The History of the Italian Revolution, First Period: The Revolution of the Barricades (1796-1849)

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lartastb CoUtac libtmv
Ura. Reginald Hall . '

THE HISTOKY OF

THE ITALIAN KEVOLUTIOK

THE HISTORY

OV THE

ITALIAN EEVOLUTIOK

FmST PEEIOD.

THE EEVOLUTION OF THE BARRICADES.

(1790—1849.)

BT

THE CHEVALIER O'CLERY, M.P., K.S.G.,

OF THE MIDDLE TEMPLE, BARBI8TKB-AT-LAT.

LONDON:
R WASHBOURNE, 18 PATERNOSTER ROW.

1875.

^^^^^h^^^H

t/iL 5-00 . sir.

AO

HARVABD

UNiVEESlTY

LIBRARY

V J

t

■

CONTENTS.

FIRST EPOCH.

THE EEVOLUTION OF THE BARRICADES.

FROM THE ENTRY OF THE FRENCH REPUBLICAN ARMIES INTO ITALY
(1796), TO THE FALL OF THE ROMAN REPUBUC (1849).

CHAPTER I.

THE POPES AND ITALY.

PAOB

§ 1. The Rise of the Temporal Power . . .1

§ 2. The formation of Christendom . . 16

§ 3. The Popes and the Italian Republics . .36

§ 4. Four Centuries of Papal Rule ... 50

CHAPTER II.

THE FIRST YEARS OF THE REVOLUTION.

^§ 1. Pius VI. and the French Republic (1789—1799) . 67
§ 2. Italy under the First Empire (1800—1815) . 81

§ 3. Italy and the Congress of Vienna . . .94

CHAPTER III.

CARBONARISM.

I 1. The Carbonari . . . .109

§ 2. The First Outbreak (1815—1821) . .124

Conteiits.
CHAPTER IV.

THE FAILURES OF THE CAREOXAni.

i 1 Tlie Ten Years' Truce (1821—1831)
S 3. The Revolt of Central Italy (1831) .
\ 3. The Events of 1832

CHAPTER V.

MAZZ1.VI AND THE ITALIAN MOVEMFJiT.

1. The Giovine Ttalia ....
i 2. The Invasion of Savoy (1833—1834)
. Moderates and Mazziuians (1834—1846)

CHAPTER VI.

IKSURHECTION.

; 1. Pius IX. (1846—1848) ,
. The Year of Revolutions
■§ 3. The Struggle with Austria
) 4. The Revolution at Rome

237
2C0

THE HISTORY

ITALIAN REVOLUTION.

BOOK I.

CHAPTER I.

THE POPES AND ITALY.

§ 1, J^e Rise of the Temporal Power.

It has been the wonderful destiny of Italy to be for
more than two thousand years the centre of the civil-
ized world. From the days when the Eagles of the
old Republic flew forth to the conquest of the East and
West down to our own time, all nations have looked
to Rome as to a mighty power ruling a world-wide
empire. First it was the empire of material force, a
dominion built up by militaiy aggression, and sus-
tained by a vast military organization. But even
that old empire was a glorloua one. Civilization fol-

1

2 The Italian Revolution.

lowed in the path of the Eagles of Rome. Her
power secured a general peace, except oa the frontiers
of the most distant provinces ; and under her pro-
tection commerce, learning, litemture, and art
flourished and spread throughout the world.

It was indeed a purely pagan civilization, but it
prepared the way for Christianity. Such, it would
seem, was the real mission of ancient Rome in the
decrees of Providence. The nations of the earth
looked to the Seven-Hilled City as their head ; and
when Christianity was firmly established there, it
was thence that the missionaries went forth who won
all the West from the dominion of paganism. They
found willing disciples everywhere within the limits
of tlie Roman Empire, but for centuries Christianity
was almost wholly unknown beyond it. For a time
the Cffiaars struggled against the new religion. It
denied their divinity ; it told of a code of law superior
to that of the state, and claiming obedience from
every man. They feared this strange doctrine ; they
strove to trample it out, to deluge it in blood ; and
the martyrs died beneath the axe or sword, at the
stake or upon the cross, in the solitude of the prison,
or befoje the eyes of thousands in the amphitheatre,
because, wliile they were willing to give unto Cseaar
that which was Cajsar's, they refused to give him
also what belonged to God.

But at length the battle ended in the triumph of
the truth, and the world saw a Christian holding the

The Popes and Italy. 3

sceptre of the Cfesars and bearing the Cross upon
his victorious standard. He wished to inaugurate a
new era, to found a Christian empire with a Christian
capital, and at his bidding Constantinople arose on
the shores of the Bosphorus, a city unpolluted bv
paganism, and which he fondly hoped would rule the
nations for all time. But he strove in vain to take
her supremacy from Rome. With Christianity there
had arisen for her a new empire, wider, more glorious,
more enduring than the first, no longer a dominion
established by force and upheld by the sword, but
one which was far more powerful, for it ruled over the
minds and hearts of men, It was the spiritual power
of the Roman pontiffs, the source of all that is great
and good in the history of Italy and of the world.

From the day when Constantine withdrew from
Rome, the decline of the Western Empire began ; and
as this old dominion passed away, sapped within by
decay and weakness, and shaken from without by the
attacks of the barbarians, a new power was placed in
the hands of the Popps, subsidiary to and distinct
from their spiritual authority, but at the same time
essential to it, as the only possible guarantee for
their perfect freedom in its exercise. This was the
Temporal Power. Historians and archaeologists have
long disputed as to the period from which it may be
dated. The volumes which have been written on
the subject would form a large library ; but we may
Bay that the dispute is one about a name rather than
1—2

4 The Italian Revolution.

a reality. We need not enter into the question of
when it was fully constituted, and assumed the form
- in which it came down to our own days. It is
enough to know that the Popes exercised the au-
thority of temporal princes centuries before the time
of Charlemagne, and that theii' authority as such had
its rise, not in the grants of the Carlovlngian Iiings,
but arose from the current of events, which seemed
to conspire under the guidance of an over-ruling'
Providence to give this safeguard to the authority of
the great High Priest of Christendom.

We may trace the germs of the Temporal Power
existing even in the shade of the catacombs. There
is ample proof that even in the days of persecution
the wealth and possessions of the Christians of Pome
were as absolutely at the command of the Popes as if
they were their own property ; and, as the Church
obtained freedom, the same spirit which gave rise to
this state of things prompted the Emperors and their
Christian siibjects to besto-v\' rich gifts in money and
lands upon the See of Rome. Thus the Popes gra-
dually acquired estates and territories under the
name of " patrimonies," and some of these were dis-
tricts of great extent, which they governed through
their officers, exercising all the rights of kings. It
was in this way that they acquu'ed and ruled before
the barbarian invasion the city of Genoa and the
Riviera ; and they owned rich possessions in Sicily,
Sardinia and Corsica, Calabria and Dalmatia, Gaul

77ie Popes and Italy.

and Egypt. In the long decline of the Western
Empire, when Rome had almost ceased to be the
capital, and the Ciesara of the West held their courts
at Treves imd MUan, and later on when the bar-
barians had passed the Alps and were revelling in
the spoils of Italy, it was to their pontiffa that
the Roman people looked for aid. When pestilence
and famine devastated the land, their well-filled
granaries gave forth com, their treasuries poured out
gold to save the perishing people. When the tem-
pest of war had passed over Italy, their wealth helped
to restore the ruined cities, to redeem the captives,
to assist the plundered people in their poverty; and
as the reins of empire fell from the feeble hands of
the degenerate successors of the Cfesars, the Popes
began to assume that rule over Rome which they
exercised for more than a thousand years. They
were not prompted by ambition, it was forced upon
them by the course of events.

St. Leo the Great was the first of those heroic pon-
tiffs who stand out so nobly In the annals of Italy as
the saviours and defenders of their country. There
18 no more glorious scene in history than his meeting
with Attila, the Scourge of God, on the banks of the
Mincio, when the most terrible of the leaders of the
Huns, yielding before the mighty words of the suc-
cessor of St. Peter, led back through the passes of
the Alps his disappointed army, to whom he had pro-
mised the plunder of Rome and Italy. Again we see

The Italian Revolution.

the same Pope meeting the Vandal Genseric under
the walls of Home, and extorting from him a promise
that no blood should be ahed in the conquered city.
Later still it was at the intercession of the Archdeacon
Pelagius that Totila spared the Roman people. Pope
Agapitus saved them from the swords of the Goths,
and Pope John shielded them from the tyranny of
Naraes.

In a still wider sense St. Gregory the Great became
at once the saviour and the ruler of Rome. To him,
not Italy alone, hut Europe owes a deep debt of gra-
titude. When he received the tiara, Rome and Italy
had sunk to the lowest stage of misery and misfor-
tune. The years which preceded his pontificate had
been marked by repeated outbreiiks of jjestUeuce,
whichj says Muratori, " well nigh reduced the whole
country to a desert. Such was the mortality that in
many districts nearly aU the inhabitants were carried
off, nor was there any one left to reap the harvests or
gather in the vintage." Then the ferocious Alboin
crossed the Alps at the head of the Lombards. The
troops of the Greek exareli of Ravenna, not daring to
meet him in the field, kept within the walled towns;
while in the open country he swept all before him
with fire and sword. Gibbon has well described the
state of Rome at this period. " The lofty tree," he
says, " was deprived of its leaves and branches, and
left to wither on the ground. The ministers of com-
mand and the messengers of victory no longer met on

Tha Popes and Italy.

the Appian orFlaminian Way : and the hostile approach
of the Lombards was often felt and continually feared.
The Campagna was reduced to the state of a dreary
wilderness, in which the land was barren, the water
impure, and the air infectious. Curiosity and am-
bition no longer attracted the nations to the capital
of the world, but if chance or necessity directed
thither the steps of a wandering stranger, he con-
templated with horror the vacancy and solitude of
the city. . . . Like Thebes, or Babylon, or Carthage,
the name of Rome might have been erased from the
earth, if the city had not been animated by a vital
principle which again restored her to honour and do-

The reign of Gregory was one long series of mis-
fortunes, under which, but for him, Rome would
assuredly have perished. The people of Italy had to
sufier in succession from famine, pestilence, and fear-
ful storms. At the same time the Lombards were
threatening or ravaging the country, while the exarchs
of Ravenna and the emperors of Constantinople
looked on, po\verles3 or unwilhng to assist their
Italian subjects, though Gregory again and again by
letters and envoys appealed to them for aid, before
he took on himself the mighty task of striving to heal
the wounds of Italy. Gibbon, at once one of the
greatest authorities on the history of the period and
one of the bitterest opponents of the Popes, has given
a graphic account of the labours of St. Gregory and

The Italian Revolution.

their results. We prefer to let him tell the atory,
for no one can say the words are those of a paxtiaan.

"The misfortunes of Rome," he saya, "involved
the Apostolic Pastor in the business of peace and
Tvar ; he sends governors to towns and cities, issues
orders to the generals; relieves the public distress;
treats of peace and the i^ansom of captives with the
enemy.

" The Church of Rome, as has been formerly ob-
served, was endowed with ample possessions in Italy,
Sicily, and the most distant provinces, and her agents,
who were frequently sub-deacons, had acquired a civil
and even a criminal jurisdiction over their tenants
and husbandmen. The successor of St. Peter ad-
ministered his patrimony with the temper of a vigilant
and moderate landlord, and the epistles of Gregory
are filled with salutary instructions to abstain from
doubtful and vexatious lawsuits ; to preserve the in-
tegrity of weights and measures ; to grant every
reasonable delay, and to reduce the capitation of the
slaves and the glebe. The rent or the produce of
these estates was transported to the mouth of the
Tiber at the risk and expense of the Pope ; in the
use of wealth he acted like a faitliful steward of the
Church and the poor, and liberally applied to their
wants the inexhaustible resources of abstinence and
order. The voluminous accounts of his receipts and
disbui-sements were kept above three hundred years
• in the Lateran aa a model of Christian economy.

The Popes and Italy. 9

" On the four great festivals he divided their quar-
terly allowaace to the clergy, to his domestica, to the
monasteries, to the churches, the places of burial, the
alms-houses and the hospitals of Rome and the rest
of the diocese. On the fii-st day of every month he
distributed to the poor, according to the season, their
stated portion of corn, wine, cheese, vegetables, oil,
^ish, fresh provisions, clothes and money ; and his
treasures were continually summoned to satisfy in
tis name the extraordinaiy demands of indigence
and merit.

"The instant distress of the sick and helpless, of
strangers and pilgrims, was relieved by the bounty of
each day and of each hour ; nor would the Pontiff
indulge in a frugal repast, till he had sent the dishes
from hia own table to some objects deserving of his
compassion. The misery of the times had reduced
the nobles and matrons of Rome to accept without a
blush the benevolence of the Church : three thousand
virgins received their food and raiment froni the hands
of their benefactor, and many bishops of Italy escaped
from the barbarians to the threshold of the Vatican.
Gregory might justly be styled the Father of his
country ; and such was the extreme sensibility of his
conscience, tbat for the death of a beggar who had
perished in the streets, he Interdicted himself for
eeveral days from the exercise of sarcerdotal func-
tiona.

"Gregory awakened the emperor (Maurltus), ex-

The Italian Revolution.

posed the guilt and incapacity of the exarch and his
inferior ministers ; complained that the veterans were
withdrawn from Rome for the defence of Spoleto ;
encouraged the Italians to defend their cities and
altars, and condescended in the crisis of danger to
name the tribunes, and to direct the operations of the
provincial troops.

"If we may credit his own declarations, it would
have been easy for Gregory to exterminate the Lom-
bards by their domestic factions, without leaving a
king, a duke, or a count to save that unfortunate
nation from the vengeance of their foes. As a Chris-
tian he preferred the salutaiy offices of peace ; his
mediation appeased the tumult of arms ; but he was
too conscious of the arts of the Greeks and the pas-
sions of the Lombards, to engage his sacred promise
for the observance of the truce. Disappointed in the
hope of a general and lasting treaty, he presumed to
save his country without the consent of the emperor
or the exarch.

" The sword of the enemy was suspended over
Rome ; it was averted by the mild eloquence and
seasonable gifts of the Pontiif, who commanded the
respect of the heretics and the barbarians. The
merits of Gregory were treated by the Byzantine
court with reproach and insult ; but in the attach-
ment of a grateful people he found the purest reward
of a citizen and the best right of a sovereign."

On the conduct of Gregory at this crisis, the

I

I

The Popes mid. Italy. 11

future, not of Italy alone, but of European civilization
depended. Ignorance and barbarism had either
enveloped or were fast sweeping down upon the
nations of the West, and in the East the Byzantine
Empire was sinking into a premature decay. But
for his vigorous action, Kome, the source whence the
light of religion, learning, and civilization, spread over
all the world, would have fallen into the hands of
the barbarians, and with it the one centre of re-
cuperative force would have been destroyed.

The Buccessors of St. Gregory steadily pursued the
same noble policy which had won for him the love of
his people. " A distant and dangerous station,"
says Gibbon, " among the barbarians of the West
excited the spirit and freedom of the Popes. Their
populai' election endeared them to the llomans ;
the public and private indigence was relieved by
their ample revenue, and the weakness or neglect
of the Greek emperors compelled them to consult
both in peace and war the temporal safety of the
city. The same character was adopted by the
Italian, the Greek, or the Syrian, who ascended the
chair of St, Peter ; and after the loss of her legions
and provinces, the genius and fortunes of the
Popes again restored the supremacy of Rome."

It was in the eighth century that the temporal
power received its next great development. When, in
725, Leo the Isaurian tore down the golden Crucifix
erected by Constantine over the great door of the

12

The Italian Revolution.

imperial palace, and began a war against holy images
aud pictures with a Vandalic zeal worthy of a
Puritan, the people rose against him in many of the
provinces, but it was in Italy that the storm of
popular indignation burst forth with the greatest
fury. Though Pope Gregory II. did all that was in
his power to soothe the feelings of the people, they
threw off their allegiance to the Emperor, des-
troyed his statues, and made an attempt on the life
of the Exarch. Leo, believing the first report which
reached him, accused the Pontiff of having excited
the rising ; but Gregory replied by indignantly deny-
ing the charge, and telling him that he himself had
caused the revolt by his Iconoclastic decree. Six
times Leo sent his emissaries to assassinate the
Pope, or drag him into exile ; but the people rallied
round their beloved Pontiff, and protected him. To
such an extent was the Emperor carried away by
his hatred to Gregory, that he entered into an alliance
with Luitpi-and, the Lombard king, — the barba-
rians agreeing to besiege Rome, and either kill the
Pope or send him a prisoner to Constantinople, Soon
the Lombard armies lay around the city ; but
Gregory, going out fearlessly into their camp, re-
monstrated with Luitprand, and the Lombard felt
the same power which had turned back Attila and
stayed the sword of Genseric. He bade his army
cease all hostilities against Rome, and after leaving
hla diadem, mantle, and sword-belt, before the shrine

Ths Pojtes and Italy.

1

of St. Peter, broke up hia camp and marched back to
I Lombardy.

From this period it might be said that each Pontiff
was more truly a king than hia predecessor. Their
I power as princes grew from year to year, and never
did sovereigns more worthily hold the sceptrR. One
might say of each, as it has been said of St. Gregory
the Great, that he was the Father of his people ; and,
I -with all their power, they took no other title than
I that which has come down to our own days, and is
I borne by Pius IX. — scrvus servorum Dei : the servant
I of the servants of God.

I " Unfortunately for the Emperors of Constanti-
tnople," says Lebeau,* speaking of this period, "a
ftvirtue the most eDciinent united to a prudence the

■ most enlightened was at that time seated in the
I ehaii- of St. Peter. During a period of eighty
I years, there came a succession of seven Popes as
I'Tenerable for the sanctity of their lives as they were
^formidable to their sovereigns on account of their
■profound wisdom as statesmen — the wisdom of
BGregory HI., of Zachary, of Stephen II., but above

■ all of Adrian I., a man of a genius as solid as it
I was comprehensive, a Pope truly worthy of the age
■of Charlemagne— what a contrast to the frivolity,
Rthe headlong violence of Leo the Isaurian, and his
Ison Constantine Copronymus ! "

H * Hkloire du Bas Empire, t. 12, h. 60, u. 51. M

14 The Italian Revolution.

" Although," says Muratori, " the Greek Emperors
still had their ministers >it Rome, it would seem
that the principal authority of the government was
vested in the Pontiffs, who by the force and majesty
of their station, and by that escort of virtues with
which their character was surrounded, continued to
■wield a placid sway over the city and dukedom, de-
fending them with vigour from the Lombard grasp
whenever occasion required it."'*

When at length all aid from Constantinople was
at an end, but not until he had appealed in vain to
the Emperor for assistance, and pleaded before the
Lombard Astolfo at Pavia to spare his people, Pope
Stephen crossed the Alps and secured the help of
Pepin, When the Franks had driven the Lombards
out of the exarchate, and only then, the Emperor
turned his attention to the affairs of Italy, and his
ambassadors begged that Pepin would give back the
conquered territory to the Empire. But it waa in
the cause of the Popes only that the Frankish
monarch had entered upon the war. Abandoned by
the emperors, they had for more than two centuries
governed and defended Rome and central Italy: when
they were overrun by the Lombards, they had found
the means of recovering them ; and now Pepin
formally conferred the exarchate upon them, de-
claring to the Byzantine ambassadora that it was
only through his love for St. Peter he had risked his
• Annalos, 752.

77(6 Popes and Italy.

life in battle against the Lombards, and tbat no
amount of treasure could induce him to take back
what he had once offered to the Prince of the

The persecutions which the Popes had suffered at
the hands of the Greek Emperors would alone have
been sufficient in the eyes of most men to absolve
them from their allegiance. But no ; though at any
moment they could have cut off every trace of the
Emperor's authority, they remainedj in name at least,
the subjects of the Emperors, mitil they were at
length forced to become independent of thera. If
we can anywhere trace the hand of Providence in
history, assuredly it is in the days when the Popes
became kings, the only kings in all Europe mling
by moral influence instead of material force, and
ruling solely for their people's good — In the days
when Gregory the Great was compelled to assume

• Gosseliu disposes of the theory that there waa a co-ordinato
jurisdiction of the Popes and the Koman Senate and people. " It
is true," he Bays, " that the ancient municipal government had not
expired in Home at ths jiinctiire whou the yoke of the Greek em-
perors Tvas got rid of ; on the contrary there ia every reason to
believe that the municipal rfgime continued long after to subaiBt not
only there but in several other cities of Italy (vid. Muratori Antiq.
Mod. .iEvi. Dissert., 18HniI45, andtoni. 1 and 3) but then this n^'me
common to the cities of the Exarchate and also of the Dachiea im-
plied in the Romans no sovereign right that could cope or dash
with that of the Pope, but only the privilege of suporin tending such
interests as are usually assigned to civic corporations in the govarn-
ment of the city." {Pouwir du Pape an Moi/en Age, pp. 279, 280.)

16

The Italian Revolution.

x'egal fuoctiona without a regal name ; when Leo the
Iconoclast placed himself in direct opposition to
Gregory II.. and the people of Italy milied round
the persecuted Pontiff: when Pope Stephen, after'
doing all he could to avert it, at length sought help
from a foreign sword, and received from Pepin the
provinces reconquered from Astolfo. And who that
reads the pages of history with a mind unbiassed by
prejudice, can fail to see that without this safeguard
to their spiritual authority, the Popes could never
have fulfilled their mission. Deprived of it, they
would have become the slaves of the barbarians, and
in later years crouched to some western potentate,
even as the Patriarchs of Constantinople became the
creatures and slaves of the Emperors, and now yield
a servile obedience to the Russian Czar.

^ 2. The Formation of Christendom.
It was not long before the pontifical states found an
invader in a sub-Alpine king. No sooner did Didier
king of Lombardy hear of the death of Pepm, than
he entered the States of the Church at the head of a
large army, carried fire and sword through Umbria
' and the Marches of Ancona, and leaving strong
garrisons to secure the plundered territory, retired to
Pavia to spend the winter in his capital. Early in
the spring of the following year (773), he took the

field 01

The Popes and Italy.

17

once more ; but Pope Adrian had spent the
winter in preparation for the defence of Rome. He
repaired the walla, barricaded the Vatican, removed
their treasures from the Basilicas outside the city,
and called the people to arms. From all sides they
flocked to the Standard of the Keys, coming, says the
annalist, even from beyond the Apenulnea.

At Viterbo Didier was met by the envoys of
Adrian. They told him that if lie advanced a step
farther into the territory of St. Peter, the sentence of
excommunication would be pronounced against him.
He had not anticipated meeting with such a resist-
ance on the part of the Pope, and he retired with his
army through Tuscany to hia kingdom in the north.
But while he yielded thus far, and prudently abstained
from attacking Rome itself, he steadily refused to
evacuate the provinces he had overrunin the preceding
year. It was in vain that the Papal Legate and the
• ambassadors of Charlemagne, — who was determined
to maintain the integrity of the territory given by
his father to the Popes,— appeared at the Court of
Pavia and menaced him with war if he persisted in
his usurpation, Hia reply was a haughty defiance;
but the only result of his obstinate violation of the
Papal territory was tlie loss of his kingdom and the
extinction of his dynasty. Charleuiagne crossed the
Alps, scattered the Lombard forces, cleared TJmbria
and the Marches of the invaders, and while fully con-

18 The Italian Revolution.

firming the grant of Pepin, added the territories of
Didier to his own kingdom.

When Charlemagne visited Rome during this cam-
paign, his first act was one which affords an unmis-
takable proof that he regarded the Pope as an
independent sovereign. Before entering the city, he
engaged in a formal treaty with Adrian, by ■which it
was provided that on the one hand he should take no
advantage of the gates being opened to receive hira,
and, on the other, that the Pope should respect the
person of the Prankish king, thus placed in his
power. Such treaties were customary in those days,
when one sovereign visited the states of another.
His entry into Rome was like an ancient triumph.
He was received by the people with acclamations, as
the deliverer of the Pope and the conqueror of the
dreaded Lombards.

A few years after Charlemfigne returned to Rome.
Adrian was no longer there. He had been succeeded
by Leo HI,, a man who with his dignity would seem
to have inherited his genius. On Christmas Day, in
the year 800, before the eyes of the Roman people
in the Laferan Basilica, Pope Leo placed upon the
head of Charlemagne the imperial diadem of the
West. It was tlie first great step taken by the
Popes in the fulfilment of their mission of uniting
the West into a Christian confederation — in a word,
of forming Christendom.

When he made Charlemagne emperor, Leo did not

The Popes and Italy.

abdicate his temporal authority, but only raised up
for himself a powerful protector. There is ample
proof of this in the will of Charlemagne ; for, while
he enumerates all the provinces of Germany, France,
and northern Italy, and assigns them to his sons as
portions of his kingdom, he makes no mention of the
papal territory, except where he tella them that they
must be the zealous defenders of the Popes, even as
he himself had been, and his father Pepin, and his
grandfather Charles Martel.

If the Carlovingian empire did not realise all that
the Popes anticipated from it, it was because the de-
scendants of Charlemagne were utterly unworthy of
him. That great sovereign stands out in bold relief
as the one truly wise secular ruler of his time. He
had his faults, but they are more than compensated
by the wisdom of bis general policy, his love of
learning, and the prosperity which he conferred on
all the countries of his empire. His laws remain a
standing monument of his wisdom, EUid the annals of
Europe would have been far brighter for the next
two centuries had the Popes enjoyed, as Leo antici-
pated, the protection of a race of powerful sovereigns,
who, while leaving them free in their government of
Rome and the Church, would have held their enemies
in subjection, whether Lombards, Saracens, or Hun-
garians.

Throughout the whole course of the middle ages
we see the great work of the Ibrmation of Christian

20

The Italian Revolution.

Europe in progress under the guidance of the Popes.
Their rule was the one link which bound the nations
of the West together. They exerted themselves
with success to eradicate the traces of barbarism.
They denounced private war, first regulated then
finally abolished the ordeal of combat, and mitigated
the feudal codes by the introduction of the law of
the Church into the jurisprudence of Europe. Under
their influence slavery disappeared, ignorance was
dissipated by the institution of monastic schools and
universities. The earliest founded was the Lateraa
patriarchate, which for two centuries gave Popes to
Rome, and included among its colleges the celebrated
Schola Cantorum of Gregory the Great, in which the
Gregorian music took its rise.

When England and America referred their dispute
to arbitration, the act was hailed as the offspring of
nineteenth century enlightenment ; while the fact was
forgotten, or ignored, that for centuries the Popes
acted as the arbitrators of Europe, and many a con-
flict was avoided by the quarrel being referred to the
decision of the successor of St. Peter. In the middle
ages an oppressed people could always obtain the
^fe powerful aid of the Popes in their struggle against

^1 tyranny. Tliey exercised a power which has often
^H been assailed, but which, nevertheless, worked incal-

^H eulable good fur Europe ; and kings whom no physical
^P force could overawe, felt that they could not violate

^1 the laws of God or outrage the liberties of their

I

The Popes and Italy, 21

people, without drawing down upoq themaelves the
denunciatious of Rome, and forfeiting the allegiance
of their subjects.

Historians who are no friends either to Catholicity
or to the Popes, acknowledge that they exercised a
salutary influence on the destinies of Europe, " Even
the spiritual supremacy arrogated by the Pope," says
Macaulay, " was, in the dark ages, productive of far
more good than evil. Its effect was to unite the
nations of Western Europe into one great common-
wealth. What the Olympian chariot course and the
Pythian oracle were to all the Greek cities from Tre-
bizond to Marseilles, Rome and her bishop were to
all Christians of the Latin communion from Calabria
to the Hebrides. Thus grew up sentiments of en-
larged benevolence. Nations separated from each
other by seas and mountains acknowledged a frater-
nal tie and a common code of public law. Even in
war the cruelty of the conqueror was not seldom
mitigated by the recollection that he and his van-
quished enemies were all members of one great feder-
ation 1 " *

The chief obstacle against which the Popes had to
contend, and which delayed for full a hundred
years the formation of Christian Europe, was the
state of woeful anarchy to which intestine wars and
foreign invasions reduced Italy during the tenth

• Hist. Eng., vol i., thap. L, page 7; 16C0 ed.

33

77ie Italian Revolution.

century. In the preceding period, after the destruc-
tion of the Lombard power by Charlemagne, Italy-
enjoyed a high degree of prosperity, and the Popes
laboured hard to develope the resources of their
territory, rebuilding the ruined cities, repairing the
broken aqueducts, and re-opening the porta. The
annalists of the period are loud in their praises of
these peaceful times, and teU how few were the castles
and fortresses of Italy, how there was no apprehension
of war, and villas and churches were scattered over
the fertile country. But soon a dark cloud arose.
Mahomet had preached his doctrine in the cities of
Arabia, and within a hundred years of the Hegira,
the Mussulmans had founded an empire wider than
that of ancient Rome. They had conquered all
Eastern and Central Asia, Egypt, Nubia, the rich
provinces of Northern Africa, and the whole of Spain.
Charles Martel had saved France, and crushed their
military power north of the Pyrenees ; but their
fleets swept in triumph over the Mediterranean, sub-
dued Sicily, Corsica, and Sardinia, and made frequent
descents upon the shores of France and Italy.

Early in the ninth century we hear of Pope Pascal
ransoming captives carried off by these corsairs; and
Gregory IV., in order to secure the coast near Rome,
rebuilt and fortified the city of Ostia, making it a
harbour of refuge. But these piratical raids were
only the beginning of the Moslem attempts upon
Italy, and for the hundred years that followed we

The Popes and Italy. 23

see the Popes engaged in providing aganst their at-
tacks. It was the commencement of that long
struggle in which the Popes upheld the banner of
the Cross, and rallied the forces of Chriatendom
against Kl Islam, a conflict which, beginning now in
Italy, ended centuries after on the waves of Lepanto
and beneath the walls of Vienna. There can be no
doubt that by their conduct in these the first wars
■with the Saracens, they saved Italy from] being sub-
jected like Spain to the Mahometan yoke. Had
Rome then fallen undei- the dominion of the Crescent
the hopes of European civilization would have perished
for ever.

The Saracens had appeared before Rome in the
closing years of the pontificate of Sergius II., and
the first act of his successor, Leo IV., (847 — S55),
was to place the Eternal City in a state of defence.
He repaired the walls, strengthened the gates, re-
built the towers, and enclosed the southern suburb
of the Traatevere, with St. Peter's and the Vatican, by
a line of fortifications. From him it was that this
pai't of Rome received the name of the Leonine city.

While these works were in progi'ess, news arrived
that the Saracens were collecting a great fleet in the
harbours of Sardinia for the invasion of the pontifical
states. Leo immediately prepared for war. At his
call the galleys of the commercial cities of the south
assembled at Ostia. He himself said Mass in the
presence of the Christian armament, and blessed it

.as it sailed out to battle. A splendid victory
lowed, the remnants of the Samcen fleet were shat-
tered Ijy a storm, and hundreds of prisoners brought
to Rome laboured at the fortifications and public
Works, which thus became monuments of the Christian
triumpli. Before the close of his pontificate, Leo
had rebuilt and fortified the town and harbour of
Porto, founded the town of Leopolis for the people
of Centum CelUe, which the corsairs had destroyed
Bomo yeai-s before, and placed the cities of Hoita and
Amcria in a state of defence. His subjects enjoyed
the greatest prosperity, his virtues won for him the
title of a saint, while his pubUc worth has extorted
priiise even from Voltaire and SismondL

Pope John VIII. (873 — 8S2) was another active
lent of the Saracens, and he had difficulties yet
to contend with. At one time the cities of
■outh, at another some of the barons of the Roman
territory, began to form alliances with these foes of
Christianity. By his letters and envoys John VIII.
broke up this unholy league ; and then, putting him-
»olf at the head of the Roman army, inflicted a severe
Jttfput on the infidels in the valley of the Gariglismo.
|\\r a time this victory secured peace for Italy ; but
(^ w«« not long before the Saracens re-appeared, and
^(^ find the Pontiff engaged in continual preparations
||w tU^^^Ot^t-'-, fortifying the basilica of St. Paul, break-
ttht Wp another league into which Naples had entered
^^ Hw Mahometans, excommunicating the bishop

The Popes and Italy.

25

I

who had counselled the alliaDce, and procuring arms
and horees for Spain. He was on a journey to
France to obtain assistance from Charles le Gros
when he died in 882.

After this period the descents of the Saracens be-
came more and more frequent. In the north they
occupied the stronghold of Frassineto, and beset the
passes of the Alps. In the south they returned to
the valley of the Garigliano, and formed an entrenched
camp on an eminence overlooking the river. They
sacked and burned the abbeys of Farfa and Monte
Cassino, and many a lesser monastery. The villas
and churches, which were scattered over the country
in the peaceful days of the earlier Carlovingiiins, dis-
appeared ; on every rocky height towers and castles
appeared in their stead. At first these were only
places of refuge and defence against the Saracens ;
but soon each castle was the hold of a baron or raar-
chese, who exei-cised an uncontrolled tyranny over
all around him. The peasants of the district became
his vassals for the sake of his protection ; and the
feudal system, with all its miserable results, was in-
troduced into Italy.

We have seen how some of the Roman barons
leagued with the Saracens against John VIII. They
DOW became even worse than the infidels themselves.
The reign of law and order was cast aside. Every
robber-noble who could muster a troop of spearmen
was an independent ruler in all but the name. In-

26

TTie Italian Revolution.

stead of combining against the Saracens, they allowed
them to plunder and foray at their will, and oilen
aided them in their work. They turned their swords
against each other ; they seized on church property,
and sold the dignity of the priesthood to the highest
bidder. And while the lesser barons were engaged
in this career of brigandage and sacrilege, the more
powerful nobles were struggling for the name of
emperor, or the ill-omened title of King of Italy.
Then new spoilers appeared upon the scene ; the
pagan Hungarians, the descendants of the men who
had followed AtiUa, came pouring over the Alps, and
year after year they returned to carry away the fruits
of the harvest and the vintage. And thus Italy,
torn asunder by the dissensions of her own sons, as-
sailed from the north by the Hungarians, from the
south by the Moslems, sank rapidly into that state
of anarchy and confusion from which the Popes had
rescued her after the fall of Home.

Not alone in Italy, but throughout Europe, the
tenth century was an age of darkness. The empire
of Charlemagne had entirely disappeared, and feudal
anarchy was arising amid its ruins. All through the
north and west the raven standards of the nortlimen
were flying over captured cities, or in the glare of
burning monasteries. Even in ancient Erin, which
had long vied with Rome itself as the teacher and
civiliser of Europe, the Ught of learning was dying
out, and her title to be the University of Europe

The Popfs wul Itcdy.

37

was disappearing in the long struggle with the Danes.
At length the reign of anarchy invaded the Eternal
City. The Cenci, a race of tyrant nobles, whose
lives were one long scene of licence and blood, took
possession of the castle of Saint Angelo ; and then
followed that dark chapter in the annals of the
Church, M'hen her pontiffis were overawed, ill-treated,
imprisoned, even murdered by the tyi-ants of Rome,
who even dared to nominate the successors of the
Prince of the Apostles.

Yet — wonderful to relate — of the thirty Popes who
filled the chair of Peter duiing this period of storm
and darkness, by far the greater number were men
well worthy to be the rulers of the Church. The
one bright spot in the history of Italy at this time
is the victory gained over the Samcens by Pope John
X., when, at the head of troops collected from Rome
and the cities of the south, he drove the infidels from
their strong camp on the Garigliano. For nine hun-
dred years men of saintly life had ruled the Church ;
and by a miracle of God's protection even when un-
holy men were thrust into that high office, they never
pronounced one word against the doctrine of tiie
Church, never abdicated the least tittle of her rights.

In one point of view the dark story of that time is
an instructive one, and we only regret that the limits
of our work prevent us from entering into it more
fully. Let all who read the history of the Popes of
the tenth century remember that it is the histot'y of

The Italian Revolution.

ike Popes deprived of their Tanporal Power. With-
out that safeguard of their freedom, they became nine
hundred years ago the subjects of a line of temporal
princes; and what was the result? They became
the prisoners, the victims, worst of all at times the
creatures of the Cenci, What wonder then that
Christendom demands the restoration of Rome ?

But even when virtually the prisoner of the
usurpers of his temporal rights, the Pope was still
the ruler and centre of the Church. From the north
and south, from the east and west, the pilgrims came
to kneel at his feet — Franks and Germans, Greeks
and Syrians, chieftains from Erin, Saxon earls and
thanes, Crusaders from Spain ; and thence the mis-
sionaries stUl went forth to win fresh conquests for
the Faith. But when Rome and Europe presented
this yvild scene of anarchy, can we be surprised that
morals became corrupt, that this corruption invaded
even the sanctnary, and that while feudal barons
bought and sold the offices of the Church, they were
often held by unworthy men ?

But now, as the tenth century closes and the
eleventh begins, the darkness is dispelled, the pi-os-
pect brightens. The Hungarians are no longer
ravaging Italy, for they are Christians now, and are
ruled by a sainted king who holds his kingdom as a
fief of the Holy See. In the south the Normans are
appearing, later on to become the conquerors of the
Saracens and the defenders of the Holy See ; and in

The Popes and Italy. 29

the last year of this century of darkneas, a truly
great Pontiff assumed the tiara, Sylvester II., whose
reign began in 999, was a man deeply versed alike in
sacred and profane learning, at once a profound theo-
logian, an able astronomer, a skilful mechanician, and
a practised statesman. He was the first of the Popes
who conceived the great idea of the Crusade, and he
published an eloquent appeal to the Christian nations,
calling upon them to succour the [holy city. This
alone is enough to make his name a memorable one in
history, for it was by the Crusades that Christian
Europe was finally constituted, and rose from a con-
dition of feudal anarchy and division into that great
federation of Christian nations, which the Popes had
laboured to form since the days of Charlemagne.

But Pope Sylvester's appeal met with no response.
The Crusades were still in the future, yet it was the
first step towards them. Another great Pope ap-
peared in Benedict VIII. (1024— 10:?3}. He suc-
ceeded in enforcing order in the capital, raised an
army for the defence of the states, and placed garri-
sons of Romans and Norman pilgiims along the fron-
tiers. The chief of the lately all-powerful Cenci
having seized a castle belonging to the abbey of
Farfa, Benedict besieged him in it, and reduced him
to submission. But his greatest glory is that he re-
pelled the last attempt of the Saracens to conquer
Italy. They made a descent on the Tuscan coast,
and took the city of Luni. There the Pope attacked

30 The Italian Revohuion.

and routed them, and it was with difficulty that their
king, Mugetto, escaped to Sardinia. There he was
preparing for a fresh expedition, when he uas attacked
by the fleets of Genoa and Pisa, with which cities
Benedict had succeeded in contracting an alliance.
The island was conquered and assigned to the Pisans
as a fief of the Holy See, while the treasures of Mu-
getto enriched the city of Genoa, Thus we see the
Pope at once saving Italy, and starting two of the
great cities of the north on their career of victory and
prosperity.

It was not, however, until the policy of the Popes
was directed by the powerful luind of Hildebrand,
when, after having been the chief minister of his pre-
decessors, he was raised to the purple under the name
of Gregory VII., that the triumph of order and
religion was at length secured. We cannot here do
more than briefly refer to the events of his pontificate.
He was long regarded as the incarnation of selfish
ambition, the real purpose of his life and policy was
mistaken or wilfully misinterpreted, and he was con-
sidei-ed one of the least instead of the greatest man
of his age. Thanks chiefly to the research of the
Protestant historical students of Germany, the cloud
of obloquy which long hung over the name of Hilde-
brand has been cleared away, and his character is
viewed in its true light.

While he was yet only the minister of Popes^Victor
and Nicholas, the two first great steps were taken.

The Popes and Italy. 31

under his influence, towards securing freedom of elec-
tion for the Popes. The former Pontiff provided that
the cardinals only should take part in future conclaves
and Pope Nicholas with the help of Robert Guiscard
and the Norman vassals of the Holy See broke the
power of the Roman barons.

In his conflict with Henry of Germany he stood
forth as the champion of the liberty of the Church, of
order, law, and civilization ; while his opponent was
a tyrant emperor, whose subjects loudly demanded
his deposition at the hands of the Holy See, who
waged a long struggle in defence of his alleged right
to Bell the abbot's stafl" and the bishop's crozier, and
whose private life was one long series of abominable
crimes. Gregory's first act on assuming the tiara had
been to write to Henry, telling him that in Italy he
had fifty thousand men ready to march against the In-
fidel, and calling on the emperor to aid him in initiat-
ingacrusade. His summons was disregarded. Henry
refused to enter upon the glorious career thus pointed
out to him, and preferred to turn his arms against
the Church. What can be nobler than the attitude
of Gregory all through the struggle ? He was never
fearful of the final result, but calm and collected alike
when Henry lay at his feet in mock repentance at
Canossa, and when he was afterwards besieged by his
foe in Saint Angelo, and only a few days seemed to
stand between him and captivity and death. But at
length the victory was won. On the very eve of sur-

The Italian Revolution .

render the Norman chivalry came pouring across the
Campagna, hurled the invader from the Eternal City,
and drove hini northward in hopeless rout. Gregory,
indeed, left his great work unfinished, but his suc-
cessors were men filled with his spirit, fired by his
example, and they achieved what he had so well
begun.

The tyrant Heniy sank into the grave a erownlees
exile, dethroned by his own son and abhorred by his
people, who said openly that the same Galilean who
conquered the apostate Julian, had triumphed over
the despotic Kaiser. His son, Henry V., for a time
trod faithfully in his footsteps, but Gregory VII.
conquered in his successors, and at length Henry
yielded all the claims of Rome.

Besides the completion of Gregory VII.'s conquest
over the ambition of the German Kaisers to share in
the government of the Church, two other objects en-
gaged the attention of the Popes as temporal princes.
The fii-st was the re-conquest of those parts of their
territory which had been usurped by the barons and
the partisans of Germany. This work was accom-
plished by Calixtus II. The anti-pope, Burdino,
who had been set up by Henry V. at Sutri, was
wasting the country up to the gates of Rome. The
Pope, with a mixed array of Normans and Romans,
besieged him in his stronghold, and forced him to sur-
render. Then he destroyed many of the castles of
the Roman barons, put down brigandage, placed gar-

The Popt

Italy.

risons in all the fortified places of his dominions, and
so restored the long departed peace and security of
Italy.

The immediate result of this restoration of order
was that Calixtua was able to assemble the first
Council of the Lateran at Rome. It was in this
great assembly of more than three hundred bishops,
that the struggle of fifty years between the Church
and the Empire was brought to a close by the sub-
mission of Henry V. First by his envoys at the
Lateran he renounced all claim to the right of inves-
titure by ring and crozier. Then, in a great assembly
on the banks of the Rhine, in the presence of the
chivalry of Germany the reconciliation was ratified,
and he received from the Papal legate the kiss of

Among the bishops who met on this occasion there
were prelates from the cities of the Holy Land, but
lately won back by Christian swords from the rule of
Islam ; for under the successors of Gregory VII., the
glorious era of the Crusades, the first act of united
Christendom, had begun — Pope Victor III. had for
ever freed Italy from the danger of a Saracen icvasion.
He negotiated an alliance between Genoa and Pisa ;
and, giving to the Christian armarapnt the banner of
St. Peter, he sent it to invade the Saracen kingdom of
Tunis. The Christians took two cities, defeated the .
Moslems in a pitched battle, and Victor was able to
dictate a peace by which the king of Tunis became

3

34

77)c Italian Revolutio'n.

his nominal vassal, and set free all the Christian cap-
tives in his dominions. So great was the spoil that,
out of a portion of their share of it, the Pisans built
the splendid cathedral and Catnpo Santo, to this day
the glory of their city.

Then Urban II. began the long Crusade. He it
was who sent Peter the Hermit to preach the Holy
War, and presided at the Councils of Clermont and
Placentia, where the princes and barons of the West
assumed the cross. From this time the Popes stood
forth as the leaders of that Christendom, which they
themselves had formed, in its battle with the Cres-
cent. " When we read the annals of the Middle
Ages," says Michaud, the great historian of the Cru-
sades, " one cannot but be struck with admiration at
one of the most splendid spectacles which human
society has ever presented — that of Christian Europe
recognizing one religion, obeying one law, forming in
some degree a single state governed by one supreme
head, who spoke in the name of God, and whose mis-
sion it was to promote the reiga of the gospel on
earth. In the eleventh and twelfth centuries the
nations of Europe, subject to the authority of the
successor of St. Peter, were united by a bond more
powerful than modern enlightenment, by a motive of
action more potent than that of liberty. This motive
power, this bond, which was that of the universal
church, long sustained and promoted the enthusiastic
progress of tlie holy war. Whatever was the origin

Tlie Popes and Italy.

35

I

of the Crusades, it is certain that they could never
have been undertaken without that unity of religious
belief, which doubled the strength of the Christian
commonwealth. The Christiiin nations, by their
agreement in sentiment and feeling, showed the
world what can be effected by zeal and enthuaiaam,
_ which increases as it communicates itself from one to
the other, and by that faith which directs a hundred
different peoples to one common object, and whose
inspirations, in the words of the gospel, can move
mountains."*

We need not speak here of the great work accom-
plished by the Crusades. One thing no one will
deny. They broke and crushed the power of the
Mahometans by raising against them the barrier of
united Christendom. But for that barrier, they would
have poured into Europe, advancing from conquest to
conquest, till they met the Moorisli legions of Spain
on the plains of France. To the brave knights who
have long mouldered to dust beneath the walls of
Acre and Jerusalem, or whose sculptured forms still
repose under our minster roofs or in our desecrated
abbeys, and, above all, to the long line of great Pon-
tifis who sent them forth to battle, and called upon
the Christian nations to lay aside their feuds and
support their brethren in the struggle in the Holy
Land — to them we owe it that the Christian bell, and
not the call of the muezzin, sounds over hill and
• Histoire des Crmsades, vol. iv., pp. 97—99.
3—2

36

T^c Italian Revolution.

valley, and that the noble domes which rise by the
Thames and Tiber are crowned by the Cross of Christ
instead of the Crescent of Mahomet.

§ 3. The Popes and the Italian Republics.

We have seen the Pope3 saving Rome and her people
in the days of barbarian and Lombard invasions, pre-
serving Italy from a Saracenic conquest, starting the
cities of the north on their career of prosperity, res-
cuing the Church and society from the anarchy of
the tenth century, and destroying its last trace when
they threw off the despotic yoke of the German
Kaisers. Finally, we have seen them banding the
ClirJstian nations together for the Cru3ades, which,
while they saved Christendom from fulling under the
rule of lalam, produced among other minor results an
effect of no small importance on the prospects of
Italy. It was Venice, Genoa, and Pisa that, by
furnishing the fleets of the Crusades, and carrying
supplies to the Christian armies, gave the first im-
pulse to that trade with the East, irora which arose
the commercial prosperity of Italy.

We are now to see the Popes at once securing that
freedom which they had won for the Church, and
engaging in a new conflict, which, begun in defence of
the municipal liberties of the Italian cities, ended in
the establishment of the Italian Republics.

Frederic Barbarossa, the first emperor of the

I

The Popes and Itahj. 37

Hohenstauffen dynasty, devoted all his energies to
the re-eetablishment of the old Roman empire. He
was, he said, by title, Emperor of Urhis et Orhis, the
City and the World, and he was determined that his
dignity should not be a mere empty name. Aa the
first step towards the establishment of the new
empire, he wished to extinguish at once the municipal
liberties of Italy and the freedom of the Church, to
obtain- possession of Rome as the natural capital of
his dominions, and to make the Pope his chief sup-
porter, ready to anathematize whoever rose up against
the Kaiser in the cause of Italian liberty against
German aggression.

In Italy he found three allies. First, there were
the jurists of Bologna, who were ready to maintain
before all Europe that every right which had belonged
to the old pagan emperors of Rome, belonged equally
to Frederic as their direct successor. Then there were
the Ghibelliue nobles of the north, whose interest
lay in the enslavement of the Italian cities. Finally,
there was at Rome the powerful faction of Arnold of
Brescia, who wished to convert the municipality into
the old senate, and lu order to revive the military
glories of the old republic, were plauning and exe-
cuting raids against the neighbouring towns, in which
success was more disgraceful than defeat, for it was
invariably followed by pillage and massacre. To such
a state of disorder was Ik)me at timea reduced by
this fciction, that the Popes were occasionally obliged

38

The Italian Revolution.

to leave it and reside at Viterbo, Anagni, or Terra-
cina.

It was at the diet of Rowcaglia, in 1158, that
Frederic may be said to have finally declared war
against Italian freedom. There four of the chief
jurists of Bologna, and the local judges of the cities
of the north, being required to lay down the law
before the emperor as to his rights in Lombardy,
declared that to the emperor alone belonged all regal
rights, " including those of all duchies, marquisates,
contados, consulates, or cities and their teiTitoriea,
the right of coining money and levying tolls, the
monopoly of provisions, all tributes, sea-ports, mills,
fisheries, and revenues of every sort derived from
rivers.""

These tyrannical doctrines, which made the will of
the emperor the only law, received a full assent from
the representatives of the clergy present iit the diet,
and the battle seemed won without a blow. But if
Frederic thought so, he was doomed to disappoint-
ment. The servile clergy were severely reprimanded
for their conduct by Pope Adrian IV. ; the cities of
Lombardy, led by Milan, protested loudly against the
judgment of the diet; and thus began the alliance
between the Pope and the Lombard League in de-
fence of the fieedom of Italy.

Frederic led his soldiers against such of the re-

* Miloy, Hklnrij of the Papal Stales.

I

The Popes aiid Italy. 39

fractory cities as were moat open to attack, and be-
fore he retired across the Alps, to prepare for a
second campaign, he bad captured, sacked, and burned
Tortona, Piacenza, and Crema. He was still out-
wardly at peace with the Pope, but the open rupture
now followed. Even before the diet of RoncagUa
Adrian had offended him by protesting against hip
repudiation of his wife, Adelaide, and his marriage
with Beatrice, the heiress of Burgundy. The em-
peror seized the first opportunity of breaking off all
friendly relations with R:0me. Eskil, bishop of
Lunden, the papal legate to the north, having been
plundered and imprisoned while on his way through
Germany by some robber nobles of Frederic's coui't,
and a letter of the Pope, demanding redress from
.;tb^ emperor, being left unnoticed, two cardinal
were sent to Beaan^on, where he was then
!Dg, to present a second letter to him, and receive
luB reply. In one part of the letter allusion was
made to the emperor as the vassal of the Holy See.
On hearing these words Frederic burst into a rage,
and the nobles around him assumed a threatening
aspect. " From whom but the Pope bus the emperor
received his crown V asked Roland, cardinal of San
Marco. A sword-stroke was aimed at him ; Frederic
turned it aside ; but he soon drove the legates from
his presence, and forbade all intercourse with
Rome.

Adrian died the following year, and the cardinal

77i« Italian Revolution.

of San Marco succeeded him under the name of
Alexander III. Before the death of Adrian, Frederic
had announced {in language Btnkingly like that which
was used not long ago by the chancellor of the Ger-
man Empire of to-day), that in order to prevent dis-
cord he intended to intervene in the coming conclave,
and that his ambassador bad secured the support of
Finance and England for this policy.

He now began his war against the papacy by
setting up the anti-pope, Octaviau, against Alexander.
On the very day of the conclave, Octavian, at the
head of a body of armed men, had besieged the Pope
add cardinals in St. Peter's, and kept them blockaded
there until the Roman people rose and rescued them,
and then formed their escort to the fortress of Terra-
cina, where Alexander took up his residence. For
the first few years of his pontificate he lived a
wandering life, now at Ten-acina, now in Viterbo,
now at Anagni, now in France. Once he entered
Bome, but only to be besieged there by Frederic Bar-
barossa ; and though the people and the troops made
a brave defence, he would have fallen into the hands
of his enemy, had not the Norman galleys, ascend-
ing the Tiber, borne him away to Terracina.

All this time the emperor was carrying on a war
of extermination against the Lombards, who, faithful
at once to the Church and to their liberties, refused
to obey the anti-pope, Octavian, or to accept the
doctrines of Roncagha. Again and again the Lom-

The Popes and Italy.

bards were defeated in the field ; city after city was
given to the flames, and at length, in 11G2, the
stately Milan itself was razed to the ground. But
still the Lombard League never lost heart, aided and
encouraged by the Pope, who had absolved Frederic's
subjects from their allegiance, and declared him
deposed ; and the resistance, crushed on one point,
broke out on another.

On the destruction of Milan its archbishop took
refuge at the court of Alexander, where he died in
1166. Then the Pope consecrated Cnrdinal Galdino
as his successor, and sent him to Milan, where the
citizens were now rebuilding their houses, churches,
and walla. Great was their joy at receiving him.
Under his auspices the city was restored, and then
the Lombards built a new fortress and city, calling it
Alessandria, in honour of the great pontiff, and send-
ing an embassy to confer its suzerainty upon him. To
this day Aleasandria remains a monument of the
alliance between Pope and people in the battle for
Italian freedom.

In 1174 Frederic crossed the Alps for the fourth
time, and while one division of his army, aided by the
fleet of the temporising Venetians, was repulsed from
Ancona, the main body burned Susa, occupied Asti,
and then besieged Alessandria, which Barbarossa
was resolved to destroy. The siege lasted until the
Good Friday of the following year, when he raised it,
after having been foiled in a treacherous attempt ta

42 The Italian Revolution,

surprise the city during a truce concluded in honour
of the holy day. Disgusted at a war carried on under
the ban of excommunication, and attended only by
disasters, Henry the Lion and his Saxons refused to
serve any longer against the Lombards. Then, as a
last effort, Frederic marched on Milan, but at Leg-
nano, on June 3rd, X176, he encountered the army
of the Lombard League. Charging to the cry of
" 8aint Ambrose and Saint Peter !" the Milanese
swept the Germans from the field, and Barbaroaaa
escaped with difficulty to Pavia, where he rallied
the wreck of his army.

The struggle was over. In the following October
the ambassadors of Frederic appeared before the Pope
at Anagni to ask for peace. The reply of Alexander
was noble and dignified. He was glad, he said, to
hear that the emperor wished to end the war, but he
would listen to no proposals of peace which did not
include bis allies, the Normans and the Lombard
Leagua A long period of negotiation followed.
More than once the emperor attempted to obtain
possession of the person of the Pontlfl", until at length
hia own nobles, turning upon him, refused to give
him their aid. In the Holy Week of 1177 Alexander
met the deputies of the League at Ferrara, to de-
liberate upon the peace. He reminded them of the
persecutions the Church had suffered for eighteen
years, and told them that he had been offered a
separate peace for himself " But," he said, " being

The Popes and Italy.

mindful with what devotion and with what courage
you fought for the Church and for Italian liberty, we
would hear of no peace in which you were not in-
cluded, in order that as you bad been partners in
our tribulation, you might be partners also in our

joy-"

In their reply the delegates told Alexander that
all Italy thiinked him. They were, they said, the
first to throw themselves across the path of Frederic,
to prevent him from destroying Italy and oppressing
the liberty of the Churcb, a cause from which neither
the loss of treasure and labour, nor danger and dis-
aster, had been able to turn them aside. They, too,
had refused a separate peace, which did not include
the Church. They would gladly make peace with
the emperor, denying him none of his ancient rights
over Italy, but their liberties they would give up
only with life.

The negotiations ended in a treaty, by which
Frederic renounced the schism of his three successive
anti-popes, swore allegiance to Alexander, and agreed
to a six years' truce with the Lombards. Later on,
this truce gave way to the treaty of Constance, which
secured to the Italian cities all their municipal and
territorial liberties, and the right of building fortifi-
cations and raising armies for tbeir defence. Such
was the result of the victorious struggle waged by
the Popes and their people against Frederic Barba-
rossa, which was the beginning of the golden age of

44 The Italian Revolution.

independence of the Italian cities. Fostered by free-
dom, religion, learning, art and commerce, flourished,
and there is not a more glorious period in all her long
history than that which began in the pontificate of
Alexander III., and ended only in the evil hour when
the Popes were driven from Eome and Italy.

Alexander died on August 30th, 11 SI, after a
glorious reign of twenty-two years. His immediate
successors, while Tvatching over the destinies of the
Italian republics, devoted themselves to the task of
extinguishing the factions which had arisen in Rome
and in the States of the Church, during the conflict
with Germany, and of recovering the possessions of
the Church from the Ghibelline nobles who had
usurped them during the same period of confusion.
This work was completed by Innocent III., tmder
whose vigorous rule peace and order flourished
throughout the states from sea to sea.

We have now traced in some detail the history of
the temporal power in all its relations with Italy and
the world. We have seen how the Popes acquired
it on the downfall of the Roman Empire ; how they
built up Christendom out of the chaos which ensued ;
and how they at once vindicated the liberty of the
Church and the freedom of Italy in the struggle with
the German emperors. We have shown that but for
them Home would in all probability have become a
mere wilderness of ruins, like Carthage or Babylon ;
that but for them Europe might have remained

■^

ii

The Popes and Italy.

45

buried in the darkness of barbaric ignorance, and '
subject to feudal tyranny ; that they saved Italy
from the Saracens, and Europe from Mahometan
conquest ; finally that a great Pontiff was the leader
of the Italian people in their struggle for liberty
against German aggression, and thus inaugurated the
most glorious and prosperous epoch in the annals of
Italy.

We have proved that, far from being the " bane of
Italy," the Papacy was the source of all its glorias,
and that, without it, Italy would have become, like
Illyria, an obscure province of a German empire, or,
like Greece before its war of independence, a Moslem
pashalik. This done, we wUl sketch in briefer out-
line the history of the six centuries which intervene
between the pontificate of Alexander III. and the
first appearance of the Revolution in Italy during the
reign of Pius VI,, and still we shall see the Popes
appearing as the benefactors of Rome, of Italy, of
all Christendom.

Innocent IV. saved the freedom of Italy and the
Church from Frederic II., the last emperor of the
Hohenstauffen line, as AJexander III. had preserved
it from Barbarossa. " Innocent IV.," says Sismoudi,
" reigned eleven years and five months, and if the
glory of a Pope could be measured, like that of a
conqueror, by the humiliation and sufferings of his
enemies, none of his successors had a reign so glori-

Tlie Italian Revolutk

0U9."* And truly his conquests were glorious, won
as they were in the cause of freedom, religion, and
civilization, against the serai-infidel Kaiser, who did
not blush to associate the Crescent with the eagle of
the German Empire, and to make the monastery of
Monte CassiiJO aban-ack for liis Moslem mercenaries,
whose scimitars and daggers were dyed in the blood
of Italians. When by oppression at home, the inva-
sion of Italy, and repeated infringements of the
liberties of the Church, Frederic had more than for-
feited the imperial crown. Innocent proclaimed his
deposition. His subjects, his allies, turned their arms
against him ; he himself was the last of his race to
wear the crown of the empire ; his son, Manfred, lost
atBenevento the kingdom of Naples, which, as a fief
of the Holy See, had been given to Charles of Anjou :
and the last of the line of Hohenstaufien expired,
when the head of the youthful Conradin fell on the
scaffold at Salerno, a victim to the hatred excited by
the crimes and ambition of his race.

The reign of Alexander IV., the successor of In-
nocent, was remarkable for his crusade against
Ezzelino da Romano, the son-in-law of Barbarossa,
and tyrant of Verona, a monster of cruelty unparal-
leled in mediaeval history. Alexander gathered an
army, and sent it against him under the banner of
the Cross. The Ghibelline nobles of the north sided

* Histoire des JUpuUiqvts Ilalicnnes, b. iii., p. 159.

The. Popes and Italy.

with Ezzelino, and a long war followed, marked on
his side by the most fearful acts of reckless barba-
rity. When Padua was taken by the crusaders,
he massacred a whole division of Paduan soldiers
belonging to his own army, in the old Roman amphi-
theatre at Verona. At length, being wounded
and taken prisoner, he died by his own act, furiously
tearing open his wounds. So perished a foe of Italy
and of mankind.

" Four Popes," says Michaud, "of a different cha-
racter, but placed in similar circumstances, pursued
the same policy. Frederic, by hia cruelty, his in-
justice, and his inordinate ambition, often justified
the extreme measures of the Holy See ; like his pre-
decessors he did not conceal his project of reviving
the empire of the Ccesars, and had it not been for
the influence of the Popes, it is probable that Europe
would have been subjected to the yoke of the emperors
of Germany. The policy of the Sovereign Pontiffs
was favourable to the freedom of the cities and the
independence of the smaller states of Germany.
We do not fear to add that the thunders of the Holy
See saved at least for a time the independence of
Italy, and perhaps that of France."* Such is the
testimony of a great historian, who is assuredly no
Mend of the Popes.

The German Empire was revived by Gregory X, in

* HUimre des Civisadcs, voL iv., p, i

46 The Italian Revolution.

the person of Rudolph of Hapsburg, after an inter-
regnum of thirty years. When thia Pope was
elected he waa at Acre in the midst of the Crusade.
Hia first act on his arrival in Italy was to send
succour to the Cliristians in the East ; and hia last
days were passed in preparations for leading in per-
son an army to the Holy Land.

His reign was, indeed, one long aeriea of triumphs.
Even Sisraondi is among his panegyrbts. "A glorious
pontificate," he says, " was that of Gregory X. Italy
was almost entirely pacified by his impartial spirit,
at a time when the madness of civil feuds seemed to
destroy all hope of repose ; the interregnum of the
empire was terminated by the election of a prince,
who covered himself with glory, and who founded
one of the most powerful dynasties of Kurope. The
Greek was reconciled to the Latin Church, and the
quarrel between the Franks and Greeks for the
empire of the East was appeased by a wise and just
accommodation. An (Ecumenical Council (the second
of Lyons), at which five hundred bishops, seventy
mitred abbots, a thousand theologians and repre-
sentatives of religious orders assisted, was presided
over by tills pontiflT, and promulgated a code of laws
useful to Christianity and worthy an assembly so
august. Such are the events which render his reign
remarkable." "

* Hisloire dts RipMigves Ihdienrus, i. iii., p. 422.

The Popes and Italy.

The twofold task to which Gregory devoted him-
self, that of appeasing the feuds of Italy and Western
Europe, and checking the advance of the Infidel, was
steadily pursued by his successors. We hear of
Nicholas III, sending his nephew, the Bishop of
Ostia, from city to city reconciling the factions and
receiving into the Church those Ghibellinea who had
incurred excommunication. Similar success was
■ achieved by Boniface VIII., and, as a proof of the
prosperity of the States during his reign, it is related
that at the jubilee of a.d. VMO, when at one time
more than 200,000 pilgrims were in Rome, there was
not the slightest scarcity. The next Pope was
I Benedict XL, justly called by Gibbon, "the mildest
I of mankind." His great aim was to establish a
general peace, and combine the nations of Europe
against the Moslems. Venice and Padua were on
the verge of war ; he settled the difference between
them and averted it, while his legates restored peace
to Denmark and the kingdoms of the North. Of the
I princes of the West Philippe le Bel alone steadily
[ opposed his enhghtened policy, and the rising factions
in Rome giving him trouble in his own capital,
finally forced him to retire to Anagni, where he died
on January 7th, 1304, after a brief but eventful reign
I of little more than two months. There were grave
' suspicions that he had been poisoned at the instiga-
tion of the French king.

This is an important epoch In Italian history, for
4

50 The Italian Revolution.

with the reign of the next pontiff, Clement V., began
the " captivity of Avignon."

§ 4. Four Cent iirifs of Papal Rule,

Sad was the fate of Italy and Rome, when by the
factions of the Eternal City the Popes were driven
into exile at Avignon. No one can read the history
of Sismondi without being convinced that the period
of the Middle Ages, extending from the times of
Alexander III. to the opening of the fourteenth
century, was at once the epoch of the greatest power
of the Papacy, when the Popes stood at the head of
united Europe, a.nd the epoch of the greatest pros-
perity and glory for Italy, the golden age of Italian
freedom.

It is equally evident that the period which followed,
when for seventy years Rome was without the Popes,
and for full eighty years more the Popes were
thwarted in their action by the schism of the west,
was for Italy a return of the dark ages, which had
preceded her rise to fame and freedom under Hilde-
brand and Alexander III. And again, no reader of
history can fail to see that with the restoration of
Rome to the Popes and the re-establishment of their
influence by the close of the schism of the West,
there began for Rome and Italy a period of revival
and renewed prosperity, which lasted for nearly four

The Popes and Italy.

51

I

Imndred years — from the middle of the fifteenth
-century to the outbreak of the revolutionary spirit in
ItaJy after the French Revolution.

Hardly had Pope Clement retired to Avignon,
when the " Free Companies," or armies of brigands,
appeared in Italy. There was the Gran Compagna
led by Duke Werner, a German count. Another
and equally teirible corps -was that of Fra Moreale —
a Provencal, and an apostate knight of St. John. A
third was commanded by an English adventurer
named Hawkwood. These companies marched
through the country, plundering churches and castles,
levying coutributions on the towns, holding peaceful
travellers to ransom.

Meanwhile, the Roman factions were carrying on
'A warfare in the streets, and every nobleman's house
was a fortress. When Petrarch arrived at Civita
Vecchia in 1337, he was unable for some time to pro-
ceed to Rome, for a fierce struggle was mging in the
Campagna between the Coloona and the Orsini, The
former family were continually opposed to the Popes,
and we find old Stephen ColoQua (who later on saw
his sons slain and his army routed by Rienzi) setting
up an antipope at Rome against John XXII. At one
time the Romans were ruled by some demagogue
dictator, whose reign was generally ended by the
dagger of a would-be Brutus ; at others, the munici-
jKility assumed the dignities of the old senate, and
sent out the militia of Rome to ape the conquests of
4—2

T}ie Italian Revolutio

the legions, by an attempt to avenge an ancient feud
on some town of the Coniarca.

And all through Italy scenes like these were being-
enacted. Again petty tyrants and plundering barons
were occupying the castles on all sides. There was
no Pope at Rome to proclaim against them, in the
name of the outraged laws of God and man, a crusade
like that which had crushed Ezzelino da Romano.

But even in this hour of darkness the Popes, to
the best of their power, watched over the interests of
Italy. We hear of tlieir envoys going from city to
city to allay feuds and restrire peace. When the
Romans, led by old Stephen Colonna, attempted to
capture and destroy Viterbo, it was the Orsini and
the Papal troops, under a bishop of Winchester and
a count of Toulouse that repelled them from before
its walla ; and the only successes gained over the
banditti of the Free Companies were those obtained
by the Papal troops led by Cardinal Alborvnoz, whose
greatest victory waa that in which he totally routed
the compayna of the English brigand, Hawkwood.
Even the early successes of Rienzi in restoring the
reign of law and order at Rome were largely due to
the influence of Raimond of Orvieto, the Papal
legate ; and Rienzi only fell when he ceased to act as
the delegate of the Holy See, and began to pursue a
pohcy so insensate, useless, and absui-d, that many
suppose that with hia rise to power his mind, already
overwrought, had become aSected by insanity.

T^e Popes and Italy. 53

When Urban V. paid a brief visit to Rome, in
1367, nothing could exceed the wretched appearance
of the city. ''The churches and basilicas were
dilapidated," says a contemporary writer ; " houses
everywhere untenanted, weeds grew in the thorough-
fares, heaps of rubbish imd barricades encumbered
the streets." Again and again the Romans entreated
the Popes to return. " Since the removal of the Holy
See," says Gibbon, quoting from Petrarch, "the sacred
buildings of the Lateran and the Vatican, the altars
jLnd their shrines, were left in a state of poverty and
decay. The cloud which hung over the Seven HUls,"
it was added, " could be dispelled only by the presence
of their lawful sovereign. Eternal fame, the pros-
perity of Rome, and the peace of Italy, would be the
recompense of the Pope who should dare (not fearing
to throw off the yoke of the French court and its
cardinals) to embrace this generous resolution."

Though the Holy See was nominally restored to
Rome in 1377, it was not until 1421 that, in the
person of Martin V., the Popes finally took possession
once more of their ancient heritage. Deep was the
abyss of misfortune and decay into which Rome had
sunk during the period of their exUe. " Taking leave
of Florence," says his biographer, Platina, "Pope
Martin V. at length drew near the gates of Rome.
He was hailed as the propitious star and last hope of
their country by what still was left of the Roman
people and princes, who -vvent forth in great joy to

welcome him. They marked the day as one of the-
brightest in their annals. It fell on the tenth of the
kalends of October, 1421. He found Rome in a con-
dition so dilapidated and forlorn, that it no longer
presented the appearance of a city. One might see
the houses tottering to their fall, the temples proB-
trate, the streets deserted ; everything wore the ap-
pearance of decay, of neglect long continued and
beyond redress. Want and misery were stamped on
the faces of the inhabitants. Of the festive crowds,
the concourse, the brilliancy and polished air of city
life, there was no trace to be seen ; but it looked as if
the off-scouring of the whole country had been swept
together into that dingy forlorn place."*

It was not until the pontificate of his successor,
Kugenius IV,, that the restoration of Rome began.
Even he was for a time exiled from Rome, for in H'Si
the turbulent Colonna, aided by the Visconti of Milan,
rose against him, demanding his abdication ; and it
was only with great difficulty that he escaped to
Florence. The Romans soon entreated him to return,
but it was not until nine years after that he re-
ejitered the Holy City. Leopold von Ranke, in his
" History of the Popes," gives a striking picture of
the state of the capital of Christendom at this period.

"In the year 1443," he writes, " when Eugenius
IV. returned to Rome, the city was become a mere
dwelling of herdsmen; her inhabitants were in no-

• MUej", Uiilonj v/ lite Papal Slates.

The Popes and Italy.

1

I
I

way distinguished from the peasants and shepherds
of the surrounding country. The hills had been long
abandoned, and the dwellings were gathered together
in the levels along the windings of the Tiber : no
pavements were found in the narrow streets, and
these were darkened by projecting balconies, and by
the buttresses that served to prop one house against
another. Cattle wandered about as in a village.
From San Silvestro to the Porta del Popolo all was
garden and marah, the resort of wild ducks. The
very memory of antiquity was fast sinking. The
Capitol had become the ' hill of goats,' the Roman
Forum was the 'cows' field.' To the few monuments
yet remaining the people had attached the most
absurd legends."

From that time Rome began to rise from its ruins.
Pontiff after pontiff, ascending the throne of St.
Peter, took up the work of restoration where his
predecessor had left it off. Among these great names
BOme few stand out from the rest like the higher
peaks of a mountain range. First of these was
Nicholas V., one of the greatest of the restorers of
learning, at whose court might be seen a brilliant
circle of the last great scholars oi Greece and the
first of Italy. He was the first to intraduce to the
West many of the Greek classics, the founder of that
magatSceut library, which is still the chief treasure
of the Vatican ; " a man," says Macaulay, " never to
be mentioned without reverence by every lover of

56

The Italian Revolution.

literature." He erected numerous churches and
public buildings in Rome, and put the walk and
towers in a complete state of defence. In his ponti-
ficate the rule of the Holy See was firmly re-
established throughout the States of the Church, and
from that time, for full three hundred and fifty years,
the patrimony of St. Peter enjoyed an almost unin-
terrupted peace. If freedom from war is a blessing,
no state in Europe has enjoyed it to such an extent
as the pontifical territory.

To Julius II. belongs the honour of having re-
covered those portions of the Papal States which had
been usurped by the Borgia,s, by Venice, and by the
house of Este. Without firing a shot he enforced all
his demands upon the two fii-at, while over the third
lie won an almost bloodless victory. Romance has
shown Pope Julius leading the Papal troops to the
storm of Jlirandola, but there is no such scene in
history. He did, indeed, direct the siege operations,
which had not lasted long, when his artillery opened
a breach in the old Gothic walls, and then the Fer-
i-arese garrison immediately surrendered.

Everywhere the people hailed with enthusiasm
their return to Papal rule. " From Placentia to
TeiTacina," says Von Ranke, "' the whole fair region
admitted his authority. He had ever sought to pre-
sent himself in the character of a liberator; govern-
ing his new subjects with a wise benignity, he secured
their attachment and even devotion. The temporal

The Popes and Italy.

57

princes were not without alarm at the sight of so
many warlike populations in allegiance to the Pope.
' Time was,' says Machiavelli, ' when no baron was so
insignificant but that he might venture to brave the
Papal power ; now it is regarded with respect even by
a king of France.' "

We need only refer to Leo X. and Slxtus V. ; the
works of Roscoe and Hilbner have amply vindicated
their fame^and we would but be going over subjects
already familiar to our readers. From the time of
the latter pontiff to the French Revolution, an abso-
lutely uninterrupted peace reigned in the States.
There is little, therefore, for history to record, and we
shall conclude our account of the temporal rule of the
Popes by briefly considering the character of their
government and the condition of their provinces.

In the first place it is a. mistake to suppose and
assert, as some writers have done, that the Papal
government was an absolute unlimited monarchy.
It is true the Popes had no parliament at Monte
Citoiio modelled on that of Westminster. Later on,
we shall have much to say of the practical working
of the parliamentary system in Italy. It is enough
to remark here, that, if the people of the Pontifical
States had no Senate and Chamber of Deputies to
watch over their interests, they possessed other in-
stitutions far better adapted to their character and
genius. Each town had in its raunicipality a repre-
sentative self-governing body, possessing full power

Tlie Italian Revolution.

■ every local interest ; and to the Italians local
pests stand before all others. Each town, nay,
)st every large village, hiis its local historian, its
liters, its heroes, its patron saints. We may smile
i intense exaggeration of local feeling, but it ia
important fact which we must never forget in

; of Italy.

■veu in the days of the old Republic aud the
it was the same. The towns possessed
liicipal rights ; they fought for them ; even the
1 of Home could not supersede them. Italy was
I country with Rome for its capital in the
■crn sense ; it was rather a great aggregation of
111 states — of coiiununes, if we may use a French
1 at the risk of being misunderstood. Muratori
I shown that many of the towns preserved their
cipal rights through the storm of barbarian

ITie Popes and Italy.

59

the North, scrupulously respected, maintained, and
even extended, those of their own states. Thus, when
Julius II. recovered Bologna and the towns of the
Eomagna from the Venetians, he did not annex a
single one of them to the pontifical territory without
re-establishing its old municipal rights, or conferring
new ones upon it, and these rights were carefully
defined and always referred to in later times. Again,
when in the reign of Clement VIII. the line of Esto
became extinct in the peraou of the tyrant, Alfonso
II. {the pereecutor of Tasao), and the fief of Ferrura
reverted to the Holy See, the first act of the Pope on
assuming the government was to restore the old
municipal council and the ancient liberties of the
citizena*

As Rome had to maintain neither an army nor a
luxurious court, the taxation was always lighter
there than in any other part of Europe. It was just
sufficient to defray the expenses of administration
and civil government. Moreover, the Popes had at
their command the abundant alma of the Catholic
world, and thia wealth they devoted to the noblest
ptirposes. We need not speak here of their public
works, of the basilicas, the restoration of the ancient

• The only interference of the Popes with the munioijml affaire
of theii towns and cities w^ a superinteudence uf their expenditure,
and an occasional veto of projects which would have involved the
municipality iu debt. It would be well if such a prudent policy
were adopted iu Italy at the present day.

The Italian Revolution.

aqueducts, the building of bridges, the making of
roads. We need not apeak of their generous patro-
nage of science and art, which made Rome the capital
of intellect and taste, as well as of religiou ; enough
that it w;ia in Rome that Michael Angelo found the
one field worthy of his genius, and St. Peter's still
stands as the proudest monument of Christian art
exercised under the patronage of the Holy See.

The Popes were able by their influence and wealth
to confer deeper and more lasting services upon
Europe and the civilized world. From the time of
the Crusades to the crowning victory of Lepanto, they
were the steadfast opponents of the Turks. It was
Boniface XI. who raised the splendid army of French,
Germans, and Hungarians, who fought the battle of
Nicopolis. It was Eugenius IV. who formed the
confederation of Hungarians and Poles, that, led by
the king, Ladislas II., accompanied by the Papal
legate, defeated the Turks at Vania, inflicting upon
them a loss of thirty thousand men. Nicholas V.
sent St. John Capistran to rouse the Christian
princes to the rescue of Vienna. The hero Hunni-
ades drew his sword against the Turks at the bid-
ding of Calixtus III. PiuB V. collected the fleet of
Spanish, Venetian, and Papal galleys, that shattered
the Turkish armament in the Bay of Lepanto, break-
ing their naval power for ever. And all through the
seventeenth century munificent Papal subsidies en-
abled the Poles, Hungarians, Austrians, Venetians,

The Popes and Italy.

and the knights of Malta, to keep the field agahist
the Infidel ; Innocent XL sent 2,000,000 scudi to
Hungary alone. These are only a few great names
from a long list of illustrious pontiffs, but they
suffice to show what Europe owes to the Popes
in this respect, and what good use they made of
their ample revenues.

To return to the internal condition of the States.
Nothing is more remarkable than the rapid progress
of agricultural prosperity from the time when Sixtus
V. cleared the countiy of the brigands up to the
Revolution. The ambassadors, sent from Venice to
Pope Adrian VI. in 1522, give in their letters a glow-
ing account of the prosperous condition of the Papal
territory at that period. " From' Macerata to Tolen-
tino," they say, " we travelled through a district of
surpassing loveliness. Hills and valleys were clothed
with grain through an extent of thirty miles. No-
thing less rich was to be seen. We coiUd not find
the breadth of a foot of uncultivated land. We
thought it impossible to gather in so vast a quantity
of grain."* Could the same have been said of Eng-
land or France at that period, or even at one much
nearer our own times ?

Later on we find Pius V. enacting wise laws for
the encouragement and protection of agriculture in
his dominions. By a constitution dated October 11th,

• Milcy, Bislmj of tlig Pnpal States.

62

Tike Italian Revolution.

156G, he renewed the laws of his predecessora on the
same subject, forbade the barons to force their vassals
to sell their corn to them at their own price, granted
liberty and safe conduct to all cultivators of the soil
during seed time and harvest, and protected those
bringing corn to market from arrest for debt or on
any other pretext. These wise and atatesioan-Iike
acts produced the best results. Ten years after,
during the reign of Gregory XIII., Rome, which
during the Empire had been obliged to draw its
supplies from abroad, was able to export from its
territory no leas than 200,000 hectolitres of wheat.

On the encouragement of manufactures let Von
Ranke be our guide. After speaking of the services
of Sixtus V. to agriculture in the Roman territory,
he continues :— "Neither was he negligent with re-
gard to manufactures. A certain Peter of Valencia,
a Roman citizen, had offered his services for the
establishment of a silk manufacture. The thorough
going measures by which Sixtus attempted to for-
ward his plans are extremely characteristic of that
pontiff. He commanded that mulberry-trees should
be planted throughout the States of the Church in
all gardens and vineyards, in every field and wood,
^ver all hills and in every valley ; wherever no corn
was growing these tree.s were to find a place ; for it
was fixed that five of them should be planted on
every nihhio of land, and the communes were
threatened with heavy fines in case of neglect.

?7te Popes and Italy.

The woollen manufacture he sought also to promote,
' in order,' as he says, ' that the poor may have
some means of earning their bread.' To the first
person who undertook this business he advanced
funds from the treasury, accepting a certain number
■of pieces of cloth in return.

'* But we must not attribute dispositions of this
kind to Sixtus alone; this would be unjust to his
predecessors. Agriculture and manufactures were
fevoured by Pius V. and Gregory XIII. also. It
was not so much by the adoption of new paths that
Sixtus distinguished himself from earlier pontiffs, as
by the energy and decision with which he pursued
that on which they had already entered. Therefore
it is that his actions have remained fixed in the
memory of mankind."

Commerce, too, was fostered by the Popes. On
the Roman coast they founded the splendid harbour
of Civita Vecchia, on the site of the ancient Centum
Cellse. It was fortified by Urban VHI., and made a
free port by Benedict XIV., in 1714. On the Adriatic
coast they improved the harbour of Ancona, still the
best and most flourishing port of the eastern coast of
Italy.

A favourite subject of complaint against the Popes
has been the desolation of the Campagna. We need
say little on the subject here. In the first place, though
the Campagna is uncultivated, it aflbrds vaUiable
pasturage. In the second, its desolation is not the

The Italian Revolution.

fault of the Popes, but must be attributed to the
results of barbarian invaaiona, and the wars of the
tenth century. As to whether It could be reclabued
or not, opinions may differ. Certain it is that it
would be difficult even in these days of speculation
to find capital for the work, without thinking what
it would have been in the past.* There was a loud
outcry on the subject in the English press some years
ago, but it was conveniently forgotten that in the
Three Kingdoms there are full 27,000,000 acres of
waste landjt much of which could be cultivated at
little cost. When this is done it will be time to talk
of the Popes neglecting the Campagna.

But in another place, where success was possible,
they accomplished wondere in the reclamation of the
waste lands of their territories. In the southern
part of the Coraarca lay the world-famed Pontine
Marshes— -a wide tract of marsh, and pool, and reedy
lake, traversed by sluggish streams. Pontiff after
pontiff endeavoured to drain them, but with only
partial success. By command of SLxtua V., a great
canal, known as the Fiume Slsto, was cut across
them, and did much to facihtate subsequent opera-

" We heard muth of the reclamation of the Campagna be-
fore X870. The Italians have now had it in their posaeasion four
years. Havo they reclaimed a siogle rood ? Have they turned &
KSgle farrow with the ploughshare 1

f See a valuable article on the eubject, accompanied hy an in-
geniously constructed map, in \,h.e FoTinigkily Rtview, vol. viii. 1870.

The Popes (

! Italy.

1

65

rtions. But it was reserved for Pius VI. to accom-
plish the difficult task. He purchased the rights of
all the proprietors of tlie district, and then, by a well-
plaoned syatem of works, the whole wide area was
drained, at the compaixitively small cost of £347,104.

I A road was made across it ; it was divided into
fiirms and pasture lands, and soon about one-fifth of
the whole (or 3414 Irectares) was producing crops of
com year after year, while about one-aixth was pro-
ducing Indian com, and the rest was a rich prairie,
affording pasture to immense herds of cattle. View-
ing him in his character of a temporal prince, this
single act would have been enough to render the
name of Pius VI. illustrious. But it did not stand
alone. His life was one long labour for his people's
good, and if we hear little of these actions now, it is
because the more striking events of his later years
have lent at once a sadder and a brighter lustre to
liis name.

Sach is a brief sketch of what the Popes have done
for Italy, and more especially ibr that portion of it
immediately subject to their sway. It is necessarily
imperfect, for abler pens than ours would be re-
€[uired to relate in a few pages a narrative which
would require volumes for its fuU development. But
what we have written is sufficient for our purpose.
We lay it before the reader without further comment ;
its moral is too plain to require that we should point
I it out. We pass on to the opening of a darker

5

The Italian Revolution.

riod, when, after the long peace of two centuries,
; Papal States became once more the scene of war,

I that Revolution arose, the cliniax of which haa
1 reached in our own times by the spoliation of

bme.

I

CHAPTER II.

THE FIRST YEARS OF THE REVOLUTION.

1. Pius VI- and the French Republic.

(17S9— 1799.)
Wb have no intention of attemptiog, within the com-
pass of a few pages, to trace the rise of the great
Revolution which marked the close of the last cen-
tury. It does not fall within our province ; we have
only briefly to refer to its results in Italy. Some of
the greatest minds of Europe have been devoted to
studying the history of the French Kevolution of 1789, ■:
and to the investigation of the causes from which ,
it arose, and the train of events which produced it. i^
We have a far simpler task before us ; for it is ours
to deal with its consequences rather than its origin.

It is a mistake, into which many have fallen, to
regard the Revolution as the o^pring of maxims
proclaimed for the first time by the so-called philoso-
phers of the eighteenth centurj-. Partisans of the
Revolution have done theh- utmost to spread the
5—2

! The Italian Revolution.

ilief that the patriarcli of Feriiey and his disciples
2re the apo&tlea of a new revelation, the preachers
doctrines unheard before, and discovered by the
i;ht of reason acting in their powerful minds. For
e sake of historical truth it is to be regretted that
is theory has been adopted to a great extent by
Liny of their opponents, for assuredly it is a most
roneous one.

The revolution of the eighteenth century was only
lother outbreak of that spirit of disorder which
ists in every human society, and the workings of
iiich we can trace far back in the Middle Ages.
lere was nothing new in the principles of Rousseau
.d Voltaire. They had been enunciated, though.
rhaps in less precise and elegant language, hiin-
cds of years befoi'e either of those great leaders of
e /ihi/oxoplu'S was born. The Hussites in Germany

Tlie First Years of the Revolution.

69

onr own day the same horrible doctrines are openly
advocated by the more advanced apostles of the
Revolution. In England, the Lollard preachers made
use of expressions which might easily be mistaken
for those of the raob orators of Parts. " My good
fiiends," said John Ball, "things cannot go on well
in England, nor ever will, until evcrijthing shall he. in
common ; when there shall neither be vassal nor lord,
and all distinctions are levelled."

Even in its outward features, the Revolution was
I to a great extent a repetition of what had occurred
I over and over again in former times. The burning
of chateaux and the murdering of the seigneurs
■was a revival of the Jacjucrie of the Middle Ages ;
while the tumults in Paris at the same period,
when the people, wearing the red and blue badge of
the city, rose in arms, and piked or drowned the
nobles and their wives, bear a striking resemblance
to the Jacobin insurrections, when pikemen, wearing
the tricolour cockade, manifested their love for liherte,
egalite, and fraternite, by hanging unfortunate aris-
tocrata on the lanterae, or massacring them in the
courtyards of prisons. Every attack of the philo-
sophes on the religious orders had been anticipated by
Wicklift'e, Luther, and the rest. Even the very
secret organizations which carried on the revolutionist
propaganda had existed for centuries,*

• Tte EoBicnicians asserted that they could trace back Iheir asso-

70

The Italian Revolution.

It has been asserted also that the Revolution was
the work of the great mass of the French people, a
spontaneoua uprising of the whole nation against
feudal tyranny, which would have inevitably occurred
even if Voltaire and all his followers had never
written one word about politics, and if the secret
societies had never been organized. The writers who
maintain such opinions either have no real knowledge
of the spruigs of political action, or wilfully dose
their eyes to what is going on around them every
day. The poet and the historian may speak of the
spontaneous and simultaneous rising of a whole
people ; but those who have studied the events of
our own time, know that such movements never take
place now, and probably never did. It would be
strange if it were otherwise. The great maas of
every people consists of men who have in themselves
no initiative power. They will obey a strong impulse
from without, they will follow where others lead, but
they will let other men think for them and frame
their political creed. Thia it is which makes imi-
versal sufirage a sham wherever it ia practised.
Revolutions and reactions alike are not the work of
the masses of the people, but of a few men who are
bold enough to bid for their support, and strong
enough to secure and hold it The people will not

ciatioD to the Essencs ; and the origin of the Froemasons ia lost in
the darkaess of the Middle Ages.

The First Years of the Revolution. 71

and never did act, except when moved to it by some
external force.

In the case of the French Bevolution, this ex-
ternal force was to be found in the party of the
pkiloMphes. Their great object was a revolt against \
authority throughout all Europe. That revolt began '
in France, because there they found the most favour-
able field of action ; abuses loudly crying out for
redress, a weak government, and the party of the
old Janaenista with which they formed a close
alliance.

The correspondence of Voltaire shows the vast
extent of the revolutionary propaganda. It is sur-
prising to see how the pJiilosoplies elaborated the
policy of the Revolution, even in its smallest details.
Frederic IL, in one of his letters to Voltaire, fully
developes the theory of the suppression of the re-
ligious orders. After remarking that in the neigh-
bourhood of convents and monasteries the people are
always more blindly " superatitious " than elsewhere,
he goes on : — " There is no doubt that if one could de-
stroy these strongholds of fenaticism, the people
would become somewhat indifferent and lukewarm
with regard to the objects of their veneration. It
would be necessary then to destroy the cloisters, or
at least to begin to diminish their number. The
moment is come, for the French and Austrian
governments are deep in debt, and have exhausted
their resources in unsuccessfal efforts to pay their

V2

Hie Italian Revohctiov.

debts. Eich abbeys and well endowed convents are
a TBry inviting bait, I think, by representing to
them the harm which is done by the monks to the
people of their states, and the great number of mo-
naateries in their provinces, as well as the ease with
wliich they could pay part of their debts by making
use of the treasures of these communities, which have
no heira, one could persuade them to commence the
reform, and we may presume that after having en-
joyed the secularization of a few benefices, their

avarice would devour all the rest in succession

We must begin by destroying those who inflame the
hearts of the people with fanaticism ; and when the
people become indifferent, the bishops will become
the lackeys of their sovereigns, who in the course of
time wiU dispose of them just as they wish." Is not
this the theory on which almost every state in
Europe has acted in the last eighty years ? Frederic
II. himself had the satisfiiction of seeing it reduced
to iiractice by Joseph II. of Austria.

A volume might be written upon the progress of
the Ilevolution from the lettera of Voltaire alone.^

* Voltiure fully untleretood the advanta^ca of that art of misre-
proBcntation, wliicli lins always been such a useful weapon of the
Eevolution. " Lying is a vice when it leads to evil," be writea to
Thiriot ; "but it ia a very great virtue when it does good. Tliere-
fore bo more virtuous than ever. One must lie like the devil, not
timidly, not for a time, but boldly and at all times." "li faiit
pitntir comne- un dmble, non pas limidemeiU, nonpaajmir «?i ievips,
mais kardimerU el tovjours." — ffiwn-M de Follain, t lit, p. 336,

The First Years of the Revolution.

73

In a letter addressed to the Marquis de VilleviUe in
1768, he alludes to the secret literary propaganda,
which formed the moat powerful instrument the
revolutionists had to work. with. " Damilaville," he
says, "has just died. He 'was the author of ' Lv
Christiunisme DevoiU,' and many other works. But
it was never known ; so long as he lived, his friends
kept his secret with a fidelity worthy of philosophy.
No one knows yet who was the author of the book
published under the name of Fri5ret. In the last two
years, more than sixty volumes against siiperstition
have been printed in Holland. Their authors are
absolutely unknown, though they might boldly de-
clai'e themselves. ... A thousand pens are writing,
and a hundred thousand voices are raised, against
abuses and in favour of tolerance. You may be sure
that the revolution which has taken place in men's
minds within the last twelve years has had no slight
influence in driving the Jesuits from so many states,
and encouraging princes to strike at the idol of Rome
before which they used to tremble. The people are
very stupid, (^ieii sot), but the light is penetrating
even to them."

These few hues are evidence enough of the careful
organization of the Revolution. We have only one
more remark to make before passing on to the affairs
of Italy. Everyone wOl acknowledge that at the
period of the Revolution a thorough reform was neces-
sary, not only in France but throughout Europe ; but

The Italian Revolution-

it must not be forgotten that this reform was actually
in progress. In fiict, it was his having entered upon
a bolder pohcy of reform than his brother sovereigns
that ruined Louis XVI., for there is no time more
dangerous for a weak government than that during
which it is engaged in effecting reform.

We are far from maintaining that unalloyed and
unmitigated evil has resulted from the French Revo-
lution. The whole course of history shows that there
is no calamity so dark and disastrous that an over-
ruling Providence cannot bring forth from it some
lasting good. What we do assert is, that all the
good which has been accomplished by the Revolutionj
might have been gained, and would have been gained,
by a course of gradual, peaceful, and prudent reform
in every country in Europe ; and that such good a3
it effected is completely outweighed by the deluge of
misfortune which the Revolution poured out over
Europe, and the deep and enduring evil which it has
%vrought to every nation, from the Mediterranean to
the Northern sea.

The Revolution, once triumphant in France, its
leaders resolved to force it upon all EuropeTl They
wished to repeat the triumph of Islam, and spread
their new doctrines by the sword. First Belgium
was over-run, revolutionized and plundered. Then
almost simultaneously they poured into Holland,
Germany, Switzerland, and Italy. To the Italian i
people they proclaimed that they had come as de- .

The First Years of the Revolution.

liverers, to restore them their freedom. Piedmont ;
was conquered, the Austrians were driven from the 1
north, Genoa and Venice saw their ancient repuhUcs I
destroyed, the Pope was deprived of the Legations,
and subjected to a fine of thirty milUon franca, with
the object of embarrassing the temporal government.
Every gallery of art in Italy was plundered for the
musemns of Paris, war contributions were levied on
all aides ; while Jacobin apostles of Liberty, Equality,
and Fraternity organized the short-lived Ligurian,
Cis-Alpine, Etrurian, and Parthenopean RepubUcs.

■ Yet it is quite certain that all this was accomplished
hy French generals and French political agents, with-
out the consent and against the will of the Italian
people. The Revolutionists of Italy were a mere

I handful, compared to the whole nation.
" You know very little of these people," wrote
Bonaparte, in a confidential letter to the Directory
from his bead quarters at Passartano, on October 7th,
1797. "They do not deserve to have the lives of
40,000 Frenchmen sacrificed for their sake. I see
by your letters that you always set out from a false
supposition ; you picture to yourselves that liberty
can do a great deal for an effeminate, superstitious,
whimsical, and spiritless people. The things you
wish me to do are miracles, and I am unable to effect
them. I have not a single Italian in my array, ex-
cept, I think, about 1500 blackguards picked up in
the streets of the various cities of Italy, who are good

76

The Italian Revolution.

for nothing but plundering. On tbis subject do
not let yourselves be imposed upon by eome Italian
adventurers who are in Paris, or perhaps by some of
the ministers themselves, who will tell you that there
are 30,000 Italians underarms. For I have observed
for some time, by means of the papers, that public
opinion is strangely misled in France with regard to
the Italians. Since I entered Italy I have received
no assistance from the love of the people for liberty
and equality, or at least it has been of a very feeble
kind. But the good discipline of our army, and the
great respect which we all have for religion, and
■which we have even carried to the extent of cajolery
for its ministers, our just dealings, and, above all,
our great activity and promptitude in keeping down
the disaffected and punishing those who declared
against us, such have been the real allies of the army
of Italy. This is the historical truth, but as for
those things which are all very well in proclamations
and printed discourses, they are nothing but fables."*''
'' It would be difficult to find more convincing
evidence of the fact that no Revolutionary or Infidel
party worthy of the name existed in Italy before the
advent of the armies of the French Republic. The
revolutionary party grew up, and flourished, and be-
came a power under foreign influence.

* Cnitineau Jo]y, L'EijJ'isc Somaine en Face de In Herdntion,
vol I p. 204.

I

Tlie First Years of the lievolutic

77

But the great object of the leaders of the Revolu-
tion waa to destroy their chief foe, the Papacy.
Already, in 1792, Pius VI. had been burned in effigy
in the midst of an applauding crowd at the Palais
Koyal, and the National Assembly had declared
Avignon and the Conitat Venaissin annexed to
France, though it belonged to the Popes by the un-
demable titles of a fair purchase and a long undis-
puted possession. ^In February, 1797, after the fall
vi Mantua, Bonaparte was sent to invade the Papal
States and destroy the temporal power. Whatever
were his motives, he .stayed his march at Tolentino ;
and for the moment the Directory had to content
itself with the advantages gained by the treaty con-
-cluded with the envoys of Pius VI. at the head
quarters of the future emperor, and the additional
assurance on his part that the pontifical government
was now so weakened that it could not survive much
longer.

Meanwhile, they took active steps to hasten the
€nd. At Rome a permanent conspiracy was esta-
blished at the French Embassy, where Joseph Bona-
parte, as the ambassador of the RepubUc, was the
centre of a knot of conspirators,

On the 28th of December, 1 797, came the first open
attempt at insurrection. General Duphot, a hot-
headed young man, one of the military attaches of
the French Embassy, put himself at tJie head of a
handful of the disaffected, and led them to the attack

The Italian Revolution.

of one of the posts of the pontifical troops. In the
ensuing skirmish a chance shot struck down the
French general, and the rabble which followed him
dispersed in all directions. It was just the oppor-
tunity for which the Directory had been waiting in
order to break the treaty of Tolentino and seize upon
Home. Joseph Bonaparte left the city the momlDg
after the ^meute, and a column of troops was immo-
diately detached from his brother's army in the north
of Italy and ordered to march on Rome. It consisted
of General Berthier's division and 6000 Poles under
Dombrowaki, and it received the ominous title of
I'ann^e vengeresse — the avenging army. As they
advanced through the Papal territory they met with
no sympathy, no assistance, from the inhabitants, who
looked upon them as invaders rather than deliverera.
" The army," Berthier wrote to Bonaparte, " has met
with nothing but the most profound consternation in
this country, without seeing one gUmpse of the spirit
of independence ; only one single patriot came to me,
and offered to set at liberty 2000 convicts." This
liberal offer of a re-inforcement of 2000 scoundrels the
French general thought it better to decline.

It would have been strange if the inhabitants had
joined the French. The soldiers of the " avenging'
army" plundered the Santa Casa at Loretto, and
sacked and burned the town of Osimo. At length,
on the 10th of February, Berthier appeared before
Rome. All night his watch-fires were seen blazing

I

ITte First Years of the Revolution.

along the slopes of the Monte Mario, each group of
men lighting two, in order to impress the Romans
with an exaggerated idea of their numbers. The
morning light showed the French batteries in position,
as if to bombard the city. The Romans were with
the Pope almost to a man, and a desperate defence-
would have been possible ; but, wishing to avoid a
useless effusion of blood, Pius VI. ordered the gates
to be thrown open, contenting himself with addressing,
through the comraandant of St. Angelo, a protest to
the French general, in which he declared that he
yielded only to overwhelming force.

A few days after, a self-elected deputation of
Romans waited upon Berthier, to request him to
proclaim Rome a republic, under the protection of
France. As Berthier had been one of the most
active agents in getting up this deputation, he, of
course, immediately yielded to their request. The
French general then demanded of the Pope that he
should formally resign his temporal power, and accept
the new order of things. His reply was the same as
that of every Pope of whom such a demand has been
made: "We cannot — we will not!" In the midst
of a violent thunder-storm he was torn from his
palace, forced into a carriage, and carried away to
Viterbo, and thence to Siena, where he was kept a
prisoner for three months. Rome was ruled by the
iron hand of a military governor. Such was the fury
of the men of the Trastevere at the loss of their Pope,

The Italian Revolution.

|at it was months before a French soldier or a

1 Republican dared to enter their quarter alone.
Iprived of all other weapons, the daggers of the
puians often drank the blood of the invaders. At
Ircintino, at Veroli, at Alatri, Frosinone and Terra-
la, the people rose in arms to the cry of " Vivatio

■su e Mana!" but French grape-shot soon decided

e unequal struggle.
|!Meanwhile, alarmed at the rising in Italy, the

Irectory were conveying the Pope to a French
■ifion. As he passed through the north of Italy,
Ibjected, as he was, to every insult and indignity,
ierywhere the people knelt to receive his blessing,
Bd more than once he had to exert his influence to
Jotcct his guards from the menacing crowds that
Ithered round them. After a short stay at Gre-
lible he was transferred to the fortress of Valence,

The First Years of the Revolution.

81

I

§ 2. Italy uTider the First Empire.
(1800—1815.)
Pius VI. was lying in his humble grave at Valence,
hut already the Divine vengeance had \-iaibly fallen
upon his persecutors. Victoiy had departed from
the hitherto invincible standards of France, The
Aniiy of the Faith, led by Cardinal Ruffo, and formed
only of the half-armed peasants of Calabria and the
Basilicata, had driven the French from Southern and
Central Italy, while the Austro-Russian army of
Suvaroff had crossed the Alps, and gained victory
after victory in the north, driving the French armies
before them, until the tricolour waved only over the
closely beleaguered walls of Genoa. On the 8th of
January, 1800, the last French army in Italy had
been crushed on the field of Novi. A month later
the Conclave met at Venice, under the protection of
the arms of Austria and Russia, and of the English
fleet, and on February 14th, Cardinal Gregorio Bar-
naho Chiaramonte was elected Pope, and, in memory
of his martyred predecessor, took the name of
Pius VII.

Hardly had he assumed the tiara, when it was
suggested to him that, in view of the disturbed state
of Italy, he should transfer his see to Vienna. He
met the proposal with a direct refusal ; he would
rule the Christian world from no capital but his
own.

6

77ic Italian Revolution.

The peace which followed Marengo opened for
Pius VII. the way to Rome. On June 21sfc, seven
days after the great battle which had decided the fate
of Italy, he entered Ancona. At the gates of the
city HLx hundred young men, dressed in gala costume,
took the horses from his carriage, and attaching to it
long ropes, wreathed with flowers, drew him into the
city amid the enthusiastic shouts of the people, and
the thunder of the salutes fired from the forts, the
citadel, and the Russian fleet in the harbour. Every-
where throughout the Papal States he received the
same welcome, and on July yrd his triumphal pro-
gress came to an end at Rome.

His first care was to repair the evil results of the
French Republican occupation. The chief of these
was a debased currency. This he ordered to be at
once withdrawn from circulation, and at a loss to hia
treasury of 1,500,000 ecudi, or nearly £400,000, he
issued a new coinage to replace it.

The next year witnessed the ratification of the
concordat, and the restoration of religion in France,
and three years after Pius VII. journeyed to Paris,
to place the Imperial crown upon the brow of
Napoleon Bonaparte. Hitherto but little fault could
be found with Napoleon's conduct towards Pius VIL,
but now it became evident that he entertained de-
signs against the temporal sovereignty of the Pontiff
and the freedom of the Church. As soon as the
object of his journey was accomplished, the Pope

The First Years of the Revolution. 83

I Vas anxious to return to Rome ; but on various pre-

I texts his departure was delayed from day to day,

«ntil at length he began to perceive that he was

TJrtiially a prisoner. It was now proposed to him

that he should permanently fix his see at Paris, a

U^quarter of the city being assigned to him, and en-

l-dowed with special privileges, Hke the Patriarchal

I quarter at Constantinople. He rejected the pro-

I posal as firmly and decisively as he had refused that

tof a residence at Vienna, made to him after his elec-

p-tion at Venice. It wa,s hinted that the Emperor

1 -could enforce what he suggested. The reply of Pius

J -showed that from the first he had regarded the

I journey to Paris with well-grounded suspicion. He

[ had, he said, executed a conditional act of abdication

j before leaving Rome ; it was safe in the hands of

I Cardinal Pignatelli, and the moment he was deprived

] of his liberty he would cease to be Pius VII., and

I "become once more the Benedictine monk, Barnabo

Chiaramonte. From that hour all obstacles were

removed that had hitherto been placed in the way

of his return to Rome.

["Shortly after, the Emperor assumed at Milan the
I iron crown of Lombai'dy. Italy was now, in all but
[ the name, a portion of the French Empire. The
1 noilh, with the exception of Venetia, which had
I been assigned to Austria, was styled the kingdom of
L Italy, the Enjperor appointing as its viceroy his step-
Leon, Eugene de Beauhamais, while to his brother
G— 2

a4

Tlic Italian Revolution.

Joseph be gave the crown of Naples. The king of
Sardinia had sought refuge in the island from which
his kingdom derived its name. The king of Naples,
deprived of his continental dominions, had to reside
at Palermo, under the protection of the English
fleet. In the pontifical territory alone an Italian
sovereign still retained his independence.

But this was not to last long. Napoleon soon
found the means of forcing a quarrel upon the Pope.
He had in vain endeavoured to persuade Pius VII.
to consent to a divorce between his brother, Jerome
Bonaparte, and his American wife, for no other
reason than because it was his will that he should
contract some nobler alliance. He had sought to
make the Pope his subject, or at least his tributary,
and to induce him to close his ports against the
enemies of the Empire. On every point where
acquiescence in his wishes would have involved the
least violation of right and justice, he received an
unqualified and distinct i^efusal. " We have done
everything to maintain concord and good understand-
ing," said Pius VII. ; " it Is our wish to do so still,
provided regard be had to principles. On these we
shall be found inflexible. Where conscience is con-
cerned, they should wring nothing from us, were they
to flay us alive."

Flushed with the victory of Eckmuhl, Napoleon
resolved to bring the dispute with Rome to a decisive
issue. He was at the summit of his power. From

The First Years of the Revolution.

Moscow to Madrid, throughout all Europe, only one
crowned head refused to bow before him. He could
not overcome the resistance of Pius by specious argu-
ments, by threats, or by promises. He was deter-
mined to use open force to crush it. From the
conquered capital of Austria he wrote to the viceroy,
■ Eugene, a letter which was really addressed to the
Pope, and which he ordered to be presented to him
by M, Alquier, the Imperial ambassador at Rome.

"They say," wrote Napoleon, "that I am to be
denounced to Christendom. Nothing but the moat
profound ignorance of the age in which we live could
have suggested such a notion. The date involves an
error of a thousand years. The Pope who should dare
attempt this would cease to be a Pope in my eyes.
I would regard liim as Anti-Christ. What does
Pius VII. expect from denouncing me to Christen-
dom 1 To put my throne under an interdict ? to
excommunicate me ? Does he imagine that their
arms will faU from the hands of my soldiers ?" The
letter ended with an order to General Miollis to put
a division of the army of Italy in motion, and occupy
Home.

On the -ind of Februaiy, 1808, the invadei-s entered
the Eternal City, the castle of St. Angelo being sur-
rendered under a formal protest. Next morning
General Miollis and M, Alquier presented themselves
I to the Pope, with the object of laying the Emperor's
[ demands before him ; but he calmly told them that

The Itcdian Revolution.

long as Rome was occupied he should consider
imself a prisoner in the Quirinal, and that negotia-
pns were therefore impossible.

I For a time Napoleon took no further steps, in the-

Ipe that the threat of being deprived of his do-

iinions would shake the firmness of the Pope, Then

I was announced that the Pontifical States were to

: annexed to the Empire. No sooner was this

hown at Rome than Piua VII. published a bull,

[rmally excommunicating all who were concerned in.

lie spoliation of his territoryj but mentioning no one

name. Nupoleon immediately ordered that the

Bope should either abdicate his temporal powerj or

3 conveyed a prisoner to France. In pursuance of

. orders, on the night of May 17th, 1809, a detach-

leut of French troops, commanded by General Radet,

|id guided by some Jews, surrounded the Quirinal,

The First Years of tlie Revolution. 87

obedience to him, in what manner, think you, ought
we to sustain the rights of the Holy See, to which
we are bouud by ao many oaths ? We cannot, we
ought not, we will not, relinquish the temporal sove-
reignty of Rome or of the States. The temporal
dominion is not ours that we can abandon it. It
belongs to the Church, and we are only its adminis-
tratora. The Emperor can act as he pleaaes, but he
can never obtain that from us. After all we have
done for him, this ia not the requital we had a right
to expect."

No other reply had been anticipated. Like his
predecessor, Pius VII. accompanied only by his
secretary. Cardinal Paeca, w;is conducted to a travel-
ling carriage, which drove out of Rome by one of the
northern gates. The French troops were under arms
in the streets ; the garrison had been strengthened
by a division of the Neapolitan army, sent up by

I forced marches by Murat. The military anange-
ments, the surprise of the Quirinal, the huiTied re-
moval of the Pope, all were so many proofs that the
French feared a rising of the Romans in defence of
their sovereign. But though the perfect execution
of the plan prevented this, the Romans gave ample
proof of their devotion to the imprisoned Pontiff.
Despite the vigilance of the French, on the night be-
tween the 10th and 11th of June, imknown hands
aflfixed the bull of excommunication to the doors of
St. Peter's, St. John Lateran, and Sta. Maria Mag-

88 The Italian Revolution.

giore. The farewell address of Pius to tlie Roman
people was to be seen in all the places where procla-
mations were usually posted up ; and on the walls of
the public buildings, the lines in which Dante alludes
to the captivity of Boniface VIII.'^ were inscribed,
and restored as often as they ^ere efiaced by the
French police.

Pius VII. was not the only one on whom the doors
of a French prison were closed by order of the Em-
peror. Cardinals, bishops, priests — in a word, all who
defended his cause — shared his fate. The memoira of
Azegliof supply a picture of the impression caused
by these acts in Italy at the time. The future leader
of the " Juste Milieu " was then a boy at Turin,
and his father, the old Marquis d'AzegHo, nobly
exerted himself for the relief of the imprisoned
priests. As Piedmont was on the high road to
France, piiests of all ages were continually arriving
and departing, " scattered here and there like
withered leaves before the stormy will of the despot,
who, having lost all judgment, only retained his
talent"

The prisons, and especially the Alpine fortress of

E ae\ vicario Cristo esser catto,
Veggiolo un'altra voltd, essor deriso,
Veggio rinnvfiUar I'aceto e'l fiele."

Piirgatorio, XX,
t JUcolkdions, vol. i, pp. 160, 161, etc.

liie First Years of the Revolution.

89

I

Fenestrella, were crowded with priests and prelates.
" Strange to think," exclaims Azeglio, " what those
prelates had been a few years before, and what they
had now become ! To think of that Ignoble mixtui-e
of corruption and intrigue of which the Roman court
was composed, and yet to see such noble and strong
natures emerge from its depths — men who dared say
* No ' to Napoleon, then held immutable and eternal
as fate ! They left their fair palaces under the bright
skies of Rome, to enter calmly the dungeons of a
fortress upon which the snow fell in June. Could
they know when or how their prison doors would
open ? Who amongst them could then foresee Ros-
topchine and the Beresina ?"

Such is a reflex of the irapresaion made by the
persecution in Italy. For the sake of this we have
given Azeglio's words in their integrity, though it is
evident that he has allowed prejudice to blind his
better judgment. When did "noblo and strong
natures " come forth from the depths of corrup-
tion ? When did intriguers defy a despot for
conscience sake ? Is it not the highest testimony to
the worth and virtue of the court of Rome, that at
the call of conscience its prelates left their palaces for
the snow-clad heights of Fenestrella ?

Napoleon was now the undisputed master of Italy
from the Alps to the Gulf of Taranto, save where
among the rocks of Calabria a few brave peasants
still defied the legions of Murat. Let us briefly

90

The Italian Revolution.

review hia policy in the government of the peninsula,
the effects of his rule, and the attitude of the Italian
people with regard to it.

Though at St. Helena Ntipoleon apoke and wrote
of his having had the intention of raising Italy to the
condition of a united and independent nation,* there
is little doubt that his Italian policy was directed
solely with the view of making Italy a province of
the French Empire, and keeping her so. The decree
of February 17tb, 1810, which formally annexed the
States of the Church to France, declared that these
territories henceforth formed an integral 2}ortion of
the Empire, being divided into two departments, the
department of Rome, and the department of Thrasy-
mene. Tiie City of Rome was to be the second city
of the Empire, and to give the title of king to the
heir apparent of the imperial crown ; while in imita-
tion of the old Carlovingian Empire, it was decreed
that the French Emperors were to be crowned first
at Paris, and afterwards, before the tenth year of
their reign, in St. Peter's at Rome.f In the same way

• Hee tho Memmres iaites h Sie. Ili'lhe. Tome i., chop, iv., § G.

+ Tlie text of the essential clauses of the decree is as follows -. —
"Sinatus consultodu 17 Kvrier, 1810.— Titre 1. De la i^imiondea
Etats do Roma h rEtupiro. 1°. L'Etnt de Rome eat n!iuni It I'Em-
pire franpiiB, et en fait partie integrante. 2°, II formera deux dy-
paitements, lo di^partement de Rome ot le di!-partemoiit du Trnai-

tn^o 6°. La villc du Tiomc eet la ecconde ville de rEinpire.

7°. Le prince impi^rial porte le litre ot re^'oit lea honneura do roi dc

EoDie 10°. Apres nvoir ('■ti' couronm'a dans I'Eglise de Notre

Dame i Paris, les Empereurs soront courooui^B dans I'Egliae do
Saint Pierre de Kome, avant la dixi6me ann6e de leur ligne."

91

the territories of Piedmont, the republic of Genoa,
and the duchies of Tuscany, Parma, and Piacenza,
were united to France, and divided into French de-
partments, while to a few provinces in the north,
ruled by the viceroy, Eugene, was given the anoma-
lous title of the Kingdom of Italy.

Immense works were undertaken in the passes of
the Alps, especially in the Simplon, by which, so far
as military operations were concerned, the Alpine
frontier of Italy was abolished, the strong places of
Piedmont were dismantled, and an entrenched camp
was formed at Alessandria, " as the base of the French
power in Italy."*' In the south, first Joseph Bona-
parte and then Murat received from the hands of the
Emperor the tributary- sceptre of Naples.

The conscription ruthlessly swept the youth of
Italy into the French armies, to follow French mar-
shals and generals, and add fresh lustre to the laurels
of their conqueror. In the wars of Napoleon, thou-
sands of Italians perished among the hills of Spain,
on the plains of Germany, on the snow-chid wastes
of Kussia. According to Cesar Cantn, 37,000 men
fix)m the kingdom of Italy were di-afted off to the
Austi'ian war of 1809 ; 17,000 of them never saw
Italy again. Upwards of 40,000 Italians were en-
gaged in the war in Spain, and 30,000 are said to
have perished by sickness, exposure, and the weapons

The Italian Revolution.

of the allied armies. From tlie north of Italy alone
26)000 men took part in the campaign of Russia.
Few of them survived. Every historian of the war
has remarked how fearful was the mortality among
the Italian regiments, brought up in the sunny south,
and now exposed to an almost Arctic winter. On
the same day when the news of the disasters of
the Grande ArmiSe was announced in Italy, the vice-
roy received orders to levy a conscription of 80,000
men, to fill the wasted ranks of the imperial army.
Such was the treatment Italy received at the hands
of Napoleon I. He regarded it as in no less degree
a part of the French Empire than Normandy or
Languedoc.

The ever-recurring conscriptions produced their
natural effect. The land was drained of its best men.
Especially in the country, food was scarce and dear>
life and property were insecure, brigandage was rife
■on all sides, for hundreds of conscripts, after desert-
ing from their regiments, lurked in the forests and
mountains, and continually reinforced the banditti
of the country.

And yet with all this the Italians made no effort
to free themselves from the blighting military rule of
the foreigner. Again and again the fairest oppor-
tunities occurred for effecting their liberation, but
they'allowed them to pass unregarded. In 1809 ■Uic
;u"chduke, John, commanding the Austrian army of
Italy, issued a proclamation, calling upon tliem to

The First Yea7-s of the Revolution.

^

rise against the oppressor, promisiDg in the name of
the Emperor Francis that, if they did so, and success
attended his arms, they should be free and respected
in Europe ; that the Head of the Church would
receive back his States ; that a constitutional regime
would be established, and the country and its soil
would be free from all foreign domination.

"Italians," he said, "listen to the voice of truth
and reason. The first tells you that you are the
slaves of France, and that it is for her only that you
poiu" out your fortunes and your blood. It is clear
that the kingdom of Italy is a dream, an empty name
without reality ; but the levies of men, the taxes, the

» insults heaped upon you, are only too true and real.
The voice of reason tells you that, as long as you
remain in this state of degradation, you cannot be
respected, you cannot enjoy peace, you cannot be
Italians .... Truth and reason alike tell you that
you can never have a more favourable opportunity of
freeing Italy from the yoke which weighs upon
^L her."

^H Had Italy risen like the Tyrol, the power of
^H Napoleon in the Italian peninsula would have
^H perished in the year 1809. Italy might have been
^H freed almost at a hlow, for the country was drained
^B of troops ; but the Italians heard the proclamation of
^H Austria in silent apathy, and still sent their sons
^H to swell the ranks of France.

L

r Again in 1813 and 1814, though supported by the

T)ic Italian Revolutio)

Isti-ian and Anglo-Sicilian armies, the Italians
Bintained the same attitude of inaction ; they
Ike, indeed, of their desire to be free, but that was
While Germany tind Spain, Holland and Bel-
■m, rose like one man against their conqueror, Italy
liained sullen and silent. Southward of the Alpine
Ige, the proclamations and promises of the allies
It with no response. The Italians took no notice
Ithem. It was only when their country had been
cd by foreign swords, that they loudly claimed the
plment of promises of which they had never ful-
fed the conditions, and charged the allies with
Baking faith with them, forgetful of the fact that
my had again and again rejected every offer made
I the allied sovereigns. While Europe was rising
I defence of the trampled rights of nations, they
■y had allowed the flower of their youth to be

The First Years of the Revolution.

^

most celebrated artists of the day, i'oremost amongst
whom was the great Canova."

At Vienna the representatives of all the nations of
Europe were assembled in that famous congress
whose decrees regulated for forty years the relations
of the European states. It was fondly hoped that
the Revolution was dead, that its strength had been
sapped by Napoleonic Imperialism, and finally de-
stroyed by the victories of the Allies. What, then,
remained to be done, except to rectify the boundaries
of the various states, and establish a new order of
things, which, by careful adjustments, would secure
at once enduring peace and its own stability ?

With the general affairs of Europe we have no con-
cern, except in so far as they indirectly bear upon
1 those of Italy. It is only in their relations to that
I country that we shall consider the treaties of Vienna.
The peninsula was for the most part restored to
I the condition in which it had been before the Kevo-
I lution, the only important modifications being those
I concerning the former territories of the two great
republics of the north, both of which had received
I their death blow at the hands of the Jacobin repubUc
of Paris. The new constitution of Italy, determined
I upon at Vienna, was, then, briefly as follows : —

. The King of Sardinia was restored to his king-
[ dom as it existed in 1792 ; but to Savoy and Pied-
I inont were added the territories of the ancient re-
[ public of Genoa as a duchy.

96 The Italian Revolution.

2. The States of the Church were restored with
the exception of a few square miles of territory oq
the left bank of the Po, which liver was now made
the boundary between the States and the possessions
of Austria ; in all other directions the boundaries
were those of 1792. Austria retained the right of
garrison in Ferrara and Commachio.

3. Under the title of Ferdinand I., King of the
Two Sicilies, Ferdinand IV. of Naples was placed
over his dominions as they were in 1792.

4. In the north, the territories of the Republic of
Venice were added to the former possessions of
Austria, under the title of the Lombardo- Venetian
kingdom. Istria was united to the Austrian kingdom
of lUyria, and a third Austrian kingdom was formed
of Dalmatia, Ragusa, and Cattaro.

5. In the Duchies, Modena, Reggio, Mirandola,
Massa, and Carrara were restored to the house of
Este. The Duchy of Parma was assigned for life to
the Empress Maria Louisa ; on her death it was to
revert to the Duchess of Lucca. The Archduke
Ferdinand of Austria was restored aa Grand Duke of
Tuscany, and to his territories were joined some
minor possessions of the kingdom of Naples in the
Island of Elba and along the Tuscan coast.

6. Corsica remained in the possession of France,
and Malta and Gozo in that of England. The
Republic of San Marino and the principality of
Monaco were left in the same state of independence
aa before the Revolution.

r

The First Years of the Revolution.

9?

The chief result of these arrangements was to give
to Austria a pre-eminence in the north of Italy,
which the policy of Metternich extended more or less
to the whole peninsula. Within the Congress, and
in those circles which were formed in the higher
political society at Vienna at the time, and exerted
an influence upon the deliberation of the Congress,
none the less potent because it was unseen, two rival
parties might be said to exist with regard to the
affairs of Italy, or perhaps it would be more correct
to say that two leading views were current. There
was a pro-Austrian and an anti-Austrian view.
Some were anxious to limit the power of Austria in
Italy, or to exclude her entirely from the country
south of the Alps ; others on the contrary — and this
party was more numerous — regarded the establish-
ment of Austrian influence in the peninsula as a wise
and statesman-like act. Austria, they urged, was a
Conservative power, and her presence in Italy might
be regarded as nothing more than a useful counter-
poise to the revolutionary party which had come into
existence under the Republican and Napoleonic
regime. The illustrious Count de Maistre was one of
those whose influence with the Emperor Alexander
was exerted against Austria. His wish was to obtain
for his sovereign, Victor Emmanuel I. of Sardinia, the
whole of the north of Italy, which he hoped to see
constituted into a powerful kingdom. He only suc-
ceeded to a veiy limited extent. To his eflbrts the

7

98 The Italian Revolution.

acquisition of Genoa by the House of Savoy was
lai'gely due.

There is little doubt that his was the most states-
man-like poHcy. Had Austria retired from Italy in
1815, if on the one hand the Italian sovereigns would
have been deprived of the Austrian protectorate
against the more turbulent spirits in their states, on
the other hand the Revolutionists would have lost
that powerful lever, which they were able to use from
1821 to 1866, when " War to the Foreigner !" was a
cry that won for them many devoted followers
thi'oughout Italy. Austria would have lost but little
by the change. She would still be secure along her
south-western frontiers, for, even without Venetia
and the fortresses of the north, she would have a far
better and stronger barrier in that huge mountain
wall extending from the Tyrol to Illyria, where every
pass is fortified by nature, and every man is a soldier.

At the same time it must be remembered that,
reasoning only from abstract principles of policy and
the experience of the sixty years that have elapsed
since then, a very false view would be formed of the
course of action adopted by the Congress of Vienna.
The members of that Congress and the allied sove-
reigns were only free to a certain extent in their choice
of a European pohcy towards Italy. Wlien Austria
joined the great coalition against Napoleon, it was
distinctly stipulated by a secret article of the treaty
of Toeplitz of Sept. 9th, 1S13, that the Austrian

TTie First Years of the Revolution. 99

monarchy should be reconstituted on the same basia
as before the war of the Kevolution. TMs secured
to Austria all the territories which she had formerly
leld to the north of the Po, and these are enumerated
the 93rd, 94th, and 9jth articles of the treaty
of Vienna,

To re-establish the old Republic of Venice would
have been impossible. That republic was an aris-
iratic oligarchy, far more like the ancient republics
Greece and Home than anjHihing existing in
lodern timea Its rulers were men who would have
;arded the Revolutionary doctrine of Liberty,
"Equality, and Fraternity as the rankest sedition ;
but the spirit which once animated it was long ex-
tinct — a spirit which led to noble deeds, more than
outweighing its many defects and faults. Venice
had fallen by the folly of its own people, and the
flowai'dice of the senate and the last of the Doges ;
[iBiid to restore the outward form of the old republic
iild have been to raise a lifeless image of the once
lud Queen of the Adriatic. Equally impossible
it to erect in its stead a modem repubhc ; it
would have inevitably degenei-ated into something
like the French Republic on a smaller scale, and it
would have been a permanent danger to the peace of
both Italy and Austria. The abolition of Venetian
independence was therefore decreed by the stem Jiat
events which it was impossible to revoke, and
'hich had been the work of centuries. Sunounded
7—2

100 Tlic Italian Revolution.

SB it WEis by Austrian territory, Venice naturally fell
under the Austrian dominion.

Efforts were made to add still more to the Lom-
bardo- Venetian kingdom, and to extend the Austrian
frontiers to the south of the Po, by the annexation
of the Legations ; but this proposal was met by a
determined resistance on the part of Cardinal Con-
salvi, the able minister and representative of Pius
VII., who, it was noted at the time, alone, of all the
Italian sovereigns, presented a bold front against any
aggression upon his independence ; and these terri-
tories remained a portion of the patrimony of the
Holy See, the right of maintaining garrisons in the
forti'eases of Ferrara and Comacehio being, however,
conceded to Austria for purely military reasons, as it
was insisted that in event of war the possession of
these places would be necessary for the defence of
the north of Italy. Austria possessed a like right
of garrison for the same reasons at Piacenza, which
place it was stipulated she should hold until the
possible extinction of the male line of the Spanisli
Bourbons in the duchy of Parma, when that state
would revert to her, and Piacenza would fall under
the rule of Sardinia according to the treaty of Aix-
la-Chapelle, concluded in 1748.^'

In the same way the establishment of the House

• By a later treaty between Austria aad Sardinia it was agreed
that in event of the rcTcrsion taking place, Austria should rotUD
Piaccnsi, ceding other territory to Sardinia in compensation.

The First Years of the Revolution. 101

of Austria in the duchies of Tuscany and Modena
was the direct result, not of the Congress of Vienna,
but of former treaties, whose vahdity had been con-
firmed by the fact that they had been in force for
nearly a century. When by the peace of 1736
Lorraine was annexed to France, that transfer of
territory was made under the express condition that
the second son of the Empress Maria Theresa, as the
representative of the House of Lorraine, should
receive the grand duchy of Tuscany. This treaty
was signed by Spain, Sardinia, and Germany, and
guaranteed by France, and it might henceforth be
said that Tuscany belonged to the younger branch
of the House of Hapsbiu-gh by the same title by
which Lorraine belonged to France. By the treaty
concluded at Vienna in 1753 the third son of Maria
Theresa married the daughter of the last Duke of
Modena, and thus by a collateral descent the line
■of Este was prolonged, and another branch of the
Austrian Imperial family established in Italy ; esta-
bhshed not by conquest or force, but by the free
■consent of Europe, and certainly not against the will
of the people of the duchies of Modena, Eeggio, and
Mirandola.

It will thus be seen that nothing can be more
ciToneous or opposed to the facts of history than to
apeak of the Congress of Vienna, as some writers
have done, as if it were an arbitrary parcelling out
of the people of Italy among a few sovereigns, whether

The Italian Revolution.

they willed or not. We have seen that, on the con-
trary, it -was the re-establishment of a pre-existing
order of things, and that it was guided, not by the
arbitraiy dictates of despotic ambition, but by fixed
and irrevocable principles, founded for the most part
upon treaties of long standing, and to which all
■western Europe was pledged. And though the en-
hghtenment of the present day has come to take a
very different view of treaty obligations from that
which prevailed sixty years ago, we confess we are
old-fashioned enough to regret the days when the
plighted word of a monarch or a nation was supposed
to bind them, and treaties were worth something
more than the paper they were written on.

We shall see presently that, far from being repug-
nant to the people of Italy, the arrangements of
Vienna were approved of at the time by the vast
majority of the Italians themselves, whom they most
deeply concerned. But befoi'e speaking of this we
must refer to the private engagements entered into
by Austria with some of the sovereigns of Italy,
which, standing on a different basis from the treaties
of Vienna, must be considered separately.

There can be only one opinion as to the treaties
between Austria and the sovereigns of Naples and
Sardinia, by which Ferdinand I. and Victor Emanuel
I. pledged themselves to do nothing in their respec-
tive kingdoms contrary to the poUtical system
adopted by Austria in the Lombardo- Venetian king-

I

■^

Tlic First Years of the Revolution. 103

doiD. Such treaties, were, indeed, impossible to
execute or observe, for the simple reason that if they
were observed in their literal sense they would reduce
both those sovereigns to the position of Austrian
viceroys. The only effect of these engagements was to
compel one of them to resign later on. When he
was threatened by the Revolution, and found him-
Belf forced to choose between breaking his plighted
word and resigning his crown, he chose the latter
course. He knew then, perhaps, that in entering
into the engagement with Austria he had made a
lash and unwise promise, but once it was made he
felt himself bound to observe it ; for he knew nothing
of the modern doctrine of political expediency and
the worthlessness of treaties.

On the other hand, no one who is not blinded by
prejudice will assert that treaties of mutual defence
between Austria and the duchies of Modena and
Tuscany had in them anything contrary to inter-
national rights. In the event of the extinction of
the younger branches of the House of Hapsburgh
ruling in those states, their territoriea would, accord-
ing to treaties acknowledged by all Europe, revert to
Austria, who had therefore a direct and recognized
interest in preserving the existing order of things In
the duchies. Say what we will about the wisdom of
those treaties, we can no more deny the right of
Austria to make them, than we can deny the treaty-
\ making power of any state in Europe.

104 77ie Italian Revolution,

■" With regard to the attitude of the people of Italy
at the time towards the decisions of ISli), there can
be no mistake. In the south, Murat had held his
ground only by using the sword and torch with ruth-
less activity, wherever oppoaitioQ showed itself^
When in March, 1815, in the hope of making faimaelf
king of Italy, he unfurled his flag against Austria at
the bead of a Franco-Neapolitan army of 40,000
men* and invaded Central Italy, he nowhere met
with assistance or encouragement from the inhabit-
ants, and the expedition cost him his throne, and,
later on, his life ; yet Murat proclaimed that his
object was to establish an independent kingdom of
United Italy.

Again m February and March, 1814, Colonel
CatinelU, of the Anglo-Sicilian army, travelled through
Italy for the express purpose of discovering what
were the sentiments of the people. " I had orders,"
he Bajs, " to ascertain wherever I went the wishes of
the people with regard to the political re-organization.
It was easy for me to execute these orders, because I
wore an English uniform, and I found everywhere a
curious crowd in which there were always well-
informed persons who came and asked to speak to
me. At Naples they wished for the Bourbons ; at
Rome, at Spoleto, at FoHgno, at Perugia, for the

Acco rding to Coletta, who commanded Muiat's engiueeis, tbrae
regimonta were formed of arinod convicita. Ten of the twonty-five
goaerals in the 4111117, ^"^ twenty-seven colonola, were French.

The First Years of the Revolution. 105

Pope ; at Florence for the Archduke Ferdinand ; at
Modena for the Archduke Francis, the heir of the
House of Eate ; at Verona for the Emperor Francis.
On the day after the 6meute at Milan,* that is to
Bay on April Slst, 1814, I was at Novi, on the road
from Milan to Genoa, There I passed several hours
with a certain Baron Trecchi, a Milanese, who was
on his way from Milan to Genoa as a deputy of the
Gonfalonieri party, to try and induce Lord William
Bentinck to occupy Milan with his English troops,
while the Austrians were delayed upon the Mincio
by the convention of Schiarino-Rizzino. His con-
versation was a continual lament, diversified from
I time to time with the most angry exclamations
against his fellow citizens and the Lombards in
general ; who he said were all — thanks to their re-
trograde prejudices — stupidly and blindly devoted
to the Austriana."f

If other evidence were wanting, we might point to
the reception accorded to the restored sovereigns.
Alike at Naples, Rome, Florence, Milan, and Turin,
the restoration of the old governments was hailed
with joy and pleasure by the people. The partisans
and servants of the Imperial regime, who lost power

* Against the viceroy Eugene.

t La Question Italionne. Etudes du Comte Charles Catinelli,
[ ancien colonel, chef d'6tat-major ile I'armce Anglo-Sicilienne sous
I ies ordres du Lord William^ Bentinck, etc., etc. — BnaeUts et
Vdaipzig, 1859, pp. 59, 60.

106

The Italian Revcixttion.

with its downfall, were of course disappointed and
discontented, but they were in a miserable minority,
even if we add to them the philosophic reformers,
who would have wished to see an ideal Italy con-
stituted in a few days by the Jiat of the Congress,
regardless alike of the desires of the people on the
one hand and the obligations of existing treaties on
the other.|

It is an undoubted historical fact t.hat in 1815, of
all the states and sovereigns of Italy only one state
and one sovereign received any accession of territory
against the will or without the consent of its in-
habitants. That state was Piedmont. The Genoese,
proud of their ancient republic, once the rival of Venice
in the sovereignty of the seas — the republic which
had numbered among its sons Andrew Doria and
Christopher Columbus, which had fought with the
Turks and conquered territories upon the distant
shores of the Euxine — longed to see their old form of
government restored. Lord William Bentinck, in
the name of England, promised that it should be so,
and strenuously, but vainly, exerted himself to have
his promise fulfilled by the Allies. "The Genoese,"
he truly said in one of his dispatches, " universally
desire the restoration of their ancient repubhc. They
dread above all other arrangements their annexation
to Piedmont, to the inhabitants of which there
always has existed a peculiar aversion,"

On principle, the manner in which the ti'ansfer of

The First Years of the Revolution. 107

Genoa was effected is indefensible. In the debates
on the subject in the Englisli Parliament no auch
defence was- attempted. The ministry of the day
and their supporters contented themselves with
asserting that if the Allies had acted against the
wishes of the Genoese it was only for the genei'al
good of Europe. The object of the Congress was to
make the kingdom of Sardinia a powerful state for
the defence of Italy against France. The weakness
and disunion of that kingdom and the Kepuhlic of
Genoa bad, it was urged, enabled Bonaparte to over-
run Italy. "Genoa/' said Lord Harrowby, in the
debate in the Upper House, " was neither able nor
willing to defend the passes from Fi-ance to Itiily,
and nothing could therefore be more natural under
the circumstances in which she stood, than to con-
sign her to a power which had for ages been con-
sidered as the natund guardian of the Alps."*

Such were the arrangements made by the Congress
of Vienna with regard to Italy, arrangements which,
with one exception, that of Genoa, were agreeable to
the wishes of the Italian people. We grant that
there were defects in tliis re-constitution of Italy;
what human arrangement is there which is free from
them 1 But, notwithstanding this, had the restored
governments been permitted to freely devote them-
selves to the development of the resources of their
states, and the promotion of the happiness of their
• Hauaard, 1815.

■os

The Italian Revolution.

feople, Italy would have made rapid and lasting
2SS. As it was, tile governments of Italy had to
tvote much of their attention to the defence of their
try existence ; what wonder, then, that less was
pcoraplished than might have been anticipated ?
3 builds but slowly, who, like the men that rebuilt
e walls of Jerusalem, has to hold the sword as well
\ the trowel

»

>

There are few tasks more difficult than to trace the
origin and the history of a secret political organi-
zation ; and this difficulty does not (aa might at firat
sight be expected) arise so much from the dearth of
materials, as from their abundance and their very
nature. These materials naturally divide themselves
into three great classes. There are the statements
of the friends and members of the association, those of
its enemies, finally, such evidence aa may be afforded
by judicial proceedings in which the association is
involved.

But the first not unfrequently strive to hide all
the faults and crimes of the body to which they
belong, and extol — often exaggerate — what it has
been able to effect. At times they may even do this
without knowing it. The political maxims of the
society have become their creed, its method of action

110

The Italian Revolution.

their rule of life, its deeda a portion of their own life-
work. They have battled with the world, generally,
it must be confessed, without success ; there have
been times when every man's hand has been against
tbem ; the idea, the hope set before them has been
the object of their lives. What wonder, then, that
even natural self-love, without any other motive,
blinds them to all that is evil in their organization
and its work, while it surrounds their successes with
a halo of light.

Then there are the foes of the organization, often
the men that have been foremost in the struggle
against it. They know that this mysterious power ia
working in the dark to undermine all they obey or
venerate. Their eyes are strained to catch the least
glimpse of its constitution, its action and its progress,
but they are too apt to buUd wild theories on the
scanty and disconnected information they thus collect.
To them all that is done by the organization is neces-
sarily evil ; and they are at times too ready to listen
to everything that can tell against it, without having
the power to judge calmly of the evidence before
them.

Finally, there are the accounts given by those who
. have deserted the ranks of the organization, of spies,
and informers, a race which no secret association has
ever yet been strong enough or wary enough to ex-
clude from its ranks. But their evidence is often the
least trustworthy of all ; for belonging, as they

Cnrboiiarism. Ill

usually do, to the outer circles of tlie society, and
haTing themselves but an imperfect knowledge of its
action, in their anxiety to satisfy their employers
they are too apt to supplement the information they
really possess by calling conjecture or imagination to
their aid, and they too often seek to justify their own
treachery by doing all in their power to further
darken the darker shades in the character and deeds
of those they have betrayed.

For such reasons as these we have a difficult work
before us, when we endeavour to trace the history of
a secret association. If we know little on some points,
on others we have abundant evidence, though all this
evidence has to be received with more or less distrust,
and we have to beware alike of the eulogies of the
friends of the association and the invectives of its
foes.

We may, however, regard as true statements
which receive confirmation from the consistent
accounts of various witnesses (using the word in its
■widest sense) on both sides of the question, especially
when those statements are made at various times and
in various places, and freely repeated long after the
state of things had pa-ssed away in which those who
made them could he deterred by fear or encouraged
by hope of reward. Again, we may believe of an
association of men, the good regarding it which is
—admitted to be true even by its foes ; and similarly
WfK need not hesitate to charge it with those errors^

faults, or crimes, which are directly or indirectly
acknowledged by its friends. So far we will [tread
upon safe ground.

In drawing up the following sketcH of the Car-
bonari, and subsequently in describing^the other
associations, which to a greater or less extent may be
said to have arisen from it, we have been guided by
the foregoing considerations. Our object has been,
to discover the truth and nothing more. The mere
seeker after sensation will find little in our pages to
gratify his taste, though it would have been easy to
present to the reader more than one wondrous story
from the records of Italian conspii-acy and intrigue.
However inviting they niight be, we have excluded
them from our pages, because they might not bear the
rigid tests to which we would not fear to see every
statement made by us subjected.

Secret societies have for centuries existed in Europe
under different names, and with various objects. In ,
the Middle Ages the terrible Vehme Gerlcht flourished
in Germany, and cited prince and peasant alike be-
fore its secret tribunals. In France and England the
Freemasons held their lodges and councils, and in
Italy similar organizations arose scattered over the
country, and played a part in the continual struggles
of factions and parties. Of all these associations, th&
Freemasons were at once the most numerous, the
most completely organized, and the most powerful in
Europe. There is ample proof that they had a gi^at

^

Cm-bonaris^n. 113

share in bringing on the French Revolution. The
notorious Philippe Egalit^, the centre of three-fourths
of the plots of the day, held the rank of " Grand
Orient " in the order, and most of the Jacoblna and
Cordeliers were members of its lodges.

In the south of Italy, during the French domina-
tion, a secret society was formed, in many respects
resembling the Freemasons, but more daring and
rapid in its action, more outspoken with regard to
its objects, and for a time more famous in Europe.
Its origin is shrouded in obscurity. It has been

f asserted, on the one hand, that it was originally a
Royalist conspiracy, to a great extent guided by
Queen C'aroHne, the consort of Ferdinand IV. ; on

I the other hand, it has been said that it dii-ectly owed

I its origin to a Genoese adventurer, named Maghella,

I who Ijecame chief of the Neapolitan police during the
leign of Murnt.

The probability is that to a certain extent both

I these theories of the origin of the Carbonari ai-e true.
It is clear that until about the year 1S12 the secret
societies of the south of Italy were Royalist in their
tendencies, and that after that they became anti-
BoorboniBt. It seems to us that it is not difficult to
explain this seemingly unaccountable change, which
threw the association into the hands of Maghella,

I who re-organized it, and might be regarded as its

I second founder.

During the struggle against the French invaders.

Ii4 Tlie Italian Revolution.

more than one secret association was fonned amongthe
mountaineers of Calabria and the Abruzzi. Assem-
bling in the woods, they took the name of the Car-
honari, or charcoal-makers, and their meetings were
called Venditc, or sales." These societies soon began
to act in concert, and they formed themselves into
one great organization, which opened a correspondence
with the exiled court of Naples at Palermo. The
leaders of the conspiracy were for the most pait
Liberal in politics. A Parliamentary government
had been established in Sicily by the Englislx and
the exiled king ; and the chiefs of the Carbonari
placed before their followers the twofold object of the
restoration of Ferdinand and the establishment of a
Neapolitan parHament and constitution. Aa for the
peasants and burghers who filled the ranks of the
order, they knew little, and cared less, for these
things. Their sole idea was to emulate the deeds of
the Army of the Faith, by expelling the French, and
restoring King Ferdinand. Thus the Carbonari had
at the very outset a twofold character, the organiza-
tion being pai'tly Royalist, partly Liberal in its
tendencies.

It was not long before spies and informei's were
found among the Carbonari. The government of
Murat became aware of their proceedings. The
society was proscribed, and the severest penalties

• Often abbrfviated. to rente.

Carhonarhm.

n.'j

\

were threatened against its members. The Carbo-
nari were most numerous in Calabria ; General
ManhSs was placed in command of the province,
and with the help of informers he arrested several of
the leaders, who were tried and executed by martial
law. Capobianco, a young man of fortune, w^ said
to be at the head of the society. He was the cap-
tain of the militia of his town, which, Uke many of
those in Calabria, was a natural fortress perched upon
ft precipitous height. To attempt to arrest him there
would have been madness ; General Manh^^ there-
fore had recourse to treachery. Feigning ignorance
of his connection with the plot, he invited Capobianco
to a banquet at Cosenza. After hesitating awhile,
1,^0 Carbonaro accepted the invitation, hoping to foil
Imny attempt to arrest him by leaving the room sud-

tnly before the banquet was over. When he rose
fixim his chair, he was surrounded by French gen-
darmes, and led off to prison. Next morning he was
tried by a military commission, and beheaded in the
market-place. The result of these vigorous measures
that most of the Royalist leaders, feeling they
were at the mercy of the spies of Murat, fled to
Palermo, while many of the Liberals made their
peace with the government. The rank and file of
the association were thus left without leaders, and
the first epoch of Carbonarism was at an end.

It was now that Maghella appeared upon the
le, and re-organized the Carbonari, who were no
8—2

The Italian Revohiiion.

longer to be the partisans of tlie exiled king and the
enemies of Murat, but his secret allies, and aft^r his
downfall the opponents of the Bourbons. Yet this
re-organization was not effected, until an abortive
attempt at a Royalist insurrection in the province of
Teramo, followed by a long series of military execu-
tions, had completely broken up the Royalist asBoda-
tion of the Carbonari.

The new organization was at first far inferior in
power to that which had preceded it. Its chiefs
(v-ere in secret communication with Maghella, whose
relations with them were at fia-st unknown to Murat.
The leaders were the more advanced Liberals of the
former society ; but, instead of the hardy and warlike
mountaineers who had filled its ranks, the new Car-
bonari were chiefly recruited from the population of
the towns and cities, the officera and noD-commissioned
officers of the army, and the students of the universi-
ties. The organization was extended into the Papal
States, and even had some adherents in the north.

It was upon this association that Murat relied for
aid, when in 1815 he declared war against Austria,
and proclaimed himself the champion of Italian inde-
pendence. We have already referred to tlie complete
failure of his enterprise. In the Neapolitan pro-
vinces his army was largely recruited from the Car-
bonari. In the Papal States about a thousand
young men joined him. This was all the aid he
received from the order beyond the frontiers of his
own dominions.

Carboncmsm.

117

I

I

Under the restored governments the whole force
of the opposition party in eveiy state was brought to
the aid of the Carbonari, and the association ex-
tended rapidly. In Genoa, the wide-spread discon-
tent caused by the annexation to Piedmont found
vent in numerous affiliations to the order, which
Boon possessed several vendi(e in the Genoese terri-
tory, from which it extended into Piedmont and
Lombardy. Another of its strongholds was Ancona
and the Eomagna, the population of which has always
been among the most turbulent in Italy. But it was
in the south — the original aource of the conspiracy —
that it made the most rapid progress. According to
Coletta, in the first five years — from 1815 to 1820 —
upwards of 640,000 members were enrolled in the
Two Sicilies. This number may be, and probably is,
exaggerated, but we cannot doubt that the Nea-
politan vendite were by far the most numerous in
Italy. They had succeeded in introducing their
organization into the army, in which they had initi-
ated large numbers of members amongst the old
officers of Murat, and especially among the non-
commissioned officers, who have always even a
greater influence over their men than those of higher
rank.

The organization of the Carbonari was now far
more elaborate and perfect than that of the bands
who had first met in the charcoal-bumera' huts in
the forests of Calabria. The local vendite obeyed a

The Italian Revolutioiu

central committee established in each state, under
the name of the Alta Vendita. All communications
between the vendite were carried on through this
central body, and in each local society the members
were divided into several grades, and were for the
most part unknown to each other, and known only
to the leaders of the vendita. Thus the central
governing body held in its hands the clue of an
intricate system, extending through every part of
the country, and the details of which were known to
it only. Communications between it and the local
bodies were, as far as possible, delivered orally — for
the Carbonari kept no records, and sought to avoid
written correspondence, for fear of seizure or betrayaL
The same object of obviating the dangers of treachery,
or even imprudence, on the part of the members, was
held in view in the organization of the various grades
or degrees, which, like much of the other mechanism
of the order, were borrowed from the Freemasons.
The lowest grade of all was that of those who were
simply initiated ; they knew only those who had
introduced them ; they had no power of uiitlatlng
others ; they were " to be silent and obey, to slowly
deserve and receive confidence."* After a time they
were admitted to the second grade, which permitted
them to take an active part in extending the society.
Each member paid a monthly contribution into its

t

Carbonansm.

treasury, and besides this was instructed to provide
himself with arms.

When a man presented himself for admission into
the order, it was only accorded to him on condition
of his giviDg himself up body and soul to its leaders.
Giovanni RuffinI was asked, " Did he know that, as
soon as he had taken the oath, his arm, his faculties,
his life, his whole being, would belong no longer to
himself, but to the order ? Was he ready to die a
thousand times rather than reveal the secrets of the

I order ? Was he ready blindly to obey and to abdi-
cate his wUl before the will of his superiors in the
order ?"»
Mazzini, too, has recorded the circumstances of
Ills initiation into the Carbonari.t He was asked if
he was " ready to ctct, and to obey the instructions
■which would be ti-ansmitted to him from time to
time, and to sacrifice himself, if necessary, for the
good of the order ?" Then on his knees he took the
Carbonaro oath upon a drawn dagger. In all this
there was no definite object set before the adept, no
Hmit fixed to his obedience. " In my own mind,"
says Mazzini, " I reflected with surprise and distrust
that the oath which had been administered to me
'as a mere formula of obedience, containing nothing
to the aim to be reached, and that my initiator

• See his autobiography, pulilislicd under the title of " Lorenzo
ienum."
t "life and Writinga," vol. i.

120 The Italian Revohttion.

had not said a single word about federalism or unity,
republic or monarchy. It was war to the govern-
ment, nothing more,"

Once, then, an Italian had taken the Carbonaro
oath — and it was often taken, as in Mazzlni'a case,
in a burst of bUnd enthusiasm, which was fol-
lowed, but not tempered, by anxious reflection — he
became the slave of a despotism incomparably more
complete than any that had ever existed in Italy oi"
in Europe. He belonged, body and bouI, to a central
vaidita, of whose existence he was scarcely aware,
whose membeis were unknown to him, while the end
to which they were directing their efforts, and which
he had vowed to serve by a blind obedience, was
equally hidden from him, and only alluded to in the
vaguest generalities.

Nor was this blind obedience an empty name. If
he refused it, the symbolic dngger, on which he had
sworn allegiance to the order, guided by an unknown
hand, became the instrument of his punishment.
Even flight to distant lands was at times insuflScient
to shelter the life of an insubordinate or treacherous
Carbonaro from the avenging daggera of the agents of
the Alta Vendita. There was not one state in Italy
free from political assassinations, and the object of
these crimes was not so much to punish the guilty as
to establish a system of terror over the members of
the lower grades of the order, so as to quell and
eradicate all tendencies towards a mutinous spirit

Cm-bonarism. 121

amoDgst thetii. Mazzini relates an incident of this
Idnd, which occurred at Genoa.

I was desired," he says, " to be on the Ponte
fdella Murcansia at midnight. There I found several
of the young men I had enrolled. They had been
ordered there, like me, without knowing where-
fore.

" After we had waited there a long time, Doria
;i^peared, accompanied by two others, whom we did
Hot know, and who remained wrapped up to the eyes
in their cloaks, and as mute as spectres. Our heai-ts
bounded within us at the thought and hope of
action.

Having arranged us in a circle, Doria began a
discourse directed at me, about the culpability of cer-
tain words of blame of the order, uttered by inexpert
'*nd imprudent young men ; and, pointing to the two
cloaked individuals, he told us that they were about
to start on the morrow for Bologna, in order to stab
a Carbonaro there for having spoken against the
chiefs : for that the order no sooner discovered reheUt
',n it crmlied tkem."^

A similar incident is related by RuffinL About
"twenty of the Carbonari were assembled at midnight
one of the smaller squares of Genoa, and there one
i<rf the leaders told them to pray for the soul of a
wmrade condemned to death by the Alta VenditUt

• " Life and Writings,"

The italics are Mazzini'a.

122 The Italian Revolution.

and who would die by the dagger as the clock stnick
twelve.

Such was the terrible organization which arrogated
to itself the task of regenerating Italy, while it
reaJly formed the great obstacle to all progi-ess. In
the face of such enemies the governments of Italy
naturally refused to give that full freedom to the
press which would make it a powerful weapon of
the Carbonari. To oppose a eecret conspiracy, they
bad recourse to spies aud paid informers, and at
times sought to neutralize the terror of the dagger,
by threatening those who governed by it with the
prison and the scaffold. We have no intention of
defending all their acts ; this much only we will say ;
If the Italian governments had recourse to such
measures of detection and repression, they did no-
thing more than what has been done over and over
again by every government in Europe, including the
British Government, and which, if need be, every
government in Europe would not hesitate to repeat
to-morrow.

There are some subjects connected with the Car-
bonari of which we need say little. We are pur-
posely silent with regard to the private lives of some
of its members. There are some writers who have
sought to still further darken the reputation of the
order, by adopting the opposite course. We shall not
do so, for we fail to see in what way such matters
affect the character of the Carbonari, taking them as

Carhonarism. 123

body ; and we freely admit that if there were

I wicked men among them, there were others whose

I lives were noble and upright, and whose conneetioa

■with this fell conspiracy was an en-or rather than a

fault. In its service they laid down their lives with

►a heroism worthy of a better cause ; or, like Pellico,
"wasted their years in the solitude of a prison, happy
^ like him, they learned the way to Heaven beneath
the Cross,* and came forth from their bondage wiser
Rnd better men.
' Again, we have said nothing of the senseless and
ridiculous rites adopted by the Carbonari from the
Freemasons, and which were laughed at by many of
Hthelr more enlightened followers ; or, worse stiU,
Hctites which were blasphemous and sacrilegious in
their very nature, and which aflbrded a base satisfac-
tion for the atheist and free-thinker, but could only
escite disgust and honor in all right -minded men.
K^e have said enough for our purpose. We have
B^etched the organization and principles of action of
H&e Carbonari, and wo have based our statements on
Bthe narratives of men wlio were themselves the
* friends, and at one time the members, of the order.
We must now turn our attention from its secret
organization to its public action.

" Sotto il peso della Croce
Imparl la via del Ciclo."

n the bmib of Silvio PelUco.

1^4

Tlie Italian Revolution.

■

g 2. Tlie First Outbreak.

(1815—1821.)

The eight years during which Pius VII. ruled the
Pontifical States, after hia restoration m 1815, were
ai)ent in repairing the injuries which they had suf-
fered during the French occupation. Rome afforded
a refuge to the family of his persecutor, and the
Bonapartes received the most generous treatment at
his hands. Under his care the city began rapidly to
return to its former state of prosperity. In 1798 the
population of Rome had been 165,000. During the
French occupation it had fallen to 123,000. In 1820,
five years after the return of the Pope, it had risen
a^ain to 135,000. The attention of the pontifical
government was directed to the re-organization of
the finances ; a number of vexatious feudal imposts
were discontinued, and the punishment of death for
several offences abolished. A new police was formed,
and the first efforts were made to disperse the
banditti, who had appeared in the States during the
exile of Pius VII.

In the kingdom of Sardinia and in the Two Sicilies,
the restored governments entered upon-the same
course of prudent reform. In Piedmont, Victoi
Emmanuel I. created a commission of the leading
statesmen and jurists of his kingdom, who were to
examine the existing code of law with a view to ita-
reform. In Naples, Ferdinand I. w

■{

»

Carbonarism. 125

establishing municipal councils in the towns and
provincial assemblies in the rural districts, and
these bodies had effected many useful reforms, and
were collecting information from practical men with
view to others. In the Island of Sicily, besides
organizing these local administrations, the king had
provided, by a royal decree, that in future no ad-
dition to the taxes should be legalized without the
■consent of the States-General of the realm.

But all these proceedings were far too slow to
satisfy the ideas of the revolutionary party. In the
Two Sicilies they were continually urging the neces-
sity of the establishment of a Neapolitan parliament,
which, they said, would be a sovereign remedy for all
the evils of the state, and this notwithstanding that
parliamentary government had been a signal failure
in Sicily, where the parliament of Palermo had ex-
pired of itself, almost immediately after the retire-
ment of the English troops. Taking advantage of
this state of feeling, the Carbonari loudly proclaimed
themselves the friends of constitutional government,
and they eagerly awaited an opportunity of effect-
ing their purpose of overturning the existing order of
things.

The signal for the first effort of the reorganized
revolutionists of Italy, was the news of the Spanish
Revolution of 1S20, when Ferdinand VII. was
forced to accept the constitution of 1812, which
established a parliament elected by universal .sufirage.

J

126 The Italian Revolution.

In Spain the Franc-Communeros had played a leading
part in revolutionizing the country, and the Carbo-
nari were now to make an attempt to emulate their
exploits. In Spain, a military pronunciamiento had
lent the aid of disciplined battalions to the cause of
the revolution. In Italy, too, revolutionists were to
be found in the ranks of the army, and, above all,
the oflScers who had been initiated into the Carbonari
were relied upon to sacrifice their allegiance to their
sovereign to their fidelity to the order.

In the south, the rising began at Nola, on July
2nd. Two Carbonari — one of them a priest, the
other a lieutenant of the Neapolitan army — ^gained
over a troop of cavalry, and proclaimed the Spanish
constitution. At Avellino they were joined by the
militia of the town, and marched upon Salerno.
General Carascosa, unable to rely upon his troops,
many of whom he knew were Carbonari, retired
before the insurgents, and they occupied the city,
where they were shortly after joined by General
Pepe, and a number of officers and soldiers who had
followed him from Naples. Pepe had been a Re-
publican or a Muratist all his life. At the age of
seventeen he had entered the army of the Parthe-
nopean Republic, and he had subsequently served in
the French foreign legion, and in the army of Murat.
On the restoration of the Bourbons he had entered
heart and soul into the plots of the Carbonari, and
his military reputation soon gained for him a high

Carbonarism. 127

"place in the order. He was received with enthusiasm
at Salerno, and was immediately appointed com-
mander-in-chief of the revolutionary army.

So far, all had gone well for the insurgeuta, but

even greater successes were in store for them.

Everywhere the troops declared for the constitution.

At Naples, whole regiments abandoned the royal

cause, and the students and the municipality loudly

echoed their demand for the concession of the same

constitution, based on universal suffrage, which had

been granted to Spain. The king resigned his

authority into the hands of his son, the Duke of

Calabria, who promised, in his father's name, to

^Uraut the constitution, A copy of it was procured

^Pfrom Spain, and the king swore allegiance to it. An

TUtra-Liberal ministry was constituted, and Pepe

became commander-in.chief of the Neapolitan army.

Thus, ail the good that had been effected since iS15

iras destroyed in a moment, and a constitution

jinally drawn up for and adapted to a foreign

»untry, was substituted for solid and lasting reform.

Meanwhile, the Carbonari of SicUy had not been

The news of the successful accomplishment of

he Neapolitan Revolution reached Palermo on July

! 14th. The following day was the Feast of Saint

Sosalie, the patron saint of the island, and a holiday

throughout all Sicily. Early in the day the Carbo-

I vari assembled their followers. Every one in the

■xsrowded streets of Palermo was forced to wear the

128 ITie Italian Revolution.

Sicilian cockade. General Churchy who commanded
the place, was insulted, and his house sacked, and
then the mob surrounded the forts, where the troops,
who had been left without orders, surrendered after
a feeble resistance. The revolutionists then armed
themselves, and the whole city became one scene of
riot and pillage.

Early next morning. General Naselli, the com-
mander-in-chief of the troops in Sicily, concentrated
the garrison of Palermo, and succeeded in re-occupy-
ing the forts without bloodshed. Incensed at this
loss, the insurgents forced the prisons, liberated and
armed 800 galley slaves, and attacked the 1700
troops whom Naselli had assembled on the Piazza
del Castello. Assailed on all sides by the revolution-
ists, whose numbers now amounted to several thou-
sands, the troops were soon thrown into confusion,
and 1500 of them were massacred, several of the
officers being beheaded, and their heads carried in
triumph through the city. Naselli, with about 100
men, escaped to the harbour, and set sail for Naples.
A Liberal Giunta was established at Palermo ; the
prisons were crowded with 6000 citizens, who were
supposed to be hostile to the Ilevolution ; a national
guard was organized, and circulars were addressed to
all the other towns of Sicily, inviting their co-opera-
tion towards securing the political independence of
the island, to negotiate which envoys were sent to
Naples by the Giunta.

Carhoiiansm.

129

W But the massacre at Palermo had caused such
horror throughout the country, that few of the other
towns declared for the Giuiita, and its embassy to

I Naples met with a decided refusal from the new
liberal government ; for Pepe and his friends, having
fflice tasted the sweets of power, began to rule with a
stronger hand than King Ferdinand. To enforce the
•abmigsion of the revolted Sicihans, General Floristan
Pepe, the brother of the more celebmted commander-
in-chief, was sent to Sicily with 4000 men. He
^ landed at Milazzo, received the submission of all the
disafFected towns, cleared the road to Palermo, and
on September 26th forced his way into the suburbs,
while the Neapolitan fleet entered the roadstead and
threatened a bombardment. On this the revolution-
ists offered to capitulate, and during the negotiations
Floristan Pepe, out of kindness to the inhabitants,
withdrew liis troops from the suburbs and encamped
them outside the town. Thinking this a sign of
weakness, the Giunta broke off the negotiations and
re-opened fire. The fleet then commenced a bom-
bardment, and on October the 5th the place sur-
rendered. In the capitulation, an article was inserted
referring the question of independence to the Sicilian
parliament ; but the central government refused to

» confirm it, and Floristan Pepe was superseded by
General Coletta, the historian, who disarmed the
populace, and completely re-established tranquillity
in Palermo.

9

130 The Italian Revolution.

r

On the Ist of October the new parliament met at
Naples. It represented only the revolutionary party,
its members being revolted oflScers of the army, cHefe
of local vendite, revolutionary professors from the uni-
versities, and a few renegade monks and priests.
They were informed by the ministry that the great
powers refused to recognize the revolutionary govern-
ment, and the minister of war presented a project for
the formation of a large army to provide for the
defence of the kingdom and the newly-established
regime.

The revolution was thus effected at Naples, and
the same spirit soon showed itself in the Papal
States and the kingdom of Sardinia. At Borne the
police discovered the plot in time to prevent an out-
break ; but at Civita Vecchia the galley slaves rose
to the cry of " Eviva la Repvhlica f and the revolt
was not suppressed without much bloodshed. With
this exception the tranquillity of the States remained
undisturbed, another testimony to the merits of the
wise rule of Pius VII. In Piedmont and G^noa
there were many signs of coming trouble, but the
insurrection did not break out until the next spring.

The year 1821 opened with a revolution in Pied-
mont and an Austrian intervention at Naples. At the
congresses of Troppau and Laybach, the allied sove-
reigns of Austria, Prussia, and Bussia, asserting that
the revolutionary regime at Naples was a permanent
danger to the peace of the whole peninsula, decided

r

Carhonarism.

131

' tipoii placing an Austrian army at the command of
King Ferdinand, for the purpose of re-establishing
hia authority. Opinions will differ as to the policy
or wisdom of this intervention. There was at the
time a great outcry against it in England, and, as
her representative. Lord Castlereagh, that notorious
champion of national right, presented a note to the
congi'ess of Laybach, which almost amounted to a
formal protest. Yet it Is certain that the government
established at Naples represented the wishes of but
a section of the people, and was the tool of the
"Carbonari, whose propaganda menaced every govern-
ment in the peninsula. Rightly or wrongly, Austria
and the allied sovereigns acted on precisely the same
principles which had guided England and the other
states of Europe in declaring war against the first
French RepubUc,

When King Ferdinand crossed the frontiers of hia

Icingdom with the Austrian army, the revolutionary

leadera were quarrelling amongst themselves. A

Lconimou danger re-iinited them. Pepe hurried for-

Btrard to meet the invaders, but hia army raised the

■cry of " We are betrayed !" and dispersed before the

Austrian advanced guard at Antrodoeo. The Aus-

trians occupied Naples almost without firing a shot,

and on May the 1 2th the king re-entered his capital

amid the acclamations of the people, most of whom

Lwere thoroughly disgusted with their Liberal rulers.

A.& usual in such cases, Pepe and the rest of the

132

The Italian Revolution.

/

J

leaders escaped. Some of those who had played a
minor part iu the revolution were tried and executed.
The act was as useless as it was impolitic, for it
would have been better had the triumph of the king
been a bloodless one. Nevertheless, strict law and
justice were on the side of the government.

[most on the same^ay'tibat the Austrians
the kingdom of Naples, the revolution began in the
north. At the end of February the Austrian minister
at Turin placed before the government convincing
proofs that certain Piedmontese nobles were con-
spiring with the Carbonari to revolutionize Lom-
bardy. The accused nobles were arrested, and their
imprisonment caused great excitement and alarm.
On March the 4th the Carbonari made a futile
attempt to gain over some regiments at Verulli. On
the 10th they were successful at Alessandria, where
Colonel Regis and Count Parma proclaimed the
Spanish Constitution, and at the head of the dis-
affected soldiery occupied the citadel, where they
hoisted the green, red, and blue tricolor of the Itahan
Revolution. All the soldiers who did not belong to
the party were allowed to go home. Nearly all the
Savoyards, and many others, availed themselves of
this permission, but their places in the ranks were
soon filled by the Carbonari of the district.

On the 12th the news of these events reached
Turin, and the Carbonari assembled and raised the
cry of " Viva la Constituzione ! Death to the

Carbonarism.

AiistritLns 1" Several regiments joined them, and
the citadel surrendered, and was occupied by the
revolutionists. The king, unable, on account of his
engagements with Austria, to accede to the popular
demand for the Spanish constitution, announced hia
intention of abdicating, and left the city for Nice,
accompanied by the royal family. Charles Albert,
Prince of Carignan, the future king of Sardinia, re-
mained in Turin as regent, and proclaimed the Con-
stitution. He was himself a Carbonaro, and had
taken part in organijiing the revolution.

It soon became evident that the authority of the
regent was only nominal, and that the triumphant
olutionists were really under the command of the
-ditn of Alessandria, the centre of the revolt.
Before many days the men who composed this body
fihfiwed how unfit they were to assume the direction
of affairs, and by one rash act destroyed the revolu-
which they had so easily accomplished. On
arch the 21st the leaders at Alessandria announced
their intention of declaring war against Austria,
On hearing this, the regent left Turin with some
regiments of cavalry, and rode to Novara, where
Charles Felix, the new king, was assembling an
array. Arrived there, the Prince of Carignan de-
clared his regency at an end, and fully submitted to
the king. An Austrian corps of observation had
been formed upon the Ticino, and the king invited
em to co-operate with the royal army.

t

reg(
Kdevi

■Mac

134 The Italian Revolution.

It was easy to see that the ca^lsb^rf^ine revolutiooV
was lost, but its leaders were blind to the evente
which were passing before their eyes. Tliey pub-
/ lished a proclamation asserting that the king was a
j prisoner of Austria, and that the regent had been
deceived, and they called upon the people to rise and
, march against the Austriaixs, promisbg them the
assistance of a rising in Lombardy and a French in-
tervention. The only response to this proclamation
was a revolution at Genoa, where the Carbonari suc-
ceeded in establishing a Giunta on the 24th.

On April the 8th the revolutionists attacked the
royalists and the Austrians near Novara. After a
short engagement the Carbonari were driven from
the field, and the Austrian cavalry soon converted
their retreat into a disorderly rout. The battle was
the first and last of the campaign. While Charles
Felix entered Turin at the head of the faithful regi-
ments of the Sardinian army, the Austrians occupied
the fortresses, to prevent a repetition of the treachery
which had placed the citadels of Alessandria and
Turin in the hands of the Carbonari. Everywhere
the insurgents submitted ; the leaders escaped, but
some of their followers were brought to trial and
sentenced to various terms of imprisonment.

The first effort of the Carbonari was at an end.
Many of them flocked to Genoa, to escape by sea to
Spain, where the revolution was still triumphant.
They might be seen loitering in the streets waiting

V

Carbmiarism.

for a chance to embark. One Sunday they made a
collection among the crowds who were out in the
streets enjoying the cool air of the evening. In that
crowd a lady was walking with her son, a boy of
thirteen years. One of the insurgents, " a tall,
black-bearded man, with a severe and energetic coun-
tenance and a fiery glance," stepped up to them, and
asked for something " for the refugees of Italy," It
waa freely given, and he turned away ; but that
moment was an epoch in the life of the boy, who was
no other than young Giuseppi Mazzini, the future
apostle of the Revolution, who always dated the rise
of his devotion to the cause of the revolutionary
party in Italy from that evening, when he saw the -
defeated insurgents of 1S21 begging in the streets of
jenoa.

CHAPTER IV.

THE FAILURES OF THE CABBONABL

§ 1. Tlie Ten Years' Truce.

(1821—1831.)

The action of the Carbonari had brought nothing but
evil to Italy. It had destroyed the useful reforms of
five years of peace and progress : it had thrown back
Italy to the state in which she was in 1815> and it
had considerably strengthened that Austrian influence
which it had sought to destroy. It had brought
civil war and foreign invasion into Piedmont and
Naples, and introduced into Italy those military pro-
nunciamientos which for sixty years have been the
curse of Spain.

The leaders of the order were now dispersed.
Some of them had found a refuge in Spain, others in
France. In that country they began to organize
vetidite, which ere long included in their ranks the
whole strength of the French Liberal party ; while
their leaders were united in the Haute Vente of

The Failures of the Carbonari.

PaiTS, amongst whose members were Guizot, La

Fayette, and the Duke of Orleans. From France

the lodges of Italy were re-organized, but Italy now

held the second place in the plans of the Carbonan.

They had learned the great lesson of international

action. They were men who " had the persistent

mergy ever to persevere, and to weave a fresh web

ich time the old one was broken."* Defeated in

►Italy, their object was now to revolutionize France,

I which would then serve as a base of operations

lagainst the governments of other countries and their

■supporters.

Mazzini was initiated into the Carbonari at Grenoa
||d 1828, and soon observed this inaction with regard
D the affairs of Italy. In common with the circle of
jroung men who had gathered round him in his native
city, and aheady looked to him as their leader, he felt
disappointed and discouraged at what he considered
a diversion of Carbonarism from its legitimate object.
" The leaders of the Carbonari," says Mazzini,
" always spoke of Italy as a nation disinherited of all
power to act, as something less than a secondary
appendix to othei*s. They professed themselves cos-
mopolitans. Cosmopolitanism is a beautiful word, if
it be understood to mean liberty for all men ; but
. every lever requires a fulcrum, and while I had been
I accustomed to seek for that fulcrum in Italy itself, I
[■ found the Carbonari looked for it in Paris, The

138 The Italian Revolution.

struggle between the French opposition and the
monarchy of Charles X. was just then at its height,
both in and out of the Chamber, and nothing was
talked of among the Carbonari but Guizot, Bertha,
Lafayette, and the Haute Vente of Paris. I could
not but remember that we Italians had given the
institution of Carbonarism to France."*

Thus it was that after the Revolution of 1821 there
were ten years of comparative tranquillity in Italy ;
but it was only a truce, during which the secret
societies were perfecting their plans and gathering
strength for a new effort. The volcanic fires of
Revolution were still burning as fiercely as ever
beneath the surface.

The sovereigns of Italy were forced to struggle
against this secret enemy, and while the Carbonari
were rendering it impossible for them to make the
smallest approach towards what is popularly known
as constitutional government, the very absence of
representative institutions, and the employment of
repressive measures, were used by the Liberal press
and Liberal agitators of Europe as arguments to
justify the Carbonari, and' assail the Italian govern-
ments, forgetful of the fact that the first step taken
by any constitutional government in the presence of
a powerful conspiracy is to suspend the action of the
constitution — ^this has been done again and again by

• " Life and Works," i. 18.

I

The Failures of the Carbonari. 139

England herself — according to tlie moderate Liberals
tlie model of constitutional government

During these ten years, few changes took place in
Italy. In 1823 the venerable Pius VII. passed
away, mourned by his people and by all throughout
the world who could respect the virtues of his long
and eventful life, and his indomitable fortitude in
suffering for conscience' sake. On September the
28th the Conclave elected Cardinid della Genga aa
his successor, and he assumed the name of Leo XII.
At the time of his election he was sixty-four years
old, and in such ill health that he himself, it is said,
believed that he was dying. But no sooner had he
received the tiara, than his health returned, and
with it tlie vigorous energetic spirit which be had
displayed in tlie diplomatic service of Pius VI. and
Piua VII. He was soon able " to leave his palace,
to visit hospitals, gaols, and monasteries, and almost
multiplied himself, that he might suffice for all his
-duties."'^ He completely dispersed the brigands of
the Campagna, reduced the taxation, and remodelled
the coui-ts of justice, making its administration
simpler and more effective. His activity was felt in
every department of the pubhc service. "Truth
require me to relate," says Farini, "that in the
reign of Leo XII., and under Bernetti's administra-
tion, some good and useful acts were done. There

140 The Italian Revolution.

were abuses removed, and persons guilty of tihem
punished ; endeavours were made to set in order the
hospitals and charitable institutions of Borne;
streets, bridges, and other public works, were com-
pleted or commenced ; general security was re-
established in those districts that had been plun-
dered by brigands ; method was introduced into the
expenditure, and the land tax was diminished by a
third ; a sinking fund was established on an adequate
basis."

These benefits, he acknowledges, were such as
might have gained for a ruler the gratitude and love
of his people ; but he finds fault with the govern-
ment of Leo XII. for the measures of repression
which it directed against the Carbonari, especially in
the Romagna. But what was the state of the Ro-
magna ? According to Farini himself, it was such as
might well warrant even more severe measures than
those of the Legate, Cardinal Bivarola. " The
banishments and sentences of the preceding reign,"
he says, " had failed to destroy Carbonarism ; fre-
quent political assassinations infested the Bomagna,
and secret combinations had more power than the
government."* Unfortunately, the Pontifical Go-
vernment was forced, in the struggle with the Car-
bonari, to execute a few of the leaders ; but they
were not only rebels but murderers, and by the law
of both God and man had forfeited their lives.

• " The lioman State," i. 21.

The Failnjvs of the Carbonari. 141

As an instance of the circumstances under which
the final penalty of the law wus inflicted, let us take
the case of two of the " martyrs of Italian liberty,"
Taighini and Montanari. Angelo Targhini, a native
of Brescia, was the chief of the Roman venta. On
June the 4th, 1S25, he lured a Carbonaro, named
Postini, who had been condemned by the venta, into
a lane near St. Andrea della Valle. Montanari was
waiting there by previous appointment, and stabbed
Targhini's victim in the back, wounding him severely,

tand leaving him for dead. The wound was not
^mortal ; he recovered. Tlie two murderei-s were
brought to trial, fonnd guilty of the act, and publicly
executed on November the 23rd, 1S25, Targhini
•Tying out to the spectators, " I die innocent — a
Freemason, a Carbonaro, and impenitent I" The
Revolutionists of Europe spoke of the two men as
the victims of priestly tyranny, though there was no
doubt that Targhini and his bravo, Montanari, were
nothing more than assassins, justly condemned to

t death.*
, Leo XII., though ready, in fulfilment of his duty
ta a sovereign, to enforce justice sternly against the
■violators of law and order, ruled by love, and not by
fear. He knew that he could trust hia subjects, and
when timid counsellors suggested to him that he
should not proclaim the jubilee of 1S25, lest the Car-
bonari might take advantage of the coucoui-se at
• Farini, Axeglio, Crdtineau-Joly.

142 The Italian Revolution.

Rome to cODcentrate in the city, and attempt a revo-
lution, he would not listen to their advice. He gave
orders that all should have free access to Rome.
During the jubilee, he went about freely in the city,
without guards, and attended only by a few mem-
bers of the Sacred College. There were no disturb-
ances ; on the contrary, he was received everywhere
with demonstrations of respect and love.

Leo XII. died on the 10th of February, 1829.
He expired almost upon the eve of the re-opening of
the war of the Revolution against the Church, which,
commencing in 1830 by the establishment of the
monarchy of July, steadily advanced year after year,
until at length it invaded the capital of Christendom.

On March the 31st Cardinal Castiglioni was elected
Pope, under the name of Pius VIII. His short
pontificate was destined to witness the beginning of
the first great outbreak of the re-organized revolu-
tionists of Italy and Europe. Pius VIII. was hardly
fitted by nature to brave such a storm. He possessed
less of the active courage necessary for the ruler of a
state in troubled times, than of that passive en-
durance and fortitude which he had displayed when,
as Bishop of Montalto, he was successively imprisoned
in Milan, Pavia, and Mantua, during the persecution
of Napoleon I. His pontificate was a brief one.
Elected on March the 31st, 1829, he died on the last
day of November, 1830, after a reign of one year and
eight months.

Tlie Failures of the Carho7iari.

Only a few days before the death of Pius VIIL,
Francis I. of Naples died, after a prosperous reign of
neiirly six years. He was succeeded by hia son,
Ferdinand II., a young man in his twenty-first year.
In his first proclamation to his subjects, he assured
them that, knowing his power had only been given to

^him for their good, he would labour to promote their
happiness in all things. " As no well regulated
society can exist," he said, "mthout an impartial
administration of justice, this will be another object
towai*d3 which our ardent solicitude will be directed.

I We wish our tribunals to be so many sanctuaries,
never to be profaned by intrigues, unjust pretentions,
or any worldly considerations of human interest. In
ihe eye of the law, all our subjects are equal, and we
■will take care that justice shall be administered im-
partially to all. Finally, the department of finances
claims our particular attention, because it gives life
and activity to the whole kingdom. We are aware
that there are in that department deep wounds to
be healed, and that our people expect some allevia-
tion of their burdens. We ai"e ready to make eveiy
Bacrifice to attain that end. We hope that every
Lone, as fax as it lies in his power, will imitate our
l^cample, in order to restore to this kingdom that
prosperity which ought to be the object of the desires
of all good and virtuous men." The accession of
Ferdinand was hailed with joy throughout the king-
lom ; all looked forwai'd with hope to hia reign ; and

The Italian Revolution.

he nobly redeemed the promises of this, hla first public
utterance.

^ 2. 7%e Revolt of Central Italy.
(1831.)
When in July, 1830, the Carbonari and the people
of Paris succeeded in overthrowing the government
of Charles X., and placing Louis Philippe upon the
throne of France, every country in Europe felt the
shock. The leaders of the Carbonari had judg-ed
wisely, when they thought that they could find in
Paris the best fulcrum for the lever which was to
overturn the Conservative governments of Europe.
In Italy, the news of the success achieved by the
Kevolution in France caused a ferment throughout
the country. Narratives of the events at Paris were
printed on tricoloured paper, and secretly circulated.
In Modena and the Romagna there were abortive
attempts at insurrection, but they were suppressed
by the troops of those districts, freely aided by the
people. In Lombardy and Piedmont the police suc-
ceeded in seizing most of the leaders, and thus for
the moment disorganized the conspiracy. Amongst
those arrested at Genoa was Passano, who was at
the head of the Genoese venta, and Mazzini, now-
one of his most zealous foUowera

Passano and Mazzini were imprisoned in the
fortress of Savona, on the shore of the Riviera, once

I

Tfte Failures of the Carhonan. 145

the prison of Pius VII. The governor, Fontana,
treated Mazzini very kindly, often inviting him to
bis ow"n room to dine with him, and permitting him
to write to his mother at Genoa. The young con-
spirator took advantage of this favour to continue
his plots against the government, hy writing his
communications so that the first letter of every
alternate word would form a message in Latin to his
political friends at Genoa, and they would answer in
the same manner, by dictating to Madame Mazzini
the opening sentences of her reply.

In these messages he suggested to the Genoese
Carbonari a plan for immediate action ; hut, alarmed
at the vigilance of the government, and the loss of
so many of their leading men, they rejected all his
proposals. His hot, zealous nature chafed at the
delay. He began to regani Carbonarism as an empty
form, having no vital force. One day the cells were
being cleaned, all the prisoners were in the corridor,
and he whispered to Passano, " I have means of cor-
respondence ; give me some names." Whereupon
his former leader, instead of naming some useful cor-
respondents in Genoa, tapped him on the head, and
declared that he had conferred upon him the highest
rank in the order ! Thinking over this ridiculous
scene, and othera like it, and impatient of the in-
action of the Carbonari, he resolved to found a new
association, independent of the order ; and during the
rest of his imprisonment at Savona, he passed his

10

146

The Italian Revolution.

time in determining what meana he should adopt,
and what assistants he would select to this end, and
in developing in his mind the plan of the secret
association, afterwards known as La Giovina Italia —
Young Italy,

Early in 1831 he was hberated for want of su£i-
cieut evidence, but he was given the alternative of
going into exile or residing in some small town cf
the interior. To avoid the surveillance of the police
he choae the former coui'se, and, passing through
Savoy, aiTived at Geneva. There he met some of the
Carbonaro refugees, and was told by one of them
that if he wished for action he should go to Lyons,
and make liimself known to the Italians who fre-
quented the Citffe del Feiiice in that city. Acting
on this advice he reached Lyons in March, 1831.

Meanwhile an insurrection had begun in Central
Italy. An interregnum of two months followed the
death of Pius VIII., and while the Conclave was
sitting tlie Roman venta organized a conspiracy to
overthrow the pontifical government. Amongst the
conspirators were two young princes of the Bona-
parte family, one of whom was to exercise in later
years a fatal influence upon the, destinies of Italy,
and who now began as a Carbonaro the war against
the Temporal Power, which we shall see him prose-
cuting stUI more effectually as Emperor of France.

Under the influence of his elder brother Napoleon,
young Louis Napoleon (then twenty-three years of

The Faikir^ of the Carhonav:

1

age) had been initiated into the sect of the Carbonari,
and the two brothers, with their mother. Queen
Hortense,* were now in Rome awaiting the signal
for action. As a body, the Romans were loyal to
the pontifical government, and the fellow- conspirators
of the two princes were men of a very doubtful cha-
racter. "There were," says Farioi, "some official
men and students, and some soldiers from the pro-
vinces, but few Roman,s, and those few not of such a
quality as to have either following or character among
, the people of the city."t

Louis Napoleon was imprudent enough to ride in
the Corso with tri-coloured ribbons on his saddle ;
and the two brothere, happily for themselves, as the
event proved, were ordered to leave the pontifical
territory. They therefore crossed the frontier, and
retired to Florence. Thfir co-conspirators in Rome
continued the plot, resolved to make up by audacity
for want of numbers. Nevertheless the interregnum
ended without a disturbance, and on February the
2nd the Conclave elected the Benedictine Cardinal
CapelJari, who took the name of Gregory XVI. t

* HortenBe seema to have boeii ignorant of the coimeclioii of her
sons with the Catbocnri, and anxious to keep them out of the plots
of the time. Ttiero is much evidence on this subject in Mr. Jenold's
" Life of Nnpoleon in."

t "The Eoman State from 1818—1850," vol, L, p. 36 — "The
sect at Rome," saya Azeglio (" Recollections," ii p. 306) " cliiefly
recruited itself among real criminals."

X Fotini, notwithstanding hie reputation as a historian, is a very
10—2

Hie Italimi Revolution.

Gregory XVI. was not, as Farmi asserts, new to state
affairs. He had shared the counsels of the preceding
pontiffs ; Eind though his reputation in Rome rested
chiefly upon his leai'ning and his virtues he was well
acquainted with the internal condition and external
relations of the states, and possessed a bra%'e and
energetic spirit, which well fitted him to grasp the
helm in the present crisis.

The ^day after the accession of Gregory, the rising
in Central Italy began. Never had the Carbonari
attempted an insurrection with better hopes of suc-
cess. The governments of Central Italy possessed
only small armies, and the leaders of the Carbonari
at Paris assured their friends in Italy that the
government of Louis Philippe would not permit an
Austrian intervention. The first attempt at insur-
rection took ])lace at Modena on Februarj- the 3rd.
The head of the Modenese whta M-as the famous
Giro Menotti. There have been many disputes as
to his relations with the Grand Duke Francis IV.
According to one account the Duke was at first per-
fectly cognisant of Menotti's plots, and had aided
and encouraged him, in the hope of eventually be-

inacGorate writer. He mentiotia tlie attempt at insurrection ia
Bome in t!ie Piazza Cobnna, ami BUggests timt it precipitateil the
election of Gregoiy. Now, the Popo was elected on Februarj' the
3nd, and the sldrmiah in tlie Piazza Colonna did not tako place
until the 12tli, as one can see by referring to the papers of the

Tlie Failures of the Carhoiuiri

149

r coming King of Italy. According to the other version

of tliese events, urged by hie friends, he was not

' ftware of Menotti's connection with the Carbonari,

r and his relations with him were only those of a

I sincere and unsuspecting friendship. If the first

: .vei*^on is true, the Duke would be worthy of the

execration of any honourable man ; if the second, as

' deep a stigma would rest upon Menotti's name. But

it wiU never be known which Is the true and which

I the false account. To use Farini'a words, "the secret

is buried in two graves."

Early on the morning of the third, Menotti as-
eembled about thirty young men at his house and
armed them. The police were almost immediately
informed of the fact, the house was surrounded by
troops, and the conspirators were captured after
making a vigorous defence. The news of these
events reached Bologna next morning, and the
rising began in the Romagna. In the evening of
that day the Liberals of Bologna got up a demon-
' stration against the government. The garrison of
the city numbered only seven hundred men. To
avoid useless bloodshed, the Pro-Legate, Mgr.Clarelli,
ordered them to remain inactive. He was forced to
abdicate and retire to Florence, and then the revo-
lutionists tore down the Papal arms, and hoisted the
Indian tricolour.

The revolution spread rapidly through the Ro-
I magna, and extended into the neighbouring districts.

130 TJie Italian Revolution.

Alarmed at the success of the Carbonari, the Duke
of Modena and the Duchess of Parma left their
capitals for Mantua at the first sign of insurrection
in their own states, the Duke taking his prisoner,
Menotti, with hira. Provisional governments were
at once estabUshed in the Duchies, while in the Papal
States the revolution spread into Umbria and the
Marches. Unfortunately, very little courage or de-
termination was exhibited by the authorities. Colonel
Suthermann, the commandant of Ancona, surrendered
its citadel to the rabble headed by General Serct^nam,
commander-in-chief of the provisional government of
Bologna ; \vhile immediately after Mgr. Feretti showed
what one resolute man could accomplish, by encoura-
ging the people of Rieti to repel this same Sercognani
in an attack on their town. Louis Napoleon and his
elder brother, whose parts had been assigned to them
by Menotti just before his arrest, joined the forces of
Arraandi in Umbria, and took part in the attack on
Civita Castellona.

At Rome the government was informed that tiie
local veiita had arranged a rising for the 12th,
during the festivities of the Carnival. The sports of
the day were suddenly suspended ; the troops occu-
pied the more important points in the city. In the
evening there was a slight skirmish in the Piazza
Colonna ; but the bubble had burst, and, except
being the cause of a few arrests and a great amount
of alarm, the Roman venta had succeeded in effect-

I

The Failures of the Cai-bonari. 151

ing nothing. The reason of their failure was a
simple one ; their supporters were a mere handful.

"Whatever may have been the feelings of the
provinceSj" says Cardinal Wiseman, who was in
Home at the time, " certainly Rome gave no proof
of sympathy with revolution, but rather manifested
enthusiastic devotion to her new sovereign. Upon
the Civic Guard being enlarged to enable the regular
troops to move northward, multitudes presented
themselves for enrolment, and among these, persons
of the highest class eager to take on themselves the
defence of the Pope's sacred person. Prince Altieri
received the command of this body. The loyalty of
the poorer classes became almost alarming. They
surrounded the royal carriage in such masses that it
was scarcely possible to move through them ; and
they expressed their attachment and readiness to
£ght with a clamour and wannth that would have
rendered any attempt to remove them a dangerous
experiment." *

In the south such was the enthusiasm of the
people for the king that the Carbonari saw at once
that there was no hope of revolutionizing Naples,
and did not attempt it. The first act of Ferdinand
was a general amnesty; the exiles of 1821 returned,
tunongst them General Filangieri, one of Pepe's lieu-
tenants, who henceforth proved himself the devoted

" Eecollections of Uie Four last Popes."

The Italian Revolution.

servant of his ting. In order to introduce economy
into the finances, Ferdinand greatly reduced his own
civil list, abolislied several uselesa offices, and broke
up some of the royal game preserves. He simplified
the procedure in the courts of law, superseded the
unpopular viceroy of Sicily, appointing his own bro-
ther to the office, and when he travelled through his
kingdom forbade the municipalities to make any ex-
pensive preparations for his reception, but accepted
the hospitality of some local resident, or stayed at the
village inn, or in a Franciscan convent. No wonder
that he was a popular sovereign !

So far the revolutionists had been successful in
Central Italy. Modena, Parma, the Romagna, and
part of Umbria and the Marches had joined the
republican federation, and yielded an obedience, at
least in name, to the Giunta constituted at Bologna ;•
but from the middle of February their power began
to decline as rapidly as it had risen. Theu- policy
was so ill-adviaed that they weakened their position

• The govemmeDt waa composed of tbe Jfiirquis Francesco Ben-
laque, Count Carlo Pepoh, Count Alessandro Aguoohi, Count Ceean
Binnchetti, Prof. F. Orioli, tbo Ailvoonte Giovanni ' Vicini, Pro£
Antonio Silvnni, and the Advocate Antonio Zonolini. Towards
the end of the revohition it was somewhat altered. Vicini -was
President of the Council ; Silvani, Minister of Justice j Count
Ludovico&ttuitm, ofFinunce; Count TcrenaoMumianidolIaRovaro,
of the Interior ; OrioU, of Public Instruction ; Dr. G. B- Haiti, of
police ; General Aimandi, Minister of War, and Biauchetti of
Foreign ASaixs.

The Failures of the Carbonari. 153

and divided their forces, and the aid which was ex-
pected from France never appeared. The govern-
ment of Louis PhiHppe had indeed made certain
vague statements, but no definite promises. Its
only object was to alarm the Great Powers, and to
extort a recognition from them by seeming disposed
to throw itself into tlie arms of the Revohition if it
was refused. It gave a certain countenance to the
Italian refugees in France, but at the same time it
took care not to involve the coimtry in war.

When Mazzini arrived at Lyons, in February 1831,
he found the Italian refugees openly preparing for an
invasion of Savoy, for the purpose of revolutionizing
Piedmont. The place where their arms were stored
was known to half the city, the Italian tricolor hung
over the door of their head-quai-ters at the Caffe del
Fenice, and they boasted that they bad the coun-
tenance of the government. But just before the day
of action, the Prefect of Lyons, under orders from
Paris, seized the arms, closed the (^aff); and hauled
down the tricolor ; and thus the expedition to Savoy
had to be postponed to another time.* One of the
leaders, named Borso, now infornied Mazzini that he
and a few other republicans intended starting that
night for Corsica, in the hope of being able to organize

• Pepe wns liasteaiug from England to join his old frieadd in
Italy. Ha was iofonuod by the e\ilea at Lyons of tlieir plans, but
prcfened to go on to Marseilles, in cider to embark for Centra]
Ita]y. He was stopped by tlio government at Maiseitles.

The Italian Revolutu

a band of the armed islanders, and land in Central
Italy to aid the insurrection there. Mazzini con-
sented, Borao and he, with four or five others, left
Lyons for Marseilles the same evening, and embarked
for Corsica, where they landed at Bastia after a
stormy passage.

Arrived in Corsica, they found several powerful
■centa in the central districts. The mountaineeiiB
were already armed and organized by local leaders,
and before long Borso and Mazzini had upwards of
3000 men ready to cross to Italy. But money was
wanting for vessels, and to leave a small sum for the
families of the volunteers. It had been promised by
the leaders of the Carbonari, but it never appeared.
Boi-so sent two of his followers, Zuppo and Vantini,*
to Bologna to ask the Giunta for the necessary sup-
plies ; " but," says Mazzini, evidently indignant at
the disappointment, " that incapable government,
shrinking from the idea of war, and trusting only to
diplomacy, answered like foreign barbarians, that those
■who VKinted liberty iimst hay it for themselves." Thus
the Corsican expedition had to be abandoned like
that of Savoy, and Mazzini and his friends returned
to Marseilles.

The epithet of "incapable " which Mazzini applies,
to the government of Bologna was well deserved.
The leaders of the revolution of 1831 were not even

* Vnutini Bubseqaeatly garo ap plotting, imd adopted the more
profitable basiuess of a hotol -keeper in England.

I

I

77(c FaUures of the Carhonari. 155-

agreed amongst themselves as to their object. One
party was for spreading the flame throughout all
Italy and attacking Austria ; the other fondly lioped
that by forbidding all propaganda, striving to confine
the revolution to the revolted provinces, and writing
long verbose dispatches, they could hold the ground
they had so easily won. One would think that a
moment's consideration would have shown them that
the Pope could not make peace with successful con-
Bpirators ; that, even if he would, Austria would not
suffer the existence of a Carbonaro government upon
her own frontiers ; and that the French alliance was
an empty name. Nevertheless this party was the
stronger in the Giunta. They deluded themselves
into the belief that their provisional government
would be speedily recognized by the Great Powers ;
and, instead of preparing for war, they actually put
every obstacle in the way of their best soldiers,
Zucchi and Sercognani, who saw what was coming^
and were anxious to prepare for it.

On February 25th, 800 Austrians from Piacenza
surprised and dispersed the repubhcan levies of
Parma. In the following week, Zucchi and the
Modenese revolutionists were defeated and driven
into the Eomagna. On March the 21st, the Aus-
trians occupied Bologna, and the archbishop. Cardinal
Opizzoni, resumed the government in the name of
Gregory XVI. On the 24th, Zucchi concentrated the
^emains of the revolutionary army at Rimini. Next

*- J

166 The Italian Revoltition.

day he was attacked there by 5000 Austrians, under
General Geppert, defeated, and driven back towards
Ancona. The Giunta, now seeing all hope of resist-
ance at an end, entered into negotiations with the
Austrian commander and Cardinal Benvennti, and
signed a capitulation,* by which Ancona was sur-
rendered, and the Republican troops laid down their
arms. Zucchi's column surrendered to Geppert, and
Sercognani, who commanded 4000 men in Umbria,
surrendered to Mgr. Mastai, the Archbishop of
Spoleto, who was acting as governor of the province.

Thus ended the ill-fated insurrection of 1831. It
had been excited by men who, when for a time they
succeeded, were equally unable to secure what they
had won or even to make an honoiuuble defence.
The members of the Giunta and all their leading
followers left Italy, quarrelling among themselves as
to their share in the catastrophe. Some went to
Switzerland, some to the south of France. Young
Louis Napoleon was carried off In safety to England
by Queen Hortense ; hJs elder brother had died at
Forli during the campaign.

Short and unsuccessful as it was, the Insurrectaon
had inflicted serious injury upon the Pontifical

• According to Fariiii, of tlie members of the Giiinta Mamiani
ulonc TofuBed to siga the capitulation ; but Mazitiiii ussGits that
Guerazzi showed him the original copy of the capitulation, and
Momiani's name appeared aa llie last of the signatures, without any
protest or cjualiiication whatever.

The Faihifrei of the Carbonari.

137-

[ovemment. The finances were thrown into disorder
I by the cessation of revenue from the revolted pro-
FTJnces, and the pressure suddenly brought to bear
upon the treasury ; and for the first time the govern-
ment was forced to contract a loan. Gregory XVI.
used his victory with moderation. All of the in-
surgents were pardoned, except thirty-eight of the
principal conspirators, most of whom escaped into

§ 3. Tfie ICvchts of 1832.

I The AustrianSj having restored order, evacuated the

Rations at the request of the Pope, who was

mxious to avoid, if possible, the evils of a foreign

B4)ccupation. No sotmer had they withdrawn, than

ihe Liberals made a second and still more ridiculous

' attempt at revolution, which led to the iusurreu-

tionaiy movements of the spring of 1833, They were

speedily suppressed by the Pontifical troops and the

Austrians, who recrosaed the frontier and occupied

Bologna, where they were enthusiastically received

by the people.* Indeed, so iQUch had the disorders

" Fariui tudeavours to esplaiii away the friendly reception of the
Auatriana by alleging that the Bolognese were so terrified at the
approacli of tho Papal tMwps, that they looked upon the Austrians
u protectors. Even this would not account for tlie enthusiasm
irbich he liimeelf acknowledges was shown at Bologna on the entry

LoCthe AuHtriana, had the mass of the people been so alienated from

V^pal rule as he wishes ua to believe.

The Italian Revolution.

of 1831 and 1832 tended to disgust the Romagnols
with the Liberal party, that a local volunteer militia
was formed in the district, for the defence of the
Papal Government.

Meanwhile, the Liberal government of liOuis
Philippe adopted a policy towards the Holy See,
which seemed to indicate a desire to assist the revo-
lution in another attempt. On February 22nd, a
French squadron anchored off the harbour of Ancona.
The town was perfectly tranquil at the time, and was
garrisoned by the Pontifical troops. The commandant,
suspecting nothing, sent an officer on board the French
flag-ship, offering the admiral the hospitality of An-
cona, and informing him that the pontifical authori-
ties would assist in procuring any supplies he might
require for the fleet. The admiral sent back a
friendly message of thanks, and next morning the
squadron entered the harbour, exchanging the usual
salutes with the ibrts. In the darkness of the en-
suing night, 1500 French troops were secretly landed
from the fleet. They surprised and disarmed the
Papal troops, seized the gates, surrounded the resi-
dence of the commandant, and made him a prisons.
Next day they occupied the citadel.

The Pontifical Government loudly protested against
this act of piratical treachery, and demanded from
the French Government that their troops should be
withdrawn from Ancona. This was refused, the
Cabinet of Paris alleging that it had sent the troops

The Failii'ix'S of the Cdi-bonari.

159

■ to assist in upholding the Pontifical authority, and
that they had the right of intervention as well as
Austria. For the sake of peace, the Pontifical
Government was forced to submit to this invasion of

»ite rights, and entered into a convention with France,
by which it was agreed that the French occupation
■of Ancona should continue as long as the Austrian
occupation of Bologna.

Even while the negotiation of tlie convention was
in progress, a revolutionary propaganda was begun
at Ancona, under the protection of the French. The

• Carbonari of the Romagna and the Marches could
not be persuaded that the French had not come as
aUies, and they looked upon the tricolour flying on
the citadel of Ancona as a pledge of the ixssistance
they would receive if they could only make head
^■against the government. At Ancona, revolutionaiy
^P proclamations were posted on the walls ; many of the
leaders in the movements of the preceding year, who
had been excluded from the amnesty, were to be
seen walking In the streets with the French officers ;
at the opera, revolutionary ballads were introduced
j into the performances, and applauded by the French
Hr *nd the Carbonari, and the latter were encouraged
^P to attack the pontifical police. Yet the mass of the
people were so loyal to the Pope, that all these eflbrta
to promote an outbreak at Ancona ended only in
disappointment to their authors. Nevertheless, the
[ result of these proceedings was a general state of

tGO

Tlip, Italian Revolution.

Excitement and disturbance throughout Koniagna

|ind tlie Marches, which caused much anxiety to the

rivernment. Numerous arrests were made, but the

nsons themselves became seats of Carbonarism,

ii- their inmates were not separated from each other,

Ind the- older conspirators had ample time and

Ipportunity to Instil their doctrines into the minds

|tf the rest. It would, however, be unfair to charge

ivernment of Gregory XVI. with undue severity.

pad he chosen to be a tyrant, he might far more

5i]y have crushed the plots of those who were con-

piring against him ; but during his long reign there

Ivas not a single execution for purely political offences.

Rebels and conspirators were indeed sentenced to

nd ei^ecuted, but only where it was proved

t they had been guilty of assassination as well as

■reason.

utbrralv of 1S32 was the last attempt which

CHAPTER V.

UAZZim AND THE ITALIAN MOVEMENT.

B § 1. The Giovine Italia.

Whek Mazzini returDcd to Marseilles after his
expedition to Corsica, in 1331, he began to organize
the association which he had planned In his prison
at Savona. There were ample materials for his
■work. The defeated revolutionists of Central Italy
were crowding to Marseilles. He made himaelf
known to many of them, and was soon able to open
correspondence with several towns and districts in
Italy.

In April, 1S31, the elder branch of the House of
Savoy became extinct by the death of Charles Felix,
and he was succeeded by the head of the younger
branch of Savoy-Carigiiano, Charles Albert. The
new king was deeply reli^ous, brave, and active-
minded, and devoted to the welfare of his people ;
but he had wisely abandoned the party of the Carbo-

1

II

162 The Italian Revolution.

naii, and he wished to promote the good of his sub-
jects by a prudent and statesman-like poUcy. and
not by attempting to reduce to practice the wild
theories of the French philosophes and their Italian
imitators. But the Italian Liberals only thought of
him as the Carbonaro of IS 21. In the excitement of
the moment they seemed to forget how he had de-
serted the Bevolution when it declared war against
Austria^ and they hoped to see him placing himself
at once at the head of the Italian movement.

From Marseilles, Mazzini addressed a letter to the
new king, through the medium of the press. The
letter opened by refemng to the hopes of the
Liberals on his accession, reminding him of the
struggle in progress throughout Europe between the
Kevolution and Conservatism, and telling him that
he had to choose between yielding to the agitation
in his own states, and attempting to suppress it. He
was warned of the dangers he would incur, by
adopting the latter course. " Blood calls for blood,"
wrote Mazzini, " and the dagger of a conspirator is
never so terrible as when it is sharpened on the
tombstone of a martyr." On the other hand, a few
concessions would not quiet the people (or, rather,
the Liberals of Piedmont). What was demanded
was, that the king should put himself at the head of
the Italian Revolution, and, if he would do this, the
Bepublican leader promised him the throne of Italy.
" There is," he wrote, " a crown brighter and

I

Mazzini and the Italian Movement.

nobler than that of Piedmont — a crown that only
awaits a man bold enough to conceive the idea of
■weariug it, resolute and determined enough to con-
Becrate himself wholly to the realization of that idea,
and virtuous enough not to dim its splendour with
ignoble tyi^aany."

As might have been anticipated, this letter met
with no response from the king. In his memoirs,
Mazzini asserts that he never expected anything else,
and merely wrote it for the purpose of proving to the
Jte vol utio nary party that it was useless to hope for
a kingly leader, or to put their trust in princes. It
is quite possible that he wrote it to attract notoriety
in Italy, but whether this was his purpose or not,
auch was the resylt of the letter. His came had
hitherto been known only to the small circle of his
friends at Genoa, or among the exiles in France ; it
now became a household word with the Revolutionary
party in Italy, and it was to the reputation thus ac-
quired i;bat he was largely indebted for his success
in forming the association, which was, he hoped, to
«upplant the Carbonari, and accomplish the work
they had failed to effect.

To this new association he gave the name of La
Giovine Italia, or Young Italy. It was to include
all the Liberal youth of the Peninsula, and no one
•Was to be admitted who had passed the age of forty
years. In its organization and its objects, it waa
essentially different from the Carbonari. The organi-
11—2

members. In the chief towns of the
districts there were committees eh:
work of perfecting and extending tl
In smaller places there were simpi
pointed to superintend the action o
At Marseilles, Mazzini and his frie
central committee, which governed I
But this committee was entirely undJ
so that pnictically he himself had tha
maiid of the whole. By thus placing I
ahroad, he secured it from the attackf
Governments, and was able to conapir
in perfect safety.

Unlike the Carbonari, the Giovin
definite and determined object, which
before all its members. According
tuticms of the association, all who jo
" in the firm intent of consecrating bol
action to the great aim of reconstil
one, independent, sovereign natioi^oj

Mazzitii and the Italian Movement. 3 65

the words Liberty, Equality, Ilunmnity; on the other.
Unity and Independence.

Thus the Giovine Itaha had for its object the esta-
blishment of a Unitarian ItiUiau Republic ; and to
Mazzini belongs the doubtful honour of having initi-
ated the revolutionary agitation for Italian unity.
Not that it was in itself a new idea. The necessity
of pohtical unity had been urged upon the Italians
for many a year, and some of the greatest of the
Popes themselves had been its most strenuous sup-
porters. Amongst others, Pius VI. had eudea^
I voured to organize a league of the Italian states,
' -which, whUe leaving iodependence to each, would
give a federal unity to all. But tiie Mazzinlan pro-
gramme was the establishment of a single republic,
■which would have placed all Italy — divided as it ever
■was and ever wUl be in feeling and sentiment, in po-
litical views and material wants — under one central
government

To attain this end, the means to be adopted were
"thought and action:" the latter meant insurrection,
the former the literary propaganda of Mazzinianism.
The Carhcnari were content to be a purely political
[ association : in this Maz^i believed that they had
I erred. He saw in Catholicity the ally of peace,
order, and coneervativism, and he was, therefore,
anxious to loosen its hold upon the minds of his
foUowera. His own rehgion so far as we can gather
from his writings, was a kind of philanthropic theism.

166 The Italian Revolution.

and this he wished to be the creed of the Giovine
Italia, which was in some degree a religious sect as
well as a political conspiracy ; and this pseudo-
religion runs through all his utterances and those of
his followers. He preached the religion of humanity,
God and the people. It is quite possible that he
never knew precisely what he meant, and a careful
consideration of much that he has written tends to
show that his belief in the people and humanity was
far stronger and more active than his belief in God :
that to a great extent he was practically a worshipper
of humanity, who limited his belief in God to a simple
acknowledgment of His existence. A careful study
of Mazzini's writings has convinced us that this is
the true character of Mazzinianism.

These ideas he considered it necessary to propagate,
as an essential prelude and preparation for action.
" The great error of the past," he wrote to the pro-
pagandists of Young Italy, "has been that of entrust-
ing the fate of the country to individuals rather than
to principles. Combat this error, and preach faith
not in names but in the people, in our rights, in God.
Teach your followers that they must choose their
leaders among men who seek their inspiration from
revolution, not from the previous order of things.
Lay bare all the errors committed in 1831, and do
not conceal the faults of the leaders. Kepeat in-
cessantly that the salvation of Italy lies in her
people. The lever of the people is action, continuous

I

Mazzini and the Italian Movement.

167

action : action ever renewed without allowing oneself
to be overcome or disheartened by first defeats,"*

As a means of extending his association and its
principles, he published at Marseilles a manifesto to
the Italian people, and a monthly periodical. In his
manifesto he urged the necessity of an Italian revo-
lution, asserting that former revolutions failed through
mismanagement, and that the youth of Italy sliovdd
now follow younger leaders, who would guide them
to success. "Late events," he said, "have been a
better lesson to the rising generation than whole
volumes of theories, and we affirm that the events of
1831 have consummated and concluded the separa
tion of Young Italy from the men of the past,"

The first number of his periodical, La Giovine
Italia, followed. It was a small octavo pamphlet of
132 pages. Its contents will give an idea of the
whole. The first article, explaining the objects of
the asBociation, was signed by Mazzini ; then came
others on the French society of the Amis dv Peuple,
on Raspail, on the events of 1831, on the Romagna
(by Mazzini), and a concluding address to the Italians.
The contents of the other numbere was very similar
—one long exhortation to the Italians to declare war
against their governments and against the Austrians.
The following passages from the journal will best re-
present its style : —

* " Life and Writings," vol. i., pp. 182, 183.

168 The Italian Revohition.

"Tiie masses/' writes Mazzini, "understand the
word liberty better than they do that of independence.
Moreover, while the Austrian uniform is abhorred by
the Lombard, because the substance, gold and men
of Lombardy are drawn to swell the granaries,
treasury and armies of Austria ; the Genoese, Pied-
montese, Tuscan or Neapolitan feels no Austrian

yoke upon his neck The Barbarian for the

mass of the people is he who imposes a tax upon the
hght that shines above him, and upon the air he
breathes ; the barbarian is the custom-house officer,
who impedes his freedom of commerce and traffic ;
the barbarian is he who insolently violates his indi-
vidual liberty ; the barbarian is the spy who watches
over him even in the hours when he seeks forgetful-

ness from the misery which surrounds him

Tell the people, then, of our great memories, tell
them of 1746 and Massaniello. Tell them of the
battles of Paris, Brussels, and Warsaw : of their
barricades, pikes, and scythes. Say to them, — It
rests with you to emulate those deeds and arise
in giant strength ; God will be with you, God
is with the oppressed. And when you see a
gleam of light illumine the brow, and hear the
beating of the great heart of the people, throbbing
like the pulse of the sea, then rush to the van : point
to the plains of Lombardy, and say, — ' There stand
the men who perpetuate your slavery.' Show them
the Alps, and cry, ' These are our true frontier ! —

f

Mazzini mid the Italian Movement, 1 Q9

War to Austria !' " — And ia order that they might
know bow the war was to be conducted, Mazzini
wrote and published in his periodical a complete
treatise on guerilla warfare, which showed how care-
fully he had studied the subject of an Italian insur-
rection in all its bearings.

It was impossible that the Italian governments
should permit the free circulation of writings of this
kind, or hesitate to declare a war to the koife against
the society from which they emanated. Nevertheless
the association made rapid progress. It had all the
charm of novelty and mystery, and the young men
welcomed the writings of a chief, who told them that
the destiny of their country was in their hands, and
promised to make them its leaders. In Genoa the
brothers Ruffini, Jacopo and Giovanni, Mazzini's first
friends, took charge of the movement. Committees
were formed in the North, in TusCcvny, in the Papal
States; and, despite the vigilance of the police, the
journal. La Giovine Italia, was smuggled into the
porta of Genoa, Leghorn, and Civita Vecchia, packed
in baiTels of pumice-stone or pitch. Travellers passed
from province to province, and reported the progress
of the movement to Mazzini at Marseilles. Begun
at the close of 1831 or the beginning of 1832 it was
in 1S33 as powerful as the old Carbonari.

The Italian governments became alarmed, and —
thanks to strong diplomatic protests with regard
to Mazzini's being allowed to establish openly at

1 70 The Italian Bevolution.

Marseilles the centre of a great conspiracy against a
friendly power — the French government published a
decree banishing him from France. He resolved not
to leave Marseilles, and still lived there in secret^
probably with the connivance of the police, who
could scarcely have been ignorant of his continued
residence in the city.

He had always protested against its being sup-
posed that he would permit the dagger to be a
weapon of Young Italy, as it had been in the handa
of the Carbonari In October, 1832, a certain
Emiliani was attacked by some Italian refugees in
the streets of Rodez, and slightly wounded. The
men were arrested and imprisoned by the police ; but
shortly after, on May 31st, 1833, Emiliani and a
companion of his, named Lazzareschi, were murdered
in a caf^ by Gaviuli, a young exile of 1831. Evi-
dently the crime was a political one, for it transpired
that both the murdered men were spies belonging to
the police of Modena. The French press charged the
Giovine Italia with the crime, but Mazzini indig-
nantly denied it, and additional force was given to
his denial by the publication in the Moniteur of a
decree, purporting to be signed by Mazzini, con-
demning Emiliani and Lazzareschi to death, but
which, it was evident, was nothing more than a
clumsy piece of forgery, for the dates did not corre-
spond with the known facts of the case, the form of
the sentence was absurd, and the Italian in which it

nt, llf^

Mazzini and the Italian Movement.

was written was full of grammatical errors. The
assassination was probably the work of the Carbo-
nari : nevertheless, in the excitement of the moment,
all the odium of it fell upon Mazzini, and his
association .

In his " Memoirs," Mazzini gives a summary of the
strength of the Giovine Italia in the summer of 1S33,
and the names of its leaders. It was most powerful
in Lombaidy, the Genoese Territory, and the States
of the Church. The Tuscan centre of the association
was at Leghorn, where it was directed by Guerrazzi,
Bini, and Enrico Mayer. Pietro Bastogi (afterwards
an Italian minister) was treasurer. Mayer travelled
to Rome to keep up the correepondence with the
society in the Pontifical Territory, and in union with
Leghorn there were branches at Pisa, Siena, Lucca,
and Florence,

In Genoa, the Buffinis had established a strong
organization, but in Piedmont the work went on
more slowly. Amongst the members were Sciandra,
Vochieri, Parola, and Depretis (since become a
" Moderate," like many others). Some he&itated to
join the society, but informed its propagandists that
tKey would enter its ranks if it could prove its
strength by a first success. Numerous members had
been enrolled among the subalterns and non-commis-
sioned officers of the Piedmontese army, especially
among the artillery in charge of the citadels of Ales-
sandria and Genoa ; indeed, both these cities were

Inej coiTesponded with Maxzim, andl
that they were ready to adopt his pi
act as his allies. There was a confl
Giovine Italia established in Rome, B
seems, but few membei^s. Another cl
in Umbria, presided over by Guardabaa
in the Komagua that the society M-as bJ
Papal territory. There the veteran coJ
the young, untried Revolutionists on
alike joined eagerly in the work. Ma\
since merged into the Modeiute partr
hot and zealous "Republicans. Farini s]
contemptuous terms of the Giovine Itai
conspiracies in general, but, if we are t
chief of the society, the future historiai
one of tlie moat active inembere in 18
are," says Mazzini, " working men j
Bologna, who well remember Farini loui
massacre in their meetings, and his hal
up hia coat sleeves to the elbow, sayipi

Maszhii and the Italian Movement.

173 1
extended

Now that his association was so widely
in Italy, Mazzini felt the importance of speedy action.
He could not hope that it would last long without
traitors being found to betray ita organization to the
Itahan governments, and even if this were not the
case, the zeal of the first associates might he ex-
pected tu cool down, and perhaps dissension and dis-
union would creep into their ranks, as into those of
the Carbonari, He considered the Giovine ItaUa
strong enough for an attempt at revolution. Even
if it failed in the effort, he hoped it would win its
first laurels in the struggle, and strengthen his own
influence in France and Italy ; while, if it continued
inactive, there was every reason to fear that its
present strength and efiiciency would rapidly de-
crease. He therefore resolved upon immediate
action.

§ 2. T/ie Invasion of Savoy.

(1833—1834.)

Mazzlni had probably decided many months before
upon the plan of action which he now adopted. He
could not depend upon Poerio's followers in the
south taking the field or acting as he would wish,
and carrying the war into the Pontifical Territory in
the event of a first success. It would have been
easy to excite a rising In the Romagna, but it was

1 74 The Italian Revolution.

too isolated a field of actum, and too much exposed
to an Austrian attack. The north alone seemed
available, and he decided that there the Revolution
should begin, and that if his plans were successful,
the Giovine Italia in the centre, and Poerio's organi-
zation in the south, should act as the reserve of the
movement. He flattered himself that, through his
relations with the troops at Alessandria and Grenoa,
the citadels of these places would easily fall into the
hands of his friends. The Revolutionists would then
have two important strategic points in their hands.
One would secure the Riviera, and communicate
with France and Italy by sea, and the other could
be used as a base of operations against the Austrians
in Lombardy.

He revived the idea of an invasion of Savoy, which
had been prevented by Louis Philippe in 1831.
This was to be the work of the exiles in the south of
France. He hoped Savoy would declare in his
favour ; he would then get possession of Turin, the
branches of the Giovine Italia in Lombardy would
rise at the news, and. Piedmont being secured, the
revolutionary army would cross the Ticino to invade
the Austrian possessions, arid then it was hoped the
insurrection would spread through the south and
centre. Such was the plan adopted for the proposed
Revolution of 1833, a plan which had many more
chances of success than might be supposed at first
sight. The essential portion of it was the occupation

Mazzini and the Italian Movement. 175

■of Genoa and Alessandria, aiid, next to this, the
invasion of Savoy ; for these were the movements
which were to secure for the revolution its base of
operations in Piedmont.

Having communicated his general design to hla
friends in Genoa, Alessandria, Turin, and Vercelli,

■ he prepared to leave Maraeilles and go to Geneva, in
order to make the final arrangements and organize
the invasion of Savoy. But before leaving he wished
to come to an understanding with the French repub-
licans. He had interviews with Cavalgnac and
Armand Carrel ; and it was agreed that if the move-
ment in Italy succeeded, the party in France should

. attempt a revolution at Paris and Lyons. Mean-
while a trifling incident which occurred at Genoa for
the moment placed the Genoese and Piedmontese
conspirators at the mercy of the government, and
deranged the plot.

Two artillerymen at Genoa quarrelled. From
words they came to blows, and they both were

I -arrested by the carbineers. In the presence of the
latter, one of them said he could tell something
which would damage tlie other. The fact was, the
«ther man was a member of the Giovine Italia, and

I had made an attempt to persuade him to join. These
words furnished the government with a clue to the

I -conspiracy. Mazzini, seeing the danger of his friends,
wrote to them immediately, " Act at once, if pos-

[ eible ; if not you are lost." Nevertheless they hesi-

176 The Italian Revolution.

tated. When a search was made, copies of the Cfiavine
Italia were found in the knapsacks of some of the
soldiers; the owners and their associates were
arrested. Some of them confessed the names of their
accomplices, and arrest followed arrest, first at Genoa,
then at Alessandria, Turin, and Chambery, later still
at Nice, Cuneo, and Vercelli. The Piedmontese
police obtained numerous confessions from the
prisoners by offering pardon to those who gave
them ; and these confessions were used to overcome
the firmness of others. There were several execu-
tions, chiefly of ofl&cers, soldiers, and lawyers, at
Genoa, Alessandria, and Chambery. Of the leaders,
Jacopo Kuffini committed suicide in prison ; his
brother, Giovanni, escaped to France, and joined
Mazzini at Marseilles. Charles Albert and his
minister, Villamarina, put down the conspiracy by
stronger measures than had ever been used by any
other Italian government.

Mazzini was not daunted by his failure ; he leather
felt the desire to retrieve this first defeat by a victory.
Measuring the feelings of others by his own and those
of his associates, he pictured to himself all the north
filled with rage and horror at the stern justice which
Charles Albert had meted out to the conspirators.
He decided upon an invasion of Savoy, and sent word
to his friends in Italy, that he was still resolved upon
speedy action. At Genoa the association was reor-
ganized before the end of the year. Amongst those

Mazzini mul the Italian Movement. 17/

who joined it was Giuseppi Garibaldi, then twenty-
four years of age, and captain of a Genoese brig
trading from port to port in the Mediterranean.

Geneva has always been a focus of revolution.
Mazzini resolved to make it his head-quarters, and
left Marseilles. He knew that the Genevese govern-
ment would oppose him, but he felt he could rely
upon having a large party among the citizens on his
side. He established relations with many of the
leading citizens, helped to set on foot a journal,
L'Evrope CentraJe, to promote the idea of " the
emancipation of Savoy," and opened a correspondence
with members of the Giovine Italia and citizens of
Chambery, Anneey, Thonon, and other towns. They
asked him what would be the fate of Savoy in the
event of success. He gave the stereotyped reply of
the modern revolutionist, " It would be left to the
people to decide." They might remain Italians, or
join France or Switzerland ; and for his part he
advised them to choose the last

^ These prehnilnaries being arranged^ he began the
actual organization of the expedition. There were a
large number of Italian refugees scattered thi-oughout
France, but the expense of transporting them to the
frontier of Savoy prevented him from assembling any
but those who were close at hand in the south. A
number of these were brought together at Besangon
and Geneva. But there were other elements ready
in the mass of German and Pohsh exiles wlio had

L 12

1 78 The Italian Revolution.

taken reRige in Switzerland after the failure of the
insurrectionary movements of 1831, where they had
been hospitably received, subscriptions being raised
for those who were in need of such assistance. The
Germans were in the cantons of Zurich and Berne,
the Poles in Neufchatel, Friburg, Vaud, and Geneva.
Thus the whole force of the refugees was within easy
reach of the Savoyard frontier, and could be organ-
ized without exciting the suspicion of the govern-
ment. Money was supplied by some of the more
wealthy members of the association. Arms were
bought in Belgium and transferred to Geneva. The
leaders lived together at one of the hotels ifi that
city, which they had entirely to themselves, and
which became at once the head-quarters of the move-
ment and its arsenal.

As yet no commander had been named. The
followers of Mazzini demanded some leader of note,
and against his will selected General Ramorino, an
Italian soldier of fortune, who had won a reputation
which was hardly merited by his exploits, in the
Polish war of 1831. The plan of action was laid
before Ramorino, and he accepted the command. It
was arranged that Mazzini should organize one
column at Geneva, and Ramorino another at Lyons,
and that both should invade Savoy before the end of
October. This being settled, Ramorino left Geneva
for Lyons, taking with him 40,000 francs for neces-
sary expenses, and accompanied by a yoimg Modenese,

Mazzini and ike Italian Movement.

1

179 V

nrlio, while he acted as hia secretary, was privately
fio keep Mazzini informed of his progress.*

Ramorino had left Geneva, when a young Coraican
named Antonio Gallenga, a member of the Giovine
Italia, called one evening at the hotel with a letter
of introduction to Mazzini from Melegari, who spoke
of him aa a friend of his who had resolved upon
accomplishing a great act. On being asked what
was his purpose, he said that since the executions in
Piedmont and Genoa, after the failure of the first
conspiracy, " he had decided to avenge the blood of
hia brothers, and teach tyrants once for all that crime
is followed by expiation : that he felt himself called
upon to destroy Charles Albel-t, the traitor of 1821
and the executioner of liIs brethren (of the Giovine
Italia) ; that he had nourished the idea in the soli-
tudes of Corsica until it had obtained a gigantic
power over him, and become stronger than himself."
Mazzini raised various objections, and pointed out
all the difticulties of such an attempt, telling him
tiiat the deed would certainly cost him his lii'e ; but
he seems to have said all this less with the object of

» dissuading Gallenga from his enterprise, than of
* All these movoments were carefully reported to the AiiBtmn
goveniraent, and tlirough it to Charles Albert, by one of the
leliigces named Fart«sotti, who was with Mazzini at Genoa. Until
his death, Parteaotti was regarded by hia comrades as a most zealous
and trustworthy republicao. It was only when they examined his
papers that they discovered his cortespondence with Austria.

L

12—2

180 The Italian Hevolution.

satisfying liimself that lie was really resolved upon
it. He replied that he was prepared for it all, that
he would strike the king down, shout Viva T Italia I
and await his fate. Finally, he succeeded in per-
suading Mazzini that he was a second Harmodius or
Brutus, " destined to teach tyrants that their fete is
in the hands of a single man." Mazzini asked him
what he required ; all he wished for was a passport
and a little money. Mazzini gave him a thousand
firancs, and told him where he could get a passport
He remained in the hotel that night and part of the
next day. Then he set off for Turin with a passport
bearing the name of Louis Mariotti.

From the St. Gothard he sent an enthusiastic
letter to Mazzini. He had prostrated himself upon
the Alps and renewed his oath to Italy to do the
deed. At Turin he saw the local committee of the
Giovine ItaUa, and arrangements were made to
enable him to execute his purpose. On his way to
the royal chapel each Sunday, the king passed
through a long corridor, to which a few persons were
admitted by tickets. One of these was procured for
Gallenga, and he went to see the king and study the
locality. The deed was to be done on the following
Sunday, and the committee, not wishing to buy a
dagger in Turin, sent Sciandra to Geneva, and he
obtained one from Mazzini.

Meanwhile the latter had sent a certain Angelini
to Turin on business connected with the proposed

Mazzini and the Italian Movement.

I

I
I

insurrection, but unknown to the committee ; and
this envoy, knowing nothing of Gallenga. took
lodgings a few doors from those of the would-be
regicide. The police heard of Angelini's arrival, and
went to the house to arreat him, but he escaped ;
and the committee, thinking that the carbineers
had come into the street to look for Gallenga, sent
the young man to a villa outside Turin, telling him
that the attempt could not safely be made next
Sunday, but if all was quiet they would send for him
and introduce him into the corridor on one of the
following Sundays. A few weeks after they did
send for him, but either his enthusiasm had cooled
down or his courage had evaporated. He was no
where to be found, and he appeared before long in
Switzerland.*

Signor Gallenga, after takmg part in various revolutionary
movements in Italy, settled in England, where he published a
number of works on Italian afiairs, firaL under his assumed name of
Blariotti, then under liia own. Subsequently ho returned to Italy
and became a correspondent of the Times. We have compared his
own accoant of the allhir of 1833 (Ui&tonj of Piednumt, vol iii.)
■with that of Maadui. The only material differences between them
STB ; Gallenga asserts tliat it was the sight of Madame Kuflini's
grief which prompted hirn to tho design on the life of Charles
Albert ; Mazzini says that Gallenga did not meet Madame Kuflini
till after the interview with him at tho hotel at Geneva. A gain,
Gallenga soys ho failed to carry his plan into effect, because he did
not receive any assistance from the committee at Turin ; on this
M^uoini gives very precise details, which we have incorporated
narrative.

182 The Italian Revolution.

In the first week of October Mazzini's preparations
at Geneva were complete, but it was otherwise with
Bamorino, who had done little else tham waste time
and money. In vain Mazzini sent messenger after
messenger to hasten his preparations— amongst them
Celeste, the brother of Giro Menotti, who had been
executed two years before at Modena. October,
November, December, passed away in succession, and
then he gave back to Mazzini ten thousand francs,
and told him he could only get together a hundred
men of the thousand whom he had promised. The
delay inflicted a serious loss on Mazzini, deranged
his plans, and lost him the support of the Swiss
Carbonari, who, obeying the orders of Buonarotti,
the head of the Haute Vente at Paris, withdrew from
the movement.

On the 31st of January, 1834, Mazzini and Eamo-
rino collected the invading column in the neighbour-
hood of Geneva. The refugees, to the number of
about nine hundred men, assembled near the city and
at various points on the shore of the lake, which
they prepared to cross into Savoy. Mazzini had
previously despatched some of his friends to take
charge of the hundred refugees at Lyons, who were
to make a diversion by entering Savoy at another
point. Amongst them was Manfredi Fanti, after-
wards a general in the Piedraontese army.

On the first of February the movement began.
The Gencvese government tried to prevent the de-

I

I

Italian Movement. 183

partare of Mazzini and Hs friends, but the people of
the town took their aide, and the police were forced
to desist from the attempt. The column was to
advance towards St. Julien, On the road it was to
have been joined by a hundred and fifty Poles, under
General Grabski, who had assembled at Nyon, where
they were to cross the lake of Geneva. Then the
column would occupy St. Julien, where there were
only a few Piedmontese soldiers. There it would be
joined by the Savoyard members of the Giovine
Italia with their friends, and also by the German
refugees, who were already on their way from Berne
and Zurich.

But Mazzini's enterprise was doomed to failure.
Most of the Germans were stopped on the road by
the Swiss troops. At Nyon, Grabski very unwisely
put his men on board one boat and the arms on
board another to convey them across the lake ; and
a Genevese cruiser seized first the cargo of arms, and
then, with the help of some Swiss soldiers, stopped
the transport, and sent the Poles back to Nyon.
Some smaller parties of refugees, who endeavoured to
cross near Ouchy and at other points on the lake,
were stopped by the authorities of the Canton of
Vaud : while the band which had been collected at
Lyons crossed the frontier near Chambery, and after
a sharp engagement with the Piedmontese troops
was driven back into France, leaving two prisoners
in the hands of the victors. They were tried next
_day, sentenced to death, and shot.

184 The Italian Revolution.

Meanwhile Ramorino's column had disarmed the
custom-house posts at Annemasse and ViUegrand,
and distributed proclamations among the people,
announcing that "the great day of Savoy had
arrived, and that they were marching to overthrow
the throne of Charles Albert, and win by conquest
liberty, equality, and fraternity." But no one joined
them. In the evening they had reached the village
of Carra. Ramorino- was hesitating whether he
should advance or retreat. Mazzini, who was now
feverish with fatigue and excitement, was urging
him to march on to St. Julien, asserting that they
would be sure to get possession of it ; and in fact,
though Mazzini could not then know it, the small
Piedmontese force had left the place and fallen back
towards Annecy. Suddenly a few shots were fired
by the advanced posts on a false alarm. Mazzini
thought they were already in contact with the
enemy. He seized a rifle, and was running forward,
when his sight faded and he fell fainting to the
ground. When his senses returned he was in Swit-
zerland. Ramorino, declaring that it was impossible
to efiect anything, had fallen back into the neutral
territory of Geneva, where the column surrendered to
the Swiss troops.

An insurrection was to have taken place at Genoa
simultaneously with the invasion of Savoy. By the
order of the local committee of the Giovine Italia,
Garibaldi had enlisted as a seaman on board the

i

I

Maszini mid tlte Italian Movement. 18&

Sardinian frigate " Eurydice," which was stationed
in the harbour, and he bad succeeded in initiating
many of his comrades into the society. While the
conspirators on shore were to attack the barracks of
the Carbinieri, Garibaldi and his friends on board tlie
" Eurydice " were to seize the ship, and thus place a
frigate at the command of the revolutionists. The
plot was discovered just before the time fixed for
action, numerous arrests were made, and it was only
with the utmost difficulty that Garibaldi succeeded
in escaping into France from imprisonment and
death.

The first epoch of Young Italy had closed, and it
had ended in defeat. It had in its ranks two men
who exercised a deep influence on the future of Italy.
J?hey might be called the representatives of revolu-
tionary thought and actiou, the head and tlie
right hand of the Italian movement — Mazzini and
Garib;ddi ; the first thoughtful, studious, never so
happy as when he was weaving some dark web of
conspiracy, ever persevering through danger and
defeat, wearing out his Ufe for an idea in which he
firmly believed, the inspirer of the Italian movement
in its later form, its apostle, its real author, though
Other men have claimed the work as theirs : the
other a soldier and nothing more, knowing nothing
of poUtics beyond a rabid red-republicanism, nothing
of religion beyond a hatred of the priesthood, a man
who never handled the pen without writing words

186 The Italian Revolution.

which proved his ignorance of men and of the world,
and yet, who — thanks to a few brave actions in the
field — ^was able to rally round him in later timcB
army after army of devoted followers.

On the failure of the movement of 1 834, these two
men were separated. Mazzini remained in Europe,
still plotting, writing and organizing in Switzerland
and afterwards in London,* where at first as afiriend-
less exile he endured privations and misfortune with
a courage and constancy which even his bitterest
opponents must admire, and then gradually rose to
literary fame and competence, still continuing in
England at once his plots against the Italian govern-
ments and his attacks upon them in the press, which,
thanks to the national antipathy to the Pope, was
ever open to the contributions of such of the Italian
exiles as wished to make it the medium of their
opinions on the affairs of their native land.

Far away in South America, Garibaldi was fight-
ing for anyone who would buy his mercenary sword,
at one time privateering in a way which it is difficult
to distinguish from piracy, at another taking part in
those interminable revolutions and pronunciamentos
which occur year after year in the petty republics of
the New World, and gradually gathering aroimd
him that legion of Italian soldiers of fortune, which
later on formed the nucleus of the red-shirted Gari-
baldini of the revolutionary wars of Italy.

* He resided in Switzerland from 1834 to 1837, when he came
to England.

I

Mazdni and the Italian Movement. 187

§ 3. Moderates and Mazzinians.
(1834—1646).

Tbe repeated failures of the leaders of the party of
action had now somewhat discouraged their friends
and lessened their Influence in Italy, and it was some
time before they recovered their control over the
Itaiianist movement. Meanwhile a new party of men
— the Moderates — came to the front, and en-
deavoured to give a direction of their own to the
agitation in Italy. They were no leas revolutionists
than the Mazzinians and the Carbonari ; but they
■wished to effect their purpose by pacific means, by
diplomacy, by a literary propaganda, by the influence
of ideas rather than of action, in a word, they wished
to revolutionize Italy without exposing the country
to the dangers and troubles of a republic.

But it must not be forgotten that the Moderates
had always the party of action to support them, for
the Republicans — ever ready to go with them as far
as they went, in the hope of being able to force them
still further — formed from first to last the life and
soul of the Itaiianist movement, giving it all the
strength or consistency it possessed.

From 1834 to 1848 a host of political works
appeared in Italy, chiefly written by men of the
Moderate party, many of whom, however, had begun
their political career as Republicans, and received
their first inspirations from Mazzini and his pre-

188 The Italian Revolution. ,

decessors. Chief among these writers were Terenzio
Mamiani, Cesare Balbo, the Abb^ Gioberti, and, later
on, Massimo d'Azeglio. Of these, Gioberti proposed
by far the wisest policy for the Italian people. He
had begun his political career as a Mazzinian, had
joined the Giovine Italia in 1832, and contributed
to its journal under the signature of Demofilo, and
had been imprisoned at Turin on the failure of the
movement of 1 833 ; but he had now left the Mazzinian
party for the Moderates, and spoke of Mazzini as one
of the foes of Italy.

We have little sympathy for this unfortunate
priest, who abandoned his high and holy office to
throw himself into the arms of the Revolution. We
have no admiration for this shallow exponent of false
philosophy and heretical theology. But, viewing
him simply as a statesman, we believe that he was
one of the few really able politicians of the Moderate
party, if not the only one ; and much of the advice
which he gave to his country in his first political
publication was sound and good. He condemned
the conspiracies of the Carbonari and the Mazzinians
as the real obstacles to the progress of Italy. He
urged the Liberal party to lay aside all enmity
between the upper and lower classes, and to give up
its attacks upon the princes of Italy, the Papacy, and
religion in general. He told them that Catholicity
ever had been and ever would be the glory of Italy^
and its possession her greatest privilege. Finally, he

Mazzini o

', Italian Movement,

189

I

I

I

urged the formation of an Italian confederation with
the Pope at its head. No better policy than this
could have been suggested for the Italian people, but
unfortunately Globerti was not content to limit his
programme to these prudent and really moderate
proposals.

It must not, however be supposed that, while the
Moderates were carrying on this literary crusade, the
Eepublicans were idle. The works of the former
only served to keep alive the flame, and pave the
■way for the secret propaganda of the Mazzinians.
The mass of the disaffected in the Xiomagna, in the
South, in the Duchies, and in Lombai-dy drew but
little practical distinction between the Moderates and
the Republicans. For them they were all Liberals
and Revolutionists, vai-ying indeed in shades of
opinion from Gioberti at one end of the scale to
Mazzini at the other, but Revolutionists all the
same. They listened to the philosophic lamentations
of the Moderates over the supposed miseries of Italy,
they accepted their statements of the defects and
iaults of the existing governments; but the remedies
they proposed were far too slow to satisfy their
wishes, and they readily placed themselves under the
leadership of Mazzini and his colleagues, whose in-
fluence in Italy began steadily to increase, even more
through the exertions of the Moderate party than
through their own.

In 1838 the Austrians evacuated Bologna, and the

190 The Italian Revolution.

French garrison was withdrawn from Anoona. Two
years after, the Pope made a progress through his
States, and everywhere received an enthusiastic wel-
come from his people. There were rumours of a
powerful conspiracy in the south. It was said that
1840 would not pass without an outbreak, and the
Giovine Italia was active in the Bomagna. In the
midst of this excitement a band of BevolutionistSy
headed by a yoimg doctor named Muratori, appeared
near Bavenna and defeated a small detachment of
Papal Carbineers, and captured the officer, whom
they "subsequently shot in a barbarous manner."*
Troops were sent in pursuit of them, but they escaped
across the frontier into Tuscany. Another member
of the Giovine Italia, named Ribotti, led two hundred
men out of Bologna, disarmed the posts on the Via
Emilia, and marched towards Imola. Cardinal
Mastai, then bishop of that city, was entertaining
the Legate, Cardinal Amat, and Cardinal Falconieri,
Archbishop of Bavenna, at a villa beyond the walls.
At the last moment the cardinals were informed of
the approach of Bibotti ; they escaped into the town,
called the troops to arms, and closed the gates.
Having failed to surprise the town, Bibotti drew off
his men without attempting an attack. The band
was pursued by the troops, and dispersed. Some
few prisoners were taken, but the leader escaped.
Beyond this the Giovine Italia did nothing in the

♦ Farini

Mazzini and the Italian Movement.

Pontifical States, and there was no attempt at a
rising in the south. In the kingdom of Naples,
under the wise rule of Ferdinand II., the secret
societies had lost nearly all their influence, and might
now be said to consist of a committee at Naples, with
branches at Messina and in the Abruzzi and Calabria.
In the latter district an attempt at insurrection was
made in 1844, which, on account of the celebrity of
the chief actors in it, we must narrate in some detail.
Attilio and Emilio Bandiera were the sons of Rear-
Admiral Bandiera, a Venetian officer of the Austrian
navy. Young, ardent, and enthusiastic, they had im-
bibed the ideas of the Italian Revolution from the
writings of men of the school of Mazzini, and had
learned to look upon him as the chief of the revolu-
tion in Italy. At length they resolved to put them-
selves in communication with him. They both held
tiie rank of Lieutenant in the Austrian navy.
Towards the end of 1842 Attilio Bandiera was with
his ship at Smyrna. Thence he wrote to Mazzini,
offering to place his services at his disposal, and
entrusted the letter to a friend of his, Domenico
Moro, also a lieutenant in the same service, who,
being on his way to London, and holding the same
views as the Bandieras, offered a safe means of
communication with Mazzini.

The arch-conspirator accepted their offer. Under

iiis guidance the two brothers and their fiiend, young

[oro, began to spread the organization and the Ideas

193 The Italian Revolution.

of the Giovine Italia among the Venetian and Dal-
matian sailors, who form so large a proportion of the
crews of the Austrian navy. Early in 1844 they had
formed aplanforseizing the Austrian fiigate "Bellona,"
and making a descent in Sicily with the arms Cud
munitions on board the ship. Only a few days before
the time which had been fixed for the attempt, the
plot was revealed by one of their accomplices, and
the Bandieras and Moro took to flight, and succeeded
in escaping to Corfu, in the neutral territory of the
Ionian Islands.

The Austrian government acted most generously
at this juncture. Out of respect for their father,
and believing that the Bandieras had been carried
away by youthful indiscretion and enthusiasm, the
Archduke Eegnier pledged his word to their mother,
that, if she could persuade them to return to Venice,
he would procure them a free pardon and re-instate-
ment in their rank in the navy. But it was all in
vain. From Central Italy came rumours of insurrec-
tion and exaggerated reports of the movements of
Muratori and his friends in the Romagna. An
insignificant emeiite in Calabria and the Abruzzi was
magnified in the eyes of the exiles at Corfu into a
general rising. The Bandieras felt a feverish desire
for action ; and, to the entreaties of their mother,
Emilio, the younger of the two, replied, that " the
only safe-conduct with which they could return to
Italy lay at the sword point."

I

I

Mnzzini find the Ittdian Movement. 193

They planned an expedition to Calabria with about
twenty companions. They had only five hundred
francs to provide for the expenses of the attempt,
and they wrote to Fabrizi, Mazzini'a agent at Malta,
for three thousand fi-aucs more. Mazzini and Fabrizi
saw the madness of the enterprise, and refused the
Money, as the easiest way of preventing it. Shortly
^ter, Mazzini sent to Corfu a friend of his, named
Hiclotti, who had fought in the wars of Italy and
Spain. He was to land in Centi-al Italy, and excite
an insurrection in the district of Ancona ; and the
Bandienis agreed to accompany hira. All the while
the Italian governments were receiving complete
information on the project, partly from one of the
Bandieras' companions, Boccheciampi, who was in
communication with the Neapolitan consul at Corfu,
partly from the English post-office, where ilazzini's
letters were opened and copied, resealed with forged
seals, and then sent on to hiin, without one word of
warning either to him or to his correspondents.

Despite all their efforts they could not succeed iu
procuring transport for the expedition to Ancona ;
and while they were in this difficulty, a Calabrlan,
who had fought amongst the insurgents, arrived at
Corfu, bringing exaggerated accounts of thousands
of men being in arras iu the forests. Riciotti, the
Bandieras, and their friends resolved to give up the
expedition to Central Italy and make an attempt
upon Calabria.

U

194 The Italian Revolution.

They easily obtained a passage on board an Italian
ship,^ and landed with eighteen companions in the
province of Cosenza. They found the countiy at
peace ; no one joined them. Attacked by a smaU
detachment of troops, they gallantly repulsed it; but
a few days after they were again attacked at San
Giovanni in Fiori, a little village in a deep hollow of
the wooded hills, where they were taken prisoners
after making a desperate defence, in which Emilia
Bandiera had his arm broken and Moro was wounded.
They were conveyed to Cosenza, where they were
tried by a court-martial, and nine of them, including
the two Bandieras, Moro and Riciotti, were con-
demned to death. They were shot in the market-
place, dying with the cry of " Viva T Italia T on their
lips, after having repulsed the priest who oflfered them
the last sacraments and the consolations of religion.

Most of those who have written on the fate of the
Bandieras, knew little of the connexion with the
enterprise of a man, who a few years after obtained
an evil notoriety in Europe. The ordinary place of
meeting of the conspirators at Corfu was the house

* Mazzini and his friends made an attempt to vilify Ferdinand IL,
by saying that the ship was sent by the Neapolitan government in
order to lure the Bandieras to their death. This is absurd. If the
ship was really sent by the Neapolitan government, why did she
land the exiles in Calabria at the risk of exciting an insiuTection 1
Would it not have been just as easy for her captain to run her under
the guns of a Neapolitan cruiser, and hand his passengers over to
the safe custody of her officers ?

I

Mazziiii and the Italian Movement. IS.")

of the renegade priest, Giacinto Acliilli. When they
sailed from the island, they chose, or were persuaded,
to entrust their few valuables to this man. These
consisted of gold accoutrements, watches, trinkets,
and some fine wearing apparel. AchllH seems to
haye had no doubt of their inevitable fate, for within
two days after they sailed he sold a quantity of the
property, burning the gold lace to sell the metal, and
shortly after he appeared in public wearing their
clothes. These facts were perfectly notorious at the
time at Corfu, and everyone there rejoiced at his
subsequent downfall.

The year after the expedition of the Bandieras
another attempt at insurrection was made in the
Romagna, A young man named Pietro Renzi, at
the head of the conspirators of Rimini, disarmed the
few troops in the town, and called upon his country-
men to rise against the government. Another band,
headed by Pietro Beltrami, appeared near Faenza,
and tried to raise the towns along the Via Emiha.
But no one joined the insnrgents. On the approach
of the Pontifical troops Renzi's band escaped into
Tuscany ; soon after he was followed by the band of
Beltrami, which was driven out of the Romagna by
the Swiss Pontifical troops, aided by band» of volun-
teers from all the neighbouring towns.

This was the last attempt at revolution in the
stormy reign of Gregory XVI. He died after a short
illness on the let of June 184G. Though darkened
13—2

196 The Italian Revolution.

by the struggle with the Revolution his pontificate
might well rank among the noblest in the later
history of the Church. As a temporal prince, he had
conferred lasting benefits on his subjects. A national
bank was established, a new coinage issued, numerous
roads had been constructed through the States, the
harbour and naval arsenal of Ancona had been im-
proved, and extensive public works had been executed
at the mouth of the Tiber and in the harbour and
city of Civita Vecchia. So far as mere material pros-
perity was concerned, the States were in a most
flourishing condition.* That reforms were needed in
many departments of the public service we do not for
a moment deny ; but much had been done, and more
would have been effected but for those pests of
modem Italy, the secret societies, which made it the
first duty of every ruler to provide for the tranquillity
of his States.

We need not speak of Gregory XVI. as a patron of
art and learning. The names of Mai and Mezzofanti
would alone have been sufficient to make his name
illustrious. The wisdom and ability he displayed in
the government of the Church has extorted the
admiration even of FarinL In his interview with
the Czar Nicholas of Russia, " with an emotion so
noble and a dignity so much more than human that
the fame of it went everywhere abroad,"* he told the

* Sufficient evidence of this will bo given later on,
t FarinL

Mazzini and the Italian Movement. 197

persecutor of Catholic Poland, that, equally with the
meanest of his subjects, he would one day have
to appear before the judgment seat of God, and
warned him to desist, while there was yet time, from
the despotic policy which he was pursuing.

"I should not dare to meet the eyes of my Judge,"
he exclaimed, "if I did not this day endeavour to
defend the religion entrusted to my charge, and
which you are oppressing. Sire ! think weU on it.
God has created kings that they may be the fathers,
not the tyrants, of the subjects who obey them."

This courageous rebuke of Gregory XVI., addressed
face to face to the most powerful sovereign in Europe,
has justly taken its place among the noblest episodes
in history.

CHAPTER VI.

INSDRKECTION.

§ 1. Pius IX.
1846—1847.

pE Conclave of 1S46 will be ever memorable in the*
•y of the Church. It lasted but forty-eight J
., and the clioice of the assembled cardinals fell
Giovanni Maria Mastui Feretti, who will be

Tiisum'ction. 199

to the ai-chbishupric of Spoleto, then to that of Imola,
which see he was governing when he received from
the princes of the Church that tiara which was to be
to him at once a crown of glory and a crown of thorns.
There is no need to dwell upon tlie virtues which

thave won for Pius IX. the love and veneration of
two hundred millions of devoted children ; on the
invincible courage which has borne him througli
twenty-nine years of bitter trial and incessant
danger ; on the wisdom, displayed alike in the
government of the universal Church and in the rule
of those fair provinces till lately subject to his
paternal sway. Dark and troubled as his long pon-
tiiicate has been, it has at the same time been the
most glorious since Peter resigned to Linus the Seal
of the Fisherman. Pius IX. has ruled a wider empire
than any pontiff that ever wore thu tiai*a. And now,
in this time of tribulation, when he is despoiled,
I persecuted, and imprisoned in his own palace, that
I empire is still firm and secure in the hearts of his
I children, who look forward with unshaken confidence
L to tlie day when the darkness of this night of moum-
f ing will be dissipated before the dawn of a triumph
I whose brightness will eclipse even the former glories
I of his reign.

From Bologna to Terracina the accession of Pius
I IX. was haUed with one outbm-st of joy. Men might
I well anticipate an illustrious career for this pontiff,
I who assumed the tiara in the prime of life, uniting

200 TIia: Italian Rewlution.

the innocence of youth with the tried wisdom of
maturer years ; a pontiff whom none could approach
without feeling that he stood in the presence of one
whose privilege it was to conquer and to rule by love,
whose everj' look was one of kindly solicitude for the
happiness and welfare of all around him, and who, as
priest, bishop, and cardinal, had been famed for that
benevolence which had manifested itself in a thousand
ways from far reaching schemes of public good to
benefits conferred in secret on the poor, the desolate,
and the afflicted, which won for him that best of all
renown- — that which springs from the deep heartfelfc
love of £1, gi'ateful people.

His first act, as ruler of the Patrimony of St.
Peter, was one which was dictated by the noble and
kindly feelings of his generous heart. He wished
the year of his accession to be a period of joy to all
his subjects. He thought of the exUes of the Roman
States, of the prisons of Umbria and Romagna, of
the homes now desolate because some son or brother
had allowed himself to be entangled in the secret
societies and had fallen into the grasp of the law.
He had resolved to attempt to disarm the Revolution
by granting every just and reasonable demand, so as
to be the better able to resist those which would have
destroyed his legitimate authority ; and, as the first
step in this policy of reform, he determined to open
the doors of the prison, and to give to the exile a
means of returning to his native land.

Insuirectim}. 201

Accordingly, on the morning of July IGth, one
month after his election, a proclamation posted on
the walla of Rome announced a general amnesty,
limited only by the one condition, that those irho
availed themselves of it should " promise upon their
word of honour not to abuse m any way or at any
time this act of sovereign clemency, and pledge them-
selves besides to fulfil faithfully all the duties of
loyal subjects." Never was a proclamation halted
with such enthusiasm. Every party joined in ap-
plauding it. Twice that day the Pope was forced by
the entreaties of the people to appear on the balcony
of the Quirinal, to give them his blessing and witness
their demonstrations of gratitude : and a third time
after nightfall he came forth to give his blessing by
torchlight to anotlier assembly of the people.

Unfortunately for the Romans, and for the honour
of humanity, men were found base enough to use
the clemency of Pius IX. as a weapon against him-
self. Many there were who took the oath of the
amnesty, and kept it faithfully ; but othera of the
exiles retimied to Rome only to commit an act uf
perjui'ed treachery, by first promising to be faithful
and loyal to Pius IX., and theu carrying on as
actively as ever the revolutionary agitation, and the
organization of the secret societies. This had been
the fear of those membere of the Sacred College who
had opposed the amnesty, and it was equally feared
by Austria, who, herselt' adverse to any measures of

I

The Italian Hevolution,

reform whatever, and keeping down all agitation in
her own territory by a system of military repression,
eagerly watched for an opportunity of intervening in
the States, in order to render the Pope's temporal
authority subservient to her own, and was already
assuming a menacing attitude in her relations with
the Pontifical government. For our part, we can
only admire the wisdom aud benevolence of Pius IX.
in commencing hia reign by a general amnesty. It
was the measure in itself best calculated to strengthen
his liands for future reforms ; but that generous
policy was turned against him by the revolutionary
party, who at this juncture proved themselves before
all the world the worst foes of Italy.

Only three months after the amnesty was pro-
claimed, Mazziui wrote to his friends in Italy, telling
them to applaud every step made in advance, to
endeavour to push the Italian governments still
further, to organize, to propagate their views among
the multitude. " Proht by the least concession," he
said, " to assemble the masses, were it only to testify
gratitude. Fetes, songs, iissemblies, numerous rela-
tions established among men of all opinions, suffice
to make ideas gush out, to give the people a feeling

of its strength, aud render it exacting

Organize ! Organize 1 Everything is in that word.
The secret societies give irresistible streugth to the
party that can call upon them. Do not fear to see

Insurrection,

203

hem split ; the more the better. All go to the same

md by different ways."

On August Stb, Cardinal Gizzl — a man beloved by
all who knew him, and a personal friend of the Pope
— became Secretai-y of State. With a view to ob-
taining complete information on the real wants of
the States, and basing every measure of reform upon
a. thorough knowledge of the end to be gained, and
tiie proper means to attain it, commissions were ap-
pointed to consider and report upon various subjects
of importance, and anungements were made to collect
information from the mag^trates, the municipalities,
the clergy, and the leading men of the provinces.
These prudent measures were very disappointing to
the Liberal party, who hoped for nothing less than
some revolutionary scheme, drawn from the writings
of one of their favourite teachei-s, and countersigned
by the Pope ; but they were dictated by sound com-
mon sense and practical statesmanship.

The first result of these labours was the edict of
March, 1847, removing many of the restrictions on
the press, and constitutiug a well-regulated censor-
ahip, which the existence of the in*econcUable revo-
lutionaiy party reduced to a necessity. On the I4th
of April a second edict constituted a Council of State
to be composed of one representative for each pro-
vince, selected by the Pope from three candidates
nominated by the local government. Each of these
changes was followed by a gi-eat public demonstration.

204 The Italian Revolution.

and it sooQ became evident that there was more in
these concourses of the people than appeared upoQ
the surface. The agents of the secret societies in
Rome organized almost daily meetings of the people,
to discuss the measures taken by the government,
and among the crowds in the streets, the doctrines
of the revolutionary party were industriously propa-
gated by speeches and discussions, and even by
passing remarks. Foremost in this agitation was
tlie notorioua Cicemacchio, a man possessed of a
certain amount of rude eloquence, who imagined him-
self a second Rienzi. Seditious placards appeared
on the walls, and in the pi-ovinces the popular assem-
blies had led to disturbances in more than one
locality.

It therefore became necessary for the government
to take steps towards allaying this excitement, and
putting a stop to what was rapidly becoming a state
of chronic agitation in Rome. On the 22nd of June a
proclamation was pubhshed by Cardinal Gizzi, in the
name of the Pope, After referring to what had been
already eflected in the way of reform, it continued :
" His Holiness is firmly resolved to pursue the course
of amelioration in every branch of the pubHc ad-
ministration which may require it, but he is equally
resolved to do this only in a prudent and calculated
gradation, and within the limits which belong
essentially to the sovereignty and the temporal
government of the Head of the Catholic Church — a

Insurrection.

205

government which cannot adopt certain forms, which
would ruin even the existence of the sovereignty,
or at least diminish that external liberty, that inde-
pendence in the exercise of the supreme primacy, for
which God willed that the Holy See should have a

temporal principality The Holy Father has

not been able to see without deep regret that certain
restless minds are desirous of profiting by the present
state of things to promulgate and endeavour to
establish doctrines and ideas totally contrary to these
maxims, or to impose upon him others entirely
opposed to the tranquil and pacific nature, and the
sublime character, of the person who is the Vicar of
Jesus Christ, the minister of the God of Peace, and
the father of all Catholics, to whatever part of the
world they may belong; or, finally, to excite in the
minds of the people, by speeches or writings, desires
or hopes of reforms beyond the limits which His Holi-
ness has indicated." While thanking the people for
their demonstrations of gi-atitiide, the proclamation
included by asking them, in the name of the Pope,
give the best proof of their devotion to him, by ab-
staining from " all unusual popular meetings and
all extraordinary manifestations."

This was a severe blow to the Liberals, as it
trked the independent attitude which the Pope
assumed, and showed that he was resolved they
should not make his reforms the pretexts for a
revolutionary propaganda. Early in July, atill de-

tbi

I:

206 The Italian Revolution.

veloping his programme of reform, he published a
proclamation, re-organizing the old Civic Guard of
Rome, and extending the institution to the provincial
t.o^^'ns. Cardinal Gizzi, who, remembering the part
taken by the National Guard of Paris in the great
Revolution, looked upon the Civic Guard as a
danger to Rome, resigned his office, and was suc-
ceeded as Secretary of State by Cardinal Feretti.
whose name was even more popular than that of his
predecessor.

The Austrian government viewed all these pro-
ceedings with marked suspicion. During the Con-
clave, Austria had despatched two envoys from
Vienna to convey to Rome the veto of the Imperial
government against the name of Cardinal MastaL
As if by a miracle, both had been stopped upon the
jouiTiey, and, now that in spite of her manoeuvres
Pius IX. was Pope, Austria sought to raise every
possible obstacle to his policy. Even for her own
interests, a safer course would have been to acquiesce
in the changes he introduced into the internal
economy of the States, acknowledging his undoubted
right to govern them as an independent sovereign in
whatever way appeared to him best calculated to
promote the welfare of his subjects.

Instead of this, Prince Metternich made an ill-
advised attempt to overawe the Pope, and iAas
violation of his rights and opposition to his policy
considerably strengthened the influence of the anti-

Iiisv-rrection.

207

I Austrian pai-ty in Italy, and that of the Revohition-
L iets. In the 6rst weeks of July there were troubles
I in some of the Adriatic provinces, where party feeling
[ ran high, and the Liberals and Reactionists on
^ more than one occasion came to blows. There was a
I general suspicion at the time that these disturbances
I were secretly promoted by the Austrians as a pretext
for intervention. On the IGth of July there were
'■ rumours of a Reactionist conspiracy against the
I government at Rome. The Civic Guard flewi to
arms. All was excitement and apprehension, and
the Revolutionists endeavoiired to intensify the
■ alarm, in the Iiope of exciting a disturbance, and
I posted on the walls lists of those who were said to
^ be engaged in the plot, beginning with cardinals and
ending with policemen. The people searched the
city for the pioscribed individuals, but the govern-
ment succeeded in preventing any movement which
would have led to bloodshed, and order was restored
after a few arrests had been made. '

Next day 800 Austrians, with three guns, crossed
I the Po and entered Ferrara with bayonets fixed and
matches lighted, alleging that they came to support
the authority of the Sovereign Pontiff. Cardinal
Ciacchi, the apostolic legate at Ferrara, indignantly
protested against this invasion of the Pontifical
territory, and in the name of the Pope, Caidinal
Feretti demanded of Austria the prompt evacuation
I of the city. A war of despatches and negotiations

Thv Italian Resolution.

j.llowetl, and while it waa m progi-ess, the Pontifical

Jcivernmciit sliowed that it was prepared for any

■mergency. The army was increased, and ordered

|u move iiorthwai-d ; the bannera ot' the Civic Guard

ire solenmly blessed by the Pope ; the munici-

JaUties, thu wealthier citizens, the bishopa, and the

:ccleaiiistical bodies of the States, collected

liid subscribed money for the armameDts. Every-

Iherc the cry was " War against Austria !" The

I'ontiUcal government took advantage of this feeling

) assert to the foil its right to satisfaction from

liiistria ; but at the same time (;are was taken not to

.1 beyond the just limits of its claims, and thanks to

lis wise policy, the dispute was eventually arranged

|ithont having recourse to arms. By a convention

^Vustria, the occupation of Ferrara was strictly

iL'd to the limits laid duwn by the treaty of

I

if action calculated to force the Austrians to attack
them, with or without the consent of their princes.
Then the collision will begin, if the Italians have a
spark of honour or courage in them. All good men
should prepare for that moment by concerting their
means of action, acquiring influence over the people,
passing over their illusions without directly contra-
dicting them, contenting themselves with enlighten-
ing the people, especially the peasantry, instructing
the citizens in the use of arms, increasing more and
more the hatred for the Austrians, and irritating
Austria by every possible means." Thus it will be
seen that Metternich, by his overbearbg conduct
towards Pius IX., was actually assisting Mazzini and
the Revolutionary party in the development of that
policy which led to the general outbreak of the
following year.

On October 1 5th a Propria Motu, or proclamation
emanating directly from the Pope, was published,
explaining the objects and constitution of the Con-
sulta, or Council of State, established by the decree
of the preceding April, The Council was to consist
of a Cardinal-President, a prelate as Vice-President,
and twenty-four councillors named by the provinces,
and who were to receive fixed salaries. Each pro-
vince was to return a councillor, Bologna two, and
Rome and its vicinity four. They were to be divided
into four "sections," or, as we would say, committees,
the first of legislation, the second of finance, the

14

210

The Italian Revolution.

third of internal administration, commerce, and ma-
nufactures, the fourth of the army, public works,
prisons, etc. The object of the Council was to
" assist the Pope in the administration, to give its
opinion on matters of government connected with the
general interests of the state and those of the pro-
vinces, on the preparation of laws, their modification,
and all adminLstrative regulations, on the creation
and redemption of public debts, the imposition or
reduction of taxes, the alienation of property and
estates belonging to the government, on the cession
of contracts, on the customs' tariff, and the conclu-
sion of treaties of commerce, on the budget of the
state, the verification of accounts, and geneiul ex-
penditure of the administration of the state and
provinces, and on the revision and reform of the pre-
sent organization of district and provincial councils."
Thus the people were given a voice in every de-
partment of the government. The Council met on
November 1.5th under the presidency of Cardmal
Antonelli, who had been one of the first of the Koman
prelates raised to the purple by Pius IX. . In hia
opening speech the Pope made a marked reference to
the Ultra- Liberal party, warning them that they
would be gravely mistaken. If they thought they saw
any realization of their own Utopias in the creation
of the Council of State. On December 30th another
Propria Motu was published, constituting a regvdar
ministry, and regulating its functions. The ministers

w

appomted were^ — o

Insurrection.

211

appointed were^ — of Foreign Affairs, Cardinal Feretti;
of the Interior, Mgr. Amici, Vice-President of the
Consulta ; of Education, Cardinal Mezzofanti ;
of Grace and Justice, Mgr. Roberti ; of Finance,
Mgr. Morichini ; of Commerce, Cardinal Riario
Sforza ; of Public Works, Cardinal Massimo ; of
War, MgT. Ruaconi ; and of Police, Mgr. SavellL

Meanwhile the events transpiring at Rome were
producing important results throughout the rest of
Italy. The Grand Duke of Tuscany, following the
esample of Pius IX., granted greater freedom to the
press, and established a Council of State and a Civic
Guard. When the news of these events reached
Lucca, on August 31at, the people assembled in
crowds, raising the cry of " Vuki Pio Nono!" and
demanding of the Duke the adoption of the same
policy as that of Rome and Florence. After some
show of resistance the Duke yielded, and published
a proclamation establishing a National Guard and a
Council of State ; but almost immediately after he
repented of the act, and fled to Massa in the Modenese
territory. He was prevjuled \ipon to return to his
capital, but to the general satisfaction of his people
he negotiated a cession of his territories to the Grand
Duke of Tuscany, the Grand Duke agreeing to in-
demnify the Duke of Lucca by paying him an annuity
of £48,000 a year, until, iu accordance with the treaty
of Vienna, the Duchy of Parma reverted to him on
the demise of the Archduchess Maria Louisa.
14—3

The Italian Revolution.

In Piedmont, Charles Albert, who had in the
earlier years of hia reign so vigorously repressed the
secret Bocieties in his states, now adopted a policy
by which he hoped to conciliate the Liberals and
increase his own power and influence in Italy. He
had ab-eady been involved in a dispute with Austria
on the subject of the customs duties on wine, in
which the national antipathy to the Auatrlans had
blazed out to an extent hardly warranted by the
nature of the disagreement between the two Powers.
When the Austrians occupied Ferrai-a, he offered the
Pope his armed assistance, if he should require it,
and he continually laboured to improve the Pied-
montese army, which had been organized by Charles
Felix, and which was now in his eyes the van-guard
of Italian independence. Already he looked upon
himself as the " Spada d' Italia," and saw in fancy
the iron crown of Lombardy within his grasp,
Towards the end of October he proclaimed ths
freedom of the press, and tranafeiTed the police from
the military to the civil authorities, at the same time
promising still further reforms ; but it was evident
that, foreseeing war with Austria, he wjis far more
anxious to promote the efficiency of his army than
to devote himself like Pius IX. to the internal re-
organization of his states.

All the while the Revolution was at work below
the surface. In MUan, on September 8th, there was
a tumult, in which the cry of "Down mth the

Lustrians !" was raised by the people ; and, though
der was easily restored without bloodshed, it was
pvideiit that the mass of the citizens were disiilfected
' the government. In the south there were out-
weaks at Messina and Palermo, ever the centre of
Evolution in Sicily, and an abortive attempt at
insuiTection in Calabria.

Abroad, the leaders of the Revolution were pre-
paring for one united efibrt throughout Europe,
and in England the Italian exiles were in close
relation with Lord Palmerston. They were his chief
authorities on the affairs of Italy, and their ideas in-
spired his foreign policy. He had already active
agents at the courts of Naples and Turin, and he
resolved to establish another at Rome. He selected
Lord Minto for this post, and a bill was passed
through parliament, authorizing diplomatic relations
with the Holy See. In introducing it, Lord Palraer-
ston stated that the Court of Rome had expressed a
wish to have an English ambassador accredited to
it, in order to strengthen the hands of the Pontifical
Government. But this was later on explicitly and
publicly denied by the Roman Court The fact was
that Lord Normanby, the English ambassador at
Paris, acting on behalf of Lord Palmerston, had, in
i course of an unofficial conversation, succeeded in
awing from the Nuncio, Mgr. Fornari, a vague
atement that the Papal Government had long
ished to be in relation with that of England. But

214

The Italian Revolution.

I this could not be considered as an invitation on the
I part of Pius TX. and his advisers, and the Nuncio
I himself afterwards carefully guarded hia words, by
I pointing out tliat he only spoke in his individual
I ca]iaclty. However, the words were spoken, and tliey
I aflbrdcd tlio pretext which Lord Palraerston sought
I for, in order to dispatch Lord Minto to Home.

On the IBth of September, 1S4(', Lord Palmerstou
I furuislied Lord Minto with his instructions, and he
I immediately left London, passing through Switzer-
I land on his way to Italy. He was authorized and
I instructed to communicate with the Italian exiles in
Swit;!erland, amongst whom were some of the most
I desperate of the Hevolutionary leaders. He was to
I ascertain what were their real views, and wherever
thought it advisable he was to Inform them of

3 sentiments of the British government. This was
irt of hi;

l7i»urrection.

1

the leaders of the Roman agitators. Foremost among
I them, and apparently moat intimate with the Eng-
lish envoy, was the burly demagogue, Ciceruacchio.
"When a banquet waa given on the 15th of November
at the The&tre d'Apollon, to celebrate the establish-
ment of the Consulta, Lord MInto was present in one
of the boxes. Beside him sat Ciceruacchio, and they
I were greeted by the Liberals with one common out-
I "burst of applause. Amongst his other friends were
t Sterbiui and the Prince of Canino, the two great
' leaders of the Roman Liberals. His hotel became
the regular rendezvous of these and others like them.
From them he derived all his information on the
I politics of Italy. He adopted their views, and em-
I bodied them in his despatches, and they were accepted
and endorsed by his chief. Lord Palmerston.

In his intercourse with the Papal Court, Lord

Minto assumed the air of a powerful patron of a

I little state. He displayed a sublime disdain for

diplomatic formalities. He seemed to think that it

} was quite a natural thing for an ambassador to be

I in open relation with men who were well known to

} be the bitterest foes of the government to which he

was accredited. Either he was too stupid to see

I how distasteful and offensive his whole conduct waB

I to the Pope and his advisers, or he bad the effirontery

I" to disregard whatever they might think of it. By

fPius IX. and the polished Roman Court he was re-

lioeived with a courtesy which perhaps he did not

llG

The Italian Revolution.

§nclerst;a]i], but which certainly he did not appreciate.

have s!iid lie disregarded the ciiatomary for-

lialities of diplomacy; he did more than this, he

irgot those of ordinary etiquette. One day Pius IX

lad arranged to give him a public reception. The

Iwiss guards were under arras ; the chamberlains

Ind prelates of the court were in attendance, to do

Hour to the occasion. Lord Minto rode to the

jirinal, and walked into the palace in a frock-coat

Ind dirty boots. The chamberlain who received him

Int word to the Pope that the ambassador had

Irrived in hia riding dress. The guards and officers

I'erc hastily dismissed, all idea of a public reception

^ abandoned, and Lord Minto was very courteously

|:ceived in private. No other sqvereign, and no

or court in Europe would have condescended so

and Lnrd ^lir.to, perhaps Involuntarily, had put

Insurrection.

217

lutionary war for the recovery of Lombardy and
Venetia. In the Liberal press, in the language of
pubUc speakers, and in the assembhes of the people,
there could be traced half-concealed warnings of
coming trouble ; and the year 1847 closed amid^ the
threatening darkness of a gathering storm, which
was to involve in its fury not Italy alone but all
Europe.

Already a significant note of warning had come
from Germany, where the autunm had witnessed the
assembly of a great congress of European Free-
masonry, and amongst its leaders were many of
those who took a prominent part in the events of
1848.

^ 3. Tlw Year of Revolutions,

The events which marked the fitat days of 1848
ere of a sufficiently ominous character. On the Ist
- January tlic lloman demagogues organized a pro-
?a9ioii to the Quiiinal. As it was feared that this
ould be made the pretext for a revolutionary move-
lent, troops were concentrated near the palace ; but
lere was do need of employing them, 'for Prince
'orsini, the Senator of Rome, succeeded in inducing
le people to disperse. Next evening the Pope drove
irough the streets in order to show his confidence
I the people. They were crowded uith the Roman
itizens and the Civic Guard, and decorated with
undrcria of flags. The Pope received an enthusi-
stic reception, but it was marred by an incident
harac'teristic of the times. As the carriage passed

Insurrection.

did not, however, confine themselves to tliis merely
passive attitude, but sought to annoy and molest the
ganison in every possible way, and there were one or
two cowardly assassinatioua of individual soldiers.
On the 3rd, large numbers of soldiers were walking
about the streets, ostentatiously smoking cigars, as a
kind of agreeable protest against the Liberal agita-
tion. The people felt insulted by this, aa it was said
to be doue by order of the commandant, and there
were frequent encounters between groups of young
men and the soldiers, in which the latter at length
began to use their swords, and aeVeral of their assail-
ants were wounded.

During the rest of the month there was a continual
ferment in Milan, though the Archduke Regnier
addressed two conciliatory proclamations to the
people, and the soldiers were strictly forbidden to
Bmoke in the streets. On the 19th, the veteran
Marshal Radetzki,* commanding the Austrian army
of Italy, issued a general order to his troops, in n hich
he plainly told them to prepare for the worst. " The
aword," he said, "which I have borne for fifty-six

" Marslial Eadotiki was bom in 1765. His first campaigiiB were
agniust the Turks ou the Dunubo. Ho distinguished himself in tlie
Auotro-Eusaiiin sirtay o{ Suvarnff in Northern Italy. He held a
high command in the campaign of Wagram and waa chief of thu
staff to .Schwartzeiiberg in 1S14. In 1848 he waa oighty-tbroe years
old, bat he was still in perfect health, and so active that in riding
over the battle-field his stnfi' sometimes found it difficult to keep up
, irith him.

220

TTtc Italian Revolution.

years with honour on so many battle-fields, aa yet
remains firm in my grasp. May we not be compelled
to unfurl the banner of the double-headed eagle ; its
strength of wing will be found unimpaired," — words
to which subsequent events gave an almqst prophetic
character.

But it was not in the north that the struggle
began ; the first sound of battle came from the south,
from Palermo, the centre of the Sicilian Revolution.
On the eve of the king's birthday, January 12th,
proclamations were pubhshed by the Liberal Giunta
calling the people to arms. Not content with the
concessions already made by Ferdinand, they de-
manded nothing less than universal suffrage and the
Spanish Constitution, which had been withdrawn
after the revolt of 1821. On the 12th bands of in-
surgents appeared in the streets, and disarmed the
Keapolitan patrols. As the commandant kept his
men together in the forts and barracks waiting for
re-inforcements, they met with little resistance, and
by the evening of the 13th the whole of Palermo was
in their hands. The forts opened fire upon the city,
and for forty-eight hours nothing was heard but the
roar of guns, the bursting of shells, and the falling of
ruined houses. The city was burning in several
places, but the insurgent leaders succeeded in keep-
ing their men steady under the fire of the forts,
which was causing them but little loss. Seeing that
a mere bombardment would not retake the city, and

1

TnsuiTectioii. 221

as the success of an attack by storm was very doubt-
fid, the firing ceased, and on the 18th the king
granted aeverai of the demands of the insurgents.
The latter, however, refused to accept anything less
than the constitution of 1812 and a separate parlia-
ment for Sicily.

At Naples the news from Palermo was causing
great excitement among the people, and it was feared
that the Revolution would spread to the capital. On
January 23th, therefore, the king yielded everything
by publishing a constitution for the kingdom of the
Two Sicilies, ordering the evacuation of the forts of
Palermo, and promising ageneral amnesty onFebruary
Ist. But even this did not satisfy the Sicilians. Their
demands increased with their success. Their object
waa now the independence of the island, and on the
very day that the constitution was proclaimed at
Naples, the people of Messina rose in arms to the cry
of " Viva V Independeiiza Stciliana," took possession
of the city, and then besieged the citadel, which,
however, held out until it was relieved in the follow-
ing September.

The news of these events increased the agitation
throughout all Northern and Central Italy. On.
February 8th, Charles Albert granted his subjects a
constitution, which now forms the Statuto Foiula-
mento or Constitution of the Piedmontese kingdom
of Italy.* At Rome there was the most intense
• Set Appoadis. No, 1.

The Italian Revolution.

ntement. There were iJlnmiiiations in tlie streets,
mob demonstrations at which the cry of " Death to
the Jesuits !" was raised by the Revolutionists ; and
the agents of the secret societies even attempted to
organize guerilla bands on the Roman frontier, to
co-operate with the Revolutionists in the kingdom of
Naples. To add to the agitation at Rome, the
Liberals spread reports of an intended Austrian
invasion of the Papal territory, and demanded im-
mediate preparations for defence ; while the now
notorious Padre Gavazzi openly preached war against
Austria.

To allay these fears, a proclamation was published
by the Pope on February 10th, announcing his in-
tention of introducing more laymen into the Council
of Ministers, and of re-organizing the army, but at
the same time warning the people of the baseless
character of the warlike rumours circulated by the
Liberals, whose only object was to promote disorder.
"With sublime confidence in the inviolability of his
sacred office, Pius IX. spoke of Rome as unassailable
by foreign foes, and concluded by praying for the
welfare of Italy.

" We, too, above all," he said ; " we, the head and
Pontiff of the Most Holy Catholic Religion ; can it
be that we should not find ready to defend us, when-
ever we might be unjustly assailed, countless children
who would sustain the centre of Catholic Unity like
the mansion of a father ? A great gift of heaven is

Insurrection. 923

this, among so many gifts with which Italy has been
highly favoured— that our own subjects, in number
•carce 3,000.000, have 200,000,000 brothers of every
nation and of every tongue. This has been at other
periods, and at the wreck of the whole Roman
world, Rome's salvation. From this cause the ruin
of Italy never has been entire. Here will ever lie
her defence, so long as this Apostolic See shall con-
tinue in the midst of her. Bless, then, Italy, O
jfreat God ! and preserve to her for ever this gift, the
■choicest of all — her faith. Bless her with the bene-
diction which thy Vicar, his forehead bowed to the
earth, humbly prays of thee. Bless Iier with the
benediction which is besought of Thee by the saints
to whom she has given birth ; by the Queen of
Saints, who protects her ; by the Apostles, of whom
ahe cherishes the glorious remains ; and by Thine
Incarnate Son, who senc his Representative on earth
to reside in this city of Rome."

This proclamation, as it well might, revived all the
old enthusiasm of the people. Crowds gathered
around the Quirinal to ask the blessing of the Pope.
He granted it, but at the same time repeated his
warnings against the Revolutionary propaganda.
Two days after several laymen received portfolios in
the Ministry, and a commission was appointed to
frame a constitution for the Roman States, adapted
at once to satisfy the desires of the people, and to
protect the freedom of the ecclesiastical power, a work

which necessarily required time and consideration for
its accomplish- ment. Nevertheless, the agitators con-
tinually cried out for more haste in the preparation
of the constitution, and even went to the Quirlnal to
urge the Pope to accelerate the proceedings of the
commission. He replied by pointing out the diffi-
culties of the task on which they were engaged, but
assured them that the constitution would be ready
in a few days.

Meanwhile, there came from France the news of
the Revolution at Paris and the flight of the king,
and the agitation in Italy rose to the verge of armed
insurrection. On March 1 0th a new Ministry was
constituted at Rome, under the presidency of
Cardinal AntonelH ;* and four days after a proclama-
tion was published, promulgating the Roman con-
stitution, which gave to the States a complete system
of representative government.

The same week the Revolutionary war began in
Italy. The force under Radetzki in the Austrian
provinces amounted to between seventy and eighty
thousand men, but of these fully one third were
Lombards and Venetians, not mingled witli men of
other nationalities, hut embodied in separate bat-

* Tlic Miniatry consisted of ; — Presiilcnt of the Council, Cardinal
Antonelli ; Minister of the Interior, Gaetano KeccH ; of Grace and
Justice, Francesco Sturbinetli ; of Finance, Mgr. Moriohini ; of
Public Works, Marco Minghetti ; of Commerce, Count Giuseppi
Pasolini ; of War, Prince Aldobrandini ; of Education, Cardinal
Mezzofonti ; and of Police, Giuseppi Galetti, LL.D., of Bologna.

Insurrection.

225

talioDs. His head-quarter3 were at Milan, whicli
was garrisoned by three brigades or 18,000 men, of
whom 5000 were Lombards. The population of the
city was about 160,000 souls, the atreeta, except a
few great thoroughfares, were narrow and tortuous,
the houses lofty, and the whole surrounded by a wall,
erected not for defensive purposes, hut to prevent
smuggling, and having gates like the orillnnry barriere
of foreign cities. There was also the old castle, built
in the days of Spanish rule to overawe the city, and
now occupied by some of the Austrian troops.

The news of the Revolution at Paris had added
but little to the excitement at Milan, merely because
it had already reached fever-heat ; Mazzini's friends
the city — Mora, Griffini, Pezzotti, Porro, Bachi,
Ceroni, Visconti-Venosta, and others like them — ^were
organizing an insurrection, and when the Dews
arrived that the Emperor Ferdinand had proclaimed
a constitution at Vienna, it broke forth with irre-
sistible violence. On the morning of March 18th, a
deputation waited on Count O'Donnel, then governor
of the city, to demand the formation of a Civic Guard.
They began by massacring the sentinels before his
palace, and when he acceded to their request, they
hoisted the tricolor on the Broletto, or Town Hall.
^JRadetzkl from the castle saw the flag, and received

telligence of the attack on the guard at the gover-
nor's palace. He immediately fired an alarm gun,

15

The Italian Remlution.

and put the troops in motion to disperse the armed
crowds fiist gathering in the streets.

The conflict between the Austrian garrison and the
Milanese was a desperate one. It lasted for five
days, while the most heroic courage was displayed
on both sides. The narrow streets were barricaded,
and those barricades were defended less by a direct
fire from their crests, than by the flanking fire which
poured down on the Austriana from the windows
and the showers of tiles, bricks, and even boiling
water, which descended from the roofs. When one
barricade was stormed, others rose as if by magic in
different directions. The Milanese had arms in
abundance, and they were joined by the Italian
legimenta of the garrison, and skilfully directed by
the officers and leaders, who took advantage of every
lane and passage to sally upon the flanks of the Aus-
trians and cut off their communications with each
other. Austrian and Lombard alike fought with reck-
less daring. At one place a Hungarian oflBcer of
hussars rode his horse up a barricade, sabre in hand ;
but as he reached the crest, horse and rider fell
riddled with bullets. At another, an old beggar
named Soltocorni stood leaning on his crutch in the
midst of the fire, encouraging his countrymen in the
attack of the barracks of the engineers.

The news of the rising of Milan spread far and
wide through Lombardy, the tocsin was ringing in
the villages, the peasantry were making ill-directed

I

I

Insurrection. 227

efforts to destroy the bridges in oi-der to delay the
approach of Austrian reinforcements, or were troop-
ing to the attack of the gates of Milan. Radetzki
had conducted the defence of the city with great for-
bearance ; he might easily have bombarded it from
the castle, but he did not fire a single shell. He
took numerous prisoners at various points, but he
lilierated most of tliem, keeping a few as hostages for
the families of the Austrian cnijitoyex who were in
the hands of the insurgents. On the 22nd the old
marshal reluctantly decided on giving up the contest.
He was short of ammunition, provisions, and water ;
his communication with the rest of Lombardy was
interrupted ; and there were reports that Charles
}. Albert and the Piedmonteae army had crossed tlie
Ticino. " Soldiers," he said, in a brief proclamation,
" the treachery of our allies, the fuiy of an enraged
people, and the scarcity of provisions oblige me to
abandon the city of Milan, for the purpose of taking
position on another line, from which at your head I
■can return to victory." At 11 P.M. the troops were
massed by torchlight before the castle, and moved
out of the city in five columns, caiTying with tliem
their artillery, baggage, and wounded. The move-
ment was covered by skirmishers, who beat off every
ittempt to interrupt it, and the army began its
larch to the Adige.

the same time the Provisional government of
.an published a proclamation announcing their
15—2

228 Tfic Italian Revolution.

victory, swearinfr that they would not lay down
their arms till the Austrians were driven over the
Alps, and calling all Italy to their aid. But in the
exultation of the moment they exaggerated their
success. They represented the Austrian army as
totally disorganized, and described the solid columns
which Radetzki was leading towards Verona as " scat-
tered in the fields— wandering like wild beasts^
united in bands of plunderers." Never was there a
greater deception. The Austriana had suffered a
first defeat, and that was all.

Pavia, Parma, Como, and Brescia were already in
open insurrection. Mantua was saved to Austria by
the intrepidity of its Polish commandant. General
Gorzkowski. A National Guard had been formed.
The citadel, garrisoned only by a few hundred
hussars and artillerymen, was summoned to sur-
render ; had it been attacked, defence was Impos-
sible. Gorzkowski received a deputation of the
insurgents courteously ; he told them he would hold
the citadel to the last; he showed thera the barrels
of powder stored in his magazines ; he held a flint in
his hand. " When I can defend this fortress no
more," he said, " with this hand I will blow it into
the air, and with the explosion half Mantua will be
destroyed." The deputies returned to their friends,
but no attack was made upon the citadel. The night
was passed by the Mantuans in useless rejoicing over
the coming downfall of Austria ; next morning some

Insurrection. 229

ti'oops detached by Radetzkl entered the city, and
the citadel was saved.

At Padua, General D'Aspre, knowing that hia own
position in the town would be untenable in case of a
rising, and fearing for the safety of Verona, resolved
to reuiforce the garrison of that fortress with his own
troops. He allowed the Paduans to form a Pro-
Tiaional Government. "I am about to commence a
peaceable retreat," he said to a deputation of the
citizens. " I would willingly part with you as a
friend ; but if I am attacked, I will lay the town in
ashes, and cut down every man who opposes me.
To your honour I commend the property we cannot
remove, the women and children, and the sick in the
hospital I quit you in friendship ; be assured I
shall shortly return, and woe betide you if I come as
an enemy 1" No attempt was made to interrupt his
retreat. He reached Verona in safety, and rode
forward to meet the approaching columns of Kar
detzki. " You come to tell me that all is lost,'
exclaimed the veteran, startled at meeting his lieu-
tenant. "No," replied D'Aspre, "I come to tell you
all is saved."

On the 22nd the Revolution had extended to the
shores of the Adriatic, and the long forgotten cry of
"Vim San Marco!" was heard in the streets of
Venice. There Daniel Manin and the poet Niccolo
Tomraaseo had kept up a continual agitsition, speak-
ing and writing against the government, insulting the

230 The Italian Revolution.

governor Pallfy and his wife, and raising the ciy of
"Death to Mettermch 1" and "Death to Pallfy!"
On the night of the Slat the news of the rising at
Milan had reached Venice, and a meeting of the con-
spirators waa held at the house of Manin. "Various
means were discussed," says hia biographer, Monte-
rossi, "and it was at last resolved to gain possession
of the arsenal, and to cry out 'Viva San Marco!'
Our people would have paid no attention to the pro-
mise of a constitutional government — few of their
number would have understood it. It was necessary
to arouse that sleejting lion, which had remained in
the belfry tower during the universal monarchy of
Napoleon, as well as under the tyranny of Austria,
in proof that neither should last for ever. This was
the opinion of Manin, and it prevailed."

Next morning a crowd collected in the Square of
St Mark, pelted the soldiers witli stones, and took
possession of the palace and public offices. Then
Manin and Tommaseo put themselves at the head of
the Civic Guard which had been eni-olled a few days
before, and proceeded to the arsenal. It had just
been the scene of one of those tragedies which darken
the stoiy of the Italian Revolution.

Colonel Marinovich, the commandant of the ar-
senal, was very unpopular with the workmen on
account of the strict discipline he enforced. A
report had been industriously circulated, to the
effect that he had proposed blowing up the city with

Insitn'ection.

mines or burning it with rockets ; and this absurd
story was generally believed. On the 21st, some of
the workmen had been watching to make an attempt
on his life, but he eluded them and went on board a
man-of-war in the harbour. Next morning he re-
turned to his post at the arseaal, but an infuriated
crowd gathered before the gates, calling out for the
death of "the traitor." Marinovich concealed him-
flelf in one of the gate towers, but he was dragged
from his hiding-place by the workmen. One of them
seized his sword, another struck him in the face, a
third pierced him with a pointed weapon. He fell to
the ground, and was dragged downstairs. He begged
for a priest, but the answer was a refusal, and he
was pierced and hacked by a hundred weapons.
These details ai'e taken, not from a hostile source,
but from an official document, in which, to their
eternal infamy, the HepubHcan Government of Ve-
nice, headed by Manin, described the brutal murder
as a special judgment of God.

Marinovich had just been murdered, when Manin
arrived before the arsenal with the Civic Guard.
Very little opposition was made by the garrison.
The doors of the armouries were burst open, and the
stores of arms and ammunition distributed among
the people, and then a deputation was sent to
Count PaUfy to demand the surrender of the whole

K laty into the hands of a Provisional Government.

H Pallfy and General Ziehy, who commanded the garri-

232

77(6 Italian Revolution.

I

son, had as yet made no attempt to suppress the
insurrection ; and when the news of the death of
Marinovich and the capture of the arsenal anived,
they gave up all idea of resistance, though they had
5000 men at their disposal. Zichy, without firing a
shot, entered into a negotiation with the insurgenta.
It ended in a capitulation, by which the garrison was
to go by aea to Trieste, leaving behind it all the mili-
tary stores in Venice, the military chest, and the
Italian soldiers in the Austrian service. A Pro-
visional Government was then installed, Manin being
president, Tommaseo his coadjutor ; a Jew, named
Pincherlo, taking charge of the finances, and a place
in the cabinet, without a portfolio being assigned to
a tailor named Toffoli, whose eloquence had been of
great service in stirring up the people to insurrection.
The first acts of the government showed how unfitted
they were to exercise the least authority. Large
numbers of German residents were expelled from the
city or imprisoned, and amongst the latter were
several ladies, some of them invalids who had come
to Venice for the sake of its genial climate.

The accomplishment of the Revolution at Venice
coincided in date with the evacuation of Milan by
Radetzki, and the following day witnessed the de-
claration of war against Austria by Charles Albert.
The news of the rising at Milan had reached Turin
five days before, but so long as the battle raged in
the streets of Milan and victory was doubtful, Charles

I
I

Insurrection. 233

Albert hesitated to throw his sword into the scale
against Austria, He feared a Republican rising in his
own states, as well as a victory for Badetzki at Milan,
■which in case of a premature movement would leave
him to grapple single-handed with Austria. When
he had gone so far, his hesitation showed little wia-
■dom. He ought to have known that Eadetzki
would abandon Milan the moment the Piedmontese
vanguard crossed the Ticino.

On the 19th, orders were given for the formation
of a corps of observation on the frontier at Novara,
Mortara, and Voghera. Meanwhile, orders were
sent off to stop the Republican volunteers, who were
hastening from Genoa and Piedmont towards Milan,
and eighty Lombards were disarmed on the Lago
Maggiore. On the 20th came reports — false as it
hi\ppened — that the insurgents were failing at Milan,
The same day Count Arese, the chief of the Lombard
venta, who had fled to Switzerland in 1831, and
there formed an intimate friendship with Louis Na-
poleon, arrived at Turin as an envoy from Milan to
ask the aid of Piedmont. Charles Albert offered it
next day, on condition of the annexation of the
Milanese to his states ; the municipality of Milan
and the military leaders, inclined as they were to
a republic, hesitated. On the following evening
Charles Albert, through his minister, informed Count
Buol, the Austrian ambassador, that " he desired to
second him in all that could confirm the relations of

Pied- ,

red ^^

The Italian Revolution.

friendship and good neiglibourahip existing betwi
the two states " — one of those explicit statements of
policy which it is the invariable practice of Pied-
montese statesmen to make before acting in prei
the opposite direction.

On the day after (the 23rd) the news arrived
Eadetzki'a retreat, and Charles Albert could hesitate
no longer. He resolved on declaring war against
k Austria, but the foreign ambassadors were informed
that the object of the king was to seciu-e the national
movement in Lombardy from falling into the hands
of the Republicans, and at the same time to prevent
a Revolution in Piedmont.* In his proclamation to
the people of Lombardy and Venetia, with which he
began the war, Charles Albert told them that his

" " It is natural to think," wrote the MarqniB Fureto to the
English ambassador at Turin, exphuning the proclamation of war,
" that the situation of Fiedmont is such that at any moment, at
the announcement that the republic has been proclaimed in Lom-
bardy, u Bimilar movement might burst forth in tho states of his
majesty the King of Sardinia, or that at least there would be some
grave commotion which might endanger his majesty's throne. In
this state of things the king thinks himself obliged to take mp«3>ires
which, by preventing the actual movement of Lombardy from be-
coming a liepublican movement, will avoid for Piedmont and tho
rest of Italy tho catastrophes which might take jilace if such a form
of government were proclaimed." (Cmrespojidetttc Eesptding the
Affairs ofllaly, January to June, 1848, pt. ii., p. 186.) The am-
basBodor was also informed by Count 13albo that when war was
proclaimed, a Republican movement was imminent at Turin and
. Genoa.

t

I

I

Insurrection. 235

armies were already concentrating on the Ticino
when Milan was delivered from the Austrian yoke,
and now he came to give them the help which
brother expects from brother, friend from friend.
He ended this declaration of war by proclaim-
ing that, in order to afford a clear and visible
expression to the sentiment of Italian unity, he
desired that his troops should cross the Ticino,
bearing the arms of Savoy upon the tricolour of
Italy. The concluding words of the proclamation
produced a bad effect in Lombardy and Venetia-
They were regarded as an utterance of Piedmonteso
ambition, and so little was the idea of unity in its
present acceptation understood by the people, that
the fusion of Lombardy with Piedmont, proposed by
Gioberti, was very unpopular, and Venice had already
proclaimed its independence.

The first Piedraontese troops entered Milan on the
26th. The army consisted of upwards of 40,000
men, organized in two corps of 20,000 each, com-
manded by Generals Sonna and Bava, and a re-
serve under tbe king's eldest son, Victor Emmanuel,
Duke of Savoy ; his second son, the Duke of Genoa,
commanded tbe artillery. But these were not the
only forces to engage in the war on the side of Italy.
Already volunteers were marching northward from
the south and centre, and the exiles were hurrying
from France, England, and Spain. Garibaldi and
acme of his companions arrived from South America,

The Italian Revolution.

having started towards the end of 1847. Mazzini
hastened from London to Milan ; Enrico Cialdim
gave up his commission in the Spanish Foreign
Legion to join the Kevolutionary army in Italy ;
Pepe, taking advantage of the amnesty, returned to
Naples to resume his place in the royal army.

In a few days Tuscany and Naples had proclaimed
war against Austria, and their troops were moving
northward. At Rome the Pope, as head of the
universal Church, could uot declare an aggressive
war against a CathoHc state, but many of the
Liberals, acting in their individual capacity, took
up arms and joined in the Italian war, and the
Pontifical army of 8000 men was sent to the fi^ntier
to protect the neutrality and integrity of the States.
It was commanded by General Durando, a Liberal
Italian soldier, who had returned from exile to re-
organize the Papal army. He was accompanied by
Massimo D'AzegHo, who served on his staff, and he
was reinforced in a few days by the Civic Guard of
about 10,000 men, under General Ferrari.

At the same time the voice of Pius IX. was heard
above the din of mustering armies, telling the Italian
people that success had its dangers as well as defeat,
and warning tliem against the apostles of anarchy
and irreligion, in such noble language as extorted
admiration even from his enemies.

§ 3. Thf Stitiggle with Austria.

I
I

Aftek providing for the garrisons of the fortiessea,
Badetzki was able to collect but little more than
18,000 men behind the Mincio, to await the advance
of the Piedmontese. His communications through
Venetia were cut off by the insurrection in his rear ;
those through the Tyrol were threatened by the
Italian free corps. His firat care was to detach a
column of 800 men, under Colonel Zobel, to secure
the Tyrol. Zobel occupied the Brenner Pass, and
soon succeeded in collecting a formidable army of
Tyrolese riflemen, led by Haspinger, the friend of
Hofer. At the same time, Peschiera and Mantua
were provisioned for a siege, and put in a complete
state of defence.

Meanwhile Charles Albert remained inactive, wait-
ing for reinforcements, and negotiating with the
Provisional Government of Lombardy, In his dread
of the Republic, he considerably weakened hia forces
by discouraging the armament of the people of Lom-
bardy, refusing the aid of Garibaldi and other revo-
lutionary leaders, and neglecting to incorporate in
his army the Italian soldiers of the disbanded Austro-
Italian regiments. The Eepubhcans and the popular
leaders resented this evident distrust, and already
those dissensions began which soon made it apparent
that the Italians could not even unite against their

238 The Italian Revolution.

foes. Unfortunately Charles Albert had no fixed
policy. Instead of assuming command in Lombardy,
and forcibly uniting every element for the war
against Austria^ he treated the leaders of the Bevo-
lutionary party as allies and equals, and negotiated
and debated with provisional governments, associa-
tions, and committees, till all the North became one
vast debating club ; while on the other side the de-
fence of the Austrian dominions was directed with
one well-defined aim by the single mind of SadetzkL
On April 6th the advance began. On the 8th
General Bava, with 4000 Piedmontese, captured the
bridge of Goito, after a desperate conflict, and Charles
Albert crossed the Mincio. Eadetzki, fearing to risk
the loss of his army — now the last hope of Austria
in Italy — retired behind the Adige to the glacis of
Verona, The Piedmontese king thus found himself
in possession of the centre of the line of the Mincio,
but the fortresses of Peschiera and Mantua at its
extremities were held by Austrian garrisons. The
strategy of Charles Albert during this war has been
praised to an extent by no means warranted by the
facts ; indeed it seems to us that his strategy was
very defective. His real object was the army of
Radetzki ; it was confessedly too weak to risk a
pitched battle, and its very existence therefore de-
pended on its communications with the Tyrol But
Charles Albert halted on the Mincio to prepare for
the siege of Peschiera, instead of acting against

Insurrection.

1

239 ^

I

Badetzki's communications through the Tyrol. The
Lombard Free Corps, having received orders to that
effect from the Provisional Government of Milan,
asked his permission to make an attempt upon the
Tyrol He granted it, but refused to lend them two
regiments of Bersaglieri and a couple of guns. Even
without them they succeeded in overrunning the
■country up to Trent, but they were then driven back
to the Lake of Garda by an Austrian column, under
General Weldon. Had they been supported by guns
and Bersagheri, they would probably have taken
Trent, and in that case Eadetzki's army would have
been completely cut off from Austria, and in a veiy
perilous position. On this occasion Charles Albert,
"by his distrust of his Republican allies, missed a
■chance which was never offered to him again.

Charles Albert now sent La Marmora to hasten
the organization of the Venetian army, while General
Durando, exceeding his instructions, entered the
"Venetian territory at the head of the Pontifical army.
At the same time the main body of the Piedmontese
troops occupied Pastrengo and Bossolengo, on the
road to Rivoli, after two sharp conflicts with the
Austrians on April 29th and 30th, Charles Albert
then began the siege of Peschiera and the blockade
of Mantua, On the 5th of the following month he
made an attempt against the famous plateau of Rivoli,
■which, had it succeeded, would have cut Radetzki off
from the Tyrol ; but it was made by a small, ill-

240 The Italian Revolution.

directed force, and the Italians were repulsed. Next
day the Piedmontese attacked the Austrian position
at Santa Lucia, in front of Verona. They forced the
village, but failed to make any impression on the
Austrian line beyond it. At night-fall Charles
Albert ordered a retreat. It was covered by a
brigade under the Duke of Savoy, but there was
such disorder that several hundred prisoners fell into
the hands of the Austrians. Two weeks of uncer-
tainty followed, while Charles Albert pressed the
siege of Peschiera. But now came the turn of the
war. Eadetzki had held his ground long enough,
for Genera] Nugent, a gallant Irish veteran, having
assembled the Austrian army of reserve of about
18,000 men on the Venetian frontier, was advancing
to his aid. Nugent captured Udine, out-manoeuvred
Durando and the Pontifical troops on the Piave, and
then resigned the command to Count Thum, who
joined Badetzki near Verona, on May 21st. Thus
the Austrian army on the Adige was raised from
18,000 to nearly 40,000 men.

Meanwhile, events of importance had occurred at
Eome, at Naples, and in Sicily. On the 13th of
April the Sicilian parliament met at Palermo. The
Liberal party in the chambers was led by Pater-
nostro, seconded by La Farina, who had come from
Florence, where he edited an Ultra-Liberal journal,
to aid in revolutionizing his native Sicily. Pater-
nostro proposed that the parliament should begin its

^

InsuiTcction.

I

I

I

work by deposing the king, and La Farina suggested
that they should form a Siciliiin constitution, and
decide whether Sicily should be a repubhc or a consti-
tutional monarchy, under one of the princes of the
House of Savoy or Tuscany. After a brief debate,
the parliament resolved that:— "1. Ferdinand and
his dynasty are for ever fallen from the throne of
Sicily. 2. Sicily shall govern herself constitutionally,
and call to the throne an Italian prince, as soon as
she shall have reformed her constitution." Such was
the first practical evidence of how little the theory of
constitutional government was undei-stood in Sicily.
Then for three mouths the parliament was engaged
in forming the constitution, while the provisional
government was preparing for war against Naples,
receiving the moral support of the presence of a
French and English fleet off Palermo, and the assist*
ance of several heavy cargoes of arras from England ;
while Malta" became a centre of conspiracy against
the kingdom of Naples, and Lord Palmerston assailed
the king and his government in the most Insulting
language, and took care to publish his despatches,
many of which were afterwards translated, reprinted,
and distributed by the Revolutionists in Southern
Italy.

At Naples Mr. Temple, the British ambassador,
■was absent, but he was represented by Lord Napier,
a young clmrge d'affaires, who even went beyond
Lord Minto in his patronage of Revolution, His

16

ti2

The Italian Revolution.

■lonse was the I'cndezvoua of all the Revolutionary

Beaclers in Naples : he received his information from

llipm only ; he studiously avoided the Royalists or

|[odfrates, and allowed the most violent language

list tlie king to be used in his presence,*

The; Neapolitan Parliament was to meet on May

.Oth. It confjisted of an Upper and a Lower House;

lid the king had gone so far in his wish to conciliate

Ihe Liberals as to allow them to nominate several of

Ihe peers. From the let to the 13th the deputira

?re arriving at Naples, many of them accompanied

Jy parties of armed National Gnards from their

listricts. It was evident that there was trouble in

Itore for Naples. On the I4th eighty of the Liberal

^lembers mut at tlie Palazzo Gravina, but before long

i more moderate men left the meeting in dis-

About forty remained, and they proceeded to

Insurrection.

i343

I pointed out that they were not yet constituted as a
I legislative assembly, and urged them to wait a few
I days, and make their proposals in parliament. The
reply was a ciy of, " You are peers^Down with the
r peerage !" The peers retired after vainly advising
[ them to wait even till next day, when parliament
[ would meet ; and meanwhile the more moderate
I deputies assembled elsewhere, and assured the peojile
I of the king's readiness to grant whatever was de-
manded by a duly constituted parliament.

No sooner had the peers left the Palazzo Gravina,

[ than the Revolutionary leadei-s began to prepare

1 ibr insurrection. It would seem that an international

' movement had been projected for next day ; for the

15th witnessed outbreaks at Naples, Paris, and

I Vienna. The plan of the Neapolitan Revolutionists

I was not an original one ; it was the same which had

' been adopted for the attack upon the Tuileries on

August 10th, 1792. They were to muster their ad-

; herents, whom they had brought with them from the

' provinces, and, in concert with all the discontented

[ spirits of the capital, besiege the king in his palace.

During the night they worked hard, erecting barri-

I codes in all the streets leading to it. These defences

I were for the most part very badly constructed, except

I at two points, where the work was superintended by

Bome Frenchmen, who were evidently no novices ia

the arts of Revolution. They placed mattresses on

r the balconies above the barricades, and posted some

16—2

344 Tlie Italian Revolution.

of their beat shots behind them to fire down on the
troops attacking the barriers below. Some of the
National Guards joined them ; others stood neutral,
or acted for the king.

By nine o'clock on the morning of the Ijth the
palace waa blockaded on every side but one, by which
the king could still communicate with the forts and
the arsenal. The troops were drawn up on the quays
and in front of the palace, Neapolitan officers of
every rank, of every party, in actual service or on
half pay, crowded to it and gathered round the king.
Amongst them was General Florestan Pepe, the
brother of the more famous Williani Pepe, who was
now with the Neapolitan army of the North.
Florestan, more loyal than his brother, had risen
from a sick bed to hasten to the defence of his sove-
reign. There, too, were most of the foreign ambas-
sadors. The king was pale : agitated, but not by
fear, for there waa no real danger.

" Gentlemen," he said, "I did not expect this I
I have not deserved this from my people ! I have
granted the constitution, and I intend faithfully to
maintain it. I have granted eveiythlog. I have
done everything to avoid bloodshed ; and now they
blockade me and my fomUy in my own house." To
one of the generals he said in the hearing of the
whole circle : — "Spare my misguided people. Make
prbonera. Do not kill. Make prisoners." Another
officer came in to aak his authorization for the move-

Insuirection.

ment of some of the troops. " I promise your ma-
jesty," he aaid warmly, " that we shall soon reduce
this canaille (conagUa) to reason." "Be calm, sir,"
replied Ferdinand, "and do not call the people
canaille. They are Neapolitans — they are my
countrymen and subjects. They are misguided by
a. few bad men, but they are still my people." And
his last words to him, as he departed were : — "Take
prisoners, but do not kill I There are many now in
the streets who by to-morrow will repent of their
error." And this was the "bloodthirsty tyrant,"
■who was assailed with the most outrageous calumny
by the Liberal press of Europe.*

The firing began about noon and was begun by the
insurgents. A column of Swiss and Neapolitans had
halted before a barricade at the end of the Toledo.
Some of the officers went forward to parley with the
defenders. While they were speaking two shots
were filled from behind it : one killed an officer, the
other wounded a soldier. The men rushed forward,
stormed the barricade in a minute, and then cleared
the houses on either side of the street, from which

* One instance of Uie falsehoods iiidustrionsly circulated by the
Libeml preea vritU ir^rd to the iitinUi- at Naples, will be enough.
A detailed and Tiielodrantatic account of the " atrocious execution of
the Duke de lUpari and hU two sona" was published all over
Europe. But, in tho first place, there were no executions, and in
the second there was no nobleman of that name or of anything lifca
it in the kingdom.

■40

The Italian Revolution.

:> rebels weve firing. In some places the people of

} houses joined in the mel^e, and were shot down,

flit there w;\s no raassacre of old men, women, and

lildren, as the disappointed Liberals alleged in their

tcoLints of the affair. The badly constructed baiTi-

|ifles elsewhere were stormed in rapid succession,

i Hevolutioiilsts generally running into the houses

K soon as the troops attempted to close with them.

Borne of the larger buildings were defended with

Besperate resolution. The hardest struggle of all

jas at the Palazzo Graviua, the centre of the insur-

Kction. The troops could not penetrate into it, mitil

liey brought up ai'tillery to blow in the gates, and

^red the roof with rockets.

The killed on both sides were between four and
iidrcd. Half of these were Royalists, and not
the insurgent k^adera was killed or captured.

Iiisun'ection.

247

mitted to the kiog an imperious message, ordering
him to pay immediately the claims of any of his
countrymen domiciled in Naples whose houses had
been injured during the iJmeute. Some very extor-
tionate demands were sent in after the message, and
all of them were promptly paid.

On the suppression of the insurrection, the king
dissolved his parliament. Another insurrection had
broken out in Calabria ; in Sicily the Neapolitans
held only the citadel of Messina : a desperate attempt
at revolution had just been suppressed in the capital
itself. He required every man of his array in the
south, and he therefore sent orders to General William
Fepe to return from Bologna to the Neapolitan ter-
ritory. There was a great outcry from the Liberals
against Ferdinand for this abandonment of the war
with Austria. They called him a traitor to the cause
of Italy, but this was as fidse as the stories about the
rising of May 15th. The real traitors to the cause
of Italy were the Ultra- Liberals, who, by their acts
on that day and their previous conduct at Palermo,
forced the king to recall his troops.

An attempt was made at the same time to repre-
'eent the Pope as the instigator of the retreat of the
Neapolitans. In April the ministry had requested
from Pius IX. an explicit declaration of his policy.
Durando, on his own authority, had led the Papal
army across the Po, and the popular leaders were
calling on the Pope to declare war and support his

248 The Italian Revolution.

generals, forgetful or careless of the fact that the
Head of the Universal Church could not declare an
aggressive war against his own spiritual subjects.
There were some who even went so far as to say that
he ought to support the arms of Italy by excommu-
nicating her adversaries. The Pope had been exerting
himself, in the only way which was open to him, to
promote the cause of ItaHan freedom. Leaving to
the temporal princes the military part of the ques-
tion, he devoted Iiimself to the civil organization of
Italian Unity, by proposing a federative League of
the Italian States. Naples sent her delegates to the
Congress, which was to meet at Rome to decide upon
the terms of the Federation. Tuscany was pre-
paring to send her representatives. Piedmont alone
stood in the way of the realization of the project,
which would have united all Italy in the only way
in which she ever can possess true unity ; for the
subjection of every state in the peninsula to Pied-
mont is not unity, but conquest maintained by the
bayonet.

The Italian league would have been the means of
forming an Italian army by contingents drawn from
each of the states, and would thus have placed the
whole force of the country in liae against Austria.
One obstacle only stood in the way of all this — the
ambition of Piedmont, which has been the bane of
Italy.

Charlea Albert's ministry sent word to Home that

k

Insitrrecticm. 249

they could not consider the question of the League
till the war was over, and at the same time an
attempt was made to form a Council of "War, con-
sisting of representatives of the various states under
the presidency of Charles Albert. The king was at
that period negotiating the fusion of Lombardy and
Venetia with Piedmont. Mazzini was opposing him,
and telling him that his only hope of success was to
■declare war against all the other sovereigns of the
Peninsula, and proclaim himself king of United
Italy. If he would do this, Mazzini promised to
Tally round him all the revolutionary elements from
fiavoy to Sicily. In other words, he wished Charles
Albert to adopt the policy since followed by his un-
worthy son, but with this difference, that Mazzini
■was not as base as Cavour, and, instead of under-
mining the thrones of his brother sovereigns, he would
have him declare an open war against them. To his
honour, Charles Albert refused, with the same pru-
idence which prompted him later on to decline the
<!rown of Sicily, when it was offered to his second
Bon, the Duke of Genoa, by the envoys of the Sicilian
Bevolutionists, who arrived at Genoa on board of a
Jintish man-of-war.

In the consistory of April 29th, the Pope gave
that clear exposition of his policy which his minis-
ters had requested of him. He spoke of the reforms
■which he had effected, indignantly repudiated the
aeeertion that he was a promoter of revolution, and

LrjQ

The Italian Mevolution.

pinally puinied out that he could not adopt a policy

pf w!ir Eigainst Austria, " Such a measure," he said,

' ia ;dto^utlier alien to our counsels, inasmuch as we,

idbeit unwortliy, are upon earth the vice-gerent of

Hliia who is the Author of Peace and the Lover of

piiarity, and conformably to the functions of our

fcupremo upoatolate, we reach to and embrace all

iidrcds, peoples, and nations, with equal soHcitude

tf paturnal afit;ction." What other policy could Pius

llX, liave adopted ? As a member of the Italian

League, he might indeed have sent the required con-

lingent to take part in a war instituted by the other

■Drinces ; but Piedmont would not allow the League

) ije formed, and in his individual capacity, Pius IX.

pould not and could not declare war. There was

,- nothing new in the allocution; he only repeated

j lit had often aaid before regarding the proposals

TnsurTvction.

\ in perfect order, and the insun-ection ia Calabria
E wofl 800U suppressed, for the people formed bands of
iTolunteei-a to aid the troops in pursuing the in-

The Pope, as representative of the God of Peace,
had refused to draw the aword against Austria ; but
I'te did what was in his power, and consistent with
Iris priestly office. He exerted his mediation on
behalf of Italian nationality, and on the 3rd of May
he wrote to the Emperor of Austria, urging him to
make an honourable peace with the people of Lom-
bardy and Venetia.

■' Let it not be distasteful to your Majesty," wrote
Pius IX, " that we should appeal to your piety and
devotion, and with paternal afi'ection should exhort
you to withdraw your arms from this contest, which,
without any possibility of re-conquering to your em-
pire the minds (es-prits) of the Lombards and Vene-
tians, draws with it the fatal train of calamities
■which always attend on war, calamities which
you yourself must abhor. Let not the generous
Austrian nation take it in ill part, if we invite them
to lay resentment aside, and to convert into the bene-
ficial relations of friendly neighbourhood a domination
which can never be prosperous or noble, since it

I depends only on the sword. We trust then that a
nation, so justly proud of its own nationality, wiU
not think that its honour consists in sanguinary at-
tempts against the Italian nation, but rather iu gene-

I

I

252 The Italian Iietx>lution.

rously acknowledging her for a sister, even as both
are daughters to us and most dear to our hearts, each
consenting to live within its own natural frontier an
honourable life under the blessing of God."

There is little doubt that, had this noble appeal on
the part of Pius IX. been followed by an ofier of
peace on honourable terms by Charles Albert, im-
portant advantages would have been secured to Italy
— probably the possession of Lombardy, or perhaps
the formation of Lombardy and Venetia into an inde-
pendent state. The Austrian government really
desired an honourable peace. More than once they
actually urged Radetzld to propose an armistice ; but
he knew the men he had to deal with, and, confident
in his own talents, replied that he would yet bring
the war to a successful issue. On the other hand,
Charles Albert, pressed by the Revolution, which
urged him onward like a flood, threatening to engulf
him if he paused for a moment, felt that he dared
not propose peace on any terms, until he had driven
the Austrians over the Alps, while at the same time
he saw the Mazziuians doing all they could to destroy
the only weapon to which he could have trusted, by
establishing a propaganda for the purpose of demo-
cratizing his army. From the Lombards he received
but little help ; the peasantry were either Austrian
in feeling or indifierent, and the Milanese seemed to
think that they had done enough by freeing their city,

J

I

Inmrreclion. 233

and gave themselves up to f^tes, operas, and Re-
publican demonstrations.

Thus, with doubtful friends in his rear, and deter-
mined foes before him, Charles Albert steadily pressed
the siege of Peschiera. Towards the end of May the
position of the garrison was almost desperate, and
Radetzki resolved to make an effort to relieve them,
by threatening the Piedmontese communications with
Milan and Turin. Leaving 16,000 men to guard the
entrenched camp at Verona, be marched to Mantua
with the rest of his army — about 30,000 men.
During this march, the Piedmontese army was upon
his flank watching for an opportunity to attack, but
he gave thera none, for he had so formed the long
Austrian column, that it was in effect a moving Une
of battle. On the 29th he stormed Ciirtatone, and
inarched on Goito. Its possession would have en-
abled him to cut off the Piedmontese from Milan.
Charles Albert, leaving a portion of his army to con-
tinue the siege of Peschiera, hastened with the main
tbody to the defence of Goito, and repulsed the
Austnans id an action which lasted four hours, and
in which he waa slightly wounded. Radetzki fell
back on Mantua, and Peschiera surrendered.
The exultation caused by the fall of Peschiera wjis
increased by the report that the Austrian army was
in full retreat from Mantua. Radetzki was indeed
leaving the great fortress, but not retreating from
the Piedmontese. He had resolved upon a daring

I

2!)4 Tlie Italian HevoJution.

oiitei'jjrise, wliicli waa to redeem the fortunes of the
I war. Ilia plan was to abandoil his commuaicatioiis
I with the Tyi-ol, and recover thoae which lay through
I Veinjtia. General Zobel/'^ who held the plateau of
I Rivoli, waa ord(;red to make no serious resistance if
I he wer(t attacked, as he could not repulse the Pied-
I moiiteye unsupported by Radetzki. Then by a rapid
1 the old marshal re-crossed the Adige, fell sud-
Idonly upon the Papal army at Vicenza, stormed the
I Monte Eerici, which commanded the town, and on
I. Tune 11th granted a capitulation to Durando, by
which he was to retire into the Papal territory.
iTho Pontifical troops, especially the Switzers, had
I fought well and lost heavily. Massimo D'Azeglio
was ainongat thu wounded. By this victory, 14,000
were at one blow removed from the ItiUiiin
nd In a few days D'Aspre and Weldon had

I

»

Insurrection. 255

Austrian vanguardj and the main body, under
Kadetzki, followed. Ciiarlea Albert withdrew with-
out a battle, content with the possession of Rivoli,
which, however, was of little value now, as Badetzki
had recovered his communications with Austria
through the Venetian territory.

After this, nothing of importance occuiTed until the
:tiext month. In the meantime, both armies were
repairing their losses, and Rstdetzki's was raised by
fresh reinforcements to 60,000 men actually available
for operations. Charles Albert oould command an
equal force, but his soldiers were very inferior to the
tried veterans of Austria. To silence the Liberal
press of Italy, which was crying out against his in-
action, he very unwisely invested Mantua on July
13th. Eadetzki saw his advantage, and resolved to
attack the divided forces of the Piedmontese, and
raise the siege of Mantua, masking his movement by
an attempt against the plateau of llivoli. On the
22nd the detachments directed against Rivoli were
repulsed, but the Piedmontese commander, fearing
"that he could not resist a second attack, abandoned
the plateau in the night, and fell back to Peschiera.

The same evening 40,000 Austrians, under Ra-
detzki, crossed the Adige, and advanced against the
Piedmontese left at Custozza, which was held by
12,000 men. At seven on the morning of the 23rd,
he attacked the line of heights extending from the
village to the Mincio, which formed the position of

256 The Italian Revolution.

the Piedmontese, and before nightfall he had occu-
pied the hills, and driven the enemy back upon the
river, Charles Albert resolved to retrieve the defeat
by a counter attack upon the Austrians. Massing
his army about Villafranca, on the left rear of the
Austrians, on the 24th he suddenly fell upon Ra-
detzki's left on the heights of Somma Campagna,
where the Austrians were on the march, and expect-
ing no attack. The Imperialists suffered a severe
defeat, one brigade being cut off and driven back
upon Verona. That evening the two armies faced
each other on the heights above the Mincio, from
Custozza to the Somnia Campagna, for Radetzlu
rapidly concentrated towards hia left, having deter-
mined upon fighting next day the battle which was
to decide the fate of Lombardy.

The morning broke clear and sultry, and at eight
the second battle of Custozza began by the advance
of the Piedmonteae. The fight lasted all day, and
was nobly contested by both sides. On that of the
Austrians, Radetzki rode deep into the fire, leading
one of the attacks in person, and he was bravely
seconded by D'Aspre, Gyidai, Lichtenstein, and
Clam Gallas. On the other the king and his two
sons displayed equal courage, but it was all in vwn ;
towards evening the Piedmontese were driven from
the heights back to the plain of Villafranca. There
Charles Albert raUied the defeated army, and at

InsuiTection.

2S7

midnight began his march to the bridge of Goito on
the Mincio, in full retreat for Lombardy.

At dawn on the 26th, Radetzki was again in the
saddle, directing his army in pursuit of the retreating
Piedmonteae, After a sharp action at Volta, Charles
Albert abandoned the line of the Mincio, raising the
siege of Mantua. The Austnans immediately crossed
the river and invested Peschiei-a. On the 30th the
Piedmontese crossed the Oglio, pursued by the
Austrians. On the 31st they passed the Adda.
Charles Albert had endeavoured to obtain an armi-
stice with the Oglio as the line of demarcation between
the two armies ; but Eadetzhi now had the game in
his hands, and offered to grant it only on condition of
the Piedmontese retiring beyond the Adda, surrender-
ing Peschiera, Pizzighitone and Rocco d'Aufo, and
withdrawing their naval and military forces from
Venice, Parma, and Modena. This Charles Albert
refused, and from that time Kadetzki would hear of
no armistice, saying that he would only negotiate upon
the Ticino when he had reconquered the Austrian
territory.

During the retreat the volunteer battalions melted
rapidly away, and even many of the Piedmontese fell
out of their ranks, so that when he reached Milan,
Charles Albert found his army seriously diminished.
He had hoped to he able to defend the great city, and
now he fought an action with the Austrian vanguard
e gardens and enclosures on the Lodi road.
17

258

The Italian Revolution.

But by the evening of August 4th, Badetzki had
pushed close up to the gates. There were no means
of defence; tlie weak barrier wall could be breached
with field artillery. Ammunition was wanting both
for the infantry and artillery, and therefore little de-
pendence could be placed on the defence of the streets,
though the Provisional Government had erected bar-
ricades and piled stones upon the housetops. In the
night Charles Albert held a Council of War, and the
unanimous decision was that, to save the array, Milan
should be evacuated.

Mazzini, in concert with Fanti, had been trying
for the last few days to organize a popular defence of
the city, and great waa the indignation of the Eepub-
lican leaders when they heard that it was to be aban-
doned to its fate. Their fury soon communicated
itself to the people. The Palazzo Greppi, where the
king was staying, was surrounded by crowds, shout-
ing " Death to the Piedmontese 1" and crying outfor
a defence of the barricades, and war to the knife
against the Austrians. Shots were fired at the wm-
dows, and fur some hours the life of the brave and
generous but unfortunate king waa momentarily
threatened by the veiy men he bad striven to wd.
Such was the indignation of his troops, that it was all
their officers could do to prevent them from faUingon
the people and clearing the streets with the bayonet.
At length, after nightfall, La Marmora and tii«
Royal Guard marched to the palace, and brought

Insurrection. 259

away tlie king in safety, amid the execmtlons of the
poptilace. Next raoruing, under the terms of a
capitulation, the Piedmontese evacuated the city on
one side, while the Austrians, led by D'Aspre's
division, entered it upon the other. "Soldiers,"
said Radetzki. in his order of the day, "the imperial
flag is again waving from the walls of Milan, and
there is no longer an enemy on Lombard ground."

Little more than four months before he had marched
out of Milan, promising " to return to victoiy," and
he had kept his word — kept It, too, while his own
capital was in tlie hands of the Revolution, and it
might be said that the Austrian power existed only
in his array. Surrounded by open foes and doubtful
friends, he had held bis own upon the Adige, confident
of liis ultimate success alike in defeat and victoiy,until
at length he felt himself strong enouijh to act ; and
then he had unfurled again the banner of the double-
headed eagle, and Vicenza and Custozza proved that
" her strength of wing wiis unimpaired." Well may
Austria cherish with pride the memory of KadetzkL
There are few nobler names in the mllitaiy history of
our warlike nineteenth century. Well might his
soldiers call Lim their father, for he never led them
but to honour ; and during the campaign, when
scarce a florin could be spared from the military chest,
he found means to send money to the Austrian pri-
soners at Genoa, to buy wine and tobacco, and to add
to their prison fare. He was as merciful in victory as
17—2

260 The Italian lievolution.

he was determined in battle ; and, notwithstanding
the calumnies of the Liberal press of Italy, his name
as a soldier goes down to future history without a
stain. This men must acknowledge, whatever tbej
may think of the cause for which he fought.

The day after the occupation of Milan, Rfidetzki
granted Charles Albert a preliminary armistice of
three days. On the 9th, a further armistice of six
weeks was concluded at ±he Austrian head-quarters,
with a view to negotiate for peace. The armistice
might be extended by mutual agreement; theTiciiio
was to be the line of demarcation between the two
armies; the Piedmontese were to surrender Pesehlera,
Eocca d'Aufo, Osopo and Brescia, and withdraw their
troops and fleet from Venice.

Though the armistice was concluded, peace was
not restored to Lombardy. When Milan surrendered,
Mazzini left it for Bergamo, where Garibaldi had
collected 4000 volunteers. The war of kings was
over, he said, and the war of the people was to begia.
In the short campaign which followed, Mazzini waa
Garibaldi's standard-bearer. The flag was that of
the Giovine Italia — the tricolor with the legend Dio
ed il Popolo, Pesehlera and Rocca d'Aufo eurren-
dered, but the commandant of Osopo refused to lay
down his arms, and held out until the 1 4th of October.
Meanwhile Garibaldi had miserably failed, When
the news of the armistice reached his camp on the
banks of the Lago Maggiore, and the Austrians were

InSHrrection .

approaching, his corps melted away so rapidly that it
was soon reduced to eight hundred. He fell back
on San Fermo, and there harangued his red-shirts, in
the hope of raising their coui'age. But it was of no
avail ; three hundred and fifty more had gone before
nightfall." Medici was sent to collect some of the
fugitives, aud brought back three hundred with him.
Then, on August 12tli, Garibaldi published a procla-
mation, calhng Charles Albert a truitor, aud declaring ■
a war of the people against Austria. He seized two
steamers on the Lago Maggiore, and defeated an Aus-
trian detachment; but pursued by D'Aspre's division,
and cut oflf from Piedmont, he retreated into Switzer-
land.

Venice had ju.st acknowledged the sovereignty of
Charles Albert; but when the news of the armistice
arrived, and the Piedmontese forces withdrew, Mania .
again proclaimed the Itepublic. Parmii and Modena
were occupied by the Austrian divisions of Lichten-
steiu and Thurn, in the name of the dukes. At the
same time, General Weldon's division entered the
Papal states ; but Pius IX. protested against this
violation of his territory, declaring that he would
meet force with force if the Austrians did not with-
draw. Nevertheless, Weldon made an attempt to
occupy Bologna, but was repulsed by the people.
The papal troops received orders to march into the
Romagna; but upon this the Austrians retired, as
• Medici's Nanative in Gariljaldi'fl Memoirs.

k

7^e Italian Revolution.

Radetzki had no desire to bring fresh enemies intx>
the field, and to light up the smouldering fires of war.
The only result of the invasion was to increaee the
agitation and disorder already existing in the Ro-
magna, where bands of brigands and revolutionista,
recruited from the disbanded soldiers of the shattered
armies of the north, wandered over the country,
murdering the govenmient officials and plundering on
all sides. Among their chiefs was Zambianchi, one
of the exiled insurgents of 1832, who had returned
to Italy under tlie amnesty. The working of the
secret societies and the effects of the war had reduced
the country to a state of anarchy. When Farini was
at Bologna in September, 1848, bands of armed
ruffians were murdering their enemies in the streets.
What Bologna was to the Papal States, Leghorn
. was to the Grand-Duchy of Tuscany- The organiza-
tion of the secret societies spread rapidly amoug its
population, which, gathered from all parta of Italy,
contained the very elements of disorder. Guerazzi,
the friend of Mazzini, was the guiding spirit of this
motley mass. There, too, was Gavazzi, returned
from the camp of Durando, and now preaching war
against the priests, princes, and property. On the
second of September Guerazzi succeeded in revolu-
tionizing the city, driving out the Tuscan troops and
establishing a Liberal municipality, which made
Leghorn virtually an independent republic, and the

Insurrection.

263

I

\

»

'base of operations from which the Revolution subse-
quently spread to Florence,

In the south. General Filangieri with a Neapolitan
army obtained possession of Messina after a sanguinary
struggle ia the streets, and raised the siege of the
citadeL He might have marched at once upon Pa-
lermo, but French and English intervention barred
the way. Admiral Baudin and Sir William Parker
combined to force Filangieri to conclude a suspension
of hostilities ; and so the Provisional Government of
Palermo was able, under the protection of France
and England, to continue its preparations for the war
against Naples. They bought steamers and guns in
England, and some of the latter, it la said, came from
the government stores. They raised forced loans in
Sicily, and negotiated a loan abroad on the security
of the municipal revenues. They assembled a Revo-
lutionary army, and found French, English, and
Polish officers to drill it. But when Messina fell
they had not effected much in the way of preparation,
and, had Filangieri been allowed to advance then, he
would have taken Palermo with but little difficulty,
and there would have been an end of the war. As
it was, the only effect of the intervention was to
prolong it till next year, and increase the loss of life
and property in Sicily.

In Piedmont itself there was no peace. In the
parliament the Liberals were masters of the situa-
tion ; in the cities the friends of the secret societies

k

264 The Italian Revolution.

were carrying on a perpetual agitation, and all were
uniting to drive Charles Albert into a renewal of the
war with Austria. They violently inveighed against
the idea of peace, and rendered negotiation utterly
impossible. Forced on to his fate, he quietly set to
work to re-organize his defeated army, and prepared
with courage for the worst-
Thus the armistice was fiir from restoiing peace t
Italy. It was nothing but a stormy truce, d
of which the Revolution took advantage to plant ii
standard iu the capital of Christendom, hoping thni
to find in Central Italy the base of operations, whid
it had lost In the North.

§ 4. The Revolution at Rome.

On the 5th of June the Roman parliament \
opened by Cardinal Aitieri in the same of Pius j

Iiisuri'ection.

265

in the admin isfcrati on as with us, but desires to
accomplish a revolution, We are quite willing to
believe that Mamlani, who was then at the head of
tiie ministry (which had succeeded that of Antonelli
after the crisis produced by the allocution of April

129th), was at the time loyal to his sovereign and
anxious to serve him, but with this condition— if he
could only serve the party of the Moderates at the
eame time. He was a Liberal in the first place,
^ servant of Pius IX. in the second. But there were
other men in the Chamber who were openly opposed
to the Pontifical government, and in relation with the
Eevolutiouary organizations of Central Italy. Chief
amongst these were Sterbiui, the editor of an TJItra-
Idberal Iloman paper, Jl Conteinporaneo, and Lueien
Bonaparte, Prince of Canino, who rewarded the hos-
pitality of the Popes to himself and his family by
(plotting against them, and more than once in the
parliament spoke in most disrespectful terms of
Pius IX., and assailed Charles Albert. Unfortu-
nately the parliament did very little work, but there
was more than enough of pompous harangues and
animated and lengthy debates, or angry dibcussions,
sometimes on subjects of very little importance to the
Iloman States.

"The deputies," says Farini, himself a member of
the parliament and an under secretary in the Mamiani
Kntnistry — " the deputies in their discussions and
lesolutioDs had resigned themselves too much to

»

Tlie Italian Revolution.

craving after ideal good, and had too little pursued
the counsels of reason in respect of good attainable ;
such were the incentives to big and inflated language
that worked from without, and such the uproar cre-
ated within by Caniiio and Sterbini. Had those
persons been allowed to say and do as they liked, no
one can tell with what whimsicalities they would
have flavoured their speeches : Canine wanted to have
it declared that all rights proceeded from the people ;
Sterbini wished the Kinp; of Naples to be mauled ;
both the one and the other desired the independence
of Sicily to be acknowledged. They scolded OrioU
as an untimely prophet of woe, and in vain he coun-
selled moderation, hinted at the surmises of disagree-
ment between the sovereign and the ministry, at the
fear of aggravating distempered humours by heated
language, and at the danger of pleading on the side
of war now that the Pope had formally declared his
disapproval."*

When men like these led the opposition in the
Chambers, It is easy to imagine what was the tone
of their supporters in the press and in the streets.
Sterbini's Contemporaneo was a type of the former.
Ciceruacchio of the latter. The centre of the Revo-
lutionary organization in Rome was a club known as
the Circolo del Popolo. Other clubs modelled upon
it were formed in the provinces, and had at their
command the volunteers disbanded after the capitu-
• The Koman Stale, vol. ii. p. 2S9.

Insurrection.

^

I

I

latlon of Vicenza, whom they were re-organizing, and
keeping together for the Revolutionary campaign of
Central Italy.

Signer Pellegrino Rossi, the amhassador of Louis
Philippe to the Pope, and one of the greatest friends
of Pius IX., had remained in Rome in his private
capacity when the new French Repuhlic withdrew
his credentials and sent M. D'Harcourt to worthily
represent France at the Papal Court. As a lover of
Italy, who had sent his son to aid in fighting her
battles in the north, and who since 1846 had aided
and supported the Pope in his policy of reform, it
was hoped that Roasi would be able to gather round
him men of all parties who wished well to their
country, excepting, of course, the irrecoucilables of
the Ultra- Liberal and Republican parties. In July,
at the request of the Pope, he endeavoured to form
a ministry to supersede that of Mamlani, in whom
Pius IX. could have no real confidence. In this first
attempt he failed, but the mere report of Rossi's
probable advent to power was enough to infuriate
the party of Sterbini and the Prince of Canino, who
knew that he was a brave determined man, well
fitted to curb their revolutionary projects, while pre-
serving and consolidating the reforms already effected.
Sterbini deolaved in public that "if Rossi, the ex-
minister of Louis Philippe and the friend of Guizot,
appeared in Parliament as minister of the Pope, he
■would be stoned." Similar language was heard at

268 The Italian Revolution.

the dubs and in the streets, and when it became
known that Mamiani was to remain in office, there
was a noisy demonstration before his house, the
cheers for him alternating with outcries against the
priests.

The agitation at Rome was at its height when
General Weldon made his ill-advised incursion into
the Romagna; and on the 19th of July a series of
events occurred, which showed plainly that the men
of the clubs were plotting a revolution. A petition
was presented to the parliament, requesting that the
country should be declared in danger, and the people
armed. The petition was being referred to the ordi-
nary committee, when the Prince of Canino rose, and
in a violent harangue demanded that it should be
considered immediately. While he was speaking, a
mob rushed into the lobbies and galleries of the
house, crying out for arms. The sitting was sus-
pended until the tumult subsided ; then it was
resumed, and the Prince of Canino went on with his
speech. Sterbini followed with another like it Then
it was announced that the Civic Guard were attempt-
ing to occupy the castle of St. Angelo and the gates
of the city, but that the government had taken mea-
sures to secure order. Galetti, Mamiani's Minister
of Police, was sent for. On his arrival he said that
there was no danger, the Civic Guard was " the pal-
Udium of liberty," and would do nothing wrong;
*Vsd that though he knew the crowd was coming to

Insurrection. 269

the parliament to enforce the petition, he had made
no effort to prevent them, ;i3 he considered they had
a right to adopt such a coarse of action. Farini rose
to demand of Galetti an explanation of this singular
speech, but he was repeatedly interrupted by Ster-
bini and his followers, and by the shouts of the mob
in the galleries ; and from that day it was a common
thing for a speaker who was opposed either to Ster-
bini or Canino, or not willing to go as far as they did,
to be hooted and silenced by the crowd that thronged
the galleries. It was a repetition of the scenes in the
Assembly of Paris under the First Republic. The
freedom of the Roman parliament was being destroyed
by the Revolutionists.

On the 3rd of August the Mamiani ministry resigned.
It had effected absolutely nothing; one single law had
been promulgated, and this was not for any practical
purpose, but to confer the right of Roman citizenship
on the Swiss troops who had fought so well at
Vicenza. A new ministry was formed by Count
Odoardo Fabbri. It was chiefly engaged upon the
events arising out of Weldon's invasion of the Ro-
magna; but in the internal affairs of the Papal
States it accomplished even less than that of Ma-
miani ; and on the 16th of the following month the
Fabbri ministry resigned.

The Pope now turned to Rossi. Ever devoted to
Pius IX., he accepted at his invitation the task of
forming a ministry, and undertaking the administra-

270 The Italian Revolution.

tioa of the States, though he knew it was a work of
danger and difficiilty ; for under the weak rule of the
ministries of Mamiani and Fabbri the Revolutionary
party had made great progress in Rome, and the
words of Sterbini in July were enough to tell him
that it hated him to the death — ^And why? Because
he was faithful above all things to the Pope-King,
determined before all things to sustain the freedom
and authority of the Pontifical government, while he
was resolved to continue and develop the policy of
reform already adopted. In this celebrated ministry
Rossi held the post of Minister of the Inteiior, and
provisionally of Finance. Cardinal . Soglia was Min-
ister of Foreign Affairs and President of the Council ;
Cicognani, Minister of Grace and Justice ; Cardinal
Vizzardelli, of Education ; Montanari, of Commerce ;
the Duke Di Rignano, of War and Public Works ;
Count Guerrini, Minister without a portfolio ; and
the Chevalier Righetti, Deputy Minister of Finance.
All were men on whose support for his policy Rossi
could place perfect reliance, and some of them had
already distinguished themselves in parliament by
their opposition to Mamiani.

Rossi's first care was the finances ; his next was
the reorganization of the array. General Zucchi, a
soldier of 1831, whose Carbonarism had since mode-
rated, was invited to take command, and to accept
the Ministry of War held provisionally by the Duke
di Rignano. Medals were distributed to those who

Insurrection. 271

had disttnguisbed themselves in the late war, and
funds were allotted to provide succour for the
wounded, and aid for the families of the dead. Raal-
waya had already been planned for the Papal States,
and it was now decided to connect Civita Vecchia,
Eome, Ancona, Bologna, and Ferrara by a telegraph
line.

Still more important events followed. Piedmont,
under the ministry of Casati and Gioberti, resumed
the idea of a Federative Italian league, originally
proposed by Pius IX., and rejected by the Pied-
monteae during the war. The illustrious Abb6
Rosraini was sent to represent Charles Albert, and
to confer on the subject at Home. Tuscany entered
heartily into the negotiations. Naples was willing
to follow ; and Rosmini, Rossi, and Pius IX. suc-
ceeded in carefully elaborating the draft constitution
of the proposed League. The Confederation was to
include the Papal States, the Kingdom of Sardinia,
and the Grand-Duchy of Tuscany ; but there was no
doubt that Naples would join it also. Pius IX., as
"the mediator and initiator of the League," was to
be its president, and the office was to descend to his
auccessoi-s. The Central Power was to be in the
hands of a diet meeting at Rome, all the other st^ites
of Italy were invited to join, and the treaty, so far
' OS it regarded Rome, Tuscany, and Sardinia, was to
be ratified in a month. Tliis document is of such
importance, as a monument of the labours of Pius

272 The Italian Revolution.

IX. to give true unity to Italy, that we subjoin it tVi
exten^o in another part of the present work.*

Unfortunately the ratification never came, and
again it was Piedmont which destroyed the hope of
unity. The ministry of Casati was defeated by the
Radicals in the Chamber, and a new ministry took
its place, opposed or indifferent to the idea of the
League, and wishing only to conclude a simple treaty
of alliance with Rome. Rosmini regarded a mere
alliance as a poor substitute for a firmly consolidated
League ; he was therefore forced to resign his mission,
and De Ferran was sent to take his place. Pius IX.
and his minister, Rossi, were unwilling to let the
project again fall to the ground, and they drew \m a
modified draft of the treaty for the Federative
League,t based upon the same principles as that con-
cluded with Rosmini. But again the Piedmontese
ministry declined to accept it, and, to cover the
refusal, reports were circulated at Turin that the
failure of the negotiations had been caused by the
hesitation of the court of Rome. Rossi published a
complete refutation of the charge in the Roman
Gazette, in which he showed how the Pope had been
the initiator, and from the first the promoter of the
League, and how Piedmont, disappointed that Rome
was not following her instead of being her leader, had

• See Appendix No. II. " Draft Treaties for the Italian League
proposed by Pius IX."

t Given also in Appendix No. II.

Insurrecticm. 273

from the first been the one obstacle to its accomplish-
ment. So ended the negotiations. Gioberti then
attempted to initiate a federation under the presi-
dency of Piedmont, and a conference was invited to
meet at Turin to discuss the subject. It was com-
posed of men from all parts of Italy, who received
theh' credentials, not from the governments, but from
themselves or from the clubs. Rome was represented
by Mamiani, Sterbini, and the Prince of Canino.
This is enough to indicate the character of the con-
gress, which effected nothing, unless, indeed, to bring
a number of the revolutionary leaders together to
discuss their plans for the future.

MeanwhUe the Rossi ministry was busily engaged
with the internal affairs of the States. The finances
were being brought into order, the national credit
was rapidly reviving, important public works were
being planned, Zucchi was reorganizing the army.
His acts proved that he was now perfectly loyal to
his sovereign. Garibaldi had marched into the Ro-
magna at the head of a body of volunteers, Gavazzi
going before him to prepare the way for a Revolution.
Z«cchi hastened to Bologna. He had Garibaldi's
band escorted out of the Romagna, the revolutionary
leader making no resistance, but obeying the orders
given to him. He then disarmed all who were not
actually enrolled in the Civic Guard, arrested Gavazzi
aa a disturber of public order, and sent him to Rome.
The 15th of November was the day appointed for
18

274 The Italian Revolution.

the re-opening of the Koman parliament^ and eveiy-
one feared an outbreak of the Revolutionists that
day. The abuse of Rossi by the Ultra-Liberal
press and by public speakers had gone on increasing
from day to day. On the morning of the 15th the
Contemporaneo, the organ of Sterbini, published a
violent article against him, which contained words of
fatal signiBcance. In the face of facts and common
sense, it charged Rossi with being the tool of Metter-
nich, and plotting a reaction at Rome ; and then went
on to say, ''He will fall amidst the laughter and
contempt of the people ; but after having called him
the betrayer of the cause of Italy, this does not ah-
solve us from calling him the betrayer of the sove-
reign who has raised him to his place."

Add to this that Rossi received several letters
threatening him with death, others from friends
warning him that there was a plot against his life.
One of the latter was handed to him on his way to
the Quirinal oti the morning of the 15th. He read
it, and afterwards showed it to the Pope, who advised
him not to go that day to the Palace of the Cancei-
laria, where the parliament was sitting. Rossi re-
plied, that when he accepted office he accepted it
with its dangers, which he foresaw, and that he did
not wish to be absent from his post. He then went
to his carriage, accompanied by Righetti, one of his
colleagues, taking with him the speech which he
had written in concert with Pius IX., and in which

be spoke of his projects for securitio; the prosperity
of Rome and of Italy, He drove into the courtyard
of the Cancellaria a little after noon.

Some of the deputies had already assembled in the
hall ; the galleries were crowded. There was another
crowd in the courtyard, where a battalion of the Civic
Guard was under arms. There, too, were several of
the volunteers, disbanded after Vicenza, wearing their
uniforms and medals, with daggers in their belts.
As soon as Rossi's carriage was recognized there was
a howl from the crowd. Without taking any notice
of it he alighted from the carriage, and, followed by
Righetti, walked quickly towards the steps leading
to the hall. The crowd rushed forward, and in an
instant he was surrounded by a mob, yelling and
bowling at him. This had lasted scarce a minute,
when one of his assailants drew a dagger and plunged
it into his throat. Rossi fell, the blood spurting up
from his neck. The crowd began to disperse. "So
fare the beti'ayers of the people !" cried one of the
leaders. The Civic Guard quietly looked on, and it
was all that Righetti could do to get assistance to
carry Rossi into one of the rooms of the palace, where
in a few minutes he expired.

The news of the murder was known immediately
in the Chamber, for three of the members, who were
surgeons, were hastily called out to try and save the
life of the dying man. The President, unmoved,
continued reading the minutes of the last meeting.

18— a

276 The Italian Revolution.

No notice was taken of the awful deed that had just
been done, though the corpse of the murdered mm-
ifiter was lying under the same roof beneath which
the deputies were sitting. Some of the members
spoke together in low tones ; it was suggested that
the session should be adjourned, but the idea was
not acted upon. "Why all this fuss?" exclaimed
the Prince of Canino ; " one would think he was
King of Rome." " Not one voice was raised/' says
Farini, "to protest against this enormous crime!
Was this fear ? Some have thought to term it
prudence : by foreign nations it is called disgraca'^
And disgrace it was, deep and indelible ; but more
disgraceful still was it that all over Italy men were
found to laud the act ; and worst of all were the
scenes of the ensuing night and of the following day.*
When Pius IX. heard of the murder of Kossi, he
bade Montanari, the Minister of Commerce, assume
for the time the direction of the government, and
sent for Minghetti and Pasolini to form a new ad-
ministration. The ministers met to deUberate at the

* Attempts have been made, amongst others by Safii and Maz-
zini, to clear the Italian Eevolution of the stigma of Kossi's murder
by saying it was the isolated act of an individual No one can
read the facts detailed in these pages without feeling assured that
it was the result of an organized conspiracy to which Sterbini was
no stranger; and even granting all that Saffi and Mazzini have
said, the fact remains that at the time the Kevolutionists of Italy
boasted of the act, praised the assassin — one might say, called down
the blood of Bossi upon their own heads.

hisurrection. 277

houee of Montanari, but they were in no condition to
decide on the means to be adopted for securing the
peace of the city. Some, friends of Kossi, were
overwhelmed with grief, others were terrified at his
fate, which might be their own ; all were bewildered. ,
They sent for Colonel Calderari, the commander of
the Roman Carbinieri. He reported that the city
was quiet, but that there were no means of discovering
the assassin. He was ordered to arrest several of
the leading agitators, and some men who were known
to be accomplices in the murder. He hesitated, and
made excuses, but finally sfiid he would execute his
orders, and went away to break Lis word and join
the Revolutionists. At the same time the Pope sent
a message to Bologna, telling Zucchi to return im-
mediately to Rome, and until his arrival, Colonel
Lentulus, a Swisa officer, was placed in command of
H t^e city. ,

■ Night liad now closed in, and the Revolutionists
»were preparing for the morrow. Agents despatched
^nrom the head-quarters at the Circolo del Popolo,
Bwent to the barracks of the Carbineers, and read a
proclamation, inviting them to join the people. The
men were hesitating, when Colonel Calderari ap-
peared among them, and said tliat he would frater-
ttize with the people, and that the best course for all
ihe soldiers would be to act with the Civic Guard
nd the populace.
In the Corso another scene was passing. Down

278 The Italian Revolution.

the street marched a proceesion bearing aloft the
Italian tricolour, surrounded by torches. Soldiers,
Civic Guards, and well-known agitators, mingled in
its ranks. Amongst them walked the murderer of
Bossi, and, as they went, they yelled out a horrible
ode, which invoked blessings on the head of the
assassin, and praised God that Rossi was in helL
At times the procession turned from the Corso to
traverse the neighbouring streets, and once it swept
past the house of mourning, where the victim of the
Revolutionary dagger lay in the midst of his sorrow-
ing family and friends.

Early on the 1 6th the Pope sent for the President
of the Parliament and the Senator of Rome to hold a
consultation with them. Crowds were gathering in
the Piazza del Popolo ; by half-past ten full 20,000
men were there — soldiers. Civic Guards, and civilians,
most of them armed. The leaders distributed among
them printed papers setting forth their demands.
These were, promulgation of Italian nationality, and
realization of the Federal pact, war against Austria,
and the constitution of a Radical ministry, including,
amongst others, Mamiani, Sterbini, and Galetti, the
Minister of Police, who had refused to protect the
freedom of the parliament when the chamber was
invaded by the mob in the previous July.

The crowd went first to the Cancellaria, where a
few of the members left the parliament to act as
their deputies in presenting their demands to the

Insurrection.

279

I

Pope. They then began to pour towards the Quirinal.
On the way they were joined by GalettL At one
o'clock they arrived before the palace. No prepara-
tions for defence had been made. There was the
usual Swiss Guard of about eighty men, and a
single sentinel stood at the gate. Galetti, Sterbini,
and a few of their companions, went In. They were
received by Cardinal Soglla, who told them that the
Pope would consider the demands made by the
people. This answer was communicated to the
crowd, and received with loud murnmra of disaatia-
faction. Then Galetti asked to see the Pope him-
aelf. The request was granted, Pius IX. listened
calmly to the deputation, but remembering what was
due to his own dignity, he firmly refused to yield to
force, saying " that he would not brook dictation,"
and that he should be allowed to deliberate in entire
freedom.

It was now two o'clock, Galetti appeared on one
of the balconies of the palace. The crowd pressed
forward to hear him, probably expecting that he
came to tell them that they had conquered their
sovereign, but he could only repeat the answer he
had received from the Pope. Then the mask wae
cast aside, and the crowd broke out into open insur-
rection. The cry is raised, " To arms 1 to arms I"
The mob rushes towards the gates. The solitary
Swiss sentinel is seized and disarmed, but his com-
rades inside fling back and bar the gates, and stand

L

280 The Italian Revolutum.

to their arms, ready to fire upon the insurgents. The
drums of the Civic Guard are beating through the
city. Men come hunying up with ladders to scale
the walls, and faggots to burn the gates. Carts are
drawn up ; from behind them soldiers and guardsmen
fire at the windows of the Quirinal ; from the gate-
way and the bastion near it' the Switzers reply. Men
climb up behind the two equestrian statues before
the palace, and, crouching on the pedestals, level
their muskets and join in the fusillade ; others fire
down from the neighbouring belfry of San Carlino.

Suddenly a column of carbineers, headed by
Colonel Calderari, marches into the Piazza. For a
moment the crowd wavers, but a few words from the
traitor re-assures them. He has come, not to relieve
the palace, but to join in the attack, and his men
wheel into line, and send a volley of bullets rattling
against the walls and crashing through the windows.

Within the palace, Pius IX. stands calm and un-
daunted. He is surrounded by his household and
the diplomatic corps, amongst them D'Harcourt, the
Minister of France ; Spaur, of Bavaria ; and Delia
Bosa, of Spain, worthy representatives of three
Catholic nations. The captain of the guard comes
in, and tells him his faithful Switzers will die to a
man, before they allow the palace to be forced.
Bullets fall and flatten on the floor, and about four
o'clock Mgr. Palma, the private secretary to His
Holiness, drops dead, shot in the forehead. Messen-

Insurrection,

281

\

I

I

gers aent out for aid, returning, report that nothing
can be done ; but the Swiss hold true, and the mob
hag failed to penetrate the palace.

The sovereign people is now becoming impatient.
The palace must be forced, cost what it will, and
artillery is sent for. Presently two slx-poundera
come rumbling up, and are unlimbered, pointed
against the gates, and loaded. The firing stops : a
deputation goes forward to ask admittance to parley
with the Pope : again it is granted. They bring
the ultimatum of the itoman people — -Pius IX. is to
be given one hour to re-consider his decision ; if he
docs not then yield, they will blow in the gates, and
massacre every one in the palace except the Pope
himself Pius IX. turns to the foreign miniatera.
*' Look," he says, " where we stand. There is no
tope of resistance. Already a prelate is slain in my
very palace ; shots are aimed at it ; artillery levelled ;
we are pressed and besieged by the insurgents. To
avoid fruitless bloodshed and increased enormities,
we give way ; but, as you see, gentlemen, it is only
to force. So we protest. Let the courts, your
governments, know it ; we give way to violence
cnly ; all we concede is invalid, null, and void."
Then Cardinal SogUa was told to confer with Galetti
on the formation of a Badical ministry.

Thus did the Liberals of Rome testify their grati-
tude to a sovereign, " whose political life," to use
the words of Montalembert, "was summed up in

L

282 The Italian Revolution.

two words— amnesty and reform," a sovereign who
was, and is, the best and truest friend Italy has ever
known.

Graletti soon formed his ministry. He himself was
Minister of the Interior ; Mamiani, of Foreign Affidrs;
Sterbini, of Commerce and Public Works ; Campello,
of War ; Lunati, of Finance. The name of Bosmini,
who had remained in Home, and had been raised to
the purple by Pius IX., was also placed on the list,
but he refused the nomination in a short, indignant
speech. The names were announced to the crowd,
and they began to disperse, shouting, singing, firing
their muskets in the air, and cheering for the Badical
ministry. Then came a sight seldom seen in Southern
Europe. As the night deepened, the red streameis
of the northern lights lit up the sky ; to many it
seemed a visible sign of the anger of an offended
heaven.

The Revolution was now master of Rome. The
Pope was a prisoner at the Quirinal, where the Civic
Guard had taken the place of the Swiss. The
Chamber was overawed by the crowd in the galleries.
Sterbini, Galetti, and the Circolo del Popolo ruled
the Eternal City, yet the government was carried on
in the name of Pius IX. Rome was no longer a
place for him. He began to think of flight, but hesi-
tated, still reluctant to leave the city and the people
he loved so well. While he was deliberating, the
Bishop of Avignon sent him the silver pyx, in which

Insun-ection.

283

Pius VI. had carried the Blessed Sacrament with him
when he was hurried away from Rome by the agents
of the French Republic. Then Pius IX. decided on
I making an effort to regain his freedom.

Delia Rosa offered him the hospitality of Spain.
He accepted it, but the steamer which was to convey
him did not reach Civita Vecchia in time. Delay
was dangerous, and he then resolved to go to Gaeta,
Fully fifty individuals, lay and ecclesiastic, were en-
gaged in the plot for securing his safe departure from
I Rome. On the evening of the 24th, M. D'Harcourt
I came to the Quirinal, leaving his carriage in the
I court ; he had an interview with Pius IX, and bade
khim ferewelL Then the Pope, having put on the
1 dress of a simple priest, escorted by the Chevalier
I Fillipani, passed through several of the private apart-
I'taents, and by an unguarded staircase descended to
■ the court, where a carnage was in waiting. They
I drove to the monastery of SS. Marcellioo e Pietro,
I where Count Spaur, the Bavarian ambassador, waa
l-%aiting with another carriage. Beyond the gates —
I at the Gallerie di Castel Gondolfo — the countess, her
I iBon, and a Bavarian priest, were waiting with the
I post-chaise for the long journey to the frontier. The
i Pope, in the ambassador's carriage, drove by the Gate
ft.of San Giovanni to the appointed rendezvous. There
l-the little luggage which he carried was transferred to
• the post-chaise ; he stepped in. Count Spaur mounted
K on the coach-bos, and then they drove southward

284 The Italian Revolution.

througli the darkness, and daybreak saw them at
FondL There was no pursuit. Borne still thought
her captive sovereign was sleeping in the Quirinal
At Fondi there was a rest of a few hours, and then
the journey was continued to Gaeta, where the next
day King Ferdinand and his queen arrived to wel-
come the Pope to their dominions, and to oflfer to
him and his court that generous hospitality which
won for them the gratitude of the Chiistian world.

When the news of the Pope's flight became known
in Europe, men asserted, as loudly as they assert to-
day, that the Temporal Sovereignty was at an end
for ever. The Revolution celebrated its victory with
a transport of deKght. The Rome of the Popes was
over ; the Rome of the people was now to begin. In
the eyes of the Mazzinians, the defeats on the Mincio
were more than redeemed. They could hoist their
flag on the capitol. They had lost Milan and Lom-
bardy, but Rome and Central Italy were theirs
instead.

Such was the Italian Revolution of 1848. What
wonder that it failed ? What wonder that the in-
sensate policy of the Revolutionists brought down
ruin upon their own heads ? At the moment when
Italy should have been united, she was hopelessly
divided. In the north, Piedmont had refused to
send her delegates to the diet of the Italian League ;
in the south, Sicily declared war against Naples.
Foul crime and black ingratitude stain with indelible

Insui-rection,

^

Intaniy the story of that year of Revolution. The
liberals murdered alike the foes and friends of Italy
— Marinovich, at Venice : Rossi, at Rome — the mur-
der of the former they pronounced a judgment of
God, while the death of the latter was celebrated by
the maddened crowds that sang the praise of " the
third Brutus," in the streets of the Eternal City.

Three scenes, alike but different, prove the in^ati-
tude of the Revolutionists to the best friends of their
country — Ferdinand of Naples, beleagured in his
own house by the banded rabble of Southern Italy ;
Charles Albert, assailed in the palace of MUan, and
carried off by his guards under the cover of darkness,
amid the clash of alarm-beUs, pealing out the tocsin,
and the reports of shots aimed at him and his sons,
and the outcries of the populace ; finally, Pius IX.
besieged in the Qulrlnal by the people on whom he
had lavished every favour, his secretary shot down,
his own life endangered, and his friends, and the
faithful Switzers who guarded him, threatened with
massacre. While the demagogues and bravoes of
1S48 ruled the destinies of Italy, what had she to

Eisery ? what had they to expect but
it came, swift, sure, and terrible.

I

CHAPTER VII.

DEFEAT.

§ 1. Novara.

1849.

The storm broke first upon Piedmont. "War
against Austria I War for our brothers of Lom-
bardy !" Such was the cry of the agitators, who
regarded the armistice as a treason which had saved
Badetzki from annihilation. The Piedmontese them-
selves were little inclined towards war. They had
had enough of it. They had borne the brunt of the
battle — for the Lombards had done little for the
cause that was their own — and they had seen their
sovereign insulted by the people of Milan. But the
cry for war was raised by the thousands of exiles
who had poured into Piedmont from Lombardy and
Venetia, from Naples, and from foreign countries,
many of them Revolutionists by profession, men who
never breathed freely except in the midst of a tem-
jH^st of agitation and revolution.

Defeat.

287 ^^B

The news from Central Italy increased the excite-
ment Gioberti, then at the head of the ministry,
endeavoured to allay it. In the Kepublicaniam of
Rome and Florence he saw nothing but danger. He
proposed to march a Piedmontese force into Central
Italy to restore the authority of the Grand Duke of
Tuscany and the Pope. The report that such a pro-
ject was on foot led to the downfall of his ministry.
He was accused of having deserted an Italian for an
Austrian policy, and at the end of February a new
ministry was constituted, under the presidency of
General Chiodo, who had the support of all the
Badical element in the Chambers, and of the war

i party outaide them. The committee organized by
the exiles at Turin, promised a rising from the
Ticino to the Adriatic as soon as war was declared.
All Central Italy, it was added, would rush to arras,
and Baron Spleny, the envoy of Kossuth, at Turin,
spread exaggerated reports of the successes of the
revolted Hungarians. It was said that they had re-
I captured Pesth, that the Hungarian regiments in the
[ army of Badetzki sympathized with them, and would
join the Italians when they crossed the Ticino, and
all this was eagerly caught up and implicitly believed
among the excited crowds collected at Turin.

During the winter, Charles Albert had re-organized
Ihis army with the help of General Chrzanowaki, a
Ipolish officer who had fought under the first Nar
ftpoleoD, and subsequently iu the wars of his own

288 The Italian Revolution.

country, in which he had acquired a militaiy reputa-
tion, counterbalanced, however, by serious imputa-
tions of treachery. Charles Albert would far rather
have entrusted his army to Bava or La Marmora, but
the Liberals stigmatized the^tried generals of Pied-
mont as aristocrats, and the Liberals being now the
rulers of the country, it would be dangerous to
oppose them. Before Chrzanowski accepted the
command, |it had been offered to several French
generals. Bedeau, La Morici^re, Changamier, and
Bugeaud had ail declined it. The army which was
available for active operations consisted of about
85,000 men, organized in eight divisions, commanded
by Durando — who had left the Papal army after
Vicenza — Bes, Perrone, Ramorino, of Savoyard re-
nown, La Marmora, Solaroli, and the king's two sons,
the Dukes of Savoy and Genoa. The Piedmontese
element in the army was strongly opposed to a
renewal of the war, and looked forward to it with the
most dismal forebodings ; but the Lombards, the
Poles, the revolutionary element generally, were all
full of the most eager anticipations of battle and
victory.

Encouraged, therefore, by the reported success of
the Hungarians, and the probable insurrection in
Lombardy, the Radicals in the Chamber early ^in
March demanded an immediate declaration of war.
An address to that effect was voted and presented to
the king on March 5th ; it was supported by another

Defeat.

289

from the Lombard committee. The foreign ambas-
sadors exerted their influence In favour of peace, but
Charles Albert told them plainly he had no choice.
If he hesitated to go to war, the Republic would be
proclaimed at Turin. On the li)th the ministers
asked the Chambers to vote the siipplies necessary
for the war, and on the 12thj Major Cadoma arrived
at Milan to present to Marshal Radetzki formal
notice that the armistice would end at noon on the
20th, while the message alleged that it had already
been violated in various ways by the Austriana, and
that it was only the king's aense of honour which
prompted him to give notice at all before setting his
troops In motion. On both sides stirring proclama-
tions announced to the Austrian and Italian armies
the recommencement of hostilities. At Milan the
Austrian soldiers received the tidings with the
wildest joy. " Have you heard the news V they ex-
claimed to oue another in the streets. " God be
the armistice Is at an end ■"
Chrzauowski's plan was founded on the hope of an
isurrection In Lonibardy. He assembled the mass
of bis anny about Novara, intending to cross the
Ticino at San Martino, and, with the aid of an insur-
rection like that of the preceding year, to drive
Radetzki from Milan ; indeed, he was confident that
as soon as he advanced the Austrians would retire to
the Mincio, as they had done twelve months before.
Ramorino, who was with a division of 6000 Lombards

19

praised

L Ohi-^
H^surre<

290 The Italian Revolution.

on the south bank of the Po, was to cross to La Oava
and watch the bridges of Pavia, as it was feared the
Austrians might cross there, though the general
belief was that they would not attempt an aggressive
movement. At the same time, General La Marmora,
with 7000 men, was to invade the duchies, where he
was to be joined by the forces of the RevolutionistB
of Central Italy ; but so precipitately had war been
declared, that these forces were not even enrolled.

On the 17th, the movement of the Austrians
began. Kadetzki could not, of course, cross the
Ticino till noon on the 20th, but he took advantage
of the interval to concentrate his army for the passage
of the river. In concert with General Hess, lus
chief of the staff, he had drawn up a plan for the
campaign, on which he confidently relied for victory.
It was kept secret from all except the officers on the
head-quarters staff, and even from them the details
were concealed, but Hess informed them of the
general direction of the movement, when he told
them on the 18 th that the Piedmontese would be
forced to give battle, probably at Novara, and be
defeated. Leaving 4000 men to hold the castle of
Milan, and warning the citizens against any attempt
at insurrection, he rapidly concentrated 70,000 men
about San Angiolo, between Pavia and Lodi This
movement did not reveal the real direction of his
march, for he might be on his way to the famous
bridge over the Adda at the latter town. During

Defeat. 391

the night between the 19th and 20th, two military
bridges were thrown over the Tieino, at Pavia, beside
the permanent bridge of stone. Early on the morn-
ing of the 20th, to the surprise of the citizens, the
heads of Radetzki's columns appeared before their
gates, and entered the city. The masses of armed
men wound through the streets- Radetzki watched
tiie march from a window, and as they recognized
him they burst out into loud acclamations. Viva !
Xivio I FAjen] as Lombard, Sclav, or Magyar bat-
talions went by. Exactly at noon the vanguard, led
by Colonel Benedek, crossed the bridge, and the
Austrian army began to enter Piedmont.
[ Had Kamorino obeyed his orders, he would have
been between La Cava and Pavia with COOO men
and sixteen guns to dispute the passage of the river,
and then to retard the Austrian advance on the Mor-
tara road. Instead of this, he had been misled by
information received on the preceding day, which led
him to believe that Itadetzki's plan was to cross the
Po at Piacenza, and strike at Alessandria, and that
any show of preparation to cross at Pavia would be
only a feint. He had therefore crossed to the south
bank of the Po, intending to watch the narrow ground
between the hills and the river, in front of Voghera,
through which, if his information were correct, the
Austrians would advance. At La Cava he left three
battalions. One of these — the Lombard Sharp-
shooters of Manara — attempted to dispute the ad-
19—3

292 The Italian Revolution,

vance of the Hungarian vanguard, under Benedek,
but with another battalion supporting it, it was
driven back to the Po, which Manara crossed and
rejoined Eamorino. The third battalion retired to
Mortara. The Austrians then continued their ad-
vance, leaving a single brigade to watch the Po, and
prevent Eamorino from re-crossing the river.

While the Austrians were crossing at Pavia^ the
Piedmontese began the passage of the river twenty-
five miles higher up, at San Martino. The advance
was led by the Duke of Genoa's division, with Charles
Albert at its head. The advanced guard occupied
Magenta, but there was no trace of the Austrians ; it
was said that they were concentrating towards Lodi.
Chrzanowski hesitated, and then gave orders to halt
and wait for information. Only one division had
crossed ; the rest of the army was stiU upon the
Piedmontese side of the Ticino. At ten that night
he received intelligence of what had happened at
Pavia — that the Austrians had crossed there, and
that Eamorino had disobeyed his positive orders, and
led his division across the Po, where it was com-
pletely cut off by the Austrian advance. He im-
mediately signed an order, appointing Fanti to the
command of the division of Eamorino, who was tried
by court-martial after the war, and paid with his life
the penalty of his disobedience or neglect of orders.

Eadetzki's object was now evident. By occupying
Mortara he would be on the flank of the road from

I

Defeat.

Novara to Vercelli, by which ^llone the Piedmonteae
army could communicate with Turin. If the Aus-
trians could occupy Mortara, nothing but a precipi-
tate and perilous retreat, or a battle fought with
every disadvantage against them, could save the
Piedmonteae array from destruction. Chrzanowski
immediately gave up his intended advance upon
MUan, directed two divisions to march upon Mortara
in order to save the town, while three others were
pushed forward to Vigevano, between Mortara and
the Ticino, to threaten the Austrian right, and, if
possible, defeat it and cut off Radetzki's communica-
tions with Pavia,

The plan was a good one, but it was very imper-
fectly executed. On the 2l8t both armies advanced
by the network of roads between the Ticino and the
Sesia. The heads of the Piedmontese columns on
the left were driven in by the Austiian advance by
San Siro and Gambolo, bub General Bes checked
their further progress by gallantly repulsing an
Austrian attack on the position of La Sforzesca iu
front of Vigevano. But on their right Radetzki
attained his object — the occupation of Mortara. The
divisions of Durando and the Duke of Savoy had
halted in front of the town at four o'clock in the
afternoon. They did not expect a battle until next
morning ; but an hour after they were suddenly at-
tacked by D'Aspre iuid the Archduke Albert, the son
of the hero of Aspern and Wagram. The fight

294 The Italian Revolution.

laated over three and a half hours, and ended in the
darkness by the total defeat of the Piedmontese,
Colonel Benedek having forced his way into the town
at the head of his Hungarians, capturing 1700 pri-
soners and five guns. This victory virtually decided
the campaign, for the various divisions of the Ked-
montese army were spread over such a wide extent
of ground, from La Sforzesca on the left to beyond
Novara on the right, that a retreat to Vercelli was
impossible, now that the great junction of roads at
Mortara was in the hands of BadetzkL There was
only one course open to Chrzanowski, and that was
to concentrate on Novara, and there fight a battle in
which the very existence of his army would be
at stake. He therefore passed the 22nd in directing
the retreat of his five divisions upon Novara, while
on the other side the Austrian army pushed forward,
now longing for battle and doubly confident of
victory. While the main body marched direct upon
Mortara, one corps moved by Robbio to the left to
cut the Vercelli road. The two armies bivouacked
in front of each other, the Piedmontese about Novara,
the Austrians from Vespolate to Mortara. The morn-
ing was to witness a struggle for life or death, but
the conditions on both sides were different. Charles
Albert and Chrzanowski, if defeated, would be
utterly ruined, for their line of retreat on Vercelli
was cut, and they had the barrier of the Alps tower-

I

Defeat. 293

Ing behind them ; but for Eadetzki defeat woiJd
entail no heavier I033 than a safe retreat to Pavia.

Novara is a town of about 15,000 inhabitants, sur-
rounded by an old wall; and standing between two
Braall rivers — -the Terdoppio and the Agogna — which
run past it about a niile to the east and west, flowing
southward towards the Po. The ground between
these two rivers is further divided bj several canals
running parallel to thera, and garden walls, water-
courses, and rows of trees intersect it, while here and
there are small villages, villas, and farmhouses, with
strong walls of stone. Finally the ground rises in a
gradual swell towards Novara, so as to afford good
positions for artUtery commanding the plain to the
southward, over which the Austrians would advance.
Chrzanowski had to hold this position with 50,000
men and 111 guns. He drew them up for battle in
two lines, extending from the right bank of the
Agogna to beyond the Terdoppio. In the front line,
going from right to left, were the divisions of Du-
rando, Bes, Peronne, and Solaroli ; in the second were
■ those of the two sons of Charles Albert, the Dukes of
Savoy and Genoa. The strongest part of the line
■was that held by General Peronne, who occupied the
villages of Bicocca and Olengo, which commanded the
Mortara road, and on which it was therefore antici-
pated that the main attack of the Austrians would
be directed. Behind these two lines was the town,

296 Tlie Italian Revolution.

and through its narrow streets lay the sole retreat in
the event of a disaster.

The morning of the 23rd broke dull and misty, and
all day long there were frequent showers of rain. At
10 A.M. Eadetzki put his 2nd and 3rd corps and
reserve in motion towards Novara, while the 4th for
the present remained at Mortara; the Ist was at
Vercelli, but too far distant to take part in the fight-
ing. By a strange coincidence it was the anniversary
of the retreat from Milan after the Yimous five days
of 1848 ; Eadetzki was now amply to avenge that
defeat by the five days' campaign which ended at
Novara. At eleven the 2nd corps, led by D'Aspre,
encountered the Piedmontese in front of Olengo, and
drove in the Bersaglieri, who occupied that part of
the line ; but the Austrians were in turn repulsed by
a Savoyard regiment, which came up to the aid of the
defeated riflemen. Then for full four hours the Aus-
trians failed to make the least impression on the
Piedmontese lines, for a single corps was opposed to
a whole army. The Duke of Genoa brought up his
division and directed the operations on the right,
where the fight was hottest. Three horses were
killed under him, and at one time it seemed that hia
desperate daring would secure a victory to the Italian
cause. But D'Aspre and the Archduke Albert,
though they lost groimd before the fririous onslaught
of the Piedmontese, and left several prisoners in their
hands, succeeded in keeping their lines unbroken.

Defeat.

397

and at three o'clock the ^rd corps and the reserve
began to come into action, and the tide of battle
turned in favour of Austria.

Eadetzki had ordered the 4th Corps to leave Mor-
tara, and, moving by the cross roads to the Austrian
left, attack the right of the Piedmontese. The mar-
shal and hia staff now watched anxiously for the first
sign of its appearance on the field, which they knew
would decide the battle. At half-past five the white
cloaksof the cavalry of its advanced guard were seen on
the hilly ground to the left. Eadetzki immediately
ordered an attack along the whole line. Chrzanowski
had seen them, too, and was already making arrange-
ments for a retreat, for the battle was lost. On his
left the Austrians drove hia troops out of Bicocc*,
an Italian regiment in the Imperial service taking
five guns ; on the right the troops were being forced
gradually backward with the bayonet, and had al-
ready lost three guns.

The defeated army poured into the streets of No-
vara, "whole regiments breaking up and mingling in a
disorderly crowd. Durando kept his division steady,
and with the help of the guards and a few companies
of Lombard volunteers protected the retreat, or rather
the flight, of the rest of the beaten army. Finally
he fell back upon the town amid the gathering dark-
ness, and the Austrians lighted their watchfires and
bivouacked under its walls. The clouds hung heavily
over the field, and a gentle rain poured steadily down.

298 The Italian Revolution.

A wild, confused dini arose fix)m the streets of No-
vara. Musket shots, and even vollej^, rang out
above the tumult, and through the night rose on all
sides the glare from burning houses ; for the soldiers,
•demoralized by their defeat, were plundering wher-
•ever they could, and fired upon the cavalry sent to
restore order. Beyond the town, the roads leading
northward towards the Alpine country were crowded
with dense masses of fugitives on horse and foot,
guns, tumbrils, and waggons — all the wreck of the
shattered army now fast melting away.

Charles Albert had remained upon the field to the
last moment. All day long he had exposed his life
with a recklessness which made many believe that
he sought for death. At seven he was still beyond
the walls of No vara; the Austrians were firing on the
retreating troops, and a storm of bullets was falling
about him. General James Durando, the brother of
the more celebrated general of the same name, came
up to him, took him by the arm, and led him away.
He tried at first to resist, and would still have Un-
gered on the field. " General,*' he said, sorrowfully,
" this is my last day — let me die !"

His first care was to despatch Signer Cadonna, one
of the democratic ministry who acted as their repre-
sentative in the camp, to the Austrian outposts to
negotiate an armistice ; but Badetzki refused to treat
with anyone but the king. At nine o'clock Charles
Albert called around him his two sons and his princi-

Defeat.

299

I

pal generals, and announced to them his intention to
abdicate. "Gentlemen," he said, " I have sacrificed
myself for the cause of Italy ; for that cause I have
«xposed ray life, the lives of my children, my throne ;
I have not been able to succeed. I conceive that my
person may be the only obstacle to peace henceforth
necessary ; I could not sign it. Since I have not
been able to meet with deatli, I will accomplish a last
sacrifice for my couatry. I lay down my crown, and
I abdicate in favour of my son, the Duke of Savoy."
The generals made a vain attempt to induce him
■to change his determination, but he refused ; and
having embraced every one who was present, retired
to an adjoining room. An hour after he left Novara
in his carriage by the Vercelli road, refusing to allow
anyone to accompany him. At the Austrian out-
posts, where he arrived at midnight, and had a nar-
row escape of being saluted with a discharge of
.grapeshot, he announced himself as the Comte de
Barge, Colonel of the Piedmontese army, on his way
ixt Nice, and requested a pass. While a message was
being sent to head-quarters to ask for it, he took
-Biipper with General Count Thurn, and then revealed
who he really was. Next morning he was allowed
to continue his journey to Nice ; thence he went to
Oporto in voluntary exile. The saying that deposed
monarchs die quickly has passed into a proverb : it
was true of him. His life at Oporto was a calm and
i»ilent preparation for his end, which he felt was

300 The Italian Revolution.

rapidly approaching. It came on the 29th of July in
the same year, only four months after the fatal field
of Novara. Turin celebrated his obsequies with a
stately pomp, which marked her gratitude to one of
the best of her kings. His memory is venerated by
all who revere high-souled devotion, heroic courage,
and stainless honour. Alas! that he, to whom
Charles Albert gave his crown was unworthy of him,
and possessed none of his virtues, except, indeed, that
mere animal courage, which was the least of alL

Victor Emmanuel was twenty-nine years of age
when, by the abdication of his father, he became
King of Piedmont. As Duke of Savoy, little had
been known of him beyond the circles of the court
and high society at Turin, but he had earned a
favourable opinion by his valour in the two cam-
paigns of 1848 and 1849. Men were ready to assimie
that he possessed other good qualities, which would
render his reign an illustrious one. Those hopes
have been disappointed, and it is ours to relate the
deep wrongs inflicted upon the Church and upon
Italy by the man who, in an evil hour, received the
crown of Piedmont amid the wreck and carnage of
Novara — a fitting augury of his reign.

On the day after the battle he met Badetzki at
the village of Vignale. The negotiations for peace
were commenced, and an armistice concluded.' The
young king did not make a very &vourable impres-
sion on the Austrian officers, who were amused by

I

Defeat. 301

the rueful way in which he spoke of some horaes he
had lost at Mortara, one of which he had the satis-
faction of recovering through the courtesy of one of
Radetzki's equerries. By the terms of the armistice,
Piedmont was to pay the expenses of the war, the
Sesia was to be the line of demarcation between the
two armies, and the fortress of Alessandria was to be
garrisoned, by an Austrian, in conjunction with a
Piedmontese, corps. The foreign troops in the Pied-
tnontese service were to be disbanded, the emperor
granting an amnesty to such of them as were his
subjects, and the Sardinian fleet was to be withdrawn
from the Adriatic.

The first incident of Victor Emmanuel's reign was
A conflict with his subjects. When the terms of the
armistice were communicated to the Chamber of
Deputies at Turin on the 27th, the Radicals made u
desperate attempt to force upon the country a con-
tinuance of the war, though the only result of a re-
jection of the very moderate terms offered byRadetzki
would have been to bring the Austrians to Turin.
Signer Lanza moved that the assembly should de-
clare that the armistice was unconstitutional, and
that the government, by executing it, would violate
the constitution, and this senseless resokition was
carried against the ministry. Then Signer Testi
proposed that the Chamber should declare itself en
permanence, and send a deputation to communicato
its sentiments to the king. To this also they agreed.

k

302 The Italian Revolution.

and, as if that was not enough, two other resolutiona
were adopted, urging the government to declare the
country in danger, concentrate all their available
forces at Alessandria, and summon every able-bodied
man to arms at Genoa, and further declaring that
the ministers would be guilty of high treason if they
admitted the Austrians into Alessandria, or recalled
the fleet from the Adriatic before the armistice was
accepted by the Chamber. As there was nothing
between Turin and the Sesia to stop the Austrians^
and the Piedmontese army was at their mercy,
Victor Emmanuel, after the ministers had made a
vain attempt to bring the Radicals to reason, pro-
rogued the parliament on the 30th, and dissolved it a
few days after.

But already its acts had borne evil fruit. On the
28th, the municipality of Genoa voted an address of
sympathy with the views expressed by the war party
in the parliament, and General Avezzana, the com-
mander of the National Guard of the city, called the
people to arms. General Azarta, the commander of
the garrison, thinking they only wished to make a
stand against the Austrians, allowed them to occupy
two of the forts. But the national antipathy to the
Piedmontese carried them farther; the insurgents
announced their intention of proclaiming a Ligurian
Republic, with Genoa as its capital. A provisional
government was appointed, barricades were hastily
thrown up, and General Azarta was summoned to

Defeat.

^

surrender. With 5000 troops under his command,
he made an attempt to clear the streets, and on the
3rd of April there was some sharp fighting at the
barricades, in which the Genoese proved victorious,
and Azarta agreed to evacuate the city. A ship
from France, with a cargo of T5,U0O muskets, in-
tended for the Piedmontese government, arrived in
the port during the fighting, and was at once seized
by Avezzana for the armament of the people.

General La Marmora, who had occupied Parma
with 70U0 men on the day of Novara, was retiring
to the Piedmontese territories, when he received
intelligence of the revolt at Genoa, and orders to
aappreas it. He appeared before the city on April
4th, and his army, having been reinforced by the
column of Azarta and other troops hastily despatched
from Turin, now numbered 30,000 men. The more
moderate party in the town entered into negotiations
for a capitulation, and an armistice was concluded,
but it was twice broken by the Revolutionists, led by
Avezzana, and it was not until the 1 1th of April tliat
Jja Marmora completely occupied the town, after some
hard fighting and a vigorous bombardment. The
leaders made their escape to Marseilles in an Ameri-
can man-of-war. An amnesty was proclaimed, from
which they only were excepted, and so ended the
first episode of Victor Emmanuel's reign.
■ Brescia had risen against the Austrians on the
I 23rd of March — the day of Novara — the people

304

The Italian Revolution.

I

barricading the streets, naming a provisional govern-
ment, and silencing the fire of the castle by threaten-
ing to massacre one of the sick soldiers in the hospital
for every shot that was fired upon the town. Gene-
rals Haynau, Nugent, and Appel, were sent to the
relief of the besieged garrison, but the people held
out against the Austrians for eight days, and it was
not until the Ist of April that they succeeded in
suppressing the insurrection, and recapturing the
town, after a sanguinai-y struggle, in which botJi
sides lost heavily.

In the north, then, the Revolution was stamped
out everywhere but at Venice. The city had been
invested in the preceding year on the land side, but
in the harbour lay the Adriatic fleets of England,
France, and Sardinia, and there waa free communica-
tion with Italy and all the rest of Europe by sea.
After the battle of Novara, Rsidetzki ofl'ered the pro-
visional government most lenient and favourable
terms of capitulation.

An amnesty was to be proclaimed, fi-om which
only forty persona would be excluded, and these were
to be given time to arrange their private affaii-s and
depart by sea ; half the paper money of the pro-
visional government was to be recognized as legal
currency, and Venice was offered the rank and privi-
leges of an Imperial city, like Trieste. But the
terms were rejected by Manin and his colleagues,
and then came the siege lasting till the middle of

I
I

August, a resistance which haa received far more
praise than it deserves. We admire as much as any
one the courage and determination displayed by tiie
besieged, but at the same time vire cannot forget th;it
there was a system of terror at work, something like,
tut less complete than, that v?hich existed during
the far more desperate and more famous defence of
fiaragossa. Had there been any reasonable hope ol'
relief, had an Italian army been in the field, tha
resistance would have been perfectly justifiable, and
equally so if it had been carried on against implar-
able foes, intent only on inflicting a dire vengeance
upon the rebel city ; but there was nothing of this ;
favourable terms were repeatedly offered, repeatedly
rejected. Nothing was to be gained by holding out ;
it had no result but to inflict upon the people ail the
miseries of scarcity, pestilence, and the fire of hostile
batteries, and a fearful waste of human life. Even
General Pepe endeavoured to induce RIanin and his
colleagues to give up a hopeless defence, and accept
the terms oflered by Austria. But it was no use ;
the Dictator pompously replied that he would bold
out until three-fourths of Venice were destroyed.

By the beginning of August the Austrians had
obtained possession of the forts of Malghera and S.
Giuliano, which may be called the keys of Venice.
The city might then have been carried by assault,
but Radetzki, ansious to avoid the loss of life and
the ruin of the city, which would result from such a

20

306

The Italian Revolution.

conquest, renewed his attempts to induce the pro-
visional government to capitulate, and offered nearly
the same terms which had been before rejected
These were, amnesty to all but forty of the leaders,
who were named, and who were to be banished from
the Austrian territories, and the surrender of arms
of every kind.

On the 22nd these terms were accepted by the
municipality, to whom the provisional government
had resigned its functions, and the Austrians took
posaession of the city. General Gorzkowski was ap-
pointed governor. There were no prosecutions or
imprisonments. A tax was levied on the citizens for
the clothing and revictuaUing of the army, and to
provide for the family of the murdered Marinovich.
This was the only punishment which Austria inflicted
on Venice for its rebellion, and it was of a part with
the whole character of the mild and prudent measurea
adopted by Radetzki in suppressing the Revolution,
and pacifying the North.

^ 2. Sicil}/.

The second Neapolitan parliament was opened at
Naples on the 1st of February, for though his first
parliament had been made the means of organiziog
an attempt at revolution in his capital, King Fer-
dinand was resolved to give parliamentary govern-

Defeat.

307

inent another trial. It was a fuilure. Tke Liberals
opposed, without exception, every measure introduced
by the government. When the budget was brouj^ht
in, they would only vote the most insignificant sup-
plies, and it was well known that they were in direct
relation with the Republicans at Rome and Florence.
The parliament was, in fact, doing nothing, but was
a continual source of danger to the peace of the
kingdom, and therefore Ferdinand dissolved it on the
12th of March.

He was at this time making a last effort to come
to terms with the provisional government of Palermo,
and induce the revolted Sicilians to listen to reason.
Early in March he offered to grant a constitution to
Sicily, which would secure the legislative and admin-
[ istrative independence of the island, while still keep-
1 ing it united to Naples by the one link of the crown.
By this constitution the Catholic religion was to be
that of the state, individual liberty was to be guar-
i anteed, and no one was to be arrested or proceeded
I against except in the ordinary course of law ; no one
I to give up his property except for the public
[ good, after having been indemnified to its full
' amount, and freedom of the press was to be estab-
lished subject to a censorship. The 5th article de-
clared that, " Sicily, continuing to form an integral
part of the united kingdom of the Two Sicilies, shall
be governed by a constitutional monarchy with a
division of powers, as follows," Then came clauses
20—3

308 The Italian Revolution.

constituting a separate executive for Sicily, and a
Sicilian parliament composed of a Chamber of Peers
nominated by tbe king, and a Chamber of Deputies
elected by the people.

Ferdinand could not possibly make more ample
concessions than theae, and the ambassadors of France
and England, M. de Rayneval and Sir William Tem-
ple, accompanied Admirals Baudin and Parker with
their squadrons to Palermo, to exert their influence
■with the insurgents, in order to induce the provisional
government to accept the generous terras offered to
them by tlie king. But the Bevolutionary leaders
of Palermo had no intention of coming to any com-
proniiae. They refused to accept the constitution,
and they protracted the negotiations, until at length
they were informed that if they did not Eieeept the
terms offered by the king before the 29th of March,
hostilities would re-commence on that day. They
replied that " time ran for the Sicilians as well as for
the Neapolitans, and that they would renew the war
at the expiration of the term if their interests required
it ;" and then they issued a proclamation, which ja a
fair specimen of the Revolutionary eloquence by which
the Sicilians were encouraged to resiatanca The
generous terms offered by Ferdinand were stigmatized
as dishonourable, and every effort was made to rouse
an ignorant people to fury against Naples. "Sicilians,"
said the proclamation, "the shout of war is toyoun
cry of dehght. The day of the 29th of March, on

1

Defeat.

309

\

■which hostilities with the despot of Naples are to re-
commence, will be hailed with the same welcome as
that of the 12th of January ; and with good reason,
because hberty can only be gained by the price of
blood. The peace which you were oft'ered was igno-
minious. It destroyed at one blow every interest
treated by the Revolution.* You have won the ad-
miration of all Europe ; but if you had been more
forgetful of your rights, and had again submitted to
the lying despotism oi' a tyrant, what would the
world have said ? Sicihans, even though victory be
not certain, a nation, like an individual, has even a
superior right to immolate itself when lionour is at
stake. Better wUl it be to be consumed in the
flaming niins of our country, than to exhibit to
Eiuxtpe the spectacle of vile cowardice. Death is
preferable to slavery. But no~we shall conquer. We
con£de in the sacred nature of our cause, and in the
ardour of our souls."

On the 2tjth of March, General Filangieri ad-
dressed a proclamation to the Sicilians, announcing
that the liberal offers of the king had been rejected,
and that the war would therefore be renewed against
the revolutionary Giunta of Palermo. " Sicilians,"
he said, " it is not against you I am fighting, but I

* It is difficolt to see what this moans. One thing is clear. The
I offered by FeidinaDd woiild have taken a very profitable
less out of the handd of the provUioual government, and so
I &r destroyed aome of the " tntereete " created by the Kevolution.

I

310 Tlic Italian Htvolution.

march against those who are the devastators of your
fine country, and whose insatiable ambition must
terminate in their own destruction."

The government of Palermo had at its disposal for
the defence of Sicily an army of 20,000 men, in-
cluding a foreign legion of Polish, Swiss, French, and
German revolutionists. They had received from
England £420,000 worth of arms and munitions of
war, and they had strengthened the defences of
Palermo and Catania. General Filangieri coold
bring into the field an army of 16,000 men, including
the splendid Swiss regiments of Naples 1900 strong,
and he was supported by a squadron of the Neapolitan
fleet. He resolved to begin the campaign by cap-
turing Catania. On the second of April he was
before Taormina, where he received news of the
battle of Novara. " Radetzki has drawn a bill on us
which we must discharge," said he to his stafl". The
same evening he attacked and stormed the pass of
Taormina, held by 4000 insurgents with nine guns,
four of which remained in the hands of the Neapoli-
tans. Two more marches brought the troops to
Aci Reale, three leagues from Catania.

The city was defended by 8000 insurgent troops,
ajid about 12,000 National Guards and free corps,
the whole being commanded by a Pole named Mier-
oslawalii, a veteran revolutionist, always to be found
wherever barricades were rising in France or Italy.
He had placed outposts in the villages, and strongly

Bcftat. 311

entrenched the city, except on the side of Mount
Etna) where the approach was difficultj and where he
only erected some barricades of looae stones. Filan-
gieri received information of this, and directed his
columns across the lava-covered base of the mountain,
from which they were to descend upon the northern
suburbs of Catania.

The Neapolitan chasseurs, who led the advance,
came first in contact with the enemy at the village of
San Gregorio, which they stormed, taking two guns.
Following up their success, they pursued the retreat-
ing enemy, canied a barricade, and took two more
guns. They then found themselves at the end of the
chief street of Catania, the Strada di Etna, «hich
runs through the town from north to south, intersect-
ing four great scjuares, the last of which, that of the
cathedral, looks out upon the haibour. Every house
was filled with armed men, and there were three or
four guns at the entrance to each square.

Supported by two guns, the chasseurs carried the
street up to the second square, but, assailed by the
masses of the enemy, they began to give way. Filan-
gieri sent six battalions to their aid, but as the troops
very unwisely advanced in close order, the ranks were
torn by discharges of grapeshot. They began to fall
back, and, the insurgents pressing close upon them,
recaptured the street and the stone barricade. Fi-
langieri had held the Swiss in reserve, but on the
repulse of the Neapolitans at half-past seven in the

312

Tlic Italian Revolution.

\

evening, he ordered Colonel von Muralt to lead his
brave Switzera into action in the hope of retrieving
the victory. Muralt charged, and retook the barri-
cade. "Here," wrote one of his officers, "we en-
countered a fearful spectacle. The road was literally
covered with dead and wounded. Behind us rose
Etna, tinted with the rosy light of evening ; but be-
fore U3 was black night and the long and wide Etna
street, lighted only by burning houses and the flashes
of artillery, gaping like a mouth of hell."*

Muralt directed his men to advance in single file
along each side of the street, firing at the opposite
houses. Two guns moved along the middle of the
roadway, halting and firing at every fifty paces ; be-
hind these came the mass of the regiment. The
Sicilians made a desperate defence, and it was not
until half-past ten that the Square of the Cathedral
was in the possession of the Switzers. The two
castles surrendered next morning. Both .sides lost
about 400 men J but Filangierl only took 215 pri-
soners, for Mieroslawski evacuated the town in the
night, and retired along the Palermo road- He was
piusued by the Neapolitans, and on April the 9th
his rear-guard was routed at Adomo. Next day
Syracuse and Augusta surrendered to the fleet, and
the towns of the south began to send in their sub-
mission in rapid succession. By the middle of the

• " Military Events iu Italy, 1848—49," Translated from the
German by the Earl of Ellesmere.

Defmt. 313

month the Revolution only existed in Palermo, and
on the 22nd FOangleri began Iiis march upon the

• city in two columns.

On the 35th he had rearhed Caltanisetta, seventy

I miles from Palermo. There he was met by a deputa-
tion from the capital beaded by the archbishop, who
offered the submission of the city. The people had
no idea of allowing themselves " to be consumed in
the flaming ruins of their country ;" and though the
revolutionary leaders had declared in their proclama-
tion that they would rather suffer that fate than
"offer to Europe a spectacle of vile cowardice," they
were now making hasty arrangements for a departure
from Sicily.

. Remembering the treacherous reception of Florea-
tan Pepe at Palermo in 1821, Filangieri wisely con-
tinued his advance upon the city, without neglecting
any of the precautions usually adopted in marching
upon a town held by an active enemy. It was well
he did so, for as his troops entered the suburbs they
were attacked by parties of the insurgents, who
regarded the capitulation as a treason of the Mode-
rates, and, though deserted by their leaders, were
determined to fight. After a short skirmish this
rabble was dispersed by the Swiss and Neapolitans.
On May 15th, the anniversary of the failure of the
Revolution at Naples, the troops entered Palermo in
triumph headed by Filangieri. He conceded an
amnesty from which only the chiefs of the insurrec-

314 The Italian Revolution.

tion, who had already escaped, were excluded, aud
an idea may be formed of the state of the island
under the Revolution, when we add that the deputiee
of the people of Palermo during the negotiation of
the amnesty insisted that it should extend not only
to political offences but to crimes of every kind.
Filangieri agreed to this, because at the moment it
■was above all things important to allay the fears of
the people, as the first step towards conciliating the
discontented.

The Revolution was now conquered in the North
and South, but it still held out in the Centre, where
its banners waved from the Capitol. Before we trace
its final downfall at Rome, we must take a retrospec-
tive glance at the history of the city subsequent to
the flight of the Pope, when Rome was ruled by
Mazziiii and his followers, and for the moment the
centre of Christendom became the capital of the Re-
volution.

^ 3. The Hornan Republic.

The first act of Pius IX. after his aiTival at Gaeta,
was to publish a protest which had been drawn up
and submitted to the foreign ambassadors before he
left Rome, and in which he declared all the acta of
Galetti's government null and void, and at the same
time named an executive commission to assume the

Defeat.

^

I

management of the affairs of the Roman States, with
power to remove the seat of government from Rome.
It is to be regretted that the commission was never
actually constituted, as it would, perhaps, have
afforded a rallying point in the provinces for the loyal
subjects of the Holy Father, and thus have given
them an opportunity of protesting against the reign
of disorder in Rome.

Meanwhile, the Radiciil ministry at Rome, as soon
as they became aware of the Pope's flight, had pub-
lished a proclamation announcing the fact, and ex-
pressing their regret that the Pope, in leaving the
city, had yielded to the advice of evil counsellors.
They certainly felt that it was a serious loss to them
that Pius IX. was no longer their prisoner, and they
made a last effort to induce him to place himself once
more in their power. Two successive deputations
were sent to Gaeta, requesting him to return to his
capital ; but their object was well known at the court
•of the exiled Pope, and when they reached the
frontier the deputations were refused admittance into
the Neapolitan territory.

The Revolution was spreading rapidly through the
Pontifical States, for the secret societies had been
carefully re-organized since 1846. At Civita Vecchia
Mgr. Bucciosanti, the governor of the town, openly
joined the ranks of the Revolution. Almost every-
where the authorities, bewildered or alarmed at the
news from Rome, gave way before the local revolu-

Tlte Italian Revolution.

tionary leaders ; only at Bologaa, General Zucchi,
who could rely upon the Swiss regiments, succeeded
in preserving order and keeping the town for awhile
to its allegiance.

At Rome the Eevolution advanced from day to day.
On the eighth of December it was proposed in the
Chamber of Deputies by Pantaleoni that a committee
of five members should be nominated to consider
what measures ought to be taken to meet the diffi-
culties caused by the flight of the Sovereign of
the States. The Prince of Camno opposed the sug-
gestion, lie brought up his favourite theory that
in every state all authority comes directly from the
people. This he said was particularly true of the
States, whose inhabitants had at various times volun-
tarily placed themselves under the rule of the Popes ;
in the absence of the Pope, then, the sovereignty
reverted to the people. As Pius IX. "had been carried
(;aptive by foreigners into a territory hostile to Rome
and Italy," he proposed that, until the Pope should
return, the powers of the chief of the Executive
should be entrusted to a committee of one ecclesiastic
and three laymen, and that "any existing authority
which would not obey such a committee should be
regarded as an enemy to the country and a rebel
against the sovereignty of the people."''^

The mob in the galleries applauded vociferously,
but the members remained silent, until the President
• Farini, iiL pp. 56, fl".

Defeat.

3ir

appealed to Galetti for the opinion of the ministry.
Galetti answered that he thought the ministry ought
not to interfere in the debate, but he tried to prove
that there was very little difference between the pro-
posals of Pantaleoni and Canino, and finally sup-
ported the former. It was adopted by the House,
and five popular Liberals were named members of the
commission. Three days after, the commission pro-
posed the appointment of a Giunta of three members
not belonging to the Chamber of Deputies, to dis-
charge the functions of the sovereign. This was
agreed to by the parliament, and Prince Corsini, se-
nator of Rome, Zucchini senator of Bologna, and
Count Filippo Camerata, mayor of Ancona, were ap-
pointed members of the Giunta. Zucchini alone re-
fused the appointment, but Galetti's name was sub-
stituted, and he, of course, accepted it.

On the 17th Pius IX. protested against the forma-
tion of the Giunta as a fresh violation of his rights.
But among the Revolutionists themselves it was far
from popular. Sterbini and Ciceruacchio had been
carefully organizing their forces for action. The
clubs were being affiliated to a common centre, the
Revolutionists of all the States were concentrating in
Home, and there Sterbini, as minister of public works,
gave them employment, organization, and pay. Ma-
miani, who had joined the ministry after the flight of
the Pope, was anxious to preserve order and keep
the Revolution from going too far; but Sterbini

318 The Italian Revolution.

opposed him, and took care to bring h im down in the
estimation of the people, who already raised outcries
against him as a Moderate.

Garibaldi, leaving Nino Bixio in command of his
redshirta at Rieti, had arrived in Rome, and now
shared with Sterbini and Ciceruacchio the honours of
the popular applause. The Republicans were cla-
mouring for the election of a constituent assembly to
decide upon the form of government to be adopted
by the States; in other words, to proclaim the Repub-
lic. Crowds assembled in the streets cheering for
Garibaldi, for the constituent assembly and the Re-
pubUc. The Civic Guard joined in the outcry, and
on the 20th, the Giunla published a decree convoking
a constituent assembly for the Roman States. Ma-
miani had made a vain attempt to stem the tide of
Revolution, by proposing that the ministry should
have power to expel all foreigners who were ill-dis-
posed to public order, but on the proclamation of the
constituent assembly he saw that his efforts were
hopeless, and resigned. A new ministry was formed
under the leadership of Armellini, a lawyer of seventy,
a Moderate, and a fluent speaker. Sterbini retained
his post of Minister of Public Works, which was in
reality chief of the Revolutionary army; and Galetti
was at once a member of the Giinita and the ministry.
The real cliief of the government was, however,
Sterbini, who had the Clrcolo del Popolo and all the
other clubs at his command. On the 26th the Giunta

Defeat.

dissolved the parliament, and on the 29th in concert
■with the ministry it published a decree, fixing the
election of the constituent assembly fur the 2l8t of
January, when two hundred members were to be
chosen by universal suffrage and secret voting. The
assembly thus elected was to meet on the fifth of
I'ebruai'y. No one doubted that, with the govern-
ment in the hands of the clubs, the Republican and
Kevolutionary element would be supreme in the new
parliament.

From Gaetii the Pope protested against the acts
of Sterbini and his colleagues, and forbade his sub-
jects to go to tlie electoral meetings to record their
votes. The result was a striking proof that the mass
of the people was faithful to the Pope and was only
overawed by the Revolutionary party of action. No
sooner had the protest of Pius IX. been published,
than throughout the States the municipal magistrates
either resigned or refused to take any part in the
elections. Nor was other testimony of the loyalty of
the people wanting. Cardinals, prelates, and nobles
were continually arriving at Gaeta, the diplomatic
corps had already left Rome for that city, and a court
as brilHant as that of the Quirinal assembled round
the exiled Pontiff.

Zucchi had already arrived there from Bologna,
and was endeavouring to assemble the Pontifical
army within the Neapolitan frontiers. He sent
orders to General Latour, who commanded the Swiss

The Italian Revolution.

regiments in the Roinagna, to bring them to Gaeta
by a march through the central districts of the Papal
States ; but the people of Bologna were so terrified
at the prospect of being abandoned by the Papal
troops, and feared so much an outbreak of the Kcvo-
lutionists, that they prevailed upon Latour, partly by
threats, partly by entreaties, to remain amongst them
and content himself with preserving order in the dis-
trict. Nevertheless many of his officers left him and
went to Gaeta to offer their services to the Pope.
One name amongst them deserves to be recorded
here,that of Hermann Kanzler, who, as commander-in-
chief of the Pontifical army, so long watched over the
safety of Rome, and who now shares the captivity
of Pius IX., as he shared his exile at Gaeta.

Zamboni, who commanded at Rome, endeavoured
to leave the city for Gaeta with two other officers,
but they were arrested at the frontier. But though
Zucchi failed in hia attempt to assemble a militaiy
force at Gaetn, the sympathy of the Catholic
world placed more efficient means at the disposal of
the exiled Father of Christendom. Money poured
in from all aides ; Cavaignac offered the armed inter-
vention of Franc* ; Spain, Naples, and Austria were
ready to co-operate ; and Charles Albert, at the end
of 1848, offered the Pope the aid of the armsof Pied-
mont, and at the same time invited him to accept liis
hospitality at Nice. The Pope thanked Charles
Albert for his offer, but declined to leave Gaeta,

I

I

Defeat.

giving aa his reasons the disturbed state of the king-
dom of Sardinia, the frequent changes of ministries,
and the notorious fact that the Eadlcal government
was actually negotiating with Sterbini at Rome and
Guerazzi at Florence for an alliance, and the convo-
cation of an Italian constituent assembly.

So closed the year 1848. The Republicans were
triumphant at Rome and Florence, but at Gaeta
Pius IX., surrounded by the representatives of his
faithful subjects, his prelates and nobles, and the beat
and bravest of his oiEcers, and with the arms of
Europe at his back, waited with confidence for the
downfall of the usurpers, and the day of his return to
the Eternal City.

On January 13th, 1849, Armellini, Sterbini, and
their colleagues of the Roman government, alaiToed
at the effect of the Pope's denunciation of the con-
stituent assembly, published a decree eniicting that
any one who put obstacles in the way of the meeting
sof the electoral colleges should be regarded aa an
enemy of the country, and punished with the utmost
severity ; and committees of public safety were
appointed at Rome and in the provinces to give effect
to this decree. It was followed by another on tlie
eve of the elections, establishing "a military com-
^)i^sion empowered to pass sentence.^ without appeal,
to be executed within twenty-four hours, against all
seditious attempts, even though not consummated,
aimed at the Uvea and property of citizens, or tending

21

wRere the aggregate of vi
contrast to the numbera of
itself, of the 12,000 men in
National Guard, not more
of those who were elected
the Roman States.

On the fifth of February-
palace of the Cancellaria. Tl
the reading of a speech by Ar
ministry, in which he assailed
sovereignty of the people and
suffrage. " You meet, citize
monuments of two mighty ep
lie the ruins of the Italy of t
the ruins of the Italy nf the
raise a fabric whieh will rest
ments. .... May the banne
blaze proudly on the spot wL
of the Roman Eagle and tl
preface we inaugurate your i
the auspices of those two m<
and the Feople,!!__^^^^^

Defeat.

leries. " Viva la Repuhlica !" shouted the Prince of
Canioo. " Wliat is the use of losing time in vain
formalities ?" exclaimed Garibaldi ; " the delay even
of a minute is a crime. Long Hve the Republic 1"
The men in the galleries applauded again, and the
Republic would have been proclaimed upon the spot
had not Sterbini pointed out the necesaity of observ-
ing the usual parliamentary forms. The House then
proceeded to verify the electoral returns, and elected
Galetti president. It waa not imtil the eighth that
the debate on the proposed proclamation of the Re-
public began.

It was opened by Savini of Bologna, who called
on the House to declare the Temporal Power at
an end. Mamiani followed. He saw the dangers
to which the Revolutionists were hurrying on the
country, and he spoke at great length against
the idea of a Republic for Rome, though he at the
same time declared his belief that, in the abstract,
the republic was the best government for a people.
But, he said, the Revolution was everywhere on the
wane, even in France ; the Republic would be only a
source of peril to Rome ; and he therefore proposed
that the whole question of the form of government
should be referred to the Federative Italian Con-
stituent when it assembled. Masi, the secretary of
the Prince of Canino, replied. The Popes, he said,
were the scourge of Italy, and nothing but the
republic was possible in Rome. He wns supported
21—2

324 7%6 Italian Revolutwii.

by Professor Filopanti of Bologna,* who moved that
the Pope should be deposed from his Temporal
Power, that the Kepublic should be proclaimed, and
should give to Pius IX, " the guarantees necessary for
the free exercise of his spiritual power/' Then came
Agostini of Foligno, the editor of Sterbini's journal,
the Contemporaneo. There was no danger, he said,
in proclaiming the Republic : if they were attacked,
a word would bring the French Republic to their
aid. He was destined to be undeceived later on.
The next speech was also Republican, from Rusconi,
a journalist of Bologna. The debate was then ad-
journed till evening. Every speaker except Mamiani
had been applauded to the echo by the galleries.

At eight in the evening the House was again
assembled, and the debate was re-opened by one of
the Moderates, Signer Audinot, who supported Ma-
miani's views, and warned the House that the Roman
question was one which affected all the world, and
that to proclaim the Republic would be to bring
down upon them the armies of Catholic Europa
When he ceased speaking, Sterbini rose, and flat-
tered the sovereign people and assailed the Pope and
King Ferdinand, but said nothing definite. Then
two professional mob orators spoke in support of the
proclamation of the Republic, one of them saying,
like Agostini, that France was on their sida A long

* The same who has since adopted the pagan belief in the trans-
migration of souls, and gravely lectured on it throughout Italy.

speech- from the Prince of Caniao followed, endea-
vouring to prove that the Popes were the foea of
Freedom and Italy. " Do you not feel," he said,
"this consecrated soil vibrating beneath your feet?
It is the spirits of your ancestors boiling with impa-
tience, and shouting in your eara— 'The Komau
Hepublic for ever !' " He sat down amidst an out-
burst of applause, while the crowd in the galleries
took up the cry and thundered out — " Viva la Re-
jiublica Romana !"

After a brief discussion, it was decided that the
House should vote on Mamiani's proposal. Cesare
da Oaimo endeavoured to speak in support of it, but
his voice was abnost drowned by the uproar of the
galleries and the interruptions of the Rep\iblicans in
the House, " Let us have either the Pope, or the
Provisional Government, or the Republic," said
Monghini, a banker of Ravenna and an orator of the
clubs. " Of the first," he continued, " I should
blush to speak : the second would only be a pro-
tracted agony : there is therefore nothing left but
the Republic."

Sterbini then formally proposed the proclamation
of the Republic, and after another discussion as to
the manner of voting, the various proposals were put
the House by Galetti, the raob in the galleries
tieering all who voted for the Republic, and hooting
Jid yelliDg at those who endeavoured to oppose it.
One hundred and thirty members voted. Of these.

326 The Italian Revolution.

all but ten were for the Republic ; and at two o'clock
in the morning Galetti proclaimed the deposition of
Pius IX. and the establishment of a " pure demo-
cracy under the glorious appellation of the Kepublic
of Rome."

The impious farce of the Roman Revolution had
thus reached its logical development It had as'
sumed the shadow of a mighty name. The Republic
was there, but the honnet rouge held the place of the
all-conquering eagle; the iron phalanx was repre-
sented by the red-shirted rabble of Graribaldi and
Bixio ; and the group of journalists, lawyers, and
professional agitators, overawed by the mob of the
galleries and the rabble of Rome, was a poor substi-
tute for the Senatus Popxdusque Romanu^. One
thing only the new Republic had in common with
the old — its paganism. Built up in defiance of Grod,
warring against his Vicar, trampling on right and
order, it strove to make the centre of the Christian
world what it had been before the days of Constan-
tine — the stronghold of lawless unbelief And who
were the men who proclaimed the Roman Republic ?
Revolutionary bravoes like Garibaldi ; or worse — men
such as Lucien Bonaparte, Prince of Canino, and the
hoary traitor Armellini, who owed everything to the
Popes, or who, like Sterbini, had been freed from
exile or imprisonment, by the amnesty with which Pius
IX. began his reign, only to plot against their libe-
rator. But so it is always — loyalty is a deadly crime

Defeat.

327

I in the eyes of the Revolution, and gratitude is not
I one of the civic virtues.

As soon as the Republic was proclaimed, the

I execntive power was placed in the hands of a trium-

I virate, composed of ArmelUnl, a Roman named Mon-

' tecchi, and Saliceti, a Neapolitan exile. In the new

ministry, Aurelio Safti, of Forli, held the portfolio of

the Interior, and Sterbini was still Minister of Public

I Works. But this was really only a temporary

I arrangement, for Mazzini was already on his way to

I assume dictatorial powers at Rome, in the name of

■' God and the peoiile." On the 8th, while the

l^deputies at Rome were debating about the Republic,

■lie landed at Leghorn, where he was enthusiastically

■received by the people, headed by his old colleague,

iGuerrazzi, now Prime Minister of the Revolutionary

ICovernment of Florence. News had arrived that

I evening from Siena of the flight of the Grand Duke

iXeopold to San Stefano, whence he afterwards pro-

" ceeded to Gaeta. Mazzini announced the tidhiga ito

the people as a piece of good news, telling them that

they had now an opportunity of proving that they

[could live without a sovereign.

For the rest of the month he remained in Tuscany,
■endeavouring to arrange with Guerrazzi a fiision of
■the Roman and Tuscan States, but the latter threw
■endless obstacles in the way, as he had no idea of
■surrendering to Mazzini and hi^ Roman friends his
■own dictatorship at Florence. Already the Roman

328 The Italian Revolution.

assembly had by acclamation proclaimed Mazzini a
citizen of the republic, and all its decrees were
headed with the motto of the Giovine Italia — " God
and the people." These decrees were well worthy of
their authors. They first declared war against the
Church, then against property in general. One
decree, passed amid thunders of applause from the
galleries, proclaimed the secularization of all church
property ; another ordered all church bells to be
taken down and cast into cannon — a useless proceed-
ing, only intended to give scope to the hostility of
the Revolutionists against all that belonged to
religion. Paper money was printed off and issued
by the ream, but it circulated at a large discount,
and it was found to be impossible to obtain a loan.
The assembly therefore decreed a forced loan, in
other words, a forcible confiscation of the property of
the rich. The plunder was Bystematically arranged
on a sliding scale, so that while a net income of
over 2000 and under 4000 scudi paid 20 per cent,
incomes of between 8000 and 12,000 scudi paid 50
per cent., and those above 12,000 scudi no less than
60 per cent. The payment was to be made in three
instalments, and the government promised to return
5 per cent, per aDnum in the shape of interest guaran-
teed on the national property.

With all this, there was very little money in the
treasury. A large sum was indeed sent to Venice,
another to an unknown destination, some say to

1

Defeat.

I

Naples, others to Genoa, to prepare the subsequent
insurrection there ; but when the Swiss troops at
Bologna refused to serve the Republic, and requested
their pay and discharge, there was no money to meet
tile demand. At the same time, aa if the new Re-
public was not already in a suftictently perilous posi-
tion, they addressed a bombastic proclamation to all
the nations of the earth, asserting the sovereignty of
the people, and calling on all Italy to rush to their
aid. After this, it will hardly be believed that,
when they were assailed by the armies of Catholic
Europe, they had the effrontery to assert that the
Republic had jissumed a purely defensive attitude,
and menaced no other government. Even if the
Uherty of the Church had not been in question, the
nations of Europe would have had a perfect right to
trample out the focus of Revolution and insurrection
established in Rome,

Already, on tlie 14th, the Pope had protested
against the decree of the assembly establishing the
Republic, and on the ISth, Cardinal Antonelli, in the
name of the Pope, addressed to the diplomatic corps
at Gaeta a note, in which, after giving a sketch of
the events at Rome from the accession of Pius IX. to
the completion of the Revolution by the vote of the
9th of February, he asked for the armed intervention
of France, Spain, Austria, and the kingdom of the
Two Sicilies, to re-establish his authority, and " to
liberate the States of the Church from that band of

330 The Italian Revolution.

wretches which is exercising there the greatest
despotism, with every kind of enormity " — terms by
no means too severe^ as we have ahready seen, as we
shall see still more clearly in the further development
of the story of the Republic.

It will be noticed that Piedmont was excluded from
the summons to the Crusade^ for Pius IX. already
foresaw the end to which the Revolutionary party
had been driving on the Subalpine kingdom. Though
the Neapolitan army moved at once to the frontier,
French jealousy of Austrian intervention delayed the
preparations for an attack on Rome, although Austria
offered to confine her operations to the Romagna,
and to leave to the other powers the chief share in
the expedition. This delay was, perhaps, on the
whole a fortunate event, for while the negotiations
between the various powers were proceeding at
Gaeta, and endeavours were being made to arrange a
plan of operations which would satisfy the jealousy
between France and Austria, the Revolution at Rome
was more and more clearly developing its true
character before the eyes of the world.

On the 6 th of March, Joseph Mazzini entered the
Hall of the Cancellaria amid the wildest outbursts of
applause from the deputies and the galleries. Seated
by the side of the president, Galetti, he delivered
an oration, in which he exultingly proclaimed the
triumph of the cause for which he had been labour-
ing, since, twenty years before, he became a Carbo-

I

caro in his native Genoa. Tlie Rome of the Em-
perors, be said, had disappeared, the Rome of the
Popes had followed it, and now the era of the Rome
of the People was begun. He told them that men
said the Revolution at Rome was only a momentary
blaze, which would soon disappear. " But no," he
concluded, "the world shall see that it is a star,
everlasting, brilliant, pure as those which glow in our
Italian sky." It was a rash prophecy. Three
months later the star of the Revolution paled and
vanished before the light of the sword of France.

The Roman government went on with its financial
measures, though it was hard to see what caused
such a terrible drain upon its treasuries, unless in-
deed some of the virtuous RepubUcans were reaping
a rich harvest while their brief authority endured.
The ministry asked and was accorded permission to
coin a million crowns of so base a currency, that it
was avowedly only worth two-fifths of its nominal
value. At the same time the government was pub-
lishing proclamations against " the blood-stained
crimes which were perpetrated in various places,"
and by which, they declared with some truth, "the
virgin and august idea that soared from the summit
of the Capitol was draggled in the mire." Saifi's
proclamation, or even his measures of repression,
produced very little result. In the Romagna, no
man's life or property was safe : at Ancona mui-der
was committed in the broad daylight in the public

332 The Italian Revolution.

streets ; even at . Borne, where the government was
strongest, their own agents entered houses and
pillaged under the pretext of executing search
warrants.

The middle of March brought news of Charles
Albert's declaration of war against Austria. On the
1 8th, Mazzini spoke in the parliament, calling on the
Republic to join in the war, and on the 22nd they
thi'ew down the gauntlet to Austria, by publishing a
proclamation, calling all Italj to arms from the Alps
to the sea. It might be expected that the Koman
Eevolutionists would have been ready to follow up
bold words by acts, but nothing was done. The
council of war, established on the suggestion of
Mazzini, did, indeed, order 10,000 men to the north,
but so far as we are aware, not a single battalion left
the gates of Rome. At the same time Mazzini pro-
posed a conscription throughout the States — the tax
of blood which always follows in the wake of the
Revolution, and which it first introduced into Europe.
On the 29th, while the Council was publishing pro-
clamations and ordering levies and armaments, the
news arrived that the war had ended five days be-
fore, by the disaster of Novara. The assembly met
with closed doors, and the debate was a stormy one.
The old triumvirate of Armellini, Montecchi, and
Saliceti, resigDed, and a new one was nominated,
composed of Mazzini, Saffi, and Armellini Mazzini
was now in reality the absolute ruler of Rome. The

Defeat. 333

clubs were at his beck ; the assembly registered his
decrees as Bubmissively as the Parlement de Perm
received those of the Grand Monarque ; and as for
his colleagues in the triumvirate, he managed with
equal ease the aged Armellini and the youthful
Aurelio SafH.

Next morning an exaggerated account of the in-
surrection at Genoa was received from Tuscany, and
Mazzini, exulting in what he considered the patriot-
ism of his native city, published a proclamation an-
nouncing the good news of another revolution, for
which he had no doubt prepared the way. Then began
a series of proclamations, edicts, and ordinances, most
of them from the pen of Mazzini, while fresh paper
money was issued from that ever-ready mint of the
Revolution, the printing-press, and measui-es were
taken to insure the payment of the forced loan by a
fine of twenty-five per cent, on defaulters. Most
families in Italy who live in any comfort possess
some plate, often very old. It was seized on all
sides, and carried off with the gold and silver from
tiie churches to the Revolutionary treasury. Still
money was scarce, and nothing but paper circulated.
It has been asserted — with what truth we cannot
say, but the story is a probable one — that moat of
the gold and silver was sent abroad, and that no
inconsiderable portion of it found its way to Paris,
where it was used in subsidizing the French Repub-
lican deputies and the press, in order to organize an

334 The Italian Revolution.

opposition to the proposed French expedition to
Borne.

The Eepublieans of Paris in the first great Revo-
lution had celebrated their triumph in Notre
Dame; but it was reserved for Mazzini and his
Eoman colleagues to defile the great temple of the
Christian world with impious rites, and to outrage
God Himself by introducing the adorable Sacrament
of the Altar into the public fiStes of the Revolution.
Easter was close at hand, and Armellini and Maz-
zini resolved to ape the splendid rites of Holy Week
at Rome. From the time of Michael Angelo, who
designed the ceremony, to that of Leo XII., who
discontinued it on account of the disorders which
took place among the crowds of foreign spectators, it
had been customary to illuminate the dome of St
Peter's with a huge cross of light suspended in the
immense vault, the rest of the church, being left
in darkness, except where the mystic mdiance from
the dome streamed down the long aisles, casting
broad shadows on the pavement and giving only
a doubtful light, even in the nave. But though the
exhibition was discontinued, the machinery of the
spectacle still lay in one of the store-rooms of St.
Peter's. It was brought out, and on Good Friday
evening it hung illuminated in the dome. A crowd
of curious spectators filled the chiu-ch, and with them
mixed the licentious rabble of men and women which
always comes to the surface in times of disorder; and.

I
I

to give a thoroughly civic character to the spectacle,
every now and then tricoloured fireworka blazed and
flashed in the dome.

On Easter morning St. Peter's was decorated as if
for the great festival, and the canons were ordered
to celebrate the Paschal Mass and sing a Te Deum
for the Republic. They courageously refxised. But
the Triumvirs were not to be defeated in their
object. They found an army chaplain, named Dell'-
Ongaro, a suspended priest, to say Mass at one
of those altars in St. Peter's which are reserved to
the Pope himself Mazzini, Saffi and ArmelHni
were present, as were many of the deputies and the
representatives of the clubs. The Tuscan consul
represented Guerrazzi and the Revolutionists of
Florence, the Swiss consul the Lutherans of Berne,
and there, too, were the consuls of America and Eng-
land lending their countenance to the scene.

When Mass was over the priest, Dell'Ongaro, pro-
ceeded to the great balcony, bearing the Blessed
Sacrament. Around him waved the banners of the
Kepublic; on his right was Gavazzi, on his left
another renegade priest ; behind him were the Tri-
umvirs. From the balcony he gave the benediction
to the crowd below, while the guna of St. Angelo
fired a salute ; and then Mazzini came forward and
received the homage of the people. Not only zealous
Catholics, but many of the Liberals themselves, were
disgusted and scandalized at the scene, some of the

336 The Italian Revolution.

worst features of which were repeated on the feast of
Oorpus Christi in the following June. The canons
of St. Peter's were each fined a hundred and twenty
ijrowns for refusing to sing the Te Deum, for the
Bevolution invariably denies liberty to all but its
own votaries. Things were in a worse state in the
provinces, where the Archbishop of Sinigaglia dis-
obeyed a similar order to celebrate a Te Deum for
the Republic, and was murdered by the local dub.

A few days before the Pasch of the Revolution,
there had been another public ^celebration in Rome of
a different kind. In February the National Guard
had taken possession of the palace of the Roman
Inquisition, an institution which has been very ridi-
culously compared with the Spanish tribunal of the
same name.* It does not appear that they found

* As an impartial witness to the real character of the Congrega-
tion of the Holy Office, commonly known as the Roman Inquisition,
we may take the Vicomte de Toumon, prefect of Rome from
1810—1814 under Napoleon T. He published a statistical account
of Rome, in which he writes, " The duties of the Congregation of
the Holy Office, which are sufficiently indicated by its title, are
very well known : but that which is much less so is the resen-e of
its decisions and the real gentleness of its manner of proceeding.
An evident proof of this was given when the French troops took
Rome, for tlicy found the prison of the Holy Office almost empty,
and tliere was nothing in the disposition of this place of coniine-
ment to sliow tliat it had been the recent tlicatre of scenes of
craxMy, On tlie contrary, the size of the rooms destined for
the prisoners, their healthiness and their cleanliness, were a proof of
the feelings of humanity in those who presided over this prison,
•which, without any cliange, could be turned into a well arranged
guard-house." — Etudes Statistiqu^s, vol. ii., p. 47.

Defeat.

anything very terrible in the building. There were
indeed the cells of the prison, large airy rooms with
good beds, opening on broad corridors in which and
the adjacent gardens the prisoners took exercise.
But during the following weeks the palace was com-
pletely transformed. Bones were collected from a.
disused burying place close by, and were heaped in
the cellars, blood was spattered on the walls, mourn-
ful inscriptions were written up in charcoal, iron
chains, spikes, and collars, were scattered about in
careless confusion. Then it was announced that in
order " to inspire the Roman people with an un-
questionable hatred of the government which it had
overturned" {so ran the decree) the palace would be
open for one day to the inspection of the public ;
and with an unconscious regard for the popular
associations of the day the Triumvirs chose the first
of April for this highly edifying exhibition. Most
people asked why these horrors had not been shown
in the previou.s February — a question to which we
have already supplied the answer.

Everywhere in Central Italy a strong reaction had
now set in. The people were gathering courage to
overthrow their revolutionary rulers, whose tyranny
was a palpable reality and not a rhetorical fiction.
On the 11th the Florentines rose against Guerrazzi
and his Livornese colleagues and followers, to the
|ory of " Long live Leopold !" And such was the
7 of the populace that Guerrazzi was glad to find
22

338 The Italian Revolution.

himself safe in the prison to which the municipality
consigned him to save his life. A deputation was
then sent to Gaeta, to arrange for the return of the
Grand Duke. The Eoman government tried to pre-
vent the news from Tuscany from being known in
the city; but nevertheless the tidings circulated
from mouth to mouth, and on the 14th MA^ni
acknowledged the truth in the Chamber by telling
the deputies that '* treason/ was victorious in Pied-
mont and Genoa, and in Tuscany the reaction had
made another step towards its triumph." There was
a debate in which the deputies encouraged each
other to bear up under the bad news. " Let us
make a solemn oath/' said Sterbini, "rather to be
buried beneath the ruins of our country than to
recede from the Republican principle we have pro-
claimed ; we swear it T " Yes/' cried all the mem-
bers in chorus, and next day a decree announced
the patriotic oath to the people. In fact the Roman
assembly was a faithful reproduction of the Jacobin
assembly of Paris in 1792, where ji'e le jure was
the constant burden of the debates.

But reaction was at work nearer Rome. In the
marches of Ancona and along the Neapolitan frontier,
guerilla bands swept the country, proclaiming the
restoration of the Pope, but they were badly armed
and worse led, and they were easily dispersed by the
Republican volunteers, whose successes were an-
nounced at Rome as great victories. But though

Defeat. 339

the Revolution could put down all attempts at
Papal reaction, it waa powerless to repress the
crimes committed by its own followers. " The
revenge which the secret societies had cherished
in eavage spirits," says Farini, " broke out into acts
of perfidy with such violence that the homicides wei'e
absolute masters of one or two cities." In this respect
Ancona was the worst, and there and elsewhere
it was a common tluiig for the police to be in league
■with the assassins, and everywhere the murderers
enjoyed perfect impunity, for many of them were the
most active supporters of the triumvirate.

All the while tlie storm was gathering abroad
against the Republic ; Catholic France led the way
in the crusade : it waa less the act of her government
than of her people. Louis Napoleon was then at
the head of affairs, but even he had to follow the
initiative of the Catholic party in France, though,
if we are to believe his own words, he was personally
opposed to the expedition to Rome. On the 2nd
of December, 1848, on the eve of his election to the
presidency, he had written to that effect to the
editor of the Paris " Constitutionel," when Cavaignac
announced to the assembly his intention of sending
troops to Civita Vecchia.* When the matter waa

* Louis Kapoleon's letter is as follows : " Knowing thst my

absence from the vote on the expedition to Civita Veccbia has buen

I subject of remark, I think it right that I should avow

Ut, however detormined to support all i

22—2

340

27ie Italian Jievolution.

again brought before tbe assembly the ministry,
instead of plainly avowing their policy, said that they
went to Italy solely to secure the inEuence of France,
and that they would not force any government on
the Italian people ; yet with this vague declaration
the assembly authorized the expedition by 325
against 283 votes. General Oudinot was appointed
to the command, and in his first order of the day,
published on April 20th at Marseilles, he did not
make a single allusion to the Pope, but only in-
dulged in well rounded phrases about the good will
of the French Bepublic to the people of the Roman
States. The result of all this uncertainty was that
no one could be sure whether the government in-
tended to restore the Pope, or join with the Re-
publicans of Rome in fighting the Austrians, and
then establishing a Franco-Italian state in Central
Italy. It is quite possible that this wa.s the real
object of the French president and his advisers. If
80, the public opinion of Catholic France was too
strong for him, and Oudinot was forced on to Rome.
General Avezzana, who, after commanding the
Genoese insurrection had fled to Rome and become
Mazzini's minister of war, had made some preparations
for the defence of Civita Vecchia, and placed a garri-

BBcunBg the freedom and authority of the Soveieign Pontdfi^ I sttQ
could not sanction hy my vote a military demoDBtiKtion, whicb
appeared to mo dantjerous even to the eacred interests it sought («
protect, and calculated to compromiflo the peace of Europe."

Defeat.

341 V

I

I

Bon there. On the 24th a French frigate steamed
into the harbour, and one of Oudinot's aides-de-camp
came ashore and requested that the French expedi-
tion then off the port should be allowed to land.
The local committee of public safety hesitated and
thought at first of resistance ; but their counsels were
divided. They did not know whether the French
were foes or allies : they knew only that if the demand
were refused Oudinot would try to enforce it ; and,
as the people had assumed a threatening aspect to-
wards the local government, it would have been diffi-
cult to resist. They therefore agreed to permit the
landing, and on the 25th the French disembarked to
the cry of " Vive la Rcpuhlique .'— Vive I'ltalie t"
And General Oudinot published a proclamation in
■which, for the first time, he referred to Pius IX., but
BtOl in very vague and undecided terms. The muni-
cipality drew up a protest and posted it on the walls ;
but Oudinot knew the men he had to deal with, and
by his order the copies which had been posted were
torn down, the rest of the Impression seized, and the
printing office occupied. This incident, trifling in it-
self, is important as the first openly hostile act of
the French commander towards the Eoman Republi-
cans.

Meanwhile Mazzini had been making preparations
for the defence of Rome. He endeavoured to obtain
from Victor Emmanuel the six thousand men of tho
Lombard division, lately commanded by the unfortu-

342

The Italian Revolution.

nate Eamorino, but now under the orders of General
Fanti. The division actually set out for Central
Italy during the Genoese insurrection, but it went no
farther than Chiavari, where it first halted and then
retreated. Mazzini has openly charged Fanti with
treachery in tliis affair, alleging that the only object
of the Piedmontese government was to keep the
Lombards from going to Genoa, and that as soon as
they heard of La Marmora's victory they revoked the
permission they had given to the Lombards to pro-
ceed to Rome. One battalion only, the Bersaglieri
of Manara, 600 strong, succeeded in embarking, and
arrived at Civita Vecchia, Oudinot refused to admit
them to the town, but allowed them to go on to Porto
d'Anzo, and, landing there, they reached Kome in
safety.

All the while Oudinot was profuse in his c

t-tnna nf fi-innrlaViin in fTia (1anii4-st.inna vsltSMt K

Rome in
s deda^^H

1

Defeat.

I

brought a proclamation of the generjil's, in which he
aaid that France came only to anticipate the advance
of the Austrian and Neapolitan armies, and would
not interfere with the form of the Roman government,
but Le Blanc, in a private conversation with the
Triumvirs, plainly said that hia country could not see
the Vicar of Christ dethroned without making an
effort to reinstate him. Fabar spoke the language
of official France, but Le Blanc gave utterance to the
sentiments of the Catholic heart of her people. The
Assembly met, and resolved to repel forceby force if the
French tried to enter the city. Sterbini, now Senator
of Rome, harangued the National Guard : the military
authorities began to put the walls and gates in a state
of defence : a committee of barricades was appointed,
and it was announced that the streets would be de-
fended inch by inch. At the same time the shop-
keepers were forbidden to raise the price of provisions,
more paper money was printed off as rapidly as pos-
sible, and decrees were issued regulating the confis-
cation of Church property.

On the 27th of April General Oudlnot pushed for-
ward an advanced guard to Palo. Next day he de-
clared Civita Vecchia in a state of siege, closed the
clubs, disarmed the Republican troops of the garrison,
and issued a proclamation in which, after referring to
the treatment of Pius IX. at the hands of the Revo-
lution, he told his soldiers that they had been defied
by the Republicans of Rome, and called upon them

344 The Italian Revolution.

to accept the challenge. He then inarched out of
the town with 6000 men and 12 guns, and on the
29 th he halted before Borne at Castel di Guido, in-
tending to attempt an assault next day.

The troops which Mazzini and his friends had at
their disposal for the defence consisted of the National
Guard of Rome— on which, however, they could place
but little reliance — the soldiers who had deserted
their colours to join in the attack on the Quirinal,
and some new regiments, formed of all the Revolu-
tionary elements of the Roman States, carefully re-
cruited by the clubs. Besides these, there was a
motley assemblage of Poles, Germans, and Switzers,
and men from various parts of Italy, the Lombard
sharpshooters of Manara, and the ruffianly legions of
Garibaldi and Medici. These last, composed of
veteran Revolutionists contained some of the best
soldiers of the Republic.

Oudinot began his advance at five o'clock on the
morning of the 30th. He did not expect any serious
resistance. The bands played, the officers wore their
parade uniforms, there was no regular plan of attack,
there was no attempt to reconnoitre the ground, and
so badly informed were the staff, that it was believed
that the Porta Pertusa, which had long been walled
up was one of the gates available for an entry. At
eleven, one of the French columns was advancing
through the broken ground in front of the Porta San
Pancrazio, when it encountered Garibaldi's legion.

I

Defeat. 34&

Manara's Lombards, and some of the Roman troops,
who had taken up a position beyond the gate amongst
walls, gardens and villas, the hitter being loop-holed
for musketry. The French tried to clear those ob-
stacles but failed, and while the vanguard was thus
engaged, about three hundred men, who had advanced
too far amongst the enclosures held by the enemy,
were cut off from their friends by Manara and Gari-
baldi, and made prisoners. General Mollier'a brigade
advanced against the walled-up Porta Pertnsa, but,
being without artillery, it had to retire after suffering-
some loss. At the same time the brigade of Le
Vaillant made an attempt against the Porta Angelica.
It was led forward by a road which was swept by
the fire from the walla, and, becoming involved in a
narrow lane, where it was attacked in front and on
both flanks, it was forced to retreat with a loss of
fifty men. At five o'clock Oudinot, finding it was
impossible teenier Rome with the small force at his
command, gave up the attack and fell back to Palo.
There was no pursuit, for Garibaldi knew very well
that his men would be no match for their foes in the
open ground beyond the suburbs. The French had
lost three hundred men ; the Republicans, fighting
under cover, about half that number. But the action
had a result far greater than the slight success ob-
tained by the Republicans. FrencK blood had been
shed by the Garlbaldlans, the tricolor had retreated
before the standards of the Republic, and if only to

The Italian Revolution.

wipe out the stain on the honour of France the fate
of the usurping government was sealed. For a few
weeks diplomacy delayed its downfall. The French
prisoners were exchanged ibr the Roman garrison of
Civita Vecchia ; and an armistice followed, as the
French government was sending an envoy to nego-
tiate with the Triumvirs.

On the 29th, the day before the repulse of the
French, the Kin g of Naples crossed the Roman
frontier with 8,500 men, hoping to co-operate with
Oudinot. As he advanced into the Papal territory,
he was everywhere received by the people with vivas
for Pius IX. ; nor was it only in the presence of
foreign armies that his subjects gave expression to
their loj'alty for the Pope-King. Here and there
throughout the States there were tumults and out-
breaks, in which the popular cry was for the Pope
and against the Republic. At Rome there was con-
tinual fear of a Papal reaction. One day there
was an actual panic. Galetti and some Republican
volunteers seized some unfortunate vine-dressers in
the suburbs, and charged them with being Jesuit
spies sent to excite a rising. They were carried by
a howling mob to the bridge of Saint Angelo, where
they were torn to pieces by the infuriated crowd.
Then the Republicans, under pretext of a search,
plundered several houses and villas, and threutened
to sack the convents. It was while Rome was in
this disturbed state that news arrived of the Neapo-
litan invasion.

I
I

I

Taking advantage of the truce with Oudinot, who
publicly stated that he would not co-operate with the
Neapolitans, Garibaldi was sent with his legion to
observe the movements of King Ferdinand. The
■Kepublican chief occupied the rock-built town of
Palestrina, one of the strongest positions in the
Papal States. He was attacked there by General
Lanza with three battalions and some mountain-
guns on the evening of the 9th of May. The action
lasted until the darkness had closed in, and then
Lanza, who with his light artillery had been unable
to force the strong barricades of Palestrina, fell back
on the main body at Albano. His loss was only 10
killed and 35 wounded, but Garibaldi announced the
affair as a great victory. Nevertheless the NeapoH-
tana were allowed to remain undisturbed at Albano,
withinthreeleaguesof Rome, and to hold undisputed
possession of the country. But on the 17th Colonel
Agostino, whom the king had sent to Oudinot's
headquarters, returned with a message from the
French general, saying that he would allow none but
his own troops to take part in the siege of Rome.
On this the king ordered his army to retire to his
own frontier. No sooner did the retreat begui than
General Roselli, Mazzini'a commander in chief, sallied
out from Rome at the head of 12,000 men to the aid of
Garibaldi, in order to follow the march of the Neapo-
litans and give it the appearance of a flight before
the legions of the new Republic. At Velletri on the

348 The Italian Revolution.

19th, Garibaldi, pushing on with the Roman van-
guard, attacked the Neapolitan rearguard under
Lanza. For ten hours the Neapolitans repulsed
every assault, and the Republicans at length gave
up the attempt to force their position. Next morn-
ing Lanza continued his retreat, and Garibaldi occu-
pied the town, sent news to Rome of a splendid
victory, and shot in cold blood some of the citizens
who had declared for the Pope during the Neapolitan
invasion. On the 26th he made a raid across the
frontier, expecting that the Neapolitans would rise
at his summons ; but far from exciting an jnsurreo-
tion his approach caused nothing but terror among
the peasantry, and he had to retire without effecLiDg
anything. Such was Garibaldi's campaign of 1849,
which has been so much mispresented by some
Italianist writers, who would have us believe that
the Revolutionary hero defeated the Neapolitans in
two great battles, and drove them before him acroBS
their own frontier. The fact was, that they were
reduced to inaction by the jealousy of Oudinot, just
as the Spanish troops, which landed about this time
at Gaeta, had for the same reason to content them-
selves with the occupation of Terracina— a mere
demonstration of the good will of Spain towards the
Holy Father.

Meanwhile the Austrians were performing more
efficient service in the suppression of the Eevolutioa
in the Adriatic provinces. Aftfir the downfall of

Defeat.

Guerrazzi at Florence the Tuscan revolutionists had
concentrated their forces for a last stand at Leghorn.
The corps of D'AsprCj which had been detached by
Kadetzki to assist in the pacification of the coiitre,
appeared before the town on the 0th of May. The
Revolutionary leaders, who had a safe retreat behind
them and vessels in the harbour ready to take them
to France, rejected his summons to surrender. The
attack began next morning, and by the afternoon of
the following day the Austrians were in possession of
the city. With the fall of Leghorn ended the shorts
lived Tuscan Revolution. Unfoilunately the Grand
Duke allowed the Austrians to occupy his capital, a
measure for which there was not at the moment the
least necessity. The people were enthusiastic in his
favour, and they felt insulted by a foreign garrison
being imposed upon them. It was the one error of
Leopold at his restoration.

Having secured Tuscany, D'Aspre put his columns
in motion for Bologna. All the citizens who had
anything to lose were anxious to avoid a conflict, and
above all dreaded seeing arms in the hands of the
Revolutionary mob of the city, and the refugees who
had poured into it from Lombardy and Venetia.
The municipality passed a resolution that even in the
event of resistance being decided upon no arms
ehould be given to the populace and the refugees ;
but the mob broke into the armoury and seized the
weapons stored there, and from that hour a surrender
was impossible.

150

The Italian Revolution.

The AiisLrian vanguard, like that of the French at
■iome [I ftiw days before, approached the place care-
lessly, and way repulsed with some loss. Flushed
i\i.]\ this succeaa the Revolutionary leaders resolved
In a defence u outrancc. Nevertheless it was quite
Ividcnt that resistance was hopeless. The munici'
lallty obtaiEed an armistice of twelve hours, and
ndtiivoured to negotiate a capitulation ; but tha
bob rose upon them, forcing them to break off all
miicatiuns with the Austrians ; and a trium-
irate was appointed to continue the defence. The
[lace held out till the 16th, when the Austrians,
iaving brought up some mortars and guns from
Ltua, began a bombardment. One hour after,
pe besieged hoisted the white flag. Most lenient
were granted to them. The barricades were
removed, the tree of liberty cut down, and all
No

Defeat.

351

I

a brave defence, and held out till the middle of June,
when they capitulated on favourable terms. This
conquest restored peace and order to all the Adriatic
coast of the Roman States, and put an end to the
reign of anarchy and murder which had existed in
the city and the Marches of Ancona since the procla-
mation of the Republic. The Austrians would have
pushed forward into Umbria and joined in the block-
ade of Rome, but Oudioot wrote to their commander
signifying to him that any Austrian movement
towards Rome would be regarded as an insult to
France, and that he was resolved to take the city
unaided. On receiving this warlike message Wimp-
fenn at once ceased his advance. Oudinot had thus
successively rejected the co-operation of Naples,
Spain, and Austria. The plan drawn up at Gaeta
proposed a simple blockade of Rome by the four
armies, which would have led to a surrender in a few
days without firing one shot against the city ; but
the policy of the French president made this
impracticable. Oudinot hurried on to Rome to anti-
cipate his allie-s, and after the repulse at the Porta
San Pancrazio a regular siege became a necessity, at
least in the eyes of the French officers.

The successes of the Austrians had now reduced
the territory of the Roman Republic to the city and
its suburbs. M. de Lesseps, the French envoy, had
been negotiating for a whole month with Mazztni
and his brother Triumvirs. His great object was at

352 The Italian Revolution.

any coat to secure for the French troops a peaceful
entry into Rome, by a convention with the RepubH-
can government, which practically would have been
equivalent to its recognition by France. Each time
that the terras he offered were rejected, he made
them more moderate, until at length he actually
went BO far as to consent to a convention by which
the French troops, without entering the city, were to
■encamp in the neighbourhood of Rome as the allies
of the Republic, and a plebiscite was to decide
whether the Pope should be recalled or not.

Meanwhile General Oudinot had been viewing
with ever increasing displeasure and suspicion the
proceedings of M, de Lesseps. He was anxious to
avenge the repulse of April 30th, by forcing his way
into Rome, and when Lesseps brought him for signa-
ture the draft of his convention with Mazzini, he
burst into a fury, telling the envoy that he would
not sign it, for in doing so he would sacrifice the
honour of France and of the army. Fortunately at
this juncture Lesseps was recalled to France, and
Oudinot, whose army had been raised by reinforce-
ments to 35,000 men, gave notice to the Triumvirs
that the siege of Rome was to commence, and that
he would begin his operations on the 4th of June.

During the armistice, Mazzini and Roselli had
collected all their forces in Rome, barricaded the
streets, mounted new guns on the walls, and ruth-
lessly devastated the suburbs, even in places where

Befmi,

353

there was no fear of an attack. Garibaldi's rabble
had come back from the Neapolitan frontier, and re-
entered the city, where his troops occupied a cou-
ventj the nuns being turned out into the streets to
make way for the red-shirted legionaries. With him
came the Romagnol Zambianclii. Taken from the
prison where he lay charged with nine murders, lie had
been placed in command of a troop of custom-house
guards, on the southern frontier. Thence he had
sent some priests to Rome, charged with correspond-
ing with Gaeta, but us there was no evidence against
them, they had been released. Incensed at what ho
■considered an ill-judged clemency, he swore that
■when next he arrested priests, he himself would be
their executioner ; and now, arrived in Rome, he kept
his word. He took up his quarters at the Benedic-
tine convent of S. CalUsto, in the Trastevere, from
which the inmates had been expelled. His men, by
his orders, arrested prie-sts and monks suspected of
<!onBpiring against the government. Without even
the form of a trial, they were shot in the cloisters,
2ambianchi sometimes (iriiig on them bimself^ at
other time^ entrusting the butchery to his followers.
How many were murdered will never be known.
The French found fourteen corpses half burled in a
pit iu the convent garden ; others were discovered
elsewhere. In all. it is believed that forty or fii'ty is
not too high an estimate of the number massacred at
S. Callisto. There were similar scenes enacted at

2i

The Italian Revolution.

the desecrated convent of Sta. Sabina, od the Celian
HUI. Nor was this all. There were murders in the
public streets, and when the carriages of the cai-di-
nals were burned, more than one of the spectators
was stabbed for daring to express regret at such use-
less destruction.*

Priests were the most frequent victims. One was
shot for admitting the French to his house on Monte
Mario, another for venturing; to appear on the walla ;
another was dragged from the bedside of a. sick man
in one of the hospitals, and shot because he had a
passport for Gaeta, whence he was going to plead a
case before one of the ecclesiastical courts. The
hatred of the Revolutionists for religion in eveiy
form evinced itself in threats against the noblest
monuments of Christian art, and it was gravely pro-
posed that, in the event of surrender being inevitable,
St. Peter's and the Vatican should be burned to the
ground. The Sisters of Charity were banished from
the hospitals, and their places were taken by aban-
doned women gathered by the Princess Belgiojoao
from the streets of Rome, so that the unfortunate
men who were wounded in the defence, instead of
seeing the daughters of Saint Vincent watching over
their bed of suffering, died with the incarnation of
vice and ineligion before their eyes.+

• The Times, May, 1849.
t More might be toM of tho state of the fiomrm hospitals dariiig
the siege, but vliat we luive said ia enough. Attempts have t

Defeat.

355

The arras of France were now to drive from the

Holy City the men who had thus made it a den of

anarchy and corniption. General Oudinot had given

notice that he would attack the " place " {jiiazza) on

June 4th ; but, rightly or wrongly (for we will not

discuss the point), he considered himself free to begin

his operations against the outlying suburha before

that date. Oudinot had resolved to attack Rome on

the side of the Trastevere. In that direction rhe

point which was most easily assailable was the sharp

salient angle which contains St. Peter's and the

I "Vatican, but as an attack upon it would have in-

ievitably led to irreparable damage to the palace and

I the great basilica, the French engineers resolved to

I direct their operations against the long bastioned

I wall of the Janiculum, to the south of the Vatican.

I At 3 a.m. on the morning of the 3rd, the French

1 attacked the Republican outposts in the villas out-

I mde the Porta San Pancrazio, which pierces the

I centre of the wall of the Janiculum. By seven

o'clock they had captured the houses, but all day

the Republicans, led by Roselli, Garibaldi, and

Manara, kept sallying out in great numbers, and

( made desperate attempts to recover their lost ground.

I It was not until nightfall that the last of these attacks

made to deny these Btatements, but there is too ample proof of theni
1 in tbo " Moraoira of the Princess Belgiij'jao," auperintentlent of
\ the hospitals under the rule of Mouini, and tberoforo tho best au-
I thority on the subject.

23—3

356 The Italian Revolulixm.

was repulsed^ and the French were in secure pcsses-
sion of the hotly-contested suburb.

Next day the trenches were opened by the Frenck
engineers in front of the wall, and on the 6th,
Oudinot's fire, commencing from thirteen guns, soon
began to produce an eflTect on the heavy brick walk
of the Janiculum. The besieged Republicans made
frequent sorties, but never in any great force, and
they were invariably repulsed with severe loss. In-
deed, though the Triumvirs had enough of material
force for the defence, their military leaders directed
it with very little skill, and the general opinion was
that the French were fortunate in getting into Rome
as easily as they did, for, held by brave men with
good leaders, the position of the Janiculum, with its
double wall, would have been almost impregnable ;
but Roselli, Avezzana, and Garibaldi knew very
little of the art of defending walls against regular
approaches and well-served artillery. When the
breach began to open in the wall near the Porta San
Pancrazio, there was not even an attempt made to
retrench it. Roselli indeed wished to do it, but
Garibaldi would not let him.

The fact was, Mazzini relied less on what Garibaldi
and his colleagues could do for the defence, than on
what might be accomplished by Ledru RoUin and
the Communists of Paris. He was deeply implicated
in the plot for the intended outbreak on the 13th of
June, and his hope was that a successful revolution

would place Ledru RolUn at the head of affairs m
France, lu which case Oudinot's troops would at
once cease their operations against Rome, and be-
come the allies of the Republic. But on the miser-
able failure of the plot and the flight of Ledru Rollin,
this hope vanished, and Mazzini saw the walls of the
Jaoiculum fast crumbling before the fire of the
French artillery, while there was not the remotest
prospect of any relief or succour from hb £ne:
abroad.

The fire of the Roman guns was silenced, and on
the night of the Slat of June (the anniversary of the
Pope's coronation), while the Republicans were dis-
putiog amongst themselves, and Sterbint and Gari-
baldi were trying to wrest the command from
Mazzini and Roselli, a French storming party sur-
prised the breach, and before evening they had en-
trenched themselves on the Janiculum, and were
bringing up guns to continue the attack on the inner
defeDces of Rome.

Roselli withdrew his troops to the old Aureli;
■wall in front of the church of St. Petro di Montorlo,
where he had a second line of defence. For eight
days the fire of the French batteries was directed
against the old wall and the adjacent buildings.
Another great anniversary came round — St. Peter's
Day, the 29th of June, That morning it was clear
that the breach in the Aurelian wall was practicable,
and Oudinot resolved to signalize the day by an

the
test^^^

I '

ner

liai^H
rio,^^H
ght 1

ited

358 The Italian Revolution.

attack. The evening was dark and gloomy. As
night closed in, a thunder-storm burst over the city.
The Republicans had illuminated the dome of St
Peter's, and that night the beleaguered capital of
Christendom presented a strange spectacle. High
up in the darkened sky the glittering arches of light
traced out the form of the mighty cupola. Along
the Janiculum blazed and thundered the artillery of
France, while from the Aurelian wall the Republi-
cans replied. Their gunners were falling fast under
the stonh of exploding shells, but they were lashed
to the guns, and could not flinch. Over all the
angry sky poured down its forked darts of lightning,
and the thunder crashed and roared above the
cannonade. Amid the storm and darkness the firing
ceased, and the French columns came pouring up the
breach, and swept all before them. Four hundred
Republicans were bayoneted upon the wall, amongst
them the Lombard Manara. Rome was won, for,
with the high ground of the Trastevere in the pos-
session of the French, further resistance was im-
possible.

Next morning the Assembly met at the CapitoL
Mazzini urged a desperate resistance from house
to house, or the evacuationi of the city and the trans-
fer of the war to the provinces. Nevertheless the
deputies accepted a motion authorizing a capitu-
lation. Oudinot held possession of the ground he
had won without advancing into the city. To the

DefmL 359

deputation sent to him by the municipality to nego-
tiate for terms, he repHed that he would accept
nothing but an unconditional surrender. This an-
swer waa communicated to the Assembly on the
llnd of July, and they grandiloquently resolved to
remain at their posts without taking any notice
of the proceedings of the French general. Tliey also
decided that all who had fought in defence of Rome
should receive the citizenship, that the obsequies
of the slain should be celebrated in St. Peter's,
and pensions bestowed on their relatives, and that
the constitution of the Republic,, which had just
been drawn up, should he proclaimed next day from
the Capitol, and then engraved there on marble
tablets.

That evening Garibaldi mustered his legion In the
great piazza before St. Peter's. Besides his im-
mediate followers he rallied to his standard the le-
gion of Medieij the foreign troops, in a word all the
desperadoes of the Republican army who feared for
their safety if they remained in Itome. The force
thus assembled amounted to 4000 foot and 5(iO
horse. Garibaldi put himself at their head. IIo
was accompanied by his wife, Anita, an ama;!on who
had often fought by his aide. "I offer you," he said
to this motley array, " iresh battles and new laurels,
but at the price of greater perils and fatigues. Let
those follow me who have courage ; let those follow
me who have faith In the salvation of Italy. We

360 Tlie Italian Revolution.

have stained our hands in the blood of France,
but we will plunge our arms in that of the Aus-
trians/'

Then the march began. Ciceruacchio took the
place of guide. The column crossed the bridge of
S. Angelo, wound through the city, and, pouring out
by the gate of S. Giovanni, pressed forward towards
Tivoli, fearful of pursuit. French and Neapolitan
columns were advancing after him ; he turned north-
ward, and, passing by the field of Mentana, where
eighteen years after his star went down in blood, he
reached Monte Rotondo. Pursuing his march to
Terni he was joined by 900 men, and they advanced
to the Tuscan frontier, in the hope of exciting an
insurrection in the Grand Duchy. But the Aus-
trians closed in upon his front. He was repulsed
from the walls of Arezzo, and efiected a difficult
retreat into the Apennines, where for a time he
evaded the pursuit of his enemies ; his legion all
the while melting away, and the worst of his fol-
lowers plundering wherever they went. Arrived at
length at S. Marino he claimed the protection of the
Republic, and disbanded the greater part of his
column. For years after many of his followers of
1849 formed a dangerous banditti, which infested
the passes of the Apennines. Feeling that the little
Republic could not protect him, he pressed on to the
Adriatic coast with a few men, not more than three
hundred in all. With these he put to sea in thirteen

Defeat.

361

fishing boats, and arrived in sight of Venice ; but the
Austrian cruisei-s captured Jind dispersed his little
squadron. He hiniself escaped ^^■ith a few followers
to Central Italy. His wife died on the third day
after he landed, his few men left him, and alone he
passed through Tuscany and escaped to Tunia, wher&
he found a. ship to take him to New York. But,
though defeated, he had done his work at Rome.
His name was ii power in Italy, and he was soon to
return to conquests, won not by valour but by official
treachery.

The day after Garibaldi marched out of Home
the French troops entered the rescued city. The
streets were thronged with people, and the agents of
the secret societies mingled with the crowd. They
raised loud outcries against the priests, against the
French, against Oudinot, and more than once they
tried to lead the people to attack the troops. The
dagger, tlie favourite weapon of the Revolution, was
at work on all sides, and several priests and some
Frenchmen were killed or severely wounded. Next
day the troops diaperaed the Assembly, and a strict
military rule soon restored order in the city. Maz-
zini lingered in Rome a few days in the hope of
exciting another Revolution. He proposed to Ro-
selii that he should ask Oudinot to encamp the
Roman troops outside the city, and then treache-
rously recover possession of it, by a sudden attack on
the French in concert with an insurrection in the

362 The Italian Revolution.

streets.* But the plan was rejected as impracti-
cable, and he took his departure for England.

On the fifth of July Colonel Niel of the French
Engineers — a brave soldier of Irish descent, whose
name in later yeaiB attained a European celebrity —
arrived at Gaeta to lay at the feet of Pius IX. the
keys of his capital, now rescued- from the grasp
of the Revolution. The Holy Father, in return,
sent his blessing to the army and to Catholic France.
" Receive my congratulations. General," he wrote in
his reply to Oudinot, " congi-atulations not on the
blood which has been shed, for that my heart ab-
hors, but on the triumph of order over anarchy, and
on the liberty restored to all Christian and honest
men, which will make it no longer a crime to enjoy
the blessings which the Lord has imparted, and
to adore Him with the religious solemnity of public
worship, without running the risk of losing life or
liberty."

So ended the Italian war of 1849 ; it was but the
sequel of the failure of 1848. But for the Revo-
lutionary party the struggle might have had a
happier ending, and Italy might have dated from
1848 the era of her unity and independence — a
unity and independence far different from that she
now possesses, which is only subjection and servi-
tude to Piedmont. Had Charles Albert been al-
lowed by the Revolutionists of the North to accept
the proposals of Austria, Lombardy would have been

* life and Works, vol. v.

I
I

Defeat.

ceded to Piedmont, and Venice would have 1
a quasi-independent state. But for the Revolution-
ists of the South, the Neapolitan army would have
remained in the North, and might have turned the
tide of war against Riuietzki ; but the insurrections
of Naples, Calabria and Sicily forced Ferdinand to re-
■call it for the defence of his throne. He could not act
otherwise when his life and liberty were endangered
by the discontented spirits of his capital, and when
every effort was being made to sever Sicily from hJs
dominions, and that too at a time when all should
have been united against the common foe. Finally,
if, instead of yielding to a miserable ambition for the
preeminence of Piedmont over the other states, and a
jealousy of Rome and of the Pope, which was the
natural result of the traditions of the secret societies,
the Cabinet of Turin had accepted the proposals
of Pius IX., the Italian League, so long desired
by the true friends of Italy, would have become a
reality, the armies of the federated states would have
marched together to free the soil of their country from
foreign domination, and an Italian Diet assembled at
Rome imder the presidency of Pius IX. would have
consolidated the unity of Italy without destroying
the independence of its individual states.

Never let it be forgotten that Pius IX. was the
first to propose the Italian League, that the Grand
Duke of Tuscany and the much calumniated Ferdi-
nand of Naples were ready to assist in efl'ecting the con-

364 The Italian Revolution.

federation, and that the one obstacle to it was Pied-
mont, then under the influence of the Revolutionary
party. In the ranks of that party were the real
enemies of Italy, foes far worse than the Austrians.
Resolved on accomplishing their one idea — the es-
tablishment of an infidel Italian republic extending
from the Alps to Sicily — they opposed the idea
of the League, because the Pope was its promoter,
and because it would have proved an insurmountable
obstacle to their plans. In the war of 1848 they
had played a secondary part; in 1849 they suc-
ceeded in openly assuming the leadership in the
conflict with Austria. Charles Albert was a mere
tool in their hands, and in the Centre they were the
rulers of Rome and Florence. They saw their power
crushed by the arms of Austria and France, but the
Revolution was not destroyed. The first epoch in
the struggle had closed — that was all. The defeat
of 1849 was for the Revolutionists of Italy but the
prelude of the triumph of ten years after.

The Revolution of the barricades was at an end —
the Revolution whose leaders were the chiefs of the
sects, its armies the young enthusiasts of the uni-
versities and the rabble of the great towns, its
exchequer the contributions of sympathisers through-
out Italy and Europe, its allies the Liberals of
France — the Revolution whose battles were won at
the barricades of insurgent capitals, but which had
never placed an eflficient army in the field. But

Defeal.

365

I

another phase of the Revolution began — the Revo-
lution of the bitreaxvx, planned in the cabinets of
ministers, led by kin;^9, having armies and powerful
alliances at its command, and the wealth of kiDgdo:n3
pouring into its coffers..

We are now about to enter upon the history of its
first victories in Italy, a tale of infamy, perfidy, and
^leceit as dark as any recorded in the annals of man-
kind. Even the men of the barricades were far
above the treacherous conspirators of the ministerial
hureaux. Europe, in its pagan worship of success,
has too long closed its eyes to the crimes of Cavour
and his colleagues ; it is time that the truth should
be spoken fully and fearlessly. Lovers of truth, we
have no object but to disperse the cloud of prejudice
and deceit, which has hitherto obscnred the nar-
ration of these events from the eyes of many, who
■would equally with us condemn their authors, if
they understood the real character of the Revolution
■which effected the socalled Unity of Italy. We
judge it, not by the invectives of its foes, but by the
confessions of its friends, many of them the col-

.gues and allies of the arch -conspirator, Cavour.
One thing only we ask to be conceded to us ; it
is the principle from which we set out — that false-
hood does not become truth because it is spoken by
& statesman or a king, and that robbery does not
■cease to be dishonest and dishonourable when the
xpoil is a 'whole kingdom.

APPENDIX.

No. L

Constitution granted by Ceiarles Albert to Piedmont
(Feb. 8th, 1848), now foriunq the StahUo FondamerUo^

OF THE EjNGDOM OF ITALY.

Article 1. — The Catholic Apostolic and Soman religion is the
sole religion of the state.

The other forms of public worship at present existing are tole-
rated in conformity with the laws.

Article 2. — The person of the Sovereign is sacred and invio-
lable. His ministers are responsible.

Article 3. — To the King alone appertains the executive power.
He is the supreme head of the state. He commands all the forces,
both naval and military; declares war, concludes treaties of peace,
alliance and commerce ; nominates to all offices, and gives all the
necessary orders for the execution of the laws without suspending
or dispensing with the observance thereof.

Article 4. — ^The King alone sanctions and promulgates the
laws.

Article 5. — ^All justice emanates from the King, and is ad-
ministered in his name. He may grant mercy and commute pun-
ishment.

Article 6. — ^The legislative power will be collectively exer-
cised by the King and by two Chambers.

Article 7. — ^The first of these Chambers will be composed of
Members nominated by the King for life ; the second wiU be
elective on the basis of the census to be determined.

Appendix. 367

Article 8. — ^The proposal of laws will appertain to the King
and to each of the Chambers, but with the distinct understanding
that all laws imposing taxes must originate in the elective Cham-
ber.

Article 9. — ^The King convokes the two Chambers annually,
prorogues their sessions and may dissolve the elective one ; but
in this case he will convoke a new assembly at the expiration of
four months.

Article 10. — ^No tax may be imposed or levied if not assented
to by the Chambers and sanctioned by the King.

Article 11. — The press will be free, but subject to repressive
laws.

Article 12. — Individual liberty will be guaranteed.

Article 13. — The judges, with the exception of mandamenio^
will be irremovable after having exercised their functions for a
certain space of time, to be hereafter determined.

Article 14. — We reserve to ourselves the power of establish-
ing a district militia (una milizia communakj composed of persons
who may pay a rate which will be fixed upon hereafter. This
militia will be placed under the command of the administrative
authority, and in dependence on the Minister of the Interior.

The King will have the power of suspending or dissolving it in
places where he mav deem it opportune so to do.

No. 11.

Draft Treaties for the Italian League, proposed bt

Pius IX.

(See Chap. VI., § iv., pp. 267, 268.)

I. Treaty drawn up durino the Mission of Rosmini.

In the name of the Holy and Undivided Trinity.

Ever since the three Courts of Home, Turin, and Florence con-
cluded the Customs* League, their idea has been to enter into a
a Political League, which might become the active nucleus of

368 The Italian Revolution.

Italian nationality, and give to Italy that unity of force which is
needed for internal and external defence, and for the r^alar and
progressive development of national prosperity. As this intention
-could not be realized in a complete and permanent form, unless
the aforesaid League assumed the shape of a Confederation of
States, the three above.-named Governments, fixed in the resolu-
tion to bring their plan to effect, and in order to make it known
before Italy and Europe that the said Confederation exists be-
tween them, as well as to establish its primary conditions, have
appointed as their Plenipotentiaries, His Holiness the Sovereign
Pontiff, the King of Sardinia, &c., H.I. and RH. the Grand Duke
of Tuscany, &c., and who, having exchanged their full powers, &c.,
have agreed among themselves on the following articles, which
will acquire the validity of a formal Treaty after Eatification by
the High Contracting Parties.

Article 1. — A perpetual Confederation is established between
the States of the Church, of the King of Sardinia, and of the
•Grand Duke of Tuscany, which, by the union of their strength
and action, is to guarantee the dominions of the said States, and
to protect the progressive and peaceful development of the liber-
ties granted in them, and of the national prosperity.

Article 2. — The august and immortal Pontiff, Pius IX., medi-
ator and initiator of the League and the Confederation, and his
successors, shall be their Perpetual Presidents.

Article 3. — Within one month from the ratification of the
present Convention, a delegation from the three Confederated
States shall assemble in Rome, each State sending three Deputies,
who shall be elected by the Legislative Power, and authorized to
discuss and enact the Federal Constitution.

Article 4. — The Federal Constitution shall have for its aim
the organization of a Central Power, to be exercised by a perma-
nent Diet in Rome, whose principal functions shall be the follow-
ing :—

(a.) To declare war and peace, and, as well in case of war as in
time of peace, to fix the contingents required of the several States,
both for external independence and internal tranquillity.

(6.) To regulate the system of Customs-duties for the Confedera-

f

Apj)endix. 369

tion, and to make a jiiat partition of the respective charges and
proceeds among the States.

{f). To manage and negotiate Treaties of Commerce and Navi-
gation with foreign nations.

((/). To watch over the concord and good underatanding of the
Confederated States, -and to maintain their political equality, with
a perpetual power of mediation in the Diet for all disputes which
may arise among them,

(<). To make provision *f or unity in their monetary system,
weights and measures, military discipline, and laws of trade ; and
to concert with each State the means of gradual arrival at the
greatest practicable uniformity in respect also to other branches
of political, civil, and penal legislation, and of procedure.

(/). To order and manage, with the approval and co-operation
of the several States, enterprises of general advantage to the
nation.

Article 5.~It shall be free to all the other Italian States to
aocede to the present Confederation.

AkTICLE 6. — The present treaty shall be ratified by the High
Contracting Parties, within one month, or sooner if possible.

II, Treaty drawn up under the Mixi.sTRr ov Robsj.

His Holiness, the Sovereign Pontiff. {Titles of Contracting Parties) .

Having maturely considered the present circumstances of Italy
and the natural community of interest which exists among the
independent Stales of the Peninsula ; and desirous, accordingly,
of providing by mutual agreement for the defence of their freedom
and independence ; and at the same time of consolidating public
order, and promoting the gradual and regular progress of pros-
perity and civilization, the chief element of which is the Catholic
religion, have concluded the following stipulations as a funda-
mental law for their respective States; —

Article 1, — There shall be a League between, Scz. &c.

Article 2. — Every other independent Sovereign and State of
Italy may within the space of ... . give its adlicsion to the League
and become an integral part of it.

24

~A

370 The Italian Revolution.

Article 3. — ^The affairs of the Leagae shall be propounded
and dealt with, in a Congress of Plenipotentiaries depnted bj
each contracting party. Each State may choose them according
to such roles as it may think most seasonable to establish for
itself.

Arttcle 4. — The number of Plenipotentiaries shall not exceed
for each State. Whatever the namber be, the Plenipoten-
tiaries of a Sovereign represent collectively the State which has
sent them> express in the discussions the view of their principal,
and have no more than one vote.

Article 5. — ^The Congress is provided over by the Pope ; and
under his authority, by such one of the Roman Plenipotentiaries
as he shall select.

Article 6. — ^l%e organic regulations for the Congress of the
League shall be adopted in a preliminary Congress, to be opened

at Rome not later than the and shall thereafter be ratified

by the High Contracting Parties.

Article 7. — ^The High Contracting Parties promise not to
conclude with other States or Governments any treaty, conven-
tion, or special agreement, at variance with the terms and resolu-
tions of the Italian League, and the rights and obligations flowing
from them ; saving always the entire freedom of the Pope to con-
clude treaties or Conventions, directly or indirectly relating to
matters of religion.

the end.

R WABHBOURirB, PRINTBB, 18 PATSBKOSTSM BOW, LOMDOII.

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