last resort he will plunge into
his heart ; or he will first strike off the head of his
child ; or different guarantees to the agreement
will cast lots who is to be first beheaded by his
companions. The disgrace of these proceedings,
and the fear of having a bard's blood on their head,
generally reduce the most obstinate to reason.
Their fidelity is exemplary, and they never hesitate
to sacrifice their lives to keep up an ascendancy on
which the importance of their cast depends.*
Of the same nature with this is the custom by
which Bramins seat themselves with a dagger or
with poison at a man's door, and threaten to make
away with themselves if the owner eats before he has
* See Tod's Rajasthcm, and Malcolm'' s Central India, vol. ii.
p. 130.
MANNERS. ODD
361
complied with their demands. Common creditors chap.
XI.
also resort to this practice (which is called dherna) ;
but without threats of self-murder. They prevent
tlieir debtor's eating by an appeal to his honour,
and also by stopping his supplies ; and they fast,
themselves, during all the time that they compel
their debtor to do so. This sort of compulsion is
used even against princes, and must not be resisted
by force. It is a very common mode employed by
troops to procure payment of arrears, and is then
directed either against the paymaster, the prime
minister, 'or the sovereign himself
The practice of sworn friendship is remari^able,
tiiough not peculiar, to the Hindus. Persons take
a vow of friendship and mutual support with cer-
tain forms ; and, even in a community little remark-
able for faith, it is infamous to break this oath.*
The hills and forests in the centre of India are Mountain
inhabited by a people differing widely from those forest"'
who occupy the plains. They are small, black, ^'^'^'^^'
slender, but active, with peculiar features, and a
quick and restless eye. They wear few clothes,
are armed with bows and arrows, make open pro-
fession of plunder, and, unless the government is
strong, are always at war with all their neighbours.
When invaded, they conduct their operations with
secrecy and celerity, and shower their arrows from
rocks and thickets, whence they can escape before
* Part of the ceremony is dividing a blul, or wood-apple,
lialf of which is kept by each party, and, from this compact, is
called hhel bhandar.
S6d HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK they can be attacked, and often before they can be
in. '^ -^
seen.
They live m scattered and sometimes moveable
hamlets, are divided into small communities, and
allow great power to their chiefs. They subsist
on the produce of their own imperfect cultivation,
and on what they obtain by exchanges or plunder
from the plains. They occasionally kill game, but
do not depend on that for their support. In many
parts the berries of the mahua tree form an im-
portant part of their food.
Besides one or two of the Hindu gods, they
have many of their own, who dispense particular
blessings or calamities. TJie one who presides over
the small-pox is, in most places, looked on with
peculiar awe.
They sacrifice fowls, pour libations before eat-
ing, are guided by inspired magicians, and not by
priests, bury their dead, and have some ceremonies
on the birth of children, marriages, and funerals,
in common. They are all much addicted to spi-
rituous liquors ; and most of them kill and eat
oxen. Their great abode is in the Vindya moun-
tains, which run east and west from the Ganges to
Guzerat, and the broad tract of forest which ex-
tends north and south from the neighbourhood of
Allahabad to the latitude of Masulipatam, and,
with interruptions, almost to Cape Comorin. In
some places the forest has been encroached on by
cultivation ; and the inhabitants have remained in
the plains as village watchmen, hunters, and other
MANNERS. 367
trades suited to their habits. In a few places their chap.
XI
devastations have restored the clear country to the '
forest ; and the remains of villages are seen among
the haunts of wild beasts.
The points of resemblance above mentioned lead
to the opinion that all these rude tribes form one
people ; but they differ in other particulars, and
each has a separate name ; so that it is only by
comparing their languages (where they retain a
distinct language) that we can hope to see the
question of their identity settled.
These people, at Bagalpur, are called paharias,
or mountaineers. Under the name of Cols they
occupy a great tract of wild country in the west
of Bengal and Behar, and extend into the Vindya
mountains, near Mirzapur. In the adjoining part
of the Vindya range, and in the centre and south of
the great forest, they are called Gonds ; further
west, in the Vindya chain, they are called Bhils ;
and in all the western hills, Colis ; which name
probably has some connection with the Cols of
Behar, and may possibly have some with the C6-
laris, a similar tribe in the extreme south. The
Colis stretch westward along the hills and forests in
Guzerat, nearly to the desert ; on the south they
take in part of the range of Ghats.
These tribes are known by different names in
other parts of the coimtry ; but the above are by
far the most considerable.
Their early history is uncertain. In the Deckan
they were in their present state at the time of the
368
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
III.
Character.
Hindu invasion ; and probably some of them were
those alHes of Rama whom tradition and fiction
have turned into a nation of monkeys.
That whole country was then a forest ; and the
present tribes are in those portions of it which
have not yet been brought into cultivation. The
great tract of forest, called Gondwana, lying be-
tween the rich countries of Berar and Cattac, and
occasionally broken in upon by patches of culti-
vation, gives a clear idea of the original state of the
Deckan, and the progress of its improvement.
In Hindostan they may be the unsubdued part of
the nation from whom the servile class was formed ;
01'
if it be true that even there their language is
mixed with Tamul, they may possibly be the re-
mains of some aboriginal people anterior even to
those conquered by the Hindus.
There are other tribes of mountaineers in the
north-eastern hills, and the lower branches of He-
malaya ; but they all differ widely from those above
described, and partake more of the features and ap-
pearance of the nations between them and China.
No separate mention is made of the mountain
tribes by the Greeks ; but Pliny more than once
speaks of such communities.
Englishmen in India have less opportunity than
might be expected of forming opinions of the na-
tive character. Even in England few know much
of the people beyond their own class, and what
they do know they learn from books and news-
papers, which do not exist in India, In that coun-
CHARACTER. 369
try, also, reliaion and manners put bars to onr chap.
intuTiacy with the natives, and limit the number of '
transactions as well as the free communication of
opinions. We know nothing of the interior of
families but by report ; and have no share in tliose
numerous occurrences of life in which the amiable
parts of character are most exhibited.
Missionaries of a different religion, judges, police
magistrates, officers of revenue or customs, and
even diplomatists, do not see the most virtuous por-
tion of a nation, nor any portion, unless when in-
fluenced by passion, or occupied by some personal
interest. What we do see we judge by our own
standard. We conclude that a man who cries like
a child on slight occasions, must always be inca-
pable of acting or suflfering with dignity; and that
one who allows himself to be called a liar would
not be ashamed of any baseness. Our writers also
confound the distinctions of time and place ; they
combine in one character the Maratta and the
Bengalese ; and tax the present generation with
the crimes of the heroes of the " Maha Bharat." It
might be argued, in opj)osition to many unfavour-
able testimonies, that those who have known the
Indians longest have always the best opinion of
them ; but this is rather a compliment to human
nature than to them, since it is true of every other
people. It is more in point, that all persons who
have retired from India think better of the })oople
they have left after comparing them with others
even of the most justly admired nations.
VOL. I. H 15
.370 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK These considerations should make us distrust
' our own impressions, when unfavourable, but can-
not blind us to the fact that the Hindus have, in
reality, some great defects of character.
Their defects, no doubt, arise chiefly from moral
causes ; but they are also to be ascribed, in part,
to physical constitution, and in part to soil and cli-
mate.
Some races are certainly less vigorous than
others ; and all must degenerate if placed in an
enervating atmospliere.
Mere heat may not enervate : if it is unavoidable
and unremitting, it even produces a sort of hardi-
ness like that arising from the rigours of a northern
winter. If sterility be added, and the fruits of hard
labour are contested among scattered tribes, the
result may be the energy and decision of the Arab.
But, in India, a warm temperature is accom-
panied by a fertile soil which renders severe labour
unnecessary, and an extent of land that would sup-
port an almost indefinite increase of inhabitants.
The heat is moderated by rain, and warded off
by numerous trees and forests : every thing is cal-
culated to produce that state of listless inactivity
which foreigners find it so difficult to resist. The
shades of character that are found in different parts
of India tend to confirm this supposition. The
inhabitants of the dry countries in the north,
which in winter are cold, are comparatively manly
and active. The Marattas, inhabiting a moun-
tainous and unfertile region, are hardy and labori-
ous J while the Bengalese, with their moist climate
CHARACTER. S^l
and their double crops of rice, where the cocoa- chap.
XI
nut tree and the bamboo furnish all the materials "
for construction unwrought, are more effeminate
than any other people in India. But love of re-
pose, though not sufficient to extinguish industry
or repress occasional exertions, may be taken as a
characteristic of the whole people.
Akin to their indolence is their timidity, which
arises more from the dread of being involved in
trouble and difficulties than from want of physical
courage : and from these two radical influences
almost all their vices are derived. Indolence and
timidity themselves may be thought to be produced
by despotism and superstition without any aid from
nature ; but if those causes were alone sufficient,
they would have had the same operation on the
indefatigable Chinese and the intrepid Russian : in
the present case they are as likely to be effect as
cause.
The most prominent vice of the Hindus is want
of veracity, in which they outdo most nations even
of the East. They do not even resent the im-
putation of falsehood ; the same man would calmly
answer to a doubt by saying, " Why should I tell a
lie?" who would shed blood for what he regarded
as the sligiitest infringement of his honour.
Perjury, which is only an aggravated species of
falsehood, naturally accompanies other offences of
the kind (though it is not more frequent than in
other Asiatic countries) ; and those who pay so
little regard to statements about the past, cannot be
'i'^Q
Ol'Z HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK expected to be scrupulous in promises for the
future. Breaches of faith in private Ufe are much
more common hi India than in Enoland : but even
'&■
in India, the great majority, of course, are true to
their word.
It is in people connected with government that
deceit is most common ; but in India, this class
spreads far ; as, from the nature of the land revenue,
the lowest villager is often obliged to resist force by
fraud.
In some cases, the faults of the government pro-
duce an opposite effect. Merchants and bankers
are generally strict observers of their engagements.
If it M^ere otherwise, commerce could not go on
where justice is so irregularly administered.
Hindus are not ill fitted by nature for intrigue
and cunning, when their situation calls forth those
qualities. Patient, supple, and insinuating, they
will penetrate the views of a person with whom
they have to deal; watch his humours; soothe or
irritate his temper ; present things in such a form
as suits their designs, and contrive, by indirect
manoeuvres, to make others even unwillingly con-
tribute to the accomplishment of their ends. But
their plots are seldom so daring or flagitious as those
of other Asiatic nations, or even of Indian Mussul-
mans, though these last have been softened by their
intercourse with the people among whom they are
settled.
It is probably owing to the faults of their govern-
ment that they are corrupt ; to take a bribe in a
CHARACTER. 3J3
good cause is almost meritorious ; and it is a venial chap.
offence to take one when the cause is bad. Pe-
cuniary fraud is not thought very disgraceful, and,
if against the public, scarcely disgraceful at all.
It is to their government, also, that we must im-
pute their flattery and their importunity. The first
is gross, even after every allowance has been made
for the different degrees of force which nations give
to tlie language of civility. The second arises from
tlie indecision of their own rulers : they never con-
sider an answer final, and are never ashamed to
prosecute a suit as long as their varied invention,
the possible change of circumstances, or the ex-
hausted patience of the person applied to gives
them a hope of carrying their point.
Like all that are slow to actual conflict, they are
very litigious, and much addicted to verbal alter-
cation. They will persevere in a law-suit till they
are ruined ; and will argue, on other occasions,
with a violence so unlike their ordinary demean-
our, that one unaccustomed to them expects im-
mediate blows or bloodshed.
The public spirit of Hindus is either confined to
their cast or village, in which cases it is often very
strong ; or if it extends to tlie general government,
it goes no further than zeal for its autiiority on the
part of its agents and dependents. Great national
spirit is sometimes shown in war, especially where
religion is concerned, but allegiance in general sits
very loose : a subject will take service against his
natural sovereign as readily as for him ; and always
15 li 3 .
374 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK has more recrard to the salt he has eaten than to
III.
the land in which he was born.
Although the Hindus, as has been seen, break
through some of tlie most important rules of
morality, we must not suppose that they are devoid
of principle. Except in the cases specified, they
have all the usual respect for moral obhgations ;
and to some rules which, in their estimation, are
of peculiar importance, they adhere, in spite of
every temptation to depart from them. A Bramin
will rather starve to death than eat prohibited food :
a headman of a village wdll suffer the torture rather
than consent to a contribution laid on the inhabit-
ants by a tyrant, or by banditti : the same servant
who cheats his master in his accounts may be
trusted with money to any amount in deposit.
Even in corrupt transactions, it is seldom that men
will not rather undergo a punishment than betray
those to whom they have given a bribe.
Their great defect is a want of manliness. Their
slavish constitution, their blind superstition, their
extravagant mythology, the subtilties and verbal
distinctions of their philosophy, the languid soft-
ness of their poetry, their effeminate manners, their
love of artifice and delay, their submissive temper,
their dread of change, the delight they take in
puerile fables, and their neglect of rational history,
are so many proofs of the absence of the more ro-
bust qualities of disposition and intellect throughout
the mass of the nation.
But this censure, though true of the whole, when
CHARACTER. 375
compared with other nations, by no means applies chap.
to all classes, or to any at all times. The labour- . .
ing people are industrious and persevering ; and
other classes, when stimulated by any strong mo-
tive, and sometimes even by mere sport, will go
through great hardships and endure long fatigue.
They are not a people habitually to bear up
against desperate attacks, and still less against a
long course of discouragement and disaster ; yet
they often display bravery not surpassed by the
most warlike nations ; and will always throw away
their lives for any consideration of religion or
honour. Hindu Sepoys in our pay have, in two
instances, advanced, after troops of the King's ser-
vice had been beaten off; and on one of these
occasions they were opposed to French soldiers.
The sequel of this history will show instances of
whole bodies of troops rushing forward to certain
death, while, in priv^ate life, the lowest orders do
not hesitate to commit suicide if they once con-
ceive their honour tarnished.
Tlieir contempt of death is, indeed, an extra-
ordinary concomitant to their timidity when ex-
posed to lesser evils. When his fate is inevitable,
the lowest Hindu encounters it with a coolness tliat
would excite admiration in Europe, converses with
his friends witli cheerfulness, and awaits the ap-
proach of death without any diminution of his
usual serenity.
The best specimen of the Hindu character, re-
taining its peculiarities while divested of many of
i; li 1.
376 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK its defects, is found among the Rajputs and other
' military classes in Gangetic Hindostan. It is there
we are most likely to gain a clear conception of
their high spirit, their enthusiastic courage, and
generous self-devotion, so singularly combined with
gentleness of manners and softness of heart, to-
gether with a boyish playfulness and almost in-
fantine simplicity.
Tile villagers are everywhere an inoffensive
amiable people, affectionate to their families, kind
to their neighbours ; and, towards all but the
government, honest and sincere.
The townspeople are of a more mixed character ;
but they are quiet and orderly, seldom disturbing
the public peace by tumults, or their own by pri-
vate broils. On the whole, if we except those
connected with the Government, they will bear a
fair comparison with the people of towns in Eng-
land. Their advantages in religion and govern-
ment give a clear superiority to our middle classes j
and even among the labouring class, there are many
to whom no parallel could be found in any rank in
India ; but, on the other hand, there is no set of
people among the Hindus so depraved as the dregs
of our great towns ; and the swarms of persons who
live by fraud — sharpers, impostors, and adventurers
of all descriptions, from those who mix with the
higher orders down to those who prey on the com-
mon people — are almost unknown in India.
Some of the most conspicuous of the crim.es in
India exceed those of all other countries in atro-
CHARACTER. o77
city. The Thags* have been mentioned; and the chap.
Deceits are ahnost as detestable for their cruelty as , ,
the others for their deliberate treachery.
The Decoits are gangs associated for the purpose
of plunder, who assemble by night, fall on an un-
suspecting village, kill those who offer resistance,
seize on all property, and torture those whom they
imagine to have wealth concealed. Next morning
they are melted into the popuhition ; and such is
the dread inspired by them, that, even when known,
people can seldom be found to come forward and
accuse them. Except in the absence of political
feeling, and the greater barbarity of their proceed-
ings, tiieir offence resembles those which have, at
times, been common in Ireland. In India it is
the consequence of weak government during the
anarchy of the last Inmdred years, and is rapidly
disappearing under the vigorous administration of
the British. Both Thags and Decoits are at least
as often Mahometans as Hindus.
The horror excited by such enormities leads us
at first to imagine peculiar depravity in the country
where they occur ; but a further inquiry removes
that impression. Including Thags and Decoits,
the mass of crime in India is less than in England.
Thags arc almost a separate nation, and Decoits
are desperate ruffians who enter into permanent
gangs and devote their lives to rapine ; but the
remaining i)art of the population is little given to
such passions as disturb society. By a scries of
• See page 3G'2. of tliis volume.
378 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK Reports laid before the House of Commons in
1832*, it appears that, on an average or tour years,
tlie number of capital sentences carried into effect
annually in England, and Wales was 1 for 203,281
souls ; and in the provinces under the Bengal pre-
sidency, 1 for 1,004,182 1; transportation for life,
in England, 1 for 67,173, and in the Bengal pro-
vinces, 1 for 402,010.
We may admit that the proportion of undetected
crimes in Bengal is considerably greater than in
England ; but it would require a most extravagant
allowance on that account to bring the amount of
great crimes in the two countries to an equality.
Murders are oftener from jealousy, or some such
motive, than for gain : and theft is confined to par-
ticular classes ; so that there is little uneasiness
regarding property. Europeans sleep with every
door in the house open, and their property scat-
tered about as it lay in the day time, and seldom
have to complain of loss : even with so numerous
a body of servants as fills every private house, it is
no small proof of habitual confidence to see scarcely
any thing locked up.
The natives of India are often accused of want-
ing gratitude; but it does not appear that those
who make the charge have done much to inspire
* Minutes of Evidence (Judicial), No. IV. p. 103.
-}- The annual number of sentences to death in England was
1232, and of executions G^. In Bengal, the sentences were 59,
and the executions the same. England is taken at 1 3,000,000
souls, and the Bengal provinces at 60,000,000.
CHAUACTEK. 379
such a sentiment. When masters are really kind chap.
and considerate, they find as warm a return from '
Indian servants as any in the world ; and there are
few who have tried them in sickness, or in difficul-
ties and dangers, who do not bear witness to their
sympathy and attachment. Their devotion to their
own chiefs is proverbial, and can arise from no
other cause than gratitude, unless where cast sup-
plies the place of clannish feeling. The fidelity of
our Sepoys to their foreign masters has been shown
in instances which it would be difficult to match,
even among national troops, in any other country.
Nor is this confined to the lower orders ; it is
common to see persons who have been patronised
by men in power, not only continue their attach-
ment to them when in disgrace, but even to their
families when they have left them in a lielpless
condition. *
Though their character is altered since the mix-
ture with foreigners, the Hindus are still a mild
and gentle people. The cruel massacres that at-
tended all their battles with the Mahometans must
* A perfectly authentic instance might be mentioned, of an
EngUsh gentleman, in a high station in Bengal, who was dis-
missed, and afterwards reduced to great temporary difficulties
in his own country : a native of rank, to whom he had been kind,
supplied him, when in those circumstances, with upwards of
10,000/., of which he would not accept repayment, and for which
he could expect no possible return. This generous friend was
a Maratta Bramin, a race of all others who have least sympathy
with people of other casts, and who arc most hardened and
corrupted by power.
380 HISTORY OF INDIA.
J300K have led to sanguinary retaliation ; and they no
' longer act on the generous laws of war which are
so conspicuous in Menu. But even now they are
more merciful to prisoners than any other Asiatic
people, or than their Mussulman countrymen.
Tippoo used to cut off the right hands and noses
of the British camp followers that fell into his
hands. The last Peshwa gave to men of the same
sort a small quantity of provisions and a rupee each,
to enable them to return to their business, after
they had been plundered by his troops.
Cold-blooded cruelty is, indeed, imputed to Bra-
mins in power, and it is probably the result of
checking the natural outlets for resentment ; but
the worst of them are averse to causing death,
especially when attended with shedding blood. In
ordinary circumstances, the Hindus are compas-
sionate and benevolent ; but they are deficient in
active humanity, partly owing to the unsocial effects
of cast, and partly to the apathy which makes them
indifferent to their own calamities, as well as to
those of their neighbours.
This deficiency appears in their treatment of the
poor. All feedBramins and give alms to religious
mendicants ; but a beggar from mere want would
neither be relieved by the charity of Europe, nor
the indiscriminate hospitality of most parts of Asia.
Though improvidence is common among the
poor, and ostentatious profusion, on particular oc-
casions, among the rich, the general disposition of
the Hindus is frugal, and even parsimonious. Their
CHARACTER. 381
ordinary expenses are small, and few of any rank chap.
in life hesitate to increase their savings by employ- _____
ing them indirectly in commerce, or by lending
them out at high interest.
Hindu children are much more quick and intel-
ligent than European ones. The capacity of lads
of twelve and fourteen is often surprising ; and not
less so is the manner in which their faculties be-
come blunted after the age of puberty.
But at all ages they are very intelligent ; and this
strikes us most in the lower orders, who, in pro-
priety of demeanour, and in command of language,
are far less different from their superiors than with
us.
Their freedom from gross debauchery is the point
in which the Hindus appear to most advantage.
It can scarcely be expected, from their climate and
its concomitants, that they should be less licentious
than other nations ; but if we compare them with
our own, the absence of drunkenness, and of immo-
desty in their other vices, will leave the superiority
in purity of manners on the side least flattering to
our self-esteem.
Their indifference to the grossest terms in con-
versation appears inconsistent with this praise ; but
it has been well explained as arising from " that
simplicity which conceives that whatever can exist
without blame, may be named without offence;"
and this view is confirmed by the decorum of their
behaviour in other respects.
Though naturally quiet and thoughtful, they are
382 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK cheerful in society; fond of conversation and amuse-
iii.
ment, and delighting in anecdote and humour bor-
dering on buffoonery. It has been remarked be-
fore, that their conversation is often trifling, and
this frivolity extends to their general character, and
is combined with a disposition to vanity and osten-
tation.
In their persons they are, generally speaking,
lower, and always more slender, than Europeans. *
They have a better carriage and more grace, less
strength, but more free use of their limbs.
They are of a brown colour, between the com-
plexion of the southern European and that of the
negro. Their hair is long, rather lank, and always
jet black. Their mustachios and (in the few cases
in which they wear them) their beards are long
and strong. Their women have a large share of
beauty and grace, set off by a feminine reserve and
simplicity.
The cleanliness of the Hindus in their persons
is proverbial. They do not change their clothes
after each of their frequent ablutions ; but even in
that respect the lower classes are more cleanly than
those of other nations. The public parts of their
houses are kept very neat ; but they have none of
the English delicacy which requires even places
out of sight to partake of the general good order.
Compari- Bcforc comiug to any conclusions from the two
son of the . i-ii i • pitt'i^
Hindu Views which have been given or the Hindus, — at
character
and mcT-" * The military classes in Hindostan are much tallei" than the
dern times, common run of Englishmen.
CHARACTER. 383
the earliest epoch of which we possess accounts, chap.
and at the present clay, — it will be of advantage '
to see how they stood at an intermediate period,
for which we fortunately possess the means, through
the accounts left us by the Greeks, a people unin-
fluenced by any of our peculiar opinions, and yet
one whose view^s we can understand, and whose
judgment we can appreciate.
This question has been fully examined in another
place*, and the results alone need be mentioned
here.
From them it appears that the chief changes
between the time of Menu's Code and that of Alex-
ander, were — the complete emancipation of the
servile class ; the more general occurrence, if not
the first instances, of the practice of self-immo-
lation by widows ; the prohibition of intermarriages
between casts ; the employment of the Bramins as
soldiers, and their inhabiting separate villages ;
and, perhaps, the commencement of the monastic
orders.
The changes from Menu to the present time
have already been fully set forth ; and if we take
a more extensive review (without contrasting two
particular periods), we shall find the alterations
have generally been for the worse.
The total extinction of the servile condition of
the Sudras is, doubtless, an improvement ; but in
other respects we find the religion of the Hindus
debased, their restrictions of cast more rigid (ex-
* See Appendix III.
384 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK cept in the interested relaxation of the Bramins),
III. ^
the avowed imposts on the land doubled, the courts
of justice disused, the laws less liberal towards
women, the great works of peace no longer under-
taken, and the courtesies of w^ar almost forgotten.
We find, also, from their extant works, that the
Hindus once excelled in departments of taste and
science on which they never now attempt to write;
and that they formerly impressed strangers with a
high respect for their courage, veracity, simplicity,
and integrity, — the qualities in which they now
seem to us most deficient.
It is impossible, from all this, not to come to a
conclusion that the Hindus were once in a higher
condition, both moral and intellectual, than they
are now ; and as, even in their present state of
depression, they are still on a footing of equality
with any people out of Europe, it seems to follow
that, at one time, they must have attained a state
of civilisation only surpassed by a few of the most
favoured of the nations, either of antiquity or of
modern times.
The causes of their decline have already been
touched on in different places. Their religion en-
courages inaction, which is the first step towards
decay. The rules of cast check improvement at
home, and at the same time prevent its entering
from abroad : it is those rules that have kept up
the separation between the Hindus and the Mus-
sulmans, and fiu'nished the only instance in which
an idolatrous religion has stood out against the
CHARACTER. 385
comparative purity even of that of Mahomet, when chap.
XT
the latter was professed by tlie government. Des- _
potism would doubtless contribute its share to
check the progress of society ; but it was less op-
pressive and degrading than in most Asiatic coun-
tries.
The minute subdivisions of inheritances is not
peculiar to the Hindus ; and yet it is that which
most strikes an inquirer into the causes of the ab-
ject condition of the greater part of them. By it
tlie descendants of the greatest landed proprietor
must, in time, be broken down to something be-
tween a farmer and a labourer, but less independent
than either; and without a chance of accumulation
to enable them to recover their position. Bankers
and merchants may get rich enough to leave all
their sons with fortunes ; but, as each possessor
knows that he can neither found a family nor dis-
pose of his property by will, he endeavours to gain
what pleasure and honour he can from his life-rent,
by ostentation in feasts and ceremonies ; and by
commencing temples, tanks, and groves, which his
successors are too poor to complete or to repair.*
The effect of equal division on men's minds is as
great as on their fortunes. It was resorted to by
some ancient rc])ublics to prevent the growth of
luxury and the disposition to iiniovation. In India
it effectually answers those ends, and stifles all the
restless feelings to which men might be led by the
«
* Hence the common opinion among Europeans, that it is
tliought unlucky for a son to go on witii his father's work.
VOT,. T. C C
JII
380 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK ambition of permanently improving their condition.
A man wlio has amassed a fortune by his own la-
bours is not likely to have a turn for literature or
the fine arts ; and if he had, his collections would
be dispersed at his death, and his sons would have
to begin their toils anew, without time for acquir-
ing that refinement in taste or elevation of senti-
ment which is brought about by the improved
education of successive generations.
Hence, although rapid rise and sudden fortunes
are more common in India than in Europe, they
produce no permanent change in the society; all
remains on the same dead level, with no conspi-
cuous objects to guide the course of the commu-
nity, and no barriers to oppose to the arbitrary will
of the ruler.*
Under such discouragements we cannot be sur-
prised at the stagnation and decline of Hindu
civilisation. The wonder is, how it could ever
struggle against them, and how it attained to such
a pitch as exists even at this moment.
At what time it had reached its highest point it
is not easy to say. Perhaps in institutions and moral
* The great military chiefs may be said to be exceptions to
this rule, for they not unfrequently transmit their lands to their
children : but they are, for purposes of improvement, the worst
people into whose hands property could fall. As their power
rests on mercenary soldiers, they have no need to call in the aid
of the people, like our barons ; and as each lives on his own
lands at a distance from his equals, they neither refine each
other by their intercourse, nor those below them by the example
of their social habits.
CHARACTER. 387
character it was at its best just before Alexander; chap.
but learning was rnuch longer in reaching its acme. '
The most flourishing period for literature is repre-
sented by Hindu tradition to be that of Vicrama
Ditya, a little before the beginning of our sera ; but
some of the authors who are mentioned as the orna-
ments of that prince's court appear to belong to
later times ; and the good writers, whose works are
extant, extend over a long space of time, from the
second century before Christ to the eighth of the
Christian sera. Mathematical science was in most
perfection in the fifth century after Christ ; but
works of merit, both in literature and science, con-
tinued to be composed for some time after the
Mahometan invasion.
c c 2
388 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK IV.
HISTORY OF THE HINDUS UP TO THE MAHOMETAN
INVASION.
CHAP. I.
HISTORY OF THE HINDUS HINDOSTAN.
BOOK The first information we receive on Hindu history
IV. . ...
is from a passage in Menu, which gives us to infer
that their residence was at one time between the
rivers Seraswati (Sersooty) and Drishadwati (Cag-
gar), a tract about 100 miles to the north-west of
Delhi, and in extent about sixty-five miles long,
and from twenty to forty broad. That land, Menu
says, was called Bramhaverta, because it was fre-
quented by gods ; and the custom preserved by
immemorial tradition in that country is pointed out
as a model to the pious.* The country between
that tract and the Jamna, and all to the north of
the Jamna and Ganges, including North Behar, is
mentioned, in the second place, under the name
of Bramarshi ; and Bramins born within that tract
* Menu, Book II. v. 17, 18. This tract is also the scene of
the adventures of the first princes, and the residence of the most
famous sages. — Wilson, Preface to Vishnu Purana, p. Ixvii.
HINDOSTAN. S89
are pronounced to be suitable teachers of the chap.
several usasres of men.* '
This, therefore, may be set down as the first
country acquired after that on the Seraswati.
The Puranas pass over these early stages un-
noticed, and commence with Ayodha (Oud),
about the centre of the last mentioned tract. It
is there that the solar and lunar races have their
origin ; and from thence the princes of all other
countries are sprung.
From fifty to seventy generations of the solar
race are only distinguished from each otlier by
purely mythological legends.
After these comes Rama, who seems entitled to
take his place in real history.
His story t, when stripped of its fabulous and ro- Expeditioa
J • 1 • 11 1 Ti / of llama.
mantic decorations, merely relates that Kama pos-
sessed a powerful kingdom in Hindostan ; and that
he invaded tlie Deckan and penetrated to the island
of Ceylon, which he conquered.
The first of these facts there is no reason to
question ; and we may readily believe that Rama
led an expedition into tlie Deckan ; but it is highly
improbable that, if he was the first, or even among
the first invaders, he should have conquered Cey-
lon. If he did so, he could not have lived, as is
generally supposed, before the compilation of the
Vedas ; for, even in the time of Menu's Institutes,
there were no settlements of Hindu conquerors in
* Menu, Book II. v. 19, '20. f See p. 173.
c; c 3
390 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK the Deckan. It is probable that the poets who
' have celebrated Rama, not only reared a great fabric
on a narrow basis, but transferred their hero*s ex-
ploits to the scene which was thought most in-
teresting in their own day.
The undoubted antiquity of the "Ramayana" is
the best testimony to the early date of the event
which it celebrates; yet, as no conspicuous invasion
of the Deckan could have been undertaken without
great resources, Rama must have lived after Hindu
civilisation had attained a considerable pitch.
After Rama, sixty princes of his race ruled in
succession over his dominions ; but, as we hear no
more of Ayodha (Oud), it is possible that the
kingdom (which at one time was called Coshala)
may have merged in another ; and that the capital
was transferred from Oud to Canouj.
War of the Thc war Celebrated in the " Maha Bharat" is
" Maha
Bharat." the ucxt liistorical event that deserv-es notice.
It is a contest between the lines of Pandu and
of Curu (two branches of the reigning family) for
the territory of Hastinapura (probably a place on
the Ganges, north-east of Delhi, which still bears
the ancient name). The family itself is of the
lunar race, but the different parties are supported
by numerous allies, and some from very remote
quarters.
There seem to have been many states in India
(six, at least, in the one tract upon the Ganges *) ;
* Hastinapura, Mattra, Panchala (part of Oud and the lower
Doab), Benares, Magada, and Bengal. ( Oriental MagazinC)
HINDOSTAN.
391
but a considerable degree of intercourse and con- chap.
nection appears to have been kept up among them.
Crislma, who is an ally of the Pandus, though born
on the Jamna, had founded a principality in Gu-
zerat : among the allies on each side are chiefs
from the Indus, and from Calinga in the Deckan ;
some, even, who, the translators are satisfied, be-
longed to nations beyond the Indus ; and Yavanas,
a name which most orientalists consider to apply,
in all early works, to the Greeks. The Pandus
were victorious, but paid so dear for their success,
that the survivors, broken-liearted with the loss of
their friends and the destruction of their armies,
abandoned the world and perished among the snows
of HemaUiya. Crishna, their great ally, fell, as was
formerly stated*, in the midst of civil wars in his
own country. Some Hindu legends relate that his
sons were obliged to retire beyond the Indus t ;
and, as those Rajputs who have come from that
quarter in modern times to Sind and Cach are of
his tribe of Yadu, the narrative seems more de-
serving of credit than at first sight migiit appear.
The more authentic account, however (that of the
vol. iii. p. \''>5.; Tod, vol. i. p. 49.) Ayodha is not mentioned
in the " Mahii Bliarat," nor Canacubya (Canouj), unless, as as-
serted in Menu (Chap. II. s. 19.), Panchala is only another name
for that kingdom.
* See p. 175.
t See Colonel Tod, vol. i. p, 8.5., and the translation (throu^-h
the Persian) of the " Maha IMiarat," pubhshcd by the Oriental
Translation Fund, in 1831.
c c l<
I.
39^ HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK *'Maha Bharat" itself), describes them as finally
returning to the neighbourhood of the Jamna.
The story of the *' Maha Bharat" is much more
probable than that of the " Ramayana." It contains
more particulars about the state of India, and has
a much greater appearance of being founded on
facts. Though far below the "Iliad" in appearance
of reality, it bears nearly the same relation to the
" Ramayana" that the poem on the Trojan war does
to the legends on the adventures of Hercules ; and,
like the " Iliad," it is the source to which many
chiefs and tribes endeavour to trace their ancestors.
The date of the war has already been discussed.*
It was probably in the fourteenth century before
Christ.
Twenty-nine (some say sixty-four) of the de-
scendants of the Pandus succeeded them on the
throne ; but the names alone of those princes are
preserved. The seat of their government seems
to have been transferred to Delhi.
Magada. The succcssors of ouc of the kings who appear
as allies in the same poem were destined to attract
greater notice. These are the kings of Magada,
of whom so much has been already said, t
The kings of Magada seem always to have pos-
sessed extensive authority. The first of them (he
who is mentioned in the "Maha Bharat") is repre-
sented as the head of a number of chiefs and tribes ;
but most of those probably were within the limits
of Bengal and Behar, as we have seen that there
* Page 267. t Page 260.
HINDOSTAN. 393
were five other independent kingdoms in the tract chap.
watered by the Ganges. * "
For many centuries they were all of the military
tribe ; but the last Nanda was born of a Sudra
mother ; and Chandragupta, who murdered and
succeeded him, was also of a low class : from this
time, say the Puranas, the Cshetryas lost their
ascendancy in Magada, and all the succeeding kings
and chiefs were Sudras.t
They do not seem to have lost their consequence
from the degradation of their cast ; for the Sudra
successors of Chandragupta are said, in the hyper-
bolical language of the Puranas, to have brought
the *' whole earth under one umbrellat ;" and there
appears the strongest reason to believe that Asoca,
the third of the line, was really in possession of a
commanding influence over the states to the north
of the Nerbadda. The extent of his dominions
appears from the remote points at which his edict
columns are erected ; and the same monuments
bear testimony to the civilised character of his
government ; since they contain orders for esta-
* It is remarkable the Yavanas or Greeks are represented as
allies of the king of Magada, — a circumstance evidently arising
from the connection between the king of the Prasii and the
successors of Alexander. (Professor Wlhon, Asiatic JRcscorc/ies,
vol. XV. p. 101.) Another of their allies, Bliagadatta, who
receives th£ pompous title of " King of the South and West,"
appears by the " Ayeen Akbery" (vol. ii. p. 16.) to have been
prince of Bengal.
t Sir W. Jones, Asiatic Researches, vol. ii. p. 139.; Professor
Wilson, Hindu Drama, vol. iii. p. 14.
X Professor Wilson, Hindu Theatre, vol. iii. p. 11.
394f HISTORY OF INDIA,
BOOK blishing hospitals and dispensaries throughout his
' empire, as well as for planting trees and digging
wells along the public highways.
This ascendancy of Asoca is the earliest ground
I have been able to discover for an opinion which
has been maintained, that the kings of Magada
were emperors and lords paramount of India ;
and Colonel Wilford, who has recorded all that
he could ascertain regarding those kings*, states
nothing that can countenance a belief in a greater
extent or earlier commencement of their supremacy.
During the war of the " Maha Bharat," it has been
shown tliat they formed one of six little monarchies
within the basin of the Ganges ; and that they
were among the unsuccessful opponents of one of
those petty states, that of Hastinapura.
Alexander found no lord paramount in the part
of India which he visited ; and the nations which
he heard of beyond the Hyphasis were under aris-
tocratic govermnents. Arriant and Strabot say
that the Prasii were the most distinguished of all
the Indian nations ; but neither hints at their su-
premacy over the others. Arrian, indeed, in giving
this preference to the Prasii, and their king, Sandra-
cottus, adds that Porus was greater than he. Me-
gasthenes§ says that there were 118 nations in
India, but mentions none of them as subordinate
to the Prasii. It is impossible to suppose that
* Asiatic Researches, vol. ix.
t Chap. V. X Book xv. p. 483.
§ Quoted by Arrian, chap. vii.
I.
HINDOSTAN. 395
Megasthenes, who resided at the court of Sandra- chap.
cottus, and seems so well disposed to exalt his
greatness, should have failed to mention his being-
emperor of India, or indeed his having any decided
ascendancy over states beyond his own immediate
limits.
The Hindu accounts* represent Chandragupta
as all but overwhelmed by foreign invasion, and
indebted for his preservation to the arts of his
minister more than to the force of his kingdom. It
is probable, however, that he laid the foundation
of that influence which was so much extended
under his grandson. His accepting the cession of
the Macedonian garrisons on the Indus, from Se-
leucus, is a proof how far he himself had carried
his views ; and Asoca, in his youth, was governor
of Ujen or Malwa, which must, therefore, have
been a possession of his father.
The claim to universal monarchy in India has
been advanccdby princes of other dynasties in their
inscriptions ; and has been conceded, by different
European authors, to Porus, to the kings of
Caslimir, of Delhi, Canouj, Bengal, Malwa, Gu-
zerat, and other places ; but all apparently on very
insufficient grounds.
The family of Maurya retained possession of the
throne for ten generations, and were succeeded by
three other Sudra dynasties, the last and longest of
which bore the name of Andra. t
* See Wilson's Theatre of the Hindus, vol. iii.
f See " Chronology," p. 269.
396 HISTORY OF INDIA.
eooK This dynasty ended in a.d. 436, and is siic-
' ceeded in the Puranas by a confused assemblage of
dynasties seemingly not Hindus ; from which, and
the interruption at all attempts at historical order,
we may infer a foreign invasion, followed by a long
period of disorder. At the end of several centuries,
a gleam of light breaks in, and discovers Magada
subject to the Gupta kings of Canouj. From this
period it is no longer distinctly mentioned.
The fame of Magada has been preserved, from
its being the birthplace of Budha, and from its
language (Magadi or Pali) being now employed in
the sacred waitings of his most extensively diffused
religion, as well as in those of the Jains.
Bengal. A king of what we now call Bengal is mentioned
among the allies of the king of Magada in the
war of the " Maha Bharat." From him, the '* A yeni
Akberi" continues the succession, through five dy-
nasties, till the Mahometan conquest. These lists,
being only known to us by the translations of
Abulfazl, might be looked on with more suspicion
than the Hindu ones already noticed. But that
one of them, at least (the fourth), is founded in
truth, is proved by inscriptions ; and from them, a
series of princes, with names ending in Pala, may
be made out, who probably reigned from the ninth
to the latter part of the eleventh century. *
* See Mr. Colebrooke, Asiatic Researches, vol. ix. p. 442.,
and the various inscriptions in the preceding volumes there
mentioned.
HINDOSTAN. 397
The inscriptions relating to this family were chap.
found at distant places, and in circumstances that '
leave no room to question their authenticity : yet
they advance statements which are surprising in
themselves, and difficult to reconcile to what we
know, from other sources, of the history of India.
They represent the kings of Bengal as ruling over
the whole of India ; from Hemalaya to Cape Co-
morin, and from the Baramputr to the Indus.
They even assert that the same kings subdued
Tibet on the east, and Camboja (which some
suppose to be beyond the Indus) on the west. *
* The earliest, a copper tablet containing a grant of land, and
found at Mongir, appears to be written in the ninth century,
(See Asiatic Researches, vol. ix. p. 446., above quoted.) It says,
in explicit terms, that the reigning raja/^Deb Pal Deb (or Deva
Pala Deva), possessed the whole of India from the source of the
Ganges to Adam's Bridge (reaching to Ceylon), and from the
river Megna, or Baramputr, to the western sea. It specifies
the inhabitants of Bengal, the Carnatic, and Tibet among his
subjects, and alludes to his army marching through Camboja, —
a country generally supposed to be beyond the Indus ; and, if
not so, certainly in the extreme west of India. The next
inscription is on a broken column in the district of Saran, north
of the Ganges. It was erected by a prince who professes him-
self tributary to Gour or Bengal, yet claims for his immediate
territory the tract from Rewa Jhanak (not exactly known) to
the Hemalaya mountains, and from the eastern to the western
sea. It states the riija of Bengal (probably the son of the Deb
Pal of the last inscrij)tion) to have conquered Orissa, a tribe or
people called Huns (also mentioned in the former inscription),
the southern part of the coast of Coromandel, and (Juzerat.
The third merely records that a magnificent monument in honour
of Budha, near Benares, was erected in 1026 by a raja of Bengal
of the same family as the above, who, from the earlier inscrip-
tions, also appear to have been Budhists.
398 HISTdRY OF INDIA.
BOOK These conquests are rendered impossible to any
^^' thing hke their full extent, by the simultaneous
existence of independent governments in Canouj,
Delhi, Ajmir, Mewar, and Guzerat, if not in other
places ; but they could scarcely have been claimed
in contemporary inscriptions, if the princes to
whom they are ascribed had not affected some su-
premacy over the other states, and had not sent
expeditions far into the west of India, and even
into the heart of the Deckan. On the whole, this
dynasty seems to have at least as good a claim as
any other in the Hindu times to the dignity of
general dominion, and affords a fresh reason for
distrusting all such pretensions. The dynasty of
Pala was succeeded by one whose names ended in
Sena ; and this last was subverted by the Maho-
metans about A. D. 1203.
Mdiwa. Though the kingdom of Malwa does not pretend
to equal in antiquity those already mentioned, it is
vicrama- of it that wc Dosscss the first authentic date. The
ditya. ^
sera still current through all the countries north of
the Nerbadda is that of Vicramaditya, who reigned
at Ujein at the date of its commencement, which
was fifty-six years before Christ.
Vicramaditya is the Harun al Rashid of Hindu
tales ; and by drawing freely from such sources,
Colonel Wilford collected such a mass of transac-
tions as required the supposition of no less than
eight Vicramadityas, to reconcile the dates of them ;
but all that is now admitted is, that Vicramaditya
was a powerful monarch, ruled a civilised and pro-
HINDOSTAN. 399
sperous country, and was a distinguished patron of chap.
letters.
The next epoch is that of Raja Bhoja, whose Bh6ja.
name is one of the most renowned in India, but of
whose exploits no record has been preserved.
His long reign terminated about the end of the
eleventh centurv.
The intermediate six centuries are tilled up by
lists of kings in the " A'yeni Akberi," and in the
Hindu books : among them is one named Chan-
drapala, who is said to have conquered all Hin-
dostan ; but the information is too vague to be
made much use of. The princes of Malwa cer-
tainly extended their authority over a large por-
tion of the centre and west of India ; and it is of
Vicramaditya that the traditions of universal em-
pire are most common in India.
The grandson of Bhoja was taken prisoner, and
his country conquered, by the raja of Guzerat;
but Mcilwa appears soon to have recovered its in-
dependence under a new dynasty ; and was finally
subdued by the Mahometans a. d. 1231.*
The residence of Crishna, and other events of Cuzcrdt.
those times, impress us with the belief of an early
principality in Guzerat ; and the whole is spoken
of as under one dominion, by a Greek writer of
the second century.t Tlie Rajput traditions,
* Colonel Tod, Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol, i.
p. 201., and Mr. Colebrooke, p. 230. of the same volume. See
also Gladwin s Ayeen Ahhcry, vol. ii. p. 48.
-j- Vincent's Periplus, p. 111. (note on Mambarus).
400 HISTORY OF INDIA.
IV,
^ooK quoted by Colonel Tod*, inform us of another
principality, founded at Ballabi, in the peninsula of
Guzerat, in the middle of the second century of
our aera, by Kanak Sena, an emigrant of tlie solar
race, which reigned in Oud. They were driven
out of their capital in .5'24, by an army of bar-
barians, who. Colonel Tod thinks, were Parthians.
The princes of that family emigrated again from
Guzerat, and at length founded the kingdom of
Mewar, which still subsists. Grants of land, in-
scribed on copper tablets, which have been tran-
slated by Mr. AVathent, fully confirm the fact that
a race whose names often ended in Sena reigned
at Ballabi from a. d. 144 to a. d. 524. The bar-
barians, whom Colonel Tod thinks Parthians, Mr.
Wathen suggests may have been Indo-Bactrians.
They are certainly too late to be Parthians ; but it
is not impossible they may have been Persians of
the next race (Sassanians). Noushirwan reigned
from a. d. 531 to a. d. 579. Various Persian au-
thors quoted by Sir John Malcolm t, assert that this
monarch carried his arms into Ferghana on the
north, and India on the east ; and as they are
supported in the first assertion by Chinese records §,
there seems no reason to distrust them in the
second. Sir Henry Pottinger (though without
stating his authority) gives a minute and probable
account of Noushirwan's march alone: the sea coast
'&
* Vol. i. pp. 83. 215.
f Journal of the Asiatic Society of Calcutta, vol.iv. p. 480, &c.
X Persia, vol. i. p. 141. § De Guignes, vol. ii. p. 469.
HINDOSTAN. 401
of Mekran to Sind* ; and, as Ballabi was close to chap.
Sind, we may easily believe him to have destroyed '
that city. Perhaps the current story of the descent
of the Ranas of Mewar from Noushirwan may
have some connection with their being driven into
their present seats by that monarch.
The difference of seven years, by which the
taking of Ballabi precedes Noiishirwan's accession,
is but a trifling matter-in Hindu chronology.
The Ballabi princes were succeeded in the rule
of Guzerat by the Chauras, another Rajput tribe,
who finally established their capital, in a. d. 7^6, at
Anhalwara, now Pattan, and became one of the
greatest dynasties of India.
The last raja dying in a. d. 931 without male
issue, was succeeded by his son-in-law as prince of
the Rajput tribe of Salonka, or Chalukya, whose
family were chiefs of Calian in the Deckan, above
the Ghats. t
It was a raja of this dynasty tliat conquered
Malwa ; and it is to them, I suppose, that Colonel
Wilford applies the title of emperors of India, t
Though overrun and rendered tributary by the
Mahmud of Ghazni, the Salonkas remained on the
• Travels, &c. p. 386.
t Colonel Tod, vol. i. pp. 83. 97. 101. 206. From the com-
parative nearness of Calian in the Concan, Colonel Tod has
naturally been led to suppose the Salonka prince to have come
from thence ; but further information is unfavourable to that
opinion. Of the Salonka princes of Caliiln in the Deckan more
will be said hereafter.
J Asiatic Researches, vol. ix. pp. 169. 17{). 181, &c.
vor,. I. I) 1)
402 HISTORY OF INDIA,
BOOK throne till a. d. 1228, when they were deposed by
another dynasty, which in 1297 * sunk in its turn
before the Mussulman conquerors.
Canouj. Few of thc ancient Hindu states have attracted
more notice than Canacubya or Canouj. It is one
of the most ancient places in India ; it gave rise,
and gives a name, to one of the greatest divisions
of the Bramin class ; its capital v/as perhaps the
wealthiest visited by the first Mahometan invaders ;
and its wars with the neighbouring state of Delhi
contributed to accelerate the ruin of Hindu inde-
pendence.
This kingdom appears in early times to have
been called Panchala. It seems to have been a
long, but narrow territory, extending on the east to
Nepal (which it included), and on the west along
the Chambal t and Banas, as far as Ajmir. We
know little else of its early history, except the
Rajput writings and traditions collected by Colonel
Todt, and the inscriptions examined by Professor
Wilson §, with those translated and discussed by
Principal Mill.|| The former relate that it was
* Briggs's Ferislita.
f The identity of Canouj and Panchala is assumed in Menu,
n. 19. Its limits, as assigned in the " Malul Bharat," are made
out by connecting the following notes in the " Oriental Magazine,"
vol. iii, p. 135., vol. iv. p. 142. It is reniarkable that these
boundaries, enlarged a little on the south and on the west, are
ihe same as those assigned by Colonel Tod to the same king,
dom at the time of the Mussulman invasion. — Rajasthan, vol. ii.
p. 9.
I Vol. ii. p. 2. § Asiatic Researches, vol. xv.
II Journul of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. iii. for 1834'.
HINDOSTAN. 403
taken from another Hindu dynasty, a. d. 47O, by chap.
the Rathors, who retained it until its conquest by ^'
the Mussulmans in a. d. 1193; when they with-
drew to their present seats in Marwar.
In this interval they represent its conquests as
including, at one period, Bengal and Orissa, and as
extending on the west as far as the river Indus.
The inscriptions lead us to think that the dynasty
subverted by the Mussulmans was of more recent
origin, being established by a Rajput adventurer
in the eleventh century, and throw doubt on the
accuracy of Colonel Tod's information in other
respects.
The Rajputs, as well as the Mahometan writers,
who describe the conquest of India, dwell in terms
of the Iiio-hest admiration on the extent and mao;.
nificence of the capital of this kingdom, the ruins
of which are still to be seen on the Ganges.
It would be tedious to go through the names oti.er
of the \arious petty Hindu states that existed at l-es!''^'"''"
various periods in Hindostan : the annexed table
gives a notion of the dates of some of them, though
it must often be erroneous as well as incomplete.
Tiie mention of Cashmir is confined to the table
for a different reason from the rest. Its history is
too full and complete to mix with such sketches as
the above, and it enters little into the affairs of the
otiier parts of India, except when it describes the
invasion, and ahnost conquest, of that great con-
tinent, on more than one occasion, by its own
D D '2
404
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK rajas ; the accuracy of which accounts appears
to admit of question.*
It is not easy to decide what states to include
in the Hst, even of those which have come to
my knowledge. The Panjab seems better en-
titled than Benares ; but although a state, called
* This solitary specimen of Hindu history will be found most
satisfactorily analysed and explained in Asiatic Researches, vol.xv.
Ill the following table the mark * indicates that a state is mentioned in the " I\Ialia|
authority for the last mention of states is seldom given. The year is generally that
Name.
Magada -
Gour
Malwa -
Guzerat -
Canouj -
Mithili -
Benares -
When first mentioned.
When last men-
tioned.
Authority.
^By the Greeks
300 B. c
*9th century, a. d.
{Eleven genera-
tions before 56
B. c.
*A. D. 144
n, r About the"] fVishni
f ' \ \ 5th cen- \ \ pp.
~ J t tury, A.D.J t ("0
A.D. 1203 - j IV
I A.D. 1231 - I
*A. D. 470
Rama's time
A.D. 1297
A.D. 1193
A.D. 1325
A.D. 1192
Delhi - *About 5Q B.C. - a. d. 1192
("Vishnu Purana,
473, 474.
te) -
Monghir inscription
A'yeni Akberi,
vol. ii. p. 44.
Col. Tod, vol. i.
p. 216. ; Mr.
Wathen, Jour.
Royal As. Soc.
vol. iv. p. 480.
Tod, vol.ii. p. 2.
Tod, vol. i. p. 51. -
I
HINDUSTAN.
4U5
Traigerta, was formed out of it in ancient times,
and it was again nearly united, when attacked by
the Mahometans, yet it is not noticed in the inter-
mediate Indian history, and when visited by the
Greeks, it was broken into very small principalities :
Porus, one of the greatest chiefs, had not, with all
his friends and dependents, one eighth part of the
whole.
CHAP.
I.
Bliarat. The date in that case refers to the next time It is heard of in history. Tli
mentioned by Fcrishta as tlie one in which tliey were conqnered by the Rlahometans.
{
Mithili was the capital of the father of Sita, Rama's wife. Though
fomous for a school of law, and though giving its name to one of the
ten Indian languages, it is little mentioned in history.
Benares seems to have been independent at the time of the " Maha
Bharat ;" it was probably afterwards subject to Magada, as it cer-
tainly was, at a later period, to Gour. It was independent when
conquered by the Mahometans.
The next mention of Delhi in a probable form, after the "Maha Bha-
rat," is its occupation by a tribe of Rajputs, twenty of whom had
reigned in succession, when they were dethroned in 1050 A. d.
by an ancestor of Pritwi Raja, who was conquered by the Mus-
sulmans.
D D 3
406
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
IV.
Name.
Ajmir
Mewar -
Jesselmer
Jeipur
Sind -
Cashmir ■
When first mentioned.
r Seven genera- "|
-J tions before !-
I A.D. 695 -J
A. D. 720
A.D. 731
A.D. 967.
When last men-
tioned.
r *Independent in"j
J Alexander's |-
[_ time, 325 b.c.J
1400 B. c.
Still existing
Still existing
Still existing
A.D. 711 -
A.D. 1015
Authority.
TodjTrans.Royal
As. Soc. vol. i.
p. 40., and Or.
Mag. vol. viii.
p. 20. - -
Tod, vol. i. p. 231.
Tod, vol. ii. p. 233.
Tod, vol. ii. p. 346.
J ProfessorWilson, "1
\ As.Res. vol.xv. J
HINDOSTAN.
407
The eighth prince, Manik Kai, reigned in a. d. 695. His descendant,
Visal, was the prince who conquered Delhi in 1050. The two states
fell together.
It seems to have been before this in the hands of the Malwa kings.
It was conquered by a race of Rajputs from Oud, the same who
founded the state of Guzerat.
{Jcsselmur was founded by a tribe of the family of Crishna, who came
from the north-west of India, and who still possess it.
{Founded by a Ilajpiit prince, of a family of descendants of Rama, who
had, some generations before, obtained tlie petty principality of
Narwar.
Sindu is mentioned as one principality in the " Maha Bharat." It was
divided into four in Alexander's time; but united in 711, when
invaded by the Arabs. It was afterwards recovered by the Rajput
tribe of Samera, A. d. 750, and not finally conquered by the Maho-
metans until after the house of Ghor.
The historians of Cashmir claim about 1200 years earlier, but give no
names of kings and no events. After five dynasties, they were con-
quered by Mahmud of Ghazni, in a. d. 1015 according to Ferishta.
CHAP.
1.
D D 4
408
HISTORY OF INDIA.
CHAP. 11.
THE DECKAN.
Early
state and
divisions
of the
Deckan.
BOOK The history of the Deckan, as it has no preten-
IV.
' sions to equal antiquity, is less obscure than that
of Hindostan, but it is less interesting. We know
little of the early inhabitants ; and the Hindus do
not attract so much attention where they are co-
lonists as they did in their native seats.* '* All
the traditions and records of the Peninsula (says
Professor Wilson) recognise, in every part of it, a
period when the natives were not Hindus ;" and
the aborigines are described, before their civilisa-
tion by the latter people, as foresters and moun-
taineers, or goblins and demons. Some circum-
stances, however, give rise to doubts whether the
early inhabitants of the Deckan could have been in
so rude a state as this account of them would lead
us to suppose.
The Tamul language must have been formed
and perfected before the introduction of the Shan-
scrit : and though this fact may not be conclusive
(since the North American Indians also possess a
polished language), yet, if Mr. Ellis's opinion be
* The whole of the following information, down to the account
of Orissa, is derived from Professor Wilson's Introduction to
the Mackenzie Papers ; though it may be sometimes modified
by opinions for which that gentleman ought not to be answer-
able.
ir.
THE DECKAN. 409
well founded, and there is an original Tamul lite- chap.
rature as well as language, it will be impossible to
class the founders of it with foresters and moun-
taineers.* If any credit could be given to the
Hindu legends, Ravan, who reigned over Ceylon
and the southern part of tlie peninsula at the time
of Rama's invasion, was the head of a civihsed and
powerful state ; but, by the same accoiuits, he was
a Hindu, and a follower of Siva ; which would lead
us to infer that the story is much more recent than
the times to which it refers, and that part of it at
least is founded on the state of things when it
w^as written, rather than when Rama and Ravan
lived.
It is probable tliat, after repeated invasions had
opened the communication between the two coun-
tries, the first colonists from Hindostan would settle
on the fruitful plains of the Carnatic and Tanjore,
rather than in the bleak downs of the upper
Deckan ; and although the sea might not at first
have influenced their choice of an abode, its neigh-
bourhood would in time give access to traders from
other nations, and would create a rapid increase of
the towns along the coast.
* It is, perhaps, a proof of the establishment of Tiimul litera-
ture before the arrival of the Braniins, that some of its most
esteemed authors are of the lowest cast, or what we call Pariars.
These authors lived in comparatively modern times ; but such a
career would never have been thrown open to their class if the
knowledge which led to it had been first imparted by the Bra-
410
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
IV.
Dravira or
Tamul
country.
Carnata or
Canarcse
countrv.
Such seems to have been the case about the be-
ginning of our aera, when Pliny and the author of
the " Periphis " describe that part of India.
Even the interior must, however, have received
a considerable portion of refinement at a still
earlier period ; for the companions of Alexander,
quoted in Strabo and Arrian, while they remark
the points of difference which still subsist between
the inhabitants of the south and north of India,
take no notice of any contrast in their manners.
Professor Wilson surmises that the civilisation of
the south may possibly be extended even to ten
centuries before Christ.
It has been mentioned that there are five lan-
guages spoken in the Deckan ; and as they doubt-
less mark an equal number of early national divi-
sions, it is proj)er here to describe their limits.
Tamul is spoken in the country called Dravira;
which occupies the extreme south of the peninsula,
and is bounded on the north by a line drawn from
Pulicat (near Madras) to the Ghats between that
and Bangalor, and so along the curve of those
mountains westward to the boundary line between
Malabar and Canara, which it follows to the sea so
as to include Malabar.
Part of the northern limit of Dravira forms the
southern one of Carnata, which is bounded on the
west by the sea, nearly as far as Goa, and then
by the western Ghats up to the neighbourhood of
Colapur.
THE DECKAN. 411
The northern limit will be very roughly marked chap.
by a line from Colapur to Bidr, and the eastern '
by a line from Bidr through Adoni, Anantpur,
and Nandidrug, to the point in the Giiats formerly
mentioned between Pulicat and Bangalor.
This last line forms part of the western limit of Xeiingana
^ 1 I'll 1 '^^ Telugu
the Telugu language ; which, how^ever, must be country.
prolonged in the same rough way to Chanda, on
the river Warda. From this the northern bound-
ary runs still more indistinctly east to Sohnpur on
the Mahanaddi. The eastern limit runs from
Sohnpur to Cicacole, and thence along the sea to
Pulicat, where it meets the boundary of the Tamul
language.
The southern limit of the Maratta language Maharash-
and nation has already been described in fixing the Maratta"^
boundaries of Carnata and Telingana. It runs '^'^""^'■>-
from Goa through Colapur and Bidr to Chanda.
Its eastern line follows the Warda to the chain of
hills south of the Nerbadda, called Injadri or
Satpura.
Those hills are its northern limit, as far west as
Nandod, near the Nerbadda, and its western will
be shown by a line from Nandod to Daman, con-
tinued along the sea to Goa.*
The Urya language is bounded on the south by OrLssaoi
that of Telingana, and on the east by the sea. On country.
* The establishment of a Maratta government at Nagpiir
has drawn many of the nation into that part of Gondwana, and
made their language general for a considerable distance round
the capital.
412 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK the west and nortli, a line drawn from Sohnpur to
' Midnapur in Bengal, would in some measure
mark the boundary.
The large space left between Maharashtra and
Orissa is in a great part the forest tract inhabited
by the Gonds. Their language, though quite dis-
tinct from the rest, being reckoned a jargon of
savage mountaineers, is not counted among the five
languages of the Deckan.*
Kingdoms xhc most ancicut kingdoms are those in the ex-
and princi- p • i
paiities treme south, in all of which the Tamul language
of the „
Deckan. prevailed.
Two persons of the agricultural class founded
the kingdoms of Pandya and Chola.
Kingdom The first of these derives its name from its
of pandya. . • i i n • i
founder. It is uncertam when he flourished, but
there seem good grounds for thinking it was in the
fifth century before Christ.
Strabo mentions an ambassador from King Pan-
dion to Augustus ; and this appears from the
" Periplus *' and Ptolemy to have been the here-
ditary appellation of the descendants of Pandya.
The Pandion of the time of the "Periplus" had
possession of a part of the Malabar coast ; but this
must have been of short duration ; the Ghats in
general formed the western limit of the kingdom,
which was of small extent, only occupying what
we now call the districts of Madura and Tinivelly.
The seat of the government, after being twice
* In the plains towards the north of Gondwana the language
is a dialect of Hindostani,
THE DECKAN. 413
changed, was fixed at Madura, where it was in chap.
Ptolemy's time, and where it remained till within
a century of the present day.
The wars and rivalries of all the Pandyan princes
were with the adjoining kingdom of Chola ; with
which they seem, in the first ages of the Christian
sera, to have formed a union which lasted for a long
time. They, however, resumed their separate so-
vereignty, and were a considerable state until the
ninth century, when tliey lost their consequence,
and were often tributary, though sometimes quite
independent, till the last of the Nayacs (the
dynasty with which the line closed) was conquered
by the Nabob of Arcot in 1736.
The history of Chola takes a wider range. choia.
Its proper limits were those of the Tamul lan-
guage, and Mr. Ellis thinks that it had attained to
this extent at the beginning of the Christian a^ra ;
but the same gentleman is of opinion that, in the
eighth century, its princes had occupied large por-
tions of Carnata and Telingcina, and ruled over as
much of the country up to the Godaveri as lay
east of the liills at Nandidrug.
Tliey seem, however, to have been first checked,
and ultimately driven back, in the twelfth century,
within their ancient frontiers. In this state they
continued to subsist, either as independent princes
or feudatories of Vijayanagar, until the end of the
seventeenth century, when a brotlier of the founder
of the Maratta state, who was, at tliat time, an
officer under the Mussulman king of Bijapur, being
414 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK detached to aid the last raja, supplanted him in
his government, and was first of the present family
of Tanjore.
The capital, for most part of their rule, was at
Canchi, or Conjeveram, west of Madras.
chera. Chcra was a small state, between the territory
of the Pandyas and the western sea. It compre-
hended Travancore, part of Malabar, and Coimba-
tur. It is mentioned in Ptolemy, and may have
existed at the commencement of our gera. It spread,
at one time, over the greater part of Carnata, but
was subverted in the tenth century, and its lands
partitioned among the surrounding states.
Kerala. Accordiug to the mythologists, the country of
Kerala, which includes Malabar and Canara, was
(together with the Concan) miraculously gained
from the sea by Paris Ram (the conqueror of the
Cshetryas), and as miraculously peopled by him
with Bramins. A more rational account states
that, about the first or second century of our asra,
a prince of the northern division of Kerala, intro-
duced a colony of Bramins from Hindostan ; and,
as the numerous Bramins of Malabar and Canara
are mostly of the five northern nations, the story
seems to be founded in fact.
Plovvever the population may have been intro-
duced, all accounts agree that Kerala was, from
the first, entirely separate from the Concans, and
was possessed by Bramins, who divided it into
sixty-four districts, and governed it by means of a
general assembly of their cast, renting the lands to
men of the inferior classes.
THE DECKAN. 415
The executive government was held by a Bramin chap.
elected every three years, and assisted by a council
of four of the same tribe. In time, however, they
appointed a chief of the military class, and after-
wards were, perhaps, under the protection of the
Pandyan kings. But, though the language of
Kerala is a dialect of Tamul, it does not appear
ever to have been subject to the kingdom of Chola.
It is not exactly known when the northern and
southern divisions separated ; but, in the course of
the ninth century, the southern one (Malabar) re-
volted from its prince, who had become a Maho-
metan, and broke up into many petty principalities;
among the chief of which was that of the Zamorins,
whom Vasco di Gama found in possession of Calicut
in the end of the fifteenth century.
The northern division (Canara) seems to have
established a dynasty of its own, soon after the
commencement of our aera, which lasted till the
twelfth century, when it was overturned by the
Belall rajas, and subsequently became subject to
the rajas of Vijayanagar.
The Concan, in early times, seems to have been Concan.
a thinly inhabited forest, from which character it
has, even now, but partially escaped. I suppose the
inhabitants were always Marattas.
From there being the same language and manners CanK.ta
111/^/ • 1111 1 ^"^^ Telin-
through all Larnata, it seems probable that tiie gann.
whole was once united under a native oovcrnment; J5-'''"
but the first historical accounts describe it as di-
vided between the Pandya and Chera princes, and
41 6 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK those of Canara (or the northern half of Kerala).
IV.
' It was afterwards partitioned among many petty
princes, until the middle of the eleventh century,
when one considerable dynasty appears to have
arisen.
This was the family of Belala or Belall, who
were, or pretended to be, Rajputs of the Yadu
branch, and whose power, at one time, extended
over the whole of Carnata, together with Malabar,
the Tamul country, and part of Telingana. They
were subverted by the Mussulmans about a.d. 1310
or 1311.
The Yatk- TIic castcm part of Telingana seems to have
been from the beeinniniy of the ninth to near the
end of the eleventh century, in the hands of an
obscure dynasty known by the name of Yadava.
Chaiukyas A Rajput family of the Chalukya tribe reigned
at Calian, west of Bidr, on the borders of Carnata
and Maharashtra. They are traced with certainty
by inscriptions, from the end of the tenth to the
end of the twelfth century. Those inscriptions
show that they possessed territory as far to the
south-west as Banawasi in Sunda, near the western
Ghats ; and, in one of them, they are styled sub-
jugators of Chola and Guzerat. Mr. Walter Elliott,
who has published a large collection of their in-
scriptions *, is of opinion that they possessed the
whole of Maharashtra to the Nerbadda. Professor
Wilson thinks that they were also superior lords of
the west of Telingana, a prince of which (probably
* Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. iv. p. 1.
of Carnata.
THE DECKAN. 417
their feudatory) defeated the Chola king * : and chap.
this is, probably, the conquest alluded to in the '
inscription.
The same pretension with respect to Guzerat
probably originated in the acquisition (already
mentioned) of that country by a prince of this
house through his marriage with the heiress of the
Chaura family.
The last king of tlie race was deposed by Iiis
minister, who, in his turn, was assassinated by some
fanatics of the Lingayet sect, which was then rising
into notice. The kingdom fell into the hands of
the Yadus of Deogiri.f
Another branch of the tribe of Chakikya, per- chaiukyas,
haps connected with those of Calian, ruled over '^ ^'"S**-
Calinga, which is the eastern portion of Telingana,
extending along the sea from Dravira to Orissa.
Their dynasty certainly lasted through the whole
of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, and, per-
haps, began two centuries earlier. It was greatly
reduced by the Ganapati kings of Andra, and finally
subverted by the rajas of Cattac.
The kings of Andra, whose capital was Varangul Kings of
(about 80 miles north-east of Heiderabad), are
alleged to have been connected with the Andra
race in Magada ; but it must have been by country
only ; for Andra is not the name of a family, but
of all the inland ])art of Telingana. t
* Intiodiictioi) to the Mackenzie Papers, p. cxxix.
f Mr. Elliot, Journal of tlif Roi/ol Asiotic Societi/, vol. i. p. 17.
"I Introduction to the Mackenzie Papers, p. cxxii.
VOL. I. E E
418 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK The records of the inhabitants mention Vicrama
IV.
^ and Salivahana among the earliest monarchs : after
these they place the Chola rajas ; who were suc-
ceeded, they think, about 515 a. d., by a race
called Yavans, wlio were nine in number, and
reigned, as they say, for 458 years, till a. d. 953.
About this time, the same records make the family
of Ganapati rajas begin ; but the first authentic
mention of them, and, probably, their first rise to
consequence, was in the end of the eleventh cen-
tury, under Kakati, from whom the whole dynasty
is sometimes named. He has been mentioned as
an officer or feudatory of the Chalukyas, and as
having gained victories over the Chola kings.
Their greatest power was about the end of the
thirteenth century, when the local traditions repre-
sent them as possessed of the whole of the pen-
insula south of the Godaveri. Professor Wilson,
however, limits them to the portion between the
fifteenth and eighteenth degrees of latitude.
In 1332 their capital was taken, and their im-
portance, if not their independence, destroyed, by
a Mahometan army from Delhi. At one time,
subsequent to this, they seem to have been tri-
butary to Orissa. They merged, at last, in the
Mussulman kingdom of Golconda.
Orissa. The history of Orissa, like all others in the
Deckan, begins with princes connected with the
" Maha Bharat." It then goes on with a confused
history (much resembling that of the commence-
ment of the Andia kings), in which Vicramaditya
THE DECKAN. 419
and Salivahana are made to occupy the country chap.
in succession ; and in wliicii repeated invasions of '
Yavans from Delhi, from a country called Babul
(supposed to mean Persia), from Cashmir, and
from Sind, are represented as having taken place
between the sixth century before Christ and the
fourth century after Christ.
The last invasion was from the sea, and in it the
Yavans were successful, and kept possession of
Orissa for 146 years.
The natives suppose these Yavans to be Mussul-
mans ; and, with similar absurdity, describe two
invasions of troops of that persuasion under Imarat
Khan and another Khan, as taking place about five
centuries before Christ. Some will prefer applying
the story to Seleucus, or the Bactrian Greeks ; but
it is evident that the whole is a jumble of such
history and mythology as the author was acquainted
with, put together without the slightest knowledge
of geography or chronology.*
The Yavans were expelled by Yayati Kesari in
A.D. 473.
This Mr. Stirling justly considers as the first
glimmering of authentic history. Thirty-five rajas
of the Kesari family follow in a period of 650
years, until a.d. 1131, when their capital was taken
* The same remark applies to tlie Yavans of Telingiina, who,
by the bye, have all Shanscrit names. Dr. Buchanan (vol. iii.
pp. 97. 112.) is surprised to find a dynasty of Yavans at Ana-
gundi on the Tumbadra in the eighth and ninth centuries : this,
however, is not physically impossible, lil<e the others; for the
first Arab invasion was in the seventh century after Christ,
E E 2
420 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK by a prince of the house of Ganga Vansa, whose
' dynasty occupied the throne till near the Maho-
metan conquest. Mr, Stirling supposes this family
to have come from Telingana ; but Professor Wil-
son * proves, from an inscription, that they were
rajas of a country on the Ganges, answering to
what is now Tamluk and Midnapur ; and that their
first invasion was at the end of the eleventh cen-
tury of our aera, some years before the final con-
quest just mentioned.
Their greatest internal prosperity and improve-
ment seems to have been towards the end of the
twelfth century; and for several reigns on each side
of that epoch they claim extensive conquests, espe-
cially to the south.
These are rendered highly improbable by the
flourishing state of the Chalukya and Andra go-
vernments during that period. In the middle of
the fifteenth century, however, the government of
Orissa had sent armies as far as Conjeveram, near
Madras ; and, about the same time, their raja,
according to Ferishta, advanced to the neighbour-
hood of Bidr to assist the Hindu princes of those
parts against the Mussulmans.
Before these last events, tlie Ganga Vansa had
been succeeded by a Rajput family, of the race of
the sun ; and after performing some other brilliant
exploits, and suffering invasions from the Mussul-
mans, both in Bengal and the Deckan, the govern-
* Preface to the Mackenzie Papers, p. cxxxviii. Their name
means " race of the Ganges.''
THE DECKAN. 421
ment fell into confusion, was seized on by a Telinga chap.
chief in 1550, and, ultimately, was annexed to tlie J
Mogul empire, by Akber, in 1578.*
From tlie great extent of the country through Maharash.
which the Maratta language is spoken, and from its rattacoua-
situation on the frontier of the Deckan, one would *'^'"
expect it to be the first noticed and the most dis-
tinguished of the divisions of the peninsula: yet
we only possess two historical facts regarding it
until the time of the Mussulmans ; and, in those,
the name of Maliarashtra is never once mentioned.
After the fables regarding Rama, whose retreat Tagara.
was near the source of the Godaveri, the first fact
we hear of is the existence of Tagara, which was
a great emporium in the second century, is men-
tioned in inscriptions as a celebrated place in the
twelfth century, and is still well known by name,
though its position is forgotten.
It is mentioned by the author of the " Periplus,'*
but its site is fixed with so little precision, that we
can only guess it to have lain within something
more than 100 miles in a direction to the east of
Paitan on the Godaveri. It is said to have been
a very great city, and to have been one of the two
principal marts of Dachanabades t, a country so
called from Dachan, which (says the author) is the
word for south in the native language. The other
* The whole of the account of Orissa, where not otherwise
specified, is taken from a paper of Mr. Stirling, Asialic Re-
searches, vol. XV. p. 254.
f Dakshinapatha is the Shanscrit name for the Deci-'^'^
E E 3
422 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK mart is Plithana. Neither is mentioned as a ca-
IV. . 1
pital,*
* We have scarcely any ground to go on in fixing these
places. The following are the words of the " Periplus :" — *' Of
those in Dachanabades itself, two very distinguished marts
attract notice, lying twenty days' journey to the south from Bary-
gaza. About ten days' journey towards the east from this is
the other, Tagara, a very great city. [Goods] are brought
down from them on carts, and over very great ascents, to Bary-
gaza ; from Plithana many onyx stones, and from Tagara ordi-
nary linen, &c." It is evident from this, that the two towns are
Plithana and Tagara; and as Tagara is the other, there must
have been one first mentioned, or intended to be mentioned,
and that one must have been Plithana : the mode of expression,
no doubt, is inaccurate and confused. If this interpretation be
correct, the first step to be taken is to ascertain the position of
Plithana, which must be somewhere to the southward of Bary-
gaza^, distant twenty days' journey, and above the Ghats.
Barygaza is admitted to be Baroch. A day's journey has been
taken by Colonel Wilford at eleven miles, which (after allowing
for horizontal distance) does not differ greatly from that allowed
by Rennell to armies with all their incumbrances. 220 miles
to the southward of Baroch is therefore the point to be sought
for ; and the first step will naturally be, to look for some place
within that circuit the name of which resembles Plithana. None
such is to be found. Colonel Wilford, indeed, mentions a place
called Pultanah, on the Godaveri ; but nobody else has heard
of it, and the probability is, that he meant Phultaraba. If so,
the resemblance ceases at once ; for Phultamba would be written
in Greek 4>owXrajLi€a, instead of UXtflaj'a ; and the supposition is
otherwise untenable, as Phultamba, by a circuitous road, is only
seventeen days' journey from Baroch. We are therefore left to
seek for a Plithana ; but Colonel Wilford, I conceive, has brought
us into the right neighbourhood, and has assisted us by an in-
genious conjecture, though intended for another purpose. He says
that Ptolemy has mistaken Plithana (IIAieANA) for Paithana
(IIAIBANA) ; and I would contend that, on the contrary, the
copyist of the "Periplus" has changed Paithana into Plithana (the
more likely as the name only occurs once) ; and that the real
THE DECKAN. 423
Wherever Taii^ara was situated, it afterwards be- chap.
came the capital of" a line of kings of the Rajput '
family of Silar, with whom the ruler of CaUan Saiivdhana.
near Bombay, in the eleventh century, and of
Parnala near Colapur, in the twelfth, were proud
to boast of their connection.*
The next fact relating to the Maratta country is
the reign of Salivahana, whose sera begins from
A. D. 77' Salivahana seems to have been a power-
ful monarch ; yet scarcely one circumstance of his
history has been preserved in an authentic or even
credible form.
name of the first emporium is Paitan, a city on the Godaveri,
between twenty and twenty-one days' journey (230 miles) from
Baroch, and distinguished as the capital of the great monarch
Salivahana. As this king flourished towards the end of the first
century (a.d. 77), it would be strange if his royal residence had
become obscure by the middle of the second ; and even if the
distance did not agree so well, we should be tempted to fix on
it as one of the great marts of the Deckan. With regard to
Tagara, we remain in total uncertainty. It cannot possibly be
Deogiri (Doulatabad) ; because, even if we allow Phultamba to
be Plithana, Doulatabad is within three days and a half or
four days' journey, instead of ten ; nor is there any situation to
be found for Plithana so as to be twenty days' journey from
Baroch and ten from Doulatabad, except near Puna, which,
being within seventy miles of the sea, would never have sent
its produce twenty days' journey to Baroch. We need have
the less reluctance in giving up Deogiri, as that place is never
spoken of as a city until more than 1000 years after the date
generally assigned to the " Periplus." If Plithana be Paitan,
Tagara must have lain ten days' further east, and probably on
the Godaveri ; but that Plithana is Paitan rests on a mere con-
jecture.
* See inscriptions, Asiatic Researches, vol. i. p. 357., and
Bombay Tra7isactions, vol. iii. p. 391.
JO E 4
424 HISTORY OF INDIA,
BOOK He is said to have been the son of a potter ; to
IV
have lieaded an insurrection, overturned a dynasty,
and to have estabhshed his capital at Paitan, on
the Godaveri. He is said also to have conquered
the famous Vicramaditya, king of Malwa, and
to have founded an extensive empire.* The first
of these assertions, in reference to Vicramaditya
himself, is impossible, as there is 135 years between
the aeras of the two princes ; and no war with
any subsequent king of Malwa is mentioned. His
empire was probably in the Deckan, where his
name is still well known, and his aera still that in
ordinary use. After this the history of Maha-
rashtra breaks off, and (except by the inscriptions
of the petty princes of Calian and Pernala) we
hear no more of that country till the beginning of
the twelfth century, when a family of Yadus, per-
haps a branch of that of Belial, became rajas of
Deogiri. t In a. d. 1294, Maharashtra was invaded
Deoo'iri. by the Mussulmans from Delhi. A raja of the race
of Yadu still reigned at Deogiri. He was rendered
tributary either then or in 1306 ; and his capital
was taken and his kingdom subverted in a. d.
ISI7.
About this time the Mussulman writers begin to
mention the Marattas by name. It is probable
that strangers, on entering the Deckan, called the
first country they came to by that general designa-
tion, and did not distinguish the difterent nations
* Grant Duff's History of the Marattas, vol. i. p. 26.
-j- Wilson's Preface to the Mackenzie Papers, p. cxxx.
THE DECKAN. 425
by name till they had met witli more than one. chap.
It is probable, also, that there was little in the
Marattas to attract notice. If they had been for
any time under one great monarchy, we should
have heard of it, as of the other Deckan states ;
and they would, probably, like the others so cir-
cumstanced, have had a peculiar literature and
civilisation of their own. But they are still re-
markably deficient both in native authors and in
refinement ; and what pohsh they have seems bor-
rowed from the Mussulmans, rather than formed
by Hindus.
On the other hand, their cave temples argue a
great and long-continued application of skill and
power ; and those of EUora attracted the attention
of the Mussulmans in their very first invasions.
The celebrity of the Marattas was reserved for
recent times, when they were destined to act a
greater part than all other Hindu nations, and to
make a nearer ap})roach to universal sovereignty
than any of those to whom modern writers have
ascribed the enjoyment of the empire of India.
APPENDICES
THE PRECEDING FOUR BOOKS.
APPENDIX I.
ON THE AGE OF MENU AND OF THE VEDAS.
The value of Menu's Code, as a picture of the state of append.
society, depends entirely on its having been written in "
ancient times, as it pretends.
Before settling its date, it is necessary to endeavour to Age of the
fix that of the Vedas, to which it so constantly refers.
From the manner inwhicii it speaks of those sacred poems
we may conclude that they had long existed in such a form
as to render them of undisputed authority, and binding
on the conscience of all Hindus.
Most of the hymns composing the Vedas are in a
language so rugged as to prove that ihey were written
before that of the other sacred writings was completely
formed; while some, though antiquated, are within the
pale of the polished Shanscrit. There must, therefore,
have been a considerable interval between the composition
of the greater part, and the compilation of the whole. It
is of the compilation alone that we can hope to ascertain
the age.
Sir William Jones attempts to fix the date of the com-
position of the Yajur Veda by counting the lives of forty
saj^es, throuirh whom its doctrines were transmitted, from
the time of Parasara; whose epoch, again, is fixed by a
428 HISTORY OF INDIA.
APPEND, celestial observation : but his reasoning is not convincing.
^- He supposes the Yajur Veda to have been written in 1580
before Christ. The completion of the compilation he
fixes in the twelfth century before Christ; and all the other
European writers who have examined the question, fix the
age of the compiler, Vyasa, between the tvvelfth and four-
teenth centuries before Christ. The Hindus themselves
unanimously declare him to have lived at least 3001 years
before Christ.
The superior accuracy of the opinion held by the
Europeans appears to be put out of all doubt by a passage
discovered by Mr. Colebrooke. In every Veda there is a
sort of astronomical treatise, the object of which is to explain
the adjustment of the calendar, for the purpose of fixing
the proper periods for the performance of religious duties.
There can belittle doubt that the last editor of those treatises
would avail himself of the observations which were most
relied on when he wrote, and would explain them by means
of the computation of time most intelHgible to his readers.
Now the measure of time employed in those treatises is
itself a proof of their antiquity, for it is a cycle of five
years of lunar months, with awkward divisions, intercala-
tions, and other corrections, which show it to contain the
rudiments of the calendar which now, after successive cor-
rections, is received by the Hindus throughout India ; but
the decisive argument is, that the place assigned to the
solstitial points in the treatises (which is given in detail by
Mr. Colebrooke) is that in which those points were situated
in the fourteenth century before Christ.* Mr. Colebrooke's
interpretation of this passage has never, I believe, been
called in question ; and it would be difficult to find any
grounds for suspecting the genuineness of the text itself.
The ancient form of the calendar is beyond the invention
* Asiatic Researches, vol. viii. p. 489.
THE AGE OF MENU AND OF THE VEDAS. 429
of a Hindu forger, and there could be no motive to coin append.
a passage, fixing in the fourteenth century before Christ, ^■
a work wliich all Hindus assign to the thirty-first century
of the same aera.
In an essay previously written *, Mr. Colebrooke had
shown from another passage in the Vedas, that the corre-
spondence of seasons with months, as there stated, indi-
cated a position of the cardinal points similar to that which
has just been mentioned ; and, on that ground, he had
fixed the compilation of the Vedas at the same period,
which he afterwards ascertained by more direct proof.
From the age of the Vedas, thus fixed, we must endea- Age of the
vour to discover that of Menu's Code. Sir William Jonesf
examines the difference in the dialect of those two compo-
sitions ; and from the time occupied by a corresponding
change in the Latin language, he infers that the Code of
Menu must have been written 300 years after the com-
pilation of the Vedas. This reasoning is not satisfactory ;
because there is no ground for believinij that all lan-
guages proceed at the same uniform rate in the progress
of refinement. All that can be assumed is, that a con-
siderable period must have elapsed between the epochs
at which the ruder and more refined idioms were in use.
The next ground for conjecturing the date of Menu's
Code rests on the difference between the law and man-
ners there recorded, and those of modern times. This
•will be shown to be considerable: and from the propor-
tion of the changes which will also be shown to have
taken place before the invasion of Alexander we may infer
that a long time had passed between the promulgation
of the Code and the latter period. On a combination
of these data, we may perhaps be allowed to fix the age
* Asiatic Researches, vol. vii. p. 283.
f Preface to Menu, p. 6.
430 HISTORY OF INDIA.
APPEND, o^ the supposed Menu, very loosely, at some time about
^- halfway between Alexander (in the fourth century before
Christ), and the Vedas (in the fourteenth).
This would make the author of the Code live about
900 years before Christ.
That the Code is very ancient is proved by the difference
of religion and manners from those of present times, no
less than by the obsolete style.
That these are not disguises assumed to conceal a mo-
dern forgery appears from the difficulty with which con-
sistency could be kept up, especially when we have the
means of checking it by the accounts of the Greeks, and
from the absence of all motive for forgery, which, of itself,
is perhaps conclusive.
A Bramin, forging a code, would make it support the
system established in his time, unless he were a reformer,
in which case he would introduce texts favourable to his
new doctrines; but neither would pass over the most popu-
lar innovations in absolute silence, nor yet inculcate prac-
tices repugnant to modern notions.
Yet the religion of Menu is that of the Vedas. Rama,
Crishna, and other favourite gods of more recent times,
are not mentioned either with reverence or with disappro-
bation, nor are the controversies hinted at to which those
and other new doctrines gave rise. There is no mention
of regular orders, or of the self-immolation of widows.
Bramins eat beef and flesh of all kinds, and intermarry
with women of inferior casts, besides various other practices
repulsive to modern Hindus, which are the less suspicious
because they are minute.
These are all the grounds on which we can guess at the
age of this Code. That of Menu himself is of no conse-
quence, since his appearance is merely dramatic, like that
of Crishna in the " Bhagwat Gita," or of the speakers in
THE AGE OF MENU AND OF THE VEDAS.
431
Plato's or Cicero's dialogues. No hint is given as to the append.
I.
real compiler, nor is there any clue to the date of the '
ancient commentator Culluca. From his endeavourinfij to
'to
gloss over and to explain away some doctrines of Menu,
it is evident that opinion had already begun to change in
his time ; but as many commentators, and some of very
ancient date *, speak of the rules of Menu as applicable to
the good ages only, and not extending to their time, and
as such a limitation never once occurs to Culluca, we must
conclude that commentator, though a good deal later than
the original author, to have lived long before the other
jurists whose opinions have just been alluded to.
On a careful perusal of tlie Code, there appears nothing
inconsistent with the age attributed to it. It may, per-
haps, be said that the very formation of a code, especially
in so methodical a manner, is unlike ancient times; and it
is certain that a people must have subsisted for some time,
and must have established laws and customs, before it could
frame a code. But the Greeks, and other nations, whose
history we know, formed codes at a comparatively earlier
period of their national existence ; and although the
arrangement as well as the subjects of Menu's Code show
considerable civilisation, yet this is no proof of recent
origin, more than rudeness is of antiquity. The Romans
were more polished 2000 years ago than the Esquimaux
are now, or perhaps may be 2000 years hence.
* See note at the end of Sir W. Jones's translation.
432
HISTORY OF INDIA.
APPENDIX II.
ON CHANGES IN CAST.
APPEND.
II.
Doubts re-
garding the
foreign de-
scent of any
of the Raj-
put tribes.
Among the changes in cast, I have not noticed one which,
if proved, is of much greater importance than all the rest.
I alhide to the admission of a body of Scythians into the
Cshetrya class, which is asserted by Colonel Tod*, and in
part acceded to by a very able writer in the " Oriental
Magazine." f Colonel Tod is entitled to every respect, on
account of his zeal for Oriental knowledge, and the light he
has thrown on a most interesting country, almost unknown
till his time ; and the anonymous writer is so evidently a
master of his subject, that it is possible he may be familiar
with instances unknown to me of the admission of foreigners
into Hindu casts. Unless this be the case, however, I am
obliged to differ from the opinion advanced, and can only
show my estimation of those who maintain it, by assigning
my reasons at length. If the supposition be, that the whole
Hindu people sprang from the same root with the Scythians,
before those nations had assumed their distinctive pecu-
liarities, I shall not conceive myself called on to discuss
the question ; but if such an union is said to have taken
place within the historic period, I shall be inclined to
doubt the fact. The admission of strangers into any of
the twice-born classes was a thing never contemplated by
Menu, and could not have taken place within the period
to which the records of his time extended. No trace of
* History of Rajasthan, vol. i.
f Vol. iv. p. 33., and vol. viii. p. 19.
CHANGES IN CAST. 433
the alleged amalgamation remained in Alexander's time ; append,
for though he and his followers visited India after having '
spent two years in Scythia, they discovered no resemblance
between any parts of those nations. The union must
therefore have taken place within a century or two before
our aera, or at some later period. This is the supposition
on which Colonel Tod has gone in some places, though in
others he mentions Scythian immigrations in the sixth
century before Christ, and others at more remote periods.
That there were Scythian irruptions into India before
those of the Moguls under Chenglz Khiin, is so probable,
that the slightest evidence would induce us to believe them
to have occurred ; and we may be satisfied with the proofs
afforded us that the Scythians, after conquering Bactria,
brought part of India under their dominion ; but the ad-
mission of a body of foreigners into the proudest of the
Hindu classes, and that after the line had been as com-
pletely drawn as it was in the Code of Menu, is so difficult
to imagine, that the most direct and clear proofs are ne-
cessary to substantiate it. Now, what are the proofs?
1. That four of the lltijput tribes have a fable about
their descent, from which, if all Hindu fables had a mean-
ing, we might deduce that they came from the west, and
that they did not know their real origin.
2. That some of the Rajputs certainly did come from
the west of the Indus.
3. That the religion and manners of the Rajputs re-
semble those of the Scythians.
4. That the names of some of the Rajput tribes are
Scythian.
5. That there were, by ancient authorities, Indo-Scy-
thians on the Lower Indus in the second century.
6. That there were white Huns in Ujjper India in the
time of Cosmas Indico Pleustes (sixth century).
vor,. T. F F
434 HISTORY OF INDIA.
APPEND. 7. That De Guignes mentions, on Chinese authorities,
" the conquest of the country on the Indus by a body of
Yu-chi or Getae, and that there are still Jits on both sides
of that river.
1. The first of these ai'guments is not given as con-
clusive ; and it is obvious that native tribes, as well as
foreign, might be ignorant of their pedigree, or might wish
to improve it by a fable, even if known. The scene of the
fable carries us no nearer to Scythia than Abu, in the
north of Guzerat ; and few, if any, of the tribes which
Colonel Tod describes as Scythians belong to the four to
whom only it applies.
2. The great tribe of Yadu, which is the principal,
perhaps the only one, which came from beyond the Indus,
is the tribe of Crishna, and of the purest Hindu descent.
There is a story of their having crossed to the west of the
Indus after the death of Crishna. One division (the
Sama) certainly came from the west, in the seventh or
eighth century, but they were Hindus before they crossed
the Indus ; and many of those who still remain on the
west, though now Mahometans, are allowed to be of Hindu
descent.* Alexander found two bodies of Indians west of
the Indus, — one in Paropamisus and one near the sea;
and, though both were small and unconnected, yet the
last-mentioned alone is sufficient to account for all the
immigrations of Rajputs into India, without supposing aid
from Scythia.
3. If the religion and manners of any of the Rajputs
resemble those of the Scythians, they incomparably more
closely resemble those of the Hindus. Their language
also is Hindu, without a Scythian word (as far as has yet
been asserted). I have not heard of any pari of their
* Tod, vol. i. p. 85. ; Pottlnger, pp. 392,393. ; Ayeen Akbery,
vol. ii. p. 12'i.
CHANGES IN CAST. 435
religion, either, that is not purely Hindu. In fact, all the append.
points in which they are said to resemble the Scythians
are common to all the Rajputs without exception, and
most of them to the whole Hindu race. On the other
hand, the points selected as specimens of Scythian manners
are for the most part common to all rude nations. Man}',
indeed, are expressly brought forward as Scandinavian or
German ; although an identity of manners between those
nations and the eastern Scythians is still to be proved,
even supposing their common origin.
If, instead of searching for minute points of resem-
blance, we compare the general character of the two na-
tions, it is impossible to imagine any two things less alike.
The Scythian is short, square built, and sinewy, with a
broad face, high cheek bones, and long narrow eyes, the
outer angles of which point upwai'ds. His home is a tent ;
his occupation, pasturage; his food, flesh, cheese, and other
productions of his flocks; his dress is of skins or wool ; his
hal)its are active, hardy, roving, and restless. The Rajput,
again, is tall, comely, loosely built, and, when not excited,
languid and lazy. He is lodged in a house, and clad in
thin, showy, fluttering garments ; he lives on grain, is
devoted to tiie possession of land, never moves but from
necessity, and, though often in or near the desert, he
never engages in the care of flocks and herds, which is
left to inferior classes.
4. Resemblances of name, unless numerous and sup-
ported by other circumstances, are the very lowest sort of
evidence ; yet, in this case, we have hardly even them.
Except Jit, which will be adverted to, the strongest re-
semblance is in the name of a now obscure tribe called
Hun to that of the horde which the Romans called Huns;
or to that of the great nation of the Turks, once called by
the Chinese Hien-yun or Hiong-nou. The Huns, though
F F 2
436
HISTORY OF INDIA,
II.
Scythian
settlers in
India.
APPEND, now almost extinct, were once of some consequence, being
mentioned in some ancient inscriptions ; but there is
nothing besides their name to connect them either with
the Huns or the Hiong-nou. It might seem an argument
against the Hindu origin of the Rajpiits, that the names of
few of their tribes are explainable in Shanscrit. But are
they explainable in any Tartar language ? and are all
names confessedly Hindu capable of explanation ?
5. We may admit, without hesitation, that there were
Scythians on the Indus in the second century, but it is not
apparent how this advances us a single step towards their
transformation into Rajputs : there have long been Per-
sians and Afghans and English in India, but none of
them have found a place among the native tribes.
6. Cosmas, a mere mariner, was not likely to be accurate
in information about the upper parts of India; and the
white Huns (according to De Guignes*) were Turks,
whose capital was Organ] or Khiva : but his evidence, if
admitted, only goes to prove that the name of Hun was
known in Upper India ; and, along with that, it proves
that up to the sixth century the people who bore it had
not merged in the Rajputs.
7. The account of De Guignes has every appearance of
truth. It not only explains the origin of the Scythians
on the Indus, but shows us what became of them, and
affords the best proof that they were not swallowed up in
any of the Hindu classes, f The people called Yue-chi by
the Chinese, Jits by the Tartars, and Getes or Getae by
some of our writers, were a considerable nation in the
centre of Tartary as late as the time of Tamerlane. In
* Vol. ii. p. 325.
-f- De Guignes, Histoire des Huns, vol. ii. p. ^l. ; but still
more, Academie des Inscriptmis, vol. xxv., with the annexed
paper by D'Anville.
CHANGES m CAST. 437
the second century before Clirist, they were driven from append.
their original seats on the borders of China by the Hiong- "
nou, with whom they had always been in enmity. About
126 B. c. a division of them conquered Khorasiin in Per-
sia ; and about the same time the Su, another tribe whom
they had dislodged in an early part of their advance, took
Bactria from the Greeks. In the first years of the Christian
asra, the Yue-chi came from some of their conquests in
Persia into the country on the Indus, which is correctly
described by the Chinese historians. This portion of them
is represented to have settled there ; and accordingly, when
Tamerlane (who was accustomed to fight the Jits in 'J'ar-
tary) arived at the Indus, he recognised his old antagonists
in their distant colony.* They still bear the name of Jits
or Jatsf, and are still numerous on both sides of the Indus,
forming the peasantry of the Panjiib, the Rajput country,
Sind, and the east of Belochistan ; and, in most places,
professing the Mussulman religion.
The only objection to the Gelic origin of the Jats is,
that they are included in some lists of the Rajput tribes,
and so enrolled among pui*e Hindus ; but Colonel Tod,
from whom we learn the fact, in a great measure destroys
the effect of it, by stating:}: that, though their name is in
the list, they are never considered as Rjijputs, and that no
Rajput would intermarry with them. In another place §,
he observes that (except for one very ambiguous rite) they
were " utter aliens to the Hindu theocracy."
It is a more natural way of connecting the immigration
of Rajputs from the west with the invasion of the Getas, to
* Sherf u din, quoted by Do Guignes, Academie des In-
scriptions, vol. XXV. p. 82.
f Not Ja(s, which is the name of a tribe near Agra, not now
under discussion.
X Vol. i. p. 10(j. '^i Vol.ii. 180.
F F 3
438 HISTORY OF INDIA.
APPEND, suppose that part of the tribes who are recorded to have
^^' crossed the Indus at an early period, and who probably
were those found in the south by Alexander, were dis-
lodged by the irruption from Scythia, and driven back to
their ancient seats to join their brethren, from whom, in
religion and cast, they had never separated.
My conclusion, therefore, is, that the Jats may be of
Scythian descent, but that the Rajputs are all pure Hindus.
GREEK ACCOUNTS OF INDIA. 439
APPENDIX 111.
ON THE GREEK ACCOUNTS OF INDIA.
Before we examine the account of India given by the append.
Greeks, it is necessary to ascertain of '.vhat country they
speak when they make use of that name.
Most of the writers about Alexander call the inhabitants India
of the hilly region to the south of the main ridge of Cau- the west h*^
casus and near the Indus, Indians; and also mention the river
Indus.
another Indian tribe or nation, who inhabited the sea-shore
on the western side of the Indus. Each of those two tribes
occupied a territory stretching for 150 miles west from the
river, but narrow from north to south. A great tract of
country lay between their territories, and was inhabited
by people foreign to their race. Close to the Indus, how-
ever, especially on the lower part of its course, there were
other Indian tribes, though less considerable than those
two.
The Indians on the sea-shore were named Oritas and
Arabitae, and are recognised by Major Rennell as the
people called Asiatic Ethiopians by Herodotus. Their
coimtry was the narrow tract between the mountains of
Belochistan and the sea, separated from Mekran on the
west by tlie range of hills which form Cape Arboo, and on
which still stands the famous Hindu temple of Hinglez.
The Indians whom Herodotus includes within the sa-
trapies of Darius are, probably, the more northern ones in
the mountains.* It is proved by Major Rennell that his
* Thalia, 101, 10^.
F F 1.
440 HISTORY OF INDIA.
APPEND, knowledge of India did not reach beyond the desert east of
"^" the Indus * ; and he seems to have had no conception of
the extent of the country, and no clear notion of the por-
tion of it which had been subjected to Persia.f The other
Greek writers, though they speak of Indians beyond the
Indus, strictly limit India to the eastern side of that river.
Arrian, who has called the mountaineers Indians, from the
place where Alexander entered Paropamisus, yet when he
comes to the Indus says, " This river Alexander crossed at
daybreak with his army into the land of the Indians;" and
immediately begins a description of the people of that
country.:}:
In the course of this description he again explicitly
declares that the Indus is the western boundary of India
from the mountains to the sea. §
In his "Indicaj"also, he desires his reader to consider ^A«^
* Geography of Herodotus, p. 309.
f The Indians east of the Indus constantly maintained to the
followers of Alexander that they had never before been invaded
(by human conquerors at least) ; an assertion which they could
not have ventured if they had just been delivered from the yoke
of Persia. Arrian, also, in discussing the alleged invasions of
Bacchus, Hercules, Sesostris, Semiramis, and Cyrus, denies
them all, except the mythological ones ; and Strabo denies even
those, adding that the Persians hired mercenaries from India,
but never invaded it. (Arrian, Indica, 8, 9.; Strabo, lib. xv.,
near the beginning. See also Diodorus, lib. ii. p. 123., edition
of 1604.)
I have not been able to discover the grounds on which it is
sometimes said that the Persians were in possession of India as
far as the Jamna or Ganges. The weighty opinion of Major
Rennell (which, however, applies only to the Panjab) rests on
the single argument of the great tribute said to have been paid
by the Indians, which he himself proves to have been overstated.
(Geography of Herodotus, p. 305.)
\ Expeditio Alexandri, lib. v. cap. 4.
§ Ibid. lib. v. cap. 6.
GREEK ACCOUNTS OF INDIA. 441
only as India wliich lies east of the Indus, and those who append.
inhabit that country as the Indians of whom he is about to
speak.*
Strabo, the most critical and judicious of all the writers
on India, is as decided in pronouncing the Indus to be the
western limit of India from the mountains to the sea ; and
quotes Eratosthenes as supporting his opinion. f
Pliny, indeed, states that some consider the four satra-
pies of Gedrosia, Arachosia, Aria, and Paropamisus to
belong to India; but this would include about two thirds
of Persia.
The Shanscrit writers confirm the opinion of the Greeks,
regarding the Indus as the western boundary of their
country, and classing the nations beyond it with the
Yavanas and other barbarians. There is, indeed, a uni-
versally acknowledged tradition, that no Hindu ought to
cross that rivcr:[:; and its inconsistency with the practice
even of earh' times is a proof of its great antiquity.
It is clear, therefore, that the Indians beyond the Indus liuHans to
were few and detached ; and we will now see what account the Indus.
* Indica, cap. ii., — " But the part from the Indus towards
the East, let that be India, and let those [who inhabit it] be the
Indians."
f Strabo, lib. XV. p. 473, 474., ed. ]587. In lib. xv. p. 497..
he again mentions the Indus as the eastern boundary of Persia.
J See a verse on this subject quoted in Colonel Wilford's
Essay on Caucasus {Asiatic Researches, vol. vi. p. ,585.) The
Colonel, who is anxious to extend the early possessions of the
Hindus, endeavours to prove that the Indus meant in this verse
is the river of K;inia (one of its tributary streams); that the
main Indus may have changed its bed; that the prohibition was
only against crossing the Indus, and not against passing to the
other side by going round its source ; and finally, that, in modern
times, the prohibition is disregarded : but he never denies the
existence of the restriction, or asserts that it was not at one
time attended to.
442 HISTORY OF INDIA.
APPEND, is given of them by the ancients, beginning our survey
from the north.
Arrian, in the commencement of his " Indica," mentions
the Assaceni and the Astaceni as Indian nations in the
mountains between the Indus and the Cophenes ; but he
distinffuishes them from the other Indians as being less in
size and fairer in complexion. He excludes them (as has
been shown) from his general description of the Indians ;
and neither in his " Expedition of Alexander," nor in his
" Indica," does he allude to Bramins among them, or mention
any thing in their customs of a marked Hindu character.
He says that they had been subject to the Assyrians, after-
wards to the Medes, and finally to the Persians. It does not
appear from Arrian that there were any Indians to the
south of the Cophenes (or river of Cabul), and it might be
inferred from Strabo that there were none between the
Paropamisada? and the Oritae until after Alexander's time*;
but as Arrian mentions other tribes on the lower Indus, it
is probable that Strabo spoke generally of the two terri-
tories, and did not mean to deny the residence of small
bodies.
The Oritae, according to Arrian f, were an Indian
nation, who extended for about 150 miles parallel to the
sea. They wore the dress and arms of the other Indians,
but differed from them in language and manners.
* Lib. XV. p. 'tT^. The passage states, from Eratosthenes,
that at the time of Alexander's invasion the Indus was the
boundary of India and Ariana, and that the Persians possessed
all the country to the west of the river ; but that, afterwards,
the Indians received a considerable part of Persia from the
Macedonians. He explains this transfer more particularly in
page 4-98., where he says that Alexander took this country from
the Persians, and kept it to himself, but that Seleucus subse-
quently ceded it to Sandracottus.
t Exped. Alexand., lib. vi. cap. xxi. ; Indica, cap. xxv.
GREEK ACCOUNTS OF INDIA. 443
They (those near the Indus at least) must have been append.
essentially Indian ; for Sambus, the chief of the branch of ^^^'
hills which run down to the river in the north of Sind, is
represented as being much under the influence of the
Bramins.
It will throw some light on the tribes that occupied the
west bank of the Indus, in former times, to point out its
present inhabitants.
The mountains under Caucasus, between the point where
it is crossed by the continuation of Mount Imaus, which
forms the range of Soliman, and the Indus, are inhabited
by a people of Indian descent, now subject to Afghan
tribes, who have conquered the territory in comparatively
recent times.* The upper part of the mountains farther
north is possessed by the Cafirs, another nation, who, from
the close connection between their language and Shanscrit,
appear to be of the Indian race. Their religion, however,
though idolatrous, has no resemblance whatever to that of
the Hindus.
Throughout the whole of the plain to the west of the
Indus, from the range of Caucasus to the sea, the greater
part of the original population speaks an Indian dialect,
and is looked on as Indian, f The hills which bound that
plain on the west are every where lield by tribes of a
different origin. Some of the so-called Indians arc Hin-
dus, but the greater part are converts to the Mahometan
religion. The above description comprehends the whole
of the country of the ancient Orita?.
* This is somewhat less than was occupied by the Indians
described by Arrian, who extended west to the Cophencs, pro-
bably the liver of Panjshir, north of Cabul.
t Among these tribes are the Jats, whose possible descent
from the Geta? has been discussed in another place, but who are
now classed with the Indians by all their western neighbours.
444 HISTORY OF INDIA.
APPEND. If from a general view of these accounts, ancient and
modern, we were to speculate on the first settlement of the
people to whom they relate, it might, perhaps, appear not
improbable that the Indians in the northern mountains
were of the same race as the Hindus, but never converted
to the Braminical religion, and that they may have occupied
their present seats before the period at which the first light
breaks on the history of their brethren in the plains : but
it is enough to allude to so vague a conjecture. The
Indian races in the plains probably crossed from India
at different periods. Notwithstanding the religious pro-
hibition and the testimony of Strabo, it is difficult to be-
lieve that the easy communication afforded by a navigable
river would not lead the inhabitants of whichever neigh-
bouring country was first peopled and civilised to spread
over both banks. I am therefore led to think the occu-
pation by the Indians began very early, the neighbouring
countries on the western side being scarcely peopled even
now. The emigration towards the mouth of the Indus,
which seems to have been more extensive than elsewhere,
may possibly be that alluded to in the ancient legends
about the flight of Crishna's family. A branch of his tribe
certainly came from the west into Sind ten centuries ago;
and other divisions, still retaining their religion and cast,
have passed over into Guzerat in later times.*
To remove some doubts about the limits of the Indian
nations on the west of the Indus, it is desirable to advert
* Colonel Tod, vol. i. 85, 86. ; vol. ii. 220. (note), 312. Cap-
tain M'Murdo, Bombay Transactions., vol. ii. p. 219.
In speaking of the Hindus above, I do not allude to the mo-
dern emigrants now found scattered through the countries on
the west of the Indus as far as Moscow ; neither do I discuss
what other settlements of that people may have been effected
between the time of Alexander and the present day.
GREEK ACCOUNTS OF INDIA. 445
to a part of Alexander's route through the adjoining coun- append
tries. ^ "^-
Alexander set out from Artachoana (which seems to be
admitted to be Herat), and proceeded in pursuit of one of
the murderei-s of Darius to the royal city of the Zarangaei,
which is recognised in Zarang, an ancient name for the
capital of Sistan. He thence directed his march towards
Bactria, and on his way received the submission of the
Drangae, the Gedrosians, and the Arachotians. He then
came to the Indians bordering on the Arachotians. Throuoh
all these nations he suffered much from snow and want of
provisions. He next proceeded to Caucasus, at the foot
of which he founded Alexandria, and afterwards crossed
the mountains into Bactria.*
The DrangEe are probably the same as the Zarangae :
Arachotia is explained by Strabo f to extend to the
Indus ; and Gedrosia certainly lay along the sea. There
are two ways from Sistan to Bactria; one by Herat,
and the other by the pass of Hindii Cush, nordi of Cabul,
the mountains between those points being impassable,
especially in winter, when this march took place.:}: Alex-
ander took the eastern road ; and if he had marched
direct to Bactria, as might be supposed from the preceding-
passage, he could have met with no snow at any time of
the year, until he got a good deal to the east of Candahar,
and he must have left Gedrosia very far to his right. It is
possible, therefore, (especially as the murderer of whom he
was in })ursuit was made over to him hij flic Indians^,) that
he continued his pursuit through Shoriibak and the valley
* Arrian, lib. iii. cap. xxviii,
t Lib. xi. p. 355., edition of 1587.
^ See Clinton's Fasti, b, c. 330. Darius was killed in July,
and Alexander reached Bnctria in spring.
§ A r r'mn, ?ihi supra.
446
HISTORY OF INDIA.
APPEND, of Bolan (the route adopted by Mi'. Conolly*) ; and that
" the Indians near the Ai'achotians may have been about
Dcider, which, although at a distance from the Indus, is on
the plain of that river, and probably was then, as it is now,
inhabited by an Indian race. From this place, his journey
to Mount Caucasus would have lain through a country as
sterile, and at that season as cold, as Caucasus itself. It is
equally probable, however, that Alexander did not extend
his journey so far to the south ; and, in that case, the
Indians would be (as they are assumed to be by Curtiusf)
those called Paropamisadee immediately under Mount
Caucasus, within or near whose boundary Alexandria cer-
tainly was built. I The vicinity of this people shows that
Alexandria could not have been farther west than Cabul,
which, indeed, is also proved by the fact of Alexander's
returning to it on his way from Bactria to India, j He
took seventeen days to cross Caucasus, according to Cur-
tius ; fifteen, according to Strabo, from Alexandria to
Adraspa, a city in Bactriana ; and ten to cross the moun-
tains in returning, according to Arrian. Captain Burnes,
with none of the incumbrances of an army, took twelve
days to cross the mountains on the road from Cabul to
Balkh, which is comparatively shorter and easier than any
more western pass. As far as this site for Alexandria,
rather than one further west, we are borne out by the high
authority of Major Rennell ; but that author (the greatest
of English geographers), from the imperfect imformation
* Since made familiar by the march of Lord Keane's army.
t Quintus Curtius, lib. vii. cap. iii.
:{: Arrian, lib. iv. cap. xxii.
§ Alexandria was probably at Begram, 25 miles N. 15 E.
from Cabul, the ruins of which are described in a memoir by
Mr. Masson, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Calcutta, vol. v.
p.l.
GREEK ACCOUNTS OF INDIA. 447
then possessed about the stream that runs from Ghazni to append.
Cabul, the Gonial, and the Kurram, has framed out of
those three an imaginary river, which he supposes to run
from near Bamian to the Indus, thirty or forty miles south
of Attoc. This he calls the Coplienes, and, in conse-
quence, places the scene of Alexander's operations and the
seat of the Indian mountaineers to the south of the Ctibul
river, and at a distance from the range of Caucasus or
Paropamisus. Strabo, however, expressly says th^t Alex-
ander kept as near as he could to the northern movnitains,
that he might cross the Choaspes (which falls into the
Cophenes) and the other rivers as high up as possible.
Arrian makes him cross the Cophenes, and then proceed
through a mountainous country, and over three other
rivers which fell into the Cophenes, before he reaches the
Indus. In his "Indica," also, he mentions the Cophenes as
bringing those three rivers with it, and joinnig the Indus
in Peucaliotis. It is only on the nortli bank of the Cabul
river that three such rivers can be found ; and even then
there will be great difficulty in fixing their names, for in
Arrian's own two lists he completely changes the names of
two. Nor is this at all surprising, for most rivers in that
part of the country have no name, but are called after
some town or country on their banks, and not always after
the same. Thus the river called by some the Ktishkar
river is the Kameh with Lieutenant Macartney, the Cheg-
hanserai in Baber's Connnentaries, and is often called the
river of Cunner by the inhabitants of the neighbouring-
country.
The Soastes would seem to be the river of Swtit ; but
then there is no river left for the Guraeus, which is between
the Soastes and Indus. Major Rennell, on a different
theory, supposes the Gurajus to be the Ciibul river itself;
448
HISTORY OF INDIA.
APPEND.
III.
Descrip-
tion of
India.
Authori-
ties.
but both of Arrian's accounts make the Guraeus fall into
the Cophenes, which afterwards falls into the Indus.
The Cabul river, therefore, must be the Cophenes, and
the Indians are under the mountains between it, its upper
branch (the Punjshir river) and the Indus.
Alexander's proceedings in India are so well known that
they cannot be too slightly touched on. After an advance
to the Hyphasis, he turned to the south-west, and passed
off between the desert and the Indus, having scarcely seen
the skirts of India. He made no attempt to establish pro-
vinces ; but, as he intended to return, he adopted exactly
the same policy as that employed by the Durani Shah in
after times. He made a party in the country b}' dispossess-
ing some chiefs and transferring their territory to their
rivals ; thus leaving all power in the hands of persons
vk^hose interest induced them to uphold his name and con-
ciliate his favour.
The few garrisons he left reminded people of his in-
tended return ; and his troops in the nearest parts of
Persia would always add to the influence of his partisans.
The adherence of Porus and other princes, who were in
a manner set up by the Macedonians, ouglit therefore to
be no matter of surprise.
We now understand the people to whom the Greek de-
scriptions were intended to apply ; but we must still be
cautious how we form any further opinions regarding that
people, on Greek authority alone.
The ancients themselves have set us an example of this
caution. Arrian says that he shall only consider as true
the accounts of Ptolemy and Aristobulus ichen they agree* ;
and Strabo, in a very judicious dissertation on the value of
the information existinsf in his time, observes that the
* Preface to the " Expedition of Alexander."
GREEK ACCOUNTS OF INDIA. 44<9
accounts of the Macedonians are contradictory and inac- append.
curate, and that those of later travellers are of still less "
value from the character of the authors, who were ignorant
merchants, careless of every thing except gain.* We may,
however, give full credit to the Greek writers when they
describe manners and institutions which are still in being,
or which are recorded in ancient Hindu books. We may
admit, with due allowance for incorrectness, such other
accounts as are consistent with these two sources of in-
formation ; but we must pass by all statements which are
not supported by those tests or borne out by their own
appearance of truth.
If, however, we discard the fables derived from the
Grecian mythology, and those which are contrary to the
course of nature, we shall find more reason to admire the
accuracy of the early authors, than to wonder at the mistakes
into which they fell, in a country so new and so different
from their own, and where they had every thing to learn
by means of interpreters, generally through the medium
of more languages than one.f Their accounts, as far as
they go, of the manners and habits of the people, do in
fact aijree with our own accurate knowledije almost as well
as those of most modern travellers prior to the institution
of the Asiatic Society of Calcutta.
An example both of the general truth and partial in-
accuracy of the Greeks presents itself in the first subject
which is to be noticed, agreeably to the order hitherto
adopted.
* Beginning of lib. XV. See also lib. ii. p. tiS., ed. 1587.
f Onesicritus conversed through three interpreters. Strabo,
lib. XV. p. 'VJ2., edition of 15<S7. From Greek into Persian,
and from Persian into Indian, are two that obviously suggest
themselves ; it is not so easy to conjecture for what languages
the third interpreter was required.
VOL. I. G G
450
HISTORY OF INDIA.
APPEND.
III.
They are well aware of the division into classes, and of
the functions of most of them ; but, by confounding some
Division distinctions occasioned by civil employment with those
into classes, arising from that division, they have increased the number
from five (including the handicraftsmen, or mixed class)
to seven. This number is produced by their supposing
the king's councillors and assessors, and his superintendents
of provinces, to form two distinct casts; by splitting the
class of Vaisya into two, consisting of shepherds and hus-
bandmen : and by omitting the servile class altogether.
With these exceptions, the classes are in the state described
by Menu, which is the groundwork of that still subsisting.
Their first cast is that of the Sophists, or religious and
literary class, of whose peculiar occupations they give a
correct view. But they do not clearly understand the ex-
tent of the Bramin cast, and have, perhaps, confounded
the Bramins* with the monastic orders.
The first mistake originates in their ignorance of the
fourfold division of a Bramin's life. Thus they speak of
men who had been for many years Sophists, marrying and
returning to common life; (alluding probably to a student
who, having completed the austerities of the first period,
becomes a householder;) and they suppose, as has been
mentioned, that those who were the king's councillors and
judges formed a separate class. It is evident, also, that
they classed the Bramins who exercised civil and military
functions with the casts to whom those employments pro-
perly belonged. They describe the Sophists as the most
honom*ed class, exempt from all burdens, and only con-
tributing their prayers to the support of the state. They
inform us that their assistance is necessary at all private
* From this charge I must exempt Nearchus, who seems to
have had a clear conception of the division of the Bramins into
religious and secular. Strabo, lib. xv. p. 493., ed, 1587.
GREEK ACCOUNTS OF INDIA. 451
sacrifices ; and correctly describe them (in this case under append.
the name of Brachmanes) as having ceremonies performed '
for them while yet in the womb *, as undergoing a strict
education, and as passing a moderate and abstinent life
in gi'oves, on beds of rushes (cusa grass), or skins (deer
skins) ; during which time they listen to their instructors
in silence and with respect.
They erroneously prolong this period in all cases to
thirty-seven, which is the greatest age to which Menu
(Chap. III. Sect. 1.) permits it in any case to extend.
The language ascribed to the sophists regarding the
present and future state is in a perfectly Bramin spirit.
They place their idea of perfection in independence on
every thing external, and indifference to death or life, pain
or pleasure. They consider this life as that of a child
just conceived, and that real life does not begin until what
we call death. Their only care, therefore, is about their
future state. They deny the I'eality of good and evil, and
say that men are not gratified or afflicted by external ob-
jects, but by notions of their own, as in a dream, f
They appear to have possessed separate villages as early
as the time of Alexander ; to have already assumed the
military character on occasions, and to have defended
themselves with that fury and desperation which sometimes
still characterises Hindus. J Their interference in politics,
likewise, is exhibited by their instigating Sambus to fly
from Alexander, and Musicanus to break the peace he had
* See p. 77. ; and Menu, ii. 26, 27.
f Strabo, lib. xv. p. 1-90., ed. 15S7.
\ Arrian's Exjjed. AlcxaiuL, lib. vi. cap. vii. Similar in-
stances of the voluntary conflagration of cities, and the devotion
of their lives by the inhabitants, are furnished in Indian liistory
down to modern times.
G G 2
452 HISTORY OF INDIA.
APPEMD. concluded with that conqueror.* Strabo mentions a sect
' called Pramnae, who were remarkable for being disputa-
tious, and who derided the Bramins for their attention to
physics and astronomy. He considers them as a separate
class, but they were probably Bramins themselves, only
attached to a particular school of philosophy.f
Sanyassis. The Sanyassis are very plainly described, under the
different names of Brachmanes, Germanes, and Sophists ;
but it does not very clearly appear whether the ascetics so
designated were merely Bramins in the two last stages of
their life, or whether they were membeis of regular mo-
nastic establishments. Many of their austerities might be
reconciled to the third portion of a Bramin's life, when he
becomes an anchoret; but their ostentatious mortifications,
their living in bodies, and several other circumstances, lead
rather to a conclusion that they belonged to the monastic
orders. The best description of these ascetics is given by
Onesicritus j, who was sent by Alexander to converse with
them, in consequence of their refusing to come to him.
He found fifteen persons about two miles from the city,
naked, and exposed to a burning sun ; some sitting, some
standing, and some lying, but all remaining immoveable
from morning till evening, in the attitudes they had
adopted.
He happened first to address himself to Calanus, whom
he found lying on stones. Calanus received him with that
affectation of independence which religious mendicants
still often assume, laughed at his foreign habit, and told
* Arrian, lib. vi. cap. xvi. ; where Bramin and Sophist are
declared to be synonymous.
+ See Wilson (^Asiatic Researches, vol. xvii. p. 279.), who
derives their name from Pramanika, a term applied to the fol-
lowers of the logical school.
:J: Strabo, lib. xv. p. 491.
GREEK ACCOUNTS OF INDIA. 453
him that if he wished to converse with him, lie must throw append
off his clothes, and sit down naked on the stones. While ^^^'
Onesicritus was hesitating, Mandanis, the oldest and most
holy of the party, came up. He reproved Calanus for his
arrogance, and spoke mildly to Onesicritus, whom he
promised to instruct in the Indian philosophy, as far as
their imperfect means of communication would admit.*
Arrian relates f that Alexander endeavoured to prevail on
Mandanis (whom he calls Dandamis) to attach himself
to him as a companion ; but that Mandanis refused, reply-
ing that India afforded him all he wanted while he re-
mained in his earthly body, and that when he left it he
should get rid of a troublesome companion,
Calanus had his ambition less under control; he joined
Alexander in spite of the remonstrances of his fraternity,
who reproached him for entering into any other service
but that of God. :j: He was treated with respect by the
Greeks ; but, falling sick in Persia, refused, probably from
scruples of cast, to observe the regimen prescribed to him,
and determined to put an end to his existence by the
flames. Alexander, after in vain opposing his intention,
ordered him to be attended to the last scene with all
honours, and loaded him with gifts, which he distributed
among his friends before he mounted the pile. He was
carried thither wearing a garland on his head in the Indian
manner, and singing hymns in the Indian language as he
passed along. When he had ascended the heap of wood
and other combustibles, wliich had been prepared for liim,
he ordered it to be set on fire, and met his fate with a
serenity that made a great impression on the Greeks. §
* Strabo, lib. xv. p. 492.
-j- Exped. Alexand., lib. vii. cap. ii.
X See Menu, iv. G'.i., quoted bufbrc, p. 2f).
§ A similar instance of self-iniinolation is related by Strabo
G G 3
454 HISTORY OF INDIA.
APPEND. Aristobulus * gives an account of two Sophists, one young
and one old, both Brachmanes, whom he met with at
Taxila. The elder shaved, the younger wore his hair,
and both were followed by disciples. As they passed
through the streets they were received with reverence,
people pouring oil of sesamum upon them, and offering
them cakes of sesamum and honey. After having
supped at Alexander's table, they displayed their powers of
endurance by withdrawing to a place at some distance,
where the elder lay down exposed to the sun and rain,
which at that season was heav}', and the younger stood all
day on one foot, leaning on a staff.
Other accounts f describe the ascetics as going about the
streets, helping themselves to figs or oil, or anything they
wanted, entering the houses of the rich, sitting down at
their entertainments, and joining in their discourse; in
short, conducting themselves with the same fi*eedom which
some persons of that description affect at the present day.
They are also spoken of as going naked in winter and
summer, and passing their time under banyan trees, some
of which, it is said, cover five acres, and are sufficient to
shelter 10,000 men.
Their present habit of twisting up their hair, so as to
form a turban, is noticed by Strabo, though he was not
aware of its being confined to one order of them.
They are said to be the only soothsayers and practisers
of divination. It is asserted of them that they reckoned it
disgraceful to be sick:]:, and put an end to themselves when
(lib. XV. p. 495., ed. of 1587.), of Zarmanochegus, an Indian
of Bargosa, who had accompanied an embassy from his own
country to Augustus, and burned himself alive at Athens.
* Strabo, lib. xv. f Ibid.
X Probably as being a proof of guilt in a former state of ex-
istence.
GREEK ACCOUNTS OF INDIA. 455
they fell into that calamity. Megasthenes, however, asserts append.
that the philosophers had no particular approbation of
suicide, but rather considered it as a proof of levity; both
the opinions of the learned, and the occasional practice of
the people in that respect, seeming to be much the same as
they are now.
It is Megasthenes who calls the ascetics by the names
of Germanes, and treats of them as forming a distinct
body from the Brachmanes. Yet his description of them
is much more applicable to Bramins in the third and
fourth periods of life than to the monastic orders. The
fact probably is, that he was aware of the distinction be-
tween those classes, but had no accurate knowledge of the
points in which they differed. There is a class, he says,
among the Germanes, who are called Hylobii, from living
in the woods, who feed on wild fruits and leaves, are clothed
in the bark of trees, abstain from all pleasure, and stand
motionless for whole days together in one posture. * The
kings send messengers to them to consult them, and to
request their intercession M-ith the gods. He somewhat
unaccountably describes the physicians as forming another
class of Germanes ; and mentions that, like their succes-
sors of the present day, they rely most on diet and regi-
men, and next, on external applications, having a great
distrust of the effects of more powerful modes of treatment.
Like their successors also, they employ charms in aid of
their medicines.
He says that the Germanes perform magical rites and
divinations, and likewise conduct the ceremonies connected
* See the description of tlie last portions of a Bramin's life in
Menu, Book VI., from p. 29. to the end, quoted in page 27. of
this volimnc. *
G G 4
456
HISTORY OF INDIA.
APPEND, with the dead, all of which might as well apply to the
Bramins as to the monastic orders.*
It is declared by more authors than one, that different
casts cannot intermarry, and that it was not permitted for
men of one cast to exercise the employment of another,
but that all might become Sophists in whatever class they
were born.
Such is the present state of the monastic orders; but
whether they had so early assumed that form, or whether
the ancients (being ignorant that Bramins could be house-
holders, councillors, and judges, might on occasion carry
arms, or practise other professions,) confounded the as-
sumption of ascetic habits by Bramins previously so em-
ployed, with the admission of all casts, must remain a
doubtful question, f
There is nothing to remark on the other classes, except
that the Sudras seem already to have lost their character
of a servile class.
Arrian J mentions with admiration that every Indian is
free. With them, as with the Lacedemonians, he says,
no native can be a slave ; but, unlike the Lacedemonians,
they keep no other people in servitude. Strabo, who
doubts the absence of slavery, as applying to all India,
Sudras.
Absence
of slavery.
* Before quitting the subject of the confusion made by the
ancients between the Bramins and monastic orders, it may be
observed that some modern writers, even of those best acquainted
with the distinction, have not marked it in their works ; so that
it is often difficult to ascertain from their expressions which they
allude to in each case. For much information relating to the
ancient accounts of the Hindu priesthood and religion, see Cole-
brooke, Asiatic Researches, vol. ix. p. 296.
t Indica, cap. x. See also Diodorus, lib. ii. p. 124'., ed. 1601,
where he adds many extravagances about their equality and
republican institutions.
GREEK ACCOUNTS OF INDIA. 457
confines his examples of the contrary to domestic slaves, append.
and appears to have no suspicion of the existence of a ser- '
vile class. It is possible that the mild form in which
slavery appeared among the Sudras may have deceived the
Greeks, accustomed to so different a system at home ; but
it is still more probable that the remains of the servile
condition of the Svidras which subsisted in Menu's time,
may have disappeared entirely before that of Alexander.
The number of independent governments seems to have Number
1 1 • A 1 1 • 1 • -1 ^"'^ extent
been as great as at other tmies. Alexander, m Ins partial of the dif-
invasion, met with many ; and Megasthenes heard that in ^j^^"*
all India there were 118. Many of these may have been
very inconsiderable; but some (the Prasii for instance)
possessed great kingdoms. Most of them seem to have
been under rajas, as in Menu's time, and the circumstances
of those which the Greeks called republics and aristocra-
cies can easily be explained without supposing anything
different from what now exists. There have always been
extensive tracts without any common head, some under
petty chiefs, and some formed of independent villages : in
troubled times, also, towns have often for a long period
carried on their own government.* All these would be
called republics by the Greeks, who would naturally flincy
their constitutions similar to what they had seen at home.
But what their authors had particularly in view were the
independent villages, which were in reality republics, and
* Among those of the first description were the Sikhs (before
llanjit Sing's ascendancy), whom Mr. Foster, though familiar
with Indian governments, describes as being under a democracy ;
tlie chiefs of Sht'kliawct ; and various other petty confederacies
of chiefs. Of single villages, the Sondis and Gnisias mentioned
by Sir John Malcolm {Account of Mdlwa, vol. i. p. 508.) lurnish
examples. The same author alludes to towns in a state such as
has been mentioned.
III.
45S HISTORY OF INDIA,
APPEND, which would seem aristocratic or democratic as the village
community was great or small in proportion to the other
inhabitants.* A more perfect example of such villages
could not be found than existed but lately in Hariana, a
country contiguous to those occupied by the Cathoei and
Malli in Alexander's time. One of these (Biwani) required,
in 1809, a regular siege by a large British force, and would
probably have opposed to the Macedonians as obstinate a
resistance as Sangala or any of the villages in the adjoin-
ing districts, which make so great a figure in the opera-
tions of Alexander.
The force ascribed to the Indian kings is probably ex-
aggerated. Porus, one of several who occupied the Panjab,
is said to have had 200 elephants, 300 chariots, 4000 horse,
and 30,000 efficient infantry, which, as observed by Sir
A. Burnes, is (substituting guns for chariots) exactly the
establishment of Ranjit Sing, who is master of the whole
Panjab, and several other territories. f
* See the account of townships in the chapter on revenue,
p. 118.
f As an exaggerated opinion appears to be sometimes enter-
tained of the extent of the territories and dependencies of
Porus, it may be worth while to state the Umits assigned to them
by Arrian and Strabo. His western boundary was the Hydaspes.
Beyond that river, in the centre, was his mortal enemy Taxiles ;
on the north of whose dominions was Abissares, an independent
prince whom Arrian calls king of the mountain Indians*; and
on the south, Sopithes, another independent sovereign, in
whose territories the Salt range lay** : so that Porus could pos-
sess nothing to the west of the Hydaspes. On the north, his
territory extended to the woods under the mountains c ; but it
did not include the whole country between the Hydaspes and
Acesines, for, besides other tribes who might by possibility be
a Arrian, lib. v. cap. 8. " Strabo, lib. xv. p. 4'81.
c Ibid. p. 480. '
GREEK ACCOUNTS OF INDIA. 459^
The most that we can concede to Arrian would be, that append.
the armies which he speaks of as permanent were the whole '
of the tumultuary forces which any of those princes could,
in case of necessity, bring into the field. The numbers
alleged by Pliny are beyond probability, even on that or
any other supposition. The fourfold division of the army
(horse, foot, chariots, and elephants) was the same as that
of Menu ; but Strabo makes a sextuple division, by adding
the commissariat and naval departments. The soldiers
were all of the military class, were in constant pay during
war and peace, and had servants to perform all duties not
strictly military. Their horses and arms were supplied by
the state (an arrangement very unlike that usually adopted
now). It is stated, repeatedly, that they never ravaged
dependent on Porus, there were the Glaucanicae or Glausas, who
had thirty-seven large cities, and whom Alexander put under
Porus''; thereby adding much country to what he had before
possessed. •= On the east, between the Acesines and Hydraotes,
he had another Porus, who was his bitter enemy, f To the south-
east of him were the Cathaei, and other independent nations,
against whom he assisted Alexander, e To the south were the
Main, against whom Porus and Abissares had once led their
combined forces, with those of many others, and had been de-
feated. ''
From this it appears that the dominions of Porus were all
situated between the Hydaspes and Acesines; and that his im-
mediate neighbours on every side were independent of him, and
most of them at war with him. If he had any dependents, they
must have been between the rivers already mentioned, where
there were certainly different tribes ; but of those, we know that
the Glaucanicae werj independent of him, and we have no reason
to think the others were dependent.
•* Arrian, lib. v. cap. 20. ' Ibid. cap. 21.
( Ibid. cap. 21. '-' Ibid. cap. 22. 2k
'• Ibid. cap. 22.
460
HISTORY OF INDIA.
APPEND.
ni.
Manners
and cus-
toms simi-
lar to the
present.
the country, and that the husbandmen pursued their occu-
pations undisturbed while hostile armies were engaged in
battle. This, though evidently an exaggeration, is pro-
bably derived from the Hindu laws of war recorded in
Menu, which must have made a strong impression on the
Greeks, unaccustomed as they w-ei'e to so mild and humane
a system.
The bravery of the armies opposed to the Greeks is
always spoken of as superior to that of the other nations
with whom they had contended in Asia ; and the loss
acknowledged, though incredibly small, is much greater in
the Indian battles than in those with Darius. Their arms,
with the exception of fire-arms, were the same as at present.
The peculiar Indian bow, now only used in mountainous
countries, which is drawn with the assistance of the feet,
and shoots an arrow more that six feet long, is particularly
described by Arrian, as are the long swords and iron spears,
both of which are still occasionally in use. Their powerful
bits, and great management of their horses, were remark-
able even then.
The presents made by the Indian princes indicate wealth;
and all the descriptions of the parts visited by the Greeks
give the idea of a country teeming with population, and
enjoying the highest degree of prosperity.
Apollodorus * states that there were, between the Hy-
daspes and Hypanis (Hyphasis), 1500 cities, none of which
was less than Cos ; w hich, with every allowance for exagge-
ration, supposes a most flourishing territory. Palibothra
was eiffht miles lono; and one and a half broad, defended
by a deep ditch and a high rampart, with 570 towers and
64 gates.
The numerous commercial cities and ports for foreign
* Strabo, lib. xv.
GREEK ACCOUNTS OF INDIA. 461
trade, which are mentioned at a later period (in the "Peri- append.
plus"), attest the progress of the Indians in a department ^"'
which more than any other shows the advanced condition
of a nation.
The police is spoken of as excellent. Megasthenes
relates that, in the camp of Sandracottus, which he esti-
mates to have contained 400,000 men, the sums stolen
daily did not amount to more than 200 drachms (about 3/.).
Justice seems to have been administered by the King
and his assessors ; and the few laws mentioned are in the
spirit of those of Menu. On this subject, however, the
Greeks are as ill informed as might have been expected.
They all believe the laws to have been unwritten ; some
even maintain that the Indians were ignorant of letters,
while others praise the beauty of their writing.*
The revenue was derived from the land, the workmen,
and the traders.f The land revenue is stated by Strabo
to amount (as in Menu) to one fourth of the produce ,* but
he declares, in plain terms, that " the whole land is the
King's," and is farmed to the cultivators on the above
terms.:}: He mentions, in another place, that the inhabit-
ants of some villages cultivate the land in common, accord-
ing to a system still much in use. The portion of the
revenue paid in work by handicraftsmen (as stated by
Menu, quoted in page 39.) is also noticed by Strabo. Hii
account of the heads of markets (cvyopovofioi) ; their measure
ment of fields and distribution of water for irrigation ; their
administration of justice ; and their being the channels for
payment of the I'evenue; together with their general super-
intendence of the trades, roads, and all affairs within their
limits, agrees exactly with the functions of the present
* Strabo, lib. xv. p. 493., ed. 1587.
f Arrian's Indica, p. 11.
X Strabo, lib. xv. p. 484'., cd. 1587
462 HISTORY OF INDIA.
APPEND, patels, or heads of villages ; and that of the heads of towns,
^^" though less distinct, bears a strong resemblance to the
duties of similar officers at the present day.
Little is said about the religion of the Indians. Strabo
mentions that they worship Jupiter Pluvius (which may
mean Indra), the Ganges, and other local gods ; that they
wear no crowns at sacrifices ; and that they stifle the
victim instead of stabbing it, — a curious coincidence with
some of the mystical sacrifices of the Bramins, which are
supposed to be of modern date.
- Various other ancients are quoted by Mr. Colebrooke*,
to show that they likewise worshipped the sun.
Much is said by the Greeks of the Indian worship of
Bacchus and Hercules ; but obviously in consequence of
their forcibly adapting the Hindu legends to their own, as
they have done in so many other cases.f
The learning of the Hindus was, of course, inaccessible
to the Greeks. They had, however, a great impression of
their wisdom ; and some particulars of their philosophy,
which have been handed down, are not unimportant.
Megasthenes asserts that they agreed in many things with
the Greeks ; that they thought the world had a beginning
and will have an end, is round, and is pervaded by the
God who made and governs it; that all things rise from
different origins, and the world from water ; that, besides
the four elements, there is one of which the heavens and
stars are made ; and that the world is the centre of the
universe. He says they also agreed with the Greeks about
the soul, and many other matters ; and composed many
tales [fxvOoc) like Plato, about the immortality of the soul,
the judgment after death, and similar subjects. :f
* Asiatic Researches, vol. ix. p. 298,
-j- The mention of the worship of Hercules at Methora may
possibly refer to that of Crishna at Mattra.
:j: Strabo, lib. XV. p. 490., ed. 1587.
GREEK ACCOUNTS OF INDIA. 463
It is evident, from these early accounts, that if the append.
Bramins learned their philosophy from the Greeks, it must '
have been before the time of Alexander ; and Onesicritus,
whose conversations with them on philosophy have been
already mentioned, expressly says that they inquired whe-
ther the Greeks ever held similar discourses, and makes it
manifest that they were entirely uninformed regarding the
sciences and opinions of his countrymen.
From the silence of the Greeks respecting Indian archi-
tecture we may infer that the part of the country which
they visited was as destitute of fine temples as it is now.
Their account of Indian music is as unfavourable as would
be given by a modern European ; for, although it is said
that they were fond of singing and dancing, it is alleged,
in another place, that they had no instruments but drums,
cymbals, and castanets.
The other arts of life seem to have been in the same
state as at present. The kinds of grain reaped at each of
their two harvests were the same as now : sugar, cotton,
spices, and perfumes were produced as at present; and the
mode of forming the fields into small beds to retain the
water used in irrigation is described as similar.* Chariots
were drawn in war by horses, but on a march by oxen ;
they were sometimes drawn by camels (which are now
seldom applied to draught but in the desert). Elephant
chariots were also kept as a piece of great magnificence. I
liave only heard of two in the present age.
The modern mode of catching and training elephants,
with all its ingenious contrivances, may be learned from
Arrianf almost as exactly as from the account of the
modern practice in "Asiatic Researches." f
Tiic brilliancy of their dyes is remarked on, as well as
* Strabo, lib. xv. pp. 476, 477. f Indica, chap, xiii.
I Vol. iii. p. 2'J9.
4-64 HISTORY OF INDIA.
APPEND, their skill in manufactures and imitations of foreign ob-
jeets.
The use of copper vessels for all purposes was as general
as it is now; but brazen ones, which are now even more
common, were avoided on account of their supposed brittle-
ness. Royal roads ai'e spoken of by Strabo f in one place,
and mile-stones in another.:]:
Strabo expatiates on the magnificence of the Indian fes-
tivals. Elephants, adorned with gold and silver, moved
forth in procession with chariots of four horses and carriages
drawn by oxen ; well-appointed troops marched in their
allotted place ; gilded vases and basins of great size were
borne in state, with tables, thrones, goblets, and lavers,
almost all set with emeralds, beryls, carbuncles, and other
precious stones ; garments of various coloui's, and em-
broidered with gold, added to the richness of the spectacle.
Tame lions and panthers formed part of the show, to which
singing birds, and others remarkable for their plumage,
were also made to contribute, sitting on trees which were
transported on large waggons, and increased the variety of
the scene. This last custom survived in part, and perhaps
still survives, in Bengal, where artificial trees, and gardens
as they were called not long ago, formed part of the nuptial
processions. § They are said to honour the memories of
the dead, and to compose songs in their praise, but not to
erect expensive tombs to them |1 ; a peculiarity which still
prevails, notwithstanding the reverence paid to ancestors.
The peculiar custom of building wooden houses near the
rivers, which is noticed by Arrian ^, probably refers to the
practice which still obtains from the Indus, where the
floors are platforms raised twelve or fifteen feet from the
* Strabo, lib. xv. p. 493. f Lib. xv. p. 474., ed. 1587.
% Lib. XV. p. 487. § Lib. xv. p. 494.
II Arrian's Indica, cap. x. ^ Ibid. cap. x.
GREEK ACCOUNTS OF INDIA. 4'C)5
ground, to the Irawadcly, where ahiiost all the houses of append.
Ill
Rangoon seem to be similarly constructed. '
They never gave or took money in marriage * ; conform-
ing, in that respect, both to the precepts of Menu and to
the practice of modern times, f
The women were chaste, and the practice of self-immo-
lation by widows was already introduced, but, perhaps,
only partially ; as Aristobulus speaks of it as one of the
extraordinary local peculiarities which he heard of at
Taxila.:]; The practice of giving their daughters to the
victor in prescribed trials of force and skill, which gives
rise to several adventures in the Hindu heroic poems, is
spoken of by Arrian§ as usual in common life. Their
kings are represented as surrounded by numbers of female
slaves, who not only attend them in their retired apart-
ments, as in Menu, but accompany them on hunting parties,
and are guarded from view by jealous precautions for
keeping the public at a distance, like those well known
among Mahometans, and them only, by the name of
kuruk. The ceremonial of the kings, however, had not
the servility since introduced by the Mussulmans. It was
the custom of the Indians to pray for the King, but not to
prostrate themselves before him like the Persians. |1
The dress of the Indians, as described by Arrian^f? is
* Arrian, Indica, cap. xvii.
f Mcgasthenes alone contradicts this account, and says they
bought their wives for a yoke of oxen. (Strabo, cap. xv.
p. 488.)
X Strabo, Hb. XV. p. 491., ed. 1587.
§ Indica, cap. xvii.
II It is remarkable that in the Hindu dramas tlierc is not a
trace of servility in the behaviour of otlier tliaractcrs to the
King. Even now, Hindu courts that liavc liad Httlc comnuuii-
cation with the Mussulmans arc comparatively unassuming in
their eti(jucttc.
^ Indica, cap. xvi.
vol.. I. 11 II
4G(3 HISTORY OF INDIA.
APPEND, precisely that composed of" two sheets of cotton cloth, which
^'^^- is still worn by the people of Bengal, and by strict Bramins
every where. Earrings and ornamented slippers were also
used, according to the fashion of the present day. Their
clothes were generally white cotton, though often of a
variety of bright colours and flowered patterns (chintz).
They wore gold and jewels, and were very expensive in
their dresses, though frugal in most other things.* Pearls
and precious stones were in common use among them.
The great had umbrellas carried over them, as now.
They dyed their beards, as they now do, with henna and
indigo ; and mistakes in the mixture or time of application
seem then, as now, to have occasionally made their beards
green, blue, and purple. At present, no colours are ever
purposely produced but black and sometimes red. They
dined separately, according to their present unsociable
practice, each man cooking his own dinner apart when he
required it. They drank little fermented liquor, and what
they did use was made from rice (arrack).
Tlie appearance of the Indians is well described, and
(what is surprising, considering the limited knowledge of
the Macedonians) the distinction between the inhabitants
of the north and south is always adverted to. The southern
Indians are said to be black, and not unlike Ethiopians,
except for the absence of flat noses and curly hair ; the
northern ones are fairer, and like Egyptiansf, — a resem-
blance which must strike every traveller from India on
seeing the pictures in the tombs on the Nile.
Favourable The Indians are described as swarthy, but very tall,
temnicd"' handsome, light, and active.:}: Their bravery is always
by the
Greeks of * Strabo, lib. XV. pp. 481. 438.
the Iiulian . _ ,. • r. t ti a-- i
character. t Arnan, Indica, cap. vi. ; fetrabo, Jib. xv. p. 4/.-)., eel.
1587.
:j: Arrian, Indica, cap. xvii.
GREEK ACCOUNTS OF INDIA. 467
spoken of as characteristic ; their superiority in war to append.
other Asiatics is repeatedly asserted, and appears in more '
ways than one.* They are said to be sober, moderate,
peaceable; good soldiers ; good farmers f; remarkable for
simplicity and integrity ; so reasonable as never to liave
recourse to a law-suit ; and so honest as neither to require
locks to their doors nor writings to bind their agreements.^
Above all, it is said that no Indian was ever known to tell
an untruth. §
We know, from the ancient writings of the Hindus them-
selves, that the alleged proofs of their confidence in each
other are erroneous. The account of their veracity may
safely be regarded as equally incorrect ; but the statement
is still of great importance, since it shows what were the
qualities of the Indians that made most impression on the
Macedonians, and proves that their character must, since
then, have undergone a total change. Strangers are now
struck with the litiglousness and falsehood of the natives;
and, when they are incorrect in their accounts, it is always
by exaggerating those defects.
* Arrian, Exped. AlexancL, lib. v. cap. iv.
f Ibid. lib. v. cap. xxv.
X Strabo, lib. XV. p. 4S8., ed. 1587.
§ Arrian, Indica, cap. xii.
H II 2
4()8
HTSTOllY OF INDIA.
APPENDIX IV.
ON THE GREEK KINGDOM OF BACTRIA.
APPEND. The great kingdom of Bactria, as formerly known to us,
" had so little influence on India, that it would scarcely have
Accounts deserved mention in the history of that country.
^ *f'^ . Late discoveries have shown a more permanent conncc-
ancients. i
tion between it and India, and may throw light on relations
as yet little understood. But these discoveries still require
the examination of antiquarians ; and a slight sketch of
the results hitherto ascertained will be sufficient in this
place.
When Alexander retired from India, he left a detach-
ment from his army in Bactria.
B. c. 312. After the first contest for the partition of his empire,
that province fell to the lot of Seleucus, king of Syria.
He marched in person to reduce the local governors into
obedience, and afterwards went on to India, and made
his treaty with Sandracottus.* Bactria remained subject to
his descendants, until their own civil wars and the impend-
ini£ revolt of the Parthians induced the governor of the
B. c. 250. province to assert his independence. Theodotus was the
first king. He was succeeded by his son of the same name,
who was deposed by Euthydemus, a native of Magnesia, in
Asia Minor. By this time, the Seleucidae had consolidated
their power; and Antiochus the Great came with a large
army to restore order in the eastern part of his dominions.
He defeated Euthydemus, but admitted him to terms; and
* See p. 262.
GREEK KINGDOM OF EACTRIA. 469
confirmed him in possession of the throne he had usurped, append.
It does not seem probable that Euthydemus cai'ried his ^^•
arms to the south of the eastern Caucasus ; but his son,
Demetrius, obtained possession of Arachosia and a large
portion of Persia. He also made conquests in India, and
was in possession, not only of Lower Sind, but of the coast
of India further to the east. He seems, however, to have
been excluded from Bactria, of which Eucratidas remained
master. After the death of Euthydemus, Demetrius made
an unsuccessful attempt to dispossess this rival; and, in
the end, lost ail his Indian conquests, which were seized by
Eucratidas. In his lime the Bactrian power was at its
height.
In the midst of his greatness he was assassinated by his
own son, Eucratidas II.; and, during the I'eign of this
prince, some of his western dominions were seized on by
the Parthians, and Bactria itself by the Scythians*; and
nothing remained in his possession but the country on the
south of the eastern Caucasus. The period of the reigns
of Menander and Apollodotus, and the relation in which
they stood to the Eucratidae, cannot be made out from the
ancients. Menander made conquests in the north-west of
India, and carried the Greek arms further in that direction
than any other monarch of the nation. The position of
his conquests is shown in a passage of Strabo, that likewise
contains all we know of the extent of the Bactrian kingdom.
According to an ancient author there (juoted, the Bactrians
possessed the most conspicuous part of Ariana, and con-
(luered more nations in India than even Alexander. In
this last achievement, the principal actor was Menander,
who crossed the Ilypanis towards the east, and went on as
far as the Isamus. Between him and Demetrius, the son
* About 130 b. c. (Clinton's Fasti); V25 B.C. (Dc Guigncs).
H II o
170 HISTORY OF INDIA.
APPEND, of Euthydemus (continues the same author), the Bactrians
' occupied not only Pattalene, but that part of the other
coast which is called the kingdom of Tessariostus and the
kingdom of Sigertes. The Hypanis mentioned in the
beginning of the passage referred to is admitted to mean
the Hyphasis ; but the Isamus is thought by some to be the
Jamna river, by others the Hemalaya mountains (some-
times called Imaus), and by others, again, a small river
called Isa, which runs into the Ganges on the western side.
Whichever is correct, the territory to the east of the Panjab
must have been a narrow strip. No mention is made of
acquisitions towards the south ; and if any had been made
in that direction as far as Delhi, or even Hastinapur, they
would not have entirely escaped the notice even of Hindu
authors. The south-western conquests extended to the
Delta of the Indus (Pattalene being the country about
Tatta) ; but whether the kingdom of Sigertes, on the other
coast, was Cach or the peninsula of Guzerat, we have no
means of conjecturing. The author of the "Periplus" says
that coins of Menander and Apollodotus were met with in
his time at Baroch, which, in the state of circulation of
those days, makes it probable that some of their territories
were not very distant. On the west, " the most con-
spicuous part of Ariana " would certainly be Khorasan ;
but they had probably lost some portion of that province
before their Indian conquests attained the utmost limit.*
The above is the information we derive from ancient
authors. It has been confirmed and greatly augmented by
recent discoveries from coins. These increase the number
of Greek kings from the eight above mentioned to eighteen;
* The information to be found in ancient authors is collected
in Bayer s Bactria. There is a clear, concise sketch ofBactrian
history from the same sources in Clinton's Fasti Hellenici,
vol. iii. p. 315., note x.
GREEK KINGDOM OF BACTRIA. 471
and disclose new dynasties of odier nations who succeeded append.
each other on the extinction of the Greek monarchy.
The subject first attracted notice in consequence of some
coins obtained by Colonel Tod, and an interesting paper
which he published regarding them in the first volume of
the "Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society." It excited
great attention on the Continent, and was zealously followed
up in India by Professor Wilson and by Mr. Prinsep.
Professor Wilson has published an account of the coins
of the Greek kings, and arranged them as far as our pre-
sent knowledge permits ; but as they bear no dates either
of time or place, the arrangement is necessarily incom-
plete. The coins of the kings already mentioned, down
to Eucratidas I., are found on the north of the eastern
Caucasus. The inscriptions, the figures, the reverses, and
the workmanship are pure Greek. From Eucratidas II.,
no coins are found on the northern side of the mountains ;
and those found on the southern side assume a new form.
They are often square, a shape of whicli there is no ex-
ample in any other Grecian coinage either European or
Asiatic : they frequently boar two inscriptions, one in Greek
and another in a barbaric character ; and, from the reign
of Menander, they have occasionally an elephant, or a bull
with a hump ; both animals peculiar to India, and indica-
tive of an Indian dominion.
The barbaric character has been but imperfectly de-
ciphered, and has given rise to a good deal of discussion.
It is certainly written from right to left ; a mode, as far as
we know, peculiar to the languages of the Arab family:
it may be assumed that it represents the language of the
country, which it is natural to suppose would be Persian;
aiul these circumstances suggest Pehlevi as the languaij^e.
This opinion, accordingly, has been maintained by some
of those who have written on ihe subject ; but a close
II II 1<
47^^ HISTORY OF INDIA.
APPEND, examination by Professor Wilson leads him to doubt ilic
conclusion, though he has no theory of his own to support.
Others, thinking that they discover words of Shanscrit
origin in the inscriptions, believe the language to be Zend,
or else some of the dialects of India.
Of this scries of coins the first that attract notice are those
of Menander. As they exhibit the title of Sote?-, which
was adopted by the two Eucratidae, and as. the devices on
the reverses are the same as on coins of these princes, it is
a le2i;itimate deduction that the kini^ who struck them
belonged to the same dynasty. The same argument ex-
tends to the coins of Apollodotus, who was perhaps the son
of Menander, Two more kings, Diomedes and Hermoeus,
have also the title of Sofe?-, and may be presumed to belong-
to the same dynasty. The inferior execution of the coins
of Hermoeus points him out as the latest of the series; and
it is his coins, also, that furnish the model for another de-
scription which it may be inferred came immediately after
his time.
These are of much ruder workmanship, and the in-
scriptions are an almost illegible Greek ; the names, also,
are barbarous and uncouth, — Kadphises, Kanerkes, &c.
These are conjectured, on very probable grounds, to be
Scythians, and to have subjected the southern kingdom of
the Bactrian Greeks about the beginning of the Christian
sera.
Other coins are also found resembling the last scries,
but perhaps connected with the Parthians rather than the
Scythians.
To complete the chronology, there are coins not yet
examined^ but obviously belonging to the Sassanians, who
were in possession of Persia at the time of tiie Mahometan
invasion.
There is another class of coins, resembling, in many re-
GREEK KINGDOM OF BACTRIA. 4.73
spects, those of the Eucratidae, and probably belonging to a append.
series collateral with that of the Sotcrs, bnt extending be- ^^'•
yond the duration of that dynasty. Many of the names
they bear are accompanied by epithets derived from Nike
(victory) ; from which, and other points of resemblance,
they are regarded as belonging to one dynasty.
There is one more class, consisting of only two princes,
Agathocles and Pantaleon. They are thought to be the
latest of all the Greek coins, but are chiefly remarkable
because they alone have their second inscriptions in the
ancient character found on the caves and columns of India,
and not in the one written from right to left.
Some conclusions may be drawn from the situations in
which the coins have been discovered. Those of Menander
are numei'ous in the country about Cjibul, and also at Pe-
shawer. One has been found as far east as Mattra on the
Jamna. We may perhaps infer that his capital was situated
in the tract first mentioned, and this would give ground for
conjecturing the residence of the Sotcr dynasty. I do not
know that there is any clue to that of the Nike kings.
Professor Wilson conjectures Agathocles and Pantaleon to
have reigned in the mountains about Chitnil ; whicli, being
the country of the Paropamisian Indians, may perhaps
afford some explanation of the Indian character on their
coins. The situation in which the Scythian coins are
found is itself very remarkable ; and there are other circum-
stances which hold out a jirospect of their throwing great
light on Indian history. All the former coins, with the
exception of some of those of Ilermocus, have been pur-
chased in the bazars, or picked up on or near the surface
of tiie earth on the siU's of old cities. But the Scythian
coins are found in great numbers in a succession of monu-
ments which are scattered over a tract extending eastward
IVom the neighbourhood of Cabul, through the whole basin
474 HISTORY OF INDIA.
APPEND, of the Cabul river, and across the northern part of the
Panjab. These huge structures are the sort of solid cupola
so common among the votaries of Budha ; and, like the rest,
contain each a relic of some holy person. No Greek coins
are ever found in them, except those of Hermoeus ; but
there are other coins, a few from remote countries, and
the earliest yet discovered is one belonging to the second
triumvirate. This coin must have been struck as late as
the forty-third year before Christ ; but might easily have
found its v^ay to the frontiers of India before the first over-
throw of the Greek kingdom, which all agree to have taken
place about the beginning of the Christian sera.
These facts corroborate the conjectures of De Guignes,
drawn from Chinese annals, that the Greeks were driven
out of Bactria, by the Tartar tribe of Su from the north
of Transoxiana, 126 years before Christ; and that their
Indian kingdom was subverted about twenty-six years be-
fore Christ by the Yue-chi, who came from Persia, and
spread themselves along a large portion of the course of
the Indus.*
The Su have left no coins ; but it is natural to suppose
that the Yue-chi, who came from Persia, would follow the
example set by the Parthians, and would imitate the
coinage of their Greek predecessors. This practice of the
Indo- Scythians (whoever they were) was taken up by some
dynasty of the Hindus ; for coins of the latter nation have
been found, bearing nearly the same relation to those of
the Indo-Scythians that theirs did to the coins of the
Greeks.
* De Guignes's account of the first conquest is, that the Su
came from Ferghana, on the Jaxartes, and conquered a civilised
nation, whose coin bore a man on one side, and horsemen on the
other. The coins of the Eucratidje have the king's head on one
side, and Castor and Pollux, mounted, on the other.
GREEK KINGDOM Oh' 13ACTRIA. 475
We must not suppose that the Bactrian kingdom was append.
composed of a great body of Greek colonists, such as ex- ^^'
isted in the west of Asia or in the south of Italy. A very
large proportion of Alexander's army latterly was com-
posed of barbarians, disciplined and undisciplined. These
would not be anxious to accompany him on his retreat;
and, on the other hand, we know that he was constrained
to retrace his steps by the impatience of the Greeks and
Macedonians to return to their own country.
From tliis we may conclude that a small part of those
left behind were of the latter nations ; and, as Alexander
encouraged his soldiers to take Persian wives, (a course in
itself indispensable to the settlers, from the absence of
Greek women,) it is evident that the second generation of
Bactrians must have been much more Persian than Greek.
Fresh importations of Greek adventurers would take place
during the ascendancy of the Seleucidae; but, after the
establishment of the Parthian power, all communication
must necessarily have been cut off; Avhich explains the
total silence of Greek authors regarding the later days of
the Bactrian kingdom : the degeneracy of the latter coinage
is consistent with these facts, which also remove the diffi-
culty of accounting for the disappearance of the Greeks
after the overthrow of their southern kinmlom.
476 HISTORY OF INDIA.
APPENDIX V.
NOTES ON THE REVENUE SYSTEM.
APPEND. (•^) Traces of the lord of a thousand inllages are fouiul
^- in different parts of the country, where particular families
retain the name and part of the emoluments of their
stations, but seldom or never exercise any of the powers.*
The next division is still universally recognised through-
out India under the name of pcrganneh^ although in many
places the officers employed in it are only known by their
enjoyment of hereditary lands or fees; or, at most, by
their being the depositaries of all registers and records con-
nected with land. These districts are no longer uniformly
composed of one hundred villages, if they ever were so in
practice ; but, for the most part, are rather under that
number, although in rare cases they depart from it very
widely both in deficiency and excess.
The duties of a chief of a perganneh, even in pure
Hindu times, were probably confined to the management
of the police and revenue. He had under him an accountant
or registrar, whose office, as well as his own, was hereditar}',
and who has retained his functions more extensively than
his principal, f
* These are called sirdesmuks in the Deckan, in which and
other southern parts of India the territorial division of Menu
is most entire. Their districts are called sircars or prants, and
these are constantly recognised, even when the office is quite
extinct. Their hereditary registrar, also, is still to be found
under the name of sir despilndi.
f The head perganneh officer was called dcsmuk or desai
in the Deckan, and the registrar, despandi. In the north of
India they are called choudri and ciinongo.
NOTES ON THE REVENUE SYSTEM. 477
Next below the perganneli is a division now only sub- append.
sisting in name, and corresponding to Menu's lordship of
ten or twenty towns*; and the chain ends in individual
villages, f
(B) Called patel in the Deckan and in the west and
centre of Hindostan ; mandel in Bengal ; and mokaddani
in many other places, especially where there are or have
lately been hereditary village landholders.
(C) Patwuri in Hindostan ; culcarni and carnani in the
Deckan and south of India; tallati in Guzerat.
(D) Pasban, gorayct, peik, douriiha, 8cc. in Hindostan ;
mliiir in the Deckan ; tillari in the south of India ; paggi in
Guzerat.
(E) Village landholders are distinctly recognised tlnough-
out tiie whole of the Bengal presidency, except in Bengal
proper, and perhaps Rohilcand.:]: They appear to subsist
in part of Rajputtina ; and perhaps did so, at no remote
period, over the whole of it.§ They are very numerous in
Guzerat, include more than half the cultivators of the
Maratta country, and a very large portion of those of the
Tamil country. There is good reason to think they were
once general in those countries where they are now only
partially in existence, and perhaps in others wlure they
are not now to be found. They are almost extinct in the
* Called niiikwari, tarrcf, S:c. 6:c.
■f For the accounts of these divisions and officers, see Mal-
colm's Malwa (vol. ii. p. 4.); Stirling's Orissa {Asiatic Researches,
vol. XV. p. 226.) ; Report from the Commissioner in the Deckan
and its inclosures (^Selections, vol. iv. p. 161.).
:j: Sir E. Colebrooke's Minute {Selections, vol. iii. p. IG.l).
§ Colonel Tod, vol. i. p. 495., and vol. ii. p. 510.
478 HISTORY OF INDIA.
APPEND, country south of the Nerbadda, except in the parts just
inentioned. In all the Madras presidency north of Madras
itself; in the Nizam's country, and most of that of Nagpur;
in great part of Candesh and the east of the Maratta
country, there is no class resembling them. This tract
comprehends the greater part of the old divisions of
Telingana, Orissa, and Canara; but does not so closely
coincide with their boundaries, as to give much reason for
ascribing the absence of village landholders to any pecu-
liarity in the ancient system of those countries. In Malwa,
though so close to countries where the village landholders
are common, they do not seem now to be known. They
are not mentioned in Sir John Malcolm's "Central India."
(F) In Hindostan they are most commonly called vil-
lage zemindars or biswadars; in Behar, maliks; in Guzerat,
patels; and in the Deckan and south of India, mirassis or
mirasdars.
" The right of property in the land is unequivocally
recognised in the present agricultural inhabitants by de-
scent, purchase, or gift."*
The right of the village landholders, to the extent stated
in the text, is repeatedly alluded to in the published re-
cords of the Bengal government relating to the western
provinces. Sir C, Metcalfe, though he contests the opin-
ion that the right of property is full and absolute as in
England, has no doubt about the persons in whom that
right is vested. " The only proprietors, generally speaking,
are the village zemindars or biswahdars. The pretensions
of all others are prima facie doubtful. "f For portions of the
territory under the Madras presidency see the Proceedings
* Fortescue, Selections, vol. viii. p, 403.
f Minute of Sir C. Metcalfe, in the Report of the Select
Committee of August, 1832, vol. iii. p. 335.
NOTES ON THE REVENUE SYSTEM. 479
of the Board of Revenue*, and Mr. Ellis.f Sir T. Munro:}:, append.
though he considers the advantages of mirasdars to have been ^ •
greatly exaggerated and their land to be of little value, ad-
mits it to be saleable. § For the Maratta country see Mr.
Chaplin and the Reports of the Collectors. || Captain Ro-
bertson, one of the collector^, among other deeds of sale, gives
one from some private villagers transferring their miriissi
rights to the Peshwa himself He also gives a grant from a
village community conferring the lands of an extinct family
on the same prince for a sum of money, and guaranteeing
him against the claims of the former proprietors. A very
complete account of all the different tenures in the Maratta
countr}', as well as of the district and village officers, with
illustrations from personal inquiries, is given by Lieutenant
Colonel Sykes in the " Journal of the Royal Asiatic So-
ciety." f
Care must be taken to distinguish miras in the sense
now adverted to from lands held on other tenures; for the
word means hereditary property, and is, therefore, applied
to rights of all descriptions which come under that de-
nomination.
(G) Mr. Fortescue {Selections, vol. iii. pp. 403. 405.
408.) ; Captain Robertson (Ibid. vol. iv. p. 15o.) ;
Madras Board of Revenue {Report of Select Committee of
the House of Commons, 1832, vol. iii. p. 393.) ; Governor
of Bombay's Minute (Ibid. vol. iii. p. 637.).
(H) The following are the rights possessed in the in-
termediate stages between a fixed rent and an honorary
* Report of the Select Committee of the House of Com-
mons, 1832, vol. iii. p. 392.
f Ibid. p. 382. X Minute of Dec. 31. 1821-.
^ Report of the Select Committee of the House of Commons,
1832, p. 157.
II Selections, vol. iv. p. 171.
^ Ibid. vol. ii. \). 20.5., and vol. iii. }). [')')().
480 HISTORY OF INDIA.
APPEND, acknowledgment. The landholders are entitled to a de-
duction from the gross produce of the fields before dividing
it with the government, and to fees on all the produce
raised by persons not of their own class. This is called
tunduwarum or swamibhogam (owner's share) in the
Tamil country ; and malii^ana or zemindari rasum in
Hindostan. In the latter country it usually forms part of
a consolidated payment of 10 per cent, to the zemindars,
which seems intended as a compensation for all general
demands ; but not interfering with the rent of a land-
holder's lands where any such could be obtained. In some
places* they have also fees from the non-agricultural in-
habitants ; and, as they are every where proprietors of the
site of the village, they can levy rent in money or service
from any person who lives within their bounds.
Where they have lost some of these rights by the en-
croachments of the government, they frequently have some
consideration shown them in assessing their payment to
the state, so as in some cases to admit of their getting rent
for their land. In some places they are left their feesf;
and, where they are at the lowest, they have an exemption
from certain taxes which are paid by all the rest of the
inhabitants. The rights and immunities of the viliaffe
landholders, as such, must not be confounded with those
allowed to mokaddams and other officers for the perform-
ance of certain duties. Though the same persons may
hold both, they are in their nature quite distinct ; one
being a proprietary right arising from an interest in the
* In Guzerat and in Hindostan. Also, see an account of the
village of Burleh, by Mr. Cavendish (^Report of the Select Com-
mittee of the House of Commons., 1832, vol. iii. p. 24-6.).
-|- In part of Tamil, and in Hindostan, when not superseded
by the allowance of 10 per cent. (See Report of the Select Com-
mittee of the House of Commons, 1832, vol. iii, p. 247.).
NOTES ON THE REVENUE SYSTEM. 481
soil, and the other a mere remuneration for service, trans- append.
ferable along with the service from one person to another, '
at the pleasure of the employer.
In some villages the rights of the landholders are held
in common, the whole working for the community, and
sharing the net produce, after satisfying the claims of the
government. In some they divide the cultivated lands,
but still with mutual responsibility for the dues of govern-
ment, and sometimes with periodical interchanges of their
portions ; and in others they make the separation between
the portions of cultivated land complete, retaining only the
waste land and some other rights in common ; but, at
times, they divide the waste land also. In dividing their
lands they do not in general give one compact portion to
each landholder, but assign to him a share of every de-
scription of soil ; so that he has a patch of fertile land in
one place, one of sterile in another, one of grazing ground
in a third, and so on, according to the variety of qualities
to be found within the village.
In making a partition of the land the landholders are
taken by families, as has been explained of the village go-
vernment; but in the case of land the principal family di-
visions are subdivided, and the subdivisions divided again,
until they are brought to such a number of individuals as is
thought most convenient for manao;emcnt.* The lands of
* " To explain the divisions of a village and inheritable shares
of it, suppose the ancient first proprietor or incumbent to have
left, on liis death, four sons; each would inherit equally, and
four panes would thus be erected ; on the demise of each of
those persons with four sons also, each would be entitled to a
(juartcr of his fatlier's pane, which would give rise to four
thohis in each pane, and so on." (Mr. Fortescue, Selections,
vol. iii. p. 405.) About Delhi, the great division seems to be
called pane, as above; but the commonest name in Ilindostan
is patti, subdivided into thocks, and they again into bheris.
VOL. I. II
482 HISTORY OF INDIA.
APPEND, the village and other profits of the community are likewise
' formed into shares, sometimes corresponding exactly to
the divisions, subdivisions, &c. of the families ; but more
frequently reduced to small fractions, a proportionate
number of which is assigned to each division, &c., so as
ultimately to be distributed in due proportion to each in-
dividual.*
The public burdens are partitioned exactly in the same
manner, so that each division, subdivision, and individual
knows its quota; each, therefore, might manage its own
agricultural and pecuniary affairs independently of the
rest, and such is not unfrequently the case.f
(I) The Arabic word ryot (pronounced reiat) means a
subject, and is so employed in all Mahometan countries ;
but in some of them it is also used in a more restricted
sense. In India its secondary senses are, — 1. A person
paying revenue. 2. A cultivator in general. 3. A tenant
as explained in the text. In reference to the person of
whom they hold their lands, ryots are called his assamis.
There are many other names, and even these vary in the appli-
cation ; a great division being in some places called a thock,
and a subdivision a patti. In Guzerat the great divisions are
called bagh, and the subdivisions patti : another, and the com-
monest subdivision there, is into annas, again subdivided into
chawils. In the Deckan the great divisions are called jattas,
and there are no subdivisions.
* See Table by Sir Edward Colebrooke, Selections, vol. iii.
p. 166.
f In the Maratta country, for instance, although there are
divisions with a joint responsibility among the members, yet
they have no longer heads ; each individual manages his own
concerns, and the headman of the village does all the rest. I
do not advert to changes made in other parts of India which are
departures from the Hindu practice.
NOTES ON THE REVENUE SYSTEM. 483
(K) This class is called in the territory under Bengal append.
khudkasht ryots, which name (as "khud" means " own," ^•
and "kashtan" to "cultivate") has been considered a
proof that they are proprietors of the land. Ram Mohan
Rai, however, (an unexceptionable authority,) explains it
to mean "cultivators of the lands of their oion village*"
which seems the correct interpretation, as the term is
always used in contradistinction to paikasht, or cultivators
of another village.
(L) It is in the Tamil country and in Guzerat that
their rights seem best established.
In the Tamil country they have a hereditaiy right of
occupancy, subject to the payment of the demand of go-
vernment and of the usual fees to the village landholder,
which are fixed, and sometimes at no more than a pepper-
corn ; but the tenant cannot sell, give away, or mortgage
his I'ights, although in the circumstances described they
must be nearly as valuable as those of the landholder him-
selff In Guzerat their tenure is nearly similar, except
that it is clearly understood that their rent is to be raised
in proportion to any increase to the government demand
on the village landholder.:!: In Hindostan there appears
to be a feeling that they are entitled to hereditary occu-
])ancy, and that their rents ought not to be raised above
those usual in the neighbourhood : but the following sum-
mary will show how imperfect this right is thought to be.
In 1818, a call was made by the Bengal government
* Report of tlie Select Committee of the House of Commons,
October 11. 1831, p. 716.
f Mr. Ellis, Report of the Select Committee of the House of
Commo7is, August 10. 1832, vol. iii. p. 377. ; Board of Ilevenue
Minute of January 5. 1818, p. 421.
X It is probable that this understanding prevails in llie Tamil
country also, though not mentioned in the printed rejwrts.
I 1 'Z
484 HISTORY OF INDIA.
APPEND, on the collectors of all its provinces not under the per-
^" manent settlement, for information respecting the rights
of the permanent ryots. Of fourteen collectors, eleven
considered the landholder to be entitled to raise his rent
at pleasure, and to oust his tenant whenever he could get
better terms elsewhere ; two collectors (those of Etawa
and Seharunpur) seem to have thought that the landlord's
rent should not be raised unless there was an increase in
the demand of government : the collector of Bundelcund
alone declared the khudkasht ryot's right to be as good as
his of whom he holds. The members of the Revenue
Commission, in forwarding these reports, gave their opinion
that landholders conceive themselves to possess the power
of ousting their tenants, although from the demand for
ryots it is not frequently exercised.
The government at that time doubted the correctness
of these opinions, and called for further information; which,
although it threw much light on the question, did not ma-
terially alter the above conclusion.
Mr. Fortescue, reporting on Delhi, (where the rights of
the permanent tenant seem better preserved than in any
place under Bengal except Bundelcand,) says, that the
ancient and hereditary occupants cannot be dispossessed
"as long as they discharge their portion of the public
assessment."
The minute reports on various villages in different col-
lectorships, abstracted by Mr. Holt Mackenzie *, do not lead
to a belief that the rents cannot be raised. Mr. Colebrooke
states in a minute, which seems to have been written in
1812 f, "that no rule of adjustment could be described
(query, discovered ?) after the most patient inquiry by a
* Report of Select Committee of the House of Commons,
1832, vol.iii. p. 24-3.
f See vol. i. p. 262,
NOTES ON THE REVENUE SYSTEM. 485
very intelligent public officer ; and that the proceedings of append.
the courts of justice in numerous other cases led to the
same conclusion respecting the relative situation of ryots
and zemindars."
Mr. Ross, a judge of the Chief Court, likewise, in a very
judicious minute of 22d March, 1827 *, states that a fixed
rate never was claimed by mere ryots, whether resident or
non-resident, in the upper provinces ; inquires when such
a fixed rent was in force ? and whether it was intended to
remain fixed, however the value of the land might alter ?
and concludes as follows : — "As to the custom of the
country, it has always been opposed to such a privilege, it
being notorious that the zemindars and other superior
landholders have at all times been in the practice of ex-
torting from their ryots as much as the latter can afford to
pay."
(M) Called in Hindostan paikasht; in Guzerat, gan-
watti (leaseholder) ; in the Maratta country, upri ; and
under Madras, paikari and paracudi.
(N) They are called ashraf (well-born) in Hindostan,
and pander pesha in some parts of the Deckan.
(O) There is an acknowledged restriction on all per-
manent tenants, which prevents their cultivating any land
within the village that docs not belong to the landlord of
whom they rent their fixed portion and their house ; but
not only permanent tenants, but village landholders them-
selves, occasionally hold land as temporary tenants in other
villages. In some parts of India the govcrnnient levies a
tax on the perniancnt tenants of land paying revenue who
farm other lands from persons exempt from payment ; and
* Appendix to Report of 1832, p. 125.
1 I 3
486 HISTORY OF INDIA.
APPEND, in some, the government officer endeavours to prevent
tlieir withdrawing from their assessed lands in any circum-
stances. This last, however, is reckoned mere violence
and oppression.
(P) This system may be illustrated by the example of
the petty state of Cach, which being of recent formation
retains its original form unimpaired. " The whole revenue
of this territory is under fifty lacs of cories (about sixteen
lacs of rupees), and of this less than thirty lacs of cories
belongs to the Rao ; the country which yields the re-
maining twenty lacs being assigned to the collateral
branches of his highness's family, each of whom received
a certain appanage on the death of the Rao from whom
it is immediately descended.
" The family of these chiefs is derived at a recent period
from Tatta in Sind, and they are all sprung from a com-
mon ancestor, Humeerjee, whose son, Rao Khengar, ac-
quired the sovereignty of Cutch before the middle of the
sixteenth century of our aera.
" The number of these chiefs is at present about *200,
and the whole number of their tribe in Cutch is guessed
at 10,000 or 12,000 persons. This tribe is called Jhareja.
It is a branch of the Rajputs. The Rao's ordinary
jurisdiction is confined to his own demesne, each Jhai'eja
chief exercising unlimited authority within his lands. The
Rao can call on the Jharejas to serve him in war; but
must furnish them with pay at a fixed rate while they are
with his army. He is the guardian of the public peace,
and as such chastises all robbers and other general enemies.
It would seem that he ought likewise to repress private
war, and to decide all disputes between chiefs ; but this
prerogative, though constantly exerted, is not admitted
without dispute. Each chief has a similar body of kins-
NOTES ON THE REVENUE SYSTEM. 487
men, who possess shares of the original appanage of the append.
family, and stand in the same relation of nominal depend- '
ence to him that he bears to the Rao. These kinsmen
form what is called the bhyaud or brotherhood of the
chiefs, and the chiefs themselves compose the bhyaud of
the Rao." ■
The same practice, with some modifications, prevails
through the whole of the Rajput country.
The territories allotted to feudatories in Mewar (the
first in rank of these states) was at one time more than
three fourths of the whole f, and was increased by the im-
providence of a more recent prince.
(Q) It must have been some check on this spirit of
independence, that until within less than two centuries of
the present time it was usual for all the chiefs, in Mewar
at least, periodically to interchange their lands ; a practice
which must have tended to prevent their strengthening
themselves in their possessions, either by forming con-
nections or erecting fortifications.:!:
The rapid increase of these appanages appears to have
suggested to the governments the necessity of putting a
limit to their encroachments on the remaining demesne.
In Miirwiir, a few generations after the conquest, so little
land was left for partition that some of the raja's sons
were obliged to look to foreign conquest for an establish-
ment§; and in Mewar, one set of descendants of early
n'mas seem to have been superseded, and probably in
part dispossessed, by a more recent progeny. ||
* Minute on Cach, by the Governor of Bombay, dated
January 26th, 1821.
f Colonel Tod's Ilajasthan, vol. i. p. HI.
X Ibid. vol. i. p. UJt., and note on 165.
§ Ibid. vol. ii. p. 20. i| Ibid. vol. i. p. 168.
I I 4
488 HISTORY OF INDIA.
APPEND. (R) The following remarks apply to both descriptions
" of military jagirs.
Lands held for military service are subject to reliefs in
the event of hereditary succession, and to still heavier fines
when the heir is adoptive. They are subject to occasional
contributions in cases of emergency. They cannot be sold
or mortgaged for a longer period than that for which the
assignment is made. Sub-infeudations are uncommon ex-
cept among the Rajputs, where they are universal.
There was no limitation of service, and no extra pay-
ments for service, in the original scheme of these grants.
Pecuniary payments at fixed rates in lieu of service, or
rather on failure of service when called on, were common
among the Marattas ; and arbitrary fines were levied on
similar occasions by the Rajputs.
489
MAHOMETANS.
BOOK V.
FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE ARAB CON-
QUESTS TO THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A MAHO-
METAN GOVERNMENT IN INDIA.
CHAP. I.
ARAB CONQUESTS.
gioii.
The attacks either of Greeks or Barbarians had chap.
I.
hitherto made no impression beyond the frontiers _^
of India, and the Hindus might have long remained ^i^^^^^l^^^
undisturbed by foreign intrusion, if a new spirit had *^" '^'^^^-
not been kindled in a nation till now as sequestered
as their own.
The Arabs had been protected from invasion by
their poverty, and prevented, by the same cause,
from any such united exertion as might have en-
abled them to carry their arms abroad.
Their country was composed of some mountain
tracts and rich oases, separated or surrounded by a
sandy desert, like the coasts and islands of a sea.
The desert was scattered with small camps of
predatory herdsmen, who pitched their tents where
they could quench their tliirst at a well of brackish
water, and drove their camels over extensive tracts
490
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK where no otlier animal could have found a subsist-
V.
ence.
The settled inhabitants, though more civilised,
were scarcely less simple in their habits, and were
formed into independent tribes, between whom
there could be little communication except by
rapid journeys on horseback, or tedious marches
under the protection of caravans.
The representative of the common ancestor of
each tribe possessed a natural authority over it ;
but, having no support from any external power,
he could only carry his measures by means of the
heads of subordinate divisions, who depended, in
their turn, on their influence with the members
of the family of which they represented the pro-
genitor.
The whole government was therefore conducted
by persuasion ; and there was no interference with
personal independence, unless it directly affected
the general interest.
Such a country must have trained its inhabitants
to the extremes of fatigue and privation ; the feuds
of so many independent tribes and separate famihes
must have made them familiar with dano^er in its
most trying forms ; and the violent passions and
fervid imagination which they had from nature
served to call forth the full exertion of any qualities
they possessed.
Their laborious and abstemious lives appear in
their compact form and their hard and flesliless
muscles ; while the keenness of their eye, their de-
ARAB CONQUESTS. 491
termined countenance, and their grave demeanour, chap.
disclose the mental energy which distinguishes '
them among all other Asiatics.
Such was the nation that gave birth to the false
prophet, whose doctrines have so long and so power-
fully influenced a vast portion of the human race.
Mahomet, though born of the head family of
one of the branches of the tribe of Koresh, appears
to have been poor in his youth, and is said to have
accompanied his uncle's camels in some of those
long trading journeys which the simplicity and
equality of Arab manners made laborious even to
the wealthy.
A rich marriage early raised him to inde-
pendence, and left him to pursue those occupations
which were most congenial to his mind.
At this time the bulk of the Arab nation was
sunk in idolatry or in worship of the stars, and
their morals were under as little check of law as of
religion.
- The immigration of some Jewish and Christian
tribes had, indeed, introduced higher notions both
of faith and practice, and even the idolaters are
said to have acknowledged a Supreme Being, to
whom the other gods were subordinate ; but the
influence of these opinions was limited, and the
slowness of Mahomet's progress is a sufficient proof
that his doctrines were beyond his age.
The dreary aspect of external nature naturally
drives an Arab to seek for excitement in contem-
plation, and in ideas derived from within ; and Ma-
492 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK hornet had particular opportunities of indulging in
" such reveries during periods of solitude, to which
he habitually retired.
His attention may have been drawn to the unity
of God by his intercourse with a cousin of his
wife's, who was skilled in Jewish learning, and wlio
is said to have translated the Scriptures from He-
brew into Arabic*; but, however they were in-
spired, his meditations were so intense that they
had brought him to the verge of insanity, before he
gave way to the impulse which he felt within him,
and revealed to his wife, and afterwards to a few of
his family, that he was commissioned by the only
God to restore his pure belief and worship, t Ma-
homet was at this time forty years of age, and
three or four more years elapsed before he publicly
announced his mission. During the next ten years
he endured every species of insult and perse-
cution 1:; and he might have expired an obscure
* His name was Warka ben Naufel. See the " Tarlkhi Ta-
bari," quoted by Colonel Kennedy in the Bombay Literary
Transactions, vol. iii. p. 423. ; Preliminary Discourse to Sale's
" Koran," p. 43. of the first quarto ; and Baron Hammer von
Purgstall, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, No. VH. p. 172.
-f- See Colonel Kennedy, just quoted. The " Tarikhi Ta-
bari " was written in the third century of the Hijra (from 800
to 900, A.D.), and is the earliest account accessible to European
readers of the rise of the Mahometan religion. Its description
of the mental agitation of Mahomet, his fancied visions, and his
alarm at the alienation of his own reason, bear the liveliest
marks of truth and nature.
X " He allowed himself to be abused, to be spit upon, to have
dust thrown upon him, and to be dragged out of the temple by
ARAB CONQUESTS. 493
enthusiast, if the gradual progress of his rehgion, chap.
and the death of his uncle and protector, Ahu '
Taleb, had not induced the rulers of Mecca to de-
termine on his death. In this extremity, he fled
to Medina, resolved to repel force by force ; and,
throwing off all the mildness which had hitherto
characterised his preaching, he developed the full
vigour of his character, and became more eminent
for his sagacity and boldness as a leader than
lie had been for his zeal and endurance as a
missionary.
At the commencement of Mahomet's preaching,
he seems to have been perfectly sincere ; and,
although he was provoked by opposition to support
his pretensions by fraud, and in time became ha-
bituated to hypocrisy and imposture, yet it is pro-
bable that, to the last, his original fanaticism con-
tinued, in part at least, to influence his actions.
But, whatever may have been the reality of his
zeal, and even the merit of his doctrine, the spirit
of intolerance in which it was preached, and the
bigotry and bloodshed which it engendered and
perpetuated, must place its author among the worst
enemies of mankind.
Up to his flight to Medina, Mahomet had uni-
formly disclaimed force as an auxiliary to his cause.
He now declared that he was authorised to have
recourse to arms in his own defence ; and, soon
his own turban fastened to his neck." (Colonel Kennedy, Bom-
bay Literary Transactions, vol. iii. p. \2d.)
4-94 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK after, that he was commanded to employ them for
the conversion or extermination of unbeUevers.
This new spirit seems to have agreed well with
that of his countrymen ; for, though he had but
nine followers on his first military expedition, yet
before his death, which happened in the twenty-
third year of his mission, and the tenth after his
flight*, he had brought all Arabia under his obe-
dience, and had commenced an attack on the do-
minions of the Roman emperor.
But it was not to a warlike spirit alone that he
was indebted for his popularity. He was a re-
former as well as a conqueror. His religion was
founded on the sublime theology of the Old Testa-
ment ; and, however his morality may appear to
modern Christians, it was pure compared with the
contemporary practice of Arabia. His law, also,
which prohibited retaliation without the previous
sanction of a trial and sentence, was a bold attempt
to bridle the vindictive passions of his countrymen,
so long fostered by the practice of private war.
The conversion of the Arabs, therefore, was
probably as sincere as it was general ; and their
religious spirit being now thoroughly aroused, every
feeling of their enthusiastic nature was turned into
tliat one channel : to conquer in the cause of God,
or to die in asserting his unity and greatness, was
the longing wish of every Mussulman ; the love of
power or spoil, the thirst of glory, and even the
* A.D. 732.
ARAB CONQUESTS. 495
hopes of Paradise, only contributed to swell the chap.
tide of this absorbing passion. «_
The circumstances, both political and religious,
of the neighbouring countries, were such as to
encourage the warmest hopes of these fanatical
adventurers.
The Roman empire was broken and dismem-
bered by the Barbarians ; and Christianity was de-
graded by corruptions, and weakened by the con-
troversies of irreconcileable sects. Persia was
sinking in the last stage of internal decay ; and
her cold and lifeless superstition required only the
touch of opposition to bring it to the ground. * In
tliis last country, at least, the religion of the Arabs
must have contributed to their success almost as
much as their arms. The conversion of Persia was
as complete as its conquest ; and, in later times,
its example spread the religion of the Arabs among
powerful nations who were beyond the utmost
influence of tiieir power.t
Mahomet's attack on the Roman empire was in
the direction of Syria ; and, within six years after
his death t, that pravince and Egypt had been sub-
* The temporal power acquired by the false prophet Mazdak,
who nearly enslaved the king and people of Persia, shows the
state of religious feeling in that country shortly before the birth
of Mahomet.
t The text refers particularly to the Tartar nations ; but
China, the Malay country, and the Asiatic islands are further
proofs of the extension of the religion of the Mussulmans, inde-
pendent of their arms.
X A.D. G38.
496
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
V.
Conquest
of Persia,
A. D. 650,
A. H. 30.
A. D. 651,
A. H. 31.
Extended
to the In-
dus.
dued by hivS successors. Roman Africa* and Spain t
followed in succession ; and, within a century from
the death of their founder, the Mahometans had
pushed their conquests into the heart of France, t
These extensive operations did not retard their
enterprises towards the East. Persia was invaded
in A. D. 632 ; her force was broken in the great
battle of Cadesia in a.d. 636 ; and, after two more
battles §, her government was entirely destroyed,
and her king driven into exile beyond the Oxus.
At the death of the second calif, Omar||, the
whole of Persia as far east as Herat, nearly co-
extensive with the present kingdom, was annexed
to the Arab empire.
In the year 650, an insurrection in Persia in-
duced the exiled monarch to try his fortune once
more. His attempt failed : he was himself cut off
in the neighbourhood of the Oxus ; and the Arab
frontier was advanced to that river, including
Balkh and all the country north of the range of
Hindu Cush.
The boundary on the east was formed by the
rugged tract which extends (north and south) from
those mountains to the sea, and (east and west)
from the Persian desert to the Indus.
The northern portion of the tract which is in-
* From A.D. 64.7 to 709. t a. d. 713.
X The defeat of the Mussulmans by Charles Martel took
place in 732, between Poitiers and Tours.
§ Jallalla in a.d. 637, Nehawend in a.d. 642.
II A.D. 644. Hijra 23.
ARAB CONQUESTS. 497
eluded in the branches of Hmdu Cush, and is now chap.
inhabited by the Eimaks and Hazarehs, was then _
known by the name of the mountains of Ghor.
Tlie middle part seems all to have been included
in the mountains of Soliman. The southern por-
tion was known by the name of the mountains of
Mecran.
There is a slip of sandy desert between these
last mountains and the sea ; and the mountains of
Soliman inclose many high-lying plains, besides
one tract of that description (extending west from
the neighbourhood of Ghazni) which nearly se-
parates them from the mountains of Ghor.
At the time of the Mahometan invasion the
mountains of Mecran were inhabited by Beloches,
and those of Soliman by Afghans ; as is the state
of things to this day.
Who were in possession of the mountains of
Ghor is not so certain ; but there is every reason
to think they were Afghans. The other moun-
tains connected with the same range as those of
Ghor, but situated to the east of the rauire of
Imaus and Soliman, were probably inhabited by
Indians, descendants of the Paropamisada.'.
With respect to the j)lains, if we may judge
from the present state of the population, those be-
tween the Soliman and Mecran mountains and the
Indus were inhabited by Indians, and those in the
upper country, to the west of those mountains, by
Persians.
VOL. T. K K.
498 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK The first recorded invasion of this unsubdued
V.
, tract was in the year of the Hijra 44, when an
Arab force from Merv penetrated to Cabul, and
made converts of 12,000 persons.*
The prince of Cabul, also, must have been made
tributary, if not subject, for his revolt is mentioned
as the occasion of a fresh invasion of his territories
in 62 of the Hijra. t
On this occasion the Arabs met with an unex-
pected check : they were drawn into a defile,
defeated, and compelled to surrender, and to pur-
chase their freedom by an ample ransom. One old
contemporary of the Prophet is said to have dis-
dained all compromise, and to have fallen by the
swords of the infidels. t
The disgrace was immediately revenged by the
Arab governor of Sistan ; it was more completely
effaced in the year 80 of the Hijra, when Abdureh-
man, governor of Khorasan, led a large army in
person against Cabul, and, avoiding all the snares
laid for him by the enemy, persevered until he had
reduced the greater part of the country to submis-
sion. His success did not afford satisfaction to his
superior, and the notice taken of it led to results
beyond the sphere in which it originated.
Abdurehman, as well as all the generals in Per-
sia, was under the control of the governor of Basra,
wlio at that time was Hejaj, so noted in Arabian
* A.D. 664. {Briggss FerisJda, vol. i. p. 4.)
t A.D. 682. (Ibid. p. 5.)
\ Price, from the Kholdsat al Akhbdr, vol. i. p. 454.
ARAB CONQUESTS." 4<99
I.
history for liis furious and sanguinary disposition, chap.
This person is said to have remarked, after an inter-
view with Abdurehman, that he was a handsome
man, but that he never looked on him without
feeUng a violent inclination to cut his throat. These
kindly feehngs led to so bitter a censure on this
occasion, that Abdurehman, stung with the un-
merited reproaclies of his chief, and perhaps ap-
jDrehending more serious effects from his hatred,
immediately made an alliance with his late enemy
the prince of Cabul, and, assembling a numerous
army, appeared in open rebelHon, not only against
the governor but the calif.* He marched through
Persia, defeated Hejaj, and took Basra, after which
he continued his march and took possession of
Cufa, lately the capital of the empire. But fresh
succours being continually sent by the calift, who
then resided at Damascus, he was at lenc-th de-
feated, and after a struggle of two years was obliged
to fly to his old government, and was on the point
of being made prisoner in Sisttin, when he was
relieved by his ally the prince of Cabul. t He
again assembled a force, and renewed his op])osi-
tion, until, after repeated failures, he was constrained
to take refuge at Cabul. His friend's fidelity was
not proof against so many trials ; and in the sixth
year of the revolt he was obliged to save himself
* A.D. G99, Uijra 80.
t Abdelmc'lck, one of the califs of the liouse of Oinnieia.
+ A.D. 702, Ilijra 83.
Iv K 'I
500 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK from being given up to his enemies by a voluntary
' death.*
During all this time Ferishta represents the
Afghans to have been Mussulmans, and seems to
have been led, by their own traditions, to believe
that they had been converted in the time of the
Prophet himself. He represents them as invading
the territory of the Hindus as early as the year 63
of the Hijra, and as being ever after engaged in
hostilities witli the raja of Labor, until, in con-
junction with the Gakkars (a people on the hills
east of the Indus), they brought him to make them
a cession of territory, and in return secretly en-
gaged to protect him from the attacks of the other
Mussulmans. It was owing to this compact, says
Ferishta, that the princes of the house of Samani
* The " Kliolasat al Akhbar" and the " Tarlkhi Tabari,"
quoted by Price (vol. i. pp. ^oo — 4-63.). The whole story of
Abdurehman is omitted by Ferishta ; but it rests on too good
authorities, and is too circumstantial and too much interwoven
with the general history of the califs, to allow us to doubt the
truth of it. There are various opinions about the nation of the
prince of Cabul, which is rendered doubtful from the situation
of his city, at a corner where the countries of the Paropamisan
Indians, the Afghans, the Persians, and the Tartars are closely
adjoining to each other. It is very improbable that he was an
Afghan, as Cabul is never known to have been possessed by a
tribe of that nation ; and 1 should suppose he was a Persian,
both from the present population of his country, and from the
prince of Cabul being often mentioned by Ferdousi (who wrote
at Ghazni), as engaged in war and friendshiji with the Persian
heroes, without anything to lead us to suppose that he belonged
to another race.
ARAB CONQUESTS. 501
never invaded the north of India, but confined chap.
their predatory excursions to Sind. "
He also mentions that the Afghans gave an
asylum to the remains of the Arabs who were
driven out of Sind in the second century of the
Hijra.
Setting aside the fable of their connection with
the Prophet, this account does not appear impro-
bable. Tlie Afghans, or a part of them, may have
been early converted, altliough not conquered until
the time of Sultan Mahmud.
In the accessible parts of their country, especially
on the west, they may have been early reduced to
submission by the Arabs ; but there are parts of
the mountains where they can hardly be said to be
entirely subdued even to this day.
We know nothing of their early religion, except
the presumption, arising from the neighbourhood
of Balkh and their connection with Persia, that
they were worshippers of fire. Mahometan histo-
rians afJbrd no light, owing to their confounding
all denominations of infidels.
The first appearance of the Mahometans in India First in-
was m the year of the Hijra 44, at the tune of into India,
their first expedition to Cabul.
Mohalib, afterwards an eminent commander in
Persia and Arabia, was detached, on that occasion,
from the invading army, and penetrated to Multan,
from whence he brought back many prisoners. It
is probable that his object was only to explore the
intermediate country, and that his report was not
K K 3
502 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK encoLiraoins: : from whatever cause, no further at-
' tempt was made on the north of India during the
continuance of the Arab rule.
Conquest Thc ucxt iuvasion was of a more permanent
of Sind by
the Arabs, naturc. It was carried on from the south of Persia
into the country at the mouth of the Indus, then
subject to a Hindu prince, called Dahir by the
Mussulmans, whose capital was at Alor near Bakkar,
and who was in possession of Multan and all Sind,
with, perhaps, the adjoining plain of the Indus as
far as the mountains at Calabagh. His territory
was portioned out among his relations, probably on
the feudal tenure still common with the Rajputs.*
Arab descents on Sind by sea are mentioned
as early as the califate of Omar ; but, if they ever
took place, they were probably piratical expedi-
tions for the purpose of carrying off the women of
the country, whose beauty seems to have been
much esteemed in Arabia.!
Several detachments were also sent through the
south of Mecran during the reigns of the early
califs, but seem all to have failed from the desert
* Briggs's Ferishta, vol. iv. p. 401, &c. See also Captain
M'Murdo, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, No, I. p. 56.
Abulfazl makes Dahir's dominions include Caslimir; but that
country was then in possession of one of its greatest rajas ; for
whom, like all considerable Hindu princes, his historians claim
the conquest of all India. Sind is almost the only part of it
with which they pretend to no connection. The native accounts
quoted by Captain Pottinger (p. 386.) extend the dominions of
Sind to Cabul and Marwar; and those given to Captain Burnes
(vol. iii. p. 76.) add Candahar and Canouj.
f Pottinger, p. 388.
ARAB CONQUESTS. ,503
character of the country ; which was that so well chap.
known under the name of Gedrosia, for the suffer- '
ings of Alexander's army.
At length, in the reign of the calif Walid, the
Mussulman government was provoked to a more
strenuous exertion. An Arab ship having been
seized at Dival or Dewal, a sea port connected
with Sind, Raja Dahir was called on for restitution.
He declined compliance on the ground that Dewal
was not subject to his authority : his excuse was
not admitted by the Mussulmans ; and they sent
a body of 1000 infantry and 300 horse to enforce
their demand. This inadequate detachment having
perished like its predecessors, Hejaj, the governor
of Basra, prepared a regular army of 6000 men at
Shiraz, and gave the command of it to his own
nephew, Mohammed Casim, then not more than
twenty years of age ; and by him it was conducted
in safety to the walls of Dewal. Casim was pro- ^ ^ -^j,
vided with catapultas and other engines required ^•"•^~-
for a siege, and commenced his operations by an
attack on a temple contiguous to the town. It
was a celebrated ])agoda, surrounded by a high
inclosure of hewn stone (like those which figure
in our early wars in the Carnatic), and was occu-
pied, in addition to the numerous Bramin inhabit-
ants, by a strong garrison of Rajputs.
While Casim was considering the ditiiculties
opposed to him, he was intbrmed by some of his
prisoners that the safety of the place was believed
to depend on the flag which was displayed on
K K 4
«504 HISTOUY OF INDIA.
BOOK the tower of the temple. He directed his engines
against that sacred standard, and at last succeeded
in brniging it to the ground ; which occasioned so
much dismay in the garrison as to cause the speedy
fall of the place.
Casim at first contented himself with circum-
cising all the Bramins ; but, incensed at their re-
jection of this sort of conversion, he ordered all
above the age of seventeen to be put to death,
and all under it, with the women, to be reduced to
slavery. The fall of the temple seems to have led
to that of the town, and a rich booty was obtained,
of which a fifth (as in all similar cases) was re-
served for Hejaj, and the rest equally divided. A
son of Dahir's, who was in Dewal, either as master
or as an ally, retreated, on the reduction of that
city, to Bramanabad, to wiiich place, according to
Ferishta, he was followed by the conqueror, and
compelled to surrender on terms. Casim then ad-
vanced on Nerun (now Heiderabad), and thence
upon Sehwan, of which he undertook the siege.*
Notwithstanding the natural strength of Sehwan,
it was evacuated at the end of seven days, the
garrison flying to a fortress called Salim, which
was likewise speedily reduced.
Thus far Casim's progress had met with little
serious opposition. He was now confronted by a
powerful army under tlie command of the raja's
eldest son ; and his carriage cattle failing about the
* See Captain M'Murdo, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,
No. I. pp. 30. 32.
ARAB CONQUESTS. 505
same time, he was constrained to take post, and to chap.
wait for reinforcements, and a renewal of his '
equipments. He was joined in time by 2000 *
horse from Persia, and was enabled to renew his
operations, and to advance, though not without
several indecisive combats, to the neighbourhood
of Alor itself.
Here he found himself opposed to the raja in
person, who advanced to defend his capital at the
head of an army of 50,000 men ; and, being im-
pressed with the dangers of his situation, from the
disproportion of his numbers, and the impossibihty
of retreat in case of failure, he availed himself of the
advantage of the ground, and awaited the attack of
the Hindus in a strong position which he had chosen.
His prudence was seconded by a piece of good
fortune. During the heat of the attack which was
made on him, a fire-ball struck the raja's elephant,
and the terrified animal bore its master off the
field, and could not be stopped until it had plunged
into the neighbouring river. The disappearance
of the chief produced its usual effect on Asiatic
armies ; and although Dahir, already wounded
with an arrow, mounted his horse and renewed the
battle with unabated courage, he was unable to
restore the fortune of the day, and fell fighting gal-
lantly in the mi, 1st of the Arabian cavalry. t
* 'lanklii Iliiul o Siml
-|- This battle must lia\c taken place on the left bank of the
Indus, though there is no particular account of Casini's crossing
that river. He first approacheil the right or western bank at u
>06 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK The pusillanimity of the rajah's son, who fled
to Bramanabad, was compensated by the mascu-
line spirit of his widow. She collected the remains
of the routed army, put the city into a posture of
defence, and maintained it against the attacks of
the enemy, until the failure of provisions rendered
it impossible to hold out longer. In this extremity
her resolution did not desert her, and the Rajput
garrison, inflamed by her example, determined to
devote themselves along with her, after the manner
of their tribe. The women and children were
first sacrificed in flames of their own kindling ;
the men bathed, and, with other ceremonies, took
leave of each other and of the world ; the gates
were then thrown open, the Rajputs rushed out
sword in hand, and, throwing themselves on the
weapons of their enemies, perished to a man.
Those of the garrison who did not share in this
act of desperation gained little by their prudence:
the city was carried by assault, and all the men in
arms were slaughtered in the storm. Their fami-
lies were reduced to bondage. *
place called Rawer. The Hindus drew up on the opposite bank^
and many movements were made on both sides before a passage
was effected. The places named on those occasions are Jiwar,
Bet, and Rawer as above mentioned. It seems to have been
after crossing that Casim drew up his army at Jehem and Go-
gand, and before the battle he was at Sagara, a dependency of
Jehem. These places are not now in the maps. {Tdrikhi Hind
o Sind.)
* Briggs's Ferishta, vol. iv. p. ^09. ; Tod's Rajasthan, vol. i.
p. 327.
ARAB CONQUESTS. 507
One more desperate stand was made at Ash- chap.
candra *, after which Multan seems to have fallen '
without resistance, and the Mahometans pursued
their success unopposed, until tliey had occupied
every part of the dominions of Raja Dahir. t
Their treatment of the conquered country showed
the same mixture of ferocity and moderation wiiich
characterised the early conquests of the Arabs.
* Pottinger, p. 390. ; M'Murdo, Journal of the Royal Asiatic
Society, No, I. p. 31.
f Dewal was probably somewhere near Korachi, the present
sea port of Sind. It could not be at Tatta, as supposed by
Forishta, because that city, though the great port for the river
navigation, is inaccessible from the sea; the bar at the mouth
of the river rendering the entrance impracticable, except for
flat-bottomed boats (see Captain M'Murdo, Journal of the Royal
Asiatic Society, p. 29., and Barnes's Travels, vol. iii. p. 24-2.,
with the whole of his description of the mouths of the Indus, in
Chap. IV.). The site of Bramanabad is generally supposed to
be marked by the ruins close to the modern town of Tatta.
(Burnes, vol. iii. p. 31., and the opinions of the natives stated
by Captain M'Murdo in a note, in the Journal of the Royal
Asiatic Society, No. I. p. 28.) Captain M'Murdo is singular
in supposing it to have been situated on the other side of the
present course of the Indus, much to the north-east of Tatta ;
though this position would make it a more natural retreat for the
son of Dahir after his flight from A'ior. There were, perhaps,
two different places, — Brahmanabad and Briihmana. Sehwan
still retains its name, and the ruins of A'lor (universally recog-
nised as the ancient capital of Sind) were visited by Captain
Burnes, close to B;.I:kar on the Indus. (^Travels, vol. iii. p. 76.)
There are some doubts about particular marches of Mohammed
Casim, especially about the site of Salini, and the point where
he crossed the Indus ; but there is no obscurity about his general
progress. Briggs's " Ferishta " calls the scene of the great
battle and siege Ajdar; but this is probably an error of the
copyist for A'ror, which is a very common name for A'lor.
508 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK On the first invasion, each city was called on, as
the army approached, to embrace the Mahometan
religion, or to pay tribute. In case of refusal, the
city was attacked, and if it did not capitulate, all
the fighting men were put to death, and their
families were sold for slaves. Four cities held out
to this extremity ; and in two of them, the num-
ber of soldiers who were refused quarter is esti-
mated at 6000 each. The merchants, artizans,
and other inhabitants of such places, were exempt
from all molestation, except such as we must con-
clude they suffered when a town was stormed.
When tribute was once agreed to, whether vo-
luntarily or by compulsion, the inhabitants were
entitled to all their former pr-ivileges, including the
free exercise of their religion. AVhen a sovereign
consented to pay tribute, he retained his territory,
and only became subject to the usual relations of a
tributary prince.
One question relating to toleration seemed so
nice, that Casim thought it necessary to refer it to
Arabia. In the towns that were stormed, the tem-
ples had been rased to the ground, religious wor-
ship had been forbidden, and the lands and stipends
of the Bramins had been appropriated to the use
of the state. To reverse these acts, when once
performed, seemed a more direct concession to
idolatry than merely abstaining from interference,
and Casim avowed himself uncertain what to do.
The answer was, that as the people of the towns
in question had paid tribute, they were entitled to
ARAB CONQUESTS. 509
all the privileges of subjects ; that they should be chap.
allowed to rebuild their temples and perform their '
rites ; that the land and money of the Bramins
should be restored ; and that three per cent, on the
revenue, which had been allowed to them by the
Hindu government, should be continued by the
Mussulman.
Casim himself, notwithstanding his extreme
youth, seems to have been prudent and concih-
ating. He induced several of the Hindu princes to
join with him during the war, and at the conclu-
sion he appointed the Hindu who had been Dahir's
prime minister to the same office under him, on
the express ground that he would be best qualified
to protect old rights, and to maintain established
institutions.*
* Tarikhi Hind o Sind, Persian MS, I did not see this work,
which is in the library at the India House, until the narrative of
Casim's military transactions had been completed. It seems to
be the source from which most of the other accounts are drawn.
In its present form it was written by Mohammed Ali Bin Hamld,
in Hijra 613, a.d. 1216 ; but it professes to be a translation of
an Arabic work found in the possession of the Ctizi of Bakkar ;
and the original must have been written immediately after tiie
event, as it constantly refers, by name, to the authority of living
witnesses. Though loaded with tedious speeches, and letters
ascribed to the principal actors, it contains a minute and con-
sistent account of the transactions during Mohammed Casim's
invasion, and some of the preceding Hindu reigns. It is full of
names of places, and would throw much light on the geography
of that period, if examined by any person capable of ascertaining
the ancient Shanscrit names, so as to remove the corruptions of
the original Arab writer and the translator, besides the innu-
merable errors of the copyist.
510 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK The Mahometan writers assert that Casim had
V
" begun to plan a march to Canouj on the Ganges, and
an almost contemporary historian* states that he
had reached a place which seems to mean Oudi-
pur ; but as he had only 6000 men at first, which
the 2000 recruits afterwards received would not
do more than keep up to their original number, it
is inconceivable that he should have projected such
an expedition, even if he could have left Sind
without an army of occupation.
In the midst of his projects a sudden reverse was
awaiting him. The Mahometan historians concur
in relating that among the numerous female cap-
tives in Sind were two daughters of Raja Dahir,
who, from their rank and their personal charms,
were thought worthy of being presented to the
Commander of the Faithful, t They were accord-
ingly sent to the court and introduced into the
harem. When the eldest was brought into the
presence of the calif, whose curiosity had been
stimulated by reports of her attractions, she burst
into a flood of tears, and exclaimed that she was
now unworthy of his notice, having been disho-
noured by Casim before she was sent out of her
own country. The Calif was moved by her beauty,
and enraged at the insult offered to him by his
servant ; and, giving way to the first impulse of
his resentment, he sent orders that Casim should
be sewed up in a raw hide, and sent in that con-
* Tarikhi Hind o Sind.
t Walid, the sixth calif of the house of Ommeia.
ARAB CONQUESTS. 511
dition to Damascus. Wlien his orders were exe- chap.
cuted, he produced the body to the princess, who '
was overjoyed at the sight, and exultingly declared
to the astonished cahf that Casim was innocent,
but that she had now revenged the death of her
father and the ruin of her family.*
The advance of the Mahometan arms ceased Their ex-
with the life of Casim. His conquests were made ^"^' ^^^
over to his successor Temim, in the hands of whose ^- "• ^^■
family they remained till the downfal of the house
of Ommeia, that is, for about thirty-six years ; a. d. 750,
, , . . n 1 ' ^ 1 A. H. 132.
when, by some msurrection or which we do not
know the particulars, the Mussulmans were ex-
pelled by the Rajput tribe of Sumera, and all their
Indian conquests restored to the Hindus, who re-
tained possession for nearly 500 years, t
It seems extraordinary that the Arabs, who had Causes of
reached to Multan during their first ardour for con- progress of
quest and conversion, should not have overrun
India as easily as they did Persia, and should now
allow themselves to be beaten out of a province
where they had once a firm footing ; but the con-
dition of the two countries was not the same ;
and, although the proverbial riches of India, and
the inoffensive character of its inhabitants, seemed
to invite an invader, yet there were discouraging
* Briggs's Ferislita, vol. iv. p. 110.; A'yeni Akberi, vol. ii.
p. 119.; Pottinger's Travels, p. 389.
j- Briggs's Ferishta, vol. iv. p. 411.; A'ycni Akberi, vol. ii.
p. 120. Part of the expelled Arabs found a settlement among
the Afghans. {Ferishta, vol. i. p. 7.)
the Maho-
metans ill
India.
512
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK circumstances, which may not have been without
, effect even on the blind zeal of the Arabs.
In Persia, the rehgion and government, though
both assailed, afforded no support to each other.
The priests of the worshippers of fire are among
the most despised classes of the people. * Their
religion itself has nothing inspiring or encouraging.
The powers of good and evil are so equally matched,
that the constant attention of every man is neces-
sary to defend himself by puerile ceremonies against
the malignant spirits from whom his deity is too
weak to protect him.t
To the believers of such a faith, uninfluenced
as they were by a priesthood, the annunciation
of " one God, the most powerful and the most
merciful," must have appeared like a triumph of
the good principle ; and when the overthrow of
a single monarch had destroyed the civil govern-
ment in all its branches, there remained no ob-
stacle to the completion of the conquest and con-
version of the nation.
But in India there was a powerful priesthood,
closely connected with the government and deeply
revered by their countrymen ; and a religion inter-
woven with the laws and manners of the people,
which exercised an irresistible influence over their
* For a very curious comparison of die ancient and modern
tenets of tlie magi, see Mr. Erskine's Essay on the Sacred Books
and Religion of the Parsis, in the Transactions of the Bombay
Literary Society, vol. ii. p. 295.
t Ibid. p. ?,S5.
ARAB CONQUESTS. 513
very thoughts. To this was joined a horror of chap.
change, and a sort of passive courage, which is '
perhaps the best suited to allow time for an im-
petuous attack to spend its force. Even the di-
visions of the Hindus were in their favour : the
downfil of one raja only removed a rival from the
prince who was next behind ; and the invader
diminished his numbers, and got further from his
resources, w ithout being able to strike a blow which
might bring his undertaking to a conclusion.
However these considerations may have weighed
with the early invaders, they deserve the greatest
attention from the inquirer, for it is principally to
them that we must ascribe the slow progress of
the Mahometan religion in India, and the com-
paratively mild and tolerant form which it assumed
in that country.
At the time of the transactions which we are
now relating, there were other causes which tended
to delay the progress of the Mahometans. The
spirit of their government was gradually altered.
Their chiefs from fanatical missionaries became
politic sovereigns, more intent on the aggrandise-
ment of their families than the propagation of their
faith ; and by the same degrees they altered from
rude soldiers to magnificent and luxurious princes,
who had other occupations besides war, and other
pleasures as attractive as those of victory. Omar
set out to his army at Jerusalem with his arms
and provisions on the same camel with himself;
and Othman extinguished his lamp, when he had
vor-. 1. L L
514 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK finished the labours of the day, that the public
V.
oil might not be expended on his enjoyments.
Al Mahdi, within a century from the last named
calif, loaded 500 camels with ice and snow ; and
the profusion of one day of the Abbassides would
have defrayed all the expenses of the four first
califs. The translation of the Greek philosophers
by Al Mamun was an equally wide departure
from the spirit which led to the story of the de-
struction of the library at Alexandria by Omar.
For these reasons the eastern conquests of the
Arabs ceased with the transactions which we have
just related; and the next attacks on India were
made by other nations, to whose history we have
now to turn.
Tartar na- Wheii tlic Ai'abs had conquered Persia, as be-
fore related, their possessions were divided by the
Oxus from a territory to whicli, from that circum-
stance, they gave the name of Mavvar ul Nahr,
literally Beyond the River; or, as we translate it,
Transoxiana. This tract was bounded on the
north by the Jaxartes, on the west by the Caspian
Sea, and on the east by Mount Imaus. Though
large portions of it are desert, others are capable
of high cultivation ; and, while it was in the hands
of the Arabs, it seems not to have been surpassed
in prosperity by the richest portions of the globe.
It was occupied partly by fixed inhabitants and
partly by pastoral tribes. Most of the fixed in-
habitants were Persians, and all the movhig sliep-
herds were Tartars. Such is likewise the state
tions
A.I). 651
A. II. ;31,
ARAB CONQUESTS. 515
of things at present, and probably has been from chap.
remote antiquity.* "
The great influence which the Tartars! of Trans-
oxiana have exercised over the history of the
neighbouring nations, and of India, makes ns
anxious to know something of their origin and for-
mer state ; but we soon meet with many difficulties
in following up the inquiry. It would be an im-
portant step to ascertain to which of the tJiree
great nations whom we include under the name of
Tartars they belonged ; but, although the Turks,
Moguls, and Mdnclius are distinguished from each
other by the decisive test of language, and though
at present they are each marked by other pecu-
liarities, yet there is a general resemblance in
features and manners throughout the whole, which
renders it difficult for a person at a distance to
draw the line between them ; even their languages,
though as different as Greek and Shanscrit, have
the same degree of family likeness with those two.t
* See Erskines Bdber, Introduction, p. xliii., and Heeren,
Itesearches in Asia, vol. i. p. 260. The language at tlie time of
the Arab conquest was Persian, of which a remarkable proof,
dated in the year 91- of the Ilijra (a.d. 716), is given by Cap-
tain Burnes. ( Travels, vol. ii. pp. 269. 356.
t I use the words Tartar and Tartary solely in their European
sense, as a general term for a certain great tract and great as-
semblage of nations. The word in this sense is as little known
to the people to whom it applies as Asia, Africa, and America
are to the original inhabitants of those quarters of the globe ;
but is equally convenient for the purpose of generalisation.
\ See Dr. Prichard on the Kthnogruphy of Upper Asia,
Transactions of the Royal Geographical Society, vol. ix.
L L Q,
ilG
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK In making tlie attempt, we derive little aid
' from their geographical position. At present the
Manchus are in the east, the Moguls in the centre,
and the Turks in the west ; but the positions of
the two last named races have been partially re-
versed within the period of accurate history, and
it is impossible to say what they may have been in
still earlier ages. The Arabs and other wandering
tribes in the south of Asia make long journeys, for
fresh pastures or for change of climate, but each
has some tract which it considers as its own, and
many occupy the same in which they were found
when first noticed by other nations. Not so the
Tartars, who have always been formed into great
monarchies; and, besides migration for convenience
within their own limits, have been led by ambition
to general movements, and have been constantly
expelhng or subduing each other; so that they not
only were continually changing their abodes, but
forming new combinations and passing under new
names according to that of the horde whicli had
acquired a predominancy. A tribe is at one mo-
ment mentioned on the banks of the AVolga, and
the next at the great wall of China ; and a horde
which at first scarcely filled a valley in the
mountains of Altai, in a few years after cannot be
contained in all Tartary.
It is, therefore, as impossible to keep the eye
on a particular horde, and to trace it through all
this shifting and mixing, as to follow one emmet
through the turmoil of an ant hill.
ARAB CONQUESTS. .517
The Turks at present are distinguished from chap.
tlie rest by their having the Tartar features less '
marked, as well as by fairer complexions and more
civilised manners ; and these qualities might afford
the means of recognising them at all times, if we
could be sure that they did not owe them entirely
to their greater opportunities of intermixing with
other races, and that the same superiority was
not possessed in former times by portions of the
other Tartars which may have then occupied the
western territory.*
It may assist in distinguishing these races, to
mention that the Uzbeks who now possess Trans-
oxiana, the Turcmans both on the Oxus and in
Asia Minor, the wandering tribes of the north of
* The Turks of Constantinople and Persia have so coni[)lete]y
lost the Tartar features, that some physiologists have pronounced
them to belong to the Caucasian or European, and not to the
Tartar, race. The Turks of Bokiiara and all Transoxiana, though
so long settled among Persians, and though greatly softened in
appearance, retain their original features sufficiently to be recog-
nisable at a glance as Tartars. De Guignes, from the state of
information in his time, was seldom able to distinguish the Tartar
nations ; but on one point he is decided and consistent, viz. that
the Heoung-nou is another name for the Turks. Among the
Heoung-nou he places, without hesitation, Attila, and the greater
part of his army. Yet these Turks, on their appearance in
Europe, struck as much terror from their hideous physiognomy
and savage manners as from their victories. Attila himself was
remarkable for these national peculiarities. (Gibbon, vol. iii.
p. 35. quarto.) Another division of the same branch of the
Ileoung-nou had previnusly settled among the Persians in
Transoxiana, and acquired the name of White Huns, from their
change from the national complexion. (l)e Guignes, vol. ii.
pp. 282. '625.)
I. L 3
518
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
V.
Turks in
Trans-
oxiana.
Persia, and the Ottomans or Turks of Constan-
tinople, are all Turks ; as was the greater part of
the army of Tamerlane. The ruling tribe, and
the greater part of the army of Chengiz Khan,
was Mogul.
On the whole, I should suppose that a portion
of the Turks had settled in Transoxiana long be-
fore the Christian asra ; that though often passed
over by armies and emigrations of Moguls, they
had never since been expelled ; and that they
formed the bulk of the Nomadic and part of the
permanent population at the time of the Arab in-
vasion.*
The ruling tribe at that time was, however, of
much later arrival ; they were probably Turks them-
selves, and certainly had just before been incor-
porated with an assemblage, in which that race
took the lead, and wiiich, although it had been
tributary to Persia only a century before t, had
since possessed an ephemeral empire, extending
from the Caspian Sea and the Oxus, to the Lake
Baikal, and the mouths of the Yanisei in Siberia^,
and were now again broken into small divisions
and tributary to China. §
* The Arab and Persian Mussulmans always call their neigh-
bours Turks, and (though well aware of the existence of the
Moguls) are apt to apply the term Tzb-A as vaguely and generally
as we do Tartar. See the whole of this subject ably discussed
in the introduction to Erskine's " Baber," pp. xviii. — xxv.
f De Guignes, vol. i. part ii. p. 469.
X Ibid. pp. 477, 478.. § Ibid. p. 493.
ARAB CONQUESTS. 519
It was fifty-five years after the final conquest of chap.
Persia, and five years before the occupation of '
Sind, that the Arabs crossed the Oxus, under Ca-
tiba, governor of Khorasan. He first occupied
Hisar, opposite Balkh. In the course of the next
Sind, that the Arabs crossed the Oxus, under Ca- ^'^ij con-
quest of
tiba, governor of Khorasan. He first occupied Trans-
oxiana.
A. D.
six years he had taken Samarcand and Bokhara, ' ^7^. "'
overrun the country north of the Oxus, and sub- ^'— ^^
dued the kingdom of Kharizm, on the Lake of
Aral* ; and although his power was not introduced
without a severe contest, often with doubtful suc-
cess, against the Turks, yet in the end it was so
well established, that by the eighth year he was
able to reduce the kingdom of Ferghana, and
extend his acquisitions to Mount Imaus and the a.d. -13,
T , A.}i. 94.
Jaxartes.
The conquest of Spain took place in the same
year ; and the Arab empire had now reached the
greatest extent to which it ever attained.
But it had already shown symptoms of internal
decay which foreboded its dismemberment at no
distant period.
Even in the first half century of the Hijra, the
murder of Othmiin and the incapacity of Ali led
to a successful revolt, and the election of a calif
beyond the limits of Arabia. The house of An. ess,
Ommeia, who were thus raised to tiie cahfate,
were disturbed during their rule of ninety years
by the supposed rights of tlie posterity of the Pro-
phet through his daughter Fatima, whose claims
* Now called Kluva or O'lganj.
L L 4
520 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK afforded a pretext in every case of revolt or defec-
' tion ; until, in a. d. 750, the rebellion of the great
province of Khorasan gave the last blow to their
power, and placed the descendants of Abbas, the
Prophet's uncle, on the throne.
Spain held out for the old dynasty, and the in-
tegrity of the empire was never restored.
DYNASTIES AFTER THE CALIFS. 521
CHAP. II.
DYNASTIES FORMED AFTER THE BREAKING UP OF THE
EMPIRE OF THE CALIFS.
The death of Harun al Ilasliid, fifth cahf of the chap.
II.
house of Abbas, was accelerated by a journey un-
dertaken in consequence of an obstinate revolt of
Transoxiana*, which was quelled by his son, Ma- a.d. soe,
mun ; and the long residence of that prince in " *
Khorasan maintained for a time the connection of
that province with the empire. But it was by
means of a revolt of Khorascin that Mamun had
himself been enabled to wrest the califate from his
brother Amin ; and he had not long removed his
court to Bagdad, before Tahir, who had been the
principal instrument of his elevation, began to
establish his own authority in Khorasan, and soon
became virtually independent.t Khorasan and ^•"- ^20,
. . A. 11.205
Transoxiana were never again united to the calif-
ate ; and the Commanders of the Faithful being
not long afterwards reduced to pageants in the
hands of the Turkisii guards, the dissolution of
the Arab empire may from that tim^e be regarded ^.n. sfji,
^ •' "-^ AH. 247.
as complete, t
The family of Tahir ruled quietly and obscurely ThcTahc-
A. n.
* Price, vol. ii. p. 79. His authority is, generally, the " Tii- 820 872.
rlklii Tabari."
t Ibid. p. 225. t il^i«^'- P- 155.
522
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
V.
A.D. 872,
A.H. 259.
The So-
farides.
A.D.
872 — 903,
A.D. gor?,
A.H. 290.
A.D, 964,
A.H. 353,
A.D. 1006,
A.H. 396.
The house
of Samani.
A.D.
872 — 999.
for upwards of fifty years, when they were deposed
by the Sofarides, a more conspicuous dynasty,
though of even shorter duration.* Yacub, the son
of Leith, the founder, was a brazier of Sistan, who
first raised a revolt in his native province, and
afterwards overran all Persia to the O.xus, and died
while on Jiis advance against the calif in Bagdad.
His brother, Omar, was defeated and made pri-
soner by the Samanis ; which put an end to the
greatness of the family, though a younger member
maintained himself in Sistan for a few years after
the loss of their other possessions, t
Their whole reign did not last above forty years ;
but their memory must have survived in Sistan,
for at the end of half a century we find that
country again asserting its independence under one
of their descendants t, who was finally subdued by
Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni, more than 100 years
after the downfal of the original dynasty. §
The house of Samani subsisted for more than
120 years II; and though not themselves invaders
of India, they had more connection than their pre-
decessors with the history of that country.
They derive their name either from one of their
ancestors, or from a town in Bokhara, or in Balkh,
from which they drew their origin.^ The first of
the family mentioned in history was already a per-
* Price, vol. ii. p. 229. f Ibid. p. 234-.
:!: Ibid. p. 243. § Ibid. p. 282.
II From A.D. 892, A. h. 279, to a.d. lOOt, a.ii. 395.
f Ouseley's Ebn Haukal, p. SOL
DYNASTIES AFTER THE CALIFS. O^
son of consideration, when he attracted the notice chap.
II.
of the CaUf Mamun, then residing in Khorasan.
817—280,
A.H.
202—205.
By the directions of that prince, three of the Sa-
mani's sons were appointed to governments beyond
the Oxus, and one to that of Herat. They were a.d
continued under the Taherites, and retained Trans-
oxiana after the fall of that dynasty, till the death
of Yacub Leith ; w^hen they passed the Oxus at
the head of a large army of cavalry, probably com-
posed of their Turki subjects, made Omar Leith
prisoner, as has been related, and took possession
of all the territory he had conquered. They go- a.d. 900,
verned it in the name, though perfectly independent
of the calif, until they were deprived of a large
portion of it by the family of Buya, called also the
Deilemites, from the district in Mazenderan in
which their founder was a fisherman on the Caspian
Sea.
Cut off by a high range of mountains from the The Ba-
rest of Persia, and protected by the difficulty of bencmites.
access, the extensive forests, and the unwholesome
climate, Mazenderan liad never been perfectly
converted, and probably never entirely subdued :
it was the seat of constant insurrections, was often
in the hands of worshippers of fire, and presented
a disturbed scene, in wliich the Deilemites rose to
consequence, and at length acquired sufficient force
to wrest the western provinces of Persia from the
Samanis, to seize on Bagdad and the person of the
calif, and to rule over an extensive territory in ^-n-
, . „ . , ,. 932—1055,
his name for a period exceeding 100 years. a.h.
* '^ -^ 321— 4-18.
524 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK After their losses by the Deilemite conquests,
the Samaiiis remained masters of Khorasan and
Transoxiana, and gave rise to the dynasty of
Ghazni, who were the founders of the Mussuhnan
empire of India.
Aiptcgin, It was in the reign of Abduhiielek, the fifth
founder of, nii <->//•
the house prince or the house of Samani, that Alptegin, the
of Ghazni. r i n i • i • •
rounder or tins new dynasty, rose into importance.
He was a Turki slave, and his original duty is said
to have been to amuse his master by tumbling and
tricks of legerdemain.*
It was the fashion of the time to confer offices
of trust on slaves; and Alptegin, being a man of
good sense and courage, as well as integrity, rose
A.D. 961, in time to be governor of Khorasan. On the death
■ of his patront, he was consulted about the best
person of the family for a successor ; and hap-
pening, unluckily, to give his suffrage against Man-
sur, on whom the choice of the other chiefs had
fallen, he incurred the ill-will of his sovereign,
was deprived of his government, and if he had not
displayed great military skill in extricating himself
from among his enemies, he would have lost his
liberty, if not his life. He had, however, a body
of trusty adherents, under whose protection he
* D'Herbelot, article " Alpteghin."
f Price, vol. ii. p. 24-3.; De Guignes, vol. ii. p. 155. Fe-
rishta (vol. i. p. 12.) makes his revolt a. d. 962, a.h. 351.
D'Herbelot makes this date a.d. 917, a.h. 305; but it is evi-
dently a slip, either of the author or the printer, for in the date
of Alptegin's death he comes within a moderate distance of the
other authorities.
DYNASTIES AFTER THE CALIFS. 5^5
made good his retreat, until he found himself in chap.
safety at Ghazni, in the heart of the mountains '
of Soliman. The plain country, including Balkh, His rebel-
Herat, and Sistan, received the new governor, and
remained in obedience to the Samanis ; but the
strong tract between that and the Indus bade de-
fiance to all their attacks ; and though not all sub-
ject to Alptegin, all contributed to secure his in-
dependence. One historian states that he was
accompanied on his retreat by a body of 3000 dis-
ciplined slaves or Mamluks, who would, of course,
be Turks of his own original condition * : he would
doubtless also be accompanied and followed, from
time to time, by soldiers who had served under
him when governor ; but it is probable that the
main body of his army was drawn from the country
where he was now established. t
The inhabitants of the cultivated country were
not unwarlike ; and the Afghans of the hills, even
when their tribe did not acknowledge his authority,
would be allured by his wages to enter his ranks.
He seems to have made no attempt to extend his
territory ; and he died within fourteen years after a.d.976,
he became independent. § ^'"'
Alptegin had a slave named Sebektegin, whom SLbcktegin.
he had purchased from a merchant who brought
* Price, from the " Kholasat al Akhbur," vol. ii. p. 21-3.
f D'llerbelot, article " Alptcgliin."
X D'Herbelot makes it a. d. 964, a.h. 353.
§ Price, vol. ii. p. 211. ; Fcrishta, vol. i. p. 13.; De Guignes,
vol. ii. p. 156.
526 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK him from Turkestan, and whom, by degrees, he
' had raised to so much power and trust, that at his
death he was the effective head of his government,
and in the end became his successor.
Most authorities assert that Alptegin gave Se-
bektegin his daughter in marriage, and himself
appointed him his heir * ; and others confirm the
immediate succession, though not the previous
marriage, t
But Ferishta's account t is, that Alptegin, dying
in A.D. 975, A.H. 365, left a son named Isakh,whom
Sebektegin accompanied to Bokhara. Isakh was
then appointed by Mansur Samani to be governor
of Ghazni, and Sebektegin his deputy. Isakh died
in A.D. 977> A.H. 367, when Sebektegin was ac-
knowledged as his successor, and married Alpte-
gin's dausfhter.5
He had scarcely time to take possession of his
* De Guignes (who quotes Abufeda), vol. ii. p. 156. ; D'Her-
belot (who quotes Khondemir).
f Price, vol. ii. p. 277. J Briggs's Ferishta, vol. i. p. 13.
§ A story is told of Sebektegin, while yet a private horse-
man, which proves the humanity of the historian, if not of the
hero. One day, in hunting, he succeeded in riding down a
fawn ; but when he was carrying off his prize in triumph, he
observed the dam following his horse, and showing such evident
marks of distress, that he was touched with compassion, and at
last released his captive, pleasing himself with the gratitude of
the mother, which often turned back to gaze at him as she went
off to the forest with her fawn. That night the Prophet ap-
peared to him in a dream, told him that God had given him a
kingdom as a reward for his humanity, and enjoined him not to
forget his feelings of mercy when he came to the exercise of
power.
DYNASTIES AFTER THE CALIFS. 5^7
new kingdom before he was called on to exert chap.
himself in its defence.*
The establishment of a Mahometan government
so near to their frontier as that of Ghazni must
naturally have disquieted the Hindus on the Indus,
and appears to have led to their being harassed by
frequent incursions. At length Jeipal, raja of invasion of
Labor, whose dominions were contiguous to those rljTof
of Ghazni, determined to become assailant in his ^^''"'■•
turn. He led a large army into Laghman, at the
mouth of the valley which extends from Peshawer
to Cabul, and was there met by Sebektegin. While
the armies were watching a favourable opportunity
for engaging, they were assailed by a furious tem-
pest of wind, rain, and thunder, which was ascribed
to supernatural causes, and so disheartened the
Indians, naturally more sensible to cold and wet
than their antagonists, that Jeipal was induced to
make proposals of an accommodation. Sebektegin
was not at first disposed to hearken to him ; but,
being made aware of the consequence of driving
Hindus to despair, he at length consented to treat ;
and Jeipal surrendered fifty elephants, and engaged Rop<-iie(i.
to pay a large sum of money.
* From this time forward my principal dependence will be
on Ferishta, a Persian historian, who long resided in India, and
wrote, in the end of the sixteenth century, a history of all the
Mahometan dynasties in that country down to his own time. I
think myself fortunate in having the guidance of an author so
much superior to most of his class in Asia. Where the nature
of ray narrative admitted of it, I have often used the very ex-
pressions of Ferishta, which, in Colonel I'riggs's translation, it
would be difficult to improve.
528 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK When he found himself again in safety, he re-
fused to fulfil this part of his agreement, and even
threw the messengers sent to demand the execution
of it into prison.
Hindu Sebektegin was not likely to submit to such an
rlcv']'^^' insult and breach of faith : he again assembled his
troops, and recommenced his march towards the
Indus, while Jeipal called in the assistance of the
rajas of Delhi, Ajmir, Calinjar, and Canouj, and
advanced to Laghman with an army of 100,000
horse, and a prodigious number of foot soldiers.
Sebektegin ascended a height to view the enemy,
and beheld the whole plain covered with their in-
numerable host ; but he was nowise dismayed at
the prospect ; and, relying on the courage and dis-
cipline of his own troops, he commenced the attack
with an assurance of victory. He first pressed one
point of the Indian army with a constant succession
of charges by fresh bodies of cavalry ; and when
he found them begin to waver, he ordered a ge-
neral assault along the whole line : the Indians at
once gave way, and were pursued, with a dreadful
Defeated, siaughtcr, to thc ludus. Sebektegin found a rich
plunder in their camp, and levied heavy contribu-
tions on the surrounding districts. He also took
possession of the country up to the Indus, and left
an officer, with ten thousand horse, as his governor
of Peshawer.
The Afghans and Khiljis * of Laghman im-
* The Khiljis, or Khaljis, are a Tartar tribe, part of which,
in the tenth century, was still near the source of the Jaxarte''
DYNASTIES AFTER THE CALIFS. 529
mediately tendered their allegiance, and furnished chap.
useful recruits to his army. *
After these e.xpeditions, he employed himself in
settling his own dominions (which now extended
on the west to beyond Candahar); when an oppor-
tunity presented itself of promoting his own ag-
grandisement by a timely interposition in favour of
his nominal sovereign.
Xoh or Noah (the seventh of the Samani kings) Scbektegin
tlSSlsts ^116
liad been driven from Bokhara, and forced to fly Samanis
.i/~\ 1 • • /■•-r»/ T'-i/ against the
across the Uxus, by an invasion or Bogra ivhan, eastern
king of the Hoeike Tartars, who at that time pos- ^'''■'^'■^•
sessed almost all Tartary beyond the Imaus, as far
east as China, t The fortunate sickness, retreat, a.d. 993,
A.H. 383.
and death of Bogra Khan restored N6h to his
throne. An attempt he soon after made to punish
the disaffection shown by his governor of Kho-
rasan, during his misfortunes, drove that chief into
an alliance with Faik, another noble of Bokhara,
whose turbulence makes a conspicuous figure for
a long period in the latter days of the Samanis ;
but of which a portion had even then been long settled between
Ststan and India (i.e. in the Afghan country). In the tenth
century they still spoke Turki. They seem very early to liave
been closely connected with the Afghans, with whom their
name is almost invariably associated. (For their original stock
and residence in Tartary, see De Guignes, vol. iii. p. 9. note ;
D'llcrbclot, article " KliaUulj ;" Kbn Ilaukal, p. 209. ; and for
their abode in the Afghan country, Ibid. p. 207. This last
author wrote between a.d. 902 and a.d. 968.)
* Briggs's Ferishta, vol. i. pp. 15 — 19.
-j- De Guignes, vol. ii. p. 157.; Price, vol. ii. p. 247.
VOL. I. M M
530 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK and the confederates, more anxious about their own
' interests than the safety of the state, called in the
aid of the Deilemite prince who ruled in the ad-
joining provinces of Persia, and was well disposed
to extend his dominions by promoting dissensions
among his neighbours. To resist this powerful com-
bination, Noh had recourse to Sebektegin, and that
leader marched towards Bokhara at the head of his
army, more on the footing of an ally than a subject.
He had stipulated, on the pretext of his infirmities,
that he should not dismount at the meeting ; but
he no sooner came in sight of his sovereign, than
he threw himself from his horse, and would have
kissed the royal stirrup if he had not been pre-
vented by Noh, who hastened to receive him in
his arms.
Their united force might not have been sufficient
to oppose their enemies if it had not been for the
treachery of the Deilemite general, who, in the
critical moment of the action, threw his shield over
his back as a sign of peace, and went over with his
troops to Sebektegin. The rebels now evacuated
their usurpations, and Noh rewarded the ser-
vices of Sebektegin, by confirming him in his own
government, and conferring that of Khorasan on
his son Mahmud. But the rebels, though discon-
certed at the moment, were able once more to col-
lect their forces, and next year they returned so
unexpectedly, that they surprised and defeated
Mahmud at Nishapur. It was with some exertion
that Sebektegin was enabled again to encounter
DYNASTIES AFTER THE CALIFS. 531
them. The contest ended in their being totally char
II.
defeated in the neighbourhood of Tus (now Mesh-
hed).* Their force was completely broken ; and ^.d. 995,
Faik, abandoning the scene of his former import-
ance, fled to E'lik Khan, the successor of Bogra,
by whose powerful interposition he was soon after
reconciled to Noh, and appointed to the govern-
ment of Samarcand.
Immediately after this arrangement Noh died ;
and E'lik Khan, profiting by the occasion of a new
succession, advanced on Bokhara, supported by his
ally from Samarcand, and ultimately compelled the
new prince, Mansur II., to place all the power of
his government in the hands of Faik.
During these transactions Sebektegin died on i^t<^th of
^ ' 11 A-1 1 -J- Sebektegin,
his way back to (jhazni.t
* De Guignes, vol. ii. p. 158.; Price, vol. ii. p. 24-8.; Fe-
rishta, vol. i. p. 22.
t He died within a month of Noh, a.d. 997, a.h. 387. (Fe-
rishta. De Guignes. Price. D'Herbelot.)
M M 2
53'^
HISTORY OF INDIA.
HOUSE OF GHAZNI.
CHAP. III.
SULTAN MAHMUD.
BOOK
V.
Disputed
succession.
A.D. 997,
A.H. 387.
Mahmud had from his boyhood accompanied his
father on his campaigns, and had given early indi-
cations of a warhke and decided character. He
was now in his thirtieth year, and, from his tried
courage and capacity, seemed in every way fitted
to succeed to the throne ; but his birth was pro-
bably illegitimate*, and, from his absence at his
government of Nishapur, his younger brother, Is-
mael, was enabled, according to some accounts,
to obtain the dying nomination of Sebektegin, and,
certainly, to seize on the reins of government, and
cause himself to be proclaimed without delay. Not
the least of his advantages was the command of his
father's treasures ; he employed them to conciliate
the leading men with presents, to augment the
pay of the army, and to court popularity with all
classes by a lavish expenditure on shows and en-
tertainments.
By these means, though still more by the force
of actual possession, and perhaps an opinion of his
superior right, he obtained the support of all that
part of the kingdom which was not under the im-
mediate government of Mahmud.
* See Colonel Briggs's note on Ferishta, vol. i. p. 29.
SULTAN MAHMUD. 533
The conduct of the latter prince, on this con- char
tempt of his claims, may either have arisen from ^'
the consciousness of a weak title, or from natural
or assumed moderation. He professed the strongest
, attachment to his brother, and the utmost readi-
ness to give way to him if he had been of an age
to undertake so arduous a duty ; and he offered
that, if Ismael would concede the supremacy
to his superior experience, he would repay the sa-
crifice by a grant of the provinces of Balkh and
Khorasan. His offers were immediately rejected ;
and, seeing no further hopes of a reconciliation, he
resolved to bring things to an issue by an attack
on the capital. Ismael, who was still at Balkh,
penetrated his design, and, interposing between
him and Ghazni, obliged him to come to a general
engagement. It was better contested than might
have been expected from the unequal skill of the
generals, but was favourable to Mahmud : Ghazni
fell, Ismael was made prisoner, and passed the rest
of his life in confinement, though allowed every
indulgence consistent with such a situation.
These internal contests, which lasted for seven
months, contributed to the success of E'lik Khan,
who had now established his own influence over
Mansur II., by compelling him to receive Faik as
his minister, or, in other words, his master.
Dissembling his consciousness of the ascendancy
of his old enemies, Mahmud made a respectful
application to Mansur for the continuance of his
government of Khorasan. His request was ab-
M M 3
534* HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK ruptly rejected, and a creature of the new admi-
" nistration appointed his successor.
But Mahmud was not so easily dispossessed ;
he repelled the new governor, and although he
avoided an immediate conflict with Mansur, who
was brought in person against him, he withheld all
appearance of concession, and remained in full
preparation for defence ; when some disputes and
jealousies at court led to the dethronement and
blinding of Mansur, and the elevation of Abdul-
A.D. 999, melek as the instrument of Faik. On this, Mahmud
:^:"" '^^^,' ordered the name of the Samanis to be left out of
Mahmud
declares his i\iq pubHc prajcrs ; took possession of Khorasan
ence. in liis owu name ; and, having soon after received
an investiture from the calif (the dispenser of
powers which he himself no longer enjoyed), he
declared himself an independent sovereign, and
first assumed the title of Sultan, since so general
among Mahometan princes.*
E'lik Khan, not to be shut out of his share of
the spoil, advanced on Bokhara, under pretence
of supporting Abdulmelek ; and, taking possession
of all Transoxiana, put an end to the dynasty of
Samani, after it had reigned for more than 120
years.
Mahmud, now secure in the possession of his
dominions, had it almost in his own choice in
which direction he should extend them. The
kingdoms on the west, so attractive from their
* Though not before adopted by the Mussuhiians, it is an
old Arabic word for a kins.
SULTAN MAHMUD. 535
connection with the Mahometan religion and their chap.
III.
ancient renown, were in such a state of weakness '
and disorder that a large portion ultimately fell into
his hands without an effort ; and the ease with
which the rest was subdued by the Seljuks, who
were once his subjects, showed how little ob-
struction there was to his advancing his frontier to
the Hellespont.
But the undiscovered regions of India presented
a wider field for romantic enterprise. The great
extent of that favoured country, the rumours of its
accumulated treasures, the fertility of the soil, and
the peculiarity of its productions, raised it into a
land of fable, in which the surrounding nations
might indulge their imaginations without control.
The adventures to be expected in such a country
derived fresh lustre from their being the means of
extending the Mahometan faith, the establishment
of which among a new people was in those times
the most glorious exploit that a king or conquefor
could achieve.
These views made the livelier impression on
Mahmud, from his first experience in arms having
been gained in a war with Hindus ; and were
seconded by his natural disposition, even at that
time liable to be dazzled by the prospect of a rich
field for plunder.
Influenced by such motives, he made peace
with E'lik Khan, leaving him in possession of
Transoxiana ; cemented the alliance by a marriage
with the daughter of that prince j and, having
M M 4
536 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK quelled an insurrection of a representative of Sofa-
. rides, who had been tolerated in a sort of inde-
pendence in Sistan, and whom, on a subsequent
rebellion*, he seized and imprisoned, he proceeded
or? his first invasion of India.
Three centuries and a half had elapsed since
the conquest of Persia by the Mussulmans when
His first he set out on this expedition. He left Ghazni
expedition . ■
to India. With 10,000 clioscu lioi'sc, aiid was met by his
A.M. 391.' father's old antagonist, Jeipal of Labor, in the
neighbourhood of Peshawer. He totally defeated
liim, took him prisoner, and pursued iiis march
to Batinda, beyond the Satlaj. He stormed and
plundered that placet; and then returned with
the rich spoils of the camp - and country to
Ghazni. He released the Hindu prisoners for a
ransom, on the raja's renewing his promises of
tribute ; but put some Afghans who had joined
them to death. Jeipal, on returning from his
captivity, worn out by repeated disasters, and per-
haps constrained by some superstition of his sub-
jects, made over his crown to his son Anangpal ;
and mounting a pyre which he had ordered to be
* A.D. 1002.
-f- Batinda seems formerly to have been a place of more con-
sequence than its situation, in a sort of desert, would promise.
It is said by Colonel Tod to have been the residence of the raja
of Labor alternately with the capital from which he took his
title. As the battle at Peshawer was on the 27th of November,
Mahmud would reach Batinda towards the end of the cold
season, when the rivers of the Panjab, though not all fordable,
would offer little obstruction to cavalry.
SULTAN MAHMUD. 537
constructed, set it on fire with liis own hands, and chap.
perished in the flames. '
Anang Pal was true to his father's engagements; Second ex.
but the raja of Bhatia, a dependency of Lahor, on ^^ ' ^*^"'
the southern side of Multan, refused to pay his
share of the tribute, and resolutely opposed the
Sultan, who went against him in person. He was
driven, first from a well-defended intrenchment,
then from his principal fortress, and at last de-
stroyed himself in the thickets of the Indus, where
he had fled for concealment, and where many of
his followers fell in endeavouring to revenue his ''"•^f^'^'
o o A.H. 395.
death.
Mahmud's next expedition was to reduce his Third ex-
A i-> , / ^•rn^\T^■' i jjedition.
dependent, the Afghan chief of Multan*, who,
though a Mussulman, had renounced his alle-
giance, and had formed a close alliance with Anang
Pcil.
The tribes of the mountains being, probably, not
sufficiently subdued to allow of a direct march from
Ghazni to Multan, the raja was able to interpose
between Mahmud and his ally. The armies met
somewhere near Peshawer, when the raja was
routed, pursued to Sodra (near Vizirabad), on the
Acesines, and compelled to take refuge in Cash-
mir. Mahmud then laid siege to Multan : at the
end of seven days he accepted the submission of
* His name was Abul Fatteh Lodi, and he was grandson of
Ilamld Khan Lodi, wlio had joined the enemies of his faith for
a cession of the provinces of Multan and Laghman, and who
submitted to Sebektegin after his victory over the Hindus.
538 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK the chief, together with a contribution ; and re-
turned to Ghazni.
A.D. 1005, He was led to grant these favourable terms in
Invasion of cousequeuce of intelligence that had reached him
under E'?ik ^f a formidable invasion of his dominions by the
■^^''"' armies of E1ik Khan. Though so closely connected
with him, the Tartar prince had been tempted, by
observing his exclusive attention to India, to hope
for an easy conquest of Khorasan, and had sent
one army to Herat and another to Balkli, to take
possession.
But he had formed a WTong estimate of the
vigour of his opponent, who committed the charge
of his territories on the Indus to Sewuk (or Suk)
Pal, a converted Hindu, and turning, by rapid
marches, towards Khorasan, soon forced E'lik
Khan's generals to retire to their own side of the
Oxus.
Elik Khan was now threatened in his turn, and
applied for assistance to Kadr Khan of Khoten,
who marched to join him with 50,000 men. Thus
strengthened, E'lik Khan did not hesitate to cross
the Oxus, and was met by Mahmiid, near Balkh.
On this occasion he brought 500 elephants into
the field, and contrived, by his judicious arrange-
ments, that they should not be liable to derange his
own line, while they should produce their full effect
on the men and horses of the enemy, unaccustomed
to their huge bulk and strange appearance. Ac-
cordingly the mere sight of them checked the im-
petuosity of the Tartar charge ; on which the
SULTAN MAHMUD. 539
elephants advanced, and at once pushed into the chap.
HI
midst of the enemy, dispersing, overthrowing, and '
trampHng under foot whatever was opposed to
them ; it is said that Mahmud's own elephant
caught up the standard bearer of E'lik Khan, and
tossed him aloft with his trunk, in sight of the
Tartar king and his terrified fellow soldiers. Before
this disorder could be recovered, the armies closed ;
and so rapid and courageous was the onset of the
Ghaznevites, that the Tartars gave way on all sides,
and were driven, with a prodigious slaughter, from ""•"• ^^„^'
' r & » ' A.H. 397.
the field of battle. * Defeatedby
E'lik Khan escaped across the Oxus with a few
attendants, and never again attempted to make
head against Mahmud.
The Sultan was at first disposed to pursue the
enemy ; but the advance of winter compelled him
to abandon this desi<i:n ; and he did not regain his
capital without the loss of some hundreds of men
and horses by the inclemency of the season.
Meanwhile Suk Pal had revolted and relapsed
into idolatry. Mahmud came unexpectedly upon
him, and, making him prisoner, confined him in a
fort for life.
Mahmud had been prevented, by the invasion
of E'lik Khan, from resenting the opposition which
he had met with from Anang Pal. As he was now
at leisure to attend to Indian affairs, he assembled
a large army, and set out, in the spring of a. d. Fourtii ox-
1U08, to resume his operations against the raja. T.l'. 1008,
A. II. 'M)9.
• Ferishta. Dc Guignes. D'llerbelot.
540 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK But Ananff Pal had not been insensible to the
c3
V.
risk to which he was exposed. He had sent am-
bassadors to the Hindu princes far and near, point-
ing out to them the danger with which all were
threatened by the progress of the Mahometans,
and the necessity of an immediate combination to
prevent the total destruction of their religion and
independence. His arguments, which were pro-
bably in accordance with their own previous feel-
ings, made an impression on those to whom they
were addressed : the rajas of Ujen, Gualior, Ca-
linjer, Canouj, Delhi, and Ajmir entered into a
confederacy ; and, uniting their forces, advanced
into the Panjab, with the largest army that had
Decisive cvcr yet taken the field. Mahmud was alarmed at
this unexpected display of force ; and, instead of
meeting the danger with his usual alacrity, he
lialted in the presence of the enemy, and took up
a position near Peshawer, in which he remained on
the defensive. During his inaction, the hostile
army daily increased : the Hindu women sold their
jewels, melted down their golden ornaments, and
sent their contributions from a distance, to furnish
resources for this holy war : and the Gakkars and
other warlike tribes joining their army, they sur-
rounded the Mahometans, who were obliged to in-
trench their camp. But Mahmud, though some-
what disconcerted, was far from having lost his
courage ; and, wishing to profit by the strength of
his position, he sent out a strong body of archers
to provoke an attack on his intrenchments. The
SULTAN MAHMUD,
541
result was different from his expectations : the chap.
archers were at once repulsed by the Gakkars, who,
in spite of the king's presence, and his efforts,
followed them up so closely, that a numerous
body of those mountaineers, bare-headed and bare-
footed, variously and strangely armed, passed the
intrenchments on both flanks, and, falling in with
astonishing fury among the cavalry, proceeded,
with their swords and knives, to cut down and
maim both horse and rider, until, almost in the
twinkling of an eye, between 3000 and 4000
Mussulmans had fallen victims to their savage im-
petuosity. *
The attacks, however, gradually abated; and
Mahmud at length discovered that the elephant of
his antagonist, who had advanced to profit by the
confusion, had taken fright at the flights of arrows t,
and had turned and fled from the field. This in-
cident struck a terror into the enemy : the Hindus,
thinking themselves deserted by their general,
first slackened their efforts, and at last gave way
and dispersed. Mahmud took immediate advan-
tage of their confusion, and, sending out 10,000
chosen men in pursuit of them, destroyed double
* Price, vol. ii. p. 234.
+ In tlie original this is "cannon and musquetry;" and
although Colonel Briggs finds a most ingenious solution, which,
by a slight change of the diacritical points in the Persian, turns
these words into " naphtha balls and arrows ;" yet he is staggered
by the agreement of all the MSS., and suspects an anachronism
in the author. I have adopted the simplest explanation.
542 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK that number of his enemies before they reached a
V.
place of safety.
Temple of After this providential deliverance, Mahmud
Nagarcot.
allowed the Indians no time to re-assemble : he
followed them into the Panjab, and soon found
them so effectually dispersed, that he had time to
execute one of those schemes of plunder in which he
seemsto have taken so much delight. It was directed
against Nagarcot, a fortified temple on a mountain
connected with the lower range of Hemalaya. This
edifice, as it derived peculiar sanctity from a natural
flame which issued from the ground within its
precincts, was enriched by the offerings of a long
succession of Hindu princes, and was likewise the
depository of most of the wealth of the neighbour-
hood ; so that, according to Ferishta, it contained
a greater quantity of gold, silver, precious stones,
and pearls, than any ever collected in the royal
treasury of any prince on earth.
Such a place might have opposed a successful
resistance to any assailant ; but the garrison had
been drawn off in the late great effort, and Mah-
mud, on approaching the walls, found them lined
by a crowd of defenceless priests, who called
loudly for quarter, and offered unqualified submis-
sion. Their terms were gladly acceded to, and
the conqueror, entering with the principal officers
of his court and household, took possession of
their accumulated treasures. 700,000 golden dinars,
700 mans of gold and silver plate, 200 mans of
pure gold in ingots, 2000 mans of unwrought sil-
SULTAN MAHMUD. 543
ver, and twenty mans of various jewels, including chap.
pearls, corals, diamonds, and rubies, collected since ^^'
Raja Bhima, in the Hindu heroic ages, are said to
have fallen at once into his hands.*
With this vast booty Mahmud returned to
Ghazni, and next year celebrated a triumphal
feast, at which he displayed to the people the spoils
of India, set forth in all their magnificence on
golden thrones and tables of the precious metals.
The festival was held on a spacious plain, and
lasted three days ; sumptuous banquets were pro-
vided for the spectators, alms were liberally dis-
tributed among the poor, and splendid presents
were bestowed on persons distinguished for their
rank, merits, or sanctity.
In A. H. 401, he went in person against the A.n. loio.
p /^ 1 ^ • 1 • r Conquest of
strong country or Ghoi", m the mountams east ot chor.
Herat. It was inhabited by the Afghans, of the
tribe of Sur, had been early converted, and was
completely reduced under the califs in a. k. 111.
The chief had occupied an unassailable position,
but was drawn out by a pretended flight, (an
operation which, though it seems so dangerous,
yet, in the hands of historians, appears never to
fail,) and being entirely defeated, swallowed poison.
His name was Mohammed Sur, and the conquest
of his country is the more remarkable, as it was
* There are many sorts of man : the smallest, that of Arabia,
is 2 lbs. ; the commonest, that of Tabriz, is 1 1 lbs. The Indian
man is 80 lbs. (ilriggs, note on Ferishta, vol. i. p. 48.)
5U
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
V.
Fifth ex-
pedition to
India.
Sixth ex-
pedition.
Capture of
Tanesar.
Seventh
and eighth
expeditions.
by his descendants that the house of Ghazni was
overthrown.
In the course of the next year but one, tlie
mountainous country of Jurjistan, or Ghirghistan,
which lies on the upper course of the river
Murghab, adjoining to Ghor, was reduced by
Mahmud's generals.*
It must have been some act of aggression that
drew Mahmud to Ghor, for, in the same year
(a. d. 1010, A.H. 401), he again turned to India —
which seems to have been the business of his life
— took Multan, and brought Abul Fatteh Lodi
prisoner to Ghazni.
In the next year he made an expedition of un-
usual length to Tanesar, not far from the Jamna,
where he phindered the temple (a very holy one),
sacked the town, and returned with an incredible
number of captives to Ghazni, before the Indian
princes could assemble to oppose him.
Nothing remarkable occurred in the next three
years, except two predatory expeditions to Cash-
mir ; in returning from the last of which the army
was misled, and, the season being far advanced,
many lives were lost : the only wonder is, that
* The name of this tract continually occurs in connection
with Ghor and the neighbouring countries. Its position appears
from Ebn Hauka! {Ouseletjs Ebn Hauhal, pp. 213. 221. 225.) ;
it is very often mistaken by European writers for Georgia ; and
D'Herbelot, under this impression, derives the title of the prince
(which, from the defective writing of the Persians, is made by
different authors Sar, Shar, Tshar, and Nishar) from the Russian
czar, or from Caesar.
SULTAx^J MAHMUD. 54!5
two invasions of so inaccessible a country slioiild chap.
III.
have been attended with so few disasters. '
Tiiese insiojnificant transactions were succeeded Conquest
^ of Ti
. rans-
by an expedition which, as it extended Mahmud's oxiana.
dominions to the Caspian sea, may be reckoned
among the most important of his reign. E'Uk
Khan was now dead, and his successor, Toglian
Khan, was engaged in a desperate struggle witli
the Khitan Tartars* which chiefly raged to the
east of Imaus. The opening thus left in Trans-
oxiana did not escape Mahmud, nor was he so
absorbed in his Indian wars as to neglect so great
an acquisition.
Samarcand and Bokhara seem to have been
occupied without opposition ; and the resistance
which was offered in Kharizm did not long dehiy a.d. loic,
, ^ , , A.H. '107.
the conquest ot tliat country, t
The great scale of these operations seems to have >«'i'^ti' lx-
1 1 A r 1 ' n • • 1 • 1 • pcdition to
enlarged Maimiud s views, even m his designs on India.
India ; for, quitting the Panjab, which had hitherto
* From A.D. 1012 to 1025. (De Guignes, vol. ii. p. 31.)
f No previous expedition in the direction of the Oxus is
mentioned by any iiistorian after the battle with E'lik Khan in
a.d. 1006; and Ferishta ascribes this invasion to the resentment
of Mahmud at the murder of the king of Kharizm, who was
married to his daughter ; bu: D'llerbelot (art. Mahmoud) and Ue
Guignes (who quotes Abulfedha, vol. ii, p. 166.) assert as posi-
tively that it was to put down a rebellion ; and as Ferishta him-
self alludes to an application to the calif for an order for the
surrender of Samarcand in a.d. 1012, it is not improbable that
Mahmud may have employed that year in the conquest of
1'ransoxiana, especially as there is no mention of his being then
personally engaged in any other eX[)edition,
VOL. I. N X
54G HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK been his ordinary field of action, he resolved on
' his next campaign to move direct to the Ganges,
and open a way for himself or his successors into
the heart of Hindostan. His preparations were
commensurate to his design. He assembled an
army which Ferishta reckons at 100,000 horse, and
20,000 foot, and which was drawn from all parts
of his dominions, more especially from those re-
cently conquered ; a prudent policy, whereby he
at once removed the soldiery which might have
been dangerous if left behind, and attached it to
his service by a share of the plunder of India.
A.B. 1017, He had to undertake a march of three months,
across seven great rivers, and into a country hi-
therto unexplored ; and he seems to have concerted
his expedition with his usual judgment and in-
formation. He set out from Peshawer, and, passing
near Cashmir, kept close to the mountains, where
the rivers are most easily crossed, until he had
passed the Jamna, when he turned towards the
south, and unexpectedly presented himself before
the great capital of Canouj.
Canouj. It is difficult to coujecturc the local or other
circumstances which tended so greatly to enrich
and embellish this city. The dominions of the
raja were not more extensive tiian those of his
neighbours, nor does he exhibit any superiority oi'
power in their recorded wars or alliances ; yet
Hindu and ]\Iahometan writers vie with each other
in extolling the splendour of his court, and the
magnificence of his capital ; and the impression
SULTAN MAHMUD. 547
made by its stately appearance on the army of chap.
Mahmud is particidarly noticed by Ferishta.* '
The raja was taken entirely unprepared, and
was so conscious of his helpless situation, that he
came out with his family, and gave himself up to
]\Iahmud. The friendship thus inauspiciously com-
menced appears to have been sincere and per-
manent : the Sultan left Canouj uninjured at the
end of three days, and returned, some years after,
in the hope of assisting the raja, against a con-
federacy which had been formed to punish his
alliance with the common enemy of his nation.
No such clemency was shown to Mattra, one
of the most celebrated seats of the Hindu religion.
During a halt of twenty days, the city was given up
to plunder, the idols were broken, and the temples
profaned. The excesses of the troops led to a fire
in tlie city, and the effects of this conflagration
were added to its other calamities.
It is said, by some, that Mahmud was unable to
destroy the temples on account of their solidity.
Less zealous Mahometans relate that he spared
them on account of their beauty. All agree that
he was struck with the highest admiration of the
* A Hindu writer, among otht-r extravagant praises (Colonel
Tod, vol. ii. p. 7.), says the walls were thirty miles round ; a
Mussulman (Major llennell, p. S^.) asserts that it contained
30,000 shops for the sale of bitel leaf. Some Mahometan
writers pay the raja the usual compliment of supposing him
emperor of all India ; and Kbn Ilaukal, a century before Mah-
mud, mentions Canouj as the chief city of India. (Otise/et/'s
IHbn Ilaukal, p. 9.)
N N 2
V.
548 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK buildings which he saw at Mattra, and it is not
improbable that the impression they made on him
gave the first impulse to his own undertakings of
the same nature.*
This expedition was attended with some circum-
stances more than usually tragical. At Mahawan,
near Mattra, the raja had submitted, and had
been favourably received ; v.^hen a quarrel acci-
dentally breaking out between the soldiers of the
two parties, the Hindus were massacred and driven
into the river, and the raja, conceiving himself
betrayed, destroyed his wife and children, and then
made away with himself
At Munj, after a desperate resistance, part of the
Rajput garrison rushed out through the breaches
on the enemv, while the rest dashed themselves to
pieces from the works, or burned themselves with
their wives and children in their houses ; so that
not one of the whole bod}' survived. Various other
towns were reduced, and much country laid waste ;
and the king returned to Ghazni, loaded with spoil
and accompanied by 5500 prisoners.! Having
* The following extract has been preserved of a letter from
Mahmud to the Governor of Ghazni : — " Here there are a
thousand edifices as firm as the faith of the faithful, most of
them of marble, besides innumerable temples ; nor is it likely
that this city has attained its present condition but at the ex-
pense of many millions of deenars ; nor could such another be
constructed under a period of two centuries." {Briggss Fe-
rishta, vol. i. p. 58.)
-j- The whole of this expedition is indistinctly related by
Ferishta. He copies the Persian writers, who, adverting to the
SULTAN MAHMUD, 549
now learned the way into tlie interior, Mahmud chap.
. . III.
made two subsequent marches into India at long
intervals from the ])resent : the first was to the Tenth and
^ ^ eleventh ex-
relief of the raja of Canouj, who had been cut off peditions.
before the Sultan arrived, by the raja of Calinjer '2.n. 413?
in Bundelcand, against whom Mahmud next turned
his arms, but made no permanent impression, either a.d. 1023,
in this or a subsequent campaign.
On the first of these expeditions an event oc- Permanent
r¥« I 11 occupation
curred which had more permanent eiiects than all of the
the Sultan's great victories. Jeipal II,, who had ''"■''"'
succeeded Anangpal in the government of Labor,
seems, after some misunderstandings at the time
of his accession, to have lived on good terms
with Mahmud. On this occasion, his ill destiny
led him to oppose that ])rince's march to Canouj.
The results were, the annexation of Labor and
its territory to Ghazni : the first instance of a
permanent garrison on the east of the Indus, and
seasons in their own country, make Mahmud begin his march
in sprinj;. Had he done so, he need not have gone so high in
search of fords ; but he would have reached Canouj at the
beginning of the periodical rains, and carried on all his subse-
quent movements in the midst of rivers during that season. It
is probable he would go to I'esh;nvcr before the snow set in
above tlie passes, and would cross the Indus early in November.
His marches are still worse detailed. He goes first to Canouj,
then back to Mirat, and then back again to Mattra. There is
no clue to his route, advancing or retiring: he probably came
down by Mirat, but it is (juite uncertain how he returned. For
a good discussion of his marches, see Bird's Hlslory of Gujarat,
Introduction, p. 31.
N N 3
550
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
V.
A.D. 1024,
A.H. 415.
Twelfth ex-
pedition.
Somnat.
tlie foundation of the future Mahometan empire in
India.
After this, Mahmud's attention was drawn to
Transoxiana: he marched thither in person, crushed
a revolt, and subsequently returned to Ghazni.
Since his great expedition to Canouj, Mahmud
seems to have lost all taste for predatory incursions,
and the invasions last mentioned were scarcely the
result of choice. He seems, at this time, to have
once more called up his energy, and determined
on a final effort which should transmit his name to
posterity among the greatest scourges of idolatry,
if not the greatest promoters of Islam.
Tins was his expedition to Somnat, which is
celebrated, wherever there is a Mussulman, as the
model of a rehgious invasion.
Somnat was a temple of great sanctity, situated
near the southern extremity of the peninsula of
Guzerat.* Though now chiefly known in India
from the history of Mahmud's exploit, it seems, at
the time we are writing of, to have been the richest
and most frequented, as well as most famous, place
of worship in the country, t
* Called by the natives Soreth and Kattiwar.
f It is said that from 200,000 to 300,000 votaries used to
attend this temple during eclipses ; that 2000 villages had been
granted by different princes to maintain its establishments; that
there were 2000 priests, 500 dancing women, and 300 musicians
attached to the temple ; that the chain supporting a bell which
worshippers strike during prayer weighed 200 mans of gold ;
and that the idol was washed daily with water brouglit from the
Ganges, a distance of 1000 miles. The last statement is not
SULTAN MAHMUD. 551
To reach this place, iMahnnid, besides a long chap,
III.
march through inhabited countries, had to cross a
desert, 350 miles broad, of loose sand or hard clay,
almost entirely without water, and with very little
forage for horses.
To cross this with an army, even into a friendly
country, would be an exceedingly difficult under-
taking at the present day : to cross it for the
first time, with tiie chance of meeting a hostile
army on the edge, required an extraordinary share
of skill, no less than enterprise.
The army moved from Ghazni in September, A.n. 1024,
A.D. 10'24, and reached Multan in October. The
Sultan had collected 20,000 camels for carrying-
supplies, besides enjoining his troops to provide
themselves, as far as they could, with forage, water,
and provisions. The number of his army is not
given. It is said to have been accompanied by a
crowd of volunteers, chiefly from beyond the Oxus,
attracted by love of adventure and hopes of plun-
der, at least as much as by religious zeal.*
As soon as he had completed his arrangement
for the march, he crossed the desert without any
disaster, and made good his footing on the culti-
vated part of India near Ajmir. The Hindus, if
they were aware of the storm that was gathei'ing,
improbable from present practices. The numbers, as in all
cases in Asiatic writer^, must be considered as indefinite. The
value of the chain, if in Tubrizi mans (as was probabl}' int'judcd)
would be above 100,000/., and if in Arab mans, under 2000/.
* Ferishta reckons them at 30,000. (Briggs, vol. i. p. 6S.)
N X '1<
552 HISTORY OF INDIA.
V,
BOOK were not prepared for its bursting on a point tliat
seemed so well protected, and the raja of Ajmir
bad no resource but in flight. His country was
ravaged, and his town, which had been abandoned
by the inhabitants, was given up to plunder ; but
the hill fort, which commands it, held out ; and,
as it was not Mahmud's object to engage in sieges,
he proceeded on his journey, which was now an
easy one ; his route probably lying along the plain
between the Aravalli mountains and the desert.
Almost the first place he came to in Guzerat was
the capital, Anhalwara, where his appearance was
so sudden that the raja, though one of the greatest
princes in India, was constrained to abandon it with
precipitation.
Without being diverted by this valuable con-
quest, Mahmud pursued his march to Somnat, and
at length reached that great object of his exer-
tions. He found the temple situated on a pen-
insula connected with the main land by a fortified
isthmus, the battlements of which were manned in
every point, and from whence issued a herald, who
brought him defiance and threats of destruction in
the name of the god. Little moved by these
menaces, Mahmud brought forward his archers,
and soon cleared the walls of their defenders, who
now crowded to the temple, and, prostrating them-
selves before the idol, called on him with tears for
help. But Rajputs are as easily excited as dispirit-
ed; and, hearing the shouts of " Allaho Akbar!"
from the Mussulmans, who had already begun
SULTAN MAHMUD. 553
to mount the walls, they hurried back to their chap.
defence, and made so gallant a resistance that the '
Mussulmans were unable to retain their footing:,
and were driven from the place with loss.
The next day brought a still more signal repulse.
A general assault was ordered ; but, as fast as the
Mussuhnans scaled the w^alls, they were hurled
down headlong by the besieged, who seemed re-
solved to defend the place to tlie last.
On the third day the princes of the neighbour-
hood, who had assembled to rescue the temple,
presented themselves in order of battle, and com-
pelled Mahmud to relinquish the attack, and move
in person against his new enemy.
The battle raged with great fury, and victory
was already doubtful, when the raja of Anhalwara
arrived with a strong reinforcement to the Hindus.
This unexpected addition to their enemies so dis-
pirited the Mussulmans that they began to waver,
when Mahmud, who had prostrated himself to im-
plore the Divine assistance, leaped upon his horse,
and cheered his troops with such energy, that,
ashamed to abandon a king under whom they had
so often fought and bled, they, with one accord,
gave a loud shout, and rushed forwards with an
impetuosity which could no longer be withstood.
Five thousand Hindus lay dead after the charge ;
and so complete was the rout of their army, that
the garrison gave up all hopes of further defence,
and, breaking out to the number of dOOO men,
made I heir way to their boats ; and, though not
«554< HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK without considerable loss, succeeded in escaping
by sea.
Mahmud entered the temple, and was struck
with the grandeur of the edifice, the lofty roof of
which was supported by fifty-six pillars curiously
carved and richly ornamented with precious stones.
The external light w^as excluded, but the temple
was illuminated by a lamp which hung down in
the centre from a golden chain. Facing the en-
trance was Somnat, — an idol five yards high, of
which two were buried in the ground. Mahmud
instantly ordered the image to be destroyed ; when
the Bramins of the temple threw themselves be-
fore him, and offered an enormous ransom if he
would spare their deity. Mahmud hesitated; and
his courtiers hastened to offer the advice which
they knew would be acceptable ; but Mahmud,
after a moment's pause, exclaimed that he would
rather be remembered as the breaker than the
seller of idols, and struck the image with his mace.
His example was instantaneously followed, and the
image, which was hollow, burst with the blows,
and poured forth a quantity of diamonds and other
jewels which had been concealed in it, that amply
repaid Mahmud for the sacrifice of the ransom.
Two pieces of this idol were sent to Mecca and
Medina, and two to Ghazni, where one was to be
seen at the palace and one at the public mosque,
as late as when Ferishta wrote his history.*
* The above isFerishta's account, and might be true of some
idol in the temple ; but the real object of worship at Somnat
SULTAN MAHMUD. 555
The treasure taken on this occasion exceeded chap.
all former captures ; but even the Asiatic historians '
are tired of enumerating the mans of gold and
jewels.
Meanwhile the raja of Anhalwara had taken
refuge in Gundaba, a fort which ^vas considered to
be protected by the sea. Mahmud ascertained it
to be accessible, though not without danger, when
the tide was low ; entered the water at the head of
his troops, and carried the place by assault, but
failed to capture the raja.
Mahmud, thus victorious, returned to Anhalwara, Mahmud
where it is probable that he passed the rainy sea- rija h^ ^
son ; and so much was he pleased with the mild- •^"'''^'■^'•
ness of the climate and the beauty and fertility of
the country, that he entertained thoughts of trans-
ferring his capital thither (for some years at least),
and of making it a new point of departure for fur-
ther conquests. He appears, indeed, at this time,
to have been elated with his success, and to have
meditated the formation of a fleet, and the accom-
plishment of a variety of magnificent projects.
His visions, however, were in a different spirit from
those of Alexander ; and were not directed to the
glory of exploring the ocean, but the acquisition of
the jewels of Ceylon and the gold mines of Pegu.
Mature reflection concurred with the advice of his
ministers in inducing him to give up those schemes ;
was not an image, but a simple cylinder of stone. (Professor
Wilson, Asiatic Researches, vol. xvii. p. 194-, &c.)
5,56 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK and as the raja still kept at a distance, and refused
______ submission, he looked around for a fit person
whom he might invest with the government, and
on whom he could rely for tiie payment of a tri-
bute. He fixed his eyes on a mEin of the ancient
royal family who had retired from the world, and
embraced the life of an anchoret, and whom he
probably thought more likely than any other to
remain in submission and dependence.*
There was another pretender of the same family,
whom Mahmud thought it necessary to secure in
his camp, and whom, when he was about to leave
Guzerat, the new raja earnestly entreated to have
delivered to him as the only means of giving sta-
bility to his throne. Mahmud, who, it seems, had
admitted the prisoner into liis presence, was very
unwilling to give him up to his enemy, and he was
with difficulty persuaded to do so by the argument
of his minister, that it was " not necessary to have
compassion on a pagan idolater." His repugnance
was no doubt increased by tlie belief that he was
consigning the prisoner to certain death ; but the
* The person selected is said to have been a descendant of
Dabishlim, an ancient Hindu raja, so called by the Persians, to
whom his name is familiar as the prince by whose orders the
fables of Pilpai vvere composed. Ferishta calls both the pre-
tenders in the following story by the name of their supposed
ancestor ; but they probably were representatives of the family
of Chawara, to whom the father of the reigning raja of the
flimily of Chaluka had succeeded through the female line.
{Bird's Mirdti Ahmedi, p. 14-2., and Tod's Rajasthan, vol. i.
p. 97.)
SULTAN MAHMUD. i557
ascetic was too pious to shed human blood, and chap.
. . Ill
mildly ordered a dark pit to be dug under his own "
throne, in which his enemy was to hnger out the
days that nature had assigned to Iiim. A fortu-
nate revolution, however, reversed the destiny of
the parties, and consigned the anchoret to the dun-
geon which he had himself prepared.*
Mahmud, having by this time passed upwards Distresses
p . „ , , 1 • 1 /• .in the de-
01 a year ni (jruzerat, began to tlnnk ot returnmg sertonhis
I . , . . XT 1-^ 11 1 return.
to Ins own dommions. He round that the route
by which he had advanced was occupied by a great
army under the raja of Ajmir and the fugitive
raja of Anhalwara. His own force was reduced
by the casualties of war and climate ; and he felt
tliat even a victory, unless complete, would be total
ruin to an army whose further marcli lay through
a desert. He therefore determined to try a new
road by the sands to the east of Sind. The hot
season must have been advanced when lie set out,
and the sufferings of his followers, owing to want
of water and forage, were severe from the first ;
but all their other miseries were thrown into the
shade by those of three days, during which they
were misled by their guides, and wandered, without
relief, through the worst part of the desert : their
* This story is chiefly taken from D'Herbelot and Bird's
translation of the " Mtriiti Ahmedi," whose narratives are more
consistent than that in Ferishta. When stripped of some won-
derful circumstances with whicli the historians liave embellished
it, it is by no means improbable in itself, and is too true a pic-
ture of the hypocritical humanity of a Hindu priest in power to
have been invented by a Mahometan author.
558 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK thirst became intolerable from the toil of their
' march on a burnniff sand and under a scorchin"-
sun, and the extremity of their distress drove them
to acts of fury that heightened the calamity. The
guides were tortured, and were believed to have
confessed that they were priests in disguise, who
had devoted themselves to avenge the disgrace of
Somnat : despair seized on every breast : many
perished miserably ; some died raving mad ; and
it was thought to be no less than a miraculous in-
terposition of Providence wliich guided them at
last to a lake or pool of water.
At length they arrived at Multan, and from
thence proceeded to Ghazni. *
* It seems surprising, when we read of all these sufferings,
that Mahmud should neither in going or returning have
availed himself of the easy and safe passage along the banks of
the Indus, with which he could not fail to be well acquainted,
both by the accounts of Mohammed Casim's expedition, and by
the neighbourhood of the Afghans. So unaccountable is the
neglect of this route, that we are led to think that some physical
obstacles may then have existed which have now ceased to
operate. It seems certain that the Rin, w^hich is now a hard
desert in the dry season, and a salt marsh in the rains, vvas
formerly a part of the sea. The traditions of sea ports on the
north of Cach, and the discovery of ships in the Rin, appear to
put this question beyond a doubt ; while the rapidity of the
changes which have taken place under our own eyes prepare us
to believe that still greater may have occurred in the 800 years
that have elapsed since the taking of Somnat. (See Burness
. Travels, vol. iii. p. 309.) I suppose Mahmud's expedition to
Somnat to have occupied more than a year and a half, i. e. from
October or November, 1024, to April or May, 1026. Ferishta
says it occupied two years and a half, and Price, in one place,
two years and a half, and in another, more than three. (Vol. ii.
SULTAN MAHMUD. 559.
Mahmud allowed himself no repose after all that chap.
he had endured. He returned to Multan before '
the end of the year, to chastise a body of Jats in
the Jund mountainSj who had molested his army
on its march from Somnat. These marauders took
refuge in the islands inclosed by the smaller chan-
nels of the Indus, which are often not fordable,
and where they might elude pursuit by shifting
from island to island. Mahmud, who was on his
guard against this expedient, had provided himself
with boats, and was thus able, not only to transport
his own troops across the channels, but to cut off
the communications of tlie enemy, to seize such
boats as they had in their possession, and, in the
end, to destroy most of the men, and make pri-
soners of the women and children. *
p. 291.) But these periods are inconsistent with the dates in
Ferishta, which are as follows : — March from Multan, October,
A.D. lO'J^, A. II. 415; return to Ghazni, a.d. 1026, a. ii. 417.
The return must have taken place before the middle of the
year, as Mahmud's sufferings in the desert would not have hap-
pened in the rainy season, and, moreover, as no time would be
left for the expedition against the Jats, which took place in the
same year. The two years and a half, therefore, could only be
made up by supposing Ferishta to have made a slip in ascribing
Mahmud's return to a.d. 1026, instead of a.d. 1027 ; but a. d.
1027 appears by his own account to have been employed in an
expedition against the Seljiiks. (Hriggs, vol. i. p. 83.) Sup-
posing Mahmud to have remained for two years in Guzeriit, it
would be difficult to explain how he kept up his communications
with Ghazni ; as well as to account for his inaction during so
long a period, in which not a march nor a transaction of any
kind is recorded.
** I have endeavoured to reconcile this account, which is
560 PIISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK This was the last of Mahmud's expeditions to
' India. His activity was soon called forth in another
First revolt dlrcctlon ; for the Turki tribe of Seljuk, whose
Seijuks. growth he had incautiously favoured, had become
too unndy and too powerful to be restrained by hu
local governors ; and he was obliged to move in
Suppressed pcrsou agaiust them. He defeated them in a great
A.H. 418.' battle, and compelled them, for a time, to return
to their respect for his authority. *
Conquest of This succcss was now followed by another of
Mahra^d gi'^atcr conscqueucc, which raised Mah mud's power
to its highest pitch of elevation. The origin of
the family of Buya, or the Deilemites, has already
been mentioned, t They subsequently divided
into three branches ; and, after various changes,
one branch remained in possession of Persian Irak,
extending from the frontier of Khorasan, westward
to the mountains of Kurdistan, beyond Hamadan.
The chief of this branch had died about the time
of Mahmud's accession, leaving his dominions under
entirely on Ferishta's authority, with the size of the river and
the geography of the neighbourhood. His own description
gives an idea of a regular naval armament and a sea fight ;
Mahmud, he says, had l^OO boats built for the occasion,
each capable of containing twenty-five archers and fire-ball
men, and armed with spikes in a peculiar manner. The enemy
had a fleet of 4000, and some say 8000 boats, and a desperate
conflict took place ; yet Mahmud's boats must have been con-
structed after his return during the present year, and the ?nou>i-
taineers could scarcely have possessed a large flotilla. I ques-
tion if 1000 boats could now be collected on the whole of the
Indus and the rivers connected with it.
* Briggs's Ferishta, vol. i. pp, 82, 83. f See p. 523.
SULTAN MAHMUD. 56l
the regency of his widow ; and the Sultan was at chap.
first disposed to take advantage of the circum- '
stance. He was disarmed by a letter from the
regent, who told him that she might have feared
him while her warlike liusband was alive, but now
felt secure in the conviction that he was too gene-
rous to attack a defenceless woman, and too wise
to risk his glory in a contest where no addition to
it could be gained. *
If Malimud ever evinced this magnanimity
towards the widow, it was not extended to her
son. This young man's reign was a continued
scene of misgovernment ; and the rebellions it
at last engendered either obliged him (as some
state) to solicit the interposition of Mahmud, or
enabled that monarcli to interfere unsolicited, and
to turn the distracted state of the kingdom to his
own profit. He invaded Irak, and ungenerously, if
not perfidiously, seized the person of the prince,
who had trusted himself in his camp before llei.
He then took possession of the whole territory ;
and, having been opposed at Isfahan and Cazvin,
he punished their resistance by putting to death
some thousands of the inhabitants of each city.t
These transactions, which leave so great a stain His deatb,
on the memory of Mahmud, were the last acts of
his reign. He was taken ill soon after his retnrn
* D'Herbelot. Price. Gibbon.
t D'Herbelot, art. " iMahnioLid," p. 521. Sec also art. " Mag-
deddulat."
VOL. I. O O
oG'^
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
V.
A.D. 1030.
A.H. 421.
and cha-
racter.
to his capital, and died at Ghazni on the 29th of
April, A.D. 1030.*
Shortly before his death he commanded all the
most costly of his treasures to be displayed before
him ; and, after long contemplating them, he is
said to have shed tears at the thought that he was
so soon to lose them. It is remarked that, after
this fond parting with his treasures, he distributed
no portion of them among those around him, to
whom also he was about to bid farewell. t
Thus died Mahmud, certainly the greatest sove-
reign of his own time, and considered by the Ma-
hometans among the greatest of any age. Though
some of his qualities have been overrated, he ap-
pears on the whole to have deserved his reputation.
Prudence, activity, and enterprise, he possessed in
the highest degree ; and the good order which he
preserved in his extensive dominions during his
frequent absences is a proof of his talents for go-
vernment. The extent itself of those dominions
does little towards establishing his ability, for the
state of the surrounding countries afforded a field
for a wdder ambition than he ventured to indulge ;
and the speedy dissolution of his empire prevents
* Briggs, vol. i. p. 84. ; Price, vol. ii. p. 294.
■\- It was probably this anecdote that suggested to Sadi a
story which he relates in the " Gulistan." A certain person,
he says, saw Sultan Mahmud (then long dead) in a dream.
His body was reduced to a bare skeleton ; but his eyes (the
organs of covetousness with the Asiatics) were still entire^ and
gazed eagerly from their sockets, as if they were insatiable and
indestructible, like the passion which animated them.
SULTAN MAHMUD.
563
our forming a high opinion of the wisdom em- chap.
ployed in constructing it. Even his Indian opera-
tions, for which all other objects were resigned,
are so far from displaying any signs of system or
combination, that their desultory and inconclusive
nature would lead us to deny him a comprehensive
intellect, unless we suppose its range to have been
contracted by the sordid passions of his heart*
He seems to have made no innovation in internal
government: no laws or institutions are referred,
by tradition, to him.
The real source of his glory lay in his combining
the qualities of a warrior and a conqueror, with a
zeal for the encouragement of literature and the
arts, which was rare in his time, and has not yet
been surpassed. His liberality in those respects is
enhanced by his habitual economy. He founded
a university in Ghazni, with a vast collection of
curious books in various languages, and a museum
of natural curiosities. He appropriated a large
sum of money for the maintenance of this esta-
blishment, besides a permanent fund for allowances
to professors and to students.* He also set aside
a sum, nearly equal to 10,000/. a-year, for pensions
to learned men ; and showed so much munificence
to individuals of eminence, that his capital exhi-
bited a greater assemblage of literary genius than
any other monarch in Asia has ever been able to
produce, t
* Briggs's Ferishta, vol. i. p. GO.
-j- The first encouragcrs of Persian literature appear to have
o o 2
V,
564i HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK Of the many names that adorned his court, few
are known in Europe. U'nsuri may be mentioned
as the first instance, in Asia, of a man raised to
high rank and title for poetical merit alone * ; but
it is to Ferdousi that we must ascribe the universal
reputation of Mahmud as a patron of poetry ; and
it is to him, also, that his country is indebted for a
large portion of her poetical fame.
The history of this poet throws a strong light
on Mahmud's literary ardour ; and is improved in
interest as well as authenticity by its incidental
disclosure of the conqueror's characteristic foible.
Perceiving that the ancient renown of Persia was
on the point of being extinguished, owing to the
bigotry of his predecessors, Mahmud early held
out rewards to any one who would embody in a
historical poem, the achievements of her kings
and heroes, previous to the Mahometan conquest.
Dakiki, a great poet of the day, whom he had first
engaged in this undertaking, was assassinated by
been the Samanis. The " Tarlkhi Tabari," a celebrated his-
torical work, was translated into Persian from Arabic by the
vizir of one of the kings of that race, in a.d. 946; and Rudeki,
the earliest of the Persian poets, received 80,000 dirhems from
another of those princes for a moral work founded on Pilpay's
fables. The Buyas, or Deilemites, are mentioned by Gibbon
as revivers of the language and genius of Persia ; but it is to
Sultan Mahmud that she is indebted for the full expansion of
her national literature.
* Colonel Kennedy, from Daulot Shah, Transactions of the
Bombay Literary Society, vol. ii. p. 75. ; where, also, is the
authority for the present to RudeM.
SULTAN MAHMUD.
565
a servant, before he had finished more than one char
thousand couplets ; when the fame of Mahmud's '__
liberahty fortunately attracted Ferdousi to his
court. By him was this great work completed ;
and in such a manner, that, although so obsolete as
to require a glossary, it is still the most popular of
all books among his countrymen, and is admired
even by European readers for the spirit and fire
of some passages, the tenderness of others, and the
Homeric simplicity and grandeur that pervade the
whole. A remarkable feature in this poem (per-
haps an indication of the taste of the age) is the
fondness for ancient Persian words, and the stu-
dious rejection of Arabic. It is said, though not,
perhaps, quite correctly, that not one exclusively
Arabic word is to be found in the sixty thousand
couplets. The poem was from time to time re-
cited to the Sultan, who listened to it with delight,
and showed iiis gratitude by gifts to the poet ; but
when the whole was concluded, after thirty years
of labour, as Ferdousi himself assures us, the re-
ward was entirely disproportioned to the greatness
of the work.* Ferdousi rejected what was offered,
withdrew in indignation to his native city of Tus,
* The story told is, that INIahmud had promised a dirhem
for every verse ; and that, although he had meant golden dir-
hems, the sight of the sum was too much for his covetous
nature, and he changed the payment into silver dirhenis ; but
Mahmud had too much prudence to have promised an unlimited
sum for verses, even of Ferdousi's, and too much taste to have
thought that he would improve their value by offering a pre-
mium on their number.
o o 3
566 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK launched a bitter satire at Mahmud, and held him-
' self prepared to fly from that monarch's dominions,
if it were necessary, to shun the effects of his re-
venge. But Mahmud magnanimously forgot the
satire, while he remembered the great epic, and
sent so ample a remuneration to the poet as would
have surpassed his highest expectations. But his
bounty came too late ; and the treasure entered
one door of Ferdousi's house as his bier was borne
out of another. His daughter at first rejected the
untimely gift ; by the persuasion of Mahmud, she
at length accepted it, and laid it out on an em-
bankment, to afford a supply of water to the city
where her father had been born, and to which he
was always much attached.
The satire, however, has survived. It is to it
we owe the knowledge of Mahmud's base birth j
and to it, beyond doubt, is to be ascribed the
preservation of the memory of his avarice, which
would otherwise long ago have been forgotten. *
Mahmud's taste for architecture, whether en-
gendered, or only developed, by what he witnessed
at Mattra and Canouj, displayed itself in full per-
fection after his return from that expedition. He
then founded the mosque called " the Celestial
Bride," which, in that age, was the wonder of the
East. It was built of marble and granite, of such
beauty as to strike every beholder with astonish-
* D'Herbelot ; Kennedy on Persian Literature, Bombay
Transactions; Malcolm's Persia; Introduction to Shahnameh,
Oriental Magazine, vol. vi.
SULTAN MAHMUD. 567
ment *, and was furnished with rich carpets, can- chap.
III.
delabras, and other ornaments of silver and gold. "
It is probable, from the superiority long possessed
by Indian architects, that the novelty and elegance
of the design had even a greater effect than the
materials, in commanding so much admiration.
When the nobility of Ghazni, says Ferishta (from
whom most of the above is transcribed), saw the
taste of the monarch evince itself in architecture,
they vied with each other in the magnificence of
their private palaces, as well as in public buildings,
which they raised for the embellishment of the
city. Thus, in a sliort time, the capital was orna-
mented with mosques, porches, fountains, reser-
voirs, aqueducts, and cisterns, beyond every city
in the East.
All writers attest the macrnificence ofMahmud's
court, which exhibited the solemnity of that of the
califs, together with all the pomp and splendour
which they had borrowed from the great king ; so
that when to all this we add the great scale of his
expeditions, and the high equipments of his armies,
we must accede to the assertion of his historian,
that, if he was rapacious in acquiring wealth, he
was unrivalled in the judgment and grandeur with
which he knew how to expend it.
As avarice is the great imputation against Mah-
miid in the Kast, so is bigotry among Euro})ean
writers. The first of these charges is established
* Ferishta.
o o 4
568
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK by facts ; the other seems the result of a miscon-
ception. Mahmud carried on war with the infidels
because it was a source of gain, and, in his day, the
greatest source of glory. He professed, and pro-
bably felt, like other Mussulmans, an ardent wish
for the propagation of his faith ; but he never
sacrificed the least of his interests for the accom-
plishment of that object ; and he even seems to
have been perfectly indifferent to it, when he might
have attained it without loss. One province, per-
manently occupied, would have done more for
conversion than all his inroads, which only hard-
ened the hearts of the Hindus ao:ainst a religion
which presented itself in such a form.
Even where he had possession, he showed but
little zeal. Far from forcing conversions, like Mo-
hammed Casim, we do not hear that in liis long
residence in Guzerat, or his occupation of Labor,
he ever made a convert at all. His only ally (the
raja of Canouj) was an unconverted Hindu. His
transactions with the raja of Labor were guided
entirely by policy, without reference to religion ;
and when he placed a Hindu devotee on the throne
of Guzerat, his thoughts must have been otherwise
directed than to the means of propagating Islam.
It is no where asserted that he ever put a Hindu
to death except in battle, or in the storm of a
fort. His only massacres were among his brother
Mussulmans in Persia. Even they were owing to
the spirit of the age, not of the individual, and
sink into insignificance, if compared with those of
SULTAN MAHMUD. 569
Chengiz Khan, who was not a Mussulman, and is chap.
eulogised by one of our most liberal historians as '
a model of philosophical toleration.
Perhaps the most odious trait of his religious
wars is given incidentally by a Mahometan author,
quoted in Price, who states that such was the mul-
titude of captives brought from India, that a pur-
chaser could not be found for a slave at four shil-
lings and seven pence a head.
The Mahometan historians are so far from s:ivino:
him credit for a blind attachment to the faith, that
they charge him with scepticism, and say that he
rejected all testimony, and professed his doubts of
a future state : and the end of the story, as they
relate it, increases its probability ; for, as if he
felt that he had gone too far, he afterwards an-
nounced that the Prophet had appeared to him in
a dream, and in one short sentence had removed
all his doubts and objections.
It is, however, certain that he was most atten-
tive to the forms of his religion. He always
evinced the strongest attachment to the orthodox
calif, and rejected all offers from his Egyptian
rival. Though he discouraged religious enthusiasts
and ascetics, he showed great reverence for men of
real sanctity.*
Hardly one battle of importance is described in
which he did not kneel down in ])rayer, and im-
plore the blessing of God upon his arms.t
* See a letter from Aurangzlb, in tlie Asiatic Register for
1801, p. 92.
+ A story is told of liiin in I'erisbta and in the " llauzat u
570
HISTORY OF INDIA.
V.
BOOK Notwithstanding the bloodshed and misery of
which he was the occasion, he does not seem to
have been cruel. We hear of none of the tra-
gedies and atrocities in his court and family which
are so common in those of other despots. No in-
human punishments are recorded ; and rebels, even
when they are persons who had been pardoned
and trusted, never suffer any thing worse than im-
prisonment.
Mahmud was about the middle size ; athletic,
and well proportioned in his limbs, but disfigured
with the small-pox to a degree that was a constant
source of mortification to him in his youth, until it
stimulated him to exertion, from a desire that the
bad impression made by his appearance might be
effaced by the lustre of his actions.*
He seems to have been of a cheerful disposition,
and to have lived on easy terms with those around
him.
The following well-known story show's the opin-
ion entertained of his severity to military licence,
one of tlie first virtues in a general. One day a
peasant threw liimself at his feet, and complained
that an ofKcer of the army, having conceived a
Safa," that puts his zeal for religion in a new light. A citizen
of Nishapur was brought before him on an accusation of heresy.
" O king," said he, " I am rich, but I am no heretic ; can you
not take my property without injuring my reputation ? " The
king heard his proposal with great good humour, took the
bribe, and gave him a certificate under the royal signet of his
perfect orthodoxy.
f Ferishta. D'Herbelot. Price.
SULTAN MAHMUD. 571
passion for his wife, had forced himself into his chap.
house, and driven him out with blows and insults ; '
and that he had renewed the outrage, regardless of
the clamours of the husband. Mahmud directed
him to say nothing, but to come again when the
officer repeated his visit. On the third day, the
peasant presented himself, and Mahmud took his
sword in silence, and wrapping himself in a loose
mantle, followed him to his house. He found the
guilty couple asleep, and, after extinguishing the
lamp, he struck off the head of the adulterer at a
blow. He then ordered lights to be brought, and,
on looking at the dead man's face, burst into an
exclamation of thanksgiving, and called for water,
of which he drank a deep draught. Perceiving
the astonishment of the peasant, he informed him •
he had suspected that so bold a criminal could be
no other than his own nephew ; that he had extin-
guished the light lest his justice should give way
to affection ; that he now saw that the offender
was a stranger ; and, having vowed neither to eat
nor drink till he had given redress, he was nearly
exliausted with thirst.
Another example is given of his sense of his duty
to his people. Soon after the conquest of Irak, a
caravan was cut off in the desert to the east of that
country, and the mother of one of the merchants
who was killed went to Ghazni to complain.
Mahmud urged the impossibihty of keeping order
in so remote a part of his territories ; when the
woman boldly answered, *' Why, then, do you take
572
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
V.
Composi-
tion of his
court and
army.
Turks.
countries wliicli you cannot govern, and for the
protection of which you must answer in the day
of judgment?" Mahmud was struck with the
reproach ; and, after satisfying the woman by a
liberal present, he took effectual measures for
the protection of the caravans.
Mahmud was, perhaps, the richest king that ever
lived. On hearing of the wealth of some former
dynasty, who had accumulated jewels enough to fill
seven measures, he exclaimed, " Praise be to God,
who has given me a hundred measures."
As all the subsequent dynasties in India spring
from the court or neighbourhood of Ghazni, it is
to be regretted that we have so few materials for
judging of the state of society and manners in both.
Things were much changed since the time of the
Arab conquests, and new actors had come on the
stage, widely different from those who had pre-
ceded them. Though many Arabs were still em-
ployed, both as soldiers and magistrates, even they
were only Arabs by descent, while a great portion
of the court and army were Turks, and the rest,
with almost all the people, were Persians.
The Turks had not come into Ghazni as con-
querors. Numbers of Turkish slaves had been
brought into the southern countries after the con-
quest of Transoxiana ; and their courage, their
habits of obedience, their apparently dependent
condition and want of connection with all around
them, recommended them to the coniidence of
absolute monarchs, and led to their general em-
SULTAN MAHMUD.
573
ployment. Some princes formed bodies of 3fomhik chap.
(slave) guards, and some employed individuals in
offices of trust ; so that they already occupied an
important place in what had been the Arab em-
jiire, and soon after the death of Mahmud brought
the greater part of Asia under their dominion.
The house of Ghazni, though Turks themselves,
were less under the influence of their countrymen
than most of their contemporaries. A'lptegin was
a single slave, and rose to power as governor of
Khorasan. He may have had some Mamluks and
other Turks in his service ; but the main body of
his army, and all his subjects, were natives of the
country round Ghazni. Mahmud himself was born
of a Persian mother*, and was in language and
manners a Persian ; but his increased resources,
and the conquest of Transoxiana, would draw more
Turks about him, and their importance in the
neighbouring countries would give more weight to
their example.
The existence of wandering tribes in botli na-
tions leads us at first to suppose a resemblance be-
tween the Tartars and the Arabs ; while the reality
would be better shown by a contrast.
From the first mention of the Tartars, in the thir-
teenth century before Christ, they formed great
nations under despotic governments. They fed
sheep, on imcultivated but not unfertile plains,
* From Zabul, the country adjoining to Cabul on the south,
beginning from (ihazni, and extending to, i)erhaj)S including,
Ststan on the west.
574
HISTORY OF INDIA.
V.
BOOK and were not exposed to the sufferings and pri-
vations which fall to the lot of those who follow
camels in the desert. They did not live in towns ;
and the extent of the dominions of their princes
kept them from the anxiety arising from close con-
tact with their external enemies.
They had, therefore, nothing to sharpen their
intellect, or to give birth to feelings of independ-
ence ; and, though they were as brave and hardy
as the Arabs, they seem to have been made of
grosser materials than that fiery and imaginative
people : their wars originated in obedience, not in
enthusiasm ; and their cruelty arose from insensi-
bility, not bigotry or revenge : among themselves,
indeed, they were sociable and good-natured, and
by no means much under the influence of the
darker passions.
Wherever the Arabs conquered, they left in-
delible traces of their presence ; religion, law,
philosophy, and literature, all took a new character
from them. Their bad qualities, as well as their
good, were copied by their subjects and disciples ;
and wherever we find a Mussulman, we are sure to
see a tinge of the pride, violence, and jealousy,
with something of the hospitality and munificence,
of the early Arab. The Tartars, on the other
hand, have neither founded a religion nor intro-
duced a literature ; and, so far from impressing their
own stamp on others, they have universally melted
into that of the nations among whom they settled :
so that, in manners and in outward appearance,
SULTAN MAHMUD. 575
there is scarcely a feature left in common between chap.
a Tartar of Persia and one of China. '
Amidst all these changes of form, there is some
peculiarity of genius or temperament, which pre-
serves a sort of national character ; and, when im-
proved by the qualities of more refined nations,
they exhibit more of the manly and practical turn
of Eiu'opeans than is found in any other among the
nations of the East.
In the present instance, their character took its
bias from the Persians, a people very likely to in-
fluence all who came into contact with them. Persians.
With a good deal of the energy of the Arabs
and Tartars, the Persians combine the suppleness
and artifice of the Hindus, and a fund of talents
and ingenuity peculiar to themselves ; and, being
a lively and restless people, they have been able
(although always depressed by a singularly grievous
despotism) to make a figure in the history of the
world out of all proportion to their numbers or the
resources of their territory.
From the first conquest of their country the Per-
sians must have been employed in all financial
and civil business, in which the Arabs were no
adepts ; and their rapid conversion early opened
the way for them to offices of trust and power.
A'bu Moslem, who })laced the Abbassides on the
throne, was a Persian of Isfahan ; the celebrated
Barmecides were Persians of Balkh ; and the nation
seems before long to have extended its views to tlie
recovery of its inde])endence. Tiihir, though an
576 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK Arab, was supported by Persians in his rebellion.
' The SofFarides, the Buyides, and probably the Sa-
manides *, were Persians ; and, at the time we are
writing of, Mahmud was the only sovereign not
of Persian origin between the Jaxartes and the
Euphrates.
Their agreeable manners and refined way of
living rendered the Persians models in those re-
spects, even in countries at a distance from their
own ; and their language, which had been enriched
by vast accessions from the Arabic, became, a little
before this time, what it still continues, the main
channel of polite literature, and, in some degree,
of science, through all the Mahometan part of
Asia.
Relation Thcsc uatious wcrc in various degrees of obe-
ferentnl" dleucc, and iiiflucnced the government in various
tions to the
govern- mauners.
ment. 'pj-jg inhabitants of towns and plains (including
the Arabs, almost all the Persians, and such of the
small bodies of Turks as had long confined them-
selves to particular tracts) were entirely submissive
* The Samanides are generally reckoned Turks ; but their
founder was presented to the calif Mamun at Merv in Khorasan,
and was neither a Turki chief nor a slave. The family claimed a
Persian ancestor at a time when a descent from Guebres would
not have been an object of ambition to men of another race.
De Guignes, who exhausts all Tartar tribes, and even adopts
single Turks like the Ghaznevites, lays no claim to the Samanis.
Whether they came from Bokhara or Balkh, the fixed inhabit-
ants of either country are Persians ; and their being the first
encouragers of Persian literature is another argument for their
descent.
SULTAN MAHMUD. 577
to the Sultan. The mountaineers were probably chap.
in every stage from entire obedience to nearly per-
fect independence. The great Turki hordes (as
the Seljuks) were separate communities uncon-
nected with the territory they occupied, which
sometimes, in the same generation, was on the
A'mur and on the Wolga. Their relation to the
Sultan depended on the will of their chiefs, and
was as fluctuating as might be expected in such
circumstances ; during the vigorous reign of Mah-
mud they seem in general to have been submis-
sive.
The small portion of India possessed by Mah-
mud was so recent an acquisition, that the limits
of his authority, both in degree and extent, must
have been ill defined. I suppose he was powerful
in the plains, and had little influence in the hills.
Their shares in the government may be conjec-
tured from the circumstances of the different na-
tions.
Religion and law were Arabian (though modi-
fied in the latter department by local customs) ;
and the lawyers and divines would, in many cases,
be from the same country.
The Sultan had a body of guards mounted on
his own horses, who, we may conclude, were Mam-
liiks (or Turki slaves) ; and separate troops of Tar-
tar horse, from beyond the Oxus, no doubt formed
an important part of his army. A body of 5000
Arab horse is mentioned on one occasion, and very
large bodies of Afghans and Khiljis arc often spoken
VOL. I. p p
578 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK of; but we may infer, from various circumstances
' and analogies, that the bulk of his army was re-
cruited promiscuously from all parts of his domi-
nions, either singly or in small bodies, and was
placed under officers of his own selection j that
the contingents of particular provinces were under
their governors ; and that, besides the moun-
taineers enlisted in the ranks, many tumultuary
bodies of that class served under their hereditary
chiefs. All general commands were certainly held
by the king's own officers, who, by their names,
seem generally to have been Turks.
The number of his regular army is said, at a
muster six years before his death, to have amounted
to 51,000 good horse; a moderate number for so
great a state, and probably increased on occasions
by temporary levies.
Though there is no mention of Hindus in Mah-
mud's army, a numerous body of Hindu cavalry,
under Sewand Rai, is stated to have taken part in
the troubles at Ghazni within two months after the
Sultan's death ; whence it is obvious that he must,
during his lifetime, have availed himself of tiie
services of this class of his subjects without con-
sidering their religion as an objection.
Though the Turki nation were still pagans, most,
if not all, those in Mahmud's army were probably
Mahometans. The slaves were of course made Mus-
sulmans as soon as they were purchased, and the
free men were likely from imitation to embrace
the religion of the country they were in. Some
III.
SULTAN MAHMUD. ^79
even of the liordes had begun to be converted; chap.
but as the Turks did not, like the Hmdus, lay aside
their pagan names on conversion, it is not so easy,
as in the other cases, to ascertain their religion.*
The civil administration must have been en-
tirely conducted by Persians. The two celebrated
vizirs, Abul Abbass and Ahmed Meimendi, were
of that nation, and appear to have lived in con-
stant rivalry with the great Turki generals. The
former of the two, being more a man of business
than learning, introduced the practice of writing-
all public papers in Persian. Ahmed restored
Arabic in permanent documents ; such, probably,
as charters, and those of the class which in Europe
would be written in Latin.
It is owing to this circumstance that, although
India was never directly conquered by Persia, the
language of business, and of w^ritingin general, is all
taken from the latter country. The Persian lan-
guage is also spoken much more generally than
French is in Europe. It likewise furnishes a large
proportion of the vernacular language of Hin-
dostan, the basis of which is an original Indian
dialect.
* SelJLik is said to liave been converted ; and tlie fact is
proved by the scriptural names of his sons, the contemporaries
of Sultan Mahmud, which were Michael, Israel, Miisa (Moses),
and according to some Yunas (Jonas) ; but his celebrated grand-
son, though a zealous Mahometan, bore the Tartar name of
Toghrul, and /lis equally flimous successor that of A'lp Arslan.
P P ^
580
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
V.
CHAP. IV.
OTHER KINGS OF THE HOUSES OF GHAZNI AND GHOK.
Sultan Mohamtned.
Sultan Mahmud left two sons, one of whom,
Mohammed, had, by his gentleness and docility,
.D. 1030, so ingratiated himself with his father, that he fixed
on him for his successor in preference to his more
untractable brother, Masaud. Mohammed was ac-
cordingly put in possession, and crowned as soon
as Mahmud was dead ; but the commanding tem-
per and headlong courage of Masaud, together
with his personal strength and soldier-like habits,
made him more popular, and, in fact, more fit to
govern, in the times which were approaching.
Accordingly a large body of guards deserted from
Mohammed immediately after his accession ; and
by the time Masaud arrived from his government
of Isfahan, the whole army was ready to throw off
its allegiance. Mohammed was seized, blinded, and
sent into confinement ; and Masaud ascended the
throne within five months after his father's death.
A. I). 1030,
A. H. 421.
Sultan Masaud.
The situation of the new monarch required all
the energy by which he was distinguished ; for
HOUSE OF GHAZNI. 581
the power of the Seljuks had already risen to chap.
such a height as to threaten his empire with the
calamities which they afterwards brought on it. RUoofthe
*' _ _ "-^ Seljiiks.
The origin of this family is not distinctly known ;
and their early history is related in different ways.
The most probable account is, that the chief from
whom they derived their name lield a high station
under one of the great Tartar princes ; that he
incurred the displeasure of his sovereign, and emi-
grated with his adherents to Jaund, on the left
bank of the Jaxartes. His sons were afterwards
subject to Sultan Mahmud ; and, by one account,
were either induced or compelled by him to move
to the south of the Oxus, and settle in Khorasan.*
It is, however, more probable that they remained
in Transoxiana, under a loose subjection to the
Sultan, carrying on wars and incursions on their
own account, until the end of his reign, when they
began to push their depredations into his imme-
diate territories. They received a check at that
time, as has been related, and did not enter Kho-
rasan in force until the reign of Masaud.
Thoucrh individuals of the Turki nation had lone:
before made themselves masters of the govern-
ments which they served, as the Mamliik guards
at Bagdad, Alptegin at Ghazni, &c. ; yet the Sel-
juks were the first lunulc, in modern times, that
obtained possessions to the south of the Oxus ;
and, although the invasions of Chengiz Klian and
* Amtr bin Kadr Stiji'tki was left by Maliniiul in tiie com-
mand of a garrison in India in a. d. 102], A. ii. 412.
P P J
582 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK Tamerlane were afterwards on a greater scale,
' the Seljuk conquest was raised to equal import-
ance from tlie fact that the representative of
one of its branches still fills the throne of Con-
stantinople.*
Their wars At thc time of Masaud's accession their inroads
liiid. ^ i^to Khorasan began again to be troublesome.
They did not, however, seem to require the personal
exertions of the new king, who was therefore left
A. D. 1081, at leisure to reduce the province of Mecran under
his authority;, and as within the next three years
A. D. 1034, he received the submission of the provinces of
A.H. 42^. ]\/[^2anderan and Gurgan, then in the hands of a
family of unconverted fire-worshippers, he had, be-
fore his power began to decline, attained to the
sovereignty of all Persia, except the province of
Fars.
While enffao^ed with Mecran he received intel-
ligence of a doubtful battle with the Seljuks in
Kharism. Mahmud's favourite general, Altun Tash,
was killed in this battle, and his successor thought
it prudent to come to terms very inconsistent with
the dignity of the monarchy. Notwithstanding
this misfortune, Masaud thought himself sufficiently
at liberty to enter on an Indian expedition, the
only result of which was the capture of Sersuti, a
place of no importance on the left bank of the
Satlaj. The next year was marked by a pestilence,
which raged Vv^ith unexampled violence over the
* De Guienes. D'Herbelot. Price.
HOUSE OF GHAZNI. 583
whole of Persia and the neighbouring countries, chap.
including India, and which probably occasioned a '
sort of suspension of military operations ; but in
A. D. 1034, while Masaud was engaged in settling a. u. 425.
Mazanderan, his generals received another defeat
from the Seljuks, to whom all his wisest counsellors
thonght it was now time for their sovereign to give
his most serious attention. But Masaud, perhaps
deceived by the submissive language of the Sel-
juks, who still professed themselves his slaves,
thought he had time to settle some disturbances in
the opposite extremity of his dominions. He first
quelled a rebellion at Labor, in which the royal
army employed against the insurgent (a Mussul-
man governor) was composed of Hindus, under a
chief whose name (Tilok, son of Jei Sein) shows
him to have been of their own nation and religion.
Next year he himself headed an expedition to
India, took Hansi, and left a garrison in Sonpat,
near Delhi.
In the mean time the danger from the Seljuks
had become too serious to be dissembled. The
Sultan marched against them in person. His con-
duct of tiie war evinced more activity than skill ;
and after two years of indecisive operations (during
which Toghral Beg once made an incursion to the
gates of Ghazni), his affairs were in a worse position
than when he first took the field. At length the two
parties met on equal terms : a decisive battle was a. .>. 10,59.
fought at Zendeciin or Dandunaken, near Mcrv.
Masaud, being deserted on the field by some of his
1' V 1<
A. II. Ui
584 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK Turki followers, was totally and irretrievably de-
' feated, and was compelled to fly to Merv. He
there assembled the wreck of his army, and re-
turned to Ghazni; but, far from being able to collect
such a force as might oppose the Seljuks, he found
himself without the means of repressing the dis-
orders which were breaking out round the capital.
In these circumstances he determined to withdraw
to India, and avail himself of the respite thus ob-
tained to endeavour to retrieve his affiurs. But
discipline was now dissolved, and all respect for
the king's authority destroyed ; soon after he had
crossed the Indus his own guards attempted to
plunder his treasure; and the confusion which fol-
lowed led to a general mutiny of the army, the
Deposition dcpositioii of Masaud, and the restoration of his
of Masaud. brothcr Mohammed to the throne. The blindness
of the latter prince rendering him incapable of
conducting the government, he transferred the
effective administration to his son Ahmed, one of
A. D. 1040, whose first acts was to ])ut the deposed kinof to
A. H. 432. , - i r &
death.
Masaud w^as more than ten years on the throne,
and, notwithstanding the turbulent and disastrous
character of his reign, he found time to promote
the progress of knowledge, and showed himself a
worthy successor of Mahmud in his patronage of
learned men and in the erection of magnificent
public buildings.
HOUSE OF GHAZNI. 585
Sultan Modiid.
The defeat which overthrew the government of
Masaud was attended with the most important con-
sequences to India, as it raised the M ussuhnan pro-
vince there from a despised dependency to one of
the most valuable portions of the kingdom ; but
the events which follow have little interest in In-
dian history. The revolutions in the government,
being like those common to all Asiatic monarchies,
fatigue without instructing : the struggles with the
Seljuks only affected the western dominions of
Ghazni ; and those with the Hindus had no per-
manent effect at all. For the history of the j^eople,
Asiatic writers afford no materials. Yet this period
must have been one of the most deserving of no-
tice of the whole course of their career. It must
have been then that permanent residence in India,
and habitual intercourse with the natives, introduced
a change into the manners and ways of thinking of
the invaders, that the rudiments of a new language
were formed, and a foundation laid for the present
national character of the Mahometan Indians.
The remaining transactions of the house of
Ghazni need not therefore occupy much space.
Modud, the son of Masaud, was at Balkh, watch-
ing the Seljuks, when he heard of his father's
murder. He set oflf* for Ghazni, and thence for
Hindostan, and at Derra Nur, or Fatichabad, in
the valley of Laghman, he was met by Mohammed
CHAP.
IV.
586 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK and liis son Ahmed, whom he totally defeated.
" Both of those prmces, with all their relatives, fell
into his hands, and he pot them all to death, ex-
cept one, whom he spared on account of the re-
spect he had shown to his father, Masaud, while the
A. D. 1040, rest were Insulting him in his misfortunes. He
was soon after opposed by his own brother, who
set up his standard in the east of the Panjab, and
to whom his troops were deserting in bodies, when
he was relieved from this danger by the sudden
death of the pretender, and was enabled to turn
his attention to the affairs of the west. After the
defeat of Masaud the whole kingdom of Ghazni
lay open to the invader ; but the views of the Sel-
juks were not limited to that conquest. They met
at Nishapur, crowned Toghral Beg king, and di-
vided the country conquered and to be conquered
into four provinces, to be held under his authority.
A. D. 1041, Their principal force was turned towards the west;
and A'bu All, to whom Herat, Sistan, and Ghor
were assigned, was not strong enough singly to bear
down the opposition of theOhaznevites.* From this
cause Modud was able not only to maintain him-
self in Ghazni, but to recover Transoxiana ; and
as he was married to tlie daughter of Jaker Bey
(called by the Mussulmans, Daud), the brother of
Toghral and father of A'lp Arslan, he appeared to
be in a favourable position towards the conquerors
who had so latelv threatened the existence of his
monarchy.
* De Guignes, vol. ii. p. 190.
HOUSE OF GIIAZNI. oS7
While he was thus successful in the west, the chap.
.IV.
raja of Delhi took advantage of his absence to
recover Tanesar, Hansi, and all liis father's con-
quests beyond the Satlaj j and encouraged by this
unusual success, he declared that the god of Nagar-
cot had appeared to him in a dream, and invited
him to his temple, wliich he was destined to de-
liver. Though Nagarcot was now better guarded
than when it fell into the hands of Mahmud, such
was the spirit excited among the Hindus, that they
ejitered the Panjab in numbers, were joined by
zealots from all parts, and ere long found them-
selves masters of the temple. The raia contrived ^- "• i"^^,
. A. H. 435.
that the image supposed to have been demolished
should be found miraculously preserved: the oracle
of the temple was revived and was consulted by
innumerable votaries ; while the Hindus, aroused
by the Divine interposition in their favour, took up
arms tlu'oughout the whole of the Panjab, and were
soon in a condition to lay siege to Labor. The
Mahometans, driven to their last retreat, and in-
dignant at the thoughts of yielding to those whom
they had so often defeated, defended the place
with the utmost obstinacy ; no relief appeared from
Ghazni, and after a siege of seven months, they
were reduced to extremity ; but even then they
took a manly resolution, and, swearing to stand by
each other to the last, they rushed out on the
Hindus, who little ex])ected such an effort, and
drove them from their lines, of which they took
possession. The Hindus had probably already
588 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK begun to lose heart from the length of the siege ;
and now, fancying that all was to begin again, and
that succours must soon arrive from beyond the
Indus, they raised the siege and withdrew.
Their alarms were groundless. Modud was again
engaged in hostilities with the "ever restless" Sel-
juks, and was, besides, in danger from revolts of
his own subjects. He had also engaged to assist
Yeheia, prince of Ghor, in recovering his territory
from A'bu All (whether the Seljuk, or a prince of
the same name of the Ghori's own family, does not
appear) ; and when he had succeeded, by means
of his alliance, he perfidiously put the prince of
A H 438^' ^^^^r to death, and rendered the country tributary,
and in some shape dependent, on himself.
At length he found time to send an officer to
A. D. 1048, recover his affairs in Labor. This chief besran his
A. H. 440. , , ^
operations prosperously, and was succeeding, by a
mixture of force and conciHation, in restoring the
royal authority, when he was recalled, in conse-
quence of the enmity of the ministers, and put to
death by their intrigues. Before Modud knew the
extent to which his confidence had been betrayed,
A. Kiojo, he was taken ill himself, and died at Ghazni, after
A. H. 441. ' '
a reign of nine years.
Sultan Ahul Hasan.
On the death of Modud an attempt was made
to set up his infant son, but was crushed by his
brother Abul Hasan. The new king's dominions
IV.
HOUSE OF GHAZNI. 589
were limited to Ghazni and the neighbourhood ; chap.
Ah Bin Rabia, the general who had set up the in-
fant, fled to India, and not only secured the terri-
tories which had been possessed by Modud on
both sides of the Indus, but recovered Multan,
where the Afghans had asserted their independ-
ence, and some of the nearest parts of Sind, which
they appear to have conquered.
In the west, also, the whole- country was in arms
in favour of Abul Rashid, the king's uncle, who,
in the course of time, advanced on Ghazni, and
deposed Abul Hasan, after he had reigned two
years.
Sultan Abul Rashid.
The new reign began auspiciously. Ali Bin a. d. 1051,
Rabia was induced to return to his allegiance ;
and the Hindus must, by this time, have abandoned
their attempt on the Panjab, as one of Abul
Rashid's first acts was the recovery of Nagarcot.
But his prospects were soon clouded by the revolt
of a chief named Togral in Sistan, Abul Rashid
hurried to oppose him, leaving the bulk of his
army in India. His force proved unequal to that
of the rebels, and he was compelled to shut himself
u]) ill Ghazni, where he was taken and put to
death, witii nine princes of the blood royal, before
he had completed the second year of his reign.
Togral seized on the vacant throne, but was as-
sassinated within forty days ; and the army, having
now returned from Indin, thought only of con-
H. 443.
590 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK tinuing the crown in the line of Sebektegin. Three
' princes of his house were discovered imprisoned
in a distant fort ; and no one of them having a
superiority of title to the others, it was determined
to settle the succession by lot. The chance fell
on Farokhzad, who was forthwith raised to the
throne.
Sultan JFarolchzdd.
A. D. 1052, Farokhzad had a longer and, in some respects,
A. H. 444. . "^
a more prosperous reign than his predecessor.
During the six years that he sat on the throne he
gained such advantages over the Seljuks in the
declining years of Jaker Bey Daud, that he looked
forward to recovering the whole of Khorasan ; and
though his career was checked by the rising genius
of Alp Arslan, he remained on a footing of honour-
able equality with his competitor, till he was assas-
sinated by some slaves while in the bath.
Sultan rbrahim.
A. D. 1058, He was succeeded by his brother Tbrahim. The
A. H. 450.
new king had, from liis youth, been remarkable
for his devotion and for the sanctity of his man-
ners. His first act was to make peace with the
Seljuks, renouncing all claim to the territories which
they had conquered from his family. He next
turned his attention to internal reforms, extended
the fast of the Ramzan to three months, and
strictly enforced the observance of it for this in-
IV.
HOUSE OF GHAZNI. 591
creased period ; he distributed large sums in chap.
charity ; he also attended lectures on religion ;
and bore patiently with the rebukes he sometimes
received on those occasions. He was, moreover,
an eminent proficient in the beautiful art of pen-
manship, so much prized in the East. Yet he did
not, it is said, neglect the duties of his govern-
ment or the administration of justice. He even,
on one occasion, took the field in person, and
captured Adjudin and two other places on the
Satlaj from the Hindus. This is the only achieve-
ment recorded of him, except that he sent two
Korans, written with his own hand, to the calif;
and we can scarcely blame the indiflPerence of his
historians, who have left it uncertain whether his
inglorious reign lasted for thirty -one years or forty-
two. He left thirty-six sons and forty daughters,
the latter of whom he gave in marriage to learned
and religious men.
Sultan Masdud II,
His successor, Masaud, was endow ed with equal a. i,. iosd,
gentleness and more energy. His generals carried ^' "or
his arms beyond the Ganges, and he himself re-
vised the laws and formed them into a consistent
code. In his time the residence of the sovereigns
bejian to be transferred to Laiior.
A. D. 1100,
A. II. -192.
592 HISTORY OF INDIA.
Sultan Arsldn,
BOOK The friendship which had so long continued
with the Seljuks had been drawn closer by matri-
A. n. 1111, i-nonial alhances, and tliis intimate connection was
A. H. 508. ^
in time the occasion of a rupture.
Arslan, on the death of his father, Masaud II.,
seized and imprisoned his brothers. Behram, one
of the number, had the good fortune to escape,
and appealed to Sultan Sanjar Seljuk, whose sister,
the mother of all the princes, was greatly offended
at the conduct of her eldest son towards the rest.
Incited by her, and perhaps by his own ambitious
views, Sanjar called on Arslan to release his bro-
thers, and on his refusal, marched against him with
an army rated by Ferishta at 30,000 horse and
50,000 foot. Arslan was defeated, after an obsti-
nate engagement, and fled to India ; but as soon
as Sanjar had withdrawn his army he returned,
chaced out Behram, who had been left in posses-
sion, and obliged Sanjar to take the field again.
This struggle was his last ; he was constrained to
seek refuge among the Afghans, but was overtaken
and put to death, leaving Behram in undisturbed
possession of the throne, which he himself had oc-
cupied for only three years.
Sultan Behram.
A.-n. 1118, The beginning of Behram's reign was disturbed
A. H. o -. ^^ ^^^ insurrections of his governor in India, who
HOUSE OF GHAZNI. 593
was pardoned on the first occasion, and lost his chap.
life on the second.
Behram had then leisure to indulge his natural
disposition to literature, of which, like all his
family, he was a distinguished patron. He en-
couraged original authors both in poetry and philo-
sophy, and was particularly zealous in promoting
translations from other languages into Persian.
The famous poet Nizami resided at his court, and
one of the five great poems of that author is de-
dicated to him.
It would liave been happy if he had never been
withdrawn from those pursuits. Towards the close
of a long and prosperous reign he was led into a
course of greater activity, which ended in the
merited ruin of himself and all his race.
After the murder of the prince of Ghor by Quarrel
-1^ m- / I , I 1 • 1 •!! with Glior.
Modud, that territory seems to nave remamed de-
pendent on Ghazni, and the reigning prince, Kut-
budin Sur*, was married to the daughter of Sultan
Behram. Some difference, however, arose be-
tween those princes ; and Behram, having got his
son-in-law into his power, either poisoned him or
])ut him openly to death. The latter is most pro-
bable ; for Seif u dint, the brother of the deceased,
immediately took uj) arms to revenge him, and
advanced towards Ghazni, whence Behram was
* Called Kootb ooddcen Mahomed Ghorry Afghan, in Briggs's
" Ferishta,'* vol. i. p. 151.
t Seif ooddeen Soory, Ibid. vol. i. p. I.?i.
VOL. I. Ci Q
594
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
V.
Ghazni
taken by
the Gho-
rians.
Recovered
by Beh-
Cruel exe-
cution of
the king
of Ghor.
compelled to fly to Kirman in the mountains to-
wards the east.
Self u din was so secure in his new possession,
that he sent back most of his army to Firuz Coh,
his usual residence, under his brother Ala u din.
But in spite of all endeavours to render himself
popular in Ghazni, he failed to shake the attach-
ment of the inhabitants to the old dynasty : a plot
was entered into to invite Behram to return ; and
as soon as the snow had cut off the communication
with Ghor, that prince advanced against his former
capital with an army collected from the unsubdued
part of his dominions. Self u din, conscious of his
present weakness, was about to withdraw, but was
persuaded, by the perfidious promises and entrea-
ties of the people of Ghazni, to try the fate of a
battle ; and being deserted on the field by the
citizens, the small body of his own troops that
were with him were overpowered, and he himself
was wounded and taken prisoner. Behram's con-
duct on this occasion was as inconsistent with his
own character as it was repugnant to humanity.
He made his prisoner be led round the city with
every circumstance of ignominy ; and, after ex-
posing him to the shouts and insults of the rabble,
put him to death by torture. He also ordered his
vizir, a Seiad or descendant of the Prophet, to be
impaled.
When the news reached Ala u din, he was raised
to the highest pitch of rage and indignation, and
vowed a bitter revenge on all concerned.
HOUSE OF GHAZNI. 595
He seems, in liis impatience, to have set out chap.
. IV.
with what was thought an inadequate force, and '
he was met with an offer of peace from Behram,
accompanied by a warning of the certain destruc-
tion on which he was rushing. He replied, " that
Behram's threats were as impotent as his arms ;
that it was no new thing for kings to make war
on each other ; but that barbarity such as his was
unexampled among princes."
In the battle which ensued, he appeared at one
time to be overpowered by the superior numbers
of the Ghaznevites ; but his own thirst for ven-
geance, joined to the bravery and indignation of
his countrymen, bore down all opposition, and
compelled Behram to fly, almost alone, from the
scene of action.
The injuries, insults, and cruelties heaped on chazni
his brother, by the people no less than the prince, by'S*^
would have justified a severe retaliation on (xhazni ;
but the indiscriminate destruction of so great a
capital turns all our sympathy against the author
of it, and has fixed a stigma on Ala u din from
which he will never be free as long as his name is
remembered.* This noble city, perhaps at the
time the greatest in Asia, was given up for three,
* He is always called Jehansoz, Burner of the world, and,
though otherwise praised, is mentioned by no historian on this
occasion, without the strongest terms of censure. Even the
unprovoked massacres of Chengtz and Tamerlane are spoken
of with much less disapprobation : a proof, perhaps, of the more
civilised character of the earlier period, in which such proceed-
ings excited so much surprise.
QQ 2
Ghorians.
596
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
-V.
A. D, 1152,
A. H. 547.
House of
Ghazni
retire to
India.
and some say seven, days to flame, slaughter, and
devastation. Even after the first fury was over,
individuals were put to death, and all the Seiads
that could be found were sacrificed in expiation of
the murder of Self u din*s vizir. All the superb
monuments of the Ghaznevite kings were de-
molished, and every trace of them effaced, except
the tombs of Mahmud, Masaud, and I'brahim ; the
two first of whom were spared for their valour, and
the last probably for his sanctity. The unfortunate
Behram only lived to witness the calamities he had
brought on his country ; for, during his flight to
India, he sank under fatigue and misfortune, and
expired after a reign of thirty-five years.
His son Khusru continued his retreat to Labor,
and was received amidst the acclamations of his
subjects, who probably were not displeased to see
the seat of government permanently transferred to
their city.
Till
A. D. 1160,
A. H. 555.
Sultan Kliusru.
Most of the few remaining events of the history
of Ghaznevite Sultans will appear in that of the
house of Ghor, and it is only to complete the series
that I insert their reigns in this place.
Khusru governed his Indian territory in peace
for seven years. His administration was acceptable
to his subjects, but was marked by no event except
a feeble attempt on Ghazni.
HOUSE OF GHAZNI. 597
CHAP.
Sultan Khusru Malik. iv.
Khusru Malik reigned for upwards of twenty- a. d. hgo.
A. H. 555.
seven lunar years. He recovered the whole of
the province of Lahor, to the same extent as was
possessed by Sultan rbrahim. But at length he
was invaded, and ultimately subdued, by the kings
of Ghor, in whose history that of Ghazni thence-
forth merges, the race of Sebektegin expiring with ^- "• '^)^^y
this prince.
QQ 3
598
HISTORY OF INDIA.
HOUSE OF GHOR.*
BOOK
V.
Origin of
the house
of Ghor,
Aid u din Gliori.
The origin of the house of Ghor has been much
discussed : the prevalent and apparently tlie correct
opinion is, that both they and their subjects were
Afghans. Ghor was invaded by the Mussulmans
within a few years after the death of Yezdegerd.
It is spoken of by Ebn Haukal as only partially con-
verted in the ninth century, t The inhabitants,
according to the same author, at that time spoke
the language of Khorasan.t
* Called, in the " Tabakati Nasiri," the house of Sansabani.
f Ouseley's Ebn Haukal, pp. 221. 226. See also p. 212. He
there says that all beyond Ghdr may be considered as Hindos-
tan ; meaning, no doubt, that it was inhabited by infidels.
\ The Afghans look on the mountains of Ghor as their
earliest seat ; and I do not know that it has ever been denied
that the joeop/e of that country in early times were Afghans.
The only question relates to the ruling family. An author
quoted by Professor Dorn (^History of the Afghans, annotations,
page 92.), says that they were Turks from Khita ; but it is a bare
assertion of oiie author ; for the other quotation in the same
place relates to the successors o^ \he house of Ghor. All other
authors, as far as I can learn, include them in the Afghan tribe
of Sur ; though they are all guilty of an inconsistency, in de-
riving them from Sur and Sam, two sons of Zohak, a fabulous
king of Persia, quite unconnected with the Afghans. The
same authors add some extraordinary legends regarding their
more recent history. They relate that, after the time of
Mahmud, the head of the house of Sur, whose name was Sam,
HOUSE OF GHOR. 599
In the time of Sultan Mahmud it was held, as chap.
has been observed, by a prince whom Ferishta
calls Mohammed Soory (or Sur) Afghan. From
his time the history is easily brought down to the
events last related.
AVhen Ala u din had satiated his fury at Ghazni
he returned to Firuz Coh, and gave himself up to
was obliged to desert his country and fly to India, where, though
still a sincere Mussulman at heart, he became a servant in a
temple of idols. He there amassed a fortune, and was on his
return home, when he was shipwrecked and drowned on the
coast of Persia. His son, Husen Suri^ clung to a plank, on
which he floated for three days ; and although for all that time
he had a tiger, which had been also in the wreck, for a com-
panion, yet the animal did not attempt to molest him, and he
made his way to a city. He was there thrown into prison ; but
being at length delivered, he set out for Ghazni. On the road
he fell in with a band of robbers, who, glad of so fine a recruit,
gave him a horse and arms, and compelled him to join their
troop. On the same night they were all seized and brought
before the Sultan, who happened to be the pious rbrahmi, and
were ordered to be beheaded. Husen, however, told his story;
and, as his appearance was prepossessing, the Sultan believed
him, and ultimately sent him as governor to his native king-
dom. From all this we are tempted to infer that some ad-
venturer did gain authority in Ghor, through the Sultans of
Ghazni ; that he either belonged originally to the tribe, or was
adopted into it, perhaps marrying into the chief's family (as is
so common with Normans and others in the Highland clans),
and afterwards invented the above romantic story, and equally
romantic pedigree, to cover his low origin. Professor Dorn, in
the annotations above quoted, has collected all that has been
written on the origin of the house of Ghor, as well as on the
eight different accounts of the origin of the Afghans, and has
come to very rational conclusions on both questions.
On the house of Ghor, see also many articles in D'Herbelot,
De Guigncs, vol. ii. p. 181., and Briygs's Ferishta, vol. i. p. 161.
Ci Q 4
IV.
600
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
V.
Taking of
Ghazni by
the Seljuks.
Restora-
tion of Ala
u din.
pleasure, as was his natural propensity. He had
not long enjoyed his new conquest, before he was
called to meet a more formidable antagonist than
he had yet encountered.
Sultan Sanjar was now the nominal head of the
empire of the Seljuks ; and, although the sub-
ordination of his nephew in the western part of it
was merely nominal, yet he possessed in effect the
greater part of the power of the family.
When he placed Behram on the throne of Ghaz-
ni, he stipulated for a tribute * which he affected
to consider as still due from Ala u din. The latter
prince refused to acknowledge the claim, and Sanjar
marched against him, defeated him, and made him
prisoner. He however treated him with liberality,
and admitted him to his flimiliar society. Ala u din,
who was naturally lively and agreeable, profited
by the opportunity, and so won on Sanjar by his
insinuating manners and his poetical and other
accomplishments, that the Seljuk prince determined
to restore him to liberty, and even to replace him
on his throne, t
This generous resolution of Sanjar*s was, no
doubt, strengthened by his own situation, which
* De Guignes, vol. ii. p. 252.
-|- End of A. 1). 1152, A. H. 54'7, or the beginning of the next
j'ear. De Guignes and D'Herhelot make the date a. d. 1149,
A. H. 54-4 ; but it must have been after the taking of Ghazni,
and before Sanjar's captivity, which fixes the date with preci-
sion. Some of the verses that had such an effect on Sanjar are
preserved ; but it must have been to their complimentary turn
rather than their poetical merit that they owed their success.
HOUSE OF GHOR.
601
did not render it desirable for him to embarrass chap.
IV.
himself with new conquests.
A few years before this time Atziz, Sanjar's go-
vernor* of Kharizm, had rebelled, and, dreading his
sovereign's resentment, had called in the aid of the
Khitans, a Tartar tribe, who, having been driven
by the Chinese from the north of China, made
their appearance in Transoxiana. These allies en-
abled Atziz to defeat the Sultan. In the course
of the next two years the power of the Seljuks
again prevailed, and Atziz was for a time con-
strained to acknowledge their supremacy.
But the invasion of the Khitans had more per-
manent effects than those ; for their arrival dis-
placed the portion of the tribe of Euzt which had
remained in Transoxiana while the otiier portion
.was conquering in Syria and Asia Minor ; and
these exiles, being forced on the south, became in
their turn invaders of the territories of the Seljuks.
Sanjar opposed them with his usual vigour, at the
head of an army of 100,000 men. In spite of all a. n. \i53,
his efforts he was totally defeated t, fell into the
hands of the enemy, and remained in captivity for
* This is tiic origin of the kings of Khiirizim, so celebrated
in the East, who overthrew the kingdom of Ghor, and were in
their turn overthrown by Chenglz Khan.
■[ The Euz tribe are Turks, who were long settled in Kipchak.
They are, according to Do Guignes, the ancestors of the
Turkmans (vol. i. part ii. pp. 510. 5'2'Z., vol. ii. p. 190.). They
are also called Uzes, Guz, Gozz, Gozi, and Gazi ; but in
Ferghana, where they are the ruling tribe, they are still called
Euz (pronounced like the English verb use.)
\. De Guignes, vol. ii. p. 2.>(i.
602 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK three years, till within a few months of his death
' in A. D. 1156, A. H. 551.
Fall of the Bcfore the release of Ala u din. Sultan Khusru
Seljuks.
resolved to seize the opportunity of recovering
Ghazni ; but acted with so little promptitude, that
he heard of the captivity of Sanjar before he
reached his destination, and immediately returned
to Labor.
He however now found unexpected allies ; for
the Euzes, after defeating Sanjar, poured over all
the open part of Ala u din's territory, and took
possession of Ghazni, which they retained for two
years : after that time they either evacuated or
neglected it, and it fell for a time into the hands
of Khusru.* His success, even for a time, was
probably owing to the death of Ala u din, who
expired in a.d. 1156, a.h. 551, and was succeeded
by his son, Seif u din, after a short but eventful
reign of four years.
Seifu din Ghori.
A.D. 1156 Not long before the death of Ala u din, he had
placed his two nephews, Gheias u din and Shahab
u din, in confinement. Whatever may have been
the real motive of this proceeding, a natural one
presents itself in the desire of securing the succes-
sion of his young and inexperienced son, to whom
those active princes were likely to prove formida-
* Ferishta and De Guignes make the Euz retain Ghazni for
fifteen years.
HOUSE OF GHOR. 603
ble competitors. This consideration liad no weight chap.
with Seif ii din, whose first act was to release liis .»__^
cousins and restore them to their governments ; a
confidence which he never had reason to repent.
His other quaHties, both personal and mental,
corresponded to this noble trait, and might have
insured a happy reign, if among so many virtues
he had not inherited the revengeful spirit of his
race. One of his chiefs appearing before him de-
corated with jewels which had belonged to his
wife, and of which she had been stripped after his
father's defeat by Sanjar, he was so transported by
passion at the sight that he immediately put the
offender to death with his own hand. A'bul Abbas,
the brother of the deceased, suppressed his feel-
ings at the time ; but seized an early opportunity,
when Seif u din was engaged with a body of the
Euz, and thrust his lance through the Sultan's
body in the midst of the fight. Other historians
say tliat he went into open rebellion, and killed
the king in a regular action ; and there are dif-
ferent accounts of the transactions that followed
that event. They terminated, however, in the death
of A'bul Abbiis, and the succession of Gheias u din,
the elder of the late Sultan's cousins. Seif u din
had reigned little more than a year.*
Gheias u din Ghori.
Immediately on his accession, Gheias u din a. d. 1157,
A. H. 5ij'2.
* D'Hcrbelot. Ferishta. Abstract of Mussulman histories,
in Dorn's " Afghans."
604 HISTORY OF INDIA,
BOOK associated his brother, Mohammed Shahab u din,
' in the government. He retained the sovereignty
during his wliole life, but seems to have left the
conduct of military operations almost entirely to
Shahab u din ; on whom, for some years before
Gheias u din's death, the active duties of the
government seem in a great measure to have de-
volved.
The harmony in which these brothers lived is
not the only proof that they retained the family
attachment which prev^ailed among their prede-
cessors. Their uncle, (who ruled the dependent
principality of Bamian, extending along the upper
Oxus from the east of Balkh,) having attempted
to seize the throne on the death of Seif u din, was
defeated in battle, and so surrounded that his de-
struction seemed inevitable ; when his nephews
threw themselves from their horses, ran to hold
his stirrup, and treated him wdth such profound
respect, that, although he at first suspected that
they were mocking his misfortune, they at last
succeeded in soothing his feelings, and restored him
to his principality. It continued in his immediate
family for three generations, until it fell, with the
rest of the dominions of Ghor, on the conquest by
the king of Kharizm.*
All these transactions took place in less than
five years from the fall of Ghazni, and the two
brothers began now to turn to foreign conquest
with the vigour of a new dynasty.
* D'Herbelot. Dorn's Annotations.
HOUSE OF GHOR. (505
They took advantage of the decline of the chap.
Seljuks to reduce the eastern part of Khorasan ; "
Gheias u din was personally engaged in that enter-
prise, and also in the recovery of Ghazni ; and
from that time forward he divided his residence
between Firuz Coh, Ghazni, and Herat. At the
last city he built the great mosque so much spoken
of for its magnificence in those and later ages.
Shahab u din's attention was, for a long time, First ex.
1 • 1 ITT 11 1 peciitioii to
almost entu'ely turned to India ; and he may be India un^
considered the founder of the empire in that u din.
country which has lasted till our time.
He did not besrin till a.d. II76, a. h. 57% when ^-^^ i^'^'
^ _ ^ ' A. H. 572.
he took U'ch, at the junction of the rivers of the
Panjcib with the Indus. Two years afterwards he ^;J^" y^^^'
led an expedition to Guzerat, in which he was
defeated, and compelled to retreat with as many
disasters as Mahmud, and without the consolation
of success.
In two expeditions to Labor he broke the strength a. d. ins,
of Khusru Malik, the last of the Ghaznevites, and "' and
compelled him to give up his son as a hostage. a! n. 570.'
His next expedition was to Sind, which he over- ■"• "• ''^^'
^ A. H. 577.
ran to the sea shore. After his return he a^jain Expulsion
fti '
engaged in hostilities with Khusru Malik, who, house of
taking courage from despair, made an alliance with fromThe
the Gakkars, captured one of Shahab u din's ^'""J"'^-
' ^ A. I). 1184
strongest forts, and obliged him to call in the aid *. u. sso.
of stratagem for a purpose which force seemed in-
sufficient to accomplish. He aflfiected alarms from
the west, assembled his army as if for operations in
606 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK Khorasan, and, professing an anxious desire to
' make peace with Khusru Malik, released his son,
who had been hitherto kept as a hostage. Khusru
Malik, entirely thrown off his guard by these ap-
pearances, quitted Labor, and set out to meet his
son, so unexpectedly restored to him ; when Shahab
u din put himself at the head of a strong body of
chosen cavalry, and, marching with celerity and
secrecy through unfrequented routes, suddenly in-
terposed himself between Khusru Malik and his
capital ; and, surrounding his camp by night, made
him prisoner, and soon after occupied Labor, whicli
A, n. 1186, no longer offered resistance. Khusru and his family
were sent to Gheias u din and imprisoned in a
castle in Ghirjistan, where many years after they were
put to death by one or other of the contending
parties during the war with the king of Kharizm.
Wars with Shahab u din had now no Mahometan rival left,
dus. and the contest between him and the Hindus
seemed at first sight very unequal. As his army
was drawn from all the warlike provinces between
the Indus and Oxus, and was accustomed to con-
tend with the Seljuks and the northern hordes of
Tartars, we should not expect it to meet much
resistance from a people naturally gentle and in-
offensive, broken into small states, and forced into
war without any hopes of gain or aggrandisement :
yet none of the Hindu principalities fell without
a severe struggle ; and some were never entirely
subdued, but still remain substantive states after
the Mussulman empire has gone to ruin.
HOUSE OF GHOR. 607
This unexpected opposition was chiefly owing chap.
to tlie pecuhar character of the Rajputs, arising '
from their situation as the mihtary class in the The Raj-
puts.
original Hindu system. The other classes, though
kept together as casts by community of religious
rites, were mixed up in civil society, and were
under no chiefs except the ordinary magistrates of
the country. But the Rajputs were born soldiers ;
each division had its hereditary leader; and each
formed a separate community, like clans in other
countries, the members of which were bound by
many ties to their chiefs and to each other. Tlie
rules of cast still subsisted, and tended to render
more powerful the connection just described.
As the chiefs of those clans stood in the same
relation to the raja as their own retainers did to
them, the king, nobility, and soldiery all made one
body, united by the strongest feelings of kindred
and military devotion. The sort of feudal system
that prevailed among the Rajputs * gave additional
stability to this attachment, and all together pro-
duced the pride of birth, the high spirit and the
romantic notions, so striking in the military class
of that period. Their enthusiasm was kept up by
the songs of their bards, and inflamed by frequent
contests for glory or for love. They treated women
with a respect unusual in the East ; and were guided,
even towards their enemies, by rules of honour,
which it was disgraceful to violate. But, although
they had so many of the characteristics of chivalry,
* See page 14' t. of this volume.
608 HISTOllY OF INDIA.
BOOK they had not the high-strained sentiments and arti-
' ficial refinements of our knights, and were more
in the spirit of Homer's heroes than of Spenser's
or Ariosto's. If to these qualities we add a very
strong disposition to indolence (which may have
existed formerly, though not likely to figure in
history), and make allowances for the effects of a
long period of depression, we have the character of
the Rajputs of the present day ; who bear much
the same resemblance to their ancestors that those
did to the w^arriors of the " Maha Bharat."*
With all the noble qualities of the early Raj-
puts was mixed a simplicity derived from their
want of intercourse with other nations, which ren-
dered them inferior in practical ability, and even in
military efficiency, to men actuated by much less
elevated sentiments than theirs.
Among the effects of the division into clans, one
was, that although the Rajputs are anything but a
migratory people, yet, when they have been com-
pelled by external force to leave their seats, they
have often moved in a body like a Tartar horde ;
and when they occupied new lands, they distributed
them in the same proportions as their former ones,
and remained without any alteration but that of
place.
Shortly before the time of Shahab u din, the four
* Their modern history is full of instances of loyalty and
military honour. Their last great war was between the rajas
of Jeipur and Jodpur for the hand of a princess of Oudipur.
(See Tod's Rajasthan, and other books and official publica-
tions.)
HOUSE OF GHOR. 609
greatest kingdoms in India were — Delhi, then held chap.
by the clan of Tomara ; Ajmir, by that of Chou- '
lian ; Canouj, by tlie llathors ; and Guzerat, by
the Baghilas, who had sup})lanted the Chalukas :
but the Tomara chief, dying without male issue,
adopted his grandson Pritwi, raja of Ajmir, and
united the Tomaras and Chouhans under one
head.
As the raja of Canouj was also grandson of the
Tomara chief by another daughter, he was mor-
tally offended at the preference shown to his cou-
sin ; and the wars and jealousies to which this
rivalship gave rise contributed greatly to Shahab
u din's success in his designs on India.
His first attack was on Pritwi Raja, king of a. d. 1191,
Ajmir and Delhi. The armies met at Tirouri, be- Defeat of
tween Tanesar and Carnal, on the great plain, jj]"^''^"
where most of the contests for the possession of
India have been decided. The Mussulman mode
of fighting was to charge with bodies of cavalry in
succession, who either withdrew after discharging
their arrows, or pressed their advantage, as circum-
stances mifrht su<]^o:est. The Hindus, on the other
hand, endeavoured to outflank their enemy, and
close upon him on both sides, wiiile he was busy
witli iiis attack on their centre. Their tactics were
completely successful on this occasion : while Sha-
hab u din was engaged in the centre of his army,
he learned that both Iiis wings had given way, and
soon found jiimself surrounded, along with such of
his adiierents as had followed his example in re-
VOL. r. R R
610
HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK
V.
Return of
Shahab ii
din to
India.
A. D. 119;5,
A. H. 589.
fusing to quit the field. In this situation he de-
fended himself with desperate courage. He charged
into the thickest of the enemy, and had reached
the viceroy of Delhi, brother to the raja, and
wounded him in the mouth with his lance, when
he himself received a wound, and would have fallen
from his horse with loss of blood, had not one of
his followers leapt up behind him and supported
him until he had extricated him from the conflict,
and carried him to a place of safety.
The rout, however, was complete. The Maho-
metans were pursued for forty miles ; and Shahab
u din, after collecting the wreck of his army at
Labor, returned, himself, to the other side of the
Indus. He first visited his brother at Ghor, or
Firuz Coh, and then remained settled at Ghazni,
where he seemed to forget his misfortunes in plea-
sure and festivity. But, in spite of appearances, his
disgrace still rankled in his bosom, and, as he him-
self told an aged counsellor, " he never slumbered
in ease, or waked but in sorrow and anxiety." *
At length, having recruited an army, composed
of Turks, Tajiks, and Afghans, many of whom had
their helmets ornamented with jewels, and their
armour inlaid with silver and gold, he again began
his march towards India, t
Pritwi Raja again met him with a vast army,
swelled by numerous allies who were attracted by
* Briggs's Ferishta, vol. i. p. 173.
f This description is from Ferishta : he fixes tlic number at
120;000 horse.
HOUSE OF GHOR. Gil
his former success. He sent a haughty message to chap.
Shahab u din, with a view to deter him from ad- "
vancing. The Mussulman general replied in mo-
derate terms, and spoke of referring to his brother
for orders ; but when the Hindus, in bhnd reliance
on their numbers, had encamped close to his army,
he crossed the brook which lay between them about
daybreak, and fell upon them by surprise before
they had any suspicion that he was in motion. But,
notwithstanding the confusion which ensued, their
camp was of such extent, that part of their troops
had time to form, and afford protection to the rest,
who afterwards drew up in their rear ; and order
being at length restored, they advanced in four
lines to meet their opponents. Shahab u din,
having failed in his original design, now gave orders
for a retreat, and continued to retire, keeping up a
running fight, until he had drawn his enemies out
of their ranks, while he was careful to preserve his
own. As soon as he saw them in disorder, he
charged them at the head of 12,000 chosen horse,
in steel armour ; and " this prodigious army once
shaken, like a great building, tottered to its fall,
and was lost in its own ruins."*
The viceroy of Delhi, and many other chiefs,
were slain on the field; and Pritwi Raja, being taken
in the ])ursuit, was put to death in cold blood.
•Shahab u din was more sanguinary than Mali- conquest
ot" Ajinir,
* Briggs's Fcrislita, vol. i. p. 177.
11 R '2
612 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK mud. When he took Ajmir, soon after this battle,
.■ he put some thousands of the inhabitants, who
opposed him, to the sword, reserving the rest for
slavery. After this barbarous execution he made
over the country to a relation (some say a natural
son) of Pritwi Raja, under an engagement for a
heavy tribute.
He then returned to Ghazni, leaving his former
slave, Kutb u din Eibak, who was now rising into
notice, and who afterwards mounted the throne, as
his representative in India. Kutb u din followed
up his successes with ability, and took possession
r.nd Delhi, of Delhi, aiid of Coel, between the Jamna and the
Ganges.
A. D. 119^, Next year, Shahab u din returned to India, de-
feated Jeia Chandra, the Ilahtor Raja of Canouj,
Capture of iu a battle on the Jamna, north of Etawa, and took
anouj. Canouj and Benares. This victory destroyed one
of the greatest Indian monarchies, extended the
Mussulman dominions into Behar, and opened the
way, which was soon followed up, into Bengal.
Notwithstanding its importance, the circumstances
of the battle, the taking of the towns, the breaking
of idols, and the acquisition of treasures, present so
little novelty, that we are left at leisure to notice
the capture of a white elephant, and the incident of
the body of the raja being recognised by his false
teeth, a circumstance which throws some light on
the state of manners. An event of great conse-
quence followed these victories, which was the re-
treat of the greater part of the Rahtor clan from
HOUSE OF GHOR. 6l3
Canouj to Marwar, where they founded a princi- chap.
pahty, now in alliance with the British govern- ^^'
ment.
Shahab u din having returned to Ghazni, Kutb
u din had to defend the new raja of Ajmir against
a pretender ; and, after saving his government, he
proceeded to Guzerat, and ravaged that rich pro-
vince.
Next year, Sliahab u din came back to India, a. d. 1195,
took Biana, west of Agra, and laid siege to the ^•"•^^^•
strong fort of GwaHor, in Bundelcand. It is pro-
bable that he was recalled by some attack or alarm
in Kiiorasan, for he left the conduct of the sie^re
ofGwiilior to his generals, and returned, without
having performed anything of consequence, to
Ghazni.
Gwalior held out for a long time ; and when it
was taken, Kutb u din (who was still governor in
India) was obliged to march again to Ajmir. The
raja set up by the Mussulmans had been a second
time disturbed by his rivals, and protected by
Kutb u din ; and he w^as now exposed to a for-
midable attack from the rajas of Guzerat and
Nagor, supported by the Mers, a numerous hill
tribe near Ajmir. Kutb u din was overpowered
on this occasion, and had difficulty in making his
way, covered with wounds, to Ajmir, where he
remained, shut up within the walls. Reinforce-
ments, however, were speedily sent from Ghazni ;
the seige was raised ; and, by the time he was suf-
II K 3
Ol4 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK ficiently recovered to move, he was in a condition
to retaliate on his kite conquerors. He set out for
Guzerat, by the way of Pali, Nadol, and Sirohi.
In the last named district he found two great feu-
datories of Guzerat, strongly posted on the moun-
tain of A'bu, and in too great force to be left in his
rear. He therefore entered the hills, reached and
carried their position, and, having dispersed their
army, proceeded to Anhalwara. He took and gar-
risoned that capital ; and, after ravaging the pro-
vince, returned again to Delhi. Next year he took
Calinjer and Calpi, forts in Bundelcand, and ap-
pears likewise to have gone against Badayun, in
what is now called Rohilcand.
Conquest Thc Gaugcs, indeed, had long ceased to be an
Behar,'and obstaclc ; and, at this very period, Kutb u din was
'^"^^" waited on by Mohammed Bakhtiar Khilji*, who
had already conquered part of Oud and North
Behar ; and who, on his return to his command,
reduced the rest of Behar and Bengal, taking Gour
or Laknouti, the capital of the latter province.!
During these transactions, Shahab u din was
engaged in contests with the King of Kharizm
(who had subverted the government of the Seljuks
in Persia, and succeeded to their place as com-
petitors with the Ghoris for the ascendancy in
central Asia). He was between Tus and Serakhs,
in Khorasan, when he heard of his brother's death,
* Ferishta, vol. i. p. 198.
■f Introduction to Bird's History of Guzerat, p. 85.
HOUSE OF GHOK. 6l5
and returned to Ghazni to take possession of the chap.
.. IV.
throne.
Gheias u din appears to have resumed his activity a. d. 1202,
H. 599.
fill
sion
Kliarizm.
A. n. 1 203,
A. H. 600.
before his death, and to have been present in person
in all the campaigns in Khorasan, except this last. *
Sliahdb u din (or Mohatnmed) GhorL
As soon as he had arranged his internal govern- Unsuccess
ment, Shahab u din assembled an army, and pro- sion of
ceeded to make a decisive attack on Kharizm. He
gained a great victory over the king of that country t,
besieged him in his capital, and soon reduced him
to such straits as to constrain him to sue for aid
to the Khitan Tartars. By their assistance he so
completely changed the face of affairs, that Shahab
u din was obliged to burn his baggage, and attempt
to draw off towards his own territory. He was so
hard pressed on his retreat that he could not avoid
an action, and received such a defeat, that it was
with difHculty he made his way to Andkho, half
way between Balkh and Herat. At Andkho he
made a stand, and only surrendered on condition
* De Guignes, vol. ii. p. 265. Ferishta, vol. i. p. 186. D'Her-
belot, article " Ghuiathudin." This account is inconsistent with
Ferishta (p. 180.), who represents Gheias u din as merely re-
taining the name of king during the last years of his life ; but
is supported by D'Hcrbelot and De Guignes, who quote re-
spectable Persian histories, and are better authority on western
iffairs than Ferishta.
+ Dc Guignes, vol. ii. p. 265.
6l6 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK of being allowed to depart on payment of a sum of
1 money.
Rebellions The dcsti'Liction of Shahab u din's army, ioined,
in India. ^ ./ ' o '
as it was, at first, to a report of his death, was the
signal for general confusion in a great part of his
dominions. Ghazni shut her gates against him,
though the governor, Taj u din Eldoz was one of
his flivourite slaves. Another of his chiefs went
straight from the field of battle to Multan, and
presenting himself with a feigned commission from
the king, occupied the place on his own behalf.
The wild tribe of the Gakkars issued from their
mountains in the north of the Panjab, took Lahor,
and filled the whole province with havoc and de-
vastation. Kutb u din remained faithful in India,
as did Herat and other western countries, where
the governments were held by three nephews of
the king's. Shahab u din collected some adherents,
and first recovered Multan. He then received the
submission of Ghazni, and pardoned Eldoz. He
afterwards made an attack on the Panjab, in con-
cert with Kutb u din, and not only recovered that
country, but induced the Gakkars to embrace the
Mahometan religion, which was the easier done as
they had very little notion of any other. Ferishta
mentions that the infidels in the hills east of Ghazni
were also converted at this period.*
* It is not improbable that the people of the inaccessible
regions, now inhabited by the Jajis and Tiiris, may not have
been converted till this late period.
HOUSE OF GHOll. 6 17
Internal tranquillity being restored, Shahab u din chap.
set off on his return to his western provinces, where '
he had ordered a large army to be collected, for Subdued.
another expedition to Kharizm. He had only Death of
reached the Indus, when, having ordered his tent din.
to be pitched close to the river, that he might
enjoy the freshness of the air off the water, his un-
guarded situation was observed by a band of Gak-
kars, who had lost relations in the late war, and
were watching an opportunity of revenge. At
midnight, when the rest of the camp was quiet,
they swam the river to the spot where the king's
tent was pitched ; and entering, unopposed, dis-
patched him with numerous wounds.
This event took place on the 2d of Shaban, (i02 a. «. 1206,
of the Hijra, or March 14th, 1206. His body was ^" "' ^°"'
conveyed, in mournful pomp, to Ghazni, accom-
panied by his vizir and all his principal nobles. It
was met by Eldoz, who unbuckled his armour,
threw dust on his head, and gave every sign of
affliction for the death of his benefactor.
He left prodigious treasures, and was succeeded
by his nephew Mahmud.
The conquests of Shahab u din in India far sur-
})assed those of Sultan Mahmud, and might have
surpassed them in Persia, if tlie times had been as
favourable. Yet, though an enterprising soldier,
he had neither the prudence nor the general talents
of that great })rince, who was a discoverer as well
as a conqueror, and whose attention was as much
devoted to letters as to arms. Accordingly, the
618 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK name of Mahmud is still one of the most celebrated
V. .
in Asia, while that of Shahab u din is scarcely
known beyond the countries over which he rided.
Extent of At his death, Shahab u din held, in different
quesTs'Vn degrees of subjection, the whole of Hindostan Pro-
^"'^''*' per, except Malwa and some contiguous districts.
Sind and Bengal were either entirely subdued, or
in rapid course of reduction. On Guzerat he had
no hold, except what is implied in the possession of
the capital. Much of Hindostan w-as immediately
under his officers, and the rest under dependent,
or, at least, tributary princes. The desert and
some of the mountains were left independent from
nealect.
'&■
Mahmud Ghori.
A. D. I20G, Thouffh Mahmud was proclaimed throughout
A. H. 602. ^ . ^ , , . ^
the whole of his uncle's dominions, and his sove-
reignty acknowledged by all the officers under it,
Dissoiu- yet the kingdom broke, at once, into separate
GiioHan *^ statcs, wliich wcrc scarcely held together, even in
cmiiire. namc, by his general supremacy.
Shahab u din, having no son, was fond of bring-
ing up Turkish slaves ; and many of his training
rose to great eminence. Three of these were in
possession of extensive governments at the time
of his death. Kutb u din, in India ; Eldoz, at
Ghazni ; and Nasir u din Kubachi, in Multan and
Sind. Each of these three became really inde-
pendent on their master's death ; and, as the subor-
dinate principality of Bamian was held by a separate
HOUSE OF GHOR. 6lQ
branch of his own family, Mahmud's actual posses- chap.
sion was confined to Ghor, with Herat, Sistan, "
and the east of Khorasan. His capital was at
Firuz Coh.
Mahmud, on his accession, sent the title of king
and the insignia of royalty to Kutb n din to be
held under him. He does not appear to have
attempted to disturb Eldoz in his possession (al-
though two sons of the prince of Bamian asserted
the rights of their family, and for a time ex-
pelled Eldoz from Ghazni) ; but, on the death of
Mahmud, which happened within five or six * years,
there was a general civil war throughout all his do-
minions west of the Indus, and those countries had
not recovered their tranquillity when they were all
subdued by the kings of Kharizm.
Ghazni was taken by tJiose conquerors in a. d.
1215, and Firuz Coh at an earlier period. Many
accounts, indeed, represent Mahmud as having
been killed on that occasion, t
* A. D. 1208, A. H. 605 (De Guignes). a. d. 1210, a. ii. G07
(Dorn). A.D. 1212, A. h. 609 (D'Herbelot).
f For particulars of Mahmud's reign and tlie subsequent
confusions, see De Guignes (art. " Kliarizme "). D'Herbelot
(art. " Mahmoud"), and tlie history of the house of Ghor,
in the annotations on Professor Dorn's " History of the
Afghans."
The Ghoris appear to have recovered from this temporary ex-
tinction ; for in the beginning of the fourteenth century, less than
100 years after the death of Jenghiz Khan, \vc find Mohammed
Sam Ghori defending Herat against one of the successors of
that conqueror. (D'Ohson, vol. iv. p. 515, ^c.) ; and at a later
period, Tamerlane, in his Memoirs, mentions Gheiiis u din, son
6^0 HISTORY OF INDIA.
BOOK of Aaz (or Moizz) u dtn, as ruler of Khorasan, Ghor, and
V,
Ghirjistan; and in many places calls him and his father Ghori/;.
(Mulfuzat Timuri, p. 145). Princes of the same dj'nasty are
mentioned in Price, vol. ii., who calls their family Kirit, or
Gueret, and all the names mentioned on those occasions are
found in a list of Kurt kings, given by Professor Dorn (Anno-
tations, p. 92.), from Janabi, who says they are asserted to be of
thj Sur Alghori.
END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
London ;
Printed l)y A. Spottiswoode,
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