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600099607- 




HISTORY 



OF 



LA.TIN CHRISTIANITY; ^ 






INCLUDING THAT OF 



THE POPES 



TO 



THE PONTIFICATE OF NICOLAS V. 



BY HENRY HART MILMAN, D.D., 

DEAN OF ST. PAUL'S. 



VOLUME IV. 



LONDON: 
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET. 

1855. 



//^}, A.. ^^/ 



77je riiiht of Pranslalion it retrtcui. 



■i 



i 



i 



LONDON: 

PRINTKD BY W. CLOWES AND SONS, STAMFORD 8TR££T, 
AND CHARING CROSS. 



PREFACE. 



I CANNOT oflFer the concluding volumes of the History 
of Latin Christianity without expressing my grateful 
sense of the kind and liberal manner in which the 
former portion of the work has been generally received. 
In these volmnes I trust that I have not fallen below 
my constant aim — calm and rigid impartiality; the 
fearless exposure of the bad, fiill appreciation of the 
good, both in the institutions and in the men who have 
passed before my view. I hope that I may aver with- 
out presumption that my sole object is truth — trutli 
uttered in charity ; and where truth has appeared to 
me unattainable from want of sufficient authorities, 
or from authorities balanced or contradictory, I have 
avoided the expression of any positive opinion. I am 
unwilling to claim the authority of history for that for 
which there is not historical evidence. I would further 
remind the reader that if the course of aflFairs during 
these ages should appear dark, at times almost to re- 
pulsiveness, still in the dreariest and most gloomy 
period of Christian history there was always an under- 
current of humble. Christian goodness flowing on, as 
the Saviour himself came, " without observation," the 
light of which we can discern but by faint and transitory 
glimpses. 

Only one book, as far as I know, has appeared since 

a 2 



IV PREFACE. 

the publication of the first part of my work, which has 
further elucidated any of the subjects treated in those 
volumes — the ' Life of Mohammed/ by Dr. Sprenger. 
After the perusal of that work, so much more full than 
any former history on the earlier and more authentic 
traditions of the Prophet, I have the satisfaction to 
find that though I might be disposed to add a few 
sentences, I find nothing in my own more brief and 
rapid sketch to alter or to retract. Moreover (I write 
with diffidence), it appears to me that Dr. Sprenger has 
hardly drawn the line, if it can be drawn, between 
the Historical and the Legendary in the life of Mo- 
hammed. I cannot but think that the Koran, after all, 
is the one safe and trustworthy authority for the life, 
the acts, and the aims, of the founder of Islam. 

Some, even of my most friendly critics, have observed 
certain negligences and inaccuracies of style in the 
former volumes. Most, I will not venture to say all 
of these, are to be traced to errors of the press and 
of punctuation ; some few, perhaps, to an injudicious 
attempt at too close condensation of the multifarious 
materials. I would respectfully request the reader's 
attention to the page of additions and corrections. In 
one point, too, I must solicit his indulgence. During 
the course of printing I have thought it better to 
make some alteration in the distribution ; I will there- 
fore request that the second part of Book IX. be read 
as Book X. It is so corrected in the running-title of 
contents. 



CORRIGENDA ET ADDENDA. 

^Some of these Errata have been noticed hifore,^^ 



>f 






VOL. I. 

In Chronology, p. 13, insert "a.d. 138, Antoninus Pius." p. 17, aj>. 387, for 

«• at " read " ad." 

p. 29, add to Note ^ "A Saint Martial de Limoges on chantait en Grec dans le 
X"^ siMe, k la messe du jour de la Penteo6te, le Gloria, le Sanctus, TAgnns 
Dei : le fait est ^tabli par on MS. de la Biblioth^ue Royale, No. 4458. Jour- 
dain, Traductions d'Aristote, p. 44." 

p. 52, Note. I ought to hare noticed the more than doubtful authenticity of this 
passage, which is not in the best MSS. or earliest copies of Cyprian. Cyprian's 
view of St. Peter's position as regards the other apostles was more vague and 
indistinct. 

p. 69, line 9, for " Constantine " read *' Constantius." 

p. 87, line 21, for "geater" read ••greater." 

p. 89, for " Valentinian 11. " read " Valentinian III. :'* correct date ** a.d. 421." 

p. 99, line 9, for " by no means" read '* in no way.' 

p. 122, Note ■, for *' Procolus " read " Lazarus." 

p. 126, Note, for " toto " read " tota.' 

p. 207, line 11 from bottom, for *' Macrianus " read *' Mnximus.' 

p. 222, Chronology, insert " a.d. 530, Boniface II. " before Dioscorus Antipope. 

p. 224, head of Chapter, for '* Monophytism " read " Monophysitism." 

p. 229, Note. This kind of asceticism was the admiration of the East to a late 
period. Eustathius of Thessalonica addressed a St;^lites in the 12th century, 
admonishing the saint against pride, yet asserting this to be the utmost height 
of religion. Eustathii Opuscula, ed. Tafel. p. 182. For Walfilaic, the one 
Stylite of the West at Tr^es, see Greg. Tur. yiii. c. 15. 

p. 251, for " Anastasins I." read " Anastasius 11." 

p. 255, after '* doctrines" dele comma. 

p. 263, Note', for «'folgende" read •*folgenden:" for "dem" read "den:" for 
"81" read "61 :" for "Bede, 11-13" read " Bede, ii. 13." 

p. 287, for " Rheims" read " Rouen." 

p. 315, line 13, East and West " are " at peace. 

p. 332, Note, for " Restitutus " read " Reparatus." 

p. 339, four lines from bottom, dele " rather." 

p. 344, for " 545 " read " 554 :" for " 546 *' read " 556." 

p. 353, line 16, for "having" read "had." 

p. 378, line 22, for "arise" read " arises." 

p. 379, for "condemnfod" read " condemned." 

p. 410, line 5 from bottom, for " dangerous ** read " perilous." 

p. 429, line 9, " Benedict I." 

p. 440, line I, for " region " read " district." 

p. 448 : the better reading is " Ethelbert and Bertha. There was a letter Xq 

each." 
p. 449, Note *, for " cultivators as" read " as cultivators of." 
p. 456, Note '^ has been repeated from p. 438. 



VI CORRIGENDA BT ADDENDA. 

VOL. n. 

p. 60, line 28, for " East Angles " read «* East Saxons." 
p. 76, line 15, for " Inda " read " Tuda." 

p. 100, Dates of S. Colnmban: in Bui^gundy abont 690; banished by Theod. 11. 
about 606 ; died 615. 

p. 109, Side Date, for " 600 ** read " 700." 

p. HI, „ for *« 724" read « 721." 

p. 112, for " 122, 123, 128" read " 722, 723, 723." 

p. 132, line 7 from bottom, for «* Pontus " read " Portiis." 

p. 189, line 11, for *'Eaphemta" read " Euphemia." 

p. 249-50, for « 777, 778" read « 767, 768." 

p. 331, margin, for " liaa" read " lies." 

p. 343, line 25, for " left " read " right." 

p. 474, for «* 297 " read «' 972." 

p. 485, for " 1080 " read " 1000." 

VOL. m. 

p. 22, line 11 from bottom, for "in " read ** at." 

p. 24, line 5, for '' desseminated " read ** disseminated." 

p. 107, line 12, for "reprisals" read •« reprisal." 

p. 108-109, for sentence << hereditary succession, &c., repeated" read p 109 

** hereditary succession, we have said, and the degeneracy of the order were 

inseparable." 

p. 135, line 17 from bottom, for "vassals" read ''vessels." 

p. 149, margin, for "Menta" read " Worms." 

p. 157, mai^gin, for << deposition " read "desertion." 

p. 189, Note, for « Wewjlin" read « Weielin." 

p. 193, line 8, for « Roger" read " Robert." 

p. 200, line 8, after " power " comma for senucolon. 

pi 249, line 12, for « discriminate " read " draw the line." 

p. 256, line 15, for ** to something " read "to a restraint." 

p. 283, Note % for " Annabe " read «« Anche." 

p. 301, Note, read " Ursbergensis." 

p. 315, line 14, for " bought " read " brought." 

p. 833, Running Title, for << youths *' read " youth." 

p. 350, for " that last retreat" read "* those last retreats." 

p. 369, line 18, for "rapidly " read "speedily." 

p. 377, line 19, dele comma after ''apprehension:" note, for '^Helotsan" read 
" Heloisam.*' 

p. 392, 4 lines from bottom, for " his " read " their." 

p. 394, Note «, for " Corbieures " read " Corbienses." 

p. 430, 431, clause repeated. 

p. 443, Une 9, dele " that of." 

p. 445, line 4, " future." 

p. 447, line 3 from bottom, for " and the Empire" read "but the Empire." 

p. 458, Note ", for "Richard" read « Roger:" for " Walter" read "Geoffrey." 

p. 483, 484, sentence inadvertently repeated. 

p. 497, for " hope " read " desire." 

p. 503, Note", for "Peterborough" read "Norwich." Add, "Ridel became 
Bishop of Ely." 

p. 529, line 9 from bottom, after enemies, comma instead of full-stop, 
p. 552, Note ', for " Chenier " read " Cherrier." 



CORRIGENDA ET ADDENDA. vii 



VOL. IV. 



># 



p. 9» line 1, for "* loie" read " veil. 

p. 47, Note, for "PhUip" read *«Otha" 

p. 166, line 1, for <*of all except" read "be^des the." 

p. 191, line 10 from bottom, for « Patrareh" read '* Petrarch." 

p. 2U, Note «, for " Papam " read " Papa." 

p. 244, line 10 from bottom, for ''neighbouhood" read ''neighbourhood. 

p. 313, line 5 from bottom, for *' even " read ''and." 

p. 320, line 18, for "his" read "Frederick's." 

p. 383, Note ', for " judicandom" read "judicaudam." 

p. 420, line 16, for " was " read " were." 

p. 466, line 13 from bottom, for " Frederick " read " lunocent." 



VOL. V. 

p. 27, for « 1350" read " 1260." 

p. 85, line 23, for " invited" read '* invented.' 

p. 51, line 10, after "the mastery " insert " of the Dominicans.' 

p. 64, line 18, for " the treachery of" read " throagh treachery.' 

p. 78, line 21, for " Constantine" read " Conradin.' 

p. 93, line 3 from bottom, for " tridate " read " tribute." 

p. 101, line 24, for " water" read " wine." 

p. 122, for " 1225" read " 1285." 

p. 208, line 13, for " stranger" read "stronger." 

p. 224, line 5 from bottom, for " Pope " read " King." 

p. 274, for " 1309 " read " 1304." 

p. 31 2| Note % for " oonciliam" read " conoiliom." 

p. 331, Side note, for "excommunications" read "examinations." 

p. 350, Head line, for " Nestorians " read " Historians." 

p. 387, for " 1312" read " 1311." 

p. 418, Note *, for " on " read " in." 

p. 428, lines 13 and 18, for " Gerald" read " Gerard." 

p. 454, last word, for " if" read " it." 

p. 528, line 15, for period and capital letter read semicolon and "the." 



ft 

If 



VOL. VI. 

p. 82, line 15, for " Lucca " read " Luna." 

p. 509, line 8, for " Southern" read " Northern." The reference in note * is to the 

History of Christianity, 
p. 587, line 1, for " in tlie South " read " in Sicily." 



CONTENTS 



OF 



THE FOURTH VOLUME. 



^^^^^^^^^^0^^^^ 



BOOK IX. 



INNOCENT III. 



CHAPTER I. 
Hove and Italy. 

A.D. PAOB 

The Papal autocracy 3 

Its growth 4 

Effect of Cmsades 6 

Innocent III 9 

1160 or 1161 Birth of Innocent ib. 

Education and connexions ib. 

1190 Gardinalate 10 

1198 Election to Papacy . . * 11 

State of Christendom 12 

1198-1202 I. The City of Rome ....... 13 

Hatred of Rome and Yiterbo 15 

Orsini and Sootti 16 

II. Italy 17 

Markwald — Conrad of Lutzenberg .... 19 

1198 Queen Constantia 21 

Markwald before Monte Casino 23 

1199 Markwald excommunicated 25 

1201 Walter of Brienne 27 

1202 Death of Markwald 28 

Frederick II. — his youth 29 



CONTENTS OF VOL. IV. 



AJ>. 

1198 
Ibid. 
Ibid. 



1199 

1200 

1201 

1198-1208 
1207 
1208 



CHAPTER n. 
Innocent and the Empire. 

PAGB 

Pbilip the Swabian, King of the RonMms ... 31 

Otho of Brunswick 32 

Conduct of Innocent 34 

QoFonation of Philip 85 

Civil war 36 

Innocent's declaration 37 

Envoys to Rome 38 

War renewed 39 

Pope Innocent's Deliberation 41 

Activity of Innocent 45 

Coronation of Otho 46 

Addresses of the Qerman Princes ..... ib. 

Ten years' war 51 

Absolution of Philip 52 

Murder of Philip ib. 



CHAPTER in. 

Innocent asd the Expebob Otho IV. 

1209 Otho Emperor — Crowned in Rome 
Enmity between Innocent and Otho 

1211 Otho excommunicated 

Ibid. Movements in Germany .... 

Overtures to Frederick .... 

1212 Otho in Germany 

Frederick King of the Romans 

1214 Battle of Bonvines 



54 
55 
56 
57 
ib. 
58 
60 
61 



CHAPTER IV, 

Innocent and Philip Auousnrs op Fbance. 

Monarchy of France 

1196 Marriage of Philip with Ingeburga of Denmark 

Agnes of Meran 

1198 Innocent's letter on the marriage of Philip Augustas 

1199 Interdict 

Wrath of Philip Augustus 

1200 Innocent inflexible ...... 

Council of Soissons 

Death of Agnes of Meran 



62 
63 
65 
ib. 
67 
69 
70 
73 
74 



CONTENTS OF VOL. IV. 



XI 



CHAPTER V. 
Innocent and England. 

A.D. PAOK 

Richard 1 70 

1199 Jolm's accession, divorce, aud marriage ... 77 

1200 Contest with Philip Augustus 78 

Death of Arthur 79 

1206 Loss of Norman dominions 81 

1205 Quarrel with the Pope ahout Archbishop of Canterbury ib. 

1206 Election ^Appeal 88 

Stephen Langton 84 

Fury of John 85 

He persecutes the Clergy 87 

Excommunication of John 89 

1211 Subjects released from allegiance ib. 

1213 His throne offered by the Pope to any conqueror . . 91 

Offer accepted by Philip Augustus .... ib. 

John's desperation 92 

Pandulph Legate 93 

1213 Treaty with the Pope 94 

Surrender of the kingdom to the Pope .... 95 

Wrath of Philip Augustus 97 

John embarks for Poitou 99 

Nobles refuse to accompany him ib. 

Second surrender at St. Paul's, London . . • 101 

1214 Meeting at St. Edmonsbury 102 

1215 Magna Charta 104 

Pope Innocent's letter ....... 105 

Langton in Some 110 



CHAPTER VI. 



Innocent and Spain. 



1212 Battle of Naves de Toloea 112 

King of Portugal 113 

King of Leon . 114 

King of Navarre 116 

1204 King of Arragon in Rome 118 

Lesser kingdoms of Europe 119 

Andrew of Hungary 120 



Xll 



CONTENTS OF VOL. IV. 



CHAPTER VII. 



Innocent and the East. 



A.D. 

1199 


PACK 

Innocent urges the Crusade 124 




FulkofNeuiUy . 










128 




Venice 












133 


1201 


Villehardouin's Treaty 












134 


1202 


Crusaders at Venice 
Proposal to attack Zara 
Alexius Comnenus 












135 
136 
137 




Crusade sets sail . 








' • ' 




139 




Taking of Zara . 


• , 










140 




Treaty with Alexius 












142 




Innocent condemns the treaty 








143 


1203 


Taking of Constantinople 

Partition 

Establishment of Latin Christianity 
Plunder — Reliques 


» 






145 

ib. 

147 

140 




Election of Emperor . 


* 


> 






150 




Latin Patriarch . 


» • « 








155 


1206 


Constitution of Clergy . 


• • 








158 




Captivity of Emjieror Baldwin 








ib. 




Innocent's letters to King of Bulgaria 








161 




Effects of conquest of C 


onsta 


ntinople 








162 



CHAPTER VIIL 
Innocent and the Anti-Sacebdotalibts. 

Crusade against heretics .... 

Apparent quiet under Innocent III. 

The Sectaries ...... 

Three classes 

I. Simple Anti-Saoerdotalists 

Peter de Brueys — the Petrobussians . 

Henry the Deacon .... 

Tanchelin 

Eudo de Stella — Heretics in Vezelay 
U. Biblical Anti-Sacerdotalists 

Peter Waldo 

The Noble Lesson .... 
III. Manichean heretics . , . .* 

The Paulicians .... 

Western Manicheism 

Languedoc 



1G7 
169 
170 
174 

ib. 
175 
176 
179 
180 
181 

ib. 
185 
]86 
187 
188 
190 



CONTENTS OF VOL. IV. xili 
CHAPTER Vm.— continued. 

A.D. PAGS 

1198 Innocent's letter to Archbishop of Auch . . . 193 

1200 Cistercian Legates 194 

Fnlk Bishop of Tonlouse 196 

Count Raymond of Toulouse 198 

Peter de Castelnau Legate 199 

1208 Murder of Peter de Castelnau 201 

Crusade against Count Raymond 203 

1209 Penance of Count Raymond 206 

Raymond joins the Crusade 207 

Three armies 208 

Peter de Vaux Cemay 209 

Siege of Beziers — of Carcassonne .... 210 

Simon de Moutfort 212 

Continued persecution of Raymond .... 213 

Raymond in Rome 214 

1210 Progress of Crusade — Siege of Minerve . . . 215 
New demands on Count Raymond . . . 217 

1212 Raymond takes up arms 219 

Siege of Lavaur 221 

De Montfort Sovereign Prince 223 

Ibid. King of Arragon 224 

1213 Battle of Mm-et 225 

1214 Simon de Montfort Master of Langucdoc . . . 227 

1215 Fourth Lateran Council 228 

1216, 1217 War renewed in Languedoc 233 

Count Raymond in Toulouse 234 

Death of Simon de Montfort 235 

1222 Crusade of Louis VIII. of France .... 236 

1228 Treaty of Paris 237 

1229 Council of Toulouse ...'.... 238 



CHAPTER IX. 

New Orders. St. Dominic. 

Preaching rare — The Ritual 242 

Monasticism 244 

Intellectual movement 245 

Heresy ib. 

St. Dominic and St. Francis 247 

1170 Birth of Dominic — Education 250 

1203-1205 In Languedoc 251 

Dominic in the war — On the tribunal .... 253 

1217 Foundation of Order of Friar Preachers . . 254 

1220 First Chapter 257 

1221 Second Chaptor — Death of Dominic .... 258 



xiv CONTENTS OF VOL. IV. 

CHAPTER X. 

8t. Francis. 

A.l>. PAGE 

1182 Birth and youth 261 

1206 Embraces mendicancy 263 

His followers 264 

Before Innocent III 265 

Foundation of the Order ib. 

Foreign missions 266 

St. Francis in the East — Martyrs .... 267 

Poetry of S. Francis 269 

Tertiaries 270 

1224 The Stigmata 271 

Bule of St. Francis 276 

Close of Innocent m.'s Pontificate .... 277 



BOOK IX,— Part IL (BOOK X.) 

CHAPTER XL (I.) 

HoNOBros m. Fbedebiok n. 

1216 Election of Honorius 284 

His mildness 285 

Crusade of Andrew of Hungary 286 

Death of Otbo 287 

1219 Correspondence with Frederick II 289 

1220 Diet of Frankfort — Election of Henry King of the 

Romans . . . . . . . 290 

Frederick's laws in favour of ecclesiastics ; against 

heretics . . , 293 

Loss of Damietta 295 

1229 Meeting at Veroli — at Ferentino 296 

1225 Meeting at San Germano . . . . . . 297 

Frederick's marriage with the Princess loLinte . . 298 

1226 Angry correspondence 301 

1227 Death of Honorius 302 

CHAPTER XII. (H.) 

Honorius III. and England. 

Pojie protects Henry III 305 

Peter's Pence 307 

Benefices held by Italians . . . . . 308 

Tenths 310 



n 



CONTENTS OF VOL. IV. xv 



CHAPTER XIII. (III.) 

FbEDBRICK II. AND Gbkqobt IX. 

A.D. TAQE 

1227 Gregory IX 312 

Frederick II 313 

The Court 318 

The Crusade urged on Frederick 821 

Preparations 323 

Return of Frederick 324 

Excommunication of Frederick ib. 

Second excommunication 330 

Gregory driven from Rome 331 

1228 Frederick sets sail for the Holy Land .... 333 
In Palestine ,...*.... 335 

Sultan Eameel of Egypt 337 

Treaty 341 

Frederick at Jerusalem ib. 

Anger of Mohammedans at the I'ireaty .... 345 

Condemned by the Pope 347 

Frederick leaves Palestine 350 

Election to Archbishopric of Canterbury . . . 351 

1229 Return of Frederick 352 

Christendom against the Pope 353 

1230 Peace 356 

Frederick as Legislator 358 

Laws relating to religion 360 

Civil Constitution 362 

Cities, Peasants, &c 363 

Intellectual progress 368 

Gregory IX. and the Decretals 371 



CHAPTER XIV. (IV.) 

Renewal of Hobtilitieb betweek Gbegort IX. and Fbedebick II. 

Persecution of heretics 375 

1230-1339 Gregory and the Lombards 377 

1236 Lombards leagued with Princes 381 

1237 Battle of Corte Nuova 383 

1238 Gregory agdnst Frederick 385 

Excommunication 386 

Frederick's reply 387 

Appeal to Christendom 389 

Gregory's reply 394 

Public opinion in Christendom — England . . 397 

Empire offered to Robert of France .... 401 



XVi CONTENTS OF VOL. IV. 

CHAPTER XIV. ^-continued. 

A.D. PAOK 

Gtennany — Albert von Beham 402-3 

The Friars 405 

John of Vicenza 406 

1239 War 409 

1240 Advance of Frederick on Borne 411 

Council summoned 413 

Battle of Meloria 414 

1241 FallofFaenza 415 

Death of Gregory IX 416 

CelestinelV 417 



CHAFrER XV. (V.) 

Fbedebick and Innocent IV. 

1243 Accession of Innocent IV 419 

Defection of Viterbo 420 

Negotiations 421 

Flight of Innocent to France 423 

Innocent excommunicates the Emperor . . . 425 

Martin Pope's Collector in England .... 427 

1245 Council of Lyons 429 

Thaddeus of Suessa 431 

Frederick deposed 433 

Frederick appeals to Christendom .... 435 

Innocent claims both spiritual and temporal power 437 

1246 Mutual accusations 439 

Innocent attempts to raise Germany .... 441 

Albert von Beham — Otho of Bavaria .... 443 

1247 Election and death of Henry of Thuringia . . . 444-5 

1248 Siege of Parma 447 

King Enzio 448 

Peter deVinea 449 

1250 Death of Frederick II 450 

Character 451 

Papal Legates 455 

1251 Innocent's return to Italy 456 

Kingdom of Naples 457 

Brancaleone 459 

1253 Death of Prince Henry 461 

Manfred 463 

in revolt 465 

, 1264 Death of Innocent 466 

f Robert Grostfite, Bishop of Lincoln . . . . 468 

Vision to Innocent 472 



HISTORY 



OF 



LATIN CHRISTIANITY. 



BOOK IX. 



PART I. 



VOL. IV. B 



^ 



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BOOK IX.— Part I. 



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BOOK IX. 

Part I. 



INNOCENT III. 
CHAPTER L 

ROME AND ITALY. 

Under Innocent III., the Papal power rose to its utmost 
heights Later Pontifls, more especially Boniface The papai 
VIII., were more exorbitant in their pretensions, »°*«=*«'y- 
more violent in their measures ; but the full sovereignty 
of the Popedom had already taken possession of the mincfs 
of the Popes themselves, and had been submitted to by 
great part of Christendom. The thirteenth century is 
nearly commensurate with this supremacy of the Pope. 
Innocent III. at its commencement calmly exercised as 
his right, and handed down strengthened and almost irre- 
sistible to his successors, that which, at its close, Boniface 
asserted with repulsive and ill-timed arrogance, endan- 
gered, undermined, and shook to its base. At least from 
die days of Hildebrand, the mind of Europe had become 
familiarised with the assertion of those claims, which in 
their latent significance amounted to an absolute irre- 
sponsible autocracy. The essential inherent supremacy of 
the spiritual over the temporal power, as of the soul over 
the body, as of eternity over time, as of Christ over Caesar, 
as of God over man, was now an integral part of Christianity, 
There was a shuddering sense of impiety in all resistance 
to this ever-present rule ; it required either the utmost 
strength of mind, desperate courage, or desperate reckless- 
ness, to confront the fatal and undefined consequences of such 
resistance. The assertion of these powers by the Church 
had been, hoWever intermittingly, yet constantly growing, 

B 2 



4 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

and had now fully grown into determinate acts. The 
Popes had not merely claimed, they had established many 
precedents of their right to excommunicate sovereigns, 
and so of virtually releasing subjects from their allegiance 
to a king under sentence of outlawry ; to call sovereigns 
to account not merely for flagrant outrages on the Church, 
but for moral delinquencies,* especially those connected 
with marriage and concubinage ; to receive kingdoms by 
the cession of their sovereigns as feudal fiefe ; to grant 
kingdoms which had no legitimate lord, or of which the 
lordship was doubtful and contested, or such as were 
conquered from infidels, barbarians, or heretics : as to the 
Empire to interfere in the election as judge both in the 
first and last resort Ideas obtain authority and do- 
minion, not altogether from their intrinsic truth, but 
rather from their constant asseveration, especially when they 
fall in with the natural hopes and fears, the wants and 
necessities of human nature. The mass of mankind have 
neither leisure nor ability to examine them ; they fatigue, 
and so compel the world into their acceptance ; more par- 
ticularly if it is the duty, the passion, and the interest of 
one great associated body to perpetuate them, while it is 
neither the peculiar function, nor the manifest advantage 
of any large class or order to refute them. The Pope 
had, throughout the strife, an organized body of allies in 
the camp of the enemy; the King or Emperor none, at 
least none below the nobles, who would not have preferred 
the triumph of the spiritual power. It' these ideas are 
&voured by ambiguity of language, their progress is 
more sure, their extirpation from the mind of man infi- 
nitely more difficult. The Latin clergy had been busy 
for many centuries in asserting, under the specious name 
of their liberty, the supremacy of the Church which was 

• Innocent III. lajs this down broadlj ecclesiasticam coereere." — Decret. In- 

and distinctly: " Cum enim non hamansB nocent III., sub ann. 1200, cap. 13, de 

constitutioni sed diviniB potias innita- Judiciis. ESchhom observeB on this: 

mur : mxia potestas nostra nonex homine " Womit denn natiirlich der Gmndsatx 

sed ex Deo; nullus qui sit sanse mentis selbst, das die Kirche wegen Siindlich- 

ignorat, quiu ad officium nostrum spectet keit der Handlung fiber jede Civilsache 

de quocunque mortali peccato corrigere erkennen moge, anerkannt wurde." — 

quemlibetChristianum, et si oorrectionem Rechts Geschichte, ii. 517. 
contempserit, ipsnm per districtionem 



Chap. I. IDEA OP THE PAPACY. 5 

their own supremacy; for several centuries in asserting 
the autocracy of the Pope as Head of the Church. This, 
which was true, at least on the acknowledged principles of 
the time, in a certain degree, was easily extended to its 
utmost limits ; and when it had become part of the ha- 
bitual belief, it required some palpable abuse, some start- 
ling oppugnancy to the common sense of mankind, to 
awaken suspicion, to rouse the mind to the consideration 
of its groundwork, and to decompose the splendid fallacy. 

Splendid indeed it was, as harmonising with man's na- 
tural sentiment of order. The unity of the vast Christian 
republic was an imposing conception, which, even now that 
history has shown its hopeless impossibility, still infatuates 
lofly minds; its impossibility, since it demands for its 
Head not merely that infallibility in doctrine so boldly 
claimed in later tmies, but absolute impeccability in every 
one of its possessors ; more than impeccability, an ajl- 
commanding, indefeasible, unquestionable majesty of 
virtue, holiness, and wisdom. Without this it is a baseless 
tyranny, a senseless usurpation. In those days it struck 
in with the whole feudal system, which was one of strict 
gradation and subordination ; to the hierarchy of Church 
and State was equally wanting the Crown, the Sovereign 
Liege Lord.^ 

When this idea was first promulgated in all its naked 
sternness by Gregory VII., it had come into collision with 
other ideas rooted with almost equal depth in the mind 
of man, that especially of the illimitable Caesarean power, 
which though transferred to a German Emperor, was still 
a powerful tradition, and derived great weight from its 
descent from Charlemagne. But the imperial power, from 
its elective character ; from the strife and intrigue at each 
successive election ; from constant contests for the impe- 
rial crown ; from the opposition of mighty houses, one or 
two of which were almost always nearly equal in wealth 

^ A letter of Innocent to the Consols despises Christ. The cause of dispute wu 

of Milan declares that it is sacrilege to the excommunication of Passaguerra, 

doubt the decrees of a Pope ; that though against which the Milanese protested as 

he is bom of sinners, or a sinful race, unjust. Compare the Decretaiia, ii. 

yet, since he fills the place of him that and iii., on the superiority of the priest- 

wis without sin, he who despises him hood to the temporal power. 



6 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

and influence to the Emperor ; from the weaknesses, vices, 
tyrannies of the Emperors themselves, had been more and 
more impaired ; that of the Pope, notwithstanding tran- 
sient obscurations, had been silently ascending to still 
higher estimation. The humiliation of the Emperor was 
degradation ; it brought contempt on the oflice, scarcely 
redeemed by the abiUties, successes, or even virtues of new 
Sovereigns ; the humiliation of the Pope was a noble suf- 
fering in the cause of God and truth, the depression of 
patient holiness under worldly violence. In every schism 
the Pope who maintained the loftiest Churchmanship had 
eventually gained the superiority, the Imperialising jPopes 
had sunk into impotence, obscurity, ignominy. 

The Crusades had made the Pope not merely the 
spiritual, but in some sort the military suzerain of Europe ; 
he had the power of summoning all Christendom to his 
banner ; the raising the cross, the standard of the Pope, 
was throughout Europe a general and compulsory levy, 
the herr-ban of all who bore arms, of all who could follow 
an army. That which was a noble act of devotion had 
become a duty : not to assume the cross was sin and impiety. 
The Crusades thus became a kind of forlorn hope upon 
which all the more dangerous and refractory of the tem- 
poral sovereigjis might be employed, so as to waste their 
strength, if not lose their lives, by the accidents of the 
journey or by the sword of the Mohammedan. If they 
resisted, the fearful excommunication hung over them, and 
was ratified by the fears and by the wavering allegiance of 
their subjects. If they obeyed and returned, as most of 
them did, with shame and defeat, they returned shorn of 
their power, lowered in the public estimation, and perhaps 
still pursued, on account of their ill success, with the 
inexorable interdict. It was thus by trammelling their 
adversaries with vows which they could not decline, and 
from which they could not extricate themselves ; by thus 
consuming their wealth and resources on this wild and 
remote warfare, that the Popes, who themselves decently 
eluded, or were prevented by age or alleged occupations 
from embarkation in these adventurous expeditions, broke 
and wasted away the power and influence of the Emperors. 



Chap. I. EFFECT OF THE CRUSADES. 7 

Conrad the first Hohenstaufen had betrayed prudent reluct- 
ance to march away from distracted Germany to the Holy 
Land. St Bernard had sternly demanded how he would 
answer at the great day of Judgment, the dereliction of this 
more manifest duty. . The trembling Emperor had acknow- 
ledged the voice of God, girt on the cross, collected the 
strength of the Empire, to leave their whitening bones on 
the plains and in the defiles of Asia Minor ; he returned 
to Europe discomfited and fallen in the estimation of all 
Christendom. Frederick Barbarossa^ the greatest of the 
Swabian house, had perished in the zenith of his power 
m a small remote river in Asia Minor. During this cen- 
tury will appear Frederick II., probably in his heart, at 
least during his riper years, disdaining the enthusiasm with 
which the dominant feeling of the time forced him to 
comply, excommunicated for not taking the cross, excom- 
municated for not setting out to the Holy Land, excom- 
municated for setting out, excommunicated in the Holy 
Land, excommunicated for returning after having made 
an advantageous peace with the Mohammedans. During 
his whole reign he is vainly struggling to burst the fetters 
thus wound around him, and riveted not merely by the 
remorseless hostility of his spiritual antagonists, but by the 
irresistible sentiment of the age. On this subject there 
was no assumption, no abuse of Papal authority, which 
was not ratified by the trembling assent of Christendom. 
The Crusades, too, had now made the Western world 
tributary to the Popedom ; the vast subventions raised for 
the Holy Land were to a certain extent at the disposal of 
the Pope. The taxation of the clergy on his authority 
could not be refused for such an object ; a tenth of all the 
vast wealth of the hierarchy passed through his hands. 
An immense financial system grew up ; Papal collectors 
were in every land, Papal bankers in every capital, to 
transmit these subsidies. The enormous increase of his 
power firom this source may be conjectured ; the abuses of 
that power, the emoluments for dispensation from vows, 
and other evils, will appear in the course of our history. 

But after all, none of these accessory and, in some de- 
gree, fortuitous aids could have raised the Papal authority 



8 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

to its commanding height,"^ had it not possessed more 
sublime and more lawful claims to the reverence of man- 
kind. It was still an assertion of eternal principles of 
justice, righteousness, and humanity. However it might 
trample itself on all justice, sacrifice righteousness to its 
own interests, plunge Europe in desolating wars, per- 

J)etuate strife in states, set sons in arms against their 
athers, fathers against sons; it was still proclaiming a 
higher ultimate end. It was something that there was a 
tribunal of appeal, before which the lawless kings, the lawless 
feudal aristocracy trembled, however that tribunal might 
be proverbial for its venality and corruption, and con- 
stantly warped in its judgments by worldly interests. 
There was a perpetual provocation, as it were, to the 
Gospel, which gave hope where it did not give succour ; 
which might, and frequently did, ofier a refuge against 
overwhelming tyranny; something, which in itself re- 
buked rugged force, and inspired some restraint on heinous 
immorality. 

The Papal language, the ' language of the clergy, was 
still ostentatiously, profoundly religious ; it professed, even 
if itself did not always respect, even though it tampered with, 
the awful sense of retrioution before an all-knowing, all- 
righteous God. In his highest pride, the Pope was still 
the servant of the servants of God ; in all his cruelty he 
boasted of his kindness to the transgressor ; every contu- 
macious Emperor was a disobedient son ; the excommu- 
nication was the voice of a parent, who affected at least 
reluctance to chastise. Every Pope declared, no doubt he 
imagined, himself the vicar and representative of Christ, 
and it was impossible that all the darkness which had 
gathered arouna the perfect humanity, the God in man as 

« It ma^ be weU to state the chief tested elections, degrading bishops, a 

points which the Pope claimed as his saper-metropolitan power, 

exclusive prerogative : — IV. Right of confirmation of bishops 

I. General supremacy of jurisdiction; and metropolitans, the gift of the pal- 
a claim, it is obvious, absolutely illimit* lium. Hence, by degrees, rights of ap- 
able. pointment to devolved sees, reservations, 

II. Right of legislation, including the he 
summoning and presiding in Councils. V. Dispensations. 

III. Judgment in all ecclesiastic VI. The foundation of new orders, 
causes arduous and difficult. This in- VII. Canonisation. 

eluded the power of judging on con- Compare ESohhora, ii. p. 500. 



Chap. I. INNOCENT—BIETH AND YOUTH. 9 

revealed in the Gospel, could absolutely lose all its exqui- 
site truth, holiness, and love. 

If this great idea was ever to be realised of a Christian 
republic with a Pope at its head — and that a Pope 
of a high Christian character (in some respects, ™**" 
in all perhaps but one, in tolerance and gentleness almost 
impossible m his days, and the want of which, far from 
impairing, confirmed his strength) — none could bring 
more lofty, more various qualifications for its accom- 
plishment, none could fall on more favourable times 
than Innocent III. Innocent was an Italian of noble 
birth, but not of a family inextricably involved in the 
petty quarrels and interests of the Princedoms of Ro- 
magna. He was of the Conti,** who derived their name in 
some remote time from their dignity. His father. Count 
Trasimondo of Segna (the name Trasimondo was traced 
to the Lombard Dukes of Spoleto, if truly, it implied 
Teutonic blood) married Claricia, of the senatorial house 
of Scotti. He was a Roman, therefore, by the mother's 
side, probably of a kindred attached to the liberties of the 
city. Lothair was the youngest of four brothers, born at 
Anagni. He had high ecclesiastical connexions, both on 
his father's and his mother's side. John, the famous Cai> 
dinal of St. Mark, was his paternal uncle. Paul, the 
Cardinal Bishop of Palestriua, by the title of St Sergius 
and St. Bacchus, afterwards Pope Clement III., probably 
his uncle on his mother's side. The Cardinal Octavian, 
the firmest, ablest, and most intrepid supporter of Alex- 
ander III., was of his kindred. All these were of the high 
an ti- Imperialist faction. The early education of Lothair^ 
at Rome, was completed by some years of study 
at Paris, the great school of theology ; and at ° "*' 
Bologna, that of law. He returned to Rome with the highest 
character for erudition and for irreproachable manners ; he 
became a Canon of St. Peter's. 1 he elevation of his uncle, 
the Cardinal of St. Sergius and St. Bacchus, to the Pontifi- 
cate as Clement III., paved the way to his rapid rise. He 

* The Conti family boasted of nine XIII. ; of thirteen cardinals, according 
Popes, — among them Innocent III., to Ciacconius. 
Gregory IX., Alexander IV.,. Innocent 



10 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

was elevated in his twenty-ninth year to the Cardinalate 
under the title vacated by his uncle. Already he 
was esteemed among the ablest and most judicious 
counsellors of the supreme Pontiff. The successor of 
Clement III., Ccelestine III., was of the house of Orsini, 
between whom and the maternal ancestors of Lothair, the 
Scotti, to whom Clement III. his patron belonged, was an 
ancient, unreconciled feud. Coelestine III.,* very much 
advanced in years, might suspect the nepotism of his pre- 
decessor, which had raised his kinsman to such almost 
unprecedented rank, and had entrusted him with affairs so 
far beyond his years. During Coelestine's Popedom, the 
Cardinal Lothair either withdrew or was silently repelled 
from the prominent place which he had filled under the 
Pontificate of Clement In his retirement he began to 
despise the ungrateful world, and wrote his treatise on 
** Contempt of the world and the misery of human life." 
The stern monastic energy of language throughout this 
treatise displays in another form the strength of Innocent's 
character; had he remained in seclusion he might have 
founded an order more severe than that of Benedict, as 
active as those which he was destined to sanction, the 
Dominicans and Franciscans. But he was to show his con- 
tempt of the world not by renouncing but by ruling it.^ 

Cfcelestine on his death-bed had endeavoured to nomi- 
nate his successor : he had offered to resign the Papacy if 
the Cardinals would elect John of Colonna. But, even 
if consistent with right and with usage, the words of 
dying sovereigns rarely take effect. Of twenty-eight Car- 
dinals,* five only were absent ; of the rest the unanimous 

* CcBlestine was of the house of Bobo, ba I Utnimque dolentis est inteijectio, 

a branch of the Orsini. doloris exprimens magnitudiDem.">- i. S. 

f This work, written in not inelegant This puerility does not contrast more 
Latin, is monastic to its core. It asserts strongly with the practical wisdom of 
the Augustinian notion of the trans- Innocent, than sentences like this with 
mission of original sin with repulsive his haughtiness : "Osuperbaprsesumptio^ 
nakedness. Nothing can be baser or et praesumptuosa superbia I qusB non tan- 
more miserable than human nature thus tum Angefos Deo voluisti adWquare, sed 
propagated. I cannot help quoting a etiam homines prsesumpsisti deificare." 
strange passage : *' Omnes nascimur — ^ii. c. 92. 

ejulantes ut nostram miseriam expri- ' The list in Ciacconius, toI. ii. p. 2. 

mamus. Masculus enim recenter natns Hurter, i. 73, gives the names of the 

dicit A, fsemina * £, quotquot nascuntur absentees, 
ab Eva.' Quid est ig^tur Eva nisi heu 



Chap. I. INNOCENT'S INAUGURATION. 1 1 

vote fell on the youngest of their body, on the Cardinal 
Lothair; No irregularity impaired the authority of his 
election ; there was no murmur of opposition or schism : 
the general sufirage of the clergy and the people of 
Home was confirmed by the unhesitating assent of Chris- 
tendom. The death of the Emperor, the infancy of his 
son, the state of affairs in Germany, made all secure on the 
side of the Empire. Lothair was only thirty-seven years 
old, almost an unprecedented age for a Pope;^ even a 
mind like his might tremble at this sudden elevation. He 
was as yet but in deacon's orders ; he had to accumulate 
those of priest, bishop, and so become Pope. It may be 
difficult in some cases to dismiss all suspicion of hypocrisy, 
when men who have steadily held the Papacy before them 
as the object of their ambition, have affected to decline the 
tiara, and played off a graceful and yielding resistance. 
But the strength, as well as the deep religious seriousness 
of Lothair's character, might make him naturally shrink 
from the assumption of such a dignity at an age almost 
without example ; and in times if favourable to the ag- 
grandisement of the Papacy, therefore of more awful 
responsibility. The Cardmals who proclaimed him saluted 
him by the name of Innocent, in testimony of his blame- 
less life. In his inauguration sermon broke forth the cha- 
racter of the man ; the unmeasured assertion of bis dig- 
nity, protestations of humility which have a sound of 
pride. " Ye see what manner of servant that is whom 
the Lord hath set over his people; no other than the 
vice-gerent of Christ ; the successor of Peter. He stands 
in the midst between God and man ; below God, above 
man; less than God, more than man. He judges all, 
is judged by none, for it is written — ' I will judge.' But 
he whom the pre-eminence of dignity exalts, is lowered by 
his office of a servant, that so humility may be exalted, 
and pride abased ; for God is against the high-minded, 
and to the lowly he shows mercy ; and he who exalteth 

^ Walter der Vogelweide, who attri- " Ich bttrte fern In etaer Klaus 

bate, all the mUerjr of the civil war in ^{jSS^^ISJS^iodci 
Germany to innocent, closes nis poem Er Uagte Qott flefn bittxea Leid ; 

with these words (modernised by K. Oweh,derPap8tiitalUujung,SerrCMt,hi^ 

Simrock) : deiner C%r»<<enA<i<."— Simrock. p. ITS. 



12 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

himself shall be abased. Every valley shall be lifted up, 
every hiU and mountain laid low 1" The letters in which 
he announced his election to the king of France, and to 
the other realms of Christendom, blend a decent but ex- 
aggerated humility with the consciousness of power: Inno- 
cent's confidence in himself transpires through his confi- 
dence in the divine protection.* 

The state of Christendom might have tempted a less 
st^^of ambitious prelate to extend and consolidate his 
Ghriitendam. suprcmacy. At no period in the history of the 
Papacy could the boldest assertion of the spiritual power, 
or even the most daring usurpation, so easily have dis- 
guised itself to the loftiest mind under the sense of duty 
to God and to mankind ; never was season so favourable 
for the aggrandisement of the Pope, never could his ag- 
grandisement appear a greater blessing to the world. 
Wherever Innocent cast his eyes over Christendom and 
beyond the limits of Christendom, appeared disorder, 
contested thrones, sovereigns oppressing their subjects, 
subjects in arms against their sovereigns, the ruin of the 
Christian cause. In Italy the crown of Naples on the 
brows of an infant ; the fairest provinces under the 
galling yoke of fierce German adventurers ; the Lombard 
republics, Guelf or Ghibelline, at war within their walls, 
at war or in implacable animosity against each other ; the 
Empire, distracted by rival claimants for the throne, one 
vast scene of battle, intrigue, almost of anarchy ; the tyran- 
nical and dissolute Philip Augustus King of France, before 
long the tyrannical and feeble John of England. The By- 
zantine empire is tottering to its fall ; the kingdom of Jeru- 
salem confined almost to the city of Acre. Every realm 
seemed to demand, or at least to invite, the interposition, 
the mediation, of the head of Christendom ; in every land 
one party at least, or one portion of society, would welcome 
his interference in the last resort for refiige or for protec- 
tion. Nor did Innocent shrink from that which might 
have crushed a less energetic spirit to despair ; from the 
Jordan to the Atlantic, from the Mediterranean to beyond 
the Baltic his influence is felt and confessed ; his vast cor- 

< Epist. i. 1, €t teqq. 



\ 



Chap. I. INNOCENT AND ROME. 13 

respondence shows at once the inexhaustible activity of 
his mind ; he is involved simultaneously or successively 
in the vital interests of every kingdom in the western 
world. The history of Innocent's Papacy will be more 
full and intelligible by tracing his acts in succession 
rather than in strict chronological order, in every part 
of Christendom. I. In Rome, and II. In Italy, III. In 
the Empire. IV. In France. V. In England. VI. 
In Spain. VII. In the Northern kingdoms. VIII. In 
Bulgaria and Hungary. IX. In the Byzantine Empire 
and the East, in Constantinople, Armenia, and the Holy 
Land. Finally, X. In the wars of Languedoc with the 
Albigensian and other schismatics; and XI. XII. In the 
establishment of the two new monastic orders, that of St 
Dominic and that of St. Francis. 

The affairs of Rome and of Italy are so intimately 
blended that it may not be convenient to keep them 
entirely disconnected. 

I. The city of Rome was the first to acknowledge 
the ascendancy of the new Pontiff. Since the 
treaty with Clement III. the turbulence of the 
Roman people seemed sunk to rest. As well the stirring 
reminiscences of their ancient grandeur as the demo- 
cratic Christianity of Arnold of Brescia were forgotten. 
The mutinous spirit which had twice risen in insurrection 
against Lucius III., and had driven that Pontiff into the 
north of Italy, had been allayed.^ Clement had appeased 
them for a time by the promise of sacrificing Tusculum to 
their implacable hostility; his successor Ccelestine III. 
had consummated or extorted from the Emperor that 
sacrifice." A judicious payment distributed by Clement 
among the senators had reconciled them to the Papal 
supremacy. The great Roman families, though their 
private feuds were not even suspended, were allied to the 
church by the promotion of their ecclesiastical members to 
the Cardinalate.° The Roman aristocracy had fiirnished 
many names among the twenty-seven who concurred in the 

^ See vol. iii. p. 544. Peter Leonis), a Bisontio from Orvieto, 

"* See vol. iii. p. 547. a Crescentios, besides several connected 

* In Innocent's earlier promotions I with the Conti. — Additions to Ciac- 

obserre a Brancaleone, a Pierleoni (qu. conlus. 



14 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

elevation of the Roman Lothair. Innocent pursued the 
policy of Clement III, The usual largess on the acces- 
sion of the new Pope was silently and skilfully distributed 
through the thirteen quarters of the city. The prajfect of 
the city, now the representative of the imperial authority, 
(the empire was in abeyance) was either overawed or won 
to take a strong oath of allegiance to the Pope,® by which 
the sovereignty of the Emperor was silently abrogated. 
Innocent substituted his own Justiciaries for those ap- 
pointed by the senate : the whole authority emanated from 
the Pope, and was held during his pleasure ; to the Pope 
alone the judges were responsible ; they were bound to 
resign when called upon by him. In his own spiritual 
courts Innocent endeavoured to set the example of strict 
afnd unbought justice ; to remove the inveterate reproach 
of venality, which withheld the concourse of appellants to 
Rome, and was so far injurious to the people. He severely 
limited the fees and emoluments of his officers ; three 
times a week he held a public consistory for smaller 
causes ; the gravest he meditated in private, and the most 
accomplished canon lawyer might acquire knowledge from 
the decrees drawn up by Innocent himself Even the 
commencement of Innocent's reign shows how the whole 
Christian world paid its tribute of appeal to Rome.P There 
was one cause concerning the jurisdiction of the sees of 
Braga and Compostella over great part of Spain and Por- 
tugal ; a cause for the metropolitanate of Brittany be- 
tween the Bishops of Tours and Dole ; a cause of the Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury concerning the parish of Lambeth. 

Yet neither could the awe; nor the dexterous manage- 
ment of Innocent, nor the wealth of the tributary world, 
subdue or bribe refractory Rome to peace. There were 
still factious nobles, John Rainer, one of the Peter 
Leonis, and John Capocio, a man of stirring popular 
eloquence, who endeavoured to excite the people to 
reclaim their rights. Still the versatile people listened with 

** Gesta, Tiii. Epist. I, 23, 577, 578. vessels of gold and silver were heaped 

The oath of Peter the Precfect, i. 577. up, exchanged, or sold, by the prtetors, 

p Under the Lateran palace, near the for the expenses of the Curia. These 

kitchen, was a change of money, in " tables of the money-changers " Inno- 

which the coin of various countries, cent abolished at once. — Gesta, xli. 



Chap. I. WAR OF VITERBO. 15 

greedy ears to these republican tenets. Still the Orsini 
were in deadly feud with the Scotti, the maternal house 
of the Pope. Still were there outbursts of insurrection 
in the turbulent city ; still outbursts of war in the no less 
turbulent territory ; Rome was at war with her 
neighbours, her neighbours with each other. Ere ^^' ^' 
three years of Innocent's reign had passed , Rome, in 
defence of Viterclano, besieged by the Viterbans, takes uj 
arms against Viterbo. 

The Romans cared not for the liberty of Viterclano, 
but they had old arrears of hatred against Viterbo ; and 
once the waters troubled, their gain was sure."* If the 
Pope was against them, Rome was against the Pope ; if 
the Pope was on their side, Viterbo revolted from the 
Pope. The Tuscans moved to the aid of Viterbo ; but 
the shrewd Pope unexpectedly on the pretext that the 
Viterbans had despised his commination, even his ex- 
communication, tooK the part of the Romans ; a victory 
which they obtained over superior forces under the walls 
of Viterbo was attributed to his intercession; many of 
them renounced their hostility to the Pope.' A second time 
they marched out ; they were supplied with money by the 
Pope's brother, Richard Count of Sora. While the Pope 
was celebrating mass on the holy Epiphany, they 
won a great victory,' doubtless through the irre- 
sistible prayers of the Pope ; it was reported that they 
brought home as trophies the great bell and the chains of 
one of the gates of Viterbo, which were long shown in Rome. 
The captive Viterbans, men of rank, were sent to Cana- 
paria, where some of them died in misery. The most 
distinguished. Napoleon, Count of Campilia, Burgudio, 
protonotary of Viterbo, the Pope afterwards, in compassion, 
kept in honourable custody in his own palace. Napoleon, 
to the indignation of the xlomans, made his escape. The 
Pope even mediated a peace between Rome and Viterbo. 

'I ** Quod non poterant in aqua clara cetero contra snmmnm pontificem loque* 

piscari, coepemnt aquam tnrbare."— rentnr/'—Gesta, 133. 
Gesto, c. 133. October, 1200. ' This latter point rests on the 

' " Qoidem qui consueverant in con- authority of Ciacconius, who does not 

tradictionem Domini Papee ora laxare, giye his authoritj.— Vit. Innocent III., 

pnblioe dicerent, qnod ita jam erant p. 8. The Gesta makes out clearly two 

ipBomm lingose, qnod nnnqniun de battles. 



16 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

Viterbo was humbled to the restoration of the brazen 
gates of the church of St Peter, and set up again some 
brazen vessels in the porch, which she had borne away or 
broken in the days of Fred(?rick Barbarossa. 

The Pope had the strength to decide another quarrel 
by sterner measures. Two brothers, lords of Narni and 
Gabriano, were arraigned by Lando lord of Colmezzo and 
his brothers, for seizing some of their lands. The Pope 
commanded restitution. The lords of Narni and Ga- 
briano pledged the lands to the Pope's turbulent adver- 
saries in Rome, John Rainer, Peter Leoni, and John 
Capocio. The Pope instantly ordered the territories of 
Narni and Gabriano to be laid waste with fire and 
sword, suspended the common laws of war, sanctioned 
the ravaging their harvests, felling their fruit trees, 
destroying mills, driving away cattle. Innocent conde- 
scended or ventured to confront the popular leaders in the 
face of the people. He summoned a great congregation 
of the Romans, spoke with such commanding eloquence, 
that the menacing but abashed nobles were obliged to 
renounce the land which they had received in pawn, and 
to swear full obedience.* 

Another year, and now the Orsini, the kindred of the 
late Pope Coelestine, and the Scotti, the kindred 
of Pope Innocent, are in fierce strife. The Pope 
had retired for the summer to Velletri. He summoned 
both parties, and extorted an oath to keep the peace. 
The senator Pandulph de Suburra seized and destroyed 
a stronghold of the Orsini. Not many months elapsed, a 
murder was committed on the person of Tebaldo, a man 
connected with both families, by the sons of John Oddo, 
the Pope's cousin. The Orsini rose; they destroyed two 
towers belonging to the senator of Rome. They were 
hardly prevented from exposing the body under the 
windows of the palace of the Pope's brother, under those 
of the Pope himself. In the next year arises new 
strife on an affair, of disputed property. The 



▲.D. 1302. 



A J>. 1203. 



^ * Gesta^c. 134. ** Adhnc eU minan- xnandatis ipsius se per omnia parituros 
tibus et resUtentibns coegit nobiles an- juramentis et fide jussionibus promise- 
tedictos, lit pignoris contractu rescisso, rant." 



s — ^w 



Chap. I. ANAllCHY IN ROME. 1 7 

Pope is insulted during a solemn ceremonial. The Pope's 
adversaries make over the contested land to the •senate and 
the people of Rome. The Pope protests, threatens in 
vain ; the senator is besieged in the Capitol. The Pope 
finds it expedient to leave the rebellious city, he flies to 
Palestrina, to Ferentino, and passes the whole winter at 
Anagni. There he fell dangerously ill. 

Rome, impatient of his presence, grew weary of his 
absence. In the interval had broken out a new, a fiercer 
strife for a change in the constitution. It was proposed to 
abrogate the office of a single senator, and to elect by 
means of twelve middle men, a senate of fifty-six. The 
Pontiff returned amid universal acclamations. Yet Inno- 
cent so far yielded as to permit one of the Peter Leoni 
house to name the senator. He named Gregory, one of 
his kindred, a man well disposed to the Pope, but wanting 
in energy. Still the contest continued to rage, the eloquent 
Capocio to harangue the multitude. Above this anarchy 
is seen the calm and majestic Pope, who, as though weary 
of such petty tumults, and intent on the greater affairs of 
the Pontificate, the humiliation of sovereigns, the reducing 
kingdoms to fiefs of the holy see, might seem, having 
quietly acquiesced in the senate of fifty-six, deliberately 
to have left the turbulent nobles, on one side the Orsinis, 
the Peter Leonis, the Capocios, the Baroncellis ; on the 
other, the former senator Pandulph de Suburra, his own 
brother Count Richard, his kindred the Scotti, to vie with 
each other in building and strengthening their fortress pa- 
laces, and demolishing, whenever they were strong enough, 
those of their adversaries. To grant the wishes of the 
people of Rome was the certain way to disappoint them. 
Ere long they began to execrate the feeble rule of the 
fifty-six, and implored a single senator." But throughout 
at least all the earlier years of his Pontificate, Innocent 
was content with less real power in Rome than in any 
other region of Christendom. 

II. But on the accession of Innocent^ beyond the city 

" ** Unde popiilus adeo csepit execrari, senatorem concedere." The last chap- 
at oportnerit Dominum Papam-ad com- ters of the Gesta are full of this wild 
mauein populi petitionem nnum eis and confused anarchj. 

VOL. IV. C 



18 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

walls and the immediate territory, all which belonged to or 
was claimed by the Roman see was in the hands of ferocious 
German adventurers, at the head each of his predatory 
foreign troops. Markwald of Anweiler, a knight of Alsace, 
the Seneschal of the Emperor Henry, called himself Duke 
of Ravenna and was invested with the March of Ancona 
and all its cities. Diephold, Count of Acerra, had large 
territories in Apulia. Conrad of Lutzenberg,'' a Swabian 
knight, as Duke of Spoleto, possessed that city, its domain, 
and Assisi. The estates of the Countess Matilda were 
held by Germans in the name of Philip, the brother of the 
Emperor Henry, who had hastened to Germany to push 
his claims on the Empire. Some few cities hd asserted 
their independence; the sea-coast and Salerno were oc- 
cupied by Benedetto Carisomi. Of these Markwald was 
the most formidable; his congenial valour and cruelty 
had recommended him to the especial favour of Henry. 
He had been named by the Emperor on his deathbed 
Regent of Sicily. 

Italy only awaited a deliverer from the German yoke. 
The annals of tyranny contain nothing more revolting than 
the cruelties of the Emperor Henry to his Italian subiects. 
While there was the profoundest sorrow in Germany at the 
loss of a monarch, if of severe justice, yet whose wisdom 
and valour were compared with Solomon and David,* at 
his death the cry of rejoicing broke forth from Calabria to 
Lombardy. ' In asserting the Papal claims to the dominion 
of Romagna, and all to which the See of Rome advanced 
its pretensions. Innocent fell in with all the more generous 
aspirations of Italy, with the common sympathies of man- 
kind. The cause of the Guelfs (these names are now 

" Conrad was caUed by the strange abilis est in setemnm, quod aliomm 

name Miick-in-hirn, " fly in his brain," divitiis eos claros reddidit, terroremque 

(like our "bee in his bonnet"): he eorum omnibus in circuitu nationibus 

was the wildest of these wild sol- per virtutem bellicam incussit, eosque 

diers. prsestantiores aliis gentibus niminm os- 

* " Omnia cum Fap& gaudent de morte ty- tendit futuros, ni morte pncventus foret. 

rannl . . . Per sapientiam Solomonis et per forti- 

Apulua et Calaber, Siculus, Tuscusque LI- y"«*"em David regis SCivit parcere sub- 

garque."-v. de Ceceano, Chronic. Fou. Nov. jcctes et debellare superbos. — Theo- 

ifuititori, viii. doric von Estemach. Martene, Coll. 

*' CujuB mors Tentonicorum omnium Amp. iy. 462. 

omnibusque Gerroaniie populis lament- 



Chap. I. CONRAD OF LUTZENBERG. 1 9 

growing into common use) — was more than that of the 
Church, it was the cause of freedom and humanity. The 
adherents of the Ghibellines, at least the open adherents 
(for in most cities there was a secret if small Ghibelline 
faction) were only the lords of the German fortresses, the 
cities they occupied, and a few of the republics which 
dreaded the hostility of their neighbours more than a foreign 
yoke, Pisa, Cremona, Pavia, Genoa. The hour of deliver- 
ance, if not of revenge, was come. Innocent sum- 
moned Markwald to surrender the territories of 
the Church. Markwald was conscious of his danger, and 
endeavoured to lure the Pontiff into an alliance. He 
offered to make him greater than Pope had ever been since 
the days of Constantine.^ But Innocent knew his strength in 
the universal, irresistible, indelible hatred of the foreign, the 
German, the barbarian yoke : he rejected the treacherous 
overtures." City after city, Ancona, Fermo, Osimo, Fano^ 
Sinigaglia, Pesaro, lesi, dashed down the German banner ; 
Camerina and Ascoli alone remained faithful to Mark- 
wald. Markwald revenged himself by sallying from the 
gates of Bavenna, ravaging the whole region, burning, 
plundering, destroying homesteads and harvests, castles 
and churches. Innocent opened the Papal treasures, 
borrowed large sums of money, raised an army ; hurled 
an excommunication against the rebellious vassal of the 
Church, in which he absolved all who had sworn allegiance 
to Markwald from their oaths. Markwald withdrew into 
the south of Italy. 

Conrad of Lutzenberg,* Duke of Spoleto, beheld the fall 
of Markwald with consternation; he made the connidof 
humblest offers of subjection, the most liberal i^'^'^^'^^ns. 
offers of tribute. But Innocent knew that any compromise 

' " Se ecclesiam magis quam ulli yitatem, in fiiyorein libertatis declinans, 

imperatores auxissent, amplificaturam." non acceptavit oblata." — Gesta, Inno- 

—Otto de S. Blaise, c. 45 ; Rainald, sub cent, c. 9. Boehmer (Regesta, p. vii.) 

aun. 1298. quotes this, among other passages, to 

■ Epist. i. 38. ** Licet autem' domi- shew the barbarity of the Germans, the 

nus Papa conditionem istam utilem hatred of the Italians, 

reputaret, quia tamen mniti scandalis- ' According to M. Abel (Philip der 

abantnr ex e& tanquam vellet Tentonicos Hohenstaufer), properly Conrad of Urs- 

in Italia confovere, qui cmdeli tyran- lingen. 
nide redegeraut eos in gravissimam ser- 

c 2 



20 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

with the Germans would be odious to his Italian subjects : 
he demanded instant, unconditional submission. Conrad 
surrendered all the patrimonial domains of the Pope in 
his possession without reserve ; the other cities resumed 
their freedom. On these terms Innocent permitted the 
Cardinal Legate to receive at Narni Conrad's oath of 
unqualified fidelity on the Gospels, on the Cross, and on 
the Holy Reliques. He appointed the Cardinal San Gre- 
gorio the Governor of the Dukedom of Spoleto, and of the 
County of Assisi and its domains. Conrad retired to 
Germany. In person Innocent visited Reate, Spoleto, 
Perugia, Todi ; everywhere he was received as the 
Sovereign, as the deliverer. The Archbishop of Ravenna 
alone resisted the encroachments of Innocent, displayed 
the Imperial investiture, and preserved the territories of 
his church.* Throughout Italy, the precarious state of the 
Imperial power, the sudden rise of a vigorous Pontifical 
administration, gave new life to the popular and Italian cause. 
The Tuscan League, the Lombard League, renewed their 
approaches to more intimate relations with the Pope ; but to 
the Tuscans the language of Innocent was that of a master. 
Their demands to choose their own rectors with a sove- 
reign Prior to preside over their League, he answered by 
a summons to unqualified submission to him, as heir to the 
Countess Matilda, and sovereign of the whole Duchy of 
Tuscany. "I have seen," he said, "with my own eyes, 
that the Duchy of Tuscany belongs of right to the Pope.'* 
Without the Papal protection the League could not 
subsist : he warned the cities lest, rejecting it, they should 
fall by the sword of the stranger.® But the most remark- 
able document is an address to all the cities, in which the 
similitude, now growing into favour, of the spiritual and 
temporal power to the sun and moon^ the temporal only 
deriving a reflected light from the spiritual, is wrought out 
with careful study.* But as regaraed Italy, both powers 
met in the supreme Pontifil The Ghibelline city of Pisa 
was placed under an interdict for presuming to assert its 
daring independence of the League ; a temporary suspen- 

i» Murator. sub ann. 1 198. ^ Epist i. 401, and in the Gesta. 

« Epist. i. 15, 35. 



Chap. I. SICILY A FIEF OF THE PAPACY. 2 1 

sion of the interdict was haughtily and ungraciously 
granted. 

The German dominion was driven into the South : there 
it was still strong from the occupation of the chief 
fortresses.* Constantia, the widow of Henry, now Queen, 
or at least left natural guardian of the realm, deemed it 
prudent, or was actuated by her own inclinations, to sepa- 
rate herself from the German cause, and to throw herself 
and her son upon the native interest She sent three 
Neapolitan nobles to demand her infant son Qoeenoon- 
Frederick from lesi, where he had been brought ■**°*^ 
up by the wife of Conrad of Lutzenberg; she caused 
him to be crowned in Palermo as joint sovereign of Sicily. 
She disclaimed Markwald the Duke of Bavenna, and 
declared him an enemy to the King and to the kingdom. 
She commanded the foreign troops to leave Sicily ; they 
retired, reluctant and brooding over revenge, to the castles 
on the mainland. She submitted to request the investiture 
of the realm for her son as a fief from the Papal See. 
Innocent saw his own strength, and her weakness. He 
condescended to her petition on the condition of her paying 
due allegiance to him as her lord for the kingdom of 
Naples and Sicily, the patrimony of the Holy See.' He 
seized the opportunity of enforcing hard terms, the revo- 
cation of certain privileges which had been granted by his 
predecessors to the faithfril Norman princes as the price of 
their fidelity. Constantia silently yielded ; she received a 
bull, which in the strongest terms proclaimed the absolute 
feudal superiority of the Pope over the whole kingdom of 
Naples and Sicily : that extraordinary pretension, grounded 
on no right but on the assertion of right, had now, by its 
repeated assertion on one part, its feeble denial or accept- 
ance on the other, grown into an established usage. Tne 
bull pronounced that the kingdom of Sicily belonged to the 
jurisdiction and to the property of the Church of Rome. 
The Queen was to swear allegiance, her son to do so 
directly he came of age. A tribute was to be paid. The 
bishops, under all circumstances, had the right of appeal 

• Epist. i. 35. ''Marcualdam im|>erii de regno exclusit"— Rich. San Germ, 
seneschalcum cum Teutomcis omnibus ' Epist i. 410, 413. 



22 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

to Rome ; all offences of the clergy, except high treason, 
were to be judged by the ecclesiastical courts. Sicily 
became a subject-kingdom, a province of the Papacy, under 
the constant superintendence of a Legate, 

Before the bull had been prepared, Constantia fell ill. 
Either in an access of devotion, or of maternal solicitude 
for her infant son, for whom she would secure the most 
powerful protection, she bequeathed him to the guardian- 
ship of his liege lord the Pope.* Innocent accepted the 
charge ; in his consolatory letter to the child, he assured 
Frederick, that though God had visited him by the death 
of his father and mother, he had provided him with a 
more worthy father — his own vicar on earth ; a better 
mother — the Church.^ 

Constantia died on the 27th of November.* Innocent 
A.©. 1198. was thus, if he could expel the Germans, virtually 
coMtaStia. King of Sicily, master of his own large terri- 
tories, as the ally and protector of the great Republican 
Leagues the dominant power in Italy ; and all this in less 
than one year after his accession to the Papal throne.*" 

But the elements of discord were not so easily awed 
into peace. The last will of Constantia, besides the 
guardianship of the Pope, had appointed a Council of 
Kegency : the Chancellor, the subtle and ambitious Walter 
of Palear Bishop of Troja (whose brothers, and perhaps 
himself, were in dangerous correspondence with Markwald), 
the Archbishops of Palermo, Monreale, and Capua. She 
trusted not to the unrewarded piety or charity of the 
Pontiff: for the protection of her son Sicily was to pay yearly 
thirty thousand pieces of gold ; "* all his other expenses 
were to be charged on the revenue of the kingdom. But 
her death opened a new scene of intrigue and daring to 

s Innocent, Epist. i. 322. dered the casUe to be placed in his own 

*» Epist. i. 566. hands. — Epist. ii. 39. . 

* Aged 46 ; a year and 19 days after " The tarini varied in value. The 

her husband. ounce of gold, about 2 1 grammes, 10 cent. 

^ He interfered soon after in the (French weight), was divided into 24 

affii'rs of the Lombard League. Parma tarini. Its vuue would be about 2 francs, 

and Piacenza had quarrelled about the 63 c, 75 m. The 30,000 would amount 

possession of Borgo San Domnino. He to about 79,125 francs. M. Cherrier esti- 

commanded his legate to take counsel mates that it would represent five times 

with the bishops to keep the peace ; the amount in present money. — Lutte 

threatened excommunication, and or- des Papes, ii. 40, note. 



AJ>. 1198. 



CiiAP. I. MAllKWALD. 23 

Markwald. He resumed the title of Seneschal of the 
Empire, laid claim to the administration of Sicily and the 
guardianship of the infant sovereign, alleging a testament 
of the Emperor, which invested him in that charge. The 
nobles of Sicily, however they might dread or detest the 
Grermans, were not more disposed to be the mere ministers 
of the Pope. They received the Legate who came to 
administer the oath of allegiance with coldness ; he 
returned to Rome. Markwald, in the mean time, had 
placed himself at the head of a poweribl band of adven- 
turers : he fell on the town of St. Germano, and had almost 
become master of the great monastery of Monte Casino, 
which was defended for eight days by a garrison of the 
Pope, and in which several cardinals had taken refuge. 
On the day of St. Maur the beloved companion of St. 
Benedict, the serene sky was suddenly clouded ; 
a terrific storm broke out, overthrew the tents of 
Markwald's army, and caused such a panic dread of the 
avenging saint, that they fled on all sides.*" Innocent issued 
a proclamation summoning the whole realm of Naples and 
Sicily to arms. He reminded them of their sufferings 
under Markwald and Markwald's master; how their 
princes, and even the clergy, had been tortured, mutilated, 
blinded, roasted (as he says) before slow fires.® The Pope 
had not spared the Papal treasures: he had assembled 
troops for their aid from Lombardy, Tuscany, Romagna, 
Campania. In his warlike address to the clergy, they 
were commanded on every Sunday, and on every festival, 
to renew the solemn excommunication, with quenched 
candles and tolling bells, against Markwald and all his 
accomplices.^ Markwald had again recourse to craft and 
dissimulation. Through the Archbishop of Mentz (who 
was in Rome on his return from the Holy Land) he made 
offers to the Pope which showed that he thought Innocent 
as unscrupulous as himself. He asserted the bastardy of 



a •< 



Cspit more Teutonico in terram ° " Vix est aliquis in toto regno, qui 

monastem dessvire." — Rich. San Germ, in se yel suis, penon& vcl rebus, consan- 

ad 1198. It is remarkable that Innocent guiueis vel amicis, grave non incurrerit 

says not a word in his letters of the per Teutonicos detrimentum." — Reg. 

miracle ; he ascribes the discomfiture of Innocent, No. ii. 

Markwald to the valour of the barons and p Epist. i. 557 to 556 
knights who had taken arms on his side. 



24 LATIN CHRISTIANITY, Book IX. 

Frederick; proposed that Innocent should invest him, 
Markwald, with the kingdom of Sicily. He would pay 
the Pope at once the enormous sum of 20,000 ounces of 
gold ;** the like sum on being put in possession of Palermo, 
He would double the annual tribute, and rule the island 
under the absolute control of the Pope. These offers being 
rejected, he was seized with a sudden and passionate desire 
of spiritual reconciliation with the Church. It was a strange 
contest ; Markwald endeavouring by humble civilities, by 
menaces, by lavish offers, to extort absolution on the easiest 
terms from the Cardinals. He declared himself ready to 
swear unreserved obedience in spiritual matters, in temporal 
more cautiously, to all just mandates of the Pope. Legates 
were sent to Veroli to receive his oath — Octayian the Car- 
dinal Bishop of Ostia, Guido Cardinal Presbyter of S. 
Maria in Transtevere, Ugolino Cardinal Deacon of S. 
Eustachio. He invited them to a banquet in a neigh- 
bouring convent, and Markwald himself served them with 
the utmost humility ; but audible murmurs were heard at 
the close that they were to be taken prisoners, and compelled 
to grant the unconditional absolution. Octavian and Guido 
were frightened ; Ugolino took courage, and produced a 
bull of the Pope, with which the wary Innocent had pro- 
vided them, prescribing the form of the oath, which 
implied the absolute abandonment of the bailiwick of Sicily, 
restoration of the patrimony of St. Peter, compensation for 
plunder, especially of the monastery of Monte Casino ; and, 
above all, Markwald was to swear to respect the persons of 
all ecclesiastics, especially of the Cardinals of the Church. 
There was a wild and threatening tumult among the 
German soldierv and the populace against the Cardinals. 
But Markwald nad not the courage to proceed to violence. 
They were permitted to return to Veroli : Markwald took 
the prescribed oath, and received absolution. 

But the absolution thus obtained at Veroli by a feigned 

submission was soon forfeited. Markwald would 

not renounce, he still affected the title of guardian 

of Sicily : he called himself Seneschal. In this name the 

jealous sagacity of Innocent detected latent pretensions to 

** Gcsta, ch. zxii. 



Chap. I. MARKWALD IN SICILY. 23 

the protectorate. An excommunication more full, if pos- 
sible, more express, more maledictory, was hurled against 
the recreant German, Every one who supplied provisions, 
clothing, ships, or troops to Markwald . fell under the same 
anathema,' Any clerk who officiated in his presence 
incurred deprivation. Markwald retired to Salerno; a 
fleet from Ghibelline Pisa was ready to convey him to 
Sicily. He crossed the straits ; received the submission of 
many cities, was welcomed by many noble families, by the 
whole Saracen population. Innocent pursued him with 
the strongest manifestoes. He addressed a letter to the 
counts, barons, citizens, and the whole people of Sicily. He 
reminded them of the atrocious cruelties perpetrated by 
the Emperor Jlenry and his German followers ; announced 
the excommunication of Markwald, the absolution of all 
his adherents from their oaths of fidelity. " He is come 
to Sicily with the pirate William the Fat to usurp the 
throne ; to say of the infant Frederick, * This is the heir, 
let us slay him, and take possession of his inheritance.' 
He is leagued with the Saracens ; he is prepared to glut 
their throats with Christian blood, to abandon Christian 
wives to their lusts." Towards the Saracens, nevertheless. 
Innocent expresses himself with mildness ; " if they remain 
faithful to the King, he will not merely maintain, he will 
augment their privileges." The Pope went further : he 
addressed a solemn admonition to the Saracens. " They 
knew by experience the gentleness of the Apostolic See, 
the barbarity of Markwald. They had been eye-witnesses 
of his cruelties, the drowning in the sea, the roasting of 
priests over slow fires, the flagellation of multitudes. He 
who was so cruel to his fellow Christians would be even 
more ruthless to strangers, to those of other rites and other 
creeds. He who could ungratefully and rebelliously rise 
against the son of his liege lord would little respect the 
rights of foreigners ; all oaths to them would be despised 
by one who had broken all his oaths to the Roman See."' 
With still more singular incongruity, he assures the Sara- 
cens that he has sent as their protectors the Cardinal of 
St. Laurence in Lucina, the Archbishops of Naples and 

' Epist. ii. 179; andjii. 280. * Epist. ii. 226. 



i; 



26 LATIN CHHISTIAKITY. Book IX. 

Tarentum, as well as his own relatives John the Marshal 
and Otho of Palumbria* Markwald, notwithstanding these 
denunciations and addresses, pursued his way and appeared 
before Palermo, 

In Apulia, warlike cardinals, and even James the Mar- 
shal, the cousin of the Pope, though he showed consider- 
able military skill as well as valour, were no antagonists 
against the disciplined and experienced Germans, Diephold, 
and Frederick Malati, who held Calabria. Innocent wanted 
a warrior of fame and generalship to lead his forces. France 
was the land to supply bold and chivalrous adventurers. 
Sybilla, the widow of Tancred of Sicily, dethroned by 
Henry, had made her escape from her prison in the Tyrol. 
She married her eldest daughter to Walter ^e Brienne, of 
a noble but impoverished house. Walter of Brienne came 
to Rome to demand the inheritance of his wife, the princi- 
ality of Tarentum and the county of Lecce, which Henry 
ad settled on the descendants of Tancred. Walter was 
the man whom Innocent needed. He was at once invested 
in the possession of Tarentum and Lecce ; at the same 
time he was sworn to assert no claim to the kingdom, but 
to protect the rights of the infant Sovereign. Piety ,justice 
and policy, equally demanded this security for the Pontiff, 
as guardian of Frederick ; a security precarious enough 
from a powerful, probably an ambitious stranger. Walter 
returned to France to levy troops. Markwald, in the mean 
time, with his own forces and with the Saracens, besieged 
Palermo; the Papal troops, headed by the Archbishop 
of Naples, the Marshal and the Legate, came, the former 
directly by sea, to the aid of Walter the Chancellor, who 
had refused all the advances of Markwald. A battle took 
place, in which Markwald suffered a total defeat. Magded, 
the Emir of the Saracens, was slain. In the baggage of 
Markwald was found, or said to be found, a will with a 
golden seal, purporting to be that of the Emperor Henry. 
It commanded his wife and son to recognise all the Papal 
rights over Sicily ; it bequeathed Sicily, in case of the 
death of his son, m the fullest terms to the Pope. It com- 
manded the immediate restitution of the estates of the 

' Epist. i. 489. Nov. 24, 1199. 



Chap. I. WALTER OP TROJA CHANCELLOR. 27 

Countess Matilda by the Empire to the Pope, If this 
will was made during the last illness of the Emperor (yet 
it contemplates the contingency of his wife dying before 
him), he might have been disposed either as leaving a help- 
less wife and an infant heir, to secure the protection of the 
Pope, and so the surrender of the Matildine territories may 
have been designed as a direct reward for the confirmation 
of his son in the Empire ; or the whole may have been 
framed in a fit of death-bed penitence. The suspicious 
part was another clause, bequeathing the duchy of 
Ravenna, with Bertinoro and the march of Ancona, to 
Markwald ; ^ but even this, if the Duke died without heirs, 
was to revert to the Roman See. 

The appearance of Walter of Brienne at the head of a 
small but chosen band of knights ; his commission 
by the Pope as the leader of the faithful,* his rapid 
successes, his defeat of Diephold before Capua, the retreat 
of the Germans into their fortresses, his peaceful occupa- 
tion ofTarentum, Lecce, and great part of Apulia, alarmed, 
or gave pretence for alarm, to the great nobles of Sicily. 
The ambitious churchman Walter of Troja, the Chancellor, 
aspired to the vacant archbishopric of Palermo. Innocent 
had been obliged to consent to his taking possession of the 
temporalities of the See, though he withheld the pallium.^ 
The Chancellor had the strongest apprehensions of the 
progress of Walter of Brienne. A gradual approximation 
took place between the Chancellor Archbishop and Mark- 
wald. The Chancellor was to leave Markwald in 
undisputed possession of Apulia, Markwald the Chan- 
cellor in that of Sicily. The friendship was hollow and 
mistrustful. Each suspected and accused the other of 
designs on the Crown — Markwald for himself, Walter for 
his brother. Gentile Count of Manupelles. Both, however, 
were equally jealous of Walter of ^Brienne : Markwald as 
already more than his equal in the kingdom of Naples 
The Chancellor assumed loyal apprehension for the endan- 
gered rights of the infant Frederick, whom the Pope, as 

" The yiiW is in the Gesta, xxvii. It it from other hands? 

is of rery donbtful authenticity. Could * *■ Domino protegente fideles ab in- 

it have been forged by Markwald, to be fidelibns." — Gesta, c. xxz. 

produced if occasion required? or was ^ May 3, 1203. 



28 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

he suspected, would betray. Innocent was compelled to 
justify himself in a long letter addressed to the young 
Frederick, whom he warned to mistrust all around him, 
and to place his sole reliance on the parental guardianship 
of the Pope. The Chancellor Walter of Troja was now in 
the kingdom of Naples, levying money for the service of 
the realm, which he is accused of having done in the most 
rapacious manner, not sparing the treasures, nor even the 
holy vessels of the churches. He might plead, perhaps, 
the tribute paid by the realm to the Pope. To the Papal 
legate, the Bishop of Porto, he professed unbounded submis- 
sion, took the oath of allegiance, and received absolution. 
When, however, he was commanded not to oppose Walter 
of Brienne, against whom he was in almost armed 
confederacy with the Germans, he broke fiercely out, as 
if in indignant patriotism : '* If St. Peter himself uttered 
such command, he would not obey; the fear of hell 
should not tempt him to be guilty of such treason ; " and 
he is said to have blasphemed (such is the term) against 
the Pope himself* From the presence of the Legate he 
set out openly to join Diephold. A battle took place 
near Bari. Walter of Brienne, though embarrassed by 
the presence and the fears of the Legate, gained a com- 
plete victory : many important prisoners, among them a 
brother of Diephold, were taken. 

But in Sicily as well as Naples the partisans of Walter 
of Troja, comprehending the greater part of the Norman 
and native nobles, were now in alliance with the Germans. 
Sept. 1202. Markwald entered Palermo, and became master 
MarkwW of the person of the King. He died shortly aftei 
of an unsuccessful or unskilful operation for the stone. 
The palace and the person of the King were seized by a 
powerful Norman noble, William of Capperone. From 
him Walter the Chancellor, who still claimed to be Bishop 
of Troja, and, despite of the Pope, Archbishop of Palermo, 
endeavoured by a long course of intrigue to wrest a^ay 
the precious charge. In the kingdom of Naples, the death 
of Walter of Brienne, who was surprised, taken, and who 
died of his wounds • as a prisoner of Diephold, gave back 

' Gesta, xxxiv. * The battle, the 1 1th of June, 1205. 



Chap. I. FREDERICK II. 29 

the ascendancy to the German party. The Pope was 
constrained to accept their precarious and doubtful submis- 
sion; to admit them to reconciliation with the Church. 
Diephold became the most powerful subject, and more 
than a subject in the kingdom of Naples. 

Thus grew up the young Frederick, the ward of the 
Pope, without that pious, or at least careful education*' 
which might have taught him respect and gratitude to the 
Holy See ; among Churchmen who conspired against or 
openly defied the head of the Church ; taught from his 
earliest years by every party to mistrust the other ; taught 
by the Sicilians to hate the Germans, by the Germans to 
despise the Sicilians ; taught that in the Pope himself, his 
guardian, there was no faith or loyalty ; that his guardian 
would have sacrificed him, had it been his interest, to the 
house of Tancred. All around him was intrigue, violence, 
conflict. Government was almost suspended throughout 
Sicily. The Saracens hardly acknowledging any allegiance 
to the throne, warred with impartiality against the Chris- 
tians of both parties ; yet neither had any repugnance to 
an alliance witn the gallant Infidels against the opposing 
party. Such was the training of him who was in a short 
time to wear the Imperial crown, to wage the last strife of 
the house of Hohenstaufen with his mother, rather perhaps 
his step-mother, the Church. 

^ The Cardinal Cencio Savelli, after- first the nominal charge of his edaca- 
wards the mild Honorius III., had at tion. 



• 



30 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 



CHAPTER II. 



INNOCENT AND THE EMPIRE. 



The Empire, now vacant, might seem to invite the com- 
vacancyof manding interposition of Innocent. It opened 
the Empire. ^Imost a widcF field for the ambition of the rope, 
and for those exorbitant pretensions to power which disguised 
themselves as tending to promote peace and order by ex- 
panding the authority of the Church, than Italy itself. 
But it was not so easy to reconcile these vast demands 
for what was called spiritual freedom, but which was in 
fact spiritual dominion, with the real interests of Germany. 
The prosperity, the peace of the Empire depended on the 
strength, the influence, the unity of the temporal power ; 
the security, the advancement of the Papacy on its 
weakness and its anarchy. A vigorous and uncontested 
Sovereignty could alone restrain the conflicting states, and 
wisely and temperately administered, might advance the 
social condition of Germany. At all events, such sove- 
reignty was necessary to spare the realm from years of 
civil war, during which armed adventurers grew up, from 
their impregnable castles warring against each other, de- 
fying all government, wasting the land with fire and 
sword, preventing culture, inhibiting commerce, retarding 
civilisation. But a powerful Emperor had always been 
found formidable to the Church, at least to the temporal 
rule of the Papacy ; his claims to Italian dominion were 
only suspended by his inability to enforce them ; and the 
greater his strength, the less the independence of the Ger- 
man prelacy. The Emperor either domineered over 
them, or filled the important sees with his own favourites. 
The Pope could not but remember the long strife of his 
predecessors with the house of Hohenstaufen ; in thefn 
was centred all the hostility, all the danger of Ghibel- 
linism ; they seemed born to be implacable foes of the 



Chap. IF. PHILIP THE HOHENSTAUFEN. 3 1 

Papacy : he might naturally shrink in execration at the 
recent cruelties of Henry, though he could hardly augur in 
the infant King of Sicily so obstinate an antagonist to his 
successors as Frederick II. 

The perpetuation of the Empire in this haughty house 
was in itself a cause of serious apprehension ; it added 
immeasurably to the Imperial power, and every subordi- 
nate consideration must be sacrificed to the limitation of 
that power. 

Immediately after the death of Henry, his brother 
Philip,* abandoning his first intention of descend- Phmpretjrts 
ing to the south, and of taking with him the *«««™«>y. 
young Frederick, hastened to the Alps, which he reached 
not without diflBculty, pursued, even menaced, by the 
murmurs and imprecations of the Italians. Already had 
Henry in his lifetime obtained the oath of many of the 
German princes to his infant son, as King of the Bo- 
mans and heir of the Empire. Philip at first asserted, 
and seemed honestly disposed to assert the claims of his 
nephew ; but an infant Emperor was too contrary to 
German usage, manifestly so unsuited to the difiicult 
times, that Philip consented to be chosen King 
by a large body of princes and of prelates assem- 
bled at Mulhausen.^ But the adverse party had not been 
inactive. The soul of this party was Adolph of Altena, 
the powerful, opulent, and crafty Archbishop of Cologne. 
The great prelates of the Rhme and the neighbouring 
princes seemed to claim a kind of initiative. The Arch- 
bishop of Mentz, Conrad of Wittlesbach, was absent in 
the Holy Land ;'' the Archbishop of Treves . appeared at 
first on the side of the Archbishop of Cologne. They 
met at Andernach, and professed surprise that the rest 
of the princes were so slow in joining the legitimate 
Diet. They determined, of themselves, to raise up an 

*■ Philip had been intended for holy ing to Boehmer, Pref. p. ix. Compare 

orders, iras proTost of Aix-la*Chapelle, the passa^ as to the spontaneous offer 

had been chosen Bishop of Wurtzburg of the princes. 

in J 191. In 1194 he accompanied the ^ Conrad of Rabensborg, Bishop of 

Emperor to Apulia ; iras named Duke of Hildesheim, later of Wurtzburg, once a 

Tuscan J, 1195 ; married to the Princess fellow-student of Thomas k Becket, was 

Irene ; Duke of Swabia, 1 1 96. also in the Holy Land ; as also the eldest 

^ At Amstadt, in Thuringia, accord- son of Henry the Lion. 



32 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

antagonist to the house of Hohenstaufen. Three princes 
for different reasons refused to embark in the perilous con- 
test. Richard of Cornwall was at length conscious of his 
folly in aspiring, as he had too often done, to the Empire. 
Berthold of Zahringen, who had once yielded, withdrew 
from prudence, or rather avarice.** Bernard of Saxony, 
as feeling himself unequal to the burthen of Empire, and 
already pledged to the cause of Philip. The prelates 
turned their thoughts at length to the house of Henry the 
Lion, the irreconcileable adversary of the house of Swabia. 
Henry, the eldest son, was engaged in the Crusades ; the 
second, Otho, since the house had fallen under 
the ban of the Empire, had resided at the court 
of England, under the protection of Richard of Cornwall. 
By his valour he had attracted the notice of his uncle. 
King Richard Coeur de Lion : he had been created first 
Count of York, afterwards Count of Poitou. Otho could 
not have lived under a better training for the fostering his 
hereditary hatred and thirst of revenge against the house 
of Hohenstaufen, or for the love of chivalrous adventure. 
He had nothing to lose, an imperial crown to win. His 
uncle, Richard of England, could never forget his impri- 
sonment in Germany, and the part taken by the 
Emperor in that galling and disgraceful transac- 
tion. The perfidy and avarice of Henry were to be 
visited in due retribution on his race.® Otho set forth on 
his expedition, to gain the Imperial crown, well furnished 
with English gold,' with some followers, and with provisions 
of war. In May he was proclaimed Emperor at Cologne ; he 
was declaredthe champion of the Church : he owed his elec- 
tion to a few Churchmen. The Archbishop of Cologne either 
represented, or pretended to represent, besides his own vote, 
the Archbishop of Mentz. English gold bought the ava- 

* Anna! Argentin. ^ nepotem snnni, mirse strenuitatis et ele- 

* Bythe English account King Richard gantis corporis adolescentem elegerint." 
by his money initiated the proceedings ^Radulph. Coggeshal, ap. Martene, v. 
of Archbishop Adolph ; he bought the 851. Philip asserts this in his letter to 
Crown for Ouio : " Rex Richai^as di- the Pope.-— A pud Innocent, Epist. i. 747. 
Titiis et consiliis pollens, tantum effit ' According to Arnold of Lubeck, 
niuneribus et xeniis suis erga Archiepis- 50,000 marks. ** Quae in summariis 
copuni Colonise et erga proceres imperii, ferebant quinquaginta dextrarii." — c. 
quod omnibus aliis omlssis, Othonem vii. 17. 



A.I>. 1198. 



Chap. n. WAR IN GERMANY. 33 

ricious Archbishop of Treves. The Flemish nobles, allied 
with England, were almost unanimous in favour of Otho ; 
many other princes, who had returned from the Crusades 
on the news of the Emperor's death, joined either from 
love of war, respect for the Church, or hatred of the Ho- 
henstaufen, the growing party. 

Nothing can be more sublime than the notion of a great 
supreme religious power, the representative of God's 
eternal and immutable justice upon earth, absolutely above 
all passion or interest, interposing with the commanding 
voice of authority in the quarrels of kings and nations, 
persuading peace by the unimpeachable impartiality of its 
judgments, and even invested in power to enforce its un- 
erring decrees. But the subjimity of the notion depends 
on the arbiter's absolute exemption from the unextinguish- 
able weaknesses of human nature. If the tribunal com- 
mands not unquestioning respect ; if there be the slightest 
just suspicion of partiality ; if it goes beyond its lawful pro- 
vince ; if it has no power of compelling obedience, it adds 
but another element to the general confusion ; it is a par- 
tisan enlisted on one side or the other, not a mediator con- 
ciliating conflicting interests, or overawing the collision of 
factions. Yet such was the Papal power in these times ; 
oflen, no doubt, on the side of justice and humanity, too 
often on the other ; looking to the interests of the Church 
alone, assumed, but assumed without ground to be the 
same as those of Christendom and mankind ; the represen- 
tative of fallible man rather than of the infallible God. 
Ten years of strife and civil war in Germany are to be 
traced, if not to the direct instigation, to the inflexible ob- 
stinacy of Pope Innocent III. 

It was too much the interest of both parties to obtain 
the influence of the Pope in their favour, not to incline 
them outwardly at least to submit their claims to his in- 
vestigation. But it was almost as certain that one party 
at least would not abide by his unfavourable decree : and 
however awful the power of excommunication with which 
there could be no doubt that the Pope would endeavour 
to compel obedience, in no instance had the spiritual 
power, at least in later days, obtained eventual success. 

VOL. IV. D 



34 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

Innocent assumed a lofty equity; but the house of 
Conductor Henry the Lion had ever been devoted to the 
^°°^°** Pope ; the house of Swabia ungovernable, if not 
inimical. His first measure against Philip was one of 
cautious hostility. Philip was already under the ban of 
the Church — I. As implicated with his brother in the 
cruelties exercised against the family of the unfortunate 
Tancred, the rival favoured by the Pope for the throne of 
Sicily. II. As having held by Imperial grant the domains 
of the Countess Matilda, to which the Popes maintained 
their right by anathema against all who should 
withhold them from the See. The Bishop of 
Sutri was sent as Legate to demand of Philip the imme- 
diate release of Sybilla, the widow of Tancred, and of her 
daughters, who were imprisoned in Germany, as well as of 
the Archbishop of Salerno their partisan. The German 
prelates of the Rhine were commanded to support this 
demand, to sequester the goods of all who had presumed 
to assist in the incarceration of an Archbishop, in itself an 
act of sacrilege.*^ The Chapter of Mentz, in the absence 
of the Primate, was to pronounce an interdict not only on 
those concerned in the imprisonment, and the whole city 
in which it had taken place ; but also to bring under the 
ban of the Church all German princes who did not heartily 
strive for their release : if satisfaction was not instantly 
made, the ban spread over the whole of Germany.** Philip 
himself was to be reminded of his state of excommunica- 
tion, as usurper of the territories of the Church. Only 
on his giving full satisfaction on both points, the instan- 
taneous release of the prisoners, especially the Archbishop 
of Salerno, and his surrender of all the lands of the 
Roman See, the Bishop of Sutri was empowered to grant 
absolution ; otherwise he could only receive it as a sup- 
pliant from the Pope himself. Thus the first act of the 
aspirant to the Empire was to be an acknowledgment of 
almost the highest pretensions of the Papal supremacy, a 
condemnation of his brothers policy, the cession of the 

s Epist i. 24, 25. sited on that accoant by the craelties of 

** It is remarkable that Innocent the Germans, rather than on the tyranny 

dwells on the sins of the laxurioQS and and inhumanity of the Grermans.— 

effeminate Sicilians, irho had been t1- Epist 26. 



Chap. II. ABSOLUTION OF PHnjP, 35 

lands of the Countess Matilda. Innocent had chosen a 
German by birth, perhaps from his knowledge of the 
language, for this important Legation, in full confidence, 
no doubt, that the interests of the Church would quench 
all feelings of nationality. But either from this nation- 
ality, from weakness, or love of peace, the Bishop of Sutri 
allowed himself to be persuaded by Philip to stretch to 
the utmost, if not to go beyond, his instructions. Philip 
consented in vague words to the amplest satisfaction ; and 
on this general promise, obtained a secret absolution from 
the Legate. Innocent disclaimed his weak envoy ; after- 
wards degraded him from his See, and banished him to a 
remote monastery, where he died in shame and grief.^ 

Yet Philip stood absolved by one representing the Papal 
authority. This objection to the validity of his election 
was removed ; and in most other respects his superiority 
was manifest. The largest and most powerful part of the 
Empire acknowledged him ; his army was the strongest ; 
the treasures which his brother had brought from Sicily 
were lavished with successful prodigality ; his garrison as 
yet occupied Aix-la-Chapelle, the city in which the Em- 

Eerors were crowned ; all the sacred regalia were in his 
ands. The Rhenish prelates and the nobles of Flanders 
stood almost alone on the side of Otho ; but Bichard of 
England had supplied him with large sums of monev ; and 
wit^ the aid of the Flemish princes he made himself mas- 
ter of Aix-la-Chapelle, and was crowned in that Jaiy lo, ii»8. 
city by the Archbishop of Cologne. Philip celc- SJ'^iJSL'*' 
brated his coronation at Mentas, but the highest ^yia^n^g. 
Prelate who would perform this rite was a Aag.i6,iiM. 
foreigner, at least not a German, Aimo, Archbishop of 
Tarentaise. 

If Bichard of England was on one side, Philip Au- 
gustus of France was sure to be on the other in Pbmp au- 
this contest ; and besides his rivalry with Eng- l?woJ 
land, Philip had personal and hereditary cause for hostility 
to Otho ; and with the house of Hohenstaufen he had ever 
maintained friendly alliance.^ 

* Ugbelli, Italia Sacra, i. 1275. ^ Godef. Mon. Arnold Lubeck. See 
Worms, Jane 29, 1198. Von Baumer, ill. p. 107. Gery. TUb. 

D 2 



36 LATIN CHMSTIANITT. Book IX. 

Innocent seemed to await the submission of the cause 
Pope inno- *<> his arbitration ; as yet, indeed, he was fully 
**"*- occupied with the affairs of Rome and Italy. 

The friends of Otho, who could well anticipate his favour- 
able judgment, were the first to make their appeal. Ad- 
dresses were sent to Rome in the name of Richard King 
of England, Count Baldwin of Flanders, the city of Milan, 
the Archbishop of Cologne, his suffragans the Bishops 
of Munster, Minden, Paderbom, Cambray and Utrecht, 
the Bishop of Strasburg, the Abbots of Verden and Cor- 
vey, Duke Henry of Brabant, with many Abbots and 
Counts. Most of these documents promised the most 
profound submission on the part of Otho to the Church ; 
specifically abandoned the ■ detestable practice™ of seizing 
the goods of bishops and abbots on their decease, and 
pledged all the undersigned to the same loyal protec- 
tion of the Church and all her rights. The answer of 
Innocent was courteous, but abstained from recognising 
the title of Otho. 

The civil war began its desolations. Philip at first 
gained great advantages ; he advanced almost to 
the gates of Cologne ; and retreated only on the 
tidings of the approach of a powerful army from Flanders. 
It was civil war in its most barbarous lawlessness. Bonn, 
Andernach, and other towns were burned ; it is said that 
a nun was stripped naked, anointed with honey, rolled in 
feathers, and then set on a horse with her face to the 
tail, and paraded through the streets. Philip, on his side, 
wrought by indignation from his constitutional mildness, 
commanded the guilty soldiers to be boiled in hot water. 
The winter suspended the hostile operations. 

Philip himself maintained a loflby silence towards Rome ; 
he would not, it might seem, compromise the right of elec- 
tion in the princes and prelates of the realm, by what 
might be construed into the acknowledged arbitration of a 

The King of France, writing to the qnoniam in opprobrium coronts nostras 

Pope : " Ad haec cum rex Angliae per co^noscitur redundare/' — Innocent, 

fas et nefas pecunift su& mediante nepo- Epist i. 690. 

tem suum ad imperialem apicem conatur "* ** Consuetudinem ilhim detesta- 

intrudere, vos nullatenus intrusionem bilem." 

illam, si placet, debetis admittere. 



Chap. II. INNOCENT'S DECLARATION. 37 

superior authority. A year had now passed ; the war, on 
the whole, had been to his advantage ; the death of Ri- 
chard of England had deprived Otho of his most formid- 
able ally. Innocent could no longer brook delay ; without 
his aid there was danger lest the cause of Otho should 
utterly fail. His expectations that both parties would lay 
the cause at his feet were disappointed ; he was compelled 
to take the initiative, Unsummoned therefore by gene- 
ral consent, appealed to by but one party, he ascended as 
it were his tribunal; in a letter to the Archbishop of 
Cologne, though by no means committing himself, he 
allowed his favourable disposition to transpire somewhat 
more clearly. In an address to the Princes and Prelates, 
he declared his surprise that a cause on which depended 
the dignity or disgrace of the Church, the peace and unity 
or the desolation of the Empire, had not been at once 
submitted to him, in whom was vested the sole and ab- 
solute right of determining the dispute in the first and 
last resort It was his duty to aamonish them to put 
an end to this fatal anarchy. He would adjudge the 
crown to hinx who should unite the greater number of 
suffrages, and was the best deserving.*^ The merits of the 
case were thus lefl to no rigid rule of right, but vaguely 
yielded up to his arbitrary judgment. Philip, at the same 
time, found it expedient to announce his election, not to 
submit his claim to the Court of the Pontiff.** He wrote 
from the city of Spires, that he had received with due 
honour the Bishop of Sutri and the Abbot of St. Anastasia, 
the envoys of the Pope. He had only kept them in his 
court to witness the course of affairs. He sent them now to 
announce that by God's merciful guidance all had turned 
out in his favour, the obstacles to his elevation were rapidly 
disappearing ; he entreated his Holiness to turn an atten- 
tive ear to their report. At the same time came an 
address from the princes and prelates ; the list, both of 
ecclesiastics and laymen, contrasted strongly with the few 
names which had supported the address of Otho. 

Philip Augustus of France supported the demands of 
Philip's partisans. Among the princes were the kings of 

" Epist i. 690 : date ©robablx May 20. ° Spires. May 28. 



88 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

Bohemia, the dukes of Saxony, Bavaria, Austria, Meran, 
and Lorraine, the margraves of Meissen, Brandenburg, 
and Moravia, The host of prelates was even more im- 

Eosing. The archbishops of Magdeburg, of Treves (who 
ad perhaps been bought back), and Besan<;on; the 
Bishops of Ratisbon, Freisingen, Augsburg, Constance, 
Eichstadt, Worms, Spires, Brixen, and Hildesheim, with a 
large number of abbots, Herzfeld, Tegernsee, Elwangen. 
These had signed, but there were besides assenting to the 
address, Otho the palatine of Bui'gundy (Philip's bro- 
ther), the dukes of Zahringen and Carinthia, the mar- 
graves of Landsberg and Bohberg ; the palgraves of 
Thuringia, Wittlesbach, and numberless other counts and 
nobles : the Patriarch of Aquileia, the Archbishop of 
Bremen, the Bishops of Verden, Halberstadt, Merseburg, 
Naumburg, Osnaburg, Bamburg, Passau, Coire, Trent^ 
.Metz, Toul, Verdun, Li^ge. There was submission, at 
the same time something of defiance and menace, in their 
language. They declared that they had no design to 
straiten the rights of the holy see ; but they urged upon 
the Pope that he should not encroach on the rights of 
the Empire ; they warned him against hostility towards 
Markwald the seneschal of the Empire, and declared them- 
selves, with the Emperor at their head, ready after a short 
repose to undertake an expedition to Rome in great force.^ 
The Pope replied to the princes and prelates that he had 
heard with sorrow of the contested election ; he should be 
prepared to join the Emperor who had been elected law- 
fully ; he should remember rather the good than the evil 
deeds of the Emperor ; it was by no means his desire to 
trench on his temporal rights, but to act for the good of 
the empire as of the church. They would judge better of 
his proceedings i^ainst Markwald, when better informed, 
and when they had closed their ears against the calum- 
niators of the Roman see. 



' The date of this address of the 1198; bat if so, it preceded the eorona- 

German princes and prelates is of some tion both of Otho and Philip. Von 

importance. Hnrter places it in 1199. Baumer places it in his text in 1199, 

It IS dated at Spires,^. Ral. Jon. Maj 28. in his note in 1 198. Boehmer in 1200. 
Georgish in his Regesta assigns it to 



Ciur. II. ENVOYS TO HOME. 39 

Conrad Archbishop of Mentz,*^ the Primate of Ger- 
many, of noble family, venerable for his age, his learning, 
and his character, had been absent in the Holy Land 
throughout all these proceedings. To him, supposing him 
to be yet in Falestme, Innocent addressed an 
epistle ' which explained the state of the contest, "^ ^ "*'* 
manifestly with a strong bearing towards Otho ; he de- 
clared that all his measures were for the greatness, not, 
as turbulent men asserted, for the destruction of the 
Empire. He enjoined him to send orders to his dio- 
cese, that all the officers, the ecclesiastics, and the 
barons dependent on the church of Mentz, should sup- 
port the Emperor approved by the Holy See. Conrad 
had already set out for Europe, he passed through 
Home ; and Innocent, after a long conference, 
invested him in full authority to re-establish peace in Ger- 
many. The Primate, on his part, promised to come to no 
final determination without sending previous information 
to the Pope. On the arrival of Conrad in Germany both 
parties consented to a suspension of arms until stjamess 
St Martin's Day. *^' -^^^ ''• 

Both contending parties sent ambassadors to Innocent. 
Those of Otho were ui^ent, imploring, submLs- e„,,^^, ^ 
sive. In every respect would the religious Otho b«°»«- 
submit himself to the wishes of the Pope. The ^-y^^^^- 
envoys of Philip were the provost of St. Thomas at 
Strasburg, and a subdeacon of the Roman church. 
Perhaps none of the great prelates would trust themselves 
or could be trusted on such a mission. To them Innocent 
seized the occasion of proclaiming in a full consistory of 
Cardinals the supremacy of the spiritual over the temporal 
power. The whole of the Old Testament was cited to his 
purpose. The subordination of the kingship to the priest- 
hood in Melchisedec and Abraham ; the inferiority of the 
anointed to him who anoints ; even Christ the anointed, is 
inferior as to his manhood, to the Father by whom he is 
anointed. Priests are called gods, kings princes ; the one 
have power on earth, the other in heaven ; one over the 

*> Cound held the cardinal bishopric of S. Sabina, with the primacy of Mentx. 
— Epist. IL 293. ' Epist ii. 



40 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

soul, the other over the body ; the priesthood is as much 
more worthy than the kingship as the soul than the 
body. The priesthood is older than the kingship : God 
gave Israel, who had long had priests, kings in his wrath. 
Only among the heathen was the kingdom the older ; yet 
even Baal, who ruled over Assyria after the building of 
the tower of Babel, was younger than Shem. Then came 
allusions to the fate of Korah, Dathan, and Abiram, to 
the disunion of the priesthood by the wicked schismatic 
Jeroboam. From thence to modern times the transition 
was bold but easy. The happy times of Innocent II. and 
the Saxon Lothair and their triumph over Conrad and 
Anacletus were significantly adduced: "So truth ever 
subdues falsehood." The allusion to Frederick Barba- 
rossa was even more fine and subtle. In him the Empire 
was united while the Church was divided ; but the schism 
and he who fostered the schism were stricken to the 
earth. Now the Church is one, the Empire divided. 
It concluded with the assertion that the Pope had trans- 
ferred the Empire from the East to the West, that the 
Empire is granted as an investiture by the Pope. " We 
will read the letter of your lord, we will consult with our 
brethren, and then give our answer ; may God enable us 
to act wisely for His honour, the advantage of the Church, 
and the welfare of the Empire." In his reply to the princes 
of Germany, the leaning of Innocent against Philip, though 
yet slightly disguised, was more clearly betrayed. If he 
had the majority of voices and the possession of the 
regalia, on the other hand must be taken into account the 
illegality of his coronation, his excommunication by the 
Church from which he had but fraudulently obtained abso- 
lution ; the design to make the Empire hereditary in his 
house. The Archbishop of Cologne was arraigned in no 
moderate terms for presuming to submit the question to the 
diet of the. Empire without the Pope s previous consent." 

The assembly at Boppart in the previous year had 
^ ^^ come to nothing. Otho only appeared, neither 

Jimepi099. T>i_'i' 1 • ^ 1 ** 1 ^ 

x^nilip nor nis supporters condescended to notice 

* Epist. Tol. i. p. 691. 



Chap. H. THE WAR. 41 

the summons. Again the war broke out, and raged with 
all its ferocity. Philip fell on the hereditary territories of 
the house of Guelf. The Archbishop of Magdeburg 
burned Helmstadt; Henry, the brother of Otho, ravaged 
the bishopric of Hildesheim, and threw himself into Bruns- 
wick, now besieged by Philip. Philip was obliged to 
withdraw with great loss and dishonour ; he returned to 
the Rhine, where his ally the Bishop of Worms was 
wasting the country round his own city ; he 
obtained a powerfid ally in Conrad of Scharfe- 
nech, the coadjutor of the Bishop of Spires. The death 
of the peaceful Primate, Conrad of Mentz, destroyed all 
hopes, if hopes there were, of composing the strife by 
.amicable negociation. A double election for the primacy 
was the inevitable consequence of the all-pervadmg con- 
flict. Hardly were the last obsequies paid to the remains 
of Conrad when the Chapter met. Both the elected pre- 
lates were men of noble German race. The partisans of 
Philip chose Leopold of the house of Schonfield, who had 
succeeded his uncle in the See of Worms. Leopold was a 
churchman, strong in mind, strong in body, vigorous and 
violent ; no less distinguished for the qualities of a warlike 
leader than an able prelate ; he had been engaged in the 
Italian wars, and at least had not restrained his soldiers in 
the plunder of churches : his enemies described him as a 
tyrant rather than a bishop ; and such was his daring that 
he is said, somewhat later, with all the pomp of burning 
torches, to have excommunicated the Pope himself.' The 
opposite party elected Siegfried, of the house of Eppstein, 
but Mentz being in possession of their adversaries, they 
withdrew to Bingen to confirm their election. 

Innocent now determined to assume openly the function 
of supreme arbiter in this great quarrel. The popeinno- 
Cardinal Guido Pierleoni, Bishop of Palestrina, bemuon. 
appeared in Germany with a Bull containing the full and 
elaborate judgment This was the tenour of the Bull : — 
'^ It belongs to the Apostolic See to pass judgment on the 
election of the Emperor, both in the first and last resort ;" 

' CsDsar. Heisterb. Dialog. Mirac. " It was the Emperor, not the King 
iL 9. of the Germaos. IiinoceDt, in theory, 



42 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

in the first, because by her aid and on h^r account the 
Empire was transplanted from Constantinople ; by her as 
the sole authority for this transplanting, on her behalf and 
for her better protection : in the last resort, because the 
Emperor receives the final confirmation of his dignity 
from the Pope ; is consecrated, crowned, invested in the 
imperial dignity by him. That which must be sought is 
the lawful, the right, the expedient." Innocent proceeds 
to discuss at length the claims of the three kings,* the 
child (Frederick of Sicily), Philip, and Otho. He admits 
the lawful election, the oath twice taken, and once at least 
freely, by the Princes of the Empire to the young Frederick. 
" His cause it might seem incumbent on the Apostolic See, 
as the protector of the orphan, to maintain ; and lest, when 
come to riper years, in his wrath at having been deprived 
of the Empire by the Papal decree, he should become hos- 
tile to the Pope and withdraw the kingdom of Naples 
from her allegiance to the Holy See. But, on the other 
hand, on whom did this election fall ? to whom was this 
oath sworn ? To one not merely incapable of ruling the 
Empire, but of doing anything ; a child of two years old, a 
child not yet baptized." The Deliberation enlarges on the 
utter unfitness of a child for such a high office in such 
perilous times. '* Woe unto the realm, saith the Scripture, 
whose king is a child. Dangerous, too, were it to the 
Church to unite the Empire with the kingdom of Sicily. 
Yet never will Frederick in riper years be able justly to 
reproach the See of Rome with having robbed him of his 
Empire ; it is his own uncle who will have deprived him of 
that crown, of his paternal inheritance, and who is even 
endeavouring by his myrmidons to despoil him of his 
mother's kingdom, did not the holy Church keep watch 
and ward over his rights.^ 

" Neither can any objection be raised against the legality 

held to tliis disUnction. The Gennans contuns the views and reasonings of 

had full right to choose their king, but Innocent. The results were to be com- 

their king, being also bv established mnnicated to the Princes of the Empire 

usage Emperor, came unoer the direct by his Legates. 

cognizance of the Pope. — Epist. i. 697. ' Remark this provident anticipation 

According to M. Abel (Philip der of Frederick's future cause of quarrel 

Hohenstaufer), the Deliberatio was not with the See of Rome, and the blame 

a published document ; at all events it cast on his relative. 



Chap. H. THE DELIBERATIOlsr. 43 

of the election of Philip. It rests upon the gravity, the 
dignity, the number of those who chose him. It may 
appear vindictive, and therefore unbecoming in us, because 
his father and his brother have been persecutors of the 
church to visit their sins on him. He is mighty too in 
territory, in wealth, in people ; is it not to swim against 
the stream to provoke the enmity of the powerful against 
the Church, we who, if we favoured Philip, might enjoy 
that peace which it is our duty to ensue ? 

^^ Yet is it right that we should declare against him. 
Our predecessors have excommunicated him, justly, 
solemnly, and canonically : justly, because he has vio- 
lently seized the patrimony of St. Peter ; solemnly, in St. 
Peter's church on a high festivity during the sacrifice of 
the mass. He has obtained absolution, it is true, from 
our Legate, the Bishop of Sutri, but in direct contradic- 
tion to our express commands. Besides he is under the 
ban pronounced against Markwald and all, Germans as 
well as Italians, who are his partisans. It is moreover 
notorious that he swore fealty to the child ; he is g*ulty 
therefore of perjury: he may allege that we have 
declared that oath null; but the Israelites, when they 
would be released from their oath concerning Gibeon, first 
consulted the Lord ; so should he first have consulted us, 
who can alone absolve from oaths. But if father shall 
succeed to son, brother to brother, the Empire ceases to 
be elective, it becomes hereditary; and in what house 
would the Empire be perpetuated? — a house in which one 
persecutor of the church succeeds to another. The first 
Henry who rose to the Empire (the Pope goes back to king 
Henry V., with whom the Hohenstaufen had but remote 
connexion), violently and perfidiously laid hands on Pope 
Paschal, of holy memory, who had crowned him ; impri- 
soned him with his cardinals, whom he threatened to 
murder, until Paschal, in fear for Henry not for himself, 
appeased the madman by concession. The said Henry 
chose an heresiarch as an Antipope, set up an idol against 
the Church of Rome, so that the schism lasted till the 
time of Pope Calixtus. From this house came Frederick,, 
who promised to subdue the rebellious Tiburtines to the 



44 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

See of Rome, but retained them as liegemen of the 
Empire, and threatened our ancestor the Chancellor Alex- 
ander, who asserted the rights of St. Peter, that if it were 
in the church of St. Peter he should feel how sharp- 
edged were the swords of the Germans ; who plotted to 
dethrone Pope Hadrian, alleging that he was the son of a 
priest ; who fomented a long schism against Alexander ; 
deceived and besieged Pope Lucius in Verona. His son 
and successor Henry was accursed even on his accession, 
for he invaded and wasted the lands of St. Peter, and in 
contempt of the Church cut off the noses of some of the 
servants of our brother. He' took the murderers of 
Bishop Albert among his followers, and bestowed large 
fiefs upon them. He caused the Bishop of Osimo, 
because he declared that he held his see of the apostolic 
throne, to be struck on the mouth, to have his beard 
plucked out, with other shameless indignities. By his 
commands Conrad put our honoured brother the Bishop 
of Ostia in chains, and rewarded his sacrilege with lands 
and honours ; he prohibited all appeals from the clergy to 
Rome throughout the kingdom of Sicily. As to Philip 
himself, he has ever been an obstinate persecutor of the 
church ; he called himself Duke of Tuscany and Cam- 
pania, and claimed all the lands up to the gates of the 
city ; he is endeavouring even now by the support of 
Markwald and of Diephold to deprive us of our kingdom 
of Sicily. If, while his power was yet unripe, he so per- 
secuted the holy church, what would he do if Emperor ? 
It behoves us to oppose him before he has reached his full 
strength. That the sins of the father are visited on th 
sons, we know from holy writ, we know from many 
examples, Saul, Jeroboam, Baasha." The Pope exhausts 
the Old Testament in his precedents. 

" Now, as to Otho. It may seem not just to favour his 
cause because he was chosen but by a minority ; not 
becoming, because it may seem that the Apostolic chair 
acts not so much from goodwill towards him, as from 
hatred of the others; not expedient because he is less 
powerful. But as the Lord abases the proud, and lifts 
up the humble, as he raised David to the throne, so it is 



Chap. II. OTHO DECLARED EMPEROR. 45 

just, befitting, expedient, that we bestow our favour upon 
Otho. Long enough have we delayed, and laboured for unity 
by our letters and our envoys ; it beseems us no longer to 
appear as if we were waiting the issue of events, as if like 
Peter we were denying the truth which is Christ ; we must 
therefore publicly declare ourselves for Otho, himself 
devoted to the Cnurch, of a race devoted to the Church, 
by his mother's side from the royal house of England, by 
his father from the Duke of Saxony, all, especially his 
ancestor the Emperor Lothair, the loyaJ sons of the 
Church; him, therefore we proclaim, acknowledge as 
king ; him then we summon to take on himself the im- 
perial crown." 

Innocent, now committed in the strife, plunged into it 
with all the energy and activity of his character. To 
every order, to the archbishops, bishops and clergy, to 
the princes and nobles, to every distinguished individual, 
the Archbishops of Cologne and Magdeburg, the Arch-' 
bishop of Aquileia, the Palgrave of the Rhine, the Land- 
grave of Thuringia, the King of Bohemia, the Counts of 
Flanders and of Brabant, were addressed letters from 
the See of Rome, admonitory, persuasive, or encouraging, 
according to their attachment or aversion to the cause of 
Otho. The Legate in France had directions to break ofl^ 
if possible, the alliance of Philip Augustus with the Duke 
of Swabia :" John of England was urged to take more 
active measures in favour of Otho ; the Cardinal Bishop 
of Palestrina crossed the Alps with his co-legate the 
Brother Philip ; he had an interview in Cham- ja„i,ary. 
pagne with the legate in France, the Cardinal ^**^**- 
JBishop of Ostia. They proceeded to Li^ge, from 
thence to Aix-la-Chapelle. At Neuss Otho appeared 
•before the three Papal legates, and took an oath of 
fidelity to the Pope couched in the strongest terras. He 
swore to maintain all the territories, fiefs, and rights of 
the See of Rome, granted by all the Emperors down- 

* Rather later the Pope endeavours this " in superbiam elatos aliud cogi- 

to alarm Philip Augustus. Philip (the taret, et regnum Francorum sibi dispo - 

Emperor), he says, had claimed the neret subjugare, sicut olim disposuerat 

guardianship of Frederick II. and the frater ejus Henricus."— Epist. i. 717. 

possession of Sicily. If he had giuned Did Innocent believe this ? 



46 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

wards, from Louis the Pious ; to maintain the Pope in the 
possessions which he now holds, to assist him in obtaining 
those which he does not now occupy ; to render the Pope 
that honour and obedience which has ever been rendered 
by the pious Catholic Emperors. He swore to conduct him- 
self as to the affairs of the Roman people, the Lombard 
and Tuscan leagues, according to the Pope's counsel, as 
also in any treaty of peace with the King of France. " If 
on my account the Church of Rome is involved in war, 
I will aid it with money. This oath shall be renewed 
both by word of mouth and in writing when I shall receive 
the imperial crown." The Cardinal Guido departed to 
The Legate Cologuc ; hc proclaimed with the applause of 
oSri*^ Otho's partisans, Otho Emperor in the name of 
June 8. 1201. InnQCcnt. He awaited the concourse of prelates 
otho's^Diet and nobles which he had summoned to Cologne : 
at Cologne, f^^ camc \ somc even of the bishops closed their 
'doors against the messengers of the Legate. Again he 
summoned them to Corvey, and began to threaten the in- 
terdict. From thence he went to Bingen, where he spoke 
more openly of the interdict. From Bingen letters were 
written to the Pope, describing the progress of Otho's 
affairs as triumphant. " Nothing now is heard of Philip 
and his few partisans : with him as under God s 

Sept. 8, 1201. i* 1 *■ j1 • /* M 1 1 

displeasure every thmg fails, he can gather no 
army ; while Otho will soon appear at the head of 100,000 
men." The Cardinal could hardly intend to deceive the 
Pope, he was no doubt himself deceived. At that very 
time were assembled at Bamberg, the Archbishops of 
phinps Diet Magdeburg and Bremen, the Bishops of Worms, 
atBaniberg. Passau, Ratisbou, Constance, Augsburg, Eich- 
stadt, Havelberg, Brandenberg, Meissen, Naumburg, and 
Bamberg ; the Abbots of Fulda, Herzfeld, and Kempten ; 
the King of Bohemia, the Dukes of Saxony, Austria, 
Steyermark, Meran, Zahringen, the " Stadtholder of 
Burgundy," and a number of other princes. They 
expressed themselves in terms of which the contemp 
tuousness was but lightly veiled. They refused to be- 
lieve (reason would not admit, loyal simplicity would 
not believe) that the unseemly language which the Bishop 



Chap. IL ANSWER OF THE PRINCES. 4? 

of Palestrina, who gave himself out as the Legate of 
the Pope, presumed to hold regarding the Empire, had 
been authorized by the admirable wisdom of the Pope, or 
the honoured conclave of the Cardinals. ** Who has ever 
heard of such presumption ? What proof can be adduced 
for pretensions, of which history, authentic documents, 
and even fable itself is silent ? Where have ye read, ye 
Popes! where have ye heard, ye Cardinals! that your 
predecessors or your legates have dared to mingle them- 
selves up with the election of a king of the Romans, either 
as electors, or as judges. The election of the Pope indeed 
required the assent of the Emperor, till Henry I. in his 
generosity removed that limitation. How dares his holi- 
ness the Pope to stretch forth his hand to seize that which 
belongs not to him ? There is no higher council in a con- 
tested election for the Empire, than the Princes of the 
Empire. Jesus Christ has separated spiritual from tem- 
poral affairs. He who serves God should not mingle in 
worldly matters ; he who aims at worldly power is un- 
worthy of spiritual supremacy. Punish, therefore, most 
holy Father, the Bishop of Palestrina for his presumption, 
acknowledge Philip whom we have chosen, and, as it is 
your duti/j prepare to crown him." 

Innocent replied insomewhatless dictatorial and imperious 
language ; '^ it was not his intention to interfere 
with the rights of the electors, but it was his right, 
his duty, to examine and to prove the fitness of him whom 
he had solemnly to consecrate and to crown."* His Legates 
had instructions to proceed with the" greatest caution, to 
pause before they proclaimed the direct excommunication 
of the great prelates of the realm. These prelates were 
already under the ban, which comprehended the partisans 
of Philip. But of the virtual or direct excommunication 
they were equally contemptuous : not a prelate was 
estranged from Philip or attached to Otho, by the terror 
of the Papal censures. This array of almost all the great 

* Non enim elegimus nos personam, in imperatoris electione noscuntar, et 

sed electo ab eomm parte majori (In- ubi debuit, et a qno debuit coronato, fa- 

nocent had up to this time acknow- vorem pnestitimos et pnoBtamus. — 

ledged the election of Philip to have Epist. i. 711. 
been by a nunority) qui yocem habere 



48 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

ecclesiastics of Germany against the Pope during this 
whole contest is remarkable, but intelligible enough. 
Almost all the richer and more powerful Bishoprics were 
held by sons or kinsmen of the noble houses ; they were 
German princes as well as German prelates. The survey 
of the order shows at once the ecclesiastical state of the 
realm, and unfolds the nature of the strife. The rivals 
for the'Primacy, the Archbishopric of Mentz, were both of 
noble houses — Leopold of the house of Schonfeld, Siegfried 
of that of Eppstein. Leopold's ambition was to retain the 
Bishopric of Worms with that of Mentz. The Pope at 
once repudiated this monstrous demand, irrespective of 
the ulterior claims to the Primacy, which he adjudged to 
Siegfried. But the Chapter of Mentz, with three excep- 
tions, were for Leopold and Philip (it was the same cause 
to them). Mentz long refused to open her gates to the 
Pope's Primate. Leopold, warlike, enterprising, restless, 
seems to have nourished a niprtal hatred to Innocent; he 
threw back, as has been said, the ban of the Pope, and 
solemnly excommunicated the successor of St. Peter; and 
at length, leaving both the See to which he aspired and 
that which he actually possessed, he descended into 
Italy, in order to instigate the cities of Romagna to throw 
off the Papal yoke. The banner of the Archbishop of 
Mentz floated in the van of the anti-Papal army. In 
many of these cities the Bishop of Worms met with suc- 
cess ; and hence, when after the death of Philip a general 
amnesty was granted to his civil and ecclesiastical parti- 
sans, Leopold only was excluded, and abandoned to the 
vengeance of the Pope. Such was the state of the Pri- 
macy ; like the Empire, an object of fierce and irrecon- 
cileable strife. The Archbishop of Treves, timid, ava- 
ricious, and time-serving, was on the side which paid him 
best. He had been inclined to Otho, then fell off to 
Philip. At one time he offered to resign his See, and 
then, being supported by the inhabitants of Treves, de- 
clared for Philip. He was excommunicated by the Le- 
gate ; the Archbishop of Cologne empowered to seize his 
domains ; yet even when he was bought to the party of 
Philip, he made excuses to elude a public meetmg and 



Chap. H. GERMAN HIERARCHY FOR PHILIP. 49 

acknowledgment of the Emperor. Adolph, Archbishop of 
Cologne, had raised Otho to the Empire, crowned him in 
Aix-la-Chapelle ; he had been the soul of the confederacy ; 
but already there were dark rumours of his treachery and 
meditated revolt That revolt took place at length ; but 
wealthy Cologne repudiated her perfidious Prelate, main- 
tained her fidelity to Otho, declared Adolph deposed, and 
elected a new Prelate, the Bishop of Bonn. The Arch- 
bishop of Salzburg was for Philip ; he was held in such 
high respect that to him was entrusted the protestation of 
the Diet of Bamberg ; he alone, at a later period, seemed 
worked upon by the Papal influence to incline somewhat 
more to the cause of Otho. The Archbishop of Bremen 
in his remote diocese contented himself with a more quiet 
support of Philip ; the Archbishop of Magdeburg was un- 
moved alike by the friendly overtures of Innocent, and by 
the excommunication of the Legate. The Archbishop of 
Besanjon received Philip with the utmost pomp, led him 
to his cathedral, and gave him all the honours of an Em- 
peror. The Archbishop of Tarantaise had oflSciated at 
the coronation of Philip. The Bishops of Bamberg, Hal- 
berstadt, Spires, Passau, Eichstadt, Freisingen openly 
showed their contempt for the Papal mandates ; the three 
latter, in defiance of the Pope, maintained the right of the 
Bishop of Worms to the Primacy. The Bishop of Spires 
seized two servants of the Pope, imprisoned one and 
threatened to hang the other. The Archbishops of Be- 
san9on and Tarantaise, the Bishops of Spires and Passau 
were cited to Rome to answer for their conduct; they 
paid not the least regard to the summons. The murder 
of the Bishop of Wurtzburg is a more frightful illustration 
of the state of things. Conrad of Rabensbei^ was related 
by his mother to the house of Hohenstaufen ; he had 
been appointed Chancellor of the Empire by Henry. He 
was on his way to the Crusade, when he heard that 
the Chapter of Hildesheim had chosen him their Bishop. 
He fulfilled his vow. On his return he found that he had 
been elected Bishop of Wurtzburg. Conrad was tempted 
by the wealthier see, which was in the neighbourhood of the 
bouse of his race. He would willingly have retained both. 
VOL. rv. E 



52 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

only for his own and his Emperor's discomfiture and 
Innocent defeat. Year after year the cause of Otho be- 
2taSiirtge came more doubtful ; the exertions, the intrigues, 
^"P* the promises, the excommunications of Rome 
became more unavailing. The revolt of the Archbishop of 
Nov. 11, Cologne gave a fatal turn :* the example of Adolph's 
"^* perfidy and tergiversation wrought widely among 
Otho's most powerful partisans. There were few, on Otho's 
side at least, who had not changed their party ; Otho's 
losses were feebly compensated by the defections fix)m the 
ranks of Philip. At the close of the ten years the contest 
had become almost hopeless ; even the inflexible Innocent 
was compelled to betray signs of remorse, of reconciliation, 
of accepting Philip as Emperor, of abandoning Otho,** of 
recanting all his promises, struggling out of his vows of 
implacable enmity, of perpetual alliance. Negotiations 
had begun, Philip's ambassadors were received in 
Rome : two Legates, Leo the Cardinal Priest 
of Santa Croce, Cardinal Ugolino Bishop of Ostia and 
Velletri, were in Worms : Philip swore to subject himself 
in all things to the Pope. Philip was solemnly absolved 
Aug. 1207. fjom his excommunication. At Metz the Papal 
caristmaa, j^^g^^Q^ bchcld thc victorious Emperor celebrate 
his Christmas with kingly splendour.^ From this abasing 
MnniOTof position lunoccut was relieved by the crime of 
™"P' one man. The assassination of rhilip by Otho 
of Wittlesbach placed Otho at once on the throne. 

The crime of Otho of Wittlesbach sprang from private 
revenge. Otho was one of the fiercest and most lawless 
chieftains of these lawless times ; brave beyond most men, 
and so far true and loyal to the house of Swabia. Philip 
had at least closed his eyes at one murder committed 
by Otho ef Wittlesbach. He had promised him his 

' Two grants (Bohmer's Regi«ta Otho's party— ez eo (}uod nobilis vir 

sub ann. 1205) show the price paid for Dux Suecis yisus est aliquantnlom pros- 

the archbishop's perfidy. perare, contra honestatem propriam et 

** Compare Otho's desperate letter of ndem prsstitam venientes, relicto eo eoi 
covert reproach to Innocent, Epist. i. pritis adhseserant, ejus adyersario adbn- 
754. Innocent's letter to the Arch- rent.— Epist. i. 742. 
bishop of Saltzburg betrays something * Beg. Imp. Chron. Ursberg. — Epist. 
like shame, i. 748. In 1205 Innocent i. 750, of Nov; 1. Compare AbeL Phi- 
reproached the bishops and prelates of lip. der Hohenstanfer, p. 211. 



Chap. II. MURDER OP KING PHILIP. 63 

daughter in marriage ; but the father's gentle heart was 
moved ; he alleged some impediment of affinity to release 
her from the union with this wild man. Otho then 
aspired to the daughter of the Duke of Poland. He de- 
manded letters of recommendation from the King Philip. 
He set forth with them, but some mistrust induced him 
to have them opened and read ; he found that Philip had, 
generously to the Duke of Poland, perfidiously as he 
thought to himself, warned the Duke as to the ungovernable 
character of Otho. He vowed vengeance. On St. Alban's 
day Philip at Bamberg had been celebrating the nuptials 
of his niece with the Duke of Meran. He was reposing, 
having been bled, in the heat of the day, on a couch in 
the palace of the Bishop. Otho appeared with sixteen 
followers at the door, and demanded audience as on some 
affair of importance ; he entered the chamber brandishing 
his sword. " Lay down that sword," said Philip, with a 
scornful reproach of perfidy : Wittlesbach struck Philip on 
the neck. Three persons were present, the Chancellor, the 
Truchsess of Waldburg, and an officer of the royal chamber. 
The Chancellor ran to hide himself, the other two endea- 
voured to seize Otho ; the Truchsess bore an honourable 
scar for life, which he received in his attempt to bolt the 
door. Otho passed out, leaped on his horse and fled. So 
died the gentlest, the most popular of the house of Swabia.*^ 
The execration of all mankind, the ban of the Empire 

{mrsued the murderer. The castle of Wittlesbach was 
evelled with the ground, not one stone left on another : 
on its site was built a church, dedicated to the Virgin. 
The assassin was at length discovered, after many wan* 
derings and it is said deep remorse of mind, in a stable, 
and put to death with many wounds. 

^ Philip had been compelled during the factum est ut nihil sibi remaneret pne- 

lonffwargrievously to weaken the power ter inane nomen dominii ternc, et cur- 

of his house by alienating the domains tales seu villas in quibus fora habentur 

which his predecessors had accumn- et pauca castella terrse. — Chron. Urs- 

lated. Hie com non haberet pecunias berg. 311. The poems of Walther der 

<^uibas salaria sive solda pneberet mili- Vogelweide are Uie best testimony to 

tibos, primus coBpit distiahere prsedia, the gentleness and popularity of Philip, 

quae pater suus Fredericns imperator See der PfaffenWahl, p. 180; especially 

late acquisierat in Alemannift; sicque Die Milde, 184. Simrock. 



54 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 



CHAPTER III. 

INNOCENT AND THE EMPEROR OTHO IV. 

Otho was now undisputed Emperor ; a diet at Frankfort, 
otho more numerous than had met for many years, 
Emperor, acknowledged him with almost unprecedented 
unanimity. He held great diets at Nuremberg, Bruns- 
wick, Wurtzburg, Spires. He descended the next year 
over the Brenner into Italy to receive the Imperial crown. 
Throughout Italy the Guelphic cities opened their gates 
to welcome the Champion of the Church, the Emperor 
chosen by the Pope, with universal acclamation : old 
enemies seemed to forget their feuds in his presence, tri- 
butary gifts were poured lavishly at his feet. 

The Pope and his Emperor met at Viterbo ; they em- 
braced, they wept tears of joy, in remembrance of their 
common trials, in transport at their common triumph. 
Innocent's compulsory abandonment of Otho's cause was 
forgotten : the Pope demanded security that Otho would 
surrender, immediately aft:er his coronation, the lands of 
the Church, now occupied by his troops. Otho almost 
resented the suspicion of his loyalty : and Innocent in his 
blind confidence abandoned his'demand. 

The coronation took place in St. Peter's church with 
more than usual magnificence and solemnity; 
magnificence which became this unwonted fiiend- 
ship between the temporal and spiritual powers ; solemnity 
which was enhanced by the loft;y character and imposing 
demeanour of Innocent. The Imperial crown was on the 
head of Otho ; and — almost from that moment the Emperor 
and the Pope were implacable enemies. Otho has at 
once forgotten his own prodigal acknowledgment : " All 
I have been, all I am, all I ever shall be, afl;er God, I owe 
to you and the Church."* Already the evening before the 

* Quod hactenofl fatmns, qnod smnns gratantiAsime recognoscimofl.'^Regefit 
et quod erirnns . . . totnm vobis et Ro- £p. 161. 
maiUB eeclcgig post Deam debere .... 



Chap. III. ENMITY BETWEEN INNOCENT AND OTHO. 55 

coronation, an ill-omened strife had arisen between the 
populace of Rome and the German soldiery : the Bishop 
of Augsburg had been mishandled by the rabble. That 
night broke out a fiercer fray ; much blood was shed ; so 
furious was the attack of the Bomans even on the German 
knights, that 1100 horses are set down as the loss of 
Otho's army : the number of men killed does not appear. 
Otho withdrew in wrath from the city ; he demanded re- 
dress of the Pope, which Innocent was probably less able 
than willing fo afford. After some altercation by messen- 
gers on each side, they had one more friendly interview, 
the last, in the camp of Otho. 

The Emperor marched towards Tuscany; took possession 
of the cities on the frontier of the territory of the Countess 
Matilda, Montefiascone, Acquapendente, Radicofani.^ He 
summoned the magistrates and the learned in the law, and 
demanded tlieir judgment as to the rights of the Emperor 
to the inheritance of the Countess Matilda. They de- 
clared that the Emperor had abandoned those rights in 
ignorance, that the Emperor might resume them at any 
time. He entered Tuscauy: Sienna, San Miniato, Flo- 
rence, Lucca, above all, Ghibelline Pisa, opened their 
gates.^ He conferred privileges or established ancient 
rights. He proceeded to the Dukedom of Spoleto, in 
which he invested Berthold, one of his followers. 
Diephold came from the south of Italy to offer 
his allegiance ; he received as a reward the principality of 
Salerno. He attempted Viterbo. He had his emissaries 
to stir up again the imperial faction in Home. He cut off 
all communication with Home, even ecclesiastics proceed- 
ing on their business to the Pope were robbed. Vain 
were the most earnest appeals to his gratitude, even the 
most earnest expostulations, the most awful admonitions, 
excommunication itself. Otho had learned that, when on 
his own side. Papal censures. Papal interdicts might be 
defied with impunity. 

^ Chronic. Unberg. Ric.deS.Oenn. every S^^^ city in Italy — Florence, 

spretojonmento. At Spires (March 22) Lucca, Pisa, Temi, Ravenna, Ferrara, 

Otho had solemnly guaranteed the pa- Parma, Milan, Pavia, Lodi, Brescia, 

trimony of St Peter. — ^Epist. Innocent VercelU, Piacenza,Modena,Todi,Reate, 

i. 762. Sora, Capua, Aversa, Vendi, Bologna. 

' Otho'f acts are dated in almost 



56 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

After all his labours, after all his hazards, after all his 
sacrifices, after all his perils, even his humiliations, Inno- 
cent had raised up to himself a more formidable antagonist, 
a more bitter foe than even the proudest and most am- 
bitious of the Hohenstaufen. Otho openly laid claim to 
the kingdom of Apulia ; master of Tuscany and Romagna, 
at peace with the Lombard League, he seized Orvieto, 
Perugia. He prepared, he actually commenced a war 
for the subjugation of Naples. The galleys of Pisa and 
Genoa were at his command ; Diephold and others of the 
old German warriors, settled in the kingdom of Apulia, 
entered into his alliance. 

His successes in the kingdom of Naples but inflamed 
his ambition ; he would now add Sicily to his dominions, 
and expel the young Frederick, the last of the house of 
Hohenstaufen. It might seem almost in despair 
that Innocent at length, on Holy Thursday,* 
uttered the solemn excommunication : he commanded the 
patriarchs of Grado and Aquileia, the Archbishops of 
Kavenna, Milan, and Genoa, and all the Bishops of Italy to 
publish the ban. Otho treated this last act of sovereign 
spiritual authority with utter indifference. Every thing 
seemed to menace Innocent, and even the Papal power 
itself. In Rome insurrection seemed brooding for an out- 
break ; while Innocent himself was preaching on a high 
festival, John Capocio, one of his old adversaries, broke 
the respectful silence: — "Thy words are God's words, 
thy acts the acts of the devil !" 

But Otho knew not how far reached the power of Inno- 
cent and of the Church. While Italy seemed to submit 
Ang. 1209. to his sway, his throne in Germany was crumb- 
^'*'^""- ling into dust. For nearly three years, three 
years of unwonted peace, he had been absent from Ger- 
many. But he left in Germany an unfavourable impres- 
sion of his pride, and of his insatiable thirst for wealth and 
power. Siegfrid Archbishop of Mentz, more grateful to 
the Pope than Otho, for his firm protection in his days of 
weakness and disaster, accepted the legatine commission, 

^ AccordiDg to some accounts it was taye of St Martin (Nov. 18, 1210). — 
uttered, perhaps threatened, on the oc- Chronic. Ursberg. lUc. de San Germ. 



Chap. UI. RISING IN GERMANY. 57 

and with the legatine commission, orders to publish the 
excommunication throughout Germany. The kindred, 
the friends of the Hohenstaufen, heard with joy that the 
Pope had been roused out of his infatuated attachment to 
their enemy; rumours were industriously spread abroad 
that Otho meditated a heavy taxation of the Empire, not 
excepting the lands of the monasteries; that as he had 
expressed himself contemptuously of the clergy, refusing 
them their haughty titles, he now proposed to enact sump- 
tuary laws to limit their pomp. The archbishop was to 
travel but with twelve horses, the bishop with six, the 
abbot with three. By rapid degrees grew up a formid- 
able confederacy, of which Innocent no doubt had 
instant intelligence, of which his influence was the 
secret moving power. Even in Italy there were some 
cities already in open hostility, in declared alliance with 
Innocent and Frederick. At Lodi Otho declared Genoa, 
Cremona, Ferrara, the Margrave Azzo under the ban of 
the Empire.® At Nuremberg met the Primate 
and the Archbishop of Treves for once venturing d5^°* 
on a bold measure, the Archbishop of Magdeburg, the 
Chancellor of the Empire, the Bishop of Spires, the 
Bishop of Basle, the Landgrave of Thuringia, the King of 
Bohemia, all the other nobles attached to the house of 
Swabia. They inveighed against the pride of Otho, his 
ingratitude and hostility to the Pope ; on the internal 
wars which again threatened the peace of Germany. The 
only remedy was his deposal, and the choice of another 
Emperor. That Emperor must be the young Frederick 
of oicily, the heir of the great house, whom in evil hour 
they had dispossessed of the succession : to him they had 
sworn allegiance in his cradle, to the violation of that oath 
might be attributed much of the afflictions and disasters of 
the realm. Two brave and loyal Swabian knights, 
Anselm of Justingen and Henry of Niffen, were 
deputed and amply furnished with funds, to invite the 
young Frederick to resume his ancestral throne. 

Anselm and his companions arrived at Rome. Inno- 

* Francisc. Pepin. Murat. ix. 640. GalTan. Flamma, xi. 664. Sicard. 
Crem. yii. p. 813. 



▲J>. 1211. 



58 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

cent dissembled his joy ;' he hesitated indeed to become a 
Ghibelline Pope ; he could not but remember the ancient 
rooted, inveterate oppugnancy of the house of Hohen- 
staufen to the See of Rome. But fear and resentment 
for the ingratitude of Otho prevailed; he might hope 
that Frederick would respect the guardianship of 
the Pope, guardianship which had exercised but 
questionable care over its ward. The Swabians passed on 
to Palermo ; they communicated the message of the diet 
at Nurembei^ ; they laid the Empire before the feet of 
Frederick, now but seventeen years old. Frederick even 
at that age seemed to unite the romantic vivacity of the 
Italian, and the gallantry of his Norman race, with some- 
thing of German intrepidity ; he had all the accomplish- 
ments, and all the knowledge of the day ; he spoke Latin, 
Italian, German, French, Greek, Arabic ; he was a poet : 
how could he resist such an offer ? There was the imperial 
crown to be won by bold adventure ; revenge on Otho, who 
had threatened to invade his kingdom of Sicily ; the restora- 
tion of his ancestral house to all its ancestral grandeur. 
The tender remonstrances of his wife/ who bore at this 
time his first-born son ; the grave counsels of the Sicilian 
nobles, reluctant that Sicily should become a province of 
the Empire, who warned him against the perfidy of the 
Germans, the insecure fidelity of the Pope, were alike 
without effect.^ He hastened to desert his sunny Pa- 
lermo for cold Germany ; to leave his gay court for a 
life of wild enterprise ; all which was so congenial to 
the natural impulses of his character, to war with his 
age, which he was already beyond. Ever after Frederick 
looked back upon his beloved Sicily with fond regret; 
there, whenever he could, he established his residence, it 
was his own native realm, the home of his affections, of 
his enjoyments. 

The Emperor Otho heard of the proceedings in Ger- 
many ; he hurried with all speed to repress the threaten- 

' Qai licet hoc beneyellet, tamen dis- of Arragon, in Aug. 1209. Henry VII. 

simulavit. — Rigord. was born early in 1212. 

' Frederick nad been married at ff' ^ Chronic. Ursberg. Chronic. Foss. 

tem to Constantia, widow of K. Emenc Nov. Marat, yii. 887. 
of Hungary, daughter of Alfonso King 



Chap. m. OTHO IN GERMANY. 69 

ing revolt.' As he passed through Italy, he could not but 
remark the general estrangement ; almost everywhere his 
reception was sullen, cold, compulsorily hospitable.^ The 
whoie land was prepared to fall off. Appalling contrast 
to his triumphant journey but two or three years before I 
In Germany it was still more gloomy and threatening. He 
summoned a diet at Frankfort ; eighty nobles of Mareh 4. 
all orders assembled, one bishop, the Bishop of ''^^* 
Halberstadt"' Siegfrid of Mentz, now Papal Legate, with 
Albert of Magdeburg, declared the Archbishop of Cologne, 
Dietrich of Heinsberg, deposed from his see under the pre- 
text of his oppression of the clergy and the monks. Adolph, 
the former archbishop, the most powerful friend, 
the most traitorous enemy of Otho, appeared in 
the city, was welcomed with open arms by the clergy, 
resumed the see, as he declared, with the sanction of the 
Pope. War, desolating lawless war, broke out again 
throughout Germany. The Duke of Brabant, on Otho*s 
retreat, surprised Liege ; plundered, massacred, respected 
not the churches ; their altars were stripped, their pave- 
ments ran with blood : a knight dressed, nimself 
in the bishop's robes and went through a profane 
mockery of ordination to some of his freebooting com- 
rades. The bishop was compelled to take an oath of 
allegiance. He soon fled and pronounced an interdict 
against the Duke and his lands. The Pope absolved him 
from his oath. 

Otho made a desperate attempt to propitiate the ad- 
herents of the house of Swabia. In Nordhausen he cele- 
brated with great pomp his nuptials with Beatrice ^ ^ ^^ 
the daughter of the Emperor Philip, to whom he "^ ' "^^ 
had been long betrothed. This produced only more 
bitter hatred. Four days afler the marriage Beatrice 

* Otho cam totam fere sibi Apaliam Galli, Pertz, xi. p. 170. The author, a 

f ubjugassety aadito quod quidam Italin monk of S. Gall, describes Frederick's 

)>riQcipes ibi rebellayerant mandato reception at his monastery, 
apostolico, reguum festtnos egreditar " Ubi octaginta principes ei occnr- 

mense Novembris. — Rio. S. Grerm. renint multumfienti et de rege DrancicB 

Chron. Foss. Nov. Francisc. Pepin. conqnerenti . . . Ubi curis archepiscopi 

^ Gravis Italicis, Alemannis gravior, et episcopi panci interfaerunt, eo qnod 

fines attigit Alemannias ; a nollo uti de mandato domini Papa earn excom- 

principi occurritur, nuUi gratus exci- municatom denunciaverant — Rem. 

pitor. — Conrad de Fabaria, Canon S. Leod. apnd lilartene, t. 



60 LATIN CHRISTIAKITY. Book IX. 

died. The darkest rumours spread abroad : she had been 
poisoned by the Italian mistresses of Otho. 

Frederick in the mean time, almost without attendants, 
with nothing which could call itself an army, set off to 
win the imperial crown in Germany. At Rome 
he was welcomed by the Pope, the Cardinals, 
and the senate. He received from Pope Innocent counsel, 
sanction, and some pecuniary aid for his enterprise. Four 
galleys of Genoa conveyed him with his retinue from Ostia 
May 1 to to that city, placed under the ban of the Empire 
Juijr». by Otho. Milan was faithful to her hatred of 
the Hoheustaufen ; ^ he dared not venture into her ter- 
ritory ; the passes of Savoy were closed against him ; he 
stole from friendly Pavia to friendly Cremona. He arrived 
safe at the foot of the pass of Trent, but the descent into 
the Tyrol was guarded ty Otho's partisans. He turned 
obliquely, by difficult, almost untrodden passes, and 
dropped down upon Coire. Throughout his wanderings 
the Archbishop of Bari was his faithful companion. 
Arnold, Bishop of Coire, in defiance of the hostile power 
of Como, which belonged to the league of Milan, welcomed 
him with loyal hospitality. The warlike Abbot of St. 
Gall had sworn, on private grounds, deep hatred to Otho : 
he received Frederick with open arms. At St. Gall 
he heard that Otho was hastening with his troops to 
occupy Constance. At the head of the knights, the liege- 
men of the Abbot of St. Gall, Frederick made a 
rapid descent, and reached Constance three hours 
before the forces of Otho. The wavering Bishop, Conrad 
of Tegernfeld, declared against the excommunicated Otho ; 
Constance closed its gates against him. That rapid move- 
ment won Frederick the Empire. At Basle he was wel- 
comed by the Bishop of Strasburg at the head of 1500 
knights. All along the Rhine Germany declared for 
him ; he had but to wait the dissolution of Otho's power ; 
it crumbled away of itself. The primate Siegfrid of Mentz, 
secured Mentz and Frankfort ; even Leopold the deposed 

' Compare letter of iDnocent re- homlnilnu odioso, qui nunqaam nisi 
buking Milan for her attachment to mala pro bonis retribuit — Eput. ii. 698. 
Otho--reprobo et ingrato, immo Deo et Oct. 21, 1212. 



Chap. UI. FREDERICK KING. : 61 

Bishop of Worms, the rival Archbishop of Mentz, the tur- 
bulent and faithful partisan of the house of Hohenstaufen, 
was permitted to resume his See of Worms.** Frederick 
was chosen Emperor at Frankfort : held his court Dec. a. 
at Ratisbon. Otho retired to his patrimonial do- f«»>- ^ 
mains in Saxony ; he was still strong in the north of Ger- 
many ; "the south acknowledged Frederick. On the lower 
Bhine were some hostilities, but between the rivals for the 
Empire there was no great battle. The cause of Fre- 
derick was won by Philip Augustus of France. Philip 
had welcomed, and had entered into a close alliance 
with Frederick.^ The King of England, the Count of 
Flanders, and the other Princes of the Lower Rhine 
arrayed themselves in league with Otho. The fatal 
battle of Bouvines broke almost the last hopes of 
Otho; he retired again to Brunswick; made 
one bold incursion, and with the aid of the Bishop Wal- 
demar seized on Hamburgh. But to his ene- 
mies was now added the King of Denmark. 
Again he retreated to the home of his fathers, passed the 
last three years of life in works of piety and the jniy 25. 
foundation of religious houses. Long before his Hayw.ian. 
death Frederick had received the royal crown from 
the hands of Siegfrid of Mentz at Aix-la-Chapelle. He 
was now undisputed King and Emperor, in amity with the 
Church ; amity, hereafter to give place to the most ob- 
stinate, most fatal strife, which had yet raged between the 
successor of St. Peter and the successor of the Caesars. 

® Leopold had been absolyed before ^ Frederick had an interview with 
Philip's death. Not. 1207. Epiat. In- Louis, elder son of Philip, between Van- 
nooent, i. 731. coleor and Tonrs, Not. 1212. 



62 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 



CHAPTER IV. 

INNOCENT AND PHILIP AUGUSTUS OF FRANCE. 

The kingdom of France under Philip Augustus almost 
began to be a monarchy. The crown had risen in 
strength and independence above the great vassals who 
had till now rivalled and controlled its authority. The 
Anglo-Norman dukedom, which in the extent of its terri- 
tory and revenues, its forces, its wealth, under Henry II. 
with his other vast French territories, had been at least 
equal to that of France, had gradually declined ; and 
Philip Augustus, the most ambitious, unscrupulous, and 
able man who had wielded the sceptre of France, was con- 
tinually watching the feuds in the royal family of Eng- 
land, of the sons of Henry against their father, in order to 
take every advantage, and extend his own dominions. 
With Philip Augustus Innocent was committed in strife 
on different grounds than in the conflict for the 
German empire. The Emperors and the Popes were 
involved in almost inevitable wars on account of temporal 
rights claimed and adhered to with obstinate perseverance, 
and on account of the authority and influence to be exer- 
cised by the Emperor over the hierarchy of the realm. The 
Kings of France were constantly laying themselves open 
to the aggressions of the Supreme Pontiff by the irregu- 
larity of their lives. The Pope with them assumed the 
high function of assertor of Christian morals, and of the 
sanctity of the marriage tie, as the champion of injured 
and pitiable women. To him all questions relating to 
matrimony belonged as arbiter in the last resort ; he only 
could dissolve the holy sacrament of marriage ; the Pope 
by declaring it indissoluble, claimed a right of enforcing 
its due observance. Pope Ccelestine had bequeathed to 
his successor the difl&cult affair of the marriage of Philip 
Augustus ; an affair which gave to Innocent the power of 
dictating to that haughty sovereign. 



Ojiap. IV. INGEBURGA OF DENMARK. 63 

Isabella of Hainault, the first wife of Philip Augustus, 
the mother of Louis YIII. had died before the 
king's departure for the Holy Land. Three 
years a)ter his return he determined on a second nee. 2y. im. 
marriage. Some connexion had sprung up be- aj>. um. 
tween the kingdoms of Denmark ana of France. Denmark 
vfBS supposed to inherit from Canute the Great claims on 
the crown of England ; claims which, however vague and 
obsolete, might be made use of on occasion to disturb the 
realm of his hated rival ; his rival as possessing so large a 
part of France, his personal rival throughout the Cru- 
sades, Richard of England. Bichard was now a prisoner 
in Germany ; if Philip had no actual concern in his impri- 
sonment, he was not inactive in impeding his liberation. 
Humour spoke loudly of the gentle manners, the exquisite 
beauty, especially the long bright hair, of Ingeburga, the 
sister of the Danish king. Philip sent to demand her in 
marriage ; it was said that he asked as her dowry the 
rights of Denmark to the throne of England, a fleet and 
an army to be at his disposal for a year. The prudent 
Canute of Denmark shrunk from a war with England, 
but proud of the royal connexion, consented to give the 
sum of 10,000 marks with his sister. Ingeburga arrived 
in France, Philip Augustus hastened to meet her at 
Amiens; that night, it was asserted by the queen ^ji^^o' 
but strenuously denied by Philip, he consum- logefiJs*. 
mated the marriage. The next morning, during the coro- 
nation, the king was seen to shudder and turn pale. It 
was soon known that he had conceived an unconquerable 
disgust towards his new queen. Every kind of rumour 
spread abroad. He was supposed to have found some 
loathsome personal defect, or to have suspected her purity ; 
some spoke of witchcraft, others of diabolic influence.* 
He proposed to send her back at once to Denmark ; her 
attendants refused the disgraceful office of accompanying 
her shamed and repudiated to her father. Ingeburga 
remained in France, or in the neighbouring Flanders ; 
while the king sought means for the dissolution of this 

* Gesta, ch. xlyiii. soggerente diabola Bach is the cause assigned by the eccle- 
siastical writers. 



64 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

inauspicious marriage. Some of his courtiers, as might be 
expected, urged him to indulge his will at all hazards ; 
others, the more sober, to struggle against his aversion. 
He is said a second time to have entered her chamber ;^ 
by her account to have exercised the rights of a husband, 
but this he again denied. Her ignorance of the language, 
and her awkward manners, strengthened his repugnance. 
The only means of dissolving the sacrament of marriage 
was to prove its invalidity. The Church had so extended 
the prohibited degrees of wedlock that it was not difficult 
by ascending and descending the different lines to bring 
any two persons of the royal houses within some relation- 
ship. A genealogy was soon framed by which Philip and 
his queen were brought within these degrees."" The obse- 
quious clergy of France, with the Archbishop of Rheims 
at their head, pronounced at once the avoidance of 
the marriage. The humiliating tidings were brought 
to Ingeburga ; she understood but imperfectly, and could 
A.D. UM. scarcely speak a word of French. She cried out 
— " wicked, wicked France ! Rome, Rome I" She re- 
fused to return to Denmark: she was shut up in the 
convent of Beaurepaire, where her profound piety still 
further awoke compassion, especially among the clergy."* 
Philip Augustus affected to disdain, but used every violent 
measure to impede, her appeal to Rome. 

Philip's violent passions did not rest in the dissolution 
of the marriage with Ingeburga; he sought to fill her 
place. Yet three nobly born maidens refused the hand of 
the King of France, either doubting the legality of any 
marriage with him, or disdaining to expose themselves to 
his capricious rejection ; among them was the daughter 
of Herman of Thuringia, Otho's most powerful adherent 

^ Asserebat autem Regina qaod Rex juvencula sed animo cana ; poene diz- 

earn carnaliter coguoverat; Rex vero a erim Sarr4 maturior, Rachele gratior, 

continno affirmabat quod ei non potu- Annft devotior, Susannft castior." He 

erat carnaliter commiscere. — Ge6ta,ibid. adds, " non deformior Helen&, non ab- 

• Gesta, ibid. jectior Polyxenft." She never sate, but 

^ Stephen of Toumay wrote in her always stood or knelt in her oratory, 

behalf to the Cardinal Archbishop of "If the Ahasuerus of France would but 

Rheims. His Scriptural and classical rightly acquaint himself with her, she 

knowledge is exhausted in finding ex- would be his Esther." — ^Apud Baluz. 

amples for her wisdom and beauty. Miscell. lib. i. p. 420. 
" Pnlcra facie, sed pulcrior fide, annis 



Chap. IV. AGNES OP MEEAN. 65 

in his conflict for the empire. At length, Agnes, the beau- 
tiful daughter of Bertholdt, Duke of Meran, a par- j^g^es of 
tisan of Philip, hazarded the dangerous step. The ^®'*°* 

Jassion of Philip for Agnes was as intense as his hatred of 
ngeburga : towards her his settled aversion became cruel 
persecution. She was dragged about from convent to 
convent, from castle to castle, to compel her to abandon 
her pertinacious appeal to Rome. Agnes of Meran, by 
her fascinating manners, no less than by her exquisite 
beauty, won the hearts of the gallant chivalry of France, 
as well as of their impetuous King. She rode gracefully, 
she mingled in all the sports and amusements of the court, 
even in the chase ; the severe clergy were almost soflened 
by her prevailing charms. The King of Denmark pressed 
the cause of his injured daughter before Pope CoBlestine. 
That Pontiff sent a Legate to France.* The King haugh- 
tily declared that it was no business of the Pope's. The 
clergy of France were cold and silent, not mclined to 
offend their violent sovereign. Coelestine himself wanted 
courage to provoke the resentment of a monarch so power- 
ful and so unscrupulous. So stood affairs at the death of 
Coelestine. Almost the first act of Innocent afler his ac- 
cession was a letter to the Bishop of Paris, in which, after 
enlarging on the sanctity of marriage, he expresses his 
profound sorrow that his beloved son Philip, whom he 
intended to honour with the highest privileges, had put 
away and confined in a cloister his lawful wife, endanger- 
ing thereby his fame and salvation. The King is to be 
warned, that if his only son should die, as he cannot have 
legitimate oflfepring by her whom he has superinduced, his 
kingdom would pass to strangers. Innocent attributes to 
this crime of the King a famine which was aftecting 
France ; he expresses his reluctance at the same 
time his determination to take stronger measures 
in case of the contumacy of the King.' How far the Bishop 

* To the same year, probably before that she was now a prisoner in a lonely 

the marriage to Agnes, belongs the letter castle; that the king despised the let- 

of Ingeburga (apud Baluziam, Miscell. ters of his holiness, refused to hear the 

iii. 21;. In this she asserts that three cardinals, and disregarded the admoui- 

ycars before the date she had been tion? of his prelates and religious men. 
married to Philip Augustus ; that he ' Epist. 1 , cccxlv., to the archbishops^ 

had exercised the rights of a husband; &c., of France to recc-ivc the Legate; 

VOL. IV, F 



66 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

of Paris fulfilled the Pope's commands is unknown. 
Before the close of the year the Pope sent as his Legate 
to France, Peter of Capua, Cardinal of St Maria in Via 
Lata, afterwards known as the Cardinal of St. Marcellus. 
The legate's commission contained three special charges, 
each of which might seem highly becoming the head of 
Christendom.* I. To establish peace between the Kings 
of France and England. II. To preach a new crusade. 
III. To compel the King to receive his unjustly discarded 
wife. Innocent, in his letter to the King, is silent as to 
the marriage ; his tone is peremptory, commanding not 
persuading peace. If Philip Augustus does not humbly 
submit to the monition of the legate within a prescribed 
time, the realm is to be placed under an interdict — an 
interdict which will suspend all sacred offices, except the 
baptism of infants, and the absolution of the dying. Any 
clerk who shall presume to violate the interdict is to be 
amerced by the loss of his benefices and his order. The 
hatred of Philip Augustus and of Eichard was deep, 
inveterate, and aggravated by the suspicion, if not the 
certainty on the part of Richard, that his rival of France 
was not unconcerned in his long imprisonment But at 
this juncture peace was convenient to Philip ; he accepted 
the Papal mediation. Richard was more refractory ; but 
even Richard, embarrassed with the payment of his 
ransom, involved in the doubtful afiairs of Flanderfi, eager 
for the cause of Otho in Germany, was disposed to bow 
before the menace of a Papal interdict, or to conciliate the 
favour of Innocent.** A truce was agreed upon for five 
^eaoe^twjm years ; the Legate was to watch, and visit with 
France. Spiritual penalties the violation of the truce. The 
Crusade was preached with some success. The Counts 
Theobald of Troycs, Louis of Blois, Baldwin of Hainault, 
the Count of St. Pol, the Bishops of Troyes and of Soissons, 
and one or two Cistercian abbots obeyed the summons, and 
took up the Cross. 

But to the command to receive again the hated Ingc- 
burga, to dismiss the beloved Agnes of Meran, Philip 

ccclv. ^ to the King of France. As more actively carried on in the Holy 

Christ's Vicegoi-ent the Pope is bound Land. 

to enforce peace ; his argument for t Epist. i 4. 

peace in Europe is, that war may be ^ Epist. ii. xxiii. ci scqq. 



Chap. IV. INTERDICT. 67 

Augustus turned a deaf and contemptuous ear. The 
Cardinal dared not any longer delay to execute the 
peremptory'mandate of the Pope. This mandate, brief and 
imperious, allowed some discretion as to the time, none as 
to the manner of enforcing obedience. " If within one 
month after your communication the King of France does 
not receive his queen with conjugal affection, and 
does not treat her with due honour, you shall 
subject his whole realm to an interdict : an interdict with 
all its awful consequences.'* Twice before, for causes re- 
lating to marriage. Kings of France had been under the 
Papal censure; but excommunication smote only the 

Persons of Eobert I. and his Queen Bertha ; that against 
*hilip I. and Beltrada laid under interdict any city or 
place inhabited by the guilty couple.^ Papal thunders had 
grown in terror and in power ; they now struck kingdoms. 
The Legate summoned a council at Dijon. There ap- 
peared the Archbishops of Rheims, of Lyons, of 
Besan9on, of Vienne, eighteen bishops, with 
many abbots, and high dignitaries of the Church. Two 
presumptuous ecclesiastics, who had been sent to cite the 
King, were turned ignominiously out of doors ; messengers 
however appeared from the King, protesting in his name 
against all further proceedings, and appealing to the Pope. 
The orders to the Legate were express to admit no appeal. 
On the seventh night of the council was pronounced the 
interdict with all its appalling circumstances. At mid- 
night, each priest holding a torch, were chanted the 
Miserere, and the prayers for the dead, the last prayers 
which were to be uttered by the clergy of France during 
the interdict The cross on which the Saviour hung was 
veiled with black crape ; the reliques replaced within the 
tombs; the host was consumed. The Cardinal in his 
mourning stole of violet pronounced the territories of the 
King of France under the ban. All religious offices from 
that time ceased; there was no access to heaven by prayer 
or offering. The sobs of the aged, of the women and 
children, alone broke the silence. The interdict was pro- 
nounced at Dijon ; some short delay was allowed before it 

' Sismondi, iv. 121. Latin Christianity, vol. iii. p. 221. 

F 2 



68 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

was publicly promulgated in the presence of the clergy at 
Vienne. So for the injustice of the king towards his queen 
the whole kingdom of France, thousands of immortal souls 
were cut off from those means of grace, which if not abso- 
lutely necessary (the scanty mercy of the Church allowed 
the baptism of infants, the extreme unction to the dying), 
were so powerfully conducive to eternal salvation. An 
interdict was not like a war, in which the subjects suffer 
for the iniquities, perhaps the crimes, of their kings. 
These are his acts as a monarch, representing at least in 
theory the national will. The interdict was for the sin of 
the man, the private individual sin. For that sin a whole 
nation at least thought itself in danger of eternal damnation. 

" O how horrible, how pitiable a spectacle it was (so 
writes one who had seen and shuddered at the workings 
of an interdict) in all our cities 1 To see the doors of the 
churches watched, and Christians driven away from them 
like dogs ; all divine offices ceased ; the sacrament of the 
body and blood of the Lord was not offered ; no gathering 
together of the people as wont at the festivals of the 
saints : the bodies of the dead not admitted to Christian 
burial, but their stench infected the air, the loathsome 
sight of them appalled the living ; only extreme unction 
and baptism were allowed. There was a deep sadness 
over the whole realm, while the organs and the voices of 
those who chanted God's praises were every where mute." 

Of the clergy of France, some in servile, or in awe-struck 
obedience, at once suspended all the offices of the church. 
The Bishops of Paris (the Archiepiscopate of Sens was va- 
cant), of Senlis, Soissons, Amiens, Arras, the Canons of Sens, 
being more immediately under royal jurisdiction, ventured 
oil timorous representations. " The people were in a state of 
pious insurrection. They had assembled round the churches, 
forced the doors, it was impossible to repress their deter- 
mination not to be deprived of their services, their tutelary 
saints, their festivals. The King threatened the clergy 
with the last extremities." Innocent rejected their frivo- 
lous excuses, which betrayed their weak faith ; the Church 
must no longer labour under this grievous scandal ; all 

i Hadulph. Coggesbal. Chron. Anglic, apud Martene v. 



Chap. IV. WRATH OP PHILIP AUGUSTUS. 69 

who had not fulfilled the Papal mandate before Holy 
Thursday were to answer for it at Rome. But some 
sense of national independence, some compassion for their 

{)eople, some fear of the King, induced others to delay at 
east the full obedieifce, the Archbishop of Rheims, the 
Bishops of Laon, Noyon, Auxerre, Beauvais, Boulogne, 
Chartres, Orleans. The Bishop of Auxerre was the 
boldest, he aspired through the King to the vacant arch- 
bishopric of Sens.^ 

Philip Augustus was not of a temper to brook these 
encroachments ; and his haughty temper was inflamed by 
his passion for Agnes of Meran. He broke out into 
paroxysms of fury. '* By the sword joyeuse of Charle- 
magne'* (we recognise the language of the Romances of 
the Trouveres), " Bishop," so he addressed the Bishop of 
Paris, "provoke not my wrath. You prelates, R^^f 
provided you eat up your vast revenues, and ™*- 
drink the wines of your vineyards, trouble yourself little 
about the poor people. Take care that I do not mar 
your feasting, and seize your estates.""" He swore that 
he had rather lose half his dominions than part from 
Agnes of Meran, who was flesh of his flesh. He expelled 
many of the ecclesiastics, who dared to obey the Pope, 
from their benefices, and escheated all their property. 
The King's oflScers broke into the palace of the Bishop 

^ Gesta, 56. Qoi tantis ftenun laquelB modenunine nullo 

■ Gesta, Chronique de St. Denis. Strinxlt et aixrtavlt.c»tn8 prohlbendo solnto^ 

Among the most cunous iUustrationg of ^%,^ ~'^"«" P^*^*»"^ r^trBsaia fran- 

the age is a poem, written by Giles Cor- Per faa atqne nefas, tine lege vel online cur- 

beil, physician of Philip Augustus, of . "^*» 

5925 hexameter lines. Cbrbeil was be- ^*^t^ ''^^ recolunt, dadamqoe Be- 
fore known by poems on subjects re- Enonnea renovant anUqul temporta actus .- 
lating to his profession. This new poem £t pejiu faciimt, praTneque repallnlat error. 
has but recently come to light ; it was ^^ quamvia prohibenda forent, qoU talia 

'^'^^''^Ji^^u^^^^ '?^®'' K??^"?« I"; MaSSTellditdivlnlwgaUJiirti. 

about 1219, but refers to the times of Ipsa tamen^podtocnncds modenunine rebns. 

Innocent. It is a furious satire against Simplicibiis verbis, hortatibus atqne modestia' 

the pride, luxury, and irreligiousness of ExtJipari debneraat. aoitbemate dempto." 

tiie French hierarchy. The Legate under j^ ^^e account of this poem, by M. V 
io^^t^a^* *^ ^"^^^ ""^ ^''''^^' " ^ Clerc, in the xx. toiae of 2e Hist 

- gS p^^poeo tmnido Oalone relicto, fl'f L^Lif^i^^^^^^ ^iL^^ J^^.^ 

Qui OauJcamSTcraBso feUdor, annim f ™Pf « iHMtratlons of this speech of Phi- 

SorbuiU argento mensas spoUavit. et omnes "P Augustus ; on the dress, the table, the 

WviUas rapuit, harpye more rapacis ; habits and manners of the hierarchy 

Qui calicem colando yolens glntixe camelam, Thp nn»m is aaIIoH " Oflro P:n.». -r 

Imposttlt collis onus importiTbUe nosiris, ^. ® ^?^ll^^^ ^^^ P*«™» ^'f* 

ToUere com non posset idem, digitoque mo- «^'*C*» P* '*•*'» ** ^^7' 



Tere; 



70 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

of Senlis, carried off his horses, habiliments, and plate. 
Ingebui^a was seized, dragged from her cloister, and 
imprisoned in the strong castle of Etampes.*". But the 
people, oppressed by the heavy exactions of Philip Au- 
gustus, loved him not ; their affections, as well as their 
religious feelings, were with the clergy. The barons and 
high vassals threatened ; they actually began to rise up in 
arms. Innocent might seem to have acted with sagacious 
policy, and to have taken the wise course to humiliate the 
King of France, With strange mercy, while he smote the 
innocent subjects of Philip, the more awful sentence of per- 
sonal excommunication was still suspended over the King's 
head and that of Agnes of Meran ; it was reserved for a 
last, a more crushing blow, but one perhaps which might 
have led to perilous consequences. He had even (he 
boasts of his lenity) spared the uncle of the King, the 
Archbishop of Rheims, who had dared to pronounce the 
dissolution of the marriage.'' 

Philip, alarmed at the mutinous movements among the 
people, at length sent certain ecclesiastics and knights to 
Rome, to complain of the harsh proceedings of the Le- 
gate ; to declare himself ready to give sureties that he 
would abide by the sentence of the Pope. " What sen- 
tence?" sternly exclaimed the Pope, "that which has been 
already delivered, or that which is to be delivered ? He 
knows our decree : let him put away his concubine, receive 
his lawiul wife, reinstate the bishops whom he has expelled, 
and give them satisfaction for their losses ; then will we 
raise the interdict, receive his sureties, examine into the 
alleged relationship, and pronounce our decree." The 
answer went to the heart of Agnes of Meran ; it drove 
the King to fury. •' I will turn Mohammedan ! Happy Sa- 
ladin, he has no Pope above him ! " But without the 
support of the princes and prelates of the realm even the 
haughty Philip Augustus must bow. He summoned a 
parliament at Paris; it was attended by all the great 
vassals of the crown. Agnes appeared in her beauty, as 

^ Addition a Cbronique de St Denis, dam doxerimiis, aed terram ta&lom post 
** Nee in personam snbintrodnctie, frequentes eommonitiones subjecimus 
Tel toam sententiam aliqoam proferen- interdicta — ^Epist. t. 50, 



Chap. IV. INNOCENT INFLEXIBLE. 71 

when she had distributed the prizes of valour at Com- 
piegne ; in her sadness (says a chronicler of the day),^ like 
the widow of Hector before the Greeks (she was far gone 
with child). The barons sate mute, not a sword flashed 
from its scabbard. " What is to be done?" demanded the 
King. "Obey the Pope, dismiss Agnes, receive back 
Ingeburga.'* So appalled were the nobles of France by 
the Papal interdict The King turned bitterly to the 
Archbishop of Rheims, and demanded whether the Pope 
had declared his dissolution of the marriage a mockery. 
The prelate denied it not. " What a fool wert thou, then, 
to utter such a sentence.** The King sent a new embassy 
to Bome. Agnes of Meran addressed a' touching epistle 
to the Pope. " She, a stranger, the daughter of a Chris- 
tian prince, had been married, young and ignorant of the 
world, to t^e King, in the face of God and of the Church ; 
she had bome him two children. She cared not for the 
crown, it was on her husband that she had set her love. 
Sever me not from him." The inflexible Pope deigned 
no reply. Innocent sent the Cardinal of Ostia, a kinsman 
of the King of France, one of his most trusted counsellors, 
in compliance with the King's suppliant request, as the 
Legate to France. His instructions were full and explicit : 
he was to demand complete satisfaction for the dispossessed 
clergy, the banishment of the concubine (the German 
adulteress she is called by some of the coarser writers), 
not only from the palace but from the realm ; the public 
reception of Ingeburga ; an oath and sureties to abide by 
the sentence of the Church. The Cardinals (Octavian of 
Ostia was accompanied by John of Colonna) were received 
in France in a kmd of trembling yet undisguised triumph ; 
they came to deliver the land from its curse. At Vezelay 
they were met by the great prelates and clergy of the 
realm ; the King received them at Sens with the utmost 
respect ; he promised satisfaction to the Churchmen, was 
reconciled to the Bishops of Paris and Soissons. To the 
King's castle of St. Leger came the cardinals, the prelates ; 

p Gul. Biito. I haye consulted Cape- however, was his first and best work, 

figae's Philippe Auguste, bat with that There are some important letters on the 

care with which it is necessary to read subject in Langebek. Rerun Danicarom 

that rapid but inexact writer. This, Scriptores. 



72 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

and in their train Ingeburga. The people thronged round 
the gates : but the near approach of Ingeburga seemed to 
rouse again all the King's insuperable aversion ."^ The 
Cardinals demanded that the scene of reconciliation should 
be public; the negotiation was almost broken off; the 
people were in wild despair. At last the King seemed to 
master himself for a strong effort. With the Legates and 
some of the churchmen he visited her in her chamber. 
The workings of his countenance betrayed the struggle 
within : " The Pope does me violence," he said. " His 
Holiness requires but justice," answered Ingeburga. She 
was led forth, presented to the Council in royal apparel ; a 
coundiat faithful knight of the King came forward, and 
1300. * ' swore that the King would receive and honour 
her as Queen of France. At that instant the clanging of 
the bells proclaimed the raising of the interdict. The 
curtains were withdrawn from the images, from the cru- 
cifixes ; the doors of the churches flew open, the multi- 
tudes streamed in to satiate their pious desires, which had 
been suppressed for seven months. The news spread 
throughout France ; it reached Dijon in six days, where 
the edict first proclaimed was abrogated in, form. No- 
thing, however, could induce Philip Augustus to live with 
Ingeburga as his wife. He severed himself from Agnes 
of Meran, now a third time about to become a mother. 
It is said that at their parting interview their passionate 
kisses, sobs, and mutual protestations were heard. Her 
pregnancy was so far advanced that she could not leave 
the kingdom ; she retired to a castle . in Normandy ; the 
serfs were said to see her pale form wandering, with wild 
gestures and dishevelled hair, upon the battlements. She 
brought forth a son in sorrow ; he received the fitting name 
of Tristan. 

The Legates appointed a Council for the solemn adju- 
dication of the cause. It was to meet at Soissons at a 
time fancifiilly fixed at six months, six days, and six 
hours from the date of the summons. The King of 
Denmark and the Archbishop of Lund were cited to the 
support of the cause of the Danish princess. But in the 

'i Epist. iii. 140. Apud du Theil, 



Chap. IV. COUNCIL AT SOISSONS. 73 

mean time, with all outward show of honom*, Ingeburga 
was but a more stately prisoner. She complained to the 
Pope of the fairour shown by the Legate to the King. 
Octavian had been flattered and softened by the recogni- 
tion of his relationship to Philip. Innocent himself ad- 
dressed the cardinals in langus^e, which delicately sug- 
gested his dissatisfaction. If the Pope was not yet content 
with his victory over the King, the^ prelates, and clergy, 
who had refused instantaneous and complete obedience to 
the interdict, must be punished with the most abject hu- 
miliation. The Archbishop of Rheims, the Bishops of 
Chartres, of Orleans, Melun, Noyon, Beauvais, and Aux- 
erre were compelled to appear at Rome (the aged and the 
infirm were alone permitted to appear by their proctors) 
to express their contrition and obtain absolution at the 
feet of the Pontifll The Pope prohibited the promotion 
of Hugo, the refractory Bishop of Auxerre, to the Arch- 
bishopric of Sens.' 

The Council of Soissons met at the appointed time, in 
great pomp. The Cardinal Octavian presided at coimdi of 
first, without awaiting the arrival of the Cardinal Mareh2l'i2oi. 
of St. Paul. The King entered the city on one side ; 
Ingeburga took up her dwelling in the convent of Notre 
Dame. She was received with the honours of a Queen. 
On the side of the King appeared a great number of 
learned lawyers, who pleaded at great length the nullity 
of the marriage ; the Archbishop of Lund and the Danish 
ambassadors declared that they were present when the mes- 
sengers of Philip demanded Ingeburga in marriage ; having 
sworn in his name that he would marry her and crown her 
as soon as she entered his realm. They produced the 
oath. "We arraign you, King of France! therefore, of 
perjury, of breach of faith; we appeal firom the Lord 
Octavian, your kinsman, in whom we nave no trust, to the 
Pope.'* Octavian requested them to await the arrival of the 
Cardinal of St. Paul. " We have appealed to the Pope," 
they said, and departed. But on the arrival of the Car- 
dinal John the cause went on. Ten bishops and several 
abbots pleaded for Ingeburga. But an unknown chani- 

' Gesta, Ivii. 



74 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

pion appeared in the lists,' and bore away the prize in 
defence of the injured beauty, Agnes of Meran. He was 
an ecclesiastic of unpretending demeanour, but such was 
the perspicuity, the learning, and the fervour of his speech, 
thaj; the assembly sate in wonder. He disappeared at 
the end. So ran the legend of this unknown priest, who 
came to the rescue of the Queen of France. But there 
seemed no end to the inexhaustible arguments — they had 
sat fourteen days ; the cardinals, the audience showed signs 
of impatience : they were strangely and suddenly released. 
One morning the King rode up to the Council ; he de- 
clared that he would receive and live with Ingeburga as 
his wife. At once she was mounted behind him ; and the 
King rode off with his hated spouse through the wondering 
streets, without bidding farewell to the perplexed cardinals. 
The Council was at an end. The Cardinal John returned 
to Rome. The Cardinal Octavian remained in France. 

The motive of this extraordinary act of Philip Augustus 
was unknown in his own days. But in all probability he 
was informed that his beloved Agnes of Meran was, if not 
actually dying, not likely to live. Some superstitious 
fears arising from her death, some remorse, which might 
awaken in the hour of affliction, some desire to propitiate 
the Church towards the object of his love, and to procure 
availing prayers for her salvation ; above all, that which 
lay nearest to his heart, and was the object which he pressed 
most earnestly soon affcer her death, the legitimation by the 
Pope of the children which she had borne him, may 
have determined the impetuous monarch to this sudden 
change, if not of feeling, of conduct. To the legitimation 
of his sons the Pope consented. But whatever his motive, 
Philip could not, or would not conquer his inconceivable 
aversion to the person of Ingeburga. To the Pope he 
declared repeatedly that nothing but witchcraft could be 
the cause.^ The Pope, in language somewhat remarkable, 
urged the King to prepare himself by prayer, by alms, 
and by the sacrament, in order to dissolve the spell." But 



* Roger HovedeD. le diable tout rouge . . . fol&trant sur 

' See in the Grande Chronique what les genoox de la revne, faisant poetores 

the monks made of this. * " Un vieux et mines horribles. 

derc" (how came he there ?) ** aTait ru " Epist x. 176. 



Chap. IV. INGEBUBGA NEGLECTED. 75 

in a more dignified letter, he enjoins him at least to treat 
her with the respect due to the descendant of kings, to 
the sister of a king, the wife of a king, the daughter of a 
king. Philip Augustus obeyed not ; he eluded even this 
command. Ingeburga was led from castle to castle, from 
cloister to cloister ; she was even deprived of the offices 
of religion, her only consolation ; her bitter complaints 
still reached Rome; still new remonstrances were made 
by Innocent ; till her voice seems to have been drowned 
in the wars of France and England, of Philip Augustus 
and John ; and Innocent in his new function of mediator 
between or rather dictator to these rival monarchs, seemed to 
foi^et the neglected and persecuted Queen. Many years 
after Philip is said to have made her his Queen in all 
outward honours, but even then she was not his wife. 

' Grandea Chroniques, sab. ann. 1213. 



7G LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 



CHAPTER V. 



INNOCENT AND ENGLAND. 



Innocent had humbled the ablest and most arbitrary 
King who had ruled in France^ since the days of Charle- 
magne ; Philip Augustus had been reduced to elude and 
baffle by sullen and artful obstinacy the adversary whom 
he could not openly confront* But beyond the general 
impression thus made of the awfulness of the Papal power, 
the contest with Philip led to no great results eimer in 
the history of France or of the Church. In England, 
the strife of Innocent, first with King John, afterwards 
with the barons and churchmen of England, had almost 
immediate bearings on the establishment of the free insti- 
tutions of England. During the reign of John, disastrous, 
humiliating to the King and to the nation, were laid the 
deep foundations of the English character, the English 
liberties, and the English greatness ; and to this reign, 
from the attempt to degrade the kingdom to a fief of 
the Roman See, may be traced the first signs of that inde- 
endence, that jealousy of the Papal usurpations, which 
ed eventually to the Reformation. 
On the accession of Innocent, so long as Richard lived, 
England was in close alliance with the Apostolic 
See. Richard was the great supporter of the 
Papal claimant of the Empire. At his desire Innocent 
demanded of Philip, whom he still called Duke of Swa- 
bia, as having succeeded to his brother's, the Emperor 
Henry's, patrimonial domains and treasures, the restitution 
of the large ransom extorted from Richard. Philip was 
bound to this act of honour and justice.^ The Duke of 
Austria was also threatened with excommunication, if he 
did not in like manner, for the welfare of his father's 

^ He consented to the legitimation of Philip's sons by Agnes of Meran, Nov. 2. 
^ Epist. i. 242. 



I 



Chap. V. ACCESSION OF JOHK. 'J'J 

soul, who had taken an oath to make restitution, refund 
his share of the ransom money. The language of Inno- 
cent, when he assumes the mediation between France and 
England, though impartially lofty and dictatorial to both, 
betrays a manifest inclination towards England. The long 
account of insults, injuries, mutual aggressions, which had 
accumulated during the Crusade, on the way to the Holy 
Land, in the Holy Land, seems to perplex his judgment. 
But in France Philip Augustus is condemned as the 
aggressor; and peremptorily ordered to restore certain 
castles claimed by Richard. *" But Richard fell before the 
castle of a contumacious vassal."* His brother John, by 
the last testament of Richard, by the free acclamation of 
the realms of England and of Normandy, succeeded to the 
throne. The Pope could not be expected, unsummoned, to 
espouse the claims of Arthur of Bretagne, the son of 
John's elder brother ; for neither did Arthur nor his mo- 
ther Constance appeal to the Papal See as the fountain of 
justice, as the protector of wronged and despoiled princes ; 
and in most of the Teutonic nations so mucn of the elec- 
tive spirit and form remained, that the line of direct 
hereditary succession was not recognised either by strict 
law or invariable usage. That the cause of Arthur was 
taken up by Philip of France, then under interdict, or at 
least threatened with interdict, was of itself fatal to his 

Sretensions at Rome. But neither towards the King 
ohn, in whom he hoped to find a faithftil ally, a steady 
partisan of his Emperor Otho, does Innocent arm himself 
with that moral dignity which will not brook the violation 
of the holy Sacrament of Marriage : the dissolution of an 
inconvenient tie, which is denied to Philip Augustus, is 
easily accorded, or at least not imperiously, or inexorably 
denied, to John. There was a singular resemblance in the 
treatment of their wives by these sovereigns ; ex- John* di- 
cept that in one respect, the moral delinquency of mainage, 
John was far more flragrant ; on the other hand, his wife 
acquiesced in the loss of her royal husband with much 
greater facility than the Danish princess repudiated by 

" Epist. i. 230. ^ Kichard died April 6, 1199. 



78 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

Philip of France. John had been married for twelve years 
to the daughter of the Earl of Gloucester ; an advantageous 
match for a younger prince of England. On the throne, 
John aspired to a higher, a royal connexion. He sought a 
dissolution of his marriage on the plea of almost as remote 
affinity. The Archbishop of Bourdeaux was as obsequious 
to John as the Archbishop of Rheims had been to Philip 
Augustus. Negotiations had been concluded for an 
alliance with a daughter of the King of Porti^al, when 
John suddenly became enamoured of Isabella, ihe be- 
trothed wife of the Count de la Mark. Isabella was 
dazzled by the throne ; fled with John, and was married 
to him. Such an outrage on a great vassal was a violation 
of the first principle of feudalism ; from that day the 
Barons of Touraine, Maine, and Anjou held themselves 
absolved from their fealty to John. But although this 
flagrant wrong, and even tne sin of adultery, is added to 
the repudiation of his lawful wife, no interdict, no censure 
is uttered from Rome either against the King or the Arch- 
bishop of Bourdeaux. The Pope, whose horror of such 
unlawful connexions is now singularly quiescent, confirms 
the dissolution of the marriage, against which, it is true, 
the easy Havoise enters no protest, makes no appeal f for 
John, till bought over with the abandonment of Arthur's 
claim to the throne by the treacherous Philip Augustus, 
is still the supporter of Otho ; he is the ally of the Pope, 
for he is the ally of the Papal Emperor. 

Philip, embarrassed by his quarrel with the Pope, and 
conteBt with the wavering loyalty of his own great vassals, who 
guat£. "*" had quailed under the interdict, though he never 
lost sight of the great object of his ambition, the weakening 
the power of England in her Continental dominions and her 
eventual expulsion, at first asserted but feebly the rights of 
Arthur to the throne ; he deserted him on the earliest 
prospect of advantage. In the treaty confirmed by the 
marriage of Louis, the son of Philip, with John's kins- 

* Epist ▼. 19, contains a sort of re- no allusion, as Dr. Paulli seems, after 

proof to John for his propensity to Hurler, to do. — Geschichte Englands, 

the sins of the flesh, and gently urges p. 304. 
repentance; but to the divorce I see 



A J>. 1200. 



Chap. V. DEATH OF ARTHUR. 79 

woman, Blanche of Castile, Philip abandoned the claims 

of Arthur to all but the province of Bretagne; 

John covenanted to give no further aid in troops 

or money to Otho of Brunswick in his strife for the 

Empire/ 

But the terrors of the interdict had passed away. Philip 
Augustus felt his strength : the Barons of Anjou, Touraine, 
Poitou, Maine, were eager to avenge the indignity offered 
to Hugh de la MarL De la Mark appealea to his 
sovereign liege lord the King of France for redress. Philip 
summoned John to do homage for Aquitaine : to John som. 

• I* i.i»T>'/»xl_ J moned to do 

answer in his courts ox Jraris tor the wrong done homage. 
to De la Mark. Nor did John (so complete was the 
theory of feudal subordination) decline the summons. He 
promised to appear ; two of his castles were pledged as 
surety that he would give full satisfaction in the plenary 
court of his sovereign. But John appeared not; his 
castles refused to surrender ; Philip renewed his alliance 
with Arthur of Bretagne, asserted his claim to all the 
continental possessions of the King of England, contracted 
Arthur in marriage with his own daughter, as yet but of 
tender age. The capture, the imprisonment, the Death of 
death of Arthur, raised a feeling of deep horror '^'**"'^- 
against John, whom few doubted to have been the mur- 
derer of his nephew.* Philip of France now appeared in 
arms under the specious title, not only of a sovereign 
proceeding against a wrong-doing and contumacious vassal, 
but as the avenger of a murder perpetrated on 
his nephew, it was said by some by the hand of 
John himself.^ John had been summoned, at the accusa- 
tion of the Bishop of Rennes, to answer for this crime 
before the Peers of France at Paris. Again John appeared 

' See instructions to the Legate, the vida." Radulph de Coggeshal is holder 

Bishop of Ostia, to break the dan- (he wrote in France). From his rela- 

geroiu alliance growine up between the tion, through Holinshed, Shakspeara 

kings of France and England. — Epist. drew his exquisitelj pathetic scene. 

1.697, and letter to John, ur^ng the ^ " Adeo quidem ut rex Johannes bus- 

Bupport of Otho by money, ibid, and i. pectus habebatur ab omnibus, quasi 

714-720. Innocent declared John's oath lUum manu proprift peremisset, unde 

null and void. multi animos avertentes a rege semper 

' Wendover merely says, " uon multo deinceps, ut ansi sunt, nigerrimo ipsum 

post subito evanuit." ** Utinam," adds odio perstrinxerunt." — Wendover (ed. 

Matt. Paris, "non ut fama refert in- Coxe), p. 171. 



80 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

not ; the Court delivered its sentence, finding John Duke 
of Normandy guilty of felony and treason for the murder 
of the son of his elder brother, a vassal of France, within 
the realm of France. John had thereby violated his oath 
of fealty to the King of France, and all the fiefs which he 
held by that homage were declared forfeited to the Crown. 
Philip broke into Normandy, and laid siege to Chateau 
Gaillard, the key of the province. John, at Kouen, as 
though to drown his fears or his remorse, indulged, in 
the society of his young bride, in the most careless and 
prodigal gaiety^ amusement, and debauchery; afiected to 
despise the force of Philip, and boasted that he would win 
back in a day all that Philip would conquer in a year. But 
at the approach of Philip, even before the fall of 
Chateau Gaillard, he fled to England. He appealed 
to the Pope ; he demanded that ecclesiastical censures 
should be visited on the perjured Philip Augustus, who had 
broken his oaths to maintain peace. At the commencement 
of the war Innocent had instructed the Abbot of Casamag- 
Hiffh language giorc to couimaud the adverse monarchs to make 
of Innocent, p^acc. " It was his duty to preach peace. How 
would the Saracens rejoice at the war of two such kings ? 
He would not have the blood which might be shed laid to 
his account." Philip Augustus, at a full assembly of Barons 
at Nantes, coldly and haughtily replied, that the Pope had 
no business to interfere between him and his vassal. But 
he avoided, either from prudence or respect, the reproach 
that the head of Christendom was standing forward as the 
protector of a murderer. The reply of Innocent from 
Anagni was the boldest and fullest declaration of unlimited 
power which had yet been made by Pope. He was 
astonished at the language of the King of France, who 
presumed to limit the power in spiritual things confeired 
by the Son of God on the Apostolic See, which was so 
Aj) 1203 g^^3't tb*t it could admit no enlargement.* "Every 
son of the Church is bound, in case his brother 
trespasses against him, to hear the Church. Thy brother 
the iCing of England has accused thee of trespass against 
him ; he has admonished thee ; he has called many of his 

' Epist. \i. 163. 



Chap. V. LOSS OF NORMANDY. 81 

great Barons to witness of his wrongs : he has in the last 
resort appealed to the Church. We have endeavoured to 
treat you with fatherly love, not with judicial severity; 
urged you, if not to peace, to a truce. If you will not hear 
the Church, must you not be held by the Church as a 
heathen and a publican ? Can I be silent ? No. I com- 
mand you now to hear my legates, the Archbishop of 
Bourges and the Abbot of Casamaggiore, who are 
empowered to investigate, to decide the cause. We enter 
not into the question of the feudal rights of the King of 
France over his vassal, but we condemn thy trespass — thy 
sin — which is unquestionably within our jurisdiction. 
The Decretals, the law of the Empire, declare that if 
throughout Christendom one of two litigant parties appeals 
to the Pope the other is bound to abide by the award. 
The King of France is accused of perjury in violating the 
existing treaty, to which both have sworn, and perjury is a 
crime so clearly amenable to the ecclesiastical courts, that 
we cannot refuse to take cognizance of it before our 
tribunal." But Philip was too far advanced in his career 
of conquest to be arrested by such remonstrances ; nor did 
the Pope venture on more vigorous interference; LossofNor- 
there was no fiirther menace of interdict or aj). 13*03. 
excommunication. John, indeed, as the sagacious Inno- 
cent may have perceived, was lost without recovery — lost 
by his own weakness, insolence, and unpopularity. His 
whole Continental possessions were in revolt or conquered 
by Philip ; a great force raised in England refused to 
embark. He tried one campaign in Aquitaine : some 
successes, some devastations, were followed by a disgraceful 
*peace, in which Philip Augustus, having nearly ^^^ ^ ^^^ 
accomphshed his vast object, the consolidation of 
the realm in one great monarchy, condescended to accept 
the Papal mediation. From that time the King of 
England ceased to be the King of half France. 

Normandy was not yet lost, peace not yet re-established 
with Philip Augustus, when John was involved in ^;^|»^.jj^ 
a fierce contention with his ally. Pope Innocent. ^^5®^ 
It arose out of the death of Iiubert, Archbishop JJ^^^^ck 
of Canterbury. Who should fill the throne of imiy. 

VOL. IV. o 



82 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

Thomas k Becket — ^who hold the primacy of England? 
The question of investitures had hardly reached England, 
or had died away since the days of Anselm. The right of 
nominating to the bishoprics remained nominally in the 
chapters ; but as the royal licence was necessary before 
they could proceed to the election, and the royal approval 
before the consecration and the possession of the tempo- 
ralities, the Kings had exercised controlling power, at least 
over all the greater sees. The Norman kings and the 
Flantagenets had still filled all the great benefices with 
Norman prelates, or prelates approved by the Court 
Becket himself was, in fact, advanced by Henry II. Some 
of the English sees had grown out of or were connected 
with monasteries, which asserted and exercised the rights 
of chapters. The monks of Christchurch in Canterbury 
claimed the election to the Metropolitan See. The monks 
were at the same time most obstinately tenacious of their 
rights, and least capable of exercising them for the welfare 
of the Church and of the kingdom. At this present time 
there were on one side deep and sullen murmurs that the 
Church of England had sunk into a slave of the King. 
Becket had laid down his martyr life in vain.*' On the 
other hand, the King rejoiced in the death of Hubert, 
whom he suspected of secret favour towards his enemy the 
King of France. The second prelate of the kingdom, 
Geoflrey Archbishop of York, the brother of the King, 
had refused to permit a thirteenth, exacted by the King 
for the recovery of his French dominions, to be levied in 
his province ; he had fled the realm, leaving behind him 
an anathema against all who should comply with the 
King*s demands.™ The privilege of the monks of Christ- 
church in Canterbury to elect the Primate had been 
constantly contested by the suffiragan prelates, who claimed 
at least a concurrent right of election.^ At all the recent 
elections this strife had continued, the monks, though over- 

^ " Licet beatns Thomu archepisoo- lata jacebat."— Gesta, cli. cxxxi. Matt, 

pas animam suam pro ecclesiastic^ yo- Par. 

suerit libertate, nulla tamen utilitas " Wendover, pp. 154-209. 

quoad hoc in sanguine ejus erat, quo- " Compare Lmgard, Hist, of England, 

niam Anglicana ecclesia per principam in loco, 
insolentiam in profondU senritute ancil- 



▲J>. 1205. 



Chap. V. ELECTION OF PRIMATE. 83 

borne by royal authority, or by the power of the prelates, 
never renounced or abandoned their sole and exclusive 
pretensions. 

Immediately on the death of Hubert, the younger 
monks, without waiting for the royal licence, in 
the narrow corporate spirit of monkhood, hastily 
elected their Sub-prior Reginald to the See. In order to 
surprise the Papal sanction, under which they might defy 
the resentment of the King without whose licence they 
had acted, and baffle the bishops who claimed the concur- 
rent right, they had the precaution to take an oath from 
Reginald to maintain inviolable secrecy till he should 
arrive at Rome. The vanity of Reginald induced him, 
directly he reached Flanders, to assume the title, and to 
travel with the pomp of an Archbishop Elect. On his 
arrival at Rome, Innocent neither rejected nor admitted 
his pretensions. Among the monks of Christchurch, in 
the mean time, the older and more prudent had resumed 
their ascendancy ; they declared the election of Reginald 
void, obtained the royal permission, and proceeded under 
the royal influence to elect in all due form John de Gray, 
Bishop of Norwich, a martial prelate and the great leader 
in the councils of the King.° The sufiragan bishops 
acquiesced in this election. The Bishop of Norwich was 
enthroned in the presence of the King, and invested in all 
the temporalities of the see by the King himself. 

On the appeal to Rome, upon this question of strict 
ecclesiastical jurisdiction, all agreed. Reginald the Sub- 
prior and his partisans were already there ; twelve monks 
of Christchurch appeared on the part of the King 
and the Bishop of Norwich ; the sufiragan bishops ^'''' ^^^' 
had their delegates to maintain their right to concurrent 
election. The Pope, in the first place, took into conside- 
ration the right of election. He decided in favour of the 
monks. Against their prescriptive, immemorial usage, 
appeared only pretensions established in irregular and 
violent times, under the protection of arbitrary monarchs.^ 
Many decisions of the Papal See had been m favour of 
elections made by the monks alone ; none recognised the 

«» WendoTcr, p. 194. R. de Coggeslial. p Wendover, p. 188. 

o 2 



84 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

necessary concurrence of the bishops. Policy no doubt 
commingled in this decree with reverence for ancient 
custom ; the monks were more likely to choose a prelate 
of high churchmanlike views — views acceptable to Rome ; 
the bishops to comply with the commands, or at least not 
to be insensible to the favour of the King. 

The Court of Rome proceeded to examine the validity 
of the late election. It determined at once to annul both 
that of Reginald the Sub-prior and that of John de Gray : 
of Reginald, because it was irregularly made, and by a 
small number of the electors ; of de Gray, because the 
former election had not been declared invalid by com- 
petent authority. The twelve monks were ordered to 
proceed to a new election at Rome. John had anticipated 
this event, and taken an oath of the monks to elect no one 
but John de Gray. They were menaced with excommu- 
nication if they persisted in the maintenance of their oath ; 
Stephen they were commanded to elect Stephen Langton, 
Langton. Cardinal of St. Chrysogonus. Innocent could 
not have found a Churchman more unexceptionable, or 
of more commanding qualifications for the primacy of 
England. Stephen Langton was an Englishman by birth, 
of irreproachable morals, profound theologic learning, of a 
lofty, firm, yet prudent character, which unfolded itself at 
a later period in a manner not anticipated by Pope Inno- 
cent. Langton had studied at Paris, and attained surpassing 
fame and honourable distinctions. Of all the high-minded, 
wise, and generous prelates who have filled the see of 
Canterbury, none have been superior to Stephen 
Langton ; and him the Church of England owes 
to Innocent III. And if in himself Langton was so 
signally fit for the station, he was more so in contrast with 
his rivals — Reginald, who emerged from his obscurity to 
fall back immediately into the same obscurity ; the Bishop 
of Norwich, a man of warlike rather than of priestly fame, 
immersed in temporal affairs, the justiciary of the realm, in 
whom John could little fear or Innocent hope to find a 
second Becket. The monks murmured, but proceeded to 
the election of Langton. Elias of Brantfield alone stood 
aloof unconsenting ; he tried the effJect of English gold, 



Chap. V. CONSECRATION OF LANGTON. 85 

with which he had been lavishly supplied. Innocent^ it is 
said, disdainfully rejected a bribe amounting to three 
thousand marks.^ 

Innocent, aware that this assumption of the nomination 
to the archbishopric by the Pope, this intrusion of a prelate 
almost a stranger, would be offensive to the pride of the 
English ICing, had endeavoured to propitiate John by a 
suitable present. Among the weaknesses of this vain man 
was a passion for precious stones. He sent him a ring of 
great splendour, with many gems, accompanied with a 
letter explaining their symbolic religious signification/ The 
letter was followed by another, recommending strongly 
Stephen Langton, Archbishop elect of Canterbury, as a 
man incomparable for theologic learning as for his character 
and manners ; a person who would be of the greatest use 
to the King in temporal or in spiritual affairs. But the 
messengers of the Pope were stopped at Dover. At 
Viterbo,' the Pope proceeded to the consecration of the 
Primate of England. The fury of John knew no bounds : 
he accused the monks of Canterbury of having R^geof 
taken his money in order to travel to Rome, and ^"°8Johii. 
of having there betrayed him. He threatened to bum 
their cloister over then* heads ; they fled in the utmost 
precipitation to Flanders ; the church of Canterbury was 
committed to the monks of St. Augustine ; the lands of 
the monks of Christchurch lay an imcultivated wilderness. 
To the Pope he wrote in indignation that he was not only 
insulted by the rejection of the Bishop of Norwich, but 
by the election of Langton, a man utterly unknown to 
him, and bred in France among his deadly enemies. The 
Pope should remember how necessary to him was the 
alliance of England ; from England he drew more wealth 
than from any kingdom beyond the Alps. He declared 
that he would cut off at once all communication between 
his realm and Rome.* Innocent's tone rose with that of 
John, but he maintained calmer dignity. He enlarged on 
the writings of Langton: so far from Langton being 

*> Wendoyer, p. 2 1 2. tumn of 1 207 at Viterbo.— Harter, ii. p. 39. 

• Matt. Par. * The letter in Wendover, 216.— Matt. 

* Innocent passed the summer and an- Paris. 



86 LATIN CHRISTIANITY, Book IX; 

unknown to the King, he had three times written to him 
since his promotion to the cardinalate. He warned the 
King of the danger of revolting against the Church: 
" Remember this is a cause for which the glorious martyr 
St Thomas shed his blood." 

John had all the pride, in the outset of this conflict he 
showed some of the firm resolution, of a Norman sovereign. 
The Bishop of Norwich, in his disappointed ambition, 
inflamed the resentment and encouraged the obstinacy of 
the King. ^^ Stephen Langton at his peril should set his 
foot on the soil of England." Innocent proceeded with 
slow but determinate measures. All expostulation having 
proved vain, he armed himself with that terrible curse 
which had already brought the King of France imder his 
feet. England in her turn must sufier all the terrors of 
interdict. William Bishop of London, Eustace Bishop of 
Ely, Mainger Bishop of Worcester, had instructions to 
demand for the last time the royal acknowledgment of 
Langton ; if refused, to publish the interdict throughout 
their dioceses.'' The King broke out into a paroxysm of 
fury ; he uttered the most fearful oaths — ^blasphemies they 
were called — ^against the Pope and the Cardinals ; he swore 
"by the teeth of God," that if they dared to place his 
realm under an interdict he would drive the whole of the 
bishops and clergy out of the kingdom, put out the eyes 
and cut ofi* the noses of all Romans in the realm, in order 
to mark them for hatred. He threatened the prelates 
themselves with violence. The prelates withdrew, in the 
Interdict. cusuing Lcut publishcd the interdict, and then 
M«rcha4:i208. fl^d tije kingdom, and with them the Bishops of 
Bath and Hereford. " There they lived, says the historian, 
in abundance and luxury, instead of standing up as a 
defence for the Lord's house, abandoning their flocks to the 
ravening wolf."* Salisbury and Rochester took refuge in 
Scotland.^ Thus throughout England, as throughout 
France, without exception, without any privilege to church 
or monastery, ceased the divine offices of the Church. 

^ See in Rymer a letter of remon- tibus regiis. — i. p. 99. 

gtrance by Pope Innocent. John an- ' Wendover, p. 224. 

Bwen the bishop that he will obey the ^ Bower. Continuat. Fordon. viii. 
Pope, salva dignitate regi& et liberta- 



Chap. V. ENGLAND UNDER INTERDICT. 87 

• 

From Berwick to the British Channel, from the Land's-end 
to Dover, the churches were closed, the bells silent ; the 
only clergy who were seen stealing silently about were those 
who were to baptise new-born infants with a hasty cere- 
mony ; those who were to hear the confession of the dying, 
and to administer to them, and them alone, the holy 
Eucharist. The dead (no doubt the most cruel affliction) 
were cast out of the towns, buried like dogs in some uncon- 
secrated place — in a ditch or a dungheap — ^without prayer, 
without the tolling bell, without funeral rite. Those only 
can judge the effect of this fearful malediction who consider 
how completely the whole life of all orders was affected by 
the ritual and daily ordinances of the Church. Every 
important act was done under the counsel of the priest or 
the monk. Even to the less serious, the festivals of the 
Church were the only holidays, the processions of the 
Church the only spectacles, the ceremonies of the Church 
the only amusements. To those of deeper religion, to 
those, tne far greater number, of abject superstition, what 
was it to have the child thus almost furtively baptised, 
marriage unblessed, or hardly blessed;" the obsequies 
denied; to hear neither prayer nor chant; to suppose 
that the world was surrendered to the unrestrained power 
of the devil and his evil spirits, with no saint to intercede, 
no sacrifice to avert the wrath -of God ; when no single 
image was exposed to view, not a cross unveiled: the 
intercourse between man and God utterly broken off; 
souls left to perish, or but reluctantly permitted absolution 
in the instant of death. 

John might seem to encounter the public misery, not 
with resolute bravery, but with an insolence of disdain ; to 
revel in his vengeance against the bishops and priests who 
obeyed the Pope. The Sheriffs had orders to compel all 
such priests and bishops to quit the realm, scornfully adding 
that they might seek justice with the Pope. He seized the 
bishoprics and abbeys, escheated their estates into the bands 
of laymen. Some of the monks refused to leave their 
monasteries; their lands and property were not the less 

' Dr. LiDgard, from Donstable, c. 51, churchyards, marriages and churching 
says that sermons were preached in the performed in the church porch.-:— vol. iiit 



88 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

confiscated to the King's Exchequer. All the bams of the 
clergy were closed and marked as belonging to the royal 
revenue. The clergy of England were open to persecution 
of a more cruel nature. The marriage of the clergy still 
prevailed to a wide extent, under the opprobrious name of 
concubinage. The King seized these females throughout 
the realm, and extorted large sums for their ransom.* The 
ecclesiastics, as they would not submit to the King's law, 
were out of the protection of the King's law ; if assaulted 
on the high road, plundered, maltreated, they sought 
redress in vain. It was said that when a robber was 
brought bound before the King who had robbed and slain 
a priest, John ordered his release: "He has rid me of one 
enemy." Yet throughout all these oppressions of the 
Church, three prelates — his minister Peter of Winchester, 
Gray of Norwich (Deputy of Ireland), and Philip of 
Durham — were the firm partisans, the unscrupulous 
executors of all the King's measures.** 

These exactions from the clergy enabled John to con- 
duct his campaigns in Scotland, Wales, and Ireland with 
success. After above a year Innocent determined to 
strike at the person of the King, to excommunicate him 
by name in the most solemn manner. Stephen Langton 
had obtained a relaxation of the interdict so far that 
Divine service might be performed once a week in the 

' " Presbyterorum et clericomm fo- lum — Sic lacniin Lucam superat — 

cans per totcan Angliam a ministris Marco, Marcam pneponderat— Et librse 

regiis captae sant et grayiter ad se redi- librum subjicit." John (William ?) of 

mendum compulsse/'—Wendoyer, p. 223. London, Ely, and Worcester (the suc- 

^ See, on the bishops, the yeiy curious cesser of S. Wnlstan), are named as the 

Latin song published by Mr. Wright, three who are to beat down the Uiree 

' Political Sonffs.' Stephen is expected impious ones. " Ely, parcens panels vel 

to be a second Becket. '*Thomam ha- nemini." Salisbury and Rochester are 

bes (Cantia) sed alterum. Sed cum named with more meagre praise. — P. 

habebis Stephanum — Assumes tibi tym- 10, et seqq. There is a spirited anti- 

panum— Chelyn tangens sub modulo." papal song on the other side. It is chiefly 

Bath is accused of inordinate rapacity as on the avarice of Rome — 
a collector for the king's exchequer. "Tu „« _, * «,* .. 

Norwicensis bestia 1-Audi quid dicat B«°«»orum corU non est niai fomrn," 

Teritas— Qui non intrat per ostia— Fur It does not abstain from the Pope— 
est, an de hoc dubitas—Heu ! cecidisti . ^ , „ _.,.,, * *i 

grayio-Quam Cato quondam tertio. ; §SS jf,SSrp:^%SS^?« S!?"*^ 
Cum pncsumpta electio — Justo ruat ju- 

dicio. EmptaperdolnmSimonis — Wm- Mr. Wright suggests that the lion in 

toniensisarmiger — PrsesidetadScaccari- the fourui verse means Kin^ John— a 

nm — ^Ad computandum impiger — Piger strange similitude I — the bishops the 

ad evangeliom— Regis revolyens rota- asses. 



Chap. V. KING EXCOMMUNICATED. 89 

conventual churches. The Pope issued his commission to 
the fugitive Bishops of London, Ely, and Worcester, to 
pronounce the sentence of excommunication, and to trans- 
mit it for- publication to the few prelates who remained in 
the land. Every Sunday and every feast day it was to be 
repeated in all the conventual churches of England. Not 
a prelate dared to undertake the oflSce ; the whole clergy 
were dumb. Yet the awful fact transpired; men whis- 
pered to each other that the King was an excommunicated 
person ; it was silently promulgated in market places, and 
m the streets of the cities. One clergyman, Geoffrey, 
Archdeacon of Norwich, who was employed in the royal 
exchequer, was seized with conscientious scruples as to 
serving an excommunicated King. He retired to Nor- 
wich. The King sent after him, ordered him to be loaded 
with chains, and afterwards cased in a surcoat of lead : he 
died in prison. 

It is remarkable that while the interdict of one year 
reduced the more haughty and able Philip Au- Resistance of 
gustus to submission, the weak, tyrannical, and '^****°- 
contemptible John defied for four years the whole awful 
effects of interdict, and even for some time of personal ex- 
communication. Had John been a popular sovereign, had 
he won to his own side by wise conciliation, by respect to 
their rights, by a dignified appeal to their patriotism, the 
barons and the people of England ; had he even tempted 
their worse passions, and offered them a share in the con- 
fiscated property of the Church, even the greatest of the 
Popes might have wasted his ineffectual thunders on the 
land. Above two years after the interdict, and when the 
sentence of excommunication was well known, 
King John held his Christmas at Windsor ; not 
one of the great barons refused to communicate with him : 
even later, when Innocent proceeded to release 
his subjects from their oaths of allegiance, he " ' 
counted among his steadfast adherents three bishops, 
Henry of* Winchester, Peter of Durham, and John of 
Norwich ; the Chancellor, and a great number of the most 
powerful barons were firm in their loyalty. But while he 
defied the Pope and the hierarchy, he at the same time 



90 LATIN CnmSTIANITY. Book IX. 

seemed to labour to alienate the affections of all orders in 
the country. He respected no rights ; nothing was sacred 
against his rapacity and his lust. His profligate habits 
outraged the nonour of the nobles ; his passion for his 
Queen Isabella had burned out ; not one of the wives or 
daughters of the highest barons were safe from his seduc- 
tions or violence ; against the lower orders he had re-enacted 
and enforced with the utmost severity the forest-laws. 
An obscure person (**a false theologian"), Alexander 
the Mason, had now found his way into the councils of the 
King, Alexander is charged with encouraging at once the 
tyrannous and irreligious disposition of the King. He 
declared that kings were designed by God as scom^es of 
their subjects ; that he should govern them with a rod of 
iron. He averred at the same time that the Pope had 
no right to interfere in temporal matters; that God 
had given only ecclesiastical powers to St. Peter. John 
heaped benefices, which he wrested from their right owners, 
on this congenial adviser ; he was afterwards reduced by 
the Pope's interposition to the lowest beggary ; the clergy 
triumphed in his misery.*" The exactions and barbarities 
of the Kmg against the Jews would move but slight sym- 
pathy, even if not viewed with approbation ; they 
were seized, imprisoned, tortured, without any 
avowed charge, with the sole, almost ostentatious design, 
of wringing money from their obstinate grasp. The well- 
known story of the Jew who lost his teeth, one every 
day for seven days, before he would yield, and on the eighth 
redeemed what were left by ten thousand marks, even if 
wholly or partly a fiction, is a fiction significant of terrible 
truth."* But the whole people was oppressed by heavy and 
unprecedented taxation. At length, when time had been 
given for the estrangement of the nobles and people to 
grow into disaffection, almost into revolt, Innocent pro- 
ceeded to that last act of authority which the Papal See 
reserved against contumacious sovereigns. The Interdict 
had smitten the land ; the Excommunication desecrated the 
person of the King ; the subjects had been absolved from 
their fealty ; there remained the act of deposition from the 

« Wendover, p. 229. * Wendover, 231. 



i.p. laio. 



▲JD. 1213. 



Chap. V. JOHN DECLARED DEPOSED. 9 1 

throne of his fathers. The .sentence was publicly, solemnly 
promulgated against the King of England ; bis 
domains were declared the lawful spoil of whoever 
could wrest them from his unhallowed hands. 

There was but one sovereign in Europe whom his own 
daring ambition, and his hatred of John, might Phiup aq- 
tempt to this perilous enterprise. Philip Au- SSeS^tode!'' 
gustus, who had himself so bitterly complained j^ * 
of the insolence of the Pope in interdicting his realm, 
excommunicating his person, absolving his subjects from 
their fealty, was now religiously moved to execute the 
Papal sentence of deposition against his rival. He had 
won the continental dominions, he would possess himself 
of the insular territories of John. The policy of Pope 
Innocent with regard to the King of France had under- 
gone a total revolution. Otho, the Emperor, the kinsman 
of John, who owed to the wealth of John his success in 
his struggle for, if not his conquest of the Empire, was 
now the armed enemy of the Pope ; France was the ally 
of Frederick the Sicilian, whose claims to the Empire 
were befriended by Innocent. The interests of the Pope 
and the King of France were as intimately allied as they 
had been implacably opposed. At a great assembly in 
Soissons appeared Stephen Langton, the Bishops of Lon- 
don and Ely, newly arrived from Bome, tne 
King of France, the bishops, clergy and people of ^ . ' 
that realm. The English bishops proclaimed the sentence 
of deposition ; enjoined the King of France and all others, 
under the promise of the remission of their sins, to take 
up arms ; to dethrone the impious King of England ; to 
replace him by a more worthy sovereign. Philip Au- 
gustus accepted the command of this new crusade. Great 
forces were levied for the invasion of England; secret 
negotiations carried on with the discontented nobles. The 
measures of John were not wanting in vigour or subtlety. 
He raised an immense force, which encamped on Barham 
Downs. The sheriffs had been ordered to summon every 
man capable of bearing arms ; every vessel which would 
hold six horses was to assemble in Portsmouth harbour. 
He assumed the aggressive, captured some ships at the 



92 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX, 

mouth of the Seine, and burned Fecamp and Dieppe. 
The army was so vast as to be unwieldy, and could not 
be supplied with provisions : but, even reduced, it amounted 
to 60,000 men.* Yet in all that army there were few whom 
John could trast, except, perhaps, the Irish, 1 500 foot and 
a strong force of cavalry, brought over by his fast friend 
the Bishop of Norwich, the Deputy of Ireland ; and the 
Flemish mercenaries, so long as they received their pay. It 
was universally believed, it became matter of grave history, 
DcBperation of t^at Johu took a «tep of still more awful despera- 
Kingjohn. jJqjj. |.jjg Qutcast of Christcndom would take 

refuge in Mohammedanism. He meditated a bold revolt 
to Islam. He despatched a secret embassy to Mohammed 
el Nasser, the Emur al Mouenim, the Caliph, as he was 
called, of the Mohammedans of Spain and Africa, offering 
to embrace the faith of the KorUn, to own himself the 
vassal of the representative of the false prophet. It was 
still more unaccountably believed, that the haughty Mo- 
hammedan treated his advances with disdain, and refused 
to honour the renegade Christian with his alliance. It is 
true that the abhorrence, the contempt of the Christian^ 
world had become allayed rather than inflamed by the 
Crusades; noble Christian knights and Christian kings 
had learned to honour chivalry and generosity in their un- 
believing foes. The strife of Richard and Saladin had 
been that of kings who admired the lofly qualities each of 
his rival ; Philip Augustus was said in his wrath to have 
expressed his envy of the Mohammedan Noureddin, who 
had no Pope to control him. Frederick II. is about to 
appear even in more suspicious friendly approximation to 
the misbeliever. It is more probable that John may, in 
his impotent passion, have threatened, than had the courage 
to purpose such act of apostasy. The strong argument 
agamst it is his cowardice rather than his Christain faith. 
Even John must have had the sagacity to see that such 
alliance could give him no strength : would arm embattled 
Christendom against him. His anger might madden him 
to bold words, it would not support him in deliberate acts. 
But that the story was widely spread, eagerly believed, is 

' See in Wendover the orders to the sherifb, p. 244. • 



Chap. V. PANDULPH LEGATE. 93 

of itself a significant historical fact' But the better and 
wiser hope of John was in detaching the Pope himself, by 
feigned or by temporary submission, from the head of his 
own league ; in making a separate peace with the Pontiff. 
He had sent the Abbot of Beaulieu, with five other eccle- 
siastics, to Borne ; they had not been allowed, on account 
of certain informalities, to proceed in their negotiations ; 
but the Subdeacon Pandulph, an ecclesiastic high in the 
coufidence of Innocent, was commanded to proceed to 
England as Legate. Without any communication with the 
King of France, Pandulph presented himself at Dover be- 
fore King John.^ 

John by this time had passed from the height of inso- 
lence to the lowest prostration of fear. Not only did 
everything tend to deepen his mistrust of his own subjects, 
and his suspicions of the wavering fidelity of his army, but, 
like most irreligious men, he was the slave of superstition. 
One Peter, a hermit, had obtained great fame among the 
people as a prophet : of all his prophecies none had made 
greater noise, or been received with more greediness, than 
a saying relating to the King ; that before Ascension Day 
John would cease to be King of England. Peter had 
been seized and imprisoned in Corfe Castle, and now, just 
at this perilous crisis, the fatal Ascension Day was draw- 
ing on ; there wanted but three days. Pandulph was an 
Italian of consummate ability. He was ushered into the 
presence of the King by two Knights Templars. His 
sRilful address overawed the shattered mind of John to a 
panic of humiliation. He described in the most vivid 
terms the vast forces of the King of France, darkened the 
disloyalty of the English barons ; King Philip had de- 
clared that he had the signatures of almost all of them, 
inviting him over.^ From the hostility of France, of the 
exiled bishops, of his own barons, he had everything to 
fear; everything to hope from the clemency of Eome. 

' Matth. Paris, p. 169. Compare Lin- defidelitateetsubjectione." — Wendoyer, 

gard| who is disposed to think the story p. 47. Yet John had great names on his 

not incredible. side, — William, Earl of Salisbury, his 

s Pandulph was not cardinal. bastard brother ; Reginald, Count of 

** '* Jactatin prseterea idem rex chartas Boulogne ; Warennes, de Veres. 

habere omnium fere Angliee magnatum 



94 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

John, once humbled, knew no bounds to his abject sub- 
mission : he was as recklessly lavish in his concessions as 
recklessly obstinate in his resistance. He was not even 
satisfied with subscribing the hard terms of the 
treaty dictated by Pandulph ; he seemed to have a 
desperate determination by abasing himself even below all 
precedent to merit the strongest protection from that irre- 
sistible power which he had rashly provoked, and before 
which he was now bowed down ; he could not purchase at 
too high a price his reconciliation to the See of Borne ; 
perhaps he contemplated, not without satisfaction, the bitter 
disappointment of his enemy Philip Augustus, in thus being 
deprived of his prey. 

The treaty with the Pope acknowledged the full right 
of Langton to the Archiepiscopal See; it repealed the 
sentence of banishment against the clergy, and reinstated 
them in their functions and their estates ; it promised full 
restitution of all monies confiscated to the royal use, and 
compensation for other wrongs ; a specific sum was to be 
paid to the Archbishop, and to each of the exiled bishops ; 
it released from imprisonment all who had been appre- 
hended during the contest ; it reversed every sentence 
of outlawry; and guaranteed the clergy fi3r the future 
from such violent abuse of the power of the Crown. Four 
barons swore to the execution of these stipulations on the 
part of the King ; the Legate, on that of the Pope, that 
on their due fulfilment the interdict and the excommuni- 
cation should be removed ; and that the bishops should 
take a new oath of allegiance. But Ascension Day was 
not yet passed ; it wanted still two days ; and during those 
two days John had unconsciously fulfilled the prediction 
of the Hermit. On the vigil of that day appeared the 
submisdon Lcgatc iu his full pomp in the church of the 
of John. Templars. On the other side entered the King of 
England, and placed an instrument in the Legate's hands, 
signed, sealed, and subscribed with his own name, with that 
of the attesting witnesses. — "Be it known to all men,'* so 
ran the Charter, "that having in many points ofiended 
God and our Holy Mother the Church, as satisfaction^ for 
our sins, and duly to humble ourselves after the example 



Chap. V. SURRENDER OF ENGLAND TO THE POPE. 95 

of him who for our sake humbled himself to death, by 
the grace of the Holy Ghost, with our own free will and 
the common consent of our barons, we bestow and yield 
up to God, to his holy apostles Peter and Paul, to our 
Lord the Pope Innocent, and his successors, all our king- 
dom of England and all our kingdom of Ireland, to be 
held as a fief of the Holy See with the payment of 1000 
marks, and the customary Peter's pence. We reserve to 
ourselves, and to our heirs, the royal rights in the ad- 
ministration of justice. And we declare this deed irre- 
vocable ; and if any of our successors shall attempt to annul 
our act, we declare him thereby to have forfeited his 
crown." The attesting witnesses were one archbishop 
(of Dublin), one bishop (De Gray of Norwich), nine 
earls, among them Pembroke and Salisbury, and four 
barons. The next day he took the usual oath of fealty 
to the Pope ; he swore on the Gospels. It was the oath 
of a vassal. " I, John, by the grace of God, King of 
England and Lord of Ireland, from this day forth and for 
ever will be faithful to God and to the ever blessed Peter, 
aiid to the Church of Bome, and to my Lord the Pope 
Innocent, and to his Catholic successors. I will ' not be 
accessory, in act or word, by consent or counsel, to their 
loss of life, of limb, or of freedom. I will save them 
harmless from any wrong of which I may know ; I will 
avert all in my power ; I will warn them by myself or by 
trusty messengers, of any evil intended against them. I 
will keep profoundly secret all communications with which 
they may entrust me by letter or by message. I will aid 
in the maintenance and defence of the patrimony of St. 
Peter, specially this kingdom of ftgland and Ireland, to 
the utmost of my power, against all enemies. So help me 
God and his holy Gospels." * Every year, besides Peter's 
pence, the realm was to pay to the Holy See, as sign 
of vassalage, 1000 marks — 700 for England, 300 for 
Ireland. 
By this extraordinary proceeding it is difficult to decide to 

^ * Compare the copies of the submis- darius has been substituted (by the 
sion and the oath in Wendover wiUi copyist) for feudatorius. 
those in Rymer. In Wendover secun- 



96 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

what extent, according to the estimation of the time, John 
degraded himself and the realm of England. His first 
act showed that he was himself insensible to all its hu- 
miliating significance. That first act was to revenge 
himself on Peter the Hermit Ascension Day passed 
over ; he instantly ordered Peter and his son to be dragged 
at the tails of horses, and hung on gibbets, as false pro- 
phets. But the popular feeling vindicated the truth of the 
prediction : John had ceased to reign by the surrender of 
his kingdom to the Pope. It was afterwards among the 
heaviest charges made by Louis of France, when he 
claimed the crown of England ; it followed the accusation 
of the murder of his nephew Arthur, that he had unlaw- 
fully surrendered the realm to the Pope.*^ The attesting 
witnesses were some of the greatest nobles in the land ; 
they were chiefly the attached partisans of John, the Bishop 
of Norwich, and the King's bastard brother, Salisbury ; 
Pembroke and Warenne were afterwards among the barons 
who extorted the great Charter. 

Innocent had added, by this act of John, another and 
Effects of thiB a more powerful kingdom to that great feudal 
submittioD. monarchy, half spiritual half temporal, which 
the later Popes had aspired to found in Rome ;" that 
vague and undefined sovereignty which gave the right of 
interfering in all the afiairs of the realm, as Suzerain as 
well as Spiritual Father. He had succeeded, by accident 
in truth, and to his loss and discomfiture, in imposing an 
Emperor on Germany ; but still he had fixed a precedent 
for the decision of the Pope against a majority of the 
German electors. He held, at least he claimed to hold, the 
greater part of Italy. He did hold the kingdom of Sicily, 
as a fief of the Papacy ; the patrimony of St Peter, and 
the inheritance of the Counts of Tuscany, as actual Lord. 
In France the Popes asserted the reigning family, the de- 
scendants of Hugh Capet, to have received the throne by 
their award. The Pope had transferred it as from the Mero- 

^ The passaj^e cited by Dr. Lingard, him, bat by the perfidious league of the 

that he did this under compulsion from others with France, 

the barons, coactus, will bear another ™ During many pontificates the papal 

interpretation. He was compelled not bulls and briefs speak of England as a 

by the counsel or control of those around vassal kingdom held of Rome. 



Chap. V. INDIGNATION OF PHILIP AUGUSTUS. 97 

vingian to the Carlovingian : so from the house of Charle- 
magne to that of Capet. In Spain, the kingdom of 
Arragon owned feudal allegiance. The Latin Empire 
of Constantinople, though won in direct prohibition oi his 
commands, was yet subject to his undefined claim of 
sovereignty. Over all kingdoms conquered from the in- 
fidels he asserted his right of dispasal, as well as over all 
islands : England held Ireland by his sovereign grant 

Pandulph had received the fealty of the King of Eng- 
land; the 8000/. sterling, which had been sti- Pandniph 
pulated as the compensation for the exiled ft^! 
prelates, had been paid into his hands ; he is said likewise 
to have received a sum of money as the first payment of 
the tribute to Rome, and to have trampled it contemp- 
tuously under his feet. But it was not Pandulph's policy 
to insult further the degraded John ; and Pandulph was 
a man who acted throughout from wary policy. It is 
possible that in order to take a high tone, and remove that 
suspicion of rapacity which attached to all the proceed- 
ings of the Court of Borne, he may have declined to 
receive these first fi*uits of his conquest ; but what he did 
carry to France was not the fee-farm payment to Borne, 
but the restitution money to the English prelates." He 
appeared before the King of France, and m the name of 
the Pope briefly and peremptorily forbade him firom pro- 
ceeding to further hostilities against John, who had now 
made his peace with the Church. Philip Augustus p^^ of 
burst into fury. " Had he at the cost of sixty ^^^ 
thousand pounds assembled at the summons, at the en- 
treaty of tne Pope, one of the noblest armaments which 
had ever met under a King of France ? Was all the 
chivalry of France, in arms around their sovereign, to be 
dismissed like hired menials when there was no more use 
for their services ? " His invectives against the Pope 
passed not only all the bounds of respect, but of courtesy. 
j3ut the defection of Ferrand Count of Flanders was 
more powerful in arresting the invasion of England, than 
the inhibition of Pandulph. Ferrand, whose conduct had 
been before doubtful, and who had entered into a secret 

■ Sismondi has confounded the two kinds of payment. 
VOL. IV. H 



98 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX, 

league with the King of England, diverted on his own 
dominions the wrath of Philip, to whom the more alluring 
plunder of the rich Flemisn towns seemed to offer a 
conquest more easy and profitable than the realm of 
England. Flanders, he swore, shall be France, or France 
Flanders, But the fleets of England joined the Flemings, 
and the attempted conquest of Flanders by Philip Au- 
gustus ended in disgraceful discomfiture. 

If the dastardly mind of John was insensible to the 
shame of having degraded his kingdom into a fief of Home, 
he might enjoy an ignominious triumph in the result of 
Philip's campaign. From himself he had averted all imme- 
diate danger; he had arrested the French invasion of 
England, and the menaced revolt of his barons ; he had 
humbled his implacable enemy by his successes in 
Flanders. He had secured an ally, faithful to him in 
all his subsequent tyrannies, humiliations and disasters. 
The vassal of the Boman See found a constant, if less 
powerful protector, in his lord the Pontiff of Rome. As 
elate in transient success as cowardly in disaster, John 
determined to resume the aggressive ; to invade his ancient 
dominions in Poitou. But he was still under excommu- 
nication, (Pandulph had prudently reserved the absolution 
till John had fulfilled the terms of the treaty by the 
reception of the exiled prelates.) The barons refused to 
follow the banner of the kingdom, raised by an excommuni- 
cated monarch. John was compelled to fulfill his agree- 
ment to the utmost ; to drink the dregs of humiliation, 
jnijaciais. The exiled prelates, Stephen of Canterbury, Wil- 
Dv. "**" " liam of London, Eustace of Ely, Hubert of Lin- 
coln, Giles of Hereford, landed at Dover ; they proceeded 
to Winchester f there they were met before the gates by 
John ; he fell at their feet and shed tears. The prelates 
raised him up, mingling, it is said, their tears with his ; 
they conducted him into the church ; they pronounced the 
absolution. King John swore on the Gospels to defend 
the Church and the priesthood ; he swore also to re- 
establish the good laws of his predecessors, especially those 
of King Edward ; to abrogate the bad laws ; to judge every 

• Wendover, p. 260. 



Chap. V. STEPHEN LANGTON. 99 

man according to his right He swore also to make 
ample restitution, under pain of a second excommunica- 
tion, of all which he had confiscated during the exile of 
the prelates. He again swore fealty to the Pope and his 
Catholic successors. 

John, now free from ecclesiastical censures, embarked 
for Poitou in the full hope that the realm of England 
would follow him in dutiful obedience. Most of the 
barons stood sullenly aloof; those who embarked aban- 
doned him at Jersey. This was the first overt act in the 
momentous strife of the Barons of England for the liber- 
ties of England, which ended in the signature of the great 
Charter ; and at the head of these Barons was Stephen 
Langton, Archbishop of Canterbury. Henry II. when 
he raised Becket to the Primacy of England, in order by 
his means to establish the temporal supremacy of the King 
over the Church, had not more completely mistaken the 
character of the man, than Innocent when he raised Lang- 
ton to the same dignity, to maintain all the exorbitant 
pretensions of Borne over England. Langton, a more 
enlightened churchman, remembered not only that he was 
an Archbishop, but that he was an Englishman and a 
noble of England. He had asserted with the Pope the 
liberties of the Church against the King ; he asserted the 
liberties of England against the same King, though sup- 
ported by the Pope. Almost the first act of Langton 
was to take the initiative in the cause of the barons. John 
returned from Jersey in fury against the contumacious 
nobles ; he declared his determination to revenge himself, 
summoned troops to execute his vengeance. Langton 
sought him at Northampton, and remonstrated at his 
arming against his barons before they had been arraigned 
and found guilty in the royal courts, as a violation of the 
oath sworn before his absolution. The King dismissed 
him with scorn, commanding him not to meddle in state 
aflairs. But Langton followed him to Nottingham; 
threatened to excommunicate every one who should 
engage in this war before ja fair trial had taken place, 
excepting only the King himself.^ The King sullenly con- 

9 WendoTer, p. 261. 

H 2 



100 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

sented to convoke a plenary court of his nobles. One 
meeting of the Primate and the nobles had taken place at 
St. Albans ; a second, ostensibly to regulate the claims of 
the Church upon the crown, was convened in St. Paul's, 
London. Langton there produced to the barons the 
charter of Henry I.; the barons received it with loud 
acclamations, and took a solemn oath to conquer or die in 
defence of their liberties.*^ 

At Michaelmas arrived the new legate, Nicolas Car- 
dinal of Tusculum: his special mission was the settle- 
ment as to the amount to be paid by the king for the 
losses endured by the clergy. He was received, though 
the interdict still lingered on the realm till the king 
should have given full satisfaction, with splendid pro- 
cessions.' His first act was to degrade the Abbot of 
Westminster, accused by his monks of dilapidation 
of their estates, and of incontinence. The citizens of 
Oxford were condemned for the murder of two clerks 
(not without provocation) : they were to present them- 
selves at each of the churches of the city naked to their 
shirts, with a scourge in their hand, and to request absolu- 
tion, reciting the fiftieth psalm, fbom the parish priest 
The Cardinal, who travelled at first with seven horses, had 
soon a cavalcade of fifty. The amount of just compen- 
sation to the clergy it was impossible to calcmate. Their 
castles had been razed, their houses burned, their orchards 
and their woods cut down. John ofiered the gross sum of 
100,000 marks. The Legate urged its acceptance, but 
was suspected of favouring the King. The bishops re- 
ceived in advance 1 500 marks, and the afiair was for the 
present adjourned. On the payment of this sum the 
interdict was raised, but what further compensation was 
awarded to the inferior claimants does not appear. Still 
meeting after meeting took place, at length the business 
was referred to the Pope, who awarded to the Archbishop, 
the Bishops of London and Ely, the sum of 40,000 
marks. At St Paul's the King gave greater form and 
pomp to his disgraceful- act of vassalage." Before the high 

^ Wendover, p. 263. See the charter. * '* Ula non formosa Bed famosa sub* 
» Wendover, p. 275. jectio."— M. Pari*. 



Chap. V. THE LEGATE. 101 

altar, in the presence of the clergy and people, John 
deposed his crown in the hands of the Legate, and second ear- 
made the formal resignation of the kingdom of rSi^*" 
England and Ireland/ The golden seal was affixed to the 
deed of demission and consigned to the Pope. John did 
actual homage to the Legate for the kingdom of England. 
It was said that Stephen Langton had protested even at 
Winchester against this act of national humiliation. But 
if Langton bore this second act in silence, it was manifest 
that he had fallen-in the favour of the Pope. The Pope 
was determined to support his vassal, whatever his iniqui- 
ties, vices, crimes. Langton had now openly espoused 
the cause of his country's liberties. The Legate was em- 
powered, without consulting the Primate or the Bishops, to 
appoint to all the vacant benefices ; he travelled through 
the country attended by the royal officers and the clergy 
attached to the King; he filled the churches' with un- 
worthy men, or men at least thought unworthy ; he sus- 
pended many ecclesiastics, and tauntingly told them to 
carry their complaints to Rome, while he seized their 
property and left them nothing to defray the expenses of 
their journey.'* He trampled on the rights of patrons, 
and appointed his own clerks, many probably foreigners, 
to English preferments. His progress, instead of .being a 
blessing to the land, was deemed a malediction. His final 
raising of the interdict was hardly a compensation for his 
insolent injustice. The Pope no doubt shared in the un- 
popularity of these proceeoings. Stephen Langton the 
Primate summoned a council of his bishops at Dunstable ; 
and sent certain priests to inhibit the Legate from inducting 
prelates and priests within the realm. Both appealed to the 
Pope. The Legate sent the politic Pandulph, Stephen 
Langton Simon his bold brother, who afterwards held the 
archbishopric of York in despite of Papal prohibition, to the 

* '* Archiepisoopo coDquerente et re- this second transaction. This is taking 

clamante."- M. Paris. Bat the words great liberty with a text ; but it is clear 

are not in Wendover. Could it be the that they were not made by Stephen 

Archbishop of Dublin? The French Langton at Dover; he had not then 

translator of Matthew Paris, Mons. Hail- arrived in England, 

lard BrehoUes, would transfer these * •* Sprcto archepivcopi et episcopo* 

complaints as if spoken at Dover, to rum regni consilio. — Wcudover, p. 877. 



102 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

court of Innocent. But the charter of John's submission 
weighed down all the arguments of Simon Langton.' 

The great battle of Bouvines in Flanders, which anni- 
hilated the hopes of the Emperor Otho, and placed the 
Count of Flanders, as a prisoner, at the mercy of 

^ '"^ * the merciless Philip Augustus, recalled John from 
Poitou, where he had made a vigorous, and for a time suc- 
cessful descent, discomfited, soured in temper, to confront 
his barons, now prepared for the deadly strife in defence 
of their liberties. Throughout the contest, so long as he 
was in England, the Primate maintained a lofVy position. 
With the other higher clergy he stood aloof from the active 
contest, though he was known to be the real head of the 
Heetingat confcdcracy. He was not present at the great 
sLRimondi- meeting at St Edmoudsbury; he appeared not 
Aj>. 1214. j^j arms ; he does not seem to have left the 
court; the demand for the charter of Henry I. came 
entirely from the lay barons. On the presentation of 
Addresg. that address he consented, with the Bishop of 
1215. ^' Ely and William Mareschal Earl of Pembroke, 
to be the king's sureties that he would hear and take into 
consideration the demands of his subjects,^ and satisfy if 
he might their discontents. While the appeal to arms 
was yet in suspense, John, with that craft which in a 
nobler mind might have been wise policy, endeavoured to 
detach the church from the cause of the national liberties. 
The clergy had been indemnified for their losses, but still 
there was an old and inveterate grievance, the despotic 
power exercised by the Norman princes in the nomination 
to vacant bishoprics and abbacies. On the rare occasions 
in the early part of his reign, when he gave the royal 
licence for the election of a bishop or great abbot, the 
electors were summoned before the king ; an election in 
the royal presence was not likely to be against the royal will. 
During the interdict John's revenge (it was probably the 
source of the enormous wealth which he had at his com- 
mand) had seized the revenue of these unfilled benefices. 
On his reconciliation with the Roman See, elections were 
to be in his presence, whether he were in England or on 

* Wendover, p. 279- ^ Ibid., p. 296. 



— ^ 



Cbap. V. THE POPE FOR KING JOHN. 103 

the continent. This he relaxed only on the remonstrance 
of the Archbishop, to permit them to take place, during his 
absence, before commissioners. But still the nomination 
was virtually in l^im, and.him alone. He was now seized 
with an access of pious liberality, granted a charter of free 
election to all chapters and conventual churches: the 
charter declared that the royal licence would always be 
granted ; if not granted, was no bar to the free election ; 
he renounced all royal influence, and promised the royal 
approbation unless the King could allege lawful objection/ 
That he might secure still further the protection of the 
church, John took the cross, and declared his intention to 
proceed, when relieved fix)m his pressing cares, to the reco- 
very of the Holy Land. 

Each party endeavoured to obtain the support of 
Rome. The barons had aided powerfully the cause of 
the Church in the former contest, and now the Church, 
at least the Primate, made common cause with ^he 
barons. But Iniiocent reserved his gratitude for the 
vassal who had laid the crown of England at his feet. 
" We must maintain the rights oi\ repel all insurrection 
against a king who is our vassal."^ In truth he understood 
not the nature, no more than he foresaw the remote con- 
sequences of the conflict. That the Church should resist, 
control, dictate to the temporal sovereign, was in the order 
of things : that other subjects should do the same, what- 
ever the iniquities of the sovereign, or the invasion of their 
natural or chartered rights, unless in defence of the 
Chtffch, bordered on impiety. Langton received a severe 
rebuke ; he was accusea as the secret ringleader in this 
rebellion ; he was commanded to labour for the reconcilia- 
tion of the king and his subjects. The barons were cen- 
sured for daring to attempt to extort privileges by force 
from the crown — privileges to be obtained only as a free 
gift from the King ; the Pope condescended to. promise 

' The docament is in Rymer. nefiuiA pncsmnpsentnt, qnodqae nefiin- 
* Such were the plain words of a dam est et absurdum cam ipse rex qaasi 
memorable letter of Pope Innocent peryersasDeametEoclesiamofiendebat, 
(pablished by Pr3mne from the original illi assistebant eidem, cum autem con- 
in the Tower, p. 28). He adds : "Contra versus Deo et Ecclesiie satisfecit, ipsam 
dominom suom anna morere temeritate impugnare prsesamunt." 



104 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

his good oflSces in their behalf if they humbled themselves 
before their sovereign. Of his sole authority the Pope 
annulled all their leagues and covenants. The Pope 
rebuked, censured, promised in vain. 

Arms must decide the strife. At the great meeting of 
the barons at Brackley, Langton and the Earl of Pem- 
broke (the Bishop of Ely was now dead), again appeared 
in the King's name to receive the final demands of the 
barons. So high were their demands, that the king ex- 
claimed in a fury :* " They may as well ask my king- 
dom; think they that I will be their slave?'* But 
though the barons failed before Northampton, Bedford and 
London opened their gates. The great barons Pembroke, 
Warenne, and many others who had still appeared at 
least to be on the king's side, joined Fitzwalter and his 
party, the Northern Barons as they were called. London 
was the head-quarters of the King's adversaries. The whole 
realm was one. The King was compelled to submit to the 
MagnachMta. great Charter. Among the witnesses to that 
1216. June 16. Charter, the first were Stephen Archbishop of 
Canterbury, and Henry Archbishop of Dublin. The first 
article guaranteed the rights of the Church, not indeed 
more strongly than by the charter before granted by the 
King, and which had received the ratification of the Pope. 
The Papal envoy Pandulph was present at the august 
ceremony. Pope Innocent saw in this movement only 
the turbulence of a few factious barons ; he received the 
representations of John's ambassadors with great indigna- 
tion ; he knit his brow (so writes the historian), and broke 
out into the language of astonishment :** " What, have the 
barons of England presumed to dethrone a King who has 
taken the cross, and placed himself under the protection of 
the Apostolic See ? Do they transfer to others the patri- 
mony of the Church of Rome ? By St. Peter, we cannot 
leave such a crime unpunished." If such unseemly lan- 
guage was attributed to the Pope, the formal acts of 
Innocent might almost justify such reports of his conduct 
In his BulP he attributes the rebellion of the barons, after 
John had been reconciled to the Church, to the enemy 

■ Wendover, p. 298. <» Wcndorer, p. 313. • Rymer, i. p. 135. 



Chap. V. BULL OF INNOCENT. 105 

of mankind. He is astonished that the barons have not 
humbly brought their grievances before his tribunal, and 
implored redi'ess. The act describes the conduct of the 
King as throughout just, conciliatory. ** Vassals, they have 
conspired against their lord — knights, against their king : 
they have assailed his lands, seized his capital city, which 
has been surrendered to them by treason. Under their 
violence, and under fears which might shake the firmest 
man, he has entered into a treaty with the barons ; a treaty 
not only base and ignominious, but unlawful and unjust ; 
in flagrant violation and diminution of his rights coDdemned 
and honour. Wherefore, as the Lord has said innocent., 
by the mouth of his prophet, — * I have set thee above the 
nations, and above the kingdoms, to pluck up and to destroy, 
to build up and to plant ;' and by the mouth of another 
prophet, — * break the leagues of ungodliness, and loose the 
heavy burthens ;* we can no longer pass over in silence 
such audacious wickedness, committed in contempt of the 
Apostolic See, in infringement of the rights of the King, 
to the disgrace of the kingdom of England, to the great 
peril of the Crusade. We therefore, with the advice of 
our brethren, altogether reprove and condemn this charter, 
prohibiting the king under pain of anathema, from observ- 
ing it, the barons from exacting its observation ; we declare 
the said charter, with all its obligations and guarantees, 
absolutely null and void.*"* 

The letter of Innocent to the Barons was no less lofty 
and commanding. He informed them that as i,u,ocent'B 
they refused all just terms offered by the King, *•'**'• 
a fair judgment in the court of Rome, the King had ap- 
pealed to him his liege lord. He urged them to make a 
virtue of necessity, themselves to renounce this inauspi- 
cious treaty, to make reparation to the King for all losses 
and outrages perpetrated against him, *' so that the King, 
appeased by their reverence and humility, might himself 
be induced to reform any real abuses." " For if we will 
not that he be deprived of his right, we will not have you 
oppressed, nor the kingdom of England, which is under 
our suzerainty, to groan under bad customs and unjust 

< Dated Anagni, Aug. 4. 



106 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

exactions/* They were summoned to depute representa- 
tives to the court of Rome, and await the final decision of 
that tribunal. 

The Great Charter of the liberties of England was abso- 
lutely, peremptorily annulled, by the supreme authority of 
the rope, as Tope and as liege lord of the realm. The 
King was absolutely released from his oath to the statute ; 
the King threatened with anathema if he observed, the 
barons if they exacted the observance/ Still the rebukes, 
promises, threats of spiritual censure, the annulling edict, 
were received with utter disregard by the sturdy barons. 
They retorted the language of the Scripture, the phrase of 
Isaiah is said to have been current among them, — " Woe 
unto him who justifieth the wicked for reward ! '* 

The war had broken out ; the King, with the aid of two 
of his warlike bishcps, the Chancellor Bishop of 
Worcester, and John de Gray of Norwich, had 
levied hosts of mercenary troops in Flanders : freebooters 
from all quarters, from roitou and other parts of France, 
crowded to win the estates of the Englisn barons, which 
were offered as rewards for their valour. John was pressing 
the siege of Rochester, which the remissness of the barons 
allowed to fall into his hands. He was only prevented by 
the prudence of one of his foreign captains, who dreaded 
reprisals, from ordering a general massacre of the garrison. 
The bull of excommunication against the barons followed 
rapidly the abrogation of the Charter. It was addressed 
to Peter Bishop of Winchester, the Abbot of Reading, 
and the Papal Envoy. It expressed the utmost astonish- 
ment and wrath, that Stephen Archbishop of Canterbury, 
and his suffragans, had 'shown such want of respect to the 
Papal mandate and of fidelity to their King; that they 
had rendered him no aid against the disturbers of the 
peace ; that they had been privy to, if not actively en- 
gaged in the rebellious league. ^^ Is it thus that these pre- 
lates defend the patrimony of Rome ; thus that they protect 
those who have taken up the cross ? Worse than Saracens 

* Magna Charta the Pope desoribes derogationem sni jaris pariter et ho- 

as " compositionem non solum Tilem noris." The documents in Rjmer, sub 

et tnrpem, verum etiam illicitam et ann. 
iniquam, in nimiam diminntionem et 



Chap. V. REFUSAL TO PUBLISH TEE EXCOMMUNICATION. 107 

they would drive from his realm a King in whom is the 
best hope of the deliverance of the Holy Land." All 
disturbers of the King and of the realm are declared to be 
in the bonds of excommunication ; the Primate and his 
suffragans are solemnly enjoined to publish this excommu- 
nication in all the churches of the realm, every Sunday and 
festival, with the sound of bells, until the barons shall have 
made their absolute submission to the King. Every prelate 
who disobeys these orders is suspended from his functions. 
The Bishop of Winchester, the Abbot of Reading, and 
Fandulph in a personal interview with the primate com- 
municated the injunctions of the Pope. Stephen Langton 
demanded delay ; he was about to proceed to Rome, 
being summoned to attend the Lateran Council. He 
firmly refused to publish the excommunication, as ob- 
tained from the Pope by false representations.^ The 
Papal Delegates declared the Primate suspended from his 
office, and proceeded to promulgate the sentence of ex- 
communication. The sentence was utterly without effect 
An incident of the time shows how strongly the sympa- 
thies of the clergy were with Langton. The Canons of 
York afler a long vacancy of the archbishopric,' rejecting 
Walter de Grey Bishop of Worcester, the Chancellor and 
partisan of John, chose Simon Langton, the brother of 
the primate. Two brothers, for the first and last time, 
held these high dignities. The Pope, it is true, prohibited 
the elevation of Langton ; but his election was a defiance 
of the King and of the Pope. The Primate, 
strong in the blameless dignity of his character, in ' ' 
the consciousness that he was acting as a Christian pre- 
late in opposing a lustful, perfidious, and sanguinary 
^rant like John, in his dignity as Cardinal of the Roman 
Church, feared not to confront the Pope, and to present 

' " Diflflensionea . . . dissimulastis hac- oopua respondens, ut qnod sententUm 

tenas, et conniventibas oculis pertran- excommunicationi$ in eos nullo modo 

sitis .... nonnallis snspicantibuB .... proferret, qui bene sciebat mentem yes- 

auod Tos UUb pnebetis auxilium et tram." — Langton agreed, howeyer, if 

rarorem." — Rymer,8ubann.l2l5. Jobn Jobn would revoke his orders for his 

had complained to the Pope : " Dominus foreign mercenaries, to pronounce the 

veroCantuarensisArchiepiscopusetejus excommunication. — Rymer, 1215. 

auffraganei mandata vestra executioni ' From 1212. 
demandare supersedemnt . . . Archiepis- 



108 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

himself at the great Lateran Council. The favour, how- 
Nor.1215. ever, with which the Pontiff and the Council 
Borne. heard his accusers, the envoys of King John, the 
Abbot of Beaulieu, Thomas of Herdington, and Geoflfrey 
of Cracombe, the unbending severity of the Pope himselfj 
covered him, it is said, with confusion ; at least taught him 
the prudence of silence: the sentence of suspension was 
solemnly ratified by Pope and Council, and even when it 
was subsequently relaxed, it was on the condition that he 
should not return to England. Stephen Langton re- 
mained at Rome though not in custody, yet no less a 
prisoner. The Canons of York were informed that the 
Pope absolutely annulled the election of Simon Langton ; 
they were compelled to make a virtue of necessity, to 
affect joy at being permitted to elect the Bishop of Wor- 
cester, a man they acknowledged, it should seem, of one 
rare virtue — unblemished chastity. De Grey returned 
Archbishop of York, but covered with a heavy debt to the 
court of Rome, 10,000Z. sterling. •" 

When John let loose his ferocious hordes of adven- 
turers from Flanders, Brabant, Poitou, and other countries 
like wild beasts upon his unhappy realm ; when himself 
ravaged in the north, his bastard brother the Earl of 
Salisbury in the south ; when the whole land was wasted 
with fire and sword ; when plunder, murder, torture, 
rape, raged without control ; when agriculture and even 
markets had absolutely ceased, the buyers and sellers met 
only in churchyards, because they were sanctuaries ; * 
when the clergy were treated with the same impartial 
cruelty as the rest of the people, John was still the ally, 
the vassal, under the special protection of the Pope. 
These terrible triumphs of his arms were backed by the 
sentence of excommunication against the barons 
and all their adherents."' Many of the noblest 
barons were anathematised by name ; above all, the citizens 

>» Wendover, p. 346. He adds :— ' Wendover, p. 353. The three acts 

'* Itaque accepto pallio episcopus me- of excommunication against the barons, 

moratoSi obligatar in curiA Romanft de of suspension against Stephen Langton, 

decern millibus libris legaliam ster- the special anathema on certain barons^ 

lingomm." with their names, are in Rymer. 

' Wendover, p. 351. 



Chap. V. LOUIS OP FRANCE. . 109 

of London and the Cinque Ports, for the capital boasted 
itself as the head-quarters of the champions of freedom. 
The citizens of London however treated the spiritual cen- 
sure with utter contempt, the services went on uninter- 
rupted and exactly in the usual manner in all the 
churches. 

So also when the Barons in their desperation offered the 
crown to Louis, the son of Philip Augustus of France. 
The legate Gualo, then on his way to England, solemnly 
warned Louis not to dare to invade the patrimony of SL 
Peter, a menace not likely to awe a son of Philip Au- 
gustus with such a prize before him. Louis mdeed 
showed a kind of mockery of deference to the Pope, in 
submitting to the Holy See a statement of the title which 
he set up to the throne of England."" This rested on the 
right of his Queen, even if the house of Castile had any 
claim, a younger daughter of that house ; its first postulate 
was the absolute exclusion of John, as attainted of murder 
during the reign of his brother Richard, and incapable 
thereby of inheriting the crown ; and of the murder of his 
nephew, of which he had been found guilty in the court of 
the King of France. With the original flaw in the title 
of John fell of course his right to grant the island to St. 
Peter ; and so the claim of Louis to the throne was an 
abrogation of that of Innocent to the suzerainty of the land. 
No wonder then that the sentence of excommunication 
was launched at once against Louis himself, and all who 
should invite, assist, support his descent upon England. 
The last act of Innocent was to command an excommuni- 
cation as solemn of the King of France himself, for guil- 
tily conniving at least at an invasion of England, to be 
pronounced at a great synod at Melun. The 
French prelates interposed delay ; and the death 
of Pope Innocent suspended for a time the execution oi 
this mandate. 

The death of Innocent was followed in but a few 



" See Hjmer for the docnment in Hubert publicly annonnced that on the 

"which Louis alleged his title to the accession of John " non ratione succes- 

throne of England. Louis asserts the sioniSfSedperelectionemipsuminregem 

truth of the account, that Archbishop coronabat. '-^Rymer, sub ann. 1216. 



110 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

months by that of John, under fierce affliction for the loss 
of his baggage and part of his wild freebooting army, which 
had remorselessly ravaged great part of the kingdom, by 
sudden floods, as he passed from Lynn in Norfolk into 
Lincolnshire. John reached the Abbey of Swineshead. 
The intemperate indulgence in fruit excited his fever; 
he there made his will,*" left his young son to the tutelage 
of the new Pope Honorius III., and dragged his weary 
and exhausted body to Newark. There he died in peace 
with the Church, having received the holy Eucharist, 
commending his body and his soul to the intercession of the 
pious St. Wolstan in Worcester, under the tutelar shade 
of whose cathedral he wished his ashes to repose. John 
died in peace with the Church, it was of course believed 
with heaven, leaving Stephen Langton the Primate, a 
Cardinal of the church, suspended from his holy 
functions, in a kind of stately disgrace, an exile 
from his See ; the greater part of the higher clei^ under 
virtual excommunication as communicating with the pro- 
scribed barons; almost the whole nobility under actual 
excommunication, and so in peril of eternal perdition. 

Thus closed the eventful reign of the meanest and most 
despicable sovereign who ever sat on the throne of Eng- 
land. Political passions, the pride of ingenuity, the love 
of paradox, have endeavoured to lighten the burthen of 
obloquy which have weighed down the memory of most of 
our least worthy sovereigns. Richard III. has found an 
apologist. But John has been abandoned utterly, abso- 
lutely, to execration and contempt. Yet from the reign 
of John dates, if not the first dawn, the first concentrated 
power of the liberties of England. A memorable example 
of the wonderful manner in which Divine Providence over- 
rules the worst of men to its noblest and most beneficent 
designs. From this time, too, the impulses of religious 
independence began to stir in the hearts of men. The 
national English pride had been deeply wounded by the 

" The attesting witnesses to his will Mareschal Earl of Pembroke, Earl of 

were the Cardinal Legate Gualo, the Chester, Earl of Ferrars, Wm. Browne, 

.Bishops of Winchester, Chichester, Walter de Lacy, John de Monmont, 

Worcester, Aimeric de St. Maur, or Sayary de Manleon, Fulk de Breaat^. 



Chap. V. RELIGIOUS INDEPENDENCE. Ill 

degradation of the realm to a fief of the See of Rome ; 
and the ambition of Rome had overleaped itself.^ Future 
Popes were tempted to lay intolerable taxation upon the 
clergy, which was felt by the whole kingdom; and to 
inflict the almost more intolerable grievance, the filling up 
the English benefices by foreign ecclesiastics — if not resi- 
dent, hated as draining away their wealth without con- 
descending to regard any duties ; if resident, hated still 
more profoundly for their pride, ignorance of the lan- 
guage, uncongenial manners. Our history must show this 
^gradual alienation and estrangement of the national mind 
from the See of Rome, the silent growth of Teutonic 
freedom. 

** The historians, all ecclesiastics, are *' De libero fecit se servnm, de domi- 

nndeniable witnesses. We have heard nanteseryientem,terramqneAngUcanam 

Wendorer. Westminster describes the quae solebat esse libera et ab omnt ser- 

charter of surrender as " omnibus earn vitute quieta, fecit tributariam et ancil- 

aadientibus lugabrem et detestabilem." lam pedissequam." — De event. Anglise, 

— Ann. 1213, p. 93. Knighton says, 1. ii. c. 25. 



1 1 2 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 



CHAPTER VI. 



INNOCENT AND SPAIN. 



The three great Sovereigns of Western Europe, the Kings 
of Germany, of France, and England, had seen their realms 
under Papal interdict, themselves under the sentence of 
excommunication; but the Papal power under Innocent 
not only aspired to humble the loftiest : hardly one of the 
smaller kingdoms had not already been taught, or was 
not soon taught to feel the awful majesty of the Papacy. 
From the Northern Ocean to Hungary, from Hungary to 
the Si>anish shore of the Atlantic, Innocent is exercising 
what takes the language of protective or parental authority, 
but which in most cases is asserted by the terrible interdict. 
The sunshine of Papal favour is rarely without the black 
thunder-clouds looming heavily over the land, breaking or 
threatening to break in all their wrath. Nowhere is he 
more constantly engaged, either as claiming feudal sove- 
reignty, as regulating the ecclesiastical appointments, as, 
above all, the arbiter in questions of marriage, than 
among the sovereigns of the petty kingdoms of Spain. 
These kingdoms had gradually formed themselves out of 
conquests from receding Mahommedanism. Spanish 
Christianity was a perpetual crusade; and the Head of 
Western Christendom might still watch with profound 
anxiety these advances, as it were, of Christendom. There 
was nothing to prevent another inroad from Africa, ruled 
by powerful Mahommedan potentates; nothing, till the 
great battle of Naves de Tolosa, to guarantee Western 
Christendom from a new invasion as tenible as that under 
Tarik. A second battle of Tours might be necessary to 
Jul 16 1212 ^^^"® Europe from the dominion of the Crescent 
Innocent had the happiness to hear the tidings of 
Naves de Tolosa, where the Crescent fell before the 
united armies of the three Kings of Castile, Arragon, and 



Chap. VI. KINGDOM OP PORTUGAL. 113 

Navarre. To each of these Peninsular kingdoms — Por- 
tugal, Leon, Castile, Arragon, and Navarre, Innocent 
speaks in the tone of a master; each, except perhaps 
Arragon, is in its turn threatened with interdict, his one 
ordinary means of compulsion. 

Portugal had been formed into a Christian State by 
the valour of a descendant of the house of Henry of 
Capet; it had been organised by the wisdom ^'^^"s*^ 
of his son Sancho. The Popes had already asserted 
the strange pretensions that territories conquered from 
the Unbelievers were at their disposal, and that they 
had the power of raising principalities into kingdoms. 
Alexander III. had advanced Portugal to that dignity on 
condition of an annual tribute to the See of Rome. The 
payment was irregularly made, if not disclaimed. Inno- 
cent instructs his Legate, the Brother Rainer, a man of 
great discretion and trust, employed on all the affairs of 
Spain, to demand the subsidy ; if refused, to compel it by 
the only authority — ecclesiastical censure. The King of 
Portugal is to be reminded that he may expect great 
teiQporal as well as spiritual advantage from his filial 
submission to the Supreme Pontiff; but if God is offended 
by the withholding their rightful dues from other churches, 
how much more grievous a sin, how heinous a sacrilege is 
it to deprive of its full rights the Church which is the 
mistress of all Churches." In the same arbitrary manner, 
and by the same means, Kainer was to compel the Kings 
of Portugal and Castile to maintain a treaty of peace, on 
which they had agreed, and to resist the intrigues of turbu- 
lent men, who endeavoured to plunge them again into war. 

In the affairs of Leon and Castile Innocent interposed 
in his character as supreme arbiter on all questions of 
marriage. On the death of Alfonso the Emperor,*" the 
great kingdom of Leon had been divided between his two 
sons, the Kings of Leon and Castile, Fernando and 
Sancho. The second generation was now on each throne ; 
both the princes bore the name of Alfonso. But instead 
of urging the war against the common enemy, the Unbe- 
liever, these princes had turned theii* arms against each 

* Epist. i. 99, 449. >* Mariana, xi. 

VOL. IV. I 



1 1 4 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

other. Alfonso of Leon had married the daughter of the 
King of Portugal. These sovereigns were connected by 
some remote tie of consanguinity ; the incestuous union 
was declared void. Coelestine III. placed under interdict 
the two kingdoms of Portugal and Leon, and the marriage, 
though Teresa had borne him three children (one son and 
two daughters), was absolutely annulled. The repudiated 
Teresa returned to her native Portugal.® But Alfonso of 
The King of Lcou brokc off this wedlock only to form another 
^^^' more obnoxious to the ecclesiastical canons. He 
married Berengaria, the daughter of his cousin-germali the 
King of Castile. The nobles of both realms rejoiced in 
this union, as a guarantee for peace between Castile and 
Leon. They would entertain no doubt that the Papal dis- 
pensation might be obtained for a marriage, though within 
the prohibited degrees, yet by no means offensive to the 
natural feelings in the W est, and of so much importance in 
directing the united arms of Leon and Castile against the 
Mohammedans. But to this deviation from the sacred 
canons the Pope Coelestine had expressed his determination 
not to accede : he sent the Cardinal Guido of St Angelo 
to prohibit this second profane wedlock. The Cardinal 
was to pronounce the interdict against both realms, excom- 
mimication against both Sovereigns, unless the hateful 
contract be annulled. Under this sentence were included, 
as abettors of the sin, the Archbishop of Salamanca, the 
Bishops of Zamora, Astorga, and Leon. The Bishop of 
Oviedo was persecuted by the King of Leon, as inclined 
to obey the Pope rather than his temporal sovereign.^' 
Innocent was not likely to be indulgent where his prede- 
cessor had been severe. To this marriage he applies the 
strongest terms of censure : it is incestuous, abommable to 
God, detestable in the sight of man. The Brother Rainer 
is ordered to ratify in the most solemn manner the interdict 
of the kingdoms, the excommunication of the Kings. 
Rainer cited the Kings to appear before him. The King 

' InnocenVs language is express as to eatum."— Epist. ii. 75. " Veram dietus 

the reyocation of the marriage: "Filiam Rex Legion, ad dcteriora manum ex* 

. . . PortngalliiB regis, incestnose pray tendens. — Compare Mariana, xi. 17. 

sampserat copolare nnde quod ' Epist. i. 58, 97, 125. 

Ulegitim^ faocom erat, est penitns rero- 



Chap. VI. INTERDICT ON LEON. 115 

of Leon paid no regard to the summons ; the King of 
Castile averted the interdict for a time by declaring his 
readiness to receive back his daughter. But he had no 
intention to restore certain castles which he had obtained 
as her dowry. The Archbishop of Toledo and the Bishop 
of Palencia on the part of the King of Castile, the Bishop 
of Zamora on that of the King of Leon, appeared in 
Rome. They could hardly obtain a hearing from the 
inexorable Pontiff. But their representations of the 
effects of the interdict enforced the consideration of the 
Pope. They urged the danger as to the heretics. When 
the lips of the pastors of the people were closed, the 
unrefuted heretics could not be controlled by the power of 
the King. New heresies spring up in every quarter. 
How great, too, the danger as to the Saracens I The reli- 
gious services and the religious sermons alone inflamed the 
valour of the people to the holy war against the misbe- 
lievers ; their devotion, now that both prince and people 
were involved in one interdict, waxed cold. Nor less the 
danger as to the Catholics, for since the clergy refused 
their spiritual services, the people refused their temporal 
payments ; offerings, first-fruits, tithes, were cut off; the 
clergy were reduced to beg, to dig, or, worse reproach, to 
be the slaves of the Jews. The Pope, with great reluct- 
ance, consented to relax the severity of the interdict, to 
Eermit the performance of the sacred offices, except the 
urial of the dead in consecrated ground ; this was granted 
to the clergy alone as a special favour. But the King 
himself was still under the ban of excommunication ; what* 
ever town or village he entered, all divine service ceased ; 
no one was to dare to celebrate an act of holy worship. 
This mandate was addressed to the Archbishop of Com- 
postelia and to all the Bishops of the kingdom of Leon."^ 

But his wife had been still further endeared to the King 
of Leon by the birth of a son ; ' and so regardless were 
the Leonese clergy of the Papal decree, that the baptism 
of the child was celebrated publicly with the utmost pomp 
in the cathedral church of Leon. Innocent had compared 
together the royal line of the East and of the West. In 

* EpUt. ii. 75. ' The son by Teresa had died in infaocy. Mariana, loo, ctY. 

I 2 



AJ>. 1199. 



116 LATIN CHKISTIANITY. Book IX. 

the East, Isabella, the heiress of the kingdom of Jeru- 
salem, had contracted two incestuous marriages within the 
prohibited degrees. God had smitten with death her two 
nusbands, Conrad of Montferrat and Henry of Champagne. 
He would even inflict worse vengeance on the transgressors 
of the West, if they persisted in their detestable 
deed. His vaticination was singularly unfortu- 
nate. The son of this unblessed union grew up a king of 
the most exemplary valour, virtue, and prosperity ; and 
after his death the canonized Ferdinand was admitted into 
the holy assembly of the Saints. Nor was it till Berengaria 
had borne five children to Alfonso of Leon that her own 
religious scruples were awakened, and she retired from the 
arms of her husband to a peaceful retreat in the dominions 
of her father. The ban under which the kingdom had 
laboured for nearly five years was annulled ; the five 
children were declared legitimate and capable of inheriting 
the crown. The dispute concerning the border castles 
was arranged by the intervention of the bishops. 

The King of Navarre had incurred the interdict of Inno- 
A.D. 12D4. cent on more intelligible grounds. He had made 
Navaire. au iuipious treaty with the Infidels ; he had even 
undertaken a suspicious visit to the Miramamolin in Africa; 
he was supposed to be organising a league with the Moham- 
medans both of Spain and Africa against his enemies the 
Kings of Arragon and Castile : on him and on his realm 
Brother Rainer was at once to pronounce the ban, and to 
give lawful power to the King of Arragon to subdue his 
dominions. Sancho of Navarre, however, averted the 
subjugation of the realm : he entered into a treaty with 
the allied Kings of Arragon and Castile. It was stipulated 
in the terms of the treaty that Pedro of Arragon should wed 
the sister of Navarre. But again was heard the voice of 
the Pope, declaring that the marriage, though the pledge 
and surety of peace, and of Sancho's loyalty to the cause of 
Christendom, being within the third degree of consan- 
guinity, could not be. The oath which Sancho had taken 
to fiilfil this stipulation was worse than perjury ; it was to 
be broken at all cost and all hazard.' 

c Epist. i. 556. Compare Abarca Anales de Aragon, xviii. 7. 



Chap. VI. . PEDRO OF ARR AGON. 117 

But thus inexorable to any breach of the ecclesiastical 
canons, so entirely had these canons usurped the a d. hm. 
place of the higher and immutable laws of ai^L 
Christian morals, here, as in the case of John of England, 
Innocent himself was, if not accommodating, strangely 
blind to the sin of marriage contracted under more unhal- 
lowed auspices. Pedro of Arragon was the model of 
Spanish chivalry on the throne. He aspired to be the 
le^er of a great crusading league of all the Spanish kings 
against the Unbelievers. Innocent himself had 
the prudence to allay for a time the fervour of ^^ 
his zeal. The court of Pedro, like that of his brother, the 
Count of Provence, was splendid, gay, and dissolute : the 
troubadour was welcome, with his music and his song, to 
the joyous prince and the bevy of fair ladies, who were 
not insensible to the gallant King or to the amorous 
bards. But Pedro, while he encouraged the gay science 
of Provence, was inexorable to its religious freedom. He 
was hitherto severely orthodox, and banished all heresy 
from his dominions under pain of death. The kingdom 
flourished under his powerful rule : the King*s peace was 
proclaimed for the protection of widows and orphans, roads 
and markets, oxen at the plough and all agricultural 
implements, olive-trees, and dovecotes. The husbandman 
found a protector, his harvests security, under the King's 
rule.** 

The Kings of Arragon had never been crowned on their 
accession ; they received only the honour of knighthood. 
From Counts of Barcelona, owing allegiance to the 
descendants of Charlemagne, they had gradually risen to 
the dignity of Kings of Arragon. But th^ last sign of 
kingship was wanting, and Pedro determined to purchase 
that honour from the hand which assumed the power of 
dispensing crowns : he would receive the crown at Rome 
from the Pope himself, and as the price of this conde- 
scension hesitated not to declare the kingdom of Arragon 
feudatory to the See of Rome, and to covenant for an 
annual tribute to St Peter. On his journey to Rome 
he visited his brother at his court in Provence. The 

I* Hurter. p. 598. 



118 LATIN CHRISTTANITY. Book IX. 

beauty and the rich inheritance of Maria, the only daughter 
of the Count of Montpellier, whose mother was Eudoxia, 
the daughter of the Emperor of the East, attracted the 
gallant and ambitious Pedro. There was an impediment 
to the marriage, it might have been supposed, more insu' 
perable than the ties of consanguinity. She was already 
married, and had borne two children, to the Count of 
Comminges ; ^ she afterwards, indeed, asserted the nullity 
of this marriage, on the plea that the Count of Comminges 
had two wives living at the time of his union with her. 
But the easy Froven9al clergy raised no remonstrance. 
Innocent, if rumours reached him (he could hardly be 
ignorant), closed his ears to that which was not brought 
before him by regular appeal. The espousals took place 
at Montpellier,^ and Pedro set forth again for Rome. He 
sailed from Marseilles to Genoa, from Genoa to 
Ostia. He was received with great state : two 
hundred horsemen welcomed him to the shore; the 
Senator of Rome, the Cardinals, went out to meet him ; 
he was received by the Pope himself in St Peter's ; his 
lodging was with the Canons of that church. 

Three days after took place the coronation of the new 
feudatory king (thus was an example set to the King of 
England) in the Church of San Pancrazio beyond the 
Tiber, in the presence of all the civilians, ecclesiastical 
dignitaries of Rome, and of the Roman people."^ He was 
anointed by the Bishop of Porto, ana invested in all 
the insignia of royalty — the robe, the mantle, the sceptre, 
the golden apple, the crown, and the mitre. He swore 
this oath of allegiance : — " I, Pedro, King of Arri^on, 
profess and declare that I will be true and loyal to my 
lord the Pope Innocent, and to his Catholic successors in 
the See of Rome ; that I will maintain my realm in fidelity 



* " Si bien Dofia Maria di Mompeller ten, and the cocmt'tf two wives — ^i. p. 

file en $aittitad y valor omamento de el S25. . 

estado de Reynas, y traia en dote tan ^ He soon repented of faU ill-sorted 

rices y oportunos paeblos." Abarea, marriage. Abarca says he set off ** para 

indeed, says, ** Ella ni era hermosa ni salir el bien de dlos (desrios de el Ker 

doncella." He adds that she had been eon la Reyna) ; y alexarse mas de ella, 

forced to this marriage, neither legiti- and hoped to get a diyorce fh>m the 

mate nor public, with the Count of Pope. 

Conmiinges ; see also on her two daugh- * St MarUn's day. Gesta, c. 120. 



Chap. VI. FEUDAL SURfeENDER OP ARRAGON. 1 19' 

and obedience to him, defend the Catholic faith, and prose* 
cute all heretical pravity ; protect the liberties and rights 
of the Church; and in all the territories under my 
dominion maintain peace and justice. So help me God 
and his Holy Gospel." 

The King, in his royal attire, proceeded to the Church 
of St Peter. There he cast aside his crown and sceptre, 
surrendered his kingdom into the hands of the Pope, and 
received again the investiture by the sword, presented to 
the Pope. He laid on the altar a parchment, in which he 
placed his realm under the protection of St Peter ; and 
bound himself and his successors to the annual tribute of 
two hundred gold pieces." So was Arragon a fief of the 
Roman See ; but it was not without much sullen protest of 
the high-minded Arragonese. They complained of it as a 
base surrender of tiieir liberties ; as affording an opening to 
the Pope to interfere in the internal afiairs of the kingdom 
with measures more perilous to their honour and liberty. 
Their discontent was aggravated by heavy burthens laid 
upon them by the King. They complainea that in his pri- 
vate person he was prodigal, and rapacious as a ruler. When 
these proceedings were proclaimcKl at Huesca, they were 
met with an outburst of reprobation, not only from the 
people, but from all the nobles and hidalgos of the kingdom.^ 
I^edro of Arragon will again appear as Count of Mont- 
pellier, in right of his wife, if not on the side of those 
against whom the Pope had sanctioned a crusade on 
account of their heretical pravity ; yet as the mortal foe, 
as falling in battle before the arms of the leader of that 
crusade, Simon de Montfort. 

The lesser kingdoms of Europe, Bohemia, Hungary, 
Poland — those on the Baltic — were not beyond the sphere 
of Innocent's all-embracing watchfulness, more especially 
Bohemia, on account of its close relation to the Hai^h i, 
Empire. The Duke of Bohemia had dared to ^^^' 
receive the royal crown from the excommunicated Philip,** 

* They bore the Moorish name of felis j tritte para IO0 Aragoneaes." — 

MaMimute, from the King Jnasaf Ma- Abarea. King Pedro did not succeed 

semut ; each was worth six solid!. in getting rid of his wife. 

o Mariana, lib. xi. p. 362. ** Solo ^ Epist. t. 707. 
alegre para los Bomanos ; 7 despnes in* 



120 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

The Pope lifts up his voice in solemn rebuke. The 
Bohemian shows some disposition to fall off to Otho ; the 
great prelates of Prague and Olmutz are ordered to em- 
ploy all their spiritual power to confirm and strengthen 
nim in that cause. Hopes are held out that Bohemia may 
be honoured by a metropolitan see. 

To the King of Denmark Innocent has been seen as the 

1)rotector of his injured dai^hter ; throughout, Denmark 
ooks to Rome alone for justice and for redress. Even 
Thule, the new and more remote Thule, is not inaccessible 
to the sovereign of Christian Rome. We read a lofty but 
affectionate letter addressed to the bishops and nobles 
of Iceland.^ A legate is sent to that island. They 
are warned not to submit to the excommunicated and 
apostate priest Swero, who aspired to the throne of 
Norway. Yet, notwithstanding the Pope, Swero the 
apostate founded a dynasty which for many generations 
held the throne of Norway. 

The kingdom of Hungary might seem under the special 
protection of Innocent HI. : it was his aim to ui^e those 
warlike princes to enter on the Crusades. Bela III. died, 
not havmg fulfilled his vow of proceeding to the Holy 
Land. To his elder son Emeric he bequeathed his king- 
dom ; to the younger, Andrew, a vast treasure, accumu- 
lated for this pious end, and the accomplishment of his 
father's holy vow. Andrew squandered the money, not^ 
withstanding the Pope's rebukes, on his pleasures; and 
then stood up in arms against his brother for the crown 
of Hungary. His first insurrection ended in defeat The 
Pope urged the victorious Emeric to undertake the Cru- 
sade; yet the Pope could not save Zara (Jadara), the 
haven of Hungary on the Adriatic, fi-om the crusaders, 
diverted by Venice to the conquest Andrew, ere long, 
was again in arms against his royal brother ; the nobles, 
the whole realm were on his side ; a few loyal partisans 
adhered to the King. Emeric advanced alone to the hos- 

*< Epist. i. On all these minor tnuis- of admiration, which brightens and ag- 

actions, for which I have not space, grandises them. Never was the proTeib 

Hurter is full and minnte. Harter, more fiillj verified, proselytes are al- 

I think, is an honest writer ; but sees ways enthusiasts, 
all the acts of Innocent through a hase 



Chap. VI. ANDREW OF HUNGARY. 121 

tile van ; he threw oflF the armour, he bared his breast ; 
"who will dare to shed the blood of their King? "' The 
army of Andrew fell back, and made way for the King, who 
confronted his brother. He took the rebel by the hand, led 
him away through his own hosts. Both armies broke out 
in loyal acclamations. Andrew was a prisoner, and sent to 
a fortress in Croatia: Emeric, before he undertook the Cru- 
sade, would have his infant son Ladislaus crowned ; a few 
months after he was dying, and compelled to entrust his 
heir to the guardianship of his rebel brother. Ere long the^ 
mother and her royal son were fugitives at Vienna ; but 
the timely death of the infant placed the crown on the 
head of Andrew. After some delay, Andrew atoned in 
the sight of the Pope for all the disobedience and 
ambition of his youth, by embarking at the head of a 
strong Hungarian army for the Holy Land. The King of 
Hungary could not overawe the fatal dissensions among the 
Christians, which thwarted every gallant enterprise. He 
returned after one ineffective campaign. Yet Andrew of 
Hungary left behind him the name of a valiant nnd prudent 
champion of the Cross. He returned to his kingdom, in 
the year of Innocent's death.* The Golden Bull, the 
charter of the Hungarian liberties, was the free and noble 
gift of Andrew of Hungary. 

Innocent extended his authority over Servia, and boasted 
of having brought Bulgaria, even Armenia (the Christian 
Crusader's kingdom), under the dominion of the Roman 
See. 

' Compare Mailath, Geschichte der * a.d. 1216. On Andrew's cnuade see 

Magyaren, especially for Uie striking Michaad and Wilken, tn foe. Brequigny, 

scene of Emerio in the army of his ii. 487, 489. 
hrother.—v. i p. 141. a.d. 1203. 



122 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 



CHAPTER VIL 

INNOCENT AND THE EAST. 

Innocent III^ thus assuming a supremacy even more 
Innocent Mid extensivc than any of his predecessors over the 
theEut. kingdoms of the West, was not the Pontiff to 
abandon the East to its fate ; to leave the sepulchre of 
Christ in the hands of the Infidels ; to permit the kingdom 
of Jerusalem, feeble as it was, to perish without an eflFort 
in its defence ; to confess, as it were, that God was on the 
side of Mohammedanism, that all the former Crusades had 
been an idle waste of Christian blood and treasure, and 
that it was the policy, the ignominious policy of Christen- 
dom to content itself with maintaining, if possible, the 
nearer frontier, Sicily and Spain. 

Yet the event of the Crusades might have crushed a 
Fauwe of l^ss lofty and religious mind than that of Inno- 
^^™~*** cent to despair. Armies after armies had left 
their bones to crumble on the plains of Asia Minor or of 
Galilee ; great sovereigns had perished, or returned dis- 
comfited from the Holy Land. Of all the conquests of 
Godfi'ey of Bouillon remained but Antioch, a few towns 
in Palestine, and some desert and uncultivated territory. 
The hopes which had been excited by the death of Sala- 
din, and the dissensions between his sons and his brother, 
Melek al Adhel, had soon been extinguished. The great 
German Crusade, in which the Archbishops of Mentz 
and Bremen, the Bishops of Halberstadt, Zeitz, Verden, 
Wurtzburg, Passau and Ratisbon, the Dukes of Austria, 
Carinthia and Brabant, Henry the Palgrave of the Rhine, 
Herman of Thuringia, Otho Margrave of Brandenburg, 
and many more of the great Teutonic nobles had joined, 
had ended in disgraceful failure. The death of the Em- 
peror Henry gave them an excuse for stealing back igno- 
miniously, single or in small bands, to Europe ; they were 
called to take their share in the settlement of the weighty 



Chap. VII. FAILURE OF THE CRUSADES. 1 23 

affairs of the Empire ; the Archbishop of Mentz lingered 
to the last, and at length, he too turned his back on the 
Holy Land. The French, who had remained after the 
departure of Philip Augustus, resented the insufferable 
arrogance of the Germans; the Germans affected to 
despise the French. But their only achievement, as In- 
nocent himself tauntingly declared, had been the taking of 
undefended Berytus ; while the Unbeliever boasted that he 
had stormed Joppa in the face of their whole host, with 
infinite slaughter of the Christians. All was dissension, 
jealousy, hostility. The King of Antioch was at war with 
the Christian King of Armenia. The two great Orders, 
the only powerful defenders of the land, the Hospitallers 
and the Templars, were in implacable feud. The Christians 
of Palestine were in morals^ in character, in habits, the 
most licentious, most treacherous, most ferocious of man- 
kind. Isabella, the heiress of the kingdom, had transferred 
the short-lived sceptre to four successive husbands. It 
rested now with Amalric, King of Cyprus. Worst of all, 
terrible rumours were abroad of suspicious compliances, 
secret correspondences, even secret apostasies to Moham- 
medanism, not only of single renegades. If those rumours 
had not begun to spread concerning the dark dealings of 
the Templars with forbidden practices and doctrines, which 
led during the next century to their fall, Innocent himself 
had to rebuke their haughty contempt of the Papal au- 
thority. In abuse of their privilege, during times of inter- 
dict whenever they entered a city they commanded the 
bells to ring and the divine offices to be publicly celebrated. 
They impressed with the sign of the cross, and affiliated 
for a small annual payment of two or three pence, the 
lowest of mankind, usurers and other criminals, to their 
order ; and taught them that, as of their order, they had a 
right to be buried with the rites of the Church in conse* 
crated earth, whether they died in excommunication or 
not ; it was said that the guilty licentious and rapacious 
order wore not the secular garb for the sake of religion, 
but the garb of religion for the sake of the world.* 

* " Dam ntentet doetrims dttmooio- rentes quod qaicnnaae duobos Tel tribns 
nunucqjosquetnictaiuiipeetoreCruci- denariiB aiiiiais collatis eisdem, §e in 
fixi signaculum imprimont • . . aise- eomin fraternitatem contolennt, carero 



124 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX, 

But the darker the aspect of affairs, the more firmly 
throughout his Pontificate seemed Innocent to be persuaded 
that the Crusade was the cause of God. Among his first 
letters were some addressed to the Patriarch of Jerusalem, 
and to Conrad of Mentz with the Crusaders of Germany. 
In every new disaster, in every discomfiture and loss, the 
Popes had still found unfailing refuge in ascribing them to 
the sins of the Christians : and their sins were dark enough 
to justify the strongest language of Innocent. To the 
Innocent Patriarch he pledges himself to the most earnest 
cruB«ic. support, exhorts him and his people to prayer, 
fasting, and all religious works. It needed but more per- 
fect faith, more holiness, and one believer would put to 
flight twelve millions ; the miracles of God against Pharaoh 
and against the Philistines would be renewed in their 
behalf. For the first two or three years of Innocent's 
Pontificate, address after address, rising one above another 
in empassioned eloquence, enforced the duty of contributing 
to the Holy War. In the midst of his contest with 
Markwald, his strife concerning the Empire, his interdict 
against the King of France, he forgot not this remoter 
object This was to be the principal, if not the exclusive 
theme of the preaching of the clergy.^ In letters to the 
Bishop of Syracuse, to all the Bishops of Apulia, Calabria, 
and Tuscany, he urges them to visit every city, town and 
castle ; he exhorts not only the nobles, but the citizens to 
take up arms for Jesus Christ. Those who cannot assist in 
person are to assist in other ways, by furnishing ships, pro- 
visions, money. Somewhat later came a more energetic 
epistle to all archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, and princes 
and barons of France, England, Hungary, and Sicily. He 
spoke of the insulting language of the enemies of Christ.** 
** Where," they say, ** is your God, who cannot deliver 
you out of our hands? Behold, we have defiled your' 
sanctuaries. We have stretched forth our arm, we have 
taken at the first assault, we hold, in despite of you, those 
your desirable places, where your superstition had its be- 
ginning. We have weakened and broken the lances of the 

de jure nequeant ecclesiasticd sepultorft This letter belongs to the year 1208. 
etiamai interdieti." — Epist. z. 121. ^ Epist. i. 302. ' Epist. i. 336. 



Chap. Vll. INNOCENT URGES THE CRUSADE. 125 

French, we have resisted the efforts of the English ; we 
have repressed the strength of the Germans. Now, for a 
second time we have conquered the brave Spaniards. 
Where is your God ? Let him arise and protect you and 
himself/' The Pope bitterly alludes to the campaign of 
the Germans, the capture of defenceless Berytus, the loss 
of well-fortified Joppa. The Vicar of Christ himself 
would claim no exemption from the universal call ; he 
would, as became him, set the example, and in person and 
in estate devote himself to the sacred cause. He had, 
therefore, himself invested with the cross two cardinals of 
the Church, who were to precede the army of the Lord, 
and to be maintained, not by any mendicant support, but 
at the expense of the Holy See. The Cardinal Peter was 
first to proceed to France, to settle the differences between 
the Kings of England and France, and to enlist them in the 
common cause ; the Cardinal Soffrido to Venice, to awaken 
that powerful Republic. Aftier the Pope's ex- contributions 
ample, before the next March, every archbishop, "'^"^"^ 
bishop, and prelate was to furnish a certain number of sol- 
diers, according to his means, or a certain rate in money 
for the support of the crusading army. Whoever refused 
was to be treated as a violator of God's commandments, 
threatened with condign punishment, even with suspension. 
To all who embarked in the war Innocent promised, on 
their sincere repentance, the remission of all their sins, and 
eternal life in the great day of retribution. Those who were 
unable to proceed in person might obtain the same remis- 
sion in proportion to the bounty of their offerings and the 
devotion of their hearts. The estates of all who took up 
the cross were placed under the protection of St. Peter. 
Those who had sworn to pay interest for sums borrowed 
for these pious uses were to be released from their oaths \ 
the Jews were especially to be compelled by all Christian 
princes to abandon all their usurious claims on pain of 
being interdicted from all commercial dealings with Chris- 
tians. **If the soldiers of the Cross, so entering on their 
holy course, should walk in the way of the Lord, not as 
those before them, in revellings and drunkenness, and in 
licentious indulgencies in foreign lands, of which they 



126 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

would have been ashamed at home, they would trample 
their enemies down as mice under their feet/' 

But Christendom heard the address of the Pope with 
apathy approaching to indifference ; so utterly might the 
fire seem extinct, which on former occasions ran wild 
through Europe, and such was the jealousy which had 
been raised of the rapacity of the Roman court, that sullen 
murmurs were heard in many parts, that all this ;eal was 
but to raise money for other ends; that only a small part 
of the subsidies levied for the defence of the Holy Land 
would ever reach their destination. Nor was this the sus- 
picion of the vulgar alone, it seems to have been shared 
by the clei^.** The Pope was compelled to stand on his 
defence ; to repel the odious charge, to disclaim all inten- 
tion that the money was to be sent to Rome, to appoint the 
bishop of each diocese with one Knight Templar, and one 
Knight of St John, as the administrators of this sacred trust.* 
More than a year elapsed ; the supplications for aid 
from King Amalric and King Leo of Armenia, from the 
Patriarchs of Antioch and Jerusalem became more urgent. 
Innocent found it necessary to make a stronger and more 
General spccific aopcal to the sluggish and unawakened 
**""^ clergy. On the last day of the century issued 
forth a new proclamation to the archbishops, bishops, and 
prelates of Tuscany, Lombardy, Germany, France, Eng- 
land, Hungary, Sclavonia, Ireland, Scotland. 
The Pope and his cardinals, and the clergy of 
Rome, had determined in this pressing exigency to devote 
a tenth of all their revenues to the succour of the Holy 
Land. All prelates and clergy in Latin Christendom were 
summoned to contribute at least a fortieth to this end. But 
they were assured that this was not intended as a perma- 
nent tax, it was a special burthen not to be drawn into 
precedent. How criminally hard-hearted he' who should 
refuse so small a boon in this hour of need to his Creator and 



^ Walter der Vogelweide, Radalf de mandavimns, propriis Telimos uaibns 

Dioeto. Compare wilken, p. 80. applicareyaataiiommeleemoajniaseapW 

* " Non est ab aliquo pnesumenduni, ditate qnadam term lanotsesubtraliere." 

ut ea, quee a fratribns et coepiscopis — Epist. i. 409. 

nostris, et tarn pnelatia qaam snbditis ' ** Sciat autem se cnlpabiliter dnmin, 

ecclesiamm, in opoa tarn piam erogari et dure colpabilem." — ^ist. ii. 270. 



Chap. VH. SUBSIDIES. 127 

Redeemer ! These funds were to be deposited in a safe 
place, the amount notified to Rome. From this enforced 
contribution were exempted the Cistercian and Carthusian 
monks, the Prsemonstratensian canons, and the hermits of 
Grandmont It was left to their devout hearts to fulfil 
their part in the common sacrifice ; but it was suggested 
that not less than a fiftieth could be just ; and there was a 
significant menace that they would be deprived of all their 
privileges, if they were slow and sparing in their offerings. 
In like manner all Christian people were to be called upon 
incessantly, at masses appointed for the purpose. In every 
church was to be an alms'-chest, with tnree keys, one 
held by the bishop, one by the pai*son of the parish, one 
by a chosen laic The administration was committed to 
the Bishop, the Knights of the Hospital, and those of the 
Temple. These alms were chiefly designed to maintain 
poor knights who could not afford the voyage to the Holy 
Land ; but for this they were to serve for a year or more, 
and obtain a certificate of such service under the hand of 
the King and the Patriarch of Jerusalem^ of the Grand 
Master of the Templars and of the Hospitallers, an^ one 
of the Papal Legates. If they died or fell in battle, what 
remained of their maintenance was to be assigned to the 
support of other soldiers of the Cross. 

The demands of the Pope met with no opposition, yet 
with but scanty compliance. At the Council of Dijon, 
held concerning the interdict of the King of France, by 
Peter, Cardinsd of Capua, the clergy voted not a fortiem 
but a thirtieth of their revenue to this service : but the 
collection encountered insurmountable difficulties ; and 
Innocent found it necessaiy to address a still sterner 
rebuke to the clergy of France. " Behold, the crucified 
is crucified anew! he is again smitten, again scourged; 
again his enemies take up their taunting reproach, ^If 
thou be the Son of God, save thyself; if thou canst, 
redeem the land of thy birth from our hands, restore thy 
cross to the worshippers of the cross.* But ye, I say it 
with grief, though I ask you again and again, will not give 
me one cup of cold water. The laity, whom you urge to 
assume the cross by your words, not by your acts, take up 



128 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

against you the words of Scripture, * They bind heavy 
burthens upon us, but themselves will not move them with 
one of their fingers. Ye are reproached as bestowing more 
of God's patrimony on actors than on Christ ; as spending 
more on hawks and hounds than in His aid, lavish to 
all others, to Him alone sparing, even parsimonious." ^ 

But Kichard and Philip of France suspended not their 
animosities ; and hardly was Richard dead when the 
interdict fell upon France. Germany was distracted 
with the claims of the rival Emperors. It needed 
more than the remote admonitions of the Holy See to 
rekindle the exhausted and desponding fanaticism of 
Christendom. Without a Peter the Hermit, or a St. 
Bernard, Urban II. and Eugenius III. would not have 
precipitated Europe upon Asia. The successor of these 
powerful preachers, it was hoped, had appeared in Fulk 
Folk of of Neuilly.** Already had Fulk of Neuilly dis- 
Neuiuy. p]ayed thosc powers of devout eloquence, which 
work on the contagious religious passions of multitudes. 
The clergy of Paris and its neighbourhood were not famous 
for their self-denial, and Fulk of Neuilly had been no ex- 
ception to the common dissoluteness. He had been seized, 
however, with a paroxysm of profound compunction ; he 
was suddenly a model of the severest austerity and devout 
holiness. He became ashamed of his ignorance, especially 
of the Holy Scriptures ; he, a teacher of the people, 
wanted the first elements of instruction. He began to 
attend the lectures of the learned men in Paris, especially 
of the celebrated Peter the Chanter. With style and 
tablet he noted down all the vivid and emphatic sentences 
which he heard ; he taught to his parishioners on Sunday 
what he had learned during the week. He wrought un- 
expected wonders on the minds of his simple hearers : his 
fame spread ; he was invited to preach in neighbouring 
churches ; he himself was hardly aware of his powers, 
till on a memorable sermon preached in the open street^ 
that of Chaupel, in Paris, to a crowd of clergy and laity, 

K Gesta, c. 84. the other authorities, in Michaud, Wil- 

*^ Ranalf de Cogffeshalle and James de ken, and Hurter. 
Vitry are most full on Fulk of Neuilly ; 



Chap. VH. PULK OF NEUILLY. 129 

his hearers suddenly began to tear off their clothes, to 
throw away their shoes, to cast themselves at his feet, im- 
ploring him to give them rods or scourges to inflict 
mstant penance on themselves. They promised to yield 
themselves up to his direction. Everywhere it was the 
same ; usurers laid down their ill-gotten gains at his feet ; 
prostitutes forswore their sins and embraced a holy life. 
But, it should seem, that the first passion for his preach- 
ing died away ; the public mind haa become more languid, 
and Fulk of Neuilly retired to the diligent and faithful 
care of his own flock at Neuilly. 

Just at this time died his teacher, Peter the Chanter. 
On that eloquent man Innocent had relied for the effective 
preaching of the Crusade in France ; with his dying lips 
JPeter bequeathed his mission to Fulk of Neuilly. With 
this new impulse the fervid preaching of Fulk kindled to 
all its former energy and power. He now, in his zeal for 
the cross, assailed higher vices — the somnolence of the 
prelates, the unchastity of the clergy : he denounced the 
^pular heresies ; many were converted from their erroi^ ; 
over a softer class of sinners he again obtained such 
influence, that from the gifts which flowed in to him 
on all sides, he gave some marriage portions, for others 
he founded the convent of St. Anthony in Paris as a 
reftige from the world. His reputation reached Rome. 
Soon after his accession. Innocent wrote a letter highly 
approving the holy zeal of Fulk, urged him to devote all 
his exertions to the sacred cause, to choose some both of 
the Black and White Monks, with the sanction of the 
Legate Peter of Capua, as his assistants, and thus to sow 
the good seed through the breadth of the land.^ 

Again Fulk of Neuilly set out from place to place ; he 
was everywhere hailed as the worthy successor of Peter 
the Hermit. The wonders which he wrought in the minds 
and hearts of men were believed to be acconapanied by 
miraculous powers of healing and of blessing. But in the 
display of his miraculous powers, the preacher showed 
prudence and sagacity. Some he healed instantaneously ; 
to others he declared that their cure would be prejudicial to 

< Epist. i. 398. Villehardoain. ' 
VOL. IV. K 



1 30 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

their salvation, and, therefore, displeasing to God ; others 
must wait the fitting time, they had not yet suffered long 
enough the chastening discipline of the Lord. He blessed 
many wells, over which chapels were built and long hal- 
lowed by popular veneration. Before the close of the 
year, full of fame as the preacher of the cross, Fulk of 
Neuilly attended the great meeting of the Cistercian 
Order, and himself took the cross with the Bishop of 
Langres. Yet the Order declined to delegate any of their 
body as attendants of the preacher. They gave him, 
however, a multitude of crosses to distribute, which were 
almost snatched from his hands by the ei^er zeal of his 
followers, as he left the church. The news spread that, 
like Peter the Hermit, he was about himself to head a 
crusade ; thousands flocked around him ; but he would 
only receive the poor as his followers ; he declined the 
association of the rich. 

He pursued his triumphant career with the full sanction 
of his Bishop, through Normandy and Brittany, Burgundy 
and Flanders, everywhere preaching the crusade, every- 
where denouncing the vices of the. age, avarice, usury, 
rapacity. Nobles, knights, citizens, serfs, crowded around 
him ; they took the cross from his hands, they gazed in 
astonishment at his miracles ; their zeal at times rose to 
an importunate height ; they tore his clothes from him to 
keep the shreds as hallowed reliques. Fulk seems to have 
been somewhat passionate, and not without humour. Once, 
a strong and turbulent fellow being more than usually 
troublesome, he shouted aloud that he had not blessed his 
own garments, but would bless those of this man. In an 
instant the zeal of the multitude was diverted ; they fell 
upon the man and tore his whole dress in tatters, and car- 
ried off the precious shreds. Sometimes he would keep 
order by laying about him vigorously with his staff; 
those were happy who were wounded by his hallowed 
hands ; they kissed their bruises, and cherished every drop 
of blood shed by his holy violence. At the close of three 
years Fulk of Neuilly could boast, in another assembly of 
the Cistercian order, that 200,000 persons had received 
the cross from his hands. 



Chap. VII. PULK OP NEUILLY. 131 

Yet, as before, the eloquence of Fulk of Neuilly wanted 
depth and intensity ; its effects were immediate and violent, 
but not lasting. It might be, that he either disdained or 
neglected those ostentatious austerities, which to the vul- 
gar are the crowning test of earnestness. He wore, indeed, 
a sackcloth shirt next his skin, and kept rigidly the fasts 
of the Church ; but on other occasions he ate and drank, 
and lived like other men. He was decently shaved, wore 
seemly attire, he did not travel barefoot, but on an easy 
palfrey. It might be that his reserve in working miracles 
awoke suspicion in some, resentment in others, who were 
disappointed in their petitions. But the deep and real 
cause of his transitory success, was the general jealousy which 
was abroad concemmg the misapplication of the vast funds 
raised for the service of the Holy Land. Offerings had 
streamed to him from all quarters ; he had received vast 
subsidies : these he devoted to supply the more needy 
knights, who took the cross with arms and provisions for 
their pilgrimage. But the rapacity of Rome and of the 
clergy had settled a profound mistrust throughout mankind : 
like Innocent, Fulk was accused of diverting these holy alms 
to other uses.^ From the time that he began to receive 
these lavish offerings, the spell of his power was broken ; 
as wealth flowed in, awe and respect fell off. He did 
not live to witness the crusade of which, even if his mo- 
tives were thus with some clouded by suspicion, he had 
been the great preacher ; he died of a fever at Neuilly in 
the year 1202. The large sums which he had deposited 
in the abbey of the Cistercians were faithfully applied to 
the restoration of the walls of Tyre, Acre, and ^erytus, 
which had been shaken by an earthquake; and to the 
maintenance of poor knights in the Holy Land. The 
death of Fulk is attributed by one writer to grief at the 

^ ** Ipse (Falco) ex fideliom elee- mines, et, crescente pecunia, timor et 

mosynis maximam ccepit congregare rererentia decrescebat." — Jac. de Vi- 

pecuniam quam pauperibus cmcesig- triac. " Tkindem (Fulco) snb obtenta 

natiSy tarn militibus quam aliis propo- Teme Sancts, pnedicationi qnsestaosn 

suerat erogare. Licet autem caus& capi- iBsistens, quod Dimium pecuniam aggre- 

ditatis vel aliqnH sinistra intentione gayit, quasi ad succnrsum terns Hiero- 

collectas istas non faceret, occulto Dei solymitanie, et quod erat ultra modum 

judido, ex tunc ejus auctoritas et prse- iracundus." — Anonym. Chron. of Laon, 

dicatio coepit yalde diminui apud ho- in Bouquet, viii. p. 711. 

K 2 



132 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

mal-appropriation of a large sum deposited in another 

Juarter."* Nor was Fulk*s example without followers, 
^reachers of the Cross rose up in every part of England 
and France ; the most eflFective of whom was the Abbot 
Martin, the head of a Cistercian convent, that of Paris, in 
Alsace, who himself bore a distinguished part in the Cru- 
sade which never reached the Holy Land. 

The admonitions and exhortations of the Pope, the 
Crusade of prcachiugsof Fulkof NcuiUy, of theAbbot Martin, 
^^' and their followers, had at length stirred some of 
the young hearts among the secondary Princes of France. 
At a tournament atCery in Champagne, Thiebault theCount 
of Champagne and Brie, at the age of twenty-one, and Louis 
Count of Blois and Chartres, at the age of twenty-seven, 
in an access of religious valour, assumed the Cross : the 
bishops and the nobles of the land caught the contagious 
enthusiasm. At Cery, Rainald de Montmirail and Simon 
de Montfort, Garnier Bishop of Troyes, Walther of 
Brienne, and the Marshal of Champagne Geoflroy of Ville- 
hardouin, the great names of Dampierre, of de Castel and 
Rochfort were enrolled in the territory of Blois ; in the 
royal domains, the Bishop of Soissons, two Montmorencies, 
a de Courcy, a Malvoisin, and a Dreux. 

The following year (1200) Baldwin Count of Flanders, 
with his wife Maria, sister of Count Thiebault of Cham- 
pagne, his nephew Dietrich, Jacob of Avenes, William 
and Conon of Bethune, Hugh of St Pol, and his brother 
Peter of Anvers, the Count of Perche and his brother, 
swore the solemn oath for the deliverance of the holy 
sepulchre. The Crusade was determined, but it was now 
become matter of deep deliberation as to the safest and 
most advantageous way of reaching the shores of Pales- 
tine. The perils and difficulties of the land journey, the 
treachery of the Greeks, the long march through Asia 
Minor, had been too often and too fatally tried : but how 
was this gallant band of Frenchmen to provide means for 
maritime transport? 

Keligion by her invasion of the East had raised a rival, 
which began as ancillary, and gradually grew up to be 

"^ Hago Plagon, cited by Wilken, y. p. 105. 



Chap. VII. COMMERCE. 133 

the mistress of the human mind — commercial enterprise, 
Venice was rising towards the zenith of her 
greatness, if with some of the danger and the 
glory of the Crusades, with a far larger share of the 
wealth, the arts, the splendour of the East. The saga- 
cious mind of Innocent might seem to have foreseen the 
growing peril to the purely religious character of the 
Crusades ; but he miscalculated his power in supposing 
that a papal edict could arrest the awakened passion for 
the commodities of the East, and the riches which accrued 
to those who were their chief factors and distributors to 
Europe. There was already a canon of the Lateran 
Council under Alexander III. prohibiting, under pain of 
excommunication, all trade with the Saracens in instru- 
ments of war, arms, iron, or timber for galleys. Innocent 
determined to prohibit all commerce whatever with the 
Mohammedans during the war in the East. The republic, 
according to her usual prudence, sought not by force and 
open resistance what she might better gain by policy ; she 
sent two of her noble citizens, Andrea Donato and Bene- 
detto Grillon, to Rome to represent with due humility, that 
the republic of Venice, having no agriculture, depended en- 
tirely on her commerce ; and that such restriction would 
be her ruin. Innocent brought back the edict to its 
former limits. He positively prohibited the supply of 
iron, tow, pitch, shai'p stakes, caoles, arms, gallies, ships, 
and ship-timber, either hewn or unhewn. He left the rest 
of their dealings with the kingdom of Egypt and of Baby- 
lon till further orders entirely free, expressing his hope 
that the republic would show her gratitude by assisting to 
the utmost the Christians in the East.° 

Venice alone could furnish a fleet to transport a power- 
ful army. After long debate the three Counts of Flan- 
ders, of Champagne, and of Blois agreed to despatch 
each two ambassadors to Venice to frame a treaty for the 
conveyance of their forces. The ambassadors of the 
Count of Flanders were Conon de Bethune and Alard 
Maquerau ; those of the Count of Blois, John of Friaise 
and Walter of Gandouville, those of the Count of Cham- 

» Epist. i. 539. 



134 LATIN CHRISTIAKITY. Book IX. 

Eagne Miles of Brabant and Geofiroy of Y illehardouin, the 
istorian of the Crusade.^ The envoys arrived in Venice 
in the first week of Lent ; they were received with great 
courtesy by the Doge, the aged Henry Dandolo ; 
they were lodged in a splendid palace, as became 
the messengers of such great princes; after four days 
they were summoned to a public audience before the 
Doge and his council. ** Sire," they said, " we are come 
in the name of the great barons of France, who have 
taken the cross, to avenge the insults against our Lord 
Jesus Christ, and by Grod s will to conquer Jerusalem. 
A^ no power on earth can aid us as you can, they implore 
you, in God's name, to have compassion on the Holy 
Land, to avenge with them the contumely on Jesus 
Christ, by furnishing them with ships and other conve- 
niences to pass the sea/' " On what terms ? " inquired the 
Doge. " On any terms you may please to name, pro- 
vided we can bear them." "It is a grave matter," 
answered the Doge ; ^^ and an enterprise of vast moment 
In eight days ye shall have your answer." At the end of 
eight days the Doge made known the terms of the re- 
public. They would furnish palanders and flat vessels 
to transport 4500 horses and 9000 squires, and ships for 
4500 knights and 20,000 infantry, and provision the 
fleet for nine months. They were to receive four marks 
of silver for each horse, for each man two ; the total 
85,000 marks P They promised to man 60 galleys of their 
Treaty with owu to joiu the expedition. The bargain was rati- 
hardouin. fled iTi B great public assembly of ten thousand of 
the Venetian citizens before the church of St. Mark. The 
ambassadors threw themselves on the pavement and wept. 
The grave Venetians expressed their emotions by loud 
acclamations. Mass was celebrated with great solemnity ; 
the next day the agreements were reduced to writing, and 
signed by the covenanting parties. The ambassadors 
returned ; at Piacenza they separated, four to visit Pisa 
and Genoa and implore further aid; they were coldly 

o Villehardoain, i. 11. Talait de cinq h six sols, le marc d'ar- 

p ** Repr^entant environ qnatre mil- gent cinquante et qudques sols." — 

lions et demi de la monnaie actuelle." Sismondi reckons 4f millions. 

—Dam. i. 267. ** Le septier de bled 



Chap. VH. CBU8ADBBS AT VENICE. 135 

received by those jealous republics; Yillehardouin and 
Maquerau returned to France. Yillehardouin found his 
young master the Count of Champagne at Troyes, dan- 
gerously ill ; the youth, in his joy at beholding his faithful 
servant, mounted his horse for the last time ; he died in a 
few days. Thiebault was to have been at the head of the 
Crusade. The command was offered to the Duke of Bur- 
gundy, to the Count of Bar le Due ; the proudest nobles 
declined the honour; it was accepted by the Marquis 
Boniface of Montferrat The armament suffered another 
heavy loss by the death of the Count of Perche. 

Between £aster and Whitsuntide in the following year 
(1202) the Crusaders were in movement in all cnaider. 
parts. But Venice was thought by some to have •■•«°*»i«- 
driven a hard bargain ; among others there was some 
mistrust of the republic. Innocent had given but a 
reluctant assent to me treaty of Yillehardouin. Baldwin 
himself and his brother kept their engagement with Venice. 
The Count of Flanders manned his own fleet, himself em- 
barked his best troops, which set sail for Palestine round 
by the Straits of Gibraltar. Some went to Marseilles. 
Multitudes passed onwards on the chance of easier 
freight to the south of Italy. The French and Burgun- 
dians anived but slowly, and in small divisions, at Venice ; 
they were lodged apart in the island of St. Nicolas ; 
among these was Baldwin of Flanders. The Count of 
Blois was at Pavia, on his way to the south of Italy, 
where he was stopped by Yillehardouin, and persuaded to 
march to Venice. The Republic kept her word with com- 
mercial punctuality; never had been beheld a nobler 
fleet ; her ships were in the highest order, amply suflScient 
for the whole force which they had stipulated to convey. 
They demanded the full amount of the covenanted pay- 
ment, the 85,000 marks, and declared themselves ready 
at once to set sail. The Crusaders were in the utmost 
embarrassment^ they bitterly complained of those who 
had deserted them to embark at other ports."^ There were 
multitudes of poor knights who could not pay, others who 

'^ " Ha ! com errant domagefl fa qaant ne Yindrent illaec." — VUlebardoain, c. 
li autre qui al&rent as autres pors, 29. 



136 LATIN CHRISTIANITY* Book IX. 

had paid, sullenly demanded, in hopes of breaking up the 
expedition, that they should at once be embarked and con- 
veyed to their place of destination. The Count of Flan- 
ders, the Count Louis of Blois, the Count of St. Pol, and the 
Marquis of Montferrat contributed all their splendid plate, 
and stretched their credit to the utmost, there were yet 
34,000 marks wanting to make up the inexorable demand. 
The wise old Doge saw his advantage ; his religion 
Venetians pro- was the grcatucss of his country. It is impos- 

pose conauest .ii t*i t* i 

of zam. sible not to remember m the course of events, by 
which the Crusade for the recovery of the Holy Land 
became a crusade for the conquest of the Eastern Empire, 
that Henry Dandolo had been, if not entirely, nearly 
blinded by the cruelty of the Byzantine court. His saga- 
city could scarcely foresee the fortuitous circumstances 
which led at length to that unexpected victory of the West 
over the East, but he had the quick-sightedness of ambi- 
tion and revenge to profit by those circumstances as they 
arose. He proposed to his fellow citizens, with their full 
approval he explained to the Crusaders, that Venice would 
fulfil ffer part of the treaty, if in discharge of the 34,000 
marks of silver they would lend their aid in the conquest 
of Zara,' (which had been wrested from them unjustly, as 
they said, by the King of Hungary.) The gallant chi- 
valry of France stood aghast ; that knights sworn to war 
for the recovery of the Holy Sepulchre should employ 
their arms against a Christian city, the city of a Christian 
King under the special protection of the Pope ! that the 
free armies of the cross should be the hirelings of the 
Venetian republic I But the year was wearing away ; the 
hard necessity bowed them to submission. The Doge 

Eursued his plan with consummate address. As though 
e too shared in the religious enthusiasm which was to be 
gratified in all its fulness after the capture of 
Zara, on the great festival of the Nativity of the 
Virgin, Dandolo ascended the pulpit in the church of St 
Mark. In a powerful speech he extolled the religious zeal 
of the pilgrims : " Old and feeble as I am, what can I do 
better than join these noble cavaliers in their holy enter- 

' Called also Jadara. 



Chap. VII. ALEXIUS COMNENUS. 137 

prise ? Let my son Rainer take the mle in Venice ; I 
will live or die with the pilgrims of the Cross." But there 
was a careful stipulation behind that Venice was to share 
equally in all the conquests of the Crusaders. The Doge 
advanced to the altar, and fixed the cross in his high cotton 
cap ; the people and the pilgrims melted into tears. 

Jfo sooner was this over than a new and unexpected 
event excited the utmost amazement among the Amvai of 
French pilgrims: the appearance of messengers ^nJ^'ur??." 
from the young Prince Alexius Comnenus, entreat- *"***• 
ing the aid of the Crusaders to replace his father on his 
rightful throne of Constantinople. After the overthrow of 
the first noble line of Comnenus, the history of Byzantium 
had for some years been one bloody revolution ; a aj> im to 
short reign ended in blinding or death was the "**• 
fate of each successive Emperor. Isaac Angelus, hurried 
from the sanctuary in whicn he had taken refuge to be 
placed on the throne, had reigned for nearly ten years, 
when he was supplanted by the subtle treason of his 
brother Alexius. Isaac was blinded, his young son 
Alexius imprisoned. But mercy is a proscribed indul- 
gence to an usurper ; a throne obtained by cruelty can 
only be maintained by cruelty. Alexius abandoned him- 
self to pleasure ; in his Mohammedan harem he neglected 
the affairs of state, he increased the burthens of the people, 
he even relaxed his jealousy of his brother and nephew. 
The blind Isaac, in a pleasant villa on the Bosphorus, could 
communicate with his old partisans and the discontented of 
all classes. The son was allowed such fi*eedom as enabled 
him to make his escape in a Pisan vessel, under the dis- 
guise of a sailor, and to reach Ancona. From Ancona 
he hastened to Rome ; the son of a blinded father, to 
seek sympathy; a prince expelled from his throne by 
an usurper, to seek justice; an exile, to seek generous 
compassion from the Vicar of Christ. He was coldly 
received. Innocent had already been tempted by some 
advances— religious advances — on the part of the usurper : 
he would not risk the chance of subjugating the Eastern 
Church to the See of Rome through the means of the 
sovereign in actual possession. The sister of young 



138 LATIN CHEISTIANITY. Boox IX. 

Alexius was the wife of Philip of Swabia ; perhaps this 
alliance with his enemy operated on the policy of Inno- 
cent. Alexius proceeded to the court of Philip ; he was 
received with generous courtesy ; at Verona he was intro- 
duced to a great body of Crusaders, and implored their 
aid in the name of Philip. His messengers were now in 
Venice appealing to the chivalry, to the justice, the hu- 
manity, the compassion of the gallant knights of France, 
and the lofty senators of the republic Did this new opening 
for the extension of the power and influence of Venice, or 
for revenge against the perfidious Greeks of Constanti- 
nople, expand at once before Dandolo into anticipations of 
that close which made this crusade the most eventful, the 
most important to Christendom, to civilisation, even perhaps 
beyond the first conquest of Jerusalem and the establishment 
of the Christian kingdom in the Holy Land ? The Doge 
and the Pdgrims listened with undisguised sympathy to the 
appeal of young Alexius ; but as vet with nothing beyond 
earnest expressions of interest in his cause. Both parties 
were fully occupied, one in urging, the other in sullenly 
preparing themselves for the expedition against Zara. 
A large body of Germans had now arrived, under Conrad 
Bishop of Halberstadt, Count Berthold of Katzenellen- 
bogen, and other chiefs. The Abbot Martin had crossed 
the Tyrolese Alps with a vast band of followers of the 
lower orders. Martin himself lived with the austerity of a 
monk in the camp : all the splendid offerings lavished upon 
him by the way were spent on his soldiery. In each of 
two days it is said he expended a hundred marks of silver, 
seventy on the third. He was entertained for eight days in 
the palace of the Bishop of Verona, and at length arrived 
with all his host at Venice. The indignation of the Ger- 
mans, and of the followers of Abbot Martin, was vehe- 
ment when they were told of the meditated attack on 
Zara. They had heard that Egypt was wasted with 
famine, by the failure of the inundation of the Nile ; that 
the Paynims of Syria were in profound distress from earth- 
quakes and bad harvests ; they remonstrated against this 
invasion of the lands of their ally the King of Hungary, 
who bad himself taken up the Cross. The Venetians held 



Chap. VII. THE LEGATE IN VENICE. 139 

the Crusaders to their bond : Zara or the rest of the marks 
of silver was their inflexible demand. The Germans, as the 
French, were compelled to yield. The Pope himself had 
no influence on the grasping ambition of the republic. 

And this was Pope Innocent's Crusade, the Crusade to 
which he looked as the great act of his Pontifi- The Pope 

A I -KT 1 •. 1 1 1 • •* • • Interferes in 

cate ! JNow when it was assembled m its promising ▼atn. 
overpowering strength it had been seized and diverted 
to the aggrandisement of Venice. He sent his Legate 
Peter of Capua, with the strongest remonstrances, to in- 
terdict even the Venetians from the war against Chris- 
tian Zara, and to lead the other Pilgrims directly to 
the Holy Land. The Venetians almost contemptuously 
informed the Cardinal that he might embark on board 
their fleet as the preacher and spiritual director of the 
Crusaders, but on no account must he presume to exer- 
cise his legatine power ; if he refused these terms he 
might return from whence he came. The Abbot Martin 
entreated the Cardinal to release him from his vow ; as 
he could not at once proceed against the Saracens, he 
would retire to his peaceful cloister. The Cardinal 
Peter entreated him to remain, if possible, with the other 
ecclesiastics, to prevent the shedding of Christian blood. 
For himself he shook the dust from his feet, and left the 
contumacious city. Letters from Innocent, menaces of 
excommunication were treated with as slight respect; 
only some few of the French, some of the Germans, with- 
drew; the Marquis Boniface of Montferrat alleged im- 
portant afiairs, and declined as yet to take the command 
of the Crusade. 

Never did Crusade set forth under more imposing 
auspices. No doubt the martial spirit of all oct. 8.1202. 
ranks could not resist the spreading enthusiasm, forth. 
when four hundred and eighty noble ships, admirably ap- 
pointed, with banners and towers, blazing with the arms and 
shields of the chivalry of Europe, expanded their full sails 
to the autumnal wind, and moved in stately order 4own the 
Adriatic. It seemed as if they might conquer the whole 
world." On the eve of St. Martin's day they were off* 

* " Et bien semblait estone qui terre deost conquerre." — ViUehardooin. 



140 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

Zara ; the haven was forced ; they were under the walls 
of the city ; they landed ; the knights disembarked their 
horses. The sight of this majestic fleet appalled the 
inhabitants of Zara ; they sent a deputation to surrender 
the city on the best terms they could obtain. The Doge, 
with mistimed courtesy, replied, "that he must consult 
the counts and barons of the army." The Counts and 
Barons assembled round the Doge advised the accept- 
ance of the capitulation. But without the tent where 
they sate was Simon de Montfort, with others whose 
object it was to break up the misguided army.* De Mont- 
fort taunted the Zarans with their dastardly surrender of 
so strong a city : — ** We are Christians, we war not against 
our brother Christians." Simon de Montfort then retired, 
and from that time stood aloof from the siege. When 
the Doge demanded the presence of the ambassadors 
that they might ratify the treaty they had disappeared ; 
the city walls were manned for obstinate defence. At the 
same time rose Guido the Abbot of Vaux Cernay : " In 
the name of the Pope I prohibit the assault on his Chris- 
tian cities : ye are Pilgrims and have taken the cross for 
other ends." The Doge was furious ; he reproached the 
Crusaders with having wrested from him a city already in 
his power ; he summoned them to fulfil the treaty to 
which they had sworn. The greater part either could not 
or would not resist the appeal. The siege began again, and 
lasted for five days. On the sixth Zara opened her gates. 
The Doge took possession of the city in the name of his 
republic; but divided the rich spoil equally with the 
Crusaders. 

Zara was taken, but that was not enough ; the presence 
of the crusading army was necessary to maintain 
the city against any sudden attack of the King of 
Hungary and to strengthen and secure the Dalmatian pos- 
sessions of Venice. The Doge represented to the Barons 
that the bad season was now drawing on : Zara ofiered safe 
and pleasant winter quarters, with abundance of provisions. 
Throughout Greece and the East there was scarcity : " they 

* So says Villehardt>uiii ; perhaps he foresaw the vet undeveloped character 
of De Montfort. " Villehardouin, 43. 



Chap. VII. ALEXIUS IN THE CAMP. 141 

could obtain no supplies in the course of their voyage. The 
Barons yielded, as tney could not but yield to those argu- 
ments. The city was divided : the Venetians occupied the 
part nearest the port and their ships ; the French the rest 
But among the pilgrims there were many, who felt bitterly 
that they were onlv slaves in the hands of the Stater 
Venetians ; their religious feelings revolted against "^""^^ 
the occupation of the Christian city ; they called it ** the 
city of transgression." Three nights after broke out a fierce 
and sanguinary quarrel between the Franks and Venetians, 
which was with great difficulty allayed by the more sage 
and influential of each host. Fourteen days after this arrived 
the Marquis of Montferrat, the Commander-in-chief of 
the Crusade : though he and many of the French knights 
had designedly remained in Italy till the conquest of Zara ; 
now that this conquest was achieved they joined the 
army of the pilgrims. Two weeks later came those who 
had accompanied Alexius to the court of Philip AmbanMiani 
of Swabia, with ambassadors from King Philip, pwup. °* 
They appeared before an assembly held in the palace 
occupied Tby the Doge of Venice. " We are here on the 
part of King Philip and the Prince of Constantinople his 
brother-in-law, before the Doge of Venice and the Barons 
of this host. King Philip will entrust his brother-in-law in 
the hand of God, and in yours. You are armed for God, 
for the right, for justice, it becomes you, therefore, to 
restore the disinherited to his rightful throne. Nor will 
it be less to your advantage than to your honour ; for your 
advantage in your great design, the conquest of the Holy 
Land. As soon as you restore Alexius to his throne, he 
will first submit the Empire of the Romans to obedience 
to Rome, from which it has been separated so long. In 
the next place, as he knows that you are exhausted by the 
vast cost of this armament, he will give you two hundred 
thousand marks of silver, and supply the whole army with 
provisions. He will either join the armament against Egypt 
m person, or send ten thousand men, to be maintained for a 
year at his charge. During his lifetime he will maintain 
five hundred knights for the defence of the Holy Land." 
No sooner had the Barons met the next day to discuss 



142 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

this high matter, than Guido, the Cistercian Abhot of 
Vaux Cemay, rose and declared emphatically that they 
came not to wage war on Christians ; to Syria they would 
go, and only to Syria, He was supported by the faction 
desirous of dissolving the armament. It was replied that 
they could now do nothing in Syria ; that the only way to 
subjugate permanently the Holy Land was by Egypt or 
by Greece. Even the clergy were divided : the Cistercian 
Abbot of Loces, a man of high esteem for his profound 
piety, took the other side. Words ran high even among 
those holy persons. 

The treaty was accepted (they could not without shame 
Treaty with refiisc it) by the Marquis of Montferrat, the 
Aiexittf, Count of Flanders and Hennegau, the Count of 
Blois, the Count of St. Pol ; yet but eight knights more 
dared to set their hands to diis doubtful covenant But 
all the winter there were constant defections in the army ; 
some set out by land, and were massacred by the barbarous 
Sclavonians ; some embarked for Syria in merchant vessels ; 
at a later period Simon de Montfort quitted the camp with 
many noble followers, and joined the King of Hungary. 
" If God," says Villehardoum, " had not loved the army, it 
would have melted away through the contending factions." 
It was the Papal ban, either actually in force, or impending 
in all its awml menace over the pilgrim army, which was 
alleged as the summons to all holy men to abandon the 
unhallowed expedition. The bishops in the army had 
taken upon themselves to suspend this anathema. The 
Barons determined to send a mission to Rome to deprecate 
the wrath of the Pope. The Bishop of Soissons, John of 
Noyon the Chancellor of the Count of Flanders, ecclesias- 
tics of fame for learning and holiness, with the knights John 
of Friaise and Robert de Boves, were, not without mis- 
trust, sworn solemnly on the most holy reliques, to return 
to the army. The oath was broken by Robert of Boves, 
whom the army held as a perjured knight Their mission 
was to explain to the Pope that they had been compelled, 
through the treacherous abandonment of the enterprise by 
those crusaders who had embarked in other ports, to obey 
the bidding of Venice, and to lend themselves to the siege 



Chap. VII. EXCOMMUNICATION OP THE VENETIANS. 143 

of Zara. Innocent admitted their plea — it was his only 
course. He gave permission to the Bishop of Soissous and 
John of Noyon provisionally to suspend the interdict till 
the arrival of his legate, Feter of Uapua ; but the Barons 
were bound under a solemn pledge to give full satisfaction 
to the Pope for their crime. But notwithstanding the bold 
remonstrance of John of Noyon (Innocent commanded 
him to be silent), they were compelled to bear a brief 
letter of excommunicatioh against the Venetians. Boniface 
had the prudence to prevent the immediate publication 
of that ban. He sent to Bome their act of submission, 
couched in the terms dictated by the Cardinal Peter ; and 
intimated ihat the Venetians were about to send their own 
messengers to entreat the forgiveness of the Pope for the 
conquest of Zara. But the Venetians made no sign of 
submission. Positive orders were given to deliver the 
brief of excommunication into the hands of the Doge. If 
the Doge received it, he received it with utter indifference; 
and two singular letters of Innocent prescribe the course 
to be followed by the absolved Crusaders, thus of necessity, 
on board the fleet of Venice, in perpetual intercourse with 
the profane and excommunicated Venetians. They might 
communicate with them as far as necessity compelled so 
long as they were on board their ships ; no sooner had they 
reached the Holy Land, than they were to sever the 
ungodly alliance ; they were on no account to go forth to 
war with them against the Saracens, lest they should incur 
the shameful disaster of those in the Old Testament, who 
went up in company with Achan and other sinners against 
the Philistines.^ 

The mission of the Crusaders had been entirely silent 
as to the new engagement to place the young innooent 
Alexius on the throne of Constantinople. Inno- &^^ 
cent either knew not or would not know this new Btantinopie. 
delinquency. He received the first authentic intelligence 
from the legate Peter of Capua. The Pope's letters de- 
nounced the whole design in the most lofty admonitory terms. 
" However guilty the Emperor of Constantinople and his 
subjects of blinding his brother and of usurping the throne, 

' Epist. TL 93, 100. 



1 44 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

it is not for you to invade the Empire, which is under the 
especial protection of the Holy See. Ye took not the 
Cross to avenge the wrongs of the Prince Alexius ; ye are 
under the solemn obligation to avenge the Crucified, to 
whose service ye are sworn." He intimated that he had 
written to the Emperor of Constantinople to supply them 
with provisions. The Emperor had faithfully promised to 
do so. Only in the case that supplies were refused them, 
then, as soldiers of Him to whom the earth and all its 
produce belonged, they might take it by force ; but still in 
the fear of God, faithfully paying or promising to pay for 
the same, and without injury to person. 

But already the fleet was in full sail for Corfu, the 
Fleet off Con- Princc Alcxius on board. Of the excommuni- 
BUntinopie. c^tiou agaiust the Venetians no one took the 
slightest heed, least of all the Venetians themselves. Simon 
de Montfort alone, who had stood aloof from the siege of 
2jara, on the day of embarkation finally separated himself 
from the camp of the ungodly, who refused obedience to 
the Pope. With his brother and some few French knights 
he passed over to the King of Hungary, and after many 
diflSculties reached the Holy Land. In truth, the Cru- 
saders had no great faith in the sincerity of the Pope's 
condemnation of the enterprise against Constantinople. 
The subjugation of the heretical, if not rival Church of 
Byzantium, to the Church of St. Peter, had been too long 
the great aim of Papal ambition for them to suppose that 
even by more violent or less justifiable means than the 
replacing the legitimate Emperor on the throne, and the 
degradation of an usurper, it would not soon reconcile 
itself to the Papal sense of right and justice. Some decent 
regard to his acknowledgment of, to his amicable inter- 
course with the usurper, might be becoming; even as a 
step to the conquest of the Holy Land, it might well be 
considered the most prudent policy. In a short time the 
submission of the Greek Church, the departure of the 
Crusaders under better auspices to the Holy Land (for as 
yet even the ambitious Venetians could hardly apprehend 
the absolute conquest of Constantinople, and the establish- 
ment of a Latin Empire), would allay the seeming resent- 



Chap. VII. TAKING OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 145 

ment of Innocent. In the mean time, no doubt many 
hearts were kindled with the romance of this new ad- 
venture and the desire to behold this second Rome ; vague 
expectations were entertained of rich plunder, or at least of 
splendid reward for their services by the grateful Alexius ; 
it is even said that many were full of strange hopes of 
more precious spoils, the pillage of the precious reliques 
which were accumulated in the churches oi Constantinople, 
and of which the heretical Greeks ought to be righteously 
robbed for the benefit of the more orthodox believers of 
the West 

The taking of Constantinople and the foundation of 
the Latin Empire concern Christian history in Tjkh^af 
their results more than in their actual achieve- nqpie. 
ment. The arrival of the fleet before Constantinople ; 
the ill-organised defence and pusillanimous flight of the 
usurper Alexius ; the restoration of the blind Isaac Angelus 
and his sou ; the discontent of the Greeks at the subservience 
of the young Alexius to the Latins ; his dethronement, 
and the elevation of Alexius Ducas (Mourzoufle) to the 
throne ; the siege ; the murder of the young Alexius ; the 
flight of Mourzoufle, and the storming of the city by the Cru- 
saders, were crowded into less than one eventful year.^ A 
Count of Flanders sat on the throne of the Eastern Caesars. 

Europe, it might have been expected, by the Latin 
conquest of Constantinople and of great part of Partition of 
the Byzantine Empire, would have become one ^^^^^^^^i^^"** 
great Christian league or political system ; European 
Christendom one Church, under the acknowledged supre- 
macy of the Pope. But the Latin Empire was not that 
of a Western sovereign ascending the Byzantine throne, 
and ruling over the Greek population, undisturbed in their 
possessions, and according to the laws of Justinian and the 
later Emperors of the East. His followers did not 
gradually mingle by intermarriages with the Greeks, and 
so infuse, as in other parts of Europe, new strength and 
energy into that unwarlike and effete race. The Emperor 
was a sovereign elected by the Venetians and the Franks, 

^ The fleet reached Constantinople 1203. The storm took place April 13, 
the eye of St. John the Baptist, June 23, 1 204. 

VOL. IV. L 



146 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

governing entirely by the right of conquest It was a 
foreign settlement, a foreign lord^ a foreign feudal system, 
which never mingled in the least with the Greeks ; the 
Latins kept entirely to themselves all honours, all dignities, 
(no Greek was admitted to office,) even all the lands ; the 
whole country, as it was conquered, was portioned out, 
as Constantinople had been, into great fiefs between the 
Venetians and Franks. This western feudal system so 
established throughout the land implied the absolute, the 
supreme ownership of the soil by the conquerors. The 
condition of the Greeks under the new rule depended on 
the character of their new masters. In Constantinople the 
high-bom and the wealthy had gladly accepted the permis- 
sion to escape with their lives ; the Crusaders had taken 
possession of such at least of their gorgeous palaces and 
splendid establishments as had escaped the J;hree fires which 
during the successive sieges had destroyed so large a part 
of the city." When the Marquis of Montferrat took 
possession of Thessalonica he turned the inhabitants out of 
all the best houses, and bestowed them on his followers : 
in other places they were oppressed with a kind of 
indiflerent lenity. But they were, in truth, held as a race 
of serfs, over whom the Latins exercised lordship by the 
right of conquest ; they were left, indeed, to be governed, 
as had been the case with the subject Roman population 
in all the German conquests, by their own laws and 
their own magistrates. The constitution of the Latin 
Empire was the same with that of the kingdom of Jeru* 
salem, founded in the midst of a population chiefly 
Mohammedan; their code of law was the Assises of 
Jerusalem. No Greek was admitted to any post of 
honour or dignity till after the defeat and capture of the 
Emperor Baldwin. Then his successor, the Emperor 
Henry, found it expedient to make some advances towards 
conciliation ; he endeavoured to propitiate by honourable 
appointments some of the leading Greeks. But to this 
he was compelled by necessity. The original Crusaders 

' In the conflagration on the night of Greeks, as many houses were destroyed, 

the capture, cau^ bj some Flemings, according to Villehardouin, as would be 

who bought by setting fire to £e found in three of the largest cities in 

houses to keep off the attack of the France. 



Chap. VII. LATIN CHURCH IN THE EAST. 147 

gradually died off, or were occupied in maintaining their 
own conquests in Hellas or in the Morea ; only few adven- 
turers, notwithstanding the temptations and promises held 
out by the Latin Emperors, arrived from the West. The 
Emperor in Constantinople became a sovereign of Greeks. 
It is surprising that the Latin Empire endured for half a 
century : had there been any Greeks of resolution or enter- 
prise Constantinople at least might have been much sooner 
wrested from their hands. 

The establishment of Latin Christianity in the East was 
no less a foreign conquest. It was not the con- Ertabiiihment 
version of the Greek Church to the creed, the chriitiLty. 
usages, the ritual, the Papal supremacy of the West ; it was 
the foundation, the super-induction of a new Church, alien in 
language, in rites, in its clergy, which violently dispossessed 
the Greeks of their churches and monasteries, and appro- 
priated them to its own uses. It was part of the original 
compact between the Venetians and the Franks, before 
the final attack on the city, that the churches of Constan- 
tinople should be equally divided between the two nations : 
the ecclesiastical property thn>ughout the realm was to be 
divided, after providing for the maintenance of public 
worship, according to the Latin form, by a Latin clergy, 
exactly on the same terms as the rest of the conquered 
territory. The French prelates might, indeed, claim 
equal rights, as having displayed at least equal valour and 
confronted the same dangers with the boldest of the 
barons. The vessels which bore the bishops of Soissons 
and Troyes, the Paradise and the Pilgrim, were the first 
which grappled with the towers of Constantinople, from 
which were thrown the scaling ladders on which the 
conquerors mounted to the storm ; the episcopal banners 
were the first that floated in triumph on the battlements of 
Constantinople.^ 

Like the Emperor Alexius, the Patriarch of Constan- 
stinople, John Camaterus, had fled, but it was at a time 
and under circumstances far less ignominious. The clergy 
had not been less active in the defence of the city, than 
the Prankish bishops in the assault After the flight 

^ See the despatch to Pope Innocent umoaDcing the taking of Constantinople. 

L 2 



148 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

of Mourzoufle they had chiefly influenced the choice of 
Theodore Lascaris as Eoiperor ; the Patriarch had presented 
him to the people, and with him vainly endeavoured to rouse 
their panic-striclcen courage. It was not till the city was 
in the hands of the enemy that the Patriarch abandoned 
his post. He was met in that disastrous plight described 
by Nicetas, riding on an ass, reduced to the primitive 
Apostolic poverty, without scrip, without purse, without 
staSj without shoes. It was time, indeed, to fly from 
horrors and unhallowed crimes which he could not avert 
The Crusaders had advanced to the siege of Constantinople 
in the name of Christ ; they had issued strong orders to 
respect the churches, the monasteries, the persons of the 
clergy, the chastity of the nuns. The three Latin bishops 
had published a terrible excommunication against all who 
should commit such sacrilegious acts of violence. But of 
what effect were orders, what awe had excommunications 
for a fierce soldiery, flushed with unexpected victory, let 
loose on the wealthiest, most luxurious, most dissolute 
capital of the world, among a people of a different 
language, whom they had been taught to despise as the 
most perfidious of mankind, the base enemies of all the 
former armies of the Cross, tainted with obstinate heresy ? 
Nicetas, himself an eye-witness and sufferer in these terrible 
scenes, may be suspected of exaggeration, when he con- 
trasts the discipline and self-denial of the Mohamme- 
dans, who under Saladin stormed Jerusalem, with the 
rapacity, the lust, the cruelty of the Christian conquerors 
of Constantinople. But the reports which had reached 
Pope Innocent would hardly darlcen the truth. " How," 
he writes, ** shall the Greek Church return to ecclesiastical 
unity and to respect for the Apostolic See, when they have 
beheld in the Latins only examples of wickedness and 
works of darkness, for which they might well abhor them 
worse than dogs ? Those who were believed to seek not 
their own but the things of Christ Jesus, steeping those 
swords, which they ought to have wielded against the Pagans, 
in Christian blood, spared neither religion, nor age, nor 
sex ; they were practising fornications, incests, adulteries, 
in the sight of men ; abandoning matrons and virgins dedi- 



Chap. VII. PLUNDER. 149 

cated to God to the lewdness of grooms.^ Nor were they 
satisfied with seizing the wealth of the Emperors, the 
spoils of the princes and the people ; they lifted their hands 
to the treasures of the churches ; what is more heinous, 
the very consecrated vessels ; tearing the tablets of silver 
from the very altars, breaking in pieces the most sacred 
things, carrjnng off crosses and reliques." Some revolting 
incidents of this plunder may be gathered from the Histo- 
rians. Many rushed at once to the churches and monas- 
teries. In the Church of Santa Sophia the silver was torn 
off from the magnificent pulpit: the table of oblation, admired 
for its precious material and exquisite workmanship, broken 
to pieces. Mules and horses were led into the churches 
to carry off the ponderous vessels ; if they slipped down 
on the smooth marble floor, they were forced to rise up by 
lash and spur, so that their blood flowed on the pavement. 
A prostitute mounted the Patriarch's throne, and screamed 
out a disgusting song, accompanied with the most offensive 
gestures. Instead of the holy chants the aisles rung with 
wild shouts of revelry or indecent oaths and imprecations. 
The very sacred vessels were not spared ; they were turned 
into drinking cups. The images were robbed of their 
gold frames and precious stones. It is said that the body 
and blood of the Lord were profanely cast down upon the 
floor, and trodden under foot."^ 

There was one kind of plunder which had irresistible 
attraction for the most pious, that of reliques. These, like 
the rest of the spoil, were to have been brought into the 
common stock, to be divided according to the stipulated 
rule. But even the Abbot Martin ^ was guilty of this 
holy robbery. His monastery of Paris in Alsace, as well 

*> Innocent, Epist. yiii. 126 (apud the Abbot Martin. Hifl spoil was a stain 

Brequigny and Da Theil). Compare (yestigium) of the blood of the Lord, 

the whole detailed account in Wilken, a piece of the Holj Cross, the arm of 

T. p. 301, et $eq, the apostle James, no small portion of 

* Wilken conjectures that the ex- the bones of John the Baptist, some of 

pression of Nicetas maj refer to a the milk of the Blessed Virgin, and 

casket, which was supposed to contain many more. — Wilken, Gnnther. See, 

some of tiie actual body and blood im- too, the theft of the head of S. Clement, 

Earted b^ the Lord to his disciples before Pope and martyr, by Dalmatias of Serg^, 

is crucifixion. — See Wilken, p. 305. from the Biblioth. Cluniac, also in 

< " Indignum ducens sacrilegium, nisi Wilken. The note in Wilken, y. p. 

in re sacra, committere."— Gnnther, who 306, is fhll of curious details, 
giyes a fhll account of this holy theft of 



150 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

as the churches of the bishops present at the siege, those of 
Soissons and Halberstadt, boasted of many sacred treasures 
from Constantinople, which might have been fairly 
obtained, but which were supposed to have been more than 
the fair share of those warlike dignitaries.* 

No sooner was order restored than the Franks and 
Venetians took possession of the churches as their own ; 
the principal clergy had fled, the inferior seem to have 
been dismissed or were driven out as if they had been 
Mohammedan Imauns ; of provision for the worship of 
the Greeks according to their own ritual, in their own 
language, nothing is heard. After the election of the 
Election of Empcror, the first act is the election of a 
Emperor. Patriarch. It was an article of the primary 
compact, that of whichever nation, Venetian or Frank, 
the Emperor should be chosen, the nomination of the 
Patriarch should be with the other. In the election of 
the Emperor it was a significant circumstance, that of the 
twelve electors, those of the Franks were all ecclesiastics — 
the Bishops of Troyes, Soissons, Halberstadt, Bethlehem, 
and Ptolemais, with the Abbot of Loces. Those of 
Venice were lay nobles. The Bishops of Soissons and 
of Troyes would have placed the blind old Doge Dandolo 
on the imperial throne : his election was opposed by the 
Venetians. Pantoleon Barbo alleged the ostensible 
objection, the jealousy which would spring up among the 
Franks. But probably the wise patriotism of Dandolo 
himself, and his knowledge of the Venetian mind, would 
make him acquiesce in the loss of an honour so dangerous 
to his country. A Doge of Venice exalted into an 
Emperor, taking up his residence in the Palace of Con- 
stantinople instead of amid their own lagunes, would have 
been the lord, not the accountable magistrate, of the 
republic. Venice might have sunk to an outpost, as it 
were, of the Eastern Empire. But Venice, though con- 
senting to the loss of the Empire, made haste to secure the 



* Some Tentared to doubt the Tirtue Dominns P^Pi^ talem rapinam in popnlo 

of these acts. The Abbot Urspergensis ChristiaDO ractam potaerit jnstificare, 

says of Martin's plunder : " An furtive sicnt fiirtum Israelitici populi m iEgypto 

sinty Judicet, qui legit. An Tidelioet justificatnr antoritate diYwA." — p. 256. 



Chap. VII. PATRIARCH OF CONSTAi^TINOPLE. 151 

Patriarchate.^ They immediately appointed certain of 
their own ecclesiastics Canons of Santa Sophia, Ei^u^n of 
in order to give canonical form to the election. ^*'**'^ 
By a secret oath ' these canons were sworn never to elect 
into their chapter any one but a Venetian.*^ With their 
wonted sagacity, their first choice fell on Thomas Moro- 
sini, of one of their noble families, as yet only in sub- 
deacon's orders, but of a lofty and unblemished character, 
who had been some time at Rome, and was known to 
stand high in the estimation of the Pope. The Venetians, 
who when they had any great object of ambition at stake, 
treated with utter contempt the Papal interdict, yet 
never wantonly provoked that dangerous power ; now, as 
always when it suited their schemes, were among the 
humblest and most devout subjects of the Holy See. Nor 
was Innocent disinclined to receive the submission of the 
lords of one-half of the Eastern Empire. 

The Pope had watched with intense anxiety the pro- 
gress of the Crusade towards Constantinople. He had 
kept his faith with the usurper, who had promised to 
unite the Greek Church to the See of Bome; he had 
asserted the exclusive religious object of the Crusades, by 
protesting first against the siege of Zara, and then against 
the diversion to Constantinople : the Venetians, at least, 
were still under the unrevoked excommunication. But 
the ignominious flight of his ally, the Emperor Alexius, had 
released him from that embarrassing connexion. No sooner 
was the young Alexius on tho' throne, than the Pope re- 
minded him of the protestations of submission which he 
had made, when a suppliant for aid at the court of Borne, 
and which he had renewed when on board the Pilgrim 
fleet. He urged the Crusaders to enforce this acknow- 
ledgment of tiie Papal supremacy. This great blessing 
to Christendom could alone justify the tardy fulfilment of 
their vows for the reconquest of the Holy Land. 

' Pope Innocent boldly awerU that ^ The Patriarch was absolved from 

the Charch of Constantinople was raised his oath that he would appoint only 

into a Patriarchate by the See of Rome. Venetian canons into the chapter of 

Was this ignorance or xnendaci^ ? S. Sophia. The Church was to receive 

* Wilken has cited this oath nt>m the a fifteenth of all property, with some 

liber Albos, in the archives of Vienna, exceptions, gained by the conquest of 

— voL Y. p. 330. Constantinople. Tithes were to be pai4k 



152 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

Masters of Constantinople, their victory achieved, Franks 
and Venetians vied in their humble addresses to the Holy 
Father. The Emperor Baldwin, by the hands of Baro- 
chias, the Master of the Lombard Templars, informed the 
Pope of his election to the Empire of Constantinople, and 
implored his ratification of the treaty with the Venetians,* 
those true and zealous allies, without whose aid he could 
not have won, without whose support he could not main- 
tain the Eastern Empire, founded for the honour of God 
and of the Roman See. He extolled the valiant acts of 
the bishops in the capture of the city. He entreated the 
Pope to admonish Western Christendom to send new 
supplies of warriors for the maintenance of his Empire, 
and to share in the immeasurable temporal and spiritual 
riches, which they might so easily obtain. The Pope was 
urged to grant to them, as to other soldiers of the Cross, 
the plenary absolution from their sins. Above all, he 
pressed that clergy should be sent in great numbers to 
plant the Latin Church, not in blood, but in freedom and 
peace throughout the noble and pleasant land. He invited 
the Pope to hold a general Council at Constantinople. 
These prayers were accompanied with splendid presents 
from his share of the booty .*^ 

The Venetians were not less solicitous now to propitiate 
venetuna thc Holy Father. Already they had sent to the 

address the •«- • .-^ ^ ^-^ • ^~* . . 

Pope. Legate, Peter of Capua, at Cyprus; they im- 
plored this prelate, whom they had treated before with such 
contemptuous disregard, to^mterpose his kind offices and 
to annul the excommunication. The Legate had sent the 
Treasurer of the church of Nicosia, with powers to receive 

* The letter of Baldwin describes the ddem inter Gnecos ecclesiam concedebat 

Greeks in the most odious terms, as qui omnium ecclesiarum accepit ab ipso 

playing a doable game between the Domino principatum." The Latins were 

Western Christians and the Unbelieyers; greatly snocked at the Greek worship 

as framing disastrous treaties with the of pictures. " Hiec est quae Christum 

Mohammedans,^ and supplying them solis didicerat honorare pictnris." They 

with arms, provisions, and ships ; while sometimes, among their wicked rites, 

the;^ refused all these things to the repeated baptism. They considered the 

Latins. '* But (he is addressing the Pope) Latins not as men, but as dogs, whose 

it is the height of their wickedness blood it was meritorious to shed. This 

obstinately to disclaim the supremacy of is an evidence of the feelings of the 

Rome." " Hsec est que in odium apos- Crusaders towards the Greeks. — Apud 

tolici culminis, Apostolorum priucipis Gesta Innocent, c zci. 

nomen aodire tix poterat, nee nnam ^ Compare KaynaldnSy sub anno. 



Chap. VII. ANSWERS OF INNOCENT. 153 

their oath of future obedience to the Roman See and the 
fulfilment of their vows as soldiers of the Cross, and pro- 
visionally to suspend the interdict, which was not abso- 
lutely revocable without the sanction of the Pope. Two 
Venetian nobles were now despatched to Rome by the Doge. 
They were to inform the Pope, that^ compelled by the 
treachery of the young Emperor Alexius, who had at- 
tempted to bum their fleet, with their brethren the tem- 
poral and spiritual pilgrims, they had conquered Constan- 
tinople for the honour of God and of the Roman Church, 
and in order to facilitate the conquest of the Holy Land. 
They endeavoured to explain away their attack on 
Zara ; they could not believe that the inhabitants of that 
city were under the Pope's protection, therefore they had 
borne in patience the excommunication, till relieved from 
it by the Cardinal Peter. 

Innocent replied to both the Emperor and the Doge 
with some reserve, but with manifest satisfaction. iDnocent-s 
He had condemned, with the severity which be- •"■^®"- 
came the Holy Father, the enormities perpetrated during 
the storming of the city, the worse than infidel acts of lust 
and cruelty, the profane plunder and violation of the 
churches. But it was manifestly the divine judgment, 
that those who had so long been forborne in mercy, had 
been so often admonished not only by former Popes, but 
by Innocent himself, to return to the unity of the Church, 
to send succours to the Holy Land, should forfeit both 
their place and their territory to those who were in the 
unity of the Church, and sworn to deliver the sepulchre of 
Christ: in order that the land, delivered from the bad, 
should be committed to good husbandmen, who would 
bring forth good fruit in due season." 

The Pontiff took the new Empire under the special 
protection of the Holy See. He commanded all the So- 
vereigns of the West, and all the prelates of the Church, 
archbishops, bishops, and abbots, to maintain firiendly 
relations with the new Latin kingdom, so important for 
the conquest of the East. He ratified the revocation of 
the excommunication against the Venetians by his Legate 

» This 18 from the letter to the Marquis of Montferrat, in the Gesta, c. xcii. 



154 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

the Cardinal Peter. He declined, indeed, to accede to 
the prayer of the Doge to be released from his vow, from 
his obligation to follow the Crusade to the Holy Land, 
on account of his great age and feebleness ; but the refusal 
was the highest flattery. The Pope could not take upon 
himself to deprive the army of the Cross of one endowed 
by God with such exalted gifts, so valiant, and so wise : 
if the Doge would serve God and his Church henceforth 
with the same glorious ability, with which he had served 
himself and the world, he could not fail of attaining the 
highest reward. 

Innocent assumed at once the full ecclesiastical ad- 
ministration. There was one clause in the compact be- 
tween the Franks and the Venetians, which called forth 
his unqualified condemnation ; they had presumed to seize 
the property of the Church, and after assigning what they 
might tnink fit for the maintenance of the clergy, to sub- 
mit the rest to the same partition as the other lands. 
This sacrilegious article the bishops and the abbots in the 
army were to strive to annul with all their spiritual 
authority; the Emperor and the Doge of Venice were 
admonished to abrogate it as injurious to the honour, and as 
trenching on the sovereign authority of the Boman Church. 
Nor would Innocent admit the right of the self-elected 
Chapter, or worse, a Chapter appointed by lay authority, 
to the nomination of the Patriarch. He absolutely annulled 
this uncanonical proceeding ; but from his high respect for 
sanctiom Thomas Morosini, and the necessity to provide a 
patStfch.** head to the Church of Constantinople of his own 
authority, he invested Morosini with the vacant Pa- 
triarchate.*' Morosini was allowed to accumulate within 
a few days the orders of Deacon, Priest, and Bishop ; the 
Pope invested him with the Archiepiscopal pall. Inno- 
cent at the same time bestowed the highest privileges and 
powers on the new Patriarch, yet with studious care that all 
those privileges and powers emanated from, and were pre- 
scribed and limited by the Papal authority.** He might 

" " Elenmas et confinnavimas eidem riority over the patriarchates of Antioch, 

Ecclesis Patriarcham/'— Epist. riii. 20. Alexandria, and Jerusalem, to a grant 

^ The patriarchate of Constantinople, from tibe successor of St. Peter. 
Innocent ayerred, owed its original supe- 



Chap. VH. MOROSINI PATRIARCH. 155 

wear the pall at all times in all places, except in Rome and 
in the presence of the Pope ; m processions in Constanti- 
nople he might ride a white horse with white housings. 
Pie had the power of absolving those who committed vio- 
lence against a spiritual person ; to anoint kings within his 
Patriarchate at the request and with the sanction of the 
Emperor ; to ordain at the appointed seasons and appoint 
all qualified persons, to distrioute, with the advice of sage 
counsellors, all the goods of the Church, without tl^e ap- 
probation of Rome in each special case. But all these 
privileges were the gifts of a superior ; the dispensation 
with appeal in certain cases, only confirmed more strongly 
the right of receiving appeals in all others. Of the dis- 
possessed and fugitive Patriarch no notice is taken either 
in this or any other document; the Latin Patriarch 
was planting a new Church in the East, as in a Pagan 
land. 

Thus then set forth the Latin Patriarch to establish a 
Latin Church in the East. The Emperor had before 
entreated the Pope to send a supply of breviaries and 
missals and rituals according to tne Roman use, with 
clergy competent to administer to the Latins. He re- 
quested also some Cistercian monks to teach the churches 
of Antony and Basil the true rules and constitutions of the 
monastic life.^ Innocent appealed to the prelates of 
France to supply this want of clergy for the new church 
of the East. To the bishops he denounced the heresies of 
the Greeks ; first their departure from the unity of the 
Church, then their denial of the procession of the Holy 
Ghost from the Son as well as from the Father ; their use 
of leavened bread in the Eucharist. '^ But Samaria had 
now returned to Jerusalem; God had' transferred the 
Empire of the Greeks from the proud to the lowly, from 
the superstitious to the religious, from the schismatics to 
the Catholics, from the disobedient to the devoted servants 
of God.""^ He addressed the high school of Paris to send 
some of their learned youth to study in the East the 
source and origin of knowledge ; he not only opened a wide 
field to their spiritual ambition, the conversion of the 

P Epitt. Tiii. 70. *> Gkita, xcIt. 



1 56 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

Greeks to the true Apostolic faith ; he described the East 
as a rich land of gold and silver and precious stones, as 
overflowing with corn, wine, and oil. But neither the 
holy desire of saving the souls of the Greeks, nor the noble 
thirst for knowledge, nor the promise of these temporal 
advantages (which, notwithstanding the splendid spoil sent 
home by some of the crusaders, and the precious treasures 
of art and of skill which were offered in their churches, they 
must. have known not to be so plentiful, or so lightly won) 
had much effect ; no great movement of the clergy took 

Elace towards the East Philip Augustus made a wiser, 
ut not much more successful attempt ; he established a 
college of Constantinople in the university of Paris for the 
education of young Greeks, who, bringing with them some of 
the knowledge and learning of the East, might be instructed 
in the language, the creed, and the ritual of the West. This 
was the first unmarked step to the cultivation of the study 
of Greek in the West, which some centuries afterwards was 
so powerfully to assist in the overthrow of the sole dominion 
of Latin Christianity in Europe. 

Thus, then, while Rome appointed the Patriarch of 
Constantinople, and all the churches within the dominion 
of the Latins adopted the Roman ritual, by the more 
profound hatred, on the one side contemptuous, on the 
other revengeful, of the two nations, the reconciliation 
of the Eastern and Western Churches was farther re- 
moved than ever. No doubt this inauspicious attempt 
to subjugate, rather than win, tended incalculably to the 
obstinate estrangement, which endured to the end. The 
Patriarch, John Camaterus, took refuge in the new Em- 
Greek Pfttri- Pirc founded by Theodore Lascaris in Nice and 
iirchatNicea. ^jg ncighbourhood I to him, no doubt, the clergy 

throughout Greece maintained their secret allegiance. 
Nor was the reception of the new Latin Patriarch im- 
posing for its cordial unanimity. Before Morosini disem- 
barked, he sent word to the shore that the clergy and the 
people should be prepared to meet him with honourable 
homage. But the Frank clergy stood aloof; they had 
protested against the election being left to the Venetians ; 
they declared that the election had been carried by un- 



Chap. YU. RECEPTION OP MOROSINI. 157 

worthy subtlety ; that the Pope himself had been imposed 
upon by the crafty republicans. Not one appeared, and 
the only shouts of rejoicing were those of the few Vene- 
tians. The Greeks gazed with wonder and disgust at the 
smooth-faced prelate, without a beard, fat as a Rece^uonof 
well-fed swine ; on his dress, his demeanour/ the mS. 
display of his ring. And the clergy, as beardless as their 
bishop, eating at the same table, like to him in dress and 
manners, were as vulgar and revolting to their notions. 
The contumacious French hierarchy would render no 
allegiance whatever to the Venetians ; the excommunication 
which the Patriarch fulminated against them they treated 
with sovereign contempt. The jealousy of the Franks 
against the Venetian xrimate was not without ground. 
The Venetians had from the first determined to secure 
to themselves in perpetuity, and, as they could not accept 
the temporal dominion, to make the great ecclesiastical 
dignities hereditary in their nation ; so to establish their own 
Popedom in the East. But Innocent had penetrated their 
design ; he had rigidly defined the powers of the new Pa- 
triarch, and admonished him, before he left Rome, not to 
lend himself to the ambition of his country, to appoint the 
canons of Santa Sophia for their worth and knowledge, not 
for their Venetian birth ; the Legate was to exercise a 
controlling power over these appointments. From Rome 
Morosini had proceeded to Venice, to embark for his Pa- 
triarchate. He had been received with bitter reproaches 
by the son of the Doge, and many of the counsellors and 
nobles, as having betrayed his country ; as having weakly 
abandoned to the Pope the rights and privileges of Venice. 
They threatened not to furnish him with a ship for his 
passage ; he was deeply in debt, his creditors beset him on 
all sides ; he was compelled to take an oath before the 
Senate that he would name none but Venetians, or at least 
those who had resided for ten years in the Venitian territory, 
as canons of Santa Sophia ; and to take all possible measures 
that none but a Venetian should sit on the Patriarchal 
throne of Constantinople." If even dim rumours of these 

' Nicetas, m he, oath ; he immediately addressed a letter 

* Ixmocent heard of this extorted to the Patriarch, positiyely prohibiting 



158 LATIN CHRISTIANITY, Book IX. 

stipulations had reached the French clergy, their cold 
reception of the Patriarch is at once explained. So deep, 
indeed, was the feud, that Innocent found it necessary to 
send another Legate to Constantinople, the Cardinal 
Benedict, who enjoyed his full and unlimited confidence. 
The former Legate to the East, Peter of Capua, with his 
colleague the Cardinal Sofirido, had caused great dissatis- 
faction to the Pope'. He had released the Venetians 
from their interdict, he had deserted his proper province, the 
Holy Land ; and, in a more open manner than Innocent 
thought prudent, entered into the great design for the 
subjugation of the Greek Empire. He had absolved the 
crusaders, on his own authority, from the fulfilment, for a 
limited period, of their vows to serve in Palestine, He 
had received a strong rebuke from Innocent, in which 
the Pope dwelt even with greater force on the cruelties, 
plunders, sacrileges committed after the storming of 
Constantinople. The Saracens in Palestine, instead of 
being kept in the salutary awe with which they had been 
struck by the capture of Constantinople, could not be 
ignorant that the Crusaders were now released from 
their vow of serving against them ; and would fall with 
tenfold fiiry on the few who remained to defend the Holy 
Land. 

The Cardinal Benedict, of Santa Susanna, conducted ^ 
his office with consummate skill ; perhaps the disastrous 
state of afiairs awed even the jealous clergy with the appre- 
conituiiti<m hension, that their tenure of dignity was but 
of the Clergy, precarious. The Emperor Baldwin had now 
fallen a captive into the hands of the Ring of Bulgaria ; 
his brother Henry, the new Sovereign, made head with 
gallantry, but with the utmost difficulty, against the Bul- 
garians, who, with their wild marauding hordes, spread to 
the gates of Constantinople; Theodore Lascaris 
had established the new Greek Empire in Asia. 
The Cardinal not only reconciled the Frank clergy to the 
supremacy of the Patriarch, Morosini himself was in- 
clined to the larger views of the churchman rather than 

him from ohserving it ; from the profane ditary among the Venetian aristocracy. 
Attempt to render the patriarchate here- — Gesta, c. xc. * Gesta, xiv. 



A J>. 1206. 



Chap. Vn. SETTLEMENT OF THE CLERGY. 1 59 

the narrow and exclusive aims of the Venetian. He gladly 
accepted the Papal absolution from the oath extorted at 
Venice ; and, so far from the Venetians obtaining a per- 
petual and hereditary majority in the Chapter of Santa 
Sophia, or securing the descent of the Patriarchate in 
their nation, of the line of the Latin Patriarchs after Mo- 
rosini there was but one of Venetian birth. The Legate 
established an ecclesiastical constitution for the whole Latin 
Empire. The clergy were to receive one-fifteenth of all 
possessions, cities, castles, tenements, fields, vineyards, 
groves, woods, meadows, suburban spaces, gardens, salt- 
works, tolls, customs by sea and land, fisheries in salt or 
fresh waters ; with some few exceptions in Constantinople 
and its suburbs reserved for the Emperor himself. If 
the Emperor should compound for any territory, and 
receive tribute instead of possession, he was to be answer- 
able for the fifteenth to the Church ; he could not grant 
any lands in fief, without reserving the fifteenth. Besides 
this, all monasteries belonged to the Church, and were not 
reckoned in the fifteenth. No monastery was to be forti- 
fied, if it should be necessary for the public defence, 
without the permission of the Patriarch or the Bishop of 
the diocese. Besides this, the clergy might receive tithe of 
corn, vegetables, and all the produce of the land; of 
firuits, except the private kitchen-garden of the owner ; of 
the feed of* cattle, of honey, and of wool. If by persuasion 
they could induce the landowners to pay these tithes, they 
were fully entitled to receive them. The clergy and the 
monks of all orders were altogether exempt, according to 
the more liberal custom of France, from all lay juris- 
diction. They held their lauds and possessions abso- 
lutely, saving only allegiance to the See of Rome, and to 
the Patriarch of Constantinople, of the Emperor, and of 
the Empire.* 

Even towards the Greeks, as the new Emperor dis- 
covered too late the fatal policy of treating the Toie«u<m ©r 
conquered race with contemptuous hatred, so the ®"**"* 
ecclesiastical rule gradually relaxed itself, and endeavoured 
to comprehend them without absolute abandonment of 

* Dated 16 Calends, April. Confirmed at Ferentino, Nones of Augost. 



A J>. 1209. 



1 60 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

their ritual, without the proscription of their clergy. 
Where the whole population was Greek, the Patriarch 
was recommended to appoint a Greek ecclesiastic ; only, 
where it was mixed, a Latin.' Even the Greek ritual 
was permitted where the obstinate worshippers resisted 
all persuasions to conformity, till the Holy See should 
issue further orders. Nor were the Greek monasteries to 
be suppressed, and converted, according to Latin usage, 
into secular chapters ; they were to be replaced, as far as 
might be, by Latin regulars ; otherwise to remain undis- 
turbed. This tardy and extorted toleration had probably 
no great effect in allaying the deepening estrangement of 
the two churches. Nor did these arrangements pacify 
the Latin Byzantine Church ; there were still jealousies 
among the Franks of the Venetian Patriarch, excommu- 
nications against his contumacious clergy by the Patriarch, 
appeals to Rome, attempts by the indignant Patriarch to 
resume some of the independence of his By- 
zantine predecessors, new Legatine commissions 
from the Pope, limiting or interfering with his authority. 
Even had the Latin conquerors of the East the least 
Kings of disposition to resist the lofty dictation of the 
Bulgaria. Pope in all ecclesiastical concerns, they were not 
in a situation to assert their independence as the undis- 
puted sovereigns of Eastern Christendom. On Innocent 
might depend the recruiting of their reduced, scattered, 
insufficient forces by new adventurers assuming the Cross, 
and warring for the eventual liberation of the East, and so 
consolidating the conquest of the Eastern Empire ; on 
Innocent might depend the deliverance of their captive 
Emperor, of whose fate they were still ignorant The 
King of Bulgaria, by the submission of the Bulgarian 
Church to Rome, was .the spiritual subject of the Pope. 
Henry, while yet Bailiff of the Empire, during the cap- 
tivity of Baldwin, wrote the most pressing letters, entreat- 
ing the mediation of the Pope with the subtle Johannitius. 
The letter described the insurrection of the perfidious 
Greeks, the invasion of the Bulgarians, with tneir bar- 
barous allied hordes, the fatal battle of Adrianople in 

* Gesta, ch. cii. 



1 



-Chap. VII. INNOCENT AND THE KING OF BULGARIA. 161 

which Baldwin had been taken prisoner : the Latins fled 
to the Pope as their only refuge above all kings and 
princes of the earth ; they threw themselves in prostrate 
humility at his parental feet. 

Innocent delayed not to send a messenger to his 
spiritual vassal, the King of Bulgaria ; but his letter was 
in a tone unwontedly gentle, persuasive, unauthoritative. 
He did not even throw the blame of the war with the 
Franks of Constantinople on the King of Bulgaria : he 
reminded him that he had received his crown and his con- 
secrated banner from the Pope, that banner which had 
placed his kingdom under the special protection of St. Peter, 
in order that he might rule his realm in peace. He informed 
Johannitius that another immense army was about to 
set out from the West to recruit that which had con- 
quered the Byzantine Empire ; it was his interest, therefore, 
to make firm peace with the Latins, for which he had a 
noble opportunity by the deliverance of the Emperor 
Baldwin/ ** This was a suggestion, not a command. On 
his own part he would lay his injunction on the Emperor 
Henry to abstain from all invasion of the borders of Bul- 
garia ; that kingdom, so devoutly dedicated to St. Peter 
and the Church of Rome, was to remain in its inviolable 
security !*' The Bulgarian replied that " he had offered 
terms of peace to the Latins, which they had rejected with 
contempt ; they had demanded the surrender of all the 
territories which they accused him of having usurped from 
the Empire of Constantinople, themselves being the usur- 
pers of that Empire. These lands he occupied by a better 
right than they Constantinople. He had received his 
crown from the Supreme Pontiff; they had violently seized 
and invested themselves with that of the Eastern Empire ; 
the Empire which belonged to him rather than to them. 
He was fighting under the banner consecrated by St- 
Peter ; they with the cross on their shoulders, which they 
had falsely assumed. He had been defied, had fought in 
self-defence, had won a glorious victory, which he ascribed 
to the intercession of the Prince of the Apostles. As to 
the Emperor, his release was impossible, he had already 

' Epist Tiii. 132. 
VOL. IV. M 



162 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

gone the way of all flesh." It is impossible not to remark 
the dexterity with which the Barbarian avails himself of 
the diflScult position of the Pope, who had still openly con- 
demned the myasion of Constantinople by the Crusaders, 
had threatened, if he had not placed them under interdict 
for that act ; how he makes himself out to be the faithful 
soldier of the Pope. Nor had either the awe or fear of 
Innocent restrained the King of Bulgaria from putting his 
prisoner to a cruel death (this seems to be certain, how- 
ever the manner of Baldwin's death grew into a romantic 
l^end '), nor did he pay the slightest regard to the pacific 
counsels oS Rome ; the consecrated banner of St Peter still 
waved against those who had subdued the Eastern Empire 
under allegiance to the successor of St. Peter. Till his own 
assassination, Johannitius of Bulgaria was the dangerous 
and mortal foe of the Latins in the Empire of the East 

The conquest of Constantinople by the Latins, tbat 
sfl^Kstaof strange and romantic episode in the history of 
GbSi^ti^ the Crusades, in its direct and immediate re- 
P^®* suits might seem but imperfect and transitory. 

The Latin Empire endured hardly more than half a 
century, and reverted to its old efiete masters. The 
Greeks who won back the throne were in no respect 
superior either in military skill or valour, in genius, in 

Patriotism, in intellectual eminence, to those who had 
een dispossessed by the Latins. The Byzantine Empire 
had to linger out a few more centuries of inglorious inac- 
tivity; her religion came back with her, with all its 
superstition, with nothing creative, vigorous, or capable 
of exercising any strong impulse on the national mind. 
As the consolidation therefore of Europe into one great 
Christian confederacy the conquest was a signal failure ; 
as advancing, as supporting the Christian outposts in the 
East it led to no result ; the Crusades languished still more 
and more ; they were now the enterprises of single enthu- 
siastic princes, brilliant, adventurous expeditions like that 
of our Edward I. ; even national armaments like those of 

" Ephndm, L 7406, 7, p. 300, edit. Villehardonin, and Alberic des trois Fon- 

Bonn ; Nicetas, p. 847 ; George Aero- taines, on the impostor who represented 

EDlita, p. 24, give different Tersions of hiin.— Gesta Ludov. viii., apud Da- 
is death. See also Dacange's note on chesne, Matt. Paris, 



CiUP.VII. EFFECTS OF TAKING OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 163 

St. Louis of France, whom his gallant chivalry followed 
to the East as they would on any other bold campaign, 
obedient to, even kindled by his fanatic fervour, rather 
than by their own profound religious zeal. They were no 
longer the wars of Christendom, the armed insurrections 
of whole populations, maddening to avenge the cause of 
the injured Son of God, to secure to themselves the certain 
absolution for their sins, and everlasting reward. 

But the immediate and indirect results on the Latin, and 
more especially on the Italian mind, constituted the pro- 
found importance of this event, and was at once the sign 
and the commencement of a great revolution. A new ele- 
ment had now entered into society, to contest with the war- 
like and religious spirit the dominion over human thought. 
Commercial Venice had now taken her place with the 
feudal monarchies of Transalpine Christendom, and with 
Rome the seat of ecclesiastical supreifiacy. A new power 
had arisen, which had wrested the generalship and the 
direction of ^ Crusade from the hands of the most mighty 
prelate who had filled the chair of St. Peter, had calmly 
pursued Her own way in defiance of interdict, and only at 
her own convenient time, and for her own ends, stooped 
to tardy submission and apology. 

Venice almost alone reaped the valuable harvest of this 
great Crusade. Zara was the first step to her Admntages 
wide commercial empire ; she had wisely left the Venice. ^ 
more imposing but precarious temporal sovereignty in 
Constantinople to her confederates ; to them she abandoned 
whatever kingdoms, principalities, or baronial fiefs they 
might win upon the mainland; but she seized on the 
islands of the Archipelago as her own. Constantinople 
was not her seat of empire, but it was her central mart ; 
the Emperor had to defend the walls on the land side, the 
factories of Venice at Pera were amply protected by her 
fleets. Wherever there was a haven there waved the 
flag of St. Mark : the whole coast and all the islands 
were studded with her mercantile establishments. 

Venice had been thwarted by the natural jealousy of 
the Church, by the vigilance and authority of the Pope, 
and by the defection of Morosini himself, her Patriarch, 

M 2 



164 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

in her bold project of retaining in her own hands the chief 
ecclesiastical dignity of the new Empire. It was a re- 
markable part of the Venetian policy, that though jealous 
of any overweening ecclesiastical authority at home, within 
her own lagunes ; abroad in her colonies and conquests she 
was desirous of securing to herself and her sons all the 
high spiritual dignities, and so to hold both the temporal 
and ecclesiastical power in her own hands. Venice, by 
her fortune, or by her sagacity, had never become, never 
aspired to become the seat of an archiepiscopate ; the city 
was a province first of Aquileia then of Grado ; but the 
Archbishop was no citizen of Venice ; he dwelt apart in 
his own city ; he was at times a stately visitor, received 
with the utmost ceremony, but still only a visitor in 
Venice ; he could not be a resident rival and control upon 
the Doge and the senators. Hence Venice alone remained 
comparatively free from ecclesiastical intrigue ; the clergy 
took no part, as clergy, in the affairs of state ; they had 
no place in the successive senatorial bodies, which at 
different periods of the constitution ruled the republic. 
Hence, even from an earlier period she dared • to take a 
firmer tone, or to treat with courteous disrespect the 
mandates of the supreme Pontiff; the republic would 
sternly assert her right to rule herself of her own sole and 
exclusive authority ; but in her settlements she would not 
disdain rule by the subsidiary aid of the ecclesiastical 
power. 

Among the first acts of Ziani, the Doge who succeeded 
ARfaUihop Henry Dandolo, was the appointment of the 
of zara. Abbot of St. FcHx in Venice to the archbishopric 
of Zara ; he obtained the consecration and confirmation from 
the obsequious Primate of Grado. Not till then did he 
condescend to request the Papal sanction ; to demand the 
pall for the new archbishop. 

Innocent seized the opportunity of abasing the pride of 
Venice, of disburthening his mind of all his wrath; 
perhaps his prescient apprehensions of her future unruli- 
ness. " We have thought it right in our patient love to 
rebuke your ambassadors for the many and heinous sins 
wickedly committed against God, the Roman Church, and 



Chap. VII. INNOCENT AND VENICE. 166 

the whole Christian people. The destruction of Zara; 
the diversion of the array of the Lord, which ought not to 
have moved to the right or the left, from their lawful ene- 
mies the perfidious Saracens against faithful Christian 
nations ; the contumelious repulse of the Legate of the 
Roman See ; the contempt of our excommunication ; 
the violation of the vow of the Cross in despite of the 
crucified Saviour. Among these enormous misdeeds we 
will not name those perpetrated in Constantinople, the 
pillage of the treasures of the church, the seizure of her 

E)ssessions, the attempt to make the sanctuary of the 
ord hereditary in your nation by extorting unlawful 
oaths. What reparation can ye make for this loss to the 
Holy Land by your misguiding to your own ends an 
army so noble, so powerfiil, raised at such enormous cost, 
which might not only have subdued the Holy Land, but 
even great part of the kingdom of Egypt ? If it has been 
able to subdue Constantinople and tne Greek Empire, 
how much easier Alexandria and Egypt, and so have 
obtained quiet possession of Palestine ? Ascribe it not 
then to our severity, but to your own sins, that we refuse 
to admit the Abbot of St Felix, whom ye call Arch- 
bishop of Zara. It would be a just offence to all Chris- 
tian people if we should seem thus to sanction your 
iniquity in the seizure of Zara, by granting the pall of an 
archbishop in that city to a prelate of your nomination."' 

The Pope called on the Venetians to submit and make 
satisfaction for all their crimes against the Holy 
See ; on making that submission he would sus- 
pend the censure which the whole world expected to fall 
on the contumacious republic. We hear not that Venice 
trembled at this holy censure ; history records no proof of 
her fear or submission. 

Through Venice flowed into Western Europe almost all 
those remains of ancient art, and even of ancient letters 
which had some effect in awakening the slumbering genius 
of Latin Europe. The other western kingdoms were con- 
tent mostly with reliques ; perhaps the great marts of 
Flanders, and the rismg Hanse Towns had some share, 

' Oesta, eW. 



166 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

more or less direct in Eastern commerce ; but of all except 
religious spoils, Venice alone, and through Venice Italy, 
was moved widi some yet timid admiration of profaner 
works, such as the horses of Lysippus, which now again 
stand in her great Place of St Mark. Venice after the 
conquest of Constantinople became a half Byzantine city. 
Her great church of St. Mark still seems as if it had 
migrated from the East; its walls glow with Byzantine 
mosaic ; its treasures are Oriental in their character as in 
their splendour. 



Chap. VIII. CRUSADE AGAINST HERETICS. 1 67 



CHAPTER VIIL 

INNOCENT AND THE ANTI-SACERDOTALISTS. 

The Crusades bad established in the mind of men the 
maxim that the Infidel was the enemy of Grod, cnvAe 
and therefore the enemy of every true servant of hentka. 
God. The war, first undertaken for a specific object, the 
rescue of the Saviour's sepulchre, that indefeasible pro- 
perty of Christ and Christendom long usurped by lawless 
force, from the profane and sacrilegious hands of the Mo- 
hammedan idolaters (as they were absurdly called), had 
now become a general war of the Cross against the Cres- 
cent, of every Christian against every believer in the 
Koran. Christian and unbeliever were born foes, foes 
unto death. They might hold the chivalrous gallantry, 
the loyalty, and the virtue each of the other, in respect : 
absolute necessity might compel them to make treaties 
which would partake in the general sanctity of such cove- 
nants ; yet to these irreconcileable antagonists war was the 
state of nature ; each considered it a sacred duty, if not a 
positive obligation, to extirpate the hostile faith. And in 
most Mohammedan countries the Christian had the claim 
of old possession ; he fought for the recovery of his own. 
Mohammedanism had begun in unprovoked conquest ; con- 
quest was its sole tenure ; and conquest might seem at 
least a part of its religion, for with each successive race 
which rose to power among the Mohammedans the career 
of invasion b^n again; the frontiers of Christendom 
were invested or driven in. All warfare, therefore, even 
carried into the heart of Mohammedanism, was in some 
degree defensive, as precautionary and preventive of future 
aggression ; as aspirmg to crush, before it became too for- 
midable, a power which inevitably, when again matured, 
would be restrained by no treaty. Foreign subjugation, sub- 
jugation of Christian countries, was at once a part of the 



168 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX: 

creed, and of the national manners. The Nomad races, 
organised by a fanatic faith, were arrayed in eternal war- 
fare against more settled and peaceful civilisation. The 
Crusades in the north of Germany against the tribes of 
Teutonic or Sclavonian race might claim, though in less 
degree, the character of defensive wars : those races too 
were mostly warlike and aggressive. The Teutonic knights 
were the religious and chivalrous descendants' of the Tem- 
plars and the Hospitallers.* 

But according to the theory of the Church, the erring 
believer was as declared an enemy to God as the Pagan 
or the Islamite, in one respect more inexcusable and 
odious, as obstinately resisting or repudiating the truth. 
The heretic appeared to the severely orthodox Christian 
as worse than the unbeliever ; he was a revolted subject, 
not a foreign enemy .^ Civil wars are always the most 
ferocious. Excommunication from the Christian Church 
implied outlawry from Christian society ; the heretic for- 
feited not only all dignities, rights, privileges, immunities, 
even all property, all protection by law; he was to be 
pursued, taken,® despoiled, put to death, either by the 
ordinary course of justice, (the temporal authority was 
bound to execute, even to blood, the sentence of the eccle- 
siastical court,) or if he dared to resist by any means 
whatever : however peaceful, he was an insurgent, against 
whom the whole of Christendom might, or rather was 
bound at the summons of the spiritual power to declare 
war ; his estates, even his dominions if a sovereign, were 
not merely liable to forfeiture, but the Church assumed 
the power of awarding the forfeiture, as it might seem best 
to her wisdom.^ The army which should execute the 

* The Teutonic order was as yet in ° Pierre de Vanx Cemay considers 
its infancy ; it obtained what may be every crime to be centered in heresy, 
called an £aropean existence (till then The heretic is a wild beast, to be re- 
it was a brotherhood of charity in the morselessly slain whereyer he is found. 
Holy Land) under Herman de Salza, the — Passim, 
loyal friend of Frederick II. ^ Even the Emperor Henxy IV. almost 

b The Troubadour who sings of the admitted that, if guilty of heresy, he 

Albigenaan war expresses the common would have justly incurred dethrone- 

sentiment : ** Car les Franfais de France, ment. His argument against the injus- 

et ceux d' Italic . . . et le monde entier ticeof Hildebrandis,that he is conyicted 

leur court sus, et leur porte haine, plus of no heresy. 
qu*k Sarrasins." — Faunel, p. 77. 



Chap. VIII. SEEMING PEACE OF CHRISTENDOM. 1 69 

mandate of the Church was the army of the Church, and 
the banner of that army was the Cross of Christ. So 
began Crusades, not on the contested borders of Christen- 
dom, not in Mohammedan or heathen Iands,^in Palestine, 
on the shores of the Nile, among the Livonian forests 
or the sands of the Baltic, but in the vfery bosom of 
Christendom ; not among the implacable partisans of an 
antagonistic creed, but among those who still called them- 
selves by the name of Christians. 

The world, at least the Christian world, might seem to 
repose in unresisting and unrepining subjection Apparent re- 
under the religious autocracy of the Pope, now at "feiSn^S** 
the zenith of his power. However Innocent III., io»»«*'»ti«- 
in his ostentatious claim of complete temporal supremacy 
as a branch of his spiritual power, as directly flowing 
from the established principles of his religious despotism, 
might have to encounter the stern opposition of the tem- 
poral sovereigns Philip of Swabia, Otho IV., Philip Au- 
gustus, or the Barons of England ; yet within its clear and 
distinct limits that supremacy was uncontested. No 
Emperor or King, however he might assert his right 
to his crown in defiance of the Pope, would fail at the 
same time to profess himself a dutiful son and subject of 
the Church. Where the contest arose out of matters 
more closely connected with religion it was against the 
alleged abuse of the power, not against the power itself, 
which he appealed when he took up arms. But there was 
a secret working in the depths of society, which at the 
very moment, when it was most boastful of its unity, 
broke forth in direct spiritual rebellion in almost every 
quarter of Christendom. Nor was it the more watchful 
and all-pervading administration of Innocent III. which 
detected latent and slumbering heresies ; they were open 
and undisguised, and carried on the work of proselytism, 
each in its separate sphere with dauntless activity. From 
almost every part of Latin Christendom a cry of indigna- 
tion and distress is raised by the clergy against the teachers 
or the sects, which are withdrawing the people from their 
control. It is almost simultaneously heard in England, 
in Northern France, in Belgium, in Bretagne, in the 



1 70 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

whole diocese of Rheims, in Orleans, in Paris, in Ger- 
many, at Goslar, Cologne, Treves, Metz, Strasburg. 
Throughout the whole South of France, and it should 
seem in Hungary, this sectarianism is the dominant reli- 
gion. Even in Italy these opinions had made alarming 
progress. Innocent himself calls on the cities of Verona, 
bologna, Florence, Milan, Placentia, Treviso, Bei^mo, 
Mantua, Ferrara, Faenza, to cast out these multiplying 
sectaries. Even within or on the very borders of the 
Papal territory Viterbo is the principal seat of the 
revolt. 

In one great principle alone the heresiarchs of this 
Principle of age, and their countless sects, conspired with 
sSct^^."^*^ dangerous unity. It was a great anti-sacerdotal 
movement ; it was a convulsive effort to throw off what 
had become to many the intolerable yoke of a clei^y 
which assumed something beyond Apostolic power, and 
seemed to have departed so entirely from Apostolic 
poverty and humility. It was impossible that the glaring 
contrast between the simple religion of the Gospel, 
and the vast hierarchical Christianity which had been 
growing up since the time of Constantine, should not, even 
in the darkest and most ignorant age, awaken the asto- 
nishment of some, and rouse a spirit of inquiry in others. 
But for centuries, from this embarrassing or distressing 
contrast between Apostolic and hierarchical Christianity, 
almost all who had felt it had sought and found refuge m 
monacliism. And monachism, having for its main object 
the perfection of the individual, was content to withdraw 
itself out of worldly Christianity into safe seclusion ; being 
founded on a rule, an universal rule, of passive submission, 
it did not of necessity feel called upon, or seem to itself 
justified in more than protesting against, or condemning 
by its own austere indigence, the inordinate wealth, power, 
or splendour of the clergy, still less in oi^anising revolu- 
tionary resistance. Yet unquestionably this oppugnancy 
was the most active element in the jealous hostility between 
the seculars and the regulars, which may be traced in 
almost every country and in every century. We have 
beard the controversy between Peter Damiani and Hilde- 



Chaf. VIIL elements OF DISUNION. 171 

braud, each of whom may be accepted as the great cham- 
pion of his class, which though it did not quench their 
mutual respect, even their friendship, shows the irrecon- 
cileability of the conflict. Yet each form of monasticism 
had in a generation or two become itself hierarchical ; the 
rich and lordly abbot could not reproach the haughty and 
wealthy bishop as an unworthy successor of the Apostles. 
Glugny, which by its stern austerities had put to shame 
the older cloisters, by the time of St. Bernard is become 
the seat of unevangelic luxury and ease. Moreover, a 
solemn and rigid ritual devotion was an essential part of 
monachism. Each rule was more punctilious, more 
minute, more strict, than the ordinary ceremonial of the 
Church ; and this rigid servitude to religious usage no 
doubt kept down multitudes, who might otherwise have 
raised or followed the standard of revolt. There were no 
rebellions to any extent in the monastic orders, so long as 
they were confined in their cloisters ; it was not till much 
later, that among the Begging Friars, who wandered freely 
abroad, arose a formidable mutiny, even in the very camp 
of the Papacy. 

The Jiierarchy, too, might seem to repose securely in 
its conscious strength ; to look back with quiescent pride 
on its unbroken career of victory. The intellectual insur- 
rection of Abelard against the dominant philosophy and 
against the metaphysic groundwork, if not against the 
doctrines of the dominant Christianity, had been crushed, 
for a time at least, by his own calamities and by the 
superior authority of St. Bernard. The republican reli- 
gion of Arnold of Brescia had met its doom at the stake ; 
the temporal and spiritual power had combined to trample 
down the perilous demagogue rather than heresiarch. 
But doctrines expire not with their teachers. Abelard 
left even in high places, if not disciples, men disposed to 
follow out his bold speculations. But these were solitary 
abstruse thinkers, like Gilbert de la Porfee, or minds 
which formed a close esoteric school ; no philosophising 
Christian ever organised or perpetuated a sect Arnold no 
doubt left behind him a more deep and dangerous influence. 
In many minds there lingered from his teaching, if no very 



1 72 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

definite notions, a secret traditionary repugnance to the 
established opinions, an unconscious aversion to the rule of 
the sacerdotal order. 

The Papacy, the whole hierarchy might seem, in the 
8ecarit7or wantonncss of its despotism, almost deliberately to 
the hierarchy. jj,j^g Christcndom to insurrection. It was im- 
possible but that the long, seemingly interminable conflict 
with the imperial power, even though it might end in tri- 
umph, should not leave deep and rankling, and inextin- 
guishable animosities. The mterdicts uttered, not against 
monarchs, but against kingdoms like France and England ; 
the sudden and total cessation of all religious rites ; the 
remorseless abandonment, as it were, of whole nations to 
everlasting perdition for the sins or alleged sins of their 
sovereigns, could not but awaken doubts ; deaden in many 
cases religious fears — madden to religious desperation. 
In France it has been seen that satire began to aim its 
contemptuous sarcasms at the Pope and the Papal power. 
In the reign of John, the political songs, not merely in 
the vernacular tongue but in priestly or monastic Latin, 
assume a boldness and vehemence which show how much 
the old awe is dropping off; and these songs, spread from 
convent to convent, and chanted by monks, it should seem, 
to holy tunes, are at once the expression and the nutriment 
of brooding and sullen discontent: discontent, if as yet 
shuddering at aught approaching to heresy, at least pre- 
paring men's minds for doctrinal license.* 

• See Mr. Wright's Political soon and P»I». »* rem tangimnt nomen habet a re ; 

poem, of Walter de Mapc.. among the &i;Sl''^,lir ^.'SilS^ ' 

most ctinous volumes published by the Paes, pau dUUmU^ti via impetrare. 

Camden Society. In the Carmina Bu^ ^ . ^ . . . ^ 

rana, (from the monastery of Benedict gjE? ^"^*: cbwiala qnttrit. baUa qnerit. 

„ » ^ Jr. t; J *"»'"»«"' J »* IT • Porta quonlt, cardlnalia qnsrit, carsor qaent, 

Bnren, pnblisbed bv the Literary Union Omnea qiuenint ; et si quod dea, uni decrit 

of Stutgard, 1847,) we find the same Totum mare BalBiim es^ tota causa perit." 
pieces, some no doubt of English origin. — P* *^» **• 

welf ^M'S .trthTthl «- 'f.-o*-. °« «f "-y -'' 

license, eren occasionally the grace and P**^K«* • 

beaaty of the Tronbadour, as well as his ** Roma, tOTpitadlniB Jaoens In proftmdis, 

bitter tone against the clergy, were not Z*'V*f®* l«wp<wterat oplbus immundls ; 

M<«nA«ioii •** 4^^ «An*k «^ if^^il - *^ *i.^ Vadllantls animi fluctuans sob nndii, 

confined tj) the Sooth of France, or to the Dinut. sdiflcat, mutat quadrate lotundis. 

Provencal tongue : — 

Roma cmictos emdlt, at ad opes transrolent, 

** Cum ad papam veneris, babe pro constanti Flos quam Deo, Mammooc cor et manus Im- 

Non est locus pauperi, soli favet danti ; molent ; 

Yel si munus prwstitiim non est aliquant!. Sic nimlmm palmites malA stirpe redolent : 

BespoDdlt, hac tibia mm est michi tantL Cut caput inlumam, cetera menbra doient." 

From 



Chap. VIII. VENALITY OF ROME. 1 73 

Nor were the highest churchmen aware how by their 
own unsparing and honest denunciations of the abuses of 
the Church, they must shake the authority of the Church. 
The. trumpet of sedition was blown from the thrones of 
bishops and archbishops, of holy abbots and preachers of 
the severest orthodoxy ; and was it to be expected that the 
popular mind would nicely discriminate between the abuses 
of the hierarchical system and the system itself? The 
flagrant, acknowledged venality of Rome could not be 
denounced without impairing the majesty of Rome ; the 
avarice of Legates and Cardinals could not pass into a 
proverb and obtain currency from the most unsuspicious 
authorities, without bringing Legates, Cardinals, the whole 
hierarchy into contempt We have heard Becket declaim, 
if not against the Pope himself (yet even the Pope is not 
spared), against the court and council of the Pope as bought 
and sold. The King, he says, boasts that he has in his pay 
the whole college of cardinals ; he could buy the Papacy 
itself, if vacant ; and, if Becket brands the impiety, he 
does not question on this point the truth of the King. 
Becket's friend, John of Salisbury, not only in the freedom 
of epistolary writing, but in his grave philosophic works, 
dwells, if with trembling reverence yet with no less force, 
on this indelible sin of Rome and of the legates of Rome.' 
We have heard Innocent compelled to defend himself 
from the imputed design of fraudulently alienating for his 
own use contributions raised for the hallowed purposes of 
the Crusade. 

All these conspiring causes account for the popularity 
of this movement ; its popularity, not on account ^®j^j«»* 
of the numbers of its votaries, but the class in dot&ust. ^" 
which it chiefly spread : the lower or middle orders of 
the cities^ in many cases the burghers, now also striving 

From another pablication of Mr. vol. xxii. 147, 8. I had selected the 

Wright's, " Early Mysteries," p. xxv.: — same quotations. 

"Qaloqtdd nude. Roina, rales '" Sed Legati sedis Apostolics ma- 

Per immiindoe canUnales, nag goas excntiant ab omni mixnere, 

&d'S^^'^' <r '°**"^'^ !f proTinciaj ita debw- 

Peoouit vel noUrii. chantur ac si ad ecclesiam flagellandam 

Totnm camenrii egressos sit Sathan a fiusie domini." Be 

Saperant Ph^^b." adds, ** Non de omnibus sermo est." — 

— Oompare, Hist Lit^r. de la France, PolycraUc. ▼. 1&.' 



1 74 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

after civil liberties, forming the free municipalities in the 
cities; and in those cities not merely opposing the 
authority of the nobles, but that not less oppressive of the 
bishops and the chapters. 

This wide-spread, it might seem almost simultaneous 
revolt throughout Latin Christianity (though in fact it 
had been long growing up, and, beat down in one place, 
had ever risen in another) ; this insurrection against 
the dominion of the clergy and of the Pope, more or 
less against the vital doctrines of the faith, but univer- 
sally against the sacerdotal sys(em, comprehended three 
classes. These, distinct in certain principles and tenets, 
would of necessity intermingle incessantly, melt into, 
and absorb each other. Once broken loose from the 
authority of the clergy, once convinced that the clergy 
possessed not the sure, at all events, not the exclusive 
power over their salvation; awe and reverence for the 
churches, for the sacraments, for the confessional, once 
thrown aside ; they would welcome any new excitement ; 
be the willing and eager hearers of any teacher who de- 
nounced the hierarchy. The followers of Peter de Brueys, 
or of Henry the Deacon, in the South of France, would be 
ready to listen without terror to the zealous and eloquent 
Manichean ; the first bold step was already taken ; they 
would go onward without fear, without doubt, wherever con- 
viction seemed to flash upon their minds or enthrall their 
hearts. In most of them probably the thirst was awakened, 
rather than fully allayed ; they were searchers after truth, 
rather than men fully satisfied with their new creed. 

These three classes were — I. The simple Anti-Sacer- 
.^ dotalists, those who rejected the rites and repu- 

* diated the authority of the clergy, but did not 
depart, or departed but in a slight degree from the estab- 
lished creeds ; heretics in manners and in forms of worship 
rather than in articles of belief. These were chiefly single 
teachers, who rose in difierent countries, without connec- 
tion, without organisation, each dependent for his success 
on his own eloquence or influence. They were insurgents, 
who shook the established government, but did not attempt 
to replace it by any new form or system of opinions and 
discipline. 



Chap. VIII. THREE CLASSES. 1 75 

II. The Waldenses, under whom I am disposed, after 
much deliberation, to rank the Poor Men of Lyons. 
These may be called the Biblical Anti-Sacerdotal ists. 
The appeal to the Scriptures and to the Scriptures alone 
from tne vast system of traditional religion, was their vital 
fundamental tenet. 

III. The Manicheans, characterised not only by some 
of the leading doctrines of the old Oriental system, not pro- 
bably clearly defined or understood, by a severe asceticism, 
and a hatred or contempt of all union between the sexes, 
but also by a peculiar organisation, a severe probation, a 
gradual and difficult ascent into the chosen ranks of the 
Perfect, with something approaching to a hierarchy of 
their own. 

I. Not long after the commencement of the twelfth 
century, Peter de Brueys preached in the south peter de 
of France for above twenty years.* At length he JSTKiro- 
expiated his rebellion in the flames at St. Gilles ^"^^"^^^ 
in Languedoc. Peter de Brueys had been a clerk ; Ee is 
taunted as having deserted the Church on account of the 
poverty of his benefice. He denied infant baptism, it is 
said, because the parents brought not their children with 
offerings; he annulled the sacrifice of the altar, because 
men came not with their hands and bosoms loaded with 
gifts and with wax-lights. 

Peter de Brueys is arraigned by Peter the Venerable, 
as denying — I. Infant baptism. II. Respect for churches. 
III. The worship of the cross. The cross on which the 
Redeemer was so cruelly tortured, ought rather to be an 
object of horror than of veneration. IV. Transubstantiation 
and the Real Presence. It is asserted, but not proved, that 
he rejected the Eucharist altogether : he probably retained 
it as a memorial rite. V. Prayers, alms, and oblations for 
the dead. To these errors was added an aversion to the 
chanting and psalmody of the Church ; he would perhaps 

8 The date is donbtfiil. Peter the province of Narbonne. Baronins dated 

Venerable wrote hi8 confutation after thisworkof Peter the Venerable in 1146. 

the death of Peter de Brueys : he asserts Clemen9et in 1135. Fuesslln, a more 

that Peter bad disseminated his heresy modern authority, with whom Gieseler 

in the dioceses of Aries, Embrun, Die, agrees, in 1126 or 1127. 
and Gap : he afterwards went into the 



176 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. liooK IX. 

replace it by a more simple and passionate hymnology.^ 
How did each of these heretical tenets strike at the 
power, the wealth, the influence of the clei^l What 
terrible doubts did they throw into men's minds I How 
hateful must they have appeared to the religious, as to the 
irreligious ! *' What !" says the indignant Peter the Vene- 
rable, on the first of these tenets (we follow not out his 
curious, at times strange refutation of the rest), " have all 
the saints been baptized in infancy, yet, if infant baptism 
be null, have perished unbaptized, perished therefore 
eternally ? Is tnere no Christian, not one to be saved in 
all Spain, Gaul, Germany, Italy, Europe ?** In another 
respect, the followers of Peter de Brueys rejected the 
usages of the Church, but in no rigid or ascetic, and 
therefore no Manichean spirit. They ate meat on fast 
days, even on Good Friday. They even summoned their 
people to feast on those days. This was among the most 
revolting acts of their wickedness ; as bad as acts of persecu- 
tion and cruelty, of which they are accused ; it shows at once 
their daring and the great power which they had attained. 
" The people are rebaptised, altars thrown down, crosses 
burned, meat publicly eaten on the day of the Lord s 
Passion, priests scourged, monks imprisoned, or compelled 
to marry by terror or by torture.*'* 

But the fire which burned Peter de Brueys neither 
Henry the discouragcd uor silenced a more powerful and 
^^****°" more daring heresiarch. To the five errors of 
de Brueys, his heir, Henry the Deacon, added many 
more.^ The description of the person, the habits, the 
eloquence of Henry, as it appeared to the incensed clergy, 
is more distinct than that of his doctrines. Henry had 
been a monk of Clugny, and was in deacon's orders. He 
is first heard of at Lausanne (though according to some 
reports his career began in Italy), but his influence over 
the popular mind and his hostility to the clergy first broke 
forth in its fulness at Le Mans. The Bishop of that see, 

»» Compare Flathe, Vorlaufer der Re- chief authority about Peter de Brueys, 

formation, Hahn, Manichaische Ketzer, and his followers, called Petribussiaos. 

i. p. 408, et aeqq, k ^^ta Episcoponim Cenomansium 

1 Peter Venerab., in Max. Biblioth. (in Mabillon, Vet. Analect. iii. SI 2). 

Patr., p. 1034. This refutation is the Henry began in 1116. 



Chap. VIII. HENRY THE DEACON. 177 

Hildebert, incautiously gave him permission to preach, and 
then departed himself on a risit to Rome. The rapid 
change m Henry's countenance is likened to a stormy sea : 
his hair was cropped, his beard long; he was tall of 
stature, quick in step, barefooted in the midst of winter, 
rapid in address, in voice terrible. In years he was but a 
youth ; yet his deep tones seemed, according to the appalled 
clergy of Le Mans, like the roar of legions of devils ; but 
he was wonderfully eloquent. He went to the very hearts 
of men, and maddened them to a deep implacable hatred 
of the clei^y. Yet at first some eyen of the clergy sate 
at the feet of the persuasive teacher and melted into tears. 
But as he rose to the stern denunciation of their vices, 
they saw their alienated flocks gradually look on them with 
apathy, with contempt, with aversion. Some who attempted 
to meet the preacher- in ailment were beaten, rolled in 
the mire, hardly escaped with their lives, were only pro- 
tected, and in secret hiding-places, by the magistrates. 
They attempted a gentle remonstrance : they had received 
Henry with brotherly love, opened their pulpits to him ; 
he had returned peace with enmity, sowed deadly hatred 
between the clergy and the people, and betrayed them 
with a Judas kiss. To the messenger who read this expos- 
tulation Henry sternly and briefly replied, " Thou liest.'* 
But for the officers of the Count who accompanied him the 
man had been stoned to death. 

Henry was no Manichean ; he was rather an apostle of 
marriage. His influence, like that of many of the popular 
preachers, was greatest among the loose women. That 
unhappy race, of strong passions, oppressed with shame 
and misery at their outcast and forlorn condition, are ever 
prone to throw themselves into wild paroxysms of peni- 
tence. They stripped themselves, if we are to believe the 
accounts^ naked ; threw their costly robes, their bright 
tresses, into the fire. Henry declareid that no one should 
receive a dowry, gold, silver, land, or bridal gifts. All 
rushed to marriage, the poorest with the poorest, even 
within the prohibittd degrees. Henry himself is said to 
have looked with too curious and admiring eyes on the 
beauty of his adoring proselytes. Young men of rank and 

VOL. IV. N 



1 78 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

station wedded these reclaimed harlots in coarse robes 
which cost the meanest price. These inauspicious mar- 
riages ended but ill. The passion of self-sacrifice soon 
burned out in the youths ; they grew weary, and deserted 
their once contaminated wives. The passion of virtue 
with the women, too, died away ; they fell back to their 
old courses. 

Bishop Hildebert, on his return from Rome, was met 
by no procession, no rejoicing at the gates. The people 
mocked his blessing: ^^We have a father, a bishop^ 
far above thee in dignity, wisdom, and holiness." The 
mild Bishop bore the adKront : he forced an interview 
on Henry, put him under examination. Henry knew 
not how — probably refused — to repeat the Morning 
Hymn. The Bishop declared him a poor ignorant man, 
but took QO harsher measure than expulsion from his 
diocese. 

Henry retired to the South of France, and joined Peter 
de Brueys as his scholar or fellow apostle. After Brueys 
was burned, he retired into Gascony, fell into the 
hands of the Archbishop of Aries, and was sent 
to the Council of Pisa. Innocent II. condemned him to 
silence, and placed him under the custody of St. Bernard. 
He escaped and returned to Languedoc. Desertion' of 
churches, total contempt of the clergy, followed the 
eloquent heresiarch wherever he went. The Cardinal 
Bishop of Ostia was sent by Eugene III. to subdue the 
revolt; the Cardinal Alberic demanded the aid of no less 
a colleague than St. Bernard : ^' Henry is an antagonist 
who can only be put down by the conqueror of Ab&lard 
and of Arnold of Brescia." Bernard's progress might 
seem an uncontested ovation: from all quarters crowds 
gathered ; Toulouse opened her gates ; he is said by his 
powerful discourses to have disinfected the whole city from 
heresy. He found, so he writes, ^' the churches without 
people, the people without priests, the priests without 
respect, the Uhristians without Christy the churches are 
deemed synagogues, the holy places of God denied to 
be holy, die sacraments are no longer sacred, the holy 
days without their solemnities." Bernard left Toulouse, 



AJ>. 1134. 



Chap. VHI. HENRY THE DEACON. 179 

as he hoped, as his admirers boasted, restored to peace 
and orthodoxy." 

Yet Bernard's victory was but seeming or but transient. 
Peter de Brueys and Henry the Deacon had only sowed 
the dragon seed of worse heresies, which sprung up with 
astonishing rapidity. Before fifty years had uassed the 
whole South of France was swarming with Manicheans, who 
took their name firom the centre of their infliience, the city 
of Albi. Toulouse is become, in the words of its dele- 
gated visitors (the Cardinal of S. Chrysogonus, the Abbot 
of Clairvaux, the Bishops of Poitiers and Bath) the 
abomination of desolation ; the heretics have the chief 
power over the people, they lord it among the clergy : as 
thepeople, so the priest" 

The Anti-Sacerdotalists had at the same time,*^ or even 
earlier, found in the north a formidable head ^ ^^^ 
in Tanchelin of Antwerp a layman, with his 
disciple, a renegade priest named Erwacher. Tanchelin 
appears more like one of the later German Anabaptists. 
He rejected Pope, archbishops, bishops, the whole priest- 
hood. His sect was the one true (Jhurch. The Sacra- 
ments (he denied transubstantiation) depended for their 
validity on the holiness of him that administered them. 
He declared war against tithes and the possessions of the 
Church. He was encircled by a body-guard of three 
thousand armed men, he was worshipped by the people as 
an angel, or something higher : they drank the water in 
which he had bathed. He is accused of the grossest 
licence. A woman within the third degree of relationship 
was his concubine. Tanchelin began his career in the 
cities on the coast of Flanders ; he then fixed himself at 
Utrecht The bishops and clergy raised a cry of terror. 
Yet Tanchelin, with the renegade Erwacher, dared to 
visit Rome. On his return he was seized and imprisoned 
in Cologne by the Archbishop, escaped, first fixed himself 

"* Epist 241, vol. i. p. 237. Documents. 

> « tta heeretici pnncipabantar in "* From 1122 to 1125. Script, apnd 

popnlo, dominabantnr in clero ; eo quod Bouquet, xiii. 108, et seqq. Epist. 

populus, sic sacerdos," et seqq. Epist. Frag. Ecclesias. Sigebert, apud Pertz, 

Uenric. Abbat. Clairv. apud Mansi, Tiii. VitaNorberti,apudBoUand,Jun.l. 

A.D. 1178 ; and in Maitland, Facts and Hahn, p. 458. 

N 2 



1 80 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

in Bruges, finally in Antwerp, where he ruled with the 
power and state of a king. He was at length struck dead 
by a priest, but his followers survived ; no less a man than 
St. Norbert, the friend, almost the equal of St. Bernard, 
was compelled to accept the bishopric of Utrecht, to quell 
the brooding and dangerous revolt. 

Another wild teacher, Eudo de Stella, an illiterate 
rustic, half revolutionised Bretagne. He gave himself out 
**as he that should come," was followed by multitudes, 
and assumed almost kingly power. He was with diflSculty 
seized ; his life was spared ; he was cast into prison under 
the charge of Suger, Abbot of St. Denys. He died in 
prison ; his only known tenet is implacable hostility to 
churches and monasteries.^ 

These, though the most famous, or best recorded Anti- 
Sacerdotalists, who called forth the Bernards and the 
Norberts to subdue them, were not the only teachers of 
these rebellious doctrines. In many other cities nothing 
is known, but that fires were kindled and heretics burned, 
in Oxford, in Rheims, in Arras, in Besan9on, in Cologne, 
in Treves, in Vezelay.*^ In this latter stately monastery, 
probably a year or two before the excommunication of 
King Henry, by Becket, that awful triumph of the sacer- 
dotal power, the Archbishops of Lyons and Narbonne, the 
Bishops of Nevers and Laon, and many abbots and 
great theologians, sate in solemn judgment on some, it 
should seem, poor ignorant men, called Publicans.' They 
denied all but God ; they absolutely rejected all the Sacra- 
ments, infant baptism, the Eucharist, the sign of the cross, 
holy water, the efficacy of tithes and oblations, marriages, 
monkhodd, the power and functions of the priesthood. 
Two were disposed to recant. They were examined at the 
solemn festival of Easter, article by article ; they could 
not explain their own tenets. They were allowed the water 
ordeal. One passed through safe; the other case was 

P Gul. Neabrig. Bubanii. 1197. Con- bac, v. 15. Cologne^ God. Monach. ad 

tinnat. Sigebert, apud Peru, Tiii. ann. 1163. 7)-«w», GestaTrevir. i. 186. 

1 Some of these maj hare been They passed under the general name of 

Manicheans, or held opinions bordering Cathari ; in France they were often 

on Manicheanism. On Oxford, GuL Nea- called tisserands (weavers). 

brig. ii. c. 13. Amu, in 1183, perhaps ' Idonii or poplicolfle. 
1083. Bescmfon, 1200. Oesar Heister- 



Chap. VIII. THE W ALDENSES. 1 8 1 

more doubtfiil, the man was plunged again, and condemned, 
to the general satisfaction. But the Abbot having some 
doubt, he was put to a more merciiul death. Appeal 
was made to the whole assembly : '^ What shall be done 
with the rest?" "Let them be burned! let them be 
burned ! " And burned they were, to the number of 
seven, in the valley of Ecouan.* 

II. In Northern France these adversaries of the Church 
seem to have been less inclined to speculative BibucaiAnu- 
than to practical innovations. It was an hostility 8*««*>*^** 
to the clergy, and to all those ritual and sacramental 
institutions in which dwelt the power and authority of the 
clergy. In Southern France Manicheism almost sud- 
denly swallowed up the followers of the simple Anti- 
Sacerdotalists, Peter de Brueys and Henry the Deacon. 
In Italy, perhaps, the political element, introduced by 
Arnold of Brescia, mingled with the Paulician Mani- 
cheism which stole in after the Crusades, and appeared 
almost simultaneously in many parts of Europe. In the 
valleys of the Alps it was a pure religious movement. 
Peter Waldo was the St. Francis of heresy, the Poor Men 
of Lyons were the Minorites — the lowest of the low. 
Some of them resembled more the later Fraticelli in their 
levelling doctrines, in their assertion of the kingdom of the 
Spirit; in some respects the wilder Anabaptists of the 
Church of Rome. 

The simplicity of the Alpine peasants was naturally 
averse to the wealth of the monastic establishments which 
began to arise among them ; there might survive some 
vague tradition of the iconoclasm and holiness of Claudius 

brethren, the offspring of Peter Waldo* 



of Turin, or of the later residence of Arnold of Brescia in 
Zurich. But whether the spiritual parents, the 

* — * - ' ■ Peter Waldo. 



* Hi8toriaVezeliac.8ubfine,inGaisot, mifiehe Recht etwas anderes als confls- 

CoUection des M^moires, tu. p. 335. cation ihres vermogens aligemem gebot" 

All these bamiDgg were b^ the citU Twostatatesof Frederick n.(A.D. 1222) 

power, to which the heretics, having made the panishment, which had become 

Deen excommonicated, were giren np. practice, law. "Welche allgemeine 

Yet Eichhom obseryes that neither the rraxis warden, in Verbrennen U»tehen 

law of the Church nor the Roman law sollte." — ^T. ii. p. 521. 

had any general penalty against heretics ' The date of Waldo is doubtful from 

beyond confiscation of goods. " Obschon 1 1 60 to 1 1 70. Stephanas de Borbone de 

weder ein Kirchengesetx noch das R5- VII. Donis Spiritos, It. c. 30, professes 



182 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX, 

whether his teachers or his disciples — these blameless sec- 
taries, in their retired valleys of Piedmont, clung with 
miconquerable fidelity to their purer, less imaginative 
faith. But whencesoever this humbler Biblical Chris^ 
tianitv derived its origin, it received a powerful impulse 
from Peter Waldo. Waldo was a rich merchant of Lyons ; 
his religious impressions, naturally strong, were quickened 
by one of those appalling incidents which often work so 
lastingly on the life of religious men. In a meeting for 
devotion a man fell dead, some say struck by lightning. 
From that time religion was the sole thought of Peter. 
He dedicated himself to poverty and the instruction of the 
people.^ His lavish alms gathered the poor around him in 
grateful devotion. He was by no means learned, but he 
paid a poor scholar to translate the Gospels and some other 
Dooks of Scripture.' Another grammarian rendered mto 
his native tongue some selected sentences from the Fathers. 
Disciples gathered around him ; he sent them, after the 
manner of the seventy, two by two, into the neighbouring 
villages to preach the Gospel. They called themselves 
the Humbled; others called them the Poor Men of 
Lyons.^ 

Two of Waldo's followers found their way to Rome. 
They presented a book, written in the Gallo-Roman 
language ; it contained a text and a gloss on the Psalter, 
and several books of the Old and New Testament The 

to hare h«ard the origin of the sect from would admit, at least, any part of the 

persons living at the time. The passag^e twelfth centary. The authenticity of 

IS quoted in the Dissertation of Uecchi* these lines is asserted and argued to my 

niuB, prefixed to Moneta, c. xxxyii. mind in a conclusire manner by the 

The two fiunous lines in the Noble highest authority, Mons. Raynouard, 

Leyczion appear to assign a proximate Ponies des Troubadoum, vol. ii. p. cxlii. 

date to the Biblical Anti-Sacerdotal ists Compare, for similar ^tes especially, 

of the Valleys : — Dante Paradiso, xi. : Gilly, Introduo- 

•• Ben h» mil e cent ann compll entlerament, "*? » P* S^iT?"' « • • « v 
Que fo ■crlpta I'ora, car son al denier temp." v)n Waldo, Remenus naccho, c it. 

T. ; Alanus de Insulis ; Stephan. de 

I see no reason for, every reason Borbone de VIL Don. Spirit S. 
against, reckoning these 1100 years * Chronicle of Laon, apud Bouquet, 

from the deliyery of the Apocalypse, xiii. ; Gilly, p. xciv. 
a critical question far beyona the age, ' The name Insabatati is derived by 

or from any period but the ordinary &>anheim (Hist. Christ. Sseo. xii.) from 

date of our Lord. All it seems to assert their religious observance of the Sabbath, 

is that the 1 100 years are fully passed, in opposition to the holidays of th« 

and that the " latter days " are begun. Churcn. It is more probably from the 

This in the usual religious language word sabot, a wooden shoe. 



Chap. VIII. THE WALDENSES, 183 

Papal See was not so wise as afterwards, when Innocent 
III., having superciliously spurned the be^arly Francis 
of Assisi, was suddenly enlightened as to the danger of 
estranging, the advantage of attaching, such men to the 
service of the Church. The example of Waldo may have 
acted as a monition. The two were received in the Lateran 
Council by Alexander III. The Pope condescended to 
approve of their poverty, but they were condemned for 
presuming to interfere with the sacred iunctions of the 
priesthood." When they implored permission to preach, 
they were either met by a hard refusal, with derision, or 
ungraciously required to obtain the consent of the jealous 
clergy. Their knowledge of Scripture seems to have 

Eerplexed John of Salisbury, who writes of them with the 
ittemess of a discomfited theolc^ian. 
As yet it is clear they contemplated no secession from 
the Church ; they were not included under the condemna- 
tion of heretics in* the Council, but they persisted in 
preaching without authority. They were interdicted by 
the Archbishop of Lyons. Waldo resolutely replied with 
that great axiom, so often misapplied, and for the right 
application of which the conscience must be enlightened 
with more than ordinary wisdom, "That he must obey 
God rather than man." 

From that time the Poor Men of Lyons were involved 
in the common hatred which branded all oppo- poor men of 
nents of the clergy with obloquy and contempt. ^*^* 
They were now comprehended among the heretics, con- 
demned by Lucius III. at the Council of Verona.* Their 
hostility to the Church grew up with the hostility of the 
Church to them. They threw aside the whole hierarchical 

' The aeoonnts of these prooeedings nimiis anathemate sabjaeere. Et quo- 

at the Council of Lateran appear to me niam nonnulU sab specie pietatis Tir- 

to be thus reconcUeable wiUi no great tutem ejus, jnzta quod ait apostolnSy 

difficulty. — De Mapes ; Chronic. Ilaon ; dene^antes, aoctoritatem sibi ^indicant 

Stephen Borbone ; Moneta. prsedicandi : cum idem apostolus dicat, 

■ Mansi, Concil. Veronens. 1184. quomodopradicalnmiHmfnittaniur. Rom. 

Their preaching without licence was x. 15. Omnes, qui vel prohibit!, rel non 

the avowed cause of their condemnation, missi, prseter auctodtatem ab apostolieft 

*' Catharos et Paterinos et eo6» qui se sede Tel episcopo loci susccptam, pnblicd 

humiliatos tcI pauperes de Lugduno rel priTatim predicare prBesumpserint, 

fidso nomine mentiuntur, Passaginos, pari Yinculo perpetui anathematis inno- 

Josepinos, Amaldistas, perpetno deoer- damus." 



Ib4 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

and ritual system, at least as far as the conviction of its 
value and efficacy, along with the priesthood. The sanctity 
of the priest was not in his priesthood, but in his life. The 
virtuous layman was a priest (they had aspired to reach 
that lofty doctrine of the Gospel), and could therefore admi- 
nister with equal validity all the rites ; even women, it is 
said, according to their view, might officiate. The prayers 
and offerings of a wicked priest were altogether of no avaiL^ 
Their doctrine was a full, minute, rigid protest against the 
wealth of the Church, the power of the Church."" The 
Church of Rome they denied to be the true Church : they 
inexorably condemned the homicidal engagements of popes 
and prelates in war. They rejected the seven Sacraments, 
except Baptism and the Eucharist. In baptism they denied 
all effect of the ablution by the sanctity of the water. A 
priest in mortal sin cannot consecrate the Eucharist The 
transubstantiation takes place not in the hand of the priest, 
but in the soul of the believer. They rejected prayers 
for the dead, festivals, lights, pulsatory, and indulgencies. 
The only approach towards Manicheism, and that is 
scarcely an approach, is that married persons must not 
come together but with the hope of having children. In 
no instance are the morals of Peter Waldo and the Alpine 
Biblicists arraigned by their worst enemies. There is a 
compulsory distinction, an enforced reverence, a speaking 
silence. They who denounce most copiously the immo- 
ralities, the incredible immoralities of other sects in revolt 
against the hierarchy, acknowledge the modesty, frugality, 
honest industry, chastity, and temperance of the Poor Men 
of Lyons. Their language was simple and modest They 
denied the legality of capital punishments."^ 

^ Alani de InsnlU, ii. 1. damnation from Peter de Vaox CSeraav. 

« They seem to ha^e anticipated a He derives the Waldenses from Waldo 

doctrine, afterwards widely adopted by of Lyons. '* They were bad, but mnch 

the followers of the Abbot Joachim and less perverse than other heretics." He 

the Fraticelli, that the Church was pure describes them almost as a sort of 

till the days of Silvester. Its aposta8;)r Quakers. They wore sandals, like the 

then began. ** In eo (SilTestro) defecit apostles. They were on no account to 

qnousqne ipsi eam restaurarent : tamen swear, or to kill an^ one. They denied 

dicunt quod semper fuerint aliqui, qui the necessity of episcopal ordination to 

Deum tenebunt et salyabantur.^*--See consecrate the euchanst. — c. ii. apud 

also Noble Leyczion, 1. 409. Reinerii Bouquet ; or in Guizot, Collection des 

Summa. Martene. y. 1775. M<^moires. 

<i It is much to have extorted a milder 



Chap. VHI. TRANSLATION OP THE SCRIPTURES. 185 

The great strength of the followers of Peter Waldo was 
no doubt their possession of the sacred Scriptures in their 
own language. They read the Gospels, they preached, 
and they prayed in the vulgar tongue.® They rejected the 
mystical sense of the Scriptures. But besides the sacred 
Scriptures, they possessed other works in that Proven9al 
dialect, in other parts of Southern France almost entirely 
devoted to amatory or to satiric songs. With them alone 
it spoke with deep religious fervour. The " Noble Lesson** 
is a remarkable work, from its calm, almost unimpassioned 
simplicity ; it is a brief, spirited statement of the Biblical 
history of man, with nothing of fanatic exaggeration, 
nothing even of rude vehemence ; it is the perfect, clear, 
morality of the Gospel. The close, which arraigns the 
clergy, has nothing of angry violence ; it calmly expostu- 
lates against their persecutions, reproves the practice of 
death-bed absolution, and the composition for a life of 
wickedness by a gift to the priest. Its strongest 
sentence is an emphatic assertion that the power of 
absolving from mortal sin is in neither cardinal, bishop, 
abbot, pope, but in God alone.' 

It is singular to find these teachers, whose whole theory 
was built on strict adherence to the letter of the Bible, 
mingled up with those whose vital principle was the 
rejection of the Old Testament and some part of the New. 
It might seem to require almost more than the fierce 
blindness of polemic hatred to confound them together. 

« The third cause assi^ed by Rei- Dr. Gillj thinks that he has proved this 

nerius Saccho for their rapid process is Tersion to be older, as quoted in it, than 

** Veteris et Nori Testament! in vul- the Noble Leyczion. The quotations do 

garem lingnam ab ipsis facta transhitio not seem to me to be conclusive ; they 

quie quidem edita est in urbe Metensi." are like in man}r words, unlike in others. 

They were strong in Metz. Alberic. It is a very curious fact, if it will bear 

Chronic, ad ann. 1200. But was the rigid critical inyestigation, that the 

Romaunt rersion understood in Metz? Romaunt Version sometimes follows the 

There was more than one popular ver- old Versio Itala (as printed by Sabatier) 

sion. — See Pre&ce by Le Roux de Lincy rather than the Vulgate.— Dr. Gilly's 

to the !▼. Livres des Rois, Documents Preface. 

In^dits.— Compare the letter of Inno- '"Ma joaoso dire, car aetroba elver, 

cent III. (ii. 141) on this subject. Qne tait li F^pa, que foron de SlWestre e&tlro 

Two of the other causes assigned are u.!°,f^?"^, , ,. * i^ii v 

, . J • ° x> E tail Ii cardinal li Teeque e tnit U aba, 

the Ignorance and irreverence of some Talt aqneste enaemp n?n han tan de poteata 

of the clergy. Que Uh poistian peraonar nn sol peoca mortal ; 

Dr. Gilly has rendered the valuable Solamente Dio peidooa: que autre non bo po 

service of printing the Romaunt version far."— 408-412. 

of the Gospel according to St John. — Raynouard, p. 97. 



186 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

But it is not the simplicity of the *^ Noble Lesson '' alone, as 
contrasted with the whole system of traditional, legendary, 
mythic religion ; the secret is in that last fatal sentence — 
the absolute denial of Papal, of priestly absolution.' 
III. To these Anti-Sacerdotal tenets of the more 
ManiehMn spcculative tcachcrs, and the more practical an- 
teretics. tagonism of the disciples of Waldo, a wide-spread 
family of sects added doctrinal opinions, either strongly 
coloured by, or the actual revival and perpetuation of the 
ancient Eastern heresies. Nothing is more curious in 
Christian history than the vitality of the Manichean 
opinions. That wild, half poetic, half rationalistic theory 
of Christianity, with its mythic machinery and stern 
asceticism (like all asceticism liable to break forth into 
intolerable licence), which might seem congenial only to 
the Oriental mind ; and if it had not expired, might be 
supposed only to linger beyond the limits of Christendom 
in the East, appears almost suddenly in the twelfth cen- 
tury, in living, almost irresistible power, first in its inter- 
mediate settlement in Bulgaria, and on the borders of the 
Greek Empire, then in Italy, in France, in Germany, in 
the remoter West, at the foot of the Pyrenees.*^ 

The tradition of Western Manicheism breaks off about 
the sixth century ; if it subsisted, it was in such obscurity 
as to escape even the jealous vigilance of the Church.' 

■ The doctrinal differences could not man, greatly admired by clerks and lay- 
bat be discerned. " Et illi quidem Val* men, endowed with the g^ft of geomancy, 
denses contra alios (Arianos et Ma- by which he predicted the destmction 
nicheos) acutissime dispatabant" So of the land. This personage was at first, 
writes one of their most ardent adrer- erroneously as M. Fauriel shows, sup- 
saries, the Abbot of Puy Laurens.— In posed to have been the poet. The poet 
prolc^. says that he wrote it at Montanban, and 

*> On the Albigensian wars the chief denounces the mg^pirdly nobles, who 

authorities, besides the papal letters and had neither given him vest nor mantle 

documents, are the Chronicle of Peter of silk, nor Breton palfrey to amble 

de Vaux Cemay (I sometimes quote him through the land. " But as they will 

in Latin from Bouquet, sometimes in not give a button, I will not ask them 

French from Guisot, Collection des for a coal from their hearth. . . . The 

Mdmoires^ ; the Abbot de Puy Laurens Lord God, who made the sky and the 

nbid.) ; tne Guerre des Albigeois ; and air, confound them, and his holy mother 

tneGestesGlorieases,inGuizot:andthe Mary." — p. 17. On the change in the 

ver]^ curious Romaunt poem, Guerre des Troubadour's politics, see forward. The 

Albigeois, published by Mons. Fauriel Histoire de iianguedoc, by Dom. Vais- 

(Documents Historiques). I cite him as sette, is an inviuuable and honourably 

the Troubadour. The Troubadour attri- impartial work. 

butes his song (canson, chanson) to < Mr. Maitland has been unable to 

MasterWilliamofTudela, a very learned discover any notice •f Manicheism in 



Chap. VIII- PAULICI ANS. 187 

But in the East its descent is marked by the rise of a new, 
powerful, and enduring sect, the Paulicians. The history 
of Latin Christianity may content itself with but abrief and 
rapid summary of the settlements, migrations, conquests, 
calamities of the Paulicians ; till they pass the frontier of 
the Greek Empire, and invade in the very centre the do- 
minions of the Latin Church.^ Their name implies that 
with the broader principles of Manicheism, they combined 
some peculiar reverence for the doctrine, writings, and 
person of St. Paul. In an Eastern mind it is not difficult 
to suppose a fusion between the impersonated, deified, and 
oppugnant powers of good and evil, and St Paul's high 
moral antagonism of sin and grace in the soul of man, the 
inborn and hereditary evil and the infused and imparted 
righteousness. The war within the man is but a perpetua- 
tion of the eternal war throughout the worlds. 

The Paulicians burst suddenly into being, in the neigh- 
bourhood of Samosata. Their first apostle, Con- The Ptau- 
stantine, is said to have wrought his simpler ^^'^' 
system out of the New Testament, accidentally bestowed 
upon him, especially from the writings of St. Paul. His 
disciples rejected alike the vast fabric of traditionary be- 
lief, which in the Greek and Latin Churches had grown 
up around the Gospel ; and the cumbrous and fantastical 
mythology of the older Manicheism." The Paulicians 
spread over all the adjacent regions, Asia Minor, Pontus, 
to the borders of Armenia and the shores of the Euphrates. 
Persecution gave them martyrs, the first of these was 
their primitive teacher. The blood of martyrs, as with 
Christianity itself, seemed but to multiply their numbers 
and strength. They bore, during many successive reigns, 
in Christian patience the intolerant wrath of Justinian II., 
of Nicephorus, of Michael I., of Theodora, Their num- 

Europe for more than 400 years ; from Manti, sob ann. 1025) are fkr more 

the sixth century to the huming of suspicious. 

the Canons at Orleans in 1017 or 1022. ^ The history of the Paulicians has 

Gieseier has one or two very doubtAil been drawn witn such vigour, rapidity, 

references. I doubt, with Mr. Maitluid, fulness, and exactness by Gibbon, that I 

the Manicheism of these Canons. — Facts feel glad of this excuse. — c. liv. 

and Documents, p. 405. The account "" The Paulicians disclaimed Manes, 

of the canons is in Adhemar apod U^^futs aifuhftmri^$v^t Zs»#mcvm Bm^^Sf rt 

Bouquet, x. 35, and Rodulf Glaber. imJ M«fi»r«.~-Petr. Sicul. p. 42. 
Those of Arras (Acta Synod. Atrab. apud 



A J>. 842. 



188 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

bers may be estimated by the report that during the short 
reign of that Empress perished 100,000 victims. 
Persecution at length from a sect condensed them 
into a tribe of rebels. They rose in revolt. Their city 
Tephrice, near Trebisond, became the capital of an inde- 
pendent people. They leagued mth the Mohammedans ; 
they wasted Asia Minor. Constantine Copronymus, with 
their own consent, transported a great body of Paulicians 
into Thrace, as an outpost to the Byzantine Empire. 
John Zimisces conducted another great migration to the 
valleys of Mount Haamus. From their Bulgarian settle- 
ments (they had mingled apparently to a considerable 
extent with the Bulgarians), the Crusades, the commerce 
which arose out of the Crusades, opened their way into 
Western Europe. Manicheism, under this form, is 
found in almost every great city of Italy. The name of 
Bulgarian (in its coarsest form) is one of the appellations 
of hatred, which clings to them in all quarters. At the 
accession of Innocent III. Manicheism is almost undisputed 
master of Southern France- 
Western Manicheism, however, though it adhered only 
Western ^ thc broadcr principles of Orientalism, the two 
Manicbeiflm. co-cqual Conflicting principles of good and evil, 
the eternity of matter and its implacable hostility to spirit, 
aversion to the Old Testament as the work of the wicked 
Demiurge, the unreality of the suflering Christ, was or be- 
came more Manichean than its Grecian parent Pauli- 
cianism. The test which distinguishes the Manichean 
from the other Anti-Sacerdotalists is the assertion, more or 
less obscure, of those Eastern doctrines ; the more visible 
signs, of asceticism, the proscription, or hard and reluctant 
concession of marriage, or of any connection between the 
sexes ; and the strong distinction between the Perfect and 
the common disciples. They were called in disdain the 
Puritans (Cathari), an appellation which perhaps they did 
not disdain ; and it is singular that the opprobrious term 

' Some of the Catholic writers assert fuisse a temporibas martymm in GrseciA, 
distinctly their Greek descent '* Illi et qnibusdam aliis terns." See also 
vero qui combosti sunt [those at Cologne] Beiner apod Martene, Thes. v. 1767, 
dixerunt nobis m defensume sud banc hsB- who mentions the " Bolgarian corn- 
resin usque ad base tempora occultatam monitj."— Muratori, Antiq. ItaL v. 83. 



Chap. VIII. PAULICIAN8, 189 

applied by the married clergy to the Monastics, Pate- 
rmes, is now the common designation of the Manichean 
haters of marriage. Western Manicheism is but dimly to 
be detected in the eleventh century. The Canons of Or- 
leans were, if their accusers speak true, profligates rather 
than sectarians. Those burned by Heribert, Archbishop 
of Milan, were accused of two strangely discordant delin- 
quencies, both irreconcileable with Manicheism — Judaism 
and Paganism. These heretics held the castle of Mont- 
forte, in the diocese of Asti. - They were questioned ; they 
declared themselves prepared to endure any sufferings. 
They honoured virginity, lived in chastity even with their 
wives : never touched meat, fasted, and so distributed their 
prayers that in no hour of day were orisons not offered to 
the'Lord. They had their gonods in common. They be- 
lieved in the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, in the power 
of binding and loosing; in the Old and New Testament. 
Their castle stood a siege. It was taken at length by the 
resistless arms of the Archbishop. All endeavours were 
made to convert the obstinate sectarians. At length in 
the market place, were raised, here a cross, there a blazing 
pyre. They were brought forth, commanded to throw 
themselves before the cross, confess their sins, accept the 
Catholic faith, or to plunge into the flames ; a few knelt 
before the cross ; the greater number covered their faces, 
rushed into the fire and were consumed.^ 

But in the twelfth centuiy Manicheism is rampant, bold, 
undisguised. Everywhere are Puritans, Paterines, Populars, 
suspected or convicted or confessed Manicheans. The 
desperate Church is compelled to resort to the irrefragable 
argument of the sword and the stake. Woe to the prince 
or to the magistrate who reftised to be the executioner of 
the stem law. During the last century, Wazon, Bishop 
of Liege, had lifted up his voice, his solitary voice, against 
this unchristian means of conversion :^ no such sound is 

• Sab ann. 1031. Landalph. Sen. ii. an ancient ortbodox Father ? Theysaid 

c 27, apud Maratori, R. It. S. iv. If they bad a Supreme Pontiff — not the 

the hnman race, said one, wonld ab- Bishop of Kome— probably, the Holy 

stain from fleshly connection, men wonld Spirit. 

bleed like bees, without oonjunetien. ' Gesta Episoop. Leodens. c 59. 

IMd they know that they were quoting Gieseler, note, p. 413. 



192 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

ingenious ; it is over refined in word and thought, often 
coarse in matter. But this was tiie song and tfie music in 
the castle hall, at the perpetual banquet. The chant in 
the castle chapel was silent, or unheard. The priest was 
either pining in neglect, or listening, as gay as tne rest, to 
the lively troubadour.* Nor was the Troubadour without 
his welcome song in the city ; it was there the bitter satire 
on the clergy, the invective against the vicQS, the venality 
of Rome, against the pilgrimage to Rome, against the mo- 
rose bishop, if such bishop there were, or against the 
Legate himself. 

In no European country had the clergy so entirely, or 
Low >ute of it should seem so aeservedly forfeited its authority. 
thedeiHT. jjj i^qj^q jjad thc Church more absolutely ceased 
to perform its proper functions. If heresy was the cause 
of the degradation of the Church, the self-degradation of 
the Church had given its strength to heresy ; the profes- 
sion which was the object of ambition, of awe if not of 
reverence, of hatred if not of love, in other parts of Chris- 
tendom, had here fallen into contempt. Instead of the old 
proverb for the lowest abasement, *' I had rather my son 
were a Jew," the Proven9als said, " I had rather he were 
a priest." ° 

The knights rarely allowed their sons to enter into 
orders, but, to secure the tithes to themselves, presented 
the sons of low-born vassals to the Churches, whom the 
bishop were obliged to ordain for want of others. The 
heretics had public burial-grounds of their own, and 
received larger legacies than the Church. This was not 
the work of Peter de Brueys, or of Henry the Deacon. 
That work must have been half done for the heresiarchs 
by the wealthy, indolent, luxurious clergy. Men, in a 
religious age, will have religion ; and it can hardly be 
supposed that the Provencal mind had generally outgrown 
the ancient ritualistic faith, if that faith haa been ad- 
ministered with dignity, with gentleness, with decency. 

St. Bernard's conquest had passed away with his pre- 

* Ra^ouard. the French from Guizot's Collection 

° William de Pay Laurens. I quote des M^moirefl. 
either the Latin finom Bouquet, or 



Ohap. VIII. STATE OP LANGUEDOC. 193 

sence. Not many years after, a council at Lomberes* 
(near Albi) arraigns a number of Dersonsof Ma- 
nichean opinions, rejection of the Old Testament, ^*^' ""* 
erroneous tenets on baptism and the Eucharist, repudiation 
of marriage. They extort an unwilling, seemingly an 
insincere assent to the orthodox creed. Thirteen years 
after, the Count of Toulouse himself (Raymond V.) raises 
a cry of distress. Five distinguished prelates, with 
the sanction of the Kings of England and of ^''*' 
France, the Cardinal Peter Chrysogonus at their head, 
find the whole country almost in possession of the heretics/ 

So basked the pleasant land in its sunshine ; voluptuous- 
ness and chivalrous prodigality in its castles,* luxury and 
ease in its cities : tne thunder-cloud was far off m the 
horizon. The devout found their religious excitement in 
the new and forbidden opinions ; there was for the more 
hard and zealous an asceticism which put to shame the feeble 
monkery of those days ; for the more simply pious, the 
biblical doctrines ; and what seems to have oeen held in 
the deepest reverence, the Consolation in death, which, 
administered by the Perfect alone (men of tried and known 
holiness), had all the blessing, none of the doubtful value 
of absolution bestowed by the carnal, wicked, worldly, as 
well as by the most sanctified, priest. 

Innocent had hardly ascended the Pontifical throne, 
when he wrote, first, a strong letter to the Arch- Apriiacnw. 
bishop of Auch ; in a few months after, a man- Jf pj^^w* 
date, addressed to all the great prelates in the "***• 

' Acta in Mansi, sub ann. Compare taine, d'Aragon, et de Catalogne, les 

for all this period Vaissette, Hist, de princes ProTengaox sembl^rent Touloir 

Langaedoc, hi. in imit. riTaliser de faste extraragant avec les 

^ "This heresy, which the Lord curse despotes Asiatiques ; le comte de Ton- 

(says the deyout Troubadour), had in louse gratifia de cent mille sous d'ar^ent 

its power the whole Albigeois, Car- le Seigneur Raymond d*Ar^t, qui les 

cassone, and Lauragais, from Beziers to distribuaentretous les cheTaliers prints. 

Bourdeaux."— Fauriel, p. 5 ; Vaissette, Bertrand Raimbaud, Comte d'Orange, fit 

sub ann« '* Churches were in ruins, labourer tons les enyirons du chftteau et 

baptism refused, the eucharist in eze- y fit semer jusqu'ik trente mille sous en 

cratioD, penance despised. Sacrements deniers. Raymond de Venous fit briUer, 

andantis — on introduisit les deux prin- par ostentation, trente de ses plus beaux 

cipes." — ^p.47. Raymond V. died in 1194. cheTaux devant I'assembl^e.' — Hist, de 

He had burned many heretics. I^nguedoc, iii. 37. " Le Midi d^irait 

' ** Dans la fameuse fSte de Beau- 2k la veille de sa ruine." — Michelet, 

caire, ou se r^unirent une multitude de and also H. Martin, Histoire de France, 

chevaliers des pays ProveuQaux, d*Aqui- iv. p. 189. 

VOL. IV. O 



194 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

south of France; the Archbishops of Aix, Narbonne, 
Auch, Vienne, Aries, Embrun, Tarragona, Lyons, with 
their suffiragans : to all the princes, barons, counts, and all 
Christian people. This Papal Manifesto broadly asserted 
the civil as well as religious outlawry of all heretics ;■ the 
right to banish them, to confiscate their property ; to 
coerce, or to put them to death. The temporal sovereigns 
were, at the summons of the two Legates, Rainer and 
Guy (Cistercian monks), to carry these penalties sub- 
missively into effect,*" they were offered the strong worldly 
temptation of all the confiscated estates, and indulgences 
the same as they would have obtained by visiting the 
churches of St. Peter and St James of Compostella. 
But these first measures only aggravated the evil. The 
ditercun missiou of thcsc Cistercian brethren as Papal 
lnw."* Legates, and that of the Cardinal John, were 
alike without effect.*' To the honour of the Sovereigns of 
the great fiefs they were not moved by the temporal or 
spiritual boons. Nor could this refiisal of the nobles to 
perform the rigorous behest of the Pope be attributed alto- 
gether to humanity. Their wives and families, if not 
themselves, were deeply implicated in the religious insur- 
rection. In one assembly, held in the year 1204,'* five of 
the most distinguished ladies of Provence, among them 
Esclarmonde, widow of Jordan Lord of Lisle Jourdain, 
and sister of the Count of Foix,*' were admitted into the 
heretical community. At the public reception of these 
ladies by one of the Perfect, they gave themselves up to 
God and his Gospel, promised for the future to eat 



A Innocent names as the obnoxious The further " animadversion " is indi- 

heretics the Valdcnses, the Cathari, and cated by a significant allusion to the 

the Paterini. He acknowledges their stoning of Achan, the son of Carmi. 
works of lore ; but with the charity of " ** Mais (Dieu me b^nisse I je ne 

a churchman of that age, ascribes these puis autrement dire) si non que les 

to dissembling artifice, m order to obtain h^r^tiqnes ne font pas plus de cas des 

Sroselytes. ** Justitis vultum pneten- sermons que d'une pomme gki6e" — 

unt, et studentes simulatis operibus Faorielyp. 7. This preaching TastCNl five 

caritatis, eos amplius elrcumyeuiunt, years. 

quos a^ reli^onis propositum viderint * Vaissette, Hist, de Languedoc, iii. 

ardentiusaspirare."— ApudBalttz,i.94. p. 133. Preuves, p. 437. 

^ ** Postquam per prsedictum fratrem * The other sister and the wife of the 

Rainerum fuerint excommunicationis Count of Foix were Waldensians. — 

sententift innodati, eomm bona con- Petr. V. C. vi. 10. 
fiscentf et de terra su& proscribant." 



Ceap. Vm. PETEB OP CASTELNAU AND BAOUL LEGATES. 195 

neither meat, eggs, nor cheese, to allow themselves only 
v^etables and fish. They pledged themselves further 
neither to swear nor to lie, to abstain from all carnal 
intercourse, and to be faithful to the sect even unto death. 
New powers were demanded ; sterner and more active 
agents required to combat the deepening danger. The 
Pope looked still to the monastic orders, to the spiritual 
descendants of St Bernard. Peter of Castelnau 
and Raoul, of that Order, were now charged ^"^ ^ 
with the desperate enterprise. These first Inquisitors 
were invested with extraordinary powers ; to them was 
transferred the whole episcopal authority; the ordinary 
jurisdiction was superseded at their will ; the Archbishop 
of Narbonne accuses them of extending the powers witn 
which they were endowed for the suppression of heresy, 
to punish the excesses even of the clergy.' They retorted by 
laying informations in Rome against the Archbishop; 
they deposed the Bishop of Viviers ; suspended the Bishop 
of Beziers ; he had refused to e^scommunicate the consuls 
of his city infected with heresy. The Legates assembled 
the bailifis, the Count of Toulouse, and the Consuls of the 
city, and extorted an oath to expel the ** good 
men " from the land. The oath had no effect ; 
Toulouse, the deceitful,^ went on in its calm tolerance. To 
these Papal Legates, to Peter of Castelnau, and to Raoul, 
was associated Arnold d'Amauri, the Abbot of Citeaux, 
the Abbot of Abbots, a man whose heart was sheathed 
with the triple iron of pride, cruelty, bigotry. The ser- 
mons of Arnold were met with derision.^ The Papal 
Legates travelled through the land fix)m city to city, 
in the utmost hierarchical pomp, with their retinue in 
rich attire, and a vast cavalcade of horses and sumpter 

mules. It was on their second circuit that they encoun- 

• 

' " Deinde cum pro hsereticis expel- v " Tolosa, tota dolosa."'— Petr. de 

lendis solummodo legatio prima yobia V. C. 

iDJuncta fuisset, yds ad ampliandam ^ Of Arnold writes the Troubadour : 

vestrs legationia potestatem, clericorum ** Ce saint homme s'en alia aTec les 

excessus hfleresim esse interpretantes, autres par la terre des hcr^tiques, leur 

multa contra formam mandati, et in de- prdchant de se convertir, mais plas il 

trimentumecclesiseNarbonensise^sti^/' les priait, plus lis se raillaient de lui et 

— Epist. ad Innocent III. apud Vaiasette, le tenaient pour sot."~p. 7. 
Prenves, May 29, 1204. 

o 2 



196 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

tertd, near Montpellier (in Montpellier alone the King 
of Arragon had attempted to enforce the expulsion of the 
heretics), the Spanish Bishop of Osnia, on his way to 
the north, with (the future saint) Dominic. The de- 
jected Legates bitterly mourned their want of success. 
" How expect success with this secular pomp ?" replied 
the severer Spaniards. " Sow the good seed as the heretics 
sow the bad. Cast off those sumptuous robes, renounce 
those richly-caparisoned palfreys, go barefoot, without 
purse and scrip, like the Apostles; out-labour, out-fast, 
out-discipline these false teachers." The Spaniards were 
not content with these stern admonitions ; the Bishop of 
Osma and his faithful Dominic, sent back their own 
horses, stripped themselves to the rudest monkish dress, 
and led the way on the spiritual campaign. The Legates 
were constrained to follow. Yet, notwithstanding their 
boasted triumphs in all the conferences, which were held 
at Verfeil, Caraman, Beziers, at Carcassonne, Montreal^ 
Pamiers ; notwithstanding their wise compliance with the 
counsel of Dominic, notwithstanding the exertions of that 
eloquent and indefatigable man and the preachers whom 
he had already begun to organise, their barefoot pilgrim- 
age, their emulous or surpassing austerities, Heresy bowed 
not its head ; it was deaf to the voice of the charmer. 
The temporal power must be commanded to do the work 
which the spiritual cannot do. Already the Legates had 
wrung the unwilling sentence of expulsion of the heretics 
from the municipal authorities of Toulouse. Yet it was a 
concession of fear, not of persuasion. The assemblies were 
still held, if with less ostentation, hardly with disguise.* 

Toulouse must have a Bishop at least of energetic cha- 
racter. In the time of Bishop Fontevraud the episcopal 
authority had sunk so low that he could not exact 
even his lawful revenues, and when he went on his visita- 

I " Tandem illse dnse olivm! ilia duo quod manifestis maliciis demonstraniut. 

candelabra lucen tia ante Dominumservis Nam statim perjuri effect!, et miserios 

eervilem incutientes timorem, minantes suae recidiom patientes, in conyenticulis 

eis rerum dilapidationem, re^m ac snis, ipso noctis medio, pnedicantes 

priucipum dedignationem intimantes, bflereticos occultabant." — Petr. V. C. 

hseresium objurationem, hsereticornm apud Bouquet. See also Gul. de Pod. 

expnlsionemeispersuaserunt; sicqueipsi Laurent, apud Bouquet, and Vit. S. 

non virtutis amore sed, secundum poetas Dominic, apud Bolland. 
'cessabantpeccare malifbrniidine pcens/ 



Chap. VIII. FULK OP MARSEILLES. 197 

tion he was obliged to demand a guard from the Cqpnt 
for his personal safety. He was succeeded by Ray- 
mond de Rabenstein, who passed the three years of his 
episcopate, which he had gained by simony, in war with 
one of his vassals, by which he had so utterly ruined his 
finances, that he submitted quietly to be deposed at the 
will of the Pope. His successor, Fulk of Marseilles,*^ was 
of a different, even less Christian character. There is no 
act of treachery or cruelty throughout the war in which 
the Bishop of Toulouse was not the most forward, san- 
guinary, unscrupulous. Fulk in his youth had been a gay 
Troubadour. The son of a rich Genoese, settled at Mar- 
seilles, he despised trade, wandered about to the courts of 
the more accomplished princes of the day, Richard of 
England, Alphonso of Arragon, and the elder Raymond 
of Toulouse. Fulk delighted the nobles with his amorous 
songs (still to be read in their unchastened warmth) and 
aspired to the favour of high-born ladies. The wife and 
both the sisters of Barral, Viscount of Marseilles, were the 
objects of his lyric adoration. Repulsed' by Viscountess 
Adelheid, he was seized with a poetic passion for Eudoxia, 
wife of Will iam of Montpellier. On the death of this prince, 
by which he was greatly shocked, he threw himself into a 
cloister ; the passion of devotion succeeded to worldly pas- 
sions. The monastic discipline scourged all tenderness out 
of his heart, and by unchristian cruelty to himself, he trained 
himself to far more unchristian cruelty towards others. 

Eight years had passed of ineffective preaching, menace, 
fulraination. The Sovereign of the land must be summoned 
to be the Lictor of the Papal Mandate, the executioner on 
his own subjects of the awful sentence of blood by shedding 
which, with hypocrisy which only aggravates cruelty, the 

• 

k The songs of Fulk of Marseilles may '* Amant passionn^ des dames, apdtre 

be found in Kaynouard, Yol. ii. See also fougueuz de rinquisition, il ne cessa 

Fanriel, Hist, de la Po^sie Proven^ale, de composer des yers qui portbrent 

vol. ii. Life of Fulk, Hist. LitiSraire Tempreinte de ses passions successives." 

de la France, ztiu. p. 586^ &c. " Aprte Compare his verses to the Ladj of Mar* 

avoir donn^ la moitid de sa vie k seilles and his Hymn to the Virgin. He 

la galanterie, il livra sans retenue was at the court of Coeur de Lion at 

Tautre moiti£ & la cause de tyrannic, Poitiers; of Raymond V.; of Alphonso 

du meurtre et de spoliation, et mal- II. of Arragon; of Alphonso IX., king 

heureusement il en profita.". He of Castile. Dante places him in Paradise, 
had a remarkable talent for poetry: — 



r 



198 LATIN CHRISTIANITY, Book IX. 

Clprch held itself sullied ; such sentence here, indeed, it 
wanted the power to accomj^ish without the civil aid. 

Raymond VI. Count of Toulouse is darkly coloured by 
oonnt Ry.^ the hatfcd of the sterner among the writers of the 
loute. Church of Rome as a concealed heretic, as a 

fautor of heretics, as a man of deep dissimulation and 
consummate treachery. He appears to have been a gay, 
voluptuous, generous man, without strength of character 
enough to be either heretic or bigot. Loose in his life, he 
had had five wives, three living at the same time, the 
sister of the Viscount of Beziers, the daughter of the King 
of Cyprus, the sister of Richard of England ; on the death 
of the last he married the sister of King Pedro of Arragon. 
The two latter were his kindred within the prohibited 
degrees. This man was no Manichean ! Yet Raymond, 
even though his wives were thus uncanonically wed, is 
subject to no high moral reproof from the Pope ; it is only 
as refusing to execute the Papal commands against his 
subjects (towards him at least unoffending), that he is the 
victim of excommunication, is despoiled of realm, of honour, 
of salvation.* 

Raymond had succeeded to the sovereignty four years " 
before the accession of Innocent III. The first event of his 
reign was his excommunication for usurpation (as it was 
called) on the rights of the clergy of StGilles. This excom- 
munication it was one of Innocent's first acts to 
remove." The position of the Count of Toulouse' 
and of his nobles had been strange and trying for the most 
courageous and wisest of men. They knew that they could 
not persuade, they could hardly hope to defend, they were 
called upon to persecute their subjects, their peaceful, 

' Compare on Raymond Petr. V. C. at chess with his chaplain, he said, 

c. iv. The Abbot had heard from a " The God of Moses, in whom you 

Bishop a sjpeech of Raymond's : " Quod believe, wiU not help you." The following 

monachi Cistercienses non poterant sal- are still more improbable. He said of a 

"vari, quia tenebant ores, quae luxuriam heretic of Castre^, who had been muti- 

exercebant. O hceresis inaudita !*' All lated, and dragged out a miserable life, 

his stories he relates on the authority of " I had rather be he than king or em- 

the Abbot Arnold, Raymond's deadly peror." " I know that I shall lose my 

enemy. Many irreverent speeches were realm for the * good men :' I will bear 

attributed to him, some implying heresy, the loss of my realm, even of my life, in 

** I see the devil made this world ; their cause." 

nothing turns out as I wish." Playing " a.d. 1194. Vabsette, p. 101, 



A.X>. 1098. 



Chap. VIII. DIFFICULTIES OF COUNT RAYMOND. 199 

perhaps attached subjects, for a crime of which at least 
they did not feel the atrocity. They were commanded to 
be the obeisant executioners of punishments not awarded 
by themselves, of which they did not admit thejustice, of 
which they could not but see the inhumanity. They were 
summoned by the Church, which was itself by its negligence, 
its dissoluteness, its long-continued worldliness, its want of 
Christianity, at least a main cause of the evil.** They were 
peremptorily ordered to desolate their country, to expel, 
or worse, to pursue to death a lai^e part, and that the most 
industrious, most prosperous of their subjects ; thus to repay 
the obedience and love of those among whom they had been 
born and had lived, who had followed their banner, paid 
loyal allegiance to their lawful demands ; to leave their 
towns in ruins, their fields uncultivated, or to people their 
land with strangers ; to incur the odious suspicion of aiding 
the Church in order to profit by the plunder of their 
vassals, to enrich themselves out of confiscations ; and all 
these hard measures were to be taken perhaps against the 
friends of youth, against kindred, against men whose 
blameless lives won respect and admiration."^ 

Peter de Castelnau, the Legate, determined at length on 
extreme proceedings ; the times, he thought, gave peterde 
him an auspicious occasion. Private wars had ^^'*^"' 
broken out, in which Count Eaymond and some of the 
other nobles were engaged. In these wars the property 
of the Church was not religiously respected ; in the sieges 
of towns their fields and vineyards suflered waste ; some 
of the nobles at war with Raymond alleged as their excuse 
the hostilities in which they were involved. The Legates 
peremptorily called on all the belligerent parties to make 
peace, in order to combine their forces against those worse 
enemies the heretics. Raymond did not at once obey this 
imperious dictation. Peter of Castlenau uttered the sen- 

' " Cnjbs rei culpa forte pro magnft same author : " Qoare er^ de terra, 

parte refund! poterat in prselatoe, utpote dixit episcopuB, eos non expellitis et 

2ui saltern latrare potuerant, reprehen- fugatis? At ait ille, non possumus ; 

ere et mordere." Such is the ingenuous sumus enim nutriti cum eis, et habemus 

confession of a writer on the side of the de nostris consanguineis apud ipsos, et 

Church. — Gul. de Pod. Laur. apud Bou- eos honeste vivere coDtemplamnr." — 

quet, xix. p. 199. Ibid., p. 200. 
^ Compare the pathetic sentence in the 



200 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

tence of excommunication, and placed his whole territory 
under an interdict. Instead of repressing this bold as- 
sumption of power on the part of his Legate, Innocent 
addressed a letter to Raymond, perhaps unexampled in 
the furious vehemence of its language. It had no super- 
scription, for it was to a man under sentence of excommu- 
nication. No epithet of scorn was spared : — "If with the 
Prophet (it began) I could break through the wall of thy 
heart, I would show thee all its abominations." It threat- 
ened him with the immediate vengeance of God, with 
every temporal calamity, with everlasting fire. "Who 
art thou, that when the illustrious King of Arragon, and 
the other nobles, at the exhortation of our Legates, have 
consented to terms of peace, alone looking for advantage 
in war, like a carrion bird preying on carcases, refusest 
all treaties ? " It charged him with violating his repeated 
oaths to prosecute all heretics in his dominions, with re- 
jecting the appeal of .the Archbishop of Aries in the 
course of war to spare all monasteries, and to abstain from 
arms on Sundays and holidays.'^ "Impious, cruel, and 
direful tyrant, thou art so far gone in heretical pravity, 
that when reproved for thy defence of heretics, thou saidest 
that thou wouldest find a bishop of the heretics who would 

?rove his faith to be better than that of the Catholics." 
t charged him with bestowing offices of trust and honour 
on Jews ; with seizing and fortifying churches. Innocent 
ended with the menace of depriving him of his territory, 
which he declared that he held of the Church of Rome ;** 
of arraying all the neighbouring princes against him as an 
enemy of Christ, and a persecutor of the Church ; and of 
offering his realm as a prize to the conqueror who might 
subdue it, in order that it might escape the disgrace of 
being ruled by a heretic' 

The denunciation of the victim was immediately fol- 

^ It might be inqaired whether these motif est le refaa que ce Prince avait 

prorisioDs were afterwards enforced on fiiit de conclure la paix avec ses Tassaux 

the Crusaders. ^ ^ du Marquisat de Provence, avec lesqaels 

*> " Terram quam noscis ab Ecdesift il 4toit en guerre, afin de joindre ses 

Koman& tenere, tibi faciemus auferri." armes anx leurs pour exterminer les 

' •• Telle est cette lettre fulminante h^rdtiques."— Vaissette, iii. 161. Inno« 

du Pape Innocent III. ii Raymond VJ., cent. Epist. x. 61. May 29, 1207. 
Comte de Toulouse, dont le principal 



Chap. VIII. CRUSADE PROCLAIMED IN FRANCE. 20 1 

• 

lowed by the summons to the executioner. A Papal let- 
ter was addressed to the King, to all the counts, Letter of 
barons, nobles, and to all faithfiil Christians in nov^jitIiW. 
France ; to the Counts of Vermandois and Blois, the 
Count of Bar, the Duke of Burgundy, the Count of 
Nevers, commanding them to take up arms for the sup- 
pression of the heretics in the South of France. Their own 
territories in the mean time were placed under the protec- 
tion of St. Peter and the Pope ; all who dared to violate 
them were exposed to ecclesiastical censure.* AH the 
estates and the goods of the heretics were to be confiscated 
and divided among those who should engage in this holy 
enterprise, and the same indulgences granted as for a 
Crusade in the Holy Land, so soon as war should be de* 
clared against Raymond of Toulouse, the disobedient 
vassal of the Church, the protector and abetter of he- 
retics. 

In the mean time Peter of Castlenau was not inactive ; 
he secretly stirred up the lords of Languedoc against 
Raymond. Raymond made peace, and thereby fondly 
supposed himself delivered from the excommunication. 
But the inexorable Peter stood before him, reproached 
him to his face with cowardice, accused him of perjury, 
and of abetting heresy. He renewed the excommunication 
in all its plenitude. 

Conceive, at this instant, a Pontiff like Innocent, with 
all his lofty notions of the sanctity, the inviola- Murder or 
bility of every ecclesiastic, confirmed by the con- caBtlmau. 
sciousness of his yet irresistible power, receiving the intel- 
ligence of the barbarous murder of his Legate ; another 
Becket fallen before a meaner sovereign ; the sacred 
person of his Legate transfixed by the lance of an assassin.^ 
That the terror and hatred of the clergy in Languedoc 
should instantly and obstinately ascribe the crime to Ray- 
mond himself that Innocent in his eager indignation 

* Epist z. 149. Compostella, et Saint Pierre, qui est 

' '* Qnand le Pape sat, qaand Ini fat enseveli dans la Chapelle de Rome. 

dite la noavelle, que son l^gat avait 6x4 Qaand il eat fait son oraison, il e'teignit 

ta^, sachez qa'elle loi fut dare ; de la le cierge, 15 Jan. 1208." — Apud Fauriel, 

colore qu'il en eClt, il se tint la machoire, p. 9. 

et se mit a prier Saint Jacques, celui de 



202 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

should adopt their version of the death of Peter, excites 
no wonder. Their report publicly countenanced by the 
Pope was this, that the Legates had been invited to a con- 
ference at St. Gilles, that the Count had sternly refused to 
ratify the satisfaction which he had promised, that he had 
uttered dark menaces against the Legates. The Legates 
had passed the night under an armed guard on the shores 
of the Rhone, in the morning, when they were crossing the 
river, Peter of Castelnau was transfixed with a lance by one 
of the emissaries of Count Raymond He only lived long 

Jan IB 1208 ^^^^S^ ^ breathe out, " God pardon them, as I 
pardon them.'*" Raymond was afterwards charged 
with having admitted the assassin into his intimate inter- 
course. 

Strong contemporary evidence, as well as all the pro- 
babilities of the case, absolutely acquit the Count of Tou- 
louse of any concern in this crime. It may have been 
done by some rash partisan who thought that he was ful- 
filling his master's wishes ; but one writer states that Ray- 
mond was never known to be so moved to anger as by this 
event. He was not of that passionate temperament which 
might be hurried into such a deed. He could not but see 
at once its danger, its impolicy, and its uselessness. The 
enemy of Raymond was not the individual monk, but the 
whole hierarchy, and the Pope himself; and he must 
have known too that of his own partisans all the supersti- 
tious, all the timid, all the religious would be estranged 
by an awful crime perpetrated on the sacred person of a 
legate of the Pope."" 

The dying prayer of the Legate may have been accepted 
in heaven; on earth it received barren admiration, but 
touched no heart with mercy. 

Innocent at once assumed the guilt of Raymond. He 

" Innocent, Epist. xi. 26. The Trou- have canght him, to the satisfaction of 

Vadour sa^s, " Un des layers (du the Legates. " Le dit Comte Raimond 

Comte) qui en avait grande rancnne, et ^toitsi courroac^et fach^ de ce menrtre, 

voulait se rendre desormais agreable k comme avant 6i4 fait par un homme k 

son Seigneur tua le Legat en trahison." lui, que jamais il ne fut si courrouce de 

'* He fled to Beancaire, where his rela- chose au monde." — Hist, de la Guerre 

tions liTed."— p. 9. des Albigeois ; Guizot, Coll. des Me- 

" Kaymond, according to the Hist, des moires, xt. 4. All modern writers, D. 

Albigeois, would hayc punished the assas- Vaissette, Capefigue, Hahn, even Hurler 

sin (he had fled to Beaucaire), if he could more doubtfuily, exculpate Raymond* 



Chap. VIU. EXCOMMUNICATION OF COUNT RAYMOND. 203 

proclaimed it in letters to the Archbishops of Narbonne, 
Aries, Embrun, Aix, Vienne, and their suflira- innocent 
gans ; to the Archbishop of Lyons and his cSStaJy- 
sufiragans. Every Sunday and every holy day °**'°**- 
was to be published the excommunication of Raymond of 
Toulouse the murderer, and all his accomplices : no faith 
was to be kept with those who had kept no faith ; ^ all his 
subjects were absolved from their oath of allegiance: 
every one was at liberty to assault his person, and (only 
reserving the right of his suzerain the King of France), to 
seize and take possession of his lands, especially for the 
holy purpose of purging them of heresy. The only terms 
on which Raymond could be admitted to repentance were 
the previous absolute expulsion of all heretics from his 
dominions. 

But the blood of the martyr" (as he at once became) 
called for more active vengeance. Innocent 
seized the instant of indignation at this almost 
unprecedented and terrible crime, to awaken the tardy 
zeal, to inflame the ambition and nipacity of those, 
who at the same time might win to themselves, by the 
favour of the Church, a place in heaven and a goodly 
inheritance upon earth. " Up," he writes to Philip 
Augustus of France ; " up, soldiers of Christ I Up most 
Christian king ! Hear the cry of blood ; aid us in wreak- 
ing vengeance on these malefactors." With strange per- 
verted quotations from the sacred Scriptures, he makes 
Moses and St Peter, theFathers, as he calls them, of the Old 
and New Testaments, predict this amicable union of the 
royal and sacerdotal powers, and the two swords (one of 
which his gentle master afterwards commanded the rash 
disciple to put away) authorise the united Crusade of the 
kingdom of France and the Church of Rome against the 
inhabitants of Languedoc. "Up," in the same tone, cried 
the Pope to all the adventurous nobles and knights of 

^ " Cum joxta sanctorum patmm the obstinate incrednlity of the people, 

canonicas sanctiones, qui Deo fidem non '* Claris jam, ut credimus, miraculis 

serrat, fides servanda non est." — Epist. coruscasset, nisi hoc illorum incredulitas 

Innocent, xi. 26. impediret." And the passage of St. 

' Peter of Castelnaa's body would have Luke is adduced without hesitation, 
wrought wonderful miracles, bat for 



204 LATIN CimiSTIANITY. Book IX. 

France, and offered to their valour the rich and sunny 
lands of the South.* 

The Crusade was thus not merely an outburst of religious 
zeal, it took into close alliance strong motives of political 
ambition, perhaps the hostility of rival races. Philip Au- 
gustus, who had almost expelled the King of England from 
the continent, aspired to raise the feudal sovereignty of the 
crown over the great fiefs of the South to actual dominion. 
Instead of an almost independent prince, the Count of 
Toulouse, with his princely nobles, must become an obe- 
dient vassal and subject. The French of the North up to 
this period had vainly endeavoured to extend their rule 
over the Gallo-Roman, or Gothic Roman population of 
the South. The language divided and defined the two yet 
unmingled races. A religious Crusade was a glorious 
opportunity to break the power of these rival sovereigns 
rather than dependent vassals. Throughout the war the 
Crusaders are described as the Franks, as a foreign 
nation invading a separate territory. While there was 
little of the sympathy of kindred or of order to prevent 
the princes and nobles of Northern France firom wreaking 
the vengeance of the Church upon the rebellious Princes 
of Languedoc, the great warlike prelates of France were 
bound by a still stronger tie to the endangered cause of 
their brother prelates of the South. There had been 
quite enough of heresy threatening the peace of almost 
every diocese of France to awaken their jealous vigilance. 
The less they possessed the virtues of churchmen the more 
fierce their warlike zeal for the Church. So in the first 
ranks of the Crusade appear the Archbishops of Rheims, 
Sens, Rouen. The wealth and prosperity of the Southern 
provinces, the hope of plunder, was of itself sufficient incen- 
tive to the baser adventurers ; to the nobler there was the 



* '* Attende per Moisem et Petrom, voluit stirpe nascl, sacerdotali videlicet 

patres videlicet utriusque Testamenti, et regali. £t princeps Apostolorum, 

signatam inter regnam et sacerdotiam ' £cce gladii duo hie,' id est simul, 

unitatem, cum alter regnum sacerdotale dicenti Domino, ' satis est,' legitur 

pnedixit et reliqaus regale sacerdotium respondisse, et materiali et spirituali 

appellayit ; ad quod signandum Bex gladiis sibi invicem assistentibus, alter 

Regiim et Dominua dominantium Jesus per alternm adjuvetur." — Epist. ibid. 

Chi i&tus, secundum ordinem Melchi- And the world heard with awe this san- 

sedek sacerdotis et regis, de utraque guinary and impious nonsense t 



Chap. VIII. CRUSADE. 205 

chivalrous passion for war and enterprise ; while the easier 
mode of obtaining pardon for sins, without the long, and 
toilsome, and perilous and costly journey to the Holy 
Land, brought the superstitious of all ranks in throngs 
under the consecrated banners. The clergy everywhere 
preached with indefatigable activity this new way of at- 
taining everlasting life ; the Cistercian convents threw open 
their gates, the land was covered with monks haranguing 
on the same stirring topic. From all parts of France they 
assembled in countless numbers at Lyons; a second not 
less formidable host was gathering in the West ; the 
number is stated at 500,000, 300,000, at least 50,000 
men of arms.** 

Raymond, as he well might, stood aghast ; he had done 
all in his power to obtain peace from Rome. He conductor 
rejected the gallant proposal of his nephew the ^y™«™>- 
Viscount of Beaucaire, to summon their vassals and kin- 
dred, garrison their castles, and stand boldly on their 
defence.^ He sent an embassy to Rome, the Archbishop 
of Aucb, the Abbot of Condom, de Rabenstein the ex- 
Bishop of Toulouse, the Prior of the Hospitallers (he 
had yet some ecclesiastics on his side, hated with pro- 

fortionate intensity by his enemies).** The demands of 
imocent were hard, and those, it is said with sonjething of 
old Troubadour malice, gained by many presents;'' the 
surrender of seven of his chief castles as guarantees for 
the Count's submission. 

A new Legate had been named, Milo the Notary of 
the Papal Court, a man of milder views, of whom Ray- 
mond, under the fond delusion of hope, said that he was a 
Legate after his own heart But this was only craft on the 
part of the Pope ; it was not yet his object to drive 

^ ** l\ s*y croisa tant de gens que fat fait si grand host, que celui fait 

personne ne les saurait nombrer ni alors contre les h^r^tiqnes.'' — Fauriel, 

estimer, et elle a cause des grands par- p. 1 5. Petr. V. C. adds that to obtain 

dons et des absolutions, que le Legat the indulgence they were to be " con- 

avait donnas a toas ceux qui se croise- triti et confessi." 

roient pour aller contre les h^rtftiques." " Histoire des Gnerres. 

— Hist, de la Guerre, Guizot, xy. 5. <* " Ezecrabiles et malignos Archepis- 

" Cependant aussi loin que s'^tend la copum Auxitanum," &c. — Petr. V. C. 

sainte Chr^tlente', en France et en tons c. ix. 

les autres royaumes ... les peuples se ' '* Us disent si bonnes paroles et 

croisent, d^ qu'ils apprennent le pardon font tant de presents."— p. 19. 
de leurs p^hes, et jamais je pensc, ne 



206 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. BooE IX. 

Count Raymond, before his great vassals were subdued, 
to desperation. Milo was accompanied by Theodisc, a 
canon of Genoa, of less yielding character ; and no measure 
was to be taken without the approbation of Arnold, the 
stern Cistercian Abbot/ The Bishop of Conferans was 
added to the legatine commission. Milo was enjoined to 
use all wise dissimulation ; every thing was to be done to 
lull and delude Count Raymond.^ The Legates appeared 
in Languedoc; it was of no auspicious omen that they 
had first visited France.** 

From religious awe, from conscious inability to resist, 
perhaps from some generous hope of obtaining gentler 
terms for his devoted subjects, Raymond of Toulouse 
submitted at once in the amplest manner to the demands 
of his inexorable enemies, to the personal abasement 
Penance of infllcted by the Church. The scene of his hu- 
juiiei8.iao9. niiliation may not be passed over. At a 
Council at Montelimart he was cited to appear before the 
Legates at Valence. There he first surrendered, as secu- 
rity for his absolute submission, his seven strong castles — 
Oppede, Montferrand, Balmas, Mornac, Roquemaure, 
Fourgues, Faujaux.* He was then led, naked to the 
girdle, to the porch of the abbey church, and in the pre- 
sence of the Legates, and not less than twenty bishops, 
before the holy Eucharist, before certain reliques, and the 
wood of the true cross, with his hand upon the holy Gospels, 
he acknowledged the justice of his excommunication, and 
swore full allegiance to the Pope and to his Legate. He 
swore to give ample satisfaction, according to the Pope's 
orders, on all the charges made against him, now recapitu- 
lated with terrible exactness — his refiisal to make peace, his 
protection of heretics, his violations of ecclesiastical pro- 
perty. If he did not fulfil his oath his seven castles were 

' The Pope says expressly to Milo : tain the protection of Philip Aagostns, 

" Abbas Cistercii totum faciet, et ta his liege lord for Lang^iedoc ; of the 

organam ejos eris : Comes enim Tolo- Emperor Otho, of whom he held the 

sanus eum habet Muspectum; tu non eri* Marqaisate of Provence. The King and 

ei sugpectua:* Emperor were at war (Philip therefore 

V Epist. xi. 232. "Cum talis dolus did not join the Crusade); each refused 

prudentia sit dicendus." Such are In- to interpose, unless on condition of 

nocent's own damning words. The breaking with his enemy, 

whole letter is in the same tone. * See in Vaissette, p. 162, the situation 

^ Raymond had endeavoured to ob> and strength of these castles. 



Chap. VIII, PENANCE OF COUNT RAYMOND. 207 

at once escheated to the Church of Rome : the county of 
Melgueil, which he held of the Church of Rome, reverted 
to its liege lord : himself fell under excommunication, his 
lands under interdict ; his compurgators, the Consuls of the 
towns in his dominions, were absolved from their allegi- 
ance, that allegiance passed to the Church of Rome. He 
swore further to respect the rights of all the churches in 
the provinces of Narbonne, Aries, Vienne, Auch, Bour- 
deaux, Bourges. The Consuls of Avignon, Nismes, and 
St. Gilles took their compurgatorial oath to his fulfilment 
of all these stipulations; the governors of the seven castles 
not to restore them to the Count of Toulouse without the 
consent of the Pope. These ceremonies ended, the Count, 
with a rope round his neck, and scourged, as he went, on 
his naked shoulders, was led up to the high altar : there 
after a solemn recapitulation of the Pope's commands 
before it, and a reiteration of the same commands after it, 
he received the absolution.*' But his humiliation was not 
complete ; by a well-contrived accident, the crowd was so 
great that they were obliged to lead him close by the 
tomb of the murdered Peter of Castlenau ; naked, bleed- 
ing, broken-spirited, he was forced to show his profound 
respect to that spot™ 

But he has not yet drunk the dregs of humiliation : 
new difficulties arise ; new demands are made : Raymond 
the Count himself must take up the cross against (>^e! 
his own loyal subjects ; he must appear at the head, he 
must actually seem to direct the operations of the invading 
army. Two only of his knights follow his example. 
His deadly enemy assigns one nobler motive for this act, 
that he might avert the Crusade from his own subjects, 
another (the vulgar suggestion of hatred) hypocrisy." He 
did not leave the army till after the fall of Carcassonne. 

The war was inevitable ; not even the Pope could now 
have arrested it ; and the Pope himself is self-convicted of 

^ Petr. V. G. c. 12. tornm infestatione tneretor . . . O falsum 

™ " O jastam Dei judicium I quern et perfidissiranm cniceaignatom I Co- 

enimcoDtempseratvivum,eireTerentiain mitem Toloeanum dico, qui cnicem 

compulsus est exhibere et defuucto." — assumpsit, non ad yindicandam injuriam 

Petr. V. C. apnd Bouquet, xix. 80. crucifizi, sed ut ad tempus celare possit 

o " Ut sic terram suam a cruce sigoa- suam et tegere prayitatem." — Ibid. 



208 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

the most cunning dissimulation. This vast army must have 
its reward in plunder and massacre.® The subtle distinc- 
tion is at hand, it is not waged against the Count of Tou- 
louse, against the Count of Languedoc, but against the 
heretics. 

Never in the history of man were the great eternal 
principles of justice, the faith of treaties, common hu- 
manity so trampled under foot as in the Albigensian war. 
Never was war waged in which ambition, the conscious- 
ness of strength, rapacity, implacable hatred, and pitiless 
cruelty played a greater part. And throughout the war 
it cannot be disguised that it was not merely the army of 
the Church, but the Church itself in arms. Papal legates 
and the greatest prelates headed the host, and mingled in 
all the horrors of the battle and the siege. In no instance 
did they interfere to arrest the massacre, in some cases 
urged it on. "Slay all, God will know his own," was the 
boasted saying of Abbot Arnold, Legate of the Pope, 
before Beziers. Arnold was the captain- general of the 
army.P Hardly one of the great prelates of France stood 
aloof. With the firtt army were, at the head of their 
troops, the Archbishops of Rheims, Sens, Rouen ; their 
suflragans of Autun, Clermont, Nevers, Bayeux, Lisieux, 
Chartrcs. The Western host was led by the Archbishop 
of Bourdeaux, the Bishops of Limoges, Basas, Cahors, 
Agen. A third force moved under the Bishop of Puy. 
The great engineer was the Archdeacon of Paris. Fulk 
Bishop of Toulouse has been described as the ecclesias- 
tical De Montfort of the Crusade.^ We have the melan- 
choly advantage of hearing the actual voice of one of the 
churchmen, who joined the army at an early period ; and 
whose language may be taken as the expression of the 
concentred hatred and bigotry, which was the soul of the 

o " Man woUte," writes Hurler, who kings of Castile and Arragon. " U ne 

would apologise for the Crusade, "so vit dans RaymondVI.,et dans Pierre II., 

grosse Riistungen nicht yergehlich un- roi d' Arragon, leur fils, que des princes 

temommen haben V* The army of the qui se re&saient Ik Textermination des 

faith Cthe faith of Jesus Christ I) must hdr^tiques, que des rebelles, qui ne se 

not disperse without blood and plunder ! soumcttaient pas implicitenient & la do- 

P Vaissette. mination du clerg^, et il devfnt le plus 

*! Fulk had now altogether forgotten acham^deleurs ennemis."— Hist. Litdr. 

all the favours of Raymond, of the xiz. p. 596. 



Chaf. VIII. PETER DE VAUX CERNAY. 209 

enterprise : the Historian Peter, Monk of Vaux Cemay, 
attendant on his uncle, the Abbot of that monastery. He 
is the boastful witness to all its unexampled cruelties. 
Monkish fanaticism could not speak more naturally, more 
forcibly. With him all wickedness is centred in heresy. 
The heretic is a beast of prey to be slain wherever he may 
be found.' And if there might be some palliation for the 
clergy of Languedoc, who had been neglected, treated 
with contumely, perhaps with insult, had seen their 
churches not only deserted, perhaps sacrilegiously vio- 
lated, the Monk of Vaux Cernay was a stranger to that 
part of France." 

The army which moved fromLyons along theRhdne came 
from every province of France. Its numbers were Advance of 
never known. The Troubadour declares that God ^^™~**- 
never made the clerk who could have written the muster-roll 
in two months, or even in three. He reckons twenty thousand 
knights, two hundred thousand common soldiers, not 
reckoning the townsmen and the clerks.^ The chief secular 
leaders were Eudes Duke of Burgundy, Hervfe Count of 
Nevers, the Coimt of St. Pol, and Simon de Montfort 
Count of Leicester. The army advanced along the 
Rhone, joined as it proceeded by the vast contingents of 
the Archbishop of Bourdeaux and the Bishop of Puy. At 
Montpellier they were met by the young and gallant 
Viscount of Beziers,* who having urged his uncle Count 
Raymond to resistance, now endeavoured to avert the 

' e. g, '* Les Notres pass^rent an fil wiyes, Collent and Collebent, by whom 

d'^p4e ceax qn'ils purent trouTer, met- he had sons and daoghtera. Another 

tant tout k feu et k sang. Pour quo! sect said *' God had two sons, Christ and 

ioit en toutes choses beni le Seigneur qui the Deyil." Peter's histoir is in Bouquet, 

nous livre quelques impies, bien que t. xix., and in M. Guixot s Collection of 

non pas tons I" — Coll. des^ M^moires, M^moires, t. xt. 

p. 303. ' * " IMeu ne fit jamais latiniste ou 

' Peter (who dedicates his work to derc si lettr^— qui (de tout cela) pAt 

Innocent III.) seems to have been as raconter la moitie ni le tiers [of their 

i^orant, as cruel and fanatic His no- crosses, banners, and barded horses] oa 

tions of the opinions of the heretics are ^crire les noms des (senls) pr£tres et 

a strange wild jumble. They were not abb^" The Archbishop of Bourges 

only Manicheans, denying the Old Tes* was alone prevented from serving by 

tament, and Docetse : they held the most death. — Fauriel, 15. 

horrible doctrines concerning John the " According to the Troubadour, the 

Baptist, " one of the worst of devils ;" Viscount was ** bon Catholique ; je vous 

and our Lord himself, who was spi- donne pour garanti maint clere et maint 

rituall^ in the person of Paul. (Is this chanoine (mangeant) en r§fectoire." — 

Paulicianism?) The Good God hiad two p. 27. 

VOL. IV. P 



210 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX, 

storm from his two cities, Beziers and Carcassonne. But 
siege of his ruin was determined. The army appeared 
jttiy2a,iiM. before Beziers, which in the strength of its walls, 
and the courage of its inhabitants ' (the Catholics made 
common cause with the rest) ventured on bold defiance/ 
The Bishop Reginald of Montpellier demanded the 
surrender of all whom he might designate as heretics. On 
their refusal of these terms, the city was stormed/ A 
general massacre followed; neither age nor sex were 
spared ; even priests fell in the remorseless carnage. Then 
was uttered the frightful command, become almost a pro- 
verb, " Slay them all, God will know his own." In the 
church of St Mary Magdalene were killed seven thousand 
by the defenders of the sanctity of the Church. The 
account of the slain is variously estimated from twenty 
thousand even up to fifty thousand. The city was set on 
fire, even the Cathedral perished in the flames.* 

The next was Carcassonne. The Viscount of Beziers, 
ofCkicM- hi his despair, had thrown himself into the city 
**"•• with a strong body of troops. The monk relates 
with special indignation that these worst of heretics and 
infidels destroyed the refectory and the cellars of the Canons 
of Carcassonne, and even (more execrable I) the stalls of 
their church to strengthen their defences. Pedro King of 
Arragon appeared as mediator in the camp of the Cru- 
saders. Cfarcassonne was held as a fief of the King. He 
pleaded the youth of the Viscount ; asserted his Catholic 
belief, his aversion to heresy : it was not his fault if his 

* " Der Legat ererhnmte ob solcher sading army ? — See the Geste of Jeru- 

Hartnitcktigkeit, wonl an denn rief er, salem, where the Roi des Ribands pla>s 

BO soil anch kein Stein aaf dem andem, the same part in the taking of Antioch 

kein leben geschont werden." — Hnrter, and Jerusalem. — HisL Lit. de la France, 

p. 309. U xxii. p. 363-377. 

^ '* Fortis enim et niminm locnples. ' ''Ojastissimadiyinsdispeusationis 

populosaque valde — nrbs erat, armatis- mensura ! Fnit enim capta civitas ssepe 

que yiris et milite molto — freta." — Gul. dicta in festo S. Mariae Magdalene." 

Brito. The monk howls ont his delight at this 

' The Tronbadonr relates a singular jud^ent of God on account of a tenet, 
drcnmstance : the first attack was made whichhe absurdly ascribes to the heretics, 
by the " Roi des Ribauds," with 15,000 " S. Mariam Magdalenam fuisse concu- 
tmands, in shirts and breeches, but with- binam Christi." The Viscount of Be- 
out chaossures. They climbed the walk, ziers had left the town (probably to 
and swarmed in the trenches. They got defend Carcassonne) ; as did the Jews : 
all the plunder, which they were obliged " Les Juifs I'ont suiyi de pr^." The 
to giye up to the Barons. — p. 35. Was Jews had no yocation to wait and be 
thii wild rout a common part of a era- massacred. 



Chap. VIII. SIEGE OF CARCASSONNE. 2 1 1 

subjects had fallen away : he was ready to submit to the 
Legate. The only terms they would offer were, that he 
might retire with twelve knights ; the city must surrender 
at discretion. The proud and gallant youth declared that 
nothing should induce him (he had rather be flayed alive) 
to desert the least of his subjects.^ The first assaults, 
though on one occasion the bishops and abbots and all the 
clergy went forth chanting " Veni Creator Spiritus," * on 
another were lavish in their promises of absolution/ ended 
in failure. 

Carcassonne, if equal care had been taken to provision 
as to fortify the city, might have resisted for a year that 
disorderly host But multitudes from all quarters had 
found refuge within its walls. The wells began to fail ; 
infectious diseases broke out Ere eight days the Viscount 
accepted a free conduct from an oflScer of the Legate : he 
hoped to obtain moderate terms for his subjects. Most of 
the troops made their escape by subterranean passages, and 
the defenceless city came into the power of the 
Crusaders.* The people were allowed to leave '"^ ' * 
the town, but almost naked ; ' they were pillaged to the 
utmost. But the Legate would not allow his soldiers, 
under pain of excommunication, to share the plunder. It 
was to be reserved for a powerful baron,, who was to rule 
the land and extirpate the heretics for ever. The Viscount 
had given himself up as a hostage ; ' he was treated as a 
prisoner, cast into a dungeon, where he died in a Death of 
few months, not without suspicion of poison b^^^ 
administered by Simon de Montfort But a no^-*«"»»- 
broken spirit and foul dungeon air may relieve Simon 

^ " Cela (dit alon le roi entre ses ' " EgresM sunt ergo onuies nndi de 

dents) se fera toat aussitot qu'un ftne ciyitate, nihil secum pneter peccatum 

Tolera dans le cicl."— Fauriel, p. 51. portantes." Peter V. C. — "on ne leur 

" Peter V. C. xvi. avait pas laiss^ en sua (chose) qui yal&t 

' " Les tfv^aes, les prieurs, l6s on bouton." — Fanriel, p. 55. 

moines, et les abb^i . . . s'en yont criant, ' '* £t chose grandement foUe, fit-il, 

Tite an pardon (crois^) que faisez a mon avis." This historian paints the 

Tous ?" — Faariel, 51. treachery of the Legate very darkly. 

* The modem historians of this war Vaissette says that h<f was seized during 

have wrought up a Walter Scott scene a conference. I have followed the ac- 

of treachery, on slender foundations. — count least unfavourable to the per* 

Barron et Darragon, Croisades contre fidions Le^te- Abbot, 
les Albigeois. 

p 2 



S 1 3 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

from a charge always asserted^ rarely to be proved or 
disproved. He died at the age of twenty-four.^ 

The law of conquest was now to be put in force. The 
lands of a heretic were as the lands of a Saracen^ The 
question was to which of the orthodox army should be 
assigned the first fruits of the victory. The French nobles, 
the Dukes of Burgundy, the Counts of Nevers and St 
Pol, with disdainful indignation refused the reward of a 
mercenary. They had land enough of their own ; nor 
would they set the perilous example of setting up the fiefs 
of France to the hazard of the sword. The zeal of Simon 
de Montfort was not so noble nor so disinterested*' He was 
invested, on the Pope's authority, with all the lands con- 
quered or to be conquered during the Crusade. This 
was of fearful omen to Raymond of Toulouse. Only a 
sovereign of the whole land, of unimpeachable devotion to 
the Holy See, of indefktigable activity, dauntless courage, 
inflexible resolution, an iron heart, oould subdue the realm 
to ecclesiastical obedience. 

The submission of Raymond had been complete ; it 
might be suspected of insincerity, it assuredly was com- 
pulsory ; yet ne had accepted the hard terms, had surren^ 
dered his castles, had undergone the basest peraonal 
humiliation.^ The Pope had even expressed his appro- 
bation, and welcomed him back into the bosom of the 
Church. Up to the taking of Carcassonne, it might be 
with a bleeding heart, he had remained in the Crusader's 
army. He had even attempted to conciliate Simon de 
Montfort, by the demand of De Montfort's daughter in 
marriage for his son. 

But Raymond had been too deeply injured to be 
forgiven ; and nothing less than the whole South could 
fully repay the zeal and valour of the Crusaders. The 

i> Innocent's letter has miaerabilittt reeant. Agreat altercation arose whether 

intttfectuM, This waft the accusation of he was to he spared* The cotmt decided 

the King of Arragon. that he should be burned. *' If he is a 

* Peter ascrib^ to him a ^ show of true convert, the fire will be an expia- 

repugnance. The historian briefl^^ says tion for his sins. If not, it will be a just 

thatsimon, " qui le d^sirut, le prit." penalty for his sins." The man was 

^ Epist. xii. 90. The monk relates saved by something like a miracle. — 

this story: — Two heretics were eon- e. zxii. Can this be true ? 
demned to be burned. One offered to 



Chap. VIII. TRPACHERy OP THE POPE. 213 

treachery of the Count rests on suspicion ; that of the 
Legate, and it must be sadly confessed, of the Pope 
himself on his own words. Treachery was his deliberate, 
avowed design. Innocent had enjoined, and now only 
followed out his policy of deceiving Count Raymond by 
feigned reconciliation, so to separate him from tiie rest of 
the Languedocian nobles, and to destroy them^ one by one, 
with the greater ease. And to justify this, the Vicar of 
Christ abuses the words of an Apostle of Christ™ 

The Legates were apt disciples of their master. It 
was easy to demand impossible things, to assume conanoM 
the breach of the stipulations on which the Count Sr b^^. 
had received absolution, and to claim the forfeiture. The 
Legates seem to have dreaded the influence of Raymond's 
agents at Rome ; they suspected even the Pope of weak 
lenity. The Count had boasted that the Emperor Otho, 
and even the King of France, had interceded in his 
behalf. Instead, therefore, of immediately renewing the 
excommunication and the interdict on account of fifleen 
articles, on which they charged him with not having fulfilled 
his promises, they allowed him a certain time to give full 
satisfaction. The seven castles they significantly hinted, 
of which he prayed the restitution, were strong enough to 
resist any attack, and had already escheated to the See of 
Rome." 

Raymond bad hardly returned to Toulouse, when an 
embassy arrived from the Legate Arnold and Simon de 
Montfort, demanding the instant surrender of all heretics 
and all abettors of heresy within his dominions to the 
ecclesiastical power, and of all their property to be at the 
disposal of the Crusaders. In vain it was pleaded by 
some of the designated tutors of heresy that they were 
of orthodox belief, and had been already reconciled to the 

"> " Quia veto a nobis soUteite est stndentes, duaunodo Tideritis qnod ex 

reqaisituiQj qaaliter prooedendum sit hoc idem comes yel aliis mbus assistere^ 

circa comttatum eoDoiem fideli exer- vel per se ipsom minus debeat insanire, 

citui (cruce) signatorum, qoatenus ad non statim incipientes ab ipso, sed eo 

apostc4i dicentis, ' Cam tagem ashUutf primitus arU pntdeniU di$nmulatumi$ 

dolo voB cepi,' magisterium recurreotes, eluao, ad extirpandos alios haereticos 

cam talis* dolus pradentia potias sit transeatis/'i^Epist. 23S. 

dicendus, cum eorundem sigpatorum ■ Compare tbe two letters of Milo, 

pradentioribus opportiiDo consilio, dl- the Legate, to the Pope.— xii. 106, 107, 
visos ab ecdesife 1^litate divisum capere 



214 LATIN CHRISTIANITY, Book IX. 

Church by the Legate himself. In vain Count Raymond 
declared that he appealed to the Pope. At V alence 
toe excommunication was again hurled against 
his person, the interdict laid on his dominions. Raymond 
seized the desperate measure of going himself to Kome, 
and throwing himself on the justice, he might fondly hope 
the mercy, of the Pope. Innocent, in the mean time, had 
committed himself to a triumphant approbation of all the 
exploits of the Crusaders; he had invested Simon de 
Montfort in the conquered territories, and exhorted him, 
for the remission of his sins, as he had extirpated, so to 
keep his new realm free from the contagion of heresy.*^ 
Simon de Montfort is his beloved son, the acknowledged 
hero of the Holy War.^ 

Raymond visited the Court of France before he went to 
Raymond in Romc. His Tcccption by the Pope was not pro- 
*'**°^* mising. The Pope, by one account, heaped on him 
so many reproaches as almost to reduce him to despair.^ 
According to others, he was received with courtesy by the 
Pope and by the Cardinals. Innocent spoke with fairness 
on the restitution of the seven castles : it did not become 
the Church of Rome to enrich itself with such spoils. The 
right of the Count was by no means annulled by the 
cession. The Pope condescended to hear the confession 
of Count Raymond; showed him the Veronica, and 
allowed him to touch the holy face of the Lord ; he gave 
him absolution ; bestowed on him a costly mantle and a 
precious ring from his own fingers. The harshness would 
perhaps be hardly less Papal than these specious courtesies. 
From Innocent's words and acts, these outward honours 
were cautiously, jealously, if not deceptively bestowed. 
Notwithstanding the absolution. Count Raymond was to 

o " In remissionem tibi peccaminum interest (it passed under the odious name 

injongentes quatenus attendendo pni- of usary) for their loans. — ^zii. 136. 

denter quod non minor est virtus *^ " Quern Dominus Papam tot con« 

quam quserere, parta tueri." — Epist. viciis lacessiyit, oontumeliis tot confiidit 

xii. 123. quod quasi in desperatione positus, quid 

p The Pope wrote to the Archbishops ageret, ignorabat Ipsnm siquidem di- 

of Aries, Besan^on, Vienne, Aix, Nar- cebat incredulum, crucis persecutoremi 

bonne, L;jrons, and others, to compel by fidei inimicum, et vere sic erat." — Petr. 

ecclesiastical censures ail who had lent V. C. c. 33. The monk may have given 

money to the Crusaders, especially the to the Pope some of his own bitter pas- 

J«W8— there most have been more than sion. The historian says Raymond wai 

eensores against the Jews^not to exact received with honour* 



Chap. VIlI. PROGRESS OF CRUSADE. 2 15 

appear in three months before a council to be assembled 
by the Legates, to purge himself from all charge of coun- 
tenancing heretics, and all concern in the murder of Peter 
of Castelnau. What may be called the secret instructions 
to the Legate (Milo was dead), to the Abbot Arnold, 
recommended him to consult on all points the Canon 
Theodisc, who was alone in possession of his real 
sentiments. But Theodisc was to act only under the 
orders of Arnold, to be his instrument of deception, under 
the bait of feigned gentleness to conceal the iron hook of 
severity, and so delude again the devoted Count/ It was 
Innocent's object not to goad him to despair. Raymond 
must not be driven to head the strong reaction which had 
already begun against the usurpation and tyranny of De 
Montfort.* 

The success of the Crusade had been beyond expecta- 
tion : the two strong cities, Beziers and Carcas- progrew of 
Sonne, had fallen in little more than two months. ^^™^«- 
From the panic, and from force, five hundred castles and 
towns had surrendered or yielded after a short siege.^ The 
Count of Toulouse, the King of Arragon, had issued 
decrees against the heretics. The Count of Foix (De 
Mon tfort had entered Castres), with Albi, Pamiers, Mirepois, 
oifered terms. Simon de Montfort had now a kingdom. 
But on the approach of winter, far the larger part of the 
French barons, bishops, and knights returned home ; De 
Montfort remained with the few troops whom he could afford 
to pay. The Pope, indeed, commanded the archbishops to 
give up to Simon, for the maintenance of his army, large 
sums which the heretics, or those accused of heresy, had 
deposited in their hands for safe custody. But many towns 
had already raised the standard of revolt ; the King of 
Arragon resolutely refused his homage for the parts of the 

r « In hamo lagaci talis tnie positus Papa, ne in desperationein Tenus eccle- 

anasi esca, nt per earn piscem capias siam, qua in Narbonensi provincia erat, 

nactoantem, cui tananam salaberrimam impognaret acrios et manifestius dictus 

tiue piscatationis abnorrenti doctrinam comes, indixit ei.'* He orders him to 

quodam pnidenti mansaetudiois artificio dear himself of the crime of heresy, and 

severitatis ferrum necessarinm est ab- that of the marder.— Petr. V. C. c. S3, 

scondi." And Innocent again makes his ' " Captisque fere qningentis turn 

fetvoarite quotation : *' Cum essem astu- castellis, axuB per possessos saos diabolui 

tus dolo vos cepi." habitabat,*'— Petr. V. C. 

• ** Veruntamen cogitans Dominus 



316 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

territory which were his fiefs. But with the spiring new 
crusaders crowded around De Montfort*s banner, the Bi- 
shops of Chartres and Beauvais. Many towns and castles, 
Alyonne, Bram, Alairac, Ventalon, Montreal, Constassa, 
Puyvert, Castres, Loraberes, fell. Minerve, a fortress of 
Siege of great strength at the border of the Cevennes, on 
▲j>A7io. a high rock girded by deep ravines, made a long 
and vigorous resistance. Provisions failed ; the lord of 
the castle proposed to surrender. Now appeared the 
darkening atrocity of the war.° Even De Montfort would 
have accepted the capitulation ; but the fiercer Cistercian 
Abbot, unwilling that the enemies of God should escape, 
sought even fraudulent means of baffling or eluding the 
treaty. De Montfort left it to the decision of the Abbot, 
who as a churchman could not openly urge the rej^tion of 
pacific terms.' Arnold decided that of the heretics all 
believers who should absolutely submit to the mandates of 
the Church, should have their lives spared: even the 
Perfect, of whom there were multitudes, might escape if 
they would recant. A fierce knight, Robert de Molesme, 
the agent of De Montfort with the Pope, protested against 
this ill'timed leniency. " Bear not," said the Abbot, " few 
will there be whose lives will be spared." Minerve surren- 
dered. The cross was placed on the keep of the castle. 
The banner of De Montfort waved below it. Arnold was 
right^ The Abbot of Vaux Cemay preached in vain to 
the heretics; the women were more obstinate than the 

** According to the monk of Vans at the tail of a hone through (he town, 

Cemay, Gerald de Pepienz had betrayed then handed. 

Simon de Montfort ; he was a cruel ' Histoire de la Guerre, Petr. V. C 

enemy of the faith, and had barbarously I quote the French ; *' A ces paroles 

mutilated some of his soldiers.— c. 27. TAbb^ Ait grandement marri pour, le 

Mutilation became a common practice, d^ir qu'il avait que les ennemis du 

*rhe monk, of course, lays the blame of Christ fhssent mis k mort, et n'osant 

commencing it on the heretics, for cependant les y condamner yu qu'U 

Simon was the gentlest (mitissimus) of dtait moine et pr^tre." — In Collection 

mankind. — c. 34. Montfort, in fact, had des Mifmoires. 

put to the swbrd the garrisons of several ' Petr. V. S. c. 36, 37. Miracles fbl- 

castles belonging to Pepieuz. The whole lowed the capture of Minerve, *' et ils 

eanison of Montlaur was hanged. A brfUaieut maint f(flon d'h^r^tique (fils) 

undred of that of Bram had their eyes de pute chienne, et mainte foUe mtf- 

but out ; one eye was left to the c^)tain, creante, <}ui brait dans le fen." Such 

in order to conduct his soldiers to Ca- is the bnef merciless account of the 

baret. — Vaissette, iii. p. 191. A priest, Troubadbur, p. 79. Compare the His^ 

Who had revolted from De Montfort, was toire, c» xvili. 
taken to Carcassonne, degraded, dragged 



Chap. VIII. COURT OF TOULOUSE FURTHER ABASED. 217 

men. A hundred and forty of the Perfect spared their per- 
secutors the trouble of casting them on the vast 
pile ; they rushed headlong of their own accord 
mto the flames. 

The castle of Termes was of still greater strength, it might 
defy with a prudent and resolute commander (an 
obstinate heretic) any attack. The siege lasted **"'*' 
four months ; the Bishops of Beauvais and Chartres, as 
well as the Count Robert and the Count of Foitheu, retired 
in despair.' The great engineer, the Archdeacon of Paris, 
adhered to the army to the last The garrison 
broke away at length through subterranean pas- 
sages. The Governor was taken, and shut up in a dungeon 
for life ; the town given up to plunder ; the heretics burned; 
their shrieks were mocked by their persecutors.' 

The Count of Toulouse now urged the fulfilment of the 
Pope s decree. He oflered to appear before a Council to 
justify himself concerning the charges on which he was 
arraigned. But the crafty churchmen, the Genoese Canon 
Theodisc (the depositor of the Pope*s secret views), and the 
Abbot Arnold (with whom was now joined the Bishop of 
Riez)had other intentions. They contrived delays ; g^^t. uio. 
they made demands, and insisted that such ^0^^?°^ 
demands should be rigidly accomplished before ^■'°>«»*- 
they would admit him to compurgation.^ A council was 
at length held at St. Gilles. W hen the Count found his 
adversaries so utterly implacable, he was moved, it is said, 
to tears. The stonv-hearted churchman scoffed in Scrip- 
tural language at his hypocritical weeping.'^ He left St 

' The French knights were so disposed cirenmspectus et proyidos, ad hoc omni- 
to gain the advantages of Indulffenoes modis aspirabat, nt possit de Jure re- 
JDii the easiest tenns» that the Legate pellere ab indicandA ei poigatione co- 
was obliged to order that no one should mitem memoratam." Tney charitably 
rec<ei76 an Indulgence without Ibrty ayerred " facilUme, immo lubentifsime, 
days* service. — Petr. V. C. c. 43. per se et suos complices pejeraret." — 

• In this fearful civil war the Bishop of c. 39. 
Carcassonne was among the Crusaders. ' " In diluvio a4|uanim multamm ad 

His brother, William of Rochfort, as the Deum non approximatis." So the Vul- 

monk says, one of the worst and most gate. Our version is, " Surely in the 

cruel enemies of the Church, was with floods of great waters they i^ll not come 

Raymond, who commanded in Termes. nigh him" Ps. xzzii. 6. The canon 

^ ** Cum intrftsset magister Theo- spake thus : " Sciens quod lacryma ills 

discus Tholosam, habnit secretqm ool- non eraat lacryma devotionis et pomi- 

loquium cum Abbate Cisterciensi super tentin sed nequitiie et doloris — doli V* 

i^dmittenda purgatione Comitis Tholo- — Ibid, 
sanii Magister vero Theodiscus, titpote 



213 Latin Christianity. book ix. 

Gilles burthened with a new anathema. Another con* 
ference at Narbonne was equally without effect, and 6till 
another at Montpellier. At length, at a council in Aries, 
the Legates boldly threw off all concealment of their 
inflexible hatred. They summoned the Count before their 
tribunal, and haughtily commanded him not to leave the 
city without their permission.** Their terms were these : 
I. That Count Raymond should lay down his 
arms, dismiss his troops, not retaining a single 
follower. II. That he should be obedient to the Church, 

Say all the expenses which they might charge on him, and 
uring his whole life submit himself without contradiction. 
III. In the whole kingdom no one should eat of more 
than two kinds of meat. IV. That he should expel all 
heretics and their abettors from his dominions. Y. That 
before the end of the year he should deliver up to the 
Legate and to Count de Montfort every person whom 
they might demand, to be dealt with according to their 
arbitrement. VI. No one in his dominions, either noble 
or serf, was to wear costly garments, only dark and coarse 
mantles. VIL He was to raze all fortresses and castles 
in his dominions. VIII. No one of his men, unless a 
noble, was to live within any walled town. IX. No taxes 
to be levied in the land, except the ancient and statutable 
payments. X. Every head of a family was to pay yearly 
fourpence to the Legate, to be collected by the Legate s 
agents. XI. All tithe to be restored to the Church, and 
all arrears of tithe. XII. When the Legate travelled 
through the land, he was to be entertained without cost : his 
meanest follower was not to pay for anything. XIIL When 
he had executed all these conditions. Count Raymond was 
to set out on a crusade against the infidel Turks, and not 
return without permission of the Legate. XIV. All these 
terms duly fulfilled, his lands would be restored to him by 
the Legate and the Count de Montfort." 

These terms were dictated, it was thought, by the 

^ The Legates were greatly offended cenorum in Yolatu et canta aviiim et 

that Count Raymond had left Mont- csteris auguriia spem habebat." — Petr. 

peUier abruptly, without even the oour- V. C. • 

tesy of taking leave. He had seen an * Histoirede la Guerre, xx. Vaissette, 

evil omen (says the monk), the St. iii. notexyi. Chroniques apud Bouquet^ 

Mark's bird. ** Ipse enim more Sara^ p. 136. 



Chap. VIII. DE MONTPORT. 219 

Count*s irreconcileable enemy, the Bishop of Toulouse. 
The King of Arragon was in Aries. He had been 
jealously watching the course of events.' At Montpellier 
he had reluctantly received the homage of Simon de 
Mpntfort for Carcassonne. At the same time he had 
strengthened his connection with the House of Toulouse by 
the marriage of his daughter Sancha with the young 
Count Raymond. At these extravagant demands, Ray- 
mond broke out into bitter laughter. "You are well 
paid," said the King of Arragon. The ban of excommu- 
nication was again pronounced, with more than usual 
solemnity. 

Raymond hastened to Toulouse; he summoned the Coun- 
cil of the city. The Toulousans declared that they would 
submit to the worst extremity rather than accept such 
shameful conditions. There was the same enthusiasm 
throughout his dominions. " They would all die. They 
would eat their own children ere they would abandon their 
injured sovereign.'** 

War was now declared, but war on what Unequal 
terms ? Here stood De Montfort, the resistless Baymond 
conqueror, the absolute model of a crusading amis. 
chieftain ; of noble birth. Lord of Amauri in France, of 
Evreux in Normandy, Count of Leicester in England. We 
have seen De Montfort stand majestically alone in the army 
before Zara, the one knight loyal to the Pope. Faithful 
to the cause of the Cross, he was unsurpassed in valour as 
in military skill ; beloved by his army, and not alone from 
their perfect reliance on his unbroken success ; his soldierlike 
gentleness to the true servants of Christ vied with his 
remorseless hatred of the unbeliever. Which of these virtues 
did not secure him the most profound adoration from the 
hierarchy of which he was the champion ? A holy monk 
of the Abbot Arnold's own Cistercian house was inter- 
rupted, it was told, in his prayers for the Count of 
Leicester by a voice from Heaven : ** Why pray for him ? 

' Oompare the long and striking ac- aixnaient mieux etre tons tti^ on pris, 

coant of the Troubadonr, p. 99. qne de souffrir, ou de faire rien an monde 

V ** Lea hommes du pays, chevaliers (une chose) qui ferait d'eux tons dea 

et bourgeois) qoand ils entendirent la serfs, des vilains, ou des paysans." — 

charte qui leur fut lue . * . dirent qn'ils Fauriel, 102» 



220 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

for bim so many pray incessantly, there is no need for thy 
orisons." And now De Montfort*s three ruling passions — 
religion, ambition, interest, conspired to bis grandeur. 
On the other hand, was the irresolute Count Ray- 
mond, only goaded into valour by intolerable fraud and 
wrong ; who without bigotry had betrayed and persecuted 
the religion of his subjects ; debased by the most miserable 
humiliation; without military skill, with no fame for 

Erowess in battle; mistrusted by all, as mistrusting 
imself. 

Yet the war has in some degree changed its character : 
it has still all the blackening ferocity of a religious war ; 
but it is also the revolt of a high-spirited nation against a 
foreign invader ; a noble determination to cast off a cruel 
and usurping tyranny. The Troubadour, the poet of the 
war, for above three thousand verses has dwelt on the 
glory of the temporal and spiritual champions of the 
faith, Simon de Montfort and the Bishop Fulk of Toulouse. 
He has revelled in the sufferings of the heretics, mocked 
the shrieks of the burning women,^ There is a sudden 
change. The Crusade is now a work of savage iniquity, 
outraging humanity and religion ; Count Raymond is the 
noblest, most injured of men. But the high Provencal 
patriotism of the Troubadour is only the love of his 
country, attachment to the ancient house of the Counts of 
Toulouse : he has no sympathy for heretic or Albigensian. 
In Toulouse the Count and the Bishop could not but 
BUbop of come into collision. There was civil war in the 
To«iou«. ^jty^ The Count had foolishly yielded up the 
strong citadel^ '* The Narbonnaise." In the city the zealou3 
Catholics prevailed. The Bishop organised a strong con- 
fraternity to root out with armed force the heretics, 
usurers, and Jews. They attacked, and in their religious 
zeal, pillaged and demolished houses* The borough, on 
the other side, was inhabited by the nobles. There the 
heretics had the chief power. Against the White Brethren of 
the Bishop were arrayed the Black Brethren of the citizens. 
The Bishop refused to celebrate, to permit the celebration, 

^ ** Maiote foUe h<$r^tiqae beagle dans le fea." This is of the females bumed 
at Mireux. — Compare Faariers preface. 



CHAP.Vm. LAVATTR. 221 

of any divine office, so long as the city was infected by 
the presence of an excommunicated person. He had the 
modesty to request the Count to retire, on the pretence of 
an excursion, in order that he might perform at least one 
uncontaminated and undisturbed function.* The Count 
sent word by some of his soldiers that the Bishop himself 
must leave the city. *^ I was not elected to my see by a 
temporal prince, but by ecclesiastical authority. Let him 
come if he dare-; i^will encounter his sword with the holy 
chalice." The Bishop thought himself more safe in the 
camp of De Montfort, now engaged in the siege of Lavaur.^ 
Lavaur belonged^to T^s^&t Bernard, Count of Foix, of all 
the Froven^l princes the most powerful and most giege •f 
detested by the Church, as, if not a heretic, a ^''""• 
favourer of heretics. -^^' In this case the charge was an 
honour rather than a calumny. The Count of Foix is 
claimed by the Waldensians, if not as one of themselves, 
as having encouraged his son in freedom of faith.™ A man 
of profound religion, the Count of Foix had been the first 
to raise the natfire standard against De Montfort ; he was 
a knight of val(|ur as of Christian faith. Before Lavaur, 
the besieging engines were surmounted with a cross ; and 
it was held sacrilegious impiety, when the besieged, having 
battered down one limb of the cross, presumed to scoff. 
One day the besiegers attempted to storm the city ; the 
engines were driven to the walls, the besieged hurled 
burning wood and fat upon them ; amid all this horrible 
tumult, the Bishops and the Legates, as before, stood 
chanting, ** Come Holy Ghost ! " At the fall of Lavaur 
Simon had been irritated by the surprise of a detachment of 
five thousand Gkrman crusaders, who had been cut to pieces 

* The BiBhop, says the Troubadour, le maillot de franchise. . . . Pour le 

had been established "pour Seigneur Pape, }e ne l*ai pcnnt offens^: oar il ne 

dans la ville, avec grande solemnity, m'a rien demand^ comme Prince qne je 

comme on emperear. — p. 103. ne lui aye ob^. l\ ne se doit meder 

^ Petr. V. C. c. 51. de ma reli^on, Teu qa'nn chacun la 

™ According to the life of Roger Ber- doit avoir libre. Mon pire m'a reccm- 

nard» son of the Count by Holagarai, numde tonjoim ceste liberty afin qu'^tant 

quoted in Perrin, Histoire des Chretiens en cette j^ture, quand le oiel crooleroit 

Albigens (Geneve, 1615), p. 140, the je le puisse regarderd'un ceilfermeet 

Count of Foix, on his submission in 1222, assur^, estimant qu'il ne me pourrait 

answered the Le^te— ** Certes je vous fiure de mal/' &c. 1 owe this citation 

dirai que je n'ai jamais desir€ que de to Gieseler, p. 592. 
maintenir ma liberty : car je suis dans 



222 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

by the Count de Foix, The barbarity at Lavaur passed all 
precedent even in this fearful war. A general massacre was 
permitted ; men, women, children were cut to pieces, till 
there remained nothing to kill except some of the garrison 
and others reserved for a more cruel fate. Four hundred 
were burned in one great pile, which made a wonderful 
blaze, and caused universal rejoicing in the camp.° Ay- 
meric of Montreal, the commander, was brought with 
eighty nobles (Lavaur seems to have been thought a safe 
place of refuge) before De Montfort. He ordered them 
all to be hanged ;^ the overloaded gibbets broke down ; 
they were hewn in pieces. Giralda, the Lady of Lavaur, 

was thrown into a well, and huge stones rolled 
*^ ' ' down upon her. She was pregnant : her merci- 
less enemy would not even spare her fame ; they reported 
that she accused herself of the most revolting incest^ The 
Troubadour, on the other hand, praises her virtue, her 
chastity : " no poor man ever left her without being fed." 
Soon after, Simon de Montfort surprised a camp of 
Count Raymond. The Bishops preached in vain to five 
hundred heretics, but converted not one ; sixty, however, 
they burned with great joy.** From Lavaur De Montfort 
advanced to the siege of Toulouse. The Bishop was in 
his camp. At the Bishop's command, all the clergy, bare- 
footed, and bearing the host, marched out of the city; 
they were followed by five hundred of the White Brethren. 
But want of supplies, and the bold sallies of the garrison, 

forced him to break up the siege ; he revenged 
"^* * ' himself by wasting the gardens, vineyards, and 
meadows. At the end of the year, when the crusaders 
returned home, De Montfort himseliF was besieged in Cas- 
tel Naudery : he revenged himself by a terrible defeat of 
the Count de Foix. 

During the close of the year and the following one, 
the war raged, still to the advantage of De Mont- 

" ''LesenyoyantainsibrCUerd'unfeu ^ **De fntre et filio se concepisse 

^temeL" — Gestes Gloriecues in Guixot, dixit." — Chron. Taron. apod Fauriel, 

Coll. des M^moires. p. 113. 

** " Jamais (says the poet) dans la ** The Toulonsans did not wage the 

Chr^tient^ si haat baron ne fat je crois war with less ferocity : at the taking of 

pendu, avec tant d'autres eheyaliers k Pajols, sixty knights were slain or 

aes o6t£s."— p. 118. hung. 



Chap. VHI. NEW CRUSADE. ' 223 

fort The Archbishops of Rheims, Rouen, the Bishops 
of Paris, Laon, Toul were with him. At one time 
even Innocent, moved perhaps by the murmurs of 
Philip Augustus who began to be jealous of the 
growing power of De Montfort, seemed to waver into 
justice/ He commanded the restitution of the lands of 
the Counts of Foix and Comminges, and of Gaston de 
Beam. He suspended his indulgences to the Crusaders. 
But he soon revoked again his own concessions, returned 
to his haughty and hostile tone, ordered the whole people 
to be raised by the offer of indulgences against the men of 
Toulouse and their allies. At a great parliament ko^. 1211. 
at Pamiers, De Montfort appeared as a Sovereign s?v2l32i**'* 
Prince ; already the estates of the Languedocian ^°"* 
nobles were awarded to tBe northern conquerors. It was 
enacted that noble women, heiresses of free fiefs, should only 
marry the nobles of France, those who spoke the langue 
d'oil. To win popularity against the nobles, the peasants 
and serfs were declared exempt from arbitrary payments. 
The churchmen must not be without their share of the 
spoil. The Legate Arnold obtained the Archbishopric of 
Narbonne. The successor of Stephen Harding and St. 
Bernard was not content with the metropolitan dignity ; 
he assumed the proud feudal title, involving great secular 
rights, of Duke of Narbonne. The Abbot of Vaux 
Cemay had the Bishopric of Carcassone ; other Cistercian 
monks received wealthy benefices. The Archbishop of 
Auch, the Bishop of Beziers were deposed ;' the engineer, 
the Archdeacon of Paris, declined the Bishopric of 
Beziers. 

Count Raymond, before the close of the year, had lost 
all but Toulouse and Montauban ; he fled to the King of 
Arragon ; the gallant Spaniard declared that he would sup- 
port his cause ( he was connected by a double tie) against the 
wicked race who would despoil him of his heritage.* The 

' Petr. V. C. 70. The Pope was boldly adhered to the side of Raymond, 

uimis credalus falsis soggestionibos * " II est mon beaa fr^re, dit-il, il a 

dicti regis (of France) ; afterwards he epons^ nne de mes soeurs, et Tantre je 

acted, re melius cognitk Tai donnde pour femme k son fils. J'iru 

* The Archbishop of Auch, Bernard done les secourir coutre cette m^hante 

de la Barthe (a Troubadour poet) re- race, qui yeutleurenleyerleur heritage." 

sisted bis degradation till 1214; he still — Fauriel, p. 199. 



224 LA^N CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

Consuls of Toulouse addressed a supplication likewise to 
the King against their Bishop and against the Legate. 
They declared that they always gave proofs of their ortho* 
doxy against convicted heretics ; they had burned many, 
were ready to bum more." They accused the Legate and 
the Bishop of excommunicating them, because they em- 
ployed routiers (the soldiers of fortune) whom themselves 
did not scruple to buy off by higher pay, though guilty of 
the worst and most sacrilegious crimes. The very soldiers 
who had murdered certain priests (on this the monk of 
Vaux Cernay dwells, as the great crime of the Toulousans) 
had been enlisted among his own troops by the Legate. 
The King of Arragon, before he engaged in the war, 
iongof made an appeal to the Pope. Innocent was 
^^'^••**- again shaken, and began to have some mistrust 
in the representations of his Legates. He had set in 
motion a terrible engine, he could not arrest or regulate its 
movements. The Pope wrote to the Archbishop of Nar- 
bonne (the Abbot Arnold) and to Simon de Montfort, 
recounting the charges made against them. ^^They had 
not only invaded lauds infected with heresy, but stretched 
out their rapacious hands to seize those of Catholics;'' 
while the King of Arrf^n was engaged against the Sara- 
cens, they had infringed on his rights, waged war on his 
vassals, and occupied his territories. Count Baymond 
bad offered to surrender all his dominions to his son, 
against whom was no charge or suspicion of heresy. 
Raymond should be admitted (the Pope now urged, or had 
before urged) to compurgation." Simon de Montfort was 
accused of wantonly shedding Catholic blood, under the 
pretence of extirpating heresy;* he was commanded to 
restore the territories which he had unjustly usurped, to 
the King of Arragon. But even the all-powerful Innocent 

* "tJnde mnltoi combussimus, et ad- in homines hflereticcs pravitatis extendi 

hue com invenimiu, idem facere non per orucesignatoitim ezerdtom ad 

ceesamns." — See the petition in Bouquet, effusionem justi sanguinis et innocen- 

p. 206. ... ^^^^"^ injnriam provocasti." — Epist. xv. 

^ " Ad illas nihilominns terras, qxue 213. Simon is impaled on the noms of 

super hseresi nnll& notabantur'infamift a pontifical dilemma. Either th« inha- 

manus avidaf extendistis."— Epist. xy. bitants were Catholics or heretics: if 

212. Catholics, he had no right to invade 

' " Quod tu convertens in Catholicos their lands ; if heretics, he ou^htnot tolet 

manns tuas, quibus soffecisse debuerat them live peaceably under his dominion. 



OitAP. VIII. BATTLE OF MUBET, 225 

was powerless in the cause of justice and humanity : his 
compunctuous visitings of mercy found no hearing even 
among the churchmen of the Crusade. The Council of 
Lavaur, attended by two archbishops as Legates, and by 
a great number of prelates, with one voice, determined to 
come to no terms with the ** tyrant and heretic of Tou- 
louse/* If his dominions were restored to him heresy 
must triumph. All the representations of the King 
of Arragon in favour of the Counts of Toulouse, 
of Foix, and Comminges, and of Gaston de Beam, 
were contemptuously rejected. Their letters were abso- 
lutely furious — " Arm yourself, my Lord Pope, with the 
zeal of Fhineas; annihilate Toulouse, that Sodom, that 
Gomorrah, with all the wretches it contains ; let not the 
tyrant, the heretic Raymond, nor even his young son, lift 
up his head ; already more than half crushed, crush them 
to the very utmost" Innocent was once more on their 
side; he Uireatened the King of Arragon with a new 
Crusade/ 

The great victory of Muret, in which Simon de Mont- 
fort with very inferior forces (he had at most »»ttieof 
about 1000 men-at-arms, about 400 squires) sept. 12. wis. 
totally defeated, with the loss of one knight and a few 
common soldiers, the combined forces of the King of 
Arragon and the Count of Toulouse, seemed to decide for 
ever the fate of the devoted land-* Pedro of Arragon, the 
victor of Navas de Tolosa, was slain ; his infant son, 
afterwards James L, fell into the hands of the conqueror 
at Carcassonne. The Counts of Toulouse, the father and 
son, fled. 

' Epist. xvi. 28, 40. Hnrter, vith keine Schnid aof Innocenz, der nicht 

whom all Innocent's acts mnst be saintly, Uberall sehen, in vielem auf Berichte 

ia obliged to take refuge in the imperfect Ton Maunern sich verlassen musste, die 

information of the Pope, and the abuse seinen Vertrauen zu ihnen nicht im- 

of his confidence by his agents : an ex- mennehr so ehrten, wie es dem Besten 

cuse for a weak pontiff, but not for one der Kirche wiinschbarwar." Vorrede — 

whose sagacity and penetration are so p. vi. Gestes Glorieuses. 
highly coloured by Hurter himself. ' Guizot, xv. 34S. While the battle 

" Wenn withrend dieses Krieges manches was going on, the whole clergy, bishops, 

sich ereignete was mit Betriibniss er- abbots, continued chanting, so that they 

fullen muss, oder wenn derselbe in seemed "plutothurler que prier." They 

Baum und Zeit weiter sich erforderte, chose the day of battle, that of the ele- 

als die Erreichnng des Z weeks, wozu er vation of the cross. — Puy lAurent. 
untemommen worden, so fallt hiervon 

VOL. IV. Q 



226 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

The Pope, on the occasion of his sending a new L^ate, 
April 18, the Cardind Deacon, Peter of Benevento, Car- 
**'*• dinal of St. Mary in Aquirre, in strange 
apocalyptic language celebrates this triumph/ ^^ The Bed 
Horse (the Count of Toulouse) and his soldiers, conjoined 
with the Black Horse of heresy, had been discomfited. 
The sign which Innocent had raised on the dark mountain 
had gathered the valiant and the holy of the Lord to his 
aid. They had trampled down the pride of the Chal- 
deans." The new Legate received the submission of the 
conquered princes, the Counts of Foix and Comminges and 
Bousillon, and the Viscount of Narbonne. They were 
sworn to renounce all heresy, all protection, all connivance 
with heretics ; to surrender, if required, all their principal 
fortresses to the Church of Bome and her Legate, to give 
no succour to the city of Toulouse. If they fulfilled not 
these conditions, their castles escheated to the Pope ; they 
were excommunicate, declared enemies and traitors to 
the Boman See. Even the Count of Toulouse was per- 
mitted to make his submission, but under harder condi- 
tions. Our compassion for the fate of Count Baymond is 
mitigated by the horror of his last act; he surprised his 
brother Baldwin, who had fallen off to De Montfort, and 
hung him on a walnut tree.* Baymond now surrendered 
all his dominions, which he had before made over to his 
son, without reservation to the See of Bome. He placed 
his person at his enemies' disposal, to retire to England, if 
they should so decree, till he could make his peace. He 
promised to procure the submission of his son to the mercy 
of the Pope. Yet, if we are to believe the monk of Vaux 
Cernay, even mercy on these terms was but a fraud prac- 
tised on the nobles, to give De Montfort time to subdue the 
still refractory cities, Agen, Cahors, Toulouse; a pious 
fraud suggested by God's Holy Spirit ! ^ 

* Epist. xvi. 167, dated Jan. 17, 1214. et compesceret frande sad. Comes Mon- 

* It is even said, but by the Monk, tisfortis et peregrini, qui Tenemnt a 
that the Count of Foiz and bis son tied Franei&, possent transire ad partes catur- 
the rope. censes et aginenses, et siios, imino Christi, 

*» *' Egit ergo misericorditer divina impugnare inimicos. O Legati fraus 
dispositio, at dam Legatus bostes fidei pia! O pietas fraadulenta I"— Petr. V. 
qui NarbonsB erant congregati, allioeret C. c. 78. 



Chap. VIII. DE MONTFORT SOVEREIGN OF LANGUEDOG. 22? 

Simon de Montfort had strengthened himself by the 
marriage of his son with Beatrice, heiress of Dau- simon de 
phiny. At a council at Montpellier, held Jan. 8, choLn Lord 
1215, the Legate demanded the advice of five immj. 
archbishops, twenty-eight bishops, many abbots and digni- 
taries, as to the course to be pursued with regard to the 
conquered territory. With one assent they chose Simon 
de Montfort Prince and Sovereign of the whole land. 
Thus all the native and hereditary princes were deposed ; 
the old ancestral house of Toulouse, erewhile the greatest 
territorial princedom in France without excepting even the 
King, connected by blood or marriage with all the Sove- 
reigns of Europe, was despoiled of all : the whole of Lan- 
guedoc, Catholic as well as heretical inhabitants, transferred 
to a new master.** 

Toulouse submitted ; Prince Louis, son of Philip Au- 
gustus, who had now joined the Crusade, the Cardinal, the 
Bishop Fulk, Simon de Montfort, held secret councils, 
whether to pillage or burn the city ; but De Montfort did 
not wish to ruin himself by destroying his own splendid 
and hard-won capital.** The Legate took possession of 
the strong castle, the Narbonnaise. The young Count 
withdrew to England, followed, after some time, by his 
father. The Crusade of Prince Louis of France was a 
triumphant procession — he met no resistance. The walls 
of Toulouse and Narbonne were thrown down. But if 
the pomp was with Prince Louis, the gain of the victory 
was with De Montfort. Philip Augustus had never ap- 
proved of his son's Crusade; he beheld this new realm 
of De Montfort with no favourable eyes. When Louis 
appeared before him, on his return from the Souths and 



« ** Cest ainsi que Raymond VI., qa'k sa croyance." — ^VaUsette, p. 285. 
Comte de Toulouse, tut d^pouille dc tous ^ ** Cepeudant le fils du Roi de France, 
ses ^tats, et que ce Prince, le plus grand qui consent k mal, Don Simon, le Car- 
terrier qui fut alors dans le royaume, dinal, et Folquet tous ensemble pro- 
sans en excepter le roi meme, se vit posent en secret de saccager (d'abord) 
eufin T^duit k ne po68<kLer plus une pouce toute la ville; puis d'y mettre le feu 
de terre, sans que les liens de sang qui ardent (pour la brQler). Mais Don Si- 
I'attachaient k presque tous les souve- mon reflechit, que s*il d^truit la yille, 
rains de TEurope fussent capables de le ce sera k son dommage." — Fanriel, 223. 
mettre k Tabri des entreprises de ceux The advice of the Bishop in the Histo- 
qui en voulaient plus h ses dominions rian is even more atrocious. 

Q 2 



228 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

described the wealth and power of Simon, the King gave 



no answer/ 



The fourth Lateran Council/ one of the most numerous 
Fourth l»uj. ever held in Christendom,* was called upon to decide 
^. 1216. the course to be taken against heretics, and espe- 
auMarttoa ^j^jjy j.j^^ ^^^ ^f Langucdoc. It assumed the full 

power of deposing a Sovereign Prince, and awarding his 
dominions to a stranger. Count Raymond of Toulouse was 
for ever excluded from the sovereignty of the land, con- 
demned to pass the rest of his life in exile, in some place 
appointed for him to do fit penance. A pension of 400 marks 
was reserved out of his revenues, which he would forfeit by 
any act of disobedience to the Church. To his wife, the 
sister of the King of Arragon, her dowry was secured on 
account of her virtue and piety. Provence and some 
other cantons, yet unconquered by the Crusaders, were to 
be reserved unaer the custody of trustworthy persons, as an 
inheritance for the young Count of Toulouse, if, when of 
age, he should have been obedient to the Church. As to 
the Counts of Foix and Comminges, nothing was enacted, 
but they were allowed some hopes of pardon. 

Such were the acts of the Lateran council. But the 
Troubadour ^ and the Historian describe the debates, which 
led at length to these imperious decrees. Passages in other 
writers leave no doubt that the decision was resisted by 
many of the most powerful and generous prelates ;* and 
confirmed with reluctance by the Pope himself. The 

• ** Rez vero Francie aadiens quod andria (by depatj), 7 1 archbishops, 412 

filins Buus cnicesigiiatiis esset maltam bishops, 860 abbots or priors, 

doluit, sed caosam doloris ejus non est >> It is a carious question, whether the 

nostrum exponere." The Monk's si- historjr is a prose version of the poem: 

lence is significant. — Petr. V . C. c. 68. if so, it is a free one, as it dirosrs in 

' The Council of Lateran declared the many particulars. If the poem is the 

unity of God, who created of nothing original, how &r is it poetical ? how far 

both souls and bodies {the Aristotelian has the poet, who is usually unpoetically 

doctrines of the eternity of matter had historical, here indulged invention? Po- 

b^gun to prevail) the unity of the etically it is the best, the only part of 

Church, out of which none can be the poem which is alive, 

saved: it first authoritatively pro- * "Yenim quidem est q|uod fuerint 

claimed Transubstantiation. ali^ui, etiam quod est eravms, de Prse- 

' So great was the concourse of people latis, qui nostrse fidei adversi, pro resti- 

that the good Bishop of Amalfi was suf- tutione dictorum Comitum laborabant ; 

focated in the thronp;. — Chron. Amalf. sed non prsBvaluit consilium Ahitophel^ 

apttd Murat. A. T. i. p. 246. There frustratum et desideriom malignorum." 

were the Patriarchs of Constantinople — Petr. V. C. c. 83. 
and Jerusalem, of Antioch %nd Alex* 



Chap. VIH. SECRET mSTORY OP THE COUNCIL. 229 

Lateran council, according to this account, was a long con- 
flict between the temporal princes who demanded secret hn- 
the restoration of their estates, and were supported ***^- 
by some of the most distinguished churchmen,, and the 
ecclesiastics of Languedoc, Arnold the Archbishop of 
Narbonne (though even he, from a personal quarrel about 
the rights of the Church of Narbonne, was somewhat mo- 
derated in his admiration of Simon de Montfort), and 
Fulk, the Bishop of Toulouse, the implacable enemy of 
Raymond. Innocent, the haughty Innocent, appears in 
the midst ; mild, but wavering ; seeing clearly that which 
was just, humane, merciful, and disposed to the better 
course; but overborne by the violence of the adverse 

Earty, and weakly yielding to that of which his mind and 
eart equally disapproved.^ The whole scene is so cha- 
racteristic as well as dramatic, that the chief points may be 
accepted (certainly they formed part of the popular belief) 
as to the proceedings of that great Council. 

Raymond and his son, accompanied by the Counts of 
Foix and Comminges, and many other nobles of Langue- 
doc, were admitted to the presence of the Pope, seated in 
fall consistory among his cardinals and other prelates : they 
knelt before him ; the young Raymond presented letters 
from the King of England (who had received hospitably 
and made splendid presents to his nephew). The King of 
England expressed his indignation at the usurpation of the 
inheritance of Raymond by Simon de Montfort. The Pope 
was moved by the beauty and graceful bearing of the young 
Prince, thought of his wrongs, and wept." 

Count Raymond began at length to represent the ag- 
gressions, and injiistice of the Legate and of De Montfort, 
who, notwithstanding all his submission to the Pope, and 
all the treaties, had despoiled him of his territories. He 



^ Horter, solicitous to catch any torts . . . de I'Eglise «t da dei^, ennemif 

gleams of equity and gentleness, which (du Comte) et il a le ccear si troubM de 

may soften the sterner characters of his piti^ et de souci . . . qu'il en soupire, et 

hero and saint, follows without hesitation en pleure de ses deux yeux." — Faoriel, 

the history, not perceiving the humilia- p. 127. The Pope, says the poet, 

tion of Innocent, thus reduced to be the declared that Count Raymond was not 

tameinstrumentof the bigotry of others, m^r^ant, but catholiqne de fait et de 

" '* Le Pape consid^ I'en&nt et son propos. 
air, il connatt sa noble race, U salt les 



230 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

was followed by the Counts of Foix and Comminges com- 
plaining of the pillage of their lands, and the lawless 
massacre of their subjects. " The Church not only should 
not sanction, it should prohibit such cruelties in a land 
which was absolutely free from all taint of heresy, and in 
every respect submissive to the Church." ° The Pope having 
heard the depositions, and read the letters of the King of 
England, was in great wrath with the Legate and with De 
Montfort First one of the Cardinals, then Berengar, Abbot 
of St. Tiberi, rose and supported the complaints of the 
appellants. Fulk, the Bishop of Toulouse, sternly de- 
nied all these asseverations. He defied the Count de Foix 
to deny that his dominions swarmed with heretics; in 
proof of this, the castle of Monsegur had been surprised, 
and all the inhabitants burned ; ** the sister of the Count de 
Foix had brought her husband to an evil end on account 
of these heretics; she had lived in Pamiers without daring 
to leave the city; the heretics had greatly increased 
through her influence. Count Raymond and the Count 
de Foix could not deny that they had surprised and put to 
the sword six thousand German Crusaders, on their way to 
join the army of the Legate." The Count de Foix fearlessly 
replied, that he was not responsible for the acts of his 
sister ; the castle of Monsegur was hers, left to her by 
her father ; she was its lawful Sovereign. The Germans 
were robbers, who were ravaging the country. " For the 
Bishop of Toulouse, your Holiness is greatly deceived in 
him ; under the show of good faith and amity he is always 
concerting treachery : his actions are devilish : it is entirely 
through his malignity that the city of Toulouse has suf- 
fered ruin, waste, robbery : more than ten thousand men 
have perished through him. Thus the Legate and the 
Count de Montfort make common cause in their iniquity." 
The Baron of Vilamour deposed with great gravity ° to 
the atrocities perpetrated by De Montfort ; Raymond de 
Roq^uefeuille to the treachery by which the Viscount de 
Beziers, no heretic, had been betrayed into their power, 

» The speech of the Count de Foix of Vaux Cernay. But did the Count 

in the poem is striking.— pp. 249-251. renounce all heresy? 

We hear nothing of the enormities ^ " U ne s'effraye point, et parle fi^re- 

charged against De Foix by the monk meut, regard^, entendu, ^Miute de tons." 



Chap. VIII. DISPUTE BEFORE THE POPE. 23 1 

and the manner of his death. The Pope listened in silence 
to these solemn charges ; at their close he was heard to 
sigh deeply. 

No sooner had the Pope withdrawn,** than he was beset 
by the prelates and cardmals in the party of the Legate 
and of De Montfort They urged, that if they were com- 
pelled to surrender the territories and lordships which 
they had won, no one would embark in the cause of the 
Church, or run any hazard in her defence. The Pope 
took down a book (was it the Bible?), and showed them 
that if they did not make restitution of all the lands they 
had usurped, they would be guilty of great sin.^ *' Where- 
fore, I give leave to Raymond of Toulouse and his heirs 
to recover their lands and lordships from all who hold 
them unjustly." Then might be seen those prelates mur- 
muring against the Pope like men in desperation.' The 
Pope stood aghast at their violence. The Precentor of 
Lyons, one of the most learned clerks in the world, rose, 
and with great dignity, rebuked the insolence and contu- 
macy of the prelates. " You know well, my Lord, the 
submission of Count Kaymond, and the surrender of his 
castles. If you do not restore, and compel to be restored 
to him his lands, you will be justly reproached by God 
and man. Henceforth no one will have any reliance on 
you or your decrees ; and that will be great disgrace and 
dishonour to the whole Church militant And I say to 
you, Pishop of Toulouse, that you are greatly in fault ; 
that you betray your want of charity to Count Raymond, 
and to the people of which you are the pastor ; you have 
kindled a fire in Toulouse which will never be extin- 
guished; you have caused the death of ten thousand 
men, and will of many more, if by your false repre- 
sentations you persist in your wrongful course. Through 
you the court of Rome is de&med throughout the world ; 
so many men should not be despoiled and destroyed to 
gratify the pride and violence of one." 

The Pope seems to have been appalled ; he gently ex- 

^ Into a garden, Bays the poet, to Sortes Biblics were not uncommon, 

dissipate his chagrin and diyert his ' The poet says, " Folquet notre 

thoughts. Erdque . . . parle au Pape, aussi douoe' 

^ *' £t y trouve un tort" says the poet, ment qu'il peut."— p. 2i9. 



232 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

culpated himself, as innocent of these iniquities, into which 
he had been betrayed by ignorance of the real facts. 
Even the Archbishop of Narbonne, the Legate Arnold, 
alienated from De Montfort, supported the Precentor of 
Lyons. But the wily Genoese, Theodisc, who had been 
so much in the confidence of Innocent, adhered to De 
Montfort. He urged his valuable services, that he had 
swept the land of heretics, that he had been the champion 
of the Church and her rights. Innocent, having heard 
both parties, declared to Theodisc, that the contrary o 
his statements was true. '^ The Legate had oppressed the 
good and just, and left the wicked without punishment : 
complaints had reached him from all quarters against the 
Legate and De Montfort." 

The prelates demanded that at least the territories of 
Bigorre, Carcassonne, Toulouse, Agen, Quercy, the Albi- 
geois, Foix and Comminges (the whole conquests of the 
Crusaders), should be left to De Montfort " If he be de- 
prived of these lands," they boldly declared, ** we swear that 
we will aid him in their maintenance against all and in 
defiance of all." • The Pope calmly answered that nothing 
should tempt him to injustice ; ** even if Raymond were 
guilty, his son was blameless ; and the son was not tol>ear 
the iniquity of the father." 

It is difficult to imagine Innocent III. thus confronted, 
compelled into injustice, by men who boasted themselves 
to be better churchmen than the Pope. But the decree 
of the Lateran Council, despoiling Rayinond of Toulouse 
of all his lands and awarding them to De Montfort, is an 
undeniable historic fact, rests on a decree of Innocent him- 
self, addressed to all Christendom, and confirmed by his 
successor Honorius III.* 

Yet, according to the historian. Innocent attempted 
a compromise. He offered the territory of the Venaisin 
to the younger Raymond, in compensation for the lands 
of Toulouse, which could not be wrested from the strong 
hand of De Montfort"* " If he has courage," the poet 



■ C( 



Et 61 cas es, qae tu, senior, ly des Albigeois, Bouquet, p. 159. 

TeUas ostar le dit pays, et terre, nos te ' Bouquet, pp. 598, 599 ; p. 722. 

prometen et junin, que tots envera tots ° " Barons, reprend le Pape, puisque 

DOS ly ayudvan et secouren." — Guerre je nepuia la luidtcr, qu'il la garde bien 



Chap. Vm. WAR RENEWED IN LANGUEDOC. 233 

makes the Pope say, ** the youth will recover his land ;" 
and be then makes a prophet of the Pope, " The stone will 
at length be hurled, and all the world will say that it has 
fallen on the head of the sinner." Count Baymond re- 
tired to Viterbo, leaving his son under the protection of 
the Pope. Young Raymond at length departed with the 
benediction of the Pope.* 

There is war again in Languedoc, but no longer a Cru- 
sade for the extirpation of heresy, it is the iron wwm 
hand of an usurpmg conqueror, determined to ^^s"***- 
maintain his conquests; on the other side, no partial, 
but a general insurrection of the whole people in favour of 
their hereditary princes against a foreign invader, a gallant 
attempt again and for ever to break the yoke of a tyrant, to 
return to the milder rule of their ancient Sovereigns. No 
sooner had the two Counts landed at Marseilles, than they 
were greeted by a burst of enthusiasm. Avignon, Taras- 
con, and other cities opened their gates. Young Raymond 
is soon at the head of a force which enables him to declare 
war against De Montfort, and to form the siege of Beau- 
caire. Now became more manifest every day the decline 
in the power of the clergy ;^ the Crusaders themselves have 
misgivings in the holiness of their cause. De Montfort's 
most ardent admirers begin to discern the darker parts 
of his character, his inordinate ambition, his insatiable 
rapacity. Simon de Montfort is himself astonished that 
God should cease to confine exclusive favour to himself, 
and should seem disposed to the sinful youth.' 

b'U peat : et qu'il ne B'en laisse pas ^prouyi et senti avec doulear, ^ne lea 
chasser, car jamais de mon Tonloir il ne clerca ont menti quand ils nous disaient. 




the Troubadour. The Pope gives him obeironstoatbonnementk Jesus Christ.' 

good advice, and recommen& him to — ^p. 299. 

wait for better times. " It is hard," * «* Beau p^" says Guy de Montfort, 

says the youth, " that a man of Win- in the poem, ** il (IHeu) a vu et jugtf 

Chester is " ' * " '^^ ~ * " j-:— * - i- i-? - 
AU I ask 
to reconquer 

** God grant you," said the Pope, " a des hommes/'— p. 345. Com|>are 445, 

good beginning and a good ending." Gul. de Pod. Laurent, c. xxvii. It is 

' See the speech of Bertrand of difficult to mark the precise turning 

Avignon in the poem > " Car nous avons point of the Troubadour into a flaming 




234 LATIN CHRISTIANlTy. Book IX. 

Toulouse was eager to receive the heir of her ancient 
house. De Montfort was obliged to hasten to secure its 
wavering fidelity by the sternest measures. He treated it 
like a conauered city, exacted enormous sums. The 
Risings tn Bisbop had exhorted the noblest inhabitants to go 
Touiouae. Q^^ £j^ proccssion to welcome the Count But 
the plunder of the city by the Bishop and the Count were 
so shameless, that in a general rising, Guy de Montfort 
and the Bishop were driven out De Montfort again 
forced his way within the walls, was again repelled, having 
set the city on fire in many places. But the citizens un- 
wisely accepted the treacherous mediation of the Prelate. 
" I swear by God and the holy Virgin, and the body of 
the Redeemer, by my whole order, the Abbot and other 
dignitaries, that I give you good counsel, better have I 
never given. If the Count inflict on you the least wrong, 
bring your complaints before me, and God and I will see 
you righted." The citizens, on the persuasion of the 
iBishop, gave the hostages demanded (the citadel, the Nar- 
bonnaise, still in the power of De Montfort, was crowded 
with them), they restored the prisoners which they had 
taken, and, more strangely still, surrendered their arms.* 
The first act of De Montfort, who was hardly dissuaded 
by better counsel from totally destroying the city, was the 
demand of 30,000 marks of silver, the demolition of the 
walls, and every stronghold in the city, and the plunder 
of the inhabitants to the very last piece of cloth, or measure 
of meal. " O noble city of Toulouse ! " exclaims the poet, 
" thy very bones are broken ! " 

So closed the year 1216, during which Pope Innocent 

III. had died, and had been succeeded by Honorius III. 

During the ensuing year the war with the young Count 

July 16. Raymond continued to the advantage of De 

A.D. i2n. Montfort. On a sudden the old Count,* with a 

patriot. The restoration of "parage/' c'est ponr moi, dis-Je, grande merreine 

chivalry, and courtesy is his delight. Yet que Dieu fkTorise (cet enfant)." 

Simon, in his own esteem, is still the * Gul. de Pod. Laurent, gives a dif" 

champion of the Church. " Puisque ferent view of this affiur. — c. xxxiz. 

TEglise m'a octroy^e le pays; puisque ** The suddenness of the appearance 

je suis de TEglise les oeuvres, les ordres of Count Raymond is indicated by a fine 

et les discours: puisque je suis bien touch in the poem. The Countess de 

'm^ritant et mon adversaire pdcheur, Montfort is told that she most fly at 



Chap. VIII. COUNT RAYMOND IN TOULOUSE. 235 

body of Spanish soldiers appeared before Toulouse. The 
city received him with the utmost joy ; new walls were 
hastily raised, new trenches dug. Many of the nobles 
raised troops and threw themselves into the city. First Guy 
de Montfort,"" then Simon himself, who hurried to the spot, 
were ignominiously repulsed. The Bishop of Toulouse 
and the wife of Montfort sought aid in France. A new 
Crusade was preached. Pope Honorius entered with 
ardour into the cause of De Montfort. It was again that 
of the whole clergy. Once more excommunications were 
menaced in some cases, uttered in others. The new 
King of Arragon was threatened with interdict ; the con- 
suls of Toulouse, Avignon, Marseilles, Tarascon, and 
other cities, the young Count Baymond, the Count de 
Foix were summoned under this penalty to renounce their 
alliance with rebellious Toulouse. For nine months the 
siege continued. If the sentiments attributed by the 
Troubadour to the Legate were either true, or supposed to 
be true by the inhabitants of Toulouse, it may account for 
the obstinacy of their defence. ^^The fire of hell has 
again kindled in this city, which is full of sin and crime. 
The old Lord is again within its walls, against whom 
whosoever will wage war will be saved before God. 
You are about to reconquer the city, to break into the 
houses, out of which no single soul, neither man nor 
woman shall escape alive! not one shall be spared in 
church, in sanctuary, in hospital! It is decided in the 
secret councils of Rome, that the deadly and consuming 
fire shall pass over them." * But the counsels of Bome 
were not those of Divine Providence. At the close of the 
nine months Simon headed an attack ; a stone from an 
engine struck the champion of Jesus Christ (as he was 
called by his admirers) on the head ; he had just time to 
commend himself to the mercy of God and of the holy 

ODce. '*LaCointe88e,qiiaDdeIlereDtend, <* Faurie], 433. See before this the 

bat ses denx nuuns I'line contre Tautre. dialogue of the Cardinal and the Bishop^ 

Qaoi, dit-elle, et j'^tais si heureuse 429 ; and after, 455. *' Et si quelques 

hier." ons des Totres y meurent en combattant, 

" In the poem Guy de Montfort is con- le Saint Pape et moi leurs sommes ga^ 

trasted with Simon de Montfort, whom rants, qu'ils porteront (au ciel) la oou- 

he calls " dnr et tyran,*' and declares ronjie des innocents^" 
that God will punish bis treacheries. 



AJ>. 1234. 



236 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

Virgin. God was reproached with his death, the divine 
justice was arraigned. It is added by the monkish histo- 
rian, still faithful to his fortunes, that he received likewise 
five wounds with arrows ; and in this respect he is likened 
to the Redeemer in whose cause he died, and with whom 
'* we trust he is in bliss and glory." • 

The war did not end with the death of Simon de 
Montfort ; but the religious character, which it had once 
more assumed, again died away. 

A Crusade was headed by liOuis of France ; but that 
was only a bold and premature attempt of the sovereign 
crMjdeof^ to unite the great domain of Southern France to 
Aug. 1,1319! the crown. Afler the capture and atrocious mas- 
sacre of Marmande^ and a short and unsuccessful siege of 
Toulouse, Louis returned inglorious to his father's do- 
minions. A truce was made between the young Count 
Baymond, and Amaury de Montfort.' It was said 
that Baymond proposed to marry the daughter 
of his rival. Two years after Amaury made over his 
dominions to Louis VIIL, King of France. 

The vengeance of the Church followed the older Ray- 
mond even afler death. Dying excommunicate he could 
not be buried in holy ground. In vain his son adduced 
proo& that he had given manifest signs of penitence on his 
death-bed : notwithstanding a solemn inquest held by com- 
missaries appointed by the Pope, and the examina- 

^ tion of above one hundred witnesses, the inexorable 
sentence was still unrepealed ; ^ the infected body was 
still unburied ; it remained for three hundred years in the 
sacristy of the Knights Templars. To posterity the great 
crime of Raymond is the barbarous execution of his bro- 

* *' Voos eotendez crier hantement — Count of Soissons replied : " Je vova 

O Dieu, in n'es pas juste — puisque tu as reprend k bon droit, pour que Sainte 

Toultt la mort dn comte et que tu as Eglise n'ait pas (de votre dire) mauyais 

souffert (un tel) dommage. Bien fol renom ; ne le nommez pas sanctissime, 

est qui te defi;nd, et se fait ton servi- car nul ne mentit si fort que celui qui 

tenr." — Fauriel, 573. In Toulouse the Tappelle saint, lui qui est mort sans 

triumphantcrywasthat he died without confession." — p. 577. Compare the 

confession. The Bishop's eulogy^ was Poet's language, p. 587. 

this: "Jamais en ce roonde ne faillit ' It is a curious illustration of the 

moins que lui ; et depuis que Dieu en- manners. " Sub treiune securitate comes 

dura le martyr et fut mis en croix, il Tolosanns entravit Carcassonam, et ibi 

ne Youlnt et ne souffrit jamais une aussi cum comite Amalrico jacuit unft nocte." 

grande mort que celui du Comte." The ' Gul. Pod. Laurent, c. 34. 



Chap. VIII. INVASION OP LANGUEDOC BY KING LOUIS. 237 

ther Baldwin. Baldwin, indeed, had deserted, betrayed, 
taken up arms against him ; but there had never been fra- 
ternal love between them. Raymond, it was said, had with- 
holden part of his brother's inheritance. And mercy, though 
it ought to be the virtue of the persecuted, rarely is sa 

The vast army which descended on Languedoc under 
Louis, now King of France, was that of conquest rather 
than a Crusade. The cities were appalled, they opened 
their gates ; Avignon alone made a noble resistance. 
Count Raymond bowed before the storm. On his return, 
after the seeming submission of almost the whole 
land, Louis died of exhaustion and fatigue at °^' 
Montpensier in Auvergne. 

The treaty of Paris, after the accession of St Louis, 
restored peace, for a time at least, to the Aprui2,i229. 
aflBicted land. The terms were dictated by the ^»*i^ 
Papal Legate, approved by the King of France. Count 
Raymond VII. swore : — I. Fealty to his liege lord the King 
of France and to the Church. II. He swore to do imme- 
diate justice on all heretics, their abettors and partisans, 
even though his vassals, kindred or friends. HI. To 
detect, in order to their punishment, all such heretics, 
according to the rules laid down by the Legate, and to 
pay for two years two marks, aft;erwards one mark on the 
conviction of each heretic. IV. To maintain peace in his 
realm. Besides to maintain the rights of the Church ; to 
respect, and cause to be respected, all sentences of excom- 
munication, and to compel all persons excommunicate to 

^reconcile themselves within a year to the Church, under 
pain of confiscation of their property. To restore all 
estates and immunities to the Church, to pay, and enforce 
the due payment of tithes ; to pay to certain Cistercian 
abbeys, Clairvaux, and others, 10,000 marks of silver ; to 

. pay 5CK)0 marks for the fortification of the citadel, the 
Ifarbonnaise, and those in other cities, to be held as secu- 
rities by the King of France ; to maintain certain professors 
of theology ; to take the cross for five years in some 
Mohammedan country. On these, and other conditions 
relating to the boundaries of his dominions, of which he 
was obliged to abandon large portions (his daughter was to 



233 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

be married to the son of the French King) Raymond VII^ 
never accused of heresy, received absolution. The same 
scene took place as with his father. With naked shoulders, 
bare feet, the son of Raymond of Toulouse was led up the 
church of N6tre Dame, scoui^ed as he went by the 
Legate. " Count of Narbonne, by virtue of the powers 
entrusted to me by the Pope, I absolve thee from thy 
excommunication." " Amen ;" answered the Count He 
rose from his knees, no longer sovereign of the South of 
France, but a vassal of limited dominions.^ His father 
on his penance renounced seven castles, the son seven 
provinces,' 

But though the open war was at an end, the Church 
still pursued her exterminating warfare against her still 
rebellious subjects. The death of Simon de Montfbrt had 
given courage to the Albigensians. Bartholomew of Car- 
cassonne, who had fled, it was said, to that land (the Bul- 
gurian) where dwelt the Pope of the Manicheans, re-ap- 
peared ; he called himself the vicar of that mysterious 
pontiff, he re-oi^anised the churches. Another teacher, 
William of Castries, was ordained, it was said, Bishop 
of Rases. The Inquisition continued its silent, but not 
less inhuman, hardly less destructive crusade. That tri- 
bunal, with all its peculiar statutes, its jurisdiction, its 
tremendous agency, was founded during this period. It 
is difficult to fix its precise date ; but it is coincident with 
the establishment of a special court, legatine or charged 
with those peculiar functions which superseded the or- 
dinary episcopal jurisdiction, and appropriated to itself the 
cognisance, punishment, suppression of heresy. 

The statutes of the council of Toulouse, framed after 
ooimcttof the successful termination of the war, in order 
aSiSw! absolutely to extirpate every lingering vestige of 

^ Bairan et Darraean. It is to be re- geoient bien moins de sa catholicite, 

gretted that this work has preferred to qu'k le d^posseder de ses dominions et k 

be an historical romance rather than a s'enrichir de ses d^pouilles. .... 

history. The authors have failed in Quant k sa propre personne il ne fut 

both ; it is neither Walter Scott nor jamais suspect d h^r^sie, et il ne fut ex- 

Livy or Tacitus. ^ communie que parceque il ne voulait 

* See in Vaissette the territories ceded pas renoncer ses justes pretensions sur 

to the King of France. *' On voit par la patrimonie de ses an<^tre8."-~Ui6t. de 

ce traits, que les principauz instisateura Languedoc, iii. 374. 
de la guerre contre Kaymond son- 



Chap. VHI. STATUTES OF TOULOUSE. 239 

neresy, form the code of persecution, which not merely 
aimed at suppressing all public teaching, but the more 
secluded and secret freedom of thought. It was a system 
which penetrated into the most intimate sanctuary of do- 
mestic life ; made delation not merely a merit and a duty, 
but an obligation also, enforced by tremendous penalties. 

The Archbishops, bishops, and exempt abbots, were to 
appoint in every parish one priest, and three or more lay 
inquisitors, to search all houses and buildings, in order to 
detect heretics, and to denounce them to the archbishop 
or bishop, the lord, or his bailiff, so as to ensure their 
apprehension. The lords were to make the same inquisi- 
tion in every part of their estates. Whoever was con- 
victed of harbouring a heretic forfeited the land to his 
lord, and was reduced to personal slavery. If he was 
guilty of such concealment from negligence not from 
intention, he received proportionate punishment Every 
house in which a heretic was found was to be razed to the 
ground, the farm confiscated. The bailiff who should not 
be active in detecting heretics was to lose his office, and 
be incapacitated from holding it in friture. Heretics, how- 
ever, were not to be judged but by the bishop or some 
ecclesiastical person. Any one might seize a heretic on 
the lands of another. Heretics who recanted were to be 
removed from their homes, and settled in Catholic cities; 
to wear two crosses of a different colour from their dress, 
one on the right side, one on the left. They were 
incapable of any public function unless reconciled by 
the Pope or by his Legate. Those who recanted from 
fear of death were to be immured for ever. All persons, 
males of the age of fourteen, females of twelve, were to 
take an oath of abjuration of heresy, and of their Catholic 
faith; if absent, and not appearing within fifteen days, 
they were held suspected of heresy. All persons were to 
confess, and communicate three times a year, or were in 
like manner under suspicion of heresy. No layman was 
permitted to have any book of the Old or New Testa- 
ment, especially in a translation, unless perhaps the 
Psalter, a breviary, or the Hom^ of the Virgin. No one 
suspected of heresy could practise as a physician. Care 



240 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

was to be taken that no heretic had access to sick or 
dying persons. All wills were to be made in the presence 
of a priest No office of trust was to be held by one in 
evil lame as a heretic. Those were in evil fame, who 
were so by common report, or so declared by good and 
grave witnesses before the bishop.^ 

But statutes of persecution always require new statutes 
Gooneiior Hsing above each other in regular gradations of 
Meiun. rigour and cruelty. The Legate found the 
canons of Toulouse to be eluded or inefficient He sum- 
moned a council at Melun, attended by the Archbishop of 
Narbonne and other prelates. The unhappy Count of 
Toulouse was compelled to frame the edicts of this council 
into laws for his dominioiis.'^ The first provision showed 
that persecution had wrought despair. It was directed 
against those who had murdered, or should murder, or 
conceal the murderera of persecutors of heretics. A 
reward of one mark was set on the head of every heretic, 
to be paid by the town, or village, or district to the 
captor. It was evident that the heretics had now begun 
to seek concealment in cabins, in caves, and rocks, and 
forests ; not merely was every house in which one should 
be seized to be razed to the ground, but all suspected 
caves or hiding places were to be blocked up; with a 
penalty of twenty-five livres of Toulouse to the lord on 
whose estate such houses or places of concealment of evil 
report should be found. Those who did not assist in the 
capture of heretics were liable to punishment If any one 
was detected afi:er death to have been a heretic his pro- 
perty was confiscated. Those who had made over tneir 
estates in trust, before they became heretics, nevertheless 

^ The statates of Toulonse in Mansi, days. The statutes a^nst private wan 

sub ann. Compare Limborch, Historia were in a more Christian spirit, only 

Inqaisitionis. Among the other decrees beyond the afle. Every male above 14 

of the Council was one which declared was sworn to keep the peace ; and heavy 

the absolute immunity of all clerks from penalties denounced against all who 

taxation, unless they were merchants or should violate it. This was perhaps a 

married (mercatores vel uxorati). If law offoreign conquerors in a subjugated 

one succeeded to the inheritance of a land. 

lay fief» he was answerable for its ">' Conventus Meldunensis. Statuta 

burthens. They were likewise free fh>m Raimondi, ▲.D. 1233. Labbe Concil. 

tolls (p^iges). Every person was bound sub ann. 
to attend church on &iiidays and holi- 



A.D. 1233. 



Chap. Vm. • HERESY SURVIVES. 241 

forfeited such estates. Those who attempted to elude the 
law by moving about under pretence of trade or pilgrim- 
age, were ordered to render an account of their absence. 
A Council at Beziers enforced upon the clergy, 
imder pain of suspension, or of deprivation, the 
denunciation of all who should not attend divine service 
in their churches, on the appointed days, especially those 
suspected of heresy. 

Yet heresy, even the Manichean heresy, was not yet 
extinguished. Many years, as will appear," must inter- 
vene of the administration of the most atrocious code of 
procedure which has ever assumed the forms of justice ; 
more than one formidable insurrection; the forcible ex- 
pulsion of the terrible Inquisition ; the assassination, the 
martyrdom as it was profanely called, of more than one 
inquisitor, before the South of France collapsed into final 
spiritual subjection. 

Yet, Latin Christianity might boast at length to have 
crushed out the life, at least in outward appearance, of 
this insurrection within her own borders. No language of 
Latin descent was permanently to speak in its religious 
services to the people, to form a Christian literature of its 
own, to have full command of the Scriptures in its ver- 
nacular dialect The Crusade revenged itself on the 
poetry of the Troubadour, once the bold assailant of the 
clergy, by compelling it, if not to total silence, to but a 
feeble and uncertain sound. 

" See on fof the proceedings of the InqoUition. 



VOL. IV. B 



r 



242 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 



CHAPTER IX. 



NEW ORDERa ST. DOMINIC. 



The progress of the new opinions in all quarters, their ob- 
stinate resistance in Languedoc, opinions, if not yet rooted 
out, lopped by the sword and seared by the fire, had 
revealed the secret of the fatal weakness of Latin Chris- 
tianity. Sacerdotal Christianity, by ascending a throne 
PnB^aang higher than all thrones of earthly sovereigns, 
""• by the power, the wealth, the magnificence of 
the higher ecclesiastics, had withdrawn the influence of 
the clergy from its natural and peculiar oflice. Even with 
the lower orders of the priesthood, that which separated 
them from the people in a certain degree, set them apart 
from the sympathies of the people. The Church might 
still seem to preach to all, but it preached in a tone of 
lofty condescension ; it dictated rather than persuaded ; 
but in general actual preaching had fallen into disuse ; it 
was in theory the special privilege of the bishops, and the 
bishops were but few who nad either the gift, the inclina- 
tion, the leisure from their secular, judicial, or warlike 
occupations to preach even in their cathedral cities ; in the 
rest of their dioceses their presence was but occasional ; 
a progress or visitation of pomp and form, rather than of 
popular instruction. The only general teaching of the 
people was the Bitual. 

But the splendid Bitual, admirably as it was consti- 
tuted to impress by its words or symbolic forms the 

The itnai ^^^^^"S truths of Christianity upon the more 
intelligent, or in a vaguer way upon the more 
rude and uneducated, could be administered, and was 
administered by a priesthood almost entirely ignorant, 
but which had just learned mechanically, not without 
decency, perhaps not without devotion, to go through the 
stated observances. Everywhere the bell summoned to 



Chap. IX. CLERGY AND PEOPLE. 243 

« 

the frequent service, the service was performed, and the 
obedient flock gathered to the chapel or the church, knelt, 
and either performed their orisons, or heard the customary 
chant and prayer. This, the only instruction which the 
mass of the priesthood could convey, might for a time be 
suflScicnt to maintain in the minds of the people a quies- 
cent and submissive faith, nevertheless, in itself could 
not but awaken in some a desire of knowledge, which it 
could not satisfy. Auricular confession, now by Inno- 
cent III. raised to a necessary duty, and to be heard not 
only by the lofty bishop, but by the parochial priest, might 
have more effect in repressing the uneasy or daring doubts 
of those who began to reason ; doubts which would startle 
and alarm the uneducated priest, and which he would endea- 
vour to silence at once by all the terrors of his authority. 
Though the lower priesthood were from the people, they 
were not of the people ; nor did they fully interpenetrate 
the whole mass of the people. The parochial divisions, 
where they existed, were arbitrary, accidental, often not 
clearly defined ; they followed in general the bounds of 
royal or aristocratical domains. A church was founded 
by a pious king, noble, or knight, with a certain district 
around it ; but in few countries was there any approach to 
a systematic oi^anisation of the clergy in relation to the 
spiritual wants and care of the whole Christian community. 
The fatal question of the celibacy of the clergy worked 
in both ways to the prejudice of their authority, oeubacyof 
The married clergy, on the whole no doubt the '^*^* 
more moral, were acting in violation of the rules of the 
Church, and were subject to the opprobrious accusation of 
living in concubinaga The validity of their ministrations 
was denied by the more austere ; the doctrines of men 
chained with such grievous error lost their proper weight. 
The unmarried obeyed the outward rule, but by every 
account, not the bitter satire of enemies alone but the 
reluctant and melancholy admission of the most gentle 
and devout, in general so flagrantly violated the severer 
principles of the Church, that their teaching, if they 
attempted actual teaching, must have fallen dead on the 
minds of the people. 

R 2 



244 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

The earlier monastic orders were still more deficient as 
instructors in Christianity. Their chief, if not 
their sole exclusive and avowed object, was the 
salvation, or, at the highest, the religious perfection of them- 
selves and of their own votaries. Solitude, seclusion, the 
lonely cell, their own unapproached, or hardly approached 
chapel, was their sphere ; their communication with others 
was sternly cut off. The dominant, the absorbing thought 
of each hermit, of each ccBnobite, was his own isolation or 
that of his brethren from the dangerous world. But to 
teach the world they must enter the world. Their influ- 
ence, therefore, beyond their convent walls was but subor- 
dinate and accessory. The halo of their sanctity might 
awe, attract others ; the zeal of love might, as to their 
more immediate neighbours, struggle with the coercive and 
emprisoning discipline. But the admiration of their sanc- 
tity would act chiefly in alluring emulous votaries within 
rather than in extending faith and holiness beyond their 
walls. Even their charities were to relieve their own 
souls, to lay up for themselves treasures of good works, 
rather than from any real sympathy for the people. The 
loftier notion of combining their own humiliation with 
the good of mankind first dawned upon the founders of the 
Mendicant orders. In the older monasteries beneficence 
was but a subsidiary and ancillary virtue. The cultiva- 
tion of the soil was not to increase its fertility for the 
general advantage ; it was to employ their own dangerous 
energies, to subdue their own bodies by the hard disci- 
pline of labour. At all events, the limit of their influ- 
ence was that of their retainers, tenants, peasants, or serfs, 
bounded by their own near neighbouhood. No sooner 
indeed had any one of the older Orders, or any single 
monastery attained to numbers, rank or influence, than it 
became more and more estranged from the humbler 
classes ; the vows of poverty had been eluded, the severer 
rule gradually relaxed ; the individual might remain 
poor, but the order or the convent became rich ; narrow 
cells grew into stately cloisters, deserts into parks, hermits 
into princely abbots. It became a great religious aristo- 
cracy ; it became worldly, without impregnating the 



Chap. IX. PREACHING. 245 

world with its religious spirit ; it was hardly less secluded 
from popular intercourse than before ; even where learn- 
ing was cultivated it was the high scholastic theology : 
theology which, in its pride, stood as much aloof from the 
popular mind as the feudal bishop, or the mitred abbot 

JBut just at this time that popular mind throughout 
Christendom seemed to demand instruction, intellectual 
There was a wide and vague wakening and °«»^"°»«°'- 
yearning of the human intellect. It is impossible to sup- 
pose that the lower orders were not to a certain extent 
generally stirred by that movement which thronged the 
streets of the universities of Paris, Auxerre, Oxford, 
with countless hosts of indigent scholars, which led thou- 
sands to the feet of Abelard, and had raised logical dispu- 
tations on the most barren metaphysical subjects to an 
interest like that of a tournament An insatiate thirst of 
curiosity, of inquiry, at least for mental spiritual excite- 
ment, seemed almost suddenly to have pervaded society. 

Here that which was heresy, or accounted to be heresy, 
stepped in and seized upon the vacant mind. 
Preaching in public and in private was the ^^^^' 
strength of all the heresiarchs, of all the sects. Elo- 
quence, popular eloquence became a new power, which 
the Church had comparatively neglected or disdained 
since the time of the Crusades ; or had gone on wasting 
upon that worn-out, and now almost unstirring topic. The 
Petrobussians, the Henricians, the followers of Peter 
Waldo, and the wilder teachers at least tinged with the 
old Manichean tenets of the East, met on this common 
ground. They were poor and popular, they felt with the 
people, whether the lower burghers of the cities, the lower 
vassals, or even the peasants and serfs ; they spoke the 
language of the people, they were of the people. If here 
and there one of the higher clergy, a priest or a canon 
adopted their opinions and mode of teaching, he becanie 
an object of reverence and notoriety ; and this profound 
religious influence so obtained was a strong temptation to 
religious minds. But all these sects were bound together 
by their common revolutionary aversion to the clergy, 
not only the wealthy, worldly, immoral, tyrannical, but 



246 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

the decent but inert priesthood, who left the UDinstructed 
souls of men to perish. In their turn, they were viewed 
with the most jealous hatred by the clergy, not merely on 
account of their heterodox and daring tenets, but as usurp- 
ing their office, which themselves had almost let fall from 
their hands. We have seen the extent to which they pre- 
vailed ; nothing less might be apprehended, (unless coerced 
by the obedient temporal power, and no other measure 
seemed likely to succeed,) than a general revolt of the 
lower orders from the doctrines and rule of the hierarchy. 
At this time, too, the rude dialects which had been 
New Ian- slowly forming by the breaking up of the Boman 
*"•«"• Latin and its fusion with the Teutonic, were 
growing into regular and distinct languages. Latin, the 
language of the Church, became less and less the language 
of the people. In proportion as the Koman or foreign ele- 
ment predominated, the services of the church, the speech 
in which all priests were supposed to be instructed, became 
more or less clear and inteUigible. It was more so where 
the Latin maintained its ascendancy ; but in the Teutonic 
or Sclavonian regions, even the priesthood had learned 
Latin imperfectly, if at all ; and Latin had ceased to be 
the means of ordinary communication ; it was a strange, 
obsolete, if still venerable language. Even in Italy, in 
Northern and Southern France, in England where the 
Norman French kept down to a certain extent the old 
free Anglo-Saxon (we must wait more than a century for 
Wyclyffe and Chaucer), in Spain, Latin was a kindred, 
indistinctly significant tongue, but not that of common 
use, not that of the field, the street, the market, or the fair. 
But vernacular teaching was in all quarters coetaneous 
with the new opinions ; versions of the sacred writings, or 
parts of the sacred writings, into the young languages were 
at once the sign of their birth, and the instrument of their 

{>ropagation. These languages had begun to speak, at 
east in poetry, and not only to the knightly aristocracy. 
The first sounds of Italian poetry were already heard in 
the Sicilian court of the young Frederick II.: Dante was 
ere long to come. The Proven9al had made the nearest 
approach perhaps to a regular language ; and Provence, as 



Chap. IX. S. DOMINIC. 247 

has been seen, lent her Bomaunt to the great anti- 
hierarchical movement. In France the Trouveres had in 
the last century begun their inexhaustible, immeasurable 
epopees ; but these were as yet the luxuries of the court 
and the castle, heard no doubt by the people, but not 
what is fairly called popular poetry,' though here and 
there might even now be hesund the tale or the fable. 
Germany, less poetical, was at once borrowing the knightly 
poems on Charlemagne, and King Arthur, and the Cru- 
sades ; emulating France, reviving the old classical fables, 
among them that of Alexander : while in Walter the Fal- 
coner ^ are heard tones more menacing, more ominous of 
religious revolution, more daringly expressive of Teutonic 
independence. 

But this gradual encroachment of the vernacular poetry 
on the Latin, the vain struggle of the Latin to maintain 
its mastery, the growth and influence of modem languages 
must be reserved for a later, more full, and consecutive 
inquiry. 

Just at this juncture arose almost simultaneously, with- 
out concert, in different countries, two men won- ^^^^^^^ 
derfully adapted to arrest and avert the danger ^ 
which threatened the whole hierarchical system. One 
seized and, if he did not wrest from the hands of the 
enemy, turned against him with indefatigable force his own 
fatal arms, St. Dominic, the founder of the Friar Preachers. 
By him Christendom was at once overspread with a host 
of zealous, active, devoted men, whose function was popu- 
lar instruction. They were gathered from every country, 
and spoke, therefore, every language and dialect In a 
few years from the sierras of Spain to the steppes of 
Bussia ; from the Tiber to the Thames, the Trent, the 
Baltic Sea, the old faith, in its fullest mediaeval, imagina- 
tive, inflexible rigour, was preached in almost every town 

* See in the 22iid vol. of the Hist. See, e, g., the French poem on Thomas 

Litt^raire de la France tibe description k Becket, edited in the Berlin Transac- 

and analysis of the innumerable Chan- tions by M. Bekker. 

sons de Geste, Podmes d'Ayenture. ^ lAchman has edited the original 

With all these were mingled up, both Walter der Vogelweide with his usual in- 

in Germany and France, as interminable dustry ; Simrock modernised him to the 

hagiological romances, legends, and lives understanding of the less learned reader, 
of saints, even the more modern Saints. 



248 LATIN CHEISTIANITY. Book IX. 

and hamlet. The Dominicans did not confine themselves 
to popular teaching : the more dangerous, if as yet not 
absolutely disloyal seats of the new learning, of inquiry, of 
intellectual movement, the universities, Bologna, Paris, 
Oxford are invaded, and compelled to admit these stem 
apostles of unswerving orthodoxy ; their zeal soon over- 
leaped the pale of Christendom : they plunge fearlessly 
into the remote darkness of heathen and Mohammedan 
lands, from whence come back rumours, which are con- 
stantly stirring the minds of their votaries, of wonderful 
conversions and not less wonderful martyrdoms. 

The other, St. Francis of Assisi, was endowed with 
that fervour of mystic devotion, which spread like an epi- 
demic with irresistible contagion among the lower orders 
throughout Christendom ; it was a superstition, but a su- 
perstition which had such an earnestness, warmth, tender- 
ness, as to raise the religious feeling to an intense but 
gentle passion ; it supplied a never-failing counter excite- 
ment to rebellious reasoning, which gladly fell asleep again 
on its bosom. After the death of its aufjior and example, 
it raised a new object of adoration, more near, more 
familiar, and second only, if second, to the Redeemer 
himself. Jesus was supposed to have lived again in St. 
Francis with at least as bright a halo of miracle around 
him, in absolute, almost surpassing perfection. 

In one important respect the founders of these new 
orders absolutely agreed, in their entire identification with 
the lowest of mankind. At first amicable, afterwards 
emulous, eventually hostile, they, or rather their Orders, 
rivalled each other in sinking below poverty into be^ary. 
They were to live upon alms ; the coarsest imaginable 
dress, the hardest fare, the narrowest cell, was to keep 
them down to the level of the humblest. Though Dominic 
himself was of high birth, and many of his followers of 
noble blood, St. Francis of decent even wealthy parent- 
age, according to the irrepealable constitution of both 
orders, they were still to be the poorest of mankind, in- 
structing or consorting in religious fellowship with the very 
meanest outcasts of society. Both the new Orders diflPered 
in the same manner, and greatly to the advantage of the 



Chap. IX. DOMINIC A SPANIARD. 249 

hierarchical faith, from the old monkish institutions. 
Their primary object was not the salvation of the individual 
monk, but the salvation of others through him. Though, 
therefore, their rules within their monasteries were strictly 
and severely monastic, bound by the common vows of 
chastity, poverty, and obedience, seclusion was no part of 
their discipline. Their business was abroad rather than 
at home ; their dwelling was not like that of the old Bene- 
dictines or others, in the uncultivated swamps and forests 
of the North, on the dreary Apennine, or the exhausted 
soil of Italy, in order to subdue their bodies, and occupy 
their dangerously unoccupied time, merely as a secondary 
consequence to compel the desert into fertile land. Their 
work was among their fellow men ; in the village, in the 
town, in the city, in the market, even in the camp. In 
every Dominican convent the Superior had the power to 
dispense even with the ordinary internal discipline, if he 
thought the brother might be more usefully employed in 
his special avocation of a Preacher. It might seem the 
ambition of these men, instead of cooping up a chosen 
few in high-walled and secure monasteries, to subdue the 
whole world into one vast cloister ; monastic Christianity 
would no longer flee the world, it would subjugate it, or 
win it by gentle violence. 

In Dominic Spain began to exercise that remarkable 
influence over Latin Christianity, to display that Dominic. 

feculiar character which culminated as it were in ^p**^**^- 
gnatius Loyola, in Philip II., and in Torquemada, of 
which the code of the Inquisition was the statutary law ; 
of which Calderon was the poet The life of every devout 
Spaniard was a perpetual crusade. By temperament and 
by position he was m constant adventurous warfare against 
the enemies of the Cross : hatred of the Jew, of the Mo- 
hammedan, was the herrban under which he served ; it was 
the oath of his chivalry : that hatred, in all its intensity, 
was soon and easily extended to the heretic. Hereafter 
it was to comprehend the heathen Mexican, the Peruvian. 
St. Dominic was, as it were, a Cortez, bound by his sense 
of duty, urged by an inward voice, to invade older Chris- 
tendom. And Dominic was a man of as profound sagacity 



250 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

as of adventurous enthusiasm. He intuitively perceived, 
or the circumstances of his early career forced upon him, 
the necessities of the age, and showed him the arms in 
which himself and his forces must be arrayed to achieve 
their conquest. 

St. Dominic was born in 1 1 70, in the village of Cala- 

roga, between Aranda and Osma, in Old Castile. 

His parents were of noble name, that of Guzman, 
ifnot of noble race.® Prophecies (we must not disdain 
legend, though manifest legend) proclaimed his birth. It 
was a tenet of his disciples that he was bom without ori- 
ginal sin, sanctified in his mother's womb. His mother 
dreamed that she bore a dog with a torch in his mouth, 
which set the world on fire. His votaries borrowed too 
the old classical fable ; the bees settled on his lips fore- 
showing his exquisite eloquence. Even in his infancy, 
his severe nature, among other wonders, began to betray 
itself. He crept from his soft couch to lie on the hard 
cold ground. The first part of his education Dominic re- 
ceived from his uncle, a churchman at Gamiel d'Izan. 
At fifteen years old he was sent to the university of Pa- 
lencia ; he studied, chiefly theology, for ten years. He was 
laborious, devout, abstemious. Two stories are recorded, 
which show the dawn of religious strength in his cha- 
racter. During a famine, he sold his clothes to feed the 
poor : he offered in compassion to a woman who deplored 
the slavery of her brother to the Moors, to be sold for his 
redemption.** He had not what may be strictly called a 
monastic training. The Bishop of Osma had changed his 
chapter into regular canons, those who lived in common, 
and under a rule approaching to a monastic institute. 
Dominic became a canon in this rigorous house : there he 
soon excelled the others in austerity. This was in his 
twenty-fifth year : he remained in Osma, not much known, 
for nine years longer. Diego de Azevedo had succeeded to 

<^ This point is contested. The Father nassage, " Ubi semetipsom assent licet 

Bremond wrote to confute the BoN in integritate camis diyinft gratis con- 

landists, who had cast a pro&ne doubt servatum, nondum illam imperfectionem 

00 the noble descent of Dominic. evadere potuisse, quia magis afficiebatur 

* The Chapter of his order was juTenculamm colloquiis quam afiatibns 

shocked b^, and carefully erased from yetulonim." — Apud fiolland. c 1. 
the authonsed Legend of the Saint, a 



Chap. IX. DOMINIC IN LANGUEDOC. 251 

the Bishopric of Osma. He was a prelate of great ability, 
and of strong religious enthusiasm. He was sent to Den- 
mark to negotiate the marriage of Alfonso VIII. of 
Castile, with a princess of that kingdom. He chose the 
congenial Dominic as his companion. No sooner i„ langae. 
had they crossed the Pyrenees than they found *^ 
themselves in the midst of the Albigensian heresy ; they 
could not close their eyes to the contempt into which the 
clergy had fallen, or on theprosperity of the sec- 
tarians ; their very host at Toulouse was an Albi- 
gensian ; Dominic is said to have converted him before 
the morning. 

The mission of the Bishop in Denmark was frustrated 
by the unexpected death of the Princess. Before he re- 
turned to Spain, Azevedo, with his companion, resolved 
upon a pilgnmage to Bome. The character of the Bishop 
of Osma appears from his proposal to Pope Innocent. He 
wished to abandon his tranquil bishopric, and to devote him- 
self to the perilous life of a missionary, among the Cumans 
and fierce people which occupied part of Hungary, or in 
some other infidel country. That Dominic would have 
been his companion in this adventurous spiritual enterprise 
none can doubt. Innocent commanded the Bishop to 
return to his diocese : on their way the Bishop and Do- 
minic stopped at Montpellier. There, as has been said, 
they encountered in all their pomp the three 
Legates of the Pope, Abbot Arnold, the Brother 
Baoul, and Peter of Gastelnau. The Legates were re- 
turning discomfited, and almost desperate, firom their pro- 
gress in Languedoc. Then it was that Dominic uttered 
his bold and memorable rebuke : ^^ It is not by the display 
of power and pomp, cavalcades of retainers, and richly 
houseled palfireys, by gorgeous apparel, that the heretics 
win proselytes ; it is by zealous preaching, by apostolic 
humility, by austerity, by seeming, it is true, but yet 
seeming holiness. Zeal must be met by zeal, humility by 
humility, false sanctity by real sanctity ; preaching false- 
hood by preaching truth." From that day Dominic 
devoted himself to preaching the religion which he be- 
lieved. Even the Legates were for a time put to shame 



AJD, 1206. 



252 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

by his precept and example, dismissed their splendid 
equipages, and set forth with bare feet ; yet if witn some 
humility of dress and demeanour, with none of language 
or of heart As the preacher of orthodoxy, Dominic is said, 
in the pulpit, at the conference, to have argued with irre- 
sistible force : but his mission at last seems to have made 
no profound impression on the obstinate unbelievers. Ere 
long the Bishop Azevedo retired to Osma and died. Do- 
minic remained alone. 

But now the murder of Peter of Gastelnau roused other 
powers and other passions. That more irresistible preacher, 
the sword of the Crusader, was sent forth : it becomes im- 
possible to discriminate between the successes of one and 
of the other. The voice of the Apostle is drowned in 
the din of war ; even the conduct of Dominic himself, the 
manner in which he bore himself amidst these unevangelic 
allies, is clouded with doubt and uncertainty. His career 
Miracles ^^ darkcucd too by the splendour of miracle, with 
which it is invested. These miracles must not be 
passed by : they are largely borrowed from the life of the 
Saviour, and those of the Saints ; they sometimes sink into 
the ludicrous. A schedule, which he had written during 
one conference, of scriptural proofs, leaped out of the fire, 
while the discriminating flames consumed the writings of 
his adversaries. He exorcised the devil who possessed 
three noble matrons, in the shape of a great black cat with 
large black eyes, who at last ran up the bell-rope and dis- 
appeared. A lady of extreme beauty wished to leave her 
monastery, and resisted all the preacher's arguments. She 
blew her nose, it remained in the handkerchief. Horror- 
stricken, she implored the prayers of Dominic: at his 
intercession the nose resumed its place ; the lady remained 
in the convent. Dominic raised the dead, frequently fed 
his disciples in a manner even more wonderful than the 
Lord in the desert.® His miracles equal, if not transcend 
those in the Gospel. It must indeed have been a stubborn 
generation, to need besides these wonders the sword of Si- 
mon de Montfort. 

• All these and much more may be foond in the IWes of St. Dominic, in the 
Bollandists and elsewhere. 



Chap. IX. CONTRADICTORY LIVES OP S. DOMINIC. 253 

Throughout the Crusade Dominic is lost to the sight : 
he is hardly, if at all, noticed by historian or poet. It 
was not till the century after his death that his Dominic'in 
sterner followers boast of his presence, if not of ^'^' 
his activity, in exciting the savage soldiery in the day of 
battle. He marches unarmed in the van of the army 
with the cross in his hands, and escapes unhurt. The 
cross was shown pierced everywhere with arrows or jave- 
lins, only the form of the Saviour himself uninjured. In 
modern times there comes another change over the history 
of St. Dominic; that, of which his cotemporaries were 
silent, which the next generation blazoned forth as a boast, 
is now become a grave imputation. In later writings, his 
more prudent admirers assert, that he never appeared in the 
field of battle ; he was but once with the armies, during the 
great victory of Simon de Montfort, at Muret ; and then 
he remained within the city in fervent and uninterrupted 
prayer. All, perhaps, that is certainly known is that 
he showed no disapprobation of the character or of the. 
deeds of Simon de Montfort. He obeyed his call to bless 
the marriage of his son, and the baptism of his daughter. 

So, too, the presence of St. Dominic on the tribunals, 
where the unhappy heretics were tried for their in the tribu- 
lives, and the part which he took in delivering °*^*- 
them over to the secular arm to be burned by hundreds, is 
in the same manner, according to the date of the biogra- 
pher, a cause of pride or shame, is boldly vaunted, or 
tenderly disguised and gently doubted. The more cha- 
ritable silence at least of the earlier writers is sternly 
repudiated by the Bollandists, who will not allow the 
milder sense to be given to the title "Persecutor of 
Heretics," assigned to him by the Inquisition of Toulouse. 
They quote St Thomas of Aquino as an irrefragable 
authority on the duty of burning heretics. They refute 
the more tolerant argument by a long line of glorious 
bishops who have urged or assisted at holocausts of vic- 
tims. " What glory, splendour, and dignity (bursts forth 
Malvendia) belongs to the Order of Preachers, words 
cannot express I for the Holy Inquisition owes its origin 
to St. Dominic, and was propagated by his faithful 



254 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

followers. By them heretics of all kinds, the innovators 
and comiptors of sound doctrine, were destroyed, 
unless they would recant, by fire and sword, or at least 
awed, banished, put to the rout" The title of Dominic, 
in its fiercer sense, even rests on Papal authority, that of 
Sixtus V. in his bull for the canonization of Peter Martyr.' 
That indeed which in modem days is alleged in proof of 
his mercy, rather implies his habitual attendance on such 
scenes without showing the same mercy. Once he inter- 
fered to save a victim, in whom he saw some hopes of 
reconciliation, from the flames.* Calmer inquiry must rob 
him of or release him from these questionable glories. His 
heroic acts, as moving in the van of bloody battles ; his 
title of Founder of the Inquisition, belong to legend not to 
history. It is his Order which has thrown back its aggran- 
dising splendour on St. Dominic. So far was the Church 
from bowing down before the transcendant powers and hoU- 
ness of the friture saints, or discerning with instantaneous 
sagacity the value of these new allies, both the Father of 
the Fnar Preachers and the Father of the Minorites were 
at first received with cold suspicion or neglect at Bome ; the 
foundation of the two new Orders was extorted from the 
reluctant Innocent. The Third Lateran Council had pro- 
hibited the establishment of new orders. Well-timed and 
irresistible visions (the counsels of wiser and more far- 
sighted men) enlightened the Pope, and gently impelled 
him to open his eyes, and to yield to the revocation of his 
unwise judgment. Dominic returned from Rome, before 
the battle of Muret, armed with the Papal permission to 
enrol the Order of Friar Preachers. 

The earliest foundation of Dominic had been a convent 
Foradation of fcmalcs. Hc had observed that the noble 
ofPreachera. \g^\Qg Qf Langucdoc listcucd, especially in early 

life, with too eager ears to the preachers of heretical 
doctrines. At Prouille, at the foot of the Pyrenees, 
between Fanjaux and Monreal, he opened his retreat, 

f ** Jam vero ne recradcsceret in po8- stituerunt, eidemqae B Tiro et Fratrihus 

tens malum, aut impia hasresis repmlu- Praedicatoribiu praecipue detulenint." — 

laret ex clneribas suis saluberrimo con- Reichinins (a Dominican) ; Pnef. in Mo- 

silio Romani Pontificis Sancts Inquisl- uetam. p. xxzi. 
tionis officium austeri S. Dominici in- s La Cordaire, S. Dominique. 



Chap. IX. FOUNDATION OF THE ORDER. 255* 

where their virgin minds might be safe from the dangerous 
contagion. The first monastery of the Order of Preachers 
was that of St. Ronain, near Toulouse. The brotherhood 
consisted but of sixteen, most of them natives of Lan- 
guedoc, some Spaniards, one Englishman. It is remarkable, 
however, that the Order, founded for the suppression of 
heresy by preaching in Languedoc, was hardly organised 
before it left the chosen scene of its labours. Instead of 
fixing on Toulouse or any of the cities of Provence as the 
centre of his operations, Dominic was seized with the 
ambition of converting the world. Rome, Bologna, Paris, 
were to be the seats of his power. Exactly four years 
after the battle of Muret he abandoned Languedoc for 
ever. His sagacious mind might perhaps anticipate the 
unfavourable change, the fall if not the death of De 
Montfort, the return of Count Raymond as the deliverer 
to his patrimonial city. But even the stem Spanish mind 
might be revolted by the horrors of the Albigensian war ; 
he may have been struck by the common grief for the 
fall of the noble Spanish King of Arragon. At all events, 
the preacher by the word in Languedoc could play but a 
secondary part to the preacher by the sword ; and now 
that it was manifestly not conversion, but conquest, not 
the re-establishment of the Church, but the destruction of 
the liberties of the land, not the subjugation of the heretical 
Count of Toulouse, but the expulsion from their ancestral 
throne of the old princely house, and the substitution of a 
foreign usurper, the Castilian might feel shame and 
compunction, even the Christian might be reluctant to 
connect the Catholic faith which he would preach with 
all the deeds of a savage soldiery. The parting address 
ascribed to St Dominic is not quite consistent 

I Sent. 13 1217 

with this more generous and charitable view of 
his conduct. It is a terrible menace rather than gentle 
regret or mild reproof. At the convent of Prouille, after 
high mass, he thus spake : ^^ For many years I have 
spoken to you 'with tenderness, with prayers, and tears ; 
but according to the proverb of my country, where the 
benediction has no eflect, the rod may have much. Behold, 
now, we rouse up against you princes and prelates, nations 



256 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

and kingdoms ! Many shall perish by the sword. The 
land shall be ravaged, walls thrown down ; and you, alas I 
reduced to slavery. So shall the chastisement do th^t 
which the blessing and which mildness could not do." ^ 

Dominic himself took up his residence in Rome.* His 
success as a preacher was unrivalled. His followers began 
to spread rumours of the miracles which he wrought. The 
Pope Honorius III. appointed him to the high office, 
since perpetuated among his spiritual descendants, Master 
of the Sacred Palace. He was held in the highest honour 
by the aged Cardinal Ugolino, the future Pope Gregory IX. 
For the propagation of his Order this residence in Kome 
was a master-stroke of policy. Of the devout pilgrims to 
Rome, men of all countries in Christendom, the most 
devout were most enraptured by the eloquence of Dominic. 
Few but must feel that it was a preaching Order which 
was wanted in every part of the Christian world. Dominic 
was gifted with that rare power, even in those times, of 
infusing a profound and enduring devotion to one object. 
Once withm the magic circle, the enthralled disciple 
either lost all desire to leave it, or, if he struggled, 
Dominic seized him and dragged him back, now an unre- 
luctant captive, by awe, by persuasion, by conviction, by 
what was believed to be miracle, which might be holy art, 
or the bold and ready use of casual but natural circum- 
stances. "God has never," as he revealed in secret — 
a secret not likely to be religiously kept — to the Abbot of 
Casamare, " refused me anything that I have prayed for." 
When he prayed for the conversion of Conrad the Teu- 
tonic, was Conrad left ignorant that he had to resist the 
prayers of one whom God had thus endowed with irre- 
sistible efficacy of prayer ? ^ Thus were preachers rapidly 
enlisted and dispersed throughout the world, speaking 
every language in Christendom. Two Poles, Hyacinth 
and Ceslas, carried the rules of the order to their own 
country. Dominican convents were founded at Cracow, 
even as far as Kiow. 

*> M.S. de Proaille, published by Pdre of San Sisto on the Ccelian Hill, after- 

Perrin : <}aoted by La Cordaire, Vie de ward that of Santa Sabiua. 

8. Dominiqae, p. 404. ^ La Cordaire, p. 539. 

' He fint established the monastery 



Chap. IX. ORDER OF ST. DOMINIC. 257 

Dominic had judged wisely and not too daringly in 
embracing the world as the scene of his labours. Rapid pro- 
In the year 1220, seven years after he had left gX."'*^' 
Languedoc, he stood, as the Master-General of his ^- ^*^®- 
Order, at the head of an assembly at Bologna. Italy, Spain, 
Provence, France, Germany, Poland, had now their 
Dominican convents ; the voices of Dominican preachers 
had penetrated into every land. But the great question 
of holding property or dependence on the casual support of 
mendicancy was still undecided. Dominic had accepted 
landed^ endowments: in Languedoc he held a grant of 
tithes from Fulk Bishop of Toulouse. But the Order of 
St. Francis, of which absolute poverty was the vital rule, 
was now rising with simultaneous rapidity. Though both 
the founders of the new Orders and the brethren of the 
Orders had professed and displayed the most perfect 
mutual respect, and even amity (twice, it was said, they 
had met, with great marks of reverence and esteem), yet 
both true policy and devout ambition might reveal to the 
prudent as well as ardent Dominic that the vow of 
absolute poverty would give the Franciscans an immeasu- 
rable superiority in popular estimation. His followers 
must not be trammelled with worldly wealth, or be out- 
done in any point of austerity by those of St. Francis. 
The universal suffrage was for the vow of poverty in the 
strongest sense, the renunciation of all property by the 
Order as well as by the individual Brother. How long, 
how steadfastly, that vow was kept by either Order will 
appear in the course of our history. 

The second great assembly of the Order was held 
shortly before the death of Dominic. The Order 
was now distributed into eight provinces. Spain, 
the first in rank, Provence, France, Lombardy, Rome, 
Germany, Hungary, and England. In England the 
Prior Gilbert had landed with fourteen friars. Gilbert 
preached before the Archbishop of Canterbury. The 
Primate, Stephen Langton, was so edified by his eloquence, 
that he at once gave full licence to preach throughout the 
land. Monasteries rose at Canterbury, London, Oxford. 

But the great strength of these two new Orders was, 

VOL. IV. s 



Aj>. 1221. 



258 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

besides the communities of friars and nuns (each associated 
with itself a kindred female Order), the establish- 
ment of a third, a wider and more secular com- 
munity, who were bound to the two former by bonds 
of close association, by reverence and implicit obedience, 
and were thus always ready to maintain the interests, to 
admire and to propagate the wonders, to subserve in every 
way the advancement of the higher disciples of St. 
Dominic or St Francis. They were men or women, old 
or young, married or unmarried, bound by none of the 
monastic vows, but deeply imbued with the monastic, with 
the corporate spirit ; taught to observe all holy days, fasts, 
vigils, with the utmost rigour, inured to constant prayer 
and attendance on divine worship. They were organised, 
each under his own prior ; they crowded as a duty, as a 
privilege, into the church wherever a Dominican ascended 
the pulpit, predisposed, almost compelled, if compulsion 
were necessary, to admire, to applaud at least by rapt 
attention. Thus the Order spread not merely by its own 
perpetual influence and unwearied activity ; it had every- 
where a vast host of votaries wedded to its interests, full 
to fanaticism of its corporate spirit, bound to receive hos- 
pitably or ostentatiously their wandering preachers, to 
announce, to trumpet abroad, to propagate the fame of 
their eloquence, to spread belief in their miracles, to lavish 
alms upon them, to fight in their cause. This lay coadju- 
tory, these Tertiaries, as they were called, or among the 
Dominicans, the Soldiers of Jesus Christ as not altogether 
secluded from the world, acted more widely and more 
subtly upon the world. Their rules were not rigidly laid 
down till by the seventh Master of the Order, Munion de 
Zamora ; it was then approved by Popes."* 

Dominic died August 6th, 1221. He was taken ill at 
Venice, removed with difficulty to Bologna, where 
he expired with saintly resignation. 
His canonisation followed rapidly on his death. 

" Among the special privileges of the withoat bells. Conceive the inflaence 

Order ^in the bull of Honorius) was that thus obtained in a religious land, every 

in the time of interdict (so common were where else deprived of all its holy 

interdicts now become) the Order might services, 
still celebrate mass with low voices, 



Chap. IX. CANONISATION OF ST. DOMINIC. 259 

Gregory IX., who in his internecine war with the Em- 
peror Frederick II. had found the advantage of 
these faithful, restless, unscrupulous allies in the 
realm, in the camp, almost in the palace of his adversary, 
was not the man to pause or to hesitate in his gratefiil 
acknowledgments or prodigal reward. " I no more doubt," 
said the Pope, ^^ the sanctity of Dominic than that of St. 
Peter or St Paul." In the bull of canonisation, Dominic 
is elaborately described as riding in the four-horsed chariot 
of the Gospel, as it were seated behind the four Evan- 
gelists, (or rather in the four chariots of Zechariah, long 
interpreted as signifying the four Evangelists,) holding in 
his hand the irresistible bow of the Divine Word. 

The admiration of their founder, if it rose not with the 
Dominicans so absolutely into divine adoration as with 
the Franciscans, jret bordered close upon it. He, too, was 
so closely approximated to the Saviour as to be placed 
nearly on an equality. The Virgin Mother herself, 
the special protectress of the sons of Dominic, might 
almost seem to sanction their bold raptures of spiritual 
adulation, from which our most fervent piety might shrink 
as wild profanation. Dominic was the adopted son of the 
Blessed Virgin." 

And this was part of the creed maintained by an Order 

* There is a strange story of the usque ad terminnm vitffi suce, fuernnt 
especial protection extended over the angolata secundum obedientiam proe- 
Order bv the Virgin. It might seem ceptorum meonim, nee unquam semel 
singularly ill adapted for painting, but fuit transgressus quodcunque preeceptum 
painting has nevertheless yentured, meum, quia viiginitatem corporis eC 
at least partially, to represent it. To animi illibatam servavit, et gratiam 
this the modesty of more modem man- baptismi quo spiritualiter renatus est, 
ners, perhaps not less real though semper conservavit." The parallel goes 
more scrupulous respect (respect which on between the apostles of the Lord 
falls far short of worship), proscribes and the brethren of S. Dominic. — Apud 
more than an allusion : The Virgin is Bolland, xlv. p. 844. See also a passage 
represented with the whole countless about the Virgin in La Cordaire, p. 234. 
host of Dominicans crowded under her In another Vita S. Dominici, apud Bol- 
dress. In the vision of St. Brigitta, the land, Aug. 4, is this : — There was a pro- 
Virgin herself is made to sanction this phetic picture at Venice, in which appear 
awful confusion. '* Ego, dulcissima filia, S. Paul and S. Dominic. Under the latter, 
istos duos filios genui, unum naturaliter '* Facilius itur per istum." The com- 
generando, alium amabiliter et dulciter ment of the biographer is : '* Doctrina 
adoptando . . . Sicut hie Filius a me na- Pauli sicut et ceterorum apostolorum 
turaliter et tetemaliter gcnitus, assumptft erat doctrina inducens ad fidem et ob- 
natur& human&, in omnibus fuit perfec- servationem prseceptorum, doctrina Do- 
tissime obediens mihi, usque ad mortem, minici ad observantiam consiliorum, et 
sic filius meus adoptivus Dominicus. ideo facilius per ipsnm itur ad Chris- 
Omnia, quse operatus est ab infanti& su& tum." — c. viL 

s 2 



260 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

which under its fourth general, John of Wildeshausen (in 
Westphalia), in their Chapter-General at Bourdeaux, 
reckoned its monasteries at the number of four hundred 
and seventy. In Spain thirty-five, in France fifty-two, 
in Germany fift;y-two, in Tuscany thirty-two, in Lombardy 
forty-six, in Hungary thirty, in Poland thirty-six, in Den- 
mark twenty-eight, in England forty. They were spreading 
into Asia, into heathen or Saracen lands, into Palestine, 
Greece, Crete, Abyssinia. Nor is it their number alone 
which grows with such wonderful fertiUty. They are not 
content with the popular mind. They invade the high 
places of human intellect : they are disputing the mastery 
in the Universities of Italy and Germany, in Cologne, 
Paris, and in Oxford. Before long they are to claim two 
of the greatest luminaries of the scholastic philosophy, 
Albert the Great and Thomas of Aquino. 



Chap. X. BIRTH AND YOUTH OP ST. FRANCIS. 261 



CHAPTER X. 



ST. FRANCia* 



St. Francis was born in the romantic town of Assisi, of a 
family, the Bernardini, engaged in trade. His Birth and 
birth took place while his father was on a mercan- J^. liaa. 
tile journey in France ; on his return his new-born son was 
baptised by the name of Francis.* His mother, Picca, 
loved him with all a mother's tenderness for her firstborn. 
He received the earliest rudiments of instruction from the 
clergy of the parish of St. George : he was soon taken 
to assist his father in his trade. The father, a hard, money- 
making man, was shocked at first by the vanity and pro- 
digality of his son. The young Francis gave banquets to 
his juvenile friends, dressed splendidly, and the streets of 
Assisi rang with the songs and revels of the joyous crew ; 
but even then his bounty to the poor formed a large part 
of his generous wastefulness. He was taken captive in 
one of the petty wars which had broken out between 
Perugia and Assisi, and remained a year in prison. He 
was then seized with a violent illness : when he rose from 
his bed nature looked cold and dreary ; he began to feel 
disgust to the world. The stirrings of some great but 
yet undefined purpose were already awake within him. 
He began to see visions, but as yet they were of war and 

* The Tast annals of the Franciscan liffites. There is a modem life bj M. 

Order, hj Lucas Wadding, in seventeen Malan. 

folio Tolumes, are the great authority : ** When the ^sciples of S. Francis 
for S. Francis himself the life bj S. were folly possessed with the conformity 
Bonaventura. I have much used the of their founder with the Saviour, the 
Cbronique de I'Ordre du P^re S. Fran- legend grew up, assimilating his birth 
^is, in quaint old French (the original to that of the Lord. A prophetess fore- 
is in Portuguese, by Marco di Lisbona^, showed it ; he was bom by divine sug- 
Paris, 1623. I have an epic poem, m gestion in a stable ; angels rejoiced ; 
twen^-five cantos, a kind of religious even peace and goodwill were announced, 
plagiary of Tasso, San Francisco, 6 though by a human voice. An angel, 
Gierusalemme Celeste Acquistata, by like old Simeon, bore him at the font. 
Agostino Gallucci (1617). The author And all this is gravely related bv a bio- 
makes S. Francis subaue the Wick- grapher of the 19th centuiy, M. Malan. 



262 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

glory : the soldier was not dead in his heart He deter- 
mined to follow the fortunes of a youthful poor knight 
who was setting out to fight under the banner of the 
"Gentle Count," Walter of Brienne, against the hated 
Germans. At Spoleto he again fell ill ; his feverish visions 
took another turn. Francis now felt upon him that pro- 
found religious thraldom which he was never to break, 
never to desire to break. His whole soul became deliber- 
ately, calmly, extatic fai|;h. He began to talk mysteriously 
of his future bride — that bride was Poverty. He resolved 
never to refuse alms to a poor person. He found his way 
to Bome, threw down all ne possessed, no costly offering, 
on the altar of St Peter. On his return he joined a troop 
of beggars, and exchanged his dress for the rags of the 
filthiest among them. His mother heard and beheld all his 
strange acts with a tender and prophetic admiration. To 
a steady trader like the father it was folly if not madness. 
He was sent with a valuable bale of goods to sell at Fo- 
ligno. On his return he threw all the money down at the 
feet of the priest of St. Damian to rebuild his church, as 
well as the price of his horse, which he likewise sold. The 
priest refused the gift. In the eyes of the father this was 
dishonesty as well as folly. Francis concealed himself in 
a cave, where he lay hid for a month in solitary prayer. 
He returned to Assisi, looking so wild and haggard that 
the rabble hooted him as he passed and pelted him with 
mire and stones. The gentle Francis appeared to rejoice 
in every persecution. The indignant father shut him up 
in a dark chamber, fi^m which, after a time, he was re- 
leased by the tender solicitude of his mother. Bernardini 
now despaired of his unprofitable and intractable son, 
whom he suspected of alienating other sums besides that 
which he had received for the cloth and the horse. He 
cited him before the magistrates to compel him to abandon 
all rights on his patrimony, which he was disposed to 
squander in this thriftless manner. Francis declared that 
he was a servant of God, and declined the jurisdiction of 
the civil magistrate. The cause came before the Bishop. 
The Bishop earnestly exhorted Francis to yield up to his 
father any money which he might possess, or to which he 



OuAP. X. FRANCIS WEDDED TO POVERTY. 263 

was entitled. ^^ It might be ungodly gain, and so unfit to 
be applied to holy uses." " I will give up the Giye. up us 
very clothes I wear," replied the enthusiast, en- ISflfaS!** 
couraged by the gentle demeanour of the Bishop. -*•**•"• 
He stripped himself entirely naked.*" " Peter Bernardini 
was my father ; I have now but one father, he that is in 
heaven." The audience burst into tears; the Bishop 
threw his mantle over him and ordered an old coarse 
dress of an artisan to be brought : he then received Fran- 
cis into his service. 

Francis was now wedded to Poverty ; but poverty he 
would only love in its basest form — mendicancy. Etobimcw 
He wandered abroad, was ill used by robbers ; «>«™"<*~t. 
on his escape received from an old friend at Gubbio a 
hermit's attire, a short tunic, a leathern girdle, a staff and 
slippers. He begged at the gates of monasteries ; he dis- 
charged the most menial offices. With even more pro- 
found devotion he dedicated himself for some time in the 
hospital at Gubbio to that unhappy race of beings whom 
even Christianity was constrained to banish from the 
social pale — ^the lepers."* He tended them with more than 
necessary affectionateness, washed their feet, dressed their 
sores, and is said to have wrought miraculous cures among 
them. The moral miracle of his charity toward them is 
a more certain and more affecting proof of his true Chris- 
tianity of heart It was an especial charge to the brethren 
of St. Francis of Assisi to choose these outcasts of humanity 
as the objects of their peculiar care.® 

On his return to Assisi he employed himself in the re- 
storation of the church of St Damian. " Whoever will 
give me one stone shall have one prayer ; whoever two, 
two ; three, three." The people mocked, but Francis went 
on carrying the stones in his own hands, and the church 

" According to S. Bonaventara, he had loathsome disease. The service maj be 

haircloth under his dress. found— it is worth seeking for— in Mar- 

^ There is something singularly affect- tene de Astiquis Ecclesia Ritibns. It is 

ing in the service of the Church for the quoted by M. Malan. 

seclusion of the lepers, whose number is * S. Bonaventura says that he healed 

as sure a proof of the wretchedness of one leper with a kiss : ** Nescio qnidnam 

those times, as the care of tiiem of the homm magis sit admirandum, an humi- 

charity. The stem duty of looking to litatis profunditas iuosculotambenigno, 

the public welfare is tempered with ex- an virtutis prsclaritas in miraculo tam 

quisite compassion for the victims of this stupendo." — Vit. S. FranciscL 



264 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

began to rise. He refused all food which he did not ob- 
tain by begging. His father reproached him and uttered 
his malediction. He took a be^ar of the basest class : 
" Be thou my father and give me thy blessing." But so 
successful was he in awakening the charity of the inha- 
bitants of Assisi, that not only the church of St. Damiau 
but two others, St Peter and St Maria dei Angeli (called 
the Portiuncula), through his means arose out of their 
ruins to decency and even splendour. One day, in the 
church of St Maria dei Angeli, he heard die text, 
" Provide neither gold, nor silver, nor brass in your purses. 
Neither scrip for your journey, neither two coats, neither 
shoes nor yet staves." He threw away his wallet, his 
staff, and his shoes, put on the coarsest dark grey tunic, 
bound himself with a cord, and set out through the city 
calling all to repentance. 

This strange but fervent piety of Francis could not but, 
in that age, kindle the zeal of others. Wonder grew into 
admiration, admiration into emulation, emulation into a 
blind following of his footsteps. Disciples, one by one 
(the first are carefully recorded), began to gather round 
nim. He retired witn them to a lonely spot in the bend 
of the river, called Rivo Torto. A rule was wanting for 
the young brotherhood. Thrice upon the altar he opened 
the Gospels, which perhaps were accustomed to be opened 
on these passages.' He read three texts in reverence for 
the Holy Trinity. The first was, " If thou wilt be per- 
fect, sell all thou hast and give to the poor ;"^ the second, 
"Take nothing for your journey;*'^ the third, "If any 
one would come after me, let him take up his cross and 
follow me." * Francis made the sign of the cross and sent 
forth his followers into the neighbouring cities, as if to 
divide the world, to the east and west, the north and 
south. They re-assembled at Rivo Torto and determined 
to go to Rome to obtain the authority of the Pope for the 
foundation of their order. On the way they met a knight 
in arms. " Angelo," said St Francis, " instead of that 
baldrick thou shalt gird thee with a cord ; for thy sword 

' The poet gives the date, St, Lake's » Matt xix. 21. "> Mark vi. 8. 

day, Oct. 18, 1212. i Matt. xvi. 24. 



Chap. X. FRANCIS BEFORE POPE INNOCENT. 265 

thou shalt take the croBS of Christ ; for the spurs, the dirt 
and mire." Angelo made up the mystic number of 
twelve, which the profound piety of his followers alleged 
as a new similitude to the Lord.^ 

Innocent III. was walking on the terrace of the Lateran 
when a mendicant of the meanest appearance presented 
himself, proposing to convert the world by poverty and 
humility. The haughty Pontiff dismissed him with con- 
tempt. But a vision, says the legend, doubtless more 
grave deliberation and inquiry, suggested that such an 
Order might meet the heretics on their own ground ; the 
Poor Men of the Church might out-labour and out-suffer 
the Poor Men of Lyons. He sent for Francis, received 
him in the midst of the cardinals, and listened to his pro- 
posal for his new Order. Some of the cardinals objected 
the difficulty, the impossibility of the vows. " To suppose 
that anything is difficult or impossible with God," said the 
Cardinal Bishop of St. Sabina, *^ is to blaspheme Christ 
and his Gospel." 

The Order was now founded ; the Benedictines of Monte 
Subiaco gave them a church, called, like that near Fonndaiion 
Assisi, St. Maria dei Angeli, or de la Portiuncula. "^ *** ^^^''• 
In the difficulty, the seeming impossibility of the vows 
was their strength. The three vital principles of the 
Order were chastity, poverty, obedience. For chastity, no 
one was to speak with a woman alone, except the few who 
might safely do so (from age or severity of character), 
and that was to urge penitence or give spiritual counsel. 
Poverty was not only the renunciation of all possessions 
but of all property, even in the clothes they wore, in the 
cord which girt them — even in their breviaries." Money 
was, as it were, infected ; they might on no account re- 
ceive it in alms except (the sole exception) to aid a sick 
brother ; no brother might ride if he had power to walk. 
They were literally to fulfil the precept, if stricken on one 
cheek, to offer the other ; if spoiled of part of their dress, 

* It wag at this period that he was •• E plenwla Indnlgema oggi ri day*." 

said, or said himself that he was trans- e. vi. 41. 

ported to heaven, into the actual pre- " At first, says S. Bonayentura, they 

sence of the Lord, who, according to the had no books \ their only book was the 

poem, gave him a plenary indulgence for cross, 
himself and his followers : — 



266 LATIN CimiSTIANITY. Book IX. 

to yield up the rest. Obedience was urged not merely as 
obligatory and coercive : the deepest mutual love was to 
be the bond of the brotherhood. 

The passionate fervour of the preaching, the mystic 
tenderness, the austere demeanour of Francis and his dis- 
ciples, could not but work rapidly and profoundly among 
his female hearers. Clara, a noble virgin, of Assisi, under 
the direction of St. Francis, had in the same manner to 
strive against the tender and affectionate worldliness, as 
she deemed it, of her family. But she tore herself from 
their love as from a sin, entered into a convent attached 
to the church of St. Damian, and became the mother of 
the poor sisterhood of St. Clare. Of Clara it is said that 
she never but once (and that to receive the blessing of the 
Pope) so lifted her eyelids that the colour of her eyes 
might be discerned. Clara practised mortifications more 
severe than any of her sex before. The life of the sisters 
was one long dreary penance; even their services were 
all sadness. The sisters who could read were to read 
the Hours, but without chanting. Those who could 
not read were not to learn to read. To the prayers of 
St. Clara it was attributed that, in later times, her own 
convent and the city of Assisi were preserved from the 
fierce Mohammedans which belonged to the army of 
Frederick II. The Order was confirmed by a bull of 
Innocent IV. 

Francis, in the mean time, with his whole soul vowed to 

Foreign the service of God, set forth to subdue the world. 

miiwiond. Yle had hesitated between the contemplative and 
active life — prayer in the secluded monastery, or preach- 
ing the cross of Christ to mankind. The mission of love 
prevailed; his success and that of his ardent followers 
might seem to justify their resolution. They had divided 
the world, and some had already set forth into France and 
into Spain with the special design of converting the Mira- 
mamolin and his Mohammedan subjects. Everjnurhere 
they were heard with fanatic rapture. At their first 
chapter, held in the church of the Portiuncula, 
only three years after the scene at Rivo Torto, it 
was necessary to ordain provincial masters in Spain, Pro- 



A.D. 1315. 



Chap. X. ST. FRANCIS IN THE EAST. 267 

vence, France and Germany : at a second chapter of the 
order in 1219 met five thousand brethren. 

The holy ambition of St. Francis grew with his success. 
He determined to confront the great enemy of st. mnOB in 
Christianity in his strength. He set off to preach a.d. 1219. 
to the Mohammedans of the East The Christian army 
was encamped before Damietta. The sagacity of Francis 
anticipated from their discord, which he in vain endea- 
voured to reconcile, their defeat. His prophecy was too 
iuUy accomplished; but he determined not the less to 
proceed on his mission. On his way to the Saracen camp 
he met some sheep. It occurred to him, " I send you 
forth as sheep among the wolves." He was taken and 
carried before the Sultan. To the Sultan he boldly 
offered the way of salvation. He preached (in what lan- 
guage we are not told) the Holy Trinity and the Divine 
Saviour before these stem Unitarians. The Mohamme- 
dans reverence what they deem insanity as partaking of 
divine inspiration. The Sultan is said to have listened 
with respect ; his grave face no doubt concealed his com- 
passion. St. Francis offered to enter a great fire with the 
priests of Islam, and to set the truth of either faith on 
the issue. The Sultan replied that his priests would not 
willingly submit to this perilous trial. " I will enter 
alone," said Francis, "if, should I be burned, you will 
impute it to my sins ; should I come forth alive, you will 
embrace the Gospel." The Sultan naturally declined these 
terms, as not quite fair towards his creed. But he offered 
rich presents to Francis (which the preacher of poverty 
rejected with utter disdain), and then sent him back in 
honour to the camp at Damietta. Francis passed through 
the Holy Land and the kingdom of Antioch, preaching 
and winning disciples, and then returned to Italy. His 
fame was now at its height, and wherever he went his won- 
dering disciples saw perpetual miracle. In this respect the 
life of the Saviour is far surpassed by that of St Francis. 

The Order soon had its martyrs. The Mohammedan 
Moors of Africa were fiercer than those of Egypt. 
Five monks, after preaching without success to ^* 
the Saracens of Seville, crossed into Africa. After many 



268 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book K. 

adventures (in one of which during an expedition against 
the Moorish tribes of the interior, Friar Berard struck 
water from the desert rock, like Moses) they were offered 
wealth, beautiful wives, and honours if they would embrace 
Mohammedanism. They spat on the ground in contempt 
of the miscreant offer. The King himself clove the head 
of one of them with a sword ; the rest were despatched in 
horrible torments." St. Francis received the sad intelli- 
gence with triumph, and broke forth in gratulations to the 
convent of Alonquir, which had thus produced the first 
purple flowers of martyrdom. 

This was no hardness, or want of compassion, but the 
Character of countcrworkiug of a stronger, more passionate 
Bt. Frauds. gniQtion. Of all saints, St. Francis was the most 
blameless and gentle. In Dominic and in his disciples all 
was still rigorous, cold, argumentative ; something remained 
of the crusader's fierceness, the Spaniard's haughty humility, 
the inquisitor's stern suppression of all gentler feelings, the 
polemic sternness. Whether Francis would have burned 
heretics, happily we know not, but he would willingly have 
been burned for them : himself excessive in austerities, he 
would at times mitigate the austerity of others. Francis 
was emphatically the Saint of the people ; of a poetic 
people, like the Italians. Those who were hereafter to chant 
the Paradise of Dante, or the softer stanzas of Tasso, might 
well be enamoured of the ruder devotional strains of the 
mystic poetry of the whole life of St. Francis. The lowest 
of the low might find consolation, a kind of pride, in the 
self-abasement of St. Francis even beneath tne meanest. 
The very name of his disciples, the Friar Minors, implied 
their humility. In his own eyes (says his most pious 
successor) he was but a sinner, while in truth he was 
the mirror and splendour of holiness. It wa» revealed, 
says the same Bonaventura, to a Brother that the throne 
of one of the angels, who fell from pride, was reserved for 
Francis, who was glorified by humility. If the heart of 
the poorest was touched by the brotherhood in poverty and 

* See on these martyrs Southey's ballad : 

What newB, Queen Orraca, Does the bloody Mlramamolln 

Of the martyro five what news ? Their burial yet refaee t 



Chap. X. POETRY OF ST. FRANCIS. 269 

lowliness of such a saint, how was his imagination kindled 
by his mystic strains ? St. Francis is among the oldest 
vernacular poets of Italy ."* His poetry, indeed, is but a 
long passionate ejaculation of love to the Redeemer in 
rude metre ; it has not even the order and completeness 
of a hymn : it is a sort of plaintive variation on one 
simple melody; an echo of the same tender words, 
multiplied again and again, it might be fancied, by the 
voices in the cloister walls. But his ordinary speech is 
more poetical than his poetry. In his peculiar language 
he addresses all animate, even inanimate, creatures as 
his brothers ; not merely the birds and beasts ; he 
had an especial fondness for lambs and larks, as the 
images of the Lamb of God and of the cherubim in 
heaven.P I know not if it be among the Conformities, 
but the only malediction I find him to have uttered was 
against a fierce swine which had killed a young lamb. 
Of his intercourse with these mute animals, we are told 
many pretty particularities, some of them miraculous. 
But his poetic impersonation went beyond this. When 
the surgeon was about to cauterise him, he said, '* Fire, my 
brother, be thou discreet and gentle to me."* In one of his 
Italian hymns he speaks of his brother the sun, his sister 
the moon, his brother the wind, his sister the water.' No 
wonder diat in this almost perpetual extatic state, un- 
earthly music played around him, unearthly light shone 
round his path. When he died, he said, with exquisite 
simplicity, " Welcome, sister Death.'** St Francis him- 
self no doubt, was but unconsciously presumptuous, when 
he acted as under divine inspiration, even when he laid 
the groundwork for that assimilation of his own life to 
that of the Saviour, which was wrought up by his dis- 
ciples, as it were, into a new Gospel, and superseded 
the old. His was the studious imitation of humility, not 

*> M. de Montalembert is eloqueot, as — Vita (Fnligno), p. 1 5. 

usual, on his poetry. — Preface to '* La ' " Laudato sia el Dio, mio Signore 

Vie d'Elizabetn d'Hongne." con tute le Creature ; speciahnente 

P Bonaventura, c. yiii. Messer lo frate Sole. . . • Laudato sia 

'^ The words were, " Fratel fuoco, da il mio Signore per suor Luna, per fhite 

Dio creato pih bello, pih attivo, e pih rento, per suor acqua." 

giovevole d'ogni tdtro elemento, noi te * ** ben venga la sorella morte.^ 
mostra or nel cimento discreto e mite." 



270 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

the emulous approximation of pride, even of pride dis- 
guised from himself; such proianeness entered not into 
his thought. His life might seem a religious trance. The 
mysticism so absolutely absorbed him as to make him un- 
conscious, as it were, of the presence of his body. Inces- 
santly active as was his life, it was a kind of paroxysmal 
activity, constantly collapsing into what might seem a 
kind of suspended animation of the corporeal functions.' 
It was even said that he underwent a kind of visible and 
glorious transfiguration.'* But with what wonderful force 
must all this have worked upon the world, the popular world 
around him. About three years before his death, with 
the permission of the Pope, he celebrated the Nativity of 
the Lord in a new way. A manger was prepared, the 
whole scene of the miraculous birth represented. The 
mass was interpolated before the prayers. St Francis 
preached on the ^Nativity. The angelic choirs were heard ; 
a wondering disciple declared that he saw a beautiful 
child reposing in the manger. 

The Order of St. Francis had, and of necessity, its 
Tertiaries, like that of St Dominic* At his preaching, 
and that of his disciples, such multitudes would have 
crowded into the Order as to become dangerous and un- 
manageable. The whole population of one town, Canari 
in Umbria, offered themselves as disciples. The Tertiaries 
were called the Brethren of Penitence ; they were to retain 
their social position in the world: but, first enjoined to 
discharge all their debts, and to make restitution of all 
unfair gains. They were then admitted to make a vow 
to keep the commandments of God, and to give satisfaction 
for any breach of which they might have been guilty. 
They could not leave the Order, except to embrace a 
religious life. Women were not admitted without the 

* "E tanto in lei (in Gesu) sovente Vita di S. Francesco. Foligno, 1824. 

profondasi, tanto s' immerge, inabissa, e " *' Ad conspectum sublimis Seraph 

concentra, che assorto non yide, non et humilis Crucifixi, fuit in yirse formffi 

ascolta, non sente, e se opera carnal- effigiem, yi qu&dam deiformi et ignea 

mente, nol conosca, non sel rammenta." transformatus ; quemadmodum testati 

This state is thus illustrated : he "was sunt, tactis sacrosanctis jurantes, qui 

riding on an ass ; he was almost torn in palpayeront, osculati sunt, et yidenint." 

piccis by devout men and women shout- — S. Bonaventora, in Vit. Minor, i. 

in^ around him ; he was utterly uncon- * Chapter of Tertiaries, a.d. 1222 ; 

scious, like a dead man. — From a modem Chroniques, L. ii. c. xxxii. 



Chap. X. TERTIARIES. 271 

consent of their husbands. The form and colour of their 
dress were prescribed, silk rigidly prohibited. They were 
to keep aloof from all public spectacles, dances, especially 
the theatre ; to give nothing to actors, jugglers, or such 
profane persons. Their fasts were severe, but tempered 
with some lenity; their attendance at church constant 
They were not to bear arms except in the cause of the 
Church of Rome, the Christian faith, or their country, 
and that at the licence of their ministers. On entering 
the Order, they were immediately to make their wills to 
prevent future litigation ; they were to abstain from unne- 
cessary oaths; they were to submit to penance, when 
imposed by their ministers. 

JBut St. Francis had not yet attained his height even 
of worldly fame ; he was yet to receive the last 

-w-k A D 1224 

marks of his similitude to the Redeemer, to bear 

on his body actually and really the five wounds of the 

Redeemer. 

That which was so gravely believed must be gravely 
related. la the solitude of Monte Alvemo (a xhestig- 
mountain which had been bestowed on the Order "***• 
by a rich and pious votary, and where a magnificent 
church afterwards arose) Francis had retired to hold a 
solemn fast in honour of the Archangel Michael. He had 
again consulted the holy oracle. Thrice the Scriptures 
had been opened ; thrice they opened on the Passion of 
the Lord. This was interpreted, that even in this life 
Francis was to be brought into some mysterious conformity 
with the death of the Saviour. One morning, while he 
was praying in an access of the most passionate devotion, 
he saw in a vision, or, as he supposed, in real being, a 
seraph with six wings. Amidst these wings appeared the 
likeness of the Crucified. Two wings arched over his 
head, two were stretched for flight, two veiled the body. 
As the apparition disappeared, it left upon his mind an 
indescribable mixture of delight and awe. On his body 
instantaneously appeared marks of the crucifixion, like 
those which he had beheld. Two black excrescences, in 
the form of nails, with the heads on one side, the points 
bent back on the other, had grown out of his hands and 



272 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

feet. There was a wound on his side, which frequently 
flowed with blood, and stained his garment. Francis 
endeavoured, in his extreme humility, notwithstanding the 
remonstrances of his disciples, to conceal this wonderful 
sight; but the wounds were seen, it is declared, at one 
time by fifty brethren. Countless miracles were ascribed 
to their power. The wound on his side Francis hid with 
peculiar care. But it was seen during his life, as it is 
asserted ; the pious curiosity of his disciples pierced through 
every concealment Pope Alexander IV. publicly de- 
clared that his own eyes had beheld the stigmata on the 

^ body of St. Francis. Two years aft;er St Francis 

died. He determined literally to realise the 
words of the Scripture, to leave the world naked as he 
entered it His disciples might then, and did then, it is 
said, actually satisfy themselves as to these signs : to com- 
plete the parallel an incredulous Thomas was found to 
investigate the fact with suspicious scrutiny. It became 
an article of the Franciscan creed ; though the now rival 
Order, the Dominicans, hinted rationalistic doubts, they 
were authoritatively rebuked. It became almost the creed 
of Christendom.^ 

Up to a certain period this studious conformity of the 
Character of life of St Fraucis with that of Christ, heightened, 
Frandflcaniim. adoHicd, cxpandcd, till it received its perfect- 
form in the work of Bartholomew of Pisa, was promul- 
gated by the emulous zeal of a host of disciples throughout 
the world. Those whose more reverential piety might 
take offence were few and silent : the declaration of Pope 
Alexander, the ardent protector of the Mendicant Friars, 
imposed it almost as an article of the Belief. With the 
Franciscans, and all under the dominion of the Francis- 

' The Dominican Jacob de Voragine natione extitit, qaod TulneTa passionis 

assigns five causes for the stigmata ; in carne suA impressit.'* — Sermo iii. de 

they in fact resoWe themseWes into S. Francisco. Compare Gieseler, ii. 2, 

the first, imagination. His illustrations, 349. Nicolas IV., too, asserted the 

however, are chiefly from pregnant wo- stismata of St. Francis (he was himself 

men, whose children resemble some- a Franciscan) ; he silenced a Dominican, 

thing which had violently impressed who dared to assert that in Peter Martyr 

the mother^s mind. lie does not deny (Peter was a Dominican) were signs 

the fact. " Snmmus ergo Franciscus, Dei vivi, in St. Francis only Dei mortui. 

in visione sibi &ctft imaginabatur Sera- — Raynald. ▲.D. 1291. 
phim Crucifixnm, et tarn fortis imagi- 



Chap. X. FRANCISCANISM. 273 

cans, the lower orders, throughout Christendom, there was 
thus almost a second Gospel, a second Redeemer, who 
could not but throw back the one Saviour into more awful 
obscurity. The worship of St. Francis in prayer, in 
picture, vied with that of Christ : if it led, perhaps, a few 
up to Christ, it kept the multitude fixed upon itself. But 
as soon as indignant religion dared lift up its protest (after 
several centuries I) it did so ; and, as might be expected, 
revenged its long compulsory silence by the bitterest satire 
and the rudest burlesque." 

Franciscanism was the democracy of Christianity; but 
with St. Francis it was an humble, meek, quiescent demo- 
cracy. In his own short fragmentary writings he ever en- 
forces the most submissive obedience to the clei^ ;* those 
at least who lived according to the rule of the Roman 
Church. This rule would no doubt except the simoniac 
and the married clergy ; but the whole character of his 
teaching was the farthest removed from that of a spiritual 
demagogue. His was a pacific passive mysticism, which 
consoled the poor for the inequalities of this life by the 
hopes of heaven. But ere long his more vehement disciple, 
Antony of Padua, sounded a different note : he scrupled 
not to denounce the worldly clergy. Antony of Padua 
was a Portuguese, born at Lisbon. He showed early a 
strong religious temperament. The reliques of the five 
Franciscan martyrs, sent over firom Morocco, had kindled 
the most ardent enthusiasm. The young Femand (such 
was his baptismal name) joined himself to some Franciscan 
friars, utterly illiterate, but of burning zeal, and under 
their guidance set forth deliberately to win the crown of 

* See the Alcoran des Cordeliers. Yet Ordinem Saiicts Romanie ecclesis prop- 
this book could hardly transcend the ter ordinem ipsorum, quod si facerent 
crave blasphemies of the Liber Con- mihi persecutiouem toIo recurrere ad 
lormitatum, «. y., Christ iras trans- ijjsos. — Op. S. Francisc. p. 20. ** U 
figured once, S. Francis twenty times ; disoit que 8*il rencontroit un Sainct qui 
Christ changed water into wine once, fust descendu du ciel en terre et un 
S. Francis three times ; Christ endured Prestre, qu'il baiseroit premi^rement la 
his wounds a short time, S. Francis two main au Prestre, puis il feroit la re- 
years ; and so with all the Gospel verence au Sainct, recevant de celui-lk 
miracles. le corps de nostre Seigneur Jesus Christ, 

' In his Testament he writes : "Postea pourquoi il m^ritoit plus d'honneur."-^ 

dedit mihi Dominus, et dat tantam fidem Chroniques, i. c. Ixxxir. 
in sacerdotibus, qui viyunt secundum 

VOL. IV. T 



274 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. ' Book IX. 

martyrdom among the Moors. He was cast by a storm 
on the coast of Sicily. He found his way to Romagna, 
united himself to the Franciscans, retired into a hermitage, 
studied deeply, and at length was authorised by the 
General of the Order to go forth and preach. For many- 
years his eloquence excited that rapture of faith which 
during these times is almost periodically breaking forth, 
especially in the north of Italy. Every class, both sexes, 
all ages were equally entranced. Old enmities were 
reconciled, old debts paid, forgotten wrong atoned for ; 
prostitutes forsook their sins, robbers forswore their calling ; 
such is said to have been the magic of his words that 
infants ceased to cry. His voice was clear and piercing 
like a trumpet; his Italian purer than that of most 
natives. At Rimini, at Milan, in other cities he held 
disputations against the heretics, who yielded to his irre- 
sistible arguments. But the triumph of his courage and 
of his eloquence was his daring to stand before Eccelin of 
Verona to rebuke him for his bloody atrocities. Eccelin 
is said to have bowed in awe before the intrepid preacher, 
he threw himself at the feet of Antony, and promised to 
amend his life. The clergy dared not but admire Antony 
of Fadua, whom miracle began to environ. But they saw 
not without terror that the meek Franciscan might soon 
become a formidable demagogue, formidable to themselves 
as to the enemies of the faith. 

But what is more extraordinary, already in the time 
of St. Bonaventura they had begun to be faithlesS^to their 
hard bride, Poverty. Bonaventura himself might have 
found it difficult to adduce authority for his laborious 
learning in the rule of his Master. Franciscanism is in 
both respects more or less repudiating St Francis. The 
first General of the Order, Brother Elias (General during 
the lifetime of the Saint), refused the dignity, because his 
infirmities compelled him to violate one of its rules, to ride 
on horseback. He was compelled to assume the honour, 
degraded, resumed his office, was again degraded; for 
Elias manifestly despised, and endeavoured to throw off, 
and not alone, the very vital principle of the Order., men- 



Chap. X. RULE OF ST. FRANCIS. 275 

dicancy ; he persecuted the true disciples of St. Francis.** 
At length the successor of St. Francis became a counsellor 
of Frederick II., the mortal enemy of the Pope, especially 
of the Franciscan Popes, above all of the first patron of 
Franciscanism, Gregory IX. 

The Eule had required the peremptory renunciation of 
all worldly goods by every disciple of the order, 
and those who received the proselytes were care- 
fully to abstain from mingling in worldly business. Not 
till he was absolutely destitute did the disciple become a 
Franciscan. They might receive food, clothes, or other 
necessaries, on no account money ; even if they found it 
they were to trample it under foot They might labour 
for their support, but were to be paid in kind. They were 
to have two tunics, one with a hood, one without, a girdle 
and breeches. The fatal feud, the controversy on the 
interpretation of this stern rule of poverty, will find its 
place hereafter. 

St. Francis rejected alike the pomp of ritual, and the 
pride of learning. The Franciscan services were to be 
conducted with the utmost simplicity of devotion, with no 
wantonness of music. There was to be only one daily 
mass. It was not long before the magnificent church of 
Assisi began to rise ; and the Franciscan services, if faith- 
ful to the form, began soon by their gorgeousness to mock 
the spirit of their master. 

No Franciscan was to preach without permission of the 
Provincial of the Order, or if forbidden by the bishop of 
the diocese ; their sermons were to be on the great reli- 
gious and moral truths of the Gospel, and especially short. 
He despised and prohibited human learning, even human 
eloquence displayed for vanity and ostentation."" Bona- 



^ Compare Leg ChroDiques, part ii. oenvres, la douceur, la pauvret^, et Thu- 

c. V. p. 4. " Aussi ^toit cause de grand militd/' He goes on to rebuke preachers 

mal, fe grand nombre des f reres qui lui who are filled with vain gloiy by the 

adh^roient, lesquels comme les partisans concourse of hearers, and the success 

le suivoient et Timitoient, Tincitant 2k of their preaching. — Chroniques, ii. 

poursuivre les fr^res qui ^toient z^lis c. xxiv. I fiud the Saint goaded to one 

observateurs de la regie." — Regul., cap. other malediction, — a gainst a provincial, 

ii. p. 23. who encouraged profound stady at the 

^ " Je ne voudrais point de plus University of Bologna. — c. xviii. See 

grands Docteurs de Th^logie, que ceuz above his contempt and aversion for 

qui enseignent leur prochain avec les books. 

T 2 



276 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

Ventura himself in his profoundest writings maintained the 
mystic fervour of his master ; but every where the Fran- 
ciscans are with the Dominicans vieing for the mas- 
tery in the universities of Christendom ; Duns Scotus the 
most arid dialectician, and William of Ockham the dema- 
gogue of scholasticism, balance the fame of Albert the 
Great and Thomas of Aquino. A century has not passed 
before, besides the clergy, the older Orders are heaping 
invectives on the disciples of St. Francis, not only as dis- 
turbers of their religious peace, as alienating the affections 
and reverence of their flocks or their retainers, but as their 
more successful rivals for the alms of dying penitents, as 
the more universal legatees of lands^ treasures, houses, 
immunities. 

The Benedictine of St. Albans,** Matthew Paris, who at 
first wrote, or rather adopted language, highly commending 
the new-born zeal, and yet-admired holiness of the mendi- 
cants,* in all the bitter jealousy of a rival Order, writes 
Change fn thus I — " It is terrible, it is an awful presage, that 
the Order, j^ thrcc huudrcd years, in four hundred years, 
even in more, the old monastic Orders have not so entirely 
degenerated as these Fraternities. The friarswho have been 
founded hardly forty years have built, even in the present 
day in England, residences as lofty as the palaces of our 
kings. These are they, who enlarging day by day their 
sumptuous edifices, encircling them with lofty walls, lay 
up within them incalculable treasures, imprudently trans- 
gressing the bounds of poverty, and violatmg, according to 
the prophecy of the German Hildegard, the very funda- 
mental rules of their profession. These are they who 
impelled by the love of gain, force themselves upon the 
last hours of the Lords, and of the rich whom they know 
to be overflowing with wealth ; and these, despising all 
rights, supplanting the ordinary pastors, extort confessions 
and secret testaments, boasting of themselves and of their 
Order, and asserting their vast superiority over all others. 
So that no one of the faithful now believes that he can be 
saved, unless guided and directed by the Preachers or Friar 

^ The first Frftnciscan foandation in England was at Abingdon. — Malan, p. 264. 
* Wendover, ii. p. 210, sub ann. 1207. 



Chap, X. CLOSE OP INNOCENT Ill/S PONTIFICATE. 277 

Minors. Eager to obtain privileges, they serve in the 
courts of kings and nobles, as counsellors, chamberlains, 
treasurers, bridesmen, or notaries of marriages ; they are 
the executioners of the Papal extortions. In their preach- 
ing they sometimes take the tone of flattery, sometimes of 
biting censure : they scruple not to reveal confessions, or 
to bring forward the most rash accusations. They despise 
the legitimate Orders, those founded by holy fathers, by 
St. Benedict or St. Augustine, with all their professors. 
They place their own Order high above all; they look on the 
Cistercians as rude and simple, half laic or rather peasants ; 
they treat the Black Monks as haughty Epicureans,' 



Our history reverts to the close of Innocent III/s 
eventful pontificate. 

In the full vigour of his manhood died Innocent III. 
He, of all the Popes, had advanced the most a.,>.i2i«. 
exorbitant pretensions, and those pretensions had p^f'w 
been received by an age most disposed to accept ***»^^- 
them with humble deference. The high and blameless, 
in some respects wise and gentle character of Innocent, 
might seem to approach more nearly than any one of the 
whole succession of Roman bishops, to the ideal height of 
a supreme PontiflF: in him, if ever, might seem to be 
realized the churchman's highest conception of the Vicar of 
Christ Gregory VII. and Boniface VlII., the first and the 
last of the aggressive Popes, and the aged Gregory IX., had 
no doubt, more rugged warfare to encounter, fiercer and 
more unscrupulous enemies to subdue. But in all these 
there was a personal sternness, a contemptuous haughtiness; 
theirs was a worldly majesty. Hildebrand and Benedetto 
Gaetani are men in whom secular policy obscures, and 
throws back, as it were, the spiritual greatness ; and 
though the firmness with which they endure reverses may 
be more lofly ; yet there is a kind of desecration of the 
unapproachable sanctity of their ofiSce in their personal 
calamities. The pride of Innocent was calmer, more self- 
possessed ; his dignity was less disturbed by degrading col- 

' Paris reckons the forty years to his own time, sub ann. 1249. 



278 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

lisions with rude adversaries; be died on his unshaken 
throne, in the plenitude of his seemingly unquestioned 
power. Yet if we pause and contemplate, as we cannot 
sesoitsofhiB t>ut pause and contemplate, the issue of this 
ponuflcato. highest, in a certain sense noblest and most 
religious contest for the Papal ascendancy over the world 
of man, there is an inevitable conviction of the unreality 
of that Papal power. With all the grandeur of his views, 
with all the persevering energy of his measures ; through- 
out Innocent's reign, every where we behold failure, every 
where immediate discomfiture, or transitory success which 
paved the way for future disaster. The higher the throne 
of the Pope the more manifestly were its foundations un- 
dermined, unsound, unenduring. 

Even Rome does not always maintain her peaceful 
subservience. Her obedience is interrupted, precarious; 
that of transient awe, not of deep attachment or rooted 
reverence. In Italy, the tutelage of the young Frederick, 
suspicious, ungenerous, imperious yet negligent, could not 
but plant deep in the heart of the young sovereign, mis- 
trust, want of veneration, still more of affection for his 
ecclesiastical guardian. What was there to attach Fre- 
derick to the Church ? how much to estrange ? As King 
of Sicily he was heM under strict tributary control ; his 
stepmother the Church watches every movement with 
jealous supervision ; exacts the most rigid discharge of all 
the extorted signs of vassalage. It is not as heir of the 
Empire, that he is reluctantly permitted, or coldly en- 
couraged to cross the Alps, and to win back, if he can, the 
crown of his ancestors, but as the enemy of the Pope's 
enemy. Otho had been so ungrateful, was so dangerous, 
that against him the Pope would support even an Hohen- 
staufen. The seeds of evil were sown in Fredericks 
mind, in Frederick's heart, to spring up with fearful fer- 
tility. In the Empire it is impossible not to burthen the 
memory of Iimocent with the miseries of the long civil 
war. Otho without the aid of the Pope could not have 
maintained the contest for a year ; with all the Pope's aid 
he had sunk into contempt, almost insignificance ; he was 
about to be abandoned, if not actually abandoned!, by the 



Chap. X. PRANCE — ENGLAND. 279 

Pope himself. The casual blow of the assassin alone pre- 
vented the complete triumph of Philip, already he had ex- 
torted his absolution ; Innocent was compelled to yield, and 
could not yield without loss of dignity.' The triumph of 
Otho leads to as fierce, and more perilous resistance to 
the Papal power, than could have been expected from the 
haughtmess of the Hohenstaufen. The Pope has an irre- 
sistible enemy in Italy itself. Innocent is compelled to 
abandon the great object of the Papal policy, the breaking 
the line of succession in the house of Swabia, and to 
assist in tlie elevation of a Swabian Emperor. He must 
yield to the union of the crown of Sicily with that of 
Germany ; and so bequeath to his successors die obstinate 
and perilous strife with Frederick II. 

In France, Philip Augustus is forced to seem, yet only 
seem, to submit ; the miseries of his unhappy wife are 
but aggravated by the Papal protection. The death of 
Agnes of Meran, rather than Innocent's authority, heals 
the strife. The sons of the proscribed concubine succeed 
to the throne of France. 

In England, the Barons, refuse to desert John when 
mider the interdict of the Pope ; when the Pope becomes 
the King's ally, resenting the cession of the realm, they 
withdraw their allegiance. Even in Stephen Langton, who 
owes his promotion to the Pope, the Englishman prevails 
over the ecclesiastic ; the Great Charter is extorted from 
the King when under the express protection of the Holy 
See, and maintained resolutely against the Papal sentence 

« Read the verT carioas Latin poem „ "Si te 

published by LelbniuB.BruB.wS. ii. |S?,r oS5.5*ISto£r!S:SJ2!r 

p. 525, on the Disputatio between Rome sic volo, sic flat, dt pro mUone voluntak." 

and Pope Innocent on the destitution of t>*-.- u —* :«*-. :«-.«^»: 

Otho. Rome begins :- ^^« ^"""^ '""^ mvective :~ 

" TIbl uoU suppUait orWs. ^^ ^ . ^, ^ **^ioaUB 

Et genua huxnanum. te dlsponente moveturw" Servoram Chrtoti Servus I ^ ^ 

Innocent, after some flattery of the Non es ^rastolicna, sed apostaticoB; neqos 

greatness of Rome, urges : — _ l^ftw 

° _ Immo lupuB, vescens ipso gntn." 

" Quse V09 stlmulavit Bnmnis? 

Ut sic nnanimes reievare veiitis Otonem, Rome appeals to a General Council. 

X"^4« J>\?*=?}«»** *?™*°« P"^ "^T*** Kome. supposing the CouncU present, 
Hostis CathoIicBB fidei, dominando superbus «j*i«^«- f/^rnu^ r^ ^^i i* '^ » 

Non solum factus, sed et ipsa superb^" addresses it. The Council replies :— 

Then foUow sereral pages of dispute, -R<~I»"n* non est nostrum deponerePap«n." 
kindling into fierce altercation. The But the Council declares its right to 
Pope wmds up : — depose Frederick and to restore Otho. 



280 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

of abrogation : and in the Great Charter is laid the first 
stone of the religious as well as the civil liberties of the 
land. 

Venice, in the Crusade, deludes, defies, baffles the Pope. 
The Crusaders become her army, besiege, fight, conquer 
for her interests. In vain the Pope protests, threatens, 
anathematises : Venice calmly proceeds in the subjugation 
of Zara. To the astonishment, the indignation of the 
Pope, the Crusaders' banners wave not over Jerusalem, 
but over Constantinople. But for her own wisdom, 
Venice might have given an Emperor to the capital of the 
East, she secures the patriarchate almost in defiance of the 
Pope ; only when she has entirely gained her ends does 
she submit to the petty and unregarded vengeance of the 
Pope. 

Even in the Albigensian war the success was indeed 
complete ; heresy was crushed, but by means of which 
Innocent disapproved in his heart. He had let loose a 
terrible force, which he could neither arrest nor control. 
The Pope can do every thing but show mercy or modera- 
tion. He could not shake off, the Papacy has never shaken 
off the burthen of its complicity in the remorseless carnage 
perpetrated by the Crusaders in Languedoc, in the crimes 
and cruelties of Simon de Montfort. A dark and inef- 
faceable stain of fraud and dissimulation too has gathered 
around the fame of Innocent himself.^ Heresy was 
quenched in blood ; but the earth sooner or later gives out 
the terrible cry of blood for vengeance against murderers 
and oppressors. 

The great religious event of this Pontificate, the founda- 
tion of the Mendicant Orders, that which perhaps perpe- 
tuated, or at least immeasurably strengthened, the rapal 
S)wer for two centuries was extorted from the reluctant 
ope. Both St. Dominic and St. Francis were coldly 
received, almost contemptuously repelled. It was not 

*> It is remarkable that Innocent III. deTils, taking refuge at the foot of 

was never canonised. There were po- the cross, and imploring the prayers of 

pular rumours that the soul of Innocent, the faithful.— Chronic. Erfurt, p. 248. 

escaping from the fires of purgatory, Thorn. Cantiprat, Vit. S. LutgarcUc, ap. 

appeared on earth, scourged by pursuing Surinm, Jan. l6. 



Chap. X. DOMINICANS AND FRANCISCANS. 281 

till either his own more mature deliberation, or wiser 
coansel which took the form of divine admonition, pre- 
vented this fatal error, and prophetically revealed the 
secret of their strength and of their irresistible influence 
throughout Christendom, that Innocent awoke to wisdom : 
he then bequeathed these two great standing armies to 
the Papacy ; armies maintained without cost, sworn, more 
than sworn, bound by the unbroken chains of their own 
zeal and devotion to unquestioning, unhesitating service 
throughout Christendom, speaking all languages. They 
were colonies of religious militia, natives of every landf, 
yet under foreign control and guidance. Their whole 
power, importance, perhaps possessions, rested on their 
fidelity to the See of Rome, that fidelity guaranteed by 
the charter of their existence. Well might they appear 
so great as they are seen by the eye of Dante, like the 
Cherubin and Seraphin in Paradise.* 

' Paradiso, xi. 34, &c. 



282 



CONTEMPORARY CHRONOLOGY. 



BOOK IX.— Pabt IL 



▲.D. 



▲J>. 



1316 HoDOCliu m. 122t 



132T Gregory IX. 1341 
1241 CoelMtlne lY. 1341 
1343 Innocent IV. 1354 

1264 Alexander IV. 1261 



KHTKBOSB Or OBBllAirr. 



AJ>. A.D. 

1213 Frederkk 11. 1260 



1346 Henry Rupe 

(■nti-«mperor}1349 

1260 Wnilam of 

HolUmd 1256 



1257 Vacant. 

RichJird of 
Cornwall (?) 
Alfonso of 
Coatilo (?) 



ABCHBnW>P8 OP XBNTZ. 



Conrad of Wit- 
Ueabacfa 1230 

1230 Slefffried I. of 

Epstein 1240 

1240 Siegfried II. of 

Epstein 1261 

1261 Christian IL 1260 

1260 Gerhard I. 



KIK06 OP PKAKCB. 



AJ>. 



▲J>. 



TUlip Angofltu 1133 
1233 Louis VIIL 1226 



1226 Louis DC. 
(Saint) 



uno 



KUDO OP KirauiKXk. 



AJ>. 



AJ>. 



1316 Heniy HL ISTS 



ABCHBI8HOPS or 
CASTUtBUBT. 



Stephen Laag- 
toD 1328 

1220 BIchard We- 

theihead 1234 

1234 EdmundRicfa 1244 

12U Boniface of 

Savoy 13T3 



n 



CONTEMPORARY CHRONOLOGY. 



283 



BOOK IX.— Part IL 



xnrafl oraooTLAXDL 



1214 AlezADderll. 1349 



lS4t AlexMider lU 1386 



KlUOfl OF SPAIir. 



1J>. 



A.D. 



CattiU. 

121f Alfonao X. 1238 

1226 FerdijiuidllL 1252 

1262 Alfonso XL. 

Uie Wise 1276 



1213 James. 



KIN08 OF FOKTUQAL. 



AJ)i. iuD. 

1213 Alfonso the 

Fftt 1233 

1233 Sancho IL 1246 
1246 Alfonso IIL 1272 



nXQS OF KAPLU. 



I.D. 



1J». 



Frederick n. 12S0 

12S0 Conrad 1263 

1264 Manftred 1266 



1266 Conrad II. 

Charles of A^Jon. 



JOf PBKOBS OF THS BAST. 



A.D. 



IxUin, 



AD. 



121f Peter deCour- 

tenay 1220 

1220 Robert 1328 

1228 Baldwin n. 1261 



Grtek. 

Theodore Las- 
carls 1222 

1222 JohnDocaa 1266 

1266 llieodonis 1268 

1268 Jdbn W. 

1262 Mlcfaad Paleo- 
logos. 

1262 Reanlon. 



VOL. IV. 



T 3 



( 284 ) 



BOOK IX. 



Part II. 



CHAPTER XL 

HONORIUS III. FREDERICK 11. 

The Pontificate of Honorius III. is a kind of Oasis of 
Honoriusni. Tcpose, bctwcen the more eventful rule of Inno- 
cSJJJSited** cent III. and of Gregory IX. Honorius was a 
July 24. Roman of the noble house of Savelli, Cardinal of 

St. John and St. Paul. The Papacy having attained its 
consummate height under Innocent III., might appear 
resting upon its arms, and gathering up its might for its 
last internecine conflict, under Gregory IX. and Innocent 
IV., with the most powerful, the ablest, and, when driven 
to desperation, most reckless antagonist, who had as yet 
come into collision with the spiritual supremacy. During 
Aj>.i2i6to nearly eleven years the combatants seem girding 
""• themselves for the contest At first mutual re- 

spect or common interests maintain even more than the 
outward appearance of amity ; then arise jealousy, 
estrangement, doubtful peace, but not declared war. On 
one side neither the power nor the ambition of the Em- 
peror Frederick II. are mature ; his more modest views 
of aggrandisement gradually expand ; his own character 
is developing itself into that of premature enlightenment 
and lingering superstition; of chivalrous adventure and 
courtly elegance, of stern cruelty and generous liberality, 
of restless and all-stirring, all-enibracing activity, which 
kept Germany, Italy, even the East, in one uninterrupted 
war with his implacable enemies the Popes, and with the 
Lombard Republics, while he is constantly betraying his 



Chap. XL HONORIUS ni. 285 

natural disposition to bask away an easy and luxurious life 
on the shores of his beloved Sicily. All this is yet in its 
dawn, in its yet unfulfilled promise, in its menace. 
Frederick has won the Empire ; he has united, though he 
had agreed to make over Sicily to his son, the Imperial 
crown to that of Sicily. Even if rumours are already abroad 
of his dangerous freedom of opinion, this may pass for 
youthful levity, he is still the spiritual subject of the Pope, 

Honorius III. stands between Innocent III. and Gre- 
gory IX., not as a Pontiff of superior wisdom and more 
true Christian dignity, adopting a gentler and more con- 
ciliating policy, from the sense of its more perfect com- 
patibility with his office of Vicar of Christ ; but rather from 
natural gentleness of character bordering on MUdneeaof 
timidity. He has neither energy of mind to take ^«»^'*"»- 
the loftier line, nor to resist the high churchmen, who are 
urging him towards it; his was a temporising policy, 
which could only avert for a time the inevitable conflict. 

And yet a Pope who could assume as his maxim to act 
with gentleness rather than by compulsion, by influence 
rather than anathema ; nevertheless, to make no surrender 
of the overweening pretensions of his function, must have 
had a mind of force and vigour of its own, not unworthy 
of admiration : a moderate Pope is so rare in these times, 
that he may demand some homage for his moderation. 
His age and infirmities may have tended to this less enter- 
prising or turbulent administration." Honorius accepted 
the tradition of all the rights and duties asserted by, and 
generally ascribed to the successor of St. Peter, as part of 
his high office. The Holy War was now become so esta- 
blished an article in the Christian creed, that no Pope, 
however beyond his age, could have ventured even to be 
remiss in urging this solemn obligation on all true Chris- 
tians. No cardinal not in heart a Crusader would have 
been raised to the Papal See. The assurance of the final 
triumph of the Christian arms became a point of honour, 
more than that, an essential part of Christian piety ; to deny 
it was an impeachment on tne valour of true Christians, a 
want of sufficient reliance on God himself. Christ could 

* " Cam eraet corpore infirmas, et ultra modum debilis." — Raynald. sub ann. 

« 



286 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

not, however he might try the patience of the Christian, 
eventually abandon to the infidel his holy sepulchre. All 
admonitions of disaster and defeat were but the just 
chastisements of the sins of the crusaders ; at length the 
triumph, however postponed, was certain, as certain as that 
Christ was the Son of God, Mohammed a false prophet 
Honorius was as earnest, as zealous in the good cause, 
Honorim as had been his more inflexible predecessor ; this 
o^oe. was the primary object of his ten years' Pontifi- 
cate; this, which nowever it had to encounter the cold- 
ness, the torpor, the worn-out sympathies of Christendom, 
clashed with no jealous or hostile feeling. However severe 
the rebuke, it was rebuke of which Christendom acknow- 
ledged the justice ; all men honoured the Pope for his zeal 
in sounding the trumpet with the fiercest energy, even 
though they did not answer to the call. The more the 
enthusiasm of Christendom cooled down into indifier- 
ence, the more ardent and pressing the exhortation of 
the Popes. The first act of Honorius was a cir- 
cular address to Christendom, full of rebuke, 
expostulation, entreaty to contribute either in person or 
in money to the new campaign. The only King wno obeyed 
cmiadeof the summous was Andrew of Hungary. Some 
Hmig^" German princes and prelates met the Hungarian 
at Spalatro : the Dukes of Austria and Meran, the Arch- 
Bishop of Salzburg, the Bishop of Bamberg, Zeitz, Mun- 
ster, and Utrecht But notwithstanding the interdict of 
the Patriarch of Jerusalem, Andrew returned in the next 
year, though not without some fame for valour and conduct, 
on the plea of enfeebled health, and of important afiairs 
of Hungary.** His trophies were reliques, the heads of 
St Stephen and St Margaret, the hands of St Bartholo- 
mew and St. Thomas, a slip of the rod of Aaron, one of 
the water-pots of the Marriage of Cana. The expedition 
Aj>. 1219. from the Holy Land against Damietta, the flight 
i>unietu. of Sultan Kameel from that city, its occupation by 
the Christians, raised the most exulting hopes. The pro- 
posal of the Sultan to yield up Jerusalem was rejected with 
scorn. But the fatal reverses, which showed the danger 

^ This was the Crusade joined by S. Franeis.— See Ch. X. 



Chap. XI. FREDERICK II. 287 

of accepting a Legate (the Legate Cardinal Felagius) as 
a genera], too soon threw men's minds back into their 
former prostration. But even before this discomfiture, 
King xrederick II. had centred on himself the thoughts 
and hopes of all, who were still Crusaders in their hearts, 
as the one monarch in Christendom who could restore the 
fallen fortunes of the^Cross in the East. In his 
first access of youthful pride, as having at eighteen 
years of age won, , by his own gallant daring, the Trans- 
alpine throne of his ancestors ; in his grateful devotion to 
the Pope, who, in hatred to Otho, had maintained his 
cause, Frederick II. had taken the Cross. Nor for some 
years does there appear any reason to mistrust, if not his 
religious, at least his adventurous and ambitious ardour. 
But till the death of his rival Otho, he could command no 
powerfiil force which would follow him to the Holy Land, 
nor could he leave his yet unsettled realm. The princes 
and churchmen, his partisans, were to be rewarded and so 
confirmed in their loyalty ; the doubtful and wavering to 
be won ; the refractory or resistant to be reduced to al- 
legiance. 

The death of Otho, in the castle of Wurtzburg, near 
Goslar, had been a signal example of the power of religious 
awe. The battle of Bouvines, and the desertion of his 
friends had broken his proud spirit; his health failed, 
violent remedies brought him to the brink of the grave. 
Hell yawned before the outcast from the Church ; nothing 
less tnan a public expiation of his sins could soothe his 
shuddering conscience. No bishop would approach the ex- 
communicated, the fallen Sovereign ; the Prior of Halber- 
stadt, on his solemn oath upon the reliques of St. Simon and 
St. Jude brought for that purpose from Brunswick, that if 
he lived he would give full satisfaction to the Church, ob* 
tained him absolution and the Last Sacrament. The 
next day, the last of his life, in the presence of the Em- 
press and his family, the nobles, and the Abbot of Hildes- 
neim, he knelt almost naked on a carpet, made the fullest 
confession of his sins ; he showed a cross, which he had 
. received at Bome, as a pledge that he would embark on a 
Crusade: "the devil had still thwarted his holy vow." 



288 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

The cross was restored to him. lie then crouched down, 
exposed his naked shoulders, and entreated all present to 
inflict the merited chastisement All hands were armed 
with rods ; the very scullions assisted in the pious work of 
flagellation, or at least of humiliation. In the pauses of 
the Miserere the Emperor's voice was heard: "Strike 
harder, spare not the hardened sinner." So died the rival 
of Philip of Swabia, the foe of Innocent III., in the forty- 
third year of his age.*" 

With the death of Otho rose new schemes of aggrandise- 
ment before the eyes of Frederick II. ; he must secure the 
Imperial crown for himself; for his son Henry the suc- 
cession to the German kingdom. The Imperial crown 
must be obtained from the hands of the Pope ; the election 
of his son at least be ratified by that power. A friendly 
correspondence began with Honorius III. The price set 
fX^^'ch?! ^^ ^^ coronation of Frederick as Emperor was 
Mde. ' his undertaking a Crusade to the Holy Laud. 
At the High Diet at Fulda, Frederick himself (so 
he writes to the Pope) had already summoned the 
princes of Germany to his great design : at the Diet 
proclaimed to be held at Magdebui^, he urged the Pope 
to excommunicate all who should not appear in arms on 
the next St John's day. His chief counsellor seemed to 
be Herman of Salza, the Master of the Teutonic Order, 
as deeply devoted to the service of the Holy Land, as 
the Templars and Knights of St John. On 
that Order he heaped privileges and possessions. 
But already in Bome, no doubt among the old austere 
anti-German party, were dark suspicions, sullen admoni- 
tions, secret warnings to the mild Pope, that no son of the 
house of Swabia could be otherwise than an enemy to the 
Church : the Imperial crown and the kingdom of Naples 
could not be in the possession of one Sovereign without 
^^ ^ endangering the independence of the Papacy. 
Frederick repelled these accusations of hostility 
to the Church with passionate vehemence. " I well 

« Otho died I9th Ma^, 1218, only 43 His. Anecdot iii. p. 1373. " Pnecepit 
years old.— See Narratio de Morte Ot- coquiuariis at in collam saum conculca- 
tonis IV. apnd Marteoe et DurandThes. rent."— Albert. Stadens. Chron. p. 204. 



Chap. XT. AMITY BETWEEN FREDERICK AND HONORIUS. 289 

know that those who dare to rise up against the Church 
of Rome have drunk of the cup of Babylon ; and hope 
that during my whole life I shall never be justly charged 
with ingratitude to my Holy Mother. I design not, against 
my own declaration, to obtain the election of my son 
Henry to the throne of Germany in order to unite the 
two kingdoms of Germany and Sicily; but that in my 
absence (no doubt he implies in the Holy Land), the two 
realms may be more firmly governed ; and that in case of 
my death, my son may be more certain of inheriting the 
throne of his fathers. That son remains under subjection to 
the Boman See, which, having protected me, so ought to 
protect him in his undoubted rights. ""* He then con- 
descends to exculpate himself from all the special charges 
brought against him by Borne. 

The correspondence continued on both sides in terms of 
amicable courtesy. Each had his object, of which g^pt. «, i2i». 
he never lost sight The Pope would even S™?2toe 
hazard the s^grandisement of the nouse of Swabia ^^' 
if he could send forth an overpowering armament to the 
East Frederick, secure of the aggrandisement of his 
house, was fully prepared to head the Crusade. Honorius 
consented that, in case of the death of Henry the son of Fre- 
derick without heir or brother, Frederick should hold both 
the Empire and the kingdom of Naples during his lifetime. 
Frederick desired to retain unconditionally the investiture 
of both kingdoms ; but on this point the Pope showed 
so much reluctance that Frederick broke ofi^ the treaty by 
letter, reserving it for a personal interview with the Pope. 
*' For who could be more obedient to the Church than he 
who was nursed at her breast and had rested in her lap ? 
Who more loyal? Who would be so mindful of benefits 
already received, or so prepared to acknowledge his obliga- 
tions according to the will and pleasure of his benefactors ? " 
Such were the smooth nor yet deceptive words of 
Frederick." Frederick had already consented, even pro- 
posed, that the Pope should place all the German Princes 

* R^^st. Hod., quoted from the Va^ as the most deliberate hypocrisy. I am 
tican archives by Von Raumer, ill. p. S24. sorry to see the same partial Tiew in 

* All this I am not surprised to find Boehmer's Regesta. 
by such writers as Hofler represented 

VOL. IV. U 



290 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

who refused to take up the Cross under the interdict of 
the Church, and thus, as the Pope reminds him, had still 
more inextricably bound himself, who had already vowed 
to take up that Cross. Frederick urged Honorius to write 
individually to all the princes among whom there was no 
ardour for the Crusade, to threaten them with the ban if at 
least they did not maintain the truce of God ; he promised, 
protesting that he acted without deceit or subtlety, to send 
forward his forces, and follow himself as speedily as he 
might. The Pope expressed his profound satisfaction at 
finding his beloved son so devoted to God and to the 
Church. He urged him to delay no longer the holy 
design : " Youth, power, fame, your vow, the example of 
your ancestors, summon you to fulfil your glorious enter- 
prise. That which your illustrious grandfather 
' '"*' Frederick I. undertook with all his puissance, it is 
your mission to bring to a glorious end. Three times have 
I consented to delay ; I will even prolong the term to the 
Ist of May. Whose offer is this ? — ^Not mine ; but that 
of Christ I Whose advantage ?— That of all his disciples I 
Whose honour ? — ^That of all Christians ! Are you not 
invited by unspeakable rewards ? summoned by miracles ? 
admonished by examples ? '* 

But, in the mean time, Frederick, without waiting the 
assent of the Pope, had carried his great design, the 
election of his son Henry to the crown of Germany. His 
unbounded popularity, his power now that his rival Otho 
was dead, the fortunate falling-in of some great fiefs (espe- 
cially the vast possessions of Berthold of Zahringen, which 
enabled him to reward some, to win. others of the nobler 
Dtotof houses), his affability, his liberality, his justice, 
Apni, 12M. gave him the command over the suffrages of the 

Erection of f , , t» . r ' a 

Henry u hii tcmporal pmiccs. by a great measure of wisdom 
April 96.'i»o. and justice, the charter of the liberties of the 
German Churchy on which some looked with jealousy as 
investing him with dangerous power, he gained the 
support of the high ecclesiastics.' The King surrendered 
the unkingly right or usage of seizing to his own use the 
personalities of bishops on their decease. These effects, if 

' Monument. Germ. it. 235. 



Chap. XI. ELECTION OF PRINCE HENRY AS KING. 29 1 

not bequeathed hj will, went to the bishop's successor. 
The King consented to renounce the rignt of coining 
money and levying tolls within the territory of the bishops 
without their consent ; and to punish all forgeries of their 
coin. The vassals and serfs of the prelates were to be 
received in no imperial city or fief of the Empire to 
their damage. The advocates, under pretence of pro- 
tection, were not to injure the estates of the Church : nd 
one was to occupy by force an ecclesiastical fief. He who 
did not submit within six weeks to the authority of the 
Church fell under the ban of the Empire, and could neither 
act as judge, plaintifi^, or witness in any court. The 
Bishops, on their side, promised to prosecute and to punish 
all who opposed the will of the King. The King further 
stipulatea that no one might erect castles or fortresses in 
the lands of a spiritual prince. No officer of the King 
had jurisdiction, could coin money, or levy tolls in the 
episcopal cities, except eight days before and eight days 
after a diet to be held in such city. Only when the King 
was actt^tUy within the city was the jurisdiction of the 
prince suspended, and only so long as he should remain. 

The election of Henry to the throne of Germany 
without the consent of the Pope struck Rome with 
dismay. Frederick made haste to allay, if possible, the 
jealous apprehension. He declared that it was the spon- 
taneous act of the Princes of the Empire during his 
absence, without his instigation. They had seen, from a 
quarrel which had broken out between the Archbishop of 
Mentz and the Landgrave of Thuringia, the absolute 
necessity of a King to maintain in Frederick's absence the 
peace of the Empire. He had even delayed his own 
consent. The act of election would be laid before Nuwrnberg. 
the Pope with the seals of all who had been con- ''"^ "• 
cerned in the afiair.^ He declared that this election was 
by no means designed to perpetuate the union of the king- 
dom of Naples with the Empire. " Even if the Church 
had no right over the kingdom of Apulia and Sicily, I 
would freely grant that kingdom to the Pope rather 
than attach it to the Empire, should I die without lawful 

> Regest., qaoted by Von Raamer, p. 335. Pertz, Monnmenta. 

u 2 



292 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

heirs." ^ He significantly adds, that it is constantly sug- 
gested to him that the love professed to him by the 
Church is not sincere and will not be lasting, but he had 
constantly refused to entertain such ungrounded and disho- 
nourable suspicions. 

The Abbot of Fulda had, in the mean time, been 
despatched to Rome to demand the coronation of Frederick 
as £mperor. This embassage had been usually the office 
of one of the great prelates of Germany, but the mild 
Honorius took no offence, or disguised it. At the end of 
August Frederick descended the Alps into the plain of 
Lombardy. Eight years before, a boy of eighteen, he had 
crossed those Alps, almost alone, on his desperate adven- 
ture of wresting the crown of his fathers from the brow of 
Otho. He came back, in the prime of life, one of the 
mightiest kings who had ever occupied that throne; 
stronger in the attachment of all orders, perhaps, than any 
former Swabian king ; having secured, it might seem, in 
his house, at least the Empire, if not the Empire with all 
its rights in Italy ; and the kingdom of Sicily, instead of a 
hostile power at the command of the Popes, his own, if not 
in possession, in attachment. During these eight years Italy 
had been one great feud of city with city, of the cities 
within themselves. Milan, released from fears of the 
Emperor, had now begun a quarrel with the Church. 
The Podesta expelled the Archbishop ; Parma and many 
other cities had followed this example ; the bishops were 
driven out, their palaces destroyed, their property plun- 
dered : the great ability of the Cardinal Ugolino, after- 
wards Gregory IX., had restored something like order, 
but the fire was still smouldering in its ashes. 

Frederick passed on without involving himself in these 
Frederick In implacable quarrels : it was time to assert the Im- 
A^n. vevlsl rights when invested in the Imperial crown. 
^^^' He had crossed the Brenner, and moving by Ve- 

rona and Mantua, so avoided Milan. The absence of the 
Archbishop from Milan was a full excuse for his postponing 
his coronation with the iron crown of Lombardy. He granted 
rights and privileges to Venice, Genoa, Pisa ; overawed or 

^ ** Prins ipso regno Romanam Ecclesiam quam Imperium dotaremns." — Ibid. 



Chap. XI. FREDERICK CROWNED IN ROME. 293 

conciliated some cities. On the thirtieth of September 
he was in Verona, on the fourth of October in Bologna. 
His Chancellor, Conrad of Metz, had arranged the terms 
on which he was to receive the Imperial crown. Frederick 
advanced with a great array of churchmen in his retinue — 
the Archbishops of Mentz, of Bavenna, the Patriarch of 
Aquileia, the Bishops of Metz, Passau, Trent, Brixen, 
Augsburg, Duke Louis of Bavaria, and Henry Count 
Palatine. Ambassadors appeared from almost all the 
cities of Italy : from Apulia, from the Counts of Celano, 
St. Severino, and Aquila; deputies from the city of 
Naples. The people of Rome were quiet and well 
pleased. The only untoward incident which disturbed 
the peace was a quarrel about a dog between the Ambas- 
sadors of Florence and Pisa, which led to a bloody war. 
On the twenty-second of November Frederick and his 
Queen were crowned in St. Peter's amid universal accla- 
mations. Frederick disputed not the covenanted price to 
be paid for the Imperial crown. He received the Cross 
once more from the hand of Cardinal Ugolino. He swore 
that part of his forces should set forth for the Holy Land 
in the March of the following year, himself in August. 
He released his vassals from their fealty in all the territo- 
ries of the Countess Matilda, and made over the appoint- 
ment of all the podestas to the Pope ; some who refused 
to submit were placed by the Chancellor Conrad under the 
ban of the Empire. He put the Pope in possession of the 
whole region from Badicofani to Ceperano, with the March 
of Ancona and the Dutchy of Spoleto. 

His liberality was not limited by these grants. Two 
laws concerning the immunities of ecclesiastics Jjj^^*^, 
and the suppression of heretics, might satisfy the ecciaiMti«. 
severest churchman. The first absolutely annulled all 
laws or usages of cities, communities, or ruling powers 
which might be or were employed against the liberties of 
the churches or of spiritual persons, or against the laws of 
the Church and of the Empire. Outlawry and heavy 
fines were enacted not only against those who enforced, but 
who counselled or aided in the enforcement of such usages : 
the offenders forfeited, if contumacious for a whole year, 



294 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

all their goods.^ No tax or burthen could be set upon 
ecclesiastics, churches, or spiritual foundations. Whoever 
arraigned a spiritual person before a civil tribunal for- 
feited his right to implead ; the tribunal which admitted 
such arraignment lost its jurisdiction; the judge who 
refused justice three times to a spiritual person in any 
matter forfeited his judicial authority. 

The law against heretics vied in sternness with that of 
LftwagBinrt Innocent III., confirmed by Otho IV.^ All 
**^'***- Cathari, Paterines, Leonists, Speronists, Arnold- 
ists, and dissidents of all other descriptions, were incapable 
of holding places of honour, and under ban. Their goods 
were confiscated, and not restored to their children ; *^ for 
outrages against the Lord of Heaven were more heinous 
than against a temporal lord." Whoever, suspected of 
heresy, did not clear himself after a year's trial was to be 
treated as a heretic. Every magistrate on entering upon 
office must himself take an oath of orthodoxy, and swear to 

funish all whom the Church might denounce as heretics, 
f any temporal lord did not rid his lands of heretics, the 
true believers might take the business into their own hands, 
and seize the goods of the delinquent, provided that the 
rights of an innocent lord were not thereby impeached. 
All who concealed, aided, protected heretics were under 
ban and interdict; if they did not make satisfaction 
within two years, under outlawry; they could hold no 
office, nor inherit, nor enW any plea, nor bear testimony. 
Three other laws, based on me eternal principles of 
morality, accompanied these acts of ecclesiastical l^is- 
lation, or of temporal legislation in the spirit of the 
Church. One prohibited the plundering of wrecks, 
excepting the ships of pirates and infidels. Another 
other w protected pilgrims; they were to be received 
with kindness ; if they died, their property was 
to be restored to their rightful heirs. The third protected 
thepersons and labours of the cultivators of the soil. 
The Pope and the Emperor, notwithstanding some 

I Constit. Frederick 11. in Ck>rp. Jar. more leyere, 1224. Bsynold. sub ftnn. 
tit i. Bnllar. Roman, i. 63. 1231. 

^ This law vas renewed and made 



Chap. XT. DISASTROUS NEWS PROM THE EAST. 296 

trifling differences, parted in perfect amity. "Never/* 
writes Honorius, "did Pope love Emperor as he loved 
his son Frederick/' Each had obtained some great 
objects : the Pope the peaceable surrender of the Mathil- 
dine territories, and the solemn oath that Frederick would 
speedily set forth on the Crusade, The Emperor retired 
in peace and joy to the beloved land of his youth. The 
perilous question of his right to the kingdom of Sicily 
had been intentionally or happily avoided ; he had been 
recognised by the Pope as Emperor and King of 
Sicily. There were still brooding causes of 
mutual suspicion and dissatisfaction. Frederick pursued 
with vigour his determination of repressing the turbulent ^ 
nobles of Apulia ; 'the castles of the partisans of Otho 
were seized ; they fled, and, he bitterly complained, were 
received with more than hospitality in the Papal domi- 
nions. He spared not the inimical bishops ; they were 
driven from their sees; some imprisoned. The Pope 
loudly protested against this audacious violation of tne 
immunities of Churchmen. Frederick refused them 
entrance into the kingdom ; he had rather forfeit his crown 
than the inalienable right of the sovereign, of which he 
had been defrauded by Innocent III., of visiting treason 
on all his subjects."^ 

Then in the next year came the fatal news from the 
East — the capture, the disasters which followed Aj».ini, 
the capture of Damictta. The Pope and the Dnmetta. 
Emperor expressed their common grief: the Pope was 
bowed with dismay and sorrow ; ° the tidings pierced as a 
sword to the heart of Frederick.' FredericK had sent 
forty triremes, under the Bishop of Catania and the Count 
of Malta ; they had arrived too late. But this dire reverse 
showed that nothing less than an overwhelming force could 
restore the Christian cause in the East ; and in those days 
bf colder religious zeal, even the Emperor and King of 
Sicily could not at once summon such overwhelming force. 

■ " Ch^ prima si lascierrebbe torre la ■ Letter of Pope HoDoritu, Not. 1221. 

corona, chi derogar in un pnuto da <* Epist. Honor, apud Raynald., Anc. 

qaesti saoi diritti.^'— Giannone, 1. xvi. 10, 1221. 
c. i. 



296 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

Frederick was fully occupied in the Sicilian dominion? : 
during his minority, and during his absence, the powerful 
Germans, Normans, Italians, even Churchmen, had 
usurped fiefs, castles, cities:^ he had to resume by force 
rights unlawfully obtained, to dispossess men whose only 
title had been open or secret leanings to the Emperor Otho ; 
to punish arbitrary oppression of the people ; to destroy 
strong castles built without licence ; to settle ancient feuds 
and suppress private wars : it needed all his power, his 
popularity, his firmness, to avert insurrection during tiiese 
Dec 1120 to vigorous but necessary measures. Two gi'eat 
May. iiai. assizes held at Capua and Messina showed the 
confusion in the afiairs of both kingdoms. But from such 
nobles he could expect no ready obedience to assemble 
around his banner for an expedition to the Holy Land. 
Instead of a great fleet, suddenly raised, as by the wand 
of an enchanter, as the Pope seemed to expect, and 
Meeting ai ^ powcrful army, in April in the year 1222 
veroiL ^.jjg Pope and the Emperor met at Veroli to 
deliberate on the Crusade. They agreed to proclaim 
a great assembly at Verona in the November of that year, 
at which the Pope and the Emperor were to be present. 
All princes, prelates, knights, and vassals were to be sum- 
moned to unite in one irresistible eflbrt for the relief of 
the East The assembly at Verona did not take place ; 
the illness of the Pope, the occupations of the Emperor, 
were alleged as excuses for the further delay. A second 
time the Pope and the Emperor met at Ferentino ; with 
AtFerentino. them King John of Jerusalem, the Patriarch, the 
March. 1223/ Qraud Mastcr of the Knights Templars. Frede- 
rick explained the diflSculties which had impeded his^ 
movements, first in Germany, now in Sicily. To the 
opposition of his turbulent barons was now added the 
danger of an insurrection of the Saracens in Sicily. 
Frederick himself was engaged in a short but obstinate 
war.^ Even the King of Jerusalem deprecated the 

^ Letter of Frederick to the Pope qaod eorum memerat exigentia com- 

from Trani, March 3, 1221. missonim."— Richd. San Germ. " Do- 

** The two following passages show minus Fredericus enit cam magno ezer- 

that this was no feigned excuse : — citu super Saracenos Jacis, et cepit 

" Imperator in Sicilia de Mirabello Benavith cum filiis suis, et suspendit 

triumphaTit, et de ipso et suis fecit apud Panomum." — Auon. Sic. He 



Chap. XI. INDIFFERENCE ABOUT CRUSADE. 297 

despatch of an insufficient force. Two full years were to 
be employed, by deliberate agreement^ in awakening the 
dormant zeal of Christendom ; but Frederick, now a 
widower, bound himself, it might seem, in the inextricable 
fetters of his own personal interest and ambition, by 
engaging to marry lolante, the beautiful daughter of King 
John. 

Two years passed away; King John of Jerusalem 
travelled over Western Christendom, to England, France, 
Germany, to represent in all lands the state of extreme 
peril and distress to which his kingdom was reduced. 
Everywhere he met with the most courteous and royal 
reception ; but the days of Peter the Hermit and St 
Bernard were gone by. France, England, Germany, 
Spain, were involved in their own affairs ; a few took the 
Cross, and offered sums of money to no great amount; 
and this was all which was done by the royal preacher of 
the Crusade. Tuscany and Lombardy were almost as 
indifferent to the expostulations of Cardinal Ugolino, who 
had for some years received full power from the Emperor 
to awaken, if possible, the sluggish ardour of those 
provinces. King John and the Patriarch, after visiting 
Apulia, reported to the Pope tbe absolute impossibility of 
raising any powerful armament by the time appointed in 
the treaty of Ferentino. 

Honorius was compelled to submit ; at St. Germano 
was framed a new agreement, by two Cardinals Atsancka-- 
commissioned by the Pope, which deferred for Juiy/im. 
two years longer (till August, 1227) the final departure 
of the Crusade.' Frederick permitted himself to be bound 
by stringent articles. In that month of that year he would 
proceed on the Crusade, and maintain one thousand 
knights at his own cost for two years : for each knight 
who was deficient, he was to pay the penalty of fifty 
marks, to be at the disposal of tne King, the patriarch, 
and the Master of the Knights Templars, for the benefit 

afterwards transplanted many of them Jews. A law of the same year protected 

to Lucera. So far was Frederick as yet the charches and the clergy ttom the 

from any suspicious dealiDgs with the burthens laid upon them by the nobles. 

Saracens. The Parliament at Messina ' Ric. San Germ., sub ann. 
had passed persecuting laws against the 



293 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

of the Holy Land. He was to have a fleet of 150 ships 
to transport 2000 knights, without cost, to Palestine. If 
so many knights were not ready to embark, the money 
saved was to be devoted to tho.se pious interests. He 
was to place in the hands of the same persons 100,000 
ounces of gold, at four several periods, to be forfeited 
for the same uses, if in two years he did not embark 
on the Crusade. His successors were bound to fiilfil these 
covenants in case of his death. If he failed -to perform 
any one of these covenants, if at the appointed time he 
did not embark for the Holy Land ; if he did not main- 
tain the stipulated number of knights ; if he did not pay 
the stipulated sums of money ; he fell at once under the 
interdict of the Church : if he left unfulfilled any other 
point, the Church, by his own free admission^ had the 
power to pronounce the interdict. 

Personal ambition, as well as religious zeal^ or the 
policy of keeping on good terms with the spiritual power, 
might seem to mingle with the aspirations of the Em- 
peror Frederick for the Holy Land ; to his great Empire 
Frederick mar- hc would add the domiuious of the East In 
Aj>.i2M. * the November of the same year, after the sig- 
nature of the treaty in St. Germano, he celebrated his 
marriage with lolante, daughter of the King of Jeru- 
salem. No sooner had he done this, than he assumed 
to himself the title of King of Jerusalem : he caused a 
new great seal to be made^ in which he styled himself 
Emperor, King of Jerusalem and Sicily. John of Jeru- 
salem was King, he asserted, only by right of his wife ; 
on her death, the crown descended to her daughter; as 
the husband of lolante he was the lawftil Sovereign." 
King John by temperament a wrathful man, burst into 
a paroxysm of fury ; high words ensued ; he called the Em- 

Seror the son of a butoher ; he accused him of neglecting his 
aughter, of diverting those embraces due to his bride to 
one of her attendants. He retired in anger to Bologna. 



• «i 



De^>onBat& pnellA Imperator pa- at that time threw lolante into prison, 

trem requirivit ; nt regna et regalia jara and ravished her cousin, the daughter 

resiffnet — stupefactus ille obedit." — of Walter of Brienne. Was this one of 

Jord. apud Raynald. Yet if we are to the tales told by the King of Jerusalem? 
believe the Chronicle of Tours, he just 



Chap. XI. DIFFICULTIES OF FREDERICK. 299 

Frederick had other causes for suspecting the enmity of 
his father-in-law. He was the brother of Walter of 
Brienne ; and rumours had prevailed, that he intended to 
claim the inheritance of his brother's wife, the daughter of 
the Norman Tancred. But John filled Italy with dark 
stories of the dissoluteness of the gallant Frederick : that 
he abstained altogether from the bed of lolante is re- 
futed by the fact, that two years after she bore him a son, 
which Frederick acknowledged as his own. They ap- 
peared even during that year, at least with all outward 
signs of perfect harmony. 

Nor was this the only event which crossed the designs 
of Frederick, if he ever seriously determined to fulfil 
his vow (where is the evidence, but that of his bitter 
enemies, that he had not so determined ?) Throughout 
all his dominions, instead of that profound peace and 
established order which might enable him, at the head 
of the united knighthood of the Empire and of Italy 
to break with irresistible forces upon the East ; in Ger- 
many the assassination of the wise and good Engel- 
bert. Archbishop of Cologne,* to whom Frederick had en- 
trusted the tutelage of his son Henry, and the adminis- 
tration of the Enipire, threatened the peace of the realm. 
In Lombardy, Guelf and Ghibelline warred, intrigued; 

Erinces against princes, Bonifazio of Monferrat and the 
ouse of Este against tbe Salinguerra, and that cruel race of 
which Eccelin di Romano was the head. Venice and Genoa, 
Genoa and Pisa, Genoa and Milan, Asti and suteof 
Alexandria, Ravenna and Ferrara, Mantua and '***'• 
Cremona, even Rome and Viterbo, were now involved in 
fierce hostility, or pausing to take advantage each of the 
other ; and each city had usually a friendly faction within 
the walls of its rival. Frederick, who held the high 
Swabian notion as to the prerogative of the Emperor, had 
determined with a high hand to assert the Imperial rights. 
He hoped, with his Ghibelline allies, to become again the 
Sovereign of the north of Italv. He was prepared to 
march at the head of his Southern forces ; a Diet had 
been summoned at Verona. Milan again set herself at 

* Godfred. Monach. apud Boehmer Pontes, Nov. 7, 1225. 



300 LATIN CHUISTIANITY. Book IX. 

the head of a new Lombard League. In Milan the internal 
strife between the nobles and the people, between the Arch- 
bishop and the Fodesta, had been allayed by the prudent 
intervention of the Pope, to whom the peace or Milan 
was of infinite importance, that the republic might put 
forth her whole strength as head of the Lombard League.^ 
Milan was joined by Bologna, Fiacenza, Yerona, Brescia, 
Faenza, Mantua, Vercelli, Lodi, Bergamo, Turin, Ales- 
sandria, Vicenza, Padua, Treviso. The mediation of 
Honorius averted the threatening hostilities. Yet the 
Imperialists accuse Honorius as the secret favourer of the 
League.* 

With Honorius himself a rupture seemed to be im- 
minent The Emperor, even before the treaty of St. 
Germano, had done the Pope the service of maintaining 
him against his hostile subjects, compelling the Capitanata 
and the Maremma to return to their all^iance, coercing 
the populace of Rome, who, in one of their usual outbursts, 
had driven the Pontiff from the city. The deep murmurs 
of a coming storm might be heanl by the sagacious ear. 
Frederick, in his determination to reduce his Apulian 
kingdom to subjection, had still treated the ecclesiastical 
fiefs as he did the civil ; he retained the temporalities in 
his possession during vacancies, so that five of the largest 
bishoprics, Capua, Aversa, Brundusium, Salerno, and Co- 
senza were without bishops. Honorius, soon after the 
treaty of St Germano, wrote to inform the Emperor that 
for the good of his soul and the souls of his subjects, he 
had appointed five learned and worthy Prelates to these 
sees, natives of the kingdom of Naples, and who could not, 
therefore, but be acceptable to the King. Frederick, in- 
dignant at this compulsory nomination^ without, as was 
usual, even courteous consultation of the Sovereign, refused 
to receive the Bishops, and even repelled the Legates of 
the Pope from his court. He summoned, it might seem 
in reprisal, the inhabitants of Spoleto to his banner, to 

" The annual income of the Areh- this sum at more than 7} millions of 

bishop of Milan, according to Giulini, francs. — Cherrier, ii. p. S99. 

was 80,000 ^Iden florins (Giulini, Me- ' *'Cnjiis suggestione molta civitates 

morie, 1. xlviii.). This Giulini estimates contra imperatorem conjurayerant fa- 

at, in the 13th century, nearly 10 mil- cientes oollegium." — God. Monach. p. 

lionsof lire Milanese. •Cherrier reckons S95. 



Chap. XI. ANGRY CORRESPONDENCE. 301 

accompany him in his expedition to .Lombardy. The 
Spoletmes averred that, by the late treaty, which the Em- 
peror was thus wantonly violating, they owed allegiance 
only to the Pope. 

The correspondence betrayed the bitterness and wrath on 
both sides. Even Honorius seemed about to resume the 
haughty tone of his predecessors. ** If our writing better of 
hath filled you with astonishment, how much more ^*»™»^°»- 
were we amazed by yours. You boast that you have been 
more obedient to us than any of the Kings of your race. In- 
deed, no great boast ! But if you will compare yourself 
with those godly and generous Sovereigns, who have in 
word and deed protected the Church, you will not claim 
superiority ; you will strive to approach more nearly to 
those great examples. You charge the Church with 
treachery, that while she pretended to be your guardian, 
she let loose your enemies on Apulia, and raised Otho to 
the throne of your fathers : you venture on these accusa- 
tions, who have so repeatedly declared that to the Church 
you owe your preservation, your life. Providence must 
have ui^ed you to these rasn charjges that the care and 

Srudence of the Church may be more manifest to all men." 
^o the Church, he insinuates, Frederick mainly owes the 
crown of Germany, which he has no right to call 
hereditary in his family. "In all our negotia- 
tions with you we have respected your dignity more than 
our own." Whatever irregularity there might be in the 
appointment of the bishops, it was not for the King's 
arbitrary will to decide ; and Frederick had been guilty 
of far more flagrant encroachments on the rights of bishops 
and of the lower clergy. Honorius exculpates himself 
from having received the rebellious subjects of the King 
in the territories of the See. ** You accuse us of laying 
heavy burdens on you, which we touch not ourselves with 
the tip of our finger. You forget your voluntary taking 
up the Cross, our prolongation of the period, our free gift 
of the tithes of all ecclesiastical property ; our own con- 
tributions in money, the activity of our brethren in preach- 
ing the Holy Vow. In fine, the hand of the Lord is not 
weakened in its power to humble the haughty : be not 



302 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

dazzled by your prosperity, so as to throw off the lowliness 
which you professed in times of trouble. It is the law 
of true nobility not to be elated by success, as not to be 
cast down by adversity/* 

Honorius no doubt felt his strength ; the Pope at the 
head of the Guelfic interest in Lombardy had been formid- 
juiyii. ahle to the designs of Frederick. The Emperor, 
'^* indeed, had assumed a tone of command, which 
the forces which he could array would hardly maintain. 
At Borgo St. Domnino he had placed all the contumacious 
cities under the ban of the Empire ; the Papal Legate, 
the Bishop of Hildesheim, had pronounced the interdict 
of the Church, as though their turbulent proceedings im- 
peded the Crusade. Both parties submitted to the me- 
diation of Honorius ; Frederick condescended to receive 
the intrusive bishops whom he had repelled : he declared 
himself ready to accept the terms most consistent with the 
honour of God, of the Church, of the Empire, and of the 
Holy Land. The Pope, whose whole soul was absorbed 
ArutnuoD in thc promotiou of his one object, the Crusade, 
Nov.iT.iui. pronounced his award, in which he treated the 
Emperor and his rebellious subjects as hostile powers con- 
tending on equal terms. Each party was to suspend 
hostilities, to restore the prisoners taken, to forswear their 
animosities. The King annulled the act of the Imperial 
ban, and all penalties incurred under it ; the Lombards 
stipulated to maintain at their own cost four hun- 
"" ' dred knights for the service of the Holy Land 
during two years, and rigidly to enforce all laws against 
heretics. This haughty arbitration, almost acknowledging 
Death of the absolute independence of the Republics, was 
Honoriu.. ^jj^ iggj. ^^j ^f Honorius in. ; he died in the 

month of March, a few months before the term agreed 
on in the treaty of St. Germano was to expire, and the 
Emperor, under pain of excommunication, to embark for 
the Holy Land. The Apostolic tiara devolved on the 
Cardinal Ugolino, of the noble house of Conti, which had 
given to the Holy See Innocent III. The more lofty 
churchmen felt some disappointment that the Papacy was 
declined by Cardinal Conrad, the Count of Urach, the 



Chap. XI. CARDINAL UGOLINO POPE. 303 

declared enemy of Frederick. They mistrusted only the 
feebleness of age in the Cardinal Ugolino. A Pope ejghty 

} rears old, might seem no fitting antagonist for a Prince 
ike Frederick, as yet hardly in the full maturity of his 
years. In all other respects the Cardinal Ugolino, in 
learning, in ability, in activity, in the assertion of the 
loftiest hierarchical principles stood high above the whole 
Conclave. Frederick himself, on a former occasion, had 
borne testimony to the distinguished character of the Car- 
dinal Ugolino. ^^He is a man of spotless reputation, of 
blameless morals, renowned for piety, erudition, and elo- 
quence. He shines among the rest like a brilliant star." 
The Emperor's political astrology had not calculated the 
baleful influence of that disastrous planet on his fortunes, 
his fame, and his peace. 



304 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 



CHAPTER XII. 



HONORIUS III. AND ENGLAND. 



The relations of Honorius III. to the Empire and the 
Emperor Frederick II. were no doubt of the most pro- 
found importance to Christendom ; yet those to England 
must find their place in an English history.* We revert 
to the commencement of his Papacy. The first care, 
indeed, of Pope Honorius was for the vassal kingdom of 
England. The death of King John, three months after 
that of Innocent III., totally changed the position of the 
Pontiff. On his accession Honorius had embraced with 
the utmost ardour the policy of Innocent. King John, 
the vassal of the Papacy, must be supported against his 
rebellious barons, and against the invasion of Louis of 
France, by all the terrors of the Papal power. Louis and all 
his army, the Barons and all their partisans, were under the 
most rigorous form of excommunication. But on John's 
death, the Pope is no longer the haughty and unscrupu- 
lous ally and protector of an odious, feeble, and irreligious 
tyrant ; one whose lusts had wounded the high chivalrous 
honour of many of the noblest families ; whose perfidy, 
backed by the absolving power of the Pope, had broken 
the most solemn engagements, and revoked the great 
Charter to which he had submitted at Runny mede ; who 
was ravaging the whole realm with wild foreign hordes, 
Brabanters, Poitevins, freebooters of all countries, and 
had driven the nobles of England into an unnatural alli- 

* Mr. Wm. Hamilton, when ambas- portant papers, with the first year of 

sador at Naples, rendered to the coun- Honorius. They are not very accurately 

try the valuable service of obtaining copied ; many are repetitions ; whether 

transcripts of the documents in the they are fiill and complete no one can 

Panal archives relating to Great Britain know. Many have been already printed 

and the See of Rome. These documents, in Rymer, in Raynaldus, and elsewhere, 

through the active zeal of M. Panizzi, Prynne had seen many of the originals, 

are now deposited in the British M useum. some which do not appear, in the Tower. 

They commence, after one or two unim- I cite these documents as MS. B. M. 



Chap. XII. ACCESSION OP HENRY HI. 305 

ance with Louis of France ; a transference of the throne 
to a foreign conqueror. The Pope was no longer the 
steadfast enemy of the liberties of the realm. He assumed 
the lofty ground of guardian, as liege lord, of the young 
heir to the throne (Henry III. was but nine years old), 
the protector of the blameless orphan whom a rebellious 
baronage and an alien usurper were endeavouring to de- 
spoil of his ancestral crown. Honorius throughout speaks 
of the yoimg Henry as the vassal of the Church of Rome ; 
of himself as the suzerain of England.^ English loyalty 
and English independence hardly needed the Papal fiil- 
minations to induce them to abandon the cause into which 
they had plunged in their despair,^ the cause of a foreign 
prince, whose accession to the throne of England would 
have reduced the realm to a province of France. Already 
their fidelity to Louis had been shaken by rumours, or 
more than rumours, that the ambitious and unscrupulous 
Louis intended, so soon as he had obtained the crown, to 
rid himself by banishment and by disinheritance of his 
dangerous partisans ; to expel the barons from the realm."^ 
The desertion of the nobles, the decisive battle of Lincoln, 
seated Henry III. on the throne of the Plantagenets. 
The Pope had only to reward with his praises, immunities, 
grants, and privileges the few nobles and prelates faithful 
to the cause of John and of his son, W. Mareschal Earl 
of Pembroke, the Earl of Arundel, Savary de Mauleon, 
Hubert de Burgh the Justiciary, the Chancellor B. de 
Marisco, who became Bishop of Durham.* He had 
tardily, sometimes ungraciously, to relieve from the ter- 

b John he deBcribes as " caiissimum (the Primate was stiU in Rome), to ab- 

in Christo fiUnm nostrum J., Angli» solve the Barons from their oaths to 

regem illustrem cmcesignatnm et yas- Prince Louis. 

sallumnostrum."— p. 15. The kingdom *> Shakspeare has given this plot, 

of England *' specialis juris apost. sedis with its groundwork in the confession 

existit." — p. 27. of the Count of Melun. — King John, 

' Hononus admits that the Barons Act y. Sc. 4. 

might have had some cause for their wick- * There are seyeral letters (MS. B. M.) 

edness (malitta) in resisting under John to these English nobles : one to Robert 

what they called the intolerable yoke de Marisco empowered him to hold the 

of senritude. Now that John is dead, chancellorshin with the bishopric of 

they haye no excuse if they do not Durham, and excused him from the 

return to their allegiance. He gives fulfilment of his vow to take the cross 

power to the Lqiates, to the Bishops in the Holy Land, his services being 

of Winchester, Worcester, Exeter, the wanted in Enj^land. On R. de Marisco 

Archbishops of Dublin and Bourdeaux compare Collier, L p. 430. 

VOL. IV. X 



306 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

rible penalties of excommunication the partisans of Louis ;' 
to persuade or to force the King of France to withdraw 
all support from the cause of his son, who still continued 
either m open hostility or in secret aggression on the con- 
tinental dominions of Henry III. ; and to maintain his 
lofty position as Liege Lord and Protector of the King 
and of the realm of England. 

The Legate Gualo, tixe Cardinal of St Marcellus, had 
conducted this signal revolution with consummate address 
and moderation.' From the coronation of Henry III. at 
Gloucester by his hands, the Cardinal took the lead in all 
public affairs : he was virtual if not acknowledged Pro- 
tector of the infant King. Before the battle of Lincoln 
the Legate harangued the royal army, lavished his abso- 
lutions, his promises of eternal reward ; under the blessing 
of God, bestowed by him, the army advanced to victory.^ 
In the settlement of the kingdom, in the reconciliation of 
the nobles, he was mild if lofty, judicious if dictatorial. 
England might have owed a deep debt of gratitude to the 
Pope and to the Legate, if Gualo's fame had not been 
tarnished by his inordinate rapacity.^ To the nobles he 
was liberal of his free absolution; the clergy must pay 
the penalty of their rebellion, and pay that penalty in for- 
feiture, or the redemption of forfeiture by enormous fines 
to the Pope and to his Legate. Inquisitors were sent 
through the whole realm to investigate the conduct of the 
clergy.^ The lower ecclesiastics, even canons, under the 

' There are tome cnrioiu instances. ^ Wendover, p. 33. The inquisitors 

(MS. B. M.) of the terror of the excom- sent some " sospensos ad legatnm et ab 

monications. One of the subjects of omni beneficio spoliatos, qui illonun 

France, in fear of his life from a fiaJl beneficia suis dericis abundanter (tis- 

fiom his horse, implores absolution for tribuit at<^ue de damnis alionim snos 

haying followed his sovereign's son to omnes diTites fecit" Wendover gives 

the English war : the Pope would hardly the case of the Bishop of Lincoln* 

excuse him from a journey to Rome. The whose example was followed by others* 

Chancellor of the King of Scotland is who *' sumptibus nimis damnosis gia- 

nccommunicate for obeying his King, tiam sibi reconciliabant legati. Cleri- 

So too the Archbishop of Glasgow. coram vero et canonicorum sscularium 

' Letter to the Abbots of Citeaux and ubique haustu tam immoderato loculoa 
Clairvaux (MS. B. M. i. p. 43). They evacuavit," &c See also Math. Westm. 
are to use all mild means of persuasion, ann. 1218, who describes Gualo return- 
to threaten stronger measures. ing to Rome, " ditellis auro et ar^ 

^ Wendover, p. 19. gento refertis," having disposed ad 

* Compare the verses of Giles de libitum of the revenues (redditus) of 

Corbeil, p. 69, on the avarice of Gualo England, 
in France. 



Chaf. Xn. PAPAL REVENUE FROM ENGLAND. 307 

slightest suspicion of the rebellion, were dispossessed of 
their benefices to make room for foreign priests ; the only 
way to elude degradation was by purchasmg the favour of 
the Legate at a vast price. The Bishop of Lincoln for his 
restoration to his see paid 1000 marks to the Pope, 100 
to the Legate."' 

Throughout the long reign of Henry III. England was 
held by successive Popes as a province of the Papal terri- 
tory. The Legate, liKe a praetor or proconsul of old, held 
or affected to hold an undefined supremacy : during 
the Barons' wars the Pope with a kind of feudal as well 
as ecclesiastical authority condenmed the rebels, not only 
against their Lord, but against the vassal of the Holy See. 
England was the great tributary province, in which Papal 
avarice levied the most enormous sums, and drained the 
wealth of the country by direct or indirect taxation. There 
were four distinct sources of Papal revenue from the 
realm of England. 

I. The ancient payment of Peter's Pence ;" this subsidy 
to the Pope, as the ecclesiastical sovereign, acknowledged 
in Saxon times, and admitted by the Conqueror, was regu- 
larly assessed in the different dioceses, and transmitted to 
Rome. Dignitaries of the Church were usually the trea- 

"• Pope Honorins was not well in- Gregory IX. reproTes and reTokes cer- 
fonned on the affiiirs of England. When tain royal granu to Biahopf and Barona, 
Henry was counselled to take up arms as " in grave prejndicium ecclesia Ro- 
to reance the castles held by the ruffian mans ad quam Regnnm Anglia pertinere 
Fnlk de Breant^ in defiance of the King dinoscltur, et enonnem IfMionem ejus- 
and the peace of the realm, the Primate dem regni."— MS. R M. ad regem, vol. 
had supported the King and the nobles ziv. P* 77. 

in this act of necessary justice and order * The account of Cencius, the Pope's 
by ecclesiaatieal censures. The Pope chamberlain, of the assessment of Re- 
wrote a furious letter of rebuke to Lang- ter's pence in the dioceses of England, 
ton (Ma R M. iz. Aug. 1224), espous- has been published before by Dr. Lin- 
ing tne cause of Fulk, who had through card, but may be here inserted from 
his wealth influence at Rome. Still later MS. B. M. : — 

De CtotoKrensl Eoclerii . WL Ubras et zviU. wUdoe. 

DeRoffensi .... v. « xU. „ 

De Londonienal . . . zvL h x. n 

De Norwioensi. . . . xjL „ x. « 

De EllensI v. 

De LtnoolniODal . . . zlU. 

De CioestitenBi . . . vfll. ^.. . . 

De WtntoDleiisi . . . xvU. » vf. » et vlU. denarloe. 

De Oxonlenai . . . . iz. n ▼• »» 

De Wigomieiiei ...▼.*• ▼> m 

De Herefordeiiil . . . vf. 

De Batbonienal . . . tL •, ▼. m 

De Sareeberienii . . .xriil. 

DeOoDventrto . . . x. « v. » 

De EboTMeiul . . . . xl. « x. » p. ISl. 

X 2 



308 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. 'Book IX. 

surers who paid it over to Italian bankers in London, the 
intermediate agents with Rome. 

II. The 1000 marks— 700 for England, 300 for Ireland 
— the sign and acknowledgment of feudal vassalage, stipu- 
lated by King John, when he took the oath of submission, 
and made over the kingdom as a fief. Powerful Popes 
are constantly heard imperiously, necessitous Popes more 
humbly, almost with supplication, demanding the payment 
of this tribute and its arrears (for it seems to have 
been irregularly levied) f but during the whole reign of 
Henry III. and later, no question seems to have been 
raised of the Pope's right 

III. The benefices held by foreigners, chiefly Italians, 
and payments to foreign churches out of the property of the 
English church ;^ the invasion of the English sees by foreign 
prelates, with its inevitable consequences (or rather ante- 
cedents, for John began the practice of purchasing the 
support of Bome by enriching her Italian clei^y), in 
crowding the English benefices with strangers, and bur- 
thening them with persons who never came near them, these 
abuses as yet only raised deep and suppressed murmurs, ere 
long to break out into fierce and obstinate resistance. Pan* 
dulph, the Papal Legate, became Bishop of Norwich. Pope 
Honorius writes to Pandulph not merely authorising but 
urging him to provide a benefice or benefices in his 
diocese of Norwich for his own (the Bishop's) brother, 
that brother (a singular plurality) being Archdeacon of 
Thessalonica.^ These foreigners were of course more and 
more odious to the whole realm : to the laity as draining 
away their wealth without discharging any duties; still 
more to the clergy as usurping their benefices; though 
ignorant of the language^ afiecting superiority in attain- 
ments ; from their uncongenial manners, and, if they are not 
belied, unchecked vices. They were bloodsuckers, drawing 

« Urban IV., MS. B. M. z. p. 29, Dee. another convent in Anagni on benefice 

1261. Clement IV., ibid. 12., Jane 8, in diocese of Winchester, toI. iv. 50. 

1266. See the grants to John Peter Leone, and 

P The convent of Viterbo has a grant others, in Prynne, p. 23. MS. B. M. 
of 30 marks Arom a moiety of the Imng ^ Pandulph is by mistake made car* 

of Holkham in Norfolk, 1 276 ; 50 marks dinal ; he was sub-deacon of the Roman 

from chorch of Windham to convent of Church. He is called in the docomentf 

M.AureoinAnagniyiii. 110. Claims of Master Pandulph. 



A^jtK i2ae. 



Chap. xn. BENEFICES HELD BY ITALIANS. 309 

out the life, or drones fattening on the spoil of the land. 
All existing documents show that the jealousy and ani- 
mosity of the English did not exaggerate the evil.' At 
length, just at the close of his Pontificate, even Pope 
Honorius, by his Legate Otho, made the bold and open 
demand that two prebends in every cathedral and con- 
ventual church (one from the portion of the Bishop or 
Abbot, one from that of the Chapter), or the sustentation 
of one monk, should be assigned in perpetuity to the 
Church of Bome. On this ^ the nobles interfered in 
the King's name, inhibiting such alienation. When the 
subject was brought before a synod at Westminster by 
the Archbishop, the proposal was received with derisive 
laughter at the avarice of the see of Borne. Even the 
King was prompted to this prudent resolution : " When the 
rest of Christendom shall have consented to this 
measure, we will consult with our prelates whether 
it be right to follow their example." The council of 
Bourges, where the Legate Otho urged the same general de- 
mand, had eluded it with the same contemptuous disregard. 
It was even more menacingly suggested that such general 
oppression from Bome might lead to a general withdrawal 
of allegiance from Bome." 

Five years after the people of England seemed deter- 
mined to take the afiair into their own hands. Terrible 
letters were distributed by unseen means, and by unknown 
persons, addressed to the bishops and chapters, to the abbots 
and friars, denouncing the insolence and avarice of these 
Bomans ; positively inhibiting any payments to them from 
the revenues of their churches; threatening those who 
paid to burn their palaces and barns over their heads, and 
to wreak the same vengeance on them which would inevi- 
tably fall on the Italians.* Cencius, the Pope's collector 

' MS. R M. E, g., grant of a church cheater for a son of a Roman citizen, 

to a consangainena of the Pope, one * Wendover, p.lU, 121, 124. **Qnia 

GerTaiae,exoommnnicatedforfiiyoaring si omniom esset uniyersalis oppressio, 

the Barons, haying been ejected from it, posset timeri ne immineret generalii 

i. p. 233. Transfer from one Italian to discessio, quod Dens ayertat" 

another, 235. Grant from Bishop of * Gregory writes to the Archbishop 

Durham to Peter Saracen (Ciyis Ro- of Canterbury (1234) that the English 

manns) of 40 marks, charged on Uie See " legre non ferant si mter ipsos morantea 

for senriccs done, ii. 158. Reqoiring eztranei, honores ibidem et beneficia 

a canonry of Lincoln for Thebaldns, oonseqnantor, cnm apnd Denm non esl 

scriptor noater, 166. Canonry of Chi- aoceptio personanun. ' — MS, B. M. 



^^^ 



▲.n.l33S. 



310 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

of Peter's Pence, a Canon of St Paul's, was suddenly 
carried off by armed men, with their faces hid under 
vizors; he returned with his bags well rifled, after five 
weeks' imprisonment. John of Florence, Archdeacon of 
Norwich, escaped the same fate, and concealed himself in 
London. Other aggressive measures followed. The bams 
of the Italian clergy were attacked ; the corn sold or dis- 
tributed to the poor. It might seem almost a simul- 
taneous rising ; though the active assailants were few, the 
feelings of the whole people were with them.^ At one 
place (Wingham) the sheriff was obliged, as it appeared, to 
raise an armed force to keep the peace ; the officers were 
shown letters-patent (forged as was said) in the King's 
name, authorising the acts of the spoiler : they looked on, not 
caring to examine the letters too closely, in quiet uncon- 
cern at the spoliation. The Pope (Gregory 
IX.) issued an angry Bull,' which not only ac- 
cused the Bishops of conniving at these enormities, and 
of making this ungrateful return for the good offices which 
he had shown to the King ; he bitterly complained of the 
ill usage of his Nuncios and officers. One had been cut 
to pieces, another left half dead ; the Pope's Bulls had 
been trampled under foot The Pope demanded instant, 
ample, merciless punishment of the malefactors, restoration 
of the damaged property. Robert Twenge, a bold York- 
shire knight, who under a feigned name had been the ring- 
leader, appeared before the King, owned himself to have 
been the William Wither who had headed the insurgents ; 
he had done all this in righteous vengeance against the Ro- 
mans, who by a sentence of the Pope, fraudulently obtained, 
had deprived him of the right of patronage to a benefice. 
He had rather be unjustly excommunicated than despoiled 
of his right. He was recommended to go to Rome with 
testimonials firom the King for absolution, and this was 
all7 The abuse, however, will appear yet rampant, when 
we return to the history of the English Church. 

lY. The taxation of the clergy (a twentieth, fifteenth, 

" The Pope so &r admitted the justice he had less frequently used this power 

of these complaints as to issue a bull of granting benefices in England. — 

allowing the patrons to present after Wilkin's Concilia, i. 269. 
the death of the Italian inenmbents. — * Apnd Rymer, dated £tool«ta 
MS. B. M. UL 136. Gregory IX. said that ^ WendoTer, S92. 



OHAP.Xn. TENTHS. 311 

or tenth) as a subsidy for the Holy Land ; but a subsidy 
grudgingly paid, and not devoted with too rigid exclusive- 
ness to its holy purpose. Some portion of this was at 
times thrown, as it were, as a boon to the King (in general 
under a vow to undertake a Crusade), but applied by 
him without rebuke or remonstrance to other purposes. 
This tax was on the whole property of the Church, of the 
secular clergy and of the monasteries. Favour was some- 
times (not always) shown to the Cistercians, the Pr»- 
monstratensians, the Monks of Sempringham — almost 
always to the Templars and Knights of St John. Other 
emoluments arose out of the Crusades ; compositions for 
vows not fulfilled ; besides what arose out of bequests, the 
property of intestate clergy, and other sources. The Popes 
seem to have had boundless notions of the wealth and weak- 
ness of England. England paid, murmured, but laid up 
deep stores of alienation and aversion from the Boman 
See.' 

* Clement IV. (Viterbo, May 22, testamentamentis (sic) ant bonis deri- 

1366) orders his collector to get in all coram decedentium ab intestato sea 

arrears " de censibus, denariis Sancti Pe- ali& qa&cunqne ratione modo vel caosA 

tri, et debitis quibuscanque." Of these eisdem sedi Apostolicte et terrse sanctss 

debts there is a long list. *' Ant ex yoto yel siteri earum a qaibascnnqne personis 

sen promisso, decimA vel yioesimA, sen debentnr." The collectors had power to 

redemptionibnsTotommtamcmcesigna- excommnnicate for non-payment. — MS. 

toram qoam aUomm, Tel depositis vel B. M. xii. 



312 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 



CHAPTER XIIL 



FREDERICK II. AND GREGORY IX. 



The Empire and the Papacy were now to meet in their 
Jjjtrtiifci^of last mortal and implacable strife; the two first 
Empire. acts of this tremendous drama, separated by an 
interval of many years, were to be developed during the 
Pontificate of a prelate who ascended the throne of St 
Peter at the age of eighty. Nor was this strife for any 
specific point in dispute like the right of investiture, but 
avowedly for supremacy on one side, which hardly deigned 
to call it^lf independence ; for independence, on the other, 
which remotely at least aspired after supremacy. Csesar 
would bear no superior, the successor of St Peter no 
equal. The contest could not have begun under men 



more strongly contrasted, or more determinedly oppug- 

OregoiylX. 



nant in character than Gregory IX. and Fre- 



derick II. Gregory retained the ambition, the 
vigour, almost the activity of youth, with the stubborn 
obstinacy, and something of the irritable petulance of old 
age. He was still master of all his powerful faculties; 
his knowledge of affairs, of mankind, of the peculiar inte- 
rests of almost all the nations in Christendom, acquired by 
long employment in the most important negotiations both 
by Innocent III. and by Honorius III. ; eloquence which 
his own age compared to that of Tully ; profound erudition 
in that learning which, in the mediaeval churchman, com- 
manded the highest admiration. No one was his superior 
in the science of the canon law ; the Decretals to which he 
afterwards gave a more full and authoritative form, were 
at his command, and they were to him as much the law of 
God as the Gospels themselves, or the primary principles 
of morality. The jealous reverence and attachment of a 



CHAP.Xm. FREDERICK II. 313 

great lawyer to his science strengthened the lofty preten- 
sions of the churchman/ 

Frederick II. with many of the noblest qualities which 
could captivate the admiration of his own age, in 
some respects might appear misplaced, and by 
many centuries prematurely born. Frederick havingcrowded 
into his youth adventures, perils, successes, almost unpa- 
ralleled in history, was now only expanding into the prime of 
manhood. A parentless orphan he had struggled upward 
into the actual reigning monarch of his hereditary Sicily ; 
he was even then rising above the yoke of the turbulent 
magnates of his realm, and the depressing tutelage of the 
Papal See ; he had crossed the Alps a boyish adventurer, 
and won, so much through his own valour and daring that 
he might well ascribe to himself his conquest, the kingdom 
of Germany, the imperial crown ; he was in undisputed 
possession of the Empire, with all its rights in Northern 
Italy ; King of Apulia, Sicily, and Jerusalem. He was 
beginning to be at once the Magnificent Sovereign, the 
knight, the poet, the lawgiver, the patron of arts, letters, 
and science; the Magnificent Sovereign now holding his 
court in one of the old barbaric and feudal cities of Ger- 
many among the proud and turbulent princes of the 
Empire, more often on the sunny shores of Naples or 
Palermo, in southern and almost Oriental luxury; the 
gallant Knight and troubadour Poet not forbidding 
himself those amorous indulgences which were the 
reward of chivalrous valour, and of the " gay science ;** 
the Lawgiver, whose far-seeing wisdom seemed to anti- 
cipate some of those views of equal justice, of the advan- 
tages of commerce, of the cultivation of the arts of 
peace, even the toleration of adverse religions, which 
even in a more dutiftd son of the church would doubtless 
have seemed godless indifference. Frederick must appear 
before us in the course of our history in the full develop- 
ment of all these shades of character ; but besides all this 

' Epist. Honor., 14th March, 1221. riti& eminenter instractiu, flnyios elo- 

He is described as " Forma decorns et qaentue TalliaDie, sacne pagiiue dili- 

Tenustos aspectu, perspicuus ingenii et gens observator et doctor^selator fldei." 

fidelis memoriiB prerogatiH donatns, li- —Cardin. Arragon. Vit. Greg. IX. 
benlinm artinm et utrinaque juris pe- 



314 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

Frederick's views of the temporal sovereignty were as 
imperious and autocratic as those of the haughtiest 
churchman of the spiritual supremacy. The ban of the 
Empire ought to be at least equally awful with that of the 
Church ; disloyalty to the Emperor was as heinous a sin 
as infidelity to the head of Christendom ; the independ- 
ence of the Lombard republics was as a great and punish- 
able political heresy. Even in Bome itself, as head of the 
Boman Empire, Frederick aspired to a supremacy which 
was not less unlimited because vague and undefined, and 
irreconcileable with that of the Supreme Pontiff. If ever 
Emperor might be tempted by the vision of a vast here- 
ditary monarchy to be perpetuated in his house, the 
princely house of Hohenstaufen, it was Frederick. He had 
heirs of his greatness ; his eldest son was King of the 
Bomans ; from his loins might yet spring an inexhaustible 
race of princes : the failure of his imperial line was his 
last fear. The character of the man seemed formed to 
achieve and to maintain this vast design ; he was at once 
terrible and popular, courteous, generous, placable to his 
foes ; yet there was a depth of cruelty in the heart of Fre- 
derick towards revolted subjects, which made him look on 
the atrocities of his allies, Eccelin di Bomano, and the 
Salinguerras, but as legitimate means to quell insolent and 
stubborn rebellion. 

The loftier churchmen, if for a moment they had mis- 
givings on account of his age, hailed the election of Car- 
dinal Ugolino with the utmost satisfaction. The 
surpassing magnificence of his coronation attested 
the unanimous applause of the clergy, and even of the 
people of Bome.^ Gregory had in secret murmured 
agamst the gentler and more yielding policy of Honorius 
III. Of such weakness he could not accuse himself. 
The old man at once threw down the gauntlet ; on the 
oreioiT-s day of his accession ^ he issued an energetic pro- 
*"*■**• clamation to all the sovereigns of Christendom 
announcing his election to the pontificate, and summoning 

^ "Tunc logubrefl Testes matayit ArragoD. in Vit. See descripUon of 
Ecclesia, et arbis semimtae maenia pria- the inaognration. 
tinnm recepere fulgorem." — Cardin. ** 1227, March 18. Raynaldi Annal. 



Chap. XIH. GREGORY AND THE LOMBARDS. 315 

them to enter on a new Crusade ; that addressed to Fre* 
derick was more direct, vehement, and imperative, and 
closed not without some significant hints that he would 
not long brook the delay with which the Emperor had 
beguiled his predecessor."^ The King's disobedience might 
involve him m difficulties from which the Pope himself, 
even if he should so will, could hardly extricate him/ 

Frederick, in the height of their subsequent contest, 
reproached the Pope as having been, while in the lower 
orders of the Church, his familiar friend, but that no 
sooner had he reached the height of his ambition than he 
threw off all gratitude, and became his determined enemy/ 
Yet his congratulations on the accession of Gregory were 
expressed in the most courtly tone. The Bishop of 
Reggio, and Herman of Salza, the Grand Master of the 
Teutonic order, were his ambassadors to Bome. Gregory, 
on his side, with impartial severity, compelled the Lom- 
bards to fulfil and ratify the treaty which had been agreed 
to through the mediation of Honorius. Frederick had 
already transmitted to Bome the documents which were 
requisite for the full execution of the stipulations on his 
part, the general amnesty, the revocation of the Imperial 
ban, the release of the prisoners, the assent of King 
Henry. The Lombards were not so ready or so open in their 
proceedings. Gregory was constrained to send a ^^ 
strong summons to the Lombards declaring that 
he would no longer be tampered with by their idle and 
frivolous excuses : ^^ If in this important affiiir ye despise, 
mock^ or elude our commands and those of God, nothing 
remains for us but to invoke heaven and earth against 
your insolence."' The treaty arrived in Bome the day 
afler this summons had been despatched, wanting the seal 

^ " Alioqnin qnantmncnnqQe te sin- piciis fkotoB Pontifez Generalis, amicof 

cerft diligamut in Domino charitate, et noster pnecipuns dam in minoriboB ordi- 

tibi qoanttun in Domino poMomui de- niboi constitatas, beneflcionim omnium 

ferre Telimiu, id dissimolan! nullft pote- qoibos Imperinm Christianom saero- 

rimos ratione/'—Epistol. ad Frederic. BanctamditavitEcclesiamoblitai,statim 

apad Baynaldi, Mareh 23. post assomptam snum fidem com tern* 

* " Neqnaaaam nos et teipsum in pore Tarians et mores cum digmtate 

illam necessiCatem inducas, de qa& commutans." — Petr. de Vineft, pistol, 

forsan te de facili non poterimns, i. zvL 

etiamsi ▼olaerimosy expedire. — Ibid. ' Regest. Gregor., quoted by Von 

' " Iste nonu athleta, tinittria ana- Baomer, p. 416. 



3 1 6 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

of the Marquis of Montferrat, and of many of the cities ; 
but Gregory would not be baflSed ; the Archbishop of Milan 
received orders to menace the cities by ecclesiastical cen- 
sures, and the treaty came back with all the necessary 
ratifications. In this Gregory pursued the politic as well 
as the just course. The Emperor must not have this 
plausible excuse to elude his embarkation on the Crusade 
at the appointed day in August The Lombards them- 
selves were imperatively urged to furnish their proper 
contingent for the Holy War. Gregory IX. knew Lom- 
bardy well, it had been the scene of his own preaching of 
the Cross ; and the sagacious fears of the Uhurch (the 
stipulations in the treaty of Honorius betrayed this saga- 
city and these fears) could not but discern that however 
these proud republics might be heartily Guelfic, cordially 
on the side of the Church, they were only so from 
their common jealousy of the Empire. But there was 
that tacit understanding, or at least unacknowledged sym- 
pathy, between civil and religious liberty, which must be 
watched with vigilant mistrust It was manifest that the 
respect for their bishops in all these republics depended 
entu*ely on the political conduct of the prelates, not on the 
sanctity of their office. There was a remissness or reluct- 
ance in the suppression of heresy, and in the punishment 
of heretics, which required constant urgency and rebuke 
on the part of the Pope : " Ye make a great noise," writes 
Gregory, "about fines imposed, and sentences of exile 
against heretics; but ye quietly give them back their 
fines, and admit them again into your cities. In the mean 
time ye regard not the immunities of the clei^, neither 
their exemption from taxation nor their personal fireedom ; 
ye even permit enactments injurious to their defence of 
their liberties, enactments foolish and culpable, even to 
their banishment by the laity. Take heed, lest a more 
fearful interdict than that with which you have been 

Simished (the ban of the Empire) fall upon you, the inter- 
ictoftheChurch."** 
But the Pope was not content with general exhortations 
to the Emperor to embark on the Crusade : he assumed 

» Bcge8tB,ibid.p.417. 



Chap. XIH. LETTER TO PREDEBICK. 317 

the privilege of his holy office and of his venerable age to 
admonish the young and brilliant Frederick on ^^^^ 
his life, and on the duties of his imperial dignity. 
The address was sent from Anagni, to which the Pope had 
retired from the heats of Home, by the famous Gualo, one 
of the austere Order of Friar Preachers instituted by St. 
Dominic* The letter dwelt in the highest terms g'^^'' 
on the wonderful mental endowments of Fre- •dmomtion. 
derick, his reason quickeued with the liveliest intelligence, 
and winged by the brightest imagination. The Pope 
entreats him not to degrade the qualities which he pos- 
sesses in common with the angels, nor to sacrifice them to 
the lower appetites, which he has in common with the 
beasts and the plants of the earth. The love of sensual 
things debases the intellect, the pampering of the delicate 
body corrupts the affections. If knowledge and love, 
those twin Hghts, are extinguished ; if those eagles which 
should soar in triumph stoop and entangle themselves with 
earthly pleasures, how canst thou show to thy followers 
the way of salvation ? " Far be it from thee to hold up 
this fatal example of thraldom to the sensual life. Your 
justice should be the pillar of fire, your mercy the cooling 
cloud to lead Grod s chosen people into the land of pro- 
mise/' He proceeds to a strange mystic interpretation of 
the five great ensigns of the imperial power ; the inward 
meaning of all these mysterious symbols, the cross, the 
lance, the triple crown, tne sceptre, and the golden apple : 
this he would engrave indelibly with an iron pen on the 
adamantine tablets of the king's heart^ 

It were great injustice to the character of Gregory to 
attribute this high-toned, however extravagantly mystic, 
remonstrance to the unworthy motives of ambition or ani- 
mosity. The severe old man might, not without grounds, 
take offence at the luxury, the splendour, the coanof 
sensuality of Frederick's Sicilian court, the ^^•'*<*- 
freedom at least, if not licence of Frederick's life. It 

' The Cardinal Ugolino had been the profound reverence, but by passionate 

first to foresee Uie tremendons power of personal attachment, 

the new Onlers. He had been tneir firm ^ Epistola Gregor. apud Raynaldi 

protector : thev were bound to him, Anagni, June 8. 
especiall J the FrandscaoSy not only by 



318 LATIN CHRISTIANITT. Book IX. 

was the zeal, perhaps of a monk, but yet the honest and 
religious zeal. Frederick's predilection for his native 
kingdom, for the bright cities reflected in the blue Medi- 
terranean, over the dark barbaric towns of Germany, of 
itself characterises the man. The summer skies, the 
more polished manners, the more elegant luxuries, the 
knowledge, the arts, the poetry, the gaiety, the beauty, 
the romance of the South, were throughout his life more 
congenial to his mind than the heavier and more chilly 
climate, the feudal barbarism, the ruder pomp, the 
coarser habits of his German liegemen. Among the 
profane sayings attributed to Frederick (who was neither 
guarded nor discreet in his more mirthful conversation, 
and as his strife with the Church grew fiercer would not 
become more reverential) sayings caught up, and no 
doubt sharpened by his enemies, was that memorable one 
— that God would never have chosen the barren land of 
Judffia for his own people if he had seen his beautiful and 
fertile Sicily. And no doubt that delicious climate and 
lovely land, so highly appreciated by the gay sovereign, 
was not without influence on the state, and even the 
manners of his court, to which other circumstances con- 
tributed to give a peculiar and romantic character. It 
resembled probably (though its full splendour was of 
a later period) Granada in its glory, more than any 
other in Europe, though more rich and picturesque from 
the variety of races, of manners, usages, even dresses, 
which prevailed within it. Here it was that Southern 
and Oriental luxury began to impart its mysteries to 
Christian Europe. The court was open to the mingled 
population which at that time filled the cities of Southern 
Italy. If anything of Grecian elegance, art, or luxury 
survived in the West it was in the towns of Naples and 
Sicily. There the Norman chivalry, without having lost 
their bold and enterprising bearing, had yielded in some 
degree to the melting influence of the land, had acquired 
Southern passions, Southern habits. The ruder and more 
ferocious German soldiery, as many as were spared by the 
climate, gradually softened, at least in their outward de- 
meanour. The Jews were numerous, enlightened, wealthy. 



Chap. XIH, COURT OP FREDERICK. 319 

The Mohammedan inhabitants of Sicily were neither the 
least polished, nor the least welcome at the court of Fre- 
derick: they were subsiding into loyal subjects of the 
liberal Christian King ; and Frederick was accused by his 
enemies, and even then believed by the Asiatic and Egyp- 
tian Mussulmen, to have approximated more closely to their 
manners, even to their creed, than became a Christian Em- 
peror. He spoke their tongue, admired and cultivated 
their science, caused their philosophy to be translated into 
the Latin language. In his court their Oriental manners 
yielded to the less secluded habits of the West. It was one 
of the grave charges, at a later period, that Saracen women 
were seen at the court of Palermo, who by their licentious- 
ness corrupted the morals of his Christian subjects. Fre- 
derick admitted the truth of the charge, but asserted the 
pure demeanour and chastity of these Mohammedan ladies : 
nevertheless, to avoid all future scandal, he consented to 
dismiss them. This at a time when abhorrence of the 
Mohammedan was among the first articles of a Christian's 
creed; when it would have been impious to suppose a 
Mohammedan man capable of any virtue except of valour, 
a Mohammedan female of any virtue at all I The impres- 
sion made by this inclination for the society of miscreant 
ladies, its inseparable connection with Mohammedan 
habits, transpires in the Guelfic character of Frederick by 
Villani. The Florentine does ample justice to his noble 
and kingly qualities, to the universality of his genius and 
knowledge, ^^ but he was dissolute and abandoned to every 
kind of lu^iuy. After the manner of the Saracens he had 
many concubines, and was attended by Mamelukes; he 
gave himselfup to sensual enjoyments, and led an epicurean 
life, taking no thought of the world to come, and this was 
the principal reason of his enmity to Holy Church and to 
the nierarcby, as well as his avance in usurping the posses- 
sions and infringing on the jurisdiction of the clergy/^ 

It was in this Southern kingdom that the first rude 
notes of Italian poetry were heard in the soft Sicilian 
dialect Frederick himself, and his Chancellor Peter de 
YineS, were promising pupils in the gay science. Among 

* Istorie Fiorentin. ▼!. c. 1. 



320 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

the treasures of the earliest Italian song are several compo- 
sitions of the monarch and of his poetic rival. One sonnet 
indeed of Peter de Vinea is perhaps equal to anything of 
the kind before the time when Petrarch set the common 
thoughts of all these amorous Platonists in the perfect 
crystals of his inimitable language. Of these lays most 
which survive are amatory, but it is not unlikely that 
as the kindred troubadours of Provence, the poets did 
not abstain from satiric touches on the clergy. How far 
Frederick himself indulged in more than poetic licence 
the invectives of his enemies cannot be accepted as autho- 
rity. It was during his first widowhood that he indulged 
the height of his passion for the beautiful Bianca Lancia ; 
this mistress bore him two sons, his best beloved Enzio, 
during so many years of his more splendid career the 
pride, the delight of his heart, unrivalled for his beauty, 
the valiant warrior, the consummate general, the cause, 
by his imprisonment, of the bitterest grief, which in his 
decline bowed down his broken spirit Enzio was bom at 
the close of the year in which Frederick wedded lolante of 
Jerusalem. The fact that lolante died in childbed giving 
birth to his sou Conrad, is at least evidence that he had 
not altogether estranged her from his affections. In public 
she had all the state and splendour of his queen ; nor is it 
known that during her lifetime her peace was embittered 
by any more cherished rivals. 

Still if this brilliant and poetic state of society (even if 
at this time it was only expanding to its fulness of luxury 
and splendour) must appear dubious at least to the less 
severe Christian moralist, how must it have appeared to 
those who had learned their notions of morals from the 
rule of St Benedict rather than the Gospel ; the admirers 
of Francis and of Dominic ; men in whom human affec- 
tions were alike proscribed with sensual enjoyments, and 
in whose religious language, to themselves at least, plea- 
sure bore the same meaning as sin ; men, who had prayed, 
and fasted, and scourged out of themselves every lin- 
gering sympathy of our common nature? How, above 
all, to one in whom, as in Gregory IX., age had utterly 
frozen up a heart, already hardened by the austerest dis- 



Chap. XIII. FREDERICK AND THE CRUSADE. 321 

cipHne of monkhood? It is impossible to conceive a 
contrast more strong or more irreconcileable than the 
octogenarian Gregory, in his cloister palace, in his 
conclave of stern ascetics, with all but severe imprison- 
ment within conventual walls, completely monastic in 
manners, habits, views, in corporate spirit, celibacy, in 
rigid seclusion from the rest of manlcind, in the con- 
scientious determination to enslave, if possible, all Chris- 
tendom to its inviolable unity of faith, and to the least pos- 
sible latitude of discipline ; and the gay, and yet youthful 
Frederick, with his mingled assemblage of knights and 
ladies, of Christians, Jews and Mohammedans, of poets 
and men of science, met, as it were, to enjoy and minis- 
ter to enjoyment ; to cultivate the pure intellect : where, 
if not the restraints of religion, at least the awful authority 
of churchmen, was examined with freedom, sometimes re- 
diculed with sportive wit. 

A few months were to put to the test the obedience of 
Frederick to the See of Rome, perhaps his Christian 
fidelity. By the treaty of St. Germano, the August of 
the present year had been fixed for his embarka- 
tion for the Holy Land. Gregory, it is clear, 
mistrusted his sincerity ; with what justice it is hard to 
decide. However Frederick might be wanting in fervent 
religious zeal, he was not in the chivalrous love of enter- 
prise ; however he might not abhor the Mohammedans 
with the true Christian cordiality of his day, he would not 
decline to meet them in arms as brave and generous foes ; 
however the recovery of the Saviour's tomb might not in- 
fluence him with the fierce enthusiasm which had kindled the 
hearers of Peter the Hermit or St. Bernard, or perhaps 
that which sent forth his grandsire, Barbarossa : yet an 
Oriental kingdom, which he claimed in the right of his 
wife, a conquest which would have commanded the grate- 
ful admiration of Christendom, was a prize which his 
ambition would hardly disdain, or rather at which it would 
grasp with bold eagerness. Frederick was personally 
brave ; but neither was his finer, though active and close- 
knit frame, suited to hew his way through hosts of unbe- 
lievers ; he aspired not, and could not hope, to rival the 

VOL. IV, Y 



322 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

ferocious personal prowess of our Richard Coeur de Lion, 
or to leave his name as the terror of Arabian mothers. 
Nor would his faith behold Paradise as the assured close 
of a battle-field with the Infidels, the remission of sins as 
the sure reward of a massacre of the believers in Islam. 
Frederick was not averse to obtain by negotiation (and 
surely, with the warnings of all former Crusades, especi- 
ally that of his grandsire Barbarossa, not unwisely), and by 
taking advantage of the feuds between the Saracen 
princes, those conquests which some would deem it 
impious to strive after but by open war. Frederick 
had already received an embassy firom Sultan Malek- 
al-Kameel of Egypt (of this the Pope could hardly 
be ignorant). Between the Egyptian and Damascene 
descendants of the great Saladin there was implacable 
hostility. Kameel had now recovered Damietta;° he 
had made a treaty with the discomfited Crusaders. 
He hated his rival of Damascus even more bitterly than 
he did the Christians. His ofiers to Fi-ederick were 
the surrender of the kingdom of Jerusalem, on con- 
dition of close alliance against the Sultan of Damascus. 
K^tiAtions Frederick had despatched to the East an ambas- 
KttoeeL sador of no less rank than the Archbishop of 
Palermo. The Prelate bore magnificent and acceptable 
presents, horses, arms, it was said the Emperors own 
palfrey,^ In the January of the following year the 
Archbishop had returned to Palermo, with presents, ac- 
cording to the Eastern authority, of twice the value of his 
own ; many rare treasures from India, Arabia, Syria, and 
Irak. Among these, to the admiration of the Occidentals, 
was a large elephant.^ To the Pope, the negotiations them- 
selves were unanswerable signs of Frederick's favour to the 
Infidels, and his perfidy to the cause of the Christians.^ 

* In the fierce invectiTes of their and for ever, the Christian dominion in 

later oontrorersy, the Papal party attri- the East. But Frederick certainly conld 

bated to the tardiness, even to the not have gone at that time with a force 

treachery of Frederick, the disastrous equal to this great enterprise . 

loss of Damietta. If he had accom- « Ebn F^rah, quoted in Michaud'i 

Sinied the first German division of the Bibliographie des Croisades, p. 727. 

erman Crusaders the Christians would p Richd. de S. German, p. 1604. 

not have been without a leader; and Makrisi apud Reinaud. HugoPIagen. 

with his fiime and power he might, by the ^ The letter of Gregory IX. in Math, 

conquestof Egypt, have re-established, Paris. ''Quod detestabilius est, com 



Chap. XIII. PKEPARATIONS FOR CRUSADE. 323 

Tet Frederick seemed earnestly determined to fulfil his 
Yow. Though the treaty with the Lombard cities was 
hardly concluded^ he had made vast preparations. He 
had levied a large tax irom tfa^ whole kingdom of Sicily 
for the maintenance of his forces ;' a noble fleet rode in 
the harbour of Brundusium : Frederick himself, with his 
Empress lolante, passed over from Sicily and took up 
their abode in Otranto. 

Pilgrims in the mean time had been assembling from 
various quarters. In Germany, at a great Diet PremnuioM 
at Aix-la-Chapelle, in the presence of King Henry, '"S™~>«- 
many of the Princes and Prelates had taken the Cross. 
Some of these, especially the Duke of Austria, alleged 
excuses frx)m their vow. But the Landgrave of Thuringia, 
the husband of Elizabeth of Hungary, afterwards sainted 
for her virtues, tore himself from his beloved wife in the 
devotion to what both esteemed the higher duty.' The 
Bishops of Augsburg, Bamberg, and Ratisbon accompanied 
the Landgrave to Italy. France seemed for once to be 
cold in the Holy cause (Louis IX. was in his infancy), 
but in England there had been a wide-spread ^^^^ 
popular movement On the vigil of John the Bap- 
tist's day it was rumoured abroad, that the Saviour himself 
had appeared in the heavens, bleeding, pierced with the 
nails and lance, on a cross which shone like fire.^ It was 
to encourage forty thousand pilgrims, who were said 
already to have taken the Cross. This was seen more 
than once in different places, in order to confute the incre- 
dulous gainsayers. But of those forty thousand who were 
enrolled^ probably no large proportion reached Southern 

Italv. 

The Emperor, hardly released frx)m the affairs of 

Soldano et aliii Saraeenis nefimdas and treacherous interoonrse with the 

(Fredericus) coutrahens pactiones illis Soldan. 

fhyorem, Christianb oaium ezhibet ' Richard de St German, p. 1108. 

manifestum."— Sub ann. 1228, p. 848. Alberic,adaDn. 1227. The monastery of 

On these mmoars of the understanding St Gennano was assessed at 450 ounces. 

between the Emperor and Sultan Kameel * Montalembert, Vie de St Elisabeth 

no doubt Gr^^ry founded his darker de Hongrie. 

charge of Frederick's haying compelled * WendoTcr, p. 144. The reading in 

the surrender of Damietta, not only by Paris for quadraginta b sezaginta. Kd. 

withholding all relief from the Chris- Coxe, p. 144. 

tians when masters of it, but by direct 

Y 2 



324 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

Northern Italy, was expected to have provisions and ships 
ready for the transport of all this vast undisciplined rout, of 
which no one could calculate the numbers. Delays took 
place, which the impatient Pope, ignorant no doubt of the 
difficulties of maintaming and embarking a great armament, 
ascribed at once to the remissness or the perfidy of Frederick. 
The heats came on with more than usual violence, they 
were such, it is said, as might have melted solid metal." 
A fever broke out fatal, as ever, to the Germans.* . The 
Landgrave of Thuringia, the Bishops of Augsburg and of 
Angers were among its victims ; the pilgrims perished by 
thousands. The death of the Landgrave was attributed 
not only to the wanton delay, but even to poison adminis- 
tered by the orders of Frederick, who, m his insatiate 
rapacity, coveted the large possessions of the Prince. 
About the appointed day Frederick himself embarked ; 
the fleet set sail ; it lost sight of the shore ; — but three days 
after the Imperial ship was seen returning hastily to the 
haven of Otranto ; Frederick, alleging severe illness, re- 
turned to the baths of Pozzuoli, to restore his strength* 
The greater part of the fleet either dispersed or, following 
the Emperor s example, returned to land. 

Gregory heard at Anagni (the year of Gregory's acces- 
Ezoommmii. siou had Hot vct cxpircd) the return of Frede- 
F^rkL nek, the dissolution of the armament. On St 
Sept. so. Michael's Day, surrounded by his Cardinals and 
Prelates, he delivered a lofty discourse, on the text, ^^ It 
must needs be that offences come, but woe unto him tlirough 
whom they come." He pronounced the excommunication, 
which Frederick had incurred by his breach of the agree- 
ment at St. Germano. Nothing was wanting to the terror. 
All the bells joined their most dissonant peals ; the clergy, 
each with his torch, stood around the altar. Gregory im- 

?lored the eternal malediction of God against the Emperor, 
^'he clergy dashed down their torches: there was utter 

« •< CojttS ardoribui ipta fer^ solida indulgences, releasing the pilgrisis from 

metalla liquescont."— Card. Arragon. their tows. After carrying on this 

in Vit Greg. IX. strange bold fraud for some days, he 

* An impostor placed himself on the was apprehended, and paid the penalty 

steps of St. Peter's, in the attire and of his imposture. — Raynald. sub aon. 
character of the Pope, and publicly sold 



Chap. XIII. EXCOMMUNICATION OF FREDERICK. 325 

darkness. The churchmen saw in this sentence the be- 
ginning of the holy strife, of the triumph of St. Michael 
over the subtle and scaly dragon. The sentence was fol- 
lowed by an address to the Apulian bishops, the subjects 
of Frederick. "The little bark of St. reter, launched 
on the boundless ocean, though tossed by the billows, is 
submerged but never lost, for the Lord is reposing within 
her : he is awakened at length by the cries of his disciples ; 
he commands the sea and the winds, and there is a great 
calm. From four quarters the tempests are now assailing 
our bark ; the armies of the Infidels are striving with all 
their might that the land, hallowed by the blood of Christ, 
may become the prey of their impiety; the rage of 
tyrants, asserting their temporal claims, proscribes justice 
and tramples under foot the liberties of the Church : the 
folly of heretics seeks to rend the seamless garment of 
Christ, and to destroy the Sacraments of the faith ; false 
brethren and wicked sous, by their treacherous perversity, 
disturb' the bowels and tear open the sides of their mo- 
ther." "The Church of Christ, afflicted by so many 
troubles, while she thinks that she is nursing up her chil- 
dren, is fostering in her bosom fire and serpents and 
basilisks,^ which would destroy everything by their breath, 
their bite, and their burning. To combat these monsters, 
to triumph over hostile armies, to appease these restless 
tempests, the Holy Apostolic See reckoned in these latter 
times on a nurseling whom she had brought up with the 
tenderest care; the Church had taken up the Emperor 
Frederick, as it were, from his mother's womb, fed him 
at her breasts, borne him on her shoulders ; she had often 
rescued him from those who sought his life ; instructed 
him, educated him with care and pain to manhood ; in- 
vested him with the royal dignity ; and to crown all these 
blessings, bestowed on him the title of Emperor, hoping to 
find in him a protecting support, a staff for her old age. 
No sooner was he King m Germany than, of his own 
accord, unexhorted, unknown to the Apostolic See, he 
took the Cross and made a vow to depart for the Holy 
Land ; he even demanded that himself and all other Cru- 

^ Scgnlos. 



326 LATIN OHBISTIANITY. Book IX. 

saders should be excommunicated if they did not set forth 
at the appointed time. At his coronation as Emperor we 
ourselves, then holding an inferior office under the most 
Holy Honorius, gave him the Cross, and received the re- 
newal of his vows. Three times at Yeroli, at Ferentino, 
at St. Germano, he alleged delays ; the Church in her 
indulgence accepted his excuses. At St. Germano he 
made a covenant, which he swore by his soul to accom- 
plish ; if not, he incurred by his own consent the most 
awful excommunication. How has he fulfilled that cove- 
nant ? When many thousands of pilgrims, depending on 
his solemn promises, were assembled in the port of Brun- 
dusium, he detained the armament so long, under the 
burning summer heats, in that region of death, in that 
pestilent atmosphere, that a great part of the pilgrims 
perished, the noble Landgrave of Thuringia, the Bishops 
of Augsburg and Angers. At length, when the ships 
began to return from the Holy Land, the pilgrims em- 
barked on board of them, on the Nativity of the Blessed 
Virgin, expecting the Emperor to join their fleet But 
he, breaking all his promises, bursting every bond, tramp- 
ling under foot the fear of God, despising all reverence for 
Christ Jesus, scorning the censures of the Church, desert- 
ing the Christian army, abandoning the Holy Land to the 
Unbelievers, to his own disgrace and that of all Christen- 
dom, withdrew to the luxuries and wonted delights of his 
kingdom, seeking to palliate his offence by frivolous excuses 
of simulated sickness.' 

^^ Behold, and see if ever sorrow was like unto the 
sorrow " of the Apostolic Pontiff. The Pope describes in 
pathetic terms the state of the Holy Land ; attributes to 
the base intrigues of Frederick with the Unbelievers, the 
fatal issue of the treaty of Damietta ; " but for him, Jeru- 
salem might have been recovered in exchange for that 

* Compare with this statement Fre- pnecedcntinm secati. Ubi tanta subito 

derick's own account, published to the inTasit utrumque turbatio, <^nod et nos 

world three months after. Both he and in graviorem decidimus recidiTam, et 

the Landgrave had been ill ; both had idem Lantgravius post accessnm nos- 

a relapse ; both returned to Otranto, tmm apnd Idrontom de medio/ proh 

where the Landgrave died. "Prseterea dolor! est ereptus." — Epist. Frederic, 

nondumresumptaconvalescentift, galeas If Uiis was untrue it was a most anda- 

in^ssi sumus, nos et dilectus consan- clous and easily confuted untruth, 
gttineus noster Lantgravius, vestigia 



Chap. XIII. WRATH OF GREGORY. 327 

city. That we may not be esteemed as dumb dogs, who 
dare not bark, or fear to take vengeance on him, the Em- 
peror Frederick, who has caused such ruin to the people 
of God, we proclaim the said Emperor excommunicate ; 
we commana you to publish this our excommunication 
throughout the realm; and to declare, that in case of 
his contumacy, we shall proceed to still more awful cen- 
sures. We trust, however, that he will see his own shame ; 
and return to the mercy of his mother the Church, having 
given ample satisfaction for all his guilt." 

Gr^ory IX. had been on the throne of St Peter not 
eight months before he uttered this fulminating decree ; 
in which some truth is so confounded and kneaded up 
with falsehood and exaggeration ; and there is so much of 
reckless wrath, such want of calm, statesman-like dignity, 
such deliberate, almost artful determination to make the 
worst of everything. The passionate old man might seem 
desperately to abandon all hopes of future success in the 
Holy Land ; and to take vindictive comfort in heaping all 
the blame on Frederick.* 

Gregory returned to Borne; Frederick had already 
sent ambassadors solemnly to assert that his illness was 
real and unfeigned, the Bishops of Bari and Beggio, and 
Beginald of Spoleto. By one account, the Pope refused 
to admit them to his presence : at all events, he repelled 
them with the utmost scorn, and so persisted in branding 
the Emperor in the face of Christendom as a hypocrite 
and a liar.^ 

Twice again, on St Martin's Day and on Christmas 
Day, the Pope, amid all the assembled hierarchy, renewed 
and confirmed the excommunication. Frederick treated 
the excommunication itself with utter contempt ; either 
through love or fear the clergy of the kingdom of Naples 
performed as usual all the sacred offices. At Capua he 
held a Diet of all the Barons of Apulia ; he assessed a 

* *' Hie (Gregorios IX.) tanqaam declaring that the Pope had been blamed 

•aperbos primo anno ponttftcatus sni for the mansnetude of his prooeedinn ; 

ccepit excommunicare Fredericum Im- because he had not also censored him for 

peratorem pro causts frirolis et falsis." many acts of tyranny and invasion on 

— Abb. Urspergens. p. 247. the rights of the Chnrch in Naples and 

^ There is a letter to Frederick, Sicily, 
qaoted in Raynaldus, in a milder tone, 



328 LATIN CHKISTIANITY. Book IX- 

tax on both the kingdoms for an expedition to the Holy 
Land, appointed for the ensuing May. He summoned 
an assemblage of all his Italian subjects to meet at Ra- 
venna, to take counsel for this common Crusade. From 
Capua came forth his defiant appeal to Christendom.^ In 
this appeal Frederick replied to the unmeasured language 
of the Pope in language not less unmeasured. He ad- 
dressed all the Sovereigns of Christendom ; he ui^ed them 
to a league of all temporal Kings to oppose this oppressive 
league of the Pope and the Hierarchy. He declared that 
he had been prevented from accomplishing his vow, not, 
as the Pope falsely averred, by frivolous excuses, but by 
serious illness ; he appealed to the faithful witness in Hea- 
ven for his veracity; he declared his fixed determination, im- 
mediately that God should restore him to health, to proceed 
on that holy expedition. *' The end of all is at hand ; the 
Christian charity which should rule and maintain all things 
is dried up in its fountain not in its streams, not in its 
branches but in its stem. Has not the unjust interdict of 
the Pope reduced the Count of Toulouse and many other 
princes to servitude? Did not Innocent III. (this he 
especially addressed to King Henry of England) urge the 
noble Barons of England to insurrection against John, as 
the enemy of the Church ? But no sooner had the hu- 
miliated King subjected his realm, like a dastard, to the 
See of Rome, than, having sucked the fat of the land, he 
abandoned those Barons to shame, ruin, and death. Such 
is the way of Rome, under words as smooth as oil and 
honey lies hid the rapacious blood-sucker : the Church of 
Rome, as though she were the true Church, calls herself 
my mother and my nurse, while all her acts have been 
those of a stepmother. The whole world pays tribute to 
the avarice of the Romans. Her Legates travel about 
through all lands, with full powers of ban and interdict 
and excommunication, not to sow the seed of the word of 
God, but to extort money, to reap what they have not 
sown. They spare not the holy churches, nor the sanctua- 
ries of the poor, nor the rights of prelates. The primitive 
Church, founded on poverty and simplicity, brought forth 

^ Rich, de San. Germ. 



Chap. XIII. CONTINUED STRIPE. 329 

numberless Saints : she rested on no foundation but that 
which had been laid by our Lord Jesus Christ. The 
Romans are now rolling in wealth ; what wonder that the 
walls of the Church are undermined to the base, and 
threaten utter ruin."^ The Emperor concluded with the 
solemn admonition to all temporal Sovereigns to make 
common cause against the common adversary: "Your 
house is in danger when that of your neighbour is on fire." 
But in all this strife of counter proclamations, the advantage 
was with the Pope. Almost every pulpit in Christendom 
might propagate to the ends of the earth the Papal ful- 
minations : every wandering friar might repeat it in the 
ears of men. The Emperor's vindication, the Imperial 
ban against the Pope, might be transmitted to Imperial 
officers, to municipal magistrates, even to friendly prelates 
or monks ; they might be read in diets or burgher 
meetings, be affixed on town-halls or market places, but 
among a people who could not read ; who would tremble 
to hear them.^ 

Yet the Emperor had allies, more dangerous to the 
Pope than the remote Sovereigns of Christendom. Gre- 
gory, on his return from Anagni, had been received in 
Some with the acclamations of the clergy, and part at 
least of the people. But in Rome there had always been 
a strong Imperialist party, a party hostile to the ruling 
Pontiff. Gregory had already demolished the palaces 
and castle towers of some of the Roman nobles, which ob- 
structed his view, and no doubt threatened his security in 
the Lateran f he had met with no open resistance, but 
such things were not done in Rome without more dan- 
gerous secret murmurs. Frederick, by timely succours 
during a famine in the last winter, had won the hearts of 
many of the populace. He had made himself friends, 
especially among the powerful Frangipani, by acts of pro- 

^ Math. Paris, sub ann. 1228. Written faire entendre des masses populaires. 

no doabt at the end of 1227, Dec. 6; Dans cette latte de paroles Tavantage 

received in England in 1228. devoit rester an Saint Sidge, puisque la 

<* '* D'ailleurs les moyens de publicity chaire dont 11 disposait etait la seule 

faciles et puissans dans les mains du tribune de ce temps." — Cherrier, Lutte 

Pape, etaient presque nuls dans celles des Papes et des Empereurs, ii. p. 239. 

des princes s^iUiers, qui avant Timpri* * Card. Arragon. m Vita, 
merie ne pouvaient que diffieilement se 



330 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

digal generosity. He had purchased the lands of the 
heads of that family, and granted them back without fine 
as Imperial fiefs. The Frangipanis became the sworn 
liegemen of the Emperor's family. Roffrid of Benevento, a 
famous professor of Jurisprudence in Bologna, appeared in 
Rome and read in public, with the consent of the Senate 
and people of Rome, the vindication of the Emperor. 

On Thursday in the Holy Week the Pope proceeded 
Marches, to his morc tremendous censures on the impeni- 
©xcommuni. tcnt Frederick. ** His crimes had now accumulated 
Aj>."ii28. in fearful measure. To the triple oflence, which 
he had committed in the breach of the treaty of San 
Germano — that he had neither passed the sea to the Holy 
Land, nor armed and despatched the stipulated number of 
knights at his own cost, nor furnished the sums of money 
according to his obligation — were added other offences. 
"He had prevented the Archbishop of Tarento from entering 
his See ; he had seized all the estates held by the Knights 
Templars and Knights of St John within his realm ; he 
had broken the treaty entered into and guaranteed by the 
See of Rome with the Count of Gelano and Reginald of 
Acerra ; he had deprived the Count Roger, though he 
had taken the Cross, of his followers and of his lands, and 
thrown his son into prison, and had refused to release him 
at the representation of the Holy See." All these were, in 
Frederick's estimation, his rebellious subjects, visited with 
just and lawful penalties. These ^gravated crimes — for 
crimes they were assumed to be on the irrefragable 
grounds of Papal accusation — called for aggravated cen- 
sures. The Pope declared every place in which Frederick 
might be, under interdict ; all divine offices were at once to 
cease ; all who dared to celebrate such offices were deprived 
of their functions and of their benefices. If he himself 
should dare to force his way into the ceremonies of the 
Church he was threatened with something worse. If he 
did not desist from the oppression of the churches and of 
ecclesiastical persons, if he did not cease from trampling 
under foot the ecclesiastical liberties, and from treating 
the excommunication with contempt, all his subjects were 
at once absolved from their allegiance. He was menaced 



Chap. XIII. GREGORY EXPELLED FROM ROME. 331 

with the loss of his fief, the kingdom of Naples, which he 
held from, and for which he had done homage to, the See 
of Rome. The holy ceremonies passed away undisturbed ; 
but on the Wednesday in Easter week, while the Pope 
was celebrating the mass, there was suddenly heard a 
fierce cry, a howl as Gregory describes it ; and the whole 
populace rose in insurrection. The storm was for a time 
allayed ; but after some weeks Gregory found it Gregwy 
necessary to leave Rome. He retired first to Bome. 
Reate, afterwards to Perugia.' 

Frederick, in the mean time, although under excom- 
munication, celebrated his Easter with great pomp ^^ 
and rejoicing at Baroli. Tidings had arrived of 
great importance from the Holy Land. Gregory had 
received, and had promulgated throughout Christendom, 
the most doleful accounts of the state of the Christians in 
Palestine. A letter addressed to the Pope by Gerold the 
Patriarch, Peter Archbishop of Caesarea (the Pope's 
Legate), the Archbishop of Narbonne, the Bishops of 
Winchester and Exeter, the Grand Masters of the Tem- 
plars and of St John, announced, that no sooner had the 
news of the Emperor's abandonment of the Crusade 
arrived in Syria, than the pilgrims, to the number of forty 
thousand, re-embarked for the West Only eight hundred 
remained, who were retained with difficulty, and were only 
kept up to the high pitch of enthusiasm by the promise of 
the Duke of Limbourg, then at the head of the arniy, to 
break the existing treaties, and march at once upon «feru- 
salem. On the other hand, a letter firom Thomas Count 
of Acerra, the Lieutenant of Frederick in the Holy Land ; 
who now held the city of Ptolemais, announced the death 
of the Sultan Moadhin of Damascus.^ Moadhin was 
the most formidable enemy of the Christians ; he had been 
at the head of a powerful army ; his implacable hatred of 
the Christians had brought all the more warlike Saracens 
under his banner : he had destroyed many of the strong- 
holds, which, if in the power of the Crusaders, might be 

' Iticfa. San Genn. " Quocirca iidem extra civitatem." — Conrad. Unperg, 

(the Frangipanis) reTent cum Papa Compare Vit. Greg. IX. 

mrsus ezcommunicaret imperatorem, i The Christians called him Conraduu 

fccerunt at a populo pelleretur t urplter — Rich. Sui Germ. 



332 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

of military importance : he had subjected Jerusalem itself 
to further ravage. 

All the acts of Frederick now showed his deter- 
mination to embark before the spring was passed for the 
Frederick Holy Laud. Hc would convince the world, 
thecniaade. thc Popc himsclf, of hls sinccrity. Already 
had he despatched considerable reinforcements to the 
Count of Acerra ; the taxes for the armament were levied 
with rigour ; the army which was to accompany him 
was drawn together from all quarters. The death of the 
Apriu 1228. Empress lolante in childbirth did not delay these 
Asaembiyat warlikc procccdings. To Baroli he summoned 
®*~"* all the magnates of the kingdom, to hear his 
final instructions, to witness his last will and testament, 
in case he should not return alive from his expedition. No 
building could contain the vast assemblage : a tribune was 
raised in the open air, from which the Imperial mandates 
were read aloud. He exhorted all the barons and prelates 
with their liegemen to live at peace among themselves, as 
in the happy days of William II. Reginald Duke of 
Spoleto was appointed Bailiff of the realm ; his elder son 
Henry was declared heir both of the Empire and of the 
kingdom of Sicily;^ if he died without heirs, then 
Conrad ; afterwards any surviving son of Frederick by a 
lawful wife. This, his last will, could only be annulled by 
a later authentic testament The Duke of Spoleto, the 
Grand Justiciary Henry de Morro, and othera of the 
nobles, swore to the execution of this solemn act 

The more determined Frederick appeared to fulfil his 
vow, the more resolute became the Pope in his hostility. 
He had interdicted the payment of all taxes to the excom- 
municated sovereign by all the prelates, monasteries, and 
ecclesiastics of his realm.^ Pilgrims who passed the Alps 
to join the army were plundered by the Lombards ; at the 
instigation (so, no doubt, it was Falsely rumoured, but the 
falsehood is significant) of the Pope himself.'^ The border 
of the Neapolitan kingdom was violated by the Pope s 
subjects of Reate ; the powerful Lords of Polito in the 
Capitanata renounced their allegiance to the King. 

*> Ric. de San Germ. p. 1005. * Hie. de San Germ. 

^ Urapergen. sub ann. 1228. 



Chap. XIII. FREDERICK EMBARKS. 333 

Frederick went down to Brundusium ; his fleet, only of 
twenty galleys, rode oflF the island of St. Andrew."* Mes- 
sengers from the Pope arrived peremptorily inhibiting his 
embarkation on the Crusade till he should have given 
satisfaction to the Church, and been released from her ban. 
Frederick paid no attention to the mandate ; he sailed to 
Otranto ; as he left that harbour, he sent the Archbishop 
of Bari and Count Henry of Malta to the Pope, to 
demand the abrogation of the interdict : they were rejected 
with scorn by Gregory." 

Frederick set sail with his small armament of twenty 
galleys, which contained at most six hundred Frederick 
knights, more, the Pope tauntingly declared, like ~^'**^* 
a pirate than a great sovereign. He could not await, 
perhaps he had no inclination to place himself at the head 
of a great Crusade, assembled from all quarters of the 
world, and so involve himself in a long war which he 
could not abandon without disgrace. He could not safely 
withdraw the main part of his ibrces, and expose his 
kingdom of Naples to the undisguised hostility of the 
Pope, with malcontents of all classes, especially the clergy, 
whom he had been forced to keep down with a strong 
hand. He was still in secret intelligence with the Sultan 
of Egypt, still hoped to acquire by peaceful negotiations 
what his predecessors had not been able to secure by war.** 
Frederick, after a prosperous voyage, landed at Cyprus; 
there, byactsof violence and treachery (the onlyac- 
count of these transactions is from hostile writers) ^^^^^^ 
he wrested the tutelage of the young King from John of 
Ibelin, whom he invited to a banquet, treated with honour 
as his own near kinsman, and then compelled to submit to 
his terms. But as the young King was cousin to his 
Empress lolante, his interference, which was solicited by 
some of the leading men in the island, may have rested 
on some asserted right as nearest of kin.P From Atptoiemaig 
Cyprus he sailed to Ptolemais: he was received ^ept.?!"^"' 

" Jordanm, in Raynald. sub ann. » See abore, p. 322. 
Andreas Dandolo, apud Muratori, xii. >• The mother of Henry of CvDms 

^^i'^^^^^ ^^7' , ^ ^ ^, „ was half-sister to Maria ^lolante. the 

• lieg. Gregor., quoted by Von Ran- mother of the Empress, 
mer, p. 445. 



334 LATIN CHRISTIAKITY. Book IX. 

with the utmost demonstrations of joy. The remnant of 
the pilgrims who had not returned to Europe welcomed 
their tardy deliverer as about to lead them to conquest ; 
the clergy and the people came forth in long processions ; 
the Knights of the Temple and St John knelt before the 
Emperor and kissed his knee ; but (inauspicious omen !) 
the clergy refused the kiss of peace, and declined all 
intercourse with one under the ban of the Church.^ At 
the head of a great force Frederick might have found it 
difficult to awe into concord the conflicting factions which 
divided the Christians in the Holy Land : they seemed to 
suspend their mutual animosities in their common jealousy 
Frederick of Frederick. The cold estrangement of the 
Sept. f . clergy quickened rapidly into open hostility. The 
active hatred of the Pope had instantly pursued the 
Emperor, even faster than his own fleet, to die Holy Land. 
Two Franciscan friars had been despatched in a fast 
sailing bark, to proclaim to the Eastern Christians that he 
was still under excommunication ; that all were to avoid 
him as a profane person. The Patriarch, the two Grand 
Masters of the. Orders, were to take measures that the 
Crusade was not desecrated by being under the banner of 
an excommunicated man, lest the affairs of the Christians 
should be imperilled. The Master of the Teutonic Order 
was to take the command of the German and Lombard 
pilgrims ; Richard the Marshal and Otho Peliard of the 
troops of the kingdoms of Jerusalem and Cyprus ; in his 
own camp the Emperor was to be without power, nothing 
was to be done in his name/ 

The Knights Templars and Knights of the Hospital 
oppoiitioaor hardly required to be stimulated by the Papal 
TvSSpuSlSi censures to the hatred of Frederick. These 
Hofpiuiien. associations, from bands of gallant knights vowed 
to protect the pilgrims to the Holy Sepulchre, and to 
perform other Cthristian services, had rapidly grown into 
powerful Orders, with vast possessions in every Christian 
kingdom ; and, themselves not strong enough to maintain 
the kingdom of Jerusalem, were jealous of all others. As 
yet they were stem bigots, and had not incurred those 

*> Math. Paris. Urapcrgens. sob ann. ' Richard de San Gennano, pu 1005. 



Chap. XIII. FREDERICK IN PALESTINE. 335 

suspicions which darkened around them at a later period 
in their history. Frederick had placed them under severe 
control, with all the other too zealous partisans of the 
Church, in his realm of Naples and Sicily. This was one 
of the acts which appears throughout among the charges 
of tyrannical maladministration in the Apulian kingdom. 
These religious Orders claimed the same exemptions, the 
same immunities, with other ecclesiastics : the mere fact 
that they were submitted to the severe and impartial 
taxation of Frederick would to them be an intolerable 
grievance. Their unnily murmurs, if not resistance, would 
no doubt provoke the haughty sovereign ; his haughtiness 
would rouse theirs to still more inflexible opposition. 
Perhaps Frederick's favour to the Teutonic Order might 
iurther exasperate their jealousy. They had alreadv filled 
the ears of the Pope with their clamours against 'f homas 
of Acerra, the Lieutenant of Frederick. Gregory had pro- 
claimed to Christendom, to France where the Templars 
were in great power, that " the worthy vicegerent of Fre- 
derick, that minister of Mahomet who scrupled not to 
employ his impious Saracens of Nocera against Christians 
and Churchmen in his Apulian kingdom, had openly taken 
part with the unbelievers against these true soldiers of the 
Cross." The Saracens, when the suspension of arms was 
at an end, had attacked a post of the Knights Templars, 
and had carried off a rich booty. The Templars had 
pursued the marauders, and rescued part of the spoil ; 
when Thomas of Acerra appeared at the head of his 
troops, and, instead of siding with the Christians, had com- 
pelled them to restore the booty to the Infidels. Such was 
their version of this affair," eagerly accredited by the Pope. 
It is more probable that the Lieutenant of the Emperor 
acted as General of the Christian forces ; and that this 
whole proceeding was in violation of his orders, as it clearly 
was on both sides, of the existing treaty. The Knights 
Templars and Hospitallers held themselves as entirely 
independent powers ; fought or refused to fight according 

' Letter of Gregory to the Legate in represented as in oommand of the 
France, in Math. Pans. Compare Hugo pilgrims. 
Plagen. where the Marshal Richard is 



336 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

to their own will and judgment ; formed no part of one 
great Christian army ; were amenable, in their own esti- 
mation, to no superior military rule. If they had refused 
obedience to the Lieutenant of the Emperor or the King 
of Jerusalem, they were not likely to receive commands 
from one under excommunication. Frederick himself soon 
experienced their utter contumacy. He commanded them 
to evacuate a castle called the Castle of the Pilgrims^ 
which he wished to garrison with his own troops. The 
Templars closed the gates in his face, and insultingly told 
him to go his way, or he might find himself in a place 
from whence he would not be able to make his way.* 

Frederick, however, with the main army of the pilgrims- 
was in high popularity ; they refused not to march under his 
standard ; he appeared to approve of their determination 
to break off the treaty, and to advance at once upon Jeru- 
salem. Frederick) to avoid this perpetual collision with 
his enemies, pitched his camp at Recordana, some distance 
without the gates of Ptolemais. He then determined to 
take possession of Joppa, and to build a strong fortress in 
that city. He summoned all the Christian forces to join him 
in this expedition. The Templars peremptorily refused, 
if the war was to be carried on, the orders issued to the 
camp, in the name of the excommunicated Emperor. 
Frederick commenced his inarch without them ; but mis- 
trusting the small number of his forces, was obliged to 
submit that all orders should be issued in the name of God 
and of Christianity. Frederick's occupation of Joppa, the 
port nearest to Jerusalem, was not only to obtain possession 
of a city in which he should be more completely master 
than in Ptolemais, and to strengthen the Christian cause 
by the erection of a strong citadel ; but as the jealous 
vigilance of his enemies discerned, to bring himself into 
closer neighbourhood with the Sultan of Egypt. Kameel, 
the Babylonian Sultan, as he was called from the Egyptian 
Babylon (Cairo), was encamped in great force near Gaza. 
The old amity, and more than the amity, something like a 
close league between the Sultan of Egypt and the Emperor 
Frederick, now appeared almost in its full maturity. 

' lingo Plagen. 



Chap. XIII. SULTAN KAMEEL OF EGYPT. 337 

Already, soon after the loss of Damietta and its recovery 
from the discomfited Christians, Sultan Kameel had sent 
his embassy to Frederick, avowedly because he was 
acknowledged to be the greatest of the Christian powers, 
and in Sicily ruled over Mohammedan subjects with 
mildness, if not with favour. The interchange of presents 
had been such as became two such splendid sovereigns.^ 
The secret of their negotiations, carried on by the mission 
of the Archbishop of Palermo to Cairo, of Fakreddin 
the favourite of Sultan Kameel to Sicily, could be no 
secret to the watchful emissaries of the Pope. 

There had been mortal tend between Malek Kameel of 
Egypt and Malek Moadhin of Dam ascus. Malek Moadhin 
had called in the formidable aid of Gelal-eddin, the Sultan 
of Kharismia, who had made great conquests in Georgia, 
the Greater Armenia, and Northern Syria. Sultan Kameel 
had not scrupled to seek the aid of the Christian against 
Moadhin ; no doubt to Frederick the lure was the peaceful 
establishment of the kingdom of Jerusalem, in close alli- 
ance with the Egyptian Sultan.' On the death of Moad- 
hin the Damascene, Sultan Kameel had marched at once 
into Syria, occupied Jerusalem, and the whole southern 
district : he threatened to seize the whole dominions of 
Moadhin. But a third brother, Malek Ashraf, Prince of 
Khelath, Edessa, and Haran on the Euphrates, took up the 
cause of David, the young son of Moadhin. The Christians, 
reinforced by Frederick's first armament under Thomas of 
Acerra, upon this had taken a more threatening attitude ; 
had begun to rebuild Sidon, to man other fortresses, and to 
make hostile incursions. Sultan Kameel afiected great 
dread of their power : he addressed a letter to his brother 
Ashraf, expressing his fears lest, to the disgrace of the 
Mohammedan name, the Christians should wrest Jeru- 
salem, the great conquest of Saladin, from the hands of 
the true believers. Ashraf was deceived, or chose to be 
deceived : he abandoned the cause of the young Sultan of 
Damascus ; he agreed to share in his spoils ; Sultan 
Kameel was to remain in Palestine master of Jerusalem, 
to oppose the Christians ; while Ashraf undertook the 

" See the Arabian history of the Patriarchs of Alexandria. ' Abulfeda. 

VOL. IV. Z 



338 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

siege of Damascus. Such was the state of affairs when 
Frederick suddenly landed at Ftolemais. Sultan Kameel 
repented that he had invited him; he had sought an 
alty, he feared a master. The name of the great Christian 
Emperor spread terror among the whole Mohammedan 
population/ Had Frederick, even though he brought 
80 inconsiderable a force, at once been recognised as 
the head of the Crusade ; had he been joined cordially by 
the Knights of the Temple and of the Hospital, his name 
had still been imposing, he might have dictated his own 
terms. The dissensions of the Christians were fatal — dis- 
sensions which could not be disguised from the sagacious 
Mohammedans. 

Almost the first act of King Frederick on his arrival 
in Palestine was an embassy, of Balian Prince of Tyre and 
Thomas of Acerra his Lieutenant, to the camp of his 
old ally Sultan Kameel ; they were received with great 
pomp ; the army drawn up in array. The embassy returned 
to Ptolemais with a huge elephant and other costly presents. 
The negotiations began at the camp of Recordana ; they 
were continued at Joppa. The demands of Frederick 
were no less than the absolute surrender of Jerusalem and 
all the adjacent districts ; the restoration of his kingdom 
to its iuU extent The Sultan, as much in awe of the 
zealots of Mohammedanism as Frederick of the zealots of 
Christianity, alleged almost insuperable difficulties. The 
Emir Fakreddin, the old friend of Frederick, and another 
named Shems Eddin, were constantly in the Christian camp. 
They not merely treated with the accomplished Emperor, 
who spoke Arabic fluently, on the subjects of their mission, 
but discussed all the most profound questions of science 
and philosophy. Sultan Kameel affected the character of 
a patron of learning; Frederick addressed to him a number 
of those philosophic enigmas which exercise and delight 
the ingenious Oriental mind. Their intercourse was com- 
pared to that of the Queen of Sheba and Solomon. There 
were other Eastern amusements not so becoming the 
Christian Emperor. Christian ladies met the Moham- 
medan del^ates at feasts, it was said with no advantage 

^ Abulfeda. 



Chap. XUI. FREDERICK AND KAMEEL. 339 

to their virtue. Among the Sultan's presents was a bevy 
of dancing girls, whose graceful feats the Emperor beheld 
with too great interest, and was not, it was said, insensible 
to their beauty- The Emperor wore the Saracen dress ; 
he became, in the estimation of the stern Churchmen, a 
Saracen.* 

The treaty dragged slowly on. Sultan Eameel could 
not be ignorant of the hostility against Frederick in the 
Christian camp : if he had been ignorant, the knowledge 
would have been forced upon him. The Emperor, by no 
means superior even to the superstition of the land, had 
determined to undertake a pilgrimage almost alone, and 
in a woollen robe, to bathe in the Jordan. The Templars 
wrote a letter to betray his design to the Sultan, that he 
might avail himself of this opportunity of seizing and 
making Frederick prisoner, or even of putting him to death. 
The Sultan sent the letter to the Emperor.* From Ne«>tuti<nia 
all these causes, the tone of the Sultan naturally Kameei 
rose, that of Frederick- was lowered, by the treason of which 
he was obliged to dissemble his knowledge, as he could not 
revenge it. Eastern interpreters are wont to translate all 
demands made of their sovereigns into humble petitions. 
The Arabian historian has thus, perhaps, selecting a few 
sentences out of a long address, toned down the words of 
Frederick to Sultan Kameel to abject supplication. " I 
am thy friend. Thou art not ignorant that I am the 
greatest of the Kings of the West It is thou that hast 
invited me to this land ; the Kings and the Pope are well 
informed of my journey. If I return having obtained 
nothing, I shall forfeit all consideration with them. And 
afler all, Jerusalem, is it not the birthplace of the Christian 
religion ? and have you not destroyed it ? It is in the 
lowest state of ruin ; out of your goodness surrender it to 
me as it is, that I may be able to lift up my head among 

' " Qnod cum maximft verecondi& Cam quibos idem princeiNi h^jus mimdi 

referimusetnibore, ImperatoriSoldaniu yigiliis, potationibas, et indumeutis, et 

aadiens quod secundum morem Sara- omni modo SarraeenuB se gerebat." — 

cenicum se haberet, misit cautatrices Epist. Ceroid, apud Rajnald. 1229, v. 

qusB et saltatrices dicuDtur, et jocu- * Mathew Paris, and the Arabian his- 

latores, personas quidem non solum torians in Reinaod., p. 429. Addition to 

iufiimes verum etiam de quibus inter Michaod. 
Christianos haberi mentio non debebat. 

z 2 



340 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

the kings of Christendom. I renounce at once all advan- 
tages which I may obtain from it." To Fakreddin, in 
more intimate converse, he acknowledged, according to 
another Eastern account, ** My object in coming hither 
was not to deliver the Holy City, but to maintain my 
estimation among the Franks." He had before made 
large demands of commercial privileges, the exemption of 
tribute for his merchants in the ports of Alexandria and 
Rosetta. The terms actually obtained, at their lowest 
amount, belie this humiliating petition. The whole nego- 
tiation was a profound secret to all but Frederick and the 
immediate aaherents to whom he condescended to com- 
municate it. 

At length Frederick summoned four Syrian Barons : he 
explained to them that the state of his affairs, the 
utter exhaustion of his finances, made it impos- 
sible for him to remain in the Holy Land. There were 
still stronger secret reasons for hastening the conclusion 
of the treaty. A fast^sailing vessel had been despatched to 
Joppa, which announced that the Papal army had broken 
into Apulia, and were laying waste the whole land, and 
threatened to wrest from Frederick his beloved kingdom of 
Sicily. The Sultan of Babylon, he told the Barons, had 
offered to surrender Jerusalem, and other advantageous 
conditions. He demanded their advice. The Barons replied 
that under such circumstances it might be well to accept 
Terms of ^^^ tcrms ? but thcv insisted on the right of for- 
*^*y- tifying the walls of Jerusalem. The Emperor then 
summoned the Grand Masters of the Temple and the Hos- 
pital and the English Bishops of Winchester and Exeter ; 
he made the same statement to them. They answered, 
that no such treaty could be made without the assent of 
the Patriarch of Jerusalem, in his double capacity as 
head of the Syrian Church and Legate of the Pope. 
Frederick superciliously replied that he could dispense 
with the assent of the Patriarch. Ceroid, before his 
adversary, became his most implacable foe. 

One week afler the first interview the treaty was 
signed : there is much discrepancy in the articles 
between the Mohammedan and Christian ac- 



Chap. XIII. TERMS OF THE TREATY. 341 

counts ; the Mohammedans restrict, the Christians enlarge 
the concessions. The terms transmitted by the Patriarch 
to the Pope, translated from the Arabic into the French, 
were these : — I. The entire surrender of Jerusalem to the 
Emperor and his Prefects. II. Except the site of the 
Temple, occupied by the Mosque of Omar, which remained 
absolutely in the power of tihe Saracens : they held the 
keys of the gates. III. The Saracens were to have free 
access as pilgrims to perform their devotions at Bethlehem. 
IV. Devout Christians were only permitted to enter and 
pray within the precincts of the Temple on certain con- 
ditions. V. All wrong committed by one Saracen upon 
another in Jerusalem was to be judged before a Mussul- 
man tribunal. VI. The Emperor was to give no succour 
to any Frank or Saracen, who should be engaged in war 
against the Saracens, or suffer any violation of the truce. 
VII. The Emperor was to recall all who were engaged in 
any invasion of the territory of the Sultan of Egypt, and 
prohibit to the utmost of his power every violation of such 
territory. VIII. In case of such violation of the treaty, 
the Emperor was to espouse and defend the cause of the 
Sultan of Egypt. IX. Tripoli, Antioch, Karak, and their 
dependencies were not included in this treaty.** 

The German pilgrims rejoiced without disguise at this 
easy accomplishment of their vows; they were eager to 
set out to offer their devotions in the Holy Sepulchre. 
Frederick himself determined to accomplish his own pil- 
grimage, and to assume in his capital the crown of the 
kingdom of Jerusalem. Attended by the faithful J^^*^ ^ 
Master of the Teutonic Knights, Herman of March i?' 
Salza, and accompanied by Schems-eddin, the Saracen Kadi 
of Naplous, he arrived on the eve of Sunday the 19th of 
March in Jerusalem : he took up his lodging in the 
neighbourhood of the Temple, now a Mohammedan 
mosque, under the guardianship of the Kadi ; there were 

^ These articles are obvioasly inoom- the Emperor to rebuild the walls of 
plete ; they do not describe the extent Jerusalem ; nor of the condition that 
of the. concessions, which, according to the Saracens were only to enter Jen- 
other statements, included, with Jerusa- salem unarmed, and not to pass the 
lem, Bethlehem, Nazareth, and the whole ni^ht within the walls. The important 
district between Joppa and Jerusalem, stipulation of the surrender of all Chris- 
There is nothing said, if anythiuff was tian prisoners without ransom is alto* 
deflnitiTely agr^, as to the right of gether onutted. 



342 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

fears lest he should be attacked by some Mohammedan 
ianatic. But the Emperor had not arrived in Jerusalem 
before the Archbishop of Caesarea appeared with instructions 
from the Patriarch of Jerusalem to declare him under ex- 
communication, and to place the city of Jerusalem under the 
ban. Even the Sepulchre of the Lord was under interdict ; 
the prayers of the pilgrims even in that holiest place were 
forbidden, or declared unholy. No Christian rite could 
be celebrated before the Christian Emperor, and that dis- 
grace was inflicted in the face of all the Mohammedans. 

Immediately on his arrival the Emperor visited the 
Church of the Holy Sepulchre. The church was silent ; 
not a priest appeared : during his stay no mass was 
celebrated within the city or in the suburbs. An English 
Dominican named Walter performed one solitary ser- 
vice on the morning of the Sunday. Frederick pro- 
ceeded i^ain in great pomp and in all his imperial 
apparel to the Church of the Sepulchre. No prelate, 
no priest of the Church of Jerusalem was there who 
ventured to utter a blessing. The Archbishops of Palermo 
and of Capua were present, but seem to have taken 
no part in the ceremony. The imperial crown was 
ooTonatian of placcd ou the high altar ; Frederick took it up 
^'"^®*^**' and with his own hands placed it on his head. 
The Master of the Teutonic Order delivered an address in 
the name of the Emperor, which was read in German, in 
French, in Latin, and in Italian. It ran in this strain : 
" It is well known that at Aix-la-Chapelle I took the 
Cross of my own free will. Hitherto insuperable diffi- 
culties have impeded the fulfilment of my vow. I acquit 
the Pope for his hard judgment of me and for my excom- 
munication : in no other way could he escape the blas- 
phemy and evil report of men. I exculpate him further 
for his writing against me to Palestine in so hostile a 
spirit, for men had rumoured that I had levied my army 
not against the Holy Land, but to invade the Papal States. 
Had the Pope known my real design, he would have 
written not against me, but in my favour : did he know 
how many are acting here to the prejudice of Christianity, 
he would not pay so much respect to their complaints and 
representations. ... I would willingly do all which shall 



Chap. Xin. FREDERICK AT JERUSALEM. 343 

expose those real enemies and false friends of Christ who 
delight in discord, and so put them to shame by the 
restoration of peace and unity. I will not now think of 
the high estate which is my lot on earth, but humble 
myself before God to whom I owe my elevation, and 
before him who is his Vicar upon earth Z'** The Emperor 
returned through the streets wearing the crown of Jeru- 
salem. The same day he visited the site of the Temple, 
whereon stood the Mosque of Omar. 

The zealous Mohammedans were in bitter displeasure 
with Frederick, as having obtained from their easy Sultan 
the possession of the Holy City ; yet their religious pride 
watched all his actions, and construed every word and act 
into a contempt of the Christian faith, ana his respect, if 
not more than respect, for Islam. The Emir Schems-eddin, 
so writes the Arabic historian, had issued rigid orders that 
nothing should be done which could offend the Emperor. 
The house where the Emperor slept was just below the 
minaret from which the Muezzin was wont to proclaim the 
hour of prayer. But in Jenisalem the Muezzin did more. 
He read certain verses of the Koran ; on that night the text, 
^^ How is it possible that God had for his son Jesus the 
son of Mary ?" The Kadi took alarm ; he silenced alto- 
gether the ofBcious Muezzin. The Emperor listened in 
vain for that sound which in the silent night is so solemn 
and impressive. He inquired the reason of this silence, 
which had continued for two days. The Kadi gave the 
real cause, the fear of offending the Christian Emperor. 
"You are wrong," said Frederick, " to neglect on my 
account your duty, your law, and your religioq. By 
God, if you should visit me in my realm, you would find 
no such respectful deference." The Emperor had de- 
clared that one of the chief objects of his visit to the Holy 
Land was to behold the Mohammedans at prayer. He 
stood in wondering admiration before the Mosque of 
Omar; he surveyed the pulpit from which the Imaun 

" If this is the genuine speech, quoted cnsando malitiam suam et accmando 

by Von Raumer from Uie unpublished ecdesiam Romanam, imponens ei quod 

Regesta in the Papal archives, it may injust^ processerat contra eum ; et nota- 

show the malice of the Patriarch Ceroid, bilem earn fecerat invectiye et repre- 

who thus describes it : — " Ita coronatus hensive de insatiabili et simoniali ava- 

resedit in cathedrft Patriarchatus ex- ritia." 



344 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

delivered his sermons. A Christian priest had found his 
way into the precincts with the book of 'the Gospels in his 
hand ; the Emperor resented this as an insult to the re- 
ligious worship of the Mohammedans, and threatened to 
Eunish it as a signal breach of the treaty. The Arabic 
istorian puts into his mouth these words : " Here we are 
all the servants of the Sultan ; it is he that has restored to 
us our Churches." So writes the graver historian.* There 
is a description of Frederick's demeanour in the Temple 
by an eye-witness, one of the ministering attendants, in 
which the same ill-suppressed aversion to the uncircum- 
cised is mingled with the desire to claim an imperial 
proselyte. " The Emperor was red-haired and bald, with 
weak sight ; as a slave he would not have sold for more 
than 200 drachms." 

Frederick's language showed (so averred some Mo- 
hammedans) that he did not believe the Christian re- 
ligion; he did not scruple to jest upon it. He read 
without anger, and demanded the explanation of the 
inscription in letters of gold, ^^ Saladin, in a certain year, 
purified the Holy City from the presence of those who wor- 
ship many Gods,"® The windows of the Holy Chapel were 
closely barred to keep out the defilements of the birds. 
" You may shut out the birds," said Frederick, " how will 
ye keep out the swine ? " At noon, at the hour of prayer, 
when all the faithful fall on their knees in adoration, the 
Mohammedans in attendance on Frederick did the same ; 
among the rest the aged preceptor of Frederick, a Sicilian 
Mussulman who had instructed him in dialectics. Fre- 
derick, in this at least not going beyond the bounds of wise 
tolerance, betrayed neither surprise nor dissatisfaction. 

After but two days the Emperor retired from the inter- 
dicted city ; if he took no steps to restore the walls, some part 
of the blame must attach to his religious foes, who pursued 
him even into the Holy City with such inexorable hostility. 

Both the Emperor and the Sultan had wounded the 
Unpopularity pHdc, and ofiended the religious prejudices of 
of ic treaty, jj^^ moTe zcalous amoug their people. To some 

** Makrizi, in Reinaad. 

' The Mohammedans so define the worshippers of the Trinity. 



Chap. XIU. ANGER OP MOHAMMEDANS AT THE TREATY. 345 

the peaceful settlement of the war between Christian and 
Mussulman was of itself an abomination, a degenerate in- 
fringement of the good old usage, which arrayed them 
against each other as irreclaimable enemies ; the valiant 
Christians were deprived of the privilege of obtaining re- 
mission of their sms by the pillage and massacre of the 
Islamites : the Islamites of winning Paradise by the 
slaughter of Christians. The Sultan of Egypt, so rude 
was the shock throughout the world of Islam, was obliged 
to send ambassadors to the Caliph of Bagdad and to the 
Princes on the Euphrates to explain his conduct The 
surrender of Jerusalem was the great cause of affliction 
and shame. The Sultan in vain alleged that it was but 
the unwalled and defenceless city that he yielded up; 
there were bitter lamentations among all the Moslems, 
who were forced to depart from their homes ; sad verses 
were written and sung in the streets. The Imauns of 
the Mosque of Omar went in melancholy procession to 
the Sultan to remonstrate. They attempted to overawe 
him by proclaiming an unusual hour of prayer. Kameel 
treated them with great indignity, and sent them back 
stripped of their silver lamps, and other ornaments of the 
Mosque. In Damascus was the most loud and bitter 
lamentation. The Sultan of Damascus was besieged in 
his capital by Malek el Ashraf. The territory, now 
basely yielded to the Christians, was part of his kingdom ; 
he was the rightful Lord of Jerusalem. There an Imaun 
of great sanctity, the historian Ibn Dschusi himself, was 
summoned to preach to the people on this dire calamity. 
The honour of Islam was concerned ; he mounted the 
pulpit : "So then the way to the Holy City is about to 
be closed to faithful pilgrims : you who love communion 
with God in that hallowed place can no longer prostrate 
yourself, or water the ground with your tears. Great 
God! if our eyes were fountains, could we shed tears 
enough ? If our hearts were cloven could we be afflicted 
enough ?" The whole assembly burst into a wild wail of 
sorrow and indignation.' 

Frederick announced this treaty in Western Christen- 

' Reinand. Extrait des Auteon Arabes. — Wilken, ti. p. 493. 



346 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

dom in the most magnificent terms. His letter to the Kin^ 
of England bears date on the day of his entrance into 
Jerusalem. He ascribes his triumph to a miracle wrought 
by the Lord of Hosts, who seemed no longer to delight 
in the multitude of armed men. In the face of two great 
armies, that of the Sultan of Egypt and of Sultan Ashraf 
encamped near Gaza, and that of the Sultan (David) of 
Damascus at Naplous, Jerusalem, Bethlehem, Nazareth^ 
the district of Sharon, and Sidon, had been freely ceded 
to him : the Mohammedans were only by sufferance to 
enter the Holy City. The Sultan had bound himself to 
surrender all prisoners, whom he ought to have released 
by the treaty of Damietta, and all who had been taken 
since.^ The seal of this letter bore a likeness of the 
Emperor, with a scroll : over his head " the Emperor of 
the jRomans," on the right shoulder " the King of Jeru- 
salem,** on the left " the King of Sicily." 

Far different was the reception of the treaty by the 
Pope, and by all who sided with, or might be expected 
to side with, the Pope. It was but a new manifestation 
of the perfidy, the contumacy, the ingratitude to the 
Church, the indifference of the Emperor to religion, if not 
of his apostasy. A letter arrived, and was actively pro- 
mulgated through Western Christendom, from Gerold, 
Patriarch of Jerusalem, describing in the blackest colours 
every act of the Emperor. In the treaty the dignity, the 
interests of religion and of the Church, the dignity and 
interests of the Patriarch, had been, it might seem, stu- 
diously neglected ; even in the territory conceded by the 
Sultan some of the lands belonging to the Knights 
Templars were comprehended, none of those claimed by 
the Patriarch. Gerold overlooked his own obstinate hos- 
tility to Frederick, while he dwelt so bitterly on that of 
Frederick to himself. The letter began with Frederick's 
lietterofthe occuDatiou of Joopa ; his avowed partiality to 
Patriarch. j.|j^ interests of the Mohammedans, his neglect, 
or worse, of the Christians. At least five hundred Christians 
had fallen since his arrival, not ten Saracens. All ex- 
cesses, all breaches of the truce were visited severely on the 

f The letter in Matthew Paris. 



Chap. XIII. POPE CONDEMNS THE TREATY. 347 

Christians, connived at or disregarded in the Mohamme- 
dans. A Saracen who had been plundered was sent back 
in splendid apparel to the Sultan. All the Emperor's 
suspicious intercourse with the Saracens, his Mohammedan 
luxuries, his presents of splendid arms to be used by 
Infidels against true Believers, were recounted ; the secresy 
of the treaty and its acceptance with the signature of the 
Sultan as its sole guarantee. The Master of the Teutonic 
Order had insidiously invited him (the Patriarch) to accom- 
pany the Emperor to Jerusalem. He had demanded first 
to see the treaty. There he found that the Sultan of Da- 
mascus, the true Lord of Jerusalem, was no party to the 
covenant ; " there were no provisions in favour of himself 
or of the Church ; how could he venture his holy person 
within the power of the treacherous Sultan and his unbe- 
lieving host ?" The letter closed with a strong complaint 
that the Emperor had left the city without rebuilding the 
walls. But the Patriarch admitted that Frederick had 
consulted the Bishops of Winchester and Exeter, the 
Master of the Hospitallers, the •Praeceptor of the Temple, 
to advise and aid him in this work : their reply had been 
cold and dilatory ; and Frederick departed firom the 
city.^ 

Even before the arrival of Gerold's letters, the Pope, 
in a letter to the Archbishop of Milan and his Letter of 
suffragans, all liegemen of the Emperor, had de- iJffi^ 
nounced the treaty as a monstrous reconciliation <»'m"^ 
of Christ and Belial ; as the establishment of the worship 
of Mohammed in the Temple of God ; and thus " the anta- 
gonist of the Cross, the enemy of the faith, the foe of all 
chastity, the condemned to hell, is lifted up for adoration, 
by a perverse judgment, to the intolerable contumely of the 
Saviour, the inexpiable disgrace of the Christian name, the 
contempt of all the martyrs who have laid down their lives 
to purify the Holy Land from the worldly pollutions of 
the Saracens.*' * 

Albert of Austria, the most powerful enemy who might 
be tempted to revolt against Frederick in his German 

^ Epist. Ceroid, Patriarchs, apud Matth. Paris. 
* A Imper. Mediol. Jane 13, 1229. 



348 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

dominions, the greatest and most dangerous vassal of the 
Empire, the Pope addressed at greater lengthy 
and with a more distinct enumeration of four 
flagitious enormities with which he especially charged the 
Emperor. First, he had shamelessly presented the sword 
and other arms which he had received from the altar of 
St. Peter, blessed by the Pope himself, for the defence of 
Letter to thc faith, and the chastisement of the wicked, to 
▲ostru. the Sultan of Babylon, the enemy of the faith, the 
adversary of Christ Jesus, the worshipper of Mohammed, 
the son of Perdition ; he had promised not to bear arms 
against the Sultan, against whom as Emperor he was bound 
to wage implacable war. The second was a more execrable 
and more stupendous offence; in the Temple of God, 
where Christ made his offering, where he had sat on his 
cathedral throne in the midst of the doctors, the Emperor 
had cast Christ forth, and placed Mohammed, that son of 
perdition ; he had commanded the law of God to keep 
silence, and permitted the free preaching of the Koran : to 
the Infidels he had left the keys of the Sanctuary, so that no 
Christian might enter without their sufferance. Thirdly, 
he had excluded the Eastern Christians of Antioch, Tri- 
poli, and other strong places, from the benefit of the treaty, 
and so betrayed the Christian cause in the East to the 
enemy. Lastly, he had so bound himself by this wicked 
league, that if the Christian army should attempt to 
revenge the insult done to the Redeemer, to cleanse the 
Temple and the City of God from the defilements of the 
Pagans, the Emperor had pledged himself to take part 
with the foe. Albert of Austria is exhorted to disclaim all 
allegiance to one guilty of such capital treason against the 
majesty of (xod, to hold himself ready at the summons of 
the Church to take up arms against the Emperor. 

The last acts of Frederick in Palestine are dwelt upon 
both by the Patriarch and the Pope ; they are known almost 
entirely by these unfriendly representations. Frederick 
returned from Joppa to Ptolemais in no placable mood with 
his implacable enemies leagued against him in civil war.*^ 

^ '* Pneterea qualiter contra ipsam redeuntem, pnedicti Patriarchse, Ma- 
Imperatorem, apud Aeon, postmodum gistri domaom hospitaUs et templi le 



Chap. XHI. LAST ACTS OP FREDERICK IN PALESTINE. 349 

The Patriarch had attempted to raise an independent 
force at his own command : if the pilgrims should retire 
from the Holy Land he would need a bodyguard for 
his holy person. He proposed, out of some large sums of 
money left for the benefit of the sacred cause by Philip- 
Augustus of France, to enrol a band of knights, a new 
Order, for this end. Frederick declared that no one should 
levy or command soldiers within his realm without his 
will and consent With the inhabitants of Ptolemais 
Frederick had obtained, either by his affable demeanour 
or by his treaty, great popularity. He summoned a great 
assembly of all Christian people on the broad sands with- 
out the city. There he arose and arraigned the Patriarch 
and the Master of the Templars as having obstinately 
thwarted all his designs for the advancement of the 
Christian cause, and having pursued him with their blind 
and obstinate hostility. He summoned all the pilgrims, 
having now fulfilled their vows, to depart from the Holy 
Land, and commanded his Lieutenant, Thomas de Acerra, 
to compel obedience to these orders. He was deaf to all 
remonstrance ; on his return to the city, he seized all the 
gates, manned them with his crossbow-men, and while he 
permitted all the Knights Templars to leave the city, he 
would admit none. He took possession of the churches, 
and occupied them with his archers. The Patriarch as- 
sembled all his adherents, and all the Templars still within 
the city, and again thundered out his excommunication. 
Frederick kept him almost as a prisoner in his palace ; 
his partisans were exposed to every insult and attack, 
even those who were carrying provisions to the palace. 
Two bold Franciscans, who on Palm Sunday paimsundv. 
denounced him in the Church, were dragged ^p'***- 
from the pulpit, and scourged through the streets. But 
these violences availed not against the obstinate endurance 
of the Churchmen. After some vain attempts at recon- 
ciliation, the Patriarch placed the city of Ptolemais under 

^esseriDt, utpote (|m coDtra ipsum, and grantB he made to the Teutonic 

intestina beUa movennt in civitste prte- Order : it is manifest that his object was 

dict&, his qui interfaeruot luce clarius to raise up a loyal counterpoise to the 

extitit manifestum."— Rich. San Germ. Templars and Uospitallers. — Boehmer, 

It is remarkable how many privileges Regesta, sub ann. 



350 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

interdict These are not all the charges against Frede- 
rick ; it was made a crime that he destroyed some of his 
ships, probably unserviceable : his arms and engines of 
war he is said to have sent to the Sultan of Egypt 

On the day of St Peter and St Paul the Emperor set 
sail for Europe : his presence was imperiously 
*^'' required. In every part of his dominions the 
Pope, with the ambitious activity of a temporal sovereign^ 
and with all the tremendous arms wielded by the spiritual 
power, was waging a war either in open arms, or in secret 
intrigues with his unruly and disaffected vassals. The 
ostensible cause of the war was the aggression of Fre- 
Wtf iB derick's vicegerent in Apulia, Reginald Duke of 
-^""'^ Spoleto. Frederick had left Reginald to subdue 
the revolt of the powerful family of Polito. These 
rebels had taken refuge in the Papal territory ; they were 
pursued by Reginald. But once beyond the Papal fron- 
tier the Duke of Spoleto extended his ravages, it might 
seem reviving certain claims of his own on the Dukedom 
of Spoleto. Frederick afterwards disclaimed these acts of 
his lieutenant, and declared that he had punished him for 
the infringement of his orders.*^ But the occasion was too 
welcome not to be seized by the Pope. He levied at once 
large forces, placed them under the command of Fre- 
derick's most deadly enemies, his father-in-law, John de 
Brienne, the ejected King of Jerusalem, and the Cardinal 
John Colonna, with the king's revolted subjects, the 
Counts of Celano and of Aquila; the martial Legate 
Pelagius, who had commanded the army of Damietta, 
directed the whole force. A report of Frederick's death 
in Palestine (a fraud of which he complains with the 
bitterest indignation) was industriously disseminated. 
John de Brienne even ventured to assert that there was 
no Emperor but himself. The Papal armies at first met 
with great success ; many cities from fear, from disaffec- 
tion to Frederick, from despair of relief, opened their 
gates. The soldiers of the Church committed devasta- 
tions almost unprecedented even in these rude wars. But 

"* The most particular account of these wars is in Rich, de San Germano, apad 
Muratori, t yii. 



CHAP.Xin. ENGLAND. 351 

Gregory was not content with this limited war ; he strove 
to arm all Christendom against the contumacious Em- 
peror who defied the Church. From the remotest parts, 
from Wales, Ireland, England large contributions were 
demanded, and in many cases extorted, for this holy war. 
Just at this juncture England contributed in a peculiar 
manner, even beyond her customary tribute, to the Papal 
treasury : the whole of such revenue was devoted to this 
end. 

A dispute was pending in the Court of Rome concern- 
ing the See of Canterbury. On the death of Election to 
Archbishop Stephen, the monks of Canterbury tf^^J^, 
elected Walter of Hevesham to the primacy. J**^****- 
The King refiised his assent, and the objections urged 
were sufficiently strange, whether well-founded or but fic- 
titious, against a man chosen as the successor of Becket 
The father of Walter, it was said, had been hanged for 
robbery, and Walter himself, during the interdict, had 
embraced the party opposed to King John. The sufiragan 
bishops (they always resented their exclusion from the 
election) accused Walter of having debauched a nun, by 
whom he had several children. Appeal was made to 
Rome ; the Pope delayed his sentence for further inquiry. 
The ambassadors of the King, the Bishops of Chester and 
Rochester, and John of Newton in vain laboured to obtain 
the Papal decision. One only ailment would weigh 
with the Pope and the Cardinals. At length they engaged 
to pay for this tardy justice the tenth of all moveable pro- 
perty in the realm of England and Ireland in order to aid 
the rope in his war against the Emperor. Even then the 
alleged immoralities were put out of sight; the elected 
Primate of England was examined by three Cardinals on 
certain minute points of theology, and condemned as un- 
worthy of so noble a see, ^^ which ought to be tilled by a 
man noble, wise, and modest"'' Richard, Bishop of Lin- 
coln, was proposed in the name of the King and the suf- 

* He was asked whether our Lord on the power of an excommanication, 
descended into hell, in the flesh or not unrightly pronounced ; on a case of mar- 
in the flesh ; on the presence of Christ ria^e, where one of the parties had died 
in the sacrament ; how Rachel, heing in mfidelity. To all these his answers 
alreadjrdead,coaldweepforherchildren; were wrong. 



352 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

fragan bishops, and received his appointment by a Papal 
Bull. In France, besides the exertions of the Legate, the 
Archbishops of Sens and of Lyons were commanded by 
the Pope himself to publish the grave offences of Frederick 
against the Holy See, and to preach the Crusade against 
him. In Germany, Albert of Austria had been ui^ed to 
revolt; in the North and in Denmark the Legate, the 
Cardinal Otho, preached and promulgated the same Cru- 
sade.'' He laid Liege under an interdict, and King Henry 
raised an army to besiege the Cardinal in Strasburg. The 
Pope praised, as inspired by the Holy Ghost, the chival- 
rous determination of the Prince of Portugal, to take up 
arms in defence of the Church of Christ. The Lombards, 
on the other hand, were sternly rebuked for their tardi- 
ness in sending aid against the common enemy, the Pope 
gave them a significant hint that the deserters of the cause 
of the Church might be deserted ui their turn in their 
hour of need. 

The rapid return of the Emperor disconcerted all these 
May IB and hostilc mcasurcs. With two well-armed barks he 
iStonir^' landed at Astore, near Brundusium ; many of the 
*'*^***^**- brave German pilgrims followed afler and rapidly 
grew to a formidable force. His first act was to send 
ambassadors to the Pope, the Archbishop of Bari, the 
Bishop of Reggio, and Herman de Salza, the master of the 
Teutonic order. The overtures were rejected with scorn. 
An excommunication even more strong and offensive had 
been issued by the Pope at Perugia.^ The first clause de- 
nounced all the heretics with names odious to all zealous 
believers. The Cathari, the Publicans, the Poor Men of 
Lyons, the Amaldists, and under the same terrific ana- 
thema as no less an enemy of the Church, followed the 
Emperor Frederick ; his contumacious disregard of the 
excommunication pronounced by the Cardinal of Albano 
was thus placed on the same footing with the wildest 
opinions and those most hostile to the Church. Afler 
the recital of his offences, the . release of all his subjects 
from their allegiance, came the condemnation of his adhe- 

*^ Raynald. in noUl. June, not in August. See Boehmer, p. 

^ This bull must have been issued in 395. Raynaldus, sub ann. 



Chap. XIH. CHRISTENDOM AGAINST THE POPE. 353 

rents, Reginald of Spoleto and his brother Bertoldo. With 
the other enemies of the Church were mingled up the 
Count de Foix, and the Viscount of Beziers; the only 
important names which now represented the odious heresy 
of Southern France. Some lesser offenders were included 
under the comprehensive ban. These were all, if not leagued 
together under the same proscription, alike denounced as 
enemies of God and of the Church. The conquering army 
of the Pope was on all sides arrested, repelled, defeated ; 
the rebellious barons and cities returned to their allegi- 
ance ; Frederick marched to the relief of Capua ; the 
strength of the Papal force broke up in confusion. Fre- 
derick moved to Naples where ne was received in 
triumph. In Capua he had organized the Saracens whom 
he had removed from Sicily, where they had been a wild 
mountain people, untameably and utterly lawless, to No- 
cera, where he had settled them, foreseeing probably their 
future use as now inhabitants of walled cities and culti- 
vators of the soil. This was a terrible force to the rebel- 
lious churchmen who had espoused the Papal cause. 
From San Germano Frederick sent forth his counter 
appeal to the Sovereigns of Europe, representing the 
violence, the injustice, the implacable resentment of the 
Pope. The appeal could not but have some effect. 

Christendom, even among the most devout adherents of 
the Papal supremacy, refused to lend itself to the Christendom 
fiery passions of the aged Pope. The Pope was pt^pe.* 
yet too awful to be openly condemned, but the general 
reluctance to embrace his cause was the strongest con- 
demnation. Men throughout the Christian world could 
not but doubt by which party the real interests of the 
Eastern Christians had been most betrayed and injured. 
The fierce enthusiasm which would not receive advantages 
unless won fi-om the unbeliever at the point of the 
sword had died away : men looked to the effect of the 
treaty, they compared it with the results of all the Cru- 
sades since that of Godfrey of Bouillon. Jerusalem, the 
Holy Sepulchre, were in the power of the Christians : 
devout pilgrims might perform unmolested their pious 
vows ; multitudes of Christians had taken up their abode 

VOL. IV. 2 A 



354 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

in seeming security in the city of Sion. But if, thus tram- 
melled, opposed, pursued by the remorseless excommu- 
nication into the Holv Sepulchre itself Frederick by the 
awe of his imperial name, by his personal greatness, had 
obtained such a treaty; what terms might he not have 
dictated, if supported by the Pope, the Patriarch, and 
Knights Templars."^ Treaties with the Mohammedan 
powers were nothing new ; they had been lately made by 
Philip Augustus, and by the fierce Bichard Coeur de Lion. 
The Christians had never disdained the policy of taking 
advantage of the feuds among the Mohammedan sove- 
reigns, of allying themselves with the Sultan of Egypt 
or the Sultan of Damascus. Even the Pope himself had 
not disdained all peaceful intercourse with the Unbelievers. 
Frederick positively asserted that he had surprised and 
had in his possession letters addressed by the Pope to 
Sultan Kameel, urging him to break off his negotiations 
with the Emperor. Gregory afterwards denied the truth 
of this charge; but it was publicly averred, and proof 
offered, in the face of Christendom.^ Frederick had ap- 
pealed to witnesses of all his acts, and they, at all events 
the English Bishops of Winchester and Exeter, the 
Master of the Hospitallers, the Master of tJie Teutonic 
Order, had given no countenance to the envious and ran- 
corous charges of the Patriarch. 

There was a deeper cause of dissatisfaction throughout 
that Hierarchy, to which the Pope had always looked for 
the most zealous and self-sacrificing aid. The clergy felt 
the strongest repugnance to the levy of a tenth demanded 
by the Pope throughout Christendom, to maintain wars, if 
not unjust, unnecessary against the Emperor. No doubt 

^ It has been observed that the three better terms. Compare Muratori, Aunal. 

contemporary historians, Matthew Paris, d'ltalia, sab ann. ; and in Wilken the 

the Abbot Urspecgenas, and Richard of extract from Theuerdank :— 

San Germane, are all against the Pope. « Wilren dem Kaiaer die gesttnden, 

" Verisimile enim videtor, quod si tunc Me Ihm sin Ebre wuMlen (entwaodten) 

Imperator com irratift ae pace Romanie 5?* OJ*^*"*** *o« <"«* lfn<t 

^eri. tnuunwet. lonp melia.. et Sll^SSK'SlB.SaSr °^= 

emcacioK prosperatom tuisset negotium Der Ionian und Jenualem, 

TerrsB Sancts. — Richard de San Ger- Iauq manig belUg Stat, 

mano adds, that if the Saltan had not £» Qott mJt aeinem FOaMn timt. 

known that Frederick was excomma- ^Fri«w«lJ«da, &c. 

nicated by the Pope, and hated by the — Wilken, ti. p. 509. 

PatriarcK, he would have granted much ' Epist Petr. de VineE. 



Chap. Xin. POPE GREGORY IN ROME. 355 

the lavish and partial favour with which he treated the 
Preaching and Begging Friars had already awakened 
jealousy. Gregory had sagaciously discerned the strength 
which their influence in the lowest depths of society would 
gain for the Papal cause. He had solemnly canonised 
Francis of Assisi* — one of his most confidential 
counsellors was the Dominican Gualo. So active 
had the Friars been in stirring up revolt in the kingdom of 
Naples, that the first act of Reginald of Spoleto had beei? 
their expulsion from the realm. 

Christendom had eagerly rushed into a Crusade against 
the unbelievers; it had not ventured to disapprove a 
Crusade against the heretics of Langucdoc ; but a Crusade 
(for under that name Gregory IX. levied this war) against 
the Emperor, and that Emperor the restorer of the King- 
dom of Jerusalem, was encountered with sullen repug- 
nance or frank opposition. It was observed as a strange 
sight that when Frederick's troops advanced against those 
of the Pope, they still wore the red crosses which they 
had worn m Palestine. The banner of the Cross, under 
which Mohammedans fought for Frederick, met the banner 
with the keys of St. Peter.* 

The disapprobation of silent disobedience, at best of 
sluggish and tardy sympathy if not of rude disavowal and 
condemnation, could not escape the all-watchful ear of 
Rome. Gregory had no resource but in his own dauntless 
and unbroken mind, and in the conviction of his power. 
The German Princes had refused to dethrone King Henry, 
some of the greatest influence, Leopold Duke of Austria, 
the Duke of Moravia, the Archbishops of Saltzburg and 
of Aquileia, the Bishop of Batisbon, were in Italy endea- 
vouring to mediate a peace. The Lombards did not 
move ; even if the Guelfs had been so disposed, they were 
everywhere controlled by a Ghibelline opposition ; one 
incident alone was of more encouraging character. Gregory 
was still at Perugia an exile from rebellious Home* But 
a terrific flood had desolated the city. The religious fears 

' Gaalo was his emissary, if not his * ''Imperatorcnmcnicesignatis contra 

Legate, in Lombardy. He was active in clavigeros hostes properat."— Rich, de 

fhiining the peace of San Germano. — San Germane, p. 1013. 
Epist. Gregor., Oct. 9, 1226. 

2 A 2 



356 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

of the populace beheld the avenging hand of God for their 
disobeaience to their spiritual father ; the Pope returned 
to Rome in triumph.* 

Peace was necessary to both parties, negotiations were 
Not. 1229. Speedily begun. The rope was suddenly seized 
May. 1230. ^Jth a sacrcd horror of the shedding of human 
blood. A treaty was framed at San Germano which 
maintained unabased the majesty of the Pope.* In 
truth, by the> absolution of the Emperor with but a 
general declaration of submission to the Church, without 
satisfaction for the special crime for which he had 
undergone excommunication, the Pope virtually at least 
Treaty of San rccoguiscd the iujusticc of his own censures Of 
June 14. 1*230. the affairs of the Holy Land, of the conduct of 
the Emperor, of the treaty with the Sultan, denounced as 
impious, there was a profound and cautious silence. In 
other respects the terms might seem humiliating to the 
Emperor; he granted a complete amnesty to all his 
rebellious subjects, the Archbishop of Tarentum and all 
the bishops and churchmen who had fled the realm ; 
even the reinstatement of the insurgent Counts of Celano 
and Aversa in their lands and domains in Germany, in 
Italy, in Sicily ; be consented to restore all the places he 
occupied in the Papal dominions, and all the estates which 
he had seized belonging to churches, monasteries, the 
Templars, the Knights of the Hospital, and generally of 
all who had adhered to the Church. He renounced the 
right of judging the ecclesiastics of his realm by the civil 
tribunals, excepting in matters concerning royal fiefs ; he 
gave up the right of levying taxes on ecclesiastical pro- 
perty, as well that of the clergy as of monasteries. It is 
said, but it appears not in the treaty, that he promised to 
defray the enormous charges of the war, variously stated 
at 120,000 crowns, and 120,000 ounces of gold; but in 
those times promises to pay such debts by no means 
ensured their payment. Trederick never fulfilled this 
covenant If to obtain absolution from the Papal censures 

" Not only was there a great destnio- This is a story more than once repeated 

ticm of property, of com, vine, cattle, in the later annals of Rome — on what 

and of human life, but a great quantity founded ?— Gregor. Vit. 

of enormous serpents were cast on shore, * Albanensi Episcopo, apud Raynald. 

which rotted, .and bred a pestilence. 1229. 



Chap. XHI. PEACE. 357 

Frederick willingly yielded to these terms, it shows either 
that his firm mind was not proof against the awe of the 
spiritual power which enthralled the rest of Europe, or 
that he had the wisdom to see that the time was not come 
to struggle with success against such tyranny. He might 
indeed hope that, ere long, to the stem old man who now 
wielded the keys of St. Peter with the vigour of Hilde- 
brand or Innocent III. might succeed some feebler or 
milder Pontiff. Already was Gregory approaching to or 
more than ninety years old.^ He was himself in the 
strength and prime of manhood, nor could he expect that 
this same aged Pontiff would rally again for a contest, 
more long, more obstinate, and though not terminated in 
his lifetime, more fatal to the Emperor and to the house 
of Hohenstaufen. Frederick had been released from the 
ban of excommunication at Ceperano by the Cardinal 
John of St. Sabina; he visited the Pope at Aug. as. 
Anagni. They met, Frederick with dignified sub- septi.ieso. 
mission, the Pope with the calm majesty of age and posi- 
tion, held a conference of many hours, appeared together 
at a splendid banquet, and interchanged tlie kiss of peace ; 
the antagonists whose mortal quarrel threatened a long 
convulsion throughout Christendom proclaimed to the 
world their mutual amity." 

Nearly nine years elapsed before these two antagonists^ 
the Pope Gregory IX. and the Emperor Fre- scpt i. laao. 
derick II. resumed their immitigable warfare, — sui<uj. 

' I confess that this extreme old age verit, vel rancorem potaerit aliquem 

of Gregory IX. does not seem to me attulisse, sic benevolentia, quam per- 

quite clearly made out. At all eyents, sensimasineodem,omnemmotam]enivit 

after every deduction, he was of an ex- auimi, et nostram amoto rancore sere- 

traordinary age to display such activity navit adeo voluntatem, nt non velimus 

and firmness. ulterins prseterita memonui quae neces- 

' Frederick describes the interview : — sitas intulit, nt virtus ex necessitate 

'* Deinde ut post absolutionem ex pne- prodens operaretnr gratiam ampliorem." 

sentia corporum mentium serenitas se- — Monument. Germ. iv. 275. There is 

queretur, primo Septembris apostolicam something very striking in this. The 

sedem adivimus, et sanctissimum patrem generous awe and reverence of Frederick 

dominum Gregorium, Dei gratia sum- for the holy old man, considering iiis 

mum Pontificem vidimus reverenter, deep injuries (I envy not those who cair 

Qui affectione patemll nos recipiens, et see noUiing but specious hypocrisy in 

pace cordium sacris osculis federate, Frederick), and the Christian amenity 

tarn benevole, tam benigne propositum of the Pope, considering that Frederick, 

nobissusBintentionisaperuitdeipsisqusB a short time before, had been called a 

precesserant nil omittens, ^ et singula godless heretic, almost a Mohammedan, 

prosequens evidentis judicio ratiouis. Their mutual enmity is lost in mutual 

quod etsi nos precedens causa commo- respect. 



358 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

years of but dubious peace, of open amity, yet secret mis- 
trust, in which each called upon the other for aid against 
his enemies ; the Pope on Frederick against the unruly 
Romans, Frederick on the Pope against the rebellious 

Lombards, and his rebellious son ; but where 
* each suspected a secret understanding with those 
enemies. It is remarkable that both Frederick and the 
Pope betook themselves in this interval of s^ispended war to 
legislation. Frederick to the promulgation of a new juris- 
prudence for his kingdom ot Naples and Sicily, Gre- 
gory of a complete and authoritative code of the Decretals 
which formed the statute law by which the Papacy and 
the sacerdotal order ruled the world, and administered the 
internal government of the Church. During the com- 
mencement of this period Frederick left the administration 
of affairs in Germany, though he still exercised an imperial 

control, to his son Henry. The rebellion of Henry 
^' ' alone seemed to compel him to cross the Alps 
and resume the sway. His legislation aspired to r^ulate 
the Empire ; but in Germany from the limits imposed 
on his power, it was not a complete and perfect code, it 
was a succession of remedial laws. His earliest and most 
characteristic work of legislation was content to advance 
the peace, prosperity, and happiness of his own Southern 
realm. 

The constitution of his beloved kingdom was thus the 
first care of Frederick. As a legislator he commands 
almost unmingled admiration ; and the aim and temper of 
his legislation whether emanating from himself, or adopted 
from the counsel of others, may justly influence the gene- 
ral estimate of a character so variously represented by the 
passions of his own age, passions which have continued to 
inflame, and even yet have not died away from the heart 
of man.* The object of Frederick's jurisprudence was the 
mitigation, as far as possible the suppression, of feudal 
violence and oppression ; the assertion of equal rights, equal 

* ETen in cor own day M. Hofler, finished before the pablication of the 

for instance, seems to revive all the ran- ** Regesta Imperii/' to which, neTprthe- 

cour of the days of Innocent IV. less, I am bound to acknowledge much 

Even Boehmer is not above this fatal obligation, 
influence. This part of my work was 



Chap. XHI. FREDERICK II. AS LEGISLATOR. 359 

justice, equal burthens ; the toleration of different religions ; 
the promotion of commerce by wise, almost premature regu- 
lations ; the advancement of intellectual culture among his 
subjects by the establishment of universities liberally en- 
dowed, and by the encouragement of all the usefiil and 
refined arts. It is difficult to suppose a wise, equal and 
humane legislator, a blind, a ruthless tyrant ; or to recon- 
cile the careful and sagacious provision for the rights and 
well-being of all ranks of his subjects with the reckless 
violation of those rights, and with heavy and systematic 
oppression ; more especially if that jurisprudence is ori- 
gmal and beyond his age. The legislator may himself be 
in some respects below the lofty aim of his laws ; he may 
have been ariven to harsh measures to bring into order the 
rebellious magnates of the realm, whom his absence in Asia, 
the invasion and the intrigues of the Papal party, cast loose 
from their allegiance ; the abrogation of their tyrannical 
privileges may have left a deep and brooding discontent, 
ready to break out into revolt and constantly enforcing 
still more rigorous enactments. The severe guardian of 
the morals of his subjects may have claimed to himself in 
some respects a royal, an Asiatic indulgence ; he may 
have been compelled by inevitable wars to lay onerous 
burthens on the people, he may have been compelled to 
restrict or suspend the rights of particular subjects, or 
classes of subjects, by such determined hostility as that of 
the clergy to himself and to all his house; but on the 
whole the laws and institutions of the kingdom of Naples 
are an unexceptionable and imperishable testimony at 
least to his lofty designs for the good of mankind, which 
history cannot decline; or rather receives with greater 
respect and trust than can be claimed by any cotemporary 
view of the acts or of the character of Frederick II. It is 
in this light only as illustrating the life of the great anta- 
gonist of the Church that they belong to Christian histolry, 
beyond their special bearing on religious questions, and the 
rights and condition of the clergy.^ 

^ The oonstitations of the Emperor for a brief, it appears to me yerj sen- 
Frederick may be read in Canciani. sible and accurate comment, in the 
▼ol. i. sub fine. I am much indebted Considerazioni gopra la Storia di ^ciliat 



360 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

The groundwork of Frederick's legislation was the 
stern supremacy of the law ; the submission of all, even 
the nobles, who exercised the feudal privilege of separate 
jurisdictions, to a certain extent of the clergy, to the king's 
sole and exclusive justice. This was the great revolution 
through which every feudal kingdom must inevitably pass 
sooner or later. ** The crown must become the supreme 
fountain of justice and law. The first, and most difficult, but 
necessary step was the uniformity of that law. There was 
the most extraordinary variety of laws and usages through- 
out the realm, Roman, Greek, Gothic, Lombard, Norman, 
Imperial-German institutes; old municipal and recent seig- 
norial rights.^ The Jews had their special privileges, the 
Saracens their own customs and forms of procedure. The 
majestic law had to overawe to one system of obedience, 
with due maintenance of their proper rights, the nobles, 
the clergy, the burghers, and the peasants, even the Jews 
and the Mohammedans. Frederick wisely determined 
not to aspire so much to be the founder of an absolutely 
new jurisprudence, as to select, confirm, and harmonise 
the old institutions.* 

The religious . ordinances of the Sicilian constitution 
LawsniatiDg dcuiand our first examination. Frederick main- 
toreiigum. taiucd thc immuuitics of the worshippers of 
other religions, of the Jews and the Arabians, with such 
impartial equity, as to incur for this and other causes 
the name of Jew and Saracen. But the most faithful 
son Qf the Church could not condemn the heretic with 
more authoritative severity, or visit his offence with more 
remorseless punishment.^ Heresy was described as a 
crime against the offender himself against his neighbour 

by the Canonico Gresorio (Palermo, * The code was pabliahed at Amalfi, 

1805), and to my friend M.TonRaamer's Sept. 1231 ; Rich. San Germ, sub ann. 

earliest and best work, Geschichte der 1231 ; in Sicily by Richard de Monte- 

Hohenstanfen. negro, High Justiciary, daring the same 

"^ King Roger (see the Canonico Gre- year. Append, ad Malater. p. 251. Gre- 

gorio, t. iii.) had already vindicated a gorio, iii. 14. 

certain supremacy for the King's Jus- ' Compare the edicts issued at Ka- 
ticiary. King Roger's legislation is yenna, Feb. 22, 1232, and March, against 
strikingly analogous to, Gregorio thinks the Lombard heretics. They miffht haye 
borrowed from that of his remote kins- satisfied S. Dominic or Simon ae Mont- 
man William, our Norman Conqueror, fort. Re-enacted at Cremona, 1238 ; at 
In France this was among the great Padua, 1239. — Monument. Germ. iy. 
steps first decisively taken by St. Louis. 287, 288. Also letter of Jun^ 15, ex 

^ Canciani, Preface. Regest. Greg. IX. In Uofler, p. 344. 



Chap, XIII. LAWS AGAINST HERETICS. 361 

and against God, a more heinous crime than high treason 
itself. The obstinate heretic was condemned to be burned, 
his whole property confiscated, his children were incapable 
of holding office or of bearing testimony. If such child 
should merit mercy by the denunciation of another heretic, 
or of a concealer of heretics, the Emperor might restore 
him to his rank. Schismatics were declared outlaws, in- 
capable of inheriting, liable to forfeiture of their goods. 
No one might petition in favour of a heretic ; yet the 
repentant heretic might receive pardon; his punishment, 
after due investigation of the case by the ecclesiastical 

g)wer, was to be adjudged by the secular authority, 
ut these laws were directed against a particular class of 
men, dangerous it was thought no less to the civil than to 
the religious power; actual rebels against the Church, 
rebels likewise against the Emperor, still the conservator 
of pure orthodoxy, and betraying at least rebellious 
inclinations, if not designs hostile towards all power. 
They were neither enacted nor put in force against 
the Greek Christians, who were still in considerable 
numbers in the kingdom of Sicily, had their own priests, 
and celebrated undisturbed their own rites. They were 
those heretics which swarmed under these various aenomi- 
nations, Cathari or Paterins, from rebellious and repub- 
lican Lombardy, the hated and suspected source of all 
these opinions. In all the states of the Pope, in Rome 
itself, not merely were there hidden descendants of the Ar- 
naldists, but all the wild sects which defied the most cruel 
persecutions in the North of Italy, spread their doctrines 
even within the shadow of the towns of St. Peter. Naples 
and Aversa were full of them,*^ and derived them from 
rebellious Lombardy; and Frederick, whose notions of 
the imperial power were as absolute as Gregory's of the 
Papal, not only would not incur by their protection such 
suspicions as would have inevitably risen of harbouring or 
favouring heretics, he scrupled not to assist in the exter- 

s *' Adeo Quod ab Italia finibtts, pne- deriTarant/'— 1. i. tit. i. " Qaod do- 

sertim a partibas Lougobardiie in quibus lentes referimus, in regno nostro SicilisB 

pro certo perpendimus ipsorum neqni- Neapolin, et ATersam, partesoue vieinaa 

tiam ampUns abondare, jam usqne ad dicitur infecisse."— Frederic.Epist.apud 

regnnm nostrum suie perfidiie rivulos Epist. Gregor. iv. 131. 



362 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

mination of these insolent insurrectionists against lawful 
authority ^ 

The Constitution of Frederick endeavoured to reduce 
the clergy into obedient and loyal subjects at once by the 
vigorous assertion of the supreme and impartial law, and 
by securing and extending their acknowledged immunities. 
The clergy were amenable to the general law of the realm 
as concerned fiefe, could be impleaded in the ordinary 
courts concerning occupancy of land, inheritances, and 
debts : they had jurisdiction over their own body, with the 
right of inflicting canonical punishment9 : but besides this 
they were amenable to the secular laws, especially for 
treason, or all crimes relating to the person of the King.* 
They were not exempt from general taxation ; they were 
bound to discharge all feudal obligations for their fiefs ; 
on the other hand, the crown abandoned its claim to the 
revenues of vacant bishoprics and benefices.*^ Three unex- 
ceptionable persons belonging to the Church were appointed 
receivers on behalf of the successor. On the election of 
bishops the law of Innocent III. was recognised ; the 
chapter communicated the vacancy to the Crown, and 
proceeded to elect a fit successor ; that successor could not 
be inaugurated without the consent of the King, nor con- 
secrated without that of the Pope. Tithes were secured 
to the Church from all lands, even from the royal 
domains;" the Crown only enforced the expenditure of 
the appointed third on the sacred edifices, the churches 
and chapels. All special courts of the higher ecclesiastics 
as of the barons were abrogated ; the Crown would be 
the sole fountain of justice : but the holders of the great 
spiritual fiefs sat with the great Barons under the presi- 
dency of the high Chancellor. Excepting in cases of 
marriage, no separate jurisdiction of the clergy was recog- 
nised over the laity." Appeals to Borne were allowed, 

^ Gregor. Vit. Richard de San. Genn. to be ordained, iii. 1 , S. 

See also the Edict of the Senator and " i. 7. 

people of Rome.— Apad Raynald. 1231. ' " Frederick asserted and exercised the 

Compare (afterwards) Frederick's letter right of declaring the children of the 

commanding the heretics throughout clergy, who by the canon law were spn- 

Lombardy to be committed to the flames, nous, legitimate, with full title to a share 

> i. 42. A kiw of Kin^ William. in all the inheritances of all the goods of 

k iii. 28. Serfs and villains were not their parents, unless they were fiefii ; and 



Citfefl. 



Chap. XIII. NOBLES — CITIES — PEASANTS. 363 

but only on matters purely ecclesiastical ; and these during 
wars with the Pope were absolutely forbidden. . The great 
magnates of the realm received likewise substantial bene- 
fits in lieu of the privileges wrested from them, which 
were perilous to the public peace.** All their separate 
jurisdictions of noble or prelate were abolished ; the 
King's justiciary was alone and supreme. But their fiefs 
were made hereditary, and in the female line and to col- 
laterals in the third degree.^ 

The cities were emancipated from all the jurisdictions 
of nobles or of ecclesiastics; but the municipal 
authorities were not absolutely left to their free 
election. The Sicilian King dreaded the fatal example of 
the Lombard Republics : all the superior governors were 
nominated by the Crown ; the cities only retained in their 
own hands the inferior appointments, for the regulation of 
their markets and havens."* The law overlooked not the 
interests of the free peasants, who constituted the chief 
cultivators of the soil ; or that of the serfs at- ^^^ 
tached to the soil. Absolute slavery was by no 
means common in Sicily ; the serfs could acquire and hold 
property. The free peasants were numerous ; the mea- 
sures of Frederick tended to raise the serfe to the same 
condition. He absolutely emancipated all those on the 
royal domain. The establishment of his courts enabled 
all classes to obtain justice at an easy and cheap rate 
against their lords ; the extraordinary aids to be demanded 
by the lord were limited by law, that of the lay feudal 
superior, to aids on the marriage of a daughter or sister, 
the arming the son when summoned to the service of the 
King, and his ransom in captivity ; that of the higher 
ecclesiastics and monasteries, to the summons to the King's 
service, and receiving the King at free quarters ; journeys 
to Church-Councils summoned by the Pope, and Con- 
secrations. Frederick was so desirous to promote the 
cultivation of the soil, that he exempted new settlers in 
Sicily from taxes for ten years; only the Jews, who 

capablity of attaining to all civil offices marriage of the clergy to a great extent, 

and honours. For this priyilege they — Pet. de Vin. vi. 16. Constitat. iii. 25. 

paid an annual tax of five per cent, to " i. 46. p iii. 23, 24. 

the royal exchequer. This implied the i i. 47. 



364 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

took refuge from Africa were obliged to pay such taxes, 
and compelled to become cultivators of the land. 

But of all institutions, the most advanced was the sys- 
tem of representative government, for the first 
" ^ time regularly framed by the laws of the realm. 
Besides the ancient Parliaments, at which the magnates of 
the realm, the gi*eat ecclesiastical and secular vassals of the 
Crown assembled when summoned by the King's writs, two 
annual sessions took place, on the 1st of March and the 1st 
of August, of a Parliament constituted from the different 
t)rders of the realm.' All the Barons and Prelates ap- 
peared in person; each of the larger cities sent four represen- 
tatives, each smaller city two, each town or other place one ; 
to these were joined all the great and lesser Bailiffs of the 
Crown. The summons to the Barons and Prelates was 
directly from the King, that of the cities and towns from 
the judge of the province. They were to choose men of 
probity, good repute, and impartiality. A Commissioner 
from the Crown opened the Jrarliament, and conducted its 
proceedings, which lasted from eight to ten days. Every 
clerk or layman might arraign the conduct of any public 
officer, or offer his advice for the good of his town or district. 
The determinations which the royal Commissioner, with 
the advice of the most distinguished spiritual and tem- 
poral persons, approved, were delivered signed and sealed 
by him directly to the King, excepting in unimportant 
matters, which might be regulated by an order from the 
Justiciary of the Province. 

The criminal law of Frederick's constitution was, with 
some remarkable exceptions, mild beyond precedent ; and 
also administered with a solemnity, impartiality, and re- 
gularity, elsewhere unknown. The Chief Justiciary of 
the realm, with four other judges, formed the great Court 
of Criminal Law ; and the Crown asserted itself to be the 
exclusive administrator of criminal justice.* Besides its 
implacable abhorrence of heresy, it was severe and inex- 

' One of the cities appointed for the (^nando, quibiiB §oliini ordinationem jus- 
meeting of Parliament in Apulia was titiariorum ubicunque faerimns, reser- 
Lentim; in Sicily, Piazza. Compare Tamus."— 1. 1. 1. 95. This was part of the 
Gregorio, iii. p. 82. ** merum imperiom " of the sovereign. 

■ Gregorio, 1. iii. c. It. «• Nobis ali- — i. t. 49. 



Chap. XIII. OTHER LAWS. 365 

orable against all disturbers of the peace of the realm, and 
those who endangered the public security. Private war,* 
and the execution of the law by private hands, was ri- 
gidly forbidden. Justice must be sought only in the 
King's courts. The punishment for all infringement of 
this statute was decapitation and forfeiture of goods. Arms 
were not to be borne except by the King's officers, em- 
ployed in the court or on the royal affairs,'* or by knights, 
knights' sons, and burghers, riding abroad from their own 
homes. Whoever drew his sword on another paid double 
the fine imposed for bearing it ; whoever wounded another 
lost his hand ; whoever killed a man, if a knight, was be- 
headed, if of lower rank, hanged. If the homicide could 
not be found the district paid a heavy fine, yet in proportion 
to the wehrgeld of the slain man; but Christians paid t^ice 
as much as Jews or Saracens, as, no doubts bound more 
specially to know and maintain the law. The laws for 
the preservation of female chastity were singular and se- 
vere. Even rape upon a common prostitute was punished 
by beheading, if the charge was brought within a certain 
time :* whoever did not aid a woman suffering violence 
was heavily fined. But in these cases a false accusation 
was visited with the same punishment. Mothers who be- 
trayed their daughters to whoredom had their noses cut 
off ;^ men who connived at the adultery of their wives were 
scourged. A man caught in adultery might be slain by 
the husband ; if not instantly slain, he paid a heavy fine. 
The trials by battle and ordeal were abolished as vain 
and superstitious: the former allowed only in cases of 
murder, poisoning, or high treason, where there was 
strong suspicion but not full proof. It was designed to 
work on the terror of the criminal ; jbut if the accuser was 
worsted, he was condemned in case of high treason to the 
utmost penalty ; in other cases to proportionate punish- 
ment. Torture was only used in cases of heavy suspicion 
against persons of notoriously evil repute.* 

* i. 8. " i. 9. ' i. 20. forms of testimony, almost the only 

^ ill. 48, 50. available testimony in rude unlettered 

' Frederick's legislation was not times. He laid down rules on written 

content with abolishing these barbarous evidence ; documents must be on parch- 



366 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

These are but instances of the spirit in which Frederick 
framed his legislation, which aimed rather to advance, 
enrich, enlighten his subjects than to repress their free 
development by busy and perpetual interference. His 
regulations concerning commerce were almost propheti- 
cally wise ; he laid down the great maxim that commercial 
exchange benefited both parties ; he permitted the export 
of corn as the best means of fostering its cultivation. He 
entered into liberal treaties with Venice, with Asia, 
Genoa, and the Greek Empire, and even with some of 
the Saracen powers in Africa. By common consent, both 
parties condemned the plundering of wrecks, and pledged 
themselves to mutual aid and friendly reception into their 
harbours. The King himself was a great merchant ; the 
royal vessels traded to Syria, Egypt, and other parts of 
the East. He had even factors who traded to India.* He 
encouraged internal commerce by the establishment of 
great fairs and markets ;^ manufactures of various kinds 
began to prosper. 

But that which — if the constitution of Frederick had 
continued to flourish, if the institutions had worked out in 
peace their natural consequences, if the house of Hohen- 
staufen had maintained their power, splendour and ten- 
dencies to social and intellectual advancement, if they had 
not been dispossessed by tJie dynasty of Charles of Anjou, 
and -the whole land thrown back by many centuries — 
might have enabled the Southern kingdom to take the 
lead, and anticipate the splendid period of Italian learn- 
ing, philosophy, and art, was the universities; the esta- 
blishments for education; the encouragements for all 
learned and refined studies, imagined by this accomplished 
King. Even the revival of Greek letters might not 
have awaited the conquest of Constantuiople by the Turks 

ment, not on perishable paper ; he prohi- danis Orientis partioepB in mercimoniis 

bited a certain kind of obscure and in- et amicissimus, ita ut nsqne ad ludos 

tricate writing, in use at Naples, Amalil, currebant ad commodmn sunm, tarn per 

andSorento; and ordered the notaries to mare, qnam per terras, institores. — 

write all deeds legibly and clearly. The Math. Par. 544. 

Emperor himself laid down regulationa ^ See edict for annual fairs at Sul- 

to test the authenticity of a certain mona, Capua, Lucera, Ban, Tarentum, 

document.— Gregorio, iii. p. 61. Cosenxa, Reggio, Jan. 1234.«— Rich. San 

* " Fredericus II. erat omnibus Sol- Germ. 



Chap. XIII. INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS. 367 

m 

four centuries later. Greek was the spoken language of 
the people in many parts of the kingdom ; the laws of 
Frederick were translated into Greek for popular use ; 
the epitaph of the Archbishop of Messina in tne year 11 75 
was Greek." There were Greek priests and Greek congrega- 
tions in many parts of Apulia and Sicily; the privileges con- 
ferred by the Emperor Henry VI. on Messina had enacted 
that one of the three magistrates should be a Greek. He- 
brew, and still more Arabic, were well known, not merely 
by Jews and Arabians but by learned scholars. Frederick 
himself spoke German, Italian, Latin, Greek, Arabic, 
and Hebrew. He declared his own passionate love for 
learned and philosophical studies. Nothing after the 
knowledge of affairs, of laws and of arms, became a mon- 
arch so well ; to this he devoted all his leisure hours, these 
were the liberal pursuits which adorned and dignified hu- 
man life.- In %ria, and in his intercourse with the 
Eastern monarchs, he had obtained great collections of 
books ; he caused translations to be made from the Arabic, 
and out of Greek into Latin, of some of the philosophic 
works of Aristotle and the Almagest of Ptolemy.® The 
university of Naples was his great foundation; Salerno 
remained the famous school of medicine ; but the univer- 
sity in the capital was encouraged by liberal endowments, 
by regulations with regard to the relations of the scholars 
and the citizens ; the price of lodgings was fixed by royal 
order; sums of money were to be advanced to youths at low 
interest, and could not be exacted during the years of 
study. The King held out to the more promising students 
honourable employments in his service. Philosophical 
studies appeared most suited to the genius of Frederick ; 
natural history and the useful sciences he cultivated 

' Von Ranmer, p. 556. to bestow preferment on Michael Scott : 
^ Peter de Vinea, iii. 67. " Qaod inter literatos done vigeat scien- 
* He employed the celebrated Micbael tise singulari." M. Scott (p. 229) has 
Soott(thenkbledmagidan)inthetranBla- a licence to hold pluralities. (P. 246) 
tion of Aristotle. Among the Papal do- he is named by the Pope Archbishop 
onmeDts relating to England in the Bri- of Cashel, and to hold his other bene- 
tish Museum are several letters concern- fices. ^P. 253) he refuses the Arch- 
ing this remarkable man, patronised bishopnc : ** Dum linguam terns illius 
alike by Frederick and by tne Popes, se ignorare diceret." He is described 
Honorius III. writes (Jan. 16, 1225, as not onl}r a great Latin scholar, but as 
p. 214) to the Archbishop of Canterbury familiar with Hebrew and Arabic. 



368 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

with success; but he had likewise great taste for the 
fine arts, especially for architecture, both ornamental and 
military. He restored the walls of many of the greatest 
cities ; built bridges and other useful works. He had 
large menageries, supplied from the East and from Africa. 
He sometimes vouchsafed to send some of the more 
curious animals about for the instruction and amusement 
of his subjects. The Ravennese were delighted with the 
appearance of some royal animals. He was passionately- 
fond of field sports, of the chase with the hound and the 
hawk ; his own book on falconry is not merely instructive 
on that sport, but is a scientific treatise on the nature and 
habits of those birds, and of many other animals. The 
first efforts of Italian sculpture and painting rose under 
his auspices ; the beautiful Italian language began to form 
itself m his court: it has been said above that the 
earliest strains of Italian poetry were heard there : Peter 
de Vinea, the Chancellor of Frederick, the compiler of 
his laws, was also the writer of the earliest Italian sonnet 
Nor was Peter de Vinea the only courtier who emulated 
the King in poetry ; his beloved son Enzio, many of his 
courtiers, vied with their King and his ministers in the cul- 
tivation of the Italian language ; and its first fruits the rich 
harmonious Italian poetry.' 

His own age beheld with admiring amazement the mag- 
nificence of Frederick's court, the unexampled progress in 
wealth, luxury, and knowledge ; the peace of the realm, not- 
withstanding some disturbance by those proud barons, whose 
interest it was to maintain the old feudal and seignorial 
rights; the reluctance of the clergy to recede from the 
complete dominion over the popular mind ; the taxation, 
which weighed, especially as Frederick became more in- 
volved in the Lombard war, on all classes. Still the world 
had seen no court so splendid, no system of laws so majes- 
tically equitable ; a new order of things appeared to be 

' Some of these poems I haye read in It contains lays by thirteen royal and 

a collection of the Poeti del Primo noble authors. Dante, in his lx>ok De 

Secolo, Firenze, 1814. A small volume Vulgari Eloquentia, traces to the court 

has been published by the Literary Union of I^ederick the origin of the true and 

of Stuttgard (1543), Italienische Lieder universal Italian language. We return 

des Hohenstaufischen Hofes in Sicilien. to this subject. 



Chap. XIII. DANGER TO THE CHURCH. 36Q 

arising; an epoch to be commencing in human civilisation. 
But this admiration was not universal : there was a deep 
and silent jealousy, an intuitive dread in the Church,^ 
and in all the faithful partisans of the Church of remote, 
if not immediate danger; of a latent design, at least 
a latent tendency in the temporal kingdom to set 
itself apart, and to sever itself from the one great 
religious Empire, which had now been building itself 
up for centuries. There was, if not an avowed inde- 
pendence, a threatening disposition to independence. The 
legislation, if it did not directly clash, as it seemed to do, 
with the higher law of the Church ; if it did not make 
the clergy wholly subordinate, degraded them in some 
respect to the rank of subjects ; if it did not abrogate, it 
limited what were called the rights and privileges, but 
which were in fact the separate rule and dominion of the 
clergy ; at all events, it assumed a supremacy, set itself 
above, admitted only what it chose of the great Canon Law 
of the Church ; it was self-originating, self-asserting, it had 
not condescended to consult those in whom for centuries all 
political as well as spiritual wisdom had been concentered ; 
it was a legislation neither emanating from, nor consented to 
by the Church. If every nation were thus to frame its own 
constitution, without regard to the great unity maintained 
by the Church, the vast Christian confederacy would break 
up ; Kings might assume the power of forbidding the recur- 
rence to Rome as the religious capital of the world ; indepen- 
dent kingdoms might aspire to found independent churc^ies. 
This new knowledge too was not less dangerous because its 
ultimate danger was not clearly seen ; at all events, it was 
not knowledge introduced, sanctioned, taught by the sole 
great instructress, the Church. Theology, the one Science, 
was threatened by a rival, and whence did that rival pro- 
fess to draw her wisdom ? from the Heathen, the Jew, the 

K The Pope seemed to consider that puhlicas libertatis." — lib. y. Epist. 91, 

Frederick's new constitutions must be apnd Raynald. 1231. He reproaches the 

inimical to the Church. " Intelleximus Archbishop of Capua as '* Frederico con- 

siquidem quod Tel proprio motu, vel stitutiones destructivas salutis et insti- 

sednctus inconsultis consiliis perver* tutivas enormium scandalorum edenti 

sorum, novas edere constitutiones in- voluntarius obsequens."— Apnd Hofler, 

tendis ex quibus necesaario sequitur ut ii. p. 333. 
dicaris Ecclesis persecutor et obrutor 

VOL. IV. 2 B 



370 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

Unbeliever; firom the Pagan Greek, the Hebrew, the 
Arabic. That which might be in itself harmless, edify- 
ing, improving, when taught by the Church, would but 
inflame the rebellious pride of the human intellect What 
meant this ostentatious toleration of other religions, if not 
total indifference to Christ and God ; if not a secret in- 
clination to apostasy ? What was all this splendour, but 
Epicurean or Eastern luxury? What this poetry, but 
effeminate amatory songs ? Was this the life of a Christian 
King, of a Christian nobility, of a Christian people ? It 
was an absolute renunciation of the severe aiscipline of 
the Church, of that austere asceticism, which however the 
clergy and religious men alone could practise its angelic, 
its divine perfection, was the remote virtue after which all, 
even Kings (so many of whom had exchanged their worldly 
robes for the cowl and for sackcloth) ought to aspire, as to 
the ultimate culminating height of true Christianity. It 
was Mohammedan not merely in its secret indulgences, 
its many concubines, in which the Emperor was still 
said to allow himself Mohammedan licence ; some of his 
chosen companions, his trusted counsellors, at least his in- 
structors in science and philosophy were Mohammedans ; 
ladies of that race and religion appeared, as has been said, 
at his court (in them virtue was a thing incredible to a 
sound churchman). The Saracens whom he had trans- 
planted to Nocera were among his most faithful troops, 
followed him in his campaigns ; it was even reported, that 
after his marriage with Isabella of England, he dismissed 
her English ladies, and made her over to the care of 
Moorish eunuchs. 

Such to the world was the fame, such to the Church 
the evil fame of Frederick's Sicilian court ; exaggerated 
no doubt as to its splendour, luxury, licence, and learning, 
as well by the wonder of the world, as by the abhorrence 
of the Church. Yet, after all, out of his long life, long if 
considered not by years but by events, by the civil acts, 
the wars, the negotiations, the journeyings, the vicissitudes, 
crowded into it by Frederick's own busy and active am- 
bition and by the whirling current of affairs, the time 
during which he sunned himself in this gorgeous volup- 



1226 to 



AJ>.1230to 
1234. 



Chap. XIII. GREGORY AND THE DECRETALS. 37 1 

tuousness must have been comparatively short, intermittent, 
broken. At eighteen years of age Frederick left Sicily to 
win the Imperial crown : he had then eight years of the 
cold German climate and the rude German manners 
during the establishment of his Sovereignty over the 
haughty German Princes and Prelates. Then it.D.iaaoto 
eight years in the South, but in the four first the "**• 
rebellious Apulian and Sicilian nobles were to be brought 
under control, the Saracens to be reduced to obedience, 
and transported to Apulia : during the later four, j^,,, 
was strife with the Lombard cities, strife about ^"®- 
the Crusade, and preparation for the voyage. Then his 
Eastern campaign, his reconciliation with the Church. 
Four years followed of legislation; and perhaps the 
nearest approach to indolent and luxurious peace. 
Then came the revolt of his son. Four years 
more to coerce rebellious Germany, to attempt in vain to 
coerce rebellious Lombardy : all this was to close, ^.^ ^^ ^ 
with his life, in the uninterrupted immitigable ^^• 
feud with Gregory IX. and Innocent IV. 

The Pope Gregory IX., it is impossible to decide how 
far influenced by the desire of overawing this TheDecw. 
tendency of temporal legislation to assert its own *^'- 
independence, determined to array the higher and eternal 
law of the Church in a more august and authoritative 
form. The great code of the Papal Decretals constituted 
this law; it had now long recognised and admitted to 
the honours of equal authority the bold inventions of 
the book called by the name of Isidore ; but during the 
Pontificate of Innocent III. there had been five distinct 
compilations, conflicting in some points, and giving rise 
to intricate and insoluble questions.^ Gregory in his 
old age aspired to be the Justinian of the Church. He 
entrusted the compilation of a complete and regular code 
to Kaimond de Pennaforte, a noble Spaniard, related to 

^ " Sane divexvas constittttiones, et lixitatem, conAuionem inducere Tide- 

decretales epistolaSy predecessonim nos- baDtur ; aliqusB vero vagabantur extra 

trorum in divena sparsas volumina, Tolumma supradicta, (^aie tauqnam in- 

qnanim aliquse propter niroiam simili- certs frequenter in jndiciis vaciUabant." 

tudinem, et quo^am propter contrarie- — In Prnfat. 
tatem, nonnuUs etiam propter soam pro- 

2 B 2 



372 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

the royal house of An-agon, of the Dominican Order, 
and now the most distinguished jurist in the University of 
Bologna. Raymond de Pennaforte was to be to the Canon 
what Irnerius of Bologna had been to the revived Roman 
law. It is somewhat singular that Raymond had been the 
most famous antagonist of the Arabian school of learning, 
the most admired champion of Christianity, in his native 
Spain. 

The first part of these Decretals comprehended the 
whole, in a form somewhat abbreviated ; abbreviation which, 
as some complained, endangered the rights of the Church 
on important points ; but was defended by the admirers of 
Raymond of rennaforte, who declared that he could not 
err, for an angel from Heaven had constantly watched over 
his holy work.* The second contained the Decretals of 
Gregory IX. himself. The whole was promulgated as 
the great statute law of Christendom, superior in its 
authority to all secular laws as the interests of the 
soul were to those of the body, as the Church of 
greater dignity than the State ; as the Pope higher than 
any one temporal sovereign, or all the sovereigns of the 
world. Though especially the law of the clergy, it was 
the law binding likewise on the laity as Christians, as 
religious men, both as demanding their rigid observance 
of all the rights, immunities, independent jurisdictions 
of the clergy, and concerning their own conduct as 
spiritual subjects of the Church. All temporal jurispru- 
dence was bound to frame its decrees with due deference 
to the superior ecclesiastical jurisprudence ; to respect the 
borders of that inviolable domain ; not only not to interfere 
with those matters over which the Church claimed exclu- 
sive cognisance, but to be prepared to enforce by temporal 
means those decrees which the Church, in her tenderness 
for human life, in her clemency, or in her want of power, 
was unwilling or unable herself to carry into execution. 
Beyond that sacred circle temporal legislation might claim 
the full allegiance of its temporal subjects ; but the Church 
alone could touch the holy person, punish the delinquencies, 

I Chiflet, quoted bv Schroeck, xzTii. 64. Baymond de PeDiiaforte was euaxy' 
nised by dement VIII., in 1601. 



Chap. XIII. DECRETALS. 373 

control the demeanour of the sacerdotal order ; could regu- 
late the power of the superior over the inferior clergy, and 
choose those who were to be enrolled in the order. The 
Church alone could administer the property of the Church ; 
that property it was altogether beyond the province of the 
civil power to tax ; even as to feudal obligations, the 
Church would hardly consent to allow any decisions but 
her own : though compelled to submit to the assent of the 
crown in elections to benefices which were temporal fiefe, 
yet that assent was, on the other hand, counterbalanced by 
her undoubted power to consecrate or to refuse conse- 
cration. The Book of Gregory's Decretals was ordered 
to be the authorised text in all courts and in all schools of 
law ; it was to be, as it were, more and more deeply im- 
pressed into the minds of men. Even in its form it 
closely resembled the Roman law yet unabrogated in 
many parts of Europe; but of course it comprehended 
alike those who lived under the different national laws, 
which had adopted more or less of the old Latin juris- 
prudence ; it was the more universal statute-book of the 
more wide-ruling, all-embracing Rome. 



374 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

RENEWAL OP HOSTILITIES BETWEEN GREGORY IX. AND 

FREDERICK II. 

During the nine years of peace between the Empire and 
Peace of nine the Papacy, Pope Gregory IX. at times poured 
i^Vim foJ't'^ his flowery eloquence to the praise, almost 
paimsooday. |.jjg aduktiou of the Emperor ; the Emperor pro- 
claimed himself the most loyal subject of the Church. 
The two potentates concurred only with hearty zeal in the 
persecution of those rebels against the civil and ecclesias- 
tical power, the heretics.' At Rome multitudes of meaner 
religious criminals were burned ; many priests and of the 
lower orders of clergy degraded and sent to Monte Casino 
and other rigid monasteries as prisoners for life.'* The 
Pope issued an act of excommunication rising in wrath 
and terror above former acts. Persons suspected of heresy 

* Daring this period of peace an pale, haggard, with coal-black eyes. 

obscure Leresy, that of the Stedinger, They kis^ him ; his kiss was cold as 

appeared or grew to its height in the ice, and with his kiss oozed away all 

dachy of Oldeubarg ; the Pope and their Catholic faith. The Pope would 

the Mmperor would concur in inflicting urge the Emperor to take part in the 

summary punishment on these rebels, war against these wretches. Conrad of 

Hartung, the Archbbhop of Bremen, Marburg, the hateful persecutor of the 

had long appealed to Rome. On one saintly Elizabeth of Hungary, now the 

occasion he returned with full power to Holy Inquisitor, was earnest and actiye 

subdue his refractory spiritual subjects, in the cause. The' Stedinger withstood 

bearing, as he boasted, a singular and a crusading army of 40,000 men ; were 

significant relique, — the sword with defeated with the loss of 6000. Many 

which Peter had struck off the ear of fled to other lands ; the rest submitted 

Malchus. More than thirty years after, to the Archbishop. The Pope released 

Archbishop Gerhard, Count de la Lippe, them from the excommunication : but it 

a martial prelate, turned not his spi- is curious to observe, he only censures 

ritual but his secular arms against them, their dbobedienoe and insurrection ; he 

Among their deadly tenets was the re- is silent of their heresy. — Raynaldus, 

fusal to pay tithes. The Pope recites sub ann. 1233; Shroeck. xxix. 641. &e. 

the charges against them, famished of The original authorities are Albert Stad. 

course by their mortal enemies. They Ger. Monach. apud Boehmer— above all, 

worshipped the Evil One now as a toad, the Papal letters, 
which they kissed behind and on the »• Vit. Gregor. IX. Rich. San German, 

mouth, and licked up its foul venom ; Raynald. sab ann. 1231. 
now as a man, with a face wonderfully 



Chap. XIV. PERSECUTIONS OF HERETICS. 375 

were under excoramunication ; if within a year they did 
not prove themselves guiltless, they were to be treated as 
heretics. Heretics were at once infamous ; if judges, their 
acts were at once null; if advocates they could not 
plead ; if notaries the instruments which they had drawn 
were invalid. All priests were to be publicly stripped of 
their holy dress and degraded. No gifts or oblations were 
to be received from them ; the clerk who bestowed Chris- 
tian burial on a heretic was to disentomb him with his 
own hands, and cast him forth from the cemetery, which 
became an accursed place unfit for burial. No lay person 
was to dispute in public or in private concerning the 
Catholic faith : no descendant of a heretic to the second 
generation could be admitted to holy orders. Annibaldi 
the Senator of Bome and the Roman people passed a 
decree, enacting condign punishment on all heretics. The 
Emperor, not content with suppressing these insurgents in 
his hereditary dominions, had given orders that throughout 
Lombardy, their chief seat, they should be sought out, 
delivered to the Inquisitors,"^ and there punished by the 
secular arm."* One of his own most useful allies, Eccelin di 
Romano, was in danger. Eccelin's two sons, Eccelin and 
Alberic, offered to denounce him to the Inquisition. There 
was, what it is difficult to describe but as profound hypo- 
crisy, or worse, on the part of the Pope : ne declared his 
unwillingness to proceed to just vengeance against the 
father of such pious sons, who by his guilt would forfeit, 
as in a case of capital treason, all their inheritance ; the 
sons were to persuade Eccelin to abandon all connexion with 
heresy or with heretics : if he refused, they were to regard 
their own salvation, and to denounce their father before 
the Papal tribunal.'' It is strange enough that the sus- 
pected heretic, suspected perhaps not unjustly, took the 



'^ Gregory in one letter insinoates the comment of the Papal annalist, 

that Frederick had homed some good Raynaldos : " Nee mirum cniquam vi- 

Catholics, his enemies, as pretending deri potest datum hoc filiis adversas 

that they were or had been heretics. — parentem consilium, cum numinis, a 

Epist. 244. Raynald. p. 85. quo descendit omnis patemitas, causa 

^ See ante note, p. 362. humanis affectibus debet anteferri." — 

* The age may be pleaded in favour p. 41. Raynald. 1231. 
of Gregory IX. What is to be said of 



376 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

VOWS, and died in the garb of a monk ; the pious son 
became that Eccelin di Bomano whose cruelty seems to 
have defied the exaggeration of party hatred. 

But in all other respects the Pope and the Emperor 
were equally mistrustful of each other; peace was 
disguised war. Each had an ally in the midst of the 
other's territory, whom he could not avow, yet would 
not abandon. Even in these perverse times the conduct 
of the Bomans to the Pope is almost inexplicable. No 
sooner had the Pope, either harassed or threatened by 
their unruly proceedings, withdrawn in wrath, or under 
the pretext of enjoying the purer and cooler air, to Beate, 
Anagni, or some other neighbouring city, than Bome 
began to regret his absence, to make overtures of sub* 
mission ; and still received him back with more rapturous 
demonstrations of joy.' In a few months they began to 
be weary of their quiet: his splendid buildings for the 
defence and ornament of the city lost their imposing 
power, or became threatening to their liberties ; he was 
either compelled or thought it prudent to retire. Viterbo 
had become to the Bomans what Tusculum had been in a 
former centuiy ; the Bomans loved their own liberty, but 
their hate of V iterbo was stronger than their love ; the fear 
that the Pope might take part with Viterbo brought them 
to his feet ; that he did not aid them in the subjugation of 
Viterbo rekindled their hostility to him. More than once 
the Pope called on the Emperor to assist him to put down 
his insurgent subjects: Frederick promised, eluded his 
promise ; ^ his troops were wanted to suppress rebellions not 
feigned, but rather of some danger, at Messina and Syra- 
cuse. He had secret partisans everywhere : when Bome was 
Papal Viterbo was Imperialist; when Viterbo was for 

' Rich, de S. Germ., sub ann. 1231, nullo pereecjuente decessit, hostibos tenti 

1 233. He returned to Rome, March 1 233. faToris aoxilium ex cessioue daturas." — 

He was again in Anagni in Augpist ! Vit. Gregor. Compare Pope's letter, 

' Rebellion, reconciliation, 1233. (Feb. 3, from Anagni, and Feb. 10). 

New rebellion, beginning of 1234. But in fact there was a dangerous in- 

** Quo Fredericus imperator apud sane- surrection in Messina ; the King's Jus- 

tum Germanum certa relatione com- ticiary had been obliged to fly. Frede- 

perto, qui fidele defensionis presidium rick had to put down movements also 

ecclesisB Romanse promiserat, et fidei et at Syracuse and Nicosia. — Ann. Sicul. 

majestatis oblitos, Messanam properans, Rich. Son Germano. 



Chap. XI \r. GREGORY AND THE LOMBARDS. 377 

the Pope Rome was for the Emperor. If Frederick was 
insincere in his maintenance of the Pope against his 
domestic enemies, Gregory was no less insincere in pre- 
tending to renomice all alliance, all sympathy with the 
Lombards. But this connection of the Pope with the 
Lombard League required infinite management and 
dexterity : the Lombard cities swarmed with heretics, and 
so far were not the most becoming allies of the Pope.^ Yet 
this alliance might seem an affair, not of policy only, 
but of safety. Gregory could not disguise to himself that 
so popular, so powerful a sovereign had never environed 
the Papal territories on every side. If Frederick (and 
Fredericks character might seem daring enough for so 
impious an act) should despise the sacred awe which 
guarded the person of the Pope, and scorn his excommu- 
nications, he was in an instant at the gates of Rome, of 
fickle and treacherous Rome. He had planted his two 
colonies of Saracens near the Apulian frontier ; they at 
least would have no scruple in executing his most irreve- 
rent orders. The Pope was at his mercy, and friendless, 
as far as any strong or immediate check on the ambition 
or revenge of the Emperor. The Pope, in supporting the 
Lombard Republics, assumed the lofty position of the 
sacred defender of liberty, the asserter of Italian inde- 
pendence, when Italy seemed in danger of lying prostrate 
under one stern and despotic monarchy, which would 
extend from the German Ocean to the further shore of 
Sicily. At first his endeavours were wisely and becomingly 
devoted to the maintenance of peace ; a peace which, so 
long as the Emperor refrained from asserting his full 
Imperial rights, so long as the Guelfs ruled undisturbed 
in those cities in which their interests predominated, the 
Republics were content to observe ; the lofty station of me- 

^ A modern writer, rather Papal, thus die letzeren mit Fussen za treten, nicht 

describes the state of Italy at that time : bloss einxelne Podestaten,- oder das 

" Alle Kreise and Stande derjeniffen Geld-interesse des gemeinen Volkes, 

Theils der Nation, den man als aen sondern oft alle gebildeten Stadtbe- 

eigentlichen Trager der Intelligenz in wohner wagten es keck den Bannstrah- 

Italien betrachten musste, waren geistig len des Papstes hohn zu sprechen." — 

frei und machtig |;enug, wo ihre Interes- hw, Geschichte der Italien, ii. 234. 
sen denen der Kirche entgegen waren. 



378 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

diator of such peace became his sacred iimction, and gave 
him great weight with both parties.' But nearly at the same 
Affairs of ^^^^ ^^ insurrcction of the Pope's Roman subjects, 
^^** more daring and aggressive than usual, compelled 
him to seek the succour of Frederick, and Frederick was 
threatened with a rebellion which the high-minded and 
religious Pope could not but condemn, though against 
his fearful adversary. 

For the third or fourth time the Pope had been 

compelled to retire to Reate. Under the 

ay, 1234. ggj^|^j^|^|jjp ^f Luca di Sabelli the Senate 

and people of Rome had advanced new pretensions, 
which tended to revolutionise the whole Papai dominions. 
They had demolished part of the Lateran palace, razed 
some of the palaces of the Cardinals, proclaimed their open 
defiance of the Pope's Governor, tiie Cardinal Rainier. 
They had sent justiciaries into Tuscany and the Sabine 
country to receive oaths of allegiance to themselves, and 
to exact tribute. The Pope wrote pressing letters 
addressed to all the princes and bishops of Christendom, 
imploring succour in men and money ; there was but one 
near enough at hand to aid, had all been willing. The 
Pope could not but call on him whose title as Emperor was 
protector of the Church, who as King of Naples was first 
vassal of the Papal See. Frederick did not disobey the 

summons : with his young son Conrad he visited 
^ ' ' the Pope at Reate. The Cardinal Rainier had 
thrown himself with the Pope's forces into Viterbo ; the 
army of Frederick sat down before Respampano, a strong 
castle which the Romans occupied in the neighbourhood 
as an annoyance, and as a means, it might be, of surprising 

and taking Viterbo. But Respampano made 
^* ^' resistance; Frederick himself retired, alleging 
important afiairs, to his own dominions. The Papalists 
burst into a cry of reproach at his treacherous abandon- 
ment of the Pope. Yet it was entirely by the aid of some 
of his German troops that the Papal army inflicted a 

I See the letter to Frederick, in which Monument Germ. iy. 299, dated Jane 
he assumes the full power of arbitration 5, 1233. 
between the Emperor and the League. — 



Chap. XIV. PEACE WITH ROME. 379 

humiliating defeat on the Bomans, who were compelled to 
submit to the terms of peace dictated by the April le. 
Pope,*" and enforced by the Emperor, who was ^^• 
again with the Pope at Beate. Angelo Malebranca, " by 
the grace of Grod the illustrious Senator of the gentle city ' 
(such were the high-sounding phrases), by the decree and 
authority of the sacred Senate, by the command and 
instant acclamation of the famous people, assembled in the 
Capitol at the sound of the bell and of the trumpet, swore 
to the peace proposed by the three Cardinals, between the 
Holy Roman Church, their Father the Supreme Pontiff, and 
the Senate and People of Bome. He swore to give satis- 
faction for the demolition of the Lateran palace and those 
of the Cardinals, the invasion of the Papal territories, 
the exaction of oaths, the occupation of the domains of the 
Church. He swore that no clerks or ecclesiastical 
persons belonging to the families of the Pope or Cardinals 
should be summoned before the civil tribunals : (thus even 
in Bome there was a strong opposition to those immunities 
of the clergy from temporal jurisdiction for temporal 
offences.) This did not apply to laics who belonged to 
such households. He swore to protect all pilgrims, laymen 
as well as ecclesiastics, who visited the shrines of the 
Apostles.™ The peace was re-established likewise with 
the Emperor and his vassals ; with Anagni, Segni, Yel- 
letri, Viterbo, and other cities of the Papal territories. 
But even during this compulsory approximation to the 
Emperor, the Pope, to remove all suspicion that he might 
be won to desert their cause, wrote to the Lombards to 
reassure them. However, he might call upon them not to 
impede the descent of the Imperial troop from the Alps, 
those troops were not directed against their liberties, but 
came to maintain the liberties of the Church. 

But if the rebels against the Pope were thus his imme- 
diate subjects the Bomans, the rebel against Frederick 
was his own son. Henry had been left to rule Germany 

^ " Militea in civitate Viterbio coUo- the Emperor, instead of aiding the 

cavit, quorum qnotidianis insultibus et Pope, idled his time away in hunting: 

depredationibus Romani adeo snot " Majestatis titnlam in officiam Tena- 

vexaii, ut non multo post cum Pap& tons oommutans ... in capturam aTium 

pacem subirent." — God. Colon. The sollicitabat aquilas triumphales." 

author of the life of Gregory says that " Apad Raynald. ami. 1235. 



380 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

as King of the Romans ; the causes and indeed the objects 
Rebellion of ^f his rebcUion are obscure." Henry appears 
King Henry, j^ ]^^y^ ^jgcn a Hiau of fccble character ; so long 

as he was governed by wise counsellors, filling his high 
office without blame ; released from their control, the slave 
of his own loose passions, and the passive, instrument of 
low and designing men. The only impulse to which the 
rebel son could appeal was the pride of Germany, which 
would no longer condescend to be governed from Italy, and 
to be a province of the kingdom of Apulia. Unlike some 
of his predecessors, Pope Gregory took at once the high 
Christian tone : he would seek no advantage from the 
unnatural insurrection of a son against his father. All the 
malicious insinuations against Gregory are put to silence 
by the fact that, during their fiercest war of accusation and 
recrimination, Frederick never charged the Pope with the 
odious crime of encouraging his son's disobedience. Frede- 
rick passed the Alps with letters from the Pope, 
*^' ^^' calling on all the Christian Prelates of Germany to 
assert the authority of the King and of the parent Henry 
had held a Council of Princes "" at Boppart to raise the 
standard of revolt, and had entered into treasonable league 
with Milan and the Lombajd cities. The rebellion was as 
weak as wanton and guilty ; Frederick entered Germany 
with the scantiest attendance ; the afirighted son, 
^' ^^* abandoned by all his partisans, met him at Worms, 
and made the humblest submission.^ He renewed his 
pardon ; but probably some new detected intrigues, or the 
refusal to surrender his castles, or meditated flight,^ 
induced the Emperor to send him as a prisoner to the 

• In the year 1232 Frederick began of the house of Bavaria (Louis of Ba- 
to entertain suspicions of his son, and varia had been guardian of the realm 
to be discontented with his conduct, during his minority). 
Henry (but 20 years old) met his &ther ° God. Colon. Chron. ETphord. apod 
at Aquileia, promised amendment, and Boehmer Pontes K. G. 
to discard his evil counsellors.— Hahn. p " Ipso mense, nuUo obstante, Ale- 
Collect. Monument, i. 227. Frederick manniam intrans, Henricom regem fi- 
might remember the fktal example of lium suum ad mandatum suum reoepit, 
the Franconian house ; the conduct of quem duci Bavarie custodiendom corn- 
Henry V. to Henrjr IV. The chief (lur- misit."— Rich. San Germ, 
then of Henry's vindication, addrened, ** God. Col. Annal. Erphurdt. Quota- 
Sept. 1234, to Bishop Conrad of Hildes- tion ftrom Ann. Argentin. in Boeder's 
heim, is that the Emperor had annulled Regesta, p. 254. 
some of his grants, interfered in behalf 



Chap. XIV. LOMBARDS LEAGUED WITH PRINCE HENRY. 38 1 

kingdom of Naples. There he remained in such obscurity 
that His death might have been unnoticed but for a 
passionate lamentation which Frederick himself sent forth, 
m which he adopted the language of King David on the 
loss of his ungrateful but beloved Absalom/ 

Worms had beheld the sad scene of the ignominious 
arrest and imprisonment of the King of the Germans: 
that event was followed by the splendid nuptials of the 
Emperor with Isabella of England. 

But though the Pope was guiltless, if indeed he was 
guiltless, the Lombards were deep in this con- Lunbudfl 
spiracy against the power and the peace of Fre- Ki^He^. 
derick. They, if they had not from the first "**^"^ 
instigated, had inflamed the ambition of Henry : * they 
had offered, if he would cross the Alps, to* invest, him at 
Monza with the iron crown of Italy.* Frederick's long- 
suppressed impatience of Lombard freedom had now a 
justifiable cause for vengeance. The Ghibelline cities — 
Cremona, Parma, Pisa, and others ; the Ghibelline Princes 
Eccelin and Alberic, the two sons of the suspected heretic 
Eccelin II., who had now descended from his 
throne, and taken the habit of a monk, though it ''^ ' 
was rumoured that his devotion was that of an austere 
Paterin rather than that of an orthodox recluse ; summoned 
the Emperor to relieve them from the oppressions of the 
Guelfic league, and to wreak his just revenge on 
these aggressive rebels. Frederick's declaration "*' 
of war was drawn with singular subtlety. His chief object, 
he declared, was the suppression of heresy. The wide 
prevalence of heresy the Pope could not deny ; to espouse 
the Lombard cause was to espouse that at least of imputed 
heresy ; it was to oppose the Emperor in the exercise of 
his highest imperial function, the promotion of the unity of 

' Bendes this pathetic letter in Peter suom." — Anna]. Mediolen., Moratori, 

de Vine&, W. 1, see the more extraordi- xvi. 624, These are Milanese, certainly 

nary one, quoted by Hofler, addressed to not Ghibelline writers I 

the people of Messina. * During this year (1235) Frederick 

* Gralyaneo Fianuna has these words : assisted with seemingly deep devotion 

'* Henricus composait cum Mediola- at the translation to Marburff of the 

nensibusadpetitionem Domini Papa." — remains of St. Elizabeth of Hungary, 

c. 264. " Ki tunc fBuctA est lega fortis 1,200,000 persons are said to have been 

inter HenricumetMediolanenses ad peti- present. — Montalembert, Vie de Sc. 

tionem Papss contra Imperatorem patrem Blinbeth d'Hongrie. 



382 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

the Church. The Emperor could not leave his owndomi- 
nious in this state of spiritual and civil revolt to wage war in 
foreign lands : so soon as he had subdued the heretic he 
was prepared to arm SLgaiuBt the Infidel. Lombardy 
reduced to obedience, there would be no obstacle to the 
reconquest of the Holy Land. Yet though thus embar- 
rassed) the Pope, in his own defence, could not but interpose 
his mediation ; he commanded both parties to submit to 
his supreme arbitration. Frederick yielded, but resolutely 
limited the time ; if the aibitration was not made before 
Christmas, he was prepared for war. To the most ui^ent 
remonstrances for longer time he turned a deaf and con- 
temptuous ear: he peremptorily challenged the Legate whom 
the xope bad appointed, the Cardinal Bishop of Praeneste, 
and refused to accept as arbiter his declared enemy." 
Frederick had already begun the campaign : Verona had 
opened her gates ; he had stormed Vicenza, and laid half 
the city in ashes. He was recalled beyond the 
Alps by the sudden insurrection of the Duke of 
Austria. Gregory so far yielded, that in place of the 
obnoxious Cardinal of Praeneste, he named as his Legates 
the Cardinals of Ostia and of San Sabina. He 
commended them with high praise to the 
Patriarchs of Aquileia and of Grado, to the Archbishops of 
Genoa and Ravenna, whom, with the sufiragans and all the 
people of Northern Italy, he exhorted to join in obtaining 
the blessings of peace. But already he began to murmur 
his complaints of those grievances which afterwards 
darkened to such impious crimes. The Frangipanis were 
again breaking out into turbulence in Bome:"" it was 
suspected and urged that they were in the pay of Frede- 
ricK. Taxes had been levied on the clergy in the kingdom 
of Naples ; they had been summoned before civil tribunals ; 
the old materials of certain churches had been profanely 
converted by the Saracens of Nocera to the repair of their 
mosques. The answer of Frederick was lofty and galling. 
He denied the truth of the Pope's charges ; he appealed to 

** Ck>mpare the letter, apud Raynald. in nrbe Romft pro parte Imperatoris 

sub ann. 1236 ; more complete in Hofler, gnerram movit contra Papam et Sena- 

p. 357, and 360. torem."— Rich. San Germ. 

* ** Hoc annoPetrusFrangipane, 1236, 



Chap. XIV. BATTLE OP CORTE NUOVA. 383 

the conscience of the Pope. Gregory demanded by what 
right he \presumed to intrude into tnat awful sanctuary.^ 
^' Kings and princes were humbly to repose themselves on 
the lap of priests ; Christian Emperora were bound to sub- 
mit themselves not only to the supreme Pontiff, but even 
to other bishops. The Apostolic See was the judge of the 
whole world ; God had reserved to himself the sole judg- 
ment of the manifest and hidden acts of the Pope. Let the 
Emperor dread the fate of Uzzah, who laid his profane 
hands on the ark of God." He urged Frederick to follow 
the example of the great Constantine, who thought it abso- 
lutely wicked that, where the Head of the Christian 
religion had been determined by the King of Heaven, an 
earthly Emperor should have the smallest power, and had 
therefore surrendered Italy to the Apostolic government, 
and chosen for himself a new residence in Greece." 

Frederick returned from Germany victorious over 
the rebellious Duke of Austria; his son second decent 
Conrad had been chosen King of the Komans. "^ '^^^• 
He crossed the Alps with three thousand German 
men-at-arms, besides the forces of the Ghibelline cities : 
he was joined by ten thousand Saracens from the 
South. His own ambassadors, Henry the Master of 
the Teutonic Order and his Chancellor Peter de Vinea, 
by whom he had summoned the Pope to his aid against the 
enraged Lombards, had returned from Rome without 
accomplishing their mission. At the head of his army he 
would not grant audience to the Roman legates, 
the Cardinal Bishop of Ostia and the Cardinal of "** "^ ' 
St. Sabina, who peremptorily enjoined him to submit to the 
arbitration of the Pope. The great battle of Corte Nuova 
might seem to avenge the defeat of his ancestor Nov. «, 
Frederick Barbarossa at Legnano. The Lombard *^'' 
army was discomfited with enormous loss ; the Carroccio of 
Milan, defended till nightfall, was stripped of its banners, 

7 " Quod neqnaquam ineaute ad judi- pneferre, nee non Dominns sedem apos- 

canda secreta conscientias nostrsB .... tolicam, cajus jodicio orbem terranim 

evolasses ; cam Fegum colla et principnm suljjicit, in occultia et manifestis a 

videas genibus sacerdotum, et Chris- nemine pudicandum, soli sao judicio 

tiani Imperatores subdere debeant exe- reBervayit/'— Greg. Epigt. 10, 253, Oct. 

cutiones suaa non solum Romano Pon- 23, 1236, apud Raynald. 

tifici, qoin etiam aliia pnesttlibos non ' Ibid. 



384 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

and abandoned to the conqueror. Frederick entered 
Cremona, the palaces of which city would hardly con- 
tain the captives, in a splendid ovation. The Fodesta 
of Milan, Tiepolo, son of the Doge of Venice, was bound 
on the captive Carrcccio ; borne, as in the pomp of an 
Eastern potentate, on an elephant, followed with a wooden 
tower, with trumpeters .and the Imperial standard. The 
pride of Frederick at this victory was at its height ; he 
supposed that it would prostrate at once the madness of 
the rebels ; he called upon the world to rejoice at the resto- 
ration of the Roman Empire to all its rights/ The Car- 
roccio was sent to Bome as a gift to the people of the 
gentle city : it was deposited in the Capitol, a significant 
menace to the Fope.** But where every city was a fortress, 
inexpugnable by the arts of war then known, a battle in 
the open field did not decide the fate of a league which 
included so many of the noblest cities of Italy. Frederick 
had passed the winter at Cremona ; the terror of his arms 
had enforced at least outward submission from many of the 
leaguers. Almost all Fiedmont, Alexandria, Turin, Susa, 
and the other cities raised the Ghibelline banner. Milan, 
Brescia, Fiacenza, Bologna, remained alone in arms ; even 
they made overtures for submission. Their oflers were in 
some respects sufliciently humiliating; toacknowledge them- 
selves re Dels, to surrender all their gold and silver, to place 
their banners at the feet of the Emperor, to furnish one 
thousand men for the Crusades ; but they demanded in 
return a general amnesty and admission to the favour of 
the Emperor, the maintenance of the liberties of the citizens 
and of tiie cities. Frederick haughtily demanded absolute 
and unconditional surrender. They feared, they might 
well fear, Frederick's severity against rebels. With mis- 
timed and impolitic rigour he had treated the captive 

• See the letter in Peter de Vineft. ^ '* Qnando ilium ad alms urbis po- 

<• Exultet jam Romani Imperii colmen pulam destinaTit." A marble monument 

. . . mundufl gandeat universus . . . con- of this victory was shown in 1 727. — 

fondatur re&llis insania." — Frederick Mnratori, Dissert, xxvi. t. ii. p. 491. 

disguised not, he boasted of the aid of The inscription was : — 

his Saracens. He describes the Germans .. grgo trlumphormn nrbls memor esto pri- 

reddenmg their swords with blood, ornm, 

Payia and Cremona wreaking vengeance Qw tibl miUebant reges qui belU gere- 

on the tyrannous Milanese, **et suas bant." 

evacuayerunt pharetras Saraceni." — Francisc. Pipin. apnd Muratori. 



Chap. XIV. GREGORY AGAINST FREDERICK. 385 

Podesta of Milan as a rebel ; Tiepolo was sent to Naples, 
and there publicly executed. The Kepublics declared that it 
was better to die by the sword than by the halter, by famine, 
or by fire.° Frederick, in the summer of the next year, 
undertook the siege of Brescia; at the end of Aug.2tooct. 
two months, foiled by the valoiu* of the citizens ^^' 
and the skill of their chief engineer, a Spaniard, Ealaman- 
drino, he was obliged to burn his besiegmg machines, and 
retire humiliated to Padua. But without aid the Lombard 
liberties must fall : the Emperor was master of Italy from 
the Alps to the straits of Messina ; the knell of Italian 
independence was rung ; the Pope a vassal at the mercy of 
Frederick. 

The dauntless old man rose in courage with the danger. 
Temporal allies were not absolutely wanting. Venice, 
dreading her own safety, and enraged at the execution of 
her noble son, Tiepolo, sent proposals for alliance to the 
Pope. The treaty was framed ; Venice agreed to furnish 
25 galleys, 300 knights, 2000 foot-soldiers, 500 archers ; 
she was to obtain, as the price of this aid, Bari and Salpi 
in Apulia, and all that she could conquer in Sicily.** 

The Pope wrote to the confederate cities of Lombardy 
and Komagna, taking them formally under the protection 
of the Holy See.* Genoa, under the same fears as Venice, 
and jealous of Imperialist Pisa, was prepared with her fleets 
to join the cause. During these nine years of peace, even 
if the former transgressions of Frederick were absolutely 
annulled by the treaty and absolution of St. Germano, 
collisions between two parties both grasping and aggressive, 
and with rights the boundaries of which could not be pre- 
cisely defined, had been inevitable: pretexts could be 
found, made, or exaggerated into crimes against the spi- 
ritual power, which would give some justification to that 
power to put forth, at such a crisis, its own peculiar 
weapons; to recur to its only arms, the excommunication, 
the interdict, the absolution of subjects from their alle- 
giance. Over this power Gregory had full command, in 
its employment no scruple. 

« Rich, de Saa Germ. ^ Dandolo» 356. Marin, iv. 223. 

*" Greg. Epist. apud Hahn. zyiii. 

VOL. IV. 2 C ' 



386 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

On Palm Sunday, and on Thursday in Holy week, 

Exconmmni- with all the clvll and ecclesiastical state which 

Si^soto he could assemble around him, Gregory pro- 

M«chJM,ia3». nounced excommunication against the Emperor ; 

he gave over his body to Satan for the good of his soul, 

absolved all his subjects from their allegiance, laid under 

interdict every place in which he might be, degraded all 

ecclesiastics who should perform the services of the Church 

before him, or maintain any intercourse with him; and 

commanded the promulgation of this sentence with the 

Not. 1238. utmost solemnity and publicity throughout Chris- 

^UlSt'the tendom. These were the main articles of the 

Emperor, impeachmeut published some months before: — 

I. That in violation of his oath, he had stirred up insur- 
rection in Borne against the Pope and the Cardinals. 

II. That he had arrested the Cardinal of Praeneste while 
on the business of the Church among the Albigenses. 

III. That in the kingdom of Sicily he had kept benefices 
vacant to the ruin of men's souls ; unjustly seized the goods 
of churches and monasteries, levied taxes on the clei^, 
imprisoned, banished, and even punished them with death. 
iV. That he had not restored their lands or goods to the 
Templars and Knights of St. John. V. That he had 
ill-treated, plundered, and expelled from his realm all the 
partisans of the Church. V I. That he had hindered the 
rebuilding of the church of Sora, favoured the Saracens, 
and settled them among Christians. Vll. That he had 
seized and prevented the nephew of the King of Tunis 
from proceeding tp Rome ibr baptism, and imprisoned 
Peter, Ambassador of the King of England. VIII. That 
he had taken possession of Massa, Ferrara, and especially 
Sardinia, being part of the patrimony of St. Peter. 
IX. That he had thrown obstacles in the way of the reco- 
very of the Holy Land and the restoration of the Latin 
Empire in Constantinople, and in the afiairs of the Lom- 
bards rejected the interposition of the Pope. 

Frederick was at Padua, of which his most useful ally, 
Eccelin di Romano, had become Lord by all his character- 
istic treachery and barbarity. There were great rejoicings 
and festivities on that Palm Sunday ; races and tournaments 



Chap. XIV. FREDERICK'S REPLY TO POPE'S CHARGER. 38? 

in honour of the Emperor. But some few Guelfs were 
heard to murmur bitterly among themselves, "This will be 
a day of woe to Frederick ; this day the Holy Father is 
uttering his ban against him, and delivering him over to 
the devil ! " On the arrival of the intelligence from Rome, 
Frederick for a time restrained his wrath: Peter de 
Vinea, the great Justiciary of the realm of Naples, pro- 
nounced in the presence of Frederick, who wore his crown, 
a long exculpatory sermon to the vast assembly, on a text 
out of Ovid — " Punishment when merited is to be borne 
with patience, but when it is undeserved, with Fredericks 
sorrow/' ' He declared, " that since the days of 22 d»ar^°.** 
Charlemagne, no Emperor had been more just, gentle, and 
magnanimous, or had given so little cause for the hostility 
of the Church." The Emperor himself rose and averred, 
that if the excommunication had been spoken on just 
grounds, and in a lawful manner, he would have given 
instant satisiaction. He could only lament that the Pope 
had inflicted so severe a censure, without grounds and with 
such precipitate haste ; even before the excommunication 
he had refuted with the same quiet argumentation all these 
accusations. His first reply had been in the same calm and 
dignified tone.* The Pope had commissioned the 
Bishops of Wurtzburg, Worms, Vercelli, and 
Parma to admonish the Emperor previous to the excommu- 
nication. In their presence, and in that of the Archbishop 
of Palermo and Messina, the Bishops of Cremona, Lodi, 
Novara, and Mantua, many abbots, and some Dominican 
and Franciscan fi-iars, he had made to all their charges a 
full and satisfactory answer, and delivered his justification 
to the Bishops : — I. He had encouraged no insurrection in 
Rome ; he had assisted the Pope with men and money ; he 
had no concern in the new feuds. II. He had never even 
dreamed of arresting the Cardinal of Prseneste, though he 
might have found just cause, since the Cardinal, acting for 
the Pope, had inflamed the Lombards to disobedience and 
rebellion. III. He could give no answer to the vague 

' Leniter ex merito quicquid patiare ferenda refutation of the charges, according to 
_.«**... ^, ^ , . ,, Matthew Paris (sub ann. 1239), wm 

Qu« remt indigno p<Bna dolenda venlt. anterior to the excomnmnication. 

« Peter de Vined, i. 21, p. 156. The 

2 c 2 



Nov. 1238. 



388 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

and unspecified charges as to the oppression of the clergy 
in the realm of Naples ; and as to particular churches he 
entered into long and elaborate explanations.^ IV. He 
had restored all the lands to which the Templars and 
Knights of St. John had just claim ; ^all but those which 
they had unlawfully received from his enemies during his 
minority; they had been guilty of aiding his enemies 
during the invasion of the kingdom, and some had incurred 
forfeiture : their lands, in certain cases, were assessable ; 
were this not so, they would soon acquire the whole realm, 
and -that exempt from all taxation. V. No one was con- 
demned as a partisan of the Pope ; some had abandoned 
their estates from fear of being prosecuted for their crimes. 
<VI. No church had been desecrated or destroyed in 
Lucera ; that of Sora was an accident, arising out of the 
disobedience of the city ; he would rebuild that, and all 
which had fallen from age. The Saracens, who lived 
scattered over the whole realm, he had settled in one 
place, for the security of the Christians, and to protect 
rather than endanger the faith. VII. Abdelasis had fled 
from the court of the King of Tunis ; he was not a pri- 
soner, but living a free and pleasant life, furnished with 
horses, clothes, and money oy the Emperor. He had 
never (he appealed to the Archbishops of Palermo and 
Messina) expressed any desire for baptism. Had he done 
so, no one would have rejoiced more than the Emperor. 
Peter was no Ambassador of the King of England. VIII. 
The pretensions of the Pope to Massa and Ferrara were 
groundless, still more to Sardinia, his son Enzio had married 
Adelasia, the heiress of that island ; he was the rightful 
King. IX. The King prevents no one from preaching the 
Crusade ; he only interferes with those who, under pretence 
of preaching a Crusade, preach rebellion against the So- 
vereign, or, like John of Vicenza, usurp civil power. As 
to the afiairs of Xombardy, the Pope had but interposed 
delays, to the frustration t)f his military plans. He would 
willingly submit to just terms ; but after the unmeasured 

^ See especially, in a letter in Hofler, and sown with salt. Frederick had 

ids justification for the refusal to rebuild sworn that the city should never be 

the church at Sora. Tlie city had re- again inhabited : why build a church 

belied, had been razed, church and all, for an uninhabited wilderness? 



Chap. XIV. FREDERICK'S APPEAL TO CHRISTENDOM. 389 

demands of the Lombards, and such manifest hostility on 
the part of the Pope, it would be dangerous and de- 
gradmg to submit to the unconditional arbitration of the 
Pope. 

The indignation of Frederick might seem to burst out 
with greater fury from this short, stem suppression. 
He determined boldly, resolutely to measure his *^ 
strength, the strength of the Emperor, the King of Sicily, 
so far the conmieror (notwithstanding the failure before 
Brescia) of the Lombard republics, against the strength of 
the Popedom. The Pope had declared war on causes 
vague, false or insignificant ; the true cause of the war, 
Frederick's growing power and his successes in Lombardy, 
the Pope could not avow; Frederick would appeal to 
Christendom, to the world, on the justice of his cause, and 
the unwarranted enmity of the Pope. He addressed strong 
and bitter remonstrances to the Cardinals, to the Roman 

?eople, to ail the Sovereigns of Christendom. To the 
!ardinals he had already written, though his letter had not 
reached Rome before the promulgation of the excommu- 
nication, admonishing them to moderate the hasty resent- 
ment of the Pope. He endeavoured to separate the cause 
of the Pope from that of the Church; but vengeance 
against Gregory and the famil^ of Gregory could not 
satisfy the insulted dignity of the Empire; if the authority 
of the Holy See, and the weight of their venerable col- 
lege, thus burst all restraint, he must use all measures 
of defence ; injury must be repelled with injury.* Some 
of the Cardinals had endeavoured to arrest the preci- 
pitate wrath of Gregory ; he treated their timid prudence 
with scorn. To the Romans the Emperor expressed his 
indignant wonder that Rome being the head of the Em- 
])ire, the people, without reverence for his majesty, un- 
grateful for all his munificence, had heard tamely the blas- 
phemies of the Roman Pontiff against the Sovereign of 
Korae; that of the whole tribe of Romulus there was not 
one bold patrician, of so many thousand Roman citizens 
not one, who uttered a word of remonstrance, a word of 
sympathy with their insulted Lord. He called on them 

1 Apud Petnun de VineA, i. vi. 



390 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX/ 

to rise and to revenge the blasphemy upon the blasphemer, 
and not to allow him to glory in his presumption, as if 
they consented to his audacity.^ As he was bound to assert 
the honour of Rome, so were they to defend the dignity of 
the Roman Emperor." 

Before all the temporal Sovereigns of the world, the 
Appeaiiothe Empcror entered into a long vindication of all his 
chri^'ndom. acts towards the Church and the Pope ; he appealed 
April 20. |.Q jjjgip j^istice against the unjust and tyranncrus 

hierarchy. " Cast your eyes around, lift up your ears, O 
sons of men, that ye may hear, behold the universal scan- 
dal of the world, the dissensions of nations, lament the 
utter extinction of justice. Wickedness has gone out 
from the Elders of Babylon, who hitherto appeared to rule 
the people, whilst judgment is turned into bitterness, the 
fruits of justice into wormwood. Sit in judgment ye 
Princes, ye People take cognizance of our cause ; let judg- 
ment go forth from the face of the Lord and your eyes 
behold equity." The Papal excommunication had dwelt 
entirely on occurrences subsequent to the peace of St 
Germano. The Emperor went back to the commence- 
ment of the Pope's hostility : he dwelt on his ingratitude, 
his causeless enmity. " He, who we hoped thought only 
of things above, contemplated only heavenly things, dwelt 
only in heaven, was suddenly found to be but a man ; even 
worse, by his acts of inhumanity not only a stranger to 
truth, but without one feeling of humanity." He charged 
the Pope with the basest duplicity ;" he had professed the 
firmest friendship for the Emperor, while by his letters 
and his Legates he was acting the most hostile part." 
This charge rested on his own letters, and the testimony 
of his factious accomplices. The Pope had called on the 
Emperor to defy and wage war against the Romans on his 

^ ** Quia cum idem blasphemator prout constat testimouio plurium nos- 

noBter ausus non fuisset in nostri no- tronim fidelium qui tunc temporis erant 

minis blasphemiam prorumpere, de tantd omnium conscii velut ex eis quidam 

pncsumptione gloriari non possit, quod participes, ct alii principes factionis.*' 

Talentibus et % olentibus Romanis, contra ° He brought the charge against the 

DOS talia perpctrasset/' &c.— Apud Petr. Pope of writing letters to the Sultan, 

de Vin. i. yii. Math. Par. 332. dissuading him from making peace, 

"* '* Asserens quod nobis omnia pla- letters which he declared had fallen 

nissima faciebat, cujus contrarium per into his hands, 
nuncios et literas manifeste procurarat ; 



Chap. XIV. FREDERICK'S APPEAL TO THE PRINCES. 39 1 

behalf, and at the same time sent secret letters to Rome 
that this war was waged without his knowledge or com- 
mand, in order to excite the hatred of the Romans against 
the Emperor. Rome, chiefly by his power, had been 
restored to the obedience of the Pope ; what return had 
the Pope made ? — by befriending the Lombard rebels in 
every manner against their rightful Lord I ® No sooner 
had he raised a powerful army of Germans to subdue these 
rebels, than the Pope inhibited their march, alleging the 
general truce proclaimed for the Crusade. The Legate, 
the Cardinal of Praeneste, whose holy life the Pope so com- 
mended, had encouraged the revolt of Piacenza. because he 
could find no just cause for his excommunication, the Pope 
had secretly sent letters and Legates through the Empire, 
through the world, to seduce his subjects from their alle- 
giance. He had promised the ambassadors of Frederick, 
the Archbishop of Palermo, the Bishops of Florence and 
Reggio, the Justiciary Thaddeus of Suessa, and the Arch- 
bishop of Messina, that he would send a Legate to the 
Emperor to urge tlie Lombards to obedience ; but in the 
mean time, he sent a Legate to Lombardy to encourage 
and inflame their resistance. Notwithstanding his answer 
to all the charges against him, which had made the Bishops 
of the Papal party blush by their completeness ;^ notwith- 
standing this unanswerable refutation, the Pope had pro- 
ceeded on Palm Sunday, and on Thursday in the Holy 
Week, to excommunicate him on these charges ; this at 
the instigation of a few Lombard Cardinals, most of the 
better Cardinals, if report speaks true, remonstrating against 
the act. ** Be it that we had offended the Pope by some 
public and singular insult, how violent and inordinate these 
proceedings, as though, if he had not vomited forth the 
wrath that boiled within him, he must have burst 1 We 
grieve from our reverence for our Mother the Church ! 
Could we accept the Pope, thus our avowed enemy, no 

** '*Aadite minbilem circnmyentionis modaminrebellioneconfiriDet." — Epist. 

modum ad depressionem nostnc justitiiB ad H. R. ADgliie. Rymer, snb ann. 1 2S8. 
excogitatum. Dum pacem cum nobis ^ ** Quanqaam de patris instabilitate 

habere Telle se simolaret at Lombardos confusos se filii repatarent, ac vere- 

ad tempm, per treugarum suffragia, candid capitis rubor ora perfniideret." 

respirantes, contra nos fortias post- *-p. 156. 



392 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

equitable judge to arbitrate in our dispute with Milan ; 
Milan, favoured by the Pope, though by the testimony of 
all religious men, swarming with heretics ?** We hold Pope 
Gregory as an unworthy Vicar of Christ, an unworthy 
successor of St. Peter; not in disrespect to his office, 
but of his person, who sits in his court like a merchant 
weighing out dispensations for gold, himself signing, writing 
the bulls, perhaps counting the money. He has but one 
real cause of enmity against me, that I refused to marry 
to his niece my natural son Enzio, now King of Sardinia. 
But ye, O Kings and Princes of the earth, lament not only 
for us, but for the whole Church ; for her head is sick ; 
her prince is like a roaring lion ; in the midst of her sits a 
frantic i)rophet, a man of falsehood, a polluted priest ! " He 
concludes by calling all the princes of the world to his aid ; 
not that his own forces are insufficient to repel such injuries, 
but that the world may know that when one temporal prince 
is thus attacked the honour of all is concerned. 

Another Imperial address seems designed for a lower 
Appe«atoth6 class, that class whose depths were stirred to 
commonalty, ^gtred of the Euipcror by the Preachers and the 
Franciscans. Its strong figurative language, its scriptural 
allusions, its invective against that rapacity of the Roman 
See which was working up a sullen discontent even among 
the clei^, is addressed to all Christendom. Some pas- 
sages must illustrate this strange controversy. " The 
Chief Priests and the Pharisees have met in Council 
against their Lord, against the Roman Emperor. ^ What 
shall we do, say they, for this man is triumphing over all 
his enemies?' If we let him alone, he will subdue the 
glory of the Lombards ; and, like another Caesar, he will not 
delay to take away our place and destroy our nation. He 
will hire out the vineyard of the Lord to other labourers, 
and condemn us without trial, and bring us to ruin." " Let 
us not await the fulfilment of these words of our Lord, 
but strike him quickly, say they, with our tongues ; let 
our arrows be no more concealed, but go forth ; so go 
forth as to strike, so strike as to wound ; so be he wounded 

•> This very year Frederick renewed bard heretics. — Feb. 22. Monoment. 
his remorseless edicts against the Lorn* Germ. 1. 326, 7, 8. 



Chap. XIV. APPEAL TO THE PEOPLE. 393 

as to fall before us, so fall as never to rise again ; and 
then will he see what profit he has in his dreams." Thus 
speak the Pharisees who sit in the seat of Moses. ..." This 
father of fathers, who is called the servant of servants, 
shutting out all justice, is become a deaf adder; refuses 
to hear the vindication of the King of the Romans ; 
hurls malediction into the world as a stone is hurled from 
a sling ; and sternly, and heedless of all consequences, ex- 
claims, * What I have written, I have written.' " 

In better keeping Frederick alludes to the words of our 
Lord to his disciples after his resurrection, " That Master 
of Masters said not, ' Take arms and shield, the arrow, 
and the sword ;' but, * Peace be with you.' " On the ava- 
rice of the Pope he is inexhaustible. ** But thou having 
nothing, but possessing all things, art ever seeking what 
thou mayest devour and swallow up ; the whole world 
cannot glut the rapacity of thy maw, for the whole world 
sufficeth thee not. The Apostle Peter, by the Beautiful 
Gate, said to the lame man, ' I have neither silver nor 
gold;' but thou, if thy heap of money, which thou adorest, 
begins to dwindle, immediately beginnest to limp with the 
lame man, seeking anxiously what is of this world.' . . . Let 
our Mother Church then bewail that the shepherd of the 
flock is become a ravening wolf, eating the fatlings of the 
flock; neither binding up the broken, nor bringing the 
wanderer home to the fold ; but a lover of schism, the 
head and author of offence, the father of deceit ; against 
the rights and honour of the Roman King he protects 
heretics, the enemies of God, and of all the faithful in 
Christ ; having cast aside all fear of God, all respect of 
man. But that he may better conceal the malice of his 
heart, he cherishes and protects these enemies of the 
Cross and of the faith, under a certain semblance of piety, 
saying that he only aids the Lombards lest the Emperor 
should slay them, and should judge more rigorously than his 
justice requires. But this fox-like craft will not deceive 
the skilful hunter. . . . O grief! rarely dost thou expend the 
vast treasures of the Church on the poor 1 But, as Aiiagni 
bears witness, thou hast commanded a wonderful mansion, 

' In one place he calls him " Gregorias gregis disgregator potins." 



394 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

as it were the Palace of the Sun, to be built, forgetful of 
Peter, who long had nothing but his net ; and of Jerusalem, 
which lies the servant of dogs, tributary to the Saracens ; 
* All power is from God,' writes the Apostle ; * whoso re- 
sists the power resists the authority of God/ Either re- 
ceive, then, into the bosom of the Church her elder son,' 
who without guile incessantly demands pardon ; otherwise, 
the strong lion, who feigns sleep, with his terrible roar will 
draw all the fat bulls from the ends of the earth, will plant 
justice, take the rule over the Church, plucking up and 
destroying the horns of the proud 1 " * 

The Pope, in his long and elaborate reply, exceeded 
. even the violence of this fierce Philippic. It is 

thus that the Father of the Faithful commences 
his manifesto against the Emperor in the words of the 
Apocalypse : " Out of the sea is a beast arisen, whose 
name is all over written * Blasphemy;' he has the feet 
of a bear, the jaws of a ravening lion, the mottled limbs 
of the panther. He opens his mouth to blaspheme the 
name of God ; and shoots his poisoned arrows against the ta- 
bernacle of the Lord, and the saints that dwell therein. . . . 
Already has he laid his secret ambush against the Church, 
he openly sets up the battering engines of the Ishmaelites ; 
builds schools for the perdition of souls," lifts himself up 
against Christ the Redeemer of man, endeavouring to 
efface the tablets of his testament with the pen of heretical 
wickedness. Cease to wonder that he has drawn against 
us the dagger of calumny, for he has risen up to extirpate 
from the earth the name of the Lord. Rather, to repel 
his lies by the simple truth, to refute his sophisms by the 
arguments of holiness, we exorcise the head, the body, the 
extremities of this beast, who is no other than the Emperor 
Frederick," 

Then follows a full account of the whole of Frederick's 
former contest with Gregory, in which the Emperor is 
treated throughout as an unmeasured liar. "This shame- 
less artisan of falsehood lies when he says that I was of 
old his friend." The history of the preparation for the 

* ** Filium siDgularem." ^ Gregory no doabt alludes to the 

* Peter de VineA, i, I. universities founded by Frederick. 



Chap. XIV. GREGORY'S REPLY. 395' 

Crusade, arid the Crusade is related with the blackest 
calumny. To Frederick is attributed the death of the Cru- 
saders at Brundusium, and the poisoning of the Landgrave of 
Thuringia, insinuated as the general belief. The suppression 
of heresy in Lombardy could not be entrusted to one himself 
tainted by heresy. The insurrections in Lombardy are attri- 
buted to the Emperor's want of clemency ; the oppressions of 
the Church are become the most wanton and barbarous 
cruelties ; the dwellings of Christians are pulled down to 
build the walls of Babylon ; churches are destroyed that 
edifices may be built where divine honours are offered to 
Mohammed. The kingdom of Sicily, so declares the 
Pope, is reduced to the utmost distress.* By his unex- 
ampled cruelties, barons, knights, and others have been 
degraded to the state and condition of slaves ; already the 
greater part of the inhabitants have nothing to lie upon 
but hard straw, nothing to cover their nakedness but the 
coarsest clothes ; nothing to appease their hunger but a 
little millet bread. The charge of dilapidation of the 
Papal revenues, of venal avarice, the Pope repels with 
indignation : " I, who by God's grace have greatly in- 
creased the patrimony of the Church. He falsely asserts 
that I was enraged at his refusing his consent to the mar- 
riage of my niece with his natural son.'^ He lies more 
impudently when he says that I have in return pledged my 
faith to the Lombards against the Empire." Throughout the 
whole document there is so much of the wild exaggeration 
of passion, and at the same time so much art in the dress- 
ing out of facts ; such an absence of the grave majesty of 

* Read the Canouico Gregorios's sen- pubbliche entrate, e Duovicontribazioni, 

sible accoQut of the taxation of Sicily by comecche fosse, si procacciasse : anzi le 

Frederick 11. " Occupato di continuo cose in processo di tempo aspramente e 

nelle guerre Italiane, intento a repri- per raolta irritazion di animo si exacer- 

mere nei suoi stati i movimenti dei fa- barono." — t. iii. p. 110. No doubt, as 

ziosi, e della implacabile ira dei suoi his finances became more and more ex- 

nemici oppresso e dai Romani Pontefici hausted by war, the burthens must have 

sempre constemato, ebbe cosi varia e been heavier. But the flourishing state 

travagliata fortuna, e fu in tali angustie of Sicilian commerce and agriculture 

di continuo redutto, ed ai suoi molti e during the peaceful period but now 

pressanti e sempre nuovi bisogni piii elapsed, confutes this virulent accusation 

non troYO gli ordinari proventi delta of the Pope. 

corona, e le antiche rendite del regno ' This is not strictly a denial of the 
sufficiente. Indi avvenne, chh da quel fact of such proposals, or at least of ad- 
tempo in poi fn constretto ad ordinare vances by the Pope. This charge of 
i piii BOttili modi, perch6 acerescesce le early nepotism is curious. 



396 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

religion and the calm simplicity of truth, as to be sur- 
prising even when the provocations of Frederick's ad- 
dresses are taken into consideration. But the heaviest 
charge was reserved for the close. " In truth this pestilent 
King maintains, to use his own words, that the world has 
Charge aboot bccu dcccivcd by three impostors;" Jesus Christ, 
poston. Moses, and Mahomet : that two of these died in 
honour, the third was hanged on a tree. Even more, he 
has asserted distinctly and loudly that those are fools, who 
aver that God, the Omnipotent Creator of the world, was 
born of a Virgin." 

Such was the blasphemy of which the Pope arraigned 
the Emperor before Christendom. Popular rumour had 
scattered abroad through the jealousy of the active priest- 
hood, and still more through the wandering Friars, many 
other sayinas of Frederick equally revolting to the feelings 
of the age ; not merely that which contrasted the fertility of 
his beloved Sicily with the Holy Land, but sayings which 
were especially scornful as to the presence of Christ in the 
sacrament. When he saw the host carried to a sick person, 
he is accused of saying, " How long will this mummery 
last?"' When a Saracen prince was present at the mass, 
he asked what was in the monstrance : " The people fable 
that it is our God." Passing once through a corn-field, he 
said, " How many Gods might be made out of this com ?'* 
" If the princes of the world would stand by him he would 
easily make for all mankind a better faith and better rule 
of life."^ 

Frederick was not unconscious of the perilous workings 
of these direct and indirect accusations upon the popular 
mind. He hastened to repel them ; and to turn the lan- 
guage of the Apocalypse against his accuser. He thus 
Frederick's addrcsscd the bishops of Christendom. After 
rejoinder, declarfng that God had created two great lights 
for the guidance of mankind, the Priesthood, and the 

' A book was said to have existed at ^ Peter dc VineA, i. 81. He was said 
this time, with this title ; it has neyer also to have laid down the maxim, 
been discovered. I have seen a vulgar " Homo nihil aliud debet credere, nisi 
production with the title, of modem quod potest vi et ratioue natune pro- 
manufacture, bare."— Apud Raynald. 

« « Quam diu durabit Truffa ista?" 



Chap. XIV. STATE OF THE PUBLIC MIND. 397 

• 

Empire : — " He, in name only Pope, has called us the 
beast that arose out of the sea, whose name was Blas- 
phemy, spotted as the panther. We again aver that he is 
the beast of whom it is written, ' And there went out 
another horse that was red, and power was given to him 
that sat thereon to take away peace from the earth, that 
the living should slay each other.' For from the time of 
his accession this Father, not of mercies but of discord, not 
of consolation but of desolation, has plunged the whole 
world in bitterness. If we rightly interpret the words, he 
is the great anti-Christ, who has deceived the whole world, 
the anti-Christ of whom he declares us the forerunner. He 
is a second Balaam hired by money to curse us ; the prince 
of the princes of darkness who have abused the prophecies. 
He is the angel who issued from the abyss having the 
vials full of wormwood to waste earth and heaven." The 
Emperor disclaims in the most emphatic terms the speech 
about the three impostors ; rehearses his creed, especially 
concerning the Incarnation, in the orthodox words ; ex- 
presses the most reverential respect for Moses : " As to 
Mahomet, we have always maintained that his body is 
suspended in the air, possessed by devils, his soul tor- 
mented in hell, because his works were works of darkness 
and contrary to the laws of the Most High," The address 
closed with an appeal to the sounder wisdom of the Pre- 
lates, and significant threats of the terrors of his ven- 
geance. 

The effect of this war of proclamations, addressed, only 
with a separate superscription, to every King in 
Christenaom, circulated in every kingdom, was to 
fill the hearts of the faithful with terror, amazement, and 
perplexity. Those who had espoused neither the party of 
the Emperor nor of the Pope fluctuated in painful doubt. 
The avarice of the Roman See had alienated to a ^reat 
extent the devotion of mankind, otherwise the letter of the 
Pope would have exasperated the worid to mad- p^buc 
ness ; they would have risen in one wide insurrec- SSiSi!?* 
tion against the declared adversary of the Church, ****"• 
as the enemy of Christ. " But alas I " so writes a cotem- 



400 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

demanded a fifth of all the revenues of the English clergy, 
ill the name of the Pope to assist him in his holy war 
against the Emperor. Edmund Rich the Primate yielded 
to the demand, and was followed by others of the bishops.* 
But Edmund, worn out with age and disgust, abandoned 
his see, withdrew into France, and in the same monastery of 
Pontigny, imitated the austerities and prayers, as he could 
not imitate the terrors, of his great predecessor Becket. 
The lower clergy were more impatient of the Papal de- 
mands. A crafty agent of the Pope, Pietro Rosso ^ (Peter 
the Red), travelled about all the monasteries extorting 
money ; he falsely declared that all the bishops, and many 
of the higher abbots, had eagerly paid their contributions. 
But he exacted from them, as if from the Pope himself, a 
promise to keep his assessment secret for a year. The 
abbots appealed to the King, who treated them with utter 
disdain. He offered one of his castles to the Legate and 
Peter the Red, to imprison two of the appellants, the 
Abbots of St. Edmundsbury and of Beaulieu. At North- 
ampton the Legate and Peter again assembled the 
bishops, and demanded the fifth from all the possessions of 
the Church. The bishops declared that they must con- 
sult their archdeacons. The clergy refiised altogether 
this new levy ; they would not contribute to a fund 
raised to shed Christian blood. The rectors of Berkshire 
were more bold ; their answer has a singular tone 
of fearless English freedom ; they would not submit to 
contribute to funds raised against the Emperor as if 
he were a heretic ; though excommunicated he had not 
been condemned by the judgement of the Church ; even if 
he does occupy the patrimony of the Church, the Church 
does not enaploy the secular arm against heretics. The 
Church of Rome has its own patrimony, it has no right to 
tax the churches of other nations. The Pope has the 
general care over all churches, but no property in their 
estates. The Lord said to Peter, " What you bind on 
earth shall be bound in heaven ;" not "What you exact on 

' Edmund had aspired to be a second in his distress, he recoiled from the 

Becket; he had raised a quarrel with contest, 
the King on the nomination to the bene- *• De Rubeis. 
fices ; but feebly supported by Gregory 



Chap. XIV. EMPIRE OFFERED TO ROBERT OF FRANCE. 401 

earth shall be exacted in heaven.'* The revenues of the 
Church were assigned to peculiar uses, for the relief of the 
poor, not for maintenance of war, especially among Chris- 
tians. Popes, even when they were exiles and the Church 
of England was at its wealthiest, had made no such de- 
mands." Yet partly by sowing discord among Ausainu, 
bis adversaries, partly by flattery, partly by *"®- 
menace, the Legate continut d, to the great indignation of 
the Emperor, to levy large sums for the Papal Crusade in 
the dominions of his brother-in-law.* 

In France Pope Gregory attempted to play a loftier 
game; an appeal to the ambition of the royal offer ofim- 
house ; he would raise up a new French SRlfbS?^ 
Pepin or Charlemagne to the rescue of the *^*™* * 
enaangered Papacy. He sent ambassadors to the court 
of St. Louis with this message : — ** After mature delibe- 
ration with our brethren the Cardinals we have deposed 
from the imperial throne the reigning Emperor Frede- 
rick; we have chosen in his place Robert, brother 
of the King of France. Delay not to accept this dignity, 
for the attainment of which we offer all our treasures, 
and all our aid." The Pope could hardly expect 
the severe rebuke in which the pious King of France 
couched his refusal of this tempting offer. *' Whence this 
pride and audacity of the Pope, which thus presumes to 
disinherit and depose a King who has no superior, nor 
even an equal, among Christians ; a King neither con- 
victed by others, nor by his own confession, of the crimes 
laid to his charge. Even if those crimes were proved, no 
power could depose him but a general council. On his 
transgressions the judgement of his enemies is of no weight, 
and his deadliest enemy is the Pope. To us he has not 
only thus far appeared guiltless, he has been a good 
neighbour ; we see no cause for suspicion either of his 
worldly loyalty, or his Catholic faith. This we know, 
that he has fought valiantly for our Lord Jesus Christ 
both by sea and land. So much religion we have not 
found in the Pope, who endeavoured to confound and 
wickedly supplant him in his absence^ while he was 

1 M. Paris, sab ann. 1240, 
VOL. IV. 2 D 



402 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

engaged in the cause of God." ^ The nobles of France did 
more, they sent ambassadors to Frederick to inform him 
of the Pope's proceedings, and to demand account of his 
faith. Frederick was moved by this noble conduct He 
solemnly protested his orthodox belief. *^ May Jesus 
Christ grant that I never depart from the faith of my 
magnanimous ancestors, to follow the ways of perdition. 
The Lord judge between me and the man who has thus 
defamed me before the world." He lifted his hands to 
heaven, and said in a passion of tears: "The God of 
vengeance recompense him as he deserves. If," he added, 
"you are prepared to war against me, I will defend 
myself to the utmost of my power." "God forbid," said 
the ambassadors, " that we snould wage war on any Chris- 
tian without just cause. To be the brother of the King of 
France is sufficient honour for the noble Bobert." 

In Germany the attempt of the Pope to dethrone the 
Emperor awoke even stronger indignation. Two princes 
to whom Gregory made secret overtures refused the pe- 
rilous honour. An appeal to the Prelates of the Empire 
was met even by the most respectful with earnest exhorta- 
tions to peace. In one address they declared the universal 
opinion that the whole quarrel arose out of the uiijustifi- 
able support given by the Pope to the Milanese rebels ; 
and they appealed to the continued residence of the Papal 
Legate Gregory of Monte Longo in Milan as manifesting 
the Pope's undeniable concern in that obstinate revolt™ 
Popular German poetry denounced the Pope as the 
favourer of the Lombard heretics, who had made him 
drunk with their gold." Gregory himself bitterly com- 
plains " that the German princes and prelates still adhered 
to Frederick, the oppressor, the worse than assassin, who 
imprisons them, places them under the ban of the Empire, 
even puts them to death. Nevertheless they despise the 
Papal anathema, and maintain his cause." "" Gregory was 

^ Paris, sab ann. 1839. trahens, fldeles imperii modis omnibas, 

■* Apud Hahn, Mcmoment t i. p. 234. quibus potest, a fide et derotione debitft 

" Testimoniam ^neralis opimonis quod nititar revocare." 

in fkyorem Mediolanensiiim, et suonuii "^ See the quotatioii from Bnider 

■eqaacinm incessentis tallter in earn . . . Weinher/the Minnesinger, in Giesekr. 

quod O. de Monte Longo legatos vester, " Dumont apud Von Kaumer. 

apud Mediolanenses continoam moram 



Chap. XIV. ALBERT VON BEHAM. 403 

not fortunate or not wise in the choice of his partisans. 
One of those partisans, Rainer of St Quentin, presumed to 
summon the German welates to answer at Paris for their 
disloyal conduct to the Pope. The Pope had invested Albert 
von Beham Archdeacon of Passau, a violent and ^^n^^ or 
dissolute man, with full power; he used it to ^**^- 
threaten bishops and even archbishops, he dared to utter sen- 
tences of excommunication against them. He alarmed the 
Duke of Bavaria into the expression of a rash desire that 
they had another Emperor, it was on Otho of Bavaria that 
Albert strove to work with all the terrors of delegated 
papal power. There was a dispute between the Archbishop 
of Mentz and Otho concerning the convent of Laurisheim. 
Albert as Papal Legate summoned the Primate to appear 
at Heidelberg. The archbishop not appearing was de- 
clared contumacious ; an interdict was laid on Mentz. In 
another quarrel of Otho with the Bishop of Freisingen 
the imperialist judges awarded a heavy fine against Otho. 
Albert, irritated by songs in the streets, "The Pope is 
going down, the Emperor going up," ^ rescinded the decree 
on the Pope's authority, and commanded the institution 
of a new suit. Albert ordered the Archbishop of 
Saltzburg and the Bishop of Passau to excommunicate 
Frederick of Austria for his adherence to the Emperor ; 
summoned a council at Landshut ; placed Siegfrid Bishop 
of Ratisbon, the Chancellor of the Empire, under the ban ; 
threatened to summon the Archbishop of Saltz- 
burg and the Bishop, to arraign them under 
processes of treason ; ^^ He would pluck their mitres 
from their heads.'' The Bishop of Passau, in his resent- 
ment, threatened to arm his men in a Crusade against 
Albert von Beham. Albert did not confine himself to 
Bavaria, he threatened the Bishops of Augsburg, Wurtz- 
burg, Eichstadt, with the same haughty insolence. The 
consequence of all this contempt thus thrown on the 
greatest prelates was, that the imperialists every where 
gained courage. The Emperor, the Landgrave of Thu- 
ringia, the Marquis of Meissen, Frederick of Austria, 

^ *' Bait pan Papalis, pnevalttit ImperialiB." 

2 D 2 



404 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

treated the excommunication as a vulgar ghost, an old 
wives' tale."^ But the great prelates did not disguise 
their wrath ; their dislike and contempt for Von Beham 
was extended to his master. *^ Let tnis Roman priest," 
said Conrad Bishop of Freisingen, ^^ feed his own Italians ; 
we who are set by God as dogs to watch our own folds, 
will keep off all wolves in sheep's clothing." Eberhard 
Archbishop of Saltzburg not only applied the same igno- 
minious term to the Pope, but struck boldly at the whole 
edifice of the Papal power ; we seem to hear a premature 
Luther. He describes the wars, the slaughters, the sedi- 
tions, caused by these Roman Flamens, for their own ambi- 
tious and rapacious ends. '^ Hildebrand, one hundred and 
seventy years ago, under the semblance of religion, laid 
the foundations of Anti-Christ. He who is the servant of 
servants would be the Lord of Lords. . . . This accursed 
man, whom men are wont to call Anti-Christ, on whose 
contumelious forehead is written, *I am God, I cannot 
err,* sits in the temple of God and pretends to universal 
dominion." ' Frederick himself addressed a new proclama- 
tion to the princes of Germany. Its object was to separate 
the interests of the Church from those of the Pope ; those 
of the Bishop of Rome from Gregory. " Since his ancestors 
the Caesars had lavished wealth and dignity on the Popes, 
they had become the Emperor's most implacable enemies. 
Because I will not recognise his sole unlimited power and 
honour him more than God, he, Anti-Christ himself, brands 
me, the truest friend of the Church, as a heretic. Who 
can wish more than I that the Christian community should 
resume its majesty, simplicity, and peace, but this cannot 

^ ** Ut tremendum olim excommu- dinatori operam prestarent cujns merces 

nicationis nomen, non magis quain fomosque prteter Bohemum Begem, et 

coDpitalem larvam, aut Dutricularum Bavariie Ducem nemo aestimaret" — 

naenias metuerent, probrosum rati era- Ibid. " Neqoe deerant inter sacrificulos 

da militarium hominum pectora capi, scurrtt qui omnia Albert! fnlmina, nega- 

angique religionibns, qoas sacnficuli ut rent se vel una piaculari faba procara- 

yaniasimas superstiUones despicerent." turoe, p. xix." Albert was in poverty 

— Brunner, xii., quoted in the preface and disgrace about the time of GregoiT's 

to the curious publication of Hbfler, death, May 6, 1241. — Hofler, p. SO. 
"Albert yon Beiiam," Stutgard, 1847. ' Ayentmus, Annal. Brunner doubts 

Frederick of Austria held a grave as- the authenticity of this speech of the 

sembly of Teutonic Knights, Templars, Archbishop of Saltzburg. It rests on the 

and Hospitallers, three abbots, five somewhat doubtful authority of Aven- 

mysts. These " Alberti impudentia tinus. It sounds rather of a later date, 
irrisa ; exsibilati ,qui huic roisero nun- 



Chap. XIV. THE FRIARS. 405 

be, until the fundamental evil, the ambition, the pride, 
and prodigality of the Bishop of Rome, be rooted up. I 
am no enemy of the priesthood ; I honour the priest, the 
humblest priest, as a father, if he will keep aloof from 
secular affiiirs. The Pope cries out that I would root out 
Christianity with force and by the sword. Folly 1 as if the 
kingdom of God could be rooted out by force and by 
the sword; it is by evil lusts, by avarice and rapacity, 
that it is weakened, polluted, corrupted. Against these 
evils it is my mission of God to contend with the sword. I 
will give back to the sheep their shepherd, to the people 
their bishop, to the world its spiritual father. I will tear 
the mask from the face of this wolfish tyrant, and force 
him to lay aside worldly affairs and earthly pomp, and 
tread in the holy footsteps of Christ."* 

On the other hand, the Pope had now a force working 
in every realm of Christendom, on every class of mankind, 
down to the very lowest, with almost irresistible power. 
The hierarchical religion of the age, the Papal religion, 
with all its congenial imaginativeness, its Suming and 
unquestioning faith, its superstitions, was kept up in all its 
intensity by the Preachers and the Mendicant Friars. 
Never did great man so hastily commit himself to so un- 
wise a determination as Innocent III., that no new Orders 
should be admitted into that Church which has maintained 
its power by the constant succession of new Orders. Never 
was his greatness shown more than by his quick perception 
and total repudiation of that error. Gregory IX. might 
indeed have more extensive experience of the use of these 
new allies : on them he lavished his utmost favour ; he 
had canonised both St. Dominic and St Francis ThePrun. 
with extraordinary pomp; he entrasted the ^^y**^"^- 
most important affairs to their disciples. The Domi- 
nicans, and still more the Franciscans, showed at 
once the wisdom of the Pope's conduct and their 
own gratitude by the most steadfast attachment to 
the Papal cause. They were the real dangerous ene- 
mies of Frederick in all lands. They were in king's 
courts ; the courtiers looked on them with jealousy, but 

* Frederick wrote to Otho of Bayaria from his dominions. — ATentin. Aqd* 
(Oct. 4, 1240) to expel Albert tod Bebam Boior. t. 8, 5. 



406 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

were obliged to give them place ; they were in the 
humblest and most retired villages. No danger could 
appal, no labours fatigue their incessant activity. The 
first act of Frederick was to expel, imprison, or 
take measures of precaution against those of the 
clergy who were avowed or suspected partisans of the Pope. 
The Friars had the perilous distinction of being cast forth 
in a body from the realm, and forbidden under the severest 
penalties to violate its borders.* In every Guelfic city 
they openly, in every Ghibelline city, if they dared not 
openly, they secretly preached the Crusade against the 
Emperor." Milan, chiefly through their preaching, 
redeemed herself from the charge of connivance at the 
progress of heresy, by a tremendous holocaust of victims, 
burned without mercy. The career of John of Vicenza 
had terminated before the last strife : " but John of 
Vicenza was the type of the Friar Preachers in their 
height of influence ; that power cannot be understood 
without some such example ; and though there might be 
but one John of Vicenza, there were hundreds working, if 
with less authority, conspiring to the same end, and 
swaying with their conjoint force the popular mind. 

Assuredly, of those extraordinary men who from time 
John of to time have appeared in Italy, and by their 
vieeoM. passionate religious eloquence seized and for a 
time bound down the fervent Italian mind, not the least 
extraordinary was Brother John (Fra Giovanni), of a 
noble house m Vicenza. He became a Friar Preacher : he 
appeared in Bologna. Before long, not only did the 
populace crowd in countless multitudes to his pulpit ; the 
authorities, with their gonfalons and crosses, stood around 
him in mute and submissive homage. In a short time he 
preached down every feud in the city, in the district, in the 
county of Bologna. The women threw aside their ribbons, 
their flowers ; their modest heads were shrouded in a veil. 



t <i 



Capitula edita sunt, in primii at that even now the second Great Matter 

Fratres Prvdicatorei et Minores, qui of the Franciscans, expelled or haying 

snnt oriondi de terns infideliam Lorn- revolted from his Order, Brother Elias» 

bordisB expellantur de regna" — Rich, a most popular preacher, was on the 

de San Germ. Gregory asserts that one tide of Frederick. 

Friar Minor was burned.— Greg. Bull, ' There is an allusion to John of Vi- 

apud Raynald. p. 220. cenxa in a letter of Frederick.— Hofler, 

" It is, however, very remarkable p. 363. 



Chap. XIV. JOHN OF VICENZA. 407 

It was believed that he wrought daily miracles/ Under 
his care the body of St Dominic was trahslated to its final 
resting-place with the utmost pomp. It was said, but said 
by unfriendly voices, that he boasted of personal conversa- 
tion with Christ Jesus, with the Virgin Mary, and with the 
Angels. The Friar Preachers gained above twenty 
thousand marks of silver from the prodigal munificence 
of his admirers. He ruled Bologna with despotic sway : 
released criminals ; the Fodesta stood awed before him ; 
the envious Franciscans alone (their envy proves his 
power) denied his miracles, and made profane and 
Duffoonish verses against the eloquent Dominican.^ 

But the limits of Bologna and her territory were too 
narrow for the holy ambition, for the wonderful powers of 
the great Preacher. He made a progress through Lom- 
bardy. Lombardy was then distracted by fierce wars; 
city against city; in every city faction against faction. 
Wherever John appeared was peace. Padua advanced 
with her carroccio to Monselice to escort him into 
the city. Treviso, Feltre, Belluno, Vicenza, Verona, 
Mantua, Brescia, heard his magic words, and reconciled 
their feuds. On the shores of the Adige, about Angoit as. 
three miles from Verona, assembled the whole of *^- 
Lombardy, to proclaim and to swear to a solemn act of 
peace. Verona, Mantua, Brescia, Padua, Vicenza, came 
with their carroccios; from Treviso, Venice, Ferrara, 
Bologna, thronged numberless votaries of peace. The 
Bishops of Verona, Brescia, Mantua, Bologna, Modena» 
Beggio, . Treviso, Vicenza, Padua, gave the sanction of 
their sacred presence. The Podestas of Bologna, Treviso, 
Padua, Vicenza, Brescia, Ferrara, appeared and other lords 
of note, the Patriarch of Aquileia, the Marquis of £ste. It 
was asserted that 400,000 persons stood around. John of 

' But, sajB an incredulous writer, ' *« Et JohanaM Johaonlflat 

** Dicevasi ancora ch* cgli curasse ogni Etsaitandocboraiaat: 

malattia, e che cacciasse i demoni : ma jj?*® f^^ ""l*! "{?• 

lo non potei vedere alcuno da lui Ube- Saltat iste, saltat ille, 

rato, bench<^ pure nsassi ogni mezso per Resultant cohortei miUe ; 

Tederlo ; n^ potei parlare con alcuno ^^\ $<*^,^"»*'»*™n»i 
cne amnnasse cod sicurezsa ai aver 

Tedutoqualchemiracolodaluioperato." —From Salimbeni, Von Banmer, iii. 

— Salimbeni. P* ^^S* 



408 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

Vicenza ascended a stage sixty feet high ; it was said that 
his sermon on the valedictory words of the Lord, " My 
peace I leave with you," was distinctly heard, wafted or 
echoed by preternatural powers to every ear.* The terms 
of a general peace were read, and assented to by one uni- 
versal and prolonged acclamation. Among these was the 
marriage of Rinaldo, son of the Marquis of Este, with 
Adelaide daughter of Alberic, brother of Eccelin di Ro- 
mano. This was the gage of universal amity ; these two 
great houses would set the example of holy peace. Men 
rushed into each other's arms; the kiss of peace was 
interchanged by the deadliest enemies, amid acclamations 
which seemed as if they would never cease. 

But the waters of the Fo rise not with more sudden 
and overwhelming force, ebb not with greater rapidity, 
than the religious passions of the Italians, especially the 
passion for peace and concord. John of Vicenza split on 
rhe rock fatal always to the powerful spiritual demagogues, 
even the noblest demagogues, of Italy. He became a 
politician. He retired to his native Vicenza ; entered into 
the Council, aspired to be Lord and Count ; all bowed 
before him. He proceeded to examine and reform the 
statutes of the city. He passed to Verona, demanded and 
obtained sovereign power, introduced the Count Boni- 
face, received hostages for mutual peace from the con- 
flicting parties ; took possession of some of the neighbouring 
castles ; waged fierce war with heretics ; burned sixty males 
and females of some of the noble families ; published laws. 
Vicenza became jealous of Verona ; Fadua leagued with 
Vicenza to throw off the yoke. ^ The Preacher, at the head 
of an armed force, appeared at the gates, demanded the 
unconditional surrender of the walls, towers, strongholds of 
the city. He was repelled, discomfited, by the troops of 
Fadua and Vicenza, taken, and cast into pnson. 

He was released by the intercession of Pope Gregory IX.* 
The peace of Lombardy was then accordant to the Papal 

* Even the FranciBcans were carried * It is said that he was afterwards com- 

away by the enthusiasm; they preached missioned by Innocent IV. to proclaim 

apon his miracles ; they averred that he the Papal absolution in Vicenza, ftom ez- 

had in one day raised ten dead bodies to communication incurred by the succours 

life. furnished by that city to Frederick II. 



Chap. XIV. WAR. 409 

policy, because it was embarrassing to Frederick II. He 
returned to Verona; but the spell of his power was 
broken. He retired to Bologna, to obscurity. Bologna 
even mocked his former miracles. Florence refused to 
receive him : ** Their city was populous enough ; they had 
no room for the dead which he would raise." ** 

Christendom awaited in intense anxiety the issue of this 
war ; for war which, according to the declaration of the Em- 
peror, would not respect the sacred person of the Pope, and 
would enforce, if he were victorious, the absolute, unlimited 
supremacy of the temporal power, was now proclaimed and 
inevitable. The Pope must depend on his own armies 
and on those of his Italian allies. The tenths and the 
fifths of England and of France might swell the Papal 
treasury, and enable him to pay his mercenary troops ; but 
there was no sovereign, no army of Papal partisans beyond 
the Alps, which would descend to his rescue. The Lom- 
bards might, indeed, defend their own cities against the 
Emperor and his son King Enzio, who was 
declared imperial vicar in the North of Italy, was 
at the head of the Germans and Saracens of the Imperial 
army, and had begun to display his great military skill and 
activity. The strength of the maritime powers, who had 
entered into the league, was in thei^ fleets; though at a 
later period Venetian forces appeared before Ferrara. The 
execution of Tiepolo the Podesta of Milan, taken at the 
battle of Corte Nuova, had enflamed the resentment of 
that republic: they seemed determined to avenge the 
insult and wrong to that powerful and honoured family. 
But the Pope, though not only his own personal dignity, 
but even the stability of the Koman See was on the hazard, 
with the calm dauntlessness which implied his full reliance 
on his cause as the cause of God, confronted the appalling 
crisis. Some bishops sent to Borne by Frederick were 
repelled with scorn. The Pope, as the summer heats 
came on, feared not to leave fickle Borne : he retired, as 

and Eccelin di Romano. 'Hrabosclii people to see him fly, on wings which 

has collected all the authorities on John he had prepared. After keeping them 

of Bologna with his usual industry. — some time in suspense, he coolly sud, 

Storia deUa Lit. Ital. vol. ziv. p. 2. " This is a miracle after the nshion 

^ See in Von Raumer how the Gra- of John of Vicenza." — Von Raumer* 

marian Buonoompagni assemhled the from Salimbeni. 



4 10 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

usual, to his splendid palace at Anagni. During the rest 
of that year successes and failures seemed nearly balanced.'' 

Treviso threw off the Imperial yoke; even 

Bavenna, supported by a Venetian fleet, rebelled. 
The Emperor sat down before Bologna, obtained some 
great advantages humiliating to the Bolognese, but, as 
usual, failed in his attempt to capture the town. These 
successes before Bologna were balanced by failure, if not 

defeat, before Milan. Bologna was not so far 

^^ ' discomfited but that she could make an attack on 

Modena. In November the Pope returned to Bome : he 

was received with the utmost honour, with popular 

reioicings. He renewed in the most impressive 

Nov. 1239. rt •* ,, . ,. /» ^1 -r« *^ j 

form the excommunication of the Emperor and 
all his sons, distinguishing with peculiar rigour the King 
Enzio. 

The Emperor passed the winter in restoring peace in 
Ghibelline risa. The feud in Pisa was closely connected 
with the affairs of Sardinia.^ Pisa claimed the sovereignty 
of that island, which the all-grasping Papacy declared a 
fief of the Roman See. Ubaldo, of the noble Guelfic house 
of Visconti, had married Adelasia, the heiress of the 
native Judge or Potentate of Gallura and of Tura : he 
bought the Papal absolution from a sentence of excommu- 
nication and the recognition of his title by abandoning the 
right of Pisa, and acknowledging the Papal sovereignty. 
Pisa heard this act of treason with the utmost indignation. 
The Gherardesci, the rival Ghibelline house, rose against 
the Visconti. Ubaldo died ; and Frederick (this 
was among the causes of Gregory's deadly hatred) 
married the heiress Adelasia to his natural son, whom 

*' The castles of Piumazzo and Creva- been acknowledged by the Normans to 

ouore were taken. Piumaszowasbarned; piece out thdr own usurpation) became 

the captain of the garrison was burned in a 1^1 inalienable dominion. The claim 

the castle ; 500 taken prisoners.— July, to Sardinia rested on nothing more than 

* The Sardinian affidr was another the assertion that it was a part of the 

instance of the way in which an asser- territory of the Boman See (it waa no 

tion once made that a certain territory acknowledged part of the inheritance 

or right belonged to the See of St. Peter, of the Countess Matilda). — Rich, de San 

pew up into what was held to be an Germ, The strange assertion that all 

indefeasible title. The Popes had made islands belonged to the See of Rome, as 

themselves the successors of the Eastern well as all lauds conquered from here- 

Emperors. Their own declaration that tics, if already heard, was not yet an 

Naples was a fief of the Holy See (having axiom of the canon law. 



1240. 



Chap. XIV. ADVANCE OP FREDERICK ON ROME. 411 

he proclaimed King of Sardinia. The Ghibellines of Pisa 
recognised his title. 

With the early spring the Emperor, at the head of an 
imposing, it might seem, irresistible force, ad- ^^ 
vanced into the territories of the Church. Foligno 
threw open her gates to welcome him. Other cities from 
fear or affection, Viterbo from hatred of Home, hailed 
his approach. Ostia, Civita Gastellana, Cometo, Sutri, 
Montenascone, Toscanella received the enemy of the Pope. 
The army of John of Colonna, which during the last year 
had moved into the March against King Enzio, was pro- 
bably occupied at some distance : Bome might seem to 
lie open ; the Pope was at the mercy of his foe. Could he 
depend on the fickle Romans, never without a strong Im- 

f)erial faction ? Gregory, like his predecessors^ made his 
ast bold, desperate, and successful appeal to the religion 
of the Romans. The hoary Pontiff set forth in solemn 
procession, encircled by all me Cardinals^ the whole long 
way from the Lateran to St. Peter's. The wood of the true 
cross, the heads of St. Peter and 8t Paul were borne before 
him; all alike crowded to receive his benediction. TheGruelfs 
were in a paroxysm of devotion, which spread even among 
the overawed and unresisting Ghibellines. In every church 
of the city was the solemn mass ; in every pulpit of the city 
the Friars of St. Dominic and St. Francis appealed to the 
people not to desert the Vicar of Christ, Chnst himself in 
his Vicar ; they preached the new Crusade, they distri- 
buted crosses to which were attached the same privileges 
of pardon, and so of eternal life, if the wearers should fall in 
the glorious conflict, awarded to those who fought or fell for 
the holy sepulchre of Christ 

To these new Crusaders Frederick showed no com- 
passion ; whoever was taken with the cross was put to 
death without mercy, even if he escaped more cruel and 
ignominious indignities before his death. 

The Emperor was awed, or was moved by respect for 
his venerable adversary : he was either not strong enough, 
or not bold enough to march at once on Rome, 
and so to fulfil his own menaces. He retired 
into Apulia ; some overtures for reconciliation were made ; 



412 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

Frederick endeavoured to detach the Pope from his allies, 
and to induce him to make a separate peace. But the 
Pope, perhaps emboldened by the return of some of his 
Legates with vast sums of money from England and other 
foreign countries, resolutely refused to abandon the Lombard 
League.* Up to this time he had affected to disavow his close 
alliance, still to hold the lofty tone of a mediator ; now he 
nobly determined to be true to their cause. He bore the 
remonstrances, on this, perhaps on some other cause of 

2uarrel, of his ablest general, the Cardinal John Colonna. 
)olonna had agreed to a suspension of arms, which did 
not include the Lombards ; this the Pope refused to ratify. 
Colonna declared that he would not break his plighted faith 
to the Emperor. " If thou obeyest not," said the angry 
Pope, " I will no longer own thee for a Cardinal." " Nor I 
thee," replied Colonna, " for Pope." Colonna joined the 
Ghibelline cause, and carried over the greater part of his 
troops.' 

Ferrara in the mean time was for ever lost to the Im- 
perialist side. Salinguerra, the aged and faithful partisan 
of the Emperor, was compelled to capitulate to a strong 
force, chiefly of Venetians. Tney seized his person 
by an act of flagrant treachery : for five years Sa- 
linguerra languished in a Venetian prison. 

The Emperor advanced again from the South, wasted the 
Roman territory, and laid siege to Benevento, 
which made an obstinate resistance. The Em- 
peror was at St. Germano; but instead of advancing 
Angutt. towards Bome, he formed the siege of Faenza. 
The Pope meditated new means of defence. Imperial 
armies were not at his command; he determined to en- 
viron himself with all the majesty of a spiritual Sovereign ; 
he would confront the Emperor at the head of the hier- 
archy of Christendom ; he issued a summons to all the 
Prelates of Europe to a General Council to be held 
in the Lateran palace at Easter in the ensuing 
year ; they were to consult on the important affairs of the 
Church. 

* Peter de Vine&, i. 36. Canis. Lect ' Tliis quarrel was perhaps rather 
(Efele Script. Bohem. i. 668. later in point of time. 



AJ>. 1341. 



Chap. XIV. COUNCIL SUMMONED. 413 

The Emperor and the partisans of the Emperor had ap- 
pealed to a general Council against the Fope ; but a Council 
m Borne, presided over by the Pope, was not the tribunal 
to which they would submit Frederick would not permit 
the Pope, now almost in his power, thus to array himself 
in all the imposing dignity of the acknowledged Vicar of 
Christ. He wrote a circular letter to the Kings sept. is. 
and Princes of Europe, declaring that he could ****• 
not recognise nor suffer a Council to assemble, summoned 
by his arch-enemy, to which those only were cited who 
were his declared foes, either in actual revolt, or who, like 
the English prelates, had lavished their wealth to enable 
the Pope to carry on the war. " The Council was con- 
vened not for peace but for war.** Nor had the summons 
been confined to hostile ecclesiastics ; his temporal enemies, 
the Counts of Provence and St Bonifazio, the Marquis of 
Este, the Doge of Venice, Alberic di Bomano, Paul Tra- 
versaria, the Milanese, were invited to join this unhal- 
lowed assembly. So soon as the Pope would abandon the 
heretical Milanese, reconciliation might at once take place; 
he was prepared to deliver his son Conrad as hostage 
for the conclusion of such peace. He called on the Carr 
dinals to stand forth ; they were bound by their duty to 
the Pope, but not to be the slaves of his passion. He 
appealed to their pride, for the Pope, not content with 
their counsel, had summoned prelates from all, even the 
remotest parts of the world, to sit in judgement on affairs 
of which they knew nothing.* To the Prelates of Europe 
he issued a more singular warning. All coasts, harbours, 
and ways were beset by his fleet, which covered the seas : 
** From him who spared not his own son, ye may fear the 
worst If ye reach Bome, what perils await you I In- 
tolerable heat, foul water, unwholesome food, a dense 
atmosphere, flies, scorpions, serpents, and men filthy, re- 
volting, lost to shame, frantic. The whole city is mined 
beneath^ the hollows are full of venomous snakes, which 
the summer heat quickens to life. And what would the 
Pope of you ? Use you as cloaks for his iniquities, the 

' Quoted from Pet. de Vin. in Bibl. Barberiiia, No. 2138, by Von Baiuner, 
p. 96. 



414 LATIN CHRISTIANITY . Book IX. 

organ-pipes on which he may ]^ay at will. He seeks but 
his own advantage, and for that would undermine the 
freedom of the higher clergy ; of all these perils, perils to 
your revenues, your liberties, your bodies, and your souls, 
the Emperor, in true kindness, would give you this earnest 
warning." Many no doubt were deterred by these remon- 
strances and admonitions. Yet zeal or fear gathered 
together at Genoa a great concourse of ecclesiastics. The 
Legate, Cardinal Otho, brought many English prelates ; 
the Cardinal of Falestrina appeared at the head of some 
of the greatest dignitaries of France ; the Cardinal Gre- 
gory, of Monte Longo, with some Lombard Bishops, 
hastened to Genoa, to urge the instant preparation of the 
fleet, which was to convey the foreign prelates to Rome.^ 
Frederick was seized with apprehension at the meeting of 
the CcHincih He tried to persuade the prelates to pass 
by land through the territories occupied by his forces ; he 
offered them safe conduct The answer was that they 
could have no faith in one under excommunication. They 
embarked on board the hostile galleys of Genoa. But 
Frederick had prepared a powerfiil fleet in Sicily and 
Apulia, under the command of his son Enzio. Fisa joined 
^ ^^^ him with all her galleys. The Genoese Admiral, 
who had the ill-omened name Ubbriaco, the 
Drunkard, was too proud or too negligent to avoid the 
hostile armament They met off the island of Meloria ; 
the heavily-laden Genoese vessels were worsted after a 
short contest T three galleys were sunk, twenty-two taken, 
with four thousand Genoese.* Some of the prelates pe- 
rished in the sunken galleys ; among the prisoners were 
three Cardinals, the Archbishops of Bouen, Bordeaux, 
Auch, and Besan9on ; the Bishops of Carcassonne, 
Agde, Nismes, Tortona, Asti, Favia, the Abbots of 
Clairvaux, Citeaux, and Clugny ; and the delegates firom 

^ The Pope expressed great anger boasted to the Pope that they had taken 

against the Uardinal Gregory of Monte three galleys b^rore the battle began, 

Longo« for not baring provided a fleet beheaded all the meot uid sunk the 

of overwhelming force. See his con- shi^s. They then complain of the bar- 

solatory letter to the captive bishops, banty of Frederick's sailors, not only to 

Raynald. p. 273. the innocent prelates, bat to their con- 

* The battle waa not likely to be dnctors. 
fought without fury. The Genoese 



Chap. XIV. PRELATES CAPTURED. 415 

the Lombard cities^ Milan, Brescia, Fiacenza, Genoa.^ 
The vast wealth which the Cardinal Otho had heaped up 
in England was the prize of the conqueror. The Prelates, 
already half dead with sea-sickness and fright, no doubt 
with very narrow accommodation, crowded together in the 
heat and closeness of the holds of narrow vessels, exposed 
to the insults of the rude seamen, and the lawless Ghi- 
belline soldiery, had to finish their voyage to Naples, 
where they were treated with greater or less hardship, 
according as they had provoked the animosity of the Em- 
peror. But all were kept in rigid custody." Letters 
from Louis of France, almost rising to menace, and after- 
wards an embassy, at the head of which was the Abbot of 
Clugny (who himself was released before), demanded, and 
obtained at length the liberation of the French prelates ; 
but the cardinals still languished in prison till the death of 
Gregory. 

Faenza and Benevento had withstood the Imperial arms 
throughout the winter. Faenza had now fallen ; aphi. mi. 
the inhabitants had been treated with unwonted Apdiu. 
clemency by Frederick. Benevento too had fallen. The 
Papal malediction might seem to have hovered in vain 
over the head of Frederick ; Heaven ratified not the de- 
cree of its Vicar on earth. On one side the victorious 
troops of Frederick, on the other those of John of Colonna, 
were wasting the Papal dominions ; the toils were gather- 
ing around the lair of the imprisoned Pope. At that 
time arrived the terrible tidings of the progress made by 
the Mongols in Eastern Europe: already the appalling 
rumours of their conquests in Poland, Moravia, Elungary, 
had reached Italy. The Papal party were loud in their 
wonder that the Emperor did not at once break off his 
war against the Pope, and hasten to the relief of Christen- 
dom. So blind was their animosity that he was actually 
accused of secret dealings with the Mongols ; the wicked 
Emperor had brought the desolating hordes of Zengis- 
Khan upon Christian Europe.^ But Frederick would 

^ The Archbishops of St. James (of safe to Genoa. — Epist. Laareut apud 

Compostella), of Aries, of Tarragona, Raynald. p. 270. 

of Braga, the Bishops of Placentia, » Matth. Paris, sab ann. 1241. 

Salamanca, Orense, Astorga, got back ■ Matth. Paris, sab ann. 



416 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

not abandon what now appeared a certain, an immediate 
triumph. 

Even this awftil news seemed as unheard in the camp 
of the Emperor, and in the city where the unsubdued Pope, 
disdaining any offer of capitulation, defied the terrors of 
capture and of imprisonment ; he was near one hundred 
years old, but his dauntless spirit dictated these words : 
** Permit not yourselves, ye faiwful, to be cast down by 
the unfavourable appearances of the present moment ; be 
neither depressed by calamity nor elated by prosperity. 
The bark of Peter is for a time tossed by tempests, 
and dashed against breakers ; but soon it emerges unex- 
pectedly from the foaming billows, and sails in uninjured 
majesty over the glassy surface." ** The Emperor was at 
Fano, at Narni, at Reate, at Tivoli : Palestrina submitted 
to John of Colonna. Even then the Pope named Matteo 
Rosso Senator of Rome in place of the traitor Colonna. 
Matteo Rosso made a sally from Rome, and threw a garrison 
into Lagosta. The fires of the marauders might be seen 
from the walls of Rome ; the castle of Monte- 
forte, built by Gregory from the contributions of the 
Crusaders and of his own kindred, as a stronghold in which 
the person of the Pope might be secure from danger, fell 
into the hands of the conqueror ; but still no sign of sur- 
render ; still nothing but harsh defiance. The Pope was re- 
leased by death from this degradation. His death 
has been attributed to vexation ; but extreme age, 
with the hot and unwholesome air of Rome in August, might 
well break the stubborn frame of Gregory at that advanced 
time of life. Frederick, in a circular letter addressed 
o the Sovereigns of Europe, informed them of the event 
" The Pope Gregory IX. is taken away from this world, 
and has escaped the vengeance of the Emperor, of whom he 
was the implacable enemy. He is dead, through whom 
peace was banished from the earth, and discord prospered. 
For his death, though so deeply injured and implacably 
persecuted, we feel compassion ; that compassion had been 
more profound if he had lived to establish peace between 

" See letter to the Venetiaiui, Lombards, and Bolognese.— Apud Baynald. 
p. 271. 



Chap. XIV. CCELESTINE IV. 417 

the Empire and the Papacy. God, we trust, will raise 
up a Pope of more pacific temper ; whom we are prepared 
to defend as a devout sou, if he follow not the fatal crime 
and animosity of his predecessor. In these timesi we more 
earnestly desire peace, when the Catholic Church and the 
Empire are alike threatened by the invasion of the Tar- 
tars ; against their pride it becomes us. the monarchs of 
Europe, to take up arms." ^ Frederick acted up to this 
great part of delivering Christendom from the yoke of 
these terrible savages. Immediately on the death of Gre- 
gory he detached King Enzio with four thousand 
knights, to aid the army of his son Conrad, King of the 
Bomans. The Mongols were totally defeated near the 
Delphos, a stream which flows into the Danube ; to the 
house of Hohenstaufen Europe and civilisation and Chris- 
tendom owed this great deliverance. 

Frederick suspended the progress of his victorious arms 
in the Roman territory that the Cardinals might proceed 
to the election of a new Pope. There were but six Car- 
dinals in Rome ; Frederick consented to their supplication 
that the two imprisoned Cardinals, James and Otho, giving 
hostages for their return to captivity, should join the con- 
clave. * There were fierce dissensions among these eight 
churchmen ; five were for Godfrey of Milan, favoured by 
the Emperor, three for Romanus. One died, not without 
suspicion of poison; the Cardinal Otho returned to his 
captivity; the Emperor, delighted with his honourable 
conduct, treated him with respectful lenity.** In Septem- 
ber, the choice to which the Cardinals were com- ^ 
pelled by famine, sickness and violence, fell on 
Godfirey of Milan, a prelate of gentle character and pro- 
found learning ; in October Coelestine IV. was ^^ ^^^ 
dead. The few remaining cardinals left Rome and 
fled to Anagni. 

For nearly two years the Papal throne was vacant 
The King of England remonstrated with the Emperor, 
on whom all seemed disposed to throw the blame ; the 
ambassadors returned to England, if not convinced of the 
injustice, abashed by the lofty tone of Frederick. The 

^ Peter de Vin. i. 1 1. *> Baynald. p. 277. 

VOL. rv. 2 E 



418 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

King of France sent a more singular menace. He signi- 
fied his determination, by some right which he asserted to 
belong to the Church of France, through St. Denys, him- 
self to proceed to the election of a Pope. Frederick 
became convinced of the necessity of such election ; none 
but a Pope could repeal the excommunication of a Pope. 
In addresses, which rose above each other in vehemence, 
he reproached the cardinals for their dissensions. *^ Sons 
of Belial I animals without heads I sons of Ephraim who 
basely turned back in the day of battle I Not Jesus 
Christ the author of Peace, but Satan the Prince of the 
North, sits in the midst of their conclave, inflaming their 
discords, their mutual jealousies. The smallest creatures 
might read them a salutary lesson ; birds fly not without 
a leader ; bees live not without a King. They abandon 
the bark of the Church to the waves, without a pilot"' In 
the mean time, he used more efiective arguments ; he ad- 
vanced on Rome, seized and ravaged the estates, 
even the churches, belonging to the Cardinals. At 
length they met at Anagni, and in an evil hour for Frederick 
the turbulent conclave closed its labours. The choice fell 
on a cardinal once connected with the interests, and sup- 

jime 1343. P^®^^ *^ ^® attached to the person of Frederick, 
Sinibald Fiesco, of the Genoese house of La- 
vagna. He took the name of Innocent IV., an omen and 
a menace that he would tread in the footsteps of Innocent 
III. Frederick was congratulated on the accession of his 
declared partisan ; he answered coldly, and in a prophetic 
spirit : " In the Cardinal I have lost my best friend ; in 
the Pope I shall find my worst enemy. No Pope can be 
a Ghibelline." 

' Pet de Vin. xiv. 17. 



Chap. XV. ACCESSION OP INNOCENT IV. 419 



CHAPTER XV. 



FREDERICK AND INNOCENT IV. 



Yet Frederick received the tidings of the accession of 
Innocent IV. with all outward appearance of joy. He 
was at Amalfi ; he ordered Te Deum to be sung in all 
the churches : he despatched the highest persons of his 
reajm, the Archbishop of Palermo, the Chancellor Peter 
de Vinea, Thaddeus of Suessa, and the Admiral Ansaldo, 
to bear his congratulations to the Pope. " An 
ancient friend of the noble sons of the Empire, °"^ 
you are raised into a Father, by whom the Empire may 
hope that her earnest prayers for peace and justice may be 

Innocent could not reject these pacific overtures; he 
sent as his ambassadors to Frederick at Amalfi, oirenof 
the Archbishop of Rouen, William formerly p"^^- 
Bishop of Modena, and the Abbot of St. Facundus. They 
were to demand first the release of all the captive prelates 
and ecclesiastics ; to inquire what satisfaction the Emperor 
was disposed to ofier for the crimes, on account of which 
he lay under excommunication ; if the Church (this could 
scarcely be thought) had done him any wrong, she was 
prepared to redress such wrong ; they were to propose a 
General Council of temporal and spiritual persons, Kings, 
Princes, and Prelates. All the aaherents of the Church 
were to be included in the peace. Frederick demanded 
the withdrawal of the Papal Legate, Gregory di Monte 
Longo, from Lombardy ; he demanded the release of Salin- 
guerra, the Lord of Ferrara ; he complained that honour 
was shown to the Archbishop of Mentz, who was under the 
ban of the Empire (he had been appointed Papal Legate 
in Germany) ; that the Pope took no steps to sup- 
press heresy among the Lombards ; that the Im- 
perial ambassadors were not admitted to the presence of the 

2 E 2 



420 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

Pope. It was answered by Innocent, that the Pope had fall 
right to send his Legates into ^very part of Christendom ; 
Salinguerra was the prisoner of the Venetians, not of the 
Pope ; the Archbishop of Mentz was a prelate of the high- 
est character, one whom the Pope delighted to honour ; 
the war waged by the Emperor prevented the Church 
from extirpating the Lombard heretics; it was not the 
usage of Rome to admit persons under excommunication 
to the holy presence of the Pope. 

Frederick might seem now at the summit of his power 
Frederick's ^md glory ; his fame was untarnished by any nunii- 
^^^'' liating discomfiture ; Italy unable to cope with his 
victorious armies : the Milanese had suffered a severe check 
in the territory of Pavia : King Enzio had displayed his 
great military talents with success: the Papal territories 
were either in his occupation, or with Rome itself was 
seemingly capable of no vigorous resistance : his hereditary 
dominions were attached to him by affection, the Empire 
by respect and awe. He might think that he had fall right 
to demand, full power to enforce, in the first place, the 
repeal of his excommimication. But the star of the 
Hohenstaufen had reached its height ; it began to decline, 
to darken ; its fall was almost as rapid and precipitate as 
its rise had been slow and stately. 

The first inauspicious sign was the defection of Viterbo. 
Defection of Thc Cardinal Rainier, at the head of the Guelfic 
viterbo. party, drove Frederick's garrison into the citadel, 
destroyed the houses of the Ghibellines^ and gathered all 
the troops which he could to defend the city. Frederick 
was so enraged at this revolt, that he declared, if 
he had one foot in Paradise, he would turn back to 
avenge himself on the treacherous Viterbans. He im- 
8ept 9 to mediately, unwarned by perpetual failures, formed 
Nov. 13. ^j^Q siege. The defence was stubborn, obstinate, 
successful ; his engines were burned, he was compelled to 
retire, stipulating only for the safe retreat of his garrison 
from the citadel. Notwithstanding the efforts of Cardinal 
Otho of Palestrina, who had guaranteed the treaty, the 
garrison was assailed, plundered, massacred. To the re- 

* Von Raumer, W. 67. 



Chap. XV. INNOCENT IV. IN ROME. 421 

monstrance of Frederick, the Pope, who was still under a 
kind of truce with the Emperor, coldly answered, that he 
ought not to be surprised if a city returned to its allegiance 
to its rightful Lord. The fatal example of the revolt of 
Viterbo spread in many quarters : the Marquises of Mont- 
ferrat and Malespina, the cities of Vercelli and Alexandria 
deserted the Imperial party. Even Adelasia, the wife of 
King Enzio, sought to be reconciled with the Holy See. 
Innocent himself ventured to leave Anagni, and to enter 
Rome ; the Imperialists were awed at his presence ; his 
reception, as usual, especially with newly crowned Popes, 
was tumultuously joyful. The only sullen murmurs, 
which soon afler almost broke out into open dis- 
content, were among the wealthy, it was said 
mostly the Jews, who demanded the payment of 40,000 
marks, borrowed in his distress by Gr^ory IX. In- 
nocent had authority enough to wrest from the Frangipanis 
half of the Colosseum, and parts of the adjacent palace, 
where they no doubt hoped to raise a strong fortress in the 
Imperial interest. 

The Emperor again inclined to peace, at least to nego- 
tiations for peace. The Count of Toulouse, the Treaty. 
Chancellor retev de Vinea, and Thaddeus of 12I4! 
Suessa, appeared in Rome with full powers to conclude, 
and even to swear and guarantee the fulfilment of a treaty. 
The terms were hard and humiliating ; the Emperor was 
to restore all the lands possessed by the Pope and the 
Pope's adherents at the time of the excommunication ; 
the Emperor was to proclaim to all the sovereigns of 
Christendom that he had not scorned the Papal censure 
out of contempt for the Pope's predecessor, or the rights 
of the Church ; but, by the advice of the prelates and 
nobles of Germany and Italy, treated it as not uttered, 
since it had not been formally served 'Upon him ; he owned 
his error on this point, and acknowledged the plenitude of 
the Papal authority in spiritual matters. For this offence 
he was to make such compensation in men or money as 
the Pope might require; offer such alms and observe 
such fasts as the Pope should appoint ; and respect the 
excommunication until absolved by the Pope's command. 



422 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

He was to release all the captive Prelates^ and compensate 
them for their losses. These losses and all other damages 
were to be left to the estimation of three Cardinals. Full 
amnesty was to be granted, the imperial ban revoked against 
all who had adhered to the Church since the excommunica- 
tion. This was to be applied, as far as such offences, to all 
who were in a state of rebellion against the Emperor. 
The differences between the Emperor and his revolted 
subjects were to be settled by the rope and the College of 
Cardinals within a limited time to be fixed by the Pope. 
But there was a saving clause, which appeared to extend 
over the whole treaty, of the full undimmished rights of 
the Empire.^ The Emperor was to be released from the 
excommunication by a public decree of the Church. To 
these and the other articles the imperial ambassadors 
swore in the presence of the Emperor Baldwin of Con- 
stantinople, the Cardinals, the Senators, and people of 
Rome. The Emperor did not disclaim the terms pro- 
posed by his ambassadors ; but in the treaty there were 
Marohsi. some fatal flaws, which parties each so mistrustful, 
^^' and justly mistrustful, of the other, could not but 
discern, and which rendered the fulfilment of the treaty 
almost igipossible. Was the Emperor to abandon all his 
advantages, to release all his prisoners (one of the stipu- 
lations), surrender all the fortresses he held in the Papal 
dominions, grant amnesty to all rebels, fulfil in short all 
these hard conditions at once, and so leave himself at the 
mercy of the Pope : then and not till then, not till the 
Pope had exacted the scrupulous discharge of every 
article, was he to receive his tardy absolution ? Nor was 
the affair of the Lombards clearly defined. Innocent 
(perhaps the Emperor knew this) had from the first de- 
clared that he would not abandon their cause. Was the 
Emperor to be humiliated before the Lombards as he had 
been before the Pope, first to make every concession, with 
the remote hope of regaining his imperial rights by the 

*> '* Jurabit preciie stare mandatis fined riffhts were to be respected, the 

domini Papie : salva tamen sint ei ho- Pope's decisions concerning the Lom- 

nores et jura ^uoad conserrationem in- bards were still liable to be called in 

tegnun sine akqua diminatione Imperii qnestiou. 
et hononun saonim." — If these ande- 



Chap. XV. PLIGHT OF INNOCENT. 423 

Papal arbitration?'' According to the Papal account, 
Frederick began to shrink back from the treaty to which 
he had sworn ; the Pope was fully prepared on his part 
for the last extremity.^ He left Rome, where his motions 
had perhaps been watched; he advanced to Civita Cas- 
tellana under the pretext of approaching the Emperor. 
The bickerings, however, still continued; the Emperor 
complained that all the secret terms agreed on with the 
Pope were publicly sold for six pennies in the Lateran ; 
the Pope demanded 400,000 marks as satisfaction for the 
imprisonment of the Prelates. The Lombard affairs were 
still in dispute. The Pope having seemingly made some 
slight concession, proceeded still further to Sutri. There at 
midnight he suddenly rose, stole out of the town Fughtorthe 
in disguise, mounted a powerful horse, like the ^'*' 

Sroud Sinibald the Genoese noble, he pressed its reeking 
anks, so as to escape a troop of 300 cavalry which the 
Emperor — to whom perhaps his design had been 
betrayed — sent to intercept him, outrode all his 
followers, and reached Civita Vecchia, where the Genoese 
fleet of twenty-three well-armed galleys, which had been 
long prepared for his flight (so little did Innocent 
calculate on a lasting treaty) was in the roads.* °°* 
He was in an instant on board one of the galleys. The 
next morning, before the anchor was weighed, arrived five 
cardinals, who had been outstripped by the more active 
Pope. Seven others made their way to the north of Italy. 
The Pope's galleys set sail, a terrible storm came on, which 
threatened to cast them on an island which be- 
longed to Pisa. Afler seven days they entered 

« ** Si latent! morbo, videlicet de seems clear) to reyoke the excommu- 

negotio Lombardonim, medicina non nication until Frederick had absolutely 

esset opposita, pax omnino procedere fulfilled all the stipulations, the charge 

non Talebat."— Cod. Epist Vatic. MS., of duplicity most be at least equally 

quoted by Von Raumer. shared. In truth, if Frederick was not 

' See Matth. Paris, sub ann. 1244. too religiously fti^ful to his oaths, the 

" Imperator, illo instigante, qui primus Pope openljr asserted his power of annul- 

superbiyit, a forma jurata et humilitate ling all oaths. 

satisfactionis oompromisse snperbiendo * It was given out that he fled to 

penitens infeliciter resiluit." Of course, avoid being captured by those 300 Tus- 

the biographers of Pope Innocent are can horse, who were sent to seise him. 

loud on the deceit and treachery of But the flisht must have been pre- 

Frederick (Vit. Innocent IV.). But if arranged witn the Genoese fleet. 
Innocent resolutely refused (and this 



424 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

the haven of Genoa. The Genoese had heard of the 
arrival of their illustrious fellow-citizen at Porto Venere. 
They received him with a grand procession of the nobles 
with the Podestk, the clergy with the Archbishop at 
their head. The bells clanged, music played, the priests 
chanted '^ Blessed is he that cometh in the name of the 
Lord." The Pope's followers replied, " Our soul is 
escaped, even as a bird out of the snare of the fowler : 
the snare is broken, and we are delivered.'*' 

The Emperor was furious at this intelligence ; he too 
had his scriptural phrase — " The wicked flees when no 
man pursueth." He complained bitterly of the negligent 
watch kept up by his armies and his fleets. He sent the 
Count of Toulouse to invite, to press the Pope to return, 
and to promise the fulfilment of all the conditions of the 
truce. Innocent replied that after such flagrant violations 
of faith, he would not expose himself or the Church to the 
imminent perils escaped with such difficulty. Frederick, 
in an address to Mantua, denounced the flight of the Pope 
as a faithless revolt to the insurgents against the Empire, 
as though he supposed that Innocent at Genoa, where he 
remained three months, would place himself at the head 
of his Lombard League. 
- But he was not safe in Genoa. The Emperor was in Pisa. 

July ». Through the revolted cities of Asti and Alexandria, 
by secret ways Innocent crossed the Alps, and on the 2nd 
of December arrived at Lyons, to a certain degree under 
theprotection, not absolutely under the power of France, 

The Pope at Lyons became an independent potentate. 
Lyons was not yet within the realm of France. It be- 
longed in name to the Roman Empire ; but it was almost 
a free city, owning no authority but that of the Arch- 
bishop, it was proud to become the residence of the 
Supreme Pontifll 

His reception in France was somewhat more cool 

AngQBt. than his hopes might have anticipated from 

Innocent In - ^ • n ^^ ^r\^ i t t 

Fnuioe. the renowned piety of Queen Blanche and her 
son Saint Louis. The King with his mother visited the 
monastery of Citeaux ; as they approached the church they 

' Psalm cxxiy. 7. 



Chap. XV. INNOCENT EXCOMMUNICATES THE EMPEROR. 425 

were met by a long procession of five hundred monks from 
the convent of that saintly Order, entreating the King 
with tears and groans to aid the Holy Father of the 
Faithfiil against that son of Satan his persecutor, as his 
ancestor Louis VII, had received Pope Alexander. The 
first emotion of the King was to kneel in the profoundest 
reverence. But his more deliberate reply was, that he 
was prepared to protect the Pope against the Emperor so 
far as might seem fit to the nooles^ his counsellors. The 
counsellors of Louis refused at once to grant permission 
that so dangerous and costly a guest should take up his 
residence in Rheims. The King of Arragon repelled the 
advances of the Pope. We shall hereafter see the conduct 
of Henry and the Barons of England. Innocent remained 
at Lyons ; Ihough thus partially baffled, he lost no time 
in striking at his foe. He summoned all kings, princes, 
and prelates to a Council on St John the Baptist's day, 
upon the weighty affairs of Christendom ; he cited 
Frederick to appear in person, or by his repre- 
sentatives, to hear the charges on which he might be 
arraigned, and to give the satisfaction which might be 
demanded. In the mean time meditating a still 
heavier penalty, and without awaiting the decree 
of the Council, he renewed the excommunication, and com- 
manded it to be published again throughout Christendom. 
In France, Spain, and England many of the clergy obeyed, 
but a priest in Paris seems to have created a strong im- 
pression on men's wavering minds. " The Emperor and 
the Pope mutually condemn each other ; that one then of 
the two who is guilty I excommunicate, that one who is 
guiltless I absolve."" But even in Lyons the haughty 
demeanour, the immoderate pretensions, and the insatiable 
rapacity of Innocent IV. almost endangered his safety ; it 
is the greatest proof of the deep-rooted strength of the 
Papal power, that with a sullen discontent throughout 
Christendom, with a stern impatience of the intolerable 
burthens imposed on the Church as well as on the laity, 
with open menaces of revolt, it still proceeded and suc- 
cessfully proceeded to the most enormous act of authority, 

8 Matt. Paris. Fleury, Ixzzix. c. 17. 



A.D. 1246. 



426 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

the deposition of the Emperor in what claimed to be a full 
Council of the Church. 

In the short period, since the Pontificate of Innocent 
III., a great but silent change had taken place in the 
Papacy. Innocent III. was a mighty feudal monarch at 
the head of a loyal spiritual aristocracy : the whole cleify 
rose, with their head, in power ; they took pride in the 
exaltation of the Pope; the Pope not merely respected 
but elevated the dignity of the bishops and abbots ; each 
in his sphere displayed his pomp, exercised his power, 
enjoyed his wealth, and willingly laid his unforced, unex- 
torted benevolences at the foot of the Papal throne. But 
already the Pope had begun to be — Innocent IV. aspired 
fully to become — an absolute monarch with an immense 
standing army, which enabled him to depress, to humiliate, 
to tax at his pleasure the higher feudatories of the spiritual 
realm ; that standing army was the two new Orders, not 
more servilely attached to the Pope than encroaching on 
the privileges as well as on the duties of the clergy. The 
elevation of an Italian noble to the Papacy already gave 
signs of that growing nepotism which at last sunk the 
Head of Christendom in the Italian sovereign.** Through- 
out the C3ntest Pope Innocent blended with the inflexible 
haughtiness of the Churchman* the inexorable passionate 
hatred of a Guelfic Burgher towards a rival Ghibelline, 
the hereditary foe of his house, of the Sinibaldi of Genoa. 
There had been rumours at least that Gregory IX. re- 
sented the scornful rejection of his niece as a fit bride for 
a natural son of the Emperor. It was now declared that 
Frederick had offered to wed his son Conrad to a niece of 
Sinibald Fiesco, the Pope Innocent IV. That scheme 
of Papal ambition was afterwards renewed. Among the 
English clergy the encroachments of the Pope, especially 
in two ways, the direct taxation and usurpation of 
benefices for strangers, had kindled such violent resent- 
ment, alike among the Barons and the Prelates, as almost 

^ Nic. de Carbio, in Vit. Innocent IV. providentia potestatem ; nee arbitrio 

* Innocent held high views of the principum stare cogitur, nt eomm in 

omnipotence of the Papacy: — "Cum electionem yel postnlationem negotiis re- 

teneat omniam creduiitas pia fidelium quirat assensnm."— Ad Begem Henric. 

quod apostolicffi scdis auctoritaa in MS. B. M. v. 19. Lateran, Feb. 1244. 

eccleaiis univenis liberam habeat a Dei 



Chap. XV. MARTIN POPE'S COLLECTOR IN ENGLAND. 427 

to threaten that the realm would altogether throw off the 
Papal yoke. It was tauntingly said that England was the 
Pope's farm. At this time the collector of the Papal 
revenues, Master Martin, was driven ignominiously, and 
in peril of his life, from the shores of the kingdom. 
Martin had taken up his residence in the house of the 
Templars in London. Fulk Fitzwarenne suddenly ap- 
peared before him, and, with a stem look, said, " Arise — 
get thee forth ! Depart at once from England I " ** In 
whose name speakest thou?" ^^ In the name of the 
Barons of England assembled at Luton and at Dunstable. 
If you are not gone in three days, you and yours will be 
cut in pieces." Martin sought the Kmg : ** Is this done 
by your command, or by the insolence of your subjects ? " 
" It is not by my command ; but my Barons will no longer 
endure your depredations and iniquities. They will rise 
in insurrection, and I have no power to save you from 
being torn in pieces." The trembling priest implored a 
safe-conduct. " The devil take thee away to hell,** said 
the indignant King, ashamed of his own impotence. One 
of the King's officers with difficulty conveyed Martin to 
the coast ; but he left others behind to insist on the Papal 
demands. Yet so great was the terror, that many of the 
Italians, who had been forced (this was the second 
grievance) into the richest benefices of England, were glad 
to conceal themselves from the popular fury. The Pope, 
it is said, gnashed his teeth at the report of Martin of his 
insulting expulsion firom England. Innocent, once beyond 
the Alps, had expected a welcome reception from all the 
great monarchs except his deadly foe. But to the King 
of England the Cardinal had made artful suggestions of 
the honour and benefit which his presence might confer on 
the realm. ** What an immortal glory for your reign, if 
(unexampled honour !) the Father of Fathers should per- 
sonally appear in England I He has often said that it 
would give him great pleasure to see the pleasant city of 
Westminster, and wealthy London." The King's Council, 
if not the King, returned the ungracious answer, "We 
have already suffered too much from the usuries and 
simonies of Borne ; we do not want the Pope to pillage 



428 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

us.'*^ More than this, Innocent must listen in patience, with 
suppressed indignation, to the " grievances " against which 
the Nobles and whole realm of England solemnly protested 
by their proctors : the subsidies exacted beyond tne Peter's- 
pence, granted by the generosity of Englana ; the usurpation 
of benefices by Italians, of whom there was an infinite 
number ; the insolence and rapacity of the Nuncio Martin.^ 
The King of France, as nas been seen, and the King 
of Arragon courteously declined this costly and danger- 
ous visit of the fugitive Pope. The Pope, it was reported, 
was deeply offended at this stately and cautious reserve ; 
on this occasion he betrayed the violence of his temper : 
"We must first crush or pacify the great dragon, and 
then we shall easily trample these small basilisks under 
foot." Such at least were the rumours spread abroad, 
and believed by all who were disposed to assert the 
dignity of the temporal power, or who groaned under the 
churehof heavy burthens of the Church. Even Lyons had 
^^^'^^ become, through the Pope's ill-timed favouritism, 
hardly a safe refuge. He had endeavoured to force some 
of his Italian followers into the Chapter of Lyons, the 
Canons swore in the face of the Pope that if tliey appeared, 
neither the Archbishop nor the Canons themselves could 
prevent their being cast into the Rhone. Some indeed of 
the French prelates and abbots (their enemies accused 
them of seeking preferment and promotion by their adu- 
latory homage) hastened to show their devout attachment 
to the Pope, their sympathy for his perils and sufferings, 
and their compassion for the destitution of which he 
loudly complained. The Prior of Clugny astonished even 
the Pope's followers by the amount of his gifts in money. 
Besides these he gave eighty palfreys splendidly caparisoned 
to the Pope, one to each of the twelve Cardinals. The 
Pope appointed the Abbot to the office, no doubt not thought 
unseemly, of his Master of the Horse : he received soon 
after the more appropriate reward, the Bishopric of Langres. 

^ Matth. Paris, however in some re- preralent in Christendom — mmoon, 

spects not an absolutely trastworthy which as rumours, and showing the 

anthori^ for events which happened state of the public mind, are not to be 

oat of England, is the best unquestion- disdained by history, 

ably for the rumours and impressions * Matth. raris, 1245. 



Chap. XV. COUNCIL OF LYONS. 429 

The Cistercian Abbot would not be outdone by his rival 
of Clugny, The Archbishop of Rouen for the same pur- 

S)se loaded his see with debts: he became Cardinal 
ishop of Albano. The Abbot of St. Denys, who aspired 
to and attained the vacant Archbishopric, extorted many 
thousand livres from his see, which he presented to the 
Pope. But the King of France, the special patron of the 
church of St. Denys, forced the Abbot to regorge his exac- 
tions, and to beg them in other quarters. Yet with all 
these forced benevolences and lavish offerings it was 
bruited abroad that the Church of Rome had a capital 
debt, not including interest, of 150,000/. 

The Council met at Lyons, in the convent of St. Just, 
on the Nativity of St. John the Baptist. Around conndi of 
the Pope appeared his twelve Cardmals, two Pa- jSJ'k 
triarchs, the Latin of Constantinople who claimed likewise 
to be Patriarch of Antioch, and declared that the heretical 
Greeks had reduced by their conquests his suffragans from 
thirty to three, and the Patriarch of Aquileia who repre- 
sented the church of Venice ; the Emperor of Constan- 
tinople, the Count of Toulouse, Roger Bigod and other 
ambassadors of England who had their own object at the 
Council, the redress of their grievances from Papal exac- 
tions, and the canonisation of Edmund Archbishop of Can- 
terbury. Only one hundred and forty prelates represented 
the whole of Christendom, of whom out very few were 
Germans. The Council and the person of the Pope were 
under the protection of Philip of Savoy at the head of a 
strong body of men-at-aruis, of Knights of the Temple, and 
of the Hospital. Philip, brother of the Count of Savoy, 
was in his character a chief of Condottieri, in his profession 
an ecclesiastic ; he enjoyed vast riches from spiritual bene- 
fices, was high in the confidence of the Pope. Aymeri 
Archbishop of Lyons, a pious and gentle prelate, beheld 
with deep sorrow the Pope as it were trampling upon him 
in his own diocese, despoiling his see, as he was laying 
intolerable burthens on the whole church of Christ. He 
resigned his see and retired into a convent. Philip of 
Savoy, yet but in deacon*s orders, was advanced to the 
metropolitan dignity ; he was at once Archbishop of 



430 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

Lyons, Bishop of Valence, Provost of Bruges, Dean of 
Yienne. Of these benefices he drained with remorseless 
rapacity all the rich revenues, and remained at the head of 
the Papal forces. And this was the act of a Pope who 
convulsed the world with his assertion of ecclesiastical 
immunities, of the sacrilegious intrusion of secular 
princes into the affairs of the Church. During four ponti- 
ficates Philip of Savoy enjoyed the title, and spent the 
revenues of the Archbishopric of Lyons. At length Cle- 
ment lY. insisted on his ordination and on his consecra- 
tion. Philip of Savoy threw off, under this compulsion, 
the dress (he had never even pretended to the decencies) 
of a bishop, married first the heiress of Franche Comt4, aud 
afterwards a niece of Pope Innocent lY., and died Duke 
of Savov. And the brother of Philip and of Amadeus 
Duke of Savoy, Boniface, was Primate of England." 

This then was the Council which was to depose the 
Emperor, and award the Empire. Even before the opening 
of the Council the intrepid, learned, and eloquent jurisconsult 
Thaddeus of Suessa, the principal proctor of the Emperor," 
advanced and made great offers in the name of his master : 
to compel the Eastern Empire to enter into the unity of the 
Church ; to raise a vast army and to take the field in person 
against the Tartars, the Charismians, and the Saracens, the 
foes which threatened the life of Christendom ; at his own 
cost, and in his own person, to re-establish the kingdom of 
Jerusalem ; to restore all her territories to the See of Rome ; 
to give satisfaction for all injuries. " Fine words and 
specious promises !'* replied the Pope. " The axe is at the 
root of the tree, and he would avert it. If we were weak 
enough to believe this deceiver, who would guarantee his 
truth ? " " The Kings of France and England," answered 
Thaddeus. "And if he violated the treaty, as he as- 
suredly would, we should have instead of one, the three 
greatest monarchs of Christendom for our enemies.*' 
At the next session the Pope in full attire mounted the 
pulpit; this was his text: "See, ye who pass this way, was 

" GalliaCliristiaiia, iv. 144. M.Paris, tives; that his silence raised suspicion 

sab aim. 1251. of his treason. Was he there? The 

■ Sismondi says that Peter de Vineft whole defence seems to have been en- 
was one of the Emperor's representa- trusted to Thaddeus. 



Chap. XV. THADDEUS OP SUESSA. 431 

ever sorrow like unto my sorrow." He compared his five 
afflictions to the five wounds of the Lord : the desolations 
of the Mongols ; the revolt of the Greek Church ; the 
progress of heresy, especially that of the Faterins in Lom- 
bardy ; the capture and destruction of Jerusalem and the 
devastation of the Holy Land by the Gharismians ; the 
persecutions of the Emperor. He went himself; the tears 
of others interrupted his discourse. On this last head he 
enlarged with bitter eloquence ; he accused the Emperor 
of heresy and sacrilege, of having built a great and strong 
city and peopled it with Saracens, of joining in their 
superstitious rites ; of his close alliance with the Sultan of 
Egypt ; of his voluptuous life, and shameless intercourse 
with Saracen courtesans ; of his unnumbered perjuries, his 
violation of treaties : he produced a vast number of letters, 
sealed with the imperial seal, as irrefragable proofs of 
these perjuries. 

Thaddeus of Suessa rose with calm dauntlessness. He 
too had letters with the Papal seal, damning Thaddeus of 
proofs of the Pope's insincerity. The assembly ®"*^ 
professed to examine these conflicting documents; they 
came to the singular conclusion that all the Pope's letters, 
and all his ofiers of peace were conditional ; those of the 
Emperor all absolute. But Thaddeus was not to be over- 
awed ; he alleged the clashing and contradictory letters of 
the Pope which justified his master in not observing his 
promises. On no point did the bold advocate hesitate to 
defend his sovereign ; he ventured to make reprisals. " My 
lord and master is arraigned of heresy ; for this no one can 
answer but himself; he must be present to declare his creed : 
who shall presume to read the secrets of his heart ? But 
there is one strong argument that he is not guUty of heresy ; 
(he fixed his eyes on the prelates,) " he endures no usurer 
in his dominions." The audience knew his mean- 
ing — that was the heresy with which the whole 
world charged the Gourt of Rome. The orator justified 
the treaties of the Emperor with the Saracens as entered 
into for the good of Ghristendom ; he denied all criminal 
intercourse with Saracen women ; he had permitted them 
in his presence as jongleurs and dancers, but on account 



432 LATIN CHRISTIANITY. Book IX. 

of the offence taken against them he had banished them 
for ever from his court.'* Thaddeus ended by demanding 
delay, that the Emperor his master might appear in 
person before the Council. The Pope shrunk from this 
proposal, ''I have hardly escaped his snares. If he 
comes hither I must withdraw. I have no desire 
for martyrdom or for captivity." But the ambas- 
sadors of France and England insisted on the justice of the 
demand ; Innocent was forced to consent to an adjournment 
of fourteen days. The Pontiff was relieved of his fears. 
Frederick had advanced as far as Turin. But the hostile 
character of the assembly would not allow of his appear- 
ance. " I see that the Pope has sworn my ruin ; he 
would revenge himself for my victory over his relatives, 
the pirates of Genoa. It becomes not the Emperor to 
appear before an assembly constituted of such persons." 
On the next meeting this determination encouraged the 
foes of Frederick. New accusers arose to multiply 
charges against the absent sovereign : many voices broke 
out against the contumacious rebel against the Church. 
But Thaddeus, though^almost alone, having stood unabashed 
against the Pope, was not to be silenced by this clamour 
of accusations. The Bishop of Catana ^ was among the 
loudest, he charged Frederick with treasob against the 
Church for his imprisonment of the Prelates, and with 
other heinous crimes. " I can no longer keep silence," 
broke in Thaddeus, " thou son of a traitor, who was con- 
victed and hanged by the justiciary of my Lord, you are 
but following the example of your father." Thaddeus 
took up the desperate defence, before such an assembly, 
of the seizure of the Prelates. The Pope again mingled in 
the fray ; but Thaddeus assumed a lofly tone. " God de- 
livered them into the hands of my master ; Gtxi 
"** ■ took away the strength of the rebels and showed 
by this abandonment that their imprisonment was just.*' 
** If,** replied the Pope, " the Emperor had not mistrusted 
his own cause, he would not have declined the judgement 
of such holy and righteous men : he was condemned by his 
own guilty conscience.** " What could my lord hope from 

** Carinola in Giumone. 



Chap. XV. DEPOSITION OF FREDERICK. 433 

a council in which presided his capital enemy, the Pope 
Gregory IX., or from judges who even in their prison 
breathed nothing but menace." ^^ If one has broken out 
into violence, all should not have been treated with this 
indignity. Nothing remains but ignominiously to depose 
a man laden with such manifold offences." 

Thaddeus felt that he was losing ground ; at the third 
sitting he had heard that the daughter of the 
Duke of Austria, whom Frederick proposed to 
take as his fourth wife (the sister of the King of Eng- 
land had died in childbed) had haughtily refused the 
hand of an Emperor tainted with excommunication, and 
in danger of being deposed. The impatient Assembly 
would hardly hear again this perilous adversary ; he 
entered therefore a solemn appeal : " I appeal from this 
Council, from which are absent so many great prelates and 
secular sovereigns, to a general and impartial Council. I 
appeal from this Pope, the declared enemv of my Lord, 
to a future, more gentle, more Christian rope/'^ This 
appeal the Pope haughtily overruled : " it was fear of the 
treachery and the cruelty of the Emperor which had kept 
some prelates away : it was not for him to take advantage 
of the consequences of his own guilt." The proceedings 
were interrupted by a long and bitter remonstrance of 
England against the Papal exactions. The Pope ad- 
journed this question as requiring grave and mature con- 
sideration. 

With no ftirther deliberation, without fiirther investiga- 
tion, with no vote, apparently with no participa- sentence of 
tion of the Council, the Pope proceeded at great **«?«»*"«»• 
length, and rehearsing in the darkest terms all the crimes 
at any time charged against Frederick, to pronounce his 
solem