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1 

1 

D^TANreRDj? 
.  UNIVERSITV 

TMC    nIFT  OF 

1 

THE   HISTORY   OF   INDIA. 


'•> 


THE 


HISTORY   OF    INDIA, 


AS  TOLD 


BY  ITS  OWN  HISTORIANS. 


THE    MUHAMMADAN    PERIOD. 


THE  POSTHUMOUS  PAPERS 


OF  TRB  LATB  - 


SIR   H.    M.   ELLIOT,   K.GiB., 

EDITED  AND  CONTINUED  __    frVr! 

'  ••  •••     •  • ' 

BY  -  - .  . 

t.    -    **  '  * 

PROFESSOR   JOHN   DOWSON,'",W.R.Ak,:: 

•TAPY   COLLXOI,    BAXDHVKST. 


•i  ^•'-       ■■    '   "* 


:  '  :    -.  -> 


*  •  « 


VOL.  IT. 


lit  m  » 


^  •  -  ■* 

»  ■* 


LONDON: 

-  •  »  - 

TRUBNER   AND    CO.,    8    akd    60,    PATERNOSfEfe   ROW. 

1872. 
{AU  rights  reserved.] 


1  0  0  n  4  7 


PREFACE. 


This  fourth  volume  of  the  History  of  India  traverses 
the  disordered  interval  between  the  irruption  of  Timiir 
and  the  culmination  of  Musulman  glory  under  Akbar ; 
but  the  thread  of  the  history  is  not  perfect,  as  the  annals 
of  some  of  the  reigns  have  to  be  drawn  from  later  works, 
and  will  appear  in  the  succeeding  volume.  The  period 
is  one  which  has  been  less  illustrated  than  any  other  in 
the  seven  centuries  of  Muhammadan  rule,  for,  with  the 
exception  of  Babar's  Memoirs,  no  work  of  mark  has 
come  down  to  us,  and  the  authorities  within  the  reach 
of  European  students  have  hitherto  been  scanty  and 
incomplete. 

The  Tdrlkh'i  Mubdrak  Shdhi  now  makes  its  first 
appearance.  It  is  an  exceedingly  rare  work,  and  a 
knowledge  of  it  has  long  been  anxiously  desired,  for 
it  covers  that  "  hiatus  of  about  sixty  years  "  which 
Col.  Lees  thought  it  would  be  difficult  to  fill  up  from 
"  contemporaneous  historians."  It  is  not  a  work  of  any 
literary  pretensions,  and  it  can  only  be  regarded  as  a 
plain  unvarnished  chronicle  of  the  period  over  which  it 
travels.  Such  as  it  is,  however,  it  is  a  contemporary 
record,  and  all  later  writers  have  been  directly  or 
indirectly  indebted  to  it  for  the  history  of  the  troublous 
times  which  followed  the  invasion  of  Timur.  Sir  H. 
Elliot's  MS.  is  incomplete,  but  as  Nizam  Ahmad,  the 
author  of  the  Tahakdt-i  Akbari^  made  great  use  of  this 


Yl  PREFACE. 


work,  and  often  quoted  long  passages  verbatim,  the 
deficiencies  of  the  former  have  been  supplied,  by  quoting 
from  the  latter  such  passages  as  were  required  to  com- 
plete the  history  of  the  Saiyid  dynasty  down  to  the  end 
of  the  reign  of  'Alau-d  din  in  1450  a.d. 

The  Extracts  from  the  Matla?Ur8  Sa^dain  consist  of 
some  short  passages  relating  to  Timiir's  invasion ;  but  the 
major  portion  are  devoted  to  the  events  of  the  author's 
embassy  to  the  Eaja  of  Bijanagar,  and  throw  consider- 
able light  upon  the  condition  of  India  in  the  fifteenth 
century.  *Abdu-r  Bazzak  was  a  florid  writer,  and  relates 
his  travels  in  the  grand  style ;  but  the  portions  relating 
to  Timor's  invasion  are  written  in  a  plain  unpretending 
narrative  remarkable  by  the  contrast.  It  is  hardly 
credible  that  both  could  have  come  from  the  same  pen. 
The  part  relating  to  TimAr  was  probably  copied  or  trans- 
lated, but  as  only  some  Extracts  of  the  first  volume 
of  the  MS.  have  been  available,  we  are  in  ignorance  as 
to  what  accoimt  'Abdu-r  Bazzdk  gives  of  his  autho- 
rities. The  style  of  the  portion  devoted  to  the  history 
of  Timiir  is  very  like  that  of  the  Malfuzat-i  Tlmuri^ 
and  so  closely  follows  the  details  of  that  work  and  the 
Zafar-ndmaj  that  it  has  been  necessary  to  print  only  a 
few  lines  as  specimens. 

The  Extracts  from  the  Habibu-a  Siyar  appertain  to  the 
history  of  the  Ghaznivides,  and  so  they  are  supplemental 
to  the  accounts  given  of  that  dynasty  in  the  second 
volume,  though,  from  the  date  of  their  composition,  they 
appear  in  this  volume.  Sir  H.  Elliot  had  so  fully  annotated 
these  passages  as  to  enhance  their  intrinsic  value,  and 
to  justify  their  publication  out  of  their  natural  order. 


FBBFACE.  VU 

To  these  Extracts  are  appended  Sir  H.  Elliot's  transla- 
tions from  the  Odes  of  'TJnsuri  and  the  Diwdn  of  Salmdn, 
which  appear  in  the  Appendix,  and  upon  which  he 
evidently  bestowed  considerable  labour  and  attention. 

Of  the  Extracts  from  the  Autobiography  of  Babar  little 
need  be  said.  These  Memoirs  are  the  best  memorials  of 
the  life  and  reign  of  the  frank  and  jovial  conqueror; 
they  are  ever  fresh,  and  will  long  continue  to  be  read 
with  interest  and  pleasure.  To  have  passed  these  over  on 
the  ground  of  their  previous  publication  would  have  left 
a  blank  in  this  work  which  no  other  writer  could  supply. 
Who  but  himself  could  have  so  fully  and  openly  described 
his  aims  and  feelings,  or  who  could  have  exhibited  that 
adaptability  of  character  and  that  ready  appreciation  of 
the  manners  and  prejudices  of  his  new  subjects?  All 
the  important  passages  relating  to  India  have  therefore 
been  extracted  from  Leyden  and  Erskine's  translation, 
and  they  will  be  the  more  acceptable  since  the  original 
work  has  now  become  scarce  and  dear.  A  new  French 
translation  by  M.  Pavet  de  Courteille  from  Babar's  own 
Turki  version  of  the  Memoirs  made  its  appearance  just 
in  time  to  furnish  materials  for  a  few  notes  and  com- 
parisons; but  the  differences  between  the  translations 
from  the  Persian  and  Turki  versions  are  not  so  great 
as  might  have  been  expected. 

The  Afghan  dynasty,  which  followed  that  of  the 
Saiyids,  has  plenty  of  Chronicles,  but  no  work  approach- 
ing the  dignity  of  a  history.  The  spirit  of  clanship  has 
always  been  strong  among  Afghans,  and  their  writers 
exhibit  a  greater  affection  for  personal  anecdotes  and 
family  feuds  than  for  matters  of  public  policy.     All  the 


YUl  PREFACE. 


works  relating  to  this  dynasty  abound  with  anecdotes  and 
stories,  many  of  which  are  trivial  and  uninteresting.  The 
TdHkh-i  Sher  Shdhi^  though  written  in  a  spirit  of  eulogy, 
does  not  tend  to  raise  the  character  of  Sher  Shah,  who  has 
enjoyed  a  reputation  apparently  above  his  merits.  That 
he  was  an  able  administrator  is  no  doubt  true,  but  the 
account  which  this  work  gives  of  his  regulations  and 
arrangements  does  not  show  them  to  be  of  a  very 
enlightened  order.  He  was  a  cautious  rather  than  an 
enterprising  commander,  and  was  more  prone  to  seek 
success  by  crafty  and  crooked  courses,  than  by  the 
exercise  of  valour  and  daring.  His  soldier-like  death  in 
the  trenches  has  cast  a  ray  of  martial  glory  upon  his 
memory;  but  the  treacherous  betrayal  of  Bfbf  Fath 
Malika  of  Bengal  and  the  cold-blooded  murder  of  the 
prisoners  of  Bdism  would  bedim  a  much  brighter  fame 
than  he  ever  achieved. 

The  Tdrlkh'i  Ddudij  another  of  these  Afghdn  chro- 
nicles, is  of  a  similar  character,  and  can  claim  no  great 
literary  merit;  still  the  Extracts  here  printed  are  the 
best  available  authority  for  the  period  of  which  they 
treat.  They  enter  into  details,  and  furnish  many  scraps 
of  information  hitherto  inaccessible,  and,  in  so  doing, 
they  afford  the  means  of  arriving  at  a  true  estimate  of  the 
characters  of  Sultdns  Sikandar  and  Islam  Shah.  The 
work  closes  with  the  death  of  D4ud  Shah  and  the  ex- 
tinction of  the  Afghan  dynasty. 

The  Memoirs  of  Sher  Khan,  Khawds  Khan,  and 
Shuja'at  Khan,  which  appear  in  the  Appendix,  are  from 
the  pen  of  Sir  H.  Elliot.  The  Extracts  from  the  Wdki'dt-i 
Mushtdki  will  show  the  true  value  of  a  work  once  often 


PREFACE.  IX 

quoted,  bnt  now  little  known.  It  is  a  favourable  specimen 
of  the  anecdotal  literature  of  the  age,  and  though  assert- 
ing no  claims  to  be  considered  as  a  consecutive  historical 
iBcord,  it  contains  numerous  interesting  passages  better 
worthy  of  attention  than  many  of  the  stories  recorded  by 
the  professed  historians. 

The  following  is  a  list  of  all  the  articles  in  this  volume, 
with  the  names  of  the  writers. 

XX.— Tdrikh-i  Hafiz  Abra  -Sir  H.  M.  EUiot  and  the  Editor. 
XXI.— Tarikh-i  Mubarak-ShaM- Editor. 
XXn.— Matla'u-8  Sa'dain— Probably  Mr.  C.  J.  Oldfield,  B.C.S. 
XXIIL— Bauzatu-8  Safa— Sir  H.  M.  Elliot 
XXIV.— Khulasatu-1  Akhbdr— Sir  H.  M.  Elliot 
XXV.— Dasturu-l  Wuzra— Sir  H.  M.  Elliot. 
XXVI.  — Hab(bu-8  Siyar— Mr.  H.  Lushington,  B.C.S. 
XXVH— Tarikh-i  Ibrahimi— Sir  H.  M.  ElUot 
XXVni. — Tuzak-i  Babari — ^Leyden  and  Erskine's  translation. 
XXrX.— Tabakdt-i  Babari— Editor. 
XXX.— Lubbu-t  Tawarikh— Sir  H.  M.  Elliot 
XXXI.— Nusakb-i  Jahdn-4ra— Sir  H.  M.  EUiot 
XXXn.— Tarfkh-i  Sher  Shahi— Mr.  E.  C.  Bayley,  B.C.S. 
XXXm.— Tarikb-i  Daudi— "  Ensign  "  Cbas.  F.  Mackenzie. 

APPENDIX. 

A. — ^Notes  on  Matla'u-s  Sa'dain — Col.  Yule. 
B.— Odes  of  'Unsuri- Sir  H.  M.  EUiot 
C— Diwan  of  Salman— Sir  H.  M.  EUiot 
D.— Memoir  of  Mir  Ali  Sber— Sir  H.  M.  Elliot, 
R— Memoir  of  Khawds  Khan— Sir  H.  M.  EUiot 
F.— Death  of  Shuja'at  Khan— Sir  H.  M.  Elliot 
G.— Waki'at-i  Mushtaki— A  munahi  and  Sir  H.  M.  EUiot 
H. — ^Bibliographical  Notices — Sir  H.  M.  Elliot 
L — Autobiography  of  Timur — Editor. 

A  slight  change  has  been  made  in  the  title-page,  in 


PBBFACB. 


order  to  make  it  more  accurately  descriptive  of  the 
altered  position  of  the  Editor,  who  has  had  to  take  a 
larger  share  of  actual  authorship  than  was  at  first  con- 
templated. To  Sir  H.  M.  Elliot  belongs  the  merit  of  the 
whole  design  and  plan  of  the  work,  and  the  collection  of 
the  mass  of  the  materials ;  but  a  great  deal  remained  to 
be  done  in  the  way  of  selection  and  translation  at  the 
time  of  his  premature  decease.  The  amount  of  matter 
required  to  carry  out  his  designs  has  proved  to  be  much 
greater  than  was  supposed  when  the  publication  was 
commenced,  and  the  Editor  has  had  to  trace  out  and 
translate  all  that  was  necessary  to  complete  the  work. 
He  has  endeavoured  to  the  best  of  his  judgment  and 
ability  to  finish  each  volume  according  to  the  plan  laid 
down ;  but  he  is  fully  conscious  of  having  fallen  short  of 
what  Sir  H.  M.  Elliot  would  have  accomplished  had  his 
life  been  spared. 


CONTENTS  OF  VOL.  IV. 


PAOS 

XX.     TdrOch^i  Hdfiz  AhHi 1 

XXI.     TdrOch'i  Muhdrak  Shdhi,  of  Yahyd  bin  Ahmad  -     -      6 
XXn.    Matla*u-8  Sa'dain,  of  'Abdu-r  Bazzak     ....       89 

XXm.     Bamaivk-s  Safd,  of  Mfrkhond 127 

XXIY.    khvldsatU'l  Akhhdr,  of  Khondamir 141 

XXV.    Daatitru-l  Wuzrd,  of  Khondamir 148 

XXVI.     Hahibu-a  Siyar,  of  Khondamir 164 

XXVn.     Tdrikh-i  IhrdMmi;  or,  Tdrikh-i  Humdy^niy  of  Ibrahim 

bin  Hariri 218 

XXVm.     Tuzak-i  BdhaH;   or,  WdkCdt-i  BdhaH:  The  Auto- 
biography of  B4bar 218 

XXIX.     Tahakdt-i  BdhaH,  of  Shaikh  Zain 288 

XXX.     Lubhu-t  Tawdrikh,  of  Yahya  bin  'Abdu-l  Latif -     -    293 

XXXI.    Nuadkh'i  JaMn-drd,  of  K6zi  Ahmad 298 

XXXn.     Tdrikh'i  Sher  SUM;  or,  Tuhfat-i  Akhar  Shdhi,  of 

'Abb&B  Khan  Sarwani 301 

XXXm.     Tdrikh^  Ddiidi,  of  'Abdu-lla 434 

APPENDIX. 

A. — ^Notes  on  the  MaUa^u-a  Sa*dain 614 

B.— Odes  of  'Unsuri 616 

C.—IHwdn  of  Salmdn 618 

D.— Memoh-  of  Mir  'Ali  Sher 627 

E.— Memoh-  of  Khawds  Khan 628 

F.— Death  of  Shujd'at  Khdn 632 

Q.—WdkCdt-i  Mtuhtdki 634 

H. — ^Bibliographical  Notices 667 

I.— Note  on  the  Autobiography  of  Timur 669 


ADDENDA   ET   CORRIGENDA. 


Page  99,  to  note  2,  add,  "  and  Ynle*8  edition,  vol.  ii.  p.  320." 
„    109,  last  line,  for  "  kiehu  '*  read  "  kiehH:* 
„   118,  119,  for  ''beams"  read  ''slabs." 


HISTORIAIfS  OF  INDIA. 


XX. 


Ti!fRrKH-I  HilfFIZ  A  BRIT. 

Nuru-d  din  bin  Lutfa-Uah,  better  known  as  H&fiz  Abrd,  was 
born  in  the  city  of  Hir&t,  but  passed  his  infancy  and  youth  in 
Hamaddn,  where  he  received  his  education.  He  attained  by  his 
writings  a  distinguished  rank  among  contemporary  authors,  and 
was  fortunate  enough  to  secure  the  esteem  of  Timur,  who  gave 
him  numerous  proofs  of  his  consideration,  admitted  him  to  his 
intimacy,  and  sought  every  occasion  of  doing  him  service.  After 
the  death  of  that  tyrant,  he  attended  the  court  of  Sh&h  Bukh, 
and  received  from  the  young  prince  Mirzd  Baisanghdr  every 
demonstration  of  kindness  and  regard.  To  him  he  dedicated 
his  great  work,  under  the  name  of  Zubdatu-t  Tawdrikh  Baisan- 
ghdri^  which  contains  a  complete  history  of  the  world,  and  an 
account  of  the  institutions  and  religions  of  different  people  down 
to  A.H.  829  ^  (a.d.  1425).    The  author  died  five  years  afterwards 

*  Sir  W.  Onseley,  as  editor  of  the  "  Critical  Essay  on  yarious  Manuscript  Works," 
says  that  he  has  examined  a  copy  of  this  History  dated  a.h.  817.  He  also  observes 
that  as  H&fiz  AbrCi  had  travelled  in  many  parts  of  Asia,  his  geographical  statements, 
which  are  nnmerons,  are  well  worthy  of  consideration.  The  Vienna  Jahrbiicher  says, 
the  history  is  carried  down  to  a.h.  826.  See  S&dlk  Isfah&ni*s  Chron.  Tab.  A.  829. 
[It  conld  not  haye  been  written  earlier,  for  the  table  of  contents  shows  that  it 
extended  beyond  820  h.,  and  it  qnotes  the  ZafaiM%dma^  which  was  written  in  827  h.] 

YOL.  IT.  1 


2  fiAFIZ  ABEU. 

in  the  city  of  Zanjdn.^     A  short  notice  is  given  of  him  in  the 
Tdrikh-i  ChaghatdJk. 

The  work  is  more  generally  known  as  Tdrikh^i  JSdfiz  AbrHy 
and  under  that  name  it  is  quoted  by  Haidar  B&zi,  Mirkhond, 
Khondamir,  and  the  Tdrikh-i  Alfi^  and  by  Abu-1  Fazl  in  the 
Ayin-i  Akhari  as  a  febulist.  D'^Herbelot  refers  to  it>  and  Sir 
W.  Oaseley  frequently  quotes  it  in  his  Travels  as  abounding  in 
geographical  details. 

I  have  never  seen  the  work,  nor  am  I  aware  that  a  copy  exists 
in  India,  but  it  is  frequently  quoted  as  an  authority  on  subjects 
connected  with  Indian  History.  The  only  copies  in  Europe 
which  are  spoken  of  are  those  in  the  Imperial  Library  of  St. 
Petersburgh,  and  in  Sir  Gore  Ouseley's  Collection. 

[Sir  H.  Elliot  subsequently  had  access  to  a  copy  of  this  work 
belonging  to  Mr.  John  Bardoe  Elliot,  and  among  his  MSS. 
there  is  a  volume  containing  extracts  copied  from  it  by  a  munshi 
at  Patna.  These  extracts  comprise  the  introductory  part  of  the 
work  and  the  portions  relating  to  the  history  of  Kirm&n.  From 
this  volume  the  following  synopsis  of  the  Contents  and  the  Extracts 
have  been  translated.  A  large  portion  of  the  work  is  confessedly 
borrowed  without  alteration  or  addition  from  older  historians, 
from  Tabari,  Bashidu-d  din,  and  the  Za/ar-ndma.  The  table  of 
Contents  gives  no  clue  as  to  the  extent  and  value  of  the  part 
devoted  to  India,  but  the  work  is  so  frequently  quoted  by  later 
writers  that  the  Indian  portion  would  seem  to  be  original  and  of 
some  length.  The  Extract  is  a  specimen  of  the  author'^s  method, 
and  will  afford  the  means  of  forming  a  judgment  as  to  his  worth 
as  a  geographer.]' 


^  For  its  position  see  Index  to  Wilken's  Hiatoria  Samanidarum,  p.  222,  y. 
Zendsehan. 

*  Compare  Coll.  Or,  Tom  I.  p.  ciii.,  and  II.  p.  Iv.  "Wilken,  Eistor,  Ohaznwidarum, 
pp.  xiT.,  212,  227,  244.  Gtseh,  d.  Gold,  Horde,  pp.  xvi.  and  xxii.  Wien  Jahrb. 
No.  Ixxiii.  pp.  21,  26.  D'Herbelot,  £ibl.  Or.  Tom.  III.  p.  426.  Cntical  Eaay,  p. 
34.  Mirkhond,  Banzaiu^i'Safd,  Vol.  I.  p.  8.  Fraehn,  Indications  Bihliographiques^ 
No.  188.  Go8che*s  Berlin  Extracts  from  Haidar  B&zf.  Dom's  Geschichte  Tabaris- 
tans.    Hajl  £hal&  II.  124,  III.  535.    Joum.  des  Say.,  Jan.  1847. 


TARrKH-I  HAFIZ  ABRIT.  3 

[contents  of  the  first  volume. 

Fonn  of  the  earth. — The  Creation. — Division  into  Climes. — 
The  equator. — Oceans. — Seas. — Rivers. — Mountains. — Countries 
of  Arabia. — Countriea  of  the  West. — Cities  of  the  West. — 
Distances  in  the  Countries  of  the  West. — Andalusia. — Islands 
of  Bum  and  the  Ocean. — Countries  of  Egypt. — Holy  Temples. — 
Armenia  and  Syria. — Frangistdn. — Mesopotamia. — 'Ir&k.  — 
Khuzistdn. — Fdrs  and  its  provinces :  PersepoHs ;  Territories  of 
Ddrdbjard^  Ardashir,  Shahpdr,  and  Kub4d. — Islands,  Bivers, 
Seas,  Valleys,  Forts,  and  Distances  of  Fdrs. — Kings  and  Rulers 
of  Fdrs,  Dilamites,  Saljuks,  Atdbaks,  Nobles  of  Changiz  Khdn, 
Rulers  after  Abfi  Sa'ld.  —  Eirm&n.  —  Rulers  of  Kirmdn.  — 
Abiward. — Countries  of  Ehur&sdn. — Rulers  of  Khurdsdn. — The 
Ummayides. 

Preface,  with  a  Map. 

Volume  I. — Preface. — Reasons  for  writing  the  history ;  Defi- 
nition of  history ;  Nature  of  the  seience,  benefits  of  history. — 
List  of  the  subjects  treated  of  in  the  469  sections  of  this  work 
founded  on  the  work  of  Muhammad  bin  Tabarl,  from  the 
Creation  down  to  the  Khdlifa  MuktafI  bi-llah. — The  remainder 
of  the  ^Abbaside  Khdlifas  from  the  Jdmi^u-t  Tawdrikh, 

The  histories  extracted  from  the  JdmVu-t  Taicdrikh  are  com- 
prised in  two  volumes.  The  first  containing  the  Tdrikh-i 
Ohdzdn  is  divided  into  two  Bdbs.  The  first  Bab  contjiins  four 
sections,  and  the  second  two  sections,  comprising  the  liistory  of 
the  various  Turk  and  Mughal  princes,  and  of  Changiz  Khdn 
and  his  successors,  down  to  Uljditu  Sultdn  Muhammad  Ehudd- 
banda.  The  second  Bab  comprises  the  history  of  the  Ghaznivides, 
Dilamites,  Buwaihides,  Saljuks,  Khwdrizmshahis,  Shalghdzis  of 
Fdrs,  Ism'ailis  in  two  chapters,  Ughuz  and  the  Turks,  Khatai, 
Children  of  Israel,  Franks,  Indians. 

History  of  the  kings  who  reigned  in  Tabriz,  Baghddd,  and 
those  parts  from  the  year  705  a.h.,  which  closes  the  history  of 
Rashidi,  as  the  events  are  related  in  the  Zqfar-ndma  and  the 


4  HAFIZ  ABB17. 

s 

Tdrikh'%  Hazrat  Saltanat  ShVdri. — ^Ulj&ftti  Sult&n  and  his  suc- 
cessors.— The  Kings  who  reigned  in  Yazd,  Kirm&i,  Shir&z,  and 
Is&h&n. — Princes  of  Hir&t  and  parts  of  Ehur&s&n.— Princes  of 
Mizandarin,  Sarbadfiris  of  Naishap6r  and  Sabzawdr.— Aighfin 
Shdh  of  T6s  and  Mashhad. — 'IJsm&n^  Mur&d,  and  B&yazid  of 
Rfim. — ^Kings  of  Egypt, — Kings  of  the  Franks. 

History  of  Timur  and  his  successors  from  the  Zqfar-ndma  to 
the  end  of  the  year  820,  to  be  completed  from  other  sources  to 
the  end  of  the  dynasty.] 

EXTRACT. 

[River  Sind. — This  river  has  its  source  in  the  skirts  of  the 
mountains  of  Kashmir,  and  runs  from  the  western  side  of  those 
mountains  into  the  country  of  Mansdra.  Its  course  is  frt)m 
north  to  south,  the  end  turning  to  the  east.  In  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Mult&n,  the  river  Jamd  joins  it,  and  it  flows  into  the 
Indian  sea,  which  is  called  the  Bahru-1  akhzar. 

River  Jamd.— The  source  of  this  river  is  also  in  the  mountains 
of  Kashmir,  on  the  south  side. — It  runs  from  north  to  south, 
and  passes  into  the  land  of  Hind. — Its  waters  are  used  for  agri- 
culture and  gardening. — Agriculture  in  these  parts  is  generally 
dependent  on  the  rain. — In  the  neighbourhood  of  Mult&n  it  joins 
the  Sind,  and  falls  into  the  Bahru-1  akhzar. 

Biy&h. — This  is  also  a  large  river  which  rises  to  the  east  of  the 
mountains  of  Kashmir. — It  runs  into  the  country  of  Lahdwar 
(Lahore),  and  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Ifch. — It  falls  into  the 
sea  in  the  country  of  Kambdya. 

Jumna. — This  is  a  large  river  which  has  its  rise  in  the 
Siwilik  hills  to  the  north  of  Dehli. — It  passes  to  the  east  of 
that  city  and  joins  the  Indian  sea  near  Oujardt. — In  the  reign  of 
Sultdn  Firoz  Sh&h,  760  a.h.,  the  countries  (about  this  river) 
were  very  flourishing,  for  in  the  Dodb^  which  is  the  name  given 
to  the  country  between  the  Jumna  and  the  Ganges,  there  were 
80,000  villages  enrolled  as  paying  revenue  to  the  exchequer. — It 


TARraH-I  HAFIZ  ABRU.  5 

has  been  said  in  reply  to  this  statement,  that  it  rests  with  the 
author  to  prove  it. 

G^ges. — This  is  a  large  river  in  India  to  the  east  of  the 
Jumna. — In  the  Hindi  language  it  is  called  G^ngd.  Its  source 
is  on  the  east  of  the  country  of  Elanauj. — The  longitude  of 
Kanauj  is  114  degrees  50  minutes,  and  the  latitude  26  degrees 
35  minutes.  Where  the  river  passes  Kanauj,  it  is  forty  para* 
sangs  from  that  city,  this  adds  two  degrees  more.  When  S&hib 
Kir&n,  the  fire  of  God  (T(mdr),  formed  the  design  of  conquering 
Hindust&n  in  the  year  801  a.h.,  after  capturing  Dehli,  he  crossed 
the  Jumna,  and  led  his  forces  through  this  country  until  he 
reached  the  Ganges.  Grossing  that  river,  he  came  to  a  celebrated 
place  of  worship  of  the  Fire-worshippers  (gabrdn)  of  India,  where 
he  fought  against  the  infidels  and  slew  many  of  them.  There  are 
other  large  rivers  to  the  east  of  this  which  are  mentioned  by  men 
who  have  travelled  in  India ;  but  their  names^  sources,  and  em- 
bouchures, have  not  been  accurately  stated.  So  also  there  are 
many  large  rivers  in  China,  but  it  is  not  known  whether  they 
run  to  the  east  or  to  the  west,  nor  where  they  rise,  nor  where 
they  discharge.     They  are  therefore  passed  over.] 


6 


XXI. 
TXHtKK-I  MUBi!LRAK-Stt^Hr 

OP 

YAHY^  BIN  AHMAD. 

[The  author  of  this  work,  Yahjd  bin  Ahmad  bin  ^Abdu-llah 
Sirhindl,— or  Sihrindi,  the  older  form  of  the  name  which  he 
uses, — wrote  this  work,  as  Firishta  tells  us,  with  the  express 
object  of  recording  the  events  of  the  reign  of  Mubdrak  Sh&h, 
whose  name  he  has  given  to  the  history.  The  work  commences 
with  the  reign  of  Muhammad  Sdm,  the  founder  of  the  Ghori 
dynasty,  and  the  only  copy  of  the  MS.  available  terminates 
abruptly  in  the  middle  of  the  reign  of  Sult&n  Saiyid  Muhammad, 
in  852  A.H.  (a.d.  1448) ;  how  much,  if  any,  later  the  history  ex- 
tended, we  have  at  present  no  means  of  deciding.  In  his  Preface 
the  author  informs  us  that  he  wrote  this  work  in  the  hope  of  pre- 
senting an  acceptable  tribute  to  his  sovereign,  for  "no  more  worthy 
offering  can  be  made  to  a  king  than  a  record  of  the  achievements 
of  his  predecessors."  Up  to  the  time  of  the  accession  of  Firoz 
Sh&h,  he  acknowledges  his  obligations  to  "  various  histories ; " 
from  and  after  that  period  he  wrote  upon  "  trustworthy  infor- 
mation and  personal  observation."  As  to  his  own  position  and 
connexions  he  is  quite  silent. 

Yaliyd  has  no  claims  to  be  ranked  as  an  historian,  but  he  is  a 
careful,  and  apparently  an  honest  chronicler.  His  work  is  the 
source  of  all  our  knowledge  of  the  Saiyid  dynasty.  Nizdmu-d 
din  Ahmad  refers  to  the  Tdrikh-i  Mubdrak-Shdhi  as  an  autho- 
rity in  his  Preface  to  the  Tabakdt-i  Akbari^  and  his  whole 
account  of  the  Saiyid  period  is  a  mere  reproduction  of  the 
statements  of  that  work,  very  often  copied  verbatim.    Bad&uni 


TARIKH-I  MUBABAK-SHAHr.  7 

acbowledges  his  obligations  to  the  work,  and  follows  it  very 
closely,  but  he  uses  language  of  his  own,  and  but  rarely  copies 
from  his  predecessor.  Firishta  twice  refers  to  this  history,  and 
he  often  borrows  its  very  words.  So  Yahyd  is  not  only  a  con- 
temporaneous writer,  but  the  only  original  authority  available 
upon  the  times  of  the  Saiyids. 

The  MS.  in  Sir  H.  M.  Elliotts  library  is  a  copy  that  was 
made  for  him,  and  bears  no  statement  as  to  the  original  from 
which  it  was  taken.  A  note  of  Sir  Henry^s  in  another  place 
smms  to  show  that  he  received  a  copy  of  the  work  from  Madras. 
The  MS.  is  in  a  £ur  handwriting,  but  it  is  full  of  errors,  the 
production  of  a  mere  scribe,  who  brought  no  special  knowledge 
or  intelligence  to  bear  upon  his  work.  It  is  deficient  in  a  few 
places,  but  this  is  probably  owing  to  the  original  MS.  having 
here  and  there  lost  a  leaf.  As  the  work  is  thus  defective  and 
ends  abruptly  a  few  years  before  the  extinction  of  the  Saiyid 
dynasty,  the  TabakdUi  AJcbari  has  been  called  upon  to  repay  a 
portion  of  its  obligations.  The  missing  pages  have  been  supplied 
from  that  work,  and  from  it  the  translation  has  also  been  carried 
down  to  the  close  of  the  Saiyid  rule,  completing  at  once  this 
historical  era.  The  translation  is  the  work  of  the  editor.  The 
MS.  is  a  small  octavo  consisting  of  263  pages  of  thirteen  lines  in 
a  page.] 

EXTRACTS. 

Reign  of  Sultdn  Firoz  Shdh. 

[In  the  year  753  h.  (1352  A.D.),  oh  the  3rd  Jumdda-1  awwal, 
Prince  Muhammad  Khdn  was  bom  in  the  capital  (shahr).  *  *  In 
thifl  same  year  (the  Sult&n)  founded  the  masjid-i  jdmi*  near  the 
palace,  and  the  college  at  the  top  of  the  hauz-i  khdss ;  *  *  and 
Cw&mu-I  Mulk  Makbul,  ndib-wazir^  became  wazir  of  the  State, 
and  received  the  title  of  Kh&n-i  Jahdn.  *  * 

In  the  year  755  h.  (1354  a.d.),  the  Sult&n  marched  with  an 
army  against  Lakhnauti,  leaving  Kh&n-i  Jahdn  at  the  capital  in 
charge  of  all  affairs  of  State.  *  *  When  he  reached  Ktirakhur, 


8  TAHYA  BIN  AHMAD. 

Adi  Singh  waited  apon  him,  and  offering  a  tribute  of  twenty  hum 
of  tankas  in  cash  and  two  elephants,  was  received  into  &Toar. 
On  the  28th  Babi'u-l  awwal,  he  arrived  at  the  fort  of  Ikd&la, 
and  some  hard  fighting  ensued.  The  Bengalis  were  defeated, 
and  many  were  slain.  Saha  Deo,  their  leader,  with  several 
others,  was  killed.  On  the  29th  of  the  month,  the  army  march- 
ing from  that  place,  encamped  on  the  banks  of  the  Ghtnges. 
Ily&s  Hdji  was  shut  up  in  the  fort,  and  on  the  5th  Bab(^u-1 
&khir,  he  marched  out  with  his  countless  Bengali  followers  and 
forces.  The  Sult&n  marshalled  his  army,  and  as  soon  as  Ily&s 
Hdji  beheld  it,  he  was  dismayed  and  fled.  The  army  (of  the 
Sultdn)  made  the  attack ;  the  canopy  and  forty  elephants  were 
captured,  and  innumerable  horsemen  and  in&ntry  became  food 
for  the  sword.  For  two  days  after  the  Sult&n  remained  en- 
camped, and  on  the  third  he  marched  for  Dehli.  Some  months 
afterwards  he  founded  the  great  city  Firozdbfid. 

In  the  year  756  h.  (1355  a.d.),  the  Sult&n  proceeded  to 
Dibdlpur,  and  conducted  a  stream  (Jdi)  from  the  river  Satladar 
(Sutlej),  for  a  distance  of  forty  ^«  as  &r  as  Jhajjar.  In  the 
following  year  he  brought  the  stream  of  Firozdb&d  from  the 
mountains  of  Mandati  (sic)  and  Sirmor,  and  having  thrown  into 
it  seven  distinct  streams,  he  conducted  it  to  Hdnsi.  From  thence 
he  led  it  to  Ar&man,  and  there  he  built  a  strong  fort,  which  he 
called  Hisar  Flrozah.  Below  the  palace  {kwhk\  he  dug  an 
extensive  tank,  and  filled  it  with  the  waters  of  that  canal.  He 
formed  another  canal  from  the  Ehakhar  (Ehagar),  to  the  fort  of 
Sarsuti,  and  from  thence  to  Harbi-khir.^     There  he  built  a 

^  Firiahta  clofely  fSoUows  oar  author,  and  helps  m  to  understand  him.  There  are 
seyeral  inaccuracies  in  the  passage  as  g^iyen  in  Briggs'  translation,  so  the  following  is 
offered  as  a  more  correct  rendering  of  the  lithographed  text.  **In  the  month  Sha'b&n, 

756  H.  (the  Soltlin)  went  towards  DipUpdr  hnnting,  and  having  dug  a  large  canal 
(Ji^  from  the  riyer  Sutlej,  he  conducted  it  to  Jhajhar,  forty-eight  ko9  distant.    In 

757  he  cut  a  canal  from  the  river  Jumna,  in  the  hiUs  of  Mandawi  and  Sirmor,  and 
having  turned  seven  other  streams  into  it,  he  brought  it  to  H&nsi,  and  ftx)m  thence 
to  Abasin,  where  he  built  a  strong  fort  which  he  called  His&r  Firozah.  Below  that 
fort  and  near  the  palace,  he  dug  a  tank  which  he  filled  with  the  waters  of  that  canal. 
He  formed  another  oaoal  from  the  river  Khagar,  and  conducting  it  by  the  fort  of 


TABTKH-I  MXTBiCEAE-SHAHr.  9 

fortified  place  which  he  called  Firoz&b&d.  He  brought  another 
canal  from  the  river  Jumna,  and  threw  it  into  the  tank  of  that 
city,  firom  whence  he  carried  it  on  farther. 

In  the  month  of  Zi-1  hijja,  on  the  day  of  the  *I'd-i  azha^  in  the 
year  before  named,  a  robe  of  honour  and  a  diploma  arrived  from  the 
Khalife  al  H&kim  bi  amr-iU&h  Abti  al  Fath  Abu  Bakr  Abti  al 
Babi^  Sulaimdn,  the  Khali&  of  Egypt,  confirming  on  (the  Sult&n) 
the  territories  of  Hindust&n.  ♦  ♦  ♦ 

In  the  year  769  H.  (1358  a.d.)  ♦  ♦  ♦  an  army  of  Mughals  came 
into  the  neighbourhood  of  Dib&lpur,  and  Malik  Kabul,  Lord  of 
the  Bedchamber  {aar-burdah-ddr)^  was  sent  against  them.  Before 
his  forces  the  Mughals  retreated  to  their  own  country.  *  *  At 
the  end  of  this  year,  T&ju-d  din  Betah,  with  several  other  amira^ 
came  from  Lakhnauti  to  Oourt  as  envoys,  bringing  with  them 
presents  and  tribute,  and  they  received  a  gracious  reception. 

In  the  year  760  h.  (1359  a.d.),  the  Sult4n  marched  with  a 
large  army  against  Lakhnauti,  leaving  Kh&n-i  Jah&n  in  Dehli 
and  Tdt&r  Kh4n  as  Shikkddr  at  Multan,  (to  guard)  the  Ghazni 
frontier.  When  the  Sult&n  reached  Za&rdb&d,  the  rains  came  on, 
so  he  halted  there.  Here  he  was  waited  upon  by  Malik  Shaikh- 
z&da  Bustdmi,  who  had  left  the  country  by  rojral  command.  He 
brought  a  robe  of  honour  fit)m  the  Khali&,^  and  the  Sultdn  being 
graciously  disposed  towards  him,  granted  him  the  title  of  'Azam 
Khdn.  Saiyid  Bastild&r,  who  had  come  with  the  envoys  from 
Lakhnauti,  was  now  sent  back  thither,  and  Sult&n  Sikandar 
again  sent  him  to  Court  with  five  elephants  and  rich  presents. 
But  before  he  arrived,  '.^lam  Kh&n  came  to  Court  fi^m  Lakh- 
nauti, and  he  was  told  (by  the  Sult&n)  that  Sult&n  Sikandar  was 
foolish  and  inexperienced,  and  had  strayed  from  the  path  of 

Sanutf,  he  brought  it  to  the  ri?er  Sar-khatrah  {sz^^  rV^)i  ^^^^^  ^^  founded 

the  city  of  Firoz&b&d.  He  also  brought  another  canal  firom  the  Jumna,  and  threw  it 
into  the  tank  of  that  city."  The  words  <*riYer  of  Sar-khatrah "  are  clearly  wrong. 
In  the  translation,  whieh  was  made  from  MSS.,  the  name  is  given  as  "Pery 
Kehra,"  which  is  more  like  the  Harbi*khir  of  our  text  The  real  name  is  possibly 
Hari-khira. 

I  Firishta  says  «  Of  Egypt" 


10  YJlRYK  bin  AHMAD. 

rectitude.  The  Salt&n  at  first  had  no  desire  to  draw  the  sword 
against  him ;  but  as  he  had  not  discharged  the  duties  of  obedience, 
he  must  now  understand  that  the  Sult&n  was  marching  against 
him. 

After  the  rainy  season,  the  Sult&n  proceeded  towards  Lakh- 
nauti,  and  on  the  waj  Prince  Fath  Kh&n  received  the  insignia 
of  royalty,  such  as  elephants.  A  coin  was  struck  in  his  name,^ 
and  tutors  were  appointed  for  him.  When  the  Sult&n  reached 
Pandwah,  Sultdn  Sikandar  shut  himself  up  in  Ikd&la,  where 
Sultdn  Shamsu-d  din,  his  &ther,  had  before  taken  refuge.  On 
the  16th  Jum&da-l  awwal,  761  (5th  May,  1360),  the  Sult&n  sat 
down  against  Ikdala,  and  passed  some  days  in  besieging  it.  The 
garrison  perceived  that  they  could  not  withstand  the  assailants, 
so  they  were  compelled  to  capitulate,  and  seek  for  peace  by 
sending  elephants,  treasure,  and  goods  as  tribute.  On  the  20th 
Jumdda-1  awwal,  the  Sult&n  marched  from  Ikddla  on  his  return, 
and  when  he  reached  Pandwah,  Sultdn  Sikandar  sent  him  thirty- 
seven  elephants  and  valuable  offerings  as  tribute.  By  successive 
marches  he  reached  Jaunpur,  and  the  rains  coming  on  he  rested 
there.  After  the  rains  were  over,  in  the  month  Zi-1  hijja  of  the 
same  year,  he  marched  with  his  victorious  army  by  way  of  Bih&r 
to  J&jnagar.  Orders  were  issued  that  the  baggage  animals 
{lashkar-sutitr),  women,  horses  out  of  condition,  and  weak  men 
should  not  proceed.^  Malik  Kutbu-d  dm,  brother  of  Za&r  Kh&n 
the  waziPy  was  left  behind  with  the  elephants  and  baggage  at 
Karra.  The  Sultdn  then  marched.  When  he  reached  Sikra,' 
he  attacked  it,  and  the  Rdi  took  to  flight.  There  Shakr  Kh&- 
tun,  daughter  of  Rdi  Sddhan,  with  Addyah,^  was  taken  prisoner. 
The  Sultdn  placed  her  in  the  palace  of  his  daughters.    When  he 

1  Sikkah  b€Mtdm  dwardand, 

'  The  MS.  writes  jjLj  ;  but  it  must  mean  jjLJ  . 

s  The  TabakdU  Akbari  and  Firishta  have  **  Sankra,"  Bad&(ini  has  "Satghara." 
*•  The  Tabakdt'i  Akbari  gives  the  name  of  the  ltd(  as  **  Saras,"  but  Firishta 

makes  it  **  Sadhan."    Shams-i  Sir6j  (see  roL  iii.,  p.  312)  calls  the  B&£  of  J&jnagar, 

"  Adayah." 


TARrKH-I  MUBARAX-SHAHr.  H 

advanced  ferther,  he  left  Malik  'Im&du-l  Mulk  one  stage  behind 
with  the  prisoners  and  baggage.  At  this  place  Ahmad  Khdn, 
who  had  come  up  from  Lakhnauti,  joined  the  Sult&n  in  the  hills 
of  Banthor,^  and  was  received  with  honour.  The  Sult&n  then 
proceeded  to  the  city  of  B&n&rasi,  which  was  the  residence  of  the 
JRdi.  Having  left  the  M&hdnadi,  the  Edi  had  fled  to  Tilang. 
The  Soltdn  pursued  him  for  one  day's  march,  but  when  he  found 
that  the  JRdi  was  far  in  advance,  he  returned.  In  this  neigh- 
bourhood he  hunted.  B&(  Bir  Bh&ndeo^  sent  some  persons  to 
sue  for  peace,  that  his  people  might  not  be  killed.  The  Sult&n, 
according  to  his  wont,  turned  aside,  and  (the  Bdi)  sent  in  thirty- 
three  elephants  and  rich  offerings  as  tribute.  From  thence  the 
Sultdn  fell  back  and  hunted  in  Padm&vati  and  the  elephant 
fields,  where  he  killed  two  elephants.  Afterwards  he  marched  on 
to  Karra,  and  from  Karra  he  proceeded  to  Dehli,  which  he 
reached  in  Bajab,  762  h.  (1361  a.d.),  and  entered  as  a  conqueror. 
Some  time  afterwards  he  heard  that  there  was  in  the  vicinity 
of  Bard&r^  a  hill  of  earth,  through  the  midst  of  which  a  large 
river  flowed  and  fell  into  the  Satladar  (Sutlej).  This  river  was 
called  Sarsuti.  On  the  hither  side  of  the  mountain  there  was 
a  stream  called  Salimah.  If  the  mountain  of  earth,  were  cut 
through,  the  waters  of  the  Sarsuti  would  &11  into  that  stream ; 
which  would  flow  through  Sihrind^  (Sirhind)  and  Mansiirpiir, 
and  from  thence  to  Sanndm,  keeping  up  a  perpetual  supply.  The 
water  was  brought,  but  some  time  was  occupied  in  cutting 
through  the  hill.  Sirhind,  to  as  far  as  within  ten  ko8  of 
S&mfina,  was  separated  from  the  shikk  of  Sdmdna,  and  given 
into  the  charge  of  Malik  Zidu-1  Mulk  Shamsu-d  din  Aburji,  to 

^  This  reading  of  the  Talnikdt'i  Akhari  seems  preferable  to  that  of  the  MS.» 
"Zlnthor." 

*  Firishta  writes  the  name  in  the  same  way,  but  the  translation  has  "  B6jah  of 
Beerbhoom." 

>  "  Parwar,"  Firishta. 

*  '*  Sihrind"  and  **  Tabarhindh  "  are  used  indifferently  throughout  as  the  names  of 
the  modern  Sirhind.  The  use  of  the  latter  has  already  been  noted  (yoI.  ii.,  p.  302). 
Var&ha  Mitra  mentions  the  Sairindhas,  or  people  of  Sirindha,  as  being  in  this 
neighbourhood.    See  Ounningham's  Ancient  Geography,  p.  146. 


12  YAHYA  BIN  AHMAD. 

bring  it  into  cultivation.^  A  fortress  was  built  there,  which 
received  the  name  of  Firozpiir. 

When  the  Sult&n  saw  that  the  excavation  of  the  mountain 
was^  possible,  he  left  the  spot  and  went  to  Nagarkot,  and  after 
conquering  it,  he  proceeded  against  Thatta.  The  J&m  and 
B&biniya  were  in  possession  of  Thatta.  By  dint  of  great 
exertion  the  place  was  invested,  and  fighting  went  on  for  some 
time,  but  such  a  scarcity  of  provender  and  grain  arose  in  the 
Suite's  army,  that  many  men  died,  so  that  of  necessity,  and 
after  a  great  struggle,  he  was  obliged  to  retreat  into  Gujar&t. 

After  the  rainy  season,  he  resolved  again  to  n.a«h  against 
Thatta.  The  fief  (ikta*)  of  Gujar&t  was  placed  under  Za&r 
Khdn,  instead  of  Niz&mu-l  Mulk,  who  was  dismissed  and  pro- 
ceeded with  his  followers  to  the  capital,  where  he  afterwards 
became  trazir  of  the  State.  On  the  Sult&n's  reappearing  before 
Thatta,  J&m  and  B&biniya  made  their  submission  and  waited 
upon  him.  They  were  graciously  received,  but  were  carried 
off  with  all  the  chie&  of  the  country  to  Dehli.  After  having 
for  a  while  shown  obedience,  the  Sult&n  reinstated  the  J&m  in 
the  fief  (iktd')  of  Thatta,  and  sent  him  there  in  state. 

In  the  year  772  h.  (1370-1  a.d.),  Kh&n-i  Jah&n  died,  and  his 
eldest  son  Jaun&n  Sh&h  attained  the  dignity  of  Kh&n-i  Jah&n. 
In  773  Zafar  'Khkn  died  in  Gujar&t,  and  his  eldest  son  succeeded 
him  in  the  fief.  In  776,  on  the  12th  of  the  month  of  Sa&r, 
Prince  Fath  Kh&n  died  at  Kanthur.  The  Sult&n  wad  greatly 
affected  by  his  death,  and  his  constitution  recdved*  a  manifest 
shock. 

In  778  H.  (1376-7  A.D.),  Shams  D&magh&ni  offered  forty 
lac8  of  iankas  in  excess  of  the  revenue  paid  for  Gujar&t,  100 
elephants,  two  hundred  Arab  horses,  and  four  hundred  slaves, 
children  of  Hindu  chiefs  (mukaddam  bachagdn\  and  Abyssinians 
annually.     Malik  Zi&u-l  Mulk  Malik  Shamsu-d  din  Aburj&  was 

^  This  panage  is  imperfect  in  the  MS.,  and  has  been  translated  with  the  help  of 
Firishta. 
*  Here  the  MS.  has  a  negative,  which  it  is  necessary  to  suppress. 


TAErXH-I  MUBAEAE-SHAHr.  13 

depntj  (of  the  goyernor)  of  Ghjar&t,  and  an  offer  was  made  to 

confinn  it  to  him  on  his  consenting  to  these  enhanced  tenns. 

Bat  he  knew  he  could  not  pay  them,  and  that  Shams  Dama- 

gh&ni  had  made  an  extravagant  offer,  so  he  refused  to  accept. 

Shams  D&magh&ni  then  receiyed  a  golden  girdle  and  a  silver 

palftokin,  and  was  appointed  to  Oujar&t  as  deputy  of  Zafar 

Eh&n.     When  he  arrived  in  Gujar&t,  wild  dreams  and  &ncies 

entered  his  brain,  and  he  raised  the  standard  of  rebellion,  for  he 

found  that  he  could  not  raise  the  increased  revenue  and  tribute 

which  he  had  undertaken  to  pay.     At  length  the  new  amirs 

(mir-i  Bodah)  of  Gujar&t,  such   as   Malik   Shaikhu-1    Mulk 

Fakhru-d  din,  rebelled  against  Shams  D&magh&ni  in  the  year 

778  H.,  and  having  slain  him  they  cut  off  his  head,  and  sent  it  to 

Court.     His  revolt  was  thus  put  down.     During  the  prosperous 

reign  of  this  good  and  gracious  sovereign,  his  justice  and  equity 

had  such  an  effect  over  every  quarter  of  his  territories,  that  no 

rebellion  had  ever  broken  out,  and  no  one  had  been  able  to  turn 

his  feet  from  the  path  of  obedience  until  the  revolt  of  this  Shams 

Ddmagh&ni,  and  he  quickly  received  the  punishment  of  his 

perfidy. 

The  frontiers  (aarhadd)  of  the  empire  were  secured  by  placing 
them  under  the  charge  of  great  and  trusty  amirs.  Thus  on  the 
side  of  Hindust&n,  on  the  Bengal  frontier,  the  fief  (ikid')  of 
Earra  and  Mahoba,  and  the  shikk  of  Dalamau,  were  placed  under 
the  charge  of  Maliku-^  Shark  (Prince  of  the  East)  Mard&n 
Daulat,  who  received  the  title  of  Nas(ru-1  Mulk.  The  fief 
{iktd^)  of  Oudh  and  Sandila,^  and  the  ahikk  of  Kol  were  placed 
onder  Malik  Hisdmu-1  Mulk  and  His&mu-d  din  Naw&.  The 
fief  of  Jaunptir  and  Zafar&bdd  was  given  to  Malik  Bahruz 
Soltini.  The  fief  of  Bih&r  to  Malik  Bir  Afghan.  These 
nobles  showed  no  laxity  in  putting  down  the  plots  of  the  infidels, 
and  in  making  their  territories  secure.  Thus  the  Sult4n  had  no 
anxiety  about  the  safety  of  these  parts  of  his  dominions  ;  but  on 
the  side  of  Khur4s4n  there  was  no  amir  capable  of  withstanding 

^  The  MS.  has  **  Sadid,"  but  Firishta  giyes  the  right  reading,  see  post  p.  29. 


14  YAHYX  BIN  AHAIAD. 

the  attacks  of  the  Mughals.  He  was  therefore  compelled  to 
summon  Maliku-s  Shark  Nasiru-l  Mulk  from  Karra  and  Mahoba, 
and  to  send  him  to  Mult&n,  in  order  to  put  down  and  pnniah  the 
assaults  of  these  accursed  foes.  The  fiefs  {iktd'a)  of  this  quarter 
were  conferred  upon  him,  and  the  fief  of  Hindust&n,  that  is  to 
say  Karra  and  Mahoba,  was  also  ordered  to  be  confirmed  to 
Maliku-s  Shark  Shamsu-d  din  Sulaim&n,  son  of  Malik  Mard&n 
Daulat.  After  the  murder  of  Udmagh&ni,  the  fief  of  6ujar&t 
was  granted  to  Malik  Mufarrih  Sult&ni,  who  received  the  title  of 
Farhatu-l  Mulk.  *  *  * 

In  the  year  781  h,  (1379  a.d.),  the  Sult&n  made  a  progress 
towards  S&m&na,  and  when  he  arrived  there,  Malik  Kabdi 
Kuran  Khwdn,  amir  of  the  privy  council  and  chief  of  S&m&na, 
presented  his  tribute,  and  the  Sult&n  showed  him  great  favour. 
Passing  from  thence  through  Ambala  and  Sh&h&b&d,  the  Sult&n 
entered  the  hills  of  Sah&ranpur,  and  after  taking  tribute  firom 
the  lidia  of  Sirmor  and  the  hills,  he  returned  to  his  capital. 
Just  at  this  time  information  came  of  the  rebellion  of  Xhai^, 
the  Hindu  chief  {mukaddam)  of  Katehr.^  This  Khargu  had 
invited  Saiyid  Muhammad,  who  held  the  fief  of  Baddun,  and 
his  brother  Saiyid  'Al&u-d  din,  to  a  feast  at  his  house,  and  had 
then  basely  murdered  them.  In  782  h.  (1380  a.d.),  the  Sultdn 
proceeded  there  to  avenge  this  murder,  and  ravaged  the  district 
of  Katehr.  Khargu  fled,  and  took  refuge  in  the  mountains  of 
Kam&un,  in  the  country  of  the  Mahtas.^  The  Sult&n  abo 
attacked  them.  *  *  Every  year  he  used  to  proceed  to  Katehr, 
ostensibly  to  hunt,  and  that  country  became  so  devastated  that 
nothing  but  game  lived  there. 

In  784  H.  (1382  a.d  ),  he  built  a  fortress  at  Beoli,  seven  kas 
from  Bad&iin,  and  called  it  Flrozpiir,  but  the  people  named  it 
Pur-i  dkhirin  (the  last  town).  The  Sult&n  now  grew  old  and 
feeble,  for  his  age  was  nearly  ninety  years,  and  Kh&n-i  Jah&n, 
the  wazir^  exercised  unbounded  authority.     All  the  affairs  of  the 

1  See  note  infra,  p.  49.  '  ^^lio^ 


TARTKH-I  MUBiCEAK-SHAHr.  15 

State  were  in  his  hands,  and  the  malika  and  amirs  were  entirely 
subservient  to  him.  If  any  one  opposed  him,  he  got  him 
removed  from  the  presence  of  the  Sultdu  in  any  way  he  could. 
Some  he  killed,  others  he  put  in  confinement.  At  length  it 
came  to  this,  that  whatever  Elh&n-i  Jah&n  said  the  Sult&n  used 
to  do.  So  the  affairs  of  the  kingdom  fell  into  disorder,  and 
every  day  some  loss  occurred.  One  day  Kh&n-i  Jah&n  repre- 
sented to  the  Sult&n  that  Prince  Muhammad  Kh&n  had  allied 
himself  to  certain  nobles  such  as  Dary&  Kh&n,  son  of  Zafar 
Kh&n,  amir  of  Gujar&t,  Malik  Ya^kub  Muhammad  H&jf, 
master  of  the  horse  [etc.y  etcJ]^  and  was  on  the  point  of  raising  a 
rebellion.  As  the  Sultdn  had  given  over  everything  to  the  charge 
of  the  Kh&n,  he,  without  thought  or  consideration,  gave  the 
order  that  they  should  be  taken  into  custody.  When  the  prince 
heard  this,  he  did  not  come  to  the  palace  for  several  days,  and 
although  Kh&n-i  Jahdn  sent  for  him,  he  made  excuses.  Then 
the  Khan,  upon  the  pretext  of  a  balance  of  accounts,  kept  Daryd 
Kh&n,  son  of  Zafar  Kh&n,  amir  of  Mahoba,  confined  in  his 
house.  This  alarmed  the  prince  still  more,  and  he  made  a 
statement  of  his  position  to  his  father.  The  Sult&n  gave  orders 
for  the  dismissal  of  Kh&n-i  Jah&n,  and  for  the  release  of  Daryd 
Kh&n.  The  prince  having  done  this,  Malik  Ya'kub  Beg,  master 
of  the  horse,  brought  out  all  the  royal  horses,  and  Malik 
Kutbu-d  din  Far&murz,  keeper  of  the  elephants,  brought  out 
the  elephants  with  their  howdas  and  armour,  and  took  them  to 
the  prince.  The  slaves  of  Sult&n  Firoz,  the  amirsy  and  other 
people  of  the  city,  also  joined  the  prince. 

In  the  month  of  Rajab,  789  (July,  Aug.,  1387  a.d.),  being 
fully  prepared,  the  prince  proceeded  late  one  night,  with  a  large 
body  of  men,  to  the  house  of  Kh&n-i  Jah&n.  When  the  Kh&n 
heard  of  their  approach,  he  took  Daryd  Kh&n,  son  of  Zafar 
Xhdn,  out  of  prison  and  put  him  to  death.  Then  he  came 
out  with  a  few  chosen  followers,  and  was  attacked  by  the  prince. 
Being  defeated,  he  fled  to  his  house,  and  received  a  wound  as  he 
was  entering.   Unable  to  make  ftirther  resistance,  he  again  left  his 


16  TAHYiC  BIN  AHMAD. 

house  with  a  few  followers  and  flied  mto  Mew&t,  where  he  sought 
refuge  with  Koki  Ghauhan,  at  Mah&ri.  The  prince  plundered 
Kh&n-i  Jah&n^s  house  of  all  its  gold  and  wealth,  and  arms,  horses 
and  effects ;  he  then  returned  with  his  followers  to  the  palace. 
Next  he  caused  Malik  Bihz&d  Fath  £h&n,  [and  several  oilier 
adherents  o/*]  Kh&n-i  Jah&n,  to  be  brought  to  the  palace  and  to  be 
beheaded.  When  these  proceedings  were  reported  to  the  Sult&n, 
he  gave  over  his  authority  to  Prince  Muhammad  Kh&n,  and  the 
maliks  and  amirs  and  slaves  of  Sult&n  Firoz,  and  the  people  in 
general,  rallied  round  the  prince.  The  Sult&n  was  old  and 
feeble,  so  of  necessity  he  gave  over  to  the  prince  the  reins  of 
government,  with  all  the  horses  and  elephants,  wealth  and  state. 
He  conferred  upon  him  the  title  N4siru-d  din  Muhammad  Sh&h, 
and  then  he  retired  to  his  house  to  serve  his  Qod.  In  all  the 
chief  mosques  throughout  the  dominions  the  khutha  was  repeated 
in  the  names  of  the  two  sovereigns,  and  in  the  month  of  Sha^b&n 
of  the  same  year  Muhammad  ISiika  took  his  seat  upon  the  throne 
in  the  palace  of  Jah&n-num&.  The  titles  and  offices,  fiefs,  and 
allowances,  pensions  and  gifts,  and  whatsoever  had  been  enjoyed 
by  any  one  during  the  late  reign,  were  confirmed.  Malik  Ya^kub, 
master  of  the  horse,  was  made  Sikandar  Kh&n,  and  received 
the  fief  of  Gujarat.  *  ♦  He  was  then  sent  with  an  army  to 
Mahdri  against  Kh4n-i  Jah&n.  When  this  force  reached 
Mah&ri,  the  accursed  Kok&  seized  Kh&n-i  Jah4n  and  sent  him 
prisoner  to  Sikandar  Kh&n,  who  killed  him,  and  carried  his  head 
to  Court.  Sikandar  Kh&n  then  departed  to  his  fief  of  Gujar&t, 
and  the  prince  devoted  himself  to  the  duties  of  government. 

In  the  month  of  Zi-1  ka'da  of  the  same  year,  he  went  to  the 
mountains  of  Sirmor,  and  there  spent  two  months  in  hunting 
the  rhinoceros  and  elk.^  While  thus  engaged,  information  was 
brought  to  him  of  the  death  of  Sikandar  Kh&n,  whom  Malili 
Mufarrih,  amir  of  Kambay,  and  the  new  amirs  of  Gujar&t,  had 
risen  against  and  slain.     The  retinue  that  had  marched  witb 


TiCRrKH-I  MUBARAK-SHAHr.  17 

him  from  Court,  some  of  them  wounded  and  some  of  them 
despoiled,  returned  home  with  Saiyid  S&l&r.  When  Prince 
Muhammad  Kh&n  heard  this  intelligence,  he  became  thoughtful 
and  anxious,  and  returned  to  his  capital.  But  he  was  young 
and  inexperienced,  and  he  gave  himself  up  to  pleasure.  For  five 
months  longer  the  old  rules  and  arrangements  kept  the  affairs 
of  the  kingdom  in  order,  but  at  length  great  irregularities  arose. 
The  slaves  of  the  late  Government  of  Firoz  Sh&h,  of  whom 
there  were  about  a  ^  in  Dehli  and  Ffroz&b&d,  stirred  up 
by  the  opposition  shown  by  Malik  Sam&u-d  din  and  Malik 
Kam&lu-d  din,  abandoned  the  prince,  and  joined  themselves 
to  the  late  sovereign  ;  hence  arose  contention  and  strife.  When 
the  prince  became  aware  of  the  facts,  he  sent  Malik  Zahiru-d 
din  Lohari  to  parley  with  the  insurgents,  who  had  assembled 
in  the  maiddn;  but  they  pelted  him  with  bricks  and  stones, 
and  after  wounding  him  they  made  a  display  of  their  force 
and  rejected  all  propositions  for  peace.  Zahiru-d  din  returned 
wounded  to  the  prince,  who  was  ready  for  action.  He  pro- 
ceeded with  all  his  force  of  horse  and  foot,  and  elephants,  to 
the  maiddn  against  the  rebels ;  and  when  he  attacked  them^  th^ 
fled  to  the  palace  and  sought  refuge  with  the  old  Sult&n.  Fight- 
ing went  on  for  two  days,  and  on  the  third  the  prince  was 
prepared  to  renew  the  struggle,  when  the  insurgents  brought  out 
the  old  Sult&n  from  the  palace.  The  soldiers  and  elephant- 
drivers,  directly  they  saw  the  face  of  their  Sult&n,  deserted  the 
side  of  the  prince  and  joined  themselves  to  their  old  master. 
Finding  that  he  could  no  longer  maintain  the  struggle,  the  prince 
turned  and  fled  with  a  small  band  of  followers  to  the  mountains 
of  Sirmor.  The  insurgents  plundered  his  house,  and  those  of 
his  adherents.  That  day  tranquillity  was  restored,  and  the 
people  were  satisfied.  The  Sult&n  then  appointed  Prince 
Tughlik  Sh&h,  his  grandson,  son  of  Fath  Kh&n,  to  be  his  heir, 
and  delivered  over  all  the  affairs  of  Government  to  him.  Amir 
Husain  Ahmad  Ikb&l,  son-in-law  of  the  Sult&n,  who  had 
separated  from  the  party  of  the  prince,  was  made  prisoner,  and 

VOL.  nr.  2 


18  YAHYX  BIN  AHMAD. 

the  prince  had  him  beheaded  before  the  entrance  of  the  palace. 
Orders  were  also  sent  to  the  new  amirs  of  S&m&na  directing 
them  to  seize  'All  Eh&n,  the  amir^  and  bring  him  to  Court. 
When  he  was  brought  in,  the  prince  sent  him  away  to  Bih&r, 
and  granted  the  fief  of  S&m&na  to  Malik  Sult&n  Shdh. 

On  the  18th  Bamaz&n,  790  h.  (26th  September,  1388  a.d.), 
Sult&n  Firoz  died,  worn  out  with  weakness.  Veracious  historians 
and  truthful  chroniclers  of  venerable  age  have  recorded  that  since 
the  days  of  N&siru-d  din,  son  of  Shamsu-d  din  Altamsh,  who  was 
a  second  Naushirw&n,  there  has  been  no  king  in  Dehli  so  just  and 
merciful,  so  kind  and  religious,  or  such  a  builder.  His  justice 
won  for  him  the  hearts  of  his  subjects.  If  any  poor  traveller, 
by  the  visitation  of  God,  fell  in  the  road  and  died,  the  feudal 
chiefs,  the  officers,  and  the  mukaddams  having  called  together  the 
kdzia  and  all  Musulm&ns,  they  examined  the  body,  and  drew  up 
a  report  under  the  seal  of  the  kdziy  certifying  that  no  mark  of  a 
Wound  was  discernible  upon  the  body,  and  after  that  they  buried  it. 
Thus  by  inquiries  of  the  kdzk^  all  the  injunctions  of  the  law  were 
fulfilled,  and  it  was  in  no  way  possible  that  during  the  reign  of  this 
Sovereign,  any  strong  man  could  tyrannize  over  the  weak.  God 
Almighty  took  this  gentle,  beneficent,  and  just  king  to  his  ever- 
lasting rest,  after  a  reign  of  thirty 'Seven  years  and  nine  months.^ 

Beign  of  Tughlik  Shdh^  son  of  Fath  Khan,  son  of  Firoz  Shah, 

the  late  Sultan. 

This  Sult&n,  with  the  concurrence  of  several  of  the  amirs  and 
maliks  and  servants  of  the  late  Sult&n,  took  his  seat  upon  the 

1  He  was  ninety  years  of  age.  "He  was  buried  by  tbe  side  of  the  Ham-i 
khdst;  a  splendid  dome  (gumbad)  was  erected  oyer  his  graye,  and  it  has  become 
famous." — Badduni,  The  TabakdUi  Akhari  gi^es  a  summary  of  his  public  works, 
which  Firishta  has  adopted,  with  some  alterations.  It  is  as  follows: — '*5  Canals 
{band-i  jiit),  [Firishta  says  "  50  "] ;  4  Mosques  [Firishta  says  ''  40  *']  ;  30  Colleges ; 
20  Monasteries  {khdnkdh) ;  100  Palaces  {kiuhk) ;  200  Carayanserais  {rabdt) ;  300 
Towns ;  6  Tanks  (A^us) ;  6  Hospitals ;  100  Mausolea ;  10  Baths ;  10  Monumental 
Pillars  {mindra) ;  160  Wells ;  100  Bridges ;  and  gardens  beyond  number."  The 
text  of  Firishta  omits  the  "  300  towns,"  but  the  translation  states  them  as  *^  200." 
With  the  exceptions  noted,  the  two  lists  agree ;  but  there  are  some  discrepancies 
between  the  text  of  Firishta  and  Briggs's  translation. 


TAErKH-I  MTTBAEAZ-SHAHr.  19 

throne  in  the  palace  at  Firoz&bfid,  on  the  day  of  his  predecessor's 
death,  and  took  the  title  of  Salt&n  Ghiy4su-d  din.  Malik-z&da 
Firoz,^  son  of  Malik  T&ju-d  din,  was  made  tcazir^  and  was 
honoured  with  the  title  Khdn-i  Jahdn.  Khud&wand-z&da 
Ghiy&su-d  din  Tnrmnzi  was  placed  over  the  armoury.  Firoz 
'Ali  was  taken  out  of  prison,  and  his  father's  office  of  sar-jdnddr 
was  conferred  upon  him.  The  fief  of  Ghijar&t  was  granted  to 
Malik  Mufarrih  Sult&nf,  who  held  it  under  the  late  Sult&n. 
The  various  other  fiefs  and  appointments  were  confirmed  to  the 
holders.  Malik  Firoz  'Ali  and  Bah&dur  Ndhir  were  sent  with 
a  considerable  force  against  Prince  Muhammad  Kh&n.  The 
amirs  of  the  fie&  {iktd*8\  such  as  Sult&n  Amir  Sh&h  of  Sam&na^ 
K&i  Kam&lu-d  din  and  others,  were  sent  along  with  them.  In 
the  month  of  Shaww&l  the  army  entered  the  mountains  of  Sirmor, 
and  Prince  Muhammad  Eh&n  retired  to  the  top  of  the  mountains 
by  hostile  roads,  till  he  reached  the  fort  of  Bakn&ri.^  The 
royal  army  also  entered  the  mountains,  and  when  it  reached  the 
valley  {darra)  of  Baknari,  some  little  fighting  followed,  but  the 
place  being  strong,  the  prince  was  not  subdued.  From  thence 
he  ascended  the  mountains  and  went  towards  Sakhet,  (The 
royal  army)  ^  then  marched  from  Bakn&ri  to  the  town  of  Arii, 
and  encamped  in  the  darra  of  Aru,  near  to  the  station  {chauiara) 
of  Kim&r.  The  prince  then  left  Sakhet,  and  went  to  the  fort  of 
Nagarkot.  The  royal  forces  followed  to  the  confines  of  Gw&liyar 
in  pursuit,  but  they  met  with  opposition  on  the  way,  so  Malik 
Firoz  ^Ali  and  the  other  amirs  gave  up  the  pursuit,  and 
returned.     The  prince  secured  himself  in  Nagarkot. 

Tughlik  Sh&h  was  young  and  inexperienced.  He  knew 
nothing  of  politics,  and  had  seen  none  of  the  wiles  of  fickle 
fortune.  So  he  gave  himself  up  to  wine  and  pleasure.  The 
business  of  government  was  entirely  neglected,  and  the  ofiicers 
of  the  late  Sult&n  asserted  so  fearlessly  their  power,  that  all 

1  The  text  has  "  Firoz  Sh&h."  *  Tabakdt-i  Akbari,  "  Bakt&ri." 

'  The  introduction  of  this  nominatiye  Beems  necessary  to  the  sense. 


20  TAHYA  BIN  AHMAD. 

contrel  of  the  State  was  lost.  The  Sult&n  imprisoned  his 
brother  S&l&r  Sh&h  without  any  reason.  Abu  Bakr  Sh&h,  son 
of  Za&r  Kh&n,  having  fled  for  refuge,  Malik  Buknu-d  din 
Janda,  deputy  wazir,  and  several  other  amirs  and  slaves^  of 
the  late  Sult&n,  made  common  cause  with  him,  and  raised  a 
revolt.  They  despatched  with  the  sword  .Malik  Mub&rak 
Eabiri,  in  the  palace  at  Firoz&b&d,  as  he  was  retreating  through 
the  door.  A  great  outcry  thereupon  arose  in  the  palace,  and  the 
Sult&n  hearing  it,  escaped  through  the  door  opening  on  the 
Jumna.  Malik  Firoz,  the  trazir,  was  with  him;  but  the 
traitor,  Bukn  Janda,  being  apprised  of  his  escape,  followed  him 
with  his  own  adherents,  and  with  a  party  of  the  late  Sult&n's 
slaves.  When  they  reached  the  ford  of  the  Jumna,  they  killed 
Sult&n  Tughlik  Sh&h  and  the  prince  Firoz.  Then  they  cut  off 
their  heads,  and  threw  them  down  in  front  of  the  palace.  This 
happened  on  the  21st  Safar,  791  h.  (19th  February,  1389  a.d.) 

Aftet  this  they  brought  Abd  Bakr  Sh&h  out  from  his  dwelling, 
4ind  seating  him  upon  an  elephant,  with  a  canopy  over  his  head, 
they  proclaimed  him  under  the  title  of  Sult&n  Abti  Bakr.  Bukn 
Janda  was  made  tcazir.  After  a  few  days,  Bukn  Janda  conspired 
with  several  slaves  of  the  late  Sult&n  Firoz,  with  the  intention 
«f  slaying  Abu  Bakr,  and  of  making  himself  king.  But  certain 
others,  who  were  unfriendly  to  him,  anticipating  his  action,  killed 
him,  and  put  his  confederates  to  the  sword.  Abd  Bakr  was  in 
possession  of  Dehli,  the  royal  elephants  and  treasure  were  in  his 
hands,  and  his  power  was  day  by  day  increasing.  Just  at  this 
juncture  the  new  amirs  of  S&m&na  treacherously  slew  Malik 
Sultan  Sh&h  Khush-dil,  with  their  swords  and  daggers,  at  the 
tank  of  Sann&m,  on  the  4th  Sa&r.  Then,  taking  possession  of 
S&m&na,  they  plundered  the  houses  of  Malik  Sult&n  Sh&h  and 
slew  all  his  dependents.  They  cut  off  the  head  of  Malik  Sult&n, 
And  sent  it  to  Nagarkot,  to  Prince  Muhammad  ICh&n,  with  offers 


^  The  word  so  translated  is  **  handagdn^^  literally  bondsmen  or  slayes.    It  makes 
iti  appearance  frequently  in  these  pages. 


TilRIKH-I  MUBAEAK-SliAHr.  21 

of  assistanoe.     The  length  of  the  reign  of  Sult&n  Tughlik  Sh&h 
was  six  months  and  eighteen  days. 

SuUdn  Muhammad  Shdh,  younger  son  of  the  late  Sultan  Flroz  Shah. 

When  the  intelligence  of  the  death  of  Malik  Sult&n  Sh&h 
reached  Mohammad  Kh&n  at  Nagarkot,  he  marched  thence  to 
the  town  of  J&landhar,  and  so  into  the  district  of  S&m&na.  There, 
on  the  6th  of  the  month  of  Bab{''a-1  dkhir,  of  the  year  above 
named,  he,  for  the  second  time,  mounted  the  throne  of  the 
empire.  The  new  anUrs  of  S&mdna,  and  the  mukaddama  of  that 
district  and  of  the  hills,  all  joined  him,  and  renewed  their  vows 
of  alleriance.  Several  amirs  and  malika  also  of  Dehli  deserted 
Abd  Bakr  Sh&h,  and  came  to  join  him.  So  there  assembled 
round  him  in  S&m&na  about  twenty  thousand  horse,  and  an  in- 
numerable host  of  foot.  From  S&m&na  he  marched  to  Dehli ; 
and  by  the  time  he  reached  its  neighbourhood,  the  horse  had  in- 
creased to  about  fifty  thousand,  Abu  Bakr  Sh&h  was  informed 
of  his  approach,  and  the  slaves  of  Sult&n  Firoz,  having  before 
opposed  the  new  Sult&n,  now  allied  themselves  with  Abu  Bakr. 

On  the  25th  RabiVl  4khir,  791  (23rd  April,  1389),  Sult&n 
Muhammad  took  up  his  position  at  the  palace  of  Jah&n-num&, 
and  Abd  Bakr  also,  with  his  adherents  and  forces,  was  at  Firoz- 
&b&d.  On  the  2nd  Jum&da-l  awwal,  the  adherents  of  Abu  Bakr, 
having  taken  the  streets  and  walls  of  Firoz&b&d,  gave  battle  to 
the  forces  of  the  new  Sult&n.  On  that  very  day  Bah&dur  N&hir^ 
came  into  the  city  with  a  party  of  his  followers ;  and  Abu  Bakr 
Sh&h,  being  emboldened  by  his  arrival,  marched  on  the  following 
day  into'  Firoz&b&d  with  his  horse  and  foot.  The  battle  began, 
and  by  the  decree  of  G-od,  Sult&n  Muhammad  was  defeated.  He 
fled  towards  his  own  territories.  With  a  party  of  about  two 
thousand  horse,  he  crossed  the  Jumna,  and  penetrated  into  the 
Do&b.     From  thence  he  sent  his  second^  son.  Prince  Hum&yun 

1  <«The  Mew&tti/'— r.  BaddAni. 

*  Firiflhta  aayi  *<  out  of,"  and  the  T.  Badduni  says  « into  the  maiddn  of  F(roz&b&d." 

*  literaUy,  "  middle  son." 


22  YAHYA  BIN  AHMAD. 

Kh4n,  to  S&m&na,  to  assemble  his  forces ;  and  he  sent  with  him 
MaUk  Zi&u-d  din  Aburja,  B&i  Eam&Iu-d  din  Main,^  and  R&i 
Ehul  Chain^  Bhatti,  whose  fie&  were  in  that  quarter.  The  Sult&n 
himself  took  up  his  position  at  the  yillage  of  Jalesar,^  on  the 
banks  of  the  Gttnges.  The  amirs  of  Hindust&n,  such  as  Malik 
Sarwar,  governor  of  the  city  {shahnori  shahr),  Maliku-sh  Shark 
Nasiru-1  Mulk  the  holder  of  Mult&n,  Eliawdssu-1  Mulk  the 
holder  of  Bih&r  [arui  others] ;  and  B&i  Sarvar^  and  other  rdis  and 
rdnasy  making  in  all  about  fifty  thousand  horse,  with  an  in- 
numerable force  ef  foot,  joined  the  Sultan.  Malik  Sarwar  re- 
ceived the  title  of  Khtodja-i  Jahdn,  and  was  made  tcazir.  Malik 
Nasiru-1  Mulk  became  Khizr  ICh&n,^  Khaw&ssu-l  Mulk  was  made 
Ehaw&ss  Kh&n,  and  Saifu-d  din  became  Saif  ICh&n. 

In  Sha^b&n  of  the  same  year  Sult&n  Muhammad  again  marched 
against  Dehli.  Abu  Bakr  Sh&h  came  forth  to  meet  him,  and 
encountered  him  at  the  village  of  Kundali.  Both  sides  arrayed 
their  forces,  and  a  battle  ensued.  By  the  will  of  God,  the  army 
of  Sult&n  Muhammad  was  defeated,  and  Abu  Bakr  was  victorious. 
His  camp  equipage  and  baggage  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors, 
who  kept  up  the  pursuit  for  three  kos.  Sultan  Muhammad  then 
returned,  and  took  up  his  abode  at  Jalesar.  Abu  Bakr  Sh&h 
went  back  to  Dehli. 

On  the  19th  Ramaz&n  the  slaves  of  the  late  Sult&n  Firoz 
who  were  living  in  the  various  districts  and  cities,  as  at  Mult&n, 
L&hor,^  S&m&na,  and  His&r,  and  the  fort  of  H&nsi,  were  unjustly 
put  to  death  in  one  day  by  the  chiefs  and  people  of  the  different 
places,  under  the  orders  of  Sult&n  Muhammad.  In  consequence 
of  the  contention  among  the  Musulm&ns  for  the  throne,  the  Hindu 
infidels  gathered  strength,  and  gave  up  paying  the  poll-tax  and 
tribute.     They  moreover  threatened  the  Muhammadan  towns. 

1  Mina?  »  Probably  Kul  Chand. 

*  The  Text  baa  "  Jaser"  and  '<  Jater,"  and  Bad&tini  makes  makes  it  '<Cbetar/' 
but  the  Tabakdt'i  Akbari  and  Firisbta  agree  in  reading  "Jalesar.**     See  j9o«^,  p.  26. 

*  The  text  has  "  Sabir/'  but  Firisbta  says  "  Sanrar."     See  post,  p.  26. 

^  The  translation  of  Firisbta  errs  in  making  tbis  title  **  £bow&s  Kb&n." 
^  Invariably  called  "  Lobor.*' 


TARfKH-I  MUBAEAK-SHAHr,  23v 

In  the  month  of  Muharram,  792  h.  (January,  1390  A.D  ),  Prince 
Hum&yun  Elhan,  having  collected  the  various  malika  and  amir9 
who  had  heen  appointed  to  act  under  him,  such  as  G-h&lib  Kh&n, 
amir  of  S&m&na  \etc.^  etc,^^  pitched  his  camp  at  P&nipat,  and 
plundered  the  environs  of  Dehli.  When  Abu  Bakr  Sh&h  was 
informed  of  this,  he  sent  Malik  Sh&hfn  'Imadu-1  Mulk,  with  four 
thousand  horse  and  guards  and  many  foot  soldiers,  towards  P&ni- 
pat ;  and  the  two  forces  drew  up  in  battle  array  at  the  village  of 
Basina,  near  P&nipat.  The  Almighty  gave  the  victory  to  Abu 
Bakr  Sh&h,  and  the  army  of  the  prince  being  defeated  fled  back 
towards  S&m&na.  His  camp  and  baggage  and  equipments,  all 
became  the  spoil  of  the  victors.  The  forces  of  Dehli,  under  the 
grace  of  God,  being  thus  everywhere  victorious,  Sult&n  Muham- 
mad and  his  army  could  no  longer  resist  the  enemy,  and  he  be- 
came very  much  depressed  in  spirit.  Still  the  maliks  and  the 
soldiers  and  the  people  of  the  capital  were  entirely  on  the  side 
of  the  Sultan,  and  Abii  Bakr  dared  not  leave  the  city  to  pursue 
his  defeated  enemy. 

In  the  month  Jum&da-l  awwal  of  the  same  year  Abu  Bakr 
Sh&h  collected  his  army  and  marched  towards  Jalesar.  He  en- 
camped about  twenty  kos  from  Dehli,  and  Sult&n  Muhammad, 
being  informed  of  this,  left  his  army  and  baggage  at  Jalesar,  and 
started  off  with  four  thousand  light  horse  for  Dehli.  Some 
guards  who  had  been  left  in  charge  of  the  city  shut  themselves 
up  at  the  Bad&un  gate,  and  made  some  show  of  resistance ;  but 
the  assailants  set  fire  to  the  gate,  and  the  defenders  fled.  Sult&n 
Muhammad  entered  the  city  through  this  gate,  and  took  up  his 
quarters  at  the  Hum4yun  palace.  All  the  people  of  the  city, 
high  and  low,  and  the  bdzdr  people,  joined  him.  When  intelli- 
gence of  this  reached  Abu  Bakr,  he  set  off  early  on  the  same  day 
with  a  party  of  his  followers,  and  entered  the  city  by  the  same 
gate,  and  Malik  Bah&u-d  din,  who  had  been  left  in  charge  of  the 
gate  by  Sultdn  Muhammad,  was  killed  on  the  spot.  The  Sult&n 
was  in  the  palace,  unaware  of  what  had  happened ;  but  when  Abu 
Bakr  drew  near,  and  he  was  apprised  of  the  fact,  he  escaped  with 


24  YAHYA  BIN  AHMAD. 

a  small  party  of  followers  through  a  back  door  of  the  palace,  and 
making  his  way  out  of  the  city  by  the  gate  of  the  SauZ'i  khdasy 
he  returned  to  Jalesar,  to  his  army  and  baggage.  The  amirs  and 
tnaliks  and  soldiers  who  were  unable  to  escape  out  of  the  city 
with  the  Sult&n  were,  some  of  them  taken  prisoners,  and  some 
killed ;  EhaHl  Eh&n  ndib-bdrbak  and  Malik  Isma'il,  son  of  the 
daughter  of  Sult&n  Firoz  Sh&h,  were  taken  aUve,  and  were  put  to 
death. 

In  the  month  of  Bamaz&n  of  the  same  year  Mubashir  H&jib^ 
Sult&nf,  who  had  the  title  Isl&m  Kh&n,  with  several  old  slaves 
(bandagdn)  of  Sultdn  Firoz,  without  any  reason,  turned  against 
Abu  Bakr  Sh&b,  and  opened  communications  with  Sult&n  Mu- 
hammad. When  this  fact  became  known,  Abu  Bakr  Sh&h  was 
unable  to  overcome  them,  so  he  left  Dehli,  accompanied  by  some 
of  his  most  devoted  followers,  such  as  Malik  Sh&hin  ^Im&du-l 
Mulk,  Malik  Bahri,  and  Safdar  Eh&n  Sult&ni,  and  proceeded  to 
the  kutila^  of  Bah&dur  N&hir.  On  the  17th  of  the  month  Bama- 
z&n,  Mubashir  H&jib  and  the  old  Firoz  Sh&hi  men  sent  letters 
to  Sult&n  Muhammad,  informing  him  of  the  &ots,  and  of  the 
flight  of  Abu  Bakr  Sh&h.  They  placed  Kh&n-i  Eh&n&n, 
the  youngest  son  of  the  Sult&n,  on  an  elephant,  and,  raising 
a  canopy  over  his  head,  they  conducted  him  to  Jalesar.  On 
the  third  day,  the  19th  Bamaz&n,  the  Sult&n  started  from 
Jalesar,  and  entering  the  city  he  took  his  seat  on  the  throne 
in  the  palace  of  Firoz&b&d.  Mubashir  H&jib  received  the 
office  of  irasir,  and  the  title  of  Isl&m  Eh&n  was  confirmed 
to  him.  The  old  guards  of  Firoz  Sh&h  and  the  people  of 
the  capital  joined  the  Sult&n.  After  a  few  days,  he  left  Firoz- 
&b&d,  and  went  into  the  fort  (hisdr)  of  Jah&n-pan&h  to  the 
Hum&ydn  palace.  He  took  the  elephants  from  the  charge  of 
the  Firoz  Sh&hi  slaves,  and  placed  them  under  the  old  elephant- 

1  Thii  ifl  according  to  Firishta,  but  the  text  has  « Jab/'  the  Tabakdt-i  Akbari 
"  Hat,"  and  Baddkni  "  Chap." 

'  The  word  seems  to  be  used  here  as  a  common  noun,  not  a  proper  name.  It  is 
inytriably  HiUa^  not  Hpila,    See  note  in  toL  iii.y  p.  455. 


TABrSH-I  MUBi^RAS-SHAHr.  25 

keepers.^  This  excited  greafc  discontent  among  them ;  but  as  the 
Sult&n  was  strong,  and  the  elephants  had  all  been  taken  into  the 
charge  of  his  servants,  they  coold  not  withstand  him ;  so  they  fled 
in  the  night,  with  their  wives  and  children,  and  joined  Abu  Bakr 
Sh&h  at  the  Mtila  of  Bah&dur  N&hir.  Such  of  these  old  slaves 
as  remained  in  the  city  next  morning  received  notice  that  they 
must  quit  it  within  three  days,  so  the  city  was  cleared  of  them. 
The  amirs  and  maliks  of  the  various  parts  of  the  kingdom  (baldd-i 
mamdlik)  now  came  to  Court,  and  the  Sultdn's  power  and  dignity 
increased.  Prince  Hum&yun  Kh&n,  with  Isl&m  Eh&n  \_and 
others],  was  sent  with  a  powerful  army  to  suppress  Abu  Bakr 
Sh&h  and  the  old  Firoz  Sh&hi  slaves.  They  had  reached  the 
town  of  Mahindw&ri ;  and  in  the  month  of  Muharram,  793  (Dec. 
1390  A.D.),  Abu  Bakr  Sh&h,  Bahidur  Nihir,  and  the  old  Ffroz 
Sh&hi  slaves,  having  assembled,  made  a  sudden  attack  upon  the 
royal  forces  early  in  the  morning,  and  killed  several  men.  But 
I  si  dm  Kh&n  made  ready  his  division,  and  fell  upon  the  assailants ; 
the  prince  also  mounted  his  horse,  with  his  followers,  and  defeated 
the  enemy  at  the  first  charge.  The  royal  army  pursued,  and  the 
bulk  of  the  defeated  forces  took  refuge  in  the  fort  of  Edtila,  but 
some  were  killed,  and  some  were  taken  prisoners.  When  the 
news  of  the  victory  reached  the  Sult&n,  he  started  off  for  the 
scene  of  the  conflict ;  and  arriving  at  Kutila,  he  encamped  on  the 
banks  of  the  Dahand.  Abu  Bakr  Sh&h  and  Bah&dur  N&hir 
begged  for  mercy,  and  came  to  meet  the  Sult&n.  Bah&dur  N&hir 
received  a  robe,  and  was  sent  back.  Abu  Bakr  Sh&h  was  carried 
away  by  the  Sult&n  as  far  as  Khandl,  from  whence  he  was  sent 
to  be  kept  a  prisoner  at  Mirat,  and  there  he  died.  The  Sult&n 
proceeded  to  Et&wa,  and  there  he  was  waited  upon  by  Nar  Singh,^ 

^  Pilbdndn-i  hadim.  Taken  literaUy  thia  is  uninteUigible,  for  tbe  officiab  of  an 
older  standing  than  the  reign  of  Firoz  mnst  have  been  yery  few  in  number.  It 
must  mean  that  Sult&n  Muhammad  reinstated  those  officers  who  held  charge  when  he 
was  before  on  the  throne  in  his  father's  days.    See  Firishta. 

>  The  MS.  and  the  TabahdUi  AkbaH  agree  in  caUing  him  "  Bar  Sing/'  which  is 
an  improbable  name.  Firishta  calls  him  Nar  Singh,  which  is  perhaps  right,  though 
Har  Singh  is  possible. 


26  YAHYA  BIN  AHMAD. 

who  received  a  robe,  and  was  senfc  back.     Proceeding  along  the 
bank  of  the  Jumna,  the  Sult&n  arrived  at  Dehli. 

In  794  H.  (1392  a.d.),  Nar  Singh  above  mentioned,  and  Sar- 
v&dharan^  and  Bir  Bahan,  broke  out  in  rebellion.  The  Sult&n 
sent  Isl&m  Kh&n  against  Nar  Singh,  and  he  himself  marched  to 
Et&wa  against  Sarv&dharan  and  the  other  infidels.  The  ac- 
cursed Nar  Singh  encountered  the  forces  of  Isl&m  Khan,  and, 
by  Qt)d's  grace,  was  defeated  and  put  to  flight.  The  victors 
pursued,  sending  many  infidels  to  hell,  and  laying  waste  their 
country.  Nar  Singh  at  length  sued  for  mercy,  and  came  to  wait 
on  Isl&m  Kh&n,  who  carried  him  to  Dehli.  Sarv&dharan  at- 
tacked the  town  of  Bal&r&m,'  but  when  the  Sult&n  reached  the 
banks  of  the  Biy&h^  («tc),  the  infidels  fled  and  shut  themselves  up 
in  Et&wa.  The  Sultan  continued  his  march  thither,  and  on  the 
first  day  of  his  arrival  some  little  fighting  took  place.  In  the 
night  the  rebels  abandoned  the  fort  of  Et&wa  and  fled,  and  next 
day  the  Sult&n  destroyed  it.  From  thence  he  marched  towards 
Kanauj,  and  crossing  the  G-anges,  he  punished  the  infidels  of 
Kanauj  and  Dalamau,  and  returning  went  to  Jalesar,  where  he 
built  a  fortress  which  he  called  Muhammad&b&d. 

In  the  month  of  Bajab,  a  letter  arrived  from  Ehw&ja-i  Jah&n, 
who  was  the  Sult&n's  locum  tenena  in  Dehli,  bringing  the  in- 
formation that  Isl&m  Kh&n  was  about  to  depart  for  Mult&n  and 
L&hor,  with  the  object  of  stirring  up  a  rebellion.  The  Sult&n 
immediately  left  Jalesar,  and  proceeded  to  Dehli,  where  he  held 
a  Court,  and  questioned  Isl&m  Kh&n  about  the  intentions  im- 
puted to  him.  He  denied  them.  But  an  infidel  named  J&ju,^ 
his  brother's  son,  a  bad  fellow  who  had  a  spite  against  him,  gave 

^  This  is  the  reading  of  the  Tabakdt-i  Akhari^  and  seems  probable.  Our  text  has 
'*Sabir  va  Adharan,"  two  names,  saying,  "  Sabir  the  accursed,  and  Adharan.*' 
Firishta's  text  has  <*  Sarr&dhan  Bahtor ;  *'  and  the  translation  '*  Sirrodhnn." 

'  This  is  the  name  as  given  by  our  text,  and  by  Bad&Oni  and  Firishta ;  bnt  the 
Tabakdt'i  Akbari  and  the  translation  of  Firishta  make  it  Balgr&m  or  *'  Bilgir&m.*' 
See  Elliot's  Glossary,  ii.,  290. 

3  For  "the  banks  of  the  Biyfeh  '*  the  Tabakdt-i  Akbari  has  "  Etfewa." 

^  The  text  has  "  J&jan/'  but  the  Tabakdt'i  Akbari  says  J6.j(i,  which  is  confirmed 
by  Firishta,  who  has  H&jd ;  the  A  of  which  is  a  clear  mistake. 


TAETEE-I  MUBARAK-SHilfHr.  27 

iklse  evidence,  and  Isl&m  'Khkn  was  unjiuitly  condemned  to  death. 
Khw&ja-i  Jah&n  was  made  u^sir,  and  Malik  Mokarrftbu-l  Mulk 
was  sent  to  Muhammad&b&d  in  Jalesar,  with  an  army. 

In  the  year  795  h.  (1393  a.d.),  Sarvddharan  and  Jit  Smgh 
Bahtor,  and  Bir  Bah&n  mukaddamy  of  Bhanu-g&nw,  and  Abhai 
Chand  mukaddam^  of  Ghandu,  broke  out  in  rebellion.^  ^'  The 
^'  Sult&n  sent  Mukarrabu-1  Mulk  to  put  down  this  out- 
break. When  the  two  parties  came  in  sight  of  each  other^ 
Mukarrabu-l  Mulk  adopted  a  conciliatory  course,  and  by 
^'  promises  and  engagements,  induced  the  rdis  to  submit. 
^'  He  carried  them  with  him  to  Kanauj,  and  there  treacher- 
''  ously  had  them  put  to  death ;  but  B&i  Sar[y&dharan] 
**  escaped,  and  entered  Et&wa.  Malik  Mukarrab  then 
*''  returned  to  Muhammad&bdd.  In  the  month  of  Shaww&l, 
^'  the  Sult&n  attacked  and  ravaged  Mew&t.  Having  gone 
^*  from  Muhammad&b&d  to  Jalesar,  he  there  fell  sick.  Just 
"  at  that  time  intelligence  reached  him  that  Bahddur  N&hir 
^'  had  attacked  and  plundered  several  villages  in  the  vicinity 
of  Dehli.  Notwithstanding  his  weakness,  the  Sult&n 
proceeded  to  Mew&t,  and  on  reaching  Etitila,  Bah&dur 
'^  N&hir  came  out  to  fight ;  but  he  was  defeated,  and  took 
''  reJnge  in  Eutila.  Unable  to  remain  there,  he  fled  and 
*'  hid  in  Jhar.  After  this^  the  Sult&n  proceeded  to  Muham- 
''  madabad,  in  order  to  inspect  the  buildings  which  he  had 
"  there  begun.  His  sickness  grew  worse.  In  the  month 
"  Rabi'u-1  awwal,  796  H.,  he  appointed  Prince  Hum&ytin  to 
'^  march  against  Shaikha  Khokar,  who  had  rebelled,  and  had 
^*'  got  possession  of  L&hor.  Just  as  the  prince  was  about 
^^  to  march,  he  received  intelligence  of  the  death  of  the 
"  Sultdn  on  the  17th  Babi'u-l  awwal  (15th  Jan.  1394  a.d.); 
*'  so  he  remained  at  the  capital.  Sult&n  Mohammad  Sh&h 
*'  reigned  six  years  and  seven  months. 

>  Here  the  MS.  is  faulty.  Probably  a  leaf  has  been  lost  or  passed  oyer.  What 
foUowB  IS  quoted  from  the  Tabakdt-i  JMari,  which  is  generally  in  close  accord  with 
this  work. 


41 


(C 


28  YAHYA'  BIN  AHMAD. 

''  Sultdn  'Aldu-d  din  Sikandar  Shdh. 

"  The  late  Sult&n's  second  son,  Hum&yun  Kh&n,  remained 
*^  for  three  days  engaged  in  the  duties  of  mourning ;  but 
"  on  the  19th  B*abi'u-I  awwal,  he  ascended  the  throne, 
*^  with  the  approbation  of  the  amirs  and  malikSy  the  saiyids 
^'  and  kdzis^  and  all  the  great  men  of  Uehli.  Khw&ja-i 
*^  Jah&n  was  made  wazirj  and  the  various  other  officers  were 
"  confirmed  in  their  appointments.  On  the  5th  Jum&da-l 
^^  awwalf  he  fell  sick  and  died,  after  a  reign  of  one  month 
^^  and  sixteen  days. 

''  Sultan  MahmM  Shdh,  youngest  son  of  Muhammad  Shdh. 

*'  On  the  death  of  Sult&n  'Al&u-d  din,  otherwise  known 

'*  as  Hum&yun  Kh&n,  several  of  the  nobles,  such  as  Oh&Iib 

''  Eh&n  of  S&m&na,  Mi  Eam&i  Main,  Mub&rak  Khan, 

^^  Malajun   (P)   Ehaw&ss   Kh&n   governor  of  Indri    and 

^^  Kam&I,  were  about  to  leave  the  city  and  proceed  to  their 

"respective  territories,  without  taking  leave   of  [Prince] 

''  Mahmiid  Shdh.     But  Kh&n-i  Jah&n  heard  of  their  inten- 

''  tion^  and  encouraged  them  to  return  to  the  city.     On  the 

"  20th  Jum&da-l  awwal,  by  the  efforts  of  the  amirs  and 

"  maliks^  and  great  men.  Prince  Mahmud  was  placed  upon 

"  the  throne  in  the  Hum&ydn  palace,"  and  the  title  Sult&n 

Nasiru-d  din  Mahmtid  Shfih  was  given  to  him.     The  office  of 

wazir  was  confirmed  to   Ehw&ja-i  Jah&n,  Mukarrabu-1   Mulk 

became  Mukarrab  Kh&n,  and  was  named  heir-apparent  of  the 

Sult&n.^    ^Abdu-r  Bashid  Sult&ni  was  entitled  Sa'dat  Kh&n,  and 

received  the  office  of  Bdrbak.     Malik  S&rang  was  created  S&rang 

Kh&n,  and  received  the  fief  of  Dib&lpur.     Malik  Daulat  Y&r, 

the  dabir  (secretary),  was  created  Daulat  Khdn,  and  received  the 

office  of  ''imddu-l  mulk  and  *drig  of  the  State.     Through  the 

turbulence  of  the  base  infidels,  the  affairs  of  the  fiefs  of  Hindus- 

^  The  Tabukdui  Akbori  and  Baddimi  agree  in  tius,  but  Firishta  sayi  he  was  made 
**  Vakilu-^  saitanat  and  Aminhl  umard" 


TA'arKH-I  MUBA'BAE.SHA'Hr.  29 

tin  had  fallen  into  confusion,  so  Ehwdja-i  Jah&n  received  the 
title  of  Malikn-sh  Shark  (King  of  the  East) ;  and  the  administra- 
tion of  all  Hindnst&n,  from  Eanauj  to  Bih&r,  was  placed  in  his 
charge.  In  the  month  of  Bajab,  796  h.«  he  proceeded  to  Hindus- 
tin  with  twenty  elephants ;  and  after  chastising  the  rebels  of 
Et&wa,  Eol,  Kah6ra-kanil,  and  the  environs  of  Eanauj,  he 
went  to  Jaunptir.  By  degrees  he  got  the  fiefs  of  Eanauj,  Earra, 
Oudh,  Shadidah,^  Dalamau,  Bahr&ich,  Bih&r,  and  Tirhut,  into 
his  own  possession.  He  put  down  many  of  the  infidels,  and 
restored  the  forts  which  they  had  destroyed.  God  Almighty 
blessed  the  arms  of  Isl&m  with  power  and  victory.  The  R&i  of 
J&jns^ar  and  the  Eing  of  Lakhnauti  now  began  to  send  to 
Khw&ja-i  Jah&n  the  elephants  which  they  used  to  send  [as 
tribute]  to  Dehli.« 

About  the  same  time,  S&rang  Eh&n  was  sent  to  Dib&lpur, 
to  get  possession  of  the  fie&,  and  to  suppress  the  rebellion  of 
Shaikha  Ehokhar.  In  the  month  of  Sha'bdn,  he  proceeded  to 
Dib&lpur,  where  he  recruited  and  disciplined  the  soldiers  and 
officers,  and  got  possession  of  the  fief  (iktd*).  In  Zi-1  ka'da, 
796  H.,  having  taken  with  him  B&i  Ehul  Chain  Bhatti  and 
Kai  D&ud  Eam&l  Main,  and  the  army  of  Mult&n,  he  crossed 
the  Satladar  (Sutlej)  near  the  town  of  Tirh&rah,  and  the  Biy&h, 
near  Duh&l(,  and  came  into  the  country  of  L&hor.  When 
Shaikha  Ehokhar  heard  of  S&rang  Eh&n'*s  advance,  he  also 
eollected  his  forces,  and  attacked  the  neighbourhood  of  Dib&lpur, 
and  laid  siege  to  Ajodhan ;  but  on  being  informed  that  S&rang 
Eh&n  had  passed  Hindupat,  and  had  sat  down  [against  Ldhor'], 
he  left  Ajodhan  in  the  nif^ht,  and  proceeded  to  L&hor.  On  the 
next  day  the  hostile  forces  prepared  for  battle,  and  placed  them- 
selves in  array  at  S&muthalla,  twelve  kos  from  L&hor.  S&rang 
Kh&n  obtained  the  victory,  and  Shaikha  Ehokhar  went  into 
L&hor.  In  the  night,  however,  he  collected  his  wives  and 
children,  and  fled  to  the  Jud  mountains.     On  the  following  day, 

>  Sandila. 

'  This  wsm  the  beginning  of  the  Sharki  dynasty  of  Jaaopi!br. 


30  YAHYA'  BIN  AHMAD. 

S&rang  Kh&n  obtained  possession  of  the  fort  of  L&hor,  and 
giving  his  brother  Malik  Eandhu  the  title  of  ^^dil  Kh&n,  he  left 
him  there,  and  himself  returned  to  Dib&lpdr. 

In  the  month  of  Sha'b&n,  the  Sult&n,  taking  with  him  Sa'dat 
Khan,  went  on  an  excursion  to  Bayana,  leaving  Mukarrab  Kh&n 
at  the  capital,  in  charge  of  the  elephants  and  royal  family.  When 
the  Sult&n  approached  Gwaliyar  (Gw&lior),  Malik  ^Al&a-d  din 
Dh&rw&l,  Mab&rak  Eh&n  son  of  Malik  B&ju,  and  Mallu  Kh£n 
brother  of  S&rang  Eh&n,  formed  a  conspiracy  against  the  latter ; 
but  he  got  information  of  it,  and  seizing  Malik  ''Alau-d  din  and 
Mub&rak  Eh&n,  he  put  them  to  death.  Mallu  Eh&n  fled,  and 
took  refiige  with  Mukarrab  Eh&n  in  Dehli.  The  Sult&n  re- 
turning from  his  journey,  encamped  near  the  city,  and  Mukarrab 
Eh&n  came  forth  to  meet  him.  He  received  the  honour  of  an 
interview,  but  fear  and  apprehension  filled  his  heart,  so  he  went 
back  into  the  city  and  made  ready  for  war.  Next  day  the  Sul- 
t&n,  having  placed  Sa'dat  Khfin  over  all  the  amirs,  maliksy  and 
elephants,  approached  the  maiddn  gate  in  battle  array.  Mu- 
karrab Kh&n  shut  himself  up,  and  the  fight  began.  For  three 
months  the  war  continued,  till  at  length  some  of  the  Sult&n'^s 
friends  took  him  into  the  city,  in  the  month  of  Muharram,  797  h. 
(November,  1394  a.d.).  But  then  the  elephants  and  royal 
horses,  and  all  the  paraphernalia  of  government,  were  left  in  the 
hands  of  Sa'dat  Eh&n.  The  position  of  Mukarrab  Eh&n  was 
strengthened  by  the  presence  of  the  Sult&n,  and  next  day  he 
assembled  the  soldiers  and  bdzdr  people,  and  led  them  out  in  a 
sortie  against  the  investing  forces.  Sa^dat  Eh&n  got  timely 
notice  of  the  sortie,  and  drew  up  his  men  in  the  maiddn.  Sharp 
fighting  followed,  but  Mukarrab  Eh&n  was  worsted,  and  obliged 
to  retreat  into  the  city,  with  his  men,  greatly  disheartened.  Still 
SaMat  Eh&n  could  not  take  the  fort,  and  fell  back.  He  en- 
camped near  the  hauz-i  khdsa ;  and  finding  the  fortifications  of 
Dehli  impregnable,  and  the  rainy  season  coming  on,  he  raised 
the  siege,  and  marched  to  Firoz&b&d.  He  conspired  with  the 
amirs,  who  supported  him,  to  raise  some  one  of  the  sons  of  the 


TA'RrXH-I  MTJBA'RAE-SHA'Hr.  31 

late  Salt&n  Tiroz  Sh&h  to  the  sovereignty,  and  place  him  on  the 

throne  in  Firoz&b&d.     Nasrat  Eh&n,  son  of  Fath  Ehan,  son  of 

Saltan  Firoz  Sh&h,  was  in  Mew&t.     They  brought  him  forward, 

and  in  the  month  Babi'u-1  awwal  raised  him  to  the  throne,  in 

the  palace  of  FIroz&b&d,  under  the  title  of  M&iru-d  din  Nusrat 

Sh4h.     Bat  he  was  a  mere  puppet,  and  all  the  direction  of  affairs 

was  in  the  hands  of  SaMat  Eh&n.    Only  a  few  days  had  passed, 

when  some  of  the  old  FIroz  Sh&hi  slaves,  and  some  of  the 

elephant-keepers,  attached  themselves  to  N&siru-d  din,  and  while 

Sa^dat  Ehan  was  unsuspicious  of  danger,  they  placed  N£siru-d 

din   upon  an  elephant,  and  suddenly  attacked  him,  before  he 

could  gather  his  friends  around  him.   Unable  to  resist,  he  escaped 

from  the  palace  by  the  door  of  the  harem.     Some  of  his  soldiers 

joined  him,  and  with  them  he  fled  to  Dehli,  and  presented  himself 

to  Mukarrab  Kh&n,  by  whom,  a  few  days  afterwards,  he  was 

treacherously  seized  and  killed. 

The  amirs  and  maliks  who  remained  in  Firoz&b&d,  such  as 
Mohammad  Muzaffar,  wazir;  Shahab  Nahir,  Malik  Fazlu-Uah 
Balkhi,  and  the  old  Firoz  Sh&hi  slaves,  all  joined  Sult&n  N&- 
flini-d  din  [Nusrat  Kh&n],  and  pledged  their  faith  to  him. 
Mohammad  Muzaffar  was  made  trazir,  and  received  the  title  of 
T&t&r  Kh&n,  Shah&b  N&hir  became  Shah&b  Kh&n,  and  Fazlu- 
llah  became  Katlagh  Kh&n,  and  Malik  Alm&s  Sult&ni  received 
the  command  of  the  royal  slaves.  He  became  sovereign  in  Dehli 
and  Firoz&b&d.^ 

Mukarrab  Eh&n  had  secured  Eah&dur  N&hir  and  his  adherents, 
and  had  placed  him  in  charge  of  the  fortress  of  Old  Dehli.  Mallu 
was  entitled  Ikb&l  Eh&n,  and  received  charge  of  the  fortress  of 
Siri.  At  length  fights  came  to  be  daily  occurrences  between 
Dehli  and  Firoz&b&d,  Musulm&ns  shed  the  blood  of  each  other, 
and  neither  party  could  obtain  the  mastery.  The  districts 
(shikk)  in  the  Doab,  and  the  fie&  {iktd^s)  of  Sambhal,  Pdnipat, 
Jhajhar,  and  Buhtak,  were  in  the  possession  of  Sultan  N&siru-d 

^  There  is  clearly  an  error  here.     The  true  yersion  is  no  douht  that  given  in  the 
Tabahdt-i  Akbari^  "  In  Oehll  and  Firoz&h&d  there  were  two  kings." 


32  YAHYA'  BIN  AHMAD. 

din  [Nusrat  Eh&n],  while  Sult&n  Mabmud  held  no  place  except 
the  forts  above  named.  The  amirs  and  maliks  of  the  oatlymg 
territories  {balid-i  mamdlik)  set  themselves  up  as  rulers,  at  their 
own  pleasure,  and  kept  all  the  wealth  and  revenue  in  their  own 
hands.  Things  went  on  thus  for  three  years.  Deadly  contests 
were  of  daily  occurrence  between  Dehli  and  Firoz&b&d,  and  of 
varying  results.  Sometimes  the  men  of  Dehli  had  to  throw 
themselves  into  their  fortress,  sometimes  they  drove  their  adver- 
saries into  the  fort  of  Firozdb&d. 

In  the  year  798  h.  (1396  a.d.),  S&rang  Eh&n  quarrelled  with 
Khizr  Kh&n,  amir  of  Mult&n,  and  much  fighting  went  on  be- 
tween them.  At  length  some  of  the  people  {ghuldm)  of  Malik 
Mard&n  Bhatti  joined  S&rang  Eh&n,  and  with  their  assistance 
he  got  possession  of  the  district  {shikk)  of  Mult4n.  Having 
assembled  a  considerable  force,  he  in  the  month  of  Ramaz&n,  799 
(May,  1397  a.d.),  marched  against  S&m&na,  and  besieged  the 
amir  Gh&lib  Khan.  When  he  was  no  longer  able  to  hold  oat, 
Gh&lib  Khan  fled,  with  a  small  party  of  horse  and  foot,  to 
P&nipat,  to  join  T&t&r  Kh&n.  As  soon  as  Sult&n  Nasir  Sh&h 
(Nusrat  Kh&n)  heard  of  this,  he  sent  Malik  Alm&s,  commander 
of  the  slaves,  with  ten  elephants  and  a  small  army,  to  T&t&r 
Kh&n,  with  orders  to  march  against  S&m&na,  expel  S&rang  Kh&n» 
and  to  reinstate  Gh&lib  Kh&n.  On  the  15th  Muharram,  800  h. 
(9th  October,  1397  a.d.),  a  battle  was  fought  at  the  village  of 
Kutila,^  and  T&t&r  Kh&n  gained  the  victory.  S&rang  Kh&n  fled 
towards  Mult&n,  and  T&t&r  Kh&n  pursued  him  as  far  as  Tal- 
wandi,  when  he  sent  R&i  Kam&lu-d  din  Main  in  pursuit,  and 
returned. 

In  the  month  of  Rabi'u-1  awwal,  800  (November-December 
1397),  Pir  Muhammad,  grandson  of  Amir  Timur,  King  of 
Khur&san,  crossed  the  river  Sind  with  a  numerous  army,  and 
laid  siege  to  Uch.  ''Ali  Malik,  who  held  Uch  for  S&rang  Kh&n, 
sustained  the  siege  for  about  a  month,  when  Sarang  Kh&n  sent 
his  ndib  Malik  T&ju-d  din,  and  some  other  amirs  with  4,000 

^  See  suprd,  p.  26. 


TARfKH-I  MUBARAK-SHAHr.  33 

horse,  to  his  assistance.  Pir  Muhammad,  on  hearing  of  their 
approach,  left  Uch,  and  fell  upon  this  force  at  the  village  of 
Tamtama,  on  the  banks  of  the  Bij&h.  The  attack  was  an- 
expected,  and  resistance  was  unavailing ;  many  perished  by  the 
sword,  and  many  threw  themselves  into  the  river  and  were 
drowned.  T4ju-d  din  fled,  with  a  small  party  of  horse,  to 
Mult&n.  Pir  Muhammad  pursued  him,  and  S&rang  Kh&n, 
being  unable  to  oppose  him  in  the  field,  was  obliged  to  shut 
himself  up  in  the  fortress.  The  siege  went  on  for  six  months, 
and  then  want  of  forage  and  provisions  compelled  Sdrang  Kh&n 
to  surrender  in  the  month  of  Ramaz&n,  800.  Pir  Muhammad 
made  Sdrang  Kh&n  and  his  family  and  dependents,  and  all  the 
people  of  the  city,  prisoners.  He  also  took  possession  of  the 
fortress,  and  encamped  his  army  there. 

In  the  month  of  Sliaww&l,  Ikb&l  Kh&n  joined  himself  to 
Sultdn  N&siru-d  din  [Nusrat  Kh&n],  and  a  compact  was  made 
between  them  at  the  tomb  of  the  Shaikhu-1  mashaikh  Nizdmu-1 
hakk  wau-s  shar&  [Kutbu-d  din  Bakhtiy&r  K&ki].  He  placed 
the  Sult&n  [Nusrat  Kh&n]  upon  an  elephant,  and  conducted  him 
into  the  Jah&n-pan&h.  Sult&n  Mahmud,  Mukarrab  Kh&n,  and 
Bahadur  Ndhir,  were  shut  up  in  Old  Dehli.  On  the  third  day, 
Ikbal  Kh&n  treacherously  attacked  Sult&n  Ndsiru-d  din  [Nusrat 
Kh&n],  who,  being  unable  to  resist,  fled,  with  a  small  party  of 
men  and  elephants,  to  Firozdb&d.  Ikb&l  Khan  pursued  with  his 
forces,  and  all  the  elephants  fell  into  his  hands.  The  prince 
escaping  to  Firozab&d,  fled  from  thence  with  his  family  and 
dependents,  crossed  the  Jumna,  and  went  to  T&tar  Kh&n. 
Firoz&bad  then  came  into  the  possession  of  Ikb&l  Kh&n.  After 
this,  fighting  went  on  daily  for  two  months  between  Mukarrab 
Khdn  and  Ikbal  Kh&n ;  but  at  length  some  amirs  interfered, 
and  made  peace  between  them.  Mukarrab  Khdn  then  entered 
Jahan-pandh  with  Sult&n  Mahmud,  and  Ikbdl  Khan  stayed  in 
Siri.  Suddenly  Ikbdl  Kh&n  proceeded  with  a  party  of  his 
followers  to  the  house  of  Mukarrab  Kh&n,  took  him,  and  slew 
him   without  mercy.     He   then   kept   Sultdn    Mahmud  in  his 

VOL.  IV,  3 


34  TAHTX  BIN  AHMAD. 

power  as  a  puppet,  and  himself  directed  all  matters  of  govern- 
ment. 

In  the  month  of  Zf-1  kaMa,  Ikb&l  TDi&a  marched  agwnst 
T&t&r  Eh&n  at  P&nipat.  When  information  of  this  reached  the 
latter,  he  left  his  baggage  and  materials  of  war  in  P&nipat,  and 
marched  with  a  strong  force  against  Dehll.  Ikb&l  Khkn  in- 
Tested  P&nipat,  and  captured  the  place  in  three  days.  T&t&r 
Eh&n  also  attacked  Dehli,  but  notwithstanding  his  efforts,  he 
could  not  take  it.  When  he  heard  of  the  fall  of  P&nipat,  he 
gave  up  the  siege,  and  fled  with  his  army  to  his  father  in 
Gujarat.  Ikbal  Kh&n  took  the  elephants,  horses,  etc.,  from 
P&nipat,  and  returned  to  Dehli.  Malik  Nasiru-l  Mulk,  relation 
(karib)  of  T&t&r  Khan,  joined  the  victor,  and  received  from  him 
the  title  of  'Kdi\  Kh&n,  and  a  fief  in  the  Do&b.^  Ikb&l  Kh&n 
then  devoted  himself  to  affairs  of  State. 

In  the  month  of  Safar,  801  h.  (October,  1398  a.d.),  intelli- 
gence came  that  Amir  Timur,  King  of  Khur&s&n,  had  attacked 
Talina,^  and  was  staying  at  Mult&n,  and  that  he  had  put  to  the 
sword  all  the  soldiers  of  S&rang  Kh&n,  who  had  been  taken 
prisoners  by  PIr  Muhammad.  This  intelligence  filled  Ikb&l 
Kh&Q  with  dread  and  anxiety.  Amir  Timur  continuing  his 
march,  besieged  Bhatnir,  took  the  rdi  Khul  Chain  prisoner,  and 
put  the  garrison  to  the  sword.  From  thence  he  marched  to 
S&ra&na,  and  many  inhabitants  of  Dib&lpur,  Ajodhan,  and 
Sarsuti,  fled  in  terror  to  Dehli.  Many  prisoners  were  taken, 
and  most  of  these  received  the  glory  of  martyrdom.  Then  he 
crossed  over  the  Jumna  into  the  Do&b,  and  ravaged  the  greater 
part  of  the  country.  He  made  a  halt  at  the  town  of  Loni,  and 
there  he  put  to  the  sword  all  the  prisoners  whom  he  had  taken 
between  the  rivers  Sind  and  Ganges,  in  all  60,000  men,  more  or 
less:  God  knows  the  truth.  Such  was  the  terror  inspired  by 
him,  that  Musulm&ns  and  Hindus  fled  before  him,  some  to  the 


^  The  Tabakdi'i  Akbari  says,  '*  S&m&na  as  far  as  the  middle  of  the  Do&h. 
'  This  name  is  so  giTen  also  in  the  Tahakdt-i  Akbari^  and  in  Bad&dni. 


TA'RrEH-I  MUBA'RAE-SHA'Hr.  35 

mountains,  some  to  the  deserts,  some  to  the  waves  of  the  rivers, 
and  some  to  Dehli.  In  Jum&da-I  awwal,  having  crossed  the 
Jamna,  he  halted  at  Firoz&b&d,  and  next  day  he  took  up  his 
position  at  the  top  of  the  Hauz-i  khdss.  Ikb&l  Kh&n  came 
oat  with  his  elephants,  and  gave  battle  to  Amir  Timur  in  the 
maiddn.  At  the  first  charge,  he  was  defeated  by  the  warriors  of 
Timur,  and  escaped  through  a  thousand  difficulties  with  his 
elephants  into  the  city.  But  as  they  retreated  into  the  city, 
many  men  were  crushed  under  foot  and  died,  and  heaps  of  dead 
were  left.  When  night  came  on,  Ikb&l  Kh&n  and  Sult&n 
Mahmiid,  leaving  their  wives  and  children  behind,  came  out  of 
the  city.  The  Sult&n  fled  to*  Gujar&t,  and  Ikb&l  Kh&n  crossed 
the  river  Jumna  and  went  to  Baran.  Next  day  Amir  Timiir 
granted  quarter  to  the  city,  and  took  the  ransom  money  from 
the  inhabitants.  On  the  fourth  day  he  gave  orders  that  all 
the  people  in  the  city  should  be  made  prisoners,  and  this  wacr 
done.^ 

Some  days  afterwards,  Khizr  Kh&n,  who  had  fled  in  fear  of 
Timur  to  the  mountains  of  Mewat,  Bah&dur  N&hir,  Mub&rak 
Kh&n,  and  Zirak  Kh&n,  by  the  favour  of  Amir  Timur,  were 
admitted  to  an  interview,  but,  with  the  exception  of  Khizr  Kh&n,' 
they  were  all  put  into  prison.  From  Dehli,  Timur  returned  by 
the  skirts  of  the  hills,  and  made  prisoners  of  those  people  who 
had  remained  in  the  hills.  When  he  arrived  at  L&hor,  he 
plundered  the  city,  and  he  made  Shaikh&  Khokhar  prisoner, 
with  his  wives  and  children,  and  all  those  who  had  taken  refuge 
with  him.  This  Shaikh&  Khokhar,  through  enmity  to  S&rang 
Kh&n,  had  early  joined  Timur,  and  had  acted  as  his  guide,  in 
return  for  which  he  had  received  mercy  and  favour.     Timur 

^  Niz&mu-d  din  Ahmad,  who  is  quoted  by  Firisbta,  is  more  explicit  in  his 
Tabakdl'i  Akbari.  He  says :  **  Tlm(ir  granted  qaarter  to  the  people  of  the  city,  and 
appointed  a  number  of  persons  to  coUect  the  ransom-money.  Some  of  the  citizens, 
incensed  by  the  harshness  of  the  collectors,  resisted  and  killed  several  of  them.  This 
daring  incited  the  anger  of  TimCir,  and  he  gave  orders  to  kill  or  make  prisoners  the 
people  of  the  city.  On  that  day  many  were  captured  or  slain,  but  at  length  Tlm6r 
was  moved  to  pity  and  issued  an  edict  of  mercy." 

3  <i  Whom  Timdr  knew  to  be  a  taiyid  and  a  good  mK[L,*'^Tahahdt'i  AkharU 


i36  TAHYA  BIN  AHMAD. 

granted  the  fie&  of  Mult&n  and  Dib&Ipur  to  Ehizr  Kh&n,  and 
Bent  him  thither.  Then  he  marched  throu(i:h  K&bul  to  his  own 
territories,  and  arrived  at  his  capital,  Samarkand. 
'  After  the  departure  of  Timur,  the  neighbourhood  of  Dehli, 
«nd  all  those  territories  over  which  his  armies  had  passed,  were 
yisited  with  pestilence  {wabd)  and  famine.  Many  died  of  the 
sickness,  and  many  perished  with  hunger,  and  for  two  months 
Dehli  was  desolate.  In  the  month  of  Rajab,  801  (March,  1399 
A.D.),  Sult&n  N4siru-d  din  Nusrat  Shah,  who  had  fled  from 
the  malevolence  of  Ikb&l  Eh&n  into  the  Do&b,  advanced  with  a 
small  force  to  Mirat,  where  he  was  joined  by  '^dil  Kh&n,  who 
brought  four  elephants.  By  craft  he  (Nusrat  Kh&n)  got  him 
into  his  power,  and  took  possession  of  the  elephants.^  The 
people  of  the  Do&b,  who  had  obtained  deliverance  from  the  hands 
of  the  Mughals,  began  to  rally,  and  he  entered  Firoz&b&d  with 
about  3,000  horse.  Dehli,  although  ruined,  came  into  his  power. 
Shah&b  Kh&n  came  from  Mewat,  with  ten  elephants  and  his 
adherents;  Malik  Alm&s  also  joined  him  from  the  Do&b.  When 
a  large  force  had  collected  round  him,  he  sent  Shah&b  Kh&n  to 
Baran  to  overpower  Ikb&l  Kh&n.  On  his  way,  a  party  of  Hindu 
footmen  fell  upon  him  in  the  night  and  killed  him.  His  fol- 
lowers dispersed,  and  the  elephants  were  abandoned.  Directly 
Ikb&l  Kh&n  heard  of  this,  he  hastened  to  the  spot,  and  got 
possession  of  the  elephants.  His  power  and  dignity  increased 
daily,  and  forces  gathered  round  him,  while  Sult&n  N&siru-d  din 
[Nusrat  Kh&n]  grew  weaker  and  weaker. 

In  the  month  of  Rabi''ul-l  awwal,  Ikb&l  Kh&n  left  Baran,  and 
proceeded  with  his  army  to  Dehli ;  the  Sult&n  [Nusrat  Kh&n] 
then  left  Firoz&b&d,  and  went  into  Mew&t.  Dehli  fell  into  the 
power  of  Ikb&l  Kh&n,  and  he  took  up  his  abode  in  the  fort  of 
Siri.  Some  of  the  people  of  the  city  who  had  escaped  the 
Mucjhals,  came  back  and  resumed  their  habitations.     In  a  short 


^  This  is  not  mentioned  in  the  Tabakdt-i  Akbarl,  or  by  Bad&tinS.    Firishta  con- 
firms it,  but  the  fact  does  not  appear  in  the  translation. 


TXRTKH-I  MTJBARAK'SHAHr.  37 

time  the  fortress  of  Siri  became  populated.  The  districts  (shtkk) 
in  the  Do&b,  and  the  fiefe  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  capital^ 
came  into  the  possession  of  Ikb&I  Eh&n ;  but  the  territories  in 
general  remained  in  the  power  of  the  amirs  and  maliks  who 
held  them.  Thus  Oujar&t,  and  all  its  districts  and  dependencies, 
was  held  by  Zafer  Kh&n  Wajibu-1  Mulk ;  the  shikk  of  Multdn, 
Dib&lpur  and  parts  of  Sind,  by  Khizr  Kh&n ;  the  shikk  of 
Mahoba  and  K&Ipi,  by  Mahmud  Kh&n^  son  of  Malik-z&da 
Firoz ;  the  fiefs  {ikta'%)  on  the  side  of  Hindustan,  such  asi 
Kanauj,  Oudh,  Karra,  Dalamau,  Sandila,  Bahr&ich,  Bihar,  and 
Jaunpur,  were  held  by  Ehw&ja-i  Jah&n ;  the  shikk  of  Dh&r,  by. 
Dil&war  Kh&n ;  the  shikk  of  S^&na,  by  Gh&lib  Kh&n ;  and 
the  shikk  of  Bay&na,  by  Shams  Kh&n — into  so  many  portions 
were  the  territories  of  Dehli  divided. 

In  the  month  of  Rabi'u-I  awwal,  Ikb&I  Eh&n  marched  towards 
Bay&na  against  Shams  Kh&n,  who  was  at  the  town  of  Nuh  o 
Batal.^  A  battle  followed,  and  fortune  (ikbdl)  favoured  Ikb&l 
Kh&n.  Shams  Eh&n  fled  into  Bay&na,  leaving  two  elephants 
in  the  hands  of  the  victor.  Then  Ikb&l  Kh&n  marched  against 
Katehr,  and  after  exacting  money  and  tribute  from  R&i  Singh,  he 
returned  to  Dehli.  In  the  same  year,  Khwfija-i  Jah&n  died 
at  Jaunpur,  a^d  his  adopted  son,  Malik  Mub&rak,  became  king 
in  his  stead,  assuming  the  title  of  Mub&rak  Sh&h,  and  taking 
possession  of  all  the  fiefs  {iktd's). 

In  Jum&da-l  awwal,  803  (December,  1400),  Ikb&l  Kh&n  again 
marched  towards  Hindust&n,  and  was  waited  upon  by  Shams 
Kh&n,  of  Bay&na,  and  Mub&rak  Eh&n,  [son  of]  Bah&dur  N&hir. 
He  carried  them  with  him,  and  in  the  same  month  he  reached 
Patti&li,  on  the  banks  of  the  black  river.^  Here  he  encountered 
B&i  Sir'  and  other  infidels,  with  a  numerous  army*     On  the 

.    A^j  •  ^J  Bad&dni  confirms  this,  but  writes  Fatal,  instead  of  Batal. 

»  »*  A'b-i  aiydh,'*  or  the  "  Kdld-pdni."  Bad&6ni  and  Firishta  agree  in  saying 
•*  the  Ganj?es." 

3  Firishta  agrees  with  the  other  authorities  in  this  name,  but  the  translation  says, 
**  the  Ray  of  Sirinugnr,  (the  ancient  name  of  Bilgar&m,  which  was  at  that  time  a 
principality)."    But  see  <t«prd,  notes  1  and  2,  p.  25« 


88  YAHYA'  BIN  AHMAD. 

following  day  a  battle  took  place,  and  Gt)d,  who  defends  the 
Muhammadan  religion,  gave  the  victory  to  Ikb&l  Kh&n.  The 
infidels  fled,  and  he  pursued  them  to  the  confines  of  Et&wa, 
killing  many,  and  making  many  prisoners.  From  thence  he 
proceeded  to  the  district  (khitta)  of  Eananj,  and  Sult&nu-sh 
Shark  Mub&rak  Sh&h  came  up  from  Hindust&n.  The  river 
Ganges  flowed  between  the  two  armies,  and  neither  was  able  to 
cross.  This  state  of  affairs  continued  for  two  months,  when 
each  party  retired  to  his  own  home.  On  his  journey,  Ikb&l 
Kh&n  became  suspicious  of  [Mub&rak  Eh&n  and]  Shams  Kh&n, 
and  having  got  them  into  his  power  [he  put  them  to  death]  .^ 

In  this  year  Taghi  Eh&n  Turkchi  Sult&ni,  son-in-law  of 
6h&lib  Eh&n,  amir  of  S&m&na,  assembling  a  considerable  force, 
marched  towards  Dib&lpur,  against  Ehizr  Eh&n.  When  intelli* 
gence  of  this  was  brought  to  Ehizr  Eh&n,  he  prepared  for  the 
attack,  and  marched  with  a  large  force  into  the  khitia  of  Ajodhan. 
A  battle  was  fought  there  on  the  9th  Bajab,  on  the  banks  of  the 
Dahanda.  Ehizr  Eh&n  was  victorious,  and  Taghi  Eh&n  fled 
to  the  town  of  Asahuhar.^  Gh&lib  Eh&n,  and  other  amirs  who 
were  with  him,  then  treacherously  killed  him. 

In  the  year  804  h.  (1401),  Sult&n  Mahmud  left  the  khitta 
of  Dh&r,  and  proceeded  to  Dehli.  Ikb&l  Eh&n  came  forth 
to  give  him  a  formal  reception,  and  the  Sult&u  went  to  the 
Humayun  palace  in  Jah&n-pan&h.  But  the  reins  of  government 
were  in  the  hands  of  Ikb&l  Eh&n,  and  so  hatred  sprang  up  be- 
tween him  and  the  Sultan.  Ikb&l  Eh&n  again  went  to  Eanauj, 
and  took  the  Sult&n  with  him.  In  this  year  Sult&n  Mub&rak 
Sh&h  (of  Jaunpur)  died,  and  his  brother,  Ibr&him  Sh&h,  succeeded 
him  as  king,  under  the  title  of  Sult&n  Ibr&him.  On  hearing  of 
the  approach  of  Sult&n  Mahmud  and  Ikb&l  Ehan,  he  marched 
out  to  meet  them  with  a  laro:e  force.  When  the  two  armies 
were  near  to  each  other,  and  the  battle  was  imminent,  Sult&n 


^  The  necessary  words  in  brackets  are  firom  the  Tabakdt'i  Akhari, 

*  So  in  the  MS.,bntthe  TabakdU  AkbariYixiB  '<Bahudar,"  and  Bad&tUii<<Bahuhar/' 


TA'RrEH-I  MUBA'RAK-SHA'Hr.  39 

Mahmud  left  the  army  of  Ikb&l  Eh&n,  on  the  pretence  of  hunt- 
ing, and  went  to  join  Salt&n  Ibr&him,  bat  Ibr&him  paid  him  not 
the  slightest  attention,  so  he  departed,  and  went  into  the  khitta 
of  Eananj.  There  he  expelled  Malik-z&da  Harbiii,  who  had 
held  the  place  for  Mub&rak  Sh&h,  and  installed  himself  in  his 
place.  Ikbal  Kh&n  retamed  to  Dehli,  and  Ibr&him  Sh&h  went 
to  Jaunpur.  At  Kanauj.  all  ranks  of  people  joined  the  Sult&n, 
and  the  scattered  guards  and  dependents  rallied  round  him. 
The  Sult&n  himself  was  content  with  this  tktd^  of  Kanauj. 

In  Jum&da-l  awwal,  805  h.  (Dec.  1402),  Ikb&l  Kh&n  marched 
against  OwWyar  (Gw&lior),  the  fort  of  which  place  had  been 
treacherously  wrested  from  the  hands  of  the  Musulm&ns  during 
the  Mughal  invasion  by  the  accursed  Nar  Singh.  When  Nar 
Singh  died,  his  son,  Biram  ^  Deo,  succeeded  him  in  the  possession 
of  the  fort.  It  was  very  strong,  and  it  was  impossible  to  take 
it  by  assault;  so  Ikb&l  Eh&n  returned,  after  plundering  the 
country,  to  Dehli.  Next  year  he  again  marched  against  it.  The 
son  of  Biram  Deo  advanced  to  meet  Ikb&l  Kh&n,  and  fought 
with  him  at  the  fort  of  Dholpur,  but  he  was  defeated,  and  driven 
into  the  fort.  Many  of  the  infidels  were  slain,  and  during  the 
night  he  evacuated  the  fort,  and  went  off  to  Gw&lior.  Ikb&l 
Eh&n  pursued  him  to  Gw&lior,  and  after  plundering  the  open 
country,  he  returned  to  Dehli.  In  the  year  806  h.  (1403-4) 
T&t&r  Kh&n,  son  of  Za&r  Kh&n,  amir  of  Gujar&t,  basely  seized 
his  own  father,  and  sent  him  prisoner  to  As&wal  (Ahmad&b&d). 
He  then  made  himself  king  with  the  title  of  Sult&n  N&siru-d  din 
Muhammad  Sh&h.  He  collected  a  large  army,  with  the  object 
of  attacking  Dehli.  On  his  march  thither  he  was  poisoned  by 
Shams  Kh&n  and  died.  His  father  Zafar  Kh&n  was  brought 
from  As&wal  by  night,  and  the  whole  army  submitted  to  him. 

In  807  H.  (1404  a.d.),  Ikb&l  Kh&n  marched  against  Et&wa. 
B&i  Sarwar,'  the  Edi  of  Gw&lior,  the  Bdi  of  J&lh&r,  and  other 


^  Probably  Brahma  Deo,  as  in  the  tranalatLon  of  Firishta.    In  the  text  of  Firishta 
it  is  <'  Baram."  *  See  tuprd,  p.  26. 


40  YAHYX  BIN  AHMAD. 

rdis^  bad  come  there  and  were  shut  up  in  Et&wa.  The  siege  was 
carried  on  against  them  for  four  months,  but  at  last  they  gave 
tribute  and  four  elephants,  on  account  of  Gw&lior,  and  so  made 
peace.  In  the  month  of  Shaww&l,  Ikb&l  Kh&n  proceeded  from 
Et&wa  to  Kanauj,  and  fought  against  Sult&n  [Mahmud],  but 
the  place  was  strong,  and  he  could  not  take  it,  so  he  returned 
to  Dehli  disappointed. 

In  the  month  of  Muharram,  808  h.  (July,  1405  a.d.),  Ikb&l 
Kbdn  marched  against  Sdtn&na.  Bahr&m  Kh&n  Turk-bacha,^ 
who  had  fought  against  his  nephew  the  son  of  S&rang  Eh&n,' 
fled  through  fear  to  the  mountains  of  Badhnor.'  Ikb&l  Eh&n 
proceeded  to  the  town  of  Arubar^  in  these  mountains,  and  there 
halted.  Finally,  Makhdum-z&da  Shaikh  'Alamu-d  din,  grand- 
son of  Hazrat  Saiyid  Jal41  Bukh&ri,  interposed,  and  relying  upon 
him,  Bahr&m  Khdn  came  to  Ikb&l  Kh&n,  and  had  an  interview. 
From  thence  Ikb&l  Kh&n  marched  towards  Mult&n.  When  he 
reached  Talwandi,  R&i  Kam&lu-d  din  arrived.  Here  he  seized 
Bahr&m  Kh&n,  B&i  D&ud  Kam&l  Main,  and  R&i  Himu  [son  of] 
Khul  Chain  Bhatti.^  On  the  third  he  flayed  Bahr&m  Kh&n, 
and  securing  the  others,  he  carried  them  with  him.  When  he 
reached  the  banks  of  the  Dahanda,  near  the  khitta  of  Ajodhan, 
he  was  met  by  Khizr  Kh&n  and  a  large  army.  On  the  19th 
Jum&da-l  awwal,  808  h.  (12th  November,  1405),  a  battle  was 
fought  between  them.  At  the  first  charge,  Ikb&l  Kh&n  was 
defeated,  and  fled.  He  was  pursued,  and  his  horse  fell  upon  him 
and  wounded  him,  so  that  he  could  not  escape.  He  was  killed, 
and  his  head  was  cut  ofi^  and  sent  to  Fathpdr. 

Daulat  Kh&n,  Ikhtiy&r  Kh&n,  and  other  amirSy  sent  a  depu- 

*  Firishta  says  he  was  one  of  the  "  Khdna-eddon  t  Firozahdki,**  or  son  of  one  of 
Ffroz  Sh&h's  Turki  slaves. 

*  The  Tabakdt'i  Akhari,  Bad&tini  and  Firishta,  all  agree  in  saying,  more  simply 
and  intelligibly,  *'  who  had  fought  against  S&rang  Kh&n." 

>  "Halhor"  and  "  Hadoz"  in  the  MS.,  "Dahor"  in  Firishta.  «*Badhnor**  is 
from  the  Tahakdi-i  Akbari. 

*  RfiparP 

s  The  Tabakdi'i  Akbari  agrees  essentially,  but  Firishta  says,  "R&f  D&(id,  Kam&l 
Bhattf,  and  B&i  Habbti,  son  of  B&f  Rati." 


TARrEH-I  MUBARAK-SHAHr.  41 

tation  to  Salt&n  M ahmud,  urging  him  to  take  the  government. 

In  the  month  Jumdda-1  &khir,  the  Sultan  left  Kanauj  with  a 
small  force,  and  proceeded  to  the  capital,  where  he  assumed  the 
soyereigntj.  The  family  and  dependents  of  Ikb&l  Eh&n  were 
removed  from  Dehli,  and  sent  into  the  khitta  of  Kol.  Daulat 
Kh&n  was  made  faujddr  of  the  Do&b ;  and  Ikhtiy&r  Kh&n 
received  the  gift  of  the  palace  of  Firoz&b&d.  Iklim  Kh&n 
Bah&dur  N&hir  brought  two  elephants  as  an  offering,  and 
joined  the  Sult&n.  In  the  month  of  Jum&da-l  awwal,  809  h. 
(October,  1406),  the  Sult&n  went  to  Kanauj,  and  Daulat  Khan 
was  sent  with  an  army  to  Sam&na,  As  the  Sult&n  approached 
Kanaaj,  Sult&n  Ibr&him  threatened  the  city,  and  crossing  the 
Gkuiges,  sat  down  against  it.  But  after  a  time  he  retired  to 
Jaanpdr,  and  the  Sultan  returned  to  Dehli.  As  he  proceeded 
homewards,  his  army  dispersed;  the  men  going  off*  to  their 
respective  fiefs  (iktd^a).  Ibr&him  Sh&h  (heard  of  the  Sult&n's 
retreat)  as  he  was  journeying  homewards,  and  immediately 
returned  to  Kanauj,  and  there  besieged  Mahmud  Tarmati,  who 
had  been  left*  in  command  by  Sult&n  Mahmud.  He  held  out 
for  four  months,  but  when  no  one  came  to  the  rescue,  he  of 
necessity  surrendered.  The  fief  of  Kanauj  was  then  given  to 
Ikhtiy&r  Kh&n,  grandson  of  Malik  Ydr  Kh&n  Kampila. 

Having  passed  tlie  rainy  season  in  Kanauj,  he  (Ibr&him  Sh&h) 
marched  against  Dehli  in  the  month  of  Jum&da-l  awwal,  810  h. 
(October,  1407).  Nusrat  Kh&n  Ghirg-and&z,  Tat&r  Kh&n  son  of 
S&rang  Kh&n,  and  Malik  Marhab&  ghuldm  of  Ikb&l  Kh&n, 
deserted  Sult&n  Mahmud,  and  joined  Ibr&him  Sh&h.  Asad 
Kh&n  Lodi  was  besieged  (by  Ibr&him  Sh&h)  in  the  fort  of 
Sambhal.  On  the  second  day  he  surrendered,  and  the  fort  was 
given  by  Ibr&hIm  to  T&t&r  Sh&h.  From  thence  Ibr&him  Sh&h 
marched  towards  Dehli,  intending  to  cross  the  Jumna  at  the  ford 
of  Kicha.  But  intelligence  was  brought  to  him  that  Zafar  Kh&n 
had  conquered  the  territory  of  Dh&r,  and  having  made  Alp 
Kh&n,  son  of  Dil&war  Kh&n,  prisoner,  he  intended  to  proceed  to 
Jaunpur.    Starting  fi*om  the  ford  of  Kichar,  he  (Ibr&him  Sh&h) 


42  TAHYA  BIN  AHMAD. 

returned  by  regular  inarches  to  Jaunptir,  leaving  Marhabd  Kh&n 
with  a  small  force  in  the  fort  of  Baran.  In  the  month  of  Zi-1 
ka'da,  Sult&n  Mahmtid  marched  from  Dehli  against  Baran. 
Marhab&  Kh&n  came  forth  to  meet  him,  and*  a  battle  followed, 
in  which  the  Kh&n  was  worsted  and  driven  into  the  fort.  The 
Sult&n's  men  pursued,  and  entering  the  fort  they  killed  Marhab4 
Kh&n.  The  Sult&n  then  proceeded  to  Sambhali  but  before  he 
came  to  the  banks  of  the  Granges,  T&t&r  Kh&n  evacuated  the  fort 
and  went  off  to  Eananj.  The  Sult&n  left  the  place  in  chai'ge  of 
Asad  Kh&n,  and  returned  to  Dehll. 

Daulat  Kh&n  Lodi  had  been  sent  against  S&m&na,  which, 
after  the  murder  of  Bahr&m  Kh&n  Turk-bacha,  had  been 
taken  possession  of  by  Bairam  Kh&n.  On  the  llth  Bajab, 
809,^  a  battle  was  fought  between  them  about  two  koB  fix>m 
S&m&na,  and  Daulat  Kh&n  was  victorious.  Bairam  Eh&n  fled 
to  Sirhind,  but  after  a  time,  Daulat  Eh&n  forgave  him  and 
patronized  him.  Bairam  Kh&n  had  previously  made  an  engage- 
ment with  Ehizr  Eh&n,  and  had  promised  to  serve  him,  so  when 
Ehizr  Eh&n  heard  of  the  capture  of  S&m&na,  he  proceeded  with 
a  strong  force  against  Daulat  Eh&n.  On  his  reaching  Fath&b&d, 
Daulat  Eh&n  fled  across  the  Jumna,  and  all  the  amii^B  and 
maliks  who  had  been  connected  with  him  joined  Ehizr  Eh&n. 
He  confided  the  ahikk  of  His&r  Firozah  to  Eiw&m  Eh&n,  and 
the  fiefs  of  S&m&na  and  Sann&m  were  taken  from  Bairam  Eh&n 
and  granted  to  Zirak  Eh&n,  the  fief  of  Sirhind  and  some  other 
parganas  were  given  to  Bairam  Eh&n,  and  Ehizr  Eh&n  then 
returned  to  Fathpur.  Bay&na,  the  Do&b,  and  the  fief  of 
Buhtak,  were  all  that  now  remained  in  the  possession  q{  Sult&n 
Mahmud. 

In  the  month  of  Bajab,  811  H.  (December,  1408),  Sult&n 
Mahmud  went  to  His&r  Firozah,  and  besieged  Eiw&m  Eh&n 
in  the  fort.     After  some  days  Eiw&m  Eh&n  made  proposals  of 


'  The  Tabakdt'i  Akhari  confirms  thii  date,  bat  Firishta  makes  it  810,  which  seems 
to  be  the  more  correct 


TARTKH-I  MTTBARAX-SHAHT.  43 

peace,  and  sent  his  son  to  the  Snlt&n  with  tribute.  The  Sult&n 
then  returned  through  Dh&trath  to  Dehli.  Ehizr  Kh&n^  when 
lie  heard  of  this,  marched  quickly  to  Fath&b&d  and  chastised 
the  people  who  had  joined  the  Sult&n.  On  the  11th  Bamaz&n, 
lie  (Ehizr  Eh&n)  sent  Maliku-sh  Shark  Malik  Tuhfa  with  a 
strong  force  to  attack  Dh&trath,  and  Fath  Eh&n  fled  with  his 
household  into  the  Do&b.  Many  of  the  people  who  remained 
there  were  plundered  and  made  prisoners.  Ehizr  Eh&n  pro- 
ceeded through  Buhtak  to  Dehli,  and  besieged  it ;  Sult&n 
Mahmdd  being  in  the  fort  of  Siri,  and  Ikhtiy&r  Eh&n  in  the 
palace  of  Firoz&b&d.  A  scarcity  of  forage  ensued,  and  Ehizr 
EhAn  withdrew  across  the  Jumna  into  the  Do&b,  but  meeting 
with  resistance  there,  he  re-crossed  the  river  and  marched  to 
Fathpur. 

In  the  year  812  h.  (1409  a.d.),  Bairam  Eh&n  Turk-bacha 
turned  against  Ehizr  Eh&n,  and  joined  himself  to  Daulat  Eh&n. 
On  hearing  of  this  defection,  Ehizr  Eh&n  proceeded  to  Sirhind. 
Bwam  Eh&n  sent  his  &mily  into  the  mountains,  and  proceeded 
himself  with  his  forces  to  join  Daulat  Eh&n  at  the  ford  of  the 
Jumna.  Ehizr  Eh&u  pursued  him,  and  halted  on  the  bank  of 
the  rirer.  Bairam  Eh&n  having  no  hope  of  escape,  felt  himself 
vanquished  and  helpless,  so  he  went  [and  submitted]  to  Ehizr 
Eh&n,  who  restored  to  him  his  parganas,  Ehizr  Eh&n  then 
returned  to  Fathpdr.  During  this  year  the  Sult&n  remained  in 
the  capital,  and  made  no  excursion. 

In  the  year  813  h.  (1410  a.d.),  Eliizr  Eh&n  marched  to 
Buhtak,  and  besieged  Idris  Eh4n  in  the  fort.  The  war  went 
on  for  six  months,  but  at  length  being  reduced  to  extremity, 
Idris  Eh&n  sent  out  a  large  sum  of  money  as  tribute,  and  his 
son  as  a  hostage,  and  so  making  peace,  he  bound  himself  by 
engagements  to  Ehizr  Eh&n.  After  this  Ehizr  Eh&n  returned 
through  S&m&na  to  Fathpur.  Sult&n  Mahmud  went  to  Eatehr, 
and  after  hunting  there,  returned  to  the  capital.  The  whole 
business  of  the  State  was  fallen  into  the  greatest  disorder.  The 
Salt&n  gave  no  heed  to  the  duties  of  his  station,  and  had  no 


44  YAHYA'  BIN  AHMAD. 

care  for  the  permanency  of  the  throne ;  his  whole  tune  was 
devoted  to  pleasure  and  debauchery. 

In  814  H.  (1411  A.D.),  Khizr  Eh&n  proceeded  to  Buhtak. 
Malik  Idris  and  Malik  Mub&riz  Kh&n  his  brother,  received  the 
khitta  of  Hansi,  and  were  honoured  by  being  allowed  to  kiss  the 
feet.^  They  received  many  other  fiivours.  After  this  Khizr 
Eh&n  plundered  the  town  of  N&maul,  which  was  in  the  posses- 
sion of  Iklim  Kb&n  and  Bah&dur  N&hir.  Then  he  went  to  Mew&t, 
and  plundered  the  towns  of  Taj&rah,  Sarath,  and  Kharol,  and 
having  pillaged  other  places  in  Mew&t,  he  returned,  and  proceed- 
ing to  Dehli,  he  invested  the  fort  of  Siri.  Sult&n  Mahmud  was 
in  the  fort,  and  Ikhtiy&r  Kh&n  held  the  palace  of  Firoz&b&d  for 
him.  The  contest  went  on  till  Ikhtiy&r  Kh&n  joined  Khizr 
Kh&n,  who  then  removed  from  before  Ski,  and  took  possession 
of  the  fort  of  Firoz&b&d.  Thus  he  became  master  of  the  fiefs 
of  the  Do&b,  and  of  the  neighbourhood  of  the  capital. 

As  grain  and  forage  were  scarce,  in  Muharram,  815  h.  (April, 
1412  A.D.),  he  proceeded  by  P&nipat  to  Firozpur.  In  Jum&da-l 
awwal,  Sult&n  Mahmdd  went  to  Katehr,  and  after  spending 
some  days  there  hunting,  he  returned  to  Dehli.  On  his  way 
home  he  was  seized  with  illness  in  the  month  of  Bajab,'  and  died. 
He  reigned,  through  all  these  many  vicissitudes  and  misfortunes, 
twenty  years  and  two  months. 

After  the  death  of  the  Sult&n,  the  amirs  and  maliks,  and 
royal  servants,  pledged  their  &ith  to  Daulat  Khdn.  Mub&riz 
Kh&u  and  Malik  Idris  abandoned  Khizr  Kh&n,  and  went  over 
to  Daulat  Kh&n.  During  this  year,  Khizr  Khan  remained  in 
Fathpur,  and  did  not  go  to  Dehli. 

In  Muharram,  816  h.  (April,  1413),  Daulat  Kh&n  went  to 
Katehr,  where  R&i  Har  Singh  and  other  rdis  came  to  wait 
upon  him.  When  he  reached  Patti&li,  Muh&bat  Kb&n,  amir 
of  Bad&un,  joined  him.  Intelligence  was  now  brought  that 
Sult&n   Ibr&him  was    besieging    K&dir  Kh&n,   son   of  Sult&n 

^  This  shows  that  Khizr  Eh&n  hud  assnmed  regal  state. 
*  The  other  authorities  agree  in  saying  Zi-1  ka'da. 


TARIKH-I  MUBARAK-SHAHr.  45 

Mahmud  Kh&n  [in  K&Ipi],^  but  Daulat  Kh&n  had  not  sufficient 
forces  to  attempt  to  relieve  him.   In  Jum&da-l  awwal,  Khizr  Kh&n 
led  his  forces  out  of  Dehli,  and  when  he  went  to  His&r  Firozah, 
all  the  amirs  and  maliks  of  that  country  gathered  round  him. 
Siege  was  laid  to  the  fort  of  Ruhtak,  in  which  Idris  Kh&n  was 
living,  and  Khizr  Kh&n  passing  near,  went  into  Mew&t.     Jal&l 
Kh&n,  nephew  of  Iklim  Kh&n  Bah&dur  N&hir,  came  to  wait 
upon  him.     Turning  back  from  thence,  he  went  into  Sambhal, 
and  l^d  the  country  waste.      In  the  month  Zi-1  hijja  he  pro- 
ceeded to  Dehli,  and  posted  himself  in  front  of  the  gate  of  Siri. 
At   leno^h  Malik  Lon&  and  some  partisans  of  Khizr  Kh&n  in 
the  city  conspired    together,   and    [gave   him   such    assistance 
that]  he  obtained  possession  of  the  gate  of  the  naubat-khdnah. 
When  Daulat  Kh&n  saw  that  his  position  was   desperate,  he 
begged  for  quarter.     Khizr  Kh&n  gave  him  an  interview,  and 
then  consigning  him  to  the  charge  of  Kiwdm  Kh&n,  he  sent 
him  to  the  fort  of  His&r  Firozah.     Khizr  Khdn  thus  obtained 
possession  of  Dehli  on  the  8th  Rabi'u-1  awwal,  817  h.  (23rd 
May,  1414  a.d.) 

Khizr  Khdn.^ 
Khizr  Kh&n  was  the  son  of  Maliku-sh  Shark  Malik  Sulaim&n, 

'  The  title  of  Sultdn  or  Bddshdh  is  not  given  to  Ehizr  Eh&n.  He  wielded  the 
Borereign  power,  bat  he  professed  and  wished  to  be  considered  the  vicegerent  of 
Hmtir,  whose  favoor  he  had  gained  by  politic  submission  while  that  conqueror  was  in 
India.  To  compensate  for  the  want  of  the  regal  style,  some  curious  titles  are  given 
to  him,  indicative  of  his  fealty  to  Tim(ir.  In  the  heading  of  this  chapter  the  words 
B§ndagi  rdydt-i  *ali,  **  service  of  the  exalted  (or  imperial)  standards,"  are  prefixed  to 
his  name.  In  other  passages,  especially  before  his  attaining  the  throne,  he  is  entitled 
Maw9d-i  'all,  "  the  exalted  throne."  The  TabakdU  Akbari  styles  him  Itdydt-i  'ali, 
**  exalted  standards."  Bad&Cini  prefers  the  Masnad-i  *aU,  Firishta  does  not  employ 
these  expressions,  but  calls  him  simply  '*  Saiyid  Khizr  Eh&n."  The  Tabakdt-i  Akbari 
gives  the  foUowing  explanation,  which  is  quoted  by  Firishta.  **  Although  he  (Khizr 
£h&n)  acquired  the  dignity  of  sovereign  and  the  powers  of  ruler,  he  professed  himself 
lobordinate  to  Timdr.  He  would  not  allow  himself  to  be  called  Bddshdh  (king),  but 
vas  addressed  as  RdydUi  *alL  At  the  beginning  of  his  reign,  the  name  of  Timdr 
WIS  employed  in  the  coins  and  in  the  khutba  ;  afterwards  the  name  of  Sh&h  Kukh  was 
ued ;  bat  at  length  Khizr  Kh&n's  name  was  introduced  in  the  khutba^  and  prayers 
were  oflfered  for  him."  Firishta  adds,  that  for  several  years  he  sent  appropriate 
tribute  to  8hbh  Eakh.    As  to  the  coins,  see  Thomas's  '*  Fath&n  Kings,"  p.  328. 


46  YAHYA  BIN  AHMAD. 

who  was  adopted  in  childhood,  and  brought  up  bj  Malik 
Nasiru-l  Mulk  Mard&n  Daulat.^  Historians  record  that  he  was 
by  descent  a  sait/id.  The  chief  of  the  aaiyidaj  Jal&Ia-d  dia 
Bokh&ri^  once  honoured  the  house  of  Malik  Mardiin  with  a  visit, 
and  when  food  was  spread  before  his  guest,  Malik  Mard&n 
ordered  Sulaim&n  to  wash  the  great  aaij/id's  hands.  The  aaiyid 
said,  '*  This  is  a  aaiyid^  and  is  unfit  for  such  work  as  this/^  As 
the  great  chief  of  the  aaiyida  thus  testified  to  Sulaim&n  being  a 
aaiyidy  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  he  was  one.  Another  proof 
of  his  being  a  saiyid  is,  that  he  was  generous,  brave,  merciful, 
considerate,  true  to  his  word,  and  kind:  these  are  all  virtues 
which  were  conspicuous  in  the  Prophet,  and  were  manifest 
in  him. 

When  Malik  Mard&n  died,  Malik  Shaikh  his  son  obtained 
the  fief  of  Mult&n,  but  he  died  soon  after,  and  Malik  Sulaim&n 
succeeded  him.  He  likewise  soon  afterwards  died,  and  Khizr 
Kh&n  then  obtained  Mult&n,  with  all  its  dependencies,  from 
Sult&n  Firoz  Sh&h.  God  Almighty  had  chosen  him  for  great 
work  and  a  high  station,  and  his  dignity  increased  daily.  The 
events  of  his  campaigns  and  victories,  before  he  accomplished  the 
conquest  of  Dehli,  have  already  been  related.  On  the  15th 
Rabi'u-1  awwal,  817  (30th  May,  1414  a.d.),  he  entered  the  fort 
of  Siri,  and  posted  his  army  in  the  palace  of  Sult&n  Mahmud. 
The  people  of  the  city,  by  force  of  late  events,  had  become 
impoverished  and  needy,  so  he  settled  allowances  and  made 
provision  for  them.  By  this  kindness,  they  were  all  made  easy 
and  happy.  He  gave  to  Maliku-sh  Shark  Malik  Tuhia  the 
title  of  T4JU-1  Mulk,  and  made  him  wazir.  To  Saiyid  Sdlim, 
chief  of  the  saiyids,  he  gave  the  ikta  and  ahikk  of  Saharanpdr, 
and  all  affairs  were  set  in  order.  He  gave  to  Malik  ^Abdu-r 
Bahim,  adopted  son  of  the  late  Malik  Sulaim&n,  the  title  of 

1  The  Tabakdt-i  Akhariy  Bad&(iDi,  and  Firishta  all  as^ree  that  Malik  Sulaim&n  was 
the  adopted  soa  of  Nasiru-l  Mulk,  and  the  context  of  our  MS.  accords.  The  actual 
wording  of  this  passage,  however,  makes  Khizr  Eh&n  to  be  the  adopted  son  of 
Mard&n,  an  evident  error,  which  one  little  word  in  the  text  would  rectify,  and  which 
has  been  admitted  in  the  translation. 


TARfEH-I  MUBARAE-SHAHr.  47 

'Al&a-l  Mulk,  and  he  confided  to  him  the  iktd*  and  shikk  of 
Malt&n  and  Fathpur.  He  made  Malik  Sarwar  governor  {fihahtw) 
of  the  capital,  and  his  hcum  tenem  when  he  was  himself  absent. 
Malik  Khaira-d  din  was  made  'drix4  mamdUk  (mnster-master), 
Malik  K&ltj  keeper  of  the  elephants,  Malik  D&ud  became  secre- 
tary {dabir).  Ikhtiy&r  Khan  was  appointed  to  the  ahikk  of  the 
Do&b.  The  State  officials  were  confirmed  in  t\\Q  parganctSy  villages, 
and  ikt£%^  which  they  had  held  in  the  reign  of  Sult&n  Mahmud, 
and  were  sent  to  look  after  them.  Thus  the  affairs  of  State 
were  all  properly  arranged. 

In  the  year  817  h.  (1414  a.d.),  Maliku-sh  Shark  Tdju-1  Mulk 
was  sent  ont  with  the  army  of  Hindustdn,  while  Khizr  Kh&n 
himself  remained  in  the  capital.  Taju-1  Mulk  crossed  the 
Jamna,  and  went  to  the  town  of  Ah&r.  Then  he  crossed  the 
Ganges  into  the  country  of  Katohr,  and  chastised  and  plundered 
the  infidels  of  that  country.  B&i  Har  Singh  fled  into  the 
mountains  of  Anw&la.^  When  the  army  of  Islam  closed  in 
upon  him,  he  was  helpless,  and  paid  taxes,  money,  and  tribute 
(tnahsiil.o  mdl  0  khidmati),  Muh&bat  Khdn,  atnir  of  Bad&un, 
came  to  wait  upon  T4ju-1  Mulk.  After  this  interview,  T&ju-l 
Mulk  pursuing  the  course  of  the  Bahab,  he  arrived  at  the  ford 
of  Sarg-dw&ri,  and  there  crossed  the  Ganges.  He  chastised 
the  infidels  of  Khur^  and  Kambil  (Kampila),  and  passing 
through  the  town  of  Sakina,  he  proceeded  to  B&dham.  Hasan 
Kh&n,  amir  of  Bapri,  and  Malik  Hamza  his  brother,  came  to 
wait  upon  him.  The  infidels  of  Gw&lior,  Seori,  and  Chaudawdr,' 
brought  their  money  and  taxes  {mdl  0  mahsul),  and  bowed  their 
necks  to  the  yoke  of  obedience.  He  wrested  Jalesar  from  the 
possession  of  the   infidels  of  Ghandawdr,  and  gave  it  to   the 

*  MS.  J^yl   j:^;  TabakdUi  Akbari  Jyl  ^^j;    Bad&finS   i\y'\   J^. 

FirUhta  says  simply  the  *'  kohUtdn  "  (mountains).     See  note  iw/rd,  p.  49. 

*  "  Now  known  as  Shamskbkd." — Tabakdt'i  Akharl. 

'  Rftprf,  or  Rapri,  and  Chandaw&r  are  on  the  Jumna,  a  few  miles  below  Agra,  in 
ft  country  full  of  ravines,  and  well  capable  of  being  defended  by  a  few  men  against 
thouBandB.— Elliot,  edition  of  1849,  p.  192. 


48  YAHYA  BIN  AHMAD. 

Masulm&ns,  who  had  formerly  held  it.  He  left  his  own  officers 
there.  Then  passing  along  the  Black  river,  he  chastised  the 
infidels  of  £t&wa,  and  returned  to  the  capital. 

In  the  year  818  H.  (1415  a.d.),  Khizr  Kh&n  gave  to  his  son, 
the  exalted  prince  Maliku-sh  Shark  Malik  Mub&rak,  who  was 
worthy  to  be  a  king,  the  khiftas  of  Firozpiir  and  Sirhind,  and 
all  the  ikta's  of  the  late  Bairam  Kh&n.  He  gave  him  command 
over  all  the  west  country,  and  sent  Malik  Sadhu  Nddira  to  act 
as  his  deputy.  When  all  the  affairs  of  that  country  were 
satisfactorily  arranged,  the  prince  returned  with  Malik  Sadhu 
N&dira,  Zirak  Kh&n,  amir  of  Sdm&na,  and  other  amirs  and 
maiiksy  to  the  capital. 

In  819  H.  (1416  A.D.),  Khizr  Kh&n  sent  Malik  T&ju-l  Mulk 
with  a  great  army  to  Bay&na  and  Gw&lior.  When  the  Malik 
entered  the  country  of  Bay&na,  Malik  Karimu-1  Mulk,  brother 
of  Shams  Kh&n,  gave  him  a  grand  reception.  From  thence  he 
proceeded  to  Gwdlior  and  plundered  the  country,  and  having 
seized  the  money  and  tribute  of  [the  Rdi  of]  Gw&lior  and  other 
rdis,^  he  passed  the  Jumna  opposite  Chaudaw&r,  apd  went 
towards  Kampila  and  Patti&li.  B&i  Har  Singh,  the  occupier  of 
Katehr,  was  submissive,  so  after  taking  the  revenue  and  tribute 
from  him,  the  Malik  returned  to  the  capital.  Malik  Sadhu 
N&dira  had  been  sent  to  Sirhind  as  the  representative  of  Prince 
Mub&rak.  In  the  month  of  Jum&da-l  awwal,  some  Turk-bachas* 
of  the  family  of  Bairam  Khan  treacherously  got  Sadhu  into 
their  power  and  murdered  him.  They  then  seized  upon  the 
fort  of  Sirhind.  Khizr  Kh&n  sent  Malik  D&ud,  the  dabir 
(secretary),  and  Zirak  Kh&n,  to  put  down  these  rebels.  The 
Turk-bachas  fled  across  the  Satladar  (Sutlej),  and  escaped  to  the 
mountains.  D&ud  pursued  them  thither,  and  for  two  months 
carried  on  operations  in  the  hills.  But  their  mountainous  retreats 
were  strong,  and  he  was  unable  to  subdue  them,  so  he  returned. 
While  this  was  passing,  intelligence  arrived  in  the  month  of 

^  The  Tabakdt'i  Akbari  says,  '^  haying  taken  the  fixed  tribute  from  the  B&(  of 
Gwklior.'*  '  See  iup^d^  note  1,  p.  40. 


TARfKH-I  MUBARAX-SHAHI.  49 

Bajab  that  Suli&n  Ahmad  of  Gnjadit  had  laid  siege  to  the  fort 

of  N&gor.     Khizr  Kh&n  marched  thither,  passing  between  Tonak 

and  Todah,  and  when  Sult&n  Ahmad  heard  of  his  approach,  he 

retreated  towards  Dh&r.    Khizr  Kh&n  went  to  New  city  Jh&in 

{$hahr'i  nan  Jhdin)}  and  Ily&s  Kh&n,  amir  of  Jh&in,  had  the 

honour  of  an  interview.    Having  repressed  the  disturbances  in 

that  quarter,  Khizr  Kh&n  returned  to  Ow&lior,  and  besieged  the 

rai  in  the  fort.    As  the  fort  was  very  strong,  he  could  not  take 

it,  but  he  took  money  and  revenue  on  account  of  Gw&lior,  and 

then  proceeded  to  the  khitta  of  Bayana,  where   Shams  Kh&n 

Auhadi  {amir  of  Bay&na)  also  paid  money  and  tribute.     After 

this  he  returned  to  Dehli. 

In  820  H.  (1417  a.d.),  Tughdn  Eais  and  sundry  other  Turk- 
hachoB^  who  had  slain  Malik  Sadhu,  broke  out  in  rebellion,  and 
Khizr  Kh&n  sent  Zirak  Kh&n,  amir  of  S&m&na,  with  a  strong 
force,  to  put  them  down.  When  he  reached  S&m&na,  Tugh&n, 
and  the  other  Turk-bachas^  who  had  besieged  Malik  Kam&l 
Badhan,  representative  of  Kh&n-z&da  Mu^azzam,  in  the  fort  of 
Sirhind,  went  off  to  the  mountains.  Zirak  Khdn  pursued  them 
to  the  town  of  Bdil.*  Here  Tughdn  Rals  consented  to  pay  a  fine. 
He  expelled  the  Turk-hacha  murderers  of  Malik  Sadhu  from  his 
band,  and  gave  his  son  as  a  hostage.  Zirak  Kh&u  sent  the  youth 
and  the  money  to  Dehli,  and  himself  returned  to  Sara&na. 

In  821  H.  (1418  A.D.),  Khizr  Kh&n  sent  Malik  T4ju-1  Mulk 
with  a  numerous  army  to  repress  the  rebellion  of  Har  Singh,  of 
Eatehr.^     When  this  force  crossed  the  Ganges,  Har  Singh  laid 

1  The  Tahakdi'i  Akhari  says,  ''  thahr-i  nau-ariit  Jham"     Bad&iini  has  simply 
'^Jah&han."     Firishta  says,  "ihahr'i  nau^  known  as  'ariu-i  Jahdn  (bride  of  the  . 
▼orld)/'  and  his  words  show  that  he  meant  jahdn^  and  not  Jh&in,  though  ho  may 
bare  misonderstood  the  Tabakdt-i  Akbari,    The  title  of  "bride*'  was  applied  to 
a  TiTgin  fortress.    See  vol.  iii.,  p.  622. 

*  This  name  is  given  as  Bdll  and  Mall  in  the  MS.,  and  by  the  TabakdUi  Akbari. 
Firishta  says  "  PMl."   , 

'  The  Hindu  name  of  the  present  province  of  Rohilkhand.  At  first  the  Muham- 
mailttTi  conquerors  called  all  the  country  to  the  east  of  the  Oanges  Eatehr,  but 
subsequently,  when  Sambhal  and  Bad&tln  were  made  separate  goTemments,  the 
country  beyond  the  E&mgang&  only  was  called  by  that  name. — Elliot,  edition  of 
1S49,  p.  192. 

TOL.   IT.  4 


50  TAHTiC  BIN  AHMAD. 

waste  the  whole  country  of  Katehr,  and  went  into  the  jnngle  of 
Anw&la,  which  borders  that  country  for  a  distance  of  twenty-four 
ko8.  The  army  of  Isl&m  encamped  near  the  jungle,  and  Har 
Singh  being  inclosed  therein,  had  to  fight.  The  royal  forces 
were  victorious,  and  all  the  furniture  and  baggage  and  arms  and 
horses  of  the  infidels  fell  into  their  hands.  Har  Singh  fled 
towards  the  mountains  of  Kum&yun.  On  the  following  day 
about  twenty  thousand  horse  were  sent  in  pursuit,  whilst  T&ju-l 
Mulk  remained  stationary  with  his  army  and  baggage.  The 
forces  of  Isl&m  crossed  the  Bahab,  and  pursued  the  enemy  into 
the  mountains  of  Kum&yun.  EEar  Singh  pressed  forward  into 
the  mountains,  and  on  the  fifth  day  the  royal  forces  retired^ 
after  having  secured  great  spoil.  T&ju-l  Mulk  then  fell  back, 
and  passing  near  Bad&un,  he  crossed  the  Ganges  at  the  ford  of 
Bajl&na.  Muh&bat  Kh&n,  amir  of  Bad&un,  there  took  leave  of 
him,  and  he  proceeded  to  Et&wa.  He  ravaged  that  district, 
and  besieged  E&i  Sarwar,^  who  held  it ;  but  the  "Rki  offered 
money  and  tribute,  and  so  secured  peace.  From  thence  T&ju-I 
Mulk  returned  in  the  month  of  Babi'u-1  &khir  triumphant  to 
Dehli.  He  there  presented  the  money  and  tribute  which  he  had 
brought  to  Khizr  E[h&n,  and  was  most  graciously  received. 

In  822  H.  (1419  a.d.),  Khizr  Eh&n  marched  against  Katehr. 
First  he  chastised  the  rebels  in  the  country  of  Kol,  after  that 
he  scoured  the  jungles  of  the  Bahab  and  of  Sambhal,  and  over- 
threw the  rebels.  From  thence  he  proceeded,  in  the  month  of 
Zi-1  ka'da,  towards  Bad&un,  and  passed  the  Ganges  near  the 
town  of  Patti&Ii.  When  Muh&bat  Kh&u  heard  of  this,  his 
heart  was  struck  with  dismay,  and  he  made  preparations  for 
standing  a  siege.  In  the  month  of  Zi-1  hijja,  Khizr  Kh&n 
invested  the  fort,  and  carried  on  the  siege  for  six  months.  He 
was  just  upon  the  point  of  capturing  it,  when  he  received  in- 
formation that  a  conspiracy  had  been  formed  against  him  by 
some  amirs  and  maliks  of  the  late  Mahmtld   Shah,  who   had 

^  See  8uprd,  pp.  22,  26.  Our  MS.  stil^  calls  him  "Sabir,"  and  Firishta  here 
names  him  **  Sainbir." 


TABrXH-I  HUBARAK-SHAHr.  51 

been  oyerpowered  by  Daolat  Eh&n  Among  them  were  Eiw&m 
Kb&n  and  Ikhtiy&r  Eh&n.  As  soon  as  this  oame  to  his 
knowledge,  Ehizr  Kh&n  raised  the  siege  of  Badaun,  and 
marched  towards  Dehli.  On  his  march,  by  the  banks  of  the 
Ganges,  on  the  20th  Jum&da-I  awwal,  822  h.,  having  captured 
Kiw&m  Slhin,  Ikhtiy&r  Kh&n,  and  other  officers  of  the  late 
Salt&n  Mahmdd,  he  pat  them  to  death  in  punishment  of  their 
treason,  and  then  repaired  to  Dehli. 

Information  was  now  given  of  an  impostor  who  had  assumed 
the  name  of  S&rang  Kh&n.  It  appeared  that  a  man  assuming 
the  name  of  S&rang  Kh&n^  had  i^peared  in  the  mountains  of 
B&jw&ra,'  dependent  on  J&landhar,  and  had  given  himself  out 
to  be  S&rang  Eh&n.  Many  foolish  ignorant  people  [believed 
him,  and  he  had  assembled  a  party  around  him.  Ehizr  Eh&n]  ' 
gave  the  iktd'  of  Sirhind  to  [Malik  Sult&n  Sh&h]  Lodi,  and 
deputed  him  to  repress  the  pretender.  Malik  Sult&n  Sh&h,  in 
the  month  of  Rajab,  proceeded  with  his  own  forces  to  Sirhind. 
The  pretender  S&rang,  with  his  rustic  adherents,  then  sallied 
forth  firom  B&jw&ra,  and  when  he  approached  the  river  Satladar 
(Satlej),  the  people  of  Arubar  (Bupar)  also  joined  him.  In 
the  month  of  Sha'b&n,  he  came  hear  to  Sirhind,  and  a  battle 
was  fought.  Malik  Sult&n  Sh&h  Lodi  obtained  the  victory,  and 
the  pretender  was  put  to  flight.  He  fled  to  the  town  of  Tarsari,* 
one  of  the  dependencies  of  Sirhind.  Ehw&ja  'Ali  Indar&bi^ 
am^  of  the  town  of  Jhath,  with  his  dependents,  joined  the 
pretender.  Zirak  Eh&n,  amir  of  S&m&na,  and  Tughan,  rais 
(chief)  of  the  Turk-hachaa  of  Jalandhar,  came  forward  to 
strengthen  Sult&n  Sh&h.  Sult&n  Sh&h  entered  Sirhind,  and 
the  pretender  S&rang  then  fled  to  Arubar  (Bupar).     Ehwaja 

*  "Who  died  in  the  time  of  Timtir's  inyasion."— Firishta. 

'  The  Tabakdt'i  Akbarl  and  Biid&dai  read  "Bujw&ra,''  but  Firishta  makes  it 
»Machiw&ra." 

^  There  is  an  eyident  break  in  our  MS.  here,  about  a  line  being  absent.  The 
fint  two  words  ara  suggested  by  the  context ;  the  others  are  taken  from  the  Tabakdt-i 

Akb4tri, 

*  The  Ta^itdM^Ar^ar/has^Lahorl"    Bad&tLni  and  Firishta  do  not  givo  the 

name. 


52  YAHYA  BIN  AHMAD. 

'Ali  now  deserted  him,  and  joined  Zirak  Kh&n.  Next  day 
the  royal  army  advanced  to  Ardbar  (Rdpar),  and  there 
halted,  the  pretender  having  fled  to  the  mountains.  While  this 
was  passing  Malik  Khaim-d  din  Kh&ni  was  also  sent  with  a 
strong  force  against  the  pretender.  In  the  month  of  Ilamaz&n« 
he  arrived  at  Ardbar  (Rdpar),  and  there  the  forces  united,  and 
iharched  into  the  mountains  in  pursuit  of  the  impostor.  S&rang 
Kh&n's  followers  were  vanquished  and  helpless,  but  the  moun- 
tains were  not  easy  of  conquest,  so  the  (royal)  forces  retreated. 
Malik  Ehairu-d  din  proceeded  to  the  capital,  and  Zirak  Kh&n 
went  to  S&mdua,  leaving  Sult&n  Shdh  Lodi  with  a  force  in 
possession  of  Ardbar.     So  the  royal  army  was  dispersed. 

In  823  H.  (1430  a.d.),  the  pretended  S&rang  Eh&n  had  a 
meeting  with  Tdghin,  chief  of  the  Turk-bachas,  when  Tugh&n 
treacherously  got  the  impostor  into  his  power,  and  made  him 
prisoner.  He  afterwards  killed  him.  Khizr  Khdn  remained  in 
the  capital,  but  he  sent  Malik  T&ju-l  Mulk  with  an  army 
against  Etawa.  This  army  marched  through  the  town  of  Baran, 
and  came  into  the  country  of  Eol.  After  suppressing  the  rebels 
in  that  quarter,  it  advanced  into  Et&wa,  and  there  destroyed  the 
village  of  Dehli,  the  strongest  place  in  the  possession  of  the 
infidels.  From  thence,  it  marched  against  Et&wa,  and  besieged 
B&i  Sarwar,^  who  at  length  made  peace,  and  paid  his  annual 
revenue  and  tribute.  The  army  then  proceeded  to  the  country 
of  Ghandaw&r,  which  it  plundered,  and  laid  waste.  It  then 
marched  into  Eatehr,  where  Rai  Singh,  the  possessor  of  that 
country,  paid  further  revenue  and  tribute.  After  that,  Tdju-1 
Mulk  returned  to  the  capital.  In  the  month  of  Rajab,  intelli- 
gence arrived  that  Tdgh&n  Rais  had  a  second  time  broken  out 
into  rebellion,  and  was  besieging  the  fort  of  Sirhind,  and  that  he 
had  overrun  the  country  as  far  as  Mansurpdr  and  B&il.*  Ehizr 
Ehan  again  sent  Malik  Ehairu-d  din  with  an  army  to  over- 

»  Still  "Sabfr"  in  the  MS.,  and  "SaiU"  in  the  TabakdU  Akbari, 
*  See  note  2,  suprd,  p.  49. 


TMMKR't  HUBARAK-SHAHr.  53 

power  him.     He  marched  to  S&m&na,  and  there  united  his  forces 
to  those  of  Majlis-i  'Hi  Zirak  Kh&n.     They  then  went  in  search 
of  the  rebel,  hot  he  being  informed  of  their  approach,  crossed 
the  riyer  Satkdar  (Sntlej),  at  the  town  of  Ludhiy&na,  and  con- 
fronted the  royal  army  from  the  other  side  of  the  river.     But 
the  waters  were  low,  and  the  royal  forces  crossed.     Tugh&n  then 
fled  into  the  country  of  Jasrath  Khokhar.     His  fief  {iktd*)  wa» 
g;iTen  to  Zirak  Eh&n,  and  Malik  Ehairu-d  din  returned  to  Dehli. 
In   824  H.   (1421  a.d.),  Khizr  Eh&n   marched  to  Mewdt* 
Some  of  the  Mew&ttis  joined  him,  and  the  others  were  besieged 
in  the  fortress  of  Kutila  [belonging  to]  Bah&dur  N&hir.    Khizr 
Eh&n  sat  down  against  the  fort,  and  the  Mew&ttis  sallied  forth 
to  fight ;   but  they  were  quickly  defeated,  the  fort  was  taken, 
and  they  fled  to  the  mountains.     After  destroying  the  fort  of 
Kutila,  Khizr  Kh&n  marched  towards  Gw&lior.     On   the  7th 
Muharram,  824  h.  (13th  January,   1421  a.d.),  MaUk  T&ju-l 
Mulk  died,  and  the  office  of  wa^r  was  given  to  his  eldest  son, 
Maliku-sh  Shark  Malik  Sikandar.    When  Khizr  Khdn  arrived 
in  Gw&lior,  his  forces  invested  the  fort,  and  overran  the  country. 
After  realizing  money  and  tribute,  he  proceeded  to  Et&wa.     B&i 
Sarwar  of  Et&wa  was  dead,  and  his  son  being  unable  to  make 
resistance,  paid  his  revenue  and  tribute  money.     Khizr  Kh4n 
was  now  taken  ill^  and  returned  to  Dehli.  On  the  17th  Jum&da-l 
avrwal^  824  h.  (16th  May,  1421  a.d.),  after  reaching  the  city,  he 
died,  and  Gh)d  in  his  mercy  took  him. 

Suttan-i  *azam  wa  Khuddigdn-i  mu'azzam  MuHzzu-d  dunyd 

wathd  din  Mubdrak  Shah} 

Khizr  Kh&n,  three  days  before  his  death,  nominated  his  excel- 
lent and  worthy  son  as  his  heir-apparent.  On  the  19th  Jum&da-l 
awwal,  824,  with  the  approval  of  the  amirs  and  malika^  Mub&rak 

^  Mnbftrak  Sh&h,  like  his  flEdher,  is  in  this  work  rarely  called  Snlt&n.  He  is  com- 
monlj  spoken  of  as  Kkuddwtmd  Jahdn^pandhf  **  the  Lord,  the  asylum  of  the  world." 

'  Briggs  (Firishta,  i.,  612)  sees  in  this  a  proof  of  the  increased  power  of  the 
arittoeracy ;  bat  the  same  terms  haTe  been  used  in  dcNBcribing  the  accession  of  many 
of  Mnbftrak  Sh&h's  predecessors,  and  so  no  inference  can  be  drawn  from  them. 


54  YAHTA*  BIN  AHMAD. 

Sh&h  took  his  seat  upon  the  throne.  Khizr  Kh&n  being  dead, 
the  people  in  general  renewed  their  vows  of  allegiance  to  his 
throne.  The  amirs  and  maliks^  the  imdma^  aaiyufe,  and  koMis^  and 
every  one  else  who  held  appointments  and  emoluments  in  the 
late  reign,  were  confirmed  in  their  iktd\  parganaa,  villages  {dih), 
parcels  of  ground  {kati'\  and  allotments  (rnahdUd)^  by  the  new 
sovereign.  He  even  increased  them  of  his  own  accord.  The 
fiefi  of  the  shikk  of  His&r  Firozah  and  of  H&nsi  were  taken 
from  Malik  Bajab  Nadir  and  given  to  Maliku-sh  Shark  Malik 
Badah,  the  Sult&n's  nephew.  Malik  Bajab  received  the  fief  of 
the  shikk  of  Dib&lpur.  News  now  arrived  of  the  rebellion  of 
Jasrath  Shaikhs  Ehokhar  and  Ttigh&n  Bais. 

The  cause  of  this  outbreak  was,  that  in  823  h.  (1420  A.D.), 
Sult&n  ''AH,  King  of  Kashmir,  led  his  army  into  the  country  of 
Thatta,  but  as  he  returned,  he  was  encountered  by  Jasrath 
Khokhar.  The  Sh&h^s  army  was  scattered,  part  being  still  in 
Thatta,  and  part  having  come  out.  Incapable  of  sustaining  the 
attack,  it  broke  and  fled.  Sh&h  ^Ali  himself  fell  a  prisoner  into 
the  hands  of  Jasrath,  and  all  his  baggage  and  stores  were  plun- 
dered. Jasrath  Khokhar  was  an  imprudent  rustic.  Intoxicated 
with  victory,  and  elated  with  the  strength  of  his  forces,  he  began 
to  have  visions  about  Dehli.  When  he  heard  of  the  death  of 
Khizr  Khdn,  he  passed  the  rivers  Biy&h  and  Satladar  (Sutlej), 
with  a  body  of  horse  and  foot,  and  attacked  B&i  Kamalu-d  din 
Main,  at  Talwandi.  R&i  Firoz  fled  before  him  towards  the 
desert.  Jasrath  next  plundered  the  country,  firom  the  town  of 
Ludhiy&na  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Arubar  (Bup^),  on  the 
Sutlej.  Some  days  after,  he  re-crossed  the  river,  and  proceeded  to 
J&Iandhar.  Zirak  Kh&n  withdrew  into  the  fort,  and  Jasrath 
Khokhar  pitched  his  camp  three  kos  from  the  town,  on  the  bank 
of  the  Beni.  Negociations  went  on  between  them,  and  terms  of 
capitulation  were  agreed  upon  by  both  parties.  The  fort  was  to 
be  evacuated  and  given  into  the  charge  of  Tugh&n.  Majlis-i 
'&li  Zirak  "Kb&n  was  to  take  a  son  of  Tugh&n  to  wait  upon  the 
JSult&n,  and  Jasrath  was  to  send  tribute,  and  return  home.    On 


TARIXH-I  MUBARAE-SHAHr.  66 

the  2nd  Jam&da-I  &khir,  Zirak  Kh&n  oame  out  of  the  fort  of 
J&landhar,  and  was  conducted  to  Jasrath  Khokhar,  who  was 
drawn  up  ready  to  receive  him  with  his  whole  force.  When 
Jasrath  saw  Zirak  Kh&n  in  his  power,  he  forgot  his  promise, 
and  carefiilly  guarding  him,  carried  him  off  a  prisoner  oyer  the 
Sadej,  to  the  town  of  Ludhiy&na.  From  thence  he  marched 
on  the  20th  Jum&da-l  &khir,  to  Sirhind,  wheie  he  arrived  in  the 
middle  of  the  rainy  season.  Malik  Sult&n  Sh&h  Lodi  took 
refbge  m  the  fort,  and  although  Jasrath  made  great  exertions, 
Ood  guarded  the  fortress,  and  Jasrath  &iled  to  take  it.  When 
Malik  Snlt&n  Shih's  appeals  for  assistance  reached  the  ears  of 
the  Sult&n,  he,  notwithstanding  the  rains,  marched  out  of  the 
city  in  the  month  of  Ba^b,  and  proceeded  towards  Sirhind.  He 
reached  the  town  of  Xohila,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  S&m&na, 
and  Jasrath  liearing  of  his  approach,  raised  the  siege  of 
Sirhind,  on  the  27th  Bajab,  and  retreated  to  Ludhiy&na.  He 
released  Majlis-i  'Hi  Zirak  Kh&n,^  who  then  returned  to 
Sin&na,  and  joined  his  sovereign.  The  royal  army  then  ad- 
vanced to  Ludhiy&na,  and  Jasrath  Khokhar  crossed  to  the  other 
side  of  the  river,  where  he  encamped  in  full  view  of  the  Sultan's 
forces.  He  had  got  possession  of  all  the  boats,  so  the  royal 
army  was  unable  to  pass.  For  nearly  forty  days  they  thus 
remained  posted  in  sight  of  each  other,  until  Canopus  rose  and 
the  waters  fell.  The  Sult&n  then  retired  to  Kabtilpur,  and 
Jasrath  Khokhar,  keeping  to  the  bank  of  the  river,  made  a 
similar  movement.  On  the  11th  Shaww&l,  the  king  sent  Sikan- 
dar  Tuh&,  Majlis-i  'tii  Zirak  Kb&n,  Maliku-sh  Shark  Mahmud 
Hasan,  Malik  K&ld,  and  several  other  amirSy  with  a  strong  force 
and  six  elephants,  to  cross  the  river  higher  up  at  Bdpar.  Early 
in  the  morning  they  crossed  the  river  by  a  ford.  On  the  same 
day,  the  king  himself  marched  to  the  place  where  they  had 
crossed.  Jasrath  Khokhar  also,  still  holding  to  the  bank 
of   the  river,   advanced  by  a  parallel   march;    but   when  he 

1  Btdktni  agrees  that  he  was  released,  bat  Firishta  says  he  escaped.     The 
TaitUuU-i  Mbari  simply  says  he  joined  the  Sult&n. 


66  TAHYA  BIN  AHMAD. 

heard  that  some  forces  had  crossed  the  river,  he  was  alarmed, 
and  took  ap  a  position  four  koa  distant  from  the  ford.  The 
Snit&n  then  passed  with  his  whole  army,  and  hastened  to  meet 
him.  As  soon  as  the  royal  forces  came  in  sight,  the  rebels  fled 
without  fighting,  leaving  all  their  baggage  behind.  The  royal 
forces  pursued,  and  many  horse  and  foot  men  were  killed. 
Jasrath  fled  hastily  with  some  light-horse,  to  the  town  of 
J^andhar,  and  on  the  second  day  he  crossed  the  Biy&h.  When 
the  royal  army  reached  the  Biy&h,  he  made  off  to  the  B&vi. 
The  Sult&n  crossed  the  Biy&h  at  the  foot  of  the  hills,  and 
reached  the  B&vi,  near  the  town  of  Bhowa.  He  continued 
his  pursuit  across  the  river,  and  Jasrath  then  went  over  the 
J&nh&va,^  and  proceeded  to  Tekhar,'  in  the  hills.  R&i  Bhim, 
the  chief  of  Jammu,  was  honoured  in  an  interview  with  the 
Sult&n,  and  he  then  undertook  to  act  as  guide.  He  crossed 
the  J&nh&va,  and  conducted  the  royal  army  to  Tekhar,  which 
was  his  [Jasrath  Khokhar's]  '  strongest  place.  They  destroyed 
the  place,  and  made  many  of  those  who  had  there  sought  refuge 
prisoners.  The  royal  army  then  retired  victorious  towards 
L&hor. 

In  Muharram,  8^5  h.  (December,  1421),  the  Sult&n  entered 
the  ruined  city  of  L&hor,^  in  which  no  living  thing  except  the 
owl  of  ill  omen  had  its  abode.  After  a  while  the  Sult&n  turned 
his  attention  to  the  restoration  of  the  city,  and  under  his  royal 
fftvour  building  was  recommenced.  He  stayed  there  encamped 
by  the  side  of  the  B4vi  for  nearly  a  month,  engaged  in  repairing 
the  fort  and  the  gates.  When  this  work  was  completed,  he  gave 
the  fief  of  L&hor  to  Maliku-sh  Shark  Malik  Mahmud  Hasan. 
He  gave  him  also  two  thousand  horse,  and  having  made  pre- 

^  So  in  the  text :  Bad&(ini  has  "  Chhin&o."    The  Ghin&b  is  meant.    See  toI.  iii., 
p.  313. 

*  So  in  the  text :  The  Tabakdt-i  Akbari\i2A  "  Thankar,"  and  Bad&ilni,  <*  Talhar." 
FiriBhta  says,  '*  Beesul/'  but  BiBsiili  is  on  the  R&yI. 

s  TabakdUi  AkbaH, 

*  He  calls  it  ihahr-i  matmun,  "  the  happy  city  " — ^rather  at  yariance  with  his 
description  of  it. 


TA'BrKH.I  MUBA'EAK.SHA'Hr.  67 

paration  for  the  maintenance  of  this  force  and  of  the  fort,  he  left 

them  in  his  charge,  and  then  returned  to  Dehll.     In  Jum&da-l 

ikhir  of  this   same  year,  Jasrath  Shaikhd  crossed  the   rivers 

Jinhava  and  Ravi  with  a  large  force  of  horse  and  foot,  and 

proceeded  to   L&hor.^     He  pitched  his  camp  near  the  place 

(tomb)  of  the  Shaikhu-I  Mashaikh  Shaikh  Hasan  Zanjdni.     On 

the  11th  Jam&da-l  £khir,  an  engagement  was  fought  in  the  mud 

fort  {hisdr^i  khdm)y  and  by  God's  grace  Jasrath  was  repulsed. 

The  royal  forces  came  out  of  the  fort  in  pursuit,  but  did  not 

advance  very  £eu*,  so  that  the  opposing  forces  maintained  their 

respective  positions.     On  the  next  day  Jasrath  held  his  ground, 

bat  on  the  following  day  he  went  down  the   Bdvi.     There 

having  assembled  the  wise  men  Culamd),  he,  on  the  17th  of  the 

month,  fell  back  one  kos  from  L&hor.     On  the  21st  he  returned 

and  again  attacked  the  fort,  but  the  arms  of  Isl&m  were  once 

more  victorious.     The  assailants  were  driven  back  and  pursued, 

and  Jasrath  returned  to  his  army.     In  this  way  for  a  month  and 

five  days   fighting  went  on  outside  the  fort,   but  at  length 

Jasrath  was  compelled  to  retreat  towards  K&l&nor.     B&i  Bhim 

had  come  into  the  fort  of  E&lanor,  with  the  object  of  rendering 

assistance  to  the  royal  forces.     He  had  (already)  excited  the 

enmity  of  Jasrath,  and  when  the  latter  approached,  constant 

fighting  went  on,  but  neither  party  could  prevail.     So  the  strife 

continued;    but  subsequently,  in  the  month  of  Bamaz&n,  they 

made  peace.     Jasrath  then  went  towards  the  Bavi,  and  there  he 

gathered  together  all  the  people  of  the  territory  of  the  Khokhars 

who  were  in  alliance  with  him.     Sikandar  Tuhia  now  arrived 

at  the  ford  of  Biihi  with  a  large  force  to  support  Malik  Mahmud 

Hasan,  who   had    been   sent  by  the  Sult&n   against  Jasrath. 

Unable  to  resist  these  forces,  Jasrath  fled  across  the  B&vi  and 

J&nh&va  with  his  followers,  and  proceeded  to  Tekhar.'    Maliku- 

sh  Shark  crossed  the  Biy&h  at  the  ford  of  Buhi,  and  on  the  12th 

^  **  Shahr'%  maimun  Mubdrak^bdd."    The  name  of  its  restorer  had  thus  been 
gifen  to  the  "  happy  city." 
>  Here  caUed  Telhar. 


58  TAHTA  BIN  AHMAD. 

Shaww&l,  he  arriyed  at  L&hor.  Malik  Mahmud  Haaaii  eame 
three  ko8  out  of  the  fort  to  meet  him. 

Previous  to  this,  Malik  Bajab,  amir  of  D{b&lptir,  Malik  Salt&a 
Shah  Lodi,  amir  of  Sirhind,  and  R&i  Firoz  Main  joined  Malik 
Sikandar.  The  armj  (of  Sikandar  Tuhfa)  marched  along  the 
R&vf,  and  crossed  that  river  between  K&l&nor  and  the  town  of 
Bhoh.  On  reaching  the  confines  of  Jammu,^  thej  were  joined  by 
R&i  Bhim.  After  this,  some  Khokhars  who  had  separated  from 
Jasrath,  at  the  river  of  J&nh&va,  were  defeated,  and  the  army 
returned  to  L&hor.  His  Majesty  now  gave  orders  that  Maliku-sh 
Shark  Mahmtid  Hasan  should  go  to  the  fief  of  J&landhar,  and 
having  got  ready  (his  followers),  should  return  and  join  him. 
Malik  Sikandar  was  placed  in  charge  of  L&hor,  and  in  obedience 
to  the  royal  order,  he  proceeded  with  his  army  into  the  fort.  His 
Majesty  having  recalled  Mahmud  and  the  other  amirs^  removed 
Malik  Sikandar  from  the  office  of  i^azir^  and  appointed  as  his 
successor  Maliku-sh  Shark  Sarwar,  then  governor  of  the  city. 
The  son  of  the  latter  succeeded  him  in  the  office  of  governor. 

In  the  year  826  h.  (1423  a.d.).  His  Majesty  made  ready  his 
army,  and  determined  to  march  towards  Hindust&n.  In  the 
month  of  Muharram  he  entered  the  territory  of  Katehr,  and 
collected  the  revenue  and  taxes  {mdl  o  mahsitl).  At  this  time 
Muh&bat  Kh&n,  who  had  felt  himself  in  danger  from  the 
Sult&n's  fikther  Elhizr  Khdn,  was  admitted  to  an  interview  and 
forgiven.  From  thence,  the  Sult&n  crossed  the  Ganges,  and 
attacked  the  country  of  the  B&htors,  putting  many  of  the  infidels 
to  the  sword.  He  remained  for  some  days  encamped  on  the 
Ganges,  and  then  he  left  Malik  Mub&raz,  Zirak  Kh&n,  and 
Kam&l  Kh&n  vrith  a  detachment  in  the  fort  of  Kampila,  to  put 
down  any  outbreak  of  the  B&htors.  The  son  of  R&i  Sarwar,  who 
had  joined  His  Majesty,  and  had  followed  in  his  retinue,  now 
took  alarm  and  went  off.  Maliku-sh  Shark  Khairu-d  din  Kh&n 
was  sent  in  pursuit  of  him  with  a  strong  force,  but  could  not 

^  Here  called  *'  Jamtin." 


TA'BrKH-I  MUBA'RAK-BHA'Hr.  69 

come  ap  with  him.     He,  however,  plundered  his  ooimtry,  and 
descended  upon  Etdwa.     The  Sult4n  also  marched  and  joined 
Khaim-d  din  in  Etawa,  when  the  infidel  ruler  of  that  country 
shut  himself  up  in  his  fort.     But  he  was  unable  to  hold  out, 
ind  80  this  son  of  B&i  Sarwar  made  his  submission,  and  paid 
the  reyenue  and  tribute  which  was  owing.     His  Majesty  then 
returned  victorious  to   Dehli,   where  he  arrived  in  Jum&da-l 
4khir,  826  h.    Malik  Mahmdd  Hasan  came  in  with  a  large  body 
of  followers  from  his  fief  of  J&landhar  to  wait  upon  the  Sult&n, 
and  was  received  with  great  distinction.     The  office  of  'driz-i 
mamdUk  was  taken  from  Malik  Khairu-d  din  Kh&ni  and  given 
to  Mahmud  Hasan.     This  worthy  and  righteous  man  was  a 
futhful  servant  of  the  Sult&n ;  he  applied  himself  diligently  to 
business,  and  his  dignity  daily  increased.     In  Jum&da-l  awwal 
of  this  same  year,  there  was  fighting  between  Jasrath  Shaikh& 
and  B&i  Bh(m.     The  rdi  was  killed,  and  the  greater  portion  of 
his  horses  and  arms  fell  into  the  hands  of  Jasrath.    On  ascer- 
taining the  death  of  R&i  Bhim,  Jasrath  united  a  small  army  of 
Mughals  with  his  own,  and  attacked  the  territories  of  Dib&lpur 
and  L4hor.      Malik  Sikandar  immediately  marched  after  him, 
but  Jasrath  fell  back,  and  crossed  over  the  J&nh&va.    About  this 
time  intelligence  arrived  of  the  death  of  Malik  'Al&u-l  Mulk, 
amir  of  Mult&n. 

Accounts  were  also  brought  in,  that  Shaikh  ^Al(,^  lieutenant  of 
the  prince  the  son  of  Sar-'atmash,  was  advancing  with  a  large  force 
from  K&bul  to  attack  the  territories  of  Bhakkar  and  Siwist&n. 
To  repulse  this  attack  and  overthrow  the  accursed  invaders,  His 
Majesty  placed  the  districts  of  Mult&n  and  Siwist&n  under  the 
chat^ge  of  Maliku-sh  Shark  M^k  Mahmud  Hasan,  and  he  sent 
him  with  a  large  army,  and  with  all  his  family  and  dependents, 
to  Mult&n.  When  he  arrived  there,  he  restored  tranquillity 
among  the  population,  and  distributing  in'dms^  pensions,  and 
allowances,  he  made  the  people  joyful  and  happy.     The  inhabi- 


1  Firiahta  tap  "  one  of  the  nobles  of  Mixza  8h&h  BuUi,  who  was  established  at 
KibuL" 


60  TAHYA  BIN  AHMAD. 

tants,  both  of  the  city  and  country,  felt  secure.  He  repaired 
the  fort  which  had  been  damaged  in  the  struggles  (hdcUsah)  with 
the  Mughals,  and  he  collected  a  strong  army  around  him. 

News  now  arrived  that  Alp  Kh4n,^  amir  of  Dh&r,  had  marched 
against  the  R&i  of  Gw&lior.  His  Majesty  hastened  thither  with 
a  large  army,  but  when  he  arrived  at  the  district  {khittd)  of 
Bay&na,  the  son  of  Auhad  Kh&n,  amir  of  Bay&na,  who  had 
treacherously  murdered  his  uncle,  Mub4rak  Kh&n,  rebelled 
against  the  Sult&n,  and  destroying  the  fort,  retired  to  the  top  of 
the  hill.  His  Majesty  sat  down  with  his  army  at  the  foot  of  the 
hill,  and  after  a  time,  the  son  of  Auhad  Kh&n,  being  reduced  to 
extremities,  paid  his  revenue  and  tribute,  and  placed  his  neck  in 
the  collar  of  obedience.  His  Majesty  then  continued  his  march 
towards  Gw&lior  against  Alp  Kh&n.  This  chief  held  the  fords 
of  the  Oliambal,  but  another  ford  was  accidentally  found,  and 
the  royal  army  passed  over.  Malik  Mahmud  Hasan  and  some 
other  amirs^  and  the  Mew&ttis,  and  Nusrat  E^&n,  with  their 
horse  and  foot,  plundered  the  baggage  of  Alp  Kh&n,  and  brought 
many  of  his  men,  both  horse  and  foot,  back  as  prisoners.  His 
Majesty  considering  that  both  parties  were  Musulm&ns,  spared 
the  lives  of  the  prisoners  and  set  them  free.  Next  day.  Alp 
£h&n  sent  messengers  to  His  Majesty  to  make  proposals  of  peace. 
The  Sult&n  seeing  that  he  was  reduced  to  a  state  of  impotence, 
consented  to  make  peace,  on  condition  of  Alp  Kh&n  sending  in 
tribute  and  retiring  from  Gw&lior.  On  the  following  day.  Alp 
£h&n  forwarded  his  tribute,  and  marched  back  towards  Dh&r. 
His  Majesty  remained  for  some  time  encamped  on  the  banks  of 
the  Ghambal,  levying  revenue  and  taxes  from  the  infidels  of  the 
neighbourhood  according  to  old  custom,  after  which  he  returned 
to  Dehli,  where  he  arrived  in  Bajab,  827  H.,  and  devoted  himself 
to  the  business  of  the  State. 


1  Our  MS.  and  Bad&tini  give  the  name  as  "  Alb  (Alp)  Ehftn,  bat  the  TtthakdU 
Akbari  has  *'  Alaf  Kh&n  "  (which  is  a  common  error  for  **  Ulugh  Eh&n  *'),  and  adds 
that  he  was  known  as  **  Snlt&n  Ht^shang."  Firishta  calls  him,  **  Sult&n  HAshang, 
prince  (im/Q  of  Halwa." 


TABfEH-I  MUBARAK-SHAHr.  61 

In  MaharraiD,  828  h.  (November,  1424),  His  Majesty  resolved 
on  going  to  Katehr.  On  reaching  the  banks  of  the  Ganges,  B&i 
Har  Singh  came  to  pay  his  respects,  and  was  received  with  great 
condescension ;  but  as  he  had  not  paid  his  taxes  (mahsiir)  for 
three  years,  he  was  detained  for  a  while.^  The  royal  army  then 
crossed  the  Ganges,  and  having  chastised  the  recusants  of  the 
ndghbourhood,  proceeded  to  the  hills  of  Kum&yun.  There  it 
stayed  for  a  time,  but  when  the  weather  became  hot,  it  marched 
homewards  by  the  banks  of  the  Bahab.  Crossing  the  Ganges  at 
Gang,  the  intention  was  to  march  to  Kanauj ;  but  there  was  a 
terrible  fSamine  in  the  cities  of  Hindust&n,  and  consequently 
the  army  advanced  no  farther.  News  was  brought  that  the 
Mewattis  had  broken  out  into  rebellion,  so  the  Sult4n  marched 
into  Mew&t,  which  he  ravaged  and  laid  waste.  The  Mewattis 
having  driven  off  all  the  population,^  took  refuge  in  [the 
mountains  of]  Jahra,  which  was  their  great  stronghold.  This 
place  was  impregnable,  and  grain  and  fodder  were  scarce,  so  the 
Salt&n  returned  to  Dehli.  He  arrived  there  in  the  month  of 
Bajab,  and  took  up  his  abode  in  the  palace.  The  amirs  and 
maliks  were  dismissed  to  their  own  estates,  and  the  Sultan  gave 
himself  np  to  relaxation  and  pleasure. 

In  829  H.  (November,  1425),  he  again  marched  against  Mew£t. 
Jallu  and  Eladdu,^  grandsons  of  Bah&dur  N&hir,  and  several 
Mew&ttis  who  had  joined  them,  laid  waste  their  own  territories, 
and  took  up  a  position  in  the  mountains  of  Andwar.  They  were 
attacked  for  several  days  by  the  royal  forces,  who  drove  them 
out  of  Andwar,  and  then  they  went  to  the  mountains  of  Alwar. 
Next  day  His  Majesty  destroyed  the  fortified  post  of  Andwar, 
and  marched  against  Alwar.     When  Jallu  and  Kaddu  posted 

*  The  Tdhakdt'i  Akbari  is  more  explicit :  **  In  consequeDce  of  the  balances 'due  for 
three  years,  he  was  kept  for  some  days  in  confinement ;  but  then  having  paid  the 
monejf  he  was  set  at  liberty." 

*  *^HaTiDg  laid  waste  and  depopulated  their  country." — Tabakdt-i  Akbari, 
»  Tttbakdt'i  AkbaH. 

*  The  Tabakdt'%  Akbari  and  Firishta  agree  in  these  names.    For  the  first  of  these 
nuD«B  our  MS.  gives  ^^Khalk:* 


it 


62  TAHTA  BIN  AHMAD. 

themselres  there,  the  royal  forces  followed  them.  At  length 
they  were  reduced  to  distress,  and  were  compelled  to  surrender. 
His  Majesty  granted  them  quarter,  and  afterwards  graciously 
gave  Kaddu  a  reception.^ 

•"The  Sult&n  having  wasted  the  country  of  Mew&t, 
"  returned  home.  Fourteen  months  afterwards,  on  the 
*'llth  Muharram,  830  H.  (12th  November,  1426  a.d.), 
*^he  proceeded  to  Mew&t,  and  after  punishing  the  dis- 
"  affected  in  that  quarter,  he  marched  to  Bay&na.  Mu- 
"hammad  Kh&n,  son  of  Auhad  Kh&n,  ruler  of  Bay&na, 
retired  to  the  top  of  the  hill,  and  for  sixteen  days  kept 
up  his  resistance.  Some  of  his  men  joined  the  Sult&n, 
"  and  when  he  could  no  longer  hold  out,  he  came  forth  from 
"  the  fort  in  the  month  of  Rabi^u-1  &khir,  with  a  rope  round 
"his  neck,  and  made  his  submission.  The  horses  and 
arms  and  goods  of  all  sorts  which  were  in  the  fort,  he 
offered  as  tribute.  By  order  of  the  Sult&n,  his  family 
"  and  dependents  were  brought  out  of  the  fortress  and  sent 
"to  Dehli.  Bay&na  was  given  to  Mukbil  Kh&n.  Sikn, 
"  which  is  now  known  as  Fathpur,  was  entrusted  to  Malik 
"Khairu-d  dm  Tuhfa.  His  Majesty  then  proceeded  to- 
"  wards  Gw&lior.  The  Ral  of  Gwdlior  and  [the  Rdis]  of 
"Bhangar  and  Ghandaw&r,  made  no  resistance,  but  paid 
"  their  revenue  according  to  the  old  rule. 

"  The  Sult&n  returned  to  Dehli  in  the  month  Jum&da-l 

"awwal.      He  then  changed    the    territory  of   Mahmud 

"  Hasan,  giving  him  charge  of  His&r  Firozah,  and  trans- 

"ferring   Mult&n  to   Malik    Bajab   N&dira.      Muhammad 

£h&n    [son  of  Auhad  Kh&n]    having  escaped  with  his 

family,  fled  to  Mew&t,   where   several  of  his   scattered 


4( 
4« 


44 
44 


^  The  Tabakdt-i  Akbari  and  FiriBhta  agree  in  saying  that  he  (or  they)  were 
imprisoned. 

'  The  MS.  is  deficient  in  making  no  mention  of  the  year  830.  A  lacana  occurs 
jnst  at  this  point,  as  cTidenced  by  the  abrupt  wording  of  the  MS.,  and  by  the 
omission  of  all  account  of  certain  events  recorded  by  other  writers.  What  follows, 
marked  by  inyerted  commas,  is  taken  from  the  Tabakdt'i  Akbari, 


TA&rKH-I  MUBAEAK-SHAHr.  63 

''  followera  rejoined  him.  There  he  learnt  that  Malik  Mukbil 
*^[the  governor]  had  marched  with  his  armj  towards 
^'Mah&wan,  leaving  Malik  Khaim-d  din  Tahfa  in  the  fort, 
^^and  the  town  empty  [of  soldiers].  Muhammad  Kh&n 
'^seized  the  opportunity,  and  being  supported  by  several 
*'  tamknddrs  of  Bay&na,  he  went  there  with  a  small  force. 
''  Most  of  the  people  of  the  town  and  country  joined  him. 
'*  Unable  to  hold  the  fort,  Malik  £hairu-d  din  capitulated, 
**  and  went  to  Dehli. 

^^Mubdrak  Shah  then  gave  Bay&na  to  Malik  Mub&riz, 

''and  sent  him  against  Muhammad  Kh&n.     The  rebel  shut 

''  himself  up  in  the  fort,  and  Mub&riz  took  possession  of  the 

'*  country  and  began  to  manage  it.     Muhammad  Kh&n  then 

''  left  a  party  of  his  adherents  in  the  fort,  while  he  himself 

'^  escaped,  and  with  all  speed  went  to  join  Sult&n  Ibr&him 

^'  Sharki.     Sult&n  Mubarak  Sh&h  summoned  Malik  Mub&riz 

"  to  his  presence  to  account  for  the  escape  of  Muhammad 

''Kh4n,  and  marched  in  person  against  Bay&na.     On  his 

"  way,  a  letter  reached  him  from  £&dir  Kh&n,  the  governor 

"  of  K&lpi,  informing  him  that  Sult^  Ibrdhim  Sharki  was 

''  coming  up  against  £alpi  with  a  strong  force.     The  Sult&n 

''therefore  deferred  his  march  to  Bay&na,  and  turned  to 

"meet  Sultdn  Ibr&him  Sharki.     Meanwhile  the  forces  of 

"Sharki  had  attacked  the  town  of  Bhtikanu, ^   and  were 

marching  upon   Bad&un.     Sult&n   Mub&rak   Sh&h  then 

crossed   the  Jumna,  and  attacked  the  viUage  of  Haroli, 

"one  of  the  well-known  places  of  Maw&s.     From  thence 

"he  proceeded  to  Atroli." 

His  Majesty  was  now  informed  that  Mukhtass  Kh&n,  brother 

of  Sharki,  had  entered  into  the  territory  of  Et&wa  with  a  large 

army  and  many  elephants.    He  immediately  sent  off  Maliku-sh 

Shark  Mahmud  Hasan,  with  ten  thousand  brave  and  experienced 

horsemen,  afrainst  Mukhtass  Khan.     The  malik  marched  with 

^  Firiflhta  agrees  ^th  this  reading,  but  Bad&dni  has  Bh6n-k&niUi. 


4( 
it 


64  TAHYA'  BIN  AHMAD. 

this  force,  and  came  to  the  place  where  the  Sharki  army  was 
encamped.  When  Mukhtass  £h&n  heard  of  his  approach,  he 
retreated,  and  joined  [Ibr&h{m  Sh&h]  Sharki.  Malik  Mahmdd 
Hasan  remained  there  some  days,  seeking  to  take  his  opponents 
unawares ;  but  they  were  on  the  alert,  and  he  could  not  find  an 
opportunity.  He  then  returned  and  joined  his  own  army.^ 
[Ibr&him  Sh&h]  Sharki  now  advanced  along  the  banks  of  the 
Blackwater^  to  Burh&n&b&d,  in  the  district  of  Et&wa.  His 
Majesty  marched  against  him  from  AtroU,  and  arrived  at  the 
town  of  Pdyin-kotah,'  where  the  two  armies  were  only  a  short 
distance  apart.  When  Shark!  saw  the  magnificence  and  the 
bravery  of  His  Majesty,  and  the  strength  of  his  army,  he 
retreated  in  the  month  of  Jum&da-l  awwal,  and  went  towards 
the  town  of  R&prf.  There  he  crossed  the  Jumna  to  Gudrang, 
and  marching  on,  he  encamped  on  the  river  of  Katehr.  His 
Majesty  crossed  the  Jumna  at  Chandawar  in  pursuit,  and  en- 
camped four  ko8  distant  from  the  enemy.  The  royal  skirmishers 
made  constant  attacks  upon  all  points,  and  carried  off  prisoners, 
cattle,  and  horses.  About  twenty  days  passed  in  this  manner, 
the  two  armies  being  in  close  proximity.  On  the  17th  Jum&da-l 
&kliir,  Sharki  drew  up  all  his  forces,  horse  and  foot  and  elephants, 
in  battle  array.  His  Majesty,  Maliku-sh  Shark  Sarwaru-1 
Mulk,  Saiyid  Sdlim  chief  of  the  saiyids,  and  several  other 
great  amirs,  remained  in  the  camp  in  safety,  and  some  others 
were  sent  against  the  enemy,  such  as  Maliku-sh  Shark  Malik 
Mahmud  Hasan,  and  Kh&n-i  'azam  Fath  Kh&n  son  of  Sult^ 
Muzaffar,  Majlis-i  ^&Ii  Zirak  Kb&n,  Maliku-sh  Shark  Sult&n 
Sh&h,  who  had  lately  received  the  title  of  Isl&m  Kh&n,  Malik 
Jaman,  grandson  of  the  late  Kh&n-i  Jah&n,  K&lu  Kh&ni, 
master  of  the  elephants,  Malik  Ahmad  Tuhfa,  and  Malik 
Mukbil  Khdn.  The  battle  began  and  went  on  from  midday  till 
evening,  but  as  night  fell,  the   combatants   withdrew  to  their 

*  That  is,  the  royal  anny. 

*  ''A'b-i  siydh;'  meaning  the  Kfelinadi. 

3  The  Tabakdt'i  AkbaH  has  <*  M&ll-kona,"  and  Firiehta  ''  M&likota." 


TARrKH-I  MUBARAE-SHAHr.  65 

respective   positions.      Neither  side   turned    their   backs,  but 
remained  fighting  till  the  last.     There  were  many  wounded  in 
the  army  of  Shark!,  so  that  when  next  day  he  saw  the  strength 
of  the  royal  forces,  he  retreated  towards  the  Jumna.     On  the 
17th    Jnm&da-l    &khir,   he   crossed   from    Oudrang  to   Rdpri, 
tod  from  thence  marched  to   his   own   country.     The   Sultan 
pursued  him  to    Oudrang;   but  as    the    combatants  on   both 
sides  were    Musulm&ns,   His   Majesty  yielded  to    the    inter- 
cession  Oil  his   nobles,   and   gave  up  the   pursuit.     He  then 
marched    to    Hath-kdnt,   where    he    took   revenue    and    taxes 
and  tribute,  according  to  old  custom,  from  the  B&i  of  Gw&lior, 
and  other  rdis.     Turning  homewards,  he  proceeded  along  the 
Chambal,  and  entered  Bay&na.     Muhammad  Kh&a  Auhadi  had 
joined  Shark!,  and  consequently  being  afraid,  he  shut  himself  up 
in  the  fort.     The  Sult&n  invested  the  fort,  which  was  very  lofty 
and  strong,  and  was  deemed  impregnable.      But  the  garrison 
was  unable  to  make  a  successful   defence ;   their  hands   were 
powerless  against  the  assailants,  and  their  feet  were  unable  to 
flee.     So  they  were  compelled  to  capitulate  and  ask  for  mercy. 
His  Majesty,  ftill  of  royal  mercy  and  compassion  for  Musulm^ns, 
forbore  to  punish  Muhammad  Kh&n,  and  granted  him  forgive- 
ness.     He  directed  his  forces  to  remove  from  the  fort,  and  on 
the  26th  Bajab  he  marched  out  with  his  followers,  and  went  off 
towards  Mewdt.      His  Majesty  remained  there  for  some  days 
to  set  in  order  the  wasted  city ;  then  he  took  effectual  care  to 
preserve  the  district  and  fortress,  by  appointing  as  their  governor 
Malik  Mahmud,  who  had  exhibited  great  resolution  and  loyalty 
m  the  government  and  protection  of  provinces,  and  had  success- 
fully accomplished  many  great  duties.     Thus,  in  the  beginning 
of  the  reign,  he  had  fought  against  Jasrath  Khokhar ;  and  when 
he  held  the  command  at  L&hor,  he  had  successfully  contended 
^inst  the  prince-deputy  of  the  Prince  of  Khur&s&n,^  and  had 
prevented  him  from  coming  to  Mult&n.     He  was  now  appointed 
to  command  the  fort  of  Bay&na,  and  to  manage  the  territory, 

1  The  general  of  Sh&h  Bukb. 

TOL,  IT.  6 


66  YAHYA  BIN  AHMAD. 

and  that  iktd^  and  all  its  dependencies  were  placed  onder  his 
charge. 

His  Majesty  then  departed  homewards,  and  proceeding  along 
the  banks  of  the  Jumna,  he  reached  Dehli  on  the  15th  Sha'b&n, 
831  H.  (30th  April,  1428  a.d.),  and  took  up  his  residence  in 
Siri.  Then  dismissing  the  amirs  and  maliks  to  their  fiefe,  he 
gave  himself  up  to  pleasure  and  enjoyment.  ♦  ♦  *  In  the  month 
of  Shaww&l,  he  seized  Kaddu  the  Mew&ttf,  for  having  allied 
himself  to  Sult&n  [Ibr&him  Sharki],  and  for  having  kept  up  a 
correspondence  with  him :  afterwards  he  had  him  put  to  death 
privately.  His  Majesty  then  sent  Malik  Sarwaru-1  Mulk  with 
an  army  to  Mewdt,  to  repress  the  turbulence  of  the  people  and 
settle  the  country.  The  inhabitants  laid  waste  several  of  their 
towns  and  villages,  places  flourishing  in  the  desert,  and  then 
retreated  into  the  mountains.  Jal&l  Kh&n  brother  of  Malik 
Kaddu,  and  some  other  chiefs,  including  Ahmad  £hdn,  Malik 
Fakhru-d  din,  and  several  other  maliks  related  to  them,  collected 
all  their  horsemen  and  footmen,  and  assembled  in  the  fort  of 
Alwar.  When  Malik  Sarwaru4  Mulk  sat  down  against  the 
fort,  the  besieged  saw  that  it  was  hopeless  to  resist,  so  they  made 
proposals  for  peace,  engaging  to  give  hostages  for  the  payment 
of  their  revenue.  In  accordance  with  this  engagement,  having 
received  the  revenue  {mdl)^  taxes  (mahsiil)^  and  hostages, 
Sarwaru-1  Mulk  returned  with  his  army  to  Dehli. 

In  the  month  of  Zi-1  kaMa,  intelligence  was  brought  that 
Jasrath  Khokhar  had  besieged  the  town  of  Kdlanor.  Maliku-sh 
Shark  Malik  Sikandar  Tuhfa  marched  from  L&hor  to  relieve  the 
place ;  but  Jasrath,  quitting  his  position  before  K&I&nor,  advanced 
some  ko8  to  meet  him.  A  battle  followed,  in  which  Jasrath  was 
victorious ;  Malik  Sikandar  retreated  with  his  forces  to  L&hor. 
Jasrath  passing  by  Kal&nor,  crossed  the  Biydh,  and  attacked 
Jdlandhar  ;  but  the  place  was  strong,  and  he  was  unable  to  take 
it,  so  he  retreated  to  K&l&nor,  carrying  off  the  people  of  the 
neighbourhood  as  prisoners.  When  His  Majesty  was  informed  of 
these  occurrences,  he  ordered  Zirak  Kh&n,  amir  of  Sdm&na,  and 


TARrXH-I  MUBARAK-SHAHr.  67 

hl&m  Kh4n,  amir  of  Sirhind,  to  unite  their  forces  and  advance 
to  reinforce  Malik  Sikandar.  But  before  they  reached  Ldhor^ 
Malik  Sikandar  had  gone  to  Kdl&nor,  and  there  unitinii^  with 
his  own  forces  all  the  horse  and  foot  belonging  to  R&i  Gh&lib  of 
tiiat  town,  he  marched  after  Jasrath,  and  met  him  near  K&ngra, 
on  the  banks  of  the  Biydh.  Both  armies  drew  up  in  battle 
array,  and  the  fight  began.  The  forces  of  Isl&m  were  victorious. 
Jasrath  being  defeated,  all  the  spoils  which  he  had  gained  at 
J&Iandhar  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors,  and  he  retreated  to 
Tekhar.     Malik  Sikandar  then  returned  to  L&hor. 

In  Maharram,  832  h.  (October,  1428  a.d.),  Maliku-sh  Shark 
MahmM  Hasan  having  suppressed  the  rebellion  which  Muham- 
mad £h&n  Auhadi  had  stirred  up  among  the  infidels  of  Baydna^ 
he  quitted  that  district  and  went  to  wait  upon  His  Majesty  in 
Dehli.  He  was  received  with  great  favour,  and  the  fief  of  His&r 
Firozah  was  granted  to  him. 

His  Majesty  determined  to  march  into  the  mountains  of 
Mew&t,  and  the  royal  camp  was  pitched  at  the  top  of  the  Hauz-i 
hhds$.  The  amirs  and  malika  from  all  parts  of  the  country  joined 
it  Marching  from  thence,  the  Sult&n  proceeded  to  the  palace 
of  Hindw&rf,  and  rested  there  for  a  while.  Jal&l  Kh&n,  Mew&tti. 
and  other  Mew&ttis,  being  reduced  to  extremities,  brought  in  the 
money,  contributions,  and  tribute  according  to  old  rule,  and 
some  of  them  were  granted  the  honour  of  paying  homage.  In 
the  month  of  Shaww&l,  the  royal  standards  returned  safe  and 
victorious  to  the  capital.  Nothing  else  of  importance  was  dona 
this  year.  About  this  time,  intelligence  was  received  of  the 
death  of  MaUk  Bajab  Nddira,  amir  of  Mult&n,  and  the  fief  of 
Mult&n  was  restored  to  Maliku-sh  Shark  Mahmud  Hasan,  who 
received  the  title  of 'Imadu-1  Mulk,  and  was  sent  to  Mult&n 
with  a  large  army. 

In  the  year  833  h.  (1429-30),  the  Sultdn  led  his  army  to 
6w&lior,  and  passed  through  the  country  of  Baydna.  Having 
punished  the  rebels  of  Gwdlior,  he  proceeded  to  Hathkdnt.  The 
B&i  of  Hathk&nt  was  defeated,  and  he  fled  into  the  mountains 


68  YAHYA'  BIN  AHMAD. 

of  J&Ih&r.  His  country  was  pillaged  and  laid  waste,  and  many 
of  its  infidel  inhabitants  were  made  prisoners.  From  thence  the 
army  proceeded  to  R&pri,  and  the  fief  of  R&pri  was  taken  from 
the  son  of  Hasan  Elh&n  and  given  to  Malik  Hamza.  The  army 
then  returned  to  the  capital  in  the  month  of  Bajab.  During  the 
march,  Saiyid  S&lim  wa«  attacked  by  illness  and  died.  His 
body  was  placed  in  a  coffin,  and  carried  to  Dehli  with  all  speed, 
and  buried.  Saiyid  S&lim  was  [for  thirty  years,  one  of  the 
great  nobles  in  the  service  of]^  the  late  Khizr  Kh&n,  and  he 
held  many  fiefs  (iktu'a)  and  parganas  in  the  Dodb,  besides  the 
fort  of  Tabarhindh  (Sirhind).  His  Majesty  had  also  granted  to 
him  the  khitta  of  Sarsuti  and  the  iktd*  of  Amroha.  The  late 
Saiyid  was  a  very  avaricious  man,  and  in  the  course  of  time 
had  amassed  an  immense  sum  of  money,  and  vast  quantities  of 
grain  and  stufis  in  the  fort  of  Tabarhindh  (Sirhind).  After 
his  death,  all  the  iktd^s  and  parganas  were  given  to  his  sons. 
The  eldest  son  received  the  title  of  Saivid  Kh&n,  and  the  other 
was  entitled  Shuj&'u-l  mnlk.  In  the  month  of  Shaww&l,  Pfilad 
Turk-bacha,  slave  of  Saiyid  Salim,  came  into  the  fort  of  Tabar- 
hindh, at  the  instigation  of  the  Saiyid's  sons,  and  there  began  to 
prepare  for  rebellion.  His  Majesty  imprisoned  the  Saiyid^s  two 
sons,  and  sent  Yusuf  Sarub  and  H&i  Hansu  Bhatti,  to  conciliate 
the  above-mentioned  Pul&d,  and  to  get  possession  of  the  late 
Sai)nd's  wealth.  When  they  came  near  the  fort  of  Tabarhindh, 
on  the  first  day,  Puidd  met  them  and  conferred  with  them  in 
the  most  friendly  way ;  he  also  sent  them  provisions,  and  made 
them  feel  at  ease.  Next  day  he  sallied  out  of  the  fort  with  his 
men,  and  made  a  sudden  attack^  upon  them.  Malik  Yusuf  and 
R&i  Hansu  were  informed  of  his  treachery,  and  made  their 
forces  ready  to  meet  him.  Although  the  tnalik'^s  men  were  all 
covered  with  iron,  yet  they  could  not  stand  before  the  infamous 
Pul&d.^     At  the  first  onset  they  were  scattered  like  drops,  and 

*  These  words,  wanting  in  the  MS.,  are  taken  from  the  TabakdUi  Akhari. 
^  *'  Shab'khun**    Etymologically  this  means  a  night  attacky  and  is  bo  explained  by 
the  Dictionaries,  but  it  seems  to  be  used  for  any  sudden  onslaught. 
3  FuMd  01  fUdd  means  tteel. 


TARIKH-I  MUBABAE-SHAHr.  69 

he  parsaed  them  for  a  parasang.  Then  he  returned  and  took 
possession  of  theu-  baggage,  tents,  money,  goods,  and  whatever 
they  had  left  behind  them. 

The  Snlt&n,  when  he  heard  of  this,  was  much  affected,  and 
started  for  Tabarhindh.    He  arrived  at  Sarsuti,  where  the  amira 
and  maliks  of  those  parts  joined  the  royal  standard.     Pul&d  had 
made  many  preparations  for  the  siege,  and  had  strengthened 
lumself  in  the  fort.      Majlis-i  'dli  Zirak  Khan,  Malik  K&lu, 
keeper  of  the  elephants,  Isl&m  Khdn  and  Eamdl  Ehdu  invested 
the  fort.     Maliku-sh  Shark  'Imddu-1  Mulk,  amir  of  M ult&n,  was 
summoned  to  come  &om  Mult&n  and  advise  upon  the  suppression 
of  Pul&d''8  rebellion.      In   the  month   of  Zi-1   hijja,  'Im&du-l 
Mulk  left  his  army  in  Multdn,  and  proceeded  hastily^  to  Sarsuti 
with  a  small  party,  where  he  was  admitted  to  an  interview.     But 
before  this,  Pulad  had  said  to  himself  that  he  could  depend  upon 
the  promise  and  protection  of  'Imadu-1  Mulk,  and  that  if  through 
him  he  could  gaiu,  his  object,  he  (Pul&d)  would  return  to  his 
obedience,  and  would  hope  for  the  honour  of  being  received  into 
the  royal  presence.    ^Imad'u-1  Mulk  was  sent  forward  to  Tabar- 
hindh to  excite  hia  expectations.     Ptil&d  caEme  out  of  the  fort, 
and  had  an  interview  with  'Imadu-1  Mulk  and  Malik  Kdlu  in 
front  of  the  gate.*     '^  Pul&d,  however,  talked  and  made  state. 
**  ments,  but  determined  to  persevere  in   his   revolt.^    So 
**  'Im&da-l  Mulk  returned  unsuccessful.     In  the  month  of 
'^  Safar,  the  Sult&n  ordered  'Im&du-l  Mulk  back  to  Mult&n, 
*•*  and  he  himself  returned  to  Dehli. 

1  The  word  used  is  **jarrdra"  to  which  the  Dictionaries  give  the  meaning  of  "  a 
nnmeroitt  or  encumbered  army."  In  a  preyious  passage  it  seemed  to  have  the 
mwining  of  ea^fress,  quick  ;  and  that  is  clearly  the  meaning  of  it  here.    The  whole 

pMsage  rum  v^^^ju^^p-U   Sj^jS^   isJU\d^  ^^cL*  jJ  jjb  J^y>-   U/^1 
j^J     <>-*»-*  ^Ja^  J  J  SJtJjut     It "  evidently  equiyalent  to  jarida, 

'  Here  again  there  is  a  break  in  the  MS.  What  foUows,  marked  with  inverted 
eommas,  is  from  the  Tabakdi-i  Akbari, 

*  Bad&i!in{  is  more  explicit.  He  says,  P61&d  "  came  out  and  saw  'Im&du-l  Mulk, 
but  be  did  not  feel  assured ;  so  being  afraid,  he  went  back  to  the  fort,  and  continued 
the  war." 


70  YAHYA  BIN  AHMAD. 

''  The  Sult&n  left  Isl&m  Eh&n,  Eam&l  Kh&n,  and  B&i 
^'  Firoz  Main  to  carry  on  the  siege  of  Tabarhindh.  ^Im&du-l 
^'  Mulk  instructed  these  officers  as  to  the  siege  operations, 
''  and  then  departed  for  Mult&n.  Pul&d  held  out  for  six 
"  months.  He  then  sent  a  sum  of  money  by  the  hands  of 
''  some  trusty  adherents  to  Shaikh  ''AI{  Beg,  «t  E&bul, 
''  soliciting  his  assistance.^  In  the  month  of  Jum&da-l 
*'  aww&I,  Shaikh  'All  went  to  Tabarhindh.  When  he  came 
''  within  ten  koe  distance,  Isl&m  Eh&n,  Kam&l  Kh&n,  and 
'^  all  the  other  amirs  abandoned  the  siege,  and  went  to  their 
''  own  homes.  Pul&d  then  came  out  of  the  fort,  and  had 
"  an  interview  with  Shaikh  'AH,  to  whom  he  paid  the  two 
''  iocs  of  iankas  he  had  promised.  Shaikh  'All,  taking  with 
''  him  the  family  of  Pul&d,  started  on  his  return.  Passing 
^'  through  J&landbar,  he  went  to  L4hor.  There  Malik 
''  Sikandar  gave  him  the  money  which  he  paid  to  him 
"  annually,  and  sent  him  away.  From, thence.  Shaikh  '*Ali 
"  proceeded  to  Talw&ra,  and  endeavoured  to  destroy  it. 
"  'Imddu-1  Mulk  now  marched  to  Tulamba,  in  order  to 
"'  oppose  him,  and  Shaikh  'Ali  not  being  strong  enough  to 
'*  meet  him,  went  off  to  Khatibpiir.  Orders  how  arrived 
'^  for  'Im&du-l  Mulk  to  leave  Tulamba  and  go  to  Mult&n. 
"  On  the  24th  Sha'b&n,  he  accordingly  proceeded  to  Mult&n, 
^'  and  Shaikh  'Ali  being  emboldened,  crossed  the  "R&vl  at 
*'  Ehatibpur,  and  laying  all  waste  along  the  banks  of  the 
"  Jhilam,  which  is  well  known  as  the  Jin&b  (Chin&b),* 
''  advanced  towards  Mult&n.  When  he  arrived  at  a  villaxre  a 
^'  ko8  distant  from  Mult&n,  'Im&du-l  Mulk  sent  out  Sult&n 
^'  Sh&h  Lodi  uncle  of  Bahlol  Lodi  to  oppose  him.  This 
"  officer  met  his  enemy  unexpectedly,  and  was  killed.  His 
'^  army  was  put  to  flight,  and  the  men  returned  in  small 


1  "  Shaikh  'Ali,  Mughal  goyernor  of  K&bul  on  the  part  of  Sh&h  Bokh  Mirza." 
— Bad&iSni  and  Firishta. 

'  Such  is  the  extraordinary  statement  «f  the  text,  and  Firishta  copies  it. 


TAKrKH-I  MUBABAE-SHAHf.  71 

"  parties  to  Mult&n.  On  the  3rd  Bamaz&n,  the  Shaikh  occn- 
''  pied  Khair&b&d,  near  MuIt&n."  On  the  25th  of  Bamaz&u,^ 
Shaikh  'Ali  advanced  with  all  his  forces  against  the  gates  of 
Molt&n,  to  make  an  assault ;  but  the  troops  of  'Im&du-l  Mulk 
and  the  citizens  sallied  forth  to  meet  him.  A  fight  took  place 
in  the  gardens,  and  the  assailants  were  drir^  back,  with  the 
loss  of  all  the  prorisions  they  had  brought  with  them.  On 
the  27th  Itamaz&n,  they  again  made  an  attack  in  great  force. 
Dismounting  his  horsemen,  in  order  to  push  through  the  gates  of 
the  city,  'Im&du»l  Mulk  fell  upon  them  with  his  horse  and  foot, 
and  they,  unable  to  support  his  attack,  retreated.  Some  were 
killed,  and  some  succeeded  in  falling  back  to  the  main  body. 
Being  thus  again  defeated,  they  dared  not  make  any  further 
attack  upon  the  place. 

When  the  report  of  these  events  reached  the  ears  of  the 
8alt&n,  he  sent  Majlis-i  ''&li  Khan-i  'azam  Fath  Kh&n  son  of 
Sult&n  Muzaffar  6ujar4t{,  Majlis-i  'dU  Zirak  Kh&n,  Malik  K&ld 
keeper  of  the  elephants,  £h&n-i  'azam  Isl&m  Khan,  Malik  Ydsuf 
Sarwaru-1  Mulk,  £hdn-i  'azam  £41  Kh&n,  and  B&i  Hansu  £hul 
Chain  Bhatti  with  a  large  army,  to  reinforce  Maliku-sh  Shark 
'Im&du-l  Mulk.  On  the  26th  Shaww&l,  this  army  arrived  in 
the  khitta  of  Mult&n,  and  remained  encamped  for  some  days. 
On  Friday,  the  3rd  Zi-1  ka^da,  it  marched,  and  approaching  the 
prayer-house  (namdz'gdh)^  endeavoured  to  enter  the  Mtila  of 
'A1&-1  Mulk.  Shaikh  'Ali  was  informed  of  this,  and  he  drew 
up  all  his  horse  and  foot  in  opposition.  The  royal  forces  also 
were  marshalled  ready  for  the  fight.  Maliku-sh  Shark  ''Im&du-l 
Mulk  was  in  the  centre ;  Majlis-i  'ali  Fath  Kh&n,  Malik  Ydsuf, 
and  Bdi  Hansd  on  the  right;  and  Majlis-i  ^&li  Zirak  Khan, 
Malik  Kalu,  Kh&n-i  ^azam  Isl&m  Kh&n,  and  Kh&n-i  'azam 
ELam&l  Elhan  on  the  left.  At  the  sight,  even  from  a  distance, 
of  the  approach  of  the  royal  forces,  the  hearts  of  the  enemy 
wavered ;  and  when  the  brave  warriors  made  a  general  charge  on 

1  The  Tabakdt'%  Akbari  places  this  event  on  the  <<  4th  '*  of  the  month,  and  the 
following  one  on  the  «*  27th." 


72  YAHYA  BIN  AHMAD. 

them,  they  broke  and  fled.  So  precipitate  was  their  flight,  that 
they  never  looked  behind  them.  Several  of  their  generals  were 
killed  endeavouring  to  escape,  and  the  rest  of  the  army  took 
refuge  in  the  fortification  which  had  been  raised  round  the 
baggage.  The  victorious  army  pressed  on  to  the  fortifications, 
and  the  enemy,  unable  to  withstand  the  attack,  were  driven  into 
the  Jhilam.  Many  were  drowned,^  and  those  who  escaped  the 
waves  were  killed  or  made  prisoners.  H&ji  Kdr  was  wounded, 
and  perished  among  the  drowned.  Shaikh  ^Ali  and  Amir 
Muzaffar  crossed  the  river  in  safety,  and  proceeded  with  a  few 
horsemen  to  the  town  of  Shor.'  All  their  arms,  baggage,  and 
equipments  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors.  So  great  a  disaster 
had  never  befallen  an  army  at  any  former  time,  or  under  any 
reign.  All  who  took  to  the  water  were  drowned,  and  all  who 
resisted  on  the  battle-field  were  killed ;  neither  flight  nor  fight 
availed  to  save  them.  *  *  To  return  to  our  narrative :  Maliku-sh 
Shark  Malik  ^Im&du-l  Mulk,  that  is,  Malik  Mahmud  Hasan, 
and  the  other  commanders,  on  the  4th  Zi-1  ka'da,  pursued  Shaikh 
*Ali  to  the  town  of  Shor.  Amir  Muzaffar^  prepared  himself  to 
stand  a  siege  in  the  fort  of  Shor,  and  to  fight  it  out.  Shaikh 
'All,  defeated  and  discouraged,  fled  with  a  small  body  of  followers 
towards  E4bul.  At  this  juncture,  orders  arrived  from  the  Sult&n, 
in  accordance  with  which  all  the  amirs  who  had  been  sent  left 
the  fort  of  Shor,  and  proceeded  to  the  capital.  In  consequence  of 
this  Jbusiness,  the  iktd*  of  Multdn  was  taken  from  Maliku-sh 
Shark,  and  given  to  Malik  £hairu-d  din  Kh&ni.  But  this 
transfer  was  made  inconsiderately  and  imprudently,  and  hence 
great  troubles  and  disturbances  arose  in  the  khiita  of  Mult&n, 
which  will  have  to  be  narrated  in  subsequent  pages. 

In  the  year  835  h.  (1431-2)  it  was  reported  to  the  Sultfin 
that  Malik  Sikandar  Tuhfa  had  marched  towards  J&landhar. 


'  Sometimes  written  "  Sor/'  and  sometimes  *'  Seor  '*  or  '*  Sewar  " ;  but  the  Tdbakdt'% 
Akbari  says,  *'  Shor/'    Firishta  and  Bad&(Uii  agree  on  **  Sewar." 
s  "  Nephew  of  Shaikh  'All."— Jo^oibi^-i  AkbaH. 


TABrSH-I  MITBXBAK-SHAHr.  73 

For  Jasrath  S}iaikh&  Khokhar  had  come  dowa  with  a  strong 
force  from  the  moantaias  of  Tolhar,  and  having  crossed  the 
Jhilam,  B&vi  and  Biydh,  had  coine  near  to  J&landhar  on  the 
riyer  Pani.  Malik  Sikandar  was  incautious,  and  encountered 
him  with  a  small  force.  At  the  first  charge  he  was  defeated, 
Mid  by  the  decree  of  fate  fell  into  the  hands  of  Jasrath  Khokhar. 
Some  of  Malik  Sikandar^s  men  were  killed  in  the  fight,  and  some 
fled  to  Jfilandhar.  Jasrath  carried  off  Sikandar  and  some  others 
who  had  been  made  prisoners  with  him,  and  marched  in  triumph 
to  Lihor,  to  which  fortress  he  laid  siege.  Saiyid  Najmu-d  din, 
lieutenant  of  Sikandar,  and  Malik  Khush-khabr,  his  slave,  held 
the  fort,  and  carried  on  a  constant  fight  with  the  besiegers. 
While  this  was  passing  Shaikh  'AH  collected  a  band  of  accursed 
wretches,  and  attacked  the  frontiers  of  Multdn.  He  made 
prisoners  of  the  people  of  Khatibpur,  and  several  other  villages 
on  the  banks  of  the  Jhilam,  as  he  descended  that  river.  On  the 
17th  Babi'u-1  awwal  he  reached  Tulamba,  and  having  got  the 
people  of  the  town  to  surrender,  he  kept  the  chiefs  of  them 
prisoners.  Then  he  gave  his  accursed  followers  permission  to  take 
possession  of  the  fort.  Next  day,  all  the  Musulm&ns  became 
the  prisoners  of  the  unclean  ruthless  infidels.  Although  many 
good  men  of  the  place  were  imams,  saiyids,  and  kdzis^  no  respect 
for  the  Musulmdn  religion,  no  fear  of  God,  could  restrain  that 
accursed  wretch,  devoid  alike  of  feeling  and  shame.  Women, 
youths,  and  little  children  were  all  dragged  to  his  house.  Some 
of  the  men  were  killed  and  some  were  set  at  liberty.  The  fort 
of  Tulamba,  which  was  very  strong,  he  caused  to  be  destroyed. 

About  this  time  Puldd  Turk-bacha  came  out  of  Tabarhindh 
with  his  followers,  and  attacked  the  country  of  R4i  Firoz.  As 
soon  as  the  rdi  heard  of  this,  he  marched  with  his  horse  and 
foot  to  oppose  him,  and  a  battle  followed.  The  rdi  was  slain, 
and  the  victorious  Pul&d  cut  off  his  head  and  carried  it  to 
Tabarhindh.  He  also  secured  many  horses  and  a  large  supply 
of  grain.  When  the  Sultdu  received  information  of  these  events, 
he  himself  marched  towards  L&hor  and  Mult&n,  and  he  sent 


1 


74  YAHYA  BIN  AHMAD. 

Malik  Sarwar  on  in  advance  with  a  strong  force  to  repress  the 
rebellion  of  Pul&d.  When  the  army  came  near  to  S&m&ua  the 
infamous  Jasrath  Khokhar  abandoned  the  siege  of  the  fort,  and 
went  into  the  hills  of  Telhar,  carrying  with  him  Malik  Sikandar. 
Shaikh  'Ali  also,  fearing  the  royal  army,  retreated  towards  B&rtot.^ 
The  fief  of  L&hor  was  taken  from  Malika-sh  shark  Shamsu-1 
Mulk,  and  given  into  the  charge  of  Kh&n-i  'azam  Nusrat  Kh&n 
Garg-and&z.  Malik  Sarwar  brought  the  &mily  of  Shamsu-1 
Mulk  out  of  L&hor,  and  sent  them  to  the  capital.  Nusrat 
Kh&n  thus  became  possessed  of  the  fort  of  L&hor  and  the  fief  of 
J&Iandhar.  In  the  month  of  Zi-1  hijja  Jasrath  Elhokhar  came 
down  with  his  followers  from  the  hills,  and  attacked  Nusrat  Kh&n 
at  L&hor,  but,  in  the  end,  he  was  worsted  and  returned  to  the 
hills.  The  Sultdn  pitched  his  royal  camp  on  the  river  Jumna, 
near  to  the  khitta  of  P&nipat,  and  there  he  remained  for  a  time. 
From  thence,  in  the  month  of  Bajab,  he  sent  Maliku-sh  Shark 
^Im&du-l  Mulk  with  a  strong  force  to  Bay&na  and  Gw&lior,  with 
orders  to  punish  the  rebels  and  infidels  of  those  parts.  He 
himself  then  returned  to  the  capital. 

In  836  H.,  in  the  month  of  Muharram  (Sept.,  1432),  the  king 
marched  from  Dehli  to  S&m&na,  to  punish  the  disaffected  in  that 
neighbourhood.  He  proceeded  as  &r  as  P4nipat.  News  was 
then  brought  that  Makhddma-i  Jah&n,  his  mother,  was  very  ill. 
He  immediately  returned  to  the  capital,  leaving  his  army  and 
baggage  in  charge  of  the  atnirB  and  maliks.  A  few  days  after 
his  return  his  mother  died.  Afler  performing  her  obsequies  he 
remained  for  a  day  in  the  capital,  and  then  returned  to  his  army. 
On  his  arrival  he  ordered  Malik  Sarwar  to  march  with  an  army, 
appointed  for  the  purpose,  against  the  fort  of  Tabarhindh,  where 
Pulad  Turk-bacha  had  made  himself  stronger  than  he  was  before, 
having  thrown  into  the  fort  all  the  arms  and  implements  and 
grain  which  he  had  gathered  from  the  country  of  R&i  Firoz.  The 
fort  was  invested  and  operations  were  begun.  Malik  Sarwaru-1 
Mulk,  when  the  dispositions  were  made,  lefl  Majlis-i  ^41i  Zirak 


TABrXH-I  MIJBARAE-SHAHr.  75 

Khin,  Isl&m  Kh&n,  and  Malik  Kahun  B&j  in  command,  and 
proceeded  with  a  small  escort  to  join  the  Saltan  at  P&nipat. 
The  Snlt&n  having  given  np  his  design  of  proceeding  on  his  in- 
tended expedition,  took  the  fiefs  of  L&hor  and  Jdlandhar  from 
Nosrat  Kh4n,  and  gave  them  to  Malik  Allah-d&d.     [When 
Malik  Allah-d&d  arrived  at  J&landhar,  Jasrath  Shaikh^  crossed 
the  Bij&h  and  attacked  him.]  ^    Jasrath  was  victorious,  and  the 
Malik  being  obliged  to  flee  went  into  the  mountains  of  KothL 
In  the  month  of  Babi'u-1  awwal  the  Sult&n  marched  towards  the 
mountains  of  Mew&t,  and  arrived  at  the  town  of  T&oru.*    Jalal 
Kh&n  Mew&ttI,  on  hearing  of  his  advance,  shut  himself  with  a 
large  force  in  the  fort  of  Andaru,^  which  is  the  strongest  place 
belonging  to  the  Mew&ttis.     Next  day  the  Sult&n  prepared  to 
attack  the  place,  but  before  his  forces  drew  near,  Jalfil  Kh&n  set 
fire  to  the  fort,  and  making  his  way  out  he  went  off  towards 
Kdtila.     The  greater  part  of  the  provisions  and  materials  and 
grain,  which  had  been  collected  in  prospect  of  the  siege,  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  royal  forces.    His  Majesty  then  marched  away, 
and  encamping  at  the  town  of  Tajara,  he  devastated  the  greater 
part  of  the  country  of  Mew&t.      Jalal  Kh&n,  being  distressed 
and  helpless,  returned  to  his  allegiance ;  and  paying  his  revenue 
and  taxes  according  to  old  rule,  gave  up  his  rash  proceedings, 
and  was  pardoned.     Malik  ^Im&du-l  Mulk  joined  the  Sult&n  at 
Taj&ra  with  a  strong  force  of  horse  and  foot  from  Bay&na.     The 
Sult&n  sent  Malik  Kam&lu-l  Mulk  and  all  the  amirs  and  maliks 
fi-om  Taj&ra  to  coerce  the  infidels  of  Gw&lior  and  Et&wa,  and  he 
himself  returned  with  an  escort  to  the  capital,  which  he  reached 
in  the  month  of  Jum&da-l  awwal. 

After  he  had  been  there  a  few  days,  the  intelligence  arrived 
that  Shaikh  ^All  was  marching  with  a  large  force  against  the 
amirs  who  were  engaged  in  the  siege  of  Tabarhindh  (Sirhind). 
This  troubled  His  Majesty,  for  he  feared  lest  these  amirs,  alarmed 

^  The  words  in  brackets  are  taken  from  the  Tabakdt-i  Akbari,  to  snpply  a  manifest 
want  in  onr  MS. 
»  The  Tabakdt'i  Akbarl  says  "  Nadir."  «  See  tuprd,  p.  61. 


76  YAHYA'  BIN  AHMAD. 

at  the  news,  should  raise  the  siege,  as  it  had  been  raised  before. 
He  therefore  sent  Malik  ^Im&du-l  Mulk  to  support  them ;  and 
when  that  chief  arrived,  the  officers  in  command  were  encouraged 
and  strengthened.  Shaikh  'Ali,  marching  quickly  from  Shor,^ 
entered  the  country  on  the  banks  of  the  Biy&h,  and  after  making 
prisoners  of  many  of  the  men  of  S&hani-w&l  and  other  villages, 
he  went  on  to  L&hor.  Malik  Yusuf  Sarwar,  Malik  Ismd*"!! 
nephew  of  Majlis-i  '41i  Zirak  Kh&n,  and  the  son  of  Bih4r  Khdn, 
had  been  left  in  charge  of  the  fort  of  L&hor.  They  now  closed 
the  fort,  and  opposed  the  assailants.  The  people  of  the  city  were 
negligent  of  their  watch  and  ward ;  consequently  Malik  Yusuf 
and  Malik  Ismd'il  left  the  city  by  night  and  fled.  Shaikh  'All 
sent  a  force  in  pursuit.  Many  of  the  horsemen  fell  under  the 
attacks  of  the  accursed  pursuers,  and  many  were  taken  prisoners, 
including  Malik  B4j4.  Next  day  the  accursed  Shaikh  'Ali  made 
all  the  Musulra&ns  of  the  city,  both  men  and  women,  prisoners. 
This  wretched  graceless  fellow  had  no  better  object  or  occupation 
than  to  lay  waste  the  seats  of  Isldm  and  to  make  Musulmdns 
captive.  After  making  prisoners  of  the  men  of  L&hor,  he  re- 
mained there  for  some  days,  and  repaired  the  walls  of  the  fortress 
which  had  been  damaged.  Then  leaving  about  2,000  men,  horse 
and  foot,  behind,  with  the  means  of  standing  a  siege,  he  marched 
towards  Dibdlpur.  Malik  Yusuf  Sarwaru-1  Mulk  was  about  to 
abandon  the  fort  of  Dib&lpur  and  flee,  as  he  had  abandoned  that 
of  L&hor ;  but  Maliku-sh  Shark  'Im£du-1  Mulk  at  Tabarhindh, 
being  informed  of  his  intention,  sent  Maliku-1  UAiar&  Malik 
Ahmad,  his  brother,  with  a  body  of  men,  to  hold  the  fort. 
Shaikh  ^Ali  had  (formerly)  escaped  alive  with  a  thousand 
troubles  irom  before  Maliku-sh  Shark,  and  dread  of  that  chief 
still  ruled  in  his  heart,  so  he  was  unable  to  go  to  Dib&lpdr. 

In  Jura4da-1  &khir  the  Sult&n  received  intelligence  of  these 
movements.  The  brave  monarchy  prompted  only  by  his  courage, 
and  without  hesitation,  marched  with  the  limited  force  which  was 

»  The  MS.  of  this  work,  Badfetinl  and  Firiehta,  all  write  "  Shewar,"  or  «  Sewar," 
but  the  TabaktU-i  Akbari  Beems  correct  in  giving  *'  Shor.*' — See  tuprdf  page  72. 


TARreH-I  MUBARAK-SHA'Hr.  77 

ready  at  his  command  to  S&m&na.  There  he  waited  some  days 
for  Maliku-sh  Shark  Kam41u-1  Mulk.  When  that  chief,  with 
the  force  under  his  command,  joined  the  Sultdn,  he  left  Sam&na 
and  marched  to  Talwandi  (belongino;  to)  R&i  Firoz  Main,  where 
he  encamped.  Here  he  was  joined  by  Maliku-sh  Shark  'Im&du-l 
Mulk  and  Isl&ra  Eli&n  Lodi,  who  had  been  sent  to  Tabarhindh. 
Giving  orders  to  his  other  amirs  not  to  delay  the  investment  of 
the  fort,  he  hastened  on  and  crossed  [the  B4vi]  ^  at  the  ford  of 
Pohi.  When  the  enemy  heard  of  these  movements,  he  was 
alarmed,  and  took  to  flight.  The  royal  forces  arrived  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Dibalpur,  and,  crossing  the  R4vi,  encamped  on 
the  other  side,  when  the  accursed  foe  had  already  crossed  the 
Jhilam.  Maliku-sh  Shark  Sikandar  Tuhfa  now  received  the  title  of 
Shanisu-1  Mulk,  with  the  fiefs  of  Dibalpur  and  Jdlandhar.^  The 
Sult&n  marched  on  unopposed  towards  Shor,  which  was  in  the 
possession  of  the  enemy,  and  crossed  the  R&vi  near  the  town  of 
Tulamba,  sending  on  Maliku-sh  Shark  in  pursuit  of  the  foe. 
But  he  fled  precipitately,  never  staying  to  look  behind  him, 
and  many  horses  and  much  baggage  and  goods  which  he  had  got 
in  boats  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors.  Shaikh  *  Ali's  nephew, 
Amir  Muzaffar,  was  in  command  of  the  fort  of  Shor,  and  held 
out  for  nearly  a  month ;  but  he  was  at  length  compelled  to 
capitulate  in  the  mouth  of  Ramaz&n.  He  gave  his  daughter  to 
the  king"*s  son,  and  paid  a  large  sum  of  money  as  tribute.  The 
band  of  MugliJils  who  were  besieged  in  L&hor  capitulated  to 
Maliku-sh  Shark  Shiimsu-1  Mulk  in  the  month  Shawwal,  and  he 
then  took  possession  of  the  place.  ♦  ♦  ♦  Maliku-sh  Shark 
'Im&du-l  Mulk  had  been  successful  in  several  important  charges, 
so  the  Sult&u  took  the  fiefs  of  Dibdlpiir,  Labor,  and  Jdlandhar 
from  Malik  Shamsu-l  Mulk  and  gave  them  to  'Imudu-1  Mulk ; 
he  also  gave  the  fief  of  Baydna  which  ""Imddu-d  din  had  held  to 
Shamsu-l  Mulk.  Leaving  his  elephants  and  horses,  his  army  and 
baggage  and  followers,  in  charge  of  Maliku-sh  Shark  Kamdlu-I 

«  Bad&ilni. 

'  There  is  U  broken  sentence  here  which  is  not  supplied  by  the  other  writers. 


78  YAHYA  BIN  AHMAD. 

Mulk,  the  Sult&n  hastened  with  all  speed  to  Dehli,  which  he 
reached  on  the  day  of  the  ''Id  [of  Kurbdn].  ♦  ♦  ♦  On  the  1st 
Zi-1  hijja  Kam41u-1  Mulk  also  arrived  with  the  army.  The 
duties  of  diwdn  and  wazir  were  not  effectively  discharged  by 
Sarwaru-1  Mulk ;  so  as  Kam&lu  -1  Mulk  had  shown  himself  in 
all  his  duties  to  be  trustworthy,  capable  and  loyal,  the  diwdn 
%  aahrqfwvLB  transferred  to  him,  and  the  office  of  wazir  only  was 
confirmed  to  Sarwaru-1  Mulk.  They  were  both  ordered  to  carry 
on  the  affairs  of  the  State  in  concert,  but  they  acted  falsely  to 
each  other.  [Kam&lu-d  din  was  the  more  competent  man],^ 
so  the  government  officials  consulted  him  about  their  affairs. 
Sarwaru-1  Mulk's  thoughts  were  now  turned  towards  blood. 
His  deprivation  of  the  fief  of  Dibdlpur  had  rankled  like  a 
thorn  in  his  heart,  and  his  mind  was  now  set  upon  effecting 
some  revolution  in  the  State.  Some  villainous  infidels,  such  as 
the  sons  of  K&ngu  and  Kajwi  Khatri,  whose  femilies,  from  the 
days  of  their  ancestors,  had  been  patronized  and  protected  by 
the  royal  house,  and  who  had  become  masters  of  many  servants 
and  followers  and  much  territory  and  power ;  some  treacherous 
Musulm&ns  also,  Mir&n  Sdhib,  deputy  of  the  'driz-i  mamdlik, 
K&zi  'Abdu-s  Samad  Kh&n  Sq/ib  and  others,  conspired  with 
Sarwaru-1  Mulk,  and  were  intent  upon  their  design  [of  killing 
the  Sult&n].'  They  did  not  find  an  opportunity,  but  no  fear  of 
God  or  shame  of  man  restrained  their  hands  from  this  wicked 
and  senseless  deed. 

The  Sult&n  had  determined  to  build  a  city  on  the  banks  of 
the  Jumna,  and  on  the  17th  Babi'u-1  awwal,  837  H.  (31st 
October,  1433),  he  laid  the  foundation  of  a  city  at  Khar&b&b&d.' 
The  name  given  to  that  ill-omened  city  was  Mub&rak&bad.  He 
knew  not  that  the  foundation  of  his  existence  was  shaken,  and 
that  his  life  had  turned  its  face  towards  departure.     He  devoted 

»  Tabakdt-i  AhbaH,  »  BadfiiXni  and  Firiahta. 

3  Neither  the  Tabakdt-i  Ahbari  nor  Firiahta  say  anything  about  Kharfiib&blid 
Bad&Oni^s  statement  is  different.  ^<  He  founded  a  city  which  he  called  Mub&rak&b&d 
(blessed  city),  but  which  in  reality,  was  Khar&b&b&d  (ruined  city)." — See  Thomas's 
"  Chronicles  of  the  Path&n  Kings,"  page  332. 


TAUfKH-I  MTJBA'BAK-SHA'flr.  79 

much  time  and  care  to  the  direction  of  this  building.  At  this 
time  intelligence  was  brought  of  the  reduction  of  the  fort  of 
Tabarhindh  bj  the  amirs  who  had  been  sent  against  it,  and  of  the 
death  of  the  evil  Pul^d,  whose  head  had  been  cut  off  and  sent  to 
the  Sult&n  by  the  hands  of  Mir&n  Sadr.  The  Sultdn  now  set 
oat,  as  if  for  hunting,  to  settle  and  make  quiet  the  country  of 
Tabarhindh.  After  staying  there  a  few  days,  he  returned  in 
good  health  and  spirits,  and  went  to  the  city  of  Mub^rak&b&d. 
Subsequently  he  proceeded  towards  Hindust&n,  for  he  had  heard 
of  war  having  broken  out  between  Sult&n  Ibrdhim  and  Alp 
Kh&n,  on  account  of  K&lpi.  He  had  previously  contemplated 
leading  his  armies  in  that  direction  ;  and  on  hearing  this  intelli- 
gence, his  course  was  decided.  Orders  were  sent  in  every 
direction  for  the  amirs  of  the  capital,  and  the  maliks  of  every 
coontry,  to  gather  their  forces  with  the  greatest  celerity,  and  to 
join  His  Majesty.  When  a  large  army  was  assembled,  in  the 
month  of  Jum&da-l  &khir,  the  Sult&n  left  the  city  to  begin  his 
march  to  Hindustdn,  and  he  encamped  for  a  few  days  at  the 
ehauiara  of  Shir-g&h.  Thence  he  proceeded  with  only  a  small 
escort,  and  without  ceremony,  to  Mub&rakdb&d,  in  order  to  see 
the  progress  of  the  buildings.  The  unworthy  Sarwaru-1  Mulk 
bad  been  watching  his  opportunity,  and  he  now  set  the  vile 
infidels  and  the  traitor  Mfr&n  Sadr  to  work,  lest  his  secret  plots 
should  become  disclosed.  A  time  of  privacy  was  what  his  plans 
required.  On  Friday,  the  9th  Rajab,  837  h.  (19th  January, 
1434),  the  Sult&u  had  reached  Mub&rak&bdd  with  his  small 
party,  and  was  preparing  for  prayers,  when  Mir&n  Sadr  craftily 
removed  the  amirs  who  were  on  guard,  and  like  a  cunning  fox 
and  bloodthirsty  jackal,  brought  in  his  wretched  infidels  armed 
and  mounted  on  horseback  upon  pretence  of  taking  leave.  Sa- 
dh&run  K&ngti  stood  with  his  party  outside  the  door,  to  prevent 
any  one  from  going  in  to  the  rescue.  The  confiding  sovereign, 
having  full  confidence  in  them,  took  no  notice  of  these  prepara- 
tions.  He  had  been  exceedingly  kind  and  generous  to  these 
foes  of  God  and  enemies  of  himself.     Sidhu  F61,  grandson  of 


80  YAHYA'  BIN  AHMAD. 

Kajd,  from  his  ambush,  dealt  the  king  such  a  blow  upon  the 
head  with  his  sword,  that  his  life'^s  blood  flowed  upon  the  ground. 
B&nd  the  black,  and  the  other  conspirators,  then  rushed  out 
with  loud  hellish  cries,  and  despatched  that  righteous  soYereign. 

*  *  Mub&rak  Sh&h  reigned  thirteen  years,  three  months,  and 
sixteen  days. 

Sultan  Muhammad  Shah  bin  Farid  Shah  bin  Khizr  Shah. 

A  clement  and  generous  sovereign,  full  of  excellent  qualities. 

♦  *  When  the  august  Mub&rak  Sh&h  had  received  his  martyr- 
dom, the  yile  infidels  and  the  traitor  Mir&n  Sadr  hastened  to 
Sarwaru-1  Mulk,  and  informed  him  of  the  completion  of  their 
work,  which  filled  him  and  them  with  joy  and  exultation. 
Then,  with  the  assent  of  the  amtrs  and  maliks^  imams  and  saiyids^ 
soldiers  and  civilians,  on  the  same  day,  Friday,  the  9th  Bajab 
837,  the  new  Sult&n  ascended  the  throne.  Sarwaru-1  Mulk, 
although  he  gave  his  adhesion  to  the  new  sovereign,  was  still 
intent  upon  his  own  designs,  to  such  an  extent  indeed,  that  he 
kept  the  treasures  and  stores,  the  horses  and  elephants,  and  the 
arsenal  under  his  own  command.  He  received  the  title  of 
Khdn-i  Jahdn^  and  Mirdn  Sadr  was  ennobled  as  Mu'inu-l  Mulk. 
The  vile  infidels  (assassins)  grew  conceited  and  arrogant,  and  in 
all  things  they  sought  their  own  advantage ;  but  in  the  end  they 
got  their  deserts.  Maliku-sh  Shark  Kam&lu-l  Mulk,  a  man 
versed  in  the  business  of  government,  was  outside  of  the  city 
with  all  the  amir%  and  the  soldiers,  and  the  elephants,  and  the 
royal  stud  and  servants ;  but  he  came  in,  and  pledged  his  fealty 
to  the  king.  Revenge  was  his  object,  for  he  was  resolved  to  kill 
Sarwaru-1  Mulk  and  the  other  conspirators,  as  they  had  slain 
Mub&rak  Sh&h.  But  he  could  not  get  an  opportunity,  and  so 
resigned  his  vengeance  to  the  Lord,  who  in  time  worked  such  a 
retribution  as  has  never  been  rehearsed  in  tale  or  history.  *  * 
To  return  to  our  narrative :  Next  day,  Sarwaru-1  Mulk,  under 
pretence  of  requiring  the  vow  of  allegiance,  summoned  several 
of  the  oflScials  of  the  late  king,  all  of  whom  were  men  of  position 


TAETKH-I  miBABAK^HAHr.  81 

aod  importanoe.  He  apprehended  them  all,  and  put  Malik  Sa, 
amir  of  Eoh,  to  death  on  the  maiddn.  Malik  Makhddm,  Malik 
Mnkbil,  Malik  Kananj,  and  Malik  Bir&  he  pat  in  prison,  and 
(serted  all  his  powers  to  uproot  the  fiimily  of  Mnh&rak  Sh&h. 
Some  of  the  tktd^$  and  parganas  of  the  countrj  he  kept  for 
bimsel^  and  some,  such  as  Bay&na,  Amroha,  N&maul,  Euhr&m, 
and  some  pargamu  in  the  Doib,  he  gave  to  SidhI  P&l,  Sadh&ran, 
and  their  relations.  B&nd,  the  black,  a  slave  of  Sidhi  P&l,  was 
Bent  with  a  numerous  band  of  turbulent  followers,  and  all  his 
fiuniljr,  to  take  possession  of  Bay&na.  He  approached  Bay&na  in 
die  month  of  Sha'b&n,  and  on  the  13th  of  that  month  he  entered 
the  district.  Halting  for  the  night,  he  wanted  to  get  possession 
of  the  fort,  and  next  day  he  went  forth  with  all  his  forces  in 
greal  array.  Yusuf  Elhfin  Auhadi  had  been  informed  of  his 
approach,  and  drawing  his  forces  out  of  the  town  of  Hindw&n, 
he  bcddly  marched  with  a  strong  body  of  horse  and  foot  to 
oppose  him.  The  opposing  forces  met  near  the  khatira  of  the 
prince,^  and  being  drawn  up  in  array  the  battle  began.  The 
file  infidels  were  unable  to  make  a  stand,  but  broke  at  the  first 
charge.  B&nu  the  black,  and  many  others,  were  put  to  the 
sword.  His  foul  head  was  cut  off  and  suspended  over  the  gate, 
and  all  his  &mily,  his  wives  and  children,  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  army  of  Isl&m.  Gk)d  is  the  protector  of  the  religion  of 
Isl&m,  and  He  gave  the  victory  to  Yusuf  Kh&n,  enabling  him 
to  aven?e  the  death  of  Mubdrak  Sh&h  on  that  vile  heretic. 

The  noise  of  the  perfidy  of  Sarwaru-I  Mulk,  and  of  his  leaguing 
¥rith  base  infidels,  spread  through  all  the  country,  and  many  amirB 
and  maUks  who  had  been  recipients  of  the  bounty  of  the  late 
Ehizr  Kh&n  now  withdrew  fi'om  their  obedience.  Sarwaru-1 
Mulk  being  disaffected  like  them,  strife  and  disturbances  arose. 
Malik  Allah-did  K&kd'  Lodi  amir  of  Sambhal,  and  Ah&r  Miydn 
holder  of  Bad&un  and  grandson  of  the  late  Khdn-i  Jahan,  Amir 
'All  Gujar&ti  and  Amir  Kambal  Turk-bacha  [had  formed  a  party 

TOL.  IT.  ^ 


82  YAHYA  BIN  AHMAD. 

against  Sarwara-l  Mulk  who,]  ^  on  being  informed  of  their  pro- 
ceedings, appointed  Maliku-sh  Shark  Kam&lu-d  din  and  Eh&n-i 
^azam  Saiyid  Eh6n,  son  of  Saiyid  Sfilim,  to  repress  their  re- 
bellion.  Malik  Yusu^  son  of  Sarwaru-1  Mulk,  and  Sadhdran 
E&ngu,  were  sent  along  with  them.  In  the  month  of  Bamaz&n, 
his  forces  being  in  readiness,  he  (Eam&la-d  din)  marched  out  and 
encamped  at  the  top  of  the  hauz^  and  a  few  days  afterwards  he 
proceeded  to  the  banks  of  the  Jumna.  Grossing  the  river  at 
the  ford  of  Eicha,  he  arrived  and  halted  at  Bai*an,  intent  upon 
his  schemes  of  vengeance.  On  being  apprised  of  his  approach, 
Malik  Allah-d&d,  desirous  of  avoiding  an  action,  was  about 
to  cross  the  Ganges  and  go  elsewhere ;  but  when  he  was  en- 
lightened as  to  Eam&lu-d  din's  real  intention  of  exacting 
a  full  revenge,  he  was  re-assured,  and  halted  at  the  town  of 
Ah&r.  Sarwaru-1  Mulk  got  intelligence  of  these  proceed- 
ings, and  sent  his  slave,  Malik  Hushy&r,  under  the  pretence 
of  assisting  Eam&lu-d  din,  [but  in  reality,  to  ascertain  his 
treachery,  and  watch  over  the  safety  of  Ydsuf.]^  In  a  short 
time  also,  Malik  Ghaman  drew  out  his  forces  in  Bad&dn,  to  assist 
Malik  AUah-d&d,  and  joined  him  at  the  town  of  Ah&r.  Malik 
Yusuf  and  Hushy&r  and  Sadh&ran  were  suspicious  of  Eam&lu-d 
din,  and  now  their  apprehensions  grew  stronger.  Wavering 
like  a  ball  tossed  from  hand  to  hand,  their  fears  prevailed,  and 
they  fled  to  the  capital.  On  the  last  day  of  Bamaz&n,  Malik 
AUah-ddd,  Miydn  Ghaman,  and  the  other  amirs  with  them, 
joined  Kam&lu-l  Mulk.  Having  thus  drawn  a  large  and  im- 
posing force  around  him,  on  the  2nd  Shaww&l,  he  crossed  [the 
Ganges]  at  the  ford  of  Eicha.  On  hearing  of  his  approach, 
Sarwaru-l  Mulk,  although  in  a  forlorn  condition,  made  every 
preparation  for  standing  a  siege.  *  *  Eam41u-1  Mulk  advanced 
and  sat  down  against  the  place.  The  vile  infidels  and  the 
wretched  Hushy&r  sallied  forth  and  joined  fight ;  but  they  soon 


^  The  MS.  is  here  defective  in  more  than  one  passage.    The  words  in  brackets  are 
borrowed  from  the  Tabakdt-i  Akbari, 


TARr£H-I  MUBARAE-SHAHr.  83 

tamed  their  backs,  and  retreated  to  the  fortifications.^     Many 
were    killed,    and    many    were    made    prisoners^      Next    day, 
Kam&lu-d  din  pressed  on  against  the  fort  of  Siri,  and  many 
amirs  and  maUks  of  the  neighbonrhood  joined  him^     During  the 
month  of  Shaww&l,  the  place  was  so  closely  invested  that  it  was 
impossible  for  any  one  to  make  his  way  out.     But  although  the 
besiegers  made  daily  attacks  upon  the  fortifications,  and  effected 
breaches  in  several  places,  it  held  out  for  three  months.     In  the 
month  of  Zi-1  hijja,  Zirak  Kh&n,  amir  of  S&m&na,  died,  and  his 
fief  was  granted  to  his  eldest  son  Muhammad  Kh&n.     Although 
His  Majesty  was  in  appearance  friendly  to  those  in  the  fort,  he 
was  in  reality  desirous  of  taking  revenge  for  the  murder  of  the 
late  Mnb&rak  Sh&h,  but  he  did  not  find  the  opportunity.     They 
on  their  side  were  in  the  greatest  apprehension  lest  the  Sultdn 
•should  betray  them.     Thus,   both  parties  were  suspicious  of 
each  othw. 

On  the  8th  of  Muharram,  838  a.h.  (14th  August,  1434  A.D.)y 

the  traitor  Sarwaru-1  Mulk  and  the  sons  of  the  perfidious  Mir&n 

Sadr  preceded  with  treacherous  intentions  to  the  residence  of  the 

Solt&n.    But  he  was  ready,  and  on  his  guard.  *  *  *  Sarwaru-1 

Molk  was  killed  with  blows  of  the  sword  and  dagger,  and  the 

sons  of  Mir£n  Sadr  were  taken  prisoners  and  put  to  death  before 

the  darbdr.     The  vile  infidels,  being  informed  of  these  events, 

shut  themselves  up  in  their  houses  and  prepared  for  resistance. 

The  Solt&n  conveyed  information  to  Kanidlu-d  din,  directing  him 

to  come  into  the  city  with  a  party  of  his  followers.     Kamdlu4 

Molk  entered  by  the  gate  of  Baghd&d,  with  other  amirs  and 

maUks.     Sidhi  P&l,  the  accursed,  set  fire  to  his  house,  making 

his  wives  and  children  fuel  for  hell.     He  himself  came  out  and 

died  fighting.     Sadh&ran  Kdngu,  and  the  band  of  khatrk  who 

were  taken  alive,  were  taken  to  the  khatira  of  the  martyred  Sult&u, 

and  there  put  to  death.     Malik  Hushy&r  and  Mub&rak  Kotwdl 

were  taken  prisoners,  and  were  beheaded  before  the  Red  gate. 

^  The  aathor  here  indulgee  in  rhetorical  flourishesi  which  are  suppressed  in  the 


84  TAHYX  BIN  AHMAD. 

Next  day,  Malika-sh  Shark  Eam&lu-l  Mulk,  and  all  the 
other  amirs  and  maliks  who  were  outside  [the  city,]  renewed  their 
oaths  of  allegiance  to  the  Sult&n,  and  he  again,  with  general 
consent,  took  his  seat  upon  the  throne.  Eamfilu-l  Malk  was 
made  toazirj  with  the  title  of  Kam&l  Kh&n.  Malik  Jiman 
.received  the  title  of  Gh4zi-a-l  Malk,  and  the  fiefe  of  Amroha  and 
Bad&un  were  oonfirmed  to  him.  Malik  AUah-d&d  Lodi  would 
not  take  any  title  himself,  but  obtained  the  title  of  Dary&  Eh4n 
for  his  brother.  Malik  Ehtinr&j  Mubdrak  Eh4ni  reoeiyed  the 
title  of  Ikb&l  Khin,  and  the  fief  of  His&r  Firozah  which  he  held 
was  confirmed  in  his  possession.  All  the  amirs  were  £ftyoured 
with  great  honours  and  rich  gifts  ;  and  all  men  who  held  offices 
or  fiefs,  or  villages  or  grants,  or  pensions,  received  confirmation, 
and  even  an  increase  of  their  possessions.  The  eldest  son  of 
Saiyid  S&lim  was  entitled  Majlis-i  '"Jill  Saiyid  Eh&n,  and  the 
younger  one  Shuj&'u-l  Mulk.  Malik  Madh  ^^am,  his  nephew, 
was  entitled  'AI&u-l  Mulk,  and  Malik  Ruknu-d  din  was  called 
Nasiru-1  Mulk.  They  also  received  golden  girdles,  and  splendid 
head-dresses  and  fiefs.  Maliku-sh  Shark  H4j{  Shudani  was 
made  governor  of  the  capital.  Having  thus  arranged  for  the 
administration  of  the  kingdom,  the  Sult&n  determined  on  going 
to  Multdn.  In  the  month  of  Rabi'u-1  &khir,  he  encamped  at 
the  chautara  of  Mubfirak&b&d,  and  gave  orders  to  the  amirs  and 
maliks  to  make  ready  their  forces  and  join  him.  Maliku-sh 
Shark  ['Im4du-1  Mulk]  ^  came  and  waited  upon  the  Sult&n.  He 
received  rich  presents  and  great  honours,  and  was  confirmed  in- 
many  dignities.      Those  amirs  and  maliks  who   delayed  their 

coming Finis]  . 

* "  Muhammad    Sh&h,   after  visiting  the  holy   men   of 

'^  Mult&n,  and  having  left  Kh&n-i  Jah&n  there,  returned 

"  to  Dehli.'' 

1  Tabakdt-i  AkbarL 

'  The  following  Extracts,  completing  the  history  of  the  Saiyid  dynasty,  are  taken 
from  the  Tabakdt-%  Akbarly  the  work  which  has  so  frequently  been  drawn  upon  to 
supply  the  deficiencies  in  the  MS.  of  the  Tdrikh-i  Mubdrak-shdhi, 


TARIEH-I  MUBABAK-SHAHr.  85 

''  In  the  year  840  h.  (1436  a.d.)  the  Sult&n  himself  pro- 
^'ceeded  to  Sdm&na,  and  sent  an  army  against  Shaikh& 
'*  Khokhar.  The  country  of  this  chief  was  ravaged,  and 
^*  the  Sult&n  then  returned  to  Dehli. 

**  In  841  H.  (1437  a.d.),  intelligence  arrived  that  anarchy 
^*  prevailed  in  Mult&n,  in  consequence  of  the  insubordina- 
^*  tion  of  the  tribe  of  Lana:&hs.  And  intellijicGnce  was  also 
**'  brought  that  Sult&n  Ibr&him  Sharki  had  seized  upon 
"  several  parganas.  The  rdi  of  Gw&lior,  and  other  rdis, 
*^  ceased  to  pay  their  revenue.  Still,  the  Sult&n  took  no 
'^  measures  to  secure  his  possessions,  but  gave  himself  up 
**  to  indulgence  and  neglect.  All  men^s  heads  were  crazy, 
'*  and  every  heart  was  anxious.  Some  amirs  invited  Sult&n 
*^  MahmM  Khilji,  King  of  M&lwa,  and  in  the  year  844  h. 
'*  (1440  A.D.),  he  proceeded  towards  Dehli.  Muhammad  Sh&h 
'*  equipped  his  army,  and  sent  it  forth  with  his  son,  under 
'*  the  command  of  Bahlol  Kh&n  Lodi.  On  the  other  side, 
^^  Sult&n  Mahmud  Khilji  sent  his  two  sons  Ghiy&su-d  din 
'*  and  Kadar  Kh&n  to  meet  them.  The  battle  raged  from 
*'  morning  till  night,  when  both  sides  withdrew  to  their 
^^  respective  positions.  Next  day  Muhammad  Sh&h  made 
^*  proposals  of  peace.  Just  at  this  time  Sult&n  Mahmud 
'^  was  informed  that  Sult&n  Ahmad  Gujarati  was  marching 
^'  against  Mandu,  so  he  immediately  accepted  terms  of 
''  peace  and  returned  home.  This  peace  degraded  Muham- 
"  mad  Sh&h  still  lower  in  the  estimation  of  all  men.  As 
"  Sult&n  Mahmud  of  M&lwa  was  retreating,  Bahlol  Lodi 
'^  pursued  him,  and  carried  off  part  of  his  baggage  and 
'*•  valuable  effects.  This  success  of  Bahlol  Kh&n's  delighted 
^^  Sult&n  Muhammad  ;  he  honoured  Bahlol  with  great  dis- 
''  tinction  and  favour,  and  called  him  son. 

"  In  845  (1441  a.d.),  the  Sult&n  went  to  S&m&na.  He 
'^  conferred  upon  Bahlol  Kh&n  the  country  of  Dib&lpur  and 
*'  L&hor,  and  sent  him  against  Jasrath  Khokhar.  Then 
^^  the  Sult&n  returned  to  Delhi.     Jasrath  made  peace  with 


86  YAHYA  BIN  AHMAD. 

*'*'  Bahlol  Kh&n,  and  flattered  him  with  hopes  of  the  throne 
**  of  Dehli.  Aspirations  of  sovereignty  now  inspired  Bahlol 
''  Kh&n  and  he  became  intent  on  forming  a  party.  He  called 
'^  together  the  Afgh&ns  from  all  parts  around,  and  enlisted 
*^  them,  so  that  in  a  short  time  he  assembled  a  large  force. 
^'  He  also  took  possession  of  all  the  surrounding  parganaa. 
^'  On  a  slight  pretence  he  declared  war  against  Sultin  Mu- 
^'  hammad  Sh&h,  and  marched  against  Dehli  in  great  force, 
''  and  besieged  it  for  some  time,  but  was  eventually  obliged  to 
^'  fall  back  unsuccessful.  The  business  of  the  State  day  by 
^'  day  fell  into  greater  confusion,  and  affairs  came  to  such 
^^  a  pass  that  there  were  amirs  at  twenty  kos  from  Dehli  who 
^'  shook  off*  their  allegiance,  and  made  pretensions  to  inde- 
*'  pendence.  At  length,  in  the  year  849^  (1445,  A.D.),  Sult&n 
'*  Muhammad  Sh&h  died,  after  a  reign  of  ten  years  and 
^^  some  months. 

Sultan  'AldU'd  din^  son  of  MuJiammad  Shdhy  son  of  Muhdrak 

Shdh^  son  of  Khizr  Khdn.^ 

''Upon  the  death  of  Muhammad  Sh&h,  the  amirs  and 
^'  nobles  assembled  and  raised  his  son  to  the  throne,  under 
''  the  style  of  Sultan  'Al&u-d  din.  Malik  Bahlol  and  all 
^*  the  amirs  proffered  allegiance  to  him.  In  a  very  short 
^^  time  it  became  evident  that  the  new  Sult&n  was  more 
'^  negligent  and  incompetent  than  his  father  in  the  duties 
^^  of  government,  and  the  mad  ambition  of  Malik  Bahlol 
"  grew  stronger.  In  850  h.  (1446  A.D.),  the  Sult&n  went 
''  towards  S&m&na ;  but  as  he  was  on  the  road,  news  ar- 
''  rived  that  the  king  of  Jaunpur  was  on  the  march  against 
^^  Dehli ;  on  hearing  which  the  Sultan  returned  immediately 
"  to  Delhi.     His&m  Kh4n,  wazir  of  the  State,'  and  vice- 


'  The  MS.  says  *<  844/'  which  is  dearly  wrong.    Bad&ilni  makes  it  "847"  ;  but 
Firishta  seems  correct  in  making  it ''  849." 

*  This  heading  is  borrow^  from  Bad&(inl|  that  in  the  MS.  being  yery  defectiye. 

*  Sic,  see  infrd. 


TAETKH-I  HUBAEAK-SHAHr.  87 

'^  gerent  in  the  king's  absence,  then  represented  to  the 
*'*'  Solt&n,  that  it  was  unworthy  of  a  sovereign  to  return 
'^  upon  hearing  a  fiJse  report  of  the  approach  of  an  enemy. 
^'  This  remark  went  against  the  Sult&n's  feelings,  and 
"  wounded  him  deeply. 

"  In  851  H.  (1447  a.d.),  the  Sult&n  went  to  Baddun,  and 
**  after  staying  there  some  time,  returned  to  Dehli ;  when 
^^  he  said  that  he  was  much  pleased  with  Bad&un,  and 
*^  wished  to  stay  there  always.  Hisfim  Kh&n,  in  all 
*'^  sincerity,  told  him  that  it  was  impolitic  to  leave  Dehli, 
^^  and  to  make  Bad&un  the  capital.  This  answer  incensed 
^^  the  king  still  more,  and  he  separated  the  tffazir  from 
^^  himself,  and  left  him  in  Dehli.  He  made  one  of  his 
**'  wife^s  brothers  governor  of  the  capital,  and  to  the  other 
*'*'  he  gave  the  title  of  amir. 

^^  In  852  H.  (1448  a.d.),  he  again  went  to  Bad&un,  and 
^'  gave  himself  up  to  pleasure,  resting  satisfied  with  the 
^'  little  territory  that  remained  to  him.  After  a  time,  dis- 
^^  sensions  broke  out  between  his  wife^s  two  brothers  in 
^*'  DehlL  They  made  war  against  each  other,  and  one  was 
killed.  Next  day  the  citizens  killed  the  other  brother  in 
revenge,  at  the  instigation  of  His&m  Eh&n.  Disaffected 
men  now  incited  the  Sult&n  to  kill  Hamid  Kh&n,  the 
^^  wazir  of  the  State.^  The  Khan  took  to  flight,  and 
proceeding  to  Dehli,  he,  with  the  connivance  of  His&m 
Ehan,  took  possession  of  the  city,  and  invited  Malik 
'^  Bahlol  to  assume  the  sovereignty.  Full  particulars  of 
^'  these  transactions  are  given  in  the  history  of  the  reign 
^^  of  Bahlol.  The  result  was,  that  Malik  Bahlol  Lodi  came 
to  Dehli  with  a  large  force,  and  took  possession  of  it. 
After  a  short  time,  he  left  a  party  of  his  adherents  in 
^'  Delhi,  and  went  to  Dib&lpur  to  organize  an  army.  Then 
'^  he  wrote  to  the  Sult&n,  stating  that  his  opposition  was 
''  really  for  the  Sult&n's  benefit,  and  that  he  was  his  devoted 

^  SiCf  see  auprd  preoeding  page. 


it 


4( 


88  TAHTA'  BIN  AHMAD. 


n 


44 


senrant.  To  this  'Al&a-d  din  replied,  *lfy  &ther  called 
^*  you  his  son,  and  I  have  no  means  of  resisting  you.  I 
will  content  myself  with  the  single  district  of  Bad&un, 
and  resign  the  sovereignty  to  yon.'  Thns  successful,  Malik 
^^  Bahlol  clothed  himself  with  the  garments  of  royalty. 
^^  LeaTing  Dib&lp6r,  he  proceeded  to  Dehli,  and  ascended 
''  the  throne  with  the  title  of  Sult&n  BahloL  The  nobles 
^^  who  remained  with  'AUu-d  din  were  confirmed. in  their 
^^  priyileges.  After  a  while,  'Al&u-d  din  died,  and  the  world 
^*  went  on  according  to  the  wish  of  Sult&n  Bahlol.  The 
*'  length  of  the  reign  of  Sult&n  'A14u-d  din  was  eight  years 
'^  and  some  months." 


89 


xxn. 

MATLA'U-S     SA'DAIN 

OP 

'ABDU-B  RAZZAK. 

The  foil  title  of  this  yalaable  work  is  Matla^ths  Sa^dain  wa 
Mqfma^thl  Bahrain^  "  The  Rising  of  the  two  fortunate  Planets 
(Japiter  and  Yenas),  and  the  Junction  of  the  two  Seas,"  com- 
posed by  Kam&lu-d  din  'Abdu-r  Bazz&k  bin  Jaldlu-d  din 
Isli&k  as  Samarkand!.  The  author  of  the  Sabibths  8iyar  thus 
speaks  of  'Abdu-r  Bazz&k. 

''  Kam&la-d  din  'Abdu-r  Razz^  was  a  son  of  Jaldlu-d  din 
laliik,  of  Samarkand,  and  was  bom  at  Hirdt  on  the  12th 
Sha'b^  A.H.  816  (6th  November,  1413  a.d.)-  His  &ther  Is'h&k 
resided  at  the  Court  of  Sult&n  Shdh  Rukh,  in  quality  of  KM 
and  Imdm^  and  was  sometimes  consulted  on  points  of  law,  and 
desired  to  read  learned  treatises  in  His  Majesty^s  presence. 
^Abda-r  BazzAk,  after  his  &ther  s  death,  in  the  year  841  (a.d. 
1437),  wrote  a  comment  on  Azdu-d  din  Yahyd''s  Treatise  upon 
Arabic  Prepositions  and  Pronouns,  and  dedicated  it  to  Sult&n 
Sh&h  Rukh,  on  which  occasion  he  had  the  honour  to  kiss 
His  Majesty's  hand.  In  the  latter  part  of  that  prince'^s  reign,  he 
went  as  his  ambassador  to  the  King  of  Bij&nagar,  and  experienced 
wiotts  extraordinary  incidents  and  vicissitudes  on  that  journey, 
bat  at  length  returned  to  Khur&s^  in  safety.  After  the  death  of 
Sult&n  Sh4h  Bokh,  he  was  successively  admitted  to  the  presence 
of  Mirz&  'Abdtt-1  Latif,  Mirz&  'Abdu-Uah,  and  Mirz&  Abd-1 
Kiisim ;  and  in  the  first  Jum&d  of  877  (October,  1472),  under 
the  reign  of  Sult&n  Abd  Sa^id,  he  was  appointed  superintendent 
of  the  khdnkdh  of  Mirzi  Sh&h  Bukh,  where  he  continued  to  the 


90  'ABDU-R  EAZZAE. 

time  of  his  death,  which  happened  in  the  latter  Jum&d  of  the 
year  887  (August,  1482).^  Among  the  excellent  productions  of 
his  pen  is  that  useftd  work  the  MatWu-8  Sa'daiuj  which  is  in 
every  one's  hand,  and  is  universally  known ;  and  in  which  he 
has  given  a  general  history  of  events  from  the  time  of  Sultin 
Abu  Sa'id  Bah&dur  Elhdn  down  to  the  assassination  of  Mirz& 
Sultdn  Abu  Sa'id  Gurgfin."" 

[Mr.  Morley  in  his  Catalogue  of  the  MSS.  of  the  Boyal  Asiatic 
Society,  uses  the  above  biography,  but  makes  the  following 
additions  :  "In  a.h.  850  (a.d.  1446),  ^Abdu-r  Razz&k  was  sent 
on  an  embassy  into  Gil&n,  and  had  scarcely  fulfilled  his  mission, 
when  he  was  ordered  to  depart  for  Egypt,  with  the  title  of 
ambassador.  The  death  of  his  master,  however,  prevented  his 
journey." 

''  In  856  (A.D.  1452),  the  Sult&n  Abu-1  K&sim  Bdbar,  passing 
through  the  town  of  Tafk  Yazd,  had  an  interview  with  the 
celebrated  historian  Sharafu-d  din  'Ali  Yazdi,  and  our  author 
was  present  at  the  conference.  Two  years  afterwards  he  became 
attached  to  the  person  of  the  Sultdn  Abu  Sa'id,  who  treated 
him  with  the  greatest  honour ;  and  in  a.h.  863  (a.d.  1458), 
when  Sult&n  Husain  Bah&dur  undertook  an  expedition  into 
Jurj&n,  our  author,  who  had  been  sent  on  a  mission  into  that 
part  of  the  country,  had  an  opportunity  of  witnessing  most  of 
the  events  of  the  war." 

CONTENTS. 

"  Vol.  I.  Commencing  with  the  birth  of  Abd  Sa'id,  son  of 
Uljaitd  Sult&n  Muhammad  Khuddbandah.  —  The  history  of 
Timur,  from  the  rise  of  his  fortunes  to  his  death,  «.e.,  from  a.h. 
704  (a.d.  1304)  to  A.H.  807  (a.d.  1404),  giving  a  detailed  ac- 
count of  his  reign  in  'Ir&k,  Tdr&n,  and  other  countries.* 

1  "  H&ji  Khalfa,  v.,  p.  603.  Biog.  TJniTerselle.  Not.  et  Ext.  des  MSS.,  xi?.,  p.  8." 
The  Habibti-a  SiyargiYGs  the  date  of  the  author's  death  aa  a.h.  880,  a.d.  1475,  in/rd. 
So  also  does  D'Herbelot,  v.  "  Schahrokh." 

^  [**  I  have  not  seen  this  first  yolume,  and  have  given  the  contents  firom  the  cata- 
logue of  the  Imperial  Library  at  St.  Petersburg,  p.  287." — Morley.] 


MATLA'U-8  SA'DAIN.  91 

"Vol.  II.  The  history  of  Timdr's  descendants,  from  the 
acce^on  of  Sh&h  Bukh,  in  a.h.  807  (a.d.  1404),  to  that  of 
Snlt&n  fiEasan  Mirz&,  in  a.h.  875  (a.d.  1470),  the  time  when 
the  aathor  wrote.^] 

'Abdu-r  Bazz&k's  embassy  to  India  does  not  seem  to  be 
related  either  in  the  JRauzatu^  Safd  or  the  Habibu-s  Siyar^  though 
their  narrative  of  that  period  is  copious. 

ThiB  history  is  not  so  well  known  in  India  as  in  Europe.  The 
best  MS.  I  have  seen  in  India  is  in  the  possession  of  Muhammad 
Baziyaa-d  dm,  chief  native  judge  of  Allahabad.  It  is  a  well 
written  folio  in  the  Nadch  character,  containing  in  the  first 
division  426,  and  in  the  second  452  pages,  of  thirty-one  lines  to 
a  page.  There  are  copies  in  the  British  Museum,  the  Imperial 
Library  of  St.  Petersburg,  and  other  public  collections.  [The 
second  volume  seems  to  be  more  common  than  the  first ;  the 
Library  of  the  East  India  Office  has  a  copy,  and  so  had^  the 
Library  of  the  Boyal  Asiatic  Society.  This  professed  to  be  an 
autograph  copy  of  the  author,  but  Mr.  Morley  saw  reason  to 
doubt  the  truth  of  this  statement.  The  India  Office  copy,  which 
is  a  finely  written  folio  with  illustrations,  written  in  the  year  1601 
A.D.,  has  been  used  by  the  editor  for  the  following  Extracts 
respecting  the  Embassy  to  India.] 

[There  is  among  Sir  H.  EUiofs  papers  a  copy  of  that  portion 
of  the  first  volume  which  relates  the  history  of  Timur's  expedi- 
tion to  India.  On  comparing  this  account  with  the  Malfiizat-i 
Hmdri  and  the  Zqfar-ndma^  it  proves  to  be  a  mere  reproduction 
of  Timdr's  own  narrative.  'Abdu-r  Bazz&k  evidently  used  both 
the  memoirs  and  the  Zafar-ndnia,  His  narrative  is  less  verbose 
than  TimtirX  and  more  simple  in  style  than  the  language  of 
Sharafii-d  din;  still  the  details  are  essentially  the  same,  the 
&ct8  being  related  in  the  same  order  without  addition,  modifica- 
tion, or  comment.  So  notwithstanding  the  high  reputation  of 
the  Matkfu-a  Sa'dain^  this  portion  of  the  work  proves,  like  the 
celebrated  Za/ar-ndma^  to  be  nothing  more  than  another  version 

1  [The  past  tense  is  used  becaose  the  MS.  is  now  missing.] 


92  'ABDU-R  EAZZXK« 

of  Timor's  memoirs.  Three  short  Extracts  have  been  printed 
as  specimens.  The  Extracts  relating  to  the  author's  Embassy 
to  India  were  translated  by  an  English  gentleman,^  and  have 
been  revised  and  annotated  by  Sir  H.  M.  Elliot.] 

[^'^  A  fragment  of  the  MaikCu^  Sa^dain  relating  to  the 
Embassy  to  China,  in  the  time  of  Shdh  Bakh,  and  translated 
by  Gtklland,  was  printed  in  Thevenot^s  collection  of  voyages; 
this  fragment  re-appeared  in  Pr^vost^s  Histaire  Chnerak  des 
Voyages,  and  was  again  translated  into  Dutch,  and  inserted  in 
Witsen^s  great  work,  Noard  en  Oost  Tartarym.  The  account  of 
the  embassies  and  letters  that  passed  between  the  Emperor  of 
Ghina  and  Sh&h  Bukhwas  published  at  Galcutta,  in  Persian 
an  English,  by  W.  Ghambers,'  and  was  afterwards  translated 
into  French  by  M.  Langl^.^  The  latter  Orientalist  also  gave 
ait  account  of  the  work  in  the  Notices  et  Extraits  des  M88.,^  and 
introduced  a  version  of  'Abdu-r  Bazz&k's  description  of  India 
into  the  second  volume  of  his  Becueil  porUMf  des  Voyages. 
M.  Oharmoy  has  given  a  short  notice  of  the  Matla^u-s  Sa^dain^ 
together  with  the  text  and  translation  of  an  extract  from  it 
relating  to  Tlmdr^s  expedition  against  Tuktamish  Ekh&n,  in  the 
Memoires  de  VAcademie  des  Sciences  de  St.  Petershourg}  The 
most  satisfactory  description  of  the  work  will  be  found,  however, 
in  the  elaborate  article  by  M.  Quatremdre,  in  the  fourteenth 
volume  of  the  Notices  et  Extraits  des  M88J  The  learned 
Academician  has  given  a  French  translation  of  a  great  portion  of 
the  life  of  Sh&h  Bukh ;  and  the  text,  accompanied  by  a  version 
in  French,  of  two  other  extracts  from  '*Abdu-r  Bazz&k's  history. 


I  Probably  Mr.  G.  J.  Oldfield,  B.C.S. 

*  Morley'B  Catalogue. 

*  Asiatick  MiBcellanj)  foI.  i.  p.  71,  Calcutta,  1785. 

*  AmbaMadfls  r^oiproquea  d'un  £oi  deB  IndeB,  de  la  Fene,  eto.,  et  d'un  Empereur 
de  la  Chine.    Syo.    Paris,  1788. 

A  Tome  y.,  p.  333,  note. 

*  Tome  ilL  6me  etfrie,  pp.  94,  245,  422. 

7  Noticea  et  Extraits,  yoL  xi?.,  prem.  partie,  p.  1.  "Langl^  does  not  translate, 
but  abstracts,  and  is  not  so  literal  and  exact  as  Quatremdre.*' — Note  by  Sir  fl.  M. 
EUiot. 


MATLA'U-S  SA'DAIN.  93 

relating  reBpe(rtiyely  to  the  voyage  of  the  ambassadors  of  Sh&h 
Bukh  to  China,  and  to  that  of  'Abdu-r  Bazz4k  himself  to  India. 
M .  Qoatremdre  passes  the  most  favoorable  judgment  as  to  the 
merits  of  the  work,  saying,  that  it  is  incontestably  one  of  the 
most  cnrioos  and  reracioos  histories  that  have  been  written  in 
any  of  the  Eastern  languages.]  ^ 

EXTRACTS. 

limir^B  passage  of  the  Indus. 

The  ^^  S&hib  Eir&n  "  Timdr  having  exterminated  the  Aughini 
forces,  on  the  1st  of  the  month  Muharram  returned  to  the  fort 
of  Naghz,  and  appointed  Sh&h  ^Ali  Fardhi  with  a  force  of  700 
cavalry  and  a  company  of  foot  soldiers,  as  guard  of  that  place, 
so  that  if  the  royal  army  should  go  any  distance,  the  ambas- 
sadors and  servants  of  the  princes  might  have  easy  ingress  and 
egress,  and  be  fearless  of  the-Aughdni  robbers.  On  the  8th  of 
the  same  months  Timur  pitched  his  camp  on  the  banks  of  the 
river  Sindh,  in  the  same  place  that  Sultdn  Jaldlu-d  din  Khwdrizm 
Sh&h  crossed  the  river  in  his  flight  from  Ghangiz  Kh&n,  and 
where  Ihe  latter  rested  without  crossing  the  river.  Timtir 
ordered  that  boats  should  be  collected  and  a  bridge  be  made  for 
crossing  the  river.  Saiyid  Muhammad,  of  Medina,  who  had 
been  to  Mecca  and  Medina,  said  that  ^^  the  nobles  of  these  coun* 
tries  having  humiliated  themselves,  are  anxiously  awaiting  your 
presence.''  The  ambassador  of  Sh&h  Sikandar,  King  of  Kash- 
mir, according  to  orders,  appeared  before  the  king,  and  offered 
the  service  and  submission  of  his  master.  Timur  having 
honoured  Saiyid  Muhammad,  dismissed  him,  and  also  having 
conferred  royal  fovours  on  the  ambassador,  sent  word  for  Sikandar 
Sh&h  to  join  the  royal  army  at  the  city  of  Dip&lpur,  in  Hind. 

1  8«e  alio  Jahrhuelm',  Ko.  71,  p.  32.  Dom,  Oesehiehte  Tahariatant,  142.  Joorn. 
Aiiatiqiie,  3me  s^rie,  yoL  ii.,  and  4me  s^rie.  yoI.  iy.  Ouseley's  TraTeU,  yoI  i.,  app.  2. 
Dom's  Afghans,  part  iL,  p.  62.  Reinaud's  Aboulfeda,  yol.  i.,  p.  163.  Biog.  Uniyer, 
TIL,  621;    Oaleatta  Beyiew,  xzL    Asiatic  Annual  Begister  for  1800. 


94  'ABDU-R  BAZZAK. 

The  king  on  the  13th  day  of  the  month,  having  crossed  the 
river  Sindh,  pitched  his  camp  near  the  Chol-Jarad,  which  jangle 
is  now  known  as  the  "Chol-i  Jaldli."  The  cause  of  this  &me 
is,  that  Soltdn  Jal&Iu-d  din,  when  he  fled  from  Ghangiz  Kh&n, . 
crossed  the  river  and  came  to  this  chol^  and  so  escaped.  All 
the  chiefii  of  the  hills  of  Jud  came  and  professed  their  subjection 
to  Timur.  Before  this  Amir  Bustam  Tagh&(  Bdk&i  Birlas, 
according  to  the  royal  order,  had  gone  in  the  direction  of  Mult&n, 
and  on  account  of  the  rain,  had  proceeded  by  the  way  of  the 
mountains  of  Jud.  The  nobles  of  this  place  then  supplied  him 
with  provisions,  and  rendered  acceptable  services  to  him.  Timur 
having  approved  their  services,  showed  them  kindness,  and  con- 
ferred honours  upon  them. 

Opposition  of  Shahdhu-d  din, 

Shahdbu-d  din  Mubdrak  was  prince  of  an  island  on  the  side  of 
the  river  Jamd  ;  he  had  in  his  service  a  large  number  of  fighting 
men.  When  Prince  Pir  Muhammad  appeared  on  the  frontier 
of  Multdn,  Shah&bu-d  din  paid  homage  to  him,  and  was  treated 
with  great  consideration,  but  on  his  return  to  the  island,  seeing 
the  strength  of  his  island  and  the  security  afforded  by  the  river, 
the  thought  of  rebellion  entered  into  his  head.  Timur  having 
left  the  Ghol-i  Jal&li,  came  and  encamped  on  the  banks  of  the 
Jamd,  and  being  aware  of  the  rebellion  of  Shahdbu-d  din,  on 
the  14th  day  of  the  month,  he  sent  Mir  Shaikh  Nuru-d  din 
with  a  large  army  against  him. 

Massacre  of  Hindu  Prisoners. 

At  this  Oourt  the  princes  and  amirs  represented  to  His  Majesty, 
that  between  the  time  of  his  crossing  the  river  Sindh  and  of  his 
reaching  this  place,  100,000  infidels  had  been  made  prisoners, 
and  it  was  to  be  feared  that  in  the  day  of  battle  they  would 
incline  to  the  people  of  Dehli,  and  would  join  them.  On  that 
day,  Mallu  Eh&n  had  come  as  far  as  the  Jahdn-numd.     The 


MATLA'U-S  SA'DAIN.  95 

intelligence  of  this  movement  having  spread  through  the  camp, 
had  reached  the  prisoners,  and  thej  communicated  the  good  news 
to  each  other.  Tfmtir  listened  to  this  considerate  and  wise  ad- 
vice, and  gave  orders  for  putting  the  prisoners  to  death.  Every  one 
who  fisuled  in  the  execution  of  this  order  was  to  be  killed,  and  his 
property  was  to  become  the  possession  of  the  man  who  reported 
his  dereliction  of  duty.  In  execution  of  this  order,  100,000 
Hindus  were  slain  with  the  sword  of  holy  war.  Maul&na  N&siru-d 
din,  one  of  the  chief  ecclesiastics,  who  in  all  his  life  had  never 
slaughtered  a  sheep,  put  fifteen  Hindus  to  the  sword. 

Emhoisy  to  Hinduatdn. 

During  the  course  of  the  year  845  h.  (21st  May,  1441),  the 
author  of  this  history,  'Abdu-r  Bazz&k,  the  son  of  Is'hdk,  under 
the  orders  of  the  sovereign  of  the  world,  prepared  to  set  out  for 
the  province  of  Hormuz,  and  the  shores  of  the  ocean.  •  ♦  ♦  ♦ 

On  the  18th  of  Bamaz&n  I  arrived  at  the  pure  abode  of 
Kirman,  a  place  of  importance,  as  well  as  of  delight  and 
rapture.  •  •  • 

On  the  5th  of  Shaww&l,  I  departed  from  Kirmdn,  and  on  my 
road  had  an  interview  with  the  Amir  Hdji  Muhammad,  who  was 
on  his  return  from  plundering  the  province  of  Banpur,^  and  in 
the  middle  of  the  month  I  arrived  on  the  shore  of  the  sea  of 
'Um&n  and  the  port  of  Hormuz,  the  governor  of  which  place, 
Malik  Fakhru-d-din  Tur&n  Shdh,  sent  me  a  boat,  in  which  I 
arrived  at  the  city  of  Hormuz.  He  assigned  me  a  house  and  all 
necessary  appurtenances,  and  I  was  admitted  to  an  interview 
with  the  king. 

This  Hormuz,  which  is  also  called  Jerun,  is  a  seaport,  which 
has  not  its  parallel  on  the  face  of  the  earth.  The  merchants  of 
the  seven  climates  resort  to  it,  such  as  those  of  Egypt,  Syria, 

^  M.  Qoatmn^re  reads  Ben-boul.  Fottinger  describes  Banpiir  as  a  fort  containing 
about  one  hundred  wretched  inhabitants,  and  situated  in  an  extensiye  plain  in- 
differently cnltiTated. 


96  'ABDU-R  EAZZAK. 

Bum,  ^zarb&ij&D,  the  two  'Ir&ks  F&n,  Khur&s&n,  M&war&a-n- 
nahr,  Torkist&n,  Dasht-i-Kipchdk,  the  Kalmak  country,  and  i^ 
the  kingdoms  of  the  East,  Chin,  M&chin,  and  Elh&nb&lik. 
Hither  also  those  who  dwell  on  the  shores  of  the  sea  bring 
commodities  from  Chin,  Java,  Bengal,  Ceylon,  the  cities  of 
Zirb&d,  Tan&siri/  Sacotra,  and  the  ninety  cities  of  the  islands  of 
Diwah-Mahall,'  the  countries  of  Maldbdr,  Abyssinia,  Zangebar, 
the  ports  of  Bij&nagar,  Kulbarga,  Gujar&t,  Eanb&  (Gambay),  the 
coasts  of  Arabia  as  &r  as  Aden,  Jiddah,  and  Jambo  (P).  All  these 
are  the  bearers  of  such  merchandize,  precious  and  rare,  as  the  sun 
and  the  moon  and  the  rains  contribute  to  embellish.  Travellers 
come  hither  from  all  parts,  of  the  world,  and  without  difficulty 
replace  what  they  bring  by  articles  which  they  require  of  equiva- 
lent value.  They  transact  their  business  for  cash  or  by  barter. 
They  pay  on  every  article  a  custom-duty  of  a  tenth,  with  the 
exception  of  gold  and  silver.  Professors  of  various  religions,  and 
even  infidels,  abound  in  that  city,  and  no  measure  of  injustice  is 
permitted  to  any  one  in  it ;  hence  the  city  is  '*  called  the  abode 
of  security  (ddru»l  dmdn).'*  The  inhabitants  combine  the  courtesy 
of  the  ^Ir&kis  with  the  subtlety  of  the  Hindus. 

I  remained  there  two  months,  the  rulers  of  it  having  searched 

^  This  is  the  way  Tenaaserim  is  usually  written  by  our  old  yoyagers.  The  differ- 
ences are  thus  marked  by  a  Dutch  Toyager : — *^  Tanassery  ....  by  einigen,  als  J. 
de  Barros,  Od.  Barbosa,  Willem  Metold,  en  Barthema, '  Temasseii,'  or  ^Tamassari' ; 
by  Linschooten  '  Tanasserin,'  en  by  Jurrich  *  Tanassery/  geheeten." — Vervaturlyki 
Sehip-breueh  vant  Oost  Indiseht  Jacht  ter  Sehellingkf  p.  90  (Amstd.,  1676),— 
usually  bound  up  with  J.  Jansen  Struys'  Voyagien  door  Moteovim,  etc.  (Amstd., 
1677).  £alph  Fitch  and  J.  Lancaster  have  "  Tanaseri."— Hakluyt's  Voyag$t^  Ntmfth' 
tiontf  etc.,  Yol.  ii.,  pp.  396, 692.  Navaretto  has  <'TanaBsary.*'—rMi^ Churchill's  OolUc- 
tion  of  Voyages  and  TraveU,  vol.  vi.,  p.  763.  Baldaius,  "Tanasseri."— JW<f,  vol.  ii., 
p.  621.  Gemelli  Careri,  '^.Tanasserri." — Ibid.^yoX,  iv.,  p.  236.  He  also  uses  **  Teni- 
zarim." — Ibidy  p.  269.  **  Tanacerim,"  in  Antonie  Galvano's  Discoveries  of  ths 
World,  in  Hakluyt's  Voyages,  Navigations,  etc,  vol.  iv.,  p.  423.  And  earlier  than  til 
these,  Nicolo  Conti,  at  the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth  century,  visited  "  TamassarL" — 
Bamusio,  Raccolta  di  Nav.  et  Viaggi,  torn.  i.  Sir  Thomas  Herbert  has  '<  Tamassari,*' 
"Tanassery,"  and  "Tamesseri."— i^omc  Tears'  Traveh  into  Asia  the  Oreat^  pp. 
336,  346. 

'  M.  Langl^  (note  13)  considers  this  to  be  Diu,  but  the  expression  of  *'  the  islands," 
shows  that  the  *'  Maldive ''  islands  must  be  meant,  being  a  corruption  from  the  Arabio 

name.    [The  words  of  the  text  are  J^r^  2fy  J  y  Ij^"  *^y  j^  i\ 


MATLA'U-S  SA'DAIN.  97 

for  all  kinds  of  excuses  to  detaiu  me ;  insomach,  that  the  time 
&YOurable  for  proceeding  to  sea,  viz.,  the  beginning  and  middle 
of  the  monsoon,  elapsed,  and  it  was  not  till  the  end  of  it,  when 
storms  and  tempests  are  to  be  feared,  that  they  allowed  me  to 
depart.  As  men  and  horses  could  not  go  in  one  ship,  they  were 
separated  and  placed  in  different  ships.  So  we  hoisted  sail  and 
departed. 

When  the  stink  of  the  vessel  affected  my  senses,  and  the 
dread  of  the  sea  was  experieDced,  I  fell  into  such  a  swoon  that, 
for  three  days,  my  breathing  alone  indicated  that  I  was  alive. 
When  I  came  a  little  to  myself,  the  merchants,  who  were  my 
intimate  friends,  exclaimed  with  one  accord  that  the  season  of 
navigation  was  already  past,  and  whoever  exposed  himself  to 
the  perils  of  the  sea  at  such  a  time  would  alone  be  responsible 
for  his  own  death,  since  he  voluntarily  sought  it.  All  of  them 
accordingly  having  sacrificed  the  sums  which  they  had  paid  as 
freight,  relinquished  their  design,  and  after  some  difiiculties,  dis- 
embarked at  the  port  of  Maskat. 

As  for  me,  attended  by  my  intimate  friends,  I  went  from 
Maskat  to  a  place  called  Eari&t,  and  there  I  took  up  my  abode. 
The  merchants  of  the  sea,  when  the  objects  of  your  voyage  are 
not  accomplished,  and  you  are  compelled  to  sojourn  in  a  place 
other  than  that  of  your  destination,  say  you  are  reduced  to  a 
state  of  tabdhi.  In  consequence  of  the  revolutions  of  a  merciless 
heaven,  and  the  ill-luck  of  a  treacherous  destiny,  my  heart  was 
shattered  like  glass.  I  was  tired  of  life,  and  reduced  to  great 
extremities.  •  •  •  • 

While  I  was,  against  my  will,  detained  at  Karidt,  and  on  the  sea- 
shore, the  moon  of  the  Muharram  of  846  h.  (12th  May,  1442), 
developed  the  beauty  of  her  crescent  in  that  abode  of  grief. 
Although  it  was  the  season  of  the  vernal  equinox,  the  heat  of  the 
sun  was  so  intense,  that  the  rubies  were  dissolved  in  their  mines, 
and  the  marrow  was  dried  up  in  the  bones.  ♦  ♦  ♦  My  eldest 
brother,  myself,  and  companions  fell  ill  through  the  excessive 
heat,  [a;w/  in  this  situation  we  remained  for  four  nionthaJ]  *  •  ♦ 

VOL.  IV.  7 


98  'ABDU-R  BAZZAK. 

Having  learnt  that  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Kalahdt  there  was  a 
place  called  Saur,  which  possessed  an  equable  temperature,  and 
was  supplied  with  good  water,  I  embarked  on  a  vessel  to  go  to 
that  place,  notwithstanding  my  weakness ;  but  when  I  arrived 
there,  my  illness  increased.^  •  •  • 

At  length  I  departed  for  Hindust&n,  and  after  a  voyage  of 
eighteen  days  and  nights,  \_dtmng  which  tlie  freshness  of  the  sea" 
breeze  restored  my  healthy]  we  cast  anchor,  by  the  aid  of  God, 
in  the  port  of  Kdlikot ;  and  now  I  proceed  to  recount  naturally, 
and  without  any  effort,  the  marvels  of  that  country,  and  my 
travels  in  it. 


My  arrival  in  Sindmtdn,  and  an  account  of  the  Condition, 
CtMtoms,  and  Marvels  of  that  Country, 

K&likot  is  a  perfectly  safe  harbour,  and  like  that  of  Hormuz 
brings  together  merchants  of  every  city  and  every  country. 
Here  also  one  finds  in  abundance  rarities  brought  from  maritime 
countries,  especially  from  Abyssinia,  Zirb&d,  and  Zangeb&r. 
From  time  to  time  ships  arrive  from  the  direction  of  the^House 
of  God  (Mecca),  and  other  parts  of  Hijjaz,  and  remain  at  will 
for  some  time  in  this  port.  It  is  a  city  inhabited  by  infidels, 
and  therefore  a  legitimate  object  of  conquest  to  us.  Several 
Musulmans  reside  in  it,  and  they  have  built  two  cathedral 
mosques  there,  where  they  assemble  on  Fridays  to  pray.  They 
have  a  kdzi^  a  religious  man,  and  for  the  most  part  they  belong 
to  the  sect  of  Sh&fi'i.  Such  security  and  justice  reign  in  that  city 
that  rich  merchants  bring  to  it  from  maritime  countries  large 
cargoes  of  merchandize,  which  they  disembark  and  deposit  in  the 
streets  and  market-places,  and  for  a  length  of  time  leave  it  without 
consigning  it  to  any  one's  charge,  or  placing  it  under  a  guard. 
The  ojOBicers  of  the  custom-house  have  it  under  their  protection, 

^  His  brother,  Maul&n&  'AfLfu-d-din  'Abdu-1  wab&b,  died  during  the  sojourn  at 
this  place. 


MATLA'U-S  SA'DAIN.  99 

and  night  and  day  keep  guard  round  it.^  If  it  is  sold,  thoj  take 
a  custom  duty  of  two  and  a  half  per  cent.,  otherwise  they  offer  no 
kind  of  interference.  It  is  a  practice  at  other  ports,  that  if  any 
Tessel  be  consigned  to  any  particular  mart,  and  unfortunately  by 
the  decree  of  the  Almighty  it  be  driven  to  any  other  than  that 
to  which  it  is  destined^  under  the  plea  that  it  is  sent  by  the 
winds,  the  people  plunder  it ;  but  at  K&likot  every  vessel,  where  - 
ever  it  comes  from,  and  whichever  way  it  arrives,  is  treated  like 
any  other,  and  no  sort  of  trouble  is  experienced  by  it.^ 

His  Majesty,  the  Ehdk&n-i  SaMd,  had  sent  to  the  ruler  of 
K&likot  horses  and  pelisses,  robes  of  golden  tissue,  and  caps, 
such  as  are  presented  at  the  festival  of  the  new  year.  The 
reason  of  this  was  that  the  ambassadors  of  that  emperor,  on 
their  return  from  Bengal,  had  been  forced  to  put  in  at  K&likot, 
and  the  report  which  they  made  of  the  greatness  and  power  of 
His  Majesty  reached  the  ear  of  the  ruler  of  that  place.  He 
learnt  fit)m  trustworthy  authorities  that  the  Sultdns  of  the  fourth 
inhabited  quarter  of  the  globe,  both  of  the  east  and  of  the  west,  of 
the  land  and  of  the  sea,  despatched  embassies  to  that  monarchy 
and  regarded  his  Court  as  the  kibla  of  their  necessities,  and  tlie 
kafba  of  their  thoughts. 

Shortly  after  this,  the  King  of  Bengal  having  complained  of 
the  hostilities  he  was  suffering  from  Sultan  Ibrdhim  of  Jaunpur, 
sought  protection  from  the  Court,  which  is  the  asylum  of  Sult&ns ; 
upon  which  His  Majesty  despatched  to  Jauupur  Shaikliu-1  islam 
Khw&ja  Karimu-d  din  Abu-al  mak&rim  Jami,  as  the  bearer  of 
an  imperial  rescript,  directing  the  ruler  of  Jaunpur  to  abstain 
from  attacking  the  King  of  Bengal,  or  to  take  the  consequences 
upon  himself.  To  which  intimation  the  ruler  of  Jaunpur  was 
obedienti  and  desisted  from  his  attacks  upon  Bengal.  When 
the  ruler  of  Kdlikot  heard  this  intelligence,  he  collected  all  kinds 
of  presents  and  rarities,  and  sent  them  by  the  hand  of  an  envoy, 

^  The  Arabian  merchants  were  struck  with  a  somewhat  similar  practice  on  their 
Toyage  to  China. 
>  See  Mazide&'s  Marco  I^olo,  p.  685. 


100  'ABDU-R  RA2ZAK. 

representing  that  in  his  port  prayers  and  the  Mahammadan 
khutha  were  read  on  Fridays  and  on  festivals ;  and  that  if  His 
Majesty  sanctioned  the  measure,  they  should  be  embellished  and 
honoured  by  his  august  name  and  titles. 

His  messenger,  in  the  company  of  the  ambassadors  who  were 
coming  from  Bengal,  arrived  at  the  august  Court,  and  the  nobles 
made  known  his  representation  and  displayed  his  presents.  The 
envoy  was  a  Musulm&n,  endowed  with  eloquence,  who  repre- 
sented in  his  address  that  if  His  Majesty  would  enter  into 
relations  with  his  master,  and  send  special  ambassadors  to  him, 
who,  following  the  sacred  ordinance,— "  by  your  wisdom  and 
excellent  advice  persuade  them  to  enter  into  the  ways  of  your 
Lord," — should  invite  him  to  embrace  the  Muhammadan  re- 
ligion, should  open  the  bolt  of  darkness  and  infidelity  from  his 
unenlightened  mind,  and  should  kindle  in  the  window  of  his 
heart  the  flame  of  the  beam  of  faith,  and  the  splendour  of  the 
light  of  knowledge,  it  would  certainly  be  a  holy  and  meritorious 
act.  His  Majesty,  acceding  to  this  request,  ordered  his  ministers 
to  despatch  an  ambassador,  and  the  lot  fell  upon  this  humble  in- 
dividual. Some  laboured  to  persuade  me  that  I  should  not  re- 
turn from  this  voyage;  but,  dangerous  as  it  was,  I  did  return 
from  it  in  good  health  after  three  years,  when  my  opponents 
were  themselves  no  longer  alive. 

Visit  to  Kdlikot, 

In  short,  when  I  disembarked  at  K&likot,  I  saw  a  tribe  of 
people,  the  like  of  which  had  never  even  entered  my  dreams. 
"  A  strange  kind  of  tribe,  neither  man  nor  demon, 
"  At  the  sight  of  which  one's  senses  were  startled ; 
"  If  I  had  seen  anything  like  them  in  my  dreams, 
"  My  heart  would  have  been  disturbed  for  years. 
"  I  have  loved  a  moon-faced  beauty, 
"  But  I  cannot  fall  in  love  with  every  black  woman.^' 
The  blacks  of  this  country  go  about  with  nearly  naked  bodies, 
wearing  only  pieces  of  cloth  called  langots^  extending  from  their 


MATLA'U-8  SA'DAIK.  101 

navels  to  above  their  knees.^  In  one  hand  they  b^ar  a  Hindi 
dagger  (bright)  as  a  drop  of  water,  and  in  the  other  a  shield 
made  of  cow's  hide,  large  as  a  portion  of  cloud.  The  king  and 
the  beggar  both  go  abocit  in  this  way,  but  the  Musulmans  clothe 
themselves  in  costly  garments,  like  the  Arabs,  and  display  various 
kinds  of  luxuries. 

I  had  interviews  with  several  Musulm&ns  and  a  crowd  of 
infidels,  and  a  convenient  lodging  was  assigned  me,  and  after 
three  days  they  took  me  to  see  the  king^  I  saw  a  man  with  his 
body  naked,  like  the  other  Hindus.'  They  call  the  king  of  that 
place  Samurr^  and  when  he  dies,  they  place  on  the  throne  his 
sister^s  son,  and  do  not  bestow  it  upon  his  son,  bis  brother,  or  his 
other  relatives.  No  one  becomes  king  by  force  of  arms.^  The 
infidels  are  of  various  tribes,  Brahmans,  yogia^  and  others,  who 
all  alike  participate  in  plural- worship  and  idol-wcMrship.  Every 
tribe  has  its  peculiar  customs. 

Among  them  is  a  tribe  in  which  one  woman  has  several 
hu»bands,  of  which  each  one  engages  in  a  separate  occupation* 
They  divide  the  hours  of  the  night  and  day  amongst  themselves, 
and  as  long  as  any  one  of  them  remains  in  the  house  during  his 
appointed  time,  no  other  one  can  enter.  The  Sdmuri  is  of  that 
tribe. 

When  I  had  my  audience  with  the  S&muri,  the  assembly  con- 
sisted of  2,000  or  3,000  Hindus,  clad  in  the  manner  above 
mentioned,  and  the  chief  Musulmdns  were  also  there.    After 

1  The  nakedness  of  the  people  of  these  parts  struck  also  our  earlier  voyagers. 
Thonias  Steyens,  writing  in  1679,  says :  *'  They  that  be  not  of  reputatioui  or  at 
least  the  most  part,  goe  naked,  saying  an  apron  of  a  span  long  and  as  much  in 
breadth  before  them,  and  a  lace  two  Angers  bread  before  them,  girded  about  with 
a  string,  and  no  more :  and  thus  they  thinke  them  as  weU  as  we  do  with  all  our 
trimming/' — Hakluyt's  Voyagetj  Navigatumty  Trafflques^  and  Diteoveries,  yol.  ii.» 
p.  685. 

*  De  Faria  y  Sousa  giyes  ayery  different  account  of  the  S&muii's  appearance,  when 
Yasco  de  Gama  and  Pedro  Cabral  were  receiyed.  His  whole  dress  and  person  were 
then  covered  with  gold,  pearls,  and  diamonds,  though  he  was  stiU  somewhat  deficient 
in  garments. — HUtory  of  Diteoveries  in  Aaiay  vol.  ii.,  pp.  47,  69,  and  Astley's 
CoUeetion  of  Voyages  and  Travehy  vol.  i.,  p.  32,  43.  See  also  Ludovico  Barthema, 
foL  169.    Benaudot'i  Aneiennes  Relations^  p.  123.    [See  tuprd^  vol.  L,  p.  4.] 


102  'ABDU-R  RAZZAK. 

they  had  made  me  sit  down,  they  read  the  letter  of  credentials 
sent  by  His  Majesty,  the  Kh&k&n-i  Sa^id,  and  the  presents  which 
I  had  brought  were  displayed.  The  S&muri  paid  but  little 
respect  to  my  embassy,  so  leaving  the  Court  I  returned  home. 
The  party  of  men  whom  the  King  of  Hormdz  had  despatched  on 
a  separate  ship,  with  several  horses  and  other  goods  collected 
from  various  quarters,  were  taken  on  their  voyage  by  hard- 
hearted corsairs,  robbed  of  all  their  goods,  and  with  difficulty 
escaped  with  their  lives.  On  their  arrival  at  K&likot,  I  was 
rejoiced  at  the  sight  of  my  old  friend. 

From  the  close  of  Jum&da-l  dkhir  to  the  beginning  of  Z(-hijja, 
I  remained  in  that  wretched  place,  a  comrade  of  trouble  and  a 
companion  of  sorrow.  In  the  middle  of  it,  during  one  night  of 
profound  darkness  and  weary  length,  in  which  sleep,  as  an 
imperious  tyrant,  captivated  my  senses  and  closed  the  door  of 
my  eyelids,  after  all  kinds  of  troubles,  I  was  sleeping  on  my  bed 
of  repose,  when  I  saw  in  a  dream  His  Majesty  the  Kh&k&n,  who 
advanced  towards  me,  with  all  the  pomp  of  sovereignty,  and 
arriving  near  me,  said,  "  cease  to  trouble  yourself." 

In  the  morning,  after  saying  my  prayers,  the  dream  recurred 
to  my  mind  and  made  me  happy.  Although  ordinarily  dreams 
are  purely  reveries  of  the  imagination,  which  are  rarely  realized 
in  a  waking  state,  nevertheless,  sometimes  they  turn  out  exactly 
true,  and  are  considered  revelations  of  God.  No  one  is  ignorant 
of  the  dream  of  Joseph,  God's  peace  on  him  !  or  of  that  of  the 
monarch  of  Egypt. 

I  reflected  within  myself  that  probably  a  morning  of  good 
fortune  would  arise,  from  the  day-spring  of  the  mercy  of  God, 
and  that  the  night  of  vexation  and  sorrow  would  come  to  an  end. 
Having  communicated  my  dream  to  some  clever  men,  I  was 
demanding  from  them  the  interpretation  of  it,  when  suddenly 
some  one  arrived,  and  brought  intelligence  that  the  King  of 
Bij&nagar,  who  possessed  a  large  kingdom  and  an  important 
sovereignty,  had  sent  a  herald  with  a  letter  addressed  to  the 
S&muri,   desiring   that    the    ambassador  of    His   Majesty  the 


MATLA*U-S  SA'DAIN.  103 

Khakan-i  Sa'id  should  be  instantly  sent  to  him.  Although  the 
S&muii  is  not  under  his  authority,  nevertheless,  he  is  in  great 
alarm  and  apprehension  from  him,  for  it  is  said,  that  the  King 
of  Bij&nagar  has  300  seaports,  every  one  of  which  is  equal  to 
E&likot,  and  that  inland  his  cities  and  provinces  extend  over 
a  journey  of  three  months. 

K&likot,  and  certain  other  ports  along  the  coast  as  &r  as 
E&il,  which  is  opposite  Sarandib,  also  called  Sil&n,  are  situated 
in  a  province  called  Malib&r.  Ships  which  depart  frt)m  K&Iikot 
to  the  blessed  Mecca  (God  preserve  it  in  honour  and  power !)  are 
generally  laden  with  pepper.  The  men  of  K41ikot  are  bold 
navigators,  and  are  known  by  the  name  of  ^'  sons  of  Ghina.'^^ 
The  pirates  of  the  sea  do  not  molest  the  ships  of  K&likot,  and 
everything  is  procurable  in  that  port^  with  this  sole  exception, 
that  you  cannot  kill  cows  and  eat  their  flesh.  Should  any  one  be 
known  to  have  killed  a  cow,  his  life  would  infallibly  be  sacrificed. 
The  cow  is  held  in  such  respect,  that  they  rub  the  ashes  of  its 
dung  upon  their  forehead, — ^the  curse  of  God  upon  them  ! 

Visit  to  B\jdnagar, 

This  humble  individual  having  taken  his  leave,  departed  from 
Kalikot,  and  passing  by  the  seaport  of  Band&na,  which  is  on  the 
Malib&r  coast,  arrived  at  the  port  of  Mangalur,  which  is  on  the 
borders  of  the  kingdom  of  Bij&nagar.  Having  remained  there 
two  or  three  days,  he  departed  by  dry  land,  and  at  the  distance 
of  three  paraaangs  from  Mangalur,  he  saw  a  temple  which  has  not 
its  like  upon  the  earth.  It  is  a  perfect  square  of  about  ten  yards 
by  ten,  and  five  in  height.  The  whole  is  made  of  molten  brass. 
There  are  four  platforms  or  ascents,  and  on  the  highest  of  them 
there  is  an  idol,  of  the  figure  and  stature  of  a  man,  made  all  of 

*  Apparently  a  compliment  to  Chinese  navigation.  In  former  daya  many  Chinese 
resorted  to  these  parts,  and  estahlished  even  their  permanent  residence  in  them. 
P.  Baldssns  speaks  of  '*  the  Chinetei  inhabiting  Cochin,  being  very  dextrous  at  catching 
/sh.** — ChurchiU's  OolUetion,  toI.  iii.,  p.  671.  When  John  Deza  destroyed  the 
Zamurin*s  fleet,  it  was  commanded  by  Cutiale,  a  Chinese  admiral.'Mar6den'8  Marco 
Folo,  note  1372. 


104  'ABDU-R  EAZZXE. 

gold.  Its  eyes  are  composed  of  two  red  rubies,  which  are  so 
admirably  set  that  you  would  say  that  they  gazed  upon  you. 
The  whole  is  made  with  the  greatest  delicacy  and  the  perfection 
of  art. 

Passing  on  from  that  place,  I  arrived  each  day  at  a  town  or 
village  well  populated,  until  a. mountain  rose  before  me,  the  base 
of  which  cast  a  shadow  on  the  sun,  and  whose  sword  (peak) 
sheathed  itself  in  the  neck  of  Mars:  its  waist  was  encircled 
with  the  bright  stars  of  Orion,  as  with  a  ring,  and  its  head  was 
crowned  with  a  blazing  chaplet.  Its  foot  was  covered  with  such 
numbers  of  trees  and  thorny  bushes  that  the  rays  of  the  world- 
enlightening  sun  were  never  able  to  penetrate  its  obscurity,  and 
the  genial  clouds  could  never  moisten  its  soil  with  their  rain. 
On  leaving  this  mountain  and  forest,  I  arrived  at  the  city  of 
Bidrur,^  of  which  the  houses  were  like  palaces  and  its  beauties 
like  houris.  In  Bidrur  there  is  a  temple  so  high  that  you  can 
see  it  at  a  distance  of  several  parasanga.  It  is  impossible  to 
describe  it  without  fear  of  being  charged  with  exaggeration.  In 
brief,  in  the  middle  of  the  city,  there  is  an  open  space  extending 
for  about  ten  jariba,  charming  as  the  garden  of  Iram.  In  it 
there  are  flowers  of  every  kind,  like  leaves.  In  the  middle  of 
the  garden  there  is  a  terrace  {kursi)^  composed  of  stones,  raised 
to  the  height  of  a  man ;  so  exquisitely  cut  are  they,  and  joined 
together  with  so  much  nicety,  that  you  would  say  it  was  one 
slab  of  stone,  or  a  piece  of  the  blue  firmament  which  had  fallen 
upon  the  earth.  In  the  middle  of  this  terrace  there  is  a  lofty 
building  comprising  a  cupola  of  blue  stone,  on  which  are  cut 
figures,  arranged  in  three  rows,  tier  above  tier. 

Such  reliefs  and  pictures  could  not  have  been  represented 
upon  it  by  the  sharp  style  and  deceptive  pencil. 

^  M.  Langl^  reads  ^<B6giour,"  in  which  he  is  followed  by  Marray,  Sist,  of  Disc, 
in  Asia,  toL  ii.»  p.  22.  M.  Qoatr^mere,  **  Bilor"  [which  is  the  spelling  of  the  MS. 
of  the  E.  I.  Library].  No  doubt  Bednore  is  indicated,  which  is  the  capital  of  a  pro- 
yince  of  the  same  name,  and  a  place  favourable  for  trade,  as  the  pass  leading  through 
it  from  Mangalore  is  one  of  the  best  roads  in  the  Western  Ghats,  which  comprise  the 
terrific  mountain  mentioned  by  our  author. 


MATLA'U-S  SA'DAIN.  105 

From  the  top  to  the  bottom  there  was  not  a  space  of  the  palm 
of  a  hand  on  that  lofty  bailding  which  was  not  adorned  with 
paintings  of  Europe  and  Khat&  (China).  The  building  was  con- 
structed on  four  terraces  of  the  length  of  thirty  yards,  and  of  the 
breadth  of  twenty  yards,  and  its  height  was  about  fifty  yards. 

All  the  other  edifices,  small  and  great,  are  carved  and  painted 
with  exceeding  delicacy.  In  that  temple,  night  and  day,  after 
prayers  unaccepted  by  God,  they  sing  and  play  musical  instru- 
ments, enjoy  concerts,  and  give  feasts.  All  the  people  of  the 
Tillage  enjoy  pensions  and  allowances  from  that  building;  for 
oflferings  are  presented  to  it  from  distant  cities.  In  the  opinion 
of  those  irreligious  men,  it  is  the  ka^ha  of  the  infidels  (gabrdn). 
After  remaining  here  two  or  three  days,  I  continued  my  journey, 
and  at  the  close  of  the  month  Zi-hijja  arrived  at  the  city  of 
Bij&nagar.  The  king  sent  out  a  party  to  escort  us,  and  we  were 
brought  to  a  pleasant  and  suitable  abode. 

Account  of  the  city  of  Bijdnagar  and  its  seven  surrounding 

fortificatiom} 

From  our  former  relation,  and  well-adjusted  narrative,  well- 
informed  readers  will  have  ascertained  that  the  writer  'Abdu-r- 
nzz&k  had  arrived  at  the  city  of  Bij&nagar.  There  he  saw  a 
city  exceedingly  large  and  populous,  and  a  king  of  great  power 
and  dominion,  whose  kingdom  extended  from  the  borders  of 
Sarandip  to  those  of  Eulbarga,  and  from  Bengal  to  Malib&r,  a 
space  of  more  than  1,000  parasangs.  The  country  is  for  the  most 
part  well  cultivated  and  fertile,  and  about  three  hundred  good 
seaports  belong  to  it.  There  are  more  than  1,000  elephants, 
lofty  as  the  hills  and  gigantic  as  demons.  The  army  consists  of 
eleven  lacs  of  men  (1,100,000).  In  the  whole  of  Hindust&n 
there  is  no  rdi  more  absolute  than  himself,  under  which  denomi- 
nation the  kings  of  that  country  are  known.  The  Brahmans  are 
held  by  him  in  higher  estimation  than  all  other  men.     The  book 

^  Lor  gard'i  yahdigar  and. 


106  'ABDU-E  RAZZAX 

of  Kalila  and  Dimna,  than  which  there  is  no  other  more  excellent 
in  the  Persian  language,  and  which  relates  to  a  B&i  and  a 
Brahman,  is  probably  the  composition  of  the  wise  men  of  this 
country. 

The  city  of  Bij&nagar  is  such  that  eye  has  not  seen  nor  ear 
heard  of  any  place  resembling  it  upon  the  whole  earth.  It  is  so 
built  that  it  has  seven  fortified  walls,  one  within  the  other. 
Beyond  the  circuit  of  the  outer  wall  there  is  an  esplanade  ex- 
tending for  about  fifty  yards,  in  which  stones  are  fixed  near  one 
another  to  the  height  of  a  man ;  one  half  buried  firmly  in  the 
earth,  and  the  other  half  rises  above  it,  so  that  neither  foot  nor 
horse,  however  bold,  can  advance  with  facility  near  the  outer 
wall.  If  any  one  wishes  to  learn  how  this  resembles  the  city  of 
Hir&t,  let  him  understand  that  the  outer  fortification  answers  to 
that  which  extends  from  the  hill  of  Mukht&r  and  the  pass  of 
"the  Two  Brothers ^^  to  the  banks  of  the-  river,  and  the  bridge  of 
M&l&n,  which  lies  to  the  east  of  the  village  of  Ghiz&r,  and  to  the 
west  of  the  village  of  Sib&n.^ 

The  fortress  is  in  the  form  of  a  circle,  situated  on  the  summit 
of  a  hill,  and  is  made  of  stone  and  mortar,  with  strong  gates, 
where  guards  are  always  posted,  who  are  very  diligent  in  the 
collection  of  taxes  (Jizi/dt),  The  second  fortress  represents  the 
space  which  extends  from  the  bridge  of  the  New  River  to  the  bridge 
of  the  pass  of  Kard,*  to  the  east  of  the  bridge  of  Rangina'  and 
Jakdn,  and  to  the  west  of  the  garden  of  Zibanda,  and  the  village 
of  Jas&n.  The  third  fortress  would  contain  the  space  which  lies 
between  the  tomb  of  the  Imam  Fakhr-u-din-R&zi,  to  the  vaulted 
tomb  of  Muhammad  Sult&n  Sh&h.  The  fourth  would  represent 
the  space  which  lies  between  the  bridge  of  Anjd  and  the  bridge 
of  K4rad.  The  fifth  may  be  reckoned  equivalent  to  the  space 
which  lies  between  the  garden  of  Zaghan  and  the  bridge  of  the 
river  Jdk4n.      The  sixth  fortification   would  comprehend   the 

»  [OrSln&n.] 

'  [From  the  bridge  of  Jonau  to  the  bridge  in  Kar&h.  il  J  iJ  jb  \j  %J^  /Jj  ill 

«  [  Var.  Reginah.] 


MATLA'U-S  SA'DAIN.  107 

distance  between  the  gate  of  the  king  and  that  of  Firoz&bad. 
The  seventh  fortress  is  placed  in  the  centre  of  the  others,  and 
occnpies  ground  ten  times  greater  than  the  chief  market  of 
Hir&t.  In  that  is  situated  the  palace  of  the  king.  From  the 
northern  gate  of  the  outer  fortress  to  the  southern  is  a  distance 
of  two  statute  parasangs^  and  the  same  with  respect  to  the  distance 
between  the  eastern  and  western  gates.  Between  the  first, 
second,  and  third  walls,  there  are  cultivated  fields,  gardens, 
and  houses.  From  the  third  to  the  seventh  fortress,  shops  and 
bazars  are  closely  crowded  together.  By  the  palace  of  the  king 
there  are  four  bazars,  situated  opposite  to  one  another.  That 
which  lies  to  the  north  is  the  imperial  palace  or  abode  of  the 
Rii.  At  the  head  of  each  bazar,  there  is  a  lofty  arcade  and 
magnificent  gallery,  but  the  palace  of  the  king  is  loftier  than  all 
of  them.  The  bazars  are  very  broad  and  long,  so  that  the 
sellers  of  flowers,  notwithstanding  that  they  place  high  stands 
before  their  shops,  are  yet  able  to  sell  flowers  from  both  sides. 
Sweet-scented  flowers  are  always  procurable  fresh  in  that  city, 
and  they  are  considered  as  even  necessary  sustenance,  seeing 
that  without  them  they  could  not  exist.  The  tradesmen  of 
each  separate  guild  or  craft  have  their  shops  close  to  one 
another.  The  jewellers  sell  their  rubies  and  pearls  and  diamonds 
and  emeralds  openly  in  the  bazar.      [^Eulogy  of  the  gems.'] 

In  this  charming  area,  in  which  the  palace  of  the  king  is  con- 
tained, there  are  many  rivulets  and  streams  flowing  through 
channels  of  cut  stone,  polished  and  even.  On  the  right  hand 
of  the  palace  of  the  Sult&n  there  is  the  diwdn-khdna,  or  minister'^s 
office,  which  is  extremely  large,  and  presents  the  appearance  of 
a  chihal-^uiiin^  or  forty-pillared  hall;  and  in  front  of  it  there 
runs  a  raised  gallery,  higher  than  the  stature  of  a  man,  thirty 
yards  long  and  six  broad,  where  the  records  are  kept  and  the 
scribes  are  seated.  These  people  have  two  kinds  of  writing, 
one  upon  a  leaf  of  the  Hindi  nut  (cocoa-nut),  which  is  two  yards 
long,  and  two  digits  broad,  on  which  they  scratch  with  an  iron 
style.     These  characters  present  no  colour,  and  endure  but  for 


108  'ABDU-R  RAZZAX 

a  little  while.^  In  the  second  kind  they  blacken  a  white  snr&ce, 
on  which  they  write  with  a  soft  stone  cut  into  the  shape  of  a 
pen,  so  that  the  characters  are  white  on  a  black  surface,  and  are 
durable.     This  kind  of  writing  is  highly  esteemed. 

In  the  middle  of  the  pillared  hall,  a  eunuch,  called  a  Dandik^ 
sits  alone  upon  a  raised  platform,  and  presides  over  the  adminis- 
tration ;  and  below  it  the  mace-bearers  stand,  drawn  up  in  a  row 
on  each  side.  Whoever  has  any  business  to  transact  advances 
between  the  lines  of  mace-bearers,  offers  some  trifling  present, 
places  his  face  upon  the  ground,  and  standing  upon  his  legs 
again,  represents  his  grievance.  Upon  this,  the  Dandik  issues 
orders  founded  upon  the  rules  of  justice  prevalent  in  that  country, 
and  no  other  person  has  any  power  of  remonstrance.  When  the 
Dandik  leaves  the  chamber,  several  coloured  umbrellas  are  borne 
before  him,  and  trumpets  are  sounded,  and  on  both  sides  of  his 
way  panegyrists  pronounce  benedictions  upon  him.  Before  he 
reaches  the  king  he  has  to  pass  through  seven  gates,  at  which 
porters  are  seated,  and  as  the  Dandik  ai*rives  at  each  door  an 
umbrella  is  left  behind,  so  that  on  reaching  the  seventh  gate  the 
Dandik  enters  alone.  He  reports  upon  the  affairs  of  the  State 
to  the  king,  and,  after  remaining  some  time,  returns.  His  resi- 
dence lies  behind  the  palace  of  the  king. 

^  This  mode  of  writing  on  the  leaves  of  the  Borasnu  Jlabetliformit  and  the  cocoa- 
nut  ifl  still  practised  in  Canara  and  Southern  India.  It  is  thus  described  by  A. 
Hamilton  on  his  visit  to  Calicut,  ch.  xxv. : — "They  make  use  of  no  pens,  ink,  and 
paper ;  write  on  leanres  of  flags  or  reeds  that  grow  in  morasses  by  the  sides  of  rivers. 
They  are  generally  about  eighteen  inches  long  and  one  and  a  half  broad,  tapering 
at  both  ends,  and  a  small  hole  at  one  end  for  a  string  to  pass  through.  It  is  thicker 
than  our  royal  paper,  and  very  tough.  They  write  with  the  point  of  a  bodkin  made 
for  that  purpose,  holding  the  leaf  athwart  their  left  thumb  and  over  the  foremost 
flnger,  and  what  they  have  to  write  is  indented,  or  rather  engraven,  into  the  leaf, 
but  it  does  not  pierce  the  leaf  above  half  way  through.  And  on  two  or  three  of 
these  leaves  they  will  write  as  much  as  we  can  on  a  sheet  of  small  paper.  All  their 
records  are  written  so  on  leaves,  and  they  are  strung  and  rolled  up  in  a  scroll,  and 
hung  some  time  in  smoke  and  then  locked  up  in  their  cabinets.  And  I  have  seen 
some  such  leaves  smoke-dried,  that  they  told  me  were  above  1000  years  old.*' — 
Pinkerton's  Collection  of  VoyageSy  vol.  viii.,  p.  410. 

s  [This  is  the  spelling  of  the  MS.  of  the  East  India  Library.  The  MS.  from  which 
the  translation  was  made  seems  to  have  had  ^^Daidng"] 


MATLA'U-S  SA'DAIN.  109 

On  the  left  of  the  palace  there  is  the  mint,  where  they  stamp 
three  different  kinds  of  gold  coins,  mixed  with  alloy.  One  is 
called  vardha^  and  weighs  about  one  miskdl^  equal  to  two  kopaki 
dinars.  The  second  kind  is  called  partdh^  and  is  equal  to  half 
of  the  first.  The  third  is  called  fanam^  and  is  equal  to  the 
tenth  of  a  partdb.  The  last  is  the  most  current.  Of  pure 
silver  they  make  a  coin  equal  to  a  Bixth  of  a  fanam^  which  they 
call  idr^  which  is  also  in  great  use.  The  third  of  a  tdr  is  a 
copper  coin,  called  jktal.  The  usage  of  the  country  is  that,  at 
a  stated  period,  every  one  throughout  the  whole  empire  carries 
to  the  mint  the  revenue  (^r)  which  is  due  from  him,  and  whoever 
has  money  due  to  him  from  the  Exchequer  receives  an  order  upon 
the  mint.  The  sipdhis  receive  their  pay  every  four  months, 
and  no  one  has  an  assignment  granted  to  him  upon  the  revenues 
of  the  provinces. 

This  country  is  so  well  populated  that  it  is  impossible  in  a 
reasonable  space  to  convey  an  idea  of  it.  In  the  king's'  treasury 
there  are  chambers,  with  excavations  in  them,  filled  with  molten 
gold,  forming  one  mass.  All  the  inhabitants  of  the  country, 
whether  high  or  low,  even  down  to  the  artificers  of  the  bazar, 
wear  jewels  and  gilt  ornaments  in  their  ears  and  around  their 
necks,  arms,  wrists,  and  fingers. 

ITie  Elephants^  and  mode  of  catching  them. 

Opposite  the  minister's  office  are  the  elephant  sheds.  The 
king  has  many  elephants  in  the  country,  but  the  large  ones  are 
specially  reserved  for  the  palace.  Between  the  first  and  second 
enceinte  of  the  city,  and  between  the  northern  and  western  faces, 
the  breeding  of  elephants  takes  place,  and  it  is  there  the  young 
ones  are  produced.  The  king  has  a  white  elephant,  exceedingly 
large,  with  here  and  there  as  many  as  thirty  spots  of  colour. 

Every  morning  this  animal  is  brought  into  the  presence  of  the 
monarch ;  for  to  cast  eye  upon  him  is  thought  a  favourable  omen. 
The  palace  elephants  are  fed  on  kichu,  which,  after  being  cooked. 


110  'ABDU-R  EAZZA'K. 

is  turned  out  from  the  cauldron  before  the  elephant,  and  after 
being  sprinkled  with  salt  and  moist  sugar,  is  made  into  a  mass, 
and  then  balls  of  about  two  mans  each  are  dipped  in  butter,  and 
are  then  placed  by  the  keepers  in  the  mouths  of  the  animals.  If 
any  of  these  ingredients  is  forgotten,  the  elephant  is  ready  to  kill 
his  keeper,  and  the  king  also  severely  punishes  his  negligence. 
They  are  fed  twice  a  day  in  this  way.  Each  has  a  separate  stall ; 
the  walls  are  very  strong  and  high,  and  are  covered  with  strong 
wood.  The  chains  on  the  necks  and  backs  of  the  elephants  are 
firmly  attached  to  the  beams  above ;  if  the  chains  were  bound 
any  other  way,  the  elephants  would  easily  detach  themselves. 
Chains  are  also  bound  upon  the  fore-legs. 

The  manner  in  which  they  catch  elephants  is  this :  they  dig 
a  pit  in  the  way  by  which  the  animal  usually  goes  to  drink, 
which  they  cover  over  lightly.  When  an  elephant  falls  into  it, 
no  man  is  allowed  to  go  near  the  animal  for  two  or  three  days  ; 
at  the  end  of  that  period,  a  man  comes  up  and  strikes  him  several 
hard  blows  with  a  bludgeon,  when  suddenly  another  man  appears 
who  drives  off  the  striker,  and  seizing  the  bludgeon,  throws  it 
away.  He  then  retires,  after  placing  some  forage  before  the 
elephant.  This  practice  is  repeated  for  several  days ;  the  first  lays 
on  the  blows,  and  the  second  drives  him  away,  until  the  animal 
begins  to  have  a  liking  for  his  protector,  who  by  degrees  approaches 
the  animal,  and  places  before  it  the  fruits  which  elephants  are 
partial  to,  and  scratches  and  rubs  the  animal,  until  by  this  kind  of 
treatment  he  becomes  tame,  and  submits  his  neck  to  the  chain. 

They  tell  the  following  story  of  an  elephant  that  fled  from  his 
bondage,  and  absconded  to  the  deserts  and  the  jungles.  His 
keeper,  in  pursuit  of  him,  dug  pits  in  the  paths  which  he  was 
likely  to  firequent.  The  elephant,  apprehensive  of  his  artifices, 
seizing  a  club,  and  holding  it  like  a  staff  in  his  trunk,  kept 
feeling  and  sounding  the  earth  with  great  caution  as  he  advanced ; 
and  so  arrived  at  the  drinking  ford.  The  elephant-drivers 
despaired  of  taking  him ;  but  as  the  king  was  very  anxious  to 
have  him  caught,  one  of  the  keepers  mounted  a  tree  under  which 


MATLA'U-S  SA'DAIN.  Ill 

the  elephant  was  likely  to  go,  and  there  lay  hid,  till,  at  the 
moment  of  his  passing  underneath,  he  threw  himself  down  on  the 
back  of  the  animal,  and  seizing  the  strong  cord  which  they  strap 
over  the  back  and  chest  of  those  animals,  and  which  had  not  yet 
been  detached,  he  held  it  fast  within  his  grasp.  In  spite  of  all 
the  turnings  and  motions  which  the  elephant  made  to  escape, 
and  in  spite  of  his  lashing  with  his  trunk,  it  was  all  of  no  avail. 
When  he  began  rolling  upon  his  side,  the  keeper  leapt  upon  the 
flank  which  remained  uppermost,  and  meanwhile  struck  the 
animal  several  sharp  blows  upon  the  head,  so  that,  being  at 
last  exhausted,  the  beast  gave  in,  and  submitted  his  body  to  the 
bonds,  and  his  neck  to  the  fetters.  The  keeper  brought  the 
elephant  into  the  presence  of  the  king,  who  bestowed  a  hand- 
some reward  upon  him. 

The  kings  of  Hindust&n  go  out  hunting  elephants,  and  re- 
main a  month  or  more  in  the  jungles,  and  when  they  capture 
elephants,  they  rejoice  at  their  success.  Sometimes  they  order 
criminals  to  be  cast  down  before  the  feet  of  an  elephant,  that 
they  may  be  killed  by  its  knees,  trunk,  and  tusks.  Merchants 
carry  elephants  from  Sil&n  to  different  countries,  and  sell  them 
according  to  their  height,  so  mUch  more  being  demanded  for 
each  additional  yard. 

The  Brothels. 

Opposite  the  mint  is  the  office  of  the  Prefect  of  the  City,  to 
which  it  is  said  12,000  policemen  are  attached ;  and  their  pay, 
which  equals  each  day  12,000  /anatns,  is  derived  from  the  pro- 
ceeds of  the  brothels.  The  splendour  of  those  houses,  the  beauty 
of  the  heart-ravishers,  their  blandishments  and  ogles,  are  beyond 
all  description.     It  is  best  to  be  brief  on  the  matter. 

One  thing  worth  mentioning  is  this,  behind  the  mint  there 
is  a  sort  of  bazar,  which  is  more  than  300  yards  long  and  20 
broad.  On  two  sides  of  it  there  are  houses  (khdnahd)  and 
fore-courts  (8afhahd\  and  in  front  of  the  houses,  instead  of 
benches  {kurBi)^  lofty  seats  are  built  of  excellent  stone,  and  on 


112  'ABDU-R  RAZZA'K. 

each  side  of  the  avenue  formed  by  the  houses  there  are  figures  of 
lions,  panthers,  tigers,  and  other  animals,  so  well  painted  as  to 
seem  alive.  After  the  time  of  mid-day  prayers,  they  place  at  the 
doors  of  these  houses,  which  are  beautifully  decorated,  chairs  and 
settees,  on  which  the  courtezans  seat  themselves.  Every  one  is 
covered  Mrith  pearls,  precious  stones,  and  costly  garments.  They 
are  all  exceedingly  young  and  beautiful.  Each  has  one  or  two 
slave  girls  standing  before  her,  who  invite  and  allure  to  indulgence 
and  pleasure.  Any  man  who  passes  through  this  place  makes 
choice  of  whom  he  will.  The  servants  of  these  brotheb  take 
care  of  whatever  is  taken  into  them,  and  if  anything  is  lost  they 
are  dismissed.  There  are  several  brothels  within  these  seven 
fortresses,  and  the  revenues  of  them,  which,  as  stated  before, 
amount  to  12 fiOO  fanama,  go  to  pay  the  wages  of  the  policemen. 
The  business  of  these  men  is  to  acquaint  themselves  with  all  the 
events  and  accidents  that  happen  within  the  seven  walls,  and  to 
recover  everything  that  is  lost,  or  that  may  be  abstracted  by 
theft ;  otherwise  they  are  fined.  Thus,  certain  slaves  which  my 
companion  had  bought  took  to  flight,  and  when  the  circumstance 
was  reported  to  the  Prefect,  he  ordered  the  watchmen  of  that 
quarter  where  the  poorest  people  dwelt  to  produce  them  or  pay 
the  penalty;  which  last  they  did,  on  ascertaining  the  amount. 
Such  are  the  details  relating  to  the  city  of  Bij&nagar  and  the 
condition  of  its  sovereign. 

The  author  of  this  history,  who  arrived  at  Bij&nagar  at  the 
close  of  Zi-hijja,  took  up  his  abode  in  a  lofty  mansion  which 
had  been  assigned  to  him,  resembling  that  which  one  sees  in 
Hirat  on  the  high  ground  at  the  King's  Grate.  Here  he  reposed 
himself  after  the  fatigues  of  the  journey  for  several  days,  and 
passed  under  happy  auspices  the  first  day  of  the  new  moon  of 
Muharram  in  that  splendid  city  and  beautiful  abode. 

Intermew  with  the  King  of  Bijdnagar. 

One  day  messengers  came  from  the  king  to  summon  me,  and 
towards  the  evening  I  went  to  the  Court,  and  presented  five 


MATLA'U-S  SA'DAIN.  113 

beautiful  horses  and  two  trays,^  each  containing  nine  pieces  of 
damask  and  satin.     The  king  was  seated  in  great  state  in  the 
forty-pillared  hall,  and  a  great  crowd  of  Brahmans  and  others 
stood  on  the  right  and  left  of  him.     He  was  clothed  in  a  robe 
of  zaitiin^  satin,  and  he  had  round  his  neck  a  collar  composed  of 
pure  pearls  of  regal  excellence,  the  value  of  which  a  jeweller 
would  find  it  difficult  to  calculate.     He  was  of  an  olive  colour, 
of  a  spare  body,  and  rather  tall.     He  was  exceedingly  young, 
for  there  was  only  some  slight  down  upon  his  cheeks,  and  none 
upon  his  chin.    His  whole  appearance  was  very  prepossessing. 
On  being  presented  to  him,  I  bowed  down  my  head.     He  re- 
ceived me  kindly,  and  seated  me  near  him,  and,  taking  the 
august  letter  of  the  emperor,'  made  it  over  (to  the  interpreters), 
and  said,  ''  My  heart  is  exceedingly  glad  that  the  great  king  has 
sent  an  ambassador  to  me.^^    As  I  was  in  a  profuse  perspiration 
from  the  excessive  heat  and  the  quantity  of  clothes  which  I  had 
on  me,  the  monarch  took  compassion  on  me,  and  favoured  me 
with  a  fan  of  Khat4i  which  he  held  in  his  hand.     They  then 
brought  a  tray,  and  gave  me  two  packets  of  betel,  a  purse  con- 
taining 500  fanama,  and  about  20  miskdls  of  camphor,  and,  ob- 
taining leave  to  depart,  I  returned  to  my  lodging.     The  daily 
provision  forwarded  to  me  comprised  two  sheep,  four  couple  of 
fowls,  five  mans  of  rice,  one  man  of  butter,  one  man  of  sugar, 
and  two  vardhas  in  gold.     This  occurred  every  day.     Twice  a 
week  I  was  summoned  to  the  presence  towards  the  evening,  when 
the  king  asked  me  several  questions  respecting  the  Kh&k&n-i  Sa'id, 
and  each  time  I  received  a  packet  of  betel,  a  purse  of fanamSy  and 
some  miskdis  of  camphor. 


^  On  the  tukiiz,  or  presents,  comprising  nm«  pieces  of  any  article,  see  a  note  by  M. 
Quatrem^re  in  the  Notices  $t  Bxtraitt  des  MS8.,  torn,  xi?.,  pp.  32-36. 

«  [Olive-coloured  ?] 

'  As  the  author's  embassy  was  to  Calicut,  and  not  to  Bfj&nagar,  it  does  not  appear 
how  he  became  possessed  of  this  letter,  speciaUy  addressed  to  a  place  which  was  not 
the  object  of  his  destination.  We  shidl  see  subsequently  that  his  enemies,  while 
they  deny  that  he  was  accredited  by  the  Khfrk&n,  neyertheless  do  not  dispute  that  ho 
was  the  bearer  of  a  letter  from  that  monarch. 

VOL.  IV.  8 


114  'ABDU-R  RAZZAK. 

The  monarch  addressed  us  through  his  mterpreter,  and  said, 
^^  Your  kings  feast  ambassadors  and  place  dishes  before  them,  but 
as  I  and  you  cannot  eat  together, 

'^  This  purse  of  gold  represents  the  repast  of  an  ambassador." 

The  properties  of  the  beteUkaf. 

This  betel  is  a  leaf  which  resembles  that  of  an  orange,  but  is 
longer.  It  is  held  in  great  esteem  in  Hindustan,  in  the  many 
parts  of  Arabia,  and  the  kingdom  of  Hormdz ;  and  indeed  it 
deserves  its  reputation.  It  is  eaten  in  this  way :  they  bruise  a 
piece  of  areca  nut,  which  they  also  call  supdri^  and  place  it  in  the 
mouth ;  and  moistening  a  leaf  of  betel  or  pan  together  with  a 
grain  of  quick-lime,  they  rub  one  on  the  other ;  roll  them  up 
together,  and  place  them  in  the  mouth.  Thus  they  place  as 
many  as  four  leaves  together  in  their  mouths,  and  chew  them. 
Sometimes  they  mix  camphor  with  it,  and  from  time  to  time 
discharge  their  spittle,  which  becomes  red  from  the  use  of  the 
betel. 

This  masticatory  lightens  up  the  countenance  and  excites  an 
intoxication  like  that  caused  by  wine.  It  relieves  hunger,  stimu- 
lates the  organs  of  digestion,  disinfects  the  breath,  and  strengthens 
the  teeth.  It  is  impossible  to  describe,  and  delicacy  forbids  me 
to  expatiate  on  its  invigorating  and  aphrodisiac  virtues.  The 
following  verses  display  and  confirm  only  some  of  its  valuable 
properties. 

It  is  probably  owing  to  the  stimulating  properties  of  this  leaf, 
and  to  the  aid  of  this  plant,  that  the  king  of  that  country 
is  enabled  to  entertain  so  large  a  seraglio;  for  it  is  said  that 
it  contains  as  many  as  700  princesses  and  concubines.  With 
respect  to  all  these  establishments  no  male  child  is  permitted 
to  remain  in  them  after  attaining  the  age  of  ten  years.  Two 
women  do  not  dwell  together  in  the  same  apartment,  each  one 
having  her  concerns  separate.  When  any  beautiful  girl  is  found 
throughout  the  whole  kingdom,  after  the  consent  of  her  father 


MATLA'U-S  SA'DAIN.  115 

and  mother  has  been  pnrchased,  she  is  brought  in  great  state  to 
the  harem,  after  which  no  one  can  see  her;  but  she  is  treated 
with  great  consideration. 

An  attempt  upon  the  life  of  the  King  of  Bijdnagar. 

At  the  time  that  the  writer  of  this  history  was  detained  at 
the  city  of  K&likot  an  extraordinary  circumstance  and  singular 
transaction  occurred  in  the  city  of  Bijanagar.  The  details  are 
th^e.  The  brother  of  the  king  had  constructed  a  new  house, 
and  invited  the  kin^r  and  the  nobles  of  state  to  an  entertain- 
ment.  The  custom  of  the  infidels  is,  not  to  eat  in  the  presence 
of  one  another.  The  guests  were  seated  in  a  large  hall,  and, 
from  time  to  time,  the  host,  or  some  one  that  he  sent,  invited 
one  of  the  nobles  to  come  forward  and  partake  of  the  viands 
prepared  for  him.  He  had  taken  care  to  collect  together  all  the 
drums,  tymbals,  trumpets,  and  horns  in  the  city,  which  were 
beaten  and  blown  together  with  great  force  and  dissonance.  As 
each  guest  was  summoned  and  conducted  to  the  proper  apart- 
ment, two  assassins  advanced  from  the  place  of  their  concealment 
behind  the  door,  and,  wounding  him  with  a  dagger,  cut  him  to 
pieces.  When  his  remains  were  carried  off,  another  one  was 
summoned  and  treated  in  like  manner,  and  whoever  entered  that 
Blaaghter-house  was  never  heard  of  more,  for  he  became  like  a 
traveller  on  the  road  of  eternity;  and  the  tongue  of  fortune 
addressed  the  murdered  man  in  these  words — 
"  You  will  never  return;  having  gone»  you  have  gone  for  ever.*" 
From  the  noise  of  the  drums  and  the  clangour  and  the  tumult, 
not  a  soul  knew  what  had  occurred,  except  a  few  who  were  in 
the  secret :  and  in  this  manner  every  one  who  had  a  name  and 
position  in  the  State  was  murdered.  While  the  assembly  was 
yet  reeking  with  the  blood  of  its  victims,  the  murderer  went  to 
the  palace  of  the  king,  and,  addressing  the  guards  with  flattering 
language,  invited  them  also  to  the  entertainment,  and  sent  them 
to  follow  the  others ;  and  thus,  having  denuded  the  palace  of 
the  guards,  he  advanced  to  the  king,  bearing  in  his  hand  a  tray 


116  'ABDU.R  RAZZAK. 

of  betel,  in  which  there  was  a  brilliant  dagger  concealed  beneath 
the  leaves,  and  thus  addressed  the  monarch :  "  The  entertain- 
ment is  prepared,  and  only  waits  your  august  presence."  The 
monarchy  according  to  the  saying,  powerful  princes  are  dmnely 
inspired^  said  that  he  was  indisposed,  and  begged  that  his  at- 
tendance might  be  excused. 

When  this  unnatural  brother  despaired  of  the  king's  atten- 
dance, he  drew  forth  the  poignard,  and  wounded  him  several  times 
severely,  so  that  the  monarch  fell  down  behind  the  throne ;  and 
the  perfidious  wretch,  believing  that  he  was  dead,  left  one  of  his 
myrmidons  behind  to  cut  off  the  king's  head.  He  himself  rushed 
out  to  the  portico  of  the  palace,  and  exclaimed,  '^  I  have  killed 
the  king,  his  brothers,  the  nobles,  the  ministers,  and  the  other 
chiefs,  and  I  am  now  your  king."  But  when  the  bravo  advanced 
to  fulfil  his  murderous  orders,  the  king,  seizing  the  seat  behind 
which  he  had  fallen,  dealt  with  it  such  a  blow  upon  the  breast  of 
the  villain,  that  he  felled  him  to  the  ground,  and,  assisted  by  one 
of  his  guards,  who  in  alarm  had  concealed  himself  in  a  comer, 
put  him  to  death,  and  ran  out  of  the  chamber  by  the  way  of  the 
female  apartments.  While  his  brother,  seated  at  the  head  of  the 
tribunal  of  justice,  was  inviting  the  people  to  recognize  him  as 
their  sovereign,  the  king  himself  came  forward  and  exclaimed, 
"  Behold,  I  am  alive  and  safe,  seize  the  assassin."  The  multi- 
tude immediately  bore  him  down,  and  slew  him.  The  king  then 
summoned  to  his  presence  his  other  brothers,  and  all  the  nobles  ; 
but  every  one  had  been  slain  except  the  minister,  the  Dandik^ 
who,  previous  to  this  dreadful  tragedy,  had  gone  to  Sil4n.  A 
courier  was  despatched  to  summon  him,  and  inform  him  of  what 
had  transpired.  All  those  who  had  been  concerned  in  that  plot, 
were  either  flayed  alive,  or  burnt  to  death,  or  destroyed  in  some 
other  fashion,  and  their  families  were  altogether  exterminated. 
The  person  who  had  brought  the  invitation  ^  was  also  put  to 

^  J*J  ii'^j%\  (JL^Sjf^'  C->»£J  £      ^    "The  person  who  had  hrought  the 


invitatioii  of  coagulated  milk ; "  apparently  meaning  that  it  was  usual  to  send  coagu- 
lated milk  with  an  invitation. 


MATLA'U-S  SA'DAIN.  117 

death.  When  the  Dandik  had  returned  from  his  tour,  and  had 
become  acquainted  with  all  that  had  transpired,  he  was  as- 
tounded, and  after  being  admitted  to  the  honour  of  kissing  the 
royal  feet,  he  offered  up  his  thanks  for  the  safety  of  the  king's 
person,  and  made  more  than  usual  preparations  to  celebrate  the 
festival  of  Mahandwi} 

The  cekbration  of  the  Mahandwi. 

The  infidels  of  this  country,  who  are  endowed  with  power,  are 
fond  of  displaying  their  pride,  pomp,  power,  and  glory,  in 
holding  every  year  a  stately  and  magnificent  festival,  which  they 
call  Mahandwi.  The  manner  of  it  is  this :  The  King  of  Bij&na- 
gar  directed  that  his  nobles  and  chie&  should  assemble  at  the 
royal  abode  from  all  the  provinces  of  his  country,  which  extends 
for  the  distance  of  three  or  four  months'  journey.  They  brought 
with  them  a  thousand  elephants,  tumultuous  as  the  sea,  and 
thundering  as  the  clouds,  arrayed  in  armour,  and  adorned  with 
howdahs,  on  which  jugglers  and  throwers  of  naphtha  were  seated ; 
and  on  the  foreheads,  trunks,  and  ears  of  the  elephants  extra- 
ordinary forms  and  pictures  were  traced  with  cinnabar  and  other 

pigments. 

[  Verses."] 

The  chie&  of  the  army  and  the  powerful  men  of  each  province, 
and  the  wise  Brahmans  and  the  demon-like  elephants,  were  as- 
sembled at  the  Court  of  the  ruler  of  the  world  at  the  appointed 
time,  which  was  at  the  full  moon  of  Bajab  (September,  1446), 
on  a  broad  plain.  This  wonderful  expanse  of  ground,  from  the 
numbers  of  people  and  the  huge  elephants,  resembled  the  waves 
of  the  green  sea,  and  the  myriads  which  will  appear  on  the  Plains 

of  the  Besurrection. 

{^Verses.'] 

^  [Qaatxem^  read  tbis  Makatiddi,  and  so  did  tiie  trandator  of  this  Extract ;  but 
in  the  fine  MS.  of  the  East  India  Library  the  name  is  always  distinctly  written 
Mahandufi.  Beinand  pointed  out  Qnatrem^re*s  error,  and  showed  that  the  festival 
must  be  that  called  Mahd-navamij  the  ninth  and  last  day  of  the  Diirgd^pi^.  See 
Beinand's  Abonlfeda,  voL  i.,  p.  163,  note.] 


118  'ABDU-E  RAZZA'K. 

On  that  beautiful  plain  were  raised  enchanting  pavilions  of  from 
two  to  five  stages  high,  on  which  from  top  to  bottom  were  painted 
all  kinds  of  figures  that  the  imagination  can  conceive,  of  men,  wild 
animals,  birds,  and  all  kinds  of  beasts,  down  to  flies  and  gnats. 
All  these  were  painted  with  exceeding  delicacy  and  taste.  Some 
of  these  pavilions  were  so  constructed,  that  they  revolved,  and 
every  moment  ofiered  a  di£Perent  fece  to  the  view.  Every  instant 
each  stage  and  each  chamber  presented  a  new  and  charming 
sight. 

In  the  front  of  that  plain,  a  pillared  edifice  was  constructed  of 
nine  stories  in  height,  ornamented  with  exceeding  beauty.  The 
throne  of  the  king  was  placed  on  the  ninth  story.  The  place 
assigned  to  me  was  the  seventh  story,  from  which  every  one  was 
excluded  except  my  own  friends.  Between  this  palace  and  the 
pavilions  there  was  an  open  space  beautifrilly  laid  out,  in  which 
singers  and  story-tellers  exercised  their  respective  arts.  The 
singers  were  for  the  most  part  young  girls,  with  cheeks  like  the 
moon,  and  faces  more  blooming  than  the  spring,  adorned  with 
beautiful  garments,  and  displaying  figures  which  ravished  the 
heart  like  fresh  roses.  They  were  seated  behind  a  beautiful 
curtain,  opposite  the  king.  On  a  sudden  the  curtain  was  removed 
on  both  sides,  and  the  girls  began  to  move  their  feet  with  such 
grace,  that  wisdom  lost  its  senses,  and  the  soul  was  intoxicated 
with  delight. 

[  Verses.^ 

The  Showmen  and  Jugglers. 

The  jugglers  performed  astonishing  feats ;  they  set  up  three 
beams  joined  one  to  the  other ;  each  was  a  yard  long  and  half  a 
yard  broad,  and  about  three  or  four  high.  Two  other  beams 
were  placed  on  the  top  of  the  first  two  beams,  which  are  of  about 
the  same  length  and  breadth.  They  placed  another  beam  a  little 
smaller  on  the  top  of  the  second  beams,  which  were  already  sup- 
ported by  the  lower  beams,  so  that  the  first  and  second  series 
formed  two  stages  supporting  the  third  beam,  which  was  placed 


MATLA'U-S  SA'DAIN.  119 

on  the  top  of  them  all.  A  large  elephant  had  been  so  trained  by 
them,  that  it  mounted  the  first  and  second  stages,  and  finally  to 
the  top  of  the  third,  the  width  of  which  was  less  than  the  sole 
of  the  elephants  foot.  When  the  elephant  had  secured  all  four 
feet  on  this  beam,  they  removed  the  remaining  beams  from 
the  rear.^  Mounted  thus  on  the  top  of  the  third  beam,  the 
elephant  beat  time  with  his  trunk  to  every  song  or  tune  that 
the  minstrels  performed,  raising  his  trunk  and  lowering  it  gently 
in  accord  with  the  music. 

They  raised  a  pillar  ten  yards  high,  through  a  hole  at  the  top 
of  the  pillar  they  passed  a  beam  of  wood,  like  the  beam  of  a 
balance ;  to  one  end  of  this  they  attached  a  stone  about  the  weight 
of  an  elephant,  and  to  the  other  they  attached  a  broad  plank 
about  one  yard  in  length,  which  they  fastened  with  strong  cords. 
The  elephant  mounted  this  plank,  and  his  keeper  by  degrees  let 
go  the  cord,  so  that  the  two  ends  of  the  beam  stood  evenly 
balanced  at  the  height  of  ten  yards ;  at  one  end  the  elephant,  and 
at  the  other  his  weight  in  stone,  equal  as  two  halves  of  a  circle. 
In  this  way  it  went  (up  and  down)  before  the  king.  The 
elephant  in  that  high  position,  where  no  one  could  reach  him, 
listened  to  the  strains  of  the  musicians,  and  marked  the  tune 
with  motions  of  his  trunk. 

All  the  readers  and  story-tellers,  musicians  and  jugglers,  were 
rewarded  by  the  king  with  gold  and  garments.  For  three  con- 
tinuous days,  firom  the  time  that  the  world-enlightening  sun  began 
to  glow  like  a  peacock  in  the  heavens,  until  that  when  the  crow 
of  evening's  obscurity  displayed  its  wings  and  feathers,  this  royal 
f^e  continued  with  the  most  gorgeous  display.  One  cannot, 
without  entering  into  great  detail,  mention  all  the  various  kinds 
of  pyrotechny  and  squibs,  and  various  other  amusements  which 
were  exhibited. 

Audience  of  the  King  of  Bijdnagar, 
On  the  third  day,  when  the  king  was  about  to  leave  the  scene 


120  'ABDU-E  EAZZA'K. 

of  the  festival,  I  was  carried  before  the  throne  of  His  Majesty. 
It  was  of  a  prodigious  size,  made  of  gold  inlaid  with  beautiftd 
jewels,  and  ornamented  with  exceeding  delicacy  and  art ;  seeing 
that  this  kind  of  manufacture  is  nowhere  excelled  in  the  other 
kingdoms  of  the  earth.  Before  the  throne  there  was  placed  a 
cushion  of  zaitiini  satin,  round  which  three  rows  of  the  most 
exquisite  pearls  were  sewn.  During  the  three  days  the  king  sat 
on  the  throne  upon  this  cushion,  and  when  the  celebration  of  the 
Mahandwi  was  over,  he  sent  for  this  humble  individu^  one 
evening  at  the  time  of  prayer.  On  arriving  at  the  palace,  I  saw 
four  stages  laid  out  about  ten  yards  square.  The  whole  roof  and 
walls  of  the  apartment  were  covered  with  plates  of  gold  inlaid 
with  jewels.  Each  of  these  plates  was  about  the  thickness  of 
the  back  of  a  sword,  and  was  firmly  fixed  with  nails  of  gold.  On 
the  first  stage,  the  king's  royal  seat  was  placed.  This  was 
formed  of  gold,  and  was  of  great  size.  The  king  sat  upon  it  in 
state.  He  asked  after  His  Majesty  the  Kh&k&n*i  Sa'id,  his 
nobles,  his  armies,  the  number  of  his  horses,  and  the  peculi- 
arities of  the  cities,  such  as  Samarkand,  Hir&t,  and  Shir&z.  He 
treated  me  with  a  kindness  which  exceeded  all  bounds,  and 
observed,  '^  I  am  about  to  send  a  certain  number  of  elephants 
and  two  tuMz  of  eunuchs,  besides  other  rarities,  accompanied 
by  a  prudent  ambassador,  whom  I  shall  despatch  to  your 
Sovereign. 

In  that  assembly  one  of  the  courtiers  asked  me,  by  means  of 
an  interpreter,  what  I  thought  of  the  beauty  of  the  four  em- 
broidered so&s,  implying  that  such  could  not  be  made  in  our 
country.  I  replied,  that  perhaps  they  might  be  made  equally  well 
there,  but  that  it  is  not  the  custom  to  manufacture  such  articles. 
The  king  approved  highly  of  my  reply,  and  ordered  that  I  should 
receive  several  bags  ot/anams  and  betel,  and  some  fruits  reserved 
for  his  special  use. 

Malice  of  the  Sarm&zians. 
A  set  of  people  from  Hormdz,  who  were  residing  in  the 


MATLA'U-S  SA'DAIN.  121 

conntiy,  when  they  heard  of  the  kindness  of  the  monarch,  and 
of  his  intention  of  sending  an  ambassador  to  the  Court  of  the 
asylnm  of  Saltans,  were  extremely  vexed,  and  did  what  they 
could  to  destroy  this  edifice  of  friendship.  From  their  exceeding 
turpitude  and  malevolence  they  spread  abroad  the  report  that 
this  poor  individual  was  not  really  accredited  by  His  Majesty, 
the  Kh&k&n-i  Sa^id.  This  assertion  reached  the  ears,  not  only 
of  the  nobles  and  ministers,  but  of  the  king  himself,  as  will  be 
hereafter  mentioned.     Please  God  ! 


Expedition  to  Kulbarga. 

About  this  time  the  Dandiky  or  minister,  who  had  treated  me 
with  the  greatest  consideration,  departed  on  an  expedition  to  the 
kingdom  of  Kulbarga,  of  which  the  cause  was,  that  the  king  of 
Kulbarga,  Sult&n  'Al&u-d  din  Ahmad  Sh&h,  upon  learning  the 
attempted  assassination  of  Deo  R&i,  and  the  murder  of  the 
principal  officers  of  State,  was  exceedingly  rejoiced,  and  sent 
an  eloquent  deputy  to  deliver  this  message :  '^  Pay  me  700,000 
wirdAaSy  or  I  will  send  a  world-subduing  army  into  your  country, 
and  will  extirpate  idolatry  from  its  lowest  foundations/'  Deo 
B&i,  the  King  of  Bij&nagar,  was  troubled  and  angered  at  this 
demand,  and  said,  *'  Since  I  am  alive,  what  occasion  for  alarm  is 
there  if  some  servants  have  been  slain  P 

*  If  a  thousand  of  my  servants  die,  what  should  I  be  afraid  of!" 
In  one  or  two  days  I  can  collect  a  hundred  thousand  more  such 
as  they. 

*  Wh^  the  sun  is  resplendent,  innumerable  atoms  are  visible.^ 
If  my  enemies  have  conceived  that  weakness,  loss,  insecurity, 
and  calamity  have  &llen  upon  me,  they  are  mistaken.  I  am 
shielded  by  a  powerful  and  auspicious  star,  and  fortune  is  &vour- 
able  to  me.  Now  let  all  that  my  enemy  can  seize  from  out  my 
dominions  be  considered  as  booty,  and  made  over  to  his  saij/ids 
and  professors ;  as  for  me,  all  that  I  can  take  frx)m  his  kingdom 
I  will  make  over  to  my  falconers  and  brahmans."    So  on  both 


122  'ABDU-R  RAZZAK. 

sides  armies  were  sent  into  the  other'^s  country,  and  committed 
great  devastations.^ 

Hambah  Nurir.^ — Despatch  of  Embassy, 

The  king  had  appointed  as  a  temporary  substitute  of  the 
Brahman  Dandik  a  person  named  Hambah  Nurir,  who  considered 
himself  equal  to  the  wazir.  He  was  diminutive  in  stature, 
malignant,  low-bom,  vile,  savage,  and  reprobate.  All  the  most 
odious  qualities  were  united  in  him,  and  he  had  not  a  single 
estimable  trait  in  his  composition.  When  the  seat  of  the  ad- 
ministration was  polluted  by  that  wretch,  he  stopped  my  daily 
allowance  without  any  cause.  The  Hormuzians  having  found 
an  opportunity  of  showing  their  malice,  displayed  the  devilry 
which  forms  the  leaven  of  their  disposition ;  and  conformity  of 
vice  having  ingratiated  them  with  Hambah  Nurir,  they  declare^ 
that  I  was  not  accredited  by  His  Majesty  the  Kh&k&n-i  Sa'id, 
but  that  I  was  a  mere  merchant,  who  had  carried  in  my  hand 
the  diploma  of  His  Majesty.  They  spread  several  other  lies  in 
the  hearing  of  the  infidels,  which  produced  such  an  impression 
upon  them,  that  for  some  time,  in  the  middle  of  this  unholy 
country,  I  was  reduced  to  a  state  of  misery  and  uncertainty. 
But  while  labouring  under  this  anxiety,  I  met  the  king  several 
times  on  the  road,  who  treated  me  with  great  condescension,  and 
asked  how  I  was  going  on.  In  very  truth,  he  possessed  excellent 
qualities. 

The  Dandik^  after  ravaging  the  territory  of  Kulbarga,  and 
bringing  some  wretched  people  away  with  him  as  captives,  re- 
turned to  Bij&nagar.  He  reproached  Hambah  Nurir  for  having 
stopped  my  daily  rations,  and  gave  me  an  assignment  for  7,000 
fanams  on  the  mint  the  very  day  of  his  arrival.     Khw&ja 

^  Firishta  also  mentions  these  expeditions  under  the  year  847  h. — 1443-4  a.d., 
hnt  assigns  a  different  cause  for  them.  He  says  that  three  actions  took  place  in  the 
space  of  three  months,  and  that  the  adrantage  rested  generally  with  the  Hindus. — 
Briggs,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  430-4. 

'  [The  translator  transcribes  this  name  "  Nima  Pazir,"  but  in  the  MS.  of  the  East 
India  Library  the  name  is  very  carefully  written  and  pointed  *'  Hambah  Nurir."] 


MATLA'U-S  SA'DAIN.  123 

Mas'*ud  and  Khw&ja  Muhammad  of  Khuras&n,  who  were  also 
residing  in  Bij&nagar,  were  appointed  to  go  upon  the  embassy, 
carrying  with  them  presents  and  stuffs.  Fath  Kh&n,  one  of  the 
descendants  of  Salt&n  Firoz  Sh&h,  who  had  been  King  of  Delhi, 
also  sent  a  deputy,  named  Khw&ja  Jam&lu-d  din,  with  presents 
and  a  petition. 

On  the  day  of  my  audience  of  leave^  the  monarch  said  to  this 
poor  individual,  "  They  have  represented  that  you  are  not  really 
the  envoy  of  His  Majesty  Mirz&  Sh&h  Rukh ;  otherwise  we 
would  hare  paid  you  greater  respect.  If  you  should  come  again 
into  this  country,  and  I  should  ascertain  that  you  are  really  sent 
on  a  mission  by  His  Majesty,  I  will  pay  you  such  attention  as 
becomes  the  dignity  of  my  empire.**' 

[  Verse.'] 

Jn  the  letter  addressed  to  His  Majesty,  the  monarch  com- 
municated the  malicious  aspersions  which  had  been  spread  by 
the  Hormuzians,  and  observed,  ''  It  was  our  intention  to  com- 
mend myself  to  His  Sacred  Majesty  by  royal  presents  and  gifts, 
but  certain  parties  represented  that  ^Abdu-r  Bazzdk  is  not  His 
Majesty's  servant.'**  *  *  * 

The  humble  author,  having  completed  his  preparations,  took 
his  departure  for  the  shore  of  the  sea  of  'Um&n. 

The  return  from  Sindmtdn,  and  an  account  of  a  storm. 

The  sun  of  Divine  Benevolence  arose  from  the  horizon  of  pro- 
sperity, and  the  star  of  fortune  ascended  from  the  Orient  of  hope, 
and  the  brilliant  lights  of  joy  and  content  showed  themselves  in 
the  midst  of  the  dark  night,  conformably  to  the  saying,  ''  God  is 
the  friend  of  those  who  trust  in  Him.  He  will  bring  them  forth 
from  darkness  into  light.^  The  nights  of  trouble  and  affliction 
in  that  abode  of  idolatry  and  error  vanished  at  the  rising  of  the 
morning  of  good  fortune  and  the  appearance  of  the  sun  of  pro- 
sperity; and  the  evening  of  sorrow  and  helplessness  was  changed 
into  days  of  festivity  and  rejoicing. 


124  'ABDU-R  RAZZA'K. 

''  The  duration  of  night  that  was  longer  than  the  day  is  now 
reversed. 

"  The  latter  has  grown  longer,  the  former  has  decreased." 

Bijanagar  is  a  city  in  the  most  remote  territory  of  Hindust&n, 
and  the  whole  country  is  idolatrous ;  the  resources  which  I  had 
accumulated  for  my  travels  were  consumed  during  the  misfor- 
tunes to  which  I  had  been  exposed.  But  why  should  I  speak  of 
that  which  is  not  worthy  of  mention  P  But  in  consequence  of 
my  wretched  condition,  I  had  no  hope  of  getting  provision  for 
my  journey — all  I  could  do  was  to  throw  myself  on  the  mercy 
of  God. 

With  a  stout  heart  and  expanded  hopes,  I  set  out  on  my  road ; 
I  confided  myself  to  the  kindness  and  mercy  of  God.  On  the 
12th  of  Sha'b&n,  accompanied  by  the  ambassadors,  1  took  my 
flight  on  the  wings  of  travel  for  the  city  of  Bij&nagar,  and  after 
being  eighteen  days  on  the  road,  we  arrived,  on  the  1st  of 
Bamaz&n  (January,  1444),  at  the  port  of  Mangahtir,^  and  there  I 
was  honoured  with  beinc:  admitted  to  an  interview  with  Amir 
Saiyid-^Al&u-d  din  Mashhadi,  who  was  120  years  old.  For 
several  years  he  had  been  venerated  by  the  &ithfiil,  as  well  as 
the  infidels,  and  in  that  country  his  sayings  were  regarded  as 
oracles,  for  no  one  dared  to  refuse  obedience  to  his  precepts. 
One  of  the  ambassadors  of  Bij&nagar,  Khw&ja  Mas'ud^  unfortu- 
nately died  while  we  were  in  this  place. 

*'  On  this  sinful  earth,  over  which  the  vault  of  heaven  extends, 
Who  knows  in  what  place  his  head  will  rest  beneath  the 
tomb!'' 

After  having  celebrated  in  the  port  of  Mangahtir  the  feast 
which  follows  the  fast  of  Ramaz&n,  I  went  to  the  port  of  Hanur, 
to  arrange  about  fitting  out  a  vessel,  and  I  laid  in  provisions  for 
twenty  people  for  a  voyage  of  forty  days.  One  day,  near  the 
time  when  I  was  about  to  embark,  I  consulted  the  book  of 
presages  compiled  by  Im&m  JaYar  S&dik,  which  comprises  verses 

1  [«  B&kntir  "  in  MS.    Mangalore  P] 


MATLA*U-S  SA'DAIN.  125 

taken  from  tlie  Kur&u,  when  I  opened  it  at  a  passage  of  fortunate 
omen,  containing  this  verse, ''  Be  not  afraid,  you  have  been  saved 
{torn  the  tribe  of  wicked  men."  I  was  exceedingly  struck  with  a 
passage  so  appropriate  to  my  situation,  the  anxiety  which  beset 
my  heart  from  fear  of  the  sea  vanished  altogether,  and  all  at 
once  trusting  in  a  happy  deliverance,  I  embarked  on  the  25th  of 
the  month  Zi-1  ka'^da. 

Sometimes  we  engaged  in  conversation  on  the  extraordinary 
names  and  wonderful  appearances  which  had  come  under  our 
observation,  and  our  hearts  enjoyed  peace  and  contentment. 
Sometimes,  from  the  effect  of  contrary  winds,  which  resembled 
drunkards,  the  cup  of  vicissitude  found  its  way  into  the  vessel, 
and  its  planks,  which  were  so  joined  as  to  resemble  a  continuous 
line,  were  on  the  point  of  becoming  separate  like  isolated  letters 
of  the  alphabet. 

The  raging  storm  was  changed  into  a  favourable  wind,  the 
foaming  tempest  ceased,  and  the  sea  became  as  calm  as  my  heart 
desired.  The  passengers^  afler  having  celebrated  on  the  sea  the 
festival  of  azhd,  at  the  end  of  Zi-hijja,  sighted  the  mountain  of 
Kalah&t,^  and  rested  in  security  from  the  dangers  of  the  ocean. 
At  that  time,  the  new  moon  of  the  Muharram  of  the  year  848 
(of  April,  1444),  showed  itself  in  the  sea  like  the  image  of  a 
friend's  eyebrow.  *  *  * 

Concluding  events  of  the  voyage,  and  the  arrival  at  Hormiiz  hy 

Qod*  8  favour. 

The  narrative  of  my  voyage  has  reached  that  point,  when  the 
new  moon  of  the  blessed  Muharram  showed  its  beautiful  image 
in  the  sea.  The  ship  remained  out  at  sea  for  several  days  more, 
but  on  arriving  at  Maskat  we  cast  anchor;  where,  after  the 
damages  sustained  at  sea  by  the  storm  were  repaired,  we  re- 
embarked,  and  continued  our  route. 

^  Hub  ridge  extends  from  Jibal  Jall&n  to  Jibal  Fallah,  and  attains  a  height  of 
4,400  feet.  The  Jibal  FaUah  are  about  forty  miles  inland  from  Maskat,  and  rise  to 
6,000  feet. 


126  'ABDU-R  EAZZA'K. 

The  vessel,  after  leaving  Maskat,  arrived  at  the  port  of  Ehur- 
fak&n,^  where  she  remained  for  two  days,  during  which  the  night 
was  so  hot,  that  when  it  was  dawn,  you  might  have  said  that  the 
sky  had  set  the  earth  on  fire ;  for  the  strong- winged  bird  at  the 
summit  of  the  air,  and  the  fish  at  the  bottom  of  the  sea,  were 
equally  consumed  by  the  heat.  *  ♦  *  ♦ 

After  re-embarking,  we  left  the  port  of  Khurfid£&n,  and  arrived 
at  the  city  of  Hormiiz  on  the  forenoon  of  Friday,  the  12th  of  the 
month  of  Safar.  From  the  port  of  Handr  to  that  of  Hormuz, 
our  voyage  lasted  seventy-five  days. 

^  See  Beinaud'B  Aboulfeda,  toI.  i.,  page  163,  note. 


127 


XXIII. 
RAUZATU-S    SAFA 

OP 

MrRKHOND. 

The  full  title  of  this  work  is  Bauzatu-s  Safdfl  Siratu-l  Ambid 
icau'l  Muliik  wau-l  Khuhfd,  *'The  Garden  of  Purity,  containing 
the  History  of  Prophets,  Kings,  and  E^alifs."  It  was  composed 
by  Mirkhond,  or  more  correctly  Mir  Kh&wand,  whose  true  name 
at  length  is  Muhammad  bin  Eh&wand  Sh&h  bin  Mahmud.  He 
was  bom  towards  the  close  of  the  year  836  h.,  or  the  beginning 
of  837— A.D.  1433. 

We  gather  some  few  particulars  of  him  and  of  his  family  from 
the  account  of  his  patron,  the  minister,  'AH  Shir,  and  of  his  son, 
Khondamir.  The  father  of  Mirkhond  was  Saiyid  Burh&nu-din 
Kh&wand  Shah,  a  native  of  Mawar&u-n  nahr,  who  traced  his 
pedigree  to  Hasan,  the  son  of  'Ali.  When  his  father  died, 
Kh&wand  Sh&h  was  young,  and  being  compelled  by  circumstances 
to  abandon  his  country,  he  fixed  his  residence  in  the  town  of 
Balkh,  where  he  indulged  himself  in  the  study  of  literature  and 
science,  and  after  an  intermediate  residence  at  Hir4t,  returned 
to  Balkh,  and  died  there. 

Of  Mirkhond  himself  very  little  is  known.  When  he  was 
only  thirteen  years  of  age  he  accompanied  his  father  on  a  poli- 
tical embassy,  which  was  not  only  entirely  unsuccessful,  but  the 
negociators  were  unfortunately  pillaged  by  the  Turks  and  de- 
prived of  every  thing  they  took  with  them.  On  another  occasion, 
he  tells  us,  that  he  was  on  a  hunting  expedition,  when,  for  leaving 
his  post  to  join  in  mid-day  prayer,  he  was  reprimanded  by  some 
of  the  royal  servants,  and  was  so  much  alarmed  at  the  reproaches 
and  at  the  extortions  to  which  he  was  exposed  in  consequence^ 


128  MfRKHOND. 

that  he  fell  ill  and  remained  in  a  bad  state  for  seven  days. 
"Frightful  dreams  troubled  him  during  the  night,  and  before 
his  departure  the  humble  author  of  this  history  took  God  to 
witness^  and  yowed  that  on  no  account  would  he  ever  be  in- 
duced to  join  another  hunting  expedition/' 

These  luckless  adventures  seemed  to  have  indisposed  him  to- 
wards an  active  and  public  life,  and  he  devoted  himself  early  to 
literature.  His  son  tells  us  that  Mirkhond  having  employed  his 
early  life  in  acquiring  all  that  was  attainable  in  Eastern  science, 
in  which  he  soon  outstripped  all  his  contemporaries,  he  applied 
himself  with  equal  assiduity  and  success  to  the  study  of  history. 
"  Through  the  seductions  of  a  convivial  disposition,  however,  and 
too  unrestrained  an  intercourse  with  the  votaries  of  pleasure,  it 
never  occurred  to  him  to  engage  in  the  labours  of  composition, 
until,  by  the  goodness  of  Providence  and  the  influence  of  his 
better  destiny,  he  found  means  to  be  introduced  to  the  excellent 
'All  Shir,  from  whom  he  immediately  experienced  every  mark  of 
kindness  and  encouragement.'*''  He  assigned  to  Mirkhond  apart- 
ments in  the  Khdnk&h  Akhl&sia,  a  building  erected  by  him  "  to 
serve  as  a  retreat  and  asylum  to  men  of  merit  distinguished  by 
their  attainments,''^  and  cheered  him  with  intellectual  converse 
when  exhausted  with  the  labours  of  composition. 

''All  Shir  himself,  in  the  biographical  article  which  he  devotes 
to  Mirkhond,  vaunts  in  pompous  terms  the  distinguished  talents 
of  the  historian,  and  greatly  applauds  himself  for  having  by  his 
counsels  and  urgent  remonstrances  overcome  the  modesty  of  this 
honourable  man^  and  for  having  thus  contributed  to  enrich  Persian 
literature  with  a  production  so  remarkable  as  the  Rauzatu-a 
Safd. 

A  great  portion  of  this  work  was  composed  on  a  bed  of  sick- 
ness, and  the  author  has  himself  given  an  account  of  the  painful 
circumstances  under  which  he  was  compelled  to  write.  It  is 
fortunate  that  writing  was  found  rather  to  relieve  than  aggravate 
his  disease.  '*  I  wrote  all,  chapter  by  chapter,  lying  on  my  right 
side ;  and  because  of  the  violent  pains  I  felt  in  ray  loins,  I  was 


EAUZATU-S  SAP  A.  129 

not  able  to  write  a  single  page  Bitting  down.  Clever  phy- 
sicians assured  me  that  this  occnpation  would  relieve  me  of  the 
malady,  or  at  least  prevent  its  becoming  worse.  If  on  any  night 
I  happened  to  neglect  my  usual  labour,  and  wished  to  abandon 
myself  to  repose,  I  had  troublesome  dreams,  woke  up  in  affright, 
or  an  excessive  heat  came  over  me  which  prevented  my  sleeping. 
If,  on  the  contrary,  I  set  myself  to  write  as  usual,  I  had  a  good 
sleep  and  agreeable  dreams." 

For  a  whole  twelvemonth  before  his  death  he  gave  himself  up 
entirely  to  religious  duties,  while  his  malady  increased  upon  him 
every  day,  and  after  a  lingering  illness  he  expired  in  the  month 
Zi-I  ka'da,  903,  corresponding  with  June,  1498 — aged  sixty-six 
years.^ 

There  is  no  Oriental  work  that  stands  higher  in  public  estima- 
tion than  the  Hauzaturs  Sa/d.  The  author  has  availed  himself 
of  no  less  than  nineteen  Arabic  and  twenty-two  Persian  histories, 
besides  others  which  he  occasionally  quotes.  His  work  forms 
the  basis  of  many  other  compilations,  and  the  greater  portion  of 
H4ji  Khalfa's  History  may  be  considered  to  be  founded  upon  it. 
It  must  be  confessed,  however,  that  the  Rauzatu-s  Sqfd  is  very 
unequal  in  its  execution,  some  portions  being  composed  in  great 
detail,  and  others  more  compendiously.  It  is  most  copious  in 
what  concerns  the  kings  of  Persia. 

CONTENTS. 

Introduction. — On  the  study  of  History  in  general,  and  its 
adYantages,  especially  to  Bulers. 

Book  I. — Gives  an  account  of  the  Creation  of  the  World,  and 
of  the  Deluge ;  details  the  lives  of  the  Patriarchs  and  Prophets ; 
*nd  contains  the  ancient  History  of  Persia,  to  the  conquest  of 
that  country  by  the  Muhammadans,  a.d.  636 ;  the  Life  of  Alex- 
^der,  and  several  Grecian  Philosophers. — 339  pages. 

^  Qnatremdre  has  giren  some  notices  of  Mirkhond  and  of  his  son  Ehondamir  in  the 
^OQnud  des  Sayants. 


TOL.  rr. 


9 


130  MfRKHOND. 

Book  n. — Details  the  History  of  Muhammad  and  the  four 
first  Khalife,  Abti  Bakr,  'Um4r,  'Usm&n  and  'Ali,  with  a  particular 
account  of  their  conquests  to  a^d.  664. — 368  pages. 

Book  III. — Contains  the  lives  of  the  twelve  Im&ms.  This 
section  comprises  also  the  History  of  the  Ummayide  and  Abbd- 
side  Khalife. — 232  pages. 

Book  IV. — Includes  Memoirs  of  the  Dynasties  of  T&hirides, 
Saffdrides,  S4m&nides,  Buwaihides,  Saljukides,  Ghaznivides, 
Ghorians,  Atdbaks,  etc.,  who  reigned  over  Persia,  Transoxiana, 
'Irdk,  etc.,  from  about  the  year  800  to  1263  A.D. — pages  293. 

Book  V. — Presents  the  History  of  the  celebrated  conqueror 
Changiz  Kh&n,  who  was  bom  a.d.  1154,  and  died  at  the  age  of 
73  ;  also  Memoirs  of  his  descendants,  who  reigned  over  Ir&n  and 
Turdn  till  a.d.  1335.— pages  253. 

Book  VI. — Exhibits  the  History  of  Timur ;  also  of  his  sons 
and  successors  to  the  year  1426. — ^pages  408. 

Book  VII. — In  this  section  are  preserved  the  Memoirs  of 
Sult&n  Husain  Mirz4  Abu-1  Gh&zi  Bah&dur,  fourth  in  descent 
from  Timur,  who  reigned  with  great  repute  over  Khurds&n  for 
thirty-four  years,  and  died  a.d.  1505 — pages  166. 

Conclusion. — Contains  a  description  of  the  city  of  Hir&t  (then 
the  capital  of  Khur&s&n),  and  of  several  other  places  of  that 
kingdom. — pages  75. 

Size. — Folio,  2  vols.,  containing  respectively  939  and  1195 
pages,  of  29  lines  each. 

This  accords  with  the  Table  of  Contents  given  by  the  author 
himself,  and  copied  by  Stewart  in  his  "  Catalogue  of  Tippu 
Sult4n's  Library,"  but  differs  from  the  Latin  Catalogue  of  the 
MSS.  of  Erpenius,  at  page  27  of  the  Appendix  to  Hottifigeri 
Promptuamim. 

A  very  full  list  of  Contents  will  be  found  in  the  Vienna 
Jahrbikher^  Nos.  Ixix.  and  Ixx.  Anzeige-Biatt,  where  the  Bubrics 
of  the  entire  work  are  given.  Baron  Hammer- Purgstall  has  also 
given  a  detailed  account  of  its  contents  in  Handschriften  Hammer- 
Purgstalk,  Wien,  1840. 


EAUZATTJ-S  SAFA.  131 

M.  Jonrdain,  in  his  elaborate  article  in  the  ninth  volume 
of  Notices  et  Extraits  des  HISS,  observes  that  additions  were 
subsequently  made  to  the  seventh  book  by  the  author^s  son, 
Ehondamir,  because  the  author  died  A.H.  903,  and  events  are 
recorded  in  it  of  a.H.  911.  He  consequently  is  disposed  to  ascribe 
the  whole  book  to  another  hand.  Major  Price  concurs  in  this 
opinion,^  but  SirW.  Ouseley*  is  of  opinion  that  Mirkhond  wrote 
at  least  the  first  part  of  that  book.  His  son  Ehondamir  distinctly 
observes,  that  of  his  father's  work  the  seventh  book  remained 
incomplete  fi>r  want  of  materials,  or,  as  has  been  suggested,  more 
probably  through  the  delicacy  of  engaging  in  a  narrative  of  the 
passing  events  of  the  reign  of  Abu-1  Gh&zi.  This  omission  he 
pledged  himself  at  a  future  period  to  supply,  should  the  requisite 
materials  be  procurable,  and  heaven  be  propitious  to  his  hopes. 
This  he  accordingly  did,  and  the  seventh  book  is  composed  of  ex- 
tracts taken  from  the  HaUhu-a  Siyar^  and  contains  the  biography 
of  Mirkhond.  The  preface  leaves  it  very  doubtful  whether  any 
portion  of  the  seventh  book  was  written  by  Mirkhond,  for  the 
names  of  both  father  and  son  occur  in  it  in  a  very  strange  com- 
buiation. 

The  Conclusion,  or  Geographical  Appendix,  is  more  rarely  to 
be  found  than  the  other  portions.  In  this  also  there  are  several 
mterpolations  by  £hondamir.  There  is  an  excellent  copy  of  it 
ia  the  Asiatic  Society's  Library. 

The  entire  text  of  Mirkhond's  history  was  published  in  litho- 
graphy at  Bombay  in  the  year  1848,  and  the  first  part  of  a 
Tarkish  translation  was  issued  at  Constantinople  in  1842. 

We  have  no  entire  translation  of  this  work,  but  at  different 
times,  and  in  di£ferent  languages,  several  portions  of  the  History 
lia?e  been  made  available  to  the  European  reader.^  The  early 
volumes  of  the  Modem  Universal  History  derive  the  history  of 
Persia  firom  the  Rauzatvrs  Safd^ — a  portion  of  the  work  which 
baa  been  attributed  by  some  to  Dr.  Hunt,  by  others  to  George 

^  **Retro«pect  of  Mali.  Hist.,"  toI.  Ui.,  p.  666.  »  "Trayels,"  ii.,  p.  397. 

>  rii$  •«  Aikcient  TJniTenal  History,"  It.,  pp.  248,  288. 


132  MrRKHOND, 

Psalmanazar.^    It  is  alluded  to  in  the  Dictionnaire  Sisiarique  of 
Moreri,  under  the  name  of  Tarik  Mirkon. 

Major  Price  has  used  the  Rauzatu-a  Sqfd  more  copiously  than 
any  other  work  in  his  Retrospect  of  Mahammedan  Sistotyy 
and  in  his  History  of  Arabia,  The  substance  of  a  great  por- 
tion of  the  history  has  been  presented  by  Pedro  Texeira,  a 
learned  Portuguese,  in  his  Reladon  de  las  Reyes  de  Persia^  and 
more  accurately  in  a  French  work,  entitled  Les  Etats,  Empires, 
et  Principaut^s  du  Monde,  Paris,  1662.  A  translation  was  pub- 
lished at  Paris  subsequently  by  Gotolendi,  in  1681,  which  is 
characterized  in  the  Biographic  Universelle  as  ^^assez  mauvaise.'* 
It  was  translated  into  Italian  by  Alfonso  Laser,  and  into  English 
by  Captain  J.  Stevens,  in  1715. 

The  following  is  a  list  of  the  publications  drawn  firom  this 
History : — 

Historia  priorum  regum  Persanim,  post  firmatum  in  regno 
Islamismum  Pers.  et  Lat.  cum  notis  geographicis  et  litterariis. 
Auct.  M.  Jenisch.     Viennee,  1782. 

Memoires  sur  diverses  antiquit^s  de  la  Perse,  et  sur  les 
m6dailles  des  rois  de  la  dynastie  des  Sassanides,  suivis  de  Thistoire 
de  cette  dynastie,  trad,  du  persan  de  Mirchond.  Silvestre  de  Sacy. 
Paris,  1793. 

Historia  Samanidarum,  Pers.  et  Lat.  F.  Wilken.  Gottingen. 
1808. 

Notice  de  Thistoire  universelle  de  Mirchond,  suivie  de  Thistoire 
de  la  dynastie  des  Ismaeliens  de  Perse  extrait  du  mSme  ouvrage, 
en  persan  et  en  frangais,  par  M.  A.  Jourdain.     Paris,  1812. 

Mirchondi  historia  Taheridarum,  Pers.  et  Lat.  E.  Mitscher- 
lich.     Gottingen,  1814 ;  Beriin,  1819. 

Mirchondi  historia  Ghuridarum,  regiaB,  Persise  Indiseque  atque 
Carachitajorum  imperatonim  Tatariae,  Pers.  et  Lat.,  ed.  et  anno- 
tavit  Dr.  E.  Mitscherlich.     Frankfort,  1818. 

^  Dr.  Hunf  s  portion  would  seem  to  be  the  Arabic  rather  than  the  Persian.  Both 
do  considerable  credit  to  the  work,  and  shame  many  more  modem  competitors.  In 
the  Arab  portion  Ehondamlr  is  more  quoted  than  Mirkhond,  and  perhaps  at  second- 
hand from  D*Herbelot 


EAUZATU-S  SAFA.  133 

The  Peehdadiami  and  Early  Kings  of  Persia,  with  the  Intro- 
dnction.     Dand  Shea.     London,  1832. 

Historia  Ghasnayidanim,  Fers.  et  Lat.,  annotationibus  historicis 
illustraTit.    F.  Wilken.     Berlin,  1832. 

Gfeschichte  der  Soltane  aus  dem  Geschlechte  Bujeh^  Fers.  and 
Deatsch.     F.  Wilken.     Berlin,  1835. 

Erlanterung  and  Erganzang  einiger  Stellen  der  von  Mirchond 
Teorfascrten  Geachichte  des  Stammes  Buweih  durch  Franz  von 
Erdmann.    Sasan,  1836. 

Histotia  Seldschakidaram,  Fersice.  Dr.  J.  A.Yullers.  Giessen, 
1837. 

Historia  Seldschakidanim,  translated  into  German.  Yollers. 
Giessen,  1838. 

Yie  de  Djenghiz  Ehan,  Texte  Fersan.  M.  Am.  Jaabert. 
Paris,  1841. 

Histoire  des  Saltans  de  Eharezm,  Texte.  Defr^mery.  Faris, 
1842. 

Histoire  des  Samanides^  Texte  et  Tradaction.  De&^mery. 
Paris,  1845. 

History  of  the  Atabeks  of  Syria  and  Fersia  from  Mirkhond. 
H.  Morley.     London,  1850. 

Histoire  des  Sonltans  Ghoarides,  Texte  et  Trad.  Defr^mery. 
Paris,  1843.     (Journal  Asiatique.) 

Sar  le  Eiptchak  et  les  Chirwanchahs.  Journal  Asiatique, 
IT.  s^rie,  tome  xyii. 

Besides  these,  some  extracts  will  be  found  in  the  Notices  et 
ExtraiiSj  toI.  vii.,  1799,  by  Langlds ;  in  Wilken'*s  Atwtarium  ad 
Chrestomalhiam^  Leipsic,  1805 ;  in  the  Appendix  to  Stewart'^s 
'*Caialogae ;"  in  ExtraiU  des  MSB. ;  in  Sur  les  Origines  Busses, 
by  Hammer-Porgstall,  St.  Fetersburg,  1825 ;  in  Dom's  History 
^f  the  Afghans^  London,  1829;  and  in  the  Mem.  de  VAcad. 
Imp,  de  St.  Pitersbourgy  tome  iii.,  by  M.  Oharmoy.^ 

^  Compare  Silvettre  de  Sacy,  Mem,  tur  div,  Antiq.,  etc ;  Wilken,  Inatit,  ad  fund, 
%  F^t. ;  Chrestomath,  Notices  et  Extr,  dee  MSS,^  torn,  t.,  pp.  192-229,  ix.«  pp. 
U7-27i;  Prio0»  Bitrot^  ^f  Mahom.  Hietoryj  vol.  It.,  p.  656;  Joum,  d,  Savantif 


134  MntKHOND. 

The  names  of  the  numerous  authors  used  by  Mirkhond  in  the 
compilation  of  his  history,  are  not  given  by  him,  but  two 
are  named  in  the  Habibu-a  Siyar  and  Firishta.  One  of  them  is 
the  famous  Abu  Blh&n  al  Biruni.  Briggs  (Firishta,  i.,  113) 
has  strangely  perverted  the  name,  transcribing  it  as  Anvury 
Khan,  but  the  Persian  original,  lithographed  at  Bombay,  gives  it 
correctly. 

There  are  several  manuscripts  of  the  JRauzatths  Safd  in  India 
and  in  Europe,  but  few  are  perfect.  M.  Jourdain,  in  his  article 
in  tome  ix.  of  Notices  et  Extraits  dea  M88.^  quotes  no  less  than 
eight  difiFerent  copies ;  and  the  prefaces  to  the  several  translations 
noticed  above  give  an  account  of  several  valuable  MSS.  which 
contain  portions  of  the  JRauzatu-s  Safd  in  the  different  Libraries 
of  Europe.  The  one  lithographed  at  Bombay  in  1848,  in  two  folio 
volumes,  is  the  most  perfect  copy  known  to  me.  It  contains  the 
Seventh  Book  and  the  Conclusion.  The  execution  of  so  laborious 
and  expensive  an  undertaking,  reflects  great  credit  on  the  Native 
Press  of  Bombay,  but  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  work  was  not 
critically  edited,  with  notices  of  the  variants. 

EXTRACTS. 

Death  of  MahmM. 

Sult&n  Mahmud  was  ill  for  two  ye^rs.  Opinions  differ  as  to 
his  disease :  some  say  it  was  consumption,  others  a  disease  of  the 
rectum^  and  others  dysentery.  During  the  time  of  his  illness  he 
used  to  ride  and  walk  about  just  as  he  did  when  in  health, 
although  the  physicians  forbad  his  doing  so. 

It  is  said  that  two  days  before  his  death  he  ordered  all  the  bags 
of  gold  and  silver  coins  which  were  in  his  treasury,  and  all  the 
jewels,  and  all  the  valuables  which  he  had  collected  during  the 

1837,  pp.  719-729,  18i3,  pp.  170-185  and  386-403,  1846,  p.  883,  1837,  pp.  162- 
180;  Wien  Jahrbiichery  No.  Ixxvi.,  p.  227;  Nouv,  /.  -4*.,  torn,  xi.,  pp.  179-182; 
/.  Asiatique^  4th  series,  torn.  iii.  pp.  268-291 ;  Fundgntbm  d,  Or.^  toI.  iii.,  p.  330, 
▼i.,  269 ;  As,  Journal,  vol.  xxvi.,  pp.  228-237 ;  Casiri,  BibL  Arab,  Rist,,  toI.  ii., 
p.  68 ;  GckH.  d»  Gold,  Morde,  p.  xxir. ;  Sdji  Khal/a,  torn,  iii.,  501,  yi.,  548. 


EAUZATU43  SAFA.  135 

days  of  his  sorereignty,  to  be  brought  mto  his  presence.  They 
were  accordingly  all  laid  out  in  the  court-yard  of  his  palace, 
which,  in  the  eyes  of  the  spectators,  appeared  like  a  garden  full 
of  floweiB  of  red,  yellow,  violet,  and  other  colours.  He  looked 
at  them  with  sorrow,  and  wept  very  bitterly.  After  shedding 
many  tears,  he  ordered  them  to  be  taken  back  to  the  treasury, 
and  he  did  not  give  a  farthing  to  any  deserving  man,  notwith- 
standing he  knew  that  in  a  day  or  two  he  must  depart  from  this 
world.  When  the  compiler  of  this  book  read  this  account  in 
history,  he  was  much  disgusted  with  this  victorious  king,  and 
has  never  since  been  able  to  listen  to  any  excuse  for  him.  It 
is  for  the  same  reason  that  he  has  occasionallv  made  mention 
of  this  glorious  king  in  the  course  of  his  narrative  simply 
by  the  name  of  Mahmud.  When  the  king  had  seen  the 
valuable  contents  of  his  treasury,  he  sat  in  a  litter  and  went 
out  to  the  field.  There  he  reviewed  all  his  personal  slaves,  his 
cattle,  Arab  horses,  camels,  etc.,  and  after  casting  his  eye  upon 
them,  and  crying  with  great  sorrow  and  regret,  he  returned  to 
his  palace. 

Abd-1  Hasan  ^Ali  Maimandi  says  that  one  day  Sult&n  Mah- 
mud, having  asked  Abu  T&hir  S&m&ni  what  quantity  of  precious 
stones  the  S&m&nian  kings  had  collected  in  their  treasury,  he 
was  told,  in  reply,  that  Amir  K&zi  Nuh  bin  Mansur  possessed 
seven  rails  ^  in  weight.  On  this  he  placed  his  face  on  the  earth, 
and  said,  ''  Thanks  be  to  God,  who  hath  bestowed  on  me  more 
than  a  hundred  ratuy 

Abu  Bakr  'Ali,  son  of  Hasan,  clerk  of  Muhammad  bin  Mah- 
mud bin  Subuktigin,  relates  that  Sultan  Mahmud  departed  from 
this  perishable  world  to  the  eternal  abode  on  Thursday,  the 
23rd  of  Rabi'u-1  dkhir,  a.h.  421,  in  the  sixty-third  year  of 
his  age.  Even  during  his  illness  he  sat  upon  the  throne  and 
gave  audience  to  the  people.  His  remains  were  buried  in  the 
palace  of  Firoza,  at  Ghaznin,  in  a  dark  night,  when  rain  was 
felling.     He  was  very  bigoted  in  religion.     Many  authors  have 

^  A  pound  Troy. 


136  HntEHOND. 

dedicated  their  works  to  him.  He  undertook  repeated  expedi- 
tions against  India^  a  brief  account  of  which  we  haye  given  in 
these  pages.  It  was  a  great  blemish  on  his  character  that  he  was 
exceedingly  covetous  in  seizing  the  riches  of  wealthy  people.  On 
one  occasion  it  was  reported  to  him  that  a  person  in  Naishapur 
was  possessed  of  immense  riches,  so  he  called  the  man  to 
Ghaznin,  and  told  him  that  he  had  learnt  that  he  was  an 
infidel  Karmatian.  The  man  replied  he  was  not,  but  that  the 
Almighty  had  bestowed  much  wealth  of  this  world  upon  him, 
and  he  would  rather  that  the  king  should  take  it  all  from 
him  than  stain  his  character  by  that  name.  The  Sult&n  took 
his  property,  and  ordered  a  royal  certificate  to  be  given  of 
his  orthodoxy. 

It  is  said  that  one  day,  as  Sult&n  Mahmtid  was  sitting  in  his 
palace,  his  eye  suddenly  fell  on  a  reckless  fellow,  who  had  a  pair 
of  fowls  in  his  hand.  Seeing  that  the  Sult&n  was  looking  at 
him,  he  made  a  signal.  The  Sult&i  disregarded  it,  but  asked 
himself  what  he  could  mean  by  it.  The  next  time  Mahmud 
looked  at  him  he  made  the  same  signal  agam,  and  the  king  again 
overlooked  it ;  but  on  the  third  signal  he  called  him  into  his 
presence,  and  asked  him  who  he  was,  and  what  he  was  doing 
with  the  pair  of  fowls.  The  man  answered,  *'  I  am  a  gamester; 
to-day  I  gambled  in  my  own  and  the  Sult&n^s  name,  and  have 
won  two  pairs  of  fowls,  so  I  have  brought  one  pair  for  His 
Majesty."  The  Sult&n  ordered  the  fowls  to  be  received  firom  him. 
The  next  day  the  man  came  again,  and  brought  another  pair. 
The  Sult&n  asked  himself  what  the  fellow  could  mean  by  such 
partnership.  The  third  day  the  man  came  in  the  same  manner ; 
but  on  the  fourth  he  came  empty-handed,  and  stood  looking  very 
sorrowful  under  the  king's  window.  The  Sult&n,  having  looked 
at  him,  knew  that  some  misfortune  had  befiiUen  his  partner,  be- 
cause the  signs  of  distress  were  visible  in  his  face.  He  called 
him,  and  asked  him  the  reason  of  his  grief.  The  man  replied, 
^^  I  played  to-day  in  partnership  with  the  king  and  have  lost  one 
thousand  dirams.'*'*    The  Sult&n  smiled,  and  ordered  five  hundred 


RAUZATTJ-S  SAFA.  137 

dirams  to  be  given  to  him,  bnt  added,  "  Do  not  make  me  your 
partner  in  fbtare  unless  I  am  present."  Many  stories  and  anec- 
dotes are  told  of  this  king,  but  they  are  not  worth  relating  in  an 
historical  work. 

Deporition  of  Ma^iid. 

Sult&n  Mas'M  having  reached  Ghazni  in  a  state  of  great  dis- 
traction and  embarrassment,  imprisoned  certain  of  the  chief 
officers  of  the  State,  and  put  some  of  them  to  death,  under  the 
suspicion  of  their  having  misconducted  themselves  in  the  war 
with  the  Saljukls.  He  then  despatched  towards  Baikh  his  son, 
named  Maudud,  at  the  head  of  a  detachment  of  his  army,  ac- 
companied by  Wazir  Abu  Nasr  Ahmad,  son  of  Muhammad,  son 
of  'Abdu-s  Samad,  while  he  himself,  attended  by  his  brother 
Muhammad  Makhul,^  and  the  sons  of  the  latter,  named  Ahmad 
^Abdn-r  Rahman  and  'Abdu-r  Bahim,  as  well  as  by  all  his  rela- 
tives, proceeded  to  Hindust&n  with  a  view  to  pass  the  cold  season 
there/  In  the  spring  he  assembled  a  very  large  army,  and 
inarched  towards  Khur&s&n  for  the  purpose  of  expelling  the 
Saljukis.  After  Sult&n  Mas'dd  had  crossed  the  Indus,  the  royal 
treasure,  which  was  in  the  rear  on  the  other  side  of  the  river, 
was  plundered  by  Noshtigin  and  the  household  troops  of  the 
Soltdn,  who  afterwards  waited  upon  Muhammad  Makhul,  and 
saluted  him  as  their  sovereign. 

On  his  reftising  to  comply  with  their  request  to  ascend  the 
throne,  they  said  that  they  had  rebelled  with  a  view  to  the 
advancement  of  his  interests,  and  they  threatened  at  the  same 
time,  that  in  the  event  of  his  non-compliance,  they  would  put 
him  to  death,  and  enter  into  an  understanding  with  some  other 
chie£  Muhammad  Makhul  was  thus  compelled  to  agree  to  their 
demands,  and  crossing  the  river  with  him,  they  fought  a  battle 

^  Makhii  meanB  <'  depriyed  of  his  eyesight,'*  for  he  had  been  blinded  by  order  of 
Kas'dd. — ^The  only  meaning  which  Richaidson  giyes  to  this  word  is  "Anointed  with 
floUyrinm."  [Botii  meanings  are  right,  for  the  mikhdly  or  bodkin  nsed  to  apply 
coUyriom,  is  the  instroment  employed  in  destroying  the  vision.] 


138  MrRKHOND. 

against  Mas'tid.  The  army  of  Mas'^ud,  which  was  yery  small, 
was  defeated,  and  he  was  compelled  to  take  shelter  in  a  neigh- 
bouring sardL  He  was  at  length  taken  prisoner,  and  brought 
into  the  presence  of  his  brother,  who  assured  him  that  he  had  no 
intention  to  take  his  life,  and  desired  him  to  name  any  place 
which  he  might  select  to  reside  in  with  his  family. 

Mas*ud  chose  the  Fort  of  Kiri,^  to  which  place  Muhammad 
sent  him  and  all  his  family,  and  set  a  guard  over  them. 

It  is  said  that  when  Mas*ud  was  about  to  set  out  for  that  fort, 
he  begged  of  Muhammad  a  certain  sum  to  meet  his  expenses. 
The  parsimonious'  Muhammad  sent  him  only  500  dirams,  on  the 
receipt  of  which  Mas'ud  wept,  and  exclaimed, "  Yesterday  I  could 
command  three  thousand  loads  of  treasure,  but  to-day  I  have  not 
a  single  diram  which  I  can  call  my  own."  Upon  this,  the  bearer 
of  the  500  dirams  gave  to  Mas'ud  1,000  dinars  out  of  his  own 
private  resources.  This  liberal  act  led  to  the  prosperity  of  the 
donor,  who  met  with  his  reward  in  the  reign  of  Maudud,  son  of 
Mas'iid. 

As  Muhammad  had  been  deprived  of  the  blessing  of  sight,  he 
left  the  administration  of  the  country  to  his  son  Ahmad,  and 
reserved  for  himself  merely  the  name  of  king.'  Ahmad,  whose 
mind  was  somewhat  deranged,  in  concert  with  the  son  of  Yusuf 
Subuktigin,  and  with  the  son  of  'Ali  Khesh&wand,  went  to  the 
fort  of  Kiri,  and,  without  the  consent  of  Muhammad,  put  Mas'^ud 
to  death,  which  circumstance  afflicted  Muhammad  very  much. 
Some  say  that  Ahmad  instigated  his  father  to  procure  the  death 
of  Mas'ud. 

Mas'*ud  reigned  nine  years  and  eleven  months.  He  was  brave, 
affable,  generous,  and  fond  of  the  company  of  the  learned,  whom 
he  placed  under  manifold  obligations  to  him  ;  on  which  account 
many  authors  dedicated  their  works  to   him.      He  was   very 

1  See  note,  vol  ii.,  p.  273. 

'  Wilken  translates  **  mera  ex  negligentia.'* 

s  Wilken  translates  <*  neque  regise  dignitatis  nomen  retinuit."  He  reads  peak 
instead  of  besh,  which  latter  reading  is  shown  to  be  correct  by  the  word  ziydda^  in  his 
MS.  marked  B. 


KAUZATU-S  SAPA.  139 

profuse  in  his  charity.  A  story  is  told  of  him  that  on  one 
occasion,  daring  the  Bamaz&n  fast,  he  directed  that  a  million 
dirams  should  be  distributed  among  the  deserving.  During 
his  reign  so  many  colleges,  mosques,  and  other  religious  edifices 
were  built  in  various  parts  of  his  dominions,  that  it  is  impossible 
to  enumerate  them.  After  Mas'ud  was  killed,  Muhammad 
Makhdl  wrote  to  Maudud,  son  of  Mas'^ud,  naming  the  persons 
who  had  slain  Mas'ud,  in  retaliation  for  blood  spilt  by  him,  and 
declaring  that  he  himself  had  taken  no  part  in  the  murder. 
Maudud  answered  to  the  effect  that  he  hoped  God  would  give 
the  king^s  mad  son  sense  to  live  better  in  future,  for  he  had 
engaged  in  great  matters,  and  had  shed  royal  blood.  The  king, 
too,  had  called  him  Chief  of  Princes  and  Kings ;  but  vengeance 
would  soon  fall  upon  him.  After  the  murder  of  Mas'ud  the 
country  went  to  decay,  and  neither  soldiers  nor  people  had  any 
confidence  in  Muhammad  or  his  sons.  All  the  property  and 
possessions  of  the  people  of  Persh&war,  which  is  a  wide  and 
extensive  province,  went  to  ruin.  In  that  country  slaves  were 
then  sold  at  one  diram  each,  and  one  man  of  wine  realized  the 
same  price,  and  there  were  more  purchasers  for  the  wine  than 
for  the  slaves. 


CHAPTER  xxn. 
Victory  of  Maudiid. 

When  the  news  of  the  murder  of  Mas'^ud  reached  his  son 
Maudud,  he  set  out  from  the  vicinity  of  Balkh  towards  Ghazni. 
Muhammad  also  came  to  the  confines  of  Ghazni  from  the  neijrh- 
bourhood  of  the  Indus.  There  they  met  in  battle,  and  Maudud 
gained  the  victory.  Muhammad  himself,  with  his  two  sons, 
Noshtigin  Balkhi  who  had  been  the  prime  mover  in  the  con- 
spiracy, and  the  son  of  ^Ali  Kh'esh&wand,  all  fell  into  the  hands 
of  Maudud,  and  all  were  put  to  death :  no  one  found  mercy  ex- 
cept 'Abdu-r  Bahim,  son  of  Muhammad.  The  reason  why  he 
was  spared  was  this :  When  Mas'ud  was  kept  a  prisoner,  his 


140  HniEHOND. 

nephews,  'Abdu-r  Bahman  and  'Abdu-r  Bahlm,  went  to  see  him. 
The  former  snatched  the  cap  from  the  head  of  Mas'^ud,  but 
^Abdu-r  Bahim  took  it  from  the  hands  of  his  brother  and  re- 
placed it  on  the  head  of  his  uncle,  at  the  same  time  reproving  and 
condemning  his  brother's  conduct.  This  gracefril  act  sayed  him 
from  death,  while  'Abdu-r  Bahman  threw  himself  with  the  others 
into  the  abyss  of  destruction. 


141 


XXIV. 
KHUUSfSATU-L   AKSBAB.. 

OF 

KHONDAMfR. 

This  work  may  be  considered  an  abridgment  of  the  Rauzatu-'B 
Safd.  It  was  written  by  Mirkhond's  son,  Elhondamir,  whose 
full  name  is  Ghiy&sa-d  din  Muhammad  bin  Hum&mu-d  din.^ 

Ehondamir  was  bom  at  Hir&t,  about  the  year  880  h.  (a.d. 
1475),  for  he  states  in  the  Preface  to  the  Habibiis  Siyar^  that 
when  he  commenced  it  in  the  year  927  H.,  he  had  advanced 
through  seven  or  eight  stages  beyond  the  fortieth  year  of 
his  life. 

From  his  early  youth  he  showed  a  predilection  for  history, 
and  perused  with  indefatigable  ardour  books  which  treated  of 
that  science;  and  guided  by  the  example  and  advice  of  his 
illustrious  father,  he  prepared  himself  for  the  composition  of 
some  work  by  which  he  might  attain  equal  celebrity.  In  this 
purpose  he  was  assisted  by  the  learned  minister  'Ali  Shir,*  who, 
having  collected  a  valuable  library  of  the  most  esteemed  works, 
placed  our  author  in  charge  of  it.  According  to  H&ji  BIhalfa, 
it  was  about  the  year  900  h.,^  that  BIhondamir  completed  the 
Khuldsatu-l  Akhbdr^  and  at  the  close  of  it  he  gratefully  acknow- 
ledges that,  had  it  not  been  for  "^Ali  Shirks  considerate  kindness 
in  placing  him  in  charge  of  the  library,  he  could  not  have  com- 
pleted in  six  years  a  tenth  part  of  what  he  had  concluded  in  as 

'  I  am  not  aware  that  Mirkhond  was  eyer  called  by  the  name  of  Hum&mu-d  din 
during  his  lifetime.  It  might  haye  been  an  honorific  title  giyen  after  his  death.  It 
is  perhaps  the  use  of  this  name  which  has  made  some  authors  suppose  that  Khonda- 
mir  was  not  a  son,  bat  a  nephew  of  Mirkhond. 

'  See  note  in  Appendix. 

>  Bat  the  aathor  himself  quotes  jlh.  904,  a.d.  1498,  in  his  Pre£ftce,  as  the  time 
i^ien  'All  Shir's  library  was  placed  at  his  disposal. 


142  KHOKDAMrB. 

many  months^  and  to  that  excellent  minister  he  grateftilly 
dedicated  his  work. 

Ehondamir  was  occasionally  employed  in  a  public  capacity. 
In  the  year  909  h.,  when  Sult&n  BadiVz  Zam&n  resolved  on 
repelling  the  Uzbeks,  who  were  preparing  to  make  an  attack 
upon  Elhur&s&n,  under  the  command  of  Muhammad  Shaibani 
Kh&n,  he  despatched  an  embassy  to  Khusru  Sh&h,  the  chief  of 
Kunduz,  in  order  to  invite  him  to  join  the  common  cause,  and 
to  second  the  preparations  which  were  making  for  the  destruction 
of  this  formidable  enemy.  Our  author  joined  this  embassy,  and 
was  deputed  by  the  head  of  the  mission  to  convey  certain  im- 
portant intelligence  to  the  Sult&n. 

Under  the  reign  of  this  Sult&n,  the  last  of  the  descendants 
of  Timur  who  sat  on  the  throne  of  Persia,  we  find  Khondamir 
appointed  to  the  office  of  sadr^  or  Judge  of  the  Ecclesiastical 
Court,  a  post  which  had  been  held  by  his  uncle  Niz&mu-d  din 
Sult&n  Ahmad ;  and  shortly  after  he  was  commissioned  by  the 
Sult&n  to  proceed  to  Kandah&r,  to  induce  its  ruler  to  join  the 
general  league ;  but  the  death  of  one  of  the  Sult&n's  daughters 
at  that  time  put  a  stop  to  his  journey.  Ehur&s&n  was  soon 
invaded  by  the  Uzbeks,  and  in  the  year  913  (1507-8),  the 
capital  itself,  not  being  able  to  make  any  effectual  resistance, 
offered  terms  of  submission.  Khondamir  drew  up  the  conditions, 
and  his  nephew  was  commissioned  to  negociate  the  surrender. 

Under  the  rule  of  the  Uzbeks,  our  author  had  to  submit  to 
great  indignities,  and  he  was  not  sorry  to  see  it  overthrown  by 
the  victorious  arms  of  Sb&h  Isma'Il  in  916  h.  (1510  a.d.). 
During  the  troubles  of  this  period  he  went  to  reside  at  Basht,  a 
village  in  Georgia,  and  there  devoted  his  leisure  to  literary  pur- 
suits. While  in  this  retreat,  he  seems  to  have  composed  the 
Ma-dsirU'l  Muliiky  the  Akhharu-l  Akkt/dr,  the  Dastiiru-l  Tfusra, 
the  Makdrimu-l  Akhldk  and  the  Muntakhab  Tdrlkh-i  Wassd/.^ 
He  is  found  again  as  a  negociator  in  922  (1516  a.d.)* 

^  These  works  are  mentioned  as  the  author's  in  the  Preface  to  the  Kabibu-s  Siyar, 
The  Akhbdru'l  Akhyar^  which  is  also  the  name  of  a  work  on  the  Saints  by  'Abda4 


KHULA'SATU-L  AKHBA'B.  143 

After  the  death  of  this  monarch,  a.h.  932  (1525-6),  Khonda- 

mir  seems  to  have  found  little  inducement  to  reside  in  Persia, 

for  in  the  year  935  h.  (1528-9  a.d.),  he  was  introduced  to  the 

Emperor  Babar  at  Agra,  and  that  monarch  and  our  author  concur 

in  mentioning  the  very  day  of  the  interview.    At  the  conclusion 

of  the  first  Yolume  of  the  ffabibi^a  Siyar  he  tells  us,  "  Under 

the  unayoidable  law  of  destiny,  the  writer  was  compelled  in  the 

middle  of  Shaww&l,  933  h.,  to  leave  Hir&t,  his  dear  home  (may 

it  ever  be  protected  from  danger !),  and  bend  his  steps  towards 

Eandah&r.    On  the  10th  of  Jum&da-s  s&ni,  934  h.,  he  undertook 

a  hazardous  journey  to  Hindust&n,  which,  in  consequence  of  the 

great  distance,  the  heat  of  the  weather,  the  setting  in  of  the 

T^y  season,  and  the  broad  and  rapid  rivers  which  intervened, 

it  took  him  seven  months  to  complete.     On  Saturday  the  4th 

of  Muharram,  935  h.,  he  reached  the  metropolis  of  Agra,  and 

on  that  day  had  the  good  fortune  to  strengthen  his  weak  eyes 

with  the  antimonial  dust  of  the  high  threshold  of  the  Emperor, 

the  mention  of  whose  name  in  so  humble  a  page  as  this  would 

not  be  in  conformity  with  the  principles  of  respect.     He  was 

allowed,  without  delay,  to  kiss  the  celestial  throne,  which  cir- 

eamstance  exalted  him  so  much,  that  it  placed  the  very  foot  of 

his  dignity  over  the  heads  of  the  Great  and  Little  Bears  in 

the  Heavens.'' 

He  accompanied  the  Emperor  on  his  expedition  to  Bengal, 
and  upon  his  death  attached  himself  to  Hum&yun,  in  whose 
name  he  wrote  the  Kdniin'-i  Humdydni,  which  is  quoted  by 
Abu-1  Fazl  in  the  Akbar-ndma.  He  accompanied  that  monarch 
to  Gozer&t,  and  died  in  his  camp  in  the  year  941  h.  (1534-5), 
aged  sixty-one  or  sixty-two  years.      At   his  own   desire,  his 

Hakk  DehliTl,  is  in  the  copy  consulted  by  M.  Quatrem^re,  and  in  one  I  obtained 
from  Haidar&b&d,  but  omitted  from  three  other  copies  which  I  have  examined,  and 
in  which  the  last  two  works  mentioned  in  the  text  are  added.  I  haye  seen  also 
tnother  work  ascribed  to  Khondamlr,  called  the  Ohardibu'l  Aardr,  These,  together 
with  the  JawdhirU'l  Akhbdr  and  the  Habibu^i  Siyar,  which  are  noticed  in  the 
nicceeding  articles,  are  a  sufficient  eyidence  of  our  author's  industry,  as  well  as  of 
the  Tenatilitj  of  his  talents. 


144  KHOKDAlinL 

body  was  conveyed  to  Dehli,  and  he  was  buried  by  the  side  of 
Niz&ma-d  din  Aulyd  and  Amir  Khusru.^  For  the  saint  and 
the  poet  he  entertained  a  high  veneration,  and  of  both  he  speaks 
in  most  eulogistic  terms  in  the  Habibu-s  Siyar. 

The  Khulamtu-l  Akhbdr  is  a  most  able  compendium  of  Asiatic 
history,  brought  down  to  a.h.  875  (a.d.  1471),  but  events  are 
recorded  in  it  as  late  as  A.D.  1528.  It  is  held  in  high  repute 
both  in  Asia  and  Europe.  A  portion  of  the  first  book  has  been 
translated  in  the  first  volume  of  the  Asiatic  Miscellany^  and 
the  history  of  the  Saljukians  has  been  given  in  original,  with 
a  French  translation,  by  M.  Dumoret,  in  Nouv.  J.  As,  xiii. 
pp.  240-256.  Major  Price  is  largely  indebted  to  it  in  his 
Retrospect  of  Mahommedan  History  and  his  History  of  Arabiay 
and  D^Herbelot's^  obligations  to  it  are  still  greater. 

M.  Gharmoy  has  published  the  text,  with  a  translation,  of 
Timur^s  expedition  against  Tuktamish  Kh&n,  of  Kipchak, 
in  the  Mem.  de  VAcad,  Imp.  de  St.  F^tersbourg,  6me  s^rie, 
tome  iii. 

The  chapters  relating  to  the  Ghaznivides,  the  Ghorians,  and 
the  kings  of  Dehli,  are  contained  in  the  eighth  Book,  and  the 
Indian  occurrences  are  narrated  down  to  a.h.  717  (a.d.  1317). 
But  we  derive  no  information  from  his  short  abstract,  he  himself 
referrins:  for  fuller  accounts  to  the  Tabakdt-i  Ndsiri,  the  Tdrikh-i 
Wassdf  and  the  Rauzatu-s  Safd. 

The  Khuldsaturl  Akhbdr  comprises  an  introduction,  ten  books, 
and  a  conclusion.     Size,  large  8vo.,  734  pages  of  19  lines  each. 

CONTENTS. 

Introduction — Gives  an  account  of  the  Creation  of  the  world, 
the  Deluge,  Jinns,  Iblis,  etc.  pages  5 — 13. 

Book  I. — The  History  of  the  Patriarchs  and  Prophets,  pp. 
13—116. 

1  See  Journal  des  Savants^  1843,  pp.  886-393. 

'  This  author  commits  the  error  of  attrihuting  the  work  to  Mirkhond,  in  which  he 
has  been  blindly  followed  by  seyeral  others. 


EHTIUSATn.L  AEHBAB.  145 

Book  II. — Of  Pbilosophers  and  illustrious  personages,  pp. 
117—123. 

Book  III. — Of  the  ancient  kings  of  Ir&n  and  adjacent  countries, 
pp.  123—212. 

Book  lY. — Of  Muhammad  and  his  conquests,  pp.  212 — 285. 

Book  V. — Of  the  twelve  Im&ms  and  the  descendants  of  'All, 
pp.  285—346. 

Book  VI.— Of  the  TJmraayide  Khalifs,  pp.  347—399. 

Book  VII.— Of  the  'Abb&side  Khalife,  pp.  399—460. 

Book  Vlll. — Of  the  kings  who  were  contemporary  with  the 
'Abb&sides,  and  of  a  few  subsequent  to  them,  pp.  460 — 579. 

Book  IX. — Of  the  posterity  pf  Japhet,  the  life  of  Changiz 
Eh&n  and  his  successors,  pp.  579 — 624. 

Book  X. — The  history  of  Timur,  and  of  his  descendants  who 
reigned  in  Khur&s&n  to  a.d.  1471,  pp.  624 — 680. 

Concltmon. — Description  of  Hir&t — Memoirs  of  its  celebrated 
inhabitants,  pp.  680 — 743. 

[Mr.  Morley  has  given  a  more  detailed  statement  of  the  con- 
tents in  his  Catalogue  of  the  MSS.  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society.] 
In  Europe  there  are  several  good  copies  of  this  work,  of 

which  the  best  known  are  those  of  St.  Petersburg,  Vienna,  the 

British  Museum,  and  Sir  W.  Ouseley.^     Tlie  work  is  common  in 

hdia.    In  the  Asiatic  Society's  Library  there  is  an  excellent 

manuscript,  but  by  far  the  most  beautiful  copy  I  have  seen  is  in 

the  possession  of  Muhammad  Baziu-d  din,  chief  native  Judge  of 

AUah&b&d,  though  a  little  defective  at  the  end. 

EXTRACT. 

Sfgarding  the  slaves  of  the  Ohorian  Kings,  who  attained  regal 

dignity, 

Sult4n  Shahdbu-d-din  took  considerable  delight  in  purchasing 
Turkish  slaves  and  educating  them.     He  bestowed  the  govem- 

*  Von  Hammer-Pnrgstall,  in  noticing  these  in  the  Oewh,  d.  Gold,  Horde  in  JRtus- 
Mi  p.  xxiy,  has  failed  to  observe  hi#  usual  accuracy. 

▼01.  IT.  10 


146  EHOKDAMrR. 

ment  of  the  territories  of  Eirm&n  and  Tur4D,  dependencies  of 
Sind,  npon  one  of  these  slaves,  named  T&ja-d  din  Yalduz,  who, 
upon  the  death  of  Saltan  Shah&ba-d  din,  ascended  the  throne  of 
Ghazni.  He  reigned  a  short  time,  but  in  a  war  with  Sult&n 
Shamsu-d  din  Altamsh,  King  of  Dehli,  he  was  taken  prisoner 
and  put  to  death. 

Eutbu-d  din  fbak  was  likewise  one  of  the  slaves  of  Shah&bu-d 
din.  He  was  distinguished  for  his  great  courage  and  liber- 
ality. Having  had  the  reins  of  the  government  of  Dehli  en- 
trusted to  him  by  the  Sult&n,  he  prosecuted  many  religious  wars 
in  India,  the  particulars  of  some  of  which  are  recorded  in  the 
TdjiA-l  Ma-dsir.^  Kutbu-d  din  fbak  ruled  twenty  years,  during 
fourteen  years  of  which  period  he  held  himself  independent  of  the 
Sult^in,  and  had  the  Khutha  read  in  his  own  name. 

Upon  his  death,  his  son  ^r&m  Sh&h  ascended  the  throne,  but 
owing  to  his  want  of  ability,  he  was  deposed  after  a  few  days, 
and  was  succeeded  by  Sult&n  Shamsu-d  din  ri)ak  (Altamsh). 

Malik^  Naslru-d  din  Kub&j  (Eub&cha),  after  the  death  of  his 
master  Sult&n  Shahdbu-d  din,  took  possession  of  If ch,  Mult&n, 
and  several  towns  in  Sind.  When  Changiz  Eh&n  committed 
great  depredations  and  massacres  in  Persia,  the  people  of 
Khur&s&n  sought  refuge  in  great  numbers  in  the  territories  of 
N&siru-d  din,  under  whose  protection  they  were  treated  with 
great  munificence  and  consideration.  Malik  N&siru-d  din,  in  the 
latter  years  of  his  reign,  assumed  a  hostile  attitude  towards 
Sult&n  Shamsu-d  din  Altamsh  The  latter  marched  an  army 
towards  I/ch  and  Multan,  and  N&siru-d  din  being  defeated,  fled 
to  the  fort  of  Bakar.  On  receiving  intelligence  of  the  intended 
attempt  on  that  fort  by  the  wazir  of  Shamsu-d  din,  named 
Niz&mu-l  Mulk  Muhammad,  son  of  Abu  Sa'id,  he  tried  to  get 
away  in  a  boat,  and  thus  escape  from  that  whirlpool  of  danger 
to  the  shore  of  safety  ;  but  in  the  river  he  sank  into  the  ocean  of 
mortality. 

»  [See  vol.  ii.,  p.  204.] 

3  [He  is  here  by  mistake  styled  *<  Salt&n/'  bflt  afterwards  correctly  "  Malik."] 


SHUUICSATn-L  AKHBAIL  147 

Some  BAj  Solt&n  Shamsu-d  din  was  one  of  the  slaves  of  Sult&n 
Shah&ba-d  din ;  others  again  say  he  was  one  of  Kutba-d  din 
fbak^s  slayes.  However  this  may  be,  it  is  certain  that  after  the 
death  of  Kntba-d  din  fbak,  the  kingdom  devolved  upon  Shamsu-d 
din,  who  administered  even-handed  justice  for  twenty>six  years, 
conqnered  a  great  number  of  forts  and  territories  in  India,  and 
died  in  633  a.h.  (1235-6).  The  Jdmi^u-l  HikdydU  which  was 
dedicated  to  Wazir  Niz&mu-l  Mulk  Muhammad,  son  of  Abu 
Sa'id,  was  composed  during  the  reign  of  this  king. 

Snlt&n  Buknu-d  din  Firoz  Sh&h,  son  of  Shamsu-d  din 
Altamsh,  ascended  the  throne,  and  was  exceedingly  liberal  in  his 
largesses  and  donations,  but  in  consequence  of  his  inordinate 
addiction  to  wine,  he  altogether  disgusted  and  alienated  the 
nobles  and  ministers  of  the  State.  They  at  length  seized  him 
uid  put  Mm  in  prison.    He  reigned  only  seven  months. 


■' 


.-•! 


148 


XXV. 
DASTITRU-L    WVZ'RK 

07 

KHONDAMfR. 

This  biographical  account  of  famous  Asiatic  ministers  is  by  the 
same  author,  Khondamir,  and  may  fairly  claim  a  place  among 
the  General  Histories.  There  is  a  later  and  shorter  work  on  the 
same  subject,  by  Sadru-d  din  Muhammad,  son  of  Zabardast 
Kh&n,  written  in  India,  in  Muhammad  Sh&h's  reign,  under 
the  name  of  Irshddu-l  Wuzrd.  The  latter  contains  notices  of 
the  wazirs  of  India,  which  are  not  included  in  the  former,  but 
it  is  very  brief.  Both  works  are  to  be  found  in  the  Farah- 
bakhsh  Library  at  Lucknow.^  The  Dasturu-l  Wuzrd  is  not  an 
uncommon  work  in  India.  The  copy  used  is  a  4to.  volume, 
containing  234  pages  of  19  lines  each. 

EXTRACTS. 

There  were  ten  wazirs  of  note  during  the   reigns   of   the 
Ghaznivides. 

Abu'l  'Abbds  Fazl  bin  Ahmad  Isfardini? 

In  the  beginning  of  his  career  he  was  secretary  to  F&ik,  one  of 
the  nobles  of  the  S&mdni  court,  and  when  the  fortunes  of  that 
noble  declined,  he  attached  himself  to  Amir  Ndsiru-d  dfn  Subuk- 
tigin.  Upon  the  death  of  that  king,  his  son  Mahmud  greatly 
favoured  Abu-1  'Abb&s  Fazl,  and  appointed  him  to  the  post  of 
wazir.     It  is  related  in  the  JdrnVti-t  Tatcdrikhy  that  Abu-1  Fazl 

^  See  Kampoldi,  L  365,  yii.  483,  ix.  423.     Gemdldesaal^  Pref.  xi.  xy. 

*  This  is  related  without  any  new  particulars  in  the  JdmCu-l  Hikdydt^  i.  14,  37. 


DASTtTBU-L  WUZRA.  149 

was  neither  a  man  of  learning,  nor  of  good  manners,  and  that 
he  was  ignorant  of  the  Arabic  language ;  but  his  political  and 
administrative  abilities  were  marvellous.  God  had  given  him  a 
son  called  Hajjdj,  who  was  blessed  with  such  an  excellent  dis- 
position, and  endowed  with  such  extraordinary  mental  faculties, 
that  he  surpassed  all  his  contemporaries.  He  composed  most 
excellent  Arabic  verses,  and  was  a  perfect  master  of  the  tradi- 
tionary sayings  of  the  Prophet;  and  many  writers  on  the 
traditions  have  quoted  him  as  an  authority. 

When  Abu-1  'Abb&s  had  been  minister  for  ten  years,  the  star 
of  his  destiny  fell  from  the  firmament  of  prosperity  into  the  pit 
of  adversity.  Some  historians  have  thus  related  the  cause  of  his 
dismissal : 

Sultdn  Mahmud  had  an  intense  love  for  slaves  (possessing 
faces  as  fair  as  that  of  the  planet  Jupiter).  Fazl  bin  Ahmad 
followed  his  example,  which  accords  with  the  saying,  that  "  men 
follow  the  opinion  of  their  master."  Fazl,  on  hearing  the  re- 
putation of  the  beauty  of  a  boy  in  Turkistfin,  deputed  a  con- 
fidential person  to  purchase  that  boy  (whose  countenance  was 
beautifiil  as  that  of  the  planet  Yenus),  and  bring  him  to  Ghazni, 
according  to  the  mode  of  conveyance  usually  adopted  for  females. 
When  an  informer  represented  to  the  king  these  circumstances, 
his  most  august  Majesty  demanded  that  slave  (who  was  as  white 
as  silver)  from  the  minister  (whose  glory  and  dignity  were  raised 
as  high  as  the  planet  Mercury).  The  minister  made  evasive 
replies,  and  pertinaciously  refused  to  part  with  the  slave,  not- 
withstanding His  Majesty's  absolute  power.  The  king  one 
night  visited  the  minister  at  his  house,  where  the  minister  enter- 
tained him  with  the  respect  and  hospitality  due  to  the  dignity 
of  a  sovereign.  When  the  slave  (who  looked  as  beautiful  as  a 
virgin  of  paradise)  came  into  the  presence  of  the  king,  high 
words  passed  between  him  and  his  minister,  and  so  greatly  was 
the  king's  anger  kindled,  that  he  issued  orders  to  seize  the 
minister  and  plunder  his  house.  Soon  after  this  the  king  de- 
parted for  Hindustdn,  and  certain  evil-disposed  amira  tortured 


150  KHOKDAHrB. 

the  miniflter  so  seyerelj  witk  the  rack  that  he  lost  his  life.  ^*No 
man  can  secure  himself  from  the  frowns  of  fortune,  nor  can  any 
one  look  upon  fortune  as  permanent/' 

Ahmad  bin  Hasan  Maimandi} 

He  was  a  foster-brother  and  a  fellow-student  of  Sultfia  Mah- 
mtld.  His  fiither  Hasan  Maimandi,  during  the  lifetime  ef  Amir 
N&siru-d  din  Subuktigin,  was  employed  in  collecting  the  revenue 
at  the  town  of  Bust^  but  Amir  N&siru-d  din  was  led  bj  the 
secret  machinations  of  his  enemies  to  entertain  an  unfavourable 
opinion  of  him.  Hasan,  however,  did  not  live  long.  It  is  stated 
by  some  that  he  was  one  of  the  ministers  of  Sult&n  Mahmud. 
This  statement  is  altogether  incorrect  and  unfounded,  as  it  is  not 
maintained  by  any  great  historian. 

Ahmad  bin  Hasan,  in  consequence  of  his  beautifiil  handwrit- 
ing, excellent  qualities,  proficiency  in  eloquence  and  great  wisdom, 
became  the  most  conspicuous  man  of  his  time,  and  was  regarded 
with  afiection  by  several  eminent  persons.  The  king,  taking  him 
into  favour,  appointed  him  secretary,  and  continued  to  promote 
him,  time  after  time,  to  higher  dignities,  till  at  last,  in  addition 
to  his  former  offices,  he  was  nominated  the  chief  legal  authority 
of  the  State,  as  well  as  invested  with  the  superintendence  of  the 
concerns  of  the  army.  A  short  time  afler,  he  was  further  en- 
trusted with  the  additional  duty  of  conducting  the  affairs  of 
Ehur&si&n.  All  these  duties  he  discharged  in  a  manner  that 
could  not  be  excelled.  At  length,  when  Abu-1  'Abbas  Isfaraini 
fell  into  disgrace,  the  king  conferred  on  Ahmad  the  office  of 
minister.  He  held  the  office  of  minister  without  any  control 
for  a  period  of  eighteen  years,  when  a  number  of  the  chief  amirs^ 
such  as  Altunti&sh,  the  chamberlain,  Amir  'Ali  Khesh4wand  and 
others,  brought  before  the  Court  of  the  king  scandalous  imputa- 
tions and  false  charges  against  him.     According  to  the  saying 

^  See  suprd  vol.  ii.,  page  61 ;   also  Bampoldi,  ri.,  64.    Mod.  UmT.  Hist.,  iii.,  3. 
Biog.  Uni?.  t.  Meimondi. 


DASTUBUJi  WVZUX.  161 

that  "whatever  is  listened  to  will  make  an  impression,^  these 
injnrioiis  words  did  not  fiul  to  take  effect  on  the  heart  of 
the  king.  So  the  minister  was  deposed,  and  imprisoned  in 
one  of  the  forts  of  Hind.  When  Sult&n  Mas'ud  ascended  the 
throue^  of  Ghaznin  after  the  death  of  his  father  Sult&n  Mahmud, 
he  released  Ahmad  and  reinstated  him  in  the  responsible  office 
of  minister,  which  he  held  again  for  a  long  period.  He  died  in 
the  year  444  a.h.  "It  is  finally  ordained  as  the  lot  of  all 
ereatores,  that  nobody  shoold  live  for  ever  in  this  world." 

Abi  AU  Hu$ain  bin  Muhammad^  alias  Haanak  MUcdl} 

From  his  early  youth  he  was  in  the  service  of  Sult&n  Mahmud. 
He  was  very  agreeable  in  his  conversation,  well-behaved,  energetic 
and  quick  in  apprehension,  but  he  was  not  a  good  writer,  nor  was 
he  well  versed  in  arithmetic  and  accounts. 

'  It  is  recorded  in  the  Bauzatu-s  Safd^  that  when  Sult&n  Mah- 
mud, in  accordance  with  the  solicitation  of  Ndh  bin  Mansfir 
S&m&nl,  was  on  his  march  to  Khurdsdn  against  Abu  'Ali 
Samjdr,  it  was  represented  to  him  that  there  was  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  the  place  where  he  was  then  encamped  a  dartceah 
distinguished  for  abstinence  and  devotion,  and  called  Zdhid" 
dhigx>sh  (a  devotee  wearing  a  deer-skin).  The  king  bad  a 
firm  belief  in  the  power  of  dartceahes^  and  paid  him  a  visit. 
Hasnak  Mik&l,  who  had  no  faith  in  the  sect  of  siifia^  was  in 
attendance,  and  the  king  said,  "  Although  I  know  that  you  have 
no  belief  in  sitflay  still  I  wish  you  to  go  with  me  and  see  this 
devotee."  So  Hasnak  Mik&l  accompanied  him.  The  king  having 
bad  a  long  interview  with  the  dartceah,  when  he  was  about  to 
go  away,  offered  to  bestow  upon  him  anything  of  which  he  might 
stand  in  need.  The  devout  man  stretched  forth  his  hand  into 
the  air,  and  placed  a  handful  of  coins  in  the  palm  of  the  king, 
with  the  remark,  that  whoever  could  draw  such  wealth  from  an 

*  Mod.  Umr.  Hut,  i.,  486,  iii.,  3.    Bampoldi,  x.,  487.    Beinaud,  Blacaa,  ii.,  37. 
'  [This  ftofy  ifl  given  in  tho  Rataatu-a  Safd,  among  other  anecdotes  at  the  end  of 
MahfflAd't  reign,  and  the  tnuulation  agrees  with  the  text  as  there  given.] 


162  EHONDAHrR. 

invisible  treasury  had  no  need  of  the  treasure  of  this  world. 
The  king  handed  those  coins  to  Hasnak,  who  found  that  they 
were  struck  in  the  name  Abu  'Ali  Samjtir.  The  king  on  his 
way  back,  asked  Hasnak  how  he  could  refuse  to  accord  his  belief 
to  such  miracles  as  this.  Hasnak  answered,  that  whatever  the 
king  observed  in  respect  to  miracles  was  very  correct  and  proper, 
but  at  the  same  time  he  would  suggest  that  His  Majesty  should 
not  venture  to  contend  against  a  man  in  whose  name  the  coins 
had  been  struck  in  the  invisible  world.  The  king  asking  him 
whether  indeed  the  coins  were  struck  in  the  name  of  Abu  ''Ali, 
he  showed  them  to  him ;  upon  which  the  king  was  astonished 
and  put  to  the  blush. 

In  fact,  Hasnak  was  a  constant  attendant  of  the-king,  whether 
on  journeys  or  at  home.  The  circumstances  which  led  to  his 
appointment  to  the  office  of  chief  minister  are  as  follows : 

On  the  dismissal  of  Ahmad  bin  Hasan  from  the  post,  the  king 
issued  orders  to  the  other  ministers  for  the  nomination  of  some 
great  man  to  fill  up  that  office.  The  ministers  accordingly 
nominated  Abu-1  K4sim,  Abu-1  Husain  Akbali,  Ahmad  bin 
'Abdu-s  Samad,  and  Hasnak  Mik&I,  and  sent  their  names  to 
the  king  to  make  hie  selection.  The  king,  in  reply,  observed 
that  the  appointment  of  Abu-1  K&sim  to  the  office  of  minister 
would  interfere  with  his  present  duty  of  'driz ;  that  it  would  be 
impolitic  to  confer  this  office  on  Abu-1  Husain  Akbali,  as  he  was 
too  avaricious ;  that  Ahmad  bin  'Abdu-s  Samad  was  indeed  fit 
for  this  post,  but  he  had  been  entrusted  with  the  duty  of  ar- 
ranging the  important  affairs  of  Khw&rizm ;  and  that  Hasnak, 
though  he  was  of  a  good  family,  and  had  a  quicker  apprehension 
than  the  rest,  yet  his  youthfiil  age  offered  an  obstacle  to  his 
appointment.  The  amira^  on  weighing  these  sentiments  of  His 
Majesty,  concluded  that  he  was  inclined  to  nominate  Hasnak  his 
minister.  They,  therefore,  unanimously  represented  to  the  king, 
that  preference  should  be  given  to  Hasnak  Mik&l.  The  king, 
in  compliance  with  their  recommendation,  appointed  Hasnak  to 
the  office  of  minister.     This  post  he  held  during  the  reigns  of 


•     DASTUEU-L  WUZRA.  153 

the  king  and  his  son  Salt&n  Muhammad,  who  did  not  interrupt 

his  enjoyment  of  all  the  powers  delegated  to  him  by  his  father. 

Hasnak,   with  the  view  of  ingratiating   himself  with  Sult&n 

Muliammad,  frequently  made  use  of  disrespectful  language,  in 

speaking  of  Sult&n  Mas'ud,  who  was  then  in  ^Ir&k ;  insomuch, 

that  one  day  in  fiiU  Court  he  expressed  his  apprehensions,  that 

when  Sult&n  Mas'ud  ascended  the  throne,  he  would  impale  him 

(Hasnak).   Accordingly,  when  Sult&n  Mas'ud  came  to  Ehur&s&n, 

&nd  took  possession  of  the  dominions  of  Sult&n  Muhammad,  he 

summoned  Hasnak,  (and  inflicted  condign  punishment  on  him). 


154 


XXVI. 
HABrBU-S     SIYAB 

OF 

KHONDAMfR. 

This  famous  history  is  also  by  Khondamfr,  and  was  written 
subsequent  to  the  KhuUkatu-l  Akhhdr^  and  in  a  much  more 
extended  form,  though  Stewart  {Descriptive  Catahgue^  p.  4) 
strangely  characterizes  it  as  an  abridgment  of  that  work. 

The  Habibu'8  Siyar  was  written  at  the  desire  of  Muhammad 
al  Husaini,  who  wished  to  have  the  facts  of  universal  history 
collected  into  one  volume.  He  died  shortly  after  the  work  was 
begun,  and  the  troubles  which  ensued  induced  our  author  for 
some  time  to  suspend  his  labours,  until  an  introduction  to 
Karimu-d  din  Habibu-llah,  a  native  of  Ardabil,  encouraged  him 
to  prosecute  them  again  with  ardour.  Habibu-llah  was  a  great 
cultivator  of  knowledge;  all  his  leisure  hours  were  devoted  to 
its  acquisition,  and  he  was  particularly  partial  to  history.  It 
was  after  the  name  of  this  new  patron  that  he  entitled  his  work 
Hahihu'8  Siyar.  It  may  be  supposed  that,  as  he  travels  over 
nearly  the  same  ground  as  his  father,  he  has  made  great  use  of 
the  Rauzatu-a  Sqfd^  of  which  in  many  parts  he  offers  a  mere 
abridgment;  but  he  has  added  the  history  of  many  dynasties 
omitted  in  that  work,  and  the  narrative  is  generally  more  lively 
and  interesting.  He  has  added,  moreover,  the  lives  of  the 
celebrated  men  who  flourished  during  each  period  that  he  brings 
under  review. 

The  HdbibU'8  Siyar  was  commenced  in  a.h.  927  (1521  a.d,), 
when  the  author  was  about  forty-eight  years  of  age.  It  is  not 
known  in  what  year  it  was  completed,  but  M.  Quatrem^re  (Joum, 
dea  Savants,  1843,  p.  393)  has  noticed  that  the  year  930  (1623-4) 
is  mentioned  in  it,  and  that  the  occurrences  of  Persian  histoiy 


HABIBU-S  SITAE.  165 

are  brought  down  to  that  time; — ^but  Khondamir  perhaps  con- 
tmned  hb  labours  long  after  that  period,  even  down  to  935  h. 
(1528-9),  because,  in  an  interesting  passage  at  the  close  of  the 
first  Tolouie,  of  which  part  has  already  been  quoted  in  a  pre- 
ceding article,^  he  says,  *^  Be  it  known  unto  the  intelligent  and 
enlightened  minds  of  readers  that  the  writing  of  these  histories 
which  form  the  first  volume  of  Hahiburs  Siyar^  has  been  com- 
pleted for  the  third  time  by  the  movement  of  the  fingers  of  the 
composer,  according  to  the  saying  that  ^  a  thing  attaineth  per- 
fection on  its  third  revisal.'  The  compiler,  while  on  his  travels 
in  Hindust&n,  finished  this  volume,  to  the  entire  satis&ction  of 
all  his  friends,  *•  stopping  every  day  and  every  night  at  a  different 
place.'  The  pen,  '  whose  production  is  as  sweet  as  a  parrot'^s 
imitation  of  human  speech,  and  which,  by  dipping  into  the  ink 
like  a  diver  into  the  sea,  brings  forth  to  light  different  narratives 
as  precious  gems  fi*om  the  dark  caves  of  the  deep,  and  displays 
them  to  the  world,  threads  certain  remarkable  incidents  as 
yaloable  pearls  in  the  following  manner/ 

*^  The  writer  had  not  been  long  in  Hindust&n  when  he  fell 
sick,  and  became  weaker  day  by  day.  The  regimen  which  he 
underwent  for  three  or  four  months,  with  respect  to  drink  and 
light  food  as  well  as  medicines,  proved  ineffectual,  so  that  he 
was  reduced  to  so  slender  a  skeleton,  that  even  the  morning 
breeze  was  capable  of  wafting  him  to  a  different  country.  Heat 
consumed  his  body  as  easily  as  fiame  melts  a  candle.  At  length 
Providence  bestowed  upon  him  a  potion  for  the  restoration  of 
his  health  from  that  dispensary,  where  ^  When  thou  fallest  sick, 
it  is  He  that  cureth  thee.^  The  compiler  lifted  up  his  head  from 
his  sick  bed,  as  the  disposer  of  all  things  opened  the  doors  of 
convalescence  towards  his  life.  At  this  time,  under  the  shadow 
of  the  victorious  standard  of  his  august  Majesty,  B&bar  (may 
God  maintain  his  kingdom  till  the  day  of  judgment !),  the  com- 
piler had  occasion  to  proceed  to  Bengal,  and  at  every  march 
where  there  was  the  least  delay,  he  devoted  his  time  to  the 

^  SuprtL^  page  143. 


156  ZHONDAMfE. 

completion  of  this  volume,  which  was  finished  at  Tirmuh&n&, 
near  the  confluence  of  the  Sarjii  and  Ganges."^ 

This  passage  is  taken  from  a  copy  written  a.h.  1019,  hut  I 
cannot  trace  it  in  any  others,  all  of  which  end  with  the  verses 
which  precede  this  conclusion  ;  and  it  was  most  probably  not  in 
the  copy  consulted  by  M.  Quatremere,  or  it  could  scarcely  have 
escaped  the  penetration  of  that  learned  scholar.  It  seems,  there- 
fore, to  have  been  a  postscript  written  for  his  Indian  fiiends,  and 
the  work  which  he  imposed  upon  himself  may,  after  all,  have 
been  the  mere  copying,  for  the  third  time,  of  that  which  he  had 
already  composed. 

It  has  been  hitherto  customary  to  translate  the  name  of  this 
History  as  the  "Friend  of  Travelling, *'•  under  the  impression 
that  the  name  of  the  original  is  Sabibu-d  Sair;  but  it  has  been 
shown  by  M.  Von  Hammer  and  Baron  de  Sacy  {Not.  et  Extr.  ix., 
ii.  269),  that  Siyar  is  the  word,  signifying  ''biographies,  lives." 
The  reason  advanced  for  this  is,  that  the  clause,  /i  akhbdr-% 
qfrddU'l  hashar^  follows  immediately  after  the  title;  and 
rythmical  propriety,  so  much  studied  amongst  Orientals, 
demands  that  the  word  should  therefore  be  Siyar^  rather  than 
Sair.  Further  confirmation  of  the  correctness  of  this  view  will 
be  found  in  the  third  line  of  the  conclusion,  where  Habibu-a 
Siyar  follows  immediately  after  Arfimandu^l  aaar^  showing  that 
two  syllables  are  necessary  to  compose  the  word  Siyar.  The 
entire  name  si^ifies,  "  The  Friend  of  Biographies,  comprising 
the  history  of  persons  distinguished  among  men.'' 

The  Habibu'8  Siyar  contains  an  introduction  {IJiitdh\  three 
Books  (Mujallad),  each  subdivided  into  four  Chapters  {Juzv), 
and  a  Conclusion  (Jkhtitdm). 

^  This,  therefore,  most  haye  been  written  abont  May,  1529,  shortly  after  the  dis- 
persion of  "the  army  of  Kharid.  The  position  of  the  tract  is  correctly  given  by  Mr. 
Erskine,  though  with  a  slight  error  as  to  the  limits.  Mr.  Galdecott,  his  epitomizor, 
makes  Eharld  a  general,  and  speaks  of  the  army  under  Kharid.  (See  Leyden  and 
Erskine's  Memoirs  of  Baber,  p.  411,  and  Galdecott's  Life  of  Baher^  p.  230;  Erskine's 
Life  of  Baber,  L,  p.  602.) 

*  D'Herbelot  says,  ''c'est  ce  que  nons  appellons  dans  Tusage  du  Tnlgaire  un  Veni 
meeunu"^Bibl.  Orient.^  t.  Habib  al  Seir. 


HABfBU-S  SIYAB.  167 

(X)NTENTS.^ 

The  Introdnetion  contains  the  history  of  the  Creation  of  heaven 
and  of  earth,  as  well  as  of  its  inhabitants. 

Book  I. — Contains  the  history  of  the  Prophets,  Philosophers, 
and  Kings  who  existed  before  the  dawn  of  Isldmism,  with  some 
account  of  Muhammad  and  the  first  Ehalife — 860  pages. 

Chapter  1. — The  history  of  the  Prophets  and  Philosophers. 

Chapter  2. — The  history  of  the  kings  of  Persia  and  Arabia. 

Chapter  3. — An  account  of  Muhammad. 

Chapter  4. — The  events  which  occurred  in  the  time  of  the 
first  four  Khalife. 

Book  II. — Contains  the  history  of  the  twelve  Im&ms,  the 
XJmmayides,  'Abbdsides,  and  those  kings  who  were  contemporary 
with  the  'Abb&sides — 710  pages. 

Chapter  1. — ^An  account  of  the  twelve  Im&ms. 

Chapter  2. — The  events  which  occurred  in  the  time  of  the 
TJmmayides. 

Chapter  3. — An  account  of  the  events  which  occurred  in  the 
time  of  the  'Abb&sides. 

Chapter  4. — Gives  an  account  of  several  kings  who  were  con- 
temporary with  the  ^Abb&sides,  as  the  Ghaznivides,  Ghorians, 
S&m&nides,  Saljuks,  At&baks,  etc. 

Book  III. — Contains  the  history  of  several  other  dynasties — 
784  pages. 

Chapter  I.— An  account  of  the  kings  of  Turkist&n,  and  of  the 
reigns  of  Changiz  Kh&n  and  his  descendants. 

Chapter  2.— The  history  of  the  Kings  contemporary  with 
Changiz  Kh&n. 

Chapter  3. — Gives  an  account  of  Timur  and  his  descendants, 
down  to  the  time  of  the  author. 

Chapter  4. — An  account  of  his  patron,  the  reigning  monarch. 

The  Conclusion  mentions  the  wonders  of  the  world,  with  a 
brief  account  of  learned  and  holy  men,  poets,  etc. 

^  [See  Morley's  account  of  the  Contents,  in  his  Catalogue  of  the  MSS.  of  the 
Royal  Asiatic  Society,  which  is  much  more  detailed.] 


158  KHONDAlinL 

Size.— *SmalI  Folio,  of  2318  pages,  with  20  lines  to  a  page. 

The  parts  relating  to  India  are  the  sections  on  the  Ghazni- 
yides,  the  Ghorians,  and  the  kings  of  DehK,  down  to  the  death 
of  ^Al&a*d  din.  Timdr's  inyasion  is  described  at  great  length, 
but  the  Tughlik  dynasty  is  not  mentioned. 

The  work  is  very  rarely  met  with  in  a  perfect  state,  but  single 
books  and  chapters  abound  everywhere. 

The  HabibU'8  Siyar  has  not  met  with  so  many  translators  as 
the  Rauzaiths  Safd.  Major  Price  has  abstracted  a  portion  of  it 
in  his  Chronological  Retrospects  and  the  tragic  events  of  Karbald 
have  been  translated  in  the  Oriental  Quarterly  Review.  The 
History  of  the  Mongols  has  .been  translated  by  M.  Grigorieff. 
St.  Petersburg,  1834,  8vo«  The  Ltfeqf  Avicenna  has  been  trans- 
lated by  M.  Jourdain  in  the  Mines  de  VOrtentg  t^me  iii.,  and  the 
text  of  the  code  of  Gh&z&n  Eh&n  was  published,  with  a  trans- 
lation by  Major  Kirkpatrick,  in  vol.  ii.  of  the  New  Asiatic  Mis- 
cellany. A  portion  relating  to  the  invention  of  paper-money  was 
printed,  with  a  translation,  by  M.  Langl^,  in  the  Memoires  de 
V Institute  tome  iv.  M.  Gharmoy  extracted  and  published,  with 
a  translation  in  French,  the  passages  relating  to  Tiraur's  ex- 
pedition against  the  Kh&n  of  Kipchak  {Mem.  de  PAcad.  de  SL 
P^tersbourg,  vi"***  s^rie,  tome  iii.),  and  in  the  same  periodical 
(tome  viii.),  Dr.  Bemhard  Dorn  has  given  the  text,  with  a  German 
translation,  of  the  Oeschichte  Tabaristans  und  der  Serbedare. 
Lastly,  M.  Defr6mery  has  extracted  and  translated  many  pas- 
sages relating  to  the  Eh&us  of  Kipchak,  and  the  history  of 
Ghaghat&i  Eh&n  and  his  successors,  in  the  Journal  Asiatique, 
iv.  s^rie,  tome  xvii.,  xix. 

EXTRACTS.^ 

Amir  Subuktigin. 
The  best  historians  derive  the  lineage  of  all  the  Sultans  of 

^  For  these  translations  from  the  Eabibu-a  Siyar^  I  am  indehted  to  Mr.  Henry 
Lushiiigton,  jun.,  of  the  Bengal  Civil  Senrioe. 


HABtBU-S  SIYAB.  169 

Ghaznin  from  N&siru-d  din  Sabuktigin,  who  was  the  slave  of 
Alptigin. 

During  the  period  of  the  prosperity  of  the  princes  of  the 
house  of  S&m&ni,  Alptigin  raised  himself  from  a  low  origin  to 
a  state  of  authority,  and  in  the  reign  of  ^Abdu-1  Malik  bin  Niih 
he  was  appointed  Governor  of  Ehur&s&n,  but  during  the  reign 
of  Mansiir  bin  ^Abdu-1  Malik,  owing  to  some  mistrust  which  he 
had  formed  of  that  prince,  Alptigin  left  Khur&s&n,  and  exalted 
the  standard  of  his  desire  towards  Ghaznin,  and  conquered  that 
country.  According  to  Hamdu-lla,  Alptigin  passed  there  full 
sixteen  years  in  prosperity,  and,  when  he  died,  he  was  succeeded 
by  his  son  Abti  Is'h&k,  who  delivered  over  all  the  affairs  of  the 
country,  both  civil  and  criminal,  to  Subuktigin,  who  was  dis- 
tinguished above  all  the  ministers  of  Alptigin  for  his  bravery 
and  liberality.  Abu  Is'h&k  had  lived  but  a  short  time,  when  he 
died.^  The  chief  men  of  Ghaznin  saw  the  signs  of  greatness 
and  nobility,  and  the  fires  of  felicity  and  prosperity  in  the  fore- 
head of  Subuktigin,  who  widely  spread  out  the  carpet  of  justice, 
and  rooted  out  injury  and  oppression,  and  who,  by  conferring 
different  favours  on  them,  had  made  friends  of  the  nobles,  the 
soldiers,  and  the  leading  men  of  the  State.  He  several  times  led 
his  army  towards  the  confines  of  Hindust&n,  and  carried  off  much 
plunder  from  the  infidels.  In  the  year  367  H.  he  took  Bust  and 
Kusd&r,  and,  after  these  events,  according  to  the  request  of 
Sultan  Nuh  S&m&ni,  he  turned  his  attention  towards  Khur&s&n. 

Amir  Subuktigin  died  at  the  city  of  Balkh,  in  the  month  of 
Sha^ban,  387  H.  (a.d.  997),  and  fourteen  of  his  descendants' 

^  Firishta  says,  Alptigin  died  in  365  h.,  and  left  a  son  Is*h&k,  whom  Subuktigin 
accompanied  to  Bokh&r&.  Is'li&k  was  then  appointed  by  Mansdr  S&m&nf  to  be 
governor  of  Ohazni,  and  Subuktigin  his  deputy.  Is*h&k  died  in  867  h.,  when 
Subuktigin  was  acknowledged  as  his  successor.  The  real  date  of  Alptigln*s  death 
is  doubtful.  Hammer-Purgstall  says,  according  to  some  authorities  it  occurred  in 
352,  according  to  others  in  354.  Mr.  £.  Thomas  {Journai  of  the  Royal  Asiatic 
Society,  vol.  viiL,  page  298)  gires  good  reason  for  assuming  366  as  the  correct  dateu 

'  The  Tabakdt-i  Ndsiri  also  gives  fifteen  reigns  {wprd,  vol.  ii.,  p.  266) ;  but  the 
Nitdmatu-t  Tawdrikh  only  twelve  {suprd,  vol.  ii.,  p.  255).  The  latter  also  ascribes 
only  161  yean  to  the  dynasty,  and  makes  Mahmtid  the  first  king  of  the  dynasty. 
The  Tdrikh'i  Ouzida  gives  fourteen  reigns,  occupying  150  years. 


160  EHOin)AHrR. 

occupied  the  throne  after  him.  Historians  reckon  the  soyereignty 
of  the  Ghaznivides  as  beginning  with  the  conquest  of  Bust,  and 
they  calculate  that  they  flourished  for  188  years. 

Account  of  the  taking  of  Bust  and  Kmddr,  and  of  the  arrival  of 
Amir  Subuktigin  at  the  eummit  of  power. 

In  the  ItauzatU'8  Safdy  written  by  an  elegant  pen,  and  over 
the  illustrious  author  of  which  the  mantle  of  formveness  of  sins 
has  been  thrown,  it  is  written  thus.  At  the  commencement  of 
the  reign  of  Amir  Subuktigin,  an  individual  named  Tugh&n 
held  sway  in  the  fort  of  Bust.  A  certain  Bditdz,  having  put 
on  the  girdle  of  enmity,  rebelled  and  drove  him  out  of  Bust. 
Tughdn  flew  for  protection  to  the  Court  of  Subuktigin,  and 
prayed  for  help.  Having  consented  to  pay  a  large  sum  of  money, 
he  promised  that,  if  by  the  aid  of  the  amir,  he  should  again 
become  the  possessor  of  Bust,  he  would  carry  the  saddle-cloth  of 
service  on  his  shoulder,  and  pay  tribute;  and  that  during  his 
whole  life  he  would  never  depart  from  the  path  of  obedience. 
Subuktigin  consented  to  his  request,  led  his  army  to  Bust, 
routed  B&ituz  with  blows  of  the  soul- burning  sword  and  flame- 
kindling  spear,  and  Tugh&n  arrived  at  the  seat  of  his  power ; 
but  he  neglected  the  promises  which  he  had  made  to  Amir 
Nasiru-d  din  (Subuktigin),  and  displayed  by  his  proceedings 
the  banner  of  fraud  and  treachery. 

One  day,  while  riding  out  in  the  midst  of  his  suite.  Amir 
Subuktigin  harshly  required  him  to  fulfil  the  engagements  into 
which  he  had  entered.  Tughdn  returned  an  improper  answer, 
seized  his  sword,  and  wounded  Subuktigin  in  the  hand.  N&siru-d 
din,  with  the  wounded  hand,  struck  Tugh&n  with  his  sword,  and 
was  about  to  despatch  him  with  another  blow,  when  their  servants 
getting  mixed  with  one  another,  raised  such  clouds  of  dust,  that 
Tugh&n,  under  cover  of  it,  escaped  to  Kirm&n ;  and  Subuktigin 
made  himself  master  of  Bust.  Of  the  many  advantages  which 
accrued  to  N&siru-d  din  from  that  country  having  fallen  into  his 


HABrBU-S  8IYAR.  161 

fortune,  one  was,  that  Abu-1  Fath  was  an  inhabitant  of  Bust,  a 
man  who  had  not  an  equal  in  different  varieties  of  learning,  but 
more  especially  in  composition  and  writing.  Abu-1  Fath  had 
been  the  secretary  of  Baituz,  but  after  that  individual  had  been 
expelled  from  Bust,  he  had  lived  in  retirement.  Subuktigfn 
was  informed  about  him,  and  issued  a  royal  mandate  that  that 
learned  man,  who  wore  the  garment  of  eloquence,  should  be 
brought  before  him.  He  adorned  the  stature  of  his  fitness  with 
robes  of  diiferent  sorts  of  kindness,  and  ordered  that  he  should  be 
appointed  professor  of  the  "  belles  lettres."  For  several  days, 
Abu-1  Fath,  considering  the  exigency  of  the  time,  begged  to  be 
excused  from  undertaking  this  important  task,  but  at  last  he 
became  the  munshi  and  writer  of  Amir  Subuktigin,  and  continued 
to  hold  that  post  until  the  time  of  Sult4n  Mahmud  of  Ghaznin.^ 
Having  received  some  ill-treatment  from  Mahmud,  he  fled  to 
Turkistan,  and  there  died.  When  Am(r  Subuktigin  had  settled 
the  affairs  of  Bust,  he  turned  the  reins  of  his  desire  towards 
Kusd&r.  He  suddenly  appeared  before  that  place,  and  its 
governor  became  the  victim  of  the  powerful  decree  of  fate ;  but 
Amir  Subuktigin,  of  his  innate  clemency  and  bounty,  showed 
kindness  towards  him,  and  again  made  him  governor  of  Kusd&r, 
after  fixing  the  sums  of  money  which  from  the  revenue  of  that 
country  he  should  pay  into  the  royal  treasury. 

About  that  time,  Amir  Subuktigin  formed  the  desire  of 
fighting  with  the  infidels  of  Hindust&n ;  and  brought  several 
important  parts  of  that  country  into  the  courtyard  of  obedience. 
Jaipdl,^  who  was  then  the  greatest  prince  of  Hindustan,  fearing 
that  he  might  lose  the  country  which  he  had  inherited  from  his 
ancestors,  formed  a  large  army,  and  directed  his  steps  towards 
the  country  of  the  faithful.  Amir  N4siru-d  din  Subuktigin 
came  out  to  meet  him,  and  a  battle  was  fought  most  obstinate 


^  The  BauaatU'8  Safd  quotes  from  Abti-1  Fath  himself  an  account  of  his  con- 
nexion with  Sult&n  Mahmdd. 

'  Firishta  calls  him  a  Brahman,  for  which  there  is  no  authority  in  'Utbi  or 
Mirkhond. 

VOL.  nr.  11 


162  KHONDAMrB. 

on  both  sides.  In  the  middle  of  the  heat  of  the  battle,  Amir 
Subuktigin  ordered  that  they  should  throw  a  quantity  of  dirt 
into  a  fountain  which  was  near  the  camp  of  Jaip&l,  the  innate 
quality  of  the  water  of  which  was  such  that,  when  it  became 
polluted  with  impurities,  thunder  and  lightning  flashed  forth, 
and  an  overpowering  frigidity  followed.  When  they  had  done  as 
N&siru-d  din  had  ordered,  the  nature  of  that  water  became  fully 
apparent ;  for  the  Hindus  were  unable  to  resist  any  longer/  and 
sent  messengers  to  Subuktigin,  offering  ransom  and  tribute. 
Amir  Nasiru-d  din  was  willing  to  consent  to  reconciliation  ;  but 
his  son  Mahmdd  wished  to  prevent  him  from  acceding  to  this 
measure.  At  length,  after  Jaip&l  had  repeatedly  sent  messen- 
gers and  letters,  Mahmud  also  consented  to  peace.  It  was 
agreed  that  Jaip&l  should  quickly  deliver  over  1000  dirhams  and 
fifty  elephants,  and  afterwards  that  he  should  surrender  to  the 
agents  of  Subuktigin  possession  of  several  forts  and  cities  of  his 
country.  These  were  the  conditions  of  the  capitulations  which 
were  drawn  up  between  them.  Jaipdl,  after  he  had  sent  the 
money  and  the  elephants,  despatched  several  chiefs  of  his  army, 
by  way  of  hostages,  to  Subuktigin;  and  Subuktigin  also  sent 
several  of  the  chief  men  of  his  threshold,  which  was  the  nest  of 
felicity,  with  Jaip&I,  in  order  that  they  might  take  possession 
of  the  country  which  had  been  ceded  to  Ghaznin. 

When  Jaipal  returned  to  his  own  country,  he  placed  the  book 
of  his  engagements  on  the  shelf  of  forgetfulness,  and  imprisoned 
those  noblemen,  saying,  "  When  Subuktigin  sends  back  those 
hostages  whom  he  took  away  with  him,  I  will  free  these  men, 
but  not  till  then/' 2     When  Amir  Nasiru-d  din  heard  this,  he  a 


*  The  Tabakdt-i  Akbari  says  the  Hindus  were  unable  to  withstand  the  eold,  in 
consequence  of  not  being  accustomed  to  it,  and  that  many  horses  and  other  animals 
were  killed.  The  Ttirikh-i  Baddunij  contrary  to  other  authorities,  Axes  the  scene  of 
this  action  in  the  Jild  hills. 

*  Briggs  represents  that  this  was  done  at  the  instigation  of  the  Brahmans,  but  that 
the  Kshatri  nobles  strongly  dissuaded  Jaip&l  from  the  violation  of  his  engagements. 
This  is  not  warranted  by  the  original,  which  expressly  says  that  the  whole  council, 
both  of  Brahmans  and  Kshatrrs,  exerted  their  remonstrances  in  yain. 


HABfBU-S  SIYAR.  163 

second  time  hastened  to  Hind,  and  subdued  A&h&n^  and  several 
other  places.  Jaip&l  collected  a  great  army  from  the  cities  of 
those  partd  of  Hindust&n,  and  nearly  100,000  men  directed  their 
steps  towards  the  band  of  the  faithful.' 

Amir  M&sira-d  din  went  out  to  meet  him,  and  a  dreadful 

battle  was  again  fought  on  both  sides.     This  time,  Jaip&l,  being 

shameftilly  defeated,  escaped  into  the  furthest  extremities  of  his 

own  coHDtry,  and  the  great  land  of  Hind  became  established  in 

the  courtyard  of  submission  to  Subuktigin.'   After  Amir  N&siru-d 

din  had  returned  from  this  expedition,  in  accordance  with  the 

request  of  Aba-I  K&sim  Nuh  bin  Manstir  S&m&ni,  he  led  his 

a^rmy  to  Khur&B^n  and  liberated  that  proviuce.     He  then  spent 

bis  time  according  to  the  desire  of  his  heart,  until  the  month 

of  Sha'b&n,  387,*  when  speedy  death  overpowered  him.     Amir 

Saboktigin   declared    his   son    IsmaMl,    who   was   bom  of  the 

daaghter  of  Alptigin,*  his  successor,  and  then  made  his  journey 

to  the  other  world. 

Isma'il  bin  NdsirU'd  din. 

When  N&siru-d  din  Subuktigin  tied  up  his  travelling  appara- 
tus for  another  world.  Amir  Isma'il,  by  virtue  of  the  will  of  his 
&ther,  ascended  the  throne  at  Balkh,  the  tabernacle  of  the  faithful; 
he  made  great  endeavours  to  attract  the  affections  and  conciliate 
the  hearts  of  the  people ;  he  opened  the  treasury  of  Amir  Subuk- 
tigin, and  distributed  much  money  among  the  soldiers.     The 

*  [Sie,    I  liave  not  foimd  this  passage  in  the  MSS.  I  have  consulted.] 

'  Firishta  says  he  incited  aid  frum  the  R&j&s  of  Dehli,  Ajmir,  K&linjar,  and 
Kanauj,  and  that  Jaip&l  had  under  his  banners  100,000  cavalry,  countless  infantry, 
ind  many  elephants. 

'  Firishta  says  he  brought  under  subjection  the  countries  of  Lamgh&n  and 
fesh&war,  including  all  the  territory  west  of  the  Xiliib,  and  appointed  one  of  his 
offieen  with  10,000  horse  to  the  government  of  Pesh&war. 

'  The  Tabakdt'i  Ndsiri  says  386  h.  There  are  certain  other  variations  in  that 
York  respecting  Amir  Subuktigin,  which  will  be  found  in  the  Extracts  from  that 
»ork.    The  Nizdmu-t  Tawdrikh  says  387  h.    [See  nuprd,  Vol.  II.,  pp.  255  and  267.] 

*  The  original  has  **  the  grandson  of  the  daughter,''  but  Subuktigin  himself 
named  Alptigln's  daughter.      I  suspect  we  should  read  ^  j^h  tor  jf^^J 


164  KHONDAMra. 

report  of  this  came  to  the  ears  ^{  his  elder  brother  Saifii-d  daula 
Mahmud,  at  Naish&pur,  who  sent  Amir  Isma'^il  a  letter  to  this 
effect :  "  You  are  the  dearest  to  me  of  all  men.  Whatever  you 
may  require  of  the  country  or  of  the  revenue  is  not  denied ;  but 
a  knowledge  of  the  minute  points  in  the  a&irs  of  government, 
a  period  of  life  reaching  to  an  advanced  age,  experience  in  the 
times,  and  perseverance  and  durability  of  wealth,  possess  great 
advantages.  If  you  were  possessed  of  these  qualities,  I  would 
certainly  subject  myself  to  you.  That  which  my  father  in  my 
absence  has  bequeathed  to  you  was  bestowed  because  I  was  at 
a  great  distance,  and  because  he  apprehended  calamity.  Now 
rectitude  consists  in  this,  that,  as  is  fitting,  you  should  consider 
well,  and  divide  between  us  the  money  and  movable  effects  of 
my  father,  according  to  law  and  justice,  and  that  you  should  give 
up  the  royal  residence  of  Ghaznin  to  me.  Then  will  I  deliver 
over  to  you  the  country  of  Balkh,  and  the  command  of  the  army 
ofKhurds&n." 

Amir  Isma'il  would  not  listen  to  this  proposal,  so  Saifu-d 
daula  Mahmud  entered-  into  a  league  with  his  unele  Baghr&jik 
and  Nasr  bin  Nasiru-d  din  Subuktigin,  who  was  his  brother,  and 
leaving  Naishdpur,  marched  towards  Ghaznin.  Amir  Isma^il  also 
moved  in  that  direction,  and  when  both  parties  were  near  one 
another,  Saifu-d  daula  used  his  virtuous  endeavours  to  prevent 
Isina'il  from  engaging  in  battle,  and  tried  to  make  a  reconcilia- 
tion, but  he  could  not  succeed ;  and  after  lighting  the  flame  of 
battle,  and  the  employment  of  weapons,  and  inflicting  of  blows. 
Amir  Isma'il  was  defeated.  He  took  refuge  in  the  fort  of 
Ghaznin,  and  Sult&n  Mahmud  having  entered  into  arrangements 
with  him,  took  from  him  the  keys  of  the  treasury,  and  appointed 
administrators^  over  his  affairs.  He  then  marched  towards 
Balkh.2 

1  The  Rauzatu-s  Safd  adds,  that  the  illustrious  Shahna  K&hir  was  appointed 
Prefect  of  Ghazni,  and  that  this  was  the  origin  of  the  fortune  of  that  family. 
Hummer-Purp^tall  {Gemiildesaal/w.,  113)  will  not  allow  that  Shahna  here  bean 
any  l>ut  its  common  meaning,  "governor  of  a  province." 

'  Ilaidar  R&jsi  adds,  that  he  was  accompanied  by  his  brother  Isma'iL 


HABrBU'S  SITAB.  165 

It  is  related  that  when  Amir  Iflma'il  had  been  some  days  in 
the  society  of  his  brother,  in  the  assembly  of  friendship,  Sult&n 
Mahmud  took  the  occasion  to  ask  him  :  '^  If  the  star  of  your 
fortune  had  been  such  that  you  had  taken  me,  what  would  you 
have  done  with  meP"  Isma'il  answered,  "  My  mind  would  have 
dictated  this,  that  if  I  had  obtained  the  victory  over  you,  I 
would  have  shut  you  up  in  one  of  my  forts,  but  I  would  have 
allowed  you  things  necessary  for  repose  and  the  enjoyment  of 
life^  as  much  as  you  could  desire."  Sult&n  Mahmud,  after 
having  obtained  in  that  assembly  the  secret  of  the  heart  of  his 
brother,  remained  silent ;  but  after  some  days,  on  some  pretence, 
he  delivered  over  Isma^il  to  the  governor  of  Juzjdn^^  and  told 
him  to  put  him  into  a  strong  fort,  but  to  give  him  whatever 
he  should  ask,  conducive  to  the  repose  and  enjoyment  of  life. 
Amir  IsmaHl,  as  he  himself  had  designed  to  act  towards  his 
brother,  was  shut  xxp  in  that  fort,  and  there  passed  the  rest  of 
his  days.^ 

Sultan  Mahmiid. 

Those  historians  who  are  the  best,  both  externally  and  in- 
trinsically, and  whose  happy  pens  have  written  as  if  they  were 
disciples  of  Manes,  in  the  books  which  they  have  composed,  lay 
it  down  that  Sultdn  Mahmiid  Ghaznavi  was  a  king  who  attained 
varieties  of  worldly  prosperity,  and  the  &me  of  his  justice  and 
government,  and  the  sound  of  his  fortitude  and  country-subduing 
qualities,  reached  beyond  the  hall  of  the  planet  Saturn.  In  pro- 
sperously carrying  on  war  against  infidels,  he  exalted  the  standards 
of  the  religion  of  the  &ithful,  and  in  his  laudable  endeavours  for 
extirpating  heretics,  he  rooted  out  oppression  and  impiety.  When 
he  entered  into  battle,  his  heroism  was  like  a  torrent  which 
rushes  over  even  and  uneven  places  without  heed,  and  during 

1  Juzj&ii  must  not  be  mistaken,  as  it  too  frequently  v^  for  Jnij&n.  The  former  is 
the  prorinoe  of  which  Inder&b  is  the  capital.  Jurj&n,  the  ancient  Hyrcania,  was  not 
then  in  posseaiion  of  Mahmud.  See  Noticei  et  Extraita,  tome  i?.,  p.  378,  and 
OemdldeMoif  rol.  ir,,  p.  182.    [See  ntprdf  Vol.  II.,  p.  676.] 

*  The  XkMaU^  Ndtiri  aingns  no  reign  to  Isma'lL 


166  EHONDAMrR. 

the  time  that  he  sat  upoH  the  throne,  and  was  successfal  in  his 
undertakings,  the  light  of  his  justice,  Hke  the  rays  of  the  sun, 
shone  upon  ^very  one.  His  wisdom  during  the  nigfaFts  of  mis- 
fortune, like  a  star,  pointed  out  the  way,  and  his  sword  pierced 
the  joints  of  his  enemies  like  the  hand  of  fate. 

"  He  had  both  wisdom  of  heart  and  strength  of  hand, 
With  these  two  qualities  he  was  fit  to  sit  upon  the  throne." 

But  that  mighty  king,  notwithstanding  the  possession  of  these 
laudable  attributes,  was  excessively  greedy  in  accumulating 
wealth,  and  evinced  his  parsimony  and  narrowness  in  no  very 
praiseworthy  manner. 

"  From  generosity  he  derived  no  honour, 
Like  as  the  shell  guards  the  pearl,  so  he  guarded  his  wealth. 
He  had  treasuries  full  of  jewels. 
But  not  a  single  poor  man  derived  benefit  therefrom." 

The  father  of  Sult&n  Mahmud  was  Amir  N&siru-d  din,  a 
slight  description  of  whom  my  pen  has  already  given.  His  mother 
was  a  daughter  of  one  of  the  grandees  of  Z&bulist&n,  and  for  this 
reason  he  was  called  Z&bull.  During  his  early  years.  Amir  Nub 
S&mdni  gave  him  the  title  of  Saifu-d  daula,  but  when  he  had 
mounted  the  ladders  of  sovereign  authority,  Al  K&dir  bi-llah 
''Abbdsi  called  him  Yaminu-d  daula  and  Amlnu-1  millat. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Yaminu-d  daula,  Khalaf  bin 
Ahmad  had  the  presumption  to  offer  opposition  to  him,  upon 
which  Sult&n  Mahmud  led  his  army  to  Sist&n,  and  having  seized 
Khalaf,  reduced  that  country  under  his  sway.  He  several  times 
waited  war  a^rainst  the  infidels  in  Hindust&n,  and  he  broutrht 
under  his  subjection  a  large  portion  of  their  country,  until,  having 
made  himself  master  of  Somn&t,  he  destroyed  all  the  idol-temples 
of  that  country. 

It  was  about  the  same  time  that  Sult&n  Mahmud  contracted 
not  only  a  friendship  with  Ilak  Khfin,  but  also  a  matrimonial 
alliance  with  his  family ;  but  in  the  end,  quarrels  and  dissensions 


HABIBU-S  SIYAR,  167 

arose,  and  the  Sult&n  triumfAed  over  Ilak  Kh&n,  when  the  rays 
of  his  justice  shone  on  the  confines  of  M&war&a-n  nahr. 

In  the  same  manner  he  led  his  army  to  Khw&rizm,  and  after 
some  fighting,  the  signs  of  his  universal  benevolence  were  dis- 
played to  the  inhabitants  of  that  country.  Towards  the  close  of 
his  life,  he  marched  towards  'Ir&k  ''Ajam.  Having  wrested  these 
countries  from  the  possession  of  Majdu-d  daula  Dilami,  he 
delivered  them  over  to  his  own  son  Mas'ud,  and  then,  after  the 
accomplishment  of  his  wishes,  he  returned  to  Ghaznfn.  He  died 
of  consumption  and  liver  complaint  in  the  year  421  h.  (1030  a.d.) 
His  age  was  sixty-three  years,  and  he  reigned  thirty-one.  During 
the  early  part  of  his  reign,  Abu-1  ''Abb&s  Fazl  bin  Ahmad 
Asfaraini  held  the  wazirship ;  but  Fazl  having  been  found  fault 
with  and  punished,  Ahmad  bin  Hasan  Maimandi  exalted  the 
standard  of  ministry.  Yam(nu-d  daula,  during  the  latter  days  of 
his  life,  found  iault  with  Ahmad,  and  issued  against  him  the 
royal  edict  of  removal  from  office,  and  then,  according  to  his 
wish,  he  appointed  Amir  Hasnak  Mfk&l. 

Account  of  the  hostility  shotcn  by  Khalaf  bin  Ahmad  to 

Sultan  MahmM. 

When  Yaminu-d  daula  Mahmud  mounted  the  thrones  of 
Khur&s&n  and  Ghaznin,  he  delivered  over  the  governorship  of 
Hir&t  and  Fushanj  ^  to  his  uncle  Baghr&jik,'  and  whilst  he  held 
this  government  of  the  Sult&n,  Khalaf  bin  Ahmad  sent  his  son 
T&hir  to  Kohist&n,  who,  after  he  had  taken  possession  of  that 
country,  hastened  towards  Ftishanj,  and  made  himself  master  of 
that  city.  Baghr&jik  received  intelligence  of  this,  and  having 
asked  permission  of  Sult&n  Mahmud,  he  moved  towards  the 
place  where  honour  required  his  presence.  When  he  arrived  in 
the  vicinity  of  Fushanj,  T&hir  hastened  out  of  the  city,  and  the 
brave  men  of  both  armies  contended  with  daggers  and  spears. 

^  [A  town  aboat  ten  para$ang$  from  Hir&t.] 

'  Dow  calls  him,  "  Bujer&c."     S.  de  Sacy,  <<  Bagratchek."    Hammer-Purgstall, 
«« Baghradachik." 


168  KHONDAMrR. 

The  army  of  T&hir  was  first  broken.  Baghr&jik  haying  drank 
several  cups  of  wine^  the  vapoar  of  pride  entered  into  the  hall  of 
his  brain,  and  without  any  reflection,  he  pursued  the  Sist&nian, 
and  was  engaged  in  seizing  the  spoil  when  T&hir,  having  turned 
the  reins  of  his  horse,  approached  Baghr&jik,  and  with  one  blow 
of  his  sword  threw  him  from  the  saddle  on  to  the  ground,  and 
then  dismounting,  cut  off  his  head,  and  rode  off  towards  Kohist&n. 

Yaminu-d  daula,  having  received  this  intelligence,  was  over- 
come with  grief  for  his  uncle,  and  during  the  year  390  h. 
(1000  A.D.),  he  marched  towards  S(st&n.  Khalaf  retired  into  the 
fort  of  Asfahid,  which  was  stronger  than  the  wall  of  Alexander. 
Sult&n  Mahmud  besieged  it,  and  Khalaf  was  driven  to  the 
extremity  of  despair  by  his  difficult  position  in  the  fort.  He 
sent  letters  and  intercessors,  and  placed  the  hand  of  self- 
humiliation  and  supplication  on  the  skirt  of  the  kindness  and 
mercy  of  Mahmud.  He  sent  also  100,000  dinars^  with  valuable 
presents  and  benedictions  without  number,  to  the  Sult&n,  and, 
having  testified  his  obedience  and  submission,  he  promised  to  pay 
tribute.  On  account  of  this,  Yaminu-d  daula  forgave  him  bis 
misdeeds,  and  loosened  the  reins  of  mercy.  He  then  went  to 
Hind. 

In  the  Tarjuma-  Yamini  ^  it  is  written,  that  when  the  Sult&n 
led  his  army  from  Sistan  to  Hindust&n,  and  having,  as  usual, 
waged  war  with  the  infidels,  returned  triumphant,  Khalaf  bin 
Ahmad  placed  his  son  T&hir  on  the  throne,  and  having  delivered 
over  the  keys  of  the  treasuries  to  him,  and  chosen  a  life  of  retire- 
ment, he  entered  into  the  courtyard  of  devotion,  and  sought 
relinquishment  from  affairs  both  civil  and  criminal.  When, 
after  some  little  time,  T&hir  had  become  absolute  in  the  affairs 
of  government,  Khalaf,  repenting  of  what  he  had  done,  feigned 
sickness.  Having  placed  some  of  the  nobles  in  the  ambush  of 
perfidy,  he  sent  for  T&hir,  under  the  pretence  of  making  his  last 
will  and  testament ;   and  while  Tfihir  stood  at  the  pillow  of  his 

1  [See  mprd^  Vol.  11.,  p.  15.] 


HABrBU-S  SITAE.  169 

fihther,  those  perfidious  men  entered  and  tied  firmly  both  his 
hands  and  his  neck.  They  then  incarcerated  him,  and  after  a 
few  days  brought  him  dead  out  of  prison,  saying  that  '^  T&hir 
had  killed  himself  from  excess  of  grief.'* 

Tdhir  bin  Rust,  and  some  of  the  chief  amirs  of  Sist&n,  who 
had  been  witnesses  of  this  base  conduct  on  the  part  of  Khalaf, 
withdrew  their  attachment,  and  sent  petitions  to  Yaminu-d  daula, 
praying  him  to  turn  his  standard,  which  abounded  in  victory, 
towards  that  quarter.  Sult&n  Mahmud  consented  to  their  re- 
quest, and  in  the  year  394  h.  (1003-4  a.d.)  marched  towards 
Sist&n. 

Elhalaf  retired  into  the  fort  of  Tak,  which,  in  strength  and 
inaccessibility,  was  the  envy  of  the  arch  of  the  turquoise-coloured 
sky.  The  Sult&n  having  fixed  his  standard  of  victory  outside 
the  fort,  his  troops  in  one  day  cut  down  so  many  trees  that  they 
filled  up  the  ditch  of  the  fort,  and  made  it  level  with  the  ground. 
Picked  troops  of  the  Sult&n  had  tied  up  their  girdles  for  the 
demolition  of  the  fort,  when  Khalaf,  reduced  to  the  extremity 
of  despair,  craved  quarter,  and  Yaminu-d  daula  having  put  back 
the  sword  of  vengeance  into  its  scabbard,  Khalaf  ran  out  of  the 
fort,  and  threw  himself  on  the  ground  before  the  horse  of 
Mahmud,  and  rubbing  his  white  beard  on  the  horse's  hoof,  he 
called  him  by  the  title  of  Sult&n.  Yaminu-d  daula  was  so  exces- 
sively pleased  with  this  appellation,  that  he  spared  Khalaf's  life, 
and  insisted  always  on  the  word  Sultan  forming  part  of  his  title.^ 
Yaminu-d  daula  having  brought  into  the  court  of  confiscation 
all  the  treasures  and  hidden  valuables  of  Khalaf,  sent  him  to  one 
of  the  forts  of  Juzj&n,  and  the  life  of  Khalaf  terminated,  as  has 
been  before  delineated,  in  the  prison  assigned  to  him  by  Mahmud. 


'  [See  suprdy  Vol.  II.,  p.  480.]  Elphinstone  makes  MahmtSd  adopt  this  title  on 
his  assamption  of  the  gorernment  of  Ehariis&ii.  It  is  an  old  Arabic  word  for  king, 
hut  does  not  appear  on  the  Ghazniyide  coins  tiU  the  time  of  Ibr&hCm.  'Utbi  styles 
Mahmdd  **  Solt&n/'  and  Baihaki  also  uses  the  term.  It  may  be  remarked  here,  that 
it  was  not  tiU  the  year  389  h.  that  Mahmfid  issued  his  coins  without  the  acknow- 
ledgment of  fealty  to  the  S&m&nis.  Snbaktigln  and  Isma'il  inscribed  on  their 
cmrreocy  the  names  of  their  lords-panunonnt. 


170  KHONDAMfR. 

Account  of  the  friendship  and  enmity  between  Tlak  Khdn  and 
Sultan  Mahmiid^  and  of  the  victory  which  Yaminu-d  daula 
gained  by  the  favour  of  Qod. 

In  the  ItauzaiU'8  8afd  it  is  written,  that  when  the  cities  of 
M&war&a-n  nahr  were  possessed  by  Ilak  Kh&n,  and  when  the 
victorious  standard  of  Sult&n  Mahmud  had  obtained  the  path  of 
superiority  in  the  sovereignty  of  Khur&s&n,  Tlak  Kh&n  sent 
despatches  announcing  his  victory  with  congratulations  to  the 
Sult&n,  and  manifested  affection  and  intimate  friendship.  The 
Sult&n  also,  having  reciprocated  like  messages  of  friendship,  their 
intimacy  and  trust  in  one  another  became  confirmed. 

At  that  time,  Sult&n  Mahmud  sent  Abu-t  T(b  Sahl  bin 
Sulaim&n  Sa'*luki,  who  was  one  of  the  illustrious  men  learned  in 
the  traditions  of  the  Prophet,  with  gifts  from  Hindust&n  and 
presents  from  Khur&s&n  and  Z&bulist&n  to  Ilak  Kh&n,  in  order 
that  he  might  ask  in  marriage  for  his  son  a  princess  from  among 
the  virgins  of  the  royal  family.  Abu-t  Tib  hastened  to  Turkist&n. 
Hak  received  him  in  a  most  respectful  manner  at  I/rgand,^  and 
the  envoy  having  executed  his  commission,  returned  to  the 
service  of  the  Sult&n  in  company  with  Tlak  Kh&n's  daughter, 
who  was  provided  with  a  handsome  retinue  and  equipage.  Upon 
this,  for  some  time,  the  carpet  of  friendship  and  unanimity  was 
spread  between  those  two  mighty  kings. 

In  the  year  396  a.h.  (1015-16  a.d.),  Yaminu-d  daula  led 
his  army  into  India,  and  subdued  the  cities  of  Bh&tia'  and 
Mult&n,  and  in  that  expedition  put  to  flight  Jaip&l,  the  king  of 
the  kings  of  India,  and  Abu-1  Fath,  the  governor  of  Mult&n, 
and  slaughtered  many  of  his  infidels.' 

»  [See  Vol.  II.,  p.  677,  "  Kbwkrizm."] 

s  The  Tdrikh'i  Alfi  and  Haidar  R&zi  add, «  a  city  near  Mult&n."  The  Bauzatu-^ 
Safd  assigns  no  year  to  this  expedition  ;  but  Wilken  pats  in  the  margin,  '*a.r.  393." 
The  Tdrikh'i  Alfi  gives  the  capture  of  Bh&tia  in  the  year  385,  and  of  Mnlt&n  in 
386,  after  the  death  of  the  Prophet  [«.«.  in  396  and  397  of  the  Hijra.] 

3  Ibn  Eosir  Sh&mi  says :  "  In  the  year  396  h.  the  Salt&n  took  captiye  one  of  the 
most  powerful  rulers  of  India,  and  after  cutting  off  his  little  finger,  restored  the  con- 
quered country  to  him."   The  passage  is  quoted  in  the  Tdrikh-i  Alfit  and  by  fiaidar 


HABfBU-S  SIYAIL  171 

Daring  that  time,  when  the  neighbourhood  of  Mult&n  was  the 
place  where  the  standard  of  rictorj  of  Mahrndd  was  JEixed,  Tlak 
Khan  rebelled,  and  sent  the  leader  of  his  army,  Siishitigin,^  to 
govern  Khnras&n,  and  appointed  Ja'iartigin'  viceroy  of  Balkh. 
When  Arsl&n  J&zib,  who  had  been  exalted  by  Yam{na-d  daula 
to  the  government  of  the  great  city  of  Hir&t,  obtained  intelli- 
gence of  the  direction  in  which  the  Turks  had  turned  their  steps, 
he  left  Khur&s&n,  and  hastening  to  Ghaznin,  he  despatched  a 
swift  messenger  with  the  intelligence  to  Mult&n. 

The  Sult&n  came  to  Ghaznin  like  the  lightning  and  wind:' 

from  that  place  he  turned  the  reins  of  his  desire  towards  Balkh, 

the  tabernacle  of  the  faithful.     Si&shitigin  and  Ja^&rtigin  fled 

like  weak  flies  before  a  hurricane,  and  saved  their  lives  by  a 

precipitate  retreat.     Ilak  Eh&n  then  craved  help  from  the  king 

of  Ehut&n,   Kadr  Kh&n,  who,   with  50,000  men  capable  of 

breaking  the  ranks  of  their  enemies,  joined  him,  and  those 

two  chiefB,  with  their  countless  army,  prepared  for  battle  with 

Yaminu-d  daula. 

The  Sult&n,  with  his  army,  the  symbol  of  victory,  and  ele- 
phants like  mountains,  encamped  at  a  distance  of  {our  parasangs 
^m  Balkh,  and  when  Ilak  Kh&n  and  Kadr  Eh&n  crossed  over 
the  riyer  Oxus,  the  Sult&n  turned  his  attention  towards  distribut- 
nig  the  commands  of  his  army.  He  assigned  the  centre  thereof 
*o  his  brother  Amir  Nasr,  and  to  the  governor  of  Juzj&n  Abu 
Nasr  Farighuni  and  Abu  'Abdu-llah  T&l,  and  placed  100 
^^hants  in  their  front;  he  sent  his  chamberlain  Altunt&sh 
^  the  right  wing,  and  he  gave  the  command  of  the  left  wing  to 

^i'  The  former  also  quotes  from  Ibn  JaHzf,  as  among  the  erents  of  this  year, 
^  A  star,  or  comet,  made  its  appearance  for  fifteen  nights  snccessively,  and  was  aa 
'*'ge  as  the  moon. 

^  Hammer-Porgstall  says  the  right  reading  is  Siashitigin,  according  to  three  copies 
^  the  Tamhti,  The  title  signifies  •*  general,"  according  to  Mirkhond.  HUtoria 
^*^dtehukidarumy  p.  8.  M.  Defr^mery  says  we  should  read  •*  Siachf  Teguin."  He 
^  A  long  note'on  the  subject  in  his  HUtoire  dea  Seldjoukidet,  p.  7. 

'  So  in  Mfrkhond,  'Utbi,  and  most  copies  of  f  irishta,  but  Briggs  reads  ^'  Jakurtu- 
geen." 

'  The  Tdrikh-i  Alfi  says,  "  in  forty  days." 


172  IttONDAMfR. 

Arsl&D  J&zib.^  flak  Kh&n  alao  having  arranged  his  army, 
placed  himself  in  the  middle,  and  sent  Kadr  Eh&n  to  the  right 
wing;  he  ordered  that  Ja'fartigin  shonld  exalt  the  standard  of 
glory  in  the  left  wing. 

Then  the  troops  of  both  armies,  brave  men  of  both  countries, 
hastened  into  the  field  of  battle,  commenced  fighting  furiously, 
and  with  the  aid  of  well-tempered  swords,  and  flame-exciting 
spears,  they  mingled  the  blood  of  one  another  with  the  dust  of 
the  field  of  battle.  When  the  Sultdn  saw  the  excessive  bravery 
of  the  fearless  Turks,  he  turned  his  face  towards  the  court  of 
Gbd,  and,  standing  on  a  mound  of  earth,  rubbed  the  forehead 
of  humility  and  submission  on  the  ground,  and  asked  for  victory 
and  assistance ;  thinking  offerings  incumbent  on  him,  he  ordered 
alms  to  be  distributed. 

After  he  saw  that  his  prayers  had  been  heard,  having  mounted 
an  elephant,  he  himself  made  an  attack  on  the  centre  of  the  army 
of  riak.  The  elephant  seized  Alamd&r  Kh&n,  and  threw  him  up 
in  the  air,  and  trampling  under  his  feet  many  others,  slaughtered 
them  also.  After  this,  Mahmdd's  army,  the  symbol  of  victory, 
at  once  rushed  upon  the  enemy,  and  testified  their  perfect  bravery 
and  military  ardour.  The  army  of  M&wardu-n  nahr  fled,  and  Ilak 
Kh&n  and  Kadr  Kh&n,  with  extreme  difficulty,  escaped  safe  firom 
that  place  of  slaughter,  and  crossing  over  the  Jihun,  never  again 
entertained  the  idea  of  subduing  Khur&s&n.  Ilak  Kh&n  died 
in  the  year  403  h.  (1012-13  a.d.),  and  his  brother  Tughan  Kh&n 
succeeded  him.  I  am  able  to  assert  with  correctness,  that  the 
victory  which  Sult&n  Mahmud  gained  over  Tlak  Elh&n  happened 
during  the  year  397  a.h.  (1006-7  a.d.).» 

During  this  year  also  the  Sult&n  turned  his  attention 
towards  Hindust&n,  in  order  that  he  might  punish  Naw&sa 
Sh&h,  who  had  turned  an  apostate  firom  the  religion  of  the 

^  Wilken  reads  "Arslan  Habeb."  S.  de  Saoy,  "Arslan  Djadeb."  Hammer- 
Purgstall,  '*  Bscb&aib/'  whicb,  when  tranaformed  into  J&zib,  is  correct  See  Jommal 
Asiatique,  1848,  April,  p.  422. 

*  So  alio  says  Mirkhond. 


HABIBU-S  SITAE.  173 

&ithfal,  and  had  rebelled  against  Yamina-d  daula.  Immediately 
on  hearing  of  the  approach  of  the  Sult&n,  Naw&sa  Sh&h  ivas 
orercoroe,  and  Mahmiid,  turning  the  reins  of  his  desire  towards 
the  dwelling-place  of  his  generosity,  returned  to  Ghaznin. 

Eoapeditiom  into  Hindustan. 

When  Yamlnu-d  daula  Aminu-1  millat  Mahmud  Ghaznavf 
had  rested  for  some  time  from  his  toil,  he  again,  in  order  to 
strengthen  the  religion  of  the  Prophet,  evinced  a  desire  to  make 
war  en  the  infidels  of  Hind,  and  accordingly  marched  in  that 
direction.     When  his  standards,  the  symbols  of  victory,  cast  the 
shadow  of  their  arrival  over  capacious  Hind,  Pdl  bin  Andp&l,^ 
who,  for  his  excessive  wealth  and  numerous  warriors,  was  more 
distinguished  than  the  other  princes  of  Hind,  opposed  Mahmud, 
and  a  terrible  battle  took  place.   The  standards  of  the  faithful  be- 
came exalted,  and  those  of  the  infidels  were  depressed.  The  Sult&n 
himself  having  pursued  the  pagans,  killed  multitudes  of  them 
with  the  sword,  and  having  arrived  at  the  fort  of  Bhimnagar,* 
he  encamped  his  victorious  army  in  its  vicinity.     That  fort  was 
built  on  the  top  of  a  hill ;  the  people  of  Hind  believed  it  to  be 
the  repository  of  one  of  their  great  idols,  and  for  ages  had  trans- 
ported thither  provisions  and  treasures  ;  they  had  filled  it  with 
money  and  jewels,  and  fancied  that  by  this  conduct  they  ap- 
proached near  to  the  house  of  God.     When  Mahmud  besieged 
^  lofty  fort,  fear  seized  upon  the  hearts  of  the  residents. 
Their  cries   for  quarter  reached  up  to  the  hall  of  the  planet 
Saturn,  and  having   opened  the  gate  of  the  fort,  they  threw 
themselves   on   the  ground    before    the    horse   of   the   Sultdn. 
Yamfnu-d   daula,    with  the  governor   of  Juzjdn,   entered  into 
that  fort,  and  gave  orders  for  taking  possession  of  the  spoil. 
The  wealth  which  he  obtained  consisted  of  70,700  mans  of  gold 

*  So  »y  Mirkbond  and  the  Tdrikh-i  Alfi,  but  Firishta  says  "  Anandp&l.'' 

'  *Abdu-l  K&dir  adds,  "  wbicb  is  now  called  Tb&na  Bhim."     He,  as  well  as  most 

^Qthorities,  says  tho  trcftsnre  was  accumulated  at  that  fort  from  the  time  of  fihim. 

[See  tuprdf  Vol.  II.,  p.  84.] 


174  KHONDAMfK. 

and  silver  utensils ;  and  the  jewels  and  gold  and  robes  and 
movable  effects  were  incalculable.  Sult&n  Mahmud,  having 
delivered  over  the  fort  to  a  confidential  person,  hoisted  the 
standard  of  his  return  to  Ghaznin.^ 

In  the  year  400  h.  he  again  exalted  his  victorious  standards, 
and  hastened  to  the  cities  of  Hind:  and  after  punishing  the 
infidels  and  scattering  abroad  the  impious,  he  again  turned  his 
steps  towards  the  royal  residence  of  Ghaznin.'  In  the  same 
year,  the  king  of  the  kings  of  Hind,  having  sent  a  petition  of 
humiliation  to  the  Sult&n,  sued  for  a  pacification,  and  consented 
to  send  him  fifty  elephants,  and  to  pay  every  year  a  large  sum 
of  money  into  the  royal  treasury.  By  way  of  subsidy,  he  ap- 
pointed 2000  cavalry  to  serve  in  the  army,  which  wore  the 
mantle  of  victory,  and  swore  that  his  own  posterity  should 
observe  the  same  conduct  towards  the  descendants  of  the  Sult&n. 
The  Sult&n  was  satisfied  with  this  reconciliation,  and  merchants 
began  to  come  and  go  between  the  two  countries. 

Transactions  in  Ghor. 

In  the  year  401  h.,  Sult&n  Mahmud  of  Ghaznin,  through  a 
thirst  for  worldly  glory,  led  his  army  to  Ghor ;  and  the  governor 
of  that  country,  Muhammad  bin  Suri,  having  come  out  to  oppose 
him  with  10,000  cavalry,  became  the  victim  of  the  powerful 
decree  of  fate,  and  having  sucked  the  poison  which  wa«  in  his 
ring,  departed  this  life.  That  country  came  into  the  possession 
of  the  agents  of  the  Sult&n.^ 

^  Where  he  held  the  festiyal  described  in  the  extract  from  the  Tdrikh-i  Tamini 
[Vol.  II.,  p.  34].  Firishta  fixes  the  date  in  the  year  400  h.,  and  says  it  lasted  for 
three  days.    Haidar  £&zf  says,  ^*  the  beginning  of  the  year  400  h." 

*  This  must  allude  to  the  expedition  against  Nardin  or  Nar&in,  on  which  subject 
there  is  nothing  in  Firishta  or  Haidar  R&zl.  Mirkhoud  ascribes  it  to  the  yenr  400  h. 
[Vol.  II.,  p.  448]. 

>  Mirkhond  here  inserts  an  expedition  to  Eusd&r,  which  is  assigned  by  Wilken  to 
402.  Firishta  assigns  the  conquest  of  Th&nesar  to  that  year.  Haidar  E&z(  mentions 
an  Indian  expedition  in  402,  Tivithout  naming  any  place,  so  does  the  Tdrikh-i  Alfi  in 
392,  after  the  Prophet's  death.  The  expedition  against  Eusd&r,  and  further  particulars 
respecting  Ghor,  will  be  found  among  the  Extracts  from  the  £auzatu*i  JSafd, 


HABrBTJ.S  SITAE.  176 

Transactions  in  Ghutyistdn. 

In  the  middle  of  all  this,  Sh&r  Sh&h,  King  of  Ghuijist&n, 

rebelled  against  the  Sult&n  and  was  taken  prisoner;  the  whole 

of  which  story,  collected  into  a  small  compass,  amounts  to  this : 

In  those  times,  the  inhabitants  of  Ghurjist&n  ^  called  their  rulers 

by  the  name  of  Sh&r,  just  as  the  Hindus  call  their  kings  E&i. 

In  the  time  of  Nuh  bin  Mansur  S&m&ni  the  Sh&r  of  Ghurjist&n 

was  Abd  Nasr.     This  Abu  Nasr,  from  the  excessive  integrity  of 

his  mind,  and  the  inclination  which  he  had  towards  the  society 

of  men  of  learning,  resigned  the  reins  of  government  into  the 

hands  of  his  son  Muhammad.     When  the  star  of  the  prosperity 

of  Yaminu-d  daula  had  travelled  to  the  summit   of  honour, 

having  sent  ^Utbi,  the  author  of  the  Tdrikh-i  Yamini,  to  the 

Shar,  he  demanded  his  obedience  and  submission.     The  Sh&r 

attended  to  his  orders  and  to  his  prohibitions.     The  son  of  Sh&r 

Abu  Nasr,  whom  they  call  Sh&r  Sh&h,  came  to  the  Sultan,  and 

having  been  treated  with   much   kindness  and   courtesy,   and 

decorated  with  robes  of  honour,  returned  to  his  country. 

After  some  time,  the  resolution  of  making  war  having  come 
agsun  into  the  mind  of  the  Sult&n,  he  summoned  by  royal  man- 
date Sh&r  Sh&h  to  his  presence,  but  through  sensual  imaginations 
and  satanical  delusions,  he  would  not  obey  the  order  of  the 
Sultdn.  Yaminu-d  daula  appointed  Altunt&sh  the  chamberlain, 
^d  Arsl&n  J&zib,  to  put  him  out  of  the  way,  and  when  these 
two  officers  arrived  near  the  royal  residence  of  the  Shar,  Sh&r 
Abu  Nasr  took  shelter  with  Altunt&sh,  and  acquitted  himself 
of  all  responsibility  for  the  deeds  of  his  son.  Altuut&sh  sent 
him  to  Hir&t,  and  Sh&r  Sh&h  having  taken  refuge  in  a  fort, 
gave  himself  up  after  a  few  days,  in  consideration  of  quarter, 
and  the  chief  amirs  were  sent  off  to  Ghaznin.     When  he  arrived 

^  Price  {Mahotnm.  Hist.,  ii.,  286)  recognizes  Georgia  in  this,  following  D'Herbelot. 
^^en  Dr.  Bird,  who  is  generally  very  cautious,  falls  into  this  error.  Elphinstone 
«>ffectly  speaks  of  it,  on  the  autliority  of  Ouseley's  Ibn  Haukal  (pp.  213,  221,  225), 
**  lying  in  the  upper  course  of  the  river  Murgh&b  adjoining  Ghor.  For  farther 
Particulars  respecting  its  position,  see  Oemdldesaaly  vol.  iy.,  p.  126,  and  Fundgrubm 
*»  OrimU^  vol.  i.,  p.  321.    [See  Vol.  II.,  p.  676.] 


176  KHONDAMfB. 

before  Mahnitid,  the  Sult&n  showed  him  his  mercy  by  only 
flogging  him,  and  then  shut  him  up  in  one  of  the  forts ;  but 
the  superintendent  of  the  finances,  according  to  the  Sult&n's 
orders,  supplied  him  with  all  the  necessaries  of  life.  After  this, 
Yaminu-d  daula  sent  for  Sh&r  Abu  Nasr  from  Hir&t,  and 
showed  great  kindness  to  him  ;  he  bought  with  gold  all  the 
villages  and  estates  of  the  Sh&rs,  and  Khw&ja  Ahmad  bin 
Hasan  Maimandi  took  Sh&r  Ab6  Nasr  under  the  shadow  of  his 
patronage.     He  died  in  the  year  406  a.h.  (1014-15  a.d.)^ 

Expedition  to  Hindustan. 

In  the  year  405  h.  Sult&n  Mahmud,  again  thirsting  for  a  war 
with  the  infidels,  turned  his  attention  towards  the  extreme 
part  of  Hindust&n,  and  fought  a  battle  with  one  of  the  greatest 
princes  of  that  country.  He  sent  many  of  the  heretics  to  hell, 
subdued  the  city  of  N&rdin,^  and  then  returned  to  Ghaznin.  In 
the  same  year,  he  led  an  army  to  the  territories  of  Th&nesar,^ 
the  ruler  of  which  was  a  certain  infidel  well  known,  and  possessed 
of  elephants  which  they  call  the  Ceylonese.  According  to  his 
usual  custom,  he  fought  with  and  plundered  the  inhabitants, 
and  then  returned  to  Ghaznin.* 

Expedition  to  Khwdrizm, 

During  the  first  years  of  Sultdn  Mahmud's  reign,  an  individual 
named  M&mun  governed  Khw&rizm,  and  when  he  died,  his  son 
Abii  'All  became  king  of  that  country.     He  testified  friendship 

^  Firishta  mentions  in  this  place  a  demand  made  by  Mahmtid  upon  tbe  EbalifiEi 
for  the  surrender  to  him  of  Samarkand  and  Khurfts&n.  The  Khalifa's  reply  was  an 
indignant,  but  fiicetious,  refusal,  which  need  not  be  here  detailed. 

2  The  Tahakdt-i  Akbarl  says,  **  Naudand  in  the  hill  of  Baln&t,**  and  fixes  the 
expedition  subsequent  to  that  of  Th&nesor,  and  says  that  S&rogh  was  left  there  as 
governor.     The  Tdrlkh-i  Badduni  says  "  Paroandana." 

'  Niz&mu-d  din  Ahmad  and  Firishta  teU  us  that  there  was  an  idol  there,  called 
Jagarsom  or  Jagsom,  and  that  Jaip&l  oflfered  to  give  forty  elephants  if  Mahmdd 
would  Hhstain  from  this  expedition.  The  Sultftn,  nevertheless,  advanced  towards  the 
city,  broke  the  idol  in  pieces,  and  sent  them  to  be  trodden  under  foot  at  the  gate  of 
his  palHce.     [?^ee  Vol.  II.,  p.  452.] 

*  He  omiu  the  expedition  to  Lohkot  or  Loharkot  in  the  year  406  or  407  h. 


HABTBU-S  SIYAR.  ■     177 

to  Yaminn-d  daula,  and  married  his  sister.  After  the  death 
of  Abu  'All,  his  brother  M&m6n  bin  M&mtin  succeeded.  He 
manied  his  brother's  wife,  the  sister  of  Mahmdd,  and  according 
to  established  nsage,  he  professed  allegiance  to  Sultdn  Mahmud. 
During  the  last  days  of  M&mtin,  Yaminu-d  daula,  having  sent 
a  messenger  to  Khw&rizm,  ordered  Mfim6n  to  read  the  khutba 
in  his  name.  M&mdn  consulted  on  this  matter  with  his  minis- 
ters of  State.  Idost  of  them  replied,  ^'  If  you  hold  your  kingdom 
in  disgraceful  partnership  with  any  one  else,  we  will  not  bind  on 
the  girdle  of  obedience ;  and  if  you  submit  to  be  under  the  com- 
mand of  another,  we  will  not  choose  for  ourselves  the  ignominy 
of  jour  service."  The  envoy  having  heard  these  speeches, 
returned  and  made  relation  of  the  circumstance. 

After  this,  the  general  of  the  army  of  Khw&rizm,  Bin&ltigin,^ 
and  the  nobles  and  amirs  of  M&mun,  repented  of  their  misdeeds, 
and  were  terrified  at  the  vengeance  of  the  Sultdn.  In  the  middle 
of  all  this,  when  one  day,  according  to  established  custom,  they 
went  to  pay  their  respects  to  M&mun,  the  sudden  news  of  his 
death  was  divulged  to  them,  but  nobody  else  was  informed  of 
the  circumstance.  Binaltigin  then  raised  the  son  of  Mamun  to 
the  Solt&nship,  and  entered  into  an  agreement  with  all  the  rebel- 
lions amirSf  to  the  effect  that,  if  the  Sult&n  should  march  towards 
^em  they  would  unanimously  make  war  upon  him. 

When  Yaminu-d  daula  heard  of  this,  he  marched  towards 
Khwarizm,  with  a  desire  of  vengeance  and  hostility,  and  in  the 
territories  of  that  country  he  kindled  the  flames  of  war.  Many 
of  the  Khw&rizmians  were  killed,  and  5000  of  them  were  taken 
prisoners,  and  the  rest  of  the  unfortunates  fled.  Bindltigin  took 
to  a  boat,  in  order  that  he  might  cross  over  the  Jihun,  but,  on 
^oont  of  the  littleness  of  his  understanding,  he  adopted  such 
^  insolent  tone  towards  one  of  the  boatmen  who  was  known 
to  him,  as  to  bring  matters  to  this  point,  that  that  individual 
havbg  seized  Bin&ltigin,  conveyed  the  ungrateful  wretch  to  the 

^  Bow  calls  him  "  Abiatagi  Bochari."    D'Herbelot,  "  B^galthegin."    S.  de  Sacy, 
"Hebtl-Wghin."    Wilken,  "  Inalthegin." 

tOL.  IV.  12 


178  KHONDAMnL 

camp  of  Sult&n  Mahmdd,  who  gave  orders  that  they  should  en 
gallows  before  the  tomb  of  Mamdn,  and  upon  them  Bin&ltig: 
with  some  other  of  the  seditions  nobles,  was  hung  up  bj  t 
neck.  Having  given  over  the  government  of  Khw&rizm  to  Alii 
t&sh,  the  Sult&n  returned  towards  Ghaznin.^ 

Expedition  to  Kanauj. 

In  the  year  409  h.  (1018-19  a.d.),  during  the  season  of  flowc 
spring,  when  the  days  and  nights  are  equal,  when  the  lord 
vegetation  leads  his  army  of  verdure  and  of  odoriferous  hei 
over  the  deserts  and  gardens,  and  when  from  the  temperati 
of  the  air  of  Ardibihisht,  and  from  the  blowing  of  the  momi 
breeze,  he  has  subdued  the  citadels  of  the  green  rose-bu 
Yaminu-d  daula  again  formed  the  resolution  of  warring  agai: 
the  infidels  of  Hindust&n.  With  an  excellent  anny  of  20,fl 
volunteers,  who,  for  the  sake  of  obtaining  the  reward  of  maki 
war  upon  infidels,  had  joined  the  mighty  camp,  he  marcl 
towards  Kanauj,  which  was  distant  a  three  months^  joum 
In  the  middle  of  his  way  he  came  upon  an  impregnable  fc 
which  was  the  residence  of  a  certain  king  possessed  of  brav( 
in  war.  VSTien  that  king  saw  the  multitudes  of  the  warn 
of  the  religion  of  the  chief  of  the  righteous,  having  come 
the  foot  of  the  fort,  he  confessed  the  unity  of  God. 

The  Sult&n  then  directed  his  steps  towards  a  fort  which  i 
in  the  possession  of  a  certain  infidel  named  Kulchand.  E 
chand  fought  with  the  faithful,  but  the  infidels  were  defeats 
and  Kulchand,  through  excessive  ignorance,  having  drawn 
dagger,  first  killed  his  wife,  and  then  plunged  it  into  his  ( 
breast,  and  thus  went  to  hell.  Out  of  the  country  of  Kulchi 
the  dependents  of  Yaminu-d  daula  obtained  185  elephants.* 

From  that  place  the  Sultdn  proceeded  to  a  certain  city,  wl 

^  Tho  Jiatizatu-9  Safd  and  Turikh-i  Alfi  mention  that  some  prisoners  were 
fn^m  Khw&rizm  to  Ghaznl,  and  afterwards  released,  and  sent  to  accompany  the  t 
'lespatched  to  India. 

2  So  says  'Utbi,  but  Firishta  has  80  ;  Haidar  R6zi,  150. 


HABIBU-S  8IYAB.  179 

WB8  aeeounted  holy  by  the  people  of  the  conntiy.    In  that  city 
the  men  of  Ghaznin  saw  so  many  strange  and  wonderful  things, 
that  to  tell  them  or  to  write  a  description  of  them  is  no  easy 
matter.      There  were  a  hundred  palaces  made  of  stone  and 
marble,  and  the  Sult&n^  in  writing  a  description  of  these  build- 
ings to  the  nobles  at  Ghaznin,  said  ''  that  if  any  one  wished  to 
make  palaces  like  these,  even  if  he  expended  a  hundred  thou- 
sand times  thousand  dindrSy  and  employed  experienced  superin- 
tendents for  200  years,  even  then  they  would  not  be  finished.'*^ 
Agiun,  they  found  five  idols  of  the  purest  gold,  in  the  eyes  of 
each  of  which  there  were  placed  two  rubies,  and  each  of  these 
rabies  was  worth  50,000   dindrs:   in  another  idol  there  were 
sapphires,  which  weighed  600  drachms.     The  number  of  silver 
idols  upon  the  spot  was  more  than  100.^     In  short,  Sult&n 
Uahmud,  having  possessed  himself  of  the  booty,  burned  their 
idol-temples,  and  proceeded  towards  Kanauj. 

Jaip&l,  who  was  the  King  of  Kanauj,  hearing  of  the  Sultdn's 

approach,  fled,  and  on  the  18th  of  Sha'b&n,  of  the  year  above 

mentioned,  Yaminu-d  daula,  having  arrived   in  that   country, 

saw  on  the  banks  of  the   Ganges   seven   forts,  like  those  of 

Khaibar,  but,  as  they  were  destitute  of  brave  men,  he  subdued 

them  in  one  day.     The  Ghaznivides  found  in  these  forts  and 

their  dependencies   10,000   idol-temples,   and  they  ascertained 

the  vicious  belief  of  the  Hindus  to  be,  that  since  the  erection 

of  those  buildings  no  less  than  three  or  four  hundred  thousand 

years  h^   elapsed.      Sultan   Mahmud   during  this   expedition 

^eved  many  other  conquests  after  he  leil  Kanauj,^  and  sent 

to  hell  many  of  the  infidels  with  blows  of  the  well-tempered 


*  Firialita  adds,  these  were  laden  on  as  many  camels^  which,  according  to  Briggs, 
^onld  not  carry  more  than  150,000/.  in  silver. 

'  The  onussioDB  here  are  the  conquest  of  Munj,  Asl,  and  the  fort  of  Chand  R&f, 
^hieh  ard  mentioned  hy  'tJtbi,  Kashfdu-d  din,  and  Mirkhond.  The  subsequent 
^^It^ditioM  to  India  preceding  that  of  Somn&t,  which  none  of  these  authors  have 
^ticed,  but  which  are  gircn  in  detail  by  Finshta,  are  also  omitted.  The  Tdrikh'i 
■^^fi  also  omits  these  subsequent  expeditions,  mentioning,  however,  one  which  cannot 
^  identified  with  any  of  Firishta's. 


180  KHONDAMrB. 

sword.     Such  a  number  of  slaves  were  assembled  in  that  gr 
camp,  that  the  price  of  a  single  one  did  not  exceed  ten  dirham 

The  Conquest  of  Somndt, 

When  Mahmiid  returned  victorious  from  this  expedition 
the  royal  residence  of  Ghaznin,  he  built  a  general  mosque  a 
a  college,  and  endowed  them  with  pious  legacies.^  Some  ye 
after  these  events,  Sult&n  Mahmud,  of  praiseworthy  virtu 
formed  the  design  of  taking  Somn&t,  and  of  slaying  the  detc 
able  idolaters.  On  the  10th  of  Sha'ban,  416  h.  (1025-6  a.i 
he  marched  towards  Multdn  with  30,000  cavalry,  in  addit 
to  a  multitude  of  men,  who  also  bent  their  steps  thither 
their  own  pleasure,  and  for  the  obtaining  the  reward  of  warr 
against  infidels.  Having  arrived  at  that  city  in  the  middle 
Ramaz&n,  he  resolved  to  travel  the  rest  of  the  distance  by 
way  of  the  desert.  The  soldiers  were  obliged  to  carry  wj 
and  forage  for  many  days,  and  in  addition  the  Sultdn  loa* 
20,000  camels  with  water  and  provisions,  so  that  the  tro 
might  not  by  any  means  become  diminished  in  numl 
Having  passed  that  bloodthirsty  desert,*  they  saw  on  the  e 
of  it  several  forts  filled  with  fighting  men,  and  abounding  v 
instruments  of  war,  but  the  omnipotent  God  struck  fear  i 
the  hearts  of  the  infidels,  so  that  they  delivered  the  forts  c 
without  striking  a  blow.  Sult&n  Mahmud  went  from  that  p' 
towards  Nahrwala,^  and  he  killed  and  plundered  the  inhabits 

^  Firishta  adds,  that  letters  were  written  to  the  Khalifa  by  Mahmtid,  detailinj 
Indian  yictories,  and  that  the  Khalifa  had  them  read  from  the  pulpits  in  the  pret 
of  the  people, 

3  Firishta  says  that  he  passed  by  Ajmir,  but  the  Tirikl^i  Alfi^  perhaps  more 
rectly,  says  Jai^mir,  destroying  all  the  temples  on  his  way,  and  massacring  so  i 
of  the  inhabitants,  that  for  some  time  no  one  could  pass  that  way  on  account  oj 
stench  arising  from  the  dead  bodies. 

2  Mirkhond,  Khondamir,  and  the  Tdrikh-i  Alfi  read  "Bahw&ra;"  but  no  d 
the  reading  of  Firishta  is  correct,  "  NahrwWa."  It  appears  from  Bird's  Guj 
p.  144,  that  the  R&j&'s  name  was  Jam  And,  a  Solankhi  B&jptit.  Ibn  Athfr 
his  name  was  Bh(m,  confounding  him  with  his  contemporary  Bhimp&l,  the  last  o 
dynasty  of  Northern  India. 


HAfifBU-S  SITAB.  181 

of  every  citj  on  the  road  at  'which  he  arrived,  until,  in  the  month 
of  Zi-1  ka'da  of  the  above  year,  he  arrived  at  Somn&t.  Historians 
agree  that  Sonin&t  is  the  name  of  a  certain  idol,  which  the  Hindus 
believe  in  as  the  greatest  of  idols,  but  we  learn  the  contrary  of  this 
from  Shaikh  Faridu-d  din  'Att&r,  in  that  passage  where  he  says : 
*'  The  army  of  Mahmtid  obtained  in  Sonm&t  that  idol  whose 
name  was  hit."  According  to  historians,  Somndt  was  placed 
in  an  idol-temple  upon  the  shore  of  the  sea.  The  ignorant 
Hindus,  when  smitten  with  fear,  assemble  in  this  temple,  and 
on  those  nights  more  than  100,000  men  come  into  it.  From 
the  extremities  of  kingdoms,  they  bring  offerings  to  that  temple, 
and  10,000  cultivated  villages  are  set  apart  for  the  expenses  of 
the  keepers  thereof.  So  many  exquisite  jewels  were  found  there, 
that  a  tenth  part  thereof  could  not  be  contained  entirely  in  the 
treasury  of  any  king.  Two  thousand  Brahmans  were  always  oc- 
cupied in  prayer  round  about  the  temple.  A  gold  chain,  weighing 
200  manSy  on  which  bells  were  fixed,  hung  from  a  comer  of  that 
temple,  and  they  rang  them  at  appointed  hours,  so  that  by  the 
noise  thereof  the  Brahmans  might  know  the  time  for  prayer. 
Three  hundred  musicians  and  500  dancing  slave  girls  were 
the  servants  of  that  temple,  and  all  the  necessaries  of  life 
were  provided  for  them  from  the  offerings  and  bequests  for 
pious  usages. 

The  river  Gbnges  is  a  river  situated  to  the  east  of  Eanauj,^ 
and  the  Hindus  are  opinion  that  the  water  of  this  river  springs 
from  the  fountain  of  Paradise ;  having  burned  their  dead,  they 
throw  the  ashes  into  the  stream,  and  this  practice  they  hold  as 
purifying  them  from  their  sins. 

In  short,  when  Mahmdd  encamped  at  Somn&t,  he  saw  a  large 
fort  on  the  shore  of  the  sea,  and  the  waves  reached  up  to  the 
earth  underneath  that  castle.  Many  men  having  come  upon 
the  top  of  the  rampart,  looked  down  upon  the  Musulm&ns,  and 

*  Sometlimg  ii  omitted  here :  it  being  intended  to  imply  that  the  idol  was  washed 
with  water  oonTeyed  from  the  Ganges. 


182  KHOKDAMnt. 

imagined  that  their  feLse  god  would  kill  that  multitude  th 
very  night. 

'^  The  next  day,  when  this  world,  fnll  of  pride, 
Obtained  light  firom  the  stream  of  the  sun ; 
The  Turk  of  the  day  disphtying  his  golden  shidd. 
Cut  off  with  his  sword  the  head  of  the  Hindu  night."  ^ 

The  army  of  Ghaznin,  fiill  of  bravery,  having  gone  to  \ 
foot  of  the  fort,  brought  down  the  Hindus  from  the  topa 
the  ramparts  with  the  points  of  eye-deatroying  arrows,  a 
having  placed  scaling-ladders,  they  began  to  ascend  with  lo 
cries  of  All&h-u  Akbar  (t.e.,  Gk>d  is  greatest).  The  Hindus  offei 
resistance,  and  on  that  day,  from  the  time  that  the  sun  entei 
upon  the  fort  of  the  turquoise-cobured  sky,  until  the  time  tl 
the  stars  of  the  bed-chambers  of  Heaven  were  oonspicuoua,  < 
the  battle  rage  between  both  parties.  When  the  darkness 
night  prevented  the  light  of  the  eye  from  seeing  the  bod 
of  men,  the  army  of  the  &ithful  returned  to  their  quarters. 

The  next  day,'  having  returned  to  the  strife,  and  havi 
finished  bringing  into  play  the  weapons  of  warSstre,  they  vi 
quished  the  Hindus.  Those  ignorant  men  ran  in  crowds  to 
idol  temple,  embraced  Somn&t,  and  came  out  again  to  fight  ui 
they  were  killed.  Fifty  thousand  infidels  were  killed  round  ab 
the  temple,  and  the  rest  who  escaped  from  the  sword  embarked 
ships  and  fled  away.'  Sult&n  Mahmud,  having  entered  into 
idol  temple,  beheld  an  excessively  long  and  broad  room,  is 
much  that  fifty-six  pillars^  had  been  made  to  support  the  n 

^  The  Turk  being  fair  is  oompnred  to  the  day,  and  the  golden  shield  is  intendc 
represent  the  son.    The  night  is  called  Hindu  on  account  of  its  hlaekness. 

'  Firishta  represents  that  reinforcements  arrived  to  the  Hindus  on  the  third  day,  le 
Parama  Deo  and  DlthshiUm  whom  Mahmtid  attacked  and  routed,  slaying  6000  Hin 

3  Mirkhond,  the  TdHkh-iAlfl,  and  Firishta,  say  that  some  of  the  Sultfcn*8 
pursued  them  on  the  sea,  and  as  Sarandip  is  mentioned,  Briggs  considers  that  proh 
the  dipf  or  island  of  Di(!i,  is  indicated ;  but  Arom  the  historical  annals  of  Ce 
it  appears  that  that  island  was  then  a  dependency  of  India. — ^Upham's  Sittw 
Buddhism,  p.  31. 

^  Mirkhond  adds  that  the  columns  were  set  with  hyacinths,  rubies,  and  pearls, 
that  each  column  had  been  raised  at  the  expense  of  one  of  the  chief  **  Sult&ns 
Hind,  and  that  more  than  50,000  idolatois  were  sUin  in  this  siege. 


HA9rB^-8  8IYAB.  183 

SoBuiii  nM  u  idol  eat  oat  ci  stone,  whose  height  was  fire  yards, 
of  which  ihjpee  jards^  were  yisible,  and  two  yards  were  coneeaied 
IB  the  groond.  Yamina-d  daaU  having  broken  that  idol  with 
his  own  hand,  ordered  that  they  should  pack  up  pieces  of  the 
itone,  take  them  to  Ghazuin,  and  throw  them  on  the  threshold 
of  the  J&mi^  Hasjid.'  The  sum  which  the  treasury  of  the  Sult&n 
MahmM  obtained  from  the  idol-temple  of  Somn&t  was  more 
than  twenty  thousand  thousand  dindrs,^  inasmuch  as  those  pillars 
were  all  adorned  with  precious  jewels.  Sult&n  Mahmdd,  after 
this  glorioaa  yictoiy,  reduced  a  fort  in  which  the  govemor  of 
lUirw&Ia  had  taken  refuge. 

Story  of  BdbBhilim^ 

At  that  time  having  made  over  the  government  of  Somn&t  to 
Dibshilfm  Murt&z,  he  turned  towards  Ghaznin.^  It  is  related 
that  when  Sult&n  Mahmdd  was  about  to  return  from  Somn&t,  he 
eonsidted  with  his  ministers  of  State,  and  said :  "  It  is  necessary 
to  appoint  some  proper  person  to  the  government  and  possession 
of  the  kingdom."  They  answered,  ^*  As  none  of  us  will  again 
((088  over  into  this  country,  it  is  fitting  that  you  should  appoint 
>ome  person  resident  in  the  country  to  be  the  ruler.^ 

^  WIDmb,  in  tTBiwlftting  Mfrkhond,  sajs  "  cnbitoi,**  but  the  original  has,  like  the 
JUiUm^  Bl9m'^\S  B'Herbdot  makes  the  fire  into  fifty  cubits,  and  says  forty-seven 

tf  tei  were  bnried  beneath  the  earth. 

*  Hm  TtthahU^i  NdaiH  aayi  the  fragments  of  the  idol  were  thus  distributed,  one  at 
^  gala  of  the  J&mi'  Maqid,  one  «i  the  gate  of  the  royal  palace,  one  was  sent  to 
ICceia,  and  one  to  Medina. 

'  One  of  these  thousands  is  left  out  in  some  copies. 

*  Heaning  ^  disdplined,  exercised,  a  hermit"  [See  toL  iL,  p.  500.]  Bird  derives 
I^Usihilim  firom  Dwa  SUa,  **  the  meditative  king,"  in  the  objective  case  Dwa  silam, 
%]iame  is  probably  a  mere  legendary  one.  It  is  to  be  remembered  that  Dfrbshilim, 
'tttttsBpoiary  of  H6shang,  was  the  Indian  monarch  by  whose  orders  the  well-known 
Um  of  Pilpsy  were  composed.  Elphinstone  concurs  that  both  these  Dlibshilfraa 
^  rBpreiontatiTes  of  the  fiunily  of  Oh&wara,  to  whom  the  &ther  of  the  reigning 
^k  of  the  £umly  of  Chfdiikya  had  succeeded  through  the  female  line.  See  Biogro' 
Mm  27ff»Mrj«2b,  torn,  x.,  p.  420. 

*  The  Tmbakdi^  Akbari  says  he  returned  by  way  of  Sind  and  Multfin,  and  ex- 
POioneed  great  difBoolty  in  the  desert  [See  voL  ii.,  pp.  191  and  270 :  also  the 
pBeral  Note  on  MahmAd's  expeditions,  vol*  ii,  p.  484.] 


184  KHONBAMnL 

The  Salt&n  haying  spoken  on  this  subject  to  some  of  tl 
people  of  Somn&t,  one  party  said :  ^'  Among  the  sovereigna  < 
the  country,  no  one  is  equal  to  the  tribe  of  D&bshilim  in  du 
racter  and  lineage.  At  the  present  moment  there  is  a  yooii 
man  of  that  tribe,  a  Brahman,  who  is  wont  to  practise  sevei 
austerities :  if  the  Sult&n  delivers  over  the  kingdom  to  him, 
will  be  proper."  Another  party  did  not  approve  of  this  proposa 
and  said :  '^  D&bshilim  Murt&z  is  a  man  of  a  morose  dispositioi 
and  it  is  through  indigence  that  he  is  obliged  to  practise  auster 
ties.  There  is  another  man  of  the  tribe  of  D&bshilim,  the  roll 
of  a  certain  country,  very  wise,  and  a  keeper  of  his  word,  who 
it  is  fitting  that  the  Sult&n  should  make  sovereign  of  Somn&t." 

Yaminu-d  daula  said :  ^'  If  he  will  come  and  wait  upon  n 
and  make  this  request,  it  will  be  listened  to ;  but  to  give  over 
khigdom  of  this  magnitude  to  a  person  who  is  already  posses8< 
of  one  of  the  kingdoms  of  Hind,  and  who  has  never  been 
attendance  upon  me,  seems  to  be  a  thing  far  from  the  sol 
opinions  which  should  actuate  Sult&ns." 

Then  having  called  D&bshilim  Murt&z,  the  Sult&n  gave  hi 
the  sovereignty  of  Somn&t.  D&bshilim  agreed  to  pay  tributi 
and  spoke  thus :  ''  A  certain  D&bshilim  is  in  a  state  of  hostili 
towards  me,  and  when  he  obtains  information  that  the  Sult&n 
gone,  he  will  certainly  lead  his  army  hither ;  and  as  I  have  n 
the  means  of  resistance,  I  shall  be  subdued.  If  the  king  w 
remove  this  mischief  from  my  head,  this  great  matter  wiU  be  i 
right;  but  if  not,  I  shall  certainly  be  destroyed  in  a  ve 
short  time.^  The  Sult&n  answered :  ''  Since  I  have  come  frc 
Ghaznin  with  the  purpose  of  making  war  upon  infidels,  I  i?i 
also  settle  this  business."^ 

^  Mirkhond  makes  him  say :  "I  will  agree  to  transmit  to  Obazni  all  the  gold  i 
rabies  of  the  mines  of  Hind,  if  this  fiirtiier  farour  be  conferred  on  me."  Firisi 
makes  him  promise  to  remit  doable  the  revenne  of  Z&bnlist&n  and  K&balist&n. 

^  The  answer  in  the  Jtauzatu-t  8afd  and  KhulaaatU'l  Akhbdr  is  more  spedi 
<<  As  three  years  have  already  elapsed  since  my  departare  from  Ghaznl,  what  doei 
matter  if  six  months  more  are  added  to  that  period  P"  Bat  by  comparing  the  ds 
of  his  departare  and  retam,  Mahmtid  does  not  appear  to  have  been  absent  much  m* 
than  one  year  and  a  hal^  or  at  most,  as  Firishta  aaierts,  two  yean  and  a  halt    ] 


HABrBU-S  8ITAB.  185 

He  then  led  his  army  towards  the  countiy  of  that  D&bshilim, 
and  haying  taken  him  captive,  delivered  him  over  to  D&bshilim 
I     tfurt&z,  who  thus  addressed  the  Sult&n :  ^^  In  my  religion  the 
kflling  of  kings  is  nnlawfiil,  but  the  custom  is  that  when  one 
king  geta  another  into  his  power  he  makes  a  small  and  dark 
room  underneath  his  own  throne,  and  having  put  his  enemy  into 
it,  he  leaves  a  hole  open :  eveiy  day  he  sends  a  tray  of  victuals 
into  that  room,  until  one  or  other  of  the  kings  dies.    Since  it 
is  now  impossible  for  me  to  keep  my  enemy  in  this  manner,  I 
hope  that  the  troops  of  the  Sult&n  will  take  him  away  to  the 
royal  residence  of  Ghaznin,  and  that  when  I  am  at  ease  about 
iiira,  they  will  send  him  back.^    Yaminu-d  daula  consented,  and 
then  hoisted  the  flag  of  his  return  to  Ghaznin. 

D&bshilim  Murt&z  obtained   absolute  sovereignty  over  the 
government  of  Somn&t,  and,  after  a  few  years  had  elapsed,  sent 
ambassadors  to  the  Sult&n,  requesting  that  his  enemy  might  be 
given  up.     At  first  the  Sult&n  was  irresolute  about  sending  that 
young  man ;  but  in  the  end,  at  the  instigation  of  some  of  his 
nobles,  he  delivered  over  that  D&bshilim  to  the  emissary  of 
D&behilim  Murt&z.    When  they  had  brought  him  to  the  terri- 
tories of   Sonm&t,   D&bshilim   Murt&z  ordered  the  appointed 
prison  to  be  got  ready,  and  according  to  a  custom  which  was 
well  known  among  them,  he  himself  went  out  from  the  city  to 
meet  him,  in  order  that,  having  placed  his  basin  and  ewer  upon 
the  youth's  head,  he  might  cause  him  to  run  by  his  stirrup, 
while  they  conducted  him  to  prison. 

In  the  middle  of  his  way  he  began  to  hunt,  and  galloped 
^ut  in  every  direction,  until  the  day  became  very  hot:  he 
Aen  laid  down  under  the  shade  of  a  tree  for  repose,  and  having 
spread  a  red  handkerchief  over  his  face,  during  that  interval, 
According  to  the  decree  of  the  Most  High  God,  a  bird  with 

cUBpaign  was  conducted  daring  one  cold  season.  The  rainy  season  he  seems  to  have 
piaed  at  Anhalw&ra,  and  after  a  little  more  fighting  and  plunder  in  the  beginning 
^nolker  cold  season,  he  returned  to  Ghasni,  before  the  rains  had  set  in  in  Hindust&n. 
Be  must  have  delayed  late  in  the  hot  season,  or  he  oould  not  haye  experienced  his 
^iBeoltief  and  sofleringB  in  the  desert 


}8d  KHONBAMrfi. 

strong  talons,  imagining  that  handkerohief  to  be  flesh,  alighted 
from  the  air^  and  having  struck  his  claws  into  the  handkerchiei^ 
they  penetrated  so  &r  into  the  eyes  of  D&bshilim  Murtiz  t^ 
he  became  blind.  As  the  grandees  of  Hindost&n  do  not  pay 
obedience  to  those  who  are  in  any  way  defective,  a  tumolt  arofl$ 
among  the  soldiers,  in  the  middle  of  which  the  other  DibshUim 
arrived^  and  all  having  agreed  to  invest  him  with  authority,  they 
placed  that  same  basin  and  ewer  upon  the  head  of  D&bshilim 
Murt&z,  and  made  him  run  as  &r  as  the  prison,  so  that  thus 
D&bshilim  Murt&z  became  taken  in  the  very  manner  which  h^ 
had  planned  for  this  young  man,  and  the  saying,  ^^  Whoever 
digs  a  well  for  his  brother  fiJls  into  it  himself,"  became  apparent, 
SB  also  it  became  clear  ^^that  God  gives  and  snatches  away  a 
kingdom  to  wIumq  and  from  whom  he  chooses :  he  gives  honour 
and  dishonour  to  whom  he  pleases :  Thou  possessest  goodnees, 
Thou  art  master  of  all  things.^^ 

The  Conquest  of  'Irak. 

Sult&n  Mahmud,  in  the  year  420  h.  (1029  A.D.),  formed  the 
design  of  subduing  'Ir&k-i  ^Ajam,  and  accordingly  hoisted  the 
standard  of  departure  towards  that  quarter.  When  he  arrived 
in  the  territories  of  M&zandar&n,  Mamlchihr  bin  K&biis  bin 
Washmichihr  having  hastened  to  pay  him  his  respects,  brought 
fitting  magnificent  presents.  In  the  mean  time  the  governor  of 
''Ir&k,  Majdu-d  daula  bin  Fakhru-d  daula,  having  sent  a  messenger 
to  Yaminu-d  daula^  brought  a  complaint  against  his  amirs.  The 
Sult&n  having  sent  his  troops  towards  Re,  Majdu-d  daula  joined 
himself  to  the  army  of  Ghaznin,  and  the  officers  of  that  army 
took  him  and  sent  him  to  the  Sult&n. 

Sult&n  Mahmdd  himself  went  to  Be,  and  having  sent  for 
Majdu-d  daula  into  his  assembly,  thus  addressed  him : — -^^  Have 
you  read  the  Sh&h-n&ma,  and  are  you  versed  in  the  history  of 
Tabari  P''  He  answered,  "  Yes.''  The  Sult&n  said :  "Have  you 
ever  played  at  chess P''     He  answered,  "Yes.''     The  Sultiu 


HABrBl^B  SIYIB.  187 

aid:  ^ fai  tkote  books  haye  you  seen  it  written  that  two  kings 
mt  role  in  one  eonntry  P  and  on  the  chess-board  have  you  ever 
Men  two  kings  on  one  sqnare  ?  He  said,  ^  No.^  The  Solt&n 
nid :  '^  Then  how  oomes  it  that  you  have  given  over  the  reins 
of  yonr  power  to  one  who  has  greater  strength  than  yourself  P" 
He  then  sent  Majdu-d  danla  and  his  son  to  Ghaznin,  under.the 
nistody  of  a  guard  of  soldiers,  and  having  given  over  the 
lovereignty  of  that  country  to  his  son  Mas'idd,  he  turned  his 
inns  towards  the  royal  residence  of  Ghaznin. 

A  short  account  ^f  the  opposition  of  Mas^iid  to  his  father  and  of 

the  death  of  MahmM. 

Historians  who  wear  the  mantle  of  praises,  and  composers 
doihed  in  the  garb  of  felicity,  have  related  that  Sult&n  Mahmtid 
loYed  his  younger  son  Muliammad  better  than  Mas'dd.  On 
account  of  this,  he  preferred  him  as  the  heir-apparent,  and 
one  day,  before  the  taking  of  ^Irak,  he  asked  Mas'ud  how  he 
would  behave  towards  his  brother.  Mas^'dd  answered,  '^  I  shall 
Mow  the  example  of  my  father,  and  behave  towards  my  brother 
in  the  same  way  as  you  behaved  to  yours.^  I  have  mentioned 
the  quarrel  of  Mahm6d  with  his  brother  Isma'il  before,  so  there 
u  BO  need  of  a  repetition.  My  only  object  in  mentioning  this 
v,that  when  Mahmdd  heard  this  speech  firom  Mas'ud,  it  entered 
into  his  mind  that  he  would  remove  Mas'tid  to  a  distance  from 
tbe  metropolis  of  Ghaznin,  so  that  after  his  death  war  and 
^Rolling  might  not  take  place  between  the  two  brothers.  On 
this  account,  having  undertaken  a  journey  to  'Ir&k,  when  he  had 
honght  that  country  into  the  courtyard  of  subjection,  he  gave 
it  to  Mas'iid,  and  said,  ^^  You  must  swear  that  after  my  death 
you  will  not  oppose  your  brother."  Mas'^tid  answered,  ^^  I  will 
tdc6  this  oath  at  the  time  when  you  feel  an  aversion  to  me.^ 
Hahm6d  said,  *^  Why  do  you  speak  to  me  like  this  P""  Mas'tid 
•Mwered,  "  If  I  am  your  son,  I  surely  have  a  right  to  your 
property  and  treasures.""     Mahmtid  said,  *^Your  brother  will 


188  XHONBAMTB. 

render  to  you  your  dues :  do  you  Bwear  that  yoa  will  not  cu 
on  war  with  your  brother,  and  that  you  will  not  display  enmi 
towards  himP"  Mas^ud  said,  ^'  If  he  will  come  and  swear  tt 
according  to  our  precious  laws  he  will  render  to  me  my  due  o 
of  your  worldly  effects,  then  I  will  promise  not  to  display  enmi 
towards  him,  but  he  is  now  in  Ghaznin,  and  I  in  Be ;  how  th 
can  the  affair  be  furthered  P^^ 

MasMd,  from  his  excessiye  haughtiness,  and  firom  his  coyi 
ousness  to  obtain  the  idle  vanities  of  the  world,  showed  1 
presumption  and  spoke  in  this  harsh  manner  to  his  filth 
The  Sult&n  bade  him  adieu,  and  directed  his  steps  towai 
Ghaznin,  where,  after  his  arrival,  he  laid  his  side  on  the  car| 
of  weakness,  and  died,  either  of  consumption  or  of  disease 
the  liver,^  (for  there  are  two  opinions  uiged  on  this  point) 
Thursday,  the  23rd  of  Babi'u-l  &khir,  421  h.«  (1030  aj 
His  funeral  rites  were  performed  on  a  night  whilst  it  was  rainii 
and  he  was  buried  in  the  blue  palace  at  Ghaznin. 

The  kamed  men  who  flourished  during  MahtnUid^s  reign. 

Among  the  learned  men  who  flourished  during  the  time 

Sult&n  Mahmiid,  one  was  'Utbi,  who   composed  the  Tdrik 

Tamini,  which  is  an  account  of  the  descendants  of  Subuktig 

That  book  has  been  translated  Abu-s  Sharaf  N&sir  bin  Za&r  I 

^  WHken  traxiBlatflBy  ^  Etenim  ambigitar  tabesne  ftierit  an  dorii  »gritado  an 
proluTium."    Briggs  sayi  *'  the  stone."    Abd-l  fed&  [Ann.  Mot.,  torn.  iiL,  p. 
*'diarrh(Ba  et  cachexia.*'    Price  (Jfahom.  Jlitt.,  voL  iL,  p.  294)  translates,  **a  < 
snmptiYe  compkint,  accompanied  by  a  disorder  in  the  loins.'*    The  Tabakdi-i  Ak 
sayi  *'feYer."    [See  ntprd^  p.  134.] 

*  The  Nizdmu-t  Tawdrikh  says  420  h.,  but  the  text  is  oononrred  in  by  the  Jdm 
Teiwdrikh,  AbCi-1  Fail  Baihakl,  Abt&-1  fed&,  the  Bautatu^  Safd,  and  the  Tdri 
Alfij  quoting  from  H&fiz  Abrd  and  the  Tabakdt-i  Akbari,  Firishta  also  concurs ' 
the  text  (Briggs  translating  Friday  instead  of  Thursday),  which,  howerer,  Hami 
Purgstall  asserts  to  be  the  right  day.  Haidar  R&zi  mentions  the  11th  of  Safar  ai 
date  of  Mahmtid's  death.  The  NigdrUtdn  says  the  13th  of  £abi'u-l  awwal, 
Be  Gnignes  brings  it  down  as  late  as  Jum&da-l  awwal ;  but  there  can  be  no  doubt 
the  date  mentioned  in  the  text  is  the  correct  one ;  for  It  is  the  one  which  his  torn 
Ghazni  bears.  See  Beinaud,  Mem.  tw  Vlnde^  p.  273,  and  Thornton's  GanetUei 
«ahuznee." 


HABrBTJ-S  SIYAB.  189 

MnnshiJ  Jarb&dk&n{,  and  the  translation  is  well  known 

len. 

ler  of  the  learned  men  of  that  time  was  'TJnsuri,  who 

greatest  poet  of  his  age,  and  was  always  composing  odes 

trains  in  praise  of  Salt&n  Mahmud.     The  following  is 

is  quatrains : — 

3  that  monarch  whom  in  the  east  and  west, 
re-worshippers,  Christians,  and  Musulmans 
len  they  count  their  beads,  and  ejaculate  the  praises  of  God, 
)h  God,  give  me  an  end  that  is  laudable  (Mahmud),** 

Y  that  'Unsuri  composed  many  yerses  in  praise  of  Sult&n 
ij  and  out  of  the  many  books  which  he  wrote  in  the 

the  Sult&n  there  was  one  book,  viz.,  Wdmik  o  *Azrd. 

now  lost. 

ler  of  the  poets,  who  was  a  panegyrist  of  the  Sult&n 
1  was  'Asjudi,  who  derived  his  origin  from  Merv. 
omndt  was  taken  he  composed  a  kasidah  in  praise  of  the 
f  laudable  virtues,  the  beginning  of  which  runs  thus : 

n  the  acute-minded  Sultan  made  his  expedition  to  Somnat, 
aade  his  own  exploits  the  standard  pf  miracles." 

ler  of  the  poets  contemporary  with  Sult&n  Mahmud  was 
i,  who,  from  the  excessive  generosity  of  the  Sult&n, 
imassed  great  wealth,  determined  to  go  to  Samarkand, 
le  drew  near  that  city,  he  was  attacked  by  highwaymen 
idered  of  all  that  he  had.  Having  arrived  in  Samarkand 
ed  himself  to  nobody,  but  after  a  few  days  he  hoisted 
of  his  return,  having  given  utterance  to  the  following 

seen  all  the  charms  of  Samarkand, 

looked  upon  its  gardens,  its  villas,  its  valleys,  and  its 
leserts. 

Qce  my  purse  and  my  pockets  are  without  dirhamSf 
(art  has  folded  up  the  carpet  of  pleasure  from  off  the  oourt- 
fard  of  hope. 


190  KHONDAMnL 

From  the  learned  men  of  every  city 

I  have  heard  that  there  is  one  kosar  and  eight  paradises ; 

I  have  seen  thousands  of  rivers  and  thousands  of  paradises : 

But  what  profit  if  I  always  return  with  a  thirsty  lip  ? 

The  eye  seeing  wealth,  and  not  having  the  money  in  the  hand, 

Is  Hke  a  head  cut  off  in  the  midst  of  a  golden  basin." 

Firdusi  was  another  one  of  the  poets  contemporary  with  Sultin 
Mahmud :  his  history  is  well  known.  It  is  written  in  the  boob 
of  learned  authors,  that  during  his  first  years  Firddsi  took  great 
pleasure  in  versification.  It  happened  that  at  one  time  he  re- 
ceived ill-treatment  from  somebody,  upon  which  he  set  out  for 
Ghaznin,  which  was  the  royal  residence  of  the  Sult&n  Mahmiid, 
with  the  intention  of  lodging  his  complaint.  VThen  he  arrived 
near  that  city,  .he  saw  in  a  cert^n  garden  three  persons  who 
were  sitting  together,  and  seemed  to  be  very  intimate.  He 
conjectured  that  they  were  the  servants  of  the  Sult&n,  and  said 
within  himself,  ^'  I  will  go  to  them,  and  tell  them  some  of  my 
business ;  perhaps  I  shall  gain  some  advantage  by  it.''  When 
he  came  near  the  resting-place  where  'Unsuri,  'Asjudi,  and 
Farrukhi  were  sitting,  those  individuals  were  astonished  at  him 
and  said,  "  He  will  spoil  our  quiet  converse.*"  They  communed 
with  one  another,  and  agreed  to  tell  this  person  that  they  were 
the  poets  of  the  Sult&n,  and  that  they  held  no  intercourse  with 
any  one  who  was  not  a  poet ;  that  they  would  recite  three  verses, 
to  which  it  would  be  difficult  to  add  a  fourth,  and  that  th^ 
would  say  that  whoever  would  make  a  fourth  verse  would  be 
admitted  into  their  society,  and  unless  he  could  do  so  he  would 
be  excluded. 

When  Firdusi  arrived  where  they  were  sitting,  they  played 
off  upon  him  that  which  they  had  determined  among  themselves. 
Firdusi  said,  "  Recite  your  verses."  'Unsuri  said,  "  The  moon 
has  no  brightness  like  your  cheek."  Farrukhi  said,  "  There 
is  not  a  rose  in  the  rose-garden  like  your  face."  'Asjudi  said, 
"  Your  eye-lashes  pierce  through  a  coat  of  mail."  Firdusi,  upon 
hearing  those  verses,  instantly  replied,  "  Like  the  spear  of  Gko 


HABrBTJ.8  SITAE.  191 

in  the  fight  with  Pushan.^  The  poets  were  astonished  at  his 
readiness,  and  inquired  about  the  story  of  G^o  and  Pushan. 
Rrdusi  told  them  the  story  at  fiill  length,  and  accordingly, 
wben  he  arrired  at  Court,,  he  experienced  kind  treatment,  and 
Hahmud  told  him  that  he  had  made  a  paradise  of  his  Gourt, 
md  it  was  owing  to  this  that  he  assumed  his  titular  name  of 
Piidusi. 
Having  afterwards  been  appointed  to  compose  the  Shdh-ndma^ 
e  wrote  a  thousand  verses,  and  took  them  to  the  king,  who 
ighly  applauded  them,  and  made  him  a  present  of  a  thousand 
)ndr8.  When  Firdtisi  had  finished  writing  the  Shdh-ndma^ 
)  took  the  book,  which  contained  60,000  verses,  to  the  Sult&n, 
cpecting  that  he  would  get  a  dinar  for  each  verse,  as  he  had 
me  before ;  but  some  envious  persons  of  mean  disposition,  in- 
ilging  their  malignity,  wondered  what  must  be  the  value  of 
lat  poet  who  was  worth  being  exalted  by  such  a  large  gift,  and 
ley  made  the  Sultdn  give  him  60,000  dirhama  instead.  When 
irdusi  came  out  of  the  bath,  and  they  brought  those  dirhama 
)fore  him,  he  was  exceedingly  vexed  at  the  circumstance,  and 
ive  20,000  dirhama  to  the  bath-keeper,  20,000  to  a  sherbet- 
>ller  who  had  brought  some  beverage^  for  him,  and  the  re- 
laining  20,000  dirhama  he  gave  to  the  person  who  brought  the 
loney.  Having  composed  about  forty  verses,  as  a  satire  upon 
le  Sultdn,  he  introduced  them  into  the  beginning  or  conclusion 
f  the  Shdh-ndma,  and  fled  to  Tus.  One  day,  some  little  time 
fier  this  circumstance,  Ahmad  bin  Hasan  Maimandi  was  out 
anting  with  the  Sultdn,  and  having  come  close  to  him,  he 
epeated  several  verses  out  of  the  Shdh-ndma,  which  were  exceed- 
igly  applauded  by  the  Sultdn,  who  asked  whose  poetry  it  was. 
le  answered  that  the  verses  were  the  produce  of  the  genius 

*  "Fukkd*,**  a  kind  of  drink  made  of  water-barley  and  dried  grapes.  Richardson 
so  adds  "  beer  or  ale,"  in  which  interpretation  he  is  borne  out  by  M.  Lorsbach,  who,  in 
ic  first  Tolume  of  the  Archivfur  die  Morgenldndiache  Litteratur,  has  adduced  seyeral 
usages  from  Avicenna  in  favour  of  this  interpretation.  He  also  adds,  that  in 
odern  Greek  pwKop  signifies  **  beer."  See  S.  de  Sacy's  note  in  Notices  des  MSS^^ 
HL  iy.,  p.  235. 


192  KHONDAMriL 

of  Firdus{.  The  Sult&n  repented  of  his  neglect  of  that  in- 
comparable poet,  and  ordered  them  to  take  60,000  dindra  with 
rich  robes  of  honour  to  Tus,  and  to  ask  Firddsi's  pardon.  Is 
the  Bahdristdn  it  is  written  that  wh^n  those  presents  came  in  at 
one  gate  of  Tus,  the  coffin  of  Firdusi  was  carried  out  at  the 
other.  An  only  daughter  was  his  heiress,  to  whom  the  emis- 
saries of  the  Sult&n  offered  those  honourable  presents ;  but  she^ 
from  the  pride  inherent  in  her  disposition,  refused  them  and  said, 
^^  I  have  enough  wealth  to  last  me  to  the  end  of  mj  days ;  I 
have  no  need  of  this  money."  The  agents  of  the  Sultfin  built 
a  caravanserai  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Tus  with  that  money. 
Afzalu-1  An&mi  Maul4n&  Nuru-d  din  ''Abdu-r  rahm&n  J&mi  has 
written  these  lines  at  the  end  of  this  story : 

^*  It  is  pleasing  to  recognize  one's  merits,  when  the  crooked  sphere 
Has  bent  the  final  arrow  of  misfortune  into  the  shape  of  a  bow. 
The  honour  of  the  Sultan  has  perished  from  the  world,  and  there 

remains  not  anything 
Except  this  tale,  that  he  recognized  not  the  merits  of  Firdusi." 

According  to  the  Ouzida^  Firdusi  died  in  the  year  416,^  but 
God  knows  everything  ! 

Sultan  Muhammad. 

When  the  hand  of  Yarainu-d  daula  Mahmud  was  cut  off 
from  possession  in  worldly  things,  his  son  Muhammad,^  accord- 
ing to  the  will  of  his  father,  placed  upon  his  head  the  crown  of 
Sultdnship,  and,  just  as  it  was  in  the  days  of  Mahmtid,  he 
appointed  Hasnak  Mik&l  prime  minister.  Sultdn  Mas'iid,  who 
was  at  Hamad&n,  having  obtained  intelligence  of  the  death  of 
his  father,  hastened  towards  Khuras&n,  and  wrote  a  letter  to 


I  Daulat  Sh&h  in  his  Tazkira  says  411  h.,  1020-1  a.d. 

>  The  Tabakdt-%  Xdsiri  styles  him  '' Jal&lu-d  daula,"  and  says  he  wrote  much  Aitbie 
poetry.  The  Tdrikh-i  Alfi,  quoting  H&fiz  Abr(i,  says,  **he  was  exactly  like  hii 
father,  of  moderate  stature,  elegantly  made,  and  marked  with  the  small -pox ;  that 
Mas'dd  was  taller  and  stouter,  so  that  it  was  difficult  to  get  a  horse  to  carry  hijli» 
and,  therefore,  he  usually  rode  on  an  elephant" 


HABrBlJ-S  8IYAB.  193 

r  to  the  effeet  that  he  did  not  want  the  conntry  which 
had  given  to  his  brother,  bat  he  insisted  that  his  name 

recited  first  in  the  khutba,  Muhammad,  having  re- 
stem  refhsal,  began  to  make  preparations  for  war,  but 
those  who  consulted  the  welfare  of  the  government  em- 
)ir  exertions  to  bring  about  a  reconciliation  between  the 
)r8.  They  were  unavailing,  for  Muhammad  would  not 
he  least.  Having  entrusted  the  advance  guard  of  the 
fusuf  bin  Subuktigin,  he  set  out  on  the  road,  and  on 
'  the  blessed  month  of  Ramaz&n,  in  the  year  421  h., 
1  at  Nagin&b&d,^  which  was  in  truth  Nakbat&b&d 
bode  of  calamity),  at  which  place  he  remained  during 

of  the  fasting  month.  On  the  feast  day,  his  cap 
to  Ml  off  his  head  without  any  cause,  a  circumstance 

people  interpreted  as  a  bad  omen,  for  on  the  night  of 
f  Shaww&l,  Amir  'Ali  Khesh&wand*  and  Yusuf  bin 
1,  having  conspired  together,  raised  the  standard  of 
id  made  advances  to  Mas'ud.  Having  surrounded  the 
nhammad,  they  seized  him  and  imprisoned  him  in  the 
gin&b&d.' 
ief  men  then  went  out  to  meet  Mas^ud,  and  Amir 

il  name  is  Takfn&b&d.  See  yoL  ii.,  pp>  271,  293,  but  this  can  hardly 
i  spelling  used  by  Khondamir  in  the  text.]  Briggs  saySf  "  Taki&b&d, 
north  ft'om  Ghaznf,"  but  he  is  not  going  north,  but  west  towards 
[t  must  be  the  place  mentioned  in  the  itineraries  as  lying  on  the  road 
t  and  Ghaznf,  and  five  stages  from  Bust,  which  would  bring  it  near 
Ouseley  {Oriental  Geog,,  p.  210)  calls  it  "  Nuskeenabad "  or  "Tus- 
Wilken  {Hist,  Ohazn.  pp.  193  and  237)  calls  it  <<  Theaknahad,"  and 
Das  Buck  der  Lander,  p.  114)  calls  it  *'  Bahirabad."  Price  (Mahomm, 
p.  313)  has  **  Bikken  or  Tikkenabad." 

n,"  so  called,  says  Mfrkhond,  out  of  Mahm(id*s  regard  for  that  individual. 
dmu-t  Tawdrikh  says  Mas'tid  was  on  his  road  to  Ghazni,  and  that 
rival  Yiisuf  bin  Subuktigfn  imprisoned  Muhammad  in  the  fort  of 
I.  ii.,  p.  256].  Other  authorities  differ  somewhnt.  Mirkhond  makes 
lesh&wand  the  chief  conspirator.  Firishta  makes  Amir  'Ali,  Yusuf,  and 
1  participators.  He  adds,  that  Muhammad  was  sent  to  be  imprisoned 
of  Walaj,  which  the  people  of  Kandah^  now  call  Khalaj," — no  doubt 
'Kelat  i  Ghilzi."  The  Tabakdt-i  Akbari  says  the  "fort  of  Wanj." 
'  Badduni  says  "  Naj,"  or  **  Yakh,"  but  as  there  are  no  vowel  points,  it 
different  ways. 

r.  13 


194  KHONDAMrS. 

Hasnak,  who  was  at  Naish&pur,  came  to  the  Goart  of  Mas'ud. 
When  Mas^ud  saw  him,  he  ordered  him  to  be  hanged,  because 
he  had  heard  that  Hasnak  had  one  day  said  in  the  Goori  of 
Muhammad  that  before  Mas'ud  should  become  king  it  would  be 
right  to  make  war.  When  'All  Ehesh&wand  and  Ydsuf  Subol- 
tigin  arrived  at  Hir&t  declaring  their  fealty  to  Mas^ud,  the 
former  was  imprisoned  and  the  latter  murdered.  Mas^tid  rapidly 
moved  on  to  Ghaznin,  haying  imprisoned  Muhammad  in  the  hi 
of  Nagin&b&d. 

In  contradiction  to  what  has  been  above  written,  men  have  it 
that  before  the  eye  of  the  prosperity  of  Muhammad  was  made 
blind  by  the  iron  of  oppression,  he  had  reigned  four  years.  After 
Mas^ud  had  obtained  the  kingdom,  Muhammad  was  imprisoned 
for  nine  years.  After  the  death  of  Mas'ud  he  again  became 
king  for  one  year,^  and  in  the  year  434  h.  he  was  murdered  bj 
the  order  of  Maudud  bin  Mas'*ud. 

Sultan  Maa'hl, 

The  surname  of  Sult&n  Mas'^ud,  according  to  some  historians, 
was  N&siru-d  din,  but  in  the  opinion  of  Hamdu-Ua  Mustaofi, 
it  was  N&siru-d  daula.'  After  he  had  deprived  his  brother  of 
eyesight,  he  placed  upon  his  own  head  the  crown  of  sovereignty 
at  the  metropolis  of  Ghaznin.  He  occupied  himself  with  laying 
the  foundation  of  justice  and  equity,  and  threw  open  the  doon 
of  kindness  to  all  learned  men.  During  the  days  of  his  role, 
such  buildings  as  mosques,  colleges,  and  inns,  were  erected  in 
different  parts  of  the  kingdom.  Everj'  year  he  occupied  his 
ambitious  mind  in  war  against  the  infidels  of  Hind,  and  it  was 
owing  to  this  that  the.  Saljukians  obtained  an  opportunity  of 

1  The  Tabakdt-i  Ndsiri  says  he  reigned  on  the  first  occasion  seven  months,  and  oi 
the  second  four  months.  Some  authors,  as  Hamdu-lla  Mustaufi,  place  the  nigi 
of  Muhammad,  whom  they  style  'Im&du-d  daula,  after  MasMd's ;  hut  others, « 
Ehondamir  and  Firishta,  place  it  hefore  Mas'dd's.  The  Lubbu-t  Tauxirikh  piewall 
further  differences. 

*  The  coins  have  <*  N&siru-d  dinu  llah ;"  and  so  he  is  styled  in  the  Kdnkn  MuiiA 


HABrSlJ-S  SIYAB.  195 

g  the  river  Oxus,  and  haying  gained  strength,  they 
d  in  a  little  time  the  cities  of  Khur&s&n. 
ing  the  latter  days  of  his  prosperity,  Mas'^dd  again  made 
K>n  the  cities  of  Hind,  and  on  his  return  from  the  riv^ 
Noehtigin,  and  the  sons  of  'All  Ehesh&wand,  and  Yusuf 
bnktigin,  all  of  whom  bore  enmity  towards  him,  seized 
d  delivered  him  over  to  his  brother,  Muhammad  Makhtil : 
I  imprisoned  in  a  strong  fort,  and  was  killed  in  the  year 
(1038-9  A.D.),  His  reign  lasted  twelve  year». 
he  year  422  h.  (1031  a.d.)  Mas'ud  mounted  the  throne 
iznin.  He  appointed  Abu  Suhail  Hamaduni  ^  to  the  ad- 
i^ion  of  Hir&t,  and  having  written  out  a  fatmdn^  he 
ed  over  the  governorship  of  Ispah&ni  to  'Al&u-d  daula 
bin  K4kuya.  'Al&u-d  daula  was  the  son  of  the  maternal 
of  Majdn-d  daula  bin  Fakhru-d  daula  Dailami,  and  in 
iguage  of  Dallam  they  call  a  maternal  uncle  by  the  word 
iya."  This  K&kuya  was  at  first  the  viceroy  of  'Ir&k,  but 
irds  he  arrogated  to  himself  absolute  dominion.  In  the 
123  H.*  (1032  A.D.)  Altunt&sh  hdjih^  conformably  with 
i's^  order,  proceeded  from  Khw&rizm  to  M&war&u-n  nahr 
\  ^Alitigin,  who  had  subdued  Samarkand  and  Bukh&ra. 
e  confines  of  Balkh  he  was  joined  by  15,000  men  fi:om 
ny  of  Ghaznin,  and  Altuntdsh  first  marched  to  Bukh&ra, 
he  took,  and  then  directed  his  steps  towards  Samarkand, 
tigin  having  come  out  of  the  city  with  the  intention  of 
g,  drew  up  his  army  near  a  certain  village,  on  the  one  side 
ch  was  a  river  and  numerous  trees,  and  on  the  other  a 
EUD,  equal  in  height  to  the  revolving  heavens.  When. 
;&sh    came  up  to   that    spot,   the    flame  of  battle    was 

B  MS.  callB  him  '<  Abd  SuhaU/'  another  "  Abd  Suhal."    He  is  the  Btl  Suhal 
d£,  of  Baihaki,  see  ?ok  ii.,  pp.- 62  and  146.] 

lar  R&zi  and  Firishta  notice  an  expedition  to  Eej  and  Maki&n,  in  the  year 
n  these  provinces  were  compelled  to  pay  tribute.  They  also  notice  the  destruc- 
Jmar  bin  Lais'  embankment  by  an  inundation^  of  which  there  is  a  detailed 
■esting  account  in  the  Extracts  from  Abd-l  Fazl  Baihaki.  [Vol.  ii.,  p.  114.] 
is  here  caUed  in  the  MSS.  "  Mas'tid  Tigin."] 


196  KHONDAMTR. 

kindled,  and  in  the  middle  of  the  fight  a  band  of  men,  who 
had  lain  in  ambuscade,  rushed  ont  and  char|^  the  army  of 
Ehw&rizm.  They  wounded  Altunt&sh  mortally,  but  that 
brave  man  concealed  the  circumstance,  and  conducted  himBelf 
with  such  resolution  that  many  of  the  army  of  ^Alitigin  wen 
killed,  and  the  rest,  who  escaped  the  sword,  were  taken  prisonen. 
When  it  was  night,  Altunt&sh  sent  for  the  nobles  and  genenls 
of  the  array,  showed  them  his  wound,  and  said,  ^'  I  shAll  new 
recover  firom  this  wound :  ^  do  you  now  make  your  own  anrange^ 
ments.'^  That  very  night  they  sent  a  messenger  to  ^Alitigin, 
and  brought  about  a  reconciliation,  and  then  returned  to 
Ehuras&n.  The  next  day  Alttint&sh  died,  and  his  son  Hdrdn 
took  his  place.  Khw&ja  Ahmad  bin  Hasan  Maimandi '  died  in 
the  year  424  h.,  and  Mas'^ud  having  sent  for  Abti  Nasr  Mu- 
hammad bin  ""Abdu-s  Samad,  who  was  the  accountant  of  H&run, 
appointed  him  imzir^  which  post  he  filled  up  to  the  last  days  of 
the  life  of  Mas'ud. 

In  the  midst  of  all  these  events,  the  Saljukians,  having  passed 
over  the  Jihun,  settled  in  the  vicinity  of  Naish&pur.  When,  after 
a  little  time,  they  had  obtained  strength,  they  began  to  show 
hostilities  towards  Mas'ud.  In  the  year  426  (a.d.  1034-5),* 
Sult&n  Mas'ud  led  his  army  towards  Jurj&n  and  Tabarist4n, 
because  his  governors  in  'Ir4k  had  implored  help  from  him. 
Abu  Suhail  Hamaduni,  the  governor  of  Be,  sent  an  army  to 
reduce  to  obedience  the  inhabitants  of  Kumm  ^  and  S&wa,  who  had 
rebelled.  Sult&n  Mas'ud  returned  from  Jurj&n  to  Ghaznin,  and 
then  wished  to  march  to  Hind ;  but  some  of  the  amirs  and  chiel 
men  of  the  State  hinted  to  him  that  it  would  be  proper  first  to  go 

^  TVe  learn  from  Mirkhond  and  Firishta  that  he  had  already  receiyed  in  Mahm6d's 
time  a  wound  in  the  same  place,  from  a  maujanik^  when  attacking  a  fort  in  India. 

*  He  had  heen  released  by  Mas'ild  from  the  prison  of  K&linjar  on  the  frontiea 
of  India,  to  which  he  had  been  sent  by  Mahmfid,  who  was  anxious  to  obtain  the 
wealth  which  he  had  accumulated. 

'  Khondamir  has  omitted  all  notice  of  the  capture  of  Sarsi  or  SarsntS,  which  ii 
ascribed  in  the  JdmCu-t  Tawdrikh  to  the  year  42a  h.,  and  by  Mirkhond  and  Finflhti 
to  424  u.   The  Tabakdt-i  Akbari  says,  <'  Sarsf,  which  is  one  of  the  passes  to  Kashmir." 

*  [See  vol.  ii.,  p.  677.] 


HABTBtr-S  8ITAB.  197 

*&5&n  and  dislodge  the  Saljiikians ;  but  he  listened  not  to 
posal,  and  hastened  to  Hindust&n.  Daring  hia  absence 
jukians  perfected  their  power,  and  'Al&u-d  daola  bin 
b  having  rebelled,  drove  Abu  Suhail  Hamadiini  out  of  Be. 
e  year  428  h.  (a.d.  103&-7),  Mas'ud  returned  from  his 
on,^  and  when  he  obtained  intelligence  of  the  victories  of 
mes,  he  repented  of  his  attack  upon  Hindust&n.  After 
made  preparation  for  war,  he  marched  to  Balkh,  and  the 
mts  of  that  place  informed  him  that  during  his  absence 
borious  standards  of  Tuztio^fn  had  several  times  crossed 
e  river,  and  his  men  had  murdered  and  plundered  the 
Mas'*tid  told  them  that  be  would  defeat  him  in  the  cold 
and  that  in  the  spring  he  would  engage  in  eradicating  the 
ins.  The  nobles  and  deputies  complained  to  him  and 
It  is  two  years  since  the  Saljukians  have  taken  Ehurd* 
1  the  people  seem  inclined  to  submit  to  their  government ; 
t  necessary  to  dislodge  them,  and  then  we  will  turn  our 
n  to  the  execution  of  other  important  matters."  One  of 
ts  on  this  occasion  composed  the  following  verses,  and 
m  to  the  Sult&n. 

our  enemies  were  ants,  they  grew  into  serpents : 

jU  the  ants  which  have  become  serpents : 

ive  them  no  rest,  delay  no  more ; 

or  if  they  have  time,  the  serpents  will  become  dragons." 

le  star  of  the  destiny  of  Mas'tid  had  reached  the  limits 
)rtune9  he  listened  not  to  this  advice,  and  having  passed 
r,  he  directed  his  steps  in  search  of  Tuztigin.  During 
iter,  the  rain  and  the  snow  fell  very  heavily  in  M&war&u-n 
I  account  of  which  the  Qhaznivides  were  extremely  dis- 
In  the  middle  of  all  this,  D&dd  Saljuki  marched  from 
I  towards  Balkh,  with  the  intention  of  fighting,  upon 
tfas'^ud  was  obliged  to  beat  the  drum   of  retreat,  and 

* 

lond  saji  he  returned  unsoccessM  from  his  Indiaoi  expedition  in  428,  and 
0  Bttlkh  in  430  H. 


198  EHONDAMrS. 

Tuztigin,  following  in  the  rear  of  the  army  of  Ghaznfn,  plun- 
dered and  carried  away  all  the  best  liorses  and  camels  of  Mas'dd, 
and  thus  disgrace  fell  upon  the  army  of  the  Ghaznivides. 

After  Mas^M  had  arrived  at  his  royal  residence,  having  finished 
repairing  the  state  of  confusion  into  which  his  troops  had  been 
thrown,  he  turned  his  attention  towards  the  Saljtikians,  and 
several  times  fighting  took  place  between  the  two  parties,  the 
end  of  which  was,  that  Mas'ud  was  defeated,  and  obliged  again 
to  return  to  Ghaznin ;  on  his  arrival  at  which  place  he  put  to 
death  some  of  the  nobles  and  chief  men  of  the  State,  under  the 
pretence  that  they  had  misbehaved  themselves  during  the  war. 
He  sent  his  son  Maudud  with  an  army  to  Balkh,  while  he  hom- 
self,  with  Muhammad  Makhiil  and  Muhammad's  sons,  Ahmad, 
'Abdu-r  Rahm&n  and  ''Abdu-r  Bahim  moved  towards  Hindust&n, 
with  the  intention  of  remaining  during  the  winter  there,  and 
then,  when  the  spring  arrived,  of  turning  his  attention  towards 
dislodging  the  Saljukians.^ 

Mas'ud  had  crossed  over  the  Sind,  but  all  his  baggage  and 
property  was  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  when  Noshtigin, 
with  some  of  his  attendants,  plundered  the  treasury,  and  pot 
Muhammad  Makhul  on  the  throne.  According  to  Hamdu-Ua 
Mustauf  i,  they  seated  him  on  an  elephant,  and  carried  him  round 
the  camp.  Mas'^ud  upon  hearing  this  fled,  and  took  refuge  in  a 
certain  sardi^  but  the  rebels  seized  him,  and  took  him  before 
Muhammad,  who  confined  him  and  his  dependents  in  the  fort  of 
KirL  Muhammad  relinquished  the  Sult&nship  to  his  son  Ahmad, 
upon  which  Ahmad,  who  was  tainted  with  insanity,  without  pe^ 
mission  of  his  father,  and  in  conjunction  with  the  son  of  Yusnf 
bin  Subuktigin  and  the  son  of  ^Ali  Khesh&wand,  went  to  the  fort, 
and  in  the  year  a.h.  433  (a.d.  1041-2),  murdered  that  king, 
who  was  the  protector  of  the  learned.' 

^  The  Jdmftht  Tawdrikh  ascribes  the  oonqaeit  of  "Beyeral  forts  in  Hind"  to  the 
year  429  h. 

*  Some  say  he  was  thrust  aliye  into  a  well  which  was  then  filled  up  with  earth. 
Mirkhond  says  he  reigned  nine  years  and  eleven  months.  Firishta,  nine  yean  nui 
nine  months.    Other  authors  assign  twelre  years  to  his  reign. 


HABrBH-S  SITAE.  199 

;  the  learned  men  who  were  contemporary  with 
IS  Shaikh  Abu  Bih&n  Muhammad  bin  Ahmad 
v&rizmi  the  astrologer,  and  author  of  the  book  called 
Vanfim  ♦.«., "  Explanation  of  the  Science  of  Astrology/' 
the  Kdniin  Maa'udL  Another  was  Abu  Muhammad 
)  wrote  the  Kitdb-%  Mas^Mi^  on  the  theology  of  Im&m 
s^  upon  whom  let  there  be  the  mercy  of  God !  These 
all  compiled  in  Mas'^ud^s  name. 

ShahdbU'd  daulu  Maudud. 

audud,  who  was  in  Balkh,  the  tabernacle  of  the  faith- 
f  the  murder  of  his .  father  Mas'ud,  he  hastened  with 
»us  troops  towards  the  metropolis  of  Ghaznin,  and 
1  also  marched  up  from  the  neighbourhood  of  the 
e  same  direction.  A  battle  was  fought  between  the 
lephew/  but  the  gale  of  victory  blew  upon  the  banner 
,  and  Muhammad  with  his  children,  and  Noshtigin 
0  was  at  the  head  of  the  insurrection,  became  the 
the  powerful  decree  of  fate,  and  were  all  put  to  death, 
sception  of  ^Abdu-r  Bahim  the  son  of  Muhammad, 
of  his  salvation  was  as  follows : 

he  time  that  Mas'ud  was  in  prison,  it  happened  one 
\bdu-r  Rahm&u  snatched  Mas'ud^s  cap  off  his  head 
jde  manner,  upon  which  'Abdu-r  Bahim  took  it  from 
laced  it  back  again  on  the  head  of  his  uncle,  at  the 
reproaching  and  abusing  his  brother.  In  short, 
m  vengeance  on  his  father's  murderers,  Maudud  built 
id  a  caravanserai  upon  that  spot  where  he  had  gained 
r,  and  called  it  Fath&b&d.'  He  then  hastened  to 
id  Kandah&r,  where  he  made  firm  the  carpet  of  justice, 

lys  in  the  year  433  Maudud  departed  from  Gbaznfn,  and  blind  Muham- 
)ointing  his  youngest  son  N&mi  to  the  goyemment  of  Peshfiwar  and 
ntered  Mauddd  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  riyer  Sind.  The  action 
the  desert  of  DiptSr  or  Dfntir.  [See  vol.  ii.,  p.  274.] 
lyi  that  he  carried  the  bodies  of  his  father  and  brothers  from  Kirf  and 
( Ghaziil. 


200  KHONDAMrS. 

and  exalted  the  standard  of  his  power  by  bringing  into  the 
kingdom  of  Ghaznin  and  EandaUur  several  of  the  cities  of 
Hind;  but  even  daring  the  prosperous  days  of  Mandud  tk 
empire  of  Ehur&s&n  remained  just  the  same  as  before,  in  tk 
possession  of  the  Saljukians,  whom  he  could  never  conquer. 

Maudtid  died,  after  he  had  reigned  seven  years,^  on  the  20tli 
of  Rajab,  441  h.  (1049-50  a.d.). 

Account  of  the  enmity  between  Mc^'dkd  and  MaudM. 

Historians  have  related  that  Sult&n  Mas'ud,  during  the  latter 
days  of  his  reign,  appointed  his  son  Majdud  to  subdue  some  of 
the  cities  of  Hind,  who  brought  into  the  courtyard  of  subjection 
Mult&n  and  several  other  cities.  Possessed  of  a  powerful  armj, 
upon  hearing  of  the  death  of  Mas'ud,  he  aspired  to  absolute 
dominion,  and  the  vapour  of  pride  ascended  into  the  hall  of  hii 
brain.'  Maudiid,  hearing  of  this,  formed  an  army  to  extinguish 
the  fire  of  the  insurrection  of  Majdud,  who  also  moved  out  with 
a  numerous  army  and  arrived  at  Ldhor,  about  the  time  of  the 
TdU'Z  suhdy  where,  having  celebrated  the  festival  of  sacrifices, 
he  was  found  dead  by  the  courtiers  in  his  tent  on  the  morning 
of  the  third  day  of  the  festival.  The  truth  of  the  circumstance, 
whatever  it  was,  has  not  been  written. 

After  this  event,  as  many  of  the  cities  as  pertained  to  Sult&n 
Mas'dd  came  also  under  the  tribunal  of  Maudud,  and  the 
Kings  of  M&war&u-n  nahr  also  testified  their  submission,  but  the 
Saljukians,  as  they  had  always  done,  offered  opposition  and 
resistance.  In  the  year  435  h.  (1043-4  a.d.)  Maudud  sent  an 
army  desirous  of  warfare,  under  his  chamberlain,  to  KJiur&s^ ; 
but  Alp  Arsldn,  on   the  side  of  the  Saljukians,  having  come 

^  The  Tabahdt-%  Ndtiri  says  "nine  years,  in  the  thirty-ninth  year  of  his  age.** 
The  JdmCu-t  Taw&rikh  concurs  in  the  "nine  years." 

*  Firishta  says  that,  supported  hy  Ay&z  Eh&s,  he  adranced  from  Mult&n  to  L&hor, 
and  acquired  possession  of  the  whole  country  from  the  Sind  to  Th&nesar  and  Haaiiv 
at  which  latter  plate  ho  fixed  his  residence.  Ay&z  died  shortly  afterwards.  Abd-l 
Fid&  says  he  died  a.h.  449,  and  the  Muntakhabu-t  TatcArikh  of  Eh&kl  Shlrfrif  men- 
tions the  same  date.  Eustam  Ali,  in  the  TdrUth^i  Hindi  (p.  142),  says  that  Ayfri  is 
reported  to  hare  been  son  of  the  ruler  of  Kashmir. 


HABrBlJ-S  8ITAB.  201 

cmt  to  meet  die  GhazDiyides,  defeated  them,  and  in  the  same 
year  a  horde  of  Saljdk  Tnrkomins  broke  into  the  territories  of 
Chkrmsir.  Maudtid  having  appointed  an  army  to  dislodge  them, 
m  dreadfiil  battle  was  fonght  on  both  sides,  and  the  Ghaznivides 
having  obtained  the  victory,  took  many  of  the  Saljukians  prisoners. 
In  the  same  year  some  of  the  rulers  of  Hindnst&n,  having 
entered  L4hor  with  5000  cavalry  and  75,000  infantry,  seized 
that  city.  The  Mnsalm&ns  who  were  there  sent  a  messenger 
to  Maudtid  asking  for  help,  and  Maudud  was  obliged  to  lead 
his  army  thither ;  bat  before  the  arrival  of  that  army  at  L&hor, 
dissensions  sprang  up  among  the  infidels,  who  began  to  direct 
their  steps  towards  their  own  country.  The  men  of  L&hor 
pnrsaed  them,  and  the  Hindus  took  shelter  on  a  spacious 
and  lofty  mountain.  The  army  of  L&hor  surrounded  that 
mountain,  and  the  Hindus,  after  displaying  their  courage  and 
prowess,  asked  for  quarter,  which  was  granted  them  upon  this 
condition,  that  they  should  deliver  over  to  the  Musulm&ns  every 
fort  in  the  cities  of  Hind  which  were  in  their  possession.  Owing 
to  this  brilliant  victory,  all  the  princes  of  Hind  came  again  under 
cMlience  to  Maudud. 

In  the  middle  of  Bajab  of  the  year  441  H.  (1049-50  A.d.) 
Maudud,  with  the  intention  of  making  war  on  the  Saljdkians, 
marehed  from  Ghaznin  at  the  head  of  a  numerous  army ;  but 
being  seized  with  colic  on  the  first  stage,  he  was  obliged  to 
•end  ^Abdu-r  Bazz&k  with  the  army  to  Sist&n,  which  was  in  the 
possession  of  the  Saljukians,  whilst  he  himself  returned  to 
Ghaznin,  where  he  died  shortly  afterwards. 

Sulidn  Ma£id  11. 
Sultdn  'Ali  bin  Maa'iid  I. 
When  Maadtid  departed  to  another  world,  his  son  Mas'ud,^ 

*  Th«  TkMkdt-i  Jfdnri  and  l^bakdt-i  AkbaH  caU  the  son  of  Maaddd,  "  Muham- 
^"  and  the  fint  saja,  thii  oonjoint  reign  lasted  only  two  months ;  the  second  says 
^  monthi.  The  Tabakdt-%  Akbari  says  he  was  ,on  the  throne  for  fire  days,  and 
*ii  ody  three  years  old. 


202  EHONDAMrR. 

by  virtue  of  his  father's  will,  succeeded  to  the  throne ;  bat  u 
he  was  of  a  tender  age,  and  not  capable  of  administering  the 
offices  of  royalty,  the  chief  ministers  of  the  State  removed  him, 
after  the  expiration  of  a  month,  and  unanimously  agreed  to  the 
sovereignty  of  his  uncle  'All  bin  Mas'ud  bin  Mahmud,  whom 
they  sumamed  Bah&u-d  daula,  and  whose  reign  was  extended 
to  nearly  two  years ;  at  the  end  of  which  time,  on  account  d 
the  hostile  invasion  of  'Abdu-r  Bashid,  he  fled  from  Ghaznin. 

Sultan  'Abdu-r  Bashid. 

According  to  the  Rauzatu-B  Safd^  this  ^Abdu-r  Bashid^  was  th( 
son  of  Mas'dd  bin  Sult&n  Mahmdd ;  but  according  to  the  authoi 
of  the  Chiziday  he  was  the  son  of  Sult&n  Mahmud  bin  Subuktigin 
and  his  patronymic  was  Abd  Mansur,  and  his  surname  Majdun 
daula.  'Abdu-r  Bashid  had  been  confined  by  the  order  ( 
Maudud  in  a  fort  which  was  between  Bust  and  Ghaznin,  an 
^Abdu-r  Bazz&k,  after  he  had  heard  of  the  death  of  Mauduc 
moved  to  Sist&n,  and  hastened  towards  that  fort,  and  place 
'Abdu-r  Bashid  upon  the  throne,  the  officers  of  the  army  yield 
ing  their  allegiance.  'Abdu-r  Bashid  then  moved  toward 
Ghaznin,  and  'Ali,  without  either  couching  lance  or  strikin 
a  blow  with  the  sword,  betook  himself  to  the  desert  of  flight. 

When  ^Abdu-r  Bashid  had  fully  established  his  authority  i 
Ghaznin,'  he  sent  Tughril  the  chamberlain,  who  was  Maud&d 
wife^s  brother,  and  in  whom  he  had  great  confidence,  with  100 


1  The  Tabakdt'i  Ndsiri  styles  him  <*  Bah&u-d  daula,"  and  saji  he  reigned  ti 
years,  and  liyed  thirty  years.  The  Tabakdt-'i  Akbari  gives  him  only  three  montii 
reign,  in  which  it  is  followed  by  the  Tdrlkh-i  Baddimi, 

'  Mr.  E.  Thomas  has  shown  that  the  name  of  'Abdn-r  RashSd  occurs  on  a  coin  wil 
the  date  of  440  h.,  which  is  irreconcilable  with  the  date  assigned  here  to  the  deal 
of  Mauddd.  Minh&ju-s  Sir&j,  Ibnn-1  Aslr,  Abd-1  Faraj,  Abd-l  Fid&,  Rashldu-d  di 
and  Ibn  Ehaldlln  unite  in  affirming  that  both  Maudtid*s  death  and  'Abdu-r  BashSd 
accession  took  place  in  the  year  441  h.  Some  of  these  assume  a  direct  suocessio 
without  the  interrening  reigns  of  Mas' (id  II.,  and  Sultfm  'All.  See  Journal  JBoy 
Atiaiic  Society^  No.  xviii.,  pp.  278-9,  352 ;  and  Defremery,  in  Revue  Numiematiqt 
1849,  p.  229. 


HABTBU-S  SIYAB.  203 

wnirjy  all  of  them  braye  soldiers,  to  Sfst&n;  and  Tnghril, 
baving  overcome  Ab(i-1  Fazl  and  Beghtii  Saljuki,  in  a  short  time 
obtuned  the  entire  command  of  that  kingdom  ;  and  imbued  with 
the  idea  of  rooting  out  the  shoots  of  the  prosperity  of  ^Abdu-r 
Bashid,  he  marched  towards  Ghaznin.  When  he  arrived  within 
five  paraaangB  of  the  city, ' Abdu-r  Rashid  discovered  his  deceit 
ind  treacheiy,  and  fled  to  one  of  his  forts.  Tughril  entered 
Ghaznin,  sent  letters  and  messengers  threatening  and  intimi- 
dating the  kotwdl  of  the  fort,  until  the  garrison,  getting  dis- 
tnutfiil,  delivered  over  to  him  ''Abdu-r  Bashid^  and  all  the 
descendants  of  Mahmud ;  upon  which  Tughril,  having  murdered 
ill  the  princes,  forced  against  her  will  the  daughter  of  Mas'ud, 
the  son  of  Sult&n  Mahmtid,  into  the  bonds  of  marriage.  It  was 
fit)m  this  circumstance  that  he  was  sumamed  Tughril  Kafir-i 
Ktamat  (t.«.  the  ungrateful). 

When  Jarjir,  who  was  one  of  the  chief  men  among  the  nobles 
rfOhaznln,  and  who  was  then  residing  in  Hindust&n,  heard 
of  these  shameful  proceedings,  he  set  his  mind  on  getting  rid  of 
neh  an  ungrateful  wretch,  and  forthwith  wrote  letters  to  the 
duster  of  Sult&n  Mas^dd,  and  to  the  grandees  of  Ghaznin, 
Uaming  and  finding  fault  with  them  for  conniving  at  the  base 
actions  of  Tughril.  Instigated  by  reading  these  letters,  a  band 
of  bold  men^  who  hated  Tughril  in  their  hearts,  advanced  one 
day  with  the  foot  of  courage  to  the  throne  where  Tughril  was 
Bittbg,  and  cut  his  body  in  pieces  with  the  wound-inflicting 
^^?  Afier  this  event,  Jarjir  having  arrived  at  Ghaznin, 
^k  Farrukhz&d  out  of  prison,'  where  he  had  been  incarcerated 
I7  Tughril,  and  made  him  king.  According  to  the  Mauzaiu-s 
Safi^  Farrukhz&d  was  the  son  of  Mas^dd  bin  Sult&n  Mahmdd ; 

'  Hie  JfUdmu-t  Tatcdrikh  fizei  hit  death  in  the  year  446  h. 

'  Tke  Tabak6i'i  Ndiiri  asiigns  a  eeparate  reign  to  Tughril,  and  eallfl  him  eighth 
SUtIa,  and  mji  he  reigned  forty  dayi,  committing  eyerj  kind  of  oppreamon.  The 
UmfM^  ThwdrUth  and  the  Tirikh-i  Guzida  giye  no  reign  to  TughriL 

'  The  TaMcdt^  Ndtiri  says  he  was  impriaoned  at  Barghand  with  Ihrfthim,  who 
vai  •aheeqoflntly  lemoyed  to  the  fort  of  NCd.  Barghand  liee  hetween  T&k  and 
wifiasoi. 


204  EHONDAMrB. 

but  aeoording  to  Hamdu-Ua  Mastanfi,  he  was  the  son  of  ^Abdn-r 
Bashid.! 

Sultdn  JamdlU'd  daula  Farrukhzdd. 

When  Famikhz&d  placed  the  crown  of  sovereignty  on  his 
head,  he  committed  the  administration  of  affairs  to  Jaijir,  and 
it  was  abont  the  same  time  that  D&ud  Saljiiki,  having  obtained 
intelligence  of  the  change  which  had  happened  in  the  prosperity 
of  the  Ghaznivides,  hastened  towards  Ghaznin.  Jaijir  went 
out  to  oppose  him  with  an  army,  and  D&dd  was  defeated,  after 
he  had  fought  his  best  with  sword  and  arrow.  The  people  of 
Ghaznin  seized  an  immense  quantity  of  plunder.  After  this, 
Farrukhz&d,  with  a  well-equipped  and  victorious  army,  exalted 
his  triumphant  standards  towards  Khur&s&n;  and  Euls&rik, 
having  come  out  on  the  part  of  the  Saljukians  to  meet  him, 
became,  along  with  many  others,  the  victims  of  the'powerfol 
decree  of  &te.  When  Jakar^  Beg  Saljdki  heard  of  this,  he 
sent  his  son  Alp  Arsl&n  to  encounter  Farrukhz&d.  The  Salju- 
kians on  this  occasion  were  victorious,  and  took  prisoners  many 
of  the  chief  men  of  Ghaznin ;  upon  seeing  which,  Farrukhz&d 
clothed  Kuls&rik  in  a  robe  of  honour  and  set  him  free.  This 
example  was  followed  by  the  Saljukians  with  regard  to  thdr 
prisoners.  Farrukhzad  reigned  six  years,  and  died  of  colic  in 
the  year  450  h.  (1058-9  a.d.)» 

Sultdn  ZahirU'd  daula  Abii-l  Muzaffar  Ibrahim. 

On  the  death  of  Farrukhz&d,  Sult&n  Ibr&him^  adorned  tha 
throne  of  sovereignty  with  his  beneficent  presence.  He  waa  ► 
prince  of  such  piety  and  devotion  that  he  joined  together  Bajab^ 

}  Coins  show  the  Rauzatu-t  Safd  to  he  correct.  He  is  distinctly  fumoxmoed  qb- 
them  as  the  *'  son  of  Mas'tid."  See  Journal  JSoyal  Aiiatie  Society^  No.  zriiL,  p.  230«' 
[Suprd^  ToL  ii.y  p.  483.] 

*  This  agrees  with  Briggs;  hut  the  text  of  Firishta  says  "  Ja'fkr  Beg."  [In  Ui9 
MSS.  of  the  Habibu^  Siyar  the  name  is  giyen  as  "  Bajr  "  or  "  Baju."} 

*  The  Tabakdt'i  Mtiri  says  he  reigned  seren  years,  and  died  in  the  461,  it  thv 
age  of  thirty-four  years. 

«  In  the  Tabakdt'i  NdtiH  he  it  styled  "  Saiyidu-s  sal&tin,  Zahlru-d  daula." 


HABrBlJ-S  SIYAR.  205 

ShaHbin  and  the  blessed  Bamaz&D,  and  fitted  three  months  in 
the  year.  He  was  occupied  daring  the  days  of  his  power  in 
spreading  the  carpet  of  justice,  and  in  looking  after  the  wel&re  of 
his  subjects,  and  he  was  always  exercising  his  energies  in  distri- 
buting charities  and  doing  good  works.  Sult&n  Ibr&hfni  entered 
into  a  reconciliation  with  the  Saljiikfans,  and  it  was  agreed 
that  neither  party  should  entertain  designs  against  the  other's 
kingdom ;  Sult&n  Malik  Sh&h  Saljdki  giving  his  own  daughter 
in  marriage  to  Ibr&him's  son,  whose  name  was  Mas'ud. 

After  he  had  strengthened  the  foundations  of  reconciliation 
and  friendship,  Sult&n  Ibr&him  several  times  led  his  army  to 
make  war  on  Hind,^  each  time  returning  victorious  to  Ghaznin. 
Sult&n  Ibrahim  died  in  492  h.  (1098-9  a.d.),  according  to 
Bin&kiti  and  Hamdu-lla  MustaufI,  and  according  to  the  same 
account  he  reigned  42  years;'  but  other  historians  say  that 
Ibr&him  died  in  481  h.  (1088-9  a.d.)  But  God  knows  all 
things ! 

Among    the    poets    who    were    contemporary   with    Sult&n 

Ibr&him,  the  chief  were  Abu-1  Farah  and  Arzaki.     Among  the 

poems  composed  by  Abu-1  Farah  there  is  an  ode  which  he  wrote 

in  praise  of  ''Abdu-l  Ham  id,  the  opening  lines  of  which  are  as 

follows :  "  'Abdu-1  Hamid  Ahmad  'Abdu-1  Samad  gave  order  to 

^  The  JikmCu-t  Tawdrikh  fixes  one  of  these  expeditions  in  472  h.,  when  Ibr&him 
took  the  fort  of  Azra,  no  doubt  Agra,  as  mentioned  in  the  Extract  from  Mas' (id  Sa'd 
8ilm&n,  (see  Appendix  to  this  toL).  The  JamC  says  that  the  capture  occupied  four 
Doathi,  and  that  it  was  defended  by  10,000  men.  After  that  he  went  to  Darra  and 
took  it 

'  So  sayi  the  Tabakdt-i  Ndsirly  and  that  he  died  in  492,  at  the  age  of  sixty  years. 
^Nkdmu-t  Taxcdrikh  says  his  reign  commenced  in  460,  and  closed  with  492  h., 
ttditnmgely  omits  all  notice  of  Farrukhz&d.  The  Jumi'u-t  Tawdrikh  says  he  died 
^Iftte  as  508  h.,  and  omits  all  mention  of  his  son  Mas'ud,  and  the  Tdrikh-i  Guzida 
■BJi  he  died  in  492  h.  The  numismatologists  help  us  here,  and  show  the  probability 
^  Ihr&him's  reign  having  lasted  forty-two  years. — Journal  Moyal  Asiatic  Society, 
^©.xviii^p.  280. 

Hfrkhond,  S[hondamir,  Niz&mu-d  din,  and  'Abdu>l  E&dir  are  very  barren  in  this 
''^^^fMting  reign.  Something  more  will  be  found  among  the  Extracts  from  the 
*^ih'iAIfi,  the  Tabakdt-i  Akbari^  and  Firishta.  Amongst  other  victories  attri- 
^ted  to  Ibr&him,  Abti-1  Farah  Ruwaini  attributes  that  of  Eanauj  to  him.  Saiyid 
Stain  Ghaznivi  says  Ibr&hfm  built  a  fort  at  Sann&m,  capable  of  containing  100,000 
^^^.    MasMd  Sa'd  Salm&n  attributes  others  to  him. 


206  KHONDAMrR. 

wisdom,  liberalitj,  and  to  the  daes  of  justice/'  Arzaki  yiu 
surnamed  A&alu-d  din ;  he  came  originally  firom  Hirit,  and 
the  book  called  Alfiya  toa  Shalfiya  ^  was  composed  by  him.  In 
the  Bahdristdn  it  is  written  that  the  cause  of  hb  writing  ihifl 
book  was  as  follows.'  This  verse  upon  the  qualities  of  wine  im 
the  production  of  his  genius : 


« 


Oh  cup-bearer,  bring  red  wine,  the  thought  of  which 

Makes  the  mind  a  tulip  bed,  and  the  eye  a  rose  garden. 

If  at  night  a  fairy  should  oome  within  your  rays, 

She  would  not  be  concealed  from  the  eyes  of  men ; 

More  fragrant  than  amber,  deeper  coloured  than  the  camelian, 

Brighter  than  the  stars  and  purer  than  the  soul." 


Sultan  Mas'M  III.  bin  Ibrahim. 

His  surname,  according  to  Hamdu-lla  Mustaufi,  was  ^Al&u-d 
daula;  but  according  to  the  account  which  is  written  in  the 
EauzatU'8  Sa/d^  it  was  Jal&Iu-d  daula.'  All  historians  agree 
that  Mas'ud  reigned  for  sixteen  years  after  his  &ther/  and 
according  to  the  Tdrikh-i  Guzida  he  departed  to  the  world  of 
eternity  in  the  year  508  h.*  (1114-15  a.d.),  and  that  same 
history  declares  that,  after  the  death  of  Mas'ud,  his  son 
£am41u-d  daula  Shirzad  ascended  the  throne.^  But,  after  the 
lapse  of  a  year,  in  509  h.,  he  was  murdered  by  his  own  brother, 
Arsl&n  Shah.  Other  historians,  who  have  come  afterwards, 
have  mentioned  Mas'ud  without  any  reference  to  Arsl&n  Sh&h: 
but  God  knows  everything ! 

^  This  obscene  poem  was  written  by  Arzaki,  a  physician,  for  Tugh&n  Sh&h,  tlie 
king  of  Naish&pdr,  who  was  afflicted  with  impotence. 

'  An  obscene  story  follows  in  the  original. 

'  The  Tahakdt-i  Ndsiri  styles  him  *'  'Al&n-d  din/'  and  gives  a  very  different  ao- 
count  of  this  reign,  in  which  he  is  followed  by  Firishta.  Mirkhond  and  Nis&mn-d 
din  are  equally  barren.    The  coins  have  ** '  Al&u-d  daula." 

^  So  says  Mirkhond,  but  he  is  inconsistent  about  the  dates  of  these  later  reigns. 

^  The  Nitdmu't  Tavxirikh  concurs  in  this  date. 

*  The  Tdrikh'i  BaddittU  gives  him  a  separate  reign.  Mas'tid  Sa'd  Salm&n  styles 
him  Shfrz&d  Sh&h. 


HABrBU-S  SITAE.  207 


SultdnU'd  daula  Araldn  Shdh  bin  Ma^itd. 

When  Arsl&n  Sh&h  became  King  of  Ghaznin,  he  appointed 
'Abdu-1  Hamid  bin  Ahmad  to  the  office  of  prime  minister,  and 
having  seized  his  brothers,  threw  them  into  prison.  One  of  his 
brothers,^  Bahr&m  Sh&h,  managed  to  flee  away  and  went  to  his 
uncle  Sanjar,  who  at  that  time  ruled  in  Ehur&s&n  on  the  part 
of  his  brother  Muhammad  bin  Malik  Sh&h.  Sult&n  Sanjar 
hoisted  his  standard  for  Ghaznin,  in  order  to  help  his  nephew. 
On  his  arrival  at  Bust,  the  ruler  of  Sistdn,  Abu-1  Fazl,  joined 
him  with  a  powerful  army.  Arsldn  Sh&h  sent  a  numerous  and 
powerful  army  to  give  battle  to  the  Sult&n,  which  ended  in  many 
of  the  Ghaznivides  being  slain  by  the  army  of  Khuras&n,  and 
the  rest  escaping  the  sword  by  running  away  in  a  shameful 
manner  to  Ghaznin. 

Arsl&n  Shah,  having  opened  the  doors  of  humility  and  low- 
liness, sent  his  mother,  who  was  the  sister  of  Sult&n  Sanjar,  to 
him,  with  2000  dindra  and  many  valuable  presents,  and  pro- 
posed a  reconciliation.  The  Sult&n  evinced  a  desire  to  return, 
but  Bahr&m  Sh&h,  not  content  with  what  had  passed,  prevailed 
over  him  to  such  a  degree  as  to  persuade  him  to  set  out  for 
Ghaznin.  When  the  victorious  army  was  encamped  about  one 
parasang  from  Ghaznin,  Arsl&n  Sh&h  drew  up  his  army  in 
order  of  battle,  for  the  purpose  of  opposing  the  king  of  Ehur&- 
s&n.  His  forces  consisted  of  30,000  cavalry,  numerous  infantry, 
and  160  elephants.  When  the  brave  heroes  on  both  sides  had 
finished  contending  with  sword  and  spear,  through  the  prosperity 
of  the  courage  of  Abu-1  Fazl,  ruler  of  Sist&n,  the  Ghaznivides 
were  defeated.  Sult&n  Sanjar,  having  entered  Ghaznin  on  the 
8th  of  Shaww&l  510  a.h.  (1116-7  a.d.),  prevented  his  victorious 
troops  firom  pillaging  and  plundering  the  city.  He  remained  forty 
days  in  Ghaznin,  appropriated  all  the  treasures  of  the  descendants 

1  The  Nizdmu-t  Tatcdrikh  also  callB  him  a  brother,  bat  the  TabakfU-i  N&titi 
makes  Bahr&m  Sh&h  the  uncle  of  Arsl&n  Sh&h. 


208  KHONDAMrB. 

of  Sabuktigin,^  and  gaye  oyer  the  realm  to  Bahr&m  Shfli,  be 
himself  hoisting  his  standard  for  Khur&s&n. 

When  Arsl&n  Shah  heard  that  Sanjar  had  gone  away,  h 
led  out  a  numerous  army  from  the  confines  of  Hindust&n,  m 
marched  towards  Ghaznin.  Bahr&m  Sh&h,  unable  to  oppoe 
him,  hastened  to  B&miy&n,  and  implored  the  idd  of  Sulti 
Sanjar,  who  again  turned  his  reins  towards  Ghaznin.  AxAi 
Sh&h  abandoned  the  capital  of  his  dominion,'  and  being  seize 
by  the  troops  of  Sanjar  who  went  in  pursuit  of  him,  was  take 
before  Bahr&m  Sh&h,  who  having  put  him  to  death  in  the  yes 
512  A.H.  (1118-19),  became  thus  fully  established  in  the  Sult&i 
ship.  Arsl&n  Sh&h  reigned  for  either  three  or  four  years.  Bi 
God  knows  everything ! 

SuUdn  'AldU'd  daula  Bahrdm  Shah. 

The  title  of  Bahram  Sh&h  was  Yaminu-d  daula^  according  \ 
the  belief  of  Hamdu-Ua  Mustaufi :  but  the  Itauzatu-s  Sa/d  givt 
it  as  Mu'izzu-d  daula.  He  was  a  prince  possessed  of  bravery  i 
war,  was  a  magnificent  monarch,  and  courted  the  society  < 
learned  and  literary  characters.  During  his  reign  he  sever 
times  carried  on  war  against  the  infidels  of  Hind,  and  subdu< 
many  of  the  forts  and  *citiea  of  that  kingdom.  In  the  latt 
days  of  his  reign,  "  'Alau-d  din  Husain  Ghori  "  led  an  army 
Ghazuin,  and  caused  Bahr&m  Sh&h  to  fly  towards  Hindust&i 

'  Mirkhond  says  he  took  away,  among  other  precious  things,  fire  crowns,  ea 
yalucd  at  2,000,000  din&rs^  seventeen  thrones  made  of  solid  gold  and  silyer,  a 
1300  saddles  and  other  articles  inlaid  with  jewels.  Mr.  £.  Thomas  shows  that  t 
name  of  Sanjar  occurs  upon  the  coins  of  Bahr&m,  and  that  this  feudal  subjecti 
extended  to  the  early  part  of  the  reign  of  Khusr6  Sh&h. — Journal  Royal  Asia 
SocUty^  No.  xviii.,  p.  281.  See  also  Defremery's  Histoire  deu  Seldjoukides,  pp.  66- 
Sevue  Numism.  1849,  p.  248,  and  Yullers,  HUt,  S$ld*chuk.y  p.  174. 

'  Firishta  says  he  sought  refuge  amongst  the  Afgh&ns,  and  that  at  his  death  he  i 
twenty-scTcn  years  old.  The  JumCu-l  Mik&yat  says  he  iicd  to  the  Sankr&n  [Shakrf 
mountains,  which  are  the  same  as  those  mentioned  in  the  history  of  Sult&n  Jal&lu-d  d 
The  same  work  mentions  that  when  Bahr&m  fled  to  Sanjar  from  Ghazni,  he  did 
with  only  nine  attendants,  who  had  their  horseshoes  reversed  to  escape  detection.  [S 
voL  ii.,  p.  199.] 


HABfBU-S  SIYAR.  209 

'Al&a-d  din  then  appointed  his  own  brother,  whose  name,  ac- 
cording to  one  account,  was  Stiri,  and  according  to  another  S&n(, 
as  governor  of  the  city,  and  himself  returned  to  Ghor.  Bahr&m 
Shtii  again  hastened  to  Ghaznin,  and  haying  defeated  the  brother 
of  Al&u-d  din  Husain,  he  seated  him  on  a  cow  and  paraded  him 
lomid  the  city. 

When  'Al&u-d  din  Husain  heard  of  this,  he  hastened  towards 
Ghaznin,  thirsting  for  vengeance;  but  before  he  could  arrive  there, 
the  hand  of  &te  folded  up  the  roll  of  the  life  of  Bahr&m  Shdh. 
The  RauzatU'8  Safd  gives  the  year  547  a.h.  (1152-3),  as  the 
date  of  the  death  of  Bahrdm  Shdh,  but  Hamdu-Ua  Mustaufi 
fixes  that  event  at  544.  According  to  the  first  authority,  his 
wign  lasted  thirty-five  years;  according  to  the  second,  only 
thirty-two  years.^ 

Among  the  celebrated  learned  men  and  great  poets  who  were 

contemporary  with  Sultdn  Bahrdm  Shah,  one  was  Shaikh  San&i 

Abu-1  Majid  bin  Adamu-1  Ghaznivi.     In  the  Nqfhdt^  the  cause 

rf  the  repentance  of  Shaikh  Sandi  is  thus  explained.     When 

Snlt&D  MahmM  had  set  out  from  Ghaznin  in  the  winter  season, 

ftp  the  purpose  of  reducing  to  obedience  some  of  the  country 

<)f  the  infidels,  San&i,  having  composed  an   ode  in   praise  of 

Mahm6d,  set  out  for  his  army,  for  the  purpose  of  presenting  his 

▼wsesto-the  Sultdn.     In  the  middle  of  his  journey,  he  arrived 

^  the  door  of  a  distiller,  where  a  certain  durwesh^  experienced  in 

Diisfortunes,  was  saying  to  his  cup-bearer,  "  Fill  a  cup  to  the 

Windness  of  the  contemptible  Mahmud  Subuktigin."     The  cup- 

Wer  replied,   "  Mahmud  is  a  king  and  a  Musulm&n,  who  is 

always  engaged  in  making  war  upon  the  infidels."     The  unlucky 

^ch  replied,  "  He  is  a  contemptible  man,  and  never  satisfied  ; 

l«was  unable  to  govern  what  he  already  possessed,  and  still  he 

ierires  to  appropriate  another  kingdom.'^     The  darwesh  drained 

the  cup,  and  said  to  the  cup-bearer,  "  Fill  another  goblet  to  the 

blindness  of  the  despicable  poet  Sandi."    The  cup-bearer  replied, 

*  The  Tahakdt'i  Ndsiri  exUnds  his  reign  to  562  h.,  and  to  a  period  of  forty-one 
y«n.    Firighta  concurs  with  the  Rauzatu-a  Safd,    Ab(i-1  FidCi  says  648. 

TOL.  nr.  14 


210  KHONDAMIIL 

^^  Sanai  is  a  learned  poet,  endowed  with  an  elegamt  genius."  Tke 
miserable  man  answered,  ^^If  he  were  a  gainer  by  his  AegisA 
genius,  he  would  employ  himself  in  some  business  which  would 
be  serviceable  to  him :  he  has  in  a  certain  paper  written  setenl 
frivolous  remarks  which  are  of  no  use  to  him,  neither  does  lu 
know  for  what  reason  Q-od  created  him."  San&(,  upon  hearing 
this  speech,  became  a  changed  man :  he  awoke  from  his  intoxi- 
cation of  negligence,  and  employed  himself  in  walking  in  the 
path  of  the  Prophet. 

From  minds  which  can  discern  minute  objects,  the  asylum  of 
men  of  learning  and  of  intelligence,  it  cannot  remain  concealed, 
that  this  story  shows  that  the  &me  of  Shaikh  San&i  for  oom« 
posing  poetry  existed  during  the  days  of  Sult&n  Mahmtid  of 
Ghaznin,  although  the  Madikatu^l  Hakikat^  which  that  great 
man  composed  in  verses  which  are  miracles  of  counsel,  shows 
that  Shaikh  San&i  was  contemporary  with  Sult&n  Bahr4m  Sh4h, 
that  book  being  written  in  the  illustrious  name  of  tiiat  mighty 
king.  Sultan  Mahmud  Ghaznivi  died  in  the  year  421,  and  tlM 
Hadikat^  as  has  been  ascertained  from  its  pages,  was  completed  ib 
the  year  525.  From  looking  at  these  two  dates,  in  which  men 
of  learning  aU  agree,  it  is  evident  that  this  story  is  very  im- 
probable  ;  but  God  knows  everything  !  According  to  the  author 
of  the  Ghizida^  Shaikh  San&i  died  during  the  days  of  Sultia 
Bahr&m  Sh&h ;  but  according  to  some  learned  men,  that  event 
took  place  in  the  year  525  a.u.  (1130-1  a.d.),  which  was  the 
year  in  which  the  Madikat  was  completed. 

Among  the  eloquent  men,  adomers  of  discourse,  and  among 
poets  abounding  in  eloquence,  Nasru-Ua  bin  ''Abdu-l  Hamid  bin 
Abu-1  M'&li  aaid  Saiyid  Hasan  Ghaznivi  were  contemporaries 
with  Bahr&m  Sh&h.    Nasru-lla  wrote  the  Kalila  and  Damna^  is^ 
the  style  which  is  now  current  among  mankind,  and  dedicated^ 
it  to  this  Sult&n ;  and  Saiyid  Hasan,  on  the  day  of  Bahr&nL*^ 
accession,  composed  an  ode,  the  first  line  of  which  is  as  follows : 

"  A  voice  came  from  the  seventh  Heaven, 
That  Bahram  Shah  was  the  king  of  the  world.*' 


1 

i 


HABraU-S  SITAE.  211 

In  the  Tdfikh-i  Ouzida  it  is  written,  that  when  Saiyid  Hasan 
went  on  a  pilgrimage  to  the  tomb  of  Muhammad,  the  best  of 
men  (and  upon  whom  let  there  be  peace  and  benedictions !),  he 
made  a  translation  of  a  panegyric  which  had  been  written  in 
honour  of  his  Holiness,  and  read  the  verses  before  the  Prophet's 
splendid  sepulchre.    When  he  arriyed  at  this  verse,  viz. — 

"  i  have  not  boasted  of  being  among  your  descendants, 
But  have  only  made  a  slight  encomium,  oh,  my  beloved  I 
Send  me  out  from  thy  presence  a  robe  of  honour," 

— a  hand  holding  a  cloak  stretched  itself  out  from  the  vault,  and 
said,  "  Take  it,  0  my  son.''    But  God  knows  everything  t 

Sultan  Khmrii  Shdh. 

On  the  death  of  Bahr&m  Sh&h,  his  son  Khusru  Sh&h,^  with 
the  consent  of  all  the  nobles,  succeeded  to  the  throne ;  but  having 
received  repeated  information  of  the  approach  of  'Al&u-d  din 
Husain,  he  fled  towards  Hindust&n.  Husain  Ghori  entered 
Ghaznin,  and  showed  not  the  slightest  mercy,  murdering  the 
inhabitants,  pillaging,  burning,  and  razing  to  the  ground  all  the 
buildings.'  He  then  appointed  his  two  nephews  Ghiy&su-d  din 
and  Sult&n  Shah&bu-d  din  rulers  of  the  country,  and  returned 
to  6hor. 

According  to  Hamdu-lla  Mustaufi  and  some  other  historians, 

these  two   Sult&ns,   by   means  of   cunning  stratagems,   seized 

Khnsru  Sh&h,  and  imprisoned  him  in  a  fort,  where  he  died  in 

555  A.H.  (1160  A.D.),  and  thus  was  terminated  the  rule  of  the 

Qhaznivides.      In  the  Rauzatu-s  Sqfd^  however,  it  is  written, 

that  Khusru   Shah  reigned  at  L&hor   two  years  after  he  fled 

from  Qhaznin,  and  that  on  his  death  he  was  succeeded  by  his 

Bon  Khusru  Malik.     In  the  year  583  a.h.  (1187-8),  Sult&n 

^liiydsu-d  din  obtained  a  victory  at  Lahor,  and  seized  Khusru 

*  The  Tabakdt'i  Ndiirl  styles  him  "  Yamlnu-d  daula/'  The  Tarikh-i  Ouzida, 
"Zablru-d  daula." 

'  Otber  aathon  tell  us  the  tombs  of  Mahm6d,  Mas'tid,  and  Ibr&him  were  ex- 
^W;  the  first  two  for  the  yalour,  the  last  for  the  sanctity,  of  the  occupant;}. 


212  KHONDAMra. 

Malik,  whom  he  sent  to  Ghaznin  and  imprisoned.^     Soon 
this,  all  the  family  of  the  Ghaznivide  kings  fell  into  the  h 
of  the  Ghorians,  who   pnt  them  to  death,    and  depressed 
standard  of  the  dominion  and  of  the  lives  of  those  Sult&ns 
had  been  the  canons  of  jnstice !  ^ 

1  The  Jfuntakhahu-t  Tnw&rikh  of  Kh&ki  Shlr&z  says  that  he  was  imprisoi 
the  fort  of  Ohuijist&n ;  where  he,  his  son  Bahr&m  Shah,  and  all  the  Ghaz 
family,  were  put  to  death. 

'  A  different  account  of  the  closing  reigns  of  the  Ghaznivide  dj-nasty  is 
in  the  Extracts  from  the  Tabakdt-i  Ndsiri  and  hy  Firishta. 


i 


213 


xxvn, 

TKRtKE-1     IBRAHtMt ; 

OR 

TAW^RfKH-I     UTJMJCYlfTSti 

OR 

TARrXH-I   HUMiJ^YirN. 

A  WORK  under  the  title  Tdrikh^i  Ibrdhimi  is  described  by 
Major  Charles  Stewart  as  an  abridged  history  of  India  from  the 
^iest  times  to  the  conquest  of  that  country  by  Sult&n  B&bar. 
I^  is  mentioned  as  a  quarto  volume  in  the  collection  of  Tippu 
S^lt&n.  The  author's  name  is  given  as  Ibr&him  bin  Hariri, 
^d  the  work  was  dedicated  to  Sult&n  B&bar,  a.d.  1528.  (See 
Stewart's  Descriptive  Catalogue^  etc.,  p.  13.) 

Tinder  this  name  the  more  famous  history  of  Firishta  is 
^^uently  quoted  by  native  historians,  in  consequence  of  its 
^ving  been  compiled  under  the  patronage  of  Ibr&him  ^Adil 
Sh4h,  of  Bij&pur  5  but  I  have  never  met  with  the  work  quoted 
V  Stewart,  nor  heard  of  its  existence  in  any  library  in  India. 

{^A  copy  of  the  work  so  noticed  in  Sir  H.  Elliot's  first  edition  is 

^  the  Library  of  the  East  India  Office,  No.  428,  and  was  brought 

^  the  notice  of  Sir  H.  Elliot  by  Mr.  Morley.     A  comparison  of 

^T,  Morley 's  summary  of  the  contents  and  of  a  few  extracts 

^pied  by  that  gentleman  proved  the  work  to  be  the  same  as 

^^e  discovered  in  the  Moti  Mahal  at  Lucknow,  under  the  title 

®^    Tawdrikh-i  MumdyUni.     There  is  a  copy  also  bearing  the 

^nie  name  in  Paris.     The  Naw&b  of  Jhajjar  possesses  a  copy, 

apparently  about  200  years  old,  which  is  lettered  Tdrikh-i  Tabari^ 

^d  another  excellent  copy  is  the  property  of  H&ji  Muhammad 

^f  Pesh&war. 


214  IBRAHrM  IBN  HAEfBr. 

The  account  of  India  begins  with  the  Dehli  slave  kings,  and 
incidental  notices  of  those  of  Gujar&t  occur,  in  consequence  of 
Humiytin's  connexion  with  that  province.  The  history  cornea 
down  to  the  time  of  Hum&ydn,  in  whose  reign  the  writer  livei 
The  references  to  authorities  are  few,  but  the  lives  of  learned 
men  are  introduced,  as  in  the  Habibti-s  Siyar  of  Khondamir.  A 
comparison  of  the  two  works  may  show  that  the  Humdyitni  is  an 
abridgment  of  the  larger  work.  The  similarity  of  name  and 
the  termination  of  the  work  in  the  reign  of  Hum&y6n  led  Sir 
H.  Elliot  to  imagine  ihat  it  might  possibly  turn  out  to  be 
the  Kdndn-i  Humdyiini  of  Khondamir,  already  referred  to  at 
page  143.  This,  however,  cannot  be,  for  Khondamir  died  in 
941 H.,  and  the  work  before  us  records  Hum&yun's  flight  to  Pdnia 
in  950,  and  carries  his  history  down  to  his  restoration,  including 
the  capture  of  Kandah&r,  and  his  entry  into  K&bul  in  952  h. 

The  following  is  Mr.  Morley's  description  of  the  copy  in  the 
East  India  Library. 

"  Tdrikh'i  Ibrdhimi^  the  name  of  the  MS.,  is  inscribed  on  the 
back  of  the  first  page,  the  title  being  so  written  by  two  former 
possessors,  and  in  one  instance  with  the  addition  of  the  words 
Tasni/'i  Ibrdhim  ihn  Harir.  I  do  not  find,  however,  either  the 
title  of  the  work  or  the  name  of  the  author  expressed  in  the 
body  of  the  book.  The  MS.  bears  no  signs  of  ever  having 
belonged  to  Tippu. 

There  is  no  Preface;  the  MS.  begins  at  once,  after  the 
Bismillah.  The  author  goes  on  to  state  the  number  of  years 
that  have  elapsed  from  the  Creation  of  the  world  to  the  tiine 
of  Muhammad,  according  to  the  computation  of  various  authors, 
beginning  with  TabaH.  The  work  is  not  divided  into  books, 
chapters,  sections,  etc.,  as  is  usually  the  case,  but  presents  the 
customary  contents  of  a  general  history  in  the  usual  order. 

The  Patriarchs  and  Prophets,  beginning  with  Adam,  pp.  4 
to  59. 

Wise  men  and  Philosophers  (Lukm&n,  Afl&tun,  etc.),  pp.  60 
to  70. 


TABfEH-I  IBRAHrMr.  216 

Idians,  etc.,  from  Kaiomara  to  Yazdajird,  pp.  70  to  117. 
omad,  his  aneestors  and  descendaato,  and  the  earlier 
[sUm,  pp.  118  to  184. 
welve  Im&ms,  pp.  184  to  215. 
rinees  of  the  Banf  Uminayra,  fp*  215  to  259. 
hali&hs  of  the  Bani '  Abb60,  pp.  259  to  334. 
jrnasties  which  arose  during  the  time  of  the  Bani  ''Abb&s, 
lirides,  Saff&ridefl,   8&m&nides,  Ghaznivides,  Khw&riz- 
t&baks,  MuzaSarides,  Ghorides,  etc.,  pp.  334  to  377. 
hangiz  Kh&nians,  Ear&  Eu(nl6,  etc.,  pp.  377  to  433. 
olt^  of  Hind,  t.^.,  the  Path&ns,  from  Eutbu-d  din  to 
,  pp.  433  to  443. 

Inlt&ns  of  Gnjar&t,  from  Mozaffar  Sh&h  (a.h.  793)  to 
[  Sh&h  bin  Latif  Sh&h  (a.h.  943),  pp.  443  to  445. 
',  and  his  descendants  to  a.h.  951,  when  Hum&yun  had 
>fage  in  Persia,  pp.  445  to  498.  Imperfect  at  the  end. 
istory  is  everywhere  very  concise,  as  is  shown  by  the 
kbie  of  Contents,  but  it  is  even  more  so  than  is  apparent 
kble^  as  it  is  interspersed  with  the  lives  of  eminent  and 
persons ;  for  instance,  the  account  of  H&rdnn-r  Rashid 
but  thirteen  lines ;  then  follows  a  notice  of  the  Im&m 
in  Anas  (the  founder  of  the  M&likI  sect  of  Sunnis), 
)mprises  twenty-two  lines,  and  an  account  of  the  Bar- 
ctending  to  twenty-one  lines.  Al  Mustansir  Bi-llah  is 
1  also  in  thirteen  lines,  whilst  no  less  than  149  lines 
ted  to  the  lives  of  Far(du-d  din  'Att&r,  and  other  learned 
These  biographical  notices  indeed  seem  to  be  the 
x)rtant  part  of  the  work,  which,  however,  is  very  copious 

and  so  far  useful,  even  when  merely  enumerating  the 
n  of  a  line  of  kings. 

3  be  the  MS.  described  by  Stewart  at  p.  13,  No.  xxxi. 
italogue,  he  is  wrong  in  calling  it  an  abridged  History  of 
id  also  in  stating  that  it  extends  only  to  the  conquest  by 
nd  that  the  work  was  dedicated  to  that  prince,  since,  as 

above  stated,  it  continues  the  history  down  to  the  reign 


216  IBRAHIM  IBN  HABntr. 

of  Hnm&ydn,  and  the  year  of  the  Hijra  951.  At  this  [ 
the  MS.  is  left  unfinished  by  the  transcriber,  not  being  impei 
by  mutilation.  The  last  twenty-two  pages  are  nearly  destitm 
diacritical  points.  The  size  of  the  book  is  nine  inches  by 
and  a  half.  The  character  is  Nastalik,  and  there  are  nine 
lines  in  a  page.**^ 

A  comparison  of  the  last  words  of  the  MS.  in  the  East  Ii 
Library  with  those  of  the  Lucknow  copy  shows  that  the  la 
contains  only  one  leaf  more  than  the  former ;  and  there  is  ana 
Sir  H.  Elliot's  papers  the  concluding  words  of  another  c 
(perhaps  that  of  Pesh&war),  which  are  identical  with  tho8< 
the  London  MS.  These,  however,  are  manifestly  imperfect, 
they  break  off  in  the  very  middle  of  a  sentence.  The  Jha 
copy  has  also  lost  a  leaf  at  the  end,  but  the  missing  portioi 
not  identical  with  the  one  deficient  in  the  other  copies. 

The  work  is  a  mere  compendium.  Hum&yun's  reign,  f 
his  accession  to  his  restoration,  occupies  less  than  100  li 
Such  a  summary  does  not  afford  passages  suitable  for  tran 
tion,  but  two  short  pieces  have  been  selected  as  specimens ; 
latter  of  which  shows  where  the  East  India  Library  copy  bn 
off  abruptly.] 


EXTRACTS. 

[Malik  Ghiy&su-d  din  Pir  'AH  assumed  the  crown  after 
death  of  his  father.     He  threw  open  the  gates  of  kindness 
generosity  to  people  of  every  sort,  and  carried  on  the  gov( 
ment  of  Khur&s&n  until  the  month  of  Muharram,  781  h. 
this  date,  S&hib-Kir&n  Amir  Timur  made  himself  mastei 
Hir&t  by  a  treaty  of  peace,  and  taking  the  king  prisoner,  i 
him  to  Samarkand.     In  the  month  of  Eamaz&n,  785,  the  I 
and  all  his  family  tasted  the  nectar  of  martyrdom.     Among 
great  and  learned  men  who  lived  in  the  time  of  these  kings 
Abu-1  Mak&rim  Shaikh  Buknu-d  din  'Alau-d  daula  (and  sc 
with  the  life  of  the  Shaikh). 


TAEIKH-I  IBBAHIMr.  217 

Hum&yun  marching  from  Kaiw&n/  the  city  of  Kandah&r  was 
favoured  with  the  light  of  the  royal  countenance  on  the  1 1th 
Muharram,  952  h.  In  the  course  of  Jum&da-l  awwal,  he  captured 
the  fort  of  E^ndah&r,  and  there  pardoned  the  offences  of  Muham- 
mad 'Askari  Mirzd.  About  the  middle  of  Sha'b&n,  he  placed 
himself  at  the  head  of  his  forces,  and  marched  to  K&bul.  Mirzd 
Muhammad  K&mr&n,  notwithstanding  his  large  army,  had  not 
the  courage  to  encounter  him,  but  fled  to  Sind.  On  the  11th 
Bamaz&n,  His  Majesty  entered  K&bul,  like  the  soul  into  the  body, 
or  a  rose  into  its  parterre,  and  taking  the  people  under  his  care 
and  protection,  they  found  rest  in  the  shadow  of  his  beneyolence.] 

^  Here  the  East  ludia  Library  copy  terminates. 


218 


xxvm. 

TirZAK-I     BKBAnf; 

f 

OR, 

THE  AUTOBIOGRAPHY  OF  BABAR. 

The  Commentaries  of  B&bar,  originally  written  in  Tuid, 
were  translated  into  Persian  in  the  middle  of  Akbar's  rdgn, 
by  ''Abdu-r  Bahim,  Khdn  Khdndn^  and  are  well  known  to 
the  English  reader  by  the  admirable  translation  of  Dr.  Leydfli 
and  Mr.  Erskine.  The  Persian  translation  was  presented  to  di 
Emperor  Akbar  in  the  thirty-fourth  year  of  his  reign,  998  ft 
(1590  A.D.),^  and  the  translator  died  in  1627  A.D^  at  the  ^ 
of  seventy-two. 

Bdbar's  memoirs  form  one  of  the  bert  and  moat  &ithfiil  pieoa 
of  autobiography  extant;  they  are  infinitely  superior  to  the  hypo- 
critical revelations  of  Timur,*  and  the  pompous  declamation  d 
Jah&ngir — ^not  inferior  in  any  respect  to  the  Expedition  of 
Xenophon,  and  rank  but  little  below  the  Commentaries  of  CsBtf. 
They  are  equal  in  simplicity,  and  exhibit  much  less  dissimuladon 
than  that  celebrated  work.  The  Emperor  Jah&ngir  states  that 
he  himself  added  some  chapters  to  the  work  in  the  TiurU 
language,  in  which  language  Captain  Hawkins,  on  his  visit  to 
Agra  in  a.d.  1609,  conversed  with  him.  The  language  of 
B&bar^s  original  is  in  the  purest  dialect  of  the  Turk!  langoago^ 
not  being  so  much  intermixed  as  that  of  the  other  Turkisk 
tribes  with  terms  derived  from  the  Arabic  and  Persian. 

[}  Blochmann's  *Ain  Akhari^  pp.  105  and  335.    Akbar-ndma,  Lucknow  editioDf 
Tol.  ilL,  p.  596.]  *  Seo  vol.  iii.,  p.  389. 


TUZAK-I  BiCBARr.  219 

Zahirn-d  din  Mahammad,  sarnamed  B&bar,  or  the  Tiger,  was 
one  of  the  descendants  of  Ghangiz  Eh&n  and  of  Timur ;  and 
though  inheriting  only  the  small  kingdom  of  Fargh&na,  in 
Bucharia,  ultimately  extended  his  dominions  by  conquest  to 
Dehli  and  the  greater  part  of  Hindust&n ;  and  transmitted  to 
his  descendants  the  magnificent  empire  of  the  Mughals.  He  was 
bom  in  1482,  and  died  in  1530.  Passing  the  greater  part  of 
his  time  in  desperate  military  expeditions,  he  was  a  great 
general  and  a  profound  politician;  he  was  an  educated  and 
accomplished  man,  and  an  eminent  scholar  in  Arabic,  Persian, 
and  Hindi;  he  was  also  an  elegant  poet;  a  minute  and 
fastidious  critic  in  all  the  niceties  and  elegancies  of  diction; 
a  curious  and  exact  obserrer  of  the  statistical  phenomena  of 
every  region  he  entered ;  a  great  admirer  of  beautiful  prospects 
and  fine  flowers ;  and,  though  a  devoted  Muhammadan  in  his 
way,  a  very  resolute  and  jovial  drinker  of  wine.  G-ood-humoured, 
brave,  munificent,  sagacious,  and  frank  in  his  character,  he  might 
have  been  a  Henry  lY.  if  his  training  had  been  in  Europe ;  and 
even  as  he  is,  he  is  less  stained,  perhaps,  by  the  Asiatic  vices  of 
cruelty  and  perfidy  than  any  other  in  the  list  of  Asians  conquerors. 
The  work  under  notice  is  a  fiiithful  account  of  his  own  life  and 
transactions,  written,  with  some  considerable  blanks,  up  to  the 
year  1508,  in  the  form  of  a  narrative,  firom  which  time  to  1619 
there  is  a  blank ;  and  it  is  continued  afterwards,  as  a  journal, 
till  1529. 

The  translation  was  begun  by  the  learned  and  enterprising  Dr. 
Leyden,  and  was  completed  and  the  whole  of  the  valuable  com- 
mentary added  by  Mr.  W.  Erskine,  on  the  solicitation  of  the  Hon. 
Monntstoart  Elphinstone  and  Sir  John  Malcolm.  The  greater 
part  of  the  translation  was  finished  and  transmitted  to  England 
in  1817,  but  was  only  committed  to  the  press  in  the  course  of 
1826.  It  is  illustrated  by  intelligent  and  learned  notes,  and  by 
introductory  dissertations,  clear,  masterly,  and  full  of  instruction. 
The  preface  to  the  translation  contains  a  learned  account  of 
the  Turki  language  (in  which  these  memoirs  were  written),  the 


220  THE  EMPEROR  B^AR. 

prevailing  tongue  of  Central  Asia — some  yaluable  correctiona  of 
Sir  William  Jones'^s  notices  of  the  Institutes  of  Tfmdr — andt 
very  clear  explanation  of  the  method  employed  in  the  transladn, 
and  the  various  helps  by  which  the  great  difficulties  of  the  tiik 
were  relieved.  The  first  Introduction,  however,  contains  mack 
more  valuable  matter ;  it  is  devoted  to  an  account  of  the  greit 
T&t&r  tribes,  who,  under  the  denomination  of  the  Turki,  tin 
Mughal,  and  the  Manchu  races,  may  be  said  to  occupy  tin 
whole  vast  extent  of  Asia,  north  of  Hindust&n  and  part  of  Pezsi^ 
and  westward  from  China.  The  second  Introduction  contiin 
a  brief  but  clear  abstract  of  the  history  of  Mughalist&n,  from  tb 
time  of  Timur  to  B&bar,  together  with  an  excellent  memoir  d 
the  map  which  accompanies  the  work,  and  an  account  of  tb 
geography  of  Bukh&ra. 

The  body  of  the  work,  independent  of  the  historical  value  d 
the  transactions  which  it  records,  abounds  in  statistical  accoonti 
which  evidently  display  the  monarch  as  a  man  of  genius  ud 
observation.  Modern  travellers  have  agreed  that  his  descriptioDB 
of  K&bul  and  its  environs,  as  well  as  of  Fargh&na,  and  the 
countries  to  the  north  of  Hindukusb,  are  not  to  be  exceeded  fiir 
their  fidelity  and  comprehensiveness. 

The  most  remarkable  piece  of  statistics,  however,  with  whi<i 
he  has  furnished  us,  is  in  his  account  of  Hindust&n,  which  be 
first  entered  as  a  conqueror  in  1525.  It  occupies  in  the  traoe* 
lation  twenty-five  closely  printed  quarto  pages ;  and  contaiiU) 
not  only  an  exact  account  of  its  boundaries,  population,  resoorctf, 
revenues,  and  divisions,  but  a  full  enumeration  of  all  its  uselbl 
fruits,  trees,  birds,  beasts,  and  fishes,  with  such  a  minute  descrip 
tion  of  their  several  habitudes  and  peculiarities  as  would  make  nc 
contemptible  figure  in  a  modem  work  of  natural  history — cai* 
fully  distinguishing  the  fiswts  which  rest  on  his  own  observatiec 
from  those  which  he  gives  only  on  the  testimony  of  others,  tsk 
making  many  suggestions  as  to  the  means  of  improving,  or  traaa 
ferring  them  from  one  region  to  another. 

He  mentions,  for  instance,  the  introduction  of  the  plantain  i 


TirZAK-I  BABARr.  221 

K&bul,  where  it  was  found  to  thrive  very  well,  which  shows  the 
elevation  at  which  it  will  grow;  respecting  which  there  has 
been  some  discussion  in  India.  A  few  extracts  from  his  graphic 
account,  in  which  he  exhibits  all  the  prejudices  of  a  fastidious 
Englishman,  will  not  be  deemed  out  of  place  here. 

"  Hindustan  is  situated  in  the  first,  second,  and  third  climates, 
No  part  of  it  is  in  the  fourth.  It  is  a  remarkably  fine  country. 
It  is  quite  a  different  world,  compared  with  our  countries.  Its 
hills  and  rivers,  its  forests  and  plains,  its  animals  and  plants,  its 
inhabitants  and  their  languages,  its  winds  and  rains,  are  all  of  a 
different  nature.  Although  the  Garmslls  (or  hot  districts),  in 
the  territory  of  K&bul,  bear,  in  many  respects,  some  resemblance 
to  Hindust&n,  while  in  other  particulars  they  differ,  yet  you 
have  no  sooner  passed  the  river  Sind  than  the  country,  the 
trees,  the  stones,  the  wandering  tribes,  the  manners  and  customs 
of  the  people,  are  all  entirely  those  of  Hindust&n.  The  northern 
range  of  hills  has  been  mentioned.  Immediately  on  crossing 
the  river  Sind,  we  come  upon  several  countries  in  this  range 
of  mountains,  connected  with  Kashmir,  such  as  Pakhali  and 
Shamang.  Most  of  them,  though  now  independent  of  Kashmir, 
were  formerly  included  in  its  territories.  After  leaving  Kashmir, 
these  hills  contain  innumerable  tribes  and  states,  parganas  and 
countries,  and  extend  all  the  way  to  Bengal  and  the  shores  of 
the  Great  Ocean.     About  these  hills  are  other  tribes  of  men.'' 

"  The  country  and  towns  of  Hindustan  are  extremely  ugly. 
All  its  towns  and  lands  have  a  uniform  look :  its  gardens  have 
no  walls ;  the  greater  part  of  it  is  a  level  plain.  The  banks  of  its 
rivers  and  streams,  in  consequence  of  the  rushing  of  the  torrents 
that  descend  during  the  rainy  season,  ace  worn  deep  into  the 
channel,  which  makes  it  generally  diflScult  and  troublesome  to 
cross  them.  In  many  places  the  plain  is  covered  by  a  thorny 
brushwood  to  such  a  degree  that  the  people  of  the  parganaa^ 
relying  on  these  forests,  take  shelter  in  them,  and  trusting  to 
their  inaccessible  situation,  oft;en  continue  in  a  state  of  revolt, 
refusing  to  pay  their  taxes.     In  Hindustan,  if  you  except  the 


222  THE  EMPBEOE  BiCBAR. 

fivers,  there  is  little  running  water.  Now  and  then  some 
standing  water  is  to  be  met  with.  All  these  cities  and  ooontrieB 
derive  their  water  from  wells  or  tanks,  in  which  it  is  collected 
during  the  nunj  season.  In  Hindust&n,  the  populonsness  and 
decay,  or  total  destruction  of  villages,  nay  of  cities,  is  almost 
instantaneous.  Large  cities  that  have  be^i  inhabited  for  a  series 
of  years  (if,  on  an  alarm,  the  inhabitants  take  to  flight),  in  t 
single  day,  or  a  day  and  a  half,  are  so  completely  abandoned 
that  you  can  scarcely  discover <a  tcaoe  or  mark  of  population." 

^^  Hindust&n  is  a  country  that  has  few  pleasures  to  recommend 
it.  The  people  are  not  handsome.  They  have  no  idea  of  the 
charms  of  friendly  society,  of  frankly  mixing  together,  or  of 
&miliar  intercourse ;  they  have  no  genius,  no  comprehension  of 
mind,  no  politeness  of  manner,  no  kindness  or  fellow-feeling,  no 
ingenuity  or  mechanical  invention  in  planning  or  executing  their 
handicraft  works,  no  skill  or  knowledge  in  design  or  arohitec- 
ture ;  they  have  no  good  horses,  no  good  flesh,  no  grapes  or 
musk-melons,  no  good  fruits,  no  ice  or  cold  water,  no  good  food 
or  bread  in  their  bazars,  no  baths  or  colleges,  no  candles,  no 
torches,  not  a  candlestick.'*^ 

'^  The  chirf  excellency  of  Hindust&n  is,  that  it  is  a  large 
country,  and  has  abundance  of  gold  and  silver.  The  climate 
during  the  rains  is  very  pleasant.  On  some  days  it  rains  ten, 
fifteen,  and  even  twenty  times.  During  the  rainy  season,  inun- 
dations come  pouring  down  all  at  once,  and  form  rivers,  even  in 
places  where,  at  other  times,  there  is  no  water.  While  the  rains 
continue  on  the  ground,  the  air  is  singularly  delightful — ^insomuch 
that  nothing  can  surpass  its  soft  and  agreeable  temperature.  Its 
defect  is,  that  the  air,  is  rather  moist  and  damp.  During  the 
rainy  season  you  cannot  shoot,  even  with  the  bow  of  our  country, 
and  it  becomes  quite  useless.  Nor  is  it  the  bow  alone  that 
becomes  useless ;  the  coats  of  mail,  books,  clothes,  and  furniture, 
all  feel  the  bad  effects  of  the  moisture.  Their  houses,  too,  suffer 
from  not  being  substantially  built.  There  is  pleasant  enough 
weather  in  the  winter  and  summer^  as  well  as  in  the  rainy  season ; 


T17ZAK-I  BABABr.  223 

bat  then  the  north  wind  always  blows,  and  there  is  an  excessive 
quantity  of  earth  and  dust  flying  aboat.  YHien  the  rains  are  at 
hand,  this  wind  blows  five  or  six  times  with  excessive  violence, 
and  sach  a  quantity  of  dust  flies  about  that  you  cannot  see  one 
another.  They  call  this  an  dndhi.  It  ^ts  warm  daring  Taurus 
and  Gemini,  but  not  so  warm  as  to  become  intolerable.  The 
heat  cannot  be  compared  to  the  heats  of  Balkh  and  Kandah&r. 
It  is  not  above  half  so  warm  as  in  these  places.  Another  con- 
venience of  Hindust&n  is,  that  the  workmen  of  every  profession 
and  trade  are  innumerable,  and  without  end.  For  any  work  or 
any  employment,  there  is  always  a  set  ready,  to  whom  the  same 
employment  and  trade  have  descended  from  &ther  to  son  for 
ages.  In  the  Ze^ar-ndma  of  Mulla  Sharifix-d  din  'Ali  Yazdi,  it 
is  mentioned  as  a  surprising  fisust,  that  when  Tfmur  Beg  was 
building  the  Sangin  (or  stone)  mosque,  there  were  stone-cutters 
of  Azarb&ijan,  F&rs,  Hindust&n,  and  other  countries,  to  the 
number  of  200,  working  every  day  on  the  mosque.  In  ^gra 
alone,  and  of  stone-cutters  belonging  to  that  place  only,  I  every 
day  employed  on  my  palaces  680  persons ;  and  in  Agra,  Sikri, 
Bay&na,  Dhulpur^  Gw&lior,  and  Koel,  there  were  every  day  em- 
ployed on  my  works  1491  stone-cutters.  In  the  same  way,  men 
of  every  trade  and  occupation  are  numberless,  and  without  stint 
in  Hindust&n. 

''  The  countries  fix)m  Bahrah  to  Bih&r,  which  are  now  under 
my  dominion,  yield  a  revenue  of  fifty-two  krarsy  as  will  appear 
from  the  particular  and  detailed  statement.  Of  this  amount, 
parganas  to  the  value  of  eight  or  nine  krors  are  in  the  possession 
of  some  R&is  and  B&j&s,  who  from  old  times  have  been  submis- 
sive, and  have  received  these  parganas  for  the  purpose  of 
confirming  them  in  their  obedience." 

It  is  not  only  in  narrative  and  statistical  details  that  the 
work  excels — it  presents  also  what  is  so  exceedingly  rare  in 
Asiatic  history,  the  characters  of  his  countrymen  and  contempo- 
raries— their  appearance,  manners,  dress,  pursuits,  tastes,  habits, 
*€tki{MUk  and  with  such  minuteness  and  reality,  that  they 


224  THE  EMPEROR  BABAR. 

seem  to  form  part  of  our  acquaintance,  and  to  live  amongst  us  as 
one  of  ourselves. 

But  the  great  charm  of  the  work  is  in  the  character  of  the 
author,  whom  we  find,  after  all  the  trials  of  a  long  life,  retaining 
the  same  kind  and  affectionate  heart,  and  the  same  easy  and 
sociable  temper  with  which  he  set  out  on  his  career,  and  in 
whom  the  possession  of  power  and  grandeur  had  neither  blunted 
the  delicacy  of  his  taste,  nor  diminished  his  sensibility  to  the 
enjoyment  of  nature  and  imagination. 

"  It  is  a  relief,"  says  his  translator,  "  in  the  midst  of  the 
pompous  coldness  of  Asiatic  history,  to  find  a  king  who  can 
weep  for  days,  and  tell  us  that  he  wept  for  the  playmate  of  his 
boyhood.'*"  He  speaks  with  as  much  interest  of  his  mother  and 
female  relations  as  if  he  had  never  quitted  their  fireside ;  and  his 
friends  make  almost  as  great  a  figure  in  the  personal  part  of  his 
narrative  as  he  does  himself.  He  repeats  their  sayings,  records 
their  accidents  and  illnesses,  relates  their  adventures,  and  some- 
times jokes  on  their  eccentricities. 

After  a  letter  on  the  affairs  of  his  government  to  his  most 
confidential  counsellor  Khwfija  Eil&n  (then  at  K&bul),  he  tells 
him  little  anecdotes  of  their  common  acquaintances,  which  he 
thinks  will  amuse  him,  and  adds,  ''  For  God^s  sake,  excuse  all 
these  fooleries,  and  do  not  think  the  worse  of  me  for  them."  He 
endeavours  afterwards  to  persuade  Khw&ja  Kil&n  to  leave  off 
wine,  as  he  had  done ;  and  says,  in  substance,  '^  Drinking  was  a 
very  pleasant  thing  with  our  old  friends  and  companions ;  but 
now  that  you  have  only  Shir  Ahmad  and  Haidar  Kuli  to  take 
your  wine  with,  it  can  be  no  great  sacrifice  to  leave  it  off."  In 
the  same  letter,  he  says  how  much  he  envies  his  friend  his 
residence  at  K&bul,  and  adds,  "They  very  recently  brought 
me  a  single  musk-melon ;  while  cutting  it  up,  I  felt  myself 
affected  with  a  strong  feeling  of  loneliness,  and  a  sense  of  my 
exile  from  my  native  country,  and  I  could  not  help  shedding 
tears  while  I  was  eating  it." 

Bdbar  was  a  constant  and  jovial  toper.    Many  a  drinking  party 


TirZAK-I  BABABr.  225 

is  recorded  in  his  Memoirs,  with  at  least  as  much  interest  as  his 
battles  or  negociations ;  and  unsuitable  as  they  are  to  his  station, 
they  are  not  the  least  agreeable  scenes  in  his  history.  The  per- 
fect ease  and  familiarity  among  the  company  makes  one  forget 
the  prince  in  the  man ;  and  the  temptations  that  generally  lead 
to  those  excesses — a  shady  wood,  a  hill  with  a  fine  prospect,  or 
the  idleness  of  a  boat  floating  down  a  river ;  together  with  the 
amusements  with  which  they  are  accompanied,  extemporary 
verses,  recitations  in  Turki  and  Persian,  with  sometimes  a  song, 
and  often  a  contest  of  repartee — ^greatly  diminish  the  coarseness 
that  might  attach  to  such  scenes  of  dissipation.  Even  in  the 
middle  of  a  harassing  and  desultory  campaign,  there  is  no  in- 
termission of  this  excessive  jollity,  though  it  sometimes  puts  the 
parties  into  jeopardy ;  for  example  : 

"  We  continued  at  this  place  drinking  till  the  sun  was  on  the 
decline,  when  we  set  out.  Those  who  had  been  of  the  party 
were  completely  drunk.  Saiyid  K&sim  was  so  drunk  that  two  of 
his  servants  were  obliged  to  put  him  on  horseback,  and  brought 
him  to  the  camp  with  great  difficulty.  Dost  Muhammad  Bakir 
was  so  far  gone,  that  Amin  Muhammad  Tarkh&n,  Masti  Ghihrah, 
and  those  who  were  along  with  him,  were  unable,  with  all  their 
exertions,  to  get  him  on  horseback.  They  poured  a  great  quantity 
of  water  over  him,  but  all  to  no  purpose.  At  this  moment  a  body 
of  Afghdns  appeared  in  sight.  Amin  Muhammad  Tarkhan, 
being  very  drunk,  gravely  gave  it  as  his  opinion,  that  rather 
than  leave  him  in  the  condition  in  which  he  was,  to  fall  into  the 
hands  of  the  enemy,  it  was  better  at  once  to  cut  off  his  head  and 
carry  it  away.  Making  another  exertion,  however,  with  much 
difficulty,  they  contrived  to  throw  him  upon  a  horse,  which  they 
led  along,  and  so  brought  him  off." 

On  some  occasions  they  contrived  to  be  drunk  four  times  in 
twenty-four  hours.  The  gallant  prince  contents  himself  with  a 
strong  ma^jiin^  one  day;  but  "next  morning  we  had  a  drinking 
party  in  the  same  tent.     We  continued  drinking  till  night.     On 

^  [An  intoxicating  electuary.] 
VOL.  nr.  15 


226  THE  EMPEROE  BABAE. 

the  following  morning  we  again  had  an  early  cnp,  and,  getting 
intoxicated,  went  to  sleep.  About  noon-day  prayers,  we  left 
Ist&lif,  and  I  took  a  ma'jun  on  the  road.  It  was  about  afternoon 
prayers  before  I  reached  Bahz&di.  The  crops  were  extremelj 
good.  While  I  was  riding  round  the  harvest-fields,  such  of 
my  companions  as  were  fond  of  wine  began  to  contrive  another 
drinking-bout.  Although  I  had  taken  a  im!jiin^  yet,  as  the  crops 
were  uncommonly  fine,  we  sat  down  under  some  trees  that  had 
yielded  a  plentiful  load  of  fi*uit,  and  began  to  drink.  We  kept 
up  the  party  in  the  same  place  till  bed-time  prayers." 

In  a  year  or  two  after  this,  when  he  seems  to  be  in  a  course 
of  unusual  indulgence,  we  meet  with  the  following  edifying 
remark:  ^^As  I  intend,  when  forty  years  old,  to  abstain  from 
wine ;  and  as  I  now  want  somewhat  less  than  one  year  of  being 
forty,  /  drink  xcine  most  copiomly  !^  When  forty  comes,  how- 
ever, we  hear  nothing  of  this  sage  resolution ;  but  have  a  regular 
record  of  the  wine  and  nuCjiin  parties  as  before,  up  to  the  year 
1527.  In  that  year,  however,  he  is  seized  with  rather  a  sudden 
fit  of  penitence,  and  has  the  resolution  to  begin  a  course  of 
rigorous  reform.  There  is  something  rather  picturesque  in  his 
very  solemn  and  remarkable  account  of  this  great  revolution  in 
his  habits.^  It  would  have  been  well  if  Bdbar  had  carried  out 
his  intention,  and  left  off  wine  sooner,  for  there  seems  good 
reason  to  think  his  indulgence  in  it  shortened  his  days. 

B&bar  appears  to  have  been  of  a  frank  and  generous  character ; 
and  there  are  throughout  the  Memoirs  various  traits  of  singular 
clemency  and  tenderness  of  heart  for  an  Eastern  monarch  and 
professional  warrior.  He  weeps  ten  whole  days  for  the  loss  of  a 
friend  who  fell  over  a  precipice  after  one  of  their  drinking  parties, 
and  spares  the  lives  and  even  restores  the  domains  of  various 
chieftains  who  had  betrayed  his  confidence  and  afterwards  fiadlen 
into  his  power.  Yet  there  are  traces  of  Asiatic  ferocity,  and  of 
a  hard-hearted  wastefulness  of  life,  which  remind  us  that  we  are 
beyond  the  pale  of  European  gallantry  and  Christian  compassion. 

^  See  infrd. 


J 


TirZAK-I  BABAEr.  227 

In  hiB  wars  in  Afgh&nistdn  and  India,  the  prisoners  are  commonly 
butchered  in  cold  blood  after  the  action ;  and  pretty  uoiformlj  a 
triamphal  pyramid  is  erected  of  their  skulls.  These  horrible 
executions,  too,  are  performed  with  much  solemnity  before  the 
royal  pavilion ;  and  on  one  occasion,  it  is  incidentally  recorded, 
that  such  was  the  number  of  prisoners  brought  forward  for  this 
infiunous  butchery,  that  the  sovereign's  tent  had  three  times  to 
be  removed  to  a  different  station  ;  the  ground  before  it  being  so 
drenched  with  blood,  and  encumbered  with  quivering  carcases ! 
On  one  occasion,  and  on  one  only,  an  attempt  was  made  to 
poison  him — the  mother  of  one  of  the  sovereigns  whom  he  had 
dethroned  having  bribed  his  cooks  and  tasters  to  mix  death  in 
his  repast.  Upon  the  detection  of  the  plot,  the  taster  was  cujf 
in  pieces,  the  cook  flayed  alive,  and  the  scullions  trampled  to 
death  by  elephants.  Such,  however,  was  the  respect  paid  to  rank, 
or  the  indulgence  to  maternal  resentment,  that  the  prime  mover 
of  the  whole  conspiracy,  the  queen  dowager,  is  merely  put  under 
restraint,  and  has  a  contribution  levied  on  her  private  fortune. 

The  unsettled  nature  of  his  life  is  shown  by  his  observing, 
near  the  end  of  it,  that  since  he  was  eleven  years  old  he  had 
never  kept  the  iast  of  the  Ramaz&n  twice  in  any  one  place ;  and 
the  time  not  spent  in  war  and  travelling  was  occupied  in  hunting 
and  other  sports,  or  in  long  excursions  on  horseback  about  the 
country.  On  his  last  journey,  after  his  health  had  begun  to  fail, 
he  rode,  in  two  days,  from  K&lpi  to  Agra  (160  miles),  without 
any  particular  motive  for  despatch ;  and  on  the  same  journey,  he 
swam  twice  across  the  Granges,  as  he  said  he  had  done  with  every 
other  river  he  had  met  with.  His  mind  was  as  active  as  his 
body ;  besides  the  business  of  the  kingdom,  he  was  constantly 
taken  up  with  aqueducts,  reservoirs,  and  other  improvements, 
as  well  as  introducing  new  fi'uits  and  other  productions  of  remote 
eoontries.  Yet  he  found  time  to  compose  many  elegant  Persian 
poems  and  a  collection  of  TurkI  compositions,  which  are  men- 
tioned as  giving  him  a  high  rank  among  the  poets  of  his  own 
eountry. 


228  THE  EHPEHOB  BABAB. 

The  Memoirs  of  B&bar  remained  for  a  time  nnknown,  until 
they  were  transposed  from  the  Turki  into  the  more  popular 
language  of  Persia.  It  is  difficult  to  believe  that  they  are  the 
work  of  an  Asiatic  and  a  sovereign.  Though  copiously,  and  rather 
diffusely  written,  they  are  perfectly  free  from  the  ornamental 
verbosity,  the  eternal  metaphor,  and  puerile  exaggerations  of  most 
Oriental  compositions ;  and  though  savouring  so  far  of  royalty 
as  to  abound  in  descriptions  of  dresses  and  ceremonies,  they  are 
yet  occupied  in  the  main  with  concerns  greatly  too  rational  and 
humble  to  be  much  in  favour  with  monarchs.  The  English  trans- 
lation seems  to  have  imbibed  the  very  spirit  of  the  original.  The 
style  is  singularly  happy,  strikingly  characteristic,  though  perfectly 
natural,  and  equally  remote  from  the  usual  inflated  language  of 
the  East,  and  from  the  imitation  of  scriptural  simplicity  into 
which  other  translators  of  similar  works  have  fallen. 

[In  later  life  Mr.  Erskine  again  took  up  the  subject  in  which 
he  had  gained  distinction.  ''  Observing  that  most  of  our  general 
histories  "  were  based  "  on  the  brief  but  judicious  abridgment  of 
Firishta,"  ^^  it  seemed  that  a  nation  possessing  such  an  empire  as 
that  of  the  British  in  India,  ought  to  have  some  ampler  record 
of  the  transactions  of  the  different  dynasties  which  preceded  their 
own  in  that  country.''^  "  The  most  natural  and  effectual  means 
of  supplying  this  want,  he  thought,  would  certainly  be  a  general 
edition  of  the  historians  of  India, — a  Corpus  Scriptorum  HistorisB 
Indicfle,"  in  fact,  such  a  work  as  Sir  H.  Elliot  had  projected, 
and  of  which  the  present  is  an  imperfect  realization.  Seeing  the 
difficulties  in  the  way  of  such  a  work,  he  directed  his  enei^es 
"to  famish  from  as  many  of  the  historians  of  India  as  were 
accessible  to  the  author,  such  a  narrative  of  public  events  during 
the  first  six  Emperors  of  the  House  of  Timur,  from  B&bar  to 
Aurangzib,  as  might  be  at  once  more  minute  and  more  authentic, 
than,  so  far  as  the  author  knows,  has  yet  appeared  in  any 
European  language."  Death  prevented  the  accomplishment  of 
this  design,  but  the  history  of  the  reigns  of  B&bar  and  of 
Humdyun,  which  the  author  had  completed  before  his  decease. 


TirZAK-I  BABABf.  229 

was  pablished  afterwards  in  1854,  in  two  yolnmes.  These  con- 
tain a  Ml  and  minute  account  of  the  reigns  of  B&bar  and  his 
son,  leaving  nothing  to  be  desired  for  the  elucidation  of  the 
history  of  those  times.  Were  the  present  work  intended  only  to 
supply  new  matter  and  to  make  up  previous  deficiencies,  the 
reigns  of  B&bar  and  Hum&ytin  might  well  be  passed  over :  but 
as  the  book  is  intended  to  be  a  continuous  history,  the  annals  of 
these  reigns  must  have  their  place  in  it^  though  there  will  not  be 
the  necessity  of  entering  upon  them  so  fiiUy  as  their  importance 
wooid  otherwise  require.  B&bar  is  essentially  the  historian  of 
his  own  times,  and  the  Extracts  which  follow  give  the  history  of 
hia  conquest  of  India.  They  have  been  taken  from  Erskine's 
translation. 

The  foregoing  article  was  already  in  type  when  a  new  transla- 
tion of  B&bar's  Memoirs  issued  from  the  press.  This  translation 
has  been  made  direct  from  the  Turki,  or  Jaghatai,  language  into 
French  by  M.  Pavet  de  Gourteille,  of  the  College  de  France. 
The  text  employed  was  the  edition  published  at  Easan  in  1857 
by  M.  Ilminski.  M.  de  Gourteille,  rendering  due  justice  to  the 
English  translation  of  the  Memoirs,  declares  his  sole  motive  for 
undertaking  a  new  one  was  that  the  English  version  had  been 
drawn  more  from  the  Persian  translation  than  from  the  original 
Turki.  Though  the  English  translators  possessed  the  original 
version,  they  had  but  a  limited  knowledge  of  its  language,  and 
they  "  relied  principally  on  the  Persian.''''  Such  being  the  case, 
M.  de  Gourteille  has  rendered  good  service  by  supplying  a  new 
version  direct  from  the  language  in  which  the  illustrious  author 
wrote,  and  thus  dissipating  all  misgivings  as  to  the  accuracy  of 
the  Persian  translation  from  which  our  English  version  was 
taken.  The  following  extracts  have  been  carefully  compared, 
and  in  both  versions  they  tell  exactly  the  same  story.  Some 
differences  have  been  noted  in  the  following  pages,  as  well  as 
some  passages  which  are  wanting  in  one  or  the  other  version, 
but  these  are  differences  which  are  attributable  to  the  copyists 
rather  than  to  the  Persian  translator.    M.  de  Gourteille  agrees 


230  THE  EMPEEOB  BitBAB. 

with  the  English  translators  that  B&bar  wrote  the  Memoirs  late 
in  life,  and  he  also  accords  with  them  in  believing  that  he  left 
them  incomplete,  as  we  now  possess  them.  Indeed,  it  is  hardly 
possible  to  think  otherwise.  Such  an  important  work,  bj  such 
an  exalted  personage,  is  not  likely  to  have  &llen  out  of  notice, 
and  to  have  been  mutilated  in  the  short  interval  between  the 
date  of  its  completion  and  of  its  translation  into  Persian.  Bat 
the  Turkf  and  Persian  versions  are  both  alike  defective,  and 
so  the  inference  is  unavoidable  that  the  work  was  never 
completed.  It  is  certain  that,  notwithstanding  great  search  and 
inquiry,  the  missing  years  have  never  been  found.  Sir  H.  M. 
Elliot  was  encouraged  in  his  researches  by  receiving  an  Extract 
purporting  to  be  the  history  of  931,  one  of  the  missing  years;  it 
turns  out,  however,  to  be  the  narrative  of  the  uneventful  year 
926,  already  published  by  Erskine. 

There  is  a  very  fine  copy  of  the  Turk!  text  in  the  Library  of 
the  East  India  Office.^] 

First  Invasion. 

On  the  14th  Safar,  925  (February  15th,  1519)],  when  we  left 
Bajaur,  we  did  it  with  the  intention  of  attacking  Bahrah'  before 
we  returned  to  K&bul.  We  were  always  fiill  of  the  idea  of  in- 
vading Hindust&n.  This  was  prevented  by  various  circumstances. 
For  three  or  four  months  that  the  army  had  been  detained  in 
Bajaur,  it  had  got  no  plunder  of  value.  As  Bahrah  is  on  the 
borders  of  Hindust&n,  and  was  near  at  hand,  I  conceived  that,  if 
I  were  now  to  push  on  without  baggage,  the  soldiers  might  light 
upon  some  booty.  Moving  on  under  these  impressions,  and 
plundering  the  Afgh&ns  in  our  progress,  when  I  reached  Mak&m, 
several  of  my  principal  adherents  advised  me,  that  if  we  were  to 
enter  Hindustan,  we  should  do  it  on  a  proper  footing,  and  with 

1  See  David's  Turkish  Grammar.— /owni.  Asiatigue,  1842,  p.  72.  Elaproth, 
Hem.  11.,  134. 

'  Tho  country  on  the  Jilam  or  Hydospes,  near  the  town  of  that  name,  hut  chiefly 
on  the  right  hank  of  the  river. 


TirZAK-I  BABABr.  231 

an  adequate  force.  •  ♦  •  ♦  Though  the  advice  was  perfectly- 
judicious,  we  made  the  inroad  in  spite  of  all  these  objections. 

Early  next  morning  we  marched  towards  the  passage  over  the 
Sind.  I  despatched  Mir  Muhammad  J&la-b&n  in  advance,  with 
his  brothers  and  some  troops  to  escort  them,  for  the  purpose  of 
examining  the  banks  of  the  river,  both  above  and  below.  After 
sending  on  the  army  towards  the  river,  I  myself  set  off  for 
Saw&ti,  which  they  likewise  call  Kark-kh&na,^  to  hunt  the 
rhinoceros.  We  started  many  rhinoceroses,  but  as  the  country 
abounded  in  brushwood,  we  could  not  get  at  them.  ♦  •  ♦ 

Next  morning,  being  Thursday  the  17th  [16],  we  crossed  the 
ford  with  our  horses,  camels,  and  baggage ;  the  camp  bazar  and  the 
infantry  were  floated  across  on  rafts.  The  same  day  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Nil&b*  waited  on  me,  bringing  an  armed  horse'  and  300 
Shdh-rukhis*  as  a  peshkash.  As  soon  as  we  had  got  all  our  people 
across,  that  same  day  at  noon-day  prayers,  we  proceeded  on  our 
march,  which  we  continued  for  one  watch  of  the  night,  and  halted 
at  the  river  of  Kachah-kot.  Marching  thence  before  day,  we 
crossed  the  river  of  Kachah-kot,  and  the  same  evening  sur- 
mounted the  pass  of  Sangd&kl,^  and  halted.  Saijrid  K&sim, 
Ishak  Agha,®  who  brought  up  the  rear-guard,  took  a  few  Odjars 
who  followed  the  camp,  cut  off  some  of  their  heads  and  brought 
them  in. 

Marching  at  the  dawn  from  Sangd&k(,  and  crossing  the  river 
Suhdn^  about  noon-day  prayers,  we  encamped.  Our  stragglers 
continued  to  come  in  till  midnight.  It  was  an  uncommonly 
long  and  severe  march,  and  as  it  was  made  when  our  horses  were 
lean  and  weak,  it  was  peculiarly  hard  on  them,  so  that  many 

*  [P.  de  C.  reads  "  Gurk,*'  but  Karg  is  the  Persian  for  rhinoceros.] 
'  Nll&b  lies  fifteen  miles  below  Attok  on  the  Sind. 

»  [»*  Nine  horses."— P.  de  C] 

*  Something  less  than  16/.  sterling. 

^  The  riyer  of  Kfichah-kot  is  the  Qarr(i  or  ri?er  of  Gharshln.  By  his  ascending 
a  pass  BO  speedily  after  leaving  the  river,  and  by  his  reaching  the  Sw&n  so  soon, 
it  appears  that  B&bar  tamed  sharp  to  the  south  after  crossing  the  Harrd. 

^  [P.  de  C.  translates  this  **  chamberlain."] 

^  Or  Sw&n,  which  lies  between  the  Sind  and  Jilam. 


232  THE  EMPEBOR  BABAB. 

horses  were  worn  out  and  fell  down  by  the  way.  Seven  koi  firom 
Bahrah^  to  the  north  there  is  a  hill.  This  hill,  in  the  Zafat' 
ndma^  and  some  other  books,  is  called  the  hill  of  Jud.  At  first, 
I  was  ignorant  of  the  origin  of  its  name,  but  afterwards  discovered 
that  in  this  hill  there  were  two  races  of  men  descended  fix)m  the 
same  &ther.     One  tribe  is  called  Jud,  the  other  Janjuhah.  *  *  * 

As  I  alvrays  had  the  conquest  of  Hindust&n  at  heart,  and  as 
the  conquest  of  Bahrah,  Khush&b,  Ghin&b  and  Ghaniut,'  among 
which  I  now  was,  had  long  been  in  the  possession  of  the  Turks, 
I  regarded  them  as  my  own  domains,  and  was  resolved  to  acquire 
the  possession  of  them  either  by  war  or  peace.  It  was,  therrfore, 
right  and  necessary  that  the  people  of  the  hill  should  be  well 
treated.  I  accordingly  issued  orders  that  no  one  should  molest 
or  trouble  their  flocks  and  herds,  or  take  from  them  to  the  value 
of  a  bit  of  thread  or  a  broken  needle. 

Marching  thence  rather  late,  about  noon-day  prayers,  we 
reached  Kaldah-kah&r,'  where  we  halted.  This  Kaldah-kah&r  is 
a  considerable  place.  *  *  •  At  dawn  we  set  out  from  Kaldah- 
kahdi'.  On  the  very  top  of  the  Pass  of  Hambdtu  we  met  in 
different  places  men  who  were  coming  bringing  in  peihkashez 
of  small  value,  and  tendering  their  submission.  ♦  ♦  ♦  About 
luncheon  time  we  reached  the  bottom  of  the  pass,  where  we 
halted.  ♦  ♦  ♦  Having  cleared  the  pass,  and  emerged  from  the 
wooded  ground,  I  formed  the  army  in  regular  array,  with  right 
and  left  wing  and  centre,  and  marched  towards  Bahrah.  When 
we  had  nearly  reached  that  place,  Deo  Hindu,  and  the  son  of 
Saktu,  who  were  servants  of  ''All  Kh&n,^  the  son  of  Daulat  Kh&n 

^  Perhaps  the  Bhlra,  south  of  the  Sw&d. 

*  Bahrah  at  present  lies  near  Pind  D&dan  Eh&n,  to  the  south-east  of  the  JUam 
or  Hydaspes ;  but  the  district,  in  B&bar*8  time,  extended  on  both  sides  of  the  riTer, 
and  the  capital  was  to  the  north.  Khush&b  lies  lower  down  the  riyer.  Chinftb 
probably  stretched  over  to  the  river  of  that  name,  the  ancient  Acesines.  Ko  Chanidt 
can  be  found;  perhaps  it  is  Battiut,  south-east  of  Attok,  by  a  slight  mistake  in 
writing.  Bahrah  at  this  time  belonged  to  ' Ali  Khfiin,  the  son  of  Daulat  Kh&n,  HWm 
of  Lahore  under  the  kings  of  Delhi. 

3  [Ealrah-kah&r  in  Sir  H.  Elliot's  MS. ;  it  is  the  present  Kallar-kah6r.] 

*  [Sir  H.  Elliot's  MS.  differs  slightly  here;  so  also  does  Payet  de  CourteiUe*k 
translationy  which  runs  as  follows :  **  As  I  approached  Bahrah,  my  partisans,  such  ai 


TUZAK-I  BABAET.  233 

Y&Bnf  Khail,  accompanied  bj  the  head  men  of  Bahrah,  met  us, 
biizigmg  each  a  horse  and  camel  as  peshkaah^  and  tendered  their 
Bubmission  and  service.  Noon-day  prayers  were  over  when  we 
halted  to  the  east  of  Bahrah,  on  the  banks  of  the  river  Behat,  on 
a  green  field  of  grass,  without  having  done  the  people  of  Bahrah 
the  least  injury  or  damage. 

From  the  time  that  Timtir  Beg  had  invaded  Hindust&n  and 
again  left  it,  these  countries  of  Bahrah,  Khush&b,  Ghin&b,  and 
Ghanitit  had  remained  in  the  possession  of  the  family  of  Timur 
Beg,  and  of  their  dependents  and  adherents.  Sult&n  Mas'ud 
Mirza,  the  grandson  of  Sh&h  Bukh  Mirza,  and  son  of  Siurgh- 
namsh^  Mirza,  was,  in  those  days,  the  ruler  and  chief  of  K4bul 
and  Z&bul,  on  which  account  he  got  the  title  of  Sult&n  Mas'ud 
Kdbuli.  *  ♦  • 

Next  morning  I  sent  out  foraging  parties  in  proper  directions, 
and  afterwards  rode  round  Bahrah.  *  *  *  On  Wednesday,  tbe 
22nd,  I  sent  for  the  headmen  and  chaudharis  of  Bahrah,  and 
agreed  with  them  for  the  sum  of  400,000  Shdh-rukhia^  as  the 
ransom  of  their  property;  and  collectors  were  appointed  to 
receive  the  amount.  ^  *  *  ^  Having  learned  that  the  troops  had 
exercised  some  severities  towards  the  inhabitants  of  Bahrah,  and 
were  using  them  ill,  I  sent  out  a  party,  who  having  seized  a  few 
of  the  soldiers  that  had  been  guilty  of  excesses,  I  put  some  of 
them  to  death,  and  slit  the  noses  of  some  others,  and  made  them 
be  led  about  the  camp  in  that  condition.  As  I  reckoned  the 
ooontriee  that  had  belonged  to  the  Turks  as  my  own  territories, 
I  therefore  admitted  of  no  plundering  or  pillage. 

DalTah  ESndo,  son  of  Ytlsuf  Ehaili,  and  one  of  the  dependents  of  'All  Eh&n,  the 
ton  of  Sftngd,  and  some  of  the  chiefs  of  Bahrah,  came  hefore  me,  and  paid  homage 
bj  presenting  a  horse."] 
'  [SonioorgannushsS^i^rganmish. — P.  de  C] 

*  Nearly  20,000A  sterling.  [Payet  de  Conrteille's  yersion  of  the  Jaghatai  is  yery 
different — "I  summoned  to  my  camp  the  chief  men  of  Bahrah  and  the  principal 
nwrchanta,  and  after  haying  settled  with  them  1000  Sh&h-rukhis  as  the  ransom 
for  their  persons,  I  sent  some  collectors  specially  appointed  to  receiye  this  sum."] 

*  [The  Jaghatai  yersion  is  as  follows :  **  Haying  heen  informed  that  the  soldiers 
were  illtreating  and  plundering  the  people  of  Bahrah,  I  ordered  some  of  my  followers 
to  chastise  thoee  who  had  heen  wanting  in  discipline."] 


234  ^HE  EMPEROR  BABAR. 

^  People  were  always  saying,  that  if  ambassadors  were  to  b^ 
sent  in  a  friendly  and  peaceable  way  into  the  coontries  that  had 
been  oceupied  by  the  Turks,  it  could  do  no  harm.  I  therefore 
despatched  MuUa  Murshid  to  Sult&n  Ibr&him,  whose  fiithcar 
Sult&n  Iskandar  had  died  five  or  six  months  before,  and  who  had 
succeeded  his  &ther  in  the  empire  of  Hindust&n ;  and  giving 
him  the  name  and  style  of  ambassador,  sent  him  to  demand 
that  the  countries  which  from  old  times  had  belonged  to  the 
Turks  should  be  given  up  to  me.  Besides  these  letters  for 
Sult&n  Ibr&him,  I  gave  Mulla  Murshid  letters  to  Daulat  Kh&n, 
and  having  also  delivered  to  him  verbal  instructions,  dismissed 
him  on  his  mission.  The  people  of  Hindust&n,  and  particularly 
the  Afgh&ns,  are  a  strangely  foolish  and  senseless  race,  possessed 
of  little  reflection,  and  less  foresight.  They  can  neither  persist 
in  and  manfully  support  a  war,  nor  can  they  continue  in  a  state 
of  amity  and  friendship.  This  person,  who  was  sent  by  me^ 
Daulat  Eii&n  detained  some  time  in  Lahore,  neither  seeing  him 
himself,  nor  suffering  him  to  proceed  to  Sultan  Ibr&him;  so 
that  my  envoy,  five  months  after,  returned  to  K&bul  without 
having  received  any  answer. 

On  Friday,  letters  of  submission  came  from  the  people  of 
Khushdb.  ♦  ♦  ♦  We  remained  one  day  in  the  fort  of  Bahrah, 
which  they  call  Jahdn-numd^  and  on  the  morning  of  Tuesday 
we  marched,  and  encamped  on  the  rising  grounds  which  skirt 
along  Bahrah  towards  the  north.*  ♦  ♦  ♦  Next  morning,  after  the 
Diw&n  was  dismissed,  when  I  had  finished  my  ride,  I  went  on 
board  of  a  boat,  and  had  a  drinking  party.  ♦  ♦  ♦ 

In  the  hill  country  between  Nildb  and  Bahrah,  but  apart  fi:x)m 
the  tribes  of  Jud  and  Janjuhah,  and  adjoining  to  the  hill  country 
of  Kashmir,  are  the  Jats^^  Oujars,  and  many  other  men  of  similar 
tribes,  who  build  villages,  and  settle  on  every  hillock  and  in  every 
valley.     Their  hakim  was  of  the  Grakkar  race,  and  their  govern- 

I  [There  is  not  a  word  of  this  paragraph  in  the  Jaghatai.] 

«  [For  '*  the  north,"  the  Jaghatai  reads  "  Madl."] 

s  [The  Jaghatai  reads  '<  Jats."— See  Elliot's  Glossary,  i.,  134.] 


TlfZAK-I  BABAEr.  235 

ment  resembled  that  of  the  J£d  and  Janjuhah.  The  goyernment 
of  these  tribes,  which  stretch  alon^  the  skirt  of  the  hills,  was  at 
that  time  held  by  T&t&r  Ghkkkar  and  H&ti  Gakkar,  sons  of  the 
same  fiunilj ;  they  were  cousins.  Their  places  of  strength  were 
situated  on  ravines  and  steep  precipices.  The  name  of  T&t&r's 
stronghold  was  Parh&lah.^  It  was  considerably  lower  than  the 
snowy  mountains.  H&ti^s  country  is  close  adjoining  to  the  hills. 
H4ti  had  also  brought  over  to  his  interest  B&b&  Kh&n,  who 
held  K&linjar.  T&t&r  Oakkar  had  waited  on  Daulat  Kh&n,  and 
was  in  a  certain  way  subject  to  him.  H&ti  had  never  visited 
him,  but  remained  in  an  independent  turbulent  state.  T&t&r  at  the 
desire  of  the  amirs  of  Hindust&n,  and  in  conjunction  with  them, 
had  taken  a  position  with  his  army  several  miles  off,  and  in  some 
sort  kept  H4ti  in  a  state  of  blockade.  At  the  very  time  when 
we  were  in  Bahrah,  H&ti  had  advanced  upon  T4t&r  by  a  stra- 
tagem, had  surprised  and  slain  him,  and  taken  his  country,  his 
women,  and  all  his  property.  ♦  •  ♦ 

Having  arranged  the  affairs  of  the  country  in  such  a  way  as  to 
give  a  prospect  of  its  being  kept  quiet,  on  Sunday,  the  11th  of  the 
first  Rabi',  I  marched  from  Bahrah  on  my  return  to  K&bul.  *  ♦  * 
Some  persons  who  were  acquainted  with  the  country,  and  with 
the  political  situation  of  the  neighbouring  territories,  and  par- 
ticularly the  Janjuhah,  who  were  the  old  enemies  of  the  Grakkars, 
represented  to  me  that  H&ti  the  Gakkar  had  been  guilty  of  many 
acts  of  violence,  had  infested  the  highways  by  his  robberies,^  and 
harassed  the  inhabitants ;  that  therefore  it  was  necessary  either 
to  effect  his  expulsion  from  this  quarter,  or,  at  least,  to  inflict  on 
him  exemplary  punishment. 

For  effecting  this  object,  next  morning  I  left  Khw&jah  Mir 
Mir&n  and  Miram  N&sir  in  charge  of  the  camp,  and  about  break- 
fast time,  set  out  with  a  body  of  light  troops,  to  fall  upon  H&ti 
Gakkar,  who,  a  few  days  before,  had  killed  T&t&r,  seized  the 
country  of  Parh&lah,  and  was  now  at  Parh&lah,  as  has  been 
mentioned.     About  afternoon  prayers  we  halted  and  baited  our 

^  [Pir&la.~JayA.]  >  [This  sentence  is  not  in  the  Jaghatai.] 


236  Tfl£  EMPEBOE  BABAB. 

horses ;  and  set  ofiP  again  about  bed-time  prayers.  Our  guide 
was  a  servant  of  the  Malik-hast^  named  Siirpa.^  He  was  a  G^'or. 
All  night  long  we  proceeded  straight  on  in  our  course,  but  halted 
towards  morning,  and  sent  on  Beg  Muhammad  Mughal  towaria 
their  camp.  When  it  was  beginning  to  be  light,  we  again 
mounted;  and  about  luncheon  time'  put  on  our  armour  and 
increased  our  speed.  About  a  kos  from  the  place  where  we  had 
made  this  halt,  Parh&lah  began  to  appear  fiuntly  in  sight.  The 
skirmishers  were  now  pushed  forward  ;  the  right  wing  proceeded 
to  the  east  of  Parh&lah.  Kdch  Beg,  who  belonged  to  that  wing, 
was  directed  to  follow  in  their  rear,  by  way  of  reserve.  The  left 
wing  and  centre  poured  in  straight  towards  Parh&lah.  Dost  Beg 
was  appointed  to  command  the  party  charged  to  support  the  left 
wing  and  centre,  who  made  the  direct  attack  on  Parh&lah. 

Parh&lah,  which  stands  high  in  the  midst  of  deep  valleys  and 
ravines,  has  two  roads  leading  to  it ;  one  of  them  on  the  south* 
east,  which  was  the  road  that  we  advanced  by.  This  road  roos 
along  the  edge  of  the  ravines,  and  has  ravines  and  precipices  on 
both  sides.  Within  half  a  kos  of  Parh&lah,  the  road  becomes 
extremely  difficult,  and  continues  so  up  to  the  very  gates  of  the 
city ;  the  ravine  road,  in  four  or  five  places,  being  so  narrow  and 
steep,  that  only  one  person  can  go  along  it  at  a  time ;  and  for 
about  a  bow-shot  it  is  necessary  to  proceed  with  the  utmost  ei> 
cumspection.  The  other  road  is  on  the  north-west.^  It  advances 
towards  Parh&lah  through  the  midst  of  an  open  valley.  Except 
these  two  roads,  there  is  no  other  on  any  side.  Although  the 
place  has  no  breastwork  nor  battlement,  yet  it  is  so  situated  that 
it  is  not  assailable.  It  is  surrounded  by  a  precipice  seven  or 
eight  gaz  *  in  perpendicular  height.  The  troops  of  the  left  wing 
having  passed  along  the  narrows,  went  pouring  on  towards  the 
gate.  H&ti,  with  thirty  or  forty  horsemen,  all,  both  man  and 
horse,  in  complete  armour,  accompanied  by  a  number  of  foot 

1  ["  Sarpfe  "  in  Joffh,]  •  Eleven  o'clock. 

'  ["  Here  also  only  one  person  can  pass  at  a  time." — Joffhatai.'] 
*  Fourteen  or  sixteen  feet. 


TUZAK-I  BABARr.  237 

soldiers,  attacked  and  drove  back  the  skirmishers.  Dost  Beg, 
who  commanded  the  reserve,  coming  up,  and  falling  on  the 
enemy  with  great  impetuosity,  brought  down  a  number  of  them, 
and  routed  the  rest.  H&ti  Gakkar,  who  distinguished  himself 
by  his  courage  and  firmness  in  the  action,  in  spite  of  all  his 
exertions,  could  not  maintain  his  ground,  and  fled.  He  was 
unable  to  defend  the  narrows ;  and  on  reaching  the  fort,  found 
that;  it  was  equally  out  of  his  power  to  defend  himself  there. 
The  detachment  which  followed  close  on  his  heels  having  entered 
the  fort  along  with  him,  H&ti  was  compelled  to  make  his  escape, 
nearly  alone,  by  the  north-west  entrance.  Dost  Beg,  on  this 
occasion,  again  greatly  distinguished  himself.  I  ordered  an 
honorary  gift  to  be  given  to  him.  At  the  same  time  I  entered 
Parh&lah,  and  took  up  my  abode  at  T&t&r's  palace.  During 
these  operations,  some  men,  who  had  been  ordered  to  remain 
with  me,  had  joined  the  skirmishing  party.  Among  them  were 
Amin  Muhammad  Kar&shi  and  Tarkh&n  Arghun.  In  order 
to  punish  them  for  this  offence,  I  gave  them  the  Gujar  Sdrpd* 
for  their  guide,  and  turned  them  out  disgracefully^  into  the 
deserts  and  wilds  to  find  their  way  back  to  the  camp.  ♦  ♦  ♦ 

On  Thursday  the  15th  we  halted  at  Andar&bah,  which  lies 
on  the  banks  of  the  river  Suh4n.  This  fort  of  Andar&bah 
depended  from  old  times  on  the  father  of  Malik-hast.  When 
H&ti  Gakkar  slew  Malik-hasfs  father,  it  had  been  destroyed, 
and  had  remained  in  ruins  ever  since.  *  *  *  H&ti,  after  despatch- 
ing T&t&r,  had  sent  to  me  one  Parbat,  his  relation,  with  a  capa- 
risoned horse  and  peshkaah.  He  did  not  meet  me,  but  fell  in 
with  that  part  of  the  army  that  had  been  left  behind  with  the 
camp ;  and  having  arrived  along  with  the  division  that  accom- 
panied the  baggage,  now  presented  his  offerings  and  tribute,  and 
tendered  his  submission.  Langar  Kh4n,  who  was  to  be  left 
behind  in  Bahrah,  but  who  had  accompanied  the  camp  in  order 
to  finish  some  business,  also  rejoined  me ;   and  having  brought 

^  [Here  it  is  <'  Saropd  "  in  the  Jagliatai.] 
*  [S«s0r-o-j7<i,  destitate,  without  proTifiioiu.] 


238  THE  EMPEBOR  BiCBAR. 

eyerjthing  to  a  conclusion,  took  leave  on  his  return  to  Bahrah, 
accompanied  by  some  zamtnddrs  of  that  district.  After  this  m 
marched  on,  crossed  the  river  Suh&n,  and  encamped  on  a  rising 
ground.  I  gave  a  dress  of  honour  to  Parbat,  Hiti  Khin"! 
relation;  and  having  written  letters  to  confirm  H&ti  in  Ui 
good  intentions,  and  to  remove  anj  misapprehensions  he  miglit 
entertain,  despatched  Parbat  in  company  with  a  servant  of 
Muhammad  'Ali  Jang-jang.  ♦  ♦  ♦ 

Marching  at  the  time  when  the  kettle-drum  beats,^  we  halted 
about  luncheon  time  at  the  foot  of  the  pass  of  Sangd&ki.  About 
noon-day  prayers  we  renewed  our  march,  and  ascended  the  pass, 
crossed  the  river,  and  halted  on  an  eminence ;  we  again  set  o«t 
at  midnight.  In  going  to  examine  the  ford  by  which  we  had 
passed  on  our  way  to  Bahrah,  we  found  a  raft'  loaded  with  grain, 
that  had  stuck  fast  in  the  mud  and  clay ;  the  owners  with  all 
their  exertions  had  not  been  able  to  extricate  it.  We  seized 
this  com,  and  divided  it  among  the  men  who  were  with  us ;  the 
grain  came  very  seasonably.  Towards  evening  we  halted  lower 
down'  than  the  junction  of  the  Sind  and  £&bul  rivers,  and 
higher  up  than  the  old  Nilab,  between  the  two.*  We  brought  six 
boats  from  Nil&b,  and  divided  them  among  the  right  and  left 
wings  and  centre,  who  immediately  began  to  exert  themselves  in 
crossing  the  river.  On  the  Monday,  being  the  day  on  which  we 
arrived,  and  the  night  following,  and  on  Tuesday  and  the  night 
following  till  Wednesday,  they  continued  passing ;  on  Thursday, 
also,  a  few  passed. 

Parbat,  Hdti's  relation,  who  had  been  sent  from  the  neighboi]> 
hood  of  Andar&bah  with  the  servant  of  Muhammad  ^Ali  Jang- 
jang,  returned  to  us,  while  we  were  on  the  banks  of  the  river, 
bringing  from  H&ti  a  horse  clad  in  armour,  by  way  of  tributaiy 
offering.  The  inhabitants  of  Nil&b  brought  an  armed  horse  as 
a  peshkash,  and  tendered  their  submission.      Muhammad  'All 

^  That  IB,  an  hour  before  day.  s  Jdlah, 

3  This  was  probably  at  the  Attok  pan. 

*  [The  remainder  of  this  paragraph  ia  not  in  the  Jaghatai.] 


T17ZAE-I  BABARr.  239 

haying  a  wish  to  remain  in  Bahrah,  and  Bahrah  itself 
en  given  to  Hindu  Beg,  I  bestowed  on  him  the  tract 
T  between  Bahrah  and  the  Sind,  with  the  ih  and  uliaen 
strict)  such  as  the  Karluk  Haz&ras,  and  H&ti  and 
^  and  Kib.  *  •  • 
irsday,  at  sunrise  (March  24th,  1519),  we  moved  from 

of  the  river,  and  resumed  our  march.  *  ♦  ♦  [and  on 
Vlarch]  I  reached  K&bul. 

The  last  and  successful  Invasion, 

lay,  the  1st  of  Safar,  in  the  year  932  (November  17th, 
en  the  sun  was  in  Sagittarius,  I  set  out  on  my  march 
Hindustan.  *  *  * 

lade  two  marches  from  Bikr&m  (Peshdwar) ;  and  after 
on  Thursday,  the  26th,  we  encamped  on  the  banks  of 
Jind.  On  Saturday,  the  1st  day  of  the  first  Rabf,  we 
Sind ;  and  having  also  crossed  the  river  of  Kach-kot, 
its  banks.  The  Begs,  paymasters,  and  ditcdns,  who 
placed  to  superintend  the  embarkation,  brought  me  the 
the  troops  who  were  on  the  service.  Great  and  small, 
)ad,  servants  and  no  servants,  they  amounted  to  12,000 

ire  a  proper  supply  of  corn,  we  advanced  along  the 
he  hills  towards  Si&lkot.  On  coming  opposite  to  the 
the  Gakkars,  in  the  bed  of  a  brook,  we  found  in  several 
lantity  of  standing  water.  These  waters  were  entirely 
p.  Although  there  was  not  much  of  it,  the  ice  was  in 
span  in  thickness.     In  Hindust&n  such  ice  is  uncom- 

iy(i8,  the  Al." — JaghJ] 

owing  passage  from  the  Jaghatai  is  not  g^yen  in  the  Persian  venion : 

Bikrkm,  I  advanced  through  a  heavy  rain  to  the  banks  of  the  E&bnl 
'.  halted.    Here  I  received  news  from  Hindust&n  that  Danlat  Eh&n  and 

at  the  head  of  an  army  of  twenty  or  thirty  thousand  men,  had  taken 

Kalattir  and  were  already  marching  on  Lahore.     I  sent  off  Mumin 
A  great  haste  to  inform  them  that  we  were  advancing  by  forced  mazchee, 

must  avoid  giving  battle  before  our  arriyaL'*] 


240  THE  EMPEBOR  BABAB. 

mon.  We  met  with  it  here ;  bat  during  all  the  years^  I  have 
been  in  Hindust&n,  I  haye  in  no  other  instance  met  with  any 
trace  of  ice  or  snow. 

Advancing  five  marches  from  the  Sind,  the  sixth  brought  qb 
close  by  the  hill  of  Jdd,  below  the  hill  of  Balin&t-jogi,  on  the 
banks  of  a  river,  at  the  station  of  Baki&l&n,  where  we  encampei 
*  *  *  Marching  thence  we  halted,  after  passing  the  river  Behit» 
below  Jilam,  b]^  the  ford.  *  *  *  From  this  encampment  I  sent 
forward  Saiyid  Taf&n  and  Saiyid  Lachin,  giving  each  of  them  a 
spare  horse,  with  directions  to  push  on  with  all  speed  to  Lahore, 
and  to  enjoin  our  troops  in  that  city  not  to  fight,  but  to  form  a 
junction  with  me  at  Si&lkot  or  Parsardr.  The  general  report 
was,  that  GhazI  Kh&n  had  collected  an  army  of  30,000  or  40,000 
men ;  that  Daulat  £[h&n,  old  as  he  was,  had  buckled  on  two 
swords ;  and  that  they  would  certainly  try  the  fate  of  a  battle. 
I  recollected  the  proverb  which  says,  "  Ten  friends  are  better 
than  nine."  That  no  advantage  might  be  lost,  I  judged  it  most 
advisable  before  fighting  to  form  a  junction  with  the  detachment 
of  my  army  that  was  in  Lahore.  I  therefore  sent  on  messen- 
gers with  instructions  to  the  amirs,  and  at  the  second  march 
reached  the  banks  of  the  river  Chindb,  where  I  encamped.  *  ♦  ♦ 

On  Friday,  the  14th  of  the  first  Kabi',  we  arrived  at  Si&lkot. 
Every  time  that  I  have  entered  Hindust&n,  the  Jats^  and  CHijart 
have  regularly  poured  down  in  prodigious  numbers  from  their 
hills  and  wilds,  in  order  to  carry  off  oxen  and  buffaloes.  These 
were  the  wretches  that  really  inflicted  the  chief  hardships,  and  were 
guilty  of  the  severest  oppression  in  the  country.  These  districts, 
in  former  times,  had  been  in  a  state  of  revolt,  and  yielded  very 
little  revenue  that  could  be  come  at.     On  the  present  occasion, 

^  This  passage  must  bave  been  written  not  long  before  B&bar*8  death,  [and  sboirB, 
eitber  tbat  these  Memoirs  were  reminiscences  ratber  tban  contemporaneoas  memoin 
of  bis  life ;  or  tbat  if  tbey  were  contemporaneous  memoirs  tbej  were  retoacbed  and 
revised  at  a  later  period.] 

'  Tbe  Jets  or  Jats  are  tbe  Mnbammadan  peasantry  of  tbe  Panj&b,  tbe  banks  of  the 

Indus,  Siwist&n,  etc.,  and  must  not  be  confounded  witb  tbe  Jdtt,  a  powerful  Hinda 
tribe  to  tbe  west  of  tbe  Jumna  about  Agra,  etc.,  and  wbicb  occupies  a  subordinate 
station  in  tbe  country  of  the  R&jptlts.    [See  Sir  H.  Elliot's  Glossary,  8.t.  Jdt,} 


TirZAK-I  BABABF.  241 

when  I  had  reduced  the  whole  of  the  neighbouring  districts  to 
ubjection,  they  began  to  repeat  their  practices.  As  my  poor 
»eople  were  on  their  way  from  Si&lkot  to  the  camp,  hungry  and 
laked,  indigent  and  in  distress,  they  were  fallen  upon  by  the 
oad  with  loud  shouts,  and  plundered.^  I  sought  out  the  persons 
;iiilty  of  this  outrage,  discovered  them,  and  ordered  two  or  three 
•f  the  number  to  be  cut  in  pieces.' 

At  this  same  station  a  merchant  arrived,  who  brought  us  the 
lews  of  the  defeat  of  'ilJlim  Kh&n»  by  Sult&n  Ibr&him.  The 
larticulars  are  as  follows :  *jLlim  £h&n,  after  taking  leave  of  me, 
tad  marched  forward  in  spite  of  the  scorching  heat  of  the  weather, 
aid  had  reached  Lahore,  having,  without  any  consideration  for 
hose  who  accompanied  him,  gone  two  stages  every  march.  At 
he  very  moment  that  '.^m  Khkn  took  leave,  the  whole  Sult&ns 
knd  Kh&ns  of  the  Uzbeks  had  advanced  and  blockaded  Balkh ; 
o  that  immediately  on  his  departure  for  Hindust&n,  I  was 
obliged  to  set  out  for  that  city.  ^Alim  Khdn,  on  reaching  Lahore, 
Dsisted  with  such  of  my  Begs  as  were  in  Hindustdn  that  the 
Bmperor  had  ordered  them  to  march  to  his  assistance,  and  that 
t  had  been  concerted  that  Qhkzl  Khdn  should  likewise  join  him, 
ind  that  they  were  all  in  conjunction  to  march  upon  Delhi  and 
i^gra.  The  Begs  answered,  that  situated  as  things  were,  they 
oald  not  accompany  Gh&zl  Kh&n  with  any  kind  of  confidence ; 
mi  that,  if  he  sent  to  Court  his  younger  brother  Haji  Kh&n,  with 
lis  son,  or  placed  them  in  Lahore  as  hostages,  their  instructions 
foald  then  leave  them  at  liberty  to  march  along  with  him ;  tliat 
otherwise  they  could  not ;  that  it  was  only  the  other  day  that 
iCHm  £h&n  had  fought  and  been  defeated  by  Gh&zi  Kh&n,  so 
hat  no  mutual  confidence  was  to  be  looked  for  between  them ; 
md  that  altogether  it  was   by  no  means   advisable  for  'Alim 

1  The  people  alluded  to  were  probably  tbe  Turki  garrison  of  Si&lkot. 

*  [Fnmi  the  Jaghatai,  *'  While  I  was  at  Si&lkot  I  sent  in  great  haste  Sh&bum 
ad  Ndr  Beg  to  the  Begs  of  Lahore,  instrocting  them  to  get  information  about  the 
MMitioa  of  tiie  enemj,  and  when  they  had  ascertained,  from  some  one  well  acquainted 
ritfa  the  country,  where  they  could  form  a  junction  with  me,  they  were  to  inform  me."] 

s  'Alim  Khfcn  is  'Al&u-d  din  £h&n. 

VOL.  IT.  16 


242  THE  EMPEBOR  BiCBAR. 

Kh&n  to  let  Gh&zi  Khin.  aocompanj  him  in  the  expedition. 
Whatever  expostulations  of  this  nature  thej  employed,  in  ordor 
to  dissuade  '^lim  Kh&n  from  prosecuting  his  plan,  were  ill 
ineffectual.  He  sent  his  son  Shir  Kh&n  to  confer  with  Danht 
Kh&n  and  Gh&zl  £[h&n,  and  the  parties  themselres  afterwaidi 
met.  Dil&war  Kh&n,  who  had  been  in  confinement  yerj  recentlji 
and  who  had  escaped  from  custody  and  come  to  Lahore  only  two 
or  three  months  before,  was  likewise  associated  with  them. 
Mahmud  Kh&n  Kh&n- Jah&n,  to  whom  the  custody  of  Lahoie 
had  been  intrusted,  was  also  pressed  into  their  measures.  In  a 
word,  it  was  in  the  end  definitively  arranged  among  them,  tint 
Daulat  Kh&n,  and  Gh&z(  Kh&n  should  take  under  their  orden 
all  the  Begs  who  had  been  left  in  Hindust&n,  and  should,  it 
the  same  time  themselves  assume  the  government  of  all  tlie 
adjacent  territories;^  while  Dil&war  Kh&n  and  H&ji  Kh&n  weie 
to  accompany  '^lim  Kh&n,  and  occupy  the  whole  of  the  oountiy 
about  Dehli  and  Agra,  and  in  that  neighbourhood.  Ismt^ 
Jilwani,^  and  a  number  of  other  amirs^  waited  on  ^Alim  Khin, 
and  acknowledged  him.  He  now  proceeded  towards  Dehli  with- 
out delay  by  forced  marches.  On  reaching  Indari,  Sulaimia 
Shaikh-z&da  came  and  likewise  joined  him.  The  numbers  of 
the  confederate  army  now  amounted  to  30,000  or  40,000  men. 
They  laid  siege  to  Dehli,  but  were  unable  either  to  take  the  plaee 
by  storm  or  to  reduce  it  by  famine. 

Sultan  Ibr&him,  as  soon  as  he  heard  that  they  had  collected 
an  army,  and  invaded  his  dominions,  led  his  troops  to  oppose 
them.  Having  notice  of  his  march  as  he  approached,  they  raised 
the  siesce  and  advanced  to  meet  him.  The  confederates  concaired 
in  opinion,  that  if  the  battle  was  fought  in  the  daytime,  the 
Afgh&ns,  from  regard  to  their  reputation  with  their  countrymen, 
would  not  flee  ;  but  that  if  the  attack  was  made  by  night,  the 
night  is  dark,  and  no  one  seeing  another,  each  chief  would  shift 
for  himself.     Eesolving,  therefore,  to  attempt  a  night  surprise, 

I  That  is,  in  the  Panj&b  or  near  Lahore.  '  ["  Alw4ni." — Jagh.] 


T17ZAK-I  BiCBAEr.  243 

J  mounted  to  proceed  against  the  enemy,  who  were  six  ko9 
Twiee  did  thej  mount  their  horses  at  noon,  and  continue 
anted  till  the  second  or  third  watch  of  the  night,  without 
Dg  either  back  or  forward,  not  being  able  to  come  to  a  veso- 
ion,  or  agree  among  themselyes.    The  third  time  they  set  out 

their  surprise,  when  only  one  watch  of  the  night  remained, 
eir  plan  was  merely  for  the  party  to  set  fire  to  the  tents  and 
rilions,  and  to  attempt  nothing  fiirther.  They  accordingly 
raneed  and  set  fire  to  the  tents  during  the  htst  watch  of  the 
;ht,  at  the  same  time  shouting  the  war-cry.  Jal&l  Elh&n 
3;faat,  and  sereral  other  amirs^  came  over  and  acknowledged 
lim  £h&n.  Sultfin  Ibrfihfm,  attended  by  a  body  of  men, 
nposed  of  his  own  tribe  and  fitmily,  did  not  moye  from  the 
'bI  parilion,  but  continued  steady  in  the  same  place  till 
ming.  By  this  time,  the  troops  who  accompanied  ^Alim 
tin  were  dispersed,  being  busy  plundering  and  pillaging. 
Itfin  Ibrihim'^s  troops  perceived  that  the  enemy  were  not  in 
At  force,  and  immediately  moved  forward  from  the  station 
ich  they  had  kept,  though  very  few  in  number,  and  having 
ly  a  single  elephant;  but  no  sooner  had  the  elephant  come 

than  ^iQim  Eh&n^s  men  took  to  flight,  without  attempting 
keep  their  ground.  In  the  course  of  his  flight  ^Alim  Kh&n 
issed  over  to  the  Dodb  side  of  the  river,  and  again  recrossed 
towards  P&nipat,  on  reaching  which  place  he  contrived  by  a 
atagem  to  get  three  or  four  lacs  ^  from  Mi&n  Sulaim&n,^  and 
nt  on  his  way.  Ism&''il  Jilw&ni,  Bdbin,  and  Jaldl  Kh&n,  the 
[est  son  of  'Alim  Kh&n,  separating  from  him,  betook  them- 
ves  to  the  Do&b.  A  small  part  of  the  army  which  ''Alim  Kh^n 
d  collected,  such  as  Saifu-d  din,  Daryd  Kh&n,  Mahmdd  Khan 
i&n-Jah&n,  Shaikh  Jam&l  Farmdli,  and  some  others,  deserted 
Tore  the  battle  and  joined  Ibr&him.  'i^Iim  Khdn  and  Dil&war 
tiHj  with  H&ji  Kh&n,  after  passing  Sirhind,^   heard  of  my 

*  £750  or  £1000 ;  but  perhaps  they  were  laes  of  rupees. 

•  Probably  a  rich  shrqf,  or  banker. 

s  [Here  spelt  in  the  old  way,  <<  Sihrind/'] 


244  THE  EMPEBOB  BitBAB. 

approach,  and  that  I  had  taken  Milwat;  whereupon  Dil&war 
Kh4n,  who  had  always  been  attached  to  my  interests,  and  had 
been  detained  three  or  four  months  in  prison  on  my  account, 
separated  from  the  others,  came  on  by  way  of  Sult&npur  and 
Eochi,  and  waited  upon  me  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Milwii, 
three  or  four  days  after  the  taking  of  that  town,  ^^m  EUn 
and  H4ji  £h&n  having  passed  the  river  Satlet,^  at  length  reached 
Kinkuta,  the  name  of  a  strong  castle  in  the  hills  between  Ddn 
and  the  plain,  and  threw  themselves  into  it.  One  -of  my  de- 
tachments, consisting  of  Afgh&ns  and  HaK&ras,  happening  to 
come  up,  blockaded  them,  and  had  nearly  succeeded  in  taking 
the  castle,  strong  as  it  was,  being  only  prevented  by  the  approach 
of  night.  These  noblemen  then  made  an  attempt  io  leave  it, 
but  some  of  their  horses  having  fallen  in  the  gateway,  they 
could  not  get  out.  Some  elephants  that  were  along  with  them 
were  pushed  forward,  and  trampled  upon  and  killed  a  number 
of  the  horses.  Although  unaUe  to  escape  on  horseback,  they 
left  the  place  during  a  dark  night  on  foot,  and  after  incredible 
sufferings,  joined  Gh&zi  Khan,  who,  in  the  course  of  his  flight, 
finding  that  he  could  not  get  reftige  in  Milwat,  had  directed  his 
course  towards  the  hills,  where  they  met.  Gh&zi  Eh&n  did  not 
give  'iilim  Kh&n  a  very  friendly  reception,  which  induced  him 
to  wait  on  me,  below  Dun  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Palhur,* 
wliere  he  Came  and  tendered  me  his  allegiance.  While  I  was 
at  Sialkot,  some  of  the  troops  whom  I  had  left  in  Lahore  arrived 
to  inform  me  that  they  would  all  be  up  by  the  morning. 

Next  morning  I  marched,  and  halted  at  Parsardr,  where 
Muhammad  'Ali  Jaug^Jang,  Khw&ja  Husain,  and  some  others,* 
accordingly  came  and  waited  on  me.  As  the  enemy's  camp  vnA 
ou  the  banks  of  the  Eavi,  towards  Lahore,  I  sent  out  Bujkah 
with  his  party  to  reconnoitre  and  bring  in  intelligence.  About 
the  end  of  the  third  watch  of  the  night  they  came  back  with 
iuformation  that  the  enemy,  immediately  on  getting  notice  of 

'  [Satlej.]  «  p*  BUtir  "  in  tiic  Joffhatau] 

*  These  noblemen  had  been  left  with  a  body  of  troops  to  defend  the  Fanj&b. 


TirZAK-I  BABAEr.  245 

their  approach,  had  fled  awaj  in  consternation,  every  man  shift- 
ing for  himself. 

On  the  following  morning,  leaving  Sh&h  Mfr  Husain,  and 
some  other  officers,  to  guard  the  camp  and  baggage,  I  separated 
from  them,  and  pushed  on  with  all  possible  speed.  We  reached 
Kalandr  about  the  middle  of  afternoon  prayers  and  halted. 
Muhammad  Sult&n  Mirza,  *Kdi\  Sult&n,  and  the  other  amirs, 
came  here  and  waifced  on  me. 

Marching  before  daybreak  from  Kalanur,^  we  discovered  on 
the  road  certain  traces  that  Gh&zi  Kh&n  and  the  fugitives  were 
not  &r  off.  Muhammadi  and  Ahmadi,  with  several  of  the  Begs 
about  my  person,  whom  I  had  recently  at  K&bul  promoted  to  the 
rank  of  Beg^  were  detached  to  pursue  the  fiigitives  without  halt- 
ing. Their  orders  were,  that,  if  they  could  overtake  the  flying 
enemy,  it  was  well ;  but,  if  not,  they  should  carefully  guard 
every  approach  and  issue  of  the  fort  of  Milwat,  that  the  garrison 
might  not  be  able  to  effect  their  escape.  Qh&zl  Kh&n  was  the 
object  that  I  principally  aimed  at  in  these  instructions.  Having 
sent  forward  this  detachment  under  the  Begs^  we  crossed  the 
river  Biy&h  opposite  to  Kanwahfn,  and  there  halted.  From 
thence,  af);er  three  marches,  we  encamped  in  the  mouth  of  the 
valley  in  which  lies  the  fort  of  Milwat.  The  Bega^  who  had 
arrived  before  us,  and  the  amirs  of  Hindust&n,  were  directed  to 
encamp  and  lay  siege  to  the  fort.  Ism&'^il  Kh&n,  who  was  Daulat 
Eh&n^s  grandson  (being  the  son  of  'All  Kh&n,  Daulat  Kh&u's 
eldest  son),  having  arrived  in  our  quarters,  was  sent  into  the 
fort  to  offer  terms  of  capitulation,  and  with  a  message  in  which 
we  mingled  promises  and  threats.  On  Friday  I  made  the  camp 
advance,  and  take  ground  half  a  kos  nearer.'  I  myself  went  out, 
reconnoitered  the  fort,  and  after  having  assigned  to  the  right  and 
left  wing,  and  to  the  centre,  their  respective  stations,  returned 
back  to  the  camp. 

Daulat  Khan  now  sent  a  person  to  inform  me  that  Ghizi 

'  Kalantir  lies  half-way  between  the  R&tI  and  Biy&h. 
'  [<*  At  half  a  koa  from  the  place.' '^-/o^A.] 


248  THE  BMPEROE  BAIBAE. 

Eh&n  had  escaped  and  fled  to  the  hills ;  bat  that  if  I  wovU 
excuse  his  own  offences,  he  would  come  as  a  slave  and  ddiTer  up 
the  place.  I  therefore  sent  £[hw&ja  Mir  Mir&n  to  eonfinn 
him  in  his  resolution,  and  to  bring  him  out.  His  son,  ^Ali 
Eh&n,  accompanied  that  officer.  In  order  to  expose  the  rude- 
ness and  stupidity  of  the  old  man,  I  directed  him  to  take  cm 
that  Daulat  Elh&n  should  come  out  with  the  same  two  swonk 
hung  round  his  neck,  which  he  had  hung  bj  his  side  to  meet 
me  in  combat.  When  matters  had  come  this  length  he  still 
contrived  frivolous  pretexts  for  delay,  bnt  was  at  length  bronj^ 
out.  I  ordered  the  two  swords  to  be  taken  from  his  nedu 
When  he  came  to  offer  me  obeisance,  he  affected  delays  in  bow- 
ing ;  I  directed  them  to  push  his  leg  and  make  him  bow.  I 
then  made  him  sit  down  before  me,  and  desired  a  man  \riio 
understood  the  Hindust&ni  language  to  explain  to  him  what  I 
said,  sentence  by  sentence,  in  order  to  re-assure  him ;  and  to  tdl 
him — ^^I  called  you  Father;  I  showed  you  more  reefoc^  ud 
reverence  than  you  could  have  desired  or  expected.  *  *  *  The 
countries  held  by  T&t&r  Kh&n,  to  the  amount  of  three  kron^ 
I  bestowed  on  you.  What  evil  have  I  ever  done  you,  that  you 
should  come  in  this  style  against  meP"  *  *  *  It  was  settled 
that  he  and  his  family  should  retain  their  authority  in  their  own 
tribes  and  possession  of  their  villages/  but  that  all  the  rest  of 
their  property  should  be  se^estrated.  ♦  ♦  * 

^Abdu-1  'Aziz  and  *  *  *  with  several  other  of  the  Begs  about 
my  person  were  directed  to  enter  the  fort,  and  to  take  possession 
of  and  secure  their  treasures  and  all  their  property.  *  *  *  I 
examined  Oh&zi  Eh&n's  library,  ^and  found  in  it  a  number  of 
valuable  books.  *  *  *  There  was  also  a  number  of  theological 
books,  but  I  did  not,  on  the  whole^  find  so  many  books  of  valoa 
as,  from  their  appearance,  I  had  expected. 

I  stayed  in  the  fort  all  night,  and  next  morning  returned  to  the 
camp.     We  had  been  mistaken  in  imagining  that  Gh&zl  Eh£n 

^  [Instead  of  tbU,  the  Jaghatai  sajs,  "The  free  disposal  of  the  people  of  their 
houses,  and  of  their  Aimilies."] 


TirZAE-I  BABABr.  217 

as  in  the  fort.  The  tnutorons  coward  had  escaped  to  the  hills, 
ith  a  small  iramber  of  followers,  leaving  his  fother,  his  elder 
id  younger  brothers^  his  mother^  his  elder  and  younger  sisters, 
I  Milwat.  ♦  ♦  ♦ 

After  advancing  one  kos  from  the  station  at  the  gorge  of 
[ilwat,  we  halted  in  a  valley.  *  ♦  ♦  I  gave  the  fort  of  Milwat 
»  Muhammad  ^Ali  Jang- Jang,  who  left  his  brother  Aighdn  in 
le  place  on  his  part  with  a  body  of  troops.  *  *  * 

Marching  thence,  and  passing  the  small  hills  of  ^-kand  by 
[ilwat,  we  reached  Ditn,  In  the  laDgoage  of  Hindust&n  they 
ill  &  Jilffa  (or  dale)  Mn.  *  *  * 

As  we  eonld  nowhere  get  any  certain  intelligence  of  Gh&zi 
Ihin,  I  sent  Tardika  with  Barim  Deo  Malinhat,^  with  orders 
I  panne  him  wherever  he  might  go;  to  engage  him,  and 
ring  him  back  a  prisoner.  In  the  country^  composed  of  small 
Us,  that  has  been  mentioned  as  lying  around  the  Ddn,  there 
«  some  wonderfully  strong  castles.  To  the  north-east  is  a 
istle  called  Kutila.  It  is  surrounded  by  a  rock  seventy  or 
^ty  gaz*  in  perpendicular  height.  At  its  chief  gate,  for  the 
iioe  of  about  seven  or  eight  gaz^^  there  is  a  place  that  admits 
'  a  drawbridge  being  thrown  across.  It  may  be  ten  or  twelve 
Bi  wide.  The  bridge  is  composed  of  two  long  planks,  by  which 
eir  horses  and  flocks  pass  out  and  in.  This  was  one  of  the 
rts  of  the  hill  country,  which  Gh&zl  Kh&n  had  put  into  a 
lie  of  defence  and  garrisoned.  The  detachment  that  had  been 
bshed  on  attacked  the  place  vigorously,  and  had  nearly  taken 

when  night  came  on.  The  garrison  then  abandoned  the  castle 
id  fled  away.  Near  the  Dun  is  another  strong  castle,  called 
le  fort  of  Kinkdta,  the  country  around  which  is  all  hilly, 
at  it  is  not  so  strong  as  the  former.  ^Alim  Eh&n  in  his  flight 
lad  thrown  himself  into  this  fort,  as  has  been  already  mentioned. 

After  sending  a  detachment  in  pursuit  of  Gh&zi  Eh&n,  I 
fiiced  my  foot  in  the  stirrup  of  resolution,  and  my  hand  on  the 

^  [**Mihriiii  and  Dif  Milhas."— /ayA.] 

*  That  is  140  or  160  feet  >  Fourteen  or  sixteen  feet 


248  THE  EMFEBOR  BiCBAE. 

reins  of  confidence  in  God,  and  marched  against  Solt&n  Ibrihim, 
the  son  of  Sultdn  Iskandar,  the  son  of  Salt&n  Bahlol  Lodi 
Afgh&n,  in  iivhose  possession  the  throne  of  Dehli  and  the  domior 
ions  of  Hindast&n  at  that  time  were  ^  whose  army  in  the  fiiald 
was  said  to  amount  to  100,000  men,  and  who,  including  those 
of  his  amirSy  had  nearly  1000  ^  elephants.  ♦  ♦  ♦ 

The  detachment  which  had  proceeded  into  Milwat»'  advanced 
against  Harur,  Kahlur  and  the  forts  in  that  part  of  the  comitiy, 
among  which,  from  the  natural  strength  of  the  ground,  no 
enemy  had  penetrated  for  a  long  time  before,  took  the  whole  of 
them  and  returned  and  joined  me,  after  having  plundered  the 
inhabitants  of  the  district.  It  was  at  this  time  that  'iQm 
Khan,  being  reduced  to  great  distress,  came  naked  and  on  foot  to 
meet  me.  I  directed  several  Begs  and  some  noblemen  of  my 
Court  to  go  out  to  receive  him,  and  also  sent  him  some  horses. 
He  waited  upon  me  in  this  neighbourhood,  and  made  his  sub- 
mission. ♦  ♦  ♦ 

After  marching  ftom  Ddn  we  came  to  Bupur.  While  we  stayed 
at  Bupur  it  rained  incessantly,  and  was  so  extremely  cold  that 
many  of  the  starving  and  hungry  Hindustanis  died.  After 
marching  from  Bupur,  we  had  halted  at  Karil,'  opposite  to 
Sihrind  (Sirhind),  when  a  Hindust&nl  presented  himself,  as- 
suming the  style  of  an  ambassador  from  Sult&n  Ibr&him. 
Though  he  had  no  letters  or  credentials,  yet  as  he  requested 
that  one  of  my  people  might  accompany  him  back  as  my 
ambassador.  I  accordingly  did  send  back  a  Saw&di  Tinkat&r^ 
along  with  him.  These  poor  men  had  no  sooner  arrived  in 
Ibrdhim's  camp  than  he  ordered  them  both  to  be  thrown  into 
prison.  The  very  day  that  we  defeated  Ibr&him,  the  Saw&di 
was  set  at  liberty  and  waited  on  me. 

^  [Tbe  Jaghatai  has  the  more  reasonable  number, "  100."    In  this  Firishta  agrees.] 

»  ["  Which  had  left  me  at  Milwat."— /o^A.] 

»  ["  Karm&L"- JiyA."] 

*  The  office  of  Tinkat&r  is  not  well  ascertained.  He  seems  to  have  been  a  oon- 
fidential  serrant,  perhaps  connected  with  the  tan  or  prirate  treasury.  [PaTet  de 
CourteiUe  translates  it  as  "  one  or  two  satoddis  of  my  body-guard."] 


TirZAE-I  BABABr.  249 

Aft«r  two  marches  more  we  halted  on  the  banks  of  the  stream 
df  Baniir  and  Sandr.  This  is  a  running  water,  of  which  there 
are  few  in  Hindost&n,  except  large  rivers.  They  call  it  the 
stream  of  Kagar.  Ghitar  stands  on  its  banks.  *  *  *  At  this 
station  we  had  information  that  Sult&n  Ibr&him,  who  lay  on 
this  side  of  Dehli,  was  advancing;  and  that  the  ahikkddr^  of 
BiBir-Firozah,  H&mfd  Kh&n  Khasah-khail,  had  also  advanced 
ten  or  fifteen  ko8  towards  us,  with  the  army  of  Hisdr-Firozah 
and  of  the  neighbouring  districts.  I  sent  on  Kittah  Beg  to- 
wards Ibr&him''s  camp  to  procure  intelligence,  and  despatched 
Murnin  Atkah  towards  the  army  of  His&r-Firozah  to  get  notice 
rf  its  motions. 

On  Sunday,  the  13th  of  the  first  Jum&da,  I  marched  from 
•Amb&la,  and  had  halted  on  the  margin  of  a  tank,  when  Mtimin 
Atkah  and  Kittah  Beg  both  returned  on  the  same  day.  The 
command  of  the  whole  right  wing  I  gave  to  Hum&yun,  who 
was  accompanied  by  ♦  ♦  ♦.  Next  morning,  being  Monday,  the 
Uth,  Hum&yun  set  out  with  his  light  force  to  attack  Hdmid 
Shin  by  surprise.  Hum&yun  despatched  on  before  him  100 
<^150  select  men,  by  way  of  advanced  guard.  On  coming  near 
^6  enemy,  this  advanced  body  went  close  up  to  them,  hung 
opon  their  flanks,  and  had  one  or  two  rencounters  till  the  troops 
<>f  Ham£yun  appeared  in  sight  following  them.  No  sooner 
I  were  they  perceived  than  the  enemy  took  to  flight.  Our  troops 
hronght  down  100  or  200  men,  cut  off  the  heads  of  one  half, 
ttd  brought  the  other  half  alive  into  the  camp,  along  with 
^ea  or  eight  elephants.  *  ♦  ♦  On  Monday,  the  21st,  Hum&ydn 
i^ed  the  camp  that  was  still  at  the  same  station,  with  100 
prisoners  and  seven  or  eight  elephants,  and  waited  on  me.  I 
ordered  Ust&d  'Ali  Kdli  and  the  matchlockmen  to  shoot  all  the 
prisoners  as  an  example.  This  was  Hum&ytin's  first  expedition, 
^  the  first  service  he  had  seen.  It  was  a  very  good  omen. 
Some  light  troops  having  followed  the  fiigitives,  took  His&r- 

^  The  thikJtddr  is  a  military  collector  of  the  rerenue,  and  has  often  the  chief 
x^tj  in  a  district. 


250  THE  EMPEROR  BABAE. 

Firozah  the  moment  they  reached  it,  and  returned  after  plondo^ 
ing  it.  His&r- Firozah  which,  with  its  dependencies  and  sab* 
ordinate  districts,  yielded  a  kroTj  I  bestowed  on  Hom&yiin,  with 
a  kror  in  money  as  a  present. 

Marching  from  that  station,  we  reached  Shah&l>4d«  I  sent  ft 
persons  towards  Sult&n  Ibr&him^s  camp  to  procure  intdligmMe, 
and  halted  several  days  in  this  station.  *  *  *  In  this  statkm, 
on  Monday,  the  28th  of  the  first  Jum&da,  the  sun  entered  Aries; 
we  now  hegan  also  to  receiye  repeated  information  firom  Ibrihiinli 
camp,  that  he  was  advancing  slowly  by  a  itof  or  t¥ro  at  a  tinM^ 
and  halting  two  or  three  days  at  each  station.  I,  on  my  side^ 
likewise  moved  on  to  meet  him,  and  after  the  second  mardi 
from  Shah&b&d,  encamped  on  the  banks  of  the  Jumna,  oppostte 
to  Sirs&wah.  Hudar  EuH,  a  servant  of  Khw&ja  Eilin,  wm 
sent  out  to  procure  intelligence.  I  crossed  the  Jumna  by  a  feed, 
and  went  to  see  Sirs&wah.  ♦  ♦  ♦ 

From  this  station  we  held  down  the  river  for  two  marcho^ 
keeping  close  along  its  banks,  when  Haidar  Kuli,  who  had  bean 
sent  out  to  collect  intelligence,  returned,  bringing  informatioii 
that  D&ud  Eh&n  and  Haitim  Kh&n  had  been  sent  across  the 
river  into  the  Do&b  with  6000  or  7000  horse,  and  had  encamped 
three  or  four  kos  in  advance  of  Ibrahim's  position  on  the  roid 
towards  us.  On  Sunday,  the  18th  of  the  second  Jumida,  I 
despatched  against  this  column  Chin  Timdr  Sultdn,  *  *  * 
with  the  whole  of  the  left  wing  commanded  by  Sultdn  Jonid, 
*  *  *  as  well  as  part  of  the  centre  under  Yiinas  'All,  *  •  * 
with  instructions  to  advance  rapidly  and  tail  upon  them  bj 
surprise,  *  *  ♦  Next  morning,  about  the  time  of  early  prayen, 
they  arrived  close  upon  the  enemy,  who  put  themselves  in  some 
kind  of  order,  and  marched  out  to  meet  them :  but  our  tro<qw 
no  sooner  came  up  than  the  enemy  fled,  and  were  followed  in 
close  pursuit  and  slaughtered  all  the  way  to  the  limits  of 
Ibr&him's  camp.  The  detachment  took  Haitim  EMn,  Didd 
Kh&n^s  eldest  brother,  and  one  of  the  generals,  with  seventy 
or  eighty  prisoners,  and  six  or  eight  elephants,  all  of  whid 


TUZAK-I  BABAEr.  351 

they  brought  in  when  thej  waited  on  me.  Sereral  of  the 
priflonera  were  pat  to  death,  to  strike  terror  into  the  enemy. 

Marching  thence,  I  arranged  the  whole  army  in  order  of 
battle,  with  right  and  left  wing  and  centre,  and  after  reviewing 
it,  performed  the  vim.^  The  custom  of  the  vim  is,  that  the 
whole  army  being  mounted,  the  commander  takes  a  bow  or  whip 
in  his  hand,  and  guesses  at  the  number  of  the  army,  according 
to  a  fiuhion  in  use,  and  in  conformity  with  which  they  affirm 
that  the  army  may  be  so  many.  The  number  that  I  guessed 
was  greater  than  the  army  turned  out  to  be. 

At  this  station  I  directed  that,  according  to  the  custom  of 
B6mi,'  the  gun-carriages'  should  be  connected  together  with 
twisted  bull-hides,  as  with  chains.  Between  eyery  two  gun- 
eanriages  were  six  or  seven  tarda  ^  or  breast-works.  The  match- 
loekmen  stood  behind  these  guns,  or  tiirds^  and  discharged  their 
matchlocks.  I  halted  five  or  six  days  in  this  camp,  for  the 
purpose  of  getting  this  apparatus  arranged.  After  every  part 
of  it  was  in  order  and  ready,  I  called  together  all  the  amira^ 
and  men  of  any  experience  and  knowledge,  and  held  a  general 
eooneil.  It  was  settled  that  as  F&uipat  was  a  considerable 
city,  it  would  cover  one  of  our  flanks  by  its  buildings  and 
houses,  while  we  might  fortify  our  front  by  tiirda^  or  covered 
defences  and  cannon,  and  that  the  matchlockmen  and  in£Emtry 
should  be  placed  in  the  rear  of  the  guns  and  tiirds.  With  this 
resolution  we  moved,  and  in  two  marches,  on  Thursday,  the  30th 
of  the  last  Jum&da,  reached  P&nipat.    On  our  right  were  the 

1  [Thii  puiage  about  the  vim  is  not  g^yen  in  the  Jaghatai,] 

*  That  it,  •f  the  Ottomans. 

*  [IL  de  Conzteille's  yenion  of  this  passage  is  as  follows :  **Je  preecriyis  k  tons 
lea  aoldaiB  d'amener  des  chariots,  chacun  suiyant  ses  moyens.  On  en  r^anit  ainsi 
Kpt  eenti.  Alon  j'ordonnais  k  Ust&d  Ali  Kali  de  faire  attacher  les  uns  anx  autres 
lee  diariota  k  la  mani^e  des  peuples  de  Eoum  (les  Ottomans),  en  y  snspendant,  au 
Bta  de  diainea  des  oordee  de  peau  de  bcenf."  Whereyer  **  gnns  *'  are  mentioned  in 
kins  pssnga,  he  has  *'  chariots."    See  notes  infrd  pp.  255  and  268.] 

*  [YtOlcn  giyes  the  following  definition  of  tard  or  torah^  **  Genns  plutei,  qno 
onlitae  pro  elipeis  ntebantor,  qnemque  etiam  in  terram  infigebant,  ut  quasi  yallo 
miniiti  tela  in  hostes  mittere  possent."  Bad&<ini  (yol.  i.,  p.  334)  says  they  were 
*kh^  or  Mfiki,  filled  with  earth.    See  also  Yule's  Marco  Folo,  toL  iL,  122.] 


252  THE  EMFEBOR  BABAR. 

town  and  suburbs.  In  my  front  I  placed  the  guns  and  Htm 
which  had  been  prepared.  On  the  left,  and  in  different  other 
points,  we  drew  ditches  and  made  defences  of  the  bou^  of 
trees.  At  the  distance  of  every  bowshot,  a  space  was  left  large 
enough  for  100  or  150  men  to  issue  forth.  Many  of  the  tro<^ 
were  in  great  tremor  and  alarm.  Trepidation  and  fear  an 
always  unbecoming.  Whatsoever  Almighty  God  has  decreed 
from  all  eternity  cannot  be  reversed ;  though,  at  the  same  time^ 
I  cannot  greatly  blame  them ;  they  had  some  reason ;  tor  tbej 
had  come  two  or  three  months'  journey  from  their  own  country; 
we  had  to  engage  in  arms  a  strange  nation,  whose  language  we 
did  not  understand,  and  who  did  not  understand  ours. 

The  army  of  the  enemy  opposed  to  us  was  estimated  at 
100,000  men ;  the  elephants  of  the  Emperor  and  his  o£Soeri 
were  said  to  amount  to  nearly  1000.^  He  possessed  the  ac- 
cumulated treasures  of  his  father  and  grandfather,  in  eurait 
coin,  ready  for  use.  It  is  a  usage  in  Hindust&n,  in  sitoatioDB 
similar  to  that  in  which  the  enemy  now  were^  to  expend  sums 
of  money  in  bringing  together  troops  who  engage  to  serve  fir 
hire.  These  men  are  called  Badhindi.  Had  he  chosen  to  adopt 
this  plan,  he  might  have  engaged  100,000  or  200,000  morR 
troops.  But  God  Almighty  directed  everything  for  the  best 
He  had  not  the  heart  to  satisfy  even  his  own  army ;  and  would 
not  part  with  any  of  his  treasure.  Indec)^  how  was  it  possible 
thai  he  should  satisfy  his  troops,  when  he  was  himself  miserly 
to  the  last  degree,  and  beyond  measure  avaricious  in  accumulat- 
ing pelf  P  He  was  a  young  man  of  no  experience.  He  was 
negligent  in  all  his  movements;  he  marched  without  order; 
retired  or  halted  without  plan,  and  engaged  in  battle  without 
'foresight.  While  the  troops  were  fortifying  their  position  in 
P&nipat  and  its  vicinity,  with  guns,  branches  of  trees,  and 
ditches,  Darwesh  Muhammad  S&rb&n  said  to  me,  ^^You  have 
fortified  our  ground  in  such  a  way  that  it  is  not  possible  he 
should  ever  think  of  coming  here.'*    I  answered,  "  You  judge 

^  [The  Jaghatai  again  reduces  the  number  to  "  100.*'] 


TirZA£-I  BABABr.  253 

of  him  by  the  Khdns  and  Sultdns  of  the  Uzbeks.  ♦  ♦  ♦  But 
yoa  must  not  judge  of  our  present  enemies  by  those  who  were 
then  opposed  to  us.  They  have  not  ability  to  discriminate  when 
it  is  proper  to  advance  axid  when  to  retreat."  God  brought 
everything  to  pass  fevourably.  It  happened  as  I  foretold. 
During  the  seven  or  eight  days  we  remained  in  P&nipat,  a  very 
small  party  of  my  men,  advancing  close  up  to  their  encampment 
and  to  their  vastly  superior  force,  discharged  arrows  upon  them. 
They  did  not,  however,  move,  or  make  any  demonstration  of 
sallying  out.  At  length,  induced  by  the  persuasion  of  some 
Hindust&ni  amirs  in  my  interest,  I  sent  Mahdi  Khw&ja  and 
♦  ♦  ♦  with  4000  or  5000  men  on  a  night  attack.  They  did 
not  assemble  properly  in  the  first  instance,  and  as  they  marched 
out  in  confusion,  did  not  get  on  well.  The  day  dawned,  yet 
they  continued  lingering  near  the  enemy's  camp  till  it  was  broad 
daylight,  when  the  enemy,  on  their  side,  beat  their  kettledrums, 
got  ready  their  elephants,  and  marched  out  upon  them.  Al- 
though our  people  did  not  effect  anything,  yet,  in  spite  of  the 
multitude  of  troops  that  hung  upon  them  in  their  retreat,  they 
letumed  safe  and  sound  without  the  loss  of  a  man.  Muhammad 
^Alf  Jang-Jang  was  wounded  with  an  arrow,  and  though  the 
wound  was  not  mortal,  yet  it  disabled  him  &om  taking  his  place 
in  the  day  of  battle.  On  learning  what  had  occurred,  I  imme* 
diately  detached  Hum&yun  with  his  division  a  koa  or  a  ka8  and 
a  half  in  advance,  to  cover  their  retreat,  while  I  myself,  re- 
nuuning  with  the  army,  drew  it  out,  and  got  in  readiness  for 
action.  The  party  which  had  marched  to  surprise  the  enemy 
ML  in  with  Hum&yun,  and  returned  with  him.  As  none  of  the 
enemy  came  near  us,  I  drew  off  the  army,  and  led  it  back  to  the 
camp.  In  the  course  of  the  night  we  had  a  false  alarm ;  for 
nearly  one  ghari  the  call  to  arms  and  the  uproar  continued. 
Such  of  the  troops  as  had  never  before  witnessed  an  alarm  of 
the  kind  were  in  great  confusion  and  dismay.  In  a  short  time, 
however,  the  alarm  subsided. 

By  the  time  of  early  morning  prayers,  when  the  light  was 


254  THB  EMPEROR  BiCBAR. 

Buch  that  you  could  distinguish  one  object  firom  another,  notiee 
was  brought  from  the  advanced  patrols,  that  the  enemj  nm 
adyancing,  drawn  up  in  order  of  battle.  We  too,  inim^ 
diately  braced  on  our  heknets  and  our  armour,  and  mountd. 
The  right  division  was  led  by  Hum&y6n,  accompanied  by  *  *  *\ 
the  left  division  was  commanded  by  Muhammad  Solt&n  Mina 
*  *  *  The  right  of  the  centre  was  commanded  by  Chin  Timir 
Sult&n  ♦  •  ♦;  the  left  of  the  centre  by  EhalifiL  •  ♦  •  Tfct 
advance  was  led  by  Elhusrd  Gbkult&sh.  *  *  *  ^Abdu-1  'Axb, 
master  of  horse,  had  the  command  of  the  reserve.  On  the  flank 
of  the  right  division  I  stationed  Wali  Kizd,  *  *  *  with  thdr 
Mughals,  to  act  as  a  tulughmah  (or  flanking  party).  On  the 
extremity  of  the  left  division  were  stationed  Kara-Ktizi  *  *  *  t0 
form  the  tulughmah  or  flankers,  with  instructions,  that  as  sooi 
as  the  enemy  approached  sufficiently  near,  they  should  take  s 
circuit  and  come  round  upon  their  rear. 

When  the  enemy  first  came  in  sight,  they  seemed  to  bend 
their  force  most  against  the  right  division.  I  therefore  detadied 
'Abdu-1  'Aziz,  who  was  stationed  with  the  reserve,  to  reinfene 
the  right.  Sult&n  Ibr&him's  army,  from  the  time  it  first  ap- 
peared in  sight,  never  made  a  halt,  but  advanced  right  upon  ns 
at  a  quick  pace.  When  they  came  closer,  and,  on  getting  a  view 
of  my  troops,  found  them  drawn  up  in  the  order  and  with  the 
defences  that  have  been  mentioned,  they  were  brought  up,  and 
stood  for  a  while  as  if  considering,  ^^  Shall  we  halt  or  not !  shall 
we  advance  or  notT^  They  could  not  halt,  and  they  were  nnaUe 
to  advance  with  the  same  speed  as  before.  I  sent  orders  to  the 
troops  stationed  as  flankers  on  the  extremes  of  the  right  and 
left  divisions,  to  wheel  round  the  enemy^s  flank  with  all  possiUe 
speed,  and  instantly  to  attack  them  in  the  rear ;  the  right  and 
left  divisions  were  also  ordered  to  charge  the  enemy.  The 
flankers  accordingly  wheeled  on  the  rear  of  the  enemy,  and 
began  to  make  discharges  of  arrows  on  them.  Mahdi  Ehwija 
came  up  before  the  rest  of  the  left  wing,  A  body  of  men  with 
one  elephant  advanced  to  meet  him.     My  troops  gave  them 


TirZAK-I  BABAEr.  255 

aome  sharp  dischargefl  of  arrows,  and  the  enemy's  division  was 
at  last  driyeii  back.  I  despatched  from  the  main  bodj  Ahmadi 
Parw&nchi  *  *  *  to  the  assistance  of  the  left  division.  The 
battle  was  likewise  obstinate  on  the  right.  I  ordered  Moham- 
madi  Ookolt&Bh  *  *  *  to  advance  in  front  of  the  centre  and 
togjBLge.  Ust&d  'All  Ktili  also  discharged  his  gans^  many  times 
in  front  of  the  line  to  good  purpose.  Mustafi^  the  cannoneer, 
on  the  left  of  the  centre,  managed  his  artillery^  with  great  effect. 
The  right  and  left  divisions,  the  centre  and  flankers,  having 
sorronnded  the  enemy  and  taken  them  in  rear,  were  now  engaged 
in  hot  conflict,  and  bosy  pouring  in  discharges  of  arrows  on 
them.  They  made  one  or  two  very  poor  chaises  on  our  right 
and  left  divisions.  My  troops,  making  use  of  their  bows,  plied 
them  with  arrows,  and  drove  them  in  upon  their  centre.  The 
troops  on  the  right  and  left  of  their  centre,  being  huddled 
together  in  one  place,  such  confusion  ensued,  that  the  enemy, 
while  totally  unable  to  advance,  found  also  no  road  by  which 
they  could  flee.  The  sun  had  mounted  spear-high  when  the 
onset  of  battle  began,  and  the  combat  lasted  till  mid-day,  when 
the  enemy  were  completely  broken  and  routed,  and  my  friends 
vietorions  and  exulting.  By  the  grace  and  mercy  of  Almighty 
Grod,  this  arduous  undertaking  was  rendered  easy  for  me,  and 
this  mighty  army,  in  the  space  of  half  a  day,  laid  in  the  dust. 
Hve  or  six  thousand  men  were  discovered  lying  slain  in  one 
spot  near  Ibr&him.  We  reckoned  that  the  number  lying  slain  in 
different  parts  of  the  field  of  battle,  amounted  to  15,000  or  16,000 
men.  On  reaching  ^gra,  we  found  from  the  accounts  of  the 
natives  of  Hindust&n,  that  40,000  or  50,000  men  had  fallen  in 
this  field.     After  routing  the  enemy,  we  continued  the  pursuit, 

^  ''  Firingihdy  The  size  of  these  artillery  at  the  time  in  question  is  yery  nn- 
eertnn.  The  word  is  now  nsed  in  the  Dekhin  for  a  swivel.  In  common  usage, 
MrMw,  at  the  present  day,  is  a  small  species  of  swirel.  Both  words,  in  the  time  of 
B&bar,  appear  to  hare  been  used  for  field  cannon.  [Payet  de  Courteille  translates  it 
"piarriers,"  t.«.,  swivels.] 

*  [IL  Payet  de  Courteille's  version  is  "  faisait  un  feu  meurtrier  avec  son  artillerie 
ftttelde ; "  to  which  he  appends  the  note,  "  mot  2k  mot,  les  couleuvrines  qui  ^talent  sur 
det  chariots."] 


256  THE  EMPEBOR  BXBAB. 

slaughtering  and  making  them  prisoners.  Those  who  irm 
ahead  began  to  bring  in  the  anUra  and  Afgh&ns  as  prisonen. 
They  brought  in  a  very  great  number  of  elephants,  with  their 
drivers,  and  offered  them  to  me  as  peshkash.  Having  parBoed 
the  enemy  to  some  distance,  and  supposing  that  Ibr&him  hid 
escaped  from  the  battle,  I  appointed  Kismai  Mirza,  *  *  *  wiik 
a  party  of  my  immediate  adherents,  to  follow  him  in  close  piu^ 
suit  down  as  far  as  ^gra.  Having  passed  through  the  middle 
of  Ibrdhim's  camp,  and  visited  his  pavilions  and  accommoda- 
tions, we  encamped  on  the  banks  of  the  Siy&h-&b  (K&lini). 

It  was  now  aflemoon  prayers  when  T&hir  Taban,  the  younger 
brother  of  Khalifa,  having  found  Ibr&him  lying  dead  amidst  a 
number  of  slain,  cut  off  his  head,  and  brought  it  in. 

That  very  day  I  directed  Hum&yun  Mirza  ♦  ♦  •  to  set  ont 
without  baggage  or  encumbrances,  and  proceed  with  all  possible 
expedition  to  occupy  i^gra,  and  take  possession  of  the  treasuries. 
I  at  the  same  time  ordered  Mahdi  Khw&ja  and  *  *  *  to  lea^ 
their  baggage,  to  push  on  by  forced  marches,  to  enter  the  fort  d 
Dehli,  and  seize  the  treasuries. 

Next  morning  we  marched,  and  having  proceeded  about  a  ibs, 
halted  on  the  banks  of  the  Jumna,  in  order  to  refresh  our  horses. 
After  other  two  marches,  on  Tuesday  I  visited  the  mausoleum 
of  Niz4m  Auliyd,^  and  at  the  end  of  the  third  march  encamped 
near  Dehli,  on  the  banks  of  the  Jumna.  The  same  night  being 
Wednesday,  I  circumambulated  the  tomb  of  Khw&ja  Kutbu-d 
din,  and  visited  the  tomb  and  palaces  of  Sult&n  Ghiyasu-d  din 
Balban,  of  Sultdn  ''Al^u-d  din  Khilji,  and  his  minaret,  the 
Shams  tank,  the  royal  tank,  the  tombs  and  gardens  of  Sultin 
Bahlol  and  Sultdn  Sikandar,  after  which  I  returned  into  the 
camp,  and  went  on  board  of  a  boat,  where  we  drunk  arak.  I 
bestowed  the  office  of  skikkddr  (or  military  collector)  of  Dehli  on 
Wall  Kizil ;  I  made  Dost  the  diwdn  of  Dehli,  and  directed  the 
different  treasuries  to  be  sealed  and  given  into  their  charge. 

^  The  mausoleam  of  Niz&mu-d  din  Auliyfr  is  within  foor  or  fiye  miles  of  DehlS,  m 
the  Bonth. 


T17ZAK-I  BiflBAEr.  257 

On  Thursday  we  moved  thence,  and  halted  hard  bj  Tugh- 
lik&b&d,^  on  the  banks  of  the  Jumna.  On  Friday  we  continued 
to  halt  in  the  same  station.  Maul&na  Mahmud,  Shaikh  Zain, 
and  some  others  went  into  Dehli  to  Friday  prayers,  read  the 
khutba  in  my  name,  distributed  some  money  among  the  fakirs 
and  beggars,  and  then  returned  back.  On  Saturday  we  marched 
from  our  ground,  and  proceeded,  march  after  march,  upon  ^gra. 
I  went  and  saw  Tughlik&bdd ;  after  which  I  rejoined  the  camp. 

On  Friday,  the  S2nd  Rajab,  I  halted  in  the  suburbs  of  i^gra, 
at  the  palace  of  Sulaim&n  Farmuli.  As  this  position  was  very 
far  from  the  fort,  I  next  morning  moved  and  took  up  my 
quarters  at  the  palace  of  Jal&l  Kh&n  Jaghat.  The  people  of  the 
fort  had  put  off  Hum&yun,  who  arrived  before  me,  with  excuses  ; 
and  he,  on  his  part,  considering  that  they  were  under  no  control, 
and  wishing  to  prevent  their  plundering  the  treasure,  had  taken 
a  position  to  shut  up  the  issues  from  the  place. 

Bikram&jit,  a  Hindu,  who  was  B&j4  of  Gw&lior,  had  governed 
that  country  for  upwards  of  100  years.'  Sikandar  had  remained 
several  years  ^  in  Agra,  employed  in  an  attempt  to  take  Gw&Iior. 
Afterwards,  in  the  reign  of  Ibr&him,  'Azim  Hum&yun  Sirw&n 
invested  it  for  some  time,  made  several  attacks,  and  at  length 
succeeded  in  gaining  it  by  treaty,  Shamsdbdd  being  given  as  an 
indemnification.  In  the  battle  in  which  Ibr&him  was  defeated, 
Bikram&jit  was  sent  to  hell.^  Bikramdjit's  family,  and  the 
heads  of  his  clan,  were  at  this  moment  in  Agra.  When 
Hum&yun  arrived,  Bikramfijit's  people  attempted  to  escape,  but 
were  taken  by  the  parties  which  Hura&ydn  had  placed  upon  the 
watch,  and  put  in  custody.  Humdyun  did  not  permit  tliem  to 
be  plundered.  Of  their  own  free  will  they  offered  Humayiin  a 
peshkash,  consisting  of  a  quantity  of  jewels  and  precious  stones. 
Among  these  was  one  famous  diamond,  which  had  been  acquired 
by   Sultdn   'A14u-d  din.     It  is  so  valuable   that   a  judge  of 

^  Tughlik&b&d  stood  to  the  south  of  Dchli,  between  the  Eutb-min&r  and  the  Jumna. 

»  ["  Whose  family  had  reigned  there  more  than  100  years.*' — Jaffh.'] 

>  ["  One  year."— /fl^A.] 

*  The  charitable  mode  in  which  a  good  MoBulmkn  signifies  the  death  of  an  infidel. 

▼OL  IV.  17 


258  THE  EMPEROR  BiCBAR. 

diamonds  valued  it  at  half  of  the  daily  expense  of  the  whole 
world.^  It  is  about  eight  miskdh.  On  mj  arriyal  Hum&yun 
presented  it  to  me  as  a  peshkash^  and  I  gave  it  back  to  lum 
as  a  present.  ♦  •  ♦ 

A  pargana  of  the  value  of  seven  lacs  was  bestowed  on 
Ibr&him^s  mother.  Parganas  were  also  given  to  each  of  her 
amirs.  She  was  conducted  with  all  her  effects  to  a  palace, 
which  was  assigned  for  her  residence,  about  a  kaa  below  ^gra. 

On  Thursday,  the  28th  Bajab,  about  the  hour  of  afternoon 
prayerSy  I  entered  ^gra,  and  took  up  my  residence  in  Sultin 
Ibr&him's  palace.  From  the  time  when  I  conquered  the  countiy 
of  K&bul,  which  was  in  the  year  910,  till  the  present  time,  I 
had  always  been  bent  on  subduing  Hindust&n.  Sometimei, 
however,  from  the  misconduct  of  my  amirs  and  their  dislike  of 
the  plan,  sometimes  from  the  cabals  and  opposition  of  mj 
brothers,  I  was  prevented  from  prosecuting  any  expedition  into 
that  country,  and  its  provinces  escaped  being  ovemuu  At 
length  these  obstacles  were  removed.  There  was  now  no  one 
lefib,  great  or  small,  noble  or  private  man,  who  could  dare  to 
utter  a  word  in  opposition  to  the  enterprise.  In  the  year  925 
I  collected  an  army,  and  having  taken  the  fort  of  Bajaur  by 
storm  in  two  or  three  gharis^  put  all  the  garrison  to  the  sword. 
I  next  advanced  into  Bahrah,  where  I  prevented  all  marauding 
and  plunder,  imposed  a  contribution  on  the  inhabitants,  and 
having  levied  it  to  the  amount  of  400,000  Sh&h-rukhis  in  money 
and  goods,  divided  the  proceeds  among  the  troops  who  were  in 
my  service,  and  returned  back  to  Kdbul.  From  that  time  till 
the  year  932,  I  attached  myself  in  a  peculiar  degree  to  the 
affairs  of  Hindust&n,  and  in  the  space  of  these  seven  or  eight 
years  entered  it  five  times  at  the  head  of  an  army.  The  fifth 
time  the  Most  High  God,  of  his  grace  and  mercy,  cast  down 
and  defeated  an  enemy  so  mighty  as  Sultdn  Ibrdhim,  and 
made  mo  the  master  and  conqueror  of  the  powerful  empire  of 
Hindust&n.  ♦  •  ♦ 

i  [TaTornier  Talaed  it  at  880,000A  sterling.    See  Erskine's  Saier  and  Suma^tm, 
ToL  L,  p.  438.] 


TirZAK-I  BABAEf,  269 

The  capital  of  all  Hindast&n  is  Dehli.  From  the  time  of 
Sult&i  Shah&bn-d  din  Ghori  to  the  end  of  Sult£n  FIfoz  Sh&h's 
time^  the  greater  part  ef  Hindustan  was  in  the  possession  of 
the  Emperor  of  Dehli.  At  the  period  when  I  conquered  that 
country  fiye^  Musulm&n  kings  and  two  Pagans  exercised  royal 
aathority.  Althoo^  there  were  many  small  and  inconsiderahle 
MMb  and  JB^^fdg  in  the  hills  and  woody  country,  yet  these  were 
tike  chief  and  the  only  ones  of  impcM'tance.  One  of  these 
powers  was  the  Afgh&ns,  whose  government  included  the  capital, 
and  extended  from  Bahrah  to  Beh&r.  Jaunpur,  before  it  fell 
into  the  power  of  the  Afghdns,  was  held  by  Sultdn  Husain 
Sharki.  This  dynasty  they  called  the  Piirbi  (or  eastern). 
Their  fore&thers  had  been  cupbearers  to  Sult&n  Firoz  Shdh, 
and  that  race  of  Sult&ns.  After  Sultdn  Firoz  Sh&h's  death, 
they  gained  possession  of  the  kingdom  of  Jaunpur.  Dehli  was 
at  that  period  in  the  hands  of  Sult&n  ^Al&u-d  din,  whose  family 
were  sai^ids.  When  Timur  Beg  invaded  Hindustdn,  before 
leaving  the  country^  he  had  bestowed  the  country  of  Dehli  on 
their  ancestors.  Sult&n  Bahlol  Lodi  Afghdn,  and  his  son  Sult4n 
Sikandar,  afterwards  seized  the  throne  of  Dehli,  as  well  as  that 
of  Jaonp&r,  and  reduced  both  kingdoms  under  one  government. 

The  second  prince  was  Sult&n  Muhammad  Muzafiar,  in 
Gajar&t.  He  had  departed  tliis  life  a  few  days  before  Sult&n 
Ibr&him*s  defeat.  He  was  a  prince  well  skilled  in  learning,  and 
fond  ol  reading  the  hadU  (or  traditions).  He  was  constantly 
employed  in  writing  the  Kur&n.  They  call  this  race  Tang. 
Their  ancestors  were  cupbearers  to  the  Sult&n  Firoz  that  has 
been  mentioned,  and  his  family.  After  the  death  of  Firoz  Sh&h, 
they  took  possession  of  the  throne  of  Gujar&t. 

The  third  kingdom  is  that  of  the  Bahmanis  in  the  Dekhin, 
bat  at  the  present  time  the  Sult&ns  of  the  Dekhin  have  no 
aathority  or  power,  left.  All  the  different  districts  of  their 
kingdom  have  been  seized  by  their  most  powerful  nobles ;  and 
when  the  prince  needs  anything,  he  is  obliged  to  ask  it  of  his 
own  amirs. 


260  THE  EMPEROB  BABAR. 

The  fourth  king  was  Salt&n  Mahm^d,  who  reigned  in  ike 
country  of  M&lw&,  which  they  likewise  call  M&ndd.^  Thu 
dynasty  was  called  the  Khilji.  E&n&  Sanka,  a  Pagan,  had 
defeated  them  and  occupied  a  number  of  their  provinces.  TUs 
dynasty  also  had  become  weak.  Their  ancestors,  too,  had  been 
originally  brought  forward  and  patronized  by  Soltin  Ffroi 
Shdb,  after  whose  demise  they  occupied  the  kingdom  of  M&lw4. 

The  fifth  prince  was  Nusrat  Sh&h,  in  the  kingdom  of  Bengal 
His  father  had  been  king  of  Bengal,  and  was  a  saiyid  of  the 
name  of  Sult&n  'Al&u-d  din.  He  had  attained  this  throm 
by  hereditary  succession.  It  is  a  singular  custom  in  Bengal, 
that  there  is  little  of  hereditary  descent  in  succession  to  the 
sovereignty.  There  is  a  throne  allotted  for  the  king ;  there  is, 
in  like  manner,  a  seat  or  station  assigned  for  each  of  the  atnkt, 
wazira,  and  mamabddrs.  It  is  that  throne  and  these  stationB 
alone  which  engage  the  reverence  of  the  people  of  Bengal.  A 
set  of  dependents,  servants,  and  attendants  are  annexed  to  eadi 
of  these  situations.  When  the  king  wishes  to  dismiss  or  appoint 
any  person,  whosoever  is  placed  in  the  seat  of  the  one  dismissed 
is  immediately  attended  and  obeyed  by  the  whole  establishmcDt 
of  dependents,  servants,  and  retainers  annexed  to  the  seat  which 
he  occupies.  Nay,  this  rule  obtains  even  as  to  the  royal  throne 
itself.  Whoever  kills  the  king,  Bxii  succeeds  in  placing  himself 
on  that  throne,  is  immediately  acknowledged  as  king ;  *  all  the 
amirs,  wazira^  soldiers,  and  peasants,  instantly  obey  and  submit 
to  him,  and  consider  him  as  being  as  much  their  sovereign  u 
they  did  their  former  prince,  and  obey  his  orders  implicitly. 
The  people  of  Bengal  say,  "We  are  faithftil  to  the  throne; 
whoever  fills  the  throne  we  are  obedient  and  true  to  it."    As 


^  [*'  Mand(i "  in  the  Jaghatai :  a  spelling  observed  in  other  works  of  this  period.] 
^  Strange  as  this  custom  may  seem,  a  similar  custom  prevailed,  down  to  a  yerj  Ute 
period,  in  Malabar.  There  was  a  jubilee  every  twelve  years  in  the  Samorin's  oounbyt 
and  any  one  who  succeeded  in  forcing  his  way  through  the  Samorin's  g^nardi,  and 
t>lew  him,  reigned  in  his  stead.  The  attempt  was  made  in  1695,  and  again  a  few 
ycai-9  ago,  but  without  success.  See  Hamilton's  New  Account  of  the  East  Inditfi 
vol.  i.,  p.  3u9. 


T17ZAK-I  BABAHI.  261 

*  instance,  before  the  accession  of  Nosrat  Shah's  father,  an 
>y8sin]an,^  haying  killed  the  reigning  king,  mounted  the 
rone,  and  governed  the  kingdom  for  some  time.  Sult&n 
l&n-d  din  killed  the  Abyssinian,  ascended  the  throne,  and 
m  acknowledged  as  king.  After  Sult&n  '^Al&a-d  din's  death, 
e  kingdom  devolyed  bj  succession  to  his  son,  who  now  reigned. 
lere  is  another  usage  in  Bengal ;  it  is  reckoned  disgraceful  and 
3an  for  any  king  to  spend  or  diminish  the  treasures  of  his  pre- 
cessors.  It  is  reckoned  necessary  for  every  king,  on  mounting 
e  throne,  to  collect  a  new  treasure  for  himself.  To  collect  a 
sasore  is,  by  these  people,  deemed  a  great  glory  and  ground 
distinction.  There  is  another  custom,  that  parganas  have 
•en  assigned  from  ancient  times  to  defray  the  expenses  of  each 
spartment,  the  treasury,  the  stable,  and  all  the  rojal  establish- 
ents ;  no  expenses  are  paid  in  any  other  manner. 
The  five  kings  who  have  been  mentioned  are  great  princes, 
id  are  all  Musulm&ns,  and  possessed  of  formidable  armies. 
he  most  powerful  of  the  Pagan  princes,  in  point  of  territory  and 
*my,  is  the  B&jd  of  Bijanagar.  Another  is  the  B&n&  Sanka, 
ho  has  attained  his  present  high  eminence,  only  in  these  later 
mes,  by  his  own  valour  and  his  sword.  His  original  princi- 
ility  was  Chitdr.  During  the  confusion  that  prevailed  among 
rinoes  of  the  kingdom  of  M&ndu,  he  seized  a  number  of 
rovinces  which  had  depended  on  M&ndd,  such  as  Bantpur 
lantambhor),  S&rangpdr,  Bhils&n,  and  Chanderi.  In  the  year 
34,  by  the  divine  &vour,  in  the  space  of  a  few  hours,  I  took 
Y  storm  Ch&nderi,  which  was  commanded  by  Maiddni  Bdo, 
ae  of  the  highest  and  most  distinguished  of  B&n&  Sanka's 
ficers,  put  all  the  Pagans  to  the  sword,  and  from  the  mansion 
r  hostility  which  it  had  long  been,  converted  it  into  the  mansion 
r  the  fiiith,  as  will  be  hereafter  more  fully  detailed.  There 
ere  a  number  of  other  JRdis  and  Hqfds  on  the  borders  and 
ithin  the  territory  of  Hindust&n ;    many  of  whom,  on  account 

1  This  was  Mniaffar  Sh6h  Habshf,  who  reigned  three  years. 


1 


262  THE  EMPEROR  BABAR. 

of  their  remoteDess,  or  the  difficulty  of  access  into  their  conntn 
have  never  submittted  to  the  Musulmin  kings.  ♦  •  ♦ 

The  countries  from  Bahrah  to  Bih&r,  'which  are  new  under 
my  dominion,  yield  a  revenue  of  fifty-two  krors^  as  will  appev 
from  the  particular  and  detailed  statement.^  Of  this  amoant, 
parganas  to  the  value  of  eight  or  nine  kror%  are  in  the  possesdon 
of  some  RdJis  and  Edjds^  who  from  of  old  times  hav«  been  sub- 
missive, and  have  received  these  parganaa  for  the  purpose  of 
confirming  them  in  their  obedience.  ♦  •  ♦ 

^  Thk  statement  unfortanately  has  not  been  presenred  [in  the  Penia;  Vot^ 
following  statement  is  giyen  in  the  Jaghatai  yersion :  '*  The  whole  of  Hindnstfcn  hid 

thus  actually  submitted  in  a  short  time  to  my  victorious  itandaida.  The  reremiM  of 
the  countries  situated  on  this  side  the  Indus  such  as— 

Satlej,  Bahrah,  Lahore,  Si&lkot,  Dib&lp(ir,  and  some  othen,  T^mktu, 

amounted  to  8,88,16,989 

Sirhind  ^ 1,29.81,986 

His&r-Flrozah   1,80,76,174 

Territory  of  Dehli,  the  capital,  and  the  Do&b    8,69,60,264 

Mew&t,  in  the  time  of  Sikandar,  formed  no  part  of  his  states...  1,69,81,000 

Baytoa  ^ 1,44,14,980 

Agra  29,76,919 

The  Centre 2,91,19,000 

GwMior ^ 2,29,67,460 

Kalpi  •Sanahda  and  Giirra'    ^ 4,28,65,960 

Kanauj   1,36,68,868 

Sambal    1,38,44,000 

Lucknow  and  'Laksar'    ^ 1,89,82,483 

Khair&bfed 12,86,000 

Oudh  and  BahrMch  1,17,01,869 

Jaunp6r 4,00,88,838 

Karra-Mfenkip6r  1,83,27,288* 

Bihfer 4.06,60,000 

SiPohi 1,66,17,606 

Jiparun  (ChampiranP) 1,90,86,060 

**  Gundega"  43,80,300 

K&J&  Muttana  and  R&j&  Rup  Barin  (Nar&ln  P) 

<aiwta#  of  silver 2,66,000 

and  27  lac»  60,000  black  iarikoM 

P      20,00,000 

Nagor P 

K&J&  Bikram&jit  Rantambhor  P 

RAj&  Gulanjari  P 

RAjt  Sing  Dev   P 

Rlyk  Bikram  Dev P 

Rkj&  Bikram  Chand  P    "] 

1  [There  is  an  error  in  the  French  version,  wbioh  says,  **  1  kror,  603  /act,  S7,3SS  Umkai,"  Sm 
also  Ersldne's  B4ber  and  Homayon,  vol.  i.,  p.  Oil,  and  Thomas's  Path&n  Kings,  p.  890.] 


TITZAKpI  BABAEr.  263 

IVhen  I  first  arrived  in  Agra,  there  was  a  strong  matual 
ike  and  hostility  between  my  people  and  the  men  of  the 
;e.  The  peasantry  and  soldiers  of  the  country  avoided  and 
from  my  men.  *  Afterward-,  everywhere,  except  only  in 
ilf  and  Agra,  the  inhabitants  fortified  different  posts,  while 

governors  of  towns  put  their  fortifications  in  a  posture  of 
mcBj  and  refused  to  submit  or  obey.  K&sim  Sambali  was 
Sambal,  Nizam  £h&n  in  Bay&na,  the  Bfij&  Hasan  Eh&n 
wkttl  himself  in  Mew&t.  That  infidel  was  ^  the  prime  mover 
.  agitator  in  all  these  confiisions  and  insurrections.  Muham- 
1  Zaittin  was  in  Dhdlpur,  T&t&r  Kh&n  S&rang-Eh&ni  in 
&lior,  Husain  Kh&n  Loh&ni  in  B&bri,  Kutb  Ehdn  in  Et&wa, 
.  in  Kalpi  ^AH  Kh&n.  Eanauj,  with  the  whole  country 
end  the  Gttnges,  was  entirely  in  the  possession  of  the  refrac- 
f  A%h&ns,  such  as  Nasir  Eh&n  Loh&ni,  M'ardf  Farmdli, 
.  a  number  of  other  amirs  who  had  been  in  a  state  of  open 
sllion  for  two  years  before  the  death  of  Ibr&him.  At  the 
iod  when  I  defeated  that  prince,  they  had  overrun,  and  were 
)08session  of  Kanauj  and  the  countries  in  that  quarter,  and 
.  advanced  and  encamped  two  or  three  marches  on  this  side 
kanauj.  They  elected  Bih&r  Khan,^  the  son  of  Daryd  Ehfin, 
their  king,  and  gave  him  the  name  of  Sult&n  Muhammad, 
rghub,  a  slave,  was  in  Mah&ban.  ^This  confederation,  though 
reaching,  yet  did  not  come  near  for  some  time.  When  I 
le  to  Agra  it  was  the  hot  season.  All  the  inhabitants  fled 
n  terror,  so  that  we  could  not  find  grain  nor  provender, 
ler  for  ourselves  or  our  horses.  The  villages,  out  of  hostility 
.  hatred  to  us,  had  taken  to  rebellion,  thieving  and  robbery. 
)  roads  became  impassable.  I  had  not  time,  after  the  division 
the  treasure,^  to  send  proper  persons  to  occupy  and  protect 

different  parganaa  and  stations.     It  happened,  too,  that  the 

[The  Jaghatai  says,  "  These  infideli  were/'  etc.] 

["  Bahadur  Khin."— /«^A.] 

[Imtead  of  this  sentence,  the  Jaghatai  says,  *'  whence  he  (MarghCih)  did  not  more 

ome  time,  although  iii  the  immediate  Ticioity."] 

[The  Jagh,  says,  "  I  had  not  yet  heen  ahle  to  diride  the  treasure,  or  to  send,"  etc] 


264  THE  EMPEROR  BiCBAR. 

heats  were  this  year  uncommonly  oppressive.  Many  men  about 
the  same  time  dropped  down,  as  if  they  had  been  affected  by  ihfl 
Simum  wind,  and  died  on  the  spot. 

On  these  accounts,  not  a  few  of  my  Begs  and  best  men  bega 
to  lose  heart,  objected  to  remaining  in  Hindust&n,  and  evn 
began  to  make  preparations  for  their  return.  *  *  *  I  no  sooiMr 
heard  this  murmuring  among  my  troops,  than  I  summoned  lU 
my  Begs  to  a  council.   I  told  them  that,  *  *  by  the  Divine  fitvooi^ 
I  had  routed  my  formidable  enemy,  and  achieved  the  oonqueik 
of  the  numerous  provinces  and  kingdoms  which  we  at  present 
held,  ''  and  now,  what  force  compels,  and  what  hardship  obligM 
us,  without  any  visible  cause,  after  having  worn  out  our  life  in 
accomplishing  the  desired  achievement,  to  abandon  and  fly  from 
our  conquests,  and  to  retreat  back  to  K&bul  with  every  symptom 
of  disappointment  and  discomfiture  ?  Let  not  any  one  who  ealh 
himself  my  friend  ever  henceforward  make  such  a  proposal. 
But  if  there  is  any  one  among  you  who  cannot  bring  himself  to 
stay,   or  to  give*  up  his  purpose  of  returning   back,  let  him 
depart.^^    Having  made  them  this  fair  and  reasonable  proposal^ 
the    discontented   were    of   necessity   compelled,   however   uor 
willingly,  to  renounce  their  seditious  purposes.     Khw&ja  KiUn 
not    being  disposed  to    remain,   it  was  arranged  that  as  he 
had  a  numerous  retinue,  he  should  return  back  to  guard  the 
presents.  ♦  ♦  ♦ 

Although  Ednd  Sanka,^  the  Pagan,  when  I  was  in  E&bul,  had 
sent  me  an  ambassador  with  professions  of  attachment,  and  had 
arranged  with  me,  that,  if  I  would  march  from  that  quarter  into 
the  vicinity  of  Dehli,  he  would  march  from  the  other  side  upon 
^gra ;  yet  when  I  defeated  Ibr&him,  and  took  DehK  and  Agra, 
the  Pagan,  during  all  my  operations,  did  not  make  a  single 
movement.     Afler   some  time,  he  advanced  and  laid  siege  to 

^  R&n&  Sanka,  the  BftjCi  of  Udiptir,  had  made  the  principal  R&jptit  states  depen- 
dent upon  him.  He  had  enlarged  his  dominions  hy  the  oonquest  of  seyeral  proTineei 
in  M&lw&,  that  had  formerly  belonged  to  the  King  of  Man^^i;  and  was,  upon  the 
whole,  the  most  formidable  opponent  whom  B&bar  had  to  dread. 


TirZAK-I  BiCBABr.  265 

Ksndh&r,^  the  name  of  a  fort  which  was  held  by  Hasan,  the  son 
of  Makon.  Hasan  Makon  had  several  times  sent  me  envoys, 
though  Makon  himself  had  not  waited  on  me  with  his  submis- 
sions. The  forts  around,  such  as  Et&wa,  Dhulptir,  Gw&Iior, 
and  Bay&na  were  not  yet  in  my  possession.  The  Afgh&ns  to 
the  eastward  were  in  a  state  of  rebellion  and  contumacy ;  they 
had  even  advanced  two  or  three  marches  from  Kanauj  towards 
jCg^  and  had  then  encamped  and  fortified  their  position.  I  was 
by  no  means  secure  of  the  fidelity  of  the  country  immediately 
about  us.  It  was  impossible  for  me,  therefore,  to  send  any 
detachment  to  his  relief;  and  Hasan,  in  the  course  of  two  or 
three  months,  having  been  reduced  to  extremity,  entered  into  a 
capitulation,  and  surrendered  the  fort  of  Kand&r.  *  *  * 

Year  933, 

[In  Muharram,  Niz&m  Kh&n,  of  Bayfina],  as  soon  as  he  had 
certain  information  of  the  approach  of  Hknk  Sanka,  the  Pagan, 
seeing  no  remedy,  sent  for  Saiyid  Bafa',  and  by  his  mediation 
delivered  up  the  fort  to  my  troops ;  after  which  he  accompanied  the 
Saiyid  to  the  presence,  and  was  graciously  received  and  taken  into 
my  service.  ♦  ♦  ♦  T&t&r  Kh&n  S&rang-kh&ni,  who  held  Gw&lior, 
had  repeatedly  sent  messengers  with  professions  of  submission 
and  attachment.  After  the  Pagan  had  taken  Kandh&r,  and 
when  he  was  approaching  Bay&na,  one  of  the  Bdj&s  of  Gw&lior, 
Darmankat,  and  one  Kh&n  Jahdn,  a  Pagan,  came  into  the  city 
of  Ghe&lior,  and  began  to  attempt,  by  raising  an  insurrection 
and  gaining  a  party,  to  produce  a  defection  and  seize  the  fortress. 
T&t&r  Kh&n  finding  himself  in  considerable  di£Sculty  was  willing 
to  deliver  up  the  fort  to  me.  ♦  ♦  ♦  I  despatched  Rahim-d&d 
with  a  party  of  Bahrah  men  and  Lahoris,  ♦  ♦  ♦  who  were 
directed  to  return  after  establishing  Bahim-d&d  in  Gw&lior. 
When  they  got  near  Gw&lior,  T&t&r  Kh&n  had  changed  his 
mind,  and  would  not  suflfer  them  to  enter  the  fort.  ♦  •  ♦  Rahim- 

>  A  stroDg  bill-fort  a  few  miles  east  of  Bantambhor. 


266  THE  EMFEBOR  BABAB. 

d&d  sent  in  notice  that  he  was  afraid  to  remain  without  froa 
dread  of  the  Pagans ;  and  proposed  that  he  should  be  allowed  to 
enter  the  fort  with  a  few  of  his  men,  while  the  rest  stayai 
without  the  walls.  After  much  entreaty,  T&t&r  Kh&n  aaaeaiA 
to  this  arrangement.  Bahim-d&d  had  no  sooner  seenred  Ui 
own  admission,  and  that  of  a  few  of  his  men,  than  he  requested 
that  some  of  his  people  might  be  permitted  to  attend  at  the  gate^ 
which  was  granted ;  and  accordingly  some  of  his  people  wen 
stationed  at  the  Hastiapol  or  elephant-gate.  Thai  Teiy  nigkt 
he  introduced  the  whole  of  his  men  by  that  gate.  In  the  monung 
T&t&r  £h&n,  seeing  that  there  was  no  help  for  it,  sorrendend 
the  fort  very  unwillingly,  and  came  and  waited  upon  me  at  Afp^ 


Hum  &y tin,  who  had  proceeded  against  the  rebels  of  the  East, 
having  taken  Jaunpur,  marched  expeditiously  to  Gh&zipfir,  for  ! 
the  purpose  of  attacking  Nasir  Kh&n.^  The  A%h&ns  in  that 
quarter,  on  getting  notice  of  his  approach,  passed  the  river  Sari.' 
The  light  detachment  of  the  army  that  had  advanced  maiehed 
back  again,  after  plundering  the  country.  Hum&y6n  then 
arranged  everything  as  I  had  directed.  *  *  *  He  crossed  the 
Gtinges  at  Karra-Manikpur,  and  marched  by  way  of  Ealpi  to 
join  me.  *  *  *  On  Sunday,  the  3rd  of  the  last  Babi\  he  watted 
on  me  in  the  garden  of  the  HoihUhihkhL 

At  this  time  messengers  began  to  come  close  upon  each  other 
from  Mahdi  Khw&ja,  to  announce  that  the  K&n&  Sanka  wae 
undoubtedly  on  his  march,  and  had  been  joined  by  Hasan  Khia 
Mew&tti.  *  *  *  In  order,  therefore,  to  harass  the  R&n&'s  army, 
I  pushed  on  before  me,  towards  Bay&na,  a  light  force.  *  *  *  Oi 
the  9th  of  the  first  Jum&da,  *  *  we  received  information  that 
E&n&  Sanka  had  pushed  on  with  all  his  army  nearly  as  fiur  ae 

>  [The  Jaghatai  here  adds,  <*  He  being  apprised  of  the  danger  which  threatmd 
him  crossed  oyer  the  Ganges;  npon  which  Hum&ytln  proceeded  from  Gh&sip6rto 
Khairiibfed."] 

*  The  Sarti  or  Sarjd  is  a  branch  of  the  Gogra,  which  joins  it  a  little  aboTe  Oidk. 
B&bar,  howereri  applies  that  name  to  the  joint  stream,  till  it  falls  into  the  Gmngei. 


TirZAK-I  BABAEr.  267 

Bay&na.  The  party  that  had  been  sent  out  in  advance  were 
not  able  to  reach  the  fort,  nor  even  to  communicate  with  it. 
The  garrison  of  Bay&na  had  advanced  too  far  from  the  fort  and 
with  too  little  caution,  and  the  enemy  having  unexpectedly  fallen 
upon  them  in  great  force,  completely  routed  them.  *  *  *  It  occurred 
to  me  that,  situated  as  I  was,  of  all  places  in  this  neighbourhood, 
Sikri  being  that  in  which  water  was  most  abundant,  was  upon 
the  whole  the  most  desirable  station  for  a  camp ;  but  that  it  was 
possible  that  the  Pagans  might  anticipate  us,  take  possession 
of  the  water  and  encamp  there.  I  therefore  drew  up  my  army 
IB  order  of  battle,  with  right  and  left  wing  and  main  body,  and 
advanced  forward  in  battle  array.  *  *  *  I  had  directed  that  the 
different  Begs  should  have  charge  of  the  advance  and  scouts  in 
turn.  When  it  was  'Abdu-1  'Aziz^s  day,  without  taking  any 
precautions,  he  advanced  as  far  as  Kanwdhah,  which  is  five  ko8 
from  Sikri.  The  Pagans  were  on  their  march  forward,  when 
ihey  got  notice  of  his  imprudent  and  disorderly  advance,  which 
they  no  sooner  learned  than  a  body  of  4000  or  6000  of  them  at 
onoe  pushed  on  and  fell  upon  him.  'Abdu-1  'Aziz  and  Mulla 
Ap4k  had  with  them  about  1000  or  1500  men.  Without  taking 
into  consideration  the  numbers  or  position  of  the  enemy,  they 
immediately  engaged.  On  the  very  first  charge,  a  number  of 
their  men  were  taken  prisoners  and  carried  off*  the  field.  The 
moment  this  intelligence  arrived,  I  despatched  Muhib  'Ali 
TTIiAKfe^  with  his  followers,  to  reinforce  them.  Mulla  Husain 
and  some  others  were  sent  close  after  to  their  support,  being 
directed  to  push  on  each  according  to  the  speed  of  his  horse. 
I  then  detached  Muhammad  Jang-Jang  to  cover  their  retreat. 
Before  the  arrival  of  the  first  reinforcement,  consisting  of  Muhib 
'All  Khali&  and  his  party,  they  had  reduced  ^Abdu-1  'Aziz  »id 
his  detachment  to  great  straits,  had  taken  his  horse-tail  standard, 
and  taken  and  put  to  death  *  *  *  and  Mulla  Ap&k's  younger 
brother,  besides  a  number  of  others.  No  sooner  did  the  first 
reinforcement  come  up,  than  T&hir  Tabari,  the  maternal  uncle 
of  Muhib  ^Ali,  made  a  push  forward,  but  was  unable  to  effect  a 


268  THB  EMPSEOE  MBAR. 

janction  with  his  friends,  and  got  into  the  midst  of  the  eiieii^. 
Mahib  'AU  himself  was  thrown  down  in  the  action,  but  Baltf, 
making  a  charge  from  behind,  succeeded  in  bringing  him  flC 
They  pursued  our  troops  a  full  koa^  but  halted  the  moment  tbif 
descried  Muhammad  '^Ali  Jang-Jang's  troops  from  a  distance. 

Messengers  now  arrived  in  rapid  succession  to  inform  me  tbift 
the  enemy  had  advanced  close  upon  us.    We  lost  no  time  ia 
buckling  on  our  armour ;  we  arrayed  our  horses  in  their  mail, 
and  were  no  sooner  accoutred  than  we  mounted  and  rode  ohL 
I  likewise  ordered  the  guns^  to  advance.     Aft^  marching  a  km, 
we  found  that  the  enemy  had  retreated.    There  being  a  laigs 
tank  on  our  left,  I  encamped  there,  to  have  the  benefit  of  tin 
wat^r.    We  fortified  the  guns  in  front,  and  connected  them  bj 
chains.     Between  every  two  guns  we  left  a  space  of  seven  or 
eight  gaz,  which  was  defended  by  a  chain.     Mnstafii  Rdmi  hsl 
disposed  the  guns  according  to  the  Bdmi  fiishion.     He  was  ii* 
tremely  active,  intelligent,  and  skilful  in  the  management  rf 
artillery.   As  Ust&d ' Ali  Kuli  was  jealous  of  him,'  I  had  stationed 
Mustafa  on  the  right  with  Hum&yun.    In  the  places  where  than 
were  no  guns,  I  caused  the  Hindust&ni  and  Khur&s&nf  prisonen 
to  run  a  ditch.  *  *  *  In  order  to  re-assure  my  troops,  and  to 
add  to  the  apparent  strength  of  my  position,  wherever  thon 
were  not  guns,  I  directed  things  like  tripods  to  be  made  of 


^  [M.  Payet  de  Coarteille  here  appends  a  note,  of  which  the  following  is  the 
lation :  *'  The  word  ardba^  which  I  have  translated  by  '  chariot,'  has  been  nodontood 
by  Mr.  Leyden  in  the  sense  of  *  gun/  which  I  do  not  consider  correct ;  at  the  ntaoit 
it  signifies  *  gon-carriage  {afftU),'  It  seems  to  me  impossible  to  admit  that  Blbv 
had  at  his  command  such  a  large  moTable  artillery.  These  ardba  might  be  nsedti 
some  extent  in  transporting  field-pieces,  bnt  they  were  also  employed  in  other  wa}% 
as  the  seqnel  shows."  In  the  passage  quoted  firom  the  Joffhatai  Tendon  at  ps^  lilf 
it  appears  that  the  soldiers  collected  700  ardbas,  which  Leyden  translates  **gnm,*' 
and  Payet  dc  Conrteille,  "  chariots."  It  is  manifest  that  oarts,  not  gims,  most  bi 
there  intended.  On  the  other  hand,  the  word  ardba  is  nsed  in  India  at  the  presMil 
day  for  a  field-gun.  Many  passages  in  these  Extracts  show  nnmistakably  tint 
B&bar  had  gons,  and  that  IJst&d  * Ali  K6li  and  Mnstafa  were  gunners.  Hie  «rtffl^ 
whateyer  they  were,  were  under  the  direction  of  these  officers ;  so  perhaps  they  vwt 
used  for  the  carriage  of  the  guns,  as  M.  de  Courteille  suggests,  and  to  form  a  sort  flf 
rampart  in  which  the  guns  were  placed  at  intenrals.] 

*  [The  Jaghatai  says,  <*  had  adopted  quite  a  different  method."] 


TITZAK-I  BABAEr.  269 

wood,  and  the  spaces  between  each  of  them,  being  seven  or 
eight  goM^  to  be  connected  and  strengthened  bj  balls'  hides 
twisted  into  ropes.  Twenty  or  twenty-five  days  elapsed  before 
these  machines  and  furniture  were  finished.  *  *  * 

On  Monday,  the  23rd  of  the  first  Jum&da,  I  had  mounted 
to  surrey  my  posts,  and,  in  the  course  of  my  ride,  was  seriously 
■track  with  the  reflection  that  I  had  always  resolved  one  time 
after  another  to  make  an  e£fectual  repentance.  *  *  *  Having  sent 
tat  the  gold  and  silver  goblets  and  cups,  with  all  the  other 
atenaik  used  for  drinking  parties,  I  directed  them  to  be  broken, 
and  renounced  the  use  of  wine,  purifying  my  mind.  The  frag- 
ments of  the  goblets,  and  other  utensils  of  gold  and  silver,  I 
directed  to  be  divided  among  dartceshes  and  the  poor.  *  *  * 

At  this  time,  as  I  have  already  observed,  in  consequence  of 
preceding  events,  a  general  consternation  and  alarm  prevailed 
among  great  and  .small.  There  was  not  a  single  person  who 
uttered  a  manly  word,  nor  an  individual  who  delivered  a  manly 
<^inion.  The  toazirSy  whose  duty  it  was  to  give  good  counsel, 
and  the  anUrs,  who  enjoyed  the  wealth  of  kingdoms,  neither 
spoke  bravely,  nor  was  their  counsel  or  deportment  such  as 
became  men  of  firmness.  During  the  whole  course  of  this 
expedition  Khalifa  conducted  himself  admirably,  and  was  un- 
remitting and  indefatigable  in  his  endeavours  to  put  everything 
in  the  best  order.  At  length,  observing  the  universal  discourag- 
ment  of  my  troops,  and  their  total  want  of  spirit,  I  formed  my 
plan.  I  called  an  assembly  of  all  tlie  amirs  and  officers  and 
addressed  them:  '^Noblemen  and  soldiers!  Every  man  that 
comes  into  this  world  is  subject  to  dissolution.  *  *  *  How 
much  better  is  it  to  die  with  honour  than  to  live  with  infamy ! 
♦  ♦  •  Let  us,  then,  with  one  accord,  swear  on  God's  holy  word, 
that  none  of  us  will  even  think  of  turning  his  face  from  this 
war&re,  nor  desert  from  the  battle  and  slaughter  that  ensues, 
till  his  soul  is  separated  from  his  body.'' 

Master  and  servant,  small  and  great,  all,  with  emulation, 
seizing  the  blessed  Kur&n  in  their  hands,  swore  in  the  form 


270  THE  EMPEBOR  BABAB. 

that  I  had  given.     My  plan  succeeded  to  admiration,  and  iti 
effects  were  instantly  visible,  far  and  near,  on  friend  and  foe. 

The  dano;er  and  confusion  on  all  sides  were  particularly  alann- 
ing  at  this  very  moment.    Husain  Kh&n  Lob&ni  had  advanoel 
and  taken  R&bri.^    Kutb  Kh&n'^s  people  bad  taken  Ohandw6r.* 
A  man  of  the  name  of  Rustam  Kh&n,  having  assembled  a  bo^ 
of  Do&b  bowmen,  had  come  and  taken  Koel,'  and  made  Elaebak 
'All  prisoner.    Zahid  had  been  compelled  to  evacuate  Sambal, 
and  had  rejoined  me.    Sult&n  Muhammad  Duldai  had  retired 
from  Kanauj,  and  joined  my  army.    The  Pagans  of  the  tov- 
rounding  country  came  and  blockaded  Gw&lior.     *jCiim  KUa, 
who  had  been  sent  to  the  succour  of  Gw&lior,  instead  of  pro- 
ceeding to  that  place,  had  marched  o£f  to  his  own  countij. 
Every  day  some  unpleasant  news  reached  us  from  one  place 
or  another.    Many  Hindust&nis  b^;an  to  desert  from  the  army. 
Haibat  Kh&n  Garg-and&z  fled  to  Sambal.    Hasan  "Khka  B&riiril 
fled  and  joined  the  Pagans.    Without  minding  the  Pagans,  ire 
continued  to  mind  only  our  own  force.    On  Tuesday,  the  Oth 
of  the  latter  Jum&da,  on  the  day  of  the  Nauroz,  I  advanced  mj 
guns  ^  and  tripods  that  moved  on  wheels,  with  all  the  apparatus 
and  machines  which  I  had  prepared,  and  marched  forward  with 
ray  army,  regularly  drawn  up  and  divided  into  right  and  Idi 
wing  and  centre,  in  battle  order.     I  sent  forward  in  front  the 
guns  ^  and  tripods  placed  on  wheel  carriages.     Behind  them  was 
placed  Ust&d  'AH  Euli,  with  a  body  of  his  matchlockmen,  to 
prevent  the  communication  between  the  artillery  and  infantry, 
who  were  behind,  from  being  cut  off,  and  to  enable  them  to 
advance  and  form  into  line.^    After  the  ranks  were  formed,  and 
every  man  stationed  in  his  place,  I  galloped  along  the  line,  ani- 
mating the  begs  and  troops  of  the  centre,  right  and  left,  giving 

^  A  fort  in  the  Do&b  below  Chandw&r. 

*  Chandw&r  lies  on  the  Jumna  below  Agra. 

'  In  the  Dokb  between  Agra  and  Anupshahr. 

*  ["  Chariots."— Pavet  de  Courteille.] 

A  [**  To  see  that  the  infantry  advanced  in  order  without  getting  separated  from  the 
chariots."— Pavet  de  Courteille.] 


TUZAK-I  BABABr.  271 

vision  special  instructions  how  they  were  to  act,  and  to 
lan  orders  how  to  conduct  himself,  and  in  what  manner 

to  engage;  and,  having  made  these  arrangements,  I 
the  army  to  move  on  in  order  of  battle  for  about  a  kosy 
re  halted  to  encamp.  The  Pagans,  on  getting  notice  of 
tions,  were  on  the  alert,  and  several  parties  drew  out  to 

and  advanced  close  up  to  our  guns  ^  and  ditch.  After 
ay  had  encamped,  and  when  we  had  strengthened  and 
.  our  position  in  front,  as  I  did  not  intend  fighting  that 
pushed  on  a  few  of  our  troops  to  skirmish  with  a  party 
snemy,  by  way  of  taking  an  omen.  They  took  a  number 
Ems  and  cut  off  their  heads,  which  they  brought  away. 
K&sim  also  cut  o£f  and  brought  in  some  heads.  He 
I  extremely  well.  This  incident  raised  the  spirits  of  our 
xcessively,  and  had  a  wonderful  effect  in  giving  them 
ice  in  themselves. 

.  morning  I  marched  from  that  station,  with  the  intention 
ing  battle,  when  Khalifa  and  some  of  my  advisers  re- 
ed to  me  that  as  the  ground  on  which  we  had  fixed  for 
was  near  at  hand,  it  would  be  proper,  in  the  first  place, 
w  up  a  ditch  and  to  fortify  it,.after  which  we  might  march 
.  and  occupy  the  position.     Khalifa  accordingly  mounted 

directions  about  the  ditch,  and  rejoined  us,  afler  having 
aeers  to  work  on  the  different  parts  of  it,  and  appointed 
persons  to  superintend  their  progress. 
Saturday,  the  13th  of  the  latter  Jum&da,  having  dragged 
I  our  guns,^  and  advanced  our  right,  left,  and  centre  in 
array  for  nearly  a  kos,  we  reached  the  ground  that  had 
repared  for  us.  Many  tents  were  already  pitched,  and 
ere  engaged  in  pitching  others,  when  news  was  brought 
le  enemy's  army  was  in  sight.  I  immediately  mounted, 
ve  orders  that  every  man  should,  without  delay,  repair  to 
t,  and  that  the  guns  and  lines  should  be  properly  strength- 

1  [**Charioto."] 


272  THE  EMPEBOa  BABAB. 

ened.^  As  the  letter  anDouncing  my  subsequent  victoiy  eoniiiBi 
a  clear  detailed  accoont  of  the  circumstances  of  the  Armj  of  tb 
Faith,  the  number  of  the  Pagan  bands,  the  order  of  battle  aal 
arrangements  of  both  the  Musulmfin  and  Pagan  armies,  I  abal 
therefore  subjoin  the  official  despatch  announcing  the  yictoij,  ii 
composed  by  Shaikh  Zain,  without  adding  or  taking  away. 

l^This  is  a  long  and  elaborate  document  in  the  grand  df^ 
Bdbar  gained  a  complete  victory;  Hasan  Mewdtti  and  mm§ 
Hindu  chiefs  ioere  slain^  and  great  numbers  qf  the  enemies  wm 
fcere  killed,  wounded,  or  made  prisoners^] 

Afler  this  victory,  I  used  the  epithet  of  Gh&zt  in  the  imperiil 
titles.  Haying  defeated  the  enemy,  we  pursued  them  with  graft 
slaughter.  Their  camp  might  be  two  kos  distant  from  ours.  On 
reaching  it,  I  sent  on  Muhammadi  and  some  other  officers,  wilk 
orders  to  follow  them  in  close  pursuit,  slaying  and  cutting  then 
off,  so  that  they  should  not  have  time  to  re-assemble.  In  tlia 
instance  I  was  guilty  of  neglect ;  I  should  myself  have  gone  on, 
and  urged  the  pursuit,  and  ought  not  to  have  intrusted  that 
business  to  another.  *  *  *  Next  day  we  continued  on  the  stine 
ground.  I  despatched  Muhammad  'Ali  Jang-Jang  and  ♦  ♦  • 
with  a  large  force  against  Ily&s  Kh&n,  who  had  made  an  insiu^ 
roetion  in  the  Do&b,  surprised  Koil,  and  taken  £achak  'AU 
prisoner.  On  the  arrival  of  my  detachment,  the  enemy,  finding 
that  they  could  not  cope  with  them,  fled  in  all  directions  in 
confusion  and  dismay.  Some  days  after  my  return  to  Agr^ 
Ilyds  was  taken  and  brought  in  ;  I  ordered  him  to  be  flayed  alive. 

The  battle  was  fought  within  view  of  a  small  hill,  near  onr 
camp.  On  this  hillock  I  directed  a  tower  of  the  skulls  of  the 
infidels  to  be  constructed.  From  this  encampment  the  third 
march  brought  us  to  Baydna.  Immense  numbers  of  the  deid 
bodies  of  the  Pagans  and  apostates  had  fallen  in  their  flight,  all 
the  way  to  Baydna,  and  even  as  far  as  Alwar  and  Mew&t.  •  • 

1  [**  I  gave  orders  to  the  right  and  left  wing  for  each  to  take  up  its  proper  podtioB 
for  the  battle,  taking  care  to  secure  their  lines  by  means  of  carts  ranged  in  6:00^*— 
P.  de  Courteille.] 


TirzAK.1  BOikBr.  273 

le  ooontiy  of  Mewit  lies  not  fiir  from  Dehli,  and  yielda  a 
me  of  three  or  four  kran.  Haaan  Elh&n  Mew&tti  had 
ved  the  fp>yemm6Dt  of  that  eonntry  from  his  ancestons 
had  goyemed  it,  in  nnintermpted  sooceBsios,  for  nearly  200 
i.  They  had  yielded  an  imperfect  kind  of  sabmisaion  to 
SuIt&nB  of  DehlL  The  Sult&ns  of  Hind,  whether  from  the 
it  of  their  territories,  from  want  of  opportunity,  or  from 
Mdes  opposed  by  the  mountainous  nature  of  the  country, 
aever  subdued  Mew&t.  They  had  never  been  able  to  reduce 
order,  and  were  content  to  receive  such  a  degree  of  obedience 
u  tendered  to  them.  After  my  conquest  of  Hind,  following 
example  of  former  Sult&ns,  I  also  had  shown  Hasan  Kh&n 
Dguished  marks  of  &vour.  Yet  this  ungrateful  man,  whose 
dons  lay  all  on  the  side  of  the  Pagans,  this  infidel,  regard- 
of  my  fiitvours,  and  without  any  sense  of  the  kindness  and 
action  with  which  he  had  been  treated,  was  the  grand  pro- 
tr  and  leader  of  all  the  commotions  and  rebellions  that 
ed,  as  has  been  related.  The  plan  for  marching  into  the 
try  of  the  Pagans  having  been  abandoned,  I  resolved  on 
reduction  of  Mew&t.  I  advanced  four  marches,  and  after 
fifth,  encamped  six  kos  from  the  fort  of  Alw&r,  which  was 
seat  of  government,  on  the  banks  of  the  river  Manisni. 
m  Eh&n's  ancestors  had  made  their  capital  at  Taj&ra.  *  *  * 
srson  named  Karm  Ghand,  one  of  Hasan  Eli&n'^s  head  men, 
had  come  to  visit  Hasan  Kh&n's  son  while  he  was  a 
•ner  in  Agra,  now  arrived  from  the  son,  commissioned  to 
b  pardon.  I  sent  him  back,  accompanied  by  ^Abdu-1  Babim 
;h&wal,  with  letters  to  quiet  his  apprehensions,  and  promising 
personal  safety;^  and  they  returned  along  with  N&hir  Khdn, 
m  Kh&n's  son.  I  again  received  him  into  favour,  and 
med  on  him  a  pargana  of  several  lacs  for  his  support.  •  ♦  ♦ 
stowed  on  Chin  Timur  Su|t&n  the  oity  of  Taj&ra,  which 

rhe  Jaghatai  Tersion  differs.  "  Afterwards  he  brought  back  to  me  the  son  of 
i  'AlS,  son  of  Bahir  Kh&n,  whom  I  treated  with  great  fftToor,  and  to  whom  I 
)d  for  his  fopport  a  district  of  sereral  lact  of  reyenoe."] 

'OL.  IT.  18 


274  THE  EHFEBOE  BABAK. 

was  the  capital  of  Mew&t,  granting  him  at  the  same  time 
a  settled  provision  of  fifty  lae8.  To  Tardfka,  who  in  die 
battle  with  E&n&  Sanka  commanded  the  tulugkma  (or  flankiiig 
division)  on  the  right,  and  had  distinguished  himself  more  thn 
any  other,  I  gave  an  appointment  of  fifteen^  laes^  with  the  ehuge 
of  the  fort  of  Alw&r.  I  bestowed  the  treasure  of  Alwfe,  willi 
everything  in  the  fort,  on  Hum&ytin. 

I  marched  from  this  station  on  Wednesday,  the  Ist  of  Bajab, 
and  having  come  within  two  ho9  of  Alw&r,  went  and  examined 
the  fort,  where  I  stayed  all  night,  and  returned  back  to  the  camp 
in  the  morning. 

Year  934  (1527^  a.d.). 

On  Sunday  [29th  Safar]  XJst&d  'All  Etilf  fired  a  large  baH 
firom  a  cannon ;  though  the  ball  went  &r,  the  camion  burst  ii 
pieces,  and  every  piece  knocked  down  several  men,  of  iduMn 
eight  died.  *  *  ^ 

On  Monday  the  14th  of  the  first  Rabi',  I  set  out,  in  punuanee 
of  a  vow,  on  a  holy  war  a^nst  Gh&ndeH,  and  marching  three 
ko8^  halted  at  Jalesar.  *  *  *  On  Friday,  the  24th  [of  the  second 
Babi'],  we  encamped  near  Kachwah.  *  *  *  Having  halted  one 
day,  I  sent  on  a  number  of  overseers  and  pioneers  to  level  the 
inequalities  of  the  road,  and  to  cut  down  the  jungle,  to  admit 
of  the  guns  and  carriages  *  passing  without  difficulty.  •  •  ♦  • 
Leaving  Kachwah,  the  second  day's  march  brought  us  within 
three  koB  of  Ch&nderi,  where  we  encamped,  having  previously 
crossed  the  river  of  Barh&nptir. 

The  citadel  of  Gh&nderi  is  situated  on  a  hill.  The  outer  fort 
and  town  lie  in  the  middle  of  the  slope  of  the  hill.  The  straight 
road,  by  which  cannon  '  can  be  conveyed,  passes  right  below  the 
fort.  After  marching  from  Barh&npdr,  we  passed  a  ko%  lower 
down  than  Gh&nderi,  on  account  of  our  guns,'  and  at  the  end  of 

1  ["  Fifty."— Ja^A.] 

»  [»» Chariots  et  canons."— P.  de  Courteille.]  »  ["  CharioW] 


TUZAK-I  BABAEf.  275 

the  march,  on  Tuesday,  the  28th,  encamped  on  the-  banks  of 
Bahjat  Kh&n's  tank,  on  the  top  of  the  mound.  Next  momuig 
I  rode  out  and  distributed  the  different  posts  around  the  fort 
to  the  different  divisions  of  my  ann j,  to  the  centre  and  to  the 
nght  and  left  wings.  In  placing  his  battery,  TJst&d  'AH  Ktili 
diose  a  piece  of  ground  that  had  no  slope.^  Overseers  and 
pioneers  were  appointed  to  construct  works  on  which  the  guns 
were  to  be  planted.  All  the  men  of  the  army  were  directed  to 
prepare*  tiLrda  and  scaling-ladders,  and  to  serve  the  turds  which 
are  used  in  attacking  forts.  Ch&nderi  had  formerly  belonged 
to  the  Sult&ns  of  Mandd.  After  the  death  of  Sult&n  N&siru-d 
din  one*  of  his  sons,  Sult&n  Mahmdd,  who  is  now  in  Mandu,  got 
possession  of  Mandd  and  the  neighbouring  countries ;  another 
of  his  sons,  Muhammad  Sh&h,  seized  on  Chdnderi,  and  applied 
to  Sult£n  Sikandar  for  protection.  Sult&n  Sikandar  sent  several 
laige  araiies  and  supported  him  in  his  dominions.  After  Suli&n 
Sikandaf's  demise,  in  Sult&n  Ibr&him^s  reign,  Muhammad  Sh&h 
died,  leading  a  young  son  of  the  name  of  Ahmad  Shfih.  SuitSn 
Ibr&hfm  carried  off  Ahmad  Shah,  and  established  one  of  his  own 
people  in  his  stead.  When  Sanka  advanced  with  an  army 
against  Ibr&him  as  far  as  Dhdlpur,  that  prince'^s  amirs  rose 
against  him,  and  on  that  occasion  Ch&nderl  fell  into  Sanka's 
handff.  He  bestowed  it  on  one  Medini  Bfio,  a  Pagan  of  great 
consequence,  who  was  now  in  the  place  with  4000  or  5000 
Pagans.  ^  *  I  sent  to  him  to  assure  him  of  my  favour  and 
elemeney,  and  offering  him  Shams&b&d  in  exchange  for  Gh&nderi. 
Two  or  three  considerable  people  about  him  were  averse  to  con- 
eiliation,  *  *  and  the  treaty  broke  off  without  success.  On 
the  morning  of  Tuesday,  the  6th  of  the  first  Jumada,  I 
marched  ftom  Bahjat  Kh&n'*s  tank,  for  the  purpose  of  attempting 
Ch&nderi  by  force,  and  encamped  on  the  banks  of  the  middle 
tank,  which  is  near  the  ifort.     The  same  morning,  just  as  we 

»  ["  Ust&d  *AU  KtUi  choirit  un  terrain  sans  pente  pour  lancer  ses  projectUes.  Des 
mipectenn  et  des  terrasriers  fiirent  charges  d'^lever  des  batteries  pour  y  installer 
rartiUerie."— P.  do  Courteille.J 


I 


276  THB  EMPEBOE  BABAE. 

reached  our  ground,  Elhalifk  brought  me  a  letter  or  two.  Tbe 
tenor  of  them  was,  that  the  army  which  had  been  sent  to  tin 
eastward  (j)irab\  while  marching  in  disorder,  had  been  attacked 
and  defeated ;  that  it  had  abandoned  Lucknow,  and  fiJlen  bad 
to  Kanauj.  *  *  *  The  enemy  had  garrisoned  every  part  of  tin 
citadel  [of  Ch&nderi]  strongly,  but  had  placed  only  a  few  meo, 
by  ones  and  twos,  in  the  outer  fort  to  defend  it.  Thia  veiy 
night  my  troops  entered  the  outer  fort  on  every  side.  Thsre 
being  but  few  people  in  the  place,  the  resbtanpe  was  not 
obstinate.     They  fled,  and  took  shelter  in  the  citadel. 

Next  morning,  being  Wednesday,  the  7th  of  the  first  JunUula, 
I  commanded  the  troops  to  arm  themselves,  to  repair  to  their 
posts,  and  prepare  for  an  assault,  directing  that  aa  soon  as  I 
raised  my  standard  and  beat  my  kettledrum,  every  man  should 
push  on  to  the  assault.  I  did  not  intend  to  display  my  standard, 
nor  beat  the  kettledrum,  till  we  were  ready  to  storm,  bat  went 
to  see  Ust&d  'AH  Euli's  battering-cannon  play.  He  discharged 
three  or  four  shot;  but  his  ground  having  no  slope,  and  the 
works  being  very  strong,  and  entirely  of  rook,  the  effect  produced 
was  trifling:.  It  has  been  mentioned  that  the  citadel  of  Ch&nderi 
is  situated  on  a  hill ;  on  one  side  of  it  they  have  made  a  covered 
way,  which  runs  down  to  the  water.  The  walls  of  this  covered 
way  reach  down  below  the  hill,  and  this  is  one  of  the  places  in 
which  the  fort  is  assailable  with  most  hopes  of  success.  This 
spot  had  been  assigned  to  the  right  and  left  of  the  centre,  and 
to  my  own  household  troops,  as  the  object  of  their  attack.  The 
citadel  was  attacked  on  all  sides,  but  here  with  particular  vigour. 
Though  the  Pagans  exerted  themselves  to  the  utmost,  hurling 
down  stones  from  above,  and  throwing  over  flaming  substances 
on  tlieir  heads,  the  troops  nevertheless  persevered,  and  at  lengA 
Shaham  Nur  Beg  mounted,  where  the  wall  of  the  outer  fert 
joined  the  wall  of  the  projecting  baiition.  The  troops,  like- 
wise, about  the  same  time,  scaled  the  walls  in  two  or  three  other 
places.  The  Pagans,  who  were  stationed  in  the  covered  way, 
took  to  flight,  and  that  part  of  the  works  was  taken.     Thej 


TUZAK-I  BiCBAEr.  277 

did  not  defend  the  upper  fort  with  so  much  obstinacy,  and  were 
quickly  put  to  flight ;  the  assailants  climbed  up  and  entered  the 
upper  fort  by  storm.  In  a  short  time  the  Pagans,  in  a  state  of 
complete  nudity,  rushed  out  to  attack  us,  put  numbers  of  my 
people .  to  flighty  and  leaped  over  the  ramparts.^  Some  of  our 
troops  were  attacked  furiously,  and  put  to  the  sword.  The 
reason  of  this  desperate  sally  from  their  works  was,  that,  on 
giying  up  the  place  for  lost,  they  had  put  to  death  the  whole  of 
their  wives  and  women,  and,  haying  resolved  to  perish,  had 
stripped  themselves  naked,  in  which  condition  they  had  rushed 
out  to  the  fight ;  and,  engaging  with  ungovernable  desperation, 
drove  our  people  along  the  ramparts.'  Two  or  three  hundred 
Pagans  had  entered  Medini  B&o'*s  bouse,  where  numbers  of 
them  slew  each  other,  in  the  following  manner :  One  person  took 
his  stand  with  a  sword  in  his  hand,  while  the  others,  one  by  one, 
crowded  in  and  stretched  out  their  necks  eager  to  die.  In  this 
way  many  went  to  hell ;  and  by  the  favour  of  God,  in  the  space 
of  two  or  three  ghariSy  I  gained  this  celebrated  fort,  without 
raising  my  standard,  or  beating  my  kettledrum,  and  without 
using  the  whole  strength  of  my  arms.  On  the  top  of  a  hill, 
to  the  north-west  of  Oh&nderi,  I  erected  a  tower  of  the  heads 
of  the  Pagans.  ♦  ♦  • 

Next  morning,  being  Thursday,  I  marched  round  the  fort, 
and  encamped  by  the  fort  of  Malld  Eh&n.  When  I  came  it 
was  my  design,  after  the  capture  of  Gh&nderi,  to  foil  upon  B&i 
Sing,'  and  Bhils&n  (Bhilsa),  and  S&rangpur,  which  is  a  country 
of  the  Pagans  that  belonged  to  SaUhu-d  din,  the  Pagan ;  and 
I  intended,  after  conquering  them,  to  advance  to  Chitdr  against 
Sanka.  On  the  arrival  of  the  un&vourable  news  that  has  been 
alluded  to,  I  convened  the  Sega  and  held  a  council,  in  which  it 
was  decided  that  it  was  necessary,  first  of  all,  to  proceed  to 
check  the  rebellion  of  the  insurgents.      I  gave  Oh&nderi  to 

1  I**  And  droT6  them  oyer  the  ramparte." — Jaghatai.'] 

*  [**  At  length  my  men  forced  tbem  on  every  side  to  fly  over  the  ramparts." — Jagh,^ 

>  [The  Jaghatai  oonfimu  thii  readins,  but  the  fort  of  B&isin  mnst  be  intended.] 


278  THE  EMPEROR  BiCBAR. 

Ahmad  .Sh4h,  who  lias  been  mentioned,  the  grandson  of  Soltfai 
N&sim-d  din,  and  fixed  a  revenue  of  fifty  lacs  to  be  paid  firom 
it  to  the  imperial  treasury.  *  * 

On  Sunday,  the  11th  of  the  first  Jum&da,  I  set  out  on  my 
expedition.  *  *  *  On  Saturday,  the  24th,  having  halted, at  the 
passage  of  Kin&r,^  I  ordered  the  troops  to  lose  no  time  in  cross- 
ing with  all  possible  speed.  At  ihis  time  I  received  intelUgence 
that  the  detachment  which  I  had  sent  forward,  after  abandoning 
Eanauj,  had  fallen  back  to  B&bri,  and  that  a  strong  force  had 
advanced  and  stormed  the  fort  of  Shams&b&d,  which  had  been 
garrisoned  by  the  troops  of  Abd-1  Muhammad  Nisa-b&z.  We 
were  detained  three  or  four  days  on  the  two  banks  of  the  river, 
while  the  army  was  passing.  Having  transported  the  whole  army 
across,  I  proceeded,  march  after  march,  for  Eanauj,  and  sent  <m 
a  party  of  light  troops  before  us,  in  order  to  gain  intelligence  of 
the  enemy.  We  were  still  two  or  three  marches  firom  Elanaoj, 
when  they  returned  with  information  that,  instantly  on  dis- 
covering from  a  distance  the  troops  who  had  advanced  to  re- 
connoitre, the  son  of  M'aruf  had  fled  firom  Kanauj  and  abandoned 
it,  and  that  Biban  and  Bdyazid,  as  well  as  M'ardf,  on  hearing 
^f  my  motions,  had  recrossed  the  Ganges,  and  oocupied  the  east 
side  of  the  river  opposite  to  Kanauj,  hoping  that  they  would  be 
Able  to  prevent  my  passage. 

On  Thursday,  the  6th  of  the  latter  Jum&da,  I  passed  Eanauj, 
and  encamped  on  the  western  bank  of  the  Ganges.  My  troops 
went  out. and  seized  a  number  of  the  enemy's  boats,  which  thej 
brought  in.  From  above  and  from  below  they  collected  about 
thirty  or  forty  boats  in  all,  of  different  sizes.  I  sent  Mir 
Muhammad  Jdlahb&n  to  throw  a  bridge  over  the  river.  He 
accordingly  went  and  marked  out  a  situation,  about  a  ko8  below 
our  encampment.  I  appointed  commissaries  to  provide  eveiy- 
thing  requisite  for  the  bridge.  Near  the  place  pitched  on, 
Ust&d  'All  Kuli  brought  a  gun  for  the  purpose  of  cannonading, 
and  having  pitched  upon  a  proper  spot,  began  his  fire.  *  *  * 

^  AkotoT  two  below  the  junction  of  the  Jumna  and  the  ChambaL 


TUZAS-I  BABAEr.  279 

ing  planted  a  swivel  od  an  island,  at  a  place  below  where 
bridge  was   constnicting,  a  fire  was   commenced  fix>m  it. 
her  np  than  the  bridge  a  breastwork  was  raised^  oyer  which 
matchlockmen  fired  with  great  execution.  *  *  *  For  several 
3,  while  the  bridge  was  constmcting,  Ustdd  'Ali  Kill  played 
gun  remarkably  well.    The  first  day  he  discharged  it  eight 
38 ;    the  second  day  sixteen  times ;    and  for  three  or  four 
B  he  continued  firing  in  the  same  way.     The  gun  which  he 
1  was  that  called  Deg-ghdzi  (the  victorious  gun).     It  was 
same  which  had  been  used  in  the  war  with  Sanka,  the  Pagan, 
iuce  it  got  its  name.     Another  gun,  larger  than  this,  had 
1  planted^  but  it  burst  at  the  first  fire.  *  *  * 
Ls  soon  as  the  bridge  was  nearly  completed,  on  Wednesday, 
19th  of  the  last  Jum&da,  I  moved  and  took  post  at  the  end 
t.     The  A%h&ns,  amazed  at  our  attempt  to  throw  a  bridge 
r  the  Gbnges,  treated  it  with  contempt.     On  Thursday,  the 
Ige  being  completed,  a  few  of  the  infantry  and  Lahoris  crossed 
had  a  slight  action  with  the  enemy.   On  Friday,  part  of  my 
sehold  troops,  the  right  of  the  centre,  the  left  of  the  centre, 
best  troops,  and  foot  musketeers  crossed  over.     The  whole 
[h&ns  having  armed   themselves  for  battle,   mounted,  and 
ancing  with  their  elephants  attacked  them.     At  one  time 
f  made  an  impression  on  the  troops  of  the  left,  and  drove 
n  back,  but  the  troops  of  the  right  and  of  the  centre  stood 
ir  ground,  and  finally  drove  firom  the  field  the  enemy  opposed 
hem.  *  *  *  The  fight  continued  sharply  till  afternoon  prayers. 
)  whole  night  was  employed  in  bringing  back  across  the 
Ige  such  as  had  passed  to  the  other  side.    If  that  same 
nrday  eve  I  had  carried  over  the  rest  of  my  army,  it  is 
bable  that  most  of  the  enemy  would  have  fallen  into  our 
ds.     But  it  came  into  my  head,  that  last  year  I  had  set  out 
my  march  from  Sikri  to  attack  Sanka  on  New  Year's  Day, 
eh  fell  on  a  Tuesday,  and  had  overthrown  my  enemy  on  a 
urday.     This  year  we  had  commenced  our  march  against 
se  enemies  on  New  Yearns  Day,  which  fell  upon  a  Wednesday, 


280  THE  EICFBROE  BiCBAB. 

and  that  if  we  beat  them  on  a  Sunday  it  would  be  a  remaikaUe 
coincidence.  On  that  account  I  did  not  march  my  troops.  On 
Saturday,  the  enemy  did  not  come  out  to  action,  but  stood  afir 
ofi^  drawn  up  in  order  of  battle.  That  day  we  conveyed  otv 
our  artillery/  and  next  morning  the  troops  had  orders  to  eras. 
About  the  beat  of  the  morning  drum,  infonnation  reached  us 
from  the  advanced  guard,  that  the  enemy  had  gone  off  and  fled. 
I  commanded  Chin  Timdr  Sult&n  to  push  on  befiyre  the  anny, 
in  pursuit  of  the  enemy.  *  *  *  I  also  crossed  over  about  thi 
time  of  early  morning  prayers.  *  *  *  The  detachment  which 
bad  been  sent  on  to  harass  the  enemy,  had  little  success.  *  *  * 
On  Saturday,  the  29th  of  the  latter  Jum&da,  I  readied  Lucknow; 
and  having  surveyed  it,  passed  the  river  Oumti,  and  encamped. 
*  *  *  On  Saturday,  the  7th  Bajab,  I  encamped  two  or  three 
ko8  above  Oudh,  at  the  junction  of  the  Gogar  and  Sirwd.'  Till 
that  day,  Shaikh  B&yazid  had  kept  his  station  not  &r  from 
Oudh,  on  the  other  side  of  the  Sirwu.  ♦  *  ♦  [Chin  Timir] 
Sult&n  began  to  make  preparations  for  passing  the  river.  When 
Kar&chah  had  joined  Sult&n,  they  passed  the  river  without 
delay.  *  *  *  Those  who  had  passed  over  first,  continued  till 
evening  prayers  in  pursuit  of  Shaikh  B&yazid,  who  threw  himself 
into  a  jungle  and  escaped.  *  *  I  halted  some  days  in  this  statioiii 
for  the  purpose  of  settling  the  affairs  of  Oudh  and  the  neighboiff- 
ing  country,  and  for  making  the  necessary  arrangements. 
[7%^  remaining  tranaactions  of  this  year  are  not  to  heftmnd.'l 

Events  of  the  Year  935  (1528-9  aj).). 

On  Sunday,  the  5th  Muharram,  intending  to  visit  6w&Iior, 
which  in  books  they  write  G&li&r,'  I  passed  the  Jumna  and 
entered  the  fort  of  -^gra.  ♦  ♦  ♦  On  the  10th  I  alighted  at  i 
Cfidrbdghy  a  kos  from   Gw&lior  to  the  north,  *  *  and  next 

I  ["  Chariots/*]  »  [Oogra  and  8m1] 

«  [So  says  Erekine's  Tenion.    Payet  de  Coarteille  writes  it  "  Ealpour.*'    Probablj, 
howeyer,  these  are  only  incorrect  Tersions  of  the  spelling  common  at  that  period,  ynu, 

^\^  GwWlr,  or  Gw&Uyar.] 


TUZAS-I  BABlEr.  281 

morning  I  entered  Chr&lior  hj  the  Hatipul  gate,  which  is  dose 
by  B^4  Man  Sing's  pabee,  and  proceeded  to  B&jd  Bikram&jit^s 
pttlace.  *  ^ 

On  Tuesday,  the  14th,  messengers  arrived  from  Bikram&jii, 
the  second  son  of  lUtn^  Sanka,  who,  with  his  mother  Padm&yati, 
was  in  Bantamhhor,  Befere  setting  out  to  visit  Ghir&lior,  a 
pereon  had  come  fix>m  a  Hindu  niuned  Asok,  who  was  high 
in  Bikram&jit's  confidence,  with  offers  of  submission  and  al* 
bgittioe,  expressing  a  hope  thai  he  would  be  allowed  seventy 
laoi  as  an  annuity.  The  bargain  was  concluded,  and  it  was 
settled  that,  on  delivering  up  the  fort  of  Bantambhor,  he  should 
have  pargaruu  assigned  him  equal  to  what  he  had  asked. 
After  making  this  arrangement,  I  sent  back  his  messengers. 
When  I  went  to  survey  Gwdlior,  I  made  an  appointment  to 
meet  his  men  in  Gw&lior.  They  were  several  days  later  than 
the  appointed  time.  Asok,  the  Hindu,  had  himself  been  with 
Padm&vati,  Bikram&jit's  mother,  and  had  explained  to  the 
mother  and  son  everything  that  had  passed.  They  improved 
of  Asok^s  proceedings,  and  agreed  to  make  the  proper  sub- 
missions, and  to  rank  themselves  among  my  subjects.  When 
Bind  Sanka  defeated  Sult&n  Mahmud  and  made  him  prisoner, 
the  Sult&n  had  on  a  splendid  crown-cap  and  golden  girdle, 
which  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Pagan,  who,  when  he  set 
Solt&n  Hahmdd  at  liberty,  retained  them.  They  were  now 
with  Bikram&jit  *  *  *  By  the  persons  who  came  from  him  to 
wait  on  me,  he  now  sent  me  this  crown  and  golden  girdle,  and 
asked  Bay&na  in  exchange  for  Bantambhor.  I  diverted  them 
from  their  demand  of  Bajina,  and  Shamsi^)&d  was  fixed  on  as 
the  equivalent  for  Bantambhor. 

On  Thursday,  the  3rd  of  the  first  Jum&da,  I  received  letters  for- 
warded by  Khalifa  from  A^gra,  which  contained  intelligence  that 
Mahmdd,  the  son  of  Iskandar,  had  taken  Bih&r.  The  moment 
I  received  this  information,  I  resolved  to  join  the  army.  Next 
morning  I  mounted  at  six  gharis^  and  reached  i^gra  at  evening 


282  THE  EMPEBOE  BiCBAB. 

prayers.    Next  morning  being  Saturday,  I  called  the  omirt  to 
a  cooncil.  *  *  *  On  Thursday,  the  10th  of  the  first  Jum&da,I 
set  out  for  the  Pdrab  (east).  *  *  *  On  Saturday,  the  17th  of  th 
second  Jum&da,  we  marched  eight  kos^  and  halted  at  Dakdaldf  i 
pargana  of  Earra,  on  the  banks  of  the  Ganges.  ^  *  While  in  tlui 
neighbourhood,  intelligence  reached  us  in  rapid  succession,  that 
Sult&n  Mahmud  had  gathered  round  him  100,000  A%h&Di; 
that  he  had  detached  Shaikh  B&yazid  and  B&ban  with  a  laige 
army  towards  Sirw&r,  while  he  himself  and  Fath  Kh&n  Sarwini 
occupied  the  banks  of  the  Ghmges,  and  were  moving  upon 
Ghun&r ;  that  Sher  Khan  Sur,  on  whom  I  had  bestowed  maiki 
of  favour,  to  whom  I  had  given  several  pargaruUy  and  whom  I  had 
left  in  command  in  that  quarter,  had  now  joined  these  A%Uaia; 
that  with  some  other  amirs  he  had  passed  the  river,  and  that 
Sult&n  Jal&lu-d  din'^s  people,  being  unable  to  defend  Benarei, 
had  abandoned  it  and  retreated.    They  excused  themselves  hj 
saying,   that  they  had  left  a  sufficient  force  in  the  castle  of 
Benares,  and  had  advanced  in  order  to  meet  the  enemy  on  the 
banks  of  the  Ganges.  ♦  ♦  ♦ 

On  the  24th,  Sult&n  Muhammad  Bakhshi  came  in  a  boat  fiom 
the  other  side  of  the  river.  He  brought  accounts  of  the  ruin  of 
the  afiFairs  of  Mahmdd  Kh&n,  the  son  of  Sult&n  Sikandar,  whom 
the  rebels  had  dignified  with  the  title  of  Sult&n  Mahmud.  *  *  * 
It  appeared  that  the  rebels  had  come  and  laid  siege  to  Ghonir, 
and  had  even  made  a  slight  attack ;  but  that,  on  getting  the 
certain  news  of  my  approach,  they  were  filled  with  constematioii, 
broke  up  in  confusion,  and  raised  the  siege ;  that  the  A^hion 
who  had  passed  over  to  Benares  had  also  retired  in  great  con- 
fiision ;  that  two  of  their  boats  sank  in  the  passage,  and  thai 
several  of  their  men  were  drowned  in  the  river.  ♦  ♦  • 

On  Monday,  the  4th  B>ajab,  I  marched  from  the  banks  of 
the  Jumna  against  Bih&r.  *  *  *  On  the  13th,  I  visited  the  fori 
of  Chun&r.  *  *  *  Here  B&bi  Kh&n  brought  information  that 
Mahmdd  Kh&n  was  on  the  banks  of  the  river  Son.  I  imme- 
diately convened  the  amirs^  and  consulted  them  about  attempting 


TUZAK-I  BABABr.  283 

Ml  upon  the  enemj  by  surprise,  when  it  was  finally  settled 
\t  we  shonld  adrance  by  very  long  marches  without  a  mementos 
8  of  time.  ♦  ♦  ♦  On  Wednesday,  the  20th,  I  embarked  on  the 
er,  and  halted  at  a  A^  below  Gh&zipur.  *  *  *  On  the  22nd, 
embarked  on  the  riyer  as  usual,  and  landed  opposite  to  Ohusah 
howsar).  *  *  The  army  encamped  on  the  banks  of  the  Earmn&i. 
le  Hindus  rigorously  avoid  this  river.  The  pious  Hindus  did 
t  pass  it,  but  embarked  in  a  boat  and  crossed  by  the  Oanges  so 
to  avoid  it.  They  hold  that  if  the  water  of  this  river  touches 
y  person,  his  religion  is  lost ;  and  they  assign  an  origin  to  its 
Dae  corresponding  with  this  opinion.^  ♦  ♦  ♦ 
On  Saturday,  the  8th  Sha^b&n,  a  messenger  firom  Dudfi  and 
I  son  Jal&l  Eh&n  Bih&r  Eh&n  arrived  in  my  camp.  It  ap- 
ured  that  the  Beng&lis  had  watched  them  with  a  jealous  eye. 
ter  Jiaving  given  me  notice  of  their  intentions  that  I  might 
>ect  their  arrival,  they  had  come  to  blows  with  the  Beng&lis, 
1  effected  their  escape,  crossed  the  river,  and  reached  the 
ritory  of  Bih&r,  whence  they  were  now  on  their  way  to  tender 

their  allegiance.  The  same  day  I  sent  word  to  the  ambas- 
lor  of  Bengal,  Isma^il  Mita,  that  there  was  great  delay  on 
>  part  of  his  Oourt,  in  answering  the  three  articles  which 
1  formerly  been  given  to  him  in  writing,  and  which  he  had 
warded ;  that  he  must  therefore  despatch  a  letter,  requiring 

immediate  and  categorical  answer;  that  if  his  master  had 
Uy  peaceable  and  friendly  intentions,  he  could  find  no 
iculty  in  declaring  so,  and  that  without  loss  of  time.  *  *  * 
On  Sunday,  I  marched  and  halted  in  the  pargana  of  Arra. 
ire  we  received  information  that  the  army  of  Eharid  '  was  en- 
nped  at  the  junction  of  the  <3'anges  and  Saru  on  the  farther 
e  of  the  river  Sard,  where  they  had  collected  100  or  160 
tsels.  As  I  was  at  peace  with  Bengal,  and  had  always  been 
\  first  to  enter  into  -any  understanding  that  had  a  tendency  to 

KarwMuUy  rain  of  religion  or  sanctity. 

Kharid  appears  to  have  included  the  oonntry  on  both  sides  of  the  Gogra  near 
indaiptir,  and  thence  on  its  left  bank  down  to  ^e  Ganges. 


284  THE  EMPEBOB  BABAB. 

eonfirm  a  fiiendly  state  of  things,  though  they  had  not  treated 
me  well  in  placing  themselves  right  in  my  route,  yet  from  a  con- 
sideration-of  the  terms  on  which  I  had  long  been  with  them,  I 
resolved  to  send  Mnlla  Muhammad  Mazhib  along  with  Isma'il 
Mita  the  ambassador  of  Bengal;  and  it  was  settled  that  the 
Mnlla  should  have  leave  to  return  back  to  me,  after  making  the 
tame  three  proposals  I  had  formerly  offered. 

On  Monday,  the  ambassador  of  Bengal  came  to  wait  on  me, 
when  I  sent  him  notice  that  he  had  leave  to  return.  It  was  at 
the  same  time  intimated  to  him,  that  I  would  be  guided  entirely 
by  my  own  pleasure,  in  moving  backwards  or  forwards,  as  seemed 
best  for  the  purpose  of  quelling  the  rebels  wherever  they  were 
to  be  found,  but  that  his  master's  dominions  should  sustain  no 
harm,  either  by  land  or  water ;  that  as  one  of  the  three  articles 
was,  that  he  should  order  Ihe  army  of  Eharid  to  leave  the  tract 
in  which  I  was  marching,  and  return  to  Kharid,  I  was  willing  to 
send  some  Turks  to  accompany  them  on  their  march ;  that  I 
would  give  the  Kharid  troops  a  safe  conduct,  and  assurances  of 
indemnity,  and  suffer  them-  to  go  to  their  own  homes.  If  he  ^ 
refused  to  leave  the  passage  open,  and  neglected  to  listen  to  the 
remonstrances  which  I  made,  that  then  whatever  evil  fell  on  his 
head,  he  must  regard  as  proceeding  from  his  own  act ;  and  he 
would  have  himself  only  to  blame  ibr  any  unpleasant  circumstance 
that  occurred. 

On  Thursday,  the  19th  Sha'b&n,  I  called  the  amin,  both  Turki 
and  Hindu,  to  a  council,  and  took  their  opinion  about  passing  the 
river.  It  was  finally  settled  that  Ust&d  'Ali  should  plant  his 
cannon,  his  firingi  pieces  and  swivels  {zarb'zin\  on  a  rising 
ground  between  the  Ganges  and  Sard,  and  also  keep  up  a  hot 
fire  with  a  number  of  matchlockmen  from  that  post;  that  a 
little  lower  down  than  the  junction  of  the  two  rivers,  opposite 
to  an  island,  where  there  were  a  number  of  vessels  collected, 
Mustafa  on  the  Bih&r  side  of  the  Ganges'  should  get  all  l^is  artil- 

^  [Pavet  de  Courteille  makes  tliis  passage  apply  to  the  people  of  Eharid.] 
>  [''  On  the  side  of  the  Ganges  fiuiing  (qui  i«^;aide)  Bih&r."— P.  de  C] 


TUZAK-I  BKBARt,  285 

leiy  and  ammumiion  in  readiness,  and  commence  a  cannonade: 
a  number  of  matchlockmen  \^ere  placed  under  his  command. 
*  *  *  That  Askari  and  the  Sult&ns  and  Khdns  named  for  the 
duty  should  set  out  expeditiously,  and  pass  the  Saru  at  the  ghdt 
of  Haldi,  in  order  that  when  the  batteries  were  completed,  they 
might  be  in  readiness  to  fall  upon  the  enemy,  who  might  thus 
be  attacked  in  different  quarters  at  the  same  time.  *  *  *  On 
the  morning  of  Sunday  the  army  began  to  cross  the  Ganges. 
I  embarked  and  crossed  over  about  the  first  watch.  *  *  *  On  Tues- 
day we  marched  from  the  place  where  we  had  crossed  the  river, 
advanced  towards  the  field  of  action,  which  is  near  the  confluence 
of  the  two  rivers,  and  encamped  about  a  ko8  from  it.  I  myself 
went  and  saw  XJst&d  ^Ali  Kulf  employed  in  firing  his  Jiringia  and 
artillery.  That  day  listed  'Ali  Kuli  struck  two  vessels  with  shot 
from  his^rtn^i  and  sank  them.  *  *  *  The  same  day  a  messenger 
arrived  from  Askari,  with  information  that  his  army  had  now  all 
crossed  the  river,  and  that  early  next  morning,  being  Thursday, 
ihey  would  be  ready  to  fall  upon  the  enemy.  I  immediately 
issaed  orders  that  all  the  rest  of  our  troops  who  had  effected 
their  passage  should  co-operate  with  Askari,  and  fall  upon  the 
enemy  in  conjunction  with  him.  About  noon-day  prayers,  a 
person  came  from  Ustad  with  notice  that  the  bullet  was  ready  to 
be  discharged,  and  that  he  waited  for  instructions.  I  sent  orders 
to  discharge  it,  and  to  have  another  loaded  before  I  came  up. 

About  afternoon  prayers,  I  embarked  in  a  small  Bengali  boat, 
and  proceeded  to  the  place  where  the  batteries  had  been  erected. 
Ust&d  discharged  a  very  large  stone  bullet  once,  and  fired  the 
firingis  several  times.  The  Bengalis  are  famous  for  their  skill 
in  artillery.  On  this  occasion  we  had  a  good  opportunity  of 
observing  them.  They  do  not  direct  their  fire  against  a  par- 
ticular point,  but  discharge  at  random.  *  *  ♦  On  Thursday 
morning,  I  received  intelligence  from  the  men  in  the  batteries, 
that  the  ships  which  were  higher  up  the  river  were  all  sailing 
down,  and  that  the  enemy's  whole  cavalry  had  mounted,  and 
were  now  moving    against  our  troops,   who  were  advancing. 


286  THE  EMPEBOB  BABAB. 

I  set  out  with  the  utmost  expedition,  and  repaired  to  the  Tessek 
which  had  passed  up  by- night.  *  *  *  I  orderetl  lah&a  Timdr 
Salt&n  and  Tukhta  Bugha  Salt&n,  who  were  protecting  tlie 
vessels,  to  lose  no  time  in  crossing.  On  this-  ooeasion  Ishii 
Timiir  Sult&n  embarked  with  about  thirty  ov  forty  of  Ui 
servants  in  a  boat ;  they  swam  over  their  horses  by  the  side  of 
the  boat,  and  so  effected  a  passage ;  another  boat  got  across  ate 
him.  *  *  *  The  vessels  now  began  to  cross  ia  unintermptod 
succession.  The  Lahorfs  and  Hindust&nis  also  began  to  pass 
separately,  some  by  swimming  and  others  on  bundles  of  reeds, 
each  shifting  for  himself. 

On  observing  what  was  going  on,  the  Beng&li  ships,,  whieh  lay 
opposite  to  the  batteries  down  the  river,  began  to  flee.  *  *  *  I 
despatched  a  messenger  to  the  Sult&ns  desiring  them  to  keep 
together  in  a  body  such  as  had  crossed,  and  that  as  the  enemy^s 
army  drew  near,  they  should  take  post  upon  its  flank,  and 
skirmish  with  them.  The  Sult&ns  accordingly  formed  such  as 
had  crossed  into  three  or  four  divisions,  and  advanced  towards 
the  enemy.  On  their  approach,  the  enemy  pushed  forward  their 
iniantry  to  attack  them,  and  then  moved  from  their  position  to 
follow  and  support  their  advance.  Eoki  arrived  with  a  detach- 
ment from  Askari's  division  on  the  one  side,  and  the  Sult&ns 
advancing  on  the  other  direction,  they  both  charged.  They  feD 
furiously  on  the  enemy,  whom  they  bore  down,  taking  a  number 
of  pri8oner8,  and  finally  drove  th6m  from  the  field.  •  •  • 

Intelligence  arrived  again  and  again  that  the  insurgents  had 
passed  the  Sard  and  Gogra,  and  were  marching  on  Lucknow. 
*  *  *  On  Friday,  the  19th  Bamazdn,  I  received  letters  an- 
nouncing the  taking  of  Lucknow.  It  appeared  that  on  Saturday, 
the  13th  of  BamazdU)  the  enemy  had  made  an  attack,  but  could 
effect  nothing.  During  the  assault,  some  hay  that  had  been 
collected,  being  set  on  fire  by  the  fireworks,  turpentine,  and 
other  combustibles  that  were  thrown  on  it,  the  inside  of  the 
fort  became  as  hot  as  an  oven,  and  it  was  impossible  to  stand  on 
the  parapet,  and  consequently  the  fort  was  taken.     Two  or  three 


T17ZAK-I  BABABr.  287 

dftjB  afterwards,  on  hearing  of  mj  return,  the  enemy  marched 
towards  Dalamii.  This  day  also,  we  advanced  ten  ko8j  and  halted 
hard  by  a  Tillage  named  Jalesar,  in  the  pargana  of  Sfkri,  on  the 
hanks  of  the  riyer  Saru.  *  *  *  On  the  18th  Shaww&l,  I  at 
midnight  reached  the  garden  of  the  Hasht-bihisht  at  Agra. 

[Shartty  qfler  this,  with  the  8rd  Mf/Aarram,  936,  Bdbaf^9 
Memoin  eame  to  an  abrupt  termifuUian.'] 


288 


TABAKifT-I    B^BARf 

OF 

SHAIKH    ZAIN. 

[There  is  among  Sir  H.  Elliotts  MSS.  an  old  worm-eaten 
MS.,  of  small  size,  entitled  TabakdUi  Bdbari.  This  is  described 
by  a  Persian  note  upon  a  fly-leaf  as  being  ''  an  accomit  of 
B&bar^s  fifth  invasion  of  Hindust&n,  written  by  Shaikh  Zaio, 
one  of  the  associates  of  the  Pddshdh^  whose  name  is  often 
mentioned  in  the  Tiizak-i  BdbariJ'  The  Nigdrktdn^i  QVHr 
numd  quotes  this  work  under  the  title  of  Ik^tHthat-i  Hmd^ 
written  by  Shaikh  Zainu-1  'dbidin.  Sir  H.  Elliot's  MS.  has 
no  introduction,  but  opens  abruptly  with  '^His  Majesty's  fifth 
expedition  to  Hindustan  ;^^  and  it  ends  still  more  abruptly  in 
the  middle  of  the  occurrences  of  the  15th  Jum&da-l  awwal, 
933  H.  (page  352  of  Leyden  and  Erskine^s  translation).  The 
MS.  was  written  in  the  year  998  h.  (1589-90  a.d.),  and  the 
scribe  tells  us  that  he  had  copied  to  the  end  of  his  taswH  or 
rough  draft.  So  this  MS.  would  seem  to  have  been  transcribed 
from  the  author's  own  copy,  and  we  may  fairly  conclude  that  the 
work  was  never  finished.  It  is  a  curious  coincidence  that  this 
year  998  is  the  very  one  in  which  'Abdu-r  Bahim'*B  Persian 
translation  of  Bdbar's  Memoirs  was  presented  to  the  Emperor 
Akbar. 

The  work  itself  aflTords  indirect  corroboration  of  its  having 
been  written  by  Shaikh  Zain.  B4bar  (p.  291  of  Erskine) 
describes  a  party  of  literary  men  who  were  with  him  in  his 
boat  on  a  particular  occasion,  and  amused  themselves  with 
making  verses;    and  among  the  names  of  his  companions  he 


TABAKAT-I  BABABr.  289 

mentioDS  Shukh  Zain.  The  author  of  the  Tabakdt  gives  an 
acooant  of  this  party,  and  also  records  the  names  of  the  guests ; 
but  instead  of  Shaikh  Zain,  he  says  this  '^  insignificant  and 
ignorant  servant/'  leaving  no  doubt  of  his  and  Shaikh  Zain^'s 
identity.  Shaikh  Zain  was  B&bar^s  secretary,  and  wrote  the 
Ibrmdn^  which  is  translated  by  Erskine  (p.  359)  and  by  Pavet 
de  Gourteille  (vol,  ii.,  p.  287).  Both  translators  remark  upon 
the  extreme  magniloquence  of  this  document.  "Nothing/' 
says  Erskine,  "  can  form  a  more  striking  contrast  to  the  simple, 
manly,  and  intelligent  style  of  Bdbar  himself,  than  the  pompous 
learned  periods  of  his  secretary.  Yet  I  have  never  read  this 
Farmdn  to  any  native  of  India  who  did  not  bestow  unlimited 
admiration  on  the  official  bombast  of  Zainu-d  din,  while  I  met 
with  none  but  Turks  who  paid  due  praise  to  the  calm  simplicity 
of  BAbar.*"  This  description  of  the  style  of  the  Farmdn  applies 
equally  to  the  present  work.  It  is  not  so  much  a  translation  as 
a  paraphrase,  in  the  lofty  style,  of  B&bar^s  own  Memoirs,  and 
those  scenes  and  occurrences  are  brought  into  prominence  which 
offer  the  most  tempting  opportunities  for  a  display  of  the  author'^s 
eloquence  and  ingenuity,  such  as  a  description  of  a  beautiful 
garden,  or  the  charms  of  a  pleasant  party.  It  omits  much  that 
B&bar  himself  deemed  worthy  of  record,  such  as  the  description 
of  the  natural  productions  of  Hindustan  ;  and  it  appears  neither 
to  add  any  new  facts,  nor  to  throw  any  additional  light  upon  the 
transactions  of  which  it  treats.  There  is  sufficient  difference, 
however,  to  show  that  the  author  was  not  wholly  dependent 
upon  B&bar''s  writings,  but  that  he  had  also  some  personal 
knowledge  of  the  various  events.  Two  passages  have  been 
translated  which  will  show  the  author'^s  style,  and  the  general 
agreement  of  his  work  with  that  of  his  master.] 

EXTRACTS. 

[On  Friday,  the  1st  Safar,  may  God  end  it  with  victory  (za/ar)^ 
in  the  year  932  of  the  Best  of  Mankind,  when  the  sovereign  of 
the  stars  (the  Sun)   was  in  the  sign  Sagittarius,  and  having 

TOL.  IV.  19 


290  SHAIKH  ZAIN. 

oome  into  his  residence  in  the  Bow,  had  raised  the  standard  of 
obedience  among  the  royal  archers :  at  such  a  time  the  Tictoriooi 
ensigns,  which  enhance  the  splendour  of  the  flags  of  the  son  and 
moon,  moTed  from  their  place  of  safety  in  the  city  of  K&bid, 
which  is  the  seat  of  empire  and  prosperity,  and  the  abode  of 
honour  and  grace,  under  the  gracious  guidance  of  the  Almigh^ 
and  the  beneficent  conduct  of  the  Eternal,  and  proceeded  towardi 
the  vast  country  of  Hindust&n,  to  the  greatness  of  which  tha 
text— "The  great  country  is  bestowed  on  you '"*— refers.  Th« 
royal  tents,  the  emblems  of  victory,  were  pitched  on  the  west  of 
the  canal  of  Yalc6b,  which  is  one  of  the  best  villages  of  tbit 
oountiy,  and  the  poles  and  ropes  of  the  tents  reached  to  the  stars. 

Defeat  of  Suttdn  Ibrdhim. 

After  this  date  (28th  Jumddi^l  awwal)  the  ears  of  the  tio- 
torious  army  were  every  moment  engaged  in  listening  to  the 
intelligence  about  Sult&n  Ibr&him;  for  news  was  oonstintly 
arriving  that,  after  marching  one  ko8  or  two  kos,  he  remained 
encamped  in  the  same  place  for  two  or  three  days,  but  yet 
was  advancing,  attended  by  a  numerous  army,  with  the  intention 
of  attacking  and  pushing  back  our  forces.  Although  the  object 
of  his  proceedings  and  movements  was  palpable,  B&bar  strengtli- 
ened  his  resolution  for  the  conflict,  and  resolved  to  stake  his 
fortunes  upon  the  issue  of  battle.  The  heroes  of  his  army  also, 
seeing  the  enemy's  preparations  and  resolution  for  fighting, 
braced  up  their  courage  and  invigorated  their  determinatioiL 
Leading  forth  the  prancing  steed  of  intrepidity  into  the  areni 
of  courage,  they  raised  the  banner  of  energy  and  resolve  over 
the  cerulean  sphere.  The  army  intent  on  victory  made  two 
marches  from  Sh&h&b&d,  and,  displaying  the  victorious  banners 
on  the  banks  of  the  Jumna,  it  encamped  opposite  to  the  town 
of  Sirs^wah.  His  Majesty  the  Kh^k&n,  with  an  escort  of  his 
attendants,  passed  the  river  by  a  ford  near  some  trees,  and  visited 
the  town  of  Sirs&wah.  Having  gratified  his  heart  with  a  ma'Jiimy 
he  proceeded  to  see  the  curiosities  of  the  place.     A  fountain  of 


TABAKAT-I  BABABr.  291 

water  in  the  town  attracted  his  gracious  notice,  from  which  a 
small  stream  was  flowing.  The  houses  and  gardens,  the  fields 
and  the  meadows,  satisfied  his  not  easily  pleased  eyes,  and  the 
nobles  and  companions  agreed  in  his  judgment.  Tardi  Beg 
Eh&ks&r  began  to  praise  the  town,  and  some  words  in  its  eulogy 
proceeded  from  his  tongue.  His  Majesty  listened  to  these 
praises  and  said:  ^^It  is  yours,  take  it,''  and  immediately  after- 
wards the  revenue  and  the  management  of  that  place  were 
granted  as  m'dm  to  Amir  Tardi  Beg,  and  were  so  entered  in 
the  records  of  government. 

From  that  camping  ground  two  marches  were  made  along  the 
banks  of  the  river,  and  the  camp  was  pitched  upon  its  margin. 
Here  Haidar  Kdli,  a  follower  of  Amir  Ehw&ja  Kal&n,  who  had 
been  sent  on  under  orders  to  collect  intelligence,  came  back  and 
made  his  report  that  D&ud  Khfin  and  Haitam  Kh&n,  with  5000 
or  6000  men,  had  advanced  in  the  vicinity  of  the  river,  and, 
crossing  over  the  Jumna,  had  sat  down  three  or  four  kos  in 
advance  of  the  camp  of  Sult&n  Ibrfihim.  So  for  the  purpose 
of  overthrowing  and  destroying  this  force,  there  were  sent  on 
from  the  camp,  vast  as  the  firmament.  Chin  Timdr  Sultfin, 
Saiyid  Mahdi  £hw&ja,  Muhammad  Sultfin  Mirz&,  and  ^Adil 
Sult&n ;  from  the  amirs  of  the  left  wing — Sultdn  Junaid  Birl&s, 
Elhwfija  Sh&h  Mir  Husain,  and  Amir  Katlak  Eadam;  from 
the  amirs  of  the  centre — ^Amir  Yunas  ''AH,  Amir  'Abdu-Uah 
Kitdb-ddr,  Amir  Ahmadi  Parwdnachiy  and  Amir  Kitta  Beg. 
Having  placed  the  saddle  upon  the  horse  of  victory,  and  un- 
furled in  the  sky  the  banner  of  resolution,  the  royal  lieutenants 
crossed  the  Jumna  after  noon-day  prayers  on  Sunday,  the  8th 
Jum&da-l  dkhir.  At  the  close  of  evening  of  that  day  they 
came  in  face  of  the  enemy  on  that  side  of  the  river. 

When  the  armies  of  the  dawn  raised  their  white  standards 
over  the  legions  of  the  stars,  and  the  victorious  army  drew  near 
to  the  forces  of  the  foe,  the  enemy  became  aware  of  the  dashing 
of  the  furious  waves  of  the  opposing  armies,  and  of  the  throng 
of  crocodiles  in  that  sea  of  billows.     A  small  part  of  the  enemy 


292  SHAIE  ZAIN. 

came  onwards,  bat  the  conquering  army  instantly  dashed  forward 
and  carried  the  whole  of  that  force  away  before  it,  as  a  flood 
bears  away  the  litter  it  meets  with.     Having  beaten  to  the  earth 
the  heads  of  the  enemy^s  chiefs,  and  made  the  wails  of  their 
half-killed  followers  to  rise  unto  the  skies,  the  yictorioos  forces 
drove  before  them  every  man  and  ally  of  the  vanqaished  force, 
separating  riders  from  steeds  and  heads  firom  bodies.     The  shrill 
blast  of  the  clarion  of  destruction,  and  a  scene  like  that  of  the 
day  of  judgment^  iuU  of  awful  and  tremendous    strife,  now 
operating  together,  the  meaning  of  the  text,  ^*  When  the  heayens 
shall  be  rent,"  became  manifest ;  and  the  heads  of  the  leaden 
of  the  armies  of  the  time,  like  shooting-stars  ^ling  from  the 
sky,  fell  like  balls  in  the  arena,  and  the  meaning  of  the  worda, 
''The  stars  shall  be  scattered,"  became  apparent.      The  bran 
chiefs  of  the  victorious  army  spurred  their  fleet  steeds  in  pursuit 
of  the  enemy,  and,  coming  up  with  them,  they  despatdied  them 
one  by  one  to   the   everlasting  shades  of  non-entity  and  the 
eternal  abyss  of  annihilation.     In  fine,  the  brave  heroes  of  the 
conquering  army  having  utterly  defeated  Datid  Kh&n  and  Haitam 
Kh&n,  they  made  prisoners  of  Haitam  Khdn  and  a  large  number 
of  his  followers.    Many  others  were  slain,  and  those  who  esc^»ed 
to  the  camp  of  Sult&n  Ibrahim  made  a  fearful  outcry.     Haitam 
Kh&n  with  seventy  or  eighty  other  amirs  were  brought  before 
the   throne  of   victory,   and   eight   elephants  which  had  been 
captured   in  the  battle  were  presented  to   His   Majesty.     In 
obedience  to  the  Khdkdna  order  for  their  punishment  as  ex* 
amples,  and  in  execution  of  his  severe  decree,  a  command  for 
the  slaughter  of  all  the  prisoners  was  given.     So  the  flames  of 
the  fire  of  vengeance  blazed  forth,  and  the  flashes  of  the  fire 
of  the  sword  drove  out  the  dark  vapours  of  the  souls  of  the 
followers    of   D&ud  Kh&n,   like  smoke  from   the  windows  of 
existence.] 


293 


XXX. 
LUBBU-T    TAWi:BrKH 

OF 

TAHYA    BIN    'ABDU-L    LATtF. 

This  "  Marrow  of  History ''  is  a  general  Asiatic  Chronicle  of 
considerable  repute  in  Europe  and  Asia.  It  has  been  translated 
into  Latin  by  MM.  Gaulmin  and  Galland ;  and  Fietro  de 
la  Yalle  declared  his  intention  of  translating  it  into  Italian. 
Whether  he  ever  executed  his  task  I  know  not,  but  in  one  of 
his  letters,  dated  1621,  he  expresses  his  intention  **'  Di  tradur 
da  Persiano  in  Toscano  un  libro  che  chiamano  Midolla  delk 
Hiaiariey  et  e  un  breve  compendio  della  historia  di  tutti  i  Re 
delta  Persia  da  Adam  infin'  a  Sciah  Tahmasp.^^  It  is  also 
frequently  quoted  by  the  authors  of  the  "  Universal  History,^  as 
Lobb  ul  Tawdrikh  and  Lehb  Tdrikhy  and  by  D'Herbelot,  as 
Leb  Tank. 

The  author  of  this  work  was  Yahya  bin  'Abdu-1  Latif  al 
Hnsaini  of  Kazwin,  who  composed  it  in  a.d.  1541.  Hfiji  Khalfa 
gives  his  name  as  Isma'il  bin  'Abdu-1  Latif;  and  in  the 
Ma-dsirthl  Umard  he  is  called  Mir  Yahyd  Husaini  Saifi. 
The  author  of  that  excellent  work  describes  him  as  a  well- 
known  theologian  and  philosopher,  who  had  acquired  such 
extraordinary  proficiency  in  the  knowledge  of  history,  that  he 
was  fully  acquainted  with  the  date  of  every  event  which  had 
occurred  from  the  establishment  of  the  Muhammadan  religion 
to  his  own  time. 

In  the  opening  of  his  career  he  was  patronized  by  Sh&h 
Tahm&sp  Sa&vi,  by  whom  he  was  called  Yahy&  Ma^sum,  and 
was  treated  by  the  king  with  such  distinction,  that  his  enemies, 
envious  of  his  good  fortune,  endeavoured  to  poison  his  patron^s 


294  Hnt  YAHTA. 

mind  against  him,  by  representing  that  he  and  his  son,  Hir 
^Abdu-1  Latif,  were  the  leading  men  among  the  Sunnia  of  Eazwin. 
They  at  last  prevailed  so  &r  as  to  induce  the  king,  when  Im 
was  on  the  borders  of  i^zarb&ij&n,  to  order  Mir  Yahyd  and  bii 
son,  together  with  thir  families,  to  be  imprisoned  at  Ispaliin 
At  that  time  his  second  son,  'Al&n-d  daola,  known  by  the  hum 
of  K&mi,  the  author  of  the  work  called  NqfiUsu-l  M(h6nt, 
was  in  Xzarb&ijdn,  and  sent  off  a  speciid  messenger  to  conf«j 
this  intelligence  to  his  iather.  Mir  Yahy&,  being  too  old  and 
infirm  to  fly,  accompanied  the  king's  messenger  to  Ispah&n,  and 
died  after  one  year  and  nine  months,  in  A.H.  962,^  at  the  age  o( 
seventy-seven  yeurs, 

Mir  'Abdu-1  Latif,  however,  immediately  on  receipt  of  bil 
brother's  communication,  fled  to  Gil&n ;  and  afterwards,  at  ihi 
invitation  of  the  Emperor  Hum&ytin,  went  to  Hindust&n ;  but| 
intermediately,  that  Emperor  had  departed  ibis  Ufe,  8o  that  b« 
arrived  at  Oourt  with  his  family  after  Akbar  had  aacendil 
the  throne.  By  him  he  was  received  with  great  kindness  and 
consideration,  and  was  appointed,  in  the  second  year  of  the  reign, 
as  his  preceptor.  At  that  time  the  prince  knew  not  how  to 
read  and  write,  but  shortly  afterwards  he  was  able  to  repeat 
some  odes  of  H&fiz.  The  Mir,  says  his  biographer,  was  a  man 
of  great  eloquence  and  of  excellent  disposition,  and  so  modeiatf 
in  his  religious  sentim^ats,  that  each  party  used  to  revile  bim 
for  his  indifference.  When  Bairam  Kh£u  had  incurred  the 
displeasure  of  tiie  Emperor,  and  bad  left  Agra,  and  proceeded 
to  Alwar,  with  the  intention,  as  it  was  supposed,  of  exoiting 
a  rebellion  in  the  Panj&b,  the  Emperor  sent  the  Mir  to  him, 
in  order  to  dissuade  him  from  such  an  open  breach  of  fidelity  to 
his  sovereign. 

The  Mir  died  at  Sikri  in  a.h.  971.  As  he  bore  the  same 
name  as  his  grandfather,  another  source  of  conft^ou  hi^  arisen 
respecting  the  name  of  our  author. 

^  This  is  the  date  according  to  the  Ma-dsiru-l  Vmard;  other  authorities  fix  it  two 
years  earlier,  a.h.  960  (a.d.  1652-3). 


LUBBU-T  TAWAEfKH.  295 

His  eldest  son,  Mir  Ghiy&su-d  din  'Ali,  was  also  endowed 
with  an  excellent  disposition,  and  served  Akbar  for  a  long 
period.  In  the  nineteenth  year  of  the  reign,  he  accompanied 
the  Emperor  to  Patna,  and  in  the  twenty-first,  was  appointed  to 
command  an  expedition  against  the  samlnddr  of  f  dar.  In  the 
same  year,  'Abdu-l  K&dir  recoonts  a  sad  accident  which  befell 
Ghiyfisu-d  din  at  a  game  of  ehaugdn^  in  which  he  and  his 
brother  Mir  Sharifii-d  din,  when  opposed,  charged  each  other 
with  snch  force,  that  the  latter  was  killed  by  the  concussion. 
When  Akbar  dismoonted  to  ascertain  what  had  occurred,  and 
it  was  observed  that  his  saddle  was  empty,  several  disaffected 
persons  spread  abroad  a  report  that  he  had  met  with  a  severe 
accident ;  and  so  rapidly  did  the  intelligence  g^  ground,  that 
he  was  compelled  to  write  circular  letters  to  his  nobles,  informing 
them  of  the  real  circumstances,  and  calling  upon  them  to  frustrate 
the  designs  of  his  enemies.  In  the  twenty-sixth^  year  of  the 
reign,  he  was  honoured  with  the  title  of  Nakib  Kh&n,  by  which 
he  is  now  best  known.  In  the  fortieth  year,  he  attained  the 
mansab  of  1000,  and  two  of  his  cousins  married  into  the  royal 
fiunily,  the  king  himself  espousing  one  of  them.  In  the  time 
of  Jahfingir  he  attained  still  further  honours,  and  in  the  ninth 
year  of  the  reign,  a.h.  1023,  died  at  Ajmir,  and  was  buried 
in  a  marble  tomb  within  the  area  of  Muinu-d  din  Chishti's 
mausoleum,  where  his  wife  lies'  buried  by  his  side. 

Nakib  Kh&n  inherited  his  grandfather^s  devotion  to  the  study 
of  history,  and  it  is  said  that  he  knew  the  entire  contents  of  the 
seven  volumes  of  the  Bauzatus  8a/d.  He  was  one  of  the  com- 
pilers of  the  first  portion  of  the  Tdrikh-i  Alft^  and  was  the  trans- 
lator of  the  Mahd-bhdrata.^  He  was  also  expert  in  geomancy  and 
mental  arithmetic.  The  royal  autobiographer,  Jahdngir,  records 
an  instance  of  it  in  his  Memoirs,  where  he  relates  that  Nakib 

<  Kewal  R&m  Mys,  in  the  TuMkiraiwI  Umard^  that  thif  oceurred  in  the  twenty- 
fifth  year,  and  that  he  obtained  the  title  for  hia  gallant  conduct  in  repelling  a  night 
attack  made  by  Ma'afim  £h&n  upon  the  royal  camp. 

*  Thia  honour  ia  uanally  aacribed  to  Faizi,  but  1  doubt  if  he  had  any  concern  in  it 
beyond  the  mere  general  auperintendenoe. 


296  Hnt  TAHTA. 

TSh&Oj  on  being  asked  how  many  pigeons  there  were  in  t 
particular  flock  then  flying,  responded  instantly,  without  makiog 
a  mistake  of  even  one. 

The  Mir  attained  a  good  old  age,  and  left  a  son,  who  bore  the 
name  of  Mir  'Abdu-1  Latif,  in  the  same  way  as  his  gnnd- 
&ther  had  done  before  him.  He  was  a  person  of  great  worth 
and  ability,  and  attained  high  honours,  but  died  insane. 

OONTKNTS. 

The  LubbU't  Tatcdrikh  is  divided  into  three  ^  Books. 

Book  I.— -On  Muhammad  and  the  Imams.  As  all  notice  of 
Abu-bakr,  'IJmar  and  'Usm&n  is  excluded,  D^Herbelot  considen 
our  author  to  be  a  Shia\  This  contains  two  sections;  firom 
page  2  to  13. 

Book  II. — On  the  kings  who  reigned  before  the  adfent 
of  Muhammad — the  Peshd&dians — ^Kai&nians— -the  Muliikii-t 
Taw&if,  from  the  time  of  Alexander  to  Ardashir  B&bag&n— tbe 
S&s&nians,  or  Kai&sara.    In  four  sections ;  from  p.  14  to  35. 

Book  III. — On  the  kings  who  reigned  since  the  time  of 
Muhammad.  In  three  chapters  {makdla)^  and  six  sections  ((oi); 
fi^m  p.  35  to  164. 

Chapter  1. —  Begarding  the  holy  men,  companions  of  the 
Prophet,  1  p. 

Chapter  2. — The  'IJmmayide  Khalifas,  4  pp. 

Chapter  3.— The  'Abb&side  Ehali&s,  8  pp. 

Section  1. — The  Sultdns  of  fran,  in  eleyen  subsections  (^uQ, 
comprising  the  T&hirians,  2  pp.  Saflf&rians,  2  pp.  Sam&nlans, 
2  pp.  Ghaznivides,  3  pp.  Ghorians^  1  p.  Buwaihides,  5  pp. 
Saljukians,  8  pp.  Ehw&rizm-sh&his,  3  pp.  Atabaks,  5  pp. 
Isma'ilians,  6  pp.    Ear&khit&is  of  Eirm&n,  2  pp. 

^  In  the  Frefaoe  of  the  copy  before  me  it  is  stated  that  the  work  is  divided  into 
four  Books,  bnt  the  details  of  three  Books  only  are  g:iTen.  D'Herbelot  says,  the 
fourth  Book  contains  the  dynasties  subsequent  to  Muhammad,  and  Hamaker  says, 
that  the  Leyden  copy  has  as  the  fourth  Book,  that  which  D'Herbelot  giTes  u  Uie 
contents  of  the  third,  yiz.,  the  reigning  family  of  Persia. 


LUBBU-T  TAWARfKH.  297 

Section  2. — ^The  Mughals,  13  pp. 

Section  8. — The  saocessors  of  Sult&n  Abii  Sa'id  in  f  r&n,  in 
fiye  subsections,  25  pp. 

Section  4. — The  descendants  of  Amir  Timiir,  19  pp. 

Section  5.— The  E&r&-kuinlu  and  Ak-kuinlu  Turks,^  in  two 
snbsections,  17  pp. 

Section  6. — The  descendants  of  Ttishi  Eh&n,  son  of  Ghangiz 
Kh&n,  in  Our&s&n  and  Transoxiana,  2  pp. 

SiZB. — Folio,    pp.  164,  of  19  lines. 

The  work  is  in  too  abridged  a  form  to  render  any  passage 
worth  translating.  Copies  of  the  Lubbu-t  TatcdrOcA  are  rare  in 
India,  and  I  know  of  no  good  Manuscript.  The  most  celebrated 
of  Europe  are  those  of  Paris,  Vienna,  the  YaticaD,  Bodleian, 
and  Sir  W.  Ouselej.  There  are  two  in  the  British  Museum. 
Hamaker  also  notices  one  in  the  Leyden  Library,  No.  1738^ 
written  A.D.  1645-6,  but  ascribed  to  Mas'Mi  by  some  extra- 
ordinary mistake.' 

^  See  note,  p.  299. 

*  Oompare  Hamaker,  Specimen  Oatalogi  eod,  MSS,,  pp.  48,  242.  I^md^r,  d,  Or,^ 
ToL  fi.,  p.  299.  Wien  Jahrb,,  No.  Ixix.,  p.  10.  D'Herbelot,  BOL  Or,  Art  LM  al 
Tmmtarikh.  BuBohing'B  Mag.f,  d.  neu  SieU  und  Oeog,^  No.  XYii.  Fetis  de  la  Croix, 
Ahreg4d»la  vie  dee  auteura,  etc.,  etc.,  p.  529.  Oiueley,  £piUm$  ofAnc,  Mist,  of 
pp.  T.,  zxxi.    Mod,  Univ,  Sist,^  yoL  iiL,  p.  376. 


298 


XXXI. 


NUSAKH-I    JAHAN'JCRK 


OF 


KXZT  AHMAD. 

This  **  world-adorning  history  "  is  a  osefiil  compendimiif  con- 
taining a  brief  account,  not  only  of  all  the  dynasties  nsuiDj 
treated  of,  but  several  of  less  note. 

The  author  is  K&zl  Ahmad  bin  Muhammad  al-Ohaffiiri  al- 
KazwinL  to  whom  we  are  also  indebted  for  the  better  knovB 
work  entitled  Nigdristdn}    From  the  short  account  given  of  " 
him,  amongst  the  biographies  in  the  Tdrikh»i  BaddiM^  we  km 
that,  having  resigned  his  employment  in  Persia,  he  went,  to-  - 
wards  the  close  of  his  life,  on  a  pilgrimage  to  Mecca,  and  that  ^ 
landing  at  Daibal  in  Sind,  for  the  purpose  of  paying  a  visit  to^ 
Hindust&n,  he  died  at  that  port,  a.h.  975  (a.d.  1567). 

The  Jahdn-drd  carries  the  history  of  Asia  down  to  A.H.  972r 
of  which  number  the  author  tells  us  that  the  title  forms 
chronogram.     One  section  of  the  work  was  extracted  by  Sir 
Ouseley,  and  published  in  1799,  under  the  title  of  J^tame 
the  Ancient  History  of  Persia.     India  is  noticed  in 
sections  of  the  work,  but  they  are  not  in  sufficient  detail  to 
of  any  value. 


^  M.  Ronsseau  attributes  a  Penian  anthology  to  him,  but  this  appean  to  be  •> 
error. 


NUSAKH  J  JXRUSfUOJL  299 

The  BoAb  and  CBiapten  of  the  Jahdn^drd  are  meet  fimcifblly 
diyided  and  sabdiyided  into  leaves,  pages,  paragraphs,  daoaes, 
lines,  letters,  ete. 

OONTRHTS. 

The  Introdnetion  treats  of  Ghrcmology  and  of  the  Prophetical 
Office,  p.  4-9. 

Book  I. — The  Prophets. — Muhammad. — The  Twelve  Imdma^ 
p.  9-89. 

Book  II. — Chapter  1st. — The  kings  who  preceded  Moham- 
mad.— The  Peshd&diaus.— E!ai&nians. — Ashg&nians.— -S^&n- 
ians. — Kings  of  Babylon. — Syria. — Greece. — ^Temen. — 6hass&n. 
— Eh&k&ns  of  Tnrks. 

Ch^ter  2nd. — Kings  subsequent  to  Muhammad. — 'Abb&dde 
Khali&. — T&hirians. — Arab  King^s  of  •Spain. — Shari&  of  Mecca. 
-iBma'ilians-Sult&ns  of  Gil4n  and  Mizandar4n._Saff4rian8. 
— Buwaihides. —  Ghaznivides. —  Saljukians. —  Khw&rizm-sh&his. 
— Kar&khit&is. — At&baks. — Ghorians. — Ghie&  of  Arabia. — The 
Gsesars  of  Bum. — The  Sult&ns  of  Hind. — Guzer&t. — Dekhin.— - 
Ghie&  of  L&r  and  Hormuz. — The  Kh&k&ns  of  Mughals. — Sult&ns 
of  M&war&u-n  Nahr. — ^Amir  Timur. — Sh&h  Bukh. — Sons  of 
'Umar  Shaikh. — ^Descendants  of  MIr&n  Sh&h.— The  fiunily  of 
'IJsm&n.— The  Sult&ns  of  K&r&-kuinlti,  and  of  i^-ktUnM,^ 
pp.  39-433. 

Book  III.— The  Saffavian  dynasty,  p.  434-578. 

Size. — Small  folio,  578  pp.  of  18  lines  each. 

The  subdivisions  are  given  in  greater  detail  in  the  Jahrbiicher, 
and  in  exacter  correspondence  with  the  original ;  but  it  is  strange 

^  ThiB  is  the  luual  reading  in  works  written  or  copied  in  India.  Malcolm  (Hist, 
of  Ftraia,  toL  i.,  p.  323)  gives  it  as  koitUoo;  Yon  Hammer-Purgstall  {Jahrh, 
No.  Izix.),  as  kqfunliu  [The  proper  orthography  is  y^j^  koyunlu,  possessed  of  or 
related  to  sheep ;  the  word  koyun  signifying  sheep  in  Turkish.  It  is  said  that  two 
tribes,  each  fonnding  a  dynasty,  adopted  respectiyely  a  white  and  a  black  sheep  as 
the  device  of  their  standards,  and  hence  their  names  of  A*k-koyunlu  and  Kdrd' 
kojfunlu, — Bedhouse.] 


300  SAZr  AHMAD. 

that  all  notice  of  Book  m.  is  omitted.    I  haye  seen  copies  m 
this  coontry  also,  in  which  there  is  no  mention  of  that  Book. 

Von  Hammer-Pnrsgtall  observes  that  the  work  is  not  commoa 
in  Europe,  but  notices  three  copies  in  London,  and  one  in  lui 
own  collection.  M.  Fraehn  also  notices  it  among  his  desideraU. 
I  know  of  three  copies  in  India ;  at  Dehli,  at  Lucknow,  and  at 
Haidar&b&d,  none  of  which  are  of  conspicuous  merit.^ 

1  Compare  Boiinean«  Famaue  On0Htai,  p.  96.  Oewh,  d,  QnUL  JTorvti,  p.  xxir. 
06$eh.  d,  teh.  JSted.  Fen.,  pp.  18,  807,  350.  Wim  Jakrb.  AMugh,^  p.  86.  Oudsj, 
Epit4m$  of  Ane,  Mitt  of  Fertia,  p.  xxztL  Fraehn,  Indictttwiu  Biiikpefk 
No.  215. 


301 


XXXIL 
TifRrKH-I  SHER  SRJLRt 

OB 

TUHFAT-I     AKBAR     SHAHt 

OF 

'ABB^S    KH^,    SAUWKNt. 

[This  work  was  written  by  order  of  the  Emperor  Akbar,  and 
its  author  bestowed  npon  it  the  title  Tuhfat-i  Akbar  Shdhi;  but 
Ahmad  Y&dg&r,  who  wrote  the  Tdrikh-i  Saldtin^i  Afdghana  a  few 
years  afterwards,  calls  it  the  Tdrikh-i  Sher  Shdhi^  and  so  it  con- 
tinues to  be  known.^    The  author  of  the  work  was  ^Abb&s  Kh&n, 
Bon  of  Shaikh  'Ali  Sarw&ni.     Nothing  is  known  of  the  author 
beyond  the  Uttle  which  he  incidentaUy  mentions  in  the  course 
of  the  work,  that  he  was  connected  by  marriage  with  the  &mily 
of  Sher  Sh&h,  and  so  had  peculiar  sources  of  information  as  to 
the  life  and  character  of  that  adventurous  and  successful  chief, 
whose  craft  and  valour  won  a  crown.     'Abb&s  Eh&n  certainlv 
had  high  connexions,  but  he  attained  no  great  distinction  in 
his  own  person.     He  received  the  command  of  500  horse  from 
the  Emperor  Akbar,  of  which,  by  the  intrigues  of  his  enemies, 
he  was  soon  deprived.      This  so  wounded  his  feelings  that  he 
resolved  to  ^'return  to  the  country  of  his  fathers.^^     But  the 
Kh&n  Eh&n&n  took  compassion  on  him,  and  being  informed  of 
his  own  history  and  that  of  his  ancestors,  procured  for  him  ^'  a 

^  The  exact  date  of  its  compoflition  is  not  given,  but  it  was  probably  soon  after 
987  H.  (1679  Aj>.)>  a  date  which  is  mentioned  by  the  writer  in  the  course  of  the  work 
when  referring  to  his  personal  affairs. 


303  'ABBAS  KHAK. 

clear  200  rupees  a  month,^  which  he  appears  to  have  lost  soon 
afterwards. 

The  work  is  valuable  as  the  production  of  a  contemponij 
writer  who  had  excellent  means  of  obtaining  information,  althon^ 
its  literary  merit  is  but  slender.    It  is  a  biography,  not  a  histoij, 
and  its  method  is  one  that  requires  a  vigorous  and  versatik 
writer.     The  various  actors  are  made  to  describe  the  scenei 
which  occurred  under  their  observation,  and  to  set  forth  their 
own  views  and  opinions.    This  is  all  done  in  a  very  prolix  and 
tedious  style,  without  the  slightest  diversity  of  character  or 
expression.     All  the  persons  concerned  talk  in  the  same  stnm; 
and  their  ostensible  speeches,  and   the  ordinary   narrative  of 
the  author,  are  alike  verbose  and  wearisome.     In  the  following 
Extracts  the  expressions  of  opinion  and  sentiment  have  been 
greatly  curtailed,  but  the  narrative  and  records  of  events  have 
been  left  intact.     The  dates  given  are  few  and  fiur  between,  hot 
there  is  nothing  peculiar  in  this,  as  all  other  works  of  the  period 
are  similarly  deficient. 

Sher  Sh&h  has  obtained  a  great  reputation  for  his  administi»> 
tive  ability,  and  this  work  has  fortunately  preserved  the  meant 
of  forming  a  judgment  of  his  character  and  talents.  Upon  thii 
part  of  the  work  Sir  H.  Elliot  says :  ^'  The  conclusion  of  the 
work  containing  the  regulations  is  very  valuable,  though  ovei^ 
laudatory.  The  account  which  he  gives  of  what  the  govemon 
did  and  did  not,  shows  a  fearful  state  of  existing  anarchy.  Modi 
of  this  matter  is  also  given  in  the  WdkVdUi  Mushtdki^ 

Copies  of  the  work  vary  very  much,  and,  in  some,  long  passages 
are  omitted.  Sir  H.  Elliot's  own  copy  has  been  consideraUj 
abbreviated,  but  judgment  has  not  always  been  shown  in  the 
work  of  excision.  Sir  H.  Elliot  is,  no  doubt,  right  in  remark- 
ing "that  the  most  long-winded  probably  best  represent  the 
original."  The  whole  of  the  translation  which  follows  is  the 
work  of  Mr.  E.  C.  Bayley,  B.C.S.,  who  had  three  MSS.  to 
work  upon,  but  he  appears  to  have  aftierwards  received  and  used 
a  fourth  copy,  "fuller  and  better,  which  probably  belonged  to 


TABECH-I  SHEB  SHAHI.  803 

the  Naw&b  of  Tonk.^  The  Editor  has  had  at  his  command 
Sir  H.  Elliot's  MS.,  and  a  better  copy  procured  by  General 
Gimningham. 

Snbseqaent  writers  upon  this  period  of  history  made  great 
use  of  this  work.  Ahmad  Y&dg&r  and  Ni'amatu-llah  acknow- 
ledge their  obligations  in  the  TdrikM  SaldHn-i  Jfdghana^  and  in 
the  Makhatan-i  Afghdni  translated  by  Dom.  It  has  come  down 
to  us  in  an  incomplete  state,  for  the  second  chapter,  containing 
the  history  of  Islam  Kh&n,  and  the  third,  containing  the  history 
of  the  princes  descended  from  Sher  Sh&h,  are  not  contained  in  the 
known  MSS. ;  but  it  seems  tolerably  certain  that  they  were 
really  written.  Ni'amatu-Uah  (Dom,  151)  quotes  our  author  for 
an  anecdote  of  Islam  Kh&n  which  is  not  contained  in  the  first 
chapter  of  the  work ;  and  Sir  H.  Elliot  thinks  that  *'  the  pro- 
sinefls  of  the  speeches  in  Dom  seems  to  render  it  highly  probable 
that  'Abb&s  Sarw&ni  is  the  author  of  them." 

This  ^^  first  chapter  was  translated  into  Urdu  by  one  Mazhar 
'Ali  Kh&n,  at  the  request  of  Captain  James  Mowatt  or  Mouat, 
and  in  the  preface  the  Marquis  of  Wellealey  and  Lord  Com- 
wallis  are  praised.  The  translation,  which  has  the  title  of 
TdrUch-i  Sher  8hdM^  is  easy  and  fiowing."^^  M.  Ghuxsin  de 
Tassy'  says  that  a  translation  into  Urdu  was  made  by  Mirza 
Lutf  ^Ali,  of  Dehli,  in  1805,  and  he  adds,  ''  II  semble,  d'apres 
nne  note  de  M.  Shakespear  que  cet  ouvrage  a  ^t^  traduit  en 
Anglais,^  but  of  this  English  translation  nothing  more  is  known. 
There  is  probably  some  mistake  about  the  name  of  the  Urdu 
translator,  for  it  is  not  likely  there  are  two  translations.  The 
date  1805  is  just  the  time  when  the  Marquis  of  Wellesley  and 
Lord  Gomwallis  would  receive  a  writer^s  laudation. 

The  following  chronological  table  was  drawn  up  by  Sir  H. 
Elliot,  and  has  not  been  altered  in  any  way.  It  differs  in  some 
respects  firom  the  Table  given  by  Mr.  Thomas  in  his  ^^Ohronicles 
of  the  Pathdn  Kings,''  page  393.] 

>  Joum,  Ab,  Soe.f  Bengal,  1871}  p.  118. 
*  Bioff.  Bibl,  Eindf  tome  i.,  p.  536. 


304  'ABBiTS  KELTN. 

The  ohronology  of  this  period  is  Teiy  diffionlt  and  various.  I  will 
pat  down  the  dates — ^the  most  trustworthy  are  those  of  Abu4  EuL 
The  others  each  give  only  a  few. 

A.H. 

932.    Death  of  Ihr&him. — Prinoe  Humayi&n  goes  to  Jajmau  nl 

Jaunpor. 
938.    Be-called.— Takes  EalpL— Sanka.— EoL— Hew4t 

934.  Sambal.  —  Eanauj.  —  Muhammad    'AH    Jang-Jang    sgainit 

B6yazid. — ^Bdbar  to  Ch^deri. — Ganges. — Gk)gnL 

935.  B&bar  to  Qwalior. — After  return  to  Agra. — ^Again  Agia^* 

Boats  on  Jumna. — Etawa. — Eora. — Earra.— Chunir.— 
Benares. — Ghaunsa. — Gogra. — ^Arrives  at  Agra. 
93&    Huma3run  returns  to  Agra. 

937.  Babar  dies  Jumada  1st. 

938.  Humiyun  to  Ealinjar. 

939.  Humayun  to  eastward  against  Ben  and  Bayazid,  Jauspv 

and  Chunar. 

940.  Humayun  builds  Dinpauah. — ^To  Bhojpur,  where  Muhammid 

Zaman  was  captured. 

941.  Humayun  to  Kalpi  and  Gujarat  vid  Bdism  and  Sarangpur. 

942.  Gujarat — Returns  to  Agra. 

943.  Again  to  Jaunpur,  and  then  Chunar  (Firishta)  ;  Dehli,  aooord- 

ing  to  Elphinstone,  meaning  perhaps  Agra. 

944.  Jaunpur,  Chunar  (Elphinstone). 

945.  Humayun  takes  Gaur,  and  remains  there. 

946.  Chaunsa. — Action  on  the  Ganges,  in  Safar. — Sher  Shah  agam 

acquires  Bengal  and  Jaunpur. — ^Eutb  Ehan  goes  to  Kalpii 
where  he  is  killed.     Humayun  at  Agra. 

947.  Action  at  Kanauj,  in  Muharram. — Immediate  flight  from  Agi» 

vid  Dehli  and  Rohtak  to  Lahore,  where  all  brothers  ai- 
scmble  Bajab  Ist,  and  leave  Jumada  2nd. 
948. 

949.  Shor  Shah  to  Bengal  ?    Gwdlior,  Malwl 

950.  Rdisin,  Ajmir,  Nagor,  Maldeo. — As  Muharram,  950,  began 

in  April,  1543,  he  may  have  gone  down  to  Baisin  iu  the 
hot  weather,  then  returned  to  Agra  and  had  all  next  odd 
season  for  Eajputana. 

951.  Elphinstone  says  Marwar  in  this  year.    I  have  disproved  him 

in  a  note.     Chitor  and  Kdlinjar. 

952.  Sher  Shdh  dies,  Eajab  Ist,  at  Kalinjar.     Much  may  perhaps 

be  settled  by  the  TabaJcdt-i  Akbari,  Badduni,  and  ^ 
Tdrikh-%  Alfi. 


TABnm-I  SHBB  SHAHr.  305 

EXTRACrrS. 

[PrMse  of  GJod  and  the  Prophet.] 

^The  ¥lnt  Ohapter  contains  the  history  of  the  reign  of  Sher 
Sh&h  Sdr.  The  Second  relates  the  history  of  the  reign  of  Isl&m 
Sh&h,  son  of  Sher  Sh&h  Sdr.  The  Third  Chapter  concerns  the 
history  of  the  princes  who  were  descended  from  Sher  Sh&h,  and 
who,  subsequent  to  Isl&ra  Khan,  laid  claim  to  the  sovereignty, 
and  stmck  coin  and  read  the  khutha  in  their  own  names ;  and 
who  dethroned  the  son  of  Islam  Sh&h. 

I,  the  humble  sweeper  of  the  threshold  of  the  dweller  in  the 
palace  the  Second  Alexander,  the  author  of  the  history  of  the 
reigns  of  the  Afgh&ns — 'Abb&s,  son  of  Shaikh  'All  Sarw&ni — 
write  by  order  of  the  Emperor  Akbar. 

CHAPTER  I. 

Account  of  the  reign  of  Sher  8hdh  Siir. 

I  derive  my  information  from  trustworthy  Afgh&ns,  skilled 
in  the  science  of  history  and  in  rhetoric,  who  accompanied  the 
king  from  the  beginning  of  his  fortunes  to  the  end  of  his  reign, 
and  were  employed  in  his  confidential  service.  I  have  written 
also  what  I  have  well  ascertained  from  others.  Whatever  was 
opposed  to  the  information  thus  acquired,  and  could  not  stand 
the  touchstone  of  truth,  I  have  rejected. 

When  Sult&n  Bahlol,  of  the  family  of  S&hu-khail,  of  the 
tribe  of  Lodi  Afgh&n,  possessed  the  throne  of  Dehli,  there  were 
many  persons  in  the  various  kingdoms  of  Hind  who  struck  coin, 
and  had  the  khutba  read  in  their  own  names,  and  who  were 
hostile  to  him. 

Snlt&n  Mahm6d  bin  Sult&n  Ibr&him  Sharki  possessed  the 
throne  of  Jaunp6r,  Sult&n  Mahmud  Khilji  reigned  in  M&lw&, 
Sult&n  Kutbu-d  din  in  Gujar&t,  Sult&n  'Al&u-d  din  Ahmad  Shah 
in  the  Dekhin,  and  Sult&n  Zainu-1  '&bidin  in  Kashmir;   but 

1  [This  paasage  is  not  in  Sir  H.  EUiof  s  MS.,  in  which  the  mention  of  Chapter  III. 
oomes  immediately  after  the  doxology.] 

VOL.  IT.  20 


306  'ABBiTS  KHAN. 

the  names  of  the  rulers  of  Bengal^  and  Tatta  are  not  known  io 
me.    The  ruler  of  Mult&n  was  Shaikh   Yusuf,   the  spiritul 
successor  of  Shaikh  Makhdum  Bah&u-d  din  Zakariyd  EunishL 
As   long  as   Sult&n  Bahlol  remained  within  the  great  city  of 
Dehli,  the  capital^  no  one  of  these  Sult&ns  placed  the  foot  rf 
presumption  in  the  plain  of  opposition. 

B&i  Sihar  Lang&h,  Zamind&r  of  Z&biri,'  having  expelled  ShaiUi 
Yusuf  from  the  city  of  Mult&n,  himself  assumed  the  kingdom^ 
with  the  title  of  Sult&n  Eutbu-d  d{n.  Shaikh  Yusuf  came  to 
Dehli  and  entreated  the  Sult&n^s  aid.  Sult&n  Bahlol  and  his 
veteran  army  having  accordingly  set  out  for  Mult&n,  in  company 
with  Shaikh  Ydsuf,  Sult&n  Mahmdd  of  Jaunpur  came  to 
Dehli  and  besieged  it. 

Sult&n  Bahlol  was  at  Dip&lpur  when  he  heard  the  distressing 
intelligence  of  the  siege  of  Dehli,  and  he  said  to  his  nobles  and 
ministers:  ^^The  countries  of  Hind  are  broad  and  rich,  and 
their  kings  are  of  Indian  extraction.  In  my  own  land  I  have 
many  kinsmen  renowned  for  their  valour  and  strength,  who  are 
pressed  for  a  livelihood.  Were  they  here  they  would  be  relieved 
from  the  contempt  of  poverty,  and  I  could  grasp  Hind  and 
destroy  my  enemies." 

His  chiefs  replied :"  *  *  *  It  is  expedient  under  present  cir- 
cumstances that  His  Majesty  the  Sult&n  should  send  letters 
to  the  chiefs  of  the  tribes  in  the  Boh  country  to  this  effect: 
^6od  in  his  goodness  has  granted  the  kingdom  of  Dehli  to 
the  Afgh&ns,  but  the  other  kings  of  Hind  wish  to  expel  them 
from  the  country.  The  honour  of  our  women  is  concerned; 
the  lands  of  Hind  are  broad  and  rich,  and  can  afford  mainten- 
ance to  many.  Come,  then,  to  this  country ;  the  name  indeed 
of  sovereignty  shall  remain  with  me,  but  whatever  countries  we 
may  conquer  shall  be  shared  between  us  as  brothers.     Solt&n 


^  [The  writer  of  Gen.  Conningham's  MS.  remarks  that  this  \b  an  extraordiBttT 
statement,  considering  that  the  author,  in  the  conrse  of  his  work,  gives  the  histoij  of 
the  wars  of  Sher  Sh&h  and  his  sons  with  the  kings  of  Bengal.] 

»  ["  Bari,"  Gen.  Cunningham's  MS.] 


TABTKH-I  SH£B  SHAHr.  307 

imud  of  Jaunpur  is  now  besieging  Dehli,  where  the  families 
le  Afgh&ns  are.  If  you  feel  disposed  to  assist  me,,  you  must 
o  now,  and  with  a  large  force.' "  •  ♦  The  king;  approving  of 

advice,  iaanei /armdns  to  the  chiefs  of  the  various  Afgh&n 
»•  On  receipt  of  the  Jhrmdne,  the  Afgh&ns  of  Boh  came, 
i  their  wont,  like  ants  and  locusts,  to  enter  the  king's  service, 
t^hen  they  drew  near  to  DehH,  a  force  was  sent  by  Sult&n 
imud  Shark!  to  give  them  battle.  Fath  Kh&n  Hirawi, 
kh-s&l&r  of  Sult&n   Mahmud,  had   with  him  a  large  force, 

elephants  like  mountains ;  but  the  Afgh&ns,  in  a  moment, 
*threw  his  army  and  levelled  it  with  the  dust.  When  Sult&n 
[imud  heard  of  the  death  of  Fath  Eh&n,  he  fled  without 
ting,  and  of  the  countries  of  Hind  a  considerable  portion 
on  this  occasion  into  the  possession  of  Sult&n  Bahlol. 
I&lu  Eh&n,  chief  of  the  Mahmud^khail,  of  the  fennly  of 
u-khail  Bahloll,  was  wounded  in  the  engagement  above 
itioned,  and  Sult&n  Bahlol  sent  hitn  a  present  of  money  by 

of  recompense;  but  he  refused  it,  saying,  "  I  did  not  come 
)  to  sell  my  wounds.'*'  At  the  same  time,  many  of  the  chiefs 
name  besought  the  king  for  leave  to  depart.  The  king 
eated  them  to  remain,  but  they  said  : — "  We  came  on  this 
«ion  to  succour  and  assist  you,  to  save  the  reputation  and 
our  of  your  women.  Dismiss  us  now  we  entreat  of  you,  here- 
p  we  will  again  return  to  your  service.'**  The  king  loaded 
a  with  presents  of  money  and  goods  of  all  kinds,  beyond 
r  utmost  expectations,  and  provided  them  with  everything 
r  could  possibly  want.  Such  Afgh&ns  as  chose  to  remain 
lis  service  he  ennobled,  and  gave  them  jdgirs  to  their  full 
ient.  E&lu  Kh&n,  however,  said : — "  Your  Majesty  must 
ise  my  declining  to  accept  anything,  as  I  did  not  come  to 

country  from  any  worldly  motives." 

(Then  the  chiefs  of  the  tribes  of  Boh  had  gone,  the  king  com- 

ided  his   nobles,  saying : — "  Every  Afgh&n   who   comes  to 

id  from  the  country  of  Boh  to  enter  my  service,  bring  him  to 

I  will  give  him  a  jdgir  more  than   proportioned   to   his 


308  'ABBAS   KHAN. 

deserts,  and  such  as  shall  content  him  ;  but  if  he  for  reasons  d 
kindred  or  fnendship  prefers  remaining  in  the  service  of  any  one 
of  yon,  do  you  provide  for  him  to  his  satisfaction ;  for  if  I  heir  of 
one  Afgh&n  from  Roh  returning  thither  again  for  want  of  t 
livelihood  or  employment,  I  will  resume  the  jdgirs  of  that  nobk 
who  may  have  refused  to  entertain  him.^  When  the  Afgfaiai 
of  Roh  heard  of  this,  and  saw  the  &vour  and  affection  of  the 
king  towards  them,  they  began  every  day,  every  month,  and  every 
year,  to  arrive  in  Hind,  and  received  jdgirs  to  their  heart's 
content. 

It  was  at  the  time  of  this  bounty  of  Sultan  Bahlol,  that  the 
grandfather  of  Sher  Sh&h,  by  name  Ibr&him  Kh&n  Sur,^  with 
his  son  Hasan  Kh&n,  the  father  of  Sher  Sh&h,  came  to  Hindu* 
si&n  from  Afgh&nist&n,  from  a  place  which  is  called  in  the 
Afgh&n  tongue  "  Shargari,''' *  but  in  the  Mult&n  tongue  "Rohri." 
It  is  a  ridge,  a  spur  of  the  Sulaim&n  Mountains,  about  six  or 
seven  ko9  in  length,  situated  on  the  banks  of  the  GomaL 
They  entered  into  the  service  of  Muhabbat  Kh&n  Stir,  DWd 
S&hu-khail,  to  whom  Sultan  Bahlol  had  given  in  jdgir  the 
parganas  of  Hari&na  and  Bahk&Ia,  etc.,  in  the  Panj&b,  and  they 
settled  in  the  pargana  of  Bajw&ra. 

Sher  Shah  was  bom  in  the  reign  of  Sult&n  Bahlol,  and  they 
named  him  Farid  Kh&n.' 

After  some  time  had  elapsed,  Ibr&him  Kh&n  left  Muhabhst 
Khan,  and  entered  the  service  of  Jam&l  Kh&n  S&rang-kh&ni, 
of  Hisar-Firozah,  who  bestowed  on  him  several  villages  in 
pargnna  N&maul  for  the  maintenance  of  forty  horsemen.  And 
Mian  Hasan  Kh&n,  the  father  of  Farid  Kh&n,  entered  the 
service  of  Masnad-i  '&li  'TJmar  Kh&n  Sarw&ni  Kalkapur,  who 
bore    the   title  of   Kh&n-i   'azam,   and   was  a  counsellor  and 

^  The  S6r  represent  themselves  as  descendants  of  Muhammad  Sdr,  one  of  the 
princes  of  the  house  of  the  Ghorians,  who  left  his  native  country,  and  manried  t 
daujfhter  of  one  of  the  Afghan  chiefs  of  Koh. 

2  [Var.  **Zaghari/'  "Zhaghari."] 

5  The  Tdrikh^i  Khan  Jahdn  Lodi  (MS.  p.  151)  says  he  was  bom  in  Hirftf- 
Flrozjih. 


TABrXH-I  SHEB  SHAHr.  309 

T  of  Sult&n  Bahlol.  After  the  death  of  Masnad-i  '&li 
E^&n,  Bahlol  gave  (the  government  of)  L&hore  to  this 
Kh&n,  who  held  as  jdgirs^  in  the  sirkdr  of  Sirhind, 
ur,  Shdh&bddy  and  P&elpdr ;  and  ^TJmar  Kh&n  gave 
[  villages  in  the  pargana  of  Sh&h&bfid  as  a  jdgir  to  Hasan 

3r  some  time,  Farid  Kh&n  said  to  his  father  Hasan  Kh&n, 
>  me  before  Masnad-i  ^ali  'TJmar  Eh&n,  and  say  for  me : 

I  Kh&n  wishes  to  serve  you — order  him  on  any  duty  of 
he  is  capable.^  ^  Hasan  Eh&n  declined  compliance  on  ac- 
of  his  tender  age,  recommending  him  to  wait  some  time 

Farid  Kh&n  then  spoke  to  his  mother,  and  his  mother 
Hasan  Kh&n — ^'  Since  he  desires  to  see  the  Masnad-i  ''&H, 
im  with  you — ^perhaps  he  may  be  pleased  at  the  request  of 
ng  a  boy,  and  give  him  something.^  Hasan  Kh&n,  to  please 
and  his  mother,  took  him  with  him  before  Masnad-i  ''&li 
Kh&n,  and  said  : — "  Farid  wishes  to  serve  you."  "*Umar 
replied — "  Farid  is  now  a  little  boy;  when  he  is  fit  for  my 

I I  will  employ  him.  For  the  present  I  give  him  Balhu, 
let  of  the  village  of  Mah&wali.^"  Hasan  Kh&n  and  Farid 
were  exceedingly  delighted,  and  when  Farid  got  home  he 

his  mother — ''  My  &ther  would  not  take  me  but  at  your 
t,  and  Masnad-i  ''&li  has  given  me  a  village  in  pargana 
b&d." 
)ral  years  after  this,  Ibr&him  Kh&n,  the  father  of  Hasan 

died  at  N&maul.  Hasan  Kh&n,  when  he  heard  of  his 
8  death,  left  Sh&h&b&d,  and  coming  before  'TJmar  Kh&n, 
M  with  Sult&n  BahloFs  army,  requested  leave  of  absence 
iole  with  the  members  of  his  father's  family  and  retainers, 

he  would  return  with  them,  for  that  he  would  not  quit 

Kh&n's  service  for  any  worldly  advancement.  'Umar 
replied :  "  You  are  aware  that  I  have  already  given  you 
ihare  of  the  jdgir%  which  I  possess,  nor  can  I  entertain 
oen.     Your  father^s  retainers  now  all  look  to  you.     You 

1  [Var.  "Htoi."] 


310  'ABBA'S  KHAN. 

will  be  able  to  obtain  yon  father^s  jdgkry  or  even  a  larger  one 
than  jour  father^s  was.  I  am  not  so  nnjost  to  my  own  tribe  u 
to  keep  you  on  a  small  jdgir.^  Such  were  tke  A%h&n  nobles, 
and  such  their  favour  towards  their  own  race  tmd  kindred,  thai 
if  they  saw  their  Afgh&ns  could  elsewhere  obtain  more  thin 
they  themselves  were  able  to  give,  they  at  once  sent  them  with 
recommendations  in  search  of  better  employment. 

Hasan  Kh&n  was  well  pleased,  and  the  next  day  Masnad-i  'ill 
sent  for  Jam&l  Eh&n,  and  strongly  recommending  Hasan  Kh&n 
to  him,  persuaded  him  to  bestow  on  him  his  &ther'8  jdgiry  with 
several  villages  in  addition  to  it,  and  said,  ^^  Whatever  kindness 
you  show  to  Hasan  Kh&n,  you  will  be  doing  a  &voar  to  me.^ 
Then  giving  Hasan  Eh&n  a  horse  and  a  dress  of  honour,  he  dis- 
missed him.  After  this,  Hasan  Xh&n  did  such  flernee  for 
Jamal  Kh&n  as  satisfied  and  pleased  him. 

After  Sult&n  BahloPs  death,  Sikandar  his  son  smoceeded,  and 
conquered  Jaunpdr  from  his  brother  Baibak,  and  conferred  the 
Biibah  on  Jam&I  Kh&n,  and  ordered  him  to  keep  up  12,006  horse, 
and  to  assign  \\\emjdgir8.  Jam&l  Eh&n,  who  was  much  pleased 
with  Hasan  Ehdn's  good  service,  took  him  with  him,  and  gave 
him  in  jdgir  the  parganas  of  Sahsar&m,  H&jipur,  and  T&nda,^ 
near  Benares,  to  maintain  500  horsemen. 

Hasan  Eh&n  had  eight  sons.  Farid  Eh&n  and  Niz&m  Eh&n 
were  bom  of  one  Afghan  mother;  *Ali  and  Ydsuf  of  another 
mother ;  Ehurram  *  and  Sh&di  Eh&n  of  a  third ;  Sulaim&n  and 
Ahmad  of  a  fourth. 

Hasan  Eh&n  did  not  care  for  or  love  the  mother  of  Farid  and 
Niz&m,  but  was  very  fond  of  his  slave-girls,  and  was  especially 
attached  to  the  mother  of  Sulaim&n  and  Ahmad;  and  she 
gained  such  influence  over  Hasan  Kh&n,  that  she  entirely  ruled 
him.     Angry  words  often   passed  between  Hasan  and  Farid. 

^  The  other  historians,  as  Nia*mata-lla,  are  more  specific,  and  call  it  Khftsptfr 
T&nda,  which  is  one  of  the  parganat  attached  to  the  sirkdr  of  Jaunptir. 

*  Some  copies,  as  well  as  the  Makhzan-i  Afghdnt^  read  Mud4hir  instead  of  Ehuitoi) 
and  make  him  own  brother  to  Sulaim&n  and  Ahmad. 


TABrXH-I  SHEB  SHAHr.  311 

n  he  was  assigned /cl^ir^,  Mi&n  Hasan  showed  little  partiality 
arid,  and  did  not  giv^e  him  a  jdgir  which  contented  him. 
1  Kh&n,  annoyed  with  his  father,  went  to  Jara&l  Kh&n  at 
ipur.  When  Mi&n  Hasan  discovered  that  Farid  had  gone 
(,  he  wrote  to  Jam&l  Kh&n  thus :  *^  Farid  Khfin,  being  an- 
1  with  me,  has  gone  to  you  without  sufficient  cause.  I  trust 
3ur  kindness  to  appease  him,  and  send  him  back;  but  if 
ing  to  listen  to  you,  he  will  not  return,  I  trust  you  will 
him  with  you,  for  I  wish  him  to  be  instructed  in  religious 
polite  learning." 

.m&l  Kh&n  sent  for  Farid,  and  advised  him  in  every  possible 

to  return  to  his  &ther ;    but  he  refused,  and  said,  ^^  If  my 

r  wants  me  back  to  instruct  me  in  learning,  there  are  in 

;ity  many  learned  men :  I  will  study  here/'     Jam&l  Kh&n 

)  no  further  objection.     Farid  employed  himself  in  studying 

»ic  at  Jaunpur.     He  also  studied  thoroughly  the  jSq/id,^ 

the  commentaries  of  K&zi  Shah&bu-d  din,  and  the  biogra- 

of  most  of  the  kings  of  ancient  times.     He  had  got  by 

the  Sikandar-ndmay  the  G^ulistdn,  and  Bosldn,  etc.,  and 

Jso  reading  the  works  of  the  philosophers.     Subsequently, 

ever,  during  his  reign,  learned  men  came  to  ask  him  for  a 

tenance   (madad-ma^dah)^  he  used  to  ask  them  about  the 

\ia'i  Hindia^  and  he  still  retained  his  liking  for  books  of 

ry  and  the  lives  of  ancient  kings. 

happened  after  some  years,  that  Hasan  Kh&n  came  to 
U  Kh&n,  when  all  his  kinsmen  who  were  in  Jaunptir 
ached  him  for  having  sent  Farid  away  from  his  presence 
he  sake  of  a  slave-girl;  and  they  remarked  that  Farid 
1,  young  as  he  was,  gave  promise  of  future  greatness ;  that 
»re  the  marks  of  excellence  on  his  forehead,  and  that  in  all 
ribe  of  Sdr  there  was  none  who  possessed  learning,  talent, 
»m,  and  prudence  like  him ;  and  he  had  qualified  himself  so 
that  if  Hasan  Kh&n  would  entrust  him  with  the  charge  of 
gana^  he  would  discharge  it  excellently  well,  and  perfectly 

^  A  work  on  grammar. 


312  'ABBA8  KHAN. 

perform  all  his  duties.      Hasan  Elh&n  assented  to  what  ioi 
kindred  said,  and  replied,  ^^  Pacify  him  and  bring  him  to  me;  1 
will  agree  to  whatever  you  say.*"    His  friends  replied,  **  As  yoi 
are  generally  in  Jaunpur  in  attendance  on  Jam&I  Kh&n,  it  is 
advisable  you  should   entrust  the  administration  of  your  two 
parganoB  to   Farid.'*^     Hasan   Kh&n   agreed  to  his  kinsmen's 
request.     In  great  glee  they  came  to  Farid,  and  said,  "  Mian 
Hasan  has  agreed  to  everything  we  have  said  in  your  behalf 
and  has  dissented  from  nothing.     It  behoves  you  also  to  assent 
to  what  we  say  to  you/^    Farid  Kh&n  replied,  **  I  will  agree  to 
anything  you  may  say,  nor  will  I  ever  draw  back  from  it ;  bnt 
as  soon  as  Hasan  Kh&n  sees  the  face  of  the  slave-girl,  he  will 
do  whatever  she  tells  him."     His  kinsmen  rejoined :  ^^  Do  yoa 
nevertheless  agree;  if  he  departs  fi^m  his  agreement  with  oa, 
we  will  remonstrate  with  him." 

When  Farid  heard  these  words  of  his  kinsmen,  he  said,  '^  To 
please  you  I  accept  the  management  of  the  two  districts.  I  will 
not  fell  to  do  my  duty  to  the  best  of  my  power."  Farid  Eban, 
much  pleased,  accompanied  his  relatives  to  his  father's  presence. 
His  fether  also  was  much  gratified,  and  kept  him  for  some 
months  with  him.  Afterwards,  Hasan  Kh&n  wished  to  send 
Farid  to  the  parganas;  but  Farid  representing  to  Hasan  Eh&n 
that  he  wished  first  to  speak  with  him,  he  obtained  leave  to  do 
so,  and  thus  began  :  ^'  Many  soldiers  and  subordinates,  our  kins- 
men, have  jdgira  in  these  parganas,  I  shall  devote  myself  to 
increase  the  prosperity  of  the  district,  and  that  depends  on  a  just 
administration ;  for  it  has  been  said  by  the  learned : "  •  •  * 
When  Hasan  Kh&n  heard  his  son'^s  speech  he  was  much  gratified, 
and  said : — '^  I  will  give  you  the  powder  both  to  grant  and  to 
resume  the  soldier'^s  jdgira^  and  I  will  not  reverse  anything 
you  may  do.**'  He  accordingly  sent  Farid  Eh&n  to  his  two 
parganas^  with  every  mark  of  favour. 

When  he  got  to  his  j'dgirs^  he  said : — '^  Let  all  the  head  men, 
(mukaddamdn)  and  the  cultivators  {muzdri^dn)  on  whose  labour 
the  prosperity  of  the  district  depends,  and  all  the  village  ac- 


TABrKH-I  SHEB  SHAHr.  313 

'patwdri8)y  attend  my  presence.  When  they  came, 
k1  also  the  soldiery,  and  thus  addressed  them : — ''  My 
has  committed  to  me  the  power  of  appointing  and 
you.  I  have  set  my  heart  on  improving  the  pro- 
le  district,  in  which  object  also  your  own  interests  are 
[vnd  by  this  means  I  hope  to  establish  my  reputation." 
n  he  had  finished  exhorting  the  soldiery,  he  turned 
mtry,  and  said : — "  This  day  I  give  you  your  choice 
tiode  of  payment.  Do  whatever  is  most  advantageous 
interests  in  every  possible  way." 
;he  head-men  asked  for  written  agreements  for  a  fixed 
;  ^  others  preferred  payment  in  kind  (kismat-i  ghalla), 
'  he  gave  leases  and  took  agreements,  and  fixed  the 
r  measuring  the  fields  (jaribdna\  and  the  fees  for  the 
*s  and  measurers  (muhassildna)  ;  and  he  said  to  the 
and  head-men  : — "  I  know  well  that  the  cultivation 
the  humble  peasants,  for  if  they  be  ill  off  they  will 
hing,  but  if  prosperous  they  will  produce  much.  I 
>pressions  and  exactions  of  which  you  have  been  guilty 
cultivators  ;  and  for  this  reason  I  have  fixed  the  pay- 
measurements,  and  the  tax-gatherers^  fees, — that  if 
Tom'  the  cultivators  more  on  this  account  than  is 
f  not  be  credited  to  you  in  making  up  your  accounts, 
n  to  you,  that  I  will  take  the  accounts  of  the  fees 
presence.  Whatever  dues  are  rightly  taken  I  will 
i  compel  the  cultivators  to  pay  them  ;  and  I  will  also 
Government  dues  for  the  autumn  harvest  in  the 
d  for  the  spring  harvest  in  the  spring ;  for  balances 
ent  dnea  are  the  ruin  of  a  pargafia^  and  the  cause  of 
ween  the  cultivators  and  the  Government  officers.  It 
b  ruler  to  show  leniency  to  the  cultivators  at  the  period 
dent,  and  to  have  a  regard  to  the  actual  produce ;  but 
me  of  payment  comes  he  should  show  no  leniency, 
the  revenue  with  all  strictness.     If  he  perceives  the 

^  In  two  copies  yar/d;  in  one,  patta^kaHliyat, 


314  'ABBAS  EHAK. 

cultivators  are  evading  payment,  he  should  so  chastise  them  u 
to  be  an  example  to  others  not  to  act  in  the  same  way.*"  He 
then  said  to  the  peasantry  : — '^  Whatever  matter  you  have  to 
represent,  bring  it  always  yourselves  to  me.  I  will  su£Eer  no 
one  to  oppress  you.*" 

Having  thus  addressed  them,  he  dismissed  them  with  hono- 
rary dresses  to  carry  on  their  cultivation.  After  dismissing  the 
cultivators,  he  said  to  his  father's  officers: — ^^The  cultiyaton 
are  the  source  of  prosperity.  I  have  encouraged  them  and  sent 
them  away,  and  shall  always  watch  over  their  condition,  that  no 
man  may  oppress  and  injure  them ;  for  if  a  ruler  cannot  protect 
humble  peasantry  from  the  lawless,  it  is  tyranny  to  exact  re- 
venue from  them.  There  are  certain  zaminddrs  who  have  been 
behaving  contumaciously  in  these  parganaSf  who  have  not  pre- 
sented themselves  at  the  Govemor^'s  court  {mahkama'i-hdkim\ 
do  not  pay  their  full  revenue,  and  harass  the  villages  in  ihmr 
neighbourhood  —  how  shall  I  overcome  and  destroy  them?* 
They  replied: — "Most  of  the  troops  are  with  Mi&n  Hasan; 
wait  a  few  days  and  they  will  return."  Farid  said,  "  I  cannot 
have  patience  while  they  refuse  to  come  to  me,  and  continue  to 
oppress  and  injure  the  people  of  God ;  do  you  consider  what  I 
can  contrive  against  these  rebels,  and  how  I  may  chastise  them." 

He  ordered  his  father's  nobles  to  saddle  300  horses,  and  to  see 
how  many  soldiers  there  were  in  the  pargana,  and  he  sent  for  all 
the  Afgh&ns  and  men  of  his  tribe  who  were  without  jdgin^  and 
said  to  them, — "  I  will  give  you  subsistence  and  clothing  till 
Mi&n  Hasan  returns.  Whatever  goods  or  money  you  may  get 
from  the  plunder  of  these  rebels  is  yours,  nor  will  I  ever  reqnire 
it  of  you  ;  and  whoever  among  you  may  distinguish  himself  for 
him  I  will  procure  a  good,  jdgir  from  Mi&n  Hasan.  I  will  my- 
self give  you  horses  to  ride  on.**'  When  they  heard  this  they 
were  much  pleased,  and  said  they  would  not  fail  in  doing  their 
duty  under  his  auspices.  He  put  the  men  who  had  engaged  to 
serve  him  in  good  humour  by  all  sorts  of  favours,  and  by  gifts 
of  clothes,  etc.,  and  presented  them  also  with  a  little  money. 


TABTKH-I  SHKt  SHAHf.  315 

3  then  sent  to  the  cultivators  for  horses,  saying,  ^*  Bring 
horses  to  me  as  a  loan  for  a  few  days,  as  I  particolarly 
re  them.  When  I  return  after  finishing  this  business,  I 
jive  you  back  your  horses."  They  willingly  and  cheerfully 
d  to  lend  their  horses,  and  from  eveiy  village  they  brought 
»r  two  horses,  and  put  on  the  saddles  which  they  had  ready 
leir  houses,  etc.  Farid  gave  to  every  one  of  his  soldiers 
had  not  one  of  his  own,  a  horse  to  ride,  and  hastened 
ist  the  rebels,  and  plundered  their  villages,  bringing  away 
romen  and  children,  cattle  and  property.  To  the  soldieiy  he 
I  over  all  the  property  and  quadrupeds  which  came  into 
possession ;  but  the  women  and  children  and  the  peasantry 
)ft  himself  in  confinement,  and  sent  to  the  head-men,  say- 
— **  Pay  me  my  rights ;  if  not,  I  will  sell  your  wives  and 
ren,  and  will  not  suffer  you  to  settle  anywhere  again, 
rever  you  may  go,  thither  will  I  pursue  you  ;  and  to  what- 
yillage  you  may  go,  I  will  command  the  head  men  to  seize 
make  you  over  to  me,  or  else  I  will  attack  them  also." 
a  the  head-men  heard  these  words,  they  sent  to  say: 
don  our  past  offences,  and  if  hereafter  we  do  anything 
lo  not  approve,  punish  us  in  any  way  you  choose.'"  Farid 
i  sent  to  say  in  reply,  "Give  security,  in  order  that 
a  offend  and  abscond,  your  security  may  be  held  respon- 
fbr  your  appearance."  So  the  head-men,  whose  wives  and 
les  he  had  in  confinement,  paid  what  was  due  from  them  to 
mment,  and  gave  security  for  their  appearance,  and  so 
led  their  wives  and  families. 

ere  were  some  zaminddrs  who  had  committed  all  sorts  of 
;es,  such  as  theft  and  highway  robbery,  and  refusing  to 
•evenue,  never  came  to  the  Governor's  presence,  but  were 
mt  fix>m  confidence  in  their  numbers.  Although  these  were 
warned,  they  took  no  heed.  Farid  Kh&n  collected  his 
),  and  commanded  that  every  one  of  his  villagers  who  had 
se  should  come  riding  upon  it,  and  that  he  who  had  not  a 
should  come  on  foot.     And  he  took  with  him  half  his  own 


316  'ABBiCS  SHAN. 

soldiers,  and  the  other  half  he  employed  in  collecting  reyenue 
and  other  local  duties. 

When  the  soldiers  and  peasantry  were  assembled,  he  mardied 
towards  the  villages  of  the  recusants,  and  at  a  distance  of  i 
kos  threw  up  an  earthen  entrenchment ;  and  ordered  them  to  cut 
down  the  neighbouring  jungle.  His  horsemen  he  directed  to 
patrol  round  the  villages;  to  kill  all  the  men  they  met,  and 
to  make  prisoners  of  the  women  and  children,  to  drive  in  the 
cattle,  to  permit  no  one  to  cultivate  the  fields,  to  destroy  the 
crops  already  sown,  and  not  to  permit  any  one  to  bring  anything 
in  from  the  neighbouring  parts,  nor  to  allow  any  one  of  them  to 
carry  anything  out  of  the  village,  and  to  watch  them  day  and 
night ;  and  he  every  day  repeated  the  order  to  his  force  to  invest 
the  village,  and  not  to  permit  a  soul  to  go  out.  His  footmen  he 
also  ordered  to  cut  down  the  jungle.  When  the  jungle  was  all 
cut  down,  he  marched  from  his  former  position,  and  made 
another  entrenchment  nearer  the  village,  and  occupied  it.  The 
rebels  were  humbled,  and  sent  a  representative  saying,  that 
if  Fand  Khdn  would  pardon  their  fault,  they  would  submit 
Farid  Kh&n  replied  that  he  would  not  accept  their  submis- 
sion, and  that  there  could  be  nothing  but  hostility  between  him 
and  them ;  to  whichever  God  might  please,  he  would  give  the 
victory. 

Although  the  rebels  humbled  themselves  in  every  way,  and 
offered  to  pay  a  large  sum  of  money,  yet  Farid  Kh&n  would 
not  accept  the  money,  but  said  to  his  men : — "  This  is  the  way 
of  these  rebels :  first  they  fight  and  oppose  their  rulers  ;  if  they 
find  him  weak,  they  persist  in  their  rebelliousness  ;  but  if  they 
see  that  he  is  strong,  they  come  to  him  deceitfully  and  humble 
themselves,  and  agree  to  pay  a  sum  of  money,  and  so  they 
persuade  their  ruler  to  leave  them  alone ;  but  as  soon  as  they 
find  an  opportunity,  they  return  to  their  evil  ways.  *  *  ♦ 

Early  in  the  morning,  Farid  Kh&n  mounted  and  attacked  tlie 
criminal  zaminddrs^  and  put  all  the  rebels  to  death,  and  miJdng 
all  their  women  and  children  prisoners,  ordered  his  men  to  sell 


TiCBTKH.!  BEER  SHAHr.  317 

Q  or  keep  them  as  slaves ;  and  broaght  other  people  to  the 
bge  and  settled  them  there.     When  the  other  rebels  heard  of 

death,  imprisonment,  and  rain  of  these,  they  listened  to 
lom,  repented  of  their  contumacy,  and  abstiuned  from  theft 

robbery, 

r  any  soldier    or  peasant    had  a  complaint,   Farid  would 
nine  it  in  person,  and  carefully  investigate  the  cause,  nor 
he  ever  give  way  to  carelessness  or  sloth. 
Q  a  very  short  time,  both  parganas  became  prosperous,  and 

soldiery  and  peasantry  were  alike  contented.    When  Mi&n 
lau  heard  of  this,  he  was  much  pleased ;  and  in  all  companies 
I  to  make  mention  of  the  prosperity  of  his  parganas^  the 
uitry  of  his  son,  and  the  subjection  of  the  taminddrn. 
he  fame  of  Farid's  wisdom  was  noised  abroad  over  the  king- 

of  Bih&r,  and  all  the  nobles  of  that  country  who  heard  of 
raised  it.     He  gained  a  reputation  among  men,  and  satisfied 

pleased  all  his  friends  and  others,  except  a  few  enemies, 
I  as  the  mother  of  Sulaim&n. 

^hen,  after  some  time,  Mi&n  Hasan  came  to  his  home  from 
adance  on  Masnad-i  '&1(  Midn  Jam&l  Khan,  all  the  vassals 

soldiery  with  one  voice  unanimously  proclaimed  their  well- 
g,   and  he  witnessed  himself  the  prosperity  of  the  country 

replenishment  of  the  treasury,  and  was  extremely  delighted 
I  Farid.  The  dislike  which  he  formerly  entertained  was 
elled,  and  he  distinguished  both  brothers  with  all  kinds  of 
urs.     '^  I  am  now  old,"  he  said,  **  nor  can  I  bear  the  labour 

trouble  and  thought  of  governing  the  parganas  and  the 
iery  while  I  live ;  do  you  manage  them." 
his  speech  displeased  Sulaiman  and  his  mother,  and  they 
e  all  kinds  of  lying  and  false  complaints  to  Midn  Hasan,  and 
money  which  Farid  had,  for  his  sister's  wedding,  given  to 
im&n,  they  changed,  and  showed  to  Midn  Hasan,  declaring 
as  bad.  Every  day  they  complained  and  railed  against 
!d  Kh&n,  but  Mi&n  Hasan  gave  ear  to  none  of  them, 
im&n  and  his  mother  perceived  that  Mi&n  Hasan  was  not 


318  'ABBAS  KHAN. 

incensed  against  Farfd  by  their  lying  complaints,  bat  said  to 
them,  *'It  is  not  right  that  yon  should  always  rail  at  Paid. 
Except  you  two,  there  is  not  a  person  among  my  friends,  soldien, 
or  vassals,  who  complains  of  him  ^  and  I  also  am  satisfied  ui 
grateful  for  his  conduct  and   excellent  behaviour,  for  both  my 
parganas  are  prosperous." 

When  the  mother  of  Sulaimin  heard  Mi&n  Hasan  thus  speak, 
she  was  overcome  with  grief,  and  discontinued  compkuning  to 
Mi&n  Hasan,  but  from  that  day  seldom  held  any  interooane 
with  Midn  Hasan.  She  publicly  displayed  her  grief,  and  the 
love  and  the  intimacy  which  Mi&n  Hasan  had  previouslj 
enjoyed  with  her  were  interrupted.  Mi&n  Hasan  perceived  her 
great  affliction,  and  one  day  said  to  her,  '^  What  is  the  cMue 
of  your  grief  P  and  what  is  the  reason  of  your  shunning  me?** 
She  replied,  ^^  I  was  once  your  humble  slave,  you  distinguished 
me  by  your  love  and  affection,  and  the  rest  of  your  fiuniljf) 
from  envy,  are  little  affectionate  towards  me;  nor  yet,  to  die 
best  of  my  ability,  have  I  failed  in  my  duty  to  them.  He 
(Farid)  is  your  eldest  son^  and  looks  to  succeed  to  your  posi- 
tion, and  if,  during  your  life,  you  do  not  distinguish  my  bods 
as  well  as  Farid,  nor  give  them  the  management  of  a  pargaM^ 
I  will  in  your  presence  kill  myself  and  my  sons  j  for  in  your 
lifetime  they  should  acquire  property.  Farid  and  your  kindred, 
who  are  my  enemies,  after  your  death  will  insult  and  turn  os 
out  of  the  parganas.  Therefore,  it  is  better  for  us  to  die  in 
your  presence,  than  to  survive  dishonoured  among  our  enemies.^ 

Midn  Hasan,  bound  in  the  chain  of  her  love,  and  helpless 
from  the  force  of  his  affection  (from  which  to  the  lover  there  is 
no  escape),  was  persuaded  by  her,  and  withdrew  his  fickle  affM- 
tions  from  his  eldest  son,  and  sought  to  remove  him  from  the 
country,  and  to  place  his  other  sons  in  his  room.  The  mother  of 
Sulaimdn  said,  '^  I  hope  much  from  your  love,  but  your  relatives 
will  not  permit  you  to  take  away  the  management  o{  the parganoi 
from  Farid."  Midn  Hasan,  who  was  entangled  in  the  noose  of 
her  love,  swore  a  solemn  oath  to  her  and  appeased  her« 


TABIKH-I  SHEE  SHAHI.  319 

After  this  Mi4n  Hasan  sought  to  discover  some  fault  in 
Parid,  and  to  remove  him,  and  employed  himself  in  examining 
his  actions.  Excessive  aversion  was  kindled  and  angry  words 
passed  between  Mi&n  Hasan  and  Farid.  When  Farid  dis- 
sovered  that  Mi&n  Hasan  had  promised  the  mother  of  Sulaim&n 
that  he  would  give  the  management  of  both  parganaa  to  her 
ioiis,  and  had  violated  the  promise  which  he  had  given  to  his 
kmsmen,  Farid  threw  up  the  management  of  them,  and  sent  to 
SLi&n,  Hasan,  saying,  ^^  So  long  as  I  saw  my  father's  affections 
ind  kindness  turned  towards  me,  I  carried  on  the  business  of  the 
oarganaa — ^now  make  anybody  manager  you  like.  Certain  per- 
ions  from  envy  and  enmity  have  conveyed  to  your  hearing 
reports  which  have  grieved  you.  My  father,  inquire  into  them, 
^  I  shall  show  you  how."  *  ♦  * 

Mi&n  Hasan  sent  to  Farid  in  reply,  saying,  ''  There  is  no 
reason  that  I  should  make  inquiries ;  for  while  I  was  even  absent 
with  the  army,  I  understood  the  real  state  of  the  parganas^  and 
diat  you  doubled  the  prosperity  of  the  country.  And  if  you  have 
appropriated  anything,  well  and  good.  It  is  your  own  pro- 
perty, and  it  is  no  reproach.  ♦  •  ♦  Your  degenerate  brothers, 
Salaiman  and  the  rest,  give  me  daily  annoyance.  I  do  not  think 
they  are  able  to  manage  the  country.  However  much  I  advise, 
it  makes  no  impression  on  them  :  they  have  taken  away  my  rest 
and  peace,  and  their  mother  is  interfering  perpetually  in  my 
affairs  on  behalf  of  her  sons.  I  am  obliged  to  permit  Sulaim&n 
and  Ahmad  to  act  for  a  short  time  as  shikkddrs  of  the  parganas, 
that  I  may  be  freed  from  this  daily  and  nightly  vexation.''^ 
YHien  Farid  heard  these  words  from  his  father,  he  said,  "  The 
two  parganas  are  my  father's,  let  him  give  their  management  to 
whomsoever  he  will.*^ 

When  Mi&n  Hasan^s  relations  heard  that  he  had  taken  away 
the  management  of  the  two  parganas  from  Farid,  and  was  in- 
tending to  confer  it  on  Sulaim&n  and  Ahmad,  and  that  Farid 
was  preparing  to  go  to  Agra  to  gain  his  livelihood  (for  in  those 
days  Agra  was  the  capital  city),  they  came  to  Mi&n  Hasan,  and 


320  'ABBAS  KHAN. 

said : — *'  It  is  not  right  for  you  to  take  away  the  management  i 
the  parganas  from  this  son,  and  give  it  to  SnUum&n  and  Ahmid; 
for  Farid,  by  his  care,  has  doubled  their  prosperity,  and  has  M 
established  his  authority  in  them,  as  no  one  ever  before  did,  nor 
has  he  committed  any  fault  for  which  he  ought  to  be  remonL 
It  is  not  right  to  quarrel  with  such  an  able  son  in  your  old  age; 
especially  in  these  times,  when  the  authority  of  Sult4n  Ibrihim 
is  shaken,  and  every  Afgh&n  of  influence  is  aiming  at  power  and 
independence." 

Midn  Hasan  replied  to  his  relatives,  "  I  know  it  is  not  right 
to  grieve  Farid ;  but  what  can  I  do  P  for  Sulaim&n  and  hii 
mother  have  driven  me  into  a  strait,  nor  do  they  give  me  a 
mementos  rest.  *  *  *  I  am  an  old  man,  the  time  of  my  dcatk 
is  near  at  hand.  I  cannot  break  my  promise.  I  give  the  manage- 
ment of  the  parganas  to  Sulaim&n  and  Ahmad  daring  my  life. 
If  they  govern  well,  so  that  the  parganas  prosper,  the  peopb 
are  happy  and  the  soldiery  content,  well  and  good ;  for  thea 
during  my  lifetime  they  will  acquire  a  good  name.  For  thni 
Farid  has  gained  a  name  among  men,  and  has  gladdened  my 
heart.  Wheresoever  he  may  go,  he  will  be  able  to  gain  his  own 
livelihood.  But  if  they  prove  unfit,  they  will  (at  any  rate) 
be  for  some  time  during  my  life  laying  up  worldly  goods.  Of 
this  I  am  certain,  that  afler  my  death  the  government  of  the 
parganas  will  be  conferred  on  Farid,  who  is  deserving  of  it."  *  *  * 

When  his  kinsmen  hoard  this  reply  of  Mi&n  Hasan,  they 
said,  "  You  send  Farid  away  from  you  to  please  a  slave-girl !  It 
is  wrong  in  these  times  to  stir  up  strife  for  a  slave-girPs  sake. 
For  from  the  proceedings  of  the  Loh&nis  in  Bihdr,  it  appears 
that  they  will  shortly  throw  oflF  the  king**s  yoke,  and  declare 
their  independence.  It  has  been  said,  'it  is  wrong  to  place 
confidence  in  woinen,^  ^^  etc.  ♦  ♦  *  But  in  spite  of  what  his  rela- 
tives said,  Mian  Hasan,  who  was  a  captive  in  the  bonds  of  bifl 
love  for  the  slave-girl,  did  not  assent  to  their  representation. 

When    Farid   entertained  no   longer  any  hope   from   Mito 
Hasan,  he  took  leave  of  his  friends,  and  set  off  for  Agra,  by  way 


TABfKH-I  SHEB  SHAHr.  321 

if  E&hnpdr  (Gawnpore),  which  pargana  then  belonged  to  the 
\igir  of  'Azim  Ham&yun  Sarw&nf,  who  there  maintained  a  large 
Dumber  of  followers.  Most  of  the  Sarw&nis  were  settled  in 
tfaat  neighbourhood.  When  Farfd  reached  £&hnpur,  the  Sar- 
irinis  who  were  connected  by  marriage  with  M(&n  Hasan  enter- 
Ained  Farid.  Among  them,  one  Shaikh  IsmaMl  was  present. 
?arid  asked  who  he  was.  The  Sarw&nis  at  first  said  that  he 
ras  a  Sarw&ni;  bat  afterwards  that  he  was  a  Sur  of  Farfd's 
wn  tribe,  bnt  that  his  mother  was  a  Sarw&ni.  Farfd  said  to 
im,  "Why  did  you  not  tell  me  you  were  a  SurP^  Shaikh 
Bma'il  said,  "I  did  not  tell  you  that  I  was  a  Sarw&nf,  but 
r  they  said  so,  what  iault  is  it  of  mineP"  Farid  said  to 
Ihaikh  Isma'il,  *'  Gome  with  me.^  Shaikh  Isma'd  and  Ibr&him 
loth  accompanied  Farfd,  and  in  the  battle  in  which  Farfd 
lefeated  Eutb  Sh&h,  King  of  Bengal,  Isma'il  greatly  distin- 
luished  himself.  Habib  Ehdn  E&kar,  who  was  his  sister's  son 
nd  lived  in  his  house,  slew  Eutb  Sh&h  with  an  arrow,  and  as 
labib  Eh&n  was  a  follower  of  Shaikh  Isma^il,  the  latter  got 
he  credit  of  having  killed  Eutb  Shah.  On  that  occasion,  Farfd 
gained  the  surname  of  Sher  Shdh,  and  he  bestowed  that  of 
Shuj&'at  Kh&n  on  Shaikh  Isma'il.  When  Sher  Sh&h  Sdr 
;ained  the  kingdom  of  Hindust&n,  he  bestowed  the  government 
f  Mandd  on  him,  and  gave  to  Ibrdhfm  Ehfin,  who  also  at- 
ained  to  great  consideration,  the  title  of  Sarmast  Eh&n. 

It  so  happened  that  when  Farid  arrived  at  j^gra,  Daulat 
Qi&n,  the  son  of  Budhu  (who  had  been  brought  up  in  'Azim 
lum&yun  Sarw&ni's  house),  held  the  command  of  12,000  horse, 
nd  was  in  great  favour  with  Sult&n  Ibr&him.  Farfd  Eh&n 
hose  Daulat  Eh&n  for  his  patron,  and  did  him  such  good 
ervice  that  Daulat  Eh&n  often  said :  '^  I  am  ashamed  to  look 
^arid  Eh&n  in  the  face ;  if  he  will  only  say  what  I  can  do  for 
im,  I  will  not  fail  to  use  my  utmost  endeavours  to  accomplish 
10  desire,  only  let  him  say  what  he  wants.'' 

When  Farfd  understood  that  Daulat  Eh&n  took  an  interest  in 
Js  affairs,  he  wrote  saying,  "  Mian  Eh&n  is  old,  and  his  senses 

VOL.  lY.  21 


322  'ABBAS  KHAN. 

are  failing  him,  and  he  is  spell-bound  and  in&taaied  with  a  Hindft 
slave-girl.  Whatever  she  tells  him  he  does,  and  has  penmtted 
her  to  manage  his  districts,  and  she  has  trampled  on  allUi 
relatives,  and  disgosted  his  soldiery  and  the  people  he  nk. 
Both  parganas  are  filling  to  rain  from  the  folly  of  this  Bb1^ 
woman.  If  the  king  will  confer  on  me  the  two  parganatj  I  isd 
my  brother  will,  with  500  horse,  serve  him  in  any  place  oriqr 
he  orders,  in  addition  to  the  service  Miin  Hasan  now  readan. 
When  Daulat  Kh&n  heard  his  request,  he  encouraged  him  in 
every  possible  way,  and  said,  ^*  Be  of  good  heart,  for  I  will  tcO 
the  king  the  truth  about  Mf&n  Hasan,  and  will  get  the 
parganas  taken  from  your  &ther  and  given  to  you.**^ 

Daulat  Kh&n,  on  representing  the  state  of  Mi&n  Hasan^'B  cm 
to  the  king,  said : — ^^  Farid  is  the  ablest  of  his  sons,  andbai 
long  managed  the  parganas.  The  soldiery  and  inhabitanti 
are  content  with  him.  If  the  king  will  bestow  on  him  the 
management  of  the  two  parganas^  be  and  his  brother  will  do 
whatever  duty  you  may  command  with  500  horse.^  The  king 
replied,  ^'  He  is  a  bad  man  who  complains  against  and  accuses  his 
own  father."  Daulat  Kh&n  informed  Farid,  and  said: — ^'This 
reply  came  frt)m  the  king's  own  mouth,  but  do  not  you  be  csst 
down.  God  willing,  I  will  get  for  you  the  management  of  these 
two  parganasy  and  will,  moreover,  watch  over  your  interests* 
When  Farid  heard  the  matter,  he  was  grieved,  but  to  pleise 
Daulat  Eh&n  remained  with  him.  He  assisted  Farid  with 
money,  and  indeed  gave  him  such  a  daily  allowance  as  to  oubk 
him  to  accumulate  somewhat. 

After  some  time  Midn  Hasan  died.  On  the  third  day  after 
his  death  Sulaim&n  placed  Mi&n  Hasan's  turban  on  his  own 
head,  and  was  sitting  among  his  friends  when  Mfin  Nizia 
came,  accompanied  by  his  partisans,  and  took  the  turban  fitMS 
off  Sulaim&n's  head,  saying,  '^  It  does  not  become  you,  in  the 
absence  of  your  elder  brother,  who  is  celebrated  for  ewiy 
excellent  quality,  and  is  on  service  with  the  king,  to  place  the 
turban  of  Mi&n  Hasan  on  your  own  head.     Have  a  fear  of  God  t 


TARfKH-I  8HEE  SHAHr.  323 

Have  you  no  shame  before  the  people  of  the  Lord,  that  you  thus 
aet  m  contravention  of  law  and  custom,  and  create  a  cause  of 
contention  ?  During  our  father's  life  you  acted  ungenerously  to 
Farid  through  your  mother's  influence ;  on  my  &ther^8  account 
I  could  say  nothing.  Had  it  been  otherwise,  your  strength  and 
oourage  should  have  been  tried ;  but  now  such  conduct  is  no 
longer  right.  It  behoves  you  to  act  to  Farid  in  a  very  different 
manner  from  what  you  have  in  times  past;  and  abandon  strife,  for 
it  is  not  good  to  contend  with  your  elder  brother.  Mi&n  Hasan 
in  his  lifetime  assigned  separate  jdgira  to  his  sons  ^  be  content 
with  this,  and  resign  your  superiority ;  for  it  is  your  elder 
brother^s  right.  If  you  will  not  give  up  fighting,  you  will 
keome  dependent  on  others;  nor  will  any  one  speak  well  of 
yon.  Contention  will  only  get  you  a  bad  name  and  ruin  the 
parganaaJ*  Sulaimdn  said,  ''  If  my  brother  treats  me  with  any 
kindness,  I  cannot  choose  but  serve  him." 

After  this  Midn  Nizdm  wrote  to  Farid,  telling  him  of  the 
death  of  Mi&n  Hasan,  and  of  the  whole  affair.    When  Farid 
got  the  news,  he  performed  the  usual  mourning,  and  told  Daulat 
Kh&n  the  posture  of  affairs  as  regarded  Sulaiman.    Dai:dat  £h&n 
laid,  ^'  Do  not  be  anxious.     Please  God,  the  king  will  give  you 
the  government  of  the  two  parganasJ*    Daulat  Khdn  told  the 
king  the  news  of  Mi&n  Hasan's  death,  and  procuring  farmdm 
fcr  the  two  parganas^  gave  them  to  Farid,  and  procured  him 
also  leave  to  goto  his  jagiVy  that  he  might  establish  his  posses- 
ion and   authority  over   them,   and   console  his   family  and 
followers ;  after  which  he  was  again  to  present  himself  before  the 
bng.    When  Farid  arrived,  all  hi»  relations  and  all  the  soldiery 
came  out  to  meet  him,  and  yielded  obedience  to  the  farmdn. 
8alaim&n,  unable  to  oppose  him,  went  away  to  Muhammad  Ehdn 
8dr  D&dd-Sh&h-khail,   governor  of  the  pargana  of  Ghaundh, 
He.,  who  commanded  1500  horse.    As  there  had  been  some  little 
iU-feelins:  between  this  Muhammad  Khdn  and  Hasan  Kh&n,  he 
Icsired  nothing  better  than  that  the  brothers  should  quarrel, 
ind  both  become  dependent  on  him.     He  said  to  Sulaimfin^ 


324  'ABBAS  KHAK. 

'^  Have  patience  for  a  short  ^hile,  for  Farid]  has  got  a  njil 
farmdn  for  the  government.  But  Snlt&n  Ibr&him  has  maltratol 
the  nobles  of  Sult&n  Bahlol  and  Snlt&n  Sikandar^  and  tiuj 
have  all  retired  to  their  own  districts,  and  remain  there.  Ani 
the  Kh4n-kh&n&n  Yusnf-khail,  who  was  governor  of  the  Pai^ 
etc.,  has  sent  his  son  Dil&war  Kh&n  to  Kibnl,  to  fetch  Ai 
Emperor  B&bar,  and  he  is  now  coming  back  with  the  Mnglnli. 
There  will  be  war  between  the  two  monarchs.  If  Saltan  Ibrihia 
prevails,  you  must  go  to  him,  and  I  will  write  to  him  on  pur 
behalf,  and  describe  Farid  as  hostile  to  Mi&n  Hasan,  as  wdl  as 
yourself,  and  that  MI4n  Hasan  preferred  you.  Whatever  ii- 
sistance  your  fortune  gives  you,  you  will  get ;  and  if  tlie 
Mughals  conquer,  I  will  by  force  take  the  parganas  firom  FiiHI, 
and  give  them  to  you."  Sulaim&n  replied,  *^I  have  tafai 
refuge  with  you  from  fear  of  Farid.  Because  there  is  none  lib 
you  in  the  tribe  of  Sur,  I  place  myself  in  your  hands.^  Shortly 
after  Muhammad  Kh&n  sent  his  vakil  to  Farid  with  thii 
message :  ^'  Listen  to  my  advice,  and  have  respect  to  my  iiitir> 
ference.  I  come  to  mediate  between  you ;  whichever  of  joft  [ 
declines  my  mediation  will  bring  shame  on  his  kindred.^  Farid  ,' 
Kh&n  wrote  in  reply,  "  You  are,  indeed,  very  great  and  powerfid,  i 
and  the  D&ud-Shdh-khail  is  the  most  exalted  among  the  tribfli  j 
of  Sur ;  the  chieftaincy  of  the  tribe  is  therefore  yours  of  ri^t.** 
The  truth  is  not  hid  from  you,  my  lord ;  which  is^  that  in  my 
father's  lifetime  he  was  always  disputing  with  me.  Even  afttf 
his  death,  I  offered  to  give  my  three  brothers  a  larger  jdiyif 
than  had  been  assigned  to  them  during  my  father's  lifetinM^ 
and  I  said  to  Sulaim&n,  ^  Let  us  put  aside  the  ill-feeling  tbaft 
existed  between  us  during  our  father's  life,  and  let  us  pass  At 
rest  of  our  lives  in  amity  and  affection.'  •  ♦  ♦  I  send  my  hrotlMr 
Nizdm  to  bring  him  to  me,  and  I  will  give  him  such  lijdgiru 
will  satisfy  him;  but  let  him  put  aside  the  desire  of  shaiini; 
as  his  portion  in  (the  government  of)  my  pargana ;  for  iHuh 
I  Uve  he  shall  never  obtain  this."  When  Muhammad  Ebio'i 
vakil  reported  what  Farid  Kh&n  had  said  and  written,  MahiB- 


TABTEH-I  SHEB  SHAHI.  325 

mad  EMn  said  to  Sulaimdn,  ^^  Farid  Eh^  will  not  givo  you 
I  share  qnietly.    I  will  make  him  do  so  by  force.^^  *  «  « 

Salaiman  was  much  delighted }  bat  the  matter  was  reported  to 
Farid  Eh&n,  who  consalted  with  his  brother  Niz&m  and  his 
other  adherents,  and  said,  '^  I  must  ally  myself  with  some  one 
who  ¥Fill  be  able  to  oppose  Muhammad  Eh&n,  and  there  is  no  one 
within  reach  except  Bih&r  Eh4n,  son  of  Dary&  Ehdn  Lohdnl. 
However,  it  is  best  to  wait  a  little.  If  Sult&n  Ibr&him  prevails, 
BO  one  will  be  able  to  say  a  word  against  me ;  for  do  I  not  hold 
the  Sult&n^s  farmdn  f  And  if  (which  God  avert.)  the  Mughals 
should  defeat  Sult^  Ibr&him,  then  indeed  I  must  of  necessity 
ally  myself  to  Bih&r  Eh&n,  and  remain  in  his  service/'  After 
some  time  news  came  that  the  two  monarchs  had  joined  battle 
on  the  field  of  P&nipat,  and  that  after  a  severe  contest  Sult&n 
Ibr&him  had  been  slain,  and  that  the  kingdom  of  Dehli  had  fallen 
into  the  hands  of  the  Emperor  B&bar,  in  the  year  932.  *  * 

Farid  Kh&n,  being  thus  compelled,  went  to  Bih&r  £hdn,  and 
ntered  into  his  service,  and  employed  himself  day  and  night  in 
Us  business ;  nor  did  he  rest  one  moment  from  it,  and  from  this 
good  service  he  gained  Bih&r  Eh&n's  &voar;  so  that  he  had 
aecess  to  him  in  public  and  in  private,  and  became  one  of  his  most 
intimate  firiends.  In  consequence  of  his  excellent  arrangements, 
ha  became  celebrated  throughout  the  country  of  Bih&r.  One  day 
he  went  out  hunting  with  Bih&r  Kh&n,  and  a  tiger  {aher)  having 
been  started,  Farid  Kh&n  slew  it.  Bih&r  Ehan,  who  on  the 
death  of  Sult&n  Ibr&hfm  had  assumed  the  title  of  ''Sult&n 
Hnhammad,^^  and  had  caused  coin  to  be  struck,  and  the  khutha 
to  be  read  in  his  own  name  throughout  the  country  of  Bih&r, 
gave  to  Farid  Kh&n,  on  account  of  this  gallant  encounter,  the 
title  of  *^  Sher  Kh&n,^  and  made  him  the  deputy  to  his  son 
Jal&l  Kh&n. 

He  performed  the  duties  of  deputy  for  a  long  time,  but  at 
length  went  on  leave  to  visit  his  own  parganas,  where  he 
delayed  for  some  time.  On  account  of  his  long  absence,  Sult&n 
Mnhammad  used  to  talk  reproachfully  of  him,  and  said,  '*•  Sher 


326  'ABBAS  KHAN. 

Eh&n  promised  to  return  very  shortly,  bat  has  remained  a  Vng 
time  away.*^  Those  were  days  of  confiision,  no  man  pat  entin 
confidence  in  another. 

Muhammad  Khdn  Sur  came  to  Sult&n  Muhammad  and  spoke 
detractingly  of  Sher  Elh&n,  saying,  *'  He  sees  some  probabilitj 
of  the  advent  of  Sultan  Mahmud,  the  son  of  Sult&n  SSundir, 
to  whom  many  of  the  nobles  and  Afgh&ns  have  given  in  thor 
adhesion.  If  Your  Majesty  commands  me,  I  ¥rill  contrive  to^ 
bring  Fand  Kh&n  here  without  any  stir.  His  brother  Sahumin 
is  an  able  young  man,  to  whom  Hasan  Kh&n  daring  his  life- 
time made  over  the  management  of  both  his  parganas^  when 
he  banished  Sher  Khfin  fix)m  his  districts,  who  even  formsaij 
preferred  an  accusation  against  his  own  &ther,  and  of  whom 
the  Sult&n  said,  '  This  is  a  bad  man  who  complains  even  agsinst 
his  own  fiiither.'  When  Hasan  Kh&n  died,  Farid  Eh&n,  through 
his  patron  Daulat  Eh&n,  obtained  a  grant  of  both  parganM  from 
Sult&n  Ibr&him.  Sulaim&n  was  also  desirous  of  going  to  Siltin 
Ibr&him,  to  show  the  recommendatory  letter  which  Mi&n  Hasu 
when  dying  had  written  to  the  Sult&n.  But  disturbances  arose, 
and  he  was  unable  to  go,  and  has  now  come  to  you  to  complaiii 
of  his  brother.  If  Your  Majesty  will  confer  these  pargwM 
on  Sulaim&n,  Farid  Eh&n  will  very  quickly  come  unto  your 
presence  again.  It  is  now  long  since  that  Sulaim&n,  flying  from 
him,  sought  refuge  with  me ;  and  if  he  attains  his  rights,  he 
will  ever  be  your  obliged  servant."  Sult&n  Muhammad  replied, 
''  He  has  done  me  much  good  service,  how  can  I  give  away  his 
Jdgirs  to  another,  and  that  for  a  trifling  fault,  and  without 
inquiry  ?  However,  to  please  you  they  shall  both  bring  their 
cause  before  you.  Both  are  similarly  related  to  you — do  yoo 
favour  neither,  that  the  right  may  be  established,  and  the  dost  of 
the  enmity  which  exists  between  them  may  be  allayed." 

Muhammad  Eh&n,  when  he  was  dismissed,  returned  to  his 
own  jdgir^  and  sent  Sh&di  Eh&n,  his  confidential  servant,  to 
Farid  Eh&n  with  a  message  to  this  effect : — *'  It  is  not  right  for 
you  to  take  possession  of  both  parganaa  and  to  disinherit  yoor 


TJCBXKE'l  SHER  SHAHr.  327 

Wthers,  and  lay  the  foundation  of  strife  among  your  own 
kindred.  I  have  sent  Sh&di  Kh&n  to  you,  and  I  hope  you  will 
take  heed  to  what  he  will  say  to  you.  Your  brothers  have  now 
been  a  long  time  with  me,  and  the  laws  and  customs  of  the 
A%h&n8  are  no  secret  to  you/' 

When  Sh&di  came  to  Sher  Eh&n,  and  delivered  at  full  length 
Mohammad  Kh&n^s  message,  Sher  Kh&n  replied : — ^^  Do  you, 
Sh&di  £h&n,  tell  the  "Kh&n  from  me,  that  this  is  not  the  Boh 
country  that  I  should  share  equally  with  my  brothers.  The 
country  of  India  is  completely  at  the  disposal  of  the  king,  nor 
has  any  one  else  any  share  in  it,  nor  is  there  any  regard  to  elder 
or  younger,  or  to  kindred.  Sikandar  Lodi  thus  decided  :  ^  If  any 
noble  dies,  whatever  money  or  other  effects  he  may  leave  should 
be  divided  among  his  heirs  according  to  the  laws  of  inheritance ; 
but  his  office  and  his  jdgirs  and  his  military  retinue  let  him 
confer  on  whichever  of  the  sons  he  thinks  most  able  ;  and  in  these 
no  one  else  has  a  right  to  share,  nor  is  any  remedy  open  to  them.^ 
Whatever  goods  and  money  my  &ther  left,  Sulaim&n  with  my 
brothers  appropriated  before  he  sought  refuge  with  you.  Hitherto, 
out  of  regard  for  my  relationship  to  you,  I  have  said  nothing ; 
but  whenever  he  may  quit  you,  I  shall  reclaim  my  share  of  my 
patrimonial  inheritance  from  him.  The  jdgir  and  office  were 
conferred  on  me  by  Sult&n  Ibrahim ;  in  them  no  one  has  any 
share.  But  I  said  to  my  brothers, '  TYiQ  jdgirs  which  you  enjoyed 
in  my  fether's  lifetime  I  will  continue,  nay  increase  to  you ;  but 
no  one  can  participate  in  my  office.'  It  does  not  become  you 
to  say,  ^  Give  up  T&nda  and  Malhu  to  Sulaimdn.**  I  will  not 
willingly  yield  them.  If  you  take  them  by  force,  and  give  them 
to  him,  it  is  in  your  power  to  do  so.  I  have  not  another  word 
to  say." 

When  Sh&di  returned  from  Sher  Kh&n,  and  reported  the  whole 
aflbir  to  Muhammad  Kh&n,  he  was  much  enraged,  and  said  to 
Sh&di,  ^^  Take  all  my  forces  with  you,  seize  parganas  T&nda, 
and  Malhu,  and  make  them  over  to  Sulaim&n  and  Ahmad.  If  he 
resists  you,  fight  him  with  all  your  might ;  and  if  you  defeat 


328  'ABBAS  KHAN. 

and  pat  him  to  flight,  make  over  both  parganas  to  Sulaimiii, 
and,  leaving  your  armj  to  assist  him,  return  to  me,  lest  wbeQ 
he  sees  Sulaim&n  with  few  followers  he  will  attack  him/' 

When  this  news  reached  Sher  Kh&n,  he  wrote  to  Sakha,  Ui 
slave  (&ther  of  Elhaw&s  Kh&n),  the  shikkddr  of  T&nda  and  Malhi, 
near  Benares,  and  with  whom  the  greater  part  of  Sher  EUn'i 
forces  were,  apprising  him  that  Salaim&n,  accompanied  by  SUdi 
Khdn,  was  advancing  against  him,  and  directing  him  not  to 
yield  ap  Tdnda  and  Malhu  withoat  resistance.  When  the  army 
of  Muhammad  Eh&n  approached,  Sakha  came  oat  of  the  dtj 
to  meet  it.  In  the  engagement  which  followed,  Sakha  ^vas 
slain,  and  his  army  were  defeated  and  fled  to  Sher  Kh^  at 
Sahsar&m,  nor  did  they  even  rally  there. 

Some  persons  advised  Sher  Eh&n  to  go  to  Salt&n  Muhammid, 
but  he  did  not  agree  to  this,  saying,  ^^  These  are  uncertain  timee, 
the  Salt&n  will  not  quarrel  with  Muhammad  Eh&n  for  my  sake. 
He  will  endeavour  to  bring  about  some  compromise ;  but  it  is 
not  my  interest  to  enter  into  a  compromise/'  Mi&n  Nizim 
Ehdn  said,  ^'  If  it  be  not  your  interest  to  make  a  compromise) 
I  think  it  will  be  best  to  go  to  Patna ;  thence,  through  the  int6^ 
vention  of  some  proper  person,  to  procure  an  interview  with 
Sult&n  Junaid  Birl&s,  at  i^gra,  and  to  ofier  to  enter  his  senrioe. 
Perhaps  this  might  afford  an  opportunity  not  only  of  vengeance 
on  Muhammad  Kh&n,  but  even  of  driving  him  out  of  ChaundL" 
Sher  Eh&n  agreed  to  this,  and  went  to  Patna,  and  sent  an  agent 
to  Sult4n  Junaid,  at  i^gra,  saying,  ^'  If  Sultdn  Junaid  will  give  me 
his  parole,  and  promise  not  to  molest  me,  I  will  come  and  wait 
upon  him,  and  serve  him  loyally  with  all  my  heart  and  800!."* 
Sult&n  Junaid  agreeing  to  this,  Sher  Eh&n  came  to  him,  bringing 
with  him  a  very  large  present.  Sult&n  Junaid  was  much  pleased, 
and  gave  him  the  aid  of  a  large  force  to  recover  his  parganoi. 
Muhammad  Ehdn  and  Sulaim&n,  unable  to  resist,  fled  to  the  hill 
of  Roht&s,  and  Sher  Eh&n  got  possession  not  only  of  his  own 
parganaa^  but  also  of  Ghaundh  and  of  several  parganas  which 
had  formerly  appertained  to  the  crown.   To  many  of  the  A%h&ns 


TAKrKH-I  SHSB  SHAHr.  329 

and  his  kindred  who  had  fled  to  the  mountains,  he  wrote,  pro- 
Huuring  to  double  their  former  jdgirs^  and  said,  '^  The  honour  of 
our  women  is  one  (to  us  all) ;  I  have  accomplished  my  revenge, 
and  have  regained  mj  parganaa"  Consequent  on  the  acquisi- 
tion of  these  parganasy  many  Afgh&ns  came  to  him.  When  he 
peroeiTed  that  many  of  the  Afghdns  were  collecting  round  him, 
he  became  at  ease ;  gaining  confidence,  he  dismissed  the  army 
which  8ult&n  Junaid  had  sent  to  his  aid  with  very  handsome 
presents.  Sher  Khfin  then  wrote  to  Muhammad  Kh&n  Sdr, 
the  former  ruler  of  Ohaundh,  who  had  fled  to  the  hills,  to  this 
effect :  *'  Do  not  let  any  fear  find  its  way  to  your  heart,  but 
make  your  mind  quite  easy,  and  come  and  take  possession  of 
yonrpargana,  I  have  acquired  BeYorsl  pargatuis  which  formerly 
paid  revenue  to  Sult&n  Ibr&him,  and  do  not  covet  the  possessions 
of  my  kindred.  This  is  a  time  of  sedition  and  misfortunes. 
Every  Afgh&n  who  has  any  forces  is  coveting  my  government 
and  country,  and  it  therefore  behoves  those  who  have  the  means 
in  saeh  a  time  to  collect  for  their  aid  and  assistance  soldiery  of 
their  own  tribe,  so  as  to  preserve  their  own  dominion,  and  even 
gain  fiesh  territory.  This,  therefore,  is  the  wisest  course ;  let 
us  put  away  our  former  envy  and  hatred,  and  in  place  of  it  let 
us  plant  the  young  tree  of  love  and  kindness  in  our  hearts,  that 
it  may  bring  forth  the  fruit  of  friendship ;  and  this  may  be  the 
means  of  our  collecting  our  friends,  and  so  of  attaining  high 
station  and  dignity.''  On  receiving  Sher  Khan's  letter,  Muham- 
mad IDk&a  came  down  from  the  hills,  and  again  took  possession 
of  his  own  parganaa  of  Ghaundh,  etc. ;  and  he  and  Sher  Eh&n 
forgave  each  other  their  previous  enmity ;  and  Muhammad  Eh&n 
thus  eame  under  obligations  to  Sher  Kh&n. 

Sher  Kh&n,  being  relieved  from  all  apprehension  as  regarded 
Mohammad  Eh&n,  went  to  Sult&n  Junaid  Birl&s,  at  ^gra,  and 
thence  accompanied  him  to  the  presence  of  the  Emperor  B&bar; 
was  admitted  to  his  Court,  was  present  during  the  affiur  of 
Oh^deri,  and  remained  for  some  time  amongst  the  Mughals, 
and  acquainted  himself  with  their  military  arrangements,  their 


330  'ABBAS  KHAN. 

modes  of  goYerning,  and  the  character  of  their  nobles.  He  often 
said  among  the  Afgh&ns,  ^*  If  luck  aided  me,  and  fortune  stood 
my  friend,  I  could  easily  oust  the  Mughals  from  Hindu8t4n.'' 
When  people  heard  him  speak  thus^  they  ridiculed  him,  and 
used  to  say  behind  his  back,  ^^What  vain  boasting  is  this  of 
Sher  Kh&n's ;  he  talks  about  a  thing  &r  beyond  his  power." 

I,  'Abb&s,  the  writer  of  the  adventures  of  Sher  "EJi&a,  haye 
heard  from  the  mouth  of  Shaikh  Muhammad  my  own  uncle, 
whose  age  was  nearly  eighty  years,  the  following  story : ''  I  was 
at  the  battle  of  Gh&nderi,  with  the  force  of  the  victorious  Emperor 
B&bar,  the  second  Faridun,  and  in  attendance  on  the  Ehin 
Kh&n&n  Ytisuf-khail,  who  brought  the  Emperor  B&bar  from 
E&bul,  and  Shaikh  Ibr&him  Sarwanf  said  to  me,  *  Gome  to  Sher 
Eh&n's  quarters,  and  hear  his  impossible  boastings,  which  all 
men  are  laughing  at.'  And  accordingly  we  rode  over  to  Sher 
Eh&n's  quarters.  In  the  course  of  conversation.  Shaikh 
Ibr&him  said:  ^It  is  impossible  that  the  empire  should  again 
fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Afghfins,  and  the  Mughals  be  expelled 
from  the  country.**  Sher  Eh&n  replied:  'Shaikh  Muhammad, 
be  you  witness  now  between  Shaikh  Ibr&him  and  myself,  that  if 
luck  and  fortune  favour  me,  I  will  very  shortly  expel  the 
Mughals  from  Hind,  for  the  Mughals  are  not  superior  to  the 
Afgh&ns  in  battle  or  single  combat ;  but  the  Afgh&ns  have  let 
the  empire  of  Hind  slip  from  their  hands,  on  account  of  thdr 
internal  dissensions.  Since  I  have  been  amongst  the  Mughals, 
and  know  their  conduct  in  action,  I  see  that  they  have  no  order 
or  discipline,  and  that  their  kings,  from  pride  of  birth  and 
station,  do  not  personally  superintend  the  government,  but  leare 
all  the  affairs  and  business  of  the  State  to  their  nobles  and 
ministers,  in  whose  sayings  and  doings  they  put  perfect  con- 
fidence. These  grandees  act  on  corrupt  motives  in  every  case, 
whether  it  be  that  of  a  soldier'^s,  or  a  cultivator's,  or  a  rebellious 
zdmlnddr's.  Whoever  has  money,  whether  loyal  or  disloyal, 
can  get  his  business  settled  as  he  likes  by  paying  for  it;  bat 
if  a  man  has  no  money,  although  he  may  have  displayed  his 


TABTKH-I  SHEE  SHAHr.  331 

Ity  on  a  hnndred  occasions,  or  be  a  yeteran  soldier,  he  will 
r  gain  his  end.  From  this  lust  of  gold  they  make  no 
nction  between  friend  and  foe,  and  if  fortane  extends  a 
I  to  me,  the  Shaikh  shall  soon  see  and  hear  how  I  will  bring 
A^fghins  under  my  control,  and  never  permit  them  again  to 
me  divided.' " 

fter  some  time,  Sher  Kh&n  waited  upon  the  Emperor  one 
at  an  entertainment,  when  it  happened  that  they  placed 
re  him  a  solid  dish,  which  he  did  not  know  the  customary 
e  of  eating.  So  he  cut  it  into  small  pieces  with  his  dagger, 
putting  them  into  his  spoon  easily  disposed  of  them. 
Emperor  B&bar  remarked  this,  and  wondered  at  Sher 
n'^s  ingenuity,  and  said  to  Khalifa,  his  minister,  who  was  at 
elbow,  *^  Keep  an  eye  on  Sher  Khan ;  he  is  a  clever  man, 
the  marks  of  royalty  are  visible  on  his  forehead.  I  have 
many  Afgh&n  nobles,  greater  men  than  he,  but  they  never 
9  any  impression  on  me ;  but  as  soon  as  I  saw  this  man,  it 
red  into  my  mind  that  he  ought  to  be  arrested,  for  I  find 
m  the  qualities  of  greatness  and  the  marks  of  mightiness.^' 
m  Sult&n  Junaid  took  his  leave,  he  had  recommended 
Kh&n  strongly  to  the  minister.^  Sher  Kh&n  had  also  made 
a  very  handsome  present.  So  he  replied  to  the  Emperor : 
er  Kh&n  is  without  blame,  and  does  not  command  a  sufficient 
to  become  a  cause  of  uneasiness  to  Your  Majesty.  If  you 
t  him,  the  Afgh&ns  who  are  present  with  you  will  all 
ne  suspicious,  nor  will  any  other  Afgh&n  trust  your  faith 
promises,  and  hence  will  arise  disunion.'^  The  Emperor 
silenced;  but  Sher  Kh&n  sagaciously  perceived  that  the 
leror  had  spoken  something  concerning  him. 
lien  Sher  Kh&n  got  to  his  own  quarters,  he  said  to  his  men : 
e  Emperor  to-day  looked  much  at  me,  and  said  something 
e  minister ;  and  cast  evil  glances  towards  me.  This  is  not  a 
ace  for  me  to  remain — ^I  shall  go  away."    Mounting  at  once, 

>  Mir  Khalifa  was  the  elder  brother  of  Solt&n  Janaid. 


332  'ABMS  KHAN. 

he  left  the  army.  Shortly  afterwards  the  king  missed  Sher 
Kh&n  from  among  the  courtiers,  and  sent  for  him.  The  man 
who  was  despatched  in  search  of  him  came  to  his  quarters,  but 
Sher  Kh&n  was  gone.  The  Emperor  said  to  the  trosir,  *^  If  yon 
had  not  hindered  me,  I  would  have  arrested  him  at  once;  he 
is  about  to  do  something,  Qoi  only  knows  what ! '' 

When  Sher  Kh&n  reached  his  jdgir  after  leaving  the  army, 
he  sent  a  handsome  present  to  Sult&n  Junaid,  and  wrote  to  saj, 
''I  was  necessitated  to  quit  the  king  without  taking  leave.  If 
I  had  asked  for  leave,  he  would  not  have  given  it  to  me.  1 
was  compelled  to  come  to  my  jdglr^  for  my  brother  Nizim 
wrote  to  say  that  Muhammad  Kh&n  and  Sulaim&n  had  re- 
presented to  Sult&n  Muhammad  that  I  had  allied  myself  irith 
the  Mughals,  by  whose  aid  I  had  seized  their  parganoi^  and 
they  offered,  if  ordered,  to  retake  these  districts.  Sult&n  Mu- 
hammad, however,  gave  them  no  answer.  When  I  heard  tliis 
news,  it  was  impossible  for  me  to  remain  where  I  was.  I  am 
His  Majesty's  grateful  servant ;  I  will  do  whatever  he  desires.'' 

After  this,  Sher  Kh&n  took  counsel  with  his  brother  Niiim 
and  others,  saying,  "  I  have  no  longer  any  confidence  in  the 
Mughals,  or  they  in  me;  I  must  go  to  Sult&n  Muhammad 
Khan."  He  decided  on  this  plan,  and  when  he  came  to  Salt&n 
Muhammad,  in  Bih&r,  the  latter  was  much  delighted,  for  he 
had  had  experience  of  his  great  talent.  He  entrusted  his  son 
Jal&l  Kh&n  to  him,  and  said :  ''  I  make  you  my  son's  lieutenant. 
Do  you  instruct  him  with  all  your  care,  for  he  is  of  tender  age.'' 
Sher  Kh&n  was  much  pleased,  and  took  great  pains  in  the  dis- 
charge of  his  office.  When  Sult&n  Muhammad  died,  his  son 
Jal&I  Kh&n  succeeded  him,  whose  mother's  name  was  Dudii, 
a  concubine ;  and  being  himself  very  young,  his  mother  Diidd 
ruled  the  kingdom,  and  she  made  Sher  Kh&n  her  deputy  in  the 
Government  of  Bih&r  and  its  dependencies.  After  the  death  of 
Dudu,  Sher  Kh&n  also  discharged  the  duties  of  the  State  as 
deputy  for  Jal&l  Kh&n. 

An  intimate  friendship  sprang  up  between  Sher  Kh&n  and 


TAETEH.I  SHEB  SHAHI.  333 

Makhdiim  'iOam,  ruler  of  Hajipur^  a  noble  in  the  service  of  the 
King  of  Ghrar  and  Bengal.  The  King  of  Bengal  became  displeased 
with  Makhdiim  'i^lam ;  for  he  (the  king),  having  conceived  a 
design  of  conquering  Bih&r  from  the  Afgh&ns,  despatched  Kutb 
Khin  with  a  large  force  for  that  purpose.  Sher  Kh&n  earnestly 
and  repeatedly  remonstrated.  *  *  *  Nevertheless,  Kutb  Kh&n 
gave  no  heed  to  his  remonstrances.  Sher  Kh&n  therefore  said 
to  his  Afgh&ns,  ^'  With  the  Mughals  on  one  side  and  the  army  of 
Bengal  on  the  other^  we  have  no  resource  save  in  our  own  bravery."" 
The  Afgh&ns  replied,  ^*  Be  of  good  cheer,  for  we  will  fight  to 
the  utmost ;  we  will  never  yield  the  field  until  we  either  conquer 
or  die,  nor  will  we  be  ungrateful  to  those  we  have  served  so  long.'' 
Sher  Kh&n  having  prepared  for  a  sturdy  resistance,  met  the 
enemy.  A  severe  action  ensued,  in  which  the  Bengal  army  was 
defeated.  In  that  engagement  Shaikh  Isma'il  much  distin- 
guished himself,  and  Kutb  Kh&n  and  Habib  Kh&n  K&kar  were 
with  him.  Kutb  Kh&n,  leader  of  the  Bengal  army,  was  struck 
by  an  arrow,  and  falling  off  his  horse,  expired.  Shaikh  Isma'il 
gained  the  victory,  and  Sher  Kh&n  bestowed  on  him  the  title  of 
Shuj&^at  Kh&n.^  Of  the  treasure,  horses,  elephants,  etc.  which 
fell  into  his  hands,  Sher  Kh&n  did  not  give  any  part  to  the 
Loh&nis,  and  so  he  became  a  man  of  wealth. 

The  Loh&nis  were  much  angered  at  this,  and  hostile  feelings 
sprang  up  between  them  and  Sher  Kh&n ;  but  they  did  not  openly 
manifest  them.  Now  Makhdum  'Alain  had  not  assisted  Kutb 
Kh&n,  and  as  this  misfortune  had  befallen  the  latter,  the  King 
of  Bengal  sent  an  army  against  Makhdum  'Alam.  I,  who  am 
the  author  of  the  Tuh/a  Akhar  Shdhi,  reckon  among  my  ances- 
tors 'Abbis  Kh&n.  Very  many  sons  of  'Abb&s  Khdn  were  in 
Sher  Kh&n's  service ;  (of  these)  he  gave  io  Mi&n  Hasnd  the  title 
of  Daryi  Kh&n.  Among  the  Khdn'^s  nobles,  none  were  equal 
to  him,  and  he  had  married  Sher  Kh&n'^s  own  sister.  This 
Dary&  Khdn  died  in  the  beginning  of  Sher  Sh&h's  reign.     My 

*  The  Tdrikk'i  Khdn-Jahdn  Zodi  says  that  when  he  was  appointed  governor  of 
Hfrlwa,  the  people  called  him  **  Shuj&wal  Kh&n." 


334  'ABBAS  KHAX. 

object  in  this  detail  is  as  follows :  Since  a  connexion  exists  between 
Sher  Sh&h  and  myself,  I  am  thus  better  acquainted  with  hu 
history^  which  I  have  learnt  from  my  ancestors.  To  be  brief^ 
Sher  Elh&n  was  prevented  by  the  hostility  of  the  Loh&nis  from 
assisting  in  person  Makhdtim  '.^lam^  but  he  sent  Mi&n  Hasau 
Kh&n  to  his  assistance.  Makhdtim  '^lam  made  over  all  bis 
property  and  worldly  possessions  to  Sher  Kh&n,  saying,  ''If  1 
am  victorious,  I  will  reclaim  my  property ;  if  not,  better  yon 
should  have  it  than  any  other.^  Makhdiim  'iQam  was  killed  in 
battle,  but  Mi&n  Hasnu  Kh&n  returned  alive,  and  Makhddm 
'Jd&m^Q  property  fell  to  Sher  Ek&n. 

The  enmity  between  Sher  Kh&n  and  the  Loh&n{s  increased 
daily,  until  the  latter  at  last  plotted  to  kill  Sher  E[h&n,  and 
they  thus  took  counsel  among  themselves,  saying,  ^^  Sher  £h&n 
waits  every  day  upon  Jal&l  Kh&n  with  a  very  small  retinae; 
let  us  pretend  that  Jal&l  Eh&n  is  ill.  Sher  Khan  will  go  inside 
the  palace  to  inquire  after  him.  When  he  is  returning,  and 
has  passed  through  one  gate,  and  before  he  reaches  the  other,  let 
us  kill  him,  while  thus  inclosed  between  the  two  gates  of  Jal&I 
Khdn's  palace.'^ 

Some  of  the  Loh&nis,  who  were  friends  and  connexions  of 
Sher  Khdn,  having  heard  of  these  machinations,  told  Sher 
Eh&n,  who,  before  receiving  the  news,  had,  by  his  own  penetra- 
tion, discovered  from  the  actions  and  motions  of  the  Loh&nis 
that  they  meditated  some  injury  to  himself.  As  he  was  a 
wise  man  he  said  nothing  of  the  matter,  but  privately  took 
precaution  for  his  own  safety;  and  all  the  land  and  pro- 
perty he  had  recently  acquired  he  expended  in  enlisting 
fresh  retainers,  to  whom  he  gave  Jdgira  and  maintenance  to 
their  heart's  content ;  but  to  the  Loh&nis  he  gave  nothing. 
When  he  perceived  that  he  had  got  so  large  a  number  of 
new  soldiers  collected  together  that  the  Loh&nis  could  not 
injure  him  or  prevail  against  him  in  battle,  he  proclaimed  the 
enmity  of  the  Loh&nis,  and  said  to  Jal&l  Kh&n,  "You  well 
know  that  the  King  of  Bengal  has  the  design  to  send  an  army 


TARrXH-I  SH£E  SHAHr.  335 

md  seize  to-morrow,  if  not  to-day,  the  kingdom  of  Bih&r.  The 
LohAnis  for  three  or  four  descents  have  enjoyed  jdgirSj  and  live 
It  their  ease ;  nay,  they  even  now  covet  all  the  newly  acquired 
land.  But  I,  who  am  your  well-wisher,  think  it  fit  to  entertain 
J^h  men  with  the  money  and  districts  newly  acquired ;  so  that 
^our  power  may  be  strengthened,  and  that  when  the  enemy 
U.y  the  King  of  Bengal)  sees  our  large  force,  he  may  abandon 
is  designs  on  the  kingdom.  On  this  account  the  Loh&nis  are 
issatisfied  with  me,  and  complain  of  me,  and  are  plotting  to  do 
ie  injury,  and  out  of  envy  and  hatred  make  all  kinds  of  false 
^mplaints  and  accusations  to  you  against  me.  If  you  believe 
16  loyal,  uphold  that  which  I  have  in  all  loyalty  done,  and 
isfluade  the  Loh&nis  firom  their  hostility  to  me,  nor  listen  to 
hat  they  say.  You  know  that  the  Loh&nis  are  a  much  stronger 
id  more  powerful  tribe  than  the  Surs ;  and  the  custom  of  the 
^h&ns  is,  that  if  any  man  has  four  kinsmen  more  than  another, 
d  thinks  little  of  killing  or  dishonouring  his  neighbour.  These 
^  troublous  times ;  are  you  not  anxious,  and  on  your  guard  P 
or  myself,  I  know  the  Loh&nis  are  plotting  my  death.  From 
>*day  I  shall  come  to  you  with  every  precaution.  Excuse  me 
^m  coming  inside  of  the  palace,  or,  if  it  be  indispensable  that  I 
boold  go  within,  permit  me  to  enter  it  with  a  strong  guard." 

Jal&l  Kh&n  and  the  Loh&nis  perceived  that  Sher  Kh&n  had 
Wnd  them  out  in  their  designs,  and  that  their  plots  had  failed ; 
K)  Jalal  Khdn  said  to  Sher  Ehdn,  *^What  power  have  the 
Loh&nis  that  they  should  regard  you  with  an  evil  eye  ?  All  the 
^h&n  race  know  that  the  Loh&nis  are  a  foul-mouthed  people, 
md  are  without  caution  or  prudence,  and  that  their  tongues  are 
lot  under  their  control.  They  speak  whatever  comes  to  their 
ips,  but  they  do  not  act  upon  it.  Gome  to  me,  accompanied 
y  your  followers,  in  any  manner  that  may  reassure  you,  and 
sennit  no  fear  or  anxiety  to  find  a  place  in  your  mind.  I  will 
igree  to  whatever  you  do." 

Thus  assuring  Sher  Eh&n  in  every  way,  Jal&l  Eh&n  dismissed 
dm.    But  after  that,  the  Loh&nis  and  Sher  Ehdn  distrusted  each 


336  'ABBiCS  KHAN. 

other,  and  there  sprang  up  two  parties ;  those  of  the  LoUnlfl 
who  had  given  intelligence  to  Sher  Kh&n  sided  with  him,  uA 
thus  the  Loh&nis  themselves  became  disunited.     As  enmity 
had  arisen  among  them,  a  considerable  number  of  the  Lohioii 
bound  themselves  by  vows  and  oaths  to  Sher  Kh&n,  who  said  to 
them,  ^*  I  cannot  choose  but  serve  JaUl  Kh&n  loyally ;  his  hUa 
and  his  mother  both  showed  me  kindness ;  when  he  was  Toy 
young,  I  was  appointed  to  educate  him,  and  I  did  not  fidl  to  use 
my  best  endeavours  in  his  education,  as  he  well  knows/'  *  *  * 
The  Loh&nis  who  had  joined  themselves  to   Sher  Shik  re* 
plied :   *'  The  counsel  which  your  heart  has  approved  is  wj 
gooi ;  for  between  them  and  ourselves  there  has  arisen  deidlj 
«nmity:  it  is  not  fitting  we  should  be  in   the   same  plaee.'* 
*  *  *  Sher  Kh&n  said  to  the  friendly  Loh&nfs,  *^  The  scheme 
which  I  have  devised  for  my  own  protection  and  the  good  rf 
Jal&l  Kh&n  is  as  follows:  I  shall  say  to  Jal&l  Kh&n  thuB: 
^You  have  two  matters  in  hand,  one  to  oppose  your  enemj, 
the  King  of  Bengal ;  the  other,  the  preservation  of  the  internal 
peace  of  the  country,  and  the  collection  of  revenue  firom  the 
cultivators.' "  ♦  ♦  ♦  The  Loh&nis  answered :  "  You   have  now 
a  large  force  with  you;   there   is  no  necessity    for   retaining 
men  who  are  seditious  and  ill-disposed.     Say  simply  to  JaUl 
Khan  that  he  ought  to  send  them  away,  and  should  give  their 
jdgirs  to  other  soldiers.'^     Sher  Kh&n  replied :   "  My  object 
is  my  own  safety;   out  of  regard  for  one's  own  life,  it  is  not 
good  to  confirm  the  hostility  of  one'^s   enemies."    ♦   ♦  •  All 
present  assented,  and  afterwards   Sher  Kh&n  wrote  to  Jalil 
Kh&n   in   the  following    terms:    ''When   Sultdn   Muhammad 
exalted  me  to  Your  Majesty'^s  deputyship,  this  was  displeasing 
to  the  envious  Lohdnis.    After  Sult&n  Muhammad'*s  death,  yonr 
mother  employed  me  in  the  administration  of  the  kingdom.   The 
envy  of  the  Loh&nis  increased,  and  they  constantly  complained 
of  me,  both  openly  and  secretly ;  but  as  my  skirts  were  free  from 
the  contamination  of  dishonesty,  how  much  soever  they  searched 
my  conduct,  they  could  find  in  my  acts  no  opening  through 


TAEfSH-I  SHEB  SHAHr.  337 

vhich  thej  might  effect  my  removal  from  the  office  of  deputy.  *  * 

The  Mughals  who  conquered  the  country  from  Sult&n  Ibr&him 

fid  not  do  so  by  the  sword,  but  through  the  quarrels  which  the 

A%h&ns  had  among  themselves.     It  has  become  known  to  me 

fiom  a  great  many  sources  that  the  Loh&nis  wish  to  assassinate 

me,  and  day  and  night  employ  themselves  in  contriving  how  to 

get  me  out  of  the  way,  and  presume  on  the  greater  number  of 

^^  tribe.    And  you  also  have  two  objects :  one  to  oppose  your 

enemy,  the  ruler  of  Bengal ;  the  other,  to  preserve  the  kingdom 

'gainst  internal  enemies,  and  to  collect  the  revenues.     Since 

jour  army  is  split  into  two  parties,  opposed  to  each  other,  it 

u  impossible  to  keep  them  both  in  one  place ;  therefore,  which- 

®^er  of  the  two  it  pleases  you  keep  with  yourself,  send  the  other 

^  their  yd^ir«.    I  have  spoken  because  it  was  incumbent  on  me. 

A.  man's  life  is  dear  to  him,  he  will  not  part  with  it  for  nothing." 

When  Jal&l  Kh&n  was  informed  of  this  representation,  he 

8tid  to  Sher  Khin's  mkil :  "  Tell  Sher  Khdn  that  he  has  ri^rht 

on  his  side.  ♦  ♦  ♦  Let  him  wait  a  little,  for  I  have  powerful 

enemies:    this  sedition  must  be  repressed  by  degrees.     I  will 

distinguish  the  truth  from  what  is  false.*^^     When  Sher  Eh&n 

was  informed  of  the  reply  to  his  letters,  he  again  sent  his  vakil 

to  Jal&l  Kh&n's  presence  to  say,  **What  Your  Majesty  has  said 

is  true.  ♦  ♦  ♦  Whatever  you  do,  I  will  obey  you;  nor  will  I 

transgress  your  orders. 

After  this,  Jal&l  Kh&n  sent  for  the  Loh&nis  who  sought  to 
kill  Sher  Kh&n,  and  showed  them  Sher  Eh&n's  letters,  and  said : 
"Certain  of  the  Loh&nis  who 'were  aware  of  your  designs  went 
to  Sher  Eh&n  and  informed  him,  and  have  joined  themselves  to 
him,  and  they  have  sworn  and  vowed,  whatever  good  or  ill  be- 
tide, never  to  separate  from  each  other.  What  is  to  be  done  P  " 
The  Loh&nis  who  sided  with  Jal&l  Khdn  ^  replied:    ^^We  did 

^  Tbifl  expression  would  seem  to  imply  that  Jal&l  Eh&n  was  privy  to  their  plot. 
At  both  priyate  and  public  virtue  were  strangers  to  the  hearts  of  these  Afgh&n  nobles, 
we  have  no  reason  to  hesitate  about  the  perfidy  of  any  of  them,  especially  as  Jalfd 
Khkn  was  himself  a  Loh&ni.  Indeed,  Nia'matu-Ua,  in  both  his  works,  distinctly 
Myi  that  the  scheme  to  cut  off  Sher  Kh&n  was  devised  by  the  Loh&nis  in  co-operation 
with  Jal&l  Kh&n.    See  Dorn,  p.  96. 

▼OL IV.  22 


338  'ABBAS  KHAN. 

not  in  the  least  care  that  Sher  Kh&n  has  become  acquainted 
with  our  designs ;  but  it  has  &llen  out  ill  that  so  large  a  namber 
of  our  brethren  should  have  sided  with  him,  and  that  disonion 
should  have  fallen  on  the  tribe  of  Loh&nis.  *  *  *  Do  yon  send 
Sher  Kli&n  to  hia  jdgirSy  and  station  him  there;  and  do  you,  with 
a  cheerful  and  confident  mind,  go  to  the  King  of  Bengal,  and 
getting  a  jdgir  for  yourself  in  Bengal,  make  over  the  kiDgdom 
of  Bih&r  to  him  as  a  present,  before  any  one  else  has  attempted 
to  seize  it."     The  advice  of  the  Lohdnis  pleased  Jal&t  Kh&n, 
who,  instantly  sending  for  Sher  Kh&n,  said:   ^^The  Loh&nia, 
who,  on  account  of  your  loyalty  to  me,  bear  enmity  against 
you^  will,  please  God,  receive  their  deserts  and  punishment 
Do  you  remain  to  oppose  the  Mughals,  and  also  administer  Uie 
affairs  of  the  kingdom.    I  will  go  to  attack  the  King  of  Bengal" 
Sher  Khdn  assented,  and  Jal&l  Khdn,  bestowing  a  horse  and 
dress  of  honour  upon  him,  sent  him  off  at  once.*     When  Sher 
Kh4n  had  reached  his  jdgir  at   Sahsar&m,  Jal&l  Kh&n  went 
over  to  the  King  of  Bengal,  who  attached  to  his   person  a 
division    of   the    army  under    Ibr&him  Kh&n,    son    of  Kutb 
Sh&h.      As  soon  as  Sher  Khan  heard  that  Jal&l  Khan  had 
gone  over  to  the  King  of  Bengal,  he  was  much  pleased,  and 
said :    "  Now    the    kingdom    of   Bih&r   has    &llen    into   my 
hands.     I  felt  certain   that   the  army  of  the  King  of  Bengal 
would  assuredly  come  to  attempt  the  conquest  of  Bih&r,  and 
as   enmity  existed  in   the  army  of  Jal&l  Kh&n  between  the 
Loh&nis  and   myself,  I  feared   lest   the   enemy  should  be  vic- 
torious, for  the  surest  means  of  defeat  are  divisions  in  your  own 
army.      Now  that  the  Loh&nIs  are  gone  to  Bengal,  there  are 
no  quarrels  in  my  army,  and  if  there  be  no  divisions  among 
the  Afghans,  how  can  the  Bengal  army  compare  with  them  in 
the  day  of  battle?     Even   the    Mughals   cannot   equal  them. 
Please  God,  when  I  have  dispersed  the  Bengal  army,  you  will 

^  The  object  of  all  this  is  not  very  evident ;  but  Nia'matu-lla  says  it  was  a  sort  of 
stratagem,  by  which  it  was  devised  to  bring  back  the  Beng&lis  as  auxiliaries  for  tbs 
expulsion  of  Sher  Kh&n  from  Bih^.  The  whole  counsel  is  worthy  of  the  childm 
who  suggested  and  assented  to  it.    See  Dom,  p.  97. 


TAErKH-I  SEER  sHAnr.  339 

soon  see,  if  I   survive,  how   I  will   expel  the  Mughals  from 
Hindost&n.'*^  ^     After  this,  Sher  Eh&n  began  to  strengthen  him- 
self, and  enlist  more  men.    Wherever  there  were  any  Afgh&us 
he  sent  to  them^  and  gave  them  any  money  they  asked.    Having 
collected  a  very  large  force,  and  made  every  preparation,  and 
having  gained  the  good  will  of  his  whole  army,  he  placed  the 
eountry  of  Bih&r  in  his  rear,  and  proceeded  against  the  army 
of  the  King  of  Bengal,  fortifying  his  position  with  an  earthen 
drcumvallation. 

The  King  of  Bengal  had  appointed  Ibr&him  Kh&n  the  leader 

of  his  army,  and  despatched  him  to  conquer  the  kingdom  of 

Bih&r.'    Ibr&him  Kh&n  had  under  him  a  large  Bengal  army, 

and  many  elephants,  and  a  park  of  artillery  {dtiah-bdzi).     In 

the  excess  of  his  pride  he  altogether  despised  the  army  of  Sher 

Kh4n.    Sher  Kh&n,  keeping  under  the  shelter  of  his  entrench- 

inents,  skirmished  every  day ;  and  in  spite  of  all  their  endeavours, 

the  anny  of  Ibr&him  could  not  inflict  any  injury  on  his  forces, 

on  account  of  the  earthen  embankments.     The  Afgh&ns  behaved 

^th  great  gallantry,  and  repelled  the  endeavours  of  Ibrdhim 

Kh&n's  army  to  penetrate  their  entrenchments.   Every  time  the 

latter  attacked,  they  were   compelled  to   return   unsuccessful ; 

bat  neither  army  gained  any  solid  advantage  over  the  other. 

Ibrihim  Kh&n,  who  was  very  confident  in  the  prowess  of  the 

Beng&lis,  thought  that  in  the  day  of  battle  the  Afghans  would 

be  no  match  for  them ;  whereas  it  was  only  from  his  superior 

numbers,  his  elephants,  and  his  artillery,  that  he  had  up  to  that 

time  maintained  his  ground  against  them:  so  he  wrote  to  his 

sovereign  to  request  reinforcements,  saying  that  Sher  Kh&n  had 

taken  up  a  fortified  position,  and  that  he  was  unable  to  dislodge 

him  with  his  present  force. 

^  Kia'mata-Ua  tells  qb  that  one  night  about  this  time,  while  wandering  in  the 
hdtdr  of  Bih&r, — '*  in  which  excursions  he  used  secretly  to  deposit  gold  and  clothes  on 
fStke  eiuhioDS  of  the  sleeping  who  were  oppressed  by  indigence,"— a  darwesh  un- 
expectedly raised  his  bead  and  exclaimed,  *'  God  be  praised !  the  Emperor  of  Debli 
liM  come."   Which  words  Sher  Kh&n  regarded  as  a  divine  inspiration. — Dom  p.  98. 

*  Nia'mata-lla  {ibid,)  calls  him  erroneously  Ibr&him  Sh&h,  King  of  Bengal. 


340  *ABBAS  KRKN. 

When  Sher  Eh&n  heard  that  Ibr&him  Kh&n  had  sent  for 
reinforcements,  he  called  his  Afgh&ns  together  and  said:  "I 
have  for  some  time  abstained  from  meeting  the  Bengflis  in  the 
open  field,  and  have  kept  myself  sheltered  under  entrenchmentg, 
and  I  have  brought  out  only  a  few  men  to  fight  with  them,  and  for 
this  reason,  lest  they  should  be  discouraged  by  the  large  numben 
of  the  enemy.  Now  I  am  convinced  that  the  Beng&lia  are  mach 
inferior  to  the  Af)2;h&ns  in  war.  I  have  remained  within  en- 
trenchments for  some  time  without  any  general  engagement,  in 
order  that  the  comparative  prowess  of  the  two  nations  might  be 
manifested,  and  the  presumption  of  the  Beng&lis  be  abated,  while 
the  Afghdns  might  be  no  longer  discouraged  by  the  disparity 
of  forces.  I  will  now  engage  in  open  battle,  for  withont  a 
general  engagement  we  cannot  destroy  and  disperse  our  enemies. 
Praise  be  to  God  !  whenever  such  an  engagement  occurs  between 
Afgh&ns  and  Beng&lis,  the  Afgh&ns  must  prevail.  It  is  im- 
possible that  the  Beng&lis  can  stand  against  them.  At  present 
this  is  my  purpose.  To-morrow  mornings  if  you  concur  with 
me,  hoping  in  the  mercy  of  the  Protector,  and  trusting  on  thifl 
text,  ^By  Ood's  command  the  lesser  number  overcomes  the 
greater,*"  I  will  engage  the  enemy  in  open  battle,  for  it  behorefl 
us  not  to  delay  or  be  backward  in  this  matter,  as  reinforcements 
will  soon  reach  them."  The  Afgh&ns  replied:  "That  which 
your  noble  mind  has  determined  is  extremely  right.^  ♦  ♦  ♦ 

When  Slier  Kh&n  saw  the  Afgh&ns  were  in  good  heart  to 
engage  the  Beng&lis,  and  that  Ibr&him  Kh&n  was  daily  ponde^ 
ing  how  much  longer  Sher  Kh&n  would  yet  remain  in  his 
entrenchments,  and  was  anxious  for  an  engagement,  as  he  so 
presumed  on  the  number  of  his  forces  that  he  had  encamped 
them  all  round  Sher  Kh&n's  entrenchment,  and  had  not  thrown 
up  any  works  to  protect  them,  he  determined  to  give  him  battle; 
and  to  send  his  vakil  to  tell  Ibr&him  Kh&n  that  it  behoved  him 
to  be  prepared  the  following  morning,  as  he  intended  to  come 
out  of  his  entrenchments  for  that  purpose.  When  Sher  Khin 
told  the  message  to  his  friends,  it  pleased  them,  and  he  sent  hit 


TABrSH-I  SHEB  SHAHr.  341 

vakil  to  Ibr&hlm  Khan,  saying,  ''  Yon  have  often  said  to  me, 
'  Come  oat  of  jonr  entrenchments,  and  let  us  meet  in  battle  on 
the  open  field  that  we  may  test  each  other's  prowess.^  I  have 
purposely  remained  patiently  in  my  entrenchments  for  a  time, 
hoping  that  peace  might  be  concluded  with  you;  but  if  you 
will  agree  to  no  peace,  to-morrow  morning  put  your  army  in 
array  and  come  out,  so  that  we  may  meet  in  open  battle." 
Ibr&him  Eh&n  replied  to  the  vakil,  '^  Say  to  Sher  Eh&n,  ^  Have 
all  your  forces  present  on  the  field  of  battle  early  to-morrow 
morning."*  **•  When  Sher  Ehdn  heard  this  reply,  he  was  much 
delighted,  and  told  the  intelligence  to  his  men.  Ibr&him  Eh&n 
also  told  Fath  Eh&n  to  give  orders  that  his  men  should  be 
ready  and  present  on  the  morrow. 

When  one  watch  of  the  night  was  yet  remaining,  Sher  Eh&n 
arrayed  his  forces,  and  brought  them  out  of  their  entrenchments ; 
and  after  the  morning  prayers,  he  himself  came  out,  and  said  to 
his  chiefis,  '^  In  the  enemy's  army  there  are  many  elephants  and 
guns,  and  a  great  force  of  infantry  ;  we  must  fight  them  in  such 
a  manner  that  they  shall  not  be  able  to  preserre  their  original 
order.''  The  Beng&li  cavalry  should  be  drawn  away  from  their 
guns  and  infantry,  and  the  horses  intermingled  with  the  elephants, 
00  that  their  array  may  be  disordered.  I  have  thought  of  a  stra- 
tagem by  which  to  defeat  the  Beng&lis.  I  will  draw  up  the  greater 
part  of  my  forces  behind  the  cover  of  that  height  which  we  see, 
bat  will  retain  for  the  attack  a  small  number  of  experienced  and 
veteran  horse.  Now,  they  will  fight  exactly  in  the  same  manner 
as  they  did  on  the  former  occasion,  without  any  expectation  of 
defeat.  I  will  bring  up  my  selected  division,  who,  after  dis- 
charging one  flight  of  arrows  into  the  Beng&li  army,  shall  retreat. 
Ibr&him  Kh&n  still  bears  in  mind  the  old  feud  renfardincr  the 
death  of  his  &ther,  and  is  presumptuous  on  account  of  his 
saperior  force.  He  will  think  the  Afgh&ns  are  beginning  to  fly  ; 
and,  becoming  eager,  he  will  leave  his  artillery  and  foot  in  the 
rear,  and  press  on  with  all  expedition  himself,  and  disorder  and 
eonfasion  will  find  their  way  into  his  order  of  battle.    I  will 


342  'ABBAS  KHAN. 

then  bring  out  my  force  which  had  been  concealed  behind  the 
eminence,  who  will  attack  the  enemy.  The  Beng&li  cayalrj, 
deprived  of  the  support  of  their  artillery  and  infiuitry,  are  bj 
themselves  unable  to  cope  with  the  Afgh&n  horse.  I  hope,  bj  the 
favour  of  God,  that  their  force  will  be  routed  and  put  to  flight'* 
All  the  Afgh&ns  expressed  their  approbation  of  Sher  Kh&n's 
plan  of  battle,  and  were  much  delighted,  and  observed  there 
could  be  no  better  possible  scheme  devbed. 

After  this  was  agreed  upon,  Sher  Kh&n  drew  out,  as  described 
above,  a  picked  force,  and  explained  to  them  that  they  were  to 
act  as  had  been  determined ;  and  the  rest  of  his  force  he  drew  up 
behind  the  shelter  of  the  rising  ground.  When  the  army  of 
Ibrdhim  Kh&n  was  descried,  the  horsemen,  according  to  thdr 
instructions,  coming  up  to  the  Beng&li  army,  discharged  one 
volley  of  arrows,  and  then  turned  about.  The  Beng&li  cavali;, 
supposing  the  Afgh&ns  were  flying,  broke  their  ranks,  just  as 
Sher  Khdn  had  anticipated,  and  pursued  the  A%h&n8.  Accord- 
ingly, as  soon  as  Sher  Khdn  perceived  that  the  Beng&Ii  cavaby 
had  advanced,  and  left  their  infantry  and  artillery  in  the  rear, 
he  appeared  at  the  head  of  his  force  which  had  been  lying  in 
ambuscade,  and  advanced.  The  Beng&Iis  were  panic-struck,  and 
the  Afghdns  who  had  fled  returned,  and,  joining  the  rest,  they  all 
stirrup  to  stirrup,  after  the  manner  of  the  Afgh&ns,  fell  upon  the 
hostile  army.  The  Bengalis,  however,  rallied,  and  stood  their 
ground,  and  the  two  armies  became  closely  engaged.  After 
warriors  of  note  had  fallen  in  the  contest,  the  sun  of  victory  rose 
in  favour  of  Sher  Kh&n  from  the  horizon  of  the  East,  and  the 
Bengdli  army  was  defeated.  Ibr&him  Kh&n  exerted  himself 
much,  and  said  to  the  Beng&lis,  ^^  Turn  and  exert  yourselves, 
for  the  army  of  the  Afgh&ns  is  small.  What  face  can  we  show  to 
the  king?*""  But  it  was  no  use.  ♦  ♦  ♦  Ibrahim  Kh&n  again  said 
to  his  men :  "What  face  can  I  show  to  the  king  P  ♦  ♦  ♦  I  will 
either  be  victorious  or  die.**'  He  exerted  himself  much ;  but  as 
his  (term  of)  life  had  arrived,  he  was  killed. 

Jaldl  Kh&n  fled  to  the  King  of  Bengal.     The  whole  of  the 


TABrXH-I  SHEB  8HAHr.  343 

■easure,  elephanta,  and  train  of  artillery  (top-khdna)  fell  into 
16  hands  of  Sher  Kh&n,  who  was  thus  supplied  with  munitions 
'  war,  and  became  master  of  the  kingdom  of  Bih&r,  and  of 
nch  other  territory  beside.  Since  God,  the  most  holy  and 
nnipotent,  had  pre-ordained  from  all  eternity  to  give  the 
ngdom  of  Hind  to  Sher  Kh&n,  and  that  the  people  of  the 
ord  should  live  in  ease  and  comfort  under  the  shadow  of  his 
istice,  and  that  he  should  be  a  zealous  and  just  ruler,  his 
ealth  daily  increased,  and  the  whole  country  gradually  came 
to  his  possession.  He  employed  himself  in  the  improvement 
'  his  provinces,  so  that,  in  a  short  time,  they  much  surpassed 
leir  previous  condition,  and  reached  to  perfection; — for  this 
ason,  that  he  personally  superintended  every  business;  nor 
d  he  show  favour  to  any  oppressor,  even  though  of  his  own 
lations  or  dependents;  and  if  any  one  entered  his  service, 
)  said  to  him  from  the  first :  ^^  The  stipend  and  maintenance 
hich  I  may  agree  to  give  you,  I  will  pay  you  in  full,  and  not 
minish  them  a  single  ^a/^;  but  you  shall  not  oppress  or  quarrel 
ith  any  one.  If  you  do,  I  will  visit  you  with  such  a  punish- 
ent  as  shall  be  an  example  to  others."  In  a  short  season  he 
quired  a  good  reputation  among  the  people  of  God,  and  it  was 
'erywhere  known  that  Sher  Kh&n  paid  his  troops  regularly,  and 
nther  oppressed  any  one  himself,  nor  suffered  others  to  do  so. 

If  the  author  of  this  history  of  Sher  Kh&n,  '*Abb&s  Kh&n 
n  Shaikh  *AM  Sarw&ni,  have  heard  from  my  kindred  and 
nnexions,  who  were  great  nobles  and  companions  of  Sher 
h&n,  that  he  got  possession  of  the  fort  of  Chun&r  in  the 
Uowing  manner.     Sult&n  Ibr&hfm  Lodi  had  entrusted  the  fort 

Chun&r  to  T&j  Kh&n  S&rang-kh&ni,  and  the  royal  treasures 
yre  deposited  in  the  fort.  Now  this  T&j  Kh&n  was  altogether 
slave  to  his  love  for  his  wife  L&d  Malika,  who  was  a  woman 

great  sagacity  and  wisdom;  and  T&j  Kh&n  had  made  three 
irkom&n  brothera  his  lieutenants,  by  name  Mir  Ahmad,  Is'hak, 
id  Mir  D&d;  they  were  own  brothers,  experienced,  talented, 
d  wise  men.    As  they  perceived  that  T&j  Kh&n  was  com- 


844  *ABBA8  KHAN. 

pletelj  under  the  coDtrol  of  his  wife,  they  of  course  ingnibled 
themselves  with  her,  and  promised  and  swore  to  L&d  Malib 
that  they  would  not  oppose  her,  and  would  be  fiuthfhl  to  her. 

L&d  Malika  had  no  sons,  but  T&j  Kh&n  had  seyeral  sons  b; 
other  wives.  On  account  of  his  affection  for  L&d  Blalika,  he 
did  not  give  a  fitting  maintenance  to  his  sons,  and  their  mothoi 
did  not  even  receive  a  sufficiency  of  daily  food.  Although  the 
sons  often  remonstrated,  it  was  of  no  avail.  Hence  they  con- 
tinually laid  up  the  seeds  of  enmity  and  hate  against  L4d  Malika. 
One  night  T&j  Kh&n's  eldest  son  wounded  L&d  Malika  with  a 
sabre,  but  not  severely.  Her  servants  complained  to  T&j  din, 
who  drew  his  sword,  and  ran  out  to  kill  his  son.  He  perceiving 
that  his  father  was  about  to  kill  him  for  the  sake  of  his  wife, 
struck  his  father  with  his  sabre,  and  escaped  out  of  the  honae. 
T&j  Kh&n  died  of  the  wound. 

The  sons  of  T&j  Kh&n,  although  but  young,  were  on  bad 
terms  with  the  greater  part  of  his  troops ;  but  L&d  Malika,  being  a 
clever  woman,  by  the  liberality  and  benevolence  of  her  condaci, 
had  ingratiated  herself  with  them  during  T&j  Kh&n's  lifetime, 
and  after  his  death  also  they  adhered  to  her.  A  few  ill-dispofled 
persons  adhered  to  T&j  Kh&n's  sons ;  but  they  daily  quarrelled, 
and  disputed  among  themselves  over  the  treasure,  and  showed 
themselves  so  incapable,  that  their  followers  became  disgusted 
with  them.  Sher  Kh&n  therefore  sent  secretly  to  Mir  Ahmad, 
saying,  *'  Send  Mir  D&d  to  me,  for  I  have  a  message  for  yon 
which  I  will  send  through  him."  Mir  Ahmad  sent  Mir  D&d  to 
Sher  Kh&n,  who  said  to  him,  '^  Tell  Mir  Ahmad  that  I  am 
ready  to  confer  great  benefits  on  him.**^  Mir  Ahmad,  when  he 
heard  this,  said  to  his  brothers,  **L&d  Malika  possesses  talent 
for  government,  yet  she  is  but  a  woman ;  and  there  are  many 
who  covet  the  fort  and  the  treasure  in  it.  L&d  Malika  will  not 
be  able  to  hold  the  fort,  therefore  it  is  best  that  I  should  surren- 
der the  fort  to  Sher  Kh&n,  and  so  lay  him  under  an  obligation 
to  myself;  it  will  be  to  our  advantage."  The  brothers  approved 
of  Mir  Ahmad's  counsel,  and  went  to  L&d  Malika,  and  showing 


TARrKH-I  SHEE  SHAHr.  345 

to  her  Sher  Kb&n's  letters,  said,  "  We  obey  you,  whatever  you 
order  us  that  we  will  do.*^  She  replied,  ^^  You  are  to  me  as 
fiither  and  brothers ;  do  what  you  like,  I  will  agree  to  whatever 
you  say."  They  said,  "  If  you  will  not  be  angry  we  will  say 
what  we  consider  to  be  most  to  your  advantage.^  She  replied, 
**  Fear  not ;  speak  without  hesitation  the  purpose  you  entertain." 
Mir  Ahmad  said,  ^^  Even  if  there  should  be  no  disturbance  in 
the  fort,  still  you  would  be  unable  to  hold  it,  for  you  are  a 
woman  and  have  no  sons,  and  there  are  many  persons  who  seek 
to  gain  possession  of  it.  It  is  a  royal  possession,  and  until 
some  one  assumes  the  sovereignty,  it  will  be  best  to  give  the  fort 
over  to  Sher  Kh&n.  You  shall  marry  him,  and  thus  find  an 
asylum,  and  so  no  one  shall  deprive  you  of  the  fort  and  royal 
treasures."  L^  Malika  said,  ^^  Send  your  brother  Mir  D&d  to 
Sher  Kh&n  in  order  to  arrange  with  him  that  I  shall  give  up 
the  fort ;  but  on  one  condition,  that  he  shall  deprive  of  his  ears 
and  nose  that  miserable  son  who  murdered  his  f^ther^  that  he 
may  be  a  warning  to  others." 

When  Mir  D&d  came  to  Sher  E[h&n,  he  made  him  agree  that 
he  would  not  hurt  or  injure  L&d  Malika  or  the  mother  of  the 
three  brothers.  Sher  Kh&n  received  him  with  all  honour  and 
hospitality,  and  using  every  endeavour  to  assure  him,  and 
making  the  utmost  protestations  of  friendship  and  good  feeling, 
said,  **  If  L&d  Malika  gives  me  up  the  fort  and  will  marry  me,  I 
shall  be  for  ever  indebted  to  your  kindness.*^  And  Sher  Kh&n  thus 
having  employed  himself  in  captivating  the  bud  of  his  heart  by 
kindness,  Mir  D&d  said,  ^*  It  is  not  fit  to  surrender  the  fort 
except  to  the  king;  but  since  I  have  come  to  you,  you  have 
shown  me  such  kindness  and  goodwill,  and  have  displayed  such 
hospitality,  that  I  have  considered  nothing  but  how,  in  return 
for  this,  to  get  the  fort  into  your  power.  I  vrill  not  fail  to  use 
my  best  exertions  to  this  end.  My  hope  in  God  is,  that  L&d 
Malika  will  not  dissent  from  what  I  say ;  but  when  the  business 
18  performed  to  your  heart's  content,  do  not  so  act  as  to  disgrace 
me.^    Sher  Eh&n  swearing  everything  he  wished,  assured  him 


346  'A6BA8  e:han. 

and  said,  "  While  I  live  I  will  never  cause  you  grief.  •  •  •  Mil 
D&d  recommended  that  they  should  start  at  once>  and  Sher  Shb 
mounting  with  all  haste  set  off.  Mir  Did  went  on  before  tnd 
gave  intelligence  that  Sher  Kh&n  was  coming,  and  mged  them 
not  to  delay  giving  up  the  fort,  and  got  L&d  Malika  and  his 
brothers  to  consent.  So  Mir  D&d  was  sent  back  to  bring  in 
Sher  Kh&n  quickly,  and  to  take  possession  of  the  fort  befoie  the 
sons  of  T&j  Kh&n  should  be  aware  of  their  designs. 

As  soon  as  Mir  D&d  had  come  to  Sher  Kh&n,  and  had  told 
him  that  it  was  agreed  to  give  him  up  the  fort  and  treasure,  and 
that  he  should  marry  L&d  Malika,  and  when  he  had  admitted 
him  at  once  into  the  fort,  they  immediately  proceeded  to  celebrate 
the  marriage  between  L&d  Malika  and  Sher  Kh&n.  She  gave 
him  a  present  consisting  of  150  of  the  most  exceedingly  valuable 
jewels,  and  seven  mans  of  pearls,  and  150  tnans  of  gold,  and 
many  other  articles  and  ornaments.^  Sher  Khkn.  subsequently 
got  into  his  power  and  possession  the  parganas  near  the  fi>rt  of 
Chun&r ;  and  after  this,  he  strengthened  his  resources  still  furth^ 
by  inheriting  sixty  mans  of  gold  from  Guhar  Kus&in,  widow  of 
Nasir  Kh&n.'  His  power  was  now  firmly  established,  as  he  was 
master  of  a  fort  and  of  much  of  the  treasure  of  the  kingdom, 
and  had  collected  a  lar^e  force,  both  horse  and  foot.  After  this 
Sult&u  Mahmud,  the  son  of  Sult&n  Sikandar,  whom  Hasan 
£h&n  Mew&tti  and  the  B&n&  S&ngd'  and  certain  Afgh&ns  had 
set  up  as  king,  engaged  the  second  Jamshfd  the  Emperor  Bihar 
in  an  action  near  Sikri,  in  which  Hasan  Kh&n,  son  of  'Adil 
Kh&n  Mew&tti,  and  the  B&j&  of  Dungarpur,  B&wal  by  name, 

^  Ahmad  Y&dg&r  giYGS  a  different  enumeratioii  (MS.,  p.  262),  bat  giTW  the  totil 
value  at  nine  Iocs  of  rupees. 

*  Dr.  Dorn,  History  of  the  Afghdna^  p.  101,  sayfl,  "  600  mana  of  pore  gold,  bendei 
many  other  rarities  of  yarioua  descriptions."  This  is  not  borne  out  by  the  FcziiiB 
originals,  which  all  read  only  "sixty,"  instead  of  "  600."  [Gen.  Cunningham's  MS. 
agrees  with  the  translation.  Literally  it  says,  '*  Afterwards  Guhar  Kush&in,  the  wife 
(widow)  of  Nasir  Kh&n,  died,  and  sixty  mans  of  her  gold  came  into  the  hands  of  8her 
Sh&h."  But  Sir  H.  Elliot's  MS.  says,  ''After  this  he  married  Guhar  Kush&fn,  the 
widow,  and  sLxty  mans,  etc.,  etc] 

3  The  *<Il&na  Sanka"  of  B&bar's  Memoirs. 


TARrKH-I  SHEB  SHAHf.  347 

are  slain,  and  Solt&n  Mahmdd  and  the  B&n&  S&ngd  being 
ifeated  fled  to  Ghitor.  Soltdn  Mahmud  remained  for  a  season 
that  neighbourhood,  and  afterwards  came  towards  Patna. 
[asnad  '^Ali  'Azam  Khfin  Hum&jdn  S&ni  (whose  son-in-law 
iltan  Mahmdd  was),  Masnad  'Ali  f s&  ILh&n,  son  of  Haibat 
h&n,  the  son  of  Masnad  '^11  'Umar  Kh&n  Kalkapuria,^  who 
kd  formerly  been  governor  of  L&hore,  and  Ibr&him  Kh&n,  son 
Ahmad  Kh&n,  son  of  Mub&riz  Kh&n  Yusuf-khail,  and  Mi&n 
ibin,  son  of  Mi&n  Atta  Sdhu-khail,  governor  of  Sirhind,  and 
ian  B&yazid  Farmuli,  had  at  that  time  assembled  themselves 
gether  and  threw  obstacles  in  the  way  of  the  Mughals.  Mi&n 
ihin  and  Mi&n  B&yazid  were  the  leaders  of  a  large  force,  and 
A  very  often  fought  against  the  Mughals,  and  had  obtained  a 
eat  name  for  their  valour.  These  nobles  invited  Sult&n  Mahmud 
Patna,  and  made  him  king.  When  Sult&n  Mahmud  came  with 
ese  nobles  unto  Bih&r,  Sher  Kh&n  found  it  impossible  to  offer 
y  resistance,  as  they  possessed  so  considerable  a  force,  and  he 
mself  was  not  held  in  sufficient  repute  among  the  A%h&ns 
admit  of  such  an  attempt.  He  was  therefore  necessitated  to 
esent  himself  before  Sult&n  Mahmfid.  The  Afgh&ns  portioned 
t  among  themselves  the  kingdom  of  Bih&r,'  but  the  king  said 
him,  "  When  I  get  possession  of  Jaunpur,  I  will  give  to  you 
e  kingdom  of  Bih&r  which  you  conquered  after  defeating  the 
my  of  the  King  of  Bengal.  Be  not  at  all  uneasy,  as  Sult&n 
kandar  bestowed  the  kingdom  of  Bih&r  upon  Dary&  Kh&n,  so 
11  I  bestow  it  on  you."  Sher  Kh&n  requested  a  farmdn  to 
ifl  effect,  and  Sult&n  Mahmiid  assented,  and  ordered  one  to 
executed,  and  so  Sher  Kh&n  received  a  farmdn  for  the  king- 
•m  of  Bih&r  from  the  king ;  and  having  taken  several  months^ 
ive,  returned  to  his  jdgir  to  prepare  his  forces. 
When  Sult&n  Mahmud  had  equipped  his  army,  he  marched 
wards  Jaunpfir,  and  issued  a  mandate  directing  Sher  Kh&n 

1  [Yar.  Eakttlr.] 

>  Nia'mata-lla  adds,  "except  Sahsar&m,  which  waa  the  old  jd^irot  Sher  Ehlm.*' 

Dom,  p.  101. 


348  'ABBAS  KHAN. 

to  join  him  immediately.     On  the  receipt  of  this  order,  Sher 
Kh&n  wrote  back  in  reply,  that  he  would  come  as  soon  as  he 
could  complete  the  arrangements  about  his  force.    When  the 
nobles  about  the  king  knew  the  purport  of  Sher  Kh&n's  reply, 
they  represented  that  Sher  Elh&n  was  in  confederacy  with  the 
Mughals,  and  was  merely  finessing  and  making  pretences^  and 
that  the  king  ought  not  to  trust  what  he  wrote  or  said,  bat  to 
compel  him  to  accompany  the  army.    ''Azam  Hum&ydn  Sarw&ni 
said :  *'  It  will  be  easy  to  bring  Sher  Kh&n  along  with  us.    Pat 
your  mind  at  ease.    Let  us  march  in  the  direction  of  his  jdglrj 
and  go  wherever  Sher  Kh&n  may  be.    As  punishment  for  his 
delay,  let  us  exact  from  him  a  large  and  handsome  reception, 
and  then  let  us  compel  him  to  join  us."    Sult&n  Mahmdd  and 
his  nobles  were  greatly  pleased  at  'Azam  Hum&yun's  adrice, 
and  praised  his  sagacity.     They  proceeded  by  regular  marches 
to  Sahsar&m,  where  Sher  Kh&n  then  was.    Sher  Kh&n  hearing 
that  Sult&n  Mahmfid  was  come  with  all  his  followers,  and  woald 
compel  him  to  join  them,  whether  he  would  or  no,  was  mach 
vexed,  and  said  to  his  friends,  '^  The  plan  I  had  devised  has  not 
succeeded.     Of  the  nobles  who  are  with  the  king,  two — the  one 
named  'Azam  Hum&ydn,  and  the  other  'f s&  Eh&n  Sarw&ni — are 
clever  and  wise  men,  and  have  much  experience  in  public  affiekiis. 
They  have  joined  this  army  for  the  honour  of  the  Afgh&ns  and 
from  regard  to  their  kindred;  albeit,  they  are  aware  that  the 
army  will  do  no  good,  for  the  nobles  who  are  in  it  are  not  at 
unity  among  themselves,  and  without  unity  they  can  aooompliah 
nothing.  *  *  *  I  can  no  longer  excuse  myself,  I  must  go  along 
with  the  army.     Do  you  tell  your  troops  to  prepare  for  marching 
with  all  haste,  while  I  go  out  to  meet  the  king  and  his  army  my- 
self, and  put  them  in  good  humour,  make  my  own  excuses,  and 
bring  them  with  me ;  for  my  guests  are  my  own  kin,  and  do  yoa 
make  all  preparations  for  entertaining  them."    Sher  Eh&n  then 
went  out  to  welcome  the  king,  and  having  prepared  rich  ente^ 
tainments  of  divers  kinds,  sent  them  to  the  quarters  of  the 
various  nobles  and  chiefe,  who  were  his  friends,  according  to 


TARrXH-I  SHEB  SHAHf.  349 

their  rank;  and  also  gave  large  presents  and  a  magnificent 
entertainment  to  Sult&n  Mahmud,  so  that  all  parties  were 
pleased  and  delighted  with  him. 

Sher  Kh&n  requested  Sult&n  Mahmud  to  halt  a  few  days, 
while  he  equipped  his  forces.  Sult&n  Mahmud  acceded  to  this 
request,  and  after  a  halt  of  some  days,  Sher  Kh&n  having  made 
his  preparations,  marched  in  company  with  Sult&n  Mahmud. 
When  they  approached  Jaunpdr,  the  Mughals  who  were  there 
abandoned  the  place  and  fled.  Sult&n  Mahmud  delayed  some 
days  at  Jaunpur,  but  sent  on  his  army  in  advance  and  occupied 
Lucknow  and  other  districts. 

On  hearing  this  intelligence,  the  Emperor  Hum&yun  set  off 
from  Agra^  for  Lucknow,  whither  Sult&n  Mahmfid  arrived  also 
from  Jaunpiir.  The  two  armies  met  near  Lucknow,  and  daily 
skirmishes  ensued.  Warriors  on  either  side  came  out  and  en- 
gaged one  another.  Sher  Kh&n  perceiving  that  there  was  no 
unanimity  among  the  Afghans,  but  that  every  one  acted  as  he 
thought  best,  wrote  to  Hindu  Beg,  and  said,  '^  The  Mughals 
raised  me  from  the  dust.  These  people  have  brought  me  with 
them  by  force ;  but  in  the  day  of  battle  I  will  not  fight,  and  will 
go  off  the  field  without  engaging.  Tell  the  Emperor  Hum&yun 
the  true  state  of  my  case,  and  that  I  will  serve  him  in  the  day 
of  battle,  and  will  cause  the  defeat  of  this  army.^^  When  Hindu 
Beg  showed  Sher  Kh&n*s  letter  to  the  Emperor,  the  latter 
ordered  him  to  write  to  Sher  Kh&n,  '^  Be  at  your  ease  as  to  your 
accompanying  these  people  5  act  as  you  have  written ;  if  you  do, 
it  will  be  for  your  advancement."  After  some  days  had  elapsed, 
the  two  armies  joined  in  a  general  engagement,  and  Sher  Kh&n 
drew  off  his  forces  at  the  critical  moment  of  the  battle,  and 
retreated  without   engaging.      This   caused   Sultan   Mahmud's 

*  I  concur  with  Elphinstone  {History  of  India,  vol.  ii.,  128),  in  considering  this 
inarch  to  have  commenced  in  Safar,  944  h.  (July,  1537  a.d.)  He  says  the  Tdrikh-i 
Sher  Shdhl  says  942.  Which  one  P  Not  this.  Firishta  and  Eh&ki  Shir&zi  say  943  • 
hut  there  is  impossihility  in  the  former  date,  and  great  improhahility  in  the  latter. 
All  the  Afgh&n  histories  of  the  period  are  yery  deficient  and  contradictory  in  their 
dates. 


350  'ABBiCS  EEKS. 

defeat.     Ibr&him  Kh&n  Yusaf-khail  made  desperate  exertions, 
and  showed  great  gallantry  in  that  engagement,  nor  did  he  quit 
his  post  while  life  remained ;    he  repulsed  every  Mughal  force 
which  was  opposed  to  him  ;   but  was  at  last  slain.    As  Miin 
B&yazid  had  drunk  more  wine  than  than  he  could  bear,  and  had 
got  drunk  and  careless,  he  also  was  slain  in  that  battle.    Sultin 
Mahmud  and  the  other  chiefs  being  defeated,  fled  to  the  king- 
dom of  Bih&r.     The  Sultan  had  neither  money  nor  territory  to 
entertain  a  force  of  his  own,  and  his  nobles  who  had  placed 
him  on  the  throne  were  most  of  them  killed  in  the  battle  at 
Lucknow,  while  the  few  who  remained  were  firom  their  qoanels 
dispersed.    Sultan  Mahmud  was  greatly  given  to  dancing  women, 
and  passed  most  of  his  time  in  amusing  himself;  and  as  he  had 
no  power  to  oppose  the  Mughals,  he  abdicated  his  royalty,  and 
went  and  settled  himself  in  the  province  of  Patna,  and  neyer 
again  attempted  the  throne.     He  died  in  a.h.  949,^ 

When  Hum&yun  had  overcome  Sult&n  Mahmdd,  and  had  put 
the  greater  number  of  his  opponents  to  death,  he  sent  Hindu 
Beg  to  take  Ghun&r  from  Sher  Eh&n,  but  Sher  Kh&n  declined 
to  give  it  up  to  him.  When  he  heard  this,  Hura&yun  com- 
manded his  victorious  standards  to  be  set  in  motion  towards 
Ghun&r.  Sher  Khan  leaving  Jalal  Kh&n  (who  after  the  death 
of  Sher  Kh&n  succeeded  him  under  the  title  of  Isl&m  Sh&h),  and 
another  Jal&l  Kh&n,  son  of  Jalu,  in  Chun&r,  withdrew  with  his 
family  and  followers  to  the  hills  of  Nahrkunda.'  The  army  of 
Hum&yun  besieged  Ghun&r,  and  daily  fighting  ensued,  in  which 
both  Jal&l  Khans  displayed  valour  great  beyond  description,  and 
from  their  gallantry  gained  great  renown.  Sher  Kh&n's  custom 
was  to  despatch  spies  to  ail  the  neighbouring  countries,  in 
order  to  inquire  into  their  actual  condition. 

Sher  Kli&n  knew  that  the  Emperor  Hum&yun  would  be  unable 
to  delay  long  in  those  parts ;  for  his  spies  brought  him  word  that 

»  The  Tdrikh'i  Khdn  Jahdn  (MS.  p.  166)  says  that  he  died  in  OrisBa  in  9441. 
The  TdHkk'i  Ddiidi  (MS.  p.  211)  says  in  Orissa  in  049  h. 
»  [Var.  "  Bahrkunda."] 


TAErXH-I  SHEE  SHAHf.  351 

Bah&dor  Sh&h,  the  King  of  Gujar&t  had  conquered  the  kingdom 
of  Mandd,  and  was  meditating  the  seizure  of  Dehli,  and  would 
shortly  declare  war.  Hum&ydn  also  having  received  this  intelli- 
^nce,  Sher  Kh&n  sent  his  vakil  to  him  and  wrote,  saying :  '^  I 
im  your  slave,  and  the  client  of  Junaid  Birl&s.  Moreover,  the 
;ood  service  which  I  did  at  the  battle  of  Lucknow  is  known  to 
roo,  and  as  you  must  entrust  the  fort  of  Chun&r  to  some  one, 
nake  it  over  to  me,  and  I  will  send  my  son  Kutb  Khdn  to 
kceompany  you  in  this  expedition.  Do  you  lay  aside  all  anxiety 
18  regards  these,  parts ;  for  if  either  I  or  any  other  Afgh&n  do 
my  act  unbefitting  or  disloyal,  you  have  my  son  with  you; 
nflict  on  him  such  reprisals  as  may  be  a  warning  to  others.'^ 

When  Sher  Kh&n^s  emissary  represented  this  to  the  Emperor 
ium&yun,  he  replied :  "  I  will  give  Ghun&r  to  Sher  Kh&n,  but 
^n  this  condition,  that  he  sends  Jal&l  Khan  with  me.**'  Sher 
Qi&n  sent  word  in  reply,  '^  In  the  love  and  estimation  of  their 
ather  and  mother,  all  sons  are  alike.  Jal&l  Kh&n  is  not  superior 
0  Kutb  Kh&n,  but  I  have  many  opponents  and  I  have  vowed 
hat  I  will  not  permit  one  to  get  a  footing  in  the  country,  lest 
iterwards  the  Emperor  should  be  compelled  to  war  mth  him." 
Fust  at  this  time  news  arrived  that  Mirzd  Muhammad  Zam&n,^ 
Fho  had  been  sentenced  to  imprisonment  in  the  fort  of  Bay&na, 
lad  regained  his  liberty  by  producing  a  forged  fartndn  for  his 
elease,  and  had  created  a  disturbance  in  the  country ;  and  also 
hat  Bah&dur  Sh&h  of  Gujar&t  was  intending  to  march  on  Dehli. 
k>  Hum&ydn  said  to  Sher  Kh&n'*s  agent,  that  as  Sher  Kh&n 
ras  a  loyal  man,  he  would  agree  to  this  proposal,  and  that  if  he 
rould  send  Kutb  Kh&n,  he  would  leave  the  fort  of  Chun&r  with 
her  Kh&n.  Sher  Kh&n  was  delighted,  and  sent  Kutb  Kh&n  his 
>n,  and  'f  s&  ELh&n  his  chamberlain,  to  the  Emperor,  who  set  off 
ir  Agra,  and  employed  himself  in  suppressing  the  rebellion  of 

^  He  WIS  grandflon  of  Sult&n  Husain  Mirz&,  and  endeavoured  to  supplant  Hum&ytin 
L  the  throne  of  India  by  two  different  schemes  of  assassination.  After  various  other 
Bacheriet  and  machinations,  he  was  again  reconciled  to  Hum&yfiny  and  was  killed  at 
e  httttle  of  Chaunsa  in  946  h.,  which  was  lost  chieflj  through  his  supineness  and 
iglect. 


352  'ABBAS  KHAN. 

Sult&n  Bah&dar.^     Sher  Kh&n  took  advantage  of  this  oppor- 
tanity,  and  did  not  leave  one  enemy  of  his  remaining  throogboot 
the  kingdom  of  Bih&r.     He  also  began  to  patronize  all  A^hiu. 
Many  of  them,  who  had  assumed  the  garb  of  religions  mendip 
cants  on  account  of  their  misfortunes,  he  relieved,  and  enUstod 
as  soldiers  ;  and  some  who  refused  to  enlist,  and  preferred  a  life 
of  mendicancy,  he  put  to  death,  and  declared  he  woald  kill  every 
Afp;han  who  refused  to  be  a  soldier.     He  was  also  very  careful  of 
his  Afgh&ns  in  action,  that  their  lives  might  not  be  uselesslj 
sacrificed.   When  the  Afgh&ns  heard  that  Sher  Kh&n  was  eagerly 
desirous  of  patronizing  their  race,  they  entered  into  his  servioe 
from  all  directions. 

Sult&n  Bah&dur  being  defeated,  went  towards  Surat,  and  the 
whole  of  the  Afgh&ns  who  were  in  his  service,  whether  chiefe  or 
common  soldiers,  came  to  Sher  Kh&n.  Several  powerful  chieb, 
who  had  at  first  scorned  to  enter  Sher  Kh&n''s  service,  when  they 
saw  his  power  day  by  day  increasing,  put  aside  their  pride,  and 
volunteered  to  serve  under  him.  Accordingly  'Azam  Hum&y&n 
Sarw&ui,  and  Masnad  'All  'rs&  Kh&n  son  of  Masnad  'All  Haibat 
Kh&n  S&hii-khail,  and  Mi&n  Babin  S&hu-khail,  Kutb  Khin 
Mochi-khaii,  Ma'ruf  Farmuli,  and  'Azam  Hum&yun,  eldest 
son  of  Sult&n  'Aiam  Kh&n  S&hu-khail,  and  in  short  every 
Afgh&n  of  high  rank  joined  him,  and  he  assumed  the  title  of 
Hazrat  *X\i. 

Bibi  Fath  Malika  was  exceedingly  wealthy;  she  was  the 
daughter  of  Mi&n  K&la  Pah&r^  Farmuli,  sister's  son  to  Sultin 
Bahlol.  This  Mi&n  Muhammad  was  a  very  prudent  man ;  he 
entertained  but  few  soldiers,  and  gave  his  chief  attention  to  the 
accumulation  of  wealth.  Sult&n  Bahlol  gave  him  in  jdgir  the 
whole  mrkdr  of  Oudh,  and  several  parganaa  besides.  He  in- 
herited also  wealth  from  his  father.  During  the  reigns  of 
Sult&ns  Bahlol,  Sikandar,  and  Ibr&him,  his  j'dgirs  were  never 

1  Nearly  all  the  other  authorities  inform  us  that  Kutb  Kh&n  effected  hia  escipe 
from  Hum&yun's  camp.  Ahmad  Y&dg&r  (MS.  p.  264)  says  that  he  succteded  in 
doing  thi:i  at  Ajmlr. 

»  [Or^Bihkr."] 


TARTKH-I  SHSR  BHAHr.  353 

diitmbed,  and  daring  all  this  time  he  gave  his  attention  to 
nothing  eUe  exc^t  the  accumnlation  of  wealth.  I  have  heard 
ftom  peraons  of  yeracity  that  he  had  amassed  three  hundred 
mtm$  of  red  hard^  gold,  and  he  did  not  purchase  anj  other  but 
golden  jewelry.  He  had  no  child  save  Fath  Malika,  and  he 
Bmried  her  to  a  lad  named  Shaikh  Masta£Et. 

When  Mi&n  Mohammad  died,  towards  the  end  of  the  reign  of 
8iilt4n  Ibr4him,  he  left  one  boy  of  uncertain  parentage,  who  was 
ealled  Miin  Nia'mii.  His  parentage  was  for  this  cause  uncertain, 
fM  Mi&n  Kilk  Pah&r  had  bestowed  one  of  his  concubines  on  a 
161 V  ant.  When  the  girl  had  been  some  time  in  the  servant^s 
house,  she  bore  a  male  child,  whom  she  declared  to  be  the 
ofl^>ring  of  Mi&n  Muhammad  K61&  Pah&r.  When  Mi&n  Mu- 
hammad heard  this,  be  took  the  girl  away  from  his  servant,  and 
brought  her  into  his  own  house,  and  acknowledged  the  child  as 
his  own  son.  The  child  grew  up  an  able  man.  Sult&n  Ibr&hf  m 
nade  Shaikh  Musta&,  the  husband  of  Fath  Malika,  and  who 
was  also  her  fietther's  brother's  son,  the  successor  to  Mf&n  Mu- 
hammad K&1&  Pah&r ;  but  gave  a  small  portion  of  K&1&  Pah&r's 
tiMBury  to  Mi&n  Nia'mli,  and  also  bestowed  one  or  two  par^ 
gamoB  of  the  sarkdr  of  Oudh  iajdglr  on  him ;  but  the  greater 
portion  of  K&1&  Pah&r^s  treasure  came  into  the  possession  of 
Fath  Malika. 

This  Mustafa,  during  the  time  of  Sult&n  Ibr&hlm  and  after- 
wards, distinguished  himself  in  action.'  I  have  heard  from 
various  relators  of  history,  that  during  the  lifetime  of  Sult&n 
Ibr&hfm,  Mi&n  Mustafa  and  Ml&n  MaVuf  Farmuli  quarrelled 
regarding  some  territory,  and  fought  about  it.  It  was  Mf&n 
Mustafa's  custom,  when  about  to  engage,  to  prepare  sundry  mans 
of  sweetmeats  in  commemoration  of  his  father  Mi&n  Muhammad^ 
ind  distribute  them  to  fakirs.  This  done,  he  used  to  set  off  to 
fight.  Mi&n  Ma'^ruf  employed  himself  in  reading  prayers  and 
supplications. 

t  This  word  appean  Tarionaly,  «  hd$hi,"  **Jd»M;*  and  **chdiM:* 
'  He  will  be  found  mentioned  under  that  reign. 

TOL.  IT.  28 


364  'ABBAS  KHAN. 


When  Ml&n  Mastafib  died,  he  left  a  young  daughter,  bj 
name  Mihr  Sultan.  Fath  Malika,  being  a  very  able  woman,  had 
educated  Mi&n  B&jazfd,  a  younger  brother  of  Mustafa.  She 
said  to  him,  ^'Do  yon  look  to  the  soldiery,  I  will  provide 
money .^  Mi&n  B&yazfd  with  this  money  collected  a  very  large 
force,  and  greatly  distinguished  himself,  gaining  several  victories 
over  the  troops  of  the  Emperor  B&bar ;  so  that  the  names  of 
Mi&n  B&bin  and  Mi&n  B&yazid  became  famous ;  but  since  the 
death  of  B&yazid  has  been  already  described,  there  is  no  need 
for  repeating  the  story  here.  When  he  was  slain,  Fath  Malika 
was  in  Bih&r,  and  collecting  a  number  of  men  to  protect  the 
treasure,  she  proceeded  to  the  hills  adjoining  Bih&r,  intending 
to  go  to  Patna ;  for  the  B&j&  of  Patna  had  shown  great  fevoor 
to  the  more  wealthy  Afgh&ns.  When  B&yazid  was  killed,  and 
Sult&n  Mahmfid  had  given  up  striving  for  the  Empire,  the  R&j& 
of  Patna  considered  that  the  fortune  of  the  Afgh&n  connexion 
was  on  the  decline,  and  stretched  out  the  hand  of  oppression 
against  the  possessions  of  the  Afgh&ns  to  whom  he  had  given 
shelter.     Fath  Malika,  on  hearing  this  news,  abandoned  her 

I  intention  of  going  to  Patna.     When  Sher  Kh&n  heard  that  the 

Bibi,  from  this  apprehension,  had  abandoned  her  design  of  going 

^  :  to  Patna,  he  was  much  delighted,  and  conceived  the  intention  of 

getting  Fath  Malika,  by  means  of  some  pretence  or  stratagem, 

1 1  I  into  his  own  clutches,  lest  she  should  go  into  the  territories  of 

some  other  potentate,  and  the  treasure  should  thus  slip  out  of 
his  grasp,  which  would  have  grieved  him  to  all  eternity.  So  he 
sent  his  vakil  to  the  Bibi,  and  wrote  to  this  effect :  ^'  The  nobles 
and  «:randees  of  Sult&ns  Bahlol  and  Sikandar  have  come  into 
these  parts,  and  have  honoured  me  by  taking  shelter  with  me, 
and  are  collected  together  for  the  honour  of  the  Afghans.  Your 
servant  also  has  girt  up  his  loins  in  this  cause  and  design,  and 
you  have  strong  claims  on  the  consideration  of  the  Afgh&n  race, 
first  because  you  are  of  the  family  of  Shaikh  Muhammad ; 
secondly,  there  is  your  connexion  with  a  descendant  of  Sult&n 
Bahlol.    What  fault  has  your  servant  committed,  that  you  delay 


\i 


TAErKH-I  SHEE  SHAHf.  355 

in  visiting  his  country  P  There  is  no  trusting  the  promises  of 
the  unbelievers  of  these  parts  ;  and  (which  God  forbid  !)  if  any 
injury  should  occur  to  your  people  among  these  hills  in  which 
you  now  are,  it  would  be  an  eternal  disgrace  to  me.  Men  would 
say,  'Because  she  could  not  trust  Sher  Kh&n,  she  would  not 
enter  his  country/  "  When  the  vakil  came  to  Fath  Malika,  and 
she  heard  what  Sher  Kh&n  wrote,  she  wrote  in  reply,  that  if  he 
would  make  a  covenant  with  her,  and  confirm  it  by  oaths,  she 
would  come  to  him.  To  this  Sher  Kh&n  agreed,  and  she  sent 
a  trustworthy  man  to  Sher  ELh&n,  in  whose  presence  he  swore, 
and  pledged  himself  by  the  most  solemn  oaths.  Bibi  Fath 
Malika  being  Ailly  assured,  came  to  Sher  Kh&n,  and  remained 
some  time  with  him. 

When  Nasib  Sh&h,  the  ruler  of  Bengal,  died,  the  nobles  of 
Bengal  made  Sult&n  Mahmud  his  successor ;  but  he  was  not 
able  to  manage  the  kingdom,  and  it  fell  into  disorder.  Sher 
Kh&n  conceived  the  desire  of  seizing  the  kingdom  of  Bengal,  and 
took  from  the  Bibi  300  mans  of  gold  to  equip  his  army ;  and 
gave  her  two  parganaa  for  her  support  {madad-ma^dBh)^  besides 
leaving  her  some  ready  money  for  her  immediate  expenses.^ 
But  Jal&l  Kh&n  having,  against  the  Bibf's  consent,  wished  to 
espouse  her  daughter  Mihr  Sult&n,  Sher  Kh&n,  on  hearing  of  it, 
forbade  Jal&l  Kh&n ;  and  she  married  her  daughter  to  one  Sult&n 
Sikandar,  a  relation  of  her  own.  This  Sikandar  proved  very 
unworthy.  During  Mihr  Sult&n's  life  he  lived  in  comfort ;  and 
in  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Akbar,  in  the  year  975  a.h.,  Mihr 
Sult&n,  on  her  way  to  the  pargana  of  Kayat,  in  the  direction 
of  Sind,  died  in  the  house  of  Muzaffar   Kh&n.     Sher  Kh&n 

^  Dr.  Dom  (p.  105)  says  she  had  placed  her  *'  district  under  the  protection  of  the 
Mughals.  At  tiiis  Sher  Eh&n  was  so  enraged,  that  he  seized  upon  her  whole  wealth 
and  effects.  •  •  •  This  treasure  is  said  to  have  consisted  of  600  mans  of  pure  ^old, 
besides  specie  and  other  yaluables."  This  is  not  at  all  in  accordance  with  any  original 
MS.  I  haye  seen,  which  simply  says :  **  HaTiofr  escaped  the  yiolence  of  the  Mughals, 
she  sought  refuge  in  this  kingdom.  •  •  •  They  say,  that  amongst  her  property 
were  sixty  mans  of  red  gold  besides  siWer  and  yaluables.'*  Here  the  deliberate 
treachery  of  this  beUuded  king  is  not  attempted  to  be  accounted  for,  as  it  is  in 
Dr.  Dom*8  translation.    The  Tdrikh-i  Khdn  Jahdn  (MS.  p.  174)  has  300  mans. 


a 


I  356  'ABBiCS  KHAN, 

f 

t 

having  equipped  his  armj  with  this  money,  attacked  the  king- 
dom of  Bengal,  and  got  possession  of  all  of  it  on  this  side 
Ghari  (Sikri-gali). 

When  the  Emperor  Hum&ydn  came  hack  from  Gujar&t,  the 
;  Kh&n-kh&nfin  Yusuf-khail   (who  brought  the  Emperor  B&bar 

I  fix>m  K&bul  to  Hindust&n)   said  to  him:  ''It  is  not  wise  to 

neglect  Sher  Kh&n,  for  he  is  rebelliouslj  inclined,  and  well 
understands  all  matters  pertaining  to  government ;  moreover,  all 
the  A%h&ns  are  collected  round  him/^  The  Emperor  Hum&yiin, 
relying  on  the  vastness  of  his  forces,  and  on  the  pride  of 
Empire,  took  no  heed  of  Sher  Kh&n,  and  remaining  the  rainy 
Season  at  Agra,  sent  Hindd  Beg  to  Jaunpur,  with  directions  to 
write  a  full  and  true  report  regarding  Sher  ELh&n. 

When  Sher  Kh&n  heard  that  the  Emperor  Hum&yun  intended 
himself  marching  towards  Bih&r,  he  sent  magnificent  presents  to 
Hindu  Beg,  governor  of  Jaunpdr,  and  gained  his  goodwill.  At 
the  same  time  Sher  Khan  wrote  thus :  **  From  what  I  promised 
I  have  not  departed.  I  have  not  invaded  the  Emperor's  country. 
Kindly  write  to  the  Emperor ;  and  assuring  him  of  my  loyalty, 
i  1  dissuade   him  from   marching  in  this  direction;   for  I  am  his 

servant  and  well-wisher.*'  When  Hindd  beheld  Sher  Kb&n's 
presents,  he  approved  of  them,  and  was  well  pleased,  and  he  said 
to  the  vakil^  "  So  long  as  I  live,  let  your  mind  be  easy.  No  one 
shall  injure  you."  And  in  the  presence  of  Sher  Kh&n's  tviArl/, 
Hindu  Beg  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Emperor  Hum&yun,  saying: 
"  Sher  Kh&n  is  a  loyal  servant  of  Tour  Majesty,  and  strikes 
coin  and  reads  the  khutba  in  your  name,  and  has  not  trans- 
gressed the  boundaries  of  Tour  Majesty's  territory,  or  done 
anything  since  your  departure  which  could  be  any  cause  of 
annoyance  to  you."  The  Emperor,  on  receipt  of  Hindu  Beg's 
letter,  deferred  his  journey  that  year.  Sher  Kh&n,  meanwhile, 
•detached  Jal&l  Kh&n,  Khaw&s  Kh&n  senior,  and  other  chie&, 
to  conquer  Bengal  and  the  city  of  Gaur.  On  their  entering 
Bengal,  Sultan  Mahraud,  unable  to  oppose  them,  retired  to  the 
fort  of  Gaur.     The  Afgh&ns,  having  made  themselves  masters 


I 


TARTKH-I  8HEE  SHAHI.  357 

of  the  snrroiinding  country,  invested  and  besieged  that  fortress, 
before  which  daily  skirmishes  took  place. 

The  following  year  the  Emperor  marched  towards  Bih&r  and 
Bengal.  When  he  arrived  near  Ghandr,  he  consulted  his  nobles 
whether  he  should  first  take  Ghun&r,  or  march  towards  Gaur, 
which  the  son  of  Sher  Kh&n  was  besieging,  but  had  not  yet 
taken.  All  his  Mughal  nobles  advised  that  he  should  first  take 
Ghnn&r,  and  then  march  on  Gaur,  and  it  was  so  determined ;  but 
when  Ham&ydn  asked  the  E[h&n-kh&ndn  Yusuf-khail  for  his 
opinion,  he  (having  previously  heard  that  the  Mughal  nobles  had 
agreed  it  was  advisable  first  to  take  Ghun&r)  said,  ^'It  is  a 
counsel  of  the  young  to  take  Ghun&r  first ;  the  counsel  of  the 
aged  is,  that  as  there  is  much  treasure  in  Gaur,  it  is  advisable 
to  take  Gbur  first ;  after  that  the  capture  of  Ghun&r  is  an  easy 
matter.''  The  Emperor  replied :  ^^  I  am  young,  and  prefer  the 
oonnsel  of  the  young.  I  will  not  leave  the  fort  of  Ghun&r  in  my 
rear.^  The  author  has  heard  from  the  Kh&n-kh&n&n's  com- 
panions, that  when  he  returned  to  his  quarters,  he  observed :  *'  The 
lack  of  Sher  £h&n  is  great,  that  the  Mughals  do  not  go  to  Gtiur. 
Before  they  take  this  fort,  the  Afgh&ns  will  have  conquered 
Gaor,  and  all  its  treasures  will  &11  into  their  hands.^ 

Sher  "Kh&a  left  Gh&zi  Sur  and  BuUiki,^  who  was  the  com- 
mandant of  Ghun&r,  in  that  fortress,  and  removed  his  family 
and  those  of  his  Afgh&n  followers  to  the  fortress  of  Bahrkunda ; 
bat  as  he  had  many  families  with  him,  that  fort  could  not  hold 
them  alL  There  existed  a  friendly  connexion  between  Sher 
EMn  and  the  B&j&  of  the  fort  of  Boht&s,  and  Ghur&man, 
the  B&j&'s  ndib^  was  on  particular  terms  of  intimate  friendship 
and  alliance  with  Sher  Kh&n.  This  Ghur&man  was  a  Br&hman, 
and  was  a  person  of  the  highest  rank,  and  had  formerly  shown 
kindness  to  the  family  of  Mi&n  Niz&m,  own  brother  to  Sher 
Eh&n,  and  procured  them  shelter  in  the  fort  of  Bohtds ;  and 
when  all  danger  had  gone  by,  the  family  again  quitted  the  fort, 

1  In  other  MSS.  "Sult&a  Sarw&ni/'  and  <<  Snltfrn  fiaroU." 


358  'ABBXS  KHAN. 

and  made  it  over  to  the  R&j&.  On  the  present  occasion,  Sher 
Kh&n  wrote  that  he  was  in  great  straits,  and  that  if  the  R4j& 
would  give  him  the  loan  of  the  fort  for  a  short  time,  he  wonld  be 
obliged  to  him  all  his  days,  and  that  when  all  danger  was  past, 
he  would  again  restore  the  fort,  Ohur&man  replied^  ^'Be  of 
good  cheer,  I  will  manage  it,  so  that  the  B4j&  shall  lend  pa 
the  fort."  When  Ghur&man  went  to  the  R&jd,  he  said,  *^Sher 
Eh&n  has  asked  for  the  loan  of  Boht&(  for  his  family.  He  is 
your  neighbour.  This  is  my  advice,  it  is  an  opportunity  to  show 
kindness ;  you  should  admit  his  family/'     The  It&j&  agreed. 

When  Sher  Kh&n  sent  his  &mily  from  Bahrkunda,  tiie  Biji 
retracted  his  promise,  and  said,  ^'  When  I  admitted  Mi&n  Nizim 
into  the  fort,  they  had  but  a  small  force.  I  was  the  stronger. 
Now  they  have  the  larger  force,  and  I  a  small  one.  If  I  admit 
them  into  the  fort,  and  they  will  not  restore  it,  I  cannot  take  it 
from  them  by  force.''  Ghur&man  wrote  to  Sher  Eh&n,  saying: 
"  Certain  persons,  my  enemies,  have  given  very  evil  counsel  to 
the  B&J&,  and  persuaded  him  to  violate  his  promise,  and  to 
decline  giving  you  the  fert."  Sher  Kh&n,  on  receiving  this  news, 
was  much  grieved  and  anxious,  and  he  wrote  to  the  Bi&j&,  and 
said :  ^*  On  the  faith  of  your  promise,  I  have  brought  my  fiunily 
from  Bahrkunda.  If  the  Emperor  Humfiyun  hears  this  news, 
he  will  send  his  army,  and  all  the  &milies  of  the  Afgh&ns  will 
be  taken  and  enslaved.  This  misfortune  will  rest  on  your  head.^ 
Sher  Kh&n  also  gave  to  Chur&man  a  bribe  of  six  mans  of  gold, 
and  said  :  ^'  Persuade  in  any  way  you  can  the  B&jfi  to  give  me 
the  loan  of  this  fort  for  a  few  days,  for  my  &mily ;  but  if  he  will 
not  give  it,  then  I  will  go  and  make  my  peace  with  the  Emperor 
Hum&yun,  and  will  revenge  myself  on  everything  belonging  to 
the  Eaj&."  Chur&man  said,  ''  Be  of  good  heart,  I  will  procure 
admittance  for  your  women  and  children/'*  So  Ohur&man  then 
went  to  the  B&j&,  and  said  :  '^  It  is  not  becoming  your  dignity  to 
break  your  promise.  Sher  Kh&n,  on  the  strength  of  it,  has 
brought  his  family  from  the  fort  of  Bahrkunda.  If  the 
Emperor  hears  that  his  family  is  not  in  safety,  he  will  attack 


TiCBrKH-I  SHEE  QEKET.  359 

and  destroy  them,  and  the  blame  will  rest  on  my  shoulders. 
Moreover,  if  Sher  Kh&n  be  in  extremities,  he  will  make  peace 
with  the  Emperor,  and  will  attack  you,  and  you  are  not  strong 
enough  to  oppose  him.  Why  do  you  thus  heedlessly  provoke 
his  hostility,  and  throw  your  kingdom  into  confusion  P  I  am  a 
Br&hman,  and  since  Sher  Kh&n  came  here  relying  on  my  word, 
if  his  &mily  be  slain,  the  blame  will  rest  on  me.  If  you  do  not 
admit  him  into  the  fort,  I  will  take  poison  and  die  at  your 
door.''  When  the  "R&jk  saw  Chiirdman  thus  determined,  he 
agreed  to  admit  the  family  of  Sher  Kfa&n  into  the  fort.  Sher 
Eh&n  had  not  heard  of  the  permission,  when  he  received  intelli- 
gence that  Ehaw&s  ELh&n  senior  had  been  drowned  in  the 
ditdi  of  the  fort  of  Graur,  and  that  the  fort  of  Ghun&r  had 
surrendered  to  the  Emperor  Hum&yun.^  He  became  very 
depressed  and  anxious,  and  bestowing  on  the  younger  brother 
of  Elhaw&s  £h&n,  whose  name  was  Mus&hib  Khan,  the  sur- 
name of  Khaw&s  Kh&n,  detached  him  with  urgent  instructions, 
that  since  Chun&r  had  fallen,  and  that  the  Emperor  Hum&yun 
would  in  a  few  days  march  towards  Bengal,  he  was  to  press  the 
si^e  of  Graur  with  all  possible  despatch. 

£haw&s  ELh&n  arrived  at  Graur,  and  said  to  Jal&l  Kh&n,  '*  My 
orders  from  the  king^  are  to  take  the  fort  of  Gaur  without  delay, 
as  the  Emperor  is  coming  up  in  our  rear.''  Jal&l  Kh&n  said : 
*^Wait  yet  to-day."  But  Khaw&s  Kh&n  replied,  *'I  cannot 
disobey  my  orders ;  we  must  at  once  make  the  attack.^^  Jal&l 
Kh&n  said:  *'Be  it  so!  go  to  your  post.^^  Khaw&s  Kh&n, 
taking  his  leave  of  Jal&l  Kh&n,  came  to  his  brother^s  post, 
and  encouraged  his  brother's  force,  saying,  ^^My  orders  are 
these :  The  instant  I  arrive  to  use  every  endeavour  to  take  the 
fort  and  not  in  any  way  to  delay."     He  directed  the  heralds 

^  Bespecting  the  capture  of  Choii&r,  and  the  cruelties  perpetrated  on  the  garrison 
hj  the  Moghals,  see  the  history  of  Ham&jCin.  It  is  passed  orer  rery  cursorily  by  all 
th«  Afghan  writers,  while  the  T(m(iriaQs  expatiate  upon  it  Elphinstone's  date  of 
15th  Sha'b&n,  944  (8th  January,  1638),  for  the  commencement  of  the  siege,  is  the 
most  probable  one. 

*  This  title  is  now  first  applied  to  Sher  Kh&n  in  the  HSS. 


360  'ABBA8  XHAK. 

to  command  the  army  to  prepare  themselves  with  all  hu^ 
as  there  was  no  time  to  lose ;  and  arming  himself,  he  sent  to 
Jal&l  Eh&n  to  say,  *^  I  am  ready  with  my  whole  force  in  obedienee 
to  the  orders  of  Sher  Kh&n,  and  only  wait  for  yon.     Do  jot 
array  yourselves  also ;  it  is  not  good  to  delay.     By  Gtod's  giaoe 
we  will  be  victorious.*^    Jal&l  Kh£n,  Shnj&^at  Khin,  and  the 
rest  were  displeased,  but,  nevertheless,  got  ready.     KhairliB 
Kh&n  personally  displayed  such  energy  and  gallantry,  that  he 
succeeded  in  mastering  the  fortress  even  before  Jal&l  Eh&tt 
arrived.     From  that  day  his  valour  became  celebrated,  and  after 
that  he  conquered  wherever  he  went,  so  that  in  all  Sher  Kh&n's 
army  there  was  none  like  him  for  intrepidity  as  well  as  liberality. 
Gaur  having  fallen,  Jal&l  Kh&n  sent  an  account  of  the  victoiy 
to  his  father,  and  attributed  it  to  E[haw&s  Kh&n.     On  hearing 
the  news,  Sher  Eh&n  was  exceedingly  delighted ;  and  Ghor&maa 
also  came  to  him,  and  said  that  the  IUy&  had  consented  to  gite 
him  the  fort  of  Roht&s,  into  which  he  might  bring  his  women 
and  children.     Sher  Eh&n  brought  his  women  and  children  neir 
to  the  fort,  and  expressed  his  devoted  fnendship  for  and  obliga- 
tion to  the  B&J&,  and  gave  him  much  money  and  goods  of 
various  kinds,  saying :  **  If  ever  I  am  again  prosperous,  I  will 
not  consider  myself  absolved  from  my  obligations  to  you.^^    The 
B&J&  was  much  delighted,  and  said,  ^^  The  fort  of  Boht&  is 
yours,  order  in  your  family.**'    Sher  Kh&n  had  given  orders  to 
his  men  that  none  should  go  out  who  once  went  in  ;  after  this, 
Sher  Kh&n  himself  went  in  and  examined  the  fort.    He  thanked 
God,  and  said :  *'  The  fort  of  Chun&r  is  no  fort  in  comparison 
with  this ;  as  that  has  gone  out  of  my  possession,  this  has  come 
into  it.     I  was  not  so  pleased  at  the  conquest  of  Gbur  as  (I  am) 
at  getting  possession  of  Bohtds.'^    And  he  said  to  the  guards  of 
the  fort,  **  You  had  best  go  to  the  E&j&,  and  say,  *  You  cannot 
remain  in  the  same  place  with  the  Afgh&ns,  or  it  will  be  the 
worse  for  you.' ''    And  he  ordered  his  own  men,  if  the  guards  did 
not  obey  the  order  to  leave  the  fort,  to  eject  them  by  force.  Sher 
Sh&n's  men  were  all  prepared,  as,  when  they  told  the  guards 


TABrKH-I  BBXk  URKEX.  861 

\i  Sher  Eh&n  had  sud,  and  these  refused,  they  turned  them 

bj  force  of  arms.     So  Sher  Kh&n  placed  his  own  guards  and 

tries  in  every  part  of  the  fort,  and  took  the  greatest  precaa- 

i  for  its  safe  custody,  and  drove  the  R&j&  away  from  the  fort. 

the  manner  thus  described  he  got  possession  of  the  fort  of 

bt&s. 

Hie  commonly  received  report  that  Sher  Kh&n  put  Afgh&ns 

>  dolbj  and  sent  them  into  the  fort  as  women,  is  altogether 
>neous  and  fiilse.^  For  I,  the  writer  of  this  history,  Tuh/a'i 
bar  ShdMy  the  son  of  Shaikh  'iiH,  have  inquired  of  several 
rfs  and  nobles  who  were  with  Sher  Kh&n  in  the  affair. 
r  example,  I  inquired  of  the  chief  of  great  nobles  Muzaffiur 
&n,  and  nephew  of  Masnad  'iiH  ^fs&  Eh&n,  and  of  Shaikh 
hammad,  son  of  M(&n  B&yazld  Sarw&ni,  and  several  others 

>  were  present  on  the  occasion ;  and  they  said,  ^'  It  is  needful 
i  should  hear  from  us  the  history  of  your  ancestors,  for  you 
connected  with  Sult&n  Bahlol,  Sult&n  Sikandar,  Sher  Sh&h, 

[  Salim  Sh&h.  Take  heed  to  our  words,  for  after  a  lapse  of 
ay  days,  frequent  errors  and  mistakes  arise.  We  will  tell  you 
It  we  heard  and  saw.^  I  said  to  Khan-'azam  Muzaffar  Kh&n, 
of  Jal&l  Kh&n,  the  son  of  Haibat  Kh&n,  **  It  is  commonly 
I  that  Sher  Kh&n  took  Boht&s  by  introducing  the  Afgh&ns 


Our  author  is  strictly  followed  by  the  Makhzan'i  Afyhdni;  bat  the  Tdrikh'i 
m-JMtn  adheres  to  the  doli  story.  It  says  (MS.  p.  168)  that  there  were  1200 
%f  in  each  of  which  were  two  Afgh&ns  armed,  except  in  some. of  the  foremost,  in 
h  there  were  old  women.  After  the  examination  of  some  of  the  leading  litters, 
Kh&n  sent  a  message  to  the  B&J&,  to  represent  that  the  R&j&  haring  now  satisfied 
elf  there  were  only  women  in  the  litters,  and  as  it  was  highly  indecorous  to 
se  them  to  the  gaze  of  the  sentries,  the  search  ought  to  be  discontinued.  The 
t  readily  assented,  and  when  the  litters  had  all  been  introduced,  and  discharged 
'  burdens,  the  Afgh&ns  seized  possession  of  the  gates,  and  admitted  Sher  Sh&h 
was  ready  with  his  army  outside,  awaiting  the  successful  result  of  his  stratagem, 
lad  T&dg&r  (MS.  p.  266}  says  that  there  were  300  litters,  with  two  soldiers  in 
,  and  four  fiohillas  as  bearers,  that  they  killed  the  B&J&,  and  then  made  a  general 
acre  of  the  garrison.  Firisbta  also  accredits  (toL  iL  p.  115)  the  doU  story,  and  calls 
Et&j&,  Hari  Krishn  B&i,  and  says  he  escaped  witii  a  few  followers  by  a  prirate 
ige.  By  the  TimArian  authors  the  seizure  of  Boht6s  by  treachery  is  spoken  of 
•n  indignation  which  they  seldom  bestowed  upon  their  patrons  for  deeds  of  a 
li  Bore  keinooi  nature.— See  Dom,  p.  109. 


862  'ABBAS  KHAK. 

in  covered  litters,  and  you  contradict  this  story.  I  do  not  know 
whom  to  believe/'  He  replied:  '^You  know  I  was  with  the 
followers  of  Masnad  '^i  'fsi  Eh&n,  and  my  &mily  was  in 
Eoht&s,  while  I  accompanied  Sher  Kh&n  to  the  hills.^  When 
Sher  Kh&n  got  possession  of  Koht&s,  he  left  there  his  women  and 
children,  with  his  eldest  son  'Adil  Sh&n,  and  Kutb  Xh&n ;  and  he 
himself  went  to  the  hills  of  Bahrkonda,  and  wandered  aboat 
from  place  to  place.^ 

After  the  Emperor  Hum&yun  had  got  possession  of  Ghnn4r, 
he  halted  in  Benares,  and  sent  an  envoy  to  Sher  Kh&n,  having 
it  in  view  to  get  possession  of  the  country  of  Bih4r.  Sher 
Kh&n  knew  he  had  this  design,  and  said  to  the  envoy,  ^^  I  have 
captured  the  fort  of  Gbur,  and  have  collected  about  me  a  veij 
large  force  of  Afgh&ns.  If  the  Emperor  will  abandon  all  demgn 
upon  Bengal,  I  will  surrender  Bih&r  to  him,  and  make  it  over 
to  whomsoever  he  will  depute,  and  will  agree  to  the  same 
boundaries  of  Bengal  as  existed  in  Sult&n  Sikandar's  time ;  and 
I  will  send  all  the  ensigns  of  royalty — as  the  umbrella  throne, 
etc. — ^to  the  Emperor,  and  will  yearly  send  him  ten  laa  of 
rupees  from  Bengal.  But  let  the  Emperor  return  towards  XgOL* 
The  envoy  came  back  to  Hum&yun,  and  reported  what  Sher 
Kh&n  had  said.  The  Emperor,  on  hearing  about  Bih&r,  became 
exceedingly  glad,  and  agreed  to  what  Sher  Kh&n  proposed, 
and  gave  a  horse,  and  a  peculiarly  splendid  khiVat  to  the 
envoy  for  delivery  to  Sher  Sh&h ;  and  directed  him  to  say  to 
Sher  Sh&h  that  his  proposals  were  accepted,  and  that  he 
should  not  delay  to  put  them  in  execution.  The  vaJM  came  to 
Sher  Sh&h,  and  gave  him  the  horse  and  dress,  and  told  him  what 
the  Emperor  had  said.  Sher  Kh&n  was  much  delighted,  and 
said,  ^^I  will  fulfil  the  terms  agreed  upon,  and  will  pray  ixj 

^  Ahmad  Y&dg&r  (MS.  pp.  170-5)  mentions  an  expedition  against  the  Blg&  of 
Jh&rkand,  in  order  to  secure  possession  of  a  faroorite  white  elephant,  oalled  **  Sy&a 
Ghandar,"  which  had  the  "peculiarity  of  neyer  throwing  dust  upon  its  head." 
This  was  duly  ohtained,  along  with  other  plunder,  and  hrought  to  Sher  Sh&bi 
who  chose  to  consider  it  as  an  omen  that  he  should  one  daj  ohtain  the  £m|Bxe  d 
Df  hU.    [It  is  odd  that  a  whiU  elephant  should  hare  been  called  ^m,  Le.  hUoL] 


TiCErKH-I  SHEB  SHAHr.  363 

and  night  to  Almighty  God  that  while  life  lasts  no  hostility  may 
befall  between  the  Emperor  and  myself,  for  I  am  his  dependent 
and  serrant/' 

Three  days  after  this  despatch  the  envoy  of  Sult&n  Mahmtid, 
the  mler  of  Bengal,  came  into  the  presence  of  the  Emperor 
TLumky^tn,  and  made  the  following  communication:  ^^The 
Afgh&ns  have  seized  the  fort  of  Gnur,  but  most  of  the  country 
is  yet  in  my  possession ;  let  not  Your  Majesty  trust  to  Sher 
Kh&n's  promises,  but  march  towards  these  parts,  and  before 
they  have  established  and  strengthened  themselves,  expel  them 
finom  the  country,  and  altogether  suppress  this  revolt.  I  also 
will  join  you,  and  they  are  not  powerfiil  enough  to  oppose 
yoiL*'  As  soon  as  he  heard  this  request  of  Sult&n  Mahmtid,  the 
Emperor  ordered  his  victorious  standards  to  be  set  in  motion 
towaids  Bengal;  and  afterwards  he  ordered  the  Kh&n-kfa&n&n 
Yiisaf-khail,  the  Birl&s  chiefs,  and  some  other  nobles,  to  go  on 
in  advance,  and  with  their  force  in  battle  array  to  move  towards 
the  hills  of  Bahrkunda,  where  Sher  Kh&n  was,  Mirz&  Hind&l 
also  was  ordered  to  cross  the  Ganges  with  his  division,  and  to 
move  on  H&jipur.    The  Emperor  himself  went  towards  Bengal. 

When  Sher  Kh4n  heard  this  intelligence,  he  entirely  gave  up 
all  trust  in  the  promises  and  faith  of  Hum&yun,  and  said  to  the 
envoy :  *^  I  have  observed  all  loyalty  to  the  Emperor,  and  have 
committed  no  offence  against  him,  and  have  not  encroached  upon 
liis  boundaries.    When  I  got  Bih&r  from  the  Loh&nis,  and  the 
King  of  Bengal  formed  a  design  to  seize  that  country,  I  besought 
him  most  submissively  to  leave  me  as  I  was,  and  not  to  attempt 
to  deprive  me  of  Bih&r.     By  reason  of  his  large  army  and 
forces  he  would  not  attend  to  me,  and  since  he  thus  oppressed 
me,  the  Almighty  gave  me  the  victory ;  and  as  he  coveted  the 
kingdom  of  Bihir,  Gt>d  wrested  away  from  him  also  the  king- 
dom of  Bengal.     The  Smperor  has  only  considered  the  word  of 
the  ruler  of  Bengal,  and  has  overlooked  the  service  I  have 
Tendered,  and  all  the  force  of  Afgh&ns  which  I  have  assembled  for 
his  service,  and  has  marched  against  Bengal.  When  the  Emperor 


384  'ABBA8  KHAN. 

• 

besieged  Ohun^,  the  Afgh&na  urged  me  to  oppose  him,  but  I 
restrained  them  from  declaring  war,  and  said,  ^  The  EmperoTii 
powerful ;  jou  should  not  fight  with  him  for  the  sake  of  a  fori, 
for  he  is  my  lord  and  patron,  and  when  he  perceives  that,  in  spite 
of  my  powerful  forces,  I  pay  respect  to  him,  he  will  understand 
that  I  am  his  loyal  servant,  and  will  give  me  a  kingdom  to 
maintain  this  large  army.    The  Emperor  desired  the  kingdom  d 
Bih^,  and  I  was  willing  to  surrender  it.     But  it  is  not  the  right 
way  to  govern  a  kingdom  to  separate  so  laige  a  force  from  hu 
service,  and  in  order  to  please  their  enemies,  to  ruin  and  slay  the 
Afgh&ns.'    But  since  the  Emperw  takes  no  heed  of  all  this  good 
service,  and  has  violated  his  promise,  I  have  now  no  hope  or 
means  of  restraining  the  Afgh&ns  from  opposing  him.     You  will 
hear  what  deeds  the  Afgh&ns  will  do,  and  the  march  to  Bengal 
will  end  in  repentance  and  regret,  for  now  the  Afgh&ns  are 
united,  and  have  laid  aside  their  mutual  quarrels  and  envyinga. 
The  country  which  the  Mughals  have  taken  from  the  Afgh^ 
they  got  through  the  internal  dissensions  among  the  latter."  So 
saying,  he  gave  him  a  parting  present,  and  dismissed  him.    The 
force  he  had  with  him  Sher  Kh&n  sent  to  Boht&s,  and  he  him- 
self with  a  few  horsemen,  in  order  that  he  might  not  be  traced, 
set  o£f  from  that  place  towards  Gaur  secretly.     From  thence  he 
proceeded,  unknown  to  any  one,  to  the  hills,  and  lay  hid  there, 
and  sent  spies  into  the  camp  of  the  Emperor  in  order  to  discover 
his  intentions.      Humayun  was  told,  after  he  had  made  two 
marches,  that  Sher  Kh&n  had  gone  to  the  hills.     He,  therefore, 
returned ;  and  the  Kh&n-kh&n&n  Ytisuf-khail  and  Barn  Birlas, 
who  had  been  sent  against  Sher  Kh&n,  were  halted  in  the 
pargana  of  Munlr  Shaikh  Yahyd,  where  they  heard  that  Sultdo 
Mahmud  Barri,  the  King  of  Gaur,  was  come.    Birlas  went  oat 
to  meet  him.     They  had  not  yet  escorted  him  to  his  encampinj; 
ground,  when  the  Emperor  himself  arrived  at   Munir.     They 
brought  Sult&n  Mahmdd  to  the  Emperor,  who  did  not  receive 
him  kindly  or  pay  him  the  respect  he  anticipated;    so  that 
Sult&n  Mahmdd  repented  that  he  had  come,  and  shortly  afte^ 


TiCErXH-I  BHSB  BHiCHr.  866 

wirda  died  from  extreme  grief.    The  Emperor  issued  orders  for 
the  arrangement  of  his  army  at  the  town  of  Munir. 

Mayid  Beg,  son  of  Salt&n  Mahmiid,  and  Jah&ngir  Kdli,  son 
of  Ibr&him  B&yazid,  Mir  Ntirk&,  Tardi  Beg,  Barri  Birlas, 
Mub&rak  Parmoli,  and  other  chiefe,  with  a  force  of  30,000  horse, 
were  ordered  to  march  seven  kos  in  advance  of  the  Imperiid 
army.  Sher  Eh4a,  on  hearing  that  Ham&jun  had  set  off  towards 
Bengal,  departed  himself  secretly  with  only  a  few  horsemen* 
When  the  Emperor  reached  Patna,  the  division  which  was  seven 
lot  in  advance  had  not  reached  their  ground,  when  their  vedettes 
eame  to  a  village  where  what  i^ould  they  see  but  some  cavalry  in 
a  garden.  They  asked  of  one  of  the  villagers  whose  those  horse- 
men were  P  He  said,  ^^  It  is  Sher  Kh&n  himselfl''  The  vedettes, 
when  they  heard  the  name  of  Sher  Kh&n,  were  so  alarmed,  that 
they  never  examined  what  amount  of  force  Sher  Kh&n  had  with 
him,  but  returned  and  told  to  Muyid  Beg  that  ^'  Sher  Kh&n  was 
encamped  at  such  and  such  a  village.'^  Muyid  Beg  was  of 
opinion  that  Sher  Khdn  was  there  to  oppose  them,  and  sent ' 
to  the  Emperor  to  ask  for  orders;  and  encamped  where  he 
was,  sending  out  a  reconnoitring  party  to  bring  intelligence. 
When  the  persons  sent  to  reconnoitre  came  near  the  place,  they 
^oold  not  discover  a  single  horseman  there;  on  which  the 
Mnghals  entered  the  village,  and  inquired  of  the  head-man 
(fnukaddam),  who  said,  that  Sher  Kh&n  had  halted  there  with  a 
few  horsemen ;  but  on  seeing  the  advance  of  their  cavalry  had 
gone  off  with  all  speed  on  the  road  to  Mungir.  When  the 
party  returned  from  reconnoitring,  it  was  nearly  evening,  and  on 
this  account  they  delayed  the  pursuit  of  Sher  Kh&n. 

When  Sher  Kh&n  had  crossed  the  defile  of  Ghari,  he  saw  Saif 
Elh&n  Acha-khail  Sarw^i,  who  was  taking  his  family  towards 
Boht&s.  Sher  Khin  said,  ^^  Turn,  for  the  Mughal  army  is  near 
«t  hand.''  When  Saif  Kh&n  was  apprised  of  the  actual  truth 
regarding  the  Emperor's  army,  he  said  to  Sher  Khan,  *^  There 
are  but  few  men  with  you,  and  the  distance  between  the  armies 
is  small.     The  Emperor  will  pursue  you  with  the  utmost  expedi- 


366  'ABBAS  KHAN. 

tion,  in  the  hope  jovl  may  fall  into  his  hands.  Do  yoa  take  my 
fiunily  with  you,  and  go  your  way.  Early  to-nM>rrow  morning 
I  will  occupy  the  entrance  of  the  pass,  and  while  life  remains  in 
my  body  I  will  hold  the  Emperor's  army  in  check,  so  that  an 
ample  distance  may  be  placed  between  you  and  the  Moghab.'' 
Sher  Kh&n  said,  ^^  It  is  not  right  that  to  preserve  myself  I 
should  cast  you  into  the  whirlpool  of  destruction.''  Saif  Kh&n 
replied:  ^^All  men  are  not  equal;  a  man  ought  to  sacrifice 
himself  for  his  own  household.  *  *  *  My  life  and  those  of 
my  brethren  shall  be  expended  in  the  service  of  my  lord." 
Although  Sher  Kh&n  urged  him  repeatedly  to  go  along  with 
him,  Sa>if  Kh&n  would  not  consent;  so  Sher  Kh&n  took  his 
&mily  with  him,  and  relieved  from  all  anxiety  regarding  the 
pursuit  of  the  Mughals,  proceeded  on  his  course  with  all 
speeoi. 

The  next  morning,  when  the  sun  was  well  risen^  Saif  Kh^ 
told  his  brethren  to  bathe,  and  be  prepared  for  death.  *  *  Saif 
*  Kh&n's  brethren  said :  ^^  Since  you  have  decided  to  do  this,  we  are 
ready  to  sacrifice  a  thousand  lives  for  you ;  it  is  the  time  now  to 
act,  not  to  talk  ;  we  will  not  fail  to  do  our  best."  On  this  they 
put  themselves  at  their  several  posts,  and  occupied  the  entrance 
of  Gugdrghar.  When  the  army  of  the  Emperor  drew  near,  Saif 
£h&n  commenced  the  action.  Notwithstanding  great  exertions 
on  the  part  of  the  Mughals,  they  could  not  force  the  entrance  of 
Ougdrghar.  The  gallantry  displayed  by  Saif  Khdu's  brethren 
was  beyond  all  description ;  they  held  the  Mughals  in  check  till 
a  little  after  mid-day,  when  most  of  Saif  Khdn's  brethren  were 
slain,  and  he  himself  was  severely  wounded  in  three  places ;  and 
becoming  insensible,  was  taken  alive  by  the  Mughals.  They  took 
him  before  Muyid,  who  sent  him  to  the  Emperor ;  and  he,  when 
he  heard  his  story,  praised  him  very  highly,  saying,  "  Such  it 
behoves  a  soldier  to  be,  who  should  lay  down  his  life  to  advance 
his  master  s  interests."  He  then  said  to  Saif  Khdn,  "  I  set  you 
free,  go  whither  you  please."  Saif  Khdn  said,  *'  My  family  is 
with  Sher  Khdn,  I  wish  to  go  to  him."     The  Emperor  replied : 


TAETKH-I  SH££  BHAHT.  367 

**I  hftTO  given  you  your  life,  do  as  you  will."  So  Saif  Kb&n 
raluined  to  Sher  Kh&n. 

When  Sher  Kh&n  arrived  at  Mungir,  where  Shuj&'at  Eh&n 
Ni&zi^  was,  be  ordered  him,  as  Hum&yun's  army  was  approach- 
ing, to  take  Saif  Kh&n's  family  to  the  fort  of  Ghari,  and  em- 
barking in  a  swift  sailing  boat,  went  down  the  river  towards 
Guar.  When  be  arrived  there,  he  sent  his  son  Jal&l  Kh&n  with 
some  of  his  nobles  to  occupy  the  pass  of  Ghari,^  and  to  hold 
the  Emperor  Ham&ytin  in  check  there,  while  he  himself  made 
all  necessary  preparations  and  arrangements,  and  conveyed  to 
Boht^  the  treasure  which  had  fallen  into  his  possession  at  Gaur. 
When  Jal&l  Kh&a  came  to  Ghari,  the  van  of  the  Emperor^s 
army  was  already  near  at  hand.  Jal&l  Eh&n  proposed  to  attack 
it,  but  his  chiefs  dissuaded  him,  saying  tbat  he  had  not  been 
sent  by  Sher  Eh&n  to  risk  an  engagement,  and  that  he  ought 
merely  to  hold  the  pass  against  Humfiyun's  advance.  Jal&l 
Eh&n,  however,  did  not  assent  to  their  counsel,  but  leaving 
1000  horse  to  hold  Ghari,  and  advancing  himself  with  6000, 
attacked  the  Imperialists,  and  after  a  sharp  action  defeated  them.' 
Mab&rak  Farmuli,  Abd-1  Fath  Lang&h,  as  well  as  many  men  on 
the  side  of  the  Mughals,  fell  in  the  engagement.^ 

Jal&l  Eh&n,  returning  to  Ghari,  fortified  the  pass.  The 
night  after  the  action  it  rained  so  hard,  that  the  road  was 
rendered  impassable,  for  it  was  the  commencment  of  the  rainy 
season.  The  Emperor  was  delayed  in  this  spot  one  month, 
and  Sher  Kh&n  availing  himself  of  the  interval,  and  taking  with 
him  all  the  treasure  which  had  come  into  his  hands  by  the  fall 

>  «*Thtoa"  in  one  MS. 

*  *^  Which/'  adds  Nia'matn-Ua,  who  calls  it  Garhi,  "  is  the  only  passage  to  the 
eoimtries  of  Gaur  and  Bengal ;  there  being,  except  by  that  gate,  no  other  way  of 
entry  or  exit." — Makhzan-i  Afghdni^  MS.  p.  202  It  is  now  better  known  as  '*  Sidy- 
gnUy/'  properly  Sankrf-g&li,  the  narrow  pass  about  eight  miles  north-west  firom 
B&jmah&L  It  is  incorrect  to  call  it  the  only  passage  into  Bengal,  for  the  Mahrattas, 
in  1742,  penetrated  through  another  to  the  south-west,  to  say  nothing  of  others. 

*  One  MS.  has:  "But  although  there  was  much  fighting,  did  not  defeat  the 
Emperor's  force." 

*  Some  further  details  will  be  found  among  the  extracts  from  the  Makhzan^i 
Afghdni. 


868  'ABBiCS  KHAN. 

of  GaoTy  went  by  way  of  Jhirkand  to  Boht^ ;  and  on  arriving 
there,  sent  to  Jal&I  Kh&n,  directing  him  to  abandon  Ghari  ami 
to  come  to  Eoht&s.    When  the  Emperor  heard  that  Jal&l  Khin 
had  abandoned  and  gone  away  from  Ghari,  he  sent  (on  acooimi 
of  the  excessive  rain)  a  part  of  his  force  under  Mirzi  Hindfl  to 
j9(gra,  and  proceeded  himself  to  Graur,  the  eiq>ital  of  Bengd, 
where  he  lay  for  three  months,  and  admitted  no  one  to  an 
audience  with  him,  a.h.  945  (a.d.  1538-9). 

Meanwhile,  Sher  Kh&n  came  to  Benares,  and  besieged  thi 
governor,  and  detached  thence  Khaw&s  Kh&n  to  Mnngir,  when 
the  Emperor  had  left  the  Kh&n-kh&nfin  Ydanf-khail,  when 
he  himself  went  to  Gaur.  Sher  Kh&n  sent  Khawds  Khia 
with  instructions  to  take  Kh&n-kh4n£n  prisoner,  and  Iffu^ 
him  to  his  presence,  because  this  same  Kh&n-kh&n&n  had 
brought  the  Emperor  B&bar  from  K4bul  to  India.  Kha«4a 
Kh&n  came  suddenly  by  night  upon  the  city,  and  seizing  thi 
Kh&n-kh&n&n,  brought  him  to  Benares.  Shortly  after  thi^ 
Benares  was  taken,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  Moghal  gar- 
rison was  killed.  Subsequently,  Haibat  Kh&n  Nf&zi,  JaUl 
Kh&n  Jalu,  Sarmast  Khan  Sarw&ni,  and  other  chi^  were  sent 
against  Bahrdich,  and  they  drove  out  the  Mughals  from  thoae 
parts  until  they  arriyed  at  and  captured  the  city  of  SamUal, 
and  made  slaves  of  the  inhabitants,  and  spoiled  the  ei^. 
Another  force  was  sent  towards  Jaunpur,  the  governor  of  whicb 
place  was  killed  in  battle,  and  the  same  force  was  then  sent  ia 
the  direction  of  iigra.  Every  governor  on  the  part  of  the 
Emperor  Hum&ydn,  throughout  the  whole  country,  who  offered 
any  opposition,  was  killed,  or  was  defeated  and  driven  out  of 
the  country;  so  that  all  the  districts  as  far  as  Kanauj  and 
Sambhal  fell  into  the  possession  of  the  Afgh&ns.  Sher  Khin 
also  sent  Khawds  Khin  against  the  city  of  Mah&rta,  zamindir, 
with  orders  to  cut  down  his  jungle  fastness,  and  to  capture 
him.  The  officers  of  Sher  Kh4n  also  collected  the  revenue  of 
both  the  autumn  and  spring  harvests  of  these  parts. 

When  the  Emperor  heard  that  Mirz&  Hind&l  had  slain  Shaikh 


TXBrKH-I  SH££  SHAHF.  369 

Bahlol,  and  excited  a  sedition  in  the  neighbourhood  of  iigra, 
he  became  distracted,^  and  started  from  Bengal  (as  the  heat  of 
the  season  had  somewhat  abated)  towards  Agra.  Sher  Kh&n, 
summoning  all  his  forces  from  Bih^,  Jaunpur,  and  other  places, 
eKoepting  only  the  division  with  Khaw&s  Kh4n  acting  against 
Mak&rta,'  collected  them  in  the  environs  of  the  fort  of  Roht&s. 

When  the  Emperor  Hum&yun  advanced  in  the  direction  of 
Sher  Kh&i,  thus  encamped  about  Roht&s,  Sher  Eh&n  assembled 
hie  chie&,  and  addressed  them  thus :  ^^  The  army  of  the  Emperor 
Homijun  is  in  great  disorder  from  his  delay  in  Bengal ;  more- 
over, sedition  has  arisen  in  Agra.  It  is  on  this  account  that  he 
neglects  me,  and  is  taking  his  departure.  If  you  agree  with  me,  I 
will  try  my  fortune,  for  my  force  at  this  moment  is  in  perfect 
order.  Before  the  Emperor  marched  against  Bengal  I  made  every 
submission,  and  agreed  to  pay  a  yearly  tribute,  if  the  Emperor 
would  confer  Bengal  on  me,  that  I  might  not  be  brought  into 
hostilities  with  my  patron.  He  agreed  to  give  me  Bengal,  but 
when  the  envoy  of  the  King  of  Bengal,  Sult&n  Mahmud,  came  to 
hiBH,  the  king  retracted  his  promise,  and  I  was  compelled  to 
oppose  him ;  and  now  that  I  have  overthrown  his  armies  which 
were  in  Bih&r  and  Jaunpdr,  and  taken  those  countries,  the  way 
to  peace  is  closed."  ''Azam  Hum&yun  Sarw&ni  (who  had  been 
one  of  Sikandar^s  nobles,  and  had  now  joined  himself  to  Sher 
Kh&n)  replied :  '^  You  ought  not  to  take  counsel  with  the  nobles 
of  Sult4ns  Bahlol  and  Sikandar  as  to  fighting  the  Mughals,  for 
this  reason,  that  every  plan  we  have  devised  has  by  our  ill- 
fi>rtune  &iled,  and  as  often  as  we  have  fought,  we  have  from  our 

^  Because,  as  stated  in  the  Makhzan-i  Afghdniy  the  Shaikh  was  a  man  unequaUed 
in  enidition  and  piety,  and  the  Emperor  was  personally  much  attached  to  him.  The 
Shaikh  had  heen  sent  hy  Hum&ydn  to  Hind&l,  to  admonish  him  against  his  ambitious 
deiigna. — See  Dom,  p.  116. 

*  **  Who,  whenever  Sher  Kh&n  was  in  any  trouble,  used  to  descend  from  his 
hillfl  and  jungles  and  harass  the  tenants  around  Bih&r;  and  taking  to  highway 
fobbery,  closed  the  road  to  travellers  proceeding  to  Oaur  and  Bengal,  and  took  every 
opportunity  of  plundering  horses,  camels,  and  bullocks  from  the  camp  of  Sher  Eh&n. 
^erefore,  his  extermination  being  considered  urgently  necessary,  Ehaw&s  Kh&n  was 
not  fammoned."»jra^As0i}-i  jifffhdnl,  MS.,  p.  208.    Dom,  p.  116. 

VOL.  IV.  24 


370  'ABBXS  KHAN. 

internal  dissensions  been  defeated.  Fortune  has  befriended  yoo, 
in  that  the  whole  of  the  Afgh&ns  have  become  united  heart  and 
soul  under  you,  and  have  been  always  ready  to  engage  the 
Mughals.  Men  of  experience  and  sagacity  have  declared  to  me 
that  the  Afgh&ns  are  not  inferior  to  the  Mughab  in  warlike 
prowess,  but  fly  away  only  because  of  their  internal  disunion. 
The  Afgh&ns  will  drive  the  Mughals  from  India,  whenever  they 
obey  one  leader  and  are  united  under  him.  You  are  that  fortunate 
man.  Ask  your  other  chiefs  and  act  on  their  advice ;  as  for  as, 
victory  has  become  your  friend,  and  I  have  nothing  to  recommeni" 

When  Sher  Kh&n  heard  these  words  of  'Azam  Hum&yun,  he 
asked  his  other  nobles,  for  example,  Kutb  Khan,  Haibat  Eh&n 
Ni&zi,  Jal&l  Kh&n  bin  Jaloi,  Shuj&*at  Eh&n,  Sarmast  Kh&n  Sar- 
w&ni,  and  others ;  and  they  unanimously  declared  that  it  was  advis- 
able to  fight,  for  they  would  never  have  such  an  opportunity  again. 

When  Sher  Kh&n  perceived  that  the  Afgh&ns  were  united  in 
his  favour  and  in  good  heart  to  fight  the  Mughals,  he  quitted 
the  hills  of  Boht&s,  and  marched  to  meet  the  Emperor's  army. 
At  every  stage  he  entrenched  himself  with  an  earthwork,  and 
going  on  entirely  at  his  leisure,  made  very  short  marches.  When 
the  Emperor  heard  that  Sher  Kh&n  was  coming,  he  retraced  his 
steps,  and  turned  in  the  direction  of  Sher  Khdn's  army.  Sher 
Khdn  on  hearing  this,  wrote  to  the  Emperor,  saying,  that  if  the 
Emperor  would  give  him  the  kingdom  of  Bengal,  and  be  satisfied 
that  the  khutba  be  read  and  money  struck  in  the  Emperor's 
name,  he  would  be  the  Emperor's  vassal.  Sher  Kh&n  then 
marching  on,  and  selecting  an  advantageous  place, — a  large 
villa^je  with  a  stream  of  water  intervening:  between  himself  and 
the  Emperor,— entrenched  himself  there.^  The  breadth  of  the 
stream  was  twenty-five  yards. 

^  Nia'matu-lla  indicates  the  place  with  greater  exactness :  '*  Sher  Kh&a  pitched 
his  own  opposite  the  royal  camp,  at  a  village  called  Shatay&,  between  JhCisa  (ChamHi) 
and  Baksar,  so  that  both  armies  were  encamped  on  the  same  side  of  the  Gangt^ 
There  was  also  a  small  stream  flowing  between  the  two  camps,  of  which  the  bub 
were  so  steep,  that  it  could  not  be  crossed  except  at  the  usual  ford.'* — MukhsM-i 
Afyhdni,  MS.,  p.  212.    (Dom,  p.  118.) 


TiCErEH-I  SHEE  SHAHF.  371 

E[haw&8  Eh&n  aho,  who  had  been  sent  against  Mah&rta,  was 
ammoned  to  como  with  all  speed.  The  Emperor,  on  receiving 
her  Kh&n's  missive-,  agreed  to  give  him  the  kingdom  of  Bengal, 
at  on  condition  that  whereas  he  had  transgressed  his  boundaries, 
nd  had  encamped  himself  in  face  of  the  Emperor  on  the  other 
ide  the  stream,  he  should  show  his  respect  to  the  Emperor 
Y  retreating,  and  leaving  the  passage  of  the  river  free  to  the 
iinperor;  and  that  when  the  Emperor  Humdyun  had  crossed, 
e  would  march  two  or  three  marches  in  the  track  of  Sher 
Lhfin,  and  then  turn  back.^  Sher  Kh&n  agreed  to  these  con- 
itions,  and  leaving  the  passage  of  the  river  free,  retraced  his 
larch.  The  Emperor  bridging  the  river,  crossed  it  with  his 
rhole  camp  and  armj  and  family,  and  pitched  on  the  further 
ide. 

He  then  sent  Shaikh  Khalil,  a  descendant  ^  of  Shaikh  Farid 
Ihakar-ganj  (the  pole  of  the  world),  on  an  embassy  to  Sher 
Ui£n,  to  urge  him  to  march  by  regular  stages  back  to  Boht&s, 
•nd  to  delay  nowhere,  and  to  promise  that  the  Emperor,  after 
oaking  some  marches  in  his  rear,  would  turn  aside,  and  after 
hat  would  give,  as  he  had  agreed,  to  Sher  Kh&n's  agent^  a 
larmdn  for  the  kingdom  of  Bengal.  When  Shaikh  Khalfl  came 
o  Sher  Kh&n,  he  told  him  what  the  Emperor  had  said.  Sher 
{h£n  ostensibly  agreed  to  this  arrangement,  and  received  him 
rith  all  honour  and  hospitality ;  nor  did  he  omit  the  slightest 
K)int  of  customary  etiquette.  Shaikh  Khalil,  in  the  presence  of 
he  Emperor's  men  who  had  accompanied  him,  debated  earnestly 
md  long  with  Sher  Sh&h,  and  strongly  advised  the  proposed 
)eace ;  and  during  the  consultation  the  following  words  fell 
rom  Shaikh  Khalil :  "  If  you  do  not  agree  to  peace,  away  with 

^  This  silly  manceavre  is  also  mentioned  by  Nia*matn-lla ;  it  was  to  be  a  feigned 
nuwait,  in  order  to  sare  appearances. — Dom,  p.  120. 

•  The  original  has  farzand,  literally  "a  son."  The  Tdrikh^i  Khdn  Jahdn  (MS., 
).  190)  has  nabira,  **  grandson.'*  The  latter  work  entirely  exonerates  Shaikh  Khalil 
rom  the  charge  of  perfidy,  by  representing  him  as  the  agent,  not  of  Hnm&ydn, 
mt  of  Sher  Sh&h,  who  was  his  spiritual  pupil.  So  does  Ahmad  T&dg&r  (MS. 
►.  279),  and  Firishta  (Briggs,  vol.  iL,  p.  37).  This  is  by  far  more  probable  than  the 
tatement  in  the  text. 


372  'ABBXS  KHAN. 

you ;  declare  war,  and  fight."  Sher  Kh&n  said,  ^*  What  you  say 
is  a  good  omen  for  me ;  please  God,  1  will  fight.^  After  the 
consultation,  Sher  Kh&n  gave  to  Shaikh  Ehalil  money  and  rich 
dothes  and  manufactures  of  M&lda  and  of  Bengal  in  enormoos 
quantities,  and  captivated  his  heart  by  these  presents  and  &7ouib. 
Sher  Kh4n  then  sent  for  Shaikh  Khalil  in  private,  and  speaking 
of  the  reyereuce  the  Afgh&ns  entertained  for  the  holy  Shaikh 
Farid  Shakar-ganj,  and  of  their  mutual  fiitherland,  and  making 
him  promises  to  his  heart's  content,  said,  ''  I  wish  you  to  gi?6 
me  advice  regarding  peace  or  war  with  the  Emperor  Hom&yun, 
for  the  learned  have  said,  '  It  behoves  one  to  take  eounsel  with 
the  wise,  with  the  intelligent,  and  with  far-seeing  holy  men/ 
Now,  in  you  all  these  qualifications  are  united.  Tell  me,  there- 
fore, without  diminution  or  reserve,  what  your  mind,  clear  as  the 
sun,  thinks  concerning  my  well-being.  Is  peace  or  war  with 
the  Emperor  most  to  my  advantage  P"  After  much  hesitation, 
Shaikh  Khalil  said,  ^^  By  asking  my  advice,  you  have  in  two 
ways  placed  me  in  a  great  di£BLCulty  :  first,  since  I  have  come  to 
you  as  an  envoy  from  the  Emperor,  it  is  not  right  that  I  should 
say  anything  except  to  his  advantage ;  and,  secondly,  you  have 
asked  advice  from  me,  and  those  of  old  have  said,  ^  If  even  year 
enemy  asks  your  advice,  speak  the  truth.^  If  I  give  advice  con- 
trary to  my  own  opinion,  I  shall  act  dishonestly.  The  Afgh&ns 
for  generations  past  have  held  my  ancestors  in  reverence ;  and 
it  appears  from  the  miraculous  precepts  of  the  holy  prophet 
Muhammad  (may  God's  mercy  rest  on  him !),  that  it  behores 
him  who  gives  advice  to  do  so  in  good  faith.  I  am  compelled, 
therefore,  to  speak  the  truth.  War  with  the  Emperor  Hum&yiiii 
is  more  for  your  advantage  than  peace ;  for  this  reason,  that  in 
his  army  the  most  complete  disorder  exists,  he  has  no  horses  or 
cattle,  and  his  own  brothers  are  in  rebellion  against  him.  He 
only  makes  peace  with  you  now  from  necessity,  and  will  not 
eventually  abide  by  the  treaty.  Look  on  this  opportunity  tf 
so  much  gained,  and  do  not  let  it  out  of  your  grasp,  for  yon 
wiU  never  again  have  such  another."     Sher  Kh&n  was  wavering 


TARnS-I  SHEB  SHAHT.  873 

u  his  decision  as  to  peace  or  war;  but  as  Shaikh  Ehalil  ad- 
"vised  against  the  peace,  he  abandoned  all  idea  of  it,  and  deter- 
mined on  war.  He  had  before  sent  for  Khaw&s  Eh&n,  and 
'when  he  arriyed  he  ordered  the  whole  of  his  troops  to  arms, 
as  if  Mah&rta  was  approaching  to  attack  them.  When  he  had 
gooe  fonr  hoe  out  of  his  encampment  he  returned,  saying  the 
spies  had  reported  that  Mah&rta  was  yet  distant. 

The  next  day  he  again  arrayed  his  army  and  moved  out,  and 
when  he  had  gone  several  kos^  returned,  and  said  that  Mah&rta 
was  not  coming  that  day.  A  little  before  midnight  he  assembled 
all  his  ehiefe.  and  said,  ^^  I  have  promised  peace  to  the  Emperor 
Humayiiin ;  but  I  have  considered  that  all  the  good  service  I 
have  rendered  has  produced  no  good  fruit;  and  after  all  my 
loyalty  to  him  in  producing  the  defeat  of  Solt&n  Mahmud,  he 
demanded  from  me  the  fort  of  Ghunfir.  When  I  refused  to 
yield  it,  he  sent  a  force  to  take  it ;  and  when  that  fiftiled,  he  came 
himself  to  seize  the  fort  by  force,  but  abandoned  his  intentions 
when  he  heard  that  Mirz&.  Muhammad  Zam&n  had  escaped  from 
prison,  and  [had  raised  a  sedition  in  the  country.  Moreover, 
Sult&n  Bah&dur,  King  of  Gujar&t,  was  coming  to  invade  the 
country  of  Dehli,  and  so  be  was  compelled  to  return.  I  sent  my 
son  Eutb  £h&n  with  him  throughout  the  Gujar&t  campaign.^ 
Though  I  could  have  taken  possession  of  the  country  of  Jaunpdr, 
etc.,  yet  I  did  not  commit  any  act  of  hostility,  for  the  Emperor 
is  mighty ;  and  though  I  had  the  power,  I  would  not  do  any 
disloyal  and  evil  act,  that  the  Emperor  might  perceive  I  was  his 
&ithfiil  servant,  and  desist  from  seeking  to  injure  me.  Whem 
he  returned  from  Gujarirt;,  he  got  his  army  in  readiness,  and 
without  regarding  my  loyalty,  did  his  best  to  expel  me ;  but  as 
my  fortune  was  great,  he  did  not  achieve  his  desire.  I  made 
every  submission,  but  it  was  all  profitless.  When,  in  violation  of 
his  promises,  he  attacked  Bengal,  I  lost  all  hope  in  his  goodness, 
and   apprehending   evil   from  him,  was  compelled  to  declare 

^  *' Accompanied  by  6000  yaliant  horsemen  skilled  in  the  use  of  the  sabre.'* — 
Xtikhmm'i  Afyhdni^  MS.,  p.  216.    Others  giye  the  mor«  probable  amount  of  600. 


374  'ABBAS  KHAN, 

hostilities  against  him,  and  I  expelled  his  governors  and  spoiled 
his  country  as  far  as  Sambhal,  and  have  not  left  a  single  Haghal 
in  those  parts.     Now,  with  what  hope  can  I  conclude  this  peace 
with  him  P    He  makes  peace  and  manifests  a  friendly  disposition 
towards  me,  because  his  army  is  in  want  of  horses  and  cattle 
and  of  every  equipment,  and  because  his  brothers  have  rebelled 
against  him.    He  is  but  playing  with  me,  and  eventually  will 
not  abide  by  this  peace ;   but  having  appeased  the  rebellion  of 
his  brothers  on  his  arrival  at  ^gra,  and  refurnished  his  anny,  he 
will  not  £ul  to  uproot  and  destroy  me.     I  have  often  experienced 
that  the  Afgh&ns  are  braver  in  battle  than  the  Mughals,  wlio 
only  got  the  country  from  the  dissensions  of  the  Afgli&ns.  If  my 
brothers  advise  so,  I  will  break  ofF  the  peace,  and  will  try  my 
fortune."    They  all  replied :  ''  By  your  blessing,  dissension  has 
been  banished  from  among  the  Afgh4n  nation,  and  we  all  have 
been  cherished  by  you ;  we  will  not  fail  in  devotion  and  gallantry 
to  our  utmost   capability.    Your  purpose   of  breaking  off  the 
treaty  is  most  wise."     Sher  Khdn  said,  ''  I  break  off  the  treaty. 
I  have  put  my  trust  in  the  Protector,  and  will  fight  the  Emperor 
Hum&yun,  as  Mian  Niz4mi  has  observed."  ♦  ♦  ♦  When  he  dis- 
missed the  chiefs,  he  ordered  them  to  array  their  men  with  all 
speed,  as  if  they  were  still  in  alarm  as  to  Mah&rta ;  and  when  one 
watch  of  the  night  yet  remained,  the  whole  army,  according  to 
Sher  Kh&n's  command,  marched  two  and  a  half  kos  in  the  direction 
of  Mahdrta's  country.   Sher  Elh&n  then  halted,  and  addressed  his 
army,  saying,  "  For  two  days  I  have  drawn  out  my  army,  and 
have  returned  to  my  encampment,  that  I  might  put  the  Emperor 
off  his  guard,  and  that  he  might  not  suspect  that  my  army  was 
coming  towards  him.     Now,  turn ;   set  your  faces  towards  the 
army  of  the  Emperor^  and  let  not  the  honour  of  the  A%h&iis 
out  of  your  grasp  nor  fail  to  display  your  utmost  devotion,  for 
now  is  the  time  to  regain  the  Empire  of  Hindust&n."    The 
Afghdns  replied :  ''  Let  not  our  lord  allow  any  hesitation  to  find 
its  way  to  his  noble  heart."  ♦  ♦  ♦ 

Having  read  the  fdiiha^  and  drawn  up  his  forces  in  order  of 


T/ntrKH-I  SHEB  SHAHT.  375 

battle,  Sber  ShSh  with  all  haste  marched  towards  the  Emperor's 
camp*  When  the  Afghdns  were  close  at  hand,  news  was  brought 
io  the  Emperor  that  Sher  Khdn  was  coming  with  all  speed  to 
battle  with  him.  The  Emperor  ordered  out  his  army  to  resist 
the  attack,  saying  that  after  a  short  delay,  and  having  per- 
formed his  ablutions,  he  also  would  follow.  The  Emperor  was 
a  lion  (in  valour),  and  in  the  excess  of  his  gallantry  and  daring. 
*  *  So  from  the  pride  of  youth,  and  confidence  in  the  multitude 
of  his  forces  and  followers,  who  had  no  equals  for  intrepidity 
and  gallantry,  he  despised  the  forces  of  Sher  Shdh,  who  were  all 
Aigh&ns,  and  did  not  even  inspect  his  forces  nor  pay  regard  to 
what  is  necessary  in  an  engagement ;  nor  did  he  take  into  con- 
sideration the  disorganization  which  the  climate  of  Bengal  had 
produced  in  his  army.  Sher  Khdn  knew  all  the  devices  and 
stratagems  of  war,  and  knew  how  to  commence  and  conclude  an 
engagement,  and  had  experienced  both  prosperity  and  misfortune. 
The  army  of  the  Mughals  had  not  extricated  themselves  from 
their  camp,  before  the  Afghan  army  were  already  upon  them, 
and  coming  boldly  on,  attacked  the  army  of  the  Emperor  with- 
out hesitation.  In  the  twinkling  of  an  eye  they  routed  the 
Mughal  forces.  Hum&yun  had  not  completed  his  ablutions 
when  the  intelligence  reached  him  that  the  Mughals  were  utterly 
scattered,  so  that  to  rally  them  was  impossible.  The  confusion 
in  the  army  was  so  great  that  he  had  no  time  to  remove  his 
family,  but  fled  in  the  direction  of  ^gra,  with  the  intention  of 
collecting  all  his  forces  at  that  place,  and  returning  again  from 
thence  to  destroy  his  enemy. 

Masnad  '^li  Haibat  Khan  told  me  'Abb&s  Kh&n,  the  author 
of  this  book,  that  he  was  at  Sher  Eh&n's  side  when  the  Emperor 
Hum&ydn's  queen,  with  other  noble  ladies  and  a  crowd  of  women, 
came  out  from  behind  the  parda.  As  soon  as  Sher  Kh&n's 
eye  fell  upon  them,  he  alighted  off  his  horse,  and  showed  them 
every  respect  and  consoled  them.^     He  then  performed  a  special 

^  Some  farther  particulars  respecting  this  defeat  will  be  found  among  the  Excraots 
firom  the  Makhzan-i  Afghdni,  and  under  the  reign  of  Hnm&ytin.  The  date  aa- 
ngned  bj  Nia'mata-lla  if  Muharram,  946. 


376  'ABBAS  KHAK. 

ablution,  and  retnrned  twofold  thanks  to  the  Lord  of  Eienuty, 
and  raising  up  his  hands  in  prayer  with  all  humility  and  irith 
tears,  said  *  *  *  After  this  he  sent  the   heralds  to  proclaim 
throughout  the  army,  that  no  person  should  make  captives  of  or 
keep  a  Mughal  woman,  child,  or  female  slave  in  his  tent  one 
night,  but  should  bring  them  all  to  the  queen's  encampment,  and 
the  strictness  of  his  command  carried  such  authority  among  tb 
Afghdns  that  no  person  had  any  power  to  resist  it ;  and  the 
heralds  before  night  brought  all  the  wives  and  families  of  the 
Mughals  to  the  queen's  encampment  and  assigned  rations  to 
each  person.    Sher  Kh&n  some  days  afterwards  sent  the  queen 
to  Boht&s  under  charge  of  Husain  Kh&n  Nfrak,  and  proriding 
the  families  of  the  other  Mughals  with  carriages  and  their  neces- 
sary expenses,  sent  them  on  towards  XgnJ^ 

Sher  Eh&n,  who  had  assumed  the  title  of  ^^  Hazrat  *J(ii^'*  sinee 
the  star  of  yictory  had  risen  in  the  horizon  of  his  good  fortune, 
ordered  his  munshls  to  write  letters  descriptive  of  his  yictory  to 
all  parts  of  the  country  which  were  in  his  possession.  Masnad 
'^li  Ysd  Ehdn,  son  of  'TJmar  Eh&n,  whose  title  was  **  Kh&n-i 
'azam,"  and  who  during  the  time  Sult&n  Bahlol,  after  the  death 
of  T&t&r  Khdn  Yiisuf-khail,  held  Lahore  in  jdgtry  said  to  Sher 
Eh&n,  "  You  should  write  the  letters  describing  your  victory 
in  the  style  of  farmdns."  Sher  Eh&n  observed :  "  You,  who 
formerly  were  nobles  of  Sult&ns  Bahlol  and  Sikandar,  have, 
for  the  cause  of  the  Afgh&ns,  done  me  the  honour  of  joining 
yourselves  to  me.  It  does  not  become  me  to  send  Jarmdnt 
to  you,  and  to  seat  myself  on  the  throne  while  you  stand 
around  me.  The  King  of  Hindust&n  has  escaped  alive,  and 
still  holds  most  of  the  country  in  his  possession."  ^I^8&  Khin 
explained  that  he  had  a  great  desire  to  seat  Sher  Kh&n  upon 
the  throne,  and  said,  *'  Sult&n  Sikandar  and  his  descendaDtfi, 
who,  out  of  regard  to  their  clansmen,  would  not  ascend  the 
throne,  acted  in  violation  of  the  custom  of  kings.  It  behoves 
him  whom  Ood  Almighty  brings  to  empire,  and  elevates  and 

^  Ahmad  T&dg&r  (MS.,  p.  284)  a&j9  there  were  no  lees  than  4000  Mughal  womea. 


TARTEH-I  SHEB  SHAHT.  377 

cxaltB  above  the  rest  of  mankind,  to  obserye  the  roles  of 
etiqnetie  of  former  princes.'*  ♦  ♦  ♦  After  this,  'Azam  Humdylin 
Sftrw^iy  said,  ^^  The  Mnghals  have  been  kings  for  two  descents ; 
they  despise  the  Afgh&ns,  and  consider  them  as  not  their  own 
equals  in  the  day  of  battle;  yet  by  the  excellence  of  your 
wisdom  and  your  conquering  fortune,  the  Afgh&ns  have  over- 
thrown them.^  *  •  •  Mi&n  Babin  Lodi  and  the  other  Afgh&ns 
with  one  consent  cried:  ''There  are  none  like  Masnad  'AU 
Ealkapdr^  Sarw&ni  and  'Azam  Hum&ydn  Sarwdni  in  the  army 
of  the  Afgh&ns ;  what  they  have  said  is  most  right ;  it  is  not 
good  to  delay .^  Sher  Kh&n  was  much  delighted,  and  said, 
''  Hie  kingly  name  is  a  very  exalted  thing,  and  is  not  devoid 
of  trouble;  but  since  the  noble  minds  of  my  friends  have  decided 
to  make  me  king,  I  agree.''  He  ordered  the  astrologers  to  fix 
an  auspicious  moment  for  his  ascent  to  the  throne.  When  they 
had  consulted  the  calendar,  they  came  wiUi  great  delight  and 
said,  ''  An  auspicious  moment,  by  the  good  fortune  of  your  birth 
hour,  has  now  come.  If  you  at  this  moment  seat  yourself  upon 
the  throne,  defeat  and  rout  will  never  show  their  &ce  in  your 
victorious  army."  He  seated  himself  on  the  throne,  unfolded 
the  umbrella  over  his  head,  and  assumed  the  name  <^  Sher  Sh&h, 
and  struck  coin  and  caused  the  khutba  to  be  read  in  his  own 
name;  and  he  took  also  the  additional  title  of  ''  Sh&h  '^lam.''^ 
He  said  to  'f  s&  Kh&n,  ''  You  are  the  son  of  Shaikh  Malahi,  and 
have  induced  me  to  strike  coin  and  have  the  khutba  read  in  my 
own  name ;  write  one  letter  descriptive  of  the  victory  with  your 
own  hand,  the  munahis  will  write  the  rest."  So  'I's&  Kh&n 
wrote  one  copy  with  his  own  hand,  and  the  munshis  wrote  the 
rost.  For  seven  days  drums  were  beaten  in  token  of  rejoicing ; 
and  the  young  men  of  the  A%h&n  army  came  in  crowds  from 
every  tribe  and  danced,  as  is  the  custom  of  the  Afghans.  *  *  * 
Sher  Kh&n  himself  pursued  the  Emperor  Hum&yun,  and  got 

»  [Var.  "KftkntSr,"  "KalntXr,"  "Lakndr."] 

*  [The  WdkCdt'i  Muthtdkl  giyes  the  same  title,  hat  from  his  ooins  it  would  appear 
that  it  WM  "  Salt6na-1  'AdiL"  See  Thomas's  ChroniOti  of  the  FatUn  K%ng$, 
p.  895.] 


878  'ABBAS  KHAN. 

possession  of  the  whole  country  as  &r  as  K&lpi  and  £an»^. 
He  again  sent  Khaw&s  Khdn  against  Mah&rta  Cheriihy^  to  utteily 
destroy  him.    Jah&ngfr  Kuli  Beg,  with  6000  cavahry,  vm  in 
Bengal ;  him  he  ordered  to  be  pat  to  death,'  and  the  chiefs  of 
Hind  who  were  with  the  Emperor  Humdyun  he  let  go  free ;  bat 
Shaikh  Khalil  he  kept,  and  made  him  one  of  his  own  friends 
and    counsellors.     He  sent  ''tai  Kh&n  towards   Gujar&t  and 
M&nduy  and  to  the  chiefe  of  those  parts  he  wrote,  sayin^^  '^I  as 
about  to  send  a  son  of  mine  into  your  neighbouiliood*    YHm 
the  Emperor  Hum&yun  moves  towards  Saoaiig,  do  you  accom- 
pany my  son,  and  seize  and  lay  waste  the  country  about  XgOt 
and  Dehli.    At  that  time  a  eertnn  man,  by  name  Malld  Ehizi) 
had  made  himself  king  in  M&ndu,  S&rangptir,  and  Ojjain,  and 
iiad  aflsamed  the  name  of  E£dir  Sh&h ;   and  in  It&isin  and 
Chanderi,  Bhai&  Puran  Mall  ruled  as  deputy  of  the  in£Emt  Biji 
Part&b,  son  of  Bhtipat  Sh&h,  the  son  of  Sal&hu-d  din.    In 
Sew&s,  Sikandar  £h&n  Mi&na  held  sway;   and  Mahesar  im 
B&J&  of  Bhop&l.     These  rulers  of  Mdlwd  wrote  in  reply,  that 
when  Sher  Shdh's  son  came  to  those  parts,  they  would  not  fail 
to  assist  and  serve  him.    Mallu  Khdn  put  his  seal  at  the  head 
of  the  letter  which  he  sent,  and  when  the  letter  arrived,  Sher 
Shdh  tore  up  the  letter  and  put  the  seal  in  his  turban  (bj 
way  of  showing  respect  ironically). 

When  ^rs&  Kh&n  went  to  Gujar&t,  Sult&n  Mahmud  yna 
a  minor;  but  his  minister  Daryd  Kh&n  wrote  that  the  kin^ 
was  a  minor,  the  chiefs  at  enmity  among  themselves,  and 
that  the  Eh&n-khdn&n  Ytisuf-khail  had  taken  away  with  him 
all  the  army  of  M&ndu  and  Gujarat.  ''Tsi  Kh&n  obserred 
to  Sher  Sh&h  that  ^'wherever  misfortunes  have  befrdlen  the 
Afgh&ns  from  the  Mughals,  it  has  been  through  this  man. 
The  Kh&n-kh&n&n  Ydsuf-khail  brought  the  Emperor  Bihar 

1  [Var.  «*  Jarii."] 

s  The  MakhBon-i  Afghdnl  adds,  that  Jal&l  Kh&n  Jalof  and  H&ji  Ehftn  Batai 
were  aent  to  Bengal ;  and  after  defeating  Jah&ngir  Etttl,  the  goyemor,  who  wai  at 
the  head  of  6000  horae,  Bengal  fell  again  under  the  dominion  of  the  Afgh&ni. 


TAETEH-I  SEER  SHAHT.  879 

into  India  from  E&bol ;  and  if  the  Emperor  Hum&ydn  had 
acted  according  to  what  the  Kh&n-kh&n&n  advised,  he  would 
not  have  repented  it,  and  would  have  utterly  destroyed  you; 
bat  your  good  fortune  prevailed,  so  that  the  Emperor  did 
not  act  upon  his  advice.  He  must  be  put  to  death,  for  it 
is  not  right  to  allow  him  to  live,  even  though  he  be  a  prisoner 
(at  Mungir)/'  Sher  Sh&h  said,  '^  Every  Afghdn  whom  I  have 
consulted  has  said,  'He  is  an  Afgh&n  of  consideration,  and 
it  is  not  advisable  to  kill  him.^  But  my  opinion  has  been 
that  which  'fsd  Khdn  has  expressed."  So  he  gave  orders  that 
the  Eh&n-kh&nan,  who  had  been  kept  in  confinement  since  his 
capture  at  Mungir,  and  who  had  received  a  daily  allowance  of 
half  a  «lr  of  unground  barley,  should  be  put  to  death ;  so  he 
was  slain.  News  arrived  that  the  Emperor  Hum&yun  purposed 
marching  towards  Kanauj.  Sher  Kh&n  despatched  his  son,  by 
name  Eutb  £h&n,  to  M&ndu,  in  order  that  he  might,  in  concert 
with  the  chiefs  of  those  parts,  alarm  and  ravage  the  country 
about  ^gra  and  Dehli.  When  the  Emperor  Humaydn  heard 
that  Sher  Sh&h  had  sent  his  son  towards  Ghanderi,  that  he 
might  raise  disturbances  in  those  parts,  he  sent  both  his  brothers, 
Mirz&  Hind&l  and  Mirz&  'Askari,  with  other  nobles,  in  that  direc- 
tion. When  the  M&lw&  chiefs  heard  that  two  brothers  of  the 
Emperor  were  coming  to  oppose  Kutb  Eh&n,  they  gave  him  no 
assistance.  Kutb  Kh&n  went  from  Chanderi  to  the  city  of 
Ghondha,  and  engaging  the  Mughals  at  Ghondha,^  was  slain. 
Mirz&  Hind&l  and  Mirz&  'Askari  having  gained  this  victory, 
returned  to  the  Emperor. 

When  Sher  Sh&h  heard  that  the  chiefe  of  the  country  of 
M&ndd  had  not  assisted  Kutb  Kh&u,  and  that  Kutb  Khdn 
was  slain,  he  was  extremely  grieved  and  enraged;  neverthe- 
less, he  did  not  openly  manifest  this  by  his  conduct,  but 
kept  his  grudge  against  the  chiefs  of  M&idu  concealed  in 
his  own  bosom.     The  Mughals  gained  excessive  confidence  firom 

^  [ThiB  name  if  a  yery  doubtful  one.]  The  Timiirian  authors  pat  this  engagement 
atK&IpL 


380  'ABBAS  KHAN. 

this  Tictory,  and  large   forces   haying   come   also  from  tkir 
own  coantiy,  the  Emperor  Humfiydn  arrayed  his  lurny  and 
came  to  Eanauj  (Zi-1  ka'da,  946  a.h.,  April,  1540  a.d.).    She 
Sh&h  also  fortified  himself  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  riter 
Gbmges.     At    this    conjuncture   he  receiyed   intelligence  timt 
Khaw&s  Ehdn  had  slain  Mah&rta.     There  was  great  rejoicing  in 
the  Afgh&n  army,^  and  Sher  Sh&h  wrote  to  Khawis,  saying: 
^^Gorne  with  all  speed  to  me;  for  I  and  your  other  friends  are 
awaiting  your  coming  before  we  engage  the  enemy ;  we  are  look- 
ing anxiously  in  your  direction/'     And  when  he  heard  of  the 
near  approach  of  E^hawlis  Eh4n,  he  sent  a  herald  to  the  Emperor 
Hum&yiin,  sayings  ^*I  haye  |br  some  time  entremshed  myself 
here.     The  Emperor  has  the  power  to  choose.     If  he  will  cross 
the  riyer  he  may  fight  with  me  on  this  side ;  or,  if  he  prefer  it, 
I  will  cross  the  riyer,  and  fight  with  the  Emperor  on  that  side." 
When  the  herald  came  to  the  Emperor,  and  reported  what  Sher 
Sh&h  had  said,  the  Emperor,  in  utter  contempt  of  Sher  Sh&k, 
replied :  ''  Say  to  Sher  E[h&n  that  if  he  will  retreat  some  bn 
fr*om  the  waterside,  I  will  cross  the  riyer  Ghmges  and  giye  hio 
battle.'*^      The  herald  returned  and  told  Sher  Sh&h  what  the 
Emperor  had  said.    Sher  Shdh  retreated  seyeral  ko8  frt>m  the 
riyer  bank.     The  Emperor  Hum&yun,  haying  prepared  a  bridge, 
crossed  the  riyer  Ganges.    Hamid  Elh&n  E&kar,  one  of  Sher 
Sh&h's  nobles,  said,  ^^  You  ou^ht  to  attack  the  Mughal  army 
before  they  haye  all  crossed  the  riyer."    Sher  Sh&h  replied:  "I 
have  neyer  before  had  any  adyantages,  and  haye  been  compelled 
to  use  stratagems  in  warfare.     Now  by  the  fayour  of  the  all- 
powerful,  my  force  is  not  inferior  to  the  Emperor's.     I  will  not 
now,  notwithstanding  my  adyantages,  break  my  promise  in 


^  Great  importance  appears  always  to  haye  been  attached  to  this  conqnest  Is 
the  WdkV6Ui  Miuhtdhi  (MS.  p.  110)  we  find  it  mentioned,  towards  the  cloae  of  fiber 
Sh&h's  reign,  that  the  three  great  works  accomplished  by  him  were,  the  destmdioB 
of  the  infidel  Mah&rta,  the  massacre  of  the  idolaters  of  E&lsin,  and  the  re-estahlttli- 
ment  of  Isl&m  in  N&gor,  by  the  expulsion  of  Maldeo.  "  If  God  please !  these  tiii«> 
deeds  will  secore  his  salvation."  The  supineness  of  Sult&n  Ibrfihlm  had  oocasioiMd 
the  two  latter  to  triumph  for  a  time,  but  Sher  Sh&h  had  never  oeased  to  pray  Axrtheif 
extermination. 


TABIKH-I  SHEB  SHAHT.  881 

« 

bee  of  day.  With  my  army  arrayed  in  the  open  field,  I  will 
give  battle  without  fraud  or  stratagem.  Qod'a  will,  whatever  it 
may  be,  will  be  manifested."  When  Sher  Sh&h  understood  that 
the  whole  force  of  the  Emperor  was  across  the  river,  he  returned 
towards  it,  and  carefully  throwing  up,  according  to  his  custom, 
an  earthwork  embankment  opposite  the  Emperor^s  army,  en- 
camped close  by  it. 

After  some  days  Khaw&s  Kh&n  also  came ;  on  the  very  day  he 
arrived,  Sher  Sh&h  marched  in  fighting  order,  and  captured  all 
the  supplies  which  were  coming  to  the  Emperor^s  army,  and  took 
300  camels,  and  a  large  convoy  of  bullocks.  On  the  10th  Muhar- 
ram,  947  h.^  both  armies  drew  out  their  forces.  Sher  Sh4h  thus 
arranged  his  army.  In  the  centre  was  Sher  Sh&h  himself,  with 
Haibat  Eh&n  Ni&zi,  who  bore  the  title  of  ''Azam  Hum&yun, 
Masnad  'Ali  'tai  Kh&n  Sarw&ni,  Kutb  E:hdn  Lodi,  H&ji  Kh&n 
Jaloi,  Buland  Eh&n;  Sarmast  ELh&n,  Saif  Kh&n  Sarw&ni, 
Bijli  Eh&n,  and  others.  On  the  right  were  Jal&l  Kh&n,  son 
of  Sher  Sh&h,  who  after  Sher  Sh&h^s  death  succeeded  him  on 
the  throne,  and  was  entitled  Isl&m  Shdh,  T&j  ELh&n,  Sulaim&n 
Eh&n  Kir&ni,  Jal&l  Khka  Jaloi,  and  others.  On  the  left,  ^Adil 
Kh&n,  son  of  Sher  Shah,  Kutb  Kh&n,  R&i  Husain  Jalw&ni,  and 
others.  When  Sher  Sh&h  had  drawn  up  his  army  in  this  order, 
he  said  to  the  Afgh&ns :  ''  I  have  used  my  best  exertions  to 
collect  you  together,  I  have  done  my  best  in  training  you,  and 
have  kept  you  in  anticipation  of  such  a  day  as  this.  This  is  the 
day  of  trial ;  whoever  of  you  shows  himself  to  excel  in  valour 
on  the  field  of  battle,  him  will  I  promote  above  his  fellows."  *  *  * 
The  Afgh&ns  replied :  *'  The  mighty  king  has  much  protected 
and  &voured  us.  This  is  the  time  for  us  to  serve  him  and  show 
our  devotion."  Sher  Sh&h  ordered  each  chief  to  return  to  his 
own  followers  and  to  remain  with  them ;  and  he  himself  went 
through  the  army  and  set  it  in  proper  array. 

The  Emperor's  forces  were  broken  by  Khaw&s  Kh&n's  division, 
but  Sher  Sh&h's  right,  under  his  son  Jal&l  Kh&n,  was  defeated 
four  of  the  chiefs,  however,  kept  their  ground,  such  as  Jal&l 


382  *ABBAS  KEKN. 

Kh&a   himself,   Mi&n   Aiyub  Kalkaptir  Sarw&nf,   and  Ghizi 
Mnjli.    When  Sher  Sh&h  saw  that  his  right  was  broken,  be 
wished  to  go  to  its  assistance ;  but  Kutb  Khdn  Lod(  said:  ^'Hj 
lord,  do  not  quit  your  own  post,  lest  men   should  think  the 
centre  also  is  broken.     Go  on  into  the  midst  of  the  enemy .^   As 
Sher  Sh&h's  division  proceeded  straight  on,  they  encountered  tbe 
Mughal  force  which  had  routed  Sher  Sh&h's  right ;  they  defeated 
and  drove  it  on   the  Emperor's  centre  division.     Sher  Shah 
having  driven  away  the  Mughal  force  in  front  of  his  son  JaUl 
Eh&n ;    and  his  left,  in  which  was  his  other  son  ^Adil  Eh&n 
and  Kutb  Kh&n  Banet,  having  repulsed  the  troops  opposed  to 
them,  fell  on  the  Mughal  centre.     Sher  Shdh's  right,  which  had 
been  defeated,  rallied  at  the  same  time,  and  thus  the  A%h&ii 
army  completely  surrounded  the  Mughal  force.     Sher  Sh&h^s 
sons  and   other   Afghdn   chiefs  performed  many  gallant  acts, 
especially  Haibat  Kh&n  Ni&zi  and  Ehaw&s  Kh&n,  who  drore 
back  the  Mughals  with  the  stroke  of  the  watered  sabre  and  the 
point  of  the  life-melting  spear.     The  Emperor  Hum&yun  himself 
remained  firm  like  a  mountain   in   his   position  on  the  battle- 
field, and  displayed  such  valour  and  gallantry  as  is  beyond  all 
description.  ♦  ♦  ♦ 

When  the  Emperor  saw  supernatural  beings  fighting  against 
him,  he  acknowledged  the  work  of  God,  abandoned  the  battle  to 
these  unearthly  warriors,  and  turned  the  bridle  of  his  purpose 
towards  his  capital  of  Xgrs,.  He  received  no  wound  himself,  and 
escaped  safe  and  sound  out  of  that  bloodthirsty  whirlpool.  The 
greater  part  of  his  army  was  driven  into  the  river  Ganges.^  *  *  * 
Sher  Shdh  being  at  his  ease  regarding  the  Mughals,  wrote  to 
Shuj&'at  Kh&n,  whom  he  had  left  as  faujddr,  in  the  country  of 
Bih&r  and  Rohtas,  to  besiege  the  fort  of  Gw&lior,  and  he  told 
the  bearer  of  the  farmdn :  ''  The  son  of  Shuj&'at  Kh&n,  by  name 

»  The  Makkzan-i  Afghdnl  (MS.,  p.  229),  and  Tdrikh-i  Khdn  Jahdn  (MS.,  p.  161), 
represent  that  there  was  a  bridge,  which  was  broken  by  the  excessive  pressure  iipo& 
it  during  the  retreat.  All  authorities  concur  in  saying  there  was  a  bridge  by  wbick 
the  Imperialists  crossed  to  the  eastern  side,  but  few  mention  it  on  the  retreat  Tb® 
£mperor  himself  fled  on  an  elephant  which  swam  the  riyer  with  difficulty. 


TABrEH-I  SHEK  SHAHr.  383 

JMahmM  EMn,  has  been  slain ;  do  not  tell  him  before  he  has 
<Iiiitted  Boht&s,  lest  on  hearing  of  the  death  of  his  son  he  delays 
and  puts  off  his  coming.*"  As  soon  as  he  received  the  farmdn, 
Shaj£*at  Kh&n  went  and  besieged  Gw&Iior.^  From  Eanauj 
Sher  Sh&h  despatched  Barmazid  Gdr  with  a  large  force  in  ad- 
Tance,  bat  directed  him  not  to  hazard  an  engagement  with  the 
Eonperor  Hnm&jtin,  and  he  also  sent  another  force  under  Nasir 
Eh&n  towards  Sambhal.  Having  speedily  settled  the  country 
abont  Eanauj,  he  betook  himself  in  the  direction  of  ^gra. 

The  Emperor  Hum&yun,  on  reaching  i^gra,  told  Amir  Saiyid 
Amim-d  din,  that  the  Afgh&ns  had  not  defeated  his  army,  but 
that  he  had  seen  supernatural  beings  fighting  his  soldiers,  and 
taming  back  their  horses.  When  he  arrived  at  Sirhind,  he  told 
the  same  story  to  Muhibu-d  din  Sirhindi.  When  Sher  Sh&h 
approached  ^gra,'  the  Emperor,  unable  to  remain  there,  fled 
towards  Lahore.  Sher  Sh&h  was  greatly  displeased  at  this,  and 
reproached  Barmazid  very  much,  and  on  his  arrival  at  ^gra 
remained  there  for  some  days  himself,  but  sent  Khaw&s  Khdn 
and  Barmazid  Our  in  the  direction  of  Lahore,  with  a  large 
A%h&n  force,  to  pursue  the  Emperor.'  On  arriving  at  Dehli, 
the  principal  men  and  inhabitants  of  the  city  of  Sambhal  came 
and  complained  that  Nasir  Kh&n  had  oppressed  and  tyrannized 
over  them  in  various  ways.  Sher  Shdh  said  to  Kutb  Kb&n, 
^*We  must  select  some  person  endowed  both  with  valour  and 
justice  whom  to  send  to  Sambhal,  for  in  that  aarkdr  are  many 
lawless  and  rebellious  persons,  and  the  person  selected  should  be 
able  to  keep  them  under."  Kutb  Kh&n  replied,  '^  That  for  these 
qualities  there  was  no  Afgh&n  like  to  'fsd  Kh&n  Kalkapur." 
Sher  Kh&n  replied,  "  Right,  it  shall  be  so.     You  yourself  go  to 

1  All  the  copiet  and  many  writers  of  the  same  period  concur  in  reading  Gw&lir 
[wbieh  may  also  be  read  Gw&liyar]. 

^  The  Tdrfkh-i  Khdn  Jahdn  (MS.,  p.  194)  says  he  was  two  years  arranging  pre- 
Hminaries  and  trying  his  forces  before  he  advanced  on  Agra. 

^  The  I^rikh-i  Ddkdi  (MS.,  p.  230)  says  the  instructions  were  to  remain  fifty  ko9 
in  the  rear  of  the  Mughals,  as  Sher  Sh&h  only  wished  to  expel  them  from  Hindastftn 
without  coming  to  action. 


384  'ABBAS  KEKIH. 

Masnad  ^Ali  *ta&  Kh&n,  and  tell  him,  if  he  oonsents,  I  inU 
appoint  him/'  Kutb  Kh&n  went  to  'fs&  Kh&n,  who  reftdSj 
assented.  ♦  ♦  ♦ 

In   addition  to  sarkdr  Sambhal,  Sher  Sh&h  gaye  him  the 
parganas  of  K&nt  and  Gt>la  for  his  family,  and  ordered  him  to 
maintain  five  thousand  horse,  and  placed  also  Nasir  Kh&n  under 
him.     When  Sher  Sh&h  dismissed  'f sii  Kh&a  to  go  to  $arUr 
Sambhal,  he  said,  *^I  am  now  at  my  ease  regarding  the  whok 
country  from  DehU  to  Lucknow."     Masnad  'AHj  on  his  arrinl 
at  Sambhal,  found  Nasir  Eh&n  had  seized  Bairam  Beg,  the  keep« 
of  the  seals  to  the  Emperor,  who  afterwards  in  the  time  of  the 
Emperor  Akbar  received  the  title  of  Ehan-kh4n&n.     The  reason 
of  Bairam  Beg  being  in  Sambhal  was  as  follows.  When  the  armj 
of  the  Emperor  Hum&yiin  was  dispersed,  Bairam  Beg  went  to 
Sambhal,  having  formed  an  intimate  friendship  with  Mi&n  'Abda4 
Wah&b,  son  of  Mi&a  'Azizu-lla  D&nishmand,  one  of  the  diief 
men  of  the  city  of  Sambhal.  ^Abdu-1  Wah&b,  fix)m  fear  of  Nadr 
Khfin,  dared  not  keep  him  in  the  city,  but  made  him  over  to  the 
B&J&  of  Lukhnor,^  by  name  Mitr  Sen.     The  Baj&  kept  him 
for  some  time  in  the  northern  part  of  his  country,  where  then 
is  much  jungle.     Nasir  Kh&n  was  informed  that  Bairam  Beg 
was  with  Mitr  Sen,  so  he  wrote  to  the  B&j&  that  he  must  hmf; 
Bairam  Beg  to  him.     The  B&j&,  from  fear  and  dread  of  Sher 
Sh&h,  surrendered  him  to  Nasir  Kh&n,  who  was  desirous  of 
putting  him  to  death.     An  old  friendship  had  subsisted  between 
''Abdu-l  Wah&b  and  'f  s&  Kh&n  from  the  time  of  Sultan  Sikandtf, 
so  he  went  to  'rs&  Kh&n,  and  told  him  he  ought  to  save  Bainun 
Beg  from  the  hands  of  the  cruel  Nasir  Kh&n,  who  was  desirooa 
of  putting  him  to  death.     ^fs&  Kh&n  accordingly  having  rescued 

^  All  the  copies  and  corresponding  passages  in  other  works  ooncur  in  retdisf 
**  Jiakhnau ;  "  but  I  snspect  "  Lakhn6r  "  is  meant — an  ancient  native  capital  of  the 
Kath&rya  R&jp(itB,  a  little  to  the  east  of  Sambhal,  on  the  banks  of  the  R&mgtngi 
More  will  be  found  respecting  the  place  in  my  Suppknuntal  Olottary  (vol.  iL,  p.  13^)* 
It  is  observable  that  Dr.  Dom  occasionally  reads  Lucknor  where  he  should  have  slid 
Luekfiow.  In  this  particular  passage  he  is  correct  in  reading  Zucknor.-^Mist.  AfykdMt 
p.  128. 


TARrKH-I  SHER  SHAHr.  385 

Bairatn  Beg  from  Nasir  Kh&n,  brought  him  into  his  own  house, 
Old  kept  him  there  for  some  time,  and  gave  him  an  allowance  for 
lis  support ;  and  he  took  Rdj&  Mitr  Sena's  security  that  when- 
yer  he  ('f  8&  Ehfin)  should  go  to  Sher  Sh&h,  thither  Bairam  Beg 
hould  accompany  him. 

When  ^tsk  Kh&n  joined  Sher  Shdh,  during  the  campaign  of 
f  &ndd  and  TTjjain,  he  brought  Bairam  with  him,  and  intro- 
need  him  to  Sher  Shdh  in  the  town  of  TJjjain.  Sher  Shdh 
Dgrily  asked  where  he  had  been  up  to  that  time.  Masnad 
jQi  said  he  had  been  in  the  house  of  Shaikh  Malhi  Eah&l. 
her  Sh&h  replied,  ^^  Since  it  is  an  established  custom  among 
16  A%h&ns  that  whatever  criminal  takes  refuge  among  the 
slatives  of  Shaikh  Malhi  Eah&l  should  be  pardoned,  I  also 
ardon  Bairam  Beg.  When  Sher  Shdh  was  about  to  leave 
16  darbdry  'fs&  Khdn  said  :  ^'  You  have  for  Shaikh  Malhi's 
ike  given  Bairam  Beg  his  life;  give  him  also  for  my  sake, 
'ho  have  brought  him  to  you,  a  dress  of  honour  and  a 
orse,  and  order  that  he  shall  pitch  his  tent  with  Muham- 
lad  £&sim,  who  surrendered  the  fort  of  Gw&lior.  Sher 
h&h  assigned  him  a  place  near  Muhammad  K&sim,  when 
Iher  Kh&n  marched  from  TJjjain ;  but  both  Bairam  Beg  and 
fnhammad  K&sim  fled  towards  Gujar&t.  Muhammad  K&sim 
ras  killed  by  the  way,  but  Bairam  Beg  reached  Gujardt. 
hie  Shaikh  Gaddi  was  in  Gujarat,  to  whom  he  did  good 
srvice,  and  from  Gujardt,  Bairam  Beg  reached  the  Emperor 
lam&yun. 

After  the  death  of  that  Emperor,  Bairam  Beg,  who  liad  been 
ignified  with  the  title  of  Kh&n-kh&n&n,  returned  the  kindness 
f  Shaikh  Gaddi,  Shaikh  'Abdu-1  Wah&b,  and  Rdja  Mitr  Sen 
'ith  every  imaginable  favour,  'tsk  Khdn  was  still  alive :  his  age 
len  was  ninety  years.  Many  persons  said  to  him  that  he  ought 
)  wait  on  the Khdn-khdn&n.  Masnad  'itili  said :  ''I  will  not  for 
oy  worldly  gain  wait  on  the  Mughal,  nor  is  it  the  custom  of 
le  sons  of  Masnad  ^-4^1i  'Umar  Kh&n  to  ask  for  a  return  of  their 
kvours.'"     I  have  heard  from  Maul&na  Muhammad  Binor  and 

VOL.  IT.  25 


386  'ABBAS  KHAN. 

^Abda-1  Momin,  his  son-in-law,  who  were  among  the  mtim&leB 
of  the  Khan-khdn&n,  that  they  asked  the  Kh&n-kh&n&n  thus: 
^'Did  Masnad  '^li  Ts^  Eh&n  ever  do  you  a  kindness!"  He 
replied :  ^*  He  saved  my  life ;  if  he  will  come  to  me,  I  shall  feel 
myself  honoured.  If  I  cannot  give  him  more  than  Sher  Sh&h,  1 
at  least  will  give  him  his  own  Sambhal.*^  I,  'Abbas  Eh4n,  the 
author  of  the  Tuhfa^i  Akbar  Shdhiy  and  Masnad  'Xli  'Uk  Ehk 
Kalkaptir  came  of  the  same  tribe  and  family,  and  I  am  married  to 
the  daughter  of  his  brother's  son,  whose  name  is  Muza&r  Khin. 
Much  of  the  history  of  the  A%h&ns  which  I  describe  I  leint 
from  Kh&n-'*aEam  MuzafiSetr  £h&n,  whose  ancestors  were  fbrmeiif 
nobles  of  Hindust&n.  When  Sult&n  Sikandar  banished  HaiUt 
£h&n,  the  father  of  "^Is^  Kh&n,  the  latter  went  to  Snltia 
Mahmtid,  the  King  of  M&ndu,  and  became  his  chosen  counsellor 
and  associate ;  and  when  he  left  Sult&n  Mahmdd  and  went  te 
Muzaffar  King  of  Gujar&t,  he  also  became  his  counsellor  and 
friend. 

When  the  Sult&n  took  the  fort  of  M&ndd  from  the  un- 
believers, he  said  to  Masnad  'iili :  ^^  Go  to  Sultdn  Muzaffv, 
and  tell  him  he  should  visit  the  fort  of  M&ndu,  for  it  is  a  fine 
place."  Sult&n  Muzaffar  said,  '^  May  the  fort  of  Mandd  bring 
Sult&n  Mahmud  good  fortune,  for  he  is  the  master  of  it.  I,  fer 
the  sake  of  the  Lord,  came  to  his  assistance.  On  Friday  I  will  go 
up  to  the  fortress,  and  having  read  the  khtUba  in  his  name,  wiU 
return."  '^tsk  Khdn  brought  this  good  news  to  Sult&n  Mahmud. 
Afterwards,  when  he  left  Gujar&t,  and  went  to  Sult4n  Ibrihim, 
he  became  also  his  associate  and  adviser.  Sult4n  Ibr&him 
entrusted  the  city  of  Dehli  to  him,  when  Sult&n  ^Al&u-d  din, 
son  of  Sult&n  Bahlol,  was  repulsed  from  it ;  for  in  spite  of  all  hie 
efforts,  ''I's^  Kh&n  would  not  surrender  it.  He  afterwards  went 
to  Sher  Sh&h,  became  one  of  his  attendant  nobles,  and  after  he 
had  conquered  Dehll,  Sher  Shah  gave  Sambhal  to  him,  as  has 
before  been  stated.  Sher  Sh&h,  entrusting  Mew&t  to  Hiji 
Kh&n,  went  himself  towards  Lahore.  On  arriving  near  Sirhind, 
he  bestowed  it  on  Khawas  Khan.     Khaw&s  Khan  entrusted  it  ^ 


TARrKH-I  SHER  SHAHT.  387 

Malik  Bhagwont,  who  was  his  slave.  When  the  Emperor 
Ham&ytiii  reached  Lahore,  certain  Mughals,  who  had  newly 
aniTed  from  their  own  country,  and  had  never  yet  encountered 
the  A%h&n8,  said  to  the  Emperor,  '^  You  should  send  us  to  fight 
the  A%h&n8,^'  and  vaunted  much,  saying,  '^Who  and  what  manner 
of  men  are  these  Afgh&ns,  that  they  should  be  able  to  contend 
with  us  in  the  day  of  battle  V  So  the  Emperor  Humdyun  sent 
these  Mughals  to  make  the  attempt,  and  Khaw&s  Kh&n  and 
Bftrmazfd  G6r,  who  had  marched  in  advance  of  Sher  Sh&h 
from  Dehli,  met  them  at  Sult&nptir,  where  they  engaged.  The 
Mughals  were  defeated,  and  retired  to  Lahore.  Khaw&s  Rh&n 
hjJted  at  Sult&npur ;  but  the  Emperor  and  Mirz&  K&mrfin  quitted 
Lahore,  which  was  shortly  afterwards  occupied  by  Sher  Sh&h, 
who,  however,  made  no  halt  there.  On  the  third  march  beyond 
Lahore,  he  heard  that  Mirza  K&mr&n  had  gone  by  way  of  the 
Jddh  hills  to  K&bul,  and  that  the  Emperor  Hum&yun  was 
marching  ak>ng  the  banks  of  the  Indus  to  Mult&n  and  Bhakkar. 
The  Sang  went  to  Khush&b,  and  thence  despatched  Kutb  Kh&n 
Banet,  Ehaw&s  E:h&n,  Haji  Hh&n,  Habib  Eh&n,  Sarmast  Khdn, 
Jal&l  Khdn  Jaloi,  'Isd  Khdn  Nidzi,  Barmazid  Gur,  and  the 
greater  part  of  his  army,  in  pursuit  of  the  Emperor,  towards 
Mnltdn.  He  instructed  them  not  to  engage  the  Emperor,  but  to 
drive  him  beyond  the  borders  of  the  kingdom,  and  then  to  return. 
When  they  had  gone  two  marches,  they  heard  that  the  Mughal 
army  had  divided  into  two  portions.  The  Afghdn  army  was 
in  great  anxiety,  lest,  as  the  force  with  the  King  was  so  small, 
the  MughaLs  should  make  forced  marches,  and  attack  him.  The 
A%hdn  army,  therefore,  also  dividing  itself  into  two  divisions, 
the  one  under  Khawds  Khdn,  U  sd  Khdn,  and  others,  crossed 
the  river,  and  marched  along  the  bank  of  the  Jelam  towards 
Multdn;  and  Kutb  Khdn  and  the  rest  remained  and  marched 
along  the  nearer  bank  of  the  same  stream.  The  Mughal  division 
which  had  quitted  the  Einperor,  and  was  marching  towards 
K&bul,  encountered  Khawds  Khdn,  and  not  being  strong  enough 
to  fight,  fled,  leaving  their  drums  and  standards  behind,  which 


388  'ABBiCS  KHAN. 

fell  into  Khaw&s  Kh&n's  hands,^  and  the  Afgb&n  anuy  return- 
ing from  that  place,  rejoined  Sher  Sh&h.  Sher  Sh&h  delayed 
some  time  at  Khushab.  While  there,  Isma^il  Eh&n,  Fatk 
Kh&n,  and  Gh4zi  Kh&n  Biluchf,  came  and  waited  on  him.  Sher 
Sh&h  ordered  the  Biluchis  to  brand  their  horsea«  Isma'il  Eh&n 
said  :  ''  Other  persons  brand  their  horses — I  will  brand  mj  own 
body."  Sher  Sh&h  was  pleased,  and  excused  him  tioxa  the 
branding,  and  confirmed  to  him  the  country  of  Sind.  The  chie& 
of  every  tribe  and  family  of  Rob  came  to  wait  on  Sher  Sh&h« 
The  writer's  grandfather.  Shaikh  B&yazid  E^alkapur  Sarw&ni, 
who  was  the  successor  to  the  very  holy  Shaikh  Ahmad  Sarw&ni, 
who  was  the  grand&ther  of  Shaikh  Malhi  Kay&l,  whose  holiness 
and  glory  is  famous  all  over  the  country  of  Boh,  and  whose 
disciples  and  followers  most  of  the  A%h&n8  are,  and  whose 
descendants  are  celebrated  for  their  austerity  and  for  the  strict- 
ness of  their  devotional  observances,  and  who  are  also  known  &r 
their  gallantry  and  wealth ;  nor  does  any  person  exeel  them  in 
honour  and  consideration — ^the  whole  race  of  Afgh&ns  acknow- 
ledge their  greatness,  and  their  own,  and  their  ancestors'  virtues: 
— this  said  Shaikh  B&yazid  came  to  Sher  Sh&h  at  Ehush&b, 
and  had  an  interview  with  him. 

Since  the  previous  kings  of  whom  I  have  treated  in  this 
history  paid  extreme  respect  to  Shaikh  B&yazid,  he  was  very 
anxious  as  to  whether  Sher  Shah  would  or  would  not  show  him 
the  same  civilities.  The  moment  Shaikh  B&yazid  came  unto 
Sher  Sh&h''s  darbdr^  the  latter  came  forward  several  steps  to 
receive  him;  and  abasing  himself  gave  Shaikh  B&yazid  prece- 
dence. My  grandfather  expected  that  Sher  Sh&h  would  give 
him  his  hand,  but  he  said :  "  Embrace  me."  When  he  took 
leave  also,  he  showed  every  sign  of  respect  and  friendship. 
When  he  returned  towards  Bengal,  Sher  Shah  sent  him  back  to 


I  The  Tdrikh'i  Ddudi,  which  is  partial  to  the  fabulous,  represeuts  (MS.,  p. 
that  Khaw&8  Kh&n  came  up  with  Rum&yfin  Dear  Ehushlib,  when  the  Emperor, 
beiRf^  hard  up  for  supplies,  sent  to  him  for  something  to  eat,  which  he  n&Bf 
fiimiahed ;  upon  which  the  Emperor  went  on  towards  Thatta. 


TiCRrEH.I  SHER  SHAHf.  3gg 

Rob V  and  gave  him  one  lac  of  tankas  in  cash,  as  well  as  Bengal 
silks  and  clothes  of  Hindust&n.  The  Shaikh  said: — '^ Since  the 
time  of  the  Lang&hs  the  Bildchis  have  possessed  themselves 
Df  the  rent-free  tenures  of  my  predecessors."  Sher  Shdh  ordered 
that  Isma^il  Elh&n  Biluch  should  receive  instead  the  pargana 
>f  Ninduna,  in  the  Ghakkar  country,  and  that  the  Biluchis 
should  be  made  to  restore  to  Shaikh  B&yazid,  the  rightful  owner, 
;h6  land  of  the  Sarw&nis,  which  they  had  usurped.  Isnia'*il 
^&a  dared  not  disobey  the  orders  of  Sher  Sh&h,  so  he  took 
fargana  Ninduna  and  the  Ghakkar  villages,  and  restored  the 
$arw&nis'  land  to  Shaikh  B&yaz(d.  Shaikh  B&yazld  came  a 
lecond  time  to  see  Sher  Sh&h  during  the  TJjjain  and  S&rangpur 
campaign.  *  *  *  Sher  Sh&h  conferred  on  the  Shaikh  2000 
nghds  of  land  in  the  pargana  of  Batntlr,  which  had  been  the 
settlement  of  his  ancestors,  and  also  fixed  the  amount  of  present 
16  was  to  receive  on  visiting  the  king  2ki  ^  lac  oi  tankaa,  and 
iromised  that  after  the  fall  of  K&linjar  he  would  give  him  the 
irovinces  of  Sind  and  Mult&n,  the  country  of  the  Biluchis. 

When  Shaikh  B&yazid  surrendered  his  life  to  the  Almighty, 
ny  £a^her,  Shaikh  'Ali,  took  his  place  in  the  country  of  Boh, 
md  in  those  days  he  had  an  interview  with  Isl&m  Kh&n,  who 
dso  paid  the  customary  respect  and  honour  to  Shaikh  'Ali 
vithout  difference  or  diminution,  and  confirmed  his  assignments. 
n  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Akbar  I  also  enjoyed  these  as  usual, 
mtil  the  twenty-fourth  Ildhi  year  (corresponding  to  987  a.h.), 
rhen  the  Emperor  ordered  that  I  should  be  advanced  to  the 
ommand  of  500  horse,  and  brought  to  his  presence.  But  the 
L&zi-'*&1I  did  not  give  a  true  account  of  myself  or  of  my 
ncestors,  but  spoke  ill  of  us,  and  said,  **  Shaikh  'Abdu-1  Nabi 
las  given  2000  bighds  of  land  to  two  Afgh&ns  ! "  In  short,  my 
lad  fortune  so  ordered  it  that  my  share  of  the  assignment 
madad'fna'dsh)  was  resumed.  When  the  Kh&n-kh&n&n,  who 
ras  a  follower  of  Saiyid  H&mid,  son  of  Saiyid  Mir&n,  son  of 
(aiyid  Mub&rak  of  Bukh&ra  and  Gujar&t,  became  acquainted 
f ith  my  history  and  that  of  my  ancestors,  he  said  it  was  a  pity 


390  'ABBAS  KHAK. 

I  should  remain  unemployed  ;  but  I  refused  employ,  and  nid 
that  I  would  go  to  the  country  of  my  Others.    He  then  brought 
Mir  H&mid  to  my  house  without  invitation,  and  since  Mir 
H&mid  was  so  kind  as  thus  to  honour  me,  I  oould  not  aet  in 
contravention  to  his  wishes.    So  I  entered  the  service  of  the  chirf 
of  the  great  Shaikhs,  Mir  Saiyid  H&mid.    He  assigned  to  me  i 
clear  200  rupees  a  month,  and  moreover  showed  me  ail  manner 
of  kindness.     At  last,  by  ill  luck  of  the  unpropitious  heavens,  he 
sent  me  to  Bajw&ra  on  some  urgent  business,  and  a  short  time 
afterwards  was  himself  slain,  at  which  I  remained  immersed  in 
grief  and  distress. 

Sher  Sh&h  gave  to  many  of  his  kindred  who  came  from 
Roh  money  and  property  far  exceeding  their  expectations.  *  *  * 
S&rang  Ghakkar  did  not  come  to  wait  on  Sher  Sh&h*  That 
monarch,  therefore,  marched  with  all  his  forces  and  retinae 
through  all  the  hills  of  Padm&n  and  Ghujh&k,  in  order  that  he 
might  choose  a  fitting  site  and  build  a  fort  there  to  keep  down  the 
Ghakkars,  in  which  he  might  leave  a  garrison  on  the  E&bol 
road,^  when  he  himself  returned.  Having  selected  Roht&s,  he 
built  there  the  fort  which  now  exists,  and  laid  waste  the  country 
of  the  Ghakkars,'  and  carried  them  into  captivity,  and  having 
seized  the  daughter  of  Sarang  Ghakkar,  bestowed  her  on  Ehawis 
Kh&n. 

In  the  midst  of  this,  news  came  from  Bengal  that  Ehiir 
Khan  Bairak,  the  governor  of  Bengal,  had  married  the  daughter 
of  Sult&n  Mahmud,  late  King  of  Bengal,  and,  after  the  manner 
of  the  kings  of  that  country,  sat  on  the  ^^  Toki,'^  which  means 
^^  an  upper  place."  Sher  Sti&h  was  much  annoyed  at  this,  and 
wishing  to  avert  the  evil  ere  it  could  take  place,  left  Haibat 
Kh&n  m&zU  Khaw&s  Kh&n,  'tsi  Kh&n  Ni&zf,  Habib  Khin, 
K&i  Husain  Jalw&ni,  in  the  fort  of  BK)ht&s,  and  set  out  himself 
for  Bengal.     On  his  arrival  in  Bengal,  Khizr  Kh&n  Bairak  came 

1  The  TdHkh-i  Khdn  JaUn  speaks  of  it  (MS.  p.  176)  as  being  built  on  the 
boandarj  of  Hindustan  and  E&bul. 

^  Some  further  details  will  be  found  lower  down,  and  in  the  extracti  from  tlw 
MakhzaH'i  Afghdnu 


TABrKH-I  8HEB  SHAHf.  391 

to  ghre  him  a  regal  reception.  Sher  Sh&h  said  to  him  :  *^  Why 
did  yea  without  my  order  take  in  marriage  the  daughter  of 
Snltia  Mahmiid,  and  seat  yourself  on  the  '^  Toki/'  after  the 
maimer  of  the  kings  of  Bengal !  It  becomes  not  a  noble  of  the 
State  to  do  a  single  act  without  the  King^s  permission.  Sher 
Ehim  ordered  him  to  receive  a  severe  punishment  and  to  be  put 
in  chains,  and  said,  that  if  any  of  his  nobles  should  do  any- 
thing without  his  leave,  he  should  receive  a  similar  punishment. 
And  he  divided  the  kingdom  of  Bengal  into  different  provinces, 
and  made  E&zi  Fazilat,  better  known  as  K&zf  Fazihat,  manager 
(amir)  of  Beng^  and  himself  returned  to  Agra. 

When  he  arrived  at  Agra,  a  letter  arrived  from  Shuj&'at 
Eh&n,  Baying  that  Muhammad  K&sim  had  consented  to  'the 
following  terms  : — that  the  Afgh&ns  should  be  allowed  to  enter 
the  fort ;  that  the  Mughals  should  have  free  access  to  the  camp 
of  Sher  Sh&h ;  and  that  as  soon  as  Sher  Sh&h  should  come  to 
Gw&lior,  Muhammad  K&sim  was  to  be  introduced  to  the  king's 
presenee,  when  he  would  give  up  the  fort  to  the  king's  commis- 
sioners. Sher  Sh&h  replied  that  his  standards  would  shortly  move 
towards  the  country  of  M&ndu,  by  way  of  Gw&lior,  in  order  to 
wreak  on  the  rulers  of  M&nd6  his  revenge  for  their  backwardness 
in  assisting  Kutb  Eh&n.  At  this  time  there  were  persons  in  the 
kingdom  of  M&ndd  who  ruled  independently.  Mallu  Kh&n,  who 
had  assumed  the  title  of  king,  and  the  name  of  K&dir  Sh&h,  held 
possession  and  rule  of  the  city  of  Sh&dm&b&d,  that  is  to  say  the 
fort  of  M&ndii,  and  of  TJjjain,  S&rangpur,  and  the  fort  of  Bantam- 
bhor ;  secondly,  Sikandar  Eh&n  Miana,  who  was  ruler  of  the 
eoantiy  of  Sew&s  and  Hindia ;  thirdly,  R&ja  Part&b  Sh&h,  the 
son  of  Bhiipat  Sh&h,  son  of  Sal&hu-d  din,  who  was  a  minor,  and 
whose  deputy  Bhai&  Piiran  Mai  held  the  districts  of  Chanderi  and 
B&isin  I  and,  fourthly,  Bhop&I,  who  possessed  the  country  of  Bij&- 
garh  and  Tamh&.^  When  the  king  came  to  Gw&lior,'  Muhammad 

»[Var."Mabh6r."] 

*  The  Tirlkk-i  Khdn  Jahdn  (MS.,  p.  178}  says  the  adyanee  to  GwUior  and 
M&lwfc  oocurred  in  949  a.h. 


892  'ABBAS  KHAK. 

K&sim,  who  was  one  of  Hura&yun's  nobles,  and  goveraor  of  ihe 
forty  came  and  paid  his  respects  to  the  king,  and  surrendered  the 
ibrt  to  the   royal  commissioners.     When  he  came  to  64grun, 
Shuj&'at  Kh&n  sent  R&m  S&h,  R&j&  of  Gw&lior,  to  bring  Puna 
Mai  of  B&isin  to  the  king.     Puran  Mai  wrote,  saying  he  would 
come  if  Shuj&'at  Kh&n  himself  went  to  fetch  him.      So  Shoji'at 
Kh&n  went  to  the  fort  of  B^sin,  and  brought  Piiran  Mai  witb 
him  to  the  king's  presence.     Upon  his  setting  out,  the  wife  of 
B&J&  Puran   Mai,  by  name  Batn&yali,  who  was  exceedingly 
beloved  by  him,  sent  to  Shuj&'at  Kh&n,  ^ying,  ^*  I  will  then 
break  my  fast  when  I  shall  see  Puran  Mai  again,  and  the  whole 
time  he  is  away  I  will  sit  on  a  bastion  of  the  fort,  and  watch  for 
his  return.^    Shuj&'^at  Kh&n  sent  to  her  to  be  of  good  cheer, 
for   that  Bhai&  Puran   Mai  would  return  to  her  next  day. 
Shuj&''at  brought  Puran  Mai  to  the  king'^s  presence,  with  6000 
horsemen,  none  of  whom  were  forty  years  of  age.     Sher  Sh4h 
instantly  bestowed  100  horses  and  100  splendid  dresses  of  honour 
on  Puran  Mai,  and  allowed  him  to  return.    Bhai&  Puran  Mai 
left  to  serve  the  king  his  younger  brother,  whose  name  was 
Ghatur  Bhoj. 

When  the  king  arrived  at  S&rangpdr,  the  agent  of  Mallu  Khin 
came  and  made  his  obeisance,  and  said  that  Mallu  Kh&n  was 
coming  to  meet  the  king.  Sher  Sh&h  ordered  Shuj&^at  Eh&n 
to  go  and  receive  him,  and  he  went  accordingly.  Sher  Sh&h 
came,  seated  himself  outside  his  tents,  and  held  an  open  darbdr. 
Shuj&'at  Kh&n  brought  Mallu  Kh&n  to  him,  and  he  asked 
where  Mallu  Kh&n  had  pitched  his  camp.  He  replied:  ''I 
have  come  alone  into  your  presence,  my  place  is  in  your  darbdr. 
My  hope  is,  I  may  be  permitted  to  perform  the  office  of  a  sweeper 
therein.''  Shuj&'at  Kh&n  represented  that  Mallu  Kh&n  had 
brought  200  horsemen  with  him.  Sher  Sh&h  ordered  that  a 
scarlet  tent,  a  bed,  a  canopy,  and  other  conveniences,  as  well  as 
a  handsome  entertainment,  should  be  provided  for  him.  When 
they  marched  from  Sarangpur,  Sher  Sh&h  showed  the  whole 
array  of  his  army  to  Mallu  Kh&n,  who  was  astounded,  for  he 


TARfEH-I  SHER  SRAET.  393 

liad  never  anywhere  seen  suoh  an  army  before.^  At  every  stage 
tbey  threw  up  an  earthen  entrenchment,  and  when  he  saw  the 
hboar  and  exertions  of  the  soldiers,  and  the  rigour  of  Sher 
Shfli's  discipline,  Mallu  £h&n  said  to  the  Afgh&ns,  ^'You 
submit  yourselves  to  wonderful  labours  and  exertions,  night  and 
day  you  have  no  rest ;  ease  and  comfort  are  things  forbidden 
to  you/'  The  Afgh&ns  replied — ''  Such  is  our  master's  custom. 
*  *  *  It  behoves  a  soldier,  whatever  service  his  chief  may  order, 
or  whatever  labour  or  exertion  he  may  require,  not  to  consider  it  a 
hardship.  Ease  is  for  women,  it  is  shameful  to  honourable  men/'  ^ 

When  Sher  Sh&h  went  to  Ujjain,  he  encamped  at  Kalidah. 
Sikandor  Kh&n  Mi&na  came  and  made  obeisance.  Sher  Sh&h 
assigned  the  country  of  M&ndu  to  Shuj&'at  Kh&n ;  and  when  he 
reflected  that  Mallu  £h&n  had  submitted  to  him,  *  *  *  he 
pardoned  him,  and  bestowed  on  him  the  sarkdr  of  K&lp{.' 

Mall6  Kh&n,  having  brought  his  family  out  of  TJjjain,  con- 
sidered that  he  was  not  equal  to  the  labour  and  exertion  which 
Sher  Kh&n  required,  and  that  therefore  it  was  better  to  escape 

1  The  WikCdUi  Mushtdki  (MS.,  p.  102)  and  the  Tdrtkh-i  D&iuii  (MS.,  p.  254) 
neord  an  interesting  military  spectacle  which  astonished  Malld  Kh&n  at  this  reriew. 
When  the  royal  umbrella  came  in  sight,  the  cavalry  drew  their  sabres,  galloped  forward 
towards  the  umbrella,  dismounted  from  their  horses,  and  saluted  the  king  in  due 
ftnn,  ^'as  was  their  habit  on  the  day  of  battle.*'  Each  division  did  this  in  succession* 

*  On  one  of  the  marches  between  S&rangpdr  and  Ujjain,  Sher  Sh&h  communicated 
some  of  the  early  events  of  his  life  to  Malld  Eb&n,  who  was  riding  with  him.  He 
told  him  how  he  had  laboured  hard  in  his  youth,  and  went  every  day  on  foot  fifteen 
ftM  in  pnmiit  of  game,  armed  with  his  bow  and  arrows.  On  one  of  tiiese  excursions 
he  feU  in  with  a  party  of  thieves  and  highwaymen,  with  whom  he  associated  for  some 
time^  pfaindering  the  country  all  round;  till  one  day,  when  seated  in  a  boat  with  his 
new  oomtades,  he  was  pursued  **  by  his  enemies,*'  who,  after  a  conflict,  were  com- 
pletely victorious.  Upon  this,  placing  his  bow  and  arrows  on  his  head,  he  plunged 
into  the  water,  and  after  swimming  for  three  ko8  escaped  with  his  life,  and  from  that 
period  abandoned  his  new  profession.— The  WdkCdUi  Mmhtdki  (MS.,  p.  103)  and 
the  Tdrikh-i  Ddiidi  (MS.,  p.  256).— This  is  a  novelty,  and  either  Sher  Sh&h  was 
"ehafBng"  his  guest,  whom  he  previously  vowed  to  avenge  himself  upon  for  his  pre- 
meditated insult  about  the  seal,  and  who  appears  from  all  his  sayings  and  doings  to 
have  been  a  great  simpleton ;  or  our  author  has,  as  usual,  given  too  ready  credence  to  an 
improbable  story.  Ab6-1  Fazl,  however,  and  other  courtly  Tlmtirian  authors,  are 
vary  fond  of  representing  that  Sher  Sh6h's  early  life  was  devoted  to  plunder  and 
robbery,  and  every  kind  of  enormity. 

>  The  Tdrikhri  Khdn  Jahdn  says  <'  Marehra.*'  The  WdkUt-i  Mushtdki  and  the 
lMkk-4  Ddidi,  «  Lakhnau." 


894  'ABBAS  KHAK. 

by  some  contrivance  from  his  camp.^    Accordingly,  like  a  Hindu 
slave,  he  made  up  his  mind  to  run  away.    Sher  Sh&h  peiedTed 
his  intention,  and  ordered  Shuj&'at  Khan  to  arrest  him.  8ha]i*ii 
Kh&n  looked  towards  Mallu  Kh&n,  who,  being  an  intdligeaft 
man,  understood  what  was  going  on,  and  said  to  Shaj&'at  SUn: 
^'  Tell  the  king  that  I  have  no  carriage  to  take  my  family  to 
KUfl"    When  Shuj&'at  Eh&n  represented  this,  it  was  orderol 
that  100  camels  and  100  mules,  with  camelmen  and  molemeo, 
and  several  carts  with  drivers,  should  be  given  to  Malld  Ehiii 
for  the  conveyance  of  his  family.    When  he  received  the  cameb, 
mules  and  carriages,  he  took  them,  together  with  their  driven,  to 
his  own  encampment,  and  gave  them  some  very  powerful  wine, 
so  that  they  got  drunk  and  became  insensible.     Mallii  Khio, 
taking  his  treasures  and  his  family,  absconded.     When  it  was 
day,  it  became  known  that  Malld  Kh&n  had  fled.     Sher  Shih 
said :  ^*  Mallu  Kh&n,  the  slave !     Have  you  seen  what  a  trick 
he  has  played  me?^'  *  *  *  Sher  Sh&h  was  angry  with  Shuj&'at 
Kh&n,  and  sent  him  in  pursuit  of  Malld  Kh&n,  saying :  **Where- 
ever  Mallii  Kh&n  may  go,  you  go  also  and  bring  him  to  me. 
Did  not  I  tell  you  to  arrest  him  ?   But  you  did  not,  and  acted 
negligently."*     Shuj&'at  Kh&n  went  in  pursuit,  but  fiuled  to 

^  Tbe  WdkCdU  Mwhfdki  (MS.,  p.  104),  and  the  Tdrikh-%  Ddidi  (MS.,  p.  U7) 
say  that  he  was  inspired  with  alarm  at  seeing  one  day  a  party  of  letpeetable  Hnghali, 
who  had  been  taken  prisoners  at  Gw&lior,  working  in  the  camp,  as  oomm,on  labomen, 
at  the  circumTallation  which  was  constructed  every  day,  and  that  he  apprehended  the 
same  fate  awaited  his  own  person. 

s  The  WdkCdt'%  Muthtdki  (MS.,  p.  104)  and  the  TdrikK-%  Ddm  (MS.,  p.  259), 
on  the  contrary,  say,  that  on  Shuj&'at  Eh&n's  representing  that  it  was  MalKi  Ehftn's 
intention  to  fly,  Sher  Sh&h  replied,  that  he  was  anxious  he  should  effect  bis  escape, 
and  had  therefore  thrown  eyery  facility  in  his  way  for  that  purpose.  This,  hoverer, 
is  scarcely  consistent  with  the  hot  pursuit  **  by  soldiers  without  number,"  whkk 
immediately  followed  his  departure.  The  same  passage  teaches  us  a  bit  of  royal  and 
patrician  morality  amongst  these  Afgh&ns :  **  As  he  now,"  said  Sher  Sh&h,  ^  intendi 
to  run  away,  say  nothing  to  him,  and  pretend  not  to  obsenre  anything.  If  he  offn 
you  money  in  bribery,  take  it  immediately,  and  let  him  run  off.  Shuj&'at  Ek&n 
consequently  took  from  Malltl  E&dir  Sh&h  700,000  tanktu^  and  let  him  go  his  way, 
and  at  night-time  finding  his  opportunity,  he  took  to  flight."  This  shameleM  proiti- 
tution,  with  the  encouragement  of  tbe  Sh&h,  is  mentioned  by  Ahmad  T&dg&r  (MS.* 
p.  197),  but  the  persons  are  different  '*  If  that  black-fiace  offer  you  a  bribe,  take  it 
without  scruple  and  let  him  go ;  so  Ahmad  Eh&n  S6r  and  Fath  Ehftn  KUsI,  who 
were  in  charge  of  him,  took  1000  pieces  of  red  gold  and  let  him  escape." 


TABrKH-I  SHER  SHAHf.  395 

overtake  Malld  Eh&n,  who  went  to  Snlt&n  Mahmdd  at  Gujar&t,^ 
and  Shnj&'at  Kh4n  returned  from  the  frontier  of  M&ndu.  The 
whole  of  the  kingdom  of  M&ndu  had  been  bestowed  on  Shuj&'at 
KUm ;  but  the  king  in  his  anger  deprived  him  of  it,  and  in  lieu 
of  it  gave  him  Sew&s,  Hindia,  etc.,  which  had  been  in  Sikandar 
Eh&n  Mi&na^s  possession,  equal  to  the  maintenance  of  4000 
hone;  and  gave  Ujjain  to  Daryd  Kh&n  Gujar&ti,  who  had 
been  wazir  of  Sult&n  Mahmud,  King  of  Oujar&t,  and  who  had 
fled  to  Sher  Sh&h ;  and  S&rangpur  to  ^^am  £h&n  Lodi,  who  also 
had  been  a  noble  of  Sult&n  Mahmdd's  court ;  and  making  H&ji 
Eh4n  and  Junaid  Eh&n  faujddrs  of  that  country,  he  left  them 
in  the  city  of  Dh&r,  and  returned  himself,  by  the  fort  of  Ban- 
tambhor,'  on  the  road  to  which  place  Sikandar  Kh&n  Mi&na, 
who  had  been  ruler  of  sarkdr  Sew&s,  fled.  'XJsm&n  Eh&n,  whose 
name  was  previously  Abu-1  Farra,  was  governor  of  Bantambhor, 
on  behalf  of  Mallu  Kh&n.  When  Sher  Sh&h  approached,  he 
came  and  submitted  to  him,  and  Sher  Sh&h,  making  over  the 
fort  of  Bantambhor  to  his  eldest  son  ^XiU.  Kh&n,  went  himself 
to  Xgrsk} 

When  Sher  Sh&h  left  M&ndd  for  Xgnk,  N&sir  Kh&n,  brother  of 
Sikandar  Kh&n  Mi&na,  with  6000  horse,  and  200  elephants,  came 
against  Shuj&'at  Kh&n.  Shuj&'at  Kh&n  had  with  him  only  2000 
horse.  N&sir  Kh&n  said  to  his  men :  *^  Seize  Shuj&'at  Kh&n 
alive,  that  I  may  retain  him  as  a  hostage  for  Sikandar  Kh&n.^ 
When  Sher  Sh&h  releases  Sikandar  Kh&n,  I  will  release  Shuj&'at 

1  Ahmad  T&dg&r*8  accoant  is  different.  He  says  (MS.,  pp.  197-8)  that  MallCi 
Kh&n  plundered  S&rangpdr  and  other  places,  and  was  at  last  slain  with  all  his 
adherents  in  a  night  attack  hy  Haihat  Kh&n,  who  on  that  occasion  obtained  his  title 
of  'Azam  Hum&ytln ;  which  onr  author,  a  little  below,  says  was  conferred  for  the 
conquest  of  Mult&n. 

3  [Here  called  <*  Banthiir."] 

*  Ahmad  T&dg&r  (MS.,  pp.  292-5)  mentions  during  this  campaign  an  expedition 
against  Chanderi,  commanded  by  Wfdid&d  Kh&n  K&kar,  which  was  successftil  through 
the  treachery  of  the  R&j&'s  nephew.  Elephants,  horses,  and  treasure  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  yictors  on  the  capture  of  Chanderi,  and  the  R&j&'s  beautifdl  daughter 
was  sent  to  Sher  Sh&h.  The  treacherous  nephew  gained  his  ends  by  being  made 
B&J&  of  Chanderi. 

«  From  this  it  would  appear  either  that  Nfisir  Kh&n  did  not  know  of  Sikandar 
Kh&n's  flight,  narrated  abore,  or  that  the  latter  had  been  again  seized. 


396  'ABBAS  KHAN. 

Eh&n/'     When  Shuj&'at  heard  that  N&sir  Kh&n  was  approach- 
ing, he  went  out  to  meet  Irim,  and  gave  him  battle  at  Nilgarh.^ 
When  the  two  armies  were  commingled  together,  part  of  Nfair 
Kh&n'^s  and  part  of  Shuj&'at  Kh&n's  force  were  put  to  flight. 
Three  men  had  sworn  an  oath  to  attack  only  Shuj&'at  Ehin. 
One  was   Mi&n  ^XTmar,  the  second   Saiyid   T&hir,   the  third 
Kok&.     One  of  these  wounded  Shuj&'at  Kh&n  in  the  neck 
with  a  dagger;    the  second  wounded  him  in  the  nostril  with 
a  spear  thrust,  and  broke  his  front  teeth;   the  third,  having 
wounded  him  with  a  sabre,  caught  hold  of  the  hair  of  his  head, 
to  take  him  alive  before  N&sir  Kh&n.     Shuj&'at  Eb&n  strack 
him  with  his  sabre  on  the  hand  and  cut  it  off,  and  so  freed  him- 
self.   Jajh&r  Eh&n,  who  was  of  Shuj&'at  E[han^s  own  tribe,  slew 
the  second  horseman ;  and  Mub&rak  Eh&n  Shirini  killed  the 
third.    So  Shuj&'at  was  rescued,  and  raised  again  his  standard 
which  had  fallen.     Those  of  Shuj&'at  Ethan's  men  who  had  fled 
returned,  and  rallying  round  him  on  all  sides,  gained  the  victory. 
N&sir  Eh&n   fled,  and  the  200  elephants  fell  into   Shuj&'at 
Eh&n's  hands.     Almighty  God  made  Shuj&'at  Eh&n  victorious, 
and  he  returned  from  Nilgarh  to  Hindia. 

After  this,  Shuj&'at  Eh&n  heard  that  Mallu  Eh&n  was  ap- 
proaching, and  had  surrounded  H&jf  Eh&n,  who  had  fortified 
himself  in  M&ndu.  Although  Shuj&'at^s  wounds  were  not  well, 
yet,  taking  the  200  elephants  with  him,  he  went  to  the  succour 
of  H&ji  Eh&n,  and  encamped  outside  the  walls.  The  next  day  at 
sunrise  the  two  armies,  drawn  out  in  battle  array,  engaged  in  the 
open  field.  The  Afgh&n  army  displayed  such  gallantry  as  is 
beyond  all  power  of  description ;  the  victory  remained  with 
Shuj&'at  Eh&n,  and  Mallu  Kh&n  fled  to  Gujar&t.  When  Sher 
Sh&h  heard  this  intelligence,  he  called  H&ji  Eh&n  to  his  own 
presence  from  M&ndu,  and  bestowed  on  him  the  command  of 
12,000  horse,  and  gave  to  Shuj&'at  Eh&n  Ujjain,  Mandu, 
S&rangpdr,  and  Mansur  injdgir;  and  the  country  of  Sew&s 
he  gave  to  Shams  Eh&n,  Bih&r  Eh&n,  and  Mir  Eh&n  Ni4zif 

1  Or^Mahalkarra." 


TAEfKH-I  SHER  SHAHf.  397 

who  were  of  Shuj&'at  £h&ii's  kindred ;   and   Shuj&'at  TDi&n 
became  ruler  of  all  the  country  of  M&ndu. 

Sher  Sh&h  went  from  ^gra  in  the  direction  of  Bih&r  and 
Bengal,^  when  he  was  attacked  by  fever  and  ague.  During  his 
illness  he  several  times  said :  '^  I  did  wrong  when  I  said  I  would 
go  towards  Bengal.  If  Almighty  God  will  vouchsafe  me  a  re- 
covery from  this  fever,  I  will  return  with  all  speed ;  and  Puran 
Mai,  who  has  enslaved  the  families  of  the  Musulm&ns  in  Chanderi 
and  has  made  dancing-girls  of  their  daughters,  and  did  not  ac- 
company my  son  Kutb  Eh&n — him  I  will  so  punish  that  he 
may  be  a  warning  to  others,  that  hereafter  no  unbelievers  in 
Hind  may  oppress  and  injure  the  families  of  Musulm&ns.' 
Almighty  God  vouchsafed  to  Sher  Sh&h  a  recovery  from  that 
fever,  and  he  quickly  turned  back  towards  Agra.  When  he 
arrived  there,  in  all  the  pride  of  his  state,  he  set  off  for  the 
country  of  M&ndu,  in  the  year  a.h.  950,'  and  took  the  fort  of 
B&isin.  He  ordered  his  noble  sou,  Jal&l  Kh&n,  to  go  on  in 
advance  with  his  victorious  troops.  When  Jal&l  Eh&n  came  to 
the  stage  of  Bhilsa,  Sher  Sh&h  joined  him.  From  this  place 
Sher  Sh&h,  by  forced  marches,  brought  his  conquering  army  into 
the  vicinity  of  the  fort  of  R&isin.*  Bhai&  Puran  Mai  sent  600 
elephants,  but  did  not  himself  come  out.  Sher  Sh&h  laid  siege 
to  B&isin,  when  a  report  came  from  Ehaw&s  Kh&n  that  enmity 
had  broken  out  between  him  and  Haibat  Kh&n,  and  requesting 
him  to  send  for  a  representative  from  each  of  them.  When  Sher 
Sh&h  knew  of  the  quarrel  between  Khaw&s  Kh&n  and  Haibat 

1  The  Tdrikh'i  Dditdi  (MS.,  p.  264)  says  that  after  his  return  from  M&lw&,  he 
remained  two  years  at  Agra,  going  intermediately  to  Dehli,  hefore  he  went  towards 
Bengal. 

*  Ahmad  Y&dg&r  (MS.,  pp.  296-9)  represents  them  chiefly  as  captured  from  the 
families  of  the  Saiyids  of  Bilgr&m.  He  also  says  that  this  occurred  on  his  road  to 
E&isin,  and  that  hefore  starting  on  this  expedition  he  had  been  hunting  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Sorin  and  Bad&dn. 

s  This  expedition  the  Tdrikh-i  Khdn  Jahdn  (M.S.,  p.  180)  also  ascribes  to  the 
year  9o0.  In  that  work  P6ran  Mai  is  called  the  son  of  BM  Salhadf  P(irbiya,  a  Gehlot 
R&jpCit 

*  What  follows  until  the  resumption  of  the  story  of  the  capture  of  B&isin  is  only 
in  one  MS. 


398  'ABBAS  KHAK. 

Kh&n  Ni&zi,  he  sent  for  Tsi  Kh&n  and  Habib  Kh&n,  and  con- 
finned  Haibat  Kh&n  in  the  goyernment  of  the  Panj&b,  attaclung 
Fath  Jang  Kh&n  to  him.   And  whereas  Fath  Kh&n  Jat  had  been 
in  rebellion  in  Kayula,  and  in  the  time  of  the  Mughals  bid 
plundered  the  whole  country  and  laid  it  waste  as  far  as  P4nipai,^ 
and  the  Bildchis  had  got  into  their  power  and  possession  the 
country  of  Mult&n,  Sher  Sh&h  ordered  Haibat  Kh&n  to  expel 
these  people  from  the  country,  and  to  punish  them^  and  to  restore 
to  prosperity  the  city  of  Mult&n.     Instantly  on  the  receipt  of 
this  farmdn,  Haibat  Kh&n  said  to  the  mkil  of  Gh&kar  Bind,  who 
at  that  time  was  ruler  of  Satgarh,  ^'  Qo,  tell  Gh&kar  Bind  that 
I  shall  halt  within  his  confines,  and  he  must  have  his  forees 
ready,  for  I  am  going  to  seize  Mahla.'^  ♦  •  • 

Early  in  the  morning  news  came  that  Haibat  Kh&n  had  sr- 
rived.  Gh&kar  went  out  to  welcome  Haibat  Kh&n,  but  was  in  a 
state  of  great  alarm.  As  soon  as  Haibat  Kh&n  saw  him,  he  said, 
*^  I  shall  take  your  muster  at  Dip&lpur,  lest  in  the  delay  Fath 
Kh&n  should  escape/'*  Within  two  days  Haibat  Kh&n  arrired 
at  the  Pattan «  of  Kutb  'A'lam  Shaikh  Farid.  Fath  Kh&n  fled, 
and  Haibat  Kh&n  pursued  him.  As  Fath  Kh&n  had  his  family 
and  women  with  him,  he  perceived  he  was  unable  to  escape  fix>m 
Haibat  Kh&n.  There  was  near  Karor  and  Fathpiir  a  mud  fort; 
he  took  possession  of  it,  and  Haibat  Kh&n  coming  up  in  pursuit, 
laid  siege  to  it.  Fath  Kh&n  held  out  the  fort  for  some  days ;  at 
last,  being  reduced  to  extremities,  he  sent  Shaikh  Ibr&him,  son 
of  Kutb  'X\Ma  Shaikh  Farid,  to  Haibat  Kh&n  as  an  intercessor. 
He  came  before  Haibat  Kh&n,  who  said  to  him,  '^  I  am  a  serraot 
of  Sher  Sh&h's,  what  my  master  orders  that  I  must  do."  He 
put  Fath  Kh&n  in  prison.     In  the  night,  Hindu  Biluch  with 

^  The  Makhtan-i  Afghdnt  (MS.,  p.  242)  says,  "  Sher  Sh&h  ordered  Haibat  Kh&n 
to  seize  Fath  Eh&n.  This  Fath  Kh&n  was  of  Eob  Eab(ila  (KapdraP),  who  liid 
devastated  the  entire  tract  of  Lakhl  Jangal,  and  kept  the  high  roads  from  Lahore  to 
Dehli  in  a  constant  ferment"  Then  follows  an  incomprehensible  passage,  which  bis 
by  no  means  been  elucidated  by  Dr.  Dorn's  mode  of  translating  it.  The  Tinkk-i 
Khdn  Jahdn  Lodi  is  unusually  deficient  in  the  corresponding  passage,  and  does  not 
help  us  in  the  least — Dortiy  p.  134. 

*  P&k-pattan. 


TABrEH-I  SHEB  SHiCHr.  399 

300  men  came  out  of  the  mud  fort,  and  attacking  the  besiegers 
fiercely,  cut  their  way  through  by  their  yalour.  When  it  was 
day,  the  Afgh&ns  occupied  the  fort.  The  women  of  the  better 
sort  had  been  mostly  slain  by  the  Biluchis,  and  the  rest  the 
A%h&ns  made  slaves ;  and  they  took  Hindu  Biluch  and  Bakshu 
Lang&h  prisoners.  Haibat  £h&n  then  went  to  the  city  of  Mult&n, 
which  the  Biliichis  had  laid  waste.  Haibat  Kh&n  restored  it  to 
its  former  state,  and  the  inhabitants  who  were  scattered  abroad 
he  again  collected  together,  and  he  wrote  letters  to  Sher  Sh&h 
reporting  the  true  condition  of  the  country,  and  concerning  the 
capture  of  Fath  Kh&n,  Hindu  Biluch,  and  Bakshu  Langdh. 
Sher  Sh&h  was  exceedingly  rejoiced,  and  made  him  a  Masnad 
'^jCli  and  gave  him  the  title  of  'Azam  Hum&ydn.  He  also  gave 
him  a  red  tent,  and  wrote  to  him  to  repeople  Mult&n,  and  to 
observe  the  customs  of  the  Lang&hs,  and  not  to  measure  the  land, 
but  take  a  share  of  the  produce.^  He  ordered  him  to  put  Fath 
Kh&n  and  Hindu  Biluch  to  death,  to  keep  Bakshu  Lang&h  or 
his  son  always  with  him,  but  to  confirm  his  districts  to  him.  As 
soon  as  'Azam  Ham&yun  received  this  order  at  Mult&n,  he  left 
Fath  Jang  Kh&n  in  Mult&n  and  came  to  Lahore,  and  put  Fath 
Kh&n  and  Hindu  Biluch  to  death.  Fath  Jang  Eh&n  so  re- 
peopled  Mult&n,  and  showed  such  benevolence  to  the  people, 
that  Mult&n  flourished  more  than  it  had  done,  even  under  the 
Lang&hs,  and  in  the  country  of  MuIt&n  he  founded  a  city  which 
he  called  '^  Shergarh."  Sher  Shah,  while  besieging  the  fort  of 
B&isin,  gave  orders  that  no  Afgh&n  should  approach  it ;  for  that 
he  would  take  the  fort  by  the  exercise  of  his  skill  and  prudence. 

One  day,  certain  followers  and  retainers  of  the  Afgh&ns  were 
sitting  together,  when  the  conversation  turned  on  the  gallantry 
and  valour  of  Bhai&  Puran  MaUs  soldiers.  Most  of  those 
present  said,  that  do  one  in  those  days  was  a  match  for  Puran 
Mai's  soldiers  in  these  qualities,  who  daily  came  out  of  the  fort 

*  JjSj  <d£  j\  iUsD-  J  xSj  v-^^  The  Makhzan-i  Afghdni  says  that 
orders  were  issued  to  take  only  a  fourth  of  the  produce  of  grain  for  the  Govern* 
ment  share. 


400  'ABBAS  KHAN. 

and  said :  *'  There  is  no  one  in  the  army  of  Sher  Kh&n  who  eui 
fight  with  us,"  and  that  it  was  from  fear  that  none  of  the 
Afgh&ns  approached  them.  When  the  Afgh&ns  amongst  these 
retainers  pondered  on  these  remarks,  the  reproach  thas  thrown 
upon  Afgh&n  honour  overcame  them,  and  thej  said,  *^  Though 
Sher  Sh&h  should  cut  our  throats  or  banish  us  from  his  kingdom, 
yet  we  will  for  once  encounter  the  soldiers  of  Puran  Mai,  that 
we  may  test  their  gallantry  and  valour." 

The  next  day  before  sunrise,  1500  horsemen  assembled  at  an 
appointed  place,  and  drawing  up  in  order  of  battle,  sent  to  Puran 
Mai,  saying :  *'  Your  men  every  day  boast  of  their  valour.  We, 
1500  horse,  against  Sher  Sh&Vs  command,  have  come  and  are 
drawn  up  in  order  of  battle ;  do  you  also  collect  your  men, 
and  come  out  of  the  fort,  that  we  may  fight,  and  the  valour  of 
either  side  may  be  made  manifest."  Bhaid  Puran  Mai  bad 
great  reliance  on  the  valour  and  gallantry  of  his  men,  and  did 
not  think  the  Afgh&ns  were  at  all  equal  to  them  in  bravery.  He 
sent  out  to  answer  the  challenge  the  most  famous  of  his  soldiers, 
veterans  in  battle,  and  he  himself  took  his  seat  above  the  gate- 
way. The  Afgh&ns  and  E&jputs  joined  battle,  and  the  fight 
continued  till  the  first  watch  of  the  day,  up  to  which  time  neither 
party  had  succeeded  in  driving  the  other  from  their  ground.  At 
length  the  Afgh&ns  got  the  advantage,  and  began  to  make  the 
B&jputs  give  ground,  when  such  bravery  was  displayed  on  both 
sides  as  surpasses  all  description.  In  the  end.  Almighty  (hi 
gave  the  victory  to  the  Afghdns,  and  they  drove  the  Il&jpute 
from  their  position  to  near  the  gate  of  the  fort.  The  B&jputs 
again  made  a  stand  near  the  gate  of  the  fort,  but  the  Afgh&ns 
made  a  headlong  charge  upon  them,  which  they  were  unable  to 
resist,  and  fled  within  the  gate;  and  the  Afgh&ns  returned 
triumphant  to  their  camp. 

When  Sher  Sh&h  heard  that  the  Afghan  retainers  had 
displayed  such  gallantry  and  bravery,  he  was  much  pleased; 
but  in  public  severely  reprimanded  those  who  had  risked  an 
engagement  in  defiance  of  his  orders.     After  some   days,  he 


TABIES-I  SHER  SHAHf.  401 

gave  fitting  rewards  to  every  one  of  them,  and  good  appoint- 
ments askd  jdgirSj  and  said,  ^'  The  gallantry  you  have  displayed 
has  been  made  known  to  me ;  now  look  at  my  work,  and  see 
what  I  shall  do  to  this  fort/'  After  this  Sher  Sh&h  issued  an 
order  that  they  should  bring  all  the  brass  in  camp  and  make 
mortars  (deghd)  of  it.  When,  according  to  his  order,  they  had 
brought  all  the  brass  that  was  in  the  b&z&r  or  in  the  tents  of  the 
soldiery,  in  pots,  dishes,  and  pans,  they  made  it  all  into  mortars, 
and  when  they  were  finished  he  ordered  them  to  bombard  the 
fort  from  all  simultaneously.  When  they  had  battered  the  fort 
and  breached  it  in  all  directions,  Puran  Mai  became  alarmed, 
and  after  the  lapse  of  six  months,  he  came  out  himself  to  Sher 
Sh&h,  who  said  to  him,  ^'  I  grant  you  quarter,  and  the  govern- 
ment of  Benares;  provided  you  give  up  the  families  of  the 
Mnsulm&ns  whom  you  have  enslaved.''^  Furan  Mai  replied: 
**  I  had  none  of  these  families  in  slavery,  neither  am  I  the  B&J& ; 
I  am  but  his  deputy.  I  will  go  to  him,  and  I  will  say  whatever  you 
order  me,  and  see  what  he  replies/'  Sher  Kh&n  permitted  him 
to  go.  When  he  went  up  into  the.  fort,  he  got  together  all  his 
jewels,  and  sent  to  Sher  Kh&n  to  say,  ^'  I  dare  not  ao^ain  face 
your  presence,  but  do  you  first  go  away  two  marches  from  the 
fort.  I  will  come  out  and  give  up  the  fort  to  your  soldiers,  and 
go  myself  to  other  countries.  And  if  your  eldest  son  '  Adil  Kh&n 
and  Kutb  Eh&n  Banet  will  bind  themselves  by  promise  and  oaths 
that  I  shall  suffer  no  injury  in  property  or  person,  I  will  come 
with  my  women  and  family  out  of  the  fort."  Sher  Sh&h  told  'Adil 
Eh&n  and  Eutb  Kh&n  Banet  what  Puran  Mai  said,  and  ordered 
them  to  satisfy  him  and  bring  him  out.  Kutb  Kh&n  Banet  went 
ap  to  the  fort,  and  binding  himself  by  solemn  oaths,  brought 
Pdran  Mai  out  of  the  fort  of  B&isin  with  his  family  and  wives. 
Kutb  Khan  requested  that  some  encamping  ground  for  Puran 
Mai  might  be  selected,  and  Sher  Sh&h  indicated  a  spot  in  the 
midst  of  his  encampment,  and  Eutb  Khan  himself  accompanied 
Pdran  Mai  to  the  spot  Sher  Sh&h  had  directed. 

After  some  days  the  widows  of  the  chief  men  of  Ohanderl  and 

VOL  TV,  26 


402  'ABBAS  KHAK. 

others  waited  for  Sher  Sh&h  by  the  road-side,  and  cried  oat  to 
him.    Sher  Sh&h  asked  who  they  were,  and  ordered  them  to  be 
brought  to  him.     They  said  :    '*  We  hare  suffered  from  this 
inhuman  and  malignant  infidel  all  kinds  of  tyranny  and  oppres- 
sion.   He  has  slain  our  husbands,  and  our  daughters  he  has 
enslaved,  and  has  made  dancing-girls  of  them,  and  has  seized  our 
lands,  and  all  our  worldly  goods,  for  a  long  time  past.  *  *  *  If 
you  do  not  give  us  justice,  hereafter,  in  the  day  of  resurrection, 
when  the  first  and  the  last  of  all  men  shall  be  collected  together, 
we  will  accuse  you.^'    As  Sher  Sh&h  was  a  belieying  and  josi 
ruler,  on  hearing  these  zeal-stirring  words  of  the  oppressed,  the 
tears  dropped  from  his  eyes,  and  he  said :  ^*  Have  patience,  for  I 
have  brought  him  out  by  promises  and  oaths.^'     They  replied : 
*'  Consult  with  your '  Ulama^  and  act  upon  the  decision  they  dudl 
pronounce.''^    When  Sher  Sh&h  came  back  to  his  tent,  he  sent 
for  all  of  the  ^  Ulamd  who  accompanied  his  victorious  army,  and 
related  one  by  one  the  inhuman  deeds  P6ran  Mai  had  committed 
with  respect  to  the  wives  and  &milies  of  the  Musulm&ns,  vA 
asked  them  to  give  their  decision.     Amir  Shaikh  Biaff'u-d  din 
and  the  other '  Ulamd  who  accompanied  the  victorious  army  pro- 
nounced a  decision  for  the  death  of  Pdran  Mai. 

At  night  orders  were  given  to  ^I  s&  Kh&n  H&jib,  that  he 
should  desire  his  troops  to  collect  with  the  elephants  in  sU 
haste  at  a  certain  spot,  for  that  Sher  Sh&h  intended  to  make 
a  forced  march  towards  Gondw&na.     To  Habfb  Kh&n  he  gave 
secret  orders  that  he  should  watch  Bhai&  P&ran  Mai,  and  take 
care  he  did  not  fly,  and  not  to  speak  a  word  of  this  to  any 
living  creature,  for  that  he  (Sher  Shah)  had  long  entertained 
this  design.     When  the  elephants  and  troops  were  at  the  ap- 
pointed spot,   they  reported  it.      Sher  Sh&h  ordered  that  at 
sunrise  they  should  surround  the  tents  of  Bhai&  Puran  MaL 
Puran  Mai  was  told  that  they  were  surrounding  his  encamp- 
ment, and  going  into  the  tent  of  his  beloved  wife  Batn&valit 
who  sang  Hindi   melodies  very  sweetly,  he  cut  off  her  head, 
and  coming  out  said  to  his  companions:  ^*  I  have  done  this: 


TABrEH-I  SHEB  BRAET.  403 

do  you  also  slay  your  wives  and  families."  While  the  Hindus 
were  employed  in  putting  their  women  and  families  to  death,  the 
A%h&ns  on  all  sides  commenced  the  slaughter  of  the  Hindus. 
Pliian  Mai  and  his  companions,  like  hogs  at  bay,  failed  not 
to  exhibit  valour  and  gallantry,  but  in  the  twinkling  of  an 
eye  all  were  slain.  Such  of  their  wives  and  &milies  as  were 
not  slain  were  captured.  One  daughter  of  Puran  Mai  and  three 
sons  of  his  elder  brother  were  taken  alive,  the  rest  were  all 
killed.  Sher  E[h&n  gave  the  daughter  of  Puran  Mai  to  some 
itinerant  minstrels  {bdsngardn)^  that  they  might  make  her  dance 
in  the  b&zfirs,  and  ordered  the  boys  to  be  castrated,  that  the  race 
of  the  oppressor  might  not  increase.  He  made  over  the  fort  of 
B&isin  to  Munshi  Shfihb&z  Ehfin  Acha-khail  Sarw&ni,  and 
returned  himself  towards  Agra,  and  remained  at  the  capital 
daring  the  rainy  season.^ 

After  the  conclusion  of  the  rains,  he  consulted  his  nobles  of 
name,  and  the  wise  among  his  courtiers,  saying  that  he  was 
quite  at  ease  concerning  the  kingdom  of  Hind.  *  *  *  The 
nobles  and  chiefs  said,  '^*  *  *  It  seems  expedient  that  the 
vietorious  standards  should  move  towards  the  Dekhin,  for  cer- 
tain rebellious  slaves  have  got  the  country  out  of  the  power  of 
their  master,  and  have  revolted,  and  following  the  heresy  of 
the  people  of  dissent  {Shia!)^  abuse  the  holy  posterity.  It 
is  incumbent  on  the  powerful  and  fortunate  to  root  out  this 
innovating  schism  from  the  Dekhin.^^  Sher  Sh&h  replied  : 
**  What  you  have  said  is  most  right  and  proper,  but  it  has  come 
into  my  mind  that  since  the  time  of  Sult&n  Ibrahim,  the  infidel 
Mmknddrs  have  rendered  the  country  of  Isl&m  full  of  unbelievers, 

^  Ahmad  Tfcdg&r  (MS.,  p.  304)  says  that  before  Sher  Shkh's  return  to  Agra,  the 
Shaikh-z&das  of  Bamfcwa  represented  that  their  country  had  been  plundered,  and 
their  wiTes  and  daughters  carried  off  by  Basdeo,  a  B&jptit.  Bddk  Mi&na  was  sent  to 
^ff^—  him  which  he  did  so  effectually  that  the  captives  were  aU  released,  and  im- 
mense  plunder  accrued  to  the  yictors.  This  is  followed  by  another  expedition  against 
•ome  Rifijkunwar  B&jptits,  but  the  author's  notions  are  so  lax  on  geography,  that  it  is 
quite  impossible  to  fix  the  locality  of  either  affair.  The  former,  though  with  some 
TariAtion  in  the  details,  is  the  same  as  that  which  was  instigated  by  the  Shaikh-z&das 
of  Bhandner,  as  recorded  in  the  WdkCdt-iMuthtM  (MS.,  p.  109). 


404  'ABBAS  KHAN. 

snd  have  thrown  down  the  ma^jids  and  buildings  of  the  believers, 
and  placed  idol-shrines  in  them,  and  they  are  in  possession  of  the 
country  of  Dehli  and  M&Iw&.    Until  I  have  cleansed  the  country 
firom  the  existing  contamination  of  the  unbelievers,  I  will  not  go 
into  any  other  country.  **  *   First,  I  will  root  out  that  aocursed 
infidel  M&Ideo,   for  that  he  was  the  servant  of  the  ruler  of 
K&gor  and  Ajmir,  who  placed  the  greatest  confidence  in  him. 
The  evil-minded  and  ungratefiil  infidel  slew  his  mast^,  and  by 
violence  and  oppression  possessed  himself  of  those  kingdoms.^ 
The  chie&  and  nobles  assented,  and  it  was  so  settled.     In  the 
year  950  a.h.  {1543-4  a.d.),^  the  king  ordered  that  his  conquering 
forces,  beyond  all  calculation  or  numeration,  should,  under  the 
shadow  of  his  victorious  standards,  march  towards  the  country  of 
N&gor,  Ajmir,  and  Judhpur.    I  have  heard  from  the  mouth  of 
the  respectably  descended  Shaikh  Muhammad,  and  of  the  Khin- 
'azam,  and  of  Muzaffar  Kh&n,  that  in  this  campaign  Sher  Shih 
had  so  great  an  army  with  him  that  the  best  calculators,  in  spite 
of  all  reflection  and  thought  and  calculation,  were  at  a  loss  to 
number  and  reckon  them,  and  we  often  ascended  the  tops  of 
eminences  that  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  army  might  appear 
to  us  ;  but  so  exceeding  was  its  magnitude,  that  its  whole  length 
and  breadth  were  never  visible  together ;  luid  we  asked  old  men  of 
great  age,  whether  they  had  ever  seen  or  heard  of  so  great  an 
army,  but  they  replied  they  had  not.^ 

When  Sher  Sh&h  marched  from  the  capital  of  iSigra,  and 
arrived  at  Fathpur  Sikri,  he  ordered  that  each  division  of  the 

^  Elphinstone  {Eist.  India^  tqI.  ii.,  p.  149),  says  951  h.  ;  bat  as  950  h.  b^anio 
April,  1543,  Sher  Sb&h  migbt  easily  have  completed  the  conquest  of  R&itSn  in  the 
hot  montbs,  returned  to  Agra  for  the  rainy  season,  and  set  out  for  M&nr&r  with  the 
six  best  months  of  950  h.  before  him.  If  he  deferred  his  M&rw&r  expedition  to  the 
cold  season  of  951  h.,  there  would  be  no  time  for  his  subsequent  return  to  Agn  ind 
operations  against  Chitor  and  Ealinjar.  The  latter  alone,  according  to  the  WdkfU'i 
Mushtdki  (MS.,  p.  110),  and  the  Tdrikh-i  Ddudi  (MS.,  p.  286),  occupied  eigW 
months. 

^  The  host  of  the  R&jp6ts  could  have  been  scarcely  less,  if  we  are  to  believe  tiM 
extravugant  statement  of  the  Makhtan-i  Afghani^  which  (MS.,  p.  249)  sets  it  doffi 
at  50,000  cavalry  and  300,000  infantry.  The  Tdrikh-i  Khdn  Jahdn  (MS^  p.  18S) 
modestly  retrenches  the  300,000  infantry  altogether. 


TABrEH-I  SHEB  SEKET.  405 

army  should  march  together  in  wrder  of  battle,  and  should  throw 
up  an  earthen  entrenchment  at  every  halting-groand.  On  the 
way  they  encamped  one  day  on  a  plain  of  sand,  and  in  spite  of 
every  labonr,  they  could  not,  on  account  of  the  sand,  make  an 
entrenchment.  Sher  Sh&h  considered  by  what  contrivance  the 
entrenchment  could  be  completed.  MahmM  Kh&n,  grandson^ 
of  Sher  Sh4h,  said :  "  Let  my  lord  order  that  sacks  should  be 
filled  with  sand,  and  that  they  should  make  the  entrenchment 
with  the  bags.''  Sher  Sh&h  praised  his  grandscm's  contrivance, 
and  was  greatly  delighted,  and  ordered  that  they  should  make 
the  fortification  of  bags  filled  with  sand,  and,  accordingly,  at  that 
halting-place  they  did  so.  When  he  approached  the  enemy, 
Sher  Kh&n  contrived  a  stratagem;  and  having  written  letters  in 
the  name  of  M&ldeo's  nobles  to  this  effect,  viz.,  ''  Let  not  the 
long  permit  any  anxiety  or  doubt  to  find  its  way  to  his  heart. 
Daring  the  battle  we  will  seize  M&ldeo,  and  bring  him  to  you,^^ 
and  having  inclosed  these  letters  in  a  hharita  or  silken  bag,  he 
gave  it  to  a  certain  person,  and  directed  him  to  go  near  to  the 
tent  of  the  iHxkil  of  M&ldeo,  and  remain  there,  and  when  he  went 
out  to  drop  the  kharUa  on  his  way,  and  conceal  himself.  Sher 
Sh&h's  agent  did  as  he  was  ordered;  and  when  the  vakil  of 
M&ldeo  saw  the  kharita  lying,  he  picked  it  up,  and  sent  the 
letters  to  M&ldeOb  When  the  latter  learnt  their  contents,  he 
was  much  alarmed,  and  fled  without  fighting.  Although  his 
nobles  took  oaths  of  fidelity,  he  did  not  heed  them.  Some  of  the 
chieftains,  such  as  Jaya  Ghandel  and  6oh&,  and  others,  came  and 
attacked  Sher  Sh&h,  and  displayed  exceeding  valour.  Part  of 
the  army  was  routed,  and  a  certain  Afgh&n  eame  to  Sher  Sh&h, 
and  abused  him  in  his  native  tongue,  saying,  ^'  Mount,  for  the 
infidels  are  routing  your  army.''  Sher  Shdh  was  performing 
his  morning  devotions,  and  was  reading  the  Musta'dbi'i  'ashr. 

^  One  copy  reada  **  son,"  bat  he  waa  **  grandaon,"  being,  according  to  tbe 
JUMum-i  Jfyhdni  (MS.,  p.  260)  the  son  of  'Adil  Ehfcn.  Dorn  (p.  138)  calls  him 
M  nephew."  The  Tdrikh-%  Khdn  Jahdn  (MS.,  p.  182)  makea  out  that  he  waa  a 
graadchild  by  a  daughter,  and  only  seven  years  old  when  he  snggeated  this  sagacious 
wMot,    It  doea  not  mention  the  name  of  this  precocious  child. 


406  'ABBAS  KHAK. 

He  gave  no  reply  to  the  Afgh&n.     By  a  sign  he  ordered  his 
horse,  and  mounted,  when  news  of  victory  was  bronght,  to  the 
effect  that  Ehaw&s  Eh&n  had  slain  Jaya  and  Gh>h&  with  all  tkeir 
forces.     When  Sher  Sh&h  learnt  the  valour  and  gallantly  of 
Jaya  and  6oh&,  he  said :  ^^  I  had  nearly  given  the  kingdom  of 
Dehli  for  a  millet  (bdjra)  seed."  ^     He  left  Ehaw&s  Kh&n  and 
Ysd  Khkn  Ni&z(,  and  some  other  chiefs,  in  the  country  of  Niger, 
and  himself  returned.     Khaw&s  Eh&n  founded  a  city  in  his  own 
name  near  the  fort  of  Judhpdr,  and  called  it  **  Khaw&spdr,^'  and 
brought  into  his  power  and  possession  the  whole  country  of  N&gor 
and  Ajmir,  the  fort  of  J6dhpiir,  and  the  districts  of  Mirwit. 
M&ldeo  went  to  the  fort  of  Siw&na,  on  the  borders  of  Gujar&t. 

Sher  Sh&h's  nobles  represented  to  him  that,  as  the 
rainy  season  was  near  at  hand,  it  was  advisable  to  go  into 
cantonments.  Sher  Sh&h  replied,  **  I  will  spend  die  rainy 
season  in  a  place  where  I  can  carry  on  my  work,^  and  mardied 
towards  the  fort  of  Ohitor.*  When  he  was  yet  twelve  kas  from 
the  fort  of  Ghitor,  the  B&j&  who  was  its  ruler  sent  him  the 
keys.  When  Sher  Sh&h  came  to  Ohitor,  he  lefl  in  it  the 
younger  brother  of  Ehaw&s  E[h&n,  Mi&n  Ahmad  Sarw&ni,  and 
Husain  Ehan  Ehilji.  Sher  Sh&h  himself  marched  towards 
Eachw&ra.  His  eldest  son  'Adil  £lh4n  took  leave  to  go  and  visit 
Rantambhor.  Sher  Shdh  said :  '^  I  give  you  leave  in  order  to 
please  you,  but  come  agaiit  quickly,  and  do  not  remain  for  a  long 
time  at  that  fort."^'  When  Sher  Shih  came  near  Eachw&rfti 
Shuj&'^at  Kh&n  went  towards  Hindia.  OerUdn  persons  who 
were  envious  of  Shuj&'at  Ehan,  said  that  Shuj&'at  Kh&n  kept 
up  no  troops,  though  he  had  to  maintain  12,000  horse,  and  on  this 

^  An  allusion  to  the  barrenness  of  M&rw&r. 

'  This  makes  it  eyident  that  he  could  scarcely  hare  remained  at  all  at  Agra  on  his 
return  at  the  close  of  950  or  beginning  of  951  h.  Indeed,  had  not  the  TdHkh-i 
Bdudi  (MSm  p.  284]  mentioned  his  proceedings  at  Ajmir,  and  his  Tisit  to  the  shxine 
of  Kbw&ja  Mu'inu-d  din  Chishti,  his  return  to  Agra  at  all  might  haTe  been  dispoted. 
Shortly  after  the  beginning  of  951  h.  he  must  hare  started  for  Chitor,  iwnAing 
during  the  hot  weather,  passing  the  rains  in  Eachw&ra,  and  then  occupying  the  dosiDg 
months  of  952  and  the  beginning  of  953  with  the  siege  of  Kalinjar.  This  makes  tke 
chronology  very  plain. 


TABrKH-I  SHEB  SHAHF.  407 

account  he  dared  not  come  into  the  presence^  and  made  a  pre- 
text of  going  to  Hindia.  The  sons  of  Shuj&'at  Kh&n,  Mi&n 
B&yazid  and  Daulat  Eh&n,  were  with  Sher  Sh&h,  and  wrote 
the  true  state  of  the  case  to  Shuj&'at  Kh&n.  On  hearing  the 
news,  Shaj&^at  Eh&n  came  to  Kachw&ra,  to  the  king,  and 
requested  his  horses  should  be  branded.  7500  he  passed  under 
the  brand,  and  he  said  that  the  rest  were  ii\  his  districts  on 
duty,  and  if  ordered  he  would  send  for  them  and  pass  them  too 
under  the  brand.  Sher  Sh&h  replied :  '^  There  is  no  necessity 
&r  branding  them,  for  your  force  is  with  you ;  and  as  to  the 
persona  who  have  defamed  you,  their  faces  are  blackened/^ 
When  he  dismissed  Shuj&'at  Kh&n,  he  said :  "  As  soon  as  you 
receive  news  that  Ealinjar^  has  &llen,  do  you,  without  fail,  set  off 
for  the  Dekhin  with  all  haste.     Do  not  delay  or  linger  at  all." 

Sher  Sh&h  himself  marched  from  Eachw&ra  towards  Kalinjar. 
When  he  reached  the  stage  of  Sh&hbandl,  news  came  that  'Alam 
Kh&n  Mi&na  had  created  a  disturbance  in  the  Do&b,  and  having 
raiaed  the  province  of  Mirath  (Meerut),  had  ravaged  great  part  of 
the  neighbouring  country.  Sher  Sh&h  turned  from  Sh&hbandi, 
and  had  gone  two  marches,  when  news  arrived  that  ^Khm  Kh&n 
had  been  conquered ;  for  Bhagwant,  the  slave  of  Khaw&s  Kh&n, 
and  governor  of  Sirhind,  had  slain  him  near  Sirhind.  Upon 
this,  Sher  Sh&h  turned  again  towards  Kalinjar.'  The  B&j&  of 
Kalinjar,  Elirat  Sing,  did  not  come  out  to  meet  him.  So  he 
ordered  the  fort  to  be  invested,  and  threw  up  mounds  against  it, 
and  in  a  short  time  the  mounds  rose  so  high  that  they  over- 
topped the  fort.  The  men  who  were  in  the  streets  and  houses 
were  exposed,  and  the  Afgh&ns  shot  them  with  their  arrows  and 
muskets  from  off  the  mounds.  The  cause  of  this  tedious  mode 
of  capturing  the  fort  was  this.  Among  the  women  of  B&j& 
Kirat  Sing  was  a  P&tar  slave-girl,  that  is  a  dancing-girl.  The 
king  had  heard  exceeding  praise  of  her,  and  he  considered  how 

^  So  0pelt  in  all  the  copies.    It  ia  more  usual  to  write  it  *'  K&linjar." 
*  Ahmad  T&dg&r  (MS.,  p.  818)  says  that  the  reason  for  his  advancing  against 
Kalinjar  was,  that  Birsingdeo  Bundela,  who  had  been  summoned  to  Court,  had  fled, 
and  taken  refuge  with  the  E&j&  of  Kalinjar,  who  refiised  to  giie  him  up. 


408  !ABBAS  KHAN. 

to  get  possession  of  her,  for  he  feared  lest  if  he  stormed  tbe 
fort,  the  B&J&  E{rat  Sing  would  certainly  make  a  jauhar,  and 
would  bum  the  girl. 

On  Friday,  the  9th  of  Rabi'u-1  awwal,  952  a-h.,  when  one 
watch  and  two  hours  of  the  day  was  over,  Sher  Sh&h  called 
for  his  breakfast,  and  eat  with  his.  'ulamd  and  priests,  without 
whom  he  never  break&sted.  In  the  midst  of  breakfiut,  Shaikh 
Niz&m  said,  *'  There  is  nothing  equal  to  a  religious  war  agunst 
the  infidels.  If  you  be  slain  you  become  a  martyr,  if  you  Uve 
you  become  a  ghdzL"  When  Sher  Sh&h  had  finished  eating 
his  breakfast,  he  ordered  Dary&  E[h&n  to  bring  loaded  shdk,^ 
and  went  up  to  the  top  of  a  mound,  and  with  his  own  hand  shot 
off  many  arrows,  and  said,  ''  Dary&  Eh&n  comes  not ;  he  delays 
very  long."*^  But  when  they  were  at  last  brought,  Sher  Shih 
came  down  from  the  mound,  and  stood  where  they  were  placed. 
While  the  men  were  employed  in  discharging  them,  by  the  will 
of  God  Almighty,  one  shell  full  of  gunpowder  struck  on  the  gate 
of  the  fort  and  broke,  and  came  and  fell  where  a  great  number  of 
other  shells  were  placed.  Those  which  were  loaded  all  began  to 
explode.  Shaikh  Halil,  Shaikh  Niz&m,  and  other  learned  men, 
and  most  of  the  others  escaped  and  were  not  burnt,  but  they 
brought  out  Sher  Sh&h  partially  burnt.  A  young  princess  who 
was  standing  by  the  rockets  was  burnt  to  death.  When  Sher 
Sh4h  was  carried  into  his  tent,  all  his  nobles  assembled  in  darbdr; 
and  he  sent  for  'fsi  Kh&n  H&jib  and  Masnad  Kh&ii  Kalkapur, 
the  son-in-law  of  '*ts&  Kh&n,  and  the  paternal  uncle  of  the 
author,  to  come  into  his  tent,  and  ordered  them  to  take  the  fort 


^  Perhaps  tbiB  may  mean  only  "  rockets."  The  words  are ''  hukkahdpin^  as  dtitk" 
It  is  to  he  remarked  that  there  is  no  mention  of  deg,  a  mortar ;  and  the  shape  of  a 
hukka^  or  smoking-bowl,  is  not  nnlike  that  of  a  loaded  rocket.  Moreorer,  if  a  shell 
had  burst,  except  yery  close,  it  would  not  have  ignited  other  sheUs,  and  shells  do  sol 
usually  rtbound  unexploded ;  whereas,  it  is  a  common  occurrence  for  a  rocket  to 
retrace  its  path,  especially,  as  appears  here  to  have  been  the  case,  when  the  stick 
breaks.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  to  be  remembered  that  the  shape  of  a  kttkkm  is  still 
more  like  a  shell ;  and  that  there  is,  and  was,  a  specific  word  for  rocket  {ban) — s 
Hindi  Tocable  in  common  use  even  in  Persian  authors,  and  which  might  easily  ha?e 
been  introduced  in  this  passage  without  any  yiolation  of  usage  or  propriety. 


TABrKH-I  SHEE  SHAHr.  409 

while  he  was  yet  alive.  When  'f  s&  Eh&n  came  oat  and  told  the 
chie&  that  it  was  Sher  Sh&h's  order  that  they  should  attack  on 
every  side  and  capture  the  fort,  men  came  and  swarmed  out 
instantly  on  every  side  like  ants  and  locusts;  and  hy  the  time  of 
afternoon  prayers  captured  the  fort,  putting  eveiy  one  to  the 
sword,  and  sending  all  the  infidels  to  hell.  About  the  hour  of 
evening  prayers,  the  intelligence  of  the  victory  reached  Sher 
Sh&h,  and  marks  of  joy  and  pleasure  appeared  on  his  coun- 
tenance. B&J&  E{rat  Sing,  with  seventy  men,  remuned  in  a 
house.  Kuih  Eh&n  the  whole  night  long  watched  the  house  in 
person  lest  the  K&j&  should  escape.  Sher  Sh&h  said  to  his  sons 
that  none  of  his  nobles  need  watch  the  house,  so  that  the  B&j£ 
escaped  out  of  the  house,  and  the  labour  and  trouble  of  this  long 
watching  was  lost.  The  next  day  at  sunrise,  however,  they  took 
the  B&J&  alive.^ 

On  the  10th  Rabi'u-1  awwal,  952  a.h.  (May,  1546  a.d.), 
Sher  Sh&h  went  irom  the  hostel  of  this  world  to  rest  in  the 
mansion  of  happiness,  and  ascended  peaceiully  from  the  abode 
of  this  world  to  the  lofty  heavens.  The  date  was  discovered  in 
the  words  az  dtaah  murd^  '^  He  died  from  fire." 

Conclusion  of  the  Woek. 

On  certain  matters  regarding  Sher  Shdh^  on  which  he  teas  busied 
day  and  nighty  and  which  he  enjoined  to  his  sons,  chiefs,  and  nobleSy 
and  which  he  caused  to  he  recorded. 

When  fortune  gave  into  the  hands  of  Sher  Sh&h  the  bridle  of 
power,  and  the  kingdom  of  Hind  fell  under  his  dominion,  he  made 
certain  laws,  both  from  his  own  ideas,  and  by  extracting  them 
from  the  works  of  the  learned,  for  securing  relief  from  tyranny, 
and  for  the  repression  of  crime  and  villany ;  for  maintaining  the 
prosperity  of  his  realms,  the  safety  of  the  highways,  and  the 
comfort  of  merchants  and  troops.    He  acted  upon  these  laws, 

1  The  Makhzan-i  Afghdni  sajs  tliat  the  first  act  of  Isl&iii  Sh&h's  reign  was  to 
order  him  for  execution. 


410  'ABBAS  KHAN. 

and  it  was  proyed  by  experience  that  they  became  the  means  of 
procuring  tranquillity  for  the  classes  above  mentioned.  Sher 
Sh&h  often  said,  ^^  It  behoves  kings  to  inscribe  the  page  of  thdr 
history  with  the  characters  of  religion,  that  their  servants  and 
subjects  may  love  religion;  for  kings  are  partakers  in  e?^ 
act  of  devotion  and  worship  which  proceeds  from  the  priests  and 
the  people.  Grime  and  violence  prevent  the  development  of 
prosperity.  It  behoves  kings  to  be  grateful  for  the  favour  that 
the  Lord  has  made  his  people  subject  to  them,  and  therefore  nol 
to  disobey  the  commandments  of  OtoiJ*^ 

Sher  Sh&h  attended  to  every  business  concerning  the  adminia- 
tration  of  the  kingdom  and  the  revenues,  whether  great  or  small, 
in  his  own  person.  Nor  did  he  permit  his  temporal  aflUn 
to  be  unmixed  with  devotion ;  day  and  night  he  was  employed 
in  both  works.  He  had  his  dependents  in  waiting  to  awake  him 
when  two-thirds  of  the  night  were  passed ;  and  bathing  himself 
eveiy  night  he  employed  himself  in  prayer  and  supplication 
until  the  fourth  watch.  After  that  he  heard  the  accounts  of  the 
various  officers,  and  the  ministers  made  their  reports  of  the  work 
to  be  done  in  their  respective  departmental,  and  the  orders  which 
Sher  Sh&h  gave  they  recorded  for  their  future  guidance,  that 
there  might  be  no  necessity  for  inquiry  in  future.  When  the 
morning  had  well  broken,  he  again  performed  his  ablutions,  and 
with  a  great  assembly  went  through  his  obligatory  devotions, 
and  afterwards  read  the  Mmta^dh-i  ^ashr^  and  other  prayers. 
After  that  his  chiefs  and  soldiers  came  to  pay  their  respects, 
and  the  ^' heralds^'  (nakibs)  called  out  each  man  by  name,  and 
said  : — ''  Such  and  such  a  one,  the  son  of  such  a  one,  pays  bii 
respects.^  One  ftiU  hour  after  sunrise,  that  is  to  say  about  the 
first  hour  of  the  day,  he  performed  the  Namdz-i  ishrdk}  After 
this,  he  inquired  of  his  chiefs  and  soldiers  if  any  of  them  had  no 
jdgiry  that  he  might  assign  them  one  before  entering  on  a  cam- 
paign ;  and  said  that  if  any  asked  for  a  jdgir  while  engaged 

These  as  well  as  some  other  of  the  ohserTances  noted  aboie  are  iupererogatorj.— 
See  Kdnim^i  Isldm,  p.  66, 


TABrKH-I  SHSB  SHAHF.  411 

in  a  campaign,  he  should  be  punished.  After  that  he  asked  if 
there  were  any  who  were  oppressed  or  evil  treated,  that  he 
might  right  them,  for  Sher  Sh&h  was  adorned  with  the  jewel  of 
justice,  and  he  oftentimes  remarked,  **  Justice  is  the  most  excel- 
lent of  religious  rites,  and  it  is  approved  alike  by  the  kings  of 
infidels  and  of  the  faithftil."  *  *  *  So  he  employed  himself 
in  personally  discharging  the  administration  of  the  kingdom, 
and  divided  both  day  and  night  into  portions  for  each  separate 
business,  and  suffered  no  sloth  or  idleness  to  find  its  way  to  him. 
**  For/'  said  he,  *^  it  behoves  the  great  to  be  always  active,  and 
they  should  not  consider,  on  account  of  the  greatness  of  their 
own  dignity  and  loftiness  of  their  own  rank,  the  affairs  and  busi- 
ness of  the  kingdom  small  or  petty,  and  should  place  no  undue 
reliance  on  their  ministers.  *  *  *  The  corruption  of  ministers  of 
eontemporary  princes  was  the  means  of  my  acquiring  the  worldly 
kingdom  I  possess.  A  king  should  not  have  corrupt  vakib  or 
wtMirs:  for  a  receiver  of  bribes  is  dependent  on  the  giver  of 
bribes ;  and  one  who  is  dependent  is  unfit  for  the  office  of  trosir, 
for  he  is  an  interested  personage ;  and  to  an  interested  person 
loyalty  and  truth  in  the  administration  of  the  kingdom  are  lost.^ 
MThen  the  young  shoot  of  Sher  Sh&h's  prosperity  came  into 
bearing,  he  always  ascertained  the  exact  truth  regarding  the 
oppressed,  and  the  suitors  for  justice ;  and  he  never  fibvoured  the 
oppressors,  although  they  might  be  his  near  relations,  his  dear 
sons,  his  renowned  nobles,  or  of  his  own  tribe ;  and  he  never 
showed  any  delay  or  lenity  in  punishing  oppressors.  *  *  • 
Among  the  rules  which  Sher  Sh&h  promulgated,  and  which 
were  not  before  known  in  the  world,  is  the  branding  of  horses ;  ^ 

1  But  the  TdHi^-i  Ehdn  Jahdn  (MS.,  p.  187)  sajs,  that  the  practice  wai  intro- 
dneed  by  Solt&n  Sanjar,  and  that  the  example  was  followed  by  other  Sult&ns ;  that 
in  Hindnstin,  it  wai  obteryed  by  'Al&u-d  din  Ehilji,  and  that  Sher  Sh&h  merely 
renewed  his  ordinanoe.  Abd-l  Fail  oontemptnonsly  remarks,  that  he  sought  the 
qiplaose  of  fdtare  generations,  by  mere  reriTali  of  Al&u-d  din*s  regulations  which 
he  had  read  of  in  the  TiHkh-i  Firoz  Shdhl,  Sher  Sh&h  was  snch  an  admirer  of  the 
ddfh  system,  that  men,  as  well  as  cattle,  on  his  register,  had  to  submit  to  it  Ttie 
IHriii'i  Ldiidi  (MS.,  p.  236)  says  that  eren  the  sweepers  had  the  royal  brand  im* 
prsMod  on  them :  it  omits  to  say  on  what  part  of  the  body.    Allusion,  howereri  may 


412  'ABBAS  EHAK. 

and  he  said  he  ordered  it  on  this  accoont,  that  the  rights  of 
the  chiefs  and  their  soldiers  might  be  distinct,  and  that  the 
chiefs  might  not  be  able  to  defraud  the  soldiers  of  their  rights ; 
and  that  eyery  one  should  maintain  soldiers  accordhig  to  his 
rank  {man8ab\  and  should  not  vary  his  numbers.  ^^  For,"  said  he, 
^4n  the  time  of  Sult&n  Ibr&him,  and  afterwards,  I  observed  that 
many  base  nobles  were  guilty  of  fraud  and  &lsehood,  who,  at 
the  time  when  their  monthly  salary  was  assigned  to  them,  had  a 
number  of  soldiers ;  but  when  they  had  got  possession  of  their 
jdgirs,  they  dismissed  the  greater  number  of  their  men  without 
payment,  and  only  kept  a  few  men  for  indispensable  duties, 
and  did  not  even  pay  them  in  full.  Kor  did  they  regard  the 
injury  to  their  master^s  interests,  or  the  ingratitude  of  their  own 
conduct ;  and  when  their  lord  ordered  a  review  or  assembly  of 
their  forces,  they  brought  strange  men  and  horses,  and  mustered 
them,  but  the  money  they  put  into  their  own  treasuries.  In 
time  of  war  they  would  be  defeated  from  paucity  of  numbers, 
but  they  kept  the  money,  and  when  their  master's  affairs  became 
critical  and  disordered,  they,  equipping  themselves  with  this 
very  money,  took  service  elsewhere ;  so  from  the  rain  of  their 
master^s  fortunes  they  suffered  no  loss.  When  I  had  the  good 
fortune  to  gain  power,  I  was  on  my  guard  against  the  deceit  and 
fraud  of  both  chiefs  and  soldiers,  and  ordered  the  horses  to  be 
branded,  in  order  to  block  up  the  road  against  these  tricks  and 
frauds ;  so  that  the  chie&  could  not  entertain  strangers  to  fill  up 
their  ranks."  Sher  Sh&h's  custom  was  this,  that  he  would  not  pay 
their  salary  unless  the  horses  were  branded,  and  he  carried  it  to 
such  an  extent  that  he  would  not  give  anything  to  the  sweepers 
and  women  servants  about  the  palace  without  a  brand,  and  they 
wrote  out  descriptive  rolls  of  the  men  and  horses  and  brought 

be  made  only  to  the  bones  of  the  sweepers,  tbougb  it  seems  improbable  that  such  a 
class  should  have  had  any.  The  passage  in  the  WdkCdt-i  Mtuktdki  (MS.,  p.  99) 
nms  thus :  "  Even  in  the  Haram  establishment  he  gave  a  salary  to  no  one  unless  hit 
horses  were  branded,  insomuch  that  oren  a  sweeper  caused  the  stamp  to  be  applied.*' 
This  work,  as  usual,  is  the  source  of  the  information  in  the  Tdrlkh-i  DdiuU,  and  all 
the  tririal  anecdotes  which  follow  on  the  subject  of  the  dd^h  are  the  lame  in  bodL 


TABrKH-I  SHEE  SHiCHr.  413 

them  before  him,  and  he  himself  compared  the  rolls  when  he 
fixed  the  monthly  salaries,  and  then  he  had  the  horses  branded 
in  his  presence. 

After  the  Namdz'i  iahrdk,  he  went  through  various  business  : 
he  paid  each  man  separately,  mustered  his  old  troops,  and 
spoke  to  the  newly-enlisted  men  himself,  and  questioned  the 
A%h&ns  in  their  native  tongue.  If  any  one  answered  him 
accurately  in  the  Afgh&n  tongue,  he  said  to  him,  ''  Draw  a  bow/' 
and  if  he  drew  it  well,  he  would  give  him  a  salary  higher  than 
the  vest,  and  said,  ^'  I  reckon  the  Afgh&n  tongue  as  a  friend/' 
And  in  the  same  place  he  inspected  the  treasure  which  arrived 
from  all  parts  of  the  kingdom,  and  gave  audience  to  his  nobles 
or  their  vakils^  or  to  zaminddrs^  or  to  the  envoys  of  the  kings  of 
other  countries,  who  came  to  his  victorious  camp ;  or  he  heard 
the  reports  which  came  from  the  nobles  who  were  his  'amiTs,  and 
gave  answers  to  them  according  to  his  own  judgment,  and  the 
munshis  wrote  them.  When  two  hours  and  a  half  of  the  day 
were  over,  he  rose  up  and  eat  his  breakfast  with  his  ^ulama  and 
holy  men,  and  after  breakfast  he  returned  and  was  engaged  as 
before  described  till  mid-day.  At  mid-day  he  performed  the 
kailiUa  (which  is  a  supererogatory  act  of  devotion),  and  took  a 
short  repose.  After  his  rest  he  performed  the  afternoon  devo- 
tions in  company  with  a  large  assembly  of  men,  and  afterwards 
employed  himself  in  reading  the  Holy  Word.  After  that  he 
spent  his  time  in  the  business  described  above  ;  and  whether  at 
home  or  abroad,  there  was  no  violation  of  these  rules. 

The  rules  for  the  collection  of  revenue  from  the  people,  and  for 
the  prosperity  of  the  kingdom,  were  after  this  wise  :  There  was 
appointed  in  every  pargana}  one  amkr^  one  God-fearing  shikkddr^ 
one  treasurer,  one  kdrkun  to  write  Hindi,  and  one  to  write 
Persian ;  and  he  ordered  his  governors  to  measure  the  land 
every  harvest,  to  collect  the  revenue  according  to  the  measure- 
ment, and  in  proportion  to  the  produce,  giving  one  share  to  the 

^  [The  TFdkCdt'i  Muthidki  has  this  passage,  and  states  that  the  parganat  were 
116,000  in  numher.] 


414  'ABBAS  KHAN. 

cultiyator,  and  half  a  share  to  the  mukaddknn  ;   and  fixmg  the 
assessment  with  regard  to  the  kind  of  grain,  in  order  thai  tbe 
mukaddams^  and  chaudharis^  and  'drnih  should  not  oppress  tlie 
cultiyators,  who  are  the  support  of  the  prosperity  of  the  kingdom. 
Before  his  time  it  was  not  the  custom  to  measure  the  land,  but 
there  was  a  kdndngo  in  every  pargana^  frotn  whom  was  ascertained 
the  present,  past,  and  probable  future  state  of  the  pargana.    In 
every  sarkdr  he  appointed  a  chief  «At%A(2t{r  and  a  chief  mtfiwiif,  that 
they  might  watch  the  conduct  both  of  the  'dmib  and  the  people; 
that  the  'dmib  should  not  oppress  or    injure  the    people,  or 
embezzle  the  king's  revenue ;  and  if  any  quarrel  arose  among  the 
king'^s  ^drnih  regarding  the   boundaries  of  the  parffanas,  thaj 
were  to  settle  it,  that  no  confusion  might  find  its  way  amongst 
the   king's   affairs.      If  the  people,  from  any  lawlessness  or 
rebellious  spirit,  created  a  disturbance  regarding  the  collection  of 
the  revenue,  they  were  so  to  eradicate  and  destroy  them  with 
punishment  and  chastisement  that  their  wickedness  and  rebellion 
should  not  spread  to  others. 

Every  year,  or  second  year,  he  changed  his  'amtb,  and  sent 
new  ones,  for  he  said,  '^  I  have  examined  much,  and  accurately 
ascertained  that  there  is  no  such  income  and  advantage  in 
other  employments  as  in  the  government  of  a  district.  There- 
fore I  send  my  good  old  loyal  experienced  servants  to  take 
charge  of  districts,  that  the  salaries,  profits,  and  advantages, 
may  accrue  to  them  in  preference  to  others  ;  and  after  two  years 
I  change  them,  and  send  other  servants  like  to  them,  that  they 
also  may  prosper,  and  that  under  my  rule  all  my  old  servants 
may  enjoy  these  profits  and  advantages,  and  that  the  gate  of 
comfort  and  ease  may  be  opened  to  them.'* 

And  this  amount  offerees  fully  equipped  and  stored  came  yearly 
to  the  king's  presence.  His  whole  army  was  beyond  all  limit  or 
numbering,  and  it  increased  every  day.  The  rule  regarding  the 
army  for  guarding  the  kingdom  from  the  disturbances  of  rebels, 
and  to  keep  down  and  to  repress  contumacious  and  rebellious  m- 
minddrs^  so  that  no  one  should  think  the  kingdom  undefended,  and 


TABrKH-I  6HEB  SHAHr.  415 

therefore  attempt  to  conquer  it,  was  as  follows:  Sher  Sh&h  always 
kept  150,000  horse  and  25,000  footmen,  either  armed  with 
matchlocks  or  bows,  present  with  him,  and  on  some  expeditions 
took  eren  more  with  him.  Haibat  Eh&n  N(&zi,  to  whom  the 
title  of  'Azam  Hum&ytin  had  been  granted,  had  one  force  con- 
sisting of  30,000  horsemen  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  fort 
of  Boht&s,  near  to  B&In&th  of  the  jogis^  and  held  in  check 
the  country  of  Kashmir  and  of  the  Ghakkars.  Dib&lpdr  and 
Molt&n  were  committed  to  Fath  Jang  Kh&n,  and  in  that  (latter) 
fort  much  treasure  was  stored ;  and  in  the  fort  of  Milwat  (which 
T&t&r  Eh&n  Ytisuf-khail  built  in  the  time  of  Sult&n  Bahlol) 
was  stationed  Hamid  Eh&n  E&kar,  who  held  such  firm  posses- 
sion of  the  Nagarkot,  Jw&la,  Dihdaw&l,  and  Jammu  hills,  in 
£sust  the  whole  hill-country,  that  no  man  dared  to  breathe  in 
opposition  to  him;  and  he  collected  the  revenue  by  measure- 
ment of  land  from  the  hill  people.  The  sarkdr  of  Sirhind  was 
given  in  jdglr  to  Masnad  ^Xll  Ehaw&s  Eh&n,  who  kept  in  that 
utrkdr  his  slave  Malik  Bhagwant,  at  the  capital  Dehli.  Mi&n 
Ahmad  Eh&n  Sarw&ni  was  amir^  and  '^dil  Eh&n  and  H&tim 
S3i&n  shikkdar  Kudifaujddr,  And  as  the  head-men  and  cultivators 
of  the  sarkdr  of  Sambhal  had  fled  from  the  oppression  of  Nasir 
Eh&n,  Sher  Sh&h  sent  there  Masnad  '^^li  Ts&  Eh&n,  son  of 
Masnad  ^^li  Haibat  Eh&n  Ealkapur  Sarw&nl,  who  had  the  title 
of  Eh&n-i  ^Azam,  and  was  a  counsellor  and  adviser  of  Sult&ns 
Bahlol  and  Sikandar ;  and  he  said  to  him :  ^^  I  have  given  to 
yon  the  parganas  of  E&nt,  Grola,  and  Tilhar  for  your  &mily  and 
your  old  horsemen.  Enlist  five  thousand  new  cavalry,  for  the 
sarkdr  of  Sambhal  is  ftiU  of  disafiected  and  riotous  people,  and 
the  cultivators  of  that  sarkdr  are  for  the  most  part  rebellious  and 
contumacious,  and  they  are  always  given  to  quarrelUng  with  and 
resisting  their  rulers." 

When  Masnad  'Ali  '!&&  Eh&n  came  to  that  sarkdr^  he  being 
a  lion  in  valour  and  gallantry,  so  humbled  and  overcame  by 
the  sword  the  contumacious  zaminddrs  of  those  parts,  that  they 
did  not  rebel  even  when  he  ordered  them  to  cut  down  their 


416  'ABBAS  KHAN. 

jungles,  which  they  had  cherished  like  children,  bat  cut  them  with 
their  own  hands,  though  drawing  deep  sighs  of  afliiction;  and 
they  reformed  and  repented  them  of  their  thieving  and  highwiy 
robberies,  and  they  paid  in  at  the  city  their  revenae  according  to 
the  measurements.  Sher  Eh&n  sidd :  ^^  By  reason  of  these  two 
Sarw&nis,  that  is  to  say,  'f  sd  Kh&n  and  Mi&n  Ahmad,  I  have  no 
cause  for  anxiety  from  the  sarkdr  of  Dehli  to  the  iarkdr  of  Lucknow. 

And  Bairak  Ni&zi,  who  was  ahikkdar  of  Ejinauj,  so  subjected 
the  contumacious  and  highway  plunderers  inhabiting  the^r^aM 
of  Malkonsah,  that  no  man  dared  to  draw  a  breath  in  contraTen- 
tion  of  his  orders.  Bairak  Ni&zi  so  established  authority  ofer 
the  people  of  Kanauj,  that  no  man  kept  in  his  house  a  sword, 
an  arrow,  a  bow,  or  a  gun,  nay,  any  iron  article  whaieyer, 
except  the  implements  of  husbandry  and  cooking  utensils ;  and 
if  he  ordered  the  head-men  of  any  village  to  attend  him,  thej 
obeyed  his  order,  and  dared  not  for  one  moment  to  absent  them- 
selves. The  fear  and  dread  of  him  was  so  thoroughly  instilled 
into  the  turbulent  people  of  those  parts,  that  according  to  the 
measurement  they  paid  their  revenue  to  the  treasurers. 

And  when  the  rebellion  and  disobedience  of  the  zaminddn 
who  live  in  the  parts  about  the  banks  of  the  rivers  Jumna 
and  Chambal  became  known  to  Sher  Sh&h,  he  brought  12,000 
horsemen  from  the  Sirhiud  sarkdr^  and  quartered  them  in 
the  pargana  of  Hatkdut  and  that  neighbourhood,  and  thej 
repressed  the  zaminddrs  and  cultivators  of  those  parts ;  nor 
did  they  pass  over  one  person  who  exhibited  any  contumacy. 
And  in  the  fort  of  (xw&lior,  Sher  Shah  kept  a  force  to  which 
were  attached  1000  matchlockmen.  In  Bay&na,  he  left  a  division, 
besides  a  garrison  of  500  matchlocks  ;  in  Rantambhor,  another 
division,  besides  1600  matchlockmen ;  in  the  fort  of  Chitor, 
3000  matchlockmen ;  ^  in  the  fort  of  Shadm&bad,  or  Mandu,  was 

The  Tdrikh'i  Dditdl  (MS.,  p.  229)  says  he  had  8000  matchlockmen  in  his  serriee. 
He  adds,  that  1600  were  stationed  in  Chitor,  600  in  Rantambhor,  1000  in  Bay&na, 
2000  in  Gw&lior,  and  a  due  proportion  in  every  other  fort  Whether  all  these  are  ii- 
cluded  in  the  8000,  or  the  8000  were  a  mere  personal  guard,  is  not  plain.  In  do 
single  instance  does  the  enumeration  correspond  with  that  of  our  author. 


TAErKH.1  SHEE  SHAHr.  417 

• 

Stationed  Shuj4'at  Eh&n,  with  10,000  horse  and  7000  match- 
lo<^.  He  had  hisjagirs  in  M&Iw&  and  Hindia.  In  the  fort  of 
B&iain  a  force  was  stationed,  together  with  1000  artillerymen ; 
and  in  the  fort  of  Ghun&r  another  force  also,  with  1,000  match- 
lockmen;  and  in  the  fort  of  Boht&s,  near  Bih&r,  he  kept  Ikhtiy&r 
Kh&n  Panni,  with  10,000  matchlockmen ;  and  Sher  Sh&h  kept 
treasnres  without  nnmber  or  reckoning  in  that  fort.  And  he 
kept  a  &rce  in  the  conntry  of  Bhadauria,^  and  another  under 
Khawas  Eh&n  and  ^f  8&  Kh&n  in  the  country  of  N&gor  Judhpur 
and  Ajmir ;  another  in  Lucknow,  and  one  in  sarkdr  K&lpi.  The 
kingdom  of  Bengal  he  divided  into  parts,  and  made  E&zi  Fazilat 
amir  of  that  whole  kingdom.  And  in  every  place  where  it  served 
his  interests,  he  kept  garrisons. 

After  a  time  he  used  to  send  for  the  forces  which  had 
enjoyed  ease  and  comfort  on  their  jdgirSy  and  to  send  away  in 
their  stead  the  chiefi  who  had  undergone  labour  and  hardship 
with  his  victorious  army.  He  appointed  courts  of  justice  in 
every  place,  and  always  employed  himself  in  founding  charities, 
not  only  for  his  lifetime,  but  even  for  after  his  death.  May  glory 
and  blessings  be  upon  his  eminent  dignity !  For  the  convenience 
in  travelling  of  poor  travellers,  on  every  road,  at  a  distance  of 
two  has,  he  made  a  aardi ;  and  one  road  with  aardia  he  made  fix)m 
the  &rt  which  he  built  in  the  Panj&b  to  the  city  of  Sun&rg&on, 
which  is  situated  in  the  kingdom  of  Bengal,  on  the  shore  of  the 
ocean.  Another  road  he  made  from  the  city  of  ^gra  to  Bur- 
h&np^,  which  is  on  the  borders  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Dekhin, 
and  he  made  one  from  the  city  of  Agra  to  Jddhpdr  and  Chitor ; 
and  one  road  with  sardis  from  the  city  of  Lahore  to  Mult&n. 
Altogether  he  built  1700  sardis^  on  various  roads ;  and  in  every 

^  It  ii  to  be  reg;retted  that  the  MSS.  show  a  want  of  concurrence  in  the  enamera« 
iion  of  these  foroee.  The  Tdrikh^i  Ddddtf  in  the  passage  quoted  above,  says  that 
there  was  also  maintained  a  body  of  footmen,  acting  singly  and  independently,  called 
ptrika;  and  118,000  horsemen  distributed  throughout  ^e  parffanat  for  the  protec- 
tion of  the  district  forts. 

*  One  MS.  has  2500  tardis.  The  NawddirU'l  Hikdydt  (MS.,  p.  699)  boldly  says 
2600  9ardlU  on  the  road  from  Bengal  to  the  Indus  alone.  This  arises  from  the  double 
igncnrance  of  rating  that  distance  at  2500  ko9,  and  of  reckoning  that  there  was  a  tardi 
St  «Mh  ko9y  instead  of  at  eyery  second  one. 

VOL.  IV.  27 


418  'ABBAS  KHAN. 

• 

iordi  he  built  separate  lodgings,  both  for  Hindds  and  Mnsalmins, 
and  at  the  gate  of  erery  sardi  he  hadphieed  pots  full  of  water,  that 
any  one  might  drink ;  and  in  eyeiy  sardk  he  settled  Br&hmans 
for  the  entertainment  of  Hindds,  to  provide  hot  and  cold 
water,  and  beds  and  food,  and  grain  for  their  horses;  and  it 
was  a  role  in  these  aardia,  that  whoever  entered  them  received 
provision  snitable  to  his  rank,  and  food  and  litter  for  his  cattle, 
from  Government.  Villages  were  established  all  round  the 
sardis.  In  the  middle  of  every  sardi  was  a  well  and  a  nuufid  of 
bomt  brick ;  and  he  placed  an  imdm  and  a  mut^zsin  m  every 
ma^'id^  together  with  a  custodian  {shahna)^  and  several  watchmen ; 
and  all  these  were  maintained  from  the  land  near  the  sardi.  In 
every  aardi  two  horses  were  kept,  that  they  might  quickly 
carry  news.^  I  have  heard  that  Hosain  Tashtdar*  once,  on  an 
emergency,  rode  300  kos  in  one  day.'  On  both  sides  of  the 
highway  Sher  Sh&h  planted  frnit-bearing  trees,  such  as  also  gave 
much  shade,  that  in  the  hot  wind  travellers  might  go  along  under 
the  trees  ;  and  if  they  should  stop  by  the  way,  might  rest  and 
take  repose.^  If  they  put  up  at  a  sardi,  they  bound  their  horses 
under  the  trees. 

^  We  shall  see  below,  that  the/  are  said  to  hare  amounted  to  3400.  The  Tdbrikh-i 
Khdn  Jahdn  (MS.,  p.  186)  adds :  '^  In  order  that  every  day  news  might  be  oonvejed 
to  him  firom  the  NU&b  and  Agra,  and  the  rerj  extremities  of  the  ooontries  of  Bengal." 
Sikandar  Lodi  has  the  credit  of  baring  established  these  ddk  ehaukU  before  him. 

*  In  some  copies  he  is  called  "  Shikkddr;  "  bat  in  others,  and  yery  plainly  in  the 
two  works  quoted  below,  he  is  called  *'  Tashtddr,'*  or  ewer-bearer,  a  member  of  the 
royal  household. 

'  The  WdkVdt'i  Mushtdki  (MS.,  p.  97),  followed  by  the  IHrikh-i  Ddidi  (MS., 
p.  225),  has  another  account  of  this  impossible  feat,  which  would  defy  eren  a  twenty- 
Osbaldistone  power.  Fifty  miles  an  hour  for  twelve  hours  without  intermission  ! ! ! 
''Husain  Kh&n  Tashtd&r  was  sent  on  some  business  from  Bengal.  He  went  on 
travelling  night  and  day.  Whenever  sleep  came  over  him,  he  placed  himself  on  a 
bed  (ehahdr'pdfjy  and  the  villagers  carried  him  along  on  their  shoulders.  When  he 
awoke,  he  again  mounted  a  horse,  and  went  on  his  way.  In  this  manner  he  reached 
Chitor  from  Gaur  in  three  days ;  and  think  what  a  distance  that  is ! "  It  is  indeed, 
800  miles,  as  the  crow  flies,  over  some  of  the  most  impracticable  parts  of  India !  Such 
senseless  lying  should  be  exposed ;  but  the  native  mind  is  at  present  so  constituted 
as  to  put  implicit  credence  even  in  such  an  averment  as  this. 

*  The  author  of  the  Muntakhabu-t  Tawdrikh  says  that  be  himself  saw  the  high 
road  from  Bengal  to  Hobt^,  which  was  in  many  places  so  ornamented,  after  it  had 
stood  for  fifty- two  years.  It  is  strange  that,  at  this  period,  not  a  trace  can  be  found  of 
tardif  mosque,  road,  or  tree.  His  beautiful  mausoleum  at  Sahsar&m  is  still  a  stately 
object,  standing  in  the  centre  of  an  artificial  piece  of  water,  faced  by  walls  of  cut  stone. 


TABnm.I  SHEB  SHAHr.  419 

Sher  Sh&h  alio  built  a  fori,.  Boht&s,  en  the  road  to  Ehur&s&n,  to 
hold  in  dieck  Kashmir  and  the  country  of  the  Ghakkars,  near 
the  hill  of  Bahi4th  Jogi,  four  koa  from  the  river  Behat,  and 
about  sixty  koa  from  Lahore,  and  fortified  and  strengthened  it 
exceedingly.  There  was  never  seen  a  place  so  fortified,  and 
immense  sums  were  expended  upon  the  work.  I, '  Abb&s  Ealkap&r 
Sarw&ni,  author  of  the  Tuf^fa-^  Akhar  Shdhlj  have  heard  from 
the  relators  of  the  history  of  Sher  Sh&h,  that,  when  build- 
ing this  fort,  stones  were  not  procurable.  The  overseers  wrote 
in  their  reports  that  stone  was  not  procurable,  or  only  procurable 
at  an  enormous  outlay.  Sher  Sh&h  wrote  back  in  reply,  that 
his  order  should  not  be  allowed  to  &il  from  avarice^  and  they 
should  go  on  with  the  building  though  they  paid  for  the  stone 
its  weight  in  copper.    He  called  that  fort  ^^  Little  Boht&s.''^ 

The  former  capital  city  of  Dehlf  was  at  a  distance  from  the 
Jumna,  and  Sher  Sh&h  destroyed  and  rebuilt  it  by  the  bank  of  the 
Jumna,  and  ordered  two  forts  to*  be  built  in  that  city,  with  the 
strength  of  a  mountain,  and  loftier  in  height ;  the  smaller  fort 
for  the  governor's  residence ;  the  other,  the  wall  round  the  entire 
dty,  to  protect  it;'  and  in  the  governor's  fort  he  built  b,  jamd* 
ma^jid  of  stone,  in  the  ornamenting  of  whidi  much  gold,  lapU 
la%uU^  and  other  precious  articles  were  expended.  But  the  forti- 
cations  round  the  cky  were  not  completed  when  Sher  Sh&h  died. 
He  destroyed  also  the  old  city  of  Sanauj,  the  former  capital  of  the 
Kings  of  India,  and  built  a  fort  of  burnt  brick  there;  and  on  the 
spot  where  he  had  gained  his  victory  he  built  a  city,  and  called 
it  Sher  Stir.  I  can  find  no  satisfactory  reason  for  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  old  city,  and  the  act  was  very  unpopular.  Another 
fort,  that  of  Bohnkundal,  he  also  built,  and  ordered  another  fort 
to  be  built  in  these  hills,  and  called  it  ^^  Sher  Koh.^'^     He  said, 

1  The  Tdrihh^i  Ddiidi  (MS.,  p.  236)  says  «  New  Robt&s/'  and  adds,  that  "*  it  cost 
eight  krorty  fire  laetj  five  thousand  and  two  and  a  half  ddnUf  which  means  Bahblis. 
AU  which  is  written  over  the  gate  of  the  fort" 

*  Literally,  that  it  might  be  a  "  Jab&n-pan&h^'*^  which*  was  the  name  of  one  of  tike 
old  cities  of  Dehli. 

*  There  is  a  notice  of  the  fort  of  Fatna,  which  was  built  by  him,  among  the 
Extracts  from  the  Tdrikh-i  DdMi. 


420  'ABB18  KEXS. 

««If  my  life  lasts  long  enough,  I  wiU  baild  a  fart  in  every 
mrkoTj  on  a  suitable  spot,  which  may  in  times  eif  irouUe 
become  a  refdge  for  the  oppressed  and  a  ohedL  to  4he  oontamir 
eious ;  and  I  am  making  all  the  earthen-woik  mnrdk  of  brid^ 
that  thej  also  may  serve  for  the  protection  and  safety  of  the 
highway." 

For  the  protection  of  the  roads  from  thieves  and  highway  rob- 
bers, he  made  regulations  as  follows :  He  strictly  impressed  on  his 
^dmiis  and  governors,  that  if  a  theft  or  robbery  ocenrred  within 
their  limits,  and  the  perpetrators  were  not  discovered,  then  they 
should  arrest  the  mukaddams  of  the  surrounding  Tillages,  aod 
compel  them  to  make  it  good  ;  but  if  the  mukaddams  produced 
the  offenders,  or  pointed  out  their  haunts,  the  mukaddams  of  the 
village  where  the  offenders  were  sheltered  were  compelled  to 
give  to  those  of  the  village  where  the  crime  occurred  the  amount 
of  restitution  they  had  paid ;  the  thieves  and  highway  robbers 
themselves  were  punished  with  the  penalties  laid  down  in  the 
holy  law.  And  if  murders  should  occur,  and  the  murderers  were 
not  discovered,  the  ^dmils  w&re  enjoined  to  seize  the  mukaddami^ 
as  detailed  above,  and  imprison  them,  said  give  them  a  period 
within  which  to  declare  the  murderers.  If  they  produced  the 
murderer,  or  pointed  out  where  he  lived,  they  were  to  let  the 
mukaddam  go,  and  to  put  the  murderer  to  death ;  but  if  the 
mukaddams  of  a  village  where  the  murder  had  occurred  could 
not  do  this,  they  were  themselves  put  to  death ;  for  it  has  been 
generally  ascertained  that  theft  and  highway  robberies  can  onlj 
take  place  by  the  connivance  of  these  head-men.  And  if  in  some 
rare  case  a  theft  or  highway  robbery  does  occur  within  the  limits 
of  a  village  without  the  cognizance  of  the  mukaddam^  he  will 
shortly  make  inquiry  that  he  may  ascertain  the  circumstances  of 
it ;  for  mukaddams  and  cultivators  are  alike  thieves,  and  they 
bear  to  each  other  the  intimate  relations  of  kinsmen :  hence  either 
the  mukaddams  are  implicated  in  thefts  and  highway  robberies, 
or  can  ascertain  who  perpetrated  them.  If  a  mukaddam  harbours 
thieves  and  robbers  unknown  to  the  governor,  it  is  fit  he  should 


TAETEH-I  SHBB  SHiCHr,  421 

be  pimifilied,  or  eveist  be  put  to  death,  that  it  may  be  a  warning 
to  others  to  abstain  firam  similMr  aots.^ 

In  the  days  of  Sher  Sh&h  and  of  Islfim  Shdh,  the  mukaddams 
used  to  protect  the  Umits  of  their  own  villages,  lest  any  thief  or 
robber,  or  enemy  oi  their  enemies,  might  injure  a  trayeller,  and 
so  be  the  means  of  their  destruction  and  death.  And  he  directed 
his  governors  and  ^dmib  to  compel  the  people  to  treat  merchants 
and  travellers  well  in  every  way,  and  not  to  injure  them  at  all ; 
and  if  a  merchant  should  die  by  the  way,  not  to  stretch  out  the 
hand  of  oppression'  and  violence  on  his  goods  as  if  they  were 
unowned ;  for  Shaikh  Niz&mi  (may  Gt)d  be  merciful  to  him !) 
has  said :  **  If  a  merchant  die  in  your  country,  it  is  perfidy  to 
lay  hands  on  his  property."  Throughout  his  whole  kingdom 
Sher  Shfih  only  levied  customs  on  merchandize  in  two  places, 
viz. :  when  it  came  from  Bengal,  customs  were  levied  at  Qharri 
(Sikri-gali) ;  when  it  came  from  the  direction  of  Khur&sdn,  the 
customs  were  levied  on  the  borders  of  the  kingdom ;  and  again, 
a  second  duty  was  levied  at  the  place  of  sale.  No  ooe  dared  to 
levy  other  customs,  either  on  the  road  or  at  the  ferries,  in  town 
orvUlage.  Sher  Shdh,  moreoTer,  forbad  hU  officials  to  purchae. 
anything  in  the  bfiz&rs  except  at  the  usual  bfiz&r  rates  and 
prices.. 

1  The  Tdrikh'i  Jkiiidi  (MS.,  pp.  231,  247}  mentdoiu  two  instancee  in  iUiutratioii 
of  this  enforeement  of  Tillage  retponsibility.  One  was,  that  a  hone  was  stolen  one 
night  froni<  Sher  Sh&h's  camp  at  Thfaiesar,  for  which  aU  the  zaminddrs^  for  a  circuit 
of  fifty  kotinre  summoned  and  held  responsihle,  with  the  threat  that  if  the  thief  and 
hand  were  not  forthooming*  within  three  days,  the  liyes  of  every  one  of  them  would 
fim  a  sacrifioe.  Both  were  shortly  produced,  and  the  thief  was  immediately  put  to 
deatii.  Another  was  a  case  in  which  a  murder  wa»  committed  near  Etliwk,  on  a  piece 
of  land  which  had  long  heen  disputed  between  the  neighbouring  villages.  In  this 
instance,  it  being  impossible  to  fix  upon  the  responsible  Tillage,  Sher  Sh&h  directed 
that  two  men  should  be  sent  to  cut  down  a  tree  which  was  near  the  spot  where  the 
murder  was  committed,  with  orders  that  any  man  who  came  to  prohibit  them  should 
be  sent  in  to  him.  A  mukaddam  of  one  of  the  Tillages  came  forward  to  remonstrate, 
and  was  dealt  with  accordingly.  He  was  tauntingly  asked,  how  he  could  know  of  a 
tree  being  cut  down  so  far  from  his  Tillage,  and  yet  not  know  of  a  man  being  cut 
down.  All  the  inhabitants  of  the  Tillage  were  then  seised,  and  threatened  with  death, 
if  iht  murderer  were  not  produced  within  three  days.  Under  these  circumstances, 
there  was  of  coutm  no>  difficulty  in  getting  the  culprit,  or  at  least  a  culprit,  who  was 
forthwith  executed! 


432  'AfiBA8  KHAN. 

One  of  the  regulations  Sher  Sh&h  made  was  this :  That 
his  yictorioos  standards  should  cause  ne  injury  to  the  cultiva- 
tion of  tlie  people;  and  when  he  marched  he  personally  examined 
into  the  state  of  the  cultivation,  and  stationed  horsemen  round 
it  to  prevent  people  from  trespassing  on  any  one's  field.  I  ha?e 
heard  from  Kh&n-i  ^azam  Musafiar  Eh&n,  who  said  ho  often  accom- 
panied Sher  Sh&h,  that  he  used  to  look  out  right  and  left,  and 
(which  God  forbid !)  if  he  saw  any  man  injuring  a  field,  he  would 
out  off  his  ears  with  his  own  hand,  and  hanging  the  com  (whidi 
he  had  plucked  off)  round  his  neck,  would  have  him  to  be  paraded 
through  the  camp.^  And  if  from  the  narrowness  of  the  road  any 
cultivation  was  unavoidably  destroyed,  lie  would  send  amli%t  with 
a  surveyor,  to  measure  the  cultivation  so  destroyed,  and  give 
compensation  in  money  to  the  cultivators.  If  unavoidably  tbe 
tents  of  his  soldiery  were  pitched  near  cultivation,  the  soldiers 
themselves  watched  it,  lest  any  one  else  should  injure  it,  and 
they  should  be  blamed  and  be  punished  bj  Sher  Sh&h,  who 
showed  no  &vour  or  partiality  in  the  dispensation  of  justice.  If 
he  entered  an  enemy'^s  country,  he  did  not  enslave  or  plunder 
the  peasantry  of  that  country,  nor  destroy  their  cultivation. 
^^For,"  said  he,  ^^  the  cultivators  are  blameless,  they  submit  to 
those  in  power ;  and  if  I  oppress  them  they  will  abandon  their 
villages,  and  the  country  will  be  ruined  and  deserted,  and  it  will 
be  a  long  time  before  it  again  becomes  prosperous.^  Sher 
Sh&h  very  often  invaded  an  enemy^s  country ;  but  on  account 
of  his  justice  the  people  remained,  and  brought  supplies  to  his 
army,  and  he  became  known  by  the  fame  of  his  generosity  and 
benevolence;  and  he  was  all  day  long  occupied  in  scattering 
gold  like  the  sun,  in  shedding  pearls  like  a  cloud ;  and  this  was 
the  reason  that  the  Afgh&ns  collected  round  him,  and  that  the 
kingdom  of  Hindust&n  fell  to  him.    And  if  any  want  befell  his 

1  The  WdkC&t'i  Muthtdki  (MS.,  p.  101)  and  the  TdMh^  JkUuU  (MS.,  p.  252) 
record  a  borbaroiu  punishment  inflieted  on  a  camel-driTer  during  a  march  in  M&lw&, 
for  plucking  eome  green  chiok.<pea.  Sher  Sh&h  had  a  hole  bored  in  his  noee,  and 
with  hii  feet  bound  together  he  was  supended  during  a  whole  march  with  bii  head 
downward.    "  After  that  no  one  stretched  out  his  hand  upon  com." 


TABIKH-I  SHEE  SHAHr.  423 

yictorious  army,  he  did  not  suffer  one  soldier  or  any  poor  helpless 
person  to  be  in  despair  or  utterly  unprovided  for,  but  gave  them 
something  for  their  subsistence.  Every  day  he  enlisted  men, 
to  give  them  a  subsistence. 

His  kitchen  was  very  extensive,  for  several  thousand  horse- 
men and  private  followers,  who  in  the  Afgh&n  tongue  are  called 
^^  Fi&hi,'^  fed  there ;  and  there  was  a  general  order,  that  if  any 
soldier  or  religious  personage,  or  any  cultivator,  should  be  in 
need  of  food,  he  should  feed  at  the  king's  kitchen,  and  should 
not  be  allowed  to  &mish.  And  places  for  the  dispensing  of  food 
to  the  poor  and  destitute,  and  to  all  necessitous  persons,  were 
eetablished  in  the  camp,  that  they  might  feed  every  one  as 
above  described.  The  daily  cost  of  these  meals,  and  of  these 
places  for  the  distribution  of  food,  was  600  gold  pieces  (ashrq/h). 

It  became  known  to  him  that  the  imdma  and  religious  persons 
had,  since  the  time  of  Sult&n  Ibr&hfm,  by  bribing  the  ^dmils^ 
got  into  their  possession  more  land  than  they  were  entitled 
to  hold;  he  therefore  resumed  their  holdings,  and  investi- 
gating the  cases  himself,  gave  to  each  his  right,  and  did  not 
entirely  deprive  any  man  of  his  possessions.  He  then  gave 
them  money  for  their  road  expenses,  and  dismissed  them. 
Destitute  people,  who  were  unable  to  provide  for  their  own 
subsistence,  like  the  blind,  the  old,  the  weak  in  body,  widows, 
and  the  sick,  etc.,  to  such  he  gave  stipends  from  the  treasury  of 
the  town  in  which  they  were  resident,  and  giving  them  the 
expenses  of  their  journey  sent  them  away.  And  on  account  of 
the  fraudulent  practices  of  the  religious  personages  (imdma),  he 
made  this  arrangement :  he  did  not  give  the  farmdns  directing  the 
assignments  to  the  religious  personages  themselves,  but  ordered 
the  mufishU  to  prepare  the  /armdns  relating  to  one  pargana^ 
and  to  bring  them  to  him.  Sher  Sh&h  then  put  them  all  into  a 
letter  and  put  his  seal  on  it,  and  gave  it  to  a  trustworthy  man 
of  his  own,  and  said  to  him,  ^'  Carry  these  farmdm  to  such  and 
such  a  pargana.*'  When  the  farmdns  came  to  the  shikkddr^ 
he  first  made  over  to  the  holy  personages  their  stipends,  and 


424  'ABBX8  KELKS. 

then  gaye  thefxrmdnB  into  their  poBseraion.  Sher  Sh£h  often 
said,  **  It  is  incumbent  upon  kings  to  give  gnunts  to  imdmi;  for 
the  prosperity  and  popnlonsness  of  the  cities  of  Hind  are  dependat 
on  the  imams  and  holy  men ;  and  the  teachers  and  travellen,  and 
the  necessitous,  who  cannot  come  to  the  king,  thej  will  pniae 
him,  being  supported  by  those  who  have  grants ;  and  the  ocm- 
Tenience  of  travellers  and  the  poor  is  thereby  secared,  as  well 
as  the  extension  of  learning,  of  skill,  and  religion ;  for  wfaoefer 
wishes  that  Gk>d  Almighty  should  make  him  great,  should  eheridi 
''UJamd  and  pious  persons,  that  he  may  obtain  honour  in  tlus 
world  and  felicity  in  the  next.^ 

To  every  pious  A%h&n  who  came  into  his  presence  finom 
Afgh&nist&n,  Sher  Sh&h  used  to   give  money  to  an  amount 
exceeding  his  expectations,  and  he  would   say,  **This  is  your 
share  of  the  kingdom  of  Hind,  which  has  fidlen  into  my  hands, 
this  is  assigned  to  you,  come  every  year  to  receive  it.^    And 
to  his  own  tribe  and  family  of  Sur,  who  dwelt  in  the  land  of 
Boh,  he  sent  an  annual  stipend  in  money,  in  proportion  to  the 
numbers  of  his  family  and  retainers ;    and  during  the  period 
of  his  dominion  no  Afgh&n,  whether  in  Hind  or  Boh,  was  in 
want,  but  all  became  men  of  substance.    It  was  the  custom  of 
the  Afgh&ns  during  the  time  of  Sult&ns  Bahlol  and  Sikandar, 
and  as  long  as  the  dominion  of  the  Afgh4ns  lasted,  that  if  anj 
Afgh&n  received  a  sum  of  money,  or  a  dress  of  honour,  that  sum 
of  money  or  dress  of  honour  was  regularly  apportioned  to  him, 
and  he  received  it  every  year. 

There  were  5000  elephants  in  his  elephant  sheds,  and  the 
number  of  horses  personally  attached  to  him  was  never  fixed, 
for  his  purchases  and  gifts  of  them  were  equally  great;  but 
3400  horses  were  always  kept  ready  in  the  sardis  to  bring 
intelligence  every  day  from  every  quarter.  113,000  villages 
of  Hind  were  included  in  the  royal  fisc.^  He  sent  a 
shikkddr  to  each  of  his  parganaa^  which  were  all   prosperous 

^  The  original  has  'M  13,000  pargatm^  that  ifl,  Tillages;"    but  the  WdkCaJt-i 
Mmhidki  (MS.,  p.  98)  says  <*  113,000 /^aryofiM,"  without  any  such  qualifiofttion. 


A  ^ 


TABTSH-I  SHEE  SHiCHr.  425 

ad  tranqiiily  and  there  was  not  one  place  which  was  con- 
mnacions  or  desolated;  the  whole  country  was  settled  and 
imppy;  com  was  cheap,  nor  daring  his  time  was  there  any- 
rhere  scarcity  or  femine.  His  army  was  beyond  all  reckoning, 
ad  every  day  increased.  For  the  enforcement  of  the  regulations 
rhich  he  had  published  for  the  protection  of  the  people,  Sher 
9i&h  sent  trusted  spies  with  every  force  of  his  nobles,  in  order 
hat,  inquiring  and  secretly  ascertaining  all  circumstances  relating 
o  the  nobles,  their  soldiers,  and  the  people,  they  might  relate 
hem  to  him ;  for  the  courtiers  and  ministers,  for  purposes  of 
heir  own,  do  not  report  to  the  king  the  whole  state  of  the 
dngdom,  lest  any  disorder  or  deficiency  which  may  have  found 
ts  way  into  the  courts  of  justice  should  be  corrected. 

I  have  heard  from  a  trustworthy  Afgh&n,  who  was  with 
Jhuj&'at  Eh&n,  that  when  Sher  Sh&h  gave  him  the  government 
>(  the  kingdom  of  M&lwft,  at  the  time  of  assigning  jdgirs^  his 
ninisters  said  to  him :  ''It  is  time  to  SBsignjdgirs  to  the  soldiery 
f  it  pleases  your  worship ;  keep  a  share  for  yourself  from  the 
K>rtion  assigned  to  the  soldiery,  and  divide  the  rest  among  them.'' 
Jhnj&^at  E[h&n,  from  covetousness,  agreed  to  his  ministers'  proposal 
tiVlien  his  soldiers  heard  of  it,  2000  of  them,  men  of  repute, 
K>th  horse  and  foot,  bound  themselves  together  by  an  agreement, 
hat  if  Shuj&'at  Eh&n  permitted  himself,  from  covetousness,  to 
nfringe  their  rights,  they  would  represent  the  case  to  Sher 
Jh&h,  who  showed  no  favour  in  dipensing  justice  to  any  one  on 
kccount  of  the  amount  of  his  followers,  or  on  account  of  his 
dndred ;  that  they  would  unanimously  expose  the  innovations 
»f  Shuj&'at  Eh&n  and  his  ministers,  and  that  they  would  stand 
)y  and  assist  each  other  in  good  or  evil,  and  would  not,  for  any 
worldly  covetousness,  scratch  the  face  of  friendship  and  alliance 
rith  the  nail  of  disunion*  After  this  agreement,  they  went  on  a 
narch  from  Shuj4'at  Eh&n's  forces,  and  sent  a  man  of  their  own 
o  him,  saying :  ''  Your  ministers  do  not  give  us  the  frill  rights 
rhich  Sher  Sh&h  has  bestowed  on  us,  and  it  is  contrary  to 
lis  regulations,  that  the  soldiery  should  be  defrauded;   nay. 


426  'ABBAS  KHAN. 

the  nobles  ought  rather  to  encourage  the  poor  among  their 
Boldiery  with  presents,  over  and  above  thdr  monthly  pij, 
that  in  time  of  action  they  may  senre  them  with  eunestnai 
and  devotion.  If  you  covet  our  rights,  the  door  will  be  opened 
to  enmity  and  mutiny,  and  your  army  and  your  foi«e.  wiB  h- 
come  disunited  and  dispirited,  which  will  be  the  cause  oi  disgiifle 
to  your  ministers.'' 

When  Shuj&'at  Eh&n  became  aware  of  the  request  of  his 
soldiers,  he  asked  of  his  ministers  what  course  it  behoved 
him  to  pursue.  They  replied :— **  Two  thousand  cavalry  hafa 
turned  aside  from  the  path  of  obedience,  and  you  are  loid 
of  10,000 1  if  you  fiilly  satisfy  these  impudoit  penonB,  peopk 
will  think  you  have  done  so  for  dread  of  Sher  Sh^  and 
dilatoriness  and  infirmity  will  find  their  way  among  the  officen 
of  your  province  and  into  the  stability  of  your  authority.  It 
now  becomes  you  to  give  a  stem  and  peremptory  reply,  and  sack 
as  shall  leave  no  hope,  so  that  others  may  not  behave  ill  and 
may  not  disobey  your  commands."*^  Covetousness  sewed  up  tbe 
far-seeing  eye  of  Shuj&'at  Eh&n'^s  sagacity,  and  made  him  fiff- 
getful  of  the  justice  and  watchfiilness  of  Sher  Shah.  The 
soldiers,  on  receiving  this  harsh  answer,  took  counsel  together; 
some  said  that  they  ought  to  go  to  the  presence  of  Sher  Shik 
the  Just ;  but  some  Afghans,  who  knew  Sher  Sh&h's  diapositioo, 
and  were  moreover  possessed  of  some  share  of  prudence  and 
sagacity,  said  to  their  friends, — '^  It  is  not  proper  to  go  ourselves 
to  Sher  Sh&h,  for  this  reason :  that  he  has  posted  us  with 
Shuj&'at  Kh&n  in  this  country  of  the  Dekhin,  and  it  is  not 
right  for  us  to  move  out  of  these  parts  without  his  orders.  Let 
us  send  a  mkil  to  Sher  Sh&h,  the  protector  of  the  oppressed,  to 
represent  the  real  circumstances  of  our  case  to  him.  Whatever 
he  orders,  let  us  act  up  to  it ;  and  if  any  business  of  the  king's 
should  meanwhile  occur,  it  behoves  us  to  exert  ourselves  in  its 
settlement  more  than  all  others."  At  length  the  opinion  of  these 
Afgh&ns  was  adopted  by  all,  and  they  wrote  an  account  of  their 
state  and  sent  it.    Their  mkil  had  not  yet  arrived  when  Sher 


TAETKH-I  BHEB  BHAHr.  427 

Sh&h's  spies  reported  the  circamstances  of  8haj&^at  Kh&n's 
quarrel  with  the  2000  remonstrants  to  Sber  Sh&h.  On  bearing 
Qie  news,  Sher  Sh&h  was  enraged,  and  sending  for  Shuj&'at 
B[h&n'*8  ffokil,  said  to  him,  ^^ Write  to  Shuj&'at,  and  say:-— 
^  Yon  were  poor,  and  I  ennobled  you,  and  put  under  yon  Afgh&ns 
better  than  yoar8eI£  Are  you  not  satisfied  with  the  revenue  of 
your  government,  that  you  covet  the  rights  of  the  soldiery  ?  and 
lie  you  without  any  shame  before  the  people  or  any  fear  of  God^ 
■Dd  have  you  violated  my  regulations  which  I  have  enacted  and 
promulgated  for  this  very  purpose,  that  the  chiefs  rights  and 
thooe  of  his  soldiery  might  be  distinct,  and  that  the  cbiefii  might 
respect  the  rights  of  the  soldiers !  If  you  were  not  a,proUgi  of 
my  own,  I  would  strip  off  your  skin ;  but  I  pardon  you  this 
first  fiuilt.  Do  you,  before  their  vakil  reaches  me,  appease  your 
BoUiesy,  aod  give  them  a  satisfactory  mnswer ;  if  not,  and  their 
pgkU  comes  and  complains  to  me,  I  will  resume  jonrjdgirij  and 
vrest  aod  punish  you  severely.  It  does  not  behove  nobles  to 
diaobey  their  master^s  orders,  fi)r  this  occasioBs  the  loss  to  him 
of  Ilia  honour  and  authority/ '' 

When  the  vaUPs  letter  reached  Shnj&''at  Ehin,  he  was 
exeeedingly  confiyonded  and  ashamed,  and  disturbed  with  dread 
■id  appfdifinaion ;  so  reproaching  his  ministera,  he  said: — 
**Yaur  eoonad  has  been  the  cause  of  di^raee  and  distress  to 
■ML  H«w  shall  I  show  my  &ce  to  the  kii^!''  Then  going 
kimself  to  the  encampment  of  the  2000  remonstnmts,  he  made 
exones  fiir  himself,  and  appeasing  the  soldieiy  with  pro- 
and  oaths  thai  he  would  not  do  them  any  harm,  and 
fmteumiMgiag  them  with  gifts  and  presents,  brovgfat  them  faad^  to 
Ida  owB  encampment.  When  the  wUl  of  the  soldien  tamed 
hmA.  again  from  his  journey,  and  came  to  8hujk*Mi  Khin,  the 
btter  retgmed  many  thanks  to  heaven,  and  distributed  modi 
moaej  to  the  poor  and  needy,  and  gave  him  a  horse  and  a 
iriMcly  nAe  of  honour.  Sher  Shih*a  authority,  whether  he 
was  afcacBt  or  pteaent,  was  eompletdy  cstaUiriiad  over  the  raee 
ef  Ai^iiaB.    From  the  6ar,  either  of  pfiional  puiahmflDt  or  of 


428  'ABBAS  KHAN. 

deprivation  of  office,  there  was  not  a  creature  who  dared  to  let 
in  opposition  to  his  regulations ;  and  if  a  son  of  hia  own,  or  i 
brother,  or  any  of  his  relatives  or  kin,  or  any  chief  or  ministflr, 
did  a  thing  displeasing  to  Sher  Sh&h,  and  it  got  to  his  knowledge, 
he  would  order  him  to  be  bound  and  put  to  death.  AH,  lajii^ 
aside  every  bond  of  friendship  or  respect,  for  the  aake  of  tbe 
honour  of  the  Afgh&n  race,  obeyed  without  delay  his  irresiBtibk 
farmdns. 

I,  the  author  of  this  relation, ' Abb&s  SjJkapilir  Ssrwini,  hftTi 
heard  that  daring  the  reign  of  Sher  Sh&h,  'Azam  Humfiyin 
Ni&z{  was  ruler  of  the  Panj&b  and  Mult&n,  and  had  a  fom 
of  30,000  horse  under  him.  No  other  of  Sher  Sh4h'*8  noblei 
had  so  great  a  force.  I%er  Sh&h  sent  his  own  nef^ew, 
Mub&riz  Khdn,  to  govern  the  district  of  Boh,  which  was  in 
the  possession  of  the  Ni&zis.  Mub&ric  Eh&n  ordered  Ehwiji 
'Ehizt  Sambhali,  chief  of  the  Sambhals,  to  give  him  a  mud  fivt 
which  he  had  built  on  the  Indian  («^.  eastern)  bank  of  the  river 
Sind.  Mub&riz  Kh&n  lived  in  this  fort,  and  the  Sambhals  wen 
generally  with  him  ;  indeed  there  was  not  a  moment  ihey  were 
not  employed  in  his  service,  and  always  obedient  and  snbmissiTe 
to  him.  The  daughter  of  Allah-d&d  Sambhal  had  no  equal  in  tint 
tribe  for  beauty  and  comeliness.  When  Mub&riz  Kh&n  heard  tk 
fame  and  renown  of  her  beauty,  he  became,  without  having  seen 
her,  desperately  in  love  with  her,  and  the  bird  of  rest  and  quiet 
flew  out  of  his  hand.  Actuated  by  the  pride  of  power,  he  took 
no  account  of  clanship,  which  is  much  considered  among  the 
Afgh&ns,  and  especially  among  the  Bohilla  men ;  and  sending  a 
confidential  person  to  Allah-d&d,  demanded  that  he  should  gin 
him  his  daughter  in  marriage.  Allah-d&d  sent  a  civil  replj, 
saying: — ^^My  lord  is  of  high  power  and  rank,  and  has 
many  sons,  and  many  high-bom  wives  and  women  aervanta 
are  in  his  female  apartments;  besides,  my  lord  has  been 
bred  and  brought  up  in  Hindust&n,  and  is  possessed  of  deli- 
cate breeding  and  graceful  accomplishments:  my  sons  haie 
the  habits   and  manners   of  Boh.     Alliance   between  mjaelf 


TABTKH.I  8HSB  SHAHr.  429 

end  my  lord  ib  altogether  onadvisable,  as  there  is  so  wide  a  dif- 
ftrence  between  ns.^  When  Mub&riz  Kh&n  heard  AUah-d&d's 
answer,  he  was  conyulsed  with  exceeding  anger,  and  set  himself  to 
injure  and  persecute  the  Sambhals,  in  the  hope  that  they,  being 
driven  to  extrmnities  by  his  violence  and  oppression,  might  give 
him  AUah-d&d's  daughter.  From  fear  of  Sher  Sh&h,  the  Sambhals 
■nbmitted  to  all  the  violence  and  oppression  which  Mnbdriz 
committed ;  but  when  it  reached  beyond  all  bounds  of  sufferance, 
Farfd,  Idris,^  and  Niz&m,  three  illegitimate  brothers  of  Allah- 
did,  said  to  Mub&riz  Eh&n, — ^*  We  three  brothers  have  several 
daughters,  and  possess  more  influence  in  our  tribe  than  Allah- 
did.  We  will  give  you  a  daughter  of  any  of  us  brothers  you  may 
wish,  and  do  you  then  abstain  from  persecuting  the  Sambhals.**' 
Mnb&riz  Kh&n  replied  : — '*  I  do  not  require  your  daughters ; 
give  me  Allah-d&d's  daughter." 

Whoi  the  Sambhals  perceived  that  Mub&riz  Eh&n  desired  a 
thing  which  could  never  come  to  pass,  they  said  undisguisedly  to 
him, — ^Intermarriages  have  continually  taken  place  between 
onr  fiunilies  and  yours,  but  always  those  of  pure  descent  have 
intermarried  with  those  of  pure  descent,  and  the  illegitimate  with 
tlie  illegitimate.  Although,  with  regard  to  your  station  in  life, 
•neh  a  marriage  is  not  an  equal  one,  yet,  as  the  mother  of  us  three 
was,  as  yours  was,  a  slave,  and  respecting  the  royal  authority, 
we  have  agreed  to  our  daughters  being  given  in  marriage  to  you, 
in  order  that  the  rust  of  quarrel  and  contention  might  be  effaced 
ftom  between  us.  To  this  you  have  not  consented,  which  we  much 
legret:  do  not  act  in  opposition  to  the  fear  of  God  and  the  customs 
of  the  Afgh&ns.  Allah-d&d  is  of  pure  birth,  and  he  never  will  be 
compelled  to  connect  himself  with  you  by  force  and  violence,  or 
fipom  fear  of  you;  do  not  entertain  so  vain  a  desire.*"  When 
Mnb&riz  Eh&n  heard  these  words,  from  presumption,  arrogance, 
and  the  pride  of  power,  his  wrath  overpowered  him ;  he  gave 
way  to  anger  and  enmity,  and  hastened  to  persecute  the  Sambhals ; 
and,  on  account  of  his  hatred,  without  any  &ult  of  theirs,  laid 

^  This  name  is  donbtfiiL 


430  'ABE/CS  TOMS. 

waste  their  villages  and  their  property,  and  made  prisonen  of 
many  of  the  inhabitants.  Among  these  he  carried  off  to  his  ovn 
honse  the  daughter  of  Eherii,  who  was  a  dependent  of  Allak- 
d&d,  and  filled  the  post  of  shahna  among  the  Sambhala.  Tin 
chiefii  of  the  Sambhals  came  in  a  body  to  Mnb&riz  Kh&n,  and 
said:  ^*  The  honour  of  our  women  and  yours  is  one.  Bdeasetb 
daughter  of  Eherd  the  shahfM,  and  respect  the  honour  of  our 
women.**^  But  although  the  Sambhals  humbly  and  earnestlj 
entreated  him,  he  would  not  listen  to  them,  for  his  predestiMd 
time  was  near  at  hand.  When  the  Sambhals  were  driyeii  to 
despair,  they  said  to  Mub&riz  Kh&n: — ^^You  were  born  m 
Hindust&n,  and  do  not  understand  the  habits  of  the  A^fains. 
The  crane  has  never  yet  overpowered  or  domineered  over  tbe 
hawk.  We  have  paid  the  reverence  due  to  the  king  and  to 
yourself.  Leave  us  alone,  and  do  not  oppress  and  injuro  ns 
beyond  all  bounds,  and  let  this  helpless  one  go  free/'  MuUrix 
Kh&n  in  a  passion  replied : — ^*  You  talk  of  the  honour  of  this 
dependent  of  yours;  you  will  know  what  it  is  when  I  teir 
Allah- d&d^s  daughter  by  force  from  her  house,  and  bring  ker 
away."  The  chiefs  of  the  Sambhals  fell  into  a  passion  also,  aod 
said  to  Mub&riz  Kh&n : — **Have  respect  to  your  own  life,  isd 
do  not  step  beyond  your  own  bounds.  If  you  so  much  as  look 
towards  our  women,  we  will  slay  you;  though,  in  return  for  your 
life,  they  will  put  several  of  our  chiefe  to  death.^  Mab&iiz 
Kh&n,  on  hearing  this  angry  reply  of  the  Sambhals,  told  his 
Hindust&ni  doorkeepers  to  beat  the  chiefs  of  the  Sambhals  out  of 
his  house,  for  they  were  insulting  him.  When  the  Hindustini 
doorkeepers  lifted  up  their  sticks  to  beat  the  Sambhals  out  of  the 
house,  a  tumult  arose.  The  gallant  Sambhals,  who  had,  hj 
Mub&riz  Kh&n's  violence  and  oppression,  been  driven  to  extremi- 
ties, grew  enraged,  and,  in  the  twinkling  of  an  eye,  killed  Mubim 
Eh&n  and  most  of  his  followers. 

When  Sher  Sh&h  heard  the  news,  he  wrote  to '  Azam  HumiyuBi 
saying : — **  The  Surs  are  a  tribe  the  least  quarrelsome  of  the 
Afgh&ns,  and  if  every  A%h&n  was  to  kill  a  Sur  not  one  would  be 


TAKrKH-I  8HEB  SHAHr.  431 

left  in  the  world.  The  Sambhals  are  of  your  own  tribe.  Do 
yon  bring  them  to  order,  and  chastise  them,  that  they  may  not 
set  a  bad  example  to  others,  and  may  refrain  from  killing  their 
gOTemors  for  the  fiitare.'^  When  this  order  reached  'Azam 
Hnm&ynn  Nliaij  he  collected  an  army  agwist  the  Sambhals. 
They  hearing  that  ^Azam  Hum&ytin  was  coming  in  person  against 
them,  left  their  country,  and  took  to  the  hills,  where  they  occu- 
pied fortified  positions,  intending  to  go  with  their  families  to 
K&bul. 

When  'Azam  Rum&ytin  heard  that  it  was  the  int^tion  of 
the  Sambhab  to  go  to  K&bul,  he  was  overwhelmed  with  anxiety 
and  grie^  and  took  counsel  with  his  people,  saying: — '^The 
Sambhals  are  my  brethren,  and  a  numerous  tribe  and  race :  we 
eannot  seize  them  by  force.  If  they  go  to  K&bul,  Sher  Sh&h 
will  think  that  I  have  been  negligent  in  seizing  them,  and  that 
they  haye  escaped  from  these  parts  by  my  connivance.  We  must 
get  hold  of  them  by  some  stratagem  or  contrivance.^  He  sent  his 
rakUio  them,  and  said : — **  I  have  ascertained  you  are  not  to  blame. 
You  were  much  injured  and  oppressed  by  Mubdriz  Eh&n.  I  will 
send  you  to  Sher  Sh&h,  and  beg  him  to  forgive  your  fault.  Accord- 
ing to  the  Afgh&n  custom,  the  Ni&zis  shall  give  several  of  their 
daughters  in  marriage  to  the  Stirs^  or  Sher  Sh&h  may  put  to  death 
two  or  three  of  your  chiefs.  It  is  not  fitting  that  the  whole 
tribe  should  be  exiled,  and  compelled  to  go  to  other  countries.'' 
The  Sambhals  wrote  in  their  reply : — "  We  are  in  difficulties. 
If  the  Stirs  come  to  fight  with  us,  we  will  do  our  best  against 
them,  that  it  may  be  remembered  in  the  world,  how  the  Ni&zis 
combated,  and  how  they  went  into  exile !  If  you  come  and 
fight  with  us,  on  both  sides  Ni&zis  will  be  killed ;  and  if  we 
are  cast  out,  you  will  even  then  be  disgraced — ^for  it  was  your 
own  tribe  who  were  driven  out,  and  you  had  no  pity.  But  if 
you  will  bind  yourself  by  promises  and  oaths,  that  you  will  not 
seek  to  injure  or  persecute  us,  we  will  come  in  and  make  our 
submission.  'Azam  Hum&yun  replied : — ^^  Have  I  no  regard  for 
my  kin,  that  I  should  injure  or  persecute  you !  ^     So  ^Azam 


432  'ABBA8  KHAK. 

Ham&ydn  made  the  most  solemn  promises  and  oaths  to  the 
Sambhals ;  and  the  whole  tribe,  with  their  wives  and  fiuDmlieB, 
came  to  him.  When  he  saw  that  he  had  deceired  the  wholB 
tribe  of  Sambhals,  and  that  they  had  oome  in  with  their  wifes 
and  families,  he  took  measures  to  prevent  their  escape,  and  sbv 
900  persons.  While  he  was  putting  them  to  death,  the  Nikifl 
said  to  several  of  their  friends  among  the  Sambhala,  ^^  We  will 
let  you  escape,  fly ! "  But  the  Sambhals  maintained  the  A%Iiiii 
honour,  and  said :— **  It  is  better  to  die  with  our  wives  aod 
fitmihes  than  to  live  dishonoured;  for  it  is  a  well-known  profori), 
*  The  death  of  a  whole  tribe  is  a  solemn  feast/  ^  When  ^Azam 
Hum&yun  had  slain  most  of  the  Sambhals,  he  sent  their  mm 
and  families  to  Sher  Sh&L  Sher  Sh&h,  who  wished  no  man 
evil,  disapproved  of  'Azam  Hum&ydn's  cruelty,  and  said :  ^'Nerer 
before  has  such  a  shameful  thing  been  done  among  the  race  of 
Afgh&ns ;  but  'Azam  Hum&yun  in  fear  of  the  King  has  sbin 
so  many  of  his  own  tribe.  It  is  only  from  his  affection  for  the 
King  that  he  would  thus  uselessly  shed  so  much  blood  of  his 
own  tribe/'  He  had  intended  to  remove  ^Azam  Hum&yun  from 
his  government  of  the  Panj&b,  but  had  no  time  before  be  was 
glorified  in  martyrdom.  After  his  death,  ^Azam  Hum&yun 
displayed  great  loyalty,  which  shall  be  narrated  in  its  proper 
place. 

From  the  day  that  Sher  Sh&h  was  established  on  the  throne, 
no  man  dared  to  breathe  in  opposition  to  him ;  nor  did  any  one 
raise  the  standard  of  contumacy  or  rebellion  against  him ;  oor 
was  any  heart-tormenting  thorn  produced  in  the  garden  of  his 
kingdom ;  nor  was  there  any  of  his  nobles  or  soldiery,  or  a  thief 
or  a  robber,  who  dared  to  direct  the  eye  of  dishonesty  to  the 
property  of  another ;  nor  did  any  theft  or  robbery  ever  occur  in 
his  dominions.  Travellers  and  wayfarers,  during  the  time  of  Sher 
Sh&h's  reign,  were  relieved  from  the  trouble  of  keeping  watch ; 
nor  did  they  fear  to  halt  even  in  the  midst  of  a  desert.  They 
encamped  at  night  at  every  place,  desert  or  inhabited,  withonl 
fear;  they  placed  their  goods  and  property  on  the  plain,  and 


TARrEH.I  SHER  SHAHF.  433 

turned  out  their  mules  to  graze,  and  themselyes  slept  with 
minds  at  ease  and  free  from  care,  as  if  in  their  own  house ;  and 
the  zaminddr8f  for  fear  any  mischief  should  occur  to  the  travellers, 
and  that  they  should  suffer  or  be  arrested  on  account  of  it,  kept 
watch  over  them.  And  in  the  time  of  Sher  Sh&h's  rule,  a 
decrepit  old  woman  might  place  a  basket  full  of  gold  ornaments 
on  her  head  and  go  on  a  journey,  and  no  thief  or  robber  would 
come  near  her,  for  fear  of  the  punishments  which  Sher  Shdh 
inflicted.  ^*  Such  a  shadow  spread  over  the  world,  that  a  decrepit 
person  feared  not  a  Rustam."  During  his  time,  all  quarrelling, 
disputing,  fighting,  and  turmoil,  which  is  the  nature  of  the 
Afgh&ns,  was  altogether  quieted  and  put  a  stop  to  throughout 
the  countries  of  Roh  and  of  Hindust&n.  Sher  Sh&h,  in  wisdom 
and  experience,  was  a  second  Haidar.  In  a  very  short  period 
he  gained  the  dominion  of  the  country,  and  provided  for  the 
safety  of  the  highways,  the  administration  of  the  Government, 
and  the  happiness  of  the  soldiery  and  people.  God  is  a  discerner 
of  righteousness  ! 


VOL.  IT.  28 


434 


TifRfKH-I     DXlTDr 

OF 

'ABDU-LLA. 

[This  history  bears  no  date,  and  the  author  says  noUung 
about  himself;  but  he  incidentally  caUs  himself  'Abdu*I]i»  aod 
mentions  the  name  of  the  Emperor  Jah&ngir ;  so  the  book  mnit 
have  been  written  after  the  accession  of  that  monarch,  wbidi 
took  place  in  the  year  1605  a.d.  The  author  gives  the  IbUowii^ 
account  of  his  work  in  the  PrefieM^e : — 

'^  History  is  not  simply  information  regarding  the  aflUrs  of 
kings  who  have  passed  away ;  but  it  is  a  science  which  expands 
the  intellect,  and  furnishes  the  wise  with  examples.  Since  this 
humble  individual  has  spent  a  considerable  portion  of  his  life  in 
studying  historical  works  pregnant  with  instructive  examples,  and 
has  examined  the  conditions  of  things  under  many  sovereigns; 
and  it  appeared  that  the  records  of  the  reigns  of  the  Atghin 
kings  (of  Hindust&n),  who  were  one  of  the  dynasties  of  the  times, 
existed  only  in  a  scattered  form  ;  I  involuntarily  conceived  the 
design  of  collecting  them,  with  the  aid  of  the  Almighty,  in  one 
volume.  I  therefore  undertook  the  work,  and  in  a  veiy  short 
time  completed  it.  I  commenced  with  the  reign  of  Bahlol  Lodi, 
who  was  the  first  king  of  the  Afgh&n  dynasty,  and  brought  my 
history  down  to  the  (end  of  the)  reign  of  Muhammad  ^Adali 
Stir  [and]  D&ud  Sh&h,  who  was  the  last  ruler  of  this  race,  and 
I  entitled  it  the  Tdrikh-i  Ddiidi:'  ^  D&ud  Sh&h  was  beheaded  bj 
order  of  the  Kh&n-kh&n&n,  and  a  chronogram  at  the  end  of  this 
work  gives  the  date  as  983  h.  (1575  a.d.). 

>  CoL  Lees,  in  Joomtl  of  Eoyal  Aiiatio  Society,  rol.  iii.  new  teries,  p.  453. 


TARTKH*!  DAUDr.  435 

Like  all  historians  of  this  period,  'Abdn-lla  is  very  deficient 
in  dates,  and  is  fond  of  recording  stories  and  anecdotes,  many  of 
them  not  a  little  marrelloos.  All  the  writers  attribute  to  the 
Snlt&n  Sikandar  Lodi  great  intelligence  and  justice,  and  a  shrewd 
way  of  settling  mysterious  disputes.  Anecdotes  of  his  acumen 
are  nameroos,  and  many  of  them  hare  been  reproduced  by  later 
writers,  and  attributed  to  the  monarchs  of  their  own  times.  A  few 
only  of  the  stories  recorded  under  the  reign  of  Sikandar  have  been 
printed  as  specimens.  The  history  of  his  reign,  as  given  in  this 
book,  is  very  fragmentary  and  disjointed,  and  amounts  to  little 
more  than  desnltory  memoirs  :  but  this  is  the  prevailing  character 
of  all  the  works  upon  the  Afgh&n  dynasty.  They  are  valuable  as 
affording  materials  from  which  a  history  might  be  compiled ;  but 
the  dynasty  has  no  special  historian.  The  earlier  and  the  later 
extracts  were  translated  by  Sir  H.  M.  Elliot ;  but  the  narratives 
of  the  rmgns  of  Sikandar  and  Isl&m  Sh&h  were  translated  by 
Ensign  Charles  F.  Mackenzie,  and  approved  by  Sir  H.  M.  Elliot. 
The  notes  are  the  work  of  the  latter.] 

Extracts* 

•  «««••• 

Malik  Bdhhl  invited  to  taurp  the  throne. 

Hamid  Kh&n  escaped  and  fled  to  Dehli,  and  pondered  how  he 
shonld  elevate  some  one  else  to  the  throne  in  lieu  of  'Al&u-d  din. 
He  summoned  two  competitors  for  the  crown — Kiy&m  Kh&n 
and  Malik  Bahlol.  Both  obeyed  the  summons  with  alacrity. 
BoUol  vras  at  Sirhind,  and  hastened  with  the  quickness  of  the 
wind  towards  DehU,  accompanied  by  a  countless  army.  Kiyam 
Slh&n,  hearing  that  Bahlol  had  the  start  of  him,  abandoned  the 
journey  on  which  he  had  set  out. 

Malik  Bahlol  paid  his  respects  to  Hamid  Eh&n,  who,  on  his 
very  first  interview,  congratulated  him  upon  obtaining  the  empire 
of  DehU,  expressing  his  own  determination  to  retain  the  wazdrat. 
Malik  Bahlol  replied: — ^'I  am  a  mere  soldier,  and  cannot 
manage  even  my  own  country.    You  should  be  king,  and  I  will 


436  'ABDU-LLA. 

be  the  commander  of  your  troops,  and  obey  any  other  injonctioDs 
you  may  have  to  issue."  ♦  ♦  * 

At  last,  after  engagements  had  been  entered  into,  he  placed 
the  keys  of  the  fort  before  Bahlol,  who  acknowledged  himself 
ready  to  undertake  the  service  assigned  to  him.  He  professed 
to  take  charge  of  the  city  and  its  gates,  leaving  the  government 
in  the  hands  of  Hamid  Kh&n,  and  although  the  latter  retained 
all  the  shadow  of  power,  yet  in  reality  all  the  royal  establish- 
ments were  usurped  by  Bahlol.  So  long  as  Hamid  Kh&n  retained 
any  power,  Sult&n  Bahlol  thought  it  expedient  to  pay  him  extreme 
marks  of  deferencei  and  went  every  day  to  pay  his  respects. 


Character  of  Sultdn  BdhloL 

Sult&n  Bahlol  was,  indeed,  a  king  who  fostered  religion,  and 
evinced  courage  and  generosity.  His  mercy  and  benevolence 
were  habitual:  he  observed  the  rules  of  honesty,  and  had 
exceeding  respect  for  the  law,  to  the  injunctions  of  which  he 
strictly  adhered  in  all  his  undertakings.  He  spent  most  of  his 
time  in  the  assemblies  of  the  wise,  and  in  the  society  of  holj 
men ;  and  made  special  inquiries  respecting  the  poor  and 
necessitous.  He  never  turned  away  a  suppliant ;  and  he  read  his 
prayers  in  public  five  times  every  day.  He  devoted  excessive  care 
to  the  administration  of  justice ;  himself  heard  the  petitions  of 
\\\a  subjects,  and  left  them  not  to  be  disposed  of  by  his  ministers. 
He  was  wise,  experienced,  considerate,  kind,  friendly,  condescend- 
ing, and  just.  Whatever  came  into  his  possession,  in  money, 
goods,  or  new  parganas^  he  distributed  it  all  among  his  troops, 
and  reserved  nothing  whatever  for  himself.  He  accumulated  no 
treasure,  and  executed  his  kingly  ftinctions  without  parade  and 
ostentation.  At  the  time  of  his  meals,  he  satisfied  himself  with 
farinaceous  food ;  but  any  one  who  entered  might  partake  of 
other  viands.  In  his  social  meetings  he  never  sat  on  a  thronei 
and  would  not  allow  his  nobles  to  stand ;  and  even  during  public 
audiences  he  did  not  occupy  the  throne,  but  seated  himself  upon 


^■rtSM 


TARfKH-I  DAUDr.  437 

a  carpet.  Wbenerer  he  wrote  a  farmdn  to  his  nobles,  he 
addressed  them  as  "  Maanad  IdHi ; "  and  if  at  any  time  they 
were  displeased  with  him,  he  tried  so  hard  to  pacify  them  that 
he  would  himself  go  to  their  houses,  ungird  his  sword  from  his 
waist,  and  place  it  before  the  offended  party :  nay,  he  would 
sometimes  even  take  off  his  turban  from  his  head,  and  solicit  for- 
giveness, saying  : — '"^If  you  think  me  unworthy  of  the  station  I 
occupy,  choose  some  one  else,  and  bestow  on  me  some  other 
office.^  He  maintained  a  brotherly  intercourse  with  all  his  chiefs 
and  soldiers.  If  any  one  was  ill,  he  would  himself  go  and  attend 
on  him.  Before  he  ascended  the  throne,  it  was  the  custom  in 
Dehli  to  distribute,  every  third  day,  sharbaty  pdn  leaves,  sugar- 
candy,  and  sweetmeats.  But  Sult&n  Bahlol  put  an  end  to  this, 
and  positively  declined  to  maintain  the  practice,  observing,  that, 
with  respect  to  Afgh&ns,  if  one  poor  man  should  die,  a  hundred 
thousand  of  his  tribe  would  come  forward,  and  how  could  he 
provide  for  such  a  multitude,  and  satisfy  themP  He  was 
exceedingly  bold,  and  on  the  day  of  battle,  immediately  he  saw 
the  enemy  appear,  he  would  dismount  from  his  horse,  fall  on  his 
knees,  and  pray  for  the  success  of  Isl&m  and  the  safety  of  Musul- 
m&ns,  and  confess  his  own  helplessness.  From  the  day  that  he 
became  king,  no  one  achieved  a  victory  over  him ;  nor  did  he 
once  leave  the  field  of  battle  until  he  had  gained  the  day,  or  been 
carried  off  wounded :  or,  from  the  first  he  avoided  an  engagement. 
It  is  said  that,  during  the  first  week  of  his  acceasion,  he  was 
present  at  worship  in  the  Maa/td-ijamfy  when  Mull&  F&ziu,  who 
was  one  of  the  elders  of  the  city,  ascended  the  pulpit  to  read  the 
khutba.  When  he  had  concluded,  and  had  come  down  again, 
he  exclaimed :— ^*  Praised  be  God  !  we  have  an  extraordinary 
tribe  of  rulers ;  nor  do  I  know  whether  they  are  the  servants  of 
the  arch-fiend  or  arch-fiends  themselves.  Their  language  is  so 
barbarous,  that  they  call  a  mother,  mitr;  a  brother,  r&r;  a  nurse, 
sh&r;  a  soldier,  ^^r,  and  a  man,  nur,'*''  AVhen  he  said  this,  Sultan 
Bahlol  put  his  handkerchief  to  his  mouth,  and  smilingly  said  : 
*'  MuUd  F&zin,  hold,  enough !  for  we  are  all  servants  of  God."  ♦♦ 


438  'ABDU-LLA. 

The  Reign  qf  SuUdu  Sikandar  LodL 

Historians  who  have  written  eimeeniing  the  reign  of  Snlt&n 
Sikandar  say,  that  before  his  accession  to  the  throne  he  ma 
called  Niz&m  Eh&n,  and  that  he  was  remarkable  for  his  beauty, 
whidi  was  unsurpassed,  and  that  whoever  looked  on  him  yielded 
his  heart  captire.    Shaikh  Hasan,  the  grandson  of  the  Shaikh 
Ab&  L&1&  whose  memory  is  rerered  in  Rapri,  was  captimted 
by  his  appearance.    This  Shaikh  Hasan  was  one  of  the  most 
distinguished  men  of  the   period.     One  winter   day,   Prioee 
Niz&m  Eh&n  was  sitting  in  his  private  chamber,  when  Shaikb 
Hasan  was  seized  with  a  desire  of  beholding  him,  and  lie  found 
no  difficulty  in  reaching  him,  on  account  of  the  respect  in  which 
men  of  his  pure  mode  of  lifo  are  held.    Sult&n  Sikaadar 
much  astonished  at  seeing  him  enter,  and  asked  him  how 
had  come  in  without  permission,  in  spite  of  the  dooikeepen. 
The  Shaikh  answered,  ^^  You  know  best  how  and  when  I  came." 
The  Sult&n  said :  ^'  You  consider  yoursdf  fond  of  me  P  '^    Be 
replied,  **  I  cannot  hinder  myself  from  being  so.''     The  Snltin 
ordered  him  to  come  forward;    he  did  so,  and  there  was  a 
stove  before  the  Sultan :    the  Sult&n  placed  his  hand  on  the 
Shaikh'*s  head,  and  pressed  it  towards  the  burning  coals ;  not- 
withstanding which,   the  Shaikh  did  not  make  the  slightest 
movement  or  resistance.     They  remained  in  this  position  for  a 
short  time,  when  Mub&rak  Eh&n  Loh&ni  arrived :  he  wondered 
much  at  what  he  saw,  and  asked  who  that  person  (the  Shaikh) 
was.     The  Sult&n  replied  that  it  was  Shaikh  Hasan.    Mub&rak 
Kh&n  said :  ^^  0  man  who  fearest  not  God,  what  are  you  doing! 
Shaikh  Hasan  has  suffered  no  damage  or  injury  from  the  fire ; 
tremble,  lest  you  yourself  should!"    The  Sult&n  said,    *^He 
calls  himself  my  admirer  1^     Mub&rak  Eh&n  answered :  ^^  You 
ought  to  be  thankful  for  his  doing  so,  and  that  you  are  pleasing 
in  the  sight  of  so  holy  a  man :  if  you  would  obtain  felicity  in  this 
world  and  the  next,  obey  him.''     Prince  JNiz&m  Eh&n  then 
withdrew  his  hand  from  the  Shaikh's  neck  $  and  every  one  saw 
that,  notwithstanding  the  dreadful  heat  of  the  fire,  neither  the 


TABIKH-I  DAUDF.  439 

fiuse  nor  hair  of  the  Shaikh  had  been  injured.  In  spite  of  all 
this,  the  Snlt&n  ordered  the  Shaikh  to  be  chained,  neck  and  foot« 
and  east  into  a  dungeon.  This  was  also  done;  and  a  week 
aftonnrards  they  informed  Sult&n  Sikandar,  that  Shaikh  Hasan 
was  dancing  in  the  bdsuir;  he  ordered  him  to  be  seized  and 
brought  before  him.  When  he  came  into  the  presence,  the 
Bolton  siud  to  him :  *^  You  call  yourself  my  admirer ;  why  have 
you  escaped  from  the  captivity  in  which  I  placed  youP" 
Shaikh  Hasan  answered : — ''  I  did  not  do  so  of  my  own  accord ; 
my  grand&ther,  Shaikh  Abu  L&1&,  led  me  forth  by  the  hand.'^ 
The  Sult&n  ordered  the  room  in  which  the  Shaikh  had  been  con- 
fined to  be  inspected ;.  the  door  was  opened,  and  the  chains  found 
lying  on  the  ground ;  and  the  Shaikh  had,  nevertheless,  been 
found  dancing  in  the  bdxdr !  Thenceforth  the  Sult&n  did  not 
treat  the  Shaikh  with  disrespect.^ 

It  is  abo  related  of  this  prince,  that  before  his  accession,  when 
a  crowd  of  Hindus  had  assembled  in  immense  numbers  at  Kurkhet, 
he  wished  to  go  to  Th&nesar  for  the  purpose  of  putting  them  all 
to  death.  One  of  his  courtiers  represented  to  him  that  it  would 
be  better  to  consult  the  learned  before  doing  this.  Sult&n 
Sikandar  caused  the  doctors  to  assemble,  and  questioned  the 
chirf  of  them,  whose  name  was  Mi&n  'Abdu-Ua,  of  Ajodhan. 
This  Maliku-1  Ulam&  asked  the  King  what  there  was  in  that 
place  (Th&nesar).  He  replied,  ^*  There  is  a  tank  in  which  all  the 
infidels  are  accustomed  to  bathe/'  The  Maliku-1  Ulami  said, 
^^  Since  when  have  they  been  in  the  habit  of  doing  soP ''  Niz&m 
Kb&n  replied  that  it  was  an  ancient  customt  Mi&n  'Abdu-lla 
asked  what  the  Muhammadan  sovereigns  who  had  preceded  him 
had  been  in  the  habit  of  doing.  The  Sult&n  answered,  that  up 
to  his  time  they  had  left  the  Hindus  unmolested.  The  Maliku-1 
XJlam&  then  assured  the  King  that  it  would  be  very  improper 
for  him  to  destroy  an  ancient  idol-temple,  and  that  he  ought  not 
to  forbid  the  accustomed  rite  of  performing  their  ablutions  in  the 

>  This  cnrioiu  illustratioii  of  the  ciutomi,  foUiet,  and  lupentitioiii  of  the  time  is 
•Ifo  giren  by  Baiku-lU  Musht&kl  (MS.,  p.  23)  and  Ahmad  Yidgftr  (MS.,  p.  66). 


440  'ABDU-LUL 

tank.  WJien  this  oonyersation  had  lasted  a  short  time,  the 
SuU&n  placed  his  hand  on  his  dagger,  and  exclaimed,  ^'Yon 
side  with  the  infidels.  I  will  first  pat  an  end  to  you,  and  lim 
massacre  the  infidels  at  Kurkhet  I "  Mi&n  'Abdu-Ua  said, 
'*  Every  one^s  life  is  in  the  hand  of  Gt)d — ^no  one  can  die  without 
His  command :  whoever  enters  the  presence  of  a  tyrant  mut 
beforehand  prepare  himself  for  death,  let  what  may  happen! 
When  you  asked  me,  I  gave  you  an  answer  in  conformity  with 
the  precepts  of  the  Prophet ;  if  you  have  no  reverence  fi>r  them, 
what  is  the  use  of  inquiring !  ^^  Sultfin  Sikandar^s  wrath  was 
slightly  appeased,  and  he  said,  '*  If  you  had  permitted  me  to  do 
this,  many  thousands  of  Musulm&ns  would  have  been  placed  in 
easy  circumstances  by  it."  Mi&n  'Abdu-lla  replied :  ^  I  hsve 
said  my  say ;  you  know  what  you  intend  doing : 

What  I  say  to  you  is  dictated  by  eloquenoe. 
Either  take  advice  or  be  vexed." 

The  Sult&n  then  rose  up  from  the  assembly,  and  all  the  learned 
went  with  him,  with  the  exception  of  Mi&n  'Abdu-lla,  who 
remained  standing  in  his  place.  The  Prince  requested  that 
he  would  visit  him  occasionally,  and  then  gave  him  leave  to 
depart. 

Another  anecdote  related  of  him  is,  that,  in  the  time  of  Sultdn 
Bahlol,  when  T&t&r  Kh&n  and  Saif  J&n,  grandees  of  the  State, 
had  rebelled,  and  seized  many  districts,^  the  revenues  of  which 
they  applied  to  their  own  private  use,  it  so  happened  that  at 
the  same  period  Prince  Nizam  Kh&n  had  seized  P&nlpat  without 
the  permission  of  Sult&n  Bahlol,  and  made  it  tkjdgir  of  his  own. 
Certain  nobles  laid  a  complaint  about  this  before  the  Sult&n, 
who  caused  a  farmdn  to  be  written  to  Khw&jagi  Shaikh  Sa^d, 
the  Prince'*s  diwdn,  to  this  effect :  "  The  Prince  has  behaved 
thus  at  your  instigation.     If  you  have  such  a  desire  to  display 
your  courage,  take  forcible  possession  of  T&t&r  Kh&n's  estates ! 
What  courage  do  you  show  when  you  plunder  my  territory  P" 

^  The  WdkC&t'i  Muthtdki  (MS.,  p.  16)  says  Lahore  was  the  proyince  which  had 
been  aeixed  by  T&t&r  Kh&n  Yfisuf-khail. 


TXUTKR'I  DAlTDr.  441 

The  Sbiukh  went  to  the  Prince  with  the  ^rmdn  in  his  hand,  and 
on  the  Prince's  inquiring  if  all  went  well,  he  answered  that  it 
did,  inasmuch  as  Sult&n  Bahlol  had  himself  made  over  the  regal 
power  to  the  Prince.  The  Prince  asked  why  he  spoke  in  that 
way.  He  answered,  ^^  Look  at  ihiB/armdn  which  he  has  written 
and  sent."**  The  Prince  opened  it,  and  found  that  its  contents 
were  to  the  effect  that  if  he  possessed  the  courage  and  power,  he 
should  take  possession  of  Tfit&r  Kh&n's  lands.  The  Sult&n  said, 
"  O  SLhw&jagi,  they  have  given  us  a  strange  sort  of  kingdom." 
The  Khw&jagi  observed :  *^  A  kingdom  is  not  to  be  gained  easily. 
If  you  can  perform  what  has  been  ordered,  you  are  certain  to 
succeed  to  the  throne.  The  King  commands  you  to  take  the 
management  of  important  business,  which  he  ought  to  transact 
himself;  and  by  so  doing  he  hints  to  you  that  he  intends  you  to 
succeed  him."  **  Well,''  said  the  Prince,  "what  must  I  do  then?'' 
He  replied,  "Arise,  and  try  your  fortune !  As  it  is  said  in  this  verse  - 

No  one  receives  a  land  as  his  heritage, 

Unless  he  arms  each  of  his  hands  with  a  sword  I " 

At  that  period,  when  the  Prince  Kiz&m  Eh&n  was  staying 
at  P&nipat,  he  had  1500  horsemen  with  him,  all  of  whom  were 
as  much  attached  to  him  as  Khw&jagi  Shaikh  Sa*id  Farmuli,  and 
his  relations.  Among  these  adherents  were  Mi&n  Husain  and 
hiB  five  brothers,  Dary&  Eh&n,  Sher  Khan  Loh&ni,  'IJmar  Kh&n 
Sarw&n{,  and  others.  One  day  the  Prince  mustered  this  force  in 
P&nipat,  and  after  consulting  with  all  the  chiefs  about  his  affairs, 
they  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  best  course  would  be  to 
send  a  portion  of  the  1500  men  he  had  with  him  against  the 
parganas  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Sirhind,  and  order  them  to 
take  possession  of  them.  When  strife  had  thus  commenced, 
T&t&r  Ehdn  collected  a  large  army,  and  Prince  Niz&m  Eh&n 
advanced  from  P&nipat  with  the  before-mentioned  troops  to  meet 
him.  They  encountered  each  other  in  the  pargana  of  Amb&la, 
on  the  plain  where  subsequently  the  battle  was  fought  between 
Salfm  Sh&h  and  Haibat  Eh&n  Ni&zf,  whose  title  was  'Azam 
Hum&yun. 


442  'ABDU-LUu 

inz&m  Khfin  and  his  troo|Mi  turned  their  feces  towards  the 
field  with  the  same  coarage  which  their  predeoeeaors  had  dii- 
pkjed  on  the  day  of  the  fight.  The  Prince  was  aocompanied 
by  a  body  of  his  most  valiant  warriors  well  armed,  and  IIm 
Khw&jagi  Sa'id  went  beforehim  on  horseback.  The  Ebw&jagi 
glanced  two  or  three  times  at  the  Prince,  who  aaked  him  whal  be 
noticed.  He  replied :  "  Your  slave  sees  that  yon  are  sarromided 
by  gallant  youths :  if  you  lead  them  well,  yon  may  hope  bt 
victory ;  if  you  do  not  choose  to  do  this,  you  are,  of  oouise,  at 
liberty  to  do  what  you  please.  Just  consider  what  your  troops 
are  capable  of  performing.  T&t&r  Kh&n  may  have  16,000  hone- 
men,  but  he  does  not  possess  ten  such  as  these.  If  the  Most  High 
be  pleased  to  grant  victory  to  your  troops,  your  wishes  will  be 
accomplished ;  if  not,  you  can  easily  effect  your  escape,  fi)r  yoa 
are  mounted  on  a  swift  horse,  and  could  never  be  overtaken.'' 
When  the  Prince  heard  this  speech,  he  laughed,  and  said  to 
the  Ehw&jagi,  ^^  In  my  imagination  I  can  picture  to  myself  pnr 
horse's  feet  scampering  above  the  surface  of  the  ground ;  but  as 
for  mine,  I  see  him  buried  in  the  enemy's  gore  up  to  his  veiy 
chest,  so  that  he  cannot  move."  The  Khw&jagI  alighted  from 
his  horse,  and  gave  his  right  hand  to  the  Prince,  sayiDg, 
*'  This  is  a  sign  of  victory ;  such  a  chief  ought  always  to  possess 
bravery  and  resolution.^ 

When  the  hostile  parties  had  come  to  close  quarters,  the  first 
person  who  rode  towards  the  foe  was  Dary&  Khan  Lohini, 
accompanied  by  thirty  men,  who  placed  himself  between  the  two 
armies ;  and  in  order  that  these  horsemen  might  act  effectively, 
be  desired  that  they  should  all  direct  their  attack  together 
against  the  same  quarter.  From  the  other  side,  600  horsem^ 
advanced  to  meet  them,  and  Dary&  Kh&n  attacked  these  600 
with  his  thirty  troopers,  and  fought  so  fiercely  that  sparks 
flashed  from  the  steel  in  the  sight  of  both  armies.  Dary&  Khan 
vanquished  and  defeated  them,  and  they  fled  back  to  their  com- 
rades, whibt  Dary&  Kh&n  returned  to  his  position.  It  is  said 
that  600  horsemen  came  out  three  several  times  against  Daiyi 


TABIKH-I  DAUDr.  443 

£Ii&D,  who  pat  them  on  each  occasion  to  flight,  and  then  went 
back  to  hia  post ;  after  the  third  trial  no  enemy  advanced,  and 
Daryi  £h&n  said  to  his  companions,  "  The  fear  which  I  hare 
oaased  and  the  fortune  of  my  lord  hare  appalled  them ;  yon,  0 
firiends,  remain  here  whilst  I  hasten  against  them  in  person/' 
Daiyi  'Kh&a  penetrated  their  army  three  times,  and  three  times 
xetomed  to  his  place.  After  which  Mi&n  Husain,  with  700 
troopers,^  sallied  forth  from  the  army  of  the  Prince,  and  was 
attacked  by  1500  horsemen  of  Tiiii  Khan's.  Mi&n  Husain 
was  three  times  successful  in  the  same  manner  as  Dary&  Khfin 
had  been ;  and  he  also  went  three  times  singly  in  amongst  the 
foe,  and  escaped  three  times.  After  Mi&n  Husam,  ^tJmar  Eh&n 
Sarw&[ii  with  600  horse,  receiving  permission  firom  the  Prince, 
adTinced  in  the  direction  of  Mi&n  Husain,  and  when  near  him, 
an  interchange  of  civilities  took  place,  after  which  'Umar  Kh&n 
aaid  to  the  Mi&n,  '^  May  a  thousand  mercies  be  with  you  and 
Daryd  £h&n  I  You  have  behaved  with  a  valour  which  elicits  the 
pnuses  cf  every  one.  I  have  as  yet  done  nothing,  and  I  have 
come  to  consult  you  as  to  what  I  ought  to  do.  You  have 
already  done  more  than  your  duty ;  now  it  is  my  turn  I '' 

Jnst  at  this  time,  Ibr&him  Kh&n,  the  son  of  'Umar  Eh&n, 
galloped  up  to  his  &ther,  and  said,  ^^  I  adjure  you  by  the  £ur&n 
and  the  salt  of  the  Prince  not  to  advance  your  horse.  As  you 
looked  on  whilst  Dary&  EMn  the  son  of  Mub&rak  Kh&n,  and 
Mi&n  Husain  the  son  of  Khw&jag{,  were  fighting,  look  also  at 
what  your  own  son  does  I  "  'Umar  Elh&n  said,  *'  I  am  ready  to 
witness  your  Talour,  and  will  hold  back."  Ibr&him  Khan  said, 
*' Nothing  can  be  perceived  in  a  crowd;  you  ought,  therefore, 
to  see  me  advance  singly."  After  saying  this  to  his  &ther,  he 
attacked  the  enemy's  16,000  horsemen  three  times,  overthrowing 
on  each  occasion  two  or  three  hostile  cavaliers  with  his  spear, 
whilst  their  horses  fled  riderless.  ''Umar  Kh&n,  when  he  beheld 
thia,  raised  the  battle-cry  of  the  followers  of  Isl&m,  and  charged 

^  The  original  reads  only  aerenteen.  I  adopt  tlie  more  probable  number  given  bj 
AhnadTftdgir. 


444  'ABDU-LLA. 

the  division  attached  to  T&t&r  !Kh&n  himself.  T&t&r  Ehk 
was  slain,  and  Hasan  Kh&n  his  brother  fell  aliye  into  las 
hands,  and  the  whole  army  of  T&t&r  !Kh&n  was  routed.  This 
Tictory,  which  no  one  expected  the  Prince  to  gain,  caused  him 
to  be  admired  by  all  the  people  and  nobles.  After  this,  Soltk 
Bahlol  also  became  thoroughly  convinced  that  Nizam  Eb&n 
was  the  ablest  of  his  sons,  so  much  so  that  he  appointed  him 
his  successor. 

When  the  news  of  Bahlol's  death  reached  Prince  Nizim 
Kh&n  in  Dehli,  he  left  at  DehK  one  of  his  nobles,  Jam&l  Ehio, 
in  whom  he  placed  confidence,  and  determined  to  set  forth 
himself.  On  the  day  he  quitted  Dehli,  he  first  went  to  Shaikh 
Sam&u-d  din,  one  of  the  holy  men  of  that  age,  for  the  purpose  of 
requesting  him  to  repeat  the  fdtiha^  and  said,  **  O  Shaikh !  I 
desire  to  study  orthography  and  prosody  with  you."  He  com- 
menced accordingly,  and  began  repeating  these  words  by  dire& 
tion  of  his  instructor,  *'  May  Grod  render  you  fortunate  in  both 
worlds.**^  The  Sult&n  said,  ''  Say  that  again.''  He  did  so  three 
times  successively  in  Arabic.  Then  the  Sult&n  kissed  thai 
reverend  person's  hand,  and  explained  that  he  was  about  to  set 
forth  at  the  summons  of  the  nobles  to  assume  the  kingdom, 
and  so  he  went  away,  considering  this  benediction  as  a  fitvoniabk 
omen: 

**  The  assertions  of  the  pure  are  the  interpretation  of  Fate, 
For  their  hearts  resemble  the  tablet  and  pen." 

Prince  Niz&m  Khan,  by  the  advice  of  the  principal  chieft, 
advanced  with  all  expedition  from  Dehli  to  the  town  of  Jaldli, 
and  sent  the  corpse  of  his  father  to  Dehli. 

On  Friday,  the  7th  Sha'b&n,  a.h.  894,  he  was  raised  to  the 
throne  by  the  assistance  of  Kh&n  Jah&n,  the  Kh&n-kh&nin 
Farmuli,  and  other  great  chiefs,  on  an  eminence  near  the  Black 
Biver,  or  as  it  is  called  by  the  inhabitants  of  that  district  Kdlk  nm* 
On  that  spot  there  is  a  building  called  the  palace  of  Sult&n  Finfix, 
and  there  he  became  king  in  the  eighteenth  year  of  his  age,  with 


TABIKH-I  DAl/Dr.  445 

the  title  of  Snlt&n  Sikandar  Gh&zi.^  Sult&n  Sikandar  was  a  most 
illofiitrioiis  monarch  and  of  a  benevolent  disposition ;  he  was 
fiimous  for  his  liberality,  honour,  and  politeness;  he  had  no 
affection  for  pomp  and  ceremonies,  and  cared  not  for  processions 
and  magnificent  dresses.  Mo  one  who  was  profligate  or  a  bad 
character  had  access  to  him ;  he  always  associated  with  men  of 
religion  and  the  virtuous,  and  was  both  inwardly  pious  and  out- 
wardly handsome ;  he  did  not  give  way  to  his  desires,  and  was 
exceedingly  God-fearing  and  benevolent  to  the  people.  He  was 
very  jost  and  courageous,  his  equity  beheld  the  weak  and  the 
strong  with  the  same  eye,  and  he  was  constantly  employed  in 
balancing  evidence,  deciding  suits,  arranging  the  affairs  of  the 
Empire,  and  trying  to  render  his  subjects  happy ;  he  personally 
assisted  the  wretched.  After  the  afternoon  prayer,  he  went  into  an 
assembly  of  MuU&s,  and  then  read  the  Holy  Book.  After  being 
present  at  public  prayer  and  the  conclusion  of  the  evening 
thanksgiving,  he  was  in  the  habit  of  going  to  his  harem^  where 
he  remained  an  hour.  He  then  proceeded  to  his  private  chamber, 
where  he  seated  himself,  and  remained  awake  the  entire  night, 
but  slept  at  mid-day.  He  generally  preferred  the  night  for 
listening  to  the  petitions  of  the  needy ;  he  also  devoted  a  portion 
of  it  to  regulating  the  affairs  of  the  Empire,  and  in  causing 
fanndns  to  be  written  to  the  governors  of  provinces  and  letters 

>  Nia'mata-lla  (MS.,  p.  95)  infonns  us  tliat  od  Mb  accession  he  gave  a  splendid 
fesilTaly  at  which  he  presented  fifty-three  nohles  each  with  a  horse  and  an  honorary 
dren,  conferring  upon  them  exalted  mansabs  and  rich  jdgirt.  He  says  also  that 
B&rhak  Shfth  was  the  elder  hrother,  hut  this  is  contrary  to  the  statement  in  the 
XUrikh'i  DdMi  and  Firishta,  though  he  is  so  represented  in  Gen.  Briggs'  Genealogical 
Table  prefixed  to  the  Lodi  reigns. 

Niz&mu-d  din  Ahmad  tells  us,  that  the  chiefis  were  by  no  means  unanimous  about 
bit  right  of  succesrion  to  the  tbrone.  Though  he  had  been  designated  to  it  by  Bahlol, 
many  were  anxious  that  the  decision  should  be  revoked,  and  his  grandson,  'Azam 
HumftytUi  nomioated.  He  was  objected  to  by  Ts^  Kh&n,  a  nephew  of  BahloFs,  on 
the  ground  of  his  mother  Zaina  being  the  daughter  of  a  goldsmith.  Ts^,  together 
with  many  other  Afgh&ns,  gaye  the  preference  to  B&rbak  Sh&h,  on  account  of  the 
graftter  purity  of  his  blood.  *'  What  business,'*  he  exclaimed,  "  hare  goldsmiths* 
■one  with  goremment,  siDce  it  is  proverbial  that  monkeys  make  but  bad  carpenters,'* 
— ft  ipeech  for  which  he  was  sternly  rebuked  by  Sikandar's  warm  partisan,  Kh&n- 
khftuftn  Loh&nt— Td^i^dNt  AkbaH. 


1 


i'* 


446  'ABDU-LLA* 

to  the  monarohs  of  the  time.     Seventeen   aoeompliabed  i 
learned  men  of  tried  merit  were  oonetantlj  with  him  is  1 
j  private  apartment.   After  midnight  he  wae  in  the  habit  of  edi 

i  for  food,  when  these  seventeen  learned  men,  after  washii^  th 

hands,  seated  themselves  in  front  of  the  SaltiOy  who  was  hinu 
seated  on  his  oonch.  A  large  chair  was  then  brought  dose 
the  bed,  and  the  different  dishes  being  placed  on  it  the  Soh 
eommenced  eating;  food  was  also  placed  before  his  seventc 
companions,  who  were,  however,  forbidden  to  partake  of  it 
his  presence.  When  the  King  had  finished,  tibey  carried  th 
plates  away  to  their  houses,  and  ate  there.  Some  writers  ass 
that  His  Majesty,  in  order  to  keep  himself  in  health,  was  tl 
in  the  habit  of  secretly  drinking  wine. 

He  founded  ma^fidi  throughout  all  his  dominions,  and  ) 
pointed  a  preacher,  a  reader,  and  a  sweeper  to  each  ;    to  all 
;  I  whom  he  gave  regular  stipends.     Every  winter  he  sent  clot] 

and  shawls  for  the  benefit  of  the  needy,  and  distributed  a  cot 
amount  of  money  to  them  every  Friday.  Cooked  and  nneool 
victuals  were  daily  given  to  the  poor  at  various  places  in  the  c 
by  his  command.  During  the  blessed  season  of  the  month 
Bamaz&n,  and  on  the  day  of  the  Prophet's  decease,  he  rejoic 
the  hearts  of  the  necessitous  and  poor,  and  behaved  towai 
them  with  royal  liberality.  He  ordained  that  twice  a  year 
should  be  furnished  with  detailed  accounts  of  the  meritorio 
poor  of  his  Empire,  whom  he  then  supplied  with  means  suflScie 
to  support  them  for  six  months,  each  receiving  according  to  I 
wants.  During  his  reign,  nobles,  shaik/iSy  and  men  of  leami] 
from  the  lands  of  Arabia  and  Persia,  of  Hind  and  Bukh&t 
induced  to  do  so  by  his  favour  and  benevolence,  took  up  the 
residence  at  -^gra,  where  the  King  himself  generally  dwel 
During  the  fortunate  reign  of  this  monarch  the  fields  were  in 
high  state  of  cultivation,  and  merchants,  peasants,  and  all  God 
creatures  were  enabled  without  danger  to  perform  the  duties  < 
their  respective  occupations  in  ease  and  contentment.  He  alwaj 
inquired  strictly  into  the  particulars  of  the  lineage  and  ancestoi 


TABrSH-I  DAUDr.  447 

of  any  one  who  came  to  him  for  service,  and  gare  him  an  ap- 
pointment corresponding  to  the  dignity  of  his  forefkthers,  bestow* 
ing  a  jdgir  without  inspecting  the  applicant's  horse  and  arms, 
and  commanding  him  to  equip  himself  from  its  revennes.  The 
military  profession  was  in  his  time  a  yery  honourable  one.  The 
public  roads  in  his  territory  were  so  well  secured  that  there 
was  not  a  sign  of  highwaymen  and  robbers  throughout  all  his 
dominions.  He  allotted  lands  to  the  infidels  who  submitted  to 
the  followers  of  Isl&m  in  their  respectire  countries ;  and  whoerer 
rebelled  or  was  contumacious,  was  considered  guilty  of  treason, 
and  was  either  slain  or  banished. 

He  was  so  zealous  a  Musulm&n  that  he  utterly  destroyed 
dirers  places  of  worship  of  the  infidels,  and  left  not  a  vestige 
remaining  of  them.  He  entirely  ruined  the  shrines  of  Mathuri, 
the  mine  of  heathenism,  and  turned  their  principal  Hindu  places 
of  worship  into  caravanserais  and  colleges.  Their  stone  images 
were  given  to  the  butchers  to  serve  them  as  meat-weights,^  and  all 
the  Hindus  in  Mathuri  were  strictly  prohibited  firom  shaving 
their  heads  and  beards,  and  performing  their  ablutions.  He  thus 
put  an  end  to  all  the  idolatrous  rites  of  the  infidels  there ;  and  no 
Hindu,  if  he  wished  to  have  his  head  or  beard  shaved,  could  get  a 
barber  to  do  it.  Every  city  thus  conformed  as  he  desired  to  the 
customs  of  Isl&m.  In  each  quarter  prayers  were  performed  in 
public,  and  high  and  low  were  everywhere  seized  with  a  desire  of 
acquiring  knowledge.  In  Sikandar's  time  many  tradesmen  were 
wealthy,  and  so  much  rivalry  in  consequence  existed  amongst 
them,  that  each  tried  to  exceed  the  other  in  his  expenditure. 
One  of  the  King's  commands  was,  that  twice  a  year  money 
should  be  distributed  from  the  royal  treasury  to  the  deserving 
poor  of  the  different  cities,  and  certain  God-fearing  persons  were 
sent  to  inquire  into  the  state  and  administer  to  the  necessities 
of  the  unfortunate.  He  ordained  that  each  jdgirddr  should 
possess  all  the  revenues  of  his  tenure,  with  the  exception  of 

^  This  is  spedaUy  stid  of  tbe  famous  idol  of  Nagarkot,  by  Ahmad  Y&dg&r  (MS., 
p.  86),  and  the  WdkCdt-i  Muthtdki  (MS.,  p.  64). 


448  *ABDn-LLA. 

those  proceeding  from  imldk  and  icazdif.  Thus  were  the  holdets 
of  aima  released  by  this  single  order  of  the  Sult&n,  as  no  end 
now  required  to  have  his  farmdn  renewed.  There  was  no  intw- 
ference  in  the  concerns  of  any  of  the  chie&  who  went  to  the 
fTOsir'tf  diwdn  and  settled  their  accounts  with  him,  having  drawn 
them  up  in  the  manner  most  convenient  to  themselves.  No  one 
was  allowed  to  press  cattle  from  the  villagers  for  the  purpose  of 
carriage. 

It  was  the  custom  for  every  chief,  when  he  heard  of  the 
coming  of  a  royal  order,  to  go  out  two  or  three  kon  to  meet  its 
bearer;^  a  terrace  was  then  erected,  on  which  the  messeDger 
placed  himself,  whilst  the  nobleman  standing  beneath  received 
the  farmdn  in  the  most  respectful  manner  with  both  hands,  and 
placed  it  on  his  head  and  eyes ;  if  it  was  to  be  read  privately  he 
did  so,  and  if  it  was  to  be  made  known  to  the  people,  it  was  read 
from  the  pulpit  of  the  Mosque.  The  annual  procession  of  the 
spear  of  S&l&r  Mas'ud  he  abolished  in  every  province  of  his 
dominions,  and  peremptorily  enjoined  its  discontinuance.  Women 
also  were  forbidden  to  perform  pilgrimages  to  tombs.'  Grain, 
merchandize,  and  goods  of  all  descriptions  were  so  cheap  during 
his  reign,  that  but  small  means  enabled  their  possessor  to  Uve 
comfortably.  On  the  festivals,  or ' J'e&,  and  on  the  anniversary  of 
the  death  of  the  Prophet  (on  whom  be  the  peace  and  blessing 
of  God !),  he,  by  order,  was  furnished  with  a  list  of  all  the 
prisoners  in  his  dominions,  and  he  then  released,  by  a  written 
command,  all  those  who  were  confined  on  account  of  balances  of 
public  revenue.  If  any  one  who  had  been  oppressed  demanded 
justice  whilst  he  was  out  riding,  he  immediately  demanded  who 
the  petitioner  was.      The  agents   of  the   various   chie&  being 

^  This  ifi  a  T&t&r  custom,  and  preyails  eyen  now  in  China  and  some  other  Eastern 
countries. 

>  The  WdkCdt'i  Mtuhtdki  (MS.,  p.  15)  adds,  that  he  put  a  stop  to  the  display  of 
tdzit/at  during  the  Muharram ;  that  the  worship  of  Sitaldf  or  the  smaU-pox  dirinity, 
was  ahandoned  in  his  time ;  that  people  were  exceedingly  generous  in  their  donations 
to  fakirt,  and  that  if  &  fakir  died  worth  foes  of  rupees,  his  heirs  succeeded  to  the 
property,  and  if  there  were  no  heirs,  it  was  distributed  amongst  other  fakirs. 


TABfKB.I  DAUDX.  419 

always  in  attendance  on  him,  would  take  the  man  by  the 
hand,  and  use  their  best  exertions  to  give  him  satisfaction. 
If  he  made  any  one  a  grant  of  a  jdgir  he  never  removed 
him  nntil  a  fault  was  proved  against  him.  When  a  person  had 
onee  been  convicted  of  a  crime,  he  never  again  gave  him  any- 
thing, but  at  the  same  time  he  did  not  cease  to  treat  him  with 
honour  and  kindness.  If  singers  or  performers  greatly  skilled 
in  the  science  of  music  came  to  his  Court,  he  never  allowed  them 
to  display  their  talents  in  his  presence.  Mir&n  Saiyid  Buhu-Ua 
and  Saiyid  Ibn-i  Basiil,  two  men  who  were  great  favourites,  were 
commanded  to  station  themselves  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the 
Salting's  tent,  and  before  them  all  the  musicians  used  to  come 
and  perform.  The  Sult&n  was,  however,  in  the  habit  of  listening 
to  the  9umdy  and  ten  performers  on  it,  called  ahdhndis^  played 
eyery  night  in  the  royal  darbdr^  commencing  at  nine  o'clock ; 
they  were  ordered  only  to  play  these  four  tunes :  1  Mdlikiir^ 
2  KaUydn^  3  Kdnra^  4  Huaaini^  and  then  cease  for  the  evening ; 
if  they  ever  played  other  tunes,  they  were  chastised.^ 

Every  business  had  its  appointed  time,  and  an  established 
custom  was  never  changed ;  no  one  could  possibly  have  found 
fiuilt  with  any  of  his  actions,  with  the  exception  of  his  shaving 
his  beard.  When  he  had  once  allowed  an  individual  meat  and 
drink,  he  never,  till  the  close  of  his  reign,  made  any  alteration 
in  the  allowance.  It  is  related  that  Shaikh  'Abdu-1  Ghani,  a 
man  of  eminence,  came  from  Jaunpur  to  visit  the  Sult&n  during 
the  hot  weather,  and  that  a  portion  of  food  was  allotted  to  him, 
which,  in  consequence  of  the  heat  of  the  weather,  was  accom- 
panied by  six  jars  of  sharbaty  and  that  even  when  he  came  in 
winter-time  the  same  quantity  of  sharbat  was  sent  to  him.  He 
always  behaved  to  the  nobles  and  great  men  of  his  time  in  the 

1  Abmad  Y6dg&r  says  (MS.,  p  88)  that  there  were  four  of  the  Sult&n's  Blarefl  who 
irara  loellent  lingert  and  performers,  one  on  the  ehang,  another  on  the  Mnim^ 
aaotiier  on  the  tambkr^  and  another  on  the  ben  ;  who  were,  moreorer,  very  heautiful 
in  their  perwna.  He  mentions  only  four  tumdiSf  and  the  names  of  these  tnnes  are 
giTOl  •■  KalddrOj  Uddna,  Hatani,  and  Rdmkali,  Basku-Ua  Mnsht&ki  (MS.,  p.  61) 
nimea  them  OMwd,  Kalydn,  Xdnrd,  and  Mukdm-'i  Sutaini, 

VOL.  IV.  29 


450  'ABDU-LLA. 

way  he  did  on  the  first  day  of  the  interview,  whether  they 
revisited  him  after  the  lapse  of  years,  or  remained  with  him 
doing  daily  service.  The  Sult&n's  conversation  was  under 
discipline,  and  he  was  never  desultory.  Every  chief  had  his 
appointed  post  in  his  presence,  where  he  always  stood.  He 
possessed  a  retentive  memory.  He  daily  received  an  account  of 
the  prices  of  all  things,  and  an  account  of  what  had  happened 
in  the  different  districts  of  his  Empire.  If  he  perceived  the 
slightest  appearance  of  anything  wrong,  he  caused  instant  in- 
quiries to  be  made  about  it.  He  generally  resided  at  Agra ;  it  is 
said  by  some  that  Agra  became  a  city  in  his  time,  before  which  it 
had  been  a  mere  village,  but  one  of  old  standing.  The  Hindus, 
indeed,  assert  that  Agra  was  a  strong  place  in  the  days  of  R&ji 
Kans,  who  ruled  in  Mathur&,  and  who  confined  every  one  who 
displeased  him  in  the  fort  at  that  place,  so  that  in  course  of  time 
it  had  become  the  established  State  prison.  In  the  year  when 
the  army  of  Sult&n  Mahmiid  of  Ghazni  invaded  Hindustan, 
he  so  ruined  Agra,  that  it  became  one  of  the  most  insignificant 
villages  in  the  land ;  after  this,  it  improved  from  the  time  of 
Sult&n  Sikandar,  and  at  length,  in  Akbar's  time,  became  the  seat 
of  government  of  the  Empire  of  Dehli,  and  one  of  the  chief 
cities  of  Hindust&n. 

The  noble  who  had  the  general  direction  of  affairs  in  the 
reign  of  Sikandar  ^  bestowed  districts  and  charitable  gifts  upon 
the  learned  and  religious  to  an  extent  that  had  never  been  known 
in  former  reigns,  notwithstanding  the  great  extent  of  territory 
and  the  vast  treasures.  In  his  reign,  business  was  carried  on  in 
a  peaceful,  honest,  straightforward  way.  A  new  sort  of  life 
obtained,  for  people  high  and  low  were  polite,  and  self-respect, 
integrity,  and  devotion  to  religion  prevailed,  like  as  had  never 
been  the  case  in  former  reigns.  The  study  of  the  hettes  lettres 
was  not  neglected^  and  a  general  respect  was  paid  to  integrity 
and  piety.  Factory  establishments  were  so  encouraged  that  all 
the  young  nobles  and  soldiers  were  engaged  in  useful   works 

^  Hazrat  mukhtdt't  mutlak-i  SikandarL 


TARrKH-I  DAUDr.  451 

(kasb).    Fnder  the  orders  of  Snltdn  Sikandar,  the  Argar-mahd- 
bedak^^  on  the  science  of  medicine  and  the  treatment  of  disease 
was  translated,  and  received  the  name  of  Tibb-i  Sikandari.    The 
book  is  the  foundation  of  the  practice  of  the  physicians  of  Hind, 
and  was  thus  brought  into  general  use.^ 

Snlt&n  Sikandar  had  six  sons  :  the  eldest,  Ibr&him  Eh&n,  suc- 
ceeded his  father,  with  the  title  of  Sult&n  Ibr&him,  in  the  Empire 
of  D^K;  the  second,  Jal&l  Kh&n,  became  King  of  Jaunpur,  and 
was  styled  Sult&n  Jal&lu-d  din ;  the  third,  Isma'il  Kh&n ;  the 
fourth,  Husain  Kh&n^  the  fifth,  Mahmud  Kh&n;  the  sixth,  'Azam 
Hum&yun.  As  for  the  nobles  of  note,  who  were  all  men  of 
dignity  and  might,  and  were  unequalled  in  their  day  in  valour 
and  skilly  how  can  I  give  a  list  of  them  P  During  his  reign, 
innumerable  Afgh&n  chiefs  attached  themselves  to  him,  and  he 
treated  the  Afgh&ns  and  those  of  his  own  tribe  with  the  greatest 
kindness.  Whenever  he  granted  an  allowance  to  one  of  his  chiefs 
to  supply  his  wants,  he  from  that  day  placed  confidence  in  him, 
and  said,  "  I  have  sown  good  seed,  1  shall  lose  nothing  by  it !  " 
His  nephews  had  no  equal  in  bravery  and  liberality.  All  the 
nobles  and  soldiers  of  Sikandar  were  well  satisfied  ;  each  of  his 
chie&  was  appointed  to  the  government  of  a  district,  and  it  was 
his  especial  desire  to  gain  the  goodwill  and  affections  of  the 
body  of  the  people.  For  the  sake  of  his  officers  and  troops, 
he  put  an  end  to  war  and  disputes  with  the  other  monarchs  and 
nobles  of  the  period^  and  closed  the  road  of  contention  and  strife. 
He  contented  himself  with  the  territory  bequeathed  him  by  his 
f&ther,  and  passed  the  whole  of  his  life  in  the  greatest  safety  and 

<  [On  thig  snbject  the  WdkC&t-i  Muahtdkis&js,  <<  Ml&n  Bh6dh  succeeded  to  the  late 
Khaw&fl  Eb&n,  and  was  confirmed  in  the  dignity.  He  nsed  to  associate  with  learned 
men,  and  the  great  men  of  the  age  assembled  round  him.  He  got  together  fine 
caligraphists  and  learned  men,  and  employed  them  in  writing  books  upon  every 
science.  He  brought  (books)  from  Ehur6s&n,  and  gare  them  to  learned  and  good 
men.  Writers  were  continually  engaged  in  this  work.  He  assembled  the  physicians  of 
Hind  and  S[hur&s&n,  and  collecting  books  upon  the  science  of  Medicine,  he  had  a 
selection  made.  The  book  so  compiled  received  the  name  of  Tibb-i  Sikandari^  and 
there  is  no  work  of  greater  authority  in  India."] 


452  'ABDU-LLA. 

eujojinent,  and  gained  the  hearts  of  both  high  and  low.  An 
account  of  several  of  the  chie&  of  Sikandar  will  be  found  in 
its  proper  place,  after  the  completion  of  the  relation  of  whftt 
happened  daring  this  reign. 

An  account  of  certain  events  which  occurred  during  the  first  year 

of  the  reign. 

It  is  said  that  in  the  Sambhal  district  a  person  was  digging, 
and  found  an  earthen  jar,  containing  5000  gold  mohure.  Mi4n 
K&sim,  the  governor  of  Sambhal,  took  all  of  it  away  from  him; 
upon  which  the  sufferer  sent  a  petition  to  the  King,  informing 
him  of  all  that  had  happened.  Sult&n  Sikandar,  being  a  benevo- 
lent and  excellent  monarch,  commanded  all  the  gold  to  be  given 
back  to  the  finder.  Mi&n  £&sim  then  represented  that  he  was 
not  a  proper  person  to  receive  so  large  an  amount  of  money ; 
upon  which  the  King  addressed  Skfarmdn  to  Mian  K&aim,  saying, 
*'  0  fool.  He  who  has  given  it  to  him  would  not  have  done  so 
had  he  been  unworthy  of  it :  all  men  are  the  servants  of  Ood, 
and  He  knows  who  is  worthy,  and  who  is  not !  ^^  So  all  the  gold 
was  restored. 

In  the  same  way  a  husbandman,  who  was  ploughing  a  field  in 
Ajodhan,  belonging  to  the  holy  Shaikh  Muhammad,  turned  up 
a  very  large  block  of  stone ;  he  left  his  work,  and  went  and 
related  this  to  the  Shaikh,  who  sent  some  persons  to  inquire 
into  the  matter.  On  digging  up  the  earth  they  found  the  stcme, 
raised  it  up,  and  discovered  a  well  beneath  it.  They  then  replaced 
the  stone  in  its  former  position,  and  informed  Shaikh  Muhammad, 
who  mounted  his  horse  and  came  to  the  spot  in  person,  and 
removed  the  stone.  On  descending  into  the  well,  they  perceived 
it  to  be  full  of  treasure,  which  the  Shaikh  caused  to  be  carried 
away  to  his  own  dwelling.  Some  of  the  golden  plates  and 
vessels  bore  the  seal  of  Sult&n  Sikandar  Zu-1-kamain  (Alexander 
the  Great).  This  led  people  to  suppose  that  the  treasure  had 
been  buried  during  the  reign  of  that  monarch.  'All  Kh&n,  the 
name  of  the  chief  who  governed  the  territories  of  Lahore  and 


TAETKH-I  DAUDI.  453 

Dib&lpdr,  wrote  a  letter,  and  sent  it  to  the  Shaikh,  saying: 
"This  country  is  in  my  charge,  as  also  any  hidden  treasure 
found  in  it."  The  Shaikh  replied,  "  If  the  great  God  had  given 
it  to  yon,  I  should  not  have  had  anything  to  say  to  you ;  as  He 
has  been  pleased  to  bestow  it  on  me,  no  portion  of  it  belongs  to 
you.^  'Ali  Kh&n  wrote  an  account  of  this  affair  to  the  Sult&n, 
and  represented  that  ''  a  royal  treasure  had  been  discovered  on 
the  lands  of  Shaikh  Muhammad."  Sult&n  Sikandar  said : 
"What  have  you  got  to  do  with  itp  Why  do  you  relate  what  has 
happened  to  the  darwesh  ? "  Shaikh  Muhammad  also  sent  one 
of  his  men  with  some  gold  vessels,  stamped  with  the  seal  of 
"Zti-l-kamain^^  to  the  Sing,  telling  how  they  had  been  found, 
and  asking  for  orders  how  to  dispose  of  them.  Sult&n  Sikandar 
wrote  in  reply,  desiring  him  to  keep  them  all,  and  said,  *'  You 
and  I  have  each  an  account  to  render  to  the  most  High  God,  who 
is  the  owner  of  the  world,  and  who  gives  to  whomsoever  He 
will"! 

If  Sult&n  Sikandar  commanded  his  ministers  to  make  over  a 
jdgir  o{  a  lac  o{  tankas  to  any  individual,  and  if  after  seizin  he 
received  information  that  its  revenue  amounted  to  ten  lacs  of 
iankas^  he  always  inquired  whether  the  person  had  received  it 
from  him,  or  had  taken  possession  of  it  himself;  and  when  told 
that  Hia  Majesty  had  bestowed  it,  he  replied,  ''  Let  his  good 
fortune  remain  untouched."  A.  jdgir  worth  seven  lacs  of  tankaa 
was  ordered  to  be  given  to  Malik  Badru-d  din  Bahlim,  and  he 
received  a  pargana  yielding  that  amount.  In  the  first  year 
its  revenue  amounted  to  nine  lacs  of  tankas^  and  he  informed  the 
King  that  he  had  collected  more  than  the  assigned  revenue — 
seeing  that  a  jdgir  which  was  said  to  produce  only  seven  lacs  had 
given  nine — and  requested  instructions  relative  to  its  disposal. 
The  Sult&n  said,  ''Keep  it  yourself."    In  the  next  year  the 

>  Razlni-lla  Musbt&ki  and  Ahmad  Y&dg&r  gire  both  these  anecdotes,  and  the  latter 
conelndes  with  an  unusually  bold  remark  t  *'  God  be  praised,  for  endowing  the  Sult&n 
with  sooh  a  generous  spirit !  In  these  days,  if  any  one  were  to  find  even  a  few  copper 
Uuikaty  our  rulers  would  immediately  pull  down  his  house  to  examine  every  nook  and 
corner  for  more ! " 


454  'ABDU-LLA. 

revenae  reached  eleven  lacs,  and  Malik  Bahlim  again  sent  to  tell 
His  Majesty,  who  ordered  him  to  keep  it.  In  the  third  year  he 
collected  fifteen  lacs^  and  again  sent  information  to  the  King,  who 
replied,  "  Thejdgir  is  yours,  as  is  also  all  the  money  it  pro- 
duces ;  why,  therefore,  are  you  always  mentioning  the  subject  to 
mep"  Marvellous  was  the  integrity  of  the  Eh&ns  of  that 
period,  and  the  magnanimity  and  benevolence  of  the  monarch  of 
the  age. 

So  great  was  Solt&n  Sikandar^s  justice,  that  no  man  could  even 
look  sternly  at  another.  His  mkil^  Dary&  £h&n  Loh&ni,  was 
directed  to  remain  all  day,  until  the  first  watch  of  the  night,  on 
the  seat  of  justice;  the  Kdzi  with  twelve  of  the  'Ulamd  were 
always  present  within  the  King's  own  palace.  All  cases  brought 
before  the  court  of  law  were  tried  before  these  twelve  wise  men, 
who  decided  them  and  wrote  decisions,  of  the  nature  of  which  the 
Sult&n  received  immediate  information.  Certain  young  slaves 
were  specially  appointed  for  this  service,  and  firom  morning  until 
the  close  of  the  sitting,  reports  of  everything  that  occurred  in 
court  were  brought  to  His  Majesty  the  instant  it  happened. 

One  day  a  saiyid  from  the  district  of  Ardal,  which  is  twenty 
or  thirty  kos  from  Panna  on  the  ^gra  side,  sought  redress,  because 
Mian  Malik,  the  jdgirddr  o{  iha^t  pargana^  had  resumed  his  hmd, 
and  withheld  it  fi*om  him.  The  Sult&n  commanded  Mi&n  Bhua^ 
to  inquire  into  the  matter,  and  make  known  who  was  in  the  right. 
This  dispute  lasted  two  months  ;  after  which  period  the  Sult&n 
asked,  ^'  What  has  happened  to  you,  that  you  cannot  settle  this 
a£fair  P  Until  it  is  answered  let  no  one  leave  the  court  to-day."" 
Mi&n  Malik,  and  the  wazir^i  (Uwdn,  and  the '  Ularnd^  discussed  the 
matter  until  the  third  watch  of  the  night,  and  accounts  of  what 
they  were  doing  were  constantly  sent  to  the  Sult&n,  until  the 
case  was  determined,  and  the  right  discovered  to  be  on  the  %aiyid'i 
side,  who  had  been  oppressed.  The  Sult&n  directed  Mi&n  Malik 
to  be  asked  why  he  had  disobeyed  the  Sult&n 's  orders  by  tyran- 
nizing over  the  weak,  and  resuming  wazdtf  and  imidk  tenures, 

1  [The  *"  Mi&n  Bhildh  "  of  the  JFdkCdUi  MwKtdki.'] 


TARIKH-I  DXVLX.  455 

which  he  had  expressly  reserved  in  all  Jdgir  grants.  Mi&n 
Malik  being  ashamed  hung  down  his  head,  and  said :  '^  I  have 
committed  a  &alt."  He  was  then  obliged  to  repeat  this  three 
times,  ^^  Malik  is  guilty  and  a  tyrant^  and  the  saipid  is  an 
oppressed  person."  When  he  had  said  this  three  times,  the 
Sult&n  said,  ^'  You  have  been  disgraced  in  the  hall  of  justice,  and 
that  is  your  punishment.'^  He  then  had  his  Jdgir  taken  from 
him,  and  he  never  received  another  as  long  as  he  lived. 

An  account  of  certain  other  events  which  occurred  during  the  pear 

of  His  Mqjesty^s  accession. 

In  the  first  year  of  his  reign  Sult&n  Sikandar  had  a  design 
of  conquering  Bay&na,^  which  task  he  effected,  like  a  mighty 
monarch,  in  a  very  short  time,  and  then  returned  speedily  to  Dehli. 
On  the  third  day  after  his  arrival,  he  was  playing  at  chaugdn. 
Whilst  he  was  in  the  chaugdn  ground,  news  was  brought  from 
Jaunpur  that  B&rbak  Sh&h  was  coming  from  that  city  with  a 
numerous  army,  Sult&n  Sikandar  sent  IsmaMl  Kh&n  Loh&nl  to 
B&rbak  Sh&h  at  Jaunpur,  to  make  pacific  overtures,  and  then 
started  after  him  in  person,  in  the  direction  of  Kampila  and 
Pati&li.  'I's^  Kh&n,  the  governor  of  that  district  came  forth  to 
oppose  him.  When  both  parties  were  engaged,  'fs&  Eh&n 
received  a  wound,  from  the  effects  of  which  he  died  in  a  few  days.' 

Sult&n  Sikandar  advanced  thence  towards  B&rbak  Sh&h,  who 
also  had  collected  his  troops  and  prepared  to  encounter  him, 
leaving  Jaunpur  for  that  purpose.  Both  sides  met  and  engaged.' 
Daring  the  fight,  a  holy  kalandar  appeared,  who  seized  Sult&n 

^  Nia'matu-lla,  in  hii  Mahhtan-%  Afghdni^  says  nothing  of  this  expedition  to  Bay&na, 
bat  informs  ub  that  his  first  expedition  was  against  Rapri  on  the  Jnmna  (MS.,  p.  96), 
where  'Alam  Eh&n,  his  brother,  had  fortified  himself,  but  afterwards  fled  to  'All 
Kh&n  and  T&t&r  Kh&n  Lodi  at  PatS&li.  Rapri  was  made  over  to  Kh&n-khfrn&n 
Loh&ni ;  and  the  Sult&n  then  went  to  Et&wa,  where  he  passed  the  rainy  season. 
He  bestowed  £t&wa  upon  'Alam  Kh&n,  in  order  to  detach  him  from  the  interests  of 
their  nephew  'Azam  Ham&ytin.  R&l  Kishan  receired  Patf&li  as  a  reward  for  deserting 
the  cause  of  B&rbak  Sh&h. 

'  'rs&  Kh&n  was  Sikandar's  cousin,  and  had  strongly  opposed  his  succession  to  the 
throne.    The  Tdbakdt-i  Akborl  tells  us  that  this  expedition  preceded  that  to  Bnprl. 

'  Near  Kanauj,  we  are  informed  by  Nia'matu-lla. 


466  'ABDULLA. 

Sikandar's  hand,  and  said,  ^^  The  victory  is  with  thee !  **  The 
Snlt&n  withdrew  his  hand  with  an  expression  of  disgost.  The 
dartceah  said,  ^*  I  give  you  a  glad  omen,  and  the  joyfal  tidings 
of  success  !  Why  do  you  withdraw  your  handP"  The  Sultin 
said,  "  When  there  is  strife  between  two  parties  of  the  religion  of 
Isl&m,  you  ought  not  to  side  with  one,  but  to  say  that  the  yictorj 
will  remain  with  those  whose  success  will  produce  the  greatest 
benefit  to  religion,  and  you  ou^ht  to  solicit  the  Almighty  to  grant 
victory  to  him  who  will  treat  the  servants  of  the  Lord  best ! " 

After  a  fierce  battle,  B&rbak  Sh&h^s  army  was  defeated,  and  he 
fled  thence  to  Bad&un,  to  which  place  he  was  pursued  by  Snltin 
Sikandar,  who  besieged  him  there.^     Barbak  Sh&h  excused  him- 
self and  submitted,  and  Sult&n  Sikandar  conciliated  him,  and 
took  him  to  Jaunpur,  where  he  seated  him  again  on  the  throne 
of  the  Eastern  monarchy  as  before;    but  he  distributed  the 
parganas  of  the  Jaunpur  country  amongst  his  nobles,  and  left 
governors  of  his  own  everywhere;   he  also  appointed  men  of 
trust  to  remain  with  B&rbak  Sh&h.     Thence  he  went  to  K&lpi, 
which  place  he  resumed  from  his  nephew  ^Azam  Hum&yun,  and 
bestowed  it  upon  Mahmiid  Kh&n  Lodi.     He  then  advanced  for 
the  purpose  of  securing  possession  of  the  countries  and  districts 
belonging  to  Bay&na.*    After  seizing  the  whole  of  that  territory, 
he  returned  in  a  short  time  to  Dehli. 


I  A  curious  anecdote  is  related  respecting  this  action.  B&rbak  and  his  genersl 
Kalu  Pahar  drew  out  in  order  of  battle  to  meet  his  brother,  and  an  action  ensned  in 
which  Eala  Pahar  was  taken  prisoner.  Sikandar  Lodi,  on  seeing  him,  alighted  from 
his  horse,  and  embracing  him,  said  he  esteemed  him  as  his  father,  and  begged  he 
would  look  on  him  as  his  son.  Eala  Pahar,  orercome  by  this  unexpected  honour, 
replied,  that  except  his  life,  he  had  nothing  to  offer  in  return,  and  trusted  that  he 
might  be  employed,  and  have  an  opportunity  of  eTincing  his  gratitude.  He  was 
accordingly  mounted  on  one  of  the  King's  own  horses,  and  instantly  led  a  charge  of 
cavalry  against  the  party  whose  cause  he  had  before  espoused,  which  in  a  great  measure 
led  to  the  King's  success.  The  troops  of  B&rbak  seeing  Kala  Pahar  charging  them,  and 
imagining  that  all  his  dinsion  had  also  gone  over  to  the  enemy,  took  to  flight.  Prinee 
B&rbak  himself  displayed  great  gallantry,  but  fled  to  Bad&dn  on  being  deserted  by 
his  troops.  His  son  Mub&rak  Kh&n  was  made  prisoner,  and  Sikandar  pursued  his 
brother  to  Bad&6n. 

'  Some  other  intermediate  events  will  be  found  among  the  Extracts  from  the 
Tirikh'i  Khdn-Jahdn  Lodi. 


TARIKH-I  DAITDf.  457 

On  the  third  day  after  his  arriyal,  he  was  again  playing  at 
ehaugdn^  and  was  standing  with  the  bat  in  his  hand,  intending 
to  proceed  with  the  game,  when  news  arrived  that  the  zaminddrs 
of  the  district  of  Jaunpur,  led  by  a  Hindu  named  Jug&,^  and 
numbering  nearly  100,000  men,  horse  and  foot,  had  attacked 
and  defeated  Mub&rak  Kh&n  Loh&ni,  and  slain  his  brother,  and 
that  Mub&rak  Eh&n  had  been  seized  by  MuUa  Eh&n  at  the  ferry 
of  Illahab&s,  which  at  that  time  was  called  Py&g,  and  that 
B&rbak  Sh&h,  learning  how  powerAil  these  people  were,  had 
gone  to  Mi&n  Muhammad  Farmuli,  nicknamed  ''  the  Black 
Mountain,"  at  Dary&b&d. 

When  Sult&n  Sikandar  heard  of  these  events,  he  threw  down 
the  chaugdn  bat,  and  went  from  the  field  to  Khan  Jah&n  Lodi, 
and  told  him  all  that  happened,  at  the  same  time  asking  what 
he  ought  to  do.  Eh&n  Jah&n  said,  ^^  Food  is  just  ready,  eat  a 
little  of  it  as  a  good  omen,  and  then  set  out  for  Jaunpur."  The 
King  replied :  "  I  will  eat  after  the  first  stage."  On  quitting 
Kh&n  Jah&n's  house,  he  went  to  the  royal  palace;  and  then 
causing  the  scarlet  tents  to  be  pitched,  he  proceeded  with  such 
celerity,  that  he  came  up  with  Jugd  on  the  tenth  day.  When 
he  encamped  near  the  water  of  Kudi,  a  scout  brought  informa- 
tion concerning  the  rebel  army.  The  Sult&n  asked  how  many 
kas  Jiig&  was  from  this  place,  and  he  was  told  that  he  was  near 
at  hand.  On  this,  the  Sult&n  ordered  an  immediate  attack; 
some  of  the  chief  nobles  recommended  waiting  until  the  arrival 
of  the  army,  and  the  Sult&n  inquired  how  many  troops  had  kept 
pace  with  him.  The  Bakhahi  answered  that  there  were  only  500 
horsemen.  He  said,  ^^  The  fortune  of  Isl&m  is  in  the  ascendant ; 
these  men  will  suffice."  He  then  repeated  the  Fdiiha^i  Khair^ 
and  mounted  his  horse.  After  proceeding  a  short  distance, 
another  messenger  arrived,  from  whom  the  King  inquired  how 
for  Jug&  was  off.  He  answered,  ^* Not  more  than  three  has** 
The  King  asked  what  force  he  had  with  him  P  The  man  replied, 

^  It  will  be  seen  from  the  Extracts  from  the  Tdrlkh-i  Khdn^Jahdn  Lodi,  that  he 
must  bare  been  the  leader  of  the  Bachgoti  Bajpdts. 


M 

f 


! 

t         I 
!        . 


t 

.      I 
I 

I 

t 


1 


'I 
t  .  I      > 


I 


'« 


458  'ABDU-LLA. 

300,000  foot  and  15,000  horse.  The  Sult&n  said,  ''  Has  he  i 
ceived  intelligence  of  my  coming  P"  He  answered,  '^  Not  as  yel 
The  Sult&n  directed  those  who  were  with  him  to  adra 
with  all  possible  speed,  saying,  '^  If  he  does  not  seek  safety 
flight,  by  God's  favour  he  will  fall  into  my  hands."  Tb 
advanced  quietly  two  kos  farther ;  when  they  were  only  one  i 
distant  from  the  enemy,  another  spy  came  to  tell  His  Majee 
that  Jug&and  the  other  rascals,  having  just  heard  of  the  Sultii 
coming,  had  run  away  and  taken  nothing  away  with  them.  T 
'I  Sult&n  said,  ^'  If  he  had  remained  after  being  told,   he  woe 

have  seen  what  he  would  have  seen."  The  King,  on  arriving 
JAgii's  tent,  found  even  his  clothes  lying  there ;  for  the  dread 
His  Majesty  caused  the  assembly  of  the  rebels  to  disperse,  a 
much  booty  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victorious  army.  Suit 
Sikandar  followed  him  as  far  as  the  fort  of  Jund,^  where  Suit 
.  r  Husain  Sharki  was,  and  with  him  the  Hindu  Jug&  took  refuse 

Sult&n  Sikandar  encamped  at  a  short  distance  from  the  fo 
and  wrote  thus  to  Sult&n  Husain,  ^'  You  are  in  the  place  of  t 
uncle;  all  that  happened  between  you  and  Sult&n  Bahlol  I: 
passed.  I  bear  no  enmity  to  you,  and  would  treat  you  wi 
respect ;  may  this  fort  and  land  which  you  have  taken  possess! 
r    I  of  always  belong  to  you.     I  have  come  hither  to  punish  ai 

U  chastise  the  rebel  Jugd  ;    if  you   undertake  his  chastiseme 

;|i    I  yourself,  so  much  the  better !     If  not,  turn  him  out,   that 

may  give  him  the  punishment  he  merits ;  he  is  an  infidel,  at 
I  am  therefore  convinced  that  you  will  not  side  with  him. 
When  this  reached  Sult&n  Husain  Sharki,  he  sent  one  of  h 
chief  nobles,  Mir  Saiyid  Kh&n,  as  an  ambassador  to  Sulti 
Sikandar  with  this  answer,  "  Jiigd  is  ray  servant,  and  thy  fathe 
Bahlol  was  a  soldier ;  I  fought  with  him  sword  in  hand  I  Yo 
are  a  silly  child,  and  if  you  are  guilty  of  any  folly,  I  wi 
strike  you  with  my  shoe  instead  of  ray  sword."  When  Sult& 
Sikandar  had  heard  these  words,  he  said,  *'  At  first,  I  style 
him  my  uncle,  and  I  still  adhere  to  that  piece  of  civility. 

^  Var.  Jamtind. 


V 


TAEfKH-I  DAUDr.  459 

desire  to  punish  the  infidel ;  if  he  assists  him,  I  shall  then  be 
obliged  to  act.  I  have  never  boasted,  and  all  Masolm^ns  know 
it.  With  the  blessing  of  God,  the  mouth  that  has  uttered  the 
word  shoe,  will  itself  be  stricken  with  a  shoe.'' 

Sult&n  Sikandar  said  to  Mir&n  Saiyid  Khdn,  ''  You  are 
children  of  the  Prophet  (on  whom  be  the  mercy  of  God  !),  why 
do  you  not  teach  him  to  be  reasonable,  since  he  will  afterwards 
have  cause  to  repent  P  ^^  Mir&n  answered,  ^'  I  am  his  servitor ; 
what  he  chooses  is  my  choice."  Sultdn  Sikandar  said,  ''  Fortune 
and  Sense  are  the  servants  of  each  other ;  whosoever  suffers  a 
change  of  fortune,  also  loses  his  sense !  you  are  excused.  To- 
morrow, please  God,  after  his  flight,  when  you  come  a  captive 
before  me,  I  will  cause  you  to  recollect  what  I  have  said ;  but. 
it  will  be  better  that  you  should  understand  at  once  all  I  have 
sud  to  you."  After  speaking  thus,  he  gave  Saiyid  Khdn  per- 
mission to  depart,  and  went  to  consult  with  his  nobles  ;  they  all 
advised  war,  and  after  repeating  the  Fdtiha^  went  to  their  places. 
Whilst  all  the  great  chiefs  were  present  Sult&n  Sikandar  had 
said,  **  You  acted  for  Sult&n  Bahlol,  as  was  proper  for  brethren 
and  fiiithfiil  subjects  to  do ;  in  this  affair  of  mine,  I  am  certain 
you  will  not  fail  to  do  your  best  for  me.'' 

On  the  following  day,  when  both  armies  were  ranged  in  order 
of  battle,  the  skirmishers  consisted  of  men  of  the  Lodi  and 
S&hd-khail  tribes,  whilst  the  men  of  the  Farmuli  tribe  were 
stationed  on  the  right  and  left.  The  Sarw&nis  were  in  the  rear 
of  the  force.  'XTmar  Eh&n  Sarw&ni,  one  of  the  bravest  men  of 
the  time,  commanded  the  vanguard  of  the  army.  Sult&n 
Sikandar  was  mounted  on  an  elephant,  in  order  that  he  might 
behold  the  enemy's  forces;  and  while  he  was  encouraging  his 
men,  suddenly  his  eye  fell  on  the  fort  of  Jund ;  and  he  ex- 
clumed,  **  Is  this  the  citadel  which  has  made  him  so  proud  P  I 
will  yet  forbear,  if  he  will  understand  his  position.''  But  shortly 
after,  Sult&n  Husain  brought  forth  his  army  from  the  fort,  and 
attacked  the  advanced  troops  of  the  force.  In  a  brief  space  of 
time,  after  the  commencement  of  the  encounter,  and  after  a  short 


460  'ABDU-LLA. 

contest,  Sult&n  Husain  fled,  and  Mir&n  Saijid  Kh4n,  who  had 
acted  as  ambassador,  was,  with  other  nobles,  taken  prisoner,  and 
brought  with  disgrace  before  Sult&n  Sikandar.  When  the  Saliia 
beheld  him,  and  saw  that  he  was  bare-headed  and  on  foot,  he 
turned  his  face  away  from  him,  and  said,  *^  GKve  him  a  torbiD, 
and  bring  him  mounted  on  a  horse  into  my  presence.'*^  When  this 
was  done  as  had  been  ordered,  the  Sult&n  said  to  Mir&n  Sujid 
Kh&n  and  the  other  chiefe,  **  May  mercy  be  with  you,  since  yoa 
haye  shown  the  utmost  fidelity  in  this  matter.  As  your  master 
was  void  of  sense,  what  could  you  do  P  Now,  set  your  minds  it 
ease."  He  gave  two  curtains,  one  tent,  and  a  canopy  sap- 
ported  on  four  poles,  two  horses,  ten  camels,  and  a  bed  and  its 
appurtenances,  to  each  of  the  chiefi  of  Sult&n  Husain  who  hid 
been  captured.  When  the  tents  had  been  erected,  he  ordered 
that  the  chiefs  should  be  conducted  to  him. 

When   Sult&n   Sharki   had   fled  after  his  defeat  at  J^d, 
Mub&rak  Kh&n  Loh&ni  requested  permission  to   pursue  him. 
The  King  ordered  inquiries  to  be  made  regarding  the  direc- 
tion he  had  taken.     Mubarak  Eh&n  stated  that  some  of  his 
men  who   had   been   despatched  by  him    for  the    purpose  of 
inquiry,  were  aware  of  the  direction  of  his  flight.     Upon  this 
the  Kins:  commanded  him  to  wait  until  the  men  who  had  also 
been  sent  by  himself  should  return  with  information.     Again 
Mub&rak  Kh&n  spoke,  and  said,  ^*  Peace  be  with  the  monardi 
of  the  universe !    Delay  is  not  good."     The   King  answered, 
"  He  hath  not  fled  firom  you,  but  from  the  wrath  of  Grod ;  he 
is  the  same   Sult&n  Husain  who  routed  you  at  the   ferry  of 
Kunjh.    That  Deity  who  has  smitten  him  to  the  ground,  and 
raised  you  from  it  by  giving  you   success,  still  watches  over 
his  affairs.    Boast  not,  but  have  patience.     Sult&n  Hosiun's  pride 
has  reduced  him  to  his  present  condition."     These  words  were 
spoken  by  Sultdn  Sikandar  at  the  early  age  of  eighteen  or  nine- 
teen years.     He  who  gives  without  asking,  had  endowed  him 
with  wonderful  meekness  and  forbearance. 

Sult&n  Husain  fled  towards  Bih&r,  and  Sult&n  Sikandar  went 


TARIKH-I  DKUDX.  461 

to  Jaonpur ;  and  leaving  there  B&rbak  Sh&h,  the  Sultdn  took 
his  departure  to  Oudh,  where  he  spent  nearly  a  month  in  hunting 
and  amusing  himself.  About  this  time,  fresh  news  arrived  to 
the  effect  that  B&rbak  Sh&h,  on  account  of  the  superior  force  of 
the  sanUnddrSj  was  unable  to  hold  Jaunpiir.  Sult&n  Sikandar 
eommanded  that  Muhammad  Farmuli,  ''Azam  Hum&yun,  and  the 
Kh&n*kh&n&n  Loh&ni  should  go  to  Jaunpur  by  the  road  of  Oudh, 
whilst  Mub&rak  Eh&n  Loh&nl  should  proceed  through  Karra, 
for  the  purpose  of  making  B&rbak  Shdh  prisoner  and  sending 
him  to  Court.  He  was  accordingly  seized  and  brought  before  the 
Kingy  after  which  he  was  given  in  charge  to  Haibat  Kh&n 
Sarw&ni  and  ^XTmar  Kh&n.  The  Sult&n  then  proceeded  to  the 
fort  of  Chun&r,  with  the  intention  of  chastising  the  rebels  of  that 
district.  When  the  Sult&n^s  army  arrived  there,  the  B&J&,  after 
a  slight  resistance,  thought  fit  to  fly;  during  his  flight,  this 
fogitive  B&J&,  by  name  Bhed,  went  to  hell.  His  Majesty  desired 
to  advance  &rther,  but  opium  and  poppy-heads  had  become 
excessively  dear,  and  he  had  lost  many  of  the  horses  used  during 
this  expedition ;  in  fact,  each  man  possessing  a  stable  of  100 
horses  had  lost  ninety.  Sultfin  Sikandar  halted  some  months  at 
Jaonpiir  to  recruit  his  army.^  •  ♦  ♦ 

Daring  8ult4n  Sikandar's  stay  at  Jaunptir,  his  army  became 
totally  disorganized,  and  the  sutminddra  of  that  place  wrote  to 
Sult&n  Husain,  saying,  ^'  Since  no  horses  are  left  in  Sikandar's 
army,  and  there  is  no  cavalry  to  oppose  you,  you  ought  to  take 
advantage  of  so  &vourable  an  opportunity.'*^  Sultdn  Husain 
accordingly  advanced  against  Sult&n  Sikandar  with  a  vast  force 
and  100  elephants.  The  latter,  perceiving  the  unprepared  state  of 
his  troops,  sent  the  Kh&n-kh&n&n  to  S41b&han  to  persuade  him 
to  join  him.    When  the  enemy  were  thirteen  ko8  off,  Sult&n 

*  Ahmad  T&dg&r  (MS.,  p.  38)  represents  that,  shortly  after  this  unsnccessfiil  expedi- 
turn,  he  retamed  to  DehlS,  whence,  at  the  close  of  the  rains,  he  moTed  with  an  army 
•gamrt  M&lw&y  where  Snlt&n  MahmtSd  made  his  snhmiasion,  and  agreed  to  pay  aa 
mtual  tribute  of  several  elephants  besides  cash.  He  adds,  **  In  short,  from  Jal&l- 
ftb4d,  near  K&bnl,  to  M&nddi,  and  firom  Udiptir  to  Patn&,  the  coin  was  struck  and 
pfajen  pronounced  in  his  name,  having  no  rival  or  partner  in  the  realm.  He  passed 
his  time  in  pleasure  and  festivity  at  Dehli,  the  centre  of  his  Empire." 


j  462  'ABDU-LLl. 

1 

i 

\  Sikandar,  notwithstandiDg  the  condition  of  his  army,  proee 

a^rainst  Sult&n  Hussdn.     Meanwhile,  S&lb&han  also  arriYed ' 

:>  his  troops  to  the  assistance  of  Sult&n  Sikandar.     After  a  coi 

j  between  the  two  parties,  Sult&n  Husain  was  defeated  and  pun 

by  Sult&n  Sikandar  as  far  as  Bih£r,  where  he  received  intima 

that  Sultan  Husain  had  gone  to  Eahal-g&nw,  in  the  cooi 

of  Lakhnauti.^     The  province  of  Bih&r  fell  into  the  hand 

Sikandar,  and  after  establishing  his  officers  in  that  territory 

went  on  a  pilgrimage  to  the  shrine  of  Shaikh  Sharafu-d 

Yahy&,  of  Munir,  and  having  caused  the  fakirs  and  dwellet 

f;  that  place  to  rejoice,  he  arrived  at  Patn&.    About  this  ti 

jf  Kh&n  Jah&n,  one  of  his  chief  nobles,  yielded  op  his  life  into 

si-  hands  of  the  anc^el  of  death,  and  his  eldest  son  Ahmad  E 

\  was  distinguished  by  the  title  of  'Azam  Hum&yun. 

^  His  Majesty  having  issued  orders  for  his  troops  to  assei 

};  again,  he  marched  against  the  King  of  Bengal,  by  name  Su 

V  'Al&u-d  din,  who  sent  his  own  son  with  a  strong  army  to  op 

i  him.     When  the  hostile  parties  approached  each  other,  propc 

^  of  peace  were  made,  and  it  was  agreed  that  neither  party  sh 

tr  injure  the  other's  possessions,  and  that  'Al&u-d  din  should  < 

1  refuge  to  any  of  Sikandar'^s  enemies.     Sultdn  Sikandar  retu 

^  thence  to  Darweshpur,  where  he  stayed  some  months,  and 

signed  that  district  to  ''Azam  Humdyun.     At  this  period  g 

became  very  dear,  and  to  relieve  the  people  he  released  t 

throughout  all  his  dominion  from  furnishing  the  usual  zah 

corn,  and  issued  orders  for  its  abolition.     From  that  time  it 

forbidden,  until   the  reign  of  the   Khalifa  of  the  age,   f 

Jahdngir. 

From  that  place  Sultan  Sikandar  appointed  a  large  fore 

proceed  against  the  R4jd  of  Bhata,^  which  he  followed  in  pei 


^  The  nature  and  order  of  these  events  are  very  dififerently  related  in  the  Tdi 
Khdti'Jahdn  Lodi, 

*  This  is  a  very  difficult  name  to  restore,  and  none  of  the  original  authors 
^vcn  it  correctly,  ringing  the  changes  upon  Patna,  Panna,  and  Thatta.  Gt 
Briggs  (vol.  i.,  p.  673)  has  "  Salivahn  R&j&  of  Punna.*'  Dr.  Dom  (p.  69 
**  Salbahen  *'  and  "  Panna."  The  real  name  of  this  tract  is  <<  Bhata,"  or  ^  Bhat-6fa 


TARTKH-I  DAUDX.  463 

ProYioas  to  this,  the  Sultdn  had  demanded  the  R&j4's  daughter, 
but  he  refused  to  give  her  to  the  King,  who,  to  avenge  himself 
for  this  old  grievance,  now  invaded  his  country,  and  entirely 
destroyed  all  signs  of  cultivation.  His  most  valiant  soldiers 
showed  their  courage  at  the  fort  of  B&ndhu,  the  strongest  castle 
of  that  district,  and  Sult&n  Sikandar  having  utterly  devastated 
and  ruined  the  whole  of  that  territory,  went  back  to  Jaunpur, 
where  no  foe  remained.  He  thence  directed  his  course  towards 
Sambhal,  where  he  abode  during  four  years,  during  which  time 
he  was  chiefly  employed  in  pageants  and  festivities.^  ♦  ♦  ♦ 

Whilst  Sult&n  Sikandar  was  staying  in  the  district  of  Sambhal, 
he  passed  most  of  his  time  in  playing  at  chaugdn.  One  day, 
when  the  Sult&n  went  forth  to  amuse  himself  at  chaugdn,  the 
bat  of  Daryd  Kh&n  Sarw&nl  struck  Sulaim&n's  head  and  broke 
it.  This  caused  a  quarrel  amongst  them.  Khizr,  Sulaimdn's 
brother,  to  avenge  his  brother,  seized  the  bat  and  struck  Haibat 
Eh&n's  head,  so  that  there  arose  a  great  tumult  and  uproar. 
The  Kh&n-kh&n&n  consoled  Haibat  Kh&n,  and  took  him  home. 
The  Snlt&n  quitted  the  field,  and  returned  to  the  palace.  Four 
days  after  he  again  went  to  play  at  chaugdn.  In  the  middle  of  the 
road  he  found  Shams  Eh&n,  a  relative  of  Haibat  Khdn,  standing 
furiously  enraged  ;  who,  when  he  saw  Khizr,  Sulaim&n's  brother, 
struck  him  over  the  head  with  the  bat.  For  this.  Shams  Khan 
was  severely  beaten  by  order  of  the  King,  who  then  turned  back 
home.    After  this  he  became  suspicious  of  the  Afghdn  chiefs.* 

or  simply  **  Ghor&,"  as  it  is  entered  in  the  Ain-i  Akbari  without  specification  of 
parganaa.  Here  the  mention  of  the  fort  of  B&ndhfi,  now  better  known  as  Bandrigarh, 
leaves  ns  no  room  to  doubt  what  coimtry  is  meant ;  but  in  many  other  passages,  as 
noticed  elsewhere,  we  are  frequently  left  in  great  perplexity.  Firishta  assigns  this 
expedition  to  the  year  904  h. — [See  Glossary,  vol.  ii.,  p.  164.] 

^  The  Makhzm-i  Afghdni  (MS.,  p.  104)  tells  ns  that  it  was  in  the  year  905  h. 
that  he  went  to  Sambhal  and  remained  four  years,  as  he  found  the  climate  agree  with 
him,  and  game  was  plentiful. 

*  It  is  hinted  elsewhere,  that  this  disaffection  arose  from  many  Afgh&n  chiefs 
haring  taken  offence  at  the  rigid  inspection  of  Muhammad  Eh&n  Lodi's  accounts 
daring  his  administration  of  Jaunpur,  and  from  the  King's  having  demanded  the 
balance  from  him,  when  a  great  defalcation  was  discovered.  This  is  probable  and 
eharacteristic,  as  a  common  partnership  in  roguery  makes  even  Afgh&ns  wondrous 
fjmpathetic. 


464  'ABDU-LUL 

Certain  loyal  nobles  were  in  the  habit  of  keeping  guard  over  His 
Majesty  every  night ;  but  twenty-two  individuals  of  rank  and 
name  conspired  together,  and  formed  treacherous  and  malidou 
designs.  They  proposed  to  raise  Prince  Fath  Kh&n,  the  son  d 
Sult&n  Bahlol,  to  the  throne,  and  mutually  swore  to  effect  this. 
The  aforesaid  Prince  related  the  circumstance  to  Shaikh  Tihi 
and  to  his  own  mother,  and  made  known  the  names  of  the 
conspirators.  Shaikh  T&h&  and  the  Princess  mother*  by  meins 
of  good  advice,  dissuaded  the  Prince  from  engaging  himself  in  the 
plot ;  and  it  was  agreed  that  he  should  take  the  list  of  names  to 
the  King,  and  thus  cleanse  his  skirt  from  the  accusation  of  rebd* 
lion.  He  did  so,  and  gave  Sult&n  Sikandar  information  of*  the 
evil  intentions  of  those  people.  The  King,  with  the  aid  of  lus 
ministers,  ferreted  them  out,  exiled  them  to  different  parts  of  his 
dominions,  and  thus  put  an  end  to  their  seditious  designs. 

It  is  related  in  the  Akbar  Shdhk^  that  there  came  a  Br&hmsa,^ 
by  name  Laudhan,  who  dwelt  in  the  village  of  Kaner,  who  had 
one  day  asserted  in  the  presence  of  Musulm&ns  that  Islim  was 
true,  as  was  also  his  own  religion.  This  speech  of  his  was  noised 
abroad,  and  came  to  the  ears  of  the  '  Ulamd.  K4zi  Piy&ra  and 
Shaikh  Badr,  who  resided  at  Lakhnauti,  gave /a^tc^os  which  did 
not  coincide  respecting  the  merits  of  the  case.  Consequently 
'Azam  Humdyun,  the  governor  of  that  district,  sent  the 
Brdhman,  the  K&zi,  and  Shaikh  Badr,  all  three  into  the  King's 
presence  at  Sambhal.  Sult&n  Sikandar  took  great  pleasure  in 
disputations  on  religious  questions,  and  on  this  occasion 
summoned  all  the  wise  men  of  note  from  every  quarter.  Mulli 
^Abdu-lla,  the  son  of  Mulld  Ilahd&d,  Saiyid  Muhammad,  and 
Mi&n  K&dan,  from  Dehli,  all  the  Mullds  in  short  of  his  empire, 
were  summoned  to  Sambhal,  and  the  assembly  of  the  learned 
who  were  always  attached  to  the  stirrup  of  His  Majesty  were 
also  present  on  this  occasion.  After  investigating  the  matter, 
the '  Ulamd  determined  that  he  should  be  imprisoned  and  con- 

^  Profenor  H.  H.  Wilson  lurmiMe  that  he  waa  a  diaciple  of  Eabir.— See  Amstit 
SM$anh4i,  Tol.  xyi.,  p.  66. 


TARfKH-I  DXUBT.  466 

■ 

Terted  to  Maharamadanism,  or  suffer  death,  and,  since  the 
Br&hman  refused  to  apostatize,  he  was  accordingly  put  to  death 
by  the  decree  of  the  *Ulamd.  The  Sult&n,  after  rewarding  the 
learned  casuists,  gave  them  permission  to  depart. 

In  that  year,  the  Sult&n  sent  Ehaw&s  Kh&u  to  take  possession 
of  the  fort  of  Dhulpur.  The  B4j&  of  that  place  advanced  to 
give  battle,  and  daily  fighting  took  place.^  The  instant  His 
Majesty  heard  of  the  firm  countenance  shown  by  the  rdi  of 
Dhulpdr  in  opposing  the  royal  army,  he  went  there  in  person ; 
bat  on  his  arrival  near  Dhiilpur,  the  rdi  made  up  his  mind  to 
fly  without  fighting ;  and,  after  leaving  a  body  of  his  retainers  in 
the  fort,  he  went  to  Gw&lior.  Those  Hindus  who  remained  in 
the  fort,  finding  themselves  unable  to  maintain  their  position, 
quitted  the  fort  at  midnight  and  fled,  and  Sult&n  Sikandar 
entered  the  place  at  sunrise.  He  offered  up  suitable  thanksgivings 
for  his  success,  and  the  royal  troops  spoiled  and  plundered  in  all 
directions,  rooting  up  all  the  trees  of  the  gardens  which  shaded 
Dhtilpur  to  the  distance  of  seven  kos.  Sult&n  Sikandar  stayed 
there  during  one  month,  erected  a  mosque  on  the  site  of  an  idol 
temple,  and  then  set  off  towards  ^gra.  When  he  arrived  at  that 
seat  of  government,  he  allowed  all  the  chiefe  to  depart  to  their 
jdgirs.  About  this  period,  on  Sunday  the  3rd  of  Safar,  911  H. 
(July,  1505  A.D.),  a  dreadful  earthquake  occurred  at  j^gra,  the 
very  hills  trembled,  and  large  and  substantial  buildings  were 
utterly  destroyed.  The  living  thought  that  the  day  of  judg- 
ment had  arrived,  and  the  dead  that  their  resurrection  was  at 
hand.  A  poet  has  written  some  verses  on  the  subject  of  this 
earthquake  ;  this  is  one  of  them : 

"  In  911  an  earthquake  rendered  the  Agra  territory  a  desert" 

Such  an  earthquake  had  never  been  witnessed  in  Hindustan. 
From  the  days  of  Adam  to  the  time  of  Sult&u  Sikandar,  no 
one  could  remember  a  similar  one ;  and  from  that  period  earth- 

*  The  Extracts  from  the  Tdrikh-i  Khdn-Jahdn  Lodi  will  show  that  several  events, 
both  before  and  after  the  capture  of  Dhtilpdr,  hare  been  omitted  from  the  Tdrikh-i 
Ddiuii. 

VOL.  IV.  30 


466  'ABDU-LUL 

quakes  haye  been  frequent  in  Hind.  Sult&n  Sikandar  passed 
the  rainy  season  of  ihat  year  at  j^gra.  After  the  rising  of  the 
star  Canopus,  he  assembled  his  army,  and  set  forth  to  take 
possession  of  Gw&Iior  and  the  territories  belonging  to  it.  In  a 
short  space  of  time  he  took  most  of  the  Gw&lior  districts ;  and 
after  building  mosques  in  the  places  of  idol-temples,  returned 
towards  ^gra.  But  the  troops  were  much  harassed  by  the 
narrowness  and  unevenness  of  the  roads,  and  at  one  spot  where 
he  was  compelled  to  halt,  in  order  to  admit  of  the  people  passing 
at  their  leisure,  the  want  of  water  was  so  seyerely  felt,  that,  both 
on  that  account,  and  the  crowding  together  and  jostling  of  a  vast 
number  of  cattle,  many  people  perished.  It  is  said,  that  on  that 
day  a  jar  of  water  sold  for  fifteen  tankas.  Some  people,  when  in 
their  excessive  thirst  they  found  water,  drank  to  such  an  extent 
that  they  died,  whilst  others  expired  from  the  want  of  it.  They 
were  counted  by  order  of  the  Sult&n,  and  found  to  number  800 
persons. 

Sultan  Sikandar,  after  the  lapse  of  two  years,  in  913  a.h. 
(1507  A.D.),  wrote  ^/armdn  to  Jal&l  Kh&n,  the  governor  of  Kilpi, 
directing  him  to  take  possession  of  the  fort  of  Narwar,  and  to  as- 
semble his  troops  and  besiege  it  with  all  possible  expedition.  It 
was  the  custom  of  Sultdn  Sikandar,  whenever  he  appointed  an 
army  to  proceed  on  a  distant  expedition,  to  send  daily  iwo/armoM 
to  it ;  one  used  to  arrive  in  the  morning,  directing  the  troops  to 
march  and  to  halt  at  a  certain  place  indicated  ;  towards  evening 
another  used  to  arrive,  pointing  out  what  they  were  to  do  where 
they  were  encamped.  When  the  army  was  at  a  distance  of  even 
500  Ao«,  this  rule  was  never  infringed,  and  post-horses  {ddk- 
chauki)  were  always  kept  ready  at  each  sardi.  Jal&l  Eh&n  Lodi, 
by  the  Sultan'^s  command,  besieged  Narwar,  where  Sultin 
Sikandar  also  joined  him  with  great  expedition.  On  the  second 
day  the  King  rode  forth  to  see  the  strength  of  the  besieged 
fortress,  and  the  operations  carrying  on  against  it.  Jal4l  Khin 
divided  his  men  into  three  divisions,  and  placed  them  in  the 
King's  way,  that  he  might  be  satisfied  with  the  appearance  of  bis 


TAErKH-I  DXUBX.  467 

troops ;  one  diTision  of  foot,  another  of  horsemen,  a  third  of 
elephants.  Sultdn  Sikandar  inspected  them,  and  was  not  a  little 
astonished  at  their  numbers.  He  consequently  made  up  his 
mind  gradually  to  subvert  the  power  of  Jalal  Kh4n,  and  remove 
him  from  his  government.  The  siege  of  the  fort  was  protracted 
for  one  year;  it  was  no  less  than  eight  ko8  in  length.  Men  were 
daily  slain  on  either  side.  After  the  time  above  mentioned,  the 
defenders  of  the  place  were  compelled,  by  the  want  of  water  and 
scarcity  of  grain,  to  ask  for  mercy,  and  they  were  allowed  to  go 
forth  with  their  property ;  but  the  Sultan  destroyed  their  idol- 
temples,  and  erected  mosques  on  their  sites.  He  then  appointed 
stipends  and  pensions  for  the  learned  and  pious  who  dwelt  at 
Narwar,  and  gave  them  dwellings  there.  He  remained  six 
months  encamped  below  the  fort. 

The  Sult&n  having  satisfied  himself  that  the  citadel  of 
Narwar  was  a  very  formidable  stronghold,  one  that  could  not 
be  retaken  if  it  fell  into  the  hands  of  an  enemy,  he  raised 
another  fortified  wall  all  round  it,  so  as  effectually  to  preserve 
it  from  the  attempts  of  a  foe.  And  having  thus  freed  his 
mind  from  the  apprehension  of  danger,  he  turned  his  face 
towards  the  fort  of  -4^gra.^     On   his   return   march,    Nia'raat 

»  The  Tdrikh'i  Khdn-Jakdn  Lodi  (MS.,  p.  123)  informs  us  that  he  left  Narwar 
on  the  28th  Sha*b&ii,  914  h.  (Dec.  1508  a.d.).  The  events  of  the  two  folio wiog 
yean  will  be  found  recorded  in  the  Extracts  from  that  work.  But  between  917 
and  his  death  in  923  (1517  a.d.),  we  have  no  information  of  his  movements, 
if  we  except  the  following  passage,  taken  from  Briggs'  Firishta,  vol.  i.,  p.  583 : — 
"At  this  time  Buhjat  Eh&n,  governor  of  Chanderf,  on  the  part  of  the  King  of 
H&1W&,  perceiving  the  imbecility  of  his  master,  Sult^  Mahmdd,  made  overttires 
to  place  himself  under  the  Dehli  government.  Sikandar  Lodi  accordingly  deputed 
Im&du-l  Mulk  to  assist  Buhjat  Eh&n  in  his  revolt;  soon  after  which,  the  King 
issned  a  proclamation,  announcing  the  acquisition  of  Chanderf  to  his  dominions. 
Deeming  it  desirable,  also,  to  make  some  alterations  among  the  public  officers 
of  that  province,  the  King  deputed  Saiyid  Eh&n  Lodi,  Shaikh  Jam&l  Farmulf, 
and  R&S  Ugar  Sin  Eachhw&ha,  together  with  Ehizr  Eh&n  and  Khw&ja  Ahmad,  to 
proceed  to  Ghanderi;  and  these  officers  succeeded  in  occup3ring  effectually  that 
district  for  the  government  of  Dehll.  Muhammad  Kh&n,  the  Prince  of  M&lw&, 
although  considered  ostensibly  the  chief  of  Ghanderi,  was,  in  fact,  dispossessed  of  all 
authority,  and  confined  to  the  city,  while  the  supremacy  of  Buhjat  Eh&n,  the  M&lw& 
governor,  being  usurped  by  the  Dehli  officers,  he  left  his  government  and  came  to 
Court    At  tbis  period,  the  King  having  reason  to  suspect  the  conduct  of  Husain 


468  *ABDULLA. 

Eh&tdn,  the  consort  of  Eutb  Khfin,  Sult&n  BahloFs  consiD, 
arrived,  in  company  with  Prince  Jal&l  Kh&n,  in  the  camp 
of  Sult&n  Sikandar,  who  went  to  visit  them,  and  tried  to  gain 
their  good-will.  Some  days  after,  he  appointed  the  sarkdr  of 
K&Ip(  to  be  the  Prince's  jdgir,  and  at  the  time  of  his  departure 
favoured  him  with  a  present  of  120  horses  and  fifteen  elephants, 
together  with  dresses  of  honour  and  ready  money  ;  he  then  dis- 
missed the  Prince  and  Kh&tiin,  and  directed  them  to  proceed 
to  E&lpi,  after  which  he  continued  his  route  in  the  direction 
of  Agra. 

During  his  reign  everything  was  cheap,  and  safety  and 
security  prevailed.  He  was  busied  with  affairs  from  day- 
break until  evening  and  sleeping  time.  During  his  reign 
the  hand  of  oppression  was  not  stretched  out  over  the  zamin- 
ddrs  of  Hind,  and  all  obeyed  and  submitted  to  him.  The 
reign  of  Sikandar  was  an  extraordinary  one,  and  the  people  of 
that  age  were  bom  under  a  fortunate  star  to  possess  such  a 
ruler  as  the  Sult&n. 

"  Upon  every  nation  of  which  God  approves 
He  bestows  a  virtuous  ruler. 
If  He  desires  to  render  a  land  desolate, 
He  places  it  in  the  grasp  of  a  tyrant." 

Kb&n  Farmnli,  ndib  of  Sah&ran,  lie  deputed  H&j(  S&rang,  with  some  troops,  into  tlist 
quarter,  with  orders  to  gain  over  the  ndib*8  troops,  and  to  seize  his  person.  HuBiin 
Kh&n  became  acquainted  with  the  King's  intentions;  and  contriving  his  escape, 
■ought  an  asylum  with  'Al&u^d  din  Sh&h  Ptirbf,  King  of  Bengal.  In  the  year  922, 
'Alt  Kh&n  Nagori,  governor  of  Suisapor,  entered  into  a  plot  with  the  Prince  DanUt 
Kh&n  of  M&lw&,  governor  of  Rantambhor,  who  promised  to  deliver  that  fortress  to 
the  King  of  Dehli,  if  he  should  come  in  person  to  take  possession.  Sikandar  Lodi, 
overjoyed  at  this  intelligence,  proceeded  towards  Bay&na,  to  which  place  the  governor 
of  Rantambhor  came  to  meet  him,  and  was  honourably  received;  but  'Ali  Khin 
Nagorf,  disappointed  in  the  attainment  of  some  objects  on  which  he  had  oalcnlated 
as  a  reward  for  bringing  this  nffair  to  bear,  resolved  to  prevent  its  accomplishment, 
and  used  his  influence  with  the  governor  to  retract  his  promise.  The  King,  ascer- 
taining the  true  cause  of  this  chHn};e,  dis;;raced  'All  Nagori  and  deprired  him  of  his 
government  of  Suisapor,  which  he  conferred  on  his  brother,  Abd  Bakr ;  and  Sikandar 
Lodi  was  obliged  to  return  to  Agra  without  obtaining  possession  of  Rantambhor.*' 

From  the  M&lw&  history  it  appears  that  these  proceedings  of  Buhjat  Elh&n  oc- 
curred between  918  and  921  h.  ;  but  Chnnderl,  though  temporarily  occupied  during 
this  interval,  was  not  at  that  time  permanently  incorporated  in  the  kingdom  of 
Dehll. 


7 


TARrXH-I  DKUDX.  469 

The  death  of  Sultan  Sikandar. 

As  men  live  not  eternally,  and  as  no  confidence  can  be  placed 
in  earthly  possessions,  at  this  time  the  Sult&n  fell  ill.  It  is  said 
the  origin  of  his  disease  was  this.  One  day  H&j(  'Abdu-1  Wah&b 
said  to  Salt&n  Sikandar,  *^  You  are  a  Musulm&n  monarch,  and 
yet  wear  no  beard ;  it  is  contrary  to  the  institutions  of  Isl&m, 
and  particularly  improper  in  a  king."*^  Sult&n  Sikandar  replied, 
^^  I  intend  wearing  one ;  and  if  it  please  the  Most  High,  I  wil]  do 
so.'*     His  excellency  Shaikh  'Abdu-1  Wah4b  said  : 

"  In  doing  what  is  right  make  no  delay." 

The  Sult&n  said,  ''My  beard  is  thin;  if  I  allow  it  to  grow, 
it  will  look  ill,  and  men  will  scoff  at  me,  and  will  be  thus 
guilty  of  sin.  I  do  not  desire  that  Musulm&ns  should  com- 
mit sin,  especially  when  I  am  the  cause."  H4ji  'Abdu-l 
Wah4b  answered,  ''  I  will  pass  my  hand  over  your  face,  and 
if  it  please  God,  your  beard  will  become  a  fine  one ;  all  other 
beards  will  salute  it,  and  who  will  dare  laugh  at  it  thenP" 
Sultdn  Sikandar  hung  down  his  head,  and  made  no  reply. 
The  H4ji  said,  "0  King  of  the  Universe,  I  speak  what  is 
right  in  your  presence,  why  do  you  not  answer  P ''  The  Sultdn 
said,  "  When  my  pir,  or  spiritual  guide,  orders  me,  I  will  wear 
one."  "  Who  is  your  pir  ? "  returned  the  H4ji.  "  He  is  a 
man,"  said  the  Sultan,  ''  who  occasionally  comes  to  see  me.  He 
resides  in  the  jungle  of  Manga  Sassu,  in  the  pargana  of  Jalesar." 
H&jl  'Abdu-1  Wah4b  said:  "  Does  he  wear  a  beard P"  "  No," 
replied  the  King.  The  H&ji  said,  "  When  I  see  him  I  will  con- 
vince him  that  he  is  in  the  wrong ;  you  pay  speedy  attention  to 
this."  The  Sult&n  gave  no  answer,  but  turned  away  from  the 
H&ji,  and  closed  his  lips  with  the  seal  of  silence.  The  Haji 
arose  and  left  the  assembly,  repeating  the  saldm  alaik.  The 
Sult&n  said,  after  the  Hdji's  departure,  '^  The  Shaikh  mistakes 
his  position  in  reading  me  lectures;  and  presumes  upon  the 
favour  which  I  show  hira.  He  thinks  that  the  people  who  present 
themselves  before  him  and  kiss  his  feet  do  it  of  themselves.    He 


470  'ABDU-LLA. 

cannot  understand  this,  that  were  I  to  cause  any  one  of  my 
slaves  to  sit  down  on  a  litter,  and  command  all  the  nobles  to 
place  it  on  their  shoulders,  they  would  do  so  without  hesitation." 
Shaikh  'Abdu-1  Jalal,  the  son  of  Saiyid  Ahmad,  was  present 
when  this  occurred,  and  he  reported  this  speech  to  H4ji  'Abdu-1 
Wahdb.  The  H&ji  placed  his  hand  on  'Abdu-1  Jal&l's  shoulder, 
and  said,  '^  This  speech  of  his,  in  which  he  compares  me,  a  de- 
scendant of  the  prophet,  with  one  of  his  own  slaves,  will  one  day, 
please  God,  stick  in  his  throat,  rest  assured  of  that."*'  ^  The  H&ji 
left  Agra  and  went  to  Dehli,  without  taking  leave  of  the  King ; 
and  a  short  time  after  his  departure,  Sult4n  Sikandar  was  taken 
ill  with  a  disease  of  the  throat,  which  daily  became  worse. 

The  Sult&n  perceived  the  {iteration  in  his  health,  and  asked 
Shaikh  L&dan  D&nishmand,  who  acted  as  his  imdrn^  what  was 
the  expiation  of  these  sins — the  omission  of  prayer  and  fasting, 
the  shaving  the  beard,  drinking  wine,  and  cutting  off  men's 
noses  and  ears,  and  requested  him  to  write  his  opinion  and 
send  it.  Shaikh  L&dan  wrote  it  in  detail,  and  sent  it  to  the 
Sultdn,  who  commanded  the  historiographers  (wakP-natiB)  to 
search  in  the  histories  of  his  reign,  from  its  very  commencement, 
for  any  record  of  the  commission  by  His  Majesty  of  any  sins 
of  these  descriptions,  and  after  taking  an  account  of  their  fre- 
quency and  degree,  to  draw  up,  with  Shaikh  L&dan's  assistance, 
a  careful  estimate  as  to  how  much  gold  he  was  required  to  give 
in  order  to  make  proper  atonement  for  these  transgressions. 
Shaikh  Lddan  made  the  necessary  researches,  and  informed  the 
Sultdn,  who  ordered  the  treasurer  to  give  to  the  TRamd  such 
gold  as  did  not  belong  to  the  public  treasury.  The  'Uiamd 
were  astonished,  and  said  to  the  treasurer,  ''  How  was  this  sum, 
kept  apart  from  the  public  treasury,  acquired?"  The  treasurer 
replied,  "  The  neighbouring  sovereigns  were  in  the  habit  of  send- 
ing rarities  to  the  Sultdn,  and  some  of  the  nobles  used  to  send 

1  Bizku-lla  Musbt&ki  (MS.,  p.  63)  and  Ahmad  Y&dg&r  (MS.,  p.  108),  who  report 
the  same  anecdote,  make  the  meaning  plainer  than  it  is  in  the  Tdrikh'i  Ddidl^  which 
is  obscure  in  tiiis  passage. 


TARfKH-I  DKUm.  471 

presents  along  with  their  petitions.  An  account  of  these  was 
made  yearly,  and  presented  to  the  King,  who  directed  that  the 
sums  realized  by  them  should  be  kept  separate,  in  order  that  the 
tnoney  might  be  made  use  of  at  his  pleasure.  This  day  he 
has  commanded  these  reserved  funds  to  be  expended."  Upon 
healing  this,  the  whole  of  the  '  Ulamd  began  to  praise  and  extol 
his  virtues.^ 

Sultan  Sikandar  became  weaker  every  day,  but  his  zeal  stimu- 
lated him  to  continue  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of  the  empire. 
However,  by  degrees,  his  illness  arrived  at  such  a  pitch  that  his 
throat  would  allow  him  neither  to  swallow  food  nor  to  drink,  and 
the  passage  of  his  breath  was  stopped.  His  death  took  place  on 
Sunday,  the  7th  Zi-1  ka'da,  a.h.  923*  (November,  1517  a.d.). 

**  Sikandar,  King  of  the  seven  climes,  has  ceased  to  exist, 
And  no  one  resembling  Sikandar  has  survived  him." 

The  length  of  the  reign  of  that  illustrious  monarch  was 
twenty-eight  years  and  five  months. 

"  The  world  belongs  to  (Jod,  who  is  One  and  Almighty." 

An  account  of  certain  of  Sikandar^ %  chief  nobles? 

There  were  many  of  the  chiefs  of  Sult&n  Sikandar  whose 
history  is  worthy  of  being  written,  such  as  Asad  Kh&n,  the  son 
of  Mubarak  Eh&n  Yusuf-khail,  who  was  endowed  with  the 
most  exalted  notions  of  generosity.  Whenever  the  cloth  was 
spread  before  him  at  meal-times  he  first  filled  large  china  plates 
with  food,  on  which  he  placed  great  quantities  of  bread  and 
pickles  of  every  description,  and  on  them  a  betel  leaf,  and  on 
that  a  gold  moAzir,  all  of  which  he  gave  to  beggars,  and  then 
began  to  eat  himself.     He  addressed  every  one  as  a  noble,  even 

1  This  is  related  in  almost  the  same  words  by  Bixka-lla  Musht&kl  and  Ahmad 
T&dg&r. 

*  The  IHrikh^  Kh&n^ahan  Lodi  (MS.,  p.  124)  informs  ns  that  his  coffin  was 
remoTed  to  Dehli  and  deposited  there,  together  with  that  of  his  lather,  in  a  garden 
which  Isl&m  Sh&h  S(ir  had  inclosed  and  prepared  for  that  purpose. 

*  An  account  of  some  others  of  his  nobles  wiU  be  found  among  the  Extracts  from 
the  WdkCdUi  Muthtdki. 


472  'ABDU-LUL 

if  he  happened  to  be  a  seirant  of  hia  own ;  if  he  dianeed  to  be 
a  stranger,  he  presented  him  with  tk  lae  of  tonkas*  One  day  a 
person  related  to  the  Kh&n  that  Shaikh  Muhammad  Farraali, 
the  pakil^  from  the  badness  of  the  tiroes,  had  been  unable  to 
marry  his  daughter.  Asad  Kh&n  sent  for  him  into  his  presence, 
and  ordered  a  young  slave  to  fill  both  his  hands  with  gold  pieces, 
and  cast  them  into  the  Shaikh's  skirt.  The  slave  did  as  the 
'Kh&n  commanded,  and  then  took  him  to  the  diwdnf  to  see  how 
much  money  he  had  received.  After  counting  it,  they  found  it 
amounted  to  70,000  tankan.  This  was  related  to  Asad  Kh^o, 
and  he  commanded  the  same  slave  to  give  him  as  many  more  goU 
pieces  as  were  required  to  make  up  the  sum  to  100,000  tanhu} 

One  day,  whilst  the  Kh&n  was  hunting,  a  person  brought 
curdled  milk  to  him,  prepared  after  the  fiishion  of  the  villagers. 
Asad  Kh&n  ordered  the  dish  in  which  he  had  brought  it  to  be 
filled  with  gold  pieces.  One  day  a  woman,  a  dweller  of  Ohanderi, 
brought  some  nim  leaves  on  a  plate  to  Asad  Kh&n,  who  saw  that 
they  were  very  green  and  fresh,  and  said  to  the  woman,  ^' What  is 
the  good  of  bringing  nim  leaves  P  '*'*  She  replied,  "  I  have  cooked 
them  as  vegetables  in  such  a  manner  that  while  they  have  not 
changed  their  appearance,  they  have  all  the  flavour  the  best 
garden  products  can  boast  of.^^  Asad  Kh&n  directed  one  of  his 
companions  to  taste  a  small  quantity,  who  perceived  it  was  so 
tasty  and  well-cooked  that  it  no  longer  retained  the  least  flavour 
of  nim  leaves.  Her  plate  was  likewise  filled  with  gold  pieces, 
and  returned  to  her.' 

One  day,  some  horses  were  being  shown  to  Asad  Kh&n.  Sadr 
Kh&n  Sarsi,  who  was  one  of  the  chief  nobles  and  his  intimate  friend, 
was  seated.    When  the  first  horse  was  shown  to  the  Kh&n,  he 

1  By  Ahmad  Y&dg&r  (MS.,  p.  103)  thiB  silly  profusion  is  ascribed  to  Bhdan 
Kh&n  HafUhwtdri^  who  is  said  also  to  have  built  forty  moeques,  to  which  he  appointed 
readers  and  preachers,  and  to  have  distributed  every  day,  when  he  went  ont  riding, 
500  tanHa  amongst /a^tr«. 

*  Ahmad  T&dg&r  relates  this  anecdote  also  of  Bhikan  Eh&n,  and  adds  that  he  had 
the  wisdom  to  tell  one  of  his  own  attendants  to  learn  from  the  woman  how  to  dreai 
nhn  leaves  in  a  similar  fashion  (MS.,  p.  104).  The  WdkCdt-i  Mushtdki  (MS.,  p.  67) 
ascribes  all  these  absurdities  to  the  son  of  Mub&rak  Kh&n,  but  calls  him  Saiyid  Kh&n. 


TARTKH-I  DAlfDr.  473 

asked  Sadr  Ehdn  what  sort  of  aiQ  animal  it  was.  Sadr  S^h&n  expa- 
tiated upon  the  excellences  of  the  horse,  and  praised  it  exceedingly. 
Aaad  Kh&n  said^  ^^Give  this  horse  in  charge  to  Sadr  Kh&n^s 
Hiea."  A  second  horse  came,  and  he  again  asked  Sadr  Kh&n 
iriiat  he  thought  of  it.  Sadr  E^h&n  again  spoke  well  of  the  horse. 
Asad  Kh&n  said,  ^^  Give  this  horse  also  to  Sadr  Kh&n's  people.^^ 
He  gave  no  less  than  dght  horses  to  Sadr  Kh&n  in  this  way. 
When  the  ninth  arrived,  he  again  said  to  Sadr  Kh&n,  '^  What 
kind  of  a  horse  is  this  P  *'  Sadr  Khan  remained  silent.  On 
Asad  Khan's  inquiring  the  reason,  Sadr  Eh&n  replied,  ^  Your 
generosity  has  exceeded  all  bounds."  Asad  Eh&n  smiled,  and 
asked  the  man  who  was  the  stable-accountant,  '^How  many 
horses  had  that  day  been  brought  for  inspection  P  "  He  answered, 
^^  One  hundred  and  eight  are  present."  The  Kh&n  said  to  Sadr 
Kh4n,  ^*  Has  taking  one  horse  at  a  time  distressed  you  P  Lo  !  I 
hare  given  all  the  horses  brought  for  me  to  look  at  to  Sadr 
Kh4n."  In  this  manner  he  actually  presented  108  horses  on  one 
day  to  the  same  individual.^ 

One  day,  three  jewels  had  been  brought  for  him  to  look  at.  The 
price  of  one  was  700,000  tankasy  the  second  500,000,  the  third 
300,000.  Asad  Kh6n  said  to  one  of  his  associates,  who  happened 
to  be  present  at  the  time,  ^^  Tell  me  truly  which  of  these  three 
precious  stones  have  you  selected  as  that  which  you  expect  to 
receive  from  me  P  "  He  answered,  "  In  truth,  I  never  thought 
of  such  a  thing."  The  Kh&n  said,  '^  Make  up  your  mind  then 
on  the  subject  now."  He  said,  "The  jewel  which  is  worth 
300,000."  Asad  Khdn  smiled,  and  said,  "You  pass  over  the 
stones  of  great  value,  and  choose  the  smallest.  You  have  pre- 
ferred the  least  expensive  one,  and  I  have  chosen  the  most 
valuable  one.    The  third  alone  remains.    I  give  all  these  to  you.^^  ^ 

1  Thii  fftill  more  nonsensioal  prodigality,  so  calculated  to  attract  Oriental  admiration, 
ii  tttribnted  by  Ahmad  T&dfi:&r  (MS.,  p.  106)  to  Danlat  Kh&n  Lodi ;  but  he  reduces 
tiie  donation  to  the  more  reasonable  number  of  nine  horses.  The  WdkCdUi  Muthtdki 
(MS.,  p.  68)  ascribes  it  to  Saiyid  Kh&n,  bat  raises  the  number  to  120  horses. 

«  This  foUy  is  also  ascribed  in  the  WdkC&t-i  Mushtdkl  (MS.,  p.  68)  to  Saiyid 
Khto,  but  to  Daulat  Eh&n  Lodi  by  Ahmad  T&dg&r  (MS.,  p.  107) ;  only  the  yalue  is 
reduced  to  fire,  three,  and  two  laca  respectively.    He  adds  that  some  enemy,  who 


474  'ABDU-LLA. 

Once  on  a  time  Sult&n  Sikandar  appointed  Asad  Kh&n  for  the 
performance  of  a  particular  service,  and  he  proceeded  bj  uninter- 
rupted marches  into  the  district  of  Ghanderi.  The  backs  of  all 
the  baggage-animals  carrying  the  treasure  were  galled.  The 
chiefs  informed  him  of  this,  saying,  "  If  you  give  the  order,  we 
will  distribute  the  treasure  amongst  the  troops,  and  afterwards 
deduct  it  from  theiryo^ir^,  and  make  it  over  to  the  government." 
He  approved  of  this  proposal,  and  seven  lacs  of  tankas  were  thos 
distributed,  and  their  receipts  shown  to  the  Kh&n.  Asad  Khan 
said,  '^  Have  I  become  a  sard/,  that  I  should  lend  and  then  take 
back  P  ^^  He  tore  up  the  documents  with  his  own  hands,  and 
said,  "  I  have  given  this  trifle  to  the  army.'"  May  the  Most 
High  Gt)d  shield  and  cover  him  with  his  mercy ! 

Another  of  the  nobles  of  Sikandar  was  the  E^h^n-i  ^azam  L4d 
Kh&n,  the  son  of  Ahmad  Kh&n.  He  was  a  youth  of  high 
courage.  To  every  one  whom  he  wished  to  reward,  he  presented 
as  much  gold  and  silver  as  his  shield  would  hold;  he  never 
mentioned  a  tolcha  or  a  dirham^  and  could  only  count  as  &r  as 
ten.  He  knew  not  what  even  one  and  a  half  was,  or  two  and  a 
half;  ^  and  it  was  his  custom  to  make  over  the  presents  which 
were  brought  to  him  to  the  officers  on  duty  at  the  time.  Thus, 
it  is  said,  that  on  a  Friday  he  was  inspecting  the  armoury.  At 
that  time  the  R&j&  of  Bhata  sent  him  an  elephant,  and  some 
presents  of  merchandize :  he  gave  all  these  to  Shaikh  Muhammad, 
the  keeper  of  the  armoury.  And  so,  if  anything  came  whilst  he 
was  drinking  water,  the  dbddr  received  it.  During  the  winter- 
witnessed  this  scene,  went  and  reported  the  circnmstance  to  the  Sultin,  representing 
that  Daulat  Kh&n  was  squandering  the  royal  treasure.  The  Snlt&n  replied,  ^  You 
should  congratulate  me  rather  on  having  such  generous  nobles  in  my  time."  Then 
summoning  Daulat  Kh&n,  he  invested  him  with  a  robe  of  honour,  increased  his  rank 
by  1000,  and  gave  him  the  pargatuu  of  Nagina  and  Ch&ndptir  mjdghr, 

^  It  is  evident  from  the  Wdkfdt-i  Mu»htdki  (MS.,  p.  72)  that  this  applies  only 
to  his  ignorance  of  the  Hindi  language,  in  which  he  did  not  know  the  words  for  those 
fractions.  He  was  a  Persian  scholar,  and  fond  of  having  the  Shdh-ndma  and  Siktrndat' 
ndma  read  out  to  him.  Rizku-lla,  who  was  for  a  long  time  his  imdm  or  private 
chaplain,  expatiates  at  greater  length  upon  his  ostentatious  prodigality,  which  cannot 
be  read  without  disgust,  when  we  consider  the  plunder  and  devastation  which  mait 
have  been  its  source. 


TARIKH-I  DAUDX.  475 

me  he  daily  wore  two  outer  garments,  which  he  gave  away  on 
le  second  day,  and  was  in  the  habit  of  supplying  every  soldier 
ith  four  or  five  dresses  every  winter.  Whenever  he  went  out  to 
le  game  of  chaugdn^  or  was  on  a  journey,  if  he  supplied  any 
^rson  with  a  horse  as  a  beast  of  burden  or  to  ride  on,  he  never 
^n  permitted  it  to  be  fastened  in  his  stable,  but  still  gave  the 
limals  their  daily  food  at  his  own  expense.  If  the  person  sold 
le  horse,  the  daily  allowance  was  not  withdrawn,  although  the 
^ast  was  no  longer  in  his  possession.  If  travellers  arrived  at 
is  darbdr^  he  gave  each  man  one  tanka^  and  a  buffalo  was  daily 
aughtered  for  their  use ;  and  they  received  the  above-mentioned 
•o vision  so  long  as  they  stayed  in  the  Kh&n''s  darhdr;  on 
aving,  200  tankas  were  given  to  them,  and  then  they  received 
^rmission  to  depart.  Many  of  the  nobles  of  Sult&n  Sikandar 
►ent  vast  sums  of  money.  Dilawar  Kh&u,  the  son  of  Mi&n 
haw&,  daily  purchased  500  tankas  worth  of  roses  for  his  harem} 
To  what  extent  could  I  not  write  the  praises  of  Sikandar's 
liefs  P   But  these  few  instances  must  suffice. 

It  was  a  wonderful  age !    All  enjoyed  peace. 

In  eveiy  house  was  pleasure  and  festivity. 

There  was  no  thief  to  twist  the  noose  round  your  neck. 

No  one  saw  rebellion,  even  in  his  dreams. 

The  Musulmdns  were  dominant,  the  Hindus  depressed, 

And  no  one  knew  the  tribe  of  Mughals  even  by  name. 

He  was  a  king,  who  protected  Islam  like  Alexander, 

And  therefore  he  has  obtained  the  title  of  Sikandar  Sanf.' 


Abundance  during  the  reign  of  Sultan  Ibrahim.'* 
One  of  the  most  extraordinary  phenomena  of  Sult&n  Ibr&him's 

>  The  WdkCdt'i  Muahtdki  (MS.,  p.  66)  gives  the  still  more  extraTagant  amount 
2600  tankas  daily,  and  remarks  that  Dil&war  Eh&n,  Jal&l  Kb&n  Lodi,  and  £h&n 
h&n  Tokh&nl  were  celebrated  for  the  namber  of  women  in  their  households. 
'  These  lines  are  taken  from  a  Masnavi  of  Khw&ja  Hasan. 
*  The  following  Extract  is  found  in  precisely  the  same  terms  in  the  Zubdatu-t 
iwdrikh  of  Ntlru-1  Hakk. 


476  'ABDU-LUL 

time  was,  that  corn,  clothes,  and  every  kind  of  merchandize  were 
cheaper  than  they  had  ever  been  known  to  be  in  any  other  reign, 
except  perhaps  in  the  time  of  Sult&n  ^Al&a-d  din  Khiiji ;  bat 
even  that  is  doubtful.  Moreover,  in  the  time  of  the  latter,  the 
cheapness  was  occasioned  by  every  kind  of  disgusting  interference 
and  oppression,  and  by  a  hundred  thousand  enforcements  and 
punishments ;  whereas  the  cheapness  of  this  reign  was  occasioned 
by  abundant  harvests.  In  the  time  of  Sikandar,  also,  the  markets 
were  very  cheap,  but  still  not  so  much  so  as  in  the  time  of 
Ibr&him.  Ten  mans  of  corn  could  be  purchased  for  one  bahloli; 
five  sirs  of  clarified  butter,  and  ten  yards  of  cloth,  could  be  pur- 
chased for  the  same  coin.  Everything  else  was  in  the  same 
exuberance ;  the  reason  of  all  which  was,  that  rain  fell  in  the 
exact  quantity  which  was  needed,  and  the  crops  were  consequently 
luxuriant,  and  produce  increased  ten-fold  beyond  the  usual  pro- 
portion. The  Sult&n  had  likewise  issued  an  edict  that  his  chie& 
and  nobles  of  every  degree  should  take  nothing  but  com  in  pay- 
ment of  rent,  and  no  money  was  to  be  taken  firom  the  cultivators 
on  any  account.  The  consequence  was,  that  countless  quantities 
of  grain  accumulated  in  the  several  jdgirsj  and  as  ready  money 
only  was  necessary  for  maintaining  the  personal  expenses  of  the 
nobles,  they  were  eager  to  sell  their  grain  at  any  price  which  was 
procurable.  The  abundance  of  G-od*s  blessings  reached  such  a 
height,  that  ten  mans  of  corn  would  sell  for  a  hahloH,  Grold  and 
silver  were  only  procurable  with  the  greatest  difficulty.  A  respec- 
table man  with  a  &mily  dependent  on  him  might  obtain  wages 
at  the  rate  of  five  tonkas  a  month.  A  horseman  received  from 
twenty  to  thirty  as  his  monthly  pay.  If  a  traveller  wished 
to  proceed  from  Dehli  to  Agra,  one  bahloli  would,  with  the 
greatest  ease,  suffice  for  the  expenses  of  himself,  his  horse, 
and  escort. 


The  foundation  of  Sher^garh. — Extermination  of  the  Gujars, 
After  the  conquest  of  Multan  by  Haibat  £h&n,  Sher  Sh&h 


TARrXH-I  DAUDr.  477 

went  (from  Xgn)  to  Dehlf  in  the  year  947  h.  (1640  a.d.)  ;  and 
actoated  by  unworthy  feelings  he  destroyed  the  fort  of  ^ Al&u-d 
din,  which  stood  in  Sfri,  conspicuous  for  its  strength  and 
loftiness,  and  built  on  the  bank  of  the  Jun,  between  Firoz&b£d 
and  Kild  S^harl,  in  the  village  of  Indrapat,  a  new  city,  about 
two  or  three  kas  distant  from  the  old  one.  He  filled  it  with 
inhabitants,  as  it  remains  to  this  day.  He  also  laid  the  fouuda- 
tions  of  a  magnificent  masjid^  which  was  very  quickly  completed. 
The  name  of  this  fort  he  called  "  Sher-garh,"  and  the  walls  of 
it  were  of  great  breadth,  length,  and  height ;  but  on  account  of 
the  shortness  of  his  reign,  he  did  not  live  to  complete  it.  Within 
the  fort  was  a  small  palace,  also  left  incomplete,  which  he  called 
"  Sher-mandal." 

Whilst  he  was  so  occupied  in  building  Dehli,  the  thieves  of 
P&li  and  P&hal,  who  are  of  the  Gujar  tribe,  began  to  be  exceed- 
ingly audacious  in  their  depredations  ;  insomuch  that  Sher  Sh&h 
himself  marched  towards  the  hills  occupied  by  that  tribe.  The 
Gdjars  were  completely  reduced  to  subjection,  and  he  left  orders 
that  they  should  be  expelled  from  that  country.  Consequently, 
not  a  vestige  of  their  habitations  was  left. 


Foundation  of  the  Fort  of  Patna. 

Sher  Sh&h,  on  his  return  from  Bengal  (in  948  h.,  1541  A.D.), 
came  to  Patna,  then  a  small  town  dependent  on  Bih&r,  which  was 
the  seat  of  the  local  government.  He  was  standing  on  the  bank 
of  the  Ganges,  when,  after  much  solid  reflection  and  sage 
determination,  he  said  to  those  who  were  standing  by,  "  If  a 
fort  were  to  be  built  in  this  place,  the  waters  of  the  Ganges  could 
never  flow  far  from  it,  and  Patna  would  become  one  of  the 
great  towns  of  this  country ;  because  this  place  is  situated  to 
the  west,  on  the  banks  of  the  Ganges  which  flows  from  the  north. 
The  strength  of  the  stream  is  broken,  and  it  cannot  advance 
towards  the  north.""  Ho  therefore  ordered  skilful  carpenters  and 
bricklayers  to  make  out  immediately  an  estimate  for  building  a 


478  'ABDU-LLA. 

fort,  where  he  then  stood.  These  experienced  workmen  submitted 
an  estimate  of  five  lac8j  which  on  the  spur  of  the  moment  was 
made  over  to  trustworthy  persons.  The  fort  was  completed,  and 
was  considered  to  be  exceedingly  strong.  Bih&r  from  that  time 
was  deserted,  and  fell  to  ruin ;  while  Patna  became  one  of  the 
largest  cities  of  the  province. 


The  reign  of  Islam  Shdh. 

We  have  now  come  to  the  history  of  the  sons  of  Sher  Shah, 
the  enthronement  of  Jal&l  Kh&n,  the  younger  son  of  Sher  Sh&h, 
and  the  account  of  his  reign,  under  the  title  of  Islam  Sh&h.  It 
is  related  in  the  Akbar  Shdhi^  that  when  Sher  Sh&h  rendered  up 
his  life  to  the  angel  of  death  in  Kalinjar,  Jal&l  Kh&n,  his 
youngest  son,  was  in  the  town  of  Rewdn,  in  the  province  of 
Bhata,  and  his  eldest  son  ^Adil  Kh&n,  the  heir-apparent,  in  the 
fort  of  Bunthur  (Rantambhor).  The  nobles  perceived  that  "Adil 
Xh&n  would  be  unable  to  arrive  with  speed,  and  as  the  State 
required  a  head,  they  despatched  a  person  to  summon  Jaldl  Khan 
who  was  nearer.  He  reached  Kalinjar  in  five  days,  and  by  the 
assistance  of  'fsd  Hajjab  and  other  grandees,^  was  raised  to  the 
throne  near  the  fort  of  Kalinjar,  on  the  15th'  of  the  nioDth 
Rabi'u-l  awwal,  952  a.h.  (25th  May,  1545  a.d.).  He  assumed 
the  title  of  Islam  Sh&h,  and  this  verse  was  engraved  on  his 
seal : ^ 

"  The  world,  through  the  favour  of  the  Almighty,  has  been 
rendered  happy. 
Since  Islam  Shdh,  the  son  of  Sher  ShfUi  Sur,  has  become 
king." 

1  Th.Q  Makhzan-i  Afghani  m'AV(i&  Ts^  ascribe  to  Sher  Sh&h  the  opinion  that  neither 
of  his  sons  nvas  fit  to  swHy  the  sceptre  ;  but  that  of  the  two  he  destined  'Adil  Kb&n 
for  his  successor.  According  to  this  work,  there  was  a  great  deal  of  silly  palaver 
amongst  the  chiefs  preceding  Isl&m  Sh&h's  accession,  but  nothing  of  it  is  worth 
recording,  and  it  will  all  be  found  in  Dorns  Uistory  of  the  Afghdns. 

«  The  Tdrikh-i  Khdn-Jahdn  Lodi  (MS.,  p.  197)  says  the  19th,  but  all  others  concur 
in  the  15th. 

5  The  Makhsan-i  Afghdni  says  his  original  name  was  'AMu-l  Jalil. 


TARrXH-I  DAlfDr.  479 

The  common  people  call  him  Salim  Sh&h.^  After  ascending  the 
•one,  and  inquiring  concerning  the  ordinances  of  Sher  Sh&h,  he 
t  some  as  they  were,  and  changed  others  to  suit  his  own  ideas. 
On  the  day  of  his  accession  to  the  throne,  he  ordered  two 
»nths'  pay  to  be  distributed  in  ready  money  to  the  army :  one 
»nth  of  this  he  gave  them  as  a  present ;  the  other  as  subsistence 
)ney.  Moreover,  he  resumed  all  the  jdgirs  in  the  provinces  of  his 
vemment,  and  allowed  their  holders  a  stipend  in  money  from 
I  treasury  instead.  He  entirely  abolished,  with  one  stroke  of 
3  pen,  all  former  regulations  respecting  jagira.  After  his 
session,  he  ordered  the  B&j&  of  Kalinjar,  who  had  been 
ptured  with  seventy  of  his  adherents,  to  be  put  to  death, 
d  directed  that  not  one  of  them  should  be  spared.  Isl&m 
ah  resembled  his  father  in  his  pomp  and  splendour,  and  in  his 
sire  of  dominion  and  conquest.  He  possessed  great  power, 
ility,  and  good  fortune,  and  he  had  an  immense  number  of  horses 
d  elephants,  and  a  numerous  artillery,  together  with  a  multi- 
le  of  horse  and  foot  soldiers  beyond  all  calculation.  He 
;tled  the  wazifas  and  the  aima  villages  and  lands.  His  father 
d  erected  sardls  at  a  distance  of  one  koa  ^  one  from  the  other, 
l&m  Sh&h  built  others  between  them,  so  that  there  was  a  sardi 
every  half  koa.  He  caused  two  horses  and  some  footmen  to  be 
ttioned  at  each  aardi^  for  the  purpose  of  acting  as  posts,  and 
inging  him  every  day  the  news  from  Bengal,  after  the  manner 
ddk-chaukia,^  During  the  time  of  Sher  Sh&h  a  place  had  always 
en  established  in  the  royal  camp  for  the  distribution  of  alms  to 
e  poor.  Instead  of  this,  Isl&m  Sh&h  directed  that  arrangements 
*  the  giving  of  alms  should  be  made  at  each  of  the  aardia^  and 

'Abda-1  K&dir,  Firisbta,  Abd-1  Fazl,  and  most  of  the  Timtirian  authors,  call  him 
im  Sh&h  or  Kh&n.  His  fort  at  Dehli  is  now  called  Sallm-garh,  and  on  his  coins 
is  Isl&m  Sb&h.  [See  Thomas's  ChronieUs  of  the  Pathdn  Kinfft,  p.  410.] 
'  He  has  before  said  this  at  p.  224,  MS.,  but '  Abb&s  Sarw&ni  and  most  other  autho- 
68  say  erery  two  kos.  The  Tdrikh-i  Badduni  also  says  every  ko8j  and  so  do  the 
wddit  u-l  Hikdydt,  the  WdkC&Ui  Mmhtdki,  and  the  Tdrikh-i  Khdn^ahdn, 
•  The  Tdrikh'i  Khdn-Jahdn  (MS.,  p.  207)  says,  that  in  order  to  insure  regularity 
despatch,  every  day  a  turban  of  Sun&rg&on  and  a  handful  of  fresh  rice  were  delivered 
the  King,  wherever  he  might  be,  by  the  <^A;-cAaNA;/ establishment. 


480  'ABDU-LLA. 

that  indigent  travellers  should  be  supplied  with  whatever  thej 
needed,  and  that  mendicants  should  receive  a  daily  pittance,  in 
order  that  they  might  be  contented  and  at  ease.  In  certain  dis- 
tricts he  issued  entirely  new  ordinances,  and  allowed  stipends  of 
fifty,  two  hundred,  two  hundred  and  fifty,  five  hundred,  and  i 
thousand.  (In  each  of  these  districts)  he  appointed  Persian  and 
Hindi  writers.^  He  portioned  his  troops  into  divisions  of  fiye, 
ten,  and  twenty  thousand  men,  to  each  of  which  he  allotted 
one  sarddr^  one  Afgh&n  munsify  one  Hindust&ni  judge,  and  two 
eunuchs  of  the  palace.  To  those  who  had  received  stipends  daring 
the  reign  of  Sher  Sh&h  he  gave  lands  and  parganas.^ 

From  the  borders  of  Sun&rg&on  to  those  of  Bengal,  and  from 
Bengal  to  K&bul,  he  garrisoned  the  entire  country  with  his  troops. 
He  had,  whilst  Prince,  6000  horsemen  with  him,  and  he  now 
promoted  all  of  them,  each  according  to  his  deserts.  He  made 
privates  (Jard)  officers  (girohddr)^  and  officers  nobles.  These 
regulations  of  Isl&m  Sh&h  caused  those  of  Sher  Sh&h  to  fall  into 
disuse.  Many  of  Sher  Sh&h's  principal  nobles  were  disgusted  at 
what  they  regarded  as  acts  tending  to  dishonour  them,  and 
became  ill-disposed  towards  Isl&m  Sh&h.  He,  in  his  turn,  was 
likewise  suspicious  of  these  grandees,  and  thus  the  relations  which 
existed  between  the  great  chiefs  and  the  King  were  changed  in 
their  nature. 

When  Isl&m  Sh&h  received  intimation  of  the  secret  disposition 
of  the  nobles,  he  marched  from  Kalinjar  towards  Xgra.  Whilst 
he  was  on  the  road,  Khaw&s  Kh&n  also  came  from  hiajdgir  to 

^  The  MS.  is  mutilated  and  doubtful  in  this  passage.  The  Wdk^dt-i  MuthtdU  is 
preferable :  **  He  also  made  some  new  regulations  in  his  army,  by  dividing  it  into 
separate  troops  and  cohorts.  He  formed  bodies  of  50,  200,  250,  and  500.  To  eTery 
fifty  there  was  a  Turki  and  a  Hinduwl  writer  attached." — MS.,  p.  140. 

'  A  few  more  of  his  regulations  will  be  found  among  the  Extracts  from  the 
Tdrikh'i  BatUiuni.  They  seem  all  silly  and  nonsensical,  devised  chiefly  with  the 
object  of  reversing  his  father's  policy,  and  establishing  a  name  for  himself  as  a 
legislator.  In  the  first  sentence  of  this  paragraph,  we  find  land-grants  converted 
into  money-pensions ;  and  in  the  last,  money-pensions  converted  into  land-grants; 
merely  because  in  both  instances  Sher  Sh&h  had  enacted  otherwise,  and  Isl&o 
Sh&h  was  desirous  of  showing  the  world  that  he  also  had  **  his  own  thunder.**  In  one 
of  his  first  speeches  in  the  Makhzan-i  Afghdnly  he  says  that  he  intends  to  uphold  in 
every  respect  the  institutions  of  Sher  Sh&h. 


TARTKH.I  DAUDX.  481 

pay  his  respects*  A  grand  festival  was  given  to  celebrate  Isl&m 
Sh&h^s  accession  to  the  throne ;  after  which  he  proceeded  by  un- 
interrupted marches  to  ^gra,  the  seat  of  government,  and  took 
possession  of  the  throne* 

Isl&m  Sh&h,  being  a  monarch  of  vindictive  disposition,  wrote 
to  his  elder  brother,  saying,  ^'  Because  I  was  near,  and  you  were 
distant,  to  prevent  disorder  in  the  affairs  of  the  State,  I  have 
taken  charge  of  the  army  until  your  arrival.    I  have  nothing  to 
do  but  obey  you,  and  attend  to  your  orders.''^   He  feigned  to  wish 
to  gratify  his  affection  by  a  personal  interview  with  his  brother, 
'^dil  Kh&n  wrote  in  reply  to  Isl&m  Sh&h,  saying,  *^  If  these 
four  persons,  viz.  Kutb  Elh&n  the  ndib^  'tsi  Kh&n  Ni&zi,^  Jal&l 
Kh&n  Jalu,  and  Khaw&s  Kh&n ,  come  and  insure  my  safety,  I 
will  proceed  to  visit  you.^    'Adil  Kh&n  wrote  thus  to  these  four 
nobles,  "  I  leave  myself  to  your  guidance.  What  is  your  advice  P 
Ought  I  to  go,  or  remain  P  "    Isl£m  Sh&h  sent  all  of  these  nobles 
to  his  brother ;   and  after  removing  his  fears  for  his  safety  by 
oaths  and  protestations,  they  promised  him  that  he  should  be 
permitted  to  depart  after  the  first  interview,  and  that  he  should 
be  allowed  to  choose  any  jdgir  in  Hindust&n  which  suited  him. 
'Adil  Kh&n  went,  accompanied  by  the  nobles,  to  see  his  brother. 
When  he  reached  Fathpur  Sikri,  Isl&m  Sh&h  came  forth  to  meet 
him  in  the  village  of  Sing&rpur,  the  place  prepared  for  the 
meeting  of  the  two  brothers,  and  they  had  an  interview  there. 
They  made  professions  of  affection  one  to  the  other,  and  after 
sitting  together  for  a  short  time,  set  off  for  ^gra.     Isl&m  Sh&h, 
intending  treachery  towards  his  brother,*  had  given  directions 
that  only  two  or  three  persons  were  to  be  allowed  to  enter  the 
fort  with  'Adil  Xh&n.    When  they  arrived  at  the  gate  of  the 
fort  of  ^gra,  Isl&m  Sh&h's  men  forbade  their  entry ;    to  this 

^  It  U  necessary  to  remember  the  distinction  between  these  two  *XBk  Eb&ns.  The 
rebel  was  a  Nf&zi.  The  Hijjjdb,  Mir  Sdjib,  or  Tambiil-ddr  (which  latter,  betel- 
carrier,  was  one  of  the  highest  offices  in  the  royal  establishment  of  the  Afgh&ns),  was 
of  the  tribe  of  Stkr. 

>  The  Makhzari'i  Afghdtd  says  the  assassination  both  of  him  and  his  son. 

VOL.  IT.  81 


482  'ABDU-LLA. 

'^dil  Kh&n's  people  paid  no  attention,  and  a  great  number  of 
them  went  in  with  ^j^dil  £han.^ 

When  Isl&m  Shdh  saw  that  his  plot  against  his  brother  had 
been  unsuccessful,  he  was  obliged  to  speak  courteously  to  him. 
He  said,  **^  I  have  a  number  of  Afgh&ns  in  my  service,  who  are 
very  unruly,  and  whom  I  will  now  make  over  to  you."  After 
which,  Isl&m  Sh^h  seated  his  brother  on  the  throne,  and  treated 
him  with  all  possible  civility,  'j^dil  Eh&n  was  a  man  who  loYed 
ease  and  comfort.  He  was  aware  of  the  deceit  and  cunning  of 
Isl&m  Sh&h,  and  would  not  consent  to  this.  He  rose  up,  and 
after  causing  Isl&m  Sh&h  to  seat  himself  on  the  throne,  he  first 
of  all  made  him  an  obeisance  and  did  homage,  and  congratulated 
him  on  his  accession  to  the  throne.  The  chief  nobles,  after  paying 
their  customary  compliments,  retired  to  their  appropriate  places. 
The  four  nobles  before  mentioned  then  informed  the  King  that 
an  oath  and  a  promise  had  been  made  that  '^dil  Elhfin  should  be 
allowed  to  depart  after  the  first  interview,  and  that  2kjdgir  should 
be  allotted  to  him. 

Isl&m  Shah  ordered  this  to  be  done,  and  ^fs&  Eh&n  and 
Khaw&s  Khan  were  directed  to  accompany  'j^dil  Khan  to  Bay&na.' 
Two  months  afterwards,  Isl&m  Sh&h  sent  Gh&zi  Mahali,  one  of 
his  attendants,  with  golden  chains,  and  ordered  him  to  seize  '^dil 
Kh&n.^  ^i^dil  E^dn,  hearing  this  ill-news,  fled  to  Khaw&s  Kh&n 
in  Mew&t,  before  Gh&zi  MahaU  arrived,  and  informed  him  of  the 
perjury  of  Isl&m  Sh&h.  In  the  mean  time,  Gh&zi  Mahali  reached 
that  place.  Khawds  Kh&n  was  enraged.  He  sent  for  6h&zi 
Mahali,  and  caused  the  fetters  to  be  fastened  on  his  own  legs, 

^  Ahmad  Y&dg&r  (MS.,  p.  322)  saja  fire  or  six  thousand  of  'AdU  Eh&n*B  men, 
anaed  with  swords,  forced  their  way  into  the  fort  in  defiance  of  all  attempts  to 
exdade  them. 

'  Wliich  the  Makhzan-i  Afghdni  informs  us  had  been  fixed  on  as  his /fytr. 

*  The  Makhttm-i  Afghdni  charges  him  with  this  childish  message,  **  That  it  would 
afford  an  indelible  proof  of  his  submission  and  loyalty,  if  he  for  some  days  wookl 
allow  himself  to  be  put  in  chains  and  repair  to  Court,  where  His  Majesty  would  take 
off  the  fetters  again,  and,  after  many  fayours,  allow  him  to  depart  again  for  Bay&ns-" 
Such  nonsense  would  not  be  tolerable  eren  in  JBsop's  Fables  or  Little  Bed  fiidiof 
Hood. 


TARIKH-I  DAlTDr.  483 

and  thus  raised  the  Btandard  of  rebellion.  He  wrote  in  private 
to  the  ch]e&  who  were  with  Isl&m  Sh&h  in  Xgra,  and  gained 
them  over  to  his  party,  and  then  marched  towards  ^gra  at  the' 
head  of  a  powerful  force.  Kutb  Kh&n  and  'fsfi  Kh&n,  who  had 
been  concerned  with  hiih  in  the  business  of  the  oath,  stimulated 
him  to  advance,  and  advised  him  to  manage  so  that  'j^dil  Kh&n 
flhould  reach  Agra  a  little  before  daybreak,  in  order  that  the 
people  might,  without  feeling  ashamed,  forsake  Isl&m  Sh&h  and 
join  him.^ 

When  'Adil  Kh&n  and  Khaw&s  Kh&n  reached  Fathpur  Sikri, 
they  went  to  visit  Shaikh  Salim,  one  of  the  holy  men  of  the  age. 
By  chance,  that  night  happened  to  be  the  Shab-i  Bardty  and  the 
performance  of  the  prayers  appointed  for  that  occasion  delayed 
Khaw&s  Kh&n.   They  did  not,  therefore,  arrive  in  the  neighbour^ 
hood  of  Agra  until  the  forenoon.   Isl&m  Sh&h,  having  learnt  their 
arrival,  and  being  informed  of  the  evil  disposition  of  the  nobles, 
was  sorely  distressed,  and  said  to  Kutb  Kh&n,  ^'  If  I  have  ill- 
treated  ^Adil  Kh&n,  why  did  not  Khaw&s  Kh&n  write  to  me  on 
the  subject,  that  I  might  give  up  my  intention."    Kutb  Kh&n, 
perceiving  the  King^s  distress,  said,  "Be  not  cast  down,  the 
business  is  not  yet  irremediable.    I  will  undertake  to  suppress 
this  disturbance."     Isl&m  Sh&h  sent  away  Kutb  Kh&n,  and 
other  chiefs  who  inclined  to  the  side  of  ^Adil  Kh&n,  and  told 
them  to  go  to  ^Adil  Kh&n.     His  design  was  to  place  these  people 
at  a  distance  from  himself,  and  then  to  proceed  towards  the  fort 
of  Ghun&r,  where  he  might  collect  his  treasures,  and  aflerwards, 
after  having  made  new  arrangements,  advance  to  the  attack  of 
his  enemies,  ^f  s&  Kh&n  endeavoured  to  dissuade  him  from  doinor 
this,  and  said,  "  If  you  place  no  confidence  in  the  nobles  of  your 
&ther  and  others,  you  ought  at  least  to  trust  those  5000  men 
who  have  served  the  King  since  he  was  a  Prince.     Possessing 

1  This  ridicaloiu  false  modesty  of  the  traitors  is  represented  by  Ahmad  T&dg&r 
(MS.,  p.  822)  as  being  felt,  or  professed,  only  by  the  instigators  themselves.  He 
reftsonably  concloded  that  such  notions  are  foreign  to  the  sentiments  of  obtuse  artisans 
•nd  phlegmatic  shopboys,  and  could  only  be  entertained  by  sensitive  and  delicate 
Jdgirddr$. 


484  'ABDU-LLA. 

aach  a  force  as  you  do,  it  would  be  madness  to  shrink  from  the 
contest  which  is  before  you ;  and  although  certain  of  the  nobles 
have  secret  ill-will  towards  you,  yet  it  shows  a  want  of  caution 
to  send  them  to  the  enemy.  Your  best  course  will  be  to  lead 
the  army  into  battle  in  person,  and  to  show  yourself  foremost  in 
the  field.  In  this  way  no  one  will  desert  to  the  fi>e."  Isl&m 
Sh&h*s  heart  was  strengthened,  and  he  determined  to  remain 
where  he  was.  He  sent  for  Kutb  'Kh&a  and  the  other  chieft,  to 
whom  he  had  granted  permission  to  depart,  and  said  to  them, 
^'  Why  should  I  make  you  over  to  the  enemy  with  my  own 
hands  P  Perhaps  they  are  ill-disposed  towards  you.''  After  Uiis 
he  prepared  for  war,  and  posted  himself  on  the  field  of  battle. 
When  those  who  intended  to  join  ^^dil  "Khkn  saw  Isl&m  Shih 
fully  prepared  for  action,  they  refrained  from  going.  The  two 
armies  met  face  to  face,  and  a  battle  took  place  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Agra.^  The  decree  of  the  Almighty  granted  victory  to 
Isl&m  Sh&h,  and  the  army  of  ^Adil  Kh&n  was  defeated,  '^dil 
Kh&n  fled  alone  and  unaccompanied  towards  the  hills  of  Bhata,' 
and  no  one  knew  what  had  become  of  him.  Khaw&s  Kh&n  and 
'ta&  Kh&n  Nidzi  went  to  Mew&t.  Isl&m  Sh&h  despatched  a 
powerful  force  in  pursuit  of  Khaw&s  Kh&n,'  and  a  second  battle 
took  place  at  Firozpur  ^Jharka),  near  Mew&t.  Isl&m  Sh&h's 
troops  were  routed ;  but  Khaw&s  Khdn,  perceiving  his  inability  to 
continue  the  war,  went  to  the  skirts  of  the  Kam&un  hills,  and 
for  a  long  time  devastated  the  territories  of  Isl&m  Sh&h  in  their 
vicinity. 

After  these  events,  Isl&m  Sh&h  became  mistrustful  of  all  his 
father's  nobles,  and  took  measures  to  overthrow  them.  He  put 
some  of  them  in  prison,  and  deprived  others  of  all  their  posses- 

^  At  M&rh&kar,  a  small  town  to  the  west  of  Agra.    Dom  calls  it  Mundagor. 

»  The  original  reads  "  P&ta."  Ahmad  Ykdgfcr  says  "  Pfeya."  Dom  says  "  Patas." 
The  Makhzan-%  Afghdni  says,  ^*  Crossing  the  Jumna,  he  arrived  at  Chandw&r,  aod 
thence  fled  throngh  the  jungle  tract  into  the  country  of  Thatta."  The  Tdrikk-i 
Ehdn-Jahdn  has  «*  Pata."     Briggs,  "  Patna." 

>  The  MakhuM^i  Afghani  says  that  after  this  hatUe  the  title  of  Khaw6s  Kh4n  wis 
bestowed  upon  Tsfc  Kh&n  Hujj&b. 


TABrKH-I  DAUM.  486 

Bions.  He  also  placed  his  own  nephew,  Mahmdd  Kh&n,  the  son 
of 'Adil  Khan,  under  surveillance,^  and  ruined*  first  Xutb  Kh&n 
Sdr,  then  Barmazid  Sur,  Jal&l  Khan  Sdr,  and  Zain  Kh&n 
Nl&d.  He  slew  Jal&l  Khfin  Sdr,  as  well  as  his  brother,  by  binding 
them  to  the  feet  of  an  elephant,  after  which  he  caused  the  afore- 
said nobles  to  be  placed  on  the  elephant,  and  paraded  through  the 
camp.  The  hearts  of  the  nobles  of  Sher  Sh&h  were  filled  with 
terror  and  consternation.  After  this  he  put  many  others  to 
death,  amongst  whom  was  Khaw&s  Khfin,  who  bore  the  title  of 
Masnad  *Jili,  who  was  impaled  on  some  frivolous  pretext.'  He 
continued  for  a  long  time  to  distress  the  whole  of  his  subjects, 
and  to  make  Gk)d's  servants  miserable ;  but  towards  the  end  of 
his  reign  he  behaved  towards  the  people  with  liberality  and 
generosity.  He  gained  the  good-will  of  the  poor  by  granting 
them  pensions  and  stipends.  Bent  upon  destroying  his  father'^s 
nobles,  he  went  towards  Ghnn&r,  and  on  the  road  put  Jalal 
Eh&n,  who  was  a  friend  of  'Adil  Kh&n,  to  death.  He  removed 
all  the  treasure  from  Ghun&r,  and  sent  it  to  Ow&lior.^  He  then 
returned  to  Agra,  and  remained  there. 

When  some  time  had  elapsed,  many  of  Sher  Sh&h^s  nobles 
became  convinced  that  Isl&m  Sh&h  intended  to  ruin  them. 
SaMd  Khin,  the  brother  of  Haibat  Kh&n  Ni&zi,  fled  from  Agra  to 
Haibat  S[h&n,  and  induced  him  to  rebel  against  Isl&m  Sh&h. 
Katb  Khfin,  one  of  the  great  chiefs  and  a  principal  grandee,  who 
had  been  concerned  in  'Adil  Khdn's  first  sedition,  escaped  in  the 
greatest  alarm,  and  joined  'Azam  Hum&yiin  Nidzi  at  Lahore. 

1  jUimad  Tftdg&r  (MS.,  p.  326)  says  he  kiUed  hU  nepbewi  but  giyes  bo  name. 
[The  original  words  are  '*  Mr  W  kard,**'\ 

*  [The  words  of  the  MS.  in  both  these  sentences  are  hokndri  adkht,  an  ezpres- 
iiTe  phrase  signifying  that  he  squeezed  them  as  poppy  heads  are  squeezed.  Firishta 
says  they  were  sent  into  confinement  at  6w6lior ;  bat  see  Dom,  p.  157.] 

>  One  oonld  scarcely  snppoee,  from  the  mode  in  which  thia  name  is  here  introdneed, 
tiiat  he  is  the  same  Khaw&s  Kh&n  who  is  mentioned  in  the  preceding  paragraph,  or 
that  he  is  to  appear  again  shortly  afterwards,  acting  a  most  conspicuous  part  in  the 
battle  of  Ambfiia.  Hia  death  is  too  summarily  passed  orer  by  moet  authors  who 
treat  of  this  period,  and  I  haye,  therefore,  added  a  few  particulars  in  an  Appendix. 
[See  Appendix  £.] 

4  MQ^Ujf  »  [or  Gw&liyar]  in  the  original  througboit 


486  'ABDU.LLA. 

lal&m  Sh&h  wrote  a,/armdn  to  'Azam  Hum&yun,  demanding  Uie 
surrender  of  Kutb  Kb&n.  'Azain  Hum&ydn,  by  deceitfiil  repre- 
sentations, contrived  to  send  him  to  Isl&m  Sh&h,  who  imprisoned 
him,  with  fourteen  other  chiefs,  such  as  Sh&hb&z  EL&n  Loh4Di 
the  son-in-law  of  Sher  Kh&n,  Barmazid  Stir,  and  other  persoDS. 
H^  then  sent  them  to  Gwalior,  after  which  he  took  measures  for 
the  seizure  of ''Azam  Hum&yun  and  Shuj&'  Kh&n,^  and  sent  these 
two  grandees  a  summons  to  appear  before  him.  ''Azam  Humiyun 
wrote  from  Lahore,  to  excuse  himself  firom  coming ;  and  Shaj4* 
£h&n  came  from  M&lw&  and  paid  his  respects  to  Isl&m  Sb&h ; 
but  as  Isl&m  Sh&h  desired  to  obtain  possession  of  the  persons 
of  these  two  chiefs  at  the  same  time,  he  allowed  Shuj&'  Kh&n  to 
return  to  his  j'dgir.  He  went  back  to  his  fief  in  Malw&y  and 
Isl&m  Sh&h  turned  his  face  towards  Eoht&s  and  Ghun&r. 

On  the  road,  ^Azam  Hum&yun^s  brother,  who  had  always  been 
an  attendant  at  Court,  fled  to  Lahore.  On  account  of  his  flight, 
Islam  Sh&h  went  back  to  ^ra,  where  he  collected  his  troops 
and  marched  thence  towards  Dehll.  When  Shuj&'  Kh&n  re- 
ceived intelligence  of  these  occurrences,  he  hastened  to  Dehli  with 
all  possible  speed,  without  being  summoned  by  Isl&m  Sh&L 
The  King  gratified  him  by  treating  him  with  distinction,  and  after 
arranging  his  army,  and  halting  some  days  at  Dehli,  he  proceeded 
in  the  direction  of  Lahore.  ^Azam  Hum&yiin  and  the  whole  of 
the  King's  enemies  had  an  interview  with  Khaw&s  Kh&n  and 
his  friends,  and  despatched  a  powerful  force  from  the  Panj&b  to 
encounter  His  Majesty.  They  came  up  with  each  other  near  Am- 
b&la ;  and  as  Isl&m  Sh&h  was  encamped  very  near  the  Ni&zi  troops, 
a  fight  was  imminent.  On  the  night  preceding  the  day  of  battle, 
^Azam  Hum&yiin  and  his  brothers  met  in  E^haw&s  Kh&n^s  tent, 
and  consulted  together  concerning  the  appointment  of  another 
Sovereign.  Khaw&s  Kh&n  said,  that  the  best  course  would  be 
to  raise  'Adil  Kh&n,  the  eldest  son  of  Sher  Sh&h,  to  the  throne, 
as  he  was  the  rightful  heir.      Upon  this  all  the  Ni&zis  said 

^  He  18  styled  <<Sbaj&*at  Eb&n"  throngboat  the  preyiouB  rdgn.    The  TdnMk^ 
JDtdn-^ihdn  calls  him  '*  Shty&'aL"    [See  Appendix  F.] 


TAKrKH-I  DAlTDr.  487 

nnanimously,  "  What  advice  is  this  P  No  one  obtains  a  kingdom 
by  inheritance  ;  it  belongs  to  whoever  can  gain  it  by  the  sword." 
Khaw&8  Eh&n  was  vexed  at  their  intentions,  and  on  the  same 
night  he  secretly  sent  a  verbal  message  to  one  of  the  confi- 
dential servants  of  Isl&m  Sh&h,  requesting  him  to  inform  the 
King,  that  although  His  Majesty  looked  on  him  (EJiaw^s  Kh4n) 
as  an  un&ithfiil  servant,  yet  that  his  heart  had  always  inclined 
towards  Sher  Shdh^s  iamily  and  offspring ;  and  that  although  he 
had  sided  with  ^^dil  Kh&n,  who  were  the  Ni&zis  that  he  should 
be  guilty  of  disloyalty  to  his  benefactor  on  their  account,  and  for 
the  sake  of  their  alliance  P  That  his  wish  to  be  of  service  should, 
with  the  consent  of  the  Almighty,  be  made  manifest  on  the  day 
of  battle. 

When  Isl&m  Sh&h  became  aware  of  the  disagreement  which 
had  taken  place  amongst  the  chie&  of  the  enemy,  and  of  the 
friendly  feeling  of  Khaw&s  Kh&n,  he  rejoiced  exceedingly,  and 
became  confident  of  success.  Meanwhile,  news  was  brought  that 
the  Ni4zi  troops  had  advanced  to  within  a  very  short  distance  of 
the  royal  camp.^  Isl&m  Sh&h  said :  '^  The  Afghans  have  no  sense/^ 
He  made  an  inclosure  with  all  his  wheeled  carriages,  like  a  for- 
tresfl»  into  which  he  caused  the  whole  of  his  army  to  enter,  and 
then  went  in  person  to  reconnoitre  the  Ni&zis  from  an  elevated 
position.  When  he  beheld  the  foe,  he  said,  "  I  shall  be  disgraced 
if  I  do  not  fight  the  rebel  troops,'*^  and  ordered  the  chains,  with 
which  the  carriages  were  fastened  together  to  be  removed.  At  that 
moment,  he  ranged  his  troops  in  battle  array,  and  made  ready  for 
the  filght.  The  war  drums  were  beaten  on  both  sides.  Khaw&s 
Eh£n  sent  to  tell  'Azam  Humdyun  and  his  brothers  to  advance 
when  they  saw  him  do  so  on  his  elephant  with  his  standard  dis- 
played, and  not  to  forsake  him.  With  this  intention  they  turned 
their  faces  towards  the  field.  Khaw&s  Kh&n  started  fix)m  his  post, 
bat  attacked  no  one,  and  succeeded  in  making  his  way  into  the 

^  Ahmad  T&dg&r  (MS.,  p.  328)  says,  tfhat  while  thty  wen  forming  for  action,  a 
thnndentorm  came  on,  and  'Azam  Hnm&ytUi's  elephant  wai  strack  dead  by  lightnings 
which  wai  considered  ominous  of  defeat. 


488  'ABDU-LLA. 

open  eountry.  The  Ni&zfs  fought  to  the  best  of  their  abilitTt 
but  as  no  benefit  is  ever  derived  from  disloyalty,  and  as  it  always 
occasions  distress  and  regret,  they  were  routed,  and  the  victoij 
remained  with  Isl&m  Sh&h. 

"  Who  oan  resist  him  whom  fortune  assists  ?  ** 

Whilst  these  events  were  occurring,  Sa'id  Kh&n,  the  brother 
of  'Azam  Hum&ydn,  came  armed  to  the  teeth,  under  the  pre- 
text of  congratulating  the  King  ;  hoping,  as  no  one  knew  him, 
to  find  an  opportunity  of  slaying  His   Majesty.^     He  mixed 
with  the  royal  guards.      Isl&m  Sh4h  was  at  the  time  stand- 
ing surrounded  by  a  circle  of  war  elephants,  and  Sa'ld  Eh&n 
was,    consequently,    unable   to    reach  him  immediately.     He 
was  shortly  afterwards    recognized  by  one  of  the    elephant- 
drivers,    who    gave  the   alarm,   and  was  slain  by  a  thmst  of 
Sa'id's  spear.'    Sard's  valour  and  strength  enabled  him  to  make 
good  his  escape  frx>m  the  place  where  the  royal  guards  were. 
The  N(&zis  fled  to  Dinkot,  which  is  near  Boh.    After  their  de- 
feat, they  were  hindered  in  their  flight  by  the  marshy  ground 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Amb&la,'  which  prevented  their  horses 
from  proceeding,  and  consequently  Isl&m  Shdh^s  troops  who  were 
in  pursuit  coming  up  with  them,  made  a  great  slaughter  of  the 
Ni&zis.      Isl&m  Sh&h  followed  them  in  person  as  fisu:  as  New 
Eoht&s,  and  there  appointed  Ehw&ja  Wais  Sarw&nl,  with  an  im- 
mense army,  to  prosecute  the  war  with  the  Ni&zis,  aft;er  which 
he  turned  back  towards  Agra  and  Gw&lior.    He  proceeded  by 
uninterrupted  marches  fit)m  Boht&s  to  Agra/  where  he  halted  two 
or  three  days,  and  then  went  on  to  Gw&lior,  and  remained  there. 

^  The  Makhzon'i  Jfghdni  aays  he  had  been  sent  for  that  purpoee  by  hii  brother, 
and  that  an  elephant-driyer  struck  him  so  riolently,  that  his  helmet  dropped  from  his 
head.    The  TdHkh»i  Khdn^Jahdn  also  says  an  elephant-driTer  aimed  a  spear  at  him. 

*  Ahmad  T^&r  (MS.,  p.  331}  says  he  was  slain  by  the  spear  of  Ahmad  Kh&n  Stb. 
'  It  must  be  remembered  there  had  been  a  storm  in  the  morning,  and  the  stream  to 

the  west  of  Amb&la,  though  ordinarily  dry,  soon  flows  like  a  torrent  during  aa 
inundation. 

*  The  MakhMan-i  Afghdni  says  he  remained  three  months  at  Behli,  after  tbif 
Tictory,  during  which  period  Khawfrs  Eh6n  was  murdered ;  and  that  he  then  wait  to 
Ow&lior,  whidi  he  had  established  as  the  seat  of  the  goyemment. 


TABrEH-I  DAUDr.  489 

At  this  time  many  of  his  father^s  nobles,  who  1^  been  ap- 
pointed to  different  districts,  came  into  the  presence.  Althongh 
Isl&m  Sh&h  had  secretly  an  ill-feeling  towards  Shuj&^  Eh&n, 
yet  as  Daulat  £h&n  Uji&l&,  the  adopted  son  of  Shuj&'  Kh&n, 
was  much  beloved  by  the  King,  for  whom  he  had  done  good 
service,  on  his  account  he  behaved  outwardly  with  great  kind- 
ness to  Shuj&'  Kh&n,  and  treated  him  with  honour  and  con- 
sideration. He  gave  him  the  government  of  the  entire  province 
of  M&lw&.  One  day  an  Afgh&n,  named  'XJsm&n  Kh&n,  came 
intoxicated  into  the  diwdn-khdnd  of  Shujd^  Kh&n,  and  spat 
repeatedly  on  the  carpet.  When  forbidden  to  do  this  by  the 
/drdshes,  he  arose  and  struck  them  with  his  fist.  There  was  a 
great  outcry,  and  the  fardshes  informed  Shuj&'  Kh&n  of  what 
had  taken  place.  Shujd^  EJb&n  said,  ^^He  has  been  guilty  of 
three  offences :  firstly,  he  has  drunk  wine ;  secondly,  he  has 
entered  the  diwdn-khdnd ;  thirdly,  he  has  beaten  the /aro^Aes.'*^ 
He  then  ordered  both  ^TJsm&n  Eh^'s  hands  to  be  cut  off. 
'Usm&n  Eh&n  went  to  Gw&Iior,  and  complained  to  the  King, 
who  said  nothing,  on  account  of  the  high  rank  which  Shujd' 
Kh&n  had  held  in  Sher  Sh&h's  time,  and  of  the  fiuthful  services 
of  Daulat  Eh&n. 

After  some  time,  Shujd'  Eh&n  came  to  Gw&lior,  and  one 
day  ^sm&n  Eh&n  again  petitioned  Isl&m  Sh&h  concerning  the 
injury  which  he  had  suffered.  The  Eing,  becoming  angry  with 
the  petitioner,  said,  ^'  You  also  are  an  Afgh&n,  go  and  revenge 
yourself  on  him.^  When  'TJsm&n  Eh&n  heard  this,  he  began 
to  take  measures  to  accomplish  his  wishes.  Shujfi^  Kh&n  was 
Texed  when  he  heard  what  the  Eing  had  said,  and  made  use 
of  unbecoming  language.  As  both  'TJsm&n  Eh&n's  hands  had 
been  amputated,  he  had  a  hand  made  of  iron.  One  day,  an 
attendant  of  Shuj&'  Eh&n^s  told  him  that  'XJsm&n  Eh&n  was 
seated  in  a  cutler^s  shop,  causing  a  knife  to  be  sharpened,  and 
speaking  in  a  violent  manner.  Shuj&'  Ehan's  courage  prevented 
this  information  from  making  any  impression  on  him,  until  one 
day,  as  he  was  going  in  a  litter  to  pay  his  respects  to  the  Eling  in 


490  "ABDU-LLA. 

the  castle  of  Ow&lior,  and  had  reached  the  Hathyapul  gate,  he 
saw  'Usm&n  Kh&n  seated  in  a  shop  with  one  hand  concealed  in 
his  dapatta.      8huj&^  Kh&n  desired  to  inqoire  something  con- 
cerning him,  when  'Usm&n  Kh&n  suddenly  rose  up,  and  ronning 
from  the  shop,  wounded  Shuj&'  Kh&n.    He  was  instantly  seized 
by  the  armed  men  who  surrounded  the  litter,  who  then  perceiyed 
that  he  had  an  iron  hand  fastened  to  the  stump,  by  means  of 
which  he  had  inflicted  a  slight  wound  in  Shuj&'  Kh&n's  left  side, 
only  grazing  the  skin.     He  was  slain  immediately,  and  thej 
then   took    Shuj&'  Elh^n'^s    litter   back   to   his    house.     After 
Shujd^   Kh&n    had   been   wounded,   and    when  'Usm&n  Eh&u 
had  met  with  his  reward,   an   uproar  and  disturbance  arose 
amongst  the  people.     When  news  of  this  event  reached  the 
King,  he  sent  some  of  his  courtiers  and  men  of  note  to  Shaji' 
Kh&n,  to  inquire  how  he  &red,  and  intended  likewise  to  go  in 
person. 

Shuj&'  Eh&n  being  aware  that  his  own  friends  and  con- 
nexions were  of  opinion  that  '*XJsm&n  Eh&n  had  attacked  him 
at  the  instigation  of  Isl&m  Sh&h,  and  seeing  their  hostile  dis- 
position, he  thought  it  better  to  oppose  the  King's  coming,  in 
order  to  prevent  them  from  acting  rashly.  He  sent,  therefore,  a 
message  to  say,  ^*Your  servant  was  the  dependent  of  Your 
Majesty's  &ther,  and  never  shrank  from  performing  any  service 
he  required  of  him,  although  by  so  doing  he  placed  his  life  in 
danger.  Your  servant  is  one  of  those  thirty-five  persons  who 
were  appointed  by  your  &ther,  and  who  were  bound  to  him  by 
the  ties  of  affection,  as  all  men  know.  I  have  this  time  escaped 
with  life,  and  shall  yet  be  able  to  do  you  service.  Do  not  trouble 
yourself  to  come  on  your  slave's  account.  It  is  sufficient  that  I 
should  have  been  honoured  by  your  kind  inquiries  after  my 
health.^  When  this  was  told  to  IsUm  Sh&h,  he  understood 
his  reasons  for  what  he  said.  Nevertheless,  as  Shuj&'  Kh&n 
was  one  of  the  pillars  of  the  State,  and  deserved  well  of  his 
sovereign,  on  account  of  his  great  services,  after  waiting  for  one 
day,  Isl&m  Sh&h  went  to  visit  him  in  person.     Fath  Kh&n,  the 


TARIKH-I  DAI/Dr.  491 

son  of  Shuj&'  Elh&n,  whose  strength  was  remarkable,  and  against 
whom  no  person  could  contend,  saw  Isl&m  Sh&h  entering  Shuj&' 
Kh&n's  tent  alone,  and  wished  to  stay  him.  Mi4n  B&yazid, 
another  son  of  Shajd'  Khfin,  perceived  his  brother^s  intention, 
and  felt  certain  that  he  would  commit  some  act  of  violence ;  he 
therefore  sent  Fath  Eh&n  to  prepare  the  customary  presents. 
Isl&m  Sh&h  honoured  Shuj&'  Kh&n^s  abode  by  entering  it. 
They  remained  together  for  a  short  time;  and  when  Isl&ni 
Sh&h  was  about  to  depart,  Shuj4'  Kh&n  said,  ''  May  the  King 
prosper  !  I  entreat  you  not  to  take  the  trouble  of  coming  again. 
Your  slave  is  afraid  that  if  you  do,  the  remembrance  of  his  past 
services  will  be  effaced,  and  that  the  banner  of  the  King  and  the 
dignity  which  I  have  raised  with  so  much  trouble  will  be  over- 
thrown in  an  instant.  Your  Majesty  knows  better  than  any 
other  how  rude  and  intemperate  the  Afgh&ns  are.^^  Islam  Sh&h 
returned  thence  to  the  royal  dweUing,  and  became  ten  times  as 
ill-disposed  towards  Shuj&'  ELh&n  as  he  had  been  before. 

Shuj&'  Kh&u  recovered  from  his  wound  in  a  short  time,  and 
after  performing  his  ablutions,  and  giving  alms  to  the  poor,  went 
one  day  to  pay  his  respects  to  Isl&m  Shah,  who  presented  him 
with  101  horses  and  101  bales  of  merchandize  of  Bengal,  and 
treated  him  with  great  favour  and  kindness  in  a  right  royal 
manner.  Shuj&'  Kh&n  was  convinced  that  the  King's  exces- 
sive politeness  only  concealed  a  wish  to  injure  him.  He  passed 
thai  day  without  taking  any  particular  steps,  and  returned  home. 
Next  day  he  ordered  his  servants  to  place  his  camp  equipage  on 
beaats  of  burden.  The  people  of  the  city  thought  that  he  was 
going  to  a  fi-esh  encamping  ground,  on  account  of  the  filthy  state 
of  that  in  which  he  then  was.  When  the  property  of  all  his 
men  had  been  laden,  and  his  troops  were  armed  and  equipped,  he 
ordered  the  drum  to  beat  for  the  march,  and  departed  towards 
S&rangpdr.^  When  Isl&m  Sh&h  learnt  this  circumstance,  he 
was  very  angry,  and  sent  a  body  of  troops  in  pursuit ;  and  after 

1  Firishta,  the  IVrikh^  Khdn-Jahdn,  and  the  Makhzan-i  Afghdni  wj  that  this 
ooemxtd  in  964  a.    It  it  ran  to  get  anj  preoife  date  throvglumt  tiit  reign. 


492  'ABDU-LLA. 

arranging  his  army,  set  off  himself  in  the  direction  of  S&rangpur. 
6huj&'  Eh&n  reached  S&rangptir,  and  began  to  look  after  the 
equipments  of  his  soldiery,  who,  when  thej  heard  that  IsUm 
Sh&h  was  coming,  incited  Shnj&^  Kh&n  to  give  him  battle.  He 
said,  ^  Isl&m  Sh&h  is  mj  benefactor,  and  the  son  of  mj  patron. 
I  will  never  fight  against  him.  Whoever  thinks  that  I  haye 
any  such  intention  had  better  leave  off  doing  so,  and  quit  mj 
service.** 

When   Isl&m  Sh&h  arrived  in  the  vicinity  of  S&rangpdr,^ 
Shajd'  Kh&n  left  the  city,  after  sending  his  fis^mily  on  a-head, 
and  went  in  the  direction  of  B&nsw&ra.     Isl&m  Sh&h  resmned 
M&lw&,  and  after  leaving  'f  s&  Kh&n  S6r  in  the  district  of  Ujjain, 
with  22,000  horsemen,  went  himself  to  Gwfilior.     Shiij&*  Eh&n, 
notwithstanding  his  power,  and  the  means  which  he  had  at  his 
disposal,  made  no  attempts  on  M&lw&.*    Isl&m  Sh&h  was  at  this 
time  engaged  in  checking  the  rebellion  of  the  Ni&zfs.    As  he  had 
hitherto  been  unsuccessftd,  he  marched  a  second  time  towards 
Lahore,  for  the  purpose  of  punishing  that  tribe.     Daulat  Kh&n 
XJj(&l&,  the  adopted  son  of  Shuj^*"  Eh&n,  who  was  one  of  the 
select  associates  of  Isl&m  Sh&h,  entreated  him  to  pardon  the 
transgressions  of  Shuj&'  Eh&n.     There  was  no  person  in  whom 
the  King  placed  so  much  confidence  or  liked  so  well  as  Daulat 
Eh&n;  for  this  reason  his  petition  was  successftil,  and  Shuja' 
Kh&n  was  enabled  to  come  with  the  speed  of  the  wind  into  the 
presence  of  Isl&m  Sh&h,  who  pardoned  his  faults  and  granted 
him  S&rangpiir,  the  country  of  B&isin,  and  several  other  dis- 
tricts ;  he,  moreover,  presented  him  a  gold  ewer  and  a  basin  of 
the  same  material,  and  then  gave  him  permission  to  depart. 
Daulat  Kh&n  TJji&l&  remained  with  His  Majesty.    He  was  called 
XJji&l&,'  because  at  night  time  torches  were  always  placed  on  both 
sides  of  the  road  between  his  dwelling  and  that  of  the  King. 

1  954  A.H.  (1547  A.T).). 

'  It  it  strange  that  this  anthor  tells  us  nothing  of  his  sabsequent  &te. — See 
Appendix  F. 

s  [Hind,  ^fdld  brightneM,  light.] 


TARrXH-I  DAl/Df.  493 

He  waa  one  of  the  most  celebrated  men  of  his  time,  on  account 
of  his  &mily,  his  courage,  and  his  liberality. 

We  have  now  come  to  the  remainder  of  the  history  of  the 
Ni&zis.  ^Azam  Hum&yun  and  Khwfija  Wais  fought  together  on 
several  occasions.  In  the  last  action  'Azam  Hum&yun  defeated 
the  Khwaja,  and  turned  his  &ce  towards  Sirhind.  When  Isl&m 
Sh£h  heard  this  news,  he  raised  a  large  force,  and  sent  it  against 
the  Ni&zis,  on  which  ^Azam  Humdyun  retraced  his  steps  and 
went  to  M&nkot.  Isldm  Slidh^s  troops  came  up  with  him  near 
Sambhal,  and  a  battle  took  place,  in  which  the  Ni&zis  were  again 
routed.  The  children  and  mother  of  'Azam  Humfiydn  were  made 
captive,  and  brought  before  Isl&m  Sh&h.^ 

After  their  defeat,  the  Ni&zis  took  refuge  with  the  Ohakkars,  in 
the  hill-country  bordering  on  Kashmir.  Isl&m  Sh&h  advanced  in 
person  with  a  large  army  for  the  purpose  of  quelling  the  Ni&zi 
rebellion,'  and  during  the  space  of  two  years  was  engaged  in  con- 
stant conflicts  with  the  Ghakkars,  whom  he  desired  to  subdue. 
He  strove  by  every  means  in  his  power  to  gain  possession  of  the 
person  of  Sult&n  ^dam  Ghakkar,  who  had  been  a  fiiithful  friend 
of  the  Emperor  Hum4yun,  without  success ;  but  he  caught 
S&rang  Sultdn  Ghakkar,  who  was  one  of  the  most  noted  men  of 
his  tribe,  and  caused  him  to  be  flayed  alive,  and  confined  his  son, 
S[am&l  Kh&n,  in  the  fort  of  Gw&lior.  When  Isl&m  Sh&h  had 
thus  taken  a  proper  revenge  of  Sult&n  Kiam  Ghakkar,  and  de- 
stroyed many  of  his  tribe,  many  of  the  zaminddrs  whose 
possessions  were  at  the  foot  of  the  hills  submitted  themselves  to 
him.     Skirting  the  hills,  he  went  thence  towards  Murln,  and  all 

^  The  Makhtan-i  Afghdni  tellB  us  that  the  imfortunate  females  on  the  establish- 
ment of  'Azam  Hnm&ytln,  Sa'id  Eh&n,  and  TbIi  S^h&n  Ni&zi  were  ignominionsly 
exposed  onoe  a  week,  daring  two  years,  in  the  Common  Hall  of  Audience,  and  the 
three  ohieft  were  proclaimed  aloud  as  rebels.  In  the  end  they  were  assassinated, — 
a  wanton  crime,  which,  to  the  credit  of  Daulat  S^6n  Uji&lk,  seems  to  hare  excited 
his  indignation,  and  caused  his  temporary  retirement  from  Court. 

'  The  Tdrikh'i  Khdn^Jahdn  (MS.,  p.  206}  ascribes  this  expedition  to  the  year 
965  H.  The  Tdrikh^i  Baddknl  says  Wais's  defeat  at  Dinkot  occurred  either  in  964 
or  966  H.  (God  knows  which !).  Elphinstone  {History  of  India,  toI.  ii.,  p.  163)  makes 
the  Ni&zi  insurrection  last  for  two  years  till  964  h.,  but  this  is  obTiously  too  early. 
Tigoious  measures  of  suppression  did  not  commence  till  that  period. 


494  'ABDU-LLA. 

the  R&j&s  of  tbe  Siwalik  presented  themselves,  and  expressed 
their  intention  of  being  obedient  and  &ithfiil  in  thdr  allegianoe 
to  him.  Parsor&m,  the  B&j&  of  Gh^&Uor,  became  a  Bt«mch 
servant  of  the  King,  and  was  treated  with  a  degree  of  considera- 
tion which  fiur  exceeded  that  shown  to  the  other  MamMm 
Gw&Iior^  is  a  hill,  which  is  on  the  right  hand  towards  the  south 
amongst  the  hills,  as  you  go  to  E&ngra  and  Nagarkot.  IsUun 
Sh&h  erected  some  buildings  there.  The  inhabitants  of  Gw&lior 
are  not  particularly  good-looking,  and  Isl&m  Sh&h  composed 
these  lines  in  jest : 

"  How  can  I  sing  the  praises  of  the  beloved  ones  of  Gw£lior  ? 
I  could  never  do  so  properly  if  I  tried  in  a  thousand  ways ! 
I  do  not  know  how  to  salute  Parsurdm, 
When  I  behold  him,  I  am  distracted,  and  exohdm,  B&m!  Btol" 

T&j  Eh&n  Eir&ni,  one  of  the  King's  attendants  and  companions, 
wrote  and  presented  this  verse : 

"  I  style  myself  your  slave  I 
What  better  employment  can  I  find  than  your  service  ?  " 

Isl&m  Sh&h  stayed  some  time  at  Qw&lior,  and  then  set  about 
building  the  fort  of  M&nkot.  He  went  thither  and  caused  five 
forts  to  be  erected :  one  of  which  he  named  Shergarh,  a  second 
Isl&mgarh,  a  third  Rashidgarh,  a  fourth  Firozgarh,  the  fifth 
retained  its  original  names  of  M&nkot  and  M&ngarh.  The  pe^ 
formances  of  Isl&m  Sh&h  at  this  period  can  only  be  compared 
with  the  works  done  by  the  genii,  by  order  of  Hazrat  Sulaim&n 
(on  whom  be  peace  !)•  Those  who  have  beheld  these  forts  know 
better  than  any  other  how  miraculously  they  have  been  con- 
structed.^ 

But  Isl&m  Sh&h  at  this  time  behaved  harshly  towards  the 
people,  and  gave  no  money  to  the  nobles  and  the  army  for  three 
years.      Certain  nobles  agreed  together  to  act  treacherously, 

»  ["  Gw&liyfcr  "  in  the  MS.] 

'  Without  paying  the  workmen,  aa  appears  from  the  Tdrikk-i  BaddmL    The 
statement  respecting  the  forts  is  copied  from  the  WdkCdt^i  MmJUdki  (MS.,  p.  164). 


TAETKH-I  DAUDr.  495 

and  instnicted  a  certain  individnal,  who  was  careless  of  his  life, 
ihuBf  ^*  The  King  will  go  forth  to-day  from  the  red  tents  for  the 
purpose  of  inspecting  the  fbrt  of  M&nkot;  approach  him,  where 
the  path  is  narrow,  under  the  pretext  of  demanding  justice,  and 
then  kill  him  !  ^  This  person  went  to  the  summit  of  a  hill,  and 
posted  himself  in  a  place  where  only  one  man  could  pass  at  a 
time.  When  Isl&m  Sh&h  reached  that  narrow  passage,  he  was 
preceded  by  some  of  his  attendants  and  followed  by  others. 
The  aforesaid  assassin  approached  the  King,  demanding  a  hear- 
ing. As  he  did  so,  and  when  he  was  close  to  him,  he  drew  a 
short  sword  which  he  had  kept  concealed,  and  struck  at  Islim 
Sh&h,  who  was  slightly  wounded  in  the  neck  and  fingers.  Isl&m 
Sh&h's  extraordinary  valour  induced  him  to  spring  from  his  horse, 
and  grapple  with  his  assailant,  whom  he  threw  down,  and  then 
wrested  his  weapon  from  him.  Daulat  Kh&n  TJji&I&  beheld  all 
that  took  place  from  the  rear,  and  came  as  swift  a^  the  wind  to 
the  assistance  of  His  Majesty.  He  took  the  man  out  of  the 
King^s  hands,  saying,  ^'  If  you  will  allow  me,  I  will  take  charge  of 
this  person."  Islam  Sh&h  replied,  ^*  He  will  be  the  cause  of  the 
rain  of  many.  Put  him  quickly  to  death.  He  is  sure  to  accuse 
many  people  falsely  of  having  instigated  him  to  act  thus.  There 
is  no  benefit  to  be  derived  from  keeping  him.^  Daulat  Kh&n 
accordingly  killed  him  on  the  spot. 

There  arose  a  great  disturbance  amongst  the  troops  on  account 
of  the  wound  which  the  King  had  received,  and  the  people  said 
amongst  themselves,  "  The  King  has  been  killed  by  a  paik.** 
IsUUn  Sh4h  returned  immediately  to  his  camp,  and  remained 
seated  for  some  time  on  the  throne.  He  sent  for  the  sword  with 
which  the  man  had  wounded  him,  and  threw  it  down  before  the 
nobles.  They  all,  as  well  as  the  King,  perceived  that  the  weapon 
was  one  which  he  had  himself  given  to  Ikbdl  Kh&n.  This  Ikb&l 
Kh&n  was  called  Karamu-lla,  and  had  served  in  the  King^s  in- 
fimtiy.  Isl&m  Sh&h  had  patronized  him  and  promoted  him  to  the 
rank  of  a  noble.  The  King  summoned  him,  and  thus  addressed 
him,  ''I  raised  you  to  your  present  station,  because  I  believed 


496  'ABDU-LUL 

yoa  to  be  fiuthfiil  and  trustworthy ;  and  I  made  you  exttemelj 
wealthy.  I  am  ashamed  to  put  you  to  death,  beoause  yoa  are  i 
person  whom  I  have  raised  and  treated  kindly.  Thus  I  panish 
yoa.  I  degrade  yoa  from  yoar  dignity  and  position  as  a  noble, 
and  send  yoa  back  to  the  salary  which  you  formerly  reoeired  as 
a  foot  soldier.  Take  your  old  place  again."  The  T^ing  then 
repeated  this  verse : 

"  I  am  80  vexed  with  my  friends, 
I  will  never  take  one  even  to  save  myself  from  ruin ! " 

Certain  nobles  desired  to  place  Mub&riz  Kh&n,  who  possessed 
the  title  of '  Adali,  on  the  throne.  The  King  summoned  him  to  the 
presence,  but  said  nothing  to  him,  for  the  sake  of  Bibi  B&i. 
From  that  date,  the  suspicions  which  he  entertained  of  his  nobles 
led  him  to  treat  them  with  open  enmity,  and  to  take  measures  to 
overthrow  them.  He  directed  that  the  war  elephants  and  those 
nobles  in  whom  he  placed  confidence  should  keep  watch  and  ward 
over  his  tent. 

He  then  set  seriously  to  work  to  exterminate  the  Ni&zis.  When 
the  Ghakkars  had  been  rendered  powerless,  ^Azam  Hum&yiiu 
went  into  the  hill-country  of  Kashmir.  Isl&m  Sh&h  encamped 
beneath  Kait&li-shahr,  and  designed  to  pursue  the  Ni&zis  into 
Kashmir;  while  Mirza  Haidar,  the  Qovernor  of  Kashmir,  in 
order  to  gain  Isl&m  Shdh's  good-will,  blocked  up  the  road  against 
the  Ni&zis.^  'Azam  Hum&yun  perceived  that  the  King  was 
coming  in  his  rear,  and  that  the  Governor  of  Kashmir  had 
closed  the  path  on  ahead ;  being,  therefore,  unable  to  effect 
anything,  he  went  to  Kdjauri.  Isl&m  Shah  pursued  the  Ni&zis 
with  the  choicest  of  his  troops  as  far  as  the  village  of  Madad,  in 
the  territory  of  Naushahra,  where  he  was  terrified  by  the  dangers 
and  difficulties  of  the  mountain  passes,  and  thought  that  his  best 

^  It  must  be  remembered  that  the  Ni&z(s  are  pure  Afgh&ns,  from  whom  are  descended 
the  M(i8&'khail,  Tsd-khail,  Sambhal,  and  Sah&rang,  all  congregated  now  between 
the  towns  of  Makhad  and  Dera  Isma'il  Kh&n  on  the  Sind.  The  Khulasdtu-l  Arudh^ 
Firifthta,  and  aome  later  writers  seem  rather  disposed  to  regard  them  as  a  religiooi 
sect 


TARrKH.I  DXUDI.  497 

plan  would  be  to  make  peace.  With  this  view  he  sent  Saiyid 
Kh&n  and  'Abda-1  Malik,  who  were  two  of  his  most  trusted  and 
confidential  courtiers,  with  a  letter  to  ' Azam  Humdyun  and  the 
other  Ni&zis,  counselling  them  to  take  a  course  by  which  their 
interests  would  be  best  benefited.  'Azam  Humdyun's  son  and 
mother  were  then  surrendered  as  hostages  to  Isl&m  Sh&h,  and  he, 
taking  them  with  him,  quitted  the  defiles  of  the  hills,  and  en- 
camped at  Ban,  a  village  near  Si&lkot. 

Muhammad  Nazr  and  Sabr  'Ali,  the  King  of  Kashmir's 
governors  in  B&jauri,  plotted  to  carry  'Azam  Hum&yun  into 
Kashmir,  and  expel  Mirzd  Haidar  thence.  ^Azam  Hum4yun 
consulted  the  Afghans  who  had  accompanied  him  with  reference 
to  the  propriety  of  this  proceeding,  and  the  greater  portion  of 
them  counselled  him  to  consent  to  what  was  evidently  a  decree 
of  the  Almighty.  'Azam  Hum&ydn,  however,  refused  to  agree 
to  this  arrangement,  and  sent  a  brahman  to  Mirzd  Haidar,  with 
proposals  for  accommodation,  at  the  same  time  begging  for 
assistance,  and  giving  an  account  of  his  distressed  condition. 
Mirzd  Haidar,  who  was  a  youth  of  a  magnanimous  disposition, 
sent  a  large  sum  of  money  to  'Azam  Humdyun,  with  a  civil 
message.  'Azam  Hum&yun  marched  from  his  encampment  to 
the  village  of  Buzurg.  When  the  faithless  Kashmiris  saw  that 
'Azam  Hum&yun  was  unsuccessful,  they  turned  against  him  and 
deserted  him.  Some  of  them  went  over  to  Isl&m  Shdh.  Gh&zi 
Kh&n  Ghak  went  to  Mirz&  Haidar  and  told  him  that  'Azam 
Hnm&ytin  was  coming  with  a  body  of  Afghans  for  the  purpose 
of  seizing  Kashmir,  and  had  reached  the  pargana  of  B&nihdl,  and 
the  hills  of  Lohkot  and  Mdlwakot.  'fdi  Ratna,  Husain  M&kari, 
Bahram  Ghak,  and  Yusuf  Ghak,  were  ordered  to  attack  the 
Ni&zis  with  a  force  of  Kashmiris.  Both  sides  prepared  for  action^ 
and  a  fierce  contest  took  place.  Bibi  B&bi\  the  wife  of  'Azam 
Hum&yun,  fought  like  a  man,  and  smote  L&li  Ghak  with  her 
sword.  The  Kashmiris  were  very  numerous,  and  were  victorious 
over  the  discomfited  Afghdns.  ''Azam  Hum&yun,  Sa'id  EJb&n, 
and  Bibi  Babi  a  were  killed  in  the  battle,  and  the  men  of  Kashmir 

TOL.   IT.  82 


498  'ABDU-LLA. 

retained  sncceasfiil  to  Sirmagar.  Mind  Haidar  sent  the  beads  of 
the  Afgh&DS,  by  the  hand  of  Ya'kiib  Mir«  to  Isl&m  Sb&h,  who 
was  in  the  village  of  Ban,  near  the  river  Ghin&b,  and  who, 
well  pleased  at  the  termination  of  the  Ni&zi  rebellion,  marehed 
back  homewards. 

A  bout  this  time  Mirz&  K&mr&n  fled  from  King  Ham&yfiji's 
Court,  and  sought  refuge  with  Isl&m  Sh4h.  K&mi£n  Mirz&  wu 
an  excellent  poet,  and  this  fact  had  repeatedly  been  a  snbjeel  of 
conversation  in  Islfim  Sh&h^s  presence.  At  their  first  interriew, 
Isl&m  Sh4h,  with  the  view  of  testing  K&mr&n's  skill,  repeated 
three  couplets :  one  composed  by  a  poet  of  'Ir&k,  the  second  by  one 
of  the  learned  of  Hindust&n,  the  third  was  an  A%h&n  production. 
He  then  asked  for  an  explanation  of  them.  K&mr&n  Mind  said, 
^^  Do  you  question  me  concerning  the  beauties  of  the  poetry,  or  do 
you  wish  to  know  who  the  poets  are  P ''  After  this  K£mtin 
Mirz&  said  ''  The  first  couplet  which  you  redted  was  written  by  a 
Mughal  of  ^Ir&k ;  the  second  by  a  poet  of  Hind ;  the  third  is  by 
an  Afgbdn  poet."  Isl&m  Sh&h  praised  the  excellence  of  Mini 
E&mrdn's  knowledge  and  understanding  before  all  that  assembly. 
After  this  occurrence,  Isl&m  Sh&h,  although  he  meant  him  no 
good,  by  the  advice  of  certain  nobles,  continued  to  treat  thai 
prince  with  fitting  distinction.  Nevertheless,  the  Mirz&  fled 
from  Isl&m  Sh&h's  presence  into  the  Siw&lik  hiUs,  and  jQrom 
thence  went  into  the  Ghakkar  country.  All  this  is  related  in 
detail  in  the  histories  of  King  Hum&yun's  reign. 

Isl&m  Sh&h  proceeded  by  uninterrupted  marches  fix>m  the 
village  of  Ban  to  Dehli,  where  he  remained  for  some  months.^ 
One  day  when  in  Dehli  Isl&m  Sh&h  had  applied  leeches  to  hii 
neck,  when  intelligence  reached  him  that  Hum&yun  had  crossed 

1  While  here  upon  this  occasion  the  IHHkh-i  Khdn^ahdn  (MS.,  p.  204)  says  tiut 
he  set  about  building  the  fort  of  Salimgarh,  on  the  banks  of  the  Jamna,  o^Mste 
Dinpan&h,  which  had  been  erected  by  Hum&ydn ;  and  that  in  the  time  of  the  aniiMr 
Sallmgarh  was  occupied  by  Shaikh  Farfd  Bukh&rf.  K%  ordered  a  wall  to  bt 
built  round  Hum&y(in's  Dehli;  which  is  likewise  mentioned  by  Firishta.  IM 
Emperor,  on  his  restoration,  made  but  an  ungrateful  return,  by  proscribing  the  niio* 
of  Salimgarh,  and  substituting  that  of  Ndrgarh,  as  more  euphonious  to  his  royal  ein* 
We  have  rarely  occasion  to  accuse  this  mild  Kmperor  of  mdictiTeness. 


TARIKH.!  DAUDr.  499 

the  IfiUh  and  entered  Hindnst&n.  At  this  moment  an  Afgh&n 
musician  was  nnging  this  verse,  and  accompanying  himself  on 
the  rubdb : 

^  When  the  whole  nniyerse  is  inimical  to  me. 
If  you  befriend  me,  why  should  I  be  afraid  ?  " 

Isl&m  Sh£h  said  to  those  who  were  present,  ^^  This  good  news, 
which  my  guardian  angel  has  sent  me,  is  the  best  omen  of  success 
I  can  have/'  He  paid  no'  attention  to  the  selection  of  an  au* 
spicious  moment  for  departure,  nor  did  he  consult  the  astrologers, 
but  immediately  freed  his  neck  from  the  leeches,  and  mounted  his 
horse,  and  determined  to  sustain  the  royal  honour.  Oa  the  first 
day  he  made  a  march  of  three  kos.  He  was  always  accompanied 
by  his  artillery ;  but  on  account  of  the  haste  with  which  he 
started  on  this  expedition,  oxen  were  not  procurable  in  the 
villages  near  Dehli.  He  did  not,  however,  wait  for  their  arrival, 
but  directed  that  the  connnon  people  should  pull  the  gun  car- 
riages*  He  had  300,000  of  these  individuals  employed  on  this 
service ;  150,000  of  whom  were  provided  with  mattocks  for  the 
purpose  of  entrenching  the  camp.  Each  gun  was  pulled  by  2000 
men  on  foot.^  He  went  in  person,  with  great  speed,  to  Lahore ; 
but  King  Hum&ytin  had,  previous  to  Isl&m  Sh&h's  arrival,  re- 
ceived his  brother  K&mr4n  Mirzi  from  Sult&n  ^dam  Ohakkar, 
and  returned  with  him  to  K£bul. 

Isl&m  Sh&h  advanced  as  far  as  Lahore,  and  returned  ftom  that 
place  to  Gw&lior,  where  he  amused  himself  with  hunting.'    He* 

*  The  Makhtan-i  Jfghdni  says  there  were  sixty  large  gvan ;  that  each  gun  was  drawn 
hj  1000  men ;  and  that  he  marched  twelve  koa  a  day,  the  artillery  always  reaching  the- 
grmmd  before  anything  else  came  up.    The  Tdrikh-i  Khdn^Jahdn  says  there  were 
SOfOOO  dzanght-men,  and  that  each  gun  required  from  1000  to  2000  men.    [See 
Snikine,  toI.  ii.,  p.  469.] 

*  Ahmad  T&dg&r  (MS.,  p.  343)  says  plainly,  that  Isl&n  Sh&h  remained  two  years 
It  Lahore,  and  that  when  the  rumours  of  Hum&yiln*s  approach  had  died  away,  he 
osme  to  Dehli,  where  he  huilt  '^  Isl&mgarh,  opposite  to  Dinpan&h,  in  the  middle  of 
tiie  waters  of  the  Jumna,  so  that  no  fort  should  be  so  strong  in  all  Hindust&n,  for  it 
looks  as  if  it  was  cut  out  of  one  stone.''  After  remaining  some  months  at  Agra,  he 
letomed  to  Gw&lior.  The  Makhzan-i  Afghdni  says  that  on  his  return  to  Gw&lior, 
wbioh  followed  immediately  on  his  arriTal  from  Ludi&na,  ht  ordered  the  arrears  of 
pay  for  two  whole  years  to  be  disbursed. 


500  'ABDU-LLA. 

was  one  day  hunting  in  the  diBtrict  of  Antri,  when  certain 
Afgh&n  nobles,  who  were  ill-disposed  towards  him,  lidd  an  am- 
buscade on  his  road,  with  the  intention  of  injuring  him  ;  bat  as 
his  life  was  not  destined  to  close  so  soon,  he  went  back  by  another 
route,  and  was  informed  the  same  evening  of  the  meditated 
treachery.  He  caused  Bah&u-d  din,  Mahmud,  and  Mad&ka,  the 
chie&  of  the  conspirators,  to  be  seized  and  punished.  After  thii 
Isl&m  Sh&h  became  more  mistrustful  than  ever  of  his  nobles,  and 
seized  and  imprisoned  or  put  to  death  all  those  whom  he  chiefly 
suspected.  One  day  he  said  to  his  wife  Bibi  Bai,  ^^  I  have 
cleared  the  road  for  your  son,  but  your  brother  Mub&riz  Eh&n 
is  still  a  thorn  in  his  way.  If  you  wish  for  your  son's  life,  say 
that  you  desire  your  brother  to  be  put  out  of  the  way."  Bibi 
B&i  answered,  ^^  My  brother  is  a  man  who  loves  his  pleasure 
and  dissipation,  and  has  always  passed  his  Ufe  in  looking  after 
musical  instruments,  and  listening  to  tunes ;  he  has  no  head  for 
government."^  Isl&m  Sh&h  endeavoured  with  great  skill  and 
ability,  by  adducing  strong  proofs,  and  by  beneficial  advice,  to 
induce  her  to  be  of  his  opinion  ;  but  this  ignorant  woman  refused 
to  consent  to  what  Isl&m  Sh&h  said,  although  it  was  all  for  her 
benefit.' 

When  Isl&m  Sh&h  saw  that  his  wife  had  followed  her  own 
foolish  opinion,  he  despaired,  and  said,  ''  You  know  best.  Your 
son  is  in  great  danger  from  Mub&riz  EJh&n,  and  you  will  in  the 
end  understand  what  I  have  just  said."  Saying  this,  he  left  the 
apartment,  and  ordered  the  Gw&Iior  captives  to  be  punished  in 
the  following  way.  He  directed  them  to  be  placed  in  a  building 
filled  with  gunpowder,  which  was  then  to  be  fired.  This  was 
done  in  the    manner  commanded  by    His   Majesty.      All    the 

^  Ahmad  T&dg&r  (MS.,  p.  344)  calls  liim  Mamrez  Kb&n,  and  sayi  that  he  feigned 
madness,  in  order  to  avoid  the  death  or  hlinding  which  would  otherwise  necesstrilj 
have  been  his  lot  It  was  for  this  reason  only  that,  like  Hamlet,  "  he  pat  ai 
.antic  disposition  on/' 

'  Admirable  moralist!  thus  to  censure  a  sister  for  not  mnrdering  her  brother. 
Subsequent  events,  however,  showed  that  such  a  fate  would  not  have  been  on* 
^eserred. 


TiCBIKH-I  DAUDr.  501 

prisoners  were  blown  into  the  air,  and  their  limbs  scatto^ed,  with 
the  exception  of  Kam&l  Kh&u  Ghakkar,  who  was  seated  in  a 
comer  of  the  dwelling,  and  who  was  preserved  by  the  favour  of 
the  Almighty.  When  Isl&m  Shfih  was  told  of  this  wonderful 
circumstance,  Kam&l  Eh&n  was  brought  from  that  place  into  the 
presence  by  the  royal  command,  and  an  oath  was  administered  to 
him  that  he  would  in  future  be  a  loyal  subject,  and  only  think 
how  he  could  best  benefit  His  Majesty's  service.  Eam&l  Kh&n 
consented  to  everything  that  Isl&m  Sh&h  said,  and  was  set 
at  liberty.  After  this,  Isl&m  Sh&h  advanced  Kamdl  Eh6n 
Ghakkar,  and  in  a  short  time  made  him  one  of  the  diief 
grandees,  appointed  him  to  perform  special  and  important 
services,  and  exalted  and  made  him  joyful  by  heaping  royal 
&vours  on  his  head.  His  prosperity  and  dignity  were  vastly 
increased. 

Nearly  at  the  same  time  he  sent  one  of  bis  courtiers,  who 
was  in  an  indigent  condition,  to  perform  a  certain  service, 
in  the  hope  that  his  circumstances  would  thus  be  bettered. 
This  perscm  acted  throughout  the  business  with  conscientious 
integrity,  and  after  transacting  it,  returned.  On  another  occa- 
sion he  told  the  King  how  honestly  he  had  behaved.  Isl&m 
Sh&h  was  at  that  time  severely  disposed  towards  every  one, 
and  only  repeated  the  following  verse  in  reply : 

"  When  you  bestrode  the  horse  of  good  fortune, 
If  you  did  not  put  him  to  his  speed,  what  con  a  man  do  for  you  ?  "  ^ 

They  say  that  during  Isl&m  Sh&h^s  reign  a  darweah.  Shaikh 
'Al&i  by  name,  created  a  great  disturbance  by  openly  professing 
the  religion  of  the  Mahdi,  and  led  many  people  astray.  He 
collected  an  innumerable  host  o(  fakirs  and  darweshea  about  him, 
and  was  in  the  habit  of  traversing  the  bdzdr%f  and  forbidding  by 
every  means  in  his  power  all  acts  contrary  to  the  precepts  of  the 
Kur'&n.     His  sect  had  its  head-quarters  at  Bay&na.     At  length, 

^  Admirable  morality  again !    A  king  blaming  one  of  his  provincial  officers  for  not 
plundering  the  poor  people,  and  feathering  his  own  nest. 


1 


502  'ABDU-LLA. 

by  the  advice  of  his  murshid,  he  set  forth,  accompanied  by  six  or 
teven  thousand  followers,  with  the  intention  of  performing  the 
pilgrimage  to  Mecca.     When  he  arrived  at  Khaw&spnr,  which 
is  in  the  Jiidhpur  territory,  Khaw&s  Kh&n,  who  has  before  been 
mentioned,  came  forth  to  meet  him,  and  joined  him.    When 
Isl&m  Sh&h  heard  of  these  events,  he  summoned  him  to  the  pre- 
sence.    The  Shaikh  perceived  that  the  King  was  attended  by  % 
select  party  of  his  nobles ;  nevertheless,  he  did  not  behave  as  it  is 
becoming  to  do  in  the  presence  of  royalty.    He  merely  made  the 
customary  salutation,  at  which  the  King  was    displeased,  and 
showed    his  disgust    by  the    manner  in  which  he    answered 
^'  'AlaikU'S  Saldm.*'     The  ceartiers  were  very  wroth  at  this 
conduct.       Mulld    ^Abdu-lla    Sult&npdri,    who    was    entitled 
Makhdumu-1    Mulk,   opposed  the  doctrines  of  Shaikh    'Alii, 
and  decreed    that    he  should    be    imprisoned.^      Isl&m    Sh&h 
assembled  a  great  number  of  the  learned,  and  directed  them  to 
inquire  into  the  matter.    Shaikh  'AldPs  great  eloquence  enabled 
him  to  overcome  all  his  opponents  in  argument.     Isl&m  Shah 
said,  ''  0  Shaikh,  forsake  this  mode  of  procedure,  in  order  that  I 
may  appoint  you  censor  (muhtasH)  of  all  my  dominions.    Up  to 
the  present  time  you  have  taken  upon  yourself  to  forbid  without 
my  authority;  henceforth  you    will  do  so   with  my   consent." 
Shaikh  'Al&i  would  not  agree  to  this ;   and  Isl&m  Sh&h,  refusiug 
to  listen  to  the  suggestions  of  Makhdumu-1  Mulk  with  reference 
to  the  Shaikh^s  punishment,  sent  him  to  Hindia. 

Bih&r  Kh&n  Sarw&ni,  who  governed  that  district,  embraced, 
with  all  his  troops,  Shaikh  ^AI4i's  views.     Makhdumu-1  Mulk 

^  This  decree  appears  to  have  been  giyen  in  the  year  955  h.,  according  to  the 
Tdrikh-i  Khdn-Jahdn  (MS.,  p.  207).  Some  additional  particulars  will  be  foond  ii 
that  work  and  in  Firishta ;  but  by  others  it  is  cursorily  noticed,  or  not  at  all,  though 
it  must  have  created  great  agitation,  as  all  such  ferments  do  in  India.  Witoen  that 
of  Saiyid  Ahmad,  from  the  expiring  embers  of  which  some  northern  zealots  still 
manage  to  kindle  the  flame  of  fanaticism.  These  sectaries  were  commonly  known 
as  the  ^'  Ohdzi  Mahdh.^  They  threw  their  property  into  a  common  stock,  and  manj 
deserted  their  families.  Some  of  them  even  went  so  far  as  to  kill  any  one  whom  tbej 
considered  to  be  engaged  in  the  commission  of  sin.  They  had  made  so  many  magis* 
trates  and  chiefs  converts  to  their  doctrines,  that  for  a  long  time  they  committed  their 
Atrocities  with  impunity.    [See  Erskine,  vol.  il,  p.  480.] 


TABIEH-I  DAUDr.  603 

related  this  circamstaDce  in  his  most  argent  manner,  and  gave 
the  King  intimation  of  the  disturbances  which  were  taking  place. 
Isldm  Sh&h  again  sammoned  the  Shaikh  from  Hindia,  and  this 
time  ordered  a  larger  assembly  of  Mall&s  than  the  former  to 
meet  and  investigate  his  doctrines.  Makhdumn-l  Mulk  said, 
*^  This  man  desires  to  role  the  country,  he  wishes  to  attain  the 
rank  of  Mahdi,  and  the  Mahdi  is  to  govern  the  whole  world. 
The  entire  army  of  His  Majesty  has  taken  part  with  him ;  it  is 
Tery  likely  that  in  a  short  time  this  country  will  be  much 
injured.'' 

Isl&m  Sh&h,  for  the  second  time,  paid  no  attention  to  what 
Makhddmu-1  Mulk  said,  and  sent  Shaikh  'Al&(  into  Bih&r,  to 
Shaikh  Badh,  a  learned  physician,  in  whom  Sher  Sh&h  had  placed 
mnoh  confidence,  and  respected  him  so  much  that  he  always  as- 
sisted him  in  putting  on  his  shoes  by  placing  them  before  him. 
Isl&m  Sh&h  did  this  with  the  intention  of  acting  according  to  what- 
ever decree  Sh^h  Badh  might  give.  At  this  time  Isl4m  Sh&h 
was  in  the  Panjdb,  busied  with  the  erection  of  the  fort  of  M&nkot. 
Shaikh  Badh  gave  a  decision  similar  to  that  of  Makhddmu-l 
Mulk,  and  made  it  over  to  the  King^s  messengers.  Whilst  this  was 
transpiring.  Shaikh  ^Al&i  was  seized  by  the  pestilence  which  then 
prevailed,  and  his  throat  became  ulcerated  to  such  an  extent 
that  the  instrument  used  for  applying  the  salve  penetrated  the 
abecess  to  the  depth  of  a  finger.  When  they  brought  him  before 
Isl&m  Sh&h,  he  was  too  weak  to  speak.  Isl&m  Sh&h  whispered  in 
his  ear,  and  advised  him  to  confess  that  he  was  not  the  Mahdi 
in  order  that  he  might  be  pardoned ;  but  Shaikh  ''Al&I  would  not 
listen  to  what  the  King  said.  His  Majesty,  losing  all  hope  of 
persuading  him,  ordered  him  to  be  scourged,  and  he  rendered  up 
his  soul  to  the  angel  of  death  at  the  third  blow,  in  the  year  956 
[1649  A.D.],  as  is  shown  by  the  chronogram  "  Zikru4  Allah,**  * 
It  is  commonly  reported  that  Shaikh  ^Al&i  repeated  a  stanza  in 
the  presence  of  Isl&m  Sh&h,  and  said,  '*  If  you  desire  to  com- 

^  Firiflhta  says  966  ▲.h. 


504  'ABDU-LLA. 

prebend  my  motives  for  these  actions,  meditate  on  this  verse  of 
Shaikh  Auhada-d  din  Kirm&ni : 

I  have  one  sonl,  and  a  thousand  bodies  I 

But  both  soul  and  bodies  belong  entirely  to  me. 

It  is  strange  I  have  made  myself  another." 
o  o  o  o 

Isl&m  Shdh  was  at  this  time  so  desirous  of  overthrowing  the 
great  chiefs,  that  he  thought  of  nothing  else  even  for  a  single 
moment.^  Some  of  the  great  nobles  conspired  together,  with  the 
intention  of  dethroninfi^  Isl&m  Sh&h,  and  raising  Mub&riz  Eh&n 
to  the  government.  Isl&m  Sh&h  was  informed  of  the  treason  of 
these  people,  and  immediately  endeavoured  to  assemble  them  in 
one  place,  and  there  punish  them.  The  aforesaid  chieft,  being 
warned  of  his  intention,  met  together,  and  entered  into  an  agree- 
ment not  to  present  themselves  at  the  darbdr  all  at  once,  but  to 
go  one  by  one.  They  thus  contrived  to  go  there  without  danger. 
Isl&m  Sh&h  was  day  and  night  thinking  and  planning  how  he 
might  best  put  them  to  death.  But  the  decrees  of  Providence  do 
not  change  to  suit  human  wishes  and  counsels,  and  he  was  taken 
suddenly  ill  and  confined  to  his  bed  in  the  fort  of  6w&lior,  by  a 
painfiil  retention  of  urine,  and  a  disease  of  the  bladder.  People 
say  that  he  was  afflicted  by  an  imposthume  in  his  privy  parts. 
He  never  mentioned  this  circumstance  to  any  one,  and  cauterized 
it  with  his  own  hand ;  but  by  doing  this,  he  injured  his  health, 
and  brought  on  great  suffering  and  weakness.  While  in  this 
state  Isl4m  Sh&h  abused  and  spoke  harshly  to  some  of  his  most 
intimate  friends  and  companions ;  and  when  the  King  came  to  his 
senses,  T4j  Kh&n  Kir4ni,  one  of  his  principal  nobles,  said  to  him, 
'^  May  the  King  prosper ;  this  day  I  have  heard  words  issue  from 
his  lips  which  he  has  not  been  accustomed  to  use.''  IsUm  Sh&h 
said,  *'  0  T&j  Kh4n,  I  had  great  confidence  in  my  own  strength, 

1  The  WdkCdt't  Muahtdki  (MS.,  p.  141)  says  that  during  two  or  three  j^tn 
he  never  presented  any  of  them  with  an  elephant.  He  seems,  indeed,  to  hsTe 
heen  particolarly  jealons  of  this  royalty.  It  will  be  seen  from  the  Extracts  from  the 
Tdrikh'i  Baddimi^  that  each  nobleman  was  only  allowed  to  retain  a  single  baggage- 
elephant. 


TABrKH-I  DAUDr.  605 

and  I  have  subdued  all  men ;  but  this  thing  is  stronger  than  I  am, 
and  I  find  myself  weaker  and  more  helpless  than  the  ant.  I  now 
know  myself !  **  After  this  he  summoned  Bibi  B&i,  and  said, 
^^  I  have  the  reins  still  in  my  hand,  and  have  as  yet  lost  nothing. 
If  you  desire  your  son  to  reign  after  me,  tell  me  to  do  it,  and  J 
will  cause  your  brother  Mub&riz  Kh4n  to  be  removed.^'  On  this 
BibI  B&i  began  to  weep.  Isl&m  Sh&h  said,  ''  You  know  best.'' 
And  then  suddenly,  as  he  was  speaking,  he  gave  up  the  ghost 
in  the  twinkling  of  an  eye,  and  departed  to  the  next  world 
in  the  year  961  h.^  Many  of  the  troops  who  were  not  aware 
of  the  King^s  illness,  on  receiving  the  unexpected  intelligence  of 
his  decease,  were  much  perturbed  and  distressed,  as  it  threw 
their  affistirs  into  confusion.  In  the  same  year  Sult&n  Mahmud 
Ghijar&tl  and  Niz&mu-l  Mulk,  of  the  Dekhin,  also  died,  and  the 
chronogram  *^  ZawdUi  Khusrawdn  ^'  gives  the  date  of  the  deaths 
of  these  three  sovereigns,  viz.  a.h.  961. 

Death  vanquished  three  kings  like  Khusru  in  one  year, 

Through  whose  justice  the  land  of  Hind  was  the  abode  of  security. 

One,  IsUm  Shah,  the  monarch  of  Dehli, 

Who  was  during  his  life-time  a  Sdhib-Kiran ; 

The  second,  Mahmud  Shdh,  the  Sultdn  of  Gujar&t, 

Whose  age  was  as  immature  as  his  reign ; 

The  third,  Nizdmu-1  Mulk  Bahri, 

Who  was  a  reigning  sovereign  in  the  Dekhin. 

If  you  ask  for  the  date  of  the  deaths  of  these  princes. 

You  will  find  it  in  the  words  "  Euin  of  Sovereigns." ' 

Sher  Sh&h  and  Isl&m  Sh&h  together  reigned  fifteen  years  and 
some  months,  and  then  quitted  the  world.' 


1  26th  Zi-l  hijja,  961  a.h.  (NoYember,  1554  a.d.).  This  is  the  date  of  the 
Makhaan'i  Afghdni  and  Tdrikh^i  Khdn-Jakdn.  The  latter  informs  ua  that  hia 
bodj  was  taken  from  Gw&lior,  and  deposited  at  Sahsar&m,  near  that  of  his  father. 

^  Zaw&Ui  Khutrawdn,    Firishta  says  his  father  wrote  this  chronogram. 

'  This  is  yerj  inexact  The  Makhzan'i  Afghdni  fixes  the  period  of  Isl&m  Sh&h's 
reign  at  eight  years,  nine  months,  and  seyen  days ;  and  giyes  the  date  of  his  death  as 
quoted  in  the  note  aboTe. 


506  *ABDn-LLA. 

T4i  Khan's  flight.— His  Defeat  by  'AdaU.—Ris  Defeat  by 
Himii. — SimiL*s  star  in  the  ascendant. 

On  T&j  Eh&n's  hasty  departure  firom  the  council  at  €hr41ior 
'Adal(  despatched  an  army  in  pursuit  of  him,  and  prepared 
to  follow  it  in  person.  'Adali  came  up  with  him  at  Ghhabri- 
man,  forty  kos  from  Jignky^  and  gave  him  a  defeat,  which 
compelled  him  to  fly  towards  Ghun&r.  On  his  way  thitha, 
he  had  seized  various  provincial  officers  of  'Adali,  and  obtained 
from  them  whatever  he  could,  either  in  money  or  goods.  He 
also  obtained  100  of  the  public  elephants  which  he  had  foimd 
foraging  in  the  parganas  near  the  river.  T&j  Kh&n  then  went 
to  'Im&d  and  Sulaim&n  and  Khw&ja  Ily&s,  his  brothers,  who 
governed  in  Khaw&spdr  Tdnda,  and  oihw  parganas  on  the  banb 
of  the  Ganges,  and  who  were  encouraged  in  their  diBaffectioo 
by  all  the  Afgh&ns  of  the  neighbourhood.*  'Adali  also  went 
to  Ghun&r,  with  the  view  of  bringing  away  his  treasure,  and 
despatching  an  army  against  the  revolted  Kir&nis.  Hhnd 
desired  that  a  large  body  of  elephants  might  be  attached  to  him 
during  these  operations,  in  order  that  he  might  at  once  cross  the 
river  and  punish  the  rebels.  Accordingly,  a  large  number  of 
these  animals  were  left  at  his  disposal,  as  well  as  a  powerfiil  force 
placed  under  his  absolute  command.  H(m6  drew  out  his  troops 
in  battle  array,  and  through  the  effect  of  some  skyey  influences, 
gave  a  complete  defeat  to  the  Kirdnis,  and  returned  glorioos 
and  triumphant  to  his  master,  who  received  him  with  great 
honour,  bestowing  upon  him  the  title  of  R&j&  Bikramdjit.  From 
that  period,  the  whole  management  of  the  Stat«  devolved  upon 
him,  and  so  entirely  did  he  assume  the  mastery,  that  no  public 
order  emanated  from  ^Adali,  who,  however,  remained  free  to 
regulate  his  own  bread  and  water,  and  retained  still  the  treasury 
and  elephants  in  his  own  charge.' 

1  [See  Erskine,  vol.  ii.,  p.  489.] 

3  All  this  is  confirmed  by  the  T^rikh-i  Khdn-Jahdn  (MS.,  p.  224). 

*  Here  foUowB  an  account  of  Ibr&him  £h&n  Sdr*s  defection. 


TABIKH-I  DAUDI.  607 

Ehniti  two  inctariea  over  Ibrdhim  Khan  Sir  near  A'gra. — 
Sis  Defeat  of  Muhammad  Khdn  Oauria. 

Ibr&him  on  his  flight  to  Sambhal,  after  his  defeat  by  Sikandar 
near  Xgnky  oi^ganized  a  new  force,  and  again  put  himself  in 
motion  towards  K&lpl.  'Adali,  when  he  heard  of  Ibr&him's 
arrival  at  E&Ipi,  sent  Himu  his  minister,  who  had  been  a  corn- 
chandler,  at  the  head  of  500  elephants  and  an  immense  park  of 
artilleiy,  towards  Agra  and  Dehli,  with  directions  that  he  should 
first  punish  Ibr&him,  and  then  advance  subsequently  to  Agra. 
Himii  met  Ibr&him  at  Agra ;  a  severe  battle  ensued,  in  which 
the  fermer  was  again  victorious,  and  Ibr&him  fled  to  his  father 
at  Bay&na.  Thither  he  was  pursued  by  Himii,  who  invested 
Bay&na  for  a  period  of  three  months. 

Meanwhile,  Muhammad  Eh&n  Sdr,  ruler  of  Bengal,  raised 
die  standard  of  opposition,  and  at  the  head  of  a  large  army 
advanced  with  the  intention  of  conquering  Jaunpur,  E&lpi,  and 
JCgrh.  ^Adali,  on  being  informed  of  this,  ordered  Himii  to  raise 
the  siege  of  Bay&na,  and  return  to  his  presence.  When  he 
had  reached  Marh&khar,  six  kos  from  Agra,  Ibr&him  came  up 
and  forced  him  to  action,  but  was  again  put  to  flight,  and  being 
ashamed*  to  return  to  his  &ther,  went  to  Patna,  where  he  fought 
with  B&mchand,  E&j&  of  that  place,  and  was  taken  prisoner. 
His  captor  seated  him  on  a  throne,  and  appeared  in  attendance 
upon  him  as  a  menial  servant,  with  joined  hands.^  Ibr&him 
remained  there  a  long  time,  and  then  went  to  Orissa,  which  is  on 
the  extreme  borders  of  Bengal,  where  he  was  treacherously  put 
to  death  by  Mi&n  Sulaim&n  Kir&ni,  who  had  sworn  before  Ood 
to  protect  him. 

Himii,  after  his  victory  over  Ibr&him,  returned  to  ^Adall,  who 
fought  a  severe  action  with  Muhammad  Kh&n  Gauria,  ruler  of 
Bengal,  at  Ghapparghatta,  eleven  koa  from  E&lp( ; '  who  being 

^  This  deference,  the  reason  of  which  is  not  yery  eyident,  is  also  Touched  for  hy 
the  Makhzan^i  Afghdni  and  Tdrikh-i  Khdn-Jahdn, 

s  It  is  not  quite  plain  from  this  passage,  hut  it  appears  from  the  corresponding 
statement  in  the  Makhzan-i  Afghdni  and  Tdrikh-i  Ehdn-Jahdn^  that  Hfmd  had  his 
ftill  share  of  this  yietory  also,  though  it  was  not  a  yery  glorious  one. 


508  'ABDU-LIX 

deserted  by  his  troops,  was  left  to  maintain  the  conqaest  akne, 

and,  consequently,  soon  fell  a  yictim  to  their  treachery. 

•  •  •  •  «  •  • 

Surrender  and  Death  of  Sikandar  Khan  S&r.-^'jDeaih  o/^AM* 
\  — Defeat  of  his  son  by  the  Mughah  of  Jaunpiir,  and  hU  9iib9eqml^ 

seclusion, — Midn  Sulaimdn. — BdyaM, — Ddiid  8hdh. — Hii  murder 
of  Lodi. — Sis  flight  from  Patna. — Death  of  Mun'^im  Khdn  aid  ^ 
Ddiid  Shah. — Conclusion, 


i 


;  1 


Sikandar  Kh&n  being  reduced  to  great  extremities,  sent  lu> 
son  'Abdu-r  Bahm&n  from  M&nkot  in  the  Siw&lik  hills,  to 
Akbar  B&dsh&h,  representing  that  he  had  committed  many 
.  offences,  on  account  of  which  he  dared  not  present  himself  at 
Court,  that  he  sent  the  few  rarities  he  had  with  him  as  a  peaee 
offering,  and  requested  leave  to  be  allowed  to  retire  to  Bengil 
and  pass  the  remainder  of  his  life  in  retirement.  Akbar  assented 
to  all  his  solicitations,  and  gave  him  leave  to  depart  to  Bengal 
Sikandar  died  three  years  after  this  surrender. 

As  for  ^Adali,  at  the  time  of  Himu's  death  he  was  at  Chnn&r, 
and  at  that  juncture  the  son  of  Muhammad  Kh&n,  bj  name 
Khizr  Kh&n,  ruler  of  Bengal,  who  had  assumed  the*  name  of 
Sult&n  Bah&dur,  advanced  with  a  large  army  to  avenge  the  blood 
of  his  father ;  and  'AdaU  proceeded  into  Bih&r  to  meet  him  aa 
far  as  Muugir.  Meanwhile,  after  leaving  Patna,  the  river 
Panpan,  which  is  in  M&ldrusa  (P),  flows  with  so  tortuous  a  course 
that  it  became  necessary  to  cross  it  several  times.  The  sun 
had  not  yet  risen  when  Sult&n  Bah&dur,  with  his  armj  in  array, 
made  an  attack  upon  'Adali,  and  sounded  the  kettle-drums  of 
war.  'Adali  had  only  a  few  men  with  him,  but  behaved  with 
considerable  gallantry.  The  action  was  fought  at  the  stream 
of  Surajgarh,  about  one  kos,  more  or  less,  from  Mungir,  and 
about  twelve  kos  from  Patna,  and  there  'Adali  was  defeated 
and  slain,  in  consequence  of  the  paucity  of  his  numbers,  in  the 
year  968  h.  (1560  a.d.),  after  a  reign  of  eight  years. 

When  the  news  of  this  calamity  reached  his  son  at  Chundr, 


TARr£H-I  DAlTDr.  509 

the  Afgh&n  nobles  unauimously  seated  him  on  the  Mamad. 
He  assumed  the  title  of  Sher  Shfih,  and  all  the  aipdhis  and 
nobles  renewed  their  oaths  of  allegiance.  They  represented 
that  if  they  were  now  to  go  out  and  demand  vengeance  for 
the  death  of  'Adali,  the  Mughals  would  spread  over  Hindust&n, 
and  subjugate  the  whole  country.  They  should  first  of  all 
conquer  Jaunpiir,  and  having  repulsed  the  Mughal  armies  from 
that  quarter,  after  that,  please  God  !  they  would  inflict  condign 
punishment  upon  Sultan  Bah&dur.  With  this  intent,  having 
first  read  the  fdtiha^  the  son  of  'Adali  set  forth,  with  20,000 
cavalry,  50,000  infantry,  and  500  elephants,  to  capture  Jaunpur. 
At  that  time  Kh&n  Zam&n  held  the  government  of  that  plabe 
under  Akbar  B&dsh&h,  and  conceiving  himself  quite  unable  to  . 
cope  in  the  open  field  with  so  large  a  force,  he  collected  all  the 
means  necessary  for  defensive  operations,  and  suffered  himself  to 
be  invested  without  opposition.  The  Afgh&ns,  seeing  the  distress 
of  the  Mughals,  crossed  the  river  Sye,  on  which  Jaunpur  is 
built,  in  full  force.  Hasan  Kh&n  Bachgoti  and  Bukn  Kh&n 
Loh&ni  leading  the  advance,  made  an  immediate  attack  upon  Kh&n 
Zam&n ;  who,  putting  his  trust  solely  on  Him  who  could  defend 
him  in  the  hour  of  need,  sallied  from  the  fort,  with  4000  cavalry, 
and  fell  upon  the  Afgh&ns.  Fortune  had  so  fitr  entirely  deserted 
the  latter,  that  their  splendid  army  of  20,000  cavalry  and  50,000 
in&ntry  fled  before  the  4000  Mughals  in  such  a  crippled  state 
that  not  a  vestige  of  them  remained.  Immense  booty  fell  into 
the  hands  of  Eh&n  Zam4n.  The  son  of  'Adali  adopted  the  life  of 
a  recluse  after  this  signal  calamity,  and  no  one  knew  anything 
further  about  him. 

The  tribe  of  Afgh&ns  was  dispersed — some  became /aA:ir«,  and 
some  attached  themselves  to  Mi4n  Sulaim&n  Eir&ni.  The 
Mi&n  styled  himself  Hazrat  'Ali,  and  brought  the  greater 
portion  of  Bengal  under  his  sway.  Kings  and  other  chie&  sent 
offerings  to  him,  and  Akbar  B4dsh&h  offered  no  opposition  to  his 
claims.  On  the  death  of  Sulaim4n,  his  eldest  son  B&yazid 
succeeded  his  father.     This  prince,  being  of  a  haughty  disposition, 


510  'ABDU-LUL 

not  only  neglected  to  imitate  his  father  in  his  kindly  method  of 
treating  his  self-snfficient  Afgh&ns,  but  did  his  best  to  distrai 
and  hamiliate  them.  He  showed  a  desire  of  getting  rid  of  his 
father's  coartiers.  On  this  accoant,  several  of  the  noUes  joined 
themselves  with  the  son-in-law  and  nq>bew  of  Hazrmt  'iOf,  int 
latter  of  whom,  by  name  Has6,  was  of  weak  intelleefc,  and  prt 
Mi&n  B&yazid  to  death.  Mian  Lodf,  a  grandee  of  Ifiia 
Salaim&n,  who  held  the  chief  authority  in  the  State,  gained  orer 
the  Afghans,  and  raised  D&6d,  the  youngest  son  of  Hazrat  'Ali, 
to  the  throne,  with  the  title  of  D&ud.  D&6d  Sh&h,  having 
opened  the  door  of  enjoyment,  indulged  in  int4>xicating  drinks^ 
and  thus  sowed  the  seeds  of  dissension.  He  would  oflen  repeat 
this  verse : 

"  If  my  father  is  dead,  I  am  the  guardian  of  the  world  1 
I  am  the  inheritor  of  the  crown  of  Sulaiman. 

He  then  proceeded  to  attack  Jaanpur  with  his  A%h&ns,  and 
despatched  Lodi  before  him  with  an  innumerable  force.  Lodi 
first  attacked  Zam&nia,  which  had  been  built  by  Kh&n  Zamin. 
It  was  reduced  to  a  desert,  and  no  signs  of  cultivation  remained. 
Mun'im  Eh&n  quitted  Jaunpur,  and  when  he  saw  that  the  A%hin 
army  was  large,  and  the  Mughals  few  in  number,  he  opened,  by 
way  of  augury,  the  Diwdn  of  Khwdja  H&fiz,  who  is  called  the 
Jjisdnthl  Ohaib,  or  ''  tongue  of  the  inscrutable,''  and  found  this 
verse: 

*'  0  King,  amongst  the  beautiful,  render  justioe  to  the  grief  of 
my  loneliness, 
My  heart  is  sorely  distressed  through  your  absenoe,  it  is  time 
that  you  should  return," 

Mun'im  Eh&n^  sent  this  couplet,  together  with  an  account  of 
what  had  occurred,  to  King  Akbar,  who  despatched  an  immense 
army  to  Mun'im  Kh&n's  assistance,  and  also  followed  it  in  person. 
D&ud  Sh&h  arrived  in  Mungir  from  Bengal,  and  there  he  allowed 

^  He  was  general  of  the  Imperialists,  and  his  title  was  Khdn^kh&ndn, 


TABTKH-I  DAVm.  511 

nnjiistifiable  suspicions  to  enter  his  head.  Many  persons  en- 
deavoured to  impress  on  him  that  Lodi  would  certainly  try  to 
make  T&j,  the  nephew  of  Hazrat  ^Ali,  king,  because  Lodf  had 
been  long  attached  to  that  family,  and  had,  moreover,  betrothed 
Ilia  own  daughter  to  him.  D&dd  Sh&h  caused  his  own  eoosin 
TAsuf  to  be  slain  at  Mungir,  and  became  very  suspicious  of 
Lodf. 

When  Lodi  perceived  the  evil  disposition  of  D&ud,  he  made 
peace  with  Mun'im  Kh&n,  and  expressed  a  wish  to  be  taken  to 
King  Akbar.  Jal&l  Kh&n  S&dhauri,  and  B&jd,  sumamed  the 
^  Black  Mountain,''  deserted  Lodi,  presented  themselves  before 
D&dd,  and  related  what  had  happened.  Daud  Sh&h  then  opened 
his  &ther's  treasury  to  the  army,  and,  by  the  advice  of  G6jar 
Kh&n,  addressed  a  farmdn  to  Lodi,  in  which  he  said,  *'  You  are 
in  the  place  of  my  father  Mi&n  Sulaim&n.  All  my  power 
depends  on  your  wisdom  and  valour.  My  army,  treasury,  and 
artillery  are  all  at  your  command.  Endeavour  by  all  the  means 
in  your  power  to  put  this  race  of  Mughals  to  shame.''  When 
Lodi  learned  the  contents  of  this  farmdnj  his  heart  was  moved 
by  the  soft  and  flattering  words  of  D&dd,  and  he  again  joined 
his  party.  Thus  deceived  Lodi  left  the  Mughals,  and  allied 
himself  to  D&ud,  who  being  a  young  and  hasty  man,  possessed  of 
but  little  sense,  desired  to  kill  him,  and  thought  that  his  doing 
BO  would  be  beneficial  to  the  State.  After  a  short  time,  Dk&d 
wrote  to  Lodi,  and  told  him  that  he  required  his  presence  imme- 
diately, as  he  wished  to  consult  him  on  some  important  business, 
and  that  he  must  come  quickly,  accompanied  only  by  his  two 
ffokils.  On  receiving  this  letter,  Lodi  said  to  his  friends,  *'  I 
perceive  an  odour  in  this  summons  which  portends  no  good  to 
.me."  Having  said  this,  he  went  to  D&dd,  who  at  first  treated 
him  with  great  respect,  but  afterwards  determined  to  imprison 
him,  which  he  eflFected  by  treachery.  ♦  *  ♦  Dddd  Sh&h 
thoughtlessly  listened  to  the  advice  of  Katlu,  who  recommended 
the  death  of  Lodi,  and  causing  that  pillar  of  the  State  to  be  put 
to  death,  he  thus  destroyed  his  empire  with  his  own  hands. 


f 
I 

I         ! 
I 

I         t 


612  rABDU-LLA. 

A  still  greater  dispersion  of  the  A%h&iis  took  pUoe  after 
the  murder  of  Lodi,  and  Mun^im  Kh&n  took  advantage  of  the 
opportunity  to  advance  against  the  S6ba  of  Bih&r.  Sh&h  Akbar 
proceeded  from  Agra  to  Patna,  the  inhabitants  of  which  place  he 
put  to  the  sword.  Sh&h  D&ud  remained  a  few  dajs  in  the  fbrt 
t  of  Patna.     At  kst  Elatlu  gave  him  some  narcotic  draught,^  pot 

him  into  a  boat,  and  then  escaped  with  him  on  the  riyer  Ghmges. 
At  this  period  Akbar  captured  many  elephants.  Many  A%h&iu, 
who  were  with  Gujar  Kh&n,  were  drowned  in  the  Panpan  rirer, 
about  two  ko9  from  Patna.  Akbar  pursued  D&iid  as  far  as 
Dary&pur,  and  returned  from  thence,  having  first  laid  the 
foundation  of  a  mosque  in  that  place ;  whilst  Mun'im  Ehin, 
accompanied  by  the  best  officers,  continued  the  pursuit  of  D4ui 
Several  encounters  took  place  between  Sh&h  Dadd  and  Munla 
Eh&n.  My  heart  urges  me  to  give  a  detailed  relation  of  these 
events,  but  I  must  be  brief.  At  last  D&ud  and  Mun^'im  Kh&D 
made  peace,  and  met  at  Mun'im  Khan's  tents,  confirming  the 
truce  by  the  grasping  of  hands. 

The  changeful  climate  of  Bengal  caused  the  plague  to  break 
out  in  the  Mughal  army  which  remained  at  Gtiur;  manj 
distinguished  officers  gave  up  their  lives  into  the  hands  of  the 
angel  of  death.  Mun'im  Kh4n  also  died  of  that  epidemic' 
Sh&h  D4ud  again  issued  forth  after  the  death  of  Mun'im  Elh&n, 
in  whose  place  Kh&n  Jah&n  Kh&n  was  appointed  governor 
War  again  broke  out  between  these  two  chiefs ;  and  on  the  15th 
day  of  the  month  Babi'u-s  s&ni,  in  the  year  of  the  Hijra  988,^  the 
army  of  the  Mughals  being  firmly  determined  either  to  slaj 
D4ud  or  fall  themselves,  met  him  in  the  battle-field ;  where,  after 
many  valiant  rencontres,  the  Kdld  Pah&r,  or  "  Black  Mountain,^ 
who  led  the  advanced  guard  of  the  Afgh&ns,  was  repulsed  and 

*  This  was,  as  we  learn  from  the  Makhzan-i  Afghdnl  and  Tdrikh-%  KTuin-Jahdn^ 
because  he  was  opposed  to  his  nobles,  with  respect  to  the  necessity  either  of  imme- 
diate flight  or  surrender. 

»  Firishta,  following  Ab(i-1  Fazl,  dates  Mun'im  Khkn's  death  on  the  9th  of  Rajab, 
983A.H.  (12th  October,  1575  a.d.). 

3  [Sic. ;  but  see  the  chronogram  in  the  next  page,  which  makes  it  983,  with 
which  Firiflhta  agrees.] 


TABIKH-I  DKVDT.  513 

slain.  The  Afgh&ns  were  then  put  to  flight.^  D&dd  Sh&h 
Kir&ni  was  brought  in  a  prisoner,  his  horse  having  fallen  with 
him.  Kh&n  Jah&n,  seeing  D&dd  in  this  condition,  asked  him  if 
lie  called  himself  a  Musulm&n,  and  why  he  had  broken  the  oaths 
which  he  had  taken  on  the  Eur'&n  and  before  God.  D&ud 
answered  that  he  had  made  the  peace  with  Man'im  Kh&n 
personally ;  and  that  if  he  had  now  gained  the  victory,  he  would 
have  been  ready  to  renew  it.  Kh&n  Jah&n  ordered  them  to 
relieve  his  body  from  the  weight  of  his  head,  which  he  sent 
to  Akbar  the  King.' 

The  date  of  this  transaction  may  be  learnt  from  this  verse. — 
Mulk  i  Sulaimdn  zi  Dditd  raft  (983  h.,  1575  a.d.). 

From  that  period  the  dominion  of  Hindust&n  departed  from 
the  tribe  of  Afgh&ns,  and  their  dynasty  was  extinguished  for 
ever.  In  lieu  of  which  arose  the  star  of  Akbar  Sh&h's  supremacy 
over  the  whole  country. 

^  All  these  eyenti  will  be  oonfidered  in  greater  detail  under  the  eyents  of  the 
Tim6iian  period. 

'  The  Makhzan-i  Afghdni  represents  that  this  defeat  was  entirely  owing  to  the 
treachery  of  Katltl  Loh&ni,  who  was  rewarded  by  the  settlement  upon  him  of  some 
porganat^  by  withdrawing  from  the  field  at  a  fayourable  juncture.  D&Cid  is  said  by 
the  same  authority  to  haye  been  slain  in  action.  All  this  is  confirmed  in  the  Tdrikh^i 
Khdn-Jahdn.  D&tid  Sh&h  is  also  said  in  the  Makhean'i  Afghdni  to  haye  been  dis^ 
tinguished  by  his  integrity  and  propriety  of  behayiour;  but  we  find  nothing  in 
hii^ry  to  warrant  this  eulogium.  It  does  not  appear  that  the  power  of  the  Loh&ni 
Afgh&ns  entirely  expired  with  D&(id  Sh&h,  for  we  find  his  younger  brother,  £hw&ja 
'Usm&n,  maintaining  a  fruitless  struggle  for  twenty  years  against  the  Mughals, 
which  was  not  finally  concluded  till  ▲.h.  1021,  in  the  reign  of  Jah&ngir.  The 
treacherous  'KaX\A  also,  as  was  to  haye  been  expected,  turned  his  arms  against  those 
to  whom  he  had  sold  his  country.  More  will  be  found  respecting  these  transactions 
in  the  Tdrikh-i  Khdn-Jahdn  and  the  Timiirian  histories  by  any  one  anxious  to 
extend  his  inquiries. 


VOL.   IV, 


514 


APPENDIX. 


A.— NOTES  ON  THE  MATLA'U-S   SA'DAJN. 

I  [Thx  Editor  is  indebted  to  Col.  H.  Yule  for  some  notes  < 

Matla'u-B  Sa'dain,  which  did  not  reach  him  in  time  for  inser 
their  proper  place. 
r  Page  96.  ''  The  ninety  dties  of  the  islands  of  Di^wah-MahaEL 

Sir  n.  M.  Elliot's  reading  Jyj^  Col.  Yule  considers  the  w< 

Quatrem^re's  MS.  to  be  preferable,  viz.,  yj^    Shahr-i  a 

;  "  New  ciiy,"  a  name  by  which  Siam  was  known  to  the  Malaj 

the  mariners  of  the  Persian  Golf  in  the  middle  ages. 

P.  96.  "  Zirbad."  "This  is  a  phrase  translated  from  the  1 
meaning  *  below  the  wind,'  or  'leeward,*  and  is  applied  1 
Malays  to  the  countries  east  of  the  Straits  of  Malacca.  The  e 
sion  occurs  in  the  ^Aln-i  Akhari,  Blochmann's  translation,  p.  9 
the  true  meaning  is  not  there  given  to  it"  It  is  also  used  i 
well-known  Bdgh-o  Bahdr,  and  there  it  seems  to  apply  to  Bi 
end  other  countries  between  India  end  the  Straits. 

P.  103.  "  Bandana."  "  In  spite  of  Bandana  handkercliiefs,  it 
no  such  port  as  this  in  Malabar.  I  have  no  doubt  the  real  w 
'Fandaraina*  or  *Fandar^a.'"  See  note  in  Joum.  Boyal  A 
Society,  vol.  iv.,  p.  345.  Quatremere's  reading  was  **  Bendia 
The  MS.  of  the  East  India  Library  agrees  with  Sir  H.  E 
reading  ^\xj  Beuidana. 

P.  113.  "  Zaitun."    "  This  is  the  name  of  the  Chinese  city  w: 
satin  was  brought,  hodie  Thsiuancheu  or  Chincheu,  and  my 
is  that  our  word  satin  came  from  Zaitun." 

P.  124.  "  Bdknur."     "  This  reading  of  one  of  the  MSS.  i 
correct  one.    It  is  the  port  in  Northern  Malabar,  called  Bacc 
t  by  our  old  voyagers." — See  Cathay,  and  the  Way  thither. 


ODES  OP  'UNSimr.  515 

B.— ODES  OF  'UNSUEF. 

[Abu-1  Easim  Hasan  bin  Ahixmd  'Unsurf,  of  Balkh^  rose  to  a  high 
position  by  the  exercise  of  his  poetioal  talents.  He  was  one  of  the 
poets  entertained  at  the  Court  of  Mahmud  of  Ghaznf.  They  are  said 
to  Lave  been  400  in  number.  He  was  reckoned  their  chief,  and  it 
was  his  duiy  to  read  and  report  upon  the  productions  of  the  poets 
who  sought  for  the  patronage  of  the  Sovereign.  He  wrote  a  series 
of  Odes  describing  the  victories  of  the  Ghaznivides,  of  which  the 
following  is  an  Extract,  translated  by  Sir  H.  M.  Elliot  He  died  in 
431  or  441  h.  (1039  or  1049  a.d.).J 

Ode  in  praise  cf  Sulidn  Mahmud  GhaznivL-^-^aipdi. — Multdn, — 
Thdnesar, — The  ^Replay  of  booty  from  India^ 

Oh  I  thou  who  hast  heard  of  the  virtues  of  kings  from  history, 
oome  hither  and  clearly  discern  the  virtue  of  the  Ehusru  of  frdn.. 
^  ^  ^  If  thou  regardest  his  face,  thou  wilt  find  it  more  auspicious 
than  that  of  the  sun.  If  thou  regardest  his  wealth,  thou  wilt  find  it 
more  abundant  than  the  sand  of  the  desert  or  the  drops  of  a  shower.* 
The  son  resembles  the  father  ;  for  when  the  matter  is  so  excellent 
that  which  {Hxx^eeds  from  it  must  be  equally  so.  In  whatever 
business  he  undertakes,  he  acts  like  a  hero ;  he  is-  swift  ta  hunt 
lions ;  the  line  of  his  army  is  as  indissoluble  as  a  ring ;  when  he 
rides  he  is  as  much  a  psu^  of  his  horse  as  sugar  dissolved  in  milk 
forms  one  liquid.  The  eye  of  day  is  blinded  by  the  dust  raised  by 
his  steed ;  from  its  neighing  the  ear  of  heaven  is  deafened.  His 
£unily  around  him  are  like  the  army  of  Ydjuj  ;  his  troops  are  aa 
firm  as  the  wall  of  Sikandar.  With  his  body  erect,  his  heart  filled 
with  revenge,  his  sword  drawn,  he  resembles  an  enraged  male  lion 
pursuing  ks  prey.  The  attack  of  the  King  <^  the  World  haa 
exterminated  his  enemies  root  and  branch,  as  the  blast  when  it 
destroyed  the  tribe  of  *Ad.  The  foundations  of  his  fort  are  as  strong 
as  iron,  and  its  bastions  are  as  lofty  as  heaven.  When  men  walk 
along  its  ramparts,  you  would  say  they  were  taking  their  way  along 
the  galaxy. 

Thou  hast  heard  the  account  of  Jaipal,  the  King  of  the  Hindus, 
who  was  exalted  above  the  other  chiefs  of  the  world.    His  army 


516  APPENDIX. 

was  more  numerous  tlian  the  stars  of  heaveii ;  the  stones  on  the  &06 
of  the  earth  did  not  equal  it,  or  the  drops  of  rain.    His  soldiers  liad 
so  imbrued  their  hands  in  blood,  that  their  swords  were  as  red 
as  the   morning  dawn.     Hadst  thou  seen  his  spears  gleamii^ 
like  tongues  of  flame  through  blaok  smoke,  &ou  wooldst  haye  aid 
his  host  was  dispersed  in  the  wilderness  of  helL    Sense  fled  from 
the  brain  at  fear  of  him ;  and  the  light  of  the  eye  was  confoimded. 
The  Lord  of  Khurasan  dispersed  in  his  attack  the  whole  of  that 
army  on  the  plain  of  Peshawar.    Thou  knowest  the  history  of  kii 
expedition  to  Multan,  or  if  thou  knowest  not,  consult  the  "  Crown  of 
Victories."  ^    In  the  Shdh-ndma  will  be  read  the  story  of  Fandiin 
crossing  the  Tigris  without  a  boat    The  tale  may  be  true,  or  it  may 
not  be  true ;  if  thou  knowest  it  to  be  not  true,  put  no  &ith  in  d» 
narrative.    But  [Mahmud]  crossed  the  Ghandaha,  the  Sihun,  the 
Bahwali,  and  Behat,*  yet  he  had  neither  boat  nor  anchor,  notwith« 
standing  that  thought  could  not  fathom  their  depth,  and  the  breeid 
was  unable  to  pass  over  their  breadth.    On  his  road  to  Multan  he 
took  two  hundred    forts,   each   of  which  was   a  hundred  timei 
stronger  than  Ehaibar.'     As  the  King  passed  from  the   right  to 
the  left,  he  dispersed  all  his  foes,  and  in  his  contempt  regarded 
them  as  vile.    Their  armour  was  shattered,  their  bodies  wonnded, 
their  hopes  depressed,  their  swords  broken,  their  hearts  confounded, 
their  shields  oast  away.     Vestiges  of  the  blood  of  his  enemies,  which 
the  Shah  spilt,  still  remain  in  that  country,  for  its  air  is  full  of 
clouds  and  its  soil  bright  red.     He  marred  the  beautiful  gardens  of 
Gang  and  Thanesar,  because  they  were  places  of  pilgrimage  tp  the 
Hindus.     He  threw  down  the  idol's  head  at  the  entrance  of  the 
plain  of  Ghaznfn,  because  it  was,  as  it  were,  the  helmet  of  Hind. 
o  o  o  The  enemy's  blood  will  flow  for  years  over  the  wide  plains 
of  that  country.     The  mother  who  has  witnessed  the  battles  of  that 
region  will  bring  forth  no  more  children  through  affright ;  for  the 
feet  of  the  camels  and  the  swords  of  the  warriors  are  yet  red  with 
the  blood  of  the  inhabitants. 
No  one,  except  God  the  giver,  can  rightly  enumerate  the  booty 

^  The  fkmoixs  work  by  Ab6-1  Fazl  Baihakf. 

'  The  Chin&b,  the  Indus,  the  BIlyI,  and  the  Jelam. 

^  A  lamoiLB  fortrera  in  Arabia. 


0DB8  OP  'UNSimr.  517 

whioH  the  Prince  of  'Ajam  brouglit  back  witli  Hm*  In  one  direct 
line,  as  far  as  Balkh,  it  was  displayed ;  and  the  road  became  like 
one  sardi,  fitted  up  with  the  puppets  of  Barbar.  Villages  and  towns 
became  distracted  at  the  oolonrs  and  odours  arising  from  the  strings 
of  rabies  and  the  balls  of  ambergris.  Baghdad  could  not  produce  such 
rarities,  nor  Shustar  [Susa]  such  beauties.  The  sand  of  the  deserts 
18  not  greater  than  were  the  heaps  of  jewels  piled  up  before  the 
King  of  the  World.  If  this  surpasses  belief,  read  the  "  Crown  of 
Victories,"  the  text  of  which  is  a  necklace,  and  its  commentaries  like 
pearls.  The  Shah  of  Khurasan  has  conquered  all  his  opponents  hy 
the  help  of  God,  in  a  manner  which  no  one  amongst  men  has  done 
before  him.  Though  the  moon  shines  in  a  dark  night  and  is  very 
brilliant,  yet  it  pales  before  the  light  of  day.  Though  every  Shah 
may  say, ''  I  am  aloe- wood,  because  I  also  am  of  the  same  nature,"  yet 
that  only  can  be  known  when  tested  in  the  fire  and  censer.  000 
Who  upon  this  eairth  resembles  the  King  in  excellence?  What 
thorn  resembles  the  pine  and  cypress  ?  Princedom,  nobility, 
"wealth,  and  religion  are  excellent  through  his  possession  of  them,  as 
trees  are  valuable  through  the  fruits  they  produce.  As  long  as  in 
every  time  men  throughout  the  world  are  affected  by  pleasure  and 
sorrow,  by  the  decrees  and  preknowledge  of  Qod,  may  the  life  of  the 
King  of  the  World  endure,  and  his  wealth  be  abundant,  his  heart  at 
ease,  and  his  hand  upon  the  wine  and  cup ! 

Ode  in  eelebration  of  Sultdn  Mdhm^td. 

Hail  I  Lord  of  Khurdsan  and  son  of  perfection,  on  whom  Almighty 
Qod  has  bestowed  dignity  and  pomp.  Thou  art  the  right  hand  of 
the  State,  from  whom  the  State  has  acquired  honour,  the  asylum 
of  the  faith,  from  whom  the  faith  has  derived  splendour.  Qod  has 
abolished  mortality  from  the  creation,  in  order  to  secure  the  eternity 
of  his  government.  The  tree  of  his  liberality  has  risen  to  heaven, 
every  leaf  of  which  is  dignity,  and  every  fruit  is  wealth.  From  the 
utmost  bounds  of  the  sea  and  land  he  has  united  in  his  donations  all 
the  munificent  largesses  which  have  ever  been  scattered  over  the 
earth.  If  you  look  at  his  face,  your  heart  will  be  gladdened ;  if  you 
hear  his   name,   you  may  consider  it   a   happy   omen.  *  *  *  In 


518  APPENDIX. 

Tnrkistan  there  are  no  houses  which  he  has  not  saddened ;  in  Bud 
there  are  no  cities  which  he  has  not  levelled  witk  the  groani 
Wherever  there  is  wisdom,  wherever  there  is  exceUenee,  eveiy  om 
takes  an  example  in  both  from  thee.  Wisdom  has  no  value  till  it 
derives  approval  from  thee ;  excellence  makes  no  impressioii  till 
it  draws  its  model  from  thee,  o  o  o  o  From  fear  of  tiiM 
the  heart  of  the  infidel  becomes  black ;  the  heart  of  the  piou  ii 
illumined  by  the  light  of  thy  religion.  Before  thy  bene&otiooi 
are  made,  a  request  is  issued  that  they  might  meet  with  aoo^- 
asnce.  If  I  were  not  to  wish  for  a  long  life,  in  order  to  tecre 
thee,  all  that  I  possess  in  the  world  which  is  lawful  would  change 
its  nature. 

a— DrWi«T-I  SALMAN. 

[Khwaja  Mas'ud  bin  Sa'd  bin  fialman  wrote  poems  in  piain  of 
the  Qhaznivide  sovereigns  Mas'fid,  Ibrahim,  and  Bahrfan  ShflL 
A  few  facts  respecting  his  life  are  to  be  gathered  from  his  worio. 
He  suffered  a  long  imprisonment,  for  he  speaks  of  the  nineteenth 
year  of  his  incarceratioD.  His  writii^  throw  some  light  ixpcfa  the 
Ghaznivide  period.  He  died  in  525  h.  (1131  a.d.)  aooording  to 
some,  and  in  520  h.  (1126  a.d.)  according  to  others.  The  following 
translations  are  the  work  of  Sir  H.  M.  Elliot] 

EXTRACTS. 

The  conquest  of  Tabarhinda,  B^iria,  and  Ohor. 

00000090 

As  power  and  the  strength  of  a  lion  was  bestowed  upon  Ibrahim 
by  the  Almighty,  he  made  over  to  him  the  well-populated  country 
of  Hindustan,  and  gave  him  40,000  valiant  horsemen  to  take  the 
country,  in  which  there  were  more  than  1000  rdU.  Its  length  extends 
from  Lahore  to  the  Euphrates,  and  its  breadth  from  Kashmir  to 
the  borders  of  Sist^n.  o  o  o  What  enemy  has  held  any  fort  in 
Hindustan  who  has  not  by  the  power  of  the  Sult^  been  placed  in 
chains  ?  The  rdjda  and  rdU  with  their  armies  had  raised  that  fort 
to  the  heaven  of  Saturn ;  but  when  the  army  of  the  Sh^h  turned  hifl 
face  towards  it,  all  their  joy  was  turned  to  sorrow,  all  their  advan- 


BTWAN  OP  SALMAN.  619 

tage  to  loss.  ^  o  o  q^Q  gQo^  fortune  of  the  King  oompelled  the 
enemy  to  oome  oat  of  the  fort  in  a  supplicating  posture  to  plead  for 
mercy.  Tabarhinda  is  stronger  than  Nursadna,^  and  no  place  is  so 
strong  as  these  two  in  the  world.  Imagination  cannot  conceive 
anything  so  strong,  and  its  defenders  were  innumerable.  No  breath  of 
Isldm  had  blown  in  that  region,  nor  any  fragrance  of  the  truth  visited 
the  land,  o  e  e  Almighty  GJod  gave  him  victory  over  the  people, 
which  had  not  been  attained  by  any  former  kings.  The  army 
of  the  King  destroyed  at  one  time  a  thousand  temples  of  idols, 
which  had  each  been  built  for  more  than  a  thousand  years.  How 
can  I  describe  the  victories  of  the  King  ?  I  am  not  able  to  sound 
all  his  praises.  I  will  mention  only  a  few,  as  I  cannot  recount 
them  alL 

One  is  the  conquest  of  Buria.  I  will  record  it  in  verse,  but  it 
would  require  a  thousand  diwdm  to  do  it  justice.  'Udu '  became 
greatly  alarmed  when  he  saw  the  soldiers  of  the  King  of  the  East. 
The  sun  and  moon  became  dark  from  the  dust  raised  by  the  horses. 
The  fish  and  cow '  felt  the  burden  of  his  army  heavy.  He  leaped 
into  the  water  like  a  fish  when  he  learnt  that  the  King's  sword  was 
death,  and  there  was  no  escape  from  it  The  King  had  collected  some 
wooden  boats  for  the  fight,  which  floated  on  the  flowing  stream  like 
crocodiles.  He  placed  on  each  two  hundred  horsemen.  •  o  o  'Udu 
was  drowned  in  the  river  with  his  army  like  Pharaoh,  and  the  King 
became  victorious  like  Moses.  'Udu  was  defeated,  and  his  magic 
was  of  no  avail  against  the  dragon-like  sword  of  the  King  of  the 
World. 

One  hundred  thousand  tongues  could  not  describe  the  conquest 
of  Ohor,  and  the  condition  of  Muhammad  'Abbas.  The  fort  was 
strong  and  lofiy,  and  as  free  from  the  chance  of  removal  as  the 
mountain  of  Sihldn  (Ceylon). 

I  Another  copy  reads  NauBit&ra.  Tabarhinda  may  be  read  Barhanda  or  Sirhinda, 
[and  is,  as  we  have  seen  in  former  parts  of  this  work,  an  old  name  of  Sirhind,  see 
mprd,  p.  11.] 

>  One  copy  has  'TJmar  in  one  place,  as  the  name  of  the  mler  of  B6ria,  which  still 
exists  on  the  banks  of  the  Jnmna ;  bnt  though  'Udd  means  also  an  enemy  generally, 
yet  it  resembles  a  Hindu  name,  and  occurs  too  frequently  to  be  merely  a  repetition  of 
**  the  enemy." 

'  In  allusion  to  certain  absurd  Muhammadan  notions  given  in  the  Ma'dlimU't 
TansH,  and  other  commentaries  and  works  on  Cosmogony. 


620  APPENDIX. 

Hie  capture  ofDIumgdm  and  Jdlandkar. 

The  narratives  of  thy  battles  eolipse  the  stories  of  Bnstas 

Isfandiyar.    Thou  didst  bring  an  army  in  one  nig^ht  from  Dha 

to  Jalandhar.     The  hills  were  alarmed,  and  the  clouds  astoni 

The  horses  and  oamels  stood  ready.       They    galloped  ovei 

narrow    road    and    floundered    in   the    river    throogh    the  < 

ness  of  the  night      The  doads  around  formed   thrones  of 

and  rivulets  of  blood  flowed  in  all  the  rayines.      The  stan 

\  were  flying,  and  the  spears  had  their  heads  as  sharp  as  thorns 

t     ^  the  army  of  the  Magog  of  mercy  made  firm  his  tents  upon  the 

1  in  a  line  like  the  wall  of  Alexander.  ^  o  •  «  Thou  remained] 

a  short  time  on  the  top  of  the  hills,  thou   wert  but  a  m< 
I  involved  in  the  narrow  defiles.    Thou  didst  direct  but  one  ai 

i     .  and  by  that  alone  brought  destruction  upon  the  ooontry.    I 

morning  meal  not  one  soldier,  not  one  Brdhmany  remained  un 
or  uncaptured.  Their  heads  were  severed  by  the  carriers  of  r 
Their  houses  were  levelled  with  the  ground  by  the  flaming 
^  ^  ^  A  fleet  messenger  oame  from  Dhang&n,  announcing  th 
thousand  turbulent  people,  horse  and  foot,  had  collected. 
didst  take  the  road  by  night,  and  wast  surrounded  by  ^ 
warriors.  The  enemy's  heart  quailed  because  of  thy  coming. 
didst  pass  on  without  stopping  with  thy  foot-soldiers  like  the 
Thou  didst  proceed  till  the  noise  of  the  clarions  of  Sair  S 
arose,  which  might  have  been  said  to  proclaim  his  despair,  an 
responded  to  by  those  of  Bu  Nasr  Parsf,  which  announce 
victory  to  all  quarters.  *  *  *  He  fled  unto  the  river  Ra 
dread  of  thy  approach,  and  there  he  was  drowned,  €ind  desc 
into  the  infernal  regions ;  and  well  do  I  know  that  this  end 
have  been  less  appalling  than  the  daily  fear  which  he  enter 
of  the  destruction  which  awaited  him.  Henceforth  thou  8h< 
consider  that  the  Kawa  had  done  thee  service,  and  it  shou] 
reckoned  as  one  devoted  to  thy  will.  If  such  a  place  be  conq 
during  this  winter,  I  will  guarantee  the  conquest  of  every  v 
near  Jalandhar.  I  am  the  meanest  of  slaves,  and  hold  bi 
exceedingly  small  office,  but  make  thou  over  to  me  the  accom 

*  The  same  two  similes  occur  in  a  line  of  'Unsuri  in  an  ode  in  praise  of 
MahmCid. 


DrWAN  OF  SALMAN.  621 

ment  of  this  business.  The  rdU  and  soldiers  will  not  dare  to  revolt, 
and  rt^da  from  fear  of  thee  will  proffer  their  allegiance.  By  the 
help  of  God,  and  by  the  force  of  thy  prosperity,  will  I  extirpate  the 
practices  of  idolatry  from  this  country.  I  will  make  the  slain  kiss 
the  earth  to  the  very  gate  of  the  fort.  I  will  make  a  string  of  slaves 
kiss  the  earth  to  the  banks  of  the  Bawa.  o  o  •  Thou  hast  secured 
victory  to  thy  country  and  to  religion,  for  amongst  the  Hindus  this 
achievement  will  be  remembered  till  the  day  of  resurrection.* 

00000009 

The  author  laments  the  condition  of  his  family. 

For  sixty  years  this  slave's  father,  Sa'd  bin  Salman,  served  the 
State,  sometimes  in  distant  provinces  and  at  others  at  the  capital. 
I  have  a  young  daughter  and  a  son  and  two  sisters  in  the  land  of 
Hindustan.  My  daughter  has  become  blind  through  her  tears,  and 
my  son  has  no  employment.  There  are  forty-three  members  of  my 
family  who  are  dependent  on  thy  mercy,  and  pray  for  thy  prosperity 
and  welfare.  Oh,  thou,  who  deliverest  thy  people  from  evil,  relieve 
me  also  from  my  misfortunes.  From  the  strictness  and  darkness  of 
my  imprisonment,  my  heart  is  oppressed  and  my  disposition  is 
blackened.  Though  my  fault  is  exceeding  great,  yet  a  hundred 
faults  would  not  be  beyond  the  efficiency  of  thy  mercy. 


The  author  complcUns  of  his  imprisonment^ 

Arrows  and  swords  pierce  my  heart,  and  my  niece,  my  daughter, 
and  son  are  in  pain  and  sickness.  Day  and  night  my  heart  yearns 
towards  them.  My  mother  and  father  also  are  afflicted.  No  news 
reaches  me  from  them,  and  none  reaches  them  from  me.  I  am 
imprisoned  in  the  lofty  fort  of  Naf,  on  the  top  of  a  hill.  ©  ©  * 
Though  heaven  is  against  me,  yet  the  King  Ibrdhfm,  whose  praises 
I  sing,  is  just,  and  I  feel  no  grief. 

^  There  is  a  wildness  and  want  of  connexion  in  this  ode  which  renders  its  precise 
meaning  doubtful,  but  it  is  interesting  as  noticing  the  capture  of  Dhang&n  and 
J&landhar.  The  latter  place  is  well  known,  but  has  not  before  been  noticed  in 
Muhammadan  annals  The  position  of  the  former  is  doubtful,  but  the  description 
shows  that  it  must  have  been  far  within  the  hills.  These  conquests  appear  to  have 
been  effected  in  the  time  of  Ibr&him. 


622  APPENDIX. 

Prince  MdhmM  appointed  Oavemor  of  SKnd, 

At  the  silver  dawn  of  mom  a  zephyr  reached  me  from  the  palace, 
whispering  that  Abu-l  MuzafflBu:  Saltan  Ibrahim  had  bestowed  honour 
npon  Mahmud  Sh^,  by  appointing  him  to  the  goTemment  of  ffind. 
The  hhuiba  was  read  throughout  all  Hind  in  his  blessed  name,  and 
the  diadem  was  placed  upon  his  head.  ^  ^  ^  A  horse  was  bestowed 
upon  him  as  a  khiTcU.    May  it  be  attended  with  prosperity  for  him, 
and  may  he  be  established  firmly  on  the  throne  of  the  country  I    All 
the  astrologers  declared,  after  making  their  calculations,   that  it 
would  not  be  long  before  the  preachers  should  read  from  thor 
pulpits  the  name  of  Saifu-d  dawwU  (Mahmud),  King  of  ihe  SeTen 
Climates.    Bu  Bfh^,  five  years  previous  to  this,  declared  in  ^ 
book  called  Tc/Mm,  that  a  king,  lord  of  the  conjunctions,  would 
exist  upon  the  earth,  when  four  hundred  and  sixty-nine^  years  had 
passed  from  the  beginning  of  the  Hijra.     A  thousand  thanks  every 
moment  to  Qod,  that  he  has  given  us  a  puissant  and  meroifiil  kingl 

00009000 

The  capture  of  Agra. 

Oh,  Zephyr,  proclaim  the  great  victory  to  all  the  woiid.  •  •  • 
Thou  wert  thyself  present  and  saw  all,  why  need  I  tell  thee  what 
occurred  ?  Say  how  the  Lord  of  the  World,  the  Sword  of  the  State 
and  Beligion,  the  sovereign  of  the  great  and  small,  in  order  to  secure 
victory  to  Islam,  brought  a  valiant  army  from  the  capital  to  the  land 
of  Hind,  which  he  reduced  to  forty  thousand  horsemen,  in  order  that 
it  might  not  be  too  large  and  unwieldy.  •  •  •  He  disregarded  all 
other  forts,  and  passed  rapidly  over  the  ground,  sometimes  encamp- 
ing in  forests,  sometimes  on  broken  ground.  When  his  lofty 
standards  passed  the  river,  the  mirror-like  vault  of  heaven  was 
obscured  by  clouds  of  dust.  The  fort  of  Agra  is  built  amongst  the 
sand,  like  a  hiU,  and  the  battlements  of  it  are  like  hillocks.  No 
calamity  had  ever  befallen  its  fortifications,  nor  had  deoeitful  Time 
deeJt  treacherously  with  it.    When  it  was  surrounded  by  the  army, 

^  Literally  a  ia^  a  «tn,  and  three  jlmi^  according  to  the  niunerical  value  of  those 
letters ;  hut  the  chronology  seems  questionahle,  and  the  existence  of  BA  Bih&n  fixe 
years  proYious  makes  the  matter  still  more  doubtful,  unless  by  the  same  oomputation 
we  consider  the  pat^a  to  be  fifty-five  instead  of  fire. 


DrWAN  OF  SALMAN.  623 

it  looked  like  a  point  in  the  centre  of  a  circle.  The  battle  waxed 
warm  with  arrows  and  swords.  The  following  night  the  chiefis  of 
Jaipal  had  a  dream,  o  o  o  "^^Hien  the  moon  arose,  the  Amir  of 
Agra,  Jaip&l/  descended  from  the  top  of  the  rampart  to  the 
gate  of  the  fort  He  looked  towards  the  tent  of  Saifa-d  daula, 
and  made  his  reverence,  and  seizing  from  his  waist  his  holy 
thread,  held  it  up  with  both  his  hands.  He  sent  a  message 
to  the  King,  saying,  "  Oh,  great  sovereign,  I  have  committed 
a  fault,  and  I  am  ready  to  acknowledge  it.  I  proclaim  my 
allegiance.  Thou  art  my  lord.  I  wiU  relinquish  my  sins;  do 
thou  pardon  my  transgressions.  If  thou  wilt  grant  me  forgiveness, 
I  will  fill  up  a  heap  of  treasure  in  this  fortress."  The  King  of 
Kings,  the  Sword  of  State  and  Beligion,  replied,  ''  I  have  come  to 
this  country  to  prosecute  a  religious  war.  I  have  seen  oountless  forts, 
but  this  holy  army  has  taken  every  one  of  them  a  hundred  times 
over.  I  was  in  search  of  such  a  large  virgin  fortress  as  this,  which 
no  king  or  chief  has  yet  taken.  Now  that  my  heart  has  found  this 
fort  of  Agra,  I  will  bring  destruction  upon  it  with  my  swords  and 
arrows.  Other  kings  have  thought  only  of  silver  and  gold.  I  look 
for  nothing  but  pardon  from  the  Oiver  of  all  things."  He  then 
ordered  his  soldiers  to  the  attack,  saying  he  would  take  the  strong- 
hold by  the  help  of  Qod.  His  soldiers  surrounded  the  fort  of  Agra, 
and  made  the  day  appear  like  night  Without,  were  the  army  of 
Islam ;  within,  were  the  infidels.  The  stones  discharged  from  the 
mangonels  ascended  to  the  vault  of  heaven,  like  the  prayers  of  saints. 
I  saw  the  foot-soldiers  with  helmet,  coat  of  maU,  and  sword, 
creeping  up  like  snakes  to  defend  their  walls,  which  could  not  be 
destroyed  by  stones,  arrows  or  fire,  insomuch  that  you  would  have 
said  they  had  been  riveted  together  by  iron  nails.  A  thousand 
assaults  were  made,  but  their  hearts  did  not  quake;  a  thousand 
wounds  were  inflicted,  but  their  bodies  were  not  maimed.  The  fires 
which  they  threw  down  from  the  battlements  blazed  like  planets 
in  the  heavens.  Every  horseman  who  rode  surrounded  by  the 
flames  of  fire  escaped  from  the  eflects  of  it,  like  Ibrahim,  the  son  of 
Azur ;  and  the  red  element  blazed  round  him  like  a  garden,  o  o  o 
Several  days  elapsed,  and  there  was  no  respite  from  fightiiig  by  the 

1  Another  copy  reads  Bath&L 


624  APPENDIX. 

light  of  day  or  the  darkness  of  nigbi  ^  o  «  ThedarionBafMahmnd 
resounded  like  thunder  from  the  clouds.  From  behind  the  walls 
arose  the  cry  of ''  Strike,  strike."^  The  troops  of  the  Eling  made  an 
assault  together,  and  dragon-like  swords  defended  the  ramparta. 
The  fi&ulchions  of  the  holy  warriors  made  the  ground  of  Agra  flow 
like  a  river  with  the  blood  of  the  enemy.  •  o  o  j  gaw  the  Bang 
plunging  into  the  middle  of  the  fight  like  a  male  lion,  with  a  man- 
devouring  scimetar  in  his  hand.  ^  ^  ^  At  last,  firom  the  holy 
warriors  within  the  fort  arose  the  shout  of  "  Victory  to  our  Sovereigii 
Lord  Mahmud."  ^  ^  ^  Now  do  the  kings  from  all  quarters  send 
their  presents  unto  thee — ^loads  of  red  gold,  and  files  of  male 
elephants.  As  so  many  elej^ants  are  collected,  make  their  stablea 
at  Kanauj,  and  appoint  Ghand  B4i  to  take  charge  of  them.  May 
this  victory  be  propitious  to  thee,  and  mayst  thou  oapture  by  the 
sword  a  thousand  such  forts  as  these.  Thou  shalt  be  lord  throi^hoiit 

the  seven  climates,  as  this  conquest  over  the  infidels  testifies. 
oo«oooo« 

The  conquest  of  Mdlwd,^-The  author  describes  hU  former 

drcumstances. 

Thou  didst  depart  with  a  thousand  joyful  anticipations  on  a  holy 
expedition,  and  didst  return  having  achieved  a  thousand  victories. 
Thou  didst  encamp  at  pleasant  spots  in  each  province  in  the  hottest 
season  of  the  year.  On  this  journey  thy  army  destroyed  a  thousand 
idol-temples,  and  thy  elephants  trampled  over  more  than  a  hundred 
strongholds.  Thou  didst  march  thy  army  to  TJjjain ;  Malwd  trembled 
and  fled  from  thee.  Thy  encampments  were  gardens,  thy  roads 
were  groves.  On  the  way  to  Kdlinjar  thy  pomp  obscured  the 
light  of  day.  The  lip  of  infidelity  became  dry  through  fear  of  thee, 
the  eye  of  plural- worship  became  blind.  All  the  people  felt  alarm 
at  thy  army,  and  regarded  it  as  the  approach  of  the  day  of  judg- 
ment, o  o  o  Au  the  mothers  of  Turkistan  produce  children  to 
adorn  thy  Court.  All  the  mines  of  Hindustdn  increase  their  pro- 
duction of  iron  to  make  weapons  for  thy  wars.  The  wilds  bring 
forth  the  various  kinds  of  horses  for  thy  stables.  The  Bumfs  send 
cuirasses ;  the  Bussians  send  helmets ;   Bum,  Baghdad,  Wasit,  and 

^  Mdrd  mdr.    This  Ib  the  first  use  of  a  Hindust&ni  phrase  in  a  Persian  author. 


DXWJLN  OF  SALMAN.  626 

Sbustar  forward  the  ohoioe  robes  of  theur  manufacture.    At  all  times 

every  one  presents  as  many  valuable  things  as  his  means  admit. 

Who  is  able  to  show  a  living  ?  but  thou  art  able,  thou  destroying 

ohampion.    Olory  to  my  sovereign  lord,  and  may  he  long  Hve,  who 

has  a  son  resembling  him  in  greatness  and  power,  o  •  o  j^j  ^j 

Qovemment,  thy  actions,   thy  splendour,  and  the  kingly  power 

bestowed  on  thee  by  thy  father  be  propitious,  and  prove  a  blessing 

unto  thee.*  •  *  *  On  the  top  of  hills  my  youth  is  wasted  without 

any  repining.    My  verses  are  remembered  in  every  assembly ;  fresh 

mention  of  my  name  is  made  in  every  chamber.    The  justice  and 

munificence  of  the  Sultan  towards  me  are  great.     He  has  given  me 

bread  which  is  sufficient,  and  bestows  happiness  upon  me  without 

alloy.    My  affections  draw  me  towards  my  native  country,  my  love 

of  my  daughter  and  my  son.     When  I  was  in  Hindustan,  I  resided 

npon  the  estate  of  my  old  father.    The  slave  Bu  Nasr  appointed  me 

to  a  command,  like  other  ndihs.    But  I  was  not  a  nd(b,  inasmuch  as  I 

had  not  the  means  and  appliances  which  were  thought  sufficient  for 

them.     I  had  a  few  servants  very  black,  and  a  few  horses  very  thin. 

All  these  appurtenances  are  necessary  in  a  Government  to  enable 

the  administration  to  be  conducted  with  honour.    The  partridge  and 

hawk  do  not  fly  together ;   the  lion  and  antelope  do  not  associate. 

How  dare  the  turbulent  advance  their  foot  in  opposition  to  thy  power  ? 
«  o  o  o  o  o  o  o 

Prince  Mahmdd  congratul<Ued  on  hta  return  to  GhaznL 

Thanks  to  the  incomprehensible  Ood,  that  the  Amir  and  Shah  of 
Hindustan,  the  Sword  of  State  and  Religion,  the  honour  of  our  faith, 
Prince  Mahmud,  son  of  Ibrahfm,  has  returned  from  ELindustan  to 
the  Sultan,  the  just  lord  of  the  world.  •  o  o  'When  thou  camest 
over  the  deserts  in  the  month  of  Nisan  for  the  purpose  of  this  in- 
terview, thou  didst  cross  the  Chandraha,  the  Jailam,  the  Waihind, 
and  Mahminara,'  as  Moses  did  the  Nile  of  Egypt. 


^  This  alluBion  to  father  and  son  shows  that  this  ode  is  addressed  to  Prince  Mahmtid, 
the  son  of  Ibr&hlm. 

'  The  Indus  flows  under  those  two  towns.  This  portion  of  the  stream  is  now 
called  Attak  as  far  as  K&l&b&gh. 


526  APPENDIX. 

Cimqttest  ofKanauJ  by  JKiu'^d  HI. — The  author  bewaiU  hi$  eapHmUfi, 

and  excusei  himself. 

'Al&-a  daula  Mas'iid,  by  the  aid  of  Isl&m,  raised  a  tiiooBiad 
standards,  round  each  of  which  was  arrayed  a  gallant  army.  He 
tamed  his  face  towards  Hindast^n,  to  pioseoute  a  holy  war.  •  ^  ^ 
With  a  yaliant  army  of  Turks  and  others,  and  by  the  aid  of  the 
King,  they  took  Mulhi,  the  accursed  Gkxl-forsaken  Chief  of  Hbd. 
They  placed  chains  on  his  feet  and  a  collar  on  his  neck.  'Rubj 
carried  him  to  the  royal  presence.  Kanauj  was  the  capital  of  Hind, 
which  the  infidels  regarded  as  their  pol^star.  Its  story  is  not  con- 
cealed, for  it  was  the  Ea*ba  of  the  Samanis,  and  tiie  Kibla  of  tiie 
infidels.  The  treasures  of  Hind  were  oollected  in  it,  just  as  all 
rivers  flow  into  the  sea.^  Mulhi  had  soldiers,  wealth,  elephanti, 
and  arms :  conceive  therefore  what  else  he  had.  He  had  taken 
possession  of  Hiud  by  force,  for  he  was  the  Ea'ba  of  the  wicked,  and 
the  Kibla  of  the  infidels.  His  face  was  black,  his  deeds  demoniacal, 
his  religion  was  witchcraft,  his  disposition  that  of  a  tiger  begotten  of 
the  devil,  of  the  family  of  hell,  a  worshipper  of  idols.  •  •  •  He 
bounded  up  in  alarm,  and  had  such  fear  for  his  life  that  he  looked 
on  his  sacred  thread  as  the  folds  of  a  snake.  *  *  *  From  the  raining 
of  thy  swords,  the  garden  of  Hind  bloomed ;  the  bones  were  white 
as  jessamine,*  and  the  blood  red  as  a  rose,  o  o  o  q^^^  powerfal 
Lord,  it  is  now  nearly  ten  years  that  my  life  has  been  wasting  with 
sorrow  and  anguish.  My  body  has  become  as  thin  as  a  hair,  my 
heart  is  burning  and  my  chest  is  torn  with  my  long  blue  nails.  •  •  • 
Why  should  I  turn  my  face  away  from  thy  exalted  dynasty,  for  I 
have  been  a  slave  of  it  for  seven  generations.  Sa'd  Scdman  did 
service  for  fifty  years,  and  obtained  these  large  estates  with  difficulty 
and  made  them  over  to  me ;  but  my  enemies  have  taken  them  away 
from  me,  and  my  house  is  destroyed.  I  came  with  a  petition  that 
justice  might  be  done,  but  have  met  no  satisfaction.  I  know  no 
fault  or  crime  of  my  own,  but  my  deceitful  enemy  planned  my 
destruction.    No  one  has  ever  seen  me  throw  away  my  arms,  there 

^  His  hydrography  is  better  than  Bishop  HalTs,  who  makes  riTeiB  flow  from 
the  sea. 

'  There  is  a  play  upon  words  in  this  couplet,  **  Samanist&n  "  meaning  a  jeflsamioe 
garden,  as  well  as  a  country  of  Samanis,  and  in  another  passage  the  same  simile  ocean 
with  reference  to  a  battle-field. 


Mm  'ALT  BEER.  627 

was  daring  the  battle  a  sword  in  my  hand,  nor  have  I  shown  my 
back  in  flight,  and  in  the  disaster  an  arrow  penetrated  my  eye.  Let 
all  the  infidels  be  asked  if  I  did  not  serve  the  Shah  like  other  slaves. 
I  sing  thy  praises  like  a  nightingale ;  why  then  am  I  oooped  up 
like  a  hawk  in  a  hill  fortress  ? 

D.— Mrs  'ALr  SHEB. 

Mfr  'All  Sher,  or  'Alf  Sher  Amfr,  the  enlightened  minister  of 
Saltan  Hasain  of  Persia,  W6ts  bom  aboat  a.h.  844  (a.d.  1440). 

Mfr  'All  Sher  was  of  an  illustrioas  family  of  the  Ohaghatdi  tribe. 
His  father,  Bahadur,  who  was  a  man  of  deep  learning  and  scienoe, 
and  whose  chief  pride  it  was  to  give  a  finished  edacation  to  his 
children,  held  one  of  the  principal  offices  of  government  daring  the 
rei^  of  Sultdn  Abu-l  Kdsim  Babar,  son  of  Tim^,  and  'Alf  Sher 
was  himself  employed  at  Coart,  having  ingratiated  himself  with  this 
prince  so  much,  as  to  obtain  from  him  the  title  of  son.  He  gained 
this  favour  by  means  of  his  literary  accomplishments,  and  especially 
by  the  display  of  his  talent  as  a  composer  of  Turkish  and  Persian 
verses.  When  this  ][Hinoe  died,  Mir  'Alf  Sher  retired  to  Meshhed, 
and  subsequently  to  Samarkand,  where  he  devoted  himself  to  study. 
Some  time  afterwards,  Sultdn  Husain  Bahddur  Ehdn,  having  made 
himself  master  of  Ehurds^,  invited  Mir  'All  Sher,  with  whom  he 
bad  been  educated,  and  for  whom  he  entertained  a  great  affection, 
for  the  purpose  of  entrusting  to  him  the  administration  of  the 
Government. 

After  being  employed  in  the  capacity  of  diwdn  and  minister  for 
some  time,  love  of  study  induced  him  to  resign,  but  Husain  pre- 
vailed upon  him  to  accept  the  government  of  Astardbad,  which  also 
proving  too  busy  an  occupation  for  one  of  his  literary  tastes,  he 
resigned  it  after  a  short  period,  and  bidding  a  final  adieu  to  public 
life,  passed  the  remainder  of  his  days  in  composing  Turkish  and 
Persian  works,  of  which  Sdm  Mirz4  recounts  the  names  of  no  less 
than  twenty-one.  Though  himself  an  ambitious  author,  he  W6ts  &r 
from  being  jealous  of  the  accomplishments  of  others,  and  proved 
himself  one  of  the  most  eminent  patrons  of  literature.  Daulat  ShSh 
the  biographer,  Mirkhond  and  Khondamir  the  historians,  dedicated 
their  works  to  him ;  and  amongst  other  men  of  genius  who  were 


528  APPENDIX. 

oherished  by  his  liberality  may  be  mentioned  ilie  celebrated  pod 
Jamf.  He  patronized  also  soolpture  and  arohiteotnrey  and  aerenl 
edifices  dedicated  to  religion  and  humanity  were  raised  at  his  aok 
expense.  He  was  also  very  partial  to  music,  and  himself  composed 
several  pieces  of  merit,  which  are  said  still  to  maintain  their  credit 

His  collection  of  Odes  in  the  ChaghatiC,  or  pure  Turkish  dialed» 
which  he  wrote  under  the  poetical  title  of  Nudi,  amounts  to  ten 
thousand  couplets ;  and  his  parody  of  Niz^mi's  five  poemB,  containing 
nearly  thirty  thousand  couplets,  is  universally  admired  by  the  culti- 
vators of  Turkish  poetry,  in  which  he  is  considered  to  be  without 
a  rivaL 

In  the  Persian  language  also  he  wrote  a  collection  of  Odes  under 
the  poetical  tiUe  of  Fandi,  from  which  mji  Lutf  'Ali,  in  his  A'tUk- 
kadah,  has  selected  the  following  as  a  beautiful  specimen : 

**  0  you  who  say,  '  Don't  curse  Yazid,  for  possibly  the  Almi^^ 
may  have  had  merpy  on  him/  I  say,  if  the  Lord  pardoneth  aU  the 
evil  which  Yazid  did  to  the  Prophet's  descendants.  He  will  alio 
pardon  you,  who  may  have  cursed  him." 

'All  Sher  died  a.h.  906  (a.d.  1500),  five  years  before  his  rojal 
friend  and  master  Sultan  Husain  Mirza,  and  Ehondamir  has  ^^ 
corded  the  date  in  an  afifectionate  chronogram : 

"His  highness,  the  Amir,  the  asylum  of  divine  guidance,  in 
whom  all  the  marks  of  meroy  were  conspicuous,  has  quitted  the 
thorny  brake  of  the  world,  and  fled  to  the  rose-garden  of  pity. 
Since  the  '  light  of  meroy '  has  descended  on  his  soul,  those  words 
represent  the  day  of  his  departure."  ^ 


E.— MASNAD   'ALf   KHAWAS   KHAN. 

There  is  no  connected  account  of  this  officer  in  any  of  these  A^hin 
histories.    Those  who  treat  of  him  separately  fill  their  statements 

1  Compare  S.  de  Sacy,  Mem.  sur  div,  antig,  de  la  Perte,  M.  Qnatrem^re,  Jotirn. 
des  Savants,  1843,  p.  387.  Oesch.  d.  seh.  Red,  Pert,,  p.  310.  Notice*  et  ExtraiU  in 
MS8,,  torn.  iv.  246,  290,  ix.  121.  Biographical  Diet.  L.  U.  K.,  s.  t.  Joum.  Anatiqm, 
Jan.  1842,  p.  70.  Sir  G.  Ooseley,  Notices  of  Persian  Posts,  pp.  60-^3.  Price'i 
Retrospect  of  Mohammedan  History,  vol.  iii.,  p.  666.  Memoirs  of  Baber^  p.  184. 
Enkine's  Life  ofBaber,  yol.  i.,  p.  81.  Zeitsehrift  DeuUeh.  M.  OescU.,  toL  ii.,  242, 256. 
Dayid's  Turkish  Grammar,  p.  xxxTiiL  Biog,  Univ,  yol.  i.,  p.  665.  Sprenger'a  Bikicf.^ 
p.  9.     Tabakdt'i  Shdh^ahdni,  fol.  163.    Makhtanu-l  Ghardib. 


KHAWAS  KHAN.  529 

with  what  to  us  are  the  most  uninteresting  events  of  his  life.  Thus, 
in  the  Tdrihh-i  Khdn-Jahdn  (MS.,  pp.  187-190),  there  is  a  long  eulogy 
upon  his  great  Muhammadan  virtues,  and  especially  his  lavish  pro- 
digality^ in  behalf  of  lazy  fakirs.  The  Wdhi^dt-i  Mushtdki  (MS.,  pp. 
112-17)  gives  these  and  other  particulars ;  but,  notwithstanding  its 
prolixiiy,  is  not  complete  even  in  these  five  long  pages,  as  an 
hiatus  occurs  before  we  come  to  the  time  of  his  death.  The  TdrOch-i 
DdMi  (MS.,  pp.  291-7)  also  celebrates  his  indiscriminate  liberality 
to  these  sanctimonious  vagabonds,  and  gives  as  an  illustration  that  he 
had  no  less  than  2500  apartments  in  his  palace,  in  each  of  which  100 
of  these  obese  vermin  were  pampered  at  the  rate  of  two  sirs  of  com 
per  diem,  great  and  small.  Doubtless,  the  exaggeration  of  numbers 
is  enormous ;  but  admitting  even  one  hundredth  part  to  be  true,  it 
again  leads  to  the  reflection  which  similar  laudations  have  excited — 
What  misery  must  have  been  entailed  upon  the  wretched  plundered 
people  to  supply  the  extravagances  and  establish  the  piety  and 
benevolence  of  these  ostentatious  patrons  of  professed  devotees. 

With  respect  to  his  death,  this  work  simply  tells  us  that  he  was 
killed  without  having  committed  any  fault  In  short,  all  these 
authors  dwell  more  upon  the  excellence  and  liberality  of  his  cuisine, 
than  upon  his  tragic  end,  and  the  deliberate  perfidy  and  knavery  of 
the  base  king  at  whose  instigation  he  was  murdered*  There  is  no 
occasion  to  notice  any  of  the  political  events  of  his  life,  for  they  will 
be  found  frequently  mentioned  in  the  reigns  of  Sher  Shah  and  Islam 
Shah ;  but  it  is  curious  to  remark  that,  on  his  first  introduction  to 
public  life,  when  he  succeeded  to  the  title  of  Khawas  Khan,  upon 
the  occasion  of  his  elder  brother's  being  drowned  in  the  ditch  of  the 
fort  of  Gnur,  he  came  into  slight  collision  with  his  future  murderer 
Islam  Shah,  then  Prince  Jalal  Khan.  Khawas  Ehdn  urged  an 
immediate  attack,  to  which  Jalal  Khin  gave  his  reluctant  consent ; 
but  generously  attributed  the  victory,  when  gained,  to  the  courage 
and  energy  of  Kbawds  Kh£n.' 

It  has  been  remarked  at  p.  485,  how  confused  is  the  record  of  his 

^  This  will  be  found  translated  in  the  annotations  of  Dr.  Dom's  History  of  the 
Afghdns,  part  il,  pp.  106-8.  In  a  little  book  entitled  the  Shajrat  Afghdnia  (MS., 
p.  136),  this  profusion  is  attributed  to  Sher  Sh&h,  but  he  was  too  wise  and  practical  a 
man  for  such  follies. 

'  Suprd,  p.  360. 

VOL.  IV.  34 


530  APPENDIX. 

career  at  the  beginning  of  Isldm  SMb's  reign.  It  may,  thorefiire, 
be  necessary  to  mention  that,  after  flying  from  Mewat  with  all  bit 
artillery,  in  whicb  he  was  strong,  he  remained  some  time  in  Sirfaind, 
whither  'Azam  Humfyun  advanced  against  him  by  Isl^oa  Shih's 
orders,  with  40,000  men ;  bat  they  had  a  secret  understanding  witJi 
each  other,  and  Ehawds  Khan  retired  leisurely  on  his  advanoe,  and 
entered  Rohilkhand,  where,  after  for  a  long  time  desolating  the  rojd 
parganas  at  the  foot  of  the  Kamdun  hUls,  he  joined  the  Niazis  before 
the  battle  of  Ambdla,  and  on  the  day  of  action  deserted  them  on  tiie 
plea  of  their  wishing  to  exdnde  any  man  of  the  Sur  £amily  from  the 
succession  to  the  empire.  His  movements  here  appear  to  have  hem 
very  extraordinary,  for  instead  of  joining  Isldm  Sh^,  to  whom  he 
had  communicated  his  intentions,  and  from  whom  he  might  have  ex- 
pected to  receive  the  immediate  reward  of  his  perfidy,  he  again 
returned  to  his  haunts  under  the  hills,  and  finally  sought  the  pro- 
tection of  the  Bdjd  of  Eam^un,  who  conducted  himself  with  grest 
magnanimity  during  the  events  we  shall  now  have  to  record.  Ha 
entered  the  E^j^'s  country  by  the  pass  of  Dabar,  and  fixed  lus  re- 
sidence at  Alhahf.  Ahmad  Yddgdr  is  the  author  who  gives  by  far 
the  fullest  and  most  consistent  account  of  his  death  in  a  passage 
extending  from  pp.  336  to  342  of  his  history,  which  I  here  proceed 
to  abstract 

After  the  Edjd  of  Rajauri  had  presented  a  white  elephant,  and  so 
ingratiated  himself  with  the  King  that  he  was  reinstated  in  his 
territories,  IsMm  Shah  returned  from  those  parts,  and  remained 
some  time  at  Agra. 

Here  intelligence  was  brought  him  by  his  spies,  that  E^wls 
Khan  had  established  himself  upon  a  lofty  mountain  in  the  dominions 
of  the  Rdja  of  Kamaun,  who  had  assigned  him  some  villages  for 
his  support,  as  well  as  a  daily  allowance  of  cash.  Upon  this,  T£j 
Khan  Kirdni,  who  held  the  Suba  of  Sambhal,^  was  directed  to  use 
every  possible  means  to  get  the  refugee  into  his  power.  "  If  his 
hand  could  not  reach  there,  he  was  to  do  it  by  messages,  promising 
royal  benefactions — such  as  the  imperial  districts  at  the  foot  of  the 

^  This  ungrateful  scoundrel  had  owed  his  preferment  to  Khaw&s  Kh&n.  In  the 
subsequent  history  of  the  Afgh&us,  we  find  him  in  rebellion  against  his  li^e-lord,  and 
supporting  his  usurpations  by  the  same  means  of  lying  and  forgery  which  he  found  m 
successful  on  this  occasion. 


KKAWAS  KEAN.  531 

hills,  whioh  would  be  made  over  to  bim.  By  holding  out  hopes  such 
as  these,  T4j  Ehdn  might  he  able  to  send  him  in  ohains  to  Court" 

Several  messages  were  despatched  at  the  same  time  to  the  Bdj^ 
who  indignantly  replied,  '*  How  can  I  throw  into  fetters  a  man  who 
has  sought  my  protection  ?  As  long  as  I  have  breath  in  my  body,  I 
never  can  be  guilty  of  such  baseness."  Islam  Sh^  himself  then 
wrote  to  Khaw^  Ehdn,  to  say  that  he  forgave  him,  and  wished  that 
what  had  passed  should  all  be  forgotten  between  them;  that  the 
'B&D&  of  Ifdipur  had  again  raised  his  head,  and  plundered  several 
of  the  royal  possessions,  and  carried  off  the  wives  and  children  of 
Mnsulmans ;  that  none  of  the  nobles  had  succeeded  in  their  measures 
against  him ;  and  that  all  their  hopes  were  now  centred  in  ELhawds 
Khan.  "  All  this  is  asserted  with  all  the  sincerity  than  can  attach  to 
an  oath  before  God ;  and  after  that,  an  engagement  and  guarantee 
was  engrossed  on  safi&on-coloured  doth,  and  despatched.  And  Taj 
Khan  was  at  the  same  time  instructed  to  use  every  kind  of  cajolery 
and  flattery,  in  order  to  lull  that  bird  into  security,  and  entice  him 
into  the  net ;  for  the  wounds  which  his  conduct  had  implanted  in 
the  King's  breast  could  not  be  healed  but  by  the  salve  of  his  murder." 

On  the  receipt  of  these  missives,  Khawas  Khdn's  immediate  im- 
pulse was  to  obey  them,  but  he  was  strongly  dissuaded  by  his 
adherents  and  the  B&j^,  who  represented  that  the  King  was  per- 
fidious, that  he  had  destroyed  most  of  his  nobles,  and  how  then 
could  he  aUow  Khaw^  Khdn  to  escape,  who  had  been  ten  times 
opposed  to  him  in  battle  ?  These  remonstrances  were,  however,  of 
no  avail. 

When  Tdj  Khdn  wrote  to  inform  His  Majesty  that  Khawds  Kh&n- 
had  arrived  within  twenty  has  of  Sambhal,  "  The  king,  who  enter- 
tained in  his  heart  the  most  inveterate  hatred,  forgot  his  sacred 
promises  and  his  oath  before  Gbd,  and  wrote,  sayings  '  The  moment 
he  arrives  slay  him,  and  having  stuffed  his  body  with  straw, 
despatch  it  to  Dehli.' " 

When  Khawds  Khan  arrived  at  the  town  of  Sirsi,  Tdj  Kh£n 
advanced   with   his  army  to   meet  him,  and  at  night  sent  his 

^  The  Makhtan^i  Afghdni  represents  that  the  B&j&  said  he  was  incapahle  of  afford- 
ing him  protection  any  longer,  and  that  Ehaw&s  Kh&n  came  himself  to  Dehll  and 
surrendered  himself. 


532  APPENDIX. 

mynnidons  to  assassinate  him.  **  On  the  morrow,  when  preparing 
to  execute  the  royal  oommands,  they  found,  on  the  removal  of  Ihe 
sheet  from  his  body,  that  it  was  oovered  with  about  ten  tin  d 
flowers.  Tdj  Khdn  was  alarmed  at  what  he  had  done.  NeTsr- 
theless,  under  the  peremptory  instruotions  he  had  reoeived,  he  cut  off 
that  head,  whioh  was  the  ornament  of  prostration  in  prayer,  and  bound 
it  on  a  spear-head,  like  that  of  a  oommon  malefactor  or  murderer,  and 
sent  it  on  to  its  destination  accompanied  by  the  body  stuffed  with 
straw."  ^  ''  On  its  arrival,  Islam  Shah  ordered  that  it  should  be  im- 
paled in  the  front  of  the  Bed  Gktte ;  and  it  is  said,  that  when  this  wis 
done,  a  black  wind  arose  which  darkened  the  whole  world,  and  sudi 
an  earthquake  was  felt  that  the  loftiest  buildings  fell  to  the  ground. 
From  that  date,  moreover,  calamities  befell  the  reign  of  Isl&m  ShaL" 

He  seems  to  have  been  buried  in  Dehli ;  for  the  M(Mczan-i  A/gidd 
informs  us  that  when,  after  exposure  for  three  successive  nights,  a 
load  of  roses,  notwithstanding  the  doubling  of  the  guard,  vraa  foond 
to  have  been  thrown  over  the  body,  Islam  Shah  was  inspired  with 
remorse,  and  ordered  that  he  should  be  solemnly  interred.  Firiahta 
also  says  that  his  corpse  was  interred  at  Dehli  after  his  assassina- 
tion by  Taj  Eh&n ;  that  his  tomb  is  frequented  even  at  the  present 
day ;  and  that  the  common  people,  esteeming  him  to  be  a  saint,  go 
there  to  offer  prayers  for  success  in  their  undertakings. 

But  I  have  also  had  his  tomb  pointed  out  to  me  at  Khawdspor  in 
the  Upper  Panj^b,  between  the  Jelam  and  the  Ghindb.  He  is  in 
that  neighbourhood  also  held  in  high  repute  for  his  piety  and 
courage ;  and  there  are  several  popular  songs  sung  in  his  praise, 
under  the  appellation  of  '*  Sakhf "  or  **  generous." 

F.— DEATH    OF    SHUJif'AT    KHAN. 

We  read  so  much  respecting  the  actions  of  this  gallant  officer 
during  the  reigns  of  Sber  Shah  and  Islam  Shah,'  that  there  is  no 
need  here  to  expatiate  upon  them.  Most  of  the  authors  who 
have  made  any  mention  of  his  death  ^  concur  in  representing  it  as  a 

^  Briggs  ascribes  this  event  to  967  a.h.  (1550  a.d.),  bat  not  on  the  anthoritj  of  his 
original. 

'  Amongst  other  raomiments  of  his  role,  is  the  town  of  Shiij&*walp(ir,  near  Ujjain. 

)  SeeMakhzan-iAfyhdni  (MS.,  p.  326),  and  Tdrikh-i  HMn-Jahdn  (MS.,  p.  221). 
Firishta  says  he  died  at  M&lw&  in  962  h.,  and  the  others  also  say  after  the  death  of 
Isl&m  Sh&h. 


DEATH  OP  8HXJJA»AT  KHAN.  533 

natural  one,  but  as  the  following  detcdk  appear  highly  probable, 
and  are  illnstrative  of  the  ignominy  and  baseness  which  prevailed 
at  this  period,  I  will  abstract  an  account  of  them  from  Ahmad 
Yadgar  (MS.,  pp.  345-350). 

Shujd'at  Ehan,  Gh^i  Kh&n  Sur,  and  Haji  Ehdn  were  directed  by 
lelim  Shdh  to  lead  an  expedition  against  Surat  Sing  B^thor,  whose 
principality  was  Chonsu.  The  sole  reason  for  this  wanton  attack 
seems  to  have  been  that  he  had  a  white  elephant  and  a  beautiful 
daughter.  The  elephant,  though  so  remarkable  for  its  docility  in 
the  stable  that  even  children  might  play  with  its  trunk  and  tusks, 
was  equally  celebrated  in  the  field  for  its  vcdour  and  ferocity, 
insomuch  that  no  strange  driver  dare  approach  it 

Surat  Sing  chanced  to  be  at  Dwarka  when  he  heard  of  the 
arrival  of  this  formidable  force ;  but  two  Eajput  chieftains,  Kumpd 
and  Pampd,  having  been  left  behind  to  manage  the  army  during  his 
absence,  collected  ten  or  twelve  thousand  veteran  soldiers,  and 
erected  an  earthen  ciroumvallation  round  Chonsu,  with  a  deep  ditch, 
protected  by  outworks  in  different  places. 

One  day,  after  the  army  of  Isl^  Shah  had  reached  that  neigh- 
bourhood, they  came  suddenly  upon  the  village  of  Nak&r,  where 
the  Bajputs  were  standing  negligently  in  detached  bodies,  and  had 
taken  no  means  for  securing  their  outposts  in  that  portion  of  the 
defences.  The  three  nobles,  after  a  short  consultation,  determined 
upon  an  immediate  attack,  and  the  lot  fell  upon  Shuja'at  Ehdn  to 
lead  the  advance,  with  4000  cavalry  and  seven  or  eight  elephants. 
Hdji  Khdn  and  Ghdzi  KMn  were  to  support  him  respectively  on 
the  right  and  left.  The  Bdjputs  maintained  their  ground  against 
every  attack  of  Shuja'at  Ebdn,  though  directed  with  the  utmost 
vigour  and  impetuosity;  and  at  the  same  time,  ''the  two  nobles 
retired,  both  on  the  right  and  left,  because  IsUm  Shdh  was  ill- 
disposed  towards  Shujd'at  Khan,  though  he  pretended  to  be  other- 
wise, on  cuscount  of  Daulat  Eh^n  TJji^la,  the  Eh^'s  adopted  son, 
who  was  a  catamite  of  the  Eing's.  He  had,  therefore,  directed 
them  secretly  on  the  day  of  battle  to  let  him  advance  heedlessly,  and 
not  give  him  any  support  when  he  required  it,  in  order  that  he 
might  be  slain."  Consequently,  when  Shujd'at  Eh^n  found  himself 
deserted  by  his  colleagues,  being  determined  to  sell  his  life  dearly. 


534  APPENDIX, 

he  put  himself  at  the  head  of  two  thousand  of  his  own  cavaliy,  and 
astonished  even  his  infidel  opponents  by  his  deeds  of  galknlay, 
'*  until  his  horse  fell  oovered  with  wounds ;  when,  being  driven  to 
defend  himself  on  foot  with  his  bow  and  arrows,  he  made  eTer; 
bolt  which  he  sped  send  an  infidel  to  hell." 

The  next  day,  the  Hindus  being  defeated  by  the  other  two  generals, 
performed  the  jauAar,  when  one  thousand  women  became  victiiDS  in 
that  sacrifice.  Immense  plunder  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  ▼ictors,  and 
treasure  was  carried  ofif  which  it  had  taken  three  or  four  generstioni 
to  amass.  "The  King  was  highly  rejoiced  to  hear  of  Shoji'at 
Eh&n's  death,  and  ordained  a  splendid  festival  to  be  held.  He  re- 
counted to  Daulat  Eh^  Ujidla  all  the  feats  of  valour  which  had 
been  achieved  by  Shuja'at  Eh^  and  in  order  to  assuage  his  griet 
elevated  him  to  the  rank  which  had  been  enjoyed  by  his  adopti?e 
father." » 

What  a  paternal  king  I    What  loyal  and  obsequious  nobles ! 

Q.—WAKTAT'I   MUSHTAKT. 

The  author  of  this  work,  Shaikh  Bizku-lla  Musht&ki,  was  bom  in 
897  H.,  and  died  in  989  h.,  (1492-1581  a.d.).«  In  the  body  of  the 
work  he  names  his  father  Shaikh  Sa'du-Ua.  He  speaks  of  himself  in 
his  preface  as  having  associated  from  eetrly  youth  with  the  most 
learned  men  of  his  age,  and  having  greatly  benefited  by  their 
colloquies.  From  them  he  used  to  hear  several  eztraordinaiy 
relations  of  bygone  times,  which,  together  with  what  he  had  derived 
from  the  exercise  of  his  own  powers  of  observation,  he  used  to 
recount  for  the  instruction  and  edification  of  his  friends.  They 
were  so  much  struck  with  the  marvels  he  related,  and  the  value  of 

^  Before  this  (if  we  except  XJjjaio,  which  his  father  waa  compelled  to  gite  op  to 
him)  he  appears  to  have  held  no  specific  rank,  hnt  perhaps  took  precedence  of  all  the 
nohlee,  as  being  the  personal  favoarite  of  the  King.  The  MakhzoH'i  Afyhdmi  tells  u 
be  was  at  liberty  to  draw  at  any  time  a,  lac  of  rupees  from  the  Treasury.  This  yoim^ 
and  favoured  person  appears,  from  some  few  traits  recorded  of  him,  to  have  beea 
better  than  the  general  run  of  his  vile  contemporaries.  He  waa  muzdered,  after  his 
father's  death,  by  his  perfidious  brother  B&z  Bah6dur,  who  has  left  behind  him  a  name 
of  celebrity  in  M&lw&. 

*  Nia*matu-lla  calls  him  Maal&n&  Musht&kf,  without  giving  his  name  (MaJthsan-i 
Afghani,  MS.,  fol.  2  r.). 


WAKI'AT-I  MUSHTAXr.  535 

his  communicatioDB,  that  they  would  bring  him  pen  and  ink,  and 
beseech  him  to  record  in  a  more  permanent  form  the  resulfc  of  his 
researches ;  and  at  last,  upon  a  particular  friend  of  his  suggesting 
that  the  author  should  compile  an  historical  work  for  the  advantage 
of  those  who  were  partial  to  such  inquiries,  he  undertook  the  task, 
and  we  have  the  result  in  the  WdhCdt-i  MushtdJci. 

He  is  spoken  of  in  terms  of  high  commendation  by  Shaikh  'Abdu-1 
Hakk  and  Shaikh  Nuru-1  Hakk  in  the  TdriJch-i  ITakhi  and  the 
Zubdatu-t  TawdrOch.  He  is  styled  uncle  by  both  these  writers ;  *  but 
as  'Abdu-1  Hakk  was  the  father  of  Nuru-1  Hakk,  he  must  necessarily 
stand  in  a  remoter  relation  to  one  of  them.  He  is  represented  as  a 
great  traveller,  as  having  mixed  with  many  celebrated  men,  as  an 
eloquent  and  learned  man,  consistent  and  pure  in  his  conduct,  much 
devoted  to  spiritual  exercises,  and  especially  in  the  doctrines  and 
practices  of  Sufi-ism,  fully  acquainted  with  the  history  of  politics 
of  his  time,  and  his  conversation  as  very  engaging  and  replete 
with  wit,  repartee,  and  anecdote.  In  his  Persian  compositions  he 
styled  himself  Mtishtdk,  in  his  Hinduf  Bdjan,  He  possessed  the 
rare  accomplishment  at  that  time  of  considerable  knowledge  of  the 
Hindu!  language.  He  quotes  several  distichs  in  the  course  of  his 
history,  and  ''his  Paimdban  Job  Niranjan  and  other  treatises  in 
Hindi'  are  celebrated  throughout  the  world."  He  had  eight 
brothers,  all  possessed  of  rare  qualifications ;  and  as  far  as  his  grand- 
nephew  can  be  understood,  it  would  appear  that  their  contem- 
poraries were  unanimous  in  ascribing  to  them  the  merit  of  having 
effected  a  considerable  improvement  in  the  popular  language  of  the 
country.  The  family  appears  to  have  had  a  bias  towards  historical 
composition ;  for,  independently  of  the  two  works  noticed  above,  our 
author's  grandfather,  by  name  Shaikh  Ffroz,  who  is  said  to  have 
excelled  equally  with  his  pen  and  sword,  wrote  an  heroic  poem  upon 
the  war  between  Sult&n  Bahlol  and  Sultdn  Husain  Sharki.  'Abdu-1 
Hakk  mentions  that  he  had  it  in  his  possession,  but  had  lost  iU 
leading  us  to  infer  that  it  was  very  scarce.     Shaikh  Firoz  died  in 

1  'Abdn-1  Hakk'8  Stsatf  on  the  literary  HUtory  of  Dehli  (MS.,  fol.  20  t.),  and 
Kdru-l  Hakk'8  Zubdatu-t  Tawdrlkh  (MS.,  fol.  80  r.),  and  Akkbdru-l  Akhydr  (MS., 
foL  191  r.). 

*  The  distinction  between  the  Hindfii  and  Hindf  is  obsenred  both  by'Abdu-l  Hakk 
and  N(ira-1  Hakk,  but  they  are  evidently  meant  to  apply  to  the  same  language. 


536  APPENDIX. 

860  H.  (1456  A.D.).^  He  appears  to  be  entitled  to  a  portion  of  the  nint- 
ship  which  attaches  to  the  name  of  his  grandson,  for  he  was  modi 
devoted  to  spiritual  exercises,  indulged  in  visions  and  ecstasies,  aod 
was  especially  learned  in  the  doctrines  and  practices  of  Sufi-ism.  Bsb 
religious  preceptor  was  Shaikh  Muhammad  Miskin,  who  resided  tt 
Kanauj,  and  was  much  revered  by  his  credulous  disdples.  It  is 
related  of  him  that  when  his  house  was  destroyed  by  fire,  a  store  d 
rice  was  burnt  along  with  his  other  goods.  "  It  matters  not,"  said  he, 
**  the  harvest  of  us  who  are  scorched  (with  fire  as  well  as  the  hgfat 
divine)  will  not  all  be  destroyed,"  and  threw  the  grain  upon  the 
ground,  when  lo  1  every  seed  of  the  grain,  when  they  came  to  reap  it, 
was  found  to  be  double.  When  this  marvellous  prodaoe  was  brought 
before  Sultdn  Sikandar,  he  devoutly  thanked  Gk>d  that  such  men 
were  produced  in  his  time.' 

OOMTBNTS. 

Sult&n  Bahlol  Sh&h pp.  3-18 

Sult&n  Sikandar       pp.  13-81 

Sultlui  Ibr&him pp.  81-84 

B&barB&dsh&h pp.  84-86 

Hum&yAn  B&dsh&h pp.  87-91 

Akbar  B&dsh&h pp.  91-92 

Sher  Sh&h pp.  93-111 

Isl&m  Sb&h       pp.  111-143 

Sultin  Mahm6d  f  Adali)  and  Sdr  dynasty    pp.  143-146 

Ghiy&su-d  din  KhUji  (of  M&lw&) pp.  148-165 

Nasiru-d  din  Khilji pp.  156-165 

Snlt&n  Muzaffar  Sh&h  (of  Gnjar&t)       pp.  166-167 

Miscellaneous  Anecdotes pp.  168-210 

Size— Small  Folio,  containing  210  pages  of  17  lines  each. 

But  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  the  treatment  of  the  history  is  so 
methodical  as  the  above  table  would  leave  one  to  suppose.  On  the 
contrary,  the  work  is  very  ill-arranged,  long  digressions  are  ire- 
quently  introduced,  and  reference  is  again  made  to  reigns  which 
have  been  previously  disposed  of,  and  to  matters  which  he  oonfeasee 
he  had  forgotten.  Thus,  in  the  middle  of  the  reign  of  Isldm  Shah,  we 
have  an  account  of  some  of  the  nobles  of  Ibrahim  Shah,  and  then  of 
Sultan  Sikandar,  so  as  to  leave  the  impression,  that  here  at  least 
there  must  be  some  error  of  the  copyist  or  the  binder ;  for  such  a 

^  Akhbdru-l  Akhydr  (MS.,  fol.  323  t.). 

'  There  is  an  acconnt  of  this  saint  in  the  Akhbdru-l  Akhydr  (MS.,  foL  191),  and 
at  the  end  of  it  there  is  a  laudatory  notice  of  Mttthtdki,  See  also  ToMitdt^i  SMAk- 
Jahdni  (MS.,  fol.  137  v.). 


WAKPAT-I  MUSHTXKr.  537 

strange  transposition  could  scarcely  have  taken  place  either  by 
design,  or  the  most  treacherous  lapse  of  memory.  Anecdotes  are 
also  interspersed  of  the  celebrated  chiefs  and  saints  of  the  time, 
and  silly  stories  of  miracles,  apparitions,  demons,  enchantment, 
and  jugglery  deform  the  work — exhibiting  the  extraordinary 
credulity  of  the  author,  as  well  as  of  the  age  in  which  he  lived. 
It  contains,  however,  much  that  is  interesting,  and  we  are  occa- 
sionally favoured  with  a  few  illustrations  of  the  manners  of  the 
times.  It  affords,  therefore,  a  rather  copious  field  for  extract, 
especially  as  it  is  exceedingly  rare.  Many  of  the  stories  attributed 
to  the  author's  heroes  are  popularly  related  of  other  sovereigns. 

Besides  the  one  in  my  own  possession,  I  know  of  only  one  copy  of 
this  work  in  India,  and  that  is  an  excellent  copy  in  the  naakh  character 
in  the  Moti  Mahal  library  at  Lucknow.'  It  is  strange  that  the 
WdkVdt-i  MushtdJci  should  be  so  uncommon,  for  it  was  much  quoted 
by  contemporaries,'  and  contains  abundance  of  trivial  stories  well 
suited  to  the  tastes  and  intellects  of  the  present  generation. 

Khdn  Jahda  Lodi, 

In  giving  an  account  of  the  nobles  of  SuMn  Sikandar's  time,  I 
shall  not  speak  of  those  whom  I  have  not  seen,  but  only  of  those 
with  whom  I  was  personally  acquainted.  I  commence  with  those 
who  were  in  his  service  while  at  Agra. 

Masndd  'All  Husain  Ehdn,  who  was  called  Khan  Jahan  Lodi, 
had  made  it  a  rule  that  whatever  fixed  salary '  he  gave  to  his  soldiers, 
he  never  deducted  anything  from  it ;  but  when,  after  the  lapse  of 
ninety  years,  the  sovereignty  departed  from  the  A%h^s,  their  allow- 
ances were  stopped. 

It  was  also  his  rule,  that  every  one  of  his  attendants  should  be 
present  whenever  he  was  in  his  camp ;  but  when  he  was  in  his  palace, 
if  any  person  went  to  him  there,  he  would  ask  him  why  he  came.  If 
the  man  replied,  he  came  to  salute  him,  he  would  say,  "  Tou  have 

^  [Col.  Lees  had  never  seen  a  copy ;  and  although  he  had  met  with  the  name  of 
**  Manl&na  Mufiht&kl/'  he  did  not  know  the  title  of  his  book.  Journ.  B.  A.  8., 
vol.  iii.,  n.B.,  p.  454.] 

'  Besides  the  instances  qnoted  aboTe,  see  Niz&ma-d  din  Ahmad,  TttbakdUi  Akbari 
(MS.,  fol  2  v.),  and  Allah-d&d  Faizl  Sirhindi,  Akbar-ndma  (MS.,  fol.  1  t.). 

'  '  *•    iUt-uujI  a  new  use  of  the  word. 


538  APPENDIX. 

come  of  your  own  aocord,  there  is  no  neoessity  for  yonr  attendanoe, 
except  when  I  am  in  the  camp.  Now,  though  I  am  at  home,  yoo 
Btill  come  to  me.  It  appears  that  you  have  no  love  for  yonr  own 
family.  What  must  they  think  of  you  ? "  After  saying  this,  be 
would  immediately  dismiss  him,  not  even  allowing  him  to  sit  down. 

If  any  person  died,  his  allowances  were  transferred  to  his  son.  If 
he  had  no  son,  they  were  given  to  his  sister's  or  brother's  son,  or 
son-in-law,  or  any  of  his  relations  who  survived  him.  If  there  wit 
no  such  relation,  his  wife  was  ordered  to  bring  her  brother  or 
nephew,  and  the  allowance  was  given  to  him.  K  she  also  had  none, 
she  was  advised  to  adopt  a  son  from  her  other  relations :  and  if  sbe 
had  no  relation,  then  any  well-bom  child.  If  she  had  any  fit  skve, 
she  was  allowed  to  adopt  him,  but  she  was  enjoined  to  send  him  to 
school,  and  teach  him  the  arts  of  archery  and  riding.  In  short,  in 
no  manner  was  any  fixed  allowance  ever  stopped.  If  any  learned  or 
religious  man  had  an  interview  with  him,  he  was  favoured  with 
the  grant  of  a  village,  a  piece  of  land,  or  some  pension.  He  always 
took  care  of  his  neighbours,  and  repaired  the  mosques  which  had 
fallen  into  disrepair. 

One  morning,  Bandagi  Midn  Lddan  Ddnishmand  went  to  the  ELhan 
Jahan,  and  when  he  asked  him  what  brought  him  there  so  early,  he 
answered  that  he  wished  to  eat  khichri,  but  that  he  thought  he  could 
not  have  it  prepared  in  time ;  he  had  therefore  thought  of  some  ridi 
man  in  whose  house  he  could  find  it  ready.  He  remembered  the 
Eh^,  and  immediately  came  to  him.  The  Ehan  said  that  he  neTer 
ate  khichrif  but  other  things  were  being  made  ready ;  if  he  liked 
khichrit  it  should  be  prepared  for  him.  The  Mian  answered,  ''The 
same  difficulty  exists  here :  while  you  are  getting  it  ready,  the  time 
for  eating  it  will  have  passed.  The  Khan  said,  **  WhQe  it  is  getting 
ready  I  will  send  for  some  sweetmeats  for  you  from  the  hdzdr"  The 
Midn  said,  **  Very  good,  but  tell  the  man  to  bring  the  money  to  me. 
I  will  direct  him  what  he  should  bring."  When  the  money  was 
brought,  the  Mian  said  to  the  man,  '*  Give  it  to  me,  and  yon  go  and 
prepare  the  khichri.**  In  short,  when  it  was  ready,  and  the  Mian 
had  finished  it,  he  said  he  had  eaten  too  freely,  and  it  would  be  very 
troublesome  for  him  to  stand  the  motion  of  a  litter.  The  Khim 
asked,  "Why  do  you  go  in  a  litter,  have  you  no  horse?"     He 


WiCKFAT-I  MUSHTAKr.  539 

replied  that  a  horse  whioh  goes  uneasily  is  worse  than  a  litter, 
and  that  his  horse  had  very  unpleasant  paces.  The  Eh^  said, 
"  I  will  give  you  one  of  my  own  horses  which  goes  very  easily." 
The  Midn  exclaimed,  "  Why  should  I  not  ride  if  there  be  such  a 
horse  at  my  disposal  I "  The  Khin  ordered  his  men  to  bring  a  certain 
horse,  and  it  was  brought  just  as  it  stood  in  the  stable,  with  only  its 
clothing  on  it  He  ordered  it  to  be  made  over  to  the  Mian,  who 
said,  "  In  consequence  of  my  belly  being  so  full,  I  complained  of 
the  litter ;  but  now  a  greater  difficulty  has  arisen,  for  I  never  can 
ride  a  horse  with  a  naked  back."  The  Ehdn  smiled,  and  sent  for  a 
saddle,  which  was  brought  and  put  on  the  horse.  The  Mi^  then 
asked  whether  he  was  to  keep  the  animal  at  his  house,  or  send  it 
back.  ''  Keep  it  at  your  house,'*  replied  the  Eh^.  The  Miia  said 
there  was  nobody  to  take  care  of  it  On  this  he  was  told  that  a 
servant  should  be  employed  on  monthly  wages  for  the  purpose. 
The  'NLiia  again  asked  what  it  ate,  and  was  told  that  it  always  ate 
pulse,  coarse  sugar,  and  clarified  butter.  The  Midn  said,  **  Where 
are  such  things  to  be  got  in  this  poor  man's  house  ?  "  So  these  were 
were  also  ordered  to  be  given  to  him.  Again  he  said,  "  When  this 
saddle  becomes  old,  another  will  be  required,  and  new  clothing  will 
also  be  needed  when  the  old  is  worn  out"  He  was  told  to  take 
away  those  articles  also.  He  then  said,  "  It  would  be  very  trouble- 
some to  send  the  horse-keeper  every  day  for  its  food ;  it  would  be  a 
great  favour  if  you  were  to  grant  me  a  village,  the  income  of  which 
will  do  for  all  these  expenses  at  once,  viz.,  the  wages  of  the  groom 
and  the  horse's  food,  and  its  saddle,  and  its  clothing,  and  its  green 
fodder."  This  request  of  his  was  also  complied  with,  and  a  village 
was  granted  him  in  the  district  of  Baddun.  On  his  taking  leave,  he 
said  he  had  taken  his  dinner  and  received  a  horse  and  a  village,  but 
the  litter-carriers  who  had  brought  him  there  had  got  nothing.  On 
this  some  money  was  given  to  them,  and  then  at  last  the  Midn  took 
his  departure.     Such  was  the  generosity  of  Eh^  Jah^  Lodi  I 

When  he  died,  his  son,  whose  name  was  Ahmad  Khan,  neither  got 
the  title  of  Ehdn  Jahdn  nor  his  father's  rank.  Mfan  Zainu-d  dfn 
and  Midn  Zabaru-d  din  were  two  officers  of  the  deceased  Khan 
Jah^n,  and  his  army  and  pargana$  were  given  over  to  their  charge. 
A  royal /armdn  was  also  sent  at  the  same  time  to  the  address  of 


640  APPENDIX. 

Zainn-d  din,  informing  him  that  these  privileges  were  granted  bj 
His  Majesty  of  his  own  free  motion,  and  not  in  consequence  of  Zamn-d 
din's  connexion  with  ELhdn  Jahim  LodL  From  that  time  Zainu-d 
din  took  the  muster  of  the  army,  and  had  charge  of  the  pargoMOL 
The  jdgir  of  the  archers  was  maintained,  to  be  enjoyed  by  than. 
To  Ahmad  ELhdn,  son  of  Eh&n  Jahin,  a  tract  was  granted  from  ib 
district  of  Kaithal,  in  the  name  of  his  mother,  besides  an  aimiial 
allowance  of  one  lae  of  tanhia  for  the  purchase  of  horses,  one 
lac  of  iankaa  for  his  clothing,  and  another  lac  for  betel-leaves  and 
other  miscellaneous  expenses,  o  o  o 

Midn  Zainu-d  din, 

1  shall  now  mention  some  of  the  moral  qualities  of  Hidn  Zainn-d 
dfn,  in  order  to  show  that  the  officers  of  those  days  were  so  exoellait 
that  even  divines  of  the  present  age  are  not  equal  to  them.  He  rose 
so  early  that  he  bathed  and  read  all  his  prayers  and  performed  all  his 
religious  duties  before  sun-rise.  In  the  daytime,  he  read  the  ten 
divisions  of  the  Kurgan,  standing  all  the  time  on  his  legs.  He  went 
over  seventeen  divisions  of  that  book  every  day,  and  never  sat  down 
while  he  was  performing  this  duty.  He  also  read  one  of  the 
tahmilaa  of  Ghausu-s  Saklain,  and  the  whole  of  Husn-i  Hasin,  besides 
other  miscellaneous  prayers,  and  went  through  five  hundred  different 
postures  of  devotion,  all  standing.  From  midnight  till  noonday  he 
was  always  employed  in  worship.  During  this  time  he  never  spoke 
on  worldly  subjects ;  if  there  was  anything  necessary  to  be  done,  he 
directed  his  servant  to  do  it  by  signs.  While  he  was  taking  his 
meals  he  discoursed  on  scientific  subjects.  He  dined  always  with 
learned  and  religious  men,  and  took  a  little  rest  after  his  dinner. 
In  the  afternoon  he  used  to  speak  on  secular  subjects,  and 
give  directions  respecting  household  business,  and  other  matters 
which  it  might  be  necessary  for  him  to  speak  of.  After  this, 
he  again  attended  his  prayers,  and  performed  other  religious  duties. 
He  then  read  the  evening  prayers,  repeating  them  much  ofb&net 
than  is  enjoined  by  his  religion.  He  did  not  obtain  leisure  from  these 
religious  performances  till  four  hours  and  a  half  of  the  night  had 
passed ;  and  then  he  sat  a  little  wiih.  his  friends,  and  took  as  a  supper 
some  fruit  or  rice  boiled  in  milk.     Having  done  this  he  retired  to 


WAKI'AT-I  MUSHTAKr.  641 

his  obamber.  None  of  his  servants  of  either  sex  neglected  to 
read  their  prayers.  Whenever  he  brought  any  slave  from  the 
market,  he  first  placed  him  under  the  care  of  a  tutor,  in  order  that 
he  might  learn  his  prayers  and  become  acquainted  with  the  precepts 
of  the  Muhammadan  law,  till  which  time  he  gave  him  no  employment. 
On  Friday  nights,  from  the  time  of  evening  prayer,  if  there  was  any 
Hindu  in  his  assembly,  he  turned  him  out,  and  would  not  even  look 
on  the  face  of  a  Hindu  during  that  night  One  day  three  persons 
oame  from  the  Sultan  to  call  him,  but  he  would  not  go  ;  and  it  was 
reported  to  His  Majesty  that  although  three  men  had  been  sent  for 
Hfdn  Zainu-d  din,  yet  he  had  not  chosen  to  come.  The  Sultan 
replied  that  it  was  Friday  night,  and  he  will  not  come ;  he  may  be 
called  after  he  has  done  with  his  prayers.  He  kept  fast  on  Thursdays 
and  Fridays,  besides  the  common  fasting  days.  He  never  neglected 
these  duties  in  any  season — summer  or  winter.  He  always  attended 
public  prayers  on  Fridays,  even  if  he  was  ten  kos  off.  His  kitchen 
was  so  large  that  food  was  given  to  every  one  three  times  a  day, 
whether  he  belonged  to  his  own  people  or  was  a  stranger,  and  from 
whatsoever  place  he  came.  In  the  month  of  Eamazdn,  rice  boiled 
in  milk  was  given  to  every  applicant  in  the  evening,  when  they 
broke  fast,  and  also  early  in  the  morning.  Whatever  any  person 
wanted  to  eat  was  given  to  him. 

Every  year  he  called  all  his  relations,  male  and  female,  from  Dehlf 
to  Agra,  to  see  them.  On  their  departure  he  asked  them  all  what  they 
wished  to  have,  and  gave  them  what  they  asked.  Whenever,  by  way 
of  charity,  he  paid  the  expenses  of  a  mcuriage  ceremony,  whether 
the  bridegroom  was  his  relation,  neighbour,  or  a  stranger,  he  gave  the 
bride  money,  clothes,  a  bed  with  its  appurtenances,  and  also  a  pdlJci 
if  she  were  of  sufficient  rank.  In  short,  he  did  all  that  is  required 
of  a  father.  If  any  guests  came  into  the  house  of  those  who  lived 
on  his  estate,  he  sent  all  kinds  of  food  for  them  from  his  own  kitchen 
in  such  quantity  that  not  only  was  it  sufficient  for  them,  but  for 
their  servants  also.  During  the  anniversary  days  of  the  Prophet's 
death  (may  peace  be  to  him  I)  food  of  the  value  of  two  thousand 
tanJeas  was  daily  prepared  during  the  twelve  days.  On  the  first  and 
last  day  of  the  festival,  victuals  of  all  kinds,  and  of  good  flavour,  and 
haliod  were  prepared  in  large  quantities,  at  the  expense   of  four 


542  APPBNDDL 

thouBand  ianka$.  It  should  be  oonsidered  what  would  now  be  the 
value  of  four  thousand  iankai  of  those  days.  At  last,  whan  SbUs 
Sikandar  died,  he  lost  his  Government.  Ahmaii  SIbAii,  son  of 
Khto  Jah^  Saiyid,  and  he  both  oontinned  without  any  employ- 
ment ;  and  they  had  saved  no  numaj  to  live  on.  Still  many  people 
continued  flEuthfully  to  serve  him,  and  he  also  continued  benevolent 
to  all,  according  to  the  extent  of  his  means ;  bat  he  was  often  in 
want  of  money  to  meet  his  expenses.^ 

One  day  Shaikh  Sa'du-lla,  fiEtther  of  the  writer  of  this  book,  who 
from  infancy  was  attached  to  him,  went  to  him  unexpectedly,  and 
saw  papers  before  him  which  he  tore  one  by  one  into  pieces  and 
gave  to  his  slave,  who  steeped  them  in  a  basin  of  water.  ThB 
Shaikh  asked  him  what  he  was  doing.  The  Mldn  replied  that  sraie 
great  and  noble  persons  had  taken  money  from  him  which  he  did 
not  give  them  with  the  intention  of  receiving  back.  They,  however, 
had  sent  him  the  bonds.  Now  that  he  was  without  employmoit  or 
means  of  subsistence,  he  thought  that  he  might  not  be  able  to  resist 
the  temptation  of  knowing  himself  to  be  in  possession  of  these 
bonds,  which  amounted  in  value  to  three  lac8  of  tankas,  and  might 
wish  to  avail  himself  of  them.  Also  that  his  sons  after  his  death 
might  come  forward  and  claim  the  money,  if  he  did  not  destroy  these 
bonds  during  his  lifetime. 

His  friends  also  had  similar  noble  dispositions.  My  father,  for 
instance  (may  God  be  merciful  to  him  I),  had  a  numerous  fknulj. 
When  Zainu-d  din's  expenses  were  reduced,  my  father's  family  and 
friends  remonstrated  with  him  for  continuing  on  his  establishment, 
observing  that  other  persons  holding  offices  of  greater  emoluments 
no  longer  remained  in  the  service  of  the  Mfan,  whereas  he  remained 
for  two  or  three  years.  He  replied  that  it  was  through  the  wise  dis- 
pensation of  God  that  he  got  his  employment,  that  people  who  are 
compelled  to  work  for  their  livelihood,  if  pay  be  withdrawn,  will  no 
longer  serve,  and  that  what  he  wished  was  moderate,  and  that  his 
desires  were  satisfied.    He  had  accumulated,  he  said,  enough  during 

^  The  yicissitades  of  such  an  ostentatious  fool  affect  us  with  no  Bjrmpathj.  The 
only  excuse  that  can  be  advanced  for  this  vicious  extravagance  is,  that  if  the  chiefr 
did  not  expend  all  their  extortionate  gains  as  fast  as  they  were  acquired,  the  Snltfti 
would  have  done  it  for  them. 


WAm'JCI'l  MXTSHTAKr.  543 

hifl  servioe  to  enable  him  to  maintain  himself  and  the  Mian  for  two 
or  three  years.  And  upon  his  friends  again  remarking  that  they  well 
knew  he  had  nothing  of  his  own,  he  said  he  would  sell  his  houses 
and  books,  he  would  have  no  oare  as  long  as  anything  remained  in 
his  possession.  So,  without  receiving  any  salary,  he  remained  three 
years  with  Mian  Zainu-d  din,  and  after  his  death,  four  years  with 
his  sons,  serving  the  family  altogether  for  a  period  of  fifty-five  years. 

There  was  a  Mughal  by  name  M&mun.  Having  resigned  his 
situation  at  some  other  place,  he  entered  the  service  of  Mian 
Zainu-d  din.  Soon  after  Sultan  Sikandar  died,  and  the  Midn 
became  poor,  the  Mughal  remained  still  faithfully  attached  to  him, 
for  he  was  a  very  good  man.  o  o  o 

One  day,  his  son  was  leading  a  maure  to  the  river  to  water,  and  in 
the  sand  he  felt  something  under  his  foot  The  boy  took  it  up,  and 
saw  that  it  was  a  scabbard  of  gold.  He  brought  it  immediately  to 
his  father,  and  showed  it  to  him,  saying  that  he  had  found  it  in  the 
bed  of  the  river.  Mamun  took  the  boy  by  the  hand  and  brought 
the  scabbard  to  Mi^  Zainu-d  din,  requesting  him  to  make  it  over 
to  its  owner.  The  Mfdn  sent  it  to  the  toazir's  ofiice.  In  those 
days  it  was  a  rule  that  if  any  person  found  a  thing  lying  in  any 
place,  he  was  to  bring  it  to  the  police,  and  it  was  himg  at  the  arch 
of  the  city  gate.  If  an  owner  appeared,  and  on  inquiry  established 
his  claim,  it  was  delivered  to  him.  It  appeared,  that  a  Hindu 
named  Jugraj,  was  passing  through  the  gate,  when  he  recognized 
the  scabbard,  and  informed  the  police  that  it  belonged  to  him. 
They  asked  him  if  he  remembered  how  much  the  gold  on  it  weighed. 
He  replied  fifteen  tolas.  After  inquiry  the  article  was  given  over 
to  him.  ^  ^  On  ascertaining  who  the  discoverer  was,  Jugrdj  offered 
him  two  hundred  tankas,  but  he  would  not  accept  them.  His 
friends  advised  him  to  teke  the  money,  because  it  was  offered  to 
him  as  a  free  gift.  But  he  strenuously  declined  to  receive  any 
remuneration. 

On  every  Monday  the  Mfan  repeated  the  prayers  khatam  duHtd 
200,000  times ;  and  gave  boiled  rice  worth  four  hundred  tankas  in 
alms  to  the  name  of  the  Prophet,  may  peace  be  to  him  I  On  Thursdays 
he  repeated  the  ikUds  100,000  times,  and  prepared  sweetmeats  at  the 
expense  of  four  hundred  tankas  to  be  offered  in  the  name  of  the 


644  APPENDIX. 

Saint  Ghausu-B  Saklain.  These  oblations  were  made  withomt  any 
deviation  twioe  every  week.  What  a  fortunate  time  it  was  wbea 
the  King  was  so  good,  and  the  offioers  so  worthy  of  him  1 

The  second  brother,  whose  name  was  Mian  Zabara-d  d£n,  was  also 
exceedingly  pious,  o  o  o  He  generally  lived  eight  months  in  D^ 
and  four  months  in  Agra.  As  long  as  he  was  in  the  former  place 
he  every  Monday  invited  to  the  ShanU'i  Sam  an  assembly  of  learodd 
and  religious  men,  SuHs,  poets,  literary  persons,  singers,  and 
musicians.  He  had  a  very  large  and  liberal  kitchen,  from  whidi 
victuals  were  freely  distributed.  On  Wednesdays,  an  assembly  of 
the  same  people  was  convened  in  the  monastery  of  Sultaan-l 
Mashaikh,  on  the  banks  of  the  Jumna.  In  the  same  manner  the 
party  assembled  every  Thursday  at  the  place  where  the  print  of  the 
Prophet's  feet  was  preserved  in  one  of  the  palaces  in  Firozabad. 
On  Fridays  he  attended  the  weekly  prayers  in  the  city.  Again,  (» 
Saturdays  a  party  was  collected  in  a  palace  at  the  village  of 
Mulcha,  and  there  he  amused  himself  with  hunting  for  two  days. 
He  also  took  there  his  female  establishment  and  tents  with  him; 
but  if  he  went  to  any  place  for  one  night  only,  they  never  accom- 
panied him. 

oooooo  oo 

Khawds  Khdn, 

Khawds  Eh^,  who  was  the  predecessor  of  Mian  Bhua,  having 
been  ordered  by  the  Sultan  to  march  towards  Nagarkot,  in  order  to 
bring  the  hill  country  under  subjection,  succeeded  in  conquering  it, 
and  having  sacked  the  infidels'  temple  of  Debi  Shankar,  brought 
away  the  stone  which  they  worshipped,  together  with  a  copper 
umbrella,  which  was  placed,  over  it,  and  on  which  a  date  was  en- 
graved in  Hindu  characters,  representing  it  to  be  two  thousand  years 
old.  When  the  stone  was  sent  to  the  King,  it  was  given  over  to  the 
butchers  to  make  weights  out  of  it  for  the  purpose  of  weighing  their 
meat  From  the  copper  of  the  umbrella,  several  pots  were  made,  in 
which  water  might  be  warmed,  and  which  were  placed  in  the  masjids 
and  the  King's  own  palace,  so  that  every  one  might  wash  his  hands, 
feet,  and  face  in  them,  and  perform  his  purifications  before  prayers. 
Previous  to  the  time  when  Khawds  Khin  was  appointed,  the  jdgirt 


WXKVAT'l  MUSHTAKf.  645 

of  some  people  of  that  part  of  the  country  amounted  to  three  laes 

of  tanhaa.    He  increased  them  to  fifteen  laca.    When  he  returned 

to  the  Court,  being  seized  by  a  fatal  sickness,  he  intimated  that  he 

had  something  to  say  to  the  King,  and  was  asked  whether  he  would 

send  the  message,  or  wished  to  speak  himself.     He  replied  he  wished 

to  speak  personally.     The  King  said  if  he  had  strength  enough  to 

come,  he  might,  and  if  not  he  himself  would  go  to  him.     Upon  this, 

the  Khan  came  to  Court,  seated  in  his  pdiki,  and  informed  the  King 

that  he  had  brought  the  diwdn^s  and  his  own  accounts,  and  requested 

that  somebody  might  be  ordered  to  examine  them.     His  Majesty 

replied,  "I   had  appointed  you  my    Viceroy,   invested  with  full 

power.     What  accounts  have  I  to  settle  with  you  ?     What  you  did 

was  just  as  if  I  had  done  it  myself."     The  Khan  acrain  said,  **  I 

have  given  some   things  to  people  without  your  n>yT  orders ;  if 

you  maintain   the  grants,  it  is  good ;  if  not,  you  may  deduct  their 

value  from  my  pay."     There  were  some  meritorious  people  who  had 

very   little   maintenance,  and  some  again  were  entirely  destitute. 

Their  provision  formerly  amounted  only  to  three  lacs  of  tankasy  which 

he  had  increased  to  fifteen  lacs.    His  Majesty  said,  ''  I  have  just 

told  you  that  you  were  my  Viceroy,  and  I  know  that  whatever  was 

done,  was  done  for  my  advantage,  and  therefore  I  readily  sanction 

it."     He  then  ordered  the  papers  to  be  brought,  and  had  them  all 

steeped  in  water  and  obliterated. 

oooooooo 

The  nobles  of  Sultdn  Sikandar's  reign. 

Among  the  great  nobles  of  Sultan  Sikandar's  time  was  Saif  Kh^ 
Acha-khail.  He  had  6000  horse  under  him,  and  was  deputy  of 
'Azam  Humayun,  the  jdgirddr  of  Karra,  who  used  to  buy  2000 
copies  of  the  Kur'dn  every  year,  and  had  46,000  horse  under  his  com- 
mand, and  700  elephants.  There  were  also  Daulat  Khan-khani, 
who  had  4000  cavalry ;  'All  Khan  Ushi,  who  had  4000  also ;  Firoz 
Khan  Sarwani,  who  had  6000.  Amongst  other  nobles  there  were 
25,000  more  distributed.  Ahmad  Khan  also,  the  son  of  Jumal  Khan 
Lodi  Sarang-khani,  when  he  was  appointed  to  Jaunpur,  had  20,000 
cavalry  under  him.  Sultan  Sikandar  went  twice  against  the  in- 
fidels of  Bhata,  when  the  rdjd  fled,  and  placed  the  river  between  him 

VOL.  TV.  85 


546  APPENDIX. 

and  pursuit     Bat  his  country  was  ravaged  before  the  ImpenI 
troops  returned. 

MughM  and  ike  Bdjd  of  Champdnm. 

Mi&n  Husain    Farmuli    was  jdg{rddr    {makta*)    of  Sarm  and 
Ghampdran,  which  are  called  Jal-khet»  or  field  of  water.     He  was 
a  very  brave  mem.      Besides   the  villages  comprising  his  jdgir 
(mufiDdjtb),  he  had   taken  20,000  villages  from  the   infidels.     At 
one  time,  when  he  himself  was  proceeding  towards  the  territoiy 
of  Champaran  to  attack  the  Bdja,  and  was  encamped  on  the  banks  of 
the  Gkmdak,  Mogh^M  Kirdnf,  who  was  one  of  his  nobles,  wanted 
to  know  how  far  the  Raj4  was  from  there.     He  was  told  that  he 
was  in  the  fort  on  the  other  side  of  the  river.    He  again  asked  how 
many  kos  it  was.     The  people  said  that  the  river  alone  divided  thosit 
but  that  the  breadth  of  the  stream  was  seven  koa.     Mughola,  on 
hearing  that  only  the  stream  intervened,  said,  ''  The  infidel  diief  is 
on  the  other  bank,  and  I  am  sitting  on  this.     What  kind  of  Islam 
is  this  if  I  delay  ?    He  then  made  a  vow  that  until  he  had  attacked 
him  he  would  hold  every  kind  of  food  and  drink  as  unlawful  as 
a  carcase.    Saying  this  he  rose  up,  and  mounted  his  horse,  exclaim- 
ing, "  In  the  name  of  Gtod  I "     All  the  people  advised  him  not  to  be 
so  precipitate,  as  the  stream  was  seven  ko8  in  breadth.      He  said  be 
would  not  mind  even  if  it  were  seventy  ko8,  because  he  had  taken  a 
vow  upon  himself,  let  the  event  be  what  it  may  1     He  then  plunged 
his  horse  into  the  stream.     In  some  places  he  obtained  a  footing  on 
the  bottom  :  in  others,  where  it  was  deeper,  he  was  obliged  to  make 
the  animal  swim.   His  people  also  followed  him  in  the  same  manner. 
Haibat  Khan,  Bahadur  Khan,  and  Ikhtiyar  ELh£n,  who  were  also 
nobles  of  the   Kirdni  tribe,  when  they  heard  that  Mughula  had 
thrown  himself  into  the  river,  followed  the  example,  and  all  the 
soldiers  of  the  army,  wheresoever  they  were  encamped,  went  and 
plunged  into  the  stream. 

Mian  Husain,  who  was  in  his  tent,  asked  what  the  uproar  was 
about,  and  was  told  that  the  whole  army  had  gone  towards  the 
river;  that  Mughula  had  entered  it  first,  and  afterwards  eveiy 
person  that  heanl  of  his  feat  had  emulated  the  example.  The  Mian 
also  took  horse,  and  overtook  Mughula  in  the  water,  and  urged  him 


WAKPAT-I  MUSHTAXr.  647 

to  go  back.  He  replied,  "  Tou  employed  me  for  servioe,  and  now 
I  shall  do  my  duty.  When  the  work  cannot  be  done  by  a  serranty 
it  IB  time  for  the  master  to  take  the  tronble  npon  himself.  To- 
day you  shall  see  my  exertion.  Do  yon  return  in  safety — ^I  will 
not."  Although  he  was  much  dissuaded,  he  would  not  listen  to 
anything ;  so  the  Midn  was  also  obliged  to  go  on,  because  the  whole 
army  had  thrown  themselves  into  the  water.  At  sunset  they 
approached  the  infidel  B&ja,  reposing  happy  in  the  thought  that  a 
large  river  was  between  him  and  his  enemy,  and  that  even  in  a 
whole  year  it  would  be  impossible  for  them  to  cross  it.  Suddenly 
an  uproar  arose  in  the  dty,  for  it  was  reported  from  the  watch- 
tower  that  the  Afghans  had  arrived,  but  the  Bdjd  would  not  credit 
it,  and  was  engaged  in  hb  pastimes  when  the  Afghans  were  upon 
him,  and  forced  him  to  fly  for  his  life.  By  the  will  of  Qod,  that  day 
Mughula  became  a  martyr.  Mian  Husain  greatly  lamented  his  loss, 
and  said,  "  Would  to  God  that  to-day  there  had  been  no  victory, 
for  that  and  the  plunder  combined  are  no  compensation  for  the  loss 
sustained  in  the  death  of  Mughula  t " 

Thus,  after  a  duration  of  two  hundred  years,  destruction  fell  upon 
the  kingdom  of  the  Bajd ;  and  all  the  riches  and  treasures  which 
were  amassed  during  that  period  were  dispersed  in  plunder.  The 
shoes  of  the  infidels  who  lost  their  lives  in  this  action  were  col- 
lected by  Shaikh  Daud  Eambu,^  who  was  a  shikkddr  of  Midn 
Husain ;  and  when  melted  down  no  less  than  20,000  mohun  of  gold 

were  obtained  from  them. 

oooooooo 

Other  nobles  of  Sultdm  Sikandar^a  reign. 

One  half  the  whole  country  was  assigned  mjdgir  to  the  Farmulis, 
and  the  other  half  to  the  other  Afghan  tribes.  At  this  time,  the 
Lohanis  and  Farmulis  predominated.  The  chief  of  the  Sarwinis 
was  *Azam  Humayun,  and  the  principal  chieftains  of  the  Lodis  were 
four,  viz.  Mahmud  Khan,  who  had  Kalpf  in  jdgir;  Mian  *Alam,  to 

^  We  find  this  monster  mentioned  elsewhere  in  the  Wdkfdt-i  Muthtdki  as  taking 
out  bis  dagger,  and  boasting  that  no  less  than  20,000  men  had  fallen  its  victims,  by 
way  of  intimiil:iting  the  Shaikhz&das  of  Ch&nderi,  where  be  was  employed  by  Husain 
Kb&n  to  supeiintend  his  police  arrangements. 


648  APPENDIX. 

whom  EUwa  and  Chandwar  were  assigned ;  Mubarak  Elhan,  wk«e 
jdgir  was  Lucknow ;  and  Daolat  Eb^  who  held  Lahore.  Amongst  the 
Sahu-khails,  the  chiefs  were  Husain  Khan  and  Khan  Jahan,  both 
descended  from  the  same  ancestor  as  Soltdn  Bahlol ;  Bcdilol,  son  of 
Kili,  son  of  Bahram ;  Husain  Khan,  son  of  Firoz  Khan,  son  of 
Bahram ;  and  Kutb  Khan  Lodf  S^hu-khail,  who  flourished  in  the 
time  of  Sultan  Bahlol. 

I  shcdl  now  give  an  account  of  the  Farmulls.  The  districts  {(kia) 
of  Saran  and  Champaran  were  held  by  Midn  Husain ;  Oadh,  AmbHa, 
and  Hodhna,  by  Mian  Muhammad  Kali  Pali^ ;  Kanauj  by  Mian 
Gktd^f;  Shamsabdd,  Thanesar,  and  Sh£h£bad  by  Mian  Imid; 
Marahra  by  Tdtdr  Kh^,  brother  of  Mian  Muhammad ;  and  Hariana, 
Desua,  and  other  detached  parganat  by  Khwajagf  Shaikh  Sa*id. 
Each  of  these  possessed  surpassing  bravery  and  courage,  bet  the 
sons  of  Shaikh  Sa'id  were  pre-eminent  above  all  for  their  learning 
and  generosity.  Shaikh  Sa'id  also  himself,  besides  his  nobilify, 
possessed  a  great  many  excellences.  He  was  a  great  favourite  of 
Sultan  Sikandar,  who  said  one  day,  that  it  was  thirty  years  since  the 
Khwajagi  had  been  associated  with  him,  and  yet  he  had  never  done 
anything  to  offend  him.  He  never  told  any  story  twice  over ;  and 
every  difficult  question  that  he  put  to  him,  always  met  with  a  ready 
solution. 

O<IO««0  o  o 

Midn  MaW^f  Farmuli 

He  was  a  saintly,  courageous,  and  generous  man.  From  the  time 
of  Sultan  Bahlol  to  that  of  IsMm  Shah,  he  fought  in  every  battle- 
field, but  always  escaped  without  a  wound.  He  would  accept  of  no 
reward  or  present  from  any  king,  and  would  never  eat  food  from  the 
house  of  any  Hindu.  At  the  time  that  the  Hana  of  Chitor  invited 
Mian  Husain  Farmuli  and  other  nobles  to  an  entertainment,  the 
Kana  took  a  favourite  dish,  and  stood  offering  it  to  Mian  Ma'ruf, 
saying,  "  All  the  other  nobles  have  honoured  me  by  partaking  of  my 
viands,  and  have  eaten ;  pray  do  you  gratify  me  and  do  the  same, 
by  turning  your  hands  towards  this  repast^'  He  replied,  "  I  never 
yet  have  eaten  from  the  house  of  a  Hindu."  The  B^iak  said,  "  Only 
be  so  kind  as  to  accept  the  hospitality  of  your  slave."    He  reiterated 


WAKI'AT-I  MUSHTAXr.  549 

his  refusal,  "  In  the  whole  of  my  life  I  have  not  done  such  a  thing, 
nor  can  I  now  consent  to  do  so."  Mi&a  Husain,  addressing  him  in 
the  Afghdn  language,  said,  "  Many  things  should  he  done  for  ex- 
pediency's Bake,  To-day,  there  is  an  object  in  the  concession ;  so 
put  your  hands  into  the  dish."  Mfdn  Ma'ruf  replied,  "  You  are  my 
superior,  it  is  for  you  to  gratify  him."  At  last,  when  all  the  nobles 
vehemently  pressed  him  to  comply,  he  took  up  a  little  with  two  of 
his  fingers  and  placed  it  in  the  comer  of  his  napkin,  promising  that 
he  would  eat  it  But  when  he  departed  thence,  he  opened  the 
napkin  and  threw  its  contents  upon  the  ground.  So  determined  was 
he,  when  he  had  once  taken  a  notion  into  his  head. 

In  the  action  between  Sher  Shah  and  M&l  Deo,  he  was  wounded 
with  a  sword.  At  that  time  he  was  one  hundred  and  seven  years 
old.  One  of  the  anecdotes  related  of  him  on  this  occasion  is  illus- 
trative of  his  usual  self-deniaL  Sher  Shah  sent  him  300,000  tankas 
as  a  recompense  for  the  wound  he  had  received.  But  he  sent  it 
back  with  the  remark,  that  he  had  never  accepted  remuneration 
from  the  King,  and  still  less  could  he  do  so  now,  as  the  infliction  of 

a  wound  had  been  sustained  solely  in  the  cause  of  Gk)d. 

oooooooo 

Sher  Shdh. 

[During  the  reign  of  Sher  Shdh  many  regulations  were  made,  and 
many  forts  built  He  resumed  the  rent-free  tenures,  and  made  new 
grants  on  his  own  part.  No  person  of  high  or  low  degree  who  went 
into  his  presence  departed  empty  and  without  receiving  something. 
He  fixed  a  daily  pa3rment  of  500  tolchas  of  gold  upon  the  poor-house 
(langar-i  fukard)y  and  night  and  day  he  was  considerate  and  liberal 
to  the  needy.  He  settled  allowances  upon  the  blind  and  helpless  of 
every  place  and  village  and  city.  Two  institutions  were  kept  up 
during  his  reign  without  any  interruption :  one,  the  religious  estab- 
lishments Cimdrat  khdnah),  and  the  other  the  houses  for  the  poor ; 
for  these  two  institutions  confer  a  general  benefit.  His  private 
kitchen  was  very  extensive,  for  several  thousand  people  fed  there 
every  day.  Whoever  wanted  food  went  to  his  kitchen  and  ate 
under  an  order  which  he  had  issued.  He  himself  used  to  take  his 
meals  with  learned  men  and  $haihh$.     There  was  such  security  in 


550  APPENDIX. 

the  country  during  bis  reign  that  thefts  and  highway  robb^  iven 
unknown.  When  such  a  thing  occurred,  the  mvJeaddamu  of  all  the 
surrounding  villages  were  seized,  and  restitution  for  the  robbeij 
was  exacted  from  them.  Examinations  were  held  in  the  Tillsgei, 
and  precautions  taken  that  the  like  should  not  occur  again.  From 
Gaur  to  the  confines  of  his  dominions,  in  every  direction,  he  btd 
built  sardia  and  halting  places  at  every  hoa ;  and  pots  of  water  were 
placed  at  the  doors  of  the  aardU  for  the  use  of  MusulmiuB  and 
Hindus.  At  every  sardi  a  mcujidf  a  royal  chamber  (hkdndk^ 
hddshdhi),  and  a  well  were  constructed;  and  to  every  mosque  a 
mu'azztn  (crier),  an  imdm  (priest),  and  ahikkddr  (manager)  were  ap- 
pointed, and  lands  were  allotted  at  the  place  for  their  support  From 
Qaiu:  to  the  confines  of  Oudh,'  a  road  was  made  having  9ar6i$t 
gardens,  and  shady  and  fruit-bearing  trees.  Another  road  with 
gardens  and  $ard(8  from  Benares  to  the  country  of  M^du  near  to 
Burhanpur.  Another  road  with  gardens  and  aardis  from  A'gra  to 
Judhpur.  Another  from  Bayana  to  Jaunpur  and  to  Ajmir.  There 
were  1700  aardia,  and  at  every  aardi  there  were  pairs  of  horses 
ready,  so  that  news  travelled  300  hoa  in  one  day.  [Here  follows 
the  story  quoted  in  the  note  on  page  418.] 

Sher  Shah  was  occupied  night  and  day  with  the  business  of  his 
kingdom,  and  never  allowed  himself  to  be  idle.  At  the  end  of 
night  he  arose,  performed  his  ablutions,  and  said  his  prayers. 
Afterwards  he  called  in  his  officers  and  managers  to  report  all  the 
occurrences  of  the  day.  For  four  hours  he  listened  to  the  reading 
of  reports  on  the  affairs  of  the  country  or  on  the  business  of  the 
Government  establishments.  The  orders  which  he  gave  were 
reduced  to  writing,  and  were  issued  and  acted  upon  ;  there  was  no 
need  of  further  discussion.  Thus  he  remained  engaged  till  morning 
(fajar)  arrived.  When  it  was  time  for  prayers,  he  performed  his 
devotions  in  a  large  congregation,  and  went  through  all  the  forms  of 
prayer.  Afterwards  he  received  his  nobles  and  soldiers,  and  made 
inquiries  as  to  the  horses  brought  to  receive  their  brands.  Then  he 
went  out  and  made  a  personal  inspection  of  his  forces,  and  settled 
the  allowances  of  each  individual  by  word  of  mouth  until  all  was 
urrauged.     He  then  attended   to  many  other   affairs   and   audited 

1  KJj 


WAKPAT-I  MXTSHTAKr.  561 

aocounts.  He  summoned  to  his  presence  tbe  o£G[oerB  of  eveiy 
country  &om  which  he  received  revenue  and  tribute,  and  received 
their  accounts.  Petitions  were  received  from  every  quarter,  and 
replies  were  sent;  he  himself  dictated  them  in  Persian,  and  the 
scribes  committed  them  to  writing.  Every  person  who  came  to 
wait  upon  him  was  received  in  the  palace.  He  kept  money 
(khazdna)  and  revenue  (khardj)  in  all  parts  of  his  territories,  so 
that,  if  necessity  required,  soldiers  and  money  were  reeuly.  The 
chief  treasury  was  in  Hohtas,  under  the  charge  of  Ikhtiyar  Khan. 
In  the  country  of  the  Gakhars  he  had  a  fort  upon  the  top  of  a  hill, 
and  he  maintained  a  large  force  there,  to  the  command  of  which  the 
three  great  chiefs  Masnad-i  'Ali  Ehaw^  Ehdn,  Haibat  Khdn 
Niydzi,  and  Tsd  Ehdn  Niydzi  and  other  amirs  were  (at  different 
times)  appointed.  He  had  3000  elephants  in  his  stables,  and  the 
number  was  daily  increasing.  The  whole  of  the  territories  in  his 
possession  contained  13,000  parganas,  for  which  ahikkddra  were 
appointed.  His  forces  were  numerous,  and  of  every  kind  of  horse 
and  foot  Every  man  who  came  was  entertained.  25,000  infantry 
and  lafganddra  were  attached  to  his  person ;  7000  lafganddra  were 
in  the  fort  of  Handu  (Mandu  ?)  ;  3000  lafganddra  were  at  Chitor  ; 
1800  at  the  fort  of  Rantambhor ;  600  at  the  fort  of  Baydna ;  1000 
lafgaiiddra  at  Gwaliyar  (Gwalior)  ;  and  1000  infantry  at  the  fort  of 
Boht^  It  was  known  that  a  suitable  garrison  was  maintained  in 
every  fort  in  the  country.  The  force  of  horse  under  the  royal  com- 
mand consisted  of  160,000,  some  of  whom  were  appointed  on 
service,  and  others  were  sent  to  their  own  homes.  In  every |>ar^ana 
there  was  a  ahikkddr,  a  munsif,  a  treasurer,  a  Persian  writer,  and  a 
Hinduwi  writer,  and  in  every  aarhdr  there  was  a  chief  ahtkhddr  and 
a  chief  munaif.  At  the  branding  time  every  man  came  forward  and 
showed  his  horse  ^  and  rendered  his  account.  Munaifa  were  ap- 
pointed for  examining  the  brands  in  the  armies  on  the  frontiers,  and 
the  King  himself  occasionally  made  visits  to  different  parts  for  this 
purpose.  He  kept  one  army  in  the  upper  country,  as  has  been 
already  mentioned,  one  army  in  Bengal,  one  at  Bohtds,  one  in 
M41wa,  one  at  the  fort  of  Chitor,  one  in  Khajwdra,  one  in  the 

^  The  word  in  the  MS.  is  ^l/i  *  arms ; '  bat  in  the  translation  it  has  been  read  as 
L\j  *a  horse.' 


552  AFPBNDIX. 

oooniry  of  Dhandhera,  one  in  Nagor  and  Jadhpar,  and  in  the  fart  of 
Bantambhor  and  Bajwdra.  No  fort  in  the  country  was  without  a 
garriBon  or  a  commandant] 

Sultdn  MahmM  of  Mand{L^ 

[The  beginning  of  this  passage  is  defective.]  One  day  a  merchant 
arrived  with  a  large  company.  Amin  Sh&h,  according  to  his  custom, 
demanded  a  present  The  merchant  replied  that  he  was  a  trader 
under  Sultan  Ffroz,  who  had  strengthened  the  fort  of  Kamal,  and 
that  he  was  taking  grain  thither.  Am(n  Sh&h  said,  no  matter  who 
he  was,  he  must  pay  the  regular  due,  and  go  on  his  way.  The 
merchant  told  Am{n  Sh£b  he  was  going  to  the  ELing,  and  that  if  he 
would  forego  the  duty,  he  (the  merchant)  would  induce  (he  King  to 
grant  him  the  country  of  Mand^,  and  to  send  him  a  horse  and  a  robe. 
Did  he  prefer  this  or  the  custom  duty  ?  Amfn  ShiUi  said,  that  if  this 
were  done,  he  also  would  become  one  of  the  servants  of  the  King, 
and  would  serve  him  to  the  best  of  his  power.  So  he  allowed  the 
merchant  to  pass.  When  the  merchant  came  into  the  presence  of 
the  King,  he  represented  that  there  was  a  man  by  name  Amin  Shah, 
who  was  zaminddr  of  Mandu,  and  had  all  the  roads  in  his  power.  If 
the  King  were  to  send  a  farmdn  conferring  on  him  the  territory 
of  Mandu,  which  was  entirely  desolate,  he  would  secure  tranquillity. 
The  King  sent  a  robe  and  a  horse  by  that  same  merchant,  who  pro- 
ceeded to  Amfn  Shah,  and  presented  them  to  him,  and  expressed  his 
devotion.  From  this  day  forth  Amin  Sh4h  gave  up  walking  on  foot, 
and  took  to  riding.  He  also  made  his  friends  ride,  enlisted  horse- 
men, and  promoted  the  cultivation  of  the  country. 

After  his  death,  his  son  named  Hoshang  succeeded  him.  He 
became  King,  and  assumed  the  style  of  royalty.  The  country  of 
Mandu  became  prosperous,  forts  were  built  at  different  places,  and 
armies  were  raised. 

A  man  by  name  Mahmud  Mughis  Khilji  came  to  Hoshang,  and 
entered  his  service.  He  advised  him  to  confer  eighteen  places  in 
jdgir  on  his  (the  King's)  eighteen  sons,  so  that  no  stranger  might 
obtain  admission,  and  that  they  might  acquire  power  during  the 

^  [In  this  work  also  the  name  is  written  Mand6,  not  M&ndtL] 


WAKI'AT-I  MUSHTAKr.  553 

King's  lifetime.  Hoshang  acted  accordingly.  This  Mahmud  was  a 
treacherous  man,  and  aspired  to  sovereignty.  He  first  separated  the 
King's  sons  from  him.  Afterwards  he  became  his  minister,  and 
gave  his  daughter  in  marriage  to  the  King,  in  order  to  secure  a 
position  by  this  relationship.  Thus  he  first  became  minister,  and 
afterwards  a  relation  of  the  King.  Twelve  years  he  cherished  his 
schemes  without  imparting  them  to  any  one.  He  consulted  only 
with  himself,  ^e  had  constructed  a  place  in  his  house  where  he 
used  to  sit.  When  he  came  from  the  King's  Com-t,  he  went  into  it, 
and  there  he  talked  to  himself  about  what  he  had  done,  and  what 
he  must  do  if  the  result  were  as  he  expected.  One  day  his  father 
remarked  that  whenever  Mahmud  returned  from  the  King's  Court, 
he  attended  to  nothing  else,  but  went  straight  into  that  room.  He 
was  curious  to  know  what  his  son  did  there.  So  when  Mahmud 
went  into  that  place,  his  father  also  secretly  repaired  thither,  and 
listened  to  what  he  said.  Y^  He  heard  him  speaking  of  sovereignty. 
So  the  father  stepped  in,  and  struck  him  on  the  head  with  both  his 
hands,  demanding  why  he  entertained  designs  of  royalty,  and  asking 
if  he  wished  to  ruin  himself  and  all  his  family.  Mahmud  said,  **  0 
imprudent  man  I  you  have  disconcerted  my  scheme  of  twelve  years, 
and  have  broken  down  a  throne."  His  fatlier  went  out  from  the 
place,  and  told  the  King  his  son's  insane  design,  ^md  warned  him 
against  the  intended  treachery.  Hereupon  Mahmud  feigned  sickness* 
hung  up  curtains  at  his  door,  and  took  to  his  bed.  When  it 
was  daybreak,  the  King  sent  some  servants  to  see  him.  The  King 
sent  some  physicians  to  ascertain  the  facts.  Mahmud  drew  the 
curtains  close,  and  made  the  room  dark.  He  placed  a  pot  near  him, 
and  having  caused  an  animal  to  be  butchered,  he  drank  its  blood. 
When  the  physicians  came,  he  called  them  to  him,  but  they  could  not 
see  anything  through  the  darkness.  It  is  customary  for  physicians 
when  they  pay  a  visit,  after  waiting  a  little  while,  to  feel  the  pulse 
of  the  patient  As  it  was  very  dark,  they  required  a  little  light 
that  they  might  see  him  and  feel  his  pulse.  He  arose  hastily  and 
asked  for  the  basin.  When  it  was  placed  before  him,  he  forced  him- 
self to  vomit,  and  then  called  for  the  lamp  that  they  might  see  what 
he  had  thrown  up.  He  then  drew  back  his  head,  and  rolled  about 
as  if  in  pain.     When  the  lamp  was  lighted,  and  the  basin  was  put 


554  APPENDIX. 

before  the  phynoiana,  they  nw  it  was  fiill  of  blood.  So  they  did 
not  feel  hia  pulae,  but  went  and  told  the  King  that  he  waa  in  a  yvrj 
bad  state.  Whether  he  was  loyal  or  unloyal*  he  had  only  a  few- 
minutes  to  live,  for  he  must  die  in  a  short  time.  The  King  sent  his 
wife  to  take  a  last  look  of  her  father.  When  she  came,  he 
(Mahmud)  told  her  that  Hoshang  had  numerous  sons,  and  that  wbat 
he  had  done  was  to  obtain  the  throne  for  his  grandson.  She,  how- 
ever, must  help  him  in  one  matter.  When  she  asked  what  t^t 
was,  he  said  she  must  give  some  deadly  poison  to  Hoshang.  S^ 
confessed  she  had  such  a  thing,  and  promised  to  give  it  to  him.  So 
he  sent  her  back,  and  she  went  and  performed  her  task. 

On  the  night  when  Sultdn  Hoshang  died,  Mahmud  arose  and 
placing  his  grandson  upon  his  knee  he  seated  him  upon  the  throne. 
He  surrounded  him  with  men  on  whom  he  could  rely,  end  raised  the 
canopy  over  his  head.  He  issued  a  proclamation  to  the  nobles,  and 
had  robes  of  honour  prepared.  Then  he  called  them  before  him  one 
by  one.  Every  one  that  recognized  him  received  a  robe,  and  wai 
dismissed  by  another  door ;  but  every  one  that  refused  waa  killed 
there  and  then,  and  his  body  put  out  of  sight,  so  that  at  length  all 
his  adversaries  were  removed.  After  a  time  he  killed  his  grandson 
also,  and  himself  became  King.  So  he  who  had  been  wdz(r  was  now 
King.  In  the  course  of  his  reign  he  made  his  eldest  son,  (afterwards) 
Sultan  Ghiyasu-d  din,  his  wdzir. 

Account  of  Stdtdn  Ohtydsu-d  din  Khilji,  King  of  Mandu. 

He  was  a  religious  and  righteous  king.  He  was  a  careful  observer 
of  religion,  but  he  also  enjoyed  the  pleasures  of  the  world.  It  was 
his  custom  that  he  kept  every  night  some  thousand  gold  mohtw$ 
under  his  pillow,  and  in  the  day  he  gave  them  away  to  deserving 
people.  In  his  haram  there  were  seventy  women  who  knew  the 
Kur*dn  by  heart,  and  it  was  the  rule  that  when  the  Sultan  was 
dressing  they  were  to  read  it  out,  and  not  to  leave  off  till  he  had 
finished  putting  on  his  clothes. 

One  day  a  person  brought  a  hoof  of  an  ass,  and  said  it  was  the 
hoof  of  the  ass  of  Christ  (may  peace  be  to  Him  t).  He  gave  him 
50,000  tanhasy  and  took  it  from  him.  Well,  four  persons  brought 
four  hoofs.    He  took  them  all,  and  granted  50,000  tankas  to  each 


WMXVKTJ,  lamLTMEX.  S55 

one  of  theoL  Afterwards  another  person  oame  and  brought  another 
hoof,  and  the  same  snm  was  ordered  to  be  given  to  him.  One  of 
his  courtiers  observed,  "  My  lord,  an  ass  has  only  four  feet,  and  I 
never  heard  that  it  had  five,  unless  perhaps  the  ass  of  Christ  had  five." 
He  replied,  '*  Who  knows  ?  It  may  be  that  this  last  man  has  told  the 
truth,  and  one  of  the  others  was  wrong.  Qo  and  give  this  man 
also  50,000  tankas." 

He  had  ordered  his  private  servants  and  personal  attendants  that 
when  he  was  in  the  enjoyment  of  pleasure  or  engaged  in  any  worldly 
pursuit,  they  should  place  a  piece  of  cloth  before  him,  and  tell  him 
it  was  his  coffin  shroud.     This  they  did,  and  he  took  warning  from 
it.     He  would  rise  up,  perform  his  ablutions,  beseech  forgiveness 
from  Almighty  Qod,  and  then  engage  in  worship.     He  had  also 
enjoined  the  attendants  in  his  haram  to  awake  him  from  sleep ;  and 
if  he  did  not  arise,  to  throw  water  on  him,  or  pull  him  off  from  the 
bed,  so  that  he  might  not  neglect  the  night  prayers.    Also,  that  if  he 
were  even  sitting  in  a  pleasure  party,  and  the  time  for  the  night  prayer 
arrived,  they  should  take  him  by  the  hand  and  lead  him  away.     He 
never  uttered  to  them  any  improper  or  querulous  words.    Intoxica- 
ting liquors  he  would  never  look  upon  with  his  eyes  nor  hear  of. 
One  day  a  potion  (ma'j^n)  was  made  for  him,  and  when  it  was  ready 
he  was  informed  of  it.     He  said  it  was  not  to  be  brought  to  him 
until  he  had  heard  the  names  of  the  ingredients  in  it    Accordingly, 
the  list  was  brought  and  read  to  him.     He  heard  it.    There  were 
three  hundred  and  more  ingredients  in  it,  and  among  them  was  one 
drachm  of  nutmeg.    He  said  the  medicine  was  of  no  use  to  him. 
More  than  a  ^  of  tanka$  had  been  spent  for  it,  but  he  ordered  it  to 
be  brought  and  thrown  into  the  drain.     A  person  begged  that  it 
might  be  given  to  somebody  else ;  but  he  replied,  what  he  could 
not  allow  himself  to  take,  he  would  not  give  to  others.    One  day, 
the  horse  on  which  he  used  to  ride  fell  sick.     On  it  being  reported 
to  him,  he  ordered  medicine  to  be  given  to  it     Next  morning,  the 
horse  was  weU.     He  asked  if  it  was  better,  and  the  people  replied 
yes.    He  then  asked  if  it  recovered  of  itself,  or  if  medicine  had 
been  administered.    He  was  told  that  medicine  had  been  given.    He 
then  asked  what  medicine.    The  people  said,  what  the  physicians 
prescribed.    The  King  thought  it  might  be  something  that  was  pro- 


556  APPENDED. 

hibited  by  religion,  and  therefore  they  would  not  tell  what  it  was. 
He  ordered  the  horse  to  be  turned  out  of  his  stable,  and  left  free  in 
the  jungle.  He  was  told  that  such  a  horse  should  not  be  set  at  laige 
in  the  forest,  but  should  be  given  to  somebody.  The  King  again 
said,  why  should  he  allow  to  others  what  he  did  not  approve  of 
for  himself. 

On  one  oocasion  one  of  the  neighbours  of  Shaikh  Malimnd  Nu*in£n, 
who  was  with  the  Sultdn,  left  the  city  of  Dehli,  as  other  people  had 
left  that  city  and  had  returned  successful  He  told  Shaikh  Mahmnd 
that,  having  remembered  the  King,  he  had  come  from  Dehli ;  for  be 
had  his  daughter  to  marry,  and  he  wanted  the  Shaikh  to  get  the 
King  to  give  him  something.  The  Shaikh  said  he  would  give  him 
as  much  as  he  required.  But  the  man  refused,  saying  that  as  other 
people  had  received  the  King's  bounty,  he  also  hoped  tow  obtam 
something  from  him,  and  that  he  would  gain  respect  among^  the  people 
of  his  tribe  by  obtaining  the  bounty  of  the  King  of  Mandu.  The 
Shaikh  said,  what  he  was  going  to  give,  the  recipient  might  represent 
as  having  been  received  from  the  King ;  for  who  would  know  that 
the  King  had  not  given  it  ?  The  man  replied  that  he  had  set  his 
heart  upon  gaining  his  object,  and  that  he  would  do  it  himself 
without  the  intervention  of  another.  The  Shaikh  replied,  the  other 
people  who  had  come  there  were  the  descendants  of  great  men,  and 
he  had  obtained  property  for  them  through  their  ancestors'  names, 
or  they  themselves  possessed  some  merit  which  he  could  praise. 
Bat»  said  the  Shaikh,  *^  You  are  neither  noble  nor  eminent  How  can 
I  recommend  you  to  the  King?  "  The  man  replied  that  he  did  not 
know,  but  that  he  had  come  to  the  Shaikh,  and  that  he  must  by 
iome  means  or  other  introduce  him  to  the  King ;  for  His  Majesty 
was  very  generous,  and  would  give  him  whatever  fate  had  or- 
dained. The  Shaikh  was  in  a  great  difficulty.  When  he  went  to 
His  M«\jesty*s  Court,  this  man  also  went  after  him.  When  they 
fv^kched  the  palace  gate,  wheat  was  being  dispensed  in  alms  to  fakirs 
and  wvuuen.  The  Shaikh  said,  '*  Take  a  handful  of  wheat."  The  man 
¥r«4it  and  brought  it  The  Shaikh  gave  him  his  handkerchief  to 
k^p  the  grains  in  it,  and  the  man  took  it  and  did  accordingly. 
WWu  Um^  Shaikh  went  before  His  Majesty,  this  man  also  followed 
hiitt  thither*    The  King  asked  who  the  man  was  that  was  standing 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTICES.  557 

behind  him.  The  Shaikh  replied,  he  had  learnt  the  Kur'an  by 
heart ;  that  he  had  come  from  Dehli,  and  had  brought  some  grains 
of  wheat,  over  each  of  which  he  had  read  the  whole  Kur'dn.  The 
King  said,  "  Then  I  ought  to  go  to  him ;  why  have  you  brought  him 
here  ?  "  The  Shaikh  replied  that  the  man  was  not  worthy  that  His 
Majesty  should  go  to  him.  **  Let  him  be  what  he  is,"  said  the  King, 
''  but  the  present  which  he  has  brought  is  such  that  I  should  go  on  my 
head."  The  Shaikh  observed  that  His  Majesty  would  act  according 
to  his  goodness,  but  that,  as  a  servant  of  his  Court,  he  waa  afraid  he 
should  be  blamed  by  the  ministers  of  the  age  for  taking  his 
Sovereign  to  the  house  of  an  unworthy  person.  The  King  told  him 
not  to  consider  the  outward  appearance,  but  to  have  regard  to  what 
concerned  religion  and  the  soul.  At  last  the  Shaikh  decided  that 
the  man  should  be  in  the  jdmV  masjid  on  Friday,  and  that  His 
Majesty  might  take  the  present  from  him  there.  This  was  approved 
of  by  the  King,  and  on  Friday  the  man  came.  The  Shaikh,  when 
the  prayers  were  over,  reminded  the  King,  who  ordered  him  to  tell 
the  man  to  ascend  the  pulpit.  When  he  did  so,  the  King  spread  out 
the  lower  part  of  his  garment,  and  the  man  ctist  down  the  grains. 

H.:^BIBLIOGBAPHICAL  NOTICES  OF  WOBKS  OF 

THE  PEBIOD. 

I. 
ZainU'l  Akhbdr. 

This  work  is  quoted  in  the  Histories  of  Firishta  and  Nizdmu-d 
dfn  Ahmad  Bakhshi  as  one  of  the  authorities  on  which  their  state- 
ments are  founded ;  but  it  does  not  appear  for  what  particular  period 
of  Indian  History  they  are  indebted  to  it  for  information.  The  only 
knowledge  I  have  of  it  is  derived  from  the  account  of  Sir  W.  Ouseley, 
who  describes  it  thus : — 

"  The  ZainU'l  Akhhdr  is  a  very  curious  and  extraordinary  work ; 
containing  the  ancient  history  of  Persia,  of  the' Jewish,  Christian, 
Magian,  and  Hindu  religious  fasts  and  ceremonies.  Annals  of  the 
Muhammadan  kings  and  Khalifas,  Geographical  notices,  anecdotes, 
and  chronological  tables,"  etc. 


558  APPENDED 

**  A  most  valuable  work  in  illustrating  the  history  and  antiqmtiee 
of  Asia.    Of  this  exoellent  work  I  have  never  seen  another  copy." 
Size— Small  folio,  containing  527  pages. 

n. 

TdrOch-i  Hind. 

H&j(  Khflfa  mentions  (No.  2340)  a  work  under  this  title,  cam- 
posed  by  Muhammad  bin  Yusuf  Hirwf.  He  says  that  it  contains  an 
account  of  the  notable  things  in  the  country  of  Hind,  and  he  adds, 
**  To  this  Title  are  to  be  referred  the  histories  of  New  West  India, 
which  a  late  author  has  translated  into  Turki  from  the  Unguafraua, 
with  additions.  In  it  he  has  given  a  full  account  of  the  counliy 
known  by  the  name  of  Yangi  Dunyd,  "the  new  world."  The 
Tdrikh'%  Hind  is  no  doubt  the  same  work  as  Bisdlu-i  *Ajdib  va 
Ohardih'i  ^ndustdn,  since  the  author  of  that  treatise  also  bears  the 
name  of  Muhammad  Tusuf  Hirwi.  This  Biadla  is  twice  quoted  in 
the  Haft  Iklim  under  "  KHpi." 

It  is  probably  the  same  TdrOch-i  Hind  which  is  quoted  in  the 
Tdrikh'i  Alfi,  the  Hahihu-a  Siyar,  and  the  Nafahdtu-l  Ins,  As  the 
last  two  in  their  quotation  from  the  Tdrikh-i  Hind  show  the  author 
to  have  been  contemporary  with,  and  to  have  conversed  with  Khwaja 
Hasfin  Dehlivi,  who  was  a  disciple  of  Nizdmu-d  dfn  Ahmad,  he  must 
have  flourished  about  the  beginning  of  the  eighth  century  of  the 
Hijra,  for  Nizamu-d  din  died  a.h.  725. 

m. 

Tdrikh-i  Pddshdhdn-i  Hind; 

Tdrikh-i  Pddshdhdn-i  Humdyun, 

The  first  work  is  described  in  Stewart's  Catalogue  (p.  17)  as  an 
abridged  history  of  the  Muhammadan  kings  of  Hindustan  till  the 
accession  of  the  Emperor  Akbar.  It  is  probably  the  same  as  the 
work  of  that  name  noticed  by  James  Fraser  ( Catalogue  of  Manu- 
scripts collected  in  the  East,  1742),  as  well  as  by  Von  Hammer  {Qesck. 
d,  red.  Per 8,,  p.  411). 

*  See  Sir  W.  0086167*8  Oriental  Manutcriptt^  No.  704,  and  Epitome  of  the  Ane. 
Sift,  of  Persia^  p.  xiL 


AUTOBIOGRAPHY  OP  TIMITB.  659 

The  second  is  the  title  of  a  work  in  the  Catalogue  of  Capt. 
Jonathan  Scott's  Library  (Onseley,  Oriental  CoUeeiionB,  yoL  i., 
p.  370). 

L— AUTOBIOGRAPHY  OF  TTMirR. 

[In  a  very  kind  and  appreciative  review  of  the  Third  Yoltime  of 
this  work/  Dr.  Sachau,  of  Vienna,  has  re-opened  the  question  as  to 
the  authenticity  of  the  Malfuzdt-i  TimM,  The  old  arguments  for 
and  against  were  noticed  in  the  account  given  of  the  book  in 
Vol.  in. ;  but  as  it  is  a  matter  of  some  literary  interest,  Dr.  Sachau*s 
objections  are  here  quoted  in  full. 

''The  last  two  works  in  the  series  of  chronicles  described  in 
this  volume  refer  to  Timur.  The  first  of  them,  Malftizdt'i'Timuri, 
pretends  to  be  an  autobiography  of  Timur.  The  reader  will  be 
astonished  to  learn  how  that  monster — who  knew  so  well  how  to  sack 
and  bum  cities,  to  slaughter  hundreds  of  thousands  of  his  fellow- 
creatures,  to  lay  waste  almost  one-half  of  the  then  civilized  world 
in  a  marvellously  short  time — in  his  leisure  hours  received  inspira- 
tions from  Clio ;  that  he,  in  short,  was  a  Tatar  Cassar.  Even  admit- 
ting that  he  knew  how  to  write,  we  cannot  believe  in  his  authorship 
of  the  book  in  question,  and  that  for  the  following  reasons. 

''A  certain  'AbCi  Talib  Husaini  presented  to  the  Emperor  Shahjahan 
a  Persian  translation  of  an  autobiography  of  Timur,  from  his  7th  to 
his  74th  year,  written  originally  in  Chagatai.  The  oiiginal,  he  stated, 
had  been  found  in  the  library  of  a  Pasha  of  Taman.  This  story 
sounds  strongly  apocryphal.  First  of  all,  it  is  not  very  likely  in 
itself  that  Timur  should  have  written  his  own  history.  But  B&bar 
had  done  so,  likewise  Jahangir.  Why  should  not  also  the  father  of 
the  family,  Timur  himself,  have  had  this  'family  predilection*? 
Certainly  it  was  a  very  good  business  to  produce  such  a  work  at  the 
court  of  Shahjahun.  It  is  not  necessary  to  suppose  that  this  prince 
himself  believed  in  the  authenticity  of  the  book,  but  probably  he 
deemed  it  in  his  interest  to  adopt  the  story  as  it  wa^  produced,  and 
to  make  people  believe  in  it 

*'  Professor  Dowson  shows  (p.  390),  from  the  preface  of  the  Zafar- 
ndma,  composed  by  Sharaf-aldin  Yazdl,  a.h.  828,  only  thirty  years 

1  Academy,  No.  34,  15th  October,  1871. 


560  APPENDED 

after  Tiinur's  deatb,  that  certain  offioers  in  tbe  suite  of  TLmnr  were 
always  employed  to  write  down  everything  that  happened  to  hinL 
in  fact  to  compose  court-chronicles  both  in  Turkl  and  PersiaiL 
There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  this  statement  of  Yazdl ;  it  is  from  these 
materials  that  he  composed  his  eulogy,  not  to  say  history,  of  Timor. 
But  were  these  materials  ever  gathered  and  formed  into  one  coherent 
composition,  into  a  book  ?  This  we  can  hardly  believe  to  have  been 
the  case  if  we  remember  the  statement  of  Tazdt,  that  his  patron 
Ibrahim,  Timur's  grandson,  tried  to  procure  for  him  '  from  all  parts 
of  his  dominions  copies  of  the  worica  relating  to  the  life  of  Timnr' 
(p.  391).  But  admitting  that  such  a  book  existed,  how  then,  did  it 
happen  that  it  remained  unnoticed  for  centuries  under  the  reigns  of 
all  Timur's  descendants  as  far  as  Shahjah&n  ?  If,  after  the  death  of 
Timur,  another  dynasty  had  come  into  power,  it  would  be  only 
natural  that  they  should  have  tried  to  destroy  every  memorial  of 
their  predecessors.  But  that  was  not  the  case ;  members  of  his 
family  were  sitting  on  the  thrones  of  Persia,  Transoxiana,  and  IndiA. 
Further,  are  those  court-chronicles  identical  with  the  Afa7/i2zd/-f- 
Timuriy  as  Professor  Dowson  seems  to  believe  (p.  340)  ?  The  editor 
states  quite  correctly  with  regard  to  Yazdi's  Zafar-ndma  and  the 
Malfilzdty  that  one  is  a  mere  reproduction  of  the  other.  And  from 
this  fact  we  conclude  that  the  MalfUzdt  are  forged  upon  the  basis  of 
Yazdrs  work.  In  the  first  instance,  the  Malftlzdt  are  composed  in 
the  strict  form  of  an  autobiography  (*I  said,*  *I  ordered,*  eta), 
and  we  can  scarcely  assume  that  this  was  the  form  of  the  above- 
mentioned  court-chronicles.  Secondly,  if  Timur  had  been  an  author 
himself,  Yazdl  would  certainly  have  mentioned  it,  and  would,  page 
after  page,  have  enlarged  on  his  stylistic  attainments.  But  such  is 
not  the  case.** 

Dr.  Sachau,  in  the  first  place,  deems  it  to  be  incredible  that  a 
monster  like  Timur  over  wrote  his  memoirs,  even  if  he  were  able 
to  write  at  all.  It  has  never  been  contended  that  they  were  actually 
written  by  Tinmr  with  his  own  hand,  but  that  the  book  was  pro- 
duced under  his  personal  direction  and  superintendence,  and  that 
he  intended  it  to  pass  as  his  autobiography.  That  Timur  was 
"a  monster'*  is  certain,  but  why  this  should  disqualify  him  from 
writing  a  history  of  his  life  is  not  manifest     Other  monsters  have 


AUTOBIOGEAPHY  OP  TrMlTB.  661 

taken  a  pride  in  the  reoord  of  their  iniquities  and  atrocities,  but  then 
their  opinions  of  themselves  and  of  their  deeds  differed  widely  from 
the  verdict  passed  upon  them  by  mankind. 

That  the  story  of  the  ^scovery  of  the  book  ''  sounds  strongly 
apocryphal/'  has  been  admitted  from  the  first  It  gives  ground  for 
very  great  suspicion,  but  it  would  not  be  conclusive,  even  if  the  book 
were  entirely  destitute  of  evidence  as  to  its  authenticity. 

It  would  certainly  have  been  ''  a  very  good  business  to  produce 
such  a  work  at  the  court  of  Sh^  Jahan,"  if  the  work  had  been 
written  in  the  prevailing  style.  But  the  book  in  question  tells 
a  plain  straightforward  tale,  devoid  of  all  that  varnish  and  tinsel 
which  a  forger,  in  accordance  with  the  prevailing  taste,  would  have 
lavished  upon  his  work  to  make  it  acceptable.  The  reception  it  met 
with  shows  what  was  thought  of  it :  Another  writer  was  commis- 
sioned to  assimilate  it  to  the  Zafar-ndma, 

"  The  Malfuzdt  are  composed  in  the  strict  form  of  an  autobiography 
('I  said,'  'I  ordered,'  etc.),  and  we  can  scarcely  assxmie  that  this 
was  the  form  of  the  above-mentioned  court-chronicles ; "  but  why 
not  ?  and  in  what  form  should  an  autobiography  be  written  ?  The 
Memoirs  of  Bdbar,  Timur's  descendant,  are  written  in  the  very  form 
objected  to,  as  the  pages  of  the  present  volume  show.  It  may  even 
be  that  these  very  memoirs  were  the  incentive  and  the  model  of 
Babar*s.  Both  are  written  in  a  similar  style ;  plain,  out-spoken,  and 
free  from  reticence  or  apology.  Bdbar's  character  is  plainly  im- 
pressed upon  his  memoirs.  Is  not  Timur's  equally  manifest  in  the 
Mal/uzdi  f 

''Lastly,  Dr.  Sachau  thinks  that  if  Tfmur  had  been  an  author,  Tazdf 
would  certainly  have  mentioned  it,  and  would,  page  after  page,  have 
enlarged  on  his  stylistic  attainments."  Perhaps  so.  But,  "  if  Timur 
had  been  an  author,"  Yazdi  employed  himself  in  reproducing  his 
work  in  an  improved  style.  He  could  not  very  well  have  lavished 
praises  on  the  style  of  a  work  which  he  so  laboriously  endeavoured 
to  supersede.  On  the  other  hand,  it  would  have  been  somewhat 
dangerous,  at  the  court  of  Timur's  grandson,  to  boast  of  having  im- 
proved the  writings  of  such  a  redoubtable  character.  Yazdi,  how- 
ever, distinctly  tells  us  that  Memoirs  of  Timur's  life  were  written 
under  the  direction  of  Timur  himself,  that  they  were  read  in  his 
VOL.  nr.  36 


662  APPENDIX. 

presence,  and  received  '*  the  impress  of  his  approvaL*'  ^  Under  sod 
circumstanoes  the  autobiographical  form  is  veiy  likely  to  have  been 
employed,  even  though  Timur  never  wrote  a  line  himself. 

Dr.  Saohau  agrees  that  the  Memoirs  and  the  Zafar-ndma  are  re- 
productions the  one  of  the  other ;  but  his  view  is,  that  the  Memoiis 
are  derived  from  the  Zafar-ndma,  Against  this  it  may  be  urged, 
first,  that  Yazdi  confesses  that  he  used  writings  which  had  **  received 
the  impress  of  Timur's  approval,"  and  so  acknowledges  the  pre- 
existence  of  something  in  the  shape  of  Memoirs.  Secondly,  the 
Zafar-ndma  comprises  neither  ''the  Institutes  of  Timur"  nor  his 
''  Testament,"  which  form  one  part  of  the  Memoirs ;  so,  these  at 
least  were  not  taken  from  the  Zafar-ndma.  Lastly,  the  Memoin 
contain  many  little  matters  of  detail  which  are  not  to  be  found  in 
the  Zafar-ndma.  So,  if  the  one  work  "  is  a  mere  reproduction  of 
the  other,"  the  larger  work  full  of  minor  details  cannot  have  been 
reproduced  from  the  lesser  work,  in  which  those  details  do  not  appear. 
The  Zafar-ndma  may  have  been  entirely  derived  from  the  Memoirs, 
but  it  is  scarcely  possible  that  the  Memoirs  were  wholly  drawn  from 
the  Zafar-ndma. 

The  Tabakdt-i  Bdbarl  noticed  in  this  volume  reproduces  Babar's 
Memoirs  with  all  the  graces  of  Persian  rhetoric,  and  stands  in  the 
same  relation  to  Babar's  Memoirs  as  the  Zafar-ndma  does  to  the 
Malfuzdt-i  TimurL  There  is  no  question  as  to  the  priority  of  Babar's 
writings.  In  this  case  at  least,  the  natural  course  prevailed,  and  the 
simple  narrative  preceded  the  highly  elaborate  and  polished  com- 
position. Are  not  the  two  cases  of  Timur's  and  Babar's  Memoirs 
more  likely  to  be  similar  than  contrary  ? 

In  the  present  volume  there  are  two  or  three  short  extracts  of  the 
History  of  Timur,  as  given  by  'Abdu-r  Kazzdk  in  his  Matla'u-s 
Sa'dain.  Sir  H.  Elliot's  Library  contains  only  some  portions  of 
this  part  of  the  work,  and  no  perfect  copy  of  the  MS.  is  accessible, 
so  at  present  it  cannot  be  ascertained  whether  'Abdu-r  Hazzak 
acknowledges  the  source  from  which  he  derived  the  History  of 
Timur.  That  he  borrowed  it  or  translated  it  from  a  previous  writer 
is  apparent — ^for  nothing  can  be  more  dissimilar  in  style  than  the  two 
volumes  of  the  Matla'u-s  Sa'datn.     The  History  of  Timur  is  as 

1  See  vol.  iii.,  p.  290. 


AUTOBIOGRAPHY  OF  TrMlTE.  663 

simple  fimd  plain  as  Timur's  own  Memoirs :  the  Embassy  to  India  is 
narrated  in  the  high  style,  in  language  almost  as  florid  and  ornate  as 
that  of  the  Zafar-ndma,  It  is  easy  to  see  which  style  the  author 
preferred.  Where  then  did  he  get  his  History  of  Tfmur?  If  he 
translated  or  adapted  Timor's  Memoirs  as  given  in  the  Mal/uzdt,  the 
simplicity  of  style  will  be  accounted  for.  It  can  never  be  believed 
that  he  drew  his  history  from  the  Zafar-ndma,  transferring  it  fin)m 
a  style  which  he  himself  cultivated  and  must  have  admired,  into  a 
plain  narrative,  uncongenial  to  his  taste  and  unsatisfactory  to  him  as 
an  ambitious  writer.  If  'Abdu-r  Bazzdk  did  not  use  the  Malfuzdt, 
he  must  have  used  some  work  remarkably  similar  to  it  No  such 
work  is  known. 

Timur's  Memoirs  profess  to  have  been  written  in  Turki,  and  the 
translation  into  Persian  was  not  made  until  long  after  the  date  of  the 
Matla'u-a  Sd'dain,  A  ccureful  collation  of  several  pages  of  the  Persian 
version  of  the  Memoirs  and  of  the  Matla'U'S  Sd'dain  shows  no 
identity  of  language.  So  the  latter  work  may  have  been  derived 
from  the  original  Turki  version  of  the  Memoirs,  but  the  Persian 
version  of  the  Memoirs  was  not  stolen  from  the  MaiUd'u-a  Sa^dain, 

The  chief  and  only  tenable  arguments  against  the  authenticity  of 
the  work  are  the  time  and  place  of  its  discovery,  and  the  fact  of 
the  original  Turki  version  never  having  come  to  light.  The  force 
of  these  objections  is  fully  acknowledged;  but  they  are  not  and 
cannot  be  decisive.  The  considerations  above  urged  must  have 
some  weight  in  countervailing  them,  but  a  more  forcible  argument 
than  all  may  be  drawn  from  the  Memoirs  themselves.  These 
seem  to  bear  the  impress  of  originality  and  authenticity.  The 
style  of  the  work  is  such  as .  no  forger  would  have  been  likely  to 
adopt ;  while  the  personal  and  family  matters,  the  petty  details,  the 
unreserved  expression  of  the  ferocious  thoughts  and  designs  of  the 
conqueror,  and  the  whole  tenor  of  the  work,  seem  to  point  to  Tfmur 
himself  as  the  man  by  whom  or  under  whose  immediate  direction 
and  superintendence  the  Memoirs  were  written. — J.  D.] 

END  OF  VOL.  IV. 


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