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VOL. 11. 





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Chaf. I.— -Language and Literature of Jsra, - - 8 

Chaf. IL— -Language and Literature of the Ma- 
lays, - - - - - . - 40 

CsAP. III. — Language and Literature of Celebes, SO 

Chap. IV.— -Minor Languages of the Archipelago, 66 

Chap. V.— General Observaticms on the Polynesian 

Languages, ..... - 71 

Chap. VL— Vocabularies, - - . -120 


'|Sap. I.-^Ancient Religion of the Indian Islanders, 194 
Chap. II.~Religion of Bali, - . - -886 


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Chap. III.— Character of Mahomedanism in the 

Indian Archipelago^ .... 259 

Chap. IV.— -State of Christianity in the Indian 
Archipelago, « ^ . . . . 272 



Chap. I.-^Prelinmuit7 Remarks on the Histoiy of 

the Archipelago, . . . « . 284 

Chap. II.— Andent Histcxry of Java, - - 293 

Chap. III.— Histary of the Pxopagalioii of Maho^ 

medanism in Java, ..... 803 

Chap. IV.«-Histoiy of Java continued. 

Chap. V. — Sequel of Javanese History, - . 887 

Chap. VI.— History of the Malays, - . 871 

Chap. VII.— History of Celebes, - . - 879 

Chap. VIII.— -Portuguese History of the Archi- 
pelago, . . - . - - - -891 

Chap. IX.— Dutch Hiatory of the Archipelago, 410 

Chap. X.— Spanish History of the Archipelago, 945 

CiiAP. XI.-<^hroiiQlogical Table of the prindpal 
Events in the History of the Archipelago, - 481 

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Plate 1. View joewt Buiteozoxx^ pr Bogx, io Jsva, 
to face title-page. 
2. A naliTe of the black and blown oomidex- 

ionediaceB, * • page 17 

8. Malay hoiue% - - - 167 

4. Javanese houses, • . 16S 

5. Warlike weapon^ • . 821 

6. Coins of the Archipelago, • ftBS 

7. Signs of the week of fiye dajs^ &c. S85 

8. Antique metallic bowl, * . 297 

9. Javanese mudcal instnunenta^ - 826 

10. Specimen of music, . . 840 

11. Da da . . ib. 

12. Do. do. • . i|>. 
18. Do. do. • . ib. 

14. Agricultural implements, &c . 848 


15. Viewof BoroBudrarinJata^toCDtrnttitle. 


16. Alphabets, - - - 71 

17. Do. . - . . ib. 
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Plate 18. Temple of Sukuh in Javm Pa^ 195 

19. Sculptures from the temple of Boro Bu- 

dor in Java, ... 203 

20. Do. do. - - ib. 

21. Do. do. ^ . ib. 

22. Do. do. - - ib. 

23. Do. do. . . ib. 

24. Do. do. - - ib. 

25. Fig. of a warder from the temples of Bram- 

banan, ... 207 

26. Fig. of a lion from the temple of Boro 

Budor, . . . ib. 

27. Fig. of Mahadewa, fix>m the temples of 

Brambanan, - - - ib. 

28. Fig. of Siwa, from a cast in the Author^'s 

possession, . • . ib. 

29. Fig. of Buddha, from the temple of Boro 

Budor, - - - ib. 

30. Fig. of Vishnu, from the temples of Bram- 

banan, ... ib. 

81. Ancient inscriptions, • - 211 


32. Raja of Bali and female attendant, to front 


33. A Bramin of Bali, . . 75 

34. A Chinese junk, &c. - - 140 

35. Map of the Eastern Archipelago, at the 



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I VOL. n. 


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Alphabet.'-^GrammaUcal Form.'-'^CcpuMuness.^^Redundancy. 
^^Ordmary and Ceremonial DiaUcts.'^Analogy of Sound 
to Sensc-^Figuradve Language.'^Derkfaium of the Lamm 
guagej'^IAteraturc'^Dhigkm into Ancient and Modem 
IMeraiure.^^L^rical Comfonti€nsj-^Hind» Literature,'^ 
Native Romances.'—Hittorieal Compoationj'^Prose Com^ 
posilum.'^^Aralnc IMerature^'^^EducaUon.'^Bodks and Ma* 
nuscripts^'-^General Character of Javanese Compositions. 

Of all the languages of the Indian Islands, the 
most improved and copious is that of the Javanese* 
It is written in a peculiar character, of great neat- 
ness, which extends to the language of the Sundas, 
the Madurese, Balinese, and people of Lombok, 
and, in comparatively recent times, along with the 
parent language, made some progress in Sumatra 
and Borneo. It is confessedly formed on the 
principles of the Sanskrit alphabet, but, unlike some 
other languages of the Archipelago, it has not foU 

VOL* II. • 

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lowed the well known and artificial classification of 
that alphabet. 

The Javanese language has twenty consonants, 
and six vowel sounds. The letters of the alpha- 
bet, in the native enumeration of them, are con* 
sidered but twenty in number, the vowels being 
omitted, and considered only as orthographic marks, 
like the supplementary characters of the Arabic 
alphabet. Of the Dewanagari alphabet, the Java« 
nese wants no less than fourteen consonants. An 
European is most stmck with the absence of the 
letters J* and v, and of that sound for which sk 
stands in our own language. With respect to the 
vowels, the greatest peculiarity is the frequent sub* 
stitution of the vowel o for the a of other languages, 
or rather the transformation of the latter into the 
former. The Indian words kama^ love, and samiy 
with, become, in the enunciation of the Javanese, 
komo and somo. But this happens without any 
change in the orthography ; for this commutable 
sound is that vowel of the Indian alphabet inherent 
in every consonant, without being expressed. This 
peculiarity I am inclined to consider as quite acci- 
dental ; for we find, that while the o is the favour- 
ite vowel of the Javanese, their neighbours, on the 
same island, and on Madura, adopt the a, and 
tribes as little connected with them as possible on 
Sumatra, like them prefer the broad sound of o. 
When one consonant coalesces with another, or 

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follows it without the interventioa of a vowel, the 
practice of the Javanese alphabet differs from that 
of the Sanskrit. The Javanese^ in such situatiohs, 
give their consonants new forms, and often place 
the second in position underneath the first. This 
is evidently an improvement on the Sanskrit al- 
^abety where confusion is the consequence of mul- 
tiplying and combining the characters, begetting 
rather an alphabet of syllables or of combinations 
of letters, than of the simple elements of sounds. 

The Javanese alphabet, as it relates to its own 
language, comes up to the notion of a perfect cha- 
racter, for it expresses every sound in the lan- 
guage, and every sound invariably with the same 
character, which never expresses but one. From 
this excellence of the alphabet, it follows, that the 
language is easily read and written, and a false or 
viable orthography, so common in European 
languages, is seldom discovered, even among the 
unlearned. In splendour or elegance the alphabet 
of the Arabs and Persians is probably superior to 
that of the Jamnese ; but the latter, it may be safe- 
ly asseirted, surpasses in beauty and neatness ail 
other written characters. 

All the languages (^ the Archipeli^ are sin- 
gularly simple and inartificial in their structure, 
and th& Javanese partakes of this common charac- 
ter, though it perhaps be on the whole the most 
capiplex and artificial in its formation. 

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The noun admits of no Tariation in its form to 
express gender of number, which are effected by 
adjectives, as the first is in our own tongue. One 
ample inflection represents the genitive case, and 
the other relations are expressed by prepositions ; 
nay, even the prepositions, in situations where they 
could not be dispensed with in other languages, 
are omitted, and the sense left; to be made out 
from the context, — a practice very consonant to the 
genius of the language. 

The adjective is still more simple in its form 
than the noun, admitting of no distinction of gen- 
der, number, or case, and seldom of any change by 

The pronouns are equally invariable in their, 
form. Their position before or after a word* de- 
termines them respectively to be pronominal or ad- 
jective. Those of the first and second person are 
very numeroys. There is none at all of the third, 
except in a possessive form. Now and then the 
word ^^is vaguely so used. 

The veib, like that of other languages, may be 
divided into active and neuter. There is but one 
mood, the imperative, determined by any change 
in the form of the verb. The rest are left to be 
understood by the context. The simple form of 
the verb expresses present time, one auxiliary a 
perfect past, and another an indefinite future, and 
these are all the tenses of « Javanese verb. With 


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or JAVA* 7 

the diaraoterislic brevity, or rather loo6eiie8d> which, 
belongs to the laiiguage» even these signs of the 
tenses are often omitted, and the meaning left to 
be gathered Scorn the context. 

The most perfect portion of the verb is the pas- 
sive voice, unless we except the processes by which 
verbs are changed from intransitive to transitive. 

The most complex and artificial processes of Ja« 
vanese grammar are those by which one part of 
speech is formed from another. Most of the parts 
of speech admit of being changed one into the 
other, even with a degree of versatility beyond that 
of our own language. This is most commonly ef- 
fected by prefixing or affixing insepaniUe particles, 
or botib ; bat it not unfrequently happens, that the 
same word, in its primitive and most simple form, 
is used for several different parts of speech, — a prac- 
tice which particularly obtains in the spoken dia- 
lect, the more formal language of composition 
being usually somewhat more artificial in its struc- 

The Javanese language is not less remarkable 
for its copiousness in some respects, than for its 
meagreness and poverty in others^ In unimport- 
ant trifles, it deals in the most puerile and endless 
distinctions, while, in matters of utility, not to say 
in matters of science, it is utterly defective. These 
characters of the language belong to the peculiar 
itate of society which exists among tiie pec^ie of 

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Java, wUch I shaM endeavour to illmfcraCe^ fay eii« 
tering at some length upon the subject. 

There are two wuroes of copmunest in the Ja« 
vanese language, one resulting from the natural ten- 
dency of this language, and perhaps of most other 
semi-barbarous tongues, to degeh^ate into redun- 
dancy, and the other from political causes. In the 
fir^t case, it descends to the slenderest ramifioations 
of distinction, often more resembling the elaborate 
arrangements of science than the common lan- 
guage of the world. It wanUms in exuberance, 
when species, varieties, and individuals are describ- 
ed,— while no skill is displayed in combining and 
generalizing. Not only are names for the more 
general abstractions usually wantmg, as in the 
words &te, space, nature, &c. but the language 
shows the utmost deficiency in common generic 
names. There are, for example, two names for 
each of the metals, and three for some ; but not 
one for the whole class, — not a word equivalent to 
metal or mineral. There exists no word for ani- 
mal, expressing the whole class of living creatures. 
The genera of beasts^ Inrds^ insectSy and reptiles^ 
are but indifferently expressed ; but for the indi- 
viduals of each class there is the usual superfluity^ 
five names, for example, for a dog ; six for a hc^ 
and elephant, and seven for a horse. 

The disposition to generalize which appears in 
every polished hmguage, and so discovendtile in the 

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Of JAVA. 9 

stanuitiune of alsmt every senkence, k, in dhort, a 
slaraE^er te the Jwm^se. It is fitted for the lan- 
guage of pune descriptioiis of the paanoDB, or of fa^ 
miliar life, but whdiy defeetive when any degfee 
of suMety or abatraeti^m is implied, as may well be 
expected in the language of a simple and semi4MUP« 
barous people. 

It is, (^ course^ on familiar oceasioBs, that the 
minute and painful re<kindance of the language is 
moat commonly displayed. The various postures 
or modifications of position in which the human 
body can be placed, not only for ease and conve- 
nience, but from whim or caprice, are described in 
a language so copious, that the anatomist, the 
painter, or the statuary, might derive assistance 
from it. There are with the Javanese ten ways 
of standing, and twenty of sitting, and each has 
its distinct and specific appelladon. To express 
the diiferent modifications of sound, there are not 
less than fifty words. In such cases the ramiiica- 
turns of meaning are expressed by distinct words^ 
and the nicer shades ^by changing the broader 
vowels fbr the slenderer ones, the greater intensity 
being expressed by the first, and the lesser by the 
second. Thus, gumrot means the noise of a dow 
on its hinges, while gun^et and gumrit mean the 
aune thing, each in a less intense degree. 

The greiit source of c^iousness inthelanguagCt 

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howerer, is that which springs from the fal»ic <^ 
society, considered in a politiciil view. This pecu- 
liarity of the language runs to so great an extent, 
that speech is in &ct divided into two dialects, the 
ordinary language, and one invented to express 
deference and respect. This 'distinction by no 
means implies a court or polished language, op- 
posed to a vulgar or popular one, for both are 
equally polite and cultivated, and all depends on 
the rehitions in which the speakers stand to eadi 
other, as they, happen to be inferiors or supe« 
riors. A servant addresses his master in the lan- 
guage of deference, a child his parent, a wife her 
husband, if there be much disparity in their ages, 
and the courtier his prince. The superior replies 
in the ordinary dialect, the language still affording 
modifications and distinctions, according to the 
rank of the person he addresses, until that rank 
rises to equality, when, if no intimacy subsists be- 
tween the parties, the language of deference is 
adc^ted by both, or when, if there does, Ceremony 
is thrown aside, and the ordinary language becomes 
the only medium of conversation. An extensive 
acquaintance with the language of deference is 
held a mark of education and good-breeding. 
With persons who frequent a court, or are in ha- 
bits of interoourse with the great, the .phraseology 
is refined and copious } but of the ordinary peasant^ 

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OT JAVA, 11 

k may be well bdieved that the vocabulary is 
meagre and confined. 

In the formation of the Javanese language of de- 
ference, the aim is to avoid what is ordinary or fa« 
miliar, as equivalent to what is not respectful. In 
a few words of rare occurrence, and not familiar 
by use, no change is effeeted. Recourse, in other 
cases, is had to the recondite language of literature, 
which is equivalent to the Sanskrit; thus estrif 
puiro, suryo^ chondro^ are the respectful terms 
for a woman, a child^ the sun, and the moon« 
When it happens, however, that, by frequent use, 
a Sanskrit word melts into the common idiom, a 
new proceeding is followed. Thus we have kanm 
ciono, gold, converted inboj&tme^ the yellow ob- 
ject, and s&lokOy silver, into pettakcm^ or the white 

Sometimes the word used in the language of de- 
ference is an entire synonym differing in sound 
and orthography, as, for^au^, to do, damiU ; for 
teroft, to sleep, sqre or tilam ; for watu^ a stone, 
mIo ; for dalan, a road, mdrgi ; and for balis to 
i^tum, Tvar^suL 

The most frequent mode of all is, by effi^ting a 
slight orthographical change in words of the ordi- 
nary language. These changes are not wanton or 
capricious, but subject to a fixed principle, capaUe 
•Cbemg reduced to rule. A termination in ^, in 
Tig, and in ton, is reqiectful, and it is respectful 

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always to change a broad sounding vowel into a 
more slender one. Maricho^ pepper, becomes by 
this rule mariyos ; priyayiy a chief, priyantan ; Aro- 
yUy wood, becomes kqjang ; Jowo, id^vtLj becomes 
Jawi; kuloTif the west, becomes kilen ;%nd lor^ the 
north, becomes kr. 

Even the names of places are, in the most pro* 
yoking and puzzling manner, subjected to the same 
changes. Often these are entire synonyms, and stiii 
more frequently literal translationsof thecompound- 
ed words, of which the names of places so often con* 
sist. In writing to a superior, for example, it 
would be thought ill bred to use the usual word« 
Cheribon, Garsik, or Solo, for the names of these 
towns. The inferior would call them respectively 
Qrage^ Tandas^ and Surakarta ; and were h# to 
write Batofumas, or the country of the golden wa^ 
ter^ the name of a beautiful province of the island, 
he would call it Toyoj&nne, which means just the 
same thing ^ while a still higher stretch of com- 
plaisance might induce him to give it the Sanskrit 
name of Tirto-kancfiono, 

There are no bounds to the little ingenuity of 
flattery and adulation on this subject. Even the 
peasant exercises himself in it, but his efforts are 
often unsuccessful ; and I have sometimes seen ^ 
smile excited in the chiefs, by the awkward flat- 
tery of their dependents. Some worda are sof 
stubborn as not to yield to the rules of this politi- 

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OF JATA. 18 

cal gMmnar, and the result is an awkward com- 
bination of letters. On such occasions, the native 
prinees will condescend to issue a dispensation in 
their behalf; fdr sudi subjects are, with them, 
matters of interest and moment. 

Sounds, in the Javanese language, have often 
an analogy to the sense, as in other languages. 
It is not enough, indeed, that this analogy is pre- 
served ; the language often aims at stating the 
degree of it, by the use, according to circumstan- 
ces, of the broader or weaker vowels, or by adopt- 
ing Uquids in some cases, and harsh consonants in 
others. The Javanese writers delight in an as- 
semblage of such words, when they attempt sub- 
jects of awe or terror ; and, no doubt, they must 
have a powerful efieet oh the ear of a native. 

The Javanese language, in common with every 
oliier language of the Indian Isles, does not a- 
lioilnd in figurative modes of expression ; sueh as 
have, by some, been imagined to be characteristic 
of the language of all barbarians, and especially 
of those of the East. Nothing, indeed, can be 
more adverse to the genius of the Javanese than a 
figurative and hyperbolical style We see, indeed* 
a good d^ of this in the poetry b<HTOWed from 
the Hindus of Western India ; but the observa- 
tion now made strictly applies to writings purely 
Javanese, to their epistolary conrespondettce, aofd 

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to the language of verbal narratire^ and ordinaiy 

The few examples of words used figuratively 
are plain and obvious, and probably exist in al- 
most every language, — as foot for base, head for 
chief; vegetable root, for source or origin ; high 
and low, for moral superiority and inferiority ; 
heat, for anger ; little, for low in rank, and great 
for high in rank. Sometimes these figurative 
words take a more characteristic and amusing 
form. Firom the word wqjahj to wash clothes, for 
example, we have wqjahy to discipline a child; 
from l&ttah, turbid water, we have the same word 
meaning cenfuaon^ disturbance, anarchy; from 
Hfwar, to break loose, we have fioiar, a strumpet ; 
from sabbalf to quit the highway on a journey, we 
have sdbbaly to. disobey a parent ; from gUbbung^ 
the grasp of the forefinger and thumb, we have 
power, authority; and from g&bbal, the dust or 
filth that adheres to the feet in walking, is too 
obviously derived the same word» meaning a me- 
mal or servant. 

Comparisons and similes, used as ornaments of 
composition, are pretty common. Not unfirequent- 
ly the allusion is extremely absurd and ridiculous; 
at other times, though quaint and singular, it is 
appropriate. A prince rendering an account of 
himself in a foreign country, is made to say that 
he is *' a wanderer without a home, like a paper 

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OF JAVA. 15 

kite without a string, which is driven to and fro 
by the caprice of the wind ;" or that he is '^ like 
dust driven by the wind ;^' or << a grain of rice- 
seed, cast fiom the hand of the husbandman/' 
In sueh similes, however, there is no variety ; and 
without invention or ingenuity, we see the same 
stale comparisons used, upon similar occasions, by 
every suecessive writer, and even by the same 
writer in the same compoaition. 

The derivation of the language will be treated 
of at such length in the chapter oa the character 
and affiliation of the East insular languages, that 
it would be superfluous to say much on the sulgect 
at present. Suffice it to state, that, to the original 
meagre stock of the rude tribe from which the Ja- 
vanese nation sprung, has been siqieradded, at di£» 
feroit epochs of its history, a proportion of the 
gKeat Polynesian language of Swskrit, and of 
Arabic. The introduction of the latter is a mat- 
ter .of historic record; the circumstances of the 
seeond of rational induction, from strong presump- 
tive and collateral . ailment ; but those of the 
first are buried in the darkest, and, it may be sus- 
pected, in nearly impenetrable obscurity. Sueh 
are the four great components of the modem Ja- 
vanese i and if we add to them a few trifling and 
almost adventitious words of modem Persian, Te- 
linga, Chinese, Portuguese, Duteh, and English^ 
fkfi tnalysis is complete. 

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The literatane of the Javanese is of three dif- 
ferent descriptions : that which has been borrovved 
^om the Hindus ; that borrowed from the Arabs ; 
and that which is native or indigenoas. The per<- 
tion borrowed ffom the Arabs is inooB6idor«hIe» 
and wiil not demand much consideiatioou 

All other Javanese litevatuve is, Uke that of every 
mde people, metrical $ the plain and simple reaeoii 
for which seems to be, that all composition being oral 
b^bre it was written, would natundly be poetry, to 
assist the memor7,-«**iiot to say that to amuse the 
fancy, and awake the passions, of which poetry is 
the natural language, andnot to satisfy the laaaony 
is theraain object in such cases with all barba- 
rians. When the use of letters is first acquired, 
oral composition is, from habit, committed to writ*- 
ing unaltered, while the circumstances of the so- 
^ety continuing unchanged, and amusement, not 
instruction or utility, cmitinuing the chief ofagect 
ofm^i,the prsotioe is necessarily persevesed in. 
To this day, the songs of the Jamnese peasants^ 
who can gmiefaUy neither road nor write, are in the 
same peculiar moasuros, and on the same sidijeots, 
which we find described in tkeir literary cemposi- 
tioUB. Fromthis cause it is duit poetry wit^ every 
people procedes prose, and that poets attDln cele- 
brity for ages before prose writers aro heard of. 
Making ample allowance for the generous and 
manly genius of European Qatiou on the one 

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OP JAVA* 17 

hand, mi for the feeUepess, incapaoity^ and pue- 
rilitj which has ever characterised those of Asia 
o& the other, the Jamnese are, at this moineiit» in 
the same state of advaiicen^ent in literature that 
the Greeks were in the time of Homer, and the 
Caledonians in that of Ossian ; bating the acciden- 
tal advantage, in the instance (^ the former, of an 
earlier knowledge of writing, with the use they 
have made of it, perhaps in this case, but a dubious 
one when it is recollecjted that the tameness of 
writing is substituted for the animated declamation 
of oral delivery. 

like many nations who have made some pro- 
gress in civilization, the Javanese are found to be 
possessed of an ancient and recondite language» in 
which are buried some relics of their ancient litera- 
ture and rehgion. This language the Javanese 
term Kawi, which, in their acceptation of it, 
means refined^ as opposed to the ordinary or po- 
puiar tongue. The words Ko^ and Jofwo^ or 
nd;her Jawij from the language of deference, here 
adopted for the rhyming termination, always so 
agreeable to a rude ear, are correlative terms^ 

The Kawif in its dmphcity of structure, resem- 
bles the Javanese, but it has a greater variety and 
range of consonant and vocalic sounds than the 
popular language, is harsher in its prosody than 
what we expect in the genius of the soft tongues 
pf the Indiisn islanders, and seems, in short, tp 


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liave in this particular a foreign air. In its com- 
position it abounds in Sanskrit words to a degree 
unknown in any other language of the Archipela- 
go, and these in a degree of purity also beyond the 
rest, an advantage secured to it by a more copious 
alphabet. At the same time, it contains many 
essential words of the modern language of Java. 

The opinion' I am inclined to form of this sin- 
gular language is, that it is no foreign tongue in- 
troduced into the island, but the written language of 
iSie priesthood, to whom it is probable, in early times, 
the use of letters was confined. What would be the 
eSBdct of confining the literature of a people to a 
cast or order, may in some measure be judged from 
the effect which a similar state of things produced 
in literary composition in our own country, at a 
time when professed writers adopted an affected 
and obscure language, hardly intelligible to us at 
present, and which even then differed so widely 
from the language of business and the world. If 
we advert to the fact, that that particular order was 
the priesthood, of the Hindu religion,— of a rdi- 
gion which loves to veil its doctrines and precepts 
in the darkest and absurdest langu^e, and of which 
a foreign and dead tongue is the sacred text,--- 
we may be prepared to explain the singular f«ct 
of the Kcpwi differing so widely from the present 
Javanese, or even from the most ancient specimens 
of the ordinary speech of which we are possessed* 


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OF MVA. 19 

All Kofwi oomp^fiittom is in veno» and this Tme 
fonaed on the piiaciple «f Sioakiit fomAj^ that 
is to say, not vhymmg meafiures, aoch aa belong to 
all langui^g^ aiBOfdle io their grainmafical ^MiSt but 
aucb aa is foimd to bel<H^ to erj^Bal iangaagas 
of cwij^x stnictuiie. This will appear to the 
European reader something like the attempt to 
ioD^ose the fetta-s of Latki prosody upon the mo^ 
dem language of Europe, in the shape of blaiik 
irwse^ The only eouipoaitions in the Kawi which 
it is worth wliile adverting to in this j^e, are 
epitomes <^ the Mahabarat and. Ramay ana; the lat- 
ter preserving its name unaltered, and the furmiog 
recognized under that of the Brata^tfuda, or war 
of Barat. These woilcs, whkh in India are not 
only the ifirst of literary compositions, but have al- 
ao the authority o£ scripture, are the sources of the 
priiicipal mytholc^ical knowledge of the Indian 
kkuMlers, as connected with the literature, rdi^on, 
and superstitions of Hindustan. 

Absurd as these two works generally are, a 
Ini^ter passage may now and then be sel^ted ^ coid 
they display a comparative vigour of fancy and 
force of intellect, whi<^ places them, as poetical 
compositions, far above the utter inanity and child- 
idmess of more modem works. 

Javanese poetry, contrary to Kawi verse, is in a 
peculiar rhyming stanza, of which thene are a great 
many varieties* No lasigUBg^, I believe, affords a 

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parallel to this strange kind of measure, and, there* 
fore, I shall aSer a brief account of it. A stanza 
consists of a limited and given number of lines, or 
rather pauses, each of which must invariably and 
unalterably consist of a given number of syllables, 
and terminate in the same rhyme, which rhyme 
must be a broad or slender vowel, it being indif- 
ferent what its sound be, provided the arrangement 
into these two classes be attended to. To ^ve an 
example, the stanza called Durmo consists of seven 
pauses, the first ending in the broad vowels o or u , 
and consisting of twelve syllables ; the second in e 
or f, and consisting of seven syllables ; the third 
in or t^ consisting of six ; the fourth also in o 
or Uf and having seven syllables ; the fifth in e or 
i, consisting of eight syllables } the sixth in o or ti, 
consisting of five syllables ; and the seventh of 
^dender vowels, consisting of eight syllables. 

It is not easy to understand from what princi- 
ple this fantastical measure could have had its ori^ 
gin, for it is not to be supposed that the rhyme 
which is not repeated until at the interval of seven 
lines or pauses, as in the instance quoted, aqd of 
others at an interval of nine or even ten, should 
still hang upon the ear and be remembered. 

A Javanese poem of any length does not uni- 
formly consist of the same measure throughout, for 
the different measures are supposed to be most ap- 
propriate to particular imlgects; hence, they are 

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OF JATA« 31 

varied as the subject is grave or lively, expresses 
love, hatred, peace, war, or negodation. 

The trammels of this description of verse give 
rise to the necessity of ample prosodial licences* 
Sometimes the first, or even the two first syllaUes 
of a word are omitted, and at other times as many 
are added to eke out a line, and obtain a rhyme 
producing a very ludicrous effect, as in several of 
the worst of our own old ballads. In short, sense 
is as often sacrificed to sound in the poetry of the 
Javanese, as in that of any people on earth. 

An account of Javanese literature is curious^ 
and even important, as it tends to throw light on 
the history of society in general, and more parti- 
cularly on that considerable portion of the species 
which is contained in Java itself, and the other 
countries of the Indian Archipelago; but if the 
reader expects to find in the literature of Java any 
merit worthy the attention of the European scho- 
lar, he will be utterly disappointed. He will dis- 
cover in it neither sublimity, pathos, tenderness, 
nor humour, but, on the contrary, bombast, pueri- 
lity, or utter inanity, in literature, the very stam- 
mering of infancy without its interest or amuse- 

Javanese literature may be divided into lyrical 
compositions, or songs ; romances founded on Hin- 
du legends ; romances founded on native story ; 
histories of modem transactions ; legal aMd ethical 

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tracts, chiefly in proie ; and cmnpontionfl, chiefly on 
matters of jurisprudence and rel^ion, founded on 
Arabic wiginals. Of these I shidl say a few words 
in their turn. 

Of all these, to my taste, the best are the sunple 
songs, for they are the most easy and natural. 
The simplicity of the subject deprives the writer 
of all oi^rtunity of wantoning in that inflated ex» 
trayagance which he indulges on other occasions. 
The following is a favourable specimen of one of 
these compositions, with a literal translation : 

Mid&ro sewu nagoro, 

MongBO hantuko kakaleh, 

Ingkang koyo diko merah 

W&dono hanawang sasi, 

Satok tele chXndani. 

Michis wuUh sinora*inipun» 

Halis hangron ning Imbo, 

HidSp tum&nggeng rawit, 

Kemaniro handanbandan handrawilo. 

Kang netro jahtt hangraras, 

Pipi-ne duren sajuring 

Latioyo maiigis karangat. 

Grono rungeh mantaBi, 

Hati-hati ngudap turi^ 

Hwang'gniro nyaogkal putung, 

T&Dgah-nyo lung-ntng jonggo, 

Jojo wyang hamantlbi, 

Lir Byu-dSnto p&mbayun, sumonggo karso. 

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OP 7AYA. 9& 

Hangtir pendah cfaKo^tr gadiog^ 

Kabab&d-in^ k^mbaii jinggo^ 

M an t^-mlb tak hangedani. 

Babu gilig haraniping, 

Hanggandewo hasU-nipuo, 

T&ngah-he kojo potongo, 

Driji pacfaiik-ing Bgri, 

Kfinalrane hapaojai^ tuhu hangraras. 

W&waagkoamg pipkd knmStao, 
Wftntea-te pudak sisili, 
Dalamakan hanggamparan, 
Pap^ sumb^r talis neki, 
Wltarane pawestri, 
Hakyak pljab saluhity 
Yen d^nondro ing warno, 
Korang papfto laweh tul'm 
NguhtODO satahun mongso haatuko* * 

*' Let a thousancl countries be travelled, and 
another like you, my love, will not be found} 
your face is as the moon, your forehead is aUbas* 
ter. The hair on your temples resembles a string 
of coins; your eyebrows the leaf of the Inib^; 
your soft ejelashes look upwards ; your long jet 
hair falls undulating ; your eyes, sharp^angied, are 
becoming ; your cheek is the partition of a Daren.; 
your mouth the fissure of a ripe Mangostin \ your 
slender nose is becoming, llie lock behind yout 

• The stanza ia wkich tbis ii wiitttn is called VmoL 

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cheek is as the blossom of the Turi tree ; your 
chin as the angle of an adze, with its handle ; 
your neck bends like the tendril of a weeper; 
your wide bosom is becoming ; your breasts are 
as the ivory coco^nut, leaving nothing to desire. 
The breasts of my princess are like two young co- 
co-nuts, bound in a vest of red, full and smooth, 
intoxicating to madness. Her shoulders are po- 
lished and slender; her arms like an unstrung 
, bow ; her waist as if it would break by an effort* 
The tips of her fingers are as thorns, her nails long 
and becoming ; her legs are shaped as the flower 
of the pudac ; the soles of her feet are arched. 
My fair one looks as if she would pmsh at the 
breath of love. Were all her perfections to be 
enumerated, how little rooln, how much to write. 
A year's search will not produce her equal.'' 

Of romances, founded on Hindu story or my« 
ihology^ I have already said a few words in speak* 
ing of the obsolete and recondite language. Trans- 
lations of various merit or demerit of the Brata- 
^da and Ramayana exist in modem Javanese ; 
and from the ktt^, in particidar, a great many 
compositions are falMricated, detailing the various 
adventures of Rama. One advantage the Java- 
nese epitomes have over the Sanskrit originals, they 
are free from their tiresome prolixity ; and I have 
HO doubt that a spirited veraioQ of the Brata-yuda 

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OF JAVA. 25 

would give less dissadsfaction to the European 
reader, than the most skilAiI one of the Indian 
original. Hie following is an example : 

" The charge of the King of Awan^a was as a 
torrent. The forces of the Pandus, advancing 
with clattering pace, met Kama. Their chiefs at- 
tempted to arrest his career, but their dose ranks 
were trode down^ were fiercely trampled upon. 
His chariot rushed on, with a hollow noise, like 
the flight of Garuda. His arrows flew in every 
direction, interrupted only for a moment by the 
thunderbolts he discharged ; his arrows, which fell 
on the foe thicker than a shower of rain^ poured on 
without interruption. The Pandus, crushed, over- 
whelmed, could not sustain themselves. The rage 
of Kama was unbounded. The hundred Pandus 
enraged, again rallied and charged, but again fled, 
broken, trod down, scattered, as if overwhelmed 
by a mountain flood ; while the Kurawa advanced 
with shouts like the roar of a torrent, or like that 
of the approaching storm." 

All the translations which I have seen of the 
Ramayana make it appear a more feeble and less 
interesting production than the Brata-yuda. The 
following is afayourable specimen ; it describes Ra- 
wana, the giant of Ceylon, going forth to encoun- 
ter Kama, after the death of his sons : 

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" The monarch was furiously enraged ; he 
gnawed his mustaches. His countenance was 
inflamed, and his bosom red as the warawari flower. 
Sweat exuded from every pore ; the angles of his 
mouth trembled ; his eye-lashes stuck together. 
His rage was like that of him whp stabs the guilt- 
less. He bounded from the earth, and took his 
flight in the regions of the air. His speed was 
like that of the falcon about to make a prey of the 
pigeon. In his desire to exact revenge for his 
sons, he seemed to feel as if he had already en- 
countered the adverse leader himself. He secret* 
ly rejoiced ; he vaunted, he called aloud, he chal- 
lenged all his enemies to meet him at once." 

The most abundant class of compositions are the 
romances founded on native story. A prince of 
Java called Panji is the hero of the greater num- 
ber. From inscriptions, this prince is ascertained 
to have reigned in the eastern extremity of the is- 
land, not more than 500 years back. A period 
which, with more civilized nations, would afford 
matter of historic record, is by the Javanese the 
era of fabulous legend, and unfathomable obscuri- 
ty. Not a single fact of the true history of the 
prince in question, or of the country in whidi he 
reigned, is handed down to us. What is most sin- 
gular, in all performances of this class, bowetver^ 
is their unaccountable feebleness and utter want 

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of ingenaity, beyond, indeed, that of til other 
aemi-btfbarians. Notwithrtanding this, they are 
floited to the taste of the people, and are not only 
popular in Jara, but have been translated into the 
BaHnese and Malay languages, in which^ they are 
&vourite performaiices. 

Previous to the introduction of Mahotnetanism, 
the Javanese made no attempt to write history, 
apd were bs ignorant of chronology as the Hindus, 
with whom they were so intimately connected. 
The Mahometan religion brought with it» as it did 
in India, a more manly and sober style of think- 
ing, and since the era of that conversion, we are 
possessed of a tolerably connected and circumstan* 
tial narrative, improving in credit and in approxi- 
mation to common sense as we descend. 

Even yet, however, history is considered rather 
an object of amusement than of utility and instruc- 
tion. Like most of other compositions it is written 
in verse, and a constant attempt is made to give 
every transaction, even the most common, an air 
of romance, — ^to make in short a tale of it. A com* 
mon-place conversation, for these are most circum- 
stantudly narrated, is delivered in solemn and la- 
boured measure ; and the petty action of a Java- 
iiese chief with the Dutch East India Company, 
becomes an ambitious imitation of one of the bat- 
tles of die Mahabatat, or of the combats of the 
god or hero Rama with the giant Rawans* 

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Faets are often accurately, and even circumstan- 
tially narrate ; but whenever there is an opening 
for the marvellous, it is sure to be indulged. In 
offering examples of Javanese historical fniting, I 
shall endeavour not only to select such passages as 
will illustrate the remarks I have now made upon 
it ; but, in making that selection, instead of indis- 
criminate extracts, choose the best,, with the hope 
of avoiding the offence of tiring or disgusting my 


One of the most singular and extraordinary 
characters of Javanese, or indeed of any story, is a 
person called Surapati, a native of Bali, and the 
slave of a Dutch citizen of Batavia, who raised 
himself from that abject condition, in spite of the 
native and European governments, to sovereign 
authority, and maintained it until his death. His 
immediate descendants were defeated by the 
Dutch, and despoiled of the territory, while the 
body of the founder was taken up and treated with 
ignominy. The following is the Javanese account 
of this vile transaction, in which is discoverable that 
strange union of the true and the marvellous, 
which is so characteristic of the intellectual state of 
the Javanese : . . 

*' The commissary remained long at Pasuru* 
han, making diligent search for the body of Sura* 
pati, but it was not to be found. He was distress 

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OF JAVA* 99 

fled at this, and said to the inhabitants, * I will re- 
ikrard whoever finds for me the body of Surapatu' 
Those people foi^t their lord, and accepted the 
proffered bribe. The commissary was shown the 
spot where was the chiefs grave, but it was level» 
and no one could discern it was a tomb. The 
body was dug for and found. It was still entire 
as when alive, and shed a perfume like a flower 
garden. The Hollanders bore it away to the 
camp, and placing it in a sitting posture in a chair, 
the cheers took the corpse by the hand, saluting it 
according to the custom of their country, and 
tauntingly exclaiming, ' This is the hero Surapati, 
the mighty warrior, the enemy of the Dutch/ 
After this they threw the corpse into a great fire, 
and burnt it to ashes, and the sAes they took and 
preserved. The conunissary rejoiced in his heart 
at all this.'' 

In the year 1740, the Javanese joined the Chi« 
nese, with the hope of expelling the Dutch from 
the island after they had perpetrated the well- 
known massacre of the Chinese at Batavia. The mi- 
nister of the Susuhuman, commanding the Javanese 
army on its route to the European establishment of 
Samanmg on the coast, is aflUcted with a dream, 
of which circumstance the annalist renders the fol- 
lowing account : 

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^< The Adipiti arrived at Onaraog^ where iie 
halted five days. Here he summotted into his 
presence a priest of Mataram, who had made the 
pilgrhnage^ and thus addressed him, * My eUer 
brother, I have had a dream, in which the whole 
of the Chinese appeared to me in the shi^ of 
women. Tell me, I pray thee, th^ interpretattoa 
of it.' The pilgrim replied, * My Lord, the dream 
is good, for women imply prosperity, and yom: eji> 
pedition will have a fortunate tenninatton.' Yet^ 
notwithstanding this expknatioii, the Adiqiati was 
not satisfied. In the meantime, another priest 
CMfie in and said, * Father, I too had a dream iast 
night, in which a flame of fire seemed to pursue 
thee and me. We attempted to escape, but the fire 
pursued us still : fotthwith my sword fell from my 
side and the kris with which you once gifted me. 
Shortly after every surrounding object appeared to 
be involved in the same flame.' The heart of the 
chief was as if it would crumble into atoms when 
he heard this narrative. His voice became feeUe» 
and he said, '-This is good^ but take notice of what 
you have seen to no one.' " 

Of the character for fairness and impartiality 
which Javanese history is likely to maintain^ we 
have ample opportunity of forming a judgment, 
when we are told that it is always composed under 
the eye of the prince or chief, who is the principal 

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htro of the piece, that there is no osteiuible or re* 
sponsiUe author, no indiridaal who daims the merit 
of the intelleotttsl execotmi, no mone than there 
is one who claimaBierit for the workananahip of the 
rude plough or hanpow with which the rice field it 
tilled. The ^ecirtion of an hiatoncal compost- 
tianis, in faet, considered «a a mechanical procesa, 
and intrusted to any one who has dexterity and 
practice enough to string together Terses,-— to make 
rhymes by the hundred,— whose memory can fhr« 
nkh hkn with the usual routine <>f similes and me« 
taphors ; and, findly, who is master of a tolerably 
easy and distinct hand-writing. I have in my 
possession tS&e original of the history of the Sultan 
Mangkubumi, compased n the manner I have 
mentioned^^ and a prince of Dfojocarta had the 
complaisance to iiimish myself with a eircunstan* 
tial narrative of political and mihtary transactions; 
in which I had a share. 

There are some fiM^ts, to be sure, which are cor- 
roborated by these peculiar circumstanoes under 
which the narrative of them is composed, and 
which afford the best and most unquestion^lo il- 
lustrations of the character of the people who are 
the sidiyeets of them. When facts are unconscious* 
ly adduced, as often h!q[»pens, unfavourable to the 
national ciiaracter, or to those in power, we may 
condder them conclusive. 

Tracts cti law and -ethics are most froquently 

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in prose, but they are neither numerous nor refin- 
ed, being chiefly a few fragments from the Hindu 
Sastras, and some unimportant ones of native pro- 
ductiont rude and inpongruous, and valuable only 
in so far as they now and then contribute to afford 
some happy illustrations of the state of society. 
The Javanese are not in that state of society in 
^[duch nice points of casuistry and subtle reasonings 
onabstract and useless questions are agitated and be- 
come the favourite pursuit of men. They have no 
controversies, no scholastic disputations like the 
Brahmans of India, or the Doctors of Arabia, and 
of the middle ages of Europe. They take no in- 
terest in such subtleties, and are perhaps unaUe to 
comprehend them. Their very language has never 
been tried on such topics, and wants words to 
express them. In furnishing examples of the 
works in question, I shall pursue the principle sl^ 
dopted in respect to historical composition, to se- 
lect the best, and while I warn the reader how 
little he has to expect, not disgust him by con< 
temptible and frivolous quotations. 

From a work called, in imitation of the Hindus, 
Niti«Sastra, I extract the following fable, the best 
and most sensible specimen of the literature of the 
Javanese that has ever occurred to m^ in the course 
of my reading. 

** Make choice of an equal friend, and do not 

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met like the tiger and the forest. A tiger and a fd- 
re^ had united in close friendship, and thejr af« 
folded each other mutual protection. When men 
wanted to take wood or leaVes from the forest, they 
were dissuaded by their fear of the tiger, aM when 
they would take the tiger, he was concealed by the 
forest* After a long time, the fprest was rendered 
foul by the residence of the tiger, and it began to 
be estranged from him. The tiger, tiberenpon^ quit- 
ted the forest, and onen having found out that it 
was no longer guarded, done in numbers a*d cot 
down the wood, and robbed the leares, so that, in 
a short time, the forest was destroyed, and beeame 
a bare place. The tiger, leaving the forest^ was 
seen, and although he attempted to hide himself in 
clefts and valleys, men attacked him, and killed 
him, and thus, by their disagreement, the forest 
was eiitenninated, and the tiger lost his life. '' 

The same work affinrds the following : 

*** The poison of a centipede is in its head ; the 
poison of a scorpion in its tail ; the poison of the 
snake is in its tooth, and one knows where to find 
them. Bat the venom of a bad man is fixed to no 
one spot, but, dispersed over his whole body, can- 
not be reached at.'' 

K we reflect that the Javanese have professed 
the Mahomedwi nstUgion f&s between three aofl 
VOL. u. c 

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four hundred yean, we shall be suxprned at the 
small progress which the Arabic language and li- 
terature has made among them. The number 
of Arabic words introduced into the language is 
extremely small, greatly smaller than into any 
other of the more cultivated languages of the 
'Archipelago. The reason is, that the Javanese 
are little more than half Mahomedans ; that their 
language was more copious, and did not stand in 
need of such words as the Arabic had to give to it ; 
and that in euphony, ordu^^phy, and grammati* 
esl structure, nothing can be more adverse to each 
other than the genius of the two tongues. When, 
in abort, an Arabic word is adopted by the Java- 
nese, it is so thoroughly metamorphosed as scarce 
Ito be distinguishable. 

The few works which the Javanese have borrow* 
ed from an Arabic source, are solely on-the sulgects 
of jurisprudence and religion. The greater number 
are written in the Arabic character, with suj^le- 
mental consonants to express such sounds as are 
peculiar to the Javanese. The Javan^ languid 
thus written is called by the natives Pegon, mean* 
ing mixed, or, as we would express it in a familiar 
idiom, bastard Arabic, which, in &ct, conveys the 
meaning they intend to attach to the word. 

The Arabic language itself is taught to the Ja^ 
vanese youth, and a considerable number of Ara- 

hfc works are circulated in Java, ohiefly on the two 


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wfajectB which interest Mahomedans, law and re- 
ligion, and chiefly from the school of Shafihi, the 
orthodox doctor, whose peculiar tenets are profess- 
ed by the Javanese. 

In the Javanese schools a smattering of Arabic, 
with a religious view, is the only branch of in- 
struction. Javanese literature itself is no where 
taught as a branch of education, but left to be 
picked up as occasion offers. Its acquisition seems 
not to be considered as a thing of utility or neces- 
sity, but rather as an accomplishnient idiich it may 
be agreeable to possess, but which it is no discre- 
dit to be ignorant of. Arithmetic, or other useful 
science, is unknown. I have seen many a diief of 
rank who could neither read nor write, and out of 
the whole population of an extensive village, you 
cannot always be sure that you will find an indi- 
vidual who can do so. A tolerable dexterity cal- 
culated for business is not to be met with in one 
among ten thousand. As far as concerns the wo* . 
men, literary education may be said to be altoge- 
ther m^own. When one is seen who can read 
and write, she is looked upon as a wonder. I do 
not think that, during my extensive intercourse 
wkfa the Javanese, I saw half a dozen who could 
do so. The palace of the Sultan of Java afforded 
bufc a single example. 

Thiswant of education among the Javanese is 
the more remarkable, when contrasted with the 

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diffuabn of it, no matter how superficial or trifling, 
which is known to prevail in Hindustan and 

Javanese books are written either on palm leaves 
fir on paper ; in the ruder parts of the island usual- 
ly on the former, and in the nKNre civilised, on the 
latter. Their paper is a peculiar manufacture of 
iheir own, from the fibre of a plant cultivated for 
the purpose, in appearance and texture resembling 
thin parchment, but peculiarly liable to be preyed 
upon by the destructive insects of the climate. 
Their intercourse with Europe and China supplies 
them with the papers of these countries, and in their 
best works that of the fc»mer is employed. The pens 
made use of are either twigs from the Aren palm, 
or quills as with ourselves, the latter being in gene* 
ral preferred, though their use seems but recently 
acquired from Europeans. 

lliough the Javanese character be peculiariy 
neat and beautiful, very little pains are generally 
taken with their writings, and no effort to produce 
those finished and elegant specimens of penman- 
ship whkh distinguish the manuscripts of the 
Tuiks, Persians, Arabs, and Mahomedans of In* 
dia« It is not in composition alone that the Ja- 
vanese display the imperfection of the art, for even 
in the mechanical part of it they are childish and 
inexpert* The writing of an (ordinary letter is a 
work of f>ains and trouble, and not one in a thou* 


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OF 1AVA# 37 

Mad can write ttraight wkhdat lines to guide 

Such is the state of literature among the Java- 
nese> the most literary and cmliaed of all the In- 
dian idanders. The object of this wwk is to ren* 
der a faithful {ncture of them as they actually are, 
and not to drtw attention to them, or excite pub- 
lic curiosity regarding them, by representing them 
as having made a progress in arts and knowle^e 
which does nbt belong to their stl^^ in society. 

A subject more inexplicable than the want of 
skill and refinement in writing and eompositiOto, 
Which is referable at once to barbarity, is the won« 
derfiil feebleness and imbecility of all they write^ 
the utter absence of that ardour, energy, and sub* 
limity, which has so often characterized the poetry 
of nations which had made far less progress in the 
arts which minister to comfort and necessity than 
the Javanese. The following remarks will, how-* 
ever, go far to explain tbis« Ev^ noble elfort 
of the muse among barbarians has been made a- 
mong free baibarians, and not among the slaTes of 
despotism, for reasons which it would be super- 
fluous to explain. These ii-ee barbarians have ex- 
isted only in Europe. The East is the natural 
country of despotism. The superior fertility of 
the wl and benignity of the climate breed a less 
hardy raee^^-^-give rise to a morev rapid civilization 
in the eariiar stages of sociai e9istieiice»«-4o moro 

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wealth in the society, — and for all these reasons, tcr 
the means of enslaving the people, or, in other 
words, of repressing the nobler sentiments which 
are natural to independent man, when individual 
character is permitted to develope itself. In pro* 
portion as the soil and climate improve, or perhaps 
nearly in the degree in which we proceed east- 
ward, or towards the equator, and nature fur* 
nishes man with necessaries with the smallest ef- 
fort, despotism increases, and the huihan intellect 
becomes weaker. The Persians, Turks, and Ardbs, 
whose individual characters are unquestionably the 
moelt independent and energetic of all eastern na- 
tions, have also the best poetry ; that of the Hin- 
dus is much worse ; the best poetry of Java i& 
borrowed from the latter. The Burmans and 
Siamese, from all accounts, are as tame in poetic 
genius as the Javanese ; and for the poetry of the 
nations which write in the Hieroglyphics of China, 
nonsense is hardly too bad a name. 

I have sometimes thought, that the extreme^ 
monotony and uniformity of season, production, 
and scenery, in the East, might contribute, with 
political institutions, to deaden and tranquillize the 
feculties, removing from the mind the powerful in- 
centive of variety, to animate, and rouse it to action. 
In further illustration of this subject, I may ob- 
serve, that to this cause, too, may possibly be owing 
the great similarity, not only between the different 

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OF JATA« 89 

nations of the East at the same period, but the 
same nation with itself at every known pmod of 
Its existence. While the nations of the West, like 
their seasons and productions, are UaUe to fluc- 
tuation and change ; now in the satrage state ; now 
emerging from it ; now semi-barbarians ; now civi« 
liaed, polished, and refined ; then decaying, and 
again rehpsing into barbarity ; the nations of the 
East, in point of civiliaatimi, continue unchaBged»— 
seem n^idly to advance to a certain state of im« 
proyement, and then to continue in all ages the same 
unchangeable semi-barbaiians, when circumstances 
have not detained them in the state of primeval 
barbarity and savage existence* 

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AIfAaligi^''^^ranmatieal StrwAure^^-^WriUen Language^ . 
. known by the name of Jaxou-^General Ckaracter.i'-^Cere- 
morml Language scanty. — Derivation and Composition,'^-^ 
Lilercdurt. — Metrical Composition. -^The Pantun, — The 
Sayar^ — Prose Composition4 — Romances, — Character of 
Prose ComposUion^-^Origin of the Malay Language^^^Its 
D^ffusicn^'^Used as a Liogua Franca.— Gtfn^o/ Uni- 
Jbrmity.^'^poken with most Proptiety in the State of 

The Bative sounds of the Malay language, like 
the other improved languages of the Archipe^ 
lago, are twenty consonants, five vowels, and two 
diphthongs. The Malay, unlike the other po- 
lished languages, has no native alphabet ; but, aa 
with the modem Persian, is written in the Arabic 
characten That it may express alike the sounds of 
the Arabic language, and those indigenous sounds 
which do not belong to the Arabs, six supplement 
tal letters are added by the simple contrivance of 

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iocreaaing the number oi tbe diacritical points} 
and thua the modem Malay alphabet amounts to 
thirty-two ooDsanauts. The genius of Malay pro- 
nunciation, however, being remarkably w^, and 
¥pcalic, many of the handier Arabian sounds are 
either modified, or omitted in q[ieaking ; and, in 
writing, seldom serve any other purpose than to 
mark the etymology of a word. 

TT» Malay laogui^ is remarkably sknple in its 
grammatii»d form. Words are not modified by in- 
flection, or other change to express gender, num- 
ber, or case. Gender is ascribed to no object 
without sex. Number is denoted by distinct words, 
expressiug plurality or singularity. Cases are 
always expressed by prepositions. 

The verb is hardly less simple than the noun. Of 
modes it may perhaps be said to have two, the indir 
Gstive and imperative ; of tenses it cannot be said to 
have more than three, a present, expressed in the 
- simple form of the verb, and a past and future, each 
• expressed by an auxiliary. The most important 
changes which the verb undergoes, are the changea 
firom a neuter io an active form, whic^ are efl^ed 
either by affixing or prefixing certain inseparable 
particles, or both. 

The written Malay language is known to well 
informed Malays by the singular appellation of 
Jaai^ a term the origin of which, as it may be con- 
nected with the history of the people and, their Ian/ 

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giiage» it may be worth while pamiiig to make 
some inquiry about. The word Jaswi appears to 
me to be the inflection of the word JaoM of the 
Javanese language, used as the correlative of Kawi, 
the one, as already described, meaning common, and 
the other abstruse language. It seems to have been 
borrowed by the Malays, like many other words, 
and, as the latter have no native learned or recon* 
dite language of their own, in which relation the 
Arabic stands to the vernacular tongue,* they use 
Jam as the correlative of Arabi. The Javanese 
use the word Jawi as equivalent to translation. By 
the usual rule, the noun or adjective is changed 
into a verb, and then they familiarly say of an an« 
cient composition, or of an Arabic one, that it is 
translated or made into Javanese, as, in earlier pe- 
riods of our own language, the phrases making 
English of 9 and doing into English^ were com- 
mon. In imitation of them, when the Malays 
translate from the Arabic, they use the same lan- 
guage precisely, and even extend the word to every 
^cies of translation. I imagine it is this very word 
for the language which the natives of Arabia have 
erroneously, butnaturally enough, bestowed not only 
on the Malay language, but the peojde, and hence» 
as a common appellation, upon the whole of the na- 
tives of the Archipelago. 

The Malayan language affords no internal evi- 
dence of ancient culture. It& geniu& is destitute oi 

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the bold metaphorical character ascribed to early 
language, particulariy in the East. Like the Ja- 
vanese, but in an inferior degree, it is rich in sim* 
pie epithets, and wantonly and uselessly redundant 
in trifles ; and like it, too, is ^gularly deficient in 
words of abstract meaning. 

The distinction of language, which expresses the 
relative language of the speakers, extends to but 
a very few words in Malay. This distinction 
seems to prevail in the Polynesian languages in 
proportion as the people who speak them are im- 
proved and civilized. That it holds to so trifling 
an extent in the Malay is an evidepce of the small^ 
advances made in civilization and improvement by 
the people who spoke it, previous to their acquaint- 
ance with the Arabs, when their improvement as* 
sumed a new modification. 

On the derivation and composition of the Java- 
nese language, it will not be necessary to enter at 
length in this place, as the subject will be fully 
discussed in the chapter containing general remarks 
on the languages of the Archipelago. The lan- 
guage, as at present written and spoken, may be 
said to eonsist of three essential, one necessary in- 
gredient, and about four adventitious ones. The 
essensial ingredients are the primitive language of 
the Malayan tribe, the basis of the whole, the great 
Polynesian language, and the Sanskrit. The ne- 
cessary ingredient is the Arabic, and the adv^nti« 

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tlous are small portions of modem Javanese, of the 
vernacular language of Kalinga, of Persian, and of 
the languages of modem Europe, mostly Portu* 
guese, with a trifling portion of Dutch, and a still 
more insignificant one of English. 

After several trials, I conader, that out of 100 
parts of modem Malay, the following may be con- 
sidered as the proportion of the various ingredients, 
viz« primitive Malayan T] parts, Polynesian 50, 
Sanskrit 16, Aralnc 5, and the adventitious por- 
tions the remaining two parts. The primitive 
portion of the Malay contains, if I may so express 
it, the skeleton pf the language, those portions of it 
which express its grammatical form ; such as the 
auxiliary verbs, the substantive verb, the preposi- 
tions generally, and always those which express the 
most abstract relations, or, in other words, those 
which represent the cases of languages complex in 
their form. To the same source may be referred 
most of the particles, with the adjectives smd verb» 
of most frequent occurrence, representing the most 
useful abstract qualities or actions^ 

The numerous class of words from the Polyne- 
sian language are of a more arbitrary character, and 
generally unconnected with the form <^ the lan- 
guage* The first dawn of civilization is to be dis« 
covered in this portion of the language, as instanced 
in the names of the numerals, of the useful plants^ 
the useful animals, and the meUds. The incur* 

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fiioiis of the peat Polynesian language are very 
extensive, and have evidently displaced many pri- 
mitive words which must have existed in the lan- 
guage of the rudest savage, sndi, for example, as 
the words sky, moon, mountain, white, black, 
hand, eye, &c. 

The Sanskrit enters into the Malay in much 
smallerprqiortions than into any dialect of the Javar 
nese, even the most popular, and exists also in less 
purity. The most usual dass of words supplied by 
the Sanskrit are mythological terms, and words ex- 
pressing the most early class of abstract nouns, such 
«s understanding, prudence, cause, time, ftc. 

The Malayan language, from being written in 
the Arabic character, and from the more thorough 
adoption by the people who speak it, than by any 
other tribe, of the law and religion of Mahomed, has 
admitted the largest portion of Arabic. Mr Mars- 
den's account of the introduction of Arabic into 
this language is equally senable and correct, and 
deserves to be quoted at length. ^ The effects 
produced,'' says he, ** by the introduction of this re- 
ligion," (the Mahomedan,) **weTe similar to those 
which took place in Persia, and many other coun- 
tries where it has prevailed. The use of the Ara- 
bic character superseded that of the ancient mode 
of writing, and the language became exposed to an 
inundation of new terms, for the most part theo- 
logical, metapfaydcal, legal, and ceremonial, the 

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knoirfedge of which is indispennble to those who 
stadj the Kona and its commentaries. These 
tenns their writeFB» in some species of compositioD^ 
affect to introduce as a proof of their religious as 
woU as of their literary attainments, but few com- 
paratively have been incorporated with, or consti- 
tute a part of the language.'' ** About the num- 
ber of twenty or thirty words may be pointed out 
as having a claim, from their familiar recurrence, to 
be considered as Malayan by ad<^on." * Even 
these few words are seldom simple terms, but ex** 
pressy conformably to the wants of the language 
when they were adopted, ideas of considersble A^ 
stractness, such as ingenuity, cause, doubt, vigour, 
value, &c. 

The number of Tdinga words in the Malay 
b considerably greater than supposed by Mr 
Marsden. They form, however, no intrinsic in- 
gredient €£ the language. The greater number 
are commercial terms, and the rest words introdu* 
ced through tl^e medium of tnmslations* One is, 
indeed, surprised to find the number of words so 
few, wh^n a wdl-known fiict is adverted to, that 
much of Malayan learning is at present in the 
hands of Creole Telingas, in most countries of 
the Archipelago. 

^ Marsden's Mslay Grsmmar. 

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Mr Mandten and Dr Leyien* have nearly ex* 
luuuted the aubjecfc of Malay litentore, mie m it- 
self not very fhikful. Maby litemtme bears none 
of these nuyrks of originality which characterize 
Aat c£ihe Javanese. The great bulk of Mafatyan 
GQinpoaitkm is not metrical, but prosaic ; and it all^ 
w ahnost all, bears the impression of an Arabic 
character. I shall render a brief account, first of 
their poetry, and then of their prose ivrkings. 
Their metrical compositions are (^ two descrip 
tions, the Pantun and the Sayar. The Pantun is 
a stanza of four short lines rhyming alternately. 
The first two lines of the quatrain, in the accurate 
language of Mr Marsden, " are figurative, can» 
taining sometimes one, but ofltener two unconnect- 
ed images ; whilst the latter two are moral, sen- 
timental, or amorous ; and we are led to expect 
that they should exemplify and constitute the ap- 
plication of the figurative part. They do in some 
few instances, but, in general, the thoi^ht is wrapt 
in such obscurity, that not the finntest anal<^ be- 
tween them can be traced, and we are even dis- 
posed to doubt whether any is intended, or occurs 
otherwise than by chance." These Pantuns are 
often recited in alternate contest for several hours. 

Such playful trifles do not deserve the name 

« A&iatic Researches, VoL X. 

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of poetry or literatare, and yet they ue the only 
description of composition which can jastly be 
considered national or original among the Malays. 
It is in the light only of amusing trifles that the 
Malays themselves, indeed, consider them ; and they 
aie scarcely of higher dignity in their catimaifcioa 
than the nonsensical rhymes which w^ call cnonbo 
are in our own. A few of the best are committed 
to monory, and we often hear them repeated. The 
following are faTourable qwcimeDs : 

^ M&rak anggok-enggok 
Marak de-atas kota 
B^rgrak ujung Sanggul 
Kaik sri muka. 
Tlie peacock nods his head ; 
The peacock that sits on the castle, 
When the loose end of her braided hair treml^le^ 
New beautiea rise in her countenaDce. 

Trang bulan ar&m taroarfini 
Haniu bbjtla» laklci binL 
Jaagan taan t&raram aram 
Saya tiada datang ka-sini. 

By the dim light of the moon. 
Wander spectres of both sexes ^ 
Chide me not again, my love, 
For I will not come hithen 

Jlka tiada karna bulan 
Musak&n bintang timur tinggi. 
Jika tiada karana tuan 
Masakfin abang datang kSmari, 

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Bui for the moon. 

Would the eastern star be io high ? 

But for you, my love. 

Would your elder brother (lorer) come hittier f 

TTie Sapr» correedy written Shdar, is, a« its 
nsme iiiiports, of Arabk4»igm. It is a measure of 
rbjrmiiig couplets, of from eight to twelve syllables 
|» a liae» resemUing the rhyming metre of the 
modem Isis^ruages of £nrope. Poems of this de- 
scription are of coaaderahle length, and their sub- . 
ject is either an avowed n)mance> or a scrap of 
history treated as if it wereone. They may truly 
be aud to be poetry only to the eye and the ear^ 
for they are wholly wanting in the essentials of 
poetry, fancy, and passion. The following is a 
favourable specimen of the Sayar as rendered into 
English by Dr Leyden : 

<< When my mistress looks forth from her win- 
dow, her eye sparkling like a star, its brilliant rays 
glanemg and ^ttering, her elder brother cannot 
support its lustre. Uke the red mango is the 
hue of her cheek, becoming her tiqpering neck, 
traversed with shadows whenever she swallows. 
Her features like those of a shadow or scenic figure ; 
---her forehead like the new moon in its first day ; 
—her eyebrows curved so fair I could devour her. 
Long has she been chosen to be my mistress,— 
wearing a ring set with g^ms of Sailan^— her long 


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nails shining like lightning, transparent as a string 
of pearls ;— her waist slender, ^nd extremely ele- 
gant ; — ^her neck turned like a polished statue. 
Eloquent in the enunciation of her words. Her 
parting words like the crimson red wood ; not by 
dress, but by herself adorned. Black are her teeth 
stained with Bcffa powder. Graceful, slender, ap* 
pearing like a queen. Her locks adorned with 
the Saraja flowers ; — her features beautiful, with 
no defect of symmetry. My soul is often flutter- 
ing, ready to depart; — glancing eagerly forth 
from my eyes, and quite unable to return to its 

Prose composition, the largest portion of Malay- 
an literature, consists chiefly of romances, and of 
fragments of real story, so garbled and so obscured 
by fable, as to deserve the same name. The subjects 
of these are Hindu, Javanese, Arabian, and Telin- 
ga legends, with some fragments of domestic story 
of no remote period. The Mahabarat and Rama^ 
yana, through the medium of Javanese paraphra- 
ses, as may be discovered by the intermixture of 
Jatan localities, have afforded the subject of the 
first. The second consist of the adventures of the 
hero of Javanese romance, Raden Panji. The 

* Aflialic Besearcfaes, Vol. X. 

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erigia ci the third is too obvious to be insisted 
^pon; . and that of the fourth is traced to the iu* 
timate connectiou whioh> in modem times^ has ex- 
isted between the Malays and the people of Telin- 
gBL, in the progress of which, many of the latter 
have settled and colonized among the former, ex- 
ercising among them, in many respects, the prero- 
gatives of superior civiliiation and endowment. 

A literal or &ithful translation from any lan-^ 
guflge is not attempted. . Perhaps the extreluel)r 
0|^osite genius of the Malay and lao^uages of 
CQUtinental Asia especially, would be hostile to 
such an undertaking. Were it otherwise, the care- 
less and inaccurate Malays would be found inca- 
pable of accomplishing a work. demanding a labour 
and precision, which is very advense to the genius 
of their character. 

I shall select, as a specimen of their prode com- 
position, an extract from the story of Hang Tuab, 
liaksimaaay or admiral of the King of Malacca, 
upon the invasion of Albuquerque, the same chief 
whose ^lantry and patriotism are commemorated 
by the Portuguese historians. The work affords us 
but mere glimpses of true history, and is full of 
fable^ anachronism, and discrepimcy, but deserves 
some consideration for the naked fidelity with which 
it paints, the manners of the Malays of the time. 

'^ Sat&Ua sudah, maka minuman pula di angkat 

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wnatg, aukft pinla ySag Mrtatdykm ratna imitu 
manikani itii*pun di-p&rediuiuui iMwiglah poda riU 
gaia Pagawe dtfi Patuwanan ; maka rabana pun Mr- 
bmiyilah dan bSduan yang baik snwara ita-pan 
b&royanyihh tftrlalH mal^u suwatanya ; maka ou- 
kalian pun ramailah biribangkit nriinarSk:; maka 
Tim Tuah pun m&ny&nbah kapada raja mnda, laki 
b&rbangkit, s&rta m&nSgang hula kris panjangtitmpa 
Malaka tftrlalu amat baik sikap^nya m&nuik itu, lalu 
bttrkmipat sapSrti partikaman saita miny^bah la- 
in anka ; maka raja^muda pun suka m&lihat iya tiada 
j&mtt padamatabag&nda; maka didalam hati ba- 
l^da sunggohhh Tun Tuah ini hulidialang, mania 
barang hkunya. Sfit&la itu, majca Tun jSbat pun 
mfaiy&mbak Raja-muda, lalu m&narik ; maka Hang 
Lakyer dan Hang Lakyu pun mXngambil pkda 
dari pada orang m&ngisi piala itu laludi-uiggapkan 
pada Hang Kaaturi; maka Hang Kasturi pun m&- 
nanggi^ Adipati Palembang, mdca afiigala Pagawe 
da» Patnanen pun bSrsoraklah t&rialu ramai ; maka 
Adipati PakrabwgpnnmXnySmbahlahi bsngunmil- 
narik; makadi-^anggap Jumyapada Tun Rana Diraja ; 
maka Tun Rana Din^pun mSnyandbah pada Ra|a- 
mudalalu bm^un m&narik ; mdca Tun Tuah, Hang 
Jibat, Haoig Kasturi pun m&igambQ piala itu dari- 
pada tangan funaotg nriiiigin piak itu, mdta dipSnohi 
dS^an arak, maka ^-bawah-nya m&narik ; maka di- 
anggapkan kapada Tun Rana Dinga, maka Tun 
Rua Dkiga tiada khdbardbm din, bdu t&rduduk. 

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wAa Tfim BMa Dii^^ pan tkrlala iiibi ri&ttt tar- 
(MW»Bg-tmiggPBig i «alM Riga pun tStUu fliikft 
tSrtawa mttiliBt kaWmw Tua Baiia Dinga Bitea* 
lik ito ; maka rahanapm tSiiahi nunai, saka Riya 
psB aiaUhal kapada Tun Taah dXagiQ khinty 
flBiayttrok loSlanb Tmniogguiag Sri Srqa ; iMka 
Tun TuiA pun mttngunbil piaki diponohi-aya 
dSngan arak, Isia di-baxfudb nya mteank» lOika i^3i 
Tun TiiahdUl«aU:an-Bya kapada Tvmmggmg, 
sSfta kata^-ftya 8aakfi|klah datab tttah didi yaog di- 
pKrtuan Auda. DaimdvdfingarTun&iiggttBg,]Mka 
di-anbil piala itu attrta kata<*nya daulftt Twa-^ku, 
maka pkla ku-pua di-jun^iing ulih TumanggiiiB^ 
UBdi-nHnumnya ; makaTmnapggtiag mtpyiwihih 
lalu iMiiarik, aoakapialK pim aabogai dilaah VPng 
pada Tumta^ang, maka sigia di-ambil ulib Tu* 
laanggnng piabi kii di pftrrthnhab-kianya pada 
fitedahara;, maka sigra di^'Sambut ulih Bftndahara 
mfiiiyilmhah bdu baBgon uiftnarik dua tip^ Uagka 
laltt iya milfttakkan kria^siya ; maka Bfaidihara pun 
aagnd pada kaki Riga maka bftg&ada pun tafaulah 
akan kabSiidak Bfodabaia ku , maka btglbida pirn 
Mgia bang^i diun attaa P4lraaa itu mtofilnk lebor 
BSndahani ; makapiala itu-pun di^aambut ulih B&n- 
dahara, luju di ju^juug di4ninum^nya» maka Bfin. 
dahara pun b&nua khadUah, maka bagttnda pun 
btebangkilmfoanki maka Bftndahara pun mtegam^ 
fail piala diri*pada Qcang mSagiai piak itu i maka 
BBndahara pua Wiiibw|^ minnik lalu di<ptoftm* 

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bahkan pads raja muda ; maka di-«ambut njap-niudft 
piala itu lalu bftrkata, ^'ayo mama BHiidahara mabak- 
lah kita," maka sSmbah nbidahara daulat Tuan^ku, 
-maka Raja pun duduk, maka sKgala Fil^we dan Pa- 
tuanan habis-lah mabuk, ada yang sftmpat pulang ka« 
rumab-nya^ada yang rSbah di t&igah jalan tSrtidor, 
ada yang di nsung ulib bttmba-nya pulang, t&r« 
banyak pula tidor sagSnftp kSdai/' 

'' Then the attendants prodnced the liquorsi and 
cups, studded with preeious stones, were placed in 
order before the chiefs of various ranks. Tlie 
tabours were sounded. The damsels of sweet voices 
mmg — passing melodious was the air. The guests 
gave themselves up to pleasure, and rose to dance. 
ITie Laksimana began after making his obeisance to 
the prince. He rose, holding in his hand the 
head of his long kris, the workmanship of Mai- 
lacca. Passing good was his figure in the dance 
— 4K>unding like an experienced. stabber^ he bow- 
ed to the prince — he was happy. The young 
prince was delighted with what he saw, and viewed 
him with eyes unsatiated, saying to himself, assured- 
ly Hang Tuah is a champion— his every gesture 
is becoming. Tun J&bbat made his obeisance to 
the young prince, and rose to danoe. Lidkyer 
and Lacyu took the cups from those who were 
employed in fillii^ them. They were pledged 
by Hang kasturi. Hang kasturi challenged the 
Adipati of Palembang to the dance* The chiefs, 


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ia ihmr Burth, diouted aloud. The oUef of Pft* 
lembang made his obeisaneey and raw to dance* 
He challenged Tun Rana Diraja. Rana Din^a 
bowed, and rose. Tun Tuah, Hang Jihbat, and 
Hang Kasturi, took the cups irom the hands of those 
employed in filling them^ and they filled them 
with liquor* They danced with the cups in their 
hands, and challenged Rana Diraja to drink. The 
reason of Tun Rana Diraja was oferpowei«d**be 
sat down and nodded as he sat. The young prince 
was rejoiced, and laughed exceedingly when ho 
beheld the condition of the chief. The tabours 
were struck anew. The prinice glanced at Tun 
Tuah, hinting to him to press the Tumaogung Sri 
Saroja to drink. Tun Tuah took a cup and filled 
it up, holding it in his hand while he dimced* 
He replenished it for the Tumangung, and pr^ 
senting it, said, ^ Drink, my LDid, aoeording to the 
commands ^rf* the. youthful ruler of the kingdom/ 
The Tumangung, hearii^ the prince's commands, 
took the eup, and placing it respectfully oyer his 
head, drank, bowed, and rose to dimce« The 
attendants ^ied him with fresh cups, llie Tu- 
mangung presented €b» eup to the Bfiodaharat 
which the latter accepted, and rose to dance a 
few steps, when he laid down his kris, and bowed 
at the feet of the prinee. The prince perceived 
the wish of the minister. He rose fipom his seat 
and embraced him. The Baodidiara took the cup 

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again, dnnk, and nvia iat og i cite A The pritM 
row and danced. Tlie Baadahara took a cap 
from the attendmtflt fillad il^ danced, and present* 
ad it to the pnnce. The prince took (lie eap^ 
aajing, < My rebtkHi, ales, I amafaready dnuA/ 

** And the' chieft beeame one and att tntexi* 
cated. iSkmie were jest able to reach tkek own 
hoMes— some dropped down and Ml asleep on the 
way-— some were canried home by their slaves— 
and more 4ept scattered here and there in the 
sMib of the marfcet-idaee*'' 

Malayan romances, whatever be their origin, 
are singularly destitute of spirit. To point a mo- 
ral is never attempted ; and the gratification of a 
pnerile and credulous fincy seems the sole dyect. 
All prose composition is remarkably monotonous. 
This arises, perfai^ in a good measure, from the 
nngidariy inartaficiid grammatical form of the lan- 
guage, which admits of no order but the natural 
order of ideas, and renders it almost imposflMe to 
extend a senteqce beyond a sin^e chinse. This 
quality of the language, assisted, probably, by that 
imskiUnlness in composition which is natural to 
the rude period of written language, unaided by 
metre, gives rise to the practice of marking the he- 
ginning of each sentence by a partkle or particles, 
almost exdnsivdy appropriated to this use, such 
as now^ and^ then^ morewer^ &c» Tlie perpetual 

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Of 'me MALATfl. 57 

weiixrawQ of ibm^ uMa gwill; to tlie ingmaiw 

The Maky kogiidg^ m «aw 4w»ib«dii liii4 ito 
origia in theintonor kii^pdom of MeBiv^gkufiai^ on 
SHflMrtm ; fjcom thwoe lA ^rml tj^ t]»o Mattjaa 
pennfliik, mdlitte, in all pv<ri»abiliky» lecoii^d the 
enlti^ialioii which redwed k to its pi^ient &ma. 
Fxoiii ^ MalayaDL po^nsub, it spr^ hy colow- 
MtioB to the coasta of Bon^Ob aad haoh to SliWft- 
tia ; and flome atiaggUng advtfitiiron oanvd the 
partial use of it to the coaats of Java, Celehea» and 
the countries &rther east. 

The 0ra«t defeet of thia hmgoago for eon^oai- 
tioii> ita sinpUcity of stnictttTe* ia the vai^jr qiialkgr 
to' iiludt it chi^ owaa its ewrenoy among fe- 
ragMCs. U is ii^e Ihigua^anca 4)i iht^ Af^ofi^ 
lago^ the mediiuu of inteBCoiMe betireeii the nap 
tifeaof thoae countries theauelTei!^ aa vdl aahe- 
tweeoi the laftar and every deaerqikion of Aaaogeci. 
It ia fiuther fitted for ready aeqniiemeafc, by the 
fre|ueMy of liquid and, voediicsoundst and by the 
ebsenoe of canaoiuaita of harah ^ difficidt enuOr 
ciation. In speaking and in writing, it has the same 
sort of currency, but a greater degree of it, that 
the Pernan language has in Hindustan.* Those 

* ^ The language (Malaj) in these parts is no less epidemick 
than are the Latiae, AhU>ick, and Sclavaoian elsewhere.*'— 
Herbert's Travels, p. Z66. 

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who read and write a language written in the same 
character with the Koran, pride themselves on the 
circumstance, and view with some contempt those 
whose learning is expressed in a prqfime alphabet. 
There is a surprising uniformity in the langui^ 
of all the Malayan tribes, both oral and written, 
a circumstance to be attributed to the similarity of 
their situations, and the stationary condition of 
their manners throughout, since the period when 
their language assumed its present form. The 
language of the people of Menangkabao, the pa- 
rent tribe, differs most from the rest. As far as I 
can judge, the beat Malay is written and spoken 
in the state of Queda, or Keddah. Here, at least, 
the Malays are most anxious about the purity of their 
language, and most scrupulous in excluding foreign 
words. In the neighbourhood of the other great 
tribes of the Archipekgo, the language is often 
ewrupted by admixture with their dialects; and in 
the vicinity of fonner, or existing European es- 
taUisfaments, by a mixture of Portuguese and 
Dutch, still more incompatible with its genius. 

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A wide Difference between the Languages qf the Eastern and 
Western portions of the Archipelago. — Alphabet of Celebes. 
— 7\do great Languages spoken in Celebes^ the Bugis and 
Macassar^-^Character of both. — Their LUeratare^f^Speei' 
men of their Poetry. — Composition and Derivatum of the 
Languages of the Eaetem portion of the Arehipel^go. 

The moment we pass the island of Lombok, pro- 
ceeding eastward) striking features of diftrence 
axe, to the most ordinary observer, discernible in the 
manners, cusioms, and state of miliution of the 
people of the Indian islands. The great island of 
Cd^)es is the centre from which that peculiar 
deseripkion of civilization which characterizes this 
portion of the Archipelago seems to haye emanated. 
The eastern portion of the Archipehigo has^ in- 
deed, received improvement through the more ge- 
neral sources of civiliaation, of which all the nations 
have partaken ; but a more local one seems to have 
likeinse operated. 

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The languages and literature of Celebes, though 
in many features of resemblance partaking of the 
character of those of the more western countries, 
d]£fef very essentially from them. The alphabet, in 
the first place, takes a new character ; the letters 
of which it consists taking a new form, as little like 
that of the Javanese as the latter is to the Arabic 
or RwMtt. The alpha^t of Celebes consists of 
eighteen consonants and five vowels, to which are 
added, sometimes, four supplemental consonants, 
being merely four of the first eighteen aspirat- 
ed, and an additional vowel. It is singular that 
the peculiar and technical dassificadon (^ the 
Sanskrit alphabet should have been adopted in 
the alphabet of Celebes, though rejected in that of 

Betides the dialects of some abgect savi^gea and 
of aone tribes more improved, two great languages 
prevail ia Celdbes, the language of die Bogia nd 
Mbcasaara, as they are denominated by the peq^ 
of the vnestem portion of the Archipelago, and 
£rom them by us ; qr Wugi and Mangkasai% as 
tiisy call themselvea. The Bi^s is the langaagp 
of tho noie powerful and miueraus nation, and 
tile most coltivatod and oopious* TheMaeaaMris 
mon simple in structure, aboondB less in syno- 
nyms^ and ita litemtmro is moie scanty. Bodi 
partake of the common simplicity in structnre of 

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OF ciUCBBt. 61 

^ tile hxi^nagai cf *te Aro)Mpeki0o»Miae4Mi- 
tingiiisiMl abmre all, otw die Mflbgr^ for « «oft 
jnd vDcaiic ftomncktM. Of the livo Ite Ma- 
<»nsar fonenn tins ynpcoty a tke mo* ettiaMit 
ikBgiw. Exoeftl^MftiMfld ii)f, iioiiordiir4qfi» 
kUe in eidier langMge •¥» enii ia a oODaoMatt 
and no conaoiunt e?er ooalescefi wkh tmnAm. 
Tbe oilman af tke people seem liordly capMe irf* 
j^noKnesDg • oonaMiaiit eo situated, so tlMt €fea 
leraga ivords, when wed, or adopted in the fan* 
gnge, nmst andeifo' tbe change impUed in this 
prineiple of orthoepy, whether they be {torn ibe 
guttand Arabic, <ike grunting Dviteh, or die his- 
siag English. The best Macassar iaspefaen inHie 
state of Goa or Maoassar IVoper, and tbe worst in 
the principaiity of Twatea, the inhabitants of which 
are, fay their ftstidaous n^ghbours, aooused of injur- 
ing its natural softness by an uncouth prwunini- 

Tbe Bugis are said to be possessed of a recon- 
dite and ancient language pandlel to the Kawi of 
JwfB, and tiie Pdi of the Bod^st nations j but 
the knowledge di it is^onfined to a vety few, and 
I have met no speeimens. 

The learning o( the Macassars, as already men- 
tioned, is inconsiderable ; but the Bugis have a 
^misiderable body d literature, which consists of 
<taleB and roonances founded on natbnsl legends 
and tradilions,«-4nmslartions of Midayan and Java- 

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neie ninmoes^— Justorical aocounts of tbeir tnnt* 
addons siiice the introdiictioii of Mahoiiiedaiiisin» 
and wcNrki on law and religion from the Arabic. 
All of them, ficom the most authentic accounts 
which I have been able to collect, are characteriaed 
by the same feebleness^ childishnessy and extreme 
credulity, which I have ascribed to Javanese li- 
temtare, and probably they aife still more ttme and 
infentine* When the reasoning faculties are less 
dN^cemed than the passions, the poetry of the na- 
tions of Celebes, who posses^ more individual ener« 
gy of character than any other people of the Ar- 
chipelago, and among whom worn w, in particular, 
eqjoy privil^^es seldom yielded to them among 
barbarians, may be expected to assume a more re- 
spectable character. The following love song from, 
the Macassar, though under the disadvantage of a 
translation through the Malay, may still be ad- 
duced as evidence in favour of this supposition* 

'< Let the world disapprove of thee, I love thee 
still. When two suns appear at once in the sky, 
my love for thee nuiy be altered. Sink into the 
earth, or pass through the fire, and I will follow 
thee. I love thee, and our love is reciprocal, but 
fate keeps us asunder. May the gods bring us to- 
gether, or to me this love will be fatal. I should 
count the moment of meeting more precious than 
that of entering the fields of bliss*. Be avgry with 

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me, or cask me «ade» a^ my love AM notdMuigt. 
NoduDg but your image meets tt» eye of my fiui- 
ey, whether I deep or wake. Visioiia alone ne 
pfopkioos to my pasaioii ; in theae only 1 see thee 
andocmTerae with thee. When I ei^ire, let it 
not be said that I died by the (Nrdinary decrees of 
fate» but say that I died through love of diee. 
What are comparable to the delightfid vwima 
which paint my love so freA to my fancy ? Let 
me be separated from my native country, and at a 
distanoe from thee, dtiU my heart is not fiur from 
thee. In my deep, how often am I foimd wan- 
dering d>out and going in seaidi of thee, hoping, 
perobanoe, I may find thee?" 

The Bugis, as the most copious and andeut 
tongue, and that of the most numerous and power- 
ful people, may be locked upon, reasonably, as that 
which has exerted upon the cc^nate languages of 
the eastern portion of the Archipelago the local 
influence to which I have alluded. 

These tongues, as, for example, the languages of 
Sambawa, Flores, Timur, Butung, Salayer, &c. may 
be said to be composed of the following materiab : 
—the original meagre diideet of each savage tribe 
^-the Bugis— the great Polynesian knguage^^ 
the Sanskrit — the Aral»c» with trifling admixtures 
of the same ingredients mentioned in speaking of 
the pompoaitiM of the Javanme* The Maeasssr 

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and BiigM languages kave s ^reafc many words in 
eMimon, but tl^y liave many/too^ radicid and in- 
fariaUe, which bear no reaemUaoce ; thejr are io- 
lamateiy connected, but ore not diafects of one 
tongue, and the people who speak them are mu- 
tually unintelligible to eaeh other. The pro- 
portion in which the great Bdiynetian langnage 
enters into those of Celdbes nay be judged of 
from this, that in a short vocabulary of the Bugis, 
isbout one-fourth is discovered to be of that com* 
mon tongue. It may be remaiked, that words of 
this class, still current in Cdebes, are frequently 
such as in the languages of the westan portion of 
the Archipelago have becon^e obsolete, or are ap- 
propriated to more solemn occasions than those of 
c(mmon life. 

Of the Sanskrit portion of the Celebesian lan- 
guages, the quantity, compared to that in the Ja^ 
vanese, or even Malay, is inconsiderable. The 
words will be found to be mostly religious terms, or 
the names of substances, the use of which has been 
introduced among the people from India. Every 
language of the Archipelago will be found to have 
ingrafted upon it a quantity of Sanidbit, propor- 
tioned to the extent to which it has been itself cul- 
tivated; or, which is nearly the san^ lliing, to 
the civilisation of the people who speak it. The 
people of Celebes, and their language, are less im- 
f roved than those of the western idands, general- 

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ly ; and this axrcounts for the paucity of Sanskrit 
in their language. Their greater distance from 
the original source of that language, the continent 
of India, witi contribute to produce the same ef- 

VOL. ij. 

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The Javanese, the Malay, tbe Bugii, and Maca»* 
sar, of which an account has been rendered in the 
three preceding chapters, are the most cultivated 
languages of the Archipelago. Besides the many 
unwritten languages of negro and brown-com" 
plexioned savages, there are many written lan- 
guages of tribes less powerful and cultivated than 
the great nations of Java, Sumatra, and Celebes. 
These are the Batta, Rejang, and Lampung of 
Sumatra ; the Sunda of Java, the Madurese, the 
Bali, and Lombok} and to the east, some lan- 
guages written' in the character of Celebes, as 
those of Sambawa, Bujtung, &c. Of most of these^ 
copious examples are given in the vocabulaf^^^^nd 
I shall content myself here with offering a brief 
sketch of one or two of those, concerning which I 
have received the best information. 

The Sunda is the language of the mountaineers 
of the western part of Java, of perhaps one-third 
of the area of the island, but, in round nuntbers. 

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probably of not more tbm of (Hie*teii4li of ite uu 

llie number of coiuonaats in the Sunda if eigli* 
teen, the cerebral* d and t of the Jarao alphabet 
beii^ wanting. Besides the ordinary voireb of 
the Javanese, they have several uncouth sounds, si* 
milar to those which prevail in the Celtic dialects^ 
and which, as speedi becomes mwe cultivated, ap* 
pear in all i^es and countries to be laid aaido* 
Contrary to the practice of the Javanese, a ?rord 
or syllable may in the Sunda b^n with a vowel i 
nay two vowels may immediately follow each other, 
without any contrivance to obviate ^ hiatus that 
is the consequence. ' 

Words are devoid o( my inflection that marks 
gender, number, relation, time, or mode. The 
possessive or genitive case of noons k determined 
by position, the first of two nouns being the go<- 
veming one. This seems an universal mle in the 
structure of the languages of the Indian isfaoidSi 
Actual property in an object, is expressed by a 
distinct term, fboga^J importing this sort of rela- 

• '' This fieries of consonants is pronounced bj tarning 
and applying the tip of the tongue far back ag»iott the palate, 
which, producing a hollow sound at if proceeding from the 
head, 1% 18 distinguished by the term Murddhany^, which Mr 
Balhed, in his elegant grammar of the Bengal language^ has 
translated cfTf 6ra/.*'—Wiikin8' Sanskrit Grammar, p. 8. 

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tion. The dative and ablative cases are express- 
ed by prepositions, and the objective or accu- 
sative case simply marked by the precedence of 
the transitive verb, without a preposition. The 
pronouns are peculiar. The tenses of the verb 
are formed by auxiliaries, but of these there are 
but two, one implying a perfect past, and another 
a future. A passive voice is formed by prefixing 
an inseparable particle, (de.) The verb is changed 
from a neuter to a transitive sense, by prefixipg an 
inseparable particle (ma,) or, occasionally, by sub- 
joining another (an,) or by both contrivances united. 
These few words comprehend the grammar of this 
most simple and inartificial toilgue. 

The disposition, in the circumstances of society 
in the Indian islands, to form a language of defer- 
ence and respect, is discoverable in the simple 
speech of the Sundas ; but it is not carried far, 
being confined to some words of most familiar oc- 
currence, as the pronouns, the names of parts of 
the body, and of the relations of consanguinity. 

There are no books in the Sunda language, for 
the Sundas have no national literature. The few 
who have any education aim at a little instruction 
in Arabic and Javanese, and even business is gene- 
rally conducted in the latter. 

The Madurese is the language of the isl^^md of 
Madura, and of the emigrants from that island on 

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Java, in round numbers of probably three hundred 
thousand people ; a people inhabituig a poorer soil, 
and more rude and needy thim the Javanese. Ma* 
dura is separated irom Java by t strait, in one 
place hardly two miles broad, yet the languages of 
the two islands are scarcely more like than any o« 
ther two languages of the western portion of the 

All the observations made respecting the Sunda 
language apply generally to the rude and uncul- 
tivated dialect of Madura. Like it, its consonant 
sounds are, by two, fewer than those of the Java- 
nese ; and it has, like it, some uncouth vocalic 
sounds. Upon the whole, the language of the 
Madurese is a more copious and cultivated speech 
than that of the Sundas, as they are themselves a 
more improved race. The refinement, of its kind, 
implied by the dialect of ceremony, takes a wider 
range, and the language is occasionally Xhe medium 
of epistolary correspondence. Still the Javanese 
is the language of literature and important busi- 
ness ; and literary education implies a knowledge 
of it. 

The Balinese is the sole language of the island 
of Bali, throughout all its states, and has. been of 
late years spread by conquest to the island of Lorn- 
bok. If the accounts we receive of the popula- 
tion of Bali can be relied on, it is spoken by half 
a million of people. It is a rude, simple, and pc- 

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culiar dialeok, mwe improved* however, than the 
languages of the Sundas and Madureae ; and in 
particular, having a o<^qu8 and refined language 
of deference, bcnrrowed from the Sanskrit and 

The hnguage of lawf literature, and religicm, is 
the Kawi of Java, which, as written and taught 
in Bali, offers no new feature of distinction. The 
literature of the BaJinese seems to be the same as 
that of the Javanese in t}ie days of their Hindu* 
ism i and the ancient indigenous legends of the 
Javanese are as well known in Bali as in their pa- 
rent island. 

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by Google 


'^ I.AN0UA0S8. 

RaenfUand bOmeen thi^nAale ^Oe Lanpmgm fftkf Indi^ 
ArckipeU\go. — RetenMinqe in Sound. — In Grttrnmatka^ 
Jbrin^ In Ididm^Redundama^^'iome Subjedsandfovcr tif pm 
othertr-^Greatvariet^qf WritUk CharaeUr — Tkrte Alpku* 
ids &n SfinuUra^-^One on Cdebeu-^A ciirreni mnd chuMe 
'Alphabet ^»n Jana^^^Etut^ntul^ Alphah^U eamM be traced 

. ipthe Hhi4it$^—nfi^in^prefi)edlAngiug^$m^hi reiohef 
v^ou^emiMmfcnetUpaHu'^9^t4i^part$onf^each kfl^gnaffi 
4utinci,^LanguagA numer(m in each Coemiry inthe di^ 
recVraii^ rf their Barhariiy^^Arguments in Favour ^ aj$ 
aboriginal Language toUk each Tribe.-^Greai Poiynesiau 
Languafft^ — Pervades iheU3holecfthetang$tages ofFelyfii^ 
1Mb — Wprde qf'tkii Language, moet nuwmeuiinthemoet mt 
iioaUd DiaUcti — NfUUre qf this Clauqf JVerdt^^-^Coiffac^ 
tares reigectingthe Peogde^^tehprn the Greaf Potjfnesian »ai 
the Language^f^Argumenls kijitvour. of Java being their 
country^^Infiuence hf the Phfynesian long prior to thai jff 
4he Sqnsknt^^CogfuOa Languages^'^Probabk hittarg'tf 
their Refiprocal In/iuence on ea^ oAer^ iUusiratedim the /k- 
^/kfence^ihe Malag on the aeigh^ring Language^^^lBa' 
amfies qf that It^fiajMcef illustrated in the History qf Urn 
Malay fMnguage^^^Sanskrit toords admitted into all the 
'^improved Languageff^Prob^lUe history qf its Introdue* 
•Itoii, and arguments in Support of the Hypothesis a dduced * 
•^Katei^ a recondtk Languoge^ hom formed^'^Sanskrit 



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9oords probably in great part disseminated among the other 
Languages through the Language qf Java.-^Introduc* 
tion of Arabic — Its Historic and Extent. — Its Genius 
very incompatible toith that of the East-Instdar Lan- 
guages. — Other Oriental Languages introduced into the Dia^ 
lects of the Archipdago.-'-Telinga, — Persian*^^Chinese.-^ 
European Languages* 

In the general character, particular form, and ge- 
nius, of the innumerable languages spoken within 
the limits of the Indian islands, there is a remark- 
able resemblance, while all of them differ widely 
from those of every other portion of the world. 
This observation extends to every country, from 
the north-western extremity of Sumatra, to the 
western shores of New Guinea, and may be even 
carried to Madagascar to the west, the Phillipines 
to the east, and the remotest of Cook's discoveries 
to the south. * The first point of similitude to 
which Ishall refer, is that of sound or pronunciation. 
Twenty consonants and five vowels are the great- 
est variety which these languages generally admit. 
Two diphthong sounds only are found. In some of 
ihe more barbarous dialects, to be sure, the vocalic 
sounds appear to a stranger more varioijus ; but a 
minuter acquaintance discovers some of these to be 
no more than uncouth substitutes for more ordinary 

Archeologia, Vol. VI. 

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The resemblaiice in grammatical structure is hot 
less curious. The languages are invariaUy of sim- 
ple' structure. There is not one tongue within the 
whole Archipelago of complex form, like the great 
original languages of Eurqpe and Asia. The rela- 
tions of nouns are formed byprepositions; the tenses 
of verbs by auxiliaries ; the passive forms by the 
prefixing of particles ; and the transitive by afiixing 
them in a manner extremely analogous in all.* 

In idiom and genius the parallel is still more 
complete ; and here, indeed, we are l^s surprised 
that the character of various tribes, however dis- 
tinct in their origin, yet formed under similar cir- 
cumstances, should have stamped a character on 
their languages, than when we find the same cause 
extending to the very sounds and grammatical forms 
of their dialects. Of similarity of idiom one example 
will be conclusive. The sun is expressed in at least 
ten languages of the Archipelago by a compound 
epithet, which means '* the eye of day." Yet the 
words are frequently dissimilar in sound, each lan- 
guage rendering it by its own vocables. In all the 
more improved tongues we discover, throughout, the 
same redundancy of expression on familiar subjects, 
and the same poverty on higher and more abstract 
ones. For the former, the Javanese has often ten 
synonyms, and the Bugis six or seven, the Malay 

» -IK ■ 

* The adjective'always follows the noun ; and the first of 
two nouDS is inTariably the governing one. 

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fti^uently four or Are ; but for abstract words, parti- 
€ulariy 9uch as relate to the operations of the mind, 
and which are familiar in the most barbarous ages 
of European languages, the deficiency of every one 
* <tf the Polynesian languages is pitiable. For mind 
' we have nothing but the metaphorical sense of the 
word heart; for understanding we are driven to 
the Sanskrit or Arabic ; for memory we have no- 
thing but the verb to remember, used substantive- 
ly ; {or friendship we fly again to the Arabic ; for 
dissimulation^ scholars have got up an awkward 
translation, meaning a heart amry ; for iTt^riV there 
is no yford at all ; for modesty none but the one that 
expresses shame ; for integrity no expression what* 
ever ; for right, expressing either just claim, or ex^ 
pressing pn^rty, none ; for reason none ; for or* 
gument none.* Whenever we press the languages 
of the oriental islands into our service on such occa- 
sions, we o£fer violence to their genius. The peo- 
ple are strangers to the modes of expression in 
which such words are necessary, and when foisted 
into their language, the result is ambiguity or non- 
sense. The East-Insular languages, then, may just- 
ly be characterized as not copious^ but wordy. 

There are no less than five written characters 
known ' among the nations of the Indian islands, 

* Not one of the East-Iusular languages distingnishes be- 
tween air at rest and air in motion ; there Is, in fact, no na^ 
Hve term for wind. 

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witliout meBtbning the Roman or Anbk diar^e* 
tefs» the latter of which is of universal use among 
the nations whiefa speak the Malay language } the 
Tagala of the Phillippines, and the obsolete cha- 
racter of the Sundas of Java. These five cha^ 
racters are in form as distinct, and in charac- < 
ter as unlike, as can well be supposed in alpha- 
bets which represent languages so similar in sound 
^d formation ; and I see no rational ground for 
concluding that they are from ope origin. Howr 
ever we may pretend to refine on the 'difficulties of 
invraiting alphabets, there is one fact which we 
cannot keep out of sight, that all alphabets what- 
ever have been inventions of rude and barbarous 
ages ; of ages so remote, that in all parts of the 
world they are beyond the reach of historical re- 
cord. There seems no cause to exclude the bar- 
barians of the Indian islands from the list of those 
who invented alphabets. Alphabets, like other 
great inventions, were, no doubt, the discoveries g{ 
highly gifted geniuses, who anticipated their time 
and nation by many ages ; and it would be unfair 
to attempt to trace their invention by referring to 
the general state of mind in the barbarous nations 
which possess them. The great number of these 
alphabets, while no less than three of them exist on 
one island, has been looked upon as a singular and 
puzzling fact ; but it appears rather a proof of the im- 
perfect intercourse which existed in early times be- 
tween the different tribes or nations of the same coun- 

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try. The inhabitants of Sumatra have three distinct 
characters ; but Sumatra is a great island little cul- 
tivated, and the intercourse between its inhabitants 
is very inconsiderable. The aboriginal inhabitants 
of Borneo are a few miserable savages, who never 
had an alphabet. The inhabitants of Celebes, who 
are not savages, occupy but a small portion of it ; 
and, besides, from the geographical character of 
their island, must always have been a maritime 
people, which implies considerable and easy inter- 
course. . The two nations of Java have, it may be 
alleged, but one alphabet ; but then nine-tenths of 
the population are one people, and the weaker and 
more barborous were subjected to the more power- 
ful and civilized ; not to say that on ancient and 
rude stones we still discover, among the Sundas, 
the vestiges of a national alphabet, supplanted by 
that of their conquerors. 

Attempts have been made to trace the written 
characters of the Indian islands to a Hindu origin ; 
but of this hypothesis it may be remarked, that 
while the portion of the language of the Hindus 
which is contained in those of the Indian islands is 
distinctly from one origin, and bears the most uni- 
form marks of identity among the most distant 
tribes, the^t^e alphabets are not only themselves 
dissimilar, but quite unlike to any ancient or mo- 
dem written character of India. The arguments 
used in favour of the Indian origin of the alpha- 

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bets of the Archipelago, are their being written 
from right to left, the principle of their for- 
mation, and their peculiar classification ; while 
their diverging from the parent alphabet, with 
their own dissimilarity, are left to be accounted for 
by the effects of time, and by the difference brought 
about by the practice of writing, in some cases on 
paper, or scratching, in others, on palm leaves. 

The first argument is not worth examining, or 
at least is fully refuted, by the circumstance of one 
of the five alphabets being written, not from the 
right to the left, nor from the left to the right, but, 
fantastically, from the bottom to the top of the 
page. In the principle of formation, the only strik- 
ing similarity is in the consonants always implying 
the short vowel a though not expressed ; and with 
respect to the classification, this is not universal, it 
happening that two of the alphabets, that of the 
Battaks and Javanese, believed to be the most an« 
cient, and the latter, undoubtedly, that of the most 
polished language, are not classed according to the 
Dewanagri order, but in an arbitrary manner. It 
is curious to discover, at the same time, the alpha- 
bet of the distant island of Celebes classed on the 
Hindu principle. An additional argument may be 
drawn from the fact of inscriptions, in the true 
Dewanagari character being found in Java, among 
those in the national character. 

The fact seems to be, both with respect to the 

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principle of formation and classification^ that tliey 
might have been modified on the introduction of 
Hinduism by the priests of that religion ; and, if 
we reflect that, in the early age of letters in every 
country, learning is entirely in the hands of the 
priesthoodi and nU;her an instrument of priestcraft 
than of common utility to the society, we can 
readily understand how eaaly such a modification 
might have been introduced. 

Time^ and the circumstance of writing, either on 
paper, or palm leaves, or bark, must be deemed 
wholly inadequate to account for the difference be- 
tween the different Polynesian alphabets and the 
supposed parent alphabet. The alphabet of Java 
is written to-day with little or no difierence on 
Bali, and on Palembang in Sumatra, after the inter* 
course between them has been interrupted for be- 
tween three and four hundred years, and although 
in Java the character be, almost always, written on 
paper, and in Bali invariably on the Palmyra leaf. 

Any of the languages of the more improved 
tribes of the Archipelago, may be resolved into 
the seven following componait parts: 1. Tlie 
primitive languid of the rude horde with which 
the tribe originated, which may be looked upon as 
the radical portion q£ the language. 3. The Great 
Pblynesian language, a language which extends 
its influence from Madagascar to New Guinea and 
the South Sea IsLMids. 3. Thtt l^iguage of the 

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tr&e ot tribes in its ^immediate neighbourhood. 
4« The Sanskrit, or andent language of Indian 
5. The Arriiic. 6. A few words of other Asiatie 
languages ; ^nd» 7* A still smidler portion of the 
languages of Europe. Each of these will defediand 
some observations. 

In the infancy of society^ ifi every part of the 
world, itien are brbken into small communities, 
numerous in ptoportion to their barbarism, and, as 
they improve, tribes and hordes become nMions^ 
extisnsive according to the degree of their civiliaa^ 
tion. Languages follow the same progn^ss. In 
the savage state they are great in number,-*-in im^ 
proved societies few. The state of latlgimges oa 
the American continent, affi)rds a convincing il- 
lustration of this &ct, and it is not less satisfae^i 
torfly explained in that of the Indian islands. 

The negro races, who inhabit the mountains of 
the Malayan peninsula, in the lovvest and tnost 
abject state of social existence, though numerically 
few, are divided into a^ great many distinct tribes, 
^peaking as many different language* Among 
th6 rude and scattered population of the island of 
Timor, it is believed that not less than fatty lanw 
guages are spoken. On Ende and flores wis have 
also a multiplidty of languages ; and, among the 
cannibal population of Borneo, it is not improbable 
that many hundreds are spoken. Civilissation ad- 
vances as we proceed westward j and in the eon- 

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siderable island of Sambawa there are but five 
tongues i in the civilized portion of Celebes, not 
more than four ; in the great island of Sumatra, 
not above six ; and in Java but two. 

Abundant proof of the existence of a distinct 
language in each tribe, may be adduced. The 
languages are of course original and unmixed, in 
proportion as circumstances have kept the tribes 
distinct* Colour, complexion, and physical con- 
figuration, have naturally kept the negro tribes dis* 
tinct from the brown-coloured races, and their lan- 
guages are, therefore, nearly in a state of pristine 
originality. Tlie languages spoken, by the negro 
races which inhabit the mountains of the Malayan 
Archipelago, hardly contain a word in common 
with the languages of the brown-coloured eiyilized 
races, and differ so much from those of each other, 
that Malayan interpreters must be employed to 
conduct the petty intercourse which now and then 
takes place between them. The languages of 
Tambora, Terpati, Ceram, and Saparua, have 
hardly a word of the more improved dialects of the 
Archipelago, and differ, just as widely, from the 
languages of the negroes at the other extremity of 
the Archipelago. These are the languages of 
some of the least improved tribes with which we 
are acquainted. 

The evidence of an original language with 
every primitive horde^ is even to be discovered 

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lltiUy in the more improved and mixed dialects. 
This is most remarkable in the class of words con- 
nected with the metaphysical stnictm^ of language, 
and which, from their very nature, did not admit 
of being displaced by foreign words, such as the 
substantive and auxiliary verbs; the prepositions 
representing the most abstract of the relations of 
cases; the termination representing a possessive 
case, and the inseparable particles representidg a 
passive anda transitive signification of the verb ; and, 
perhaps, above all, the common class of particles. * 
The merit of distinctly pointing out the existence 
of a great Polynesian language, as pervading the 
Indian Archipelago, belongs to Mr Marsden ; of all 
the writers who have treated of the literature, his- 
tory, or manners of the Archipelago, the most la« 
borious, accurate, able, and original ; and previous 
to whose writings we possessed neither correct nor 
philosophical accounts of these singular countries, t 

• •* The particles of every language ^ball teach them whi- 
ther to direct and where to stop their inquiries, for wherever 
the evident meaning and origin of the p iftcles of any Ian- 
guage can be found, there is the c«:rtain source of the whole." 
Diversions of Purley, Vol. L p, 147. 

f The learned Rcland points out the extr lordinary connec- 
^on between the Malay, the other languages of the Archipe- 
lago, and the Madagascar, but he draws no important or inte- 
resting conclusion from this singular fact— Diss. XL De Lin^ 
guis Insularum Orientaliani. 

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in coUatiog the langunge^^f tibe AvdupeIi^0% 
tbe most ordinary observer must be «(trwk wkh di^ 
prodigiotts Bumher of wordii in Al the nor? cm* 
lized iaaj^ages, mdietlljr fttd eikKiiciftUy tbe ammu 
Such words are mmerous in pnop^rtion i(^ tbe eivS- 
lintipB of Mcb tribe, ood Me few in ipropiftioii tt 
its nAc m m ; until, amoag tbe utter smr^gmf nn^ 
ohded bf drcwiittaBioee from tU interceiUBe with 
tibe greater inbe^ hontty » fwidiel wierd ieio he 

The frit pemt in m immtigstioB into ldb«f 
oarioM Hdgeot ist po itt m rnm tbe mtme end 
oharecter of the ehii ef ^mrd$ wbieh de cem- 
mon to the more omtieed djakotej h«t Minli 
of this Htiue ate so tmevs eaiA eKtenetWp tbet 
the eelection beeesNe • leatter of diflmilty end 
aioety* I^ on 4he fBehmdL weeds af this olees 
he less easentbd io eieh isngiiey ihen itsows n^ 
dicai stocdc, they eee, on ithe eAei^ moee neeeemy 
to it, as the language pf an improved community, 
than the Sanskrit, commonly the medium of intro- 
ducing words more eictrinsic and adventitious. I 
would say, generally, that tlie class of words indx* 
eating the existence of a great Poiynesian la»guege 
are generally such as indicate the first and neces- 
sary great steps in the progress of civilization ; ar* 
gumg thence, that civilization and improvement e« 
manated from the people who spoke it. The fol- 
lowing may be enumerated as eixaiaples >-*tbe 

names of useful plants and grains, such as 7ice> 


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M^LTxniAv uuKDiDgm. 8S 

tiie oee^flsary jurts, aiieh m Modes of hmtbuAff 
fveavmg, the nasMs of the uaefiil mMak, mdef do- 
moiticBnhmifu T!hemoTdfoirmeimmgf4keshutlkp 
tfie ttM^ and the wxjfi wn^ as &r w aqr infema* 
tioiiexteiids, the same in every language of the 
Asehifelago. Iron aaad gold are gmetdiykumKn 
hf the aMDe terms % but silver and coppcr» ^ ft- 
mAga istrodttotion, ^ne usuaflgr knevn by a Sub- 
fcrknane* The domestic janimab ane ^ s a u au anly 
Jmomi'l^^eDe general name ; wWle fehe irild ones 
of the same race, in those countaciea where they 
«ie indigenoiis, liaae a.distinct name in ttoh sepa- 
Bate ^alect. 

Words oemiedttd with acts so simfda snd neoes- 
asry as to imidy no in^entiom, 4mt wbidi mist at 
once haae oociirred i» *be wuwt uBtotemd aarspp, 
sriH be ibuad distinct in eadi laflgoage. In $mh 
arts, the use of the rattan and banboa, tk^ na- 
^Te and abundant ^growth of eyeiy country of the 
Anhiprfago, ir perpetaatty implied, and these 
flanta, tikeoefove, retain ]|heir ynnutrae naones in 
«very a qp a r at e language. 

One of the most striking ^examples of die influ* 
enoe ^f a general Poljaiesian language in .the civi- 
liaatien of the mider tribes, snay be adduced fnrni 
a collation of the numerals of the difterent. langua- 
ges. We are not to suppose that even the rudest 
^ibes requked to be taught the rudiments of an 
art which has its origin in the very nature of man 

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and language, but the extension and improvement 
of that art may evidently be traced to one source. 
The numerals of the more improved tribes are, 
with few exceptions, and making proper allowance 
for variation of orthography, the same in alL In 
all, however, relics of an original enumeration 
may be discovered. In the less improved^ these 
relics are considerable in the lower part of the 
scale; In a few, the original numerals continue 
unaltered so far ; but in the higher, all agree in 
in borrowing from the same source — ^from the 
great Polynesian. * 

Besides the class of words now alluded to, a very 
considerable number of the most familiar and or- 
dinary words of every language will be found 
the same throughout the more cultivated langua- 
ges ; such words, for example, as sun, moon, star, 
sky, stone, earth, fire, water, eye^ nose, foot, hand, 
blood, dead. 

Tlie existence of a class of words of this descrip- 
tion will hardly be explained by any influence short 
of domination and conquest, or of great admixture, 
which implies, in that state of society, nearly the 
same thing. 

As questions of deep and curious interest, it 
win occur to ask,— what was the nation whose Ian- 

* The subject of the numerals wiU be found discusf^ 
jDore at length in another chapter. 

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guage produced so strange and extensive an influ- 
ence,— where its country, — ^what its state of society, 
—and what its name and history ? 

On the evidence of langui^, we may pronounce 
as to the state of civilization of such a nation, that 
they had made some progress in agriculture,— that 
they understood the use of iron,— -bad artificers in 
this metal, and in gold ; perhaps made trinkets of 
the latter, — were clothed with a fabric made of the 
fibrous bark of plants, which they . wufve in the 
loom, — ^were ignorant of the manufacture of cotton 
cloth, which was acquired in after times from the 
continent of India,— *had tamed the cow and buf- 
falo, and applied them to draught and carriage,-— 
and the hog, the domestic fowl, and the duck» — and 
used them for food. Such a nation, in all proba- 
bility, was in a state of social advancement beyond 
the ancient Mexicans ; for they not only under- 
stood the use of iron, and of the larger animals, 
which the Mexicans did not, but the wide spread 
of their language across many seas proves that they 
had made considerable prc^ess in maritime skill, 
which the Mexicans had not. If they possessed 
the art of .writing, and a national kalendar, the pro- 
bability of which will be afterwards shown, their 
superiority was still more decided. 

There is no living language of the Archipelago, 
and still less of any nation, modem or ancient, be- 
yond its limits, which can be denominated the pa^ 
rent stock of the Great Polynesian language. It 

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ma^ in sil likelSioocl^ a language of the Arehipe- 
fago itself ; of a nation who inhabited a favourable 
and centrical sitoation ; and who» from these caoaei^ 
first emerged from the savage state* and were af- 
terwards enabled to disseminate civiUxation over 
Ibe rest of the Archipelago in unequid po r t i o BiS t 
aceordmg as the various tribes were cpialified^ 
from ^stance, loeal situation, fertility or barren^ 
ness of territory, and even from fbrtnitous circmiip 
itexees, to receive it. 

Java^ the only country which deserves the nano 
ef improved^ and the only one which, to our know* 
fedge, ever had an extensivo population united as 
one nation, ia that country of the Archipdago to 
which I aihi inclined to look as the seat of the an* 
oient nation to wfaiefa I allude. To the evidenoa 
tiraa derived frmn probability, we can add a fe# 
ooHfltiral tUnabrations from the source of hm:* 
g^Migt. in the coltation* of the languages df the 
Aloh^higD, i9e soon discover a curious variety ia 
tile oMhogittphy of tiio sfone word, carried, in* 
deed, OH some occmona^ to SKh an extent, that 
it M^res a knowledge of the primcipie on which 
iMe$e oorruptuNia came abouty and some skill in 
tbs application, to trace a word to its prc^r root. 

To ascertain tbe primitive stock of a worc^ 
dtete are four tests which may be applied : l8t» 
Tfce ifMnner in which erammtable oonaonants an 
uifed: 9ii Tbt iiRamer in which one ^kM of 
toweb k elMbgid into adotke^ : S4 Tke nse «f. 

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wm%nm§u» iMiavMm^ 

•bhramtipB im tl^ derimltve tongiie ; «ti4 44t^ 
The. %i^trto use of words in thr aanr, wbea 
tkey eaa be cUattnctly tiaofd. to a literal on^ ia tbe 
pdmitive hiq^iMge. I ihatt «i pieseat caiifi<br 
th0 three fisst tests ealy* Eesenrieg tny ecosMit of 
the third for the discussion lespectiiig^ the hoJkh^ 
cnee of the minor end neighboimiig hmgioges 
Ott eoch oth«r. Tried by these tests, tke hn» 
gMge of Java eomes the neamt to the pave 
source of the Gieat Poiynesian langnege, and 
tbenco asiaes the psesuaiplion, that Java ivaa the 
eoiatry of the natioB who spoke ilL 

The most asiud examples of comwatalian of 
cosMonants are^ «^ into b^ d kitoj« r iaifco 4, 
y uit^Jf and ch into s^as p^ In the more bir*^ 
haroua langmiges^ we find I corrupted into r» 
f^ mtmjf and b into p^ Waht^ a stone in Jam 
nmM, becemos in Mahy battu Warmky a iM* 
boceroa^ in MMbqr» hscemea badah the same word 
nftgfliiiB two ineianees of comamtation. CoKMp>* 
tions analogous to these ace what are made on 
Ssnshnt words intrsdaeed into tka yemacuhor 
lai^giiq^es of India; and it is a strydng coarahoia^ 
tion of the aigument in fim>ur of the antiquty of 
of the Jsnneee» diat» in odier hmguages, the Ma* 
laf for examplOt ibe very sBBie . eonnqptioiis are 
made npon Sanskrit wonds^ while{^ in Javanese^ 
they an piean' f ed nnabered. It may he wwtk 
idnle girii^ a irw eoumpics: WiehaktoM i» 
Sansknt ia k Ib^ iffMkmiaf %ri€k<ira bf» 

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comes hachara^ ktilawargahy kalvrga ; daksma 
is taksinUf kangsa^ gangsa; and randayjanda. In 
Javanese, the orthc^raphy of these words is pre* 
served with perfect purity, exactly paralld to the 
manner in which it preserves words of the great 
Polynenan language. 

In derivative languages, not only are the harsh 
consonants of the primitive language softened, 
but its broad vowels assume a more slender sound. 
Such changes are, I believe, constantly effected 
in the English upon Saxon roots, and they perpe- 
tually occur to us in comparing other languages of 
the Archipelago with the Javanese. I take my 
examples from the Malay, the only language fami« 
liur enough to me to enable me to institute such 
a comparison. Here we find the short ii of our 
orthography changed into Italian i, long u into 
short ii, or into i or e, and broad o into short ft or 
iL Thus jdnnakj tame, in Javanese, becomes in 
Malay jinak ; pochott to pluck up, pdchat; and 
suruhf betle pepper, sirek. 

Of the dispositicm in the derivative language to 
substitute vowels or scA consonants for consonants 
of difficult utterance, innumerable examples may 
be adduced. Ngantek in Javanese becomes ganteh: 
in Malay, mUwis becomes blibis^ and ng&sap be- 
comes Mp ; woh becomes buahf and ros' ruas^ 
Sometimes to obviate a hiatus a consonant seems to . 
be interposed, and coi this principle I aecount 
fw wos .in Javanese, si^ponng it to be the root^ 

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taking tbe following singular and various shapes. 
In Malay it is braSj in Sunda bias, in Bali bahas^ 
in Bugis weroM^ in Macassar berasa^ in Samang 
bcttfas^ and in Dayak bahas. Some of the more 
eastern languages demand euphonic rules peculiar 
to themselves. It seems adverse to their genius 
that any word should end in a consonant^ with the 
exception of the soft na^al ng. It seems eqtially 
adverse to the genius of their pronunciation that 
one consonant should coalesce with another. It is 
in consequence of this that we sometimes see a 
vowel added or intervened, a terminating conso- 
nant rejected or commuted for the favourite nasal ; 
so that we have, on this principle, bulan^ the moon, 
converted in Macassar into bulang ^ kiiat, lightning, 
in Macassar and Bugis into kila ; guntur^ thunder, 
into gufUuru ; and, with some more violence bun^ 
dew, into ajfniuig. This variety of orthogn^hy and 
]»X)nunciation may be. contrasted with the singular 
uniformity of a word made up of what I may call 
the favourite sounds of the East- Insular langui^es,. 
which for the vowels are broada, and Italian i/, a, and 
I, and for the consonants n, k, /, «, />, g and ng. 
In words where these sounds prevail the uniformity 
is surprising. Maize is for instance called jagtmg 
unalterably in every language of the Indian islands 
that I have heard of} a board is with equal uni- 
formity papan, the sky Utngit^ the earth tanah^ and 
tti# eye nmUh 

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If en the ptnUo^ciA ^ine^leB faere 
the .bveniese fom of words is to be conndeved m 
approechmg the newest to the apoec k of thcr an* 
eient race whem I hove supposed to hiure disseflfti* 
nated its hmgmgb and ciidliaation over the other 
nations amd tiibes of Ae Aiehipd^o^ to enaUe us 
to consider that languafe consistent with itsetf^ we 
must look Qpon it from; vevy early times as » writ^* 
ten kogoBge ;^ for it is a &ct fhlly uiidefstoody 
that orad utterance and the eair are ahuigether itt^ 
adeq[aate to the preservation of the integrity of 
sooaids i a fiut nowhere aewre ampiy and satisihe-* 
toarfly iUostrated than among the langaages of the 
Indian islands, where those that have a written eha*' 
xacter preserve a surprising consistency^ whUe ther 
more barbarone wanton i& the wildest and moib 
fiintastic oenruptions. Two examples wSi svflfoe. 
In every cnltivated, or, which is the same things 
every written language^ the moon ia iwfariihly wi^ 
Ian or bulanf but whea tbc^ ceaae to hs wtitien wi** 
hare the foUowii^ variations: in the Lembek, 
ulan ; in the Gonsngtalo, ti2mo ; in the Cenm^ 
bubmtg; in Bima, wurah; and in the Menadot 
ttorofogfaly taan^ed, Idkhen. -In the greater nnm* 
her of the written hnguages mshi or lute ie a 
hair^ in the unwritten we have the folhyvrii^whim^ 
sical comrptioiis : in the Bittnng, wehtaj in Go* 
rongtalo, 'woho ^ in Miiiado^ witkuk; in Ceram, 
whura y in Ende» abbreviated as well ae eomipted 

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^ ; ia the huigaage of the Friendly UtioidM^fkru 
crjidu ; in that o£ New Zeahui4 ruru ; and in 
that of MadagaeoaTt volo.* 

As aa argument againat the antiquity of the Ja« 
V9XSIUB, and of Java bei^g the country of the great 
PolyneaiaB language, it may be uiged, that many 
wofds aFe craimoB to aerend of the Imular dialects 
not known in modem Javanese 9 that in the Sunda, 
Hk/e laagaage of Madusa and those of Celdies for 
exaao^le, many words are found, which rather ag^ 
fear to point out the Maky than th^ Javanese as 
the more primitiiw language. Most of the consider- 
idble hmguages of the Ajxrhipelago have, as will be 
pointed out afttrwardsi produced a considerable 
influence oa each'other, but the greater number of 
the w(Mrda in question are to be accounted for on a 
diftrait prkfedplat They are^ in Uu^ woids of 
the gveit Polynesian language^ sometimes, become 
obsolete in eoe language and sometimes in anotbery 
ateetdidg to the accidents of time and the caprice 
of BMunarB* Fotf the satiafaotion of the critical 
reader, I ahaM give a few examples. The follow*, 
ing wwds oi ordinary or familiar Malay, are no 
longer known in modem JavMiese, but occur in 
the hmguages ei asveral of the sunroundii^ tribes. 

♦ HawkesworUi's Voyages, Vol. II. Cook's Voyage, Vuf. 
III. Bumey's Hhtory of Voyages aiid Discoveries> Vol. If. 
Mi4a|totaf^ hj VUbttt Dniry, p. 459. 

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and are certified to have once belonged to the peo«- 
pie of Java, by their existence (amidst a crowd of 
words still current) in the ancient language, as we 
find it both in manuscripts and on inscriptions : 
Sagala^ all; dan^ and ; rfiri, self ; lagit yet ; making 
the more, by so much the more ; bah^ inundation ; 
tasckf sea, lake ; t&pif border ; takut^ fear ; tingif 
high, with many others. 

Even in the languages of the distant island of 
Celebes, we discover words in current use, which; 
in Java, are found only in books, and are obsolete 
on common occasions. The fate of some Sanski-it 
words in the different languages, though proof will 
be afterwards brought that all words of that tongue 
were probably introduced through the same chan- 
nel, will illustrate this in the most convincing 
manner. In the modern Javanese, there are two 
Sanskrit words for one in Malay, yet some Sanskrit 
words are in Malay current and popular, which in 
Javanese are either confined to books or obsolete, 
and a few occur in Malay which have no existence 
at all in modem Javanese, and for the detection of 
which, we must have recourse to ancient manu- 
scripts and monuments. 

The common circumstance of affinity between all 
the languages, both of the Indian Archipelago and 
Australasia, is the great Polynesian. I think it will 
be found, that the languages nearest to Java, in 
geographical position, or which possessed in^iny k^ 

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sped tbe easiest intercourse with it, will, in the 
ratio of these advantages, be found to contain 
words of the Polynesian. They are abundant in 
the Malay and other cultivated tongues of the west, 
decrease as we go eastward, and most where there 
is most barbarism, until, in the distant islands 
of the South Sea, a few stragglers only reach the 
languages of the more civilized tribes, and even 
these wanderers do not reach the dialects of sueh 
abject savages as those of New Holland. 

Such are the only arguments which have occur- 
red to me for ascertaining the locality of the nation 
which has exerted such an influence over the In- 
dian islands ; an influence which may be compared, 
within its sphere, to that which the Sanskrit and 
the people who spoke it exerted over the languages 
and nations of Hindustan. The Sanskrit lan- 
guage exists indeed embodied in writing, while 
the Polynesian language can be traced only as it 
is scattered over a thousand living dialects. We 
know from analogy that a people, of whom San- 
skrit was the tongue, must have existed ; must 
have made a certain and considerable progress in 
civilization, and spread their language and im- 
provements over the continent of India; but it 
13 from these inferences, drawn from analogical 
reasoning alone, that we form such conclusions, 
for we possess not even the most trifling record of 
such a people ; we know not when they flourish- 

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9A «EKBRA2. ammu Asnaasm tat the 

ed ; the geogrsphiedi litmtimk of tlmr €oantrjf ^ 
tkeir very name. If the eegimirats I lurre addii- 
eed fir aseeitakniig the ntuatioQ of the pec^e 
vho spoke «ttd diueniiiafeed the great Polyaeskii 
languf^e, be of any foroe^ we ate in ft state of leaa 
uncertainty with respect to them tihaa we are iii 
iHpect to the people of whom Sonakrit waa the 
living speech* We guess at the country th^ ii^- 
hafaitedU and we trace tthe ittflueDoe of their hm* 
guage, arts» and inatitntienamBeiig the ¥«Rona tribea 
of thie East Indian islea, now considerable in ihe 
degree m which eadi eonntiy is near to it» or moDe 
eorreedy, aa it is aeeessiUe; and now diminiahing 
as it xscedea hem it, or is more diffieub of a&« 
earn, until it cease akogethert wfaene gneat JS&^ 
tmee, cor olher cause 0£ inaoceesjfaitey, have eBc«> 
dttded ^ connection* 

Tlie auppesitian of st great East-iJBsniar laa* 
goage, aoDid, necessarily of a people, ef whem it waa 
the medium of eomimunioatioii» is one tf the very 
few facts which seem to cany the history (^ oar 
species to e great antiquity, particuiariy if we aup« 
paae, that, in common witJi etfaor great oci^nai 
languages, it was « language of eomplex stnictnie» 
a character ftom which every tongue of the fiaat^ 
em isles has long ago more cmnpietefy departed^ 
than the languages of any other portiw of dm 

The supidor entiqnity and ei^tent 'Of tl)e inflii^ 

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^BMf 0f Urn freit Folymeman fangmge m tbe 
femacfdir tongiiaif #ver that of the Sanskiitt ii 
proved bf the eiMbeme of the first, and the ab* 
aenoe xxf tbe second in the more seckded and in^ 
ittbted koguagea, inch aa l^ose 0f tbe safvages JMat 
aEteDtioufid, and tboae of d^e South Sea ialattda» m 
aihieh » few inaulated ^and comipted ^oi^ of the 
great Polynosian coiatf hat mot a ajUable of 
jSaMkrit, w far as I Joaow, has been jdiacMenNL 
]bi inreatigatii^ a mib^ust of ao jHioeh ohsoviatjc; 
emea aoch a discowry as this aisniDes wme iaa* 

Tbe pnad^ouf rnidti^icity of hngnggM imtimk 
4Jke indaaA. islanda lias been jakeady deaccftsdt 
and tbe decreaae of t&sor nuinfaen m Ae piAgreai 
of eiTiliaatkii hm been , posuated out We haw 
«Kn Baftkns of a ftw ftsBilies widi a InngiwiBP ae- 
|BBBte and dlstmet fit» thoae of tts ae^bonn* 
frtiile pppdaitt cDmmanitiea hvre no ^eater mub^ 
bner. It is iastractive and imeresting tojidvertt^ 
tbe bfstxay laf the joint inipno^aaaent of aooifity aaad 
Iftngiiaee, and to attend to the cireiimstaMBs im- 
^ ivbidbi B eonnmutttyis increased, in atvengdb 
Munber, and chnJization, while dse wsneraiia dsa- 
kcts of tbe first aarages uwte to the Aamation aif 
one HMre mpious and improYiod teniae. Sipch a 
biaborjr (wmhl be jpretty nearly aa lbUoss.:--<>ne 
tribe laiied above its neighhanBS by ciDeufflStances 
patuxal or jfintnikoa^i m«|d conqiier one or 

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of theae^-o-adopting, as in savage society, the con* 
quered as captives. The tribe would be increased 
in numbers and strength to enable it to undertake 
new conquests. The languages o€ the conquered 
and conquerors would amalgamate, the latter chief* 
ly giving it its form and character* Progressive 
conquests of this nature would, in the course of 
ages, though ailer many reverses and fluctuations, 
reduce a country under the sway of one people, 
and reduce to one its many dialects. The neces- 
sity of supporting an increasing population would 
be the incentive to industry, invention, and im<* 
provement, and, in this manner, we can trace the 
progress of the savage state to semi-barbarism, un.- 
til some natural obstacle, as the barrier of seas and 
mountains, interrupted the geographical progress of 
improvement, lliis, in short, is the progress of so* 
ciety in every part of the world ; but, as an examina- 
tion of its consequences will tend to make us bet- 
ter acquainted with the state of society in the In* 
dian islands, I shall illustrate the subject with a 
few examples :*-Nine-tenths of the population of 
Java speak the same language, and this portion 
occupies the whole of the low and fertile portion 
of the island. The mountainous nature of the 
country occupied by the remaining tenth has hiur 
dered them from being subjected, and has kept 
theii* language distinct. The conquests and lan- 
guage of the Javanese have penetrated as far as 

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they could ; for the whole accessible part of the 
coast of the island has been occupied by them^ 
even where it runs parallel with the mountainous 
districts of the Sundas. The straits which are the 
boundaries between Java and the islands of Bali 
and Madura have preserved to the two latter a 
separate language. In Celebes, the fertile and 
occupied portion of the island is divided unequally 
between two nations, the Bugis and Macassars. 
Nothing but the natural barrier of their moun- 
tains could have saved the language and indepen- 
dence of the Macassars. As to the smaller tribes, 
from the unfavourableness of their situation, some- 
times occupying a sterile soil, sometimes inaccessi* 
ble to each other through forests, rivers, or marshes, 
and always struggling for existence, no one na- 
tion among them has emerged from the savage state 
to subjugate its neighbours, and take the lead in 
the march of civilization. They are, consequent- 
ly, as already described, divided into numerous 
petty tribes, each speaking a distinct language. 

It is by conquest only that we can suppose the 
languagesof rude nations to produce a material influ- 
ence upon each other, and the notion of partial and 
OQcaaional subjugation is not excluded by such cir- 
cumstances, as ultimately prove obstacles to the uniqn 
of two or more tribes, to the formation of one natiim 
and one language. An oscillation of pattial and 
temporary conquests is constantly going forward, 


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. which produces important effects upon the languag<i!r 
of the weaker party, though the unskilfulness and 
weakness which belong to this condition of society, 
incapacitate the parties from making permanent 
conquests under circumstances of any difficulty. 
In this manner we account rationally for the great 
number of words common to all the neighbouring 
languages; It is the language of the more power- 
ful and civilized tribe, which naturally knposes words 
upon the weaker. Sometimes this communication 
is direct, but at others, no doubt, it is received in- 
termediately; a principle on which it is, often, more 
reasonable and consistent to explain the wide-spread 
connection^ which w€ perceive, than by supposing 
enterprises and adventures of difficulty, incompati- 
ble with the genius of barbarians. We have, how- 
ever, positive and unquestionable evidence to assure 
us, that, from the more considerable nations of the 
Archipelago, expeditions^ of no inconsiderable ex^ 
tent, have been at times undertaken, both for set- 
tlement and conquest. The Javanese have had 
their expeditions to Borneo, to Sumatra, and the Pe- 
ninsula i the Malays to the Malayan Peninsula and 
to Borneo ; and the Bugis to Java, Sumatra, Borneo, 
and the Peninsula,-— though the influence of the 
latter, or that of their language, towards the west, b^ 
been inconsiderable. The extraordinary facility «f 
maritime enterprise, in the tranquil safe navigation 

0f the Indian islands, and the difficulties so frequent* 


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ly interposed to communication by land, caused by 
deep forests, impenetrable morasses, or inaccessible 
mountains, ought to be steadily kept in remem- 
brance in a discussion of this nature. The inha- 
bitants of the Archipelago are, in short, a people 
naturally of maritime habits, and we expect thafc 
their movements shall be directed by this principle. 
They have not the means of emigrating by land* 
They have not, like the Tartars, extensive grassy 
plains to march over with facility, and extensive 
flocks or herds to feed them in their wanderings. 

To aflbrd illustrations of the nature of the influ- 
ence now referred to, I shall endeavour, in a few 
abort sentences, to trace the influence of the Ja- 
vanese langui^e upon some of the neighbouring 
tongues ; looking in this view upon Java less as the 
country of the people who disseminated the Ian- 
» guage which, in inxitation of Mr Marsden, I haye 
called the Great Polynesian, than as the source of 
a more modem and less essential influence. 

The Javanese seem to have made repeated tem- 
porary conquests of the Sundas, and one of these isr 
mattef of sucb recent history, that Europeans them- 
selves were witnesses to it. Nearly the same words 
vpplj to the conquests made of Madura. Of those 
of Bali we have no accurate record, but the tradi- 
tions of both nations are full of them. The efiect 
of these conquests has been every thing' short of 
imposing a new language^ or o( amalgamating the 

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inferior with the superior languages* The Sunda, 
Madura, and Bali, abound not only with words of 
pure Javanese beyond any other languages of the 
Archipelago, but they have adopted the mort ex- 
trinsic, artificial, and superfluous portion of the Ja^- 
vanese ; the dialect of deference and respect, al- 
most, word for word, as it exists in that language. 
The influence of the Javanese upon the Malay has 
been less considerable, but great. Of the portion 
which is common to the Malay and Javanese, it 
would be no easy or possible matter to define which 
was received into the Malay from the great Polyne- 
sian language, and which through the more modem 
vernacular language. The more radical and neces- 
sary may generally be considered as having come 
from the great East- Insular tongue ; the more m- 
cidental and extrinsic from the vernacular language 
of Java. Sometimes words received from the lat-^ 
ter source refer to some peculiar or local usage of 
modern Java, when they may be easily identified ; 
at other times, the words are no better tban the af« 
fectations of the learned, and may even be rect^- 
nized by a foreign pronunciation. An additional 
influence on the part of the Javanese on the Malay, 
seems to have been exerted on the dialects of some of 
the Malayan states, afler their emigration from the 
parent state on Sumatra. In the Patani dialect of 
Malay, 1 find, for example, many words of Java- 
nese in familiar use, but which are unknown to any 

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of the rest of the tribes. The followii^ are ex- 
amples : lawaSy old, of long standing ; hulun^ 1} 
vm, thou ; kulqn, west ; wetan, east ; hr^ north ; 
kiduly south; munmg^ ^uigry; d&Uky to hide$ 
mamahy to masticate ; bcof^uny to mend ; tiba^ !• 
to fall, 2. to arrive ; jupuk, to take ; steu)ek, to 
tear. Javanese tradition, in fact, of no very re« 
mote antiquity, describes the existence of a connec« 
tion of a very intimate nature between Java and 
the state of Patani, oa the eastern shoie of the 
Malayan peninsula. 

The greater number of words common to the 
Malay and Javanese lao^ages are, however, of a 
more radical and permanent character than those 
just referred to ; and whether they be of the great 
Polynesian language, or modem Javanese, seems 
of less consequence than to determine that the Ian* 
guage of Java^ under whatever name, and not the 
Malay, is the primitive tongue. In words com- 
mon to both languages, it often happens, that the 
%urative sense of a word only is recognized m 
Malay ; at other times, the Malay word is a de- 
rivative from some Javanese root ; and, occasional- 
ly, the Malay word, which appears, at first view, a 
simple word, ia a compounded one in Javanese 
the c(miponent parts d* whidi have no existence 
in the former language. A few examfiles of each 
l?ftl, I think, satisfy the reader c^the originality 
of th« Javinese. The literal aense of the word 

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tnfidam, in Javanese, is fructification, or the act of 
forming fruit ; and its figurative, conception or 
pregnancy. Its figurative sense only is known in 
Malay, in the corruption of the word, idam. Lan^ 
chang means literally, in Javanese, to run a*head, 
to run before another ; and, figuratively, to antici- 
pate. In the latter sense only we have it in Ma- 
lay. Mvjur and malang^ in Javanese, in their li- 
teral significations, imply, the one lengthwise, and 
the other athwart; and figuratively, fortunate, and 
unlucky. In the latter sense only are they used 
in Malay. Suku^ a quarter or fourth part, in 
both languages, is derived from mku^ the leg, in Ja- 
vanese, which, as well as bahu^ a shoulder, are me- 
taphorically used to express that fraction. Sung* 
gutf to hint, or insinuate, is a metaphorical use of the 
same word, meaning the feelers or antennse of fish 
or insects. In the literal sense it is not known in 
•Malay. The word ddm&n^ a fever, corrupted 
in Malay damam, is derived from the Javanese 
Wi^rd adanit cold, which has no existence in Malay. 
To understand this etymology, it is necessary to 
explain, that it is not the hot stage of fever, as with 
us, and the people of India, but the cold, which gives 
name to a fever. In Javanese, the word buruh 
means to labour; and huruhan^ a derivative, "wages. 
The derivative only is known in Malay. Pagwwej a 
tool, an instrument, in both languages is derived 
irom a Javanese root gcewe to do, to work. Kaba^ 

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^MkoHf goodness, in Malay and Javanesei is deri?- 
^ from the Javanese adjectiTe bachik^ good. Pen* 
Juritf a leader, in Malay, is a corruptionof Pr^'uri/, 
a soldier, or warrior, in Javanese, itself a deriva* 
ttve fromjuritf war, in Javanese— focAii andjurit, 
thelrootSjin these.twOiexamples,arewordsnotknown 
in the Malay at all. Farurara, corrupted in Malay 
pdrwarOs waiting women, or rather a sort of maids 
ofAonouTf is, as far as the Malay is concerned, a pri* 
mitiye word, but in Javanese, is resolvable into its 
component parts, para^ all^ used collectively, and 
rara^ a maid. Gandarusa^ in both languages, is the 
name of a medieinal plant, a simple term in Malay, 
but in Javanese referable at once to its component 
parta, gamier odour, ^nd rusa, strong, an ^ithet 
which describes its most sensible quality. The par- 
ticles of each language, as stated in another place, 
will genenJly be found original ; but an example or 
two may be piroduced of thp less familiar ones be- 
ing deriyed from the Javanese. The particle maka^ 
no^^ then, for example, is evidently a derivation 
from mangka^ time, jn Javanese ; and the copn- 
lative« dan, is a corruption of the Javanese tot, jit- 
self an abbreviation of lawan and kalawan, tl^e 
cOQt of which is the immoral kaleh, two. 

The influence (4 the Javanese upon the Malay 
may be traced after * the period when the formier 
received its portion of Sanskrit ; for words exist in 
Malay, consisting joitotly of a Javanese and San- 
d^rit root. Gandapura, for example^ is the name 

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of a plant, from the flower of which a per fiimed 
essence, in high repute, is drawn. It is composed 
of the Javanese word ganda^ odour, and the San- 
skrit one, pura^ a palace. Rontaly in Javanese, 
the leaf of the Paltnyra palm, used to write upon, 
is, in Malay, by a very common corruption, lontar. 
The genuine word is composed of ron, a leaf, and 
to/, in Sanskrit, the Palmyra palm. It is singular 
that the word ron had, in its simple uncompound- 
ed state, been already corrupted into dauriy on a 
principle already explained, it being apparently a 
word of the great Polynesian language. Had the 
compound word been formed by the Malays, we 
should have found it, not lontar^ but dauntal. 
This subject will be renewed when I speak of the 
introduction of Sanskrit. 

In a superior fertility of soil, and conveniency of 
situation, there seems to exist in Java a permanent 
tod effectual cause for ascribing to its inhabitants 
a higher civilization than could naturally have been 
flie growth of any other part of the Archipelago, 
and to infer necessarily from thence, that the Ian* 
^ages of the people of Java, of all ages, nrost,'in 
their times, have exerted the greatest influence <m 
those of the other tribes ; but this by no means 
excludes a minor hyflnence on the part of the other 
tribes, and each greater one may be proved to hare 
exerted a powerful influence on the langai^es of 
its immediate neighbours. ' The Mahomedan re* 
ligion wtis first introduced among the Malafys, who 

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liecame, in their turn, the chief inrtroinents in 
propagating it throu^out the rest of the Archipe- 
iago. Commerce and religion went t<^ther ; and 
the Malays of these times were not only the apos- 
tles of Islam, but the chief merchants of the Ar- 
chipelago. From this double source, a considera- 
ble influx of Malay words has taken jisuce into the 
lai^^uages of ail the Mahomedan and commercial 
naticms of the Archipelago. They are, indeed, 
mostly, words relating to religion or commerce, 
imd haioe are readily detected. In Javanese, for 
example, we have the Malay word maUtniy night, 
used in the restricted sense of evenings counting 
time according to the Mahomedan style. Golok 
a cleaver, or small hanger, in Malay, is applied in 
Javanese to the description of side-arms worn by 
the priests. THak in Malay means to cut or lop 
off any thing ; in Javanese it is to circtimcise. 

The Bugis and Macassar languages afford many 
examples. They preserve the primitive words, 
for instance* for the cardinal points of the compass, 
but, in oHnmereial language, often apply the Ma« 
lay ones. The influence of the Malay, in this re- 
qleot, though infinitely smaller, may, in its princi- 
ple, be compared to that which the Persian has ex- 
eilted on some of the vernacular languages of ton- 
tinental India. 

We are accustomed to look upon the Hindoos as 
a people whose religion admits no proselytes, and 
who are interdicted from emigration by its sacred 

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and inviolable precepts. Singular as is the frame of 
society among the Hindus, there can be no doubt 
but those who have impressed the public with these 
opinions have rather consulted the assertions of the 
Bramins than the principles of human natuife and 
the analogy of history. Such opinions will not bear 
the slightest examination. Hindustan itself con- 
tains ten different nations, all professing the Hindu 
religion ; and the many agies before such a revolu- 
tion could have been completed, implies most ex- 
tensive conversion and proselytism. Actual emi- 
gration, among Hindus, is proved by the existence 
of Hindu colonies on the shores of* the Caspiad, 
and by the abundant and unquestipnable relics of 
Hindu manners, language, and religion in almost 
every country of Eastern Asia. * This, indeed, is a 
point now too firmly established to demand any ad- 
ditional evidence. Having premised these neces- 
sary observations, we shall be the better enabled to 
understand and explain the lact, still sufficiently 
curious and interesting, of the existence of San- 
skrit in all the improved languages of the Archi- 
pelago. There are five circumstances req)ecting 
the existence of Sanskrit in the dialects of the Ar- 
chipelago "which may be looked upon as estaUishedy 
and from an attrition to which we shall be enabled 

* A small Hindu colony exists at present at Malacca, and 
has existed there for ages. The original settlers were from 

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to form some rational opinions respecting tlie nature* 
character, and extent of the connection between th^ 
distant Indian isles and the country of the Hindus, 
first, The Sanskrit exists in a state of as great pu- 
rity a^ the articulation and alphabets of the Archi- 
pelago would admit, nearly unmixed with any mo- 
dem dialect of which it is a part, and apparently 
in a state of original purity. Secondly, It is most 
pure ID the more cultivated dialects. Thirdly, It 
is abundant in the direct proportion of the im- 
provement of each language. Fourthly, It is pure 
and abundant as each dialect of the same tongue is 
improved, and rare and corrupt as the language is 
common and popular. Fifthly, Where corruptions 
of Sanskrit words exist, the same corruption per- 
vades all the different dialects. It is only from a' 
sober examination of the internal evidence which 
these prominent facts afford, assisted by the evi- 
dencie which the relics of ancient art and religion 
lend us, that we can expect to determine the man- 
ner in which the Polynesian dialects received .their 
infusion of Sanskrit ; for we cannot trust to tradi- 
tion, and the barbarians, on both sides of the wa- 
ter, have no historical record of this or any other 
remote transaction. 

The singular facts now stated respecting the 
wndition in which Sanskrit exists in the languages 
of the Indian islands, lead me to imagine that the 
language was not intrpduoed by conquest, but pro- 

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pagated by the slow and gradual means o£ relif^OF 
conversion, effected, just as in later times, the Arabict 
by the Mahomedans^ through the activity and in- 
trigues of a few dexterous priests. The Sanskrit, it 
may be said, forms a more essential, necessary, and 
copious portion of the Insular languages than 
the Arabic ; but this may be escplained. The de- 
fects of the Insular languages had been supplied 
diroogh the Sanskrit before t^ey knew the Arabic, 
and since then the advancement of society in the In- 
dian isles has not been such as to render an influx of 
new words necessary, even could the Arabic have sup- 
plied what the Sanskrit did not afford* The most 
puzzling circumstance, at first view, is the fact of 
the Sanskrit language not being mixed in the dia- 
lects of the Indian islamb with any living dialect 
of India ; but this apparent difficulty tends, on a 
nearer inspection, to clear up the history of its in- 
troduction. Had any living tongue been intro- 
duced with it, we should have no doubt but the 
language had been introduced through conquest 
and subjugation, or commercial intercourse. The 
conquerors and the conquered mixing, would un- 
doubtedly have mixed their languages, and we 
should see not only the peculiar corruptions of the 
Indian dialect, but, superinduced on these, the im- 
perfection of oral communication. Even si^posing 
the conquerors of the Indian islands to. have been 
the very nation who spoke ,the Saaakrit^iiBguage, 

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a sappoBitkin perliaps too vioWni» as it would ekrrj 
us to a period of antiquity in Indira history on 
whi^b 9ven tradition is silent, the Sanskrit lan- 
gua^ must, tkrougli the poi^Iar and oral commu- 
niciliiim which must haye e^^Mied^ have undergona 
corruptions similar to those which it has undergone 
in all the vernacular tongues. of India, and which, 
indeed, all languages must undergo when similarly 
atuated among a barbavous people, unless when in- 
fiised through the medium of letters, or, which in 
such a state of society is the same thing, through 
the priesthood. The class of words which has been 
admitted is not such as by any means to warrant ua 
in the belief that a popular intercourse existed be* 
tween the two peoj^e. The affinity between the 
two languages is, indeed, far from beiog radical^ 
for the terms borrowed by the East-Insular lan- 
guages are generally abstract words, rendered ne- 
cessary to the people who adopted them in the 
course of improvement, and deliberately selected 
for the purpose^ just as we apply ourselves to the 
ancient languages of Europe for technical terms. 
In some of the less improved languages they are 
seldom more than terms connected with the pecu* 
liar my^D^gy of the Hindus. The class of words 
most liable to be introduced when two nations are 
mixed, is necessarily that of most £Euniliar and con- 
stant appUeaAion in the ordinary inteieourae of life. 
& is so 6r the reverse of this with the Insu- 

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110 geneaa£ observations^ on the 

lar dialects, that wherever Sanskrit words mo^ 
abound, the language will be found to be the most 
artificial and refined. The polite dialect of Java, 
or language of respect, which is strictly a factitious* 
speech, uses the Sanskrit liberally. The ordinary 
written language does the same, and the Kami or 
recondite language of the priesthood wantons in 
Sanskrit words nearly in a state of primitive purity. 
In some instances it is impossible to account for 
the caprice of language, for San^rit words extend 
even to the objects of sense. In Malay we have 
kapala for the head, in Javanese sira for the same 
object. In Bugis and Macassar, as well as in Ma- 
lay and Javanese, we have rupa for the face, and all 
belonging to the most common dialect, being, in- 
deed, the only words for these objects in all but the 
Javanese. Words of this nature are, however, ex- 
tremely few in number, and are herc^adduced 
as exceptions to a general rule. Let us suppose 
the case of a few Hindu missionaries arriving 
among the Indian islanders for the pui-pose of con- 
verting them. It would surely, in that case, be a 
hopeless task to attempt to teach the rude natives 
their language ; prudence would at once dictate 
to them the necessity of acquiring the dialect 
of the country, and their own tongue would not 
once be referred to. When religious instruction 
was to be given, the Sanskrit, the language conse* 
crated to religion among all Hindus, would be hail 

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recourse to. This would be stripped of its inflecv 
ttons, and mixed with the rude language of the 
people, and thus would be formed such a language 
as the Kawi, or abstruse language of Java and Bali. 
From this language Sanskrit words would be dif- 
fused, in the progress of civilization and improve- 
ment, oter the common speech of the people, losing 
a greater or less share of their purity as they were 
more or less trusted to oral utterance, or were adopt- 
ed by tribes more or less improved. 

The historical fact seems to have been, that, in 
the course of the commercial intercourse by which 
the precious products of the Eastern islands have 
been conveyed during all ages to India, Hindu 
missionaries came at various times into the Eastern 
islands, chiefly from Telinga, and that through them 
the Hindu religion and the Sanskrit language were 
widely "spread over the Archipelago ; but I shall 
not at present enlarge on this subject, as it will bfi 
more fully considered in treating of the history and 
antiquities of the islands. 

I have attempted to argue that Java was the 
seat from whence originated the early civilization 
o^tbe Indian Archipeli^o ; and I imagine there 
is some ground for believing, that, through the 
channel of the Javanese, the other Polynesian lan- 
guages received, perhaps, the principal portion of 
their Sanskrit. Making every allowance for the 
similarity in sfund and sense which must result 

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from the operation of those more general causes 
vrhich tend to assimilate to such a degree, in some 
of their grander features, all the Insular lan- 
guages, there still exist coincidences and points of 
resemblance of so arbitrary a nature, that they could 
only have had their source in the mod ifications pro* 
duced by one tongue, whatever tongue that was. 

Before attempting to bring this directly home to 
the Javanese, I shall produce a few examples of the 
similarity to which I allude. Sakti in Sanskrit 
means power ; in the Polynesian languages it 
means only supernatural power* Putra in Sanskrit 
means a son ; in Malay it is son of a king or 
prince. We shall afterwards see how it is in Ja- 
vanese. Laksa, one hundred thousand, is in aU 
the languages of the Archipelago only ten thou^ 
sand. As to similarity in corrupted orthc^raphy, 
this is less to be wondered at ; but, even here, we 
meet such examples of arbitrary pronunciation 
and spelling, that it is difficult not to ascribe their 
origin to one common source of error. We have» 
for example, garu, lignum aloes, instead of agur ; 
nagasarif the name of a plant, instead of nagake* 
sar ; kuda^ a horse, in place oi ghora ; batarOf an 
avatar, instead of awatara. If we are to consider 
the Sanskrit words in the Polynesian languages 
as coming from one source, we must imagine that a 
class of words, the very existence of which implies 
some civilisation and improvement, were derived 

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from the most improved race> from the language in 
which the Sanskrit exists in the greatest purity and 
greatest abundance, and not from a ruder tribe or 
more meagre language, in which it exists but thin^ 
ly scattered. This strong presumptire evidence is 
very satisfactory ; but more positive and cionclusive 
testimony may be drawn from an actual examina^ 
tion of the languages. I have already produced ex« 
amples of compound words in Malay, in which the 
Javanese and Sanskrit are united as component 
parts. Pti/ro, a son, and piUri, a daughter, in San^ 
skrit, mean strictly the same thing in Javanese^ 
but belong exclusively to the language of respect^ 
from whence they have been transferred to th« 
Malay, where they are used in the limited sense of 
prince and princess, or son and daughter of a king* 
The wordptffay prayer, in Sanskrit, becomes in the 
polite dialect of Javapi^'i, which corruption of the 
word is the only form in which it appears in Ma«> 
lay. Nagara is a city in Sanskrit ; in the ordi« 
nary language of Java the word is preserved with'* 
out alteration ; but in the Unguage of deference 
it becomes nagari; and this corrupt form, de- 
rived from the peculiar genius of the Javanese, it 
admitted into the Malay where the word has no 

In discussing the subject of a great Polynesiaa 
language, I have attempted to show, that many evi- 
dences exist of a considerable degree of local and^ 


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iadigenous civilization in the Indian Arehipehgo, 
wholly independent of foreign instruction ; that the 
principal tribes understood the culture of grain ; 
the use of iron, tin, and gold ; of the larger ani- 
mals ; that they had a national kalendar, and pro* 
bably understood the art of writing. If we con- 
sider how small their progress has since been, be- 
yond what is implied by this statement, we shall not 
think very highly of the extent and value of the 
improvements which the islanders received from 
the Hindus, and the catalogue of them will not be 
difficult to sum up. The Hindus may have in- 
structed the islanders in the knowledge of copper 
and silver ; perhaps taught them to tame the horse 
and elephant, which are commonly known by San- 
skrit names ; instructed them in the use of cotton 
and of the fabric manufactured from it ; in that of 
pepper, and the manuftcture of a drug from the in<- 
digo plant, and in the culture of some Indian fruits, 
finally, the Hindus taught the East-Insular tribes 
a new kalendar» which became supplemental to their 
own without superseding it ; they modified their 
writing, gave them a new literature and a new re- 
ligion, fortunately unaccompanied by the unsocial 
and- revolting genius of genuine Hinduimn. 

The introduction of a portion of Arabic has, as 
in other situations, been, among the tribes of the 
Indian islands, the consequence of the adoption of 
the Mahomedan religion. Into the distant regions 

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of the Ardiipelago the Alkoran was not introduced 
by the sword, and in the days of Arabian conquest - 
and enthufflasm, but at a comparatively late period^ 
and by a few straggling merchants. • In the proudk 
est days of Arabian empire, the maritime unskil* 
fulness of the Arabs must have been unequfd to so 
cbstant an enterprise as the conquest and conveN 
8i<m of the Indian islands. 

The exact period of the earliest conversion is 
not very well defined, but may be generally stated 
at about five hundred years back. The Malays 
. were the first converts, and were followed by the 
Javanese at a long interval of a century and a half^ 
and by the nations of Celebes at one of two cen- 
turies. Of all the tribes of the Indian islands, the 
Malays are the most thorough converts to Maho* 
medanism, and they enjoy, among their less zealous 
neighbouFs, the reputation of being good Maho* 
medans. They are the only considerable nation 
of the Archipelago * who have followed the exam-* 
pie of the great Mahomedan nations of western 
Asia, in adopting the Arabic character. This cir^ 
cpmstance gives a facility to the introduction of 
Arabic in the written language, and, added to thmt 
superior sseal mA longer conversion, is the cause 
why much more Arabic is found in the Malays than 

* The Bantamese and AcLinese^ and people of Mindanao, 
do so also, but they are inbonsiderable tribes. 

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in any other language of the 4^chipehigo. StiUf 
however, the harshness and variety of the Arabic 
consonants are so hostfle to .the few soft and sim- 
ple sounds of the Insular languages, that th^ num- 
ber of words naturalized in the Malay is very in- 
significant, and even some of these are softened down 
to the standard of Pdynesian pronunciation. Mars- 
den, as stated in another place, with accuracy con- 
siders the number of Arabic words adopted into 
the Malayan, not to exceed twenty or thirty ; but^ 
by a sanctioned pedantry, a writer introduces words^ 
or whole sentences, at pleasure, as is practised in 
all languages of which Arabic is the sacred text. 
In languages, not written in the Ai-abic character, 
such a practice is generally excluded, but these, 
too, are not without expedients. When treating 
of religious topics, the Javanese priests write their 
native tongue in a modified Arabic character, and 
£he nations of Celebes follow a more awkward plan, 
ofl;en intermixing the Arabic and native character 
in the same manuscript. Notwithstanding these 
contrivances, words are often so disguised, parti- 
cularly in oral language, that it is only through the 
awkwardness of sound that we are led to suspect 
them to be aliens. The Arabic ^ord mtff&hdt is 
made, for example, pakat in Malay ; and fikir^ in 
the pronunciation of the Archipelago, 19 piker ; sa^ 
habat is sabat. The changes in the Javanese are 
the most violent of all, sometimes leaving hardly a 
feature of resemblance with the original. Sabah 

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beeomes in Javanese ^awab ; sahabat^ skabat^ and 
wj^kahj kiUakahj whether in writing or speaking. 

The other oriental languages^ which, besides the . 
Sanskrit and Arabic, enter into the composition of 
the more im^ved Polyne»an dialects, are le- 
Unga, Persian, and a few words of Chinese. The 
Telinga has been introduced chiefly through the 
medium of commerce, in the course of the tra£Elc 
which is still carried on, and seems to have existed 
in very remote times, between the Indian ishinds 
and the kingdom of KaUnga^ the only name for 
the whole continent known to the Insular lan- 
guages. A few words, I have no doubt, have also 
been admitted in the progress of the conversion of 
the Indian tribes, and s<Nne in making translations, 
from the vernacular language of the Telingas. 
Words of Telinga are most frequent in Malay, the 
Unguajranca of commerce ; and it may, indeed, 
he considered as singular, that they exist in no 
greater number. But the case with the Telingas is 
nearly paiallei to that of the early propagators of 
Hinduism. They are not numerous enough for con- 
querors, and have, consequently, not ingrafted their 
tongue upon the vernacular languages. Still they 
consider themselves superior to the natives of tht 
country, and aSect to play the part of instructors 
in religious matters; but, in this case, it is the 
Arabic, and not their own language, which is called 
for. This aflfords a striking illustration of the his- 
toiy and manner of the introduction of Sanskrit. 

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The niunber of Telioga w^nls in Jivaneae is 
very trUiing ; and even in Malay but inconsider* 
able. In the latter, the words are cwimerciai 
terms, and a few words familiar to their written 
compositions, but not adopted in coUoquiai speech. 
Some of the latter are corrupt forms of Sanskrit, 
easily recognised by their peculiarity of termina- 
tion. In Javanese we have no words of this class. 
Here no word is found with any other corruption 
than what may be traced to imperfect orthography 
or pronunciation. 

In the Malay only, we discover, probably, about 
a hundred words of Permn, which crept into the 
language, during the busy commercial intercourse 
which existed between the Indian isles and the 
Mahomedan states of India, after the conversion 
of the islanders to Mahomedanism. Some have 
made their way through translations, and, perhaps, 
a few by a direct intercourse with the Persians of 

Of the oral languages of Chiruh a very trifling 
portion, indeed, has been infused into the Poly- 
nesian tongues, notwithstanding the long and inti- 
inate intercourse which has existed between the 
people, and the number of Chinese settlers withiii 
the Archq>elago. The languages have been hia- 
dered from mixing, by difference of religion and 
manners on the part of the people, and of genius 
in that of their languages, — the one uncouth and 
monotonous, the other smooth and hannonious. 

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Among European languages, the Portuguese 
alone has exerted any cc^isiderable influence on the 
Polynesian lai^uages, and this is nearJy confined 
to the Malay. The character of the Portuguese 
intercourse with India, was, from the beginnings 
widely different from that of other European na- 
tions. They were professed conquerors, and 8ub-» 
jugated and colonized to the extent of their ability. 
They came into direct contact with the natives of 
the country, and caused the effect of their religious 
and civil institutions to be practically felt. The go- 
vernment of other European nations has been a go- 
vemment of opinion and management, effected 
through the instrumentality of the natives of the 
country, in the course of which, the object seems 
rather to have been to avoid a familiarity of inter* 
coiu-se, than to court it. The difference is disco* 
vered in the effect produced upon language, «nd 
has been forwarded by the congenial softness of 
a southern dialect, opposed to the roughness of our 
guttural northern tongues. The Putch, in parti- 
cular, is so dissonant and so repugnant in sound to 
the anoothness of the * Insular languages, that 
few words of it can be articulated at all ; and even 
the easiest are so metamorphosed, that it will ddy 
conjecture to guess at them. Who^ for example^ 
can recognise in the Javanese word mtpSnit the 
Dutch words Raad van Indie, the famous *' Coun« 
dl of the Indies >*' 

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Recount qfihe series of Vocahulariei contained in Ms Work 
— Errors in many former CoUeftions. — ExampleSt-^Voca^ 
hidary of the Languages of the Archipelago* 

1 o render the subjeet of the preceding chapters 
more intelligible, and to afford the professed scholar 
an opportunity of judging for himself, as well as 
of the accuracy of the opinions which the writer has 
advanced in the course of this book, a series of vo- 
cabularies are appended. These are of various au- 
thenticity, according to the circumstances under 
which they were collected. Those of the Javanese, 
Malay, Bugis, Macassar, Madurese, Balinese, 
Sunda, and Biajuk Dayak, were compiled by myself 
personally, under such advantages, that I think they 
may be entirely relied upon. Of the rest, many 
have also been compiled under more favourable 
auspices than usual ; but it must be acknowledged, 
that, in general, there exist innumerable sources of 
error in any attempts to compile vocabularies of 
languages with which we are unacquainted,— from 
our own ignorance and unskilfulness, — from the care** 
lessnessj-— incapacity, and apathy of the oatives^— i^ 

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ind from tbe incompatibility of tlie idioms of tbe 
European and Indian languages. Ordinary voyagers 
are seldom or never to be trusted, and endless ex- 
amples of the ridiculous blunders committed by 
them might be adduced. For the reader's satisfac- 
tion and amusement, I shall quote a few examples 
irom our own old voyagers and. travellers. The 
first specimen of the language of Java with which 
we meet is in the voyage of Sir Francis Drake. It 
is called ^' Certaine wordes of tlie naturall language 
of Java» learned and observed by our men there.'* 
It turns out to be not Javanese, but a mixture of 
that language with Sunda and Malay. The very 
first word affords a striking example of the progress 
of error in matters of this nature. For silk, we 
have tbe word salmck, which means a sash. The 
origin of this blunder is obvious* The sashes 
worn by the Javanese are usbaUy of silk. The in- 
quirer, wishing for the native name of silk, poiqted 
to a silken sash, and received the name of the in- 
dividual for that of the class. The word doduck^ 
which ought to have been written dodot, is an in- 
stance of the same kind. It is interpreted ** blue 
cloth," but means properly the portion of dress 
with which the loins of the natives are usually gird- 
ed, and which is frequently of a'blue colour. * In 
Ogilbie's Asia we have " a brief vocabulary of the 
Malayan tongue,'' I know not where obtained, 

• Drake's voyage in Hakluyt's Vojrages, Navigations, &p, 
Reprint, Vol. JV. p. 246. 

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which abounds in the most extcaTagant emn of ail. 
Here are found such ludicrous interpretations as the 
following : senderiy (self) " all one ;" nantCj (wait) 
•* both ;" barmyn^ (to sport) « foolish ;*' kyaeif 
agtrnij (agUng) (a saint or sage,) <* a ciTil man ;'^ 
49kicami« minumf (meat and drink) <* a wedding ;'' 
Jcekeer^ (a file, figuratively a miser) ^< bounteous ;'^ 
JboUj (mother) ^' a grandfather,'' and anack^ 
(child, young, progeny) ** a calf/** Sir Thomas 
Herbert's collection of Malay words is less extrava- 
gantly absurd than Ogilbie's, but still abounds in 
very ludicrous errors. He has cambi^ (kambing^ 
a goat) as the word for ox, and for a goat carbow^ 
fkdrbaojj which is a buffalo. Some of his transla- 
tions nut to defiance all attempt to trace them, as, 
for example, ** Is he not here ?" beef; " well 
done," sarsa; " let pass/* ganga ; " near hand,** 

* Asia, by John Ogilbie, Esq. his Majesty's Cosmographer^ 
ftc. p. 129- 

f Some years^ travels into diven parts of Africa and Asia 
the Great, by Sir Thomas Herbert, Bart. p. 566.— Some 
more recent voyagers are as little to he relied on. Forrest, 
who- had a vulgar knowledge of Malay, interprets karang' 
asam, the name of the principal state of the island of Bali, 
'^ the country of the rough rocky** knowing that karang com- 
monly meant a rock, and asam, sour, which he thought, when 
in seardi of an etymology, he might alter into rough. But 
harang means also an orclutfd or grove, and the primitive 
signification of asam is the tamarind tree, so that the com* 
pound is literally and strictly ** the tamarind grove**^ 

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Making every attowance foe enon of tranterip* 
tion, the orUiogrophy ia ao watttfiiily vagne and , 
£ij8e in all llieae amifibitiouB, that it is not verjr 
May to ooncciw faoiv tlw cars of our predeceaMrs 
eavU kave bean ao depeived as to record them. 

In the fallomng veoabolary the whole of the 
haguagea are exhibited at one view under each 
word, and follow eaeh otb^ in their natural claatei. 
The prst class coB^rehenda the two great Ian- 
guagea of the weetera portion of the Anchipelago 
which have exerted the moat extensive influence 
upon those of their neighbours. The second com* 
prehends the langnagea of the tribes of the second 
order in the same portion of the Archipelago^ and 
the Mrd a specimen of the languages of the savages 
of lank hair and brown complexion of the same 
quarter. The four Ui omtains the great Ungui^es 
4^ the eastern portion c^the Archipelago, the Bugis 
and Macassar; the^^A class the secondary languages 
of the same quarter ; the sixth a specimen of the 
languages of the South Sea islands ; and the 
seventh oi the languages of the Papuan, or wooUy- 
hoired races. 

Before concluding these preliminary remarks, it 
will be necessary that I explain the nature of the 
aources from which I have drawn such parts of this 
comparative series of vocabularies as I am not my- 
self pledged for the accuracy of. The most copi- 
<aus and perfect, that of the Lampungs, is extract- 

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ed from the woiic o£ Sir Stamford Raffles, and ita 
correctness may be' trusted. The specimen of the 
languages of he South Sea islands is that of the 
Atui, taken from the third rolume of Cook's voy- 
ages. It is, like all o* hers from the same and similar 
sources, jjcauty and unsatisfrctory. The selection 
of words in the original is extremely injudidous, 
and many examples bear internal evidence of 
error and i;,norance« The specimen of the lan« 
guage of Timur, the most prevalent of the many 
dialects of the islan'.!, and of that of Rotti, were 
collected by Lieutenant Owen Phillips, a gen- 
tleman well versed in the Malayan language, and 
their chief defect is their brevity. The specimen 
of the language of the S&mang, or woolly-haired 
race of the mountains of the Malayan peninsula, 
was collected for me by the minister of the prince 
of Queda, a man of very superior mind, and cor- 
rected by my friend Major Macinnes, after Mr 
Marsden, among Europeans, perhaps the best Ma- 
layan scholar existing. The examples of the Ma- 
dagascar are from the well-known narrative of Ro- 
bert Drury, who lived fifleen years among the na- 
tives. It carries with it internal evidence of au« 
thenticity, and the errors into which the writer has 
fallen are those only incident to an untutored and 
unlettered mind, ernm in orthogn^hy and of iin^ 
skilfulness in selection. 


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The leUeri e, c, and a, wihin brackets in ihefoUowing Fo- 
cabulary^ express resp€clively'''Ordinary, — cere/noniali — 
mid ancient. The numerals point out^he arrangement of the 
langaagu into dosses* 

English sktf 
!• Javanese (o.) bogit 
Javanese (c) ngawiyat 
Javanese (it) hakoso 
««— jumantoro 


Malay langit 

9.Balifo.) langit 
Bali (c) angkasa 
Madura (o.) laogih 
Madura (c) 
Sunda (o.) langit 
Sunda (c.) 
Lampong langit 

5. Biajuk langit 
4. Bugis ' langih 

Macassar langih 
5* Timuri 

6. Atni hairani 
7* S&mang ' kael 

Madagascar longltchtf 

English star 

1. Javanese (o.) lintang 
Javanese ?c.)Jintang 
Javanese (a.)tranggona 
■ sutoro 


2. Bali (o.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (c») 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 














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English moon 

1. Javanese (o.) wulan rambulan 
Javanese (c.) sasi 
Javanese (a.) chondro 
. gitangsu 

sosodoro ratiy 


Ball (o.) 

Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) bulan 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) 
Sutida (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7* S&mang 










Madagascar voler 

I.Javanese (o. 
Javanese (c. 
Javanese (a. 


2. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

S. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5« Timuri 

8. Atui 


) srang*nge-Dge 
) baskoro, rawi 














hai, raa 



English rainbow 

. Javanese (o.) kuwung 
Javanese (c.) tejo 
Javanese (a.) 

Malay ular-danu 

*L Bali (o.) byang.Ialah 
Bali (c.) kuwung-kuwung 
Madura (o.) andang 

.Madura (c.) 
Sui«da (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 
3. Biajuk 




4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

?• Samang 
Madagascar awar 

English ' east 
1. Javanese (o.) wetan tiraur 
Javanese (c.) punro 
Javanese (a.) purwo 

Malay timur 

2. Bali (o.) kangtn 
Bali (c.) wetan 
Madura (o.) temor 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

wetan timur 


alao, tiaiiira 
iraia, timora 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6 Atui 
7. S&mang 
Madagascar tinogher 

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Eoglisli toest 

1. Jayanese (o.) kuloii 
JaTttnese(c*) kilen 
Jayanese (a.) pancliiBi 

Malay barat 

3. Bali (o.) kau 

Bali (c.) kuloa 

Madara (o.) barah 

Madura (c.) ^ 

Sunda (a) kulon, barat 

Sunda (c.) 

3* Biajuk barat- 

4* Bagis iiraiy barata 

Macassar ilao, barata 
5. Timuri 

7. S&maug 


English north 

1. JaTaoe8e(o«)lor 
Javanese (c.)ler 
JaTanese (a.) utoro 

Malay utara 

% Bali (o.) b&daja 

Bali (c) kaler 

Madara (o.) daja 

Madara (c.) 
• Snnda (o.) kaler, utara 

Sanda (c.) 

Lam pang 
3. Biajuk 

4. Biigis 

5. Timurt • 

6. Atui 
7* S&maDg 


wara, utari 

English g074th 

1. Javanese (o.) kidol 
Javanese (c.) kidnl 
Javanese (a.) daksino 


2. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timurt 

6. A tut 

7« S&mang 








English , earth 

J. Javanese (o.)l&ah, bami 
Javanese (c) biti 
Javanese (a.) pratolo bomi 

pratiwi kesmo 

' buntolo 

Malay tanah 

3. Bali (o.) tanah 
Ba1> (c.) gnmi 
Madura (o.) tana, burnt 

Madura (c.) 
Sunda ^o.) 
Sunda (c) 

3. Biajuk 

4* Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atut 

7. S&naag 








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English earthquake 

1. Jayanese (o.) lindu 
Jayai^ese (c) liodu 
Javanese (a.) menggut 

gam pa 

2. Bali (o.) 

Bali (c.) 

Mailara(o.) gandSg 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) lini 

Sunda (c) 


4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

e. Atui 
7. S&nang 

English land (dry) 

1. Javanese (o.) darat 
Javanese (c.) darataa 
Javanese (a.) 







Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) darat 

Madura (c) 

Sunda (o.) 


Sunda (c.) 



3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 




5. Timuri 




6. Atui 

7. S&mang 


English idand 
• Javanese (o.) pulo 
Javanese (c.) nnsa 
Javanese (a,) nuswa 


2. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
^Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

S. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7* S&mang 


polo gtli 




English mountain 

1. Javanese (o.) gnnung 
Javanese (c) wukir hardi 
Javanese (a.) prawotoakolo 
■ haldoko 


gunung^ buktt 

1. Bali (o.) 
Madura (o.^ 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. Samang 










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1«9 ' 

English plain 

i . Jayanese (/o.) t^l horoboro 
Javanese (c.) tSgil 
Jayanese (a.) 


Bail (c.) 

Madura (o.) tagal 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o«) tiigal 

Sunda j(c«) 

3. Biajuk 

5. Timuri 

ۥ Attfi 
7. S&mang 


English stone 

1. JayanjBse (q.) watu 
JaTaoese (c) selo 
Javanese (a^) selo 
■ parang 





2. Bali (oO 
Bali (c) 
Madura (o.) 
Madnra (c) 
Sunda (o. I 
Sunda (c) 

3. Biajuk 
4* Bqgis 


5. Timuri 

6. Atni 











English sand 

I . Jayanese (o.) w^ddi 
Javanese (c.) w&ddi 
Javanese (n.) 

^ Bali (o.) 
Madura (q.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c) 
$. Biajuk 

4. Bogis 

5. Timurj 

6. Atui 
■ 7. S&mang 







English . road 
1. Javanese (p.) dalan lurung 
Javanese (c.) margi 
Javanese (a.) 


2. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o. ) 
Madnra (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

6. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&maog 










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1. Javanese (o.) 
JaTanese (c.) 
Javanese (a.) 


2. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madara (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 
Lam pun g 

3. Hiajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Tiinari 

6. Atui 

7. Samang 




her, jolonidi 

tirto, weh 

hongo, wareh 



toyo tirta 












English rain 

1. Javanese (o.) udan 
Javanese (c.) jawoh jawah 
Javanese (a.) warso 


2. BaJi (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Jdadura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. Samang 









English river 

. Javanese (o.) kali 
Javanese (c.) lepen 
Javanese (a.) bangawafi 


2. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

9. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 



kficfaai kaG 








English lake 

1. Javanese (o.) rowo 
Javanese (c.) rawi 
Jayanese (a.) tasek 


2. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. Samang 

tasek daoao 
dan a 





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J. JaTanese (o.) 
Javanese (c.) 
Javanese (a.) 

% Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S^imang 




tasek lahot 



tarn parang tasi 

tain parang * 






English toavc 

J.Javanese (o.^ ombak 
Javanese (c.) aiun 
Javanese (a,) 

Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (a) 
Sunda (e.) 
, S&mang 






English Jlood 
1. Javanese (o.) rob 
Javanese (c.) rob 
Javanese (a.) 

t Bah (o.) 

Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda ( ..) 

Snnda (r.) 

Lampung tukada 
I, Biajuk 
I. Bugis 


5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 

English ebb 

1. Javanese (o.^ surnd 
Javanese (c.) surad 
Javanese (a.) 





3. Bali (o.) 
Ball (c.) 
Madura (o.^ 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

.1 Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

b. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. SSmang 






Digitized by VjOOQIC 



English firt 
. Javanese (o.) g&nt lata 
JaTane8e(c.) brumo 
Javanese (a.) dahoao hapi ' 
' agni pawoko 

% Bali (o.) 

Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) apoi 

Madura '(c.) 

Sunda (o.) 

Suoda (c.) 

S. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 

bahoi liki 
a pi 









Englisb chatcoai 

. Javanese (o.) arling 
Javanese (c.) arang 
Javanese (a.) 

2. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 



rohak kaUr 





English ashes 

K Javanese (o.) awu 
Javanese (c.) awu 
Javanese (a.) 

% Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bygis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. Samang 






English smoke 

1. Javanese (o.) kukus 
Javanese (c.) kukus 
Javanese (a.) 

Malay as&p 

2. Bali (o.) handus 
Bali (c.) . kukus 
Madura (o.) okos 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c. 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 




Madagascar lembuK 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



EoglUh air 
1. Javanese (o.) angin 
Javanese (c.) angin 
Javanese (a.) hadara 

% Bali (o.) 
Bali (c) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sanda (o.) 
Sanda (c.) 

3. Biajak 

4. Bugts 

5. Timuri 







English daud 
1. Javanese (o.) mego 
Javanese (c.) mego 
Javanese (a«)iaimo 
i— . jolodoro 


% BaU (o.) 
Madura {oA 
Madnra (c.} 
Snnda (o.) 
Snnda (c.) 
Lam pang 

3. Biajnk 


5. Timuri 

6. Atai 

7. S&mang 

mega awaa 






Englisb dark 
1. Javanese (o.) p&t&ng 
Javanese (c.) p&t&ng 
Javanese (a.) 


2. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c) 
Sanda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 






English tMficI 

1. Javanese (o.)angui 
Javanese (c.) barat 
Javanese (a.) mamto 


2. Bali (a) 
Ball (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 


4. Bugis 

5. Timuri" 

6. Atui 

7. SSmang 












Digitized by VjOOQIC 


English cold 

English thunder 

1. Jayauese (o.) atis ad&m 

I.Javanese (o.)gludng 

Javanese (c.) asr&p 

Javanese (c.) gludug 

Javanese (a.) 

Javanese (a.) 

Malay dingin s^jak 

Malay guntnr, guruk 

2, Bali (o.) dingin 

2. Bali (o.) grug-grug 
Bali (c.) 

Bali (c.) hasrap 

Madura (o.) cb&lap 

Madura (o ) gludug 

Madura (c.) 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) tiis 

Sunda (o.) gugur 

Snnda (c.) 

Sunda (c.) 

Lampung ngeson 

lampung gugoh 

3« Biajuk faadingin 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis ch&ke 

4. Bugis gun turn 

Macassar dining 

Macassar gunturu 

5, Timuri malirin 

5. Timuri 

Rotti makasufoh 


6. Atui toe 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 

7. SSmang 

Madagascar hotuk 

English deo) 

English lightning 

i. Javanese (o.) &mbun 

I.Javanese (o.) kilat tatit 

Javanese (c.) ambun 
Javanese (a.) 

Javanese (c.) chalcret 

Javanese (a.) 

Malay &mbuu 

Malay kilat 

% Bali (o.) bun 
Bali (c.) 

2. Bali (o.) k&lep 

Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) abun^ arinon 

Madura (o.) k&lap 

Madura (o.) 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda (b.) ibuD 

Sunda (o.) kilat 

Sunda (c.) 

Sunda (c.) 

Lampung imbon 

Lampung kilat 

3. Biajuk 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis apung 

4. Bugis kila 

Macassar apung 

Macassar kihi 

5. Timuri 

6. Timuri 



6. Atui 

6. Atui 

7 SSmang 

7. Samang 

Madagascar aundevr 

Madagascar mmiglyitaeki 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 






man (ike ape J 

1. Javaneso (o 

.) lanang Iftlaki 

1. JaTaoese(o. 


Javanese (c. 


Jayanete (c) tiyang jalmi 

JaTaiiete(a.) kakung 

JaTanese(a.) jafmo 






% Bali (0.) 


2. Bali (0.) 


Bali (c.) 


Bali (c.) 

janma manusa 

Madura (o.) Iftlakeh 

Madura (o.) 


Madara (c. 

) laogang 

Madara (c.) 

Sunda (o.) 


Sunda (o.) 


SuDda (c) 

Sunda (c.) 




jalfflo huJon 

3, Biajuk 


3. Biajuk 




4. Bugis 






5. Timuri 


6, Timuri 






6. Atui 


6. Atui 

taata, tangata 

7. S&maag 








English fvoman 

. Javanese (o.) wadon 
Javanese (c.)eseri 
Javanese (a.) wanito 
■ gallu 


2. Bali (0.) 

Bali (e.) 

Madura (o.) bibineh 

Madura (c.) estri 

Sonda (o.) awewek 

Sunda (c.) 

5. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

6. Timuri 

6. Atui 
7« S&mang 






faitoh ' 





English child 

1. Javanese (o.) anak 
Javanese (c.) putro 
Javanese (a.) suto hatmojo 


2. Bali (oO 
Bali (c) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o«) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7« SSmang 




oka putra 









wung anef 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


Eoglisli tirgin 

English mother 

1. JaTanese (o.) prawan 

I. Javanese (o.) bok mak iba 

JataneM(c.) prawan 

Javanese (c.) biyaog 

JaTanese (a.) k&nyo 

Javanese (a.) mata 

Malay anak dan 

Malay ma, iba bonda 

2. Bali (0.) daa 

2. Bali (o») meme 
Bali (cO byang bibi 

Bali (c.) prawan 

Madura (o.) praban 

Madura (o.) bapuhambuh 

Madura (c.) 

Madura (c) 

Sunda (o.) lanjang 

Sunda (o.) indun amba 

Sunda (c.) 

Sunda (c.) ibu 

Lampung muli 

Lampung ina indok 

3. Biajuk 

3, Biajuk indu amai 

4. Bugis prawang 

4. Bugis indu 

Macassar prawaog 

Macassar angrong ama 

6. Timuri 

5. Timuri ena 


Rotti ena 


6. Atui mmlua wakeise 

7. Sfimang 

7. S&mang mak 


English father 

English grandchild 

1. JaTanese (o.) bopo pak 

1 . Javanese (o. ) putu 

JaTanese (c.) romo 

JaTanese (c.) wayah 

JaTanese (a.) sudarmo 

JaTanese (9u) 


TO. Tab 

Malay bapa, pa 

Malay chuchu 

2. Bali (o.) nanang bapa 

%. Bali (o,) chucha. 

Bali (c.) guru 

Bali(c.) putuputraka 

Madura (c.) rama 

Madura (o.) kompoi 

Madura (a) 

Sunda (o.) bapa 

Sunda (o.) inchu 

Sunda (c.) rama 

Sunda (c.) puta 

Lampung ama, bapa 

LampuDg umpu 

3. Biajuk apang 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis ambo 

4, Bugis chuchu 

Macassar bapa 

Macassar chucha 

6, Timuri ama 

5. Timuri 

Rotti ama 


6. Atui modu tame 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang ai 

7. S&maag 

Madagascar royya-arber 

Madagascar saffa 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



English brother 

1, JavaDese (o.) sadulur 
Javanese (c.) s&derek 
Javanese (a.) sahudoro 
■ '' s&ntono 


2. Bali (0.) 
Bali (c) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5* Timuri 

-6. Atui 
7. S&naDg 









puagi, muagi 

sarib&tang * 


En^ish elder Mother 

!• Javanese (o.) kakang 
Javanese ?c.)roko 
Javanese (a.) 

ft. Bali (0.) 
Balk (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Miidura (p.) 
Sunda (c.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 







English youMgerlreiker' 

1. Javanese (o.) adi 
Javanese (c.) ari 
Javanese (a.) rayi 

Malay adik 

2. Ball (o.) adisahi 
Bali (c.) harirayi 
Madura (o.) alek 
Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) adik ayi 
Sunda (c) rai 
Lampung ading 
5. Biajuk 

4. Bugis angrina 
MacasBar ari 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui teina 

7. S&mang be 

English hrideSfhrulegri 

1. Javanese (o.) pSnganten 
Javanese (c.) pftnganten 
Javanese (a.) 

• "Of the 1 

% Bali (oO 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7* S&mang 





majUy bunling> 


Digitized by VjOOQIC 



Engliiti ckild'in4a9i) 

1; Javanese (o.) nantu 
Javanese (c.) mantu 
Javanese (a.) 



Malay daging 

S. Bali (o.) 


2. Bali (o.) hisi 


Bali (c.) daging 

Madura (o. 


Madura (o.) daging 

Madura (c.) 

M&dura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) 


Sunda (o.) daging 

Sunda (c.) 


Snnda (c.) 



Lampung dagaing. 

8. Biajuk 

3. Biajuk isi 

4. Bugis 


4. Bugis asina 



Macassar asi 

5. Timuri 

5. Timuri 



6. Atui 

6. Atui 

7* Samang 


7. Samang 


Madagascar nofuch 



English hone 

!• Javanese ;^o.) badan awak 

I. Javanese (a) balung 

Javanese! (c. 

) saliro sanro 

Javanese (c.) tosan • 

Javanese (a. 

badan tuboh 

Javanese (a.) 


Malay tulang 

J.Bali (e.) 


2. Bait (o.) tulang 

Bali (c.) 


Bali (c) balung 

Madura (o.) 

badan, awa 

Madura (o.) tolan^ 

Madura (c) 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) 


Sunda (o ) tulang 

Sunda (c.) 


Sunda (c.) 



Lampung tulan 

S. Biajuk 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 


4. Bugis wukuna 



Macassar wuku 

5. Timuri 

5. Timuri 




6. Atai 

7. S&nang 

7. Samang ai-eng 


Madagascar towler 

7 • 


Bzm object.'* 

English Jlesh . 
1. Javanese (o.) daginjg; 
Javanese (c.) daging 
Javanese (a.) 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



English head 
. Javanese (o.) &ndas 
Javanese (c ) sirah 
Javanese (a.) murdo 


2. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

S. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. Samang 


















English face 
. Javanese (o.) rahi 
Javanese (c.) wSdono 
Javanese (a.) niuko 
— — waktro 

t. Bali (o.) 
BaU (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 












I. Javanese (o.) 
Javanese (c.) 
Javanese (a.) 


2. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (':.) 

S. Biajuk < 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6\ Atui 
7. Samang 






socho ♦ 



p&nmgalan f 














English tar 

1. Javanese (o.) gobof kuping 
Javanese (c.) taiingan 
Javanese (a.)kamo 


■L Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (o.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui • 

7. S&mang 










toli, tidinga 


papai au 



i^^i ... I i n . ' ■ - ■ , , .11 

* «« The jewdy" it is zeaenred for pnncet. f «< The organ of light.' 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



English nose 
1. JaTanese (o.) iriing 
Javanese (c.) irung 
Javanese (a.) nasika 
-^-^ — grono * 

2. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c) 
S. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7» S&mang 







pankunbung f 









English mouth 

1. Javanese (o.) changk&n 
Javanese (c.) changk&oi 
Javanese (a.) 

Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7* Slimang 

bungut - 




English iooih 
. Javanese (o.) unto 
Javanese (c.) wojo wahot X 
Javanese (a.) d&nto 


2. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 




untu , 




g»gi . 




English tongu€ 

1. Javanese (o.)ilat 
Javanese (c.) ilat 
Javanese (a.) 

Malay lidah 

2. Bali (o.) layab 
Bali (a) hilat 
Madura (o.) jiia 
Madura (c«) ila^ 
Sunda (o.) lata 
Sunda (c) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 
Madagascar leller 



* ^ The ecUptet** It is appropriated to princes, f ** Tbt oigui of aadk'* 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



English heUy 

1. Javanese (o.) w&t&ig 
Ja7ane8e'(c.) p&laharan* 
Javanese (a.) g&rbo 


2. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura, (c.) 
Suncia (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7« S&nang 

proh tabuh 




batang babuwa 


English leg 

I. Javanese (o.) sikil 
Javanese (c.) podo 
Javanese (a.) jang 


% Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

S. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&aang 

. Madajpiacar 






b&tes suku 








he, wawy 




1. Javanese (0.) tangan 

Javanese (c.) basto 

Javanese (a.) hasto 


2. Bali to) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (0.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&nang 









1. Javanese 
Javanese (a.) jari 

\ (p.) driji 
\ (c.) driji 


2. Bftli (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (e.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 










* ^^ThexeceptadsoffiMd.'' 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



English blood 

1. Javanese (o.) g&teh 
Javanese (c.) rah ' 
Javanese (a.) ludiro 
■ marus 

% Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 
8, Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. Samang 










English death 

J . Javanese (o.) mati modur 
Javanese (c.) p&jah sedo pati 
Javanese (a.) praloyo 

8. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7« S^ang 

mati mam pus 
kachat scda 




hilang,* pupos 








English life 

1. Javanese (o.)urip 
Javai ese (c.) urip 
Javanese (a.) 




2. Bali (o.) 


Bali (c.) 


Madura (o.) 


Madura (c.) hirup 

Sunda (o.) 

hirup ' 

Suada (c.) 



8. Biajuk 


4. Bugis 




5. Timuri 



6. Atui 

7. Samang 




I.Javanese (o.) katisan f 

Javanese (c) kas&rapau 

Javanese (a.] 


Malay damam 

2. Bali (o.) ngad 
Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) gumigil cbulap 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) rauriang 

Sunda (c.) 
5. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

7. Samang 

6. Atui 


* *^ Lost, dinqroeared," an expreawn conmiMi to Buwt of the laiguaget* 
t <( Coldness, duUiness.** 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



Engluh small'pox 
1. JaTaneiie (o.) chachar 
JaTanese (c.) cfaachar 
Japanese (a.) kachukluaii 
— —i^ bongsor 

t. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 





Bnglish venereal 

1 Javanese (p.) rojosingo 
Javanese (c.) rojosingo 
Javanese (a.) 

Malaj banan 

% Bali (a) raja^singha 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) bkngangan 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. Samang 

English medidm 

I. Javanese (o.) tombo 
Javanese (c.) jampi 
Javanese (a.) usode 

Malay ubat 

2. Bali (o.) ubadl 
Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) tatamba 
Madura (c.) jampi 
Sunda (o.) ubor^ ti|mb» 
Sunda (c.) 
Lampung ubat 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis pabale 
Macassar pa burs 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 


English lion 

I.Javanese (o.) singo 
Javanese (c.) singo 
Javanese (a.) singo 



2. Bali (o.) 
Bail (c.) 
Madura (o.) singah 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) singha. 
Sunda (c.) 
Lampung sings 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis singha 
Macassar singha 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S^ang 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



English tiger 
. Javanese (o.) machan 
Javanese (c.) simo 
Javanese (a^) wogro 
■ sardulo 

5. Bali (o.) 

«ili (c.) 
adura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

4. Bugis 

5. Timurl 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 

marga- pati 










English hog 

I • Javanese (o*) cbeleng 
Javanese (c.) cb&mangan 
Javanese (a.) wijung 
. waroho 

■ bahwi sukoro 


Bali (o.) 


Madura (o.) babi 
Madura (c.) cbeleng 
Sunda (o.) jurig, badul 
Sunda (c.) 
Lampung baboi 

5. Biajuk bawoi 
4. Bugis bawi 

Macassar bawi 
5* Timuri fahi 

Rotti bafi 

6. Atui bua 

7. S^ang 
Madagascar lambo 

1. Javanese (o.) 
Javanese (c.) 
Javanese (a.) 

«. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 













English buffklo 

I. Javanese (o.) kabu 
Javanese (c.) raabiso . 
Javanese (a.) mahiso 


2. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. SItmang 












Digitized by VjOOQIC 



English cat 
1. JaTaneae (o.) kuching 
JaTanese (c) knching 
Javaoese (a.) ikiDU 

S. Ball (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Suoda (o.) 
SunJa (c.) 

3. llUjuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

7. SSmang 







Eogiish dog 

. JaTaoese (o.) asa 
JaTanese (c.) sfigavoq 
JaTanese (a.) snno sargolo 
-^— ^ chfim&ro 

9. Bali (o.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 


Sunda (oA anjing 

Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 
4- Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6m Atui 
7. SJbnang 





English deer 
. Javanese (o.> mlinjangaii 
Javanese (c.) sangsam 
JaTanese (a.) 

Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 

1. JaTanese (o.) 
JaTanese (c.) 
JaTanese (a.) 







9. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis ' 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 















Digitized by VjOOQIC 



Eoglish goat 

English /otv2 

1 4 JaTanese (o.) w&dus 

]. Javanese (o.) mannk 

Javaaese (c.) mendo 

Javanese (c.) p&ksi 

Jaf anese (a.) mendo 

Javanese (a.) p&ksi kogo 

Mala/ kambing 

Malay burung 

% Bali (o.) kambing 

i. Bali (o.) kMek 

Bali (c.) waddus mesfil 


Madura (o.) hambih 

Madura (o.) manbk 

Madura (c.) 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda (t>.) wedus^ bch. 

Sunda (o.) mannk 

Sunda (c.) 

Sunda (c.) 

LampuDg kambing 

Lampung burung 

S. Biajuk 

S. Biajuk burung 

4. Bugis bebe 

4u Bugis mann , 

Macassar bebe 

Macassar jangang 

5.Timari bebi 

6. 1 imnri manoh, tohek 

Rotti behi 

Rotti manpoi 

6. Atui 

6, Atui mann 

7. S&mang 

7. S&mang kawao 

Madagascar osa 

Madagascar Toro 

English coto 

English a beast 

1. Jafauese (o.) sapi l&mbu 

J.Javanese (o.) sato kewan* 

JaTanese (c.) Iftmbu 
Javanese (a.) andok^o 

Javanese (c.) sato 

Jaranese (a.) sfttwo 


• naaxvm* 

Malay l&mbu sapi 

Malay binatang 

S. Bali (o.) sampi 

2. Bali (o.) 

Bali (c.) banting 

Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) 

Madura (o.) siito 

Madura (c.) 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) sapi 

Sunda (o.) satft 

Sunda (c.) 

Sunda (t.) 

Lampung sapi 


3. Biajuk 

3. Biajuk ' 

4. Bugis sapi 

4. Bugis olo^lo 

Macassar sftpi 

Macassar oio>olo 

6. Timuri 

5. Timnri 



6. Atui 

a. Atui 

7. S&maog lembok 

7. Sfimang 

Madagascar oroebaj 


* A ooRupdon cf the AzaUc mud^HtAwtm^ a Mug^crf^urc* 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



Englisli horse 

1. JaTaucM (a.) jaran 
JaYaoflse (c) kapal 
Javaoete (a.) tur«iiga 

■ huDdaktB 
»— — — kudo^ wajik 
Malaj kuda 

t. Bali (o.) jaran 
Bali (c.) hunddun 
Madura {<<) jaiaa 
Madura (c.) 
Suoda (o.) kuda 
Sanda (c) • titi>aii 
LampuDg ajaran 

3. Biajok 

4. Bugis nyarang 
Macasaar jarang f 

5« Tima^i kUda 

Rottt dalaa 

6. Atui 
?• S&mang 

Madagascar sawaUer 

English depkani 
1 • JaTaueM (a.) UmaQ 
Javanese (c.) hesli 
Javanese (a.) diirodo dlpoogo 

■ rinoro matonggo 

■ &^i^9 brojoamko 
Malay gajah 

% Bali (o.) gajah 
Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) gajah 
Madura (o.) 
Snnda (o.) gajah 

English Jirog 
!• Javanese (o«) kodok 
Javanese (c) kudang 
Javanese (a.) ctanntok^ 

Malay katak 

3. Bali (o) kadak 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) baogkoof 
Sonda (c.) 
3 Biajuk 

4. Bugis tumpang 
Macassar tumpang 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 
7* S&mang 


English croxo 

U Javanese'(o.) gagak 
Javanew (c) dandang 
Javanese (a.) wagoso 

Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7 SSmang 




% Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3, Biajuk 

4. Bugis 





5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. SSmang 


t Sonedmsi csM Tsiimg Jaw§y « «« ths MWo of Jsv%'*,ooQle 



English duck 

I. Javanese (o.)bebek 
Javanese (c) kambaDgaa * 
Javanese (a.) 

% Bali (o.) 
Bali (c) 
Madara (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Baxis 
Macassar . 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 

' l^ladagascar 







• English teal 

!• Javanese (o.) ml i wis 
Javanese (c.) mliwis 
Javanese (aO . 


2. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 

. Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

7. Samang 


ball bis 


English goose 
1. Javanese (o*) banyak 
Javanese (c.) banymk 
Javanese (a.) angso 

d. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
. Madura (o.) 
Madnra (c) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 






English peacock 
L Javanese (o.) m&rak 
Javanese (c«) m&rak 
Javanese (a.) maoyura 

^. Bali (o.) 
Bali (cO 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. $amang 






> The floadog ot^^ect." 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



Kngliaii pigeon 
!• Jaranett (o.) doro 
Jaraoew (c.) doro 
JavaiMfle (a.) 

f. Bali (6.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Saoda (c) 
- LarapaDg 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timaii 

6. Atai 

7. S&maog 

m&rpati dara 






English dove 

1. JaTanese (o.) daruk putar 
Jafaaefle(c.) darkukak 
•JaTaiieie(a.) prakutuk 

Malay kokor 

% Bali (o.) kakur 

Bali (c.) 

Madam (o.) 

Madora (c.) 

Saoda (o.) waiek 

Sanda (c.) 

8. Biajak 

' Rotd 
7* Sftoiang 

Engliih parrot 
1. Javanese (o.) betet^ nori 
Javanese (c) 
Javanese (a.) 


% Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) nori 
Madura (c) 
Snnda (o«) nnrl 
Sunda (c.) 
Lampvng nuri 

3. Biajak 

4. Bugis nuri 
Macassar . nnri 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 

English egff 
1. Javanese (o.) &ndog 
Javanese (c.) tigan 
Javanese (a.) antigo 


2. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madnra (c) 
Sunda (o.\ 
Sunda (c) 

5. Biajak 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. Sloiang 







Digitized by VjOOQIC 



Eofflitli nea 

English eorf«M 

1. Javanese (p.) susuh 

JavaDese (c.) tAaah 
Javaoese (a.) 

Javanese (c.) 

Javanese (a.) kurnxo 

Malar saiing 
S.Baii(o.) 6&biin 

Malay p&nnyu 

2. Baii (o.) boko.boLa 

Bali (c.) 

Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) lel>«n 

Madura (o.) p&nnyu 

Madara (c.) 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) mj9Bg 
Sunda (c.) 

Sunda (o.) p&nnyu 

Sunda (c.) 

Lampaog sajra 

Lampung hatan pSnnyv 

S. Biajuk 

3. Biajuk 

4. bo^is ruanmg 

4. Bugis p&nnya 

Macassar ropuuig 

Mi^assar p&nnyu 


5. Timuri 



& Atoi 

6. Atui 


7. S&mang 


Madagascar laana 

EDgUsh JUk 

English crab 

]. Javanese (o.)iffak 
Javanese (c.S ulavi 

!• Javanese (o.) kapiteng 
Javanese (c.j 

Javaneae (a.) mino^ natejo 

Javanese (a.) k&rkoto 

Malaj ikan 

Malay k&ttam 

S. Bali Co.) be 

2. i^li (o.) kapiteng 

Bali (c) 

Bali (c.) 

Madura {o^ j.ukoii 

Madura (o.) kapeteng 

Madura (c.) 

Madura (c) 

Sunda (u.) laujL-chai 

Suiida(o.) k^pitiiig 

Sunda (c.) 

Sunda (c. 

Lampai^ iwa 

Lampung gara 

3. Biajuk laek 

$. Biajuk 

4. Bugis bale 

4 Bugis 

Macassar juka 


5. Timuri iialmi4aii 

6. Timuri 

Rotti ehak 


6. Alui haiia 

6. Atui 

7. S&maog ikaa 


Madaipiicv fieer 


Digitized by VjOOQIC 



£nglU|i inalce 
1. Javanese (o.) ulo 
JaTaoese (jc.) sawSr 
Javaaese (a.) taksoko 
■ sarwo 

i nogo 

Malay nlar 

t. Bali (o*^ nanipi 
Bali (c.) nlanapi 
Madura (o.) olar 
Madura (c) 

Sunda |o.) 
Sanda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugts 

& Timari 

0. Atui 
7. S&mang 






English ant 

1. Javanese (a) s&mnt 
JaTaoese (c) 
Javanese (a.) 


Bali (c.) 
Madnra (a.| 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 


4. Bug;is 

5, Timuri ' 

0* Atui 
7* S&mang 






English. iee 
1. Javanese (a) tawoa 
Javaqe^ (c.) 
Javanese (a.) 

% Bali {Q.) 
Madun (a) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 
5. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang. 







English honeg 
1. Javanese (o.) nadn 
Javanese (c) 
Java«es9 (a.) 

% BaU (o.) 
Madura ^o.^ 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (e.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bngis 

5. Hmuri 

6. Atui 

7. Sfimang 





Digitized by VjQOQIC 


English toax 

English eSve^ 

1* Jaranese (p.) lilin 

1. Javanese (o.) s&loko 

Javanese (c.) malSm 

Javanese (c.) plltakSn 

Javanese (a,) 

Javanese (a.) saloko 


Mahy lilin 

Malay perak 

2. Bali (0.) mMm 

2. Bali (0.) salaka 

Ball (c.) 

Bali (c.) 

Madniu(o.) malan 

Madura (qO salaka 

Madura (c.) 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o;) malang edeng 

Sunda (o.) salaka 


Sunda (c) 

Lampung pantes 

Lampung s&lako 

3. Biajuk 

3. Biajuk 

4« Bugis tai.bafii 

4. Bugis salaka 

Macassar teUbani 

Macassar bulaieng-mata 

6. Timuri liling 

5. Timuri murak-mutio 

Rotti liling 

Rotti lailo-fulah • 

6. Atui 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang sud 

7* S&mang 

Madagascar Inko 

Madagascar tolerfuti * 

Englisli gold 

English coppiir 

1 . Javanese (o.) mas 

1. Javanese (o.)tSmbogo 

Javanese (c.) finue 

Javanese (&) tfimbagt 

Javanese (a.) k&nchono 

Javanese (a.) tambogo 

Malay mas 

Malay tambaga 

% Bali (o.) matf 

% Bali (0.) tambaga 

Bali (c.) 


Madura (o.) maa 

Madura (0.^ tambaga 
Madura (c.) 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda(o.) mas 

Sunda (o.) tambaga 

Sunda (c.) 

Sunda (c.) 

Lampung mas 

Lampung dalong 

S. Biajuk bolao 

3. Biajuk 

4« Bugis bulaeng 

4. Bugis tambaga 

Macassar bulaieng 

Macassar tamba^ 

5» Timuri m urak-maihan 

6. Timuri tambaga 

RotU lailo-peias 

Rotti tambaga 

6. Attti 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 

7. Samang 

Madagascar rolermaner 

Madagascar sarbermanerf 

* The Kteial meaning of gold in this language u '* the red niooii>"«id of 
dtm <« the white moon." f LitenOly '« red bnuM." 


by Google 



English tin 

1. JaTanefle(o.) timah rSjoso 
Javanese (c.J 
Javanese (a.) rfijoso 

£ Bali (o.) 
Bali (c ) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 
Macassar - 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

?• S&mang 








1. Javanese (o.) w&ssi 
Javanese (c.) tosan 
Javanese (a.) 




2. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) base 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) basi 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Bi^uk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&nang 
Madagascar ve 


Englidi steel 
1. Javanese (o.) wojo 
Javanese (c.) wahos mftlelo 
Javanese (a.) 



2. Bali (0.) 

BaU (c.) 

Madura (o.) baja 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) waja 

Sunda (c.) 

S. Biajuk 
4* Bugis 


5. Timuri 
Rotti # 

6. Atui 

7* S&mang 
Madagascar veoffii 

English suasa 

1* Javanese (o.) suwoso 
Javanese (c.) suwahos 
Javanese (a.) 


ft. Bali (o.) 

Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) suasa 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) 

Sunda (c.) 

Lampung suasa 
8. Biajuk 

4. Bugis suasa 
Macassar suasa 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 


Digitized by VjOOQIC 



English diarnqni 
1. Javanese (o.) intSo 
Javanese (c.i 
Javanese (a.) 


Malay , 
2. Bali (o.) 

Bali (c.) 

Madura fa.) ipta^i 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) iotiftn 

Suoda (?.) 

d. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. Slimang 

English pfar^ 

1. Javanese (o.)Eputyoro 
Javanese Cc.) 
Javanese (a) 





9. Bali ( oO 

Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) ^utyara 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) n^utiara 
Sunda (o.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 


English 9uh)mr 
I. Javanese (o.) wSJiriang 
Javanese (c.^ 
Javanese (a.) 

Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 






English cloth 

1. Javanese (o.) jarit 
Javanese (c.S sinjang 
Javanese (a.) wastro 

Malay kain 

2. Bali (o.) kamb&Q 
Bali (c.) wasjtra 
Madura (o.) jarit 
Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) s^mping 
Sunda (c.) sinjang 
Lampung kain 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 




Digitized by VjOOQIC 



Engliab coHm 
1. Javanese (o.^ ki^MM 
Javanese (c.) jujulaa 
Javanese (a.) kapos 

Malav kapas 
S. Bali (0.) kapaa 

Malay jXrmk 

2. Bali (o.) j&wok 

Bail (c.) 

Bali (c.) j&nam 

Madura (o.) kapaa 
Madura (c.) 

Madura (/o.) jaruk 

Madura (c) 

Sunda (o.) kapaa 

Sunda (o.) fixvok 

Sur.da (c.) 

Sunda (c.) 

LiampuDtf kapaa 

Lanpttu U|iM0 

S. Blajuk 

S. Biajuk 

4. Bugis kapaaa 

4. Bugia lemu 

Macassar kapaaa 

Macassar lemu 

5. llmuri 

5. Timuri 



6. Aiui 

6. Atui 

7. SUmang 


Madagascar htitaifSf 


English iili 

EngUah ftumg^ 

1. Javanese (a) aulfO 


Javanese (c,S 
Javanese (a.)lmigpi 

Javanese (c.) 

Javanese ^a.) 

Maliur sutra 

2. Bali (o.) . sutr» 

Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) sotm 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) sutra 

Sunda (c) 

Lampung svilara 
S. Biajuk 

4. Bugia sabe 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. SlUnang 

1 . Javanese (jO«) jkmik 
Javanese (c) jarmm 
Javanese (i^) 

2. Bali (a) 
Madura j(ia.) 
Madura j(c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. SSmang 





Digitized by VjOOQIC 



Eo^iflh fMgusHn 
1. Javanese (o.) mangis 
Javanese (c.) 
Javanese (a.) 

2. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Suoda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

S. Biajttk 


5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 






English tamarind 
1. Javanese (o.) asfim kamal 
Javanese (c.) 
Javanese (a.) 


2. Bali (o.) 

Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) 

Madura (c.) kamal 

Sunda (o.) assum 

Sunda (c.) 


4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 



1. English palma'dkrisli 
Javanese (o.)jarak 
Javanese (c/ 
Javanese (( 


Malay jarak 

2. Bali (o.) jarak 
Bali (cO 

Madura (o.) kaleki jarak 
Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) jarak kaliki 
Sunda (c.) 
Lampung jarak . 

3. Biajuk 
4.Bugt8 ' jSra 

Macassar jftra 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 

English breadfruit 

1. Javanese (o.) sukun 
Javaoese (c.) 
Javanese, (a.) 



2. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) sukun 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) sukun 
Sunda (c.) 
Lampung sukun 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis bacara 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 



Digitized by VjOOQIC 



Engliak • ffomegranate 
1. Jvvan^se (o.) dSlimo 
JsTanete (c.) g&ngtalan 
Javanese (a.) 


Malay dSima 

S.Bali (9.) dSlima 

Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) dalima 

Madura (c.) 

3unda (o.) 

Sunda (c.) 

9. Biajuk 


5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7* Sfimang 

Engliah indigo plant 

1. Javanese (o.) torn 
Javanese (c.) • 
Javanese (a.) 


2. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (c.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 







English iwSgo drug 
1. Javanese (o.) nilo nilawardi 
Javanese (c.) 
Javanese (a.) 


2« Bali (o.) 


Madura (o*) nila 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) nUa 

Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

5. Timuri 



English Uaehnefpef 

1. Javanese (o.)maricno 
Javanese (c.) m^yos 
Javanese (a.) 



% Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7* SSmaag 







Digitized by VjOOQIC 



Etiglrsll hanatid 

Engtiili cttcumier 

1. Javanese (o.) gUan^ 

1 . Javanese (ff.) timun kSrti 

Javanese (c.) pitong 

Javanese (e.) 

Javanese (a.) 

Javanese (a.) 

Malay pisang 

Malay timun 
2. Bali ( e.V katimuii 
Bali (c.) 

3. Bali (o.) biyu 

Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) gadang 

Madura (o.) lemnn 
Madura (c.) 

Madura (c.) 

Suuda (o.) chawuk 

8unda (o.) bonteng, timun 
Sunda (c.) 

Lampung punti 

Lampung antittoii 

S. Biajuk 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis unti 

4. Bugis 

Macassar unti 


6. Timuri 

5. Timuri 



6. Atui maia 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang piseng 
Madagascar oundie 

7. S&mang 


English durian 

English bamboo 

1. Javanese (o.J doreo 
Javanese (c.) 

1. Javanese (o.) preng wtfidi 

Javanese (c.) rosan 

Javanese (a.) 

Javanese (a.) 

Malay durian 

Malay buluh' 

It. Bali (o.) dureh 

2. Ball (0.) tieng 

Bali (c.) 

Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) duren 

Madura (o.) pftreng 

Madura (c.) 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) kadu 

Sunda (o.) awi tamiaa 

6unda (c) 

Sunda (c.) 

Lampung durian 

Lampung awi 

S. Biajuk 

3 Biajuk 

4. Bugis duriang 

4. Bugis bulo 

Macassar duriang 

Macassar bulo 

5. Timuri 

5. Timuri 



6. Atui 

6. Atui ohe 

7. S&mang hampak 

7. S&mang labeb 


, Madapiscar 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



Engliih rtUian 
I, JaTaDeae (ft.) p&ijalm 
Javanese (c.) patijato& 
JaTanese (a.) 

Malay rotan 

it Bali (o.) p&n;^alb 
BaU (c.) 
Madura (o.^ 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) hv^oe 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis raokang 
Macanar raok&hg 

5. Timuri 

6. Attti 

7. SSmang awe 

English iugaf<ane 
l.Janai^se (o.^t!lbba 
Javanese (c.) roian 
Javanese (a.) 


Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (c.) 

a. Biajuk 


5. Timuri 









English eocaanut 
1 . Javanese (o,) kaiopo nyu 
Javanese (c) krambil 
Javanese (a.) 

nyurt kSlapa 

2. Bali (o.) 

Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) nyohor 
^ Madura (c*) 

Sunda (o.) klQapa 

Sunda (c.) . 

Lampung klajpa 
5. Biajuk 

4. Bugis kaluku 
Macassar kaluku 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui iniu 
7* S&mang 

Mada^^ar new 

Englidi . ntUmeg 
1 • Javanese (o.) polo 
Javanese (c.) 
Javanese (a.) 


2. Bali (o.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Attti 







Digitized by VjOOQIC 



English dove 

h Javanese (o.^ changkeh 
Javanese (c.) 
Javanese (a.) 

t. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.^ 
Sunda (c.) 

5. Biajuk 
4. Bugts 

5^ Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. Sfimang 

English tree 

1. Javanese (o.^ wit 
Javanese (c.) 
Javanese (a.) wr&kso 







2. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o*^ 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

S. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. SSmang 

English kqf 

1. Javanese (o.) godong 
Javanese (c.} ron 
Javanese (a.) potrQ 

pohun poko 

pohoD^ bunka 






2. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c) 
Sunda f o,) 
Suoda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7* SSinang • 

1. Javanese ^o.' 
Javanese (cJ 
Javanese la.^ 






2. Bali (o) 
Baii (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 
S. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 





) san puspito 

puspo kusum« 

bunga kambang 







Digitized by VjOOQIC 



English fruit 

English pine tipple 

1. Javanese (o.)woh 

1. Javanese (o.) nanas 

Javanese (c.) 

Javanese (c.) 

Javanese (a.) polo 

Jav^ese (a.) 

Malay buah 
2. Bali (o.) buah 

Malay nanas 

2. Bail (o.) manas^ 

Bali (c.) 

Madurft (o,) buwah 
Madura (c.) 

Madura (o.) lanas 

Madura (c.) 

, Sunda (o.) wuab 

Sunda (o.) danas 

Sunda (c.) 

Sunda (c.) 

LampQng buob 

I.«ampung kanias 

S. Biajuk 

3. Biajuk 

4. BugiS r&pu 

4. Bugis pandang 

Macassar r&pU 

Macassar pandang 

5. Timurl 

5. Timuri 



6. Atui 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang bub 

7. S&nang 

Madagascar wuer 

Madagascar memasse 

English teak 

English rke husked^ 

1. Javanese (o.) jati 

1. Javanese (0.) bras 

Javanese (c.) jatos 

Javanese (a) iros 

Javanese (a.) 

Javanese (a.) dahno 

Malay jati 
2. Ball (o.) jati 

Malay bras 

2. Bali to.) baas 
Bali (cr) was 

Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) jati 

Madura (o.) bras 

Madura (c.) 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) jati 

Sunda (o.) beas 

Sunda (c.) 

Sunda (c«) 

Lampung jati 

Lampung bias 

9. Biajuk 

S. Biajuk behas 

4^Bugis jati 

4.Bugb werasa 

Macassar jati 

Macassar berasa 

3» Timuri 

5. Timuri tohos 


Rotti narese 

6. Atui 

6. Atui 

7. Stoang 

7. SXmang bayas 



VOL. n. 


Digitized by VjOOQIC 



Engligh rice in the husk 

I.Javanese (a) pari 
Javanese (c.) pantua 
Javanese (a.) 

S. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. Samang 












English wet arable 

I.Javanese (o.) sawah 
Javanese (c.) sabin 
Javanese (a.) 

Malay . 
S. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) . 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 



sabah ' 
pamariang * 

dri/ ariMe 
I . Javanese (o.) tftgid 
Javanese (c.) tfigil 
Javanese (a.) 

ladang^ umah 

Malay . 
2. Bali (o.) 

Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) Ugal 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) tigai 

Sunda (*:.) 

S. Biajuk 

4. Bugis koko 
Macassar koko 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. Samang 

English plowh 

1. Javanese (o.) wftlidtu 
Javanese (c.) w&lajar 
Javanese (a.) 

Malay tinggala 

Bali (o.) klaka 

Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) nanggala asaka 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) ivluku, singkal 

Sunda (o.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 
Rotti ^ 

6. Atui 

7. S&niang 


iitendly ^' zioe gnnind." 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


English harrmo 

English $alt 

1. Jayanese (o.) garu 

1. Javanese (o.) uyah 

Javanese (c.) 
. Javanese (a.) 

Javanese (c.) sar&m 

Javanese (a.) 


Malay ' sisir, garu 

Malay gar&n 

2. Bali (o.) garu 
Bali (c.) 

2. Bali (o.) uyah 

Bali (c.) tasek 

Madura (o.) f>alaga 

Madura (o.) uyah buja 
Madura (c.) 

Madura (c.) 

8unda (o.) garu 

Sunda (o.) uyah 

Sunda (c.) 

Sunda (c.) 


Lampung uyah 
3. Biajuk 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

4. Bugis chela 


Macassar chela 

5. Timuri 

5 Timuri 



6. Atui 

6. Atui 

7. Samang 

7. Samang siyak 


Madagascar serer 

English sugar 

English milk 

1. Javanese (o.) gulo 

1. Javanese (o.) bannya*susu 

Javanese (c.) sakar g&ndis 

Javanese (c.) toyc^puwan 

Javanese (a.) gulo srakoro 

Javanese (a.) 

Mak^ gula 
2. Bali (o.) gula 

Malay susa 
2. Bali (o.) nyonyo 

Bali (c.) 

Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) gula 

Madura (o.) aing-soso 

Madura (c.) 

Madura (c) puwan 

Sunda (o.) gula 

Sunda (o.) chai*susa 

Sunda (c.) 

Sunda (c.) 

Lampung gula 

Lampung wai-mab 

S. Biajuk 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis gula 

4. Bugis dadi 

Macassar gula 

Macassar dadi 

5. Timuri 

5. Timuri 



6. Atui 

6. Atui 

7. Samang 

7. SSmang 

Madagascar s«rerman^e* 


Madagascar ronunu 


« JW0d w«." 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



English buy 
1. Javanese (o.) tuku 
Javanese (c.) tumbas 
Javanese (a.) 

, Malaj. b^i 

ft. Bali (o.) hm 

Bali (c.) tumbas 

Madura (o.) mill 

Madura (c.) 
. Sunda (o.) m&li 

Sunda (c.) 

LampuDg bli 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis m&nfilt 
Macassar am&H 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&nang 

English sell 

1. Javanese (o.) adol 
Javanese (c.) wade sade 
Javanese (a.) 

Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 
9. Biajuk 
4>. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&nang 







English debt 
1. Javanese (o.) utang 
Javanese (c.) nj'&limg 
Javanese (a.) 

Malay utang 

2. Bali (o.) utang 

Bali (c.) nyambut - 
Madura Co.) otang 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) utang 
Sunda (c.) 
Lampung utang 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis mangingraag 
Macassar ngingrang 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7* S&mang 

English marked 

1 • Javanese (o.) pasar 
Javanese (c.^ p&k&n 
Javanese (a«; 

Malay pasara, pSkte 

2. Bali (0.) p&kiQ 
Bali(c.) pasar 
Madura (o.) pftk&n, pasar 
Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) pasar 
Sunda (c.) 
Lampung pasar 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis pasara 
Macassar pasara 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7* S&naog 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



EngliBh hoe 

1. Javanese (o.) pacliul 
Jayanese (c.) 
Javanese (a.) 

t. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugifi 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 







English cleaver 

. Javanese (o.) biraog bendo 
Javanese ic.) 
Javanese (a.) 


S. BaH (o.) 
Bail (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (a.) 
Sunda (c.) 

S. Biajuk 


5. Timuri 

6. Atui 







1. Javanese (o.)1 
Javanese (c) 
Javanese (a.) 

Malay tukang^mas * 

2. Bali (o.) tukang-mas 
Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) k&nasan 
Madura (c) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 
7* S&nang 


English Nachmiih 

1* Javanese (o.) &mpu 
Javanese (c.) pande 
Javanese (a.) 



% Bali (0.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. SSmang 






* By pieflxiiig the word tuktmgy < 
Ma* in t 


to tlM 

titsBMrisl, we obtwa^ in emy omw, that 


«€ tfas OiOiDgi^ FL T" 



Digitized by V 



English carpenter 

1. Javanese (o.) tukang*kayu 
Javanese (c.) tukang-kajang 
Javanese (a.) 

% Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7- Samang 

English xjieaver 
1. Javanese (o.) tukang-Unun 
Javanese (c.) jur u -tSnun 
Javanese (a.) 

tukang kaju 

tukang kayu 



^ 2. Bali (o ) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.S tukang t&nun 
Madura (c; 
Sunda (o.) ninun 
Sunda (c.) 
S. Biajuk 

4. Bugis tanung 
Macassar tanung 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. Samang 

English shuttie 
I. Javanese (o.) tropong 
Javanese (c.) 
Javanese (a.) 



Bali (o.) 

Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) tropong larena^ 

Madura (c.) 



Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 
^ Rotti 

6. Atui 

7. SUmang 

English thread 

1. Javanese (o.) b&nang 
Javanese (c.) lawi 
Javanese (a.) 


2. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
iVladura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. Samang 






Digitized by VjOOQIC . 



Englbh / ipinning'Jnheel 
1 • Javanese (o.) jontro 
Javanese (c.) 
Javanese (a.) 

lahat jantra 

Bdi (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madiira (o.) kaniian 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) kinchir 
Sunda (c.) 



3. Biajuk 

4. Bngis 

5. Tlmuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 

English boat 

1. Javanese (o.) praha 
Javanese (c.) bahito 
Javanese (a.) palwo 

t. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

5. Biajuk 


6. Atui 

7. S&mang 











English rudder 
. Javanese (o.) k&mudi 
Javanese (c.) •■ 
Javanese (a.) 


2. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6\ Atui 
7. S^mang 






English anchor 

1 . Javanese (o.) jangkar 
Javanese (c.) 
Javanese (a.) 



Bali (o.) 

Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.). jangkar sao 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda ( .) 

Sunda (c.) 
5. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Tirauri 
Rotti . 

6. Atui 

7* S&niang 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



EngliBh Mhip 
1. Javanese (o.) kapal 
Javanese (c.) 
Javanese (a.) 


f. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

S* Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

7, S&mang 

English fjoatch w guard 
1. Javanese (o.) tunggu tugur 
Javanese (c.) kamit 
Javanese (a.) jogo 






£. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

ff. Atui 
7« S&nang 

tunggu, jaga 



pakami kami 


English scout 
1. Javanese (6.) hftlik nSlik 
Javanese (c.) 
Javanese (a.) 

suluh mala-mata 

. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) niata^mata 
Madura (c.) talik 
Sunda (o.) tiUik 



Sunda (c.) 
S. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 

English toar 

1. Javanese (o.) prang 
Javanese (c.) vudo 
Javanese (a.) logo 
I rono 

■ samoro 


% BaU (o.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. Samang 





Digitized by VjOOQIC 



Englbli peace 
1. Jayaneie (o.) bSdami 
JaTanese (c) 
Javanese (a.) ^ 

S. Bali (o.) 
BaJi (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c) 
SoDda (o,) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bagis 
Macasiar • 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 

English victory 

1. JaTanese (o.)m&cAng 
JaTanese (c.) jojo 
Javanese (a.) joyo wijoyo 





Bali (c) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda ro.> 
Sunda (c) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bngis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 






English defeai 
Javanese (o.) kalaii 
Javanese (c.) kawon 
Javanese (a.) 


t. Bali (o.) 

Bali (c.) kawoa 
Madura (o.) kalah 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) elleli 
Sunda (c.) 
Lampung kalaii^ alah 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis nikahaoni 
Macassar nasaoru 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 

English fight 
1. Javanese (o.) m&lajjrn 
Javanese (c.) mXlajang 
Javanese (a.) 


%. Bali (a.) 
Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) bum 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o«) lumpat 
Sunda (c.) 
Lampnng tagagiijong 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis larini 
Macassar larimi 

6. Timuri 



Digitized by LjOOQ IC 



1. Japanese (o.) 
Javaoene (c) 
JdYaneM (a.) 


2. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o,) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

6. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 

English arrtm 

1. Javanese (o.) panah 
Javanese (c.) jftinparing 
Javanese (a.) 







tito . 






%. Ball (o.) 

Bali (c.) 

Bah (c.) 

Madura (o.) 

Madura (0. 
Madura (c. i 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) 


Sunda (o*) 

Sunda (c.) 

Sunda (c.) 


Lam pang 

8, Biajuk 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

4. Bugis 



5. Timuri 

5. Timuri 





6. Atui 

7. S&mang 

7. S&mang 


. Madagascar 

English shield 
. Javafte8e(o.) taaomig 
Javanese (c.) paris 
Javanese (a.) tangkulam 

taming, prisai 

^ Bah (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) tameog 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (ck) k&p&ag 
Sunda (c.) 
Lampung taming 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis lengu 
Macassar lengu 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 

English 'da^er 

1. Javanese (o.)l(^n^ 
Javanese (c.) duwung 
Javanese (a.) churigo 
_... katgo 






kris, skin 



Digitized by VjOOQIC 



EnglUh stoord 

). Javanese (o.) p&dang 
Javanese (c.) 
Javaaese (a.) 

3. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
SuDda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S^mang 

English spear 

1. Javanese (o.) tumtiak 
Javanese (c.) wahos 
Javanese (a.) golo 







2. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. SSmang 


tombak • 




English mushi 

1. Javanese (o.^ s&oapang f 
Javanese (c.) 
Javanese (a.) 

I. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. Samang 

Englbh cannon 

1. Javanese (o.) mSriyam 
Javanese (c.) 
Javanese (sl) 






mariam, b&del 

^ Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) mariyam 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) man&m 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis mariam 
Macassar mariam 

5. Timuri 

6. Atai 

7. SSmang 

• UtersDy " mm,** 

f Far tmfhany Dutch. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 



EngUfth meUchstock 

English foitnei^ 

1. Jayanese (o.)«&tingar* 

1. JaTaQese(o.)8Sksi 


Javanese c.) 


Javanese (a.) 

Malay sfttiogar 

Malay saksi 

% Bali (o.) s&tii»ar 

^ Bali (0.) saksi 

Bali (c.) 

Bali (c.) 

Madam (0.) s&tingar 

Madttjp (o.) saksi 

Madora (c.) 

Madura (c.) 

Saiida(o.) s&tingar 

Sunda (0.) saksi 

SuDda (c.) 

Sunda (c.) 


Lampung saksi 


3. Biajuk 

4.BiiKl8 jSpong 

4. Bugis sabi 

Macauar j&pong 

Mi^assar sabi 


5. Timuri 



6. Atai 

0. Atui 

7. S&nang 

7. SJlmang 



English Jbri 

English oath 

1. JaTaoese (o.) kuto boto 

1. Javanese (o.) s&poto 

JaTanese (c.) ktto 

Javanese ic) siipahos 

Javanese (a.) bolowarti 

Javanese (a.) prasatyo 

Malay kota 

Malay snmpah 

«.Bali(o.) g&lar 

% Bali (0.) snpata 

Bali (c.) kota 

Bali (c) 

Madura (o.) kota 

Madura (o.) sompah 

Madora (c) 

Madura (c.) 

Sanda (o.) benteng 

Snnda (o.) sapata 

Sunda (c.) 

Snnda (c.) 

Lampang knta 

Lampang snmpah 

3. Biajuk 

3. Biajuk 

4.Bagis kota 

4. Bugis asumpa 

Macassar kota 

Macassar asumpa 

5. Timuri 

5. Timuri 




6. Atui 


7. S&mang 

Madapscar 1 

Madagascar mofontor 

Vtam dpisgaida, Portugows. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



English prison 
1. Javanese (o.) kanjoro 
Javanese (c.) 
Javanese (a.) t&rangka 


f . Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) patandan 
Madnra (c.) 
Suoda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bagis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 

^ Madagascar 

English Jhte or mulei 
I.Javanese (oT) d&ndo 
Javanese (c.) 
Javanese (a*) kapidono 



Malay dftnda 

% Bali (o.) d&nda 

Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) d&nda 

Madura (o.) 

Snnda (o.) dSnda 

Snnda (c.) 

S. Biajnk 
4. Bugis 

B. Timuri 

7 SSmang 


English retalkiHom 
I.Javanese (o.) walks 
Javanese (c) belo 
Javanese (a.) 

tnlnng beta 


3. Bali (o.) 
Bali (C-) 
Madura (o.) balas bda 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) bda, 
Sunda (c) 

S. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 


English agreemeni 

l.JavaneBe(o.) jaoji 
Javanese (c) 
Javanese (a.) 

% Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timnra 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 







Digitized by VjOOQIC 



EoKlith king 
1. Jamnefe (o.) ratu rojo 

Javanese (c.) narendro 

Jayanese (a.) sribopati pati 
■ Dorodipo aji 

■ maharojo) iiarpo 

Malay raja 

% Bali (o.) rata 

Bali (c.) haiiakagaog 

Madora (o.) rato 
. Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) ratu 

Sanda (c.) 

LampuBg raja 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bogis arung 
Macassar karaing 

5* Timnri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang eja 
Madagascar pamakar 

English tlave 
]• Javanese (o.) kawulo 
Javanese (c.) abdi 
Javanese (a.) hombo 

liftmba saiya 

S. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) kawulb 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) kula 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Bittjuk 

4. Bugis ata 
Macassar ata 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 
Madagascar andavo 

English Jbrest 
1. Javanese (o.) alas 
Javanese (c) wono 
Javanese (a.) wono 




Bali (o.) 

Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) gnnong 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) ISw&ng 

Sunda (c) 











English country 

1 . Javanese (o.) deso 
Javanese (c.) 
Javanese (a.) deso 



2. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) desa 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c. 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 



Digitized by LjOOQ IC 



English ciii^ 

1. Javanese (o.) o&j^oro 
Javanese (c.) nagarf 
Javanese (a.) projo pnro 

English statute 
1. Javanese (o.) undang 
Javanese (c.) pftrenU 
Javanese (a.) 

Maiaj n&gri 
2. Bali (o.) nagara 

Malay nndang-nndang 

9. Ball (o.) undang 

Bali (c.) 

Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) nagam 

Madura (o.) undang.undang 

Madura (c.) 

Mad u Tit (r.) 

Sunda (o.) daya 

Sunda (o.) undang 

Sunda (c.) nfigara 

Sunda (c) 

Lampung nagari 

Lampung nndang«undang 

3. Biajuk 

3. Biajuk 

4.Bugis parasan^ang 

4. Bui;is prenta, undang 

Macassar parasangang 

Macassar prenUy ondang 

6. Timuri 

5. Timuri 



6. Atui 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 

7. Samang 

Madagascar tannar 


English croxon 

English money 

I.Javanese (<)«)makuto 

1. Javanese (o.) huwang 

Javanese (c.) 

Javanese (c.) yotro 

Javanese (a.) makato 

Javanese (a.) r&dono 

Malay makota 

Malay wang 

2. Bali (o.) makota 

% Ball (o.) yatra 

Bali (c.) 


Madura (o.) makota 

Madura (o.) yatm 

Madura (c.) 

Madura (c.) v. 

Sunda (0.) sig&r 
Sunda (c.) 

Sunda (o.) waog ' 

Sunda (c.j^ 




3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis makota 

). Bugis uwvig 

Macassar makota 

Macassar uwang 

5. Timuri 

5. Timuri 



6. Atui 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 

7. >&mang 



Digitized by Google., 



English rdiptm 
1. jATaoese (o.) agomo 
Jaraaese (c) agami 
Javanefle (a.) agomo 


tt. Bali (o.) 

Ball (e.) 

Madura (o.) agama 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) agama 

Sunda (c.) 

Lampung agama 
3. Biajnk 
4* Bugis agama 

5. Timuri 

7. S&mang 


English heaven 
1. Ja?anese(o.) swargo 

JaTaoese (c.) swargi 

Javanese (a.) suroloyo 

■ swargoloko 

•^— — jungringsiUoko 

Malaj suarga 

£• Bali (0.) tfwarga 

Bali (c) 

Madura (o.) suarga 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) saw&rga 

Sunda (c.) 

Lampung snaraga 
Z. Biajuk 
4. Bugis suruga 

Macassar suruga 
6. Timuri 


6. Atui 

7. SXnuiBg 

English heU 
1. Javanese (o.) naroko 

Jaran^ (c.) j&hn2im 

Javanese (a.) 

' tumbro-gumako 

' naroko 

Malaj n&raka 

% Bali (o.) naraka 

Bali (c.) 

Madura (o«) naraka i 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) naraka 

Sunda (c.) 

Lampung naraka 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis naraka 
Macassar naraka 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. SSmang 

English spiritual teacher 
J . Javanese (o.) guru 
Javanese (c.) 
Javanese (s.) 

Malay guru 

2. Bali (o.) pandito 
Bali (c.) gum 
Madura (o.) guru 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) ' guru 
Sunda (c.) 
Lampung guru 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis guru 
Macassar gur« 

5. Timuri ' 

6. Atui 

7. Stmang 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



English penance 

English many 

1. Javanese (o.) topo 

I. Javanese (o.) hakeh, keh 

Javanese (c.) tapi 

Javanese (c.) bakung, katah 

Javanese (a.) topo, teki 

Javanese (a.) kweh 


MaJaj taps 
t. Bali (o.) mStapa 

Malay hannyak 
2. Bali (o) hakeh 

BaU (c,) 

Bail (c.) 

Madura (o.) tapa 

Madura (o«) banyidc 

Madura (c.) 

Madara (c.) 

Sunda (o.> tapa 

Sunda (o.) rea, loba 

Sunda (c.) 

Sunda (c.) 

LampuDg tapa 

Lampung Janum 

3. Biajok 

8* Biajuk areh 

4.Bugis tapa 

4. Bugis maiga 

Macassar jai 

5. TiuHiri 

5. Timuri 




6. Atui 

7. SILmang 

7. S&nang 


Madagascar mawrow 

English Jast 

English few 

1. Javanese (o.) puwos* 

L Javanese (o.)kftdek 

Javanese (c.) siyam 

Javanese (c.) hawisawisan 

Javanese (a.) 

Javanese (a.) chimik 

Malay puasa 
2. Bali (o.) posa 

Malay sddikit 

2. Ball (o.) sadikic 
Ball (c.) 

Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) powasa, siam 

Madura (o.) didih, sakoni 

Madura (c) 

. Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) puasa, sahum 

Sunda (o.) satik 

Sunda (c.) 

Sunda (c.) 

Lampung puasa 

Lampung sabah 


S. Biajuk esut 

4. Bugi^ puasa 

4. Bugis chede 

Macassar puasa 

5. Timuri 

5. Timuri 



6. Atui 

6. Atui 

7. Stoang 

7. S&mang 



1 TOL. H. 


Digitized by VjOOQIC 



English great 
. Javanese (o.) g&de 
Javanese (c.) agung 
Javanese (a.) goro 

Malay. b&sar, agliog 

2, Bali (o.) g&de 

Bali (c.) agftng 

Madura (o.) riga 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) g&de 

Sunda (c.) 

S. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 
' MaciBsar 

5. Timuri 

jS. Atui 
Mada^scar bay 

English little 
!• Javanese (o.) chiltk 
Javanese (c.) aitt 
Javanese (a.) 




S.Bali (o.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 











English long 

. Javanese (o«) 4p^0» panjung 
Javanese (c.) jvahos 
Javanese (a.) 


2. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. Slimang 




malampe ' 


English short 
1 . Javanese (o.) ch&ndak 
Javanese (c.) 
Javanese (a.) 


2. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. Simang 






Digitized by VjOOQIC 



English AOMt 

. Javanese (o.) noanis 

Javanese (c.) Ikggi 

Javanese (a.) d^ 

S. Bali (a) 
BaU (c.) \ 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 



5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7i S&mang 




Madagascar mame 

English iitier 

1. Javanese (o.) {Mihit 
Javanese (c.) g&tar, giitir 
Javanese (a.) langu 
——— tekto 


S. Bali (o.) 

Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) paet 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) 

Sunda (c.) 

S. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

ft Atui 
7r S&mang 




Englidi black 

I. Javanese (o.) ir&ag 
Javanese (c) oh&m&ng 
Javanese (a.) kol6 
' krisno 


2. Bali (o,) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis . 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7« S&mang 









EngliBh white 
1 . Javanese (o.) puteh 
Javanese (c.) p&ta|i 
Javanese (a.) 

Madagascar mari'au^iila 


2. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Aim 

7' S&mapg 



mutin * 


Digitized by VjOOQIC 



English red 

1. Javanese (o.) abang 
Javanese (c.) abrit 
Javanese (a.) 


2. Bali (o.) 


Madura (o.) 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) baram 

Sunda (c.) 

5. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 


?• Samang tohon 

Madagascar maner 

English green 

1. Javanese (o.) iju 
Javanese (c.) ij&m 
Javanese (a.) 




2. Bali (o.) 

Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) 

Sunda (c.) 

5. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 
Madagascar micbue 




English yeU<m 

, Javanese (o.) kuning 
Javanese (c.) 
Javanese (a.) 


«. Bali (o.) 
Ball (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

Z, Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7* Samang 

English hard 

. Javanese (o.) atos 
Javanese (c.) 
Javanese (a.) 










2. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c) 
Madura (o.) hagal 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) ' 

3. Biajuk 
4« Bugis 

Macassar • 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 
7* S&mang 





Digitized by VjOOQIC 



English soft 

1. Javaneae (o.) ampak, liiadok 
Jayanese (c.) 
Javanese (a.) 


2. Bali (0.) 
Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) lembut 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) oduh, siyap 

Sunda (c.) 

Latnpung lamoh 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugts malama 
Macassar lumu 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 
Madagascar merlemma 

English strong 
]. Javanese (o.) roso, kuwat 
Javanese (c.) kuwawi 
Javanese (a.) kuwowo 


2. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c) 
Madura (o.) 

. Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S^mang 






English »€to 

1. Javanese (o.) annyar 
Javanese (c.) 
Javanese (a.) 


2. Bali (o.) 

Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) baru 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) anuyar 

Sunda (c.) 

8. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. Samang 

English old 

1. Javanese (o.) tuwo 
Javanese (c.) 6apub> sapah 
Javanese (a.) 


baru ' 


2. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&nang 






Digitized by VjOOQIC 



English uglt^ 

English good 

1. Javanese (o.) olo • 

1. Javanese (o.)b&chik 

Javanese (c) awon 

Javanese (c.) sahe 

Javanese ^a.) 

Javanese (a.) 

Malay buruk 

Malay batk 

2. Bali (o.) jaleh 
Bali (c.) kahoD 

2. Bali (o.) malak 
Bali (c.) b&chek 

Madura (0.) jubnk 

Madura (o.) b^U^ik 

Madura (c.) 

Madura (c.) 

Sucida (o.) goreng 

Sunda (o.) hadeb 

Sunda (c.) 

Sunda (c.) 

Lampung jahal 

Lampung bati 

3. Biajuk 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis kodi, ja 

4. Bugis madeching 

Macassar kodi 

Macassar baji 

5. Timuri 

; 5. Timuri da^-ak 


Rotti maloli 

6. Atui 

; 6. Atui my> ty 

7. S^mang 

7. S&mang 

Madagascar rawtdie 

Madagascar soer 

English handsome 

English bad 

1. Javanese (o.) bagus 

1. Javanese (o.) olo 

Javanese (c.) aya 

Javanese (c.) awon 

Javanese (a.) 

Javanese (a.) 

Malay elok, bagus 

Malay jfihat 
2.1Wi(o.) j&leb 
Bali (c.) kahon 

2. Bali (o.) bagus 

Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) bagos 

Madura'(o«) jubftk 
Madura (c.) 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) kasep, galis 

Sunda (o.) gorenig 

Sunda (c.) 

Sunda (c.) 

Lampung halao 

Lampung jahal 

S. Biajuk babalak 

S. Biajuk 

4. Bugis madechirg 

4. Bugis kodi 

Macassar baji 

Macassar kodi 

5. Timuri 

5. Timuri ta-uk 


Rotti mangalanl 

6. Atui 

6. Atui ino 

7. S&mang 

7. S&mang 

Madagascar mnffer 

Madaga'^car miftefae 

• " Ugl; 

and ^ \md** aft expratsd 

by the tame woidvin almost aU the 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



finglidi deaf 
I.Javanese (o.) bad&g 
Javane^ (c.) tuli 
Javanese (a.) 

Malay tali 

2. Bali (o.) bongol 

Bali (c.) bud% 

Madura (o.) tengu 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) torek 

Sunda (c.) 

LampuDg tulok 

Macassar tongolo 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&cnang 

Eogli&h blind 

I.Javanese (o.) vruto, pichak 
Javanese (c.) kabuwanan 
Javanese (a.) pitbng 


9. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) buta 
Madura (c.) 

Sonda (o*) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

A» Bugis 


6. Atui 

7. SImang 





English lame 

. Javanese (o.) pinchang 
Javanese (c.) dengklang 
Javanese (a.) 

Malay timpang 

2. Bali (o.) perot 

Madura (o.) tepang 

Madura fc.} 

Sunda (o.^ ^pata, dingkik 

Sunda (c.) 

Lampung timpaug 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis tempang 
Macassar tempang 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 

English fa!t 
1. Javanese (o.) blSodungi l&ma 
Javanese (c.) 
Javanese (a.) postini 

3. Bali (o.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

8. Atui 
7. SJimang 



lintuky palaM 




Digitized by LjOOQ IC 



English Itan 

1. Javanese (o.) kuru 
Javanese (c.) k&ro 
Javanese (a.) 


2. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugfs 


6. Atui 
"• S&mang 


English be 

1. Javanese (p.) hooo 
Javanese (c.) won tan 
Javanese (a.) 

Malay ada 

2. Bali (o.) ada 

. Bali (c.) wonfan 
Madura (o.) bada 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) aiya 
Sunda (c.) 
Lampuug uwat 

3. Biajuk atun 

4. Bugis ftngka 
Macassar oia 

5. Timnri 

ff. Atui 

7. SSmang wek 


English toas 

J.Javanese (o.) wus^ wes 
Javanese (c.} sampua 
Javanese (o.) 




2. Bali (o.) 

Bali (c.) 


Madura (o.) 

Madura (c.) 


Sunda (o.) 

Sunda (c.) 



3. Biajuk 


4. Bugis 



5. Timuri 


6. Atui 

7. Samang 












English become 

1 . Javanese (o.) dadi 
Javanese (c.) dados 
Javanese (a.) 


^ Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madara (o.) dadi 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) jadt 
Sunda (c.) 
Lampung jadl 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bu^is purani 
Macassar jari 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

i7. S&maog 
\ Madagascar 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



English mil 

English tear 

1« Jafanese (o.) ar&p 

Ijavanese (o.) gowo 


Javanese {c.)h&kto . 

Ja?aaese (a.) 

Javanese (a.) 

Malaj mao 

Malay bawa 

2. Bali (a) nyak 

2. Bali (o.) aba 

Bali (c.) 

Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) haodah 

Madura (a.) giba 

Madura (c.) 

Madura (o.) 

Sumla (o.) rek, hajang 

Sunda (u.) <bawa, iDawa 

SuDda (c.) 

Sunda (c.) dijajak 

Lampung haju 

Lampung batok 

3. Biajuk 

3. BiaJ4Jk 

4. Bugis melo 

4. Bugis ritiwi 

Macassar «ro 

Macassar nyerang 

B. Timari 

5. Tunuri 



6. Atui 

6. Atui 

7. Samang g&mek 

7* Samang yoe 



English take 

English bum 

1. Ja?auese (o.) amek Jupuh 

1. Javanese (o.) bftkar 

Javanese (c.) 

Javanese (c.) obong 

Javanese (a.)ainbil 

Javanese (a.) b&mi 


Afalaf ambil 

Malay hakar 

2. Bali (o.) j&nmak 

2. Bali (o.) Ixikar * 

Bali (c.) aiDbil 

Bali (c.) oboog, jotiag 

Mmdnra (o.) nalah 

Madura (o.) obarytouo 

Madura (c.) niondut 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) ngala 

Sunda (o.) balaih 

Sunda (c.) 

Sunda (c) 

Lampuug aku 

Lampung pangang 

3« Biajuk diron 

S. Biajuk papwi 

4. Bugis alai 

4. Bugis tonu 

Macassar ale 

Macassar tunn 

5. Timuri 

5. Timnri 



6. Atui 

6. Atui 

7. SSmang makon 

7. SSmang 


Madagascar muadveogher 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



English make, do 

1. JaYaoesc (o.) gawc 
JavaneM (r.) damU 
Javanese (a.) 

tL Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madara (c.) 
Sunda (c.) 
Lam pong 

5. Biajuk 
4. Bugis 


6. A tat 

7. Skroang 

Eoglish give 
t. JaTaoe8e*(o.) haweh 
JaTanesa (c.) pariog 
Javanese (a.) snko 










% Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 
S. Biajuk 
4* Bngis 

5. Timur 

6. Attti 

7. S&mang 

bri, kaseh 












Englisb kill 

1. Javanese (o.) mateiri 
Javanese (c.) m&jahi 
Javanese (a.) kitu 

t. Bali (o.) 
Bali (^.) 
JMadura (o«) 
Madura (c) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. Skmang 







English / 

1. Javanese (o.)aka, iogsqo 
Javanese (c) kawulo, hulan 
Javanese (a.) kito^ kami 

. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda lO.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. Sftmang 

aku, saya, beta 
irake, hora 
hachang, titwa 
senltok, bafai 
ku, aia 


ou, matott 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



Englbli thou 
1. J[avane0e(<K)kowe^clUBOy siro 
Jsmnese (e.) tmnpeyaii 
Jaraoeae (a.) jaojpiMliko 

hang, inkaog 

2« Bail (o.) 
Bali (c) 

Madura (o.) tudma, dtka 
Madura (c.>delifia, saupeyan 
Snnda (o.) sia, sifaJihig 

chokor * 

Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

7. S&maDg^ 

English he 

U JavMese (a) 
Javaneie (c.) 
Javanese (a.) 



». Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugtt 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&Dang 

dia, ia 




English js^ 

. Javanese ioJ) dewe 
Javanese (e.) piyamkak 
Javanese (a.) pribads 


din, s&ndiri 

Bali (c.: 

Madura (o.) dibik 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) diri, dewek 

3. Bali (o.) 


Sunda (c. 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. S&mang 

English toAo.f 
1. Javanese (o.) sopo^ 
Javanese (c.) sidtto 
Javanese (a.) 

Malay seapa 

3. Bali (o.) , nyenta 
Bali (c.) sapa 
Madura (o.) sapa 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atui 
1 7. S&oiang 





« Utcnily «< the foot.' 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



English who 

English > that 

1. Javanese (o.) kang 

1. Javanese (o.) iku iko 

Javanese (c.) ingkang 

Javanese (c.)panikuy puniko 

Javanese (a.) 

Javanese (a.) 

Malay yang 

Malay itu 

a.BaIi(o.) nyang 

?. Bali (o.) h&ntttk 

Bali (c.) 

Bali (c.) neka, panekii 

Madura (o.) se 

Madura (o.) rowa 

Madura (c.) 

Madura (c.) girowa 

Sumii (o.) nu 

Sunda (o.) eta 


Sunda (c.) 

Lanipung sipa 

Lam pang sena 

S.Biajuk yewe 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

4. Bugis ianaiu 


Macassar antu 

5.Timuri . 

5. Timuri 



6. Atni 


7. Samang 

7. Samang tuk-un 



English this 

English aU 

i. Javanese (o.) iki 

1. Javanese (o.) kabeh, sadoyo 

Javanese (c.) puoiki 

Javanese (c.) sadantftn 

, Javanese (a.) 

Javanese (a. ) s&darum, s&gol* 

Malay ini 
2. Bali (o.) nek 

Malay s&moa, sSgala 

2. Bali (o.) makajang 
Ball (c.) 

Bali (c.) niki» puoiki 

Madura (o.) reyah, neko 

Madura (o.) kabeh 

Madura (c.) paneka 

Madura (c.) sadaja 

Sunda (o.) iyak 

Sunda (o.) kabeh 

Sanda (c.) 

Sunda (c.) 

LampuDg siji 

Lampung saunyin 

3. Biajuk heto 

S. Biajuk sandeai 

4. Bugis iana 

4. Bugis iamanang 

Macassar anre 

Macassar iangasing 

5. Timuri 

5. Timuri 



6- Atui 

6. Atui 

7. Samang tudeh 

7. SSmang 



Digitized by VjOOQIC 



English io 

L JaTaiieae(o.) tako^ maiang 
Javanese (c.) daung . 
Jaranese (a.) duraalaog 

p&da, ak&n, k& 

% Bali (o.) 

Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) ka 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) k& 

Sarida (c.) 

Lampung banakan 
3. Biajuk 
4* Bugis 



6. Atui 

7. S&maag 

English Jrom i 

1. Javanese (o.) sHIlo, sing 
Javane9e(c)8aklDg, sangking 
Javanese (a.) 

Malay dari 

2. Bali (o.) haleh 
Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) dari 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) ti 
Sunda (c.) 
Laropung anja 

3. Bkjak 


5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. Stoang 

English in, at, l^fOf^ cm 
I.Javanese (o.) ing 
Javanese (c.) 
Javanese (a.) 



^ Bali (o.) 


Bali (c.) 

Madura (o.) ai, e 

Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) 


Sunda (c.) 



3. Biujuk 

4. Bugis 



5. Timuri 


6. Atni 

7. Samang 



1- Javanese (o.) karo, sarto, ba 

Javanese (c] 

kalih, kaleyaa 

Javanese (a.j 

sSrta, sama 

sarangy barang 


2. Bali (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madura (o.) barang, s&rta 
Madura (c.) 

Sunda (o.) jung • 
Sunda (c.) 
Lampung kalawaa 

3. BiHjuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atni 

7. Samang 

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English nbaoe 
1. Jaraoese (o.) dQwur, luhar 
JaTaoe8e(c.) inggtl 
Jaranese (a.) 


3. Bali (o.) 
Bail (r.) 
Madara (o.) 
Madura (i.) 
Saoda (o.) 
Sttiida (c.) 

$. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

6. Atai 

7. S&mang 

Eoglish bdow 

1. Javanese (o.) ngisor 
Javanese (c.) ogandilp 
Javanese (a.) 








% Bali (o.) 
Madara (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sanda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 
8. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Timuri 

(S. Atai 
7. SILmang 






English ymikm 
I. JaTanese (o.) jSroh 
JavaMW (c) Ikbbat, 
Javanese (a.) 

^ BaU (o.) 
Bali (c.) 
Madara (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sanda (o.) 
Si^nda (c) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugis 

5. Hoiuri 

6. Atai 

7. Simang 






English wUkout 

1 . Javanese (o.) jobo 
Javanese (c) jawi 
Javanese (a.) 


2. Bali (o.) . 
Bali (c) 
Madura (o.) 
Madura (c.) 
Sanda (o.) 
Sunda (c.) 
Lam pang 

3. Biajuk 
U Bugis 


5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. stoang 





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EnglUk near 

English here • 

i. JaTanese (p.) par&k 

I. Javanese (o.) ingkene 

Ja?anefle (c) cbalak, ch&dak 

Javanese (c.) ingriki 


Javanese (a.) 

Malay d&kat 

Malay sini 

S.Bali(o.) pahak 

2. Bali (o.) dini 

Bali (c) diriki, hirikt 

Bali (c.) tap&k 

Madara(o«) parak 

Madura (o.) dinah 

Madura (c.) 

Madura (c.) dinto 

SaDda(o«) meh, dakat 

Sunda (o.) diyak 

Sunda (c.) 

Sunda (c) 

Lampnsg pasn 

Lampung jab 

$• Biajuk tokep 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bogis m&kawe 

4* Bugis korini 

Macassar : Umb^i 

Macassar angrini 

5. Timuii 

5. Timuri 




6. Atui eonai 


7. S&mang ebSn 

Madagascar merriua 

Madagpiiscar intir 

Englisfa /ar 

English there 

I.Javanese (o.) adoh, ti&bah 

Is Javanese (o.) inkono 


Javanese (c.) inriku 

JavEQese (a.) 

Javanese (a.) 

Malay jao 

2. Bali (o.) joh 
Bali (c.) hadoh, sawat 
Madura (o«) jaho 
Madura (c.) 
Sunda (o.) jaoh 

Sunda (c.) 

3. Biajuk 

4. Bugia 

5. Timuri 

6. Ami 

7. Silmang 


mejaoi hetab 



Malay sana, situ 

% Bali (o.) ditu 

Bali (c.) dirika» biribt 

Madura (o.) disah 

Madura (c.) kahdisab 

Sunda (o.) ditu 

Sunda (c.) 

S. Biajuk 


5. Timuri 

6. Atui 

7. SXmang 


acassar anjoaen 


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duwur, ula 
















tangaxii lima 














duwur . 





rice in straw 


















]&nb«, sapi 








































bukity gunnDg 




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The religion of the Indian islanders^ which is the 
subject of the present book, will be treated of in 
four distinct chapters. The first will contain an 
account of the ancient religion of the people ; the 
second of their modem Hinduism ; the third of 
the Mahomedan religion ; and the fourth of the 
prc^ess and character of Christianity among these 
islanders. Java is, to mj knowledge^ the only 
country of the Archipels^ that affords materials 
for the discussion of the first subject ; and, there^ 
fore, my references are constantly made to that 
country ; and Bali a£Pords, so exclusively, the ma- 
terials of the second, that the chiqpter on this topic 
is expressly denominated an account of the religion 
of Bali. 

VOL. n. • N 

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AniiguUies and ancient religion in a rude state qf society 
synonymous, — Architectural remains.-^Groufs of Temples 
of hewn stone, exemplified in those ofBrambanan, — Stitgfe 
Temples ofhemn stone of great size, exemplified in that of 
BoroBudor. — Temples of brick and mortar. ^^Rude Tern* 
pies qf henvn stone exemplified in those of Sukuh and K^* 
to.^^Character of the toorkmanship and archiiecture^^^Afy* 
thological character qf the sculptures arid decorations^'^ 
Statues and images. — Ancient inscriptions on stone^^-^Jn 
ancient manuscript. — Conjectures respecting the ancient 
Hinduism qf the Islanders draton from all these different 
monuments^F^The Jirst Hinduism of Java, an exarttpleof 
genuine Buddhism.^-A barbarous form ofHinduum pr^ 
vailed in latter times -^possibly the xjoorship of Siwa of the 
Linga and Yoni. — From tolience Hinduism toas introduced 
among the Indian Islanders.-^Religion and Superstitions qf 
the Indian Islanders before the introduction qf Hinduism."^ 
Character qf Hinduism as modified by the Local SuperstU 
turns qf the country* 

An account of the antiquities of Java is also an 
account of its ancient religion, for every ancient 
monument on the island has been dedicated to 
the favourite subject of superstition, and hardly a 

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Itmfrmfd *r r.f t^MMtm 

RE PRE SEW TATIOW Digitized by dOOglC 

from tke RiuU Tetnpl^ ofSktkuk in. thx Moiuttmin. LttmuA in Jbr*v . 

AHCtkHT nBtlGION, &C. 19^ 

vestige is found of any arcbitectuFsl remains con- 
tracted for purposes of conyeuience or utility. 

I shall offer a brief and general sketch of the 
leading relics of antiquity, referring the curioua 
reader for a more particular and detailed descrip- 
tion to an essay on the sufcrject, in the Transactions 
of the Asiatic Society, and to another, m those of 
the Literary Society of Bombay* 

The antiquities of Java consist— of teniples,--of 
imagef^ jhd-->of inscriptions, which I shalj descrihe 
in ^cesiuon ; and, from the inferences to be de- 
duced from the whole, endeavour to reiider a nh 
tional account of the ancient religion of the Javan- 
ese, and of its history* 

To begin ^th the arctutaeMowl raoBainsi these 
are apread over the «rhole of the best p<ution qf 
id> from Cheribon to the eastern extrenty, 
MAOSt abundaht in spots distinguidied by 
aibd fertility, ^^h arthe mountain Fhdu^ 
Ihei^Ustiicts of Matanun, of Piyang, and of Ma- 
hog. They are of four descriptions ; 1st, Large 
groups of snlall tem|^es,)of heiphi stone, each pccu^ 
pied by a statue. Sd, Single temples of great 
sise, of hewn stone» consisting of a series ef iuclo- 
sures, the whole occupying the summit of a hill, 
and without any concavity or excavation. Sd, Sin- 
gle temples, constructed of bride and mortar, with 
an excavation similar to the individual temples of the 
first chss. And, 4tth, Rude temples of hewn stone, 

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of more recent co&structibn than any of the rest. 
This classification is of utility, for it is connected 
#ith interesting circumstances in the history of the 
temples, and of the religion to which they were de- 

The most considerable and perfect remains of 
t^e temples of the first class are afforded in the 
ruins of Brambanan, situated partly in the district of 
Pajang, and partly in that of Mataram. Among the 
many groups of temples here to be traced, the most 
perfiect and considerable is that vaguely termed by 
the natives of the country ** the thousand tempks.** 
The following short account of this group may 
serve for all others. The whole group occupies 
an areaj whfeh is an oblong square, of 600 English 
feet long, and 530 broad; It consists of four rows 
of small temples, inclosii^ in the centre a greater 
one, whose height is 60 feet. The temples are 
pyramidal buildings, all of the same character, co- 
vered by ^ profusion of sculpture, and consisting of 
large blocks of hewn stone. Each of the smaller tem- 
ples had contained a figure of Buddha, and the great 
central one, consisting of several apartments, figures 
of the ffrincipal objects of worship which, in every 
ease that I have had an opportunity of examining, 
have consisted of the destroying power of the Hin- 
du triad, or of some of his family. To the whole 
group of temples there are four entrances, facing 
the cardinal points of the compass, and each guard* 

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ed by two gigantic statues representing warders^ 
measuring, in a kneeling posture, not less than 
nine feet and a half high, apd being, in girth, lull 
eleven feet. This, with very little variety, is a de« 
scription of all temples of this class. Sometimes 
the group is an equal sided, instead of an oblong 
square ; sometimes, inst^ of one great temple in 
the middle, we have two or three, and, occasioiu|l« 
ly, the entrances to the temples are but one or two, 
with a corresponding number of warders instead of 
four;, but these are inconsiderahle variations, not. 
affecting the general character of the temples. 

The teiqpleof Boro Budurf^itu&ted in the moun« 
tain and romantic land Of Kadu, is a square building 
of a pyramidal shape, ending in a dome. It em- 
braces the summit of a small hill, risiqg perpendi-: 
culiirly from the plain, and consists of a ^ries of 
six square as^^eoding walls, with corresppnding ter- 
rac€is, three circular rows of latticed cages of hewn 
stone in the form of bee-hives ; and, finally, of the 
dome already mentioned, which, although wanting 
the ^x which once crowned it, is still twenty f<^t 
hi^h. The height of the whole building is about 116 
feet, and, at the base, each side measures in extent 
five hundred and twenty-six English feet. There is 
no concavity except in the dome. The hill is in 
fact a sort of nucleus for the temple, and has been 
cut away and fashioned for the accommodationof the, 
building. The outer und inner side of each wall i^ 

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covered with a profusioii of sculpture, sfterwards 
to be noticed, and in various situations are niches 
containing figures of Buddha, amounting in all to 
between three and four hundred. The dome is 
altc^ther unoccupied, and seems always to have 
been so. To the tem|de of Boro Budur there are 
four entrances facing the cardinal points, but here, 
instead of the monstrous figures in human shape, 
we have lions as warders. 

The temples of brick are found towards the 
eastern end of the island, and not unfrequently near 
the last Hindu capitd which was destroyed by the 
IMafaomedans in 1478 of Christ. They are from 
forty to fifty feet high, of a round shape, not py* 
ramidal, and terminating in a dome, instead of the 
fdiarp dfex which crowns the temples of the groups. 
Here and there we discover, that, in their perfect 
state, they had been cased with a fine plaster, in 
which was carved mythological representations, cor- 
respondmg with the sculptures on the less perish- 
able stone buildings. 

Of the rude temples of the fourth class, I am 
not aware that any examples exist except in the 
mountain of Lawu, situated in the districts of Pa- 
jang and Sokowati. Here there are two sets of 
ruins of this class, one at Sukuh and one at K&tto, 
several miles distant from each other. In both, 
the ruins are so indistinct and rude, that it is no 
«asy matter to render an intelligible account of 

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them. They may genendiy be described as con« 
sbting of a succession of terraces, for the reception 
of which the sides of the mountain are scooped 
out* There are three of these terraces at Sukuh, 
and no less than twelve at Katto* The length of 
the terraces at Sukuh is no less than 157 feet, and 
the depth of one of them eighty. The entrance at 
Sukuh is by a flight of stairs through a triple por- 
tal. At K&tto we have similar ones up to the 
twelfth or last. The terraces are chiefly occupied 
by statues, and sculptured figures of animals, all 
of which will be afterwards more particularly ad« 
verted to. * 

I come now to speak of the mode in which the 
different buildings are constructed, and of the 
character of their architectural ornaments. The 
stone temples, in point of materials, solidity, and 
neatness of execution, are very admirable struc- 
tures. The stone is generally a basaltic materia! 
in various states of aggregation, but usually not 
yery hard ; in the lower parts of the structure, it 
is sometimes a white sandstone. The blocks are 
^^^ularly hewn, and well polished ; no cement is 
any where used, no broken fragments or rubbish 
ffiy where employed to fill up cavities or inter- 

f Tbe account of KStto is given on the authority of my 
friend Mr Williain9| of tbe Bengal militarjf service. 

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rtices, but the stones neady fitted for their places^ 
and morticed. The outer surface of the temples 
had been covered with a fine coating of plaster^ 
still remaining in a few parts, afler the lapse q£ 
six centuries, a convincing proof of its excellence. 
' The walls are in some instances ten and twelve 
feet thick, so that the interior of the tem]rie ap*^ 
peai;s small after viewing it extemaliy* The in- 
terior corresponds in shape with the exterior, or is 
of a pyramidal form, terminating in a sharp point. 
The stones overlap each other within, so as to pre^ 
sent to the eye the appearance of the inverted steps 
of a stair. The builders of Brambanan had pos- 
sessed the art of taming an elliptical arch and 
vault, for the entrances or door-ways are all arch- 
ied, and the roofs all vaulted. A circular vault 
or arch, however, is no where to be found among 
the ruins; and the principle of tummg an arch ia 
no where carried to such a length as to convey the 
impression of grandeur or magnificence. There is 
evidently a regular design, not only in every groups 
but in every individual temple ; nothing is left 
unfinished, but all thoroughly completed in its way^ 
What is chiefly to be admired is the excellence of 
the materials, their great solidity^ and the mi- 
nute laboriousness of the execution. This last 
quality is most remarkably displayed in the sculp- 
tures on the walls. These are covered vrith a pro* 
fusion of such ornaments, some in alto^ and others 

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in bass-relief J while mches in the walls give room 
to statues, all of them preserving a degree oS sym* 
metry and proportion little to be expected in such 
structures. What is still more remarkable is, that 
we see no gross or indecent representations ; and 
aeldmn any ev^i very fantastic or absurd, if we ex- 
cept the Hindu objects of worship, which opcupy 
the interior of the temples, and which are seldom 
exhibited in the external decorations* It is evident 
Uiat the whole of the sculptures must have been 
executed after the construction of the buildings, 
the only obvious and practicable means of deli- 
neating figures and groups of such magnitude and ' 
extent, on a variety of different stones The or- 
naments strictly architectural may he described 
to consist of frizes, cornices, and architraves, 
and a sort of flat pilastres carved in the stoqe, and 
not set into them. There exist no ballMstrades, 
colonnades, nor pillars in any shape, the absence of 
all of which gives to the structures a heavy and in- 
elegant look, notwithstanding the profusion of 
minute ornament. Upon the whole, the struc* 
tures themselves are individually too small, the 
entrances to them are mean, the interior is dark 
and contracted ; and the iiopresision left on the 
mind is, that a vast deal of excellent materials, of 
skill, time, and labour, have been wasted without 
producing a corresponding effect, even abstracting 
from the buildings aU charact^ of utility, and ccmr 

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sideriug them only as structures dedicated to a 
system of superstition. 

Of some of the ornaments of the temples a 
more particular account is requisite^ for, from an 
observation of them may be drawn some of the 
strongest presumptions for determining die religion 
to which the temples were dedicated. The first 
which I shall mention is a monstrous hce, without 
a lower jaw to be seen sculptured on all the most 
conspicuous parts of the buildings, as. at all pro« 
jecting angles, and on the keystones of arches. 
This, on the authority of the ambassadors of one of 
the princes of Bali, I conclude to be a representation 
p( Siwa. The prevalence of vegetaUe decoraticms 
among the sculptures of the temples is remarici^le. 
Delineations of animals are mfich less fiequent. 
The most usual are the lion, the elephant, and 
the deer ; the cow, singular enough to say, is never 
seen. In general, it may be said, that both the 
' plants and animals delineated are strangers to the 
island. May the prevalence oi vegetable deeor 
rations be attributed to the doctrines of Buddha^ 
which recommepd v^tabks for food, and prqfi^s$» 
ing abhorrence for the shedding of blood, forbid 
the use of an animal diet ? 

The most remarkable and interesting porticHi 
of the sculptures of the temples of the Jirst and 
second class are the historic groups so often deli* 
neated. I shall take my account of these fitmi the 

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i . J / YOKg 


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-■■^-•' YORK 

f rr ^■'^'<. LENOX J 

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splendid temple of Boro Bu^r» where they are 
found in die most conoplrte sad satisfactory farm. 
Hiese groups represent a great variety of subjects» 
inch as iMidiences, processions, religious wor^ 
ship in temples, hunting and: maritime scenes. I 
shall seltet for d^ription a lew of those that seem 
most directly cOno^ct^ with the mytibologlcalhistory 
pf the temjoi|a% ^,0^ the external face of the thifd 
vndl, Btr^^a^ is represented in a great mtftiy in* 
stances. Cliee to tlie gateway^ in particubo*, is 
l»e group in- which he is the principal figure. The 
sage, or deity, i^ surrounded hj^ crowd * of ^mi* 
pies or votaijes, f ome sitt}i^;mnd some standing ; 
most (^ th^m are in^h^^-aet of jpresenting gifts, 
which, in agreement with the ussumed mildnfcss of 
spirit which is 1^ cbaraoteristic offals reli^on, are 
ibund to consist of nothing Injt ftniits and flowers. 
Male votaries aj^^ on -one Side, and fema^ mi 
the othcff^ while the sage sitting m^die centte ap» 
pears to addre^ the multitude. . ^ ^ 

On die fourth wall of the same magnificent 
temple, Buddha is repeatedly represented, address- 
ing certain persmis, 'wh0i» 'rontrary to the usual 
practice m the temple, are iiepresented with l>eards» 
and whom I conjecture io iie tixe Braipins <^' the 
bloody woTs^p of tiie-^iiindu destroyer. In an« 
other placci^ his Wn votariiei^ with their smooth 
chins, are Kstening to him from the clouds ; and ii| 
a third fbii9^$ ^ battfe« ibogid; in his pwpence, 

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in which I conclude the party nearest to him to 
be victorious. Buddha is never found represented 
as the object of worship in a temple; and the only 
%ures that arc so, are a certain male and female 
divinity, decked with crown;a» and with the dis- 
tinguishing thread of the higher orders over the 
shoulders. These want any distinguishing attri- 
bute of a Hindu divinity, but in other respects 
are identified with delineations of Siwa and Durga, 
where they are better characterised by their parti- 
cular emblems. Siwa is better marked in an- 
other group, where he is carried in procession in 
a triumphal car, being the individual distinguish- 
ed by the crescent. Except these, no other my- 
thological personages are represented in the sculp* 
tures of Boro Budur, or any other temple on the 
island. I shall conclude these remarks on the 
sculptures and decorations of the temples of the 
first and second class, by submitting a few remarks 
of a general nature which apply to all. 1. The 
scenery, the figures, tlie faces, and oostume, 
are not native, but those of Western India. Of 
the human figures, the faces are characterized by 
the strongest features of the Hindu countenance* 
Many of these are even seen with bushy beards, 
an ornament of the face denied by nature to all 
the Indian islanders. The loins are seen girt 
after the manner now practised in India, a cus- 
tom unknown to the Javanese, or any other pecv 

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pie of the Archipelago. The Armour worn is 
not less characteristic. The spear, the kris, and 
the blowpipe for discharging the poisoned arrow^ 
in all ages the weapons of the Indian islanders, 
are no where delineated on the temples, but, in« 
stead of them, we haye-*the straight sword and 
shield,— ^he bow and arrow, and the club* The 
combatants, when mounted, are conveyed in cars, 
or on elephants, both of these modes of convey- 
ance of foreign custom, for the elephant is not a na- 
tive of Java, and the nature of the country preclud- 
ed the use of wheeled carriages. S^ There is not a 
gross, indecent, or licentious, representation through- 
out, and very little, indeed, of what is even grotesque 
or absurd ; and 3. we discover no pointed nor very 
distinct allusion in the sculptures to the more cha« 
racteristic and unequivocal features of Hinduism. 
Of the sculptures and decorations of the ihurd 
class of temples, or those constructed of brick and 
mortar, the casing in which they were wrought is 
either entirely broken away, oar so much defaced, 
that we can render no account of them* The more 
permanent materials of which the statues they con- 
tained consisted, has rescued them from a similar 
destruction, and some conjectures respecting them 
will be afterwards offered. 1 he construction <tf 
the teitiples themselves is most excellent in ite 
kind. The bricks are unusually lai^, and well 
burnt, and the mortar so good, that the junction 

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206 AKCUBKT REll6ldN OF tilE 

of the bricks is not perceptible, the whole wall 
appearing rather like an uniform mass, than a 
congeries of parts. 

The fourth or rude class of temples is in con- 
struction so distinct from those described, that 
some have, though erroneously, considered them 
to have been structures dedicated to a different 
worship. They are constructed, like those of the 
first and second class, of hewn stone, but neither 
80 well cut nor so well fashioned* In the plan of 
the temples themselves, we hardly trace any marks 
of design ; they appear a heavy mass of solid ma- 
terials, and nothing else. The interior abounds 
in sculptures, generally rude, and not unfrequent- 
ly half-finished. One of the first objects that 
strikes us at Sukuh, iii the very threshold of one 
of the entrances, is a representation, in relief, of 
the Phallus and Yoni, in the most unequivocal and 
disgusting nakedness. The former is represented, 
both at Sukuh and K&tto, in a piece of statuary 
dx feet long. One group represents a person in 
the act of striking off human heads. Representa- 
tions of stags» tortoises, and snakes, none of them 
seen in the better order of temples, are frequent. 
The figures are distorted and monstrous. We s^e 
a dog in the dress of a man, a boar with homs» 
and an elephant with four pairs of tusks. We here 
discover, for the first time, representations of na- 


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J>rmim^.4di' Ifk^n^ m a«a>« afJm*^ 

OMmftk^ ClGA^rTlr Statues representing 

m. W'mrder ^mm tke Tem^* mt BrmmhMt^M.. 

£dinhtiiyh.Pt*hluthfdky r»itetmJUe Jk CfUtO. 

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J>rmtm *y /tJi Whrr»» 

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Aeprssbktatiok ojt vi«]i2rr. 

/y#m « nuttO^td stance buMpt. in Ihe^TempU^ aTBrmmh^nmn. 


tioe manners and costuifie. The kris is frequent- 
ly delineated } and one very oonspioiOH^ group re« 
presents a Javanese bla^^ksiAith, under a shed of 
modem construction, usiiig a pur of bellows of the 
peculiar straeture of the country, and in the act of 
forging. Another peculiarity i» the firequent oe« 
currenee of inscriptions never ^^overed in the 
temples of ikejlrst and second class* 

I am now to speak of Ihitt branch of the anti* 
quities of the island whi#h relates. to statues and 
images, perhaps th^ most (valuable of all^ as from it 
the most distinct inferences concerning the mcient 
religion of the people of d^va may be drawn. The 
di£ferent images may be ranged into three classes. 
1st, Images belonging t^Jhe genuine worship of 
the Hiiidus. 2d, Images dedicated to that ww* 
ship in its decline. Sd^ Ims^es of a rude descrip- 
tion, probably of a mtfre ancient religion than Hin* 
duism. i shall speal^ c£ them 'respectively in this 
order.; ^ - .- -f' \ 

GenuiiikHindu images, in brassed stone, exist 
throu^out Java in such variety, that I imagine 
there is hardly a personage of the Hindu mythok>* 
gy of whmn it is usual to make representations^ 
that tfaere-is^Mit a-statue d. These seulptufed in 
stone art executed, for sittb a state of society, with 
uncommon skil!. Not unfirequenily there is a 
handsome' representation of the human features, 
and symmetry and proportion are not disr^^arddd^ 

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SOS ANOf^Nt RfiLiGION 61^ tHE 

The material is the same basaltic stone of which 
the temples are constructed. The execution oC 
the images of brass is far less skilful, yet often re- 
spectable, and sometimes evenbeautiful. 

By far the most frequent images of this class 
are those of the destroying power of the Hindu 
triad and his family. We have images of Siwa 
himself in a great variety of forms, of Durga his 
consort, and of Ganesa the god of wisdom, of 
Surya the deity of the sun, of the bull of Maha« 
dewa, and of the Linga and Yoni, all of them, a 
hundred to one, more frequent than any other de* 
scription of images, except representations of Budd- 
ha. Wherever the original appropriation of such ima^ 
ges can be distinctly traced, they will be found to 
have been the principal objects of worshipinthe tem- 
ples, always occupying in the groups the great cen- 
tral temple. Thus the temples of Brambanan are dis- 
covered to have been consecrated to the woi'ship of 
Siwa, by the discovery in one of the great central 
temples of an image of the god himself, of his Sakti 
Durga, and^ of his son Ganesa, not to say that the 
neighbouring country is strewed with images of the 
same description. The same observation applies 
to the groups at Singhasari, the most considerable 
remains of this class of buildings after Brambanan. 
From the principal temple, there were removed, a 
few years ago, the fine image of Siwa, in the form 
of a devotee, with a trident ; and the more su* 

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perb ones of Kala or death,— of Durga,— Kif Nandi^ 
and of Genesa. 

The most frequent images of all are those of 
Buddha. The single temple <^ Boro Budur eon- 
tains near four himdred ; there are a great num- 
ber at Brambanan, and they are to be found in 
all the ruins of the island, those in the mountain 
Lawu ej^c^ted. The figures of Buddha are the 
same which are found in all countries professing the 
doctrinesascribedtothatpeHBonage. NowandthenI 
have seen an erect statue of him in brass, and on one 
occasion saw a Linga crowning the head of a stone 
image of Buddfia ; but the following is themost usual 
appearance* Thefigureisinasittingposture, the legs 
bent, and the soles of the feet turned up ; the right 
side of the bosom is bare, the lower part of the body 
clad in a loose trowser, reaching to the ankle. The 
hands are variously disposed, sometimes resting on 
the points of the knees, sometimes as if demon- 
strating. The featuries are well raised and hand- 
some, of the genuine Hindu cast ; the expression 
of the countenance is placid, the hair is short, and 
curled as if done by art. There is no a^)earance 
of the woolly hair of the African. The fact most 
worthy of attention, in respect to the images of 
Buddha, is, that they never appear in any of the 
great central temples as the primary objects of wor- 
ship, but inlihe smaller surrounding ones, seeming 
themselvestorepresent votaries. They are not found 

VOL. II, * o 

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as single images, but always, as far as my experi- 
ence goes, in numbers together ; and when an- 
other object of worship exists, always looking to- 
wards it. In a word, in short, they appear to re- 
present not deities themselves, but sages worship- 
ping Siwa. 

The images of the second class are of a more 
ambiguous character than those now noticed ; but, 
connected with the circumstances under which they 
are found, I have no doubt may be identified with 
the same worship as the last, when it had decay- 
ed, and, with it, the arts* which ministered to it. 
Images of this class are found near the temples, 
constructed of brick, and in a ruder state at the 
stone temples in the tnountain Lawu. In the 
sculpture of these, the rude inhabitants appear as 
if left to themselves, and, forgetting the principles 
of the more decent Hinduism, pourtrayed in the 
first class of temples, to have remembered only 
its grosser parts, and to have allowed their imagi- 
nations to wanton without guide, when they deli- 
neated the rest. In this condition of the Hindu- 
ism of Java, the rude images are wholly destitute ' 
of the characteristic emblems of the Hindu gods. 
They are generally monstrous, being partly only 
human. One of the most frequent is a human figure 
with wings over the neck or shoulders, and with spurs 
like a cock. This figure is found both at Suku 
and Mojopahit. At K&tto, alone, is sculptured a 

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figure of the five-faced Siwa ; and among th|e ruin* 
ed temples at Mojopahit, We have several figures 
of Buddha. 

Of the third iind last class of images I have 
little to say. jEn the least civilized parts of the 
, island, as the nftaDtkuis ef the Sund%s^ pnd par- 
ticularly the ejMtem pr^)(ince of Banyuwangi, 
there are founds variety of images extremely rude 
and ill-fashidncji^ |md whioh* frequently, by the ex- 
tensiyedeconii^si|ion. which their surfaces have un- 
dergone, appear of grei^ter. antiquity than those 
already described. These are, in all probability, 
T)epltesentatf9ii5 ^9/ the local objects of worship 
among the Javanese before they adopted Hindu- 
ism, aud which probablyj as is still the case in 
Bali, <jbntiniied to receive, some share of their a- 
doratipn, after ^k^ event.' - 

The ancient inscription^^ found in; Java are of 
four kinds. 1. 3apskrit ins^ption$i][i Ui^ Dewan- 
^gaii' character. '2. Ins^ption^^4f» th^ .ancient 
Javanese, or Kawi. 3. |j|^riptions . in gin anti-* 
quated but barb^urous form-ui^f the-priesetit Javan- 
ese; and, 4. Imeriptions'^v^hich cat;mot J^e decy- 
phered, and are probably the chaiigiiiers jui which 
the Sundawas written. A very ieyi^ inscriptions 
only are found in Dewanagari, and these are con- 
fined to the two most distinguished remains of 
Hinduism on Ja^a, Brambanan, and Singhasari. 
Colonel' Mackenzie, in 1811, discovered a long 

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inscription of this sort at Brambanani upon a sUme 
more than six feet long, in the form of a tomb- 
stone ; in 1815, I found, myself, another of ex- 
actly the same description, and a third of smaller 
size was discovered in the same year by Dr Tytler. 
Besides these, smaller inscriptions, consisting of 
a few words, or at most of a few lines, have bem 
found, chiefly at Singhasari, and commonly on the 
stone images of the principal objects of worship. 
I have one in brass in my own possession, on the 
back of a figure of Buddha, found near Bramba- 
nan. No translations of any of these inscripticms 
have been effected, but I think some important in* 
ferences may be drawn /rom their bare existence, 
surrqunded even among the same ruins by inscrip- 
tions in the ancient Javanese ; and these are, that a 
few genuine Hindus of Western India were among 
the founders of the principal temples, but that they 
were not the most numerous body of the priest- 
hood of the time ; that Sanskrit was not the usud 
language consecrated to religion ; and that, as we 
see the Dewanagari and Javanese characters exist- 
ing, separate and distinct, at the same moment, the 
one was not derived from the other. 

Of inscriptions of the second class, a great 
number are found in every part of the island where 
other Hindu ruins exist, from Pakalongan to Ma- 
lang. They are particularly abundant in th^ 
eastern portion of the island, and, as already men- 

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tioned, are fbund in the very same ruins where 
Dewanagari inscriptions are found. At Brambanan 
I discovered two myself in 1812. They are found 
engraved both on stone and copper. The character 
of these inscriptions is an ancient form of the present 
Javanese, and does not even difFer very essentially 
from it in shape, exeept that it is rounder. A 
good deal of it can be read by persons giving their 
attention to the subject, but there are the best 
grounds for suspecting the accuracy of the attempts 
made to render these ancient inscriptions into mo- 
dem Javaneseor the European languages, for notwo 
translations agree. The knowledge of the language 
is lost in Java, and for faithful translations we have 
only to look to* a better acquaintance with the priests 
of Bali, among whom it is still the language of re- 
ligion. The only portion of this character which 
it can, in our present state of acquaintance with it, 
be safe to rely upon, is dates, when in written figures^ 
and perhaps proper names, when these are corrobo- 
rated by tradition. Trusting to imperfect interpre- 
tations of tilie ambiguous and mystical system of no- 
tation in thematterof dates, which the Javanese have 
borrowed from the Hindus, several of the Kawi in- 
scriptions, it is pietended, afford examples of dates 
which go as far back as the middle of the ninth, 
nay, in one or two instances, as early as the begin- 
ning of the sixth century of Salivana. Not one 
of these is eorrobomted by a date in legible figures. 

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nor even by the more doubtful authority of the me- 
morial verses; in which t^he ancient chronology of 
the Javanese is pretended to be recorded. Dr 
Horsefield discovered among the Hindu ruins of 
Panataran» in the district of Sr&ngat, in 1816, one 
of the usual stones, with a Kawi inscription, the 
only one in which I find any reference to an ac- 
knowledged tradition of the Javanese, for it men-r 
tious more than once the hero of Javanese romance^ 
Patyi Inakarta Pati, as the reigning prince, Jang^ 
gala the name of his kingdom, and that of his 
princess, by whom the ^neighbouring temples, ac- 
cording to the interpretations given to me, were 
constructed. It is not pretended that this in* 
scription has any date ; but over the gateway of 
one of the ruins to which it belonged, ai*e inscrib- 
ed in distinct and legible characters the year 1C42. 
The stones on which it is pretended that the early 
dates referred to have been taken, are exactly si« 
milar to this one ; many of them have been found 
in the site of ancient Jangala, th^ capital of the 
prince whose name is recorded on the stone at Pa- 
nataran ; the inscriptions are not more defaced, the 
stones have not suflfered more by decomposition, 
and the character is identically the same. From 
the ruins in this quarter there has been brought a 
stone vessel, three feet long, on ^^lich is inscrib* 
ed, in legible figures, the year 1246. Two ao- 
difu^al copper cups in my possession, discovered at 

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no great distance from Kadiri, or Dobo, which 
contained important Hindu relics, and was one of 
the chief seats of the Hindu worship, has inscrib- 
ed upon them, in plain figures, the one, the year 
1241» and the other 1^46, and in the collection 
of Sir Stamford Raffles is one brought from Doho, 
with the year J 290. I have never seen nor heard 
of any earlier dates that could be relied upon. It 
is satisfactory to find how well these dates corre- 
spond with .the more recent, and therefore rea- 
sonably the more authentic, dates recorded in the 
memorial verses. Joyoboyo, king of Doho, is there 
said to have flourished in 1117 of Salivana, the 
earliest of the temples of Prambanan, to have 
been constructed in 1188 ; the most recent in 11218, 
and the temple of Boro Budur I'iGO. 

I come now to speak of the third class of inscrip- 
tions, or those in a barbarous form of Javanese. 
One of these, in the district of Kwali, of which 
there is a copy in the valuable collection of Sir 
Stamford Raffles, contains in figures the date iStiS. 
Inscriptions of this character are very rate, and 
seem all of recent date. With these may be rank- 
ed the dates and inscriptions on the barbarous re- 
mains in mount Lawu, and on some zodiacal cups, 
distii^^uished fiom those already mentioned, by the 
rudeness and uncouthness of the workmanship, as 
well as by a oon»derable variation in the character, 
vhiah 18 fteii^ently in relief^ iwtead of beings a» 

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in the more ancient monuments, carved in th^ 
stone. The date in the ruins of K&tto in Lawu is 
15£6 ; those in Sukuh, in the same mountain, are 
1S61 and 1S63. A zodiacal cup, of the inscrip- 
tion of which my friend, Sir Stamford Raffles, has 
afforded a drawing, has the date lS6l, and one in 
my own possession 1J20. Those now enumerated 
are the only authentic dates which have come with- 
in my knowledge, until the connection of the 
Javanese with the Mahomedans commenced. The 
dates contained^ in these more modem inscrip- 
tions are also corroborated by a reference to 
the memorial verses of the corresponding era of 
Javanese history. Mojopahit is, in these, said 
to have been founded in 1^7 1> just about the 
era that the seven reigns of its princes would 
itford, at the usual allowance of twenty years 
for a reign. The date assigned to the remains 
of a tank at Barowo is 1808, and to that of 
another at M&ng&bel 1852. The reader will not 
fail, on com|mring th€^ dates of this class of inscrip- 
tions wilh the last, to notice a singular and imp<»t« 
ant fact, which will be applied in another place in 
tracing the history of the ancient religion of the 
Javanese, that the antiquities of Java^ during the 
interval of more than a century, do not affiird a 
single authentic date. 

With inscriptions of the class now mentioned, I 
may rank an ancient manuscript found at TiUaga, 

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in the province of Cheribon, the only one ever dis- 
covered in Java, and which was voluntarily present- 
ed to me for perusal or inspection in 181r% when 
engaged in making some political and revenue ar<- 
rangements in the country, by the re^ctable chief 
of that beautiful mountaiiQ district. The manuscript 
had been preserved for ages in his family, not only 
as an heirloom, tnit as a sacred relic, with the safely 
of which he and his followers superstitiously be* 
lieved that of the district was inseparable. No 
FiUropean had either seen it or heard of it before, 
and, on this occasion, the secret of its existence 
was divulged, in the confidence of satisfaction at 
the character of the arrangements which were 
making by the British authorities. The manu- 
script is written on a substantial and durable pa* 
per, the art of fabricating which is now unknown, 
and it is folded in a zig-zag manner, as practised 
by the Burmans and Siamese. The writing is re- 
gular, but an indifferent specimen of p^manship ; 
and, from the figures, signs of the zodiac, and other 
characters painted upon it, it is conjectured to be a 
treatise on astrdogy. It contains no date, but 
from the agreement of the writing with that of 
the class just now described, and the tradition of its 
having been Inrought from the comparatively recent 
establishment of F&jajaran, we conjecture that it 
WIS written dbont the middle of die fourteenth 
cratmy of SaEvana. 
Of the fourth and last class of inscriptions, not 

• ^ 

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much can be said. They cannot be tnmsbted, 
and are in fact in an unknown character. They 
are all found in the country of the Sundaa» and no 
where elwey from whence there can be little doubt, 
but that they exhibit a specimen of the national 
character of that people^ before it was superseded 
by that of the Javanese, so that this adds one more 
to the numerous alphabets of the Indian islands, 
and another argument in proof of the facility of 
inventing alphabets. 

Having given this account of the antiquities of 
Java, I shall endeavour to render an account of the 
ancient religion of the Javanese,— to describe the 
periods in which it flourished and decayed, — and 
conclude by offering some remarks on the manner 
and circumstances of its introduction. The most 
prominent features of the first class of temples are— 
the extraordinary preponderance of images of Siwa 
and his family, and of the Linga and Yom', the 
emblems of his peculiar worship,— the frequency 
of images of Buddha,— the pointed decency oi 
the sculptures and ornaments of the temples,— 
the existence of the images of Siwa and his family, 
and no others, as the objects of worship in the 
great central temples,— and the ^pearance of those 
of Buddha in the small exterior ones, apparently 
in the character of devotees, and no where, as £u: as 
my experience extends, as objects of worship. IVom 
all this it will perhaps be fair to infer, that the 
Hinduiam of Java waa th? worship of Siwa and 

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Dui^ of the Unga and Yoni united to Budd- 
liism ; and I think we may go the length of c<m« 
eluding, that it was a reformation of the Uoody 
and indecent worship of Siwa, brought about by 
fOiges or philosophers, by persons, in short, of more 
kindly affections than the rest of their countrymen, 
and perhaps to keep pace with some start in civili^ 
zation in the country where it had its origin. To 
the arguments drawn from the relics of antiquities, 
I shall adduce on this point such collateral evidence 
as has occurred to me. The fragments of ancient 
writings which still exist among the Javanese, af- 
ford unequivocal testimony of the supremacy of 
Siwa. The following invocation to a little ethical 
treatise, called, in imitation of similar works among 
the Hindus of Western India, Niti Sastra, is an 
example. ** I salute thee, Hfiri ; (Siwa,) I invoke 
thee, for thou art the lord of gods and men* I in- 
voke thee, Kesawa, (Wishnu,) for thou enlighten- 
est the understanding. I invoke thee, Suman, 
(Surya,) because thou enlightenest the world.^' 

From some of the usual epithets bestowed upcm 
SSwa by the pagan Javanese, and still fiimiliar to 
their posterity, the pre-^eminence of this deity is 
clearly demonstrated. He is called Mahadewa^ or 
the great god ; Jagatnata, the lord of the universe ; 
Ywang W&nangy die most powerful, with other 
^thets as extravagant. He is the same peraonage 
who acts so distinguished a part in the machiaery 

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of Malayan and Javanese romances, under the ap- 
pellation of GurUf or the instructor, prefixing to it 
the word Batara^ a eorruption of Avatara^ both in 
sense and orthography, for with the Indian islanders 
that word is not used as with the genuine Hindus, 
to express the incarnation of a god, but as an appel- 
lative expressing any deity; nay, as if conferring an 
apotheosis upon their princes, it has been sometimes 
prefixed to the names of some of the most cele- 
brated of their ancient kings. When Siwa appears 
in this character in the romances of the Indian 
islanders, he is painted as a powerful, mischievous, 
and malignant tjrrant ; a description sufficiently 
consonant to his character of destroyer, in the 
Hindu triad. 

The Javanese of the present day attach no very 
distinct meaning to the word Buddha, or, as they 
write it, being the nearest approximation to the 
true orthography which their alphabet affords, 
Buda. They frequently use it vaguely, as an ad- 
jective implying what relates to ancient times, 
I»retty much as we ourselves would usS the word 
pagan^ in reference to the times which preceded 
our conversion to Christianity. When asked what 
religion they professed before their conversion to 
Mahoinedanism, they reply, that they professed the 
Agama Buda, which is not a bit more distinct, 
than if we were to reply to a simitar question re- 
speoting our faitii, that we professed the pagan re- 

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ligion. The bare use of tbis word, bowever^ which 
it is out of the question they could invent, and cer- 
tainly did not borrow from any modem ^wrce, 
may be considered as satisfistctory evidence that 
they were Buddhists. 

The word Buddha, K)r Buda, is never to be dis- 
covered in any modern or ancient Javanese manu- 
script that I have heard (rf*, as applicable to a dei- 
fied person of this name ; and there is no evidence 
from such a source of any worship to such a per- 
sonage. The names and attributes of the princi^ 
pal gods of the Hindu pantheon are quite familiar to 
every Javanese scholar, but of the name of Buddha 
they are wholly ignorant. The images of the Hin- 
du deities they cannot, indeed, in general, parti- 
cularize by name, but they recognise them to be 
such, while those of Buddha they denominate Pan^ 
dita Sabrong^ or foreign Pundits or Brahmins* 

On the strength of these data^ I may repeat, 
that the Buddhion.of the Javanese was not the wor- 
ship of a deified person of the name of Buddha, 
but a modification of the worship of the destroying 
power ; and that the images of Buddha, so abun- 
dantly scattered over the island, represent the 
sages who brought about the reform. When Buddha 
isrepresented on the sculptures of Boro Budur re- 
ceivinggifls of fruits and flowers, I conclude thathe 
representsapriestreceivingcharity or donations from 
his disei^es or followers, and not a divinity re* 

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eemng offerings irom his votaries, because tbis lasi; 
practice is no part of the Hindu form of worship. 

If these inferences be just, the religion which is 
pourtrayed in the relics of Hinduism in the prin- 
cipal temples 0/ Java, may be looked upon as a ge- 
nuine example of the reform ascribed to Buddha, 
and the testimony which they afford will be con- 
sidered as a proof that the religions of Brama and 
Buddha are essentially the same, the one being, 
as for some time suspected by oriental scholars, 
nothing but a modification of the other. If this 
reasoning be admitted as conclusive, we shall be 
compelled to consider the religion of the Burmans, 
Siamese, and Cingalese, as corruption^ of genuine 
Buddhism, most prbbably superinduced by local 
causes and superstitions, which« operating upon 
the (»iginal system, produced, in the course of 
ages, a form of wor^ip differing essentially from 
its purest form* 

Such appears to have been the form of Hindu 
worship which prevailed on Java, when the moat 
perfect and finished of the temples were construct- 
ed. At the moment in which these temples were con- 
structed, there is ground to believe that a body of 
emigrants must have arrived from India. From the 
earliest date, to the latest authentic date deter- 
mined by figures, which these antiquities afford^ 
is only a period of 26 years ; and the utmost lati- 
tude, giving implicit credit to the traditional ones, 

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will g^ve ufl but a latitude of 7^ years. It is high^ 
ly improbable, that the Hindus of Western India 
existed in numbers before or after this period, or 
we should surely have possessed memorials of that 
existence. The argument in favour of the arrival of 
such a colony will not be strengthened, even in the 
event of our crediting the earlier dates assigned to 
some of the stones, for between the very latest of 
these, 865, and the earliest date in figures, or 1220^ 
there is a long blank of 335 years, during which it 
is not pretended that a single monument eidsts. 

From the year 1240, to the year 1S56, 110 
years, or even including the traditional date 
ascribed to the great temple of Boro Budur, 106 
years, no authentic date whatever: occurs. Dur- 
ing this long interval, it is not pretended that 
any great structure was raised in honour of 
the Hindu religion. It may, then, *be conclud- 
ed to have been on the decline, and this is the pe- 
riod to which I ascribe the construction of the in- 
ferior fabrics of brick, which are, like the greater 
buildings, dedicated to Buddhism, but apparently 
to a corrupted or degenerate form of it. 

The dates 1S56, 1361, and 1363, on the ruins 
in mount Lawu, bring us to a new era in the history 
of Hinduism on Java, after the lapse of 106 or 110 

It may reasonably be conjectured th^t these tem- 
ples are the work of a new sect of Hindus, perhaps 

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fti4f ANCIItKt R&LI6I0N Of UlE 

of the followers of Siwa, unconneeted with there- 
formation of Buddha. The Bramilis of Ball, who 
are of that worship, informed me that their ances- 
tors arrired first on Java, before the conversion of 
the inhabitants of that island to Mahomedanism, on 
which event they fled to their present country. 
The ruins of KStto and Suku may have been 
structures of a party of these persons. Here the 
worship of the Linga and Yoni, in the most dis- 
gusting forms presents itself for the first time, and 
the emUems of destruction are represented with- 
out disguise or reserve, while not a figure of Budd- 
ha is to be seen throughout, and, indeed, not a ves- 
tige of that more benignant religion. At the 
more splendid ruins,— 4he superiority of the work- 
manship,— -the comparative beauty of the design,— 
the propriety of the ornaments,— the genuine Hin- 
duism of these,— and the presence of Sanskrit in- 
scriptions, entitle us to conclude that they are 
the work of foreign artists, or at least were entirely 
completed under their direction. A very diflferent 
conclusion is to be drawn from the ruins of mount 
Lawu. Native scenery and costume are predomi- 
nant, — ^the woA is coarsely executed,— and the de- 
'sign incongruous, from which the legitimate in- 
ference is, that the architects were natives of the 
country,— orat least, that.the foreigners who super- 
intended had little influence,— or were few in num- 
ber,— or as unskilful as those they pretended to di- 

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recL The last datd on the buildings of Lawu 
brings the history of Hinduism down to within 37 
years of the triumph of Mahomedanism. 

This branch of the subject I shall conclude with 
a summary of the history of Hinduism. In its 
utmost latitude, Hinduism in. the form of gaiu- 
ine Buddhism, flourished in Java from the middle 
of the thirteenth caitury of our time» to that of the 
fourteenth century, duringwhich aconsideraUe emi- 
gration from Western India must have taken place. 
From the middle of the fourteeuth century to that of 
the fifteenth century, no considerable body of emi^ 
grants arrived from India, and Buddhism lan- 
guished in Java. At the latter period, a few emu 
grants arrived from India, of the sect of Siwa, 
and attempted to propagate their peculiar worship^ 
but, with every other description of Hindus, 
were driven from the island by the triumph of the 
Mahomedan religion, in thelatterpartof the fifteenth 
century, and a very few years before Eurc^ans 
reached India by the Cape of Good Hope. 

In the remarks now offered concerning the an* 
cient religion of the Javanese, I have supposed no 
other sects of Hindus to have existed than those 
of Buddha and Siwa. This conclusion may be too • 
general, though authorized by every permanent 
and important relic of Hinduism which exists on 
the iskmd. Buddhism was undoubtedly the pre- 
vailing religion of the ancient Javanese, but it is 

\0h. II, p 

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far from improbable that other sectaries also exists' 
ed, though they may not have been numerous or 
powerful enough to haveleflany permanentrecordof 
their existence. A passage from the Cheribon ma^ 
nuscript, alluded to and quoted by Sir Stamford 
Raffles, would seem to suggest that the doctrines 
of Wishnu were prevalent in the western portion 
of the island, but this is an insulated argument, 
•unsubstantiated by any other testimony. 

The question of the country of those Hindus 
who disseminated their religion over the Indian 
idands, is one of curious interest, but we should 
xefer in vain for a solution of it to any record a- 
mong the Hindus or oriental islanders. The evi- 
dence to be drawn from the examination of lan- 
guage is equally unsatisfactory ; notwithstanding 
this, the fact may he ascertained with a consi- 
derable approximation to probability. That coun- 
try was Telinga, more properly KgUngctj or, as it 
jis universally written and prcmounced by all the 
Indian islanders, Kating. Kalinga is the only 
Qountry of India known to the Javanese by its 
.proper name, — ^^the only country familiar to them, 
— and the only one mentioned in their books, with 
the exception of those current in religious le- 
gends* Hence they designate India always by 
this lu^me, and know it by no other, except, in- 
deed, when, by a vanity for which their ignorance 
iia an apology, they would infer the equality of thdr 

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island with that great country, and speak of them 
relatively, as the countries on this* or that side of 
the water. It is^o KaJmga that the Javanese uni- 
versally ascribe the origin of their Hinduism ; and 
the more recent and authentic testimony of the 
Brahmins of Bali, who made me a similar assurance, 
as will be seen in another part of the work, is 
still more satisfactory. 

In accounting for the mode in which the Hin- 
dus were conveyed from their native country, there 
is no occasion to have recourse to* the supposition 
of their hazarding a difficult and unknown voyage, 
for between the Coromandel coast and the Indian 
islands, a commercial intercourse has existed from 
time immemorial, which would afford the Indian 
priests a safe and easy conveyance. A passion on 
the part of the Hindus, in common with the 
rest of mankind, for the spices, and other rare 
productions of the Indian islands, gave rise to this 
commerce, which increased ^s the nations of the 
west improved in riches or civilization, for the 
trade of the people of Coromandel was the first 
link of that series of voyages, by which the produc- 
tions of the Archipelago were conducted even to 
the markets of Rome itself. 

The more considerable emigration which I have 
supposed to Java, in the end of the thiiteenth and 
beginning of the fourteenth centuries, may have 
had its origin in some political movement, or reli- 

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gious persecution ; but the character of the Hiii- 
dus» and the majritime unskilfulness incident to so 
barbarous and unimproved a state of society as 
theirs, must always have rendered them incom- 
petent to fit out a great maritime expedition, and 
accomplish a distant conquest. No evidence of 
such a conquest, accordingly, exists, and no ex- 
ample of a considerable emigration, except that 
just now referred to. It is by no means, however, 
to be supposed, that the conversion of the Javan- 
ese to Hinduism commenced with this latter event. 
The extensive influence of the Sanskrit language 
upon the Javanese is itself a prominent fact, which 
implies, that the intercourse was of long continu- 
ance ; and, in fact, we may safely believe, that in 
almost all periods of the commercial intercourse 
with India, the beauty and fertility of the Indian 
islands, with the simplicity and credulity of their 
inhabitants, would have brought to their shore a suc- 
cession of adventurers and missionaries. The very 
same people, the Telingas, continue to flock to 
them to this day, when there is far less encourage* 
ment,— when in the field of commerce they have 
formidable competitors in the Europeans, — and, in 
that of religion, in the Arabs. * 

• It was commerce which always uivhercd in reh'gion. 
Where there was no room for commerce^ there was no religi- 
ous innovatioii, as in the Nicobar and Andaman ialandB, and 

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An examination of the institutions of the In- 
dian islanders ftimishes an arguAient, and, as far 
as I know, one only, in favour of the hypothesis of 
Kalinga being the native country of those who pro- 
pagated Hinduism in the Indian islands. This 
argument is drawn from a comparison of the kalen- 
ders of Southern India, and that which prevailed 
in the Indian islands. The year in Kamata and 
Telinga is lunar, with an intercalary month in 
every thirty, and the era commences with the birth of 
SaUvana or Saka^ 78 years after Christ. This, with 
all its particulars, is the kalender which prevailed 
in Java, and which at present obtains in the Hindu 
country of Bali, as its name, Saka warsa chandra, 
distinctly imjdies. The same kalender and era 
do not generally prevail in Hindustan; and with 
re^ct to the nations of the Deccan, those of the 
south place the birth of Saka or SaUvana one 
year later than the people of Camata and Telinga, 
and, of course, one year later than the Indian 
islanders. This valuable fact will determine us to 
the northern part of the eastern portion of the Dec- 
can, and, as maritime emigrations from the interior 
of a great country are improbable, to the sea'Coast, 

some of the poorer of the great Archipelago, Religious in- 
novation was carried farthest where there was most com- 
merce, as in Java, the coast of Sumatra, and the Malayan 

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where in all ages down to the present, we are led to 
believe th4t the Telinga people were the chief, or 
only considerable foreign navigators. 

Before bringing this chapter on the antiquities 
and ancient religion of Java to a close, I shall offer 
some remarks on the circumstances under which 
Hinduism existed in Java, as it must necessarily 
have been modified by the manners and character 
of the society which adc^ted it. 

Before entering upon this subject, it will be ne- 
cessary to examine the character of those supersti* 
tions which the Hindu religion would have tOi en- 
counter. In so rude a state of society as that of 
the Javanese, the nature of the language affords no 
grounds to believe that there was any personifica- 
tion of abstract ideas, but the common objects of 
nature "(Xiere personified, and the woods, the waters^ 
and the air, were peopled with deities, the objects 
of fear, or adoration, or both, with the Javanese. 
To this day, their belief in these local deities is 
hardly diminished, after the admission of the su- 
perstitions of two foreign religions, such is the 
measure of their credulity. The subject will be 
more intelligible if I enumerate a few of them. The 
Banaspati are evil spirits that inhabit lai^e trees, 
and wander about at night doing mischief. The 
B&rkasahan are evil genii who inhabit the air, 
wandering about without any fixed habitation. The 
Dammit are good genii in human form, the tute« 

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laryprotectors of houses and yillages. The Prayan^ 
gan are beautiful genii of female forms, who bewitch: 
man, and occasion madness ; they inhabit trees, diweXU 
ing chiefly on the banks of rivers. The Kdbo Kit^ 
male are evil. male genii, usually presenting them- 
selves in the shape of buffaloes, but often taking 
the form <of husbands to deceive wives ; they 
are the patrons of thieves and robbers* The 
Wewe are malignant spirits, in the form of gigan- 
tic females, who carry off infimts. The Dadungd 
awu protect the wild animals of the forest, and are 
the patrons of the hunter. In Bali, as will be seen 
in the account of that island, the bulk of the peo- 
ple, notwithstanding their profession of Hinduism^ 
have peopled the elements, mountains, and forested 
with their local deities, assigning a tutelary god to 
each state or province, and erecting temples ta 
them. There is little doubt but Hinduism in 
Java was on the very same footing. * The inhabi* 
tants of the Indian islands are not in a state of so^ 
ciety to relish the laborious subtleties, and the 
troublesome ceremonies of the Hindu religion and 
ritual, and there is no doubt but the Brahmins 

* The people of the Moluccas had the same form of refigiom 
'• They knew of no God," says Yalentyn, ** but maintained that 
every province had its demon, that plagued or protected it as 
he thought proper, on whom, in danger or aflictiofl) they al« 
ways e9\\ed.'*^Vakntymy Deel I. 

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found it for their interest not to insist upon a too 
rigid adherence to them. We may be certain that 
the Hindu religion was not established in Java 
with that inveterate and unsociable character whidi 
distinguishes it in Western India. The distinction 
into casts was but barely established; of the third, 
or mercantile class, I see no mention made at all. 
In so rude a state of society as that which existed 
in Java, we cannot, indeed, contemplate more 
than three orders ;— the priests, — the rulers, or 
military, — and the people, or servile body. The 
priests of Hinduism could readily make such an 
arrangement ; it was, in fact, nearly made to their 
hands, but the existence of a middle order, or 
m^xantile class, implies a considerable advance in 
the march of industry and improvement, and such 
a body, even a religious law could not create* The 
four casts, it may, to be sure, be alleged, exist 
in Bali, but in that island the arrangement is of 
a more modem date, and belongs to a more im- 
proved, period of society; slavery exists in that 
island, and slaves are denominated the servile class, 
while the actual cultivators of the soil are the mer- 
cantile. In the ancient laws of the Javanese, no 
distinction* it is singular, is made in the award of 
punishment in favour of the Brahman, one of the 
most remarkable features in the laws of the genu- 
ine Hindus ; but a distinction is always made, on 
the other hand, in favour of the king. This may 

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be looked upcm as a convincing proof that the an- 
cient Javanese lived under a despotic government, 
but that the tyranny of the priesthood was not 
established in the revolting manner in which it 
prevails in India. 

On the subject of religious purity and pollu- 
tions, the observances of the Javanese appear not 
to have been very rigid. In their Niti Sastra there 
is a passage which recommends to persons qfrank 
not to eat dogs, rats, snakes, lizards, and caterpil- 
lars. . The practice of using these disgusting ani- 
mals as food must have been frequent, or the in- 
junction were unnecessary. 

The ancient Javanese believed in the doctrine 
of the transmigration of souls, and in that of future 
rewards and punishments, but of all the practices 
recommended by the Hindu religion, penances 
and austerities, and the sacrifice of the widow on 
the iuneral pile of the husband, are those alone 
which the ancient Javanese seem to have carried 
to an excess which vied with that of theii masters, 
or rather indeed surpassed it. * 

* A great diversitj of religious practice in matters of exter- 
nal ceremony, no doubt, prevailed in the different Islands. The 
sacrifice of the hog^ however, an animal which abounds in incre- 
dible numbers in every country of the Archipelago, was pro- 
bably general. The following curious account of a sacrifice 
•f this nature is extracted from Pigafetta.— '^ Puisque je 

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viens de parler des idoles, je vais raconter k fotre seigneurie 
quelqaes*une8 de kurs c6r6n]onie8 supcrfftitieuses, doDt 
Tune est celle de la benediction du cocbon. On commence 
cette cereroonie par baltre des grandcs timballes. On porte 
ensuite trois grands plals, dont deux sont cbargcs de pois- 
son i6ti et de gateaux de riz .et de millet cuit, enveiopp§s 
daos des feuilles ; sur I'autre il y a des draps de toile de 
Cambaie et deux bandes dr toile de palmier. On 6tend par 
terre un de ces linceuiis de toile* Alors viennent deux vieilles 
femmes, dont chacune tient h la main une grande trompette 
de roscau. Elles se placeut sur le drap, font une salutation 
au soleil, et s*envcloppent des autrcs draps de toile qui ^toient 
sur le plat. La premiere de ces deux Yieilles se couvre la 
t^te d'un mouchoir qu'elle lie sur sou front, de mani^re qu'il 
y forme- deux conies ; et prenant un autre mouctioir dans ses 
mains, elle danse et sonne en mSme tems de .la trompette, en 
invoquant de tems en tems le soleiL Lautre vieille prcnd une 
des bandes de toile de palmier, danse et sonne egalement de 
sa trompette^ et se tournant vera le soleil lui addresse, quel- 
ques mots. La premiere saisit alors I'autre bande de toile de 
palmier, jette le mouchoir qu'elle tenoil k la maio, et toutes 
les deux sonnent ensemble de leurs trompettes et dansent long- 
tems autour du cochon qui est M et couch^ par terre. Pen- 
dant ce tems la premiere parle toujours d'une voix basse au 
soleil, tandift que Tautre lui r^pond. Apr^s cela on presente 
line tasse de vin k la premiere, qu'elle preiid, sans cebser de 
darner et de s'addresser au soleil, I'approche quatre ou cinq 
Cois de sa bouche en feignant de vouloir boire, raais elle verse 
la liqueur sur le coeur du cochon. Elle* rend ensuite la tasse, 
et on lui donne une lance, qu'elle agite, toujours en dansant 
et parlant et la dirige plusieurs fois contre le coeur du cuchon» 
qu'elle perce k la fin d'outre en outre d'un coup prompt et 
bien mesur^. AussitOt qu'elle a retire la lance de la blessure^ 
on 1& ferme et on la pause avec des herb?s salutair^ Du- 
lant toute cette ceremonie il y a un flambeau allum^> que la 

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Tieille qui a perc£ le cochon prend et met dans sa bouche 
pour l'6teindre* L'autre vieille trempe dans le sang du co« 
ebon le bout de sa trompette dont elle va toucber et ensang- 
lanter le front des assistans, en commengant par celui de son 
man ; mais elle ne vint pas ^ nous. Cela fini les deux vieil- 
les se d^sbabillenty mangent ce qu'on avoit apport^ dans lea 
deux premiers plats et invitent lea femmes, et non les bommes, 
it manger avec elles. On d^pile ensuite le cocl^on au feu. 
Jamais on ne mange de cet animal qu'il n'ait 6t6 auparavant 
purifi6 de cette mani^rci et il n'y a que de vieilles femmet 
qui puissent faire cette c6r6monie/'— Fremirr Voyage OMtwiT 
iu Monde, p. 113, lU, 115. 

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The Hindu Religion at present nearly confined to the Island 
of Bali. — The National Religion of Bali is the Worship 
ofSitiMf and a small number of Buddhists only exist, — The 
Sitoais,as in Hindustan^ divided into Jour great Casts^^^ 
The BraJimins and Higher Classes genuine Hindus^ hut the 
Lamer Orders left to practise their heal superstitions.^^ 
The Brahmins intrusted with the Administration of Justice. 

, — jPira? Prejudices on Hhe subject of Diet.^^No Religious 
MendicantSy and no practice of painful Austerities. — 5a- 
erffice of the Widow on the Funeral Pile of her Husband, 
and* Immolation of l^ves and Domestics with deceased 
Princes. — Interesting Quotation Jrom a Dutch Narrative, 
'-^Quotation Jrom the Voyage of Cavendish. — Bodies of 
the Dead Bumed.^^Two great Religious Festivals.^^Bali' 
nese have adopted the Indian Era and Kalender. — List of 
their Religious Books. — The Worship of Siwa when intro^ 
duced.'^Existence of Hinduism in Bali after the conversion 
of the other Civilized Tribes accounted fan 

W^iTH the partial exception of a few moun- 
taineers in the eastern end of Java, the Hindu 
religion, as far a« I know, has been banished 
from every country of the Archipelago, except 
the island of Bali, where it is at present near- 
ly the only form of worship* I visited this i6<* 

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tend in 1814i, and communicated the. result of 
my inquiries concerning its religion, in a paper 
to the Anatic Society, which they did me the 
honour to print in the l9st volume of their Trans- 
actions. The principal matter of that essay I shall 
now transcribe. 

The great body of the Balinese are Hindus of 
the sect of Siwa, and there are a few Buddhists 
among them ; with the latter I had no communi- 
^cation, and, therefore, it is regarding the former 
only that I can furnish any precise information. 
The followers of Stwa in Bali are, as in Western 
India, divided into four great classes or casts, 
namely, a priesthood, a soldiery, a mercantile class, 
and a servile class, respectively called BrahmanOj 
Satrnfa^ Wisiyaj and Sudra. The following origin 
of the casts was distinctly stated to me by the 
Brahmins, without any leading question. " The 
god Brahma produced the Brakmana from his 
mouth, which imports wisdom,— -the Satrh/a from 
his chest, which imports strength, — ^the Wish/a 
from the abdomen, which implies that it is his busi- 
ness to furnish subsistence to the society ; and the 
Sudra from his feet, which implies, that he is des- 
tined to obedience and servitude.'^ The institu- 
tion of the casts the Balinese term Chatur-'Jabna. 
The superior classes may take concubines from the 
lower, but the opposite practice is strictly inter- 
dicted. The offipring of such unions form, as in 

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Contineiital IndiAf a variety of new casts. A 
l^Fal marriage, however, can only be contracted 
between persons of the same cast, so that the foinr 
great classes are thus preserved distinct. There 
exists a class of outcasts, called by the Indian 
name Chandala ; they are held impure, and being 
excluded from associating with their fellow sub- 
jects, they occupy the outskirts of the villages. 
Potters, dyers, dealers in leather, distillers, and 
dealers in ardent spirits, are of this order. 

The Brahmins of Bali may be considered ge- 
nuine Hindus, but in general the people are left 
to their local superstitions, consisting of the wor- 
ship of personifications of the elements, and of the 
most striking natural objects which surround them. 
' The deity thus created, ranks in proportion to his^ 
supposed power, and the importance of the duties 
assigned to him. Every nation in Bali has its 
peculiar tutelary god, and the villages, mountains, 
forests, and rivers, have their respective guardians. 
To these deities rude temples are constructed, in 
which the lower orders, usually Wisiyas 9Jid SudraSj 
and never Brahmins, officiate as priests. These 
persons so officiating are called Mdinangku or 
guardians* The Brahmans declared to me that 
they worshipped no idol whatever, not even those 
of the Hindu mythology. In the part of Bali 
which I visited, although temples were numerous, 
there certainly were none dedicated to pure Hin- 

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doism. Sucb, however, I am informed, do exist 
in other parts of the island. 

The Brahmins are treated with great respect, 
and contrary to the practice of India, which places 
the magistracy in the hands of the military class, 
are entrasted with the administration of justice, 
civil and criminal. The princes and chiefs are 
usually of the military order, but this is not in- 
variable, for the princes of the family of Karang^ 
asam. the most powerful in the island, and who, 
of late years, conquered the neighbouring Maha- 
medan island of Lombok, are of the mercantile or- 
der, a fact which shows, that the institution of the 
easts is not tenaciously adhered to. 

The Brahmans, in external appearance, are 
easily distinguished from the inferior classes, for 
the former wear the hair long, and tie it in a knot 
at the back of the head, as in India, while the 
latter invariably crop it short ; neither they, how- 
ever, nor the other twice^bom casts, wear the dis-^ 
tinguishing thread of the «uperior orders. In 
conformity to their profession of being sectaries of 
Siwa, the Balinese pay their principal adoration to 
Mahadewa, whom they generally designate Prama 
Siwa, or the Lord Siwa, but be is known to them 
also by many of the epithets under which he is 
recognized in India, such as Kala, Anta-pati^ 
Nilakanta, Jagat-natfl, &c. In their solemn in- 
.yocations, the Balinese frequently prefix to his 

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name the sacred triliteral syllable aiim, pronooB- 
ced by them ongy as in the expression ofig Siwa 
Chatur-baja^ *^ adoration to Siwa with the four 
arms/' I did not observe that the Balinese made, 
like the Hindus, any scruple to pronounce thia 
sacred and mystical syllable. 

The perpetual and tiresome routine of ceremo* 
nies practised by the genuine Hindu are generally^ 
as far as I could discover, neglected by the Ba- 
linese ; and the strange and wanton prejudices 
on the .subject of food are paid little regard to by 
the body of the people, who eat beef without 
scruple^ and among whom the domestic Jowl and 
hog a£Pord the most favourite articles of diet. The 
Brahmins are more scrupulous, and abstain from 
every species of animal food, confining themselves 
to what is barely vegetable ; some of the more 
meritorious even restrict themselves to roots and 

In Bali I could discover no religious mendi- 
cants. In a fruitful sdl, understocked with in- 
habitants, and where the priesthood possess valu- 
able temporal authority, there is less occasioB to 
seek for spiritual distinction. Those whimsical 
and extravagant acts of self-mortification which 
have made the Hindu devotee so fiunous, are un- 
known to the Ascetics of Bali, whose severest 
penances consist of— -abstinence from some descrip- 

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tions of food, — seclusioii from the society of man- 
kind in caves and forests, — and sometimes, but not 
very frequently, in celibacy. 

Of the Hindu customs which obtain among the 
Balinese, the only one of which the certainty has 
been long ascertained among foreigners, is the 
sacrifice of the widow on the funeral pile of the 
husband. In Bali this practice is carried to an 
excess unknown even to India itself. When a 
wife ofiers herself, the sacrifice is termed Satya ; 
when a concubine, slave, or other domestic, Bela^ or 
retaliation. A woman of any cast may sacrifice her- 
self in this manner, but it is most frequent with 
those of the military and mercantile classes. It very 
seldom happens that a woman of the servile class 
thus sacrifices herself; and, what is more extraor- 
dinary, one of the sacred order nefoer does. The 
sacrifice is confined, as far as I could learn, to the 
occasion of the death of princes and persons of high 
rank. Perhaps the most remarkable circumstance 
connected with these sacrifices in Bali is the in- 
credible number of persons who devote them- 
selves. The Raja of BlelUng stated to me, that, 
when the body of his father, the chief of the fa- 
mily of KarangMom, was burnt, seventy-four 
women sacrificed themselves along with it. In 
the yeur 1813 twenty women sacrificed them- 
selves on the fungal pile of Wayahan JUantegf^ 

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miother prince of the same family. I am satis* 
fied, from the conversations which I held on this 
subject with some Mahomedans of Bah\ whom I 
met in Java, that no compulsion is used on these 
occasions, but abundance of over-persua3ion and 

From some circumstances connected with this 
strange custom, I am strongly inclined to believe 
that it was not entirely of foreign origin, but an 
original custom of the Indian islanders modified 
by the Hindus. The practice of sacrificing the 
living in honour of the dead, it must be/recoUect-^ 
ed, is not an arbitrary institution of Hindustan^ 
but has been found to obtain in other parts of the 
world where priestcraft or despotism have assumed 
an early empire. The sacrifice, it may be observ- 
ed, is performed, only in honour of a chief ; — ^his fe-? 
male domestics in numbers sacrifice themselves as 
well as his wives ;— and the genuine name of the 
Hindu sacrifice is confined to the former, while 
the ns^ne of the latter is a native term imply- 
ing retaliation or retribution^ in strict conformity 
with one of the most prevailing sentiments of the 
human paind in the earliest stages of social exist- 
ence. A similar institution, under a similar name, 
prevailed in Java before the conversion, and I 
have no doubt that one parallel to that of the 
It^atchez of America prevailed, very generally, ii| 


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the Indian islands, wherever arbitrary and des- 
potic authority was fully established. * 

* Pigafetta gives us the following singular account of a fu- 
neral ceremony at Zebu, one of the Philippines, which, iu the 
progress of despotism, may be readily supposed to assume the 
form of the horrid cereniony practised by the people of Bali* 
*' A la mort d'un de leurs chefs on fait ^gglement des c^remo* 
nies singulieres, ainsi que j'en ai 6te Je t^moio. Les femmes 
Ics plus consider6es d.u pay^ se rendirent ^ la maison du mort, 
au milieu de laqucHe le cadavre 6toit plac^ dans une caisse, 
aulour de laquellc on tendit des conies pour former une esp^ce 
d'enceinte. On attacha k ces cordes des branches d*arbres ; 
et au milieu de ces branches on suspend it des draps de coton 
en forme dc pavilion. C'est sous ces pavilions que s'assirent 
les femmes dent je viens de parler couvertes d'un drap blanc. 
Chaque femme avoit une suivante, qui la refraichlssoit avec 
un 6ventail de palmier. Les autres femmes ^toient assises d'un 
air triste tout autour de la chambre. II y en avi>it une parmi 
elles qui avec un couteau coupa peu d peu les cheveuz du 
mort. Une autre, qui en avoit 6t6 la femme principale (car 
quoiqu*un homme puisse avoir autantde femmes qu'il lui plait, 
une seule est la principale,) s'6tendit sur lui de fagoa qu'elle 
avoit sa bouche, ges mains et ses pieds, sur sa bouche, sur ses 
mains et sur ses pieds. Tandis qye la premidre coupoit les 
chereau, celle*ci pleroit ; et elle cbantoit quand la premiere 
s'arr^toit Tout autour de It^ chambre il y aroit plusieurs 
rases de porcelaine remplis de feu, oii Ton jetoit de tems en 
terns de la myrrhe, du storax et du benjoin, que r^pandoient 
yne odeur fort agrdable. Ces c6r6monies continuent cioq a 
six jours, pendant lesquels le mort ne sort pas de la maii^D ; 
je crois qu'oi) a spin de Tembaumer avec du camphre pour le 

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In the year 1638, four years after the last at- 
tack on Batavia by the sultan of Mataram, the 
Dutch, dreadmg a renewal of hostilities on the 
part of that prince, sent a mission to the island of 
Bali to request the assistance of the prince of Ge/« 
gelf who appears at that time to have been sole 
sovereign of the island. The manuscript account 
of this mission has been translated by Mons. Pre- 
vost, and affords an interesting and most curious 
account of the funeral ceremonies of the Balinese 
princes. The ambassadors found the king in the 
deepest affliction on account of the death of his 
two eldest son3, and the dangerous illness of big 
queen, who, in fact, also died soon after their ar- 
rivaL No business could be transacted until after 
that princess's funeral, which the king, according 
to the Dutch statement, gave orders, in compli- 
ment to the Europeans, should take place in eight 
days, although, in conformity to ancient usage, 
the ceremony eught not to have taken place earlier 
than a month and seven days after death. The 
Dutch narrative proceeds as follows. '^ The same 
day, about noon, the queen's body was burnt with- 
out the city, with two and twenty of her female 
slaves ; and we eonsider ourselves bound to render 

pr^rvcr de la putrefaction. On IVntcrre enfin dans ie m^me 
cai»8e,qu'on ferme avec des chevilles de bois, dans lecime* 
tidre qui est un endroit enclos et couvert d'ais."**?. 115, 116. 

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an exact accouYit of the barbarous ceremonies prac- 
tised in this place on such occasions as we were 
eye-witnesses to. The body was drawn out of a 
large aperture made in the wall to the right hand 
side of the door, in the absurd opinion of cheaU 
ing the devil^ whom these islanders believe to lie in 
wait in the ordinary passage. * The female slaves 
destined to accompany the dead went before, ac- 
cording to their ranks, those of lowest rank tak- 
ing the lead, each supported from behind by an 
old woman, and carried on a Badi^ skilfully con- 
structed of bamboos, and decked all over with 
flowers, t There were placed before, a roasted pig, 
some rice, some beteU and other fruits, as an offeringto 
their gods, and these unhappy victims of the most 
direful idolatry are thus carried in triumph, to the 
sound of different instruments, to the place where 
they are to be in the sequel poignarded and con- 
sumed by fire. Each there found a particular scaf- 
fold prepared for her, nearly in the form of a 
trough, raised upon four short posts, and edged 
on two sides with planks. After moving three 

* It it almost unnecessary to say, that this cannot have becu 
the true account of the superstitious practice in question. 
Early European voyagers are in the constant habit of ob- 
truding their own mythological opinions upon tts as those of 
the natives* 

t The Badi is a kind of litter. 

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times round in a circle, at the lame pace at which 
they arrived^ and still sitting in their litters, they 
were forthwith taken out of their vehicles, one 
after another, in order to be placed in the troughs. 
Presently five men, and one or two women, ap- 
proached them, pulling off all the flowei's with 
'which they were adorned, while, at each occaaion, 
holding their joined hands above their heads, they 
raised the pieces of the offering which the other 
women posted behind, laid hold of, and threw upon 
the ground, as well as the flowers. Some of the at- 
tendants set loose a pigeon or a fowl, to mark by that 
that their soul was on the point of taking its flight 
to the mansions of the blessed. 

<' At this last signal they were divested of all their 
garments, except their sashes; and four of the men 
seizing the victim, two by the arms, which they 
held out extended, and two' by the feet, the vic- 
tim standing, the fiflh prepared himself for the 
execution, the whole being done without cover- 
ing the eyes. 

^* Some of the most courageous demanded the 
poignard themselves, which they received in the 
right hand, passing it into the left, afler respect- 
fully kisSing the' weapon. They wounded their 
right arms, sucked the blood which flowed from 
the wound, and stained their lips with it, making 
with the point of the finger a bloody mark on the 
forehead. Then returning the dagger to their ex^ 

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ilELtOfON OF BALI. f47 

ecutioners, they received a first stab between the ^ 
lal^e ribs, and a second, from the same side, under 
the shoulder blade, the weapon being thrust up to 
the hilt, in a slanting direction, towards the heart* 
As soon as the horrors of death were visible in the 
countenance, without a complaint escaping them, 
they were permitted to fall prone on the ground, their 
limbs were pulled from behind, and they were strip* 
ped of the last remnant of their dress, so that they 
were left in a state of perfect nakedness. 

"The executioners receive, as their reward, two 
hundred and fifty pieces of copper money, of about 
the value of five sols each. The nearest relations, 
if they be present, or persons hired for the occa* 
sion if they are not come, after the execution, and 
wash the bloody bodies, and having sufficiently 
cleaned them, they cover them with wood in such 
a manner, tliat the head only is visible, and» bav« 
ing applied fire to the pile, they are consumed to 

" The women were already poignarded, and the 
greater number of them in flames, before the dead 
body of the queen arrived, borne on a superb 
Badif of a pyramidal form, consisting of eleven 
steps, and supported by a number of persons pro- 
portioned to the rank of the deceased. At each 
side of the body were seated two women, one 
holding an umbrella, and the other a flapper of 
horse*hair, to drive away the insects. Two priests 

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preceded tiieBadi^ in vehicles of a particular form^ 
holding each in one hand a cord attached to the 
Badi, as if giving to understand that they led 
the deceased to heaven, and ringing in the 
other a little bell, while such a noise of gangs, ta- 
hours, flutes, and other instruments, is made, that 
the whole ceremony has less the air of a funeral 
procession than of a joyous village festival. 

''When the dead body had passed the funeral pile& 
arranged in its route, it was placed upon its own, 
which was forthwith lighted, while the chair, couch, 
&c* used by the deceased in her lifetime, were also 
burnt* The assistants then regaled themselves with 
a feast, while the musicians, without cessation, 
struck the ear with a tumultuous melody, not un- 
pleasingv This continues until evening, when 
the bodies being consumed, the relatives and chiefs 
return home, leaving a guard for the protection .of 
the bones. On this occasion the bones of the 
queen only were preserved, the rest having ^een 
gathered up and thrown away. 

'^ On the following day the bones of the queen 
were carried back to her former habitation, with a 
ceremony equal in pomp to that of the preceding 
day, and here the following forms were observ* 
ed. Every day a number of vessels of silver^ 
brass, and earth, filled with water, accompanied 
by a band of musicians and pikemen, are carried 
thither. Those who bear them are preceded by 
two young boys carrying green boughs, marching 

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before others carrying — the mirror, — ^the vest, — the 
loose garment, — the beteUbox^ and other conve- 
niences' of the deceased. The bones are devoutly 
washed during a month and seven days, after 
which, being placed in a convenient litter, they 
are conveyed by the same retinue as was the body, 
to a place called Labee^ where they are entirely 
burnt, and the ashes carefully collected in urns, 
and cast*into the sea at a certain distance from the 
beach, which terminates the ceremony, 

** When a prince or a princess of the royal family 
dies, their women or slaves run round the body» 
uttering cries and frightful bowlings, and all 
eagerly solicit to die for their master or mistress. 
The king, on the following day, designates, one by 
one, those of whom he makes choice. From that 
moment, to the last of their lives, they are 
daily conducted, at an early hour, each in her 
vehicle, to the sound of musical instruments, with* 
out the town, to perform their devotions, having 
their feet wrapped in white linen, for it is no 
more permitted to them to touch the bare earth, 
because they are considered as consecrated. The 
young women, little skilled in these religious ex* 
ercises, are instructed in them by the aged women, 
who accompany them, and who, at the same time, 
confirm them in their resolution. 

'* A woman, on the demise of her husband, i^ 
pears daily before the corpi^e, oifering it viands. 

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but seeing that it will not partake, she resumes, at 
each time, the usual lamentations, carrying her 
aflSiction so far for three or four days, as to kiss 
the body, and bathe it all over with her tears. 
This mourning, however,- only lasts until the even- 
ing before the funeral rites. Those who have de- 
voted themselves, are made to pass that night in 
continual dancing and rejoicing, without being per- 
mitted to close an eye. All pains are taken to 
give them whatever tends to the gratification of 
their senses, and from the quantity of wine which 
they take, few objects are^ capable of terrifying 
their imaginations. Besides, they are inflamed 
by the promises of their priests, and their, mis- 
taken notions of the joys of another state of exist- 

" No woman or slave, however, is obliged to fol- 
low this barbarous custom. Yet, even those who 
have desired to submit to it, and have not been 
accepted, as well as those who have not offered 
themselves, are alike shut up for the remsdnder of. 
their lives, in a convent, without being permitted 
the sight of man. If any one should find means 
to escape from her prison, and is afterwards taken, 
her fate is instantly decided ; she is poignarded,-^ 
dragged through the streets,— and her body cast to 
the dogs to be devoured, the most ignominious 
foim of inflicting death in that country. 

^* At the funeral of the king's two sons who died 

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a short time before, forty-two women of the one^ 
and thirty-four of the other, were poignarded and 
burnt in the manner above described ; but on such 
occasions the princesses of royal blood leap them* 
selves at once into the flames, as did at this parti* 
cular time the principal wives of the princes in 
question, because they would look upon them- 
selves as dishonoured by any one's laying hands 
on their persons. For this purpose a kind of 
bridge is erected over the burning pile, which 
they mount, holding in their hand a paper close to 
their foreheads, and having their robe tucked up 
under their arm. As soon as they feel the heat, 
they precipitate themselves into the burning pit, 
which is surrounded by a palisade of coco-nut stems* 
In case their firmness should abandon them at the 
appalling sight, a brother, or other near relative, js 
at hand to push them in, and render them, out of 
affection, that cruel office. 

" We were informed, that the first wife of the 
younger of the two princes just alluded to, who 
was daughter to the king's sister, asked her father^ 
who was prince of Couta, whether, as she was but 
three months married, and on account of her ex* 
tremc youth, she oUght to devote herself on the 
funeral pile of Iter deceased husband. Her father, 
less alive to the voice of nature than to the pre- 
judices of his nation, represented to her so strong- 
ly the disgrace she would, by preferiing to live. 

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bring upon herself and all her family, that the 
unfortunate young woman, summoning all her 
courage, gaily leapt into the flames, which were 
already devouring the dead body of her hus-^ 

** On the death of the reigning king, the whole 
of his wives and concubines, sometimes to the num- 
ber of a hundred, or a hundred and fifty, devote 
themselves to the flames. None of them are pre vious- 
ly poignarded, a distinction confined to this occa- 
sion. As they are at such a time permitted to 
walk without restraint, it happened, at the funeral 
of the late king of Bali, that one of his women, as 
she was preparing to follow the example of her 
companions, lost her courage at sight of the 
dreadful preparations. She had sufficient presence 
of mind, in approaching the bridge, to ask leave to 
withdraw for a moment on some common pretext, 
which being granted without any suspicion, she be- 
took herself to flight with all possible speed. The^ 
singularity of the circumstance, rather than any mo* 
tive of compassion, saved her life, and gave her her 
freedom. We were assured that she came daily 
to the public market to sell provisions, but that she 
was regarded by all persons of rank with the lasl^ 
degree of contempt, though custom had taiight her 
to bear with the most cruel raillery. 

<< Another object of contempt among this people^ 
and for a reason sufficiently singular, is the female 

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daye to whose lot it falls to wash the dead body of 
her mistressi during the month and seven days be- 
fore the funeral rites. It is^ in ftct, for the per- 
formance of this task that her life is saved, and li- 
berty afterwards given to her to retire where she 
pleases into the country, to earn her livelihood. 

** To obviate the infection which would otherwise 
be generated by preserving the dead bodies so long 
in a climate of such excessive heat, they are oblig- 
ed daily* to rub them with, salt, and with pepper, 
and other aromatics, so that they fall away to mere 
skin and bone. Afterwards these drugs, which 
form a coat of four or five inches thick, are washed 
off, and it is in this state that the bodies are burnt. 
The coffin, which contains the body, is perforated at 
the bottom, to permit the animal fluids to run eff, 
and these are received into a vessel, which is daily 
emptied with much ceremony.''^ 

The province of Blambangan^ composing the 
eastern extremity of Java, was, ^own to very late 
years, subject to the Balinese, and chiefly inhabit- 
ed by that people. Cavendish, in his circumnavi* 
gation of the globe, passed through the straits 
betw;een Java and Bali, touching at the former 
island. Purchas gives the. following curious 

• Histoire General des Voyages, Tom. XVII. p. 52, et 

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account of the ceremony alluded to in the text, as 
received by Cavendish and his companions from 
the Portuguese : — " The custome of the countrey 
is, that whensoeuer the king doth die, they take 
the body so dead, and bume it, and preserue the 
ashes of him, and within fine dayes next after, the 
wiues of the sud king so dead, according to the 
custome and vse of their countrey, euery one of 
them goe together to a place appointed, and the 
chiefe of the women, which was nearest vnto him 
in accompt, hath a ball in her hand, and throweth 
it from her, and to the place where the ball rest-^ 
eth, thither they goe all, and turn their faces to 
the eastward, and euery one, with a dagger in their 
hand, (which da^er they call a crises and is as 
sharpe as a razor,) stab themselues to the heart, 
and with their hands all to bebathe themselves in 
their owne blood, and falling grouelling on their 
faces, so ende their dayes. This thing is as true* 
as it seemeth to ?ny hearer to be strange.*' * 

♦ Purchas's Pilgrims, Vol. I. B. 2. p. 6«. 

The testimony of Pigafetta confirms the existence of the 
practice in Java. ** On nous dit que c'e&t I'usage h Java de 
briiler les corps des principaux qui meurent ; et que la fenme 
qu'il aimoit le plus est distin6e k Stre brAl^es toute vivante 
dans Ic meme feu. Ornee dc guirlandes de fleurs, elle se fait 
porter par quatre hommes sur un si^ge par toute la viile, et 
d'un air riant et tranquille elle console ses pafen^qui pleurent 
sa mort prochaine en leur dissant ; * Je vais ce soir souper aveo 

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I had written my account of the funeral rites of 
the Balinese princes, before readuig either the nar- 
rative of the Dutch envoys, or the above passage in 
Furchas, and I have since made no alteration, that 
the reader may have m opportunity of comparing 
it with those earlier accounts, and drawbg his own 

The Hindus of Bali, like those of India, bum 
the bodies o£ their dead ; but differ from the latter 
in this singular particular, that they keep the dead 
body for an extraordinary length of time previous 
to consuming it* The bodies of persons of the 
lowest condition are usually kept for several weeks, 
and those of persons of rank often for a year, nay 
sometimes even for two. A fortunate day must 
be determined upon by the Brahmins for burning 
the body, and, during the interval, it is embahned 
and preserved, in an apartment for the purpose. 

The Balinese have two great religious festivals, 
followed the one by the other at an interval often 
days, and repeated twice a-year. The first, in 
point of time, is called GaJungan, and is of five 

XDon mari, et cette nuit je coucherai avec lui. Arriv^e au 
bucher ellc Ics console de nouveau par les m^me discours, et 
se jette dans les flammes qui la devorent. Si elle s'y rcfusoit, 
elle ne seroit plus regard6e comme une femine honndte ni 
comme une bonne epouse.' '' French trauslatioi) from H^ 
original manuscript, p. 217* 

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days duration ; the second Kuningatif and is of 
two days duration. These festivals occur in De- 
cember and June» or at the winter and summer 
solstices, the first when the great rice crop is sown, 
and the second when it is reaped. They are 
dedicated to the worship of the gods, to festivi- 
ty and rejoicing. All serious occupation ia inter- 
rupted, and even war, at all other times carried on 
with the relentless ferocity common to barbarians, 
is held unlawful during the celebration of these 
^festivals. From the seasons at which they occur, 
and the native names by which they are designated, 
I am inclined to consider them as native rather 
than foreign institutions, or perhaps at furthest, but 
as modified by the Hindus. 

Tiie Balinese have generally adopted the Indian 
chronology, and the era of Salivana, which they call 
Saka warsa chandra. 

Besides the works current among the ancient 
Javanese, and of which an account is given under 
the head of Literature, the Balinese Brahmins of 
the worship of Siwa supplied me with the follow- 
ing list of works, containing the peculiar doctrines 
of their own sect. Agama^^AdigamO'Sarsa* 
muscliai/agama — Dewagama — Maiswaralatwa-^ 
Wiyawaraha — Dustakalabaya — Slokantaragama 
"-^Satmagama, and Gamiyagamana. They com- 
plained of the loss of other religious works, and 

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made anxious inquiry reqpeciing their exiatence in 

Tlie religion of Siwa was introduced in Bali be- 
tween three and four hundred years ago, previous 
to which the reigning religion was Buddhiam. 
The following is the account of this revoluticm fur- 
nished to me by the Brahmins themselves. A few 
years previous to the Mahomedan conversion of the 
Javanese, there arrived in Java, from KaUngiij a num- 
ber of Brahmins, of the sectof Siwa, whoreceivedpro- 
tection from Browijoyo,.the last Hindu sovereign of 
Mqjopahit. Soon after the overthrow of that state, 
they fled to Bali under their leader Wahu BahUj 
and there disseminated their doctrines. The pre- 
sent generation are, by their own account, the 
tenth in descent from Wahu Baku and his com- 

The fact of the Hindu religion existing in the 
little island of Bali, after the conversion to Maho- 
medanism, appears at first sight singular. This 
phenomenon is to be ascribed to a variety of circum- 
stances, such as hostility to the Mahomedan re- 
ligion, on the part of the Hindu refugees from 
Java, who are known, when persecuted, to have 
fled to Bali in considerable numbers, — ^the adop- 
tion of another new religion on the part of the Ba* 
linese, but probably, above all, the inaccessibili- 
ty of the shores of Bali, the only civilized and po- 
pulous country of the Archipelago^ destitute of 

VOJL. II. * R 

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harbours, and even of tolerably safe anchoring 
ground. This has kept away the Mahomedan 
Hierchants, by whose means Islam was propagat* 
ed in the other countries of the Archipelago. At 
present the Balinese, without hating the Mahome- 
dhin religion, or persecuting its followers, show no 
amall degree of jealousy of it. 

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Indian Islanders throughout are of the orthodox creed, fd^ 
hmng almost invariahly the doctrines of S^iqfihi. — The 
doctrines of the Imams have never Jbund their VMy into the 
Archipelago. — Malays considered among their neighbotirt 
the best Mahomedans, — In religious sentiment all the tribes 
are liberal and tolerant — State of Mahomedanism in Java. 
^^The Mahomedan Festivals of Java modifications of thfi 
ancient Hindu ones. A Mahomedan Festival in Java dcm 
scribed. — Javanese Priests, their duties and offices. — Lotvcr 
orders of the Indian Islanders singularly inattentive both 
to the positive and negative precepts of the Koran.-^Anec* 
dotes in illustration of this* 

1 HE Indian islanders first received the religion of 
Mahomed from the orthodox land of Arabia, and 
the flame has been kept alive by the intercourse 
which has since subsisted with that country. All 
the tribes and nations of the Archipelago are, 
therefore, necessarily, nominally of the orthodox 
faith. Of the four great divisions of Mahome- 

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danism, deemed equally orthodox, the Indian 
islanders, with minute exceptions not worth men- 
tioning, are followers of the doctrines of Shafihi, 
the prevalent doctrines of Arabia, * and particular- 
ly of the maritime portions of that country, from 
whence proceeded the first apostles of Islam to the 
Indian islands. 

Among the Indian islanders there are no sec- 
taries of any description. The doctrines of the 
Imams, or of those who beliere in the divinity of 
All, have not found their way thither, and the few 
Malays who visit Siam alone have an opportunity 
of seeing a few straggling Shiahs or Rafzi^ as they 
call them, in that country. 

The Malayan tribes have the reputation of be- 
ing the most exemplary Mahomedans of the Ar« 
chipelago. On essential points they are sufficient- 
ly strict without being intolerant. Their superior 
instruction is owing to their longerand more intimate 
intercourse with their masters the Arabs, and the 
Mahomedans of the EJbtern coast of India ; and their 
liberality is to be ascribed to their extendve inter- 
course with men of various religious persuasions, 
with Hindus, Buddhists of farther India, Chinese, 
Christians, and Bigans of their own country. To 

* Sale*s Preliminary Discourse to his Translalioa of tli^ 

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the positive precepts of the Korai^ viz. attention to 
festivals^ — ^fasting, -p— prayer^ —attendance at the 
mosque^ — and performance of the pilgrimage, they 
are sufficiently attentive, but their vioktion of some 
of its negative precepts, as stated in another place, is 
open and flagrant : they are the greatest of gamb- 
lers, and the most determined consumers of intoxi- 
cating drugs. 

The state of Mahoraedanism in Java differs 
widely from that among the .maritime aod com* 
mercial tribes, and will demand a more particular 
account. Of all Mahomedans the Javanese are 
the most lax in their principles and practice, a 
singularity to be ascribed to theii* little intercourse 
with foreign Mahomedans, occasioned by the ex- 
elusion of the Arabs in particular, through the 
commercial jealousy of the Dutch, during a period 
of two hundred years. It will be necessary to fur« 
nish the reader with a review of the conduct of the 
Javanese in the various duties of a Mahomedan. 

The Javanese, like the Arabs, keep the two re- 
gular festivals prescribed by the Koran, the Id ul 
Fetre, and the Id id Kurban. To these they add 
a third and fourth, one in honour of ancestors, 
already mentioned, and a festival on the 12th of 
.the month of Rabbi ul ccwaU the alleged anniver- 
sary of the birth and death of the prophet. The 
first of these two is evidently a relic of their an- 
cient siiperstitiops^ and the la$t wasjnstituted, I 

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imagine, to supply tbe place of the ancient Hindu 
festivals, called in these countries the Galungan 
and Kuningarij which divided the year into two 
equal paits, and which in a civil, as well as reli- 
gious view, were considered as important seasons, 
for then the public revenue was paid, and all con- 
tracts concluded. The institution of this festival 
was, in all probability, a discreet concession made 
to the Javanese by the first Mahomedan mission- 
aries. The festival of the nativity or Mauludy and 
that which succeeds the Ramzan or Mahomedan 
lent, on the first of Shccwalj called rather ambigu- 
ouslj/ by the Hindu name of Puwasa, or the Jast, 
divide the year into nearly equal portions, and are 
now the principal festivals of the Javanese ; it is 
then that the public revenue is paid and all con- 
tracts made. 

Except the festival in honour of ancestors^ the 
others are celebrated in the same way, and are 
considered rather as occasions of rejoicing and fes- 
tivity, than of the performance of prayer and reli- 
gious duty. A description of them, as exhibited 
at the courts of the native princes, may gratify curio- 
sity, while it affords a new and unexpected picture 
of eastern customs and manners. Previous to these 
gi-eat festivals, the governors of provinces and other 
chiefs, with a numerous concourse of retainers and - 
followers, repair to court. At an early hour of the 
luoming of the festival, each, accompanied by his pco^ 

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fie, fully armed, attrad in their gala dresses, and, 
preceded by drums and music, proceed to the great 
square of the palace, and hold themselves in readi- 
ness to aj^ear at an appointed hour in the presence* 
Every part of the ceremony puts Mahomedan de« 
oorura at defiance. About the hour of ten the 
monarch makes his appearance in the idolatrous 
garb of his ancestors, decorated with ponderous 
golden bracelets, armlets, and finger rings rich 
with diamonds. The procession which attends 
him consists of persons whimsically dressed in the 
ancient costume ^of Java, and a great number are 
women, in contempt of the usual fastidiousness of 
Mahomedan nations. The most conspicuous of 
tlie group are the handsomest of the concubines of 
the prince himself, bearing the ancient regalia of 
a Javanese monarch, of which the most remark* 
ably in contrast to Mahomedan pi'ecept, are the 
golden figures of a ru^a or snake, — of an animal of 
the goose kind,— and of a deen Some of the more 
aged women appear in the procession with arms in 
their feeble hands. In the native language these 
last are called Lang^asira, or Lang&fukusuma^ 
which imply, as much as, soldiers in play orjest^ 
terms sufSciently descriptive of their office. Such a 
whimsical anomaly in oriental manners, had pro«i 
bably its origin in no better foundation than the 
absurd and playful caprice of some ancient despot. 
The prince arriving at the Sitingil, or terrace of 

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ceremonies^ takes his seat on the throne, the chiefs 
of all ranks, from the highest to the lowest, squat- 
ting on the bare ground, the heir to the thrcme 
<mly being, when in high fiivour, admitted to a seat 
of some little distinction. The troops of alt descrip- 
tions, whether those of the household or the rabble 
militia of the provinces, then pass before the prioee 
in review, moving mostly according to the man* 
ners of the country in a strutting or dancing atti- 
tude, and exhibiting costumes the mml grotesque 
and ludicrous than can well be imagined. Some 
appear in the ancient dress, — others in the more mo^ 
dern garb of the country, and these to an Euro- 
pean are the most becoming; others superadd some 
of the more antiquated portions of tho costume qf 
HollamL The absurd solemnity of some of the 
jfigures, and the extravagant and wild gestures of 
others, afford to a stranger a trial too severe for 
the most determined gravity. 

The public charity to be distributed in confor- 
mity to the institutions of Mahomed, is now dis- 
played in slow procession, to the sound of a hun- 
dred bands of native music. It consists of dressed 
food, chiefly rice, piled up into a conical mass of 
four or five feet high, tastefully decorated with 
flowers, and each mass supported on a sepacate lit- 
ter, borne along by porters dressed for the occa- 
sion. From their shape and size, and still i%ore 
because they are thou^t to be emblematic <^ th^ 

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boiBity of tbe sovereigi^ tbese ioasses of food are 
emphatieaUy and figurativdy denominated ** moun- 
tains/' After being duly »hibited in procession^ 
they ave earried to the bouses of the nobles of rank» 
according to th^r me and qualities, and» being 
thiowA down in their court-yards, there ensues 
raiong the retainers c^ tbe chiefs an indecent but ' 
amicaUe senmble for them. 

That portion of the festivities of the day which 
have their origin in the connection with the £uro« 
pean authority, are not the least remarkable, or 
least at Tarianoe with the duties of good Mussel- 
mans. No sooner is the injuncticm oi the Koran, 
the distribution of charity complied with, than wine 
is served, and half a dozen bumpers are quafied 
off by the Mahomedan monarch and his subject^ 
to the health of their European allies and them- 
selves. The evening, by long established custom, 
is passed at the residency of the European chief, 
where may be seen every year the strange spec- 
tacle of a Mussulman prince and his court cele- 
Inrating the^fastival of the sacrifice^ or comme- 
morating the death and nativity ot the Prophet^ 
by a Bacchanalian feast in the house of a Chris- 

* The author has often had the honour of entertaining hit 
Highness the Sultan of Java on such occasions. 

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In most of the Mahomedan institations of the 
Javanese, we discover marks of Hinduism. The 
institutions of the latter have in reality been ra- 
ther modified and built upon than destroyed, and 
HI viewing them, we cannot withhold the tribute 
of our applause to the discreet and artftd conduct 
of the first Mahomedan teachers, whose temperate 
zeal is always marked by a politic and wise for- 
. bearance* The present priests of Java are the 
successors in office, and almost in duty, to the 
priest and astrologer of the Hindu village. The 
latter were entitled to a small share of the crop, 
and the same, under the legitimate Arabic name of 
Zakatf or alms, is now paid to the MahoQiedan 
priests. This, which ought by law to be a tithe, 
is but a 26th of the staple crop, and, by the fru- 
gal piety of the donor, who selects for his spi- 
ritual guide the smallest sheaf, often still less. 
The contribution is, indeed, strictly eleemosynary, 
but usage, prescription, and superstition, ren- 
der the payment more imperious and punctual 
than any municipal law could render it. This, 
with fees at marriages and funerals, and small gifts 
at festivals, constitute the incomes of the Javanese 
priests, who are a peaceful, contented, and re- 
spcetable portion of the Javanese peasantry, liv- 
ing in terms of perfect equality with the ordinary 

$<^either the prayers nor the fastings of the In* 

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dian islanders, commonly speaking, are very rigid, 
The lower orders know little, and care less, about 
these matters. * Such is the ignorance or careless- 
ness of some of them in Java, of which I can per- 
sonally speak, that they do not even know the 
name of the Prophet whose religion they profess 
to follow. Once when presiding in the Resident's 
court at Samarang, a peasant was about to give 
evidence on oath, when I directed him to be in- 
terrogated on the nature and obligations of the 
oath he was about to take. It came out that he 
had never heard the name of Mahomed, and, 

* *' The religion of these people i^ Mahomedanism, Friday 
is their Sabbath, but I did never see any difference that they 
^ake between this day and any other day, only the Sultan 
himself goes then to the mosque twice. Laja Laut never 
goes to the mosque, but prays at certain hours, eight or tea 
times in a day ; wherever he is, he is very punctual to his 
canonical hours^ and if he be on board, will go ashore on 
purpose to pray, for no business or company hinders him from 
this 4uty* yVhether hp is at home, or abroad,-T-in the house, 
or in a field, he leaves all his company, and goes about 100 
yards off, and then kneels down to his devotion. He first 
kisses the ground, then prays alond, and divers times in his 
prayers be kisses the ground, and does the same when he 
leaves off. His servants and wives and his children talk and 
sing, or play hotn ihctji please all the time, but himself is very 
serious. The meaner sort of people have little devotion ; I 
did never see any of them at their prayers^ or go into a mosque'^ 
^-Dampier's Voyages, Vol /I. p. 338» 

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when urged upon the subject, he pronounced with 
great simplicity the name of his village priest! 
The lower orders even display a most singular 
levity upon these points. In the vicinity of the 
town of Yugyakartay I met one evening a band of 
labourers returning from their work, and their ex- 
traordinary amusement was as follows : One of 
the party was repeating a verse of the Koran, 
which he had somehow acquired, and mimicking a 
preacher of tiieir acquaintance. When he had 
done, the rest applauded him by a loud shout, and 
a convulsive roar of laughter. He again repeated 
the verse, and received the same approbation, and 
this was their diversion as they passed on to their 
houses. I do not quote these cases as extraordi* 
nary examples, but as a true picture of the popu« 
lar feeling on the subject of religion. I do not 
mean, in general, to assert, that, in matters of re- 
ligion, the Javanese are incapable of conducting 
themselves with decorum, but certainly there is 
neither bigotry nor austerity in their religious be- 
lief, and most frequently it has not much solem* 
nity, and hardly ever any austerity. 

Some of the higher classes, noxv and then, pay 
a more sober and decent regard to the exterior ob- 
servances of religion, but it is not very general, and 
it is never severe. The late sultan of YugycLkarta^ 
who was a chief of a most kind and humane dis- 
position, used frequently to apprize me as a jok?, 

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that his mother had gone to the mosque to pray 
for herself and.^ him too,— that he did not yet 
trouble himsdf widi matters of this sort,— -that it 
was time enough, and* — ^that he would be move at* 
tentive as he grew older. 

The pilgrimage to Mecca is frequently under- 
taken by the Javanese, and all the other Maho- 
medan tribes, less on account of piety, than on ac- 
count of the distinctions and immunities which the 
reputation of the pilgrimage confers among a simple 
and untaught people. As, however, an extensive in- 
tercourse with the world, where there are no fixed 
principles of morality, and no education, more fre- 
quently produces depravity and cunning than im- 
provement or wisdom— the islanders often re- 
turn worse subjects than they went away, and have 
been accused of misleading the people, and of be- 
ing the most active agents in insurrection and re- 

The disregard of the Javanese^ and of many 
other of the Mahomedan tribes of the Archipe- 
lago, for the negative precepts of the Koran, is 
open and avowed. They entertain an universal 
passion for intoxicating drugs. They consume, 
not less annually than eighty thousand pounds 
of opium. Although they are no drunkards, 
all classes partake of spirituous liquors, or wine, 
without reserve, when it comes in their way. 
Among the native chiefs of highest rank, I re- 

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member but three examples of persons refndning 
from the open use of wine. * 

To the prohibition against games of chance 
they pay no regard on earth. They are passion- 
ately fond of gaming, and give way to this pro- 
pensity without restriction or reserve. 

* ^*Then putting on the roll upon my head, t sat do\^n in 
the king's (of Achin) presence, who drank to me in aquaoitiej 
and made me drink of manj strange meat8*"*-Davi8' Voyage 
in Pun*has, Vol. L p, 120.^*' Puis il (the king of Achin) me 
fit donner ^ boirc dans un petit gobelet d*or, port6 dans ua 
grand bassin du meme metail, par un eneuque ; par (e moyen 
du Sabandar. Je beus 4 la sant6 de sa grandeur, luy sou* 

, haittant meillure, en bref qu'elle n*estoit de present, et pen* 
sant vuider ce petit gobelet^ la force da breuvage me le fit 
bien-tost quitter, et peoaois avoir beu du feu, en sorte qu'il 
me prit une grande sueur: 11 me dit qu'il fallolt achever pa* 
isque j*avois beu ^ sa sant6, et qn'il estoit bien marry^ de ne 
pouvoir boire ^ celle du Roy de France, et qu'il vuideroit 

^ tout,'* — Beaulieu's Voyage, in the collection of Melchizedec 
Theremot, Vol. I. p. 54.—^^ This rice drink is made of rice 
boil^, and put into a jar^ where it remains a long time steep* 
ing in water. I know not the manner of making it, but it is 
a very stroug and pleasant drink. The evening when the ge* 
neral (brother of the siiltau of Majindanao) designed to be 
merry, he caused a jar of this drink to be brought into our 
room^ and he began to drink first himself, then afterwards his 
men, so they took turns till they were ail as drunk cm swine^ 
before they suffered us to drink. After they had enoag^y 
then we drank, and they drank no more, for they will not 
drink after us. The General leapt about our room for a 
little while, but having his load, soon went to sleep/*— -Dam- 
pier, Vol. I. p. 369. 

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The inhibition of usury is as little regarded as 
the last. The rate of interest for a loim is fre« 
quently inserted in their written contracts, and 
the amount sued for as openly and atowedly as any 
other debt whatever. 

The only negative precept of the Koran by 
which tiie Javanese can be said strictly to afaide» is 
the prohibition against eatii^ the flesh of hogs^ 
the one which presents no temptations. How 
readily men are led to make such easy sacri- 
fices may be inferred from a singular, relic of 
Hinduism in Java, now confined to the royal fa- 
mily, an abstinence from the flesh of the cow. I 
have seen many of the princes in a state of ine* 
briety from wine at a solemn religious festivaly 
who most piously abstained from touching beef. 

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Catholic and Protestant Christians Jbund. — Zed of the early 
European Adventurers to make Proselytes. — Circumstances 
tiohichjrustrated the effects of that zeal* — N^me of the more 
thoroughly converted to Mahomedaniem adopted Christiani* 
ty,^-~A rational religion cannot be established until the Peo* 
pie are more Civilized. — Superiority of the Christians over 
the Mahomedan and Pagan Tribes^ notwithstanding all the 
disadvantages under xohich they labour. — Christianity eon' 
sidered as an Instrument of CivUization^^-Efforts of insU' 
lated Missionaries useless or mischievous, — Circumstances 
which have contributed to bring Christianity into disre^ 
pute among the Indian Islanders, and their neighbours*'^ 
THb misconduct of Christians the only obstacle to the Pro^ 
pagation of Christianity, 

Did the nature of this work admit of it, the pre- 
sent chapter might be extended to a great length. 
As it is not, however, the object to enter into 
any details, a very few pages will comprehend 
every remark that can interest the liberal and en- 
lightened reader. 

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The Ckristian religion^ as a prevailing worship^ 
can only be said to exist in the Spice Islands and 
the Philippines. In the latter, the converted na- 
tives are namnalb/ Catholics, and in the former 
Twnunolbf Protestants. 

To describe the particular modifications of re- 
ligious practice induced by local superstitions, would 
be equallyimpossible and unprofitable. Valentyn as- 
sures us that the Christianity of some of the tribes of 
the Moluccas, consisted in having a little baptismal 
water iq^nnkled upon them, and being able to answer 
by rote half a dozen common questions, which they 
did not understand. They were Christians one day, 
and Mahomedans equally sincere another. This geiu 
tleman, a clergyman of the reformed church, aigued 
with the chiefs of one place on the necessity of 
taking some active means for extirpating certain 
heathenish practices. His arguments produced 
no influence on the minds of the chiefs, who were 
convinced of the utility of the practices in ques* 
tion. " If,** said they, " for example, in a trial, the 
evidence is so equally balanced that we are at a 
loss to decide, and pa3s no sentence, the people 
will murder each other. To avert this, we must 
pronounce in favour of him who can continue lang^ 
est under water.*' ♦ 

* This is the most usual form, among the Indian islanders, 
of appealing to the judgment 0/ Go^/.— Valentyn, Deel J, 

yo^. H, 3 

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Both the Portuguese and Dutch mxpported 
schools in the Moluccas for religious instructioD^ 
aad an allowance of rice was given to the students^, 
which appears to have been the great inducement 
to frequent them, from whence it is that the Dutch 
often ludicrously denominate the native converts 
rice Christians. Valentjm quotes one case in which 
the reduction of the usual suj^ly was the cause of 
dispersing all the students ; and an4fther, inone &» 
vourable to the native character, in which the scho* 
hn absented themselves, because the preacher 
spoke bad and unintelltgtUe Malay to them I 

The Portuguese and Spanish adventurers, who 
first visited the Archipelago, were deeply tinctur- 
ed with the religious frenzy, bigotry, and intole- 
rance of their age and nations, and no sooner had 
intercourse with the islanders than they began the 
work of conversion. The illustrious Magellan 
himself set the example^ and, indeed, fell a sacrifice 
to his imprudent zeal on this subject. 

Many circumstances contributed to frustrate the 
effects of this zeal. The instructors were ignorant 
of the language, the habits, and manners of the 
naitives,-*-the manners of Europe were at direct 
variance with those of the eastf-^the Eoropeaam, 
by their intemperance, and, above all, by their 
avarice and rapacity, brought their religion into 
odium, — and it happened unluckily that but a very 
little time before the commencement of their in- 

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tercoune, the people of the Archipelago had re* 
ceived a new religimi, more popular, because in^ 
troduced with more skill, and under circumstancea 
more agreeable to the genius of vtheir character, 
their state of society, and their temporal prosperity. 
Had not, however, the violence, injustice, and ra- 
pacity of the first Europeans estranged the nativea* 
from their worship, they were still in time enough, 
£>r scarcely was the Mahomedan religion any where 
firlly established. The greater number of the 
people of the Moluccas and neighbouring isles 
were Pfigans, so were many of the Javanese, and 
even many of the inhabitants of Malacca were so. 
The success of the Mahomedan missionaries, 
contrasted with the failure of the ChriUian^ it is 
not difficult to trace to the true cause. The Arabs 
and the other Mahomedan missionaries conciliated 
the nativesof the country,— acquired their language, 
•p-^oUowed their manners,-^intermarried with them, 
-—and, melting into the mass of the people, did not, 
on the one hand, give rise to a privileged race, nor on 
the other, to a degraded cast. Their superiority of 
intelligence and civilization was employed only for 
the instruction and conversion of a people, the 
eurrent of whose religious opinions was ready to he 
directed into any channel into which it was skil* 
fully diverted. They were merchants as well as 
the Europeans, but never dreamt of having re* 
course to the iniquitous measure of plmidering tb§ 

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peopk of the produce of their soil and industry. 
This was the cause which led to the success of the 
Mahomedans; and it was naturally the very opposite 
course which led to the defeat of the Christians. 
The Europeans in the Indian Archipelago have been 
just what the Turks have been in Europe, and the 
consequences of the policy pursued by both may 
&irly be quoted as parallel cases. 

The only people among the Indian islanders who 
adopted the Christian religion were those nations and 
tribes who had but partially adopted Mahomedan- 
ism, or were still Pagans, and who, among the nations 
their neighbours, had made but a secondary progress 
in civilization. None of the greater and more im- 
proved tribes ever became proselytes, because they 
had adopted more heartily the Mahom'edan doctrines, 
and were, besides, too powerful to be wholly subdued. 

The poverty and barbarism of the natives of 
the Archipelago, undier their own forms of go- 
vernment, and the' deprivation of political, and 
even of personal rights under those of Europeans, 
forbid us to believe that a rational Christianity 
either was, or ever can be, under such circum- 
stances, the character of religion among them. 
Their religion, under such disadvantages, whatever 
its name, can reasonably be viewed as but little 
better than one form of superstition distinguish- 
ed from another. No middle or higher class, we 
may be assured, can be formed to set an example^ 

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tt form the morals of the humbler classes, in a 
country, the natives of which are, by a fixed po- 
licy, deprived of the property of the soil they were 
bokn to inherit, and where commerce is shackled 
by the effects of restrictions and monopolies, the 
direct tendency of which, as long as they last, must 
be to perpetuate poverty, ignorance, and superstition. 

Under all the disadvantages of intolerance, bi« 
gotry, and oppression in the Philippines, and of 
a state of slavery in the Moluccas, amounting to a 
privation of almost every genial right which be* 
longs to the natural situation of these people, some 
advantage may still be discovered in the influence 
of the Christian religion. It has either given rise 
to an energy and intelligence superior to that which 
characterizes the followers of the other modes of 
worship, br has bred manners more mild, and 
morals more inoffensive. * 

The natives of the Philippines, who are Chris- 
tians, possess a share of energy and intelligence, 
not only superior to their Pagan and Mahomedan 
brethren of the same islands, but superior also to 

* Independent of the direct influence of religious principles, 
Ao doubt a good deal of tliis may fairly be ascribed to the re- 
ciprocity of kindness, good offices, and confidence, which a 
simikrity of religious belief induces between the governors and 
the governed. 

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all the western inhabitants of the Archipelago, to 
the very peofde who» in other periods of their his- 
tory, bestowed— laws, — ^language, — and civilization 
upon them. They not only excel these, but the 
more advanced nations of Hindustan, as well in 
enei^ of character, as in intrepidity and intelli- 
gence. A well known fact will place this beyond 
the reach of doubt. In the intercolonial naviga- 
tion of all the nations of Europe in the Indies^ 
the natives of Manila are almost universally employ- 
ed as gunners and steersmen ; that is, in those offices 
where it is necessary to combine skill and firmness 
with mere physical labour and agility. It is an 
acknowledged fact, that the natives of Hindustan, 
with their present character, are incapable ol \mag 
bred to fill such offices. 

The natives of Amboyna, who are Chnstiansi 
are much superior, both in morals and intelligence, 
to their countrymen who are Mahomedan8,and not- 
withstanding all the oppression they have endmred, 
are a peaceable and most inoffensive nice of mesk. 
In the Dutch armies, they ranked above aUr the 
other Asiatic troops, and were paid, equipped, and 
considered on this sqale of merit. 

Without venturing at present to decide upon our 
right to impose our religion upon the pec^le of this 
portion of India, or our claim to arbitrate fw 
them in a matter of conscience, it will be fair to 
view Christianity initsinfluente as amere instrument 

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.of dviliafttioD. The most sceptical^ then, may 
adjmt that it must tend to the unspeakable benefit 
of the governed to be of the same religious belief 
with their govemor8,-^at mutoal confidence must 
be .8treiigthen^,-*-and benevdence and kindness 
increased, by an accordance of opinion on so mate- 
rial a point. It is not, indeed, pos^ble to con- 
ceive that the barbarians of the Archipelago should 
ever adopt a material and beneficial portion of the 
humaiiity,-*improvement, — and morality of Europe, 
without, at the same time, adopting the religion 
with which these concomitants of civilization are 
so closely interwoven. 

A perfect freedom of colonization and settle- 
ment to Europeans, an equality of rights to every 
denomination of inhabitants, and an unlimited and 
unrestrkted freedom of commercial intercourse, 
will prove the certain, but the only means of dis- 
seminatiqg civilization and Christianity ^ which, in 
such a case, are one and the same thing, for the 
one cannot be supposed to make essential prc^ess 
without the other. In a country, such as the In- 
dian Archipelago, no where peopled to within one 
third of its capacity to maintain a thriving popu- 
lation, there exists the most ample field for such 
improvement ; and we have only to divest ourselves 
aS the disgraceful and sordid prejudices which have 
for more than three centuries reduced these fine 
countries to misery and slavery, and suffer the or« 

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280 STAtE OF CflftlStlANITT 

dinary and natural course of human society to pro^ 
eeed without interruptioni to ensure a tranquil and 
certain success. 

The feeble efforts made to propagate Christianity 
by insulated and unprotected missionaries^ have prov- 
ed, and must always prove, either injurious or nuga- 
tory.* The Christian religion, in the countries of 
the Archipelago, and in those around it, is jpstly 
unpopular, because, in every instance, it has either 
been the instrument of political intrigue, or been 
propagated by violence, when the consequence of 
its introduction has been the inevitable loss of the 
most valuable political and civil rights. The na- 
tives now view it, therefore, as the badge of sla- 
very, and every where resist its introduction. It 
is the religion of the people only, where the 
people are weak enough, and the territory li* 

. • As to the converts these people (the Catholic Mission- 
aries) have made, I have been credibly informed that they 
are chiefly ot the very poor people, and that, in scarce limes, 
their alios of rice have converted more than their preaching ; 
and as to those also who have been converted^ as they coltUf 
that is, to beads and new images, and belief in the Pope, 
they have fallen otf again, as rice grew plentiful^ and would 
'no longer be Christians than ^\hiIe the priests administered 
food to them. Yet I cannot think bat that these people, who 
hmt such notions of a Supreme Deity, might, by the industry 
and example of good men, be brought toembraeethtGhrisliaa 
iiaith«-*-Dampicr, Vol. IL p. 96. 

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mited enough to enable the fioiopeans to effeM 
a total subjugation, as in the exam^es of Luconia 
and Amboyna, in which the European power iscon- 
eentrated, and the natives q£ the countrj too few 
for effectual resistance. Even here thepropagation of 
Christianity has generally been the work of violence, 
and not of persuasion ; and the tribes who prefer- 
red poverty to foreign dominatioii have fled to 
the mountains, and are stiJl unconverted. All the 
countries which surround these are still uncon- 
vetted. Majindanao and Sooloo, so near to Lu- 
conia, have always resisted alike the Christian re- 
ligion, and the Spanish yoke. The brave, active, 
and numerous inhabitants of the large island of 
Celebes, were offered at the same moment the re- 
ligions of Mahomed and of Christ, and tliey gave 
the preference to that which did not endanger their 
national independence. Since then deprived of 
their rich commerce and their independence, by 
the Christians, they have had at least no temporal 
motive to repent of th^ir choice. 

If we take a survey of the history of Christi- 
anity in ihe great nations of Asia, who are the im- 
mediate neighbours of the tribes of the Indian 
islands, we shall discover ample corroboration of all 
that has been here advanced. In every country of the 
East, Christianity has been introduced to the peo- 
ple, along with the invariable and odious associates 
of unprincipled ambition, and commercial rapacity. 

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In Japan, the mtrigues of the Christian missioa- 
aries, and those who employed them, caused the 
massacre of many thousand Christians, in a perse- 
cution more aivful and extensive than any of which 
the annals of Christendom itself afford an example. 
The perpetual proscription of their religion, and the 
km of that tast portion of the population of the 
globe, to the intercourse, and almost to the know- 
ledge of the rest of mankind followed. * Tlie Chi- 
iiese,t as the influence of the Christians was smal- 
ler amoi^ them, and, therefore, eicited less alarm, 
endured them longer, but they, too, finally ex- 
pelled them, because they saw no end to their rest- 
less and unprincipled ambition. In Tonquin,^ 
Cochin* China,|| and Camboja, they were persecute 
ed, executed, or expelled, and a similar treatment 
was pursued towards them in Siam.§ 

With the exception of the obstacles which the 
impolicy of Europeans themselves has created a- 
gainst the propagation of their religion, there exist 
no others. The habits and character of the people 
of this portion of Asia are qot, in any respect, in- 
imical to the adoption of a new form of worship. 
They are rather, indeed, in that stage of society 

• Kempfir, Vol. II. Book iv. 

•I- Duha)de*8 Chiaa, Vol. 11. 

X Choix Lettres Bdiiiantes, Tom. IL p. 3dl, ei sequenL 

II Choix Lettres Edifiantes. Tom. II. p. 72/&C. 

^ Kempfer'ft Japan, Vol. I. B. ii. 

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in which new opinions are listened to with most 
avidity* What M. La Louhere says^ from his ex- 
perience of the Siamese, is still more i^plicaUe 
to the races whose history I am writing. ** The 
Orientals/' * says he, *^ have no prejudice for any 
religion, and it must be confessed, that if the 
beauty of Christianity has not convinced them, it 
is principally by reason of the bad opinion which 
the avarice, treachery, invasions, and tyranny of 
the Portuguese and some o);her Christians in the 
Indies, have implanted and rivetted in them.*' t 

* This observation is much too general, and ought not to 
-be extended to the toest of the Berhampooir. 
f Dm Royaunie de Slam, Tom« I. 

you II. 

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Hidory of the Archipelago^ naturally divided into two parts^ 
Native and European. — The History of three of the Native 
tribes only worth a separate delail.'^^ European History^^-^ 
Paucity of great Events ^ andgfrema rkable Characters, to what 
to be ascribed. — Most remarkable Native Characters. — The 
Laksimana^ or Admiral of Malacca. — Character of Asiatic 
Settlers.^'Shekh Maulana, Sultan of Cheribon.^^Remark' 
able European Characthrs^-^Antonio Galvan^ the greatest 
man of whom the History cf the Archipelago make* men- 
tion.'^Character of Albuquerque. — Of St Zavier^-^Pauci' 
ty of Eminent Characters among the Dutch. — Character of 
the early Governors. — Character of Speelman, the most re^ 
markable individual of the Dutch History of the Indies,'^ 
Causes which proved hostile to the appearance qf distin^ 
gmhed talent among the Dutdi Cdoniste* 

The history of the Indian Archipelago naturafly 
divides itself into two parts, the one comi^ising 
the Native, and the other the European story. 

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fRkt first, alone, has an immediate relation to the 
mature of the work wfaieh I have undertaken tQ 
write ; but, as the dominion which European na^ 
lions ha^e, for more than three centuries, establish- 
ed in the Archipelago, has produced a most im« 
portant influence on the fortune and character of 
the native races, a sketch of its history coidd not 
be dispensed with. To the native history* I have 
devoted six short chapters ; and to the Europear^ 
narrative three. Both are too obviously defective 
in interest and dignity to demand the solemn and 
continuous narrative of regular history, and I liQve, 
therefcHre, treated the first chiefly with the view of 
illustrating the ohanK^ter of the people, and the 
progress of social order in a condition pf society in 
many respects novel and peculiar ; and the second, 
principally in its bearings on th^ ^rst, avoiding, as 
unnecessary to my purpose, and probably as of lit^ 
tie interest to the general reader, the details of cq^ 
lonial intrigue and depravity. 

With the view of superseding any objections 
which might be urged against this pli^i, — of giving 
some degree of unity to the present book, — and of 
supplying useful or necessary information to the. 
more practical reader, a chapter is subjoined, which 
embraces, in the form of a chronological table, a 
Retail of the whole events of the history of the Ar- 
<;hip6lago, whether native or European. 

Amtrng the innumerable trftes of the Ar^ipc- 

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lagOi tbe great nationi inhidiitiiig Java, Saiaalnt 
and Cel€be85 from the more &YOttrable oircmiifltaii* 
ces under which they have been placed^ havei in 
all known periods of the history of the Archipehk 
go, distinguished themselves above the other tribec, 
—4>y their knowledge of letters,-— useful arts,«-Hiiid 
arms,— in a word, by their progress in civilization* 
That civilization has, by various means, been ^read 
throughout the Archipelago, and influenced the 
manners and character of the neighbouring tribes. 
Their governments have long assumed a r^ular 
form, and records, or consistent traditions, have 
handed down to us a narrative of their transactions. 
Their history alone, therefore, is deserving of oon« 
sideration, and forms the first department of this 
hook. To the history of the most civilized of these 
nations, the Javanese, three chapters are assign* 
ed ; and one is appropriated for each of the other 
two, which will comprise all that it is necessary to 
narrate of their transactions. 

With regard to the Eurc^ean history, three na- 
tions only, the PortugtiesCt the Dutch^ and the 
Spaniards f have establtdied a dominion ef such ex- 
tent or duration, as to produce a material inflnence 
upon the condition of the native inhabitants, and 
the story of each of these is treated of in a distinct 

In perusing both the native and European story, 
the reader will not iail to remaik both the pau- 

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HirreaT of the abchipejlaoo, # ^ 

citf of great events, and the absence of greet elie- 
ncters, on the theatre of Polyneiiao birtory. 
Hiere is no eireumstanee in their history, unless 
we except their discovery by Europeans, which do* 
serves to be considered among the great events of 
the common history of mankind; and hardly an 
individual, of such prominent fortune or endow«' 
ment, as to rank with the great men of other coun* 
tries. This phenomenon, as far as the natives are 
ccmcemed, may be traced to the insulated situation 
of these region8,'«<*^;o the barbarism of their inha- 
bkantsy^^-and to the physical condition of insular 
and tropical countries, the very nature of which has 
proved an insuperable barrier to the great and ambi« 
tioaa movements and migrations which have marked 
the progress of nations equally or more baribarous in 
temperate and continental climates* In the Indian 
islands the field is wanting for the exercise of great 
military talents, and they have, o£ consequence, 
never existed. Such a feebleness of intellect is the 
result of such a state of society, and such a climate, 
that we may usuaUy reckon that the greatest powers 
of the native mind will hardly bear a comparison, 
in pdint of atrength andjnesources, to the ordinary 
standard at the human understandii^ in the highest 
stages of civilization, though they may necessarily be 
better suited for distinction in the peculiar circum- 
ftasieeainwhichtheyarecflkUedintoaction. The only 
native ehancteraywhoeegenius places them above the. 

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ufiual mediocrity of their country and ages, are the 
Lakmnana of Malacca, Surapath the Balinese slav^ 
Senopati^ prince of Mataram, and his grandson, the 
Suitan Agung. Of these, the most distinguished, 
beyond all compare, was the Laksimana^ or admiral 
of Mahomed, king of Mahicca, a chief endowed 
with a courage, prudence, and resources, which 
enabled him, for years, to make head against the 
conquering arms of the Portuguese, who had the 
generosity to do justice to his great qualities. 

The Asiatic strangers who settled in the Archi* 
pelago, and effected so great a revolution in its re« 
ligious and even political history, as they belonged to 
nations in a higher state of social improvement than 
the native tribes of the Archipelago, so were their 
intellectual powers usually of a higher order and 
more vigorous character. The particular adven- 
turers, however, who found their way into the In- 
dian islands, were unfavourable specimens of the 
people whom they represented. Instead of being 
bold military adventurers, advanced to rank and 
command by their talents and exploits, or ambi- 
tious chiefs of distinguished birth, they were petty 
traders, whose minds were narrowed by the hum- 
bleness of their occupations. With all the aids 
of canonization, therefore, few of their names have 
been handed down to us, and still fewer have, from 
any real merit, a claim *to have those namea re^ 
corded. The most distinguished is Shekh Maii« 

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lana, who founded in Java three considerable states, 
which were handed down in a long dynasty* The 
man who conquered at least a million of inhabitants, 
and converted so numerous a people to a foreign 
religion, could have been no ordinary person. 

Of the European nations, the Portuguese fur- 
nish by far the most numerous list of distinguished 
characters, and the following names deserve parti- 
cular notice. Alphonso Albuquerque, Magellan, 
Antonio Galvan, and St Francis Zavier. Of these, 
or of any names connected with the history of the 
Indian Archipelago, incomparably the greatest, ex- 
cept that of Magellan, whose merits scarcely belong 
toourpresentsubject,isthatofthe virtuous, the pious, 
the discreet, and heroic Galvan. He composed the 
odious dissentionsof his countrymen in the Moluccas, 
introduced order and tranquillityintothoseoppre§sed 
islands, purity into the European administration, 
and instituted seminaries for education^ of such ap- 
proved wisdom, that they afterwards became the model 
for similar ones established on the continent of In- 
dia, and in Europe. The high and heroic enthusiasm 
of his character is displayed in his successively chal- 
lenging to single combat the two principal kings 
of the Moluccas, to save the effusion of bloodt and 
put a speedy end to the horrors of war. This 
great man, whose high endowments were not in 
request with his countrymen in the east, and were 
not appreciated in the west, was, after a short ad- 
▼OL4 //. T 

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ministration of two yean^ removed from his trnist } 
and, on his return to Portugal, permitted to <M« 
from Want in a prison. 

The conqueror, Allmquerque, was a brave offieer^ 
and endowed with the great and high qoiditiea 
necessary for the government ot men in the 
turbulent and violent career pursued by the first 
Portuguese conquerors ; but his eofaquest.of Ms* 
lacca is not «mong the most jfistinguished evehta 
of his brilliant administration. The eoaqtteftt 
was, in itself, an ^t of palpable injustice ; it was 
carried into effect with peculiar ferocity j and such 
was the want of wisdom and moderation wbidi 
marked his own short admihistratioii of the neft 
acquisition, thilt he laid the seeds of nmch of the 
misfortunes which attended the future history of 
the^ilUfated city. 

The apostle of the Indies deserves to be consi- 
dered as one of the greatest men, and one of the 
tnost disinterested, virtuous, and useful, that ever 
visited the bidtes. It is impossible to read his true 
story without forming this conclusion. 

Tlie Dutch, from their more extennve powefiy 
we might be led to ex^ct, would have produced a 
long list of eminent individuals, but this has nbt 
been the case. Not an illustrious name has been 
handed down to us, from the ranks of inferior a» 
g^nts ; and we hear only of those at the head of 
the government, a drdimstadee thM may exeite m 

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auTOET 6f the abcbipejuaoo. 29i 

mq^ieioii^ ibsA the mdiscruuinate wlogies wiHi 
wUch tib latter are loaded, they owe rather to the 
Jhiatre of their high raok, than tp the greatness of 
tkieir personal qualities. The first gweigiora-g^ny^ral 
wieFe m^Jtk of plam good sense* steady perseveiaAce^ 
aaid iiilmpAd cwn^^ who sij^staiaed their difficult 
tnista wtk ^fif^sfuffet and they wexe in all respects 
mperier to tbeir £uropeiH[iownp«titorsQf tltf same 
age» m the soitte tj^eatve of m^im- But th»y 
do not seem to have risen «mph beyond the l^vel 
«f ordinary educated Europeans of their own 
iiKy. Coen was the most reiwrkable of them* 
Their weeessois degenerated fr^qi their virtues. 
fipeehnaa wes one of theset and m«y, Mpon the 
whole, he eonsideved es the m«s^ emineat of ^il 
llie charaet^s whiph the I^it^h history qf the In- 
dies has produefd, He w<ts a mim of enlightened 
understaading, and of active entiarprise, mi mqr 
be considered as a man endowed with high gmli0(9- 
tions, both for civil and military command. These 
qualities were displayed in a remarkable degree, in 
a long courfe of subordinate service ; but it turned 
out unfortunately for his reputation, that when he 
rose to supreme authority^ he sunk into an indo- 
lent and ordinary voluptuary, and did nothing to 
support his early fame. 

The mercantile principle, which Yf^ perpetually 
held in view in the Dutch councils, was inimical 
to the growth and disphiy of genius and talents of 

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the higlier class. The persons, too, who, in later 
times, sustained the fortunes of the Dutch nation 
in the Indies, were depraved by the circumstances 
under which they were placed, — ^by the contempla- 
tion of domestic slavery,—4)y wantoning in irregular 
gains, — ^by the. absence of all regular industry and 
competition,-— by a long course of domination o^»er 
the feeble races by which they were surrounded,— 
and by the want of an equal enemy or rival to affi>rd 
a wholesome exercise and emulation. 

The Spanish worthies are still fewer in number, 
and I think it would be difficult to produce one 
name of distinction, except that of Legaspi, who 
established the Spanish power in the Philippines, 
and founded Manila. He was a man of courage, 
discretion, and wisdom, and possessed of the en- 
thusiasm and the suppleness of character, which 
suited him for the novel and difficult charge com- 
mitted to his care. * 

* Lafitati, Histoire des decoavertes et conquetes des Porto- 
gais dans le noveau monde.— ValentjfD, History and Descrip- 
tion of tbeDutch Settlements in the East Indies,— Ziniga, His** 
torj of the Philippines. 


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Ko AndetU Historical Composition known to the Javanese,'^-' 
Attempts at History since the Introduction ofMahontedanism. 
'^Character of these attempts. — No great permanent empire 
ever established in Java^ and tvhr/ — The latter part qf the 
twelfih Century 9 the earliest authentic date ascertained*'^^ 
ZAsts of ancient Kings mostly fabrications^'^ Ancient In* 
scriptions referred to^^^Hindu States, viz, Doho, Bram* 
banan, MSdang-kamolan, JUnggolo, Singhasariy PUjqja* 
rartf Mofopahit. 

IS o one, aware of the weakness of the human 
mind, and of the universal prevalence of supersti- 
tion and credulity, in so rude a state of society as 
that which exists in Java, will reasonably expect to 
find the Javanese possessed of any remote records 
deserving the name of history. If the accounts 
of their ancient story b^ less monstrously extrava- 
gant and impudent than those of the Hindus, they 
are fully more childish and incongruous. We 
find the mythological legends of ancient India na* 
turaUzed in Java, and blended with the vnld tales 
of the country, while the whole, mixed up witli 
Jewish and Mahomedan story, forms a mass of ab« 

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surdity, and of puerile incongruity, almoist unequal* 
led in the accoulkits of iainy other people. 

From the period of the acquaintance of the Ja- 
vanese with Mahomedans, forming an exact paral- 
lel case with the Hindus of India, the dawning of 
the historical truth, and some common sense and 
moderation may be discovered, brightening slowly 
as w^e descend, and, for the last two centuries, im- 
proving into records of some consistency and mo- 
deration. Still, however, the professed object of his- 
torical writing among the Javanese is amusement, 
and not utility ; in their most recent productions we 
see a constant effort made to give the most natural and 
obvious transactions an air of romance, and even to 
convert the most ordinary affairs of human life into 
tales to amuse the fancy. Every transaction which 
wears an air of mystery is eagerly seized, and con* 
verted into a miracle, or ascribed to supernatural 
agency, while the most important movements of 
society are either taken no notice of at all, or 
treated with provoking apathy and neglect. The 
unskilfiilness and awkwardness even of these at- 
tempts, as efforts of fancy, are such as to excite no 
other feelings than pity for the weakness of the hu- 
man mind in the infancy of civilization, in regions 
of the world where the strength and fertility of the 
imagination have never compensated, as in Europe, 
for the feebleness of reason. 

What we are soon struck with in Javanese story 

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18 its receniness, for even tradition does not pre- 
tend to an antiquity of above a few centuries* In 
the history of the rude Javanese, the lapse oT a 
hundred years removes from their knowledge all 
preceding facts, in a much greater degree than five 
tim^ the period among a people acquainted with 
true history and chronology. It is for this reason 
that tbe Mabomedan conversion, an afffur not yet 
three centuries and a half old, is already ancient 
history i apd enveloped in its miracles and myste* 
ries, and that all previous transactions are involved 
in ufter uncertainty and obscurity. The remote story 
of the Javanese is, in fact, a fit topic for a disserta- 
tion on antiquities, rather than a subject for histo^ 
ly, and will soon be discovered to relate with pro«» 
priety to tbe portion of this work which treats of 
the ancient religion and antiquities of the island, 
to which I,, therefore, refer the reader. 

With respect to the history of Java, one very im« 
portant remark requires to be premised. Compact, 
defined, apd, compared to great empires, limited, as 
is the territory, the island has never been perma- 
nently united under one sovereign. The state of 
society in Java did not supply those powers of com- 
bined action which enable a people to make exten- 
ahre and distant conquests, and, above all, the skill 
necessary to regulate and maintain them. A 'few 
princes, more able and ambitious than their contem- 
poraries, have at times subjugated their immediate 

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neighbours, and thus extended their dommioiu ; mi, 
on one or two occasions, we s^ approaches-made to 
a dominion over the whole island. But the duratioa 
of these more considerable statea is but momentary, 
and marked with constant anarchy and rebellion^ 
while the natural determination of the society to 
subdivide into small states, is distinctly marked in 
every period of the history of the island. We shall 
perhaps, however, underrate the improvement of 
the Javanese, by applying to them too rigidly this 
test of civilization. They possess the necessaries,. 
the comforts, and some of the refinements,*— per- 
haps of the luxuries of life,-^in a far superior de- 
gree to most of the Nomade tribes, who effected 
and retained the mighty conquests of Europe, 
Western Asia, and China. The shepherd state, 
the of&pring of the cold and immeasurable pluns 
of Tartary, and the school both of war and govern- 
i^ent, could have no existence among the woods, 
the narrow valleys, and soft climate of Java. The 
Javanese are naturaUy an unwarlike people, and it 
is the necessary consequence of their luxurious 
climate, that they should want the hardihood 
and manly virtues of the semibarbarians of sever- 
er regions. The fertility of their soil, and the be* 
nignity of their climate, are a sort of hot-bed, in 
which has sprung up a sickly civilization, wanting 
the vigour and hardihood of the plant of a rougher 
clime, and more stubborn soil. 

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The latter portion of the twelfth century is the 
, earliest period of Javanese history to which I can 
with any confidence refer. From this time, down 
to the establishment of Mahomedanism, at the 
dose of die fifteenth century, a number of consi- 
derable, but independent states, existed in Java, 
and the religion of the people was a modified Hin- 
duism, according to the doctrines ascribed to Bud- 
dha, as is shown in the chapter on Ancient Religion. 
The theory of a great monarchy, and of an antece* 
dent state of high civilization and improvement, so 
often pretended by the Brahmins, has also been forg^ 
ed by the national vanity of the Javanese, unsupport- 
ed, as already remarked, by a shadow of proof, and 
contradicted by unquestionable internal evidence. 
The different independent states now alluded to, are 
conjectuied by the Javanese writers to have been so 
many seats of this great monarchy, and genealogical 
lists of the sovereigns of Java are fabricated, where 
the patriarchs of Jewish history, — ^the saints of Ma- 
faomedan legends,— and the heroes of the Mahaharat, 
are, as occasion requires, employed to fill up a gap. 
Even in the more recent portions of them, these ge« 
nealogical lists are equally irreconcilable with reason 
and each other. Some of them go as far back as 
the utmost extent of the established era, or I747 
years, while others modestly stop short at two, three, 
or five hundred. The most disordered discrepan- 
cy prevails in these pretended chronologies. By 

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, fine account, five princes are dtacrit^ed as lisfin^ 
veigned in one place ; by a second, seven. A seab 
ef empive, where four princes are described as bar* 
mg reigned in a third account, is, princes and all, 
emitted in a fourth. The average duration of a 
reign, by one account, is 55 yeani«r^y another, 50, 
—•and by a third, near 4pO. In diort, diey abound 
as much in folly, ignorance, and Sncpnsistehcy, as 
we have a right to reckon upon in the •ren^ote* 
story of a people still rudeand unanfonned. 

Upon such fitbulous relations as those now allud« 
ed to, we can place no confidence whatever, and 
our only reliance is upon the meagre and un- 
satis&ctory notices contained in ancient inserip^ 
tions, from which a few dates may'\^ ascertained^ 
though not a single hint respecting the transac- 
tions of the country is to be collected even/from 
these. From the incompetency of our interpre- 
ters, and the absurd and mystical principle on 
which dates are generally reckoned, such latitude 
and uncertainty of interpretation arise, that our 
resources from inscriptions, even in determining a 
few dates, are extremely limited; and, in general, it 
will scarcely be safe to tnist to the dates to be deriv- 
ed from them, except when given in actual figures* 

Hie remains of ancient palaces and royal tombs, 
but particularly of ancient temples,—^ numerous 
images of stone and brass,— ^nd of inscriptions on 

the same materials, all dedicated to religion^ itt 


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ANdGNf mBTtmW <« JAVA. ft99 


hide ages tbe oaij conaic^rgble and durable 
monumeiits^af art, irtill {Miiat^Hittto us the seats or 
MpiUds of the principal omtive states in Java, and 
tnidifcion has faaniled dinan (their nanie& The Hoi* 
kmJngafe the chief, which eurted in the three 
Mntaries whicth praeeded the eenversion to Ma- 
JiottiedaDiflBi: DohOf {Brambanan^ M&dang'kame^ 
itm^ Jangoki, ShghMoru P^qjaran^ andjtio- 
ffopakk. Conaidfivable relies of ancient teniple«» 
«nd odier ^sfentctures, in Tarious situations,* in the 
midst of some of the moat fertile districts of the 
island, <pcnnt out where there must have existed 
^adier conadeiable states, but respecting theief 
even tradition itself is silent. 

The ruins of Doho ace in the fertile di8tri<2t of 
^iUUri, about: the centre of the island, countii^ 
by its length and towards the liouthem coast. 
0%e earliest date I. can ascribe to these is tlie year 
l'I17» of the era of SalivUna, or IIQS of Christ. 
Here i^igned Joyo Boyo, a prince of h'i^h ibiae 
in Jbvaneee romance. 

The state which existed at Brambanaia flourish- 
ed dbout the years of Salivana 1188 and 1218, 
or 1266 and 1S96 of Christ. Of thjs state we 
know not one syllable of the real history- 
Tradition hands down to us the name of Ma» 
. dang^kmnolan^ and, in the district of JVirosobOy the 
ruins of a palace are still discernible^ biit it is ut- 
terly impossible to assign any era to it, 

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JSnggolo aad Singhasari^ tlie fint in the distnet 
of Surabaya, and the last in that of Malang, both 
towards the eastern part of Java, are said to have 
flourished at the same time. One of the fabricat- 
ed accounts assigns to them the year 1082 of Salt- 
vana; another, 846; and a third, 818;. but an in- 
scription and a real date, in legible figures, enables 
us to determine that they flourished about the year 
1243. * At JUnggoh reigned the princes so famed 
in Javanese romance, and from them in those of 
the Malays and Balinese, under the name of 
PaiyL It would be in vain to attempt to extract 
an atom of true history from the absurd and inco* 
herent traditions respecting the princes of Jd&t^- 
golo ; but it seems probable, that their authority* 
extended over a considerable portion of the eastern 
part of the island, and that they displayed a con- 
siderable share of adventure, holding some con- 
nection with princes beyond the limits of the 
idand, which was even, perhaps, extended to India^ 

Pq^qjiaran^ t about forty miles from the modem 
city of Batavia, is pointed out by tradition as the on- 
ly ancient state of considerable extent, whi^h ever 
flourished in the country of the Stmdas^ Its sitm^ 

* All inscription found by my friend Dr Horsfield, ia the 
eastern district of Panataran, contains the date here aUttdod 
to, with the name of the prince and his queen. 

+ This irord means artangemenU 

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tion is detennined by the foundations of a palace 
still distinctly to be traced. With respect to the era 
of the foundation of Pdjcgaran^ I can discover no ' 
date to which I can refer with confidence. The 
pretended annals of the Javanese differ from each 
other on the subject, as widely as two hundred 
years. The probahiUty is, that it flourished during 
the end of the thirteenth, and banning of the 
fourteenth centuries of the Christian era. 

The origin of the last and best known of the 
Hindu states of Java, Mqjopahitj * remains as un- 
determined as that of P^qjaran. In the chrono- 
logies of the Javanese writers, there is here, too, 
an irreconcilable discrepancy of from 80 to 148 
years. All accounts agree that Mqjapahit was 
destroyed in the year of Salivana 1400, or 1478 
of Christ, and, from presumptive evidence it is 
inferred that it mat/ have been founded about a 
century and a half before. Hie dynasty of [Hrinces 
which reigned at Mojopatut^ appears to have ex- 
tended its authority over the finest provinces of 
the island, and to have spread the name and arms 
of the Javanese nation beyond the precincts of 
their own country, for it was during this period of 

* The word means, ^ The place of the bitter Mqfo tree." 
Places are very frequently named by the Indian islanden 
after trees or plants, as Pasuruhan, the place of the betel 
vine ; and Pajarakan, the place of the IVilma Christi. The 
bitter Mcjo is an imaginary fruit. 

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thekistorj of Jam that at Palembang^ fai ScMBatia» 
was estaUisked the Javanesecottny, which t^thisday 
qseak the lai^uage of JaT% and exhibit (he peeuliav 
mannen^ cwtoms, and forms of government of thai 
eomitrf; anditwa8bythe8araeprifiee8,thoiigllJavaii<F 
ese story or tradition be wholly sileiit on the subject, 
that the Malayan state at iSJng'AajMrnap was subverted.^ 
The ruins of the city of Mqjopakit are still visible 
in the distriet <^ Wirosebo, and both from theextmt 
9f the area which they ocoi^y, not less than several 
square miles, and the beauty of seme of the r^oa 
of architecture, we are inclined to form a respect- 
able opinion of the power of this native state, esti« 
mating it by a just standardi and rejecting those 
exaggerations which the imagination is prone to 
mduige with regard to all that is involved ui the 
mystery of antiquity. We must not foiget, how« 
ever, that much of the celebrity which it enjoys, 
in the legends of other countries of the Archipe- 
lago, was probably owing to the missionaries of 
Islam, who disseminated and exaggerated the £NB(ie 
^ a conquest they had themselves made* 

* The iDva^ion of the tenrilorj t)f i& smaller ifibe by s greats 
cr, is an affair of higher importance in the history of the for. 
mer than in that of the latter, and more likely to be preserv- 
ed in tlieir records or traditions. In investigations of this 
nature, this circumstance ought to he kept in femembrance* 
I think it a supposition not improbable^ that M^^ifKi&d is 
igaorantly applied by the Malays to all the eatfern portion of 
•ndeni Java, and to every period of ils ancmt hiatory. 

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m JAVA. 

Many of the circumstances connected with th^ introductian of 
Mahomedanism involved in Jable.-^Mahomedanism intrvh 
dueed among some of the mare Western Trides^ 150 years 
be/ore it toas established in^Java, — Decay qf Hinduism in 
JavaJaciUtated the propagation of Mahomedanism^^Ma^ 
homedan Merchants had long frequented the Island^ pre* 
vious to the establishment of their Religion^— ^ An unsuccess^' 

Jul attempt to propagate Mahomedanism in the Western 
Districts,^^Missionaries of Idam^ in Java^ toere not alien, 
sirangerSf but persons JamUiar vnth the Habks and Laur 
e^V^ of the Feopte^^Shekh Rahmat the first Missum* 
ary, — Raden Patah^ a Javanese of the Colony of PaUm* 
bangf the principal Agent. — His story ^ according to the Ja» 
vanese, — He intrigues for the Subversion of the National 
Religion of Java. — TheMahomedansd^eatedin thefirstAc* 
ium^'^Mahomedans Victorious in the second Battle^^^They 
take and destroy the Hindu Capitd of Mojopahit. — Stric* 
tures on tlie Javanese Accounts of these Transactions^— ~Ab* 
stract qf the true story of the Introduction of the Religion 
of Mahomed. — Political State 0/ Java^ immediately before 
the Triumph of Mahomedanism. — The nine ApostlesqfMt^ 
homedanism usually designated Susunan. — Their CAo* 
racter^^^Shekh Maulana the ablest of them.^^Account ^ 
his Converting the People of, the Western Districts^^^Che^ 

^ i^ibon.^^Banta»,F^P^yaran^^~mGeneral E^edioHi* 

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1 HE establishment of Mahomedanism in Java is 
just of 347 years standing ; yet even this eventt 
comparatively so modern, is involved in much o£ 
that fable and perplexity, which are ever insepar- 
able from the story of rude people in every age. I 
shall, in this chapter, endeavour to glean for the 
reader the true circumstances of this transaction, 
where they appear of suiHcient consequence to 
merit narration. The event is an 'important one 
in the particular history of the people of whom 
I am rendering an account ; and so far as it 
illustrates the character of a people in a peculiar 
stage of civilization,— of consequence in the his- 
tory of man in general. 

Mahomedanism was predominant in the west- 
em portion of the Archipelago, at least 150 
years before it was finally established in Java. 
The commerce in spices, for which the western 
countries of the Archipelago were the emporia, 
attracted thither some adventurers from the Ara- 
bian and Persian Gulfs, at an early period, who, 
colonizing on the coasts, became in time fit in- 
struments for the propagation of the Mahomedan 

No record whatever is preserved of any 
early intercourse between Arabia and Jav€^ but 
there can be litde doubt but the richest and 
most civilized country of the Indian islands sqon 

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.attracted the curiosity or cupidity of the Arabian 
traders or of their descendants, naturalized among 
the western natives. 

The Hinduism established throughout the Ar- 
chipelago was by no means of the same inveterate 
character as that of continental India. It had not 
laid a strong hold of the imagination, and was not» 
as there, interwoven, not only with political insti- 
tutions, but with the common duties and offices of 
life. * It had by no means superseded the still 
grosser local superstitions of the country, and 
it was a system in itself too complicated and 
subtile to suit a state of society unquestionably 
more rude an^ unimproved than that in which its 
baneful empire has been so fully established. In 
Java, which contained the most civilized com- 
munity, Hinduism, we are warranted in believ- 
ing, must have made a deeper impression than in 
any other country of the Archipelago ; and to this 
we ought, in some measure, to ascribe the long 
rejection of Mahomedanism by the Javanese, after 
it had been adopted by so many of their neigh- 
bours. Even among the Javanese, however, the 
empire of the Hindu religion over the human 
mind was very far from being firmly established. 
The propagation of Mahomedanism, when once 

♦ Hume's History of England, Vol, I. 

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tb^ work of couversion was fairly commenced upoa^ 
was rapid) and as complete as the genius of society 
among the people would permit* The period of 
the conversion of the great tribes of the western 
portion of the Archipelago, may, indeed, I think, 
be pointed out particularly, as the most flourishing 
period of Hinduism in Java, as I have endeavour- 
ed to show, in the account of ancient religion and 
antiquities. On the other hand, the era of its de* 
cline was that of the successful propagation of Ma* 

That the Mahomedans frequented the island of 
Java long previous to the establishment of their reli- 
gion, is determined with certainty, by the existence 
of their burying grounds, on more than one part 
of the north coast, where tombs are found of a date 
nearly a whole century earlier than the fall of Mo* 
jopahit; and an unsuccessful attempt to convert 
some of the Sunda tribes is said to have been made 
as early as the year of Salivana 1250, or 1^28 of 
Christ. In the more populous and civilized eastern 
districts, an attempt to propagate Mahomedanism 
was made in 131S of the era of Salivana, or 1^91 
of Christ, by a foreigner called lUga ChUrmerh 
and by an Arab of the name of Maulana Ibrahim. 
The Utter lived at Girsik, after this unsuccessful, 
and, apparently, imprudent and premature attempt, 
and died there, in li334 of Salivana, A. D. 1412. 
In the history of the conversion of the Indiaa 

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islanders to Mahomedanism there is one important 
fact which ought to be kept in view, that the mis- 
sionaries who brought about this revolution were not 
alien strangers, unconnected and unprepared, but 
supple agents disciplined for their enterprise, by a 
knowledge of the language, character, and manners 
of the people. We see that in Java the road had 
been paved for the introduction of Mahomedanism^ 
by a whole century's acquaintance, a period during 
which would have been bred up a number of use- 
ful inferior agents to aid the efforts of the principal 
actors. The discreet forbearance of the Maho- 
medan missionaries, and the many essential doc- 
trines and practices of t?ieir faith, which they 
compromised, show that, however vulgar and une- 
ducated, they were no intemperate zealots, but men 
who understood the art of governing mankind, 
and whom a gieneral knowledge of mankind and 
necessity had taught to substitute dexterity and 
cunning for open force. 

The principal state in Java, at the period of 
the conversion, was the kingdom of Mojopahit, 
and the name of the ruling monarch, it is agreed 
on all hands, was Browijoyo.^ The principal 
agents in the work of conversion were Shekh 
Rahmati the son of an Arab priest, by a woman 

* A contraction, it is said, of Bramah-Wijaya, a Sanskrit 
compound epithet, meaning Bramah the Victorious* 

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of Champa, whose sister was in the haram of the 
king of Mojopahit ; but» above all, Raden Patah^ 
son of Artfa Damar, chief of the Javanese colony 
of Falembangf in Sumatra, already mentioned. 
This colony, surrounded by Malay tribes, and 
mixing with them as the less numerous party, 
though the most powerful, seems to have adopted 
the religion of Mahomet, and to have become, 
jfrom this circumstance, and its natural connection 
with Java, a principal means of propagating Ma- 
bomedanism in the latter country. 

The story, although involved in much improba- 
bility and contradiction, must be given as narrated 
by the Javanese writers themselves ; after which I 
shall add the necessary comments and strictures. 
During the period of the Mojopahit empire, a con- 
siderable intercourse existed between Java and the 
continental part of India, and the favourite wife of 
Browijoyo was a native of the Little Buddhist and 
Siamese kingdom of Champa, on the eastern coast 
of the Gulf of Siam, * the daughter, in short, of 

* ** Here we found two small vessels at an anchor on the 
east side. They were laden with rice and lacquer, which is 
used in japanning of cabinets. One of these came from Champa, 
bound to the town of Malacca, which belongs to the Dutch, 
who took it from the Portuguese ; and this shows they have a 
trade with Champa* This was a very pretty, nrat vessel, her 
bottom very clean, and curiously coated ; the hhd about forty 

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the king of that country. In her own country the 
princess had a sister who married an Arabian priest, 
whose name was Shekh WaU Lanang Ibrahim, 
The sister of the queen of Java, say the Javanese 
accounts, had by this person two sons, who are 
known in Java by the names of Raden Pandita and 
Raden RahmaU When they arrived at the years 
of manhopd, they wer^ recommended by their 
mother to visit the court of their uncle by mar- 
riage, the king of Mojopahit. They accordingly 
embarked, but were shipwrecked on the coast of 
Kamboja, and being detained by the sovereign of 
that country, a deputation from the Javanese mo- 
narch was necessary to e£Pect their release. 

The twQ adventurers finally effected their voyage 
to Jav^ and were received and caressed by the 
king of Mpjopahit. Qf Raden Pandita we hear 
no more ; but Raden Rahmat became afterwards 
celebrated as the first apostle of Islam in Java, 
made many proselytei^, — acquired a grant of land 
from the monarch, — and constructed the first mosque 
ever built in Java. He assumed the title of Susu* 

men 9 all armed with cortans, or broad swords, lauces, and 
some guns, that went with a swivel upon their gunnaU They 
were of the idolaters, natives of Champa, and some of the 
briskest, most sociable, without fearfulpess or shyness, and the 
m<«t neat and dexterous about their shippmg, of any such 
} have mpt with in all my tniTels."-*Dampier, Voh 1. p. 400. 

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hrniarij abbreviated Susunan, and Sunan, which, 
no matter its literal signification, meant, in its early 
nse, apostle, but when assumed by the temporal so- 
vereigns, two centuries afterwards, is more appro- 
priately explained by the word Caliph, as it was 
applied to the temporal and spiritual suceessm^ of 

Among the wives of Browyoyo was a Chinese, 
or more probably the Creole descendant of a man 
of that nation, whose history is by the native Writers 
connected with the introduction of the Mahome* 
dan religion. This woman was repudiated by the 
Javanese monarch, when pregnant of Raden Patah^ 
and made over to the chief of Falembasigy Atyd 
Damarf said to have been Browijoyo's own son. 

Raden Patah, when he grew up, accompanied 
hj Raden Husen, a real son of ^rya Damar^ by 
the same mother, came to Java, both converts to 
the Mahomedan religion. Raden Patah assumed 
the character of a zealot and a devotee, but Raden 
Husen contented himself with temporal advan- 
tages, and the promotion he received at the court 
of his grandfather, where he was raised to the rank 
of adipatif or governor of the district of Trung^axid 
in due time even intrusted with the command of the 
army, which afterwards encountered the forces of 

Raden Patah settled in the district of Ddniak^ 
or Bintoro, where he was permitted to reside. 

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through the influence of his brother. His conduct, 
howeTcr, creating at last some susqpidon at the 
capital, his brother jiaid him a visit, and prevailed 
upon him to make his appearance at court, and 
pay the accustomed homage. Baden Patah was 
not only forgiven, but preferred to the honours 
and emoluments of adipati of Bintoro. 

With this title he returned to Damak, and be- 
gan to intrigue anew for the subversion of the na- 
tional worship, surrounded by the most celebrated 
of the advocates of the new religion. Raden Pa- 
tah having, by his intrigues, at length formed a con- 
siderable party, and mustered a respectable force, 
gave the command to a Javanese, who obtained or 
assumed the name of Susuhunan Udang^ for the 
zealot himself appears to have been no soldier. 
This is alleged to have happened in the year 1390 
of Salivana, after Raden Patah had been no less 
than five and thirty years on the island. The Ma- 
homedan force was encountered and defeated near 
' G&rsiki by the Hindu forces under the command 
of HuseUy and their general killed. 

Raden Patah^ not discouraged by this de-» 
feat, applied for, and obtained succour from, the 
faithful at Palemhang^ and was in condition shortly 
after to assemble a fresh force, of which the com* 
mand was given to Susunan KtuiuSf son of the ge- 
neral who had been defeated and killed in the last 
engagment. Husen^ still the commander of the 

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troops of Mojopahit, was now in his tarn defeated, 
and the consequence of the loss of the battle was 
the capture of Mojopahii, ita eventual destnictiofa, 
and the triumph of Mahomedanism, which is well 
ascertained to have happened in the year of Sali- 
vana 1400, corresponding to H78 of the Chris- 
tian era. 

The leading circumstances of this account are 
no doubt correct, but there are some of the minu* 
ter parts of the detail irreconcilable with truth and 
probability. The most remarkable of these are the 
story of the princess of Champa^ and of the birth 
of Raden Fatah. Champa, as already mention- 
ed, is a small state on the eastern coast of the 
gulf of Siam, the inhabitants of which are Hin« 
dus of the sect of Buddha, like the other people 
of farther India* The emigration of females is 
strictly forbidden in all these countnes» imd, there- 
fore, it i^ not very likely that the king of Java, 
though of the same religion, should obtain a wife 
from that country ; and if he had, it is absurd to 
imagine that the vagabond priest of a foreign and 
hostile religion, should obtain in marriage her sister 
and the daughter of the king oi the country. The 
probability is, that the wife of the king of Java was 
some humble female, clandestinely withdrawn from 
Champoj and procured for the king of Java's ha<« 
ram, by the instrumentality of some of the Arab 
traders themselves. This princess is alleged by 

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the Javanese to have been converted to the Maho- 
medan religion on the capture of Mojopahit ; and 
her tomb, still reckoned a holy shrine, and attend- 
ed by Moslem priests, is pointed out near the ruins 
of the city. In a visit made to this place in 1815, 
we discovered, unfortunately for this account, the 
date 13*^^0^ distinctly inscribed on the tomb, eighty 
years before the destruction of the city, and as 
many at least before the reputed death of the prin- 

As to the revolting account of the birth of Ra- 
den Patahy in which a father, and a king, is repre*- 
sented as giving his pregnant wife in marriage to 
hia own son, it was probably the tabrication of a 
later age, determined, at all hazards, to give a royal 
pedigree to the founder of the Mahomedan reli- 

All that is. important in the history of the intro- 
duction of Mahomedanism is told in a few words. 
The Mahomedans, in the course of several ages, 
had accumulated in considerable numbers. Many 
of them were persons wl|0 had seen the manners of 
other nations : all were superior in intelligei^ce to 
the natives, and were capable of acting in combi- 
nation for a great end ; — ^they were actuated by a 
religious zeal, and, at length, found an ambitious, 
persevering, and able leader. The aboriginal bar- 
barians of Java, less active and civilized, with a re- 
ligion which never laid a strong hold of the imagi- 

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nation, and, at the moment, as is proved in another 
place, for a long time on the decline, or unsupport- 
ed by an active priesthood, were no match, not- 
withstanding their numbers, for the zeal and ener- 
gy of their adversaries. The throne and govem- 
mept being subverted, and the leaders adopting 
the new religion, the progress of conversion among 
a people who, at this moment, would almost adopt 
a new religion on the authority of a royal mandate 
or proclamation, was necessarily rapid. * 

The political state of the island, previous to the 
subversion of Hinduism, maybe described as follows. 
—The eastern and central provinces, the richest 
and most populous districts of the island, were sub- 
ject to the king of Mojopahit, some in a vassal state, 
and others under his direct sway. Cheribon^and the 
districts around it, were under petty independent 
princes. The rest of the island, comprehending 

• If we are to credit the apocbryphal autbority of Mendez 
rinto, and there is no good reason to distrust it, the Hindu 
religion existed entire in the independent kingdom of Pusuru* 
hau, 68 years after the fall of Mojopahit. The chief of Da- 
mttk, and other Mahotnedan princes, went against it in the 
year 1546, and were defeated. Pinto accompaniefi the ex- 
pedition, along with some other Portuguese adventurers, and 
his narrative though crowded with the most palpable falsehood9 
in matters of detiul, shows that he understood the country and 
the people ot which he was rendering an account, — Voyage^ 
and AdTentures of Ferdinand Mendez Pinto, Chap. xliv. 

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all the other Sunda districts, afad' Bantam, were 
subject to the king of BUjc^atan. . In the western 
districts, the work of conversion went oh as rapidly 
as in the eastern, and at 1^ kme time. The most 
active and distingidshcid of the leaders in the 
work of conversion throughout the island, are 
known by the name of the nine Susuhunans or 
apostles, of whom .as many fabulous and puerile 
tales are related, as if in Europe they had been the 
worthies of tbi«e thousand years ago. The truth 
is, that such of them as were foreigners, or rather 
the descendants of foreigners, w^re asetofadven* 
turers who, as usual, traded as well in religion as 
in merchandise, and w{io were more Remarkably 
characterized by the cunning of petty traders, than 
by that high and chivalrous enthusiasm which dis- 
tinguished the hardy and high-born chiefs of Arabia, 
that spread the religion of the prophet over the 
countries of Western Asia, in the early ages of 
Moslem history. * 

Unquestionably, the most able and enterprising 
of all these was the apostle of the western districts, 
Shekk Maulana^ Sultan of Cheribon, called Su^ 
9uhanan Gtmung-Jati^ from the place of his resi- 
dence. He was by birth an Arab, but had sojourned 
for years among the Mahomedan countries of the 

* Ockley's History of the Saracens. 

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Archipelago, before he reached Java. He is said 
to have arrived in that island as early as 1334^ 
which is highly improbable, as his death, which is 
better ascertained, did not take place until Q'^ years 
after ; and surely the man, who had sojourned for 
years in other countries of the Archipelago, after 
beipg old enough to leave his own, and of years to 
become the character of an apostle, could not, on 
his entering upon that office, have been a youth. 
Whatever the period of his arrival or birth, his 
apostolic functions were active and important, and 
t;he reward to himself and his family, was the acqui- 
sitiop of considerable principalities. He con- 
quered and converted the districts of Cheribon for 
himself, and, sending his son to Bantam, in 14>02 
of Salivana, 1480 of Christ, the young prince 
made proselytes of the inhabitants, as is expressly 
mentioned in the annals or traditions of that part 
of the island, bj/ the gentle means of persuasion 
and not by the sword. His father conferred upon 
the young prince the title of Sultan of Bantam, and 
assumed .himself the same title for Cheribon. From 
' them are descended the present princes of both 
countries. The Sultan of Bantam, after he was 
some years established in his government, made war 
fipon the pagan king of Pijajaran^ Prabu Seda^ 
and capturing his palace, the country fell, without 
farther stru^les under his authority, and the in- 
habitants accepted the religion of the Koran. A 

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third kingdom was formed for another son of the 
Sultan of Cheribon, in the principality of Jacatra, 
on the seat of the modem Batavia, and which he- 
reditarily descended to his posterity, until their 
conquest by the Dutch in the beginning of the 
seventeenth century. 

These spiritual and temporal conquests were 
made in concert, or at least in correspondence, 
with the apostles of Islam to the east, and reciprocal 
aid was frequently furnished by them to each other. 

Such is a sketch of all that is useful or authen- 
tic in the history of the conversion of the Javanese 
to the religion of Mahomet. It may be remarked, 
as a singular coincidence, that the Mahomedan re« 
ligion was extending itself thus in Asia, at the very 
time it was expelled from Europe ; and it is curious 
to observe, that this important revolution was going 
forward nearly at the ^^ame moment with the grand- 
est events of the history of man. Mojopaphit was 
destroyed but It years before the discovery of 
America, and but nine before Vasca di Gama doub- 
'led the Cape. It was a moment, indeed, when the 
nations of the world throughout were becoming 
better acquainted with each other. The European 
reader, in reflecting upon this subject, will feel re- 
gret, that the intolerant religion of Mahomed 
should have anticipated the religion and civilization 
of a more polished and improved portion of man- 
kind ; but that regret will be moderated when be 

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considers the bigotry and-cmelty of the Portuguese^ 
the first adventurers,' and iiie mean and pitiful po- 
licy of their mercantile successors of all nations, 
viewing that policy in its influence upon the hap- 
"piness and improvement of mankind. 

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Petty States r»hich sprung upjrom the Convulsions otea- 

sioned by the Introduction of Mahomedanism. — Damak 

Pajang. — Rise of ike Dynasty of Mataram, — Kyayi A" 
g^ing Pamanahan^ the founder of ike Dynasty, — Reign of 
Panambahan Senopati, at Maiaram^ — He Conquers the 
Eastern Districts^ as Jar as Pati* — Anecdotes of this 
Princess reign. — Death of PanHmbahan Senapati^ — Pa^ 
niimbahan Krapyak ascends the throne^-^Conquers the 
Province of Pronorogo^^^Suppresses various Rebellions* — 
Remarkable events in his reign. — Reign of Sultan Adi Ma* 
tarantf usually called the Great Smltan^^Conquers the 
whole of the Eastern Districts^ Cheribon^ and the Sunda 
Districts^ down to Jacatra* — Receives missions from Borneo 
and Sumatra. — Sends an embassy to Celebes. — Anecdotes 
of his reign. — Predatory incursion into the Eastern Dis» 
iricts — Massacre of the Inhabitants of the Sunda District 
of Su$H&dang. — SuUan of Mataram poisons the waters ^ 
the river of Surabaya. — Chiefs of the Eastern Dis» 
tricts combine against the People of Mataram^ and are 
defeated. — Generosity of the Sultan on the occasion^-^DeS" 
perate and gallant action qf the Prince of PUmakasan, in 
Madura.-^ Story of the heroic Princess^ Wandan Sari.'^ 
Execution of the spiritual Chief qf Giri* — Remarkable na* 
tural events during this reign.'^SuUan TUgriflrum succeeds 

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to the throne of Mataram.-^Is an abeminalde Tyrani^-^His 
' tt>hole reign characterized by a series of Rebellions^ — He ii 
finally driven from his throne ^ and dies in his flight to TS" 
gal — Principal incidents of his reign, — Story of the Re- 
bellion q/" the Pangeran Alit, — The Priests of Maiaram^ 
with their families, amounting to six thousand persons, mas» 
sacred by the Sultan in cold blood. 

The portion of the history of Java contained in 
this chapter, extends from the establishment of the 
Mahomedan religion, to that of the influence of 
Europeans in the destinies of the native inhabi- 
tants, and is the most curious and instructive 
branch of Javanese story. 

For a hundred years, or from the establishment 
of the Mahomedan religion, to the rise of the dy- 
nasty of Mataram, the island of Java was divided 
into a number of petty states, governed by the suc- 
cessors of the first missionaries, and disturbed by 
their ambition and intrigues. We possess no au*- 
thentic and detailed record of their transactions, 
and if we did, they would be unworthy of rela- 
tion. A rapid sketch is all that can interest the 
European reader, and this I shall proceed to give. 

The principal of these states were, Damak, 
Cheribon, Bantam, Jakatra, and Pajang. Ma- 
dura, and the eastern end of Java, were inde- 
pendent, and split into still more inconsiderable 

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Raden Fatah, the principal agent in the suhver- 
sion of Hinduism to the eastern end of the ishind, 
was raised to sovereign authority by the voice of his 
followers. It deserves to be remarked, as -a proof 
of the great influence of the Mahomedan priest* 
hood, that, during the first century of Mahome- 
danism, they exerted, very generally, the high 
prerogative of choosing the sovereign. The go- 
vernment of the eastern districts was in fact elec- 
tive, in a hierarchy, until it became hereditary in 
the family of ilfa/aram. 

The place which Raden Patah chose for the 
seat of government was D&mak, on the north coast 
of the island, and about twelve miles from the 
modem city of Samarang. Three princes oi this 
dynasty in all reigned at Damakt during a period 
of about sixty years ; and their authority seems to 
have extended over a considerable portion of the 
east and centre of the island. 

This partial monarchy was farther divided on 
the death of the last prince, when the most consi* 
derable state which arose out of it was Fqjangy a 
central province of the island, to which was subject 
several of the surrounding districts. This govern^- 
ment fell to a chief named Joko Tingkir, on whom 
was eventually conferred the title of sultan by the 
spiritual chief of G&rsiL Pqjang was subverted 
by ihe chief of the family of Mataram, afler it 
had existed about forty years. Its destruction 

VOL. ,11. X 

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is calculated to have happened in the year 1578 
of Christ. The stories of Che7ibon, Bantam, 
and JakatrOj which continued hereditarily for 
a much longer period in the families of the first 
missionaries, will be briefiy told in another place. 

Towards the latter end of the fifteenth centu* 
ry of our time, the richest and most extensive part 
of the island, the central and eastern provinces, 
whatever might have been its condition earlier, 
was broken down into a great number of indepen- 
dent states. In Madura^ alone, there were three 
independent principalities, and in Java at least 
eight. The fortunate family of Mataram now 
commenced a successful career of conquest, and 
during the reigns of four princes, but chiefly of the 
first three, and in less than a century, subjugated 
the whole island except Bantam, assuming in com* 
plete sovereignty the whole of the eastern and cen- 
tral part, reducing Cheribon to the condition of a 
Vassal kingdom, and exacting homage from Jaka- 
tra. The detail of this conquest is preserved with 
tolerable fidelity, and as it illustrates the character 
of the people, and presents a curious picture of 
manners and society, I shall be tempted to offer it - 
to the reader at more length than its importance 
would otherwise seem to merit. 

KyayiAgang Pawanahan^ the first of the family 
of Mataiam that lose to consequence, was chief of 
the dependent province of Mataram, under the 

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Sultan of Pqjang. He is said to have been the 
fourth in lineal descent from Browijoyo, the last 
Hindu sovereign of Mqjopahit^ a genealogy, in all 
likelihood* fabricated in after times to impose on 
the credulity of the people^ by tracing the origin 
of the family to a source which insured their 
veneration and affection. This person was suc- 
ceeded in the administration of the province by 
his son, the first sovereign of the family, who is 
best known by the title of Senopati^ or military 
commander, conferred upon him by the Sultan of 
P(0angi in return for which he poisoned his bo* 
nefactor, and by a course of intrigue, too often re- 
peated in the history of man to demand a new re- 
cital, deprived his family of their patrimony, add- 
ed Pajang to Mataram, and assumed the sovereign 
title of Pan&mbahan.* 

(A. S. 1508, A. D. 1586.)— The principal 
object. of the reign of this prince was the subjuga- 
tion of the eastern districts, and in this he succeed- 
ed as far as Pati^ towards the north coast, and 
Kadiri towards the south. He made predatory in- 
cursions as far as Pasurvhan^ but no permanent 
conquest. Of the manner in which the war was 
conducted, I shall offer a few specimens. The 
prince of Mataram having made an expedition to 
the east, was opposed by the confederated chiefs 

• Literally " the object of an obeisance »'* 

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of Madura and Java, and used the following stra- 
tagem to disengage the two first of the confede- 
rates that opposed his progress, the princes of Ma- 
dxyon and Pronorogo. He selected a beautiful wo- 
man, of the highest rank, and sent her as his am- 
bassador to the prince of MadiyoUj who, by the 
way, affected the habits and life of a devotee. The 
chief of Mataram called him of Madiyon father, 
which is equivalent, by the customs of Java, to 
tendering submission, and acknowledging depend- 
ance or inferiority. The lady was particularly in- 
structed to resist no solicitation of the prince. She 
obeyed his instructions, and by her blandishments 
seduced him from his alliance. The SenopaH 
meanwhile attacked the prince of Pronorogo, and 
surprised him with two hundred chosen horse, led 
by himself in person, after which success, without 
farther ceremony, he fell upon the prince of 
Madiyon^ and obtained an easy victory. This 
chieftain, flying from his palace, with his fa- 
mily, left his favourite daughter behind him, as a 
decoy to his antagonist, and this lady, was after- 
ward9 married to the prince of' Mataram. 

The prince of Mataram having attacked the pro- 
vince of Pasuruhan, the chief of that district 
would have submitted, but was dissuaded by a re- 
fugee from Blambangan, a chief called Adipati 
Kaniten, to whom he gave the command of his 
troops. This person having challenged the chief 

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of an advanced party of the Mataram forces, who, 
unknown to him, was the Senopati himself, he 
was worsted in the single combat which ensued, and 
thrown wounded from his horse. The conqueror, 
.without offering him any further injury, directed a 
lame mare to be brought, on which, bare backed, 
and with a miserable bridle, he mounted his dis- 
comfited rival, and in this plight dismissed him to 
his chief, to tell the story of his disgrace. It is 
necessary to explain, that, in Java, it is considered a 
disgrace to ride a mare ; none but the meanest of 
the people using mares for the saddle. The troops 
of PaSuruhan^ after the loss of their leader, took 
to flight, and the chief of that province, to make 
his peace with the victor, put the wounded Kani^ 
ten to death, by pouring melted tin down his 
throat, and transmitted the dead body, with gifts 
and proffers of submission, to the Senopati. 

This prince died in the year of Salivana 1523, 
leaving the reputation of the bravest and most in- 
trepid, though not the wisest, of the princes of 
Java. He owed a large portion of his success to 
the counsels of his uncle M0ndoroko, by whose 
wisdom and prudence his ardour and impatience 
were tempered and restrained. 

(A. S. 1508, A. D. 1686.)— In the first year 
of the reign of this prince, there was, say the na- 
tive writers, a dreadful eruption of a volcano, ac- 
companied by showers of ashes, and violent earth- 

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quakes, which terrified the inhabitants of Java. 
This was the same eruption to which the Portu- 
guese were witnesses, and which, by their account, 
hid the sun for three whole days, and destroyed 
ten thousand souls. 

(A. S. 1523, A.D. 1601.)— The Senopatiwas 
succeeded by his second son, Ma$ Jolang^ called 
after his death Panambah&n Krapj/ak^ from the 
spot where he died, in conformity with the uni- 
versal practice of the Indian idanders. This 
prince, less active and ambitious them his prede- 
cessor, added but the single province of Prono- 
rogo to his dominions. He was chiefly occupied, 
indeed, in a contention for authority with the 
prince of Pugar^ his elder brother, and in suppress- 
ing a variety of those rebellions which are natu- 
rally incident to a dominion acquired by violence, 
and maintained without &fcilK 

In the year 1524 of Salivana, (1602,) the Ja- 
vanese writers record a total eclipse of the sun. 

(A. S. 1535, A. D. 161^0— The eldest son of 
the last prince succeeded his father, taking the 
name of Adi Mataram. He and his son alone 
took the Arabic title of Sultan, their predecessors 
contenting themselves with the humbler appella- 
tion of Pan&mbahan, and their successors tak- 
ing the spiritual distinction of Susunan. In 
Javanese history he is called Sultan Agung^ or 
the Great Sultan^ a title which he undoubtedly 

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deserves^ for he wss not only the greatest conque* 
ror, but the best prince of whom any mention is 
made in Javanese story. ^ In a reign of thirty- 
three years, he conquered the whole of the eastern 
districts* including the principality of Blamban^, 
at the extreme east, Cheribon, and the whole of 
the Sunda countries, except Jacatra and Bantam* 
His disgrace and discomfiture in his wars with the 
Europeans will be mentioned in another place. His 
fame spread to Celebes, where he sent an embassy, 
as well as to Sumatra and Borneo. The Adipati^ or 
chiefof the Javanese settlement ofPafemia72g-,inthe 
former island, paid his respects in person, and the 
Javanese colony o( Bargarmasin^ in the latter coun- 
try, sent a mission. These honours from distant 
idands, and the homage which the chief of Mata- 
ram received from many states of Java, had their 
origin as much in the terror of his name, as in any 
«q>erienoe of his real power, for sovereign power 
has on the mind of the Indian islanders the mys- 
terious influence which rdigion has on the minds 
of all barbarians, arising from the same causes, 
fear, ignorance, and superstition. 

From a few examples of the mode in which this 
best of Javanese princes conducted his wars and 
government, we have an opportunity of estimat- 
ing the character of the society over which he 

The very year that the Sultan ascended the 

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throne^ he sent a large force for the conquest of 
the eastern districts, which ended in a mere pre* 
datory expedition, no permanent conquest having 
been effected. In this afi&ir, the country was laid 
waste, the villages burned, and the cattle and in- 
habitants carried off, and divided as booty among 
the troops. 

Sometimes the men were put to the sword, in« 
stead of being led into captivity, but the latter 
was invariably the fate of the women. 

In the ayth year of his reign, the chief of the 
Sunda district of Sumddang revolted- The Sul- 
tan was highly incensed, and his orders were, to ex-^ 
terminate the males, without sparing the children, 
and to carry off the women into captivity. These 
orders were obeyed, — no resistance was offered, and 
in that poor and ill-peopled district, a thousand 
persons were massacred. 

One of the most powerful and obstinate of the 
Sultan's enemies was the Pangeran, or prince ot* 
Surabaya. The Sultan, in the year of Salivana 
1545, (A. D. 1623,) sent a powerful force to sub- 
due him, and the following is the stratagem by 
which the purpose was effected. The commander 
halted at Japan, on the river of Surabaya, thirty 
miles above the town of that name. Here he dammed 
up the river, diverting a portion of the stream. 
Into the stream, thus diminished, he threw, dead 
carcases, putrid vegetables, and, above all, the a- 

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bundant and noisome fruit of the aren pahn^ with 
the view of poisoning the water, and compelling 
the inliabitants of Surabaya to submission, a conse* 
quence which, either from the real or imaginaiy 
effects of the measure, soon followed. 

The chief of Surabaya having submitted, sent 
his son to Mataram to make his submission. On 
this occasion, the young prince, with his compa- 
nions and domostics, his wives, and all the fe- 
males of his family, were, say the native writers, 
according to custom, brought into the public pre- 
sence of the Sultan, bound in cords. 

We may glean a few facts now and then, of a more 
favourable character. In the year 1537 of Saliva- 
na, (A. D. l6ld,) the ambitious projects of the 
family of Mataram raised against them a host of 
enemies, in a confederation of the princes of Ma^ 
dura^ and of the eastern part of Java. Encouraged 
by the response of the spiritual chief of Giri, whom 
it was customary to consult as an oracle, they march- 
ed in great numbers to the west, with the hope of sub- 
verting Mataram. Ignorant of the country, and im- 
provident, they had not reached Pajang when their 
stock of provisions was expended, and they were 
compelled to feed on wild roots and the bark of 
trees, which engendered fatal disorders that car- 
ried off great numbers. In this condition they 
were attacked by the Sultan of Mataram and utter- 
ly defeated«^ Among the slain was the chief of 

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Japan^ a maa of great gallantry* At ught of the 
dead body of his enemy, the Sultan exclaimed, with 
a generosity which is ccmunonly a stranger to such 
a state of society on such an occasioni — <* This is, 
indeed, the body of a true soldier, let it be duly 
honoured and buried with distinction ;" and, turn* 
ing to the Adipati of Pqjang^ whose fidelity was 
suspected, he farther eulogized the open and ho- 
nourable hostility of the fallen chief. 

In U^ Salivana, (A. D. I62d,) a powerful 
force was sent to subdue Madura^ and the conquest 
was finally effected, but n<^ till after a brave strug- 
gle on the part of the chiefs of that island, then 
divided into five states. Tlie Madurese are reput- 
ed a braver and hardier race than their more civi- 
lized ueighbours the Javanese. On this occasion 
the prince of Pamakasanf incensed against the in- 
vaders of his country, hoped to turn the fortunes 
of the war, by depriving the enemy of so skUful a 
leader as the commander of the Javanese army, 
Joyo Saponto ; and, with this view, accompanied 
by a few determined followers, he entered the Ja« 
vanese camp in the dead of the night, made his 
way to the quarters of the adverse chief, and, mor- 
tally wounding him, efiected his retreat, but not un- 
til he himself had received a fatal stab, of which he 
expired the following day. This accident' threw 
the tro<^ of Mataram into consternation* and lor 
a time arrested the progress of the war. 


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I shall give but oiieoith«r aneodiote of this reign, 
and chiefly because it affords a curious illustration 
of the female character in the highest rank of life. 
A similar exaoipfe his net, indeed, been otften af- 
forded in Java, though there the women claim a de- 
gree of equality with the stronger sex, not often seen 
in the east, but frequent instaiices are afibrded of fe- 
male heroism among the more warlike, ferocious, 
and uncivilized tribes of Celebes. In the year 
15^0 of Salivana, (A. D. 16«8,) the Sultan attack- 
ed Girif the residence of the spiritual chief of that 
name, and the descendant of one of the most con- 
spicuous of the first i^xistles of Mahomedanism, 
and subdued it after an obstinate struggle. He 
was probably induced to diregard the holy charac- 
ter of this person, from resentment for the advice 
he had given to the eastern chie& in their invasion 
of Mataram. 

The command of the troops for this enterprise 
was entrusted to the prince of Surabaya, now affi- 
anced to the Sultan by a marriage with his daughter 
the princess WandanSari. The priest^of (^Jiri made 
a gallant defence, and in one rencontre defeated his 
adversary, whose fortunes were retrieved by the 
spirit of his heroic consort. This princess present- 
ed herself before the troops, accoutered as a war- 
rior, spoke of the bravery of her ancestors, ha- 
rangued the soldiers, distributi^d gifts to them, and 
put herself at their head. Encouraged by her ex- 

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ample, the troops renewed the attack, captured the 
temple and mausoleum of Girt, and took the Su^ 
sanan and his family prisoners. The daughters of 
Javanese princes, when married to subjects, assume 
a tone, and insist on privileges, unknown to their 
sex in the east. The husband, in such a case, fre- 
quently terms the wife mistress^ addresses her in 
the language appropriated to ceremony, and cannot 
marry a second wife or keep a concubine. The 
Raiu IVandan claimed and maintained this ascen- 
dancy over her husband. 

The following natural calamities are recorded 
by the Javanese writers to have happened during 
this reign. In the year 1536, (A. D. 16 14,) the 
island was enveloped in a cloud of ashes, which oc- 
casioned a total darkness. This had its origin in 
one of the volcauos of the neighbouring islands. 

In the year 1563, (A. D. 164^1,) a vast number 
of lives were lost by the falling of a portion of the 
mountain of Adiksa. 

Intheyearof Salivana 1566, (A. D. 1644,) the 
country was afflicted with a dreadful epidemic, 
which swept off a great number of people. 

The Sultan Tagal-arum succeeded his father in 
the year of Salivana 1568, (A. D. 1646,) and 
reigned three and thirty years. 

The records of Asiatic despotism, so fruitful in 
crime and villany, hardly afford a superior to this 
Javanese prince. He was, in short, a cruel and 
ftrocious.madmany without the shadow of a virtue 

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to redeem his character. It is unnecessary to add, 
after this, that numerous insurrections took place. 
His own son-in-law, a native of Madura, named 
Truna Jay a, abetted by his son and the heir to his 
throne, revolted in the year 159*^ of Salivana, 
(A. D. 167^9) and this rebellion terminated in 
the conquest of the whole of the eastern districts, 
and eventually in that of the centre, the expulsion 
of the tyrant from his throne, and the seizure of his 
capital. In his flight to Tagal after this event, he 
was taken ill and died on his road. 

I shall proceed briefly to narrate a few of the 
incidents of this reign, by which we shall be en- 
abled to appreciate the character of the sovereign, 
and of the society over which he presided. 

Shortly after his accession to the throne, the 
Pangeran AUt, his younger brother, entered into a 
cons{Hracy against him. The principal instigator 
of this transaction was a nol^le of the name of Sing* 
singan. The Sultan bein^ duly apprised of his 
danger, had the noble secretly put to death. On 
the following day, when the young prince appeared 
in the presence, the first spectacle which offered 
itself to him, was the bloody head of his friend sus- 
pended from the Sultanas own hand by the hain 
The SulXan indignantly threw it down at his bro« 
ther's feet, who, to make his peace, and save his 
life, began with a baseness equal to the ferocity of 
the other, to insult the head by wounding and 

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disfi^ring the face with his dagger. This scene 
of wild and savage barbarity did not end here* The 
young prince retired from the presence with dis- 
sembled resentment, and refusing compliance with 
the Sultan's order to surrender his accomplices, he 
prepared for resistance. The chief of Madura 
entreated the youth to desist from his rash enter- 
prise, and in <Ioing this, embraced his feet accord- 
ing to the custom of the country. The prince put 
an end to his entreaties and his life by drawing his 
IcriSf and mortally wounding him in the throat, as 
he thus lay supplicating him. The retainers of the 
chief of Madura, who were witnesses to this trans- 
action, rushed upon the prince, and sacrificed him 
to their fury and resentment. 

The Sultan hearing of the loss of his brother, 
feigned a deep sorrow, accused himself of his death, 
unsheathed his dagger, and wounded himself in the 
arm, as an expiation for the share he had in his 

Connected with this transaction is another of 
much greater atrocity. The Sultan, suspecting the 
priests of Mataram to be implicated in the conspi* 
racy of Pangeran Alit, directed registers of them 
to be formed, and on pretence of conferring upon 
those of the capital some distinctions, had .them as- 
sembled, when, upon a concerted signal, an indiscri- 
minate slaughter was commenced, and six thousand. 

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including women and children, were thus butchered 
in cold blood ! 

One farther example of the atrocities of this abo- 
minable tyrant will be enough. He had married 
in his father's lifetime the daughter of the prince 
of Surabaya, and by her had a prince, now appa- 
rent heir to the throne. Of this prince, and of his 
father-in-law, he seems early to have entertained a 
deep-rooted jealousy. The young prince having 
&llen in love with a young woman of Surabaya 
residing at Mataram, applied to his grandfather to 
put him in possession of her person. But the Sul- 
tan himself had unfortunately also felt a passion for 
the same lady. Notwithstanding this, the chief of 
Surabaya, willing to gratify his grandson, used his 
influence, and obtained her for the young prince, 
to whom she was accordingly married. The Sul- 
tan, when he heard of this transaction, was incen- 
sed to madness, and dii*ecEed the immediate execu- 
tion of the chief of Surabaya, his wife, children, and 
grandchildren, to the number of 40 persons. There 
is one part of the story, which, for the credit of 
human nature, it were better to refuse our belief to, 
bad it not been too well authenticated. The Sul- 
tan ordered the young prince and his bride to ap- 
pear before him, and there commanded him to stab 
her with his own hand } and this lover obeyed the 
mandate ! 

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After this transaction, the Sultan gave a loose to 
all the extravagance of his tyranny, and massacred 
without scruple, and without provocation, the first 
persons of the land. I have already remarked, that 
fear, and not love, is the source of the political as 
well as the religious creed of the Javanese ; and the 
respect still shown to the memory of this monster 
is a signal proof of it, for his tomb at Tagal is not 
considered as less than the shrine of a saint, and 
often receives the pious visits and oblations of the 
present race of inhabitants ! 

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RHrospeci of Portuguese His^gr^, as immrdiaieltf connected 
with thai of Java. — Of Dutch History, and Reflections oH 
the jpolicy pursued by Europeans. — Reign of the Susunan 
Mangkorat^-^RebelUon of Truna Jaya^ and Invasion of the 
Macassars, — Mangkorat calls in the Dutch to his assist" 
ance, — Siory of Surapati. — Singular incident at Japara,-^ 
Tragical story of Truna Jaya.^^Tragical story of SukrOi 
son (^ the first minister. -^Reign of Mangkorat Mas. — Re* 
bettion of his unck, the Pangeran Pugar, and his dethrone^ 
ment. — Murder of the Chief of Pronorogo. — Reign of Pa • 
kubuono. — Jayeng RonOy Prince of Surabaya, assassinated 
by the Susunan, at the instigation of the Dutch. — Rebellion 
ofJoyo Puspito. — Reflections on the conduct of the Dutch^ 
—'-Accountofthe Impostors caUed Kraman* — Story i^fMae 
Donoi one of these. — Reign of Susunan Prabu^^^His reign 
a series of rebellion^* — The reign of Susunan Sedo Lavoem 
yap. — Susunanjoins the Chinese ioho had escaped from the 
massacre ofBatavia. — They jointly attack Samarang, — The 
Susunan treacherously quits the Chinese, and allies himself 
again toith the DutcJi. — Chinese make a Susunan of their 
ovm, and drive their late aUyJrom his throne. — Chinese dc" 
feated and the Susunan restored/^-^Ndrrative of some of the 
principal events of this reign^-^^Treacherous (Utaok upon the 
Dutch Fortress at Cartasura, and Massacre of the Prison- 
ers. — Atrocious circumstances connected ndth the secession 

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of the Jaoanesc from the Chinese alliance. — A mock battle 
fought bettoeen the Javanese and Chinese to hoodwink ike 
Dutch. — Specimen of the correspondence of ttoo hostile 
Javanese Chiefs, — Character displayed by the Chinese in 
the war which they conducted in Java, — Reign of Paku- 
huono the third, — Rebellion of Manghubumi. — Of Mangku" 
nagoro,-^ Character of these rebeUions.'^The Javanese Em" 
pire split into two separate monarchies^^^EstaUishment of 
Yugyakarta^ — A small principality bestowed on Manghu' 
nagoro^^^ Internal tranquillity restored in Java^ which has 
now lasted sixty years. 

To this chapter, which gives the sequel of Java- 
nese history, and which commences with the pe- 
riod when the Dutch power began to be felt in the 
Javanese counsels, and to influence the fortunes of 
the peo^e, it will be necessary to premise a brief 
retrospect of the circumstances and character of 
the European connection, as it more immediately 
relates to the island of ^avi^ The more general 
narrative of European affiiirs will be related in sub- 
sequent chapters. 

The Portuguese arrived in Java in the year 
1511,* the same year in which they conquered 
Malacca, two years after their firist appearance in 
the seas of the ArchipehigOy and thirty4hree after 

* Albuquerque sent embassies from Malacca to the princes 
of Java, but neither the names of those princes, nor of their 
kingdoms, have been handed down to us. 

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the Mdioaiedaii religioii bad aamimed the aflcen* 
daney in the islaad. The immediate auccessors of 
the first apostles of Islam stiU ruled the coimtojrf 
thoogh it would appear that many of die inhar 
bitants ccmtinued to follow their anciait wor- 
ship.* It was not a moment pr(^itious to the in* 
troduction of a new power, or the introduction of a 
new religion. Tlie Portuguese were, besides^ ful- 
ly occupied on the coiltinent of India, and the 
western portions of the Archipelago, and were at 

* The Portuguese, on their first arrival, are said to have 
treated with a Hindu sovereign in die western end of the 
island* In the voyage ^ Oliver Noort round the world, he 
touched in ]601 at the eastern end of Java. The narrative^ 
according to Purchas, has the following strange passage, which 
does not occur in the narrative in the *^ Collection of voyages 
which contributed to the formation of an East Indian Com- 
pany/'—*' On the twentie^cight they came to Jortan, and 
lieard of HoUaend ships at Bantam. Heere they bought macft 
and provision. Jortan hath a thousand houses all of timber. 
The king was absent at Passaruan, five years before he had be* 
sieged Balamboa, and destroyed the king wjth all his kindred. 
He is also king of Sorbay, a citie not far distant,^ all which 
four eitiea are Mahometan, and very rigid in that smniih rtt« 
petttUicvk* The Fagodes and idob argue permissiou of jBA* 
mcke and amcienier Indian rights.'^ — Pilgrims, Book ii. p. 77, 
The Dutch voyagers may have been deceived by the number 
of ancient temples of Hindu worship, which must hare existed 
at a period little more than a century after the subversion o( 

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the moment anxious to be possessed of the country 
of the spices. They seem never to have attempted 
any conquest in Java, and to hive confined them- 
selves solely to the afl^rs of commerce, which they 
conducted chiefly at Bantam and Panarukan. In 
the native annals, no notice whatever is taken of 

The Dutch arrived in Java in the year 159^, 
eighty-four years after the Portuguese, and 117 
after the establishment of the Mahomedan religion. 
This was during the last years of the reign of the 
first prince of the house of Mataram, the Pan&nh 
bahan Senopatu Cheribon, Bantam, and Jacatra, 
were then independent, and Madura, Surabaya, 
and the maritime provinces east of it, were still un- 
subdued. It was during the four and twenty years 
which elapsed from their arrival, until the founda- 
tion of Batpvia, that tlie family of Mataram was 
chiefly aggrandized by the conquest of the best 
part of the island \ but the probability is, that a 
number of years must have passed, before the igno- 
rant and gross traders ofthe sixteenth century imder- 
stood and noted the political movements of a great 
country, especially as the residence of the more in- 
telligent portion of them was always momentary 
and uncertain. 

The object of the European adventurers of those 
times was purely mercenary and commercial. The 
plunder of the east, for it does not deserve the 

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name of commerce, was their object. ; To give an 
equitable price for the commodity they purchased^ 
or to demand no more than a reasonable profit, 
never entered into their minds. They considered 
the natives of those countries as fair game/ and 
drove a trade, in short, in which the simplicity, ig- 
norance, and weakness of the inhabitants of the 
country, were but jioorly opposed to the superior 
intelligence, more enlarged experience, and, above 
all, to the power and violence of the European. 

On these most inauspicious principles commen- 
ced the intercourse between the Dutch and Java- 
^nese. It would have been far more beneficial to 
the latter, had the Europeans with a great force at 
once conquered their country. Ultimately they 
did so, after two centuries of misery and tedious 
suffering. In the first case, the European con- 
querors would have mixed with the native popula- 
tion, instructed them in the arts and civilii^ation of 
Europe, and the interests pf both must have been 
finally assimilated. In the last, the interests of the 
two parties have been at direct yariancj^. The tribu- 
tary party, distrusting every thipg ISuropean, have 
neither adopted the improvements, nor the religion 
of their masters ; apid, (o say the least of it» are ab 
this day not a whit more civilized or improved than 
when the connection commenced more than two 
centuries back. 

From 1595 to 1612, the Dutch traded chiefly 

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84ft 8B«,ini. or MVAirxn Hist Mer. 

wkh th^ kingdmn of Bantim^ the* the pnnripii 
empoviam of the east for pepper, in those times the 
staple of European commerce. 

In 1613 they removed to Jaeatra, obtaining per- 
mission from the prinoe of that ^ace to settle there. 
Here the; oondnoted their trade peaceably for five 
or six years, but at last brdce with the prince whq 
had affiyrded them protection, subdued his country, 
and built Batavia in the year of Salivana 15A 1, (A. D. 
16190^" ^^ ^>^^ ^^^^^ capiul. It was in this year 
thai the Sultan of Mataram, incensed at the piratical 
conduct of the Dutch at «^para which they had de« 
stroyed, and their violence and usurpations at Jaca- 
tra, sent on the invitation of the Pangeran of the 
latter place, a numerous force levied from almost 
every province of Java to expel them from the 
country. The result of this expedition, probably the 
most numerous and powerAil which Java had ever 
seen, consistingof troops accustomed to conquer, and 
acting under the orders of a victorious monarch, 
wiU give us a just impression of the military cha- 
racter of the Javanese. They were defeated by a 
handful of £uropeaiis,-*-afler three assaults were 
unable to capture an ill constructed and half finished 
redoubt and, lonng the best part of their numbers 
chiefly by famine and sickness, at last retired dis- 
eomfited and dii^raced. 

Upon this occasion they arrested the progress of 
the Gonqittsts of the kings of Mataram, and so far 

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may be said to licve influenced tbe domestic polb 
tics of the Jaiwiese ; yet witboot their tnt^ei^nee, 
the temporary empire of Matuntm w«d about to 
tumble to pieces in the smbsequetit reign^ throi^ 
the uarapportable tytafatiy and miigdver&ment of 
the succeeding ^nce, as ^^e ha? e altMdy Seen. 
—A. S. 1551. (A. D* l6«9.>-^They had ittaae 
their p&tce with the Great Siiltan, and sent a nris- 
doti to MatHram, and todk sotne shlu« k the dk- 
putes of his vicious successor aginnst his snbjei^ts ; 
but it was not until A. S. I600, in the reign of the 
Snsuhunan Mangkorat, that they took a greats and 
finally a leading part in the affiiirs of Jav^ 

When tliat prince succeeded his father, the couil- 
try was throughout in a state of anarchy and re- 
belli<ln. The Madu^ese Thma Jaya^ aided by 
a band of fiigitives from Celebes, at .first got pe^ 
seMon of the easbm and central districts, indud- 
ing the capital } bot, from the latter^ he was driven 
by the youtiger son of the late Sultan, PMgeran 
Pugar^ who, taking posseasion of the seat of go* 
vemment, set up the standard of independence* 
The legitimate heir, who took the spiritual distinc- 
tion of Stmmanj called in the Dutch, and a large 
force under Admirad Speelman having been sent to 
his as&lbtanee, he was, after a tedious struggle, placed 
upon the throne at Qfftasura, the seat of govern* 
ment having beeb changed from Mataran^. He 
died in the year A. J. 1627» (A. D. 170a,X after 

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fi troubled reign of twenty-six years. He is one 
of the most respectable of the Javanese princes, 
and enjoys a high reputation among his country- 
men. The most remarkable incidents of his reign 
are his alliance with the Dutch, and the rebellion 
of Sunq[Miti. I shall give a brief account of the 
character of both these, and add a few anecdotes of 
his reign» which will assist in giving us a farther 
insight into the character of the peoplo of Java 
and their government. 

What is most remarkable in the character of the 
political connection of the Dutch with the Java- 
nese, is the perpetual recourse of the former to ar- 
tifice and finesse, when the object of their policy 
would appear more easily and speedily accomplish- 
ed by a manly, direct, and ingenuous conduct. Al- 
though they, had the earlier experience of the 
weakness and unskilfulness of the natives, and of 
their immeasurable inferiority to Europeans, every 
enterprise they undertook against them was mag^ 
nified beyond all reasonable proportion, and mark- 
ed by a singular timidity throughout, by a timidity 
which constantly led them to prefer a policy of ex- 
pedients to measures of prompt energy, resolution, 
and good faith, and which too oftai seduced them 
into acts of the most abandoned perfidy. It would 
be unjust to throw the odium of this coaduct upon 
the national character of the Dutch, who^ repub- 
lican integrity, in the days of their ^lory, is the 

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just theme of applause. It is clearly to be ascribed 
to the peculiar and unfavourable circumistances un- 
der which they were placed. 

The first Dutch adventurers to the East were a set 
of rapacioustraders^whofound themselves unexpect- 
edly called upon to exercise the functions of poli- 
tidaxis and sovereigns. Unused to these offices, 
without agents who could be entrusted with the 
execution of any great or bold undertaking, and 
having, instead of a regular or disciplined force, a few 
half*disciplined marines and sailors, from their com- 
mercial navies, we can be no longer surprised to 
find those who were conscious of the want of real 
strength, constantly resorting to subtlety and in- 
trigue. The natural consequences of this policy 
were protracted wars, financial difficulties, waste 
of human life, mutual hatred and distrust between 
them and the natives, inevitable ruin and destruc- 
tion to the country, and misery to its inhabitants. 
This picture applies to by far the greater portion 
of the two centuries of Dutch rule in Java. 

The rebellion of Surapati, by which name this re- 
markable adventurer is best known, is one of the most 
singular which the history of any people affords. 
This person was, in short, a slave, who ros^ by the 
force of his ntltural talents, to the rank of a sovereign 
prince. He was brought from Bali when seven years 
of age, among the crowd of slaves who were annually 
jpipprted into Batavia from that island, was purchased 

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by 8 Dutdmiati of the tmme ef Hese, whose hrmr 
snd confidence he gain^, and abased, by an in* 
trigue with his natural daughter, by a dative wo- 
man. The slare was detected, corfkirdtty punish- 
ed, and placed in the public stocks, from whence, 
with sixty of his countrymen in a simihr state of 
durance, he effected his escape, massacring the 
centinels and guards of the prison. After a series 
of extraordinary adventures, in the vicinity of Bata- 
via, in the Prayangan mouhtains, and at Cheribon, 
he proceeded eastward, and, trusthig to the secret ha- 
tred of the Susuhunan to the Dutch, threw himself 
upon his generosity, A. J. I6u8, (A. D. 1684.) 
The Susuhunan, disgusted at the igdominious thral- 
dom in which he was himself held, countenanced 
Surapati in secret, and when his person was demand- 
ed, evaded giving him up, upon the plea of respect- 
ing the laws of hospitality, but pretended to give 
leave to seize him in any part of his dominions* The 
Dutch, to effect this latter object, sent to Cartasura 
a force of a thousand men, in addition to the troops 
already there. Surapati had ingratiated himself with 
the first minister, and obtained this chief's daughter 
in marriage. The Susunan directed the minister 
openly to espouse his cause, and, in the event of their 
being overpowered, ordered his brother, the Pan- 
geran Pugar, to render farther assistance. An ac- 
tion commenced in front of the palace, in the great 
^squaie, where tlie Dutch force was overpowered. 

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«ad nearly the whole, with their commander, Tak^ 
destroyed, for the greater part of the natire inhabit- 
ants of the city fell upon them. Surapati, after 
the battle, retired, by tiie adyice of the Susuhunan, 
to the eastward ; and, seizing upon the district of 
^asuruhan, he in time added to it those pf Bangil, 
^ j^obolingo, Japan, Wirosobo, and others, which he 
omtintted to govern well for more than twenty 
years, when he lost his life in a drawn battle fought 
between him and the Dutch in the Javanese year 
16i51, (A, D, 17070 He was unquestionably the 
greatest and most extraordinary person that the his- 
tory and revolutions of Java present to our observa- 
tion ; one, in short, of those hardy and intrepid 
geniuses which are of rare occurrence in any age 
or state of society. 

The following well authenticated anecdote af- 
fords a singular picture of native manners, and of 
the conduTct of the Dutch. In the early period 
of the Dutch authority, their principal establish* 
ment to the east was at Japara. Here a quarrel 
having ensued between a Dutchman and a native 
of the place, the chief Martopuro considering the 
former in fault, had him punished, according to a 
common practice of the country, by streaking his 
face with lime and turmeric, and thus exposing him 
to the ridicule of the populace in the common mar- 
ket place. The Dutch chief communicated on the 
subject with the authorities at Batavia, and the life 
of Martopuro was demanded as an expiation ibr hii 

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insolence. The Susuhunan hardly daring to re- 
fuse compliance with the demands <^ the Dutch, 
but at the same time heartily inclined in sec/et to 
thwart them, sent word to Martopuro privately, 
that if he would resist the Dutch as Surapati had 
done, his life should not only be qMtred, but he 
should in sepret have his assistance. The first mi- 
nister, with other chiefs of rank, were accordingly 
dispatched to Japara to see this project carried into 
effect* Martopuro at first entered into the views of 
the prince, but his courage failing him, the emis- 
saries of the Susuhunan determined upon giving 
him up. Being invited into the fort, a Dutcli 
officer, under pretext of presenting him with a 
glass of wine, snatched his kris from the scabbard. 
Martopuro perceiving this, attempted to make his 
escape, but was seized and krised on the spot, and 
his body, at the instigation of the Javanese chiefs, 
torn to pieces and thrown to the dogs ! They 
made an offer of the disposal of his wives and pro- 
perty to the Dutch chief, and the Susiihunan, in- 
dignant at his cowardice, issued a peremptory or- 
der, forbidding all to give shelter or protection to 
his children and relations. 

In point of atrocity this acts yields to the story 
of the fate of Truna Jaya, which has, indeed, I 
am happy to say, no parallel in Javanese history, 
and few, it is to be hoped, in that of any people 
who have made such progress in the useful arts of 
life.. It affords, indeed, an incredible contrast to 

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the benignity and kindness of the native charac* 
ter^ when not goaded by the spirit of revenge, or 
debauched by the exercise of despotic power. Truna 
Jaya, after being defeated by the Dutch and the 
Susunan, fled to the mountains of Antang^ where 
he lay concealed with a few followers, until, aban* 
doned by most of these, and reduced by want, he 
was glad to make overtures of surrender. These 
were accepted, and his own uncle, the chief of 
Madura, with a Dutch officer, sent to beguile him 
by fresh assurances. He appeared before the 
Susunan bound in' cords, with his wives the 
prince's own sisters, and the rest of his family. 
They threw themselves at the Susunan's feet im« 
ploring pardon,' which he feigned to give them, 
going the length of promising the captive prefer* 
ment. He directed Truna Jaya to retire and 
clothe himself in a decent garment. When this, was 
done the prisoner returned into the presence. The 
Susunan now upbraided him with his treachery and 
rebellion, and directed one of the women in wait* 
ing to bring him an unsheathed kris, which he 
particularized by name. The tr^edy which en- 
sued is related by the Javanese annalist in the fol- 
lowing words : " My brotfier Truna Jaya, (said 
the Susunan,) when I was at Tagal I made a vow 
that this my kris, Blaber,^ should never be sheath- 

* Spears, cannon, and krjses are frequency particularised 

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ed antil gheathed in your breast. On theee wordtf 
the noUes brought Truns Jaya to the foot of ib» 
throne, from whence the prince riaing» came neaif 
htm, and stabbed him to the heart ; the kris pass- 
ing through and through under the shoulder-blade^ 
and the blood gushing out in a torrent. Anto 
Gopo, an officer of the palace, repeated the blow, 
and all the nobles present followed his example, 
leaving the body of Truna Jaya thoroughly 
mangled. The prince rising again from his throne, 
exclaimed, in a loud voice,"— Let his heart be 
devoured. The chiefs rushed upon the body 
again, and tearing out the heart, divided it into 
fragments of a naiPs-breadth, and devoured it ac- 
cordingly. The head they severed from the body, 
and laid it at the foot of the throne." 
• It appears, farther, on the same authority, that 
three of the nobles entering even more fully than 
the rest into the infernal spirit which actuated then: 
sovereign, smeared their naked bodies all over with 
the blood of the prisoner. The head was carried 
in procession before the Susunan, and when die 
savage retired at night to rest^ he is reported to 
have used it as a mat to wipe his feet upon* 

During the scene in the pahice, the Dutch ge- 
neral officers and party were present, biA aslo- 

by natn«s. The krif here named was an ancient heirloom of th» 
royal family, aad is sHift preaervod at iarakarta* 

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sBdVEj. OF jAviir$:9B maTonT. S5l 

nished and appalled at ^e frigWul ipene which 
was transacted before t^iem, they wanted the cou- 
rage or magnanimity tp interfere, though it wa9 
acknowledged tha^t their honour waa j^edged ipr 
the safety of Truna Jaya. 

I shaU give one other aneodpte of this reigii» 
chiefly because it affijrds an iUu^tratixm, u^nauaUj 
authentic, of the e&cts of eastern despotism* and 
is, at the same time, connected with the state of 
domestic manners among the people of whom I am 
renderii^ an account. 

The Susvtpa|i had married his eldest son and suc- 
cessor to ]the daug}i|;er of hl^ brother the Pangenm 
Pugar. The parties were sopn compelled to sepa-» 
rate on account of the ill conduct of the husband, 
a prince of brutal characiter and manners^ Th« 
princess, thus n^lected, formed ^n attciohment to 
SukrOf son of the first mini.^er, a youth of agreed^ 
ble manners and handsome person. The criminal 
connection was in time discovered through an in* 
tercepted letter irom the lover to his mistress* 
The Susunan was highly incensed nt the diseovery, 
and the Pangeran Pugar^ to avert from himself 
and his &mily the ei^ects of his resentment, re» 
solved Uf take the l^ of his daughter* He, ac- 
cord^pgly, ordered his seven sona into his ppep 
fepce, and kformed theiQ of the necessity of their 
biBcoming t^ instruments of tuning the life of their 
si4ter» to ^vcRrt the m$»h of the^r unole and sore* 

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re^n. They naturally refused compliance, but at 
length yielded, on his threatening to punish their 
disobedience by the solemn malediction qf a father ! 
The place chosen for the execution was the prince'a 
own gardra. The young princes having commu- 
nicated to their sister the fatal orders with which 
they were charged, she received them with calm- 
ness, and only begged for a few moments to bathe 
and perfume herself. When this ceremony waa 
over, her mother and female relations were order^ 
ed to withdraw, and the gate of the garden was 
locked. A veil was thrown over the princess 
to conceal the bloody office, and the brothers, af- 
ter receiving her last injunctions, drew the fatal 
cord< When the garden door was opened, and, 
the female attendants admitted, the princes were 
seen viewing the dead body, and awakened, at 
the sight of it, to all the horrors of the tragedy 
they had acted, while they expressed their grief 
with that loud, unreserved, and passionate de- 
clamation, which, on occasions of extreme sorrow, is 
constantly exhibited in the lower stages of society. 
In the mean time, the life of the lover was loud« 
ly demanded by the Susunan. The father^ who 
loved him tenderly, permitted the feelings of na- 
ture to supersede the servile allegiance of a Java- 
nese, and was half inclined to resist. He was^ 
however, finally persuaded to submission, and went 
nnto the presence^ for between unlimited submis- 

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sion, and op9n Feb$Ilioii» there is in such a state of 
flpeiety no meilium. A« soon as ho niade his 
appearwoe lie win s^iaed^ deprived of his kris, an 
unfailing md tioeeasary precaution, asd, aoeording 
to a frequent practioe, oonfined in a cage ^bam^ 
hpOf mitil the safisty of the n^al family shoul4 be 
assured by tibe oxecutlou of his wxa. The yuung 
man, irhfld this was passing, determined to sell hia 
life dosriy, and tbroyr himself, with some desperate 
fmA determined retainers of the imrlike tribe of the 
BngiSf yrtCbin the inoLosures of the minister's p»- 
lece* The palaoe was immediately surrounded by 
the troops of the Sasunan, demanding admission, 
but deterred from entering by force by the fierce 
aspect of those who needed it. At length, the 
yonog man's own uncle haring thrown away his 
arms, scaled the wall, and, presenting himself to 
bis nephew, perfidiously tendered to him the Su- 
aunan's pardon, if he would but throw himself on 
his mercy, and dismiss his guards. Relying on the 
assurances of so near a relative, the Bugis retain- 
ers of the prince, were directed to retire, and die 
gates were thrown open, when the tro<^ rushed 
in, and Sukro was secured and disarmed. Being, 
OB this act of violence, persuaded of the inevitabi- 
lity of his fate, he only entreated, in compliancy 
with a common Javanese superstition, that, in the 
manner of his deadi, his Uood should not be died. 
His uncle, accordingly, administered to him a dose 

VpL. II. 2 

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of pdison, but the operation being dow» and the 
despot pressing his death by repeated messages 
horn the palace, his relative seised him by the hair of 
the heady dragged htm to the ground, «nd strangled 
him by treading on hu neck ! ! 

(A. J. 1607» A* D. 1704*>^The Susonaa 
Mangkorat was sHCCeeded by his son, who took 
the title of Maagkorat Mm, bat he was not 
inany months seated on the throne, when hit 
tyrannical and violent conduct drove his uncle, 
the Pottgerim Pugar, into rebellion. This prince 
fled to Samarang to the Dutch, and being counte- 
nanced by them, was installed Susunan under their 
auspices. The.consequence was a civil war, whidi 
raged in the central and eastern districts of tbe 
island for four years, and which ended in thp 
seizure of the person of Mangkorat Mbs, by an 
iK^t of treachery on the part of the Dutch, and 
his final banishment to Ceylon. Mangkorat Mas 
appears to have been a tyrant, voluptuoue and 
wanton, equally destitute of talents and of pro- 
deuce. His character, and [oobahly that of piany 
9Xk eastern despot, is pourtrayed in the following 
anecdote of him, which is circumstantially related 
by the Javanese writers : In his flight from his en- 
pital, proceeding eastward to join the force of the 
gallant and intrepid Surapati, he halted in the 
distant and secluded district of Pronorc^, and 
lf^9VS9 mCfffmifm (hat he h^id already virtually lost 

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hk honour and buuerown, he gave hiiBself up to 
every illiberal pleasnre. The hyal chief of the 
district, to gratify his prince, directed an incloaure 
to be constructed, and here assembled a ^rariety of 
game, to afford him, at an easy rate, the divenion 
4if shootiug. The Susunan, with his fitmily, men 
and women, repaired to the spot, and, taking np a 
bow and arrow, he began the sport by shooting a 
4eer. The chief of Pronorogo, seeing the game 
fidi, ran into the incloaure, and directed the priest to 
daughter the animal according to the rites of the Ma* 
homedan religion, that it might be legal food. But 
he was unused to the severe punctilio of a Javanese 
isourt, which permits no order, however trivial or in* 
different, to be given in the presence without the 
royal nodqf assent. The brutal andinfatuated prince 
proceeded on the spot to punish this breach of eti* 
quette, and, before the thousands who were as- 
sembled, not foi^ettiag the Amales of his own fa- 
mily, ordered the chief to be tmaspulated^ and had 
the satisfaction to see his host faint b^re him 
from the pain of the operation* This act was too 
much even for the forbearance and slavish loyalty 
of the Javanese ; and the relations of the chief of 
Ptonon^o were preparing to retaliate, but the Su- 
eusan, receiving notice oi their int^ntions^ eluded 
their vengeance by a precipitate flight. 

The Pangeran Pugar took the title of Pakubu- 
wpnoy B name which has since descepdedl to 4U 

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his successors. Counting from his accession, he 
reigned sixteen years, as he died in the A. J. 
J648, A. D. I7I8. 

fVom the circumstanoes of his elevation, and his 
own character, this prince became a mere tool in 
the hands of the Dutch, and they used their in* 
fliretice neither with good policy nor discretion. 
Their conduct, equally marked by wanton cruelty, 
jmd imprudence in the affiur of the chief of Su- 
rabaya, involved the country again in civil war. 
This noble, whose name was Jayeng Bxmo^ was 
the confidential friend and adviser of the Sb- 
iunan, and to his counsels, and those of the prince 
Qi Madura, he was chiefly indebted for his eleva- 
tion. He had, however, incurred the displea- 
sure of the Dutch, most probably from thwart- 
ing some of their ambitious des^ns,^ or being de- 
ficient in that flexibility and subserviency whidi 
was necemary to their purposes, and tbey demand- 
ed hia life from the Susunan. There is some* 
iliHig so sorrowful iti the whole story, that I can- 
not forbear entering into the drcumstances of 
it, OS given by the native writers* The Svsn- 
nan received the deimand of tho life of his friend 
with astmiishmeAt, exclaiming, as is reported, ^ I 
have already lost my right hand, (all^iding to the 
death of the prince of Madura, which had just 
happened,) and they would also out off my left/* 
He hesitated (;o comply with die order, and yet 

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6£Qt>EL Ot^ JAVANS8E mSTORT. 857 

knew not how to resist it. The chief was absent ia 
his government, and a messenger was instantly 
dispatched to inform him that the Dutch had de- 
manded his life, but that if he chose to resist, he 
should be secretly abetted and assisted^ The chief 
of Surabaya, clearly foreseeing that his lesistanee 
would involve the ruin, not only of himself^ but 
of his wh(Je family, came to the disinterested and 
noble resolution of sacrificing his own life to se^ 
cure the safety of his friends and relations, and ht 
^proceeded forthwith to Cartasura, to submit to his 
fate. Here he had repeated audiences of the Suh- ^ 
sunan, who assured him of his thorough convic- 
tion of his innocence, promised to protect his fa- 
mily, and complied with his request to place hit 
brother in his situation after his death. For a 
whole month he waited the airival of the warrant 
for his execution, if it be ailewable to use, on such aa 
eccasioq, a word which belongste the languageo/^'io- 
tke» At length it arrived from Batavia. TYie Susimaa 
summoned tiie chief, who proceeded to the palace^ 
clothed in white, the habit of resignation and devo* 
tion. His retainers were hindered from following 
him into the interior, and as the old man, for Jayeng 
Rono was much advanced in Iile« entered the outer 
court of the palace, he was met by the public execu- 
tioners, who dispatehed lum on the 5pot. The most 
formidable and destructive rebellion wUch has evw 
characterized' the annals of JavawastheeonaeqiieflMit* 

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JqyopusjntOf brotlier to the deceased chief, accepted 
of his o£Bce, but only to use the influence which it af- 
forded him for revenge. He subdued all the dis- 
tricts in his vicmity, called to his assistance the' 
people of Bali, was joined by the Madurese, and 
by several rebel princes of the house of Mataram, 
ao that this formidable insurrection only terminat* 
ed by his death in the succeeding reign, after de« 
aolating the country for a great many years. Tlie 
chief of Surabaya, in the many actions which he 
fought with the Dutch, and in all his proceedings, 
displayed so much enterprise, spirit, and conduct,' 
that, but for the slender portion of European sci* 
ence opposed to him, he must have acquired the 
sovere^ty of the island. 

I shall take this opportunity of animadverting up- 
on the policy pursued by the Dutch, not only on the 
present occasion, but in every war which they carried 
on in Java. They always permitted a beaten enemy 
to retreat unmolested, and fiever, vigorously prose* 
fiVLted any advantage. This either arose from igno- 
rance and want of conduct, or from a crooked and 
mistaken policy, which led them to believe it the 
wisest conduct to reduce the native power, whether 
l^itimate or insurgent, by expending its strength 
in a protracted contest. Probably both causes had 
their share. By the imagined refinement implied 
in the latter, nothing can be more certiun than 
(hat they were exhausting their own finances, and 

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Uainiiig the natives to a predatoryand desultory war- 
fare, the only one which a barbarous enemy, in a close 
country, can with any snecess conduct against a civi* 
lizedand disciplined one, and that even in the event 
of success, they would acquire but a desolated and 
ruined conquest, hardly worth the occupation. 

Oppression on the part of the government act« 
ing on the singular credulity and superstition of 
the people, gives rise in Java to those rebels, called, 
in the language of the country, Kraman, a word 
which literally means ^< an impostor or pretender to 
royalty*" Whenever the country is in a state of 
anarchy» one or more of these personalis sure to 
appear. Sometimes they afiPect to be descended 
from some ancient line of sovereigns $ at others, 
pretend to redress grievances, and now and then to 
propagate some absurd and nonsensical opinions, 
under the name of a new religion. Sometimes 
the individuals themselves are designing fanatics, 
at others, mere boys, or simple peasants, the puppets 
or tools of more designing and artful persons. Who- 
ever they be, they are quite sure of finding follow- 
jers, and they have been often known to subjugate 
whole provinces^ and to disturb the peace of the 
eountry for whole years, defying the Intimate 
authorities. The reign of Pakubuwono was fruit- 
ful in these insucrecticms. The fate of one of these 
impostors is worth narrating, because it a^ds but 
too true a picture of native manners* Mas Dono set 
up the standard of rebellion in the district of Mata- 

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360 SSQinSL or JLtAXUt HISfOHT. ' 

rmn, and, rai^ng this aod sereral of Mie other fiile 
districts near it, for a long time, elnded every at- 
tempt of the native government against bnu. The 
SuBunon was highly ineensed, and, in the words of 
the native writer from whom I borrow the accoant» 
gave orders, <^ that should Mas Dono be killed in 
action, his ears should be brought to him for his 
satisfaction ; but he made a vow, that should he be 
taken alive, he should be conveyed to Cartasum, 
and there exposed in front of the palace, to be 
pnnctui^d to death with needles, ^ the amusC' 
mmt dfthe people.** Mas Dono was at last taken 
alive, and tianspoited to Cartasura, iidiere he was 
actually tortured to death, agreeaUy to the savage 
vow of the prince. 

(A* J. 16*S, A- D- 1718-)— Pakubuwotio was 
succeeded by his son, who took the name of Sususion 
Prabu. During the greater part of this reign, the 
country was in a state of the greatest anarchy, and, 
for the most part, in a state of open rebellion. No 
less than five princesof the royal family rebefied, and 
the standard of rebeltion was erected, at times^ in 
three, four, or five places at the same moment* 
These rebellions were at length queUed^ ehieiy by 
acts of treachery, in which the Dutch wdne the 
principal agents. The persons of the ieaiifclii got 
possesion of by such means were dtfifpdsed of, some 
by the bowstring, and 8ome by the dagger. Soifte 
were immured in the pesttfenms dnngeoM of Bt^ 

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S£<lU£li ^F JAVANE812 HISTORY. 361 

tavia, and flome sent into bamskment to the Cape 
of Good Hope or Ceylon. 

(A. J. 1«50, A. D. 1729.)— This prince was 
succeeded by his son, a hui of a few years old, who 
reigned twenty^ve years,— twenty-five years of 
wartare and misery. (A. J. 1675, A. D. 17490 
-—He died in a state of insanity. Like his grand- 
filther, he was called PakubttwonOy but is distin- 
gui^ed by the appellation of Sedo Lmveyafi^ or 
he who died at Laweyan. The two great events 
of his reign, and of that period of the history of Ja- 
va, are the rebellions of the Chinese and of the 
prince Mangkubrnni^ the tendination of the la^^ 
of wliich he did not live to see. The story of the 
taiassacre of the Chinese atBtUavia will be told in a 
mibsequent chapter of this work. Suffice it at pre- 
sent to say, that the Chinese of the city of ^atavia had 
grown in numbers and wealth; that they presumed 
t>n their tmn strength, and the weakness of the tul- 
ing authority ; and that they incurred the jealousy of 
the Dutclr, who, by ati act of perfidy which has few 
examples in tJie history of any people, and none in 
that of a eivili^ed one, committed a dreadful and 
ittdiacfe^niinate massacte of them. A large body of 
these 'people retired from Batavia towards the east, 
«nd thai cotmnenced the portion of the story which 
wlates to the history of the Javanese. They clandes^ 
tinelynegociated with the Susunan and his ministers, 
who, at lengthy burning to free himself from the 

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yoke of the Dutch, openly joined them,— 4>esieged 
the Dutch fortress close to his capital, took it, and 
razed it to the ground. The Chinese and Javanese 
forces uniting on this, marched to Samarang, hop- 
ing to expel the Dutch from their principal esta^ 
blishment to the east, but, unskilled in the science 
of war, they made no impression on the petty for* 
tress of that place ; discord began to arise between 
the Chinese and Javanese, and the intrigues of the 
Dutch finally separated the Susunan from his 
league. The Chinese, not discouraged by this de- 
fection, and still encouraged by the adherence of 
several Javanesj^ chiefs, elected a Susunan of their 
own from the royal family, marched to the capital, 
drove the legitimate prince from it, and occupied 
it. It was not until after a war of two years duration 
that the false Susunan was taken, the Chinese dis* 
persed, and peace in part restored. 

I shall relate a few of the transactions of thia 
war, to show the spirit in which it was conducted. 
The conduct of the Susunan towarda the Dutch 
was of the most treacherous character. Under the 
pretext of joining them for the destruction of the 
Chinese, he pi^pared a force to attack their fortress 
as already stated. When the expedition he had 
thus prepared was ready, as he pretended, to march^ 
he sent the commanders, thiree resolute and despe- 
rate persons chosen for the occasion, into the for- 
tress to receive the final orders of the Dutch 


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commander. This was the moment chosen for 
perpetrating the act of treachery which had been 
meditated. While in the act of saluting the com- 
mander, the assassins drew their daggers and com* 
menced the attack. A crowd of Javanese now at* 
tempted to rush in at the gate, but the European 
centinels had the presence of mind to close it. The 
Dutch in their turn became the assailants, and the 
Javanese were in a few minutes put to death with 
as little mercy as they deserved. 

The Chinese force now joining the JavanesCy 
the Dutch fort was besieged, and the garrison, 450 
in number, had the folly to surrender themselves 
prisoners of war, on the faithless assurances of 
safety npiade to them by the Javanese prince. In 
the first paroxysm of caprice, he directed the Chris- 
tians to be circumcised, and instructed id the Ma* 
homedan religion ; or, as the Javanese writer care- 
lessly expresses, ** directed them to change their 
prophet.^' Soon repenting of this degree of lenity* 
He ordered the European officers to be executed^ 
«* by beating them to death with bludgeons!" 
These circumstances are related on the authority 
of native manuscripts. 

When the Javanese agreed to forsake the Chinese, 
and renew their alliance with the Dutch, on the sug* 
gesdon of the latter, they agreed suddenly tofail up* 
on their old friends occupying the same camp, and 
massacre the whole of them. The matter was coor 

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oerted in a secret negociation, and would have beett 
earned into effect, had not some of the Javanese 
chiefs revolted at the atrocious proposal. The 
scheme which they substituted^ to be sure, is in 
wickedness inferior to it only in extent They 
proposed to the Chinese chiefs to make a sacrifice 
of their wounded to save appearances on their part 
with the Dutch, and what is more wonderful, the 
Chinese acceded to it. The Chinese forces accord- 
ingly marched from their encampment unmolest* 
ed, leaving tbeir sick behind them. These unfortu- 
nate people were immediately butchered, by the Ja- 
vanese, '* and their heads being struck off, were sent 
in baskets to the Dutch commandant of Samarang, 
in iok^ ^ their fidelity to their engagements.** 

The Chinese having retreated, accompanied, how- 
ever, by a number of Javanese, who still adhered 
to them, they were followed by the Javanese force, 
commanded by the first minister Noto-kusumOf the 
prime mover of the conspiracy against the Dutch, 
and a pef4eet pattern of dissimulation. He and the 
Chmese perfectly understood each other, but he 
thought it necessary to fight a mock battle, the 
more thoroughly to hoodwink the Dutch. Hie 
Chinese acceded to the prc^sal, but not nnder- 
atanding fcew such matters were conducted, thef 
thongttt ft neeessaty to consult dieir Javanese cd- 
leagues. The answer given hy the latter affords the 
nest nndi^ised and impudent ^cimen of orient- 

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tl despotism whidi I have ever met with. '* Fa- 
ther, replied the Javanese ehief, (I quote the na- 
tive writer,) such a battle is conducted by us in per- 
fect eamest&esv with mutual daughter, for not the 
mallest compassion is shown to the people. Keep* 
ing jfoar secret, and saving the life of th§ chief, 
yon may exterminate the rest/' An action waa 
ju9coirdin^y fought on these principles, and some 
Jives lost on both sides. The first minister, peHectly 
true to them^ o&red a rewBxdJar every ear qfaChi^ 
jies^ that was brought to him; when openly opposed 
to the Dutch a little before, he had offi»«d rewards 
ftr '< Dmtth head^ under similar drcumstances. 

It Biay aflsuse the reader to be supplied with a 
specimen of the correspondence of the hostile chiefs. 
JbTorfopuro, the ekief of those Javanese who were on 
the sida of the Chinese, and of ^e prince they had 
prodanned, wrote to Prmgaloya, commanding a 
detachm^st of the iSusunan's anoy, d challenge in 
the feUowii^ words >-;-'' There is a wild hull 
^ to die north of the range ofK&ndang^'^ that loi^ 
to gore ihBJemaie white elephant to tbe sotnth of 
it.'* By the wAd bull* whir^ is an emblem of oeii^ 
icage among the Javanese, was meant the pince 
under whose banners he was fighting ; and by the 

* A long range of mountains which divides^ in the eastern 
pan of the island, the l«w belt of land on the north coast, fnna 
Ike vaHejfs of dm centre ai thai quarter of the islaikl. 

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white elepbant the Susiman, a moble okgect^ being 
degraded by assigning to it the female sex. Pri&* 
goloyo, in his reply, pursued the same style of si- 
miJe, and observ^ed, that ** he was aware there was 
a buffido calf to the north of the range of K&ndangf 
^u^oompanied by a little ftigitive ragged animal of a 
goat, of both of whom he would soon render a good 
accowit." By the buffido calf was of course meant 
the false Susunan; and by the goat, Martopuro 
himself, who was a person of diminutive stature, 
chat, contrary to the usual practice of the Javanese^ 
wore a beard. Buffalo^ or goat^ but particularly 
the latter, is in the mouths of the Ja^taese equi- 
^ent to *' ass in oars.'* They seldom, indeed, go 
farther, for gross invective and scurrility are no vice 
of their manners. The vicinity of the dagger is au 
insurmountable barrier to the habitual use of them. 
I shall pause for a moment, to make a few obser- 
vations on the conduct of the Chinese in the 
course of this warfare* They showed themselves 
to be a people much beyond the Javanese in civili- 
sation, as evinced in their superior enterprise, skill, 
and enei^ of character. What we should be less apt 
to reckcm upon is their courage ; but in this qua- 
lity, too, they much exceeded the Javanese. When 
the two nations acted together, we find the Chinese, 
and the Javanese themselves tell the story, not only 
planning and directing every operation, but taking 
the most active part in th^ executioni leading and 

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f howing an example (tf intrepidity in every situa- 
tion of danger or difficulty. From tlie ambition 
and entarprise shown by tbem on this occasion, 
there is little doubt, but, in the absence of Euro- 
peans, they would have made themselves masters of 
the ialind, and, supported by the swarms of emi- 
grants fipm China, have established a permanent 
>Mpi«macy in it. Their abuse of the right of 
jconquest, and their violation of the laws of war, 
were, however, still more flagrant than those of any 
of the belligerent parties. They almost constantly 
pat their prisoners to death in cold blood ; and to 
bum and ravage the country were certain attendants 
* upon their march. ADier a ra]»d series of advanta* 
ges, for example, diey entered Cartasura. The 
prince had but just time to escape, and was forced 
to abandon almost the whole of Ins family. The 
Chinese, on this occasion, forcibly seised the females 
and violated them, not excepting the queen-mo- 
ther, and the wives of the Susunan. In the wan- 
tonness of their brutality, they even made the un- 
fortunate princesses dance naked before them ! 

In the year IG75 of the Javanese era, (A. D. 
17490 PakubuwanOf the second of the name, was 
succeeded by his son the third of the name. The 
rebellion of Maogkubumi, already alluded to, which 
commenced in the fcnrmer reign, ended in this by a 
schism m the native power, by which two equal sove- 
i^igntici were established in the eentml districts 

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3^ mvJML PF jAVAww* mnwY, 

of the uHmdf the ssm^ arrang^mept which stlU 
subsists^ Of iftil the civil w^trs wbioh bad hfifia 
WMged in Jwa for three centune»« this appears to 
have been the most 4estruotive md most tedk>ua, fiir 
twelve years' desolation hardlj terminetad it* U 
jxuy be md to have flow9 out of the QuBOse r^ 
bdlioop and the indiscreet and insulting violeoo^ 
of the Dutch* Tb« principal, agents were the 
Pang&rqns Mangfctibpmi and Manghmmgoro^ 
two men of inttlligenoe pod vigour of character su- 
perior to what the history of Java usually presents* 
Mangkttbimu wais possessed of gnsat bravery, finm 
ness of purpose^ and pwseverance. Of the Dutch 
end SusuAai» he r^pe^tedjy beat the united forces. 
Mangknmgoro, with less dia^netion, had more per^ 
eonal enterprise. The /svanese describe him as 
'< $ man who carried on a wat fifteen years without 
any wealtii i^ W umkr^vtanding ;'' a sentiment 
whii^h they h^ve versified^ and are fond of repeat- 
ing. It is cle^Tf hpwever, that they owed less to 
the superiority of their own genius and resources^ 
than to the imbecility of their adversaries. The 
pers0n$ 9ntru#t«d with die conduct of the war on 
the part pf the Puteh^ af^ar always to hate been 
deficient in military skilU and very fcequendy in 
MOHnOKi 9wm^* We find theqs frequently de- 
Issued i^ the fi«ld» often smftised, and ne^w pursu- 
i^g eny edvastaga to a prefitshle result. Through 
igpiWMce and mimanageneBteheir troc^ were »• 


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posed to tlie inclemencies of a tropical climate, and, 
consequently, swept off in numbers. Desertions 
were frequent even among the European troops, 
who were often found fighting, a strange spectacle 
in the history of Indian warfare, under the ban- 
ners of the native enemy. The probability is, 
that, had not their negociations and intrigues final- 
ly accomplished what their arms were unequal to, 
Mangkubumi would have subdued all the valua- 
ble part of the island, and established a powerful 
• native sovereignty independent of their influence. 
After a series of abortive attempts to negociate 
with him, they at length succeeded, and in the 
year 17^4 a treaty waa concluded, by which the 
heir of the ancient sovereignty was compelled to 
yidd to him onehalf of his dominions. 

Mangkubumi and Mangkunagoro had at first 
acted in concert, the latter receiving the daugh^' 
ter of the former in marriage, and serving 
as his minister. These ambitious chiefs, how- 
ever, were soon estranged from each other, and 
Mangkunagoro parted with hi9 father-in-law, and 
set up for independence. He held out long 
after Mangkubumi had made his great bargain, 
and was not pacified, in the end, until he obtained, 
as a hereditary possession, a great estate or prin- 
cipality of four thousand families, (A. J. 1685, 
A. D. 1758.) 

VOL. II. A a 

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The Susuoan Pakubuwono was succeeded by his 
son the reigning prince, in the Javan year 1714r» 
(A. D. 178?.) 

The fortunate rebel Ma^gkubnmi establishisd 
his govemp3ent at Yugyakarta, and idied in the 
Javan year 1718, (A. D. 17910 He was suc- 
ceeded by hb son, who was spelled by tibe JBri- 
tish in the Javan ye«: 1739, (A. D. a81«0 The 
son and successor of this prince died aAer a $kMt 
reign of little more t;hw two years, and was suc- 
ceeded by the reigping >]ffiuc^, stiU a yot^th, A* J* 
1743, (A. P- 1815.) 

For a period of mpre tifaan sixdif y^ears Ja^ra may 
be said to have ffsiofi^ oi>e Mnuiterrc^tfad peape, 
for the vigorous and {Mrovt^p^ militaiy movewe«U^ 
deemed necessary by th^ French an4 Biitj»ih ad- 
ministrations for the maintenanoe of the European 
siqiremacy, which seemed faUiug out of the hwds 
of their predecessors, was unattended with waste of 
life or property. * 

♦ The materials of the history of Java have been chiefly 
collected from a Yariety of Javanese historical coRipositions in 
the author's possession, wUcb have been duly coUaled with 
such European authorities as have fallen Jr his way. 


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M^nangJMao in Sumatra, the original seat of ike Malayan 
Name and Nation,^-^ Malays emigrated to the Peninmda^'-^ 
Native History of the Emigration* — Strictures and ft^ 
marls on the Native Narrative. — Origin of the toord 
Malay^^and of the terms Windward and Leeward People m 
•^Malay Langttage and Name diffused through the Archi- 
pelago by the First CoUmy, and not by the Parent Stoek.^^ 
Why the Peninsula is denominated ^ ihe Land of the Ma* 
tays.'^—Detaik of the History of eaci Tribe refkrred to 
their particular heads* 

1 HE notices whicb we possess on this cartons and 
interesting subject are meagre and uosatisfactoiy, 
for the Malays are still more ignorant of historical 
composition than their neighbours the Javanese^ 
and Europeans have had far less intercourse with 
the primitive race* 

The country which Europeans denominate the 
Malay Peninsula^ and which, by the natives them- 
selves, is called ** the land qftheMak^St*^* has, from 
its appearing to be wholly occupied by that people, 
been generally considered as their original coun- 
try. The country of Menangkabao in Sumatra 

• <* Tanah Malayu/' 

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is, however, beyond dispute, the parent country of 
the Malay race. Menangkabao, contrary to all other 
Malay states, is an inland country. Its original 
. limits to the eastern side of the island were the 
great rivers of Palembang and Siak, and to the 
west those of Manjuta and Singkel. As the trans- 
action does not pretend to a very remote antiqui- 
ty, we may credit the universal assertion of the 
Malays themselves, though it would not be safe to 
trust to the details which they furnish, that all 
the Malayan tribes, wherever situated, emigrated, 
directly or indirectly, from this parent establish- 
ment. We are at first view struck with the im- 
probability of an inland people undertaking a ma- 
ritime emigration ; but their emigration, it will per- 
haps appear, on a closer examination, may really be 
ascribed to this peculiarity of situation. TTie coun- 
try which the primitive Malayan race inhabits is 
described as a great and fertile plain, well cultivat- 
ed, and having a frequent and ready communica- 
tion with the sea, by the largest rivers within the 
bounds of the Archipelago. The probability, then, 
is, that a long period of tranquillity, secured by 
the supremacy which the people of Menangkabao 
acquired over the whole island, occasioned a rapid 
xind unusual start in civilization and population,-— 
that the best lands became scarce, — and that, in 
(Consequence, the swarm which founded Singahpu^ 
ra in the Peninsula, was thrown off*. 

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Had the original tribe consisted of mere fishet* 
men and navigators, their numbers would not have 
increased so as to give rise to so striking an event 
in their history. 

The native details of the emigration, and which 
I give on the authority of Van der Worm, Valen- 
tyn, and Mr Marsden, are briefly as follow^ in the 
words of the latter. History of Sumatra^ p. 3^— 
329 : — " Having chosen for their king or leader a 
prince named Sri Turi Buwana^ who boasted his 
descent from Iskander the great, and to whom, oh 
that account, their natural chief, Demang Lebar 
Daun, submitted his authority, th^y emigrated un-* 
der his command about the year I i 60, to the souths 
eastern extremity of the opposite Peninsula, named 
ZJjung Tanahf where they were at first distinguish'* 
ed by the appellation of OrSng de-bawah Angin, 
or the Leeward people ; but in time the coast be-^ 
came generally known by that of Tanah Matayu^ 
or the Malayan land. 

^* In this situation they built their first city, 
which they called Singapura, and their rising con-^ 
sequence excited the jealousy of the kings of Mo- 
jopahit, a powerful state in the island of Java. To 
Sri Turi Buwana^ who died in 1S08, succeeded 
JPaduka Pikaram Wira, who reigned fifteen years; 
to him Sri Rama Wikaram^ who reigned thirteen, 
and to him Sri Maharaja^ who reigned twelve^ 
His successor, Sri Iskandar Shah, was the last king 

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of Siiigapunu During tbree yearg he withstoel 
the fbuces of the kingof M<9opahit 4 but» in 125% 
being hard preased, he retired first to the north- 
ward, and afterwards to the western oeast of the 
peninsula^ where, in the following year, he found- 
^ a new <;ity, which, ainder his wise government^ 
became of oonndorable importance* To this he 
g^n the name of Malabo^ fromafruit-hemng tree 
M called, (myroboianum^) found ia abundance on . 
the hill, which ^tves natural strength to the situa* 
tion« Having reigned hwe twenty4;wo years, be- 
loved by his subjects and feared by his neighbours, 
Iskandar Shah died in l'^?'^^ ^uid was succeeded 
by Sultan Magat, who reigned only two years. Up 
to this period the Malayan princes were pagans. 
Sultan Miihammed Shah^ who ascended the throne 
127^ "^^ the first Mahometan prince, and, by the 
propagation of his faith, acquired great celebrity 
during a long reign of fifty-seven years. His m- 
fluence appears to. have extended over the neigh- 
bouring islands of Lingga and Bintan^ together 
with^eAor, Patani, Kedah^ and Perak, on the 
coasts of the peninsula^ and Kampar and Aru in 
Sumatra; all of whidi acquired the appellative of 
Malayu, although it was now more ^spedally ap« 
plied to Malacca." 

I shall offer a few strictures and remarks on thu 
narrative. We find in it the precise year of the 
emigration^ and other dates, when no proof exists 

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that the Malays were ever possessed of a national 
era or kidendar. Arabian and Persian names and 
titles are given to the Hindu sovereigns of a peo* 
pie who had not yet embraced the Mahopedan re- 
ligion. The reigns are unnaturally long. The new 
establishment at Singapiua is stated to have excited 
the jealousy of the Javanese kingdom of Mojopa* 
hit, before, according to Javanese record, Mojopa- 
hit itself had any existence ; and the Malays are 
stated to have been driven from Singapura by the 
Javanese of Mqopahit, a transaction upon which 
Javanese story is wholly silent. 

Notwithstanding these suspicious circumstances 
in the detail of events, the main points may be re- 
lied upon, and we mayconclude,«-that an extensi^ 
emigration took place from Sumatra to the extremi- 
ty <^ the peninsula ; — that some Javanese drove the 
settlers from Singapura to Malacca ; — ^that six sove* 
reigns reigned before the conversion to Mahome- 
danism ; — and that this eVent took place about the 
year 1^76, in the reign a£ Mahomed Shah, for 
noiw the Mahomedttis rmn/ claim the prerogative 
of imposing their own names, and determining 
dates by their* peculiar kalendar. 

Erom facts brought forward in the above narra^ 
tive» we sure enabled to oftr plausible conjectures 
respecting'the nane of thie Malayan tribes^ One 
of the four great tribes into which the pavebt* raee 
is subdivided is'called Makyu. It wa$ this, as Mr 

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Mwrsden ingeniously observes^ that probably fiir^ 
nished the first adventurers to the peninsula, and 
who bestowed their name on the rising colony, the 
prosperity and greatness of which were destined to 
eclipse the fame of the parent state. This, I have 
no doubt whatever, is the true etymology of the 
word Malayu. 

It appears that the new colony was at first dis* 
tinguished by the appellation of the Leeward peo* 
ple^ while the parent state were denominated the 
fVindward people^ This meteorological distinc* 
tion appears to me to have reference to the wester* 
ly or boisterous monsoon ; Baratf in the Javanese 
language, is the general term for wind. In Malay 
it is the west wind^ or, as would be said in our 
more expressive language, the wind. The use of 
this correlative language to describe the parent 
state and the colony, was afterwards dropped, and 
used more comprehensively, the fVindward coun* 
tries being all those to the west of the country of 
the Malays, but particularly India and Arabia, 
those with which the l^ialays had most intercourse. 
It was from the colony, and not the parent stock, 
that the Malayan name and nation were so widely 
disseminated over the Archipelago. Singapura, 
Malacca, and Jehor, colonized the islands Lin^^ 
and Binjan, Kampar and Aru on Sumatra, Bor- 
neo on the ^at island of that name, and all the 
states which e^ on the Malay peninsula. This 

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Imt country was found by them almost unoccupied,* 
or inhabited scantily by two miserable races, who 
readily gave way to their superior power and civi- 
lisation* The peninsula is the only great country 
of the Archipelago wholly occupied by this race ; 
for, in a general view, the miserable tribes of sa- 
vages need not be considered, and it is therefore 
no wonder that it should have assumed the general 
name of the country of the Malays, and that stran- 
gers should have naturally looked upon it as the 
primitive seat of the Malayan name and nation, t 

* There is one circumstance mentioned by the Portuguese 
writers, which would seem to throw considerable doubt on this 
circumstance. Albuquerque wanted stones to build thejbrii* 
^cation, and found near Malacca abundant materials in the 
tombs of ancient kings. But eight Malay kings only had reign. 
ed at Malacca, whose tombs, even had it been the practice, 
vhich it was not, to erect splendid tombs to the Malayan 
kings, either Mahomedan or Hindu, would not have supplied 
matpnals for an extensive fortification. The supposed tombs 
were probably Hindu temples ; and if they were Hindu tem- 
ples, there must have been a Hindu population. 

-f The authorities quoted by Valentya for the history of the 
Malays, are three works, one called MakiUasegala Rqja^aja^ 
** the crown of all kings;" another, Panurunan segala Raja-^ 
raja^ ** the descent of all kings ;" and a third, called Hang 
Tuah. EeceMsiheitbooki^Uhreejewds.'' Ofthe last he says, 
*< I know not who is the author ofthe book Hang Tuah, but 
must declare that it is one of the most beautifully written 
works I ever perused." This favourite of Valentyn it the only 
one of the three which I have perused; and I have seen several 

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As we ane ia posaenon ofl no Gall and eonneot- 
ed naqwliye of the history of any of the Malay, 
states, and as» sinoe their first separation^ all have 
been generally independent, it will be out of place 
here to attempt any narratiye of their aifiurs, for 
the little that is known will be detailed to mope 
advantage under the particular head of each state. 

copies of it. To my taste it is a most absurd and puerile pro- 
(hictioTi. It contains no historicnt fact uptm whicb the slight- 
est relianoe can .be placed ; no date whatever ; and if we ex- 
cept the faithful picture of native mind and manners which h 
unconsciously affords, is utterly worthless and contemptible* 

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Hie Records of the People of Celebes more limited and im- 
perfect than those 'of the Javanese. — Four hundred years^ 
the utmost limit of probable history among the Bugis^ ^e 
principal tribe ^'^General Remarks on the early History of 
Celebes. — Celebes never united as one Empire. — People qf 
Celebes Hindus before they adopted the Mahomedan ReU* 
gioH* — Macassars begin to keep Historical Records, — Their 
progress in the most vulgar of the useful arts very recent,-^ 
History of the Conversion to Mahomedanism. — Macassars 
attack Boni. — The lattir being conquered^ accept the Ma* 
homedan Religion^^/^A Religious Persecution j^and the sin* 
gular circumstanoes attending it*^^The Macassars attack 
the Kingdom of Boni and reduce it to a province, — The 
people of Boni rebeLy — are conquered, and reduced /» 
slavery, — The Goa Macassars conquer a great part of Cele* 
hesy and extend their arms and commerce to the neighbour* 
ing Island s*-^ They eomein contact %mih Jhe Dutch monopo* 
lists, and War ensues* The Macassars are defeated at 
Butungtoith great loss.^^^Boni revolts^ and is^ again sub^ 
dued. — The Dutch conquer Goa Macassar, and the tribu* 
tary nations are emancipated, — Refections on the Power of 
the Macassars, — Raja Palaka is made King of Boni^ and 
acquires the supremacy of Celebes^ under the influence of the 
Drntdu^'-General R^ectdont*^^ Various Rebdiions* 

A'* ibe aodres of Celebes are lese civilized dian 
I^SKO of Jwa, 80 am their historical recoPcU more 

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•980 tilSTOHY OF d£LEfi£S. 

limited and imperfect. Javanese dates will carry 
lis back with tolerable certainty for 600 years ; we 
cannot presume on going any farther than four 
hundred with the history of Celebes. The Bugis 
tribes had a peculiar kalendar, but no era until they 
adopted that of the Christians and Mahomedans. 
It seems to have been their practice, like the Chi- 
nese» to reckon time by the reigns of their mo- 
narchs. The first positive date to which we can 
refer, is that of the arrival of the Portuguese in 
1512, the year after they conquered Malacca. Of 
the kings of Goa Macassar, there have reigned in 
all, down to the year 1809, thirty-nine sovereigns, 
which, by the rule of assignmg twenty years to each, 
adopted in European calculation, would indeed 
carry us back no less than seven hundred and eighty 
years. So long a duration for each reign in the 
barbarous state of society on Celebes, and with the 
turbulent and elective monarchies which obtain, will, 
on examination, be found far too great. Among 
the 28 sovereigns who have reigned at Goa Macas- 
sar since the arrival of the Portuguese for example, 
three weredeposed, two resigned their crowns, three 
abdicated, and one was assassinated. From the acces- 
sion of the first prince, the commencement of whose 
reign is accurately determined totheyear 1588, down 
to 1809, there have reined 17 kings, the average of 
whose reigns gives exactly 18 years, which^ making 
allowance for the ckcumstanees of the country, is^ 

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in my judgpoent, fully enough for the whole period 
of Macassar history. At the rate of 13 years for 
each reign, the whole period will be4l6year89 
which carries us back to die last years of the 
fourteenth century of Christ. The very names of 
the sovereigns point at the anarchy and disorder 
which belongs to the state of society. In their re* 
cords the princes are usually designated by the 
place or circumstances under which they died. The 
uncertain and wandering life which they led, and 
the want of a fixed residence, must have given rise 
to the practice of naming them from the place of 
their death, for the occupation of a permanent seat 
of government would soon have rendered this no 
distinction. One person is recognised under the 
amiabie name of *' throatcuUer." One is called 
" he who run a muck.*' Another, " he who was 
decapitated }'' a fourth, '^ he who was beat to 
death on his own staircase ;" and a fifth, as if it 
were a rare occurrence, '^ he who died reigning,'* 
that is, who died a natural death. 

The more civilized portion of the inhabitants of 
Celebes are divided, as already mentioned, into 
two great tribes, the Macassars and Bugis^ and 
each of these again subdivided into a number of 
petty nations, among whom that of Goa, with the 
Macassars, and that of JBoni, with the Bugis, have 
for many ages been the most considerable. These 
two, in di£Perent periods of the histoiy of the idan4» 

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have exercised n permanent suthoritf over the 
smailer tribes* A brief sketch of th^ history wiU 
eompriee dl thtt is uiterestiog or valuable in the 
historf of Celebes. It is hardly necessary tor say^ 
that tfaeie is so ncord^nor efidenee drawn from the 
state ^ society, that can entttie vs^ ta infer, that 
the whole island fvaaever vnited as one great mo* . 

Drenons to their adopting the Maliomedaii re- 
figien, the inhabitants of Celebes professed the 
same Hindniflm with the «ore western tribes of 
the 'AcchipehgOi and jnst as we find to be the 
case in the legends of the Jaivanese, Bator a Guru, 
a local name of Shua^ is described as the first of 
their kings* The civiliaatioa of the Hindus seems^ 
howev^, t^have made ^ery smallprogress in Celebesr 
The soil is not peculiariy inviting by it& fertility^ 
«-*the maasers of the people ure ferocious,— 4lie 
distance is greats — and the eountry produces noQe 
of those eosdy hmiries^ whieh aloae in a Hide 
state of commerce afibrd a profitable trade. These^ 
it is probdirfe, were the drcmnstaiices which re- 
stricted the interconrae between Celebea and West* 
em India. It was not until the very reign in which 
the Portuguese arrived^ that the Macassar nation 
began, by their own aoeount, to keep any rec<H:d 
of their principfd transactions^ ; and it is by na 
means improbable diat this was suggested to thrat 
by their £ttropeaa nsitors>. who seem, always i» 

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have cuhivated a more mtinate ooBneefeUm vaA 
the natives of India than any e^er ^of the adim- 
turers of Eurc^ to the eart. 

In the ne:^t reign, we are exfiiatsskf told in the 
Macassar annala, that oannon weae fiist intro- 
duced, and the art of manufacturtng igunpimder 
acquired* In these we can he at jho loss to ^ess 
at tlieir instructors. We are mone miiqpnsed to 
iind that the vulgar art of hurnhg brides vms not 
known until this time, a fact which iihistrates, in 
the clearest manner, the previous rude condition of 
the arts, and the little useful intercourse which sub- 
sisted with strangers. The origin of a commercial in- 
tercourse with foreigners in the same reign, is im- 
plied by the regulationascribed to it for determkiiiig 
weights and measttres, and by the striking, for die 
first lame, of a national coin. The violence and dis- 
order which reigned maybe implied from the follow- 
ing story^ gravely told in their writings. A merchant 
of Java having come to Macasisar to settle, present- 
ed the king with some European hvoad-doth, and 
Indian cottons, and requested, in return, the fovr 
following boons for himself and his companions^ 
— That his house should not be forcibly entered, 
— ^that the inclosure which surmunded it should 
not be broke down^—- that the individuals of his fa- 
milies ahould not be seiced as slaves, — and that lu'^ 
]ivoperty should not be confiscated ! 

What we hear of in the annals of the people of 
Celebes consist of nothing but constant wars 

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petty cimqiiests made, and 8o<m lost, with perpe* 
tual anarehy and violence. The character of the 
people and their rulers seem to ha^e acquired anew 
energy on the adoption of the Mahomedan reli* 
gion. As early as the year 1512, when the Por- 
tuguese first visited Macassar, they found among 
them a few 'Mahomedans, but it was not until near 
a century afterwards that the religion of Mahomed 
was generally adopted. * The principal agents in 
the conversion were inhabitants of various Malay 

* <' To return to the king of Macassar, you must know Uiat 
the Jesuits once endeavoured to convert him ; and perhaps 
they might have brought it to pass, had they not n^gl'^cted one 
proposal which he made them. For at the same time that the 
Jesuits li^boured to bring him to Christiaiiity, the Mahomedans 
used all their endeavours to oblige him to stick to their law. 
The king, willing to leave his idolatry, yet not knowing which 
part to take, commanded the Mahomedans to send for two or 
three of their most able Moullas, or doctors, from Mecca ; and 
the Jesuits be ordered to send him as many of the most learn- 
ed among them, that he might be instructed in both religions, 
which they both promised to do. But the Mahomedans weie 
more diligent than the Christians, for in eight months they 
fetched from Mecca two learned Moullas; whereupon the 
king seeing that the Jesuits sent nobody to him, embraced the 
Mahomedan law* True it is, that three years after there 
came two Portugal 'JesuitSy bat then it was too late."«— Taver- 
nier. Part 2. Book 9. There it aoiae foundation for ^is story, 
but I have generally found TaYemier a superficial and un- 
faithful narrator. 

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nomsr or cEWiHb' 8ti 

«U*« in Snutnmd. A& iSeniunli ; ml ike most 

cnnmoBij k»ini bgr the niaM ef Dmlu Bmmdamg^ 
The tonb of thispcram it iliD to he seen w tihe 

if this httie states skrs3F»<»£B^^ 
themoitaeflloQaciuuiipknofthei^ finlh^ and ib 
ifwthroQi^ his influence thai abottl the }tar 1^(15^ 
IB the ragn o£MGauktmm, it waageneialtyaifaftail 
hjTAUthetribeeqwakiiigtheJtfimn^ it 

Has but ten yeare after thi» evuKt that our couobry* 
men appeared at Goa, and in the treaty they tom^ 
eluded, we diKover die jeakmsy of the king toiiiardB 
the religion of the stroMgers ; for one cknse ^c« 
preMlyproTideB, ** that the English shall not confart 
any of the inhabitants of Celebes to their reiigwi.*' 

Inspred by the aeal of the new faifch» the 1^ 
eaasars attacked Banimi ITiSTti; and forced them to 
adopt the Makomedan religion.^ On this ocoasioQ 
the kii^ of Goa is described as having nuuie an 
o£fer to the king of Boni, to oooaider him in all 
reqpeots as Weqnal, if he would bat wordiip ** Md 
one true God." The prince of Boni consulted ike 
people, who said, «' We have not yet fou|(ht, w« 
have not been conquered." They tried the issue 
6i a battle, and were defeated. The kiog adopts 
the Mahomedan rdigion, hottke coavefsiw el* kif 
people was for a time but nonnnal. 

vou u. B b 

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886 aisTOBT or cwmbbb. 

In the yetr I64f0» Lamadarama^ king of JBaj£r» 
ocmimeDced a religious penecution of Idg own sub- 
jects, and to impose the Mahomedan religion upon 
the smaller states, liis neighbours, by foroe« A 
angular scene ensued. The people af^lied to the 
Macassars of Goa for assistance and protection, and 
the principal emissary was the king's own mother. 
Bi PafHMg Batuna^ king of Goa, sent ambassadors 
to Boni, who were instructed to demand an answer 
to the three .following questions, — Whether the 
kii^, in his persecution, was instigated by a par- 
ticular revelation from the Prophet,— or whether 
he paid obedience to some ancient custom,<-*-or fol- 
lowed his own personal pleasure ? If for the first 
leason, the king of Boni requested information ; 
if fior the second, he should have his cordial co- 
operation ; if for the third, he must desist. Jar 
those wham he presumed to oppress were the 
friends qf Goa. The king of Boni made no re- 
ply, and the Macassars having marched a great 
army into the country, defeated him in three mc^ 
oessive battles, forced him to fiy the country, and 
reduced Boni into a province, leaving a viceroy 
for its goveniment. The people of Boni, aud other 
Bugis states, we see, were not fully converted at 
this time, so that we may conclude that the pro- 
pagation of Mahomedanism was the slow and gra- 
dual work of a century and a half* The instrur 
ments through, which the conversion was broiig) t 

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about were of the lowest order, and on this ac- 
count, perhaps, the fitter for their occupation. No 
Octraordinary exertion seems for a long time to 
have been made in behalf of the new religion. 
An abhorrence of innovation, and a most pertina- 
cious and religious adherence to ancient custom, 
distinguish the people of Celebes beyond all the 
other tribes of the eastern isles ; and these would, 
at firsts prove the most serious obstacles to the dis- 
semination of Mahomedanism. Tt was this, proba- 
bly, which deferred the adoption of the new reli* 
gion for so long a period, and till it had recommend- 
ed itself by wearing the garb of* antiquity. Inde- 
pendent of the mere effect of habit, it is not pro- 
bable that the ancient religion of Celebes was one 
which laid a deep hold of the imagination of its vo- 

Three years after the conquest of Boni, or in 
the year 1643, the Boni people rebelled, and 
large force being sent against them, they were sub- 
dued, and, according to the custom of the coun- 
try, reduced to a state of bondage, being* deprived 
of every privilege of an independent people. From 
the conversion of the Macassar state to Mahomedan* 
ism, in 1603, it had been engaged in a rapid career 
of conquest, for the Macassars not only rendered 
tributary to them the principal states on Celebes, 
but carried their arms to Sambawa, the XuBa Isles 
Butung, and other countries. This brought thciia 

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888 umoBY 09 qblbbu. 

in contact with the Dutch powers for, in the year 
1665^ they destroyed the Dutch establishment on 
Butung, in effecting the conquest of that island. 
In the year 1660, the Dutch* determining to be 
revenged, sent a powerful force against the Ma- 
cassarsy and, notwithstanding they were assist- 
ed by the Portuguese, defeated them in several 
actions, and dictated a peace to them. 

Mo permanent establishment was at this time 
formed by the Dutch, and the Macassars being 
left without control, and weakened by their for- 
mer defeats, resolved to retrieve their losses^ 
and fitted out a great fleet of boats and vessels^ 
amounting to 7^0, which carried an army of 
20,000 men. This is the greatest maritime expe- 
dition of which I have heard in any period of the 
history of the Indian islands, and calculated to 
give us a high opinion ot the power of the Ma^ 
cassdr state. It made an easy conquest of Butung 
and the Xulla Isles, and was on the point of at« 
tempting the conquest of the Moluccas^ when it 
was encountered at Butung by a force fitted out 
at Batavia, under Admiral bpeelman, and totaUy 

Previous to this expedition the people of Boni 
had once moi*e rebelled, and were once more defeat- 
ed. Many of the princes had fled the country and 
oined the Dutch, among whom the principal was 
^vjal^alaka^ afterwards king of Boni. A serins 

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HltTOBT Of CSUSB8. 3^9 

of disasters aod defeats fdreed the Maoassars to 
make a peaee^ which emandpated ait the tributary 
nations, and pot a stop to the ciwqiiests and gieatr 
ness of the Macassars* But, for the inti^ereooe 
of the Eurqieans, it is not improbable that the en- 
terprising state fiS Macassar would have founded, 
on this occasion, a more extenaive and more po- 
tent state than had ever existed before in that past 
of the Archipelago. The eoai^nience of the port, 
and the energy of the govemmoHt, attracted to it» 
during the period it flouriabed, a considerable com- 
merce, and we discover the native traders of the Ai^ 
chipelago, the European nations, and the maritinie 
nations of continental Asia, resorting to it aa a 
great emporium. 

R^a Paktka^ the arabitioiis and enterprisoig 
chief who had fled to the Dutch, and who was tbe 
great instmm^it in the conquest of Celebes, was 
raised to the throne in the year 167^, and rendcer- 
ed tributary to him> wlnie he hinself was under 
.tihe influence ^ the Dutdbt, all the Qanaidtcidde 
states of Celehe^ and frem this period the atate of 
Boui assumed the place oSl the conquered Macas* 
sars, giving law to Celebea* From the time of this 
arrangement, the history of the island has eonaisl- 
ed of a series of rebellions, for neither the European 
nor native paramount authority have had power or 
skill to preserve order or tram^uillity. The com- 
merciid mompoty of the Bpiiopeans has d^attroyad 

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390 HtSTOBT or CELBBfiS. 

trade, and proved no benefit to any party, while 
the natives have not borrowed one useful improve- 
ment from their masters, but continue to this day 
the same ferocious semibarbaritfis which we found 
them when we first interposed in their politics, 
more than a century and a half i^o. 

The particulars of the story of Celebes, from the 
establishment of the ascendancy of Boni and the 
Dutch, are detailed at sufficient length in the chro- 
nological table ; and it would be unprofitable to insist 
upon them at a greater one in this place. The most 
considerable of the rebellions alluded to are those 
of Bontolangkasa and of Sangkilang. That of the 
first desolated the country five years, and it re- 
quired the utmost exertions of the Dutch authori- 
ties at Batavia to prevent the enterprising and gal* 
lant chief from subduing the whole island, and ex- 
pelling the Europeans. The rebellion of Sanglch* 
long was still more ruinous, for it lasted during the 
almost incredible period of sixteen years, yet such 
was the obscurity of the adventurer, that his birdi, 
parentage, or country, could never be ascertained. * 

* The materials of this short sketch of the bistoiy of Ce- 
lebes were obtained by the author, when at Macassari iii 
1814. They consist of the manuscript memoir of a Governor 
Blok, written in 1759» a judicious performance ; and of se- 
veral native writings, both in the Bugis and Macassar Ian- 
guage, of which tnuiahitlons were made into the Malay tor 
the aathor's ate. The oiigiiiali are in his possestioiit 

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General remarks on the intercourse of European nations with 
the Indian Islanders. — First appearance of the Portuguese 
under Sequeira^^-^Albuquerque conquers Mdaeca^^^JVeaUh 
obtained hy the Conquerors.'-^Military character qf the 
Malays at the time of the eonquest^^-^Account qf the Po* 
licy pursued by Albuquerque Jor re-estMishing Malacca. 
— Conduct of the neighbouring Princes.-^Character qf 
the Policy pursued by the Portuguese in the Indian 
Archipelago during their possession of Malacca,>^^Albu» 
querque sends IfAbreu to the Moluocas^^^Serran^ one qf 
his officers^ is shipwrecked^ and hospitably entertained by 
the Inhabitants^ — De BrittOy with a squadron qf nine shipSp 
makes a permanent establishment in the Moluccas, and is 
ihejirst Governor ^-^He forthwith enters upon the scene qf 
iniquity and crime which characterized the whole duration 
cf the Portuguese yoke. — The Administration qf Antonio 
GalvaUf the only exception in a period qf sixty years."^ 
Circumstances to which so aggravated a degree qf misrule 
ought to be ascribed. 

T^HE object of tlie four following chapters is to fiir« 
nish a brief sketch of the history of European na- 
tions in the Indian Archipelago, in the course of 
whichy the principal aim is to illustrate the effiirta 

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392 r^ FonruGUESE history 


which their domination has produced on the diarac- 
ter and destinies of the native inhabitants, and not 
to furnish a detail of the revolting and di^usting 
scenes of colonial intrigue, a topic, which, even 
were it compatible with the nature of my under- 
taking, would little interest the greater class of 

The power of European nations has been felt or 
established in the Indian islands for more than three 
centuries, and although its influence has not bMU 
qpKe:ii4i^nsive with its dur^tioDf it has, upon the 
whote« produced effiscts essential and important. It 
is instruetive toeontemplate thedifierence which has 
characterized the policy pursued by European na- 
tions in these countries, and in America, whjch 
became known to I^uropeans njearly about the same 
time* Ay^rice waa the main spring of their policy 
with rei^ect to both countries, but it took a diflfer* 
ent direction, and was differently modified accord- 
ing to the circumstances in which they found the 
nation^ which occupied tbem* The gold of Aioerica 
wa^sQon e}(hau9ted ; — ^the persecution ckf the Jiatives 
which fqlhiwed the search of it soon ceased ; — the 
^ Americans had no rich commerce to persecute ; — 
their soil furnished no productions on which Euro- 
peans put an extraordinary estipsate ;— colonizatiQBL 
was consequently early resorted t9,and cpnsQq[uei[itly 
the prosperity of Am^ric^ has be^n pompaiatively 
^reat and pro^essive. The Xndian islands, qq the 

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emtnry, tvere found to have an industrious and com* 
mereial po^pnlation, and abounded in highly prized 
commodEitiea peculiar to themselves. The attainment 
of these commodities by violent means, and not the 
search for gold, became naturally the object of the 
Enrepera adventurers of all nations. The pro* 
secution of the same object has continued down 
to the latest period to actuate their policy ; a 
i^atMtiatic injustice which has, in every period of 
the European connection, generated a train of 
evils and misfortunes to the native inhabitants, of 
yflmk no other portion of mankind has been so 
long the victim. 

The rich commerce of the east was a kind of by* 
wcHrd in Europe. The Phenicians, the Egyptians, 
and the Venetians, owed, indeed, their prosperity 
to it, but their monopoly of it was alone a legitimate 
one> for it sprung from their superior wealth, skill, 
iagenaitys andgeographical advantages, and violence 
bud no share in it. The moment the passage to 
India by the Cape of Good Hope was discovered, 
the character of the commercial intercourse with 
India underwent a complete revolution. The 
apicea# and other productions of Asia, had before 
reached Europe by a route difficult and circuitous 
from the ignorance of the times, and the barbarism 
of those who transported them, and*of the nations 
ibrofigh whose dominions the trade had to pass ; 
but 9tiU the commerce was as free as the barbaric 

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ty of the times could admit, and the commodities 
were obtained at their natural price, the ' cost of 
bringing them %o market. The Europeans, able, 
by the passage round the €!ape, to appear in force 
at the very sources of production, began from the 
first moment to exact the produce of the country at 
inadequate prices ; and could the nature of the pro* 
ductions which excited their avarice have admit- 
ted, like the gold of America, of being directly 
pillaged, they would not have scrupled to have done 
so. This is the conduct which every European 
nation has actually pursued, and the principle 
which unfortunately still continues to be acted 
upon. ' 

The state of society which existed in Europe at 
the moment of the discovery of the Indian islands 
was, of all others, the worst for the unfortunate na- 
tives of the Archipelago. Could we suppose the 
Europeans of the darker and more barbarous ages 
to have achieved the conquest of these islands, we 
can readily imagine them either to have made a pre- 
datory incursion, and abandoned the country, 
or a thorough conquest, colonized it, and mix- 
ed and assimilated with the. inhabitants, render- 
ing the evils of conquest of- temporary duration. 
£ut the Indies were discovered at the first dawn 
of commercial enterprise, when mercantile cupi- 
dity had just awakened, but before trade had had 
time to produce its legitimate e£fectS| humanity 

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and civilization,— «t a moment whan religioufl 
bigotry was at its height,— when the manners 
were rude «id ferocioUs,-^«ad when the progress 
of civilization had gone Jar enough to give Uie 
£urqieans such a superiority in arts and arms as 
to make them demise their feeble enemies, with*- 
out going so Jar as to inspire them with the huma- 
nity or generosity to use that superiority with jus- 
tice or moderation. In our age, the cruelty and 
ferocity of the soldier is moderated and restrained 
towards an enemy by the humanity and genero- 
sity of the officer* In the periods to which I al« 
lude, the vulgar passion of revenge pervaded every 
rank ; and we discover the leader and the soldier 
actuated alike by them in their intercourse with the 
Indians. In regard to religion, the Europeans of 
those times hated all who differed from th«n, and 
those of an opposite worship they considered as not 
entitled to the common benefitsof humanity. As the 
immediate and avowed object of theirencroachmenta 
was not glory or ambition, but the mean and sordid 
vice of avarice, we feel less sympathy for their crimes 
than for those of less interested conquerors and 
tyrants. At the same time, it ought, perhi^, 
to be considered, that the vices and crimes of the 
Eun^iean conquerors of India and America ap» 
.pear to us in colours particularly odious, chiefly, 
.because the art of printing has furnished us with 
aipple reoorda of tkeir transaction^t— « disadvan- 

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896 poirraouESK hiotort 

tage under which the repiitalkm of their prede* 
ces^ors does not labour. 

Such was the character of the people, who, in 
the progress of knowledge and discovery, invaded 
the happiness, and tranquillity, and independence, 
of the Indian islandere. # 

The Portuguese reached the Indtali islands ten 
years after Vasco di Gama had doubled the Cape 
of Good Hope, and reached the continent of India. 
In the year 1J08, Emanuel, king of Portugal, fit* 
ted out a squadron of four ships, under the eom- 
mand of Diego lA>pez di Sequeira, which reached 
the Indian Archipelago in the fcdlowing year, 
touching first at Peelir and PasCt in Sumatra, imd, 
finally, reaching Malacca, Mahomed, the king of 
which place, having heard of the outrages commit- 
ted by the Portuguese, from the merchants of West- 
em India, determined to lay a snare for Sequeira^ 
which the Portuguese commander escaped, but not 
without the death of some of his crew, and the 
captivity of others. If we except the accideiMal 
visits of Marco Polo, Manderille, and others, Se-» 
queira may be looked upon as the proper dbeoverer 
of the Indian Arch^eiago. 

In the year i<51l, the renowned AlphoBio Al* 
buquerque, the viceroy of the Indies, with a fleet 
of nineteen ships, and fourteen huoAhed men, 
six hundred of whom were natives of MMtmtt 
sailed for Malacca, which he reaehed on the 
1st day of July of that year. Albuquerque's 

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pretefided otyeet wm to be x^Yenged on the 
king for his perfidy towards Sequeirs, but it 
was the spirit of rapine and conquest that» in 
truth, propelled him to the undertaking. Ma- 
homed was still on the throne, and at war with 
the kipg of Siam, who had marched forty thousand 
neD a^nst him. Frosi this formidable invasion^ 
Mahomed had the dexterity to extricate hin^elf 
by stistagem. Fearing the revenge of the Fortu* 
gueae lor his conduct towards Sequeira, he had 
caile^ in the aid of the king of the nei^bouring 
ftate of Fskangp who came to his assistance with a 
large ioroe; so that, when he was attacked by 
^lUbuquerque, 1» had a garrison of thirty iJiousand 
men to maintain his independence* 

Notwithsunding this» he made an attempt to 
negoeiate which failed. Albuquerque demanded 
the ForCugufise prisoners, and Mahomed ccm* 
j^ied. The vicerc^ rose in hia claims, demanding 
ground to build a fcnrt, and reimbursement for the 
expences incurred on account of his -own expedi- 
tion,- and that of Sequeira. Ihe king rejected 
these insolent and unreisisonaUe propositions, and 
prepared himself for the worst. Four-and-twenty 
days appear to hai^ been spent in this fruitless 
negooiation, for it was not until the S4th of July 
that the Fortuguese force efiected a landing. The 
phm of* attack was to ^storm the town in two divi- 
aim% which, marching along the banks of the river. 

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were to join at the bridge, which nnites the two 
parts of the town. The principal defences of toe 
enemy were at that bridge. It was fortified by 
artillery, by a wooden tower, and by ditches. The 
I\>rtugQese met with little resistance until they ar« 
rived at this place, which was defended by Aladm 
the hereditary prince, and by his brother*in-law 
the king of Pahang. The viceroy led one of the 
divisions in person, stormed and carried the bridge* 
Don John de Lima commanded the other, and waa 
opposed by Aladin and the king of Pahang in fronts 
while the king of Malacca in person, mounted on 
an elephant, and supported by others, f(ril upon hia 
rear. The Portuguese opened their ranks for the 
elephants, turned round and wounded them with 
their lances. These timid animids, as usual, took 
fright, and becoming unmanageable, trode down the 
ranks of their own combatants, and threw all into 
disorder. De Lima, without meeting further re* 
sistance, then proceeded to join Albuquerque, at the 
bridge. The action was well-contested, and bloody 
at least on one side. Albuquerque, although he had 
gained the bridge, was not in a condition to prc^t 
by his success. He had no supply of provisions, 
and his troops were exhausted with fatigue, 
heat, and thirst. Hc(, ther^ore, prudently retired 
in the course of the night to bis fleet, determined 
to renew the attack under more favounible circom^ 
^nees. Mahomed, as usual with barbarian^ 

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construed the retreat of the Portuguese into fear ; 
but, notwithstanding this impression, prudently oc- 
cupied histime in strengthening the town, by making 
trenches across the streets, and strewing the avenues 
fnth poisoned caltrops. After some deky, and 
pieparing a vessel to accompany the army with a 
supply o£ water and provisions, he renewed the > 
attack. The Portuguese carried the entrench- 
ments of the town with enthusiastic bravery ; andy 
passing the bridge, the governor-general in per- 
son stormed an entrenched position in the prin- 
cipal street, where the chief force of the enemy was . 
stationed, and where they made a gallant but in- 
efiectual resistance. 

Albuquerque now gave his attention to for** 
tifying the bridge, from whence he sent de- 
tachments into the tovm, which still continued to 
resist, with orders to put the inhabitants to the 
sword. These orders were strictly executed, and 
the streets and rivers were choked with the 
dead bodies of the massacred inhabitants. The 
king abandoned his palace in the course of the 
night ; and for three days the city was given up 
to plunder. The riches obtained in it, by the Por- 
tuguese accounts, were immense. The fifth part 
of the booty, which was the king's share, amount* 
ed to two hundred thousand crusados of gold.* 

< H ill t II 11 . 11 I I I. ■ I ■ ^ I ■■■■ 

* If there be any truth in this account^ we msiy conclude? 

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The king of Malacca, driren from hia capital, 
posted himself on the river Mtiora, within a few . 
miles of the town, where he attempted to entrench 
himself^ but was pursued and attacked by Aih^ 
querque, who drove him from his positKNi, cap* 
turing his baggage and elephants* The Por- 
tuguese were thus left in tranquil possessitm of 

Such is the detail of the first and greatest, i^ort 
of the natives of the Archipelago to resist the in- 
vaiion of the European nations. The particu- 
lara now given will supersede the repetition of 
any simiUr narrative, and will illustrate the cha- 
racter of the unequal contest which the inhabitanta 
of those ishuidfl maintained against the skill and 
courage of Europeans* Eight hundred Europeans, 
with six hundred Indian auxiliaries, arriving in 
an unknown country, capture an entrenched town, 
defended by thirty thousand native warriors, with 
the loss of eighty of their number, and surround* 
ed by hostile tribes, maintain themselves in their 
conquest* This £M:t is decisive. Whatever the Por- 
tuguese may tell us of the gseatness and difficulty 

that the wealth obtained consisted of the spices brought to 
Malacca as the entrepot of the trade, articles of little compara- 
tive value in the country, bat estimated by the Portuguese at 
their then extravagant price in Eiuope Of jewels mod precious 
•tones it is not to be supposed that much would have escaped 
the rapacity of a licentious soldiery in (he sack of a town* 

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of the undertaking, the enterprise must have been 
one of comparatiye facility.- The Malays, when they 
first encountered the Europeans, had some know- 
ledge of fire-arms and artillery ; and the Portuguese 
writers have a fabulous story of there having been 
found in die town of Makcca three thousand pieces 
of cannon.* That they had the knowledge of gun- 
powder and fire-arms, there can be no doubt, but 
the unskilful use of fire-arms with barbarous tribes^ 
who always want the art of fabricating them to any 
useful purpoise, and the discipline to use them ef- 
fectually, inevitably tenders them a more easy prey 
to an European enemy, than when they confine 
themselves to the weapons more natural to their^ 
condition in society, which are always sufiiciendy 
well fabricated, and wielded with effect and dex- 

Having given a detail of the conquest of Ma^ 
lacca, I shall now render some aocount of the mea- 

* ^ A propoa de quoi je ne puU me tenir de faire une re- 
marque, fort neeessalre pour bieii cntendrv les relations det 
pais 6loignez* C'est que les mots de bouj de beau, de magni'^ 
^uCf degrandf de mauxHus^ de laid^ de simple^ depeiU, k|ui- 
Yoques d'eux.raeiiie9, se doivent toujours entendre par rap- 
port au goAt de l*autear de la relation, si d'aHleurs il 
nVxpliqoe bien en detail ce dont il ecrit, Rtr example, ti un 
Facteur Hollandois, ou un Moine de Pbrtogal, exag^nt la 
magnificence/' 5cc« Slam, par De la Loubere, Tom. II. p. lOT* 
VOL. n. C C 

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mi«B pitfsMd bj iyiMtopien)tie» ih» gfMtett and 
wise^ of tke Portuguese tonqutron %i£ indfa, to 
secure this acquisttion ; nd fh)tn Che spirit of his 
r^ulMiotts^ we may gather faotr little ca& be looked 
fcr in the sequel from meaner agents. !>> seonre his 
pOBsessioB) he built a strong citadei, aadi with the 
leligious zeal which belonged to his ag^ one of 
his first cares was the construction of a chnrch. 
Malacca) at the mom^it of the conquest, consisted 
of a mixed population of Mafaomedan natiree^ FmgUBL 
nativoB) Mahomedans of Western India, and Ma*- 
homedan Javanese* Of the first and third classes, 
those who were not massacred in the sads: of the 
town, or did m>t fdlow the fortunes of their natuw 
tal prince, were condemned^ without exceptiob, to 
siavery. Albuquerque saw Malacca all useless and 
dreary solitude, and resolved to repeople it with 
strangers. He, for this purpose, pursfoed the 
wise and salutaiy conduct of leaiving the natives 
to their domestic laws and usages. He intrust- 
ed Raja Utimutis, a Javanese chief, with the ad- 
ministration of the Mahomedan part of the popu- 
lation, and Ninachetuan* over the Pagan portion, 
the former an ambitious chief, who long aimed at 
the sovereignty of Malacca* and the latter, one 

* These names are neither of them natiye, l^t Portuguese 
corruptions of genuine names, wfardi are to eltered that 
caanot guess at tiiem. 

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wholieftieiided the Portugueae fnm bis hittred to 
the Mahovedaa religion. 

The Portugvete provoked their enemies^ and dis- 
gittted w penecttted their frieada. Albuquerque 
g»ve the first example. Utimatis, on pretext of a 
OQQSpiracy^ was, with his son, son-in-law, and ne« 
pi^w, publicly and relentlessly executed by him. 
Ninaohetuaa, two years afterwards, was deprived of 
Ilia oflke uiyustly, and publicly sacrificed himself 
w a funeral pile, a solemA ceremony, conformably, 
it seems, to the religion he professed. His suc- 
oesaor, the Eqfu of Kampar^ with hardly a suspi- 
cion against his vepntation and fidelity, was putt^ 
death very soon after his accession to his offic?. 
By the same suspioious policy, Pottiqviterjf a i^y^ 
))^se chief, was driven intq rel^ellion, apd afteni^ards 
proved one of the most formidable enemies of ttii^ 
Portygi^ese power. 

Albuquerque, notwithstanding the viqlence pf 
his proceedings in the case of Utiniutis, pursue^ 
some politic measures for repeopling Malacca with 
straqgen. He mflde a pompous diqdi^y of mag- 
nificencei coined a gold, silver, and tin coin, fmd, 
aftaer the manner pf the £ast, dazzled the people 
by di^ributing money in a public procession, a 
joggle not without its influence on the imagiiu|- 
tions and opinions of the people for whpm he was 

The kings of the surrounding countries, from 

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fear, interest, or dstonisbment at the notel event, 
sent Albuquerque ambassadors to congratulate him 
on his victory. In this manner came ambassa- 
dors from Siam and Pegu, from the kings of Java, 
and from those of Sumatra. Albaquerque sent 
ambassadors, in return, to these different conntries, 
but the spice trade was what chiefly excited his cu« 
pidity, and Antonio D' Abreu was dispatched to the 
Moluccas. Among the princes who thus sent mis- , 
sions to Albuquerque, the king of Siam, from his 
power and vicinity, deserves particular notice. He. 
thanked Albuqtier^ue' fot his chastisement of are* 
helHous subject^ a fact from which we learn that 
Malacca, like the rest of the Malayan Peninsula, 
was considered as tributary to i^m. 

All that can interest the reader in the story of 
Malacca, until it fell into the hands of the Hd- 
landers, a period of a hundred and thirty yeafs, 
may be told in a few words. The Portuguese of 
Malacca, as they ai^ painted by the historians of 
their own country, in dissoluteness of morals, in 
rapacity and faithlessness, were second only to those - 
of the Moluccas. By their violence and perfidy 
they provoked the hostility of all the neighbouring 
nations. Tlie legitimate possessors of Malacca, 
the Malays of Jehor, Bintftn, or Ujung^tanah, be^ 
sieged or blockaded the city, during die one hun- 
dred and thirty years of Portuguese possession sia: 
times,— die king of Achin seven times,—- the Ja* 

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vanese three times, — and the Dutch twice. On 
many occasions it was reduced, by famine and epi- 
demic disease, to the last degree of distress. Ma* 
lacca scarce ever exceeded the limits which the first 
conquest established. This distant post was ne- 
glected by the viceroys of India, amidst the multi- 
plicity of their engagements to tfic west. Notwith- 
standing these disadvantages, and the pernicious 
^ exercise of commercial functions by the sovereign aup 
thority» the natural advantages of the place as acom- 
meicial emporium, a considerable freedom of com- 
merce in the place itself, and the active enterprise of 
the Javanese, the people of Celebes, the Chinese and 
Japanese, not yet compelled, by the violence of Eu- 
ropean invasion and encroachment, to withdraw 
from commercial pursuits, Malacca <;ontinued to 
maintain its commercial reputation. After Or- 
mus and Goa, it was still the first commercial city 
of the Indies. The revenue of the customs a- 
mounted annually, independent of the profits of 
trade, real or pretended, to seventy-thousand dol- 
lars ; but, as the Portuguese writers assure us, that 
the crown was regularly defrauded by its officers ol 
one-half the duties, the amount must of course have 
been one hundred and forty thousand crowns,-!-^ 
large sum in those times. 

The particulars of the story of Miibcca will be 
foimd, narrated at length, in the chronological ta- 

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ble, and I sball not venture lo offisr uny patticulBrs 
in this place. 

Having given diis account of the first esta- 
blishment of the Portuguese in the Archipelago, I 
shall tdke a mpid survey of their conduct in the 
Spice Ifilainds. ARraquenjuei while at Malacca in 
1511, dispatched a squadron to the Moluccas, un- 
der Antonia D'Al)reu, who touched at the island 
iK Amhojna onIy> and from thence returned with 
one of his ships bearing a cargo of spices. Fran- 
cis SertWidj'one of the captains of D*Abreu*8 squa« 
Atoti, WES ^dpaMted from liis commander, and sof" 
^ed sihipWredc on a desert island. Some hospi- 
tlft)1e fishermen. Who observed his situation, carried 
hhn hi safety to Aniboyna, where the Portuguese 
Were received 'with a friendship and humanity 
which did honour to the character of the natives, 
and which formed so cruel a contrast to the requit* 
al tliey received. * 

• Tht5*hf«pitallty of the people of the Mbluecas, towsr^ 
efery ^kss of sCtangcn, ^vas iBmarkttble. AU the fioropean 
tmtioM wisre received Wy Iben ^vtlh a eonKoiy and good faUh 
which does honour to their character ; and the mdignant pas- 
sions of barbarians ncTer displayed theroselTes in their conduct 
until exciled by Insult and provocation. The following is (he 
account of the reception of our countrymen by Hheiriteg *ttf 
T^rn^te. >' l^he four^eeifih d NofeiriWr meiM with the 
ishinds of Molucca: wbldi day atnlgllt, (hmnog direotei our 
course lu run with Tydore,) in coasting along the island of Mo- 


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It was not, howev^, untU tfa^ yefir 1521^ tea 
years after their eatablis^ent at Malacca, that the 
Portuguese appeared hk fpr^ in the Moluccas. 
Antonio de Britto comnianded a squadron of nine 
ship^ whjch appeared ii| thp Spjce Islands, for tl)f 

tgr, bf loagiiy to the king of Tj^rpate, \i\s deputie, or vlce*kii)g, 
seeiog us ai sea, came with bis fs^m to us, without afif^ref 
and came aboord ; apd, after some conference with oar Ge« 
sefall, willed him in any wise to runne in with Te roate, and 
not widi Tydore, assuring him that the king would be glad of 
btaOdmnuBg* and vouM be icadie to doe what he would re» 
quire ; for wbiob iK^rpose he himaelfe would that oight be irith 
the kingi and tell iiim tbe uewes, with whoni, if bee once dealt 
hee should find, that, as hee toas a king, so his w>rd shoubf 
iktnd. In the mean time the rice-king had been wiih the 
king, accontftig to his promise, signifying into him what good 
things he might repeive from us by trafiique : whereby the king 
wi|s mored with great liking Awards us, jaod sent to our Ge^ 
Derail witb jijpecial message thfit he ai^ould have what things htf 
needed and would require, with peace and friendship ; and, 
moreover, that he would yeeld bimselfe apd the right of his 
Wand, to be at Ae pleasure and commandment of so famous 
« pikice « we sefied* In Utoi «liareaf he s(snt o«r Gen^r^ 
• siigpiety apd within short tisse aftv c^me in hu o^ivi: person, 
with boats jiadiranoas ^ our jsUime, tp brix^ herintoa betitar 
and safer road than shee was in at (hat present. Qur Gene- 
rail's messenger being come to the cpurt, was met by certaine 
noble personages, with great solemnitie, and brought to tha 
4iag, a#i»4fa«# ktmis AeMmu tm>t$JHemdfy and gradousl^ eiu 
Uftamd.'' IMie'f Y^xgm ^n fm\m, Yf^k I. fiook II, 

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purpose of taking possessiim qf them m the : 
jOf the king of Portugal, and he was inverted wi& 
the government. The simple sovereigns of tlie 
Moluccas received their treacherous guests with ca* 
resses, and contended for the honour of entertain- 
ing them, and giving them a military establishment 
in their country. Temate fmally obtained the 
dangerous preference ; and in that island, tl^ seat 
of the most powerful chieftain of the Moluccas, 
the Portuguese commander established himself. D^ 
Britto, to his astonishment, found in the Moluceaa 
the oompanionsof Magellan, who had reached tliem 
in the course of the first voyage round the worht. 
These he seized upon and imprisoned, and the na-> 
tives no sopner knew Europeans, than they were 
presented with the odious spectacle of their hatreds 
and animosities. 

The very first governor of the Moluccas cornm^fi- 
cedthe course of violence, intrigue, injustice, and 
perfidy^ which, with little exception, characterized 
the whole of the Portuguese ascendancy in the 
.Spice Islands. His istrigues deprived the widow 
of Boldfo^ the first kind host of the shipwredced 
Portuguese, of the regency ; he sthrred up a civil 
war in the island of Tidor, and distributed the mer- 
cantile adventure with which he was cbaiged, in 
rewards for the massacre of the ttnlbstoaate natives. 
For si&ty years, dwing which the dominion of the 
Portuguese in the Moluccas enduredt the same 

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scenes of rapine and cruelty were exhibited. Kings 
were made and dethroned, executed and expatriat- 
ed at tlie caprice of thosie petty tyrants of the Mo* 
luccas. The natives were unwillingly driven to re- 
matmctf and the long period in question was' 
almost wholly one scene of hostility and anarchy. 
The two short years of the administration of the 
hextHC and virtuous Galvan form the only ex- 
ception; for with this slight deviation, every 
succeeding governor was worse than his predeces- 
sor. The Portuguese writers are ashamed of the 
crimes of their countrymen in the Moluccas, and 
would fain have us believe that these crimes had 
not their origin in the national character, but were 
confined to the ** knot of villains'* who happened ac- 
cidojdally to represent their country in those distant 
parts; but their uniform continuance during so 
long a period, and the successive depravity of 
every new chief, though nominated from the su- 
preme seat of government, must convince us, that 
the vices which entailed misery on the Moluccas, 
were those oil the age and nation of ^ Portugoese, 
i^nvated in this piurticuiar instance by the tempta* 
tions whi<^ their distance from control, the weak- 
ness and simplicity of the natives, and the seduc- 
tions of avarice peculiar to the situation held out. * 

* Mafoi, Hiitoria Indica. — ^LBfitfta, ijfbtoires de§ deoou- 
T«rtes et coaqpetes des Porlugais dans If nouveaa monde. — 
Histoire General des Voyages.— Modern Universal Hbtory. 

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Causes tuhich led to the Dutch Adventures to India^-^The 
First Voyage under Hxmkmui, and the Conduct of that Ad* 
vintwrer.f^''4>Luoes which kd to the Jbrmaiion rf a JrinU 
J3kKisfi9mpatiift taid tkeperuidmummM$fMeaoes ofihatemdf 
tamjie^^^tMiral Character ^ iAe Ddtkh JPelic^ m nta* 
turn to the Inhabitants of the ArchipelagOw^Ckmduct qf the . 
Dtttch in Java^-^Native Princes ^ the Island combine to 
expel the Europeans, — Combination broken by the mutual 
jealousies of the Parties^^The Town qfjacajtra destroyed, 
and BaUnia Jimndtd^^The Suttsm of Mataram ^sieges 
B^tavia twieet and is defeated^^The most ^tmriAing p^ 
riod of the Dutch History qfJava^^The Dxtch iakepoH 
with the Sultan of Maiaram against his Subjects^ and art 
involved in a long and expensive War, — fVar of Bantam, 
and expulsion of the EngUshjfrom Java^^-^Rebellion qfSu^ 
impOfH^-a Slme, whojbunds an Indeprndent Frincipeiity^^ 
JMek imehe tiemselmt its the Wnrjor i^ Ssuoestim^ 
the Throne i^M^taram, and take part with the Uem p er^ mm 
The Conspiracy of Erberfeld.^-^Massacre of Ten Thon^ 
sand Chinese at Batavia^/^^Java enjoys a profound Peace 
for Fifty Years, and in spite of Monopolies, and want of 
Foreign Commerce, flourishes inconsequence, — Proceedings 
cffheDuhhinihemore Western Cotrntneeef-UeAroU^ 
pel^go^^The Olf^ ^ their PeUoy in these perU ehi^ 
ComsnercieL'^Conquesi of Malacea,i-^Decay.of Mak^cm, 

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BUtCH Hf STORY) &C. 411 

wming to the EstMbUshment cf^ CommerciMl Mmiopobf^-^ 
Tramactwns in Sumaircu-^Search far GM ami Pepper 
drfeaUd^^Canduct of the Du^ch in the Spice Islands.-^ 
They completely enslave ihem^^The N4ttives are scarcely 
acquainted with them, vohen they are desirous to be rid 
of them. — They inveigle the Native Princes into Treaties^ 
conferring upon themdelvet the exdueive ri^ of ^yi^ 
Chve9.^Bevoii ofOie People ofBtrnda in l^l6.^Thdr ee* 
eond Revolt in IfiSO, aind total, ernhfugtaion^^Maeaaere of 
the English at Amdoyna.^-^Revolt of the People of Amhoyna 
and Terjiate, — Executions. — Revolt in 1650. — Conduct qf 
Vlamingj the Governor of the Moluccas. — Destruction of 
Clove Plantations Hcante too produethe^-^Exeeution of 
Teoemy NoUee^^Esfeeuthn of the gtdhnt Tortile and 
^thers^^EMectdkm qf John Pt^, a Chrietittn Chitfl'^ 
Murder of the Prince Saydi.^^Murder of the King of Gi- 
lolo and his Family. — Earthquakes and Epidemics afflict 
Amboyna, — The People qf the Moluccas JinaUy submit io 
the t)utch Yoke. — The Ruin of Celebes involved in the ^ate 
qf^ Mdlueeas. 

liTtE history of the Dutch empire in the bidiaa 
Arehipelagd must he nairrated at greater lengdi 
than that of the Poitnguese, as it is noie import- 
ant and better known, and as the inflneDce of the 
Dutch nation has been not only more extensive^ 
hut of longer continuance. 

The inhabitants of the Low CountrieSf driTon 
from the ports of Spain and Portugtd, and deprived^ 
1^ the union of theae'Ungdoms, of the bmeficial 
cotiimefce which 'tSi^y<Mried on in disferftiltlBg 
iiirou^out Euh^ the prodtfctions of die Satt^ 

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detained at the mart of Lisbon, resolved to pro^ 
oeed direct to the Indies in search of those pro- 
ductionSy and on the 2d of April 1595, a fleet of 
four ships sailed from the Texei for this purpose. 
The chief management of this important expedi* 
tion was entrusted to Cornelius Houtman, a Dutch 
merchant, who, without having visited the Indies, 
pretended to a knowledge of the Indian commerce 
obtained during a long captivity in Lisbon. On 
the Sd of June 1596, after a voyage often long 
months, the Dutch fleet arrived at Bantam, then 
the principal trading port of the Indies, in those 
commodities which the hdi)its of Europe demand- 
ed. T^e adventurers, in their intercourse with 
the natives, behaved without judgment or modera^ 
tion. At Bantam they embroiled themselves with 
the inhabitants, and committed actual hostilities. 
At SSdayu, in Java, they committed a horrible 
massacre^ and at Madura a still more atrocious one, 
in which the prince of that country and his family, 
Qoming to visit the D^itch fleet in a friendly man- 
ner, lost their lives through the suspidous timidity 
0f these strangers. Houtman was little better than 
a presumptuous impostor, deficient in all the qua* 
lities necessary to the ddicate affiur entrusted to 
his management. 

The Dutch, encoun^^ed to perseverp by the suc^i 
cm^ their Ikst adirentiiie» though it was not con- 
,flideral)l^ lent a nitt^^ Xodifi 

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ftom yarious ports of Holland down to the year 
1602, when the parties conducting these enter- 
prises united to the formation of ^ joint stock cofiu 
pony. The restricted income of a republican go-* 
vemment, and, at the same time, the necessity of 
combining for security against the hostility of 
Spain, naturally gave rise to this measure, one pro- 
bably indispensable in that early and rtide period 
of commerce and government ; but which, as well 
with the Dutch as other European nations, has 
since, by its example, had so pernicious an influence 
upon the commercial history of the East. 

The early period of the Dutch history of the In- 
dies consists in a complication of their commercial 
transactions, — their wars with the Spaniards or Por- 
tuguese,— their broils with the English, — and their 
aggressions upon the natives. Their conduct in 
their wars with the Spaniards always did honour 
ta their courage, and often to their moderation. In 
their transactions with the English, it is difficult to 
say which party was kast to blame, unless we pro- 
nounce in favour of that which had the smallest 
power of aggression. On both sides the mean and 
bad passions which were excited by avarice, and by 
commercial and national rivalry, were carried to an 
unexampled extent In their transactions with the 
natives, the Dutch, while restrained by prudential 
motives, by their weakness, and the competition of fo- 
reignersi pursued a moderate course; butassoonas 

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414p xuttch msToar 

thew rertraints were removed, the sequel of tlieir 
Instoiy plainly showed, that that moderation was 
only the result of expediency and nooessity. It 
may perhaps be admitted, that, in the measttres they 
pursued, there was a less insolent, daring, and open 
violation of justice than in those of the Portuguese; 
but they were attended by results ^till more pemi* 
cious, because the power which confirmed the thral* 
dom of the natives was greater than that of their 
predecessors, and therefore embraced a largca: field 
of desolation. 

I shall take a view of their conduct in the prin^ 
cipal seats of their authority, viz. in Java, in the 
Moluccas, and other neighbouring islands, and in 
Malacca, and the other seats of their power in the 
west, illustrating each subject by a rapid narrative 
of some of the most prominent events of their ad- 

The eminent fertility of Java, the greatness of 
its resources, and the commodiousness of the port 
of Batayia, soon pointed it out as the fit seat of an 
exten»ve and commercial empire ; and as early as 
1611, just a century after the establishment of the 
parallel authority of the Portuguese at Malacca^ 
the first Dutch govemor-general laid the founda- 
tions of the future capital in Jacatnu 

By the year 161 8, the ambition, n^ity, and 
abilities of the Dutch, French, and Enji^ish, the 
new adventureis from Europe, had convinced the 

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OF TSn ABmmMLAlB6. 415 

prinees of theAidiipeUigOi that tbeseguetts, whooi^ 
on their profearions of amity and moderation, they 
had ao hoqiitably entertained, were not leas dano 
gerouB than their first visitors the Portuguese. The 
princes of Jara» too weak to remove them by open 
foroe, b^^ secretly to conspire to rid themselves 
of them. The Dutch, whom they observed to be 
the most powerful, were the principal objects of 
thenr hatred and alarm ; and they thought, if they 
got rid of them, the weaker invaders might readily 
be di^psed of. Of this conspiracy, as the Dutch 
are pleased to call it, the movers were, the Regent 
of Bantam, the Kings of Jacatra and Cheribon, and 
the Sultan of Mataram. These princes had the dex- 
terity to dupe the English, whose animosity towards 
the Dutch led them to become the tools of the native 
princes. Conspiracies were at the same time form- 
ed in Sumatra, in Celebes, and the Moluccas, to 
expel the Dnteh, but their good fortune, and a cou« 
lage and perseverance worthy of a better cause, 
saved them from all thesq inxpending dangers. The 
jealousies and animosities of the native princes, and 
that weakness and oscillation of conduct common 
to them with all barbarians, broke and defeated in 
JaM the combination against them. The Dutch 
fort was on the point of surrendering to the king 
q£ Jacatra, but the regent of Bantam, foxgetting 
the primary ol^ect of the war, and becomiqg jea- 
lom of the mh booty which would in this manner 

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41^ mrrcn maroRr 

fill into the hands of his aHy, determined at aB 
risks to snatch the prize from him. With this view, 
he sent a force of two thousand men, under pretext 
of assisting the common cause. The bold leader 
who commanded these troops, presenting himself 
before the king of Jacatra, drew his dagger, and 
dictated to him with the point to his breast, in con- 
sequence of which his troops took possession of the 
town ; the Dutch retained their fort ; and the£ng« 
h'sh, allies of the king of Jacatra, unable to stem the 
progress of this strange revolution, unwillingly re^ 
tired. On the 29th May 1619, the Dutch appear- 
ed in strength at Jacatra, and landing a military 
force, assaulted the town, and carried it. Some 
of the inhabitants saved themselves by flight; 
the rest, with the exception of women and children, 
were put to the sword. The houses were burnt to 
the ground, and the walls razed, so that nothing 
remained of Jacatra but the namie. The king aad 
his family were among the fugitives, and the same 
unfortunate monarch, reduced to indigence and dis- 
tress, is said to have passed the rest of his life in 
the humble and mean occupation of a fisherman, as 
complete an example of fallen greatness as the his* 
•tory of any nation or period can nSjtA ; wheAer 
we consider the extent of the fall, or the meanness 
of the instrument by which it was brought rixmt, 
-HI band of rapacious merchants from a countiy 
of the second order in another hemisphere. Th^ 

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new town, founded by the Dutch, todk the name 
of Batavia, which afterwards acquired siich cele- 
brity in the history of th^ Indian commerce. This 
narra^iTe is an epitome of the whole history of £tt* 
ropean aggression in the East* 

For ten years, the Dutch enjoyed tranquillity in 
Java, . and their establishments at Batavia greiw 
great and prosperous from the influx of European 
capital; and, the resort and settlement of the more 
industrious nations of Asia» encouraged thereto, 
by the comparatioe vigour and advantages of Euro* 
pean government. 

The Sultan of Mataram, master of the richest 
and greatest portion of Java, and called by his coun- 
trymen the Great, seeing his ambitious schemes 
circumscribed by the presence of the strangers, 
formed the scheme of expelling them from the 
island; and, with this view, twice besieged the 
new city. The detail of these si^es is worth re- 
^)ording, as, of any transaction of the history of 
Jtbese countries, it affords the best illustration of 
the genius and resources of the European and na- 
tive eharact^. 

The Sultan, agreeably to the character of a baiv 
banan, resolved upon « treacherous attack on Da>* 
tavia, hoping thus to take the place by surprise. 
lie sent, for this porpose, his commander, BaHu 
BUtsOy with SIX hundrfd chosen men in fifty war 
teata^ pretending to bring the Duteh a supply of 

VOL* II. o d 

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4l8 nVtCB HfiSTOEY 

enttle. On the first attempt of the Dutch to me 
precautions against this force» hostilities comrnen- 
ced» and the Javanese at once proceeded to the as- 
sault of the fort, in which they ]perseTered» wkh 
ineffectual courage, for five hours^ Numerous and 
frequent reinforcements arrived from Matanun, and 
the Javanese entrenched themselves^ From the 
banning of August until the end of November^ 
Ae Javanese army besieged the half-finished for- 
Ikress of Batavia^ defended by a handful of Euro* 
peaasy and by a few Indian soldiers. After a va- 
riety of impotent attacks, the si^e was raised, 
and a force» which it is pretended, from first to 
last, did not amount to less than one hundred thou- 
sand men^ was reduced by famine, sickness, deser- 
tion, and the sword, to ten thousand. 

In the following year, the King of Mataram sent 
a second army against Batavia, which proved as 
unfortuimte as the first* It is reported, though, in 
all probability, with exa^eration, to* have amount- 
ed to opie hundred and twenty thousand m«a; 
and, when it raised the siege in the month of Na^ 
vember, before the commencement of the indei- 
ment season, to have lost, by the cooiaon causes 
jof destruction in an anny, to which, in the piesent 
instance, are to be added some horrible and exten*- 
ahre executions, one half its numh^». The Dutch, 
in the defence of their capital, reeeived the most 
eflbctual assistanoe m the ual, and, what is Wss te 

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be tepected» ia the courage of the Cihinese inhahit- 
aQtB# Hieir principal soldiery were natives of 
Japan^ who, as usual, distinguished themselFCS by 
their forward courage. 

Such is a brief narrative of the two famous sieges 
of Batavta. The greatest and most powerful of 
the princes of Javanese history sends, in the zenith 
pf his power, and in two successive years, armies of 
more than one hundred thousand men each against 
a half-finished fortress, defended by an iasigoifieant 
body of perhaps undisciplined Eurc^eans, and he 
IS triumphantly defeated. 

fVom the year 16S9 to the year 167^ may be 
looked upon as the most flourishing period of the 
Dutch history of Java, as well as of their settle- 
ments elsewhere. Their transactions, during this 
period, were chiefly mercantile ; but, at the con- 
clusion of it, they became involved in the politics 
ii£ Java ; so that the epoch of their political great* 
ness, of their own commercial ruin, of the humi- 
liation of the natives, and the destruction of ge- 
neral commerce, may justly be considered as co- 

The Dtttdi, in the year I675, took part with 
the Saltan of M ataram against his rebellious sub* 
jects, and were fully committed in the expences, 
intrigueSy and crimes which characterized the con- 
test, which ended in the year 1681 by the death 
cf the rebel, Truoa Jaya. Treaties were concluded 

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4S0 i^tTTCH HisTmr 

with the Sorereign of Mfttaram, whick bad tor their 
object the aequisitioii of territorial power, but, abo^ 
all, the plunder of bia subjects^ by restricting their 
eommercial enterprise, and exacting the produce 
of their hmd and industry at inadequate prices. 
The ruin and impoverishment of their subjects and 
aUies were, by a strange perverrion, considered in 
these engagements as paramount to their own ^i- 
riekmeBt and aggrandisement. 

It was the eril genius of monopoly which also 
dictated the proceedings of the Dutch in the war 
of Bantam, which almost immediately after ensued. 
The^ircumstances of this contest, soimportantto the 
other commercial nations of Europe, are as follow* 
The reignii^ Sukan of Bantam, at the age of 
^xty»three, resigned his crown to his eldest son ; 
but, dissatisfied with his sueeessor, began, from his 
retirement, to intrigue in order to place the <7own 
<m the bead of a son from whom be expected more 
gratitude. The chiefs and people of the country 
generally rose in behalf of the ex4Mionaich,-««n un* 
equiTocal testimony of the goodness of his cause,**-- 
and the English and Danish merchants at Bantam 
had the imprudence to take a share in the contest, 
and join him. The old Sultan, with fifty thou- 
sand men, besieged Bantam. The ypong Sul- 
tan claimed, and readily received, tbe aid of the 
Dutch, anxious only for an opportunity of extend- 
ing their JHendfy fr^tectUm on such an emei^geney. 

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The result ¥ms what Blight have been expected 
from the superior pow^ of the Dutch, and the use 
l^ey were woRt to make of their advantages. The 
^ Sulten was defeated ; the young one confinned; 
the Ei^Iishf Danes, and all other Europeans, ex* 
pdled for ever from Bantam ; a monopoly secured 
to the Dutch ; and, qf course^ the trade and pro- 
flperity of the country aanihiiaited. * 

The power of the Dutch was never equal to 
their atabition. They attempted, by intrigue, 
what their resources were unequal to accomplish 
by avowed conquest. Their counsels were often 
ci^ricious, and commonly unjust, and the principles 
af oottimercial monopoly on wluch their acquisitions 
were governed, were sure to disgust the people. 

» Hamilton (New Account of the Ewt Indies, Vol. XL 
p« 127) giv^s Ciie foUowing. flipparft, but tolerably accu- 
rate, account of the transaction. " The first place of com- 
merce on the west end of Java is the famous Bantam, where 
the English and Danes had their factories flourishing tiU 
unno 1682, at which time the neighbonriy Dutch fomented a 
v\ar between the old king of Bantan and his son ; and, be- 
cause the father wouhi not come into their measures, and be 
their humble slave, they struck in with the son, who was more 
covetous of a crown than of wisdom* They, with the assist. 
ance of other rebels, put the sou^on the throne, and took the 
old king prisoner, and sent him to Batavia ; and, in 1683, 
they pretended a power from the new king to send the £ng* 
lish and Danes a-packingy which they did, tohh a great deal 
'0f in^oknee, acceriing to ciuiam.'* 

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Constant anarchy, and frequent rebellions, wet« 
the certain results of this policy. 

One of the moist memorable examples of the ef- 
fects of this policy is afforded in the story of the 
celebrated Surapati, which is narrated at some 
length in the native history of Java. This person, 
a native of Bali, and the slave of a Dutch citizen 
of Batavia, goaded by domestic cruelty, and en- 
couraged by the general anarchy which surrounded 
him, escaped from his slavery, and, favoured by 
circumstances, but not less by the ascendancy of a 
superior courage and genius, admirably suited to his 
situation, defied the whole power of the Dutch, and 
founded an independent principality, which he and 
his family, in defiance of the power of the Dutch, 
and ultimately of the Susunan, held for twenty years. 

While struggling with this formidable adversary, 
the Dutch involved themselves in the war of the 
succession to the throne of Java. They declared 
in favour of a rebel prince, and incurred all the 
expences and hazards of a five years' contest by 
this step. At length, by an act of treachery, they 
secured the person of their enemy, and banished 
him to a distant and foreign country. 

For ten years afler this event, the island was in^ 
volved in a variety of wars and rebellions, which 
bad their origin in the policy which I have attempt- 
ed to describe, and in the busy, but unskilful am- 
bition of the Dutch administration. It was the 

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wne policy which gave birth to the extraordinarj 
conspiracy of Peter Erbeirfeld^ which I am now to 
describe.^ Peter Erberfeld was the son of a gentle- 
man of Westphalia^ and citizen of Batavia» by a 
Javanese mother* His father had left £rberfeld 
great wealth. At the age of fifty^ight or fifty- 
ni|ie» he ent^^ into a conspiracy to destroy the 
Dutch power in Java by the massacre of dl the 
Christiims^ on which he was himself to have assum- 
ed the government of at least all the portion of the 
island which was under the dominion of Euro- 
peans* The manner in which the conspiracy waa 
discovered remains unknown. It is only suspect*- 
ed that the Sultan of Bantam, who was engaged in 
a correspondence with the conspirators, began to 
fear that his own safety was involved in the success 
of their raiUtious schemes, and became, in conse« 
quence, instrumental in bringing it to light, 

^— I I I I I ■ I III M ■ M !■■ ■■■ ■■ .i^ 

* ^* We are the more astonished/' says the record of ths 
trial, '* at this horrible contrivance, because this Company^ 
under the auspices of their High lyiightinesses the States Gene- 
ral, has never ceased to govern xifUh all poatible mildness and 
tenderness^ all the people under their authority, whether Ma« 
horoedan or Pbgan, without distinction of religion, and pro* 
tected them against all and every one who sought to trouble 
or molest them." Either this sentiment is a piece of the most 
revolting effrontery, or the authors of it must have been wholly 
blinded by the circumstaqccs of their situation. The letter iil 
most probable. 

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The principal eyideYioe nvas extorted from tke 
eonq^irstors themselves on the rack ; and mndi 
of ity therefore, may well be discredited; but, 
whether the piirtioulars be real or imagined^ thej 
hflford 80 curious an illustration of the cbaract^ ^ 
the Dutcli administration, that they ought not to 
be passed over in silence. After being frequently 
put to the question, the conspirators confessed .C# 
the ibllowing circumstances : The first olgeet 
was to massacre the Dutch with all the Europteiis^ 
and the Christians of every denominMion ; altfer 
which, the conspirators were to be joined by all the 
Asiatics in the island. Erberfeld^ the chief con* 
qpirator, took the name of ^* Ywaxn^ Gusiit*' or 
The Lord ; and Cktntadia^ the secohd coBspir»- 
tor, the title of Raden, or Noble. The plot wak 
laid at the house of Erberfeld without the walls of 
the city ; and it appeared that the conspirators had 
been in the practice of holding frequent meetings 
at a country house of their leader, and there con- 
ducting a coiTespondenco with several native bhief^ 
and princes, both in the island and in the neigh- 
bouring countries. Some of the conspirators were 
engaged, according to the superstitious notions o£ 
the Javanese, and, as always happens on similar 
occasions, in distributing charms and amulets to 
render the possessors invulnerable. The attack 
was to have commenced on the first day of the new 
year^ and with the first opening of the gates of the 

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titodel ill the momiqg. Each consj^rator had hh 
particular post and office aaaigned. The chief 
conspirator was to have governed 'in the city and 
citadel ; and the second to have administered the 
territory extending to the mountains. The infe* 
rior conspirators, under the titles or oftcial de- 
signations of Pmigeran^ Tumdnggungy and Man^ 
tri^ were to fill the subordinate situations* The 
conspiracy was wide spread^ and the armngemenl 
for its execution to have been supported by a 
ibrce of seventeen thousand men. It originate 
ed with Cantadia, a native of Cartasura, who 
had, it appears, laboured for two years to seduce 
ISrberfeld* The conspirators were mostly natives 
of Java» and almost all <^ them of mean origin. 
It was detected but three days previous to the 
time appointed for putting it in execution. Nine* 
teen of the conspirators, among whom were the 
wives of three of the male prisoners, were tortur- 
ed, found guilty, and s^itenced to the most cruel 
and horrid punishments, which were carried into 
execution fourteen days after sentence was pas- 
sed. * On Sunday, two days after the execution, 

* The foIlowiQii is the record of this abominable sentence : 
** We, the judges, havioif heard and examined the information 
preferred ex officio by Henry tan Steel, drossard of thelow coun- 
trj) against the before- mentioned cnminalb, who have confcs* 
sefi the whole^ and subraitud themselves Yoluntarily to this 

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496 DUTCH mtroRT 

pubiic thanksgivings "were (Offered to God^ say Ae 
Dutch writers, in the churches of Batavia, for the 

conclusion; it is therefore concluded) regard being had to the 
^before-mentioned crimes^ and all the circumstances relating 
to them, and we hereby conclude and decree in justice, in 
the name, and on the part^ of their High Mightinesses the 
States General of the United Provinces, that we condema 
the before-meotioned priaooer^ with the approbation of the 
governor-general Mr Zwardejcropn, and of the counsellort of ■ 
the ladies, to be transported to the place before the citadel, 
wheic it is usual to execute criminalsy there to be delivered in- 
to the hands of the hangman, iq order to receive their respec- 
tive punishments in the manner following : The two crimi* 
nals, Erberfeld anS Catadia^ otherwise styled Hading, shall be 
extended and bound each of them on a croas, where they shaH 
each of them have their right hands cut off, and their armi, 
)eg8, and breasts, pinched with red-hot pincers, till pieces of 
the flesh are torn away. They shall then have their bellies 
ripped up from bottom to top, and their hearts thrown in their 
faces ; after which, their heads shall be cut off, and fixed upon 
a post ; and their bodies, being torn in pieces, shall be expos- 
ed to the fowls of the air without the city, in- whatever place 
the government shall please to direct * 

*< The other four criminals, MajaPraja, SgnaSuta, otherwise 
Wangsa, Suta Chitra, and Layeck, are to be each of them 
bound upon a cross, and have their respective right hands cut 
off, their arms, thighs, and breasts, pinched, their bellies rip- 
ped open, and their hearts thrown in their faces, and their 
limbs exposed upon a wheel in the usual places, there to be- 
come a prey to birds. The other ten criminab shall be each 
of them tied upon a cross on the scaffold, and, in case there be 
' iK>t room on the scaffold itself, on a place near it, where thcfy 

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discovery and defeat of this horrible oenflpincy* 
The house of Erberfeld was rased to the ground ; 
4md on the spot where it stood is still to be seen a 
rude death's head with a mimic spike through the 
scull, underneath which is an inscription in Euro- 
pean and native languages, which expresses the 
vindictive feeling of the moment, in a declaration^ 
that no house shall ever again stand on the spot 
where was framed the wicked conspiracy of Erber- 

The most atrocious of all the acts of the Dutch 
administration in Java, and the observation may 
be extended to all their possessions in the Indies, 
is the famous massacre of the Chinese. These 
people, encouraged to leave the crowded ranks of 

shall be broken alive, without receivijig the coup de grace* 
They shall be afterwards carried to the ordinary place of exe* 
cution, and there exposed on a wheel, and guarded so long ai 
ibey shall live there; and, after they expire, be left m prey to 
the birds. The other three, Tomboara, Grambiek, and Mitas, 
are condemned to be each of them tied to a stake, and there 
strangled, till they are dead. Their bodies shall be then car- 
ried, like the rest, to the common place of exccation,and there 
exposed on wheels for the nourishment of the birds. We likc<« 
wise further condemn the said criminals to the costs and expen* 
oeaof jubtice, and to the confiscation of half their effects: This 
being paid, renouncing all further pretensions. Done and de* 
creed in the assembly of my lords the counsellors of justice, 
this Wednesday the 8th of April, all the judges, except Mr 
CTBi?anger, being present*"— Roggewein'i Voyage, in Harris' 
CollectioDi Vol« L p. 2S5. 

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their ow» country by the fertiKty of JiaTB, it» 
commerce, tnd the comparatiTv security which 
the yigour of European arms and l^slation 
ensured to their properties^ had settled and co- 
lonized in the island in great numbers* The 
Conscious weakness of the Dutch rendered them 
jealous of the power, /the numbers, atid wealth 
of this class of their subjects. They goaded them 
by excessive taxations^ arbitrary punishments, 
and frightful executions. The inteUigence, num- 
bers, and nationality of the Chinese, made this 
systematic oppression insupporUd)le to th^n. 
Unlike the less civilised inhabitants of the 
country, though under local circumstances so 
much less advantageous, they feh their capacity 
of combining for resistance, and being once fairly 
committed, their ambition prompted them to look 
to the dominion of the island. Both Javanese and 
Dutch writers detail the circumstances of the mas* 
sacre, and from their accounts, it is no difficult 
matter to collect the most instructive facts con- 
nected with it. The persecution and oppression 
of the Chinese took a more active character from 
the year 1730 ; but it was not until the year 
1740 that the revolt commenced. The matter 
was brought to a crisis by the forcible seizure 
of a number of Chinese, and their deportation 
to Ceylon, under pretext of their being en- 
gaged in committing irregularities in the vicinity 
ef Batavia. On this eventj the Chineae in the vi- 

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cunity of the city, who were not restraiped by the 
direct presence of a military force, flew to arms, 
assembled a large force, and, as usual in such cir- 
cumstances, and among such a people, committed 
acts of yiolence, excess, and cruelty. On this 
some of their countrymen in the city were tor- 
tured, and on the autherity so obtuned, a story 
of a wicked and long-meditated conspiracy to de- 
stroy the Dutch was got up by the European autho* 
rities. Between the Dutch troops, and the armed 
mob of Chinese in the enyirons, several indecisive 
actions took place. On the 7th day of October it 
was discovered that the Chinese quarter of the 
town was on fire. This was construed into an ar- 
tifice to mask an attempt to murder the European 
inhabitants, in the confusion of the conflagration. 
The habitual timidity of the Dutch colonists took 
the alarm. The massacre of the Chinese inhalntants 
of Batavia forthwith commenced, and was in a few 
hours formally authorized by an order of the Re- 
gency^ which directed that none but the women 
and children should be spared. A band of brutal 
sailors was landed from the fleet in the roads to > 
carry this order into eSect. The doors of the 
Chinese houses were burst open, and the inhabit^ 
ants dragged out and massacred, without offering 
the smallest resistance.* The city was in a state 

« «( 

They made ne more resistance than a nest of young 

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of conflagration, and nothing waa to be aeen 
throughout but fire, murder, and rapine, vietimg, 
and executioners. It was not until the tw^ity-ae- 
cond of the same month that an armistice was pro- 
claimed. Those massacred in the tovjn of Batavia 
alone, on this occasion, are reckoned, by the Dutch 
themselves, not to have fallen short of ten thou- 
sand. The effects of this abomin2d[>le act of ty- 
ranny were felt from one extremity of Java to the 
other. The Chinese who escaped the slaughter 
marched to the east, leagued with the Susunan, 
not less willing than themselves to be rid of the 
common oppressor, and a series of revolts, wars, 
or rebellions, was the consequence, which conti- 
nued, for a period of fifteen years, to desolate the 
fiurest portions of the island, and to exhaust its 
resources. It would be superfluous here to dwell 
upon these transactions, which are narrated at 
sufficient length in the native history of Java. 

From the termination of these contests, to the 
year 1810, has been a period of almost profound 
peace in the Duteh annals of Java. From the 
mere negative advantages of tranquillity,— though 
with the privation of foreign commerce, — with the 
existence of injudicious and harassing monopolies, 
•—and, in other matters, witfaasystemof iiitemal po- 

mice," is the homely, but strong expression of the Javanese 

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itcy and regulation, neither liberal nor judicious, 
the country has prospered to an unexampled de- 
gree, its agriculture has greatly increased, and i1» 
population has been probably tripled. Here it 
cannot escape notice, that the period of the de^ 
cline and weakness bf the Dutch power, both in 
Europe and India, is just the same as the period 
of the prosperity of this great colony. While the 
ability to exercise a mischierous ambition, and to 
inflict the most grievous and absurd restrictions 
lasted, the island was in a perpetual state of deso- 
lation and anarchy. From the moment that that 
ability ceased to exist, order and tranquillity were 
restored, and prosperity was progressive and rapid. 
Having rendered this account of the policy pur- 
sued by the Dutch in Java, I shall proceed to offer 
a short account of their proceedings in the more 
western countries of the Archipelago^ chiefty con- 
sidering Sumatra and Malacca under this head. 
These countries, less fertile, less improved, and 
less populous than Java, afforded them, from 
these causes, and the intractableness of the rude 
natives, the absence of resources, and the natu- 
ral difficulties opposed to invaders^ in extensive 
.and almost inaccessible regions, covered by forests^ 
no opportunity of making permanent territorial 
conquests. The object of the Dutch policy in 
these countries had. more exclusively in view the 
interests of ttie commercial monopoly, by pursii- 

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iog whieh, the coantries under ite influence were 
exhausted* the natives estranged or driven to re- 
Volt, and the moat interested advocates of the sys- 
tem convincefl; though their reasoning nee|>ecting 
the ^uses of failure may not have been accurate^ 
that all the establishments of the Dutch in that 
quarter of the Archipehigo at least were burthen* 
W>me and useless* 

Malaccsa» from the strength of its fortifica^ 
tions, resisted the Dutch power long after it had 
bden established in the c^her countries of the 
Archipelago, and it was not until the year 1641, 
efter a siege and blockade of five months, and a 
g^lant defence, worthy of the best days of Por- 
tuguese heroism, that it was taken. The kings of 
Achin and Jehor joined in the league against the 
Portuguese, but the former receded on the dis- 
covery that his interests were not the object of hia 
European allies, and the reward of the king of Je- 
hor, who contributed in an eminent degree to the 
success of the enterprise, was to be laid under the 
severest restrictions of the commercial monopoly. 
All the other princes of the Peninsula, whose sim- 
plicity could be intimidated by a dii^lay of the 
Dutch power, or cajoled and deceived by the 
artifice of European intrigue, were treated in the 
same manner. From the cause already deaorib- 
ed, no territorial conquest was made, no inter- 
nal improvement was any where effected, and. 

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down to the latest days of Dutch rule, the ccmntry 
and its inhabitants continued in the same rude anfl 
uncultivated state in which they were found. Under 
the destructive influence of commercial restraint, 
the town of Malacca itself, from its happy situa- 
tion a rich emporium, even under the rude legisla- 
tion of the natives themselves, dwindled into insig- 
nificance, and the mcmopoly of the Dutch appears 
to have proved more prejudicial to it than the ty- 
ranny of the Portuguese, and the invasions of its 
territory by foreign enemies, to which their lawless 
ambition gave rise. 

The struggles maintained by the Dutch in Java 
and the Moluccas prevented them, for a long time, 
from turning their arms to Sumatni, less inviting 
by its fertility, and the value of its productions, 
and more difficult to subdue. The most power- 
ful, civilized, and commercial state of that island 
was. Achin, and here the Dutch made repeated ef- 
forts to insinuate themselves, and establish their com- 
mercial system* The prince of Achin, who, from 
the extent of his intercourse with the foreign na- 
tions of Asia, had a thorough knowledge of the be- 
nefits of commerce, alone, of all the potentates of 
the Archipelago, resisted the insidious attempts 
of the Dutch, and other European nations. In 
the year 1664, the Dutch had leisure to extend 
their ambitious views to Sumatra; and, in that 
year, they rendered themselves.masters of the whole 

VOL. 11. E.e 

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of the west coast of that island, from Sillebar it 
Barus. In the same year they captured and burnt 
the town of Palemhangj and forced upon the prince 
of that country, from the value of its productions, 
and the advantages of its situation, one <^ the finest 
trading positions of the Archipelago, one of their 
commercial, or rather anti-commercial treaties. The 
fsountry of the Lampungs they got possession of ia 
virtue of their influence over the councils of the 
king of Bantam, who pretended a claim to it. In 
ike same manner, they got possession of Landak 
and Succadana, in Borneo ; and their mercantile 
influence was in time established, with all its de* 
structive influence, in Bargermassin. Whatever na* 
tive state was, from distance, or natural strength of 
situation, incapable of being brought under this thral- 
dom, was proclaimed to be hostile, barbarous, and 
piratical. Their avarice was stimulated by two pro* 
ducts, for which those iwo islands are distinguish- 
ed, gold and pepper ; and to obtain these, under 
their compulsory regulations, constituted the whole 
objects* of their administration, which, in every 
branch, was constantly subservient to these con- 
temptible and unattainable views. In their efibrts 
to draw a profit from the gold mines, their cupidi- 
ty was signally punished by a heavy loss in the pur- 
suit, and their persecution of the industry of the 
natives, in regard to the pepper, was accompanied 
by the almost total annihilation of that important 
article of traffic. The .weakness of their power in 

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SumatFa prevented them irom urging their pecu^ 
liar principles, to the extent to ivhich they were 
cairied in Java and the Moluccas, and the inhabit- 
ants of that country continued generally more pas- 
sive under their authority. Several revolts, how- 
ever, took place. Within one year of their possession, 
the inhabitants oiPao rose on the Dutch garrisonn, 
&nd murdered them. A revolt took place in I67O, 
within six years of their conquest, and another in 
1680, which required the aid of large military for- 
ces from Batavia to suppress them. 

I come to the third and last branch into which 
this chapter is divided, an account of the Dutch 
history of the Spice Islands. It was, perhaps, in 
these islands, that the most baneful influence of 
their policy was experienced. The spices were the 
most desired objects of European avarice ; the peo- 
ple were generally less powerful, less civilized, nu- 
merous and waiiike, than the western tribes, and 
their country, consisting of numerous small isles» 
could be more easily overrun and subjugated. 
The first of these causes prompted the Dutch to 
make the most vigorous efforts for their subjuga- 
tion, and the rest facilitated the enterprise, so that 
the S^ice Islands are more completely under Euro* 
pean domination, than any other portion of the In- 
dian Islands. 

The hatred of the people of the Moluccas to- 
wards the Portuguese, made them readily join the 
patch ui driving theoi from the Moluccas; but 

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the rapacity of the latter was too open for their ar* 
tifices, and the natives were scarcely acquainted 
with them, when they were as desirous of being 
rid of these new guests as of the former. As early 
as the year I6u6> the king of Temate attempted 
to league the princes of the Moluccas against the 
Dutch for their expulsion, but wi^ baffled by the 
jealousy of his neighbours. In 1613, the Dutch 
had the dexterity, in pursuance of tbeir exclusive 
system, to inveigle the greater number of the na- 
tive princes of the Moluccas into treaties, confer- 
ring upon themselves the exclusive right qfbuy- 
ing cloves. Whether any actual imposition was 
practised in framing these treaties is not certain, 
but that the natives were wholly unaware of the 
ruinous consequences to their industry, comfort, 
and independence, which resulted from fulfil- 
ling them, caonot admit of a doubt. Hiey had 
been long accustomed to a free traffic with all 
the commercial nations of Asia, and the unna- 
tural restraints to which, under the mask of |iro- 
tection saxd Jriendship, they were subjected, could 
not but be disagreeable to them. The infringe- 
ment of the treaties was the obvious interest of the 
prince and his subjects. The Dutch insisted upon 
their fulfilment, and resenting every infraction of 
those iniquitous compacts, made them the pretext 
for all the wars, persecutions, and invasions, which 
desolated the country, with little interruption, down 
to the year 1681, embracing a period of sevei^yean* 

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The unfortunate natives, in these contests, behaved 
with courage and perseverance, virtues which would 
have been successful in the expulsion of the invad- 
er, but for the disunion and feebleness incident to 
their geographical situation, and to their want of ci- 
vilization. To illustrate the characters of the contend- 
ing parties, I shall now run rapidly over a few of the 
most prominent circumstances of the contest* The 
inhabitants o£ the Banda, or Nutmeg Isles, were 
the first to resist, and, in 16 15, their destruction 
was resolved upon. A large fleet and military ex- 
pedition sailed against them, but the Bandanese, 
conducting themselves with extraordinary courage, 
the Dutch were defeated on this occasion, and the 
governor-general, who /accompanied the troops, 
died of chagrin on account of the failure. The 
following year the Baudanese were subdued and 
forced into treaties, more hostile to their commer- 
cial interests and prosperity than even 

In 1620 the Bandanese had again revolted, if 
this expressioi;! can be applied to their resistance 
of foreign aggression. The direct charge made 
against them on this occasion was, that ihei/ sold the 
prodtwe of their country to strangers. The Spa- 
niards, Portuguese, and English, fomented the 
quarrel between the natives ; and, blind to th^ir 
own aggressions,^ could easily see the injustice of 
their rivals. At the period of this last revolt of 
the people of the Banda Isles, the Dutch and £ng- 

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lish were reconciled to each other, and the latter 
n<m law no harm in suhduing the inoffending Ban- 
daaese. The Englislh commissioners only declared 
their inability^ from want of means^ to join in a 
league for their subversion. The Dutch governor^ 
general, happy at their excusing themselves, pious- 
Ijf declared that be would undertake the enterprise 
with the assistance of Iieaven, which he boasted had 
hitherto been so favourable to him. This crusade 
ended in the total subjugation of the Banda Isles* 
in the year I62I, in spite of the efforts of the Eng- 
lish, who, keeping as little fidth with their Euro- 
pean allies as with the natives, assisted the latter 
against the former. The island of Lontar alone 
long resisted ; the natives betook themselves to the 
mountains, where in tim^ they were starved and 
hunted down, until at length the survivors, a poor 
remnant of 800 persons, surrendered themselves, 
and were transported to Batavia. Such was the 
terminatidta of the expedition, which a Dutch 
governor-general of the Indies undertook in reli- 
ance upon the assistance of heaven ! 

The inhabitants of Amboyna, and the othe^ 
Clove Isles, unable to endure the despotic commer- 
cial arrangements of the Dutch, were in arms almost 
as early as the people of Banda, and, as they were 
more numerous and powerful, their resistance was 
more formidable and long continued. 

In the year 16^3 took place the famous massap 

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6p the ABCHIPEtAGO. 489 

tste of Amboynai an affiur of European hi$t^, 
which it is not my province to relate. In itself a 
transaction sufficiently execrable, and affording, per- 
haps, the most revolting and hateful example of the 
consequences of the commercial rivalry of Euro- 
pean nations, in enormity, it falls far short of many 
of the calamities inflicted by the European nations 
on the natives of the country. The insurrections 
of the people of Temate continued down to the 
year 1638, when assuming a more formidable as- 
pect, the presence of the governor-general was 
twice thought necessary. 

The Dutch used the king of Temate, whom 
they had in their hands, as the tool of their views ; 
and this prince, with an insincerity to be expected 
in his situation, secretly encouraged and abetted 
the resistance of his subjects.. . One of the bravest 
of these, Louhou, the governor of a distant pro- 
vince, exhausted by long resistance, and deserted 
by his people, made his peace with the Dutch, and 
came over with his family. He, his mother, sis- 
ter, and brother, were perfidiously seized and be- 

From this time, until the termination of the re- 
sistance of the people of Ternate, the noblest per- 
l^ns of the country were seized in numbers, and 
executed without mercy. Tulukab&ssi^ a chief of 
Amboyna who had made a long resistance, was at 
length induced to surrender himself. He was exe- 

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tated, though he oflfered to embnce Christianity 
to save hia life, an honour, says the Dutch historian, 
of which he was deemed unworthy ! 
• From the year 1650 to 1653, the insurrection 
of Amboyna assumed a moce formidable aspect than 
ever. A monster of energetic character, called 
Vlaming, was governor, and wantoned in blood and 
executions. I ^all give a few examples of his 
proceedings. The Dutch had agreed to take any 
quantity of cloves tendered by the natives at a fixed 
price^ and although this fixed price was lower than 
the people had been accustomed to receive from the 
other strangers that resorted to their market, still 
the quantity brought in was too great for the re- 
stricted consumption to which the abuses of the 
monopoly necessarily gave rise. Vlaming resolved 
upon the destruction of the cloves every where but 
at Amboyna, the immediate seat of the Duteh 
power, w^iere he imagined production might be 
restricted to the limited demands of the monopoly 
market. The natives were exasperated to the last 
degree by this iniquitous and unheard of invasion 
of property, and flew to arms to defend their just 
rights. Even the chiefs who owed their promotion 
to the Dutch influence revolted, and all the islands 
were involved in a general insurrection. 

On the 28th of August 1650, Vlaming orc^red 
the execution of twenty nobles. Some were Strang* 
led,---others broken on the wheelj— -and others cast 

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into the sea and drowned, by beatii^ them with 
bludgeons. A Mahomedan priest leaped from a 
redoubt and fractured a limb. The brutal gover- 
nor ordered him to repeat the leap, which cost him 
his life! 

On his return to Amboyna, Vlaming ordered a 
new execution, as well of those who had surren- 
dered at discretion, or promise of pardon, as of thoae 
taken prisoners. Fifi;een chiefs were executed <m 
this occasion, among whom were t^o petty kings. 
The most distinguished of the sufferers was the 
heroic Terbile, who, appearing on the sca£fbld widi 
an undaunted countenance, which astonished his 
persecutors, hastened to present his bare neak to 
the axe. . 

Even the natives converted to Christianity rose 
against their oppressors. The most remaiiiable of 
these was John Pays^ a native of Attiboyna, distin- 
guished for his eloquence as a teacher fif Christi- 
anity, and adding to the efFects of that eloquence, 
the authority of birth, office, and fine qimlities. ThiiK 
nobleman, with many others, was executed atnightf 
for fear the spectacle might occasion a tumult 
among the inhabitants. Next day the governor, 
having assembled the native troops, suddenly pro- 
duced the bloody heads of the sufierers by way of 
striking terror into the survivors. 

The Prince Saydi, the chief of the patriot insur- 
gents, was at length taken by the tretehery of one 

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443 i)0TCH msTORt 

of his companions. Before he was overpowered hi 
made a gallant resistance, and when he feU was 
covered with wounds,' and exhausted with loss of 
blood. In this situation he was brought befwe 
Vlaming, who insulted him with vulgar railleiy, 
andi pushing the shaft of his spear into his mouthy 
bid him wake from his sleep. The dying chief 
was neither able Qor willing to reply, but had 
strength enough remaining to turn his head aside^ 
and avert his eyes from the hateful spectacle of the 
enemy of his country. The governor abandoned 
him to the fury of the Dutch soldiers, who cut him 
to pieces, and threw his quivering members over 
the precipices of the mountain, in the fastnesses of 
which he was captured. 

The last act of Vlaming was the murder of the 
king of Gilolo, who was accidentally taken prisoner 
in passing from one island to another. He and 
five-and-twenty of his family, the women and 
children only being spared, were put to death, and, 
for fear of a commotion among the people, they 
were prhatehf drowned at midnight! 

The inhabitants of the Moluccas contimied to 
carry on the war, though with less vigour, down to 
the year 1 67I > when, asgenerally happens in tropical 
climes, when the regular industry of man, and his 
natural pursuits, are interrupted by a long succes* 
tion of wars and intestine convulsions, a violent, 
epidemic afiSicted the country, the effecta of which 

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were aggotvafted fay earthqud^es in tliat year, in 
167s and 1674, which were alao themselvea the 
direct cause of the loss of many lives. 

The last insurrection of the pec^e of the Mo- 
* luccas broke out in 1680, and continued during fhe 
whole of that and the following year. These were 
the last efforts of those islanders to maintain their 
independence. Enfeebled and broken-spirited by 
their ineffectual efforts, they submitted from this 
time. The Dutch were now enabled to carry 
their principles of commercial policy into the most 
rigid practice. The consumption of spices decreased 
as their price rose, and the Spice Islands hence- 
forth ceased to be of value and importance. 

The monopoly of the spices was secured by the 
conquest of Macassar in the year l669« It was 
the avidity of the Dutch to secure the monopoly of 
the spices, and the natural hostility of the people 
oC Celebes, towards those who. unjustly and vio- 
lently excluded them from a traffic in which they 
had so long and so extensively engaged, one which 
was so beneficial to them, and so natural to their 
geographical and moral situation, which produced 
the long wars between them, the incidents of which 
are given in the native history of that island. It 
need hardly be remarked, that the commercial and 
political importance of Celebes ceased with the loss 
of its independence, and its subjection to the com- 
mercial shackles of Dutch policy. 

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It will be unnecessary to quote further examples 
of the consequences of the Dutch domination in the 
Archipelago, and enough has been said to illus- 
trate the nature of the influence which it has pro- 
duced upon the character and destinies of the na« 
tive inhabitants* 

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Spanish influence confined to the Philippines* — Policy pursued 
h^ the Spaniards, with all its vices, superior to that of any 
other European government established in the' Archipelago* 
— Sketch of that Policy. — Discovery of the Philippines by 
Magellan. — Philippines neglected Jbr the Moluccas, — First 
attempt to conquer the PhUippines^^^Conquest of Zebu by 
Legaspi. — Lucania invaded* — Causes to which thejacility of 
the early conquest of it is to be ascribed. — Foundation of the 
city of Manila* — Causes which have proceed a barrier to the 
progress of the Spanish conquests.F^Effects which result from 
the proximity of China to the Philippines* — Manila attack' 
ed by tlte Chinese rebel Limakon, and nearly taken* — Chi* 
nese employed as rowers^ in an expedition against the Mo' 
luccas, murderthe Governor of the Philippines^ who command* 
ed, and the crew of his galley*'^ First Massacre of the Chi» 
nese, when thirty thousand are cut off* — Emperor qf China 
demands an explanation, and is easily satisfied* — Second 
Massacre of the Chinese, when twenty^three out of thirty 
thousand are cut off* — The Philippines threatened with Tin 
invasion by Coxinga^ the conqueror ofFomosa, which they 
escape by the sudden death of that able and ambitious lead* 
er^'^Spaniards expel the Chinese Jram the Philippines^'^ 
Powerful causes springingjrom the principle of population 
in China, and the locality of the Philippines have induced 
the inhabitants qfthejbrrner country to settle in numbers in 

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ike loiter j>^Abturd arguntenis of the Spaniardi far Or 
Mpulsiou of the Chinese refitted, — Chutese return to the 
Philippines, — A royal edict Jor their absolute expulsion not 
carried into effect by the local administration, — Royal edict 
carried into effect^ and its consequences, — Chinese return by 
slam degrees^ and are as numerous as exter. — Character of 
the Japanese^ and their intercourse with the Spaniards of 
, the Phiiippines^^'Emperor of Japan sends a mission cloim^ 
ing Hmssalage from the Philippines, — He meditates their con* 
quest about the period of his persecution of the Christians in 
the empire* — Emperor of Japan sends a friendly mission t9 
Manila, — A first and second revolt of the Japanese in the 
Philippines, — The intercourse voith Japan finally terminated 
by the famous edict of the Japanese empire^ excluding itself 
from the intercourse qf the toorld, — Political intercourse be* 
txveen the Spaniards and the independent nations qf the Ar* 
chipelago, — General re/lections on the intercourse of Euro* 
peans toith the more potoerful nations of the Archipelago. — 
Futile attempts of the Spaniards to conquer Soaloo and 
Mindanao ^'-'Retributi'oe measures of the inhabitants qf 
those islands, — Wars qf the Spaniards with European na^ 
tions in the Arohipelago^f^Conquest of the Moluccas five 
times attempted. — Conquest of Manila by the English — 
Plunder the object of those who planned the expedition, — 
Extravagant opinion of the wealth of Manila.-^Narrativ^ 
of the Conquest, — Animadversion on the conduct of the 
captors,'^ BritiA conquest never extended beyond the 
neighbourhood of the city. — Population cf the country de» 
fend it after the destruction of the tegular military force, — 
Important afid ^interesting conclusions to be drawn from this 
unusual circumstance. 

1 ^E influence of the Spanish nation in the Mo- 
Inccw was of short duration, and limited extent ; 

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Md, yik\\e the Indian possessions of Portugal were 
under the crown of Spain, they were wholly admi- 
nistered by Portuguese, and on the Portuguese 
principles of government. The hifluence of the 
Spuiish government on the fortunes and history of 
the inhabitants of the Archipelago, therefore, may 
be said to be confined to the Philippines. In this 
extensive and important portion of the Indian 
islands, it has been peculiarly active $ and a histo<> 
rical sketch of its proceedings will prove interest* 
ing and instructive. 

It is remarkable, that the Indian administration 
of one of the worst governments of Europe, and 
that in which the general principles of legislation 
and good government are least understood, — one, 
too, which has never been skilfully executed, — 
should, upon the whole, have proved the least inju- 
rious to the happiness and prosperity of the native 
inhabitants of the country. Tliis, undoubtedly, 
has been the character of the Spanish connection 
with the Philippines, with all its vices, follies, and 
illiberalities ; and the present condition of these 
islands affords an unquestionable proof of the fact. 
Almost every other country of the Archipelago is, 
at this day, in point of wealth, power, and civiliza^ 
tion, in a worse state than when Europeans con- 
nected themselves with them three centuries back. 
The Philippines alone have improved in civiliza« 
tton, wealth, and populousuess. When ^scovered. 

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most o( the tribes were a race of half-naked aa* 
vagest inferior to all the great tribes^ who werepusli- 
ing, at the same time, an active commerce, and en* 
joying a req)ectable share of the necessaries and 
comforts of a civilized state* Upon the whde, 
they are at present superior in almost every thing 
to any of the other races. This is a valuable and 
instructive fact, and the cause deserves to be traced^ 
This, I imagine, is no difficult task. In the first 
place, the Spanish government has never, in the 
case of its Indian dominions, pursued, like other 
nations, the visionary and pernicious principle of 
drawing a direct profit from the commercial indus* 
try of its colonies, by appearing in the character 
of the sole or chief merchant. On the contrary, 
private industry, though injudiciously shackled, 
has been permitted ^ome scope^ and the wholesome 
principles of competition have had some operation* 
The Spanish government has rested satisfied with 
- deriving a revenue from a fixed capitation tax on 
-its native subjects ; and, however heavy in amount, 
W iniquitous in the collection, it has, on the whole, 
proved less prejudicial to improvement than the 
restrictions of other European nations on the agri- 
culture and industry of their subjects. But, above 
all, the prosperity of the Philippines has been ow- 
ing to the fireedom given to European colonization; 
a freedom which it has been the idle glory of our 
nation, in particular, to withhold, br to restrict, un* 


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OF TBB AlCHnLl/60. 4i9 

dertheiusk) <ir under the dekuioni of bendSt- 
ing the Bativis. The Speniards permitted to 
their counbTmen a perfect freedom of colonisa^ 
tioAi and the imappropriated iands were freely d$s» 
tributed among them. Thej have mixed with thei 
native inhabitants, and lived fiuniliarly with themJ 
The consequence has been, that, through l^e me- 
dium of religious or other instruction, and general . 
communication, the influence of the genius and/ 
manna!« of Europe has been felt by the native races, | 
and prodnoed corresponding benefits. 

We can be at no loss to see to what ciitcum- 
stance in their situation the Philippines owe the 
firuperiority <^ the p<^cy pursued in regard to them. 
Fortunately for them, they happened to produce 
iMne of the commodities for which the avarice of 
Europeans was in search. They produced neither 
the rich spiceries of the more western islands, nor 
the fine manufactures of Ihe continental nations ; 
Mid were, therefore, saved from the usual depre- 
cation upon industry. 

The Philippines, as is well Itnown, were discover- 
ed by the iUustrious, but unfortunate Magellan, in 
the course tA the first circumnavigation of the globe, 
in the year 1521 , ten years after the conquest of Ma- 
lacca by the Portuguese. It was the search for spices 
^rhich led to the accomplishment of the circumna- 
iTigatioa of the globe, and the discovery of the 
Phifip^^eSi as well as to the more sfdendid achieve- 

TOL. n. Ff 

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450 flPAKISK HfiSTmY 

ments <^ Columbus and Di Gamm aU of them t^ 
most gtriking eyenJ^ in the hi8t<N7 of maiifcin4- 
The first laud which Magellau mad^ afi^r qukting 
the western shore of America^ was the port of 
Batuanf in the great island of Mindanao^ from 
whence he sailed into the midst of the cluster, and 
touched at Zebu. He was hospitably receiyedt 
both at Batman and Zebu^ by the wonderiug nik 
tives i hut this man of genius wanted prudence 
and moderation, and was strongly tinctured with 
the indiscreetest religious zeal, the vice of his agcu 
By planting a cross in Zebu, and sprinkling a little 
water on the king and his family, with some of his 
subjects, he imagined himself estabUshhig the 
Christian religion. The petty prince of the insig* 
nificant islet of Mactan, which lies opposite the 
great island of Zebu, happened to be a man en- 
dowed with a strength of mind above the fears of 
his countrymen, and saw in the Spaniards nothing 
but what was mortal. He challenged Magellaii 
to combat, who, with the characteristic chivalry gf 
his time, accepted the challenge. YiStj Spaniards 
in armour entered the lists against a host of na- 
tive adversaries,— -they were decoyed into a marsh, 
and, fighting up to their necks in water, the great 
navigator, with six of his companions, lest their 
lives. The rest saved themselves by a precipitate 
^ight, and the result convinced the people of Zebu 
thiA their visitors were mere m»^ perhaps Uiat 

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or THE ASCHiraLAOO* 451 

they were dangerous invaders, for the king sought, 
by treachery, to destroy those whom he had at first 
received widi so much hospitality. 

The companions of Magellan sailed for the 
Moluccas, and, touching at Tidor, were en^ 
tertained by the prince of that island with the 
kindest hospitality, received a supply of refresh* 
ments, and cargoes of the precious products of the 
country. Such was the first intercourse of the 
Spaniards with India and the Philippines. On the 
strength of the discovery of Magellan, the Spa- 
niards founded their claims to the Philippines ; and, 
by virtue of the line of demarcation drawn by the 
Pope, though the Portuguese reached them more 
early, they asserted their claims to the country of 
the spices, the primary object of the search of both. 
Fot them, the Philippines were wholly neglected, 
and the emperor Charles the Fifth, fitting out a 
squadron in the year 1525, it reached the Mo- 
luccas in the following year, and made a perma- 
nent, but a feeble establishment in Tidor. The 
Spaniards and Portuguese now disputed the pos- 
session of the Moluccas, and war was on the point 
of being declared between the two countries, when 
the needy emperor mortgaged his claim for the 
sum of d50,000 ducats. 

In the year l64S, the empen>r made an inef- 
fectual attempt to conquer the Philippines. The 
expedition never reached farther than the little 

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452 . tt^AKt^k BTStOftT 

island dT gdfiagan, which lies dSthfe MuthMii cMit 
rf Mindanao, and the ^e result of the expedfc 
tion, according to the Spanish writers, was the 
baptism of one cMld, and the bestowing the name 
i^ the Prince ofAsturias upon the whoJe Archi- 
pelago. iThe fleet was scattered, and the whole 
armament almost annihilated. 6uch, indeed, with 
the navigators of those times. Was the smallnessand 
insufficiency of their barks, their own unskilfiil- 
n^ss, their want of particular experience, and their 
general ignorance, that nothing short of the high- 
est zeal, and most intrepid determination, could 
have inured success in the undertakings they a- 

k was not until theyear 1 566, forty-fiveyears after 
their first dis^covery, tbat the Spaniards conquered, 
or rather appeared for the purpose of conquering 
the Philippines* The person to whom this achieve- 
ment was allotted was a noble Spaniard, whose name 
was Miguel Lopez de Legaspi. He made his first 
appearance in the southern island of Bohol^ with oni^ 
of the petty kings of which place he Swore friend- 
ship, by undetigoing with his majesty the ceremony 
of iosing Uoodjirom their drms^ each drinking the 
hhod vj theothw^ according to the strange practice 
of the country. From Bohol, whfere they were hos- 
pitably entertained, the Spaniards J)rDcee(ied to 
Zebu, whith they determitied to conquer, and the 

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OF TUl^ AMCmstu^Aoo. 493 

pnttxt «0 die ti'eaehery of %W feDple'to the com- 
pawoitt of MagoUan, iladrly-five yeapg befipire. 

The inhabitaQto i^aisted the mfadsra iqefiee- 
tuaUy^ Md fiiiaily ware recoMiled to them* Suek 
^mi th« pwerty of tke people of tbts iriamiy wd 
tile little progrtfitt tbej bad made itt adricultwal 
indnatvy, that the arrival of the few iSfaniarda who 
aeeninpanied Legaapi faarougfat ou a fiy»i«e» vbicb 
was scarcely relieved hj the imadeqinate sufftUei 
broiigbt by traffic, but ofttaer by pltHMler^ frevft the 
neigfabouring islands. For four years they 8lrug<> 
gled with scarcity^ and the attempts of the Portu- 
guese to drive them from their aequisitiea^^ h^ 
lA69f the establishment was removed to the island 
of Pcmay^ a»d in 167 1 the conquest ef Manila was 
made. The pe<^b of this portion o# the Fhilif^ 
pkies were more improved thaa the vest* and had 
some knowledge of fire-anns, bid; the f^bleni^ ^ 
their resistance is sufficiently declared, when we 
UBderstaikd that two hundr^ and eighty Spaniards; 
eflfeoted their subjugation. The people jfted (m tbd 
appeara&ce ef tiie £usopeaiia> but by the dificrecsr 
oomduct fA Legaspi, they were broMght baeki and 
a reconciliaftiQD eflectedf Legaspi was* a man of 
MAduet and talents, weU fitted to the imperunat 
duties he had to pevform> a^d to l^s dextereius and 
prudeni maMgement, as weU iv» tike weaka^ss^ of 
Ike oppositAogi he nmt wii^h, is to be attritoted tjle 
4»ucces8 of the enterprise. The influence of reli- 

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gion Ind also a large sbare in it. Tlie eocpeditmi 
ifas accompanied by a number of priests, who wese 
actively employed in the pious office of converting 
the simple natives; and it may be safely aasertod, 
that the benevolent influence of religion has had, 
from the earliest to the latest period of the Spanidi 
authorityin these islands, the most powerfiil ascoid- 
ancy in the civilization of the people, and in re* 
oonciliiig than to their conquerors. 

The Spaniards now founded the city of Manila, 
and by this measure, which took place in the year 
1£71» their power may be considered as es* 
tablished. Resistance was frequency made to 
their aims, but its amount in any one place was 
trifling, for even the people of Luconia^ the most 
civilized of the Philippines, divided, like all sava- 
ges, into numerous petty communities, incapable 
of combining to resist an invader, proved but a 
feeble enemy. 

The same circumstance, the division of the peo» 
pie into many tribes of different conditions of ci- 
vilization, and speaking many languages, widi 
the subsecpient weakness of the Spanish natieo, 
and the hostile and savage habits acquired by 
the tribes not at first subdued, are what lunre 
since opposed the greatest obstacles to the Span- 
ish arms, and hindered the total subjugation of 
the country. A people united as one nation, with 

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the saoie poUdcal institutional and the same lan- 
giiage» aecttstmned to obey the same authority, 
wottldi in the first encounter, as in the case of the 
Mexicans, the Peruvians, and the -Malays of Ma- 
lacca, have made a req>ectable resistance, but when 
once overcome, would bow their necks to the yoke. 
The maon^ and principle on which the Spanish 
conquests were effected, being once described, 
the history of thqif intercourse with the natives of 
Lueonia, and of the other islands, which submitted 
directly to theur authority, affords nothing suffi- 
ciently prominent or interesting to deserve parti- 
cular recital* The natives suffered endless impres- 
sions from private aggression, or the injustice of 
puUic measures, and lost no opportunity of attempt- i 
ing to get rid of the Spanish yoke« Many of the I 
more savage tribes retired to the mountains, pre- 1 
serving their national ind^ndence to this day,^ 
and bearing an implacable hatred to the Spanish 
xmme.^ The most interesting portions of the his- 
tory of the period of two centuries and a half, 
which has eliqpsed since the first permanent con- 
quest, are,-— the history of Uie wars and quarrels 
of the colonial government, with the Chinese, 
^Nreign or dconestic, — ^with the neighbouring Ma- 
homedan states, — ^with the Japanese,-^and with 
Eun^ean naticms. Of all these the most striking 
incidents will be shortly narrated in their turns-. 
The facts are curious in themselves, and tend in 

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456 aPANMB HISlOftT 

every ease to throw a strong light on the ehaneter 
of the Spanish influence en the destinies of the 
Bstiw inhiiiitants. 

Among the islands of the Indian Archipdego, 
one of the most dtstintelive ehafaeteristiea of the 
FUlippines, is- their proxuni^ to Chana. Thejr 
owe to tiiis situation their g^:ea* connereial ad- 
vanti^es^ hut they owe to it too^ considmng the 
w^eakaesaef the EuMpean nation wbieh governs 
them, seme political disadiwitages. They are the 
aeij pertion of the Ardiipetage in any meaeof e 
assaSable to the elumsy mUitary force and imper* 
feet Mf al power ef the Chinese empire) or the de- 
predations of its reheUious sulgects* The eastern 
end of Lueonia ia little more than four hmidred 
miles, or three days' safl ftom the coast of 
the Chinese provmee of Fokien^ and scarce half 
the dktttice from the southern extremity of For^ 
mom^ Hiis propinquity of situation excites the 
jealousy of hoth nation^ and wonld be felt by the 
G3iinese ta a keener degree, were tbsir European 
rivals a people of more enterprise and acti^y. 

The Chinese appear, in almost all agea of their 
history, to hare carried on a trafic wkh the Riilip* 
pines, and to hare been suffieientfy aware of their 
situation. Considering, however, tlie eharaeler of 
the Chinese and of the natives of the country, aa 
Europeans found them, there is no good reason to 
credit the assertim of the former, that these 

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iiiaadb eomtitiited a portion of tbeir empire^ and 
tliat Aey colonbed tbenu^ 

Scwee were the Spaniaidi eitaUished at Mtiiila» 
befiMPe tlMjr experienced the cotise^ences of their 
▼ieinity to Chkia. A powerftil rebel of the empire, 
naned by the Spaniardt Limahon^ had long hifeat- 
ed the coasts of China, and now with a force of 
■ ■' I * . . . - - 

* Tke ignorance and feelrleneM of the Chinese empire, 
down to the most recent perioil of Us hi«tor>f before £a- 
ropeana came into their neiglhbourhood^ are unequivocally con* 
firmed by the state in which the latter found the island of 
Formosa and the Philippines^ the first not 20 leagues from 
thetr coast, and the latter not abore 150. By the Chinese «e» 
cotmts, Formosa was not dkcotered until 1430, and then only 
by pure accident. Il lay afier this wbeUy unnoticed for one 
hundred and thirty-four years* In fact, it was not peopled by 
the Chinese until after l66l, when Europeans had made it 
worth occupying^ and showed them the way to it. The 
Philippines were, probably, a tittle better and earlier know n« 
becanse more in the direct coarse of the momoonsi and be« 
ctase they aiffor«M #otiie of tbeoa commodities of their peculiar 
Inxory, in quest of which they lad been making still more dis- 
tant voyages into the more abundant and richer islands of the 
west« That the Philippines formed no integral portion of the 
Chinese empire, any more than Formosa, is proved beyond the 
waeh of doubt, by the absence of a Chinese population, or 
fety decided admixlarc of H ; by the absence of any relics of 
the Cbiaese laDgQs^, afta, or institiitions* Scarce was ths 
foad pointed out by Europeans, and the jealousy of the Chi* 
nese excited, than they were anxious to possesss, what their 
supineuess had neglected in all previous ages of their history; 
—Duhatde's Dcicription ofChmB, Vol. I. 

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upwards of sixty junks, sad seTeral tiiousaad 
men, sailed to Manila, induced, perhapb, to this 
enterprise by the accounts he had received of the 
riches of the Spaniards, which he did not doubt, 
considering their weakness, would easily fall intQ 
his hands. After a spirited attempt up<m the new 
colony, in which he met a gallant, but not very 
skilful resistance, he was beat off; but permitted 
to make his escape, after ravaging the coasts of the 
island for many months. 

The neighbourhood of the Philippines to China 
afforded, at all times, so convenient and natural an 
outlet to the overflowing population of the latter 
country, that the Chinese, in spite of all oppres* 
sion, constantly poured over. At an early period, 
from the causes already enumerated, and the mo* 
nopolizing spirit of the resident European colo- 
nists, to whom the fair competition, occasioned by 
the industry of the Chinese, was odious ; die re^ 
sident Chinese became objects of jealousy and ha- 
tred. These, finding themselves persecuted and 
distrusted, became dissatisfied in their turn, and na« 
turally not the most loyal subjects. In the year 
159^, the Spaniards from the Philippines fitted 
out an expedition against the Moluccas ; and the 
governor, Da^martu^, accompanied it. A hundred 
and fifty Chinese had been pressed as rowers into 
\he governor's galley, and were urged to their la- 
bour by stripes. The governor's ship was separate 

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•d {n« the rest of tlie fleet, and had not got clear 
of th& islands, when the Chinese rose on the crew 
and murdered the whole, the governor induded. 
In -the same year a great number of Chinese re- 
sorted to Manila, and among others some men of 
rank, who excited the suspicion of the Spaniards. 

Ill the year 1603 took place the first massacre 
of the Chinese. In that year tbe Emperor of 
China sent three Mandarines on a mission to Ma* 
nila, to ascertain the truth reiBpecting a report 
which had readied him, that the fort of Cavito 
WIS constructed qfgold. The J^niards conclud- 
ed them to be spies,, and declared them to be the 
forerunners of an army of 100,000 men for the con- 
quest of the Spanish possesnons. No such army 
ever arrived, or probably was erer intended, but 
the apprehensions of the Spaniards connected this 
circumstance, with the insurrection of the Chinese, 
which soon after followed, but which was, in fact, 
hroii^ht on by their own jealous and oppressive mea* 
fluxes* A rich Chinese of Manila, who had embraced 
the religion of the Spaniards, and lived on terms of 
great intimacy with them, undertook, as a work (tf 
munificence to gratify his countrymen, to build a 
4tone wall round tkehr quarter t>f the suburbs* The 
woriE was openly and unsuspectingly commenced 
upon, but the jealousy of the JS^niards was roused 
byit. They conjured the story of a conspiracy to 
^Huixder the Chrirtians, «id the massacre c^ the 

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460 BWMstmm Miamr 

Chiiief»» 9ire$if twmatf4ne iSkamaai m 
WM resoWad ntpoi^^ The OiuHse refttnd inta tht 
cwnliy* awl viade « slender defeiiee. Tweiity* 
tbiee diMtabnd ivem massKned^ and the poor wem* 
mant mad# their eieape to Chma. 

The CUttese govenuaeni does not apqpear at-i 
ways tor have acted en the mee princtpie of entire, 
mdiffeveeee respecfttg (hoBe who migrate ftom 
China» as k ia dl^ed to have dcNae m the caae of 
the Duteh vnamera at Baiavia ; ibr» after the pore^ 
seat one» the evaperar sept a aaitaioii to MawU 
te inquire into the caase of the slaiightar of hia 
aountryme». The Spanish writers asaert, that thf 
goverQ<r ef the Phii^pinea was able amply te juati' 
fy himself. He niitat» we may eonelude from tkk» 
hate made an rngmioM defenee» or h^ Miyesty of 
China must ha¥f been content wi<»h stender saAis^ 

By the year 1639, thia Chinese had agaoi h»- 
creased to the astonishing nnmher of thirty thott- 
land, most of them e«g|B|ged in the prmcipal oeeu- 
pations of t^rieutenre. They were agam driven 
to revolt by oppression, and, after being hnnted 
down for months, surrendered at diaevetiaii^ re- 
duced to the nmher of sevicn thansaoid. Ma- 
nila was vedneed te the greatest' distress by tiie 
loss of so^ Isi^e a pnotion of its bsobI industnons 

In th^ year lee^OiePhilippniea were atanswl 

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bf die gneabMt imger whidb ever tkmtMed 
tibem. lliis was fron the arms of Kwe-Smg4cong^ 
tat Cojcmga, the foituiwte rdiwl who conquered 
ftonma (frad die D«h^» and wtese achievement 
ifiirck the tmly great rumple m die east, of eniaent 
Mecees agaiiist Ewrepeaii aima. £hted by his good 
Ibitwie^ he seat e DomiQican friar to the governor of 
ManilO) as his anibassMdon detmiidittgto be roco^ 
niaed as aovereigii of the Phflippine^, and daiming 
tribute. Tile S^niards, on. thk summons^ weve 
thrown into dhe greatest alarm. The n^iole of 
Che Chineee wet« ordered o£P the ishwd, and these 
|ieople> in tJheir ifistmst of the fidelity of the Spa» 
iHArdr, ifeariiig dieir ihres in danger, from their eiu 
ferience of the pMt, flew to snns. The Spaniarda 
«aHed in their outfosts fSrom Temate and Mini- 
danao ; biait they esMped this danger by l^e sud- 
den death of Coxinga, and they had nothing to 
fear fwtii his nnenterprising and imwariike son. 
HwA Coxinga lived, the Philippines would at this 
day have been a provinee of China, and having 
gained such a footing, there is no saying how much 
Either to the wwt their arms might not have peno^ 
trated. Coxinga had eonquei«d Fonnosa from a 
more powerful and akilAil enemy than the Spa- 
uaids, and weak as these were in theaaeelves, uid 
euttoufided by internal enemies, there can be mo 
dDubt but thfsir possesnons would have fallen en eaey 
l^l^toen hmidved thousand warMke Chinese ac- 

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eustomed to ccmqaer, and led by so esqierienoMl 
and intrepid a chief as Coxinga. 
f In the year 1709 the Spaniards of the Fhilip- 
I pines expelled all the Chfaiese irom these islands. 
The pretexts for their expulsion were,— ^hat they 
came under the mask of cukiTating the land, but 
became traders }— ^hat» in their occupationas trader^ 
they beeame monopolists ;— and that they earned off 
the wealth of the country to China* The natund 
tendency of emigration from China to the Philip^ 
pines was so strong, that k is not sorprising to see 
the Chinese use every means in their power to gain 
an establishment. That they should prefer the 
occupations of commerce to husbandry, is easily 
enough accounted for. Tlie land was in possessioB 
of the Spaniards, who had a monopoly of it, and 
the Chinese were not so ignorant or inattentive to 
their own interests, as to labour for other mm's 
advantage ; they refused to be servants where they 
could be masters. Their caj^tal, in the form of 
intelligence, enterprise, and industry, was natural* 
]y directed to commercial pursuits } wh»e those 
qualifications gave them a natural and Intimate 
monopoly over the supineness and ignorance of 
the Spanish colonists. They engaged not only in 
the pursuits most beneficial to themsrives^ bMt to 
the society of which they were members ^so* The 
^thet of monopolisers is used towards them by 
the Spanish writers» in the vulgar and pq^ular 

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8eiise» and they exjdain it, in temu; whieh convey 
the highest compliment to the acuteness and in- 
telligencfe of the Chinese, by accusing them of 
^' watdungnarrowiythe wants of the inhabitfuits,and 
the demand for thedifferent articles of consumption, 
which they kept back until they rose to their price/'* 
As to the charge of cairying off' the {mblic wealth, 
this is almost too vulgar and absurd for explana- 
tion. It is needless to add, that, if they carried 
away to Oiina the gold and silver of the Philip- 
pines^ they must have carried off what was too a- 
bundant in the country, what it was of more ad- 
vantage to the country to lose than to keep. The 
country was not plundered of what was taken away; 
lor an equivalent was led in the produce of Chi- 
nese industry; and to have exported produce when 
money was of less value, and, of course, of less 
use» would have been an injury to the community* 
Arguments like these, however obvious, were little 
understood by those who legislated for the Philip- 
pines, or, indeed, by any other of the European na- 
tions, similarly situated, jsnd down to the present 
period, the Chinese are unwisely looked upon with 
Jan envious and illiberal eye, by the government 
and colonists of every nation under whose admi- 
nistration they reside. Notwithstanding their Sixst 
expulsifm, and the persecutions to which they were 

• Zuniga, Chap. VI. 

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464 WANimt HISTORY. 

eiAject, they dawly cr^ beok to the Pbili^iiiei^ 
and itt a few yeirs were as auieeroiu as ever* 

The outcry against the Chinese was always auP- 
ficiently genera} in the Hiilipfpines» yet there wem 
some whose kiterests were conoemed in affbrdiag 
them protection, and by large gifts> they obtained 
horn the avarice of those in power what their |iis- 
tiee denied them. 

The court of Madrid, with its lunai hostility to 
every sound principle of coiooial goremment, sup* 
potted pubik clamour, and seat repeated adhsrs 
fiMr the expulnon of the Chinese. In the yesr 
1649, a royal edict for their absobUe ezpulmn 
arrived, but was evaded by the interests of those 
in power, and by the wisdom of an archbohop, who 
at the time exercised the ctvti government* 

IWo yean afbsr this order, a second wss actually 
carried into effect, and the Chinese were ieapdlsd..'' 
Theywerenosooner expelled, thsnthepabltcbqgorti, 
from want of supplies, and want of trade, to feel the 

H M II II ■> I !■ I 11 <i,ii— ^.ifc.w ,mm ■ — I >>^ ■■■■ 

a ** One of the go&d ikingi wkAck Seoor ArawlU eiecbcd 
was the expulsicm of the Chinete. He dhptOehed oU ti^ete 
heathens to their own country !— Tiie Spaniards who inte- 
rested themselves in the residence of the Chinese in Manila, 
representi'd to the governor tiiat there would be a want of 
people to carry on the trade with the hdands if they wel% tt^ 
pelkd; and to obviate this ^ISicttlty, he tdMUi9i a <wfii- 
jNM^ <2f natioe Spaniards and mastu o e ijbr tkU piurpose^ 
wAwA, horoever, wo* found very tneomfetent for the toik.** — 
Zuniga, Vol. II. Cap. x\u 

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lois of thiB valuable portion of the population, and 
the governor who carried the measure into effect 
brought upon hivaedf public odium. 

Such has been the nature of the intercourse be- 
tween the Spaniards of Manila and the Chinescf. 
On the arrival of the English, jn I762, their ani- 
mosity was again excited, and in the sketch which 
I shaU give of that afl^r, the present subject will 
be briefly renewed. - 

The same cinmmstance of vicinity which has occa- 
sioned so great an intercourse between the Philip- 
pines and China, connected them also more intimatef- 
ly with the other great maritime nations of Eastern 
Asia, than the rest of the Archipelago, particular- 
ly before the dangerous ambition of Europeans 
compelled those nations to have^ecourse to the re- 
strictive and precautionary policy which is now so 
generally adopted by them. '^ 

Among these, the most distinguished were the 
Japanese. Prior to their atoange i^olution to se- 
clude themselves from the world, as the only prac- 
ticable security against European invasion, they 
were found, like the Chinese, freely navigating and 
trading in all the countries of the Archipelago, and 
were chiefly distinguished from that race by a cou- 
rage as remarkable as the pusillanimity of the latter. 

Almost from the establishment of Manila, the Ja- 
panese traded with it, and the richest articles for do- 
niestic consumption, or for the more extensive mar* 

VOL. II. G g 

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ket of America, were of their importation* Iii the 
year 1590, the emperor of Japan sent a mission to 
j the Philippines, claiming the vassalage of these 
I islands, and (i^jesiring a more extended intercourse. 
The governor made a prudent reply, declining any 
discussion of the question of vassalage, but giv- 
ing every encouragement to the proffered exten- 
sion of commA-ce» The emperor was not to be 
dissuaded from his scheme of acquiring the sove- 
reignty o( the Philippines, and with this view was 
assembling an army for the conquest^ when death 
arrested his ambitious designsr it was about this 
time that the dreadful persecution of the Chris- 
tians commenced ; and, no doubt, the hostility of 
the emperor towards the Philippines was excited 
by the imprudence of the Spanish and Portuguese 
priests within the empii:e. 

In 1603 the reigning emperor of Japan sent 
ambassadors to Manila, entreating a continuation 
^ the intercourse between the two countries, and 
begging the asastance of some Spanish shipwrights^ 
which was declined, and in room of them a host 
of friars returned, whose imprudence contributed 
to the final expulsion of the Christians. 

In i6u6 the Japanese, who appear to have 
had a permanent residence in Manila, revolted. 
These people, of a more lively curiosity, and quick- 
er imaginations than the phlegmatic Chinese, ap- 
pear to have adopted the Catholic reUgicm. The 


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influence of the Spanish priests restored tranquilli- 
ty, and the ringleaders were sent off to their own 
country. Of the causes which led to this revolt 
we are told no particulars. A setond broke out 
in the same year, in which many of the Japanese^ 
who defended themselves with their usual gallan- 
try, lost their lives. Down to the year 1629, the 
intercourse with the Japanese appears to have con- 
tinued, for in that year an embassy arrived at Ma- 
nila from the governor of the commercial province 
of Nangasaki. In the Philippines we hear no more 
of the Japanese, for, about eight years after this 
last event, the emperor of Japan issued that fixed 
decree, which has now for near 180 years secluded 
the empire from the commerce of the rest of the 
world. * 

* It is remarkable that, at the present day, we are unable, 
as fiir as my knowledge extendS) to discover a single vestige 
of the descendants of those Japanese, who, in our early inter- 
course with the Archipelago* were so numerous in almost every 
country of it. Like the other great nations of the Jarther 
eastf they tolerated the emigration of men^ but absolutely and 
practically forbid that of wmen. After eroigratioii was 
wohoUy put an end (o, the race could not be continued as adis* 
tinct stocky but must have disappeared by mixing with some 
congenial class. Much similarity of niauners in some respects 
-would, at first view, induce us to believe that the Chinese would 
have been that class, but the rancorous hatred which is 
known to subsist between the two nations forbids us from be* 

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I come now to say a few words respecting the 
intercourse which has subsisted between those parte 
of the Philippines conquered by the Spaniards, 
^and those which did not yield to their arms, or the 
nations of the surrounding countries of the Archi- 

The power of the Spaniards does not extend 
beyond the immediate reach o£ their arms, and 
the influence of their religion. That power 
exists in the farthest comer of the Archipelago, 
at the greatest distance from native chiUzationf 
and over tribes whom they found in a half savage 
state. They have never established a dominion 
over any nation in a considerable degree civilized. 
The character of the nation, and of the principles 
on which they established themselves, seem to have 
been incapable of establishing, perhaps for want of 
forbearance or prudence, that singular empire of 
opinion, founded upcm a supple management of 
the conquered, which the Dutch and English^ 
with so little profit, have been enabled to establish 
in various situations. The Spaniards have either 
wholly conquered and colonized, or they have 
been entirely baffled. With the tribes of the Ar- 
chipelago, their neighbours, whom they were in- 

iog satisfied with this coDclasion, and it is far moTe probable, 
as most of them, I believe, were Christians, that they mixed 
with the half*race of Europeans* 

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capable, after many trials, of subduing, they haye 
ever been in a state of almost perpetual hostility* 
The most considerable of these neighbours are the 
Malays of Borneo, — ^the people of the Suluk or 
Sooloo group, and those of Mindanao* 

As early as the year 1589, but 18 years after 
their establishment in Manila, the Spaniards 
made an unsuccessful attempt to conquer Sooloo 
and Mindanao, but met with a complete defeat. 
In their turn the people of those islands fitted out 
predatory expeditions agsdnst the Philippines, and 
committed the most extensive ravages on their 
coasts. There is a passage in Zuniga, containing 
reflections on the subject of these expeditions, 
which, for its good sense, and the soundness ofmost 
of the opinions delivered in it, deserves to be quot- 
ed. *' From that time to the present," * says he, 
*< the Moors have not ceased to infest our colonies. 
It is incredible what a number of Indians they 
have made prisoners, what towns they have plun- 
dered, what Tillages they have annihilated, and 
what ships ^hey have taken. I am inclined to 
think that Providence permits this as a punishment 
on the Spaniards, for delaying the conquest for no 
less a period than two hundred years, notwithstand* 
ing the expeditions and fleets that have almost an- 

• The period of the expedition just mentioned. 

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nually been sent to attempt it. On the first ani* 
val of the Spaniards in these seas they conquered^ 
in a short time, all the Fbilippines, excepting the 
small island of Sooloo, part of Mindanao, and a few 
other very insignificant islands near them, which, to 
this period, have not submitted. These Moorish 
Indians are certainly very 'valiant^ and their enmi- 
ty has been drawn upon us by our own conduct ; 
for, instead of following the laudable example of 
the first settlers in these islands, who brought the 
natives under subjection, principally by the mild 
interference of the priesthood, it seems of kte 
years to have been the object of the Spaniards^ 
since the great increase of the lucrative commerce 
of Manila, to acquire, by oppression and force^ 
lands and establishments on these islands, without 
any view to conciliate the natives. Those, there* 
fore, who have been sent on diflPerent occasions to 
reduce the country, have, instead of attending to 
the object of their mission, been solicitous only to 
serve their own purposes, considering that as a pri- 
mary, which ought to have been a secondary ob- 
ject; and the natives, profiting by constant ex- 
perience in warfare, during which they discovered 
that the Spaniards were mortal like themselves, 
have at last become very formidable. There can 
be no doubt these Indians may be reduced by the 
same means employed with the others, that is, by 
sending missionaries amongst them, and a sufficient 

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number of Spanish stations might be established 
to command respect. These garrisohs ought to 
be independent of the governor of Manila, and 
ought to have a chief who should reside there, di- 
recting his whole attention to the improvement of 
the settlement, by the exteni$ion in the country of 
Spanish influence, by temperate measures/' * 

It were useless and endless to recount all the at- 
tempts made by the Spaniards to subdue the neigh- 
boiuing islands, or the invasion and incursions of 
the inhabitants of these upon the Spanish territo- 
ries. In 16^8 and 16^9» two great expeditions 
were sent for the conquest of Sooloo, both of which 
utterly &iled, and in the last the governor lost his 
life. In the year 16379 the Spaniards made a tem- 
porary conquest of Sooloo and Mindanao, which 
they were soon compelled to abandon. In 1645^ 
the Malays of Borneo, and the people of Sooloo, 
ravaged the coasts of the Spanish islands, and the 
Spaniards committed reprisals, having burnt the 
city of Borneo, and carried off many of the inhabit- 
ants as slaves. In the year 175 if the Spaniards 
made theii* last great attempts against Soolod, and 
were disgracefully beaten. The natives of those 
islands being joined to their Mahomedan neigh- 
bours, invaded the Philippines in their turn, and 
successfully desolated and laid wa&te the Spanish 

• Zunigi4 Vol. I. Ch«p. XII. 

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provinces for a period of three years. This will 
suffice to give us a notion of the policy pursued by 
the Spaniards in their relations with the neighbour* 
ing insular states. 

The wars of the Spaniards in the Archipelago 
with the Dutch and Portuguese, produced little 
direct injury to the Philippines^ except by the de- 
predations upon commerce,' which affected more 
remotely the internal prosperity of the .country* 
But the contests for the possession of the Moluccas 
are to be enumerated as among the great causes 
which contributed to the ruin and desolation of 
these islands. Spain and Portugal were at first 
rivals for the possession of the Moluccas, and 
when the former acquired the dominion of the lat- 
ter, a new enemy sprung up in the Dutch and 
English. The native princes took part ia their 
quarrels, hoping, in vain, to .find, in every new pre- 
tender a protector from the oppression which jn 
turn they were doomed to experience from {ill. 
The Spaniards were the weaker party in their con- 
tests with the Portuguese, and then feigned a solir 
citude for the welfare of the natives. "When they 
got possession of the country, no change was ipad^ 
in the condition of the natives, whose su£^nngs^ 
indeed, were daily aggravated to the last moment 
of the continuance of their government. When 
the, Dutch presented themselves, they began with 
professions still more liberal, and with censures the 
niost unmeasured, on thp tyranny of their prede- 

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lessors, and, as we have already seen, iheir sordid 
.and cruel management produced a longer and 
more extended misery, than that of either of the 
nations which had gone before them. 

The Spaniards of the Philippines attempted the 
conquest of the Moluccas^ from the Portuguese or 
Dutch, no less than five times. They sent their 
first expedition, as early as 1682, about ten years 
after the foundation of the city of Manila, and con- 
tinued their efforts down to 1716, when the last 
great attempt was made against the whole com- 
merce and possessions of the Philippines, by Don 
Juan de Silva. The Dutch supremacy was, after 
this, too firmly established to be shaken by thQ 
feeble power of the Philippines. 

It was the ambition of the Spanish court that 
prompted, and, for the most part, directly ordered" 
these fruitless expeditions, to which the capacity df 
the Indian possessions of Spain was never equal, 
and which tended to exhaust the resources of the 
Philippines, to retard their improvement, and af* 
forded the local governments, in one form or 
other, a pretext to oppress both the natives and the 
Spanish colonists. 

The only formidable attack ever made on the 
Philippines by an European power, was that of the 
British in I762 ; and as the circumstances and con- 
sequences of it elucidate, in a very pointed and in- 
teresting manner, the nature of the Spanish adm^- 

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uistration, In relation to the Asiatic population of 
the islands, I shali narrate shortly the most promi* 
aent facts which attended this celebrated expedi*^ 
tion. It was planned and executed by the well» 
known Sir William Draper, who obtained a loose 
knowledge of the Philippines, enough for his pur- 
pose, in a visit which he made to Canton, as a va- 
letudinarian. When the history of the enteqirise 
is fairly considered, it will not be too much to as- 
sert that the pbmder of Manila was his leading 
ebject, and probably that of most who were con- 
cerned in it. The East India Company, at least, 
are fully implicated in this charge, for they stipu- 
lated before^hand for one4hird of the booty. 

The British public absurdly imagined that Ma- 
nila, an ill^governed settlement, and oppressed by 
all the devices of Spanish colonial restrictions, must . 
be a place of great wealth. They were seduced 
into a belief in this mischievous phantasy,— by the 
dazzling and pedlar spectacle of the millions of 
hilars sent annually from America ; — by the daz- 
ling ci^turesof Cavendish and Anson ; — and by the 
imposingcircumstance of seeing annually embarked, 
in a single speculation, the commercial adventures 
of a whole settlement, in itself one of the most ob- 
vious sources of a poverty, which it would have 
been more reasonable to have predicted. 

In the month of September 176^, an expedition, 
fitted out at Madras, and consisting of a land force 

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of two thousand three hundied men, partly Eu- 
ropeans, and partly Sepoys, with nine men-of-war, 
appeared in the bay before the town of Manila. 
To oppose this force, the Spaniards had, by their 
own accounts, but five hundred and fifty regular 
troops, with a few militia, and by our's but eight 
hundred. In a few days five thousand Indians, by 
the Spanish ^count, and twice that number by 
the English, presented themselves, armed with ja- 
velins, and with bows and arrows, for the re- 
lief of the garrison, unprepared against an at« 
tack by the slovenly administration of the Spa* 
niards, and even by an ignorance of the exist- 
ence of a war with Britain. All that is connect- 
ed with the military and naval management of 
the expedition cannot be too . much praised. 
The European troops, who were veterans dis- 
tinguished in the wars of Coromandel, behaved 
vnth the most determined gallantry and resolution* 
They landed in open day in a heavy surf, with the 
water breast-high, carrying their cartouch-boxes 
and muskets on their heads. Struggling against 
the difficulties of a season, too far advanced for 
military operations in these climates, they raised 
works against the fortifications of the town, and 
with great spirit and success repelled the sorties of 
the besieged. On the 6th of October, but twelve 
days after the landing was effected, the English 
had made a practicable breach^ and they stormed 

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and took the plaee« An archbishop, who was go* 
vernor, retired to the citadel^ which was not te- 
nable, and he therefore came and delivered him- 
^If up to the conquerors, with whom he entered 
into a capitulation, surrendering the whole of the 
Philippines to the King of Great Britain, and se- 
curing to the inhabitants their Uves^ liberties^ pro- 
periieSf and domestic government, on payment of 
the enormous contribution of a million Sterling, 
or rather four millions of Spanish dollars, and ai| 
understanding that the town should be given up 
to pillage for Aree hours. The town was ac- 
cordingly given up to plunder, which, by the 
Spanish account, lasted twenty-four hours. A 
contribution on the rich city of Manila, which the 
sanguine avarice of the captors had rated at four mil- 
lions of dollar3, would never realize one-fourth the 
sum, though some of the church plate was melted 
down, and the unfortunate ai*chbishop contributed 
his personal plate and jewels. This dignitary, in 
the power of the English, was compelled to give 
an order for the balance on the treasury of Ma- 
drid, but his bills were most reasonably and justly 
protested, a treatment which the captors had the 
audacity to complain of as a breach of faith. It is 
difficult to conceive by what misapplication of lan- 
guage the sum extorted was called a ransom, if» 
particularly, the town was given up tp three hours 
plunder, and was kept possession of, ^ well aa ft 


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daim laid to the surrender of the whole Philippines. 
Our notions of the laws of war, and views of com- 
mon justice, are much refined since the conquest 
of Manila. Such is now the strength of public 
opinion against such an abuse of the right of 
conquest, that' no military commander of our day 
or nation would dare to commit so open and flag- 
rant an act of plunder. An Indian city is nerer 
treated in such a manner, even when the conduct 
of the conquered, by the violation of the laws of 
war, so frequent in Hindustan, would appear to 
render such severity more justifiable.* 

The success of the £nglish ended with the clo- 
ture of the town and suburbs of Manila, and a few 

♦ The Annual Register^ the historical part of which is said, 
at the time, to have been conducted by Burke, eulogizes the 
whole conduct of the expedition. The following is the very 
disgusting strain in which the affair of the ransom is spoken of: 
** Influenced by a generosity familiar to our commanders, and 
willing to preserve so noble a city from destruction/* (they were 
already in full possession of it,) " General Draper and the admi- 
ral, though able to command every thing, admitted the inha- 
bitants to a capitulation, by which they enjoyed their libeHies, 
liveSf and properties, and the administration of their domestic 
government. A ransom of a million Sterling purchased these 
terms."— Annual Register for 1763, p. 13. The virtuous Ju- 
nius, torturing the public and private life of Sir William Dra- 
per for matter of accusation, is so far from reflecting upon hb 
extortion at Manila, that he is angry with him for being silent 
respecting his own claim and that of the captors. 

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predatory IncursionSy made to no effect, in tlie 
neighbouring country, during a period of ten com* 
plete months. This is the most remarkable cir^ 
cumstance connected with the whole transaction, 
and that for which it is chiefly worth mention-* 
ing. The Spaniards were true to their allegi- 
ance, and the Indians, influenced by the priests, 
and attachment to their religion, very generally 
continued to assist them, although the English had 
recourse to the unjustifiable means, — unjustifiable, 
because delusory,— H)f promising a remission of the 
tribute paid by them to the European power. The 
Chinese alone, heartily and universally, joined in 
the cause of the English, as might be expected 
from the cruelty and oppression with which the 
Spanish government had always treated them.* 

* *' Although the Senor Arandia had sent away all the pagan 
Chinese, others replaced them after hb death ; and the aug« 
mentation of their numbers, which took place in three years^ 
was incrediUe. There were, besides, many Chinese Christians 
in Pariany and scattered over the provinces, and almost all of 
them declared for the English* The moment they took pos-* 
session of Manila, these Chinese gave them every aid, and ac- 
companied them in all their expeditions."— <* Senor Anda'^ 
(the military commander, who took charge of the government 
after the captivity of the archbishop) '' gave orders that those 
who escaped should be tried for their conduct, in whatever 
part they were found ; but having found some letters, which 
proved that they had an understanding with those of Parian 

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These interesting results of the English invasion 
deserve the most serious consideration of all who 
legislate for Indian colonies. If the goodness of a 
government is to be judged of by the attachment 
of the great body of its subjects, the Spanish admi- 
nistration of the Philippines stands higher than any 
other which was ever established in the Archipela- 
go, and probably higher than that of the British 
government of India, though regulated with so 
much greater care, skill, and moderation. In ail 
previous invasions of the Indian settlements, of 
one European power by another, the moment the 
military strength of the invading party was over- 
come, the whole colony yielded at once. The 
conquest of the Portuguese garrison of Malacca 
was immediately followed by the conquest of the 
territory attached to it. The conquest of the 
strongholds of the Portuguese in the Moluccas 
was equivalent, as far as the overthrow of the 
European power was concerned, with the conquest 
or possession of the whole Moluccas. The defeat 
of the European army of the Dutch in Java, in 
1811, was almost immediately followed by the 

on the subject of those commotions, he ordered that all the 
Chinese in the islands should be hanged, which orders were 
put in execution very generally, but when the order had been 
disregarded, he readily overlooked the omission.'^— Ztfit^a, 
Chap. XVI. 

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peaceable submission of five nriUions df people, and 
with the tranquil surrender of all the outposts. Not 
a native arm v^as willingly raised, in defence of 
those who held the supremacy of those countries 
for two centuries. All this requires no comment ; 
the Spaniards who did not directly obstruct the 
natural order of conquest and colonization, esta- 
blished a local and permanent influence ; the vi* 
sionary and factitious system of other European 
powers was in a moment subverted, when the mi- 
litary power was destroyed which supported it. ♦ 

* An historical view of the Philippine Islands, by Martinez 
de Zuniga. Relations des Isles Philippines, in the collection 
of Thevenot, Vol. I. Voyage dans les Mers de I'Inde, par M. 
Le Gentil, Tom. 11. 

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N^B^^^The letters C. S. J. and H. stand respectively for the 
Eras of Christ, o£ Salivaruif oiJava^ and of the Hegira* 

C 1160. S. 108«. H. 556. 
A Malayan colony^ first from the original coun- 
try of that people, and latterly from Palembang 
in Sumatra, settles at the extremity of the Ma- 
layan Peninsula, under their leader, Sri Turi 
Buwana, and founds the city of Singhapura. 

A powerful king of Java repeatedly invades the 
territory of the new colony. 

C. il95. S. 1117- H. 592* 
Joyoboyo,.king of Doho in Java, flourishes. 

C. 1208. S. 1180. H. 605. 
Sri Turi Buwana, king of Singhapura, dies, aftet 
a reign of forty-eight years, and is succeeded by 
Faduka Pekaram Wira. 


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C 1223. S. 1145. H. 620. 
Sri Rama Wikaramt king of Singhapura, 

C. 1236. S. 1158. H. 634. 
Sri Maharaja ascends the throne of Singhapura. 
C. 1249I S- 1171. HL 647. 
Sri Iskander Shah reigns at Singhapura. 
C. 12W. S. 1172. H. 648. 
Colonies from GiloZo settle in the island of Ter- 

C. 1252. S. 1174. H. 650. 
The king of Java invades Singhapura, and 
drives the Malays from thence, who, pxx^eeding 
farther west, found the city of Malacca, 
a 1257. S. 1179. H.655. 
ChidbuH the first Kolan^ or king of Teiiiate, 


C. 1266. S. 1188. H. 665. 
The earliest of the ttmples of Brambanaa m 
Java are buik. 

C. 1274* & 1196. H. &J3. 
Sri Iskander Shah, yiho founded the city of 
Malacca, dies, and is succeeded hf Sultan MSgat. 
C. 1276. S. IhSS, IL67A. 
Sultan. M^csmed Shah ascejHMk the. throne of 
Malacca. He embraces the Mahwuedaa religion, 
and tabeaposieiiNiii of the islaoda 9$ IJngjgaand 

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etiHoirdLoencAL tAfilE. 483 

Cl«77. 8.^1199. H. 67^. 
Piokf thd second king of Ternate, reigiui. 

C nS4. S. 1206. H. 683. 
Siate, the thtrd king of Terhate, reigns. 
C. 1290. S. 1212. H. 689. 
^ The celebrated traveller, Marco Pote, visits the 
Malayan Archipelago. 

C. 1296- S. 1218. H. 696. 
The latest of the temples of Brambanan in Java 
are constnicled. 

C. 1298. S. 1220. H. 698. 
Kalebata, the fourth king of Ternate, reigns. 

C. 130*. ». 12S6; H. 704. 
Komala, the fifth king of Temate, reigns. 
The Javanese and Malbys visit the island of 
Temate for clcrres, and fmmy of thetfr settle there. 
The people of Temate extend their catkfitsits 
to seme of the neighbouring islaiitds. 

C. ISI7. S. 1^239; H. 717. 
Pacharanga Malamo, king of Temate, reigns. 
The people of Temate cottie to the eictraordi- 
nary resolution of adopthig it as a principle, tonc)- 
minate the nearest collateral maie relation, instead 
of the lineal desoemhnt of the reigning prince, to 
the throne. 

C. 1319. S. 1241. H. 719. 
The khkgdom of Janggolo in Java; under Panji 
Ins Karta Pati, ffonrishes« 

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C. 13««- S. 1244. H. 72«* 
Sida Aarif Malamo, nephew of the laat king of 
Ternate by his sister, succeeds to the throne. 

A great number of Javanese and Arabs risit 
Ternate, and settle there. 

The confederation of the four kings of the Mo- 
luccas is formed. 

C. 1331. S. 1253. H. 732. 
Faji Malamo, king of Ternate, reigns. 
C. 1332. S. 1254. H. 733. 
Faji Malamo, king of Ternate, is assassinated, 
and succeeded by Shah AlSm. 

Sultan Abu Shahid ascends the throne of Ma- 

C. 1334. S. 1256. H. 735. 
The people of Ternate conquer the island cf 

Abu Shahid, king of Malacca, is murdered, and 
Sultan Mozassar Shah ascends the throne. 
C. 1338. S. 1260. H. 739. 
The magnificent Buddhist temple of Boro Bu- Java is constructed. 

C. 1340. S. 1262. H. 74l. 
The king of Malacca engages in a war with 
Siam, the sovereign of which country is killed in a 
battle which ensues. 

C. 1343. S. 1265. H. 744. 
Tulu Malamo succeeds to the throne of Ternate. 

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C. 1S47. S. 12G9. H. 748. 
. Bobeyat succeeds to the throne of Temate. 
C. 1350. S- 1272- H- 751. 
Molomat Cheya, kmg of Ternate, reigns. 
An Arabian adventurer instructs the king of 
Temate in the Arabian language, and in the art of 

The people of Temate c6nquer the Xulla Isles. 

C. 1367. S. 1279. H. 7«9. 
Momole, king of Temate, reigns. 

C. 1358. S. 1281. H. 76O. 
Gapi Malamo, king of Temate, reigns. 
By the assistance of the emigrants from Java 
and Celebes, who resorted in numbers to Temate, 
the power of that country is greatly increased. 
C. 1366. S. 1288. H. 768. 
Laomasah, king of Boni in Celebes, ascends 
the throne. 

C. 1372. S. 129*. H. 774. 
Gapi Baguna the First, reigns in Temate. 
The king of Temate succeeds to the throne of 

C. 1374. S. 1296. H. 776. 
Sultan Mansur Shah ascends the throne of Ma* 

C. 1377. S. 1299. H. 779. 
K&mala Pulu, king of Temate, reigns. 
The king of Temate acquires the first rank 
among the kings of the Moluccas. 

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KanuJa Pulu, king of Ternate, raoceeda, after s 
long aad prosperous reigiv io establiahiiig the ipuc*- 
cession to the throne iu his own direct line. 
C. 1580. S. 130«. H. 7««. 
The king of Malacca espouses the daughter of 
the king of Java, wd receives, as her marrii^ por- 
tion, the kingdom of Indragiri, in Sumatra. 
C. 1891. S. 131». H. 79*, 
An unsuccessful attempt to convert the Java- 
nese to Mahomedwisjn b made by BajaCbfinnen, 
C. 139^» S. 1320. H. 801. 
LaomaiKlbt king of Booi in Celebes^ is succeeded 
by bis 9011, Lasaliwah. 

C. 1412. S. 13S4. H. 815. 
Maulana Jbrahim» who accompanied Raja Ch8r« 
men to Java, dies at Gftrsik in that island* 
C. 14^9. 8.1354. H.Sl:s6. 
Gapi Baguna the Second, succeeds his fiitheron 
the throne of Temate. 

C. H:59. S, ia6l. H. 843. 
The Hindu temples at Sukuh, in the mountain 
of Lawuh in Java, are constructed. 

C, 1447, S. 1369, H. 851. 
Sultan Ala ed-din Shah ascends the throne of 

C. 1465* S. 1387* H. 870. 
M&rhum, king of Tefnate« reigns* 
Javanese, Malays, and Chinese, in gp?eat num- 
bers, frequent TenMte w (gws^ of the clove tnide« 

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Hie kiag of Teniiito^ towwds the dose of hit 
feign, partMbf embraoes the Mahomedtfi reli* 


Lttsaliwidi, king of Boni m Celebesy dies, and is 
sooceeded by his daughter, Ibri Gso, oailed also 
Daeng Marewa. 

a U77- & 1^9. H. 889. 
Stihan Mahomed Shah, tibe seeond of the Dftoiet^ 
ascends the throne of Malaceai 

C. 1478. S. 1400. H. 883* 
The city asd kingdom of Mojopahit are destroy- 
ed, and the Mahomedan reiigioa establbhed in 

a 148a S. 140S. H. 885« 
The people of the western end of the island of 
Java, or the Sundas, are converted to the Maho- 
medan religion by Shekh Ibn Maulaaa, an Arab, 
and his family. 

C. 1486. S. 1408« H. 891. 
Zamalabdin, king of Temate, reigns. 
The power of the people of Temate is spread to 
the islands of Boeroe, Amboyna, and Cerasa. 
C. 1490. S. U19. H. 896. 
Ibri Qao, queen of Boni in Celebes, dies, and ia 
succeeded by her son, Latang ri Suki. 
a 1495. 8. 1417* H.9()L 
ZamakMin, king of Teraale* embraces die Ma- 
komedan religioii, mA is pisperly considered the 

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488 cmumoLOGicAL table* 

first Mussulman «oveteign.~-The Javanese in num* 
hers frequent the island^ with the double view of 
obtaining cloves for the market of the west, and 
of propagating the Mahomedan religion. 

The king of Temate visits Giri in Java, in order 
to receive instruction in the Mahomedan rdigion^ 
and on his return is killed at Bima in a dueU 

HuseU) a native of Java, arrives at Temate, and 
becomes a principal instrument in propagating the 
Mahomedan religion in that islmd. 

C. 1500. S.U22. H.906. . 
Bayang Allah ascends the throne of Temate, 
and, being a princ^ of talents, busies himself in 
civilizing his people. 

C. 1511. S. 1438. H.917* 
The Portuguese conquer Malacca, and drive the 
king Mahomed Shah from his kingdom, on which 
he establishes a principality at Jehor and Bintan* 
— They arrive at Bantam in the reign of Husm 
Udin, king of that country. 

Ibrahim, a slave of Pidir in Sumatra, is ap- 
pointed governor of Achin, a dependracy of that 
kingdom^ revolts, and renders himself independ»t# 
Albuquerque sends from Malacca a squadron un« 
der Antonio de Abveu for the discovery of the 
Moluccas. De Abreu touches at Amboyna only, 
from whence he returns with a caigo of cloves. 
-^Fnmcia Seran is separated from the squadron of 
De Abreu, and beii^ shipwrecked on a deseit 

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isUmd, 18 carried with his crew by tlie fnendly 
natvres to Ambayna» the king of which island re- 
Mives these insidious and dangerous guests with 
caresses and hospitality. 

C. 1512. 8.1494. H. 918. 

The Portuguese arrive in Celebes, in the rdgn 
of Tuni Jalu ri Pasuki, king of Goa Macassar, 
and are permitted by that prince to settle in the 
country. — They find scwie of the inhabitants con^ 
verted to the Mahomedan religion. 

The Malays, under the celebrated. Laksimana, 
invest Malacca ; they are defeated ; but the Ma- 
layan commander extricates himself with great skill* 
A famine takes place at Malacca, attended by an 
epidemic, and a truce is cancluded between the 
Malays and Portuguese. 

FErt;iquiter, the Javanese ally of king Mahomed, 
is totally defeated by the Portuguese, and with his 
Javanese retires to^his native country. 

C. 1513. S. 14S5. H.919. 

Pati Unns, a chief of Japara in Java, sails against 
Malacca with a great fleet consisting of near three 
himdred sail, and is defeated near Malacca with 
the loss of eight thousand men and Mxty of his laige 
war gallies*—* He escapes, himself, to Java with 

Sultan Ahmed Shah, commonly called Aladin, 
(his name as hereditary prince,) ascends the throne 
of Jehor* 

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C.1514^ &14»6. 11.990. 

NuHiriietiian^ a Ptgan Mi&y <if Malaeo^ buns 
htOMelf puUidy on a fumni pile» en aocount of the 
ingratitude of the Portuguese. 

The Raja of Campar in Sumatra, exercisiiig the 
fimctionaof Bindahara, or first minister of Malac- 
ca, is unjustly put to death by the Portuguese, ia 
consequence of which they are execrated, and the 
city is deserted. 

C. 1516. S. 1438. H. Qfte. 

Mahomed, ex*king of Malacca, and king of 
BiBtan and Jehor, blockades Malacca. 
C. 1517- S. 14^9. H. 983. 

Mahomed, ex-king of Malacca, attacks that place 
a second tim&~i8 beaten cSE, but returns to the 

C.1518. 8.1440. H.924. 

MahoBsed, ex-king of Malacca, continues the 
blockade of that city, which is defended suooeasfiiJly 
by seventy Portuguese. 

C. 1519. S. 1441. ll.9iS. 

Mahomed, king of Bintan, continues hia Uodip 
ade of Malacca, but the garrison being reinforced 
by Graicia de Sa, they attack Mahomed^s entrench- 
ed camp, which they Uke, and that prince retiiea 
again to Bintan. 

The king of Achin, taking advantage (^ the dis- 
tressed state of Malacca, afttadca the Portugiaese 
factories within his dominions, and makes priaoMiB 
or puts to death the £uropeans« 

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C. 1521. S. 144& H. 0«8- 

Geofg^ Albuquerqiie, g^v^nor of Malacca, at- 
tafikg Fajise kt Sumatra, Jeiual the king of which ia 
lulled in the stonn.-— He restores to the throne 
the legitimate king who had fled to Hindustani 
impkuring the assistance of the Portuguese. 

George de Britto, with a squadron of nine ships, 
touching at Aeliin on his way to the Moluccas, is 
induced from avarice, and at the instigation cf n 
shipwrecked Portuguese named Borba, who had ia 
his distress been kindly treated by the .Hing, to at- 
tack a temple reputed to contain great riches, ip 
which he is defeated and slain. 

Antaaio de Britto succeeds to the command of 
the squadron destined for the MfiAuecas, aad, pro- 
ceeding to Malacca, unites with George Albu* 
querque in an attempt against Bintan, with eighteen 
vessels and six hundred soldiers. They attack that 
plaee» and are dtsgmcefully defeated by the ce« 
lebrated Laksimana, wlu> pursues Albuquerque, 
after his coadjutor had proceeded in his voys^ to 
the Moluccas, and takes one ship of his squadron. 

The i^paniards, conducted by Magellan, arrive 
in the Moluccas by the Straits bearii^ his namew 
That great navigator is killed in an afiray with the 
pe<^e oi the little isle of Maktan, one of the 

Antonio de Britto, as governor of the Moluccas, 
touches at Java on his way to these isUnds. He 

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reaches Banda ; where he finds Don Garcio Hen* 
riqiies, sent thither by George Albuquerque, who 
gives him the surprising infoimation of the arrival 
of two Spanish ships in the Moluccas by an eastern 

De Britto seizes the twelve Spaniards, left at 
Tidor by the companions of Magellan, and one of 
the two ships of that great commander's islquadron^ 
beiiig forced back into the Moluccas in distress, he 
sends her crew as prisoners to Portugal. 

The queen regent of Temate, and Almanzor,king 
of Tidor, dispute the honour of having a Portuguese 
fort and garrison in their dominions, and the latter 
is mortified at the preference given to the former. 

De Britto intrigues at Temate ; deprives the 
queen of the regency ; and stirs up a civil war there 
and at Tidor. 

fie offers a reward of a piece of fine cloth 
for the head of every Tidorean which is bfougfat to 
him, and has speedily to distribute six hundred 
pieces tor such services. * 

The king of Tidor declares open war against 
the Portuguese, and gains several advantages, but 
has his capital finally captured and destroyed. 
C. 15««, S. 1445. H. 999. 

Ibrahim, king of Achin, takes Pidir by strata* 
gem, and subjects it to his power. 

C. 1583. S- 1445. H. 930. 

The king of Achin makes himself master of the 

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countries of Passe, Aru^ and Pidir, and besieges 
the fortress of Passe, the Portuguese garrison of 
which, after a gallant defence, are suddenly panic- 
struck, and take flight, which piits an end for ever 
to the Portuguese dominion in Sumatra. 

The Portuguese are defeated in the river Muara 
near Malacca by the Malays. 

The king of Pahangi hitherto in friendship with 
the Portuguese, joins Mahomed^ king of Bintant 
and massacres the Portuguese wherever he finds 

The inhabitants of Java seize upon the Portu^ 
guese in that island, and massacre them. 

Malacca, surrounded by enemies, is cutoff from 
«qpplies, and suffers from famine. The celebrated 
Laksimana, taking advantage of the circumstance, 
and the absence of the Portuguese shipping in 
quest of provisions, comes into the roads, and bums 
a Portuguese ship in presence of the garrison* 

The Laksimana captures two ships sent against 
him by the governor of Malacca. 

The king of Bintan invests Malacca with a fleet 
and army, the former commanded by the Laksi- 
mana, and consisting of twenty thousand men, and 
the latter by a renegade Portuguese, and consist- 
ixsg of sixty thousand. 

Alphonso de Sosa arrives at Malacca, and re^ 
lieves the city ;— -he blockades the Laksimana in the 
river Muaru j— he sails for Pahang, where he de- 

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strojs all tKe inerebant veflsdJs lying there, amoD^ 
others mimeroHs trading resseb of Java ;— he kiH» 
six thousand persqns at that place, and takes prison-* 
ers in such mmibers as to afford to every Portu- 
guese sis sim^es. He sails, finally, to Patani, and 
commits depredations still more extensive, redncing 
the whole town to ashes. 

C- 1526. S. I44& H. 988. 

Masearenas, governor-genera] of India, saila 
from Malacca, against Bintan, with a fleet o# 
twenty*one ships, and an army of four hundred 
Foftuguese, and six hundred Malays. The Laksi* 
mana attacks and boards one ef bis gaflies, mA 
is on the point of carrying her, when ^e k sated 
by the assistance of the govemor^enerak Th^ 
Portuguese storm the entrenchments and timii 
of Bintan ; andy thongh the Laksimana, whd^ 
commanded in person, makes a gallant defence^ 
they are taken, the town given up to pillage, and 
finally rased. King Mahomed retires to the main- 
land, where he estaUishes himself. 

The Spaniards form their first establishment in 
the Moluccas, on the report of the oompaniwia of 

C. 1597. S. 1449- H. 934* 

Don Garcio Henriques suceeedis De Britfo itt 
the government of the Moluccas, and makes peace 
with the king of Tidor. 

Don Garcia Henriques^ the Pbrtugueae goWl^ 

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Mir 0S 4te Molaccas^ ftoaam AlmaBitr^ king of 
Tidor^ tbraugh his physieiBiii whuMe atteiid«Bce the 
kiater wliea sick had lequested* 

The Portuguese governor, imder protest of 
]i0D-falfifaDent of the tieaty on the port of the peo- 
ple <tf Tidor, inmcba the idaod unexpoetedly^ and 
piU^^fl aMd hums die town* The ishndets^ awndb 
ened by thoflo OBonnities^ resolve to do all in their 
power to shut their pofts agaisflt the Fortugueae^ 
and if poasible to extemiBate thorn* 

The emperor Cfaaatea the Fifths ooitviaeed of 
the goodness of his cfauna to the MolucGas^ fits out 
a squadron of six ships for these isluulss two of 
whkdw ^h three husdised men only, arrive. The 
Tidoreans receive them with cordialky, but the 
weakness both of the Spaniards and Fortugneset 
prevent die Europeans from coming to open hosti* 


Don Geoige Meneaes arrives as goveniw of the 
]tf ohiocasy and his contests with the hte governor 
give occasion to a civil war between tlie FMtuguese 
of the Spice Ishmds. 

The Spaniaids» reinforced from Emrope» attack 
^ Fortuguese, and gain some advantage over 
them ; but the latter, being in time also reinfbrct- 
ed, drive them from the island of Tidor, and com- 
pel them to a treaty^ agreeing to quit the Moluccas. 

The young king of Temate is accused by his 
uncle of sorcery and secret arts^ and is compelled 

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to fly to the citadel, where, reeeiTing no i 
from the Portuguese governor, he throws faimadf 
from a window, and kills himself to atoid a more 
ignominious death. 

Meneses, on the bare supposition of his having 
killed a Chinese hog belcmging to himself^ causes 
the uncle of the king of Temate, and head of the 
Mahomedan religion, to be seized and imprison- 
ed, and, before dischaiging him, directs his iiice te 
be smeared over with the lard of the animal. The 
insulted prince, in consequence, flies iroai island to 
island, stirring up the pec^le to resist their Eurob 
pean (^pressors. 

The people of Temate refuse to bring provisiwf 
to the Portuguese fort. 

Menezes seizes three chiefs of Temate for resist- 
ance to the Portuguese, and directs the right hands 
of two of them to be cut off. The third, having 
his hands tied behind his back, is leA on the beach 
to be devoured by two mastift set upon him for 
the purpose. 

Menezes publicly executes the regent of Temate 
for a pretended conspiracy,* on which the native in- 
habitants quit the country almost withdut excep- 

C. 1528. S. 1450. H.985. 

Simon de Sosa, proceeding as governor to the 
Moluccas, stops at Achin, where he is attacked by 


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ihe king, his vessel taken, and Iiimself kiUedt af- 
ter a gallant resistance. 

A kiiig.of the Suudas in Java, (pc^sibly Prabu 
Seda, the Hindu king of Pajajaran, conquered by 
the king of Bantam,) calls in the assistance of th^ 
Portuguese, who arrive under Francis de Sa ; but» 
finding their ally subdued, they retire, after los* 
ing one of their ships, the crew of which were put 
to death by the natives. 

C. 1529. S. 1451. H. 935. 

The governor of Malacca discovers a conspiracy 
of the king of Achin to destroy the Portuguese, 
find take the city, and he executes the principal con- 

Aladin Shah ascends the throne of Achin, 

The Spaniards renounce their claims to the Mof 
luccas for a pecuniary consideration of three huii^ 
dred and fifty thousand ducats. 

C. 1530. S. 1452. H,936, 

The king of Achin deceives the Portuguese, 
who, sending a mission to him from Malacca, the 
ship which conveys it is treacherously attacked and 
taken, and the envoy, with all his people, put to 
death in cold bloody 

The king of Achin, encouraged by his success 
against the Portuguese, meditates the conquest of 
Malacca, and intrigues with the Shahband&r, or 
fntendant of the port^ but the plot is discpverec), 

VOL. II. J i 

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and the traitor put to death, by being thrown head- 
long from a window of the castle. 

Gonsalvo Pereka saih, as governor, for the Mo- 
luecas, and touches at the port of Borneo in the 
island of that name, where he makes commercial 
arrangements with the king. 

Gonsalvo Pereira arrives in the Moluccas, and 
attempts to remedy the disorders brought about by 
the misgovemment of his predecessors. In con« 
sequence of his measures, the Tematians return to 
their country, and a good understanding is esta- 
blished with the king of Tidor. 

The Portuguese, dissatisfied with the conduct of 
Pereira, stir up a revolt of the Tematians against 
him, and he is killed in an insurrection which takes 
place. — The conspirators seize the government, 
and dethrone the king of Temate, who ffies to the 
mountains to escape their persecution. — ^They raise 
to the throne in his room a son of the late king by 
a concubine. 

Fonseca, the usurping governor of Temate, 
carries fire and sword into the island of Tldor, and 
pursues the king of that place and the king of Ter. 
nate, forcing these unfortunate princes to take re- 
fuge in the forests. 

Tristan d^Ataida takes chai^ of the govern- 
ment of the Moluccas, a worse man than any of 
his bad predecessors.— *He dethrones the king of 

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Temate^ and raises in his room the infant son 
of a Javanese concubine by the late king.-*— 
llie mother refusing her consent to the ele- 
vation of her son to this dangerous distinction^ 
her reluctance is construed into a crimen and 
she is seized and thrown over the windows of the 

C. 1531. S. 1453. H.937. 

The kings of Gilolo, the Papuas, and the prin- 
ce^ of the Moluccas, join in a league to extermi- 
nate the Portuguese, and succeed in massacring a 
great number. 

The Portuguese fortress in Ternate is blockaded 
by th^ Tematians and their allies, and the garri- 
son reduced by famine to the last extremity. 

The Portuguese receive several partial reinforce- 
ments, but are confined fot years almost to their 
fiortification^, until they receive succours by the 
new governor, the heroic and virtuous Antonio 

C. 1536. S. 145». H.942. 

Antonio Galvan arrives in the Moluccas, and 
reduces affitirs to some order. 

C. 15»7. S. 1459- H.943. 

Antonio Galvan proceeds to Tidor, and with 
four hundred men, one hundred and seventy of 
whom only are Portuguese, attacks the allied prin- 
ces of the Moluccas, whose army amounted, by the 
Portuguese ownputation, to thirty thousand, and 

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defeats them, killing the king of Ternate, and los* 
ing but one Portuguese slave* 

The late governor of the Moluceas attempts 
to form a party against Galvan ; a revolt takes 
place, and the conspirators quit Temate for India, 
leaving their countrymen much weakened by their 

Antonio Galvan proposes to the kings of Gi- 
lolo and Bacfaian, to save the eilusion of blood, by 
a single combat with each of them, which they ac- 
cept, btrt the meeting is prevented by the interces- 
sion of the king of Tidor, and peace is concluded. 

Tabarija, king of Temate, sent by Ataida to In- 
dia, is there converted to Christianity, and sent 
back to be reinstated in his kingdom, but dies at 
Malacca on his way to the Moluccas. 

Ferdinand Cortez, the conqueror of Mexico, 
sends two Spanish ships to the Moluccas, which 
arrive in great distress, and are finally shipwrecked. 
—The crews being made prisoners, are treated by 
Galvan with generosity and humianity. 

The merchants of Java, Banda, Celebes, and 
Amboyna, deprived of the spice trade, resolve 
to open a commerce by force of arms, and assemble 
an army for that purpose at Amboyna, which is de- 
feated by a Portuguese expedition sent against i( 
from Temate. 

Galvan employs himself zealously in the task of 
{Converting the islanders to Christianity ; he insti- 

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tutes a seminary for religious education, afterwards 
approved of by the Council of Trent ; and Chris- 
tianity not only makes rapid pn^ress in the Mo- 
luccas, but is spread to Celebes and Mindanao. 

Galvan, after making himself beloved to such 
a degree, by his great qualities, as. to cause the in- 
habitants of the Moluccas to propose making him 
their king, is superseded in his government. 

The king of Achin besieges Malacca, and is 
driven from the place by a sortie of the besiegers. 

Paul de Gama is sent by the governor x>f Ma* 
lacca to reduce Jehor, the new residence of Ala- 
din, but is attacked by the. celebrated Laksimana, 
and defeated, losing his own life, and having the 
greater part of his force destroyed. 

Don Estevan de 6ama» governor of Malacci^ 
attacks the town of Jehor, reduces and sacks it. 

The king of Achin again attacks the city of 

C 1540. S. 1468* H. 947. 

Sultan Ala ed-din Shah the Second ascends the 
throne of Jehor. 

C. 1544. S. 1466, H.951. 

George de Castro renews th^ scenes of iniquity 
transacted by the Portuguese in the Moluccas/ and 
sends anothelr king of Temate prisoner to Goa. 
C. 1547. S. 1469. H. 954. 

The celebrated Saint Erancis Zavier, one of the. 

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companions of Ignatius de Loyola, mvken his s^ 
pearance at Malacca, and the Portuguese ascribe to 
his presence the salvation of the place from a for* 
midable attack of the king of Achin^ 
' Oct. 18.— The king of Aohin sends an army of 
one hundred thousand men against Malacca, with 
^ fleet of seventy large gallies, and having in his 
army five hundred Turkish janissaries. 

Dec. S4. — The Portuguese fleet go in search of 
that of the king of AcHin, and, attacking them in 
the river of P&rlas in Sumatra, gain a compete vic- 
tory, the Achinese losing four thousand men. 
C. 1549. S. 1471- H. 956. 

Saint Francis Zavier propagates Christianity in 
the Moluccas. 

C. 155(W1. S. 1478-73. H. 957-58. 

Aladin, king of Jehor, with the assistance of 
tiie neighbouring Malay princes, and the queen of 
Japara in Java, sends a powerful fleet and army 
against Malacca, which is greatly reduced by fa- 
mine, but at last relieved by the retreat of the 
confederates. The heroic and veteran Laknmana, 
with his son-in-law, are killed in this expedition. 
C. 1556. S. 1478. H. 968. 

Husen Shah ascends the throne of Achin. 
C. 1557. S. 1479. H. 964. 

Edward De9a, the Portuguese governor of the 
Mdiuccas, puts Aeiro» king of Tenatei in irons^ 

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taoA imprisow him ; in conaequeBoe of wbich tlint 
is a geaend insarrection throughout the island. 
C. 1559. S. 1481. H.966* 

Aeiro, king of Ternate, is released and restored ; 
in conse^enoe of which tnmquillity is re-establish* 
ed throughout the Moluccas. 

Sultan Abd-uL Julil the First ascends the throne 
.of Jehor. 

C. 1565. S.1487. H.973. 

Raja Firman Shah ascends the throne of AchiUj 
and is soon afterwards murdered. 

Raja Jawil ascends the throne of Achin, and is 
murdered soon after. 

Miguel Lopez de Legaq>i| in the reign of 
Philip the Second of Spain* takes ncuninal posses^ 
.sion of the Philippines. 

Zebu, one of the Philippines^ v conquered by 
the Spaniards. 

C. 1567. S. 1489. H.975. 

Mansur Shah* a native of the Malay state of 
Perah in the Peninsula, ascends the throne of 

The king of Achin joins in the league of the 
western powers of India against the Portuguese, 
and sends a fleet and army against Malacca. 
C. 1568. S. 1490. H. 976. 

The king of Achin inperscm goes against Malacca 

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mth a great force, and is compelled to rabe die 
siege, after losing four thousand men, and his 
eldest son. 

C. 1569. S. 1491. H. 977- 
'' A single Portuguese man-of-war defeats the 
Achinese fleet, commanded by the king in person. 
C. 1570. S. 1492. H. 978* 

Aeiro, kiug of Ternate, is treacherously assassi- 
nated by Lopez de Mesquita, governor of the Mo- 
luccas, at his own house, under pretext of a friend- 
ly conference, and his body being refused to his 
friends, who demand it for burial, is cut in pieces 
and thrown into the sea. 

The Tematians under Baber, the late king's 
son, retire to the mountains, and for the rest of 
the period of the residence of the Portuguese in the 
Moluccas, continue to harass them by a predatory 

C. 1571. S. 1493. H. 979. 

The king of Achin sends a fleet to attack that 
under the Portuguese admiral Louis de Melo, and 
is defeated n^ar Malacca with great loss. 

Manila is conquered by the Spaniardi^ and a 
town built. 

C. 157«. S. 1494. H. 980. 

The king of Achin, in consequence of a league 
entered into with the princes of western India^ 
^ngain attacks Malacca with a numerous army» but 

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his fleet is defeated by Tristan de la Vega, and he 
is in consequence compelled to raise the si^. ' 
C. 1573. S. 1495. H.981. 
The king of Achin having formed an alliance 
with the queen of Japara in Java, again attacks 

a 1574. S. 1496. H.982. 
Manila is attacked by the Chinese rover Limit- 
hon, and nearly taken. 

The queen of Japara, with an army of fifteen 
thousand men, and a fleet of forty-five great 
junks, attacks Malacca, and, after a siege of three 
months, is compelled to retire. 

C. 157. S. 1497- H.983. 
The king of Achin again besieges Malacca with 
a greater force than at any former period, and when 
on the eve of taking the town» which is defended 
by no more than one hundred and fifty men, is sud* 
denly panic-struck, and retires with precipitation. 
Don Francisco la Sande, governor of the Philip* 

C. 1578. S. 1500. H. 986. 
Nov. 14th. — The English, under Sir Francis 
Drake, make their first appearance in the Archipe* 
lago, tonching at the islands of Temate and Java. 

C. 1580. S. 1502. H. 988. 
^ Don Gonaalo Ronquillo, governor of the Fhiiip- 

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Bob UUah, king «£ Temate, viBite Macftsativ 
and recommends the Mabomedaa re%km to tbe 
inhabitants. ' 

The island of Butung is subdued by Bab Ullah, 
king of Ternate. 

C' 1581. S. 1503. H. 989. 

Baber, king of Ternate, capbires the Portu- 
guese fortress^ and puts an end to the Portuguese 
dominion in that island. 

. The kingdom of Portugal being united to that 
p£ SpaiD» on the death of Don Sebastian and Don 
Henry, its Indira dominions fall under the power 
of the latter. 

C. 1582. S. IfiO*. H. 990. 

The king of Achin makes oiie.more unsuccess- 
ful attack upon Malacca. 

The Spaniards, fixmi the Philippines, make an 
unsuccessful attadk on the Moluocas. 

C. 158A. S. 1506. H. 992. 

Don Santiago de Vera, governor of the Philip^ 

C. 1585. S. 1507. H. 998. 

The Spaniards, from the .Philippines, send an« 
other unsuccessful expedition against the MohicQaa. 

Mansur Shah, king of Acfajn, his ^pieen^ and 
many of the principal nobility, are murdered by 
the camfloiander-in-^hief of the aixny. Tbe gcand* 


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wn of Manmir Shah, uiually denominated Sultan 
Bujang, (the Lad,) nominally racoeeds to the 

C. 1586. S. 1508. H. 99*. 

The Senopati, first prince of the house of Ma- 
taram, destroys Pajang. 

There is a great eruption from the voloanic 
range of mountains towards the eastern end of the 
island of Java, by which many lives are lost. 
C. 1588. S. 1510. H- 996. . 

Tuni Jalluh, king of Macassar, is assassinated, 
and succeeded by his son, Tuni Paselu. 

Thomas Cavendish, in his circumnavigation of 
the globe, touches at Blambangan, a kingdom in 
Java, lying on the straits which divide that island 
from Bali. 

The usurper, who had murdered Mantur Shah, 
king of Achin, also puts his grandson to death, and 
takes formal possession of the throne. 

.C1589. S. 1511. H. 997- 

Various attempts are made by the Spaniards to 
conquer Mindanao, Which are wholly unsuooeas- 
fuL The people of that iskmd, in their turn, send 
an expedition, and ravage the Philippines. 
C. 1590. S. 151«. H. 998. : . 

Lapataway kkgof Boni, dies, and is raceeedcd 
tqr hi8 ^n. 

Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, governor of the Fi^i* 

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508 cHBOifotbaicAL taSlS. 

The ernpero^* of Japan sends a letter and misnoa 
to the Philippines. 

The king of Gimboja sends a mission to the go- 
vernor of the Philippines, begging his assistance 
against the king of Siam. 

C. 1591. S. 1513. H. 999. 

Tuni Paselu, king of Groa Macassar, is dethron- 
ed, and succeeded by his brother, Tunwnei^ li 
Gaokana, called also Allah u Din. 

Sultan Abd uiah Shah ascends the throne of 

a 1598. S. 1515. H. 1001. 

The governor of the Philippines, Dasmarinaa, 
having sailed on an expediticm against the Moluc- 
cas, his fleet is dispersed, and he is murdered 
by the mutiny of the Chinese portion of his erew, 
who had been cruelly used by the Spaniards. 

The licentiate Rosas, provisicmal governor of the 

C. 1596. S. 1518. H. 1004. 

llie Dutch, under Hautman, arrive in Java, 
in the reign of the Pan&mbahan Senopati of Ma« 
taram, and Abdul Muf^er, king of Bantam. 
The prince of Madura and his family are ma9» 
lacred by the Dutch in attempting to pay a visit of 
eeremony on board of Hautman's fleets 

Don Francisco Tello de Gusman, governor of 
Ihe Philippines. 


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C. 1600. S. 15S«. H. 1009. 

The Dutch visit Achin, and are perfidiously 
treated by the king, 

C. 1601. S. 1523. H. 1010. 

The king of Achin sends two ambassadors to 
Holland, one of whom dies there, but the other 
returns in safety. 

The Fanfimbahan Senopati, prince of Mataram 
in Java, dies, and is succeeded by his son, PanSm- 
bahan Sedo Krapyak* 

The use of tobacco is introduced into Java* 

December 20th. — The Dutch, under Hermans* 
«en, defeat the Spanish fleet under Andrew Fur-* 
tado de Mendoza, off Bantam. 

C. 1602. S.1524. H. 1011. 

The English make their first appear^ce in the 
Archipelago, and reach Achin, under Sir Jamea 
Lancaster, with a letter and presents from Queen 

Don Pedro Brabo de Acuna, governor of the 

The emperor of Japan sends ambassadors to the 
governor of the Philippines, requesting a continuair 
tion of the commercial intercourse between Japan 
and those islands, and some Spanish shipwrights. 
C. 1603. S. 1695. H. 1012. 

Hie English under Lancaster establish a com« 
^erce with Bantam. 

The emperor of China sends aa embassy to Ma. 

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nila, for the object, real or pretended, ciuscertBia- 
iBg the truth respecting a report which had reach- 
ed him, that the pcMrt of Cavito was formed of gobL 

The Chinese of the Philippines revolt against 
l^e Spaniards, and, after a long resistance, are ex- 
terminated, to the number of twenty-three thoasaad. 

The emperor of China sends a mission to the 
PhiKppines, to inquire into the murder of hia 
countrymen. He is satisfied with the explanatioa 
afforded by the governor, and the commercial in- 
tercourse goes on on the old footing. 

C- 1604. S. 158a H. 1013. 

Ali MagbayatShah ascends the thr<me of Achio^ 
after imprisoning his father. 

C. 1605. S. 15S7- H. 1014. 

The Fan&mbahan Krapyak, prince of Mataram 
in Java, suppresses the rebellion of his brother, the 
PangeraH of Pugar, by defeating him, and taking 
him prisoner. 

Datu ri Bandang, a native of the Malayan king- 
dom of Menangkabao, converts the kings of Goa 
and Tallo in Celebes, by whose influence the Maho- 
medan religion is accepted by all the Macassar 

C. 1606. S. 15«8. H..1015. 
The Macassars force the people of Boni, and 

the Waju nations, to adopt the Mahomedan religion- 
Martin Alfonzo, a Portuguese commander, at-* 

tacks Achin, and is beaten off. 

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The Spawflh governor of the Ilulij^ines sends 
an expedition against the Moluecaa; and captures 
Ternate and Tidori carrying off the king of the 
fomer pbce^ and many of hia nobles, to Manila. 

The Japanese residing in the Fhilip|4ne& re« 
1^ against the Spaniards, and their inanvrectiaa 
is suf^ressed. 

Don Christoval Tdles de Almanza, provisional 
governor of the Philippines. 

Another insurrection of the Japanese taikes 
place in the Philippines, 

C.1608. S. 1530. H. 1017. 

The prince of Mataram in Java suppresses the 
rebellion of the Pangeran Jogorogo. 

Don Rodrigo Vivero, provisional governor of 
the iliiiippines. 

C. 1609. S. 15S1. H. 1018. 

Don Juan de Silva, governor of the Philippines. 

The Spaniards defeat a Dutch squadron of six 
ships, off the Philippines. 

C. 1610. S. 1532. H. 1019. 

Iskandar Muda ascends the throne of Achin. 

Sultan Abd Ulah Shah ascends the throne of 

C. 1611. S. 15SS. H. 1020. 

Peter Both, the first Dutch governor-general, 
arrives at Bantam. 

He enters into a treaty with Widyak Rama, king 

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of Jaeatra, by whicli the Dutch are allowed to build 
a forty and establish a factory at that place. 
C. 1613. S. 1535. H. 1022. 

The prince of Mataram dies, and is succeeded, 
by his souy known by the name of Sultan Agung, 
or the Great Sultan. The young sultan sends an 
urmy under his general Surantani, and attempts the 
conquest of the eastern districts of Java, but fails. 

Eang James the First of England seuds a letter 
and presents to the king of Achin» by Captain 

The Dutch enter into treaties with the king of 
Temate and other petty princes of the Moluccas, 
by which they endeavour to insure to themselves 
the exclusive trade in cloves. 

The Dutch capture the Portuguese settlements 
in Solor and Tidor. 

The Spaniards fit out an expedition against the 
Moluccas, which is repelled by the Dutch with a 
heavy loss to the former. 

The Dutch, with a squadron of ten ships, infest 
the coast of the Philippines, and bum and destroy 
some towns and villages. 

The king of Achin writes a friendly letter to the 

king of England, and requests to have one of his 

countrywomen to Wffe^ promising to make her son 

king of the pepper countries. 

The king of Achin conquers Siak, and plunders 

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the Jehor, carrying off a great many of tke inha^ 
bitants as slaves. 

C. I6i*. S. 1536. H. 1023. 

The sultan of Mataj:am in person conquers the 
eastern provinces of Java as far as Wirorosobo ia- 

C. 1615. S. 1537. H- 1024. 

Gerard Reynst, governor-general of the Dutch 
Indies. Reynst compels the English to quit Am* 

An eruption of a volcano takes place at Banda. 

May 14th. — The Dutch commence hostilities 
with the Bandanese, and capture Pulo-ay, but are 
driven out of it again by the inhabitants. * 

The king of Achin, with a numerous fleet, an^ 
m army of sixty thousand men, si^ils against Ma^ 
}acca, and is defeated by the Portuguese before ef- 
fecting a landing. 

The English visit Macassar, and conclude a com- 
mercial treaty with the king. 

The confederated chiefs of the eastern provinces 
of Java invade the territories of the sultan of Ma- 
taram, but ar^ reduced by fami4e and sickness, and 
ultimately defeated by |;hp prince in person. Ele- 
phants are d^scrib^ as Jiaving bjsei^ used on this 

C, 1616. S. 1538. H. 1025. 

The sultan of Mataram conquers the district of 
Lassem. ^ 

VOL. u. Kk 

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Don Juan de Silva» governor of the Phflippines, 
sails with a powerful expedition against the Dutch 
settlements and commerce, but dying at Malacca, 
the fleet returns to Manila without eflPecting any 

Don Andres Alearas, governor of the Philip- * 

Speelberg, the Dutch admiral, arriving by the 
Straits of Magellan, blockades the harbour of Ma- 

Laurent Beaal, govemor-general of the Dutch 

The Dutch capture Pulo-ay, one of the Spice 

C. 1617. S. 1539. H. 1026. 
- April 14. — An action is fought between a Dutch 
and Spanish squadron, with partial loss on both 

M&rtoloyo, the commander of the Matanun 
forces, conquers the district of Basuruhan, and car* 
ries off all the women who fall into hi^ hands. 
The chief of Pajang revolts, and is defeated. 
C. 1618. S. 1540. H. 1027. 

The sultan of Mataram in Java conquers the 
district of Tuban, and mdces slaves of the female 
prisoners. The Dutch plunder and bum the town 
of Japara. 

July 2.— Don Alonzo Faxardo^ governor of the 
Philippines, . 

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Jan Pietersz Coen, goyemor-genenil of the Dutch 

The king$ of Bantam and Jacatra, with the Eng- 
lish, enter into a plot to expel the Dutch from 
Java, and hostilities commence. 

C. 1619. S. 1541. H. 1028. . 

The Dutch enter into a capitulation to surren* 
der their garrison at Jacatra, but are saved by the 
secession of the king of Bantam from the league 
against them. 

The name of Batavia is bestowed on the Dutch 
fort at Jacatra. 

May S8. — Coen returns from Amboyna with a 
large force, and attacks and destroys the town of 

The Dutch commence hostilities with the Ban- 
tamese, which last ten years. 

Tomamenanga ri Gaokana, king of Goa Ma* 
cassar, lays the states of Bima, Tambora, Dompo, 
and Sangar, in the island of Sambawa, under con- 

The king of Achin conquers Queda and Perah, 
in the Malayan Peninsula, and DDi in Sumatra. 
C. 1620. S. 1542. H. 1029. 

The Dutch and English East India Companies 
having entered into treaty, the former propose the 
reduction of the Banda Isles as a joint enterprise, 
which the latter decline, declaring their want of 

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maana to be the sole reason. The Duteh bj them- 
selves achieve the conquest of these Isles. 
C. 1681. S. 1543. H. 1030. 

Sultan Mahomed Shah the Third ascends the 
throne of Jehor. 

The French, under General Beaulieu, make 
their first appearance in the Archipelago, carrying 
a letter and presents from the king of France to 
the king of Achin. 

C. 1623. S. 15*5. H. 10S«. 

The suUaa of Mataram conquers the island of 
Madura. — He conquei's the province of Surabaya. 

A great revdt of the native inhabitants of the 
Philippines takes place, which is at length qudled 
with difficulty. 

Peter de Charpentier, goyernor-geiieral qf the 

The Dutch pretending to have discovered a plot 
of the English and their Japanese soldiers to seize 
the fort of Amboyna, put the supposed con^ira- 
tors to the torture, and execute them on their con* 
fession on the rack. 

C. 1624. S. 1546. H. lOSS. 

The Dutch commence hostilities against the in^ 
habitants of the Moluccas, for selBng their cloves 
i9 olher strangers. 

Sultan Abd ul Jalil the Second ascends the 
throne of Jehor. 


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Don Geroaimo de SUva, ptovisioiial governor of 
the Philippines. 

A Dutch sq[uaclnm iqs^aiing off the coast of 
the Philippines, the Spanish governor goes out 
with a fleet to meet it, and is shamefully defeated. 

Tomamenanga ri Graokana, king of Goa Macas- 
sar, sails with a fleet, and subdues Butung, Bongai, 
the Xnlla Isles, Baru, and Kute, and makes a treaty 
with Btiu He strikes a gold coin, the first ever 
coined in Celebes. 

C. 1625. S. 1547- H. 1084. 

Mataram, in Java, is afflicted by a fatal epidemic 

Don Fernando de Silva, {Nnovisional governw of 
the Philippines. 

The Spaniards make a setttonent on the east 
side of Formosa, and are successful in converting 
the native inhabitants to Christianity. 

C. 1606. S. 1^48. H. 1035. 

Don Juan Nino de Tabcmi, governor of the 

An expedition sails from the Philippines a- 
gainst the Dutch establishment in Formosa^ but 
returns without reaching the place, or effecting any 
thing. The Spaniards of the Philippines fit out 
an expedition against the Dutch commerce, which 
sails to iSiam, where the Dutch being protected 
by the king of that country, the Spanish com* 
mander bums their junks, and takes prisoners the 

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Siamese mission, proceeding on its annual voyage 
to China. 

Taiirepala, king of Boni, dies, and is succeeded 
by his sister's son, Lamadarama. 

C. 1627. S. 1549. H* 1037. 

Jan Pietersz Coen, goTemor-general of* the 
DutcH Indies for the second time. 

The Javanese enter into a conspiracy to assassi- 
nate the governor-general Coen, which is defeated. 
C. 1628. S. 1550. H. 1(W8, 

The governor of the Philippines sends an expe- 
dition against the Sooloo Islands, to punidi the in- 
habitants for their depredations on the coast of 

The king of Achin, for the last time, sends a 
fleet and army against Malacca, which are totally 
destroyed, and the Laksimana, or admiral, made 

The sultan of Mataram suppresses the great re- 
bellion of Pragolo, chief of Pati, his brother-in- 
law. — He attacks Giri, and takes it, making the 
Susunan prisoner, and carrying him off to Mata- 

August 28* — The sultan of Mataram sends a 
force against Batavia, and attempts to take it by 

Sept. IS. — ^The Dutch garrison makes a vigor- 
ous sortie^ 

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Sept. 21. — ^The jAvanese make another attempt 
to carry the fort by assault. 

Oct. ^1. — The Dutch, assisted by the Japanese 
and Chinese inhabitants, attack and destroy the 
Javanese camp. 

Oct. 25. — The Dutch again attack the Java- 
nese, and put them to the rout, but the ktter ral- 
lyiiig* the Dutch on their side are compelled to 
retreat with loss. 

Nov. 27. — The Javanese, being strongly rein- 
forced, make another unsuccessful assault on the 
fort of Batavia. 

The Javanese raise the first siege of Batavia. 
C. 1629. S. 1551. H. 1039. 

The Spanish governor sails at the head of an ex* 
pedition against the Sooloo Islands, and, attacking 
a fortified port of the islanders, is disgracefully de- 
feated, and returns to Manila. 

The governor of the province of Nagaski in Ja- 
pan sends a mission to the governor of the Philip- 

The king of Siam sends an embassy to Manila, 
claiming redress for the ravages committed by the 
Spaniards in the port of Siam, and the seizure of 
the ambassador of that country proceeding to Gii- 

The king of Kamboju sends a mission to the 
Philippines, claiming the assistance of the Spaniards 

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against, the king of Siam, and requesting i^ip- 
vrights, who are sent to him. 

August ^. — ^The king of Mataram sends ^ 
fresh army to attack Batavta. 

Sept. 2L — The Javanese assault the fortress of 
Batavia, and are driven back with loss. 

Sept. 25. — The Dutch govemor^general dying, 
James Specx is nominated in his room. 

Sept. 29* — The Javanese renew the assault on 
the fort, and are again defeated. 

Oct. 20. — ^The Javanese make a third and last 
attack on the fortress of Batavia. 

The Javanese raise the siege of Batavia^ and re* 
treat, having, it is alleged, lost by famine, death, or 
desertion, one half of an army, amounting to from 
one hundred to one hundi-ed and twenty thousand 

C. 1632. S. 1554. H. 1042. 

July 22* — Don Lorenzo Olaso, provisional go- 
vernor of the Philippines. 

Henry Brouwer, governor-general of the Dutcb 

C. 1633. J. 1553. H. 1043. 

The Dutch governor-general sends a fruitless 
embassy to the king of Bali, to claim his assistance 
against the sultan of Mataram. 

The sultan of Mataram directs measures to be 
taken for changuoig the kalendar ; and the lunar 
months are adopted instead of the solar. 

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C. 16S4. J. 1556. H. 1044. 
Amboyna and the rest of the Moluccas continue 
in a state of revolt. 

C. 1635. J. 1657^ H- 1045. 
June 25. — ^Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuerai 
governor of the Philippines. 

The king of Achin imprisons the Portuguese 
ambassador, and murders ail the Portuguese about 
his court. 

C. 1636. J. 1558. H. 1046. 
Antony Van Diemen, govemor*general of the 
Dutch indies. 

C. 1637. J. 1559. H. 1047. 
The revolt at Amboyna still continuing, the go- 
vemor»general proceeds thither in person. 

A great mortality prevails all over the island of 
Celebes. / 

Don Sebastian Hurtado, governor of the Philip, 
pines, sails against Sooloo and Mindanao, and after 
an obstinate struggle, reduces them, but is soon ob« 
liged to recal his garrisons and abandon his eon- 

C. 1638. J. 1660. H. 1048. 
Tomamenanga ri Gadcana dies, and is succeeded 
by his son, Tomamenanga ri Papang Batuna. 

The governor-general of the Dutch Indies re- 
pairs to Amboyna a second time, and concludes a 
.new treaty with the king of Temate^ but the in- 
surrection still continues. 

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C. 1639. J. 1561. H. 1049. 

The Dutch arrive in Celebes, and make a com- 
mercial treaty with the king of Goa Macassar. 

The Chinese in the Philippines, now amounting 
' to thirty thousand men, revolt against the Spanish 
authority ; being attacked by a military force they 
are driven from post to post, and at length yield, 
after their numbers had been reduced to seven 

The sultan of Mataram achieves the conquest 
of Blambangan. He quells a rebellion of the dis- 
trict of SumSldang, and orders the male inhabitants 
to be exterminated. 

C. 1640. J. 1562. H. 1050. 

T^e king of Achin sends twenty-five galleys to 
assist the Dutch in their conquest of Malacca. 

Lamadarama, king of Boni, institutes a religious 
persecution, and attempts to propagate Mahome- 
danism by the sword. His subjects apply to the 
king of Goa Macassar, who invades the country, 
and defeats him. 

The Portuguese settlements in India are sepa- 
rated from those of Spain, by the rise of the duke 
of Braganza to the independent throne of Portu* 

C. 1641. J. 156S. H. 1051. 

The queen, Taju ul Alum, ascends the throne 
of Achin. 

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A great number of people are destroyed by the 
fall of a portion of the mountain Adiksa, in Java. 
C. 1642. J. 1564. H. 1052. 

Malacca is taken by the Dutch after a siege and 
blockade of five months. 

The viceroy of Goa sends a mission to the Dutch 
governor-general at Batavia, informing him of the 
succession of the duke of Braganza to the throne 
of Portugal. 

The Dutch, having taken possession of the 
island of Formosa, their vicinity occasions great 
consternation at Manila. 

C. 1643. J. 1565. H. 1053. 

The Macassars of Goa invade Boni, make the 
king and other princes prisoners, and subdue the 
whole country, reducing the people to a state of 
bondage or slavery. The supremacy of Macassar 
over all Celebes is thus established. 

The truce of ten years for India is concluded 
between the Dutch and Portuguese. 

Tasman discovers New Zealand and Van Die- 
men's Land. 

Van Diemen begins the compilation of the co- 
lonial code of laws, called the Statutes oj Batavia. 

The Adipati, or prince of Falembang, does hp- 
mage in person at Mataram. The chief of the Ja- 
vanese colony at Banjarmassir in Borneo sends a 
mission to the same place. 

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C. 1644. J. 1566. H. 1054. 

Mfttaram is visited by a second great epidemic 

August il« — ^Don Die^ Farado, governor ef 
Ibe Philippinefi. 

The Dutch make an attempt on Sooloo and 
Maidanao, but ai^ defeated* 

C. 1645. J. 1567. H. 1055. 

The Dateh, with a squadron of eleven ^ips, 
make various attempts upon Manila and other 
paits of tiie Philippines, but finally retreat without 
effecting any thing. 

Salicala, son of the king of Sooloo, and the Ma- 
lays of Borneo, commit great depredations on the 
coasts of the Spanish possessions in the Philip- 

The Spaniards of the Philippines send a retail^- 
tpry expedition against the Malays of Borneo^ 
which destroys many of their villages, and carries 
off two hundred prisoners as slaves. 

A most formidable insurrection o£ the natives 
tidces place throughout the Philippines, which is 
quelled with difficulty. 

A succession of earthquakes takes place during 
sixty days in the Philippine Islands, when the 
town of Manila is entirely destroyed, and many 
lives lost. 

Cornelius Van der Lyn, governor-general of tht 
Dutch Indies. 

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April 26. — ^The Duteh send a missum tp the 
saltan of Mataram^ and conclude a treaty of peace 
with him. 

The sultan of Maiaram in Java sends a mission 
to the king of Macassar in Celdbes. 

C. 1646. J, 1568. H. 1056. 
The sultan of Matargm dies, and is succeeded 
by his son, lagalaruni. 

C. 16*7. J. 1569. U. 1057. 
The sultan of Mataram suppresses a revolt ot 
jthe people of Blambangan, aided by thie people of 

C. 1648. J. 1570. H. 1058. 
The Moluccas continue in a state of insurrec- 
tion, and the inhabitants carry on a continual war- 
Guce with the Dutch. 

C. 1649. J. 1571. H, 1059. 
The sultan of Mataram issues an order to his 
subjects, enjoining all the men to marry each tWQ 

C. 1650. J. 1572. H. 1060. 
Charles Reinerzoon, governor-general of the 
Dutch Indies. 

C. 1651. J. 1573. H. 1061. 
The sultan of Mataram constructs a palace at 
Flered, and remores his court thither. The Adi- 
pati of Jambi, and the chiefs of Cberibon in Su« 
,niatra, do homage at Mataram. 

C. 1652. J. 1574. H. 1062. 
Jan. 31.---The king of Temate is carried off te 

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Batavia by the Dutch, and compelled to sign a 
toeaty, agreeing to destroy all the cloves in his doi» 

Aug. 28. — ^Vlaming, the governor of Amboyna, 
executes more than twenty of the nobles of the 
Molifccas by brealdng some on the wheel, and 
strangling or drowning others. 

The king of Bantam declares war against the 
Dutch, and proceeds against Batavia, with sixty 
thousand men, but does no more than lay waste 
the surrounding country and retire. 

C. 1653. J. 1575. H. 106.^. 

Feb. 6.— The Dutch execute a great many no- 
bles and princes of the Moluccas taken prisoners 
by them. 

The king of Macassar joins the people of the 
Moluccas in their league against the Dutch. 

March 6. — The Dutch and people of Macassar 
iight a naval action at Temate. 

May 18. — Jan Maatzuiker, govemor»general of 
the Dutch Indies. 

May 21.— The Dutch order, another execution 
of the Moluccan chiefs. 

An extraordinary fall of ram takes place in Java, 
when many parts of the country not usually Bood^ 
ed are inuncbted. — In the month of SSf&r 6f the 
same year, a comet is seen. 

A mission appears from Sukadana in Borneo 4;o 
do homage to the sultan of Mataram. 

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Tomamenanga ri Papang Batuna dies, and is suc- 
ceeded by his son, Hasan u' Din, called also 
Tomamenanga Bala Pangkana. 

Don Sabiniano Manrique de Lara, governor of 
the Philippines. 

Corrolat, kuig of Mindanao, puts to death two 
Jesuits, and some other Spaniards sent to him as 
ambassadors from Manila. 

A formidable revolt of the natives takes place 
in the Philippines. 

C. 1654. J. 1576. H. 1064. 

Kraing Patingalong, first minister of Goa, de* 
nominated " the Father of the Country,*' dies, and' 
is succeeded by the able and renowned Kronrong. 

The war continues in the Moluccas. 
C. 1655. J- 1577* H. 1065. 

The Dutch defeat the Macassars in the Moluc- 
cas, who make a gallant resistance. — Four hundred 
prisoners are made on this occasion, and assigned 
to the captors as slaves. 

A mission from the king of Siam appears at 

The king of Goa Macassar conquers all Butung» 
overthrowing the Dutch establishment there. 
C. 1656. J. 1578. H. 1066. 

The Dutch conclude a peace with the king of 

The king of Gilolo is taken, and, with five and 
twenty of his people, privately drowned by the 

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Diitbh, leathis puJbUe execution m^ht excite atu- 
nult among the peopb- 

C. 1660, J. 1583. H, 1070. 

The war still continues to ravage the Moluccas. 

A copper currency is substituted for tin coin by 
order of the sultan of Mataram.-vThe Pangeran of 
Surabaya, and forty of his family, are wan^nly pot 
to death by order of the sultan. 

The Dutch send a force against Macassar; — 
they destroy six Portuguese ships, and capture the 
fort of Pauekoka. Peape is concluded between the 
Dutch and Macassars. 

C. 1661, J. 1583.. H. 1071, 

The Macassars conquer the kingdom of 3openg 
in Celebes. 

C. 1662. J. 1584., H. 1072. 

Kwe Sing Kong or Coxinga, haying conquered 
Formosa from the Dutch, sends a mission to Mi^^ 
nila, requiring the payment of tribute, and his ac- 
knowledgment as sovereign of the Phiiippiiies. 

The governor of the Philippines, in consequence 
of the hostility of Coxipga, directs all the Chinese 
to quit the Philippines. 

Coxinga dies» and his unwarlike son succeedin|^ 
the Philippines are relieved from the danger of a 
Chinese invasion. 

C. 1663. J, 1585. H. 1074. 

The Spaniards finally qiiit the Moluccas. 

Don Diego Sdicedo^ governor ef the Philippiii^ 

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C. 1664. J. 1586. H. 107«. 

The Dutch reduce under their sway the princi- 
pal portion of the west coast of Sumatra. 

A volcanic eruption of the mountain Marapi 
in Java takes place. 

The Dutch, under Admiral Vander Laen, send 
a fleet against Palembang in Sumatra, which they 
capture and bum. 

C. 1665. J. 1587. H. 1073. 

The inhabitants of Pao in Sumatra massacre the 
Dutch officers and garrison of the island of Chingo. 

The Macassars ^t out a great expedition of seven 
hundred vessels, and twenty thousand men, for the 
conquest of Butung and the Xulla Isles, and 
eventually for that of the Moluccas. They con- 
quer the people of Butung, who redeem them- 
selves for seven hundred and eighty katis of gold, 
(about seven hundred ounces.) 

C. 1666. J. 1588. H. 1074. 

The Dutch send a great force, under Admiral 
Speelman, for the conquest of Macassar. They 
give the Macassars a complete overthrow at Butung, 
and, not knowing how to dispose of their prisoners, 
they leave five thousand on a desert island. 
C. 1667. J. 1590. H. 1070. 

The Dutch reconquer the whole west coast of 
Sumatra, from SSlebar to Bams. 

The people of Boni in Celebes, with auxiliaries 
from Ternate and Butung, join the Dutch, when 

VOL. II. L 1 

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these allied pftitleB dictate terms to die Macassars, 
nd, tlie tteaty of ^oiu^o ia condoded* 

a 166». J. 159i. H. 1077. 

De tn^kf Iwkwem the Macasaarsaod Dutch is 
broken, and the war renewed thMMigh th^ iotrigiM 
(^ the loms^f Kroii^Kfwc« 

C. 1660. J. 1593. H. ia7& 

The Dutch and their allies tak« from the Mar 
cassars t^iir last ibrt, Samba^po*. and the war ends. 
Tkq kiAg of Ji^Mamr reajgna th« goiemneAt of 
Jm Vac^gj^mt U^ lua sob Mafa SamW-^Lamadai*- 
9Mi tha cfiytiMe )mg of Qonit. la aesfaiacd* 

Xbe i^ec^le of the ki«|pdoiit of DUk im Sum* 
tM thr^iv off tbcur aUi^;iaMe to the Achinase^ 

$^]^l»a)ber 4s — Don Manuel de l^m^ g^ivar- 
nc^ of th« Pbiliyi^ea. 

a )6q;1. J. 15&«. H. 1080. 

Sultan Ibrahim Sb^h aaeend^ the throve of Jdior. 
^ C. 167«. JL IJM. H* 1081. 

tiam^rawiaj king of Boni^ vasigpia the erawn, 
and Raja Palaka, who had fled to the Dutch* aad 
htj whose igsJguiMntality chiefly the Macaasttei 
veva siibdwd, is eladicd in hia roon^ He is 
known to his countrym(^ by the names ^ Tuni 
Sombaya* ot <^ The Gvaat," and Matinroa lirBon- 
twa]bh» or << ha who died at Bontualab«" 

A numerous band of ingiliias.frQai Cekbea ar- 
rinsan^ Madltra* Ifrupai Ja^iH « piMMt «f <liat 
country^ ifdbtek wd ]fim tiMSk 

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C. 167& J' tsgSi H« toss. 
The fuifp&^Hmhsm GeM^m^ #h(H ift tfei« pee&i^ 
mg ye«r^ kud ktided M MiMkmi^ lani in f i« easl. 
cm end of ^iwi^ ravaging Mil Ml^eefii^ MteMl 
dtttrietSb Tiny defeat an ataiy smt agwiist them 
by ttttt sulteil) uMMdor Ktt8«i«^ cMef c^fhe pi^oftei^ 
of Jiifaii>t 

A letter from the Dutch council 6t flte' ItiSeB 
imctB tte laMhsHttMiwi #r siekiuyie^ ^ KfMgr^ng, 


C. 1674^ i- 1^97- H. lOSftr 
JMifM^ Sa«b0» kcog of 6oa MaesKMr^ S^ and 
k suMteded by his polemil unde^ Mapi UiBung. 
iUya PyiflkA, kitf g #f Bon), Md dte Duldki, M^ 
doee the stete of Mandatf to tfubjtt^tiott. 
ThadMrin tAae Moticcas anda tUs ye«R 
VlfalaM aaithi^aa «dia' phm a€ Amboynai in 
this yeap^ M I671 and 1>673, ki which imro diou- 
aind thiiea Iprnkteed a&d tweuiy^tiad persMtf are 

C I675. J. U». H.lOMi 
Craing Montemarano, a fugicttet AKmi CcMm^ 
iipmdM Jata 

lAnr-tMiMft, ^eett» #f Aahii^ aiceiidi tbe 

e.l67&^ J.I5(|»» ILIOM. 
'The aidlm #> Aliillaiiim afauaft thia iiiMrim ceof 

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the Dutch, ^o join him frmn Jupacs. The Dutch 
taking no share in the action which ensues at Pa* 
suruhao, the Javanese receive a complete over- 
throw from the Macassar fugitives and Truna Jaya» 
and are dispersed* The Pangeron Adipati, or heir 
apparent, marches against Truna Jaya and the 
Macassars, and is beaten by them in a battle fought 
near Surabaya. 

Truna Jaya assumes sovereign authority; and, 
sending a gneat force, conquers the districts east 
of Mataram, which he at last enters. 

The sultan of Mataram flies, with his family, 
from his capital, and dies on his way to lagal. He 
is succeeded by his eldest son, who takes the title 
of Susunan Mangkorat^ — Paogeran Pugar, a young- 
er son of the late sultan, defeats the Mandurese, 
and proclaims himself sovereign at Mirfiaram. 
Susunan Mangkorat calls in the assistance of the 
' Dutch, and marches with them to Japara. 

Raja Palaka, king of Boni, demands a hee trade 
for his subjects, and threatens to quarrel with the 
Dutch for their evasion of it, but is finally pacified 
by their dexterity. 

December 99.— The Dutch send a force under 
Admiral iS^ieefanan to assist the Susu^^m Mang- 

The Susunan Mangkorat grants great commer- 
eiid immimities to the Dutch, the origin of his 

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humiliation, and of Aeir political erron in the ma- 
nagement of Java. 

Speelman captures Surabaya from Truna Jaya 
and the Macassars. 

C. I&77. J. 1600. H. 1086. 

Anayit Shall, queen of Achin, ascends the throne. 

The Dutch, at the instigation of the Bugis kings 
of Boni and Sopeng, make war on Macassar, and 
depose the king, raising in his room his brother, 
Mapa Dulang. 

The deposed king of Goa Macassar is taken into 
custody, and transported for Batavia, but dies on 
his passage thither. 

C. 1©78. J. 1601. H. 1687. 

Ryklof Van Goens, govemor-generid of the 
Dutch Indies. 

The war which commenced in Java in 1675 still 

The Dutch and Susunan attack Kadiri, the 
residence of Truna Jaya, and capture it, with much 

September 21. — ^Don Juan de Vargas, governor 
of the Philippines. 

C. 1679. J- 1602. H. 1088. 

Truna Jaya is taken prisoner, and put to death 
by the Susunan with his own hands, his courtiers 
joining in the murder. 

C. 1680. J. 1603. H. 1089. 

The western portion of the island of Madura is 

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pma bf tiie Suamanf am tlie detik^Tmn h^ 
to Chakra Ningrat, and the eaitem to Mad»aii 

The people of the West coast (b£ Sunatra neM« 
and are subdued by a lai^ force sent from Bata- 

April S5.>^I1it Suwnan Maakgorat and the 
Diiteh attack Giri, the princqiality of the qiiri- 
tual chief of that name, defeat him, and puts kim* 
self andhis relations to death. 

Tbe Susunaa (Pangea the seat of goTomment, 
and fixes upon Cartasusa for the new capital. 

November 17- — lliePkngeran Pogur sumndeia 
himself to his brother the Susunan at AmpeL 
C. 1661. J. 1604. H. 1090. 

The Dutch defeat and kill the rebel Nimrad, a 
fiigitive slave ftom Batavia, who had long disturbed 
the peace of Java. 

The sultans of Cheribon place themselves and 
their eoontjy under the proitecUon of the Doteh. 

A new war breaks out in the Moluccas, whieh 
ends in tbe seizure of the king ^ Teraate, aoid his 
transportation to Batavia. 

Cornelius Speelman, governor-general of the 
Dutch Indies. 

The Dutch interfere in the quarrel of the ex- 
sultan and reigning sultan of Bwtfam. 

C. 168CI J. 1605. H. 1091. 

Ambassadon arriw at Maturam fioom Jehor 

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and IMettib&ng, presenting elepliaiAs to ^t Stisn- 

Sultan Mahomed Shah the Fourth ascends the 
throne of Jehor. 

C. 1683. J. 1606. H. 1092. 

Various sharp actions are fought between the 
Dutch and the party of the old sultan of Bantam, 
in which the former are victorious. 

The ex-king of Bantam is taken captive, and hn- 
prisoned for life. 

The kbg of Bantam grants to the Dutch the 
exclusive trade in pepper, and the monopoly of the 
sale of cotton goods in his dominions, and expels 
the Danes and £nglish who had taken part With 
his father. 

Shekh Yusuf, a Balinese slave, raki^ a rdiellion 
in Bantam, is taken and banished to the Cape of 
Good Hope. 

The rebellion of Sutapati comMetices by the 
flight of that person, a native of Bali, and the slave 
of a Dutch citizen of Batavia. 

He takes refuge with the Susunan, who receive 
him favourably. 

C. 1684. J. 1607. H. logs. 

The impostor Kyayi Agung Gring raises ^ re- 
bellion in Mataram.— A total eclipse of the sun 
is observed at that place* 

The English send an embassy from Madras to 

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Achin, requesting permisaioii to build a factory, 
which is peremptorily refused. 

August 24. — Don Gabriel Curuzalegui, gover- 
nor of the Philippines. 

Jan CanphuiSy govemor-genei'al of Che Dutch 

C. 1685. J. 1608. H. 1094. 

June 25. — The English establish their settle- 
ment at Bencoolen in Sumatra. 

Panambahan Kajoran, father-in-law to Truna 
Jaya, raises a rebellion, which is not suppressed 
without diflSculty. 

C. 1686. J. 1609. H. 1095. 

The Seur Tak is sent by the Dutch as ambas- 
sador to the court of Mataram> to demand the 
head of Surapati, when he and his suite are mas- 
sacred by the latter'and his .followers, with the con- 
nivance of the Susunan. 

C. 1687. J. 1610. , H. 1096. 

Surapati retreats to the eastern end of the island 
of Java, and establishes an independent principa* 
lity over twenty-one districts. 

The Dutch, on the call of the king of Bantam, 
attack Succadana in Borneo, said to be a depend- 
ency of Bantam, and conquer it, making the 
English who are found there prisoners. 
C. 1688. J. 1611. H. 1097. 

Anayet Shah, queen of Achin, dies, and is succeed- 
ed by another queen, whose name is not mentioned. 

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C. 1689* J. I6i2. H. 1098. 
April 27- — Senor Abeiia, provisional governor 
of the Fbilippines. 

C. 1690. J. 1613. H. 1099. 
Don Fausto Cruzat y Gongora, governor of the 

C. 1691. J. 1614. H. 1100. 
Jonker, an Amboynese chief in the Dutch ser- 
vice in Java, is driven to rebellion by an affront 
offered him by a certain General de St Martin.— 
He is killed himself in a skirmish which ensues, 
and one hundred and eighty of his followers are ex-^ 

C. 1694. J. I6l7. H. 1103. 
An insurrection takes place in the Marianas, or 
Ladrones, against the Spaniards. 

C. 1696. J, 1660. H. 1106. 
The people of Blambangan in Java invade the 
more westerly districts, particularly fi[adiri, laying 
the country waste, and murdering the inhabit- 

The tragical afiair of Sukro, son of the first 
minister of the Susunan, and the repudiated wife 
of the heir-apparent, tadces place at Cartasura. 
C. 1697. J. I6ti{l. H. 1107. 
Raja Falaka, king of Boni in Celebes, after ren- 
dering himself nearly independent of the Dutch, 
and dictating to the smaller aud tributary states of 
the island, dies, and is succeeded by his nephew. 

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I^patao, CMdled after kis death Matinroa ri Naga- 

C. 1699. J. 1623. H. 1109. 

Surapati attempts the conquest of the province 
<rf* Pronorogo in Java, but id defeated. 

The queen of Achin is deposed, and the king»' 
Beder al Alum, elected in her room. 

Sultan abd ul Juhl the Third ascends the throne 
of Jehor. 

C. 170J. J. 16^. H. 1111. 

The Susunan of Java sends amission, with gifts, 
to Mecca. 

September 8. — Don Domingo Zabalburu, gover- 
nor of the Philippines. 

C. 1702. J. 1626. H. 1112. 

Beder al Alum, king of Achin, aMicted with 
a severe malady, resigns his crown, and Paimsa 
Alum is elected in his place. 

The king of Achin having attempted to levy 
duties on the English trade at the port, the English 
traders of that nation at the place immediately pro- 
ceed to offensive measures, and he is, by a threat* 
ened insurrection of his subjects, compelled to re- 
peal his decree. 

C. 1703. J. 1627. H. 1115. 

Tbe Susunan Manghurat dies, nominating hia 
eldest son, the Pangeran Dipati Anom, as hin suc- 
cessOT, who sends ambassadors to Batavia, announce 
iiig his accession to the throne. 

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C. 1704. J. 1«2S. H. 1114. 

Jan Von Hoom, goirernorpgeneni of the Dvtch 

The Dutch c^onae the caiue of the prince of Pu- 
gar, and coKunence the war, whkh, for dktmction 
sake, is called *< the firrt war of Java.'* 

Pangeraa Pugar escapes fran Caitasuim to Sa- 
marang, and is proclaimed Sosunan by tho Diifech 
under the name of Susunan Pakuhiiwono. 

Perkasa Alnm, king of Achin, is deposed^ and 
Jemal ul Aium elected in his room. 

C. 1705. J. l6«». H. 1115. 

The Dutch general De Wilde takes tho field 
with an army of eight thousand Europeans; and 
peven thousand Javanese and Madurese auxiliaries, 
under the Madurese prince Chakra Ningrat. 

The Dutch defeat the army of the Sueunan near 
Cartasura, consisting of thirty thousand men. 

The prince of Pugar is proclaimed Susunan at 
Cartasura. Many of the nobles come orer to him, 
some of.vriiom he strangles, and others he stabs to 
death with his own hand,' among the former a son 

October 5.*-**De Wilde concludes a treaty with 
the new Susunan, by which the latter yields the su- 
premacy of Cheribon and Ma^ra, and cedes many 
provinces on the north coast of the island of Java 
to the Dutch. 

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C. 1706. J. 1630. H. 1116. 

The dethroned monarch the Susonan Mas flies 
to the eastern end of Java and joins Suragati. 

The Dutch and their allies, with an army of 
thirty thousand men, take the field against the de- 
throned Susunan and Surapati. 

Surapati surprises and defeats a detachment of 
the Dutch army near Bangil. 

October 1&— The Dutch attack the fort of Ban* 
gil, in which Surapati commanded in person, and^ 
after a brave resistance, carry iL— Surapati makes 
his escape, after receiving a wound, of which he 
dies three months thereafter.— The Dutch, instead 
of pursuing the advantage thus gained, retire to Su- 
rabaya for the rainy season, and give the enemy 
time to recruit, who become in their turn the assail- 
ants, insult Surabaya the Dutch head-quarter^ and 
bum and destroy the country around it. 
C. 1707. J. 1631. H. 1117. 

The sons of Surapati are defeated by the Dutch 
and their allies ; they are deprived of the princi^ 
pality which the fiunily had held for twenty years> 
and the body of Surapati himself, with those of 
many of his followers, is disinterred, burnt, and the 
ashes scattered in the air. 

The prince of Sumanap Sudarma is poignarded 
by order of the Dutch government^ for being im^ 
]^icated in the rebellion of Surapati. 

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C. I7O8. J. 1632. H. 1118. 

August 24. — The Dutch commander of the for- 
oeSy Knol, makes o&rs to the dethroned Susunan, 
who surrenders himself on assurance of grace^ and 
is sent to Batavia. 

The Pangeran of Surabaya is put to death by 
the Susunan at the instigation of the Dutch. 

The ex-Susiman arrives at Batavia, and claiming 
the indemnity on the faith of which he had surren- 
dered, the pledge of indemnity is disclaimed, and 
after a month's residence at Batavia, he is banished 
to Ceylon, where he ended his days. 

C. 1709. J. 1683. H. 1119- 

The impostor Mas Dono raises a rebellion, is 
taken prisoner, and tortured to death by order of 
tl^e Susunan. 

August 5.— Don Martin de Ursua-y-Arismendi, 
Count de Lizaraga, governor of the Philippines. 

The Chinese are banished from Manila, un« 
der the absurd pretext of carrying off the public . 

Mapa Dulang, king of Boni in Celebes, dies, and 
is succeeded by his daughter's son, Sapuale-e, king 
of Macassar. 

C. 1710. J. 1634. H. 1120. 

The Macassars of Goa having refused to deliver 
up Arung Palaka, son of the king of Boni, who 
had taken refuge with them, the king of Boni and 

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the Dutch make war upoa them, mi redace them 
to entire mlqeGtiiii. 

The iSpaniords acttempt the OMvenioii ef the ki- 
hdbkasts of the VAm^ or Pekw Isbuids, bvt the 
priests sent with that view were never heard of af^ 
ttr landing* 

c. i7i«. J. leyej. h. iiaa. 

Sapude^y king of Goa, is fbrmally dqiosed hy 
the national conncilt and Mapa Ofange, king of 
TaUo> niaed to the throne id Mb roook 
C. 1713. J. 1637- H. M«». 

The king of Boni is ineonselaUe for tbe loss of 
a beloved eoneubme» and proposes^ in his grief, to 
abdicate the throne, and undertake Me pilgrimage^ 
holt k dissuaded by his ooartiers. 

The Javanese chiefs of Surabaya, Madura^ Maijp- 
hangan» and Kadiri, with the assistance of I>swa 
Agusg» king; of Bali, unite in a oonfedcraey a« 
gainst Ihe Dutek and Susnnan. 

The Dutch banish the king of Tambem ia 
Sambawa to the Cape of Good Hope. 

Christopher Van Zwol, govemor-geneial of the 
Dutch Indies. 

C. 17 1 4* J- 1638. H. 1124. 

The king of Boni, Mapa Orat^, diis, and is 
sneceeded by hsa eldest dac^hter, Bolara Tqfa. 

The settlevKnt of the English at Benooolcn ia 
ranfeoved front itafifststafeioD to Fort lifarlberoagh* 

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C 1715. J. 1639. H. U95. 

February 4. — Senor Terralba, fffovkioiittl gover- 
of dKe Pbilippiiies. 

Batara Tcja resigns the provn in favour of lier 
kalf-brotber, La^^dang Scg^, king of Sop^ng* 
C. 1717. J- 16*1- H. 1127- 

August 9**--I>oii Ftraando Burtawante, go^ei^ 
nar of the PhilipfMB^eft. 

Tbe governor of tbe PbilippuiM scaiidA a nitoioii 
to Siam, to cultivate friendly and GomiBefcaftl relac 
tiexia with that coimtrj, and the i^peciMir^ obtain 
liba?t J to settle a factory i but a ahif^ of Siam 
having* in the mean tiiBt, eome to Manildy aftd ib« 
crew being Ul uaad by the Spaniardfl^ tho efifccts 
of the Husaioa are frustrated!. 

C. 1718. J- 1&421 H. lias;, 

Joyo Puspito» eluef of Swabi^a^ dfifi^ats the 
Dutch aiid Su^unaa m a battle fought near Sura* 

The prince of Madura reHNrftSyand^ beiag defeat* 
ed, takes shelter on boand a Dutch frigate^ wheie a 
muck taking place, he, his. brother, and sen, with 
the captain of the Dutch fr^te^ and otibeissy. loae 
their lives. 

Hemry Zwardekroeie^ govWDivgeneuai' of the 
Dutch Indies. 

e. 1719^ ^. l&ld. H.llS9ir 

Febniai^-^The Shisiwanj Pabijtopaoa dies,. a(S» 

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ter a reign of sixteen years, and is succeeded by 
his eldest son, Susunan Prabu. 

The princes Blitar and Purboyo, brothers of the 
Susunan, rebel. — Nine of the principal persons 
concerned in their revolt are taken prisoners, and 
being ranged in order before the Susunan, he re- 
quests his^courtiers to show their attachment to his 
person by putting them to death, when a number 
of them rush upon the prisoners, and pojgnard 
them on the spot. 

The impostor, Pangeran Kudus, or Ponchowati, 
raises a rebellion in Java, is defeated, wounded, 
and, on being taken, put to death. 

Aryo Mataram, uncle to the Susunan, revolts. 

Joyo Purpito, the head of the great rebellion 
in Java, dies a natural death. 

The natives of Sumatra, irritated by the miscon- 
duct of the agents of the English East India Com- 
pany, rise upon the Europeans at Bencoolen, and 
the garrison, panic-struck, abandons the fort. 

The natives of Bencoolen, alarmed for the en- 
croachments of the Dutch, invite the English to 
come back, who return accordingly. 

The king of Boni becomes jealous of his sister, 
Batara Toja, or Datu Chita, and peissecutes her 
and her husband. 

October 11. — ^The governor of the Philippinea 
acts in a tyrannical manner, and loses his life in a 

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tumult of the citizens of Manila, who raise the 
archbishop to the government in his stead. 
C. 1720. J. 1644. H. 1130. 

Pangeran Blitar, one of the rebels in Java, who 
had taken the title of sultan, is defeated by the 
Dutch and Susunan, but the victory not being taken 
advantage of, he is soon again in a condition to 
take the field. 

The nobles of Boni in Celebes are disgusted at 
the conduct of their king, Lapadang Sajati. — They 
depose him, and re-elect his sister Batara Toja, 
who immediately resigns in favour of her half- 
brother, the deposed king of Goa, Sapuale-^* 
C. 1721. J. 1645. H. 1131. 

Aryo Mataram, uncle to the Susunan, is seized 
by a treacherous negociation of the Dutch, decoyed 
into the fort of Japara, and there, with his family, 
to the number of eighteen persons, massacred in 
cold blood. 

August 6. — Don Toribio , Casio, Marquis de 
Torre Campo, governor of the Philippines. 
C. 1722. J. 1646. H. 1132. 

A famine and epidemic prevail among the bel- 
ligerent parties in Java, and both the European 
and native troops are swept off in great numbers. 
The rebel sultan falls a victim to the disorder. 

April 22. — The conspiracy of Erberfeld is dis« 
covered at Batavia, and the conspirators are broken 
on the wheel. 

VOL. ir. M TO 

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The Dutdi conwaaodoi^ Rfiggewm performing 
his celebrated voyage of discovery ro^Ild the world, 
has the mortifioation to find his squadron confis- 
cated by the authorities at Batavia, on tiis arrival 
at that place^ for a pretended infringement of the 
charter of the East India Company. 

The Javanese princes and chiefs, inr^volt agam«t 
the Dutch and the Susunan, surrender themselves 
at Batavia to the number of forty-four persons, and 
are. banished to Ceylon and the Cape of Good 
Hope,— thus ending theirs/ war ofJavOy which, 
fbr a period of near twenty years, continued to de- 
solate the finest parts of the island. 

C. 17^^- J- l647- H. 1 133. 

The culture of coffee is introduced into Java by 
the Dutch governor-general Zwardekroon* 

Jemal ul Aluui, king of Achin, is deposed, and Ju- 

har ul Alum elected in his room. — Undai Tebang is 

raised to the throne, but is immediately deposed.— 

Ala ed-den Ahmed Shah Juhan ascends the throne. 

C. 1/^4.. J. 1618. H. 1KJ4. 

The people of Boni in Celebes are dissatisfied 
with Sapuale-e, because he is in the hands of fa« 
iKourites, and they dethrcme him. — Tapawawi, or 
Amug Mampo, is raised to the throne, but de- 
posed in four days, and his sister Batara Toja e- 
lected for the third time. 

• C. 17^. J. 16*9. H. 113(5. 

The prince Purboyo and the son of Surapati aie 

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betrayed by a promise of pardon, and seized by the 

Matthew de Haan, goyernorgeneral 6f the 
Dutch Indies. 

C. 1726. J. 1650. H. 1136. 

The Susunan Prabu dies^ and is, throu};h an 
intrigue of the Dutch, succeeded by his youngest 
son, Pakubuwono, to the exclusion of the elder, 
the prince Aryo, nominated successor to the crown 
by his father. 

Batara Toja, queen of Boni, marries for her 
fourth husband Arung Kayu, and makes him joint 
regent with herself. . 

C. 17«7- J. 1651. H. 1137- 

Batara Toja, queen of Boni, attacks the king of 
Sopeng, her brother, defeats hhn, and puts him 
and Ins family to death. — She causes herself to be 
proclaimed queen of Sopeng. 

C. 1728. J. 1652. H* 1138. 

Arung Kayu, joint regent with his wife Batara 
Toja, conspires against and attempts to supplant 
her. — His conspiracy is detected, and he is com- 
pelled to fly to save his life. 

C. 1729. J. 1654. H. 1140. 

August 14._Don Fernando Valdes y Tamon, 
governor-general of the Philippines. 

Diederick Thierry Durven, governor-general of 
the Dutch Indies. 

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C. 17S0. J- 1655. H. 11*1. 

The Fangeran Aryo, elder brother of the Susu« 
nan, is seized on pretext of a criminal intrigue 
with a concubine of the Susunan, and given over 
to the Dutch. 

C. 17S2. J- 1657. H. 1143. 

Dirk Van Cloon, govemor-general of the Dutek 

The governor of Ceylon, Peter Vuyst, is executed 
at Batavia for high treason and other crimes. 
C. 17^3- J- lt)58. H. 1144. 

Danur&jo, first minister of the Susunan, having 
thwarted the ambitious designs of the Dutch, in** 
curs their displeasure, is given over to them, and 
banished to Ceylon. 

C. 17»4. J, 1659- H. 1145. 

Kraing Bontolangkas declares himself king of 
Goa, and joins the intrepid WaJB pirate* Sinkang, 
when they proclaim their intention of expelling the 
Dutch from Celebes. 

C. 1735. J. 1660. H. 1 146* 

The king of Goa Macassar flies to Tallo, 
in consequence of the intrigues of Bontohing- 
kas, and his grandson Malawan^o is elected in his 

Ala ed-din Juhan Shah ascends the throne of 
Achin. — A civil war, which afflicts that country for 
ten years, commences. 

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Abraham Patras, governor-general of the Dutch 

C.173e>. J- 1661. H.II47. 

The king of Goa Macassar, and the Waju pi« 
rate, Singkang, subdue Bontaing and the northern 

The Susunan Manghorat Mas dies at Ceylon, and 
his family, with the regalia, are brought back to Java. 
C. 1737. J. 1662. H. 1148. 

Adrian Valckenier, governor-general of the 
Dutch Indies. 

C. 1739. J. 1664. H. 1150. 

Bontolangkas, joined by the people of Waju, and 
by the greater part of the Macassars, takes Goa, 
and invests Fort Rotterdam. — The Dutch garrison 
defeat them in three separate actions, and retake 
Goa with the regalia of Macassar. — The Macassars 
submit, and the war terminates. — Bontolangkas 
dies of the wounds received in the last action. 

Don Gaspar de la Torre, governor of the Phi- 

The English admiral Anson captures the Aca* 
pulco Galleon, with a million and a half of dollars 
in silver specie. 

C. 1740. J. 1665. H. 1151. 

The Dutch and people of Boni sail for Waju^ 
and obtain two victories over the Wajus, but in an 
impolitic manner stop short of subduing the coun* 
try, and of making a final arrangementt 

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The Chinese, to the number of ten thousand, 
are massacred at Batavia by the Dutch, on su^* 
cion of a conspiracy. 

Valckenier, the Dutch govelnor-general, arrests 
three counsellors of the Indies for opposition to his 
measures, and sends them to Europe. 

C. 1741. J. 1666. H. 1152. 

The Dutch governor-general proceeds for Eu- 
rope, but is arrested at the Cape of Good Hope, 
and sent back to Batavia to be tried for the mas- 
sacre of the Chinese, and the arrest of his asso- 
ciates in the government. 

Jan Thiedens, governor-general of the Dutch 
Indies. ' 

.The Chines^ are driven from their entrench- 
ment% eight miles from Batavia, and, retreating 
to the eastward^ join the Susunan in a league to 
exterminate the Dutch. 

The Susunan and the Chinese Cloture the Dutch 
fortress at Cartasura, and put to death the Euro- 
pean officers who had surrendered by capitulation. 

The Susunan and the Chinese march to Sama- 
rang, and lay siege to. the fort, with, according 
to the Dutch statement, two hundred thaumnd 

The Dutch collect a force of twelve thousand 
men at Samarang, . make a. sortie, and^ defeat the 

The Susunan forsakes his alliance with the Cbi« 

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]iese» of wlnmi he massacres a number, and then 
joins the Dutch* 

The Chinese retreat into the interior of Java, 
and raise to the throne a prinoe of the house of 
Mataram, commonly called the Susunan Kuning. 

November 29.— The Dutch celebrate their tri- 
umpli over the Chinese, by a public thanksgiving 
at 3Uavia. 

C. 1742. J. 1667. H. 1153. 

Malawangao, king of Goa Macassar, dies, and is 
succeeded by his infant brother, Mf^a Bewasa. 

The Chinese, with Che Susunan Kuning, attack 
the capital CartasUra, and take it. 

The Madurese retake Cartasura, and the Chi- 
nese retreat with their Susunan. 

The Chinese are joined by Suryo Kusumo, bet- 
ter known by the name of Mang^unagoro, and they 
fight a number of actions with the Dutch troopi^i 
and those of the Susunan. 

Cartaaura is abandoned, and the seat of govern- 
ment is re^ioved to Solo or Surakarta. 

C. 174s. J. I6t>8. H. 1154. 

Tlie Chinese difi^rse, and the Susunan Kuning 
surrendering himself to the Dutch, is banished to 

Gustavus Willetn, Baron d'Imhoff, govemor-ge- 
nciial of the Dintch Indies^ 
-, G- 1746. J* 1670. H. 1156. 

I1)ue I^otdif ikdaiiN& raur a^^ ^wce of 

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Madura, and defeat liim in an engagement which 

September 21. — Senor Arrechedera, proTisional 
governor of the Philippines. 

C- 1746. J. 1671. H. 1157. 

The governor-general Van Imhoff visits Solo, 
the capital of the Susunan, and pursues such mea- 
sures as disgust the Javanese princes.— -The Pan- 
geran Mangkubumi, in consequence, quits Solo at 
night, with his foUowera, and commences the re- 
bellion which ended in the division of the native 
empire. — He is joined by Mangkunagoro. 
C. 1747. J- 167«. H. 1158. 

Pedro de la Sona Trinidad, provisional governor 
of the Philippines.. 

A royal order arrives at Manila for the final ex- 
pulsion of the Chinese, the execution of which is 

C. 1748. J. 1673. H. 1159. 

The Dutch East India Company instal the 
Prince of Orange as supreme director and gover- 
nor-general of the Indies. 

C. 1749. J. 1674. H. 1160. 

The queen of Boni in Celebes, Batara Toja, dies, 
and is succeeded by her brother, Lama Sosrong. 
C. 1750. J. 1675. H. 1161. 

The SusunanPakubuwonothe Second, usually de- 
nominated Sedo Laweyan, on his death-bed is induc- 
ed to signa deed, surrendering, for himself and his 

11* ♦ 

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heits,' the throne of Java to the Dutch. — He dies, 
and the Dutch raise his son, a boy of nine years of 
age, to the throne. 

The rebel prince Mangkubumi gives the Dutch 
and their Javanese allies a complete overthrow at 
Tidar, in the province of Kadu. 

Don Francisco Joseph, Marquis de Obanda, go • 
vemor of the Philippines. 

C. 1751. J. 1676. H. 1162. 

June IS.—The Spaniards of Manila send a 
force against the island of Sooloo, and dictate terms 
to the people of it. — They declare war against the 
people of that island, and, sending a second expe* 
dition thither, they are disgracefully beaten by the 
inhabitants, who, in their turn, with the assistance 
of the fireebooters of the neighbouring countries, in- 
vade the Philippines, and ravage and desolate the 
Spanish provinces. 

Mangkubumi and Mangkunagoro the rebel 
princes gain a succession of small advantages over 
the Dutch. 

C. 1752. J. 1677. H. 116s. 

The most ccmsiderable action of the war of 
Java is fought at Jfinar, in the province of Baglen, 
when Mangkubumi gains a comj^ete victory over 
the Dutch. — He invades after this the territory of 
Uie European power, and plunders PakalongaUj Ba* 
magf and Wftleri^ 

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A volcanic eruption from some mountain of 
the. neighbouring islands covers Java with ashes^ 
accompanied by a total darkness, from seven in the 
morning until four in the afternoon. — A dreadful 
liumne and epidemic afflict the island of Java. 

Jacob Mosse), governor-general of th^ Dutch 

The English establish a settlement at Natal in 

C. 175s. J. 1678. H. 1164. 

The rebel Javanese princes* Matigkubumi and 
lyEfngkunagoro, quarrel and separate. — ^They fight 
abattle m Pronorogo* and Mangkubumi is defeated. 
' Hie Dutch make overtures to Mangkunagoro^ 
sending him, as a bribe, the body of his father, 
bfOugMt, for that purpose, from Ceyloui where 
1^ had died in banishment 1 

Amasa Madena, called also Batara 60a, ^uc- 
^eeds to the crown of Goa Macassar. 
. a 175*. J. l67iMO. H. ll()5-66. 

*The inhabitants of Sooloo, and other natives of 
the surrounding states, invade the Philippines, and, 
(^nteriiig wkh fire and swoord, muiderjfche religious 
Qrdier^t Indians and iS|)aniard0, and cany off tfaou- 
«^s of <^ ii^halwtante of every description. 
: ^ Don Pedrp MfWHoldeAnrndia^ govemw of the 
Pi<lii^iD«!P» .. • . .. . 

December.— A dreadful eruption of 4 roloaao^ 

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acGompatiied by violent shocks of earthquakes, takei 
pkce in the Philippines, by^hich a number of vil- 
lages are laid in ruins, and many lives destroyed. 
C. 1755. J. 1680- H. 1166.- 

January 1. — The governor-general of the Dutch 
Indiies issues a code of sumptuary laws, in one 
iumdred and twentt/4hree articfes. 

The Spaniards of the Philippines, under th^ 
priest. Ducos, are successful in checking the in- 
roads of the neighbouring native states on the Phi- 

The Dutch and Susunan, despairing of any suc- 
cess against Mangkubumi in the field, negoclate 
with him to arrest his conquests, and cede to him 
one half of the kingdom of the latter, under the 
title of sultan. 

Tlie Dutch, the Susunan, and the newly crieated 
sultan, pursue Mangkunagoro, and defeat him in a 
variety of petty actions. 

C. 1756. J. 1681. H. 1167. 

The new srult^n of Jav^ fixes his capital at Yug- 
yacarta, in the province of Mataram. 

C. 1757. J. 1682. H.1168. 

Mangkunagoi'o, eludiUg the pursuit of his ene- 
mies, attacks the sultan's ciapital in his absence^ 
dM pl^d^t^ it. 

The' c(^nfed^rated Dutch and Javanese find them* 
set^s comj^Ued to ttegoeiate with Mangklin^goro, 
and he comes to terms on receiving an hei^ditary 

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estate of four thousand families, which event puts 
an end to a war of eleven years standing, which, for 
distinction's s^ke, i^ ysually called the second war 
of Java. 

The Chinese are finally expelled from the Phi- 
lippines, in conformity to the royal edict, and the 
temporary residence of the traders from China only 

C. 1759. J. 1084. H, 1170. 

June 1. — rSenor £spel«u, bishop of 24ebu, pro- 
visional governor of the Philippines. 

C. 1760. J. 1685. H. 1171. 

Ala ed-din Mahomed Shah ascends the throne 
^f Achin. 

The Frencb9 under the Compte d'Estaing, de*^ 
stroy the whole of the English settlements on the 
west coast of Sumatra. 

C. 1761. J, 1686. H. 117«. 

Don Manuel Roxo, archbishop of the Philip- 
pines, provisional governor of these islands. 

peter Albert Van der Parra, governor-geaeral 
of the Dutch Indies. 

C. 1762. J. 1688. H. 1174. 

September 22. — The British, under Brigadier- 
general Dr^r an4 Admiral Con^ish, arrive at the 
Philippines, with a considerable naval and military 
expedition, and demand ^he surrender of the 
islands, which being refused, they commence mili^ 
tary operations. 

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October 5. — :The English storm the fortificationcr 
of Manila, and carry the town, which they deliver 
OTer to plunder, and on which they .levy a heavy 
contribation, after a capitulation had been entered 

The military commander, Senor Anda, retires 
from the city of Manila, and, with the assistance of 
the different religious orders, maintains the authority 
of the king of Spain in the Philippines, so that the 
British authority never extends much beyond the 
confines of Manila. 

December. — The Chinese, who, in the course 
of three years, had increased in prodigious nuni«> 
bers in the Philippines, all join the English, and 
commit great excesses. 

Senor Anda, the Spanish military commander, 
orders all the Chinese in the Philippines to be 
hangedj which order is very, generally carried into 

The unconverted nations of the Philippines 
commonly join the English, and a very general 
rising of these people takes place. 

C. 1763. J. 1689. H. 1175* 

The English settlements on the west coast of 
Sumatra are re-established, and their acquisitions 
there confirmed by the peace of Paris. 

The English settlement of Bencoolen, or Fort 
Marlborough, is erected into an independent pre* 

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. ^a ed*diii Mahomed Shah> kingn^ Achin, is 
driven from the throne, which is seiaed by th6 
^«harsj^ m: first officer^ state) who takes the 
name of Beder ed-din Juhan Shah. 

The English deliver over Manila to the Spa* 
murds, in conformity to the conditions of the peace 
cf 1763. 

e. 176«. J. 1690—91. H. 117«— 77. 
March.<-«-The rebellion of the Indian inhabitants 
of the Philippines, occasioned by the invasion of 
the English) is finally quelled by the Spamards^ 
lAer a loBs^ on the port of the f<mner, of more than 
ten thousand men. 

Beder ed-din Juhan Shah, ki^g of Achin, is put 
to death, andMahomed Shah restored to the throne; 
C. 1766. J. 16^. H. 1178. 
Batara Goa, king of Macassar, abdicates the 

C. 1768. J. 1694. H. 1 180. 
Arung Mampo usurps the throne of Goa Ma^ 
eassar. « 

C. 1769- J. 1695. H. 1181. 
Tumamenang ri Matuangi ascends the throne 
of Goa Macassar. 

C. 1775. J. 1701. H. 1187* 
Jeremiah Van Reimsdydc, governor-general of 
the Dutch Indies. 

X. 1776. J. 1702. H. 1188. 
An adventurer, called Sangkilang, raises an in* 

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surrection and formidably rebellion in Celebes, 
by which the country is li^ept in a state of anar- 
chy for 16 years. 

a 1777- J, 1703., H. 11 891 
October 3.— Jleinier 4e Klerk, governor-general 
of the Dutch Indies. 

C. 1778. J. 1704, H. 1190. 
Sangkilang captures the town of Goa and the 

C. 1780. J. I7O6. H. 1192. 
September 1. — Arnold Alting, goyemor-geperal 
of the Dutch Indies. 

C. 1781. J. 1707* H. n9S* 
Ala ed-din Mahomed Shah Jehan, son of the 
last king, ascends the throne of A chin. 
C. 1785. J. 17II- H. 1197. 
The English, directed by Mr Light and Mr 
Scott, establish a settlement on Pulao Pinang, called 
by them Prince of Wales Island, a barren and un^ 
occupied island of the principality of Queda^ lyiog 
at the north-western enti*ance of the Straits of Ma« 

The adventurer Sangkilang dies a natural death. 

C 1788. J* 1714. H. 1^00. 
The Susunan of Java dies, and is succeeded by 
his son the reigning prince. 

C. 1790. J. 1716. H. 1202, 
The war occasioned by the rebellion of Sangki- 
lang ends in Celebes* 

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C. 1792. J. 1718. H. 1204. 
The sultan of Java diesr, and is succeeded by' 
his son, Mangkubuwono the Second. 

C. 1795; J. 1721. H. 1207. 
The British capture th^ town of Malacca aind 
its dependencies. 

C. 180^. J. 1720. H. 1815. 
Bencoolen is, by an act of the British Parlia- 
ment, subjected to the presidency of Bengal. 
C. 1809. J. 17^6. H. 1^22. 
Tumanenang ri Lambusuna ascends the thrOne 
of Goa Macassar. 

C. 1810. J. 1737. H. 1223. 
The Dutch move a force to YugyaciUta and de- 
tK)se the sultan of Java, raising his eldest son in 
his room. 

C. 1811. J. 1738. H. 1224. 
The Dutch colonies of the Indian Archipela- 
go, following the fate of the mother country, be- 
come a portion of the French empire, and the ge- 
neral of division Janssens, is appointed governor- 

August 4.— -The British land a force in Java. 
August lO.-^-They take possession of the town 
of Batavia, and drive the Dutch and French troops, 
after a smart action, from the cantonments of Wei- 

August 26. — The British troops storm the en- 
trenched position of the enemy at Cornells, within 

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three miles of the city of Batavia> and take it in a 
very gallant manner^ 

September l6.-i-The French govemor-general 
Janssens, having retreated to the eastern part of 
Java With the remnant of his force^ fights a petty 
action with the British force at the Yillage of Se- 
rondol, within seven miles of Samarang, and is de* 

September 18.— The French goVemor-general 
enters into a capitulation with the British authori- 
ties for the surrender of Java, and the other Dutch 

The ex-sultan of Java resumes the government, 
and puts his first minister, and the father of that 
officer, to death, for opposing his wishes. 

The authority of the Dutch in Celebes is trans^ 
ferred to the British, in conformity to the capitu« 
lation entered into between the French governor- 
general and the British authorities. 

C. 1812. J. 1739. H. 1225. 
May I7*— *The British authorities in Java send 
an expedition against the sultan of Palembang, so- 
vereign of the island of Banca, and dethrone him, 
raising in his room his brother, in consideration of 
which, the latter cedes to them the islands of Banca 
and Billiton. 

June 20. — ^The British march a force against 
the sultan of Java, and, declaring war against him, 
storm his fortified palace with less than a thousand 
VOL. II. N n 


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meOy and take it witliottt difficulty, though de» 
fended by more than eight thottsand. The sultan 
18 made prisonert and his son replaced on the throne^ 
by the title of Mangkubuwono the Third. 

The Sosunan and sultan of Java cede to the 
British government the provinces of Kadu, Blora, 
Jipangi Japan, and Garobagan. 

C. 18I5, J. 1740. H. 1««8. 

The British government of Java, under the di- 
rection of Sir Stamford Raffles, in a sprit of great 
liberality, effects a number of beneficial changes^ 
commercial, fiscal, and judicial. 

C. 1814. J. 1739. H. 1«J7. 

A brother of the Hindu Raja of Blellmg in Bsli^ 
having insulted the post of Blambangan in Java* 
a British expedition, proceeding to Celebes, stopt 
at Bali, and receives the submission of the Raja. 

The king of Boni in Celebes, refusing to ac- 
knowledge the European supremacy, is attacked 
by a large force sent from Java and defeated, but 
escapes, and carries on a predatory warfare, until 
the surrender of the island to the Dutch. 
C. 1^15. J. 1742. H. 1228. 

Mangkubuwono the Third, sultan of Java, dies, 
and is succeeded by his son, the reigning prince, 
the fourth of the same name. 

C. 1816. J. 174S. H. 1229. 

August 19*«-— Java is ceded by treaty to the 
Dutch, and taken possession ai. 

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The British authorities quit Celebes, and sur- 
xender it to the Dutch, 

The Spice Islands are surrendered to the Dutch* 


Printed by Gecnge Ranuay A, Co. 
Edinbiu^, 1819. 

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ThU book i. under a- «'«"-"*-~*' *" "*• 
taken from U»« Buildtoi __